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THE LATIN LANGUAGE
W. M. LINDSAY
HENRY FROWDE, M.A.
PURLISHBR TO THE UNHntRSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINm^RGH, ANI» NEW YORK
THE
LATIN LANGUAGE
AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
OF
LATIN SOUNDS, STEMS, AND FLEXIONS
BY
W. M. LINDSAY. M.A.
FELLOW OF JESUS COLLEGE, OXFORD
Oxford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1894
LIBRARY OF THE
LELAND STANFORD JR. UHIVERSITY.
\\\\ 20 1900^
Oxford
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
HY HORACK HART. PRINTBR TO THK UNIVBRSITY
■Vi
TO
PROFESSOR ROBINSON ELLIS
PREFACE
♦♦
Since Corssen's great work (last edition, Leipzig^ 1868-70),
there has been no book devoted to a separate investigation
by Comparative Philological methods of the Latin Language,
its declensions, its conjugations, its formation of the various
parts of speech, And the changes of its pronunciation and
orthogi'aphy, if we except the short summary (last edition,
Nordlingen, 1889) written by Professor Stolz for the Iwan
Miiller Series of Handbooks of Classical Antiquity. And yet
the additions to our knowledge of the subject since Corssen's
time have been very great. Not only has the whole Science
of Comparative Philology been, by the help of men like
Johannes Schmidt, Osthoif, and Brugmann ^, set on a sounder
basis, but a vast amount has been added to our knowledge of
the Early Latin authors, especially Plautus, of the Umbrian,
Oscan, and other dialects of ancient Italy, of Romance, and
above all of the Celtic family of languages, a family closely
united with the Italic group. The time has surely come for
a new treatment of the subject, such as I venture to offer in
the ten chapters of this volume.
I should have liked to have added to them a fuller dis-
cussion of the relation of Latin to the other languages of
Italy. But I had already exceeded the generous limits
* I take this opportunity of ac- GramnuUik in chaps, iv-viii, and to
knowledging to the fullest extent Seelmann, AusspracJie des Lutein in
possible my indebtedness to Brug- chap. ii.
mann, Onttuirisa der Verghichenden
Vlll PREFACE.
allowed by the Delegates of the Press, and it seemed to me
that until more evidence is forthcoming in the shape of
dialectal inscriptions certainty can hardly be attained. It is
much to be desired that some of the money which is being
raised every year for excavations should be devoted to this
field of research. The records of peoples like the Samnites.
who fought so gallantly with Rome for the rale of Italy, and
whose religion and manners so greatly influenced the ruling
race, should not be allowed to lie neglected. And yet, while
the Latin, Greek, and Etruscan inscriptions of Italy are care-
fully sought after year by year, there has been practically no
organized search for the remains of Oscan, Umbriau, Pelignian.
and the rest. I trust that some step may be taken ere long
in this direction.
It remains for me to acknowledge with gratitude the kind
help which I have had from numerous correspondents, both
in this country and abroad, as well as from my Oxford
friends, such as my colleague, Mr. E. R. Wharton. My
special thanks are due to Mr. Sweet for looking through
the proof-sheets of my chapter on Latin Pronunciation, and
to Professors Mommsen, Bormann, Huelsen, and Dressel for
giving me access to the advance-sheets of the Corpu9 Inscrip-
fionum Latinarum, My friend, Mr. J. A. Smith, Fellow of
Balliol College, has been good enough to go over the whole
book in proof, and to give me many valuable suggestion
especially on one of the most difficult problems of t
language, the formation of the Perfect Tense.
Oxford, August, 1894.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
«-•-
l>AOE
LiOT OF Abbreviatioks xxvi
CHAPTER I.
THE ALPHABRT.
8SC.
I. The Alphabet ' . i
a. The Alphabet of twenty-one letters 5
3. The letter F 5
4. X 5
5. Z 5
6. The Guttural-symbols 6
7. Y- and W-sounds 7
8. Double Consonant 8
9. Signs for long vowels 9
la gg for ng 10
II. New Letters for Greek Sounds 11
la. Influence of Greek Orthography la
13. Syllabic Writing la
CHAPTER II.
PRONUNCIATION.
I. A 13
a. Description of the A-sound by Latin phoneticians . . • i?
3. Interchange of a and e 17
4. Interchange of a and o 17
5. Anomalies in Romance 18
6. E 18
7. Descriptions of the E-sound by Latin phoneticians, &c. . . . ao
8. i for unaccented e ai
9. i for V in hiatus ai
10. ^ Rustic ' e for I in hiatus aa
1 1. I for 6 aa
la. i for unaccented & as
13. a for 6 a3
14. I 23
15. Descriptions of the I-sound by Latin phoneticians . . . . a5
16. by Grammarians a5
•
X TABLE OF CONTENTS.
BBC PAOB
17. Interchange of i and e . 99
18. i in hiatus 30
19. Anomalies in Romance 30
ao. O 30
0
ai. Descriptions of the 0-8ound by Latin phoneticians .... 3a
aa. Close for open o in accented syllables before certain consonant-
groups 3a
33. u for unaccented 6 33
a4. u for 6 33
35. Other changes of 6 and 0 34
a6. U,Y 34
37. Descriptions of the U-sound by Latin phoneticians • . . • 35
a8. Greek v in Latin 36
39. o for u 37
30. 6 for u 37
31. Other changes of t and u 37
32. Diphthongs 37
33. Grammarians' account of diphthongs 39
34. Ter. Maurus on au 40
35. au in Romance 40
36. u for accented au 40
37. o and au 40
38. a for au 41
39. Greek transcriptions of au 4a
4a ae for au 4a
41. e for ae 4a
4a. ai for ae 43
43. Greek ct 43
44. oe and e ............ 44
45. oe in Romance 44
46. Greek ci; 44
47. ui of cui 44
48. J, V 44
49. Testimony of grammarians 47
50. j and ▼ in early Latin 48
51. in late Latin and Romance . • V9
5a. Y confused with b in late Latin and Romance 49
53. Intervocalic v dropped 5a
54. Postconsonantal v dropped 5a
55. ai, ei before a vowel 53
56. H 53
57. Testimony of grammarians 55
58. h between vowels 57
59. h in Old Latin 57
60. Greek aspirates in Latin 57
61. M,N 60
6a. Phonetic descriptions of normal m, n 65
63. The Agma 65
64. m, n before consonant 65
65. Final m 67
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
^a. PHrAiitic vowel io Qreek loanwordH
73> Tonnes and mediaa
74. titvek tenues in lonnwotd*
75. Or.iifiisioii uf mtdiao niitl tenuvB iu Latin wordii
76. Mediae and tenuFs at «nd ut word
77. HedUo and hinuee in the Dinlectx . . ...
78. B, P
79. Phonetic deacriptions of b, p .
So. be, bt
8i- P».pt
8a. bm, mb 80
83. b and dialectal f Bo
84. b and in 80
85. D, T 80
86. Phonetic deacriptions of d, t Ba
87. d and 1 8a
88. d and r . . 8a
89. tl 83
go. Aaaibilation of ty, d; . . 83
91. K, c, a, Qtr, au 84
93. Phonttic descriptioDBof tlieOutturals 86
93- qii,gu 86
94. c, g before narrow vowels 87
95- ct. tt 89
96. L, B 89
97. Phonetic dcecriptiona of 1 91
98. of r 9'
99. Tlie graRinisriDns 011 the pronanciation of 1 9a
ofr 9=
Interchange of r and 1 9a
Parasitic vowtl witli 1, r 93
103. Avoidance of two f'h 95
l-u 96
107. I Ifefore cnnaonant ' ■ .9^
roa rl 97
r U'foro conijonants 97
final r 97
MetathesiH 97
13- ry
■4- P
15. DcBcriptioniiof the Hound of f .
xii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
■KC PAOS
ii6. mf loo
117. 8, X, Z loi
1 18. Phonetic descriptions of s, x 103
1 19. Latin s in Romance 103
I30. Oroek (, Latin z 104
191. Old Roman z 105
122. Old Roman s (z), later r 105
123. Prosthetic vowel with st, &c 105
124. 8 before a consonant 107
125. X 107
126. Final s 108
127. Double oonsonanta 108
128. Testimony of the grammarians tie
129. Reduction of 11 to 1, ss to s, after a diphthong or long vowel . .110
130. Confusion of single and double letter in Latin . • 1 13
131. Double consonants in Italian 118
132. Double consonant (not 1, s) after long vowel 118
133. Final double consonant 119
134. Final oonsonants . . 1 19
135. 'Sandhi' in Latin lai
136. Latin * Doublets ' laa
137. Dropping of final consonant in Latin laa
138. Dropping of final consonants in Romance 134
1 39* Syllable-Division 194
140. Testimony of grummariann laS
141. Quantity 196
142. * Position ' 129
143. Shortening of long vowel before another vowel . . . .131
144. Change in quantity of vowel before certain consonHut-groups . 133
145. r with consonant 140
146. s with consonant 141
147. n with single consonant 141
148. 1 with consonant 142
149. Craais of vowels, SyniBesis, &c 142
150. Vowel-contraction in compounds in the early dramatists . . 143
151. Syuizesis in Late and Vulgar Latin 14^
152. Other examples of vowel-contraction r/
153. Elision 7
154. Parasitic vowels
CHAPTER III.
ACCENTUATION.
1 . Nature of the Latin Aooent
2. Testimony of the grammarians. (1) On the Nature of the Latin
Accent
(2; On the circumflex accent
3. Accentuation of Greek loanwords
4. Romance Accentuation
TABLE OF CONTENTS. Xlll
see. PAOX
5. The Earlier Law of Aooentnation 157
6. Traces of I.-Eur. accentuation in Latin 159
7. Secondary and main accent 159
8. The Paenultima Law 160
9. Testimony of the grammarians 162
10. Exceptions to the Paenultima La>v 163
11. Vulgar-Latin Accentuation 164
19. Accentuation of the Sentenoe 165
ia«. Latin Sentence-EncliticH 166
13. Syncope 170
14. Syncope in the Praenestine Dialect of Latin 177
15. Syncope under the Old Accent Law 178
16. Syncope of Final Syllable 181
17. Syncope under the Paenultima Accent Law. (i) Pretonic . 183
(a) Post-tonic 184
18. Change of Unacoented Vowels 185.
19. Other Examples. I. Syllables long by position . . .191
20. II. Short Syllables (i) in -r 19a
91. (9) in -1 or Labial 199
The Parasitic Vowel 193
99. in other short syllables 194
a3« (3) Diphthongs, ai, ae 195
au 10
94. (4) Diphthongs in Hiatus 196
95. (5) je and vo 196
96. (6) Later change of o to u, u to u, i . . . 196
37» (7) Greek words with Vowel-change 197
98. (8) Vowel unchanged, i. in Latin words 198
99. ii. in Greek loanwords 198
30. (9) Long vowels 199
31. (10) Recomposition and Analogy 199
39. ,11) Pretonic 900
33. C12) Assimilation, Dissimilation, and False Analogy . . .201
34. (13) Shortening of Syllables long by position 201
35. Change and Shortening of Vowel in XJnaooented Final Syllable . 203
I. Loss or Syncope of Short Vowel 203
36. Loss of -0 .......... . 204
37. XL Change of Vowel 205
38. Change of final short vowel to 6 206
39. Alternation of final e with internal i 206
40. III. Shortening of Long Syllable 207
41. Final long vowel in Hiatus 209
49. Breves Breviantes 210
43. Shortening of final -a 210
44. Shortening of final -6 211
45. Shortening of final -0 219
46. Shortening of final -! . 213
47. Shortening of final -II . 213
48. Shortening of final diphthong 213
49. Shortening of long vowel before final Consonant . . . .213
xiv TABLE OF CONTENTS.
BBC. PAO«
50. Shortening of Final Syllable long by position ..... ai4
51. Shortening of Monosyllables 315
59. Loss of Final Syllable with -m 916
CHAPTER IV.
THE LATIN BEPRESENTATIVES OF THE INDO-EUROPEAN SOUNDS.
I. A ai9
9. Latin & for I.-Eur. & 291
3. A 921
4. I.-Eur. & 993
5- fi 393
6. Lat. e for I.-Eur. 6 994
7. I for 6 995
8. E 995
9. Latin 6 for I.-Eur. ^ 926
0. d for d with w and 1 996
1. i for (accented) e 999
9. I 930
3. 1 931
4. Other examples of Lat. i for I.-Eur. 1 939
5. i^t not i! 939
o. \j . ... ......... 339
7. 6 933
8 Latin 6 for I.-Eur. 6 934
9. Latin & for I.-Eur. d, under influence of v 935
90. u for 6 . 935
91. U . . . . . . . 937
99. Other examples of Lat. u. I.-Eur. u .... . . 937
23- ^ • • • 337
94. Latin u for L-Eur. u 938
95. Latin ii and Latin 6 939
96. The Diphthongs 939
27. AI 941
98. I.-Eur. ai, Latin ae (ai) 942
99. AI, AE on Inscriptions 949
30. AU ............. 242
31. Other examples 243
3a EI 343
33. Other examples of I.-Eur. ei 244
34. EI and I in Inscriptions, &c 944
35. BTt^ . . 945
36. Other examples of I.-Eur. ou 946
37. OU, U in Inscriptions 246
38- 01 246
39. Other examples of I.-Eur. oi 247
40. 01, OE, U on Inscriptions 247
41. OU 248
42. Other examples of I.-Eur. ou 249
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV
BSC. PAGE
43. u for older ovi, ov6 350
44. The spurious diphthong ou 250
45- il 251
46* AXT .......... ... 959
47. fil 252
48. fiXJ 352
49-^1 .352
50. OU 253
51. Variation (Ablaut) ofVowels 253
52. I.-Eur. and Latin & and 6 258
53. S and 6 258
54. 5-&, 6-& 258
5S &-« 359
56. ft and ft 259
57. 6 and & 260
58. i and I 260
59. 6 and 0 260
60. u and u 260
61. 6 and & 261
62. OU-&U 261
63. Y 262
64. I.-Eur. initial y 264
65. I.-Eur. y preceded by a consonant 264
66. ' I.-Eur. y between vowels 265
67. Latin j 265
68. VT 265
69. I.-Eur. initial w 266
70. I.-Eur. w (and Latin v) between vowels 267
71. I.-Eur. w after a consonant ........ 267
72. I.-Eur. w before a consonant 268
73. M, N 268
M 269
74. I.-Eur. m ; other example.s 270
75. n for m 270
76. I.-Eur. ms 270
77. I.-Eur. mr, ml 270 \
78. N 271
79. I.-Eur. n ; other examples 272
80. mn 272
81. The M- and N-Sonants 273
82. Other examples of the Nasixl Sonants 274
83. Other examples of am, an, ma, nft 274
84. L, B 275
85. L 275
86. I.-Eur. 1 ; other examples 276
87. R 276
88. I.-Eur. r ; other examples 277
89. ss for rs before consonant 277
90. rr for rs before vowel 277
91. n for r 278
.•.^ .-
XVI TABLE OF CONTENTS.
9a. Tho L- and B- BonanM 378
93. Other examplpB of the liquid SonHnbi 379
94. Other examples of al. nr, le, rft 379
95- TenaeH, Mediae, and Aaplrataa a-jg
96. Media or aapinita astimilated to unvoiced coniouaDt in Latin . a8i
97. Tenuis Biiximilaled to vo
99. Other exumplea of I. -Eur. p gg,
'■ B aSa
:. Other examples of I.-Eur. b a8a
t. mn for bn ag^
I. BH 3Ba
104. l.-Eur. bit ; other examples agg
'OS. T a83
106. Other examples of I.-Eur. t . . 984
>7. I.-Eur. tl 284
jB. I.-Eur. tt 384
>9- D 384
[o. Otlier iuNtancea of I.-Eur. d, Latin d aSj
1 1 . Latin 1 for d agg
m. Latin rfor d ^^
113. trfordr aB^
«'4. DH 389
tis- Other examplt'H of I.Eur, dh 389
116. Tho Qutlurala ago
I for (iuttural with i 353
;t for Outturn] with t 303
119- K" gmforcB, cm a^g
ino. LatiU h droppt^ between voweln 3n.
r. Dinlectal r for li '■ »94
.. The Palatal OuttursU: ft, G, Ah, GH ■...'.'. ag^
133. Other examples of I.-Eur. i aqj
- J -E"'- ii" .' ! 396
■ ** 396
ia6. Other cinmplos of I.-Eur. g ... agS
'=J-«H ! 396
>fh(-r ex;im pi ^s of I.-Eur. gh agj
139. The OuttunUs Proper ; X, G, GH, KH 397
^ 397
1. I.-Eur. k ; other examples __g
■ » : : ; s
133. other examples of I.-Eur. g ano
■33. OH 5
.. I.-Eur. gh ; other examples a_g
135- Velar Gutturals with Labialisation : Q» ag,
'1. L-Eur. q», Latin qu ; other exumples 300
■ = f<"- q" 300
138. Latin qu of other origi n . ,0,
'3» §' ; ." 30,
140. I.-Eur. t|i, Latin v; other examples 30,
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xvil
EC. l>AOB
41. Dialectal b 30a
4a. g for L-Eur. £jS 30a
43- 8H« 30a
44. I.- Eur. gh% in Latin ; other examples 303
45. The Sibilants : 8, Z 30a
46. S, Z 303
47. I.-Eur. s, Latin s ; other examples 305
48. Latin r for intervocalic sibilant . 305
49. Initial sibilant before consonant 306
50. O. Latin stl, si, scl 307
51. Sibilant before voiced consonant in middle of word . 307
5a. Sibilant before r in middle of word 308
53. Assimilation of sibilant to preceding r, 1 308
54. Assimilation of preceding dental to the sibilant .... 309
55. Latin ss for tt 309
56. Other groups with a sibilant 309
57. Loss of Ck>n8onant in Qroup 309
58. Other examples 310
59. Assimilation of Consonants 311
60. AHsimilation in Preposition compounded with Verb -313
61. Other examples of Assimilation 314
6a. Lengthening by Compensation 314
63. Assimilation of Syllables 315
CHAPTER V.
FORMATION OF NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS.
I. L STEM-SUFFIXES 316
a. Suffixes ending in -5, -ft (Nouns and Adjectives of the First and
Second Declension'. -6-, -A- 316
3. Latin 0- and A-suffixes ; other examples . . .318
4. -I6-, -IA-, (-YO-, •YA-'^ 318
5. -TJ6-, -XJA- • 32a
6. I.-Eur. Stems in -wo- 32a
7. Latin Verbal Adjectives in -uus, -ivus, -tlvus 323
8. -N6-, -NA- 324
9. I.-Eur. NO-suffix ..... .... 326
0. Latin -nus .... ... ... 326
1. Latin -inus / 326
a. Latin -&nus 326
3. -M£n6-, -MfiNA- 327
4. -M6-, -BtA- 328
5. Other examples 328
6. -BO-, -BA- 328
7. Other examples of the RO-suffix ... .... 330
8. Examples of I.-Eur. -t6ro- and -er6- in Latin 330
9. I.-Eur. -tro- 330
20. I. -Eur. -dhro- 331
21, -IiO-y -IjA- . .......... . 331
b
• • •
XVIU TABLE OF CONTENTS.
SEC. PAOS
aa. Adjectives formed by the LO-suffix 33a
33 Nouns denoting the Agent or the Instrument 33a
34. Diminutives 333
35. Neuters formed with the suffix -tlo- 333
a6. The suflSx -dhlo- 334
37. -T6-, -TA- 334
a8. Participles in -tus 335
39. Abstract Nouns in -ta (-sa) 336
30. Neuters in -mentum .... 336
731. -K6-, -KA- 336
3a. Adjectives with the KO-suffix 337
33. Adjectives in -!ciu8 337
34. Suffixes ending iu 1 (Nouns and Adjectives of third Declension) : -t- 338
35. Other examples of I-stems 338
36. Adjective I-stems from 0-stems 338
37. -NI- .339
38. Other examples of Latin -ni- . 339
39. -MI- 339
40. -BI-, -III- 339
41. Other examples of Latin -li-, -ri- 340
42- -TI- 340
43. Other examples of the suffix -ti- in Latin 341
44. Examples of Latin -tidn- 34 1
45. Adjectival -ti- for -to- in Latin ........ 34a
46 Other examples of Latin -t&t(i)-, -tut(i), -tudin- .... 34a
47. Suffixes ending in -u (Nouns of fourth Decl.). -tJ"- .... 342
48. Other examples of U-stems in Latin 343
49. Interchange of U- with 0-stems 343
50. Other examples of TU-stems 344
51. The Suffixes -YE- (Nouns of fifth Decl.) and -I . The Stems in -E . 344
5a. Other examples of Latin Ferns, in -r, -ic, &e 347
53- -yS- and -1- 347
54. Suffixes ending in -n (Nouns of third Decl.). -BN-, -YEN-, -"WEN-,
-MEN- 348
55. Masc. EN-stems in Latin 349
56. Suffixes ending in -r (Nouns of third Decl.;. -B- .... 349
57. Neuter R-stems . 349
58. -EB- and -TEB- 350
59. Nouns of relationship 350
60. Latin Nomina Agent is 350
61. Suffixes ending in -t Nouns and Adjectives of tliird Decl.). -T- . 350
6a. Other examples of Latin T-stems 351
63. -NT- 352
64. Other examples of Latin -en t- 352
65. -"WENT- 352
66. Other examples of Latin -Osus 353
67. Suffixes ending in -tl (Nouns of third Decl. 353
68. Other examples .......... 354
69. Suffixes ending in a Guttural (Nouns and Adjectives of third Decl.;. 354
70. Other examples 355
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XIX
•sc.
71. Suflfixes ending in -a (Nouns and Adjectives of third Decl
7a. Neuter ES-stemH in Latin ....
73. Adjective ES-Htems
74. Masc. (and Fem.) ES-stems
75. Other S stems
76. -YES-
77. Suffixless Forms ... ...
78. Suffixless stems at end of Compounds in Latin
79. Latin Indopc*ndent suffixless stems
80. II. COMPOSITION
81. Reduplicated Nouns and Adjectives in I^jitin
8a. A-stems
83. 0-stems
84. I-.*stems
85. U-stoms
86. N-stenis .......
87. R-stems
88. Dentjil and Guttural Stems
89. S-stoms .......
90. Stem-suffixes and Composition in Romance
. -ES
PAGE
355
355
356
356
357
357
357
358
358
358
363
363
364
364
364
364
365
365
365
365
CHAPTER VI.
DECLENSION OF NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. COMPARISON OF
ADJECTIVES. NUMERALS.
I.
L DECLENSION OF NOUNS
2.
Nom. Sing.
I. Mnsc.
, Fem.
3-
Nom. Sing.
of A-stems in Latin .
4.
RO-stems
• •
5.
YO-stems
•
6.
I -stems
• •
7.
S-stems
,
8.
N-st^ms
• •
9.
Diphthong
stems
10.
Nom., Are.
Sing. II.
Neut. .
XI.
0- stems
12.
I-stenis
13-
U- stems
14.
S-steras
15.
R-htems
16.
-S in Nom.
Sg. Neut.
of Adjectiv
n-
Gen. Sing.
• •
18.
A-.stems
• •
19.
Fifth Decl.
Steins
ao.
0-stems and lO-stom
s
21.
U-st^'Uis.
• 9
•
33.
Consonant stems
• •
23-
Dat. Sing.
m •
• •
AND ADJECTIVES
es
366
371
373
374
375
375
376
376
377
377
378
378
378
378
379
379
S79
381
382
383
384
384
385
b 2
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
99. Aoa. Sing
30. The enilingB -im and -vm
31. Too. Blng. ....
3a. Other examples .
33. Abl. Sicg
34. 0. Latin Abl. with -d
35. I-Btem and ConB..iitem -Abl.' ii
36. Inatr. Slog.
387
SB?
40. Nom. Plur. I. Haac. Fet
41. A-stemB
43. 0-Htems
43. I^atems
44. Cuna.-HtomB
45. Nom., Ace. Plur. II. Neul
46. Qen. Plur.
47. -Umaiiil
49. A-»ndOsU.mi(
50. Other itema
51. Aao. Plnr
5a. II. THE COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES
53. The Ccunpnrntivc Suffixes ....
54. TheSupiTlutiYeSufflxps ....
55. Soun^irre^lnr Cumporative^i acd SiiperlativiM
56. UI. HUMERALS
57- One
I. Um
fit. Three .
63. Trea
63. Four .
64. Quattuoi'
65. Five .
66. Quinqut;
67. Six
68. Seven
69. Eight .
71. Ten
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXI
8SC. PAOr.
74. Twenty to Ninety 417
75. Viginti, &c. 418
76. The Hundreds 418
77. Centum, &c 419
78. The ThousandM 419
79. Mille 420
80. The Numerals in Romance ? . 420
CHAPTEK VII.
THE PRONOUNS.
I. I. THE PERSONAL PRONOUNS AND THE REFLEXIVE, i
9. Declension of ego ....
3. a Sing.
4. Declension of tu
5. Reflexive
6. Declens'on of sui
7. I Plur.
8. Declension of nos ....
9. 9 Plur.
10. Declension of tos ....
11. II. THE POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS
19. Their forms
13. III. DEMONSTRATIVES .
14. O. Latin so- .....
15. The particle -c<? . .
16. Hie .......
17. Iste .....
18. Ille
1 Q« Xo • • • • • • •
90. Ipse
91. Idem
99. The Pronominal Gen. and Dat. Sg. .
93. IV. RELATIVE, INDEFINITE. AND INTERROGATIVE
NOUNS
94. Stems qsi- and qSo- ....
95. Case-forms ......
26. The stem q»u-
27. The Possejii-ive cujus ....
98. Other Derivatives ....
99. V. THE PRONOMINAL ADJECTIVES
30. Tlie Pronouns jn Romance
Sing
PRO-
421
499
423
423
424
424
424
425
425
426
426
427
429
432
432
433
435
436
437
440
441
442
443
444
445
446
447
447
449
452
CHAPTEK VIII.
THE VERB.
1. L THE CONJUGATIONS
2. Traces of the Athematic Conjugation in Latin
453
455
XXll TABLE OF CONTENTS.
8KC. PAOK
3. II. THE TENSE-STEMS (Strong Aorist and S-formations . 459
4. ' Strong Aorist ' forms in Latin 464
5. Old Latin forms with -ss- (-»-) 465
6. A. Present, (i) With £-grade of root and Thematic Vowel 466
7. Other examples 467
8. Weak grade of root 467
9. (2; With reduplicated root 468
10. (3) With root nasalized, i. With nasal infix, ii. With nasal affix . 469
11. Other examples of nasal infix 471
IS. Retention of Nasal throughout the Tenses 471
13. Other examples of nasal affix 473
14. Other Verb-st«ms with n 472
15. (4) With suffix -Y0-, -IyO- 472
16. 1 in the third Conjugation Presents with YO-suffix .... 475
17. Other examples of E-grade roots .475
18. Of weak grade roots 476
19. Alternative forms in -o and -eo 476
20. Of roots with -a, -^, -0 476
21. Inceptives, and other Verb-stems -476
22. (5) Inceptives in -sio- (-8k6-) 477
23. Causa tives and Intensives in -eyo- 477
24. Latin Desideratives in -tiirio 478
25. Latin Iteratives or Frequentatives in -Hftyfi- 478
26. Other Derivative Verbs with the YO-suffix .... 478
27. Other suffixes 478
28 Other examples of Latin Inceptives . 479
39. Of Latin Cuusatives, &c 481
30. Of Latin Desideratives 482
31. Of Latin Iteratives 482
32. Of Latin Derivative verbs with YO-suflfix 483
33. Of other Verb-suffixes 486
330. The Conjugations in Romance 488
34. B. Imperfect 489
35. Fourth Conj. Impft. in -Ibam 491
36. C. Future 491
37. Fourth Conj. Fut. in -ibo 493
38. Third Conj. Fut. in -6bo 493
39. D. Perfect 494
40. Other examples of Reduplicated forms 501
41. Unreduplicated 501
42. Form of Reduplication 502
43. Assimilation of Reduplication-vowel to Stem-vowel . . . 503
44. Loss of Reduplication 503
45. Co-exi stent Reduplicated and Unreduplicated forms . . . 504
46. S-Preterite 504
47. Origin of the Perfect in -vi (-ui) 505
48. Shortened forms of the Perfect in -vi 506
49. Shortened forms of the Perfect in -si 508
50. O. Latin Perfects in -uCv)i 508
51. Some Irregular Perfects 509
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
xxin
91.
ga.
93.
94.
PS-
SEC.
5s. £. Pluperfect .
53. F. Future- Perfeot
54. G. Tenses formed with Auxiliary Verbs
55. III. THE MOODS. A. Subjunctive.
Optative Mood in Latin.)
56. Some O. Latin Subj. and Opt. formw
57. B. Imperative ....
58. Other examples of 2 Sg. Imper. with bare
59. Other examples of Imper. in -tod
60. Imper. Pass, a, 3 Sg. in -mmo
61. 3 PI. Imperat. .
6a. IV. THE VOICES .
63. Impersonal use of Latin Passive
64. Active and Middle .
65. V. THE PERSON-ENDINGS
66. ;i) Active, i Sg.
67. 2 Sg. .....
68. Athematic Sg. of f&ro, v51o
69. 3 Sg
70. The 3 Sg. Pft. in Latin
71. I Plur.
72. 2 Plur. ....
73- 3 P^ur
74, 3 PI. Pres. in -nunt
75. 3 PI. Perf. ....
7c. '2) Pa.s8ive (Deponent), i Sing.
77. 2 Sing.
78. Use of -re and -ris
79. 3 Sing
80. I Plur
81. 2 Plur
82. 3 Plur
83. VI. THE INFINITIVE
84. Pres. Inf. Act
85. Pres. Inf. Pass, .
86. Fut. Inf. Act
87. Fut. Inf. Pass. .
88. VII. THE SUPINES
89. VIII. THE PARTICIPLES
90. Prea. Part. Act. .
Perf. Part. Act .
Perf. Part. Pass.
* Truncated* Participles
IX. THE GERUND AND GERUNDIVE
Origin of the suffix -ndo- .
0. Adjectives in -bundo-, -cundo-, &c.
97. Some Irregular Verbs
98. Irregular Verbs in Romance
(Rel
ics
stem
of
ti
le
Eur.
PAGK
519
519
521
522
525
526
526
527
529
529
529
531
531
532
533
533
534
534
534
534
535
537
537
537
538
538
539
540
541
54 r
543
543
544
544
545
547
XXIV TABLE OF CONTKNTS.
CHAPTER IX.
ADTEKB8 AND PREPOSITION'S.
1. ADVERBS 5^8
a. Nominative Advei'li-rnrniH 553
3. Qenltive Advurb-fornm 555
4. Acduati've Adverb- form !■ 555
5. Ahlativi- (InHtr.) and Lucstivc Ad v«r)> -fornix- 559
6. Advt^rlw iu -tUK 561
7. Adverbial word-group* and wmpi.unilH 56a
8. Otlittr Adverbs 565
9. Kumerol AdvvrhH iu -icH 567
10. Pn'ii'iiniual Adverbs 567
11. PREP08ITI0KS 573
13. Al>. Mp.. ji.^, «bn. H-, ao: af. absqiii' . 575
13. Ab, ohs n 5JT
■4-W 5„
'5- Ad 577
■*■ Ai"l>i- 577
'1-An 5,8
18- Aiit^ 5,8
19. Apud SJ9
ao. Circum. droa. cireik-r 575,
91. Cliini, rlftuuulum 580
aa. Cum-, (vum), wiMi. and 581
33. C'lntrn ^hh- jj 1. 4 581
=4- Cram 58,
35- !>-■ 581
36. Pis 583
37- Ei'do 58a
a8. Erga, t-rgi. 583
ag. Ex, «-. « 583
Eitri. S84
33- i"^r 585
33. Iiilrn, intuB .... 585
34. JllXtH 585
3S- 01" 585
36. Piilum 586
37- PeiiL-s . 586
38. Pit 586
39-1'" 588
40. Pust, pom- ... .... 588
41. I'ln-tw. p.i-ti-d. p,,,. p.-,. 5B9
4". I'™e S89
13. Pri.,'t4-r 589
44. Pi-.), pnr- 590
45. Pr<>- iiiidp^V jt^
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXV
SHC.
46. Procul
47. Prope
48. Propter
49. Re-
50. Secundum y sccu8
50a. Simul
51. Sine, se
52. Sub, subter, subtus
53. Super, supra, iusuper, Buperne
54. Tenus
55. Trans
56. Uls, ultra
57. UHque
58. Versus, versum, ndversus, adversum, exadversus, exadversum
PAOX
590
591
591
591
59'
59a
59a
593
593
593
594
594
595
595
CHAPTER X.
CONJUNCTIONS AND INTEBJECTI0N8.
1. CONJUNCTIONS 596
2. (i) Conjunctive. — Que, et, utque, ac, quoque, etium . 598
3. Atque, ac 599
4. x,a) Disjunctive. — Ve, aut, vel, sive, ^wu 599
5. (3; Adversative. — At, ast, sed, autem, atqui, tnmen, ceteruni, verum.
vero ............ 600
6. (4) Limitative and Corrective. — Quidem, immo .... 60a
7. 5' Explanatory. — Enim, nam, namque, quippe, nempe, nemut 603
8. 6) Conclusive. — Ergo, itaque, igitur 604
9' n) Optiitive. — Ut, utinam 605
10. [&) Interrogative. — Ne, nonno, num, utrum, an, anne, cur, quare,
quianam 605
11. (9) Comparative. — Ut, uti, quasi, ceu, quani 606
12. ,10) Temporal. — Quum, qunndo, dum, donee, ut, ubi 608
13. (11) Causal. — Quum, quoniam, quod, quia, quippe .... 610
14. (i2; Conditional. — Si, nisi, ni, sin, sive, seu, modo, dummodo 610
15. (13 Concessive. — Etsi, quamquam, quamvis, licet .... 613
16. 14) Final. — Ut, quo, quominus, quin, ne, neve, neu, ncdum . 613
17. (15! AsMeverative Particles.— Ne (nae), -ne 614
18. (16; Negatives.— In-, ne-, nee, non, hand, ve- 615
19. Interjections ... ........ 616
INDEX- 619
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
-■♦♦-
A. L. L.=Aichiv f. lat. Lexikographie u. Grammatik, ed. WOlfflin. Leipz.
1884 <*<1Q'
Amor. Jouni. Phil. ■= American Journal of Philology.
Anecd. Helv. = Anecdota Helvetica, ed. Hagen (a Supplement to the Gram-
matici Latini, ed. Keil).
Ann. ICpigr. « Cagnat, L'annte ipigrajihique. Paris, 1889 sqq.
Ann. In»t. =Annali dell* Institute di corrispondenza archeologica. Rome,
1829 sqq.
Arch. GlottoL, Arch. Gh.tt. Ital. - Archivio Glottologico Italiano. Rome,
1873 sqq.^
'A0Tjv.=*A$rjy€uovavYypafjifMW€pioliiK6v. Athens, 1872-82.
B. B. =Beitrfige z. Kunde d. Indog. Sprachen, ed. Bezzonberger. GOttingon,
1877 sqq.
B. P. W., Berl. Phil. Woch. -Berliner Philologischo Wochenschrift. Berl.
1881 sqq.
Brit. Mus.-T)ie Collection of Ancient Greek Inscriptions in the British
Museum, ed. Sir Ch. Newton. Oxf. 1874 sqq.
Buch. C;m5r.=BQcheler, Umbrica. Bonn. 1883.
BulL == Bullettino dell* Institute di corrispondenza archeologica. Rome,
1829 sqq.
Burs. .Tahresl[)er. e Jahrcsbericht uber d. Fortsohritte d. Classischen Alt<;r-
thumswihsenschaft, ed. Bursian. Berl. 1875 sqq.
C. G. L. ^Corpus Glossarionim Latinorum, ed. Goetz und Gundermann.
Leipz.
C. I. A. -Corpus Inscriptionum Atticanmi. Berl. 1873 sqq.
C. I. G. = Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. ed. Boockh. Berl. 1828 sqq.
C. L L. =Coi'pus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Berl. 1863 sqq.
Class. Rev. = Classical Review.
Comm. Lud. Saec. = Commeutaria Ludorum Saecularium, ed. Mommsen, in
vol. viii of the Ephemeris Epigraphica (also published in the Monunieufi
Antichi, vol. i, part 3).
Comm. Ribl)eck. =Commentationos Philologae . . . Ottoni Ribbeckio. Leipz.
1888.
Comm. Schweizer-SidlersPhilologische Abhandlungen Heinrich Schweizer-
Sidler . . . gewidmet. Zurich, 1891.
Comm. Woelffl. -Commentationos Woclfflinianae. Leipz. 1891.
Eckinger - Eckinger, Die Orthoaraphv laieinischrr Wortcr in griechischin InHdiriften.
Municli.
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. XXVli
Edict. Diocl.^thc Edict of Diocletian (contained in the Supplement to vol. iii
of the Cknpus Inscr. Lat).
Eph. Epigr. —Ephemeris Epigraphica. Berl. 187a 8qq. (A Supplement to the
Corpus Inscr. Lai).
£tude8 G..Pari8« Etudes romanes d^diees k Gaston Paris. Paris, 1891.
Etym. Lat-Etyma Latina, by E. R. Wharton. Lond. 189a
Fabr. = Fabretti, Corpus Inscr. Italicanim antiquioris aevi. Turin, 1867.
Fleck. Jahrb. -sJahrbilcher f. classischo Philologie, ed. Fleckcisen. Leipz.
1855 sqq.
01. Cyrill., Gl. PhUox., Gl. Phic. = the Cyrlllus, Phlloxenus, and Placidus
Glossaries (contained in vols, ii and v of the Corpus Ofossariorum Latinorum.
ed. Goetz und Gundermann'.
Harv. Stud. = Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. Boston, 1980 sqq.
Herm. = Hermes. Zeitschrift f. classischc Philologie. Berl. 1866 sqq.
I. F. = Indogermanischc Forschungen, ed. Brugmann und Streitberg. Strass-
burg, 1 89 1 sqq.
I. I. S. - Inscriptiones Graecae Siciliae et Italiae, ed. Kaibel. Berl. 1890.
I. N., I. R. N. = Inscriptiones Regni Neapolitani Latinae, ed. Mommsen.
Leipz. 1852.
Journ. Hell. Stud. = Journal of Hellenic Studies.
Joum. Phil. = Journal of Philology.
K. Z. >» Zeitschrift f. vergleichende Sprachforschung, ed. Kuhn. Berl. 1872 nqq.
Lex. Agr. « Lex Agraria (No. 200 in vol. i of the Crnpus Inscr. Lat).
hex Repet. - Lex Repetundarum (No. 198 in the same vol.).
Lib. Gloss. = Liber Glossarum (selections from which are contained in vol. v
of the Corpus Olossariorum Latinorum).
M.61. Arch. = Melanges d*Arch6ologie et d'Histoire Paris, 1884 sqq. (The
publication of the £cole franynise de Rome.)
Mem. 1st. Lombard. « Memorie dell' I. R. istituto Lombardo di scienze,
lettere ed arti. Milan, 1843 sqq.
M^m. Soc. Ling., M. S. L. = Mcmoires de la SocitJte de Linguistique do Paris
Paris, 1868 sqq.
Meyer-Lubke = Meyer-Liibke. Orammafik dfr ronuinifichen Sprachnn. Leipz.
1890 sqq.
Mitth. = Mittheilungen d. kaisorlich ileutschen archftologischeii Instituts.
Athens, 1876 sqq.
Mitth. (rOm.) =^ ditto (rdmische Abtheilung ).
Mon. Anc. - Res Gestae Divi Augusti : ex monumentis Ancyrauo et Apol-
loniensi, ed. Mommsen. Berl.* 1883.
Mon. Antichi = Monumenti Antichi pubblicati per cura dc^lla Reale Accademia
de4 Lincei. Milan, 1890 sqq.
Morph. Unt., M. U. « Morphologische Untersuchungen, byOsthoff and Brug-
mann. Leipz. 1878 8qq.
M. S. L. (see Mem. Soc. Ling.).
Mur. - Muratori, Novus thesaurus vthnwi inscripthnum. Milan, 1739-42.
Neue = Neue, Formehb-hre d. lateiniscJien Sprache. Berl. 1866 sqq.
Not. Scav. =Notizie degli Scavi di antichita (Atti della R. Aceademiii dei
Lincei). Rome, 1876 sqq.
Or., Or. Henz. = Orelli, //wcr/ytoMi/m lAitinarmn Colhdioy vols. i-ii. Zurich, 1828,
vol. iii (Suppl.), ed. Honzen. Ziirich, 1856.
XXVm LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.
Osthoff, Dutikles u. helles I (see Transactions of American Philological Associa-
tion 1893, vol. xxiv, pp 50 8qq.)>
P. B. Beitr. t=Beitrilge z. Geschichte d. deutsclien Sprache u. Literatur, ed.
Paul und Braune. Halle, 1874 sqq.
Philol. = Philologu8: Zeitschrift f . d kla-^sische Alterthiun. GK^ttingen, 1846
sqq.
Phil. Soc. Trans. = Transactions of the Philological Society.
Phonet. Stud. •= Phonetische Studien : Zeitschrift f. wissenschaftliche u.
praktische Phonetik. Marburg^ 1887 &qq.
Probi App. — Probi Appendix (contained in vol. iv of the Grammatici Latinif ed.
Keil).
Rev. Phil. - Revue de Philologie. Paris, 1877 sqq.
Rhein. Mus. ~ Rheinisches Museum f. Philologie. Fi-ankf. am Main, 184a sqq.
Riv. Filolog. —Rivista di Filologia. Rome, 1873 sqq.
Rossi «De Rossi, /nscrip^/one^ Christianae Urbis Romae, a vols. Rome, 1 861 -1888.
S. C. Bacch. =^Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus ;No. 196 in vol. i of the
Corpus Itiscr. Lot.),
Stud. Ital. = Studi Italiani di filologia classica Florence, 1893 sqq.
Stiidem. Stud. ^ Studien auf d. Gebiete d. Ai*chaischen Lateins, ed. Stude-
mund. Berl. 1873 sqq.
Suppl. Arch Glott. « Supplement! Periodici all' Archivio Glottologico Italiano,
vol. i Turin, 1891.
Tab. B mt. = Tabula Bnntina (No. 197 in vol. i of the Corpus Inscr, Lat).
Versamml. Philolog. ^ Verhandlungen d. Versammlungen deutscher Phi-
lologon u. Schuhnftnner.
Von Planta =» Von Planta, Grammatik d Oskisch-Umbrischen Dialekte, vol. i. Sti'ass-
burg, 1893.
Wien. Stud. « Wiener Studien: Zeitschrift -il class. Philologie. Vienna,
1879 SQ4*
Wilm.»Wilmanns, Exempla Inscriptionum Latinaruniy a vols. Berl. 1873.
Zv. /. /. /., Zvet. s.Zvetaie£E^ Inscriptiones ItcUiae Inferioris Dialecticae, Moscow,
1886.
In the transcription of the various I.-£ur. languages the system of Brug-
mann, Grutulriss d. rergleicfietiden Grammatikj Strassburg, 1886 sqq. (Engl, trans.;
London, 1888 sqq.) is in the main followed, though in * I. -Eur.' forms Gutturals
Proper are denoted by k, g. &c. (not as in Brugmann by q, g, &c.}, and y, w
often replace Brugmann's i, y, while in O. Engl. .Brugmann's * Anglo-Saxon')
words the orthogmphy of Sweet, History qf English Sounds, is preferred. I follow
Brugmann in distinguishing the Oscan and Umbrian inscriptions written in
the Roman alphabet from those written in the native alphabets by printing
the former in italics, a type reserved in this book for Latin words, stems,
suffixes, and sounds. (On the use of A-, g, gh see p. a9o.)
THE LATIN LANGUAGE
♦♦-
CHAPTER I.
THE ALPHABET ^
§ 1. If an alphabet is to express the sounds of a language
properly, each nation must construct one for itself. But this
ideal was not realized by the ancient languages of Italy. The
Oscan and Umbrian stocks borrowed for the expression of their
language the alphabet used by the Etruscans, who had themselves
borrowed it at an earlier period from the Greeks ; and so neither
Oscans nor Umbrians were at first able to express in writing
some common sounds of their language, such as d and o^ which
were wanting in the Etruscan speech (von Planta, Osk,'Umbr,
Dial, \., p. 44). The Latin Alphabet, consisting in the later
Republic; of twenty-one letters, abcdefghiklmnopqestvx,
was borrowed from some Chalcidian colony (e.g. Cumae), to
judge from the form of the letters, which more nearly resemble
those of the Chalcidian inscriptions than of any other Greek
stiOck. \ So few Latin inscriptions earlier than the second Punic
War have been preserved, that it is difficult to trace each separate
stage in the process of adapting the Greek alphabet to the
exigencies of the Latin language. ^ The symbols for the Greek
aspirate mutes, 0 (the M-sound of our * an^-^eap ^), ^ (as in
* HQbner's article in Miiller's/fam^f- summary of what is known and a
buck d. JClass. Alterthumswiss€nsch€iftf list of the authorities,
vol. i. pp. 492 sqq. 1886, gives a
0
2 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. I.
' VLphiW ')y ^ (the symbol for the i^ -sound of our ' inXV/orn ' in
the Chaleidian alphabet, while X was the symbol for the fe-sound,
Attic E)y were found superfluous by the Latins, in whose lan-
giiagje these sounds were unknown, and were retained as symbols
for numbers merely, 0 jfor loo (later modified to C, the initial
of centum), ^ (later L) for 50, 4> for 1000 (later M, the initial
of mille), while the right-hand half of the symbol, viz. D, was
used for the half of 1000, i.e. 500, just as V, for 5, seems to have
been the upper half of X (used probably in the Etruscan adapta-
tion of the Greek alphabet for 10) (Ritschl, Ojpusc. iv. 704 and
722; Mommsen in Hermes xxii. 598). For the /-sound, the
bilabial spirant, a sound which in Quintilian's time was quite
unknown in Greek (Quint, xii. 10. 29), the nations of Italy seem
to have taken the Greek combination of symbols f H (digamma
with aspiration), a combination found in a few of the earliest
Greek inscriptions to express a sound which seems to have been
a development of an original sw- (e.g. FieKabaixo^, in the proper
name Hecademus, on an inscription of Tanagra (Rohl, Lisa:
Grace. 131), and which may have been at that time some adum-
bration of the /-sound. This double letter fH, which we find in
a very old Latin inscription on a brooch foimd at Praeneste with
FHEFHAKED (=fecil) (C. I. L. xiv. 4123), in the earliest
Etruscan inscriptions, e. g. vhulxenas (the proper name Fvlcmviii)
(Fabr. Suppl. iii. 306), and in the inscriptions of the Veneti, an
Illyrian tribe of N.E. Italy (Pauli, Altitali%che Forschungen iii.
p. 97 sqq.), was in the Etruscan alphabet reduced to a symbol
like the figure 8 (a modification of H, the F being dropt), while
in the Latin alphabet the second element of the compound was
discarded, and F alone was used. The exact course of events
which led to the use of the Greek symbol for the ^-sound (in
Chaleidian inscriptions written c ^^ot p), to express the Latin
/•-sound as well as the Latin ^-sound, and in time to the almost
total disuse of the symbol K, cannot, with the evidence at pre-
sent forthcoming, be determined (for a conjecture, see ch. ii. § 75).
On the very old Dvenos inscription, for example (Annali dell'
Inst. 1880), we find feked (or feked corrected into feced),
(fecit), PAKARi, cosMis (cdwis), viRCO (virffo?) side by side.
The inconvenience of this practice, led in time to the use
$ 1.] THE ALPHABET. 3
of a modified form of the symbol C to express the ^-sound, the
earliest example of which is found on the as libralis of Luceria
(between 300 and 250 B.C. according to Mommsen), with Ga,f.
(Gai Jilius) (tdon, ^criiure et Prononciation^ p. 145 sqq.). It
was received into the Roman alphabet at the time possibly of
* Appius Claudius Caecus, censor 312 b. c, and took the place of Z,
the symbol apparently for soft or voiced *, a sound which had by
* this time passed into the r-sound (see ch. iv. § 148). The symbols of
the Greek vowels i and v were used not only for the Latin vowels
/ and V, but also for the jr- and «^-sounds of words like jam^ tuv,
a confusion frequently remarked on by the grammarians (e.g.
duint. i. 4. 10 * iam ' sicut * etiam ' scribitur, et * uos ^ ut * tuos '),
which persisted till very late times; though on Inscriptions
from the beginning of the Empire onwards we often find a tall
vform of I used for the y-sound (Christiansen, de Apicibi/s et
I hnyi9^ p. 29) ; and the Emperor Claudius tried without
success to introduce a new symbol, an inverted digamma, for
the ?r-80imd.
The third guttural symbol of the Greek Alphabet, Koppa,
was retained for the ^-sound of Latin, a sound at first ex-
, pressed by Q, e. g. QOI {qui) on the Dvenos inscription, then
bv QV.
In the second century b. c. the cultivation of literature at '^
Rome, in particular possibly the imitation of the quantitative
verse of Greece, led to two usages, perhaps borrowed, the one
from the Greek, the other (if not both) from the Oscau
alphabet, viz. tlic doubling of a consonant to express the re-
located or lengthened sound (see ii. 127), the doubling of a vowel
{a, e. V, and ^^ ?) to express the long quantity ^. The earliest
example of the former is the Decree of Aemilius Paulus, 189 B.C.
{C. 1. L, ii. 5041), with possidere, &c., beside posedlsent, &c.,
for all the older inscriptions^ write the consonant single in such
cases; of the latter, the Miliarium Popillianum, 132 B.C. with
PAASTOiiES. Ennius is mentioned as the introducer of the double y^
consonant, while the practice of doubling the vowel is ascribed
' In Oscan this is normally confined ' As do the oldest Oscan inscrip-
t'> long vowels in the first syllable. tions and all the Umbrian inscrip-
But tristaamentud, ^testamonto'). tions written in the native alphabet.
B 2 t
4 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. I.
by the Roman tradition to the poet Aceius, another of whose
spelling reforms was the use of gg for the velar nasal followed
by g (see ch. ii. § 6^^. The practice of doubling the consonant
remained to the latest times, in spite of a temporary resort in the
reign of Augustus to the use of the slclllcuit, a sickle-shaped
mark placed above the single consonant, to express its repeated
or lengthened sound ; but the double vowel was soon discarded
in favour of the apex, a mark placed above the single vowel, to
express length, originally of a shape like a sickle, or like the
figure 7, later of the form of the acute accent. The apex was
much in fashion till about 1 30 a. d., when it came to be used at
random over short and long vowels alike, but never attained so
universal use as the doubled consonant. Long i was indicated
by the tall form of I ^, a form likewise employed to denote the
y-sound, and often also for initial / (Christiansen, ffe Apieibn/t ft
I loitgis).
In the last century of the Republic, when Greek Grammar,
[ and even Greek Phonetics, came to be studied at Rome, the
necessity was felt for the more exact expression of the sound of
Greek loan words, which were more and more entering into
the language especially of the upper classes. For the Greek
aspirates, which had hitherto been represented by the Latin
tenues T, P, C, compound symbols TH, PH, CH were intro-
duced ; and the mispronunciation of these sounds was considered
as great a fault in polite society as the dropping of h is with us
(see ch. ii. § 60). The Greek v (earlier represented by Latin V).
which had by this time the «-sound (seech, ii. § 14), was now ex-
pressed by the Greek letter itself in its Attic form T, just as we use
Spanish it in loan words like * canon,' while for Greek f (formerly
denoted by *-, -**-, e. g. setvs, for Zefhus, C, I. L, i. 1047, palrisso,
&c.. Plant.), the old symbol Z was revived. The reforms proposed
by the Emperor Claudius, the use of the Greek symbol of the
rough breathing for the «-sound (see ch. ii. § 14), of the reversed
C for the ;;*-sound of scripai^ nrbs, &c. (see ch. ii. § 78), of the
inverted digamma for the f^-sound of vos, &c., did not survive
his own reign (see Biicheler, fh Ti. Cfanflio Caesare grammatico),
' Was this too borrowed from an Oscan inscription earlier than
Oscan ? We have fliet. *fient.' on 211 B,c.{Rhein. Mm, 1888, p. 557).
4
$$ a-5.] THE ALPHABET. 5
§ 2. The Alphabet of twenty-one letters. Cicero {Deor. Nat. ii. 37. 93) argues
against the Atomic Theory by showing the improbability of any chance com-
binations of the twenty-one letters of the alphabet ever producing a single
line, much less an entire poem, of Ennius : ' hoc qui cxistimet fieri, non
intellego cur non idem putet, si innumerabiles unius et viginti formae littera-
nun, vel aureae vel quaelibet, aliquo coiciantur, posse ex iis excussis annalcs
Enni, ut deinceps legi possint, effici ; quod nescio an ne in uno quidem vernu
possit tantum valere fortuna.' This Alpliabet, A to X, is often found on
coins of the last century of the Republic ,e. g. C, I. L. i. 374, c. 100 b. cj ;
and Quintilian (first cent. a. d.) speaks of x as the last letter of the alphabet
(nostrarum ultima, i. 4. 9). But Y and Z are added on some coins (e. g. C. I. L.
i. 393, 454, both with YZ ',417 with Y — all belonging to the last century
of the Republic).
§ 3. The letter F. Tliat early Greek fh^ a development of I. Eur. Mr-, liad
some kind of /-sound is made not improbable by the analogy of other lan-
guages. In Old Irish, where I.-Eur. sr between two vowels became like
«r- in Greek ^cv/ia, p\n6s)^ hr, rh, (e.g. a *his* prefixed to sruth, * stream,'
is pronounced a rhoo)y I.-Eur. sir- when preceded by a vowel became /, e. g.
SI fiur, *hi8 sister' (I.-Eur. *esyo 3iC€8or\ which points to a connexion between
hw (irA), and the /-sound. It must however be added that I.-Eur. tc- in
Irish regularly becomes/, e.g. f&ith, *a prophet' (cf. Lat. vdtjs). A still
better analogy is furnished by the Aberdeenshire dialect of Scotch, where
the wh' or Atr-sound of Scotch *what,* * when,' &c., appears as /, *fat,' *fan.'
$ 4. X. X, the last letter of the alphabet (.Quint, i. 4. 9 : x nostrarum
(litterarum) ultima, qua tarn carere potuimus quam psi non quaerimus ,
was also written xs from early times (e. g. exstrad for extra^ on the S. C.
de Bacchanalibus, 186 B.C. C. I. L. i. 196 > especially at the period of the
poet and grammarian, Accius (e. g. saxsvm on an epitaph of one of the
Scipios, c. 130 B.C., i. 34 ; proxsvmeis for proximiSj exsigfto, lexs on the Lex
Bantina, bet. 133 and 118 b. c, i. 197)^ and is common in the Augustan age
and in plebeian inscriptions of a later epoch (for examples, see Index to
C. I, L, viii. &c. ; exsemplo Comm. Lud. Saec. A. 26; and for instances in
Virgil MSS., see Ribbeck, Ind, p. 445). Terentius Scaurus, second cent. a. d.,
condemns the spelling *nuxs,' 'truxs,' ^feroxs* as an unnecessary repetition
of the sibilant element of the x-sound. The guttural element is repeated
in the spelling ex, e. g. vcxoR for uxor (a misspelling which has led to the
corruption roxor in MSS. of Plautus, Class. Bev. v. 293), vicxrr (C. /. L. v. 5735).
(For examples in Virgil MSS., see Ribbeck, Ind. p. 391). We also find xc,
e.g. ivxcTA (C. I. L. vi. 14614), and sx, e. g. visxit :^viii. 67^, all various ways
of expressing the same sound (a c-sound followed by an s-sound , for whicli
we also find a more accurate expression, namely cs, e. g. vicsrr (vii. 5723%
This last combination was used to express the sound in the Etruscan
alphabet, the symbol X being retained only as a numerical symbol, for
the number zo.
§ 6. 2. If we are to believe Velius Longus (7. 51 K), this symbol was
found in the Carmen Saliare ; though whether the mysterious jumble of
letters which the MSS. of Varro, L. L. vii. 26, oflfer as a fragment from this
hymn, cozeulodorieso, &c., can be fairly quoted as an instance of Old Latin
2 is doubtful, for the reading suggests 0 zeu (Greek & ZeO) more than any-
thing else ; and Varro quotes the passage as exemplifying the old usi> of a
6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. I.
fnot z) for later r. It is found on coins of Gosa [C. 7. L. i. 14 cozano 'after
273 B.C.), where the letter should have the ordinary z-form and not the form
printed in the Corpus (see RitschL Opuac. iv. 731 n']. The dzenoine of the
Dvenos inscription is too doubtful to quote ; for the letters may read not only
/tee noiiie, * on the ninth day/ but also die noine, or even Dvenoi ne. This old Latin
z seems to have expressed the sound of soft or voiced s (but see eh. ii. § 121 , the
sound in our verb *to use' ; while our noun *use' has the hard or unvoiced s.
Between vowels in I^atin s had once this soft sound, and was presumably
written z; but this sound passed at an eai*ly time into the r-sound (c. 350 b.c.
to judge from the remark of Cicero, Fam, iz. 21. a, that L. Papirius Cnissus..
dictator 415 a. u. c. (■=339 b,c.), was the first of his family to change the
name from Papisius to Papirius ; in the Digests (i. 2. 2. 36) Appius Claudius
is mentioned as the author of the change : R litteram invenit ut pro Valesiis
Yalerii essent, et pro Fusiis Furii}. Martianus Capella tells us that the letter
was removed from the alphabet by Appius Claudius Caecus, the famous censor
of 312 B.C., adding the curious reason that in pronouncing it the teeth
assumed the appearance of the teeth of a grinning skull (Mart. Cap. iii. 261 -.
z vero idcirco Appius Claudius detestatur, quod dentes mortui, dum expri-
mitur, imitatur). In the Oscan language this soft «• sound was retained
without passing ilito r. The native Oscan alphabet derived from the
Etruscan), expresses it by the letters, which is also used for the hard s-souud,
while the ^-symbol denotes the to-sound ; but in the later inscriptions, which
are written in Latin characters, z is used (e.g. eizcLzunc eginazum (in Latin,
earum rerum)f on the Bantia tablet, c. 130 B.a). '^On the question whether
the z Latin character) of Osc. zicaio-, * dieculus/ represents the Koft a-sound or
the to-sound of the letter written in the Oscan alphabet like a capital I with
top and bottom strokes prolonged, and in the Umbrian alphabet with th4>
same strokes slanting instead of horizontal, and on the occasional use of the
native letter for the A-sound, e.g. Umbr. zefef, * sedens,' see von Planta, OjsA.-
Umht: I>ial. p. 71.)
§ 6. The Guttural-symbols. A special symbol for the ^-sound, made by
adding a small stroke to the symbol C, is said by Plutarch ^^Quaest, Rom. 54
and 59 ; cf. Ter. Scaur. 7. 15 K.) to have been the invention of Sp. Carviliu.s
Ruga c. 293 B. c, presumably because he was the first to write his name Rug<(
with the new symbol, as L. Papirius Crassus, dictator 339 b.c, was the first
to conform the spelling of the family-name Papisitia to the new pronunciation
Papirius. The remark, however, of Martianus Capella about the action of tin*
censor of 312 B.C., Appius Claudius Caecus, with regard to the letter Z, whose
position in the Latin alphabet was occupied by the new symbol G, suggests
that the differentiation of the C and G symbols was the work rather of that
many-sided reformer. The exclusive use of the symbol C for the A--sound led
to the disuse of the symbol K, which however, thanks to the conservative
instinct of the Roman nation, was still retained as abbreviation for the proper
name Kaeso, and in a few words before the vowel o, e.g. Kaleridaet a common
spelling on inscriptions (see C. /. L, i., Index, p. 583), interkaJlarif<, kaputy
kaiumnia. Terentius Scaurus, second cent. a.d. (p. 15 K.) tells us that the letter
K was called ka, while the name of C was ce, and that these letters themselves
had been before his time used to indicate the syllables represented by their
names, e.g. krus (for ka-nts), era (for cera), Velius Longus, first cent, a.©.,
speaks of some sticklers for old usages in his own age, who in their corre-
§$ 6, 7.] THE ALPHABET. 7
spondence always spelt kmisshne with k not c p. 53 K.) see also Quint, i. 7. 10 ;
Prise, i. 13. 5 H. ; Diom. 424. 39 K. ; Cledonius 38. 5 K. ; Maximus Yictorinus
195. 19 K. ; Probus 10. 33 K. ; Serv. in Don. p. 423 K ; Donatus, p. 368 K.
