Latin America and the United States;

» LATIN AMERICA AND THE
UNITED STATES.

ADDRESSES

BY

ELIHU ROOT )1a.<-*--^

COLLECTED AND EDITED BY

ROBERT BACON

AND

JAMES BROWN SCOTT

Au

CAMBRTOGE
• HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

• LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD
• OxrouD Ukivebsitt Pkxm

1917

.* A

T7

COPYRIGHT, 1917
HABVABD UNIVEBSITY PRESS

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CONTENTS

PAGB

Introductory Note ix

Foreword xiii

SPEECHES IN BRAZIL

Rio de JANErao

At the Third Conference of the American Republics:

His Excellenct Joaquim Nabuoo, President of the Conference 8

Mr. Root, Honorary President 6

Mr. Mariano Cornejo, Delegate from Peru 11

Honorable A. J. Montague, Delegate from the United States . IS

His Excellency Baron do Rio Branco, Honorary President . 13

At the Banquet of the Minister for Foreign Affairs:

His Excellency Baron do Rio Branco 14

Mr. Root ^ 15

Dr. James Dabcy 16

Mr. Root 17

In the Federal Senate:

Senator Ruy Barbosa 19

Senator Alfredo Elus 28

In the Chamber of Deputies:

Dr. Paula Gutmaraeb 80

Mr, Root 31

Sao Paulo

At a Mass-Meeting of Law School Students:

Mr. Thbodomiro de Camargo 35

Mr. Galaor Nazareth de Arujo 36

Mr. Gama, Jr 36

Mr. Root 38

At a Football Game:*--^
Mr. Root 40

Santos

At the Commercial Association:

Dr. Rezende 41

Ur. Root 4«

iii

*'fr*?o-.7

iv CONTENTS

Para

At a Breakfast given by the Governor:

His Excellency Augusto Montenegro 45

Mr. Root 45

Pernambuco

At a Breakfast given by the Governor:
Summary of Speech of His Excellency Sigismundo Gon^alvez 47
Mr. Root 47

Bahia

At a Banquet given by the Governor:

His Excellency Jos£ Marcelino de Souza 48

Mr. Root 50

Senator Ruy Barbosa 52

SPEECHES IN URUGUAY

Mojttevideo

At a Banquet of the Minister for Foreign AfiFairs:

His Excellency Jos6 Romeu 55

Mr. Root . 58

At a Banquet given by the President of Uruguay:

His Excellency Jos]& Batlle y Ordo^Jez 60

Mr. Root 63

At a Breakfast by the Reception Committee:

Dr. Zorrilla de San MartIn 65

Mr. Root 69

SPEECHES IN ARGENTINA

Buenos Ayres

In the Chamber of Deputies:
Honorable Emilio Mitre 73

At a Banquet given by the President of Argentina:

His Excellency J. Figueroa Alcorta 81

Mr. Root 84

At a Reception by American and English Residents:

Mr. Francis B. Purdie 86

Mr. Root 90

At a Banquet at the Opera House:

Dr. Luis M. Drago 93

Mr. Root 97

SPEECHES IN CHILE

Santiago

At the Government House:

His Excellency Jerman Riesco 103

Mr. Root 103

CONTENTS V

At a Banquet given by the President of Chile:

His Excellency Antonio Huneeus 104

Mb. Root 109

SPEECHES IN PERU
Lima

At a Banquet ^ven by the President of Peru:

His Excellency Jos£ Pardo y Barreda 113

Mr. Root 114

Banquet of the Minister for Foreign Affairs:

His Excellency Javier Prado y Ugartechb 116

Mr. Root 123

Reception at the Municipal Council:

Dr. Federico Elguera 127

Mr. Root 129

At an Extraordinary Session of the Senate:

Senator Barriob 130

Mr. Root 132

University of San Marcos:

Dr. Luis F. VillarAn 133

Dr. Ram6n Ribeyro 186

Mr. Root 140

SPEECHES IN PANAMA
Panama

In the National Assembly:

His Excellency Ricardo Arias 145

Mr. Root 148

SPEECHES IN COLOMBIA
Cartagena

At a Breakfast by the Minister for Foreign Affairs:

His Excellency Vasquez-Cobo 153

Mr. Root 154

THE VISIT TO MEXICO

San Antonio, Texas

At a Banquet by the International Club:
Mr. Root 159

NuEVO Laredo

General Pedro Rinc6n Gallardo 161

Mr. Root 162

City of Mexico

At a Banquet at the National Palace:

Presidejtf Diaz 162

Mr. Root 164

VI CONTENTS

At a Reception at the Municipal Palace:

Governor Gtjillermo de Landa y Escand6n .165

Mr. Root 167

Reception by the Chamber of Deputies:

Licentiate Manuel Calero 168

Mr. Root 174

Luncheon by the American Colony:

General C. H. M. y Agramonte 177

Mr. Root 179

Mexican Academy of Legislation and Jurisprudence:
Licentiate Luis Mend^z' 181

LICENTLA.TE JOAQufN D. CasASUS 184

Mr. Root 188

Banquet of the American Ambassador:

Ambassador Thompson 192

Vice-President Corral 192

Mr. Root 193

LicENciADO Don Jos£ Ives Limantour 195

Banquet of the Minister for Foreign AflFairs:

Licentiate Ignacio Mariscal ?.98

Mr. Root 199

Farewell Supper given by Mr. Root:

Mr. Root 202

Vice-President Corral 203

Puebla

At the Governor's Banquet at the Municipal Palace:

General Mucio P. Martinez 204

Mr. Root 205

Orizaba

Luncheon at the Cocolopan Factory:

Governor D. Teodoro A. Dehesa 206

Mr. Root 206

Guadalajara

Governor Ahumada 208

Mr. Root 209

ADDRESSES IN THE UNITED STATES ON LATIN
AMERICAN RELATIONS

The Central American Peace Conference 213

Opening Address, Washington, D. C, December 13, 1907. . . . 214!
Closing Address, Washington, December 20, 1907 2-17

CONTENTS vii

The Pan American Cause 219

Response to the Toast of the Ambassador of Brazil at a dinner in
honor of the Rear-Admiral and Captains of visiting Brazilian
ships, Washington, D. C, May 18, 1907

*^e Pan American Union 22S

Address at the laying of the comer stone of the building for the

Pan American Union, Washington, D. C, May 11, 1908 ... 228
Address at the dedication of the building, Washington, D. C,

April 26, 1910 231

Our Sister Repubuc — Argentina 235

Address at a Banquet of the Chamber of Commerce, New York,
April 28, 1893

OuB Sister Repubuc — Brazil 239

Address at a Banquet of the Chamber of Commerce, New York,
June 18, 1913

How to Develop South American Commerce 245

Address before the Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress,
Kansas City, Missouri, November 20, 1906

South American Commerce 269

Address at the National Convention for the Extension of the
Foreign Commerce of the United States, Washington, D. C,
January 14, 1907

Individual Effort in Trade Expantion 283

Address at the Pan American Commercial Conference, Wash-
ington, D. C. February 17, 1911

The Second Pan American Scientific Congress 291

Address of Welcome, Washington, D. C, December 30, 1915

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

The collected addresses and state papers of Elihu Root, of
which this is one of several volumes, cover the period of his
service as Secretary of War, as Secretary of State, and as
Senator of the United States, during which time, to use his
own expression, his only client was his country.

The many formal and occasional addresses and speeches,
which will be found to be of a remarkably wide range, are
followed by his state pajjers, such as the instructions to
the American delegates to the Second Hague Peace Confer-
ence and other diplomatic notes and documents, prepared
by him as Secretary of State in the performance of his duties
as an executive oflScer of the United States. Although the
official documents have been kept separate from the other
papers, this plan has been slightly modified in the volume
devoted to the military and colonial policy of the United
States, which includes those portions of his official reports as
Secretary' of War throwing light upon his public addresses and
his general military policy.

The addresses and sf>eeches selected for publication are
not arranged chronologically, but are classified in such a way
that each volume contains addresses and speeches relating
to a general subject and a common purpose. The addresses
as president of the American Society of International Law
show his treatment of international questions from the
theoretical standpoint, and in the light of his experience as
Secretary of War and as Secretary of State, unrestrained and
uncontrolled by the limitations of official position, whereas
his addresses on foreign affairs, delivered while Secretary of
State or as United States Senator, discuss these questions
under the reserve of official responsibility.

X INTRODUCTORY NOTE

Mr. Root's addresses on government, citizenship, and/
legal procedure are a masterly exposition of the principles
of the Constitution and of the government established by
it; of the duty of the citizen to understand the Constitu-
tion and to conform his conduct to its requirements; and
of the right of the people to reform or to amend the Con-
stitution in order to make representative government more
effective and responsive to their present and future needs.
The addresses on law and its administration state how legal
procedure should be modified and simplified in the interest
of justice rather than in the supposed interest of the legal
profession.

The addresses delivered during the trip to South America^
and Mexico in 1906, and in the United States after his return,
with their message of good will, proclaim a new doctrine —
the Root doctrine — of kindly consideration and of honorable
obligation, and make clear the destiny common to the
peoples of the Western World.

The addresses and the reports on military and colonial
policy made by Mr. Root as Secretary of War explain the
reorganization of the army after the Spanish-American War,
the creation of the General Staff, and the establishment of the
Army War College. They trace the origin of and give the
reason for the policy of this country in Cuba, the Philippines,
and Porto Rico, devised and inaugurated by him. It is not
generally known that the so-called Piatt Amendment,
defining our relations to Cuba, was drafted by Mr. Root, and
that the Organic Act of the Philippines was likewise the work
of Mr. Root as Secretary of War.

The argument before The Hague Tribunal in the North
Atlantic Fisheries Case is a rare if not the only instance of a
statesman appearing as chief counsel in an international
arbitration, which, as Secretary of State, he had prepared
and submitted.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE xi

The political, educational, historical, and commemorative
speeches and addresses should make known to future genera-
tions the hterarj", artistic, and emotional side of a statesman
of our time, and the pubHcation of these collected addresses
and state papers will, it is believed, enable the American
people better to understand the generation in which Mr. Root
has been a commanding figure and better to appreciate
during his lifetime the services which he has rendered to
his country.

Robert Bacon.

James Brown Scott.
April 15, 1916.

FOREWORD

The visit of the Secretary of State to South America in 1906 was not a
summer outing. It was not an ordinary event; it was and it was intended
to be a matter of international importance. It was the first time that a
Secretary of State had visited South America during the tenure of his
office, and the visit was designed to show the importance which the United
States attaches to the Pan American conferences, and by personal contact
to learn the aims and views of our southern friends, and to show also, by
personal intercourse, the kindly consideration and the sense of honorable
obligation which the Government of the United States cherishes for its
neighbors to the south without discriminating among them, and to make
clear the destiny common to the peoples of the western world. These were
the reasons which prompted Mr. Root to undertake this message of good
will and of frank explanation, and these were also the reasons which
caused the President of the United States in his message to Congress to
dwell upon the visit, itaiaeidents and its consequences. Thus President
Roosevelt said in his mesMige of December 3, 1906:

The Second International Conference of American Republics, held
in Mexico in the years 1901-02, provided for the holding of the third
conference within five years, and committed the fixing of the time
and place and the arrangements for the conference to the governing
board of the Bureau of American Republics, composed of the repre-
sentatives of all the American nations in Washington. That board
discharged the duty imposed upon it with marked fidelity and pains-
taking care, and upon the courteous invitation of the United States
of Brazil, the conference was held at Rio de Janeiro, continuing from
the twenty-third of July to the twenty-ninth of August last. Many
subjects of common interest to all the American nations were discussed
by the conference, and the conclusions reached, embodied in a series
of resolutions and proposed conventions, will be laid before you upon
the coming-in of the final report of the American delegates. They
contain many matters of importance relating to the extension of
trade, the increase of communication, the smoothing away of barriers
to free intercourse, and the promotion of a better knowledge and good
understanding between the different countries represented. The
meetings of the conference were harmonious and the conclusions were
reached with substantial unanimity. It is interesting to observe that

xiv FOREWORD

in the successive conferences which have been held the representatives
of the different American nations have been learning to work together
effectively, for, while the First Conference in Washington in 1889,
and the Second Conference in Mexico in 1901-02, occupied many-
months, with much time wasted in an unregulated and fruitless dis-
cussion, the Third Conference at Rio exhibited much of the facility
in the practical dispatch of business which characterizes permanent
deliberative bodies, and completed its labors within the period of six
weeks originally allotted for its sessions.

i Quite apart from the specific value of the conclusions reached by
the conference, the example of the representatives of all the American
nations engaging in harmonious and kindly consideration and dis-
cussion of subjects of common interest is itself of great and substantial
value for the promotion of reasonable and considerate treatment of all
international questions. The thanks of this country are due to the
Government of Brazil and to the people of Rio de Janeiro for the gener-
ous hospitality with which our delegates, in common with the others,
were received, entertained, and facilitated in their work.

Incidentally to the meeting of the conference, the Secretary of
State visited the city of Rio de Janeiro and was cordially received
by the conference, of which he was made an honorary president.
The announcement of his intention to make this visit was followed
by most courteous and urgent invitations from nearly all the countries
of South America to visit them as the guest of their Governments,
It was deemed that by the acceptance of these invitations we might
appropriately express the real respect and friendship in which we
hold our sister repubhcs of the southern continent, and the Secretary,
accordingly, visited Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama,
and Colombia. He refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, and
Ecuador only because the distance of their capitals from the seaboard
made it impracticable with the time at his disposal. He carried with
him a message of peace and friendship, and of strong desire for good
understanding and mutual helpfulness; and he was everywhere
received in the spirit of his message. The members of government,
the press, the learned professions, the men of business, and the great
masses of the people united everywhere in emphatic response to his
friendly expressions and in doing honor to the country and cause which
he represented.

In many parts of South America there has been much misunder-
standing of the attitude anApu-poses of the United States toward
the other American repuMrcsT An idea had become prevalent that
our assertion of the Monroe Doctrine implied, or carried with it, an
assumption of superiority, and of a right to exercise some kind of

FOREWORD XV

protectorate over the countries to whose territory that doctrine
applies. Nothing could be farther from the truth. Yet that im-
pression continued to be a serious barrier to good understanding, to
friendly intercourse, to the introduction of American capital and
the extension of American trade. The impression was so widespread
that apparently it could not be reached by any ordinary means.

It was part of Secretary Root's mission to dispel this unfounded
impression, and there is just cause to beheve that he has succeeded.
In an address to the Third Conference at Rio on the thirty-first of
July — an address of such note that I send it in, together with this
message — he said :

We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except
our own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves.
We deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and
weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much respect
as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the observance of that
respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the
strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights or privileges or powers
that we do not freely concede to every American republic^^,^

These words appear to have been received with acclaim in every
part of South America. They have my hearty approval, as I am sure
they will have yours, and I cannot be wrong in the conviction that
they correctly represent the sentiments of the whole American people.
I cannot better characterize the true attitude of the United States
in its assertion of the Monroe Doctrine than in the words of the
distinguished former Minister of Foreign AflFairs of Argentina, Doctor
Drago, in his speech welcoming Mr. Root at Buenos Ayres. He
spoke of —

the traditional policy of the United States, which, without accen-
tuating superiority or seeking preponderance, condemned the oppres-
sion of the nations of this part of the world and the control of their
destinies by the Great Powers of Europe.

It is gratifying to know that in the great city of Buenos Ayres,
upon the arches which spanned the streets, entwined with Argentine
and American flags for the reception of our representative, there were
emblazoned not only the names of Washington and JeflFerson and
Marshall, but also, in appreciative recognition of their services to the
cause of South American independence, the names of James Monroe,
John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, and Richard Rush. We take
especial pleasure in the graceful courtesy of the Government of Brazil,
which has given to the beautiful and stately building first used for
the meeting of the conference the name of ** Palacio Monroe.** Our
grateful acknowledgments are due to the Governments and the
people of all the countries visited by the Secretary of State, for the

xvi FOREWORD

courtesy, the friendship, and the honor shown to our country in their

generous hospitality to him.
In view of the statements made by Mr. Root himself in his various
addresses, and in view of President Roosevelt's statement of them, and of
the results of the visit, it does not seem necessary further to detain the
reader. It is, however, proper to call attention to the fact that, in addition
to the speeches delivered by Mr. Root in South America, which were pub-
lished by the Government of the United States in an oflScial volume, the
reader will find Mr. Root's addresses during a visit to Mexico which he
made in 1906, upon his return from South America; Mr. Root's addresses
before the Central American Peace Conference, which met in Washington
in the fall of 1907; and the various addresses which Mr. Root made in the
United States in his official and unofficial capacity, explaining to his coun-
trymen the aims and aspirations of the American peoples to the south of
our own Republic, the progress they have made since their emancipation
from European tutelage, and the future before them which, like ripening
fruits, they need only stretch forth the hand to pluck. The undiscovered
land — for to many of us it is unknown — is a land of exquisite beauty,
grace and courtesy, which the reader may here visit, if he choose, in com-
pany with Mr. Root.

Mr. Root's addresses on his South American trip were all in English.
The addresses of welcome and congratulation were in the language of the
country in which they were delivered. They appear in translated form in
the present volume, and attention is called to the fact that they are trans-
lations, in order to relieve the speakers of responsibility for any infelicities
of expression in their English form.

LATIN AMERICA AND THE
UNITED STATES

BRAZIL

THE THIRD CONFERENCE OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS
RIO DE JANEIRO, JULY 31, 1906

As Secretary of State Mr. Root was ex-officio chanrman of the (Governing Board
of the Bureau of American Republics, now called the Pan American Union. As
chairman, he took a very great interest in considering and arranging the program
of the third conference which was to meet in Rio de Janeiro on July 23, 1906.
Indeed, he was so deeply interested in the conference of the American republics
upon the eve of the meeting of the Second Hague Peace Conference, that he decided
to visit Rio de Janeiro during the meeting of the conference. The American repub-
lics welcomed this decision as soon as it was made known and ui^ed him to visit
them, and it was with great regret that Mr. Root found himself unable to visit all of
the republics. He was made honorary president of the conference and in that
capacity delivered the following address.

It is proper to state, in this connection, that all the American republics were
invited to attend and to participate in the Second Hague Peace Conference and that
the Conference was set for 1906. Mr. Root was unwilling that either conference
should interfere with the other, and through his intervention with the European
Powers the Second Hague Peace Conference was postponed to the summer of 1907,
in order not to interfere with the Pan American Conference held at Rio de Janeiro
in the summer of 1906, and the participation of the American republics in that
conference. Only three American republics were invited to the First Hague Peace
Conference, namely, Brazil, Mexico, and the United States. Through the efforts of
the United States, and particularly through Mr. Root's efforts as Secretary of State,
all of the American republics were invited to the Second Hague Peace Conference.

The noble passage in Mr. Root's address as honorary president of the conference,
proclaiming the equality of American states, and quoted by President Roosevelt in
his message to Congress, reproduced in the preface to this volimie, was constantly
referred to by Latin American delegates in the Hague Peace Conference, and was
quoted by Mr. Ruy Barbosa, the Brazilian delegate, who added, " These words
reverberated through the length and the breadth of our continent, as the American
evangel of peace and of justice." *

Speech of His Excellency Joaquim Nabuco

AMBAaaADOR EXTRAORDINABT AND PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM THE UnITED StATES

or Brazil to the United States of America, President of
THE Conference

YOU do not come here tonight as a stranger to take your
place as an honorary president of this conference. You
were the first to express a desire that the conference should
meet this year; it was you who, in Washington, brought to a

^ Deuxiime Conference de la Paix, Vol. II, p. 644.

S

4 . .LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

happy conclusion the difficult elaboration of its program and
of its rules. Neither can we forget that at one time you
expected to be one of us, a plan you abandoned in order that
you might divide your time among all the republics that
claimed the honor of your visit. The meeting of this con-
ference is thus to a great extent your own work. In nothing
else since you came to your high post have you taken a more
direct and personal interest. You seem to divine in the spirit
that animates you with regard to our continent the mark that
your name will leave in history.

I believe that you and the conference understand each
other fully. The periodical meeting of this body, exclusively
composed of American nations, assuredly means that
America forms a political system separate from that of
Europe — a constellation with its own distinct orbit.

By aiming, however, at a common civilization and by
trying to make of the space we occupy on the globe a vast
neutral zone of peace, we are working for the benefit of the
whole world. In this way we offer to the population, to the
wealth, and to the genius of Europe a much wider and safer
field of action in our hemisphere than if we formed a dis-
united continent, or if we belonged to the belligerent camps
into which the Old World may become divided. One point
specially will be of great interest for you, who so heartily
desire the success of this work. The conference is convinced
that its mission is not to force any nation belonging to it to
do anything she would not be freely prepared to do upon her
own initiative; we all recognize that its sole function is to
impart our collective sanction to what has already become
unanimous in the opinion of the whole continent.

This is the first time, sir, that an American Secretary of
State officially visits a foreign nation, and we all feel happy
that the first visit was to Latin America. You will find
everywhere the same admiration for your great country,

BRAZIL 5

whose influence in the advance of moral culture, of political
liberty, and of international law has begun already to coun-
terbalance that of the rest of the world. Mingled with that
admiration you will also find the sentiment that you could
not rise without raising with you our whole continent; that
in everything you achieve we shall have our share of
progress.

There are few rolls of honor so brilliant in history as that
of men who have occupied your high position. Among them
any distinction on the ground of their merits would be fated
to be unjust; a few names, however, that shine more vividly
in history, such as those of Jefferson, Monroe, Webster, Clay,
Seward, and Blaine — the latter the creator of these con-
ferences — suffice to show abroad that the United States
have always been as proud of the perfection of the mould in
which their Secretaries of State have been cast and as zealous
in this respect as they have been in the case of their Presi-
dents. We fully appreciate the luster added to this con-
ference by the part you take in it tonight. It is with sincere
gratification that we welcome you. Here, you may be sure,
you are surrounded by the respect of our whole continent for
your great nation; for President Roosevelt, who has shown
himself during his term of office, and will ever remain, what-
ever position he may choose to occupy in public life, one of
the leaders of mankind; and for yourself, whose sound
sense of justice and whose sincere interest in the welfare of
all American nations reflect the noblest inspiration that
animated the greatest of your predecessors.

This voyage of yours demonstrates practically to the whole
world your good faith as a statesman and your broad sym-
pathy as an American; it shows the conscientiousness and
the care with which you wish to place before the President
and the country the fundamental points of your national
external policy.

6 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

You are now exploring political seas never navigated
before, lands not yet revealed to the genius of your statesmen
and toward which they were attracted, as we are all attracted
one to another, by an irresistible continental gravitation. We
feel certain, however, that at the end of your long journey
you will feel that, in their ideals and in their hearts, the
American republics form already a great political unit in
the world.

Speech of the Secretary of State
Honorary President op the Conference

I BEG you to believe that I highly appreciate and thank you
for the honor you do me.

I bring from my country a special greeting to her elder
sisters in the civilization of America.

Unlike as we are in many respects, we are alike in this, that
we are all engaged under new conditions, and free from the
traditional forms and limitations of the Old World in working
out the same problem of popular self-government.

It is a difficult and laborious task for each of us. Not in
one generation nor in one century can the effective control of
a superior sovereign, so long deemed necessary to govern-
ment, be rejected, and effective self-control by the governed
be perfected in its place. The first fruits of democracy are
many of them crude and unlovely; its mistakes are many,
its partial failures many, its sins not few. Capacity for self-
government does not come to man by nature. It is an art to
be learned, and it is also an expression of character to be
developed among all the thousands of men who exercise
popular sovereignty.

To reach the goal toward which we are pressing forward,
the governing multitude must first acquire knowledge that
comes from universal education; wisdom that follows prac-
tical experience; personal independence and self-respect

BRAZIL 7

befitting men who acknowledge no superior; self-control to
replace that external control which a democracy rejects;
respect for law; obedience to the lawful expressions of the
pubhc will; consideration for the opinions and interests of
others equally entitled to a voice in the state; loyalty to
that abstract conception — one's country — as inspiring
as that loyalty to personal sovereigns which has so illumined
the pages of history; subordination of personal interests
to the public good; love of justice and mercy, of liberty and
order. All these we must seek by slow and patient effort;
and of how many shortcomings in his own land and among
his own people each one of us is conscious!

Yet no student of our times can fail to see that not America
alone but the whole civilized world is swinging away from its
old governmental moorings and intrusting the fate of its
civilization to the capacity of the popular mass to govern.
By this pathway mankind is to travel, whithersoever it leads.
Upon the success of this our great undertaking the hope of
humanity depends.

Nor can we fail to see that the world makes substantial
progress toward more perfect popular self-government.

I believe it to be true that, viewed against the background
of conditions a century, a generation, a decade ago, govern-
ment in my own country has advanced, in the intelligent
participation of the great mass of the people, in the fidelity
and honesty with which they are represented, in respect for
law, in obedience to the dictates of a sound morality, and in
eflfectiveness and purity of administration.

Nowhere in the world has this progress been more marked
than in Latin America. Out of the wrack of Indian fighting
and race conflicts and civil wars, strong and stable govern-
ments have arisen. Peaceful succession in accord with the
people's will has replaced the forcible seizure of power per-
mitted by the people's indifference. Loyalty to country, its

S LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

peace, its dignity, its honor, has risen above partisanship for
individual leaders. The rule of law supersedes the rule of
man. Property is protected and the fruits of enterprise are
secure. Individual liberty is respected. Continuous public
policies are followed; national faith is held sacred. Progress
has not been equal everywhere, but there has been progress
everywhere. The movement in the right direction is general.
Theright tendency is not exceptional; it is continental. The
present affords just cause for satisfaction; the future is
bright with hope.

It is not by national isolation that these results have been
accomplished, or that this progress can be continued. No
nation can live unto itself alone and continue to live. Each
nation's growth is a part of the development of the race.
There may be leaders and there may be laggards; but no
nation can long continue very far in advance of the general
progress of mankind, and no nation that is not doomed to
extinction can remain very far behind. It is with nations as
it is with individual men; intercourse, association, correction
of egotism by the influence of others' judgment; broadening
of views by the experience and thought of equals; accept-
ance of the moral standards of a community, the desire for
whose good opinion lends a sanction to the rules of right
conduct — these are the conditions of growth in civilization.
A people whose minds are not open to the lessons of the
world's progress, whose spirits are not stirred by the aspira-
tions and the achievements of humanity struggling the
world over for liberty and justice, must be left behind by
civilization in its steady and beneficent advance.

To promote this mutual interchange and assistance be-
tween the American republics, engaged in the same great
task, inspired by the same purpose, and professing the same
principles, I understand to be the function of the American
Conference now in session. There is not one of all our coun-

BRAZIL 9

tries that cannot benefit the others; there is not one that can-
not receive benefit from the others; there is not one that will
not gain by the prosperity, the peace, the happiness of all.

According to your program, no great and impressive
single thing is to be done by you; no political questions are
to be discussed; no controversies are to be settled; no judg-
ment is to be passed upon the conduct of any state, but
many subjects are to be considered which afford the possi-
bility of removing barriers to intercourse; of ascertaining for
the conmtion benefit what advances have been made by each
nation in knowledge, in exi>erience, in enterprise, in the solu-
tion of diflScult questions of government, and in ethical stand-
ards; of perfecting our knowledge of each other; and of
doing away with the misconceptions, the misunderstandings,
and the resultant prejudices that are such fruitful sources of
controversy.

And some subjects in the program invite discussion that
may lead the American republics toward an agreement
upon principles, the general practical application of which
can come only in the future through long and patient effort.
Some advances at least may be made here toward the com-
plete rule of justice and peace among nations, in lieu of force
and war.

The association of so many eminent men from all the
republics, leaders of opinion in their own homes; the friend-
ships that will arise among you; the habit of temperate and
kindly discussion of matters of common interest; the ascer-
tainment of common sympathies and aims; the dissipation
of misunderstandings; the exhibition to all the American
peoples of this peaceful and considerate method of conferring
upon international questions — this alone, quite irrespective
of the resolutions you may adopt and the conventions you
may sign, will mark a substantial advance in the direction of
international good understanding.

10 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

These beneficent results the Government and the people of
t^ United States of America greatly desire.

I We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no terri-
tory except our own; for no sovereignty except sovereignty
over ourselves. We deem the independence and equal rights
of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations
entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire;
and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guar-
anty of the weak against the oppression of the strong. We
neither claim nor desire any rights or privileges or powers
that we do not freely concede to every American republic.
We wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our trade, to
grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit; but our conception
of the true way to accomplish this is not to pull down others
and profit by their ruin, but to help all friends to a common
prosperity and a common growth, that we may all become
greater and stronger together.

\^ Within a few months, for the first time, the recognized
possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents
can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged
rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress
at The Hague. This will be the world's formal and final
acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American
continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us
pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance
of the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration
implies; so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of
our republics may come to march with equal step by the
side of the stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each
other to show that for all the races of men the liberty for
which we have fought and labored is the twin sister of justice
and peace. Let us unite in creating and maintaining and
making effective an all-American public opinion, whose power
shall influence international conduct and prevent interna-

BRAZIL 11

tional wrong, and narrow the causes of war, and forever pre-
serve our free lands from the burden of such armaments as
are massed behind the frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever
nearer to the perfection of ordered Hberty. So shall come
security and prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learn-
ing, the arts, and happiness for us all J

Not in a single conference, nor by a single effort, can very
much be done. You labor more for the future than for the
present; but if the right impulse be given, if the right tend-
ency be established, the work you do here will go on among
all the millions of people in the American continents long
after your final adjournment, long after your lives, with incal-
culable benefit to all our beloved countries, which may it
please God to continue free and independent and happy for
ages to come.

Speech or Mr. Mariano Cornejo

Enyot Extraobdinabt and Minister Plbnipotentiart from the Republic

OF Peru to the Kingdom of Spain. Former FRcaiDENT of the

Chamber of Deputies, Delbqate from Peru

[The President. There is before me a motion presented by the Peruvian
delegation.

The motion was then read:

" The Peruvian delegation moves that the minutes of the grand session
of today, signed by all the delegates, be presented to the Department of
State at Washington as an expression of the great pleasure with which
the Pan American Conference has received its honorary president, the
Honorable Ehhu Root."]

The delegation from Peru desires that there may remain a
mark of this solemn session, in which all America has saluted
as a link of union the eminent statesman who has honored us
with his presence, and, in his person, the great American
who, for the elevation of his ideas and for the nobleness of his
sentiments, is the worthy chief magistrate of the powerful
republic which serves as an example, as a stimulus, and a
center of gravitation for the political and social systems of
America.

12 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Honorable Minister, your country sheds its light over all
the countries of the continent, which in their turn, advancing
at different rates of velocity, but in the same direction, along
the line of progress, form in the landscape of American his-
tory a beautiful perspective of the future, reaching to a
horizon where the real and the ideal are mingled, and on
whose blue field the great nationality that fills all the present
stands out in bold relief.

These congresses, gentlemen, are the symbol of that soli-
darity which, notwithstanding the ephemeral passions of
men, constitutes, by the invincible force of circumstances,
the essence of our continental system. They were conceived
by the organizing genius of the statesmen of Washington, in
order that the American sentiment of patriotism might be
therein exalted, freeing it from that national egotism which
may be justified in the difficult moments of the formation of
states, but which would be today an impediment to the
development of the American idea, destined to demonstrate
that just as the democratic principle has been to combine
liberty and order in the constitution of states, it will likewise
combine the self-government of the nations and fraternity in
the relations of the peoples.

Honorable Minister, your visit has given impulse to this
undertaking. The ideas you have presented have not only
defined the interests, but have also stirred in the soul of
America all her memories, all her dreams, and all her ideals.

It is as if the centuries had awakened in their tombs to
hail the dawn of a hope that fills them with new vigor and
light.

It is the wish of Peru that this hope may never be extin-
guished in the heart of America, and that the illustrious
delegates who will sign these minutes may remember that
they are entering into a solemn engagement to strive for the
cause of American solidarity.

BRAZIL 13

Speech of Honorable A. J. Montague

FoRMEB Governor of Virginia, Delegate from the United States
OF America

If in disparagement of our modesty, yet in recognition of our
gratitude, the delegates from the United States have just
requested me to express our profound appreciation of the
extraordinary courtesy you have extended to our country in
the person of her distinguished and able Secretary of State,
whose wise and exalted address we have all heard with delight
and satisfaction.

However, the honors you have paid him, and which come
so graciously from a polite and hospitable people, convey a
deeper meaning, for in them we must see a gratifying evi-
dence of that American solidarity which imites our republics
in the common development of popular government, ener-
gized by liberty, illumined by intelligence, steadied by order,
and sustained by virtue. The liberty of law, and the oppor-
tunity for duty, and the dignity of responsibility come to us
by the very genius of our institutions. Therefore, in recog-
nition of the fraternity which inspires the greatest tasks
which have yet fallen to the lot of so many peoples, working
together for a common end, we receive your compliment to
our country, and for this purpose I have thus detained you to
hear this imp>erfect expression of our thanks.

Speech of His Excellency Baron do Rio Branco

Minister for Foreign Affairs of the United States of Brazu.

Honorary President of the Conference

I HAVE risen merely to make a statement which I am sure will
be received with pleasure by this illustrious assembly.

His Excellency the President of the Republic, in remem-
brance of the visit paid by His Excellency President Roose-
velt to this building in St. Louis, and in order to perpetuate
the memory of the coming of the distinguished Secretary
Elihu Root to this country, has resolved by a decree bearing

14 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

today's date to give to this edifice in which the International
Pan American Conference is now in session the name of
Palacio Monroe.

[The Conference then adjourned.]

BANQUET OF THE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS

Speech of His Excellency Baron do Rio Branco

Minister fob Foreign Affairs
Rio de Janeiro, July 28, 1906

The enthusiastic and cordial welcome you have received in
Brazil must certainly have convinced you that this country
is a true friend of yours.

This friendship is of long standing. It dates from the first
days of our independence, which the Government of the
United States was the first to recognize, as the Government of
Brazil was the first to applaud the terms and spirit of the
declarations contained in the famous message of President
Monroe. Time has but increased, in the minds and hearts of
successive generations of Brazilians, the sympathy and
admiration which the founders of our nationality felt for the
United States of America.

The manifestations of friendship for the United States
which you have witnessed come from all the Brazilian people,
and not from the ofiicial world alone, and it is our earnest
desire that this friendship, which has never been disturbed in
the past, may continue forever and grow constantly closer
and stronger.

Gentlemen, I drink to the health of the distinguished
Secretary of State of the United States of America, Mr. Elihu
Root, who has so brilliantly and effectively aided President
Roosevelt in the great work of the political rapprochement of
the American nations.

BRAZIL 15

Reply of Mr. Root

I THANK you again and still again for the generous hospitality
which is making my reception in Brazil so charming.

Coming here as head of the department of foreign affairs of
my country and seated at the table of the minister of foreign
affairs of the great Republic of Brazil, where I am your guest,
I am forcibly reminded of the change which, within the last
few years, has taken place in the diplomacy of the world,
leading to a modem diplomacy that consists of telling the
truth, a result of the government of the people by the people,
which is in our days taking the place of personal government
by sovereigns. It is the people who make peace or war; their
desires, their sentiments, affections, and prejudices are the
great and important factors which diplomacy has to consult,
which diplomats have to interpret, and which they have to
obey. Modem diplomacy is frank, because modem democ-
racies have no secrets; they endeavor not only to know the
truth, but also to express it.

And in this way I have come here as your guest; not because
the fertile or ingenious mind of some ruler has deemed it
judicious or convenient, but because my visit naturally rep-
resents the friendship which the eighty million inhabitants
of the great Republic of the North have for the twenty mil-
lion people of Brazil; and it is a just interpretation of that
friendship. The depth of sentiment which in me corresponds
to your kind reception results from the knowledge I have
that the cordiality which I find here represents in reality the
friendship that Brazilians entertain for my dear country.
Not in my personal name or as representative of an isolated
individual, but in the name of all the people of my country
and in the spirit of the great declaration mentioned by you,
Mr. Minister, the declaration known by the name of Monroe,
and which was the bulwark and safeguard of Latin America

16 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

from the dawn of its independence, I raise my glass, certain
that all present will unite with me in a toast to the progress,
prosperity, and happiness of the Brazilian Republic.

Speech of Dr. James Darcy

The same deep and profound emotion which I, as a Brazilian
and an American, feel in this hour is undoubtedly felt by all
here on the floor — representatives of the nation, and identi-
cal with the nation itself. When the Chamber of Deputies
sees the Secretary of State of the United States of America in
the gallery it cannot go on with its regular work even for a
minute longer. So great and extraordinary have been the
demonstrations occasioned by the presence in our country of
the eminent envoy of the great republic of the United States
that it is necessary that the Chamber, in this hour unequaled
in the whole life of the American Continent, manifest without
delay its feelings of sympathy with the work for the closer
rapprochement of the American nations.

In Scandinavia, the land of almost perpetual fogs and
mists, there died not long ago an extraordinary man. Ibsen,
by some called revolutionary, by others evolutionary,
dreamed in all his works of a new day of peace and concord
for all mankind. This dream did not exist in the poet's brain
alone, for it has imbedded itself in the mind and heart of a
great American politician — Elihu Root.

From the moment he set foot on Brazilian soil he has been
received with loud acclamations of joy, in which all Brazil-
ians have joined. The demonstration which the student-
body of Brazil made a short time ago, which for enthusiasm
and spontaneity of feeling has never been equaled, manifested
our feeling toward Mr. Root.

In his speech at the third Conference of the American
Republics, the statesman, the philosopher, the sociologist,
the great humanitarian that Elihu Root is, opened up a new

BRAZIL 17

era for the countries of the continent of such an order that
the old standard of morality has fallen to the ground in
ruins. On the public buildings, on the fortresses and masts
of war vessels, waves the same flag — a white flag, reminding
the American people that a new epoch of fraternity has risen
for them.

Nothing has ever done so much for peace as this visit of
Elihu Root among us. It forms a spectacle that must mark an
epoch in our national life. The Chamber of Deputies, inter-
preting the unanimous sentiment of the nation, from north
to south, of old and young alike, has suggested that I offer
a motion, which is already approved in advance, and make
the request that Mr. Elihu Root be invited to take a seat
on the floor of the Chamber, as a mark of homage in return
for the honor he has done us in making a visit to this House.

The memory of this visit will live forever in our hearts. He
who bestows all favors will undoubtedly reward those who
have done so much for American peace and fraternity by
setting them up as models for the whole world.

Reply of Mr. Root

I THANK you sincerely for the flattering expressions which,
through your able and happy spokesmen, you have made
regarding myself. I thank you stiU more deeply for the
expressions of friendship for my country. I beg you to permit
me in my turn to make acknowledgment to you, the repre-
sentatives of the people of Brazil — acknowledgment which
I can make to the President of the Republic, which I can
make personally to your distinguished and most able Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs, but which I wish to make on this
public occasion to the people of Brazil. I wish to thank the
Brazilian people for sending to my country a man so able
and so successful in interpreting his people to us as my good
friend Mr. Nabuco. I wish to thank the people of Brazil —

18 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

its legislators, its educated men of literature and of science, its
students in their generous and delightful enthusiasm, and its
laboring people in their simple and honest appreciation — for
the reception which they have given me, overwhelming in its
hospitality and friendship; for the courtesy, the careful
attention to every detail that could affect the comfort, the
convenience, and the pleasure of myself and my family; for
the abundant expressions of friendship which I have found in
your streets and in your homes; for the bountiful repasts;
for the clouds of beautiful flowers with which you have sur-
rounded us; and, more than all, for the deep sense of sin-
cerity in your friendship which has been carried to my heart.
I wish to make this acknowledgment directly to you, the
direct and immediate representatives of the people.

We, who in official life have our short day, are of little con-
sequence. You and I, Mr. President, Baron Rio Branco, the
President of the Republic himself — we are of little conse-
quence. We come and go. We cannot alter the course of
nations or the fate of mankind; but the people, the great
mass of humanity, are moving up or down. They are march-
ing on, keeping step with civilization and human progress;
or they are lapsing back toward barbarism and darkness.
The people today make peace and make war — not a sover-
eign, not the whim of an individual, not the ambition of a
single man; but the sentiment, the friendship, the affection,
the feelings of this great throbbing mass of humanity, deter-
mine peace or war, progress or retrogression. And coming to
a self-governing people from a self-governing people, I would
interpret my fellow-citizens — the great mass of plain people
— to the great mass of the plain people of Brazil. No longer
the aristocratic selfishness, which gathers into a few hands all
the goods of life, rules mankind. Under our free republics our
conception of human duty is to spread the goods of life as
widely as possible; to bring the humblest and the weakest up

BRAZIL 19

into a better, a brighter, a happier existence; to lay deep the
foundations of government, so that government shall be
built up from below, rather than brought down from above.
These are the conceptions in which we believe. True, our
languages are different; true, we draw from our parent coun-
tries many different customs, different ways of acting and of
thinking; but, after all, the great, substantial, underlying
facts are the same, humanity is the same. We live, we leam,
we labor, and we struggle up to a higher life the same — you
of Brazil and we of the United States of the North. In the
great struggle of humanity our interests are alike, and I hold
out to you the hands of the American people, asking your
help and offering you ours in this great struggle of humanity
for a better, a nobler, and a happier life. You will make
mistakes in your council, that is the lot of humanity; no
government can be perfect — till the miUennium comes; but
year by year and generation by generation substantial ad-
vance toward more perfect government, more complete order,
more exact justice, and more lofty conceptions of human duty
will be made.

God be with you in your struggle as He has been with us.
May your deliberations ever be ruled by patriotism, by imself-
ishness, by love of country, and by wisdom for the blessing
of your whole people, and may universal prosperity and
growth in wisdom and righteousness of all the American
republics act and react throughout the continents of America
for all time to come.

Speech op Senator Ruy Barbosa

In the Federal Senate of Brazil, at Rio de Janeiro, August i, 1900

If your excellency will permit me, Mr. President, I will call
your attention and that of the Senate to the fact that at this
moment this House is honored by the presence of Mr. Elihu
Root, Secretary of State of the United States.

20 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

For a week his stay among us has been spreading interest
throughout the country and filHng the capital with joy,
causing excitement among the neighboring nations, and fix-
ing the eyes of Europe on this obscure part of the world.
The fact is that we are not only in the presence of an indi-
vidual of great renown, who is one of the highest personages
among contemporaneous statesmen, with a reputation which
is dear to the western hemisphere, but we are experiencing
an event of the most far-reaching international importance,
in the sense in which this word corresponds to the common
interests of the human race.

In the organization of the Government of the United
States, the portfolio of Secretary of State constitutes a
notably characteristic and peculiar feature. The Secretary
is not merely a minister for foreign affairs, but is the guardian
of the seals of state, the medium through whom the laws are
promulgated, the depositary of the government archives, and
the first assistant of the Chief Executive. Tradition has
conferred upon him a dignity next to that of President, the
law making him second in the order of succession to the pres-
idency by vacancy of the office, while it has become the
custom for the President to invite him to participate in the
performance of his duties rather as a colleague and associate
than as an adviser and servant. The triumphant candidate
in a presidential election has at times called to this office his
vanquished opponent, thus showing the homage paid by
party spirit to the value of merit. Being popularly desig-
nated as head of the Cabinet, and granted the honors of pre-
cedence at diplomatic functions, his high political entity
inscribes him, together with the head of the nation, the
Secretary of the Treasury, the Speaker of the House of
Representatives, and the chairmen of the two great financial
committees of Congress, among the five or six personalities

BRAZIL 21

whose influence usually directs the Government of the
United States.

But a true idea of this eminent position cannot be formed
without some light on its history; for the line of Secretaries
of State sparkles with the almost continuous luster of a long,
luminous zone, in which irradiate the dazzling names of
Jefferson, one of the patriarchs of independence in the
foundation and organization of the United States, the philos-
opher, the writer, the statesman, the creator of parties, the
systematizer of popular education, and the twice-elected
successor of Washington; of Randolph, through whose
initiative the stain produced by the word ** slavery " was
effaced from the provisional draft of the American Consti-
tution; of Marshall, the most eminent jurist in the Republic,
the oracle of the Constitution and the constructor of the
Federal law; of Madison, the emulator of Hamilton in the
editing of The Federalist; of Monroe, the asserter of the inter-
national doctrine of the independence of this continent;
of John Quincy Adams, the pioneer of aboHtionism in his
radical condemnation of slavery; of Clay, the warm defender
of the South American colonies in their struggle for emanci-
pation; of Webster, the Demosthenes of the Union and of
American liberty; of Seward, the rival for election of Lincoln,
but who, being defeated by the latter, was invited by him
to form part of his Cabinet; of Forsyth, Calhoun, Everett,
Marcy, Evarts, Blaine, Bayard, and Hay. It is a path of
stars, at the termination of which the administration of Mr.
Elihu Root does not pale.

The annals of the United States could be traced by the
route of this numerous constellation, whose radiant points
sparkle around yon apex, to send forth their beams today
from yon gallery, illumining the Brazilian Senate, trans-
figuring the scene of our ordinary deliberations, and realizing,

22 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

with the pomp of the evocation of this glorious past, the
spectacle of the visit of one nation to the other which the illus-
trious Secretary of State presented before our eyes when,
a few days ago, he said in response to our eminent and
worthy Minister for Foreign Relations, that his coming in
the official capacity of his office to the land of the Cruzeiro
constitutes a natural expression of the friendship which
the eighty millions of inhabitants of the great Republic of the
North feel toward the twenty million souls of the Republic
of Brazil.

It is not, then, a diplomatic representation; it is not an
embassy. It is the Government of the United States itself
in person, in one of its predominant organs — an organ so
exalted that it holds almost as high a position there in the
national sentiment as the Presidency itself. For the first
time is the North American Union visiting another part of
the continent — Latin America. And this direct, personal
and most solemn visit of one America to the other has now
as its scene the Brazilian Senate, assuming, within the brief
dimensions of this chamber, the magnificent proportions of
a picture for which our nation constitutes the frame and the
attentive circle of the nations the gallery.

For the modest importance of our nation, the event is of
incomparable significance. None other can be likened to it
in the history of our existence as a republic. After sixteen
years of embarrassments, perils, and conflicts, the latter
appears to be receiving its final consecration in this solemnity.
It is the grand recognition of our democracy, the proclama-
tion of the attainment of our majority as a republic. The sta-
bility of the government, its prestige, its honor and its vigor,
could not have received a greater attestation before the world.
Replying to the doubts, the negations, and the affronts with
which our '89 was received, amidst passions at home and
prejudices abroad, it signifies the irrevocable triumph of our

BRAZIL 23

revolution, closes forever the era of monarchical reassertions
and opens up our future to order, confidence, and labor.

Almost all of us who compose this assembly, Mr. President,
belong to that generation who were opening their eyes to
public life, or were preparing for it by their higher studies,
when the struggle was going on in the United States between
slavery and freedom — that campaign of Titans which tore
the entrails of America and shook the globe for many years.

Washington, Jefferson, and Madison had died, despairing
of the extinction of slavery. This being openly proclaimed
as the comer stone of the Confederacy, which gloried in
having as its basis and in holding as a supreme truth the
subjection by Providence of one race to the other, it looked
as if the work of the patriarchs of 1787 was doomed to
inevitable destruction against the black rock, thus consum-
mating the Jeffersonian prophecy.

But Christian order prevailed against the chaos of servile
interests, showing that the Constitution of the United States
was not that " league with death " and that " compact with
hell," as was boldly declared by Garrison upon the breaking
out of the abolitionist reaction. And when the Union rose
again, still clinging to liberty, on the ruins of slavery and dis-
memberment, we who had heard the earthquake, we who had
witnessed the opening of the abyss, we who had seen swal-
lowed up in it a million lives and an incalculable amount of
wealth, and knew of the misfortunes and tears it had caused,
were surprised by the divine dawn which finally appeared
with the consoling victory of justice; and we felt the penetra-
tion of its rays here into the depths of the Brazilian con-
science, realizing, with a holy horror of the tragedy of which
we had just been the witnesses, that we were still a country
of slaves.

Very soon, however, the law of September 28, 1874, imme-
diately thereafter Brazilian abolitionism, and shortly there-

24 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

after the brilliant stroke of abolition in 1888, responded to
the splendid American lesson by our purification from this
stigma.

And if we adopted this lesson in 1889 and 1891, when we
embraced the federal system and framed a republican con-
stitution, it was not, as has been said, in obedience to the
wishes, caprices, or predilections of theorists. Ever since the
beginning of the past century, the liberal spirit among us had
become imbued with Americanism through reading The
Federalist, The idea of federation carried away the Brazilian
Liberals in 1831. The condemnation of the monarchy in
Brazil involved fundamentally that of administrative cen-
tralization and the single-headed form of government which
were embodied in that regime. The United States gave us
the first model, and up to that time had furnished us the only
example of a republican form of government, extending over
a territorial expanse such as only monarchies had previously
shown themselves capable of governing. The dilemma was
inevitable. We had either to adhere to the European solu-
tion, which is a constitutional monarchy, or else establish a
republic on the American model.

We are still today as far from the perfect model which the
United States present of a federal republic, as we were from
a likeness to England under the parliamentary monarchy,
although England was the example we followed in that
regime, just as the United States is our example in our present
government. But just as our backwardness in parliamentary
customs was no cause for us to revert from a constitutional
to an absolute monarchy, so the insufficiency of our republi-^
can customs constitutes no reason for abandoning the federal
republic. There are no conditions more favorable for the
political education of a nation than those presented by our
constitutional mechanism, modeled after the American type;
nor could a practical schooling be offered us for such educa-

BRAZIL 25

tion equal to that of an intimate approximation between us
and our great model, our relations of all kinds with the United
States being drawn closer and multiplied.

Between them and us there was interposed the stupid,
sullen wall of prejudices and suspicions with which weakness
naturally imagines to shelter and protect itself from force.
But this wall is cracking, tottering, and beginning to crumble
to ruins under the action of the soil and the atmosphere —
under the influx of the sentiments awakened by this great
movement of friendship on the part of the United States
toward the other American nations.

In this attitude, in the transparent clearness of its inten-
tions, in the eloquence of its language, and in the manifest
frankness of its promises, there stands forth a broad image of
truthfulness, which may be likened to those breezes in the
sky on bright and sunny days which clear the horizon, cause
the azure of the firmament to pervade our souls, and com-
municate the energy of life to our lungs. May God sustain
the strong spirit of magnanimity, which is as advantageous
to themselves as to the weak; and may He illumine the
minds of the weak with an understanding of a situation
which, mutually comprehended and maintained with firm-
ness and honesty, will be productive of incalculable benefits
for both parties!

The United States would already, long ago, have exhausted
the admiration of the imiverse by the constant marvels of
their greatness, if they were not continually surpassing
themselves.

I do not allude to their wonderful fecundity, which in a
hundred years has raised their population from five to eighty
millions of souls. I do not speak of the greatness of their
expansion, which has almost quintupled their territorial area
in one century; I do not refer to the greatness of their mili-
tary prowess, which has never yet met a conqueror either by

26 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

land or sea. Neither am I occupying myself with the great-
ness of their opulence, which is tending to transfer from
London to New York the center of capital and the money
market of the world. I am thinking only of their benefits to
democracy, to right, and to civilization.

Their fundamental principles as colonies were based on
religious freedom. Their first charters embodied the essence
of liberty in the British constitution. Their Federal Con-
stitution is considered by the best judges as the highest prod-
uct of political genius extant among mankind. The Rve
years of their civil war constituted a most tremendous sacri-
fice, made by the superhuman heroism of a nation in the
higher interests of humanity, for the principle of human
freedom. Their international influence is frequently exerted
in the great causes of Christianity and civilization, first
struggling as they did against piracy in the Mediterranean;
then opening the doors of Japan to the commerce of the world
in the Pacific, or fighting for the Armenians against Ottoman
despotism, or intervening in behalf of the Jews against the
tyranny of the Muscovite; here sympathizing with South
America against Spain, with Greece against Turkey, and
with Hungary against Austria; there promoting that mem-
orable peace between the Russians and Japanese at Ports-
mouth, which terminated one of the most horrible hecatombs
of peoples on record in the history of warfare. The methods
and rules of their teaching, the inspiration of their inventors,
the penetrating nature of their institutions, the reproductive
influence of their example, the contagious activity of their
doctrines, the active proselytism of their reforms, the irre-
sistible fascination of their originality, the exuberant flores-
cence of their Christianity, all exert a profound influence
upon European culture and on the morals, the politics, and
the destinies of the world, and guide, improve, and transform
the American nations.

BRAZIL 27

Nothing, however, could be conceived which would more
magnificently crown this miraculous career and assure for-
ever to that nation the title, par excellence^ of the civilizer
among nations, serving the interests of its own prosperity as
well as ours by a sincere, effective, and tenacious adherence
to the doctrine announced by Mr. Root, namely the doctrine
of mutual respect and friendship, of progressive cooperation
among the American States, large or small, weak or strong;
abandoning foolish race prejudices and admitting the superior
power of imitation, science, and modem inventions, which
are the moral factors in the development of peoples; and
recognizing the natural truth that the growing evolution of
the human race must embrace in its orbit of light all the
civilized nations on this and the other continents.

Everything in the visit of Mr. Root, everything in his
words, in his acts, in the impressions left among us by his
person, everything speaks to us with absolute sincerity and
resolute mind of devotion to this auspicious program. Our
eminent guest has seen how Brazil receives the living mes-
sage of the people of the United States; and, when he returns,
a faithful witness of our civilization, which is so little known,
so ill-treated, and so calumniated abroad, he will in all prob-
ability carry with him a conviction of having found in this
disliked South America, between the Oyapoc and the Plata,
the Atlantic and the Andes, a non-indigenous, although new
sister of the United States, in which the opinion of public men
and popular sentiment have but one ambition in regard to the
policy now inaugurated — that it may become rooted for cen-
turies and that it may shelter our future under its branches.

I wished, gentlemen — and all the members of this Senate
wished — that Mr. Root might hear from the mouth of the
man of experience, authority, and austere demeanor who is
to preside over us, the most eloquent and highest of these
expressions of good wishes.

28 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

For this purpose I move that the Senate do now resolve
itself into a committee of the whole, and that the Secretary
of State of the United States be invited to take the post of
honor in this assembly. In this manner the proceedings of the
Brazilian Senate and its traditions will preserve the memory
of this date forever. For it is not one of those dates which
flash and vanish into the past like falling meteors, but it is of
those which seek the future by luminously furrowing the
horizon of posterity like ascending stars.

And if the future is to be a substitution of right in place of
might, of arbitration in place of war, of congresses in place
of armies, of harmony, cooperation, and solidarity among
the American peoples, in place of hostile rivalries, we may, on
seeing seated here today at the right of our President, the
Secretary of State of the United States, affirm to him, as
Henry Clay did on the reception of Lafayette, with a different
intention but just as truthfully, that he is seated in the midst
of posterity.