For spellings with ka in Virgil MSS., see Ribbeck, Index, p. 429 ; and for
similar spellings elsewhere, Georges, Lex. Lot. Warif. s. vv. Carthago^ caput, carusy
&c., and Brambach, Lat. Orth, p. 308.) The symbol C was similarly retained in
itH old use for the (/-sound in the abbreviations of proper names, C. for Gaius^
Cn. for Gnaeits ; just as an old five-stroked form of the symbol M seems to be
the original of the abbreviation for the name Maniu8j later vmtten M with
apostrophe. That it persisted in other words also to the beginning of the
literary period, we see from the fact that a large number of archaic words,
quoted by the grammarians from the early literature, are spelt with c not 9,
e. g. aceUire for arjilare Paul. Feat. 17. 30 Th.). The proper spelling of these
obsolete w^ords was occasionally a subject of discussion, e. g. whether pacvkt
in the XII Tables, ni rrA pacvmt, stood for pagunt 'cf. pepigiy pango\ or for pocUw/
(cf. paciscor y < Quint, i. 6. lo-ii ; Ter. Scaur. 7. 15 K. ; cf. Fest. 330 23 Th.) ;
and probably the fi€Taxop(ucTTfpiafi6i of early C to c and g was almost as fruitful
a source of error as that of E to c, 17, ei, of O to o, a;, ov in the Homeric text.
Thus /nco, not frlgo, may be the proper form of the Old Latin verb, used by
Accius frigit saetas of a boar; Trag. 443 R., &c. (^cf. Greek <f»piaaw for <ppiK-yw) ;
dicfre cf. ZIkoiuu, vfioffdoKdoj) of Old Latin degere, ^expectare' (Paul. Fest. 51.
33 Th.). fOn the use of C for the (/-sound see also Mar. Victorin. p. 13 K.
who quotes dibino, lece, acfia; Fest. 343 and 384 Th., &c. : C is invariably used
for g on the Columna Rostrata '^C. 7. L. i. 195), an Imperial restoration which
probably followed with some fidelity the spelling of the old inscription.)
The letter Q often takes before u the place of classical Latin c, especially in
inscriptions of the time of the Gracchi, e. g. pecjvnia, oqvpare, qvra i.for a list
of the instances, see Bersu, Die Guttnralen^ p. 49; though whether Ritschl
{Opusc. iv. 492 tif 687 , is right in his suggestion that one of the grammatical
reforms of the poet Accius may have been the restriction of k to the c-sound
before a, and of </ to the c-sound before », is quite uncertain. (For Accius'
use of gg for ng in aggulvs, &c., gc for wo in agceps^ &c., in imitation of the
Greek use of 7 for the nasal guttural, see below:. Marius Victorinus says
'13. 19 K.; : Q et fuisso apud Graecos, et quare desiderat fungi vice litterae,
cognosce re potestis, si pontificum libros legeritis.
$ 7. Y- and W-Sounda :~j and v were not distinguished in Latin MSS. nor
indeed in the earlier printed editions. In Italian some writers keep up the old
Latin habit of using i for^', e.g. Gennaio for Gennajo (Lat. Jdnudrius) ; othei*s
use j for -((, o. g. vizj . ' v ices.' Even now we generally print the texts of the older
Latin writers. Plautus, Terence. &c., with /, m, not j, r, partly to give their
language an archaic appearance, but mainly l)ecause a large number of words
which in the Classical period, or the Empire, had the y- and i/> sounds, had
in earlier times the sound of the vowels (sometimes of the half- vowels) ;
Idrna, for example, is a trisyllable in Plautus, never a dissyllable. The
minuscule forms v and u are developments of the V, of Capital, and the U
of Uncial writing. The use of the tall I form on Inscriptions for the y-sound
has already been mentioned, as well as its use for initial t, and for long '/.
How far the I-symbol (in ordinary form or tall form) might be employed for
•yi'j or V for -int , -Mir- is very doubtful. Sittl, in Burs. Jahresber. 1891, p. 250,
quotes abicere for abyic- (?), vesvivs for Vestiv- C?) : cf. Brambach, Orfh, p. 94.
8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap I.
On the Monumentiim Ancyranum wo have iventvtis 3. 5 M.), and in
Virgil MSS. iueniSf JluiuSy exuiae, &c. (Ribbeck, hid, p. 448). Equally doubtful
is the occasional usage in the earlier history of the Latin alphabet of the
Greek digiimma-symbol (whether in the F-form or in the Etruscan form, viz. an
E wanting the middle horizontal line) for the ?r-sound. Cornutus (ap.
Cassiodor. 148. 8 K. : itaque in prima syllaba digamma et vocalem oportuit
poni, *Fotum/ * Firgo,' quod et Aeoles fecorunt et antiqui nostri, sicut scrip-
tura in quibusdam libellis doclarat) implic:s merely that some of his gram-
matical predecessors made a hobby of writing F for r (cf. Prise, i. 35 17 H.).
The second symbol in the phrase d^enoinc on the Dvenos tablet may be
a variety of this symbol in the later form Lvenoi ne, but it may also be z,
tUe noine or (most likely) a form of t. (See above.)
Cicero wrote ii to express the sound of the second element of an i-diphthong
before a vowel (see ch. ii. § 55), e.g. a/10, Maiia, Aiiax (Quint, i. 4. 11 ; Vel.
i^ng. 7. 54 K. : et in plerisque Cicero videtur auditu emensus scriptionem.
qui et * Aiiacem ' et ' Maiiam * per duo i scribenda existimavit. Ho mentions
also Troiiaj and with three t's, coiiicit, Cf. Prise?, i. 303 and i. 14 H., who
ascribes the spelling Pompeiii to Julius Caesar).
On inscriptions we find eIivs and eiIvb (seeWeissbrodt in PhiMogitSy xliii.
pp. 444 sqq.\ and in MSS. like the Ambrosian Palimpsest of Plautus, eiiusj
aiiunt, &c. for examples in MSS. of Plautus and Virgil, see Studemund's
Apogf'xiphy Ind. p. 509 ; Ribbeck, I*rol. p. 138).
In the Umbro-Oscan alphabets, which are derived from the Etruscan, the
fr-sound is expressed by the digamma, in the form of a capital E wanting
the middle horizontal stroke, while V expresses both the u- and the o-vowels
;the Oscan alphabet came in time to discriminate the 0 sound by inserting
a dot between the two arms of V). On the question whether Osc. ii and i
correspond to I.- Eur. iy and y in words like Osc, heriiad and heriam, see
<*h. iv. § 63.
$ 8. Double Consonant. Festus in his discussion of the word solitaurilia
;p. 412 Th.), which he derives from tauntSy in the sense of Koxo.vrff and the
Oscan sollo- (in Latin totus), declares the doubling of the consonant to have
^ been a practice introduced by the poet Ennius (239-169 b.c.) into Latin
orthography in imitation of the Greek usage per unum 1 enuntiari non est
mirum, quia nulla tunc geminabatur littera in scril)endo. quam consuetu-
dinem Ennius mutavisse fertur, utpote Graecus Graeco more U8us>. The
Roman tradition, which ascribes this spelling reform to Ennius, as well as
the doubling of the long vowel to Accius, is supported by the dates at which
these spellings are first found on inscriptions double consonant 189 B.C.,
I double vowel 132 B.C.; ; though it is quite possible that Ennius followed, not
I the Greeks, but the Oscans, who used double consonants much earlier than
the Romans, and to whose nationality he belonged quite as much as to the
1 Greek. We do indeed find a double consonant before 189 b.c. in the spelling
inNNAD (the town of Euna in Sicily), 21 r b.c. {C. I. L. i. 530), which is a men*
foproduction of the Greek spelling found on coins, e.g. hennaion ^Head,
Historia Numorvm, p. 119); but even after 189 B.C. the double consonant-
sound is often written with the single letter till the time of the Gracchi,
when the double letter became the established spelling ('see Ritschl, Opmc.
iv. 165 sqq.).
The stdlicus is only found on a few inscriptions of Augustus' time : Mumiaes
$$ 8, 9 ] THE ALPHABET. 9
Sabe/io C. /. L. v. 1361. osa x. 3743. Marius Victoriiius, fourtli cent. a.d., states
that it was often to be seen in old MSS. (sicut apparet in multis adhuc
veteribus ita scriptis libris (p. 8 K. Cf. Isidor. Orig. i. a6. 29).
§ 8. Signs for long vowels. No Instance of 00 for 6 is found on tlie extant
Latin inscriptions, though we have xiootum on an inscription in the Faliscan
dialect, whose orthography was very like the Latin : pretod de zetialm sententiad <
uootwn dedet (in Latin, 'praetor de senatus sententia votum dedit '), 1 Zvotaieff, I
Inscr. ItaJ. In/, 70). For i Accius wrote ei (Mar. Victorinus 8. 14 K.), either '
because the diphthong ei had by this time become identical with the ('sound,
or in imitation of the Qreek orthography (§ la) ; for Greek ct had taken the
same course as Latin ei, and expressed the same sound as original long t (Bias 4.
Griech. Aussprache'^f p. 51). Lucilius prescribed rules for the use of ei and
*i longa' ; but instead of keeping ei for the original diphthong, and the single
letter for the original long vowel, he used foolish distinctions ', if we arc to
believe Velius Longus (56. 7 K.) such as that the double symbol was suitable
for a plural, e.g.ptterei Nom. PI., the single symbol for a singular, e.g. pucri
Gen. Sg. (alii vero, quorum est item Lucilius, varie scriptitaverunt, siquidem
in iis, quae producerentur, alia per i longam, alia per e et i notaverunt, velut
differentia quadam separantes, ut cum diceremus * viri,' si essent plures, per
e et i scribcrcmus, si vero esset unius viri, per i notaremus, et Lucilius
in none : —
' iam puerei uenere ; ' e postremo facito atque i,
ut puerei plures fiant. i si facis solum,
•pupilli,' ' pueri.' * Lucili ' hoc unius fiet ;
item
' hoc illi factum est uni ; ' tenue hoc facies i :
* haec illei fecere ; ' adde e ut pinguius fiat.)
The same absurd reason seems to be assigned for the differentiation of
meUle, meillia and milesy ynHUia ; of pilum, a mortar (Sing.) and peHa^ javelins
(Plur.) in another fragment of Lucilius {9. 21-24 ^ )■
'meille hominum,* *duo meillia;' item hue E utroque opus; 'miles,'
* militiam ' ; tenues i, * pilam,' qua ludimus, * pilum,'
quo pisunt, tenues. si plura haec feceris pila,
quae iacimus, addes e, 'peila,' ut plenius fiat.
Another fragment ^or rather two fragments), of more doubtful reading, seems
to prescribe single i in the Gen. Sg. of lO-stems, but ei in the Voc Sg. (9.
17-20 M.) : —
(i) porro hoc *filius Luci;'
feceris i solum, ut *Corneli.' * Comificique.'
(2) 'mendaci' *Furique.' addes o cum dare, 'Furei,'
iusseris
(unless we read 'date, Furei,* and make the ei-form Voc. Plur.).
Whether the persistent use of -i in the Gen. Sg. of O-stems on inscriptions
is due to the rule which Lucilius supports, or whether it is to be otherwif-o
explained, is hard to say (see ch. vi. § 20). Varro, while disapproving of
Lucilius' arguments, seems .to have followed his practice, for Ter. Scaurus (p.
' Orshouldwecall them mnemonic, rules on the memory of the common
as opposed to scientific, distinctions, people for whom Lucilius wrote his
meant to impress the orthographic book? (see Lncil. 26. i M.\
lO THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. I.
19 K.), after quoting the passage fromLucilius beginning *moillc hominuni/
goes on to say : quam iuconstantiam Varro arguens in eundem errorem diversa
via dolabitur, dicens in plui'ali quidem numero debere litterae i e (om. MSS.)
praeponi, in singulari vero minime. But in general the spelling ci on
Inscriptions seems to occur for any t-sound (see the Index to C. /. L. i., and
cf. below, ch. iv. § 34). From the time of Sulla the symbol in use is the tall
I (Christiansen, p. 28), though £1 shows itself even later, while from
c. 130 A. D. the tall I is used at random for the short and long vowel alike
(Christiansen, p. 29). This tall I may be indicated by Lucilius' phrase * i
longa,* and even by Plautus* allusion to the * littera longa' in Aiil 77, whert*
the miser's old serving-woman in a fit of despondency thinks of hanging
herself :—
neque quicquam meliust mihi,
Ut opinor, quam ex me ut unam faciam litteram Longani.
(^Cf. AuMonius *iota longum/of a hanging body, Epiffr. cxxviii. 11.) But th*»
absence of the long form from the Inscriptions till Sulla's time makes this
doubtful, especially in the case of Plautus. The remark in the Rudtns
(v. 1305) that 7»€nUlats has * one letter more' than inkUcus shows that the
long i of the first word was not expressed by c*.
The reason which induced Accius to use £1, and not II, for the long i-souiid
was probably the fear of confusion with a common symbol for E, viz. II, in
which a long vertical stroke is substituted for the three horizontal strokes.
There was a similar symbol for F, viz. I', with a short vertical stroke ; both
these by-forms of F and E being probably more used in writing than on
inscriptions, though they are common enough in plebeian inscriptions of
later times, along with a by-fonn of M with four horizontal strokes Mil.
See HQbncr, Exempla Srripturae Lat. Epigr.).
In Greek inscriptions a double vowel is found perhaps only in the name
Marcus and its cognates. In the second century b.c. the spelling Moa^cXAos,
Mcuipftios, ManpHOi is the rule, and it is common till 50 B.C. But the aa is not
found in derivatives where the Greek accent does not fall on this vowel, e.g.
MapHiavoSf Map/rcAAdvos, &c. (Eckinger, p. 8).
In the first century a.d. the use of uu for u seems to have been affected for
a time, for the spelling nuuUi occurs on wax tablets found at Pompeii
{Xotizie degli Semi, October, 1887), and uu is often found for u of fourth decl.
nouns in Virgil MSS. (see Ribbeck, Itid. p. 449), e. g. metutts, curruus ; also suns
tor sns (cf. Probi Appendix, p. ao2. 27 K.). In the Bamberg MS. of the elder
Pliny HUH is the regular spelling in the Gen. Sg. and (Nom. and) Ace. PI. of
fourth decl. nouns ^see preface to Si llig's edition', so that this must have been
Pliny's own practice (Probus, lust. Art. 116. 33 K., refers to this spelling).
Lu<>ilius seems to have objected to Accius' rule of doubling the vowels, at
least in the case of A, which, ho points out, has the same quality when short
and when long (see ch. ii. § i) ; hence a and «, he argues, should be written
in the same way, like Greek d and a (9. 4-7 M.' : —
a primum longa, et breuis syllaba. noa tamen unum
hoc faciemus, et iino eodemque ut dicimus pacto
scril)emus *paeem,' *placide,' *Ianum,' 'aridum,' 'acetum,*
'Apes, "Apts Graeci ut faciunt.
(On «7tf7Hciw for tPniens, see eh. ii. § 56.)
§ 10. gg for ng. The guttural nasal of English ^sing' (ch. ii. § 61) was ox-
$$ 10, U.] THE ALPHABET. 1 1
pressed before a Guttural by 7 iu Greek, e.g. dyyfXos, dyKdKtfy aud was called by
Greek grammarians the * Agma.' Accius proposed to follow the example of
the Greeks, and express this sound in Latin by g instead of n, e.g. ^agguhis *
for angiilus, 'aggens' for angmSj 'iggerunt' for ingSmntf 'agceps' for ancepn.
(Yarro ap. Prise, i. p. 30 H. : ut Ion scribit, quinta vicesima est litera, quam
vocant agma, cuius forma nulla est, et vox communis est Graecis et Latinis,
ut his verbis: 'aggulus/ 'aggens,' *aggnila/ Mggerunt.' in eiusmodi Graeci
et Accius noster bina g scribunt, alii n et g, quod in hoc veritatem videre
facile non est. Similiter 'agceps,' ^agcora.') The Inscriptions o£fer no
example of this spelling (cf. Eph, Epigr. vii. 928) ; but a trace of its existence
is perhaps found in the spelling * ager ' for agger^ which the MSS. o£fer with
singular persistence for a line of Lucilius (26. 81 M. ; cf. zi. 5 M.). If Lucilius
and his contemporaries used gg for ng^ they would be forced to use the single
letter in words like agger, aggeroj &c.
$ 11. New Letters for Greek Sounds : Y, Z, CH, FH, TH, BH. Our
name for y, viz. * wy,' comes from the Latin name for the letter which was
*ui* {Mem. Soc Ling. vi. 79). Greek v is often represented by Latin m», and
vice versa, e. g. quinici for icvyiKoi, and ^AicvAas for AquUa{ihid. viii. 188 ; Eckinger,
p. 123). Before the introduction of the Greek letter, Latin u was used in loan-
words like tnmbaj &c., while at a later time t was employed, e.g. cignus ; and
the Romance forms of these earlier aud later-loan words indicate that these
spellings represented the pronunciation of the time '^see ch. ii. $ 28). Y was
not allowed in native Roman words (Caper vii. 105. 17 K.), though it sometimes
gained a footing through a mistaken idea that a word was borrowed from the
Greek, e. g. sylra supposed to be the Greek uAi;, lympha identified with Greek
vvfjuptfy &c. (see eh. ii. § 28% Greek f, if we are to believe the grammarians, was
expressed in earlier times by d also (Prise, i. p. 36 : y et z in Graecis tantum-
modo ponuntur dictionibus, quamvis in multis veteres haec quoque mutasse
inveniantur, et pro v u, pro f vero . . . s vel ss vel d posuisse, ut . . . * Sagun-
tum,' * massa ' pro lAxwOoi, /<a(d, ... * Sethus ' pro Zrjeoi dicentes, et * Medcn-
tius ' pro Mezentius) (see ch. ii. $ 120).
The earlier expression of Greek d, </>, x by t, p, c (e. g. adelpusj Metradati on an
inscr. of 81 b v. ,;?), Not .Scar. 1887, p. no) remains in words like tus, Greek
0voi, Poeni for ^oivixtSf <(th\ Greek x°^'£ (cf. Quint, i. 5. 20 diu deinde serva-
tum ne consonantibus (veteres^ adspirarent, ut in ' triumpis '). We find h
for <f> in Old Latin Bruges for *pvy€s, and in hallacna for <pd\\atva, the former of
which was used by Ennius, and was still to be found in copies of his poems in
Cicero's time i^Cic. Oraf. xlviii. 160 Ennius ... * ui patefecerunt Bruges' non
Phryges, ipsius antiqui declarant libri), while the latter remained in current
use. F was not regularly used for <p till the middle of the fourth century
A. D. HermeH xiv. p. 70), though it is often found on plebeian inscriptions from
Severus' time, and even on Pompeian graffiti we have, e.g. Ik{fne, (\ I. L.
vi. 680). But as early as 146 b. c. we find th^ ph, ch in the dedicatory inscrip-
tions^ of the Graecizing L. Mummius (('. 1. L. i. 546 corintho ?). 146 b.c. ;
i. 541 in Saturnians :
ACHAIA CAPTA CORINTO DELETO
KOMAM REOIErr TRIVMPHANS).
Tlie importance attached in polite society at Rome to the correct pronunciation
* They may l)e later restorations.
12 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. I. §§ 12, 13.
of these aspirated consonants in Greek loan-words led to their wrong use in
native Latin words fch. ii. § 6o), e.g. pnkhei\ referred to Greek woKvxpovsy
a spelling found as early as 104 b c. on a denarius of Claudius Pulcher (C /. L.
i. 380), much in the same way as * antem * (O. Engl, antefn from Gk dvTt<pMr^
through Low Lat. ) has come to be written with th, * anthem.' For Greek
initial ^ and for -,')^-, the older spelling was r, rr^ e.g. Regium, Burnts (the
invariable form of the name Ilvfifios in Ennius, according to Cic. Orat. xlviii.
160 . The use of rh for initial fi was not approved by Varro, who preferred to
write * Rodus/ * retor ' (Varro, L L, iii. fr. 57 p. i8a Wilm.;.
InOscan inscriptions similarly Greek aspirates are usually expressed by
tenues, e.g. Arkiia (for 'Apx'oO? Meeilikiieis for MciAix'ov Gen.), and so
Pelignian Perseponasj * Proserpinac,' Gen., but we have also Osc. thesavrei, *in
thesauro,* Loc., &c.
§ 12. Influence of Greek Orthography.— The use of g for the guttural
nasal, advocated without success by Accius (see above), was clearly borrowed
from the Greeks. The spelling ei for the long i-sound, and the employment
of double consonants, may possibly, as we have seen, have come from the
same source. But however natural it may appear for the Romans to have
adopted Greek spelling along with Greek terminology in matters of Grammar
and Phonetics, there is hardly a single instance of the practice that can be
established by proof (see Zarnoke's attempt in Comm, Ribheck^ 1888).
§ 13. Syllabic Writing.— The remark of Ter. Scaurus {p. 15 K.; quoted
above, that k had been employed to denote the syllable ka, c the syllable ce,
suggests (unless indeed he is merely alluding to the common practice of
abbreviating words by writing only the initial letter of each syllable), that
spellings on early inscriptions like LVBS for luW^n^s on a Marso-Latin inscrip-
tion C. I. L. i. 183), may bo not really evidences of syncopated pronunciation,
but rather traces of an old custom of syllabic writing (see ch. iii. $ 14). The
syllabaries found on Etruscan inscriptions (e. g. Fabretti 3403 and 450), as well
as the use of a dot (like the Sanscrit virama), to indicate those consonants
which are not followed by a vowel, in the inscriptions of the Veneti, an
Illyrian tribe of N.E. Italy, are perhaps other indications that syllabic writing
prevailed at an early period in the Italian peninsula.
CHAPTEK II
PRONUNCIATION
1
§ 1. A. In the words ' man/ ^ father/ the vowels which we are
in the habit of classing roughly as ' short a ^ and ^ long a,' are
really very different from each other, and would be phonetically
expressed by two distinct symbols. In Sweet's Handbook of
PhoiieticSy while the second is written a, the first is denoted by
a combination of the letters a and e, viz. ae^ a symbol which
implies that the vowel has something of the nature of an E-sound.
If we compare our pronunciation of the words ^ man/ ' hat/ with
the German of * Mann/ ' er hat/ we see that the German vowel
is the same as the a of English * father ' or German ' Vater/
while we might say that our ' man/ ' hat/ ^ bat/ have in them
something of the sound of ^men/ ^bet.^ Seelmann, who classifies
the varieties of A as ' normal «/ ' a inclined to an E-sound,' and
' a inclined to an 0-sound ' (this last being something not quite
so definitely an 0-sound as the vowel of our words 'all/ * awe '),
is of opinion that the Latin a had a leaning to e rather than to o^
and goes so far as to give to Latin a of the Imperial age the
/y-sound of English 'man.' This however is not the sound of
modem Italian a, e.g. padre, which Sweet now judges to be
identical in quality with the a of English ' father/ though, owing
' Seelmann, Aussprache des Ixttein, Heilbronn, 1885, is the chief book on
Latin Pronunciation.
14 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
to our smaller use of lip-action iu utterance, the vowel has with
us what he terms a more * muffled ' sound. And the evidence at
our disposal is not at all strong enough to allow us to determine
with precision under which class of A-sounds Latin a should be
placed, nor yet how far its quality was altered by the consonants
which accompanied it, nor even whether it had to some extent
a different quality as a long and as a short vowel. On this last
point indeed we have some evidence of weight. We can be sure
that Latin a and d^ if they differed at all in quality, did not
differ so markedly as Latin e and ^, % and ^, u and u. For
Lucilius (ix. fr. 4 M), in criticizing the proposal of the poet and
grammarian Accius to write a single vowel for a short, a double
for a long vowel (thus a for a, aa for d\ says that the vowel a
has the same sound in pronunciation when long as when short,
and should be written in the same way, e.g. pdcem, plucide, &c.,
just as the Greeks wTite a and d in the same way, e.g. *Ap€5
and 'Ap€s (the passage is quoted on p. 10).
And his remark is borne out by the evidence of the Romance
languages. In them there are no means of tracing the quantity
of a Latin vowel, unless the long and the short vowel differed in
quality as well as in quantity. This difference did exist in the
case of other vowels, e. g. t and I ; and so in the Romance lan-
guages Latin t appears as close ^, Latin i as close i (e.g. Ital.
misi for Lat. mul ; Ital. beve for Lat. bltnf), Latin a and a.
however, show no divergence in any Romance language ; and.
when we are in doubt whether a Latin a was long or short, in
a syllable long by position for example, we have to refer to some
other family of languages, which hap})ens to have borrowed the
word at an early period from the Latin. A word like mccns is
shown by its Welsh and Breton forms, saeh, not to speak of
Gothic sakkus, O. H. G. sac, O. Engl, saecc, to have had a short
a ; but this could not have been told from its Romance forms,
Ital. sacco. Span. saco. Long a appears in a different guise in
Welsh and Breton (e.g. poc, a kiss, representing Latin pdcem in
the formula of the priest at absolution, paceDt do fibi), but not in
Romance, e.g. Ital. pace. Span. paz.
The accounts of the pronunciation of a, given by the Latin
writers on phonetics, do not much help us to determine the shade
$1.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWELS. 15
or shades of the A-sound, which the Latin vowel expressed, nor
are any of their descriptions free from the suspicion of Greek
bias. The evidence to be drawn from the phenomena of the
language itself is equally indecisive. It is true that a becomes e*
in the unaccented syllable (long by position), as aurifex from
anruin and facis^ and in Early Latin in open syllables too, e. g.
dtjegit, classical ^gif,, from afj and ago, an e retained in classical
Latin before r, e. g. impero from p&ro. But this was the fate of
every short vowel in the unaccented syllable, and not of a alone,
80 that € was the natural sound which any short Latin post-tonic
vowel tended to assume, unless attracted by a following Labial
to an 0-, U- or tJ-sound, e.g. occupo from 06 and ciipio, feafumd'
nivm {C, I, Z, i. 197, 3) from stem tesii' (see iii. 18). Varieties in
the spelling of foreign names like SartUca and Sei'(Uca, Lelmdtia
and Lalmtitia prove nothing for Latin a. More important is the
fact thaty^-, jaj' seem to have tended to the pronunciation je-,
jej-, with open e. Thus Jdnudrivs became Jenndriits ; jajumis is
the Plautine form of the classical jtjunits. Here the change of
atoe was due to the influence of the palatal ^ (our^y) preceding,
just as the u oijumpervs was changed to i by the same palatal
in Vulgar Latin jinipirm (Probi Appendix, 199. 8 K.) (Ital.
ginepro, Fr. genifevre. Span, enebro). No such influence is at
work in the mispronunciation stetim for sfati?)i, a Roman cockney-
ism like London ' keb ' for ' cab,' mentioned by a grammarian of
the fifth (?) century a.d. (Consentius, p. 392, 16 K. : per immuta-
tionem fiunt barbarismi sic : litterae, ut siquis dicat ' bobis ' pro
vobis, ' peres ' pro pedes, * stetim ' pro statim, quod vitium plebem
Romanam quadam deliciosa novitatis affectione cornimpit). This
is quoted by Seelmann as a strong argument for his assertion
that Latin a had in Imperial times the sound of English a in
'man'; though on the other hand we might argue for an
A-sound more inclining to 0 from Vulg. Lat. ^7idfarej a by-form
of natan\ to swim, which ousted the a-form in Vulgar Latin
about 100 B. c. In Plautus* time and later vltcare was pronounced
like vocare ; the <?-sound apparently having been produced by the
influence of the labial v (our w) (cf. KcoSparos, KoSparoy for
Qvadrdtu9 on Gk. inscriptions), as e was by the palatal j (our y)
in Jenudrivs, In one of Phaedrus' fables {Apji, 21) a man
l6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
mistakes the caw of a crow for ave ! are I It is worth
mentioning that Osean u, the representative of Ind.-Eiir. O, O,
and, when at the end of a word, of Ind.-Eur. A, which must
have had a sound something like our a in * all/ * awe/ and which
is in those inscriptions which are written in Latin characters
expressed by o (e.g. lovto, * state/ * community, Nom. Sing, of
A-stem ; petiro-pert^ ' four times/ Ace. PI. Neut.), rarely by u
(e.g. petiru^pert)^ as in Greek characters by o (e.g. noFro), is yet
written by Festus and by Paulus, his epitomator, with a.
Festus, when he mentions the Osean word for *four/ writes it
jjelora (p. 250, 1. 33 Th.) ; and Paulus gives veia, not veio, as the
word for 'cart* (p. 560, I. 17 Th.); though Lucilius, if Festus
(p. 426, 1. 7 Th.) quotes him accurately, makes d the Latin equi-
valent of the Osean Neut. PI. suffix in solid (Lat. fota),
iiasa quoque omnino dirimit non soUo dupundi.
The evidence then of the Latin language itself points to
Latin a having had a sound which was liable to influence in the
direction of 0 bs well as of e. Into the modifications of Latin
a in each several Romance language, it is hardly necessary to
enter, for they are as likely to be due to the vocal peculiarities
of the nations conquered by the Romans, as to the nuances of
sound in the language of the conquering race. French is the
language where Latin a has been most widely replaced by e
(e.g. chef, Lat. capul, while in champ, Lat. campus, though e is
not written, the preceding guttural has been palatalized) ; and in
Portuguese it is something between the a of * father' and the
a of ' man/ though before / the sound is more guttural. But in
Italy a has what may be called the normal A-soimd, that of
English a in * father,' not that of « in ' man.' It is only in two
districts, Emilia (i.e. the Po- valley), and the coast of Apulia,
that it has an E-sound, while in some parts of Italy it tends to
an 0-sound (Meyer-Liibke, Ifal. Gram. §§ 18-21). Speaking
generally, we may say that the influence of a palatal or r often
changes a into an E-sound in the Romance languages (e.g.
Corsican berba), whereas an O-sound is produced imder the
influence of such letters as /, r, b (e.g. oltro for Latin aller in
some dialect* of N. Italy), while before n Latin a is in some
a 2-4.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWELS. 17
places changed to e, in others to 0, So that the evidence, taken
as a whole, is rather more in favour of attributing^ to Latin
a a sound which varied to some extent in character, according
to the consonant which accompanied it, than of giving it
definitely the E-character of our a in *man/ And in the
absence of more definite proof, it will be best, for practical
purposes, to use in reading Latin the sound which the vowel bears
in the language of the direct descendants of the Roman people,
the normal A-sound of Italian padre.
$ 2. Descriptions of the A-sound by Latin phoneticians. The formation
of the (Greek or Latin?) sound is described very cleverly by Terentianus
Maurus (second cent, a.d.) (p. 328 of Keil's edition), in spite of the limitatiouH
of the difficult Sotadean metre ( — uw| — wwl-w-wl-^"!: —
a prima locum littora sic ab ore sumit :
immunia rictu patulo tenere labra,
linguamque necesse est ita pendulam reduci,
ut nisus in illam valeat subire vocis,
nee partibus ullis aliquos ferire denies.
Marius Victorinus (fourth cent, a.d.) (p. 3a of Keil's edition) compresses
the same description, in his usual way : a littera rictu patulo suspeusa,
neque impressa dentibus lingua enuntiatur. It is still further compressed by
Martianus Capella (fourth or fifth cent. a. d.) (iii. 261, p. 63 of Eyssenhardt's
edition in the Teubner series) : A sub hiatu oris congruo solo spiritu memo-
ramus.
$ 3. Interchange of a and e. Ddmatia and Dalmatia : Yel. Longus, p. 73 K.
placet etiam Delmatiam quoque, non * Dalmatiam ' pronuntiemus, quoniam
a Delmino maxima ejusdem provinciae civitate tractimi nomen existimatur.
On Inscriptions, we have sometimes a, e. g. Dalmat. (C. /. L. vi. 1607), some-
times e, e. g. Ddmatia {C, I.L. iii. p. 280) {see Georges. Lex. Lai. WoHf. s. v.). /?-,
jej- for jtt-, jaj- : — The Vulg. Lat. name of the month was Jmuarius (C. /. L. vi.
1708, of 311-314 A.D., and other inscriptions) [see Schuehardt, Vok. i. 185. So
in Greek inscrr. *Uvovapiwv C. /. G, 9486 (Catana) ; ^Uvaplofy I, I. S. 62
(S3rracuse)], which has developed into the Italian €tennajo (cf. Span. Enero),
with open e. Jejilnus (with S according to Ter. Maur. 343 K.;, jejeniaciiium
supplanted the older jajtlnusj jajentaculumj the Plautine forms {A. L.L. 7. 528^.
Jhwa, for jdnuay is indicated by Sardinian enna, genna, and is sometimes
found in MSS. (see Schuehardt, Vok. i. p. 185). Jc^fiimis reappears in late
Latin (in the Itala, e. g. Luc. iii. 20), and in Span, ayunar, while the shortened
forms janWtciUum, jatUAre are found in MSS. along with the usual jentaculumj
jerUSre (see Georges, Lex. Wortf. a. w.) ; and jantare is indicated by Old Span,
yantar. Port, yantar. On Vulg. Lat.>cto for jacto (Ital. gettare, Fr. jeter), see
/. F. ii. Anz. p. 35 ; and for other examples of a-e, Gorges, Lex.. Wortf. s. vv.
Sata^^ serracum^ Scrrfica, meiaxaj Subaf1in.s, and Did. h. v. Serraniis.
i 4. Interchange of a and 0. Ndtdre is the form reflected in the languages of
those countries which were earliest colonized (Sard, nadare, Span, nadar, Port.
C
1 8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. II.
nadar, Prov. iiadar), while *ndtdr€ appears in O. Fr. noer, Raet. nudar, Roum.
innota, ItaL nuotare, which shows that *nolare did not find its way into
Vulgar Latin till about loo b. c. *Vddtu3 is the Yulg. Lat. original ofltal.
voto, O. Fr. voit, * empty,' and x^-are^ v<k{u)us (see Georges, Lex. Wortf.) of
Sard, bogare, Sjwn. hueco. Vocatio for vacaiio is found on the Lex Repetun-
darum of 123-2 b.c. {C.I.L. i. 198. 77 : militiaeque eis uocatio esto), and is
the spelling of Julius Caesar in his Lex Municipalis of 45 b. c. (i. 206. 93 and
103 : vocatio rei militaris\ Plautus puns on vikarey 'to be empty/ and v^are
*to call/ in Cos, 527: Fac habeant ling^am tuae aedos. Quid ita? Quom
ueniam, uocent. Mamior (Greek it&piiapoi) follows the analogy of Nouns in -or.
(For other examples of a-o, see Schuchardt, Vok. i. p. 177 sqq., and Brambach,
HiJQfsbiJichlein s. v. TamyrtBj and cf. below, ch. iv. $ 55.)
§ 6. Anomalies in Bomanoe. Accented Latin a sometimes shows 0, some-
times e in Romance from a variety of causes. Thus Ital. chiovo, from Lat.
cXdvuSy shows 0 by influence of v ; ItaL (dialectal) opre for apre, Fr. ouvrir,
hardly point to Vulg. Lat. *operio for d^pSriOj but are rather influenced by
co{o)pirio, Fr. couvrir, Ital. coprire ; Ital. monco from Lat manais is due to
the synonym tronco from Lat. truncus. Vulg. Lat. *grSris (Ital. greve and
grave) may have adapted itself to livis ; mflunij not malum ^ the original of the
Romance words for apple (Itiil. melo, &c.), seems to be the Greek form /irjXov,
and is indicated by the pun in Petronius, chap. Ivi. ip.37. 19 Biich.) con-
tumelia . . . coiitus cum malo {leg, melo). The appearance of e for a in the
unaccented syllable, e. g. Vulg. Lat. alecer (with stem alecro-) for aldcri- (Ital.
allegro, Span, alegre), ceresio- {ceresium and terasium in Marc. Emp.) from
*cereftu3 for cPra^tts (Greek HtpaaCs) in the Romance words for cherry (Ital.
ciriegio, &c.) is due to the same law which produced consecro from sacro (ch.
iii\ The mispronunciations fetigo Prob. 212. 4, secratum Mar. Vict. x. 6, are
to be similarly explained. (On the variation of Italian a with I.-Eur. ^ in
words like Lat. pCUeo fOsc. pate-) besides Gk. ircrdi'i^fu, see ch. iv. § 61.)
§ 6. B. The evidence for the pronunciation of Latin e is much
stronger than the evidence at our disposal for Latin a. In the
Romance languages we have clear proof that short and long e had
in the parent-speech a different quality, e being an open E-sound
like Engl, 'men/ e a close E-sound like Fr. ete. (Our *fail/
' fate ' have a diphthong of this close e combined with an I-sound.)
These sounds are retained without a change in Italian at the
present day in such words as bello (Lat. bUlus) with open ^, stella
(Lat. stella) with close e^ though in open syllables in many
Romance languages open e has developed to ie (Ital. criepa, Span,
crieba, from Lat. cr^pat) (cf. Schuchardt, Vok. ii. p. 328). All
this harmonizes so wonderfully with the evidence we can draw
from the Latin language itself, and from the statements of the
Latin grammarians, as to leave little room for doubt. Accord-
ing to the grammarians long ^ is ' an E inclining to an I-sound,^
§§ 6, 6.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWELS. I9
precisely what phoneticians nowadays call * close e ' (open e would
be ' an E inclining to an A-sound '\ while short e approaches the
sound of the Latin diphthong ce, which in the Romance lan-
guages is undistinguishable from Latin S (e. g. Ital. cielo, Span,
delo, from Lat. caelum^ exactly as Ital. criepa, Span, crieba, from
Lat. crepat). Latin e and ¥ are merged in the same way in
Romance (Ital. fendo from Lat. findo, like vendo from Lat.
vendo ; messo from Lat. missus, like mesa from Lat. me[n)sa ; all
with close e), being distinguished only in the oldest Romance
dialect, viz. Sardinian (Sard, veru from Lat. verus, but pira from
Lat. ^iPira, pirum, for which the Italian words are vero, pera), so
that the 'two sounds must have become very like one another in
quality at an early period of Vulgar Latin. They were not
however identical, for they are clearly distinguished in Latin
loanwords in other languages (e. g. JjaA., fides, cera, loanwords of
the second to the fourth cent, a.d., are in Welsh ffydd, cwyr).
And so the probable history of the change of ^ to 1^ in unaccented
syllables (e. g. eligo from lego), is that the open e first became
close e, and then passed into %, Italian e in unaccented syllables
is similarly close e, for example, the final e of diece, ' ten ' ;
and English speakers of Italian often fail to give this sound
correctly. It is only in the unaccented syllable that we find
i substituted for e in the mispronunciations censured by the
grammarians^ pinarla for penaria, pidato for pedatn, deem for
decern, &c., though on plebeian epitaphs, and the like, we find
instances of i for accented e, some of which may be a mere
giver's mistake of dropping a stroke of II, a common way of
writing E. Before another vowel e seems to have approached
the sound of I, to judge from the frequent confusion of suflBxes
Uke -eus and -ins, -eolus and "iolus. Before t, older ei, the ^-sound
was recognized as the correct pronimciation, or at least the correct
spelling, e. g. mieis, miis, contracted to mis ; dii^ diU, contracted
to di, dis; ii, lis, contracted to i, is in Plautus, &c. The con-
trary tendency, to substitute e for i before a vowel, was a feature
of rustic Latin ; and some of these ^ inistic ' forms, especially in
names of agricultural implements and the like, have found their
way into ordinary Latin, e. g. mateola for *matiola (Sanscr.
maty^m). Another dialectal change was to replace i by i before
c %
20 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. II.
rc^ e. ^. stircus for sfercus. The remark of Quintilian (i. 4. 8)
that some new letter was required to express the sound of the
final vowel of heri^ here (in * here ' neque e plane neque i auditur),
is discussed in § 16.
In Oscan, as we shall see (§ 14), the short and long E-sounds
seem to have corresponded to Latin P, #, in being the one open,
the other close. A short E- vowel, however, when lengthened by
^ compensation ' or any other cause, appears to have retained the
open sound ; for it is expressed by doubling the symbol of the
short vowel (e.g. eestint, Lat. ex%1<ini\ keenzstur, Lat. cemor^
cemore%)y and not by the symbol of the long vowel. For Latin
nevertheless the evidence points to t'- for ^.r, -<^w)*- for -^;w-
having had the close sound ; for evitat is the instance given by
a grammarian (see below) of the close E-sound of ordinary
Latin e^ and the Romance and Celtic forms of Lat. mensa,
mi{n)sa (Ital. mesa, Welsh mwys, &c.) point to the ordinary
^-vowel. But Vulg. Latin Jemiarms (for Jdnuariufi) is shown
by Italian Gennajo (with open e) to have had the E-sound which
is most near a, that is, the open sound. (On ens see § 144.)
§ 7. Descriptions of the E-sound by Latin phoneticians, &e. Teren-
tianusMaurus in his account (329. 116 K.) :—
e quae sequitur vocula dis»ona est priori,
quia deprimit altum modico tenore rictum,
et lingua remotos premit hinc et hinc molarcH,
curiously omits all refercnco to the diflFerence between short and long e.
There must, however, have been such a reference in some part of his ^^Titings,
for Pompeius, as we shall see, quotes him as an authority on this very point
Marius Victorinus, wlioso account always closely corresponds with his, aftt»r
describing e as follows ^33- i K.) : e quae sequitur, depresso modice rictu oris
rfductisque introrsum lubiis effertur, goes on to say : o, ut e, gemiiium vocis
sonum pro condicione temporis promit. Martian us Capella (iii. a6i) has :
E spiritus facit lingita paululum pressioro. More valuable are the remarks of
those grammarians who give practical hints on the correct pronunciation
of actual Latin words. Servius (fourth cent. a. d.) {in Don. 421. 17 K.) is very
clear : vocales sunt quinque. a o i o u. ex his duae, e et o. aliter sonant
productae, alitor correptae . . . e quando producitur vicinum est ad sonuni
i Htterae, ut * meta ; ' quando autom correptum, %'icinum eat ad sonum
diphthong!, ut ^equus/ (By the 'diphthong' he means ae of aequuSf &c.)
Cautions against the confusion of 'equiis' and 'aequus' occur more than
once in the writings of the grammarians. Thus Pompeius (fifth cent, a.d.)
says the one vowel-sound is short, the other long (285. 6 K.) : ])lerumque male
pronuntiamus et facimus vitium, ut brevis syllaba longo tractu sonct . . . siqui
SS 7-0.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWELS. ai
velit dicere ^aequus' pro eo quod est equus, in pronuntiatione hoc fit (cf.
Alcuin 295. 4 K. : 'aequitas/ ^aequus/ id est Justus, . . . per ae diphthongon
scribenda sunt; * equus,' si animal significat, per simplicem e) (see § 41).
Pompeius, in another passage (102. 4 K.), ascribes the comparison of the long S-
to tlie »-sound to Tereutianus Maurus : e aliter longa, alitor brevis sonat . . .
dicit ita Terentianus ' quotienscumque e longam volumus proferri, yicina sit
ad i litteram.' ipse sonus sic debet sonare, quomodo sonat i littera. quando
dicis 'evitat/ vicina debet esse, sic pressa, sic angusta, ut vicina sit ad i
litteram. qunndo vis dicere brevem e, simpliciter sonat. And 'Sergius* {in
Don. 590. 27 K.) gives much the same account as Servius : vocales sunt quinque.
hae non omnes varies habent s^nos, sed tantimi duae, e et o. nam quando e
correptum est, sic sonat, quasi diphthongus, * equus ; ' quando productum est,
sic sonat, quasi i, ut * demons/
§ 8. i for unaccented 6. Caper (first cent. a.d.) (93. 3 K.) : cella penaria,
non 'pinaria,' dicendum ; ibid. 100. 23 K. prime pedatu, non *pidato/ dicen-
dum ; Velius Longus (first cent. a. d.) (76. 9 K.) : ^comprimo' quoque per
i male scribi, quamvis * compressus ' dicatur ; et e contrario ^ decem ' audacius
dixerim, quamvis inde ' decies ' trahatur, quoniam, ut supra dixi, sono usita-
tiore gaudet auditus, referring to the form ' decim/ which is found now and
then on inscriptions. (^For other examples, see ch. iii. § 22.)
§ 9. i for 6 in hiatus. The Appendix Probi censures vinia (198. 3K.), cacia
(198. 5), hrattia (198. 6), coc/fa and coc^tarmm (198. 6), lancia (198. 8), ^ia(i98. lo),
caHciiis ,198. 10), tinia (198. 19}, haHtius , 198. 23% Ihitium (198. 31), palliarium (198.
g\/a8siolus (198. 26). Ariajn (e. g. C. /. L. vi. 541, of 88 a. d.), horriorum (e. g. vi.
8680, of 68 A. D.), are frequent spellings on inscriptions. Cf. Greek dpfna^ d/xa
from the end of the first cent a. d. ; ir€i\iov in the Edict of Diocletian, 301 a. d.;
UoTiokoij noTiukoi, Vulg. Lat. *mia for mea, &c., is shown by Sard, mia,
O. Fr. moie, Roum. mea. Velius Longus (first cent. a. d. ■ says (77. 16 K. :
nostris auribus ' placet ... * mils ' per i, non * meis ' per e, ut Terentius : —
at enim istoc nihil est miigis, Syre, miis nuptiis aduersum.
Our MSS. of Terence liave not preserved the old spelling in this passage Jieaut,
699); but that it was a spelling current in the older period we see from mieis
on one of the Scipio Epitaphs \C. I. L. i. 38, of 130 b. c. ). In the Lex Parieti
Faciendo (C. I. L. i. 577J, a copy of an inscription of 105 b.c, we find the Abl.
PL abiefjnieiSf aesculnieiSf distinguished in spelling from Ace. PI. (ibiegnea K, Z,
XXX. 500). Similarly diiy diis represented the pronunciation, although spelt r/et,
deiff to agree with the other cases, as we learn from Caper (first cent. a. d. )
(109. 6 X.) : dei non ^dii ' ; nam et deabus Cicero dixit : igitur deis ratio, diis
consuetudo ; and the s:ime must hold of «', Us (tew, C. I. L, vi. 877, time of
Augustus ; ieis, iei, but eos, &c., on the Regulations for the Ludi Saecularos of
17 B.C. iMonunuriiti Antichi i. iii)) ; cf. Caper 106. 11 K. cam (MSS. iam'
semper dicendum, quia nihil est Mam.* item non *iamus,' sed eamus. (On
the spelling of the Plur. of is and deus see Georges, Lex. Worif, s. w.) By-
^ But the use of t may have been the long i-sound (i. 9), or -eei-, which
a mere usage of orthography to avoid might suggest the s-sound (ibid.) fol-
the awkward collocation -ei-, which lowed by i.
might be misread as the symbol for
22 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. n.
forms in -ea and 'ia are sometimes differentiated by the subtlety of gram-
marians, u practice very properly censured by Comutus (ap. Cassiod. 150. 18
K.) : vineas per e quidam scribendas tradiderunt, si hae significarentur, quas
in agris videmus ; at contra per i, vinias, illas sub quibus latere miles solet,
quod discrimen stultissimum est. nam neque aliunde vineae castrenses
dictae sunt, quam quod vineis illis agrestibus similes sunt. (For other examples
of -ea, -ens varying with -iay -iu«, see Schuchardt, Vok. i. p. 434 ; Brambach
OrUi. p. 133 ; and consult Georges, Lex. Wortf, s. w. glarea, linea, janeuSy mustaceua^
rnrgineuSyVitreits, gdllinaceuSf cavea,urce6lu8y adoreajancea^ oreae, oslreaypavsea, labea,
linteOf phaseoluSf nauseOj coprea, cachleay hordearius ; and Brambach, H^ffMtcMein
s. vv. baHteuSj soleay tinea^ bractea.) They have been explained by that tendency
to change i and e in hiatus into c«^nsonantal i (y), which turned rtlium &c. into
* lilyum/ area &c. into * arya,* so that -cms, -eiim, -ius^ turn were merged in the
same sound (see ch. iv. $ 63\ But they are more easily explained by the
tendency to give a vowel in hiatus the close sound (§ x8).
$ 10. ' Bustle ' e for i in hiatus. Varro (R, 72. i. a. 14) : rustici . . . viam
* veham ' appellant. (The Oscan word is via-, the Umbr. vea- and via-') ; -eo
for -10 is common in inscrr. of Etruria, Praeneste, &c. (Sittl, Lok. Versch, p. 10),
e. g. Praonestine flleai (C. I. L, i. 54) ; the Praenestine form of acS/tiia is given
by the MSS. of Plautus, True. 690, as amea not * conia ' : ut Praenestinis conea
est ciconia ; in Plaut. Most. 48 the MSS. read CileSto ^on garlic' Charisius
(70. 27 K.) censures the pronunciation of *alii diserti' oleum, doleum, palleiim ;
the Appendix Probi rejects oleum (198. 18 K.), Weum (198. 19', laneo (197. ^),
oeteum (198. 5\ [For other exx. see Georges, Lex. Woiif. s. w. olivLm, ascia, doliumj
foliumf lanio, ostium, palHumy solium, spolium ; and Brambach, Hul/sb. s.vv. feriae,
lilium, sobrius. Both spongia and spongea were used, the latter being, for example,
the normal spelling in the MSS. of Martial (see Georges, s.v. and Friedl&nder's
edition, i. p. 1 18). Schuchardt {Vok. ii. p. 37) gives a number of misspellings
of the kind from MSS. and inscriptions.]
$ 11. i for e. Schucliardt {Vok. i. p. 227) quotes a large number of spellings
from inscrr. of the fourth cent. , and later in which an t appears for 5. It
is not easy to decide how many represent a pronunciation of t for « [thus
Aurilius (third cent.), Comilius seem to represent that change of g to I before
a syll. with I {y) in hiatus, which appears in flUus, with the ordinary Latin
long (-sound (close 1, § 14), to judge from its Romance descendants, Ital. figlio,
Span, hijo, &c. ; on this possible change of 5 to ?, see ch. iv. § 7], how many
a pronunciation of 1 for 5 (e. g. JUiciterX)^ how many are dialectal (the equivalent
of Lat. P is an i-sound in several of the Italian dialects, e. g. Osc. ligud * lego *
ch. iv. § 5), and how many are mere mistakes. In Greek inscrr. i for Lat. f is
late, probably dating from the time when Greek 17 came to take the t-sound ;
but AipiKios {'iWios) is found beside AvprjKios in the second cent. (Eckinger,
p. 24). The rare spelling decreiuit for dBcr^it on an inscr. of 189 B.C. from
Spain (C. L L. ii. 5041) cannot be quoted as an example of the transition of «
to I. The use of ei for ( in the unaccented syll. in the word inpeirator (for
impSralor) on the same inscr. suggests that ei in decreiuit may have been meant
to indicate the close e-sound [cf. leigihus xiv. 2892 (Praeneste), pleih. {Eph.
Epigr. i. ^\] . Lslints and dilPrus are rightly explained by Velius Longus (73. 2 K. ),
who follows Varro : ddirus is the proper form, derived from lira a furrow, while
the form deUrus is due to a fanciful connexion of the word with Gk. Kfjp€iv,
ii 10-14.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWELS. 23
(On the comparative prevalence of the two spellings see Gorges, Lex, Worif,
8. v., and of. App. Probi 198. 19 : delirus non * delerus *) ; torpido beside torpSdo
(Caper 106. 8 K.) is merely the substitution of a more familiar for a less familiar
suffix (cf. grdiMo for gr&tido ; see Georges, Lex, Wor^, s. v.), and the same is true
of Vulg. Lat. *c^lnum (Fr. venin), Bizajcinua for Byzac^us (App. Probi,
198. i), *pergamlnum (Ital. pergamino, Fr. parchemin), *puUXcin%iim (Ital.
pulcino, Fr. poussin) {-inus, -Snum have been in fact supplanted by -ino- in
Romance languages, e.g. Ital. Saracino, Messina, Ac, Fr. se^in, a canary, if
from Sir«n% *n'tcimu8 (Ital. racimolo, Fr. raisin), *rervicem (Ital. berbice, Fr.
brebis), *man(ile (Ital. mantile), &c. (See also Georges, s. w. crumSnaf seadmumt
nfricus ; cf. App. Probi 199. 6 : hermeneumata non ' erminomata.')
$ 12. I for aooented fi (see Schuchardt, Vck, i, p. 339 sqq.^. Bipinnis for
lApenniSy censured in App. Probi 199. 6 K. (cf. Quint, i. 4. la), is due to confusion
of innn^K with penna (cf. Caper 100. 17 K.) ; cartc^m beside cSrechAtn {de Dub, Norn.
V. 573. a K. Virgilius in bucolicis ^ tu sub carecta latebas,' nunc caricta"), may
follow the analogy of adf/icfum, &c., but it is more likely that the true reading
here is caricea^ Plur. of caricetim (Nonius ai. 34 M. ?), the oiiginal of Span,
carrizo. On vtgeo and v^eo, fUix and f&iXj fiber andySbar, pinna and penna, see
ch. iv. $ II ; and on hfn6v6lussLji^ binivolus, bhti(fku8 and bSn^ficuSf &c., ch. iii. § 37.
Scida, schida for schida (see Georges, s. v.) seems to follow the analogy of ecindo ;
spidOy 9ico^ &c., of prospicio, prdsicoy &,c. The use of S for i is discussed in § 17.
Before ng every Latin i became by a phonetic law of the language t (see ch. iv.
§ 8), e.g. Ungo, confringOf attingo ; and other consonant- combinations may have
influenced 8 towai*ds the close e-sound or the i-sound (see Georges, Lex, Wwif.
s. w. F«rgn7it*8, vergiliaef Verginius, hernia, aegmenlmn, Por senna, and cf. § 144) ;
dignus has been explained as *dec-nus from dUcet, and spellings like fruminium
(Schuchardt, Vck, i. 354) may point to a modification of 8 like that of 6 (ch. iv.
% SO) before nt,
% 18. & for 6. Before re wo find a for e in the mispronunciation novarca (for
nii/verca) mentioned in the Appendix Probi (198. 34 K.) ; but forms like anear
(ib. 198. aa and 33), passar \\h. 198. 33), carcar in the Acts of the Arval Brothers,
&c. (cf. App. Prob. 197. 3a), are better explained as cases of assimilation to
the vowel of the accented syllable (see ch. iii. § 33) ; and calandae, the Vulg. Lat.
form of cdlendae [in Greek always KaKavhai (cf. Eckingcr), Welsh calan. New
Year's Day, Mod. Gk. /coAavra], may be a i Conj. Gerundive form. (Schuchardt,
Vck, i. p. ao6 sqq., has collected a list of examples of doubtful validity.)
§ 14. I. The Romance languages show us that Latin ly i differed
in quality, like Latin ^, e, Latin ?, as we have seen, they
merge in Latin e, while Latin I remains ?', e. g. Ital. beve, from
Latin MtUt^ misi from Latin mlsi. This i from Latin I is, of all
Romance vowels, the least liable to change. In almost every
Romance language it preserves its character unaltered, and
resists every influence of neighbouring consonants, so that there
is great likelihood that it has remained the same on Italian soil
from Roman times till now. Italian si will then exactly repre-
24 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
sent the vowel sound of Latin 9ic, finito of ljB,t,flnUus, This
Italian i has the olose I-sound, like French si, fini, Germ, sie, our
* see ' being rather a diphthong, while our i in * bit/ * fish/ * kin,'
is an open I-sound, but, according to Sweet, * nearer e of " men '*
than i of German^ Kind, bitten/ The Latin grammarians
similarly speak of the sound of i as fuller (plenior) than that of
ly while the latter is *a sound between e and i.' They add
a third I-soimd, which in the Romance languages is not dis-
tinguished from ordinary Latin ^, viz. the ^ of optimum older
ojiftuints, &c., which they style * a sound between i and u,' The
natural inference is that Latin t and i differed as Latin e and e^
the short vowel being open, the long close, while % before a labial,
in words like oplinivs^ had some sound like that of German U in
schiitzen, Hiitte. This U is the same sound as Germ, i of * Kind,'
* bitten/ modified by labialization, or as it is usually called, * round-
ing,' i. e. lateral compression of the cheek passage, and narrowing
of the lip-aperture (Sweet, Handbook^ p. 13).
The relation of the E- and I-sounds in Oscan seems to offer
a close parallel to that in Latin. I.-Eur. i is in the Oscan
alphabet e, e. g. edum (Lat. Mere, esse * to eat '), estud (Lat. esio) ;
i is i, e. g. bivus (Lat. vlvi, Nom. PL). For e and I they have
the same sign (except that for e it is often written double to
indicate length), a modification of this last, which we conven-
tionally write i, e.g. fiisnam, a temple, Ace. Sg. (cf. Lat./^*^«^),
pid (Lat. quid). In Greek characters the three signs are e, t, €t ;
in Latin characters e, i, i. Everything points to their e having
been, like Latin ^, an open E-sound, their i the close I-sound of
Latin t, while like the Romance languages they have merged
close e and open / in one sound i. Whether the iu of Oscan
ultiumam (Lat. v If imam) indicates the Latin «-sound is, with the
scarcity of material at our disposal, uncertain (see ch. iv. § 23).
In rustic Latin, as we saw (§ 10), i before a vowel was replaced
"^y ^> ^» S' ^ff^^^ola for *7naf'io/a, while in the ordinary language
accented t before a vowel, e. g. dies, seems to have had the quality
of long a. It had possibly the same quality in words like aiuiit,
where the i, originally long (e.g. audU, Plaut.), has been
shortened owing to the difiiculty felt by the Romans in pro-
nouncing a long vowel before final f (see ch. iii. § 49). Rustic Latin
§$ 15» 16.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWELS. 25
e for i in ^peca, &c., is probably a development of the old
diphthong ei. Similarly e, the old vowel of the open unaccented
syllable, e.g. O. Lat. ddS^U for dbigit, was retained in rustic
Latin.
% 16. Descriptions of the I-sound by Iiatin phoneticians. The phone-
ticians describe only the t-sound. Terent. Maur. ^saQ. 119 K.) : —
i porrigit ictum genuinos prope ad ipsos,
minimumque renidet supeix) tenus labello ;
Mar. Victor. (33. a K.) : i semicluso ore imprcBsaque sensim lingua dontibun
vocem dabit ; Mart. Cap. \i\\. 261) : I spiritu? (facit) prope dentibus pressiM.
§ 16. by Grammarians. The t?-80und attracted a good deal of attention
from Latin grammarians, and had the honour of being noticed by various
rulers of the Roman Empire. Julius Caesar effected the adoption of the
spelling uptimua ynaximusy and the like, on State inscriptions ; his successor
Augustus, we are told, reverted in these forms to the old spelling with u ;
the Emperor Claudius took a course different from both of his illustrious
predecessors, and tried to introduce into the Latin alphabet a new letter to
express this particular sound. The statements of the Latin grammarians
about the various sounds of Latin i are not always perfectly clear, and must
be examined in detail. Quintilian (middle of first cent a. d.), speaking of
the letters wanting to the Latin alphabet says ;i. 4. 8) that some special
sign is required for the sound between i and xi in wordd like optim\i8, and
similarly for the somid between e and i in words like hBre (older hvri\ s(bi, quasi
older sibe, qudse) [cf. nise^ ube in Virgil MSS., Ribbeck, Index^ pp. 436, 451, nisu;
in Lex Rubria of 49 b. c. {C.I.L. i. 305:, and (with ube, sebe, &c.) on late inscrr.
i^see Georges). In the Appendix Probi . 199. 16 K.) we have : nescio ubi non
* nesciocube'] : medius est quidam u et i litterae sonus ; non enim * optumum '
dicimus aut 'optimum^/ et in 'here* neque e plane neque i auditur. In
another passage he tells us that the change in spelling, optimus, &c., from
optumus,&c.f was made by the influence of Julius Caesar, a statement repeated
by Velius Longus in the passage quoted below, and first uttered, according to
Comutus (ap. Cassiodor. 150. 11 K.) by Varro : Quint, i. 7. 21 : iam 'optimus
maximus,' ut mediam i littcram, quae veteribus u fuerat, acciperent, Gai
primum Caesaris inscriptione traditur factum. * here * nunc e littera
terminamuH ; at voterum comicorum adhuc libris invenio 'heri ad meuenit,'
quod idem in epistulis Augusti, quas sua manu scripsit, aut emendavit,
deprehenditur ... * sibe * et * quase ' scriptum in multorum libris est. sed an
hoc voluerint auctores nescio ; T. Livium ita his usum ex Pediano coraperi,
qui et ipse eum sequebatur ; haec nos i littera finimus. This example, here
and heri, has given rise to some doubt ; for we are accustome<] to regard heif
and herl as differing in quantity, like nire and rnri^ Tihurc and Tiburi (tho -e
being the Cons. -stem Locative suffix -i, the -I being the I-stem Abl. suffix -id,
' V. f. non enim sic * optumum' of one MS., opimum for optimum^ is
dicimus ut * optimum.* Perhaps, non certainly wrong. Cf. Quint, i. 7. ai,
enim sincere . . . aut. The reading 2a.
26 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. H.
ch. iv). We have herSy for example, in Martial i. 44 est positum nobis nil
here praeter aprum, but fieri in Terence. Eun, 169 heri minas pro ambiSbus
uiginti dedi, often shortened by the peculiar metrical law of the comedians
by which dvS was scanned as ar^, care as care, &c (see ch. iii), as in the line,
Hec. 329 her! n^mo uoluit Sostratam intro admittere. Some have been led
by this into the mistaken idea that what Quintilian is referring to, is that
interchange of S and f, which we see on old inscriptions in rendering the
diphthong eij e. g. ploirrtme for ploirumeiy later f^urimi, on an epitaph of one of
the Scipios (C. I. L. i. 3a). But^ as we shall see from the passages quoted from
other grammarians, the phrase ^ a sound between e and i ' is the designation
for Latin i in such a word as fiominem ; and we may be sure that in Quintilian's
time the word herij as well as Jiere, would invariably have in the utterance of
everyday speech a short final syllable. Ho tells us expressly of the word ave
{have) that, although it ought by right to have a long final vowel, being an
Imperative of a verb of the second conjugation, like spfendfj aud^, it was never,
except by precisians, pronounced otherwise than har$ [i, 6. 21). (A fuller
account of this shortening is given in ch. iii. § 40.) Velius Longus, who like
Quintilian belonged to the first cent. a.d., talks of the ^exilis sonus'of
the Latin vowel t and, in some cases, off, e.g. in 3 Sg. Pres. Ind. of verbs of
the fourth conjugation, audit, &c. \,In Plautus and the oldest literature this
i is long, audtty the shortening having been effected by the influence of the
final /, just as with us the vowel of * note * is shorter than the vowel of 'node.'
See ch. iii. § 49. j Ordinary t, as in 3 Sg. Pres. Ind. of the third conjugation,
pmiit, &c., he calls the * latus sonus,' while the t of optimus is ^ pinguis.' Of
this last sound he says that the spelling and pronunciation of u for t in
optimus, manibiae, &c., was regarded in his time as old-fashioned and countrified
(49 K.) : i vero littera interdum exilis est, interdum pinguis, ut in eo quod
est * prodit * * vincit ' * condit ' exilius volo sonare in eo vero quod significatur
prodire vincire condire usque pinguescit ut jam in ambiguitatem cadat utrum
per i quaedam debeant dici an per u ut est ^optumus maxiunus.' in quibus
adnotandum antiquum sermonem plenioris soni fuisse et, ut ait Cicero,
rusticanum, atque illis fere placuisse per u talia scribere et enuntiare.
erravere autem grammatici qui putaverunt superlativa per u enuntiari.
ut enim concedamus illis in * optimo/ in ^maximo,' in ^ pulcherrimo,' in
' justicsimo,' quid facient in his nominibus, in quibus aeque manet eadem
quaestio superlatione sublata, *manubiae' an 'manibiae,' Mibido,' an
* lubido ' ? nos vero, postquam exilitas sermonis delectare coepit. usque
i littera castigavimus illam pinguitudinem, non tamen ut plene i litteram
enuntiaremus. et concedamus talia nomina per u scribere iis qui antiquorum
voluntates sequuntur, ne tamen sic enuntient, quo modo scribunt ; and
again (67 K.) : varie etiam scriptitatum est * mancupium ' ' aucupium *
' manubiae,' siquidem C. Caesar per i scripsit, ut apparet ex titulis ipsius, at
Augustus per u, ut testes sunt ejus inscriptiones ^ . . . relinquitur igitur
electio, utrumne per antiquum sonum, qui est pinguissimus et u litteram
occupabat, velit quis enuntiare, an per hunc, qui jam videtur eligantior,
exilius, id est per i litteram, has proferat voces ; and a little further on
[68, 6 K.) : mihi videtur nimis rusticana enuntiatio futura, si per u extu-
lerimus. ita tamen existimo enuntiandum, ut nee nimis i littera exilis
* But the Cotnm, Lud, Saec. has optimus maximus.
i le.]
PRONUNCIATION. VOWELS. 2J
sit, nee, u litteram si scripHeris, enuntiationis sono nimis plena. Here
his account of the ' sound between t and u * is perfectly clear. Optumtis had
in old times been written and pronounced with a U-sound ; but such
pronunciation was old fashioned and countrified in his own time, the sound
used in polite circles being something between a normal U-sound and
a normal I-sound. But the beginning of the first passage, where he dis-
cusses the oth^r two kinds of I-sound, is not so intelligible. His examples
are evidently carefully chosen synonyms of the third and fourth conjugations ;
and one cannot but suppose that he meant to contrast the t of prodU (from
prodo), vincit (from rinco\ c<mdit (from condo)j with that of the third person
singular of prodire, vincirey cofudire, Keil supplies a sentence between the
words sonare and m eo, and reads : ezilius toIo sonare, si dico ab eo quod est
prodere, yincere, condere ; in eo vero quod significat prodire, kc. He refers
the * pinguescit ' to the sound of t, not to the i of optimus, &c., understanding
Velius Lougus to distinguish t from i as 'exilis sonus' and 'pinguis sonus.'
These words, * exilis/ * latus,' ^ pinguis,' unfortunately lack the precision of
the terminology of modem phoneticians. They remind us of Lucilius* use
of ^ tenuare ' and ' plenius facere ' some two centuries earlier, in a passage
not less obscure (9. 14 M.) : —
' pilam' qua ludimus, ' pilum '
quo pisunt, tenues, si plura haec feceris pila
quae iacimus, addes e, ' peila/ ut plenius fiat ;
whereas a later grammarian, Pompeius (fifth cent. a. d.), uses ' tenuis ' and
'pinguis' to distinguish vocalic from consonantal t nnd u (103 K.) : ecce
adverte, quomodo sonat u, * unus/ ecce u vides quam tenuiter sonat. junge
illam ad aliam litt«ram, et vide quia non sic sonat, sed pinguius sonat,
*vulnus,' 'vanus.' numquid sic sonat 'unus' quando u sola est? non, sed
tenuiter sonat. * vanus ' quando dico pinguior sonus est. numquid dicis
^u-a-nus'? ergo vides quia, si ponantur solae, tenucm sonum habcnt, si
jungantur ad alias litteras, pingues sonant, similiter et i sic patitur. *■ itur/
ecce tenuius sonat; si dicas ^Titius,' pinguius sonat, et perdit sonum suum,
et accipit sibilum. {t palatalized.) This confusion of terms must be borne in
mind in reading the passage we now quote from Consentius (fifth cent. a.d. ?),
a passage interesting from its account of the Gaulish and Greek mispronun-
ciations of Latin i (394. 1 1 K. ) : iotacismum dicunt vitium quod per i litteram
vel pinguius vel exilius prolatam fit. Galli pinguius hanc utuntur, ut cum
dicunt *ite,' non expresse ipsam proferentes, sed inter e et i pinguiorem
sonum nescioquem ponentes. Graeci exilius hanc proferunt, adeo expressioni
ejus tenui studentes, ut, si dicant * jus/ aliquantulum de priori littera sic
proferant, ut videas disyllabum esse factum. Romanae linguae in hoc erit
moderatio, ut exilis ejus sonus sit, ubi ab ea verbum incipit, ut ' ite,' aut
pinguior, ubi in ea desinit verbum, ut ^habui,' * tenui'; medium quendam
sonum inter e et i habet, ubi in medio sermone est, ut Miominem.' mihi
tamen videtur, quando producta est, plenior vel acutior esse ; quando autem
brevis est, medium sonum exhibere debet, sicut eadem exempla, quae posita
sunt, possunt declarare. Consentius here uses * ping^is * and ' tenuis ' or
* exilis ' like Pompeius, not like Velius Longus, while he distinguishes long i
as 'plenior vel acutior,' short t in hominem as 'a sound between e and i.'
What he means by saying that in habuij tenui, i had the 'pinguis sonus,' must
28 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. H.
bo that the words were pi-onounced in his time * habuyi,* * tenuyi.' (Seehnann
gives quite a different explanation.)
These three accounts of Latin {, I, taken in connexion with the evidence
supplied by the Romance languages, where Latin C has become a close
K- sound, while Latin l is invariably close I, give us the right to suppose
tliat the usual Latin t was different in quality from Latin i, being an open
1, like Engl. * bit ' or Germ. Kind, while i was the ordinary close I of Italian
and other languages ; though they suggest the further possibility of there
having been a short variety of this latter i in such words as the 3 Sing. Pres.
Ind. Act. of the fourth conjugation, prodit, audit, condit, where the i, long in
the time of Plautus, was shortened through the difficulty felt by the Romans
in pronouncing a long vowel before final -t Seelmann is of opinion that this
short variety of close i came gradually to replace open i in the language of
the educated classes at Rome in the first centuries of the Empire (postquam
exilitas sermonis delectare coepit, Yel. Long.), and so explains the strange
statement of the fourth century commentators on Donatus, quoted in our
discussion of the sound of e (§ 7), that {, I, with u, u, were not distinguished
like Sj €j 0, 0 ; though Consentius a century later enlarges on this very
distinction in the case of t. It is more probable that these commentators,
though they refer to some Latin instances (m^to, dSmensy ikpiiis), are really
quoting remarks of Greek phoneticians on the sounds of Greek vowels,
designed to explain the presence of separate signs for long and short e and 0
in the Greek alphabet (c, 17, o, w) ; and, if this be so, it cannot but suggest
the alarming suspicion that their phrase, *S is like the diphthong, s like t,'
may really mean tliat Greek c had the sound of cu (as was the case in Attic
Greek by the second cent. a. d.), 17 of ( (the itacism of modem Greek. Blass
ascribes the change of 17 to 1 to the fifth cent. a. d.).
To pass to the u-sound of optimua, which in the Romance languages is merged
in ordinary Latin t. The statements of the grammarians we have quoted, par-
ticularly that of Velius Longus (49 K.), show us clearly that in the first century
A. D. the vowel had a sound between u and t, having had at an earlier period
a U-sound. Still earlier it was an 0 (see ch. iii. § 18), and we may regard it
as the sound which u (whether originally 0 or u or a, &c.) took in open syllables
after the accent, when influenced by the presence of a labial ; whereas accented
u remained, e. g. cube. The passage which we now quote from Velius Longus
extends the same sound to i in accented syllables influenced by the labial
sibilant r, as in rtr, virtus (75 K.) : *aui'ifex' melius per i sonat quam per u.
at 'aucupare' [et aucupium] mihi rursus melius videtur sonare per u quam
per i ; et idem tamen ' aucipis ' male quam ^ aucupis/ quia scio sermonem et
decori servire et aurium voluptati. undo fit ut saepe aliud scribamus, aliud
enunticmus, sicut supra locutus sum de ^viro' et * virtute,' ubi i scribitur et
paene u enuntiatur. unde Ti. Claudius novam quandam litteram excogitavit
similem ei notae quam pro adspiratione Graeci ponunt, per quam scriberentur
one voces, quae neque secundum exilitatem i litterae, neque secundum pingui-
tudiuem u literae sonareut, ut in * viro * et * virtute/ neque rursus secundum
latum litterae sonum cnuutlaretur, ut in eo quod est legere, scribere. In the
last words he seems to refer to t of the third conjugation, legity legimus,
legit iSf &c., the sound of which he calls Matus' as opposed to the 'exilis
sonus ' of I, and the * pinguis sonus ' of i/u ; and this confirms our view that
in the passage first quoted from him, the same threefold distinction was
§ 17.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWELS. 29
explained between i^rodi^ of third conj. with 'latus sonus/i>rorft< of fourth conj.
with * exilis sonus,' and opHmua with * pinguis sonus.' There are a large number
of references by other grammarians to this %/u sound (see Seelmann, p. 205).
Of these we need only quote two ; one from Marius Victorinus (fourth
cent.), who points out that this vowel is really the Greek v (Latin y) (see
§ a8) ; and one from Priscianf who, like Yelius Longus, gives this sound of
Greek v to accented i influenced by a preceding v. Mar. Victor. 19. 2a K. sunt
qui inter u quoque et i litteras supputant deesse nobis vocem, sed pinguius
quom i, exilius qunm u. sed et pace eorum dixerim, non vident y litteram
dosiderari : sic enim * gylam/ * myserum/ * Syllam ' (M88. syllabam), * proxy-
mum * dicebant antiqui. sed nunc consuetude paucorum hominum ita loquen-
tium eyanuit, ideoque voces istas per u {vel per i) scribite. The spelling
myserumf which is, foimd on some inscriptions, may be explained by Greek
fivaap6s, just as sUva was spelt sylva through a fanciful connexion with HXrj,
and so SyUa for *Syrula (cf. App. Probi 197. a6 crista non ' crysta ') ; but it
is difficult to explain gyla (for ffiila) in the same way. All the Romance
languages point to giUa as the Vulgar Latin form (ItaL Span, gola, Fr. gueule).
The * antiqui * alluded to are merely former grammarians, whose innovation
in spelling met with little favour, to judge from the instances found on
inscriptions (Schuchardt, Vok. ii. pp. 197 sqq., ai8 sqq.). Priscian i. 6 i et u
vocales, quando mediae sunt, altemos inter se sonos videntur confundere,
teste Donate, ut ' vir/ ^ optimus,* * quis * ; et i quidem quando post consonan-
tem loco digamma functam Aeolici ponitur brevis, sequente d vel m vel r vel
t vel X, sonum y Graecae videtur habere, ut * video,* * vim,* * virtus,* * vitium,*
* vix.* Schuchardt, Vok. ii. p. aai, gives a few examples of vy- for vi- in late
inscriptions ; and in the Appendix Probi (198. ao K.) we have : vir non * vyr,'
virgo non * vyrgo/ virga non * vyrga,* so that the existence of this tendency
to pronounce accented i as u after r can hardly be doubted. (The Latin name
for y, Greek w, was * ui.' See below.) But Greek v does not represent Latin /
in this position on Greek inscriptions. Other examples of accented i/u are
simus, written for siimus by some purists of the Augustan age (Mar. Victor.
9. 5 K. Messala, Brutus, Agrippa pro sumus * simus ' scripserunt), and by
Augustus himself (Suet. Aug. 87) ;cf. C. I.L, ix. 3473. 14) ; lubet and Itbet ; clupeus
and clipeus (see Georges, Lex. WoriJ. s. w.) ; though two of these, mnus and Uhe^.
might be explained as enclitic words and so wanting the accent, e. g. amati-
sumitSy bibet-ire, quodhtbei, &c. (see iii. la). (See also Georges, Lex, Wort/, s. vv.
Bruttii, cliens (earlier cluens)^ lintery scrupidus. The Bomance forms point to both
8timu8 (e.g. Fr. sommes) and simiis (e. g. Ital. siamo from *semo, O. Roum. scmo}.
Supparum, with byform siparum (see Georges s. v. ) seems to be an Oscan word
(Yarro, L. L. v. 131 \ and the mispronunciations * imbilieus' (Prob. App. 198.
4 K. ; cf. Ir. imbliu), *scoriscus* (ib. 198. 3a K.), 'arispex' (Vel. Long. 73. 9 K.)
have been variously explained.) (On the u-sound, see Parodi in Studi Italiani,
i. 385.) #
§ 17. Interchange of i and e. The misspellings on inscriptions testify abun-
dantly to the close relation between 1 and e (close e ), e. g. karessemo merentessemo
{C.I.L. ii. 9997) (see Schuchardt, Vok. ii. pp. 1-67) ; but t is rarely written
e except in Gaul and Britain, where 0 too appears as u. In rustic Latin indeed
such words as spica were pronounced sp^ca (Varro, R. R. i. 48. a) ; but it is not
clear whether this was not confined to words which originally had the
diphthong ei (cf. vdUt^ Varro, R. R. i. a. 141. If so, the e is that dialectal e for
30 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
I.-Eur. ei which is found in the Umbrian language, e.g. prevo- (Lat. prlvuSf
privatus; Osc. preivafo-), and in various parts of Italy. Demidius for dlmidiua
(App. Prob. 198. 37 K.) is due to confusion of ds with rft- (d«) [cf. demedius,
C. I. L. vii. 140; X. 3438, and in MSS. (see Schuchardt, Vok, ii. 71). Fr.
demi] ; Serena for Slrtiia (App. Prob. 199. 10) to confusion with sSrSnus (cf. Fr.
serin, canary ?). On dfHrua and dPlhtis, see ch. iii. The vowel of the open unac-
cented syllable was in Old Latin S, not i (see iii. 18 ; and this ancient sound
remained in Rustic Latin. So that S for { of JnHminenif kc, as well as B for I of
spiccty &c., and c for t in hiatus of via, &c., characterized the pronunciation of
the country districts. Cicero often alludes to the ^ rustic ' substitution of the
e- for the t-sound in the utterance of his friend L Aurelius Cotta, the author of
the famous jury-law, the Lex Aurelia Judiciaria of 70 b. c. : quare Cotta noster,
cujus tu ilia lata, Sulpici, nonnunquam imitaris, ut iota litteram toUas et
e plenissimum dicas, non mihi oratores antiques, sed messores videtur imitari
(de Oral iii. la. 46. Cf. iii. 11. 42 ; Brut, xxxvi. 137 ; Ixxiv. 359 ; and Quintilian
xi. 3. 10).
The frequent occurrence on Greek inscriptions of ( for Lat. t (e. g. T€$€pios,
Ktyriov) may point to Greek f having had (unlike Latin S) the close E-sound
(see Blass, Aussprache deft Griechischen^j p. 23% But it may often be merely
a retention of the early Latin spelling, of the form in which the word was
first borrowed by the Greeks. This c for { is the usual spelling in KOfxtnov at
all periods, while KaiKtKios is replaced by Katiei\ios after 50 B. c, KantrojKiov by
Kam7u\iov in the first cent. a. d. ; Acn-f So; is the form of the Republican,
AcircSos of the Imperial Age. (For other examples see Eckinger, p. ag sqq.,
and for examples of t <■ in Latin, Georges, Lex. Wor^f. h.vv. giUOf hibiscuniy niiniai,
minisleTj sinus, sine^ sinapij rindico. comisaory aolidus. On the late Lat. emitanj see
Schuch. Vok, ii. ao, and cf. Prob. App. 199. a, and 198. aa K.)
§ 18. i in hiatus. The Romance forms of the word for day (Ital. di, Sard, die.
Span, dia, O. Fr. di) have all t, which is the normal i*epresentative of Latin
t ; and on inscriptions we have sometimes the lengthened form of the letter,
which usually denotes long 1, e.g. dIes (C. I. L. vi. 7527) ; dIe (10239, also
prIvsqvam). (On pIvs see § 143.;
$ 18. Anomalies in Bomanoe. Ital. freddo, Fr. froid, from Lat. fngtdiiSy point
to *fnddtiSf {rom/rig{i)dus (cf. App. Probi 198. 3 K. frigida non frigda), where the
t has been referred to the analogy ofrigidus (but see § 127) ; *gl^efn replaces gUrem
in Celtic countries (Fr. loir, O. Prov. gles), but not elsewhere (Ital. ghiro) ;
Vulg. Lat. *subiJo, *sufilo, beside ^2/i7o, *siJHo, to whistle (e.g. Ital. sufilare,
subillare, sibilare, O. Fr. subler, sifiler), have been explained by reference to
sfuJBfUire^ or to subidOf the Etruscan word for a fluteplayer ; Greek i in xp^fffia is
treated like Latin t in Fr. chrome, Ital. cresma.
§ 20. O. Having discovered that Latin ^ is open E, Latin
0 close E, we are almost entitled to infer that Latin d will be
open O, Latin 0 close O. For each language has what phone-
ticians call a ' basis of articulation,' according to which all its
sounds are regulated ; and if one set of sounds is treated in
a particular way, any set of corresponding sounds is likely to
§§ 18-20.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWELS. 3 1
receive a similar treatment. The Teutonic languages^ for
example, changed the I.-Eur. Aspirate Mediae to voiced Spirants
{(Ih to ct, the sound of our th in ' this/ &c.). They correspond-
ingly moved the Tenues to unvoiced Spirants [t to M of * thin/
&c.) ; and similarly the Mediae to Tenues {d to /, &c.), a move-
ment or gradation of sounds first discovered by Grin\m, and
known as ' Grimm's Law.' From detecting one sound in a lan-
guage, we are thus often able to guess what other sounds will be ;
and we could in the absence of other evidence infer the quality
of the O-sounds in Latin from that of the E-sounds. Evidence,
however, is not wanting. The Romance languages, for example,
show Latin 6 as open O, Latin d (with which Latin u is merged)
as close O. This open O is in many languages developed in open
syllables to uo (e. g. Ital. ruota, from Lat. riita), as open E to ie
(§ 6), while in Spanish vo has further developed to ve (e. g. ruede),
a change that reminds us of the substitution of ve- for vo- in
Latin words like verto, older vorfo. In Italian we have molle
(with open O) for Latin nfdilis, sole (with close O) for Latin w/,
^lem, the open O having the O-sound of German voll, Stock, the
close that of German so, Fr. chaud. Our • short o ' in * stock,'
' folly,' is a * lower ' sound, formed with the tongue lower in the
mouth, than the open O of German (our O-sound in * oar ' is
nearer this), while our ' long (?' in * so * is a diphthong.
In unaccented syllables in Latin open O, before a Labial or I,
seems, like open E before other consonants, to have become close,
and then to have passed into a U-sound, as e into an I-sound, e, g.
sedulo from se ddla, cofisitlo (Early Lat. cosol-). In Italian, d, like
e, takes the close sound in syllables after the accent. This 7i, as
we saw (§ 14), might sink to il, e.g. co7isilinm ; but as a rule 0 is
retained in the spelling of compounds more persistently than e?,
e.g. accUo^agnc^Ia {agricula, Schuch. ii. 133). Even when accented,
^ seems to have had the close sound before certain groups of
consonants, such as I with another consonant (not //}, m or n with
another consonant, r«, &c., to judge from such varieties of spell-
ing as Old Latin Culcides for Colchides (Quint, i. 4. 16), Old
Latin and Rustic IjSitinfr mules ior frofides, Vulg. Lat. funius for
lomus; and this is confirmed by the misspellings on plebeian
inscriptions, and the like (collected by Schuchardt, VoL ii. pp. 1 14,
32 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
&c.). In Celtic countries fi is often found on Latin inscriptions
instead of o, e. g. nepm (for nSpos), (C. I, L. xii. 5336.)
The O-sounds of the Osean language offer the same analogy
to the Latin, as the E-sounds (§ 6). The Oscan alphabet, being
borrowed from the Etruscan, had originally no sign for e>, but only
the sign for u. This w-sign was used for 0 as well as for u, while for
d a modification of the sign was used, conventionally written by us
6. In Latin characters u expresses Oscan u, aud 0 Oscan u, though
in the final syllable before a labial u sometimes takes its place [e.g.
Osc. estud, in Latin writing esiud (Lat. esfd^ older esfori), Osc. pud,
in Latin writing pal (Lat. qjfdd), Osc. deikum, in Latin writing
deicum (Lat. dlcere, older deicere), and dolom^ dolum (Lat. d6luni)'\.
In Greek characters Oscan u is 01;, and sometimes o, Oscan u is
o. This Oscan u, as was noticed before (§ i), represents I.-Eur.
final A of Nom. Sg. of A-stems and Ace. PI. Neut. of O-stems,
and can hardly have been anything but some form of open O.
21. DesoriptionB of the O-Bound by Ijatin phoneticians. Terentianus
MauruB distinguishes short from long O (vi. 339. 130-134 K.) :—
igitur sonitum reddere cum voles minori,
retrorsus adactam modice teneto linguam,
rictu neque magno, sat erit patere labra.
at longior alto tragicum sub oris antro
molita rotundis acuit sonum labellis.
Tliis* * tragic tone in the mouth-cavern * of o is perhaps more applicable to
Greek a;, which was open O (Blass, Aussprache des OriechLtcfien^, p. a6), than
Latin 0, and the whole description is possibly, as we have seen, borrowed
from Greek writers on Phonetics. Marius Victorinus ^ vi. 33. 3-8 K.) summarizes
the older account : o, ut e, geminum vocis sonum pro condicione temporis
promit . . . igitur qui corroptum enuntiat, nee magno hiatu labra reserabit,
et retrorsum actam linguam tenebit. longum autem productis labris, rictu
tereti, lingua antro oris pendula sonum tragicum dabit. The commentators
on Donatus (Servius, in Don. p. 421. 17-19 K.) say the same : o productum
quando est, ore sublato vox sonat, ut *Roma* ; quando correptum, de labris
vox exprimitur, ut *ro»a' : Sergius, in Don. p. 520. 30-31 o quando longa est,
intra palatum sonat; * Roma,' * orator*; quando brevis est, primis labris
exprimitur : * opus,' * rosa.' Martianus Capella (iii. a6i) says merely : O
rotundi oris spiritu eomparatur.
§ 22. Close for open o in accented syllables before certain consonant-
groups. (See Schuchardt, Vok. ii. p. 114 sqq.) Before I and another
consonant 6 became u in classical Latin, e. g. consulto (early consolto^ C. I. L.
i. 548, latter part of second century B.C.') ; ptUcer (but PWc[er], C. I. L. i. 552 of
131 B.C., cf. Prise, i. 27. 12 H.) ; culpa (Old Lat. co/;j« Prise. I.e.). Before m or n
when these nasals are followed by a consonant we tee the same tendency.
$§ Sl~84.1 PRONUNCIATION. VOWELS. 33
The classical spelling in u in umboj lufnbits, unguis^ uncus (see ch. iv. § 20). Before
nd in Vulg. Lat. u replaced classical 0 i^K. Z. xxx. 336), as is shown by the
Romance forms (e. g. Ital. risponde, with close 0, Sai'd. respundit) ; and in
Italian we have close 0 in ponte, fronte, fonte, which corresponds with
Priacian's remark that funiea, frundesy &c., were the older forms retained in
Rustic Latin. (Prise, i. a6. 35 H. multa praeterea vetustissimi etiam in
principalibus mutabant syllabis ; * gungrum ' pro gougrum, * cunchin ' pro
conchin, * huminem * pro hominem proferentes, * funtes ' pro fontes, undo
Lucretius in libro . . tertio : —
atque ea nimirum quaecumque Acherunte profunda,
. . . quae tameu a junioribus repudiata sunt quasi rustico more dicta. Cf.
Velius Longus p. 49. 15 K. unde in multis etiam nominibus variae sunt
scripturae, ut fontes funtes, frondes frundes ; and Gharis. p. 130. 29 K. ; sic
ab Ennlo est dedinatiim annalium libro vii ; russescunt frundes, non frondes.)
Rumpia is the Latin form of fiopupaia, the long two-edged sword of the
Thracians, quoted from Ennius by Gell. x. 25. 4, and read in the MSS. of
Livy xxxi. 39. 11. Before rn a close sound of o, and not the long vowel, is
perhaps indicated by the apex on the 0 of ornare in some inscriptions (e. g
C. I. L. X. 6104. 1839. 6009) (a fuller diHcussion of this point in $ 145^. Greek
it6$ofnfos is cotkumus ; Greek ropros was in Vulgar Latin turtius (so spolt in the
MSS. of Symmachus, Epp. v. 10), e. g. Span, tornar, Ital. torno (with close 0).
The vowel of tomus has been referred to the close sound of Greek 0 (while oj
had the open sound) ( J^. Z. xxx. 336), and the u of amurca (Greek i.ii6pyq\ and
other Greek loanwords in Latin (cf. App. Probi 198. 22 botruus not ^ butro.'
Cf. Butrio, C. I. L. ii. 668 and Sard. budrone\ might be explained in the same
way. But it is unlikely that the nuances of Greek vowels would be retained
in words naturalized in Latin, and the tendency to give 6 the close sound before
these consonant-groups is visible in genuine Latin words. Perhaps bb is
another group of the kind. Obba was in the time of Nonius (fourth cent
A. D.) ubha (Non. 146 M. obba, poculi genus, quod nunc ubba dicitur).
In Greek Inscriptions we have Mowravos for Lat. Montdnus ^C.I. A. iii. 1138,
of 174-8 A.D. ; but usually Moyroros), BovA.«ax(0(, Kovp0ovKojv (and Ko/)3-),
novarovfuos (see Eckinger, p. 54). For other examples of o-u before consonant-
groups in the accented syllable, see Georges, Lex. WoriJ. s. vv. conchis^ dupundius^
/ormo(n)8U8j Corsij VolscuSf probosciSj colostra, bulbiiSj funms, fornix, fomaXy Fidvius,
triumphus, cochlea ; and in the unaccented syllable, s. vv. volsella, to{n)sUlae,
promunturium ; also Bramba||^ Hiil/sb. s. vv. furviiSy formica. For classical -ur-
we have O. Lat. -op- in flovius, dovies (see Georges s.vv.). Curium (for corium)
on the Edict of Diocletian viii. 6 is a strange variety. The Appendix Probi
censures furmica (197. 27 KS), formunsus (198. 9 , detutulo (199. i), purpureiicum
marmur (197. 19), as well as tortna for turtna (198. 4 and 28 \ We have tundunt
on two rustic Calendars (C.I.L. i\ p. 280) for class, tondent Cf. Sard, tundere).
§ 28. u for nnaooented 5. The mispronunciation pulenta for polenta (Charis.
96. 13 K. ; Caper 106. 4 K.) shows this change in the pretonic syllable. Cf.
luUigo for loOigo (Georges s.v), &c. In the post-tonic syllable the change to u
is normal ; see ch. iii. § 18.
$ 24. u for 0. These two sounds are, as was mentioned above, merged in
the Romance languages. In Late Latin inscriptions the expression of d by u
D
34 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. U.
is very common^ e. g. patrunus for p<Urdnu8. (Cf. App. Probi 197. aS sobrius
noil 'suber.') Sehuchardt, Vok. ii. p. 91 sqq., has collected a large number of
instances from Inscriptions and MSS. cf.facitud, C.l. L. i. 813:. Forms like
p&mViOj pOmfiio belong to a somewhat different category ; for the original sound
here was ou (cf. pater poumUionom on an old Praonestine cista, Eph. Epigr, L 20 ,
and 6 WHS a development of ou, in the same way that S was of ei [^aee iv. 3a).
The same d for ou seems to appear in the classical forms rotmstus^ rStngo, for
which we have occasional byforms rubustus^ rubigo ',see Georges s. v., and cf.
Probi Append. 199. 5 K. robigo non rubigo). (This use of 6 and u for earlier
ou is discussed in ch. iv. \ 41.) (Cf. nongentos non * nungentos/ Bede 2B1.
36 K.)
§ 25. Other changes of 5 and 6. Curtina, a mispronunciation of corfina
{Dub. Nom, 575 7K.\ muy follow the analogy of curtus ; faeneriSf &c., for /aenoris,
&c. Vel. Long. 72 and 73 K. ) are influenced by giniris and the like ; praestoUtr
and praesiulm- (Curt. Valerian, ap. Gassiodor. 157. 23 K. ; Alcuin 306. 12 K. ;
Bed(i 286. 19 K.) depend on praesto And praesiu ; ostium was in Yulg. Lat. ustium
{ustei Gen. is found in Marc. Emp. xxviii. 37) (Ital. uscio, O. Span, uzo, Fr.
huis) ; 5rwm, an egg, was *dvum (Ital. novo, Span, huevo, O. Fr. uef) ; cSraUium
and curalium are two different forms (Greek KopdK\iov and Kovpikioy) ; and
the bume must be said of opilio and ilpUio. (^The note of Servius on Eel. x. 19
venit et upilio, ftc, implies these quantities : propter metrum ait ^upilio/ —
nam opilio dicimus — et graeco usus est schemate, sicut illi dicunt oivofia pro
eo quod est Svofia^ et oiipij pro eo quod est oprj, Cf. Caper 112 K. upilio,
nunc opilio.)
§ 26. U) Y. The Latin grammarians do not speak so much
about the difference of short and long u as they do about I and i,
perhaps because the first distinction did not so much appeal to the
ear. But in Romance u and u take quite different paths^ u being
merged in 0, and u preserved, as we found t merged in e, and i
preserved. Short U and o of Latin are distinguished not only in
Sardinian (the only Romance language which distinguishes Latin
I and e), but also in Roumanian and in the Latin element of the
Albanian language^ though in the two latter a may have first
become close o, and changed back again to ?/. (A,L.L, vii. 61.)
They are distinguished also in Latin loanwords in Welsh.
Latin u is little altered in Romance, except that in some
countries it has taken a ii-sound, in France (lune^ for Latin lilna),
a Celtic country, and, perhaps by Greek influence, through the
south-east coast of Italy. Italian u, which seems to retain the sound
of Latin u, as Italian i of Latin i, has the close U-sound of Fr.
sou, Germ, gut, du, while our * two ' is a diphthong ending with
a w'-sound. Our short u, e. g. ' full,* ' put,' is open U, the German
ii of und. Lust, &c. being, according to Sweet (Handb. p. 28),
§§ 26-27.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWELS. 35
rather closer than the English. The ' obscure vowel ' of * but/
which is sometimes carelessly spoken of as ^ short u* is an entirely
different vowel, not to be called a U -sound at all. In Welsh and
Breton some Latin loanwords show i for w, e. g. Bret, dir (Lat.
durn/t), but this is probably due to the Celtic tendency to turn
tf-sounds into «-sounds (see however K, Z, xxix. 46). Vulg. Lat.
jinipirus (e.g. Ital. ginepro) ior jilntpSnis (Probi Append. 199. 8 K.)
shows the same influence of the palatal spirant^' (our^) as Vulg.
Lat. Jejiuarivs for Jdnuarim (§ 1). But there is little reason to
believe that Latin u had naturally a «-sound. Plautus, Men, 654,
compares the reiterated fu tu * you ! you ! ' to the hooting of an
owl : —
Matrona. Tu tu istic inquam. Peniculus. Vin adferri noctuam,
Quae ^tu tu' usque dicat tibi? Nam nos iam defessi sumus.
This seems to point to the (?(?-sound of our ' too-whoo/ though
such comparisons should never have too much stress laid on them.
The palatalization of c before « is hardly known in the Romance
languages {K. Z. xxix. 46). The connexion between «f and close O
is seen in the numerous misspellings of 0 for u in plebeian inscrip-
tions (Schuchardt, Tok, ii. 1 49, &c.). In unaccented syllables, as
we have seen (§ 14), ti tended to the w-sound of optumm, optlmuSy
which was written n to the time of Julius Caesar, afterwards /,
and which in the Romance languages is not distinguished from i.
This was the sound of Greek v, which in older Latin was treated like
Latin w, but afterwards was with more exactness spelt (and pro-
nounced) with the Greek letter T (^) ; though in ordinary usage
we often find it, like the ij-sound of opfimus^ represented by i.
In Oscan ii took after certain letters a j^w-sound, e. g. tiurri (Lat.
lurrim), Diumpais (Lat. Inmpis, lymphis), as in the Boeotian dialect
rv\i] was Tiov\a^ or in English * tune ' is pronounced ' tyun ; ' but
there is no trace of this sound in Latin ^ (see ch. iv. § 7).
% 27. DeBcriptions of the TT-sound by Iiatin phoneticians. Ter. Maur.
vi. 339. 143 145 K. : —
banc edere vocem quotiens paramus ore
nitamur ut u dicere, sic citetur ortus :
productius autem cocuntibus labellis
natura soni pressior altius meabit.
^ The confiision of Carthaginian miuulec (?) with Lat. mures in Plant.
Pom. 1009 is no evidence.
D 2
3^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
Mar. Vict vi. 33. 8-9 K. u litteram quotiens enuntiamus productis et coeun-
tibus labris efferemus. Martianus Capella iii. a6i U ore constricto labrisque
prominulis exhibetur.
§ 28. Greek v in Latin. Ter. Scaurus says (vii. 35. 13 K.) y litteram
supervacuam latino sermoni putayerunt, quoniam pro ilia u cederet. sed cum
quaedam in nostrum sermonem graeca nomina admissa sint, in quibus
evidenter sonus hig'us litterae exprimitur, ut * hyperbaton * et * hymniis ' et
' hyacinthus ' et similia, in eisdem hac littera necessario utimur. Y, as a
Greek letter, was not allowed in Roman words (see ch. i.), for the custom
of writing gyla^ &c,, never gained acceptance (Caper vii. 105. 17 K. y litteram
nulla vox nostra adsciscit. ideo insultabis ' gylam ' dicen tibus. Gf. Bede vii.
273. 33 K. ; Ter. Scaur, vii. 22-23 K. ; Vel. Longus vii. 81. 5-8 K. ; Mar.
Victorin. vi. 33. 11 K.), unless the word was mistaken for a Greek one, e. g.
sylra referred to Greek CXi;, Jympha to Greek vvfjufnj^ (Cf. crista non • crysta,
App. Probi 197. 26 K.). The new letter invented by the Emperor Claudius
to express the ii-sound of optumuSy optimus is used for Greek v in words like
NyjnphiuSy BathyUus in the Fasti Antiates written in the reign of Claudius
; C. I. L. i\ p. 247). But before the use of the Greek letter T, the Greek vowel
was written u (Cassiod. 153. 11 K. Y littera autiqui non semper usi sunt, sed
aliquando loco illius u ponebant : itaque in illorum quidem libris banc
scripturam observandam censeo, ^ Suriam ' ^ Suracusas ' ' sumbola ' * sucophan-
tas/ at in nostris corrumpi non debet ; cfl ibid. 160. 16 K.^i ; and the MSS.
of Plautus indicate such spellings as Hiluria for lUyria, &c. Burrus and
Bruges were the forms used by Ennius for Pyrrhus and Phryges (Cicero, Orator
xlviii. 160 ipslus antiqui declarant libri). That it was also pronounced like
ordinarv Latin u we see from the Romance forms of these earlier Greek loan-
words which make no distinction (e.g. Lat iumba for Greek rvfifiw, is in Ital.
tomba, in Sard, tumba, in Fr. tombe). not to speak of Plautus' pun on L^dtts
and Indus (Bacch. 129), and on chrysdltu and crudsdius (ib. 362). After the
yy-sound of optumus, optimus came to be spelt with C, the same letter was in
ordinary usage employed for Greek v, e. g. cignus (Greek Kviewofi)j in Ital.
cecero, being pronounced probably in the same way as the t of optimusj which
in Romance is not distinguishable from ordinary t. Tondrut for Tyndareus on
nu old Praenestine cista (C. I. L. xiv. 4109) is perhaps to be explained by the
^•sound of 0 before nd (.ch. iv. $ 20). Greek lev is often spelt qw\ e.g. Vulg.
qiiiatus for q^athus (see Schuch. Vok, ii. p. 273 sqq. for examples), as Latin qui
is often expressed by Greek kv ; e. g. *AjevKas for XquUa, Kvptivos and Kvpivos
for Quifinus on Greek inscriptions (see Eckinger, p. 123). Oe is found for Greek
V in goerusj ooloephia, byforms of gyrus, cOlyphia, &e. (see Georges s. vv., and
Schuch. ii. 278). Latin u is in Greek inscriptions always expressed by o till
the beginning of the Empire, when ov takes its place. We find v especially
in the suffixes •uUus, -ulitSj -urius, &,c. (Eckinger, p. 58 sqq.) Sidla, SyUa for
SynUa (§ 16) is always Si/XXas.
(For spellings of Greek v and the Latin t2-sound with y, u, i, see
Schuchardt's examples from inscriptions and MSS., Vok. ii. p. 218 sqq.,
and consult Georges, Lex. Wortf, s. vv. cuiiv^^ murra,^ myrietum, myrtumf lympha,
^ Varro Men. 50 B. makes the G^en. phaticus'arrepticiusGl. Sangall. 912 ;
Plur. lymphon. In Glossaries we have Ambr. B. 31 supr.
nymphaticus for lymphaticus, e.g. * nym-
1$ 28-82.] PRONUNCIATION. DIPHTHONGS. 37
murmiUo, Thynia^ Syms, serpyUum, and Brambach, HidfabUcMein s. w. thynnusy
syllaba, sfUus. The Appendix Probi has: tymum non *tumum' (199. 6);
myrta non ' murta ' (199. 7) ; Marsyas non * Marsuas ' (197. 24) ; clamys non
* clamus * (198. ao) ; gyrus non * girus * (197. 37) ; Byzacenus non * Bizacinus*
(198. i) ; amygdala non 'amiddula' (198. 96).)
§ 29. o for i^. The coincidence of Latin 5 and tl in the Romance languages
makes it natural that we should find 0 written for u on late inscriptions, and
in plebeian forms. Roman tiles, for example, from the figliyya, Bucconiana are
in the earlier period marked Bucconiana, but from Diocletian's time often
Boconiana (C. I. L. xv. p. 386) ; and Greek cripa^ appears in late Latin as
atorax (CFeorges 8. ▼.). [In addition to the large number of instances of 0 for H
collected by Schuchardt, Vok. ii. p. 149 &c., see Oeorges, Lex, Worif, s. w.
columna, urceolus, cunnus, luocurio, verecwiduSf and cf. App. Probi 198. 23 puella
non^poella'; 198. 12 cluaca non* cloaca': 197. 25 columna non 'colomna*
(on the last example, see ^ 68 and ch. iii. $ 33.)]
§ 80. 6 for ii. This interchange, as we have seen ($ 241, is properly
confined to words which had originally the diphthong ou, which became in
Latin a sound expressed variously by d and by u (ch. iv. § 41 ). Some examples of
the interchange have been mentioned in § 24. To them may be added hocuiUi,
occasionally in MSS. of Virgil for bttciUa (Ribbeck, Index, p. 391), jocundus for
jOeundus (Georges s. v.% and the examples (many of doubtful worth) collected
by Schuchardt, Vck, ii. p. 181 nqq.
§ 3L Other changes of fi and ii. (Muber was in Vulg. Lat. cciciber, the u
being assimilated to the accented 0 (see ch. iii. § 33). Hence Vulg. Lat. colobra,
with open 0 accented before hr (cf. ch. iii. § 11). (Sicil. culovria, Span, culebra,
O. Fr. culuevre^.; cf. Append. Probi 199. 2 K. coluber non colober : so colober
on inscrr. e.g. Mur. 1144. 3, and in MSS. (Schuch. ii. 149) ; nUrus was norus
(see Georges s. v.) or rather *nora (cf. App. Probi 198. 34 nunis non * nura *),
with open 0 (Ital. nuora. Span, nuera), perhaps by analogy of sdror. Luridus
was *lur{i)dus (Ital. lordo, Fr. lourd) ; puniex shows *pum-^ in Ital. pomice,
Span, pomez, Fr. ponce) ; nuptiae was *nopUa (Ital. nozze, Fr. noces), explained
by analogy of nova nupta (?). Upilio and opilio, ciiralium and cdraUium were
explained in § 35. Aurugo and aungo arc due to interchange of suffixes, not
to transition of vowel-sound. i^So grdvido and grdv€do, $ 10.)
A curious tendency to interchange u-i and i-u appears in Vulg. Lat. stdpila
(seen in Ital. stoppia, O. Fr. estoble, Fr. 6teule, &c.), unless stup- and stip- are
original byforms. (On mituliis and mytilus, see Brambach, IIW/sMcM. s. v., cf.
Gk. HvriX^vij and MirvX^vri, Lat, Gtica and Greek 'iTwioy.)
§ 82. Diphthongs. We have no reason to doubt that Latin
an, ae were in the classical period, and for some time after,
diphthongal sounds. None of the grammarians who discuss
these diphthongs suggests that they were anything else. But
in various dialects of Italy an had been early reduced to a single
sound 0, ae to 2l single sound e, a dialectal or * rustic ' pronuncia-
tion which shows signs of its presence in the speech of everyday
life. The Romance languages indicate that in Vulgar Xatin ae
3H THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
•
had become hardly distinguishable from an open E-sound ; and
the reiterated warnings of grammarians, from the fourth cent.
A.D. onwards, against the confusion of words like aeqiius and
eqnns tell the same story. Welsh praidd (Latin praeda^ for
^prae-heda or ^prae-hida, from preken^lo, jn-ae-hendo) must have
been borrowed before this decay set in ; but Varro's use of at,
instead of e, to express the sound of Greek t) (probably open e),
in scae?ta^ seems to show that the process of development had at
least begun before the Imperial Age. On the other hand, an has
been preserved intact by several of the Romance languages ; and
in the others (e. g. Italian and French), where it has developed to
0 (Ital. cosa, poco, &c., with open o ; Fr. chose), this development
can be proved to be post-Roman. In Latin loanwords in Welsh
we have sometimes «w, e. g. aur (Lat. aurum), sometimes close o.
The pronunciation of these diphthongs mnst have been a com-
bination of the simple sounds of which they are composed ; au,
an a rapidly followed by a w (or o), something like German au ;
acy an a rapidly followed by an ^, something like Welsh ae ; but
how modified from century to century, it is impossible to say.
In (originally) unaccented syllables in compounds, an was reduced
to u (through eu?)y e.g. defrudo, from fraudo (see ch. iii. § iJ^)
(cf. Ital. udire, from Lat. andire) ; ae, or rather the earlier aiy to i
(through ^i?}, e.g. distlsinuy from taedeo (ibid.) ; but in later Latin
the reduction was seldom carried out (ch. iii. § 23). The inter-
jection auy only used by women, seems to have been a cry
expressing wonder or indignation, c. g. Ter. Adelph, 336 au, au,
mi homo, sanusne es ? while the diphthong ae occurs in several
exclamations, such as rae (the Lettish wai), hahae and hahahae, &c.
(Cf. hauhari to bark.)
At! had been in early times a\ ; and this old spelling was often
used by lovers of antiquity in the Imperial period, though the
pronunciation was of course ae, and not at, A curious feature of
Vulgar Latin, reflected in Romance, was the substitution of a for
au in syllables before the accent, when the next syllable contained
the vowel w, e.g. Agmtus, found on Inscriptions for Augustus.
(Ital. agosto.) The same tendency is shown in the Sardinian
dialect of Italian, where Lat. I aur us is laru, &c., and in our
* laughter ' av has an a-sound.
$ 88.] PRONUNCIATION. DIPHTHONGS. 39
Oi, a diphthong used in early times, had been reduced first to
oe^ then to a simple sound il (through some d'-sound probably)
before the classical period. What was the exact sound of the
later diphthong oe, which we find in words like coetns (from
co{myitm)j is difiicult to determine ; and the small number of
words which possessed this diphthong makes it impossible to
ascertain its treatment in Romance. We have already seen
(§ 28) that it is occasionally found as an expression of Greek
V, e.g. goeru9 (beside gyrus), coloephia (beside colyp/iia). The
interjection oiei wis a cry of pain. Thus in Plautus, Mil. 1406,
when the soldier is being thrashed, he shouts : oiei, satis sum
verberatus j and in Terence, PAorm, 663, the miserly father, hear-
ing of the large sum demanded by the parasite, cries out, as if he
had received a blow : oiei, nimium est.
Eu is another diphthong, which arose at a later period through
fortuitous combination, e.g. neuter, a trisyllable (Consentius p. 389.
28 K.) (from nS and uter^ with the accent on the nS, § 149), seu (so
neu, ceu, ch. x. § 16 and 11) (by reduction of si-ve, sei-ve, ch. x.
§ 4); while I.-Eur. eu was, like I.-Eur. ou, in the Italic languages
oUy a diphthong found in early Latin, but reduced to u (as I.-Eur.
el to i) by the second cent. B.C. (ch. iv. § 26). Latin eu of the
Interjection //eu (cf . Greek 0€i5) must have been pronounced like
e followed rapidly by u (or 0) ; for a fifth century grammarian
(Agroecius 122. 11-16 K.) dwells on the distinction between eo,
eAo, and //eft. Greek ev seems to have been usually pronounced
as a disyllabic in Latin. Ul, which can hardly claim to rank as
a Latin diphthong, is seen in the interjection Aui, where it may
express the sound of a whistle, our * whew ! * and in the Dative
cuiy which does not seem to have much differed in pronunciation
from the Nominative quir
$ 38. Grammarians' aooount of dip^tl^ongs. Nigidius (first cent, b.c.^,
up. GeQ. xix. 14. 6 u et o semper principes sunt, i et u semper subditae, e et
subit et praeit ; praeit in * Euripo/ subit in * Aemilio * ; Ter. Scaurus (second
cent. A. D.) vii. 16. 5 K. a igitur littera praeposita est . . . e litter(ae) . . . et
apud antiques i littera pro ea scribebatur, . . ut * pictai vestis,' et ^ aulai
medio' . . . sed magis in illis e novissima sonat (cf. Quint, i. 7. 18' ; Marius
Victorinus .fourth cent. a. d.) vi. 32. 4-6 K. duae inter se vocales jugatae
ac sub imius vocis enuntiatione prolatae syllabnm faciunt natura longam,
quam Graeci diphthongon vocant, veluti geminae vocis unum sonum, ut ae,
oe, au ; cf. Ter. Maur. vi. 338. 418-427 K. and 365. 1326-1334 ; [Probus] de ult.
40 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. U.
syG. iv. 219. 35 K. ; Servius, in Don. iv. 423. 30 K. ; Mallius Theodoras vi. 586
25-26 K. ; Bede vii. 229. 20-25 ^^
§ 84. Ter. Maonu on an. Terentianus Mauriu* makes a distinction between
Latin an and du^ while Latin eu, he says, is like Greek cv always Su, Au, as in
<aut &gd/ ^aut dbi/ ^Aurunci' of Virgil, he compares to Homer's a{4pwrav
(presumably df4pwrca>) and drdp for avrdpf in contrast to the (accented) Su of
auntmy auspices, Greek aCpiw : —
^ aut age ' inquit ille vates, saepe dixit ' aut ubi '
dixit * Auruncif* quod aequo barbarum est producere :
pes ubique lege constat, prima cum correpta sit,
consonans et una plenum non queat tempus dare
• ••«•••*
aitipvacof inqui't poeta sic et aifrdp corripit.
If this means anything, which is doubtful, it ought to mean that in ' aut age.
^aut ubi * the diphthong had a more reduced sound than the au of aurum, a reduc*
tion which was similar to that seen in pretonic au followed by a syllable with
tt, Aruncus like Agustus (Cf. arvnceio, C. J. L. vi. 13416 ; ^ru»tci in Virgil MSS.,
dec. ; Ribbeck, Ind. p. 388.)
§ 36. au in Bomance. Had au been an open 0-sound in Vulg. Lat. it would
have been merged in Latin o, has ae as been merged in f. But that the 0 of
Ital. poco, Fr. chose, is a late development we see from the forms of the words,
which would otherwise have been *pogo, *co8e (Meyer-Lubke, Rom, Oram, i.
p. 235). We may similarly infer the diphthongal character of au, ae, at the
time of the Empire, from the frequently- repeated statement of the gram-
marians that after a diphthong it was impossible to pronounce a double
consonant, e. g. paulum (not pauilum, Paulus (usually spelt Paullus, but not
so pronounced), while after a long vowel double { was common, e. g. stHla,
PoQa, viUum i^Diminutive of r'tnum) .see § 127).
$ 36. u for accented au. The change of au to u in the (originally) unaccented
syllable is in conformity with the rule in dPfrudo, the spelling recommended
for Plautus and Terence on the strength of the MSS. by Ritschl ^Parerga, i.
540) (see also Georges s.v.). But we find also sedfnide in the Lex Repetun-
darum (123-122 b. c. C.I.L. i. 198, § 64 .but sed frawle, § 69), where there
seems no reason for supposing the syllable to have been unaccented [Another
instance of the confusion of au and u in this word is the spell ing/ra»«/rrt, often
found in MSS. of Virgil see Ribbei>k, Index s.v. , which also exh'ihii f rude for
fraude in A. iv. 675, as the MSS. of Lucretius have/n«/«M ii. iHT,/rudi >i. 186
,seo Lachm. p. 85^]. Similarly the u for unaccented au which appears
ri>gularly in the compounds of da udo^ seems to have called into life a byform
of the simple verb, c/urfo, in the first cent. a.d. Georges, Ltx. Lat. WortJ.
s.v. claxuh^ and p. 750;, which remains in the Italian chiudo. ^For chtdam,
lame, in Plant. Pseud. 659, read with the palimpsest claudam.)
§ 37. o and au. 0 for au is a feature of the Umbrian language (e. g. ote,
Lat. aut' and other dialects, and was preserved in 'rustic' Latin, and even
in the Latin of the streets of Rome. Festus tells us of a millionaire who was
nicknamed Grata (i.e. aurdtaj goldfish), because he wore two gold ear-rings
[Festus 202. 13 Th. orata, genus piscis, appellatur a colore auri quod rustici
^orurn' dicebant, ut auriculas 'oriculas,' itaque Sergium quoque quendam
§§ 84-88.] PRONUNCIATION. DIPHTHONGS. 4I
praedivitem . . . Oratam dicunt esse appelJatum, &c. (For oricula, cf. App.
Probi 198. II auris non *oricla.' Orida occurs as a cognomen on inscriptions,
C. I. L, xii. 5686, no. 652.)] Cicero's rival Clodius, was the first of the gens
to change the name Claudius to the plebeian form Qodiua, no doubt with the
view of conciliating the mob. Cicero himself in his letters often uses the
more homely forms with 0, e. g. loreolam (Att, v. aa 4), poHulutn {Fam, xii. is. a ;
oricula i^Quint. Fr. ii. 13. 4), like oriciUa, CatuU. xxv. a (see A. L. L, vi. 84), while
plodo is quoted from his ' De Gloria ' by Diomede (p. 38a. a6 K.), and in Plautus
we seem to find assonance of aurum with omamerdufn^ omaiuSf of auspicium with
otnen^ of auribus with oculus {BursiaWs Jahreabericht, 1881, p. 33). So too Priscian
(L 5a, p. 39 H.) says : (au) transit in o productam more antique, ut 'lotus '
pro lautus, < plostrum ' pro plaustrum, ^ cotes ' pro cautes : sicut etiam pro o,
au, ut * austrum ' pro ostrum, ' ausculum ' pro osculum, frequentissime hoc
fiiciebant antiqui. This usage of au for 0 [cf. Paul. Fest. ai (apparently referring
to a passage of Plautus) ausculari dicebant antiqui pro osculari] is found in
Plautus, not merely in awichalcum (Greek dpflxaXteos)^ where it is due to con-
fusion with aurumy but also in auacOJatur {Bacch. 897, &c.). AvUa \^ot auUa as in the
palimpsest) of Plautus became oUay as PauUa. Paula became PtSUa. It is perhaps
confined to derivatives of os (see Gorges 8.vv. oreat, ostium, osculum^ 08cutor\ which
seems to have had two parallel stems in early Latin, aus and &- (cf.>?curand
jdcur) ; so this gives no evidence on the pronunciation of Lat. o. In the Lex
Metalli Yipascensis of the first cent. a. d. {Eph. Epigr. iii. p. 180) we have scanria
for the Greek oxojpiay which the Romance languages show us to have been
soSria in Vulgar Latin. Rustic or dialectal 0 for au is found in the name
M. Lomti {=^M.Laurenti)j on a jar in the old Esquiline cemetery (c. aooB. c.)
{Ami. Inst 1880, p. a6o), while on plebeian inscriptions we have such forms
as Oil (for Auli) on the tombstone of a praeco {Eph. Epigr. iv. p. 297),
Olipor (C. I. L. xi. 1973), &c. In Greek inscriptions we have 'flXos from the
time of Augustus, but always IlauXAos (though often XlwAXa and IloXAa, like
Lat. Pmia). (See Eckinger, p. 13.) In cauda (Lith. kftdas) the original vowel
may be o, and the spelling au be due to the similarity of sound between 6 and
au. (See K. Z. xxviii. 157 for thiM and other doubtful instances.) [For other
examples of au-o, see Schuchardt, Vok. ii. p. 301 sqq., and Georges, Lex. Wort/.
8.W. caupo, auspicor (Diom. 383. 10 K. Claudius octavo Historiarum 'Flacco
oepicatur *), caulisy cauUcvlusj caums^ raudus (also rudus), pausea, lauretum, plaudo,
daudus, clatattrumy s(/rix (cf. Mar. Vict. 26. 7 K. sorix vel saurix, C. 0. L.
V. a42. 33, corfejr.] (See Diomedes, pp. 382-3 K., Probus Inst. 11&-9 K.)
Suetonius {Vesp. viii. 22) tells us an anecdote of the homely Vespasian :
Mestrium Florum consularem, admonitus ab eo plaustra potius quam plostra
dicenda, postero die ' Flaurum * salutavit [cf. the glosses : plostrum dicimus
magis quam ' plaustrum ' (C. 0. L. v. 93. 13), «nd : ' edit * audit ibid. 89. 7
and 125. 26'.]
( 88. a for au. (^Schuchardt, Vok. ii. p. 305 sqq.) Agustus for Augustus, e. g.
C. L L, ix. 1365 (411 A. D.) (cf. Greek 'A7oi;<TTaA<o$, Mitt. Inst. xiii. p. 236 n. 5 ;
Eckinger, p. 12). The Romance name of the month points to Vulg. Lat.
Agustusy e. g. Ital. agosto, Span, agosto, Fr. aout, and shows that the a was
not merely a conventional symbol for 0. Asculto was the Vulg. Lat. form
of ausadio (cf. Caper 108. 6 ausculta non * asculta ' ), as we see from the
Romance forms, e. g. Ital. ascoltare, Span, ascuchar ; *agurium of augurium
(Raet far agur, to consider, Ital. sciagurato, from *ejcaguratu8, unlucky,
I\
42 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. U.
Span, jaiiro). dadius often occurs for Gattdius on inscriptions (e.g. C.I.L.
ii. 4638, of 275 A. D.) (cf. Gi^eek ♦cmttos, C. /. A, iii. 10, of 309-210 A. d. ;
BtUl. viii. p. 247, of 1 1 A. D., from Eumenia). For similar spellings in Glossaries
(,e. g. ' agustae ' sanctae ; fastus for faustuSy ftc.); see LOwe, Prodr. p. 421. In
MSS. of Virgil, &c., we find Arunci for Aurunci (Ribbeck, Ind. p. 388, cf.
ArunceiOy C. I. L. vi. 13416) ; and modern Italian place-names like Metaro,
Pesaro show a similar change.
§ 89. Greek transcriptionB of au. In Greek inscriptions we find usually
av for Latin au ; but also ao^ e. g. ^aoariyif C. /. L. ix. 6229 and 6230 ; ^aocrivti
6209 (the form IIcloKos does not occur till the fourth or fifth cent. a. d.) ;
also aovy e.g. UaovXktvay C.l.G. 6665; kovkov (2656 b add,) (see Eckinger,
p. 13).