Speech of Senator Alfredo Ellis

The Federal Senators, representatives of the Brazilian
nation, representing the people of twenty states of the Union
and of the Federal District, here congregated to receive you,
through me, salute you, and through you, salute President
Roosevelt and the whole people of the United States of
America. You are truly welcome amongst us, and you are
welcome amongst us because we know your history; we
know the history of your country; we know the history of
your great men, from Washington to Roosevelt. You are
truly and sincerely welcome amongst us, because you are the
fortunate messenger, the happy harbinger of a coming civi-
lization that is looming already in the not-far-distant future,
bringing in your hands the snowy and brilliant credentials of
brotherhood and peace. Though you come here, Mr. Root,

BRAZIL 29

amid the cannon's roar, or the din of popular acclamations,
the echo in its grand unanimity that these words awaken in
the hearts of the Brazilian people throughout all the land,
from north to south, from east to west, should convince you
that we, the Brazilian people, trust that the great work that
is now being done through the delegates of the nineteen
American republics assembled here for the Third Conference
of the Pan American Congress, will bear fruit — that it will
bear fruit just the same as that of which the basis was laid a
long time ago in Philadelphia, on July 4, 1776, written by
Thomas Jefiferson and signed by the delegates of nine out of
the thirteen colonies that had risen in arms against the
mother-coimtry. On that eventful and never-to-be-forgotten
day, Pennsylvania's delegate — the great, the wise, the noble
Benjamin Franklin — with his heart full of sad misgivings,
full of sad forebodings about the final issue of the war, raising
himself from the chair on which he had been sitting, observed
on its back, embroidered on the tapestry, the figure of a
beaming sun with its golden rays. " I do not know," he said,
** if this is the image of a rising or a setting sun; please God
Almighty that it may be that of a rising sun, enlightening the
birth of a free and prosperous people ! " And it was — and it
was. His wish — his dear wish — was fulfilled; his proph-
ecy was realized. The country you represent, Mr. Root,
is now the wonder of the world for its greatness, for its power,
for its prosperity.

What we desire — what the Brazilian people desire —
what we hope, is that in your case, the same prophecy may
be made and the same prophecy may be realized in relation
to the results we expect from the Pan American Conference,
strengthening with indissoluble bonds of harmonious concord
and a very lasting peace, American brotherhood; banishing
from the lands of the New World all ambition of conquest
and the bloody strife of fratricidal wars.

30 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

To the American people, our brothers, our friends, and our
companions, the Brazilian nation, treading the same paths
and controlled by the same great desire to attain its destinies
in the history of the world, sends through you its most
affectionate, its most fraternal, its most hearty salutation.

ADDRESSES IN THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES
Speech of Doctor Paula Guimaraes

August 2, 1906

The Chamber of Deputies feels itself honored by the presence
of Mr. Elihu Root, Secretary of State of the United States
of America.

The distinguished member of the Government of our great
sister republic, whose coming to this country is a mark of
regard and esteem which is very flattering to us and which
will never be forgotten, has already had opportunity to
ascertain how deep and sincere are the sentiments of sym-
pathy which the people of Brazil feel for the North American
republic, in the extraordinary demonstrations of joy and
gratitude which have everywhere attended him, and which
are an eloquent proof of the sincerity and cordiality of our
traditional friendship and disinterested admiration.

The entrance of Brazil into the family of republics of the
American Continent has resulted in closer ties of confra-
ternity among the nations of the New World. As a result of
the policy of approximation, happily adopted by the Govern-
ment of Brazil, we have the meeting in this capital of the
Pan American Congress, where the distinguished delegates
of the sister republics have been given a warm and hearty
welcome. From the White House, where President Roose-
velt firmly maintains the traditions of great American names,
there has come to us on a mission of peace an eminent and
highly esteemed statesman, bringing us political ideas of a
new mould and the frank diplomacy of modern democracies.

BRAZIL 31

In words of the highest significance, which are unsurpassed
for precision and frankness, the far-seeing statesman has
revealed to us the ideal of justice and peace to which human-
ity in the near future is to attain, because the rule of force
" is losing ground," and " sentiment, feeling and affection are
gathering more and more sway over the affairs of men." The
words of the distinguished American are familiar to the whole
world, but here they are firmly engraved on our loyal hearts.

Differences disappear before the great historic fact at
which it is our good fortune to be present at this moment, the
beginning of a new era which is bound to bring great benefits
to our country. The students, full of hope and enthusiasm,
the orderly working people — all classes of society, in short,
unite with public oflScials in unanimity of approval.

Gentlemen, it is to confirm these sentiments which every
Brazilian feels, to proclaim the national aspirations of
harmony, conciliation, and union, that I arise to thank, in
behalf of the Chamber of Deputies, the representatives of
the popular will, Mr. Elihu Root, for his presence among us,
and to greet in his person the great and glorious republic of
the United States of North America, greater for the example
it gives us of liberty, energy, and order than for its extraor-
dinary material strength. Glory to the Stars and Stripes!

Reply of Mr. Root^

I BEG you to believe in the depth of sensibility with which I
have received the honor you do me, and the honor you do my
country. The similarity of our institutions is such that I
come into the presence of this august body with full appre-
ciation of its dignity and its significance. I feel that I am
in the presence of the great . lawmaking body to which is
intrusted, by its representation of the separate states of
Brazil, the preservation of local self-government throughout
this vast empire; so that the people of each one of your

32 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

twenty states, and each one of the many states to be erected
hereafter, as your population increases, may govern itseK in
its local affairs without the oppression which inevitably
results from the absolute rule of a central power, ignorant of
the necessities and of the feelings of each locality; and so
that also, consistently with that local self-government, the
nationality of Brazil shall be preserved and the principle of
national power, the dignity and power of the nation that pro-
tects all local self-governments in their liberty, shall never be
decreased. I feel also that I am in the presence of the body
from which must come, not only in the present but in the
great future of Brazil, that conservative force which is so
essential to regulate the action of a democracy. By your
constitution, by the necessities of your existence, it will be
your function to prevent rash and ill-considered action, to
see that all the expedients of government, all the theories
that are suggested, are submitted to the test of practical
experience and sound reason.

And so, with the deepest interest in the continued success
of the Brazilian experiment in self-government, I am most
deeply impressed with the honor you have done me. The
encomiums which have been passed here upon my country
are such that to know of them must in itself be an incentive
to deserve them. I hope that every word which has been
spoken here about that dear republic from which I come,
may go to the knowledge of every citizen of the United
States of America, and may lead him to feel that it is his
duty to see that this good opinion of our sister republic is
justified.

Senator Ruy Barbosa has justly interpreted the meaning
of my visit. I come not merely as the messenger of friend-
ship; I come as that, but not merely as that. When demo-
cratic institutions first found their place in the protests of
the New World against a colonial government that bound us

BRAZIL 33

all hand and foot; when the plam people undertook to gov-
ern themselves without any Heaven-sent superior force to
control them, how gloomy were the prognostications, how
unfriendly were the wishes, how uncomplimentary were the
expressions which, upon the other side of the Atlantic,
greeted the new experiment — that we should have rule by
the mob, that disorder and anarchy would ensue, that plain
men were incapable and always would be incapable, of main-
taining an orderly and peaceful government. Lo, how the
scene has changed! The conception of man's capacity to
govern himself, gaining year by year credit, behef, demon-
stration, in the new fields of virgin lands, north and south,
has been carried back across the Atlantic until the old idea of
a necessary sovereign is shaken to the base. No longer is it
man's conception of government that it must be by a superior
force, pressing down what is bad; but that the pressure shall
be from beneath, with all the good impulses and capacities of
human nature pressing upward what is good. I come here
not only to hold out the right hand of friendship to you from
my country, but also to assert in the most positive, the most
salient way the solidarity of republican institutions in the
New World, the similarity of results, the mutual confidence
that is felt by my country in yours, and by yours in mine; to
assert before all the world that the great experiment of free
self-government is a success north and south, the whole New
World over. From the realization of this fact — this certain
and indisputable fact — that republican institutions are
successful, will come that confidence which underlies wealth,
the security of property that is the basis of our civilization,
the certainty that the fruits of enterprise will be secure,
which is the incentive to activity, the independence of the
people from the hard stress of poverty — the independence
that comes from ample means of support, and is a condition
of growth and enjoyment in life. More than wealth, more

34 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

than production, more than trade, more than any material
prosperity, there will come with them learning, universal
education, literature, arts, the charms and graces of life. I
would think but little of my country if it had merely material
wealth. I would think but little of my country if the con-
ception of its people was that we were to live like the robber
baron of the Middle Ages, who merely gathered into his
castle for his own luxury the wealth that he had taken from
the surrounding people.

A land of free institutions, in which wealth and prosperity
are made the basis upon which to build up the arts, graces,
and virtues of life, and in which there is a noble and generous
sympathy with every one laboring in the same cause — that,
indeed, is a country of which one may be proud; that is a
country which is the natural result of free institutions.

So I come to you to say: Let us know each other better;
let us aid each other in the great work of advancing civiliza-
tion; let the United States of North America and the United
States of Brazil join hands, not in formal written treaties of
alliance, but in the universal sympathy and confidence and
esteem of their peoples; join hands to help humanity forward
along the paths which we have been so happy as to tread.
Let us help each other to grow in wisdom and in spirit, as we
have grown in wealth and prosperity.

Mr. Chairman, my poor words are all too ineffective
to express the depth of sentiment and height of hope that
I experience here. I beHeve this is not an idle dream; I
believe it is not merely the kindly expression or enthusiasm
of the moment, but that after this day there will remain
among both our peoples a sentiment w^hich will be of incal-
culable benefit to the great mass of mankind, which shall help
these two great nations to preserve and promote the rule of
ordered liberty, of peace and justice, and of that spirit,
which underlies all our Christian civilization, the spirit of

BRAZIL 35

humanity, higher than the spirit of nationality, more precious
than material wealth, indispensable to the true fulfillment of
the mission of liberty.

SAO PAULO

Speech of Theodomiro de Camargo

At a Mass-Meeting of Students of the Law School, in front of the

Palacio Chaves, August 4, 1906

The Law School of Sao Paulo is the tabernacle of our
proudest ideals, of our most grateful traditions. Thence
departed the first champions of liberty for the holy crusade
of the slaves' liberation; there expanded and strengthened
the republican ideas that caused the fall of the monarchy;
thence have come almost all our rulers and leading men.

It is in the name of that school, sir, that I salute you and
give you welcome, not only as the eminent statesman but
also and specially as the loyal and dedicated friend of
Brazil.

I can assure you that conmion to all Brazilians are the
sentiments of true sympathy and great admiration for the
noble country which has in you so worthy a representative.
This sympathy and this admiration, common to all Brazil-
ians, are well deserved by the wonderful people which liber-
ated Cuba with the precious blood of her sons; are well
deserved by the generous nation which contributed so much
in raising in the Orient the banner of peace, putting an end
to one of the most sanguinary struggles registered in univer-
sal history. The deep joy with which you have been received
since you set foot on Brazilian soil is suflScient to assert what
I say.

We rejoice to receive your visit because it is a proof that
our feelings are reciprocated, and also because it will be a
stronger link to bind forever the two great republics that are
destined to lead their American sisters through the wide path
of progress and civilization.

36 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

President McKinley wisely said: " The wisdom and energy
of all the nations are not too great for the world's work "; so
our earnest vows are that your voyage cooperates for the
true fraternity of the American republics, that they may work
together in the pursuit of the highest and noblest endeavor of
humanity, which is universal peace.

Speech of Mr. Galaor Nazareth de Arujo, of the
Normal School

** Be welcome, distinguished visitor! " This phrase, so often
addressed to you during your voyage in Brazil, may now be
said again to express the sincerity with which the people of
Sao Paulo receive the visit of one of the greatest statesmen
of modern America.

Amongst the institutions of education of this city there is
the Normal School, which has always tried to follow the
methods and systems in use in your great country.

In the name of this institution and representing my col-
leagues, I come before you, sir, to repeat, with all my
heart, the words you have heard so many times in Brazil:
"Welcome, Mr. Root!"

Speech of Mr. Gam a, jr., of the Comiherclax School

A REPRESENTATIVE of a peaceful people is always welcome
to Brazil. You know already our traditional policy. From
the beginning of our existence as a nation we -have accus-
tomed ourselves to see in your glorious country the nation
which, first of all, substituted for military imperialism the
beneficent and civilizing policy of free commercial expan-
sion, joining producers and consumers without any link of
dependence.

We followed with ardent sympathy your liberal and emi-
nently humane action in the Chinese Empire, at the moment
when that monarchy seemed doomed to dismemberment.

BRAZIL 37

And you, sir, were the first to make understood the need of
the maintenance of the administrative and territorial status
quo of that empire, to which, as well as to other nationali-
ties of the Far East, you are today the securest guaranty of
national integrity.

You come to us, therefore, with the credentials of a peace-
ful people, and of a people that respects the autonomy of
other nations, no matter how weak they may be.

In this quality we open to you our arms, and we heartily
meet your wishes in the assurance that we contribute to the
development of the ideas of peace and steadiness, without
which the evolution of a people can only be accomplished
imperfectly and at the cost of many centuries of hard effort.

The United States of Brazil acknowledged the advantages
of a perfect communion of views in commercial matters with
their great sister of North America. They were aware that
essentially opposite points of view regarding commercial
interchange separate them from some of the nations of the
Old World.

So long as on the other side of the Atlantic an almost
invincible barrier of customs duties impedes the entry of our
products into markets naturally hostile to South American
productions, our country has only two alternatives: either to
continue the very irksome commercial relations with those
markets, or to look for others with evident loss of a part of the
harmony that ought to exist between nations affiliated by
origin and for so many years imited by the most intimate
links of sympathy and intellectual solidarity.

Consequently, we adopted the legitimate defense of protec-
tionism, while remaining faithful to those friendly feelings,
and very naturally we turned to the continental nation that
better understood the advantages of a free exchange of prod-
ucts; we looked unsuspiciously to the friendly people who
conceived the idea of making in America, united and strong,

38 LATIN AlVIERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

a large neutral area devoted to peace amidst the possible
divergencies that may perchance in time separate in aggres-
sive antagonism a rejuvenated and martial Orient and the
nations of the West.

We understood at once the difficult task to be accom-
plished, in order, by your side and with your aid, to secure
the neutralization of America, so desirable and so necessary
for the final reconciliation of nations still militarized, and for
the establishment of a secure standpoint for the general
fraternization of mankind.

All the enthusiastic appreciation of the twenty-one democ-
racies that follow and love your deed, and all the facilities and
cooperation that they can offer for its accomplishment, you
will find, sir, should you visit them as you now do one of their
number, in the corresponding twenty-one Brazilian capitals.

The Commercial School of Sao Paulo, from which very
likely will come later commercial agents of Brazil, sincerely
espouses your policy of peace and solidarity on the American
continent; and in the person of its eminent chancellor
salutes the noble North American nation.

Reply of Mr. Root

I THANK you, students of Sao Paulo, for your greeting and
for your generous sympathy.

I am here upon a mission of friendship and of appreciation.
I am here in order that my country may know more of the
people of Brazil, and in order that the people of Brazil may
learn more of my country, believing that the cause of almost
all controversy between nations, the most fertile source of
weakness and of war, is national misunderstanding and the
prejudice that comes from misunderstanding.

I shall go back to my country and tell my people that I
have found in this famous city of learning, Sao Paulo, a great
body of young men who are gathering inspiration in the

BRAZIL 39

cause of learning and of human rights from the atmosphere
of liberty and independence.

I shall tell them that here, where the independence of
Brazil was bom, the spirit of that independence still lives in
the youth of Brazil.

I shall tell them that here in the birthplace of presidents
more young Brazilians are treading the jfirst steps in the path-
way of patriotism and greatness, pressing on to take the
place, to take up and continue the great work of the men
bom in Sao Paulo, who have contributed so mightily to the
greatness of Brazil.

Let me say one word, young gentlemen, as to the lessons
that you may draw from your country's glorious past.

Noble and inspiring as are the victories Brazil has won in
war; remarkable, eloquent, imsurpassed as are the great
things done in the past by the Paulistas, greater and nobler
victories of peace await the people of Brazil and Sao Paulo.

You have, as my country had, a vast continent with
savage nature to subdue. You have, as my country had,
with almost immeasurable forests fit for human habitation,
to welcome to your free land the millions of Europe seeking
to escape from hard conditions of grinding poverty. You
have before you that noblest product of our time, that
chief residt of our institutions, the open path to progress
and success for every youth of Brazil. Because this is a
free land, because you are a republic, because you are a
self-governing people, there is no limit to what each one
of you may accomplish by the exercise of your own knowl-
edge, determination, and ability. It is the free spirit that
keeps open the door of that limitless expanse, and that
will conquer the wilderness and make Brazil a refuge for the
poor of other lands, and a country rich and teeming with
people, prosperous, learned, and happy in the years and
centuries to come.

40 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES
Speech of Mr. Root

On Presenting a Football Trophy, Sao Paulo, August 4, 1906

The pleasant and honorable duty of presenting to you this
prize of success in the fine and rapid and skillful game we
have just witnessed has been delegated to me by the kindness
and consideration of the President and Government of the
state of Sao Paulo.

It is a fitting act with which to signalize my first visit to
this historic and famous city, this ancient center of activity
and manly vigor, this state famous for centuries for its great
and noble deeds, and known now throughout the world for
its successful industry and commerce, known also as the
home of great men and great patriots in the history of
Brazil.

May the generous emulation of this courteous and gentle-
manly game which you have been playing, be a symbol of
activity in the commercial, industrial, and social life of the
country; above all, may it be a symbol of your lives as
patriots, as citizens of Brazil. Let the best man ever win. Let
activity and skill and pluck ever have their just rewards. Do
for your country always as you have done for your rival
teams in this game of football. Do always your best, and do
it always with good temper and kindly feeling, whatever be
the game.

I congratulate you, sir, and your associates, upon being
citizens of a country and of a state — both you of Rio de
Janeiro and you Paulistas, — where the rewards of enterprise
and activity are secure, and where there is open to every
youth the pathway of success by deserving success. May
this prize be an incentive to you and your comrades to exer-
cise every manly effort, both for yourselves and for your
country.

BRAZIL 41

SANTOS

Speech of Doctor Rezende

At the Commercial Association of Santos, August 7, 1906*

On behalf of the Board of Directors of the Commercial
Association of Santos, I bid you welcome.

The men gathered in this hall to greet you are cosmopolitan
in character — Americans, Europeans, and Brazilians — men
who have imited their best efforts in the great movement of
distributing coffee throughout the whole world.

Coffee is our staple product, and for many years to come is
bound to be the backbone of our financial system.

The value of this great product is, however, much greater
than is shown by the simple figures of statistics.

In order to understand its true value, we must add to it the
other articles which are produced with it, and which are
unknown to the commercial world.

Coffee also means com, beans, rice, cattle, etc., which are
abundantly raised by our coffee planters; coffee means also
all of our infant industries, and those prosperous towns which
dot the romantic shores of the Tiet6, Paranahyba, and the
Mogy-Guastj. For us, sir, coffee means plenty, prosperity,
and perhaps greatness.

It is therefore easy to see how deeply we are interested in
the growth of American commerce and civilization. The
American people need for their trade nearly eleven million
bags of coffee per annum, or almost all of an average crop of
the state of Sao Paulo.

It is not necessary to lay special stress on this main fact,
production and consumption; one is the complement of the
other, and the development of both our activities and inter-
ests are so identified that we cannot talk of coffee without
thinking of its greatest consumer, the American people.

42 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Seventeen years ago, in 1889, James G. Blaine, one of your
most distinguished statesmen, called together the first Pan
American Congress in Washington. It is a long time for us
business men to wait. We feel, however, that the ideals of
that great statesman have not yet been realized. The great
distance which separates us is perhaps somewhat responsible
for the want of closer relations between our peoples; and
when your visit to our shores was first announced, we Brazil-
ians all felt that your presence in Brazil meant a new
departure in American-Brazilian relations.

We are looking forward with eagerness for the results of the
sessions of the Pan American Congress in Rio; and this
interest has been greatly augmented by the high honor you
confer upon us in selecting this opportunity to visit our
people and our country, thus strengthening the ties of friend-
ship between Americans and Brazilians; and though we
belong to a class accustomed to consider only facts and cold
figures, we are deeply touched by this high distinction, and,
representing the Santos Board of Trade and the coffee
planters of Sao Paulo — the greatest coffee producers of
the world — I offer most hearty greetings to you, and
through you to the great American people, the chief con-
sumers of coffee in the world.

Reply of Mr. Root

It is a great pleasure to represent here in this great com-
mercial city the best and largest customer you have. The
United States of America bought in the last fiscal year, the
statistics of which have been made public, from the United
States of Brazil about $99,000,000 worth of goods, and we
sold to Brazil about $11,000,000 worth of goods. I should
like to see the trade more even; I should like to see the pros-
perity of Brazil so increase that the purchasing power of
Brazil will grow; and I should like to see the activity of

BRAZIL 43

that purchasing power turned towards the markets of the
North American republic. I am well aware that the course
of trade cannot be controlled by sentiment or by govern-
ments. It follows its own immutable laws and is drawn
solely in the direction of profit. But there are many ways in
which the coiu-se of trade can be facilitated, can be stimu-
lated, can be induced and increased. Mutual knowledge
leads to trade. All the advertisement in the world which
pays is but the means of carrying information, knowledge,
and suggestion to the mind that reads the advertisement.
Mutual knowledge as between the people of North America
and the people of Brazil — knowledge as between the indi-
vidual people — will increase the trade. Our people will buy
more coffee and more sugar and more rubber from the people
they know, from the various trading concerns that they know
about, than they will from strangers. Mutual knowledge
cannot exist without mutual respect. I believe so much in
the goodness of humanity that I think no two people can
know each other without respecting each other.

There is the friendliest feeling in the United States of
America for the people of Brazil, and we believe that there is
great friendliness in this country for the people of the United
States. We wish to be good friends and ever better friends;
to enlarge our mutual trade to the advantage of both; and
it is to express that feeling to you from my people with all the
kindliness and friendship possible, that I am here in Brazil.
It has been a great privilege to see something of your great
coffee production — from the coffee plant on its red platform
of the peculiar soil of Sao Paulo to the bags of coffee being
carried to the steamer in which it is to be transported to the
markets of the world. It is pleasing to me to see that the
great commercial port of Santos has by the improvement of
its harbor facilities become more and more great, and has
done away with the unhealthiness that once existed. I con-

44 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

gratulate you upon the fact that you have made your port
and your city so healthy that yellow fever no longer exists.

This is probably the last word I shall utter in public before
I leave the coast of Brazil, and as I pass from among you, I
shall endeavor to make my last word an expression of grate-
ful appreciation for all the courtesy, the kindliness, and the
friendliness which has surrounded me every hour, from the
moment I first landed at Para three weeks ago today. My
reception and that of all my family — the attentions that
have been paid to us, the kindness that has been exhibited —
far exceed anything that I anticipated or had hoped for; and
I beg you to believe that we shall never forget it. We shall
make it known to our people when we return home. I
believe that it will increase the friendship they feel for the
people of Brazil; and it is with the greatest satisfaction that
I shall feel entitled upon my return to say to the people of the
United States that I have found in the republic of Brazil a
country to which the laborers of the world may come to make
new homes and to rear their families in prosperity and in
happiness; that I may say to my people that I have found
in the republic of Brazil a country where capital is secure,
where the rights of man are held sacred, and the rewards of
enterprise may be reaped without hindrance. I shall go from
you with the hope that in my weak way I may do what it is
possible for one man to do in return for all the friendship that
you have shown me throughout Brazil — may give my evi-
dence to aid in turning towards your vast and undeveloped
resources that immigration and that capital which have been
the means of building up and developing the vast riches of
my own country. I hope that the same brilliant and pros-
perous success that has blessed my own land may for many
generations visit the people of Brazil. I hope that for many
a year to come the two peoples, so similar in their laws, their
institutions, their purposes, and the great task of develop-

BRAZIL 45

ment that lies before them, may continue to grow in friend-
ship and in mutual help. And so, gentlemen, I make to you,
and through you to the people of Brazil, my grateful and
appreciative farewell.

PAEA

Speech of His Excellency Augusto Montenegro
Governor of the State of Para

In the City of Pard (Belem), at a Breakfast given by him to Mr. Root
July 17. 1906

I WILL say but a few words in offering the health of Mr. Root,

the very illustrious Secretary of State of the United States of

North Ajnerica. I regret exceedingly that Mr. Root should

have only a few hours available tp remain among us; but 1

know that his time is limited and that he cannot remain

among us without inconvenience; however, I hope that these

few hours which His Excellency has devoted to Para will have

been sufficient for him to carry away a good impression of

this region. I also fervently hop)e that Mr. Root's visit may

mark the beginning of a new era in the diplomacy of the two

Americas, and that, if possible, it may contribute still further

to a strengthening of the friendly ties which already bind the

two republics together. I hope that Mr. Root will gather the

very best impressions of the whole country from his other

visits. I am certain that he will be received everywhere with

that cordiality, hospitality, and affection which we proudly

proclaim as being among the chief characteristics of the

Brazilians. I drink to the health of Mr. Root and of the

great and noble President of the United States of North

America.

Reply op Mb. Root

I THANK you most sincerely for your kind expressions and for
your gracious hospitality. It is with the greatest pleasure
that I have come to the great republic of Brazil, that I
might by my presence testify to the high consideration enter-

46 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

tained by the Republic of the North for her sister republic;
that I might testify to the strong desire of the United States
of America for the continuance of the growth of friendship
between her and the United States of Brazil. Both of us —
both of our countries, — have of recent years been growing so
great and rich that we can afford now to visit our friends,
and also to entertain our friends. Let us therefore know
each other better. I am sure that the more intimately we
know each other the better friends we shall be. I know that
because I know the feelings of my countrymen, and I know
it because I experience your whole-hearted hospitality.

It has been a delight for me to see your beautiful, bright,
and cheerful city, which, with its people happy and giving
evidence of well-being and prosperity, with its comfortable
homes, with its noble monuments, with its great public
buildings and institutions of beneficence, with its beautiful
flowers and noble trees, justifies all that I had dreamed of
in this august city of the great empire which reaches from
the Amazon to the Uruguay.

I thank you for your reference to the President of the
United States. His great, strong, human heart beats in
unison with everything that is noble in the heart of any
nation and with every aspiration of true manhood. Every
effort tending to help a people on in civilization and in pros-
perity finds a reflex and response in his desire for their happi-
ness. He is a true and genuine friend of all Americans,
north and south. In his name I thank you for the welcome
you have given me, and in his name I propose a toast to the
President of the United States of Brazil.

BRAZIL 47

PERNAMBUCO

SXTMMABY OF SPEECH OF HiS EXCELLENCY SiGISMUNDO

GONgALVEZ

Governor op the State of Pernambuco

At a Breakfast given by him to Mr. Root, in the City of Pernambuco
(Recife), July 22, 1906

His Excellency Sigismundo Gon^alvez, Governor of Pernambuco, said
that he had never felt so strong a desire to speak English in order to
express the satisfaction he felt at receiving the distinguished visitor, and
after wishing the Secretary a very pleasant and prosperous voyage, pro-
posed the health of President Roosevelt.* .

Reply of Mr. Root

I REGRET in my turn that I cannot respond to you in the
language of the great race which has made the great country
of Brazil. I thank you both for myself and in behalf of my
country for your generous hospitality and the friendship you
have exhibited. It is the sincere desire of the President and
of all the people of the United States to maintain with the
people of Brazil a firm, sincere, and helpful friendship.
Much as we differ, in many respects we are alike. Like yours,
oiu" fathers fought for their coimtry against savage Indians.
Like yours, our fathers fought to maintain their race in their
country against other European races. * It is a delight for me
on these historic shores to come to this famous place, made
glorious by such centuries of heroic, free, and noble patriotism.
It is especially delightful for me to be welcomed here, where
the cause of human freedom received the powerful and ever-
memorable support of a native of Pernambuco, whose name
is dear to me, Joaquim Nabuco — a name inherited from a
distinguished ancestry by my good friend, your illustrious
townsman, the present ambassador of Brazil to the United
States. It is the chief function of an ambassador from one
country to another to interpret to the people to whom he

' This speech was not reported and therefore cannot be reproduced.

48 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

goes the people from whom he comes; and Joaquim Nabuco
has presented to the people of the United States a concep-
tion of Brazilians, and especially of the men of Pernambuco,
admirable and worthy of all esteem. He is our friend, and
because he is our friend we wish to be your friends. I ask
you to join me now in drinking to the health of the President
of the republic of Brazil.

BAHIA

Speech of His Excellency Senhor Doctob Jose

JVIarcelino de Souza

Governor of Bahia

At a Banquet given by him to Mr. Root, at Bahia, July 24, 1906

It is not without reason that the entire world is elated at the
grand spectacle exhibited in the New World congregating its
free and independent peoples in order to lay the foundations
of a lasting peace.

In fact, the Old World looks on with sincere admiration at
the complete demolition of the ancient precepts of inter-
national law. Ever since the right of the stronger has
ceased to supersede the sound principles of justice; ever
since the divine philosophy of the Jews taught men brotherly
love for one another, the ancient international law underwent
profound transformations.

Notwithstanding this, however, for a long time armies and
costly navies continued to weigh down our public treasuries
and the cannon continued to decide questions arising among
nations.

Now, all Europe has its eyes turned towards America,
which has noteworthily constituted itself the apostle of peace.

For a long time the American peoples have been settling
their difficulties by means of arbitration.

It is this policy that is seen to be manifesting itself since
the downfall of the ancient institute of international law

BRAZIL 49

which, instead of causing the people on the other side of the
Atlantic fear, ought to fill them with joy, because it tightens
the international economic and commercial relations of this
planet.

These are the aims and objects of Pan Americanism.

It does not inculcate war. Its gospel is concord. It has
seen what a little while ago was nothing more than the dream
of poets, the ideal of philosophers, develop into a reality.

Gentlemen, America must grow up, but intrenching itself
with peace, and growing not by the augmentation of the
sinews of war but by systematizing and utilizing the resources
of her economic force.

This is the ideal of American nations. Therefore, although
the other continents have long feared this propaganda, it is to
be hoped that she will carry out her program of love and of
fraternization, because thus America will have established
international and economic relations with the entire world
upon indestructible foundations.

The Honorable Elihu Root, the herald of the prosperous
and powerful North American republic, who brings to Brazil
the assurance of his friendship and the most hearty support
of the Pan American Congress whose third conference has
just been opened at Rio, is the most important missionary of
that gospel.

The presence of His Excellency in that noteworthy assem-
blage is the assurance of reconciliation, of the growth of the
free people of America.

Bahia, an important part of the Brazilian Federation,
which receives this testimonial of friendship from the great
republic of the North, through its Secretary of State, cannot
help but feel the greatest joy at foreseeing the great results of
that conference and of this auspicious visit, which assumes
the proportions of an embassy, of an appeal to the republics
of the new continent for the inauguration of inseparable

50 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

bonds of mutual solidarity, for the concerted effort to compel
the disappearance of the sad note of war.

In the shadow of the solemn inauguration of Pan Ameri-
canism, three nations of Central America found themselves in
the battlefield in a deplorable spectacle of hatred and
bloodshed.

Happily, as is announced by telegraph, thanks to the good
offices of the United States and of Mexico, peace has been
established among the nations, to the honor of the Christian
civilization of our continent.

This policy of concord, therefore, accomplishes good. I
repeat, America must prosper. It is necessary that the Mon-
roe Doctrine triumph, not to the exclusion of the civilization
of the Old World, but to the benefit of all humanity.

Nature has cut the continent from north to south without
regard to its continuity; from north to south is the same poli-
tical regime; and protecting it with two great nations, nature
has not wished to isolate us from the rest of the world, but on
the contrary to endow us with sources of wealth and to
multiply the means of easy communication with centers of
civilization.

Gentlemen, in the name of Bahia, I greet the great ideal of
humanity that is treading a victorious path! I greet the
republic of North America, the efficient collaborator in this
profoundly humane policy, the principal promoter of the
Pan American Conference, in the person of its illustrious
Secretary of State, Elihu Root!

Reply op Mr. Root

I BEG to acknowledge with sincere appreciation your kindly
and most flattering expressions regarding myself. I receive
with joy the expression of sentiments regarding my country,
which I hope may be shared by every citizen of the great
republic of Brazil. It is with much sentiment that I find

BRAZIL 51

myself at the gateway of the south, through which the civi-
lization of Europe entered from the Iberian Peninsula the
vast regions of South America. I, whose fathers came
through the northern gateway, on Massachusetts Bay, thou-
sands of miles away, — where the winters bring ice and snow
and where a rugged soil greeted the first adventurers, — find
here another people working out for themselves the same
problems of self-government, seeking the same goal of indi-
vidual liberty, of peace, of prosperity, that we have been
seeking in the far north for so many years. We are alike in
that we have no concern in the primary objects of European
diplomacy; we are free from the traditions, from the con-
troversies, which the close neighborhood of centuries on the
continent of Europe has created — free, thank Heaven,
from necessity for the maintenance of great armies and great
navies to guard our frontiers, leaving us to give our minds to
the problem of building up governments by the people which
shaU give prosperity and peace and individual opportunity
to every citizen. In this great work, it is my firm belief that
we can greatly assist each other, if it be only by sympathy
and friendship, by intercourse, exchange of opinions and
experience, each giving to the other the benefits of its success,
and helping the other to find out the causes of its failures.
We can aid each other by the peaceful exchanges of trade.
Our trade — yes, our trade is valuable, and may it increase;
may it increase to the wealth and prosperity of both nations.
But there is something more than trade; there is the aspi-
ration to make life worth living, that uplifts humanity.
To accomplish success in this is the goal we seek to attain.
There is the happiness of life; and what is trade if it does
not bring happiness to life ? In this the dissimilarity of
our peoples may enable us to aid each other. We of the
north are somewhat more sturdy in our efforts, and there are
those who claim we work too hard. We are too strenuous in

52 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

our lives. I wish that my people could gather some of the
charm and grace of living in Bahia. We may give to you
some added strength and strenuousness; you may give to us
some of the beauty of life. I wish I could make you feel — I
wish stiU more that I could make my countrymen feel — what
dehght I experience in visiting your city, and in observing
the combination of the bright, cheerful colors which adorn
your homes and daily life, with the beautiful tones that time
has given to the century-old walls and battlements that look
down upon your noble bay. The combination has seemed to
me, as I have looked upon it today, to be most remarkable;
and these varying scenes of beauty have seemed to be sug-
gestive of what nations can do for each other, some giving
the beauty and the tender tones; some giving the sturdy and
strenuous effort. May the intercourse between the people of
the north and the people of Brazil hereafter not be confined
to an occasional visitor. May the advance of transportation
bring new and swift steamship lines to be established be-
tween the coasts of North and South America. May we hope
by frequently visiting each other to make our peoples strong
in intercoiu'se and friendship. May we be of mutual advan-
tage and help to each other along the pathway of common
prosperity, and may my people ever be mindful of the honor
which you have done to them, through the gracious and
bountiful hospitality with which you have made me happy!

Speech of Senator Ruy Barbosa

After Mr. Root's admirable speech, after such an orator as
Mr. Root, and so inspired as he has been, nobody should have
the courage to speak. Nevertheless, I do not know how to
resist the wishes of our amiable host, our eminent Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, and of those who surround me here.
This is quite an unexpected surprise for me; but it comes in

BRAZIL 53

so imperious a way that I cannot but submit, hoping you will
be indulgent.

We have felt in Mr. Root's words the vibration of the
American soul in all its intensity, in all its eloquence, in all
its power, in all its trustiness. So they could not have a
better answer than the applause of so brilHant an audience as
has just greeted his remarkable speech. However, since the
task of rendering the echo of IVIr. Root's words in our hearts
devolves upon me, 1 can only perform it truthfully by thank-
ing him " again and still again," for his beneficent visit to
Brazil.

We suppose, Mr. Root, that it does not come only from
you. We are sure that you would not take this far-reaching
step unless you counted, without a shadow of doubt, upon
the sanction of American opinion. And knowing as we do
that the United States are, from every standpoint, the most
complete and dazzling success among modern nations,
admiring them as the honor and pride of our continent, we
rejoice, we exult, to open our homes, our bosoms, the arms of
our modest and honest hospitality, to the giant of the repub-
lics, to the mother of American democracies, in the person
of her own Government, one of whose strongest and noblest
functions centers in the person of her Secretary of State.

Our life as an independent nation is not yet a long one. We
are, as such, only about eighty years old, albeit this may not
be a very brief period in these days of ours, when time should
not be measured by the number of years, inasmuch as not a
great deal more than a century has been enough for the
United States to become one of the greatest powers in the
world. Short as it is, however, our national existence has not
been devoid of noble dates, of fruitful and memorable events.

Amidst them, Mr. Root, this one will stand forever as a
blessed landmark, or rather as the gushing-out of a new

54 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

political stream, whose waves of peace, of freedom, of
morality, shall spread by and by all over the immensity of
our continent.

This is our wish, I will not say our dream, but our hope.
You must have felt it, and will continue to feel it, at the
throbbing of our national arteries, in Recife, in Bahia, now
in this capital, and tomorrow in Sao Paulo.

Do not see in my words the looming of a momentous sen-
sation. No I They do not tell my own impressions as an
individual. They convey truthfully the voice of the people
through the lips of a man who does not serve other interests.
They only anticipate, I believe, what you shall hear from our
legislative representation, in the highest demonstration of
public feeling possible under a popular government; may
the historic scene of Lafayette, the liberal French soldier, the
fellow-helper in American independence, being received in the
American House of Representatives, find a worthy imitation
in the reception of the great American Minister, the daring
promoter of union in the American continent, by the two
Houses of our National Congress.

So let us raise our cup to the northern colossus, the model
of liberal republics, the United States of America, in their
living and vigorous personification, in their image visible and
cherished among us, Mr. Elihu Root.

URUGUAY

MONTEVIDEO

Speech of His Excellency Jose Romeu

Minister for Foreign Affairs

At a Banquet given by him to Mr. Root, August 10, 1906

WHEN, after plowing through the waters of the Carib-
bean Sea and running along the eastern coast of Brazil
the North American cruiser Charleston entered the magnifi-
cent bay of Rio de Janeiro, I had the opportunity of sending
to the illustrious representative of the United States, who
today is our distinguished guest, a telegraphic greeting on the
occasion of his arrival in South America and expressing
the desire that his arrival might be the beginning of an era of
fraternity and intercourse advantageous to all the nations
of the American Continent.

The words of the telegram, the significant reply of the
Secretary, and the very eloquent words he delivered before
the Pan American Congress at Rio de Janeiro, are not a mere
act of international courtesy; they are, in my judgment,
the expression of the popular sentiment. They constitute the
aspiration of all America. They express, at the least, the
fervent desires of the Uruguayan people and of its Govern-
ment, who see in the visit of the illustrious Secretary of
State the foreshadowing of progress, of culture, and fra-
ternity, which will bring the peoples closer together, con-
tributing to their prosperity and to their greatness, through
which they may figure with honor in the concert of civilized
nations.

These sentiments, as is well known, have been increasing
with the events that have made a vigorous people of the great
northern republic, capable of preponderating in the destinies

u

56 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

of humanity on account of the enterprising genius of all its
sons, on account of the irresistible force of its energies and of
its abundant riches; and, very especially, on account of its
redeeming influence of republican virtues, a characteristic
mark of the Puritan and the other elements which organized
the Federal Government on the immovable base of liberty,
justice, and democracy.

The pages of history show that the ideals of its own Con-
stitution, like every great and generous ideal, passing over the
distance from the Potomac to the banks of the River Plata,
penetrated immediately to the farthest corner of the Ameri-
can Continent. There soon afterwards arose a new world of
free countries where the undertakings of Soils or Pizarro and
Cortes will initiate a civilization destined to prosper in the
life-giving blast of liberty and in the vigorous impulse which
democracy infused into the old organizations of the colonial
regime. The example of the United States and its moral
assistance animated the patriots.

Put to the proof in the memorable struggle for emanci-
pation, its fortitude and its heroism overturned all obstacles
until the desired moment of the consolidation, by its own
effort, of the independence of the American Continent.
Indeed, the influence of the United States in the diplomatic
negotiations which preceded the recognition of the new
nationalities, and the chivalrous declaration which President
Monroe launched upon the world, contributed efficaciously
to assure the stability of the growing republic. Its develop-
ment and its greatness were, from that instant, intrusted to
the patriotism of its sons, to the fraternity of the American
peoples, and to the fruitful labor of the coming generations.

In spite of such social upheavals, which bring with them
the ready-made collisions of arms, the antagonism of inter-
ests, and the struggle of ideas — inherent factors of every
movement of emancipation — the nations of the new con-

URUGUAY 57

tinent should not, nor will they, ever forget that from
Spanish ground Columbus's three-masted vessel — a Hom-
eric expedition — set forth, founders of numerous peoples
and flourishing colonies, leaving in our land mementos,
languages, customs, sentiments and traditions, which the
evolutions of the human spirit do not easily obliterate.
From noble France and its glorious revulsion against the
remnants of feudalism arose the declaration of the rights of
man and equitable ideas, which are faithfully portrayed in
our democratic institutions. Italy, Germany, and Spain send
to America a valuable contingent of their emigration. The
currents of commerce and progress were at one time, and
they are at the present time, largely fomented by the ship-
ping and the capital of Great Britain. From the foreign
oflBce of that nation, among all the powers of old Europe,
came the first disposition toward the recognition of American
independence. All these circumstances are bonds which tie
us to the European countries, but which do not hinder, nor
can they hinder, our relations with the great northern
republic, as with all those of Latin origin, always being
cordially maintained, strengthened, and increased toward
the ends of highly noble and patriotic progress, developing a
world policy of wise foresight, tending to consolidate the
destinies of the American countries.

Difficulties, soon to disappear, due to distance and lack of
rapid and direct communications, have impeded the active
interchange between the United States and this country,
barring which no reason exists why their social and com-
mercial relations may not be extended with reciprocal
advantages.

In giving welcome to Mr. Root on his arrival in Uruguayan
territory, I consider as one of my most pleasing personal
gratifications the fact of having initiated the idea of inviting
our distinguished guest to visit the River Plata countries.

58 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

If, as I do not doubt, the visit of the distinguished member
of the Government of the United States shall make the
peoples of the north and the south know one another better;
if the era of Pan American fraternity takes the flight to
which we should aspire; if these demonstrations of courtesy
are to tend, therefore, toward the progress of the nations of
the continent and the mutual respect and consideration of
their respective governments, the satisfaction of having pro-
moted some of these benefits and the honor of a happy initia-
tive, deferentially received by the illustrious Secretary of
State, to whom the oriental people today offer the testimony
of their esteem and sympathy, belong, at least in part, to the
Uruguayan foreign office.

I drink, ladies and gentlemen, to Pan American fraternity,
to the greatness of the United States of North America, to
the health of His Excellency President Roosevelt, to the
happiness of Mr. Elihu Root and of his distinguished family.

Reply of Mr. Root

I HAVE already thanked you for that welcome message
which greeted my first advent in the harbor of Rio de
Janeiro. I have now to add my thanks, both for the gracious
invitation which brings me here and for the surpassing kind-
ness and hospitality with which I and my family have been
welcomed to Montevideo. It is most gratifying to hear from
the Hps of one of the masters of South American diplomacy,
one who knows the reality of international politics, so just an
estimate of the attitude of my own country toward her South
American sisters. The great declaration of Monroe, made
in the infancy of Latin American liberty, was an assertion to
all the world of the competency of Latin Americans to govern
themselves. That assertion my country has always main-
tained; and my presence here is, in part, for the purpose of
giving evidence of her belief that the truth of the assertion

URUGUAY 59

has been demonstrated; that, in the progressive develop-
ment which attends the course of nations, the peoples of
South America have proved that their national tendencies
and capacities are, and will be, on and ever on in the path of
ordered liberty. I am here to leam more, and also to demon-
strate our belief in the substantial similarity of interests and
sjTnpathies of the American self-governing republics.

You have justly indicated that there is nothing in the
growing friendship between our countries which imperils the
interests of those countries in the Old World from which we
have drawn oiu* languages, our traditions, and the bases of
our customs and our laws.

I think it may be safely said that those nations who planted
their feeble colonies on these shores, from which we have
spread so widely, have profited far more from the independ-
ence of the American repubhcs than they would have
profited if their unwise system of colonial government had
been continued. In the establishment of these free and inde-
pendent nations in this continent they have obtained a profit-
able outlet for their trade, employment for their commerce,
food for their people, and refuge for their poor and their
surplus population. We have done more than that. We
have tried here their experiments in government for them.
The reflex action of the American experiments in govern-
ment has been felt in every country in Europe without excep-
tion, and has been far more effective in its influence than any
good quality of the old colonial system could have been.
And now our prosperity but adds to their prosperity. Inter-
course in trade, exchange of thought in learning, in literature,
in art — all add to their power and their prosperity, their
intellectual activity, and their commercial strength. We
still draw from their stores of wealth commercially, spiritu-
ally, intellectually, and physically, and we are beginning to
return, in rich measure, with interest, what we have got from

60 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

them. We have learned that national aggrandizement and
national prosperity are to be gained rather by national friend-
ship than by national violence. The friendship for your
country that we from the North have is a friendship that
imperils no interest of Europe. It is a friendship that
springs from a desire to promote the common welfare of man-
kind by advancing the rule of order, of justice, of humanity,
and of the Christianity which makes for the prosperity and
happiness of all mankind. It is not as a messenger of strife
that I come to you; but I am here as the advocate of univer-
sal friendship and peace.

Address of His Excellency Jose Batlle y Ord65iez

President op Uruguay
At the Banquet given by him at the Government House, August 11, 1906

We celebrate an event new to South America — the presence
in the heart of our republics of a member of the Government
of the United States of the North. That grand nation has
wished thus to manifest the interest her sisters of the South
inspire in her and her purpose of strongly drawing together
the links that bind her to them.

Born on the same continent and in the same epoch, ruled
by the same institutions, animated by the same spirit of
liberty and progress, and destined alike to cause republican
ideas to prevail on earth, it is natural that the nations of all
America should approach nearer and nearer to each other,
and unite more and more amongst themselves; and it is
natural, also, that the most powerful and the most advanced
amongst them should be the one to take the initiative in
this union.

Your grand republic, Mr. Secretary of State, is consistent
in confiding to you this mission of fraternity and solidarity
with the ideas and intentions manifested by her at the dawn
of the liberty of our continent. The same sentiment that

URUGUAY 61

inspired the Monroe Doctrine brings you to our shores as the
herald of the concord and community of America.

We welcome you most cordially. You find us earnestly
laboring to make justice prevail, enamored of progress, confi-
dent in the future. Far removed from the European conti-
nent, whence emerges the wave of humanity that peoples the
American territories and becomes the origin of nations so
glorious as yours, the growth and organization of the peoples
in these regions have been slow; and public and social order
has been frequently upset in our distant and scarcely popu-
lated prairies. But in the midst of these disturbances that
have likewise afflicted, in their epochs of formation, almost all
the present best constituted nations, sound tendencies and
true principles of order and liberty prevail, nationalities are
constituted in a definite manner, and republican institutions
are consecrated.

Your great nation, Mr. Secretary of State, is not new to
this work. She has had imj)ortant participation it it. I do
not refer to the Monroe Doctrine that made the elder sister
the zealous defender of the younger ones. 1 speak of the
radiant example of your republican virtue, your industrial
initiative, your economic development, your scientific
advances, your ardent and virile activity that has reinforced
our faith in right, in liberty, in justice, in the republic, and
has animated us — as a noble and victorious example does
animate — in our dark days of disturbance and disaster.

Yes, the epoch of internal convulsions is drawing to its close
in this part of America, and the peoples, finding themselves
organized and at peace, are dedicating themselves to all those
tasks that exalt the human mind and originate, in modem
times, the greatness of nations. You tread upon a land that
has recently been watered abundantly with blood — upon
one in which, nevertheless, the love of liberty, within the
limits of order, the love of well-being, and the love of progress

62 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

under legal governments is intense; upon one in which we
live earnestly dedicated, in all branches of activity, to the
labor that dignifies and fortifies, certain that for us has com-
menced an honorable era of internal peace. You have said
it, Mr. Secretary of State: Out of the tumult of wars strong
and stable governments have arisen; law prevails over the
will of man; right and liberty are respected.

But this progress of public reason must be complemented.
It is not sufficient that internal peace should be assured; it
is necessary to secure external peace also. It is necessary
that the American nations should draw near to each other;
should know, should love each other; it is requisite to drive
away, to suppress the danger of distrust, of rivalry, and of
international conflicts; that the same sentiment that repudi-
ated internal struggles should rise within as against the
struggles of people against people, and that these should also
be considered as the unfruitful shedding of the blood of
brethren; that the calamitous armed peace may never appear
in our land, and that the enormous sums used to sustain it on
the European and Asiatic continents shall be employed
amongst us in the development of industries, commerce, arts,
and sciences.

The work may be realized by determination and constancy.
The republican institutions that everywhere prevail on our
continent are not propitious to the Caesars who make their
glory consist in the sinister brilliancy of battles and in the
increase of their territorial domains. These same institutions
give voice and vote in the direction of public affairs to the
multitudes, whose primordial interest is ever peace, the spar-
ing of their own blood, so unfruitfuUy shed in the great
catastrophes of war.

America will be, then, the continent of peace, of a just
peace, founded on respect for the rights of all nations, a
respect which — as you, Mr. Secretary of State, have said in

URUGUAY 63

tones that have resounded all over the surface of the earth,
deeply moving all true hearts — must be as great for the
weakest nations as for the most powerful empires. This Pan
American public opinion will be created and will be made
effective, a public opinion charged to systematize the
international conduct of the nations, to suppress injustice,
and to establish among them relations ever more and more
profoundly cordial.

Your country and your Government fulfill the part, not of
the false friend that incites to anarchy and weakens her
friends that she may prevail over them and dominate them,
but that of the faithful and true friend who exerts herself to
unite them; and, that they may become good and strong,
concurs with all her moral power in the realization of this
work of the Pan American Congresses, destined to become a
modem amphictyon to whose decisions all the great American
questions will be submitted, already giving prestige thereto
by such words as you have spoken to the Congress of Rio de
Janeiro, which present to the American world new and grand
perspectives of peace and progress.

Mr. Secretary of State, ladies and gentlemen, in the pres-
ence of deeds of this magnitude, inspired and filled with
enthusiasm by them, let us pour out a libation to the United
States of the North, to its vigorous President, to you and to
your distinguished family, the herald of continental friend-
ship, and to the American fatherland, from the Bering Straits

to Cape Horn.

Reply of Mb. Root

I THANK you for the kind reference to myself, and I thank
you for the high terms in which you have spoken of my coun-
try, from which I am so far away. Do not think, I beg you,
sir, if I accept what you have said regarding the country I
love, that we, in the north, consider omrselves so perfect as
your description of us. We have virtues, we have good quali-

64 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

ties, and we are proud of them; but we ourselves know in our
own hearts how many faults we have. We know the mis-
takes we have made, the failures we have made, the tasks
that are still before us to perform. Yet from the experiences
of our efforts and our successes, and from the experiences of
our faults and our failures, we, the oldest of the organized
repubhcs of America, say to you of Uruguay, and to all our
sisters, " Be of good cheer and confident hope."

You have said, Mr. President, in your eloquent remarks
this evening, that the progress of Uruguay has been slow.
Slow as measured by our lives, perhaps, but not slow as meas-
ured by the lives of nations. The march of civilization is slow;
it moves little during single human lives. Through the cen-
turies and the ages it proceeds with deliberate and certain
step. Look to England, whence came the principles embodied
in your constitution, and ours, where first were developed the
principles of free representative government. Remember
through how many generations England fought and bled in
her wars of the White and the Red — her blancos and colo-
rados — the white rose of York and the red rose of Lancaster,
before she could win her way to the security of English law.

Look to France, whence came the great declarations of the
rights of man and remember — I in my own time can remem-
ber — the Tuileries standing in bright and peaceful beauty,
and then in a pile of blackened ruins bearing the inscription,
"Liberty, equality, and fraternity," doing injustice to liberty,
to equality, and to fraternity. These nations have passed
through their furnaces. Every nation has had its own hard
experience in its progressive development, but a nation is cer-
tain to progress if its tendency is right. It is so with Uruguay.
You are passing through the phases of steady development.
The restless and untiring soul of Jose Artigas, who made the
independence of Uruguay possible, did its work in its time,
but its time is past; it is not the day of Artigas now.

URUGUAY 65

The genius of the two great men, for the love of whom your
political parties crystallized upon one side and upon the
other, had its day, but that day has passed away. Step by
step Uruguay is taking its course, as the elder nations of the
earth have been taking theirs, steadily onward and upward,
seeking more perfect justice and ordered liberty.

One of the most deeply seated feelings in the human heart is
love of approbation. May we not have such relations to each
other that the desire for each other's approbation shall sustain
us in the right course and warn us away from the wrong, and
help us in our development to preserve high ideals, the ideals
of justice and humanity necessary to free self-government ? It
is with that hope that I am here, your guest. It is with that
desire that my people send the message of friendship to yours.

In the name of my President, Theodore Roosevelt, I
offer you, Mr. President, the most sincere assurance of
friendship and confidence.

Speech of Doctor Zorrilla de San Martin

At a Breakfast by the Reception Committee, in the Atheneum at Montevideo
August 12. 1906

Before we rise from the table I have the pleasant task of
sajTng to you a few words to reflect and perpetuate the senti-
ment which has caused us to desire to share with you the
bread of Uruguay and to drink in your company the wine
which gladdens the heart of man, according to the expression
of the Holy Book.

Yes, Mr. Secretary, we are glad and happy to have you
among us, and we wish that this repast, at which, as you see,
a representative group of the ladies of Montevidean society
surrounds and bestows graceful attention upon your most
worthy spouse and your daughter, may be a symbol of the
intense affection which can be shown to a welcome guest,
that of opening to you the door of our home, that of intro-
ducing you into the affections of our household.

66 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Yes, we are glad, sir, not only because we have the honor of
knowing you to be a gentleman and an illustrious personage
who is a glory among the glories of our America, but because
— I must be very frank with you now, — because we are
convinced that this visit of yours will redound to the honor
as well as the benefit of that which is dearest to us, of that
which we love above all else on earth, our good mother-coun-
try, Uruguay, this good sovereign mother of ours who is the
mistress of our life and whom we cannot help believing, under
pain of ceasing to be her sons, to be the greatest, the most
beautiful and the most amiable of mothers, just as you think
of yours, sir; just as you feel regarding your excellent
American land. We, sir, being perhaps carried away by an
ingenuous filial illusion, are persuaded that to loiow our
Uruguay is to love her; and for this reason we have desired
that you should know her; for this reason we cherish the
hope that, when you have returned to your country and recall
the sum of reminiscences of your memorable voyage, pleasant
and lucid recollections will burst forth of this people which
has been the first to shake your hand upon your setting foot
on the soil of a republic of sub-tropical America, and which
offers you its bread and drinks with you the wine of friendship
in a sincere transport of enduring sympathy.

We thought, Mr. Secretary, that we saw you respectfully
kiss the brow of our mother when, in a moment which should
be considered historical, you defined at the Pan American
Congress of Rio de Janeiro the object and character of your
visit to the Spanish-American republics, to these favorite
daughters who are advancing slowly but surely up the steep
mountain at whose summit the ideal of self-government,
freedom, and order, and the reign of internal justice and peace
awaits them; these are the foundation and real guaranty of
the reign of international justice and peace, to which we
aspire.

URUGUAY (57

Yes, Mr. Secretary, you spoke the truth in your memorable
speech at Rio de Janeiro, and your words seem like corner
stones. Sovereign states are not merely coexisting on the face
of the earth, but are members of one great palpitating
organism, collective persons who, obeying the same natural
law which groups together physical persons into civil and
political society, also instinctively group themselves together
in order to form the body, the life, and the thought of the
international world. Just as social life, far from disparaging
the essential attributes of the sacred human person, con-
stitutes the ambient medium necessary to the life, the
development, and the attainment of the inalienable destiny
of man, so this great commonwealth of nations, whose per-
manent establishment in America is the earnest desire of the
Congress at Rio de Janeiro, should have as its inviolable
basis and essential purpose the life, the honor, the prosperity,
and the glory of the sovereign states which constitute it.

You have proclaimed democracy, sir, as the most powerful
bond which unites the republics of America. But democracy
is nothing else than the equality of men before the law, and is
consequently above all the triumphant vindication of the
right of the weak in their relations with the strong. There-
fore, sir, in pronouncing this name of our common mother,
you did so only in order to proclaim, as the American ideal in
the relations of states, the same noble principle which governs
the relations of free men, and which is the essence of our
being; you proclaimed, then, a species of international Amer-
ican democracy in the bosom of which all persons should
be persons with full self-consciousness, with an individual
destiny independent of the destiny of others, with the
moral and material means to accomplish this destiny, with
freedom, with dignity, and with all the attributes which
characterize and ennoble the person and distinguish it from
inferior beings.

68 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

To elevate the moral level of this great international
democracy which you have proclaimed, and of which our
America should be the prototype, there is but one means,
namely, to elevate the level of all and every one of the units
which compose it, and to stimulate in all and every one of
them a consciousness of and pride in their own destiny, an
undying love for the abstract idea of country, and a deep
conviction that in the sphere of peoples, just as in that of the
orbs, there is no star, no matter how powerful, which can
perturb the gravitation of the other stars; for over the entire
body of the worlds stands the immutable law which governs
them, and over this law is the sovereign will of the Supreme
Legislator of orbs and of souls.

This was the echo in my mind, Mr. Secretary, of what you
said at Rio de Janeiro and are confirming among us. Your
words were great and good because they were yours, without
any doubt; but they were so, above all, because they were in
accord with the ideal of justice in pursuit of which humanity
is slowly marching — with that solemn diapason hung
between heaven and earth which furnishes the pitch from
time to time to men and peoples and worlds, in order that
they may not depart from the universal harmony.

Your words have reverberated like a friendly voice in the
depths of the soul of this people, which has acclaimed you
without reserve because it has understood you, sir. And for
this reason, because I have thought that I interpreted all the
generous intensity of your attitude and of your speeches, I
have not told you at this time, as would have appeared
natural, how much we in Uruguay love and admire your
wonderful American country, whose stars shine perhaps
without precedent in the sky of human history, but rather
how much we respect and with what a passion we love our
good Uruguayan mother-country, whose sun is also a star;
how glad we are to see it honored by your visit, and how we

URUGUAY 69

cherish the hope that you will bear away a remembrance of
us as a sincerely friendly people — a people very conscious
of its own destinies, of its rights, and of its duties; in a word,
a people very much in accord with that grand harmony
which exists among sovereign states which respect and love
one another, and which you have proclaimed in the name of
your country as the supreme ideal of our free America.

Ladies and gentlemen, let us fill our glasses with the most
generous wine, with the wine which most gladdens and cheers
the heart of man — with the wine of hope — and let us drink
to the health of our illustrious guest and messenger who
represents here the intelHgence and the thought of the heart,
and to the health of his wife and daughter, who are the
amiable symbol thereof; to the greater brilliancy of the stars
of his country, our glorious friend; to the realization, on the
American continent and throughout the world, of his exalted
ideas of peace, fraternity, and justice.

Reply op Mr. Root

I AM deeply sensible of the honor you confer upon me and
upon my family by this bounteous, hospitable, and graceful
festival. It is a special honor that the banquet to which we
are invited should be presided over by a gentleman who has
such high esteem in the public life of your own country; that
the flattering, the too flattering words which have been
addressed to my poor self — words of just and kindly esteem
regarding my great and noble coimtry, should be spoken by
a poet who breathes in his verses the spirit of Uruguay where-
ever his own world-known literature is found.

It is a cause of happiness to receive this distinguished con-
sideration here in this temple devoted to science, to litera-
tiu'e, to the arts, to those pursuits which dignify, ennoble, and
delight mankind, which give the charm and grace to life,
which make possible the continuance of mankind in the paths

70 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

of civilization. Here in this Atheneum, in this atmosphere
of scientific and Hterary discussion and thought, already
exists that world-wide republic which knows no divisions of
territorial boundary, of races, or of creed. Upon the plat-
form you have erected here, the men of North and the men of
South America can stand in fraternal embrace.

I have been preaching for the past few weeks in many
places and before many audiences the gospel of international
fraternization. I know there are many incredulous; there
are many who think practical considerations alone rule the
efforts of men — profit in trade, the almighty dollar, the
balance of bookkeeping, or the checks in the counting house.
There are many who think that this is all there is to life, and
that he is an idle dreamer and an insincere orator who talks
of the constancy of international friendship, who talks of
love of country rising above the love of material things, who
talks of sentiment as controlling the affairs of men. That
may be true so far as their own short and narrow lives are
concerned; but it is not an idle dream that the world through
the course of ages is growing up from material to spiritual, to
moral, and to intellectual life. It is not an idle dream that
moral influences are gradually, steadily in the course of cen-
turies taking the place of brute force in the control of the
affairs of men. Sentiment rules the world today — the feel-
ings of the great masses of mankind; the attractions and
repulsions that move the millions rule the world today; and
as generation succeeds generation progress is ever from the
material to the moral. We cannot see it in a day; we cannot
see it in a single lifetime, as we cannot see the movements of
the tide. We see the waves, but the tide moves on imper-
ceptibly. The progress, the steady and irresistible progress
of civilization is ever onwards.

Mr. Chairman, and you, Seiior ZoriUa de San Martin, in
your eloquent, your more than eloquent, your poetic words,

URUGUAY 71

do honor to the idea of peace and justice and friendship and
the rule of moral qualities in the relations of nations. When
you do honor to the representative of that idea you are doing
your work in your day and generation to advance the great
cause that proceeds through the ages to the better and higher
life of mankind. We are nothing; our lives are but as
moments; our personal work is inappreciable in this world;
but slowly, imperceptibly, we, each individually, add a little
to or detract a little from human rights, human liberty,
human justice.

I do not know how sufficiently to thank you, to thank the
people of Montevideo, for all that you and they have done for
me and my family during our brief — our all too brief —
visit here. I believe that your kindness, your generous hos-
pitality, will find response in the breasts of my countrymen;
I believe that it will be an example to the people of South
America and of North America; I believe that it will be
evidence to the whole world that the ideas of friendship — of
international friendship and courtesy — rule here in Uruguay;
that Uruguay is a part of the great brotherhood of man, not
selfish, but heart open to the best and brightest influences of
humanity, doing her part in her time to advance the cause
of civilization. I know that when tomorrow morning we sail
away from Montevideo we shall all carry with us the most
delightful visions of a fair and bright land, of a white city and
a beautiful bay; memories of hospitality and friendship,
and memories of the most beautiful women. We can never
repay you, for your hospitality has been of the kind that asks
for no payment; it has been true hospitality. We can only
thank you, and thank you we do now and thank you we shall
continue to do as long as we live.

ARGENTINA

BUENOS AYRES

Address of Honorable Emilio Mitre

In Reference to the Visit of Mr. Root, in the Chamber of Deputies
July 4, 1906

This speech, ddivered before Mr. Root reached Buenos Ayres, had an intimate
relation to his reception.

WITHIN a few weeks, Mr. President, Buenos Ayres will
receive the visit of an eminent personality of the
United States, Mr. Elihu Root, who is discharging in that
country the duties of Secretary of State.

The Executive of the nation, having official knowledge of
the visit of Mr. Root, has already taken measures to enter-
tain him and to make his sojourn in the Argentine Republic
agreeable; but it has appeared to me, Mr. President, that the
Chamber of Deputies should itself spontaneously take an
initiative in this manifestation, in view of the personality of
the man and the country he represents.

The United States are for us, as is well known, the cradle
of our democratic institutions; we are bound to them by
those ties of friendship and of interest that are known to all
and which it would be superfluous to enumerate; but apart
from this, there exists between that country and ours historic
bonds that secure our profound sympathies.

It is beneficial from time to time to ascend the currents of
history in order to gather the lessons of the past which may
serve us as a guide in our constant march into the future.
When we study in its annals the action of the Government
of the United States in the epoch of Argentine independence,
we encounter demonstrations of a solicitude, of an affection,

7S

74 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

of a solidarity, of a participation in the struggles of those
heroic times, so marked that the Argentine spirit neces-
sarily feels itself impressed with the sentiment of intense
gratitude and the necessity of repaying in some way those
manifestations now somewhat forgotten.

It is of importance, Mr. President, that our people should
know well the other peoples with whom they exchange prod-
ucts, manufactures, and ideas, especially when, in respect
to the latter, those that they receive surpass in quantity those
they give. And if there is any country that the Argentine
people need to know well, any people, in its history, in its
methods, in its sentiments, and in its intentions, it is the
United States of America, the elder sister, the forerunner,
and the model.

In the epoch of our independence, Mr. President, the
pubhc life of the United States was constantly interested in
the vicissitudes of the struggle that these peoples waged for
their independence on both slopes of the Andes and in the
regions of Venezuela. If you read the messages of the Presi-
dents of the United States you find in them, year after year,
words that prove the interest of that country in the destiny
of these countries. At a date as early as 1811, a message of
President Madison contained phrases full of sympathy for the
great communities which were struggling for their liberty in
this part of the world; and the attention of Congress was
called to the necessity of being prepared to enter into relations
of government to government with them, as soon as their
independence should be sanctioned.

From the time in which Monroe, the author of the famous
doctrine, assumed the presidency of the republic, in all the
messages at the opening of Congress, there is a distinct
reference to the struggle of these nations for their indepen-
dence, and in particular to the conflict that developed in the
Rio de la Plata and the victorious progress of the arms of

ARGENTINA 75

Buenos Ayres on this and on the other side of the mountains
and on the plateau of Bolivia.

In all these documents reference is made to independence
as a probable fact, which must necessarily at that time have
exerted an influence in favor of the cause of the patriots ; and
often the declaration was repeated that, the colonies being
emancipated, the United States did not seek and would not
accept from them any commercial advantage that was not
also offered to all other nations.

These manifestations which emanated from the Govern-
ment and reflected the movement of public opinion, found
eloquent exponents in Congress also.

In the records of the American Congress of 1817, one year
after the declaration of independence by the Congress of
Tucuman, a famous debate is recorded, begun by Henry
Clay, the celebrated orator, who pleaded the cause of Argen-
tine independence in the most enthusiastic terms. In this
debate a Representative from New York also took a promi-
nent part; this Representative bore the same name as the
envoy whom we are to receive from the United States of
America, Mr. Root.

Spain had complained of the expeditions that were fitted
out in ports of the United States to foment American revolu-
tion. The Government was tolerant with these infractions
of neutrahty; popular sympathy made the condemnation of
such conspirators impossible. Spain, with whom the United
States had relations of great importance, and with whom
they were negotiating the cession of Florida, had protested
to the Government against these expeditions of its rebellious
subjects. The President, forced to do so, had sent to Con-
gress a message requesting the enactment of a law of neu-
trality. Clay and Root opposed it ; and the latter said that it
was worth while to go to war with Spain if a demonstration
in favor of the liberty and independence of those countries

76 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

could be made. Later, during the administration of John
Quincy Adams, these manifestations of the American Gov-
ernment in favor of Argentine independence are met with on
every page of the records of Congress. In 1818, the first
discussion took place in the American Congress — a concrete
discussion on the necessity of recognizing Argentine inde-
pendence. Henry Clay was, as always, the leader of this
discussion, following up the movements which, with extra-
ordinary zeal, he had made at reunions, in the press, and in
Congress. He delivered a speech that it is impossible for one
to read without feeling his spirit moved on observing the
solicitude, the interest, with which at that early date this
apostle of democracy expressed himself in regard to the
struggle of these peoples to gain their independence.

All, without exception, pronounced themselves in favor of
the independence of these peoples, which they recognized in
principle. But a parliamentary question of privilege was
raised, as to the prerogative of the Executive, it being
alleged that the initiative, proposed by Clay, of naming a
minister to these countries, encroached upon the functions
of the Executive when the latter believed it wise to send
simply agents. On this question opinion was divided, but
not a single vote was cast that did not express the warmest
sympathy with the cause of the patriots.

TMiile such was the attitude of the American Congress, in
the press and in popular meetings manifestations of adhesion
to the cause of the South American independence appeared
at every moment. But above all, the place where traces of
this determined action of the Government of the United
States in favor of Argentine independence are to be found is
in the records of the State Department at Washington, in
which reference is made to the activity of its representative
in London, at that time the famous statesman, Richard
Rush. Rush was the minister of the United States in Lon-

ARGENTINA 77

don from the end of 1817, when he left the post of Secretary
of State. He began negotiations immediately with Lord
Castlereagh, Prime Minister of England, to induce the British
Foreign Office to enter upon a policy of frank adhesion to the
emancipation of these countries from the dominion of Spain.
There we see, Mr. President, how united the action of the
United States was in this movement, inspired by the most
sincere democratic desires, by a true love of liberty.

The Prime Minister of England received Mr. Rush's pro-
posals coldly. England had been appealed to by Spain to
mediate between her and the Holy Alliance, in order to obtain
the submission of the rebellious provinces; and England had
indicated the advisability of acceding to this reintegration of
Spanish dominion, on the basis of the return of these coun-
tries to a state of dependence, with the condition of a general
amnesty.

In the conference between Lord Castlereagh and Minister
Rush, the latter positively declared that the United States
could never contribute to such retrogression, and that the
aims of their Government favored the recognition of the
complete independence of America. This was in 1818.

It would occupy much time, Mr. President, but would not
be without interest, to review in detail all the negotiations
entered into by the North American representative in
London, from the time of Lord Castlereagh to that of
Canning, who succeeded him.

In February, 1819, Rush notified Castlereagh that the
Washington Government considered that the new South
American states had established the position obtained by the
victory of their arms, and that President Monroe Had given
an exequatur to a consul from Buenos Ayres, and was resolved
at all hazards to recognize Ai^ntine independence. Lord
Castlereagh declared himself openly at variance with the
views (it the Government of the United States, and said that

78 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Great Britain had done all that was possible to terminate the
strife between Spain and her colonies, but always on the
basis of the restoration of the dominion of the former. In
1819, then, the United States were the only nation that
insisted upon asserting the independence of our country.

Thanks to their attitude, all the attempts begun by the Holy
Alliance to suppress the movement for emancipation failed.
* The death of Lord Castlereagh did not change the situa-
tion. Even the acts of Canning, if examined, and if the
negotiations of the then American minister are analyzed,
leave an impression of opposition, because that great British
Minister, who, according to history, clinched as it were the
independence of this country with his celebrated declaration,
was not always of the same way of thinking; and it was
necessary for the minister of the United States to inculcate
in him the poHcy of his country in order that he should decide
to adopt a policy openly favorable to South American
independence. Such is the finding of the most accurate of
Argentine historians^

On March 8, IS^JfTPresident Monroe sent to the Congress
of the United States his celebrated message proposing the
recognition of the Argentine independence. In that message
the President renewed his assurances of sympathy for the
cause of Buenos Ayres, and confirmed the entire disin-
terestedness with which his Government espoused the cause
of the political integrity of the youthful nation. The House
of Representatives voted the recognition of Argentine inde-
pendence unanimously, except for one vote — that of Repre-
sentative Garnett, who declared that he did not object to the
recognition, but that he considered it unnecessary, and he
cited in support of his view an opinion of Rivadavia. The
United States was, then, the first country after Portugal
(which through motives of special interest had recognized
our independence), to make a similar recognition; and

ARGENTINA 79

England, which followed the United States, did not do so
until three years later, January 1, 1825.

Even after the recognition of Argentine independence by
the United States, conferences continued to be held in
Europe to establish the regime of the dominion of the mother
country over the already independent colonies. Then new
conferences took place with Canning, in which the minister
of the United States confirmed anew the policy of his country
in the matter of the final recognition of the independence of
this republic. During that period, a document appeared that
emanated from John Quincy Adams, addressed to Rush, in
which he declined to enter into the plan for convoking a con-
gress intended to treat of the questions of South America,
and stated that the United States would never attend such a
congress unless the South American republics were first
invited.

To accentuate the attitude of his Government, Mr. Adams
adds that if the congress were to take place, with intent
hostile to the new republics, the United States would
solenmly protest against it and its calamitous consequences.

The systematic and persistent action of the United States
ended by determining in Canning a policy favorable to South
American independence, and opposed to the intervention of
any foreign power in the destinies of the new republics.

Great Britain and the United States once in accord, after
negotiations in which Jefferson and Madison united their
coimsel to that of President Monroe, these two patriots
expressing themselves in terms of moving eloquence in favor
of the cause of emancipation, the question was settled forever.

Some months afterward, December 2, 1823, President
Monroe consummated his action by sending to Congress the
message that contains the enunciation of his famous doctrine.
"America for the Americans", Mr. President, was a formula
that, as I understand it, meant the final consecration of the

80 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

independence of the American nations; it was the voice of
the most powerful of them all, proclaiming to the world that
conquest in the domain of this America was at an end; it was
notification to the conquering powers of Europe that they
should not extend themselves to these continents because this
extensive territory was all occupied by free nations, outside
of whose sovereignty not an inch was vacant.

The independence of these republics having been settled
on the field of battle by the sole force of the republics, the
declaration of the American President was the culminating
act of that grand epic. For the United States it is a record
of honor; for Europe it is an ultimatum.

The Monroe Doctrine exists today with all the force of a law
of nations, and no country of Europe has dared to dispute it.

It is fitting, Mr. President, to appreciate exactly the mean-
ing of this great act, of the splendid attitude, more fertile for
the peace of the earth and for its progress than all the con-
ventions that European nations have arranged from time to
time in order to determine their quarrels. The American
President, in formulating this doctrine, decreed peace be-
tween Europe and America, which seemed destined, the
former to assault always for conquest, the latter to fight
always to defend its frontiers . In short, the Monroe Doctrine
has been the veto on war between Europe and Ametica; in
its shadow these youthful nations have grown until today
they are sufficiently strong to proclaim the same doctrine as
the emblem oh their shield. And the most glorious char-
acteristic of this doctrine is that it is a dictate of civilization,
in the nature of a magnificent hymn of peace, which can be
chanted at the same time by the Europ*ean and the Ameri-
can nations, because it avoided that permanent contention
which would have subvened if the system of conquest that
Europe has developed in regard to certain nations had been
implanted here in the territory of South America.

ARGENTINA 81

Well, IVir. President, he who is coming to visit us is a" con-
spicuous citizen of that nation, and brings, as it is said —
and I believe the Foreign Office already is informed in regard
thereto — a message of peace and fraternity of utmost
interest to our progress. We ought to take advantage of this
opportunity to give this envoy a reception worthy of his
people and worthy of himself.

I have privately communicated to the Minister for Foreign
Affairs the idea of this project, and I have had the pleasure
to hear from his lips the most complete adherence to my
declaration that in addition to a bill authorizing the expenses,
there was the intention of preparing for Mr. Root a mani-
festation emanating spontaneously from the Argentine Con-
gress. The Minister believes this demonstration to be the
necessary complement of the demonstration the national
government is preparing for this envoy from the great
republic.

The historic facts I have recalled are a brief synthesis of an
epoch sufficient to warrant the Argentine people in associat-
ing themselves with the Government and lending to the event
their warm interest. I am doubly pleased to have recalled
this noble history on the Fourth of July, the anniversary of
the independence of the great republic of the North.

I believe that for these reasons, gentlemen, you will lend
your support to this idea and fulfill the purpose for which it
is presented.

BANQUET AT THE GOVERNMENT HOUSE

Speech of His Excellency Dr. J. Figueroa Alcorta

President of Argentina

At a Banquet given by him, August 14, 1006

The American republics are at this moment tightening their
traditional bonds at a congress of fraternity whose impor-
tance has been indicated by the presence of our illustrious

82 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

guest, who passes across the continent as the herald of the
civilization of a great people.

The world's conscience being awakened by the progress of
public thought, the members of the family of nations are
trying to draw closer together for the development of their
activities, without fetters or obstacles, under the olive branch
of peace and the guaranty of reciprocal respect for their
rights.

International conferences are a happy manifestation of
that tendency, because, in the contact of representatives of
the various states, hindrances and prejudices are dissipated,
and there is shown to exist in the collective mind a common
aspiration for the teachings of liberty and justice.

America gives a recurring example of such congresses of
peace and law. As each one takes place it is evident that the
attributes of sovereignty of the nations which constitute it
are displayed more clearly; that free government is taking
deeper root, that democratic solidarity is more apparent,
and that force is giving way more freely to reason as the
fundamental principle of society.

The congress of Rio de Janeiro has that lofty significance.
Its material, immediate consequences will be more or less
important, but its moral result will be forever of transcendent
benefit — a new departure and a step in advance in the
development of Hberal ideas in this part of the American
Continent.

Mr. Secretary of State, your country has taken gigantic
strides in the march of progress until it occupies a position in
the vanguard. It has set a proud and shining example to its
sister nations.

As in the dawn of their emancipation it recognized in them
the conqueror's right to stand among the independent states
of the earth, so likewise it later stimulated the high aspira-
tion to establish a political system representing the popular

ARGENTINA 83

will, now inscribed in indelible characters in the preambles
of American legislation.

The Argentine Republic, after rude trials, has completed
its constitutional regime, gathering experience and learning
from the great republic of the North.

The general lines of our organization followed those of the
Philadelphia convention, with the modifications imposed by
circumstances, by the irresistible force of tradition, and by
the idiosyncrasies peculiar to our race. The forefathers who
drafted the Airgentine constitution were inspired in their
work by those who, to the admiration of the world, created
the Constitution of the United States.

Many of our political doctrines are derived from the writ-
ings of Hamilton, Madison, and Jay; the spirit of Marshall
and Taney are seen in the hearings of our tribunals; and
even the children in our schools, where they learn to personify
the republican virtues, the love and sacrifice for country,
respect for the rights of man, and the prerogatives of the
citizen, speak the name of George Washington with that of
the foremost Argentines.

Our home institutions being closely united and the shad-
ows on the international horizon having disappeared, the
Argentine Republic can occupy itself in fraternizing with
other nations; and, like the United States, she aspires to
strengthen the ties of friendship sanctioned by history and
by the ideal philanthropy common to free institutions.

Your visit will have, in this aspect, great results. We have
invited you to visit our territory in order to link the two
countries more intimately; and your presence here indicates
that this noble object will be realized, inspired as it is by the
convenience of mutual interests and the sharing of noble
aims.

You are a messenger of the ideals of brotherhood, and as
such you are welcome to the Argentine Republic.

84 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

I salute you, in the name of the Government and the
people who have received you, as the genuine representative
of your country, with that sincere desire for friendship which
is loyally rooted in the national sentiment of Argentina.

Gentlemen: To the United States of America; to its illus-
trious President, Theodore Roosevelt; to the Secretary of
State of North America, Honorable Elihu Root!

Reply of Mr. Root

I THANK you, sir, for your kind welcome and for your words
of appreciation. I thank you for myself; I thank you for
that true and noble gentleman who holds in the United
States of America the same exalted office which you hold here.
I thank you in behalf of the millions of citizens in the United
States. When your kind and courteous invitation reached
me, I was in doubt whether the long absence from official
duties would be justffied; but I considered that your expres-
sion of friendship imposed upon me something more than an
opportunity for personal gratification; it imposed upon me a
duty. It afforded an opportunity to say something to the
Government and the people of Argentina which would justly
represent the sentiments and the feelings of the people of the
United States toward you all. We do not know as much as
we ought in the United States; we do not know as much as I
would like to feel we know; but we have a traditional right to
be interested in Argentina. I thought today, when we were
all involved in the common misfortune, at the time of my
landing, that, after all, the United States and Argentina were
not simply fair-weather friends. We inherit the right to be
interested in Argentina, and to be proud of Argentina. From
the time when Richard Rush was fighting, from the day when
James Monroe threw down the gauntlet of a weak republic,
as we were then, in defense of your independence and rights
— from that day to this the interests and the friendship of

ARGENTINA 85

the people of the United States for the Argentine Republic
have never changed. We rejoice in your prosperity; we are
proud of your achievements; we feel that you are justifying
our faith in free government, and self-government; that you
are maintaining our great thesis which demands the posses-
sion, the enjoyment, and the control of the earth by the
people who inhabit it. We have followed the splendid persis-
tency with which you have fought against the obstacles that
stood in your path, with the sympathy that has come from
similar struggles at home. Like you, we have had to develop
the resources of a vast unpeopled land; like you, we have had
to fight for a foothold against the savage Indians; like you,
we have had conflicts of races for the possession of territory;
like you, we have had to suffer war; like you, we have con-
quered nature; and like you, we have been holding out our
hands to the people of all the world, inviting them to come
and add to our development and share our riches.

We live imder the same constitution in substance; we
are maintaining and attempting to perfect ourselves in the
application of the same principles of liberty and justice. So
how can the people of the United States help feeling a friend-
ship and sympathy for the people of Argentina ? I deemed
it a duty to come, in response to your kind invitation to say
this, to say that there is not a cloud in the sky of good under-
standing; there are no political questions at issue between
Argentina and the United States; there is no thought of
grievance by one against the other; there are no old grudges
or scores to settle. We can rejoice in each other's prosperity;
we can aid in each other's development; we can be proud
of each other's successes without hindrance or drawback.
And for the development of this sentiment in both countries,
nothing is needed but more knowledge — that we shall know
each other better; that not only the most educated and
thoughtful readers of our two countries shall become familiar

86 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

with the history of the other, but that the entire body of the
people shall know what are the relations and what are the
feelings of the other country. I should be glad if the people
of Argentina — not merely you, Mr. President; not merely
my friend, the minister of foreign affairs; not merely the
gentlemen connected with the Government, but the people of
Argentina — might know that the people of the United
States are their friends, as I know the people of Argentina are
friends of the United States.

I have come to South America with no more specific object
than I have stated. Our traditional policy in the United
States of America is to make no alliances. It was inculcated
by Washington; it has been adhered to by his successors ever
since. But, Mr. President, the alliance that comes from
unwritten, unsealed instruments, as that from the conven-
tion, signed and ratified with all formalities, is of vital con-
sequence. We make no political alliances, but we make an
alliance with all our sisters in sentiment and feeling, in the
pursuit of liberty and justice, in mutual helpfulness; and in
that spirit 1 beg to return to you and to your Government and
the people of this splendid and wonderful country my sincere
thanks for the welcome you have given me and my country
in my person.

RECEPTION BY AMERICAN AND ENGLISH RESIDENTS

Speech of Mr. Francis B. Purdie
At St. George's HaU, August 16, 1906

Americans resident in Buenos Ayres and in the Argentine
Republic are sensible of the honor you have done them by
accepting their invitation for this evening, and they appre-
ciate most highly the courtesy of the Argentine Government,
whose distinguished guest you are, in allowing them this
coveted privilege. As Americans we welcome you to Buenos
Ayres, and it is our earnest hope that your visit here will

ARGENTINA 87

bind more closely the ties of friendship which unite the great
republics of the North and of the South, and that the knowl-
edge you will gain of this great country and of its magnificent
resources will lead to more familiar intercourse and to that
good understanding which should exist between nations
governed by like principles, living under constitutions
framed in a like spirit, and having similar national aims.

This gathering is the result of a public meeting called
immediately after it was learned that you had accepted the
invitation of the Argentine Government to visit this city.
It was a meeting typically American, which had no dividing
line on the question that our Secretary of State was a man
whom we would all delight to honor. The executive com-
mittee of the North American Society of the River Plata was
intrusted with the arrangements. We believe you should
know something of that society. Organized only last
November, it embraces in its membership practically every
American in Buenos Ayres. For its age, I am not afraid to
say that it is the most flourishing social organization that has
ever been established in this country. What is the object of
the society ? Not, I conceive, such as will arouse antagonism
or jealousy in the mind of any man. As set forth in the pre-
amble to its constitution, it is: " To keep alive the love of
country and foster the spirit of patriotism, . . . and for such
other purposes as will advance the interests of our country,
encourage and maintain friendly relations with the country
of our residence, and assist in promoting closer commercial
union between the United States and the countries of the
River Plata."

It is an organization framed in the spirit of our beloved
Lincoln, ** with malice toward none.'* The society has no
political aim or purpose. It plots for nothing but the well-
being of all, and wishes for nothing less than the prosperity
of the home land and the land of our residence. Its members

88 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

are imbued with that spirit which is the characteristic Ameri-
can attitude toward all nations and peoples, the spirit of
" live and let live." Apart from all that your visit may mean
in international comity, it means much to us here; for you,
Mr. Secretary, are the very living embodiment of the spirit
to which I have referred, that broad Americanism which
does not seek to advantage itself by intruding on the rights
of others. Every speech made by you since leaving home has
been an inspiration to us, and has strengthened us in our
determination to live up to the principles upon which our
society is founded.

But it is not alone the Americans in Buenos Ayres who
have come here tonight to greet you, and who have wished
to do you honor. Your kinsmen from across the sea are here
in their hundreds, for when it became known that such a
reception as this was contemplated, the requests for the
privilege of joining with us were so great in number that the
sincerity of the English-speaking people could not be ques-
tioned, and the American society welcomed the opportunity
to invite as its guests as many of the representative British
and other English-speaking residents of Buenos Ayres as
this hall can hold; and there is represented here every impor-
tant pubhc interest and private enterprise in this republic,
and I have the honor, in their name as well as in the name of
your countrymen, to assure you that you are in the house
of your friends.

I have told you, Mr. Root, what your countrymen feel
about your coming here; I have referred to the cordial
sympathy shown by the English-speaking residents; and it is
with feelings of genuine pleasure that I now make reference
to the attitude of the Argentine Government and the Argen-
tine people. This reference will not be my personal view
alone; it is the expression of the feelings of representative
Americans in this city which has been voiced at every meet-

ARGENTINA 89

ing we have held within the past few weeks. The Argentine
people are, and wish to remain, the friends of the United
States. Our committees have had the privilege of holding
interviews with high officials of the government, with
various committees of the leading citizens; and we have
been convinced of the genuine nature of the reception pre-
pared for you. This is too proud a nation to pretend that
which it does not feel, and the history of Buenos Ayres will
convince any student that this city has never been afraid to
speak out, to applaud or condenm as its judgment dictated.
The government officials have been sincerely cordial, and
they have not been content merely to express their wish to
give us every friendly help; they have, apart from their own
magnificent preparations, given the Americans here material
assistance.

The world owes much of its progress to opposing views,
and the healthiest nations have the strongest political parties
taking differing views upon questions of national policy, and
these parties reach the public by means of the newspapers.
The Argentine Republic is not an exception, but I doubt if
there has ever been a theme upon which the press of this
country has been so united as that honor should be shown to
you. I speak for Americans when I say that in the Argentine
Republic we have found a home where absolute freedom is
ours, — freedom in every walk of life; freedom for con-
science; freedom to live, move, and have our being as God
and our own wills may lead us. There are Argentines here
tonight who are not one whit behind us in their enthusiasm
for you and for all that you represent, and there is a group
here of Argentines who have graduated from American col-
leges, who wish to say to you that next to their own country
they revere the United States of America. You now know,
Mr. Root, what friends you have before you, and we all bid
you welcome, thrice welcome, to Buenos Ayres.

90 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Reply of Mr. Root

Mr. Chairman, my countrymen, my countrywomen, my
friends from the land whence my fathers came, I need not say
that I am glad to meet you. No one far away from his own
land needs to be told that the looks, faces, the sound of
voice, of one's own countrymen are a joy to the wanderer in
strange lands. Yet I do not find this such a strange land. I
find here so many things to remind me of home, so many
things that are like our own country, that it seems a little
like coming home. Such is the similarity in conditions, in
spirit, in purpose; such is the impress of the same institutions
and the same principles, that I cannot feel altogether a
stranger; and when I meet you here at home almost I feel
the warmth of my own fireside.

I am glad to meet you because I think that perhaps to
many of you who have been long in this distant land I may
bring pleasant memories of cities and farms and homes, left
behind many a year ago. But I hope that the new home you
have found, the new duties you have taken up, have made
you happy, prosperous, useful, full of the ambitions, activi-
ties, and satisfactions of life. There have been great changes
in the United States of America — of North America, per-
haps I must call it, — since most of you left your old homes.
When you, Mr. President, left us, we were a debtor nation;
we were borrowing money from Europe to develop our own
resources, to build up our own country. Most of the money
was coming from our English friends. That capital built up
our railways to make possible the wonderful development
that has made the United States what it is. We had no
capital, no time, no energy, to devote to anything but the
task before us, to conquer our West and to develop our
empty lands. In that distant day, when Henry Clay and
John Quincy Adams espoused the cause of the infant repub-

ARGENTINA 91

lies of South America, we could have no relations with
them but those of political sympathy, because we were too
concentrated in the work that lay before us at home. Twenty
years ago, when that far-seeing and sanguine statesman, Mr.
Blaine, inaugurated his South American policy and brought
about the first American Conference at Washington, and the
establishment of the Bureau of American Republics, we were
still a debtor nation, with no surplus capital, and engrossed
in doing our work at home. It was still impossible for us
to have any relations with South America, except those of
political sympathy.

But since Mr. Blaine, times have changed. We have paid
our debts; we have become a creditor rather than a debtor
nation. We have for the first time within the last ten years
begun to accumulate surplus capital, and it has accumulated
with a wonderful rapidity, — a surplus capital to enable us to
go out and establish new relations with the rest of the world.
We now are beginning to be in a position where we can take
the same relations towards other countries that England took
towards us. We have paid our debts to England; the use of
her capital in developing the United States has resulted in
great advantage to both of us; and with the payment of the
debt there has been left a warm and, I believe, enduring
friendship between England and the United States. I
should like to see the same kind of friendship between
the United States and South America. I should like to see
the great surplus capital which we are accumulating in the
United States of North America turn southwards, to see it
used to develop the vast resources of this coimtry, with
mutual advantage to both, so that when the time comes in
the future, as it will come, when the people of Argentina,
with their resources developed, with their population in-
creased, have accumulated all the capital they need and paid
their debts, we shall have had our share both in their develop-

92 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

ment and in their prosperity, and an enduring friendship
may exist between us.

Now it has seemed to me, sir, that possibly the opportunity
afforded by the kind and courteous invitation of the Argen-
tine Government to visit this country might enable me to do
something to this end, just at this juncture when a change in
the attitude of the United States toward the rest of the world
is taking place, when the change from the debtor to the credi-
tor nation, is made; from the borrower of money to develop
resources, to a country with surplus capital to send out to the
world; — it seemed to me possible that I might by this visit
help to establish the relations which I should like to see exist-
ing. I should like to be able to qualify myself to say in the
most public way that this is a land to which the poor of all
the world, who have enterprise without money, can come and
find homes and prosperity, so that by the thousands, by the
millions, they may come from the Old World and build up
Argentina as they have built up the United States. I feel
able to say that this is a shore to which the emigrants from
the Old World may come with a certainty of finding homes,
occupations, and opportunities for prosperity; that it is a
country to which the capital of the United States may come
with the certainty that it will be secure, will be protected,
and will find profitable employment. I look forward to the
time when the wonderful development that is going on here
now — not confined alone to this country, but progressing
here with an amazing rapidity, — will be as great a wonder
to the world as the advance which has taken the United
States of North America, expanding from the feeble fringe of
colonists along the Atlantic shore to a great nation of eighty
millions, stretching from ocean to ocean. Argentina will
take some of our markets from us, but what are they ? They
will be markets she is entitled to; and with her prosperity,
and with the right understanding and relations between the

ARGENTINA 83

two countries, our commercial relations with her will more
than take the place of the markets she takes away from us.
We have nothing to fear in the growing prosperity of Argen-
tina. We have no cause but for rejoicing in her prosperity;
no cause but to aid her in every way in our power in her on-
ward progress; and that I believe to be the sincere desire of
the whole of the people of the United States.

Mr. President, a heavy responsibility rests upon the citizen
of our country who hves in a foreign land. We can misbehave
at home and it makes httle difference; but every American
citizen in a foreign land, every American citizen in the Argen-
tine RepubHc, is the representative of his country there. He
needs no commission; no power can prevent his holding a
commission to represent before all the people of Argentina
the character of his own countrymen. You represent our
beloved land to the people of Argentina. Wliat you are they
will believe us to be. As they study your character and con-
duct their estimate of us rises, and it is with the greatest
pleasure that I find here among this people whom I respect
so highly, whose good opinion for my country I so greatly
desire, a body of Americans, a body of my countrymen, so
worthy, so estimable, so high in reputation, so well fitted to
maintain the standard of the United States of America, high,
pure, unsullied, worthy of all honor.

BANQUET AT THE OPERA HOUSE

Speech of Dr. Luis M. Drago

President of the Reception Committeb

August 17. 1006

The large gathering here assembled, representative of all that
Buenos Ayres has of the most notable in science, letters,
industry, and commerce, has conferred on me the signal
honor of designating me to offer this banquet to the eminent
minister of one of the greatest nations of the earth, a nation

94 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

linked to us from the very beginning by many and very real
sentiments of moral and political solidarity. This country
has not forgotten that in the trying times of the colonial
emancipation, our fathers could rely on the sympathy and
the warm and disinterested adhesion of the American people,
our predecessors and our guides in the paths of liberty. The
thrilling utterances of Henry Clay defending our cause when
everything appeared to threaten our revolution, have never
been surpassed in their noble eloquence; and it was due to
the generosity and foresight of their great statesmen that the
United States were the first to receive us with open arms as
their equals in the community of sovereign nations.

The spiritual affinity thus happily established has gone on
strengthening itself almost imperceptibly ever since by the
reproduction of institutions and legal customs.

Our charter was inspired by the American Constitution
and acts through the operation of similar laws. The great
examples of the Union are also our examples; and being
sincere lovers of liberty we rejoice in the triumphs (which in
a certain sense we consider our own) of the greatest of
democratic nations.

George Washington is, for us, one of the great figures of
history, the tutelar personality, the supreme model, a proto-
type of abnegation, honor, and wisdom; and there is an
important region in the province of Buenos Ayres bearing
the name of Lincoln, as a homage to the austere patriotism
of that statesman and martyr. The names of Jefferson,
Madison, and Quincy Adams are household words with us;
and in our parliamentary debates and popular assemblies
mention is frequently made of the statesmen, the orators,
and the judges of the great sister republic.

There thus exist, honorable sir, a long-established friend-
ship, an intercommunion of thought and purpose which draw
peoples together more closely, intimately, and indissolubly

ARGENTINA 95

than can be accomplished by the formulae — often barren —
of the foreign offices.

And the moment is certainly propitious for drawing closer
the bonds of international amity which your excellency's
visit puts in rehef, and which have found such eloquent
expression in the Pan American Congress of Rio de Janeiro.
Enlightened patriotism has understood at last that on this
continent, with its immense riches and vast unexplored
regions, power and wealth are not to be looked for in conquest
and displacements, but in collaboration and solidarity, which
will people the wilderness and give the soil to the plow. It
has understood, moreover, that America, by reason of the
nationahties of which it is composed, of the nature of the rep-
resentative institutions which they have adopted, by the very
character of their people, separated as they have been from
the conflicts and complications of European governments,
and even by the gravitation of peculiar circumstances and
events, has been constituted a separate political factor, a
new and vast theater for the development of the human race,
which will serve as a counterpoise to the great civilizations of
the other hemisphere, and so maintain the equilibrium of the
world.

It is consequently our sacred duty to preserve the integrity
of America, material and moral, against the menaces and
artifices, very real and effective, that unfortunately surround
it. It is not long since one of the most eminent of living
jurisconsults of Great Britain denounced the possibility of
the danger. " The enemies of light and freedom," he said,
" are neither dead nor sleeping; they are vigilant, active,
militant, and astute." And it was in obedience to that
sentiment of common defense that in a critical moment the
Argentine Republic proclaimed the impropriety of the
forcible collection of public debts by European nations, not
as an abstract principle of academic value or as a legal rule of

96 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

universal application outside of this continent (which it is not
incumbent on us to maintain), but as a principle of American
diplomacy which, whilst being founded on equity and justice,
has for its exclusive object to spare the peoples of this con-
tinent the calamities of conquest, disguised under the mask
of financial interventions, in the same way as the traditional
policy of the United States, without accentuating superiority
or seeking preponderance, condemned the oppression of the
nations of this part of the world and the control of their
destinies by the great powers of Europe. The dreams and
Utopias of today are the facts and commonplaces of tomorrow
and the principle proclaimed must sooner or later prevail.

The gratitude we owe to the nations of Europe is indeed
very great, and much we still have to learn from them. We
are the admirers of their secular institutions; more than
once we have been moved by their great ideals, and under no
circumstances whatsoever should we like to sever or to
weaken the links of a long-established friendship. But we
want, at the same time, and it is only just and fair, that the
genius and tendency of our democratic communities be
respected. They are advancing slowly, it is true; struggling
at times and occasionally making a pause, but none the
less strong and progressive for all that, and already showing
the unequivocal signs of success in what may be called the
most considerable trial mankind has ever made of the
republican system of government.

In the meantime, to reach their ultimate greatness and
have an influence in the destinies of the world, these nations
only require to come together and have a better knowledge
of each other, to break up the old colonial isolation, and
reahze the contraction of America, as what is called the con-
traction of the world has always been effected by the anni-
hilation of distance through railways, telegraphs, and the

ARGENTINA 97

thousand and one means of communication and interchange
at the disposal of modern civilization.

The increase of commerce and the public fortune will be
brought about in this way; but such results as concern only
material prosperity will appear unimportant when compared
with the blessings of a higher order which are sure to follow,
when, realizing the inner meaning of things, and stimulated
by spiritual communion, these peoples meet each other as
rivals only in the sciences and arts, in literature and govern-
ment, and most of all in the practice of virtues, which are the
best ornament of the state and the foimdation stone of all
enduring grandeur of the human race.

Gentlemen:

To the United States, the noblest and the greatest of
democratic nations!

To Mr. Roosevelt, the President of transcendental initia-
tive and strenuous life!

To his illustrious minister, our guest, the highest and most

eloquent representative of American solidarity, for whom 1

have not words suflSciently expressive to convey all the

pleasure we feel in receiving him, and how we honor our-

l selves by having him in our midst.

[

Reply of Mr. Root

I THANK you for the kind and friendly words you have
uttered. I thank you, and all of you for your cordiality and
bounteous hospitality. As I am soon to leave this city, where
I and my family have been welcomed so warmly and have
been made so happy, let me take this opportunity to return
to you and to the Government and to the people of Buenos
f Ayres our most sincere and heartfelt thanks for all your kind-
ness and goodness to us. We do appreciate it most deeply,
and we shall never forget it, shall never forget you — your

98 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

friendly faces, your kind greetings, your beautiful homes,
your noble spirit, and all that makes up the great and splen-
did city of Buenos Ayres.

It is with special pleasure, Mr. Chairman, that I have
listened to that part of your speech which relates to the polit-
ical philosophy of our times, and especially to the political
philosophy most interesting to America. Upon the two sub-
jects of special international interest to which you have
alluded, I am glad to be able to declare myself in hearty and
unreserved sympathy with you. ( The United States of
America has never deemed it to be suitable that she should
use her army and navy for the collection of ordinary contract
debts of foreign governments to her citizens. For more than
a century the State Department, the Department of Foreign
Relations of the United States of America, has refused to
take such action, and that has become the settled policy of
our country. We deem it to be inconsistent with that respect
for the sovereignty of weaker powers which is essential to
their protection against the aggression of the strong. We
deem the use of force for the collection of ordinary contract
debts to be an invitation to abuses, in their necessary results
far worse, far more baleful to humanity than that the debts
contracted by any nation should go unpaid. We consider
that the use of the army and navy^ of a great power to compel
a weaker power to answer to a contract with a private indi-
vidual, is both an invitation to speculation upon the necessi-
ties of weak and struggling countries and an infringement
upon the sovereignty of those countries, and we are now, as
we always have been, opposed to it; and we believe that,
perhaps not today nor tomorrow, but through the slow and
certain process of the future, the world will come to the same
opinion.

It is with special gratification that I have heard from your
lips so just an estimate of the character of that traditional

ARGENTINA 99

policy of the United States which bears the name of Presi-
dent Monroe. When you say that it was " without accen-
tuating superiority or seeking preponderance," that Monroe's
declaration condemned the oppression of the nations of this
part of the world and the control of their destinies by the
great powers of Europe, you speak the exact historical truth.
You do but simple justice to the purposes and the sentiments
of Monroe and his compatriots and to the country of Monroe
at every hour from that time to this.

/ I congratulate you upon the wonderful opportunity that
lies before you. Happier than those of us who were obliged
in earUer days to conquer the wilderness, you men of Argen-
tina have at your hands great, new forces for your use.
Changes have come of recent years in the world which affect
the working out of your problem. One is that through the
comparative infrequency of war, of pestilence, of famine,
through the increased sanitation of the world, the decrease
of infant mortality by reason of better sanitation, the popu-
lation of the world is increasing. Those causes which reduced
population are being removed and the pressure of population
is sending out wave after wave of men for the peopling of the
vacant lands of the earth. Another change is, that through
the wonderful activity of invention and discovery and organ-
izing capacity during our lifetime, the power of mankind
to produce wealth has been immensely increased. One man
today, with machinery, with steam, with electricity, with all
the myriads of appliances that invention and discovery have
created, can produce more wealth, more of the things that
mankind desires, than twenty men could have produced
years ago; and the result is that vast accumulations of
capital are massing in the world, ready to be poured out for
the building up of the vacant places of the earth. For the
utilization of these two great forces, men and money, you
in Argentina have the opportunity of incalculable potential

/

/

100 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

wealth, and you have the formative power in the spirit and
the brain of your people.

I went today to one of your great flour mills and to one of
your great refrigerating plants. I viewed the myriad indus-
tries that surround the harbor, the forests of masts, the
thronged steamers. I was interested and amazed. It far
exceeded my imagination and suggested an analogy to an
incident in my past life. It was my fortune in the year when
the war broke out between Prussia and France, to be travel-
ling in Germany. Immediately upon the announcement of
the war, maps of the seat of war were printed and posted in
every shop window. The maps were maps of Germany, with
a Httle stretch of France. Within a fortnight the armies had
marched off the map. It seems to be so with Argentina. I
have read books about Argentina. I have read magazine and
newspaper articles; but within the last five years you have
marched off the map. The books and magazines are all out
of date. What you have done since they were written is
much more than had been done before. They are no guide
to the country. Nevertheless, with all your vast material
activity, it seems to me that the most wonderful and interest-
ing thing to be found here is the laboratory of life, where you
are mixing the elements of the future race. Argentine, Eng-
lish, German, Italian, French, and Spanish, and American
are all being welded together to make the new type. It was
the greatest satisfaction to me to go into the school and see
that first and greatest agency, the children of all races in the
first and most impressionable period of life, being brought
together and acting and reacting on each other, and all tend-
ing toward the new type, which will embody the character-
istics of all; and to know that the system of schools in which
this is being done was, by the wisdom of your great President
Sarmiento, brought from my own country through his friend-

ARGENTINA XOX

ship with the great leader of education in the United States
of America — Horace Mann.

Mr. Chairman, I should have been glad to see all these
wonderful things as an inconspicuous observer. It is quite
foreign to my habits and to my nature to move through
applauding throngs, accompanied by guards of honor; yet
perhaps it is well that the idea which I represent should be
applauded by crowds and accompanied by guards of honor.
The pomp and circumstance of war attract the fancy of the
multitude; the armored knight moves across the page of
romance and of poetry and kindles the imagination of youth;
the shouts of the crowd, the smiles of beauty, the admiration
of youth, the gratitude of nations, the plaudits of mankind,
follow the hero about whom the glamor of military glory
dims the eye to the destruction and death and human misery
that follow the path of war. Perhaps it is well that some-
times there should go to the herdsman on his lonely ranch, to
the husbandman in his field, to the clerk in the counting-house
and the shop, to the student at his books, to the boy in the
street, the idea that there is honor to be paid to those quali-
ties of mankind which rest upon justice, upon mercy, upon
consideration for the rights of others, upon humanity, upon
the patient and kindly spirit, upon all those exercises of the
human heart which lead to happy homes, to prosperity, to
learning, to art, to religion, to the things that dignify life and
amoWe it and give it its charm and grace.
C \Ve honor Washington as the leader of his country's
forces in the war of independence; but that supreme patience
which enabled him to keep the warring elements of his people
at peace is a higher claim to the reverence of mankind than
his superb military strategy. San Martfn was great in his
military achievements; his Napoleonic march across the
Andes is entitled to be preserved in the history of military

Ib^ LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

affairs so long as history is written; but the almost super-
human self-abnegation with which he laid aside power and
greatness that peace might give its strength to his people,
was greater than his military achievements. The triumphant
march of the conquering hero is admirable and to be greeted
with huzzas, but the conquering march of an idea which
makes for humanity is more admirable and more to be
applauded. This is not theory; it is practical. It has to do
with our affairs today; for we are now in an age of the
world when not governors, not presidents, not congresses, but
the people determine the issues of peace or war, of contro-
versy or of quiet. I am an advocate of arbitration; I am an
advocate of mediation; of all the measures that tend toward
bringing reasonable and cool judgment to take the place
of war; but let us never forget that arbitration and media-
tion , — all measures of that description — are but the treat-
ment of the symptoms and not the treatment of the cause of
disease; and that the real cure for war is to get into the
hearts of the people and lead them to a just sense of their
rights and other people's rights, lead them to love peace and
to hate war, lead them to hold up the hands of their govern-
ments in the friendly commerce of diplomacy, rather than to
urge them oh to strife; and let there go to the herdsman and
the husbandman and the merchant and the student and the
boy in the street every influence which can tend toward that
sweet reasonableness, that kindly sentiment, that breadth
of feeling for humanity, that consideration for the rights of
others, which lie at the basis of the peace of the world.

CHILE

SANTIAGO

Speech of His Excellency JermXn Riesco

President of the Repubuc

At the Government House, September 1, 1906

I GREET you and welcome you in the name of the people
and of the Government of Chile, who receive your visit
with the liveliest satisfaction.

Your attendance at the congress of fraternity which the
American republics have just held; your visit to the neigh-
boring countries, which we have followed with the greatest
interest; and your presence amongst us, upon the invitation
which we had the honor of extending to you, are eloquent
testimony of the high-minded intentions, which will neces-
sarily produce much good for the progress and the devel-
opment of America.

In these moments we feel a most profound gratitude
toward your country, toward your worthy President, and
toward yourself for the friendship and sympathy with which
you have joined in the sorrow of Chile because of the disaster
which has wounded Valparaiso and other cities of the
republic.

I wish that your stay in this country may be agreeable to
you and your distinguished family.

Reply of Mb. Root

I THANK you, Mr. President, for your kind welcome and for
your generous expressions, and I thank you for the courteous
invitation which led to this visit on my part. After the great
calamity which has befallen your country, I should have
feared to intrude upon the mourning which is in so many

108

104 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Chilean homes, but I did not feel that I could pass by without
calling upon you — upon the representative of the Chilean
people — to express in person the deep sympathy and sor-
row which I, and all my people, whom I represent, feel for
your country and for the stricken and bereaved ones; and
the earnest hope we have for the prompt and cheerful
recovery of spirit and of confidence and of prosperity after
the great misfortune. We know that the spirit and the
strength of the people of Chile are adequate for the recovery,
even from so great a disaster. No one in the world, Mr.
President, can feel more deeply the misfortune that you
have suffered than the people of the United States, because
you know that in our country we have recently experienced
just such a calamity. I am sure that nowhere in the world
will you find so keen a sense of sympathy as is there and
as I now express. It may sometimes happen that in adver-
sity stronger friendships arise than in prosperity; and I hope
that although I come to bring to you an expression of the
friendship of the United States of America for the republic
of Chile now while the cloud rests upon you, the eflFect of
the exchange of kind words and kinder feelings in this time
may be greater, more permanent, and more lasting than they
could have been when all were prosperous and happy.

BANQUET OF THE PRESIDENT

Speech of His Excellency Antonio Huneeus
Minister for Foreign Affairs
At the Moneda, September 2, 1906

I EXTEND to you the welcome of the people and of the
Government. Heartily do 1 say to you, in the name of all
Chileans: Be welcome.

We were preparing to entertain you in magnificent style,
but it was the will of Providence to visit us with a bitter trial,
so we are now receiving you in a modest manner.

CHILE 105

Come and see, sir, what we have suffered. Morally, we
have suffered much; for several thousands of our brothers
perished in the catastrophe of August 16. Materially speak-
ing, we lose the greater part of our principal port and of
several cities of minor importance, together with the profits
which cease in consequence. Behold now, sir, what remains
to us and how we are rising. Our productive forces are alive
and sound; agriculture, mining, and manufacturing have
scarcely suffered, and our saltpeter treasures continue to
exist.

Public order remained undisturbed; generally speaking,
the reign of the law was maintained; the authorities fulfilled
their duty; and the navy, glorious guardian of half our
territory, which is the ocean, was saved intact. Therefore,
all we sons of Chile are of cheerful heart.

The virility of a country is worth more than the splendor
of its monuments. It does not humiliate us, therefore, to
have you see houses and towns destroyed, for it was not a
civil war or a foreign enemy which razed them to the ground,
but a higher hand. It is rather a source of pride to us to have
you witness the integrity and unity of the Chileans.

The fortitude of our race and our good sense will cause us to
rise again in a short time to a greater prosperity.

You plainly see that Chile is still entire, and that our
misfortune was more painful than injurious.

We did not, therefore, think for a moment that you might
postpone your visit. On the contrary, we telegraphed to you
a few hours after the earthquake: " Our home is demohshed;
but come, sir, for we are safe, calm, and diligent."

Besides, the plain dignity of your character, which we knew,
and the objects of your visit encouraged us to speak to you.

You have come, most excellent sir, to offer your over-
production to our consumers, and to ask a larger place for
the Americans in the Chilean heart.

106 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

You are going to obtain all that. But, besides this, Mr.
Root, please bear to the sons of the United States, and
especially to our brothers in misfortune at San Francisco,
California, a sacred homage — the intense gratitude of
the society and Government of Chile for the generous aid
to our sufferers by which the Americans are proving to us
that along with greatness of power they have greatness
of heart.

We knew of all this greatness. With a territory covering
half a continent and nourished by every kind of riches, with
a firm and impulsive character, with broad and far-reaching
views along every channel which human activity can pursue,
and endowed with a clear instinct of what is possible, the
Americans have become useful and wealthy.

They understood two essential things, namely, that
government is not merely a pleasant and covetable ideal, but
a fundamental necessity, and that the greatest value does
not consist in traditions or fortune, but in personal merit.
They therefore abolished every unjustified distinction of
superiority and organized as a democracy.