§ 40. ae for an. At is found now and then on inscriptions for axi^ e. g.
m«cso(?eww), C. /. L. i. Fast. min. ix of i a.d.; Padinxis^ &c
§ 41. e for ae. (BrambaCh, Orthogr. p. 205 ; Schuchardt, Vok. i. p. 224 sqq.)
£ for ae (at) is a feature of the Umbrian language, e. g. pre (L&t. prae)f and is
found on Latin inscriptions in the Umbrian territory, e. g. Cesti/a, C. /. L.
i. 168 (Pisaurum), and elsewhere (see Sittl, Lok. Verachied. p. 4). It was
a feature too of rustic Latin, as we see from Yarro, L, L, vii. 0 rustici pappum
* Mesium,* non Maesium ; v. 97 in Latio nire 'edus'; qui in urbe, ut in
miiltis, a addito 'aedus ; and from Lucilius' ridicule of u praetor who called
himself CecUius instead of CaeciUiLs (ix. 10 M. Cecilius pretor ne rusticus fiat.
Cf. Diom. 452. 17 K.). The same variation of e and as found its way into
ordinary pronunciation in the case of country-terms, e. g.faenisicia and fenisiciaf
the hay-harvest. The Romance forms point to s^pes, not saepes ; sSptumy not
saeptum (e. g. Port, sebe, Span, seto; (GrOber, A, L, L. v. 465). From Varro's
remark that scaena (and scaeptrum ?) represented the pronunciation of Greek
aKrjv), anrjirrpoy at his time, we should infer that this ae had a sound
approaching to long open e, for Greek rj probably still had at this period the
open sound (Yarro, L. L. vii. 0 obscaenum dictum ab scaena ; eam ut Graeci
Accius scribit ^ scena.' In pluribus verbis a ante e alii ponunt, alii non, ut
quod partim dicunt ^scaeptrum,' partim ' sceptrum,* alii Plauti *Faenera-
tricem,* alii ^Feneratricem' ; sic 'faenisicia' ac ^fenisicia*). This spelling
of the title of a play of Plautus, Feneratrix^ for FaenSratrix, the Usuress, agrees
with another remark of Yarro th&t fsnusj not faenusj was the pronunciation of
Old Latin, used by Cato and others (Non. 54 M. ; Yarro lib. iii de sermoue
Ljitino : 'faenus autem dictum a fetu, et quasi fetura quadam pecuniae.'
Nam et Catonem et ceteros antiquiores sine a littera * fenus * prommtiasse
contendit, ut fetus et fecunditas). How thoroughly ae (tlirough (ee ?) became
identified with the long sound of open e at a later time, we see from the
remark of a fifth century grammarian, that SquuSj when the first syllable,
tlirough being accented, was unduly lengthened in pronunciation, became
aequus (Pompeius 285. 6K. plerumque male pronuntiamus, et facimus vitium
nt brevis syllaba longo tractusonet ... si (quis) velit dicere ^aequus' pro eo
quod est equus). (Cf. prehendo, with shortening of prae before a vowel, as
lUamo of rf?, and Marius Yictorinus* use of -a«« to express the disyllabic
pronunciation of Gk. -ci/s (67 K. ".) Another grammarian of the same century
gives a caution against the confusicm of vae and i:^ (Agroecius 114. 21 K. , of
qnaeritur and qiiMtur (id. 116. 18 K.) ; while he speaks of the first syllable of
$§ 89-48.] PRONUNCIATION. DIPHTHONGS. 43
praemium, prHium^ prhoor^ as if they were distinguished in writing only, not in
pronunciation (id. 115 K. praemium cum diphthongo scribendum ; pretium,
precor sine diphthongo. Yeteres enim majoris roi sermones cimi diphthongo,
et quadam dignitate scribi voluerunt). Even in the fourth cent. Sei*vius, in
a note on Virgil, Atn. i. 344: —
huic conjux Sychaeus erat, ditissimus agri
Phoenioum, et magno miserae dilectus amore,
thinks it necessary to point out that miseme is the Adjective, not the Adverb
miaei-i. The * Orthographies ' of Bede and Alcuin (the latter served as
a text-book for Garlovingian scribes of MSS.) abound in similar distinctions
(e. g. quaeriiur and queritury Alcuin 308. 16 K. ; Bede 287. 8 K. ; quaestus and questtiSf
Alcuin 308. 1 7 K. ; saevit and secit, Alcuin 310. 5 K. ; Bede 289. 30 K. ; cwUt and celo,
Alcuin 299. 6K. ; Bede 268. 27 K.), some of which may have been taken from
earlier grammarians [ct. Gharisius (.fourth cent.), p. 98 K. on the spelling erumna
for aerumna ; Marius Victorinus (fourth cent.), p. 25 K. on the spelling cesaries
for catsaries], Philargyrius, the Virgil Scholiast, on Ed. iii. 39, defends the ae
othaedera (for fukUhra) by connecting the word with haereo (cf. Paul. Fest. 71. 26
Th. hedera dicta, quod haereat, sive quod edita petat, vel quia id, cui
adhaeserit, edit.). With all this it is no wonder that it is often difficult to
decide whether the proper spelling of a word is with ae or c. [For the rival
claims of e and cie in some words, see Gteorges, Lex. Worif. s.w. mdes^ tvmia,
gMM, maenaj muraenaf paelexj feUa, cetra, ne (the Interjection \ gaesum."]
On Greek inscriptions ^o find f for Latin ae from the middle of the second
cent. A.D., e.g. Kc/nAios, but never 17. (Eckinger, p. 78.) Instances of Latin
ae for Greek rj in inscriptions and MSS. are given by Schuchardt, V(^. i. p. 227
sqq., a very frequent case being that Genitive ending of female names in -aes
(Greek -17$) from the last century of the Republic, e. g. Laudicaes (C.I.L.i. 1212",
which is discussed in ch. vi. § 18.
§ 42. ai for ae. The old spelling ai i» found on Imperial inscriptions,
especially in the reign of the grammarian-emperor Claudius (e. g. C. I. L. vi.
353» of 51 A. D., Caisare) ; but we have the express testimony of Terontius
Scaurus ^second cent.) (16. 7 K. sed magis in illis e novissima sonat\ not
to speak of Quintilian (first cent.) (i. 7. 18 cujus secundam nunc e litteram
ponimus), that the second element, as pronounced, was e, not t. The change
of the earlier ai to the classical form of the diphthong, oe, took place in the
second cent. b. c. (e. g. aedem, beside aujttom, tabelaiy datai^ &c., on the S. 0.
Bacch. of 186 B. c, C. /. L. i. 196). The spelling aeij found once or twice
towards the end of the second cent B.C., e.g. conqitaeisivei, CaeicUiiiSj Caeician[us]j
may mark the transition (see ch. iv. § 29). In ain for aisne^ atbat (disyll.) the
diphthong must have had the sound of O. Lat. ai.
§ 48. Greek ci. Before a consonant Greek t^ is always l in Latin, e. g.
Attides. Before a vowel it is f till the first cent. a. d., then i. Tlius
Alexandra, DarHis, &c., are the earlier spellings; Alexandria^ Darius the later.
(See Brambach, Hul/sbucMein, p. 4.) The •?-, -t- was often shortened (cf. $ 143^
e. g. bain^m (Gk. 0a\av€tov) (cf. Prise, i. p. 71 H. and p. 73 H. on AlpIituSf
Hedortusy Ac). The Greek diphthong which probably passed into the t-sound
about 100 B. c. is a common expression of Latin I, e. g. * Xvrojvtivosy but of
Latin i only in hiatus, e. g. drptiov (for atrium), Iloxnr\(ios (for Publiua) (see
44 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohsp. U.
Eckinger, p. 4a). Latin ei in words like Pompeiua is in Greek tft ; but from
the first century a. d. we find also ti, e. g. IIoi^cios ..Eckinger, p. 81).
§ 44. oe and e. Alcuin and Bede give almost as many rules for the
distinction of oe and e, as for the distinction of ae and e [e. g. cepit and coepitj
coepta and incepta, Alcuin vii. 299. 18 K. ; Bede vii. 269. 14 K. ; fedus (quod est
doformis) and foedus, Alcuin vii. 301-302. 2 K. ; Bede vii. 273. 4 K. ; cf.
Orthogr. Bern. 293. 9 K. ; pene^ penes, and poena, Alcuin vii. 306. 35 K. ; Bede
vii. 286. I K.], some of which may come from earlier grammarians. [For
variations in spelling between oe, e, ae see Schuchardt, Vok, ii. p. 288 sqq.,
and consult Georges and Brambach s. w. cena, caenumy faeteo (cf. Span, hiede),
amoenus, fenus, maereOy paene, proeJiumf caeiebs, caelumy caecus, ohoedio, foedus,
fecundus, obscenua, pomoerium, femijia, fetus, &c.] Greek q> is in classical Latin 0,
e. g. melodia, but earlier oe, e. g. comoeds (cf. Thraex and Thrax, Blass, p. 43).
§ 45. 06 in Bomanoe. *pfnci for poena is indicated by the Romance forms
(e. g. Ital. pena, Span, pena, Fr. peine), and probably *fsdu8 for foedus, foul
(e. g. Span, hedo, feo). C^na (e. g. Ital. cena, Span, cena) is thought to have
been the correct spelling (cf. Osc kersna-), though the spelling with oe (due
to confusion with Greek icoiy6s, as coelum, for caelum, confused with koTKos) is
very old ^^coen- on a Praenestine cista. Mel, Arch. 1890, p. 303).
§ 46. Greek cv. Marius Victorinus vi. 66-67 K* consimili ratione quaeritur,
Orpheus in metro, ut
non me carminibus vincat nee Thracius Orpheus,
utnim trisyllabum an disyllabum sit, an idem nomen duplici enuntiatione
promatur, aut sine a littera, ut Pelous Pentheus, aut cum a, ut ita declinetur
Orphaeus, ut Aristaeus. visum est tamen hoc posse discerni, ut ilia sine a
littera graoca sit enuntiatio, haec latina, quae per diphthongon effertur. The
proper spelling is euftoe, Euhius, euhan, not evoe, Etius, evan (see Brambacji,
Hu^shQchlein s. vv.). For a corruption of Greek cv in \nilgar pronunciation,
see App. Probi 199. 6 hei*meneumata non ^erminomata.' On an old mirror
of Praeneste we have Taseos {Taaei, Gen.) for Sdatbs {Eph, Epigr, i. 23).
§ 47. ui of ooi. Quint i. 7. 27 illud nunc melius, quod ' cui ' tribus quas
posui litteris enotamus, in quo pueris nobis ad pinguem sane sonum qu et oi
utebantur, tantum ut ab illo 'qui' distingueretur. Ter. Scaur. 28. i K. c
autism in dativo ])ouimus, ut sit differentia cui et qui, id est dativi [et
vocativi] singularis et nominativi et vocativi pluralis. Annaeus Comutus
up. Cassiod. 149. 8 K . ' qui ' syllaba per qui scribitur ; si dividitur, ut sit
cui et huic, per c.
§ 48. J, V. That Latin j and v had some sound like our y, w,
and not like our j, v, there can be no doubt whatever. We see
this from the close relation that exists between i and/, u and v
in different forms of the same word in Latin, e. g. jam and
nunciam (3 sylL), itmiis and fenvia (3 syll.), as well as from the
express testimony of grammarians. The signs j and f, which
suggest to us a difference between the sound of these letters and
$$ 44-48.] PRONUNCIATION. 45
of the corresponding vowels, are, as we saw (eh, i. § 7), of quite a
late date. In the Roman period jus and vos were written with i
and u^ ius, tws, exactly like piiis and tuos (ch. i. § i)* The only
question is whether j and v were actual consonants (y, w) or half-
vowels (i, u). Our y, for example, in * you ' is a spirant consonant,
but is often in pronunciation weakened into a half -vowel (Sweet>
Handh, p. 37). The distinction is so slight a one that it seems im-
possible to determine the exact pronunciation of j and v in a dead
language like Latin ; and probably the pronunciation varied at
different times; but we certainly have one or two clear testi-
monies to the consonantal character of these sounds. Thus a
fifth (?) century grammarian remarks on the difficulty experienced
by the Greeks of his day (as by the Greeks of our own time) in
pronouncing this j^-sound in such a word as jiis. They make the
word, he says, almost a disyllabic (Consentius v. 394 K.). And
the same writer in another passage mentions a corresponding
mispronunciation of the w-sound in veni (v. 395. 15 K. u quoque
litteram aliqui pinguius ecferunt, ut, cum dicimt *veni/ putes
trisyllabum incipere). And much earlier, in the first cent. a. d.,
we have a distinction drawn between v of valenU^ primifivo,
&c., and the u of qvis. The former is said to sound ' cum aliqua
aspiratione' (Velius Longus vii, 58. 17 K.), much as Varro, the
contemporary of Cicero, says that r- had a strong thick sound
(crassum et quasi validum) in vqfer, velum, vinuni, vomis, vulnv^
&c. (Z/. L. iii. fr. p. 148 Wilm.). That this consonantal character
of ^' and V intensified and developed itself as the centuries went
on, we see from the Romance languages, e.g. Italian, where
Latin v has become our r-, Latin ^* our^-sound (e.g. vostro, Lat.
rosier, giurare, Lat. jurdre) ; and it is possible that the further
back we go in the history of the Latin language the less con-
sonantal was the sound of ^' and v ^ But there is no evidence of
this, unless we count as such the scansion abicio in Plautus and
Terence, where the j appears to be so entirely sunk in the follow-
ing i (e?), as not to make the first syllable long by position,
* I. -Eur. 8w6- became Latin so-, indicate that the v of sve- was more
e. g. soror (through *«ro- ?\ but not consonantal than ordinary r.
I.-Eur. w6-, e, g. vetus, which may
46 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
whereas in dhic'w of the classical poets the first syllable is so
lengthened {A. L, L. iv. 560) (but see ch. iii. § 25). This merging
of j in a following i has been compared with the merging of the
u of qUy which Velius Long^s tells us was more vocalic than the
V of valente^ &c., in a following «, e. g. cum (earlier quom) for
quum^ locuntur (earlier loqumUur) for loquuntur (cf , § 93). A similar
unconsonantal character for v in early Latin has been inferred
from the reduction of Ivi to i in such Plautine forms as obliscar
for obliviscoTy dinns for divvnis; but in the absence of express
testimony, such as we have for the consonantal character of j
and t? at a later time, it is impossible to decide positively so
minute a point. An untrained ear can hardly distinguish between
the spirants y, w, and the half- vowels jf, u, nor yet between the
various nuances of the M7-sound, such as our wA, e. g. * which,^ the
unvoiced w, differing from the voiced w of * witch ' as j? from ^,
/' from d, c from ^, or such as in French * oui,' the consonant of
the vowel of French * sou,^ while our w is the consonant of the
vowel of English ' full/ ' put ' (Sweet, Handbi, p. 42). So much
we can say, that the pronunciation of j and v certainly became
more and more removed from the half -vowels in the centuries of
the Empire ; and it is natural to infer a movement in the same
direction in the Republican period. But when exactly j and v
ceased to be half -vowels and became consonants, or how far their
character varied according to their position in the word it is
impossible to determine with precision.
The same tendency to syncopate a short unaccented syllable
that produced caida out of c<da affected the vowels i, u when
they preceded other vowels. The word Idnm is a trisyllable in
Plautus ; it has become a dissyllable in classical Latin, just as
Idrldum of Plautus became Idrdnm. The only forms known to
Plautus are miluos, rSltcuos, grdtiu, which in classical Latin
are milvos^ reliquos (by the middle of the first cent. a.d. relicn^),
gratis. In the first cent. a.d. tennu wavered between a dissyl-
lable and a trisyllable (Caesellius ap. Cassiod. vii. 205 K.).
This reduction of the vowel % after ty c led, as we shall see
(§§ 9^) 94)1 ^ ^^^ assibilation of these consonants. Titius
became *TUi/us and then something like ^Titsua (cf . our * orchard '
for ' ort-yard '), as we learn from the remark of a fifth cent.
§ 49.] PRONUNCIATION. J, V. 47
grammarian, quoted below : si dieas ' Titius ' (i) pinguius sonat
et perdit sonum suum et accipit sibilum.
As to the pronunciation of words like Maia^ Pompeius^ ejti4s,
where the diphthong is followed by a vowel, we have very clear
information from the grammarians that the i-sound was shared
both by the first and the second syllable, Mai-j(a or Mai-ya, not
Ma-ia, Ma-ya. To express this sound Cicero proposed to write
MaiiUf Aiiax with two i^s ( Velius Longus vii. 54. 1 6 K. ; Quint,
i. 4. 11); and on inscriptions we find spellings like maiIobem
(CI, L, ii. 1964, col. iii. 10) (see ch. i. § 7), where the long form
of I may express the consonantal or half -vocalic sound j^ as in
conIvnx {CLL. vii. 8, &c.) (ch. i. § i). Whether it was this
abeady existing practice of writing long I for >, which made
Claudius abstain from proposing a new letter for j, when he
introduced the inverted F-sign for v, or whether he followed the
Greek alphabet which had a sign for w (the digamma), but none
for y, w^e cannot say. Possibly the reason is to be found in the
more rapid development of the zr-sound (Latin t?) than of the
^-sound (Latin j),
V and b (which had by this time become between vowels the
bilabial spirant) were, as early as the third cent. a. d., hardly
distinguishable, as is seen from the frequent warnings given by
the grammarians against confusion of labat and lavat (Probi
Appendix 199. 22 K.), libido and livido (ib. 201. 4 K.), &c., &c.
Indeed one grammatical treatise (of the fifth century) is
devoted to this very subject : Adamantii sive Martyrii de
B vocali et V vocali. It was summarized by Cassiodorus for
the book on Orthography which he compiled for the use of
Benedictine copyists of MSS. (Keil, Grammatici Lafiiil, vol, vii).
At some time before the fifth cent, a.d., when precisely we
cannot say, initial i\ and possibly v in other positions too, seems
to have passed from the bilabial spirant (Spanish b) to the
labio-dental spirant (our r). After ly r it assumed in time the
sound of the voiced mute b.
% 49. Testimony of grammarians. Quintiliaii i. 4. 10, t i, after saying that
H letter is wanting to the Latin alphabet to express the sound of t in sercus^
rulffus, the Aeolic digamma, goes on to speak of the consonantal <j)ro consonan-
Hbiis) character of the vowels t, ?/, e. g. iam but etianiy uoe but tuos. Of cmjicit
he sayn, Uttera i sibi insidit^ and so with u in vulgus^ serrus. In another passage
4^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
(i. 7. 26) he tells us that seruos was the spelling of his teachers, seruus that of
his own time, but that neither spelling quite expressed the sound, so that-
the emperor Claudius had good reason to introduce a new letter like the
Aeolic digamma (cf. xii. 10. 29). The UHual expression of the grammarians
for j and v is ^ (i, u) transeunt in consonantium potestatem ' (e. g. Mar.
Victorin. vi. 5. 18 K. ; Donat. iv. 367. la K. ; Charisius i. 8. i : cf. Diom. i.
423. 14 K. ; Ter. Maur. vi. 341. 536 K.). Later they talk of the ^ pinguis sonus '
as opposed to the ^ exilis ' or * tenuis ' (vocalic), the first to use this term being
Servius (fourth cent.) (iv. 422. i K.), e. g. Pompeius (fifth cent.) (v. 103 K.
^ vanus * quando dico pinguior sonus est. numquid dicis u a nus ? ergo vides
quia, si ponantur solae, tenuem sonum habent, si jungantur ad alias litteras,
pingues sonant, similiter et i sic patitur. ^ itur/ ecoe tenuius sonat ; si dicas
^Titius/ pinguius sonat et perdit sonum suum et accipit sibilum). Finally
Priscian (sixth cent.) speaks of the *■ di versus sonus ' of j and v from t and u,
and questions the soundness of Gensorinus' (third cent.) contrary opinion
(i. p. 13 H. non sunt in eisdem, meo judicio, elementis accipiendae : quamvis
et Censorino, doctissimo artis grammaticae, idem placuit) (cf. Nigidius
ap. Gell. xix. 14. 6). In another passage Priscian talks of v and h as quit«
similar in sound (i. 18. 10 H.), where he says that caelebs should be written
*caelevsy the word being derived from c^nelum and vita, and meaning literally
cadestium vitam ducens (I), were it not that v is never allowed to stand before
a consonant. He goes on to say that b had this sound in* very early Latin,
because Quintilian quotes Belena for IWthia {f(Kiva) (cf. Scrv. in Don. 422. 2 K.,
and C. 1. L. i. 1501) from early literature. This remark is interesting as
showing how early MS. corruptions showed themselves. When we turn to
the passage in Quintilian (i. 4. 15), we find that he is discussing the use of b
for Greek v and (p in early Latin. His examples are Burrus (for nvpp6s\ Bruges
(for ^pvyts) and b<ilaena (for <f>dK\aiya), The whole passage is taken from
Yerrius Flaccus, who used these same examples. In our MSS. of Quintilian
there is the corruption Belena for balaenay a corruption which must have also
existed in the MS. used by Priscian, and which led him to make this mistake
(Fleck, Jahrb, 1889, p. 394). We notice that Consentius (fifth cent. ?^ happens
to use pinguis in precisely the opposite sense when he speaks of that mis-
pronunciation of rent which made the word almost like a trisyllable (v. 395.
15 K.)) unless indeed he is referring to the bilabial (to) as opposed to the
labiodental spirant sound (r) (see below). Other barbarisms which he
mentions as * in usu cotidie loquentium ' are so-lu-it for disyllabic solvit, uam
for vvanij induruit i^R trisyllable) (v. 392. 35 K. .
§ 50. J and v in early Ijatin. Priscian {i. p. 17. 3 K. : is certainly wrong in
explaining the sine invidia of Terence (Andr, 66) by the vocalic character of r
;see ch. iiL § 34; ; Accius' augtim \Trag, 624 R.) : pro certo arbitrabor sortis,
6racla, aditus, augura, may be a byform, and not a case of suppression oft (y) ;
progenie mi genui on a hexameter line of a Scipio epitaph of c 130 £.0. (C. /. L.
i. 38; is perhaps a graver's error for progeniem genui ; the use of -1, not -tt, in
the Gen. Sing, of lO-stems in the older writers has nothing to do with the
sound of > (see ch. vi. § 90), nor have the Plautine forms ain (always), aibat
(occasional) (see ch. viii. § 35) ; peidro, where the r of the preposition has been
dropped, owing to the consonantal nature of the t, seems to be a later spelling
than periero (see Georges, Lex, Wwif, s. v.) ; and the tine account of puleium
fleabane (also pulegium, see Georges) is a matter of doubt (see ch. iv. § 1 16).
$$ 60-62.] PRONUNCIATION. J,V. 49
Between I and another », v disappears at a very early time, e. g. obiiacorf dinua in
Plautus (see Rhein, Mus. xxxv. 627' ; and Plautus* trisyllabic avonculiis (aunculus
or aonculua) seems to be a suppression of pretonic v like the later Noembris
for Novembris (see below). The vocalic nature of v in cave '.pronounced with
^, ch. iii. § 44) is seen from Cicero's story [Dir. ii. 84) of the confusion of Cauneas
(sc. ficiis Tendo) with cave ne eas, as well as from the spelling causis for cgva sis
in Juvenal ix. lao ; of v in ave (pronounced with 'Sj Quint, i. 6. ai) from
Phaodrus' fable {App, ai) of the man wlio mistook the caw of a crow for
this word {/amUa for familia on an inscr. of Ameria in Umbria^ C. /. L. xi.
4488, may be a dialectal variety, like the Oscan famdo *■ familia ' of Bantia^ Zv.
J.l.L asi). Our w is similarly suppressed in ^Ha(w)arden/ ^Main(w)aring/&c.
§ 61. in late Ijatin and Bomanoe. With Latin J (our y) were merged in
Vulgar Latin g before c, t, and d before t followed by a vowel (see below), for
these three Latin sounds are indistinguishable in the Romance languages.
Spellings therefore on late inscriptions like Dixdiali (Rossi 1 1 18, of 568 a. d/ ,
Madias (Rossi 17a), Oiove {I.R.N. 695 \ Oianuaria (Fabr. x. 63a, Interamna,
of 503 A. D.) do not indicate that i had passed from the t/-sound ^see A.L.L.
i. aao), but that -rfm-, -dia-^ gioj gia- were pronounced like -yu, -ya, yo-, &c.
The occasional spelling with Lat. z, Greek C, e.g. Zannario {C.LL. x. a466),
CovXcia (J. I, S. 8a6. aa, Naples), tco(ovs (Lat. co{n)juXf C, I.L, x. 719, SuiTentum)
is probably nothing but an attempt to indicate the spirant sound ofj (our y)
as opposed to the vocalic sound of i ; for Lat. 2, Greek ( had at this time the
soft or voiced 5-sound of our verb * to use,* and not our J-sound, nor the sound
of -dz- in ^adze' (see § lao). (For other examples see Schuchardt, Vok. i.
pp. 66 sqq.) This Vulgar Latin y-sound of triple origin is y in Spanish (in
most situations\ in Sardinian, and (by Greek influence ?) in South Italian,
but in ordinary Italian (except when pretonic, e.g. rione from Lat. regidnemj
ajuta, pronounced ayuta, from Lat. adjutat) it has become the sound of our j ;
while in French (in most situations) it has assumed the sound which we
write 5 in * pleasure,' z in ^ azure.' Thus Latin jugum is Span, yugo, Ital.
giogo, Fr. joug ; Lat. majus is Span, mayo, Sicilian mayu, Ital. maggio ; Vulg.
Lat. Jenuariua is Sicil. yennaru, Ital. gennajo, Fr. Janvier. In loanwords in
Welsh Latin j has the y- sound, e.g. lonawr (Lat. Jdmidrius), dydd lau (Lat.
dies Jovis), In Greek inscriptions, besides the usual 1, e. g. 'lovkioSf UovvtioSf
we have sometimes 17 and ci, e.g. 'HovAios, Eiovktos, Tatios and Tarjos (see
Eckinger, p. 80).
The barred d of the Pelignian dialect (Petie</u, uicfadu, Uibe^u, afied in the
same inscription, ZvetaiefT, Inscr. Ital. Inf. 13) expresses some sound into which
consonantal t (y)and di in hiatus had developed (Latin Pettiediaj *mam'dOj Vibidia,
abiif) {Rhein. Mus, xliii. 348 ; Qass, Rev. vii. 104), and seems to be a dialectal
anticipation of the coincidence of di in hiatus and j in Vulgar and late Latin.
After a short accented vowel y suffered some similar change in Teutonic,
witness Ck>th. iddja I went, from the root £1 to go.
$ 62. V oonftised with b in late Ijatin and Bomanoe. From the beginning
of the second century a. d. we begin to find b and v interchanged on inscrip-
tions (see Schuchardt, Vok, i. 131 and iiL 67 ; Brambach, Orth, p. 338), and by
the third century the confusion is complete. The 6-symbol is, as is natural,
used for the v-sound more frequently than the vowel symbol (capital V, uncial
U, see i« 7) for b. Latin b had probably by this time become, when betwi^en
E
50 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. H.
vowels, a spirant (see § 78), so that the tendency is to restrict V, U to the
vowel- (u), B to the spirant-sounds {h, v\ (For examples of the interchange
see the Indices to the Corpus,) In Greek inscriptions ov is the earliest spelling
for Lat. r, and continues to be the usual spelling throughout the Imperial
period, e.g. dpovaX^f Mon. A»cyr,y Oitmnunoa^m (never Bc^v-), ovcrcporo; and
ovcT/Niyos, &c But we find $ occasionally even in the first cent. a. d., the
earliest examples being ^Xa/3iof, Attfiios ^the usual spelling), StX^oi^of, Baktpiot.
This use of fi may have been stimulated by the preference of a single to
a double symboL Atifiios is more pleasing to the eye than Aciomw ; and in this
¥ray we may explain why Latin or is more often ofi than oov. (It is often ov,
e. g. Nouior) (see Eckinger, pp. 8a sqq.) Little light however is thrown on the
pronunciation of Latin r by this Greek use of fi ; for in the first place, the
pronunciation of fi itself in the Imperial age is uncertain . Blass supposes it
to have become a spirant, as in modem Greek, in the second cent. a.d.
Aus^prache d, Oriech,* p. 91), and in the second, the use of fi followed in all
probability the use of 6 in the Latin spelling. (Thus on the Edict of Diocletian
vulva is spelt bulba in the Latin inscription, $ov\fifi in the Greek.) We some-
times find ov and 0 on the same inscription, e.g. Nc^ovo and Jftpfia (second
cent.\ ^XooMoyos and ^Xafiiopos on an inscr. of Gyrene, 117-125 a.d. (see
Eckinger). The remarks however of the Grammarians point, as we have
seen, to r having retained its connexion with the vowel u till a later time in
correct pronunciation ; and the same thing is indicated by the loss of inter-
vocalic r in jMimevi/um, &c., for pdvimentum (see below). At what time the
bilabial spirant r (our w) became the labiodental spinmt r (our r) is not easy to
say. It would be rash to conclude from spellings like connrtMiM. amririo
(where the m of com is changed to n) on the Lex Municipalis of Julius Caesar
{^CI.L. i. ao6\ and still more from inviUn^ inrifeis (where the it of i'm is retained)
on the Sententia Minuciorum of 117 fi.c. (i. 199^ that the change had taken
place in the Republican period; for as early as 189 B.C. we have inpeiraior
OVilm. 3837 \ and in the Sen. Cons, de Bacchanalibus of 186 b.c. compromesise
i. 196), clear instances of n before an undoubted bilabisL The facts certainly
point to com-, im- being the oldest spellings before r- ,and/> see $ 64^ e.g.
comroFtstf (and coventionid] L 196 ; comrafem, coia0uont (but also om^/IomomX) L 199 ;
and the im uita of the Palimpsest of Plautus {Merc 471% c&muiuas Jf<m. 234),
may rest upon old tradition ; but the substitution of -m for -m of a preposition
before a consonant in a compound is no certain evidence for the nature of
the consonant ^see § 6^\ More weight may be attached to Cicero's deliberate
preference of the spelling com before r, mentioned by Marius Yictorinus
^fourth cent. a.i>.} ^i8l 14 K.^ : item consonantes inter se, sed proprie sunt
cognatae, quae simili figuratione oris dicuntur, ut est b, 1 m, p. quibus Cicero
adicit u, non earn quae accipitor pro vocali, sed earn quae consonantis obtinet
vicem, et anteposita vocali fit, ut aliae quoqoe consonantes. quotiens igitur
praepositionem sequetur vox cigus prima syllaba incipit a sapradictis litteris.
id est b, f, m, p, v, quae vox coiguncta praepositioni significationem ejus
confundat, vos quoque praepositioms litteram mutate, ut est * combibit,*
* comburit," 'comfeit,' " comfundit,* " commemorat," 'comminuit/ *comparat.*
*compellit/ ^ comvalescit.' * comvocat,' non ^conbibit,' 'conburit'et similia.
sic etiam praepositio juncta vocibos quae incipiunt a supradictis litteris n com-
mutat in m, ut ^ imbibit,* ' imboit,' * imfert,' 4mficit,' * immemor,' " immitis."
' impius.* * impotens.* The ordinary rule that comt-y tm- are used before p, h.
$ 52.] PRONUNCIATION. J,V. 51
m is quoted by Priscian (i. p. 31. a H.) from Pliny, Papirian, and Probus (cf.
Papir. ap. Cassiod. i6a. 6 K. ; Prob. 150. 6 K.) with no mention either of
/(which Mar. Vict, must have taken from some older grammarian), or of r.
It is true that Cicero's spelling, comuoccUf &c., might equally well be taken as
a proof of the more vocalic nature of c in his time ; for before a vowel cotn
is often the form in use, e. g. cdmSdo, conUtor, &c. [Caesellius Vindex (end of
first cent, a-d.) (ap. Cassiod. ao6. 17 K. ) recommends com- before a vowel, con-
before a consonant or v : tunc pro m littera n litterae solium decentius effe-
remus]. But the Latin and Teutonic loanwords give a similar indication of
a change in the pronunciation of v (at any rate of initial v), during the period
of the Western Empire. The early Latin loanwords in Teutonic languages
show invariably w for Latin t^-, e.g. Goth, wins, our *wine,* *wall,* *-wick *
(Latin rtnum, v<Ulumy vicus). But Teutonic loanwords in Italian &c., which
date from the Gk>thic occupation in the fifth cent. a. d., show(;ru- for Gothic to-
(e.g. guarire from Gk>thic waijan ; guisa, our ^ -wise '), an indication that the
initial to- sound had passed out of use in Latin. An examination of the
Romance languages does indeed suggest that the change from the bilabial to
the labiodental spirant was not completed in the Vulgar Latin of all the
provinces ; but on the other hand the close connexion of the to- and the
r-sounds, and the frequent passage of a language from either sound to the other,
weaken the force of the evidence. In Vulgar Latin intervocalic b had been
merged in r. This v, of double origin, has the labiodental sound in Italian
and fVench ; but is bilabial in Spain, and (possibly through Greek influence)
in South Italy. Spanish and South Italian also merge initial h and r. Thus,
while initial and intervocalic h of Latin bibo receive a different treatment in
Italian bevere, they have the same spirant sound in Spanish beber, Sicilian
viviri, Calabrian vivere. The identification of Latin v and intervocalic b in all
the Romance languages, and therefore in Vulgar Latin, shows that it was in this
position, in the middle of a word between vowels, that b first became a spirant
sound ;8ee below). Confusions of spelling between b and v are usually of
this sort, e. g. Ddnuviua, the spelling of the classical period, later Banubius (see
Georges, Lex. Wortf. a.y.y and for other examples, s. w. abellana, gabata, viduvium,
Suebi, sebum, Vesuvius^ sevir). That the development alHO of v differed accord-
ing to its position in a word is a natural inference, and is confirmed by the
evidence. Initial accented v would, owing to the stress with which a con-
sonant was pronounced in this position, develop its consonantal character
more rapidly than intervocalic t?, especially than pretonic intervocalic v (see
below). A good instance of a confusion of spelling due to this is the word
vvH^/icuSy which so often assumed the form beneficus, that it produced in late
Latin a new word for a sorcerer, maH^cua {A.L.L, i. 79) (cf. Probi App.
200. 9 K. inter beneficum et veneficum hoc interest, quod beneficum bene
facientem significat, veneficum autem veneni datorem esse demonstrat).
VatiUum \6 the correct spelling, not bdWlum (Nettleship, Contributmis to Lot,
Lezic 8. v.).
After r and I the same thing seems to have happened ; cf. late Lat. albetis
.Agrim. 8a. 24), arba (75. 19), Vulg. Lat. corbusj curbus (Fr. corbeau, courbe,
kc). Pliny's example of preconsonantal I is the word silva (§ 99) ; and the
classical spelling of the Perfect of/errco, where rv is followed by u is/erbui not
fervui (/eruui) (cf. Georges, Lex, Wort/, s. w. vulvay orum, gUvus ; Probi App.
198. 7 alveus non 'albeus.' Albeus occurs often on inscrr., e.g. CI.L, x. i.
E 2
52 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. H.
1695. 1696, 475a, 6850, Eph. Epigr. iii. 48). Tho only (?) early example of r6, lb
becoming rr, Iv is aceroissimam {I. N. 1951, of 155 a. d.), a misspelling due to con-
fusion of two similar words acerhtts and acervusj and not to be taken as evidence
of a change of the sound rh to the sound rr. But rby W for rr, Iv is common on
inscrr., e.g. coserba, HelbiuSy salbus, aerbcUj serbus, balbis (see index to C.I.L. xiv;.
Assimilation also often played a part in the development of r and b ; e.g.
rervex is in Vulg. Lat. *berbix (Fr. brebis, Ital. berbice) ; vervadum is ^barbadum
(Span, barbecho, Sard, barvatu, Port, barbeito), and the only change of r6 to rr
that is common to all the Romance languages, viz. moiTus for niorbua, seems to
show the influence of the initial m (Span. muermo,Port. mormo, Prov. vorma,
Fr. morve, Sicil. morvu. See A. L. Z. iv. lai). Primilegium for pHvtlSgium (Caper.
iTi. a K.) is due to confusion with |>riniti«. We have /for v in the spellings
.iudicafid {CLL. vi. 659a), Ma/orHo (le Blant, I.G. 6ia A, of sa^ a.d. from
Narbonne).
§ 53. Intervooalio v dropped. Between vowels r seems to have retained
a vocalic character much longer. It was dropped before u of the Nom. Sing., thus
(ririis (older deiv-) became *d€ius, deusy Gnaevus became Qnaeusy &c. (ch. iv. § 70), but
was usually restored from the other cases, e. g. rivus from rtw, &c., but Vulg.
Lat, had rtus, &c. (Ital. rio, Prov. rius, O.Fr. riu) ; between similar vowels it
is very prone to disappear, e. g. i-f, sUs, for sH t?ls, obtlscoTf dinus (Plant.), just as
in Mod. Tuscan between e-e, bee for beve ; late spellings like noiciusy for noviciusj
\oe{m)bri8 for NovembriSf &c., are very frequent, especially when v stands before
the accent. (For examples see Schuchardt, Vok. ii. pp. 47isqq.,e. g. Flaus
C. I. L. i. a77, viii. 94aa, ao E. E. v. 777 ; cf. the remarks of grammarians
like Probus, Inst. 113. 17 K. hoc ovum et non hoc *oum'; Probi App. 198
5. K. flavus non * flaua ' ; ib, 199. a K. rivus non *rius ' ; ib. 198. 8 K. favilla
non * failla ' ; ib. 199. a K. pavor non * paor ' ; ib. 197. a8 avus non * aus * ;
similarly on Greek inscriptions Noc/</3pios is the usual form (as early as 73
B.C. in S. C. of Oropus) ; cf. 'Oirraioy (time of Augustus) ; *Aiovos (C. /. /. 4750) ;
Xiriposy &c. (Eckinger, p. 9a) (see also Georges, Lex. Wortf, s. vv. longao, boa,
booy Ribbeck, Index, p. 448 for spellings in Virgil MSS. Vikefluius, exuiae, iuenis,
lieside which we find /luvcnta, bovum, /luvidus, fludtantem, ingruvit, tenuvia).
§ 54. Fostconsonantal v dropped. Vulg. Lat. v (in classical Latin the vowel u)
is also dropped after consonants not only before w (for examples see Schuchardt,
Vok. ii. pp. 464 sqq.), e. g. mortus for moriuus, cardus for carduus (cf. carddis
Petron 46. 4) (Ital. morto, cardo ; Span, muerto, cardo ; Fr. mort, chardon
from *cardo, -5nis), just as -quu- became -cm- in the beginning of the first cent.
A. D. e. g. ecus, locuntur, locuUis (see § 93), but also when pretonic in words like
J(ni{u)ari\i8, Febr{u)ariu8, battM)ere, cons{u)ere, contin{u)ari (see Georges and
Brambach s. vv. and for coniin u)ari, A. L, L, viii. ia9, 136. Examples of this
sj>elling in Inscriptions and MSS. have been collected by Schuchardt, Vok. ii.
pp. 467 sqq. Compare the Romance forms, e. g. Ital. gennajo, febbrajo,
batt^re, cucire, &c.) (see ch. iii. § 15). In the App. Probi we have : 199. la
Februarius non ^Febrarius' ; 197. 33 vacua non * vaqua,' vacui non *vaqui'
(cf. Febranus in various Latin inscriptions, such as C. I. L. ix. 3160 ; xiv.
58. a795). Pituita must have had in ordinary speech the trisyllabic pronuncia-
tion which Horace gives it {Epp. i. i. 108 nisi cum pituita molesta est), and not
the quadrisyllabic of Catullus (xxiii. 17 mucusque et mala pituita nasi). For
Aelius Stilo's derivation of the word was * quia petit vitam ' (ap. Quint, i. 6.
$$93-66.] PRONUNCIATION. H. 53
37), and the Vulgar Latin form was *pipita or *pippita (Ital. pipita, Span,
pepita^ Fr. pepie ; cf. Mid. Engl, pippe, Swiss pfiffis). On the other hand
siMvis seems to have been a trisyllable in Vulg. Lat. (as in Sedulius^ e, g.
i. 374, and later poets), e. g. Ital. soave, O.Fr. so-^f, Prov. soAu. Servius (ad
Aen, i. 357) tells us that many persons in his day considered suddet to be
a trisyllable.
$ 56. ai, ei before a vowel. Velius Longus says that Cicero wrote Maiia^ &c.,
because he thought these words should be written as they were pronounced
{axuiitu emenms scriptionem) ; so cojicit might be written coiiicii to express the
sound of the first syllable cot and the second and third syllables iicit (Vel.
Long, vii.54. 16 K.) : inplerisque Cicero videtur auditu emensus scriptionem,
qui et ^ Aiiacem * et ^ Maiiam ' per duo i scribenda exist imavit : quidam unum
esse animadvertunt, siquidem potest et per unum i enuntiari, ut scriptum
est. unde illud quod pressius et plenius sonet per duo i scribi oportere exis-
timat, sic et ^ Troiiam/ et siqua talia sunt, iude crescit ista geminatio, et
incipit per tria i scribi * coiiicit,' ut prima syllaba sit col, sequentes duae iicit. . .
at qui Troiam et Maiam per unum i scribunt, negant onerandam pluribus
litteris scriptionem, cum sonus ipse sufficiat. banc enim naturam esse qua-
rundam litterarum, ut morentur et enuntiatione sonum detineant, quod accidit
et in eo quod dicimus * hoc est ' [pronounced * hoccest ' p. 54. la], cum ipsa
vastitas litterae in enuntiatione pinguescat. atque ipsa natura i litterae est
ut interjecta vocalibus latinis enuntietur, dum et prior illam adserit et
sequens sibi vindicat. So Priscian (x. i. 494) says that aio was spelt aiio
in former times, and is still pronounced ^ayyo' {iloco consonant is fiabet duplicis).
Our ordinary pronunciation Trd-jay E'jus is wrong. The first vowel of the
diphthong retained its natural quantity, i^jeroj G&iuSy but ijvA, aioy nu^or (see
Arch. Qlott, Ital. x), as we see from Romance forms like Ital. peggio (%vithopen
e) for Latin pSjotj and from the remark of Terentianus Maurus (p. 343 K.), that
in Troja, Maia, pejoty Jejunium the vowel preceding j is short in each of these
words, though the syllable is long. Similarly ^Wo, to utter the cry et (Plant.
Aid. 796 ei mihi ! . . Cur eiulas ?} must have been pronounced ei-julo. In
unaccented syllables jf, i seem to have been dropped after a short vowel in
Latin, e.g. the Adj. suffix -eus for *-euos {Riv. Filciog. 1891 p. 18) (ch. v.).
Spellings like aiio are sometimes found in MSS. of classical authors, e. g. aio in
the archetype of Hor. Epp. i. 15. 45 was written aiio, whence the corruption
aiio in several MSS {Class. Rev. v. 296; ; eiius in the Ambrosian Palimpsest of
Plautus, Most. 981 &c. ; piiaculum (in the Vetus Codex pilactdum) True. 223.
§ 56. H. Latin ^, the representative of Indo-European GH (e.g.
/lostisy our 'guest') must in prehistoric times have had some
sound like German c/i in * ach,' Scotch ci in ' loch/ but by the
literary period had been reduced to the mere spiritus fortis, our
A. We have no reason to doubt that the sound was dropped in
Vulgar Latin as early as the middle of the third cent. b. c, for
we have not a trace of initial or medial A in any of the Romance
languages, not even the oldest ; and one of the earliest tasks of
g^rammarians at Rome was to draw up rules for the correct use of
54 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
initial //, their usual practice being to appeal to the Sabine dialect
where I. -Eur. gh- had become/ (e. g,fostis\ as ^^ in our * enough '
(ch. iv. § lai). The Greek aspirated consonants ^,x, <^(t-h, k-h,
p-h, as in * an^-^eap/ * ini-^orn/ * uj»-^ill *) were expressed by the
simple tenues /, r, 7? in the Latin of the Republic, until at the
time of Cicero it was felt necessary to express them more
accurately by M, ch^ph (ch, i. § 11) ; and this pronunciation was
carefully followed in polite circles. The struggle to attain the
new shibboleth of fashion led to ludicrous misapplications of the
^ -sound by the uneducated classes, which have been satirized by
Catullus in his famous epigram on Arrius (84) : —
^Chommoda' dicebat siquando commoda vellet
dicere ot insidias Arrius * hinsidias ' ;
and the dropping of h seems to have been even in the time of
St. Augustine an unpardonable breach of manners. (On rh^ rrh
for Greek p-, -/3/5- see ch. i. § 1 1.)
Between vowels the omission of h was sanctioned by current
usage in a number of words such as nemo (for ^ne~hevio\ deheo
(dehibeo\ praebeo (praeAibeo), praeda (for ^prae-heda^ *praehida).
By the first cent, preyido and nil had established themselves in
pronunciation, also deprendo^ through reprehensus was heard as
well as reprensus.
In the Umbrian language the length of a vowel was often
indicated by writing it before and after an ^, e. g. comohota (Lat.
commdta) ; and it has been suggested that this usage may have
been adopted in Latin in a few words like vehemens^ just as the
Oscan habit of doubling a vowel to express its length (e. g. tristaa-
mentud, Latin festdviento abl.) was adopted by Accius (ch. i. § 9).
Fehemens^ according to this theory, is derived from ve and mens,
like resa7iu4t from ve and sanus {EtyvK Lot. p. 113). We have
NAHARTis {CLL. xi. 421 3, time of Augustus), as well as
NART(is) (ib. 4201, 240 A.D.), &c., in Latin inscriptions from the
Umbrian territory, and Cicero {Orat. xlv. 153) speaks of the
name Ala [Ahala) as representing Axitta (but cf. Diom. p. 424,
Dositheus, p. 382 K.). We find h put to the same use
in modern German, through analogy of words like stahel
' steel ^ (with h for I.-Eur. k ; cf. O. Pruss. stakla) which became
stal.
$67.] PRONUNCIATION. H. 55
$ 57. Testimony of grammarians : Quint. 1. 5. 19 quamquam per adspira-
tionem« sive adicitur vitiose sive detrahitur, apud nos potest quaeri, an in
scripto sit vitium, si h littera est, non nota. ctgus quidem ratio mutata cum
temporibus est saepius. parcissime ea veteres usi etiam in vocalibus, cum
^ aedos ircosque ' dicebant. diu deinde servatum, ne consonantibus adspirarent ,
ut in ^ Graccis ' et * triumpis/ erupit brevi tempore nimius usus, ut ' choronae
chenturiones praechones ' adhuc quibusdam inscriptionibus maneant, qua de
re Catulli nobile epigramma est. inde durat ad nos usque ^ vehementer ' et
* comprehendere ' et * mihi * : nam * mehe ' quoque pro * me * [leg, mi ?] apud
antiques tntgoediarum praecipue scriptores in veteribus libris inyenimus.
Similarly Gellius ii. 3. 1-4: h litteram sive illam spirttum magis quam
litteram dici oportet, inserebant eam veteres nostri plerisque vocibus ver-
borum firmandis roborandisque, ut sonus earum esset viridior yegetiorque ;
atque id videntur fecisse studio et exemplo linguae Atticae. satis notum
est, Atticos IxOvy et t pronomen et multa itidem alia, contra morem gentium
Graeciae ceterarum, inspirantis primae litterae dixisse. sic ^ lachrumas/ sic
' sepulchrum,' sic^ahenum,' sic 'vehemens,* sic Mncohare,' sic 'helluari/
sic ' halucinari,' sic ^honera,' sic ^honustum' dixerunt. In his enim verbis
omnibus litterae seu spiritus istius nulla ratio visa est, nisi ut firmitas et
vigor vocis, quasi quibusdam nervis additis, intenderetur. Then he goes on
to tell of a bookhunting friend of his who had bought for twenty gold
'sigillarii' a MS. of the second Aeneid, ^mirandae vetustatis,' which was
reputed to have belonged to Virgil himself. In v. 469 telis et luce coruscus
aena, the last word had been corrected to ahena, just as ahenif not aenij was
the reading of the ^optimi libri ' in Qeorg. i. 396. This account of ^ as (like
the Greek spiritus asper), a mere ^nota adspirationis,* not properly called
a ' littera ' is a commonplace of the grammarians, e. g. Mar. Victor, vi. 5.
37 K. ; ib. vL 3 ; Charisius i. 265. 20 K. ; Priscian i. 47, &c. The only con-
tradiction is the absurd remark of Pompeius '^v. 117. 14 K.\ that in Virgil's
line {Aen. ix. 610) terga fatigamus hasta, the h causes length by position,
a remark often repeated by the later writers on metre and followed in practice
by the Christian poets.
Terentianus Maurus in his description of the sound ofh discusses its claims
to stand in the alphabet (vi. 331. 213) (Cf. Quint, i. 4. 9) :
nuUi dubium est faucibus emicet quod ipsis
h littera, sive est nota, quae spiret anhelum.
quin hanc etiam grammatici volunt vacare.
quia non adicit litterulis novum sonorem,
sed graecula quaedam scholicae nitela vocis
vocalibus apte sedet ante posta cunctis,
* hastas ' * hederus ' cum loquor * Hister * * hospes ' * hujus. *
Marius Victorinus says (vi. 34. 7 K.) profundo spiritu, anhelis faucibus,
exploso ore fundetur; and Martianus Capella (iii. 261) H contractis [con-
rasis^ys^.] paululum faucibus ventus exhalat. Cf. Priscian i. 24 ; Alcuin vii.
303. 18 K.
Rules for the use and omission of initial h are very frequent in the gram-
marians. Nigidius (first cent. b.c.) emphasized the importance of correctness
in the use of this letter : inisticus fit sermo si adspires perperam, a dictum
quoted by Gellius (xiii. 6. 3), who explains that by ^ rusticism ' Nigidius
meant what grammarians of a later date called barbarismus. Velius Longus
56 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. n.
quotes Varro's argument for the pronunciation h&rSnaf viz. that the Sabine
form of the word isfasena. Similarly hciedus is supported hyfciedxis, hircua by
Jircus Yel. Long. vii. 69. 4-10 K. ). Quite a number of dialectal forms have
been preserved for us through the grammarians' practice of using dialectal /
as a criterion for Latin hy e. g. fordeum (with fotsena, ftrci, faedi) (Vel, Long,
vii. 81 K.) : the doubtful fariohts {Ter. Scaur, n K.) (with faeduSj fordeum, and
p. 13 fircus) : Falisoan hdba (id. 13 K.) : fibra (—fcerfto) (Nigidius ap. *Serv.'
ad Georg, i. lao) : forda bos, a cow in calf, Fordicidia (Paul. Fest. 59 ; 73 Th.
foluSf fostiSy fostia (id. 59) : fwrctus, good (id. 73) : hanuluniy a shrine (id. 73) :
fuma {^ humus) y Haunii {^Faunii) (glosses ap. LOwe, Prodr, 436) ; and a large
number of etymologies were made on the strength of this relation between
/"and hy such as Formiae * velut Hormiae* from Greek Sp/ios (Paul Fest 59) :
horreum from far (id. 73) : firmus from Greek tpiui (id. 64). So Servius (ad
Aen, vii. 695) : Faliscos Halesus condidit. hi autem, inmutato h in f, Faliscl
dicti sunt, sicut fcbris dicitur quae ante ^ hebris ' dicebatur, Formiae quae
^ Hoimiae ' fiierunt, dird r^s tpfirfi : nam posteritas in multis nominibus f pro
h posuit. These dialectal words are often loosely called ^ old Latin ' : haha,
for example, which Terentius Scaurus expressly declares to have been
a Faliscan word (13 K.), is referred by Velius Longus (69 K.) to the
' antiqui ' ; and Quintilian (i. 4. 13), amongst other genuine instances of old
Latin, such as Vdlesiiy Fusiiy mertarey says : quin * fordeum * * faedosque *
[dicebant], pro adspiratione f ut simili littera utentes. There is however no
reason to believe that in Latin itself these forms were used, though they may
have been heard in the country districts about Rome, where dialectal
influence often strongly asserted itself. At other times grammarians defend
the use or omission of h by more or less ingenious etymologies, e. g. Servius
in Don. iv. 444. 28, 29 K. dicta est enim [harena] quod harida sit terra ;
Charisius L 103. 21, 22 K. harena dicitur quod haereat, et arena quod areat ;
gratius tamen cum adspiratione sonat. Velius LongUB (viL 68. 18, 19 K.)
defends dlica : cum ab alendo possit alica dici, et aliculam existiment dictam,
quod alas nobis injecta contineat, and ortus : quod ibi herbae oriantur.
Charisius says of this word dlica that Yerrius Flaccus approved of the form
without hy whereas a line of Lucilius ran : nemo est halicarius posterior te
(i. 96. 9 K.). Caper's dictum is : alica non halica (vii. 107. 12 K.). Another
doubtful case was the salutation dve, Quintilian (i. 6. 21) tells us that though
the proper form was drg, the verb being avSro and not havSre, yet no one, except
a pi*ecisian, thought of saying anything else than havS : multum enim lit-
tera tus, qui sine adspiratione et producta secunda syllaba salutarit (^ avere '
est enim), . . . recta est haec via : quis negat ? sed adjaoet alia et moUior et
magis trita, &c. (For examples of uncertainty in the use of h-y see Georges
and Brambach, s. w. Hiherusy harena, hauriOy exaurio, harundOy haruspexy hehenus,
hederay helluoTy Hennay heiOy eiulOy HilotaCy Aeduiy aJUcOy dlleCy haiucinoTy Hadriay
Halaesay EalicarnaasuSy Hamilcary HammoUy Hannibaly Hanno, dleborumy erciscoy
erciumy erusy Hadrumetumy ItaeduSy fiamusy hariolusy hibiacumy hinnuleusy hiraiSy
hosiiUy holuSy holitwTy cniustua. ttmeo, um,erusy ukuSy Hisiery Hirpiniy oneroy Herda,
niyria,) Cf. Probi App. 199. 17 K. adhuc non ' aduc' (aduc in C,L L, v. 6244).
The right employment of A is a leading subject in Alcuin's handbook
of Orthography ;,vii. 300. 27 K. ; 303. 11, 13 and 19; 306. 2) ; and St.
Augustine {Confess, i. 18) playfully remarks that the dropping of an /i was
generally regarded as a more heinous sin than an offence against the law of
§$ 68-60.] PRONUNCIATION. H. 57
Christian charity : si contra disci plinam grammaticam sine adspiratione
piimae syllabae *ominem' dixerit, displiceat magis hominibus, quam si
contra tua praecepta hominem oderit, quum sit * homo.'
$ 68. h between vowels. Quintilian ;ix. 4. 59) says that deprenderef not depre-
kendere, was the form in use in his time. Gtellius (second cent.) (ii. 3) speaks of
ahenum cf. aheneam^ Comm. Lud. Saec. A 60, &c.)» veJieinens, ineohare (along
with lachrutnae, sepuldtrunif helluarif haludnari, ?iotiera and honustus) as old-
fashioned forms now obsolete. A fourth century grammarian, called Probus,
says that trdho retains the h in spelling merely to indicate that the a and 0 are
pronounced separately, the word being spoken * trao ' (iv. 185. 5 K.). On the
other hand in the second century Terentius Scaurus while declaring that
prendo, never prehendoy was the form in use, says that veho * sine dubio
aspiratur/ and speaks of vemens and rehemens, reprensusy and reprehensus as
optional (vii. 19. 14 K ) [cf. Velius Longus (second cent.), vii. 68. 15 K.,
who gives rcwte^w and reprendo as the usage of the ^elegantiores,' prendo as
universal, and Annaeus Cornutus (first cent.), the friend of Persius, who
mentiona prendo, vemens^ nil as the pronunciation of his day (ap. Cassiodor. vii.
153. 7 K.) ;see also Alcuin vii. 311. 36, 27 K. ; Papirian vii. 159. i8-ai K.;
Eutyches vii. aoo. 8 K. ; Caper vii 98. la K.)]. (For examples of confusion
in spelling, see Georges and Brambach s. w. cohere, incoho, aetteuSf A?ienobarbu8f
Dahae, Phraaies, coerceo, euhan, prooemium, periodits. For Greek compounds with
aspirate initial of second member following a consonant, see exedra, exoduSf
synodusj Panfiormus, &c. On the interjections aha, ehem cf. Richter in Stude-
mund's Siudien, i. ii.)
$ 69. h in Old IJatin. H was dropped earliest between vowels (e.g. ri^no);
and the disuse of initial h would no doubt begin with words which were
preceded in the sentence by a word ending in a vowel. Teutonic loanwords
with A- in Romance lost their h rapidly in Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese,
but retained it for some time in French, which in the Middle Ages abounded
in consonantal terminations. This was doubtless the principle of elision of
a final vowel before initial h in Latin poetry, whether the vowel was actually
final, or was followed by the vague nasal * after-sound,* m (see §§ 153, 61).
There is no reason to suppose that initial h was in Early Roman poetry more
resistive of elision, than in the classical period. The FlRUtine /lagiiium hominis
formed really a single word (ch. iii. § la), and the hiatus is to be compared to
hiatus in compounds like circuit from circum it. The weak nature of early h
is seen in compounds like cohonesto ico' before a vowel as in coeo, coorior, &c.)
which in Accius, Trag. 445 R appears as cOnesto (see § 149). Nihil is always
a monosyllable in Plautus apparently. But the dropping of initial h on the
older inscriptions is hardly known. (See Sittl. Lok. Verschied, p. 39.)
§ 60. Oreek aspirates in Ijatin. The Greek aspirates lost their aspiration
in loanwords used by the early writers, e. g. Plautus, as we gather from the
MSS. (see the statistics given in Fleck, Jahrb. 1891, p. 658 n.), from puns like
those on Oirysaliot {Crusalus) and cruciscdiM, on C^rinus t^Carinus) and careo : —
Psevd. 736, non Oharinus mihi quidemst sed copia, on Thalea and tcUentum Capt.
a74, and from the statements of later grammarians (cf. the pun on excakiav^at
* cum adspiratione secundae syllabae ' (robbed of one's money, xo^'^^O' ^^^
excakeaverat, 1. e. taken off one's boots, cakei) in Porphyr. ad Hor. 8. i. 8. 39).