The result of the combination of such rare and happy
moral and material elements has been the springing up of a
nation as powerful as the most powerful, and in freedom
equaled by none.

And how well the United States know that there is no
greatness without Hberty !

Since the consciousness of right has become deeper, prin-
ciples of respect and faith have become implanted in the
commonwealth of nations, whatever be the extent of their
territory, their population, or their armed forces. The
inveterate abuses of force are disappearing. The principle
which, being embodied into a law of equality among all the
nations, always prevails at present in international relations
is that of liberty for the weaker side.

CHILE 107

The American Union — the free country — years ago
established its foreign pohcy on the plan of equality. Its
commercial iflag waves throughout the world without
arrogance or spirit of intervention.

Your natural wisdom tells you, Mr. Root, that you do not
need any other than mercantile expansion, and still more
that none other would be suited to you.

You have of late repeatedly given practical and unmis-
takable testimonials that this is your policy.

You have stated so yourself at Rio de Janeiro, and your
presence among us is a further proof that your purposes are
friendly and frank.

Let us enter into commercial relations with the United
States with friendship and confidence. We shall proceed as
far as is mutually beneficial to us, and this will be shown us
by the natural laws of mercantile transactions.

The Government desires that American goods shall come
to Chile in abundance to facilitate living, and it earnestly
desires at the same time that Chilean products may be
multiphed and that they may endeavor to offset these
importations.

Since the sixteenth of August we have been pushing more
resolutely than before the work of our restoration. We have
all the moral factors, namely, order, will, and an apt and
energetic people. We also have incalculable and extremely
varied natural resources. There is only one material factor in
which we may be short, namely, capital, which is a powerful
force if well employed.

Chile will be glad to see American capital come and
establish itself in our commercial and industrial circulation.
It will blend well with Chilean honor and will prosper
under the protection of our laws, which are liberal with the
foreigner, and under the shelter of our government, which
is unshakable.

108 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

We are certain that Chilean interests will meet the same
respect from the government of the Union that we cherish
for American interests.

The infinite variety of articles of supply and consumption
will certainly enable the interchange of goods between Chile
and America to increase without narrowing the horizons of
our commerce with friendly markets, which today bring us
capital, raw materials, workmen, and manufactures.

The American Union has happily solved its internal and
foreign problems, has established its political and economic
power on a firm basis, and is, finally, in full enjoyment of its
natural greatness and freely exercising all its energies at the
present time. We have attentively observed that it desires
to promote the progress of the world and to see the other
nations of Christendom, especially the American republics,
associated in this great work on terms of equality, friendship,
and mutual benefit.

We respond, therefore, to its affectionate call by declaring
that we are imbued with sincere faith in the friendship of the
government and the people of the United States; we utter
fervent wishes that our mutual confidence may become
strengthened and be free of misgivings; and we prophesy
that the rapprochement which the eminent Secretary of State
now visiting us has initiated will be of beneficent influence
on our international cordiality and bring prosperous results
for our development.

Most excellent Mr. Root, His Excellency the President of
the Repubhc requests you to say to the illustrious President
Roosevelt and to your fellow-citizens that the Chilean people
fraternize cordially with the American people; that our mar-
kets are free to them; that we admire your government offi-
cials; that your most excellent minister, Mr. Hicks, enjoys
our highest esteem and good feeling; and that we have
received you and your most worthy family with open hearts.

CHILE 109

Reply of Mr. Root

I BEG you to believe in the sincere and high appreciation
which I have for all the kindness you have shown me and my
family since our arrival in Chile. I believe that the delicacy,
the sense of propriety and fitness, that have characterized
our reception, both official and personal, have produced in our
minds, under the sad circumstances of the great misfortune
that hangs over the Chilean people like a cloud, a deeper
impression than the most splendid and sumptuous display.
I believe that to be able to mourn with you in your loss, to
sympathize with you in your misfortune, draws us closer to
you than to be with you in the greatest prosperity and happi-
ness upon which the brightest sun has ever shone.

I thank you for your kindly expressions regarding my
President, regarding myself, and regarding my country. In
the " United States of America," as our Constitution called
us many years ago — the " United States of North America,"
as perhaps we should call ourselves south of the equator —
we have been for a long time, and are still trying to reconcile
individual liberty with public order, local self-government
with a strong central and national control; trying to develop
the capacity of the individuals of our people to control them-
selves, and also the capacity of the people collectively for
self-government; trying to adopt sound financial methods,
to promote justice — a justice compatible with mercy —
and to make progress in all that makes a people happier,
more prosperous, better educated, better able to perform
their duties as citizens and to do their part in the world to
help humanity out of the hard conditions of poverty and
ignorance and along the pathway of civilization. We have
done what we could. We have committed errors and we
acknowledge them and are deeply conscious of them; but
we are justly proud of our country for the progress it has

110 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

made; and we look on every country that is engaged in that
same struggle for liberty and justice with profound sympathy
and warm friendship.

I am here to say to the Chilean people that although there
have been misunderstandings in the past, they were mis-
understandings such as arise between two vigorous, proud
peoples that know each other too little. Let us know each
other better and we shall have put an end to misunderstand-
ings. The present moment is especially propitious for saying
this, because we are upon the threshold of great events in
this western world of ours. In my own country the progress
of development has reached a point of transition. In the
fifty years, from 1850 to 1900, we received on our shores
nearly twenty million immigrants from the Old World. We
borrowed from the Old World thousands of millions of dol-
lars; and with the strong arm of the immigrants and with
the capital from the Old World, we have threaded the
country with railroads, we have constructed great public
works, we have created the phenomenal prosperity that you
all know; and now we have paid our debts to Europe; we
have returned the capital with which our country was built
up; and in the last half dozen years we have been accumulat-
ing an excess of capital that is beginning to seek an outlet in
foreign enterprises.

At the same time, there is seen in South America the dawn
of a new life which moves its people, as they have never been
moved before, with the spirit of industrial and commercial
progress.

At a banquet that was given last winter to a great and
distinguished man, Lord Grey, Governor-General of Canada,
he said: " The nineteenth century was the century of the
United States; the twentieth century will be the century of
Canada." I should feel surer as a prophet if I were to say:
" The twentieth century will be the century of South

CHILE 111

America." I believe, with him, in the great development of
Canada; but just as the nineteenth century was the century
of phenomenal development in North America, I believe that
no student can help seeing that the twentieth century will be
the century of phenomenal development in South America.

And so our countries will be face to face in a new attitude.
We cannot longer remain strangers to each other; our rela-
tions must be those of intimacy, and this is the time to say
that our relations will be those of friendship.

On the other hand, before long the construction of the canal
across the Isthmus of Panama, which will fulfill the dreams
of the eariy navigators, which will accomplish the work pro-
jected for centuries, will at last be completed, while the men
who are today active in the business of both countries are
still on the field of action.

This, therefore, is the moment to safeguard harmony in
the relations between the two nations.

I do not believe that any one can say what changes the
opening of the Panama Canal will bring in the affairs of the
world; but we do know that great changes in the commercial
routes of the worid have changed the course of history, and
no one can doubt that the creation of a waterway that will
put the Pacific coast of South America in close touch with
the Atlantic coast of North America must be a factor of
incalculable importance in determining the affairs of the
western hemisphere and promoting our relations of intimacy
and friendship.

Now, at this moment, at the beginning of this great com-
mercial and industrial awakening — I say at the beginning,
notwithstanding all that you have already done, because I
believe you have only begun to realize the great work you
have before you — at this moment there falls on you this
terrible misfortune, one of those warnings that at times God
sends to his people to show them how weak they are in his

112 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

hands — a misfortune because of which the entire world
mourns with you. But I believe — I know — that the air of
these mountains and of these shores, which in another time
gave its spirit to the proud and indomitable Arucanian race,
has given to the people of Chile the vigor with which to rise
up from the ashes of Valparaiso and with which to make
out of the misfortune of today the incentive for great deeds
tomorrow. And in this era of friendship, when peaceful
immigration has replaced armed invasions, when the free
exchange of capital and the international ownership of indus-
trial and commercial enterprises, of manufactures, of mines,
have replaced rapine and plunder — in this era of commer-
cial conquest and industrial acquisition, of more frequent
intercourse among men, of more intimate knowledge and
better understanding, there has come to you in this your great
misfortune the friendship and the sympathy of the world.

In truth, our friends who sleep the last sleep there in Val-
pariso have brought to their country a possession of greater
value than was ever won by the soldier on the battlefield.

As I said to you yesterday, Mr. President, I feared that
under the present sad circumstances I might be intruding
upon you; should I not rather feel that the words of friend-
ship of which I am the bearer are in perfect harmony with the
sentiment that your affliction has created in all countries,
the imiversal recosmition of the brotherhood of man ?

PERU

BANQUET AT THE GOVEKNnVIENT PALACE, LIMA

Speech of His Excellency Jose Pardo y Barreda

President of the Repxjbuc

September 10, 1906

WITH the most sincere good will, I cordially welcome
you in the name of my country and of its Govern-
ment, and I believe I faithfuUy interpret the sentiments that
rule in Peru in telling you of its sincere good will toward the
United States, their illustrious President, and toward your
own distinguished p>erson. These feelings which unite the
two countries began in the dawn of independence, because
the founders of the great republic showed our forefathers
the way to become free; and they strengthened us from the
first days of our independent life by the safeguard which
the admirable foresight of another great statesman of your
country placed around American soil.

Since then the closest friendship has united the two nations.
Peru has received from the United States proofs of a very
special deference, and has appreciated the efforts made by
your government to establish political relations between the
American peoples upon the basis of right and justice. In
this most noble aspiration, worthy of the greatness of yoiir
country, Peru, on her part, imreservedly acquiesces.

The lofty ideas which you have expressed since your arrival
in South America, the frank expressions of cordiality, the
concepts of stimulus and aid to induce us, the Americans of
the South, to work in the same way as those of the North,
with earnestness and unflinching hope in the future, have
found in every breast the most pleasing echo, and they direct
toward your person the most lively sympathy.

lis

114 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Closely associated fellow- worker with the illustrious states-
man who rules the destinies of your country, to you belongs,
in a great measure, the acclamation with which America and
the entire world would greet the great nation that has con-
stituted the most perfect democratic society, that has made
the most surprising progress in industrial and economic order,
and that has placed the prestige of its greatness at the
service of peace all over the world.

Gentlemen, I invite you to drink to the United States; to
its President, Mr. Roosevelt; and to its Secretary of State,
Mr. Root.

Reply of Mr. Root

I THANK you sincerely, both in my own behalf and in behalf
of my country, for your kind welcome and for the words, full
of friendship and of kindly judgment, you have uttered
regarding my country and regarding her servants, the Presi-
dent and myself. The distinguished gentleman who repre-
sents Peru in the capital of the United States of America, and
who shares with you, sir, the inheritance of a name great and
honored, not only in Peru but wherever the friends of con-
stitutional freedom are found — in his note of invitation to
me, upon which I am now a visitor to your city, used a form
of expression that has dwelt in my memory, because it was so
true. He spoke of the old, sincere, and cordial friendship of
our two countries — that is indeed true of the friendship of
the United States of America and the republic of Peru. It is
an old friendship, a sincere friendship, and a cordial friend-
ship. I have come here not to make new friends, but to greet
old ones; not to announce a new departure in policy, but to
follow old and honored lines; and I should have thought that
in coming to South America in answer to the invitations of
the different countries, all down the east and up the west
coast, to have passed by Peru would indeed be to have played

PERU 115

"Hamlet " with Hamlet left out. It is still a more natural and
still a stronger impulse to visit Peru at this time, as a part
of a mission of friendship and good will, when the relations
between the two countries are about to be drawn even closer.

The completion of the canal across the Isthmus of Panama
will make us near neighbors as we have never been before, so
that we may take our staterooms at the wharf at Callao or at
New York, and visit each other without change of quarters
during the joiimey. And no one can tell what the effect of
the canal will be. We do know that nothing of the kind was
ever done before in human history without producing a most
powerful effect upon mankind. The course of civilization,
the rise and fall of nations, the development of mankind,
have followed the establishment of new trade routes. No one
can now tell just what the specific effect of the cutting of the
canal across the isthmus may be; but it will be great and
momentous in the affairs of the world. Of this we may be
certain, that for the nations situated immediately to the
south and immediately to the north of the canal, there will be
great changes in their relations with the rest of the world;
and it is most gratifying to know that this great work which
the United States of America is now undertaking — the cost
of which she never expects to get back — a work which
she is doing not merely for her own benefit, but because she
is moved by the belief that great things are worth doing, is
going to bring great benefits to the entire world, and to her
old and her good friend, the republic of Peru.

I thank you, Mr. President, for your kind reception, and I
beg you to permit me to ask the gentlemen here to join me in
proposing in behalf of President Roosevelt the health and
long life and prosperity of the President of Peru.

116 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

1 BANQUET OF THE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS

/ Speech of His Excellency Javier Prado y Ugarteche

\ Minister for Foreign Affairs

^^ At the Union Club, September 11, 1906

With the liveliest feelings of consideration and sympathy I
have the honor to offer this manifestation to His Excellency
Mr. Elihu Root, Secretary of State of the United States of
America.

Yielding to the generous impulses of your American heart,
and of your brain of a thinker and of a statesman, you have
felt a desire, Mr. Root, to visit these countries, to address to
them words of friendship and of interest in their welfare, in
the name of the honorable government which you represent,
and to shed over this continent the rays of the noble ideal of
American fraternity.

Your visit will undoubtedly produce fruitful results on
behalf of Hberty and of justice, of peace and of progress, of
order and of improvement, which you have proclaimed as
being the highest principles inspiring the policy of the United
States in the special mission for which their peculiar virtues
and energy have marked them out in the destiny of humanity.

When those austere founders of American independence
laid the foundations of the great republic of the North, and
gave it its constitution, they were not inspired by narrow-
minded ideas or by selfish and transitory interest, but by a
profound conviction of the rights of man and a deep feeling of
hberty and of justice, which, in its irresistible consequences,
would bring about the social and political transformation
which came to pass in the world at the end of the eighteenth
century, and was destined to constitute the gospel of liberty
and of democracy in our modern regime.

This same people, although still in its youth, did not hesi-
tate, shortly after, all alone, to guarantee the independence of

PERU 117

all the American countries, placing before the great powers
of the world the pillars of Hercules of the Monroe Doctrine,
forming an impassable gateway to a free and unconquerable
America.

Today this same people excites the admiration of the whole
world by its grandeur. Its government brings to its level
the harmony of humanity; reestablishes, on the one hand,
peace between the empires of Europe and of Asia, and, on the
other, between the republics of Central America; patronizes
the congress of The Hague, and in it obtains the recog-
nition of the personahty of the American nations, thus giving
proof of the interest it takes, with equal concern, in the
future of the peoples civilized for a century, as well as in
that of the countries just commencing their existence. The
American Constitution, the Monroe Doctrine, together with
the poHcy of President Roosevelt, and of his Secretary of
State, Mr. Root, voice in this manner, through the pages of
history, the same language of liberty, of justice, humanity,
and Americanism.

How deep is the lesson to be learned from these facts!

The ancient ideas founded right upon force, the regime of
the social bodies was that of privilege, and individual efforts
were tied by bonds imposed in the name of the authorities.
The modem ideas, such as the United States proclaim, found
all right upon justice, and the social regime upon liberty and
equality. The human being is not an instrument for the
display of arbitrary power, but is the whole object of social
life, the mission of which is the development of its energies,
its moral conscience, the improvement and welfare of indi-
viduals and of nations.

According to the ancient ideas, the greatness of the nations
was measured by their military power and by the limits of
their conquests of force. According to modern ideas, as
represented by the United States, the greatness of nations is

118 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

measured by the conquests obtained by individual and
collective efforts, thereby creating the fruitful and happy
reign of truth, of justice, of labor, and of peace.

War was formerly a glory; nowadays it is a calamity.
Later on it will be condemned as the sad ancestral remains
of barbarism and savagery.

The evolution of ideas is that which now rules the world;
and if people do not always comprehend this fact it is because
the selfish and personal prejudices, passions, and interests
disturb and impair their judgment.

In modern progress, the regime of privilege and of force
can no longer create rights nor lend security for the future or
the aggrandizement of nations; and nowadays those individ-
uals do not render a service to their native land who, while
they sacrifice permanent interests, think they can calculate
the meridian of their country by the artificial reflections of
a moment, transitory and perishable.

The regime of force or of armed peace consumes the vital
forces and the resources of nations; and then from the abyss
of inequality, of affliction, and danger produced, bursts forth
once more the social and political problem demanding, with
threats, the reform of the evil, and laying down the maxim
that only the ideal of justice, of liberty, and of human soli-
darity can possibly stand forth, firm and unshaken, amidst
the ruins in which the wild ideas of greatness held by the
military powers of the world will remain buried forever.

It is not by means of a regime of force, but by that of
liberty, peace, and labor, that the United States of America
has been enabled to form a marvelous abode of vitality and
human progress; and its government, with a perfect insight
into the greatness of that country and of its destiny, today
addresses the present and the future of our world, and with
special interest explains to America the only paths that will

PERU 119

lead the nations to the attainment of tranquillity and
well-being.

Once that existence is obtained, you have said, Mr. Root,
that it is necessary to live and advance worthily and honor-
ably, — and that this object cannot be attained by a regime
of domestic oppression and of privilege, nor by the external
one of isolation or of war, but by that of liberty, order,
justice, economical progress, moral improvement, intellectual
advance, respect for the rights of others, and a feeling of
human solidarity. You have clearly stated:

No nation can live unto itself alone and continue to live. Each nation's
growth is a part of the development of the race. ... A people whose
minds are not open to the lessons of the world's progress, whose spirits are
not stirred by the aspirations and achievements of humanity, struggling
the world over for liberty and justice, must be left behind by civilization in
its steady and beneficent advance.

In the life of nations there must always prevail an ideal
and a harmony of right, of liberty, of peace, and fraternity,
although this can only be obtained by persevering efforts,
by sacrifices, and by a long and distressing march. It
is necessary to " labor more for the future than for the
present " and unite together all the nations engaged in the
same great task, inspired by a like ideal and professing
similar principles.

Peru has read your words, Mr. Root, with profound atten-
tion. She is proud to say that in the modest sphere she
occupies in the concert of nations, she accepts your ideas as
her own, and declares that they abo constitute her profession
of faith as regards her international policy.

With your superior judgment you have exactly compre-
hended the difficulties, critical moments, and convulsions
which the countries of this continent have undergone in order
to establish a republican government, together with a

120 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

regime of liberty and democracy. They are still in the first
period of their development and have yet many problems
to solve.

To develop the immense resources and wealth with which
nature has so wonderfully endowed these countries; to
render their territory accessible to labor and civilization by
opening up means of communication, granting all facilities
and giving security for the life, health, and welfare of their
inhabitants; to obtain the population which their immense
territories require: to educate and instruct the people, mak-
ing them understand their liberty, their duties, and their
rights; to develop their faculties and energies, their labor
forces, their industrial and commercial capacity and power;
to elevate their moral dignity; to consolidate and strengthen
the national unity; to insure definitely the government of
the people, in justice, in order, and in peace; to attract
capital and foreign immigration; to develop and give impulse
to commercial relations with other countries; to maintain a
frank and true international harmony and solidarity; to
respect all mutual and reciprocal rights and settle all dis-
agreements by friendly, just, and honorable means — to
perform, in short, the work of human civilization; these are
undoubtedly the points which ought to occupy, first of all,
the thoughts of the administration of these countries, in order
to secure their tranquillity, their welfare, and their aggran-
dizement, just as the United States have secured theirs by
the genius of their people and the power of their ideals.

If the nations of America, instead of living apart from each
other and separated by distrust, threats, and quarrels —
which unsettle them, rendering their energy and develop-
ment fruitless, just as they have kept up a state of anarchy,
for a long time, in their internal existence — would unite
themselves together by the natural ties which the community
of their origin, of their civilization, of their necessities, and

PERU 121

their destinies clearly indicate, we should then witness the
realization of the ideal you have conceived of a great, pros-
perous, and happy America; the union of sister republics,
free, orderly, laborious, lovers of justice, knowledge, sciences,
and arts, cooperating, each one and all of them worthily and
effectively, for the realization of the great work of human
civilization and culture.

The standard and observance of justice should bring about
the definite disappearance of the disagreements which may
have caused separation among the South American countries,
just as family quarrels are effaced on the exhibition of a just
and generous sentiment of sincere brotherhood and har-
mony which vibrates throughout this continent as an intense
aspiration of the American soul, and as a noble ideal of
concord and of justice.

It is never too late to recognize what is right and to proceed
with rectitude. My memory suggests an important event
some few years back in the history of the relations between
Peru and the United States, described most correctly by the
representative of your government as one of those most
worthy of note in the annals of diplomacy. I refer to the
serious question which arose in 1852 between our respective
countries relative to the Lobos guano islands, when the
United States held that they did not belong to the territory
and sovereignty of Peru, and that as they had been occupied
by American citizens your country would uphold these
parties in the work of exploitation; but as soon as the Gov-
ernment of the United States, after a lengthened and lively
controversy, became convinced of the right which Peru had
on her side, it at once spontaneously put an end to the ques-
tion by a memorable note of its Secretary of State, recogniz-
ing the absolute sovereignty of Peru over those islands and
declaring that " he makes this avowal with the greater
readiness, in consequence of the unintentional injustice done

122 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

to Peru, under a transient want of information as to the facts
of the case." *

When powerful nations, laying aside the instruments of
oppression and violence which they have in their hands, rise
to such a height of moral elevation, universal respect and
sympathy will form the unfading halo of their grandeur.

And thus it happened with the United States of America;
and Peru has now the honor once more to express its thanks
for the generous friendship and constant interest with which
the United States have always paid attention to everything
affecting the welfare and progress of our country.

Peru, which is the depositary of the secrets of wondrous
and unknown civilizations; which possesses great historical
traditions; which was long ago the metropolis of this con-
tinent, and then a Spanish colony; which has an enormous
extent of territory, with the most varied and wonderful
climates and wealth; after grievous domestic and foreign
vicissitudes, has firmly taken in hand the great work of its
reorganization; has acquired the knowledge of its public
and private duties; has given vigor to its character and to its
spirit of enterprise; has founded industries and labor centers;
has fostered agriculture, mining, and commerce; is using
every effort to foster public instruction, increasing the num-
ber of schools throughout the country and giving civic
education to its children; constructing railroads and public
works of national and future interest; opening the minds
and intelligence of its people to the currents of culture and
modern progress, and endeavoring to establish a solid and
well-directed public administration; her fiscal revenues, her
trade, and the general capitalization of fortunes have
reached in a few years an extraordinary development which
demonstrates the potentiality of the country. Enjoying
public peace, she is using every effort to maintain a policy of

1 Mr. Everett to Senor Osma, November 16, 1852.

PERU 123

frank understanding and friendship with all nations, and
sustains the principle of arbitration for the solution of all her
international controversies, thus giving evident proof of the
rectitude of her sentiments, and that the only settlements
which she defends and to which she aspires are the honorable
settlements dictated by right.

These ideas are likewise yours, Mr. Root. And I invite
you, gentlemen, to unite with us in expressing the hope that
the principles proclaimed by our enlightened guest, to whom
we today offer the homage of our respect and sympathy, may
everlastingly rule in America.

Reply of Mr. Root

I SHOULD be insensible, indeed, were I not to feel deeply
grateful for your courtesy, your hospitality, and your kind-
ness; nor can I fail to be gratified by the words of praise
which you, Mr. Minister, have spoken of my beloved coun-
try, and by the hearty and unreserved approval with which
you have met my inadequate expression of the sentiments
the people of my country feel toward their sister repubUcs of
South America. The words which you have quoted, sir, do
represent the feelings of the people of the United States. We
are very far from living up to the standards which we set for
ourselves, and we know our own omissions, our failings, and
our errors; we know them, we deplore them, and we are con-
stantly and laboriously seeking to remedy them; but we do
have imdemeath as the firm foundation of constitutional
freedom, the sentiments which were expressed in the quo-
tations which you have made.

No government in the United States coidd maintain itself
for a moment if it violated those principles; no act of unjust
aggression by the United States against any smaller and
weaker power would be forgiven by the people to whom the
government is responsible.

124 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Mr. Minister, my Journey in South America is drawing to a
close. After many weeks of association with the distinguished
men who control the affairs of the South American republics,
after much observation of the widely different countries I
have visited, it is with the greatest satisfaction that I find, in
reviewing the new records of my mind, that the impressions
with which I came to South America have been confirmed —
the impression that there is a new day dawning, a new day
of industry, of enterprise, of prosperity, of wider liberty, of
more perfect justice among the people of the southern con-
tinent.

I find that the difference between the South America of
today and the South America as the records show it to have
been a generation ago, is as wide as the difference marked by
centuries in the history of Europe. Why is it ? You are the
same people — not so much better than your fathers. The
same fields offered to the hand of the husbandman their
bounteous harvests then as now; the same incalculable wealth
slept in your mountains then as now; the same streams car-
ried down from your mountain sides the immeasurable
power ready to the hand of man for the production of wealth
then as now; the same ocean washed your shores ready to
bear the commerce of the world then as now. Whence comes
the change ? The change is not in material things, but in
spiritual things. The change has come because in the slow
but majestic progress of national development, the peoples of
South America have been passing through a period of prog-
ress necessary to their development, necessary to the build-
ing of their characters, up from a stage of strife and discord,
of individual selfishness, of unrestrained ambition, of irre-
sponsible power, and out upon the broad platform of love for
country, of national spirit, of devotion to the ideal of justice,
of ordered liberty, of respect for the rights of others; because
the individual characters of the peoples of the South Ameri-

PERU 125

can republics have been developed to that self-control, to
that respect for justice toward their fellowmen, to that
regard for the rights and feelings of others which inhere in
true justice. The development of individual character has
made the collective character competent for self-government
and the maintenance of that justice, that ordered liberty,
which gives security to property, security to the fruits of
enterprise, security to personal liberty, to the pursuit of
happiness, to the home, to all that makes life worth living;
and under the fostering care of that character, individual and
national, the hidden wealth of the mountains is being poured
out to enrich mankind; under the fostering care of that char-
acter, individual and national, new life is coming to the fields,
to the mines, to the factories, to commerce, to all the material
interests of South America.

Mr. Minister, this is but a part of a great world movement
on a wider field. It is no idle dream that the world grows
better day by day. We cannot mark its progress by days or
by years or by generations; but marking the changes by the
centuries mankind advances steadily from brute force, from
the rule of selfishness and greed toward respect for human
rights, toward desire for human happiness, toward the rule
of law and the rule of love among men. My own country
has become great materially because it has felt the influence
of that majestic progress of civilization. South America is
becoming great materially because it, too, is feeling the influ-
ence that is making humanity more human.

We can do but little in our day. We live our short lives
and pass away and are forgotten. All the wealth, prosperity,
and luxury with which we can surround ourselves is of but
little benefit and little satisfaction; but if we — if you and I
— in our oflBces and each one of us in his influence upon the
pubHc affairs of his day, can contribute ever so little, but
something, toward the tendency of our countries, the ten-

126 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

dency of our race, away from greed and force and selfish-
ness and wrong, toward the rule of order and love — if we
can do somethmg to contribute to that tendency which
countless millions are working out, we shall not have lived
in vain.

You were kind enough to refer to an incident in the diplo-
matic history of the United States and Peru, when my own
country recognized its error in regard to the Lobos Islands
and returned them freely and cheerfully to their rightful
owner. I would rather have the record of such acts of justice
for my country's fair name than the story of any battle
fought and won by her military heroes.

We cannot fail to ask ourselves sometimes the question.
What will be the end of our civilization ? Will some future
generation say of us, in the words of the Persian poet, " The
lion and the lizard keep the coiu-ts where Jamshyd gloried and
, drank deep " ? Will the palaces we build be the problem of
the antiquarians in some future century ? Will all that we do
come to naught ? If not — if our civilization is not to meet
the fate of all that have gone before — it will be because we
have builded upon a firm foundation, a foundation of the
great body of the plain, the common people, and upon a char-
acter formed on the principles of justice, of liberty, and of
brotherly love. Our one hope for the perpetuity of our
civilization is that quality in which it differs from all civil-
izations that have gone before — its substantial basis. I
find that here in Peru you are building upon that firm rock.

I find that here individual character is being developed so
that the people of Peru are collectively developing the neces-
sary and essential national character.

I find that the riches of your wonderful land are in the
hands of a people who are worthy to enjoy them.

I shall take away with me from Peru not only the kindest
feelings of friendship and of gratitude but the highest and

PERU 127

most confident hope of a great and glorious future for the
people to whom I wish so well.

Mr. Minister, will you permit me the honor of asking all
to join me in drinking to the health of His Excellency the
President of Peru ?

RECEPTION AT THE MUNICIPAL COUNCIL

Speech of Doctor Federico Elguera

Mayor of Lima

September 10, 1906 •

The citizens of Lima welcome you and are glad to have you
amongst them.

You arrive at the capital of Peru, after visiting the leading
cities in South America and receiving the greetings so justly
due the great American nation and your own personal merits.

You are an ambassador of peace, a messenger of good will,
and the herald of doctrines which sustain America's auton-
omy and strengthen the faith in our future welfare.

The wake left by the vessel which has brought you hither
serves as a symbol, indicating union, fraternity, and friendship
between the northern and southern states of this continent.

You have been able to form a general opinion as to the
present state of the f>olitical, economical, and social devel-
opment of Latin America. You also know now what her
resources are and to what conditions the growth and progress
of this southern continent are due.

After visiting prosperous countries, whose peaceful labor
on behalf of civilization has not been disturbed by the sor-
rows of war, you reach a land where once flourished the
greatest empire which ever arose in America.

You have arrived at the ancient metropolis of Spanish
America; you are now at the heart of a nation which attracted
the world's attention in former days on account of its great-
ness and the treasures it possessed — a nation which fought

us LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

the final battles for independence; and, more important than
all, a country which, having been shaken and convulsed by
dissension, has risen once more to a life of well-being through
a supreme effort of will and a firm belief in its future.

The Peru you are visiting is not only the country of olden
times, which tradition has made known for its fabulous
wealth, but it is a modern country, versed in the principles of
order, industry, and labor.

Nations which live exclusively on the wealth given them
by nature make no effort to become greater, nor do they con-
sider their future welfare, but perish, crushed by those whose
envy and greed they excite.

On the other hand, those countries whose prosperity is
based on the principles of justice, trade, and peace attain
success and incite others to follow, contributing thus to the
great work of universal civilization.

Unfortunately, this peace, based on those principles, must
be sustained abroad, following the example of the Old World,
by the acquisition of elements of warfare only useful for
the destruction and ruin of men and progress, wasting the
national vitality and prosperity, earned by dint of the labors
of the citizens and the products of the resources that nature
has given.

To change this system for another which will insure to our
nations the tranquil possession of what lawfully belongs to
them, allowing them to devote their efforts fearlessly to their
own advancement, is the noble work to which the endeavors
of the great nation which has risen up in the New World
should be directed, just as the sun rises in the celestial dome
to give light, heat, and life; to maintain the equilibrium and
prevent the collision of lesser stars.

Such ideals of civilization and fraternity have always
guided the conduct of Peru, whose influence and predomi-
nance in other times enabled her to watch over justice, to

i

PERU 129

render assistance to the weak, to fight oppression, and to
defend the rights of America.

For this reason we heartily sympathize with the doctrines
you proclaim; for this reason we extend to you, with sincere
regard, the hand of friendship; for this reason we feel satis-
faction and pride when we behold the marvelous progress of
your country.

When nations succeed in reaching the degree of prosperity
at which yours has arrived they do not excite envy, but
emulation; they do not inspire fear, but confidence.

Ere long the vigorous arm of your people will tear away
the strip of land which still keeps us apart; and in the union
of the two oceans surrounding our hemisphere may we hope
that the spirits of Washington and Bolivar will watch the
maintenance of peace and justice and follow the destinies of
the republics they created.

Mr. Root, may the days you are about to spend amongst us
be happy and agreeable, and may their memory ever accom-
pany you, as ours will ever retain the grateful impression of

your visit.

Reply op Mb. Root

I BEG you to believe that I appreciate most highly your kind
welcome and the friendly terms with which you have greeted
me. I did not feel as though I were coming among strangers
when I entered Peru; I do not feel that I am treading on
unknown soil when I set foot upon the streets of your famous
and historic city. I think no city in the world, certainly
no city in the western hemisphere, is better known in the
United States of America then the city of Lima. Almost
every schoolboy in the United States has read in the books
of our own historians the story of the founding of this city.
We all know the wonderful and romantic history of your four
centuries of life; we all know the charms, the graces, and the
lovable qualities of your people.

130 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

We know that you are the metropohs of a people who carry
the art of agriculture to the highest degree of efficiency, a
people frugal, industrious, and of domestic virtue. We have
seen with gratification that you are becoming also the metrop-
olis of a people capable of winning from your mountains the
inexhaustible wealth they contain, the metropolis of a great
mining people; and within the past few years we have
rejoiced to see that you are also on the road to become the
metropolis of a great manufacturing people.

We have read, too, the story of your struggles — first for
independence, then for liberty, then for justice and order and
peace; and with the memory of our own struggles for liberty
and justice, with the experience of our own trials and diffi-
culties, rejoicing in our own success and prosperity, Mr.
Mayor, the feeling of sympathy and rejoicing in your success
in overcoming the obstacles that have stood in your way, in
your growth in capacity for self-government, in the con-
tinuing strength of all the principles of justice and of order
and of peace, is universal in my country and among my
people.

So I come to you not to make friends, but as a friend among
friends. I thank you with all my heart, both for myself and
for my people, for the kindness of your welcome and for what
I know to be the sincerity of your friendship.

RECEPTION BY THE SENATE

Speech of Senator Barrios

At an Extraordinary Session, September 13, 1906

The Senate of Peru, honored by your official visit, greets you
as the representative of a great democratic people, whose
juridical methods, founded on liberty and equality, are a
model for all the American parliaments.

I regard your visit to our young republic as one of most
important and lasting effect in the history of the continent.

PERU 131

WTien these peoples have reached the power and develop-
ment which the United States of America enjoys; when the
citizens and the public authorities keep within the bounds
imposed by the legitimate demands of liberty and justice and
the requirements of order and progress; when all this is
obtained by means of social well-being, of economic strength,
and the political predominance which passes beyond the
native land — then the legitimate and noble influence
exercised on the life of other peoples is based, not on narrow
schemes of national egotism, but on the broad and humane
qualities of civilization.

This your government has understood in sending a full
representation to these republics, in harmony with the Ameri-
can idea of union and progress, which the illustrious states-
man who today presides over the glorious destinies of the
American people — to the admiration and respect of all —
expounds and accomplishes by his thoughtful work.

In the dawn of the twentieth century may be seen in this
part of the world communities of peoples who, with analogous
institutions, must fulfill in history a single and great destiny.
This part which the future reserves for us cannot be other
than an effective and true realization of democracy at home
and of justice in international affairs.

Such is the direction in which Peru is developing her
energies, after her past and now remote vicissitudes. Such
is the ideal that animates her in pinrsuing her efforts for
reconstruction, because a people without an aim in the
struggle are unworthy of victory. "It is no more than a
scratch on the ground ", using the words of your illustrious
President.

As the principal co-worker for the exalted international
policy of the present government of the United States,
receive, Mr. Root, the assurances of the highest consideration
and sympathy of the Peruvian Senate.

132 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Reply of Mr. Root

I FEEL most keenly the great honor conferred upon me by
this distinguished legislative body. I thank you for your
courtesy personally; still more I thank you for the exhibition
of friendship and sympathy for my country, — an exhibition
which corresponds most perfectly to the spirit and purpose
actuating my visit to Peru.

I do not think, sir, that any one long concerned in govern-
ment can fail to come at last to a feeling of deep solicitude for
the weKare of the people whom he serves. He must come to
feel toward them somewhat as the lawyer does toward his
clients, as the physician feels toward his patients, as the
clergyman feels toward his parishioners — the advocate,
the friend of the people whose interests are committed to his
official action; and, as a member of the government of a
friendly republic, I feel toward you that sympathy which
comes from a common purpose, from engagement in the same
task, from being actuated by the same motive. The work of
the legislator is difficult and delicate. Governments cannot
make wealth; governments cannot produce enterprise, indus-
try, or prosperity; but wise government can give that security
for property, for the fruits of enterprise, for personal liberty,
for justice, which opens the door to enterprise, which stimu-
lates industry and commercial activity, which brings capital
and immigration to the shores of the country that is but
scantily populated; and which makes it worth while for
the greatest exertions of the human mind to be applied to the
development of the resources of the country. How difficult
is the task! As the engineer controlling a great and compli-
cated machine does not himself furnish the motive power or
do the work, yet by a wrong turn of the lever may send the
machine to ruin; so the legislative body cannot itself do the
work that the people must do, yet by ill-advised, inconsid-

PERU 133

erate, and unwise legislation, it may produce incalculable
misery and ruin. The wisdom that is necessary, the unselfish-
ness that is necessary, the subordination of personal and
selfish interests that is necessary, has always seemed to me
to consecrate a legislative body seeking to do its duty by its
country and make it worthy not only of respect but of
reverence.

Mr. President and Senators, in your deliberations and your
actions, so fraught with results of happiness or disaster for the
people of your beloved country, we of the North, the people
of a repubhc long bound to Peru by ties of real and sincere
friendship, follow you with sympathy; with earnest, sincere
desire that you may be guided by wisdom; that you may
work in simplicity and sincerity of heart for the good of your
people; and that your labors may be crowned by those bless-
ings which God gives to those who serve His children faith-
fully and well.

INSTALLATION OF MR. ROOT AS A MEMBER OF THE

FACULTY OF POUTIC.VL AND ADMINISTRATIVE SCIENCES

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF SAN MARCOS, LIMA

SEPTEMBER 14, 1906

Speech of Doctor Luis F. Villaran
RxcTOB or THK Unxterbitt

The University of San Marcos of Lima heartily shares in the
national rejoicing consequent on your visit to us, and greets
you as the representative of the great republic which holds
so many claims to the high esteem and consideration of the
Spanish-American states of this continent.

Your country, indeed, furnished valuable cooperation to
the Spanish colonies in the establishment of their indepen-
dence. With the example of your own emancipation, forming
one of the greatest events of history, the longing for liberty
deepened in their breasts. It gave them courage in the
struggle by frank declarations of friendship and sympathy;

134 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

bestowed prestige on their cause by recognizing them as free
states at a time when their emancipation was not entirely
accompHshed; and finally added strength to their victory by
declaring before the whole world that the independence and
integrity of these republics would be maintained at all costs.

You, the Americans of the North, were the founders and
defenders of the international and political liberty of these
states. Washington, whose greatness has alone been given
worthy expression in the inspired words of Byron — Wash-
ington, " the first, the last, the best of men*', and the glorious
group of illustrious citizens who aided him in his work, were
the apostles of democracy and of the republic. The American
Constitution is an admirable structure, built on the immov-
able foundations of justice and the national will, which will
never be overthrown by social or political upheavals.

Half a century ago, Laboulaye, the illustrious professor of
the College of France, said:

Washington has founded a wise and well-organized republic and has
bequeathed to history, not the fatal spectacle of crime triumphant, but
a beneficent example of patriotism and virtue. In less than fifty years,
thanks to the powerful influence of Liberty, an empire has been raised
which before the end of the century will be the greatest state of the civilized
world, and which, if it remain true to the ideals of its founders, if ambition
does not check the era of its fortune, will furnish the world the spectacle of
a republic of one hundred million men, richer, happier, and more glorious
than the monarchies of the Old World. This is the work of Washington!

This prophecy has been fulfilled; that half-century has
passed by, and the great republic goes on its career of
greatness, and no eye can discern the ultimate reach of its
magnificence.

Today, with the kind name of sister, it sends to us, through
you, its worthy messenger, fresh words of encouragement,
and invites us in a gracious manner to exert ourselves to
greater efforts in the work of peace, of labor, and of the
aggrandizement of the American continent.

PERU 135

You tell us that —

Nowhere in the world has this progress been more marked than in Latin
America. Out of the wrack of Indian fighting and race conflicts and civil
wars, strong and stable governments have arisen. Peaceful succession in
accord with the people's will has replaced the forcible seizure of power
permitted by the people's indifference. Loyalty to country, its peace, its
dignity, its honor, has arisen above partizanship for individual leaders.

You add:

We wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in
wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to
accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their ruin, but to
help all friends to a conmion prosperity and a common growth, that we
may all become greater and stronger together.

The University of Lima, an imjjortant factor in our
national life, accepts on its part, and in harmony with public
thought, your noble invitation.

This University, the distinguished creation of the great
Spanish monarchs, proud of its noble lineage of five cen-
turies, jealous of its glories, believes it to be its duty and
considers it a special honor to offer you, the illustrious mes-
senger, the deep thinker, and the highest co-worker in the
government of Theodore Roosevelt, the peacemaker of the
world, a post of honor.

The Faculty of Political and Administrative Sciences,
founded thirty years ago by the distinguished President
Manuel Pardo, and organized by the eminent public writer
Pradier Fod6r^ — this Faculty, which professes, without
limitations, the doctrines of international and political law
as proclaimed in your country, is the one which with just
right offers you this University emblem, which I am pleased
to place in the hands of Your Excellency [addressing the
President of Peru, and handing him the medal of the Uni-
versity] that you may kindly deliver it to our illustrious
guest.

136 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Speech of Doctor Ramon Ribeyro

DEiLN OP THE Faculty of Political and Administrattve Sciences

September 14, 1906

The presence among us of the eminent statesman, the Secre-
tary of State of the United States, is indeed of great signifi-
cance and surpassing importance in the course of our poHtical
Hfe, as a singular and unmistakable token of friendship
offered by that powerful republic, and as a generous effort to
create between the nations of America a stable regime of true
understanding and concord.

This work of peace, which is linked with an unvarying
respect for the rights of all without regard to the extent of
their power, with the close union of their interests, and with
a political unity of purpose which springs from the historical
origin of the repubUcs of America and the analogy of their
institutions, is outlined in a masterly manner in the address
which our illustrious guest recently dehvered before the
congress of American delegates convened at Rio de Janeiro.

The general idea he has expressed therein of the principles
of democratic regime, of its severe trials and accidental mis-
takes, of the virtues which sustain popular government, and
of the pubHc education that must prepare and secure it,
reveals to us the secret of the prosperity and welfare of the
freest and most flourishing republic that has ever existed,
and how it has reached the preponderant rank it now
occupies among nations.

The noble purpose of our powerful sister of the North,
who with a persevering and ever steadfast persistency
presses on, is the endeavor to combine continental interests
lacking sufficient cohesion, and to promote their common
development, thus seeking to reach " the complete rule of
justice and peace among nations in lieu of force and war."

PERU 137

These words of Mr. Root contain, in their severe sim-
plicity, a complete statement of his mission of friendship
and advice. He seeks to stimulate the common aim of har-
monizing the several interests on a permanent basis upon
which is to be estabhshed the uniform rule of our common
existence, the rule of justice never subservient to private
and selfish convenience; a barrier against the arbitrary and
brutal decisions of force, nearly always dissembled under
plausible forms and motives of international tradition.

There exists a fundamental sentiment which opposes the
cumulus of violence and usurpation, which in a great degree
constitutes historic international law and corrects the
deductions made from purely speculative theories, — a senti-
ment we accept without demur, and which is asserted like
the axioms that serve as the basis and foundation of all
reasoning and as a rule inspiring human actions.

This concept is that of a law of coexistence, an intuition of
the universal conscience, which all human society upholds by
reason of the sole fact of its existence.

But the completely empiric and egotistical manner in
which nations have understood and applied the right of
sovereign independence in their outward dealings, has, up to
the present time, been the almost insup>erable obstacle to the
universal establishment of a rule of justice which governs,
in a permanent and uniform manner, the concourse of
interests; each state following one of its own modeling, in
accordance with the power it holds and the ambitions it is
thereby enabled to pursue.

This tendency, whether open or covert, hardly restrained
by the formalities of modem civilization, which seldom suc-
ceeds in masking the painful reality, has created the singular
spectacle witnessed at the present time, — that is, the unde-
fined aggravation of a military situation which absorbs the

138 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

greater part of the resources of nations, wrung from the labor
of humanity.

The constant fear of armed aggression has brought about
political alliances of a purely transitory character, which
assure nothing and, in truth, mean nothing but the mutual
imputation of violence and outrage, unhappily but too well
demonstrated as justifiable motives for apprehension, by
reason of the ominous antecedents of an international regime
founded on the supremacy of power.

This precarious guaranty, the fruit of an unsteady and
purely political combination which may undergo the most
unexpected alterations, cannot assure a stable situation,
because it is not in itself the constitution of a common,
strong, and commanding law; but, on the contrary, is the
distrust of the efficacy of the latter and a certain traditional
disdain for a humane and peaceful solution of international
affairs.

When the anxiety of danger or an unforeseen obstacle does
not prevent recourse to arms, war breaks out if the motive is
simply the securing of an advantage sustained by a military
power which the country chosen as the object of aggression
cannot forcibly check.

True it is that at the present time wars are less frequent
and more humane in the manner they are conducted than
heretofore; but their causes are ever the same, and the inter-
vals between them are only due to the increasing number of
military powers, and to the fear of consequent complications
of political interests which it is hazardous to provoke.

Treaties of peace since the seventeenth century, which
recorded the birth of the modern law of nations, have on some
occasions passed through real transformation in obedience
to the law of evolution of human societies, which favor
equilibrium, not as established by frail or artificial alliances,
nor by combinations of the powerful, but by its ethnical

PERU 139

factors and the amplitude of the national life based primarily
on the progress of its institutions, in the ever-increasing
intervention of the people in their own affairs and the reality
and soimdness of its political and civil liberty.

The definite establishment of an international juridical
organ, sufficiently authorized and efficacious in its action, is
yet a future event. Law in this respect has not as yet gone
beyond the limits of a sphere that is at most one of pure
speculation, — a worthy ideal, it is true, but one which in
actuality has only succeeded in modifying the forms of
violence by recording in the customary code of nations a few
rules to lessen the brutality of the action, without eliminating
the arbitrariness inherent in the sovereignty of arms.

In the work of common security and prosperity that
involves the future of this continent, and once carried into
effect, will signalize the most effective advance in the law of
nations, a prominent part belongs to the great republic that
has staked her power and fortune on peace. In this work we
have endeavored to cooperate in good faith and without
reserve, and in it, also, the ardent sympathy and the bound-
less confidence of the Peruvian people will follow.

And since the unmerited honor has fallen to my lot to
address myself on this memorable occasion to the distin-
guished p>ersonage, to the high dignitary of the nation which
represents the greatest intensity of national life on account
of the unrestricted development of the human faculties and
the most certain and practical evolution of law among
nations, I believe that I interpret the unanimous sentiment
of my colleagues and of my country, in furnishing him the
complete evidence of our cordial adherence and of our faith
in the work intrusted to his talents and to his high character.

140 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Reply of Mr. Root

I AM deeply sensible of the great honor which you confer
upon me, an honor coming from this primate of the universi-
ties of the New World; an honor which receives me into the
company of men learned, devoted to science, the disciples of
truth, men eminent in the republic of letters. I am the more
appreciative of this emblem because I am myself the son of a
college professor, bom within the precincts of a learned insti-
tution, and all my life closely associated with higher educa-
tion in the United States of America. But I realize, sir, that
my personality plays no considerable part in the ceremony of
today. Happy is he who comes, by whatever chance, to
stand as the representative of a great cause; as the repre-
sentative of ideas which conciliate the feelings and arouse the
enthusiasm of men; for the cause sheds light upon his person,
however small, and the honor of his purpose reflects honor on
him.

With the greatest satisfaction I have heard from the lips of
the learned rector and professor of this university so just and
high an estimate of the contributions made by my country to
the cause of ordered liberty and justice in the world. I feel
that what has been said here today is of far greater weight
than any ordinary compliment, because it comes from men
who speak under the grave responsibility of their high station
as instructors of their countrymen, and after deliberate
study, resulting in definite and certain conclusions.

It is a matter of most interesting reflection that after the
nations of the Old World, from which we took our being, had
sought for many years to gain wealth and strength and profit
by the enforcement of a narrow and mistaken colonial policy,
the revolt of the colonies of the New World brought to the
mother nations infinitely greater blessings even than they
were seeking. The reflex action of the working of the spirit

PERU 141

of freedom on these shores of the new hemisphere upon the
welfare of the countless millions of the Old World, has been of
a value incalculable and inconceivable to the minds against
whose mistaken policy we revolted.

I have always thought, sir, that the chief contribution of
the United States of America to political science, was the
device of incorporating in written constitutions an expression
of the great principles which underUe human freedom and
human justice, and putting it in the power of the judicial
branch of the government to pass judgment upon the con-
formity of political action to those principles.

When in the fullness of time the hour had come for the new
experiment in government among men, and it was the fate of
the young and feeble colonies upon the coast of the North
Atlantic to make the experiment, the Old World was full of
the most dismal forebodings as to the result. The world was
told that the experiment of democratic government meant
the rule of the mob; that it might work well today, but that
tomorrow the mob which had had but half a breakfast and
could expect no dinner, would take control; and that the
tyranny of the mob was worse than the tyranny of any
individual.

The provisions of our constitutions guard against the
tyranny of the mob, for at the time when men can deal in
harmony with the principles of justice, when no selfish motive
exists, when no excited passions exist, the constitution
declares the great principles of justice — that no man shall be
deprived of his property without due process of the law;
that private property shall not be taken for public use with-
out just compensation; that a person accused of crime shall
be entitled to be informed of the charge against him, and
given opportunity to defend himself. These provisions are
essential to the preservation of liberty; and in the hands of
judicial power rests the prerogative of declaring that when-

142 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

ever a congress, or a president, or a general, or whatever
officer of whatever rank or dignity infringes, by a hair's
breadth, upon any one of these great impersonal declarations
of human rights, his acts cease to have official effect. The
substitution of the divine quality of judgment, of the judicial
quality in man, that quality which is bound by all that honor,
by all that respect for human rights, by all that self-respect
can accomplish, to lay aside all fear or favor and decide
justly — the substitution of that quality for the fevered
passions of the hour, for political favor and political hope, for
political ambition, for personal seffishness and personal greed,
— that is the contribution, the great contribution, of the
American Constitution to the political science of the world.

If we pass to the field most ably and interestingly discussed
in the paper to which we have just listened, to the field of in-
ternational justice, we find the same principle less fully devel-
oped. I had almost said we find the need for the application
of the same principle. All international law and international
justice depend upon national law and national justice. No
assemblage of nations can be expected to establish and main-
tain any higher standard in their dealings with one another
than that which each maintains within its own borders. Just
as the standard of justice and civilization in a community
depends upon the individual character of the elements of the
community, so the standard of justice among nations depends
upon the standard established in each individual nation.
Now, in the field of international arbitration we find a less
fully developed sense of impersonal justice than we find in
our municipal jurisprudence. Many years ago the Marquis
of Salisbury, in a very able note, pointed out the extreme
difficulty which lies in the way of international arbitration,
arising from the difficulty of securing arbitrators who will
act impartially, the trouble being that the world has not yet
passed, in general, out of that stage of development in which

PERU 143

men, even if they be arbitrators, act diplomatically instead of
acting judicially. Arbitrations are too apt, therefore, to lead
to diplomatic compromises rather than to judicial decisions.
The remedy is not in abandoning the principle of arbitration,
but it is by pressing on in every country and among all coun-
tries the quickened conscience, the higher standard, the
judicial idea, the sense of the responsibility for impartial
judgment in international affairs, as distinguished from the
opportunity for negotiation in international affairs. We are
too apt, both those who are despondent about the progress of
civilization and those who are cynical about the unselfishness
of mankind, to be impatient in our judgment, and to forget
how long the life of a nation is, and how slow the processes of
civilization are; how long it takes to change character and to
educate whole peoples up to different standards of moral law.
The principle of arbitration requires not merely declarations
by governments, by congresses; it requires that education of
the people of all civilized countries up to the same standard
which now exists regarding the sacredness of judicial func-
tions exercised in our courts.

It does not follow from this that the declaration of the
principle of arbitration is not of value; it does not follow
that governments and congresses are not advancing the
cause of international justice; a principle recognized and
declared always gains fresh strength and force; but for the
accomplishment of the results which all of us desire in the
substitution of arbitration for war, we must not be content
with the declaration of principles; we must carry on an
active campaign of universal national and international edu-
cation, elevating the idea of the sacredness of the exercise of
the judicial function in arbitration as well as in litigation
between individuals. Still deeper than that goes the duty
that rests upon us. Arbitration is but the method of pre-
venting war after nations have been drawn up in opposition

144 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

to each other with serious differences and excited feelings.
The true, the permanent, and the final method of preventing
war, is to educate the people who make war or peace, the
people who control parliaments and congresses, to a love for
justice and regard for the rights of others. So we come to the
duty that rests here — not in the whims or the preference or
the policy of a monarch, but here, in this university, in every
institution of learning throughout the civilized world, with
every teacher — the responsibility of determining the great
issues of peace and war through the responsibility of teaching
the people of our countries the love of justice, teaching them
to seek the victories of peace rather than the glories of war;
to regard more highly an act of justice and of generosity than
even an act of courage or an act of heroism. In this great
work of educating the people of the American republics to
peace, there are no political divisions. As there is, and
has been since the dawn of civilization, but one republic
of science, but one republic of letters, let there be but one
republic of the politics of peace, one great university of the
professors and instructors of justice, of respect for human
rights, of consideration for others, and of the peace of the
world.

PANAMA

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

Speech of His Excellency Ricardo Arias

Secretary op Government and Foreign Relations
In the National Assembly, at Panama, September 21, 1906

YOU have just visited the wealthiest capitals of South
America, real emporiums of its richness; there you have
beefr received with great magnificence. Our outward mani-
festations of joy on the occasion of your visit may, therefore,
appear to you very humble; but you can rest assured that
none of them will surpass us in the intensity of sympathetic
feeling toward your person and toward the noble American
people that you so worthily represent.

We Panamanians always remember with gratitude the
interest we inspired in you from the very first days of our
national existence, and we bear in mind very specially your
timely speech delivered before the Union League Club of
Chicago,* when our destiny was pending on the scales of a
decision of your Senate; and therefore we avail ourselves
of this joyful opportunity to receive you with the cordiality
due to an old and good friend.

It has been, and it is yet, the vehement desire of your
country to bring into closer ties, as far as possible, its political
and commercial relations with the Latin American coun-
tries. The similarity of traditions and institutions, the'
vicinity and continuity of their territories, and the vast field
of commercial expansion which they offer, fully justify that
natural, legitimate desire, which is also mutually beneficial;

* "The Ethics of the Panama Question"; address before the Union League Club
of Chicago, February 22, 1904 — see Addreaaes on International Sul)jects, pp. 175-
206, published by the Harvard University Press.

14f

146 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

but there being between yours and the latter countries
essential differences of language, race, disposition, and educa-
tion, there is bound to exist in them the suspicion which is
naturally engendered by the unknown, and thus it is that the
first steps taken toward the accomplishment of your desire
should have been the removal of that suspicion by means of
friendly intercourse and mutual acquaintance.