58 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
Qaintilian for example 'J. 5. 20) snys: diu deinde servatum ne oonsonanti-
bus [veteros] adspirarent, ut in * Graccis ' et in * triumpis/ There are not
wanting in Plautus indications that the >iilgar Greek pronunciation of x ^^
k-kh (see Blass^ p. 86) influenced Home loanwords in popular use so as to
lengthen (by position": the previous vowel. Ace Ji'ienoiSy Acc(h)ilil)e8j liko
hracc{hjium seem to bo required by the metre (Baier, Philciogische Abhandlungev
eu Herts. 1888'. Similarly the word Mcae, whose origin has been traced to
S. Italy, where the word was applied to hair-sliackles put on the legs of fowl^
to prevent their straying, seems to be nothing but the Greek rpix*s in
a Latinized form {Mcae and *tri<xaey like brdchium and bmcchiunu &c.} Tlu*
proverb ^dpinae tri(Mequey' used of trifles (Mart. xiv. i. 7) : —
sunt apinae tricaeque et siquid villus istis,
has likewise been referred to S. Italy, where dtp6rai (Latinized apinae), * the
unseen realms,' was in popular story the name of an imaginary country'
of bliss, like Aristophanes' * Cloud-cuckoo-land' (Ribbeck, Leipziger Stvdien,
1887). The Vulg. Latin mtUtuSy a word, from which Fr. mot is derived [mutus,
Non. 9. 16 M.?) seems to be similarly Greek fjwOos {muttus for miltus\ as tricae
for *triccae; also sttiippus a rope is Gk. arp6<pos (Festus, 452. 21 Th., says that at
Ttisculum the word had the sense of a wreath, and that a Faliscan ^Garland-
festival ' was called Struppewia ; the Romance forms point to str^us, a fonu
found in this passage of Festus). Gk. ^ was in early Latin transcription
jp, e.g. PiUpus on a denarius of the time of the Gracchi {C.I.L. i. 354)»
though sometimes ;,like Gk. ir in BnrruSj Tlvppos) 6, e. g. BrUgea for ♦piJ7€s,
halaena for <pd\Xatva (Quint, i. 4. 15, from Verrius Flaccus) (see § 49). F was
not regularly used till the middle of the fourth cent. a. d. (see ch. i. § 1 1 \ Blass,
Oriech. Aussprache^j p. 85, dates the change of Greek <p from the p-h to the
/-sound at about 400 a.d. ; and the language of Diomede (fourth cent.) seems
to imply that the difference between Lat./and Gk. <p was in his time verj-
slight (433. 28 K. ^ et hoc scire debemus quod f littera tum scribitur. cum
latina dictio scribitur. ut ^felix,' nam si peregrina fuerit, p et h scribimus,
ut • Phoebus,' * Phaeton' . The difference between the two sounds in Cicero's
time is seen from Quintilian's story of Cicero ridiculing a Greek witness who
could not pronounce the first letter of Fundanius (Quint, i. 4. 14,. ♦ ix
however, as is natural, the Greek transcription of Latin / (.Eckinger. p. 97' ;
e.g. ^oydayios is the Greek transcription of this very name on an inscription
of 81 B. c. {Bull. ix. p. 457, from Lagina in Carla). The old spelling persisted
in a few words like tu$ , Gk. Biios), &c. (see ch. i. § 11). A curious interchange
of 8 and th is occasionally seen in the Notae Tironianae, e. g. agatho for
agdaOj ApoUopisius for Pythius (Schmitz, Beitr, 109^ With the introduction
however of Greek grammatical studies at Rome a more exact transcription
came into fashion see ch. i. § 1 1\ and it is to this tendency that we must refer
the aspiration of some consonants even in Latin words about this time, not
merely in words which were supposed to be borrowed from Greek, e.g. pulcher
(ch. i. § 1 1) (referred to vokvxpovs, Ter. Scaur, vii. 20. 4-8). and afpitJcJinnn ae and
pulcher I Charts, i. 73 17 ; cf. C.I.L. i. 1007 heic est sepulcrum haupulcrum
pulcrai feminae), Utchrytna (to Gk. dcurpf'/ux), &c., but to others which could
hardly be so misunderstood, e.g. praechoy lurcho. In the Orator xlviii. 160,
Cicero tells us that he was forced in spite of his convictions to yield so far to
popular usage as to pronounce pulcherj Cethfgiu^ trivmphftSy Karihago, though he
S 60.] PRONUNCIATION. H. 59
still adhered to OixiviuSf Mato, dio, CaepiOj s^tdcrutny cdrSnay lacrima : quin ego ipse,
cam scirem ita majores locutos esse, ut nusquam nisi in yocali aspiratione ute-
rentur, loquebar sic, ut * pulcros/ *Cetego8,' Hriumpos,* *Kartaginem* dicerem.
nliquando idque sero convicio aurium cum extorta mihi Veritas esset, usum
loquendi populo concessit scientiam milii reservavL 'Orciyios' tamen et
^Matones,' 'Otones/ ^Gaepiones/ 'sepulcra/ * coronas.* Macrimas,* dicinius,
quia per aurium judicium licet. Similarly Quintiliani in a passage already
mentioned (i. 5. ao), says : diu deinde servatum, ne consonantibus [veteres]
adspirarent, ut in ^Graccis' et in * triumpis.' erupit brevi tempore nimius
usus, ut ^choronae/ ^chenturiones/ ^praechoneS|' adhuc quibusdam in inscrip-
tionibus maneant. qua de re Gatulli nobile epigramma est. In the second
cent. A. D. pulcher was the current pronunciation (Ter. Scaur, vii. ao. 4-8 K. ;
Vel. Long. vii. 69. 13-17 K.), also CarthOgOy Graccfius, 6thOf Bocchus ; unaspirated
were cilOf codea, cociedre (Vel. Long. 1. c). In the fourth cent. Orctis, VtUcdnuSt
wrvna, ancdroy sSpukrum (Mar. Victorinus vi. ai. ao K. ; Serv. ad Qeorg, iii. aa3,
but for ancora cf. Serv. ad Am. vi. 4^1, but Oracchus ;C5haris. i. 8a. 11 K.), pulcher
(Serv. 1. c.) were the forms in use. Pulcher held its ground most persistently
in spite of the rule, first apparently stated by Yarro (Charis. i. 73. 17 EL),
and often repeated by the Grammarians i^Ter. Scaur, vii. ao. 4-8 ; Probus
Gath. iv. 10. 19 K. ; Ter. Maur. vi. 33a. ai9-aai K. ; Mar. Vict. vi. 34. 5-6 KL ;
cf. Vel. Long. vii. 69. 13-17 K.) that no consonant should be aspirated in
a native Latin word. On the other hand thus (Gk. Oioi), chUk^na (from Gk.
XOf^y, Etym. Lot p. 33), with lurcho^ sUpxdchrum, OrchuSy &c., were only adopted
by imitators of the Ciceronian age (Probus Gath. iv. 10. 19 K., Serv. ad
Am, vi. 4 ; Mar. Victor, vi ai. ao K. ; cf. Ter. Scaur, vii. 14 K.). Of corona
Festus (a6 Th.), quoting probably from Verrius Flaccus (time of Augustus),
says : corona cum videatur a chore dici, caret tamen aspiratione. For
examples of these varieties of spelling on inscriptions, see Brandis, De cmiso-
ncmtium aspiratione aptid R&manos (in Gurtius, Studien, ii. 1869). Gonsentius
(v. 39a. 19, 37) censures the mispronunciations Traciay Trachia, Chartago, For
ip$ we have pth in pUwibus in the Comm. Lud. Saec. The use of rh for Gk. initial
^- was not approved by Varro {L.L. iii. fr. 58, p. i8a Wilm.) (see ch i. § 11).
[For examples of this confusion of spelling, see Georges and Brambach, s.w.
ancoray arca^ tropaeum, hac<xirj Cefhegusy QraxxJiUs^ murra, Orcus^ OthOy ptdchery Regium,
rhombusy taiasioj letumy simuiacrumy charta, Boapoms (Bosphonia not till third or
fourth cent, a.d.), chlamySy chordOy dairi, cochleay conchay coihumuSy cyathuSy InrcOy
lumpay achemay schoUiy septUcrumy raeda, Raeiiay RamneSj Rhodopey RhoduSy rhUSy
Riphaeusy romphaeoy theatrumy ViricUhuSy triumphusy racanay cinipfies (^w-wcs), triclinium
(Abl. Plur. trichiliniSy C.LL. ix. 4971 ; xiv. 375, 17). On the spellings
Calphumitis and CaJifumiusy see Schuch. Vok, i. p. 18, and for the confusion of
phy Py /, see ibid, on the spelling phidelisy and Georges on pJtaseoluSy si/o, sulfur
Late Latin cul/us \ see A. L. L. vii. 443) is the precursor of the Romance forms
-of Gk. «<JXiros (ItaL Span, golfo, &c.). In the Probi App. we have (199. 7 K.)
strofa non *stropa* ; (199. 17) amforanon *ampora* ; (197. 19) porphyreticum
marmor, non ' purpureticum marmur,' and perhaps (199. 8) zizifus [zizibus
MS.] non 'zizupus.'
The Romance forms show that Vulgar Latin retained the old equivalence
of the Latin tenues to the Greek aspirates ; e. g. Gk. K6\a<pos is Ital. colpo, O.Fr.
oolp, Fr. coup ; x^^^ ^ Ital. calare ; 9&\Kot is Ital. tallo, Span, tallo, Fr. talle.
[Cf. the cautions given in Prob. Appendix against stmpa^ ampora (see jibove).]
6o THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
So that miiispellings like ch for r, Oi for /, ph for p on plebeian inscriptions
cannot havo implied a different pronunciation. The aspirated forms were to
the uneducated Romans mere equivalents of the tenues. Ch, the equivalent
of c. was in Italian utilized to distinguish the guttural from the palatalized
sound| e. g. chi (Lat. qui), chiave ;Lat. cl&tis) (see Schuch. Vok. i. p. 74).
Similarly h is written^ but not pronounced, in Italian to distinguish a few
synonyms like ho ^Lat. Mbeo), and o (Lat. aut), &c.
§ 61. M, N. The pronunciation of the nasals varied according
to their position. At the beginning of a word or a syllable m
and w had their normal sound. What this was for m there can
be little doubt. M, the lip-nasal, has in all Romance languages
at the beginning of a word the same sound, that namely of
our m. The N-sounds on the other hand vary considerably. There
is * dental n/ as Sweet calls it, the point-nasal, with many
varieties according as the tongue touches the teeth (the true
* dental ^ « as in French, Italian, &c.), or the gums a little
behind the teeth, as in English, and so on. There is * palatal '
n, Sweet's front-nasal, as in Fr. Boulogne, vigne, Italian ogni,
Spanish senor, canon (something like our * vineyard '). There is
^ velar ' or ' guttural ' w, Sweet's back-nasal, of English * sing,'
German singen. And n (like m), may be unvoiced, as in Ice-
landic kn(f, hnut, a sound common in England acx) years ago
in words beginning with kn like ' know/ * knife,' which have now
lost all trace of the initial i. Voiceless m is heard in the inter-
jection * hm ! ' Normal Latin n was not the true * dental ' (as
Italian n is) according to the Latin phoneticians. The tongue
touched not the teeth but the })alate ; what precise part of the
palate, we are not told (Nigidius ap. Gell. xix. 14. 7). Before
a guttural, n was * velar' or * guttural' «, like Greek y in
ayy€\os, ayKdKrj, a sound called the Agma by Greek phoneticians
and by their Latin imitators (Nigidius 1. c. ; Priscia^ i. 39 ;
Mart. Vict. vi. 19. 11 K.), to express which Accius proposed to
follow the Greeks and write ^, e. g. aggulvB^ aggen^y agguUa^
iggerunt. At the end of a syllable, before a consonant, Latin
m, u had again a parallel in Greek, and accordingly have received
attention at the hands of the Latin grammarians. The soimd is
described as * something that is neither ni nor w,* as in Greek
o-{i/i/3vf (Mar. Vict. vi. 16. 4 K.), a description that would apply
to the sound of n in our own * unpractical,' 'unmerciful' in
S 61.] PRONUNCIATION. NASALS. 6l
careless utterance, as well as to the preposition in Ital. impero,
intacco. There was however one sound of Latin m which had no
parallel in Greek ; and here the Latin g^mmarians do not give
us so much information as we could wish. The curious usage
of Latin poetry, by which a word ending with -m elides its
final syllable before an initial vowel or ^, just as though it ended
with a vowel, has nothing like it in Greek. Quintilian (ix. 4. 40)
tells us that final m before an initial vowel was hardly pro-
nounced, and had a sound not represented in the alphabet :
neque enim eximitur, sed obscuratur, et tantum in hoc aliqua
inter duas vocales velut nota est, ne ipsae coeant. Cato, he adds,
wrote *dicae' *faciae' for dicam^ fdciam (cf. Quint, i. 7. 23;
Paul. Fest. ao. 6 and 51. 10), although this spelling was often
changed by ignorant persons: quae in veteribus libris reperta
mutare imperiti solent, et dum librariorum insectari volunt
inscientiam, suam confitentur. And according to Velius Longus
(80. ao K.), Verrius Flaccus, in the time of Augustus, proposed
a new letter, the first half of the ordinary letter M, to express
final m before an initial vowel : ut appareret exprimi non debere.
Priscian (i. p. 29. 15 H.) says : m obscurum in extremitate
dictionum sonat, ut ^ templum ' ; apertum in principio, ut
' magnus ' ; mediocre in mediis, ut * umbra.' What the exact
sound of -m was, is not easy to determine. From Latin poetry
we see that a word ending in -w, e. g. finem, is, when the next
word begins with a vowel, treated like a word ending in a vowel,
e. g,fine. In both cases the final syllable suffers what is called
* elision,' j\n{€m) onerat and fin[e) onerat (see § 153). Final -ni
therefore lacks the weight of an ordinary consonant, the power
to prevent two vowels from coalescing, and in this respect is on
a par with initial h-. Before e. g. honorat the final syllable of
fine^ finem suffers * elision ' in exactly the same way as before
onerat. But are we to say that in flnem the em became a nasal
vowel, an e spoken ^through the nose/ or in stricter terms,
spoken with the passage into the nose not covered by the uvula ?
In this case ein would have a sound like that of our exclamation
' eh ! *, spoken with something of a nasal twang ; and to give this
sound to the Latin interjection hem (expressing surprise, sorrow,
indignation, &c., e, g. Ter. Aivdr, 435 : quid Davos narrat ? . . .
62 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. II.
nilne hem? Nil prorsus), would not be unnatural. Or should
we say that e had its ordinary sound, and that this sound was
followed by some reduced form of «*, probably some adumbration
of unvoiced or whispered w, at any rate something of as slight
a consonantal character as A ? A very probable account is that
-m was reduced through the lips not being closed to pronounce
it. If instead of closing the lips, all that were done were to drop
the uvula, a nasal sound would be given to the following initial
vowel, so that^«^w. onerat would be ^rono\mQeA,Jinew(merat with
a nasalized c? (Grober, Comtnentatianes Woelfflinianae.Y^. 171 sqq.).
When the next word began with a consonant, final m seems to
have had more weight in ordinary Latin, if not in Vulgar Latin,
for it never fails to make its vowel long by ^ position * in poetry
of all periods, whereas final 8 in the earlier poetry usually does so
fail. Plautus, for example, could not end an iambic line with
nullum, fert^ though he does with nullus feri (which we often
writ^ nullu\feTt), But that it had not the definite w-character
of initial w, that vi of viam cantinet did not sound like m of mira
cofUinet we see from the remark of a first century grammarian^
that in the phrase eliam nu?ic, although m was written, something
else (like €tiaimunc\ was pronounced (Vel. Longus vii. 78. 19 K.
cum dico ' etiam nunc,' quamvis per m scribam^ nescioquomodo
tamen exprimere non possum). How far this dififered from that
sound of the nasal before a consonant in the middle of the word,
which is described as * something that is neither m nor «,' it is
difficult to say. Compounds with prepositions at any rate, like
co{7i)nectOy campr^mit, co7it1.net seem quite on a level with etiam
nunc (or etiamnmic ?). In both these cases Latin m is treated like
Greek v in o-vyKoA^o), (rwrefro), (rvfji)3(iA.Aa>, and the spellings found
on inscriptions ky KVKktf^, ^fjt ITpvravcia), rrjy ywaiKa, r^/x j3ov\?}v,
which has led in the Rhodian dialect of the present day to
a complete assimilation of the nasal to the consonant^ e. g. tix x^^'
(tt)i; x^^^) (^' Meyer, Griechmhe Grammatik,^ § 274). As close
a parallel is offered by Sanscrit final m which is described as ^a nasal
of a servile character always to be assimilated to a following
(fonsonant of whatever nature that may be * (Whitney, Sanserif
Grannnary § 71). This Sanscrit -m before initial tfy v becomes
* a nasal semivowel, the counterpart of each respectively.' If
§ 61.] PRONUNCIATION. NASALS. 63
the same happened in Latin^ if conlunctus, coniux were pronounced
coiiuncfus, coiiu^, with the first i nasalized^ and cofiueniio were
*couuentio with the first w nasalized^ it would explain why it is
that, in spelling, the nasal is often omitted, coveiitianid (C, L L.
i. 196), coiuffi (id. 1064) (of. Sweet Primer, p. 104).
Final n had not this weak sound. Priseian tells us (i. p. 30)
n quoque plenior in primis sonat et in ultimis partibus sylla-
barum, ut ^ nomen/ ^ stamen ' : exilior in mediis ut ' amnis/
'damnum/ In the Umbrian language however it seems to
have been on the same footing as Latin final m, for it is some-
times omitted, e. g. nome (Lat. fwmen), and sometimes written w,
e. g. numem. Both in Umbrian and Oscan final m shows the
same character as in Latin, e. g. Umbr. ku and kum (Lat. cu7/i)^
Osc. via and viam (Lat. viam), con preivafnd (Lat. cum pHvato)
and cMHi atrud ; and in both languages a nasal is often omitted
before a consonant in the middle of a word, e. g. Umbr. iveka
and ivenga (Lat. jnvenca), uzo- and onso- (Lat. hnmero-); Osc.
aragetud (Lat. argento) and jpraeseniid (Lat. praeaenti) : Umbr.
apentu and ampentu (Lat. impendito) ; Osc. Xanovks (Lat. Lam-
jxmius). This omission occurs on Latin inscriptions too, e.g.
DECEBRis {C.LL. i. 930), MEBETi (iii. 2yo2, &c.), but was a ten-
dency not allowed to develop, as we see from the fact that in
Romance ;/ and m are always retained, e.g. Ital. Dicembre, Span.
Diciembre, Fr. Dicembre. The Plautine scansion of nempe in
such a line as Cas. 599 : —
quin tu suspondis te ? Nempe tu te dixeras,
has often been quoted as an instance of such a suppression of the
nasal (nepe) in ordinary speech. But the true scansion is nemp{e)
with the same syncope of final -^ as in Inn and tune, ac (for *atc)
and alque, nee and 7ieqife, A nasal is only dropped before certain
consonants in Latin according to fixed laws and never without
doubling the consonant or lengthening the vowel (Skutsch,
ForscAufif/en, i. § 2). Before *, for example, this was the case;
so me7isa was pronounced mesa, with the ordinary close sound of
the long vowel, to judge from the Romance forms, e.g. Ital.
mesa (with close e) ; in co7isules the n, though written, was not
sounded (Quint, i. 7. 2S, 29). Whether this e, o were at any
64 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
period of the language nasal vowels we are not told. In O.Engl.
n was dropped before th (of * thin/ &c.), s, f with nasalization and
lengthening of the preceding vowel, e. g. muj?, * mouth ' (Germ.
Mund), gos, * goose ' (Germ. Gans), f if , * five ' (Germ, f iinf ).
Another internal group that calls for notice is mn. In most
Romance languages this has become nn, e. g. Ital. danno (Lat.
damnum)^ donna (Lat. domna and domino), colonna (Lat. coluvina),
but in French the n has yielded to the m^ e. g. dame (Lat. damnum
and ddm{i)na) (colonne is a bookword). That in the Latin pro-
nunciation the u had here a weak sound seems to follow from
Priscian's remark (i. p. 30) : n exilior in mediis [sonat] ut * amnis/
'damnum' (where the syllable begins with m, a-nniis^ da-mnum,
while in Stiamyitinc the syllable begins with w), as well as from
Quintilian's many centuries earlier (i. 7. a8, 29) : quid quae
scribimtur aliter quam enuntiantur ? . . . * columnam ' et * con-
sules' exempta n littera legimus. gn likewise takes different
paths in the Romance languages. Usually it becomes a palatal
«-so\md, e. g. Ital. legno (Lat. lignum), Span, leno, but in Sar-
dinian nn, e. g. linna. There is no evidence to show that the
g in this position in Latin took the velar guttural sound t9 ; and
probably the pronunciation was merely ordinary g followed by ».
nci was pronounced at least in Vulg. Latin nt (probably not with
velar n), with suppression of the c, e. g. quhUns (Ital. quinto,
with close i) (see § 144). nd shows a tendency to nn (as in
Oscan and Umbrian) in forms like Plautus' dispenniie, distennite ;
but this assimilation was not carried out in literary or Vulgar
Latin (e. g. Ital. risponde, Lat. respomlet),
M, V are * liquids ' (vypaC) in Greek, because they readily com-
bine (like A, p) in one syllable with a preceding mute. But in
Latin, though this was the case with l, r, it was not with
tn, n, Greek loanwords in Latin which presented this com-
bination, tended to be pronounced with a parasitic vowel, e. g.
TScumeftsa for Greek T^Kixrja-a-a : and this is the form in which
they appeared in the earlier literature. At the end of the
Republic, when it was considered a requisite of polite speech
to express with greater exactness the Greek sound of these loan-
words, this spelling was generally abandoned; though even in
the literary language it persisted in some forms, such as mXna
§§ 68-64.] PRONUNCIATION. NASALS. 65
(Oreek ^iva), and in Vulgar Latin, as the Romance languages
testify, it never was given up (e.g. Actntts^ Ital. cecero, for
KVKvos) (see § 154).
$ 62. Phonetic desoriptionB of normal m, n. Ter. Maur. vi. 332. 235 :
at tertia [sc. littera m] clauso quasi mugit intus ore ;
quartae [n] sonitus figitur usque sub palato,
quo spiritus anceps coeat naris et oris.
Mar. Vict. vi. 34. 12, 13 K. m impi^essis invicem labiis mugitum quendam
intra oris specum attractis naribus dabit ; n vero sub convexo palnti lingua
inhaerente gemino naris et oris spiritu explicabitur. Martianus Capella
(iii. 261), M labris imprimitur ; N lingua dentibus appulsa collidit. Priscian
i. 29, 30 H. m obscurum in extremitate dictionum sonat ut ' templum/ aper-
tum in principio ut ^ magnus,' mediocre in mediis ut * umbra/ . . . n quoque
plenior in primis sonat et in ultimis partibus syllabarum ut ^nomen/
* stamen/ exilior in mediis ut ^amnis/ ^damnum.* Nigidius (ap. Oell. xix.
14. 7), speaking of the Agma, says : si ea littera [n] esset. lingua palatum
tangeret. Ter. Scaurus mentions the exertion necessary to produce the
labial m (as also b, p), vii. 14. 3 K. non sine labore conjuncto ore.
§ 63. The Agma. Nigidius {L c. ), in Augustus' time, speaks of t)ie n in
words like angviis, increpat^ ingenuus as a sound * between n and 9/ a spurious
n {adtiUerinum)^ in which the tongue does not touch the palate, as in normal n.
Varro (ap. Priscian i. p. 30) says it is a sound common to Greek and Latin,
written g in Greek, and by the poet Accius in Latin, e. g. aggulus^ agceps (cf.
Mar. Vict. vL 19. 11). MariusVictorinus (fourth cent.), vi. 16. 4. K., declares
that this was the sound of the nasal before qu in nunquanij numquam, quanqnam^
quamquam., which is a sound between 91 and 9, though, he says, it is usually
spoken of by grammarians as if it were the sound between m and n of Greek
a6fi0v(. Spellings on late inscriptions like nuncqvam {C.I.L. v. 154) nvnc-qvam
(iv. 1837), vNcxjvAM (x. 8192) may indicate this pronunciation, though in
iVKcxi (viii. 8692), &c., ex may be merely the common symbol for X as in
vcxoR (ii. 3330), a spelling which has led to the corruption roxor in MSS. of
Plautus {Class, Rev, v. 293).
{ 64. m, n before consonant. Marius Victorinus, speaking of nunquam, nuni'
quanij &c, (vi. 16. 4 K.) says : clari in studiis viri, qui aliquid de orthographia
scripserunt, omnes fere aiunt inter m et n litteras mediam vocem, quae non
abhorreat ab utraque littera, sed neutram proprie exprimat, tam nobis deesso
quam Graecis : nam cum illi adfifiv^ scribant, nee m exprimere nee n. sed
haec ambiguitas in his fortasse vocabulis sit, ut in ^Ampelo,' ^Lycambe.*
nam in nostris supra dictis non est. The word adfjL0v(f apparently the stock
example of Greek phoneticians for this * sound which is neither m nor ri,' is
an unfortunate instance. It is not a native Greek word, but a loanword from
another language, and in its original form seems not to have had a nasal
[Aramaic sabb'k& (Daniel iii. 5), Greek aafjifidier}], [Is the word connected with
the Latin samlmcuSf elderwood, where we have a similar variety of spelling
between samMciu &nd sdbucus (sab- in Romance)? On Lat. labrusca^ in Vulg. Lat.
lamibrusca (a MS. reading in Virg. E(^. v. 7;, Ital. lambrusca, Fr. lambruche,
Span, lambrusca, see below. ] We might be inclined from this to believe that
F
66 THK LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
i}w (ir***9k phonoticUnn wer<; vpeakitig of a nound tliat is not a native Greek
Mitiridf wont it not for iipellingH on Greek inHcriptionH like womnjs, 'OAurv^, Cret.
&¥^6rapm^ kc, IliiM Grc«*k nound waa appealed to by Latin grammarians to
I'XpIain varietieN of spelling like eorumdem and eorundenty quamtus and quanhu^
whiirct m was required by the et3rmology, true or false wrunij quam) (Gomutus
ap. ('assiod. vii. 159. 3;, but n by the pronunciation, and even, as we have seen,
U) explain nwru/uuM and nunquam, tamquam and tanquanij &c. Here again a
dou(»t NUgKONts itself whether the reference of this sound ^between m and n'
to the Latin language is not based on mere varieties of spelling which were
not varieties of pronunciation ; but an appeal to the inscriptions tends to
remove it. skktxmtiam (('.J,L, i. 906), dbcenbeb (ii. 4587, &c) (see Indices
to r. /. W) csn moNt eaHily l>e explained on the supposition that this sound
really exiiited in Latin, unless indeed they are due to the general confusion
betw4N*n mt and n/, nb and mb cauHed by the co-existence of etymological and
phonetic HiMillings like cwntfro and contiroj inhiitua and imbutus, ^The spelling
mmtt^ntiam is that of the Lex Julia Muriicipalis and may be due to some ortho-
graphical theory of Julius Gaesar ; for on the same inscription we have damdwn,
ilamdam^ faciumdm^ tttenulam^ tucindarum^ qtiamta^ qiuinUum, tamUUj tamtam,) The
NIM«lling of theses verbH compounded with the prepositions tn, cum (com) is
fnupiently diNCUMxcd by the grammarians fsee the passages collected by
S4«elmann, p. 079) (cf. jandHdum (or JamdHdum in Virgil MSS., Ribbeck, Index.
M, v.\ To the ordinary conHonaiits l>efore which n becomes m, viz. &, p, m
^oit<»d by IViNoian, I. p. 31. a H., from the elder Pliny), Marius Victorinus
\, fourth cent) adds/ ^probably from some earlier grammarian \ and on Gioero*s
authority r, e. g. ct>ft\frti^ cmntocai. Whether the change in the fashion of
M|H*]llng rom|)ounds of com, in with verbs beginning with /, v, is a proof that
theM«t NpirantN pnNsed fW>m a bilabial to a labiodental pronunciation is dis-
nusNod in ( 5a. It id jMviMible that the nasal was not sounded before /, r or
only slightly Hound«Kl as bt^fbre hy or a vowel initial), so that the variation of
m, n in the s|H*lling would not indicate a change in pronunciation (ct the
suppression of Latin h lH»fon^/, r in Provencal : see below V The form c<h often
Mp)H>ars on inscriptiouM U«fore J, r in compounds as before a vowel or h ^covrior,
n)(Hs cokottMr^ Ci^hnfTft^ but also comesiy and in the older spelling comauditum^ 9lc .
IU»fon» r only on early inscriptions, e. g. coveicvmis (r. /. L. i. 532^, covkstiohid
i. 106' ; U*ft>i\»j alw on later, e.g. coicrro C. 1,1^ ii. 1964, col. ii. 5i\ coivoi
J\ /, /.. i. 1064. 1413, vi. asid. ^c") (see Indices to C. /. L,^, The nasal is also
often dn«p|HHl in nimple wt^rds before mutes, m before Labials, e. g. Aoneftris, n
h^'Uwv IXmtals and ihittursK e.g. eutietn^ proridn ^Mim. Anq/r.^ ^see Schuchardt,
V%4i, i, p. io5\ GnH>k inscripUtms tn^t the Latin nasals in the same way, e. g.
Nof^f., n«s«tfri«»t« on the one hand ; Nocv^^ot, norwwrtM, on the other ^Eckinger,
pp. 109 sqq.\ iVvasii>naUy a nasal is wroi^ly inserted in plebeian and lat*>
in!«eriptions. m }m'(k\t%> Labials, n before Dentals and Gutturals, e.g. »mptem,
si9^^{i^\ , Examples fh^m inscriptiiuis and M^, are giv^n by Schuchardt, roA.
i IV 1 13 sqq.^ t'v* may U* an original byfi^nn of own in rJ^ &c, : see eh. ix.
In Koinan«<v howvver, thert* is nt> InM^ <^ any variety of sound in the:«r
*N*s«^ The rlassieal >pelling is invariahly reproduced, r. g. ItaL immobile
1^1^ t«N«w«NN^V<\ tanio Lat. Mn/iut^ ; and this fmt\ strengthens the doubt
o\|MP*WM^l aK^v^* le^niidin^ tW exi>Upn««e of this * sound betwe^fn m and ••* in
I. \t«u. Yulg, l*at, •fw-#.» Hal. rendcv, with open *. $pan. Tvndir, Pr. rendi^ *e,
^aiow^ the anaK^* of fmui^^ ; and \»ml»r>»*«, juM quoted, for '«*neini. shenM
S 65.] PRONUNCIATION. NASALS. 67
probably be explained in the same way. But the dropping of the nasal in
such a form as ir^fatibus, quoted (perhaps from some older grammarian) as a
* barbarismus ' by Julian, Bishop of Toledo (end of seventh cent.) {Exc, in Don,
y. 394. 9 K.) is not reflected in the Romance forms (Ital. infante, Span,
infante, Fr. enfant, &c.). Before s, where we know that in Latin the nasal
was dropped in pronunciation with lengthening of the preceding yowel, e. g.
mensa, the pronounced form, mesa, is the form reflected in the Romance
languages, e. g. Ital. mesa, with close e. Before /, the same thing seems to have
happened in Latin, but almost the only instances of Latin words with n/ in
Romance are compounds with the preposition or particle in^ e. g. infans. These
show n, except in Proyen9al, where n is dropped, e. g. effas, eferms, efranher
(Lat. in/ringere), efern, afra (Lat. infra) ^ cofes, cofondre [as n before r in evers.
eveja (Lat. invidia), covens (Lat. conventua), covertir] ; but this n of Vulgar
Latin may be due to what is called * Reoomposition ' (see ch. iii. § 18 \
§ 65. Final m. In the only other Indo-European language which has not
changed final -m into n we are confronted with a curiously similar difficulty
tx> that in Latin. The native grammarians of India, who at an early time
devoted themselves to a minute and exhaustive analysis of the phonetics
and accidence of Sanscrit, the sacred language of India, have left conflicting
accounts of the sound of m at the end of a word. Some hold that in a word
like Sanscr. tarn (Greek r^r), the sound was that of a nasalized {anundsika)
vowel ; others teach the * intervention after the vowel of a distinct nasal
element called the anuavdra, or after- tone * ^Whitney, Sanscrit Grammar ^y § 71).
The Romance languages do not help us to decide whether one or any of these
processes took place in Latin, for they offer no indication that in Vulgar
Latin Jinem differed at all from fine. The only cases where Latin final m is
preserved are a few monosyllables ; and in these m has been changed to n
(rem, French rien, quern. Span, quien). The Latin nasals in the middle of
a word have passed into nasal vowels in countries under Celtic influence, viz.
France and North Italy, and also in Portugal, where Latin n between vowels
has passed into a nasal vowel, e. g. RomSo, Lat. Ra^ndnus, mSo, Lat. m&nus,
lila (contracted to IS), Lat. Idna, The Portuguese suppression of intervocalic
n is not a complete parallel to the Latin usage ; for it is in the middle of
a word that the nasal is so treated, and m is never suppressed like n, e. g.
fumo, Lat. fumxis, fama, Lat. Jama. The n is described as having first
nasalized the previous vowel, *mano (with nasal a), and then having been
dropped (Meyer- Liibke, Rom. Oram. i. p. 314). Nor is the suppression of inter-
vocalic m in Irish in such a word as fearail, manly. This word is a compound
of fear, man (cf. Lat. vir), and amhail, like (cf. Lat. simUis). Between two
vowels in Irish m passed into a r-sound ; and this r often combines with
a preceding vowel into a nasal diphthong like German ati nasalized. In an
unaccented syllable, as in fedramhail, this diphthong is so far reduced, as to
allow the last two syllables to coalesce into one. In Latin, m never had this
tendency to become v ; and so the elision in such a phi*ase as y^am illud cannot
be explained by the Irish reduction of fearamhail to fearail. A better parallel
to the latter would be the reduction of comuenlio, coueniio to contio. (But
see ch. ix. ( 22). (On Port, tarn with m sounded like nasal tr, see Sweet
PhiL Soc. xvii. 203.)
Final -m is omitted very frequently on the oldest inscriptions till 130 b. c. ,
or thereabouts, and again on late plebeian inscriptions (see § i37N. Still
V 2
68 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
there is no evidence that -m was more easily dropped in early Latin poetry than
in t)ie classical age. Indeed Prisclan (i. p. 30 K.) speaking of final -m says :
vetustissimi tamen non semper earn subtrahebant, and quotes a hexameter
of Ennius {A, 354 M.) ending with milia miUtum octo (cf. Enn. A. 322 M.
beginning dum quidem unus) ; but this remark need not drive us to the
opposite extreme, of believing that -m was more sounded in early than in
classical times. To the Roman ear at all periods a syllable ending in -m seems
to have been the equivalent in hiatus of a syllable ending in a long vowel.
This appears to be the rule in Satumian versification (see Amer. Jour, PhiL xiv.
309) ; and Plautus, with the older poets, Horace, with the classical poets,
allow prosodical hiatus in the one case as much as in the other. Lucilius,
for example, scans as a short syllable without eliding, quam (i. 3a M. irritata
canes qu&m homo quam planius dicat. He is speaking of the letter r), exactly
as he shortens quo (xxx. 24 M. quid seruas qu6 eam, quid agam ? quid id
attinet ad te ?). Horace's niim adest is on a par with his si mS amas ; and the
prosodical hiatus quoted from Ennius by Priscian may be equated with the
instance quoted by Cicero {Or. xlv. 15a) from the same poet Scipui inuide {A.
345 M.). Nor was this a mere usage of poetry. The same thing is seen in
compounds, such as ci/mest, coire (the spelling with com probably was the older
itsa^e before a vowel, cf. comauditum, and comangustatum, Paul. Fest. 46 Th. :
comegit Gl. Plac. xiv. 39 G. ; on c6go, see above), which have the first syllable
short, like praeirej praeeunt. The compound of circum and i< is a trisyllable
rircuit ; of antS and it a dissyllable, anteit (On JlagiHum-hominis in Plautus, see
above, § 59.) But the disregard of -m in metre before an initial consonant
except under the law of Breves Breviantes, like Plautus* almost invariable
entm) * is unknown until late plebeian verse, e. g. umbr(i(m) levem (along with
faU^ amid) on the epitaph of a praeco (C. /. L. vi. 195 1), morients{m) videreni
(vi. 7578), &c. Even in the careless hexameters of the dedicatory inscription
of Mummius {i, 542 ; of 146 b. c.\ which contain /adZia occupying the place of
a dactyl, pace need not represent pacem (as in i. 1290 : pacem petit), but may
l>e the Abl. (as in Plant. Rud. 698 : tuapace) :
tua pace rogans te
cogendei dissoluendei tu ut facilia faxseis.
The dropping of final -w in vulgar pronunciation is attested by the remarks
in Probi App. (198. 27) triclinium non *triclinu*; (199. 14) passim non
' passi ' . . . numquam non * numqua ' . . . pridem non * pride,* olim non
* oli * ; (199. 17) idem non ' ide,' and by the spellings on late and plebeian
inscriptions (see § 137% Consentius (fifth cent.?), p. 394 K., alludes under
the name of * Mytacismus * to a practice of joining -m to the initial vowel of
the next word : sicut plerumque passim loquuntur ' dixeram illis.* Similarly
Pompeius (fifth cent.), p. 287. 7 K., quotes from Melissus (second cent.) the
rule for the correct pronunciation of a phrase like ?wminem amicum as a mean
between the two extremes, ^homine mamicum' and ^homine amicum.*
Velius Longus (54. K.) says : cum dicitur * ilium ego * et * omnium optimum,*
' ilium' et ^ omnium * aeque m terminat, nee tamen in enuntiatione apparet ;
with Quintilian (ix. 4. 39^, quoted above, cf. Diom. 453. 9 K. ; Serv. in Don.
445. 14 K.
^ Cf. Enn. A. 287 non enim rumores ponebat ante salutem (with non enim
in all MSS.).
$S 66-68.] PRONUNCIATION. NASALS 69
Before n the pronunciation alluded to by Yelius Longus is found expressed
in writing, in MSS. of Virgil (see Ribbeck, IndeXf p. 430) ; so ^ ^ttannunc ' on
the Here. Papyri (Ctasa. Rev, iv. 443).
Tanne for tamne is quoted by Festus (p. 54a Th.) from Afranius : tanne
arcula tua plena est aranearum ? Gf. Quint, yiii. 3. 45 on the sound of cum
before a word beginning with n- (cf. Gic. Orot xlv. 154 ; Fam, ix. aa. a). Final
-n of the preposition in is sometimes changed to -m before an initial labial
consonant (see Ribbeck, Ind. p. 433 for instances in Virgil MSS. like im burim,
im flammamy im mara^ im puppibus). So forsam and forsitam in MSS. (see Ribbeck,
Ind, p. 4ao, and Geoi^es, Lex, Wort/,, and for other examples of the confusion
of -w and -w, Schuchardt, Vok, i. pp. 117 sqq.)*
§ 66. ns. (See \ 144.) In Greek inscriptions we find n dropped before a in Latin
words frequently, at all dates and in all localities. The nasal is usually dropped
in the terminations ^ans and -ena, also in -ensiSy e. g. KXrjfxriSf KturrpTjaia. But
Latin census and its derivatives usually retain n, e. g. Krjyaost Krjvacapiyos {Hon.
Anc)f also the combination -nst' (Eckinger, pp. 114, 1 15). [For the variation of
8 with ns in Latin spelling, see Georges, Lex. Wortf", s. w. centies, decies, Consentia
(modern Coscnza), pinso, mensiSy mensoTj &c Cf. Probi App. 198. 9 ansa non
' asa ' ; 198. a Capsesis non ^ Capsessis.*] The pronunciation of ns as s, with
lengthening of the preceding vowel, led to the use of ns for s after a long
vowel, e. g. ihensaurus for thesaurus [see Georges s.v. Other examples, e. g.
occansio (cf. Rhein. Mus. xvi 160), in Schuchardt, Vck, i. p. 11 a]. The Appendix
Probi gives cautions against the use of * occansio' for occasio (198. ai K.), of
* Herculens' for Hercules (197. as K.). Velius Longus (p. 79. i K.) says that
Cicero ' libenter dicebat foresiay Megalesiay hortesicL, and Papirian (ap. Cassiod.
160. 14 K.) says that tosus, iususj prasus were the older spellings, but that the
rule of his time was to retain n in the P. P. P., not in Adjectives, e. g. formosus
(cf. Probi App. 198. 14 K. formosus non ' formunsus ' ; Caper 95. 18 K. :
Ter. Scaur, ai. 10 K. ; we have /ormonsaey C, I. L, vi. a738) ; in the P. P. P. the
n seems to have been restored from the other part of the verb. Charisius (58.
1 7 K.) says : mensam sine n littera dictam Varro ait quod media poneretur ;
sed auctores cum n littera protulerunt, Vergilius saepe, &c. (cf.- Varro L,L,
V. n8). On quotiens (the better spelling) and on vicensumusy &c., see Georges,
Lac, Worif, s. w., and Brambach, Lai. Orth, p. 269.
§ 67. nx. Of the spellings conjux and conjunx (ntatistics in Georges, 8.v.),
Velius Longus (first cent. a. d.) says (p. 78 K. ; that the spelling without n is
due to the analogy of the other cases. conjugiSy conjugi, &c. In actual pronun-
ciation, he declares, the n is heai'd ; for ^ subtracta n littera, et difBcilius
enuntiabitur et asperius auribus accidet.' The comparison of other I. -Eur.
language:^, e. g. Greek <rv'(v{y Sanscr. sam-yuj-, shows that the form without
n must have been the original form of the Nom. too, and that the n has been
introduced by the analogy of Jungo (cf. Ter. Scaur, p. ao. 10 K.).
§ 68. mn. In the fifth cent. Pompeius (p. a83. 11 K.) mentions as a barbarism
columa (cf. the Diminutive odlUmdla) for columnuy which looks very like the
pronunciation mentioned by Quintilian as normal in his day (columnam
exempta n legimus). This a)lum{n)a seems to have become *coloma\ as t^Hber
became colobery by assimilation of unaccented u to accented 0 , see ch. iii. § 33),
whence colomna (Probi App. 197. 35) with open accented 0, the origin of the
Romance words for pillar, as *col6bra (open 0) of the Romance words for snake.
70 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
But the analogy of coiumen may have had something to do with the pronuncia-
tion colum n)a (cf. scdmellum and acamnum. See Georges 8.V.). SoUmnis is
explained as a by form of sollemnis (from *amno'y around^ Osc amno-), due to
a supposed connexion with annus {Etym, Lot, p. 97). (On confusions of mn
and nn^ n, see Schuchardt, Vok, L p. 147^ and Georges, Lex, Wortf, s. w. antennaj
PortunuSj lamna,) The insertion of p between m and n occurs in late plebeian
spellings like ccUumpnia, dampnum, soUempnia (see Schuchardt, Vok, i. p. 149, and
Georges, s. v. damnum). On mptsee below. Hiemps (cf. consumpsij &;c), is the
regular spelling of the Codex Mediceus of Virgil, and is accepted by Ribbeck ;
though this form is condemned by the grammarians, e. g. Caesellius ap. Cassiod.
161. 17 K. ; Ter. Scaur, ai. 6 and 27. 3 K. ; Alcuin 303. 8 K.
§ 60. gn. Spellings on inscriptions like ingnominiae (C. I. L, i. ao6, 45 b. c),
congnato (x. laao) seem to be mere etymological spellings like inpeUo^ &c.
SingnifeVy on a soldier's grave (C.i. L, vi. 3637% has been explained above in
§ 64 (cf. § 144). Nor are we entitled to conclude that g passed into a nasal
sound before m from spellings like suhthnen and subtegmen, exdmetij and perhaps
exagmen (Ctass. Rev, 189 1, p. 294) (see ch. iv. § 116). (For instances of the
spelling of gn-y consult Georges and Brambach s.w. amtreo, conitoTf dinosco,
cognoscoj narus, natusj fianiSj aprugnuSf and see Schuchardt, Vok, i. p. 115. On
conitor,kc.y but cognosco, &c., see ch. iv. § 119.)
§ 70. not. The suppression of the guttural in quintus is something like the
dropping of -g of Agoing' in the mispronunciation *goin* to.' Quinctus is
the spelling of the Republic, Quintus of the Empire, according to Brambach.
So on Greek inscriptions of the beginning of the second cent. b. c. KoiyicroSf
but also KoivTos (Eckinger p. 122). For the byforms natKtus and nadus (see
Brambach' we have a parallel in sactus (reflected in Welsh saith) beside
sanctusy while Vulgar santus (see Georges) is Welsh sant. The -ct- is not
a development of -net' but a byform i^see ch. viii. § 10).
§ 7L nd. In all S. and Central Italy nd has followed the course taken in
Umbrian and Oscan and become nn ; and similarly Latin mb is mm. In ordinary
Italian, Latin lui has become nn (n) in the pretonic syllable, as is shown by ne
for Lat. indey manucaro for Lat. manducdre. Similarly we have mm for mb in
amendue beside ambidue ,Lat. ambo duo], the same assimilation as we have
in English, e. g. * lamb ' [nn for nd is seen in * Lunnon town ' for * London
town,' &c.). (For Latin confusions of nd and nn, see Schuchardt, Vok. i. p. 146.
e. g. Seamnus, and consult Georges s. v. grundio), Nt competes with mpt in
lantema (better latema) apparently from Greek Xa/iirr^p, and tempto (not tento),
Pomptinus (not Pontinus]f pMitentim, &c. (see Geoi^ges and Brambach). Thus
vSLuntas and vSluptas are sometimes confused in MSS. through the intermediary-
form volumpttis (Schuchardt, Vok. i. 5). But etnpfum, redemptum^ consumptum are
the established spellings, though Marius Victorinus (21. 12 K.) demands on
etymological grounds emtumy redemtumj consumtum, as also redemsi, consunisi,
&c (ch. iv. § 76).
§ 72. Farasitio vowel in Greek loanwords. The Early Latin instances have
been discussed by Ritschl, Opusc, ii. 469 sqq., who on the strength of MSS.
spelling, and the requirements of prosody, restored to Plautus such forms as
drdchiima, tichinoy AlcHmfnOy AbnimeuSy CudnuSy giimindsiumy Prodna. Marius
§§ 69-78.] PRONUNCIATION. MUTES. 71
Victorinus '^8. 6 K.) tells us that the form Tecine88a wus first used by Julius
Caesar Vopiscus (an older contemporary of Cicero) in the title of his tragedy
of tliat name, and was so pronounced, at his orders, by the actors : juxta
aiutem non ponebant cm : inde uec Alcmenam dicebant neo Tecmessam, sed
' Alcumenam ' ; inde * Alcumeo ' et *■ Alcumena ' tragoediae, donee Julius
Caesar, qui Vopiscus et Strabo et Sesquiculus dicius est, primus *• Tecmessam '
inscripsit illam, et in scena pronuntiari jussit (cf. Prise, i. p. ag H. [u]
saepe interponitur inter cl vel cm in Graecis nominibus, ut 'HpcucX^r
'Hercules,' *AaK\riwi6s ^Aesculapius,' et antiqui 'AkKfi-^ < Alcumena,'
'AXxfuxiajy ^ Alcumaeon '). Similarly the Sardinian mouflon was called in
Latin milsiino (a name applied to a much-prized breed of diminutive horses ;
cf. Lucilius vi. 15 M. praedium emit, qui vendit equum musimonem), but in
Gk. fiovfffiwv (Strabo). (On the parasitic vowel between a mute and / in Latin
words, like pSfic^u)lumj see ch. iii. § 13. ) The difference of Greek and Latin in
this respect is seen in the fact that Atxfioi is the earliest and most usual form of
the name D^musj older DectimMSy on Gk. inscriptions, just as awkward com-
binations with 7, e. g. AcvrXor, 'ApfiowrieKay MaaKkoSj UartpKkoSf Ilov^^a ^Lat.
Porcula) are commoner on Greek inscriptions than on Latin (Eckinger, pp. 47,
75). The parasitic vowel is really the visible expression of a * voice-glide '
(Sweet, Handb.p. 84), as in Cterm. Knie pronounced ' kmie* ; cf. Fr. canif from
Low Germ. knif. (For examples on inscriptions, e. g. Himinis, C, I, L. i. 98a,
see Seelmann, p. 251, and cf. below § 154.;
§ 78. Tenues and Mediae. In pronouncing y>^ f, c the vocal
organs are in the same position as in pronouncing ^, rf, ^, but the
breath comes through the open glottis, as the space between the
two vocal chords which stretch across the larynx is called.
With d, d, g we close the glottis, by drawing these vocal chords
together, and produce what phoneticians call * voice.' jB, r/, g are
now therefore usually termed ' voiced * mutes as opposed to 7;, /, er,
the unvoiced or * breath '-mutes. An older designation was
tenues and mediae. In some languages what are called tenues
and mediae do not really difEer by the absence and presence of
' voice,' but merely by energy and weakness of articulation. In
one German-Swiss dialect, for example, German k and g are really
the same consonant pronounced strongly and pronounced weakly.
For such languages the terms 'fortes' and 'lenes' are more
suitable than ' breath-mutes' and 'voice-mutes.' In investigating
the sound of the Latin mutes we have accordingly to consider
whether the tenues differed from the mediae in being uttered
with the glottis open, or merely in being articulated with greater
energy. Another point to be taken into consideration is that
mutes^ especially voiceless mutes, have in many languages
a ' breath-glide,' what we roughly call ^, after them. In Danish
72 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
every initial 1 is pronounced with this h following ; and the same
peculiarity in Irish-English is well known. That Latin /?, ^, c
were not so pronounced we can infer from the fact that for the
more exact expression of the Greek aspirates, ph, th, cli were
brought into use in the last century of the Republic, which
shows that y), t^ c had not, at least at that period, the sound of
</i, d, X (lil*^® our * u/>^ill,' ' anMeap,' ^ in^^om '). The other
question, whether the Latin tenues and mediae are more properly
distinguished a€ breath- and voice-mutes, or as fortes and lenes,
is more difficult to settle. The Latin phoneticians, who, as we
have seen (p. aS), are not very safe guides on any point of Latin
pronunciation, are especially at fault here; for neither they nor
their Greek masters seem to have carried their analysis of sounds
as far as the phoneticians of India, who had at an early time
discovered the distinction between unvoiced {aghoid) and voiced
(ghokavant) consonants^ and its dependence on the opening (vivdra)
or closure (samvdra) of the glottis. The Latin phoneticians talk of
p and ^, of t and d, of c and g as entirely different types of sounds,
produced by different positions of the vocal organs. Seelmann
professes to find in their descriptions evidence that jo, t, c had
a more energetic articulation than b, d, g. This is certainly true
of their account of c and g ; but it is doubtful how far it is true
of the others, and even if it were, how much authority should be
allowed to these descriptions. A better reason for believing that
the Latin tenues were pronounced with more energy of articula-
tion than the mediae has been found in the fact that the Greek
tenues, which must have lacked this energy, are often represented
in Latin as mediae, e. g. Greek Kco^Sto?, Lat. gobius. This is, as
is natural, especially the case in the initial accented syllable,
which seems in Latin to have been uttered with a strong stress.
It must be added, however, that an examination of the instances
shows that they are almost wholly confined to Greek k, especially
when preceding certain sounds ; and that the same tendency is
shown by Latin r to be weakened in the same position to ^, e. g.
Vulgar Latin ^gavia for cavea (Ital. gabbia).
On the other hand, when we consider the Latin loanwords in
Welsh and the Teutonic languages, we are led to believe that this
energy of articulation was not the only thing which distinguished
S 78.] PRONUNCIATION. MUTES. 73
the tenues from the mediae in Latin. Had it been, we should,
probably have found the two classes of mute confused in their
Welsh and Teutonic forms. But this is not the case; cf. Welsh
poc, Lat. pdcem ; Welsh bendith, Lat. bSn{^)dictio ; Lat. cdquina,
cocina is our * kitchen/ Lat. genima our • gem.'
And in Italian of the present day p, t^ c are unvoiced, b, d, g
voiced. So we have grounds for believing the Latin tenues to
have been unvoiced, the Latin mediae to have been voiced ; and
the guttural mutes, if not all three classes, to have been also
distinguishable as fortes and lenes.
In native Latin words the tenues and mediae are not confused
to any great extent. The same tendency that turned I.-Eur. d
into t before r in airO'^ &c. (ch. iv. § 1 1 3) is seen in the old spellings
mentioned by Quintilian (i. 4. 16) Alexanler and CassarUra (cf.
C.LL, i. 59, ALIXENTROM; I5OI, ALIXENTE(r) OASENTEB(a),
both inscriptions from Praeneste, and in Ital. Otranto for Greek
*Thpovs -ovirros, Lat. Hydrunlum), In very early times the single
letter c (Greek y) was used for the c-sonnd and for the ^-sound ;
but, as we saw before, the two sounds must have been throughout
this period distinguished in pronunciation^ though not in spelling.
It is perhaps only at the end of a word that we find a real
variation between tenuis and media. Final syllables were pro-
nounced as weakly in Latin as initial syllables were pronounced
strongly ; and we might expect to find the tenuis fortis at the
end of a word replaced by the media lenis.
This is apparently the explanation of the Roman preference of
the spelling ab, ob, sub to ap (as in ap-erio), op (as in op-erio,
Oscan op)y *S'up ; though in actual utterance these words were no
doubt sounded with -p when followed by a word beginning with
a tenuis, e.g. ab templo, ob feniplum (like obtXneo^ pronounced
op'tineo). The spelling was not so established in the case of
similar subordinate or proclitic words ending in a dental^ e.g.
at', often written ad; but the change on plebeian and late
inscriptions of final -l of verbs to -r/, e. g. reliquid, is probably
due to this weakening. On the other hand^ a final is often
reduced to a whispered sound in languages, and a voiced
consonant, nf whispered, sounds more like an unvoiced.
In the Romance languages the Latin tenues and mediae, when
74 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. H.
initial, and when the initial syllable, to which they belong, has
the accent, retain their identity with wonderful persistence, e. g.
Ital. puro (Lat. purus), bene (Lat. bSnS), tale (Lat. talis), duro
(Lat. durus); but in the middle of a word, and when in the
unaccented syllable (though not after the Latin diphthong aw,
e. g. Span, poeo), the tendency is almost universal to turn the
tenuis into a media, the media into a spirant. In one language,
however, Roumanian, the tenuis is usually preserved, e. g. micS
(Lat. mica\ l^ptudi (Lat. luctuca\ muta (Lat. mul-dre)^ and
in Italian the reduction of the tenuis is of limited extent, e. g.
amico (Lat. amicus, Span, amigo), uopo (Lat. dpus, Span, huebos),
vite (Lat. vitis, Span, vide), fuoco (Lat. fdcvs, Span, fuego), &c.,
though before a we have the media in miga (Lat. mca), strada
(Lat. strata), lattuga (Lat. lactuca), &c., and when the vowel
following has the accent, e. g. siguro (Lat. securtfs), mudare
(Lat. mntdre). Misspellings on plebeian inscriptions like Amada
(le Blant, /. G. 576 a), iradatn (Or. 2541, of 143 A. D.), Segund<ie
(Mur. 2076. 10) are precursors of these changes. That they
obtruded themselves into the recognized Latin pronunciation is
more than doubtful. One tendency indeed of the Romance
languages, to turn ;jr, t)\ cr into br, dr, gr, e. g. Span, padre (Lat.
pater), sobra (Lat. supra), magro (Lat. mdcer), lagrima (Lat.
fdcrtma, cf . C, /. L, ix. 648 lagremas), is directly contrary to that
treatment of d before ;• in early Latin {atro- for ^ddro^, &c.),
which we have just mentioned. In Italian tr remains after any
vowel except a, e. g. vetro (Lat. vttrum, Span, vedro), but padre
(Lat. pd/er), and pr is retained when it follows the accented
vowel, e.g. sopra (Lat. siipra), capra (Lat. cdpra), but cavriuolo
(Lat. capreolus), obbrobrio (Lat. opprobrivm ,• cf. Or. Henz.
6086 ii).
(For the plionetic descriptions of the Latin tenues and mediae by Roman
grammarians see §§ 79, 86, 92.)
§ 74. Greek tenues in loanwords. The most frequent instance of the
change of a Gk. tenuis to a Lat. media, is the change of Gk. k to Lat. g.
especially before the vowels o, 0, \t. Thus gummi for tc6fifu, gobuis for tcwfii6s,
(jubemare for xv^tpvay, Sdguntum for ZaucwBoSj &c., have always, or usually,
(J in Lat. (see Georges, Lex. Wort/, s.vv. . The spelling varies in conger and
gonger, gorytus and corytus, cammdrus and gammarus \ see Georges). Ter. Scaurus
(xiv. 9, io)says that some pronounced gautidce, some caunace ; so ganiellus and
§§74,75.] PRONUNCIATION. MUTES. 75
cdtMllus [cf. Probi App. 198. 9 calathus non ^galatus'; Gloss, ap. Mai, 01.
And, vi. 578 corax per 0 non per g ; and see Georges and Brambach s. vy.
Caieta ;now Ga6ta), Agrigentum, grabafum]. In the modern Milanese diaUct, the
French cabriolet has similarly become gabriol^. Before n, c became g in Latin
(ch. iv. § 116), so that the spellings cygnusy Gndsus, Onldus are only natural (»ee
Georges and Brambach). Of the final -ca of dmurca (Gk. dfiopyi])^ Servius (ad
O. i. 194) says that it was written with c, but pronounced with g. (A similar
interchange of -cay -ga, is seen in leuga and leucaj raca, and ro/ga, &c. ) For Gk.
ir we find Latin b in the initial accented syllable before the vowel u in the
word hnxiis, and in the Old Latin name of King Pyrrhus, Burrus (the form
used by Ennius in his Annals, according to Cicero Or. xlviii 160 Burrum
semper Ennius, numquam Pyrrhum ; ipsius antiqui declarant libri ; cf.
(^int. i. 4. 15, and Ter. Scaur. 14 K., who adds Bynia as the equivalent of
Gk. Uvppiai). The form bumis was retained in rustic and colloquial Latin ;
hurra was a name for a cow, burrus for a red-faced man, as we learn from
Paul. Fest. (p. 99. 39 Th. burrum dicebant antiqui quod nunc dicimus
rufum ; unde rustic! * burram ' appellant buculam, quae rostrum habet
rufiun. pari mode rubens cibo ac potione ex prandio ^ burrus ' appellatur),
who also mentions burranica polio ; lacte mixtum sapa, a rufo colore (p. 96. 19
Th.\ and burranicum ; genus vasis (p. 96. 7\ Quintilian {[. 5. 13) quotes Cicero's
phrase Cmwpitarwn exercitum with the remark, ipsi Canobon dicunt. (On Latin
Cdndpus, Gk. Kdvcufios see Brambach s.v.) In Probi Append. (199. 5 K.)
we have, plasta non * blasta.' Gk. fiardyiov for nardvtoy is quoted by Hesychius
as belonging to the Sicilian dialect {vardyta . . vorffpia. rivh S^ dtd rov fi
fiardyia \iyovatyj and fiardvta' rd \ondBia. ^ S^ \i(is XiKtKiic^), So carpdtinae
cripidae of Catull. xcviii : 4 are in Gk. Kapfidrivcu and napwdriyai. Old Lat. Tdis
for Btris (C. I. L, xiv. 4109, on a Praenestine mirror) (cf. Varro, L, L. vii. 87
lymphata dicta a lympha ; lympha a Nympha, ut quod apud Graecos Qtris,
apud Ennium : Thelis illi mater, and R. R. iii. 9. 19 antiqui ut Thetim
* Thelim ' dicebant, sic Medicam * Melicam ' vocabant) perhaps implies an
intermediary form with d for Gk. t. The relation of cofonea, the origin of the
Romance words for quince ^Ital. cotogna, Fr. coing) to Gk. Kvdcjvia is not clear
(cf. Macrob. vii. 6. 13 mala cydonia quae cotonia Cato vocat ; Pliny, N. H, xv.
lo). In Vulg. Lat. we find additional examples of g for Gk. /c, such as *grupta
(Ital. grotto\ *garo/ulum (from Kapv6<pv\\ov), *gontus : not to mention *gattus for
(Teutonic?) cattua, and probably gramba. Of spellings on Gk. inscriptions may be
instanced «raA{«(uv for mligarum, aapayapov (from serrdcum), 0-70X17 all on the Edict
of Diocletian ; also Tamos for Cantius, and Kav^iros for Caruiidus (Eckinger, pp. 98,
100, loa). The same interchange of tenues and mediae is seen in Gk., e. g. nfftcw
and rrfyavoVy especially in loanwords, e. g. Tdmjs^ rairU and idinsj 'Afiirpcucidrrrji
and 'Afifipcuciorrrii : in dialects we have, e. g. KKdyos'ydXa^ KprjrtSy Hesych., and in
later Vulg. Gk. t often becomes 8 between two vowels. It is thus often possible
that the Roman word represents a Greek byform. [Other examples of the
variety in Latin loanwords are carbasus, Gk. Kapvcuro^ criiniina, Gk. jfwfiia
a bag, galbdnum, Gk. x'^^^^^f spSluncaj Gk. <rirffkvyyaj not to mention incitega,
Gk. ^YYvO^Krj. Cf. also Idtices with Gk. kdraytSj pldga with Gk. rtXd^, On citrus
(also cedrus^, and Gk. WSpos, see ch. iv. § 113. Both Oreisita and Crisida occur
on old Praenestine cistae for * Chryseis* (C. I. L. xiv. 4109 ; i. 1501)].
§ 75. Confiulon of mediae and tenues in Iiatin words. A large nunilxir
of seeming instances are not due to any Latin, or oven Italic, law of sound.
^6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
but are sun'ivals of that interchange of media and tenuis, which shows itself
occasionally in I. -Eur. roots, e. g. sQcus and sugo. Many are dialectal varia-
tions ; for in parts of Italy the tenuis was used where the Latin form had
the media and vice versa, just as in modern Italian the Neapolitan dialect
has t corresponding to the d of lapidi (Lat. ldpides\ &c. ; the Roman dialect
affects grosta, gautela, &;c., with gr- for c-. Thus Quint, i. 5. la tells us that
a certain Tinea of Placentia used ^ precula ' for pergula (see K, Z. xxx. 345). Of
the misspellings of this kind in inscriptions and MSS. (collected by Schuchardt,
Vok, i. pp. 194 sqq.)) not a few are due to the similar appearance of the letters
G, C, B, P. But there is a residuum of undoubted instances of variation
between the tenuis and the media, at least for c and g. For p and h we have
the (dialectal ?) word ropto, a red mullet, given as nickname to Pompey, who had
a florid complexion ; Mar. Sacerd. 46a K. quotes a lampoon, perhaps a Fescen-
nine line sung by soldiers at his trimnph, quem non pudet et rubet, n6n est
h6m6 sed ropio). The word, which should probably be read in Catull. xxxvii. 10
(^see Sacerd. 1. c), is evidently connected with robus and rw/tts, forSacerdos adds,
ropio autem est minium aut piscis robeus aut penis [cf. Ter. Scaur. 14 K. on
the doubtful examples of PcUatium and * Balatium ' (by analog}' of balo) ; Publicola
and 0. Lat. Pqplicola ^by analogy ofpqpultis) ; propom on early coins for pro6um,
C. /. L. i. 19 ; aduocapit in the Carmen Arvale]. For t and d, probably not
petiduSf *■ a little foot ' (?) ; Afranius ap. Non. 160 M. atque ^d^ nolo nudo
petiolo esse plus [MSS. es pus], for this is better explained as pecioio- (Ital.
picciuolo, 0. Fr. pe9uel, &c). But the most examples are of g for c, as we
found to be the case with Greek loanwords ; and this perhaps throws some
light on the early use in the Latin alphabet of the Greek Gamma-symbol as
the symbol for Latin c as well as for g. In Vulgar Latin -aY- and -cer- in the
proparoxytone syllable seem to have become -git-, -ger-, e. g. *plagituin, yager,
to judge from the Romance forms (see Arch, Glottd. ix. 104). (Is digitus
a similar transformation of dicitua ? Dicitus is censured in Probi App. 198. 10,
and occurs in MSS. See Schuchardt, Kofr. ii. 413) ; initial era- may have become
gra, e. g. Ital. grasso. Span, graso, Fr. gras from Latin crassus ; Ital. grata. Span,
grada from Lat. cratis (Meyer Lubke, Rom. Gram. i. p. 353) ; Lat gavia for cavea
is reflected in Ital. gabbia, Span, gavia, Prov.gabia ; so *gcfnfidre in Ital. gonfiare,
&c. [For other examples of y-c, see Georges and Brambach s. w. vicesimus, vicenij
tricenij tricieSj nongentij cremia, neglego, graculuSj gurgulio, &c. ; on the change of
d before r to t, e. g. dtrOx for *adrox (cf. Hdium), see ch. iv. § 1 13, of c before n to (/,
e. g. dignus, see ch. iv. § 119; Ubo (I.-Eur. *pibo) is due to the Latin tendency to
assimilate adjacent syllables . ch.iv. § 163); cf. also Quint, i. 6. 30 nonnumquam
etiam barbara ab emendatis conatur discemere, ut cum Triquetram dici
Siciliam an * Triquedram,' meridiem an *medidiem * oporteat, quaeritur.]
§ 76. Mediae and Tenues at end of word. Quintilian, who includes
among the points of inferiority of Latin to Greek the use of -&, -d at the end
of syllables (xii. 10. 3a quid quod syllabae nostrae in b litteram et d innituntur
adeo aspere, ut plerique, non antiquissimorum quidem, sed tamen veterum,
moll ire tempt averint, non solum ^ aversa ' pro * abversis ' dicendo, sed et in
' praepositione b litterae absonam et ipsam f [s edd.'] subiciendo), mentions (i. 7.
5) with disapproval the practice of distinguishing ad^ the preposition, from aU
the conjunction. The right use of -^ and -d in words like aJt and cUf, 5^, quit (from
t{ueo \ and quid (from quia), quot and quM, &c., is a subject of frequent remark in the
granunarians, e. g. Ter. ScHurus (la. 8 K. approves sed on the ground that the
§§ 76, 77.] PRONUNCIATION. MUTES. 77
old form was sedum [cf. ib. ii. 8 K. ; Vel. Long. 69-70 K. ; Probi App. aoa,
37 K. ; Cassiod. ais. 5 K. ; Alcuin 308. 8 K.. and (on haut&nd?iaud) 303. 3 K. ; on
caput and apud Bede 264. 35 K.. &c.]. Charisius (299 K,) quotes ad for at from
a speech of LiciQius Calvus ; and Vel. Long. 70 K. says that sed in sed enim
' d litteram sonat.' Instances of the confusion or suppression of final -d and -t
in inscriptions and MSS. have been collected by Schuchardt, Vok. i. pp. n8 sqq.
and Seelmann, pp. 366 sqq. They include, beside the cases just mentioned,
the use of -d for -t, or the suppression of -ty in verbal forms, like rogad^ C. L L.
iv. 3388 (but on O. Lat. fecedj &c., for fScitj &c., see ch. viii. § 69), peria {{or pireaC)
iv. 1173 ; also the loss of -^ in the combination •n/, fecerun vi. 3251, just as -t
is lost in the combination -dj lac from lad from older lade, an I-stem). The
preposition is spelt at in the Lex Col. JuL Genetivae Urbanorum of 44 B.C.,
except when the next word begins with (f-, e. g. at it judicium atsint, i. 2. 13 ;
ateo . . ad decuriones, iii. 8. 7 {Eph. Epigr. ii. p. i22\ hut always ad (even in
adtribuiionemf &c.), beside ap^it in the Lex Julia Municipalis of 45 b c. (C. I. L.
i. 206). This uncertainty of usage has been taken as evidence of the final
dental having been uttered faintly, or having been a sound intermediate
between d and f, like the final dental of German, written dtj in Stadt, &c.
The instances, however, mentioned by grammarians are all words which
would be closely joined in utterance with a following word, quid Hbi ?, quid
diets, ad templum, ad deos, &c. ; so that it is most natural to believe, as was
suggested of the confusion between -m and -n, that the sounds adapted them-
selves to the initial of the following word. Quid Hbi would be pronounced as
^t^ tihi, and ad templum as at templum (like at-tineo, &c.). The spellings quid tibij
ad templum would be historical (like ad-tineo^, not phonetic. The weakness of
final d is better shown by its suppression after a long vowel. Thus the
Abl. Sg. ceased to be pronounced with -d about the end of the third cent. b. 0.
(see § 137), though d remained till later in the monosyllables med, ted,
while haud was retained before words beginning with vowels (Ritschl, Opusc. ii.
591, &c., V. 352) ; and the affection of -t by the spellings on plebeian and late
inscriptions of verb-forms like reHquid, &c. In Vulgar Latin -t cannot have
been dropped till after the conquest of Gaul {A,L, L. i. 212'.
P is not found at the end of any Latin word, if we except ro/up, for volupej
the Neuter of an adj. *volupis ; but it is common in Oscan, e. g. op (Lat. o&),
ip * there.*. (On the spellings optineo^ obtineOy &c., see § 8o\ On the other
hand final g never appears in Latin, though we have c in oc (for atqule] ), nee
(for nSqu[e] ), lac (for lact[e] ), ilHc for i/n-c[c], &c. ; but nee is written neg-
invariably in negotium^ and usually in neglego (see Georges, s.v.). (Cf. ch. x.
§18.)
§ 77. Mediae and tenues in the Dialects. There is a good deal of inter-
change of tenues and mediae in Umbrian and Oscan (e. g. Osc. deketasiiii and
degetasiiis), which has led some to the theory that the Umbro Oscan mediae
were not voiced .Conway, Amer. Joum, Phil. xi. 3o6\ while others refer the
variation to the defects of the Umbrian and Oscan alphabets, which being
derived from the Etruscan had not originally the means of distinguishing
fully the tenues from the mediae (the Umbrian alphabet, for example, uses
the ^sign for both t and rf, the ^-sign for both k and y, &c., see von Planta,
Gramm. Osk.-Umhr. Dial i. p. 547"^. In a Falisco-Latin inscr. (Zvet. /. /. /. 72
wo have gondecorant, gotUegiumy beside communia.
78 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap- H.
§ 78. By P. Latin b,p were labial mutes, apparently with the
same sound as d, j0 in ItaL, e. g. bene (Lat. binS\ pino (Lat.
pinus\ and English i, jo, Between vowels h became in course
of time a labial spirant, and by the third cent, a d. became
identified with Latin v {to) (see § 52). In Spanish, b has
a er-sound, which differs from our w^ in that the back of the
tongue is not raised, nor the cheeks narrowed. It is the same as
the w of South German wie, wein.
B was often written, though p was pronounced, before *, ^, in
such words as urbs^ obtXneo. It was a frequent subject of discus-
sion among Latin grammarians whether these words should not
be spelt with 7;, so that the spelling might agree with the
pronunciation. The b was defended in urbs^ &c., on the ground
that it would be unreasonable to spell a nominative case with
p and the other cases with 6, urbiSy urbi^ &c., and in obUneOy &c.,
because the form of the preposition when alone, and often in
composition, had the b, ob, obduco, &c. The -5 of the preposition
similarly assimilated itself in pronunciation to m in compounds
like siibmiUo, sunmitfo. In ihniUo all traces of this b have
disappeared (see ch. iii.).
Latin b represents an L-Eur. aspirate in words like ruber,
stem rubrO'f I.-Eur. ^rudA-rOy Greek i-pvOpSs. In these eases
/in various parts of Italy corresponded to Latin 5, e.g. Umbrian
rufro-. This dialectal /for b is seen in forms like sifUns, beside
genuine Latin itibtlus, forms which do not prove anything about
the pronunciation of Latin 4, but are merely corresponding words
to the Latin, which have come from some dialect or other. A good
many of these dialectal /-forms have found their way into the
Romance languages.
§ 70. Phonetic descriptions of b, p. To the usual phoneticians, Ter.
Maur. vi. 331. 186-193 K. :
b littera vel p quasi syllabae videntur
jiinguntque sonos de gemina sede profeotoe :
nam muta jubet portio comprimi labeUa,
vocalis at intus locus exitum ministrat.
(rompressio porro est in utraque dissonora ;
nam prima per oras etiam labella figit,
volut intus agatur sonus ; ast altera contra
poUit sonitiim de modiis foras labellis ;
$§ 78-81.] PRONUNCIATION. LABIALS. 79
Mar. Vict. vi. 33. 15 K. (whose b seems to be the p of Ter. Maur.) b et p
litterae conjunctiono vocalium quasi syllabae (nam muta portiopenituslatet:
neque enim labiis hiscere ullumve meatum vocis exprimere nisus valet, iiisi
vocales exitum dederint atque ora reserarint) dispari inter se oris officio
exprimuntur, nam prima exploso e mediis labiis sono, sequens compresso ore
velut introrsum attracto vocis ictu explicatur ; Martianus Capella iii. a6i
B labiis per spiritus impetum reclusis edicinms . . P labris spiritus [spiritu
Eyas.] erumpit ; we may add the remark of Terentius Scaurus vii. 14. 3 K.
b cum p et m consentit, quoniam origo eanim non sine labore conjuncto ore
respondet.
80. bs, bt. Latin bs had the sound of Greek ^ Vel. Long. vii. 61 K.), and
was one of the sounds for which the Emperor Claudius proposed a new letter,
on the ground that a separate sign for cs {x) justified a separate sign for ps.
The general opinion however pronounced this new letter unnecessary. Some
even went so far as to question the necessity of x (Quint, i. 4. 9 nostrarum
ultima [sc. x], qua tam carere potuimus, quam psi non quaerimus). The
spelling aba is defended on the strength of ab by Velius Longus (vii. 61 K.),
who also tells us that some authorities always spelt opatitit, abaorpsi, urpaj nupsiy
pUpa (id. vii. 64 and 73-4 K.) (cf. Mar. Vict. vi. ai. 10 K. ; Ter. Scaur, vii. 14. 7 ;
ai. 8 K.). It was Varro who laid down the inile that nouns with -p- in the
Genitive should have -pa in the Nominative, nouns with -&- should have -bs,
e. g. Pdopa^ P&iipiSj but pleba, pUbia^ urba, urbis (Ter. Scaur, vii. a7. 1 1 K. ; cf.
Varro, L.L. x. 56). [So in the Appendix Probi : (198. 4 K. and 199. 4) celebs
non *celeps'; (199. 3. plebs non *pleps*; ^199. 11^ labsus non * lapsus. 'J
That obtfnuit was pronounced optinuit, we are told by Quintilian (i. 7 7) :
secimdam enim b litteram ratio poscit, aures magis audiunt p. The
spellings pa, pi are common enough in MSS. and inscriptions (see Indices to
C.I.L,) [cf. Obacua^ Opacua and Opicua, old forms of Oactia (as aupacribo, aubacribo
of auacribo-f Fest. aia and 334 Th. ; and see Georges, Lex. Wort/., 8.v. cambaiy
tampsi], Curtius Valerianus (ap. Cassiod. 157 K.) saysps belong to the same,
ba to different syllables. In the Lex Col. Jul. Genetivae Urbanorum of 44 b. c.
i)p- is used in opsaepire, opiemperare, (rpturare, opttnere, but always ab-, never ap'
{Epk. Epigr. ii. pp. laa and aai). Abainthium fvulgar ahseatium), absida late Lat.
for apsia follow the analogy of aba.
§ 81. ps, pt. In Romance the sounds of Latin p( and pa have been retained in
Roumanian, but in other languages have passed into tt, as, e. g. Ital. sette (Lat.
fteptem^, cassa fLat. capaa), esso 'Lat. ips?), medesimo ^Vulg. Lat. *met ipaimna,
O. Fr. medesme, Fr. m6me -. Isae for ipae foimd its way into colloquial Latin
(see Georges, Lex. Wortf. s. v.), though, if the story mentioned, but discredited,
by Suetonius [Aug. 88), be true, the use of mi or ixi ?) * for ipai by a * legatus
consularis ' led to his'being cashiered by Augustus as ^ rudis et indoctus.' Cf.
siisaUio for supaiiio, atibsQio ; and for some examples of as for pa in MSS. and late
plebeian inscriptions, see Schuchardt, Vok. i. 148 ; for tf, t for pf, ib. i. 143, and
see Georges s. w. acratta, aepthnua. The lap-dog, the subject of one of Martial's
prettiest epigrams :i. 1091 was called latia (i.e. ipsa in the sense of domina),
' M'lady.' Its master had made a painting of it : in qua tam similem videbiH
Issam, Ut sit tam similis sibi nee ipsa.
' Plautus puns on ttpsecro and mox aeo). Mil. 1406.
8o THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
§ 82. bm, mb. Ommentans was the 8X)elling in a line of Livius Andronicus'
translation of the Odyssey (a p. Fest. ai8. 14 Th. aut in Pylum deuenies aut
ibi ommentans. Cf. Gl. Plac. ommentat : expectat". Amnigo occurs ^n
inscriptions {C. 1, L, vi. 1467a) ; amnuo in Glosses (LOwe, ProdromuSf p. 491 \
(On amittOf submitto, pronounced summittOj &c, see Brambach, HtUfsb.^ pp. 16-18.
On m& becoming dialectal ly mm, see § 71. ^
§ 83. b and dialectal f. Alfius was the dialectal, AWius the Latin form of
the name. The two forms are found, for example, on Interamna inscriptions
(Albius, C. I. L, xi. 4240, Al/tOj 4242). So with other proper names like OrhHius
aind Orfilius, SiJUus, a mispronunciation of tUbUuSf censured in the Appendix
Probi (199. 3 K. ; cf. Non. 531. a), was a dialectal variety ; similarly scrH/a
a sow has been connected with scrdhis. In glosses we find crefrare with cribrarej
bufiis with btibo (LOwe, Prodr, p. 431), and in modem Italian sufilare (cf. Fr.
siffler) beside sibilare (Lat. sibUari), tafano (Lat. t&banua^, &c (other examples
in Arch. Olott lial. x. i^;.
§ 84. b and m. B became m in Latin before m, n (cf. summitto, amnego, above).
But gldmus and ^dbxut (cf. Probi App. 198. 8 globus non ^glomus') are two
different stems, globus^ -i and glomuSf -ms ^^see Rom, ForscJi. vii. 217).
§ 85. D, T. We have clear evidence that Latin n, the dental
nasal, was, like our », not a pure dental (see § 6j). The dental
mutes, d the voiced dental, f- the unvoiced, cannot then have been
pure dentals either. The Latin phoneticians speak of Latin d and
f as differing in more respects than the mere presence or absence
of what is technically called * voice ' ; though the suspicion under
which they stand of being unduly influenced by their Greek
authorities makes them uncertain guides. In Italian, t, e. g. tu
(Lat. fu), d, e. g. dono (Lat. dono) are both pure dentals, differing
like any other unvoiced and voiced mute. But there is on
Italian soil a curious sound, a cacuminal d, exemplified by Sicilian
c«,vad<Ju (Lat. ciibalh^), on which see Meyer-Liibke, Bal. Gram.
§ 264.
Both I and ;• are sounds closely related to d, the position of the
tongue, &c., being very similar in the formation of all three
sounds. In d there is a complete closure of the mouth passage";
in I the middle of the passage is closed, but the sides are left
open ; in r there is an opening in front at the tip of the tongue
Through neglect of the side closure d has passed into / in words
like Idcruma (older dacrv ma )(see ch. iv. § iii) ; through neglect
of the front closure it passed into r in Old Latin in words like
arfuise (later adfaisse) on the Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus
(C. I. L. i. 196, of 186 B.C.) before the bilabial spirants / and v
§§ 82-85.] PRONUNCIATION. DENTALS. 8l
(see ch. iv. §112). A fifth (?) century grammarian speaks of the
mispronunciation peres for jy^rfdF* as one specially affected by the
poorer classes at Rome in his time (Consentius v. 393. 15 K.) ;
and the same change of sound is still found in dialects of Italy.
In Naples, for example, pere is the word used for ' foot' to this
very day. Before r, d seems to have been changed to ^, e. g.
dter, stem dtra- for ^ddro (see ch. iv. § 113), a tendency seen in
spellings like Alexankr^ Cassanfray which Quintilian tells us he
had noticed on old inscriptions at Rome (i. 4. 16), and which is
found on Praenestine cistae (see § 73). Of rfr, dl^ &c. we are told
* nullo modo sonare d littera potest' (Cassiod. 151 K. ; 207 K.).
Before /, t could not be pronounced, but passed into the sound of
c, just as the phrase ' at least ' often takes with us the sound
' a cleast.' The I.-Eur. suffix -tto had on this account become -do in
Latin words like periclnm (ch. v. § 25) ; and when at a late period
the Latin suffix 'iulua became contracted by the syncope of the
penult, it was changed to -c/«*, vUtilus, for example, becoming
veclvs (Ital. vecchio). Another change of d, namely its tendency
to be assimilated by a preceding n in words like distenno for
disfendo is discussed in § 71, and its assimilation in compounds
like adimeo, pronounced alfineo, adsiim, pronounced assum, in ch. iv.
§ 160. The most impoi*tant changes of d, /, however, are those
which these letters experienced when they were followed by i
before another vowel. The same syncope that reduced vetulus to
veclus, caltd<i to calda^ made ' Tityus ' out of TttiuSj ^ hodye ' out
of hMie, Through this combination of y with a preceding
consonant in unaccented syllables, a new series of sounds,
unknown in Latin, has arisen in Romance. Latin simia has
become French singe (through *sim^a), Latin apium Fr. ache
{*apyum), Lat. rabies Fr. rage {^rab^es), Lat. cambiare Pr. changer
(*camb^are), D^, as we saw before (§51), became identified with
ffi, ffCy and Latin j (our y), and has assumed in Italian the sound
of our j, e.g. Ital. giomo from Lat. diurnus; while fy has
developed in Italian into the sound of Is, a sound reduced in
French to an *-sound, in Spanish to a sound like our f/i in * thin '
(written in Spanish z), e. g. Ital. piazza, Fr. place, Span, plaza,
all from Latin platea^ *plat^a. The grammarians of the later
Empire have fortunately left us a good many remarks on the
G
y
82 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
palatalization of /, so that we can trace pretty clearly the course
of its development in Latin. It seems from their accounts to
have begun in the fourth cent. A.D., and to have been fairly
established by the fifth ; and this is confirmed by other evidence,
such as the fact that in the Latin loanwords in Welsh (borrowed
during the Roman occupation of Britain which ceased in the fifth
cent.), ty has not become an «-sound. About the same time cy
became assibilated ; and so confusions of -^f- and -^e- before
a vowel are common in late inscriptions and in MSS.
§ 86. Fhonetio desoriptions of d, t. TerentianuH Maurus makes the back
of the tongue come into play in the formation of d^ whicli would make Latin
d to have been what phoneticians c^tU ^ dorsal ' d (from Lat. dorsum, the back),
like the d of Central and S. Germany. Seelmann understands /, I, r, and n
also to have bt'on dorsal HOunds. Ter. liaur. vi. 331. 199-303 K. :
at portio dentes quotieus suprema linguae
pulsaverit imos modiceque curva summos,
tunc d sonitum perficit explicatque vocem ;
t, qua superis dontibus intima est origo,
Humma satis est ad sonitum ferire lingua.
Similarly Marius Victorinus speaks of the two sounds as having marked
difference in their formation (vi. 33. 24 K.) : d autem et t^ quibus, ut ita
dixorini, vocIh vicinitas quaedam est, linguae sublatione ac positione distin*
guuntur. nam cum nunimos atque imos conjunctim dentes suprema sui parte
pulsaverit, d litteram oxprimit. quotions autem sublimata pai'tem, qua
superis dentibihk est origo coutigerit, t sonoro vocis explicabit. Tliey repre-
sent the formation of f, in conformity with what wo have already learned about
»», as the contact of the tongue with the alveolars, or gums of the upper teeth,
whereas in uttering d both the lower and the upper teeth are touched by
the tongue, which is so bent down as to touch the lower teeth with its tip.
and the upper with its blade. Martianus Capella ; iii. a6i) : D appulsu linguae
<;irca superiores dentes innascitur. . . T appulsu linguae dentibusque impulsis
oztunditur [extruditur Eyas., extuditur MSSny
$ 87. d and L In Nomo Italian dialects d in the Latin suffix 'Ulus becomes I if
the stem ends in a labial. Thus Lat. ti^us is in the Neapolitan dialect
tiepolo. Some examples of / for d in MSS. and late inscriptions are collected
by Schuchardt, Vok, i. 142.
i 88. d and r. In the Abruzzi {the ancient counti-y of Oscan and Sabellian
tribes) we find d \^ English th in ^ there *) and r for Latin (/, e. g. dicere and
ricere (Lat. rfJccre), da and ra (Lat. dat\ Tlie close connexion of d with r, as
phases of rf, we see from Spanish, where in the literary language d has assumed
the ^-sound in words like * Madrid,' while in the Andalusian dialect this it has
sometimes developed into r, e. g. soleares, sometimes been dropped e. g. naa,
for *nada. Final (t is weakly pronounced in Spanish, and often dropped ; and
the same is true of the Galician dialect of Portuguese, e. g. bond^ (Lat.
§§ 86-90.] PRONUNCIATION. DENTALS. 83
b<mUatem). In Proyen9al too Latin d became (t and was dropped when finah
AH this throws light on the Umbrian treatment of L-Eur. dy which in the
middle of a word is expressed by a peculiar sign in the Umbrian alphabet
(conventionally written ?f or f), a sign rendered in Latin characters by rs, e.g.
kapide, capirse (Lat. cdpidif Dat. of capiSy a bowl\ and which seems to inter-
change with r, e. g. tertu and tedtu (Lat. ddio, or lather *dSdato), but which at
the end of a word is often dropped, e. g. asam-a and asam-ad (Lat. ad dram^ or
rather *aram od), always when a long vowel precedes, e. g. pihaclu (Lat.
pidciilo, older piadjlUdj Abl.). Not unlike is the Latin treatment of d, with the
occasional change to r on the one hand, and the loss of final d after a long
vowel [e. g piacold(d)y but quod] on the other. In Italian d is always dropped in
words like fe (Lat. ftdfs), and in the other Romance languages d between any
two vowels is liable to the same thing ; e. g. Latin mMuUa is in Spanish
meollo, in French moelle, though in Italian it is midolla ; Italian preda (Lat.
praeda) is in Sardinian prea, &c.
§ 89. tL Vedus for vSiuluSf rndtis for vttulus, capiclum for cdpUHlunif were
mispronunciations in vulgar speech (Probi App. p. 197. ao and 198. 34 K.).
SUis the old form of Us (Quint i. 4. 16} is spelled aclis on inscriptions ;e. g. C. I, L,
X. 911 and 12491. Caper censures the use of aclataris for stldtdriSy a pirate ship,
mamdus for martulusj a priest of Mars (vii. 107. i ; 105. ai K.). (For examples
of cl for tl in MSS. and late inscriptions see Schuchardt, Vok, i. 160.)
§ 90. Assibilation of ty, dy. In the fourth cent, we have an indication that
ti, di before a vowel were in process of change. Servius {in Don, iv. 445.
8-ia K.) tells us that they often pass into a sibihis (which need not imply
an 5-sound) when in the middle of a word, though often they retain
a pronunciation in accord with their spelling (etiam sic positae sicut di-
ctmtur ita etiam sonandae sunt, ut * dies ' ' tiaras '). The same grammarian,
in a note on Virgil, Geory, ii. 126, remarks that the Greek word MPdta must be
pronounced in Greek fashion sine sihUOj that is to say without that consonantal
{^sound which Latin vnMiiiSy media had in the time of Servius, that ^ pinguis
sonus' of i which the grammarians, as we saw before (§ 14), declared to be
particularly alien to Greek pronunciation. In the early part of the fifth cent.
Papirian (^MS. * Papirius ') is more explicit. The letters H before a vowel, in
words like Tatius, otia, jusHtia, have, he says, a sound as if z (i. e. Greek ^,
which had at this time the soft or voiced 5*sound) were inserted between
them (ap. Cassiodor. vii. 316. 8 K.) : ^ justitia' cum scribitur, tertia syllaba
sic sonat quasi constet ex tribus litteris t, z, i. This, he points out, is the
case only when ti is followed by a vowel, and not always even then, not, for
example, in Genitives like otii nor when s precedes tiy e. g. justius, castiiis. In
the same century Pompeius censures as a fault the very pronunciation allowed
in the preceding century by Servius, whereby ti, rft were pronounced as spelled.
He lays dovni the rule (v. a86. 10 K.) : quotienscumque post ti vel di
syllabam sequitur vocalis, illud ti vel di in sibilum vertendum est . . . ergo si
volueris dicere ti vel di, noli, quem ad modum scribitur, sic proferre, sod sibilo
profer. He goes on to say that this pronunciation is not found with initial
ti, di ; nor with the combination sti ; for here ^ ipsa syllaba a litteris accepit
sibilum,* a remark which shows pretty clearly that Pompeius understands
by sibUus an s-sound, cf. v. 104. 6 K. si dicas ^Titius,' pinguius sonat [i] et
perdit sonum suum et accipit sibilum. A grammarian of the fifth cent.;?),
G 2
84 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
Consentius (395. 3), describes the new sound of ti in (tiam as * breaking some-
thing off the middle syllable ' (de media syllaba iuMngant). He, like
Pompeius, declares the old pronunciation to be a ^ vitium/ and tells us that the
Greeks in their anxiety to correct this fault were apt to go to the extreme of
giving the now sound to ti even when not followed by a vowel, e. g. inoptimtis
(mediam syllabam ita sonont quasi post t, z graecum ammisceant). Finally
Isidore in the seventh cent, tells us {Orig. i. 26, a8) that justiti a ^sonum z
litterae exprimit/ and (xx. 9. 4. that the Italians of his time pronounced
hodie as ozie. Tlio spellings on inscriptions confirm this account of the
grammarians, though, as was to be expected, the assibilation shows itself
<m plebeian inscriptions even earlier than the fourth cent., e.g. Crescentsian-Ms)
'vGruter, p. 127, vii. i, of 140 a. d. , and even in the case of accented ft", di ;
Isidore's statement about the pronunciation of hodie (now oggi) is perhaps
supported by oze \C,I. L, viii. 8424'! : z ( = zes, for dies) \C.I. L. v. 1667), &c.,
this z being pronounced like our s in *■ amaze.* But dy- first passed through
the stage of y, unlike fy- (sec ch. iv. § 62), and this z may be merely an attempt
to express the t/-sound. Seelmann, p. 323, gives a list of these spellings. Some
may bo dialectal, for in Osciin we have on the Bantia tablet (Zr. 231') Banaa-
(Lai. Bantid)j zicdUh (Lat. dilcxda) (pronounce z as above' ; and in Etruria the
assibilation of iy seems also to have been known (see Sittl, Lok, Verschiedenheiteny
p. 11) ; Marsus (cf. Martses Abl. PI. on a Marsic inscr.) was the native name
for Martins. The rationale of the change of sound is easy. While forming
the /-sound the tongue unconsciously adapted itself to the position for the
j/-sound, so that the interval between the two letters was bridged over by
a glide-sound which the Latin grammarians compare to Greek C, like the
connecting p in the group 7npt, from original mtj in words like emptiis. (For
a fiill account of the process see A". Z. xxix. i sqq., especially p. 48. On the
interchange of ti- and «'-, see § 94.)
§ 01. K, C, G, QU, GU. What we call Guttural Consonants
are more properly divided into (i) Gutturals proper, or Velar
Gutturals, or simply ' Velars,' formed by the back of the convex
surface of the tongue against the soft palate or velum, and
(a) Palatals, formed by the middle of the convex surface of the
tongue against the hard palate ; and these two classes, which are
also called back gutturals and front gutturals, might be still
further subdivided according as the sound is made more to the
back, or more to the front of the mouth. The Velars and Palatals
may be found side by side in a language. German c/i, for
example, with a broad vowel like 0, a, is a velar, e.g. * ach,' but
with a narrow vowel like i, in such a word as 'ich,' it is
a palatal, being spoken more in the front of the mouth, so that
it often sounds like English s/i. Italian cA of chi, chiesa, is
spoken more in the front of the mouth than c of casa, and the
same is true of Engl, i of ' key ' compared with c of * caw/ The
§ 91.] PRONUNCIATION. GUTTURALS. 85
distinct lines of development which the Latin gutturals, c (>fc), g,
took before broad and before narrow vowels, makes it possible, or
even probable, that in Latin, as in Italian, c in centum had a more
palatal sound than c in cantus, coiUus, &c., although this distinc-
tion is not mentioned by any of the Roman grammarians. The
only guttural of which they give us a clear account is qn, in
which the ^-element seems to have been more of a vowel than
Latin v (our w), A first century grammarian (Vel. Long,
vii 58. 17 K.) makes the difference to consist in the latter being
sounded 'cum aliqua aspiratione/ i.e. as a consonantal spirant,
not as a half- vowel, like u of quis, and in the fourth century u of
qudniam, qmdem is said to be ' nee vocalis nee consonans * (Donat.
iv. 367. 16 K.). Priscian (seventh cent.) says the same of the
u of sanguis, lingua (i. 37), so that Latin qu^ gu must have had
a sound very like their sound in Italian quattro, &c. The
palatalization of c, g before a narrow vowel is found in all
Romance languages, with the exception of a dialect in the island
of Sardinia. It was also a feature of the Umbrian language, so
that we should expect it to have appeared early in Vulgar Latin
at least. But all the evidence points to as late a period as the
sixth and seventh centuries a. d. as the time when the change of
sound took place. No grammarian hints at a difference of sound
in c, g before a broad and before a narrow vowel, although the
assibilation of ti before a vowel is mentioned again and again.
Greek transcriptions of Latin words with c invariably reproduce
it by K, in cases like KHN20N for ceiisum, KPH2KHN2 for
crescetis; Latin loanwords in Welsh (first to fifth centuries) show
that Latin c was hard in all positions, e.g. Welsh cwyr (Lat.
cera)j ciwdawd (Lat. clvUdlem), and similarly German Keller
(Lat. celldrinm), Kist^ (Lat. cisfu) \ it is not till the seventh
century that spellings Wke ji^^ze ior j^^ce (Muratori, 19 15. 3) assert
themselves on inscriptions. At an earlier period, it is true, ci (cy)
before a vowel in unaccented syllables, and ti (ty) in the same
position, had been confused, so that ci was written ti in words
like sdldtium, and expressed like genuine ti a sibilant sound.
But this proves nothing for c in words like ce?itum, cttra. G
before e, i became (like dy) the j^-sound, and is in the Romance
languages indistinguishable from Latin j (oury) (see § 51)- The
86 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
group ct has become tt in Italian^ e.g. Ottobre, Lat. Octobris,
and had assumed the sound in late Latin, to judge from spellings
on inscriptions like laftuca in the Edict of Diocletian, Otobris
(Rossi a88, of 380 a.d.) and aufor,
§ 82. Phonetic descriptions of the Gutturals. Ter. Maur. vi. 33T. i94-:<o5K. :
iitrumque latus dentibus applicare lingiiam
c preasius urget : dein hino et hinc remittit,
quo Yocis adhaerens sonus explicetur ore.
g porro retrorsum coit et sonum prions
obtusius ipsi prope suificit palato.
. . . k perspicuum est littera quod vacare possit
et q similis ; namque eadem vis in utraque est.
Mar. Vict. vi. 33. ao K. c etiam et g, ut supra scriptae, sono proximae oris
molimine nisuque dissentiunt. nam c reducta introrsum lingua hinc atque
hinc molares urgens haerentem intra os sonum yocis excludit : g vim prions
pari linguae habitu palato suggereus lenius reddit . . . [q^ k] quarum utram-
que exprimi faucibus^ alteram distento, alteram producto rictu manifestum est
Mart. Cap. iii. a6i ; G spiritus [iacit] cum palato . . . K faucibus palatoque
forma tur . . . Q appulsu palati ore restricto. Ter. Scaur, vii. 14. i K. x littera
cognata est cum c et g, quod lingua sublata paulum hae dicuntur. Bede
(9a8. 9i)f in criticizing Donatus* remark, quoted above, on the pronunciation
of u in qu, explains him to mean that * tam leviter tum effertur ut vix sentiri
quoat.' Pompeius (▼. 104. 25 K.") calls the u a *pars litterae praecedentis.*
Priscian (i. 6 ^ seems to speak of it as the * contractus sonus ' of normal « ;
but the passage is corrupt and the meaning uncertain. The statement of the
phoneticians that Latin c was uttered with more energy of articulation than
y, is confirmed by certain phenomena of the language, as has been shown
in 5 73.
§ OS. qu, go. In Oscan and Umbrian, where I.-£ur. qn had become p, Latin
qn is expressed in loanwords by At (Osc kvaisstur, Umbr. kvestretie [Lat.
qtuiesttiraeV,, In Faliscan the ^i-sound is written cv (cm or cr) e.g. cuanuio.
Greek transcriptions have normally irov-, e.g. Kouahparos -. but «(m- is the
earliest expression of qui-j e. g. Kocrcnof (C. /. G. iL 770, of 196-4 b. c, see
Eckinger, p. lao sqq.). In the Augustan age when 0 before a final consonant
was weakened to m even after r, m ^ch. iv. § so), qu, gu became before this u
reduced to c, g^ which points to their being more like cm, gu than cir, gw, rdiws
Arom rAiquM ^in the time of Plautus rHlcuoSj of fi»ur syllables]!, Idcunhtry secunhtr,
extiHguuL The grammarians of the first cent. a. d. were puzzled by the want
of correspondence between Nom. Sing, ictis, Nom. PI. e^tu', and reconstituted
the Nom. Sing, as equus (in the time of Tngan) yYel. Long. 59. 3 K. auribus
quidem sufficiebat ut equus per unum u scriberetur, ratio tamen duo exigit] ;
gtm in extingttMHty &c., followed somewhat later. In the filth cent, we find
CO definitely ousting ^mu, and go, jtmS, though ^5 seems to have been pro-
nounced nS as early as the beginning of the second cent. b. c >^see eh. iv.
§ 137]". Grammarians find great difficulty in deciding which verbs should be
written with -guo and which with -go. The rule they usually follow is
to write -go when the Perfect has -xi, umgoy timgo ^see Bersu Die GuttHmltn .
V A Vulg. Lat. ^aeetts for laqHrus is the original of Romance words for * noose *
§§ 82-84.] PRONUNCIATION. GUTTURALS. 87
like Ital. laccio, Fr. lacs; cf. Probi App. 197. 27 K. exequiae non ^execiae' ;
Cassiod. 158. 15 K. on *reliciae*). The spelling of the Pronoun ^t in its
various forms was also matter of discussion as early as the time of Quintilian.
He tells us (i. 7. 27; that in his younger days the Dative Singular used to
be wi'itten qtioi to distinguish it from the Nom. quiy but that the fashion had
since come in of spelling it cut : illud nunc melius, quod * cui ' tribus quam
posui litteris enotamus, in quo pueris nobis ad pinguem sane sonum qu et
oi utebantur, tantum ut ab illo 'qui' distingueretur. Annaeus Gomutus,
Persius' teacher, tells us that at a much earlier period Lucilius laid down
the rule that qu should be used when a vowel followed in the same syllable,
otherwise cu, and this rule he himself accepts. His comments on it seem to
show that there was not much difference in the sound. *Some/ he goes on
to say, ' think we should spell as we pronounce, but I do not go so far as that '
(ego non omnia auribus dederim). Then he adds, ' qui ' syllaba per qui scri-
bitur ; si dividitui*, ut sit cui ut huic, per c (ap. Cassiod. 149. i K.). So Ter.
Scaurus (first cent), 27. 18 K. quis quidem per *cuis' scribunt, quoniam
supervacuam esse q litteram putant. sed nos cum ilia u litteram, si quando
tertia ab ea vocalis pouitur, consentire jam demonstravimus. 0 autem in
dativo ponimus, ut sit differentia cui et qui. Velius'Longus (first cent.)
(75. 10 K.) thinks it necessary to point out the distinction between dquam
Noun and acuatn Verb. Another tendency that appears in late Latin is to
make a short vowel before qu long by position, as indeed any consonant
followed by u {w\ e.g. Ital. Gennaio with double n from *Jenu)arius; iiqua
is scanned with the first syllable long by the Christian poets, and appears in
Ital. as acqua (cf. Probi App. 198. 18 K. aqua non ' acqua '). A sixth cent,
grammarian ventures to give this quantity to the word in a line of Lucretius,
vi. 868 quae calidum faciunt aquae tactum atque vaporem, where, however,
the MSS. read laticis. Lachmann proposed to read aqUae of three syllables, but
was not able to prove that this form (like Horace's siluae) existed in Old Latin
(see Schrceder in Studemund, StudieHj ii. ao). In Plautus and the older
dramatists, where the short syllable of a word like pdti, Idci has a shortening
influence on the following long syllable, so that the livords may be occasionally
scanned j^dfi, loci (see ch. ili. § 4a), a short vowel before qu seems hardly to have
had this shortening power, e. g. rarely (if ever) Idqui. So to the ear of Plautus
qu almost made a preceding vowel long by position, unless we say that loquiy
&c., sounded to Plautus something like a trisyllable. At any rate qu can
hardly have had merely the ' rounded ' /c-sound of Russian.
§ 84. o, g before narrow vowels. That c, g remained hard before e, i, kc.
(when a vowel did not follow), down to the sixth and seventh centuries ▲. n. we
have a superabundance of proof. For the earlier period we may point to the
fjBUjt that in Umbrian, where c (k) before a narrow vowel became a sibilant,
expressed by a peculiar sign in the native alphabet, the Latin c was not used
for this sound in inscriptions (from the time of the Gracchi) written in Latin
characters, but a modification of s, namely s with a stroke like a grave accent
above it, e. g. deken (Lat. dicem)^ ksiut (Lat cfrut). That Plautus (who by the
way was an Umbrian) makes a play on the words Sosia and adciusy proves
nothing {Amph, 383) :
Amphitruonis te esse aiebas S6siam. — Peccaueram :
nam * Amphitruonis s6cium ' dudum me 6sse volui dicere.
88 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. IL
He makes a play on arcem and arcam in BocM. 943 : atquo hie oquos non in
^cem veriim in ^rcam faciet impetum.
At Cicero's time the spelling puLcher^ Oracchi with ch for supposed Greek x i<*
evidence that in declension of nouns and adjectiven {acer, acriSy kc^ the c did
not change to a sibilant when it came to stand before an e or an t, as it
does in Italian >,amico with hard c, amici with sibilant c). Yarro (ap. Prise,
i. 39) quotes agceps (another spelling of anceps) as one of the words where the
Agma-sound (the ng of ^ thing') was found in Latin before c ^; therefore pre-
sumably hard c). In the first cent. ▲. d. Plutarch and Strabo render Latin c
before a narrow vowel by Greek «, KiKtpcn^, &c. None of the grammarians of
the Empire hint at a variety of pronunciation for c, g^ not even Priscian in
the sixth cent. ; and all through this period we have Greek /r for Latin c in
all positions (on documents of the sixth cent, ^ttcifij Svyarpiieiy &c.)« and on
Latin inscriptions an interchange of c, kj q <;e. g. pake^ C. I. L. x. 7173 : cesquef
for fpiiescit, viii. 1091) (see Seelmann, pp. 34a sqq.). This interchange is not
regulated by any principle. We do not find k used for * hard c,* c for * soft c '
&c., as would have been the case had there been a real difference of pro-
nunciation. All the examples quoted for interchange of e before a narrow
vowel (not in hiatus) with a sibilant earlier than the sixth cent, in S. Italy^
the seventh cent, in Gaul, are illusory (see G. Paris in Accui. Inscr. 1893, Comptea
Rendus, xxi. p. 81).
The evidence that Latin c was what we call hard c before a, i down to
a late period is thus overwhelmingly strong. But while holding to this fact
we may make two concessions. First, that c l)efore e, i was probably more of
a palatal (like Italian ch in chiesa) than a velar (like Italian c in casa). This
palatal character was more and more developed in the Romance languages till
c became a sibilant. Since however this assibilation is not known in the
Sardinian dialect of Logudoru, it may be that at the time of the occupation
of Sardinia :^c. 250 b. c.) Latin c had still a velar character before narrow as
before broad vowels. Second, that ci (ce) before a vowel underwent the same
process of assibilation, as ti before a vowel did in the fifth cent. a. d., although
interchange of spelling between prevocalie ci and ^t before that time means
merely that cy^ ty were confused, as c/, tf were confused (cf. Quint, i. 11. 6},
not that both cy and ty expressed a sibilant sound. ; For instances of the eon-
fusion see Schuchardt, Vok, i. pp. 154 sq., and consult Georges and Brambach
M. w. MuciuSf mufulitieSt negoUunij otimriy mintius^ PorciuSy propitiuSf provincia,
spatiutrij Sulpicius, indutiae^ u\fiiiaey condiciOj contio^ conrtWum, dicio^ feticdis, sclacium^
stispiciOf uncia, &c. The earliest examples date from the second cent. ▲. d. ) On
Greek inscriptions Latin ci and ti are similarly confused, the earliest example
being 'Apovtctayos (*A^. iv. p. 104) of 131 a. d. In a Pisidian inscription
(Jowrw. Hell. Stud. iv. p. a6), of 335 a. d., with MapaiavoSy the a (written C is no
doubt merely a confusion with the Latin letter c.
G before e, t may have been a palatal, rather than a velar, even earlier than
c ; for in Sardinian hard g is not preserved as hard c is in this position. At
what precise period it was developed to y we do not know. The Appendix
Probi mentions as a mispronunciation ' calcosteis,' for calcost^giSj though this
may be a case of that spirant pronunciation of Greek 7, like Tarentine 6Xtos
for uKiyos, Boeotian Idjy for ky^. In the Romance languages it is treated exactly
like Latins' ^f/), e. g. Ital. genero, Span, yerno (Lat. g^ner), like Ital. giace.
Span, yace (Lat. jncet). It is dropped between two vowels in spellings like
$$ 06, 06.] PRONUNCIATION. LIQUIDS. 89
ripiti for viginti (C. J. L. viii. 8573), the precursor of Ital. venti, Ac. ; so trietitUj
ixii. 5399), &c. (A.L.L. vii. 69. See the list in Schuchardt, Vok. ii. 461). Vulg.
Lat. *mais is seen in Fr. mais, Ital. mai, &c. But this dropping of intervocalic
g is found also befoi*e other vowels in late inscriptions and MSS.^ e. g. frualitas
for frugalitaa ■ see Schuchardt's list, Vok. i. 139), as in Vulg. Lat. eo (ItaL io,
&c.) for egoj just as in Italian and other Romance languages, every intervocalic
y when pretonic is dropped, e. g. Ital. reale from Lat. regalis. So gr in this posi-
tion may have become a spirant (like g of German Tage), just as intervocalic
b became a unsound in the third cent. ($ 78).
§ 05. ot, tt. For examples see Schuchardt, Vok. i. 134 ; Wiein. Mus. xlv. p. 493,
and consult Georges and Brambach s. vv. cottanuj cotumix^ setius (?), vettonica,
pittaciunij braitea^ salapWay virecta. So nictiOy to ' give tongue,' of a dog who has
picked up the scent, is spelled nitiio in the lemma of Festus (p. 188. 1. 16 Th.),
where he quotes the spirited line of Ennius, Ann. 374 M. :
nare sagaci
Sensit ; voce sua nictit ululatque ibi acuta.
AutoTy with auforitctSy is censured in the Appendix Probi (198. 30 K.), and is
found on late inscriptions (C. I.L. viii. 1423 ; cf. xii. 2058, of 491 a. d.). For
net, which became nt by loss of the guttural, 8ee $ 70. 80 mulcta became muff a
V Georges 8.V.).
gm or at least Greek yfx seem to have tended, like 2m, to the sound um. In
Vulg. Lat. sagma was *satima (Prov. sauma, Fr. somme), Isid. Orig. xx. 16. 5
sagma quae corrupte vulgo ^ sauma ' dicitur (r. I. salma ; cf. Span, salma, Ital.
salma and soma}. Cf. Probi App. 198. 11 pegma non ' peuma.' (For other
examples, see Schuchardt, Vok. ii. p. 499.) For gn, see § 144.
§ 96. LyB« The liquids /, r are, as we have seen (§ 85), closely
eouuected with the voiced dental mute d. The tongue has
a similar position with each of the three sounds ; but while with
d the mouth passage is completely closed by pressure of the
point of the tongue against the front, and of the edges of the
tongue against the sides of the mouth, with I the sides are left
open, and with r the front. The connexion of the three soimds
in Latin is seen, as was before remarked, in the interchange of
d with I in I'uigiia, older dhigua, &c., of d with r in arfuuse for
adfume, &c., and, as we may now add, of r with / in words like
caeralevs for ^caeluleus^ not to mention occasional occurrences of
the dental nasal for r or /, like Vulgar Latin menetru for meretrix,
cnntellum for cultellum.
The grammarians give us a good deal of information about
the pronunciation of I in different parts of the word. It had
a 'pinguis sonus,^ or *plenus sonus,^ in two cases, (i) when it
ended a word, or syllable followed by another consonant, e.g.
9dly nlva, albus; (2) in combinations like^, cly e.g.fldvus, clurvs.
90 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. II.
In contrast with this * pinguis sonus ' it has what is called an
'exilis* (or 'tenuis*) * sonus ^ (presumably its normal sound) in other
two cases, viz. (i) at the beginning of a word, e.g. leclus, Idna,
lujms, and especially (2) when it ends one syllable and begins the
next, e.g. il4e, M^(el4u8, al-lia [pronounced with two Fs as in
oui' * mill-lade,' * hotel-landlord ' (see § 127) ]. When we examine
the development of Latin I in the Romance lang^uages we find
the explanation of this distinction. In Italian, for example,
Latin /, when initial, or when repeated, has the normal /-sound,
e. g. lana, valle (Lat. va!lis\ pelle (Lat. pellis), but after a con-
sonant / has become an /y-sound, now reduced to i (the half-
vowel), e. g. chiaro (Lat. cldru^), pieno (Lat. plenns), fiume (Lat.
flumen). At the end of a syllable before a consonant, it has in
most Romance languages been reduced to a tt-sound, e.g. Fr.
autre, Prov. autre, Span, otro (Lat. alter), and so in parte of Italy,
e.g. Sicil. autru, while in other parts it is represented by an
i-sound, e.g. aitro in the Florentine dialect. All this points to
/ in cldnis, &c., and / in alter, &c., having been pronounced with
what phoneticians call an * off-glide ' and an ' on-glide ' cUarus,
aHter, which glides have been more and more developed in the
Romance languages, till they reduced, or even completely extin-
guished, the /-sound. In Sardinian, which reflects the oldest
type of Vulgar Latin, / remains unaffected after a consonant to
a large extent, e.g. klaru, plenu, flumen, so that this affection
of / may not have been begun in Vulgar Latin till about 200 B.C.
With regard to r, we should expect from the analogy of the
Romance languages that Latin r was trilled (i.e. formed with
the tip of the tongue vibrating), like the German and Scotch r,
not like English r in ' red.' This is confirmed by the Roman
name for r, ' littera canina,' the growling letter, Pers. i. 109
(Latin hirrio must have expressed the sound better than English
* growl '), and by Lucilius' description of it as like the growl of
a lazy dog, or as he puts it, like * what care I ? Mn dogs' lan-
guage (ix. 29, 30 M.) :
r non multum abest hoc cacosyntheton atque canina
si lingua dico ^ nihil ad me.'
This rough sound of Latin r explains the reluctance of the
Romans to begin two successive syllables with a consonant
{$ 07, 08.] PRONUNCIATION. LIQUIDS. 9I
followed by r, a reluctance seen in forms like praettlgiae for
praeafrigiae, increbui for increbrui, and in spellings on inscriptions
like prqpitis for prdprius. Before *, r was assimilated, e.g. russm,
rusvs for rurgus^ as we see from Plautus' pun on Persa and
pessjim {Pers. 740 Persa me pessum dedit). It was assimilated
too before /, e.g. perltcio^ pronounced, and often spelled, /?^///Wo.
Metathesis of r (and /) was as common in bad Latin as in bad
English, as interperfor (? interpefror) for interpretor^ coacla for
cloaca testify, and other mispronunciations censured by the
grammarians. Br became tr in Latin, e. g. atrox (cf . ddium) (ch. iv.
§ 113). Neither r nor / remained unaffected by the palatalizing
influence of ^, that later sound of ^ in words like JdnudriifSf facia,
Addie, which worked so great a transformation of the language
in the later period of Roman history. The palatalization of
r led to its disappearance in Italian, e.g. Gennajo (Vulg. Lat.
*Jen{u)aryvs), a process exemplified in earlier times by the form
peiuro for periuro, while ly has become the I mouill^e, written glin
figlia, miglia (cf . our ' million '), bigliardo (our * billiards '), and in
some dialects, e.g. the patois of Rome and the neighbourhood, has
sunk to y. Some spellings on late Latin inscriptions seem to be
precursors of these changes of ry, /y. (On Umbrian /-, see ch. iv.
$85.)
§ 07. Phonetic descriptions of 1. Ter. Maur. vi. 33a. 230-234 K. :
advcrsa palati supera premondo parte
obstansque sono quern ciet ipsa lingua nitens
validum penitus nescio quid sonare cogit,
quo littera ad aures veniat secunda nostra:^
ex ordine fulgens cui dat locum s^'nopsis ;
Mar. Vict. vi. 34. 10 K. : sequetur 1 quae validum nescioquid partem palati,
qua primoi*dium dentibus superis est, lingua trudente, diductoore personabit ;
Mart. Cap. iii. 261 1 lingua palatoque dulcencit.
§ 08. of r. Ter. Maur. vi. 332. 238, 239 K. :
vibrat tremulis ictibus aridum sonorem
has quae sequitur littera ;
Mar. Vict. vi. 34. 15 K. sequetur r quae vibrato tvocis palatum linguae fastigio
fragorem tremulis ictibus reddit ; Mart. Cap. iii. 261 R spiritum lingua cris-
pante corraditur. Ter. Scaurus (13. 10 K. ) mentions the connexion of rand I
with d : item I et d et r et s [inter se mutuis vicibus funguntur], cujus rei
maximum argumentum est, quod balbi, qui r exprimere non possunt, aut 1
dicunt aut s, nee minus quod capra per diminutionem capella dicitur et frater
fratellus.
9* THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. H.
§ 00. The grammarians on the pronunciation of L The carlies tacoount
(ap. Prise i. p. 29 H.) in that of Pliny the Elder, who gives I three yarieties of
sound : (i j cxilis : quaiido geminutur uecundo loco posita ut * ille ' * Metellus ';
(2) plenus : quando finit noniina vel syllabas et quando aliquam habet ante se
in eadem Kyllaba consonantem ut * sol ' * silva ' ' flavus ' * clarus '; (3) mediuSf in
othor positions : ut ' lectus ' ^ lectum.' Similarly in the fifth (? ; cent. Gonsentius
vV. 394 K., makes only two divisions (i)potyu/s : cum vel b sequitur, ut in
' ulbo,* vel c ut in *pulchro,' vel f ut in * adelfis/ vel g ut in * alga,' vel m ut
in ' pulmono.' vel p ut in ^ scalpro * (2 exaUt : ubicumque ab ea verbum
incipit, ut in * lepore * ^ lana ' * lupo/ vel ubi in eodem vorbo et prior syllaba
in hac finitur, et soquons ab ea incipit, ut ' il-le ' et * Al-lia.' Not so clear is
his account of the two mispronunciations to which ille was liable. The Greeks,
he says, pronounce ^ ille mihi dixit * sitbtiUus as if iUe had only one I ; others
pronounce ^ ille meum comitatus est iter,' or ' ilium ego per flammas eripui '
piugiintSj ^ ut aliquid illic soni etiam consonantis ammiscere videantur/
Possibly this means that the Greeks made the double { into one as we
do in pronouncing Italian (see § 127), and that others (e. g. Spaniards) gave
it the Z^-sound that it now has in Spain, e. g. villa (Ital. villa), which is pro-
nounced like Italian viglia. Diomcde (i. 453. 3 K.) remarks on the fiault of
pronouncing / in hlctin or almam 'nimium plene.' Servius in Don, iv. 445.
12-13 K* calls it a ' labdacismus' (mispronunciation of I) to make a single 1,
e. g. Lucius, too ^ tenuis,' or a double I, e. g. MiieUuSy too ^pinguis.' Pompeius
;^v. 286-287 K.) makes the same remark, and explains it thus : debemus
dicerc * largus ' ut pingue sonet ; et si dicas * lex,* non ' lex,' vitiosa sunt per
labdacismum. item in gemino 1, si volueris pinguius Bonare, si dicamus
* Metellus' ' Cntullus,' in his etiam agnoscimus gentium vitia ; labdacismis
scatent Afri, raro est ut aliquis dicat 1 : per gemiuum 1 sic locuntur Romani,
omnes Latini sic locuntur: * Catullus' * Metellus.' His explanation would
doubtless be intelligible to his auditors when accompanied by his oral examples
of the different sounds ; to us, who have to infer these, it is not so clear. All
that seems certain is that initial I had some distinction of sound from the {of
MStelluSj Catullus^ &c., but whether this distinction consisted merely in the
more emphatic articulation which every initial consonant received in Latin
or in some other modification, such as the slight on-glide, which initial / has
in the Gaelic language, and which makes a word like long, a ship (Lat. Umga
Hc. nacis)j sound almost like * along,' it is impossible to say (cf. § 117 ; ch. iv.
§ 149). The sound of the initial is described as ^pinguis,' in comparison with
the I of Metdlus, but as * exilis ' in comparison with the I of cidms, alter, &c
See also Isid. Oriy. i. 31. 8). In G. Engl, also there were three different
kinds of /, (i: deep gutteral /, as in * chalk,' (2) ordinary Z, as in Afield,' (3)
palatal /, as in 'wlii^l)ch' (Paul's Giundr. i. p. 860). The fact that c could
become 0 before U but not before II, in Latin (ch. iv. § 10) suggests that normal
Latin / was deeper, or less palatal, than lU
§ 100. of r. Varro (L. L, iii. fr. p. 146 Wilm. ; mentions the rough sound
( ' asperum ') of crux, acre, v^rres (also crura), beside vvfuptas, meJ, Ulna,
§ 101. Interchange of r and 1. Gn the confusion of fldgro and frdgro, and
the misspelling of both as fraglo, see A. L. L. iv. 8. In Probi App. 201. 19
the distinction between the two words is carefully pointed out (cf. ib. 198. 9
flagelhnn non * f ragellum ' : (Ital. fragello}. Pliny gave the rule for the
$§ 99-102.] PRONUNCIATION. LIQUIDS. 93
employment of the suffixes -Zis and -m, that 'lis should be used when the
stem contained an r, -m when it contained an /, e. g. auffiirSle, mdl&re (ap.
Gharis. 135. 13 ; cf. Prise, i. p. 132 H.\ So too the L-Eur. suffix -tfo-, Latin
-do-, became -cro- after a stem with /, e. g. laracrunij fulcrum, simulacrum. The
same tendency to dissimilation is seen in Vulgar Latin forms like veltrahus,
beside verMigus (see Georges s. v., and cf. Prov. veltres, O. Fr. viautre) , and
peiegrinus {C.I.L. iii. 4222, Ac.}, from which come the Romance words, Ital. pelle-
grino, Fr. p^lerin, our *pilgrim,*&c. ; in the mispronunciations te/e&ra (see Georges
8. v.), censured in Probi App. 198. 21 K. ; in the spellings of MSS. and late
Latin inscriptions, collected by Schuchardt, Vok, i. 136 sqq. (cf. mdetrix, Non.
202. 13 ; 318. 6) ; in spellings on Greek inscriptions like Bap^iAXcia, BapfiiKXoSy
beside BoAjSiAXcia and BaXfitkXosy *€fi\apio9f McXirovpcayos, &c. (see Eckinger,
p. 107) ; in Romance forms like Ital. albero (from Lat arbor)y reclutare (our
* recruit '), Mercoledl (from Mermrii dies), urlare (from HUVare), which show
that the same process is going on in modern, as in ancient, times on Italian
soil. The town Cagliari in Sardinia was in Latin called Cardies plur. or Caralis
sing. ; but we find byforms Calaris and Cararis, Prom Crustunieria, or
Crustumium, we have the adjoctive^forms Cntstuminus and Clustuminus (Greek
Kftoarofiuya and K\ovarovfji€iya, Eckinger, p. 107).
§ 102. Parasitio Vowel with 1, r. The sounds I, r were called * liquidae '
by Latin phoneticians. A, /i, f, />, vypai by Greek), because they united easily
with a preceding consonant. Cf. Mar. Vict. vi. 20 eaedem autem * liquidae '
dicuntur, quando hae solae [he includes m, n] inter consonantem et vocalem
immissae non asperum sonum faciunt, ut * clamor * * Tmolus ' * Cnosus ' [MSS.
consul] ' Africa.' But in Latin, especially after the time of Plautus, there
was a tendency to facilitate the pronunciation of a mute followed by /, particu-
larly when post-tonic by the insertion of a vowel, written on early inscrip-
tions 0, later m. Thus pochimf which is formed with the I.-Eur. suffix -tlo-
(ch. V. § 25 , became popedom, po'culum. These forms with the parasitic vowel
underwent at a later time the same process of syncope that reduced c(Vida to
eaida, Txtius to TityuSy porcCdu s (frovn the stem porco- with the suffix -lo-'i toporclusj
and so resumed their earlier app(>arance poclinnj &c. Traces are not wanting
of the same parasitic vowel-sound showing itself between a consonant and r.