With the tact brought forth by your vast intelligence and
learning, you fully understood that those do not love each
other well who are not intimately acquainted; and it is owing
to this fact that you decided to come in person to visit and to
know the Latin Americans by your own observation and
study. No doubt you carry with you a joyful impression
of the progress and nobleness of disposition of our southern
brothers, together with the assurance that your mission will
achieve a new and splendid triumph for that American dip-
lomacy whereof you are the skilled director, and the princi-
pal object of which is the accomplishment of the desire of
which I have already spoken.

Being desirous to cooperate in the aims you have in view
and with the hope of dispelling certain existing misunder-
standings concerning the motives and intentions which
originated our present pleasant relations, in a statement
which I recently addressed to your government through its
minister plenipotentiary here, I recounted the historical
events which engendered our national existence and those
special relations which link us to your country, in order that
when the seal of diplomatic silence is removed, and that
statement becomes public property, the world may know,
through the unimpeachable testimony of history, that only
ideals of the highest altruism served as a guide to the foun-
dation of our republic and to the celebration of the treaty
concerning the construction of the interoceanic canal for our
benefit and pro mundi beneficio.

PANAMA 147

Panama offers you a splendid field to promote the wise
international policy which animates your mind. We being
of similar conditions to our Latin American brothers, being
linked to your country by the closest ties that can exist
between two independent nations, you having the means of
exerting decisive influence upon our future life and we being
situated in the constant path of universal transit, shall be an
evident, shining example of the benefit which your country
can confer upon the countries of our race.

The fruits of your influence are already felt and seen.
Peace, which we consider a blessing, is a permanent fact.
Under its shelter, and under the assurances given us by your
illustrious President in his famous letter of October 18, 1904,
addressed to the Secretary of War, Panama has entered with
firm step upon the path of material, intellectual, and moral
development. Those who knew us a little over two years ago,
disheartened and ruined by bad government and civil war,
and see today the change that has taken place in such a short
time, carry to the north and south the gratifying news of our
regeneration and thereby contribute to dispel unfounded
suspicions regarding yourselves.

These good results are the forerunners of greater benefits
in the future, and of the effect. of the cooperation of the
agents of your government in the progress of the country in
general, of their friendly and timely advice, and of their
decided moral supp>ort whenever there has been need thereof.

I will profit by this opportunity to convey to you the grati-
tude of the government and people of Panama for the special
consideration which has been extended to them by the gov-
ernment of your country. This has been evidenced princi-
pally by the diplomatic staff sent to us, from the very able
Honorable William I. Buchanan, your first minister pleni-
potentiary, to the popular Honorable Charles E. Magoon,
who can hardly be replaced, and whose separation from the

148 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

post he occupies with general satisfaction has caused great
regret in the country; and later you sent us, doing us an
unmerited honor, in the first place, by special order of your
very noble President, your Secretary of War, Honorable
William H. Taft, who established the relations between our
two countries on the happy basis of mutual cordiality and
justice, on which they are now established; and now, Mr.
Secretary, you do us the great honor of coming yourself on a
visit, placing us on a level with the powerful Brazil, Argen-
tina, Chile, Peru, and Uruguay; and, furthermore, which
appears to be the extreme limit of what is possible, you allow
us to look forward to the coming visit of your great President,
the most distinguished of existing rulers — a special honor
which has not been vouchsafed even to the most powerful
nations of the world. Panama, overwhelmed with so many
marks of appreciation, will preserve them as an everlasting
remembrance of gratitude toward your noble country; and
in return, though it be but partial, we will follow your advice,
we will cooperate without reserve and with enthusiasm in the
great work of the interoceanic canal, which is bound to be
the most magnificent monument of the grandeur of your
people; and we will likewise support you in the mission of
American brotherhood which you have undertaken, founding
a nation which shall distinguish itself by its love of work, of
honor, of order, and of justice.

Reply of Mb. Root

I THANK you for your kind welcome to me and for the friend-
ship to my country expressed in that welcome, and I thank
you for the honor conferred upon me by this reception in the
legislative body which is charged with the government of
this republic. You have truly said, sir, that I am deeply
interested in the affairs of the people of Panama. At the
time of the events which led to your independence, I studied

PANAMA 149

your history carefully and thoroughly from original docu-
ments, in order to determine in my own mind what the course
of my country ought to be. From that study have resulted a
keen sense of the manifold injuries and injustices under
which the people of Panama have suffered in years past, a
strong sympathy with you in your efforts and aspirations
toward a better condition, a fervent hope for your prosperity
and welfare.

It is with the greatest pleasure that I have heard the
expressions of friendship for my country, because of my
feeling toward you and because of the special relations which
exist between the two countries. We are engaged together in
the prosecution of a great, a momentous enterprise — an
enterprise which has been the dream not only of the early
navigators who first colonized your coasts, but of the most
progressive of mankind for four centuries. Its successful
accomplishment will make Panama the very center of the
world's trade; you will stand up>on the greatest highway of
commerce; more than the ancient glories of the isthmus will
be restored; and there lies before you in the future of this
successful enterprise wealth, prosperity, the opportunity for
education, for cultivation, and for intercourse with all the
world such as has never before been brought to any people.
The success of the enterprise will unite the far-separated
Atlantic and Pacific coasts in my country; it will give to us
the credit of great deeds done, and make the Atlantic and
Pacific for us as but one ocean; and the success of this enter-
prise will give to the world a new highway of commerce and
the possibility of a distinct and enormous advance in that
communication between nations which is the surest guaranty
of peace and civilization.

The achievement of this work is to be accomplished by us
jointly. You furnish the country, the place, the soil, the
atmosphere, the surrounding population among which the

150 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

people who do the work are to live and where the work is to
be maintained. We furnish the capital and the trained con-
structive ability which has grown up in the course of centuries
of development of the northern continent. The work is
difficult and delicate; the two peoples, the Anglo-American
and the Spanish-American, are widely different in their
traditions, their laws, their customs, their methods of think-
ing and speaking and doing business. It often happens that
we misunderstand each other; it often happens that we fail
to appreciate your good qualities and that you fail to appre-
ciate ours; and that with perfectly good intentions, with the
best of purposes and kindliest of feelings, we clash, we fail to
understand each other, we get at cross purposes, and mis-
conception and discord are liable to arise. Let us remember
this in all our intercourse; let us be patient with each other;
let us believe in the sincerity of our mutual good purposes and
kindly feelings, and be patient and forbearing each with the
other, so that we may go on together in the accomplishment
of this great enterprise; together bring it to a successful con-
clusion; together share in the glory of the great work done
and in the prosperity that will come from the result.

Mr. President and gentlemen, let me assure you that in the
share which the United States is taking and is to take in this
work, there is and can be but one feeling and one desire
toward the people of Panama. It is a feeling of friendship
sincere and lasting; it is a feeling of strong desire that wis-
dom may control the deliberations of this assembly; that
judgment and prudence and love of country may rule in all
your councils and may control all your actions; it is a desire
and a firm purpose that so far as in us lies, there shall be pre-
served for you the precious boon of free self-government.
We do not wish to govern you or interfere in your govern-
ment, because we are larger and stronger; we believe that the
principle of liberty and the rights of men are more impor-

PANAMA 151

tant than the size of armies or the number of battleships.
Your independence which we recognized first among the
nations of the earth, it is our desire to have maintained in-
violate. Believe this, be patient with us, as we will be patient
with you; and I hope, I believe, that at some future day we
shall all be sailing through the canal together, congratulat-
ing each other upon our share in that great and beneficent
work.

COLOMBIA

CARTAGENA

Address of the Minister for Foreign Affairs,

His Excellency Vasquez-Cobo

At a Breakfast given to Mr. Root, September 24, 1906

UPON receiving your excellency within the confines of
our heroic and glorious Cartagena, I present to you a
cordial greeting of welcome, in the name of Colombia, of his
excellency the President of the Republic, and in my own.

You return to your own country to enjoy merited honors
and laurels after a long tour, giving a hearty embrace of
friendship to our sisters, the republics of the South; and in
breaking your journey upon our burning shores we receive
you as the herald of peace, of justice, and of concord with
which the great republic of the North greets the American
continent. I trust to God that these walls, the austere
witnesses of our glory, will serve as a monument whereby
this visit may be noted in history.

The honorable Minister Barrett, the worthy and estimable
representative of your excellency's Government, has just
completed a journey through a large part of our vast terri-
tory; he, better than any one, will be able to tell your
excellency what he has seen in our beautiful and fertile
valleys and mountains, in our flourishing cities and fields,
and among our five millions of lusty, high-minded, peace-
loving, and hard-working inhabitants, who today think only
of peace and useful and honest toil.

This is the nation that greets you today and with loyalty
and frankness clasps the hand of her sister of the North.

Mr. Secretary, upon thanking you for the honor of this
visit, I fervently pray that a happy outcome may crown

15S

154 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

your efforts in the great work of American fraternity, and I
drink to the prosperity and greatness of the United States,
to its President, and especially to your excellency.

Reply of Mr. Root

Believe, I beg you, in the sincerity of my appreciation and
my thanks for the courtesy with which you have received me,
and for the honor which you have shown me. When the
suggestion was made that upon my return from a voyage
encircling the continent of South America, I should stop at
Cartagena for an interview with you, sir, before returning to
my own country, I accepted with alacrity and with pleasure,
because it was most grateful to me to testify by my presence
upon your shores to my high respect for your great country,
the country of Bolivar; to my sincere desire that all questions
which exist between the United States of Colombia and the
United States of America may be settled peacefully, in the
spirit of friendship, of mutual esteem, and with honor to both
countries. Especially, also, I was glad to come to Colombia
as an evidence of my esteem and regard for that noble and
great man whom it is the privilege of Colombia to call her
President today — General Reyes. I have had the privilege
of personal acquaintance with him, and I look upon his con-
duct of affairs in the chief magistracy of your republic with
the twofold interest of one who loves his fellow-men and
desires the prosperity and happiness of the people of Colom-
bia, and of a personal regard and friendship for the President
himself.

I have been much gratified during my visit to so many of
the republics of South America to find universally the spirit
of a new industrial and commercial awakening, to find a new
era of enterprise and prosperity dawning in the southern
continent.

COLOMBIA 155

Mr. Minister and gentlemen, it will be the cause of sincere
happiness to me if through the present friendly relations,
based upon personal knowledge acquired here, I may do
something toward helping the republic of Colombia for-
ward along the pathway of the new development of South
America. With your vast agricultural and mineral wealth,
with the incalculable richness of your domain, the wealth and
prosperity of Colombia are sure to come some time. Let us
hope that they will come while we are yet Uving, in order
that you may transfer to your children not the possibiUty but
the realization of the increased greatness of your country.
Let us hope that some advance of this new era of progress
may come from the pleasant friendships formed today.
While I return my thanks to you for your courtesy, let me
assure you that there is nothing that could give greater
pleasure to the President and to the people of the United
States of America than to feel that they may have some part
in promoting the prosperity and the happiness of this sister
republic.

I ask you to join me in drinking to the peace, the pros-
perity, the order, the justice, the liberty of the republic of
Colombia, and long life and a prosperous career in oflBce to
its President — General Reyes.

THE VISIT TO MEXICO

Following Secretary Root's visit to South America, with its auspicious results,
the President of Mexico, Porfirio Diaz, extended an official invitation to visit the
republic immediately to the south of us, in the belief that such a visit would have
equally happy results in strengthening and increasing the " steadfast friendship "
existing between the two neighboring nations.

Mr. Root, together with his wife and daughter, started for Mexico by special
train, arriving in San Antonio on September 28, 1907. On the evening of the day of
his arrival in San Antonio, a banquet was tendered to Mr. Root and the Mexican
Committee which had come to San Antonio to welcome him and escort him into
their country.

On Sunday the 29th, the Root party, together with the Mexican Committee,
proceeded across the boundary into Mexico, and were met at the station of Nuevo
Laredo by a Mexican delegation. Thence they continued to Mexico City, where the
honors extended to Mr. Root were in keeping with the traditional hospitality of the
ancient capital of the Montezumas. During his stay the degree of honorary member
of the Mexican Academy of Legislation and Jurisprudence was conferred upon him.

A Mexican publication of 314 pages, entitled El Senor Root en Mexico, contains in
parallel Spanish and English coltunns a detailed account of the visit, which extended
from September 28 to October 16. It is to be regretted that this volume is defective
in that many of the speeches made during the visit are not fully reported. It is pos-
sible, however, to gather from those which have been preserved, a keen sense of
the cordial reception accorded him by the officials and representative citizens of the
republic, and the earnest and eloquent terms in which he reciprocated the expres-
sions of regard for his country and of appreciation of his own services to his country
and the world.

The most progressive epoch in Mexico's history was the thirty years of Diaz's
supremacy; and it was in the heyday of that period that Mr. Root made his visit to
j Mexico and paid to President Diaz the tributes which appear in the following pages.
[ During these thirty years, he was always a firm friend of the United States, and
■ no diplomatic misunderstandings arose which were not peaceably adjusted in a
I spirit of neighborly friendship. Dfaz shares with President Roosevelt the honor of
^^i submitting the first international controversy to the Hague Tribunal of Arbitration
' for determination, in what is known as " The Pious Fund of the Califomias."

THE VISIT TO MEXICO

SAN ANTONIO

Speech of Mr. Root

At a Banquet of the International Club in Honor of Mr. Root and the
Mexican Envoys, September 28, 1907

Upon his arrival in San Antonio, Texas, on his way to Mexico, Mr. Root was met
by a reception committee designated by President Diaz, which had come to San
Antonio to welcome him and to escort him to the national capital. While in San
Antonio, Mr. Root and the Mexican Reception Committee were the guests of the
International Club of that city; and on the evening of the day of their arrival, a
banquet was tendered them by that club. At this banquet Mr. Root made what
may be called the first address of his Mexican visit. The opening remarks of this
speech were not reported in full in the volume entitled El SefUrr Root en Mexico, or
elsewhere; nor were the speeches of the members of the Mexican Reception Com-
mittee. Mr. Root b^an by a reference to the ideals adopted by men and by
nations, declaring his opinion that a nation has a right to exist only in so far as it
shows its ability to care for the welfare of other nations and the relations of every
man with his fellow-men. He spoke of the rising tide of American business which is
powerfully spreading towards the south by reason of the financial conditions in the
east of the United States, every day becoming more stringent through the volume
and accumulation of resources. After this introduction, he spoke at some length
about the Panama Canal, the construction of which already was in its opening stage.
On this subject he said:

The Panama Canal is now an unquestionable certainty.
Relations between the United States and the different nations
which are grouped around the Caribbean Sea, are becoming
every day closer. It is impossible to anticipate at present
the tonnage which will pass through that waterway, nor
can we predict the number of vessels which will be required
for its transportation; but we do already know, that never
in the world has a new and universal trade route been
opened, without bringing about a change in the history of
the entire world. And it is for this reason I feel that
upon us has fallen the mission of assisting all those nations

159

160 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

which will find themselves involved in the new influence. At
present we are doing everything within our power to assist
Cuba in establishing self-government. We have endeavored
to stretch out our hand to unhappy Santo Domingo, ruined
by its civil wars, so that it may rise and also govern itself.
We have plunged into a discussion which really has no further
object than that of settling the disputes and the differences
which have arisen between the United States and the republic
of Colombia. And all this we do, not only through the new
interest which the prosperity of all those countries develops
in ourselves, but principally through a profound compre-
hension of the truth contained in the principle above enunci-
ated, that a nation only lives as far as it demonstrates its
right to existence by its usefulness to humanity. And one of
the most conclusive guarantees of the success of this effort is
found in the solid and loyal friendship which exists between
the United States and Mexico, with which nation, day after
day, and year after year, we are working within the limits of a
peaceful and humanitarian national policy, which at the
same time is wise and intelligent. Our two republics, now so
prosperous, harmoniously work to promote a similar pros-
perity amongst their sister republics to the south; and I
sincerely hope that this happy state of affairs may be pro-
longed for a long time to come, and that success may finally
crown our united efforts. In this manner the two republics
will fully prove their right to live, and will show the world
that their citizens are able and competent to govern them-
selves without the assistance of either kings or aristocracies,
seeing that they can fill the highest mission of man, which
consists in the maintenance of law, order, justice, liberty, and
peace. . . .

I also desire to say how greatly I appreciate the distin-
guished courtesy shown to myself and to the Government of
the United States, by the long journey which has been under-

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 161

taken by the committee charged with the representation of
President Diaz and the Mexican Government, crossing the
frontier of their country into the state of Texas, in order to
give me welcome on the occasion of the visit I am about to
make. Indeed, it causes me the greatest satisfaction to be able
to declare, without any reserve whatever, that this action is
entirely in accordance with the conduct observed by Mexico
in all international matters which have arisen between the
two countries, since I have taken any part in the govern-
ment of our own. With an immense boundary line which is
only marked by the changeable and capricious currents of
the Rio Grande; with the constant traffic across our com-
mon frontier; with thousands of Americans residing in that
country; with the countless number of enterprises in which
Americans are interested on the other side of the Rio Grande,
and with the resources of the two countries, there are always
a number of questions to be solved by the representatives of
one and the other, and there can be no doubt that they will
always be solved with the same good-will and courtesy of
which such evident proof has been given by General Rinc6n
Gallardo, by Mr. Limantour and by their travelling com-
panions in coming here tonight.*

RECEPTION BY THE MEXICAN DELEGATION AT
NUEVO LAREDO

Speech op Welcome by General Pedro Rincon Gallardo

September 29, 1907

Especially appointed for this purpose by the President, in
behalf of the government of the republic, we have the honor
to tender to your excellency the most cordial welcome on
your happy arrival in Mexico, whose people, of whom we

* Thia address was answered in appropriate terms by General Rinc6n Gallardo as
the representative of President Diaz, and among other things he congratulated him-
self on the fact that the Mexican Committee had been granted the pleasing privilege

162 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

must consider ourselves the faithful echo, pledge the con-
tinued good relations with the people of the United States.
The reception is an homage to your well-known merits, and
the people are anxious to receive your excellency as their
illustrious guest and highly esteemed friend. The people of
Mexico, during your excellency's brief sojourn amongst us,
will show how true is their esteem for you and how proud
they will feel on the occasion of this visit of your excellency,
accompanied by Mrs. and Miss Root; an event the memory
of which will remain forever engraved on our hearts.

Mr. Root's Reply

I BEG you to believe that I am highly appreciative of the
cordial and hospitable greeting with which I have been
received by you on the threshold of your beautiful and
wonderful country. I hope that the visit which now begins
will not merely give me personally the opportunity I have
long desired, to see this great country and its marvels, to
meet its public men, and especially to see its illustrious
President. I hope that it will also serve, as it is intended to
serve, as evidence of the desire of the government and people
of the United States to strengthen and increase the steadfast
friendship which they have long felt for the people and govern-
ment of Mexico.

CITY OF MEXICO

Speech of Porbtrio Diaz

President of the Republic

At a Banquet at the National Palace, October 2, 1907

In the name of the Mexican people and of their government
I tender you this banquet, acknowledging thereby those
sentiments of sympathy which are felt and which distinguish

of continumg to San Antonio in order to give there a welcome to the distinguished
visitors. Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Garcia Cuellar also made an address. Neither
of these addresses were preserved.

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 163

one and another, the people of the United States, the great
citizen who presides over its high destinies, and the illustrious
statesman who honors us with his interesting and very
welcome visit. Bonds of sympathy and fellow-feeling, Mr.
Secretary, which are not new, but which germinated in the
breasts of our fathers at the inception of the independence
of our country, our fathers who contemplated with patriotic
enthusiasm the daring exploits in war and imitated the poli-
tical examples set by your heroic liberators; sentiments
which we, of subsequent generations, have also cultivated;
because, in studying the causes which produce the prodigious
national prosperity with which your country has astounded
the world, we become accustomed to admire, to magnify
perhaps, the indomitable will, energy, labor, and civic and
patriotic solidarity which constitute the energetic and abun-
dantly productive typ)e of your countrymen.

The Mexican people, Mr. Secretary, are honored as well
as pleased to have you in their midst — honored, because
you are the fountain of honor as a noted statesman of our
century, and highly pleased because your clear and rapid
conception promises us that, seeing with your own eyes the
kind and well-merited feelings with which we harbor your
countrymen who seek in our land the generous treatment
proportionate to their intelligence, perseverance, and inde-
fatigable labor, you may affirm that in Mexico we profess
ideas which, carried out in cordial reciprocity, must make
happy and loyal friends the two nations which are united
by contiguity.

In conclusion, gentlemen, I extend my thanks to the dis-
tinguished ladies who have had the kindness to honor and
embellish our tables with their presence; and permit me to
invite you to drink with them and with me, hoping that the
national harmonizing of individual rights and just liberties,
which is called the United States of America, may be per-

164 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

petuated in its increasing moral and material progress, which
has given prestige throughout the world to government by
popular representation.

1 drink also to the personal happiness of that great friend
of universal peace, president of the grand republic, the
Honorable Theodore Roosevelt, and to the hope that our
illustrious guest and his lovable family may find in Mexico
a reception as pleasing as their interesting visit is to the
Mexican people.

Mr. Root's Reply

I THANK you most sincerely for the kind and gracious words
which you have used regarding my poor self, regarding my
President, from whom I bring to you and to the Mexican
people a message of deep and warm friendship and good
wishes, and regarding my country, which I believe is fitly
represented by this brief visit of friendship, made with the
purpose, not of creating, for they are already created, but of
increasing and advancing the ideas of amity and mutual
helpfulness between two great republics.

I cannot keep my mind from reverting to a former visit
by an American Secretary of State to the republic of Mexico.
Thirty-eight years ago, Mr. Seward, a really great American
Secretary of State, visited your country. How vast the
difference between what he found and what I find! Then
was a country torn by a civil war, sunk in poverty, in distress.
Now I find a country great in its prosperity, in its wealth, in
its activity and enterprise, in the moral strength of its just
and equal laws, and unalterable purpose to advance its people
steadily along the pathway of progress.

Mr. President, the people of the United States feel that
the world owes this great change chiefly to you. They are
grateful to you for it, for they rejoice in the prosperity and
happiness of Mexico. We believe, sir, that we are richer

THE VISIT TO IVIEXICO 165

and happier because you are richer and happier, and we rejoice
that you are no longer a poor and struggHng nation needing
assistance, but that you are strong and vigorous, so that we
can go with you side by side in demonstrating to the world
that republics are able to govern themselves wisely; side
by side in helping to carry to our less fortunate sisters the
blessing of peace.

Mr. President, I have said that we need not create, but
wish to strengthen, the ties of friendship. It is my hope that
through more perfect understanding, through personal inter-
course, through the more complete unity of action to be
acquired by the individual intercourse of the men of Mexico
and the men of the United States, not only may our friend-
ship be increased, but our power for usefulness — for that
usefulness which demonstrates the right of nations to be
perpetuated — may be enlarged.

For the generous hospitality, for the spirit of friendship
with which you and the people of Mexico have welcomed me
as a representative of the United States, I thank you and
them, and I hope that there may be found in this visit
and in this welcome not merely the pleasure of a holiday,
but a step along the pathway of two great nations in their
service to humanity.

RECEPTION AT THE MUNICIPAL PALACE

Speech of Governor Guillermo de Landa y Escand6n

October 3. 1907

Last year, in accordance with the wishes of your President,
you undertook to visit and become acquainted with Latin
America, and for that purpose you made an extended voyage
which was fruitful in happy results.

At the beginning of the sixteenth century adventurous
Spanish and Portuguese navigators sailed from the Atlantic

166 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

into tlie Pacific, effecting important discoveries of which the
object was to rescue from darkness populous regions which,
since then, have become part of the civiHzed world. You
have sailed over nearly the same route four centuries later,
proclaiming a message of peace and concord in all those
regions whose inhabitants greeted you with acclamations
from the northern ports of Brazil around to those of Colombia
and Panama.

You are now crowning your mission by visiting the Mex-
ican Republic, and you arrive at this capital animated by the
same aspirations which actuated you when you set foot on the
cruiser Charleston in the port of New York on July 4, 1906.

Your aims are so noble and great that they cannot but be
sincere. The course you have set before yourself would not
be possible for one whose head did not harbor the loftiest
ideals, and whose heart did not quicken to the finest sen-
timents.

Your President is a great man; rectitude and loyalty are
the dominant features of his character. A soldier, and a
brave one, he knows what war is, and therefore he abhors it
with all the force of his large heart; the war which engages
his thoughts is war upon war itself.

It would not befit me at this moment, much as I should
wish to do so, to extol the character of the supreme magis-
trate of my country. But I may say that, though a soldier
like your own President, he detests war in the same degree,
and that the ideals and aims of both these great men are alike
directed toward an object sublime and desired of all men —
peace.

The nations which both statesmen govern follow their lead
in this respect with energetic unanimity; and it is safe to
augur the happiest results from a concert so auspicious.

You, sir, second the purposes of both of those leaders with
a zeal which nothing can cool; your mind has been formed

THE VISIT TO IVIEXICO 167

at the bar — in the school of justice; and, like our two
Presidents, you abominate injustice and insincerity.

You also know what war is, and you share the aversion of
the two great American statesmen who are the standard
bearers of peace in the new world.

Welcome, excellency, to this ancient capital of the empire
of Montezuma. She opens her gates to you and to your
family, and offers you the sincerest hospitality, hoping you
may preserve of her recollections as lasting as will be her
memory of the visit of one whose happy mission it has been
to carry everywhere the spirit of peace, good-will, and
fraternity.

Mr. Root's Reply

Governor Landa, your welcome now is as it has been from
the first instant of my visit, both graceful and grateful. I
have been most delighted by the many interesting things
I have seen here.

Above all things, I feel impelled to say that the most
interesting thing in Mexico, so far as my knowledge goes,
is your President. It has seemed to me that of all the men
now living, Porfirio Diaz, of Mexico, is best worth seeing.
Whether one considers the adventurous, daring, chivalric
incidents of his early career; whether one considers the vast
work of government which his wisdom and courage and
commanding character have accomplished; whether one con-
siders his singularly attractive personality, no one lives today
whom I would rather see than President Diaz. If I were a
poet, I would write poetry; if I were a musician, I would com-
pose triumphal marches; if I were a Mexican, I should
feel that the steadfast loyalty of a lifetime could not be too
much in return for the blessings that he had brought to my
coimtry. As I am neither poet, musician, nor Mexican, but
only an American who loves justice and liberty and hopes to

168 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

see their reign among mankind progress and strengthen and
become perpetual, I look to Porfirio Diaz, the President of
Mexico, as one of the great men to be held up for the hero
worship of mankind.

RECEPTION BY THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES

Speech of Licentiate Manuel Calero

President of the Chamber

October 3, 1907

Honorable Secretary of State, welcome; the national
representation, the chamber that constitutionally symbo-
lizes that people which in this section of the western hemi-
sphere, is ever striving, ever struggling to attain a higher
civilization, to win for itself a respected name among nations,
feels pleasure in welcoming you to its midst. You are
at the present moment the symbolical representation of a
great and friendly people and the personification of its
brotherly feelings toward us. You, honored sir, are our
guest; and were the traditional chivalry of our people not
sufficient justification for our cordiality toward you, the high
character of your office, the luster encircling your name, and
the mission of peace which brings you to this land, would all
move us to open our arms to you, to show you what we are
and what we would be, so that, on returning to your country,
you may tell the millions of your fellow-citizens who will hang
upon your words with rapt attention, that Mexico is not that
mythical land, which legends shroud in the mists of the
adventurous romance of the old Latin countries, restless,
mistrustful, dreamy; nay rather, you will tell them, that it is
a sturdy young nation, starting out, aye, already started,
on the highroad of civilization and industrialism; that it
pursues lofty ideals and strives to attain them, that its heart
beats at the thought of universal solidarity, that it sees in the
foreigner a friend, that it answers your brotherly message

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 169

with a frank and kindly greeting, free from resentment for
the past, and trusting in the omens of the future.

Your name is not unknown to us. We have followed the
trail of your labors and triumphs for the last decade. We
know, too, the people from whom you have come; and setting
aside all false modesty, can truly say we know them better
than they know us. The last thirty years of free intercourse
between this country and yours have seen an overflow of men
and money from north to south; we have dashed the mist
from our eyes and have endeavored to wring from you,
more fortunate and wiser than ourselves, the secrets of your
greatness and the causes of your astounding prosperity.

That you once wronged us, that, when burning political,
economic, and humane problems beset you, the course of
justice was momentarily hampered, we have not forgotten;
we have not. But as the years have rolled on you have won
back, inch by inch, your place in our affections; the inter-
course every day has become closer and closer between your
people and ours, stepping over the bounds set by race and
tongue, infusing new life into this feeling of mutual good
will and friendship, which tends to establish harmony of
ideals and close similarity of destiny.

So it is happening and so should it be. Offsprings of the
same continent, your institutions point out the path for
the development of ours, your mental and moral advance
fires the vigor of our spirit, your tireless activity excites us to
action; in a word, your progress uplifts our noblest ambi-
tions. We are both marching on to the victories of civiliza-
tion, although your lot, in the course of history, shall have
been that of forerunners.

One of your scholars has said that the American nation has
rendered five eminent services to the world's civilization.
True are his words. For the American nation has, in the
first place, sustained by word and by deed, the principle that

170 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

the medium of bringing differences between nations to an
end, is arbitration; it has accepted and practised religious
toleration as has no other nation; it has known how to raise
the dignity of man, by giving to the political vote the
development which a true democracy calls for; it has thrown
open its doors to all such as seek progress and liberty in
your country, and it has taken them in to form part of
one and the same great soul; and lastly, it has known, as
no other nation has, how to scatter abroad material bene-
fits, the very basis of the moral and mental perfection of
the individual. To these factors and to others derived from
the conditions of its privileged soil, is due the great impor-
tance of the American people as a powerful force in the
progress of humanity.

I shall not attempt to analyze in their essence these five
glorious victories of civilization. My mind is dazed by the
victory of democracy through the true action qf the suffrage.
This is the germ, the primary origin of your greatness as a
people, which makes you the beacon for the eager gaze of all
those who, down-trodden by power or by poverty, seek under
the shelter of your wise laws, the guarantee of life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness, to quote the sacred formula of
your Declaration of Independence; this it is which explains
why neither the difference of race and language, nor the
morbid influence produced in the mind by secular despotism,
nor the infinite diversity of religion, is an obstacle to the
hundreds of thousands of helpless beings whom year by
year the Old World is casting on your shores, to be trans-
formed into citizens and become identified with the new
fatherland, as if the national spirit had breathed into the
souls of these new arrivals Jove for your glorious traditions
and your lofty ideals of liberty, justice, and progress. The
American fatherland is not hemmed in by battlements; it
is the redeemer of all miseries, it is the refuge of all those who.

THE VISIT TO IVIEXICO 171

in their flight from tyranny, like your illustrious Carl Schurz,
exclaim; ubi lihertas, ihi patrial

We, less blessed by fortune, but no whit less rich in ideals
and lofty aspirations, find pleasure in studying yoiu* people.
We shall endeavor to reap benefits from the lessons of your
success, and we shall try to avert the great evils which are
born of a prosperity such as yours, and which would under-
mine the walls of your civilization, did there not arise from
out of your midst men of great virtue and indomitable
strength of will, armed for the fray against guilt, combating
evil, true apostles of right. Theodore Roosevelt is such a
man, the most conspicuous of our times, the ardent devotee
of justice, who claims for good citizens, for the rich and the
poor, the proud and the humble, perfect equality and liberty
unrestrained, without which lawful energies may not expand;
and demands alike for all equal justice, equal treatment,
" a square deal *' — to use his own concise and vigorous
phrase.

This it is which explains the whole-hearted prestige won by
your Chief Executive within the limits of your own coun-
try, and which has passed the bounds of your territory and
been merged in the international prestige accorded to him by
aU cultured nations. And, in no small measure, did you with
your knowledge, your ceaseless labor and your delicate tact
contribute to this happy end. Thus the world has seen how
the voice of Theodore Roosevelt, outreaching the roar of the
cannons of Mukden, put an end to the war which in shame to
human culture heralded the dawn of the twentieth century;
it has seen how, in deference to his initiative, the cultured
nations of the world hastened to meet at The Hague Confer-
ence, and how, as a reward for his constant efforts, united
with those of the glorious Chief Executive of this republic,
who now receives you with every mark of honor, the dis-
orders in the neighboring republics to the south were paci-

172 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

fied, and these are now making ready for a work of peace
and harmony, — the beginning of that longed-for era of
prosperity.

The international importance achieved by your govern-
ment and your country had its beginning when President
Monroe gave to the world his famous doctrine, so debated,
so misunderstood, and perhaps so dangerous, if — as has
sometimes been thought — it might be used as a means of
illegitimate preponderance at the expense of the sovereignty
of other nations. The Monroe Doctrine embodies, neverthe-
less, and we should not hesitate to say so, the first principle
of international law of a great part of this continent, if not
the whole. This it means for us Mexicans, ever since the
President of the Republic announced it to Congress in his
memorable message of April, 1896, received with general
acclamation by the national representatives, and later by the
whole country. The integrity of the nations of this conti-
nent is of vital interest to all, collectively, and not alone to the
country immediately affected. Any attack on this integrity
should constitute an offense in the eyes of the other nations
of America. Accordingly, one of our great thinkers and
statesmen has wisely said: ** America for Americans means
each country for its own people, to the exclusion of all
foreign interference, whether this comes from other countries
of this continent or whether it comes from any other nation
whatsoever. And we in our trying struggles of the past have
given ample proof to the whole world of our homage to
independence and our hatred of all foreign intervention " —
to use President Diaz's own words.

From among the various formulas adopted by the inter-
preters of the Monroe Doctrine, we Latin American nations
should gather and keep as a precious pledge, that which
Theodore Roosevelt embodied in his famous speech delivered
on the occasion of the opening of the Buffalo Exposition.

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 173

Addressing the republics of the New World, the illustrious
statesman, then Vice-President of the United States of
America, said:

I believe with all my heart in the Monroe Doctrine. This doctrine is not
to be invoked for the aggrandizement of any one of us here on this conti-
nent at the expense of any one else on this continent. It should be regarded
simply as a great international Pan American policy, vital to the interests
of all of us. The United States has and ought to have, and must ever
have, only the desire to see her sister commonwealths in the western
hemisphere continue to flourish, and the determination that no Old World
power shall acquire new territory here on this western continent. We of
the two Americas must be left to work out our own salvation along our
own Unes; and if we are wise we will make it understood as a cardinal
feature of our joint foreign policy that, on the one hand, we will not submit
to territorial aggrandizement on this continent by any Old World power,
and that, on the other liand, among ourselves each nation must scrupu-
lously regard the rights and interests of the others, so that, instead of any
one of us committing the criminal folly of trying to rise at the expense of
our neighbors, we shall all strive upward in honest and manly brotherhood,
shoulder to shoulder.

And you, honored sir, have not been less explicit. Your
words, pronounced on a memorable occasion during your
recent visit to South America, before all the free peoples of
this continent gathered together at the third Pan American
Conference, should be disclosed, should reach the ears of my
fellow-citizens, for these very words of yours, as President
Roosevelt solemnly declared in his last message to the Con-
gress of the United States, have revealed to all who doubted
the spirit of complete equality which inspired the Monroe
Doctrine, what is the attitude of the United States towards
the other American republics, and what its purposes. You
declared then:

We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except our
own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. W^e deem
the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of
the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest
empire; and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of

174 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

the weak against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire
any rights or privileges or powers that we do not freely concede to every
American republic. We wish to increase our prosperity, to expand our
trade, to grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit; but our conception of the
true way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their
ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common growth,
that we may all become greater and stronger together.

You spoke words of truth, and know, honored sir, that those
are also our aspirations, those our aims; and thither we wend
our way, with the constant steadiness which the Mexican
people showed in its struggles for liberty and the attainment
of the great principles already embodied in our constitu-
tion and laws. Deign to believe it, and when you return to
the fatherland, pray do not ever forget that, if we have
showered on you the hospitality such as is only offered to a
friend, it is because your ideals are ours, because we citizens
of this land, no less than those of yours, accept as the
supreme dogma of our political religion the immortal words
of President Lincoln, that "government of the people, by
the people, and for the people shall not perish from the
earth."

Mr. Root's Reply

I AM doubly sensible of the high honor which you have con-
ferred upon me by this audience today. I am sensible also
of the great mark of friendship to my country involved in
the reception of one of her officers in this distinguished man-
ner by the lawmaking — the popular lawmaking — body of
this great republic. I sincerely hope, not merely that I
personally may never do aught to show myself unworthy of
your consideration, but that my country may forever, in its
attitude and conduct toward the people of Mexico, justify
your kindness.

You will gather from my words, which your president has
been good enough to quote in the admirable and graceful
address he has just made, that I am one of those who believe

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 175

that the old days when nations sought to enrich themselves
by taking away the wealth of others by force, ought to pass
and are passing. I believe, and I am happy to know that
the great mass of my countrymen believe, that it is not only
more Christian, not only more honorable, but also more use-
ful and beneficial for all nations, and especially all neighbor-
ing nations, to unite in helping each other create more wealth,
so that all may be rich and prosperous, rather than to seek
to take it away from each other.

I find here in this sanctuary of laws, in this body charged
with making the laws, the most interesting, the most impor-
tant, and the most sacred thing in the republic of Mexico.
I am not immindful of the difficulties which confront you,
gentlemen of the Chamber of Deputies, in the task that you
perform for your country. The discussion of public ques-
tions, the reconciliation of differing opinions, the adjustment
of different local interests all over this vast country, the
reaching of just conclusions, the compromises necessary so
often between different interests, present to the members of
a legislative body of a republic difficulties little understood
by the people at large and requiring for their solution the
highest order of ability, self-denial, and love of country. I
beg you to take my testimony, coming from another land
long engaged in grappling with the same kind of difficulties;
I beg you to take my testimony that the troubles of your
body in legislating for your country, and those which you are
to encounter in the future, are not peculiar to your country,
to your race, to your institutions, to your customs. They
inhere in the task before every legislative body representing
the vastly differing interests, opinions, sentiments, and
desires of a people.

Mr. President and gentlemen of the Chamber of Deputies,
it is my sincere desire and the desire of my countrymen, that
in the performance of this task for the republic of Mexico

176 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

you may be guided in wisdom and in peace. May you pos-
sess that self-restraint which is so necessary to the preserva-
tion and security for property, for enterprise, and for hfe,
guarding you always from unwise extremes, leading you
always to test every question of legislation by sound prin-
ciples taught by history. May you always, and every one
of you, be so inspired by love of country, that you may be
able to sink all personal ambitions and interests, to do only
that which is for the benefit of your country; so that through
your actions and inspired by your example the spirit of
nationality which I see growing among the people of Mexico,
may continue to increase until it is the living and controlling
spirit of all the people from the Gulf to the Pacific. May
you have in your deliberations and your action something of
the self-sacrificing spirit of the humble priest Hidalgo, which,
without ambition on his part, with no other motive but the
love of his country, has written his name among the great
benefactors of humanity. May you have something of the
patriotism and genius of Benito Juarez, which enabled him
with his strong hand to take Mexico out of the conditions of
warring factions when individual ambition rose above the
love of country. May you have something of that constancy
and high courage which has made for the soldier and the
statesman who now sits in the chair of the chief magistrate
of Mexico, a place in history above scores and hundreds of
emperors and kings with high-sounding title and no record
in life but the desire for personal advancement.

And so, members of the Chamber of Deputies — may I
say, my friends — brothers in the work of seeking by law
to advance the peace and prosperity of mankind — may you
be able to bring in the rule of justice, of ordered liberty, of
peace, of happy homes, of opportunity for children to rise,
of opportunity for old age to pass its days in peace. My
brother workers in the cause of popular government, of

I THE VISIT TO MEXICO 177

human rights and human happiness, I thank you for the
opportunity to say, " God bless you in your labors ", which
will always have my sympathy and the sympathy of my
people.

LUNCHEON BY THE AMERICAN COLONY
Speech of General C. H. M. t Agramonte

At the Mexican Country Club, October 4, 1907

As chairman of a committee of the American colony, the
pleasant duty devolves upon me to welcome, in behalf of the
colony, an illustrious countryman, and a prominent member
of the official family of the President of the United States,
the Secretary of State.

The opportunity has been afforded us through one of those
many acts of exquisite courtesy for which the Government of
Mexico is noted in its intercourse with those of us from north
of the Rio Grande, and to which unfailing courtesy we can all
bear witness.

For the kindly spirit that actuated the Mexican Govern-
ment in breaking in upon the official program for the enter-
tainment of its guest — our countryman — and placing him
in our hands for this occasion, we are extremely grateful.
For the graceful act of the Mexican Country Club in permit-
ting us the use of this magnificent building in which to
entertain our guest there is no lack of appreciation.

As Americans, knowing our own people and our own coun-
try as we do, and keenly alive to everything that may obtain
f for its weal or its woe, our very absence from it making our
hearts grow fonder of it, the joy we feel in welcoming one
who has held the bright banner of our country full high
advanced, is greater than any words of mine can express.

We love our country; we love it as the blessed consumma-
tion of human hopes. The world has been full of sorrow.
The tearful eyes of humanity have never been dry; but in this

178 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

western world, on this new continent, stretching from ocean
to ocean, in the maturity of the ages has come forth a nation
whose institutions and example shall aid in lifting the nations
of the world into the sunlight of God's glorious liberty.

We have no king, no royal family upon which can be cen-
tered the loyal emotions of a great people. To us the only
representative of the whole people is the glorious banner
" thick sprinkled " with stars and striped with vivid red and
white.

You, sir, have held aloft that banner. You have added to
the glory of our country.

On the sacred field of Gettysburg, ground consecrated by
torrents of American blood, Abraham Lincoln, President of
the United States, gave to us a classic which will live while
our country exists. You, sir, in your exposition of the atti-
tude of the United States toward other countries, have
enunciated a classic that also will live and be a bond of
friendship between us and all the nations of this hemisphere.

Gentlemen, I will read to you that classic:

We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except our
own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem
the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of
the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest
empire; and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of
the weak against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire
any rights or privileges or powers that we do not freely concede to every
American republic.

With such dignified sentiments resounding in our ears,
have we not reason to be proud of our guest ?

And now, sir, in the name of the American colony of
Mexico, I bid you welcome. Yes, thrice welcome ! May every
choice blessing attend upon you and those you hold dear.

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 179

Mr. Root's Reply

It is a long way from the Bowery, but I feel quite at home!
It is delightful to feel that my country is represented in this
land of beauty by so many handsome and cheerful-looking
men; it is delightful to see the evidences of prosperity in every
American here, and it is dehghtful to see that that subtle,
indefinable quickening of spirit that comes from separation
has given to each of you, exiles in a foreign land, a new signifi-
cance in every star and stripe and every reference to the old
flag and the old home.

Your welcome is very grateful to me; your kind expres-
sions I most heartily reciprocate. I do not wish to return
evil for good by preaching, but it occurs to me that you have
— I will not say that you have left your country for your
country's good — you have not abandoned your opportu-
nities to serve her; you have rather reached the position
where you have new opportunities for service as American
citizens. One serious fault which formerly existed to a very
great extent among Americans, and which has been growing
less, was a certain provincial and narrow way of looking at
foreigners. There was a good deal of truth underlying the
observations and characterizations of Mr. Dickens which
made our people so angry sixty or seventy years ago. One
of our American humorists refers to the people of a western
mining camp as looking upon a newcomer with the idea that
he had the defective moral quahty of being a foreigner. Now
the residuum of that old feeling stands in the way of Ameri-
can trade and American intercourse generally with other
nations. No one can do more to hasten the disappearance of
that attitude than you who have experienced the friendship
and kindliness of the people of this foreign country; you who
have learned by your personal experience how many and
how noble are the characteristics of this foreign people; you

180 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

who have been able to see how much we Americans may well
learn from them; you can, each one of you, be a teacher of
your countrymen in your continued intercourse with your
homes and your home associates in the gospel of courtesy
and kindliness toward all mankind.

There is one other thought that comes naturally to my
mind. You not only have not abandoned your duties
toward your country by coming to this foreign land, but
you have acquired new duties toward the community and
the nation which has given you welcome and shelter and
prosperity. There is underlying all the materialism and the
hard practical sense of the American people regulating its
own government for its own interests — there is underlying
that a certain idealism which carries a conception of a mis-
sionary calling to spread through the length and breadth of
the world the blessing of justice and liberty and of the insti-
tutions which we believe make for human happiness and
human progress. That mission is to be fulfilled, not by
making speeches and the giving of advice, the writing of
books, or even the publication of newspapers; it can best be
fulfilled by personal influence and intercourse of men one
with another. No American who is in a foreign land can
help representing his country; its honor and its good name
rest upon each one of us the moment we cross the border.
You not only represent your country, but you have a duty
to perform toward the country in which you live, giving to
her and to her people through your efforts and all your
association the best contribution that your training as
American citizens, that the traditions of centuries of Ameri-
can life enable you to give, toward the maintenance of law
and order, toward the promotion of all ideas that you have
been taught in your youth to consider sacred, toward holding
up the hands of authority, toward the inculcation of the
sentiment of loyalty, toward the perpetuity of the govern-

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 181

ment which gives you security for your lives and your
property in your new home.

I have one prominent thought in meeting you today; it
is, while you continue to be good, loyal American citizens,
you should be good and loyal Mexican residents. I can no
better voice the sentiment of all of my countrymen here I
know, and I can no better represent the feelings of our friends
who remain at home, than by asking you to rise and join me
in drinking to the long continuance of life, strength, and
usefulness for the man who, more than any other, or all
others, has given you the opportunities that you now enjoy.
President Porfirio Diaz.

MEXICAN ACADEMY OF LEGISLATION AND
JURISPRUDENCE

Speech of Licentiate Luis Mendez

President of the Academy

At the Installation of Mr. Root as an Honorary Member, October 4, 1907

Honored Sir: Because of the office I am temporarily hold-
ing, I am given the unexpected honor of placing in your
hands the diploma that entitles you to honorary membership
in the Mexican Academy of Legislation and Jurisprudence.

You have come to the country of snowy mountains and
flowering valleys which perfume our tropical breezes, pre-
ceded by the meritorious fame of having preserved always,
unblemished during the course of your fruitful life, the
reputation and profession of a lawyer, of having penetrated
the secrets of the juridical science and of consecrating today
all your energies and abilities to the service of your country.

By a happy coincidence, you will find engraved in this
parchment as our motto: " Professional Honor, Science, and
Country " — the same great ends that have consecrated
your life. Never was the diploma bearing this motto
confened upon a more meritorious or greater man.

182 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

In science, you have not been the selfish investigator nor
in the service of your country have you confined yourself to
directing from your place in the Cabinet the important
matters of the foreign relations of a world-power.

Knowing that the time has passed for studies merely
speculative, and that at the present day every scientific
truth cannot be such unless it is applicable, you have most
happily found time to scatter the treasures of your studies,
either when carrying them as the apostle of peace and concord
to other countries, or through your invaluable publications.

The Academy could hardly be indifferent to this phase
of your labors, as we owe to it the great satisfaction of know-
ing you intellectually and personally; and we pay you our
profound respect.

Therefore, selecting from among your works the last you
have published, entitled The Citizen's Part in Governmenty^ it
was agreed that we should offer you a translation of the same,
in the hope that it may please you as it comes from the able
and learned pen of an Academician for whom you have
shown particular friendship prior to this time, and who feels
for you the just admiration expressed in the eloquent words
of welcome that we have all seconded.

We find in this illuminating work of yours the double
revelation of the genius that pursues the development of a
great idea, and of the generous heart that instills it with an
ardor that will make it successful.

I will not take the liberty, Mr. Secretary, of commenting
on the selection made by the Academy; but I can assure
you that the collection of your lectures at Yale Univer-
sity, appear to me worthy, for the clear observation and
teaching they contain, to be designated as the text-book

^ Yale lectures on the Responsibilities of Citizenship, 1907. See also: Addresses
on Government and Citizenship^ by Elihu Root; pp. 3-76. Harvard University
Press, 1916.

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 183

to be read in all schools by youths preparing to exercise
the rights of citizenship. Therefore, I beg you, kindly to
accept the special copy of this translation presented by the
Academy.

Among those who devote themselves to the study of science
in general, Mr. Secretary, and more particularly among those
who cultivate one special branch, is formed a sort of fra-
ternity of feelings and affections — the fruit of the com-
munion of ideas — and also of respect caused in every really
broad man, for the talents and learning of others.

This fraternal feeling has always existed among the
jurists of all nations, and in every language there is a word to
describe it: companero, in our Castilian tongue; confrere^ in
French; and in yours, the most virile and the most expres-
sive, you use the word brother.

As a brother, therefore, this Academy has the honor to
receive you in its midst. Foreign though it is by virtue of its
by-laws to all matters of militant politics, the Academy
hopes and desires that, forgetting for a moment the high
official functions with which you are vested and recalling the
happy times when you were simply a lawyer, you may come
to us to aid with your vast knowledge and generosity of
character, in the success of this ideal: '* Justice among men
and justice among nations."

We hope, sir, that when once more in the calm of your
honored home, far from the madding crowd and the cares
of business, in the company of the two beings most dear to
you, who as a blessing may come to your side to fill your
affections and to venerate your white head; when in that
tranquillity of the soul you may recall the incidents of your
busy life, we hope that the recollection of the brief days you
are passing among us may be pleasing, and that in the depths
of your heart you may be able to say: ** I went to Mexico in
search of friends, and I found brothers."

• • •

184 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

Members of the Academy, and Committees of Scientific
Societies, and all you who have kindly contributed with your
presence to enhance the solemnity of this function in honor
of an illustrious lawyer: this is a time when he who gives gains
more than those who receive. Let us all greet the reception
of the new Academician!

y

Speech of Licentiate JoaquIn D. Casasus

The Mexican Academy of Legislation and Jurisprudence has
intrusted me with the most gratifying task of expressing in
its name its good wishes for your safe arrival in our midst,
and of voicing the joy it experiences at being afforded the
opportunity of publicly testifying to the high respect and
esteem in which it holds the great statesman, the eminent
jurisconsult, and the illustrious orator who in his position as
Secretary of State of the United States of America is now
amongst us, the distinguished guest of the Mexican nation.

Had I taken into account solely my own merits, notably
deficient, especially when measured by the side of those pos-
sessed by the other members composing our academy, I
should have refused such a high distinction. 1 thought, how-
ever, I could discern in its resolution the marked purpose
that its homage should reach your ears through the echoes
of a friend's voice, and so be all the more welcome to you.
With this reason, therefore, in mind, I did not hesitate to
accept it. Nay, more; this has made me think once and
again that the abundant proofs of your good-will — for which
I shall ever remain indebted to you — the very base and
foundation of our friendship, were those which you earnestly
desired to convey to Mexico in the person of him who was
then its representative in Washington.

The Mexican people, from the very moment in which you
set foot on their soil, and our Government from the time it
tendered you the invitation that your visit to Latin America

THE VISIT TO IVIEXICO 185

should have in Mexico its fitting end and crowning point,
have proved to you, in abundant measure, by manifestations
of every kind, that their earnest desire is that the ties which
have for so many years bound us to your country, united by
common interests and strengthened by common ideals,
should every day grow closer and closer. They have also
applauded the constant zeal shown by your Government in
fostering relations more and more cordial with the republics
of America, so that, inspired by the same spirit and guided
by the same policy, they should make this western continent
of ours the arena of the peaceful struggle of human effort.
Nor do we deny you the enthusiastic and universal praise of
which your labor as Secretary of State of the United States
of America is deserving, since the program of your inter-
national policy, later incorporated by President Roosevelt
into his last message to Congress, found a sympathizing echo
in every Mexican heart; that program which you made
known to the world when, having the Pan American con-
ference for your tribune and the whole of America grouped
around you for your audience, we were all welcomed on the
hospitable soil of the noble and heroic Brazilian people.

Nevertheless, the Mexican Academy of Legislation and
Jurisprudence, while recognizing your merits as a statesman,
has desired to confine itself to honoring the lawyer who has
brought fame and glory to the American bar, the jurisconsult
who has won the unstinted admiration of all the nations
ruled by democratic institutions, and the orator whose
eloquence takes us back to the times of the Latins, be his
voice resounding in the courts of justice, or heard in the
academies and universities, or pealing forth clear and
inspired in the popular tribune.

You, honored sir, we regard as the perfect type of the
lawyer who has known how to perform the sacred task com-
mended to him by modern society. The lawyer is a priest

186 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

whose duty it is, in the bitter battles of life waged by human
conflicting interests, to fulfill a mission of peace and harmony.
He is indeed, the champion of homes when persecuted by
human cruelty; he who strengthens the bonds of love which
maintain the family union untainted, when the depravity of
customs threatens its downfall. In stretching out a helping
hand to the toiler he is ever a master; in carrying out an
equitable distribution of fortunes made, an adviser; in pro-
claiming the respect due to the law, an example and an
authority in maintaining its prestige in the social community.
His knowledge should be an arsenal from which to arm the
weak and a shield with which to protect the powerful; his
voice should be beseeching in its pleading for pardon from
society for those who by their crimes undermine its founda-
tions, but inexorable in its demand when in the name of
society he calls for punishment. To the poor who strive to
defend the bread earned for their children, he is a stay;
to the rich who worry over productive investment for their
fortunes, a guide; and if, in the errors committed by both
sides and which ever tend to separate them, he should be
equity; then to put an end to the struggles into which they
will irreparably be drawn, he must ever be justice itself.

And you have been all this in your exemplary life of
lawyer; this is what has won for you the love of the poor, the
confidence of the rich, and the respect of the whole of society;
which has placed you in the fore rank of the distinguished
men of the American bar, from which only the pressing need
of serving the greater political interests of your country could
draw you.

Your important labors as a statesman and jurisconsult do
not call forth our admiration any the less.

The jurisconsult of our days is not only he who in the
Roman Forum ex solio tanquam ex tripode solved the conflicts
which arose from the applying of the law; because now

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 187

the part taken by the people in governmental affairs and the
ever-increasing necessities of democratic life have widened
his sphere of influence, and he has become to society what the
lawj^er has been to the individual and the family. The
jurisconsult is a mentor of nations; in the midst of our
eagerness to achieve greater prosperity and in our constant
wrestle as citizens to form part of the public administration,
he it is who points out the path of our social and political life,
and has to dictate the laws which should conform to our
customs as well as those which should be necessary to deter-
mine its evolution. He it is who, standing in the prow, with
gaze fixed on the distant horizon, steers the ship through
the paths which guide nations to the haven of greater
prosperity.

And you belong to the assembly of jurisconsults who are
the glory and pride of the American continent.

Still fresh in men's minds are the honors you reaped in
Yale University with the course of lectures you delivered on
the part to be taken by citizens in the government. Your
lessons have taught what are the rights to be exercised by
citizens in nations ruled by democratic institutions and what
their duties in order that governments should be the true
representatives of the people's will.

But again, the academy deems it but just to accord all
honor to the great orator whose voice all America has been
heeding with universal approval for more than a year; heed-
ing, because that voice has ever been the expression of the
lofty ideals which America has been pursuing from the earliest
days of her freedom and independence.

Nor is your eloquence the fruit of meditation and study;
it savors not, like that of Demosthenes, of the midnight oil.
It is fresh and spontaneous, such as ought to be at the com-
mand of men ever ready to speak to the people of their rights
and duties in democracies. It abounds always in that cold

188 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

reasoning and that inflexible logic which alone can persuade
and convince.