The development in Romance of a word like patrem, suggests that it must in
Vulgar Latin have sounded almost like a trisyllable, *pafrem (Moyer-Liibke,
Rom. Qrayn. i. p. 251) ; and the same is indicated perhaps by Varro's derivation
of Oracchusy or, as he spelt it, Oraccus quasi *Qeraccus)i from geroy ^quod mater
ejus duodecim mensibus utero eum gestavorit ' (ap. Charis. 82. 7 K.}, certainly
by spellings on inscriptions like Terehuni for Tr?b^n- (Eph. Epigr. i. 116), though
a good many of these may be dialectal. For this parasitic vowel was
a marked feature of the Oscan language, and its kindred dialects, e. g. Oscan
aragetud (Lat. argento Abl.^, Pelignian Alafis (Lat. Albius). Bede cannot \ye
right in explaining spondaic hexameters, like
illi continue statuunt ter dena argenti,
as ending really with a dactyl and spondee, the last two words being pro-
nounced ^denarigenti * ; for it is not the case that all, or most, spondaic lines
end in a word in which r is combined with a consonant. But his description
of the sound is interesting, though of course he is not to be regarded as an
authority on Latin pronunciation, except when he is quoting from some older
94 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
grammarian. He says (p. 250. 11 K.)t after instancing some spondaic
hexameters ending with argeniij incrfmenta {l)j resperg^at, inierfedaey interceptor
neque euim in quinta regione versus heroici spondeum ponere moris
erat, sed ita tamen versus hujus modi scandere voluisse reor, ut addita in
8ono vocali, quam non scribebant, dactylus potius quam spondeus existeret,
verbi gratia, * intericepto' ^ inceromenta ' ' interefectae ' ^ resperigebat ' et per
synalipham ^denarigenti.' quod ideo magis r littera quam ceterae oon-
sonantes patitur, quia quae durius naturaliter sonat durior efficitur, cum ab
aliis consonantibus excipitur ; atquo ideo sonus ei vocalis apponitur, cujus
temperamento ejus levigetur asperitas ; and he goes on to say that this use
of a parasitic vowel between r and a consonant was much affected by monks,
when chanting the responses at divine service. At the same time it is
possible that the existence of this parasitic vowel may explain another feature
of Latin poetry, namely the optional treatment of a short vowel before a mute
followed by r as long by position. Plautus, who, as we have seen, avoided
the parasitic vowel with I, as alien to the conversational Latin of his time*
also refuses to allow the first syllable of a word like pdtrij &gri to be scanned
long, though ( sec ch. iii. § 42 such a syllable is not so short as the first syllable
of pdti, ligi, &c., for it cannot exercise a shortening influence (by the law of
Breves Breviantes) on the following syllable. Plautus scans pd^j cfjjl, but
only pafn, dgfi. In the same way he always scans veMdum (the invariable
form), cubidum (though this last word is an exception to the rule in being
UHually quadrisyllabic, ciibiculum^, and never vekldum, cubldum. And this is
the usage in all the dramatic poetry of the Republic. But Ennius in his
EpiC; Lucilius in his Satires, allow themselves such scansions as nlffrvmy latratj
flbrasj trldini ; and this suggests that in poetry, where the words were sounded
with more deliberation than the rapid conversational utterance of the drama
allowed, the presence of this parasitic vowel was felt to add another unit of
time, another * mora * to these syllables, so that they might on occasion be
treated as long. Lucilius' scansion tridini {Inc. 145 M.\ for example, reminds
us of the form used by Varro, tridlinium {R, R. iii. 13. 2. So the MSS. ), and
the forms found on inscriptions trichilinis {C.I.L. ix. 4971 ; xiv. 375, 17, &c.)i
should perhaps be replaced by the quadrisyliabic form. In the time of
Servius the accent rested on the second syllable of maniplnsy so that the word
was regarded in ordinary conversation, either as being almost a quadri-
syllable, or as having a penult equivalent to a long syllable (Serv. ad Aen.
xi. 463 maniplis : in hoc sermone ut secunda a fine habeat accentum usus
obtinuit") ; and the Vulgar Latin shifting of the accent from the first to the
second syllable of words like tenehrae^ &c (see ch. iii. § 11), is no doubt to be
justified in the same way ; though in Servius' time it was not allowed in
correct pronunciation (Serv. ad Aen. i. 384 peragro : * per-' habet accentum
. . . muta enim et liquida, quotiens ponuntur, metrum juvant, non accentum).
This explanation of the optional scansion p&M, /Hbrum competes with another
(§ 142), according to which the consonant before the r was doubled in pro-
nunciation, as it is in modem Italian fabbro, &c. (beside fabro), just as
a consonant was doubled in later Latin before consonantal u [w) in ^cqua
(Itat acqua),and before consonantal t (y), the development of/, in Ital. occhio
(Vulg. Lat. oc{u)Iu8\ &c. It is quite possible that the shifting of the accent to
the second syllable of words like tenebWacj may have had the effect of
strengthening the soimd of the mute. The doubling of the consonant in the
$ 108.] PRONUNCIATION. LIQUIDS. 95
proparoxytone syllable is a feature of Italian, e.g. femmina, collera, legittimo
(§ 131).
The parasitic vowel between a mute and I is generally wanting on
Greek inscriptions, perhaps because the Greeks were more conversant with
combinations like yK, t\, &c. than the Romans, e. g. AcvrAos, Biyk€VTta (Lat.
Vigilaniia,, and the syncopated forms of 'Ulus (as in porcu-lits, &c) are usual in the
instances quoted by Eckinger (p. 75), 'Ap^ovaxAa, Ma<7«Xos, narc/McAos, IIov/MrXa,
though it must be added that they mostly date from a time when Syncope
had taken a strong hold of the Latin language itself. The Appendix Probi
condemns several of these syncopated words (as he condemns caldtij &c.\
including with them some whose vowel in the classical spelling is not
original but parasitic : speclwti, masclusj xedus, vidua (for titulua), temadtid,
artiduSf bcuius, jughiSj oclus, tabla, sfablwrij triblaj vaplOj capidum. He also
mentions rnascdy figel, which may be South Italian, for the Osoan equivalent
of famulus yr&sfamel (Paul. Fest. 6a. i Th.). The early date of the parasitic
vowel with I is seen in the old Latin form piacolom, quoted by Mar. Vict,
p. 12 K., and pocdom, the usual spelling on the Praenestine vases {CLL.
i. 43 sqq). Plautus seems to regard the use of these lengthened forms as
a licence, only to be resoi*ted to in cases of metrical necessity ; for they are
found, especially when a long vowel precedes the syllable with I, only at the
end of a lino or hemistich, e. g. Capt. 740,
periclum vitae moa^ tuo stat periculo (see ch. iii. § 13^
(For the parasitic vowel in Greek loanwords with m, n preceded by a con-
sonant, see § 154.) Calicarey from ooZar, lime (Paul. Fest. 33. 8 Th. calicata
aedificia, calce polita ; ib. 41. 21 calicatis, calce politis ; ib. 53. 16 decalica-
tum, calce litum ; Gl. Cyrill. kovIm, decalico, calce albo ; C. I. L. i. 1 166 basili-
cam calecandam), apparently the normal spelling, and to be read probably
in the Placidus Glossary (60. 19 G.), (where the MSS. have decalcatis, de calce
albatis), is not a case of parasitic vowel between I and a following consonant
I like Gk. KaXirropvioi), (Dittenb. SyU. 240 of 1388.0.), and (on the edict of
Diocletian) Kokuctoi. It merely retains the Greek loanword x^^^ i^ i^
dissyllabic form, instead of syncopating it to its usual form in Latin, calx.
vFor examples of the parasitic vowel in misspellings on inscriptions, seo
Seelmann, p. 251.)
$ 103. Avoidance of two r's. i^See A. L. L. iv. 1 sqq.) The changes of r to
I iu Vulg. Lat. pHegtlnusj &c., and the doubtful cases of n for r, e. g. low Latin
menetrix^ may be considered as examples of this avoidance. The use of gndrilior
for gmrior (not before Augustine ;,/er(icior, for *feriory tndgis virus beside verior,
moffis miris m^dis (Plant. Mil. 539) for miriorihus modiSy dScefUior for didirior in
Quintilian and Tacitus, sanctior for sacrior, all exhibit the same tendency.
Pompeius (283. 13 K.) mentions mamor as a mispronunciation of marmor ;
and the form Mamers, Mainertini beside Marmar of the Carmen Saliare, also
Fabaris, the Latin name of the Sabine river Farfarusy perhaps show the same
dropping of r in the reduplication-syllable. So too the form porrigo was
preferred to *prorigo. On praesflgiae, from praestringo, to dazzle, cr^bresco and its
compounds (rUbesco, is like piitescoy from a stem without r), see Georges, Lex,
Wort/, s. vv. On inscriptions, de propio 1 Ital. propio and proprio) for deprSprio
occurs (NoL Scav, 1890, p. 170}, propietas (C. 1. L, ix, 2827 of 19 iUD.), &c (see
Schuchardt, i. p. 21, for other instances}. Vulg. Lat. *tr<mo, to thunder, for ftJno
g6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [C1iai>. II.
. Ital. tronare and tonare, Span. O. Port Prov. tronar), has inserted r for
onomatopoeic eflfoct ; frttstritm (Probus 199. 3 K. frustum non ^frustrum*).
found, with cruittrum and priMrU, in MSS. of Virgil (see Ribbeck's Index) and
apliuitrum (nplustre) for Greek Supkacroit : crHariaa (Caper. 108. 13 K. oetariae
tabemae, quae nunc * cretariae * non recte dicuntur) by false analogy (see
Schuchardt. i. 21 for other examples : and cf. Fr. tr^sor from Lat. ihlaawmsy
t)cside Ital. tesoro ; Span, estrella from Lat. s^a beside Ital. stella and (dial,
strella. In Italian we find the same tendency ; e. g. Federico, Oertosa (Fr.
Chartreuse), arato (Lat nrdfrum), frate (Lat /rdirem), deretano (Vulg. Lat
*d€retranm from retro <, &c. ; gomitolo, a ball of thread, from Lat gldmuSy shows
the same suppression of one of two Ts.
( 104. rs. Velius Longus 79. 4 says : sic et dossum per duo s quam per r
dorsum quidam ut lenius enuntiuverunt ac tota littera r sublata est in eo
quod est rusum ot retrosum. Cf. Probi App. 198. 29 persica non * pessica * («
peach \ [For other examples, see Georges, Lex. Wort/, s. w. controversia (and
other compounds of -rersuttj e. g. pro8a\ Marspiter^ SassitM, Htyraagetes^ asaa, Ac]
In the Sententia Minuciorum of 117 b.c. {C.I.L. \. 199) we have cotUrororsieis^
controvosioBi suso voraum, sursuorsum, and surmmuoraum, deorsum and dorsum side
by side. Since double consonants are usually written single on tlii» inscription
{posidebunt, posedeif, Ac, beside possiderent) controuoaias probably represents the
pronunciation controuoaaiaa. On these spellings in Plautino MSS., see Ritschl,
ProLegg. p. civ.'
§ 105. r-n. MenetriSj a byform of mir^trix (see A. L. L. iiL 539 and cf. Probi
App. 198. aS K. meretrix non *monetris*) may have been influenced by
nvlrWre or Greek fxiva) ' cf. Non. 423. 1 1 M. menetrices a manendo dictae sunt).
Nor is cancer a clear case of * Dissimilation ' for ^career fGreek KopK-ivoi), seeing
that a nasal in the reduplication-syllable is not unknown in other I. -Eur.
languages, e. g. Greek 70Y-7UXA0;, rov-do/wfo;, O. Ind. can-curyate, cf. gin-grire.
In the Gaelic language n when following c, g becomes r. such a word as cnu,
a nut, being pronounced cnt (with nasal m ■. Some see this change in groma.
u land-measuring instrument, which they consider to be the Greek yvdifuuv.
But other instances arc wanting ; and gn- in Latin became n, not grj e. g. noa&/.
ndtus. 'Cf. Probi App. 197. 32 pancarpus non ^parcarpus'") (see ch. iv. § 80).
$ 106. 1-n. Xiiscitiosusj * qui plus videret vesperi quam meridie * (Fost. 180.
21 Th.% and nusciwtua, *qui plus vesi)ere videt' .LOwe, ProdromuSj p. 17), are
byforms of luscitiosus and luaciosus, which may be duo to the analogy of «<wr.
Leptis, • filia fratris ' • ib. p. 340) seems to be a byform of neptis. The Diminutive
of coluSy a spindle, was in Vulg. Lat. *conuc(u)la ^Ital. conocchia. Fr. que-
nouille). A more certain example of n for I is the mispronunciation censured
in Probi App. 197. 24 K. cultellum non *cuntellum' (see below) (see also
Seelmann, p. 327 ; Schuchardt, Vok. i. p. i43\ When Latin n follows n in
successive syllables we find /-n in Ital. veleno and veneno (0. Fr. velin) from
Latin veufnvniy Bologna from Botwnia, Palestrina from Praeneate, PraenestimiSj
calonaco and canonico (cf. Ital. gonfalone, a banner, Fr. gonfalon, Span,
confalon, O. Fr. gonfanon, Prov. gonfanons from O. H. Germ, grand-fano).
$ 107. 1 before consonant For the ti-affection of I befoi-e a consonant, see
some instances collected by Schuchardt, Vok. ii. p. 493 sqq., e. g. caucultia for
cfdcabfs in MSS. (cf. Georges). In the Edict of Diocletian ,301 a.d.) we have
$§ 104-111.] PRONUNCIATION. LIQUIDS. 97
tcavKovXaropi for calculdtHri. The letters L and I are so similar that spellings like
8AITE1I (le Blant. J. 0, i.) may be nothing but a graver's error. On the other
hand the Umbrian form of the Latin VolsiSntia was certainly Voisienus ; and in
C. I. L. xi. 5389 and 5390 ( = i. 14 12) we have epitaphs of a father in Umbrian,
and a son in Latin, with the father's name Voisteno- and the son's Volsteno-,
In Probi Appendix 197. 34 K. the mispronunciation curUeRum for cidtdlum is
mentioned. This treatment of I before a consonant is found in Central Italy
(Latium, Sabina, la Marche, and Umbria) in modem Italian, e. g. untimo for
ultimo in a fourteenth cent, text (see Wien, Stud. xiv. 315 n.). Cf. muntu from
Pompeii (C. /. L. iv. 1593).
$ 108. rl. Velius Longus 65. 1 1 K. per vero praepositio omnibus Integra
praeponitur, nisi cimi incidit in 1 litteram, adfinem consonantem, quam
elegantioris sermonis viri geminare malunt quam r litteram exprimere, ut
cum ^ pel labor ' malunt dicere quam perlabor. nee alitor apud Luciliimi legitur
in praeposito per,
' pelliciendo/ hoc est inducendo, geminate 1 (Lucil. ix. 32 M.);
' pellicere ' malunt quam perlicere, unde et apud Virgilium non alitor legimuB
* pellacis Ulixi ' (see ch. iv. § 160). In the Probi Appendix 198. 14 K. we have :
supellex non ^superlex/ with the (marginal?) note utrumque dlcitur. (On
the late spelling superlex^ see Georges, Lex. Wory. s. v.) The only example of
W in the Indices of the Corpus is perlegere (vol. i).
$ 100. r before consonants. R is sometimes dropped before a consonant on
Greek inscrr., e. g. Koara (Lat. Quarto) (C. I. G. add. 43151), SaroiKiAos {BriU Uus,
ii.. 341, from Cos) ; and in Latin plebeian inscrr., we have misspellings like
Fotunate (C /. L, vi. 2236) for Fortundtae (sometimes FOri-, i. e. Fort- with close
o, see § 145 ). [Cf. the rude Faliscan inscr. Zvetaieff, Inacr. ItaL In/, 63 with
Mad Acacelini (as Votilia for VoltUia) for the usual Marci Acarcdini of n° 62, &c]
But it would be unsafe to rely on these as evidence that Latin r ever became
the mere voice-glide which English r always becomes when not followed by
a vowel, e. g. in * here,' * hark * as opposed to * herein,' * harass.'
§ 110. final r. All final consonants were, as we have seen, weakly pro-
nounced in Latin. Some instances of the omission of -r in spellings of
inscriptions and MSS. have been collected by Schuchardt, Vok. ii. p. 390.
111. Metathesis. Quint, i. 5. 13 *■ Trasumennum ' pro Tarsumenno, multi
auctores ; i. 5. 12 duos in uno nomine faciebat barbarismos Tinga Placen-
tinus, si reprehendenti Hortensio credimus, 'preculam' pro pergula dicens.
Examples from Plautus are PhyrgiOj Auh 508, corcotarii, AuL 521. Consentius
(392. 23 K.) censures perlum for prelum, reUquum for rdiquunij interpertor for
ivUerpretoTy coada for doaca, displicina (a schoolboy's joke surely) for diaciplina :
Diomedes (452. 30 K.), leriquiae for reliquia^f Urigio for religio (and tanpistertor
tantisper) ; Julian, in Don, v. p. 324. 18 K. intrepella for interpeUa ; Probi Appendix
has (199. 12 K.) glatri [leg, clatri?] non 'cracli.' This late Latin cracli (cf.
Probi App. 195. 23 K.) comes from *cratli as vedus (ib. 197. ao) from *veUu3 for
vetidus, Qtutrum for crustlum is found on inscriptions of the Empire (e. g. dustrum
etmulsumj Not, Scav, 1877, p. 246 of second cent. a.d., c£ K\ovffTpow\aKovsy Athen.
xiv. p. 647 c, d). Cdumua is the adjective from condus, (On the confusion of
/ragrOs flagro and the form Jragloj see A,L, L, iv. 8.) In Italian nothing is
H
98 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. I L
commoner than this Metathesis with r. Thus in S. Italy crapa is used for
capra (Lat. cdpra), which reminds us of the statement of Paul. Fest. that the
old Latin word for capra was crepa (33. 36 Th. caprao diotae, quod omne
virgultum carpant, sive a crepitu crurum. Unde et 'crepas' eas prisoi
dizerunt. The Luperci, who wore goatskins and ran about striking people
with goatskin thongs, were called cr^, ib. 39. 34 K. crcpos, id est lupercos,
dicebant a crepitu pellicularum, quem faciunt verberantes) ; so interpetre for
interprete (should we read interpetror in Gonsentius 39a. 23 K. ?) ; and preta
for petra is used in various parts of Italy ; formcnto is LtLL/rumentum, fametico
Lat. phrinStiaiSf &c., &c For I we have padule, a marsh (Lat. pdludem) ; falliva
beside fa villa, fiaba, a fable, for Lat fabla, fabUla, Paduan requilia for reliquia
(should we read reqailum in Gonsentius 39a. 23 K. ?) is in Venetian leriquia
(cf. leriquias of Diomedes 452. 30 K.) ; in many parts of Italy, grolia is used
for gloria. [For some instances of Metathesis in late inscriptions and in MSS.
spellings, see Schuchardt, Vck, i. p. 29 on Prancatius for PancraiiuSj padulea for
paludes (cf. Ital. padule), and Seelmann, p. 330 on Procobera for Porcohera, &c ;
and for examples in Latin byforms, see Georges, Lex. Wor^, s.vv. prisliSf
crocodHua, Trasumenus, traj}ezitay and WOlfflin, A. L, L, viii. 279 on accerso and
arcesso.'] The Latin Prdaerpina (C. /. L, i. 57 prosepnai dat. case) for Greek
U^pati^vri (Pelignian Persepcuvaa gen. case) may be due to the analogy of
prdserpo ; but Vulg. Lat. *alenare for dnhslare (Ital. alcnare, Fr. haleiner),
*plopus for pcpluSf pOpuluSj poplar-tree (Ital. pioppo, Roum. plop, Gatal. clop) are
clear eases of metathesis of {.
$ 112. ly. For misspellings on late inscriptions and in MSS. likey^us for filvtSj
see Schuchardt, Vok. ii. pp. 486 sqq. Some of them may be due to the confusion
of the L and I (see above). Ital. giglio, a lily, seems to come from a form
^lytlyum,
$ 118. ry. Servius ad Am. ii. 195 approves i)^'Mro for the Verb, but perjunis
for the Adjective : in verbo r non habet : nam pejuro dicimus, corrupta naturn
praepositionis : quae res facit errorem, ut aliqui male dicant * pejurus ' ut
pejuro.
§ 114. F. The Latin phoneticians cannot be suspected of any
influence from Greek sources in their account of /', a sound
unknown to the Greek alphabet; so their description may be
taken as a tnie account of the pronunciation of f at their time,
or possibly even at an earlier, the date, namely, of the treatise on
Latin phonetics from which they seem to have borrowed. That
time was probably the Augustan age. Their words leave no
doubt whatever that f was a labiodental spirant, as it is in
Italian and most languages, formed by the upper teeth pressed
against the lower lip, not a bilabial spirant, formed by the upper
and lower lips pressed against each other :
imum superis dentibus adprimens labellum
spiramine leni (Tercntianus Maurus, second cent. a. d.).
$$ 112-114.] PRONUNCIATION. F. 99
The spiramen lene was more a feature of the normal /-sound
when a vowel followed^ than in combinations with consonants
like/r, jl, as we learn from Quintilian. who, when discussing the
more musical nature of the Greek language than the Latin, speaks
of Latin/* especially in words \\kefrangit (to a less extent when
followed by a vowel), as rough and harsh compared with the
softer sounds of Greek. This more vehement articulation of
/ before a consonant explains the different treatment of the Latin
spirant in Spanish^ in words like haba (Lat. faba)^ humo (Lat.
fumus)y but fraga (Lat. frdguniy *fraga), Quintilian^s account
does not mention the labiodental character of the sotmd (xii. 10.
29 paene non humana voce vel omnino non voce potius inter
discrimina dentium efflanda est), but is quite consistent with it.
It is, in fact, very like the account given by phoneticians of our
/, as * formed with a strong hiss, by pressing the lower lip firmly
against the upper teeth, and thus driving the breath between
the teeth ' (Sweet, Handb. p. 41).
But it is highly probable that Latin / was at some time
bilabial, as it is to this day in Spanish, where v {b) is bilabial
too. Bilabial / naturally tends to become labiodental, because
by bringing the teeth into play it is possible to give a stronger
and more distinct sound than can be produced by the lips alone.
The voiced bilabial spirant v has, as we saw before (§ 48), become
labiodental v in Italian and other Romance languages. And we
have some evidence of / being still bilabial in the last centuries
of the Republic from spellings like itn fronfe {CI. L. i. 1104),
not to speak of comjluont beside conjlouont on the Sententia
Minuciorum of 117 B.C. (C.LL. i. 199), and possibly from the
fact that ad, in composition with a word beginning with / (or
V, b, &c.) became in Republican Latin ar, e.g. arfuise on the S. C.
de Bacchanalibus of 186 B.C. (C. 7. L, i. 196). Another passage of
Quintilian tells us of the difficulty felt by Greeks in pronouncing
this thoroughly Roman letter (i. 4. 14 Graeci adspirare f ut <^
Solent). He illustrates it by the story of Cicero's ridicule of
a Greek witness who could not pronounce the first letter of
Funddnius, By the fifth cent, a.d., however, the Greek aspirate
had become a spirant, differing from Latin / only in being
bilabial
H %
lOO THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Oluip. II.
§ 115. Desoriptionsof the sound of 1 Quintilian (xii. lo. 39) : nam ilia, quae
est sexta nostrarum, paene non humana voce, vel omnino non yoce potius,
inter discrimina dentium efflanda est : quae, etiam cum vocalem proximo
accipit, quassa quodammodo, utique quotiens aliquam consonantem fhmgit,
ut in hoc ipso * frangit/ multo fit horridior ; Terent Maur. 332. 227 K. :
imum superis dentibus adprimens labellum,
spiramine leni, velut hirta Graia [i. e. tp, p-h] vites,
banc ore sonabis, modo quae locata prima est ;
Marius Victorin. 34. 9 K. f litteram imum labium superis imprimentes
dentibus, reflexa ad palati fastigium lingua, leni spiramine proferemus ; Mart.
Cap. iii. 261 F dentes [faciunt] labrum inferius deprimentes. In the sixth
cent. A.D., Priscian mentions as the only difference between Latin/and Greek
ipy that the former was not pronounced ySxis labris (i. p. 11. 27 H. hoc tamen
scire debemus, quod non fixis labris est pronuntianda f, quomodo p et h ;
atque hoc solum interest) [Blass, Griech. Aussprciche ', p. 85 dates the change
of Greek ^ (written in Latin pkj or as Priscian puts it *p et h'), from the
aspirate to the spirant sound at about 400 a. d.]. Two centuries earlier than
Priscian, the difference between Latin /and Greek 0 seems to have been very
slight, for Diomedos (fourth cent. a. d.), from whom, or from whose original
authority, Priscian may be quoting, says (423. 28 K. ) : et hoc scire debemus
quod f littera tum scribitur, cum Latina dictio scribitur, ut ^ felix.' nam si
peregrina fuerit, pet h scribimus, ut * Phoebus,' * Phaeton.' F'ia the normal
equivalent of Greek <p in Greek loanwords from the middle or end of the
fourth century onwards, e. g. atro/ay Greek aTpo<pffi (see ch. i. § 11).
The remark of Priscian (i. p. 35. 17 H.) that F, the Aeolic digamma, used
to have the sound of consonantal r (u>), probably refers to a fashion of some
early grammarians of writing 'Fotum,' 'Firgo,* &c., alluded to by Comutus
ap. Gassiodor. 148. 8 K. and by Donatus ad Ter. Andr, i. 2. 2 (see ch. i. § 7). !
§ 116. mf. Mar. Victorinus (18. 14 K.) : item consonantes inter se [invicem
sibi succedunt], sed proprie sunt cognatae, quae simili figurationeoris dicuntur,
ut est b, f, [s], m, p, quibus Cicero adicit v, non eam quae accipitur pro vocali,
sed eam quae consonantis obtiuet vicem, et anteposita vocali fit ut aliae
quoque consonantes. quotiens igitur praepositionem sequetur vox cujus
prima syllaba incipit a supradictis litteris, id est b, f, [s], m, p, v, quae vox
conjuncta praepositioni significationem ejus oonfundat, vos quoque prae-
positionis litteram mutate, ut est * combibit * * comburit ' * comfort ' * com-
fundit ' * oommemorat * * comminuit * * comparat * * compellit * * comvalescit '
* comvocat * non * conbibit * * conburit * et similia. sic etiam praepositio
juncta vocibus quae incipiunt a supradictis litteris n commutat in m, ut
*imbibit' *imbuit* *imfert' 'imficif *immemor' Mmmitis ' ^impius'
* impotens.' He must be quoting from some grammarian of the Republic in
his rule about/; for the usual teaching of the grammarians of the Empire is
that the consonants before which m is used are 6, p, m ; and Priscian, i. p. 31.
2 H. quotes as early an authority as the elder Pliny to this effect (cf. Prise,
i. p. 29. 18 H. * am ' praepositio f vel c vel q sequentibus in n mutat m :
* anfractus ' * ancisus * * anquiro'). But the spelling with m before/ (and v)
was undoubtedly an old usage, of which such MS. spellings as wmferre, Poen.
1048, coT^fragosaSj Mm. 591 in the Plautus Palimpsest, imjlammam, Am. xii. 214,
cofnjierij Aen. iv. n6 in Virgil MSS. may be relics. On the other hand since
§S U6-117.] PRONUNCIATION. S, X, Z. lOI
inpirdtor is found both in early and later times beside imperatoTf and since the
nasal may have been in pronimciation dropped before/ (cf. ccifisae, corenere in
Virgil MSS., Ribbeck, Ind, p. 393), the eyidence of these early spellings is not
conclusiye.
§ 117. Sy X, Z. In the noun * use * and the verb ^ to use ' the
letter s has two different sounds, which we often call ' hard s *
and ' soft s/ Hard s is more scientifically tenned ' unvoiced/
soft ' voiced ' *, the two sounds differing exactly as the unvoiced
and voiced mutes, p and b, t and dy c and g» The Latin 8 in
a word like nrbs was hard or unvoiced *, we know from the
frequently repeated statements of the grammarians, that the
spelling nrps expressed the pronunciation; while the spelling
with b was justified only by the analogy of other cases, urbi8^
urbi, urbeniy &c. (see § 80) ; and p in sumpsi, hienips tells the same
tale. Initial #, whether in the accented or unaccented syllable,
may also be put down as unvoiced «, since the Romance languages
agree in giving it this sound (e.g. Ttal. si, Fr. si, Span, si for Lat.
si] Ital. sudare, Fr. suer, Span, sudare for Lat. sudare), and
similarly when s is the initial of the second member of a com-
pound, in words like Ital. risalire, Fr. r^silier, Span, resalir from
Lat. renlire^ later resalire. None of the Latin grammarians
ever suggest that Latin s had anything but one and the same
sound ; and their silence is evidence of some weight that the soft or
unvoiced variety of s was unknown in Latin. This voiced *-sound
seems to have been the sound of Greek C in and after the Macedo-
nian period (cf. Qxapaybo^ for tuiipaybos, Zfivpva for Sfxvpra),
which explains why Oscan voiced «, which corresponds to
Umbrian and Latin r, is in those inscriptions which are written
in Latin characters, expressed by z, e. g. eizac (Umbr. erak),
eizazuTic egmazum (in Lat. earum rerum) on the Bantia Tablet
c. 130 B.C. Between vowels s had at an early time in Latin
(<5« 350 B.C. according to Cicero, Fam. ix. %\. a) become r, as it
did in Umbrian ; and this earlier s may very well have had in
this position the voiced sound (ch. iv. § 146). Intervocalic 8 in the
classical and Imperial period is only found as a rule where there
had been formerly some consonant combined with *, Q.g.fornmus
t^ier formonsuSy causa earlier caussa, usus earlier iissiu: (see ch. iv.
§ 148). In such words s has become voiced in many Romance
I02 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. EL
languages, e. g. Fr. Spouse (Lat. sponsa), but only in those in
which every Latin unvoiced consonant becomes voiced in this
position. In Italian intervocalic » is unvoiced^ except in the
few cases where Latin unvoiced mutes also become voiced, e.g.
sposare, like mudare (§ 73). There is hardly any evidence, there-
fore, that s in classical Latin was in any circumstances pronounced
like our * in ' to use ' ; and the opinion, a widely spread one,
that the change of spelling from cav^sa to cavsa, &c., indicated
a change from hard to soft * is utterly wrong.
The pronunciation of double -**- is discussed in § 131. Here
we need only mention the curious practice that grew up in the
later Empire of prefixing / to initial st, ftp, sc, seen in spellings on
inscriptions like isiatuam (OreWi 11 20, of 375 a.d), ispose (i.e.
spofisae C, L L. viii. 3485), and in Romance forms like Fr.
Spouse. These last show that this spelling does not indicate an
«A-sound of s before a mute like German stehen (pronounced
'shtehen'), but that there was an actual /-sound before the
^-sound, an /-sound which developed from a vowel-glide, due to
beginning the word before the vocal-organs were properly in
position for the initial consonant. These ' initial on -glides,' as
phoneticians would term them, are a feature of Romance lan-
guages (cf. Greek ipvOpo^), but not of Teutonic. We have
already seen that there is some indication of initial I having had
an *on-glide' in Latin (§ 99); and spellings on inscriptions
suggest the same for other initial consonants. Can this have
been the ' circa s litteram deliciae' which elocution teachers had to
correct in their pupils (Quint, i. 11. 6), just as singers are
taught nowadays to avoid the ' breathy ' gradual beginning of
an initial vowel ?
X had, as the grammarians repeatedly tell us, the sound of
c followed by the sound of s. The c (as the c of cf, § 95),
tended to be dropped after a consonant, whence the spelling
9ners in Plautus for merx; and in careless pronunciation x in
any position tended to ss (so ct became tf-^ § 95), as we see
from forms like cossim for coxim, used in the farces of Pomponius
(ap. Non. 40 M.). There are traces, too, of the substitution of sc
for cs, e.g. ascelia is the Late-Latin form of axilla. In Italian
we have S8 [as in ancient Pelignian, e.g. usur (Lat. uxores), and
§ U9.] PRONUNCIATION. S X, Z. IO3
other dialects], for example, sasso (Lat. saamm), but before
a consonant (as probably in Vulgar Latin), «, e.g. destro (Lat.
dexter) (as in ancient Umbrian desira, &c.). Latin loanwords in
Welsh indicate (?*, e.g. O.W. Saes for Latin Saxo, croes for Latin
crux J but s before a consonant, e.g. estron (Lat. extrdnem)^ estynn
(Lat. extendo).
Z of Old Latin had perhaps the soft or voiced sound of «, which
passed into the r-sound about the time of Appius Claudius, the
famous censor, when z was discarded from the alphabet (see ch. i.
§ 5)« Greek C differed from it in causing length by ' position/
Final -* after a short vowel was weakly pronounced at all
periods of the Latin language, and in the early poetry often did
not constitute ' position ' before an initial consonant, though by
Cicero^s time it was regarded as an essential of correct pro-
nunciation to give 8 at the end of a word its full sound.
§ 118. Fhonetio descriptions of s, x : Tor. Maur. vi. 33a. 239-243 K. :
mox duae supremae
vicina quidem sibiia dentibua repressis
miscere videntur : tamen ictus ut priori
et promptus in ore est, agiturquo pone denies,
sic levis et unum ciet auribus susurnim.
Mar. Vict vi. 34. 16 K. dehinc duae supremae, s et x, jure jungentur. nam
vicino inter se bonore attracto sibilant rictu, ita tamon, si prioris ictus pone
dentes excitatus ad medium lenis agitetur. Mart. Cap. iii. a6z S sibilum facit
dentibus verberatis. ... X quicquid C atque S formavit exsibilat. Cledonius,
y. a8. I K. s . . . sibilus magis est quam consonans.
§ HO. Iiatin 8 in Bomanoe. Initial 0- becomes our ah (cf. Ital. scimmia) in
Venice and some other parts (similarly intervocalic a becomes the voiced
form of this sound, as in our ^ pleasure '), and was possibly voiced s in ancient
Italic dialects (e. g. Faliscan Zexio- for Sextus (?)). On a late inscription of
Tibur we have zabiiva (C. /. L. vi. 12236). Intervocalic -s- between the accented
and unaccented vowels is unvoiced in Spanish (where however all sibilants
are unvoiced), Roumanian and Italian, e. g. Italian mese (Latin mSruris)
[xHZEZ on a Naples' inscription (C. J. L. x. 719), if it represent actual pro-
nunciation, must have been a dialectal variety]. Italian sposa (with voiced
8 and open 0) is influenced by sposare (Latin 8po{n)8are), where the 0 and the
8 precede the accent ; the voiced s of rosa is anomalous, but may represent
Greek ( ; or rosa may be a bookword and not a direct descendant of the Latin,
for its French and Spanish forms too are irregular (GrOber's Orundr. p. 522).
It is voiced in the other Romance languages, in which also (as in Spanish)
unvoiced mutes between vowels become voiced, e. g. Fr. Spouse (Lat. «po(n)8a),
chose (Lat. causa) with voiced s, like O.Fr. ruede (Lat. rHkif Span, ruede), vide
(Lat. vUa, Span. vida). It is voiced also in North Italian. Intervocalic -s-
104 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
before the accented vowel is voiced in Italian, e. g. sposare (Latin 8po(n)aare)f
pi'ecisely as any Latin unvoiced mute becomes voiced in this position ; e. g.
mudnre (Latin muiare), pagare (Lat. pdcare). So does any 8 which by Syncopoi
&c has come to stand before a voiced consonant, e. g. sdegno (Vulg. Lat.
disdigno)y while in Spanish it has developed to (T, r (though written s), e. g-
desden.
§ 120. Greek ti Latin s. The letter z, the Greek letter (, was, as we saw
(ch. i. § i), brought into use at Rome in the transcription of Greek words (and
of those only) about the close of the Republic. Previously to that time as had
been used, e. g. nuusa (Greek A<a(a), which at the beginning of a word was a,
e.g. Sehta {C.I.L. i. 1047, i299> Greek Zrfioi) (Plautus makes this a- alliterate
with ordinary s-, e. g. sonam sustuli Merc. 925, solve sonam True. 954), and,
if we are to believe the grammarians, d, e. g. Medentiua for MezerUius. [But
S^tidonium a mispronunciation of Septizonium^ a building at Rome (Probi App.
197. 23), seems to be a popular etymology from donumnl (Pnsc. i. 49 y etz
in graecis tantummodo ponuntur dictionibus, quamvis in multis veteres
haec quoque mutasse inveniantur, et pro v u, pro C vero . . . s vel ss vel d
posuisse, ut . . . ^ Saguntum,' ^ massa ' pro ZdjcwOos, A<afa, . . . ^ Sethus * pro
Zri$os dicentes, et 'Medentius' pro Mezcntius.) Blass^ in his book on Greek
Pronunciation, gives the history of the Greek sound as follows. The com-
bination zd in words like 6(os (Germ. A8t\ tCu (Lat. sido for *8iado)y *A$^vo{€
{'A^yas-St) was expi-essed by the letter ( ^the Semitic letter Sain, a symbol in
the Semitic alphabet of voiced a), as the combination ka by ^ (the Semitic
Samech). This was the original use of (. It came to be applied to the
combination dz (from dy), e. g. vt^dt (for trtSyos), (dirkovros (for bidvkovTos) ;
and at this period came the transference of the Greek alphabet to Italy, with
the result that in the Italic alphabets, Umbrian, Oscan, &c., the ;^symbol
had the sound of dz or ts. In course of time dz came round to the sound of
zd, so that v((vs and i(<u had now the same sound of (. This «d-sound further
developed into the sound of zz, or z, apparently in the Macedonian period ;
and so we find the town Gaza, whose Semitic name has voiced a or Sain,
written in Greek characters rA(a, This tlien was the sound which the
Romans had to express in Greek loanwords, voiced s, not the earlier sound
zd, Vo'iced 5, as we have found reason to believe, was a sound unknown in
Latin words since 350 b. c, which explains Quintilian's remark (xii. 10. a8 ;
cf. Maxim. Victorinus, vi. 196. 3 K.) about the beauty of the sound of Ct and
its absence from the Latin alphabet. To express it, double or single a (tht^
unvoiced s-symbol) was used by the early Republican writers and occasionally
by later authors {o. g. aaplutuaj Petron. 37, for fiirXovroy), perhaps even d (with
the sound of th in ' this ' ?), until a later age felt the necessity of employing,
for the sake of exactness, the Greek letter itself, as they did also in the case
of Greek v, ^, x? ^^ The history of ( is a common point of discussion among
Greek grammarians who remark on its origin from the combinations ah and
d(r, and their remarks are repeated by their Latin imitators, but need not bo
taken to imply that ( had at the time of the Empire any other sound than
that of voiced a (Mar. Vict. vi. 6. 6 K. : Maxim. Vict. vi. 196. 3 K. : Audacis
exc. vii. 327 K.). Thus Velius Longus (vii. 50.9 K.\ in criticizing the remark
of Verrius Flaccus : * sciant z litteram per sd scribi ab iis qui putant illam
ex s et d constare,' states positively that ( had not the sound of a double
letter, unlike if/ and ^ : denique siquis secundum naturam vult excutere banc
$$ 120-123.] PRONUNCIATION. S, X, Z. 105
litteram, inveniet duplicem non esse, si modo illam aure sinceriore explo-
raverit . . . et plane siquid supervenerit, me dicente sonum hujus litterae,
invenies eundem tenorem« a quo coeperit. The interchange of dy and z on
late inscriptions, e. g. bapiidiata, Rossi i. 805, of 459 a. d., and in spellings like
zabulus for didbSlus (see Georges, Lex. Wortf. s. v.) implies merely that the spirant
j^-sound which dy had come to take in Latin (§ 51, cf. Madia for Maia) was
felt to resemble the sibilant soimd of voiced a. Z has however the te«sound
in alphabets derived from Latin, e. g. O. Engl. Bezabe ^ Bathsheba.'
$ 121. Old Boman 2, found in the Carmen Saliare (Velius Longus, vii. 51. 5
K.), and according to tradition discarded through the influence of Appius
Claudius, one would naturally suppose to have had the same sound as that of z
in the Umbrian, Oscan, and other Italic alphabets, viz. dz or fs' ; so that Claudius
might, like Papirius, Ruga, and other traditional reformers of spelling, have
exemplified the new orthography in his own family-name by writing Gaudius
for an earlier *Clauzu8. This would harmonize well with the fantastic
remark of Martianus Capella, that Claudius objected to the letter because it
gave the teeth the appearance of a death's-head (iii. 261 Z vero idcirco
Appius Claudius detestatur, quod dentes mortui, dum exprimitur, imitatur),
which happily describes the appearance of the mouth in uttering the dz-
sound of our ' adze.' But this description will also suit for the voiced
s*sound ; and the contemporary change of intervocalic s (voiced s) to r,
exemplified in the new spelling of Papisius as PApirius^ as well as the use of
z for voiced s on a very early coin of Cosa, suggests that this rather was
the sound of early Roman s (see ch. i. § 5 , though the matter is uncertain.
$ 122. Old Boman 8 (,z), later r. The change of intervocalic s to r is
a common one in various languages, and is generally taken to imply that the
8 first became voiced s, then passed into r (cf. Span, desden, see above). That
Old Roman a of Fusius^ &c. took this course is indicated by the fact that the
Oscan sibilant, corresponding to Latin and Umbrian r, is in the inscriptions
in Latin characters written 2, and not s.
§ 123. Frosthetio vowel with st, &o. For instances of the prosthetic
vowel in MSS. and late inscriptionn, see the list given by Schuchardt in Vok.
iL pp. 338 sqq., who refers the earliest traces of its use to the second cent. ▲. d.
It is written t or e, e.g. istudium, estudiuntj sometimes hi-y Ae*, e.g. histudiis
(often misread in MSS. as hissiudiis)^ rarely y, ae, and is often confused with
the prepositions »?i, ex. Thus iscrihere, escribere may represent either scribSre or
inaerihere or eocscribere. In late Latin where ab is used before an initial vowel,
d before an initial consonant, we find ab normally before an initial sp-, sc-, s^,
even though the prosthetic vowel is not expressed in writing {A.L,L, iii. 149).
Along with the drop])ing of this prosthetic vowel, and the restoration of the
original form scriberej &c., went the dropping of the initial i-, e- of t(n)8m6ere,
i^x)8cribere, so that we get spellings like splorator for explorator (Cagnat, Ann.
Epigr, 1889, no. 55), Spania for Hispdnia (see Schuchardt's list, Vok. ii. pp. 365
sqq.). In Italian, a language in which almost every word ends in a vowel,
the prosthetic vowel has been dropped, e.g. studio, and with it the genuine
* Initial Z, however, in Umbro Osc. may have been a variety of s, e.g. Umbr.
zeFef *sedens ' ^von Planta. i. p. 71).
I06 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Oh*p.II.
initial vowoIh of words like Lat. hisfAriUf Ilispaniaf instnlmentum^ ItaL storia,
Spagiia, stromento or Ktrumento. But after words like con, in, non (all ending
in a conMonant), both vowels are restored in pronunciation, so that the
HjxOling con estudio, non estoria represents the actual sound. These forms
Mtudio and untudio (istudio), storia and estoria (istoria) are what are called
* doublets,' the one being used after a final vowel, the other after a (rare) final
consonant ; and that is, no doubt, the explanation of these double forms
sploratuTj esptoratoTf kc. on late inscriptions. In French, where consonant
endings wore far more preserved than in Italian, the prosthetic vowel
remains, e. g. <*tude, <k;rire. It is before sf-, sc-, sp-, &c., for the most part, that
the prosthetic vowel asserted itself sufficiently to require expression in spell-
ing ; but its presence before other consonantal initials may be inferred from
occasional spellings like iZocms, ireddercy imerito (misread in MSS. as immerUo),kc.
(see the 1 ist of examples in Schuchardt, Vok. ii. pp. 360 sqq. ; some in MSS. are
mci-ely misreadings of critical signs). In Italian, where, as we have said,
almost every word ends in a vowel, we could hardly expect this Latin pros-
thetic vowel to show signs of itself. Indeed the tendency is rather for a genuine
initial vowel to be suppressed under the influence of a preceding final vowel.
Thus la apecchia, the bee (Lat. dpicula) has become la pocchia, Lat. eccUsia has
become chiesa, Intmlcus, nemico, and so on. Whether the same Procope is the
explanation of the mispronunciation raho for arrdboj which Plautus puts into
the mouth of the slave in the Truculentus, for the sake of poking fun at the
Pracnestines, it is impossible to say :
STR. tene tibi
rabonem habeto . . .
AST. Peril, • rabonem.* quam esse dicam hanc beluam ?
Quin tu arrabonem dicis?
STR. *a' facio lucri,
Ut Praenestinis 'conea' est ciconia.
We do not find mention of the prosthetic vowel by Latin granmiarians till
quite late times, which shows that however far it had developed in Vulgar
Latin, it did not threaten to encroach on the speech of the educated classes.
Thus Isidore (seventh cent.) derives escariis (i.e. 8carus) from esca {Orig. xii. 6. 30
escnruH dictus eo, quod eseam solus ruminare perhibetur), and iscurra (i.e.
sctirra), somewhat comically, from the same word ;ib. x. 15a [under I not E]
iscurra vocatur, quia causa escae quempiam consectetur ; cf. ib. xx. 4. 9
discus an tea * iscus ' vocabatur a specie scuti). He warns his readers against
the mispronunciations yspissoj yscena, ystimuluSt (4. 509, App. 3. 40. Ar. spissa.
scena, stimulus et cetera similia y carent). Similar warnings are given in the
Qlosses ap. Mai, CI, Aucf, against iscena, iscandcUumj iscapha, iscribtura (vi. 580),
and directions to write * per solam s ' aceda (vii. 578 b), stimulus, spissa, and
spietulor (vi. 581). (Theophilus non *izofilus,' Probi App. 198. i, should
perhaps read *T. non ziofilus,' and in 199. lo, stabilitus non ' istabilitus,' is
a mere conjecture.) It is not found in the early Latin loanwords in Teutonic,
e.g. O. H. Germ, scrlban (Lat. «cri6o), or Celtic languages, e.g. O. Ir. scol,
Bret, skol (^Lat. sc{h)ola). But Welsh, which has the same tendency as late
Latin to use a prosthetic vowel (written y, pronounced like u of our *but'),
before initial s followed by a consonant has subsequently added this y- to these
Latin loan wards, e. g. ysgol, ysgrifo, as it has done to other words of a similar
$$ 124, 126.] PRONUNCIATION. S, X, Z. 107
form, e. g. ysgub, a sheaf. That Procope had shown itself in Vulgar Latin
we see from the Romance forms, Ital. bottega, Span, botica, Fr. boutique,
which point to Vulg. Lat. *poteca for ApothScaj and Ital. morchia, Span, morga
from Vulg. Lat. *murca for cEmurco, both Greek words. (On ste for istSy see
ch. vii. § 17.)
A ftirther result of the confiision of a word like scribo with a compound,
exacriboj inscribo, was that some words beginning with «c-, sp-, st-, &c. were
regarded as compounds with the prepositions ex, in, and were deprived of
their initial 8. This, at any rate, seems to be the explanation of forms like
Vulg. Lat. *p(i8mu8for spasmus (Span, pasmo. Port, pasmo, and the French verb
pAmer, to swoon) (see the list of examples in Schuchardt, Vok. ii. pp. 354 sqq.).
Another result possibly was that such a form as sponere for exponere being
regarded as the equivalent of ponere, the letter 5< might occasionally be
prefixed at random to words beginning in c-, ^, j>-, &c., e.g. spidus tor pktus
(Schuchardt, 1. c, mentions a few doubtful examples ; but includes cases
where the s- was original, e. g. O. Lat. stntarmsy later tritavus. See ch. iv. § 146.)
$ 124. 8 before a oonsonant. I.-Eur. s before m, n, &c. was dropped in Latin
or rather assimilated (iv. 159), e. g. primus (Pelignian Prismu for Lat. Prima\
cUmis (on the very ancient Dvenos inscription cosmis), dumus older dummus
(cf. Dusmus), So tra(n)s became tra- before >, d, ancL optionally before m, p,
according to Velius Longus, 66. 9 K., e. g. transtulit, but trajecit, trdduxit trans-
misit or tramisit, iransposuit or tr&posuit. Spellings on late plebeian inscriptions
and in MSS., such as prebeteri for preshyteri (Rossi, i. 731, of 445 a. d.), have
been collected by Schuchardt, Vok. ii. pp. 355 sq. But though s is suppressed in
this position in some Romance languages, notably in French, e. g. chAteau
(Ital. castello, Span, castillo) from Lat. castdlum ; blAmer (Ital. biasmare,
Catal. blasmar, Prov. blasmar) from Vulg. Lat. *Waa(i)»iare for hlasp?iSmarej
this suppression is by no means universal, and was unknown in French itself
at an earlier stage, e. g. blasmer ; so that these spellings cannot convince us
that Latin s in the middle of a word had at all the same weak sound that it
had at the end of a word. (Schuchardt's examples of the assimilation of c or
t to s, with ss for sc and st, e. g. Crissanay Vok. i. pp. 145 sq., are perhaps bettor
explained as cases of palatalization of c, t.)
A vowel before st, &c. is not shortened under the influence of a preceding
short syllable in Plautine versification any more readily than a vowel before
any other consonant group, e. g. voLuptdtemy beside potSstdtem, ministitium. (See
ch. iii. § 34.)
$ 126. X. On the spellings cs, ex, xs, &c. see ch. i. § 4, and for the interchange of
X with 88 and (with consonant) 8, see Georges and Brambach s. w. mixtusy
UlixeSy sesoentiy Esquiliaey XerxeSy SestiuSy &c. Schuchardt, Vok. ii. p. 351, and i. 133,
gives some instances of es- for ex- before c, f, p in late Latin inscriptions and in
MSS. (Gf. Placidus' Glossary, 67. 18 G. exspes, sine spe . . . ^ espes ' vero sine
X nihil est), and of 'SS'y -s- for -x-, e. g. vissit for vixity AUsander for Alexander.
Vissit for rixit is common on late Christian inscriptions (e. g. C. J. L. x. 4546),
but the earliest instance of ss for x is probably on an epitaph of a cavalry
soldier at Cologne, which cannot be later than Nero's reign [ve]8sillo {A. L. L.
viii. 589.) On mers for merx (mer(c)8y like pars for par{t)8) in MSS. of Plautus,
see Ritschl, Opusc. ii. p. 656. Caper 98. 10 K. allows both cols and calx : cals
dicendom, ubi materia est, per s ; at cimi pedis est, calx per x. In late Latin
108 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
flnnl -8 and -x are often interchanged. Thus x is written for the final s
t, originally ss of mtleSf dries, poples, lOcuples. All these are forms censured in
the Appendix Probi (197. a8 K. ; 198. 29 ; 199. 4, 5) ; and on inscriptions we
have milexy miliXj pregnax, &c. ySee Seelmann, p. 353). The similarity of the
sound of this -s with -x may be inferred from Probus, Inst. ia6. 36 K. quae*
ritur qua de causa miles per s et non per x lltteram scribatur, &c. Similarly
obstetrix was made op^ittis (Probi App. 198. 34 K., cf. 198. q8 meretrix non
* menetris ') ; and on inscriptions we have coniys and corvs (Greek kozotc,
C /. L, X. 719), svboniatriSj Ac (see Seelmann, p. 353). The felatris (iv. 1388
and 2293) on inscriptions of Pompeii reminds us of -s, -ss for x, cs, on Oscan
inscriptions of the same town, e. g. meddiss (for *meddic6s Nom. PL) Zv. /. /. /.
140 (cf. Osc. Santia for BavOias).
$ 126. Final 8. .See Havet on ^ TS latin caduc ' in itudes dediees d. 0. Paris,
1891 ; he shows that it is the rule, and not the exception, that -s does not
constitute ' position * in the older poetry ; cf. Plautine endings of lines like
tsth cos). Cicero {Oratory xlviii. 161) : quinetiam quod jam subrusticum videtur,
olim autem politius, eorum verborum, quorum eaedem erant postremae duae
litterae, quae sunt in * optimus/ postremam litteram detrahebant, nisivocalis
insequebatur ; ita non erat ea offensio in versibus, quam nuncfugiont poetae
novi ; ita enim loquebamur :
qui est omnibu' princeps,
non * omnibus princeps,' et
uita ilia dignu' locoque,
non dignus. quod si indocta consuetude tam est artifex suavitatis, quid ab
ipsa tandem arte et doctrina postulari putamus? ; Quint, ix. 4. 38 quae fuit
cau}*a et Servio, ut dixit, subtrahendae s litterae, quotiens ultima esset aliaque
conhonanto susciperetur, quod reprehendit Luranius, Messala defendit. nam
neque Luoilium putat uti eadem ultima, cum dicit ^Aeseminus fuit' et
* dignus liK-oque/ et Cicero in Oratore plures antiquonim tradit sic locuto«>.
;0n the dropping of -s on inscrr. see § 137.'
§ 127. Doable Consonants. No point of Latin pronunciation
is more certain than that a double consonant in such a word as
fjNcca was really pronounced as a double, and not as a single
consonant^ with 'the first syllable ending in one c, and the
second syllable Ix^inning with another r/ as the Latin gram-
marians put it, or in more scientific language, with a new force-
impulse beginning in the second half of the consonant. The
word would be uttered, not, as we are accustomed to pronounce
it, with one ^-sound, but with the double c-sound of our ' book-
case.' The statements of the grammarians are so clear on this
matter as to leave no room for doubt; and even without their
help, we might have inferred the Latin usage from the evidence
of the Romance languages. For although it is only the Italian
which has entirely preserved to this day the double pronunciation
$$ lae, 127.] PRONUNCIATION. DOUBLE CONSONANTS. 109
(e.g. Ital. boc-ca, but Span, boca, Fr. bouche), there are traces in
the others of its previous existence. Latin ss is hard s, where
Latin * has become soft, or voiced *. Latin rr^ nn, II have
developed into different sounds in Spanish from Latin r^ n, I ;
and in French a Latin vowel before a double consonant has been
differently treated from one before a single consonant: talis
becomes tel, but vallis, val ; mdnva becomes main^ but annus, an.
The only thing open to question is whether the spelling with two
consonants did not sometimes indicate a lengthened rather than
a doubled consonant, a consonant on which the voice dwelt for
a time, without dividing it between two syllables. This distinc-
tion between a long and a double consonant is more clearly
marked in the case of a mute (e. g. long c and double c)^ than of
a liquid, nasal, or sibilant (e. g. long I and double I, long n and
double «, long 8 and double «). The greater force and abruptness
of the mute as compared with the liquid would make the syllable-
division in bucca more readily caught by the ear than in mUle,
This lengthened pronunciation may have been given to m^ &c.,
in dmitto for afnmilto (cf. ammissam in the Medicean MS. of Virgil,
A, ii. 741) ; and it was probably a stage in the development of
words like milia older millia, cama older caiissa, casus older cassus.
From the statements of the grammarians, and from the
spelling of Inscriptions and the oldest MSS., we see that the
orthography, and presumably the pronunciation, of the Empire
did not allow ss after a diphthong, nor (with possible exceptions)
after a long vowel, nor yet II between a long i and another i.
The caussa, cd^sus, glossa, mzssiy millia of an earlier time were
reduced to cansa^ cdsus, f/ldsa, misi, mili-a, and show in Italian
to-day the single letter in spelling and pronunciation (cosa,
chiosa, misi, &c.). Seelmann's explanation is that the length of
the diphthong would detract from the length of the consonant
in cau'ssa, and make it no longer than a single consonant causa,
while in milia the similarity of the articulation of i and / was the
reason why the vowel organs passed so quickly over the inter-
vening ^position back to the i-position, as to prevent the voice
from dwelling for the due period of time on the / itself. How-
ever that may be, we can at least be positive that the spelling ss
did not, as Corssen suggests, merely indicate the hard or unvoiced
no THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
quality of the *-sound (e.g. Engl, 'ass' with hard *, 'as' with
soft s).
The practice of writing the consonants double was not adopted,
as we saw (ch. L § 8), until the time of Ennius. But there is no
evidence, apart from this fact, to show that the pronunciation of
ducca, pennay &c., in earlier times was not the same as the later
pronunciation (like our * bookcase,' * penknife'). Plautus may
have written these words with a single letter ; still he always
treats the first syllable as long by position ; so that it would be
as rash to infer that the older spelling was anything more than
a mere usage of orthography, as to regard the temporary use of
the sicilicus in the Augustan age (ch. i. § 8), e. g. om, (C, L L, x.
3743), as an indication that the consonant had at that time
a lengthened rather than a doubled pronunciation.
§ 128. Testimony of the grammarians. The grammarians* rule is ^ Write
two consonants, when two consonants are pronounced': ubi duarum con-
sonantum sonus pcrcutiet aures, Mar. Victorinus vi. 9-10 K. ; who quotes
aah'batiSj sfw-cis, ef-fert, ef'fugitj fal-lit, gal'lus, val-Ius^ macd-lvnij 11014113, pal'lium
Pal'IaSj an-«w»w, Ciii-nam, ap-paratuniy Uip-pam, Ar-nintiumj bar-rum, cur*rii,
fer-nimj as-$iiiuum, Ckis-sium, fes-sum, At-tiusy Vei'tius, and adds : nam ut color
oculorum judicio, sapor palati, odor narium dinoscitur, ita sonus aurium
arbitrio subjectus est. Simihirly Papirian (ap. Cassiodor. vii. i6a. 10 K.) says :
sono intornoscemus, quoting ac-cedo^ at-tulij as-suluus, ap^pareo, an^nuo, alAigo,
So Vel. Longus vii. 6i-6a K. : ac-cipto, ac'currere, ag-gerat, Pliny ;ap. Priscian,
i. p. 29. 8) : il'U, Mefel'lus. They speak also of one syllable ending with the
consonant, and the next syllable beginning with the same consonant (prior
syllaba in hac finitur, et sequens ab ea incipit, Consentius, t. 394. 35 K.,
who quotes t7-Zc, Al-Ha). Similarly Priscian, i. p. 45. 5 of il-le, p. 46. 8 of
Sab-burra, siib-baia, gib-bus, gib-berosusy gib-ber, db-ba, . . . sub-biboy p. 47. 5 of vacca
(MSS. bac<xi)y buc-cay soC'CUSy cc-guts, qiiic-quam, p. 47. 9 of abad-dir, abaddiefy ad-dOy
retl-do, red-duco (* quod etiam reduce dicitur ',) p. 48. 5 of qf'ficio, suf-flcioy af'feduSy
vf-ficio^ d{f-ficili8y dif-fundOj p. 49. 29 of lip-puSy ap-parety p. 50. 25 of mit-iOy Cot-tay
ai-iinet, Velius Longus' remarks on the pronunciation of rediico and reddo must
be understood in the same way (vii. 66. 3 K.).
$ 120. Beduotion of U to 1» ss to s, after a diphthong or long voweL
Some grammarians ascribe this reduction to a diphthong, others to any
long vowel. Quintilian (i. 7. 20-21) tells us that cauaaaCy cassusy divissionesw&s
the spelling of Cicero's time, and that the double s was found in autograph
MSS. both of Cicero and of Virgil, and adds that in still earlier times (i. e.
before the introduction of double letters), jussi was spelt with a single s.
Velius Longus (vii. 79. 20 K.) censures the proposal of Nisus (first cent. a. d.)
to write comesey consuesey and his argument ^ quia juxta productam vocalem
gominata consonans progredi non soleat,' and declares positively that
^geminari consonantes productis vocalibus junctas usus ostendit,' quoting
$$188,128.] PRONUNCIATION. DOUBLE CONSONANTS. Ill
as examples eirasse, saUassef abisse, caUxtsse, He inclines however to the spelling
paulum on the ground that pauUum ' repetito eodem elemento [6c. 1] . . . enun-
tiari nullo modo potest,' and declares the true rule to be that the presence of
a diphthong, hot of any long vowel, forbids the doubling of a consonant (cf.
Prise. L p. 109. 23 H.). Still he contrasts dosstim (for dfirsum^t with rusurn,
retriisum ; and in another passage (7a. 11 K.) he approves of the spelling and
pronunciation accusdtor, as of comisdior, Annaeus Cornutus (ap. Cassiodor.
149. ia-15 K. ), speaking apparently of the old spelling cauaaa^ says : in qua
enuntiatione quomodo duarum consonantium sonus exaudiatur, non invenio.
Terentius Scaurus (ai aa K.) declares that neither & nor r are doubled, unless
the preceding vowel is short ; when it is long, the syllable ends with the
vowel, and the consonant begins the next syllable, e. g. ptau-stis, lu-aus. The
spelling caussa he makes etymological (due to cavissa), not phonetic : apparet
' causam ' geminatum s non recipere, quoniam neque in fine pracoedentis
alterum potest poni, neque a gemino sequens inoipere. The remarks of
Yelius Longus 1,7a. 19 K. s vero geminata vocis sonum exasperat), and of
Marius Victorinus (viii. 5 6 K. iidem [«c. antiqui] voce« quae pressiore sono
eduntur, 'ausus,' ^ causa/ ' fusus,' 'odiosus,' per duo s scribebant *aussus'),
must be regarded in the light of the previously quoted statements ; though
the latter may imply that the sound of an -a-, which represented a former -ss-
was not quite the same as the sound of ordinary a. That this was probably
the case with final -s (e. g. miles for *mUe88) we shall see below (§ 133). Else-
where Terentius Scaurus defends the spellingixiMfltim on etymological grounds,
comparing puUum,pu8iUnfn (ao. 15 K.) ; and Annaeus Cornutus (first cent. a.d.,
ap. Cassiodor. 149. 19 K.) speaks of some grammarians who wrote mallo (the
older spelling, as we shall see) for ntalo, because they connected the word with
Greek ftaWov. Another reason apparently alleged for this spelling mallOj noHo^
was the analogy of the Infinitive mcUle, noUCj to judge from Papirian's dictum ap.
Cassiodor. 159. i K. : malo per unum 1, quod est magis volo ; malle per duo
1, quod est magis velle ; nolo per unum 1, est enim non volo, nolle per duo 1,
quod est non velle (cf. Probi App. aoi. 33 K. inter velit et vellit hoc interest
quod, &c.) (cf. vellintj C. I. L, v. 3090 ; vii. 80 ; noUis, vii. 140}. A further
instance of the influence of an etymological theory on spelling is furnished
by Alcuin (310. 3a K.), who defends the spelling solemnis by referring the
word to stjleo. But if we overlook spellings warped by etymological theories,
and here and there a traditional spelling retained, we may lay down the rule
that I after a diphthong, and s after a long vowel or diphthong, were not
written, or pronouncf^d double in the period of the Empire, so that it is
unlikely, for example, that cessi (though from ado\ jussi [though the spelling
jous' occurs on old inscriptions (see C. I. L. i\ Index p. 5831, and cf. Jiissus
(along with AnniuB!), vi. 77], ussi (though from 1/10; cf. A»L.L. ii. 607), had
a long vowel in the Imperial age. (CSssi, iissi, according to Prlscian, i.
p. 466. 6, 7 H.) The use of U after a long vowel, but not after a diphthong,
shows that the diphthongs still retained their diphthongal sound.
The statements of the grammarians about the older spelling are borne out
by a reference to the Republican inscriptions. On the Lex Rubria of 49 b. c.
we have promeisseriij remeisseritf repromeisseritj and on other inscriptions
caussa, cucussassej missiiy pauUuniy milliaj mQliarium (see the Index to C. I. L. vol. i^
pp. 6oi-a) ; on the Comm. Lud. Saec. both caussa and causOfhut always quaeso ;
on the Mon. Anc. miUia, dausum and daussum, caussa, caesae, occasio.
1 12 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
PauUtis is the usual form evon on later inscriptions, also Pollio and Polio (see
Geoi-ges, Lex. Worif, s.w. ; cf. P5ffa with apex on o, C.I.L. xi. 457a, &c.).
yluZZa, the oldest spelling, preserved in the Ambrosian MS. of Plautus (see
below), similarly became aula, and aXla (see Georges) ; crisso (^with 7, cf. crisipm)
became criso (ib.) ; gXossa and gXfosema became glosa^ glosema (LOwe, ProdromuSf
pp. I sqq.) ; nassitema is the old spelling^of this old word, like nasaum (later
tidsus) (see Georges). Thus ahscisio (from caedc), and abscissio (from acindo)
were not distinguished in spelling till Tiberius' reign.
In the best and oldest MSS. of Republican writers, and (archaistic) writers
of the Augustan age, such as Plautus and Virgil, we have a good many spellings
with Uy 88j where the later orthography used the single letter. Thus in
Virgil MSS. we have examples of the old spelling, with double s, of the Perfect
and Perf. Part. Pass, of verbs like edo {adeasus, anibessuaj exessus, obesausy peressusy
aemessus, i. c. adfssusj &c.), video {prorissa, &c. ; also the verb invisao), atideo
{aussa\ and other verbs in -dOj 'deo; haereo {ftaessif) and Jiaurio {haussere,
hausserat> : mitto (wisst, miasere) ; we have -naa- and -aa- for later -«s-, -8- in
conprefiaaa and compreaaay emenaaff &c, lapidoaaOf undoaaif &c. ; similarly caussa,
incusaoj kc. ; and in foreign words cassia (Gk. icaaaiay a misspelling of irAo'ta),
Crinisao {A. v. 38), jrcsso {A. viii. 662), Paaaiphaej lUieasua ; though some of these
last may be a wrong spelling (e. g. geaaa should be gaeaoj for O. Ir. gae, 0. H.
Germ, gaizon- point to gaiao^^ with g for I.-Eur. gh-j cf. Sanscr. h€Sas). And
in the Ambrosian Palimpsest of Plautus we have eaauniy eaaurirtf eaaiiabunt,
exsciaatia (Moat. 826), uaaua^ ttaaurOj incuaaea, Mtsso, ueiaae, dimiaaerOy quaeaao, cauaaoj
-oaaus {laborioaai, odioaaae, negoHoaaam, radioaaua) ; also naaaunij uaaacL, and even
aeaae (perhaps rightly, for *afd'aS{d)\ Merc. 249, SticJt, 365, and noaa^ Stick, 536 ;
and in Greek words pauaaam, Alc?.aaimarche, and (perversely) h&aailice, Poen.
577 (cf. baaaim^ C,I.L. i. 1181). For U wo have in Virgil MSS. some words
where s, x, &c. have been dropped before I with lengthening of the vowel, or
rather have been assimilated, like qucdlua, G. ii. 241 (cf. qu/iaiUua), anJieUitua and
anhdhia, teUunif velliimy along with some of doubtful origin, coUum, a strainer,
O. ii. 242 (probably first *carillumj then caulum or co//um, then colunij like
PauUua, Paulua, Pollio and Poiio), illex^ A. vi. 180, maUim^ 0. iii. 69 and A. iv. 108,
paullatimy milliaj opiUio ; as well as -e/?a, -dlua in loquellay querelia (the normal
spelling^ PhilomeUay faaeUua. (Onof/i Dat., Slim Adv., see ch. vii.) And in the
Plautus Palimpsest, auUay a jar (later mda and 0^), miUiay paidlum (see
Ribbeck's Indaxy and the Index to Studemund's Apograph of the Codex
Ambrosianus). In the Palatine MSS. of Plautus we have also noUo (see
(iktetz, preface to the Stichxiay p. xiv).
Of these, we know that mUlia, &c., where long i precedes and i follows the
double /, became mUiay &c. in the Imperial age. Pompeius (185. 16 K.)
quotes the rule of the elder Pliny : Plinius Secundus in libris dubii sermonis
ita expressit, *mille nondebemus aliter dioere nisi per geminum 1, in numero
plurali unum 1 ponere debemus et dicere milia' (cf. ibid. 172. 13 K.). Militiy
vilicua are the normal spellings on inscriptions, beside mUle, villa, from the
reign of Tiberius ; but in earlier inscriptions (excepting in very early ones
where no consonant is written double) we have U, In the Monumentum
Ancyranum, that valuable evidence of the orthography of the Augustan age,
we have mUlia, miUiena. (On atUicidium from adtta, Diminutive of *aliray atlriOj
see Lachmann ad Lucr, i. 313.) In other circumstances double 7? was retained
after a long vowel, e.g. tfUla, sUUaj which show the long vowel and double I,
§ 180.] PRONUNCIATION. DOUBLE CONSONANTS. II3
or its traces, in the Romance languages, e.g. Ital. villa, stella (with close e)f
AH in the Welsh loanword ystwyll, Epiphany. So miUej raUuniy afUla^ vifium
(Dim. of rinum), trufloy corolla (Dim. of corona)^ uttus (from unna), nilUus, &c.
(Priscian i. p. 109. ai H. attests vtUumj and ilUus ; and on inscrr. we have HUa
C.I.L. ii. 1473 ; aUij vi 10330 ; nuUumj x. 4787 ; rillani, ix. 348, &c.) But in
a group of words, as before remarked, we have U in the older, / in the Imperial
spelling, viz. words where there has been what is called 'compensatory
lengthening,' e.g. qucUus for *quas-lu8 (cf. ^udf^ttfus), vilum for rex^lum (cf.
rexiUum), Of these words Cicero says (Orat. xlv. 153), quin etiam verba saepe
contrahuntur non usus causa, sed aurium ; quo modo enim vester ^Axilla '
Ala factus est nisi ftiga litterae vastioris ^ quam litteram etiam e * maxillis '
ct Maxillis' et 'paxillo' et * vexillo' et ^pauxillo ' consuetude elegans Latini
sermonis evellit.
That the suppression of the s-sound was in the earlier period expressed by
doubling the letter, we may infer from these spellings in Virgil MSS. and auUa
(for aux-la^ cf. auxilla) in the Palimpsest of Plautus. The change to the single
1 seems to have been made after the reign of Augustus, simultaneously with
the adoption of I for II in paulunij mUiaj &c., of s for as in causa, fusus, &c., and,
as we shall see, of m for mm in a similar case of *■ compensatory lengthening,'
(lumns from *dus-mus. AnhelluSj if for *anhenslus from stem *an-an«ft>-j must
have iiad long e. Thus locfuella for *loqueS'la^ quireUa for *quere8'la may have
l>een the older forms, which were banished for a time, and were restored in
later Latin. (For statistics, see Brambach, Orth. p. 259.) Jfolto, nMo are
attacked by the grammarians of the Empire, along with milliaj caussa, fussus,
&c, and represent with these the older fashion of spelling and pronunciation.
Diomedes (p. 386. 13 K.) blames those ' qui geminant 1 litteram et enuntiant '
in these two verbs. (Does Velius Longus allude to the verb in p. 80. 5 K.,
where he says : quis autem nescit 'malum ' una 1 littera scriptam multum
distare a ' mallo ' eodem elemento geminato ?) How far other consonants
were doubled after a long vowel is discussed below.
$ 130. Conftision of single and double letter in Latin. In the misspellings
of inscriptions and MSS. we find a double written for a single consonant,
especially in the case of (i) mute before r, e. g. fratire (C. /. L. viii. m), siippra
and mtppremus in Virgil MSS. (Ribbeck, Ind.) ; (2) before consonantal u (10),
e. g. tetmuis in Virgil MSS., strennuior in MSS. of Lucil. xvi. 19 M. (cf. Probi App.
198. 18 K. aqua non * acqua ') ; (3) s before mute, e. g. diascente (C. /. L. iv. 1278).
We find the same doubling of a consonant in the first two cases in Italian in
fabbro, acqua, &c. (see below) ; and in classical Latin we have perhaps traces
of them in the normal spellings, quattuor, battuo. The third type of misspelling
probably reflects the attraction of s to the first syllable (see § 139). The
opposite error, of writing a single consonant for a double, appears especially
d' after a long vowel, e.g. nwia, Eph. Epigr, iv. no. 557 (Consentius warns
against mispronunciations like mUe, vila, 392. 7 K.) ; (2) in syllables before
the accent, usually in words compounded with prepositions, where the final
consonant of the preposition has been assimilated to the initial of the verb or
noun, e. g. ocept, comunis, but also in other cases, such as Diminutives, e. g.
Mcdliis (see Georges, Lex, Wortf. s.v.). There are in the classical language
a few traces of the reduction of a long syllable to a short in the pretonic
syllable, possibly in Diminutives like hfeQa, (from offa\ m&mXlla (from ntvamma)
(cf. Ital. vanello), but certainly in prepositional compounds. Thus cmmiUa
I
114 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohm?. II.
from ob and tnitto htm liecome omUto (PriBcian i. p. 46. 18 H. omitto dicimus pro
* ommitto ') ; in redduco the prepodiion was changed, perhaps by the analogy
of other compounds, to re, but not in reddo^ where it is accented (unless tht*
true explanation here is that reddo represents *rt-dido with a reduplicated form
of the verb found in Umbro-Oscan, ch. viii. % 9). (Yelius Longus 66. 3 interdum
haec d littera geminatur, quotiens ab eadem littera sequens toz incipit ; nee
tamen semper, siquidem ^ reddere ' dicimus geminata d, . . . unde adnotanda
imperitia eorum qui sic ^redducere' geminata d littera volunt enuntiare,
quasi 'reddere/ tamquam necesse sit totiens eam duplicem esse, quotiens
sequens vox ab eadem littera incipit.) The versification of Plautus shows us
that after a short syllable the preposition in the pretonic syllable of a com-
pound was especially liable to be so slurred in pronunciation, that it might
optionally be scanned as a short syllable, e. g. quid dco^t 9 (see ch. iii. $ 34). How
far the weakness incident to the first syllable of aceepii after a short syllable
adhered to it in other circumstances, and tended to reduce the acc' to th(>
sound of oo, it is difficult to say. We have ore cSntpto in Lucil. ix. i. M.,
expressly attested by Consentius (400. 8 K.) ; and there seems no reason for
setting aside the n>ading of the MSS. in Lucr. vi. 1135 an caelum nobis ultro
natura cdnimptum Deferat, a reading confirmed by Isidore, Nat, Rer. 39.
The usual practice, where the preposition is assimilated, is to write a double
letter in some cases, e.g. corruptus, ommentans (Liv. Andron. ) ; in others to write
a single letter and lengthen the vowel, e. g. dmitto. It is not always easy tf>
draw a hard and fast line between these two practices. A scansion like
PlautuM^ quid dmittis suggests that the second word was pronounced rather
ammiUis (cf. ammissam in Virgil MSS., Ribbeck, Ind.) than Smitiis ; for Plautus
does not shorten the first syllable of the compound in qtiid inaanis, &c., where
we know the i to have been a long vowel before the group ns (see ch. iii. § 34\
The a of amittis could then hardly be on precisely the same footing as a vowel
long by nature. Adni,, though written amm- was not written dm'. {Amentum,
beside ammenhun and admentum, is probably non-existent. See Nettleship, Om-
tribtUions s.v.' Again, QcUius says of the preposition com, compounded with
ligo^ and necto (ii. 17. 8) coligatus et conexus producte dicitur. {Com before n-
is always con- in the best spelling, e.g. cvnuhiumf but not before yn, e.g. cognatus,
unless gn has previously become n, e. g. cmiior.) The late spelling oportunus (se^*
Georges : may be due to the analogy of vportet ; but on Greek inscriptions we
often have oJj instead of the usual 0, in compounds with com, the a.ssimilated
m being sometimes omitted, e. g. Kufioios, sometimes expressed, e. g. tewppticrcap
(Eckinger pp. 51-9). It is therefore an open question how far these lute
spellings, such as corigia in the Edict of Diocletian, indicate a I'eal reduction
of the double consonant to a single, cSrigia, or a transference to the vowel of
the extra length of the consonant, cSrigia. Greek spellings of Latin words an>
very uncertain guides ; for Consentius mentions as a fault of the Greeks their
inability to pronounce the double consonant in words like^'u^^, tffe, 395. 13 K.
s litteram Graeci exiliter ecferunt adeo, ut cum dicunt ' jussit,' per unum s
dicere existimes ; 394. 25 K. ubi enim [Graeci] dicunt * ille mihi dixit,* sic
sonant duae 11 primae syllabae, quasi per unum 1 sermo ipse consistat ^ ; and
on Greek inscriptions we find double confused with single, single with double
consonant in Latin words to a very great extent, especially I and U, but not
In Martial ii. 6opuer Hylle has assonance with puerik.
5 130.] PRONUNCIATION. DOUBLE CONSONANTS. II5
often 8 and ss (see Eckinger). Similarly in Latin inscriptions we find Greek
words misspelt in this particular, e. g. teserOj edesia (so in Vulg. Lat. ; cf. Ital.
chiesa, Ac), hassUica (e.g. C.I.L. iv. 1779), kc. So Probi App. (199. 9 K.)
censures 'bassilica' ; (198. 11) 'cammera' (cf. Sicil. Neap, cammara) ; (198.
17) ^dracco' ; (198. 27) ^fassiolus.' (In each case the vowel is a, the quality
of which was the same, whether short or long.) On a Republican inscription
{C,LL. i. 1 181) we have &a«8tm, and in the Palimpsest of Plautus hassUicr.
The Plant ine form of the name *lKKvpia is Wluria. In other foreign words we
have a like confusion, e. g. Britanni and (later) Brittanni (see Gorges s.t.), as
we have a confusion in the quantity of the vowel of BcUavij Ac Very often
a wi'ong etymology, or wrong association, is the cause of a misspelling ; e. g.
peUeXf a late spelling of paelex (see Georges), was due to connexion with peUicio ;
and the established spelling occtpffer for *acupeter [probably with a, weak grade
of d of Greek a/zrv-Wnys (epithet of hawk in Hesiod, Op, aio), Sanscr. a9upiltvan-,
ch. iv. % 54] to connexion with acdpio ; cf. the vulgar form acceptor (Caper 107.
8IL accipitef non ^ aciceptor ') used byLucilius {inc. 193 M.) exta acceptoris
et unguis, wihe misspelling coinlnwt for cmnmimus (see Georges) is due to the
analogy of Sfninus ; and the analogy of Diminutive terminations -elluAj 'Olits^ -u^tia
is generally believed to be responsible for the later spellings cameRus, angtiiUOf
atetdhts, kc. The corrupt form cdmefhts instead of camHus (Greek ttdtirjXos)
is indicated by the spelling in the Itala (see ROnsch, Itala, p. 460), and in
the Edict of Diocletian (11. 6, &c.), as by the Italian cammello (with open e\
Span, camello, Fr. chameau (cf. phaseUiia for j)?ia9Pltt8 in Virgil MSS.) ; anguVa,
the spelling of good MSS. of Latin authors, is reflected by Span, anguila
{A. L, L, vili. 442) ; on cuculua and cxwhjUvis^ see Brambach, UQlfi^ilchlein, a, v. The
same explanation is generally given of -vNa for -^a of loquelOj qwrtHaj siuideUi,
tutdaj medela, ke, (on which see Brambach, Orihographie, p. 258 sq.). The
grammarians approve of the single I in these words (Ter. Scaur. 11. i K. on
querela ; Mar. Vict. 17. 9 K. on loqueia, querelay suadela, tutda^ also camdus ; Caper
96. 6 K. on querela, loquela) ; but by the time of Papirian, the latter part of the
fourth cent. a. d., qtiereSa was the usual spelling (see Papir. ap. Cassiod. 159. 4 K.
Cf. Bede 287. 6 K. ; Alcuin 299. 6 K. ; Quaest. Gram. Cod. Bern. 83. Suppl.
175. 7 K.). At the same time we have seen that quereUa (for *quer€8'la)j loquella^
kc. were probably the older spellings, and stand beside qitallus for *quaS'lus in
Virgil MSS., so that their use in Vulgar Latin may be really a case of
adherence to the older form, just as we find vulgar spellings like tissus, vissusy
tnessoTy /re88U8y allium (on those see Geoi^es), and Vulg. Lat. *re««c«, attested
by ItaL vescica, kc, (cf. Capsesis non ^Capsessis,' Probi App. 198. 2). PHa
was in late Latin *pllla, pillula (see Georges s. v. pilula, and cf. the Romance
forms). P5tu>, for jp3-s(f)no, a compound with the preposition po, for *apOj a by-
form of dbf was treated in vulgar speech as if *por'8(i)no, a compound with
por-. Hence the double s (for rs, as dossum from dorsum) in poasitus (quasi
' por-situ8 '), paasui on plebeian inscriptions (e. g. passuif, C. I, L, v. 5623 ; vii.
47. 137. 246 ; dipwsitus, Rossi, i. 103, of 348 a. d.). In the Appendix Probi 202.
12 K. one is warned against the confusion of sera, a bolt, with serray a saw,
A confusion seen in Ital. serrare, Span, cerrar (cf. 201. 33 on velit and
vHlit). Other misspellings depend merely on the substitution of a single
consonant with long vowel for a double consonant with short vowel, and
vice versa, e.g. Probi App. 199. 4 K. garrulus, non 'garulus' (probably
gdrultts) ; 198. 21 K. caligo, non *calligo.' This substitution was allowed, as
I 2
Il6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE.- [Chap. II.
we liaye seen, in preponitional compounds, like funitto^ to which we may add
sftpendiym for 8iip[i'\p€ndium (slupendionwiy C. /.L. vi. 9496, 2787, 2795 ; stependhrum
3069, of 221 ▲. D. point to i in vulgar pronunciation), tricae (see $ 60) for
*tricc[h']ae (cf. Ital. treccare, beside Neapolitan tricare). It appears to be
consistently carried out in a group of words, aipa (cf. Sanscr. kupas) and
ciippa, stupa and stiippa (Greek ar^rq and arinnnj^ mucus and muccus, pupa
(cf. PWPAE, r. J. L. X- 4315 ; pvpivs, pvpiA, vi. 6021) and pnppa^ guhi^ and gfittus,
miUi43 (Greek /xvOos^ see Class. Rev. v. 10) and jnuttus, *biitis (Greek $ovri9) and
*bCUtis (cf. Ital. botte, bottiglia). The forms with short vowel and double
consonant seem to be those of late Latin and Romance {e. g. cuppa, Ulp. Dig.
xxxiii. 6, 3 § I and xxxiii. 7, 8 M. ; Augustine, Co?/, ix. 8. 18 ; Not. Tir. 156:
pitppOf Acron, in Hor. S. i. 5. 65 ; Ital. coppa. Span. coi>a, &c., while cUpa is re-
fleeted in Ital. cupola. Span, cuba and in the Welsh cih), so that the variety in
form has arisen through the consonant being allowed to assert itself before the
articulation of the vowel had been completed, and thus to take away from
the vowel some of its force. [Similarly Middle High German muoter (L-Eur.
*indter)^ with long vowel and single consonant has become n modern German
mutter.] Sirina seems in the same way to have become atrfnna at the end of
the Republican period ; for striina is indicated by Span, estrena, Ac, strfnna
by Ital. strenna (with open e), Fr. etrenne, though the byform strenua (see
Georges) may indicate confusion with str^uus^ later strennuus (see above). In
Italian the same thing is very common, e. g. venni for v6ni, leggi for l€gi.
brutto for bruto ; and this may be the explanation of the puzzling form tutto
for Latin fdtus (see KOrting, Lat-Roman, W^tierb. s. v. ; and cf. Consent. 392. i K.
' tottum ' pro toto, * cottidie ' pro cotidie), as of Lntin Juppifer (the usual spelling,
Koe Georges) for Jilpiier^ (ch. vi. § 32). Siicus however retains this form in
Vulgar Latin, and similarly braca ; while both classical and Vulgar Latin show
bdca (see Geoi^es, and cf. Ital. bag-ola, Fr. bale), which, if the ordinary deriva-
tion be correct (see Etyma Laiina s. v.), should be bacca for *bat-ca. Latin c»cct«
seems to have been in Vulg. Latin *dcMs, to judge from Ital. cica, cigolo, Ac.
Scribes of Irish nationality were specially liable to miswrite a double for
a single consonant in a Latin word ; for in the orthography of their own
language the double letter often indicated merely that the consonant had not
degenerated into a spirant. Thus a repeated substitution of double for
single consonants in a Latin MS. is frequently an indication that the MS.
has been written in an Irish monastery (see Zimmer, Qlossae Hibemica^y proll.
xi). Again the confusion of single with double consonants in inscriptions
may often bo due to 1 ocal influence. Thus the Greeks, as we have seen, had
a difficulty in pronouncing the Latin double consonants ; the Oscan dialect
often shows a double letter, where a single is etymologically correct, especially
l)efore a y-sound, e.g. Vitelliu (Lat. Italia), before a u?-80und, e.g. dekkviarim
(cf. Lat. decern), before an r, e.g. alttrei (Lat. atteri), and simXlarly as before i,
e.g. kvaisstur (Lat. quaeMw), which remind us of Latin misspellings like acqua^
fraitrey disscente ; in the Umbrian inscriptions a double consonant is never
found in those written in the native alphabet, and very seldom (sometimes
perversely, e.g. ennom, cf. Lat. ?nim ; arrei, cf. Lat. dvis) in those written in
Latin characters.
^ JuppiteTy quippe (ch. ix. $ 7\ ipsippe (ch. vii. § 20) suggest that this doubling
of p was a usage in the literary language.
$130.] PRONUNCIATION. DOUBLE CONSONANTS. II7
But in spite of all these facts, it still remains true that there is usually
a sufficient consensus between inscriptions and Uie best MSS. to enable us t<»
decide with certainty on the single, or on the double letter, as the classical
spelling of the word, a spelling with which the Romance forms, as well as
the loanwords in Celtic and Teutonic languages, show a remarkable agreement.
The classical form generally agrees with the form postulated by the etymo>
logy of the word, though there are some exceptions, e.g. Ixlca (see above)
instead of bm-ca, Oamma (but in the proper name, Dania ; see Georges) instea^l
of ddma. This implies that a sharp line was drawn in Latin between the
single and double consonant' (e.g. ynfUus and muUm)^ a fact which should
make us suspicious of etymologies which ignore this distinction, such as the
identification of annuSj a year (with «, Terent. Maurus v. 1239), cf. perennis),
with amduSf a ring. For examples of this kind of uncertainty in Latin
spellings, see Georges, Lex. Wort/, and Brambach, lliiJf^wJUein s.vt. lammina
and lamhia (syncopated lamna)y vaciUo and racciUoj inamiUa rarely mammilla^
buccella and huceiUiy disicio and dissicio (cf. porricio), cotidie and coitidie (see Etyma
LcUina s.v.', mutonium and muttonium^ muttio and mxitio^ ^utto and glutOy murgiso
and margisso^ nmnfisa and tnantissa, favime and favissaCy favisor and /avisaor,
comissor and comisor, Mas'missa and Massinissdy p?taseolus and posseo/u^, Tissapherties
and TtmpherneSy Porsenna and Parstna [cf. Pompeius, p. 284 K., who also
censures (a suppositious ?) Catilinna], meddix and medix (Oscan meddis Noni,,
medikeis, GVn. ;, Aptdeitis and Appulehia i^but Apulia better than App')^ Marconiani
and (later) Marcomanni. (Pdnua and panniis may be different words. See
Berl, Phil, Wi)ch. 1887, p. 214.) The double consonant is declared by them to be
the better spelling of biacchium (with cch for x of Gk. ^p&xJ^ov : see § 60), Utterti
[cf. Romance, e.g. Fr. lettre, and Welsh llythyr. In the Lex Rei)et (C. /. I. i.
198) of 123-122 B.C., once LErrERAS, but the spelling of a single for a double
consonant is usual on this inscription, and ei is used for I in seine]^ fuUtliSj
cwxabusy cilUeuSj tnWeumj cuppesy cupp^do (for cup-)y lolligo (Fritsche, ad Hor. S. i .
4. ioo)y/ello {for fp'lu)y heUuur, aoUerSy sollemnisy mVkitOy pappare (Plant. Epid. Goetz,
pref. p. XXX), cippusy lippuft^ cdperro (see Nettleship in Class, Rev. 1892, p. 168),
Messalla^cf.JlisjMVlu^'with II on C.l.L. i. 39), Sailndtiusy barrUuSy Airunsy Airrtimn
(now Arezzo), atftr, AUectOy AUtfae, SardanapallitSy ballaetia (Gk. ^>aAA- rather than
^oA-), biiUista^ SalletUiniy a/vinnus, pStorritum, TmsumefmiiSy Appenn'mus (and Ap-),
num7nusy imniOy bissextum ; the single of balbutio, litus (ho Vulg. Lat., e.g. Ital.
lito and lido), bucipiay aliicinory fj€S(diSy beluay siirio^ muHda (cf. Paul. Fest. 125.
13 Th. murriua, genus potionis, quae Graece dicitur nectar. Hanc mulieres
Tocabaut muriolam), Erinysy ApuUay Su/esy Uipetey LarisOy sarisuy Gnosusy PaniasuSy
tttlasiOf pedisequusy ilico ; the double consonant appears to be the older spelling,
the single the later in niant^lum (Plaut.) and mantildy stfllio and stdioy pUleus
(so, for example, in MSS. of Martial ; see Friedlander's edition, i. p. 117;, and
pUeus {jnll' in Romance, K.Z. xxxiii. 308), marsuppiiim and marsupinmy Maipessos
and Marptsiusy imd possibly the legal parret and parai (Fest. 292. 25 Th., parret,
quod est in formulis, debuit et producta priore syllaba proiiuntiari et iiou
gemino r scribi, ut fieret *paret,* quod est invenitur, ut comiwiret, ap^Miret;.
The spelling paricida for parricida belongs to a period before the doubling of
* Plautus, however, puns on mittis Verberou etiam, dn iam mittis?
and mitis in Mil, .1424, when the Mitis sum equidem fustibus.
soldier is getting a thrashing :
Il8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ch«p. H.
consonantM was practised. Of Greek loanwords we have O. Lat. cretnra (Gk.
KpiqrTip)j perhaps ffmmmomts (from Gk. yX^/'^) in Caecil. Comm. a68 R. (hut gramae
Plant. Cure 318, Btich. Rft. Mug. xxxv. 79), grabattus (Gk. Kpd0arot\ &c.
A. L.L. viii. 367) *. (See also Ellis (kUuHus p. 338 on Varus and Varro,)
$ 13L Double consonants in Italian. These are not known in the dialects
of Umhria and of North Italy ; and their use varies a good deal in different
parts. They form one of the greatest difficulties to English learners ; for
a double consonant is unknown in our language, except in conmound words
like ^ bookcase/ ^penknife' ; as they proved a stumbling-block in old times
to Greeks (cf. §§99 and 117 on the Greek mispronunciation of 0, ss). Double
consonants have replaced Latin single consonants before y, e.g. occhio (Lat.
6c(u)lus)f vendemmia (Lat. rinddnia) ; before the t«-sound of Latin dqua (Ital.
acqua) ; before r, e.g. fabbro (Lat.ya^er). (Compare the doubling of a con-
sonant in these positions in Oscan orthography, and similar misspellings in
late Latin inscriptions.) Doubling is very common under the accent of
a paroxytone word, e.g. femmina (Lat. femxtuC), legittimo (Lat. iSgltSmus)^ and
on the first syllable, when it has a secondary accent, e. g. pellegrino, tollerare
(cf. late Latin suppeUectaiSy see Georges). Forms like allodola (Lat. aiaudu),
commedia (Lat. cdmoedia) seem to be due to the analogy of words compounded
with prepositions, like Latin aUudo, comnwdus (cf. Osc. Appelluneis
'Apollinis'?).
$ 132. Double oonsonant (not 1, s) after long vowel. We know that
the € of fressusj for frensusy later fresusj was long ; but we cannot tell whether
the true explanation of the change from dummetum to dunatum (see Georges)
is to make it similarly a reduction of a double to a single consonant after
a long vowel, or merely a substitution of a vowel length (i*w) for consonant
length {umm)y like dmissam for amfnissam (in MSS. of Virg. A. ii. 741,, as the
'amm- of flammen, a blast, in Virg. MSS. (see Ribbeck) seems to represent the
usual •dm- of Jfd-men. A spelling like ruppes for rupea in Virgil. MSS. (see
Ribbeck) suggests rather the alternation of dippa with cilpa, piippa with
pupa (see above) ; and the quantity of the vowel before the double con-
sonant of lammlna (see Georges), raccinnia see Ribbeck, Index) is quite uncer-
tain. Clear cases of a long vowel before vn are mercennariua (the correct
spelling, according to Brambach, HiU/sbUchl, s. v., later 7n€rcen<irius)y tinnire (for
t and nn are attested by Port, tinir, Sard, tinnire), and pc^rhaps hinnuleus (also
innuleuft, inuleus, see Georges) (cf. Agroecius 115. 14 K. hinnuleus, ut 1 acutum
sit, quia nomen a sono vocis accipit), and Vinnius (also Vinius ; see C. I. L.
vi. 28978 sqq. Long i is indicated for Vinnia, 28986) ; but before other double
consonants they are difficult to establish, karrex on the cai-efully written
inscription of the Emperor Claudius (48 a. d.) at Lyons (Allmer et Dissard
vol. i. p. 70* ; Boissieu p. 136) may be due to the analogy of gndrusj ndrus.
which made the spelling naro (proposed by Varro, if we are to believe Papirian
^ Sometimes the interchange of Lat. Acca Larmtia, Gk. *Ajc/edj (a name
single and double consonant is I-Eur. of Demctcr), 0. Ind. akka ; Gk. 3tyv&,
In pet-names we often find a double &c. The double consonant of Eppius,
consonant : e. g. Gk. vavva beside 0. Seppius, &c. has been so explained,
Ind.nanA; Lat.tna9m»tasa<9U€<d^as(ch. though others refer it to a dialectal
V. § 81) beside Gk. ^tto, O. Ind. atta ; doubling before y like Osc. Vitelliu.
H 181-184.] PRONUNCIATION. FINAL CONSONANTS. II9
Hp. Cassiodor. 159. 8 ; cf. Varro. L.L. vi. 51) approved by some grammarians
(o. g. Velius Longus 80. 9 K.), though never accepted in popular usage (see
(Georges) (cf. vdrti^ and Varro.. (On *<>"fj)pa, the original of Ital. trippa, our
' tripe/ kCf see KQrting's Lexicon s. v.) A certain instance of the reduction
of ^ to ^ after a diphthong is the late form autor (censured, with autoritca, in
Probi Appendix 198. 30 K.. and found on late inscriptions, e.g. CI.L. viii.
1433 ; cf. xii. 9058, of 491 A. D.)) where the t represents tt for original ct (see § 95).
Ital. freddo, Fr. ftroid point to */riddu8f from frigd^ts, a vulgar form of ffigidua
(.Probi App. 198. 3 frigida non *frigda ') ; O. Span, frido to */rWi« or *friddu8,
$ 133. Final double consonant. A final double consonant was not allowed
in Latin orthography, but was written single, e. g. mMea for ^milessj from
*miUt'8. But that it differed in pronunciation from an ordinary final single
consonant, we may infer from the forms censured in the Appendix Probi,
where -x is wrongly substituted for this -a (originally -as) (197. 38 K. miles
non *milex'; 198. 39 aries non ^ariox' ; 199. 4-5 poples non ^poplex,'
locuples non *• locuplex '), forms which are found on inscriptions (e. g. fnUex^
C I. L. vi. 37, 3457, 3549, &c,). We may infer also that there was a change in
its pronunciation in course of time ; for in Plautus inilea has the last syllable
long {Aul 538), while in Ennius, Lucilius, &c., its last syllable is short {Ann,
377 M. ; so miUa^ Lucil. xi. 8 M.), though never shortened before an initial
consonant like ordinary -ttSj-ia. Plautus also scans ter for *terr (cf. terruncitUj
the true spelling ; see Rhein, Mtia. xlvi. p. 336) from *ter8, *tria (Greek rpii), as
A long syllable {Bacch. 1137), as he scans es (3 Sg. Pres. Ind. of aum), prddea, &c.
like *e88, ^prodesa (contrast ciir, Lucil. xv. 9 M. ; prodiis, id. inc. ia8). A relic
of this usage remains in the scansion of hoc for *hocc from *hod-'(c)e as
a long syllable by the classical poets ; and the remarks of the grammarians
on this scansion explain the I'eason of the change and uncertainty in the
quantity of these final syllables. Thus Velius Longus (54. 6 K.), commenting
on Virgil's * hoc erat, alma parens ' says : ergo scribendum per duo c, ^ hoc-c-
erat alma parens,* aut confitendum quaedam aliter scribi, alitor enuntiari ;
Pompeius (119. 13) : item c littera aliquando pro duabus consonantibus est . . .
ut . . . * hoc erat alma parens * : * hoc,* collide c, ut sit pro duabus consonantibus.
in illo alio exemplo brovis est, ^ solus hie inflexit sensus ' : sic lubrice et leniter
eurrit. (Velius Longus also fails to make this proper distinction between hocc
for *ho(l-c and hi'C.) They show us that in pronunciation *hocc (and presumably
*corry *e88) were actually sounded with double consonant when the next
word began with a vowel, at least if the accent fell on them, while before
A consonant initial, and probably when unaccented, the double consonant
would be reduced to a single, hocfuit but hocc erat. The unaccented nature of
the Substantive Verb *ess, and of the final syllable of *milea8, prodeasj &c.
f'xplains their speedy reduction in Latin prosody (see ch. iii).
§ 184. Final consonants. A final consonant is always more
liable to weakening than an initial, because of the general
tendency of languages to pronounce with diminishing stress.
It is especially so in English after a long vowel. Thus in the
word ' cat ' the I is uttered with less force than the r, while the
same final after a long vowel, as in * cart,' is still weaker. It is
lao THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. n.
a rule of our language that a final consonant is always short
after a long vowel, as we may see, if we contrast a word like
'heel' with a word like *hill/ The weakness of Latin final
consonants has been already mentioned. Final -d was dropped
in pronunciation after a long vowel about the end of the third
cent. B. c. ; final s does not constitute position before an initial
consonant in that species of poetry which most closely imitated
ordinary pronunciation, Dramatic Poetry; final -m offers but
slight resistance to the elision of the vowel which precedes it ;
the tenues fortes seem to have been replaced when final in pro-
nunciation by the mediae lenes, e.g. ah^ mb, reltquid, &c. (cf.
negotium ?) (see § 73).
In considering the pronunciation of final consonants it is
necessary to regard not isolated words, but words as they stand
in the sentence. The accent of a word, when standing alone, is
something different from its accentuation in the sentence; e.g.
Greek Trpoy, but irpos ttoUv fj\6€. And the same is true of its
pronunciation. The Greek orthography indicates the first dis-
tinction, but rarely the second ; though we find it to some extent
on inscriptions rriii ttoKiv, ly StKrjy, &c., especially in Cretan inscrip-
tions (see ch. iii. § 41). But in writing Sanscrit the principles
of * Sandhi ' (i. e. putting together, synthesis), to use the native
term, were carefully followed by the grammarians of India. The
neuter Demonstrative, for example, tad (Lat. is-tud) had its final
d changed according to the following initial consonant in tat
tapas, .that heat (Lat. is-fud *tepus\ tal lihati (Lat. is-tud liyigif)^
tan nahyati (Lat. is-tud fiectit), &c. There was something like
this in Latin. Traces of it appear occasionally in inscriptions
and MSS., e.g. im hurim in MSS. of Virgil, G, i. 170 ; and we
have 'doublets' like neque^ atque before vowels, nec^ ac before
consonants ; but for the most part it is not indicated in spelling.
Final consonants lingered longest in monosyllables, especially
accented monosyllables, and before being entirely discarded m
spelling, passed through the 'doublet' stage; that is to say,
they were retained in pronunciation in certain positions in the
sentence, before an initial vowel usually, and dropped in others ;
e.g. hau scio but hand haheo^ just as the r-sound is found in
English only before an initial vowel following without any pause,
$ 135.] PRONUNCIATION. FINAL CONSONANTS. 121
e. g. ' here he is/ The same process went on in the Romance
languages^ of which French was the most retentive of final
consonants till comparatively modem times; though now, for
example, final -t, -*, -r exist only in pre- vocalic ^ doublets/ e.g.
vient-il ? with t sounded, but il vien(t). An English example of
' Sandhi ^ is the different vowel-sound of the article ^ the ' before
a vowel and before a consonant, and an example of the abandon-
ment of one ^ doublet ^ and the exclusive use of another" is the
preposition * with/ which now ends only in the /^-sound of thin,
but which in early modem English had in certain collocations
the ^^ -sound of *this/ Both ^doublet' forms remain in 'my'
and * mine,' * one ' and ^ a,' * an/ ' naught ' and * not/ fee.
The treatment of final vowels in Latin is most naturally
considered in connexion with the changes produced by the accent ;
for they are affected much in the same way as the vowels in
post-tonic syllables (see ch. iii. § 40).
§ 135. ' Sandhi * in Latin : — Verrius Flacciis proposed a new symbol for
final m, when the next word in the sentence began with a vowel, a symbol
like the half of the ordinary letter M ; while Cato the Elder wrote ditM for
dicam^ faciae for faciam (see § 61). The tendency of final -m, -n to adapt
themselves to a following conKonant-initial, is Been in Hpellings on inscrip-
tions, like im balneumy C.I.L, iv. 2410, imheih, in. 4835, im pace, viii. 10543
(for examples see Indices to C.I.L,) and in MS. spellings like im mare, im
mediOf impace, im puppim in Virgil MSS. (see Ribbeck, /wrf. p. 433), im praeda,
im uita in the Plautus Palimpsest (sec Ind. to Studemund's Apograph.). Caper
(X06. 17 K.) says: in Siciliam dicendum, non ' is Siciliam/ Kara to y, non
«aT<i t6 Cj quia nunquam sine n pronuntiatur {leg, iusicia . . non * is.* ?). We
have etiannunc in the Herculanean papyri [Llass. Jiev. iv. 443), and etianminij
,iandu(lum, &c. in MSS. of Virgil (see Ribbeck), spellings which agree with the
statement of Velius Longus (78. 19 K. cum dico * etiam nunc/ ' quamvis per m
scribam, nescio quomodo tameu exprimere non possum), and Cicero's remarks
on the sound of cum followed by n- (Or. xlv. 154 ; Fam. ix. aa. 2 ; cf. Quint, viii.
3. 45 ; Diom. 450. 34 K. ; Pompeius 293. 17 K. ; Prise, i. 37a. 8 and 594. ai H.
&€.). Est was curtailed in writing, as in pronunciation, like our Ms/ in ^ it '»,'
*he's/ &C.J audiendustf audiendastj audiendumsU Slc, a spelling recommended by
Mar. Victorinus {aa. 14 K.), and found in MSS., e. g. in Virgil MSS. acerbist,
locutast, verUumstf amantemstj cupidoaU snprast, &c. (see Ribbeck's Index , p. 419), in
the Plautus Palimpsest copiasf, aegrest, homost, olifnst, palamstj meliuat, &c., and
similarly with c«, irafow, digyius, Uurus (generally printed by editors irata'a, &c. ;
once with es Impemt., viz. molestusy Moat. 955) (see Studemund's Index,
p. 505). One may perhaps see the beginnings of the suppression of final
consonants in the tendency of pronunciation mentioned by Consentius
(fifth cent ? A. D. ) (395. 7 K. ), the tendency to detach a final consonant from its
word, and join it to a following initial, * si cludit ' for sic ludit, *si(c) custodit'
ia2 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [dutp. II.
for sic custodU : item litteram c quidam in quibusdam dictionibus non latine
ecferunt, sed ita crasse, ut non discernas, quid dicant : at puta siquis dicat
* sic ludit,' ita hoc loquitur, ut putes eum in secunda parte orationis cludere
dixisse, non ludere ; et item si contra dicat illud, contrarium putabis. alii
contra ita subtiliter hoc ecferunt, ut cum duo c habeant, quasi uno c utrum-
que explicent, ut dicunt multi *sic custodit.' [Cf. his remarks (394. 7 K.)
on the pronunciation ' dixera millin ' for dixeram Ulia.'\
$ 136. I<atin * Doublets.' By protonic Syncope (seech. iiL § 13 ac (for *atc).
tiecy fteu, set4, replaced aiqtte, iteqttey neve, ttive before a word b^inning with a con-
sonant. • In Dramatic poetry the final -S is always suppressed, in similar
circumstances, of nempey and often of undey inde, 9*^ipP^i ^'^* an<l perhaps iste.
Similarly proin, dein seem to liave developed from proinde^ deinde^ when
a consonantal initial followed. Final -d, after it had been dropped after
a long vowel in the pronunciation of most words, remained in monosyllables
like haud^ medj ted ; Jiaud being the form used before a vowel, hau before a con-
sonant (Caper. 96. 4 K. *hau dolo' [leg. baud uolo?] per d recte scribitur.
etenim d inter duas vocales esse debet, quod si consonans sequitur, d addi
non debet, ut ^hauscio'; Mar. Vict. 15. 31 K. So in Plautus, Ritschl Opusc.
ii. 591 M. and v. 35a) ; the same probably being true of med, ted. (On qui{n)ey
qiiandoc and quandoqttej nee ch. x. § 15, eh. ix. $ 10/) Preposition * doublets'
a, aby abs ; f, ec, er, &c., on which see ch. ix. §§ la and 29.
§ 137. Dropping of final consonant in I<atin. It was a rule of Latin,
pointed out by Julius Caesar, in criticizing Varro's spelling lact, that no
word could end in two mutes (Pompeius 199 K. ; Caper 95 K. On tacte, lact^
IcbCy see Georges, Lex. Wor^f. s. v.). Nor was a double consonant allowed to end
a word. Plautus gives to miles, m, &c. the scansion of miless (for *mUU-8\ essy
&c. ^see ch. viii. § a) ; but almost the only trace (a doubtful one) of spelling with
-ss is Ttoss in the Ambrosian Palimpsest in Stick. 536 ; though Velius Longus
^54. 6 K.), commenting on Virgirs * hoc erat, alma parens,' half proposes to
write hoccerat : ergo scribendum per duo c, * hoccerat alma parens * aut con-
fitendum quaedam alitor scribi, aliter enuntiari (cf. Pompeius 1 19. 13 K. ;
Prise, ii. p. 6. i H. So hoccine for *hocce-iiey *Ju)d'ce'ne, Prise, i. p. 59a. aa H. u
Mel (for *fneUy *tneld'^y cor '.for ♦forr, *ford)y ter (for tervy cf. terr'UnciuSy *tersy *tris)
are short in Ovid, &c, though long (neither mil nor mH are found) in Plautus ;
but the difference between -« (from original -ss) and ordinary -« is shown even
at a late period by spellings like mileXy praegnax (see § 135 ;.
Final -rf after a long vowel is written throughout the S. C. de Bacchanalibus
of 186 B.C. (C.I.L. i. 196, seHtetUiad, exstrady facilumedy &c.), though it is not
found in the decree of Aemilius Paulus Macedonicus of 189 B.C. (ib. ii. 5041,
in turri Lasctttaruiy ea tetnpestcUe), and probably does not appear in Plautus,
excepting in the Pronouns (Abl. and Ace.) med, tedy sed. Even these Pronoun
forms are out of use by Terence's time. The retention of hand along with
hau shows the course which this final d must have taken. Before vowels it
would remain pronounced until the preconsonantal form had driven the full
form from the field (so in post- Augustan poetry we find nee more and more
supplanting neque) ; before consonants it would probably be first assimilated,
e. g. haud UgOj pronounced hatdligoy like aUigo, hand scio, pronounced hausscio
like a{8)»ci8C0y then dropped. After a short vowel, it is often written -t on
late inscriptions (and indeed from the end of the Bepdblican period), but is
not dropped (see Seelmann's list, p. 366).
§§186,187.] PRONUNCIATION. FINAL CONSONANTS. 1%$
Final -m is dropped in early inscriptions before a consonant or a vowel-
initial with equal frequency, in the earliest inscriptions more after o of the
(ten. Plur. (perhaps not yet shortened before -m), than after o of the Ace. Sg.
Masc and Nom. Aoc. Sg. Neut. On the older Scipio epitaphs it is usually
dropp^, e. g. oino (Ace. Sg.), dttotun-o (Gen. PI.) {C, I. L. i. 32'. But from c. 130 it
18 regularly retained in spelling [as also on State inscriptions like the S. C.
Bacch. of 186 B. c, the (restored) Columna Rostrata, &c.], until the plebeian
inscriptions of a later date (see § 65). On these it is not merely dropped
but also is written -n, as final -n is occasionally written -m (see Seelmann*s
lists, p. 364). It never fails, as final -s may fail, to constitute * position *
l)efore an initial consonant in early poetry ; though the frequency of the
scansion enlm before a consonant in Plautus (where the final syllable is
shortened by the law of Breves Breviantesi suggests that this represents the
usual pronunciation of the word. Final m before an initial vowel seems to
have been equally adapted with a final long vowel or diphthong for what is
called ' Prosodical Hiatus,' i. e. for being scanned as a short syllable, instead
of being elided. Ennius, for example, ends a line with millia militAm ocfOy as
he begins another with Scipio invide. (^Cf. circu{m)ir€f 8eptu{in)enni8, scpfM(mV
iiffintay but sephimuSj &c.) (On the treatment of -m in poetry, see § 65 ; and
on its weak pronunciation in ordinary speech, § 61.) The course it took is
I)erhaps indicated by Consentius (394. 7 K.), who says that the common way
of pronouncing a phrase like ' dixeram illis ' was to detach the -m from the
first word, and join it to the initial of the second. (Cf. Pompeius 287. 7 K.)
(see §. 61.)
Final -s is dropped on early inscriptions especially in the Nom. Sing, of
lO-stems, written -10, or -i (see Index to C. 7. L. i '. p. 60a). That both 10 and -i
represent the same sound -i(s) (ch. vi. § a) is quite possible. (Cf. Comelio on
one Scipio epitaph, C. I. L, i. 31, c. 250 b. c, Cormli on another, i. 35, c. 160
B. c.) But as a rule -« is dropped only after a short vowel, except in the
dialect of Pisaurum, e. g. wair<ma\8) i^ib. i. 167 sqq.), and is more often retained
than dropped.
Cicero speaks of its failure to prevent elision of a preceding I in the phrase
rna* argeivteis ; and some have thought that it is occasionally elided before an
initial vowel in Plautus, e. g. cot/i'^t-s) incomnvxiuSf Bacch. 401, anuitu^s) es written
in the MSS. atnatus. But all the instances admit of other explanations ;
amatu*8 is rather a case of prodelision, like our * it 's* for *it is* (the length of
the M is due to the double s with which es ended in Plautus' time, ch. viii. § a) ;
plur{i8) existumo of Plant. Pers. 353 may easily be a mistake for plure, which
Charisius tell us was used in O. Lat., and so on. Whether aequHnimUas implies
a pronunciation aequ(us) animus is doubtful ; it seems rather to come from the
Compound ''ch. v. § 80) aeim-ayiimus (cf. the gloss * Animus aequus ' duae partes
orationis ; 'animaequus' ipse homo, C. G. L. v. a66. ii-ia). (On final s not
constituting * position ' before an initial consonant in the older poetr}', see
§ ia6.) The Latin loanwords in Teutonic seem to have still possessed -us
e.g. Goth, sakkus, a U-stem, Germ, kurz, from Lat. saccua, curttis^y but to
have lost the final consonant of -um Zeitschr. Ranan. PhUoioffie^ xvii. 559).
Final -< is often written -d on late inscriptions, e. g. reliquidy fecid (see
Seelmann's list, p. 366), which probably indicates change to the media lenis
in pronunciation. It is dropped with great frequency in the graffiti of Pompeii,
e. g. to/ia, aiYM (see Index to C. i. L. iv.).
124 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. U.
Final -nt loses tho dental, and is written -n, or -m, on late inscriptions, e. g.
fecertin (^see the Indices to the Corpus), though, no douht, the -t was heard
before an initial vowel, like the -^of Fr. vient in vient-il? Dedro {C.I.L. i.
177 Mati*e Matuta dono dedro matrona *Matri Matutae donum dMeruut
matronae ') is a form belonging to the dialect of Pisaurum in Picenum. The
dropping of final consonants (-m, -d, -r, -/; -i, -», -s) in this order of frequency
in a feature of Umbrian (see von Planta i. 568;.
§ 138. Dropping of final consonants in Bomanoe. Lat. final consonants
are better preserved in monosyllables than in other words. £t is in Italian
e, before vowels ed ; in O. Fr. and Prov. e and ed ; in Span, y and e ; aut is in
Italian o, od ; Fr. ou. Span, o ; de2 in Ital., Prov. and O. Fr. is a before con-
sonants, ad before vowels, &c. -3f remains in the monosyllables, Fr. rien
(Lat. rem). Span, quien (Lat. quefn), &c. ; -^ in a monosyllable like ynel, Fr.
miel. Span, miel, ItaL miele ; -r in the monosyllable cor, Fr. cueur, O. Span,
cuer, Ital. cuore ; -n remains in non (Ital. no and non). In longer words,
•m is dropped, e. g. Ital. dieci from Lat. decern, amava from Lat. dmdbayn ; -t is
retained in Fr., e. g. O. Fr. aimet, but Ital. ama. Span. ama. In Sardinian the
form used *■ in pausa ' (at the end of a sentence, &o.) is amat, before a vowel
amad, e. g. amad issu, before a consonant ama, e. g. ama su padre ; -/ and -r
are lost in Italian^ e. g. frate, tribuna, insieme (cf. Span, ensieme, but Fr.
ousemble) ; -s is lost in Ital. (though in monosyllables it leaves an i, e. g. noi.
crai, which is absorbed in a preceding e, e. g. tre), but it is retained in Fr.
and Span., e. g. Ital. tempo, Fr. temps from Lat. tempusj and from Lat. cantos,
ISgiSj Fr. chantes, lis. Span cantas, lees ; -d is lost in ItaL chd, Span, que from
Lat. quid, but remains in O. Fr. qued ; -c has disappeared in Ital. di (Lat.
die), si (Lat. sic) ; -nt is -n in Ital., Span. e.g. Ital. aman-o, Span. iCman, but
remains in Fr., e. g. aiment ; -x remains in Fr. six, Span, seis, but not in Ital.
soi. It thus appears that French has been far more retentive of final con-
sonants than Italian or Spanish. In the Sardinian dialect of Italian (Sardinia
was the earliest province, and its dialect is a descendant of the earliest stage
of Vulgar Latin), all final consonants remain, except -tn, e. g. tempus, amas,
amat, ses, amant, nomen, but adapt themselves to the following initial, e. g.
est bennidu {^pronounced ' es b-') (see Meyer-Lubke Ital. Qramm, p. 156). But
in stnndurd Italian there are still traces of these lost final consonants of
monoHyllables, e.g. ebbene for e bene (Lat. et bSni), owero for o vero (Lat. ant
vi'ro^ dimmi for di mi (Lat. die mVii), cheocosa for ch6 cosa (Lat. quid causa^,
where the double consonant is due to the final having assimilated itself to
the following initial, as Latin a arose from a collocation like ath-hdnis^ *am-me
for nb me) J *ap-patre (for abpdire). In French we see 'Sandhi ' carried to far
greater lengths than Italian, where almost every word ends in a vowel.
Before an initial vowel, French -5, -t, -r are heard in pronunciation, and
a nasal vowel resolves itself into an oral vowel followed by n. And, more
curious still, -/ of words closely joined to a following word beginning with
a consonant suffers the same change as I before a consonant in the middle of
a word and becomes u ; e. g. du pere, au p^re, beau, like autre, &c. In S.
Spain -s becomes hj or is dropped, e. g. * Cadi(h) * (Storm. Engl. Phil.^ i. p. 71).
§ 139. Syllable - Division. The Romance languages show
a remarkable agreement in their division of the word into
§§138-140.] PRONUNCIATION. SYLLABLE-DIVISION. 125
syllables, their principle of division being to make the syllable
end with a vowel, and begin with a consonant, or combination of
consonants. Any combination of consonants, that is pronounce-
able at the beginning of a word is made to begin the syllable,
with the one occasional exception of combinations beginning
with *, where the s is in some languages allowed to end the
preceding syllable. An Italian says o-bli-quo, te-cni-co, e-ni-gma,
a-tle-ta, no-stro, be-ne, a pronunciation which often ofPers con-
siderable difficulty to Englishmen, who would, for example, more
naturally pronounce the last word as ben-e, like *any.^ A
Spaniard says ha-blar, bu-llir, but nues-tro, attaching the * to
the first syllable. The Roman division of syllables was that of
the Romance languages, not of the English, as is proved to
certainty by the very precise and unmistakable statements of
the grammarians on the subject. Their rule is * Never let a syl-
lable end in a consonant if the consonant can possibly be
pronounced at the beginning of the next syllable'; and they
give examples like ^jdfesias, fw-sfer, a-mnis, ma-ffno, a-gmen.
The same method is followed in those inscriptions which indicate
the syllables by dots, e.g. C.LL,y\, 77 T'AN«ni-vs-he*dy«pnvs,
11682 vi-xiTAN'Nis, as well as by contractions, where the initial
letters of the syllables are used, like mg {tnagmii)^ omb (o^nnibu^),
pp {^propter) ; though on inscriptions we often find s taken with
the preceding syllable in words like cae-les-ti (vi. 77), SES*
TV'LEivs (ix. 4028), with which we may compare misspellings
like dissceiUe (vide § 130). Occasionally a grammarian urges
the advisability of regarding the etymological formation of com-
pounds like abs'temin^^ ob-liviscor; but such remarks only show
that the natural pronunciation of these words was ab-^temins^ o-
hliviscor, just as we in natural utterance disregard the formation
of phrases like * at all/ ' at home,' and pronounce * a-tall/ *a-tome.'
§ 140. Testimony of grammarians. Servius, in Don, iv. 437. ao K., states
the rule as follows : quotiensoumque quaerimus, quae consonantes in
scribendo sibi cohaereant vel cui syllabae imputentur, utrum priori an
sequent!, similitude aliorum nominum hunc solvit errorem. ut puta ^ aspice'
. . . intelliglmus . . . s et p . . . consonantes sequent! tantummodo dare nos
debere, eo quod Invenitur sermo qui a duabus istis consonant ibus inchoetur,
ut ' spica/ similiter ^amnis' : debemus m et n sequenti syllabae dare in
scribendo, qnoniam invenitur sermo qui nb his consonantibus inchoetur, ut
126 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. II.
*■ Mnesthcus,* * attulit * : non possumus duo t sequent! syllabae dare, quia
nullus sermo invenitur, qui a duabus t consonantibus inchoetur, et hoc
in ceteris consonantibus observabimus. plane scire debemus, conexiones
quod dico consonantium non eas quae latinis syllabis congruuni, sed
etiam quae graeeis, excepts scilicet ea ayllaba quae constat de b et
d, quae in latinum sermonen numquam ita transit, ut cohaereat, ut est
fibiWau quando enim scribimus ' abditur/ non possumus a in una syllaba
ponere et b et d in sequenti. He thus testifies to a-aptcf, a-mnts, at-tidit^ ab-
ditur. Similarly Gaesellius (ap. Gassiod. vii. 905. i K. ) to pote-stiu, no-st^r, ca-pto^
pUhstrum^ lu-strantf capi'Strmn, dau-strunif ra-strum, eampe-slre, a'sUa (for (utulajf
pe^adum (for peatnlnm), cor-jw, dor-sum, Por-ciutt^ Pa-riSy la-^pis, tu-tits, «rf-ro, fur-uis,
roUvOy !ar'va,pul-vi8, te-nu-is^ but diss^'llabic t^n-vis, be-{u-a and bd-ra, ma-lu'a and
mal-va ; Terentianus Maurus ^vi