But your eloquence contains, besides, all the warmth, all
the majesty, and all the sparkle of the Latin eloquence.

Plutarch relates, in his life of Cicero, that when the great
orator thrilled the inhabitants of Rhodes with his speeches,
Apollonius Molon, after listening to him one day, showed no
sign of admiration, but that when Cicero had finished he said :
" Cicero, I, no less than the others, praise and admire thee;
but I weep for the fate of Greece, for thou hast taken to Rome
the best that was left to Greece — wisdom and eloquence."

We in Latin America, less selfish than Apollonius Molon,
do not weep; rather do we cheer and reward the orator from
whose lips we have heard resound the accents of the Latin
eloquence.

The Mexican Academy of Legislation and Jurisprudence,
on presenting you today with the diploma which confers
upon you the degree of honorary member, has desired to
make known to the whole country your undoubted merits as
lawyer, jurisconsult, and orator, and on this solemn occasion
to bestow upon you its highest possible distinction.

Welcome to our midst. May your visit to Mexico be
fruitful in good results to both countries; may it be, above
all, one more tie to bind the sincere and unshaken friendship
which unites them both; and, since it is the end of your
triumphal journey to Latin America, may it add, in your
great career as a statesman, fresh fame to your labor and
glory to your illustrious name.

Mr. Root's Reply

I AM highly appreciative of the very great honor which you
have now conferred upon me. It is all the more grateful to
me that in the ceremony which makes me an associate of
this distinguished body, so prominent a part should be taken

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 189

by a gentleman who, as the representative of Mexico in the
capital of the United States, has not only taught me to admire
his rare intellectual ability, but has won from me, by the
grace and purity of his character, the warmth of friendship
which adds especial pleasure to every new association with
him into which I can enter. I feel, sir, that the compliment
which you have paid to this little work of mine, produced
without any idea that it should receive so distinguished an
honor or find its way so far from home, I must ascribe rather
to friendship than to any intrinsic merit of the work; but I
thank you, and I am most appreciative of the honor that
you do me in causing it to be translated into Spanish and
making it the subject of your resolution.

Circumstances have not permitted, and do not permit,
that I should present to the Academy any thesis or discussion
adequate to be associated with the admirable and well-con-
sidered papers which have been read by Mr. Casasus and
yourself. I wish, however, in addition to expressing my
thanks, to indicate in a few words the special significance
which this academy and my new association with it seem
to me to have. We are passing, undoubtedly, into a new
era of international communication. We have turned our
backs upon the old days of armed invasion, and the people
of every civilized country are constantly engaged in the
p>eaceable invasion of every other civilized country. The
sciences, the literature, the customs, the lessons of experience,
the skill, the spirit of every country, exercise an influence
upK)n every other. In this peaceful interchange of the prod-
ucts of the intellect, in this constant passing to and fro
of the people of different countries of the civilized world, we
find in each land a system of law peculiar to the country
itself, and answering to what I believe to be a just descrip-
tion of all laws which regulate the relations of individuals
to each other, in being a formulation of the custom of the

190 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

civil community. These systems of law differ from each
other as the conditions, the customs of each people differ
from those of every other people. But there has arisen in
recent years quite a new and distinct influence, producing
legal enactment and furnishing occasion for legal develop-
ment. That is the entrance into the minds of men of the
comparatively new idea of individual freedom and individual
equality. The idea that all men are bom equal, that every
man is entitled to his life, his liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness; the great declarations of principle designed to
give effect to the fundamental ideas of liberty and equality,
are not the outcome of the conditions or customs of any par-
ticular people, but they are common to all mankind.

Before the jurists and lawyers of the world there lies the
task of adapting each special system of municipal law to
the enforcement of the general principles which have come
into the life of mankind within so recent a time, and which
are cosmopolitan and world-wide and belong in no country
especially. These principles have to be fitted to your laws
in Mexico and our laws in the United States and to the
French laws in France and the German laws in Germany;
and the task before the jurists and lawyers of the world is to
formulate, to elaborate, to secure the enactment and the
enforcement of such practical provisions as will weld together
in each land the old system of municipal law, which regulates
the relations of individuals with each other in accordance
with the time-honored traditions and customs of the race
and country, and these new principles of universal human
freedom.

Now, that task is something that cannot be accomplished
except by scientific processes, by the study of comparative
jurisprudence, by the application of minds of the highest
order in the most painstaking and practical way. In the adap-
tation of these new ideas common to all free people, the

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 191

best minds of every people should assist every other people
and receive assistance from every other people. The study
of comparative jurisprudence, apparently dry, purely scienti-
fic, is as important to the well-being of the citizen in the
streets of Mexico or Washington, as those scientific observa-
tions and calculations which seem to be purely abstract have
proved to be to the mariner on the ocean or the engineer of
the great works of construction which are of such practical
value; and we ought to promote by the existence of societies
of this character in every civilized land and the free inter-
course and intercommunication of such societies, the exis-
tence of such a spirit of comradeship between them that
they can freely give and take the results of their labors, of
their experience, and of their skill.

This is of immense practical importance in the administra-
tion of government and the progress of ordered liberty in
the world; for, after all, the declaration of political principles
is of no value imless laws are framed adequate to bring
principles down to the practical use of every citizen, and the
framing of such laws in every land is the work of the jurists
of the land. It is because I may be associated with you in
doing what little a lawyer can do toward helping to the
accomplishment of this great, beneficent, and necessary work
for civiUzation, that I find the greatest pleasure in accepting
your election as a member of this Academy, and find cause for
gratification beyond that of mere personal vanity or personal
feeling.

Permit me to express the warmest good wishes for the con-
tinued activity, prosperity, and usefulness of this distinguished
body which has so greatly honored me by this election.

192 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

BANQUET OF THE AMERICAN AMBASSADOR
Speech of Ambassador Thompson

October 5, 1907

Probably not before has there been such a gathering of dis-
tinguished men as are tonight seated at this table at the foot
of the famous Castle of Chapultepec. The honored Secre-
tary of State of the American nation is here, the guest of the
great Mexican Republic, with such honors showered upon
him as should not and will not soon be forgotten by a friendly
and appreciative people, nor by the immediate recipient of
Mexico's greeting.

Personally, I feel, I am sure, no less satisfaction than Mr.
Root on this occasion, a dinner given by me in honor of chiefs
of the Mexican nation and other distinguished Mexicans,
for the purpose of demonstrating, as best I can, my regard for
them, not only because of the very great honor Mexico is
doing my country and my chief, but in part for many kindly
and friendly acts of the past. That the chiefs of staff of the
Mexican President, and many other high officials of nation
and state, have responded to an invitation with their pres-
ence on this occasion, thus further honoring my country,
Mr. Root, and myself, calls for an expression of good-will that
I offer as a toast to Mexico and its illustrious President,
General Diaz.

Response of Vice-President Corral

In the name of my colleagues in the Mexican Cabinet and
other national functionaries, invited to this banquet, I thank
you for this very gracious distinction.

I consider myself very fortunate to address such a dis-
tinguished gathering in these memorable moments, when
the Mexican public offers its hospitality to the honorable
Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Elihu Root, one

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 193

of the most eminent men in the world, both for his wisdom
and his political works, as a defender of the rights of nations,
and as the courageous knight of American democracy and
universal peace.

It is very satisfactory for Mexico to demonstrate her
sympathy to a guest of such high merit; and I assure you,
Mr. Ambassador, that his visit to this country will create new
and stronger bonds of durable friendship between the two
sister republics of North America, and will be a new element
of the highest value, in the mission of concord you have
accomplished with such great ability, and which is a pro-
found cause of satisfaction to us.

I thank you once more for your good wishes for Mexico
and the President of our republic; and, in my turn, I have
the honor to invite all present to raise their cups to the
powerful nation, the United States, and to its great President,
Theodore Roosevelt.

Reply op Mr. Root

I APPRECIATE the high honor conferred upon me by the
presence of the Vice-President, the members of the Cabinet,
and so many representatives of foreign nations, so many of
whom are old acquaintances of mine. It is very pleasing to
me to find myself among you, as the guest of the oflScial
representative of the United States in Mexico.

I beg you to join me in a sentiment which is not personal
— the economic cooperation of Mexico and the United
States. This is a sentiment which will be concurred in by all
those present, as it will redound to the benefit of all civilized
countries who are engaged in commercial pursuits. I hope
that the development of progress may follow its course to the
end that the two countries adjoining each other for thousands
of miles, may, by means of mutual commerce, interchange of
capital, labor, and the fruits of intelligence and experience.

194 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

attain the results reached by the states of the American
Union, regardless of the distance between us, because of our
mutual cooperation. The signs of the times, as I understand
them, show a possibility of an increase in the relations between
the two countries, situated so closely on this continent. The
whole world has reached a state of progress which renders
possible better economic, political, and social relations. A
repetition of the war of 1846 between Mexico and the United
States would be impossible today; — it would be impossible
because the progress of each country, the experience, the pru-
dence of their governments, the knowledge of the business of
Mexico would prevent it; general public sentiment in the
United States would also be opposed to it.

The European invasion of Mexico, in the year 1861, would
be impossible today; no one of the three nations would have
any thought of attempting it today. An attempt to estab-
lish an empire here neither would nor could be thought of
as possible.

The whole world has advanced to a degree when inter-
national relations and interchange of courtesies between
nations have facilitated the establishment of peaceful corre-
spondence, which would not have been possible before,
because of the want of a stability in their relations.

The desire to advance a degree towards the assurance of
intimate relations and greater friendship has caused us to
accept with pleasure the kindly and gracious invitation of
President Diaz to visit Mexico — a visit which shall remain
a source of pleasure during all of my life, and during which
I have received proofs of friendship and kindness and gener-
ous hospitality beyond anything I expected, and for which
I beg you, citizens of Mexico, to kindly accept my sincerest
gratitude.

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 195

Response of Se5^or Licenciado Don Jose Ives Limantour
Minister of Finance

You have come to this country with the assurance, often
reiterated and always received with applause, of close and
sincere brotherly feeling between our two countries, the
permanence of which is guaranteed by our common ideals
and our mutual respect.

Your mission challenges our warmest sympathy. Voices
more authoritative than mine have informed you of this fact,
and the attitude of the Mexican people is its corroboration.
You have been the ai>ostle of a grand idea, the most vital,
perhaps, of any affecting the international politics of this
continent and assuredly the only one capable of harmonizing
the interests and the hearts of all the inhabitants of the New
World. This idea consists in laying down, as the invariable
basis for the relations of the countries of America with one
another, the sacred principles of justice, and the territorial
integrity of each one of them.

Such being the pledge which we have from your lips, and
feeling confident that the immense majority of your country-
men endorse the declaration to that effect made by you
during your memorable journey of last year, and during the
journey that is now in progress, we welcome you as one
welcomes a loyal and disinterested friend, without the mental
reservation that one sometimes feels in clasping the hand of
the great, and moved by the hope of thus contributing, in the
best manner possible, to us, towards the realization of an aim
that is commended by a high and enlightened patriotism.

Mexico's course for the future is clearly marked out, at any
rate as far as human foresight can safely reach. Her geo-
graphical situation and the conditions governing the inter-
national politics of America assure her, as long as the views
which you have proclaimed with a conviction so sincere,

196 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

predominate in your country, the tranquillity in her inter-
national relations which she needs in order to devote herself
to intellectual culture and to the development of her abun-
dant and varied natural resources, while at the same time
offering hospitality to all well-meaning persons who bring
here their contingent of industry and civilization. With a
program such as this, it has been easy — and will be still
more easy in the future — to regulate our conduct towards
you, the citizens of the great nation beyond the Rio Grande.
You will always be welcome, as it is right and proper that
useful and agreeable neighbors who give proofs of their desire
to be on good terms and to cooperate in all of the works of
progress, should be; and I believe that you are quite con-
vinced that both out of interest and good-will, the Mexican
people will offer you every facility that may enable you to
take an active part in the social and economic development
of this republic.

It is far from my thoughts, at the present moment, to extol
the virtues and the good qualities of my countrymen. I may
be permitted, however, as a minister of finance, to say a few
words in regard to one or two economic facts that have an
important bearing on business relations.

Mexico, at the present time, as you well know, is not a
country exclusively engaged in mining and farming, but also
carries on an extensive commerce and possesses fairly
prosperous manufacturing industries. There are many lines
of activity demanding industry, intelligence, and capital, and
there is an ample field for the utilization of all elements of
that nature coming to us from abroad. But a point which all
persons interested in Mexico's business affairs will do well to
realize is the honesty and prudent habits which character-
ize mercantile transactions in this country. " Booms " and
" bluffs " are exotic plants which can with difficulty be

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 197

acclimatized here, and speculative combinations rarely enter
into the calculations of the merchant.

A single example will suffice to illustrate the characteristics
to which I am referring. In that period of stress from 1892
to 1894 when the country, after suffering the loss of several
harvests in succession and the ravages of a severe epidemic,
was further tried by sudden depreciation of silver, which in
the course of a few months cut the gold value of our cur-
rency in half, every one thought that the economic con-
stitution of the nation would not be able to withstand shocks
so repeated and formidable; and yet we continued to meet
our debts with religious punctuality and it was noted with
surprise that not a single failure of importance occurred in
any part of the republic.

We may be charged with undue timidity, with slender
experience, in certain methods that are common elsewhere
in the initiation of business undertaking. But these deficien-
cies and others which no doubt are ours will not debar us, let
us hope, from being permitted to join the grand onward
march of humanity, and particularly of that portion of the
human family inhabiting the New World, towards higher
conditions of physical and moral welfare.

Gentlemen, let us raise our glasses to the health and
happiness of our distinguished guest and his most estimable
family. Let us drink to the hope that his countrymen,
taking to heart the gospel which he has proclaimed through-
out the length and width of America, may become the firmest
guarantors of lasting peace between the two nations, con-
solidated by warmth of mutual regard and the continued
growth of common interests.

198 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

BANQUET OF THE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS

Speech of Licentiate Ignacio Mariscal

October 7, 1907

YoxjR presence amongst us as our illustrious guest is an event
which will leave a mark in the history of Mexico, for yours
is not only the visit of a most distinguished American, but
also of the best representative, without the usual credentials,
of a great government and a great people. The fact that
your visit aims at no diplomatic business, except the tight-
ening of the bonds of friendship between our two countries,
has made it the more important and congenial to all Mex-
icans. Some years ago we had here other prominent and
representative Americans, such as General Grant and the
Honorable William H. Seward, who came as friendly visi-
tors wanting to know Mexico personally and be known by
us. Their flying visits did a great deal of good in promoting
oflScial and popular relations, for they tended to a real sister-
hood between the two republics of North America. Yours,
sir, will complete that most important international work,
since your high personality is eminently qualified, especially
under the present circumstances, to increase the admiration
and respect of all my thinking fellow-citizens for the country
of Washington, Lincoln, and Grant.

We know, sir, as the whole world knows, the considerable
part you have taken in the peace-promoting, civilizing foreign
policy of President Roosevelt, and we fully appreciate your
frequent, unequivocal demonstrations of amicable feeling
toward our government and our people. For that reason
you have been cordially welcomed by us as a friend coming
among true friends. May your brief sojourn in this country
leave you a souvenir as pleasant as the one it has already
engraved in our memory and our hearts.

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 199

Seeking to show you our sincere esteem and regard, I
propose a toast to your honor, not as a ceremonious courtesy,
but as a really heartfelt sentiment:

** Brindemos, Senores, por nuestro ilustre hu^sped, el
Honorable Senor Elihu Root."

Mb. Root's Reply

It is my happy fortune to reap where others have sown and
enter into the fruits of others' labors. When Mr. Seward
and General Grant visited Mexico, your people, sir, were
little known to the people of the United States. The shadow
of a war still recent in the memory of men hung over the
relations that existed between the two countries, the shadow
of a war which, thank Heaven, would now be impossible.
The commanding personality of General Grant made his
warm friendship for Mexico the beginning of a new era of
feeling and appreciation on the part of the people of the
United States; and now I come in response to the kind and
hospitable invitation of your distinguished President, not to
mark out the pathway to friendship, but as the representative
of an existing feeling of friendship on the part of my country-
men.

I have been deeply appreciative of all the delicate courtesy,
the warmth of friendship and hospitality which have wel-
comed me and my family here. But I was not surprised. It
is but in conformity with all the relations which have existed
between the department of foreign affairs of Mexico and the
department of foreign affairs of the United States, since you,
sir, have held your present eminent position.

I wish not merely to express grateful appreciation for the
kindness I have received here, but to express the same senti-
ment for all that you have done and all you have been in the
relations between the two countries. The unvarying cour-

200 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

tesy, the genuine and sincere desire for the reasonable and
friendly disposal of all questions that have arisen between
the two countries, which have characterized the office of
foreign affairs of Mexico have been a great factor in bringing
about the happy relations that now exist. And we may say,
with gratification, that there are no questions between
Mexico and the United States which can give the slightest
apprehension or cause the slightest concern as to their easy
and satisfactory adjustment.

Of course, between two countries with so long a common
boundary, whose citizens are passing to and fro, whose citi-
zens are investing money, each in the country of the other,
questions are continually arising; but the all-important
element for the decision of every question, the good under-
standing, kindly feeling, and the habit of conducting relations
upon the basis of reason and friendship, practically disposes
in advance of all questions which can arise.

I suppose it is impossible to read the history of any country
without feeling that the mistakes in its history have been
the result of a shortsighted, narrow view on the part of its
statesmen, its rulers, its legislators, under the influence at a
particular time of particular local conditions.

We can all of us look back in the history of oiu* own country
and of other countries and see how we now, with a broader
view and free from the prejudices of the hour, would settle
questions and solve difficulties in a far more satisfactory way.

I suppose that the true object which should be held before
every statesman is so to deal with the questions of the
present that the spirit in which they are solved will com-
mend itself to the generations of the future.

I think, sir, that the government of Mexico has attained
that high standard of statesmanship to an extraordinary
degree. It certainly has done so in its relations with the gov-
ernment of the United States; and as a result of the reason-

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 201

able and kindly way in which we have been treating each
other for these past years we behold not merely the fact
that of your $240,000,000 of foreign trade, two-thirds of
your exports are purchased by the United States and two-
thirds of your imports are purchased from the United States;
not merely that of yoiu: vast exports to the United States,
notwithstanding our high protective policy, nine-tenths are
free from all duty; not merely that $700,000,000 of capital of
the United States has been invested in your thriving and pro-
gressive enterprises, so that, while for three centuries and a
half the people of Mexico were hiding their wealth under the
ground to keep it from being taken away from them, now for
a quarter of a century you have been taking out from under
the ground a wealth far surpassing any dreams of avarice
in the days of old. But more than all that, there has grown up
and is continually developing between the people of the two
countries a knowledge of each other, an appreciation of each
other, a kindly feeling toward each other, which make for the
perpetuity of good government in both countries and for
the development of all the finer and better qualities of citizen-
ship in both countries; which will help both of us to advance
along the pathway of progress; which will make every school
in Mexico in which the future government and rulers of this
vast land are being trained a better school, and make every
school in the United States a better school; which will
make every officer conscious of being one of a community of
nations, conscious of having in his charge the good name of
the country which is known to the people of the whole conti-
nent, a better officer than he would be if he were responsible
only to his narrow community. As the result of these kindly
relations we see two happy, progressive, prosperous nations;
and, sir, it is my sincere hope that following the footsteps of
the great Americans you have named, through your kindness
and hospitality I may be able to add my little contribution

202 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

toward this great work of national benefit and of inter-
national advancement in the cause of liberty, justice, and
humanity.

FAREWELL SUPPER GIVEN BY MR. ROOT
Speech of Mr. Root

October 7, 1907

On the evening of the day of the banquet of the Mmister for Foreign Affairs, on
the lower terrace of the castle where a series of apartments had been assigned to his
party, Mr. Root gave a farewell supper to the members of the Government, the
diplomatic corps, the Entertainment Committee, and numerous other Mexican
notables.

This is the last opportunity I shall have in the City of
Mexico to express to you my gratitude and keen apprecia-
tion for all your very great kindness to us during our visit
to Mexico.

I came here with my mind filled by the idea of two coun-
tries, the United States of America and the United Mexican
States, rather an abstract and cold conception. Gradually
there has emerged from the sea of faces that I looked upon
on entering Mexico, one by one, a group of lovely women
and of fine and noble gentlemen, and beside the conception
of two countries becoming more and more friendly to each
other, there has come a realization that I have gained new
friends — a most grateful and most delightful thing. I shall
never forget you, my friends; I shall never forget your
courtesy and your kindness, and I know I can say the same
for Mrs. Root, and I beg to offer a toast to the personnel
of the administration of President Diaz, a personnel which
is more delightful and will be met with more pleasure than
it was possible for me to conceive before coming here, and
as I leave you I shall feel that with my limited Spanish, which
consists of not more than a half a dozen words, I have, how-
ever, the most valuable words in the language in being able
to say: " Hasta luego."

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 203

Response of Senor Corral

Sefior Ram6n Corral, Vice-President of the Republic, made the following
response to this farewell address:

Since you have set foot on our soil we have had occasion to
observe the high and well-merited opinion which you enter-
tain of our president. General Porfirio Diaz, and of his splen-
did and statesmanlike achievements, and if to this be added
your own well-known merits, your lofty character, and the
sagacious, yet kindly notice you have taken of all that you
have seen, no wonder that you have won, not our admiration,
not our respect, not our good-will, for all these were yours
already, but something more intimate, something that dwells
deef)er in the recesses of the heart — our affection.

Henceforth, sir, in addition to your high claims as an
illustrious statesman and wise administrator, you have from
us the endearing title of friend, a friend who appreciates us
with fairness, who will rejoice at our future triumphs in the
arena of progress, who will lament our misfortunes, who
will applaud our victories and will encourage us in our
discomfitures.

For some time past, especially since you undertook the
noble task of proclaiming justice and righteousness as the
basis for the relations of the republics of America with one
another, we have followed with the liveliest interest your
glorious career, of which the goal is the promotion of ideals
of human fraternity. We have admired you, we have
applauded you as one applauds the eloquence of wise and
good men. But henceforth a current of profound sympathy
will flow between you and us, and our admiration and
applause will reach you, quickened by the vibrations of our
enthusiasm.

Soon you will return to your own country, that splendid
country where everything is great from the cataclysms of

204 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

nature to the manifestations of freedom. Our most fervent
desire is that you may take away an impression of Mexico
and of her people as agreeable and affectionate as that which
you leave behind, and that, in justice toward us, you will tell
those among your countrymen who do not yet know us, that
ours is a civilized nation, working out its greater welfare,
educating itself intellectually, living and desiring to remain
in peace with itself and in peace with all who respect its
rights, — in a word, living up to its mission as a free and
honorable community. Tell your President that in Mexico
we appreciate and applaud his great and noble efforts in
behalf of his country and in behalf of the peace of other
nations, and that when his name is pronounced by us, it is
pronounced with expressions of respect and homage for his
good qualities.

Receive, sir, these words, which are the expression of senti-
ments that are sincere, as a new demonstration to yourself
and to your distinguished family of our feelings of esteem and
our desire for your happiness.

PUEBLA

Speech of General Mucio P. Mabtinez

Governor of Puebla
At a Banquet at the Municipal Palace, October 9, 1907

A POETIC tradition of our aborigines has been kept, and still
lives — transmitted from generation to generation of the
races that people our wooded mountains and smiling plains;
this tradition teaches us that to illustrious guests, above
all to those who come like you as messengers of peace on
earth and good-will to men, should be offered as an emblem
of sincere and respectful affection, the richest of fruits, the
handsomest of flowers, and the most delicious of dishes.

A reception such as the one now being given to your excel-
lency and those nearest and dearest to your heart, must be.

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 205

no doubt, inferior in magnificence to the welcome tendered
to such illustrious guests in other countries; but believe me,
none has ever surpassed our sincerity, because Mexico, as it
is the first to admire brilliant careers in politics, in science, in
art, in industry, and in commerce, takes pleasure in offering
you its most cordial attentions with no other desire than to
make your stay in this republic as pleasing as possible and
to show you that this country is an ardent admirer of yours
and takes pleasure in calling itself a sister of the United States
not only because of geographical contiguity, but also because
of the liberty and freedom of its institutions.

I therefore pray that your excellency accept this humble
repast as a token of the most affectionate hospitality ten-
dered you by me in the name of the people of Puebla, and I
beg you to convey to the illustrious President of the American
Union the brotherly regard we all have for him.

Reply of Mr. Root

I AM greatly pleased by this delicate hospitality which is
like the traditional hospitality of the Mexican nation. I
shall personally convey to President Roosevelt the message of
cordial welcome and good-will shown by this city, and it will
undoubtedly contribute to further the good work under-
taken by President Roosevelt to uphold justice and protect
the rights of humanity. I shall also bring to President Roose-
velt's attention the assurances of this country to protect the
happiness and prosperity of the people. I cannot help
remembering that when foreigners came to Puebla in hostile
manner they were shown that Puebla knows how to defend
its rights. It is also pleasing to me to see the ability of the
Mexican people to govern themselves: nations like Mexico
and the United States which have given proof of this ability
may well boast that they belong to those which form the
vanguard of modern civilization.

206 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

ORIZABA

Speech of Senor D. Teodoro A. Dehesa

Governor of the State of Vera Cruz
At a Luncheon at the Cocolopan Factory, October 10, 1907

In your honor, and as a testimony to your personal worth
and sterling character, as a representative of the great
American people, I take particular pleasure in tendering to
you this lunch. The occasion gives rise to the thought that
your Washington and our Hidalgo were the instruments
chosen for planting the sacred tree of national independence
now so deeply rooted in our respective countries, and which
has brought forth the fruit of liberty to nourish the people
of the United States and Mexico.

Here in Orizaba you have seen, Mr. Secretary, some evi-
dences of the material advances made by our country, which
to a man of your broad views and lofty ideals I must believe
are pleasing. These are blessings that we owe to peace.
Those two great statesmen and lovers of peace — Roosevelt
and Diaz — are one in desire and endeavor to preserve peace,
not only to secure its benefits for their own people, but
to extend its beneficent sway over the whole American
continent.

Such a purpose commands the respect and admiration of
the world. I invite all present to join me in drinking to our
illustrious and most welcome guest, whom we all so mujch
admire for his many distinguished qualities — extending to
him and to his charming family our best wishes for health
and happiness.

Reply of Mr. Root

This cordial welcome has not been a surprise to me, as I
already knew of the qualities of the Governor of Vera Cruz.
By this time, I have become accustomed to the hospitable
character of the Mexicans; but notwithstanding this, it has

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 207

been very pleasing and gratifying to me to receive these
demonstrations from the people of Vera Cruz whose frank-
ness of disposition is well known. I appreciate your words
very highly, Mr. Governor, and I thank you for them as I do
the residents of Orizaba.

It is but right for you Mexicans to remember Washington,
as it is for us Americans to remember Hidalgo and the other
heroes of Mexican history together with our own. I firmly
believe that Mexico has passed beyond the state in which
civil dissensions devastated this fortunate country, and that
in the future there will be no door open to internal strife,
thanks to the wise administration and foresight of the great
statesman Porfirio Diaz.

How true it is that the beautiful and the useful can be
combined: here in Orizaba I find the proof of this truth, as
in the midst of the natural beauty of the scenery offered by
the exuberant vegetation and the lovely peak crowned with
snow — the proud sentinel of the state of Vera Cruz —
stand as signs of progress the important factories we have
just visited.

Mr. Governor, I feel grateful for the frank reception of
which I have been the object, and I hope that Mexico will
continue to progress and develop as well as the United States,
and that both nations will render mutual assistance to each
other and avail themselves of the prosperous or unprosperous
occurrences adopting the one or the other as lessons of
exp>erience for humanity in order to demonstrate to natives
and foreigners the excellences of the republican form of
government.

208 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

GUADALAJARA

Speech of Governor Ahumada

October 14, 1907

Although our president. General Porfirio Diaz, with the high
international representation awarded him by our institu-
tions, and by the personal adherence of all federal and state
authorities, as well as by the love of the Mexican people in
general, has already given a cordial welcome in the name of
all of us, allow me, in the name of the state which 1 govern,
to express to you the kind feelings of sympathy which exist in
all hearts beating within this important section of our coun-
try. Jalisco, Mr. Secretary, has always been a land that
loves all that is great and useful for the country, and as
during the time when we fought for independence and liberty
it did not spare its sons, in the same way we want to join
our voice to the voice of the people that from the bravo to
the usumacinia praise and bless you, to take our share in the
work for peace which you initiated during the Third Pan
American Conference in Rio de Janeiro, which you continued
by your visit to the main republics of South America, and
which you are carrying to an end now by tokens of friendship
you are giving to Mexico and the people of the state of
Jalisco. The people of this state believe that the best way
to take part in this labor is to tell you through me: " Wel-
come be the noble emissary who, like the dove of the ark,
brings the symbolic olive branch which announces that clouds
have been dissipated and the sun of friendship is rising
between the peoples of the new continent."

We should have been pleased to have you among us a
longer time, to give you better tokens of our esteem and to
show you the high appreciation we feel for the people of the
United States and her great ruler. President Roosevelt. But
inasmuch as this is impossible, owing to your important and

THE VISIT TO MEXICO 209

urgent labors at home, allow me, Mr. Secretary, to state that
if om* demonstrations of friendship are short, they are made
in the land of traditional frankness and true friendship.

Let us drink, ladies and gentlemen, to the health of his
excellency, Mr. Root, his distinguished wife, and his " sim-
patica " daughter, and wishing for all of them all kinds of
happiness, let us prove that we have shaken their hands in
the spirit that sons of Jalisco always shake hands — our
heart is our hand.

Mr. Root's Reply

I THANK you very heartily for your kind words, for your
flattering description of myself, and for the spirit of friend-
ship for my country which you exhibit. I am highly appre-
ciative of all the hospitality, the warm welcome, and the
graceful and most agreeable entertainment which you and
your people of Guadalajara and of the state of Jalisco have
given to my family and to myself.

I think it is perhaps fitting that I should make the last ex-
tended visit of all I have been making in Mexico, to the city
of Guadalajara. The most striking feature of Mexican life to
a stranger is that rare combination of history and progress
which one finds. The two eras of history, the Spanish, and
before that the Indian civilization, which has to so great an
extent passed away, and beside that the modem develop-
ment, the spirit of modem enterprise, the active progress
of mining and agriculture and manufactures, the stimulus of
sound finance, and the general determination of the people
to take rank with the great productive nations of the earth, —
nowhere have I found that combination more marked and
distinct than I find it here in Guadalajara. As I said to
you a short time ago, your excellency, the things that im-
pressed me most on entering this city were, first, that it was
clean; secondly, that there were many fine-looking people;

210 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

thirdly, that it was cheerful; and, fourthly, that it had many
beautiful buildings. I can add to that a fifth, that it is
bright with the rainbow of hope for the fruits of its many
enterprises.

This may be the last time I rise to speak to any audi-
ence in Mexico before my departure for my own country,
and there are two things that I wish to say; one is, that
nothing could have been more generous, more tactful, and
more grateful to us than the hospitality and friendship
which my family and I have received during the entire
time since we crossed the border at Laredo. We are grateful
for it, we are deeply appreciative of it. The other thing that
I wish to say is that I have all the time since I came to
Mexico been thinking about the question of the permanence
of your new prosperity. I go back to my home encouraged
and cheered by having found, as I believe, evidence, sub-
stantial evidence, that the new prosperity of Mexico is not
evanescent and temporary, but is permanent. I do not
believe that Mexico will ever again return to the disorder
of the condition which characterized the first sixty years of
her independence. I believe that during this long period
of peace and order which has been secured for your people
by your great, wise, strong President Diaz, there has grown
up a new spirit among Mexicans and a new appreciation of
individual duty to civilization in the maintenance of peace
and order.

So I go back, not only charmed with the beauty of your
country, not only delighted with the opportunity to see
the wonderful historic monuments you possess, not only
delighted with the hospitality of your homes and charmed
with the character of your people, but I go back with the
feeling that the Mexican people have joined forever the
ranks of the great, orderly, self -controlled, self-governing
republics of the world.

ADDRESSES

IN THE UNITED STATES

ON LATIN AMERICAN RELATIONS

THE CENTRAL ARIERICAN PEACE
CONFERENCE

In December, 1907, a Central American Peace Conference was held at Washington,
between delegates representing the five Central American republics — Costa Rica,
Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Salvador. Mexico and the United States
were invited to participate in a friendly capacity and accepted the invitation. The
conference grew out of the initiative taken during the previous sununer by the pres-
idents of the United States and Mexico, in an endeavor to secure an adjustment of
then pending disputes between several of these republics, in some form that would
secure permanent peace among them and fostw their development. The con-
ference was called together by the following note of the Secretary of State, addressed
to the del^ates:

Department of State,
Washznoton, November 11, 1907.
Excelueinctes: The plenipotentiaries of the five Central American republics*
of Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Salvador, appointed by
their respective Governments in pursuance of the protocol signed in Washing-
ton on September 17, 1907, having arrived in the city of Washington for the
purposes of the conference contemplated in the said protocol, I have the honor
to request that the said plenipotentiaries, together with the representatives of
the United Mexican States and of the United States of America, appointed
pursuant to the second article of said protocol, convene in the building of the
Bureau of American Republics in the city of Washington, on the fourteenth
day of November, instant, at half past two in the afternoon.

I avail myself of this opportunity to offer to Your Excellencies the assur-
ances of my highest consideration. p Root

The formal sessions of the conference began December 13, and closed December
80. During this period nine treaties and conventioDS were concluded between the
five republics, as follows:

1. A general treaty of peace and amity.

2. A convention additional to the general treaty of peace and amity.

8. A convention for the establishment of a Central American court of justice.

4. A protocol additional to the convention for the establishment of a Central

American court of justice.

5. An extradition convention.

6. A convention for the establishment of an International Central American

Bureau.

7. A convention for the establishment of a Central American pedagogical

institute.

8. A convention concerning future Central American Conferences.

SIS

214 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

9. A convention concerning railway communications.
The most important were the general treaty of peace and amity, and the conven-
tion for the establishmen of a Central American court of justice. The texts of
these various conventions are found in Malloy's Treaties and Conventions of the
United States, Volume II, pp. 2391-2420.

The Mexican Government was represented by His Excellency Seflor Don
Enrique C. Creel, ambassador at Washington, and the United States by Honor-
able William I. Buchanan.

At the opening session of the conference Mr. Root made the following address:

ADDRESS OPENING THE CENTRAL AMERICAN PEACE
CONFERENCE, DECEMBER 13, 1907

USAGE devolves upon me as the head of the Foreign
Office of the country m which you are assembled to call
this meeting together; to call it to order and to preside during
the formation of your organization. I wish to express to you,
at the outset, the high appreciation of the Government of the
United States of the compliment you pay to us in selecting
\ the city of Washington as the field of your labors in behalf
Vof the rule of peace and order and brotherhood among the
peoples of Central America. It is most gratifying to the peo-
ple of the United States that you should feel that you will
find here an atmosphere favorable to the development of the
ideas of peace and unity, of progress and mutual helpfulness,
in place of war and revolution and the retardation of the
principles of liberty and justice.

So far as a sincere and friendly desire for success in your
labors may furnish a favorable atmosphere, you certainly
will have it here. The people of the United States are sincere
believers in the principles that you are seeking to apply to
the conduct of your international affairs in Central America.
They sincerely desire the triumph and the control of the
principles of liberty and order everywhere in the world.
They especially desire that the blessings which follow the
control of those principles may be enjoyed by all the people
of our sister republics on the western hemisphere, and we
further believe that it will be, from the most selfish point of

CENTRAL AMERICAN PEACE CONFERENCE 215

view, for our interests to have peaceful, prosperous, and pro-
gressive republics in Central America.

The people of the United Mexican States and of the United
States of America are now^nlovmg^great benefits from the
mutual interchange of commerce and friendly intercoiffiSe
between the two countries of Mexico and the United States.
Prosperity, the increase of wealth, the success of enterprise —
all the results that come from the intelligent use of wealth —
are being enjoyed by the people of both countries, through
the friendly intercourse that utilizes for the people of each
country the prosperity of the other. We in the United States
should be most happy if the states of Central America might
move with greater rapidity along the pathway of such pros-
perity, of such progress; to the end that Yfe may share,
through commerce and friendly intercom?^, in your new
prosperity, and aid you by our prosperitW^

We cannot fail, gentlemen, to be admmiished by the many
failures which have been made by the people of Central
America to establish agreement among themselves which
would be lasting, that the task you have before you is no
easy one. The trial has often been made and the agreements
which have been elaborated, signed, ratified, seem to have
been written in water. Yet I cannot resist the impression
that we have at last come to the threshold of a happier day
for Central America. Time is necessary to political develop-
ment. I have great confidence in the judgment that in the
long course of time, through successive steps of failure,
through the accompanying education of your people, through
the encouraging examples which now, more than ever before,
surround you, success will be attained in securing unity and
progress in other countries of the new hemisphere. Through
the combination of all these, you are at a point in your his-
tory where it is possible for you to take a forward step that
will remain.

216 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

It would ill become me to attempt to propose or suggest the
steps which you should take; but I will venture to observe
that the all-important thing for you to accomplish is that
while you enter into agreements which will, I am sure, be
framed in consonance with the most peaceful aspirations and
the most rigid sense of justice, you shall devise also some
practical methods under which it will be possible to secure
the performance of those agreements. The mere declaration
of general principles, the mere agreement upon lines of
policy and of conduct, are of little value unless there be prac-
tical and definite methods provided by which the responsi-
bility for failing to keep the agreement may be fixed upon
some definite person, and the public sentiment of Central
America brought to bear to prevent the violation. The
declaration that a man is entitled to his liberty would be of
little value with us in this country, were it not for the writ of
habeas corpus that makes it the duty of a specific judge, when
applied to, to inquire into the cause of a man's detention, and
set him at liberty if he is unjustly detained. The provision
which declares that a man should not be deprived of his
property without due process of law would be of little value
were it not for the practical provision which imposes on
specific officers the duty of nullifying every attempt to take
away a man's property without due process of law.

To find practical definite methods by which you shall make
it somebody's duty to see that the great principles you
declare are not violated, by which if an attempt be made to
violate them the responsibility may be fixed upon the guilty
individual — those, in my judgment, are the problems to
which you should specifically and most earnestly address
yourselves.

I have confidence in your success because I have confidence
in your sincerity of purpose, and because I believe that your
people have developed to the point where they are ready to

CENTRAL AMERICAN PEACE CONFERENCE 217

receive and to utilize such results as you may work out.
Why should you not live in peace and harmony ? You are
one people in fact; your citizenship is interchangeable
your race, your religion, your customs, your laws, your line-
age, your consanguinity and relations, your social connec-
tions, your sympathies, your aspirations, and your hopes
for the future are the same.

It can be nothing but the ambition of individuals who care
more for their selfish purposes than for the good of their
country, that can prevent the people of the Central American
states from living together in peace and imity.

It is my most earnest hope, it is the hope of the American
Government and people, that from this conference may come
the specific^ and practicat 'measures which will enable the
people of Central America to march on with equal step
abreast of the most progressive nations of modem civiliza-
tion; to fulfill their great destinies in that brotherhood
which nature has intended them to preserve; to exile forever
from that land of beauty and of wealth incalculable the
fraternal strife which has hitherto held you back in the
development of your civilization.

ADDRESS CLOSING THE CENTRAL AMERICAN PEACE
CONFERENCE, DECEMBER 20, 1907

I BEG you, gentlemen, to accept my hearty and sincere con-
gratulations. The people of Central America, withdrawn to
a great distance from the scene of your labors, may not know,
but I wish that my voice might reach each one of them to tell
them that during the month that has passed their loyal rep-
resentatives have been doing for them in sincerity and in the
discharge of patriotic duty a service which stands upon the
highest level of the achievements of the most advanced
modem civilization. You have each one of you been faithful
to thejrotection of the interests of your several countries;

218 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

you have each one of you exhibited patience, kindly consid-
eration, regard for the rights and feelings of others, and a
willingness to meet with open mind the opinions and wishes of
your fellow-countrymen; you have pursued the true method
by which law, order, peace, and justice are substituted for the
unrestrained dominion of the strong over the weak, and you
have reached conclusions which I believe are wise and are
well adapted to advance the progress of each and all of the
Central American republics toward that much-to-be-desired
consummation in the future of one great, strong, and happy
Central American republic.

May the poor husbandman who cultivates the fields of
your five republics, may the miner who is wearing out his
weary life in the hard labors of your mines, may the mothers
who are caring for the infant children who are to make the
peoples of Central America in the future, may the millions
whose prosperity and happiness you have sought to advance
here, may the unborn generations of the future in your
beloved countries, have reason to look back to this day with
blessings upon the seK-devotion and the self-restraint with
which you have endeavored to serve their interests and to
secure their prosperity and peace.

With this hope the entire body of my countrymen will join,
and with the expression of this hope I declare the Peace Con-
ference of the Republics of Central America, convened in the
city of Washington in this year nineteen hundred and seven,
to be now adjourned.

THE PAN AMERICAN CAUSE

RESPONSE TO THE TOAST OF THE AMBASSADOR OF BRAZH. AT
A DINNER IN HONOR OF REAR-ADMIRAL HUET DE BACELLAR
AND THE CAPTAINS OF THE BRAZILIAN SHIPS ON A VISIT TO
THE JAMESTOWN EXPOSITION. WASHINGTON, D.C., MAY 18, 1907

The Brazilian Ambassador, His Excellency Mr. Nabuco

THIS is the second time that I have the honor and the
good fortune of meeting in this room the representatives
of the American nations in Washington, including the Secre-
tary of State of the United States. These are the great Pan
American festivals of the Brazilian Embassy. But what a
great stride our common cause has made since we met here
last year! All of that progress is principally due to Mr.
Root's devotion to the cause that he made his own and which
I have no doubt he will make also a national one.

I drink to the progress of the Pan American cause in the
person of its great leader, the Secretary of State.

Mr. Root

I THANK you, Mr. Ambassador, for the too flattering
expression with which you have characterized the efforts
that, by the accident of position, I have been enabled to
make in the interpretation of that spirit which in the full-
ness of time has ripened, developed and become ready for
universal expression and influence.

It is a great pleasure for me to look again into the tropical
forests of Brazil; to come under the magic influence of your
part of the solar spectrum; and to be introduced again to the
delightful influences of your language through the words of
the representative of King Carlos of Portugal.

219

220 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

I think any one who is trying to do something is at times
— perhaps most of the time — inclined to become despon-
dent, because any single man can do so little. But if the little
that one man can do happens to be in the line of national or
world tendencies, he may count himself happy in helping
forward the great work.

How many thousands of men, bom out of time, give their
lives to causes which are not ripe for action ! I think that we,
my friends, are doing our little; happy in contributing to a
cause that has fully ripened. I confess that in passing from
the courts to diplomacy; from the argument of causes, the
conclusion of which would be enforced by the power of
the marshal or the sheriff, having behind him the irresistible
power of the nation — passing from such arguments to the
discussion that proceeds between the foreign offices of inde-
pendent powers, I found myself groping about to find some
sanction for the rules of right conduct which we endeavor to
assert and maintain.

It has long been a widely accepted theory that the only
sanction for the right conduct of nations, for those rules of
conduct which nations seek to enforce upon each other, is
the exercise of force; that behind their diplomatic argument
rests, as the ultimate argument, the possibility of war. But
I think there has been developing in the later years of prog-
ress in civilization that other sanction, of the constraining
effect of the public opinion of mankind, which rests upon the
desire for the approval of one's f ellowmen^ The progress of
which you have spoken, Mr. Ambassador, in American inter-
national relations, is a progress along the pathway that leads
from the rule of force as the ultimate sanction of argument to
the rule of public opinion, which enforces its decrees by an
appeal to the desire for approbation among men.

That progress is towards the independence, the freedom,
the dignity, the happiness of every small and weak nation.

THE PAN AIVIERICAN CAUSE 221

It tends to realize the theory of international law, the realx
national equality. The process is one of attrition. Isolation
among nations leaves no appeal for the enforcement of rules
of right conduct, but the appeal to force. Communication,
intercourse, friendship, the desire for good opinion, the exer-
cise of all the qualities that adorn, that elevate, that refine
human nature, bring to the defense of the smaller nation the
appeal to the other sanction, the sanction of public opinion.

What we are doing now, because the time has come for it
to be done, is to help in our day and generation in the creation
of a public opinion in America which shall approve all that is
good in national character and national conduct and punish
all that is wrong with that most terrible penalty, the dis-
approval of all America. As that process approaches its per-
fection, the work of our friends, of the armies and navies of
America, will have been accomplished.

It is not a work of selfishness; it is a work for universal y
civilization. It is a work by which we will repay to France
and Portugal and to Sweden — to all our mother lands
across the Atlantic — all the gifts of civilization, of litera-
ture, of art, of the results of their long struggles upward from
barbarism to light, with which they have endowed us. For
in the vast fields of incalculable wealth that the American
continents oflFer to the enterprise and the cultivation of the
world, the older nations of Europe will find their wealth, and
opportunity for the exercise of their powers in peace and with
equality.

It was a great pleasure to me — it was a cause of pride to
me — to hear so distinguished an English scholar as the
Ambassador from France speak the beautiful language of
France so perfectly tonight. It is a great pleasure for me to
find that throughout the United States the young men are
in constantly increasing numbers learning to speak not only
French, but Spanish and Portuguese. It was a great pleasure

222 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

to find throughout South America last summer so many, not
merely of the most distinguished and highly cultivated men,
/ speaking English, but so large a number of the people in the
cities that I visited.

It all makes for that attrition, that practical intercourse,
which is the process of civilization; and in destroying the
isolation, the separation of American states from each other,
in building up an American public opinion, we are preparing
ourselves the more perfectly to unite with our friends of
Europe in a world public opinion, which shall establish the
reign of justice and liberty and humanity throughout the
world by slow, practical, untiring processes of intercourse
and friendship in place of the rules of brutal force.

THE PAN AMERICAN UNION

There has been, especially in recent years, a very strong feeling that the points
which the American republics have in common greatly exceed their differences
and that stated conferences of the American republics would not only tend to
accentuate the points in common but would enable them to take common action in
matters of common interest, remove unwarranted suspicions which often exist
between and among peoples which do not come into contact, and tend to lessen the
very differences.

In 1881, the Honorable James G. Blaine, then secretary of state of the United
States, stated that in the opinion of the President of the United States " the time
is ripe for a proposal that shall enlist the good-will and active cooperation of all the
states of the western hemisphere, both north and south, in the interest of humanity
and for the common weal of nations/'^ Mr. Blaine proposed on behalf of the
President, that a congress meet in the city of Washington. The congress or con-
ference actually took place in that city in 1889-1890, during the secretaryship, of
state of Mr. Blaine. This is commonly called the International American Con-
ference. All of the American countries, with the exception of Santo Domingo, were
represented, and they agreed upon ** the establishment of an American Interna-
tional Bureau for the collection, tabulation, and publication, in the English, Spanish,
and Portuguese languages, of information as to the productions and commerce, and
as to the customs laws and regulations of their respective countries; such bureau to
be maintained in one of the countries for the common benefit and at the common
expense, and to furnish to all the other countries such commercial statistics and other
useful information as may be contributed to it by any of the American republics."'

This was the origin of the International Bureau of the American Republics, out
of which has grown the Pan American Union, " a voluntary organization of the
twenty-one .\merican republics, including the United States, maintained by their
annual contributions, controlled by a governing board composed of the diplomatic
representatives in Washington of the other twenty governments and the secretary
of state of the United States, who is chairman ex officio, and devoted to the develop-
ment and conservation of peace, friendship, and commerce between them all." •

Modestly housed at first, the success of the Union required larger quarters for the
performance of its work. Advantage was taken of this need to erect the building
which was to be the visible and worthy symbol of Pan Americanism. Mr. Andrew
Carnegie, a delegate on behalf of the United States to the first Pan American Con-
ference in Washington, contributed $950,000 towards the construction of this
building, the United States contributed the land, and the other American republics
their respective quotas.

» Foreign Relations o^ the United States, 1881, p. 14.

« The Pan American Union, pp. 81, 82. * Ibid., p. 7.

S2S

224 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

The circumstances under which the funds for the erection of this building were
obtained appear in the records of the Governing Board of the Pan American
Union, from which the following resolutions and correspondence have been obtained:

Resolution of the Third International Conference at Rio de Janeiro, adopted
August 13, 1906

The undersigned, Delegates of the Republics represented in the Third Inter-
national American Conference, duly authorized by their Governments, have
approved the following Resolution:

The Third International American Conference Resolves:

1. To express its gratification that the project to establish a permanent centre
of information and of interchange of ideas among the Republics of this Continent,
as well as the erection of a building suitable for the Library in memory of Columbus
has been realized.

2. To express the hope that, before the meeting of the next International
American Conference the International Bureau of American Republics will be
housed in such a way as to permit it to properly fulfil the important functions
assigned to it by this Conference.

Made and signed in the City of Rio de Janeiro, on the thirteenth day of the
month of August, nineteen hundred and six, in English, Portuguese and Spanish,
and deposited in the Department of Foreign Relations of the Government of the
United States of Brazil, in order that certified copies thereof be made, and forwarded
through diplomatic channels to each one of the Signatory States.

For Ecuador. — Emilio Arevalo, Olmedo Alfaro.

For Paraguay. — Manoel Gondra, Arsenio L6pez Decoud, Gualberto Cardtis y
Huerta.

For Bolivia. — Alberto Gutierrez, Carlos V. Romero.

For Colombia. — Rafael Uribe Uribe, Guillermo Valencia.

For Honduras. — Fausto Ddvila.

For Panama. — Jose Domingo de Obaldla.

For Cuba. — Gonzalo de Quesada, Rafael Montoro, Antonio Gonzdlez Lanuza.

For the Dominican Republic. — Emilio C. Joubert.

For Peru. — Eugenio Larabure y Unanue, Antonio Mir6 Quesada, Mariano
Comejo.

For El Salvador. — Francisco A. Reyes.

For Costa Rica. — Ascension Esquivel.

For the United States of Mexico. — Francisco Leon de La Barra, Ricardo
Molina-HUbbe, Ricardo Garcia Granados.

For Guatemala. — Antonio Batres Jauregui.

For Uruguay. — Luis Melian Lafiniu*, Antonio Maria Rodriguez, Gonzalo
Ramirez.

For the Argentine Republic. — J. V. Gonzalez, Jose A. Terry, Eduardo L.
Bidau.

For Nicaragua. — Luis F. Corea.

For the United States of Brazil. — Joaquim Aurelio Nabuco de Araujo, Joaquim
Francisco de Assis Brasil, Gast&o de Cuulm, Alfredo de Moraes Gomes Ferreira»

THE PAN AMERICAN UNION 225

Jofto Pandii Calogeras, Amaro Cavalcanti, Joaquim Xavier da Silveira, Jos4 P. da
Graga Aranha, Antonio da Fontoura Xavier.

For the United States of America. — William I. Buchanan, L. S. Rowe, A. J.
Montague, Tulio Larrinaga, Paul S. Reinsch, Van Leer Polk.

For Chile. — Anselmo Hevia Riquelme, Joaquin Walker Martinez, Luis Antonio
Vergara, Adolfo Guerrero.

ReMluHon of the Governing Board and letter of the Secretary of State, Mr. Elihu Root,
to Mr. Andrew Carnegie^ approved at the meeting of December 19, 1906

Whereas, the Chairman of the Governing Board of the International Bureau of
the American Republics has laid before this, the said Board, the following letter sent
by him as chairman to Mr. Andrew Carnegie and has asked for the approval thereof
by the Board — that is to say:

Department of State,
Washington, December 4, 1906.
My Dear Mr. Carnegie: Your active and effective coiiperation in promot-
ing better communication between the countries of America as a member of
the commission authorized by the Second Pan American Conference held in
Mexico, your patriotic citizenship in the greatest of American Republics, your
earnest and weighty advocacy of peace and good will among the nations of the
earth, and your action in providing a suitable building for the International
Tribunal at The Hague embolden me to ask your aid in promoting the benefi-
cent work of the Union of American Republics, which was established by the
Conference of Washington in 1889, continued by the Conference of Mexico in
1902, and has now been made permanent by the Conference of Rio de Janeiro
in 1906. There is a general feeling that the Rio Conference, the South Ameri-
can journey of the Secretary of State, and the expressions of courtesy and
kindly feeling which accompanied them have given a powerful impulse to the
growth of a better acquaintance between the people of all the American coun-
tries, a better mutual understanding between them, the establishment of a
common public opinion, and the reasonable and kindly treatment of inter-
national questions in the place of isolation, suspicion, irritation, strife, and war.
There is also a general opinion that while the action of the Bureau of Ameri-
can Republics, designed to carry on this work from conference to conference,
has been excellent so far as it has gone, the scope of the Bureau's work ought to
be enlarged and its activity and eflBciency greatly increased.

To accomplish this, a building adequate to the magnitude and dignity of the
great work to be done is indisi)ensable. With this view the nations constituting
the Union have expressed their willingness to contribute, and some of them
have contributed, and the Congress of the United States has, at its last session,
appropriated, to the extent of $200,000, funds available for the purchase of a
suitable site in the city of Washington. With this view also the Conference at
Rio de Janeiro, on the 13th of August, 1906, adopted resolutions looking to the
establishment of a ' permanent center of information and of interchange of
ideas among the Republics of this Continent as well as a building suitable for
the library in memory of Columbus,' and expressed the hope that * before the

226 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

meeting of the next International American Conference the International
Bureau of American Republics shall be housed in such a way as to permit it to
properly fulfill the important functions assigned to it by this conference.'

Those functions are, in brief, to give eflFect to the work of the conference;
to carry out its resolutions; to prepare the work of future conferences; to dis-
seminate through each American country a knowledge of the affairs, the senti-
ments and the progress of every other American country; to promote better
communication and more constant intercourse; to increase the interaction
among all the Republics of each upon the others in conmierce, in education, in
the arts and sciences, and in political and social life, and to maintain in the city
of Washington a headquarters, a meeting place, a center of influence for the
same peaceful and enlightened thought and conscience of all America.

I feel sure of your hearty sympathy in the furtherance of this undertaking,
so full of possibilities for the peace and the prosperity of America and of man-
kind, and I appeal to you in the same spirit that has actuated your great bene-
factions to humanity in the past to provide for the erection, upon the site thus
to be supplied by governmental action, of a suitable building for the work of the
Union, the direction and control of which has been imposed by our respective
Governments upon the Governing Board, of which I have the honor to be
Chairman

With great respect and esteem, I am, my dear Mr. Carnegie,
Very sincerely yours,

EuHu Root,
Secretary of State and ex officio Chairman of the Governing Board of the Bureau of
American Republics,

Now, therefore, be it resolved that the action of the Secretary of State, as Chair-
man of this Board, in sending the aforesaid letter be, and it hereby is, approved.

Mr. Carnegie to Mr. Root.

New York, January 1, 1907.
Hon. Elihu Root,

Secretary of State and ex officio Chairman of the Governing Board of the Bureau of

South American Republics, Washington, D. C.

Deab Sir: I am greatly pleased that you and yoiu* colleagues of the South
American Republics have done me the honor to suggest that I might furnish a
suitable home in Washington for the Bureau of American Republics.

The approval of yoiu* application by the Governing Board of the International
Bureau and President Roosevelt's hearty expressions of satisfaction are most
gratifying.

You very kindly mention my membership of the first Pan American Conference
and advocacy of the Pan American Railway, the gaps of which are being slowly
filled. The importance of this enterprise impresses itself more and more upon me,
and I hope to see it accomplished.

I am happy, therefore, in stating that it will be one of the pleasures of my life to
furnish to the Union of all the Republics of this hemisphere the necessary funds

THE PAN AMERICAN UNION 227

($750,000) from time to time as may be needed for the construction of an inter-
national home in Washington.

The cooperation of our own Republic is seen in the appropriation of funds by
Congress for the purchase of the site, and in the agreement between the Republics
for the maintenance of the Bureau we have additional evidence of cooperation, so
that the forthcoming American Temple of Peace will be the joint work of all of the
Republics. Every generation should see them drawing closer together.

It is a cheering thought that all these are for the first time to be represented at
the forthcoming Hague Conference. Henceforth they are members of that body,
whose aim is the settlement of international disputes by that " High Court of
Nations " or other similar tribunal.

I beg to express to each and all of them my heartfelt thanks for being permitted
to make such a New Year's gift as this. I have never felt more keenly than I do
this New Year's morning how much more blessed it is to give than to receive, and
I consider myself highly honored by being considered worthy to provide the forth-
coming union home, where the accredited representatives of all the Republics
are to meet and, I trust, to bind together their respective nations in the bonds of
unbroken peace.

Very truly, yours,

Anobew Carnegie.

RetoluUons approved by the Governing Board of the International Bureau of
the American Republice, January 30, 1907.

ReeoUed, That the letter of Mr. Andrew Carnegie to the Chairman of the Board,
dated January 1, 1907, be received and filed and spread upon the minutes of the
Board.

Resolved, That the Governing Board of the Bureau of American Republics
C3cpre«B to Mr. Andrew Cam^e its acceptance and grateful appreciation of his
generous and public-spirited engagement to supply the funds for the proposed new
building for the Union of American Republics. The Board shares with Mr. Carnegie
the hope that the institution whose work will thus be promoted may further the
cause of peace and justice among nations and the sincere and helpful friendship of
all the American Republics for each other.

Reeolvedt That the Chairman of the Board communicate a copy of the foregoing
resolutions to Mr. Carnegie.

The Governing Board of the International Bureau of the American Republics
further resolves:

1. That the letter of the Honorable the Secretary of SUte, Mr. Elihu Root, to
Mr. Andrew Carnegie; the answer of this distinguished philanthropist, and the
resolution of the Governing Board accepting this splendid gift be kept on file with
the important documents of the Bureau; and

ft. That the text of these letters and the resolutions thereon be artistically
engrossed under the title of " Carnegie's Gift to the International Bureau of the
American Republics," and, properly framed, to form a part of the exhibit of
the Bureau at the Jamestown Tercentennial Exposition,

228 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

On May 11, 1908, Mr. Root, then secretary of state, whose forethought and
personal efforts had made its construction possible, delivered the address at the
laying of the corner stone, and later, on April 26, 1910, when he was no longer secre-
tary of state but senator of the United States and friend of the Americas, he
delivered the principal address at the dedication of the building. These two
addresses follow:

ADDRESS AT THE J.AYING OF THE CORNER STONE OF THE

BUILDING FOR THE PAN AMERICAN UNION

WASHINGTON, D.C., MAY 11, 1908

WE are here to lay the corner stone of the building
which is to be the home of the International Union of
American Republics. ^

The wise liberality of the Congress of the United States
has provided the means for the purchase of this tract of land
— five acres in extent — near the White House and the great
executive departments, bounded on every side by public
streets and facing to the east and south upon public parks
which it will always be the care of the National Government
to render continually more beautiful, in execution of its
design to make the national capital an object of national
pride and a source of that pleasure which comes to rich and
poor alike from the education of taste.

The public spirit and enthusiasm for the good of humanity,
which have inspired an American citizen, Mr. Andrew
Carnegie, in his administration of a great fortune, have led
him to devote the adequate and ample sum of three-quarters
of a million dollars to the construction of the building.^

Into the appropriate adornment and fitting of the edifice
will go the contributions of every American republic, already
pledged and, in a great measure, already paid into the fund
of the Union.

The International Union for which the building is erected
is a voluntary association, the members of which are all the

1 The name was changed to the Pan American Union in 1910.
* Later increased to $950,000.

THE PAN AIVIERICAN UNION 229

American nations from Cape Horn to the Great Lakes. It
had its origin in the first Pan American conference held at
Washington in 1889, and it has been developed and improved
in efficiency under the resolutions of the succeeding confer-
ences in Mexico and Brazil. Its primary object is to break
down the barriers of mutual ignorance between the nations
of America by collecting and making accessible, furnishing
and spreading, information about every country among the
people of every other country in the Union, to facilitate and
stimulate intercourse, trade, acquaintance, good under-
standing, fellowship, and sympathy. For this purpose it has
established in Washington a bureau or office under the direc-
tion of a governing board composed of the official represen-
tatives in Washington of all the republics, and having a
director and secretary, with a force of assistants and trans-
lators and clerks.

The bureau has established a rapidly increasing library of
history, travel, description, statistics, and literatiu*e of the
American nations. It publishes a Monthly Bulletin of current
pubhc events and existing conditions in all the united coun-
tries, which is circulated in every country. It carries on an
enormous correspondence with every part of both continents,
answering the questions of seekers for information about the
laws, customs, conditions, opportimities, and personnel of
the different countries; and it has become a medium of intro-
duction and guidance for international intercourse.

The governing board is also a permanent committee
charged with the duty of seeing that the resolutions of each
Pan American conference are carried out and that suitable
preparation is made for the next succeeding conference.

The increasing work of the bureau has greatly outgrown
the facilities of its cramped quarters on Pennsylvania
Avenue, and now at the close of its second decade and under
the influence of the great movement of awakened sympathy

230 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

between the American republics, the Union stands upon the
threshold of more ample opportunity for the prosecution of
its beneficent activity.

Many noble and beautiful public buildings record the
achievements and illustrate the impulses of modern civiliza-
tion. Temples of religion, of patriotism, of learning, of art,
of justice, abound; but this structure will stand alone, the
first of its kind — a temple dedicated to international friend-
ship. It will be devoted to the diffusion of that international
knowledge which dispels national prejudice and liberalizes
national judgment. Here will be fostered the growth of that
sympathy bom of similarity in good impulses and noble
purposes, which draws men of different races and countries
together into a community of nations, and counteracts the
tendency of selfish instincts to array nations against each
other as enemies. From this source shall spring mutual
helpfulness between all the American republics, so that the
best knowledge and experience and courage and hope of
every republic shall lend moral power to sustain and
strengthen every other in its struggle to work out its prob-
lems and to advance the standard of liberty and peace with
justice within itseK, and so that no people in all these conti-
nents, however oppressed and discouraged, however impov-
erished and torn by disorder, shall fail to feel that they
are not alone in the world, or shall fail to see that for them
a better day may dawn, as for others the sun has already
arisen.

It is too much to expect that there will not be controver-
sies between American nations to whose desire for harmony
we now bear witness; but to every controversy will apply
the truth that there are no international controversies so
serious that they cannot be settled peaceably if both parties
really desire peaceable settlement, while there are few causes
of dispute so trifling that they cannot be made the occasion of

THE PAN AMERICAN UNION 231

war if either party really desires war. The matters in dis-
pute between nations are nothing; the spirit which deals
with them is everything.

The graceful courtesy of the twenty republics who have
agreed upon the capital of the United States for the home of
this International Union, the deep appreciation of that
courtesy shown by the American Government and this repre-
sentative American citizen, and the work to be done within
the walls that are to rise on this site, cannot fail to be power-
ful influences towards the creation of a spirit that will solve
all disputed questions of the future and preserve the peace
of the Western World.

May the structure now begun stand for many generations
to come as the visible evidence of mutual respect, esteem,
appreciation, and kindly feeling between the peoples of all the
republics; may pleasant memories of hospitality and friend-
ship gather about it, and may all the Americas come to feel
that for them this place is home, for it is theirs, the product
of a common effort and the instrument of a common purpose.

ADDRESS AT THE DEDICATION OF THE BUILDING OF THE

*J^ AMERICAN UNION. WASHINGTON. D. C.

APRIL 26. 1010

I AM sure that this beautiful building must produce a lively
sense of grateful appreciation in all who care for the
growth of friendship among Americans; to Mr. Carnegie,
not merely for his generous gift but for the large sympathy
and far vision that prompted it; and to the associate
architects, Mr. Albert Kelsey and Mr. Paul Cret, who,
not content with making this structure express their sense
of artistic form and proportion, have entered with the devo-
tion and self-absorption of true art into the spirit of the
design for which their bricks and marble are to stand. They
have brought into happy companionship architectural sug-

232 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

gestions of the North and of the South; and have wrought
into construction and ornament in a hundred ways the art,
the symbolism, the traditions, and the history of all the
American republics; and they have made the building a true
expression of Pan Americanism, of open mind and open
heart for all that is true and noble and worthy of respect
from whatever race or religion or language or custom in the
western continents.

Nor should we forget the fine enthusiasm and under-
standing with which Mr. Borglum and Mr. Conti and Mrs.
Famham and Mrs. Whitney have brought sculpture to aid
the architects' expression; nor the honest and faithful work of
Mr. Norcross, the builder; nor the kind help of Mr. William
Smith, of the Botanical Garden, who has filled the patio with
tropical plants rare and strange to northern eyes, but familiar
friends to the Latin American; nor the energy and unweary-
ing labors of Mr. Barrett, the director of the bureau.

The active interest of President Taft and Secretary Knox
is evidence that the policy of Pan American friendship, re-
inaugurated by the sympathetic genius of Secretary Blaine,
is continuous and permanent in the United States; and the
harmony in which the members of the governing board have
worked to this end is a good omen for the future.

This building is to be, in its most manifest utilitarian ser-
vice, a convenient instrument for association and growth of
mutual knowledge among the people of the different repub-
Kcs. The hbrary maintained here, the books and journals
accessible here, the useful and interesting publications of
the bureau, the enormous correspondence carried on with
seekers for knowledge about American countries, the oppor-
tunities now afforded for further growth in all these activities,
justify the pains and the expense.

The building is more important, however, as the symbol,
the ever-present reminder, the perpetual assertion, of unity.

THE PAN AIVIERICAN UNION 233

of common interest and purpose and hope among all the
republics. This building is a confession of faith, a covenant
of fraternal duty, a declaration of allegiance to an ideal.
The members of The Hague conference of 1907 described
the conference in the preamble of its great arbitration con-
vention as:

Animated by the sincere desire to work for the maintenance of
general peace.

Resolved to promote by all the efforts in their power the friendly
settlement of international disputes.

Recognizing the solidarity uniting the members of the society of
civilized nations.

Desirous of extending the empire of law and of strengthening the
appreciation of international justice.

That is the meaning of this building for the republics of
America. That sentiment which all the best in modem
civilization is trying to live up to, we have written here in
marble for the people of the American continents.

•The process of civilization is by association. In isolation,
men, communities, nations, tend back towards savagery.
Repellent differences and dislikes separate them from man-
kind.* In association, similarities and attractions are felt and
differences are forgotten. There is so much more good than
evil in men that liking comes by knowing. We have here the
product of mutual knowledge, cooperation, harmony, friend-
ship. Here is an evidence of what these can accomplish.
Here is an earnest of what may be done in the futiu'e. From
these windows the governing board of the International
Union will look down upon the noble river that flows by the
home of Washington. They will sit beneath the shadow of
the simple and majestic monument which illustrates our
conception of his character, the character that, beyond all
others in human history, rises above jealousy and envy and
ignoble strife. All the nations acknowledge his preeminent
influence. He belongs to them all. No man lives in free-

234 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

dom anywhere on earth who is not his debtor and his fol-
lower. We dedicate this place to the service of the political
faith in which he lived and wrought. Long may this struc-
ture stand, while within its walls and under the influence
of the benign purpose from which it sprang, the habit
and the power of self-control, of mutual consideration and
kindly judgment, more and more exclude the narrowness
and selfishness and prejudice of ignorance and the hasty
impulses of super-sensitive amour prajpre. May men hereafter
come to see that here is set a milestone in the path of Ameri-
can civilization towards the reign of that universal public
opinion which shall condemn all who through contentious
spirit or greed or selfish ambition or lust for power disturb
the public peace, as enemies of the general good of the
American republics.

One voice that should have spoken here today is silent,
but many of us cannot forget or cease to mourn and to honor
our dear and noble friend, Joaquim Nabuco. Ambassador
from Brazil, dean of the American Diplomatic Corps,
respected, admired, trusted, loved, and followed by all of
us, he was a commanding figure in the international move-
ment of which the erection of this building is a part.
The breadth of his political philosophy, the nobility of his
idealism, the prophetic vision of his poetic imagination, were
joined to wisdom, to the practical sagacity of statesmanship,
to a sjonpathetic knowledge of men, and to a heart as sensi-
tive and tender as a woman's. He followed the design and
construction of this building with the deepest interest. His
beneficent influence impressed itself upon all of our actions.
No benison can be pronounced upon this great institution so
rich in promise for its future as the wish that his ennobling
memory may endure and his civilizing spirit may control,
in the councils of the International Union of American
Republics.

OUR SISTER REPUBLIC— ARGENTINA

ADDRESS AT THE BANQUET OF THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK TO THE OFFICERS OF THE
FOREIGN AND UNITED STATES SQUADRONS WHICH ESCORTED
THE SPANISH CARAVELS TO NEW YORK, APRIL 28, 1893

IT is my pleasant privilege to res|X)nd to a toast to an off-
spring of old Spain, a direct lineal descendant, an inheritor
of her blood, her faith and her language.

It is only a young republic, only an American republic.
No historic centuries invest her with romance or with inter-
est; but she b great in glorious promise of the future, and
great in manifest power to fulfill the promise.

Far away to the southward, beyond the great empire of
the Amazon, beyond the equatorial heats, there stretches a
vast land, from the latitude of Cuba on the north to the lati-
tude of Hudson Bay on the south, and from the Andes to
the Eastern Sea. In this land mighty rivers flow through
vast forests, and immeasurable plains stretch from ocean to
mountains, with a soil of inexhaustible fertility, under every
variety of healthful and invigorating climate.

All this we know; but we must not forget, and we cannot
forget tonight, that this great land, capable of supporting in
plenty all the teeming millions of Europe, is possessed by the
people of a free constitutional republic, of all the sisterhood
of nations, in form, in feature and in character, the most like
to ourselves.

For forty years the Argentine Republic has lived and gov-
erned itself under a constitution in all material respects the
exact counterpart of the Constitution of the United States.
Its constitution was avowedly modelled after ours. For

236 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

forty years, in fourteen separate states like our own, the
people of Argentina have preserved the sacred right of local
self-government. For forty years they have maintained at
the same time the sovereignty of their nation; and by the
constancy of their past they have given a high and ever-
increasing credit to their promise that for the future, under
Southern Cross as imder Northern Star, government by the
people, of the people, and for the people, shall endure.

Under this constitutional system they have framed for
themselves wise and liberal laws. They have constructed
extensive works of internal improvement; and water-ways,
and railroads, and telegraph lines, all invite to the develop-
ment of their vast natural wealth. They have established
universal religious toleration. They have protected the
rights of private property and of personal liberty. They
have created and maintained a great system of public educa-
tion. In more than three thousand public common schools
over a quarter of a million children are today learning how to
be good citizens. Grading up from these common schools
through lyceums in every state and two great universities,
the pathway of higher education is open to all the people
of the repubhc.

Under such a constitution and such laws, Argentina has
made greater material progress and greater advance in the art
of self-government, during our generation, than any people
upon the western hemisphere, unless it be, perhaps, our own.

We remember, too, that the people of Argentina, like our
own fathers, won their liberty by struggle and by sacrifice.
They made their fight for independence at a time when
Europe was exhausted by the Napoleonic wars. They
attracted but httle attention and less aid from the Old
V/orld. No Byron enshrined their heroism in deathless verse;
no Rousseau with the philosophy of humanity awoke for

OUR SISTER REPUBLIC — ARGENTINA 237

them generous and effective enthusiasm in the breasts of a
Lafayette or a Rochambeau, a Von Steuben or a Kosciusko.

Alone and imaided they fought their fight. Dependent
upon themselves, on the ninth of July, seventy-seven years
ago, they made their own declaration of independence, com-
memorated in the name of that thing of beauty and of power
which today floats upon the bosom of the Hudson, a peer
among the embattled navies of the world. They made good
that declaration against all odds, through hardship, through
suffering, through seas of blood, with desperate valor and
lofty heroism, worthy the plaudits of the world.

And then they conquered themselves; learned the hard
lesson of subordinating personal ambition to law, to order, to
the public weal.

And today more people than followed Washington with
their hopes and prayers enjoy the blessings of liberty and
I>eace, and the security of established and equal laws, won for
them by the patriots who gave their lives for their country on
the plains of Argentina.

These people have not only done all this for themselves,
but they also have opened their arms to all the people of
the earth, and have welcomed to their shores the poor, the
humble, the downcast of all lands. So that scores of thou-
sands of French, of Italians, of Germans, of English, of Span-
iards, coming not as their fathers came, in mailed forms to
conquer savage foes — but imder peaceful flags — a million
and a half of men from all civilized lands of Europe, have
come to share the peace, the plenty and the freedom of the
young repubhc; and to contribute to her prosperity and
wealth. Every guest at our board tonight may feel his pulses
beat in unison with the sentiment of health and prosperity
to the new land where his own kindred have found new
homes and hopes.

238 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

If there be truth in the philosophy of history — if the
crossing of stocks, the blending of races, makes the strong
new race, with capacity and power to press forward and
upward the standard of civilization, the future is to find the
people of Argentina in the forefront of human progress.

And so, from the Hudson to the La Plata, from the plains
to the Pampas, from the Rockies to the Andes, from the old
American republic to the young American republic, from
sister to sister, with the same convictions and hopes and
aspirations, we send sincere and hearty greeting, congratu-
lation and God-speed.

OUR SISTER REPUBLIC— BRAZIL

ADDRESS OF WELCOME TO DR. LAURO MULLER, SECRETARY OF
STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF BRAZIL, AT A BANQUET OF
THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK.
JUNE 18, 1913

The republic of Brazil designated its minister for foreign affairs, Dr. Lauro
MtiUer, to return officially Mr. Root's visit to that republic, and the following
address was delivered by Mr. Root at the dinner given by the Chamber of Com-
merce of the State of New York to His Excellency, Lauro MUller, Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Brazil.

WHEN in the various pathways that one treads in a
long life one has made friends, has garnered the
wealth of friendship, that is more the happiness of age than
wealth of money or possession, I know of nothing more
delightful than to help bring together distant and separated
friends and complete that circuit of magnetic intercourse
which, after aU, above all sordid motives, above all selfish
interests, above all things material, makes up the true value
of life.

I cannot express the satisfaction that I feel in having you,
my friends, the Chamber of Commerce, unite in taking the
hand, and coming into personal contact with, my old friend
and host of the southern repubhc. I feel that you are all
paying my debt of gratitude, paying it as friends should pay
it for friends.

Dr. Miiller, you have come to see a people widely known
throughout the world for their great material achievements,
a people whose influence has been very great in the develop-
ment of civilization and in the advancement of those stand-
ards of living and of action which we believe make our times
better than the times that have gone before; and you see
here about you at these tables, and in the portraits upon

280

240 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

these walls, the men who, for nearly a century and a half
have played a great, aye, the greatest part in the amazing
material developments and in the spiritual life of this repub-
lic. Those who are living today under the inspiration and
the spirit of the great citizens who have gone before are
gathered to do you honor and do your country honor. What
has been done in the United States of America, has been
done, not by the power of money; it has been done, not
under the influence of selfish motives; it has been done under
the influence of noble ideals, of great minds, and of great
hearts directing and guiding and leading the mighty affairs
of a great people. And here are representatives, not all, but
many, of the foremost representatives of that American
spirit which has accomplished everything which you have
seen in your journey here.

My friends of the Chamber of Commerce, some years ago
when it fell to my lot to visit South America, for the purpose
of carrying to the minds of our southern sisters a true mes-
sage of the real feeling of our people towards them, for the
purpose of getting a hearing among the peoples of South
. America, which could not be gained through the newspapers,
which could not be gained in any other way than by direct
personal contact and by the influence of one personality
meeting another, for the purpose of doing away with the
false and distorted ideas that our great country was possessed
by ambition and the lust of conquest and the desire for
dominion over other lands, I met in Brazil the most noble
and generous hospitality. No nation of men could have
exhibited in a higher degree all those qualities which make
men love each other than the people of Brazil exhibited to
me on my visit there. The noble traditions of their race, all
the great-heartedness of the grandees of the Iberian Penin-
sula, all those sentiments which have made them jpar excel-
lence the gentlemen of civilization were exhibited in the

OUR SISTER REPUBLIC— BRAZIL 241

welcome they gave to you, to our people, through me as
their representative.

In that land of surpassing beauty, in that scene upon the
Bay of Rio, with its shining waters and its blue mountains,
in that city which has all the romance of fair Ionian cities,
I found a depth and warmth of friendship, a depth of patriot-
ism and love for their own country, a response to the message
of humanity, and a warm acceptance of the tender of friend-
ship which made the people of Brazil ever to me a group of
dearly loved and always to be remembered friends. And
among the first of them all was our guest of this evening.
His personal hospitality I shall never forget. He knew not
the words inconvenience or trouble. One would have thought
he had no other duties to perform but to make the stranger
who came from the distant republic of the north at home
and happy, and he did it as the men of his coimtry know
how to do it. Even then he held a great place in the govern-
ment of his country; and it is a matter of the utmost satis-
faction to me that his people have continued their confidence
in him and have led him along step by step to higher and
higher office, so that today he stands in the forefront of the
statesmen who are making Brazil one of the great world
powers of our modem civilization.

It is not, my friends, a mere gathering of courtesy tonight.
We are not merely performing a duty of hospitality to the
representative of a foreign state, when we exhibit our sin-
cere friendship and our kindly feelings toward Dr. MUller
and his country; we are doing for ourselves something of
inestimable value, and we are doing something of inesti-
mable value for the people of our country.

Of late the electors of America, the unofficial people of
America, are demanding, asserting and laying hold upon
more and more direct relation to the powers of government;
but a democracy when it undertakes to govern directly.

242 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

needs to remember that there are no rights without a duty,
there is no duty without a right; and if a democracy is to
govern itself well it must realize its responsibilities. We have
been so isolated, we have been so free from wars and rumors
of wars, so little inconvenienced by interference on the part of
other nations in our vast domain, so busy with our internal
affairs, that the people of the United States know but little,
think but little, and care but little regarding foreign affairs.
If the people of the United States are themselves to direct
their foreign affairs they must come to a realizing sense of
their responsibilities in foreign affairs; and first among those
responsibilities is the duty of courtesy, the duty of kindly
consideration, the duty to subordinate selfish interests to the
broader interests of the nations of the world; the duty to treat
every other nation with that judicial sense of others' rights
which differentiates all diplomacy from the controversies
of courts or the clashing of business interests.

Our people, if their voice is to be heard in foreign affairs,
must learn that we cannot continue a policy of peace with
insult; we must learn civility, we must learn that when we
speak, when an American sovereign speaks of the affairs of
other nations, he speaks under responsibility, and he must
observe those rules of courtesy and of friendly relations by
which alone can the peace of the world be maintained.

Today we hear much of peace and persuasion for peace.
Let me tell you that the great peace agencies of the world
today are the governments of the world. Hitherto, in
Dr. Muller's visit, he has been in the main entertained by
the American Government and the people connected with the
American Government; but the responsibility for inter-
national friendship and international peace today rests not
with governments that are always for peace, but with the
people. It is the people from whom the danger of war comes
today; it is the people, so far as they are unwilling to exer-

OUR SISTER REPUBLIC— BRAZIL 243

cise self-restraint and all the qualities which go to make for
agreeable and kindly and friendly relations with other people.

So, to my mind your meeting here to extend the right hand
of fellowship to Dr. Miiller, to express to him the feeling of
kindliness towards his country, in its representation of the
people of the United States and as one of the multitude of
incidents exercising an influence over the people, is of greater
value and greater importance than anything that the official
Government of the United States can do.

We have had for now ninety years a special political rela-
tion to the southern republics. Since the time when Monroe
announced the doctrine which carries the necessary implica-
tion that every foot of soil upon the two American continents
is under a government competent to govern, no longer open
to colonization as the waste places of the earth are open, —
from that time to this, special and peculiar political relations
have existed between the United States and the other coun-
tries of the western continent. /Thank Heaven the need for
it, the need for the protection that came from that great asser-
tion, is growing less and less. There are some parts of the con-
tinent as to which the necessities of the Monroe Doctrine, as
it regards our safety, do not grow less; but as to those great
republics in South America which have passed out of the
condition of militarism, out of the condition of revolution,
into the condition of industrialism, into the paths of success-
ful commerce, and are becoming great and powerful nations,
the Monroe Doctrine has done its workj And the thing
above all things that I hope and trust and believe the people
of South America will become permanently convinced of is,
that there is neither to the Monroe Doctrine nor any other doc-
trine or puri>ose of the American Government any corollary
of dominion or aggression, or of aught but equal friendship.

There is a national spirit and a national purpose and a
national ideal quite apart from individual purpose or indi-

244 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

vidual ideals. I am one of those who beheve that for the
existence of a truly great nation there must be an ideal of
altruism. I believe that no people can be truly great which
has no national and collective purpose that is not selfish.
I believe that our country has a mission in the world; has
great deeds to accomplish for the world; has a great future
of beneficence for civilization; and that our sense of this,
dim and vague doubtless among us in the main, buoys us
up and makes us better patriots and makes our country the
great nation that we love and honor. And directly to your
hands in the accomplishment of the great national purpose,
making all our prosperity, all our power, all our capital and
our labor instruments for the bettering of mankind, for the
progress of civilization and for the coming of the effective
and universal rule of the religion which we profess, right at
your hands, as the first and plainest duty, is the cementing
of the bonds of friendship between our repubhc and our
sister republics of the continent.

We have much to learn from Brazil — I hope she may learn
much from us; and the interchange of benefits between us
will but make stronger a friendship which carries with it the
recognition of benefits. I sincerely hope. Dr. Miiller, upon
your return to Brazil, you may feel it in your heart to tell
your people that here, while we are pursuing our business
careers, earnest in competition, eager to improve our -condi-
tions, anxious for trade, desirous of the greatness and glory
of our country, we seek those ends only through universal
friendship, through carrying, so far as we can, the benefits of
peace and prosperity to all our sister republics, in order that
you and we may grow stronger and greater together, and
that Brazil, with its enormous resources, with its patriotic
people, with its brilliant minds, with its bright future, may
go hand in hand with the republic of the north to ever
happier and happier conditions for all our people.

HOW TO DEVELOP SOUTH AMERICAN
COMMERCE

ADDRESS BEFORE THE TRANS-MISSISSIPPI COMMERCIAL
CONGRESS. KANSAS CITY. MISSOURI. NOVEMBER 20. 1906

Sir Henry Wotton is credited with the statement that '* an ambassador is an
honest man sent abroad to lie for the commonwealth ", a definition half in jest but
not without a touch of seriousness. The feeling is making itself manifest which
wiU soon become universal, that an ambassador b an honest man sent abroad to
represent the people of his own country to the people of the country to which he is
accredited. Mr. Root, not sent to South America, but going on his own initiative,
was an ambassador in this modem sense of the word to the Latin American states
in 1006; and upon his return he enlarged the meaning of the function of an ambas-
sador by representing to his countrymen the peoples whom he had visited in South
America. The three addresses delivered before the Trans-Mississippi Commercial
Congress, the National Convention for the Extension of Foreign Commerce of the
United States, and the Pan American Commercial Conference are conceived in this
spirit and were delivered in the performance of a continuous mission.

A LITTLE less than three centuries of colonial and
national life have brought the people inhabiting the
United States, by a process of evolution, natural and, with
the existing forces inevitable, to a point of distinct and
radical change in their economic relations to the rest of
mankind.

During the period now past, the energy of our people,
directed by the formative power created in our early popu-
lation by heredity, by environment, by the struggle for
existence, by individual independence, and by free institu-
tions, has been devoted to the internal development of our
own coimtry. The surplus wealth produced by our labors
has been applied immediately to reproduction in our own
land. We have been cutting down forests and breaking
virgin soil and fencing prairies and opening mines of coal and
iron and copper and silver and gold, and building roads and

S45

246 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

canals and railroads and telegraph lines and cars and loco-
motives and mills and furnaces and schoolhouses and colleges
and libraries and hospitals and asylums and public buildings
and storehouses and shops and homes. We have been draw-
ing on the resources of the world in capital and in labor to
aid us in our work. We have gathered strength from every
rich and powerful nation and expended it upon these home
undertakings; into them we have poured hundreds of mil-
lions of money attracted from the investors of Europe. We
have been always a debtor nation, borrowing from the rest
of the world, drawing all possible energy towards us and
concentrating it with our own energy upon our own enter-
prises. The engrossing pursuit of our own opportunities has
excluded from our consideration and interest the enterprises
and the possibilities of the outside world. Invention, dis-
covery, the progress of science, capacity for organization, the
enormous increase in the productive power of mankind, have
accelerated our progress and have brought us to a result of
development in every branch of internal industrial activity
marvelous and unprecedented in the history of the world.

Since the first election of President McKinley, the people
of the United States have for the first time accumulated a
surplus of capital beyond the requirements of internal devel-
opment. That surplus is increasing with extraordinary
rapidity. We have paid our debts to Europe and have
become a creditor instead of a debtor nation; we have faced
about; we have left the ranks of the borrowing nations and
have entered the ranks of the investing nations. Our surplus
energy is beginning to look beyond our own borders, through-
out the world, to find opportunity for the profitable use of
our surplus capital, foreign markets for our manufactures,
foreign mines to be developed, foreign bridges and railroads
and public works to be built, foreign rivers to be turned into
electric power and light. As in their several ways England

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 247

and France and Germany have stood, so we in our own way
are beginning to stand and must continue to stand towards
the industrial enterprise of the world.

That we are not beginning our new role feebly is indicated
by $1,518,561,666 of exports in the year 1905 as against
$1,117,513,071 of imports, and by $1,743,864,500 exports in
the year 1906 as against $1,226,563,843 of imports. Our first
steps in the new field indeed are somewhat clumsy and un-
skilled. In our own vast country, with oceans on either side,
we have had too little contact with foreign peoples readily
to understand their customs or leam their languages; yet no
one can doubt that we shall leam and shall understand and
shall do our business abroad, as we have done it at home>
with force and eflSciency.

Coincident with this change in the United States, the
progress of political development has been carrying the
neighboring continent of South America out of the stage of
militarism into the stage of industrialism. Throughout the
greater part of that vast continent, revolutions have ceased
to be looked upon with favor or submitted to with indiffer-
ence; the revolutionary general and the dictator are no
longer the objects of admiration and imitation; civic virtues
command the highest respect; the people point with satis-
faction and pride to the stability of their governments, to
the safety of property and the certainty of justice; nearly
everywhere the people are eager for foreign capital to develop
their natiiral resources and for foreign immigration to occupy
their vacant lands.

Immediately before us, at exactly the right time, just as
we are ready for it, great opportunities for peaceful commer-
cial and industrial expansion to the south are presented.
Other investing nations are already in the field — England,
France, Germany, Italy, Spain; but the field is so vast, the
new demands are so great, the progress so rapid, that what

248 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

other nations have done up to this time is but a slight advance
in the race for the grand total.

The opportunities are so large that figures fail to convey
them. The area of this newly awakened continent is
7,502,848 square miles — more than two and one half times
as large as the United States without Alaska, and more than
double the United States including Alaska. A large part of
this area lies within the temperate zone, with an equable
and invigorating climate, free from extremes of either heat
or cold. Farther north in the tropics are enormous expanses
of high table-lands, stretching from the Atlantic to the foot-
hills of the Andes, and lifted far above the tropical heats; the
fertile valleys of the western Cordilleras are cooled by per-
petual snows even under the equator; vast forests grow
untouched from a soil of incredible richness. The plains of
Argentina, the great uplands of Brazil, the mountain valleys
of Chile, Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Colombia are suited
to the habitation of any race, however far to the north its
origm may have been; hundreds of millions of men can find
healthful homes and abundant sustenance in this great
territory.

The population in 1900 was only 42,461,381, less than six
to the square mile. The density of population was less than
one-eighth of that in the state of Missouri, less than one-
sixtieth of that in the state of Massachusetts, less than
one-seventieth of that in England, less than one per cent of
that in Belgium.

With this sparse population the production of wealth is
already enormous. The latest trade statistics show exports
from South America to foreign countries of $745,530,000, and
imports of $499,858,600. Of the five hundred millions of
goods that South Amcxica buys, we sell them but $63,246,525,
or 12.6 per cent. Of the seven hundred and forty-five

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 249

millions that South America sells, we buy $152,092,000, or
20.4 per cent — nearly two and a half times as much as we sell.

Their production is increasing by leaps and bounds. In
eleven years the exports of Chile have increased forty-five
per cent, from $54,030,000 in 1894 to $78,840,000 in 1905.
In eight years the exports of Peru have increased one
hundred per cent, from $13,899,000 in 1897 to $28,758,000
in 1905. In ten years the exports of Brazil have increased
sixty-six per cent, from $134,062,000 in 1894 to $223,101,000
in 1905. In ten years the exports of Argentini- have increased
one hundred and sixty-eight per cent, from $115,868,000 in
1895 to $311,544,000 in 1905.

This is only the beginning; the coffee and rubber of Brazil,
the wheat and beef and hides of Argentina and Uruguay, the
copper and nitrates of Chile, the copper and tin of Bolivia,
the silver and gold and cotton and sugar of Peru, are but
samples of what the soil and mines of that wonderful conti-
nent are capable of yielding.

Ninety-seven per cent of the territory of South America is
occupied by ten independent republics living under constitu-
tions substantially copied or adapted from our own. Under
the new conditions of tranquillity and security which prevail
in most of them, their eager invitation to immigrants from
the Old World will not long pass unheeded. The pressure of
population abroad will inevitably turn its streams of life and
labor towards those fertile fields and valleys. The streams
have already begun to flow; more than two hundred thou-
sand immigrants entered the Argentine Republic last year;
they are coming this year at the rate of over three hundred
thousand. Many thousands of Germans have already settled
in southern Brazil. They are most welcome in Brazil; they
are good and useful citizens there, as they are here; I hope
that many more will come to Brazil and every other South

250 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

American country, and add their vigorous industry and good
citizenship to the upbuilding of their adopted home.

With the increase of population in such a field, under free
institutions, with the fruits of labor and the rewards of enter-
prise secure, the production of wealth and the increase of
purchasing power will afford a market for the commerce of
the world worthy to rank even with the markets of the
Orient, as the goal of business enterprise. The material
resources of South America are in some important respects
complementary to our own; that continent is weakest where
North America is strongest as a field for manufactures; it
has comparatively little coal and iron. In many respects the
people of the two continents are complementary to each
other; the South American is polite, refined, cultivated, fond
of literature and of expression and of the graces and charms
of life, while the North American is strenuous, intense, utili-
tarian. Where we accumulate, they spend. While we have
less of the cheerful philosophy which finds sources of happi-
ness in the existing conditions of life, they have less of the
inventive faculty which strives continually to increase the pro-
ductive power of man and lower the cost of manufacture.
The chief merits of the peoples of the two continents are
different; their chief defects are different. Mutual inter-
course and knowledge cannot fail greatly to benefit both.
Each can learn from the other; each can teach much to the
other, and each can contribute greatly to the development
and prosperity of the other. A large part of their products
find no domestic competition here; a large part of our
products will find no domestic competition there. The typi-
cal conditions exist for that kind of trade which is profitable,
honorable, and beneficial to both parties.

The relations between the United States and South
America have been chiefly political rather than commercial
or personal. In the early days of the South American struggle

SOUTH AMERICAN COMIVIERCE 251

for independence, the eloquence of Henry Clay awakened in
the American people a generous sympathy for the patriots
of the south as for brethren struggling in the common cause
of liberty. The clear-eyed, judicious diplomacy of Richard
Rush, the American minister at the Court of St. James,
effected a complete understanding with Great Britain for
concurrent action in opposition to the designs of the Holy
Alhance, already contemplating the partition of the southern
continent among the great powers of continental Europe.
The famous declaration of Monroe arrayed the organized
and rapidly increasing power of the United States as an
obstacle to European interference and made it forever plain
that the cost of European aggression would be greater
than any advantage which could be won even by successful
aggression.

That great declaration was not the chance expression of
the opinion or the feeling of the moment; it crystallized the
sentiment for human liberty and human rights which has
saved American idealism from the demoralization of narrow
selfishness, and has given to American democracy its true
world power in the virile potency of a great example. It
responded to the instinct of self-preservation in an intensely
practical i>eople. It was the result of conference with Jeffer-
son and Madison and John Quincy Adams and John C.
Calhoun and William Wirt — a combination of p>olitical wis-
dom, experience, and skill not easily surpassed. The partic-
ular circumstances which led to the declaration no longer
exist; no Holy Alliance now threatens to partition South
America; no European colonization of the west coast
threatens to exclude us from the Pacific. But those condi-
tions were merely the occasion for the declaration of a prin-
ciple of action. Other occasions for the application of the
principle have arisen since; it needs no prophetic vision to
see that other occasions for its application may arise here-

252 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

after. The principle declared by Monroe is as wise an
expression of sound political judgment today, as truthful a
representation of the sentiments and instincts of the Ameri-
can people today, as living in its force as an effective rule of
conduct whenever occasion shall arise, as it was on December
2, 1823.

These great political services to South American inde-
pendence, however, did not and could not in the nature of
things create any relation between the people of South
America and the people of the United States except a rela-
tion of political sympathy.

Twenty-five years ago, Mr. Blaine, sanguine, resourceful,
and gifted with that imagination which enlarges the his-
torian's understanding of the past into the statesman's com-
prehension of the future, undertook to inaugurate a new era
of American relations which should supplement political
sympathy by personal acquaintance, by the intercourse of
expanding trade, and by mutual helpfulness. As secretary
of state under President Arthur, he invited the American
nations to a conference to be held on November 24, 1882, for
the purpose of considering and discussing the subject of pre-
venting war between the nations of America. That invita-
tion, abandoned by Mr. FreUnghuysen, was renewed under
Mr. Cleveland, and on October 2, 1889, Mr. Blaine, again
secretary of state under President Harrison, had the singular
good fortune to execute his former design and to open the
sessions of the first American conference at Washington.
In an address of wisdom and lofty spirit, which should ever
give honor to his memory, he described the assembly as —

. . . an honorable, peaceful conference of seventeen independent Ameri-
can powers, in which all shall meet together on terms of absolute equality;
a conference in which there can be no attempt to coerce a single delegate
against his own conception of the interests of his nation; a conference
which will permit no secret understanding on any subject, but will frankly
pubHsh to the world all its conclusions; a conference which will tolerate no

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 253

spirit of conquest, but will aim to cultivate an American sympathy as
broad as both continents; a conference which will form no selfish alliance
against the older nations from which we are proud to claim inheritance —
a conference, in fine, which will seek nothing, propose nothing, endure
nothing that is not, in the general sense of all the delegates, timely, wise,
and peaceful.

The policy which Mr. Blaine inaugurated has been con-
tinued; the Congress of the United States has approved it;
subsequent presidents have followed it. The first confer-
ence at Washington has been succeeded by a second confer-
ence in Mexico, and now by a third conference in Rio de
Janeiro; and it is to be followed in years to come by further
successive assemblies in which the representatives of all
American states shall acquire better knowledge and more
perfect understanding, and be drawn together by the recog-
nition of common interests and the kindly consideration and
discussion of measures for mutual benefit.

Nevertheless, Mr. Blaine was in advance of his time. In
1881 and 1889 the United States had not reached a point
where it could turn its energies away from its own internal
development and direct them outward towards the develop-
ment of foreign enterprises and foreign trade, nor had the
South American countries reached the stage of stability in
government and seciuity for property necessary to their
industrial development.

Now, however, the time has come; both North and South
America have grown up to Blaine's policy. The production,
the trade, the capital, the enterprise of the United States
have before them the opportunity to follow, and they are
free to follow, the pathway marked out by the far-sighted
statesmanship of Blaine for the growth of America, North
and South, in the peaceful prosperity of a mighty commerce.

To utilize this opportunity certain practical things must
be done. For the most part these things must be done by a
multitude of individual efforts; they cannot be done by

254 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

government. Government may help to furnish facilities for
the doing of them, but the facilities will be useless unless
used by individuals. This cannot be done by resolutions of
this or any other commercial body; resolutions are useless
unless they stir individual business men to action in their
own business affairs. The things needed have been fully and
specifically set forth in many reports of efficient consuls and
of highly competent agents of the Department of Commerce
and Labor, and they have been described in countless news-
papers and magazine articles; but all these things are worth-
less unless they are followed by individual action.

I will indicate some of the matters to which every pro-
ducer and merchant who desires South American trade
should pay attention.

1. He should learn what the South Americans want and
conform his product to their wants. If they think they need
heavy castings, he should give them heavy castings and not
expect them to buy light ones because he thinks they are
better. If they want coarse cottons, he should give them
coarse cottons and not expect them to buy fine cottons. It
may not pay today, but it will pay tomorrow. The tendency
to standardize articles of manufacture may reduce the cost
and promote convenience, but if the consumers on the River
Plata demand a different standard from the consumers on
the INIississippi, you must have two standards or lose one
market.

2. Both for the purpose of learning what the South Ameri-
can people want and of securing their attention to your goods,
you must have agents who speak the Spanish or Portuguese
language. For this there are two reasons : one is that people
can seldom really get at each other's minds through an inter-
preter, and the other is that nine times out of ten it is only
through knowing the Spanish or Portuguese language that a
North American comes to appreciate the admirable and

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 255

attractive personal qualities of the South American, and is
thus able to establish that kindly and agreeable personal
relation which is so potent in leading to business relations.

3. The American producer should arrange to conform his
credit system to that prevailing in the country where he
wishes to sell goods. There is no more money lost upon com-
mercial credits in South America than there is in North
America; but business men there have their own ways of
doing business; they have to adapt the credits they receive
to the credits they give. It is often inconvenient and dis-
agreeable, and it is sometimes impossible, for them to con-
form to our ways, and the requirement that they should do
so is a serious obstacle to trade.

To understand credits it is, of course, necessary to know
something about the character, trustworthiness, and com-
mercial standing of the purchaser, and the American pro-
ducer or merchant who would sell goods in South America
must have some means of knowledge upon this subject.
This leads naturally to the next observation I have to
make.

4. The establishment of banks should be brought about.
The Americans already engaged in South American trade
could well afford to subscribe the capital and establish an
American bank in each of the principal cities of South
America. This is a fact, first, because nothing but very bad
management could prevent such a bank from making money;
capital is much needed in those cities, and six, eight, and
ten per cent can be obtained for money upon just as safe
security as can be had in Kansas City, St. Louis, or New York.
It is a fact also because the American bank would furnish
a source of information as to the standing of the South
American purchasers to whom credit may be extended, and
because American banks would relieve American business in
South America from the disadvantage which now exists of

256 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

making all its financial transactions through Europe instead
of directly with the United States. It is unfortunately true
that among hundreds of thousands of possible customers the
United States now stands in a position of assumed financial
and business inferiority to the countries through whose bank-
ing houses all its business must be done.

5. The American merchant should himself acquire, if he
has not already done so, and should impress upon all his
agents that respect for the South American to which he is
justly entitled and which is the essential requisite to respect
from the South American. We are different in many ways
as to character and methods. In dealing with all foreign
people, it is important to avoid the narrow and uninstructed
prejudice which assumes that difference from ourselves
denotes inferiority. There is nothing that we resent so quickly
as an assumption of superiority or evidence of condescension
in foreigners; there is nothing that the South Americans
resent so quickly. The South Americans are our superiors
in some respects; we are their superiors in other respects.
We should show to them what is best in us and see what is
best in them. Every agent of an American producer or
merchant should be instructed that courtesy, politeness,
kindly consideration, are essential requisites for success in
the South American trade.

6. The investment of American capital in South America
under the direction of American experts should be promoted,
not merely upon simple investment grounds, but as a means
of creating and enlarging trade. For simple investment pur-
poses the opportunities are innumerable. Good business
judgment and good business management will be necessary
there, of course, as they are necessary here; but, given these,
I beheve that there is a vast number of enterprises awaiting
capital in the more advanced countries of South America,
capable of yielding great profits, and in which the property

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 257

and the profits will be as safe as in the United States or
Canada. A good many such enterprises are already begun.
I have found a graduate of the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, a graduate of the Columbia School of Mines,
and a graduate of Colonel Roosevelt's Rough Riders smelting
copper close imder the snow line of the Andes; I have ridden
in an American car upon an American electric road, built by
a New York engineer, in the heart of the coffee region of
Brazil; and I have seen the waters of that river along which
Pizarro established his line of commimication in the con-
quest of Peru, harnessed to American machinery to make
light and power for the city of Lima. Every such point is
the nucleus of American trade — the source of orders for
American goods.

7. It is absolutely essential that the means of communica-
tion between the two countries should be improved and
Increased.

This underiies all other considerations and it applies to
the mail, the passenger, and the freight services. Between
oil the principal South American ports and England, Ger-
many, France, Spain, Italy, lines of swift and commodious
steamers ply regularly. There are five subsidized first-class
mail and passenger lines between Buenos Ayres and Eiu'ope;
there is no such line between Buenos Ayres and the United
States. Within the past two years the German, the English,
and the Italian lines have been replacing their old steamers
with new and swifter vessels of modem construction, accom-
modation, and capacity.

In the year ending June 30, 1905, there entered the port
of Rio de Janeiro steamers and sailing vessels flying the flag
of Austria-Hungary, 120; of Norway, 142; of Italy, 165; of
Argentina, 264; of France, 349; of Germany, 657; of Great
Britain, 1785; of the United States, — no steamers and seven
sailing vessels, two of which were in distress!

258 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

An English firm runs a small steamer monthly between
New York and Rio de Janeiro; the Panama Railroad Com-
pany runs steamers between New York and the Isthmus of
Panama; the Brazilians are starting for themselves a line
between Rio and New York; there are two or three foreign
concerns running slow cargo boats, and there are some for-
eign tramp steamers. That is the sum total of American
communication with South America beyond the Caribbean
Sea. Not one American steamship runs to any South Amer-
ican port beyond the Caribbean. During the past summer,
I entered the ports of Para, Pernambuco, Bahia, Rio de
Janeiro, Santos, Montevideo, Buenos Ayres, Bahia Blanca,
Punta Arenas, Lota, Valparaiso, Coquimbo, Tocopilla,
Callao, and Cartagena — all of the great ports and a large
proportion of the secondary ports of the southern conti-
nent. I saw only one ship, besides the cruiser that carried
me, flying the American flag.

The mails between South America and Europe are swift,
regular, and certain; between South America and the United
States they are slow, irregular, and uncertain. Six weeks is
not an uncommon time for a letter to take between Buenos
Ayres or Valparaiso and New York. The merchant who
wishes to order American goods cannot know when his order
will be received nor when it will be filled. The freight charges
between the South American cities and American cities are
generally and substantially higher than between the same
cities and Europe; at many points the deliveries of freight
are uncertain and its condition upon arrival doubtful. The
passenger accommodations are such as to make a journey
to the United States a trial to be endured and a journey to
Eiu*ope a pleasure to be enjoyed. The best way to travel
between the United States and both the southwest coast and
the east coast of South America is to go by way of Europe,
crossing the Atlantic twice. It is impossible that trade should

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 259

prosper or intercourse increase or mutual knowledge grow to
any great degree under such circumstances. The communi-
cation is worse now than it was twenty-five years ago. So
long as it is left in the hands of our foreign competitors in
business, we cannot reasonably look for any improvement.
It is only reasonable to expect that European steamship lines
shall be so managed as to promote European trade in South
America, rather than to promote the trade of the United
States in South America.

This woeful deficiency in the means to carry on and
enlarge our South American trade is but a part of the general
decline and feebleness of the American merchant marine,
which has reduced us from carrying over ninety per cent of
our export trade in our own ships to the carriage of nine per
cent of that trade in our own ships and dependence upon
foreign ship-owTiers for the carriage of ninety-one per cent.
The true remedy and the only remedy is the establishment of
American lines of steamships between the United States and
the great ports of South America, adequate to render fully as
good service as is now afforded by the European lines between
those ports and Europe. The substantial underlying fact
was well stated in the resolution of this Trans-Mississippi
Congress three years ago:

That every ship is a missionary of trade; that steamship lines work for
their own countries just as railroad lines work for their terminal points,
and that it is as absurd for the United States to depend upon foreign ships
to distribute its products as it would be for a department store to depend
upon the wagons of a competing house to dehver its goods.

How can this defect be remedied ? The answer to this
question must be found by ascertaining the cause of the
decline of our merchant marine. WTiy is it that Americans
have substantially retired from the foreign transport service ?
We are a nation of maritime traditions and facility; we are
a nation of constructive capacity, competent to build ships;

260 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

we are eminent, if not preeminent, in the construction of
machinery; we have abundant capital seeking investment;
we have courage and enterprise shrinking from no competi-
tion in any field which we choose to enter. Why, then, have
we retired from this field in which we were once conspicuously
successful ?

I think the answer is twofold.

1. The higher wages and the greater cost of maintenance
of American officers and crews make it impossible to compete
on equal terms with foreign ships. The scale of living and
the scale of pay of American sailors are fixed by the standard
of wages and of living in the United States, and those are
maintained at a high level by the protective tariff. The
moment the American passes beyond the limits of his coun-
try and engages in ocean transportation, he comes into com-
petition with the lower foreign scale of wages and of living.
Mr. Joseph L. Bristow, in his report upon trade conditions
aflFecting the Panama Railroad, dated June 14, 1905, gives
in detail the cost of operating an American steamship with
a tonnage of approximately thirty-five hundred tons as com-
pared with the cost of operating a specified German steam-
ship of the same tonnage, and the differences aggregate
$15,315 per annum greater cost for the American steamship
than for the German; that is $4.37 per ton. He gives also in
detail the cost of maintaining another American steamship
with a tonnage of approximately twenty-five hundred tons as
compared with the cost of operating a specified British steam-
ship of the same tonnage, and the differences aggregate
$18,289.68 per annum greater cost for the American steam-
ship than for the British ; that is $7.31 per ton. It is manifest
that if the German steamship were content with a profit of
less than $15,000 per annum, and the British with a profit
of less than $18,000 per annum, the American ships would
have to go out of business.

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 261

2. The principal maritime nations of the world, anxious to
develop their trade, to promote their shipbuilding industry,
to have at hand transports and auxiliary cruisers in case of
war, are fostering their steamship lines by the payment of
subsidies. England is paying to her steamship lines between
six and seven million dollars a year; it is estimated that since
1840 she has paid to them between two hundred and fifty
and three hundred millions. The enormous development of
her commerce, her preponderant share of the carrying trade
of the world, and her shipyards crowded with construction
orders from every part of the earth indicate the success of her
policy. France is paying about eight million dollars a year;
Italy and Japan, between three and four million each; Ger-
many, upon the initiative of Bismarck, is building up her
trade with wonderful rapidity by heavy subventions to her
steamship lines and by giving special differential rates of
carriage over her railroads for merchandise shipped by those
lines. Spain, Norway, Austria-Hungary, Canada, all sub-
sidize their own lines. It is estimated that about $28,000,000
a year are paid by our commercial competitors to their steam-
ship lines.

Against these advantages of his competitor the American
shipowner has to contend; and it is manifest that the sub-
sidized ship can afford to carry freight at cost for a period
long enough to drive him out of business.

We are living in a world not of natural competition, but of
subsidized competition. State aid to steamship lines is as
much a part of the commercial system of our day as state
employment of consuls to promote business.

It will be observed that both of these disadvantages imder
which the American shipowner labors are artificial; they are
created by governmental action — one by our own Govern-
ment in raising the standard of wages and living, by the
protective tariff; the other by foreign governments in paying

262 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

subsidies to their ships for the promotion of their own trade.
For the American shipowner it is not a contest of intel-
hgence, skill, industry, and thrift against similar qualities
in his competitor; it is a contest against his competitors
and his competitors' governments and his own govern-
ment also.

Plainly, these disadvantages created by governmental
action can be neutralized only by governmental action, and
should be neutralized by such action.

What action ought our Government to take for the accom-
plishment of this just purpose ? Three kinds of action have
been advocated.

1. A law providing for free ships — that is, permitting
Americans to buy ships in other countries and bring them
under the American flag. Plainly, this would not at all meet
the difficulties which I have described. The only thing it
would accomplish would be to overcome the excess in cost
of building a ship in an American shipyard over the cost of
building it in a foreign shipyard; but since all the materials
which enter into an American ship are entirely relieved of
duty, the difference in cost of construction is so slight as to
be practically a negligible quantity, and to afford no sub-
stantial obstacle to the revival of American shipping. The
expedient of free ships, therefore, would be merely to sacri-
fice our American shipbuilding industry, which ought to be
revived and enlarged with American shipping, and to sacrifice
it without receiving any substantial benefit. It is to be
observed that Germany, France, and Italy all have attempted
to build up their own shipping by adopting the policy of free
ships, have failed in the experiment, have abandoned it, and
have adopted in its place the policy of subsidy.

2. It has been proposed to establish a discriminating tariff
duty in favor of goods imported in American ships — that is
to say, to impose higher duties upon goods imported in for-

SOUTH AMERICAN COIVIMERCE 263

eign ships than are imposed on goods imported in American
ships. We tried that once many years ago and abandoned
it. In its place we have entered into treaties of commerce
and navigation with the principal countries of the world,
expressly agreeing that no such discrimination shall be made
between their vessels and ours. To sweep away all those
treaties and enter upon a war of commercial retaHation and
reprisal for the sake of accomplishing indirectly what can be
done directly should not be seriously considered.

S. There remains the third and ob\dous method: to
neutralize the artificial disadvantages imposed upon Ameri-
can shipping through the action of our own government and
foreign governments by an equivalent advantage in the form
of a subsidy or subvention. In my opinion this is what
should be done; it is the sensible and fair thing to do. It is
what must be done if we would have a revival of our shipping
and the desired development of our foreign trade. We can-
not repeal the protective tariff; no political party dreams of
repealing it; we do not wish to lower the standard of Ameri-
can living or American wages. We should give back to the
shipowner what we take away from him for the purpose of
maintaining that standard; and imless we do give it back
we shall continue to go without ships. How can the expendi-
ture of public money for the improvement of rivers and
harbors to promote trade be justified upon any grounds which
do not also sustain this proposal ? Would any one reverse
the policy that granted aid to the Pacific railroads, the pion-
eers of our enormous internal commerce, the agencies that
built up the great traffic which has enabled half a dozen
other roads to be built in later years without assistance ?
Such subventions would not be gifts. They would be at once
compensation for injuries inflicted upon American shipping
by American laws and the consideration for benefits received
by the whole American people — not the shippers or the

264 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

shipbuilders or the sailors alone, but by every manufacturer,
every miner, every farmer, every merchant whose prosperity
depends upon a market for his products.

The provision for such just compensation should be care-
fully shaped and directed so that it will go to individual
advantage only so far as the individual is enabled by it to
earn a reasonable profit by building up the business of the
country.

A bill is now pending in Congress which contains such
provisions; it has passed the Senate and is now before the
House Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries; it is
known as Senate bill No. 529, Fifty-ninth Congress, First
Session. It provides specifically that the Postmaster-General
may pay to American steamships, of specified rates of speed,
carrying mails upon a regular service, compensation not to
exceed the following amounts: For a line from an Atlantic
port to Brazil, monthly, $150,000 a year; for a line from an
Atlantic port to Uruguay and Argentina, monthly, $187,500
a year; for a line from a Gulf port to Brazil, monthly,
$137,500 a year; for a line from each of two Gulf ports and
from New Orleans to Central America and the Isthmus of
Panama, weekly, $75,000 a year; for a line from a Gulf port
to Mexico, weekly, $50,000 a year; for a line from a Pacific
coast port to Mexico, Central America, and the Isthmus of
Panama, fortnightly, $120,000 a year. For these six regular
lines a total of $720,000. The payments provided are no
more than enough to give the American ships a fair living
chance in the competition.

There are other wise and reasonable provisions in the bill
relating to trade with the Orient, to tramp steamers, and to
a naval reserve, but I am now concerned with the provisions
for trade to the south. The hope of such a trade lies chiefly
in the passage of that bill.

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 265

Postmaster-General Cortelyou, in his report for 1905, said:

Congress has authorized the Postmaster-General, by the act of 1891,
to contract with the owners of American steamships for ocean mail service
and has realized the impracticability of commanding suitable steamships
in the interest of the postal service alone by requiring that such steamers
shall be of a size, class, and equipment which will promote commerce and
become available as auxiliary cruisers of the navy in case of need. The
compensation allowed to such steamers is found to be wholly inadequate
to secure the proposals contemplated; hence, advertisements from time to
time have failed to develop any bids for much-needed service. This is
especially true in r^ard to several of the countries of South America, with
which we have cordial relations and which, for manifest reasons, should
have direct mail connections with us. I refer to Brazil and countries south
of it. Complaints of serious delay to mails for these countries have become
frequent and emphatic, leading to the suggestion on the part of certain
officials of the government that for the present and until more satisfactory
direct communication can be established, important mails should be dis-
patched to South America by way of European ports and on European
steamers, which would not only involve the United States in the payment
of double transit rates to a foreign country for the dispatch of its mails to
countries of our own hemisphere, but might seriously embarrass the
government in the exchange of important official and diplomatic corre-
spondence.

The fact that the government claims exclusive control of the trans-
mission of letter mafl throughout its own territory would seem to imply
that it should secure and maintain the exclusive jurisdiction when neces-
sary, of its mails on the high seas. The unprecedented expansion of trade
and foreign conmierce justifies prompt consideration of an adequate foreign
mail service.

It is difficult to believe, but it is true, that out of this faulty
ocean mail service the government of the United States is
making a large profit. The actual cost to the govern-
ment last year of the ocean mail service to foreign coun-
tries other than Canada and Mexico was $2,965,624.21,
while the proceeds realized by the government from postage
between the United States and foreign countries other than
Canada and Mexico was $6,008,807.53, leaving the profit to
the United States of $3,043,183.32; that is to say, under

266 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

existing law the government of the United States, having
assumed the monopoly of carrying the mails for the people
of the country, is making a profit of $3,000,000 per annum
by rendering cheap and inefficient service. Every dollar
of that three millions is made at the expense of the com-
merce of the United States. What can be plainer than that
the government ought to expend at least the profits that
it gets from the ocean mail service in making the ocean
mail service efficient. One quarter of those profits would
establish all these lines which I have described between the
United States and South and Central America, and give us,
besides a good mail service, enlarged markets for the pro-
ducers and merchants of the United States who pay the
postage from which the profits come.^

In his last message to Congress, President Roosevelt said:

To the spread of our trade in peace and the defense of our flag in war
a great and prosperous merchant marine is indispensable. We should have
ships of our own and seamen of our own to convey our goods to neutral
markets, and in case of need to reenforce our battle line. It cannot but be
a source of regret and uneasiness to us that the lines of communication with
our sister republics of South America should be chiefly under foreign
control. It is not a good thing that American merchants and manufac-
turers should have to send their goods and letters to South America via
Europe if they wish security and dispatch. Even on the Pacific, where
our ships have held their own better than on the Atlantic, our merchant
flag is now threatened through the liberal aid bestowed by other govern-
ments on their own steam lines. I ask your earnest consideration of the
report with which the Merchant Marine Commission has followed its long
and careful inquiry.

The bill now pending in the House is a bill framed upon
the report of that Merchant Marine Commission. The ques-
tion whether it shall become a law depends upon your Rep-
resentatives in the House. You have the judgment of the

* There would be some modification of these figures if the cost of getting the
mails to and from the exchange oflSces were charged against the account; but this
is not separable from the general domestic cost and would not materially change
the result.

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 267

Postmaster-General, you have the judgment of the Senate,
you have the judgment of the President; if you agree with
these judgments and wish the bill which embodies them
to become a law, say so to your Representatives. Say it to
them individually and directly, for it is your right to advise
them and it will be their pleasure to hear from you what
legislation the interests of their constituents demand.

The great body of Congressmen are always sincerely desir-
ous to meet the just wishes of their constituents and to do
what is for the pubhc interest; but in this great country they
are continually assailed by innumerable expressions of private
opinion and by innumerable demands for the expenditure of
public money; they come to discriminate very clearly between
private opinion and public opinion, and between real public
opinion and the manufactured appearance of public opinion;
they know that when there is a real demand for any kind
of legislation it will make itself known to them through
a multitude of individual voices. Resolutions of commercial
bodies frequently indicate nothing except that the proposer
of the resolution has a positive opinion and that no one else
has interest enough in the subject to oppose it. Such reso-
lutions by themselves, therefore, have comparatively little
effect; they are effective only when the support of individ-
ual expressions shows that they really represent a genuine
and general opinion.

It is for you and the business men all over the coimtry
whom you represent to show to the Representatives in Con-
gress that the producing and commercial interests of the
country really desire a practical measure to enlarge the
markets and increase the foreign trade of the United States,
by enabling American shipping to overcome the disadvan-
tages imposed upon it by foreign governments for the benefit
of their trade, and by our government for the benefit of our
home industry.

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE

ADDRESS AT THE NATIONAL CONVENTION FOR THE EXTENSION
OF THE FOREIGN COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES, WASH-
INGTON. D. C. JANUARY 14, 1907

1 THANK you for your cordial greeting, and I thank you,
Mr. Chainnan, for the very kind terms which you have
used regarding myself. I have come here with pleasure, not
to make a prepared address, or to attempt oratory, but to talk
a few minutes about subjects of common interest to us all.

I wish first to express the satisfaction that I feel in the
existence of this convention. The process of discussion, con-
sideration, mutual information, and comparison of opinion
among the people who are not in office, is the process that
puts imder the forms of representative government the reality
of freedom and of a self-governing people. The discussion
which takes place in such meetings as this, and which is
stimulated by such meetings as this, in the club, in all the
local associations and places where men meet throughout
the country, is at once far removed from the secret and selfish
devices of the lobbyist and from the stolid indifference which
characterizes a people willing to be governed without them-
selves having a voice in government.

I congratulate you that you have come here to the nation's
capital to discuss and consider subjects which are properly
of national concern; that you have not come to ask the
national government to do anything which you ought to do
yourselves at home in your separate states, but to consider
the exercise of the great commerce power of the nation, the
power which from the beginning of our government has been
fittingly placed in the hands of the national administration.

270 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

To my view we are advancing, and the whole world is
advancing, in the opportunities and in the spirit and method
which create opportunities for that kind of commerce which
is profitable and beneficial to both parties the world over.
Our relations continually grow more reasonable, more sen-
sible and kindly with Europe and all the powers of Europe,
with our vigorous and growing neighbor to the north, with
our rapidly advancing and developing neighbors to the
south, and with the nations that face us on the other side of
the Pacific. Little occasions for controversy, little causes
for irritation, Httle incidents of conflicting interests continu-
ally arise, as they do among friends and neighbors in the
same town, but the general trend of international relations
is a trend towards mutual respect, mutual consideration, and
substantial good understanding.

Of course our relations to Europe, and our relations to the
Orient, and our relations to Canada have long been much
discussed and are worthy of discussion; but it seems to me
that the subject which at this particular time opens before
us with more of an appearance, and just appearance, of new
opportunity than any other, is the subject of our relations to
the Latin American nations to the south. I am not going
to detain you by any extended discussion of that subject.
I made a long — perhaps too long — speech about it before
the Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress at Kansas City
a few weeks ago, and that has been printed in various forms
and some of you, perhaps, have seen it or will see it. The
substance is that just at the time when the United States
has reached a point of development in its wonderful resources
and accumulation of capital so that it is possible for us to
turn our attention from the development of our own internal
affairs to reach out into other lands for investment, for the
fruits of profitable enterprise, for the expansion and exten-
sion of trade — just at that time the great and fertile and

SOUTH AIVIERICAN COMMERCE 271

immeasurably rich countries of South America are emerging
from the conditions of internal warfare, of continual revolu-
tion, of disturbed and unsafe property conditions, and are
acquiring stability in government, safety for property, capac-
ity to protect enterprise. So that we may look with certainty
to an enormous increase of population and of wealth through-
out the continent of South America, and we may look with
certainty for an enormous increase in purchasing power as a
consequence of that increase in population and wealth.

These two things coming together spread before us an
opportunity for our trade and our enterprise surpassed by
none anywhere in the world or at any time in our history.

It was with this view that last summer I spent three
months, in response to the kind invitations of various Gov-
ernments of South America, in visiting their capitals, in
meeting their leading men, in becoming familiar with their
conditions, and in trying to represent to them what I believe
to be the real relation of respect and kindliness on the part of
the people of the United States.

I wish you all could have seen with what genuine reciprocal
friendship they accepted the message that I brought to them.
We have long been allied to them by political sentiment.
Now lies before us the opportunity — with their stable
governments and protection for enterprise and property, and
our increased capital — now lies before us the opportunity
to be allied to them also by the bonds of personal intercourse
and profitable trade.

This situation is accentuated by the fact that we are turn-
ing our attention to the south and engaging there in the great
enterprise of constructing the Panama Canal. No one can
tell what effect that will have upon the commerce of the
world, but we do know that there never has been in history
a case of a great change in the trade routes of the world
which has not powerfully affected the rise and fall of nations.

272 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

the development of commerce, and the development of
civilization.

We, by the expenditure of a part of our recently acquired
capital, are about to open a new trade route that will bring
our Atlantic and Gulf ports into immediate, close intercourse
with all the Pacific coasts of South and Central America,
and which will bring our Pacific ports into immediate and
close relation with all the countries about the Caribbean Sea
and the eastern coast of South America. The combination
of political sentiment which has long allied us with the Latin
American countries, the opportunity which comes from their
change of conditions and our increase of capital, and the
effects that must necessarily follow the opening of the great
trade route of the Panama Canal, all point to the development
of American enterprise and American trade to the south.

Now, in considering that view of the future there are cer-
tain practical considerations that necessarily arise. How are
we to adapt ourselves to this new condition ? How are we
to utilize this opportunity ? One subject naturally presents
itself, and that is the increase of means of communication
through which our intercourse and our trade may be carried
on. And that may be in two ways: one by the promotion
of the railroad, long ago projected, and in constant course of
development — the road that we speak of as the Pan Ameri-
can road. When we speak of the Pan American Railroad
we are speaking of something of the future, and which exists
today only in a great number of links, each of which has its
separate name. They are being built, and being built with
great rapidity. Li Mexico, in Guatemala, in Bolivia, in Peru,
in the Argentine, in other countries pieces of road are being
built — many of them by American capital and American
enterprise; some of them by capital coming from other
countries — promoted by the strong desire of the people of
these Latin American countries to break out from their iso-

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 273

lation and to be brought into closer contact with the rest of
the world. Those pieces are being built until now, when the
work actually under contract is completed, there will be less
than 4,000 miles remaining to be built to make a complete
railroad which will imite the city of Washington with the
city of Buenos Ayres in the Argentine.

One of the objects of the Rio conference last summer was
to promote and further the interest of all American countries
in the building of this road, and I am glad to believe that the
action taken by that conference has had that eflPect. The line
now running to the south is almost through Mexico — has
almost reached the Guatemala line; and lines are being built
in Guatemala to connect with that; and within the life of
men now sitting in this room it will be possible for passengers
and merchandise to travel by rail practically the entire
length of both the North and South American continents.

The other method of communication is by steamships.
We are lamentably deficient in that. A great many fine,
swift, commodious lines of steamships run between the
South American ports and Europe and very few and com-
paratively pKX)r ships run between those ports and the ports
of the United States. No American line runs south of the
Caribbean Sea. Our mails are slow and uncertain. It is a
matter of hardship for a passenger to go directly between the
great South American ports and the great North American
ports, while the mails run swiftly and certainly to and from
Europe, and it is a pleasure for a passenger to go between
one of those ports and the European ports. The Postmaster-
General reports that the best way for him to get the
despatches from my Department to our ministers in South
America with certainty and swiftness is to send them to
Euroi>e and have them sent from there to South America.
That condition of things ought not to continue if we can
prevent it.

274 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

One great reason why it exists is, that American shipping
is driven off the seas by two great obstacles interposed in its
way by legislation. One is the legislation of foreign countries
which has subsidized foreign shipping; the other is the legis-
lation of our own country which by the protective tariff has
raised the standard of living of all Americans — a most
beneficent result — has raised the standard of living of all
Americans so that American ships paying and feeding their
officers and men according to the American standard cannot
compete on even terms with foreign ships, the cost of whose
officers and men is under the foreign standard.

If our Government will equalize these artificial disadvan-
tages under which our vessels labor and will do for them
enough to make up to them the disadvantage caused by
raising the standard of living of the men they employ and
to make up to them the disadvantage, coming from the fact
that their foreign competitors are subsidized by foreign
governments for the purpose of promoting foreign trade
against,American trade, we will have an American merchant
marine and American ships to carry passengers and freight
and mails between South and North American ports. A bill
to provide that is pending in Congress now. It has passed
the Senate. It is in the Committee of the House. I hope that
all of you who agree with me in believing that our Govern-
ment ought to be fair to the American merchant marine will
say so out loud; say so to your neighbors; say so in such a
way that American public opinion will realize that that kind
of fair treatment is not a matter of the lobbyist, but is a
matter of broad, American public policy.

There is one other subject — very important as a part of
this general outlook and forecast of American policy looking
towards the south. That is our special relation towards the
countries, the smaller coimtries about the Caribbean, and
particularly the West Indian countries, the islands that lie

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 275

directly on the route between our ports and the Panama
Canal. Some of them have had a pretty hard time. The
conditions of their lives have been such that it has been diffi-
cult for them to maintain stable and orderly governments.
They have been cursed, some of them, by frequent revolu-
tion. Poor Cuba, with her wonderful climate and richness
of soil, has suffered. We have done the best we could to help
her, and we mean to go on doing the best we can to help her.

I think the key of our attitude towards these countries
can be put in three sentences:

First. We do not want to take them for ourselves.

Second. We do not want any foreign nations to take them
for themselves.

Third. We want to help them.

Now, we can help them; help them govern themselves,
help them to acquire capacity for self-government, help them
along the road that Brazil and the Argentine and Chile and
Peru and a number of other South American countries have
travelled — up out of the discord and turmoil of continual
revolution into a general pubHc sense of justice and deter-
mination to maintain order.

There is a good deal of talk in the newspapers about the
annexation of Cuba. Never! so long as the people of Cuba
do not themselves give up the effort to govern themselves.
Our efforts should be towards helping them to be self-govern-
ing. That is what we are trying to do now and ^hat we
mean to try to do.

So with Santo Domingo. Poor Santo Domingo! With
her phenomenal richness of soil, her people ought to be
among the richest and happiest on earth; but the island has
been the scene of almost continued revolution and bloodshed.
Her politics are purely personal, and have been a continual
struggle of this and that and the other man to secure ascen-
dancy and power. She has come to us for help. She is

276 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

burdened with an enormous amount of debt, much of it
fraudulent, much of it created by revolutionary governments
in the bush or by regular governments in distress, needing a
little money to save themselves from being overthrown, in
desperate circumstances, ready to make any sort of bargain,
to pay any sort of interest, to promise anything to get imme-
diate relief. Many debts have been created in that way
and are hanging over her, foreign debts as to which she has
pledged the resources of this custom-house to the creditors
of this country, and of that custom-house to the creditors of
that country, and of another custom-house to the creditors
of the third country. She is unable to pay interest; unable to
make any settlement because she could not give anything
to carry out any settlement. With this enormous debt hang-
ing over her like a pall, and with this record of continual
revolution and strife depriving her of credit, depriving her
of courage and of hope, she came to us to help her. And we
are trying to arrange so that she may have the Httle — very
little — moral support of the United States which is neces-
sary to settle her debts, to insure the honest collection of her
revenue and its application to carry out the settlement, and
that she may be able to stand and walk alone. Now, we are
trying to make an arrangement of that kind by a treaty;
trying to perform the office of friendship and discharge the
duty of good neighborhood towards Santo Domingo. I hope
you will take a little interest in this unfortunate neighbor
and try to create a little interest in her on the part of our
people; for our treatment of Santo Domingo, like our treat-
ment of Cuba, is but a part of a great policy which shall in
the years to come determine the relations of this vast coun-
try, with its wealth and enterprise, to the millions of men
and women and the countless miUions of trade and treasure
of the great world to the south.

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 277

Our treatment of Santo Domiijgo, like our treatment of
Cuba, is but a part of the working out of the policy of peace
and righteousness as the basis for wealth and prosperity, in
place of the poHcy of force, of plunder, of conquest, as the
means of acquiring wealth.

The question is frequently asked. Should not a series of
reciprocity treaties be adopted for the purpose of promoting
our relations with these southern countries ? That is not so
important in regard to the South American coimtries as it
might seem at first, because so greatly do the productions of
North and South America vary that most of the products
of South America already come into the United States free, as
they are not competing with our products. Between eighty
and ninety per cent of all our imports from South America
are now admitted to the United States free of duty. The
great country of Brazil — over ninety per cent of all our
imports from there come in free of duty. So that the field
to be covered by reciprocity treaties with those countries is
comparatively narrow, and that question is not a question
of first importance in regard to our relations with them.
There are, however, some countries in regard to whose
products I should like very much to see an opportunity to
make reciprocity treaties.

But this opens up a broader subject. I do not think that
the subject of reciprocity can now be adequately considered
or discussed without going into that broader subject, and
that is the whole form of our tariff laws.

In my judgment the United States must come to a maxi-
mum and minimum tariff.

A single straight-out tariff was all very well in the world
of single straight-out tariffs; but we have passed on, during
the course of years, into a world for the most part of maxi-
mum and minimum tariffs, and with our single-rate tariff

£78 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

we are left with very little opportunity to reciprocate good
treatment from other countries in their tariffs and very little
opportunity to defend ourselves against bad treatment. Of
course this is the side that I look at; this is my point of view.
I may be wrong, but this is the way it looks to me — that
any country in the world can put up its tariff against our
products as compared with similar products from another
country without suffering for it so far as our present laws are
concerned. We go on taking that country's products at just
the same rates as we did before. Any country in the world
knows that if it puts down our products in its tariff it will
get no benefit from it because we will have to charge it
the same rates that we charge the country that treats us the
worst. The maximum and minimum tariff would be free
from one serious difficulty that arises in the negotiation of
reciprocity treaties. That difficulty is this : When you make
a reciprocity treaty with Country A, agreeing to receive cer-
tain products from that country at less than our tariff
schedules, you are immediately confronted by Country B,
which is equally friendly with us, treats us as well or per-
haps better, and to which we cannot with good grace refuse
the same. Then comes Country C with the same demand,
and D and E. The result is that with that fair and equal
treatment which we wish to accord to all countries there is
a tendency, by means of successive reciprocity treaties, to
change the whole form of the tariff, and to change it without
that fuU and general discussion, without that deliberate con-
sideration of the effect upon all American interests, which
there ought to be in dealing with this complicated and inter-
woven business of tariff rates. Now, a maximum and mini-
mum tariff would enable us to deal equally with all countries,
as we are friendly, and ought to be, with all countries. It
would be free from invidious discrimination; it would enable
us to protect ourselves against those that use us badly, to

SOUTH AMERICAN COMIVIERCE 279

reward those that use us well; and it would proceed upon a
general and intelligent consideration of all interests.

There is but one other subject that I want to speak to
you about, one to which the convention that met here last
year contributed very much, and that is representation
abroad under the American consular system.

The American consular service, I had the honor to say
here last year, has been an exceptionally uneven one. There
have been many very good men in it, and there have been
many men in it who were simply passing the remainder of
their days in dignified retirement. That came along natur-
ally enough when we did not have much foreign trade and
we were not pushing much for foreign trade; but the strain
on that machinery has of late years become rather great;
We are pushing out in all the world for trade, and our people
want information. Some of them need it — all want it —
and they need to be well represented among the people of the
other countries where they want to do business. And
wherever there is a weak spot there is trouble and dissatis-
faction. So that with changing times a change in method
has become necessary.

Congress passed a law at the last session, the material
parts of which had been hanging in Congress for over thir-
teen years, introduced years ago by men with foresight a
little in advance of the practical requirements of the time.
Their ideas did not receive endorsement and practical effect
until the last session. The Congress in that law classified
the consulates in different grades. They provided an inspec-
tion service, so that now we have inspectors who have been
selected from among the most able and eflScient consuls and
whose business it is to see what consuls are doing and whether
they are doing anything, so that now the State Department
will not be the last place where information is received about
the misdeeds of a consul.

280 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

They made provision that all fees should be turned into
the Treasury and the sole compensation of consuls should be
their salary, thus closing the door to temptation.

They did in that act a number of very good things for the
consular service. There was a clause in the bill originally
which provided that all appointments to the higher positions
in the service should be by promotion from the lower posi-
tions, and that all appointments to the lower positions should
be upon examination. That was stricken out because it was
considered that Congress had no constitutional right to limit
the President in that way. There is a good deal to be said
for that view; but it is equally true of appointments to the
army and to the navy, yet there have stood upon the statute
books of the United States for many years provisions for the
filling of higher grades in the army and navy by promotion,
and for the appointment to the lower grades only upon a
satisfactory examination. And those provisions, while
doubtless the President could break over them with the con-
sent of the Senate, nevertheless have constituted a kind of
agreement between the President and the Senate, having
the appointing power, and Congress which creates the offices
and appropriates the money to pay them, as to how the offices
are to be filled. I would like to see that kind of an agreement
applied to the consular service, so that the method of selec-
tion could be settled, and permanently settled, as it has been
in the army and the navy.

Immediately after the passage of the consular reorgani-
zation act with that clause omitted, the President made an
order, known as the Order of June 27, 1906, in which he
provided that all the upper grades should be filled by pro-
motion and that the lower grades should be filled only upon
examination, and prescribed the method of the examination,
and also provided that as between candidates of equal merit
the appointments should be made so as to equahze them

SOUTH AMERICAN COMMERCE 281

throughout the United States, as they ought to be equalized
so far as it is practicable, and also that the appointments
should be made without regard to the political aflSliations of
the candidates.

Under that order we will have the opportimity, in filling
all of the important consulates, to get the best possible evi-
dence as to whether a man is fit for the important place by
scanning the work of the young men in the lower places —
better than a dozen examinations and better than ten
thousand letters of recommendation.

Under that plan we will put in the young men who come
along for the lower grades of places and bar out the lazy
fellows that want to fall back on a living they are not ener-
getic enough to get for themselves. And when we have
seen how the young fellows work in the lower places we will
pick out the men here and there who are bom consuls and
put them into the higher places.

Now, that is the law for this Administration. It is good
until March 4, 1909. What will become of it then no one
can tell. I should be very glad if the public opinion of the
coimtry would say to Congress: Agree to that in such a way
that it will be permanent for all time.

Gentlemen, I thank you for your attention and again
renew my expression of satisfaction at the intelligent public
service you have rendered by leaving your homes and your
occupations to come here and do the work of self-governing
American citizens.

INDIVIDUAL EFFORT IN TRADE
EXPANSION

ADDRESS AT THE PAN AMERICAN COMMERCIAL CONFERENCE
WASfflNGTON, D. C. FEBRUARY 17. 1911

GOVERNMENTS may hold doors open all over the
world, but if there is no one to go through them it is an
empty form, and people get tired of holding doors open as
an empty form. The claims of a government to consideration
soon come to be r^arded as pretentious unless there are
really substantial interests behind the claims. No govern-
ment, and least of all our government, least of all a demo-
cratic republic, can make commerce to go through open
doors, to avail itself of fair and equal treatment, and to give
substance and reality to the theoretical increase of amity
and friendship between nations. The people of the country
must do it themselves, and they must do it by individual
enterprise; they must do it by turning their attention toward
the opportunities that are afforded by friendly governments,
by availing themselves of those opportunities, and by carry-
ing on their business through availing themselves of them.
But while it is a matter of individual enterprise, while that
must be the basis of all development and progress, all
advance, all extension, nevertheless, there must be something
besides the individual enterprise. The great principle of
organization which is revolutionizing the business and the
social enterprise of the world, applies here as it applies else-
where. No single business can make very much advance
except as all other business of the country makes advance.
No one can go into a new field very far in advance of others;
and the way for each man to make his business successful in

883

284 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

a new field is to do his share as a member of the community,
as a citizen of his country, as one of the great business
organizations of his country, to advance the trade, the com-
merce, the influence of his country as a whole, in the field
into which he wishes to enter. A recognition of the depen-
dence of each man's business for its prosperity and progress
upon the prosperity and progress of the business of all is
necessary in order that there be real progress.

Now, there are governments which undertake actively to
lead in this direction, and they are governments which are
making enormous progress. Germany, a country regarding
which Mr. White has just spoken in such apt and appropriate
terms, leads, and to a considerable extent in various direc-
tions, it requires the combination of her manufacturers, her
producers, and her commercial concerns. Japan practically
does also. There is solidarity brought about by the wonder-
ful organization of that combination; so that it is one for all,
and all for one, under government leadership. We cannot
do it here. Our country cannot take that kind of lead. Our
people do not conceive of that as a function of government,
and as far as the activities of our government are concerned,
they are largely engaged in breaking up organizations which
do increase the industrial efficiency of our country. I do not
want to be understood as criticising that. It is all right to
break them up when they are taking too great a portion of the
field for themselves. It is all right and important to break
them up when they are monopolizing the means of subsis-
tence that should be spread throughout the great body of
the people. But we must recognize the fact that when
our government does enforce the law — a just law, wise law
— against our great commercial and our great industrial
organizations, it reduces the industrial efficiency of the coun-
try. There is only one way to counteract that effect, not
violating any law, but securing through organization the

TRADE EXPANSION 285

united action, and concentrated action of great numbers of
Americans who have a common purpose, substituting that
kind of organization for the organizations which it is the duty
of our government to break up, because they are contrary to
our laws.

I am much gratified by this meeting and by the associa-
tion of so many practical men, business men, who, by unit-
ing, are really creating a new force in this direction, upon
which I am sure we ought to move.

Let me say one thing about the practical direction of your
efforts. The so-called Ship Subsidy bill has been reduced
now to nothing hml the proposition that the Government
should be authorized to pay out of the profits of the ocean
mail service adequate compensation to procure the carriage
of the mails by American steamers to South America; that
is what it has come down to. It passed the Senate, as Mr.
White has said, only by the casting of the vote of the Vice-
President, and I do not know what will be done with it in the
House. I am afraid in these last days that it may be lost in
the shuffle.

There are two reasons why that perfectly simple and
reasonable proposition failed to carry a great majority of
the Senate, and fails — if it does fail — to be certain of
passing the House. One is because there is a difference
between the people who want to have the thing accomplished
about the way in which it should be accomplished. That is
one of the most common things in the world. A certain set
of men who want to have a revival of our merchant marine,
say the way to do it is to pay subsidies, the way to do it is to
equalize the differences between the cost of maintaining and
running an American ship and the cost of maintaining and
running a foreign ship, and to equal the subsidies paid by
practically all the other great commercial nations to their
steamship lines. Another set of men who equally desire to

286 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

restore our merchant marine, say that is not the right way;
the right way is to throw open the doors and enable our
people to buy their ships abroad. Still others say the true
way is to authorize our ships to employ crews and officers of
the low-priced men of the world, relieve them from the
obligations imposed upon them in respect of the employ-
ment of Americans, people of the United States, who will
require the high standard of living that has been produced
in the United States by the operation of our protective sys-
tem, relieve them from the obligations which are imposed
upon them by our laws in regard to the requirements of the
crew, the air space, the food, and the treatment that a crew
is to receive, so that it will be cheaper to run an American
ship. Now, between these different sets of people, having
different ideas of the way to accomplish a thing, nothing is
done; and that situation which exists so frequently regard-
ing so many measures will exist forever, unless there is put
behind the proposition a force that gives it a momentum to
carry it over such obstacles. Put force enough behind it so
that the gentlemen in the Senate and House of Representa-
tives understand that they are going to be held responsible
by the American people, going to be held responsible for not
doing the thing, for not finding out some way to do it, and
they will come to this sensible conclusion very shortly,
and that is:

" We will settle the controversy about the way it should
be done by trying one thing first, and if that does not work,
we will try the other."

Another difficulty about this measure is that there is a
difference in appreciation of its importance in different parts
of the country. Down here on the seaboard I think most
people do appreciate it. You appreciate it; all the people
who are concerned, or wish to be concerned, in South Ameri-
can trade, or the trade of the Orient, appreciate it; but you

TRADE EXPANSION 287

go back into the interior of the country, into the great agri-
cultural states of the Northwest, and the farther Middle
West, states along in the valley of the Mississippi and the
Missouri, and the people there are thinking about other
things, and they have a natural dislike for subsidies, and
when told that a measure means giving somebody else
something for nothing, they express and impress upon their
representatives a great dislike for it. The way for us to get
something done is not for us who are in favor of it to talk to
each other about it. We can do that indefinitely without
getting much farther. The way is to take steps to bring to
the minds of the p)eople of the valley of the Missouri and the
Northwest, and those great agricultural states the impor-
tance to them, as well as to us, of having our merchant marine
restored.

I noticed the other day that the people of San Fran-
cisco were justifying their confidence in themselves by pro-
curing all their business correspondents in the state of New
York to write letters to me in favor of having the great
" Exposition and Celebration of the Opening of the Canal
in San Francisco "; and these letters came in by the thou-
sand from my constituents. They became so tiresome that
I came very near voting against the project as a measure of
revenge; but it showed the San Francisco people understood
where to go in order to preach their doctrine. They did not
talk to each other on the Pacific coast about it. They came
to New York and got their business correspondents interested
in it, and got them to talk to their representatives about it.
That is what you want to do in Kansas and Nebraska and
Iowa and the Dakotas — you want, through all the relations
that you have, and by every means in your power, to repre- ,
sent to the people of those great interior states, who have but
little direct relation with the ocean commerce of the world,
the real conditions imder which we exist, and the importance

288 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

to the whole country of doing something; and if they do
come to appreciate the importance to the country of doing
what you are talking about, then they will be for it, for they
are sincere, patriotic Americans.

There is but one thing more I want to say regarding the
relations which underlie the success of such an enterprise as
you are now engaged in. Of course, you have had a great
amount of advice, and a great many speakers have told you
a great many things you know, and I am going to put myself
in line with the distinguished gentlemen who have preceded
me by doing the same thing. At the basis of all intercourse,
commercial as well as social, necessarily lies a genuine good
understanding. That cannot be simulated ; the pretense of it
is in general, in the long run, futile. People trade with those
with whom they have sympathy; they tend to trade with
their friends. The basis of all permanent commercial inter-
course is benefit to both parties — not that cut-throat rela-
tion which may exist between enemies, where one is trying to
do the other — and a relation founded upon mutual respect,
good understanding, sympathy, and friendship; and the way
to reach the condition which is thus essential is by personal
intercourse and acquaintance between the men of Anglo-
Saxon or German or Norse, or whatever race they may be,
peopling the United States, and the men of the Latin
American race peopling the countries of the South.
1 This is something, my friends, in which our people are very
deficient. So long have we been separated from the other
nations of the earth that one of our faults is a failure to
appreciate the qualities of the people who are unlike us. I
have often had occasion to quote something that Bret Harte
said about the people of a frontier western camp, to whom
came a stranger who was regarded by them as having " the
defective moral quality of being a foreigner." Difference
from us does not involve inferiority to us. It may involve

TRA.de expansion 289

our Inferiority to somebody else. The sooner our business
men open their minds to the idea that the peoples of other
countries, different races and speaking different languages
and with different customs and laws, are quite our equals,
worthy of our respect, worthy of our esteem, regard, and
affection, the sooner we shall reach a basis on which we can
advance our commerce all over the worid. A little more
modesty is a good thing for us occasionally; a little appre-
ciation of the good qualities of others — and let me tell you
that nowhere on earth are there more noble, admirable and
lovable qualities to be found among men than you will find
among the people of Latin America. J7

Gentlemen, I hope for you the effectiveness of a great and
permanent organization, and that you may advance the time
when through more perfect knowledge, through broader
sympathies and a better understanding, ties of commerce
may bind together all our countries, advance our wealth and
prosperity and well-being with equal step aer they advance
the wealth and prosperity and well-being of^l those with
whom we deal, and increase the tie of that perfect under-
standing of other peoples which is the condition of unbroken
and permanent peace.

WELCOME TO THE LATIN AMERICAN PUB-
LICISTS TAKING PART IN THE SECOND
PAN AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS

WASHINGTON, DECEMBER 30, 1915

Mr. Root's interest in and knowledge o! the American republics is not of yester-
day, nor does it date from his secretaryship of state. It antedated and has survived
official position. In 1893 it inspired his address of welcome to the officers of the
foreign and United States squadrons which escorted the Spanish caravels to New
York. It colors with a touch of personal feeling hb address on the Codification of
IntemationaI'Law, deUvered before the joint sessions of the American Society and
the American Institute of International Law, and is beautifully expressed m the
following brief passage from his remarks at the dinner of the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace to the delegates of the Second Pan American Scientific
Congress.

Gentlemen of the Pan American Scientific Congress, and our guests: I can-
not refrain, in opening the postprandial exercises of this evening, from express-
ing the great satisfaction which I feel in taking part in the transformation of
the serious and sometimes dry exercises of our meetings into this social func-
tion. It is esi)ecially agreeable to me because I cherish such rich and precious
memories of hospitality received from our South American guests.

I have said many times to my own countrymen, without ever provoking

resentment on their part, that I wish they could all learn a lesson in courtesy

and the generosity of friendship from our brothers in South America. I should

have felt that my own participation in this congress was imperfect and lacked

an important element, if I could not have met you, my old friends of South

America, in this gathering, which excludes the serious and the scientific, and

seeks to cultivate and satisfy only the generous sentiments of friendship.

Although his address on the Codification of International Law is contained in

Mr. Root's Addresses on Iniemaiional Subjects, it reinforces the views expressed by

him, as secretary of state, in the address before the Third International American

Conference, and its concluding paragraphs are here reprinted, as a fitting close to

the volume of addresses dealing with the relations of the United States to our sbter

republics of the South.

THE presence here of Dr. Maurtua, whom it is a great
pleasure for me to hail as a colleague in the Faculty
of Political and Administrative Science of the University of
San Marcos, at Lima, and of the distinguished Ambassador
from Brazil, my old friend from Rio de Janeiro, lead me to

291

292 LATIN AMERICA AND THE UNITED STATES

say something which follows naturally from my reflections
regarding the interests of the smaller nations. It is now
nearly ten years ago when your people, gentlemen, and the
other peoples of South America, were good enough to give
serious and respectful consideration to a message that it was
my fortune to take from this great and powerful republic of
North America to the other American nations. I wish to say
to you, gentlemen, and to all my Latin American friends
here in this congress, that everything that I said in behalf of
the Government of the United States at Rio de Janeiro in
1906 is true now as it was true then. There has been no
departure from the standard of feeling and of policy which
was declared then in behalf of the American people. On the
contrary, there is throughout the people of this country a
fuller realization of the duty and the morality and the high
policy of that standard.

Of course, in every country there are individuals who
depart from the general opinion and general conviction, both
in their views and in their conduct; but the great, the over-
whelming body of the American people love liberty, not in
the restricted sense of desiring it for themselves alone, but
in the broader sense of desiring it for all mankind. The great
body of the people of these United States love justice, not
merely as they demand it for themselves, but in being willing
to render it to others. We believe in the independence and
the dignity of nations, and while we are great, we estimate
our greatness as one of the least of our possessions, and we
hold the smallest state, be it upon an island of the Caribbean
or anywhere in Central or South America, as our equal in
dignity, in the right to respect and in the right to the treat-
ment of an equal. We believe that nobility of spirit, that
high ideals, that capacity for sacrifice are nobler than
material wealth. We know that these can be found in the
little state as well as in the big one. In our respect for you

PAN AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS 293

who are small, and for you who are great, there can be no
element of condescension or patronage, for that would do
violence to our owti conception of the dignity of independent
sovereignty. We desire no benefits which are not the
benefits rendered by honorable equals to each other. We
seek no control that we are unwilling to concede to others,
and so long as the spirit of American freedom shall continue,
it w^ill range us side by side with you, great and small, in the
maintenance of the rights of nations, the rights which exist
as against us and as against all the rest of the world.

With that spirit we hail your presence here to cooperate
with those of us who are interested in the international law;
we hail the formation of the new American Institute of Inter-
national Law and the personal friendships that are being
formed day by day between the men of the North and the
men of the South, all to the end that we may unite in such
clear and definite declaration of the principles of right con-
duct among nations, and in such steadfast and honorable
support of those principles as shall command the respect of
mankind and insure their enforcement.

INDEX

INDEX

Adams, John Quincy, American presi-
dent, xiii, 21, 76, 79, 90, 94, 251.

Ahumada, Mexican governor, speech of,
208 f.

Alaska, 248.

Alliances, traditional policy of the
United States concerning, 86.

Altriiism, ideal of, 244.

Amazon, river, 46.

America, services of, to the world's civi-
lization, 169 f.

American colony, the, at Mexico city,
177-181.

American Institute of International Law,
the, 291, 293.

Andes, the. 27. 74. 101, 248.

ApoUonius Molon, Greek orator, anec-
dote of, 188.

Arbitration, international, 170; practical
difficulties in, 142 f.

Argentina, 73-102, 235-238, 248, 249,
264, 272, 275.

Arias, Ricardo, speech of, 145-148.

Armenians, the, 26.

Arthur, Chester Alan. American presi-
dent, 252.

Artigas, Jos6, dictator of Uruguay (1811-
1820), 64.

Atheneum.the.at Montevideo, Uruguay,
65-71.

Austria. 26. 257, 261.

Bahia, Brazil, 48-54, 258.

Bahia Blanca, 258.

Banks, importance of, in securing South
American trade, 255.

Barbosa, Ruy, Brazilian senator. 32;
speeches of, 19-28, 52 flf.

Barrett, John, director of the Pan Amer-
ican Union, 153, 232.

Barrios. Senator, speech of, 130 f .

Batlle y Ord6flez, Jos6, president of
Uruguay, speech of, 60-63.

Bayard, Thomas Francis, secretary of
state, 21.

Belgium, 248.

Bismarck. Otto von. German statesman.
261.

Blaine. James Gillespie, American states-
man. 5. 21. 42, 91, 232, 252 f.

Blancos, Uruguayan faction, 64, 65.

Blending of races, effect of, 238.

Bolivar. Sim6n, Venezuelan general. 129.
154.

Bolivia. 75. 248, 249, 272.

Borglum, Gutzon, sculptor, 232.

Brazil, 3-54, 166, 219, 23^-244, 248, 249,
257, 264, 265, 275, 277.

Bristow, Joseph Little, United States
senator, 260.

Buchanan, William Insco. American
diplomat, 147, 214.

Buenos Ayres, xiii, 73-102, 257, 258, 273.

Buffalo Exposition, the, 172 f.

Bureau of American Republics, estab-
lishment of the, 91.

Byron, Lord, 236; characterization of
Washington by, 134.

Calero, Manuel, speech of, 168-174.

Calhoun. John Caldwell. American
statesman, 21, 251.

Callao, 115, 258.

Camargo, Theodomiro de, speech of, 35 f .

Canada, 110 f., 257, 261, 265.

Canning, George, English statesman, 'iS,
79.

Capital, opportunities for, in South
America, 256 f . ; investment of Ameri-
can capital in Mexico, 201.

Caribbean Sea, the, 55, 159. 258, 272,
273, 274, 292.

297

298

INDEX

Carlos, king of Portugal, 219.
Carnegie, Andrew, contributes towards

the construction of the Building of the

Pan American Union, 223, 228, 231;

letter of, 226 f.; letter of Mr. Root to,

225 f . ; resolutions concerning, 227.
Carnegie Endowment for International

Peace, the, 291.
Cartagena, Colombia, 153 S., 258.
Casasus, Joaquin D., speech of, 184-188.
Castlereagh, Viscount, British premier,

77, 78.
Central America, 60, 117, 264, 266, 272,

292.
Central American Peace Conference, the,

xiv, 213-218.
Chamber of Commerce, the, of New

York, 239-244.
Chamber of Deputies, the, in Mexico,

168-177.
Charleston, the, 55, 166*
Chile, 103-112, 248, 249, 275.
China, 36.

Cicero, anecdote of, 188.
Civilization, the process of, 233.
Clay, Henry, American statesman, xiii,

5, 21, 28, 75, 76, 90, 94, 251.
Cleveland, Grover, American president,

252.
CofiFee, importance of, to Brazil, 41.
Colombia, 152-155, 160, 166, 248.
Colorados, Uruguayan faction, 64, 65.
Columbia School of Mines, the, 257.
Columbus, Christopher, 57.
CoDunerce and Labor, Department of,

254.
Communication, importance of means

of, 257-267.
Consular service, the, 279 flf.
Conti, sculptor, 232.
Coquimbo, 258.
Cornejo, Mariano, Peruvian envoy,

speech of, 11 f.
Corral, Ramon, Mexican vice-president,

speeches of, 192 f ., 203 f .
Cortelyou, George Bruce, postmaster-
general, 265.

Cortes, Hern4n, Spanish soldier, 56.

Costa Rica, 213.

Credit system, the, in South America,

255.
Creel, Enrique C, Mexican diplomat,

214.
Cret, Paul Phillippe, architect, 231.
Cuba, 35, 160, 275, 276, 277.
Cuellar, Samuel Garcia, Mexican oflScer,

162.

Dakotas, the, 287.
Darcy, Dr. James, speech of, 16 f.
Declaration of Independence, the, 170.
Declaration of the rights of man, the,

57, 64.
Dehesa, Teodoro A., Mexican governor,

speech of, 206.
Demosthenes, 187.
Diaz, Porfirio, Mexican president, 158,

161, 167 f., 172, 181, 192, 194, 202,

203, 206, 207, 210; speech of, 162 ff.
Dickens, Charles, observations of, on

America, 179.
Drago, Luis M., speech of, xiii, 93-97.
Drago doctrine, the, 95 f .

Ecuador, 248.

Elguera, Federico, speech of, 127 ff.
El Senor Root en MSxico, 158.
England, 64, 246, 247, 248, 257, 261.
Europe, 4, 48, 51, 57, 59, 60, 61, 246, 251,

256, 257, 258, 259, 270.
Evarts, William Maxwell, secretary of

state, 21.
Everett, Edward, American statesman,

21; note of, 121 f.

Federalist, The, 21, 24.

Figueroa, Alcorta, J., president of Argen-
tina, speech of, 81-84.

Florida, 75.

Fodere, Pradier, Peruvian publicist, 135.

Forsyth, John, secretary of state, 21.

France, 57, 64, 100, 190, 221, 247, 257,
261. 262.

INDEX

299

Franklin, Benjamin, American philoso-
pher and statesman, 29.

Free ships, policy of, 262.

Frelinghuysen, Frederick Theodore,
secretary of state, 252.

Gama, Brazilian commercial teacher,
speech of, 36 ff.

Gamett, American congressman, 78.

Garrison, William Lloyd, American
abolitionist, 23.

Germans, in Brazil, 249 f.

Germany, 57, 100, 190, 247, 257, 261,
262.

Gettysburg, battle of, 178.

Gongalvez, Sigismundo, governor of Per-
nambuco, 47.

Grovemment, functions of, 132.

Grant, Ulysses Simpson, American gen-
eral and president, 198, 199.

Great Britain, 57, 251, 257.

Greece, 26.

Grey, Lord, 110.

Guadalajara, Mexico, 208 ff.

Guatemala, 213, 272, 273.

Guimftraes, Paula, Brazilian deputy,
speech of, 30 f .

Hague Conference, Second, in 1907, 3,
171, 233.

Hague Tribunal of Arbitration, the, 158.

Hamilton, Alexander, American states-
man, 21, 83.

Harrison, Benjamin, American president,
252.

Harte, Francis Bret, American author,
288.

Hay, John, secretary of state, and author,
21.

Hicks, John, American diplomat, 108.

Hidalgo y Costilla, Miguel, Mexican
priest and revolutionist, 176, 206, 207.

Holy Alliance, the, 77, 251.

Honduras, 213.

Huneeus, Antonio, Chilean minister, ad-
dress of, 104-108.

Huogary, 26.

Iberian Peninsula, the, 51, 240.

Ibsen, Henrik, Norwegian dramatic poet,
16.

Indians, 7, 47; passing of their civiliza-
tion in Mexico, 209.

International Bureau of the American
Republics, the, 223.

Iowa, 287.

Isolation, disadvantages of, 233.

Italy, 247, 257, 261, 262.

Jalisco, Mexican state, 208.

Japan, 26, 261.

Jay, John, American statesman, 83.

Jefferson, Thomas, American president,

xiu, 5, 21, 23, 29, 79, 94, 251.
Jews, the, 26, 48.
Juirez, Benito, Mexican president, 176.

Kansas, 287.
Kansas City, 255, 270.
Kelsey, Albert, architect, 231.
Knox, Philander Chase, secretary of
state, 232.

Laboulaye, £douard de, French his-
torian, 134.

Lafayette, Marquis de, French general
and statesman, 28, 54, 237.

Lancaster, house of, 64.

Landa y Escanddn, Guillermo de, speech
of, 165 ff.

Laredo, 210.

Lima, 113-144. 257.

Limantour, Jos^, Mexican minister, 161;
speech of, 195 ff.

Lincoln, Abraham, American president,
94, 174, 178, 198.

Lobos Islands, controversy concerning,
121 f., 126.

London, 26, 76 f .

Lota, 258.

McKinley, William, American president,

36, 246.
Madison, James, American president, 21,

23, 74, 79, 93, H *5l.

300

INDEX

Magoon, Charles E., provisional gover-
nor of Cuba, 147 f .

Mann, Horace, American educator, 101.

Marcelino de Souza, Jose, governor of
Bahia, speech of, 48 ff.

Marcy, WiUia^ Learned, American
statesman, 21.

Marshall, John, American jurist, xiii, 21,

Martinez, Mucio P., governor of Puebla,

speech of, 204 f .
Massachusetts, 248.
Massachusetts Bay, 51.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology,

the, 257.
Material benefits, importance of, 170.
Maurtua, Peruvian savant, 291.
Mediterranean, the, 26.
Mendez, Luis, speech of, 181-184.
Merchant Marine Commission, the, 266.
Mexican Academy of Legislation and

Jurisprudence, the, 181-191.
Mexican Country Club, the, 177-181.
Mexico, 50, 152-210, 215, 264, 265, 272,

273.
Missouri, 248.

Mitre, Emilio, speech of, 73-81.
Mob, rule of the, 141.
Mogy-Guasu, the, river in Brazil, 41.
Monroe, James, American president, xiii,

5, 14, 21, 56, 58, 74, 78, 79 f., 84, 99,

172, 251, 252.
Monroe Doctrine, the, xiii, 50, 56, 58, 61,

74, 79 f., 117, 172 f., 243.
Montague, Andrew Jackson, American

delegate, speech of, 13.
Montenegro, Augusto, governor of Pard,

speech of, 45 f .
Montevideo, 55-71, 258.
Mtiller, Lauro, Brazilian minister 239-

244.
Mukden, battle of, 171.

Nabuco, Joaquim, the elder, 47.

Nabuco, Joaquim, Brazilian ambassa-
dor, 17, 47, 48, 219, 234; speech of,
3-6.

National Convention for the Extension
of the Foreign Commerce of the United
States, address of Mr. Root at the,
269-281.

Nazareth de Arujo, Galaor, speech of, 36.

Nebraska, 287.

New Orleans, 264.

New York, city, 26, 115, 166, 255, 258.

New York, state, 287.

Nicaragua, 213.

Norcross, Orlando Whitney, American
builder and contractor, 232.

North American Society of the River
Plata, the, 87 f .

Norway, 257, 261.

Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, 161 f.

Orient, the, 264, 270, 286.

Orizaba, Mexico, 206 f.

Oyapoc, river in South America, 27.

Pacific railroads, the, 263.
Palacio Monroe, xiii, 14.
Panama, 145-151, 166.
Panama, Isthmus of, 258, 264.
Panama Canal, the. 111, 115, 149, 159,

271, 275.
Panama Railroad, the, 260.
Panama Railroad Company, the, 258.
Pan American Commercial Conference,

address of Mr. Root at, 283-293.
Pan American Conference, First, at

Washington, xii, 225, 229, 252 f., 291.
Pan American Conference, Second, at

Mexico, xi, 225, 229, 253.
Pan American Conference, Third, at Rio

de Janeiro, xii, xiii, 3-14, 173, 224 f.,

229, 253.
Pan American Railroad, the, 272 f .
Pan American Scientific Congress, Sec-
ond, address of Mr. Root at, 291 ff.
Pan American Union, the, 91, 223-234.
Pard, Brazil, 44, 45 f., 258.
Paranahyba, the, river in Brazil, 41.
Pardo, Manuel, Peruvian statesman,

135.

INDEX

301

Pardo y Barreda, Jos€, president of

Peru, speech of, 113 f.
Paulistas, 39, 40.
Peaceable invasion, 189.
Pemambuco, Brazil, 47 f., 54, 258.
Peru, 11, 12, 113-144. 248, 249, 257, 272,

275.
Philadelphia, 29.
Pious Fund, the, 158.
Pu^cy, 26.
Pizarro, Francisco, Spanish soldier, 56,

257.
Plutarch, 188.
Political science, chief contribution of

the United States to, 141.
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, 26.
Portugal, 221.
Prado y Ugarteche, Javier, speech of,

116-123.
Prussia, 100.

Public opinion, rule of, 220 f.
Puebla, Mexico, 204 f .
Punta Arenas, 258.
Purdie, Francis B., speech of, 8&-S9.
Puritan element, the, in America, 56.

Randolph, Edmund, American states-
man, 21.

Recife, »ee Pemambuco.

Religious toleration, 170.

Reyes, Rafael, Colombian president, 154,
155.

Rezende, Doctor, speech of, 41 f.

Rhodes, 188.

Ribeyro, Ram6n, speech of, 136.

Riesco, Jermdn, president of Chile,
speech of, 103.

Rincon Gallardo, Pedro, Mexican officer,
161; speech of, 161 f.

Rio Branco, Baron do, Brazilian min-
ister, 18; speeches of, 13, 14.

Rio de Janeiro, xii, xiii, 3-35, 40, 55, 58,
63, 68, 67, 68, 95. 107, 136, 257, 258.

Rio de la Plata, 27, 56, 74.

Rio Grande, the, 161. 196.

Rivadivia. Bernardino, Argentine states-
man, 78,

Rochambeau, Comte de. French general,
237.

Romeu, Jos^, Uruguayan minister,
speech of, 55-58.

Roosevelt, Theodore, American presi-
dent, 5, 13, 14, 28, 30, 58, 65, 84, 97,
108, 114, 115, 117, 135, 158, 163, 1C4,
166, 171, 172 f., 185, 193, 198, 205,
206, 208, 257.

Roses, Wars of the, 64.

Rousseau, Jean Jacques, Swiss-French
philosopher, 236.

Rush, Richard, American diplomat, xiii,
76 f., 84, 251.

Russia, 26.

St. Louis, Missouri, 13, 255.

Salisbury, Marquis of, 142.

Salvador, 213.

San Antonio, Texas, 158, 159 ff.

San Francisco, 106, 287.

San Marcos, University of, 133-144, 291.

San Martin, Jos6 de, Argentine general,
101.

San Martfn, Zorrilla de, speech of, 65-69.

Santiago, Chile, 103-112.

Santo Domingo, unhappy condition of,
160, 275 ff.

Santos, Brazil, 41^5, 258.

Sio Paulo, Brazil, 35-^0, 54.

Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino, Argen-
tine president, 100 f.

Scandinavia, 16.

Schurz, Carl, American statesman, 171.

Sentiment, power of. 70.

Seward, William Henry, American
statesman, 5, 21, 164, 198, 199.

Smith, William, botanist, 232,

Solfs, Juan Diaz de, Spanish navigator,
56.

South America, Mr. Root's visit to, in
1906, xi-xiv, 3-155; Mr. Root's ad-
dresses in the United States on topics
relating to South America, 235-293.

Spain, 26. 57. 75, 77, 235, 247, 2.57,
261.

Steamships, cost of operating, 260.

' 302

INDEX

/

Subsidies, maritime, 261-267, 274, 285 ff.
Sweden, 221.

Taft, William Howard, American presi-
dent, 148. 232.

Taney, Roger Brooke, American jiwist,
83.

Tariff, protective, 274; maximmn and
minimum, 277 ff . ; discriminating
tariff duties, 262 f .

Texas, 161.

Thompson, David E., American diplo-
mat, 192-197.

Tiet4, the, river in Brazil, 41.

Tocopilla, 258.

Trade expansion, individual effort in,
283-293.

Trade routes, importance of. 111, 115,
149.

Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress,
address of Mr. Root before, 245-267.

Tucuman, Congress of, 75.

Tuileries, burning of the, 64.

Turkey, 26.

Uruguay, 55-71, 249, 264.
Uruguay, river, 46.

Valparaiso, 103, 112, 258.
Vdsquez-Cobo, Colombian minister, ad-
dress of, 153 f .
Venezuela, 74.

Vera Cruz, Mexican state, 206 f .
Villardn, Luis F., speech of, 133 ff.

Washington, city, 273.

Washington, George, American presi-
dent, xiii, 21, 23, 28, 83, 94, 101, 129,
134, 198, 206, 207, 233 f., 237.

Webster, Daniel, American statesman,
5, 21.

West Indian countries, difficulties of,
274-277.

White, Andrew Dickson, American dip-
lomat, 284, 285.

Wirt, William, American statesman, 251.

Wotton, Sir Henry, statement of, 245.

Yale University, 182, 187.
York, house of, 64.

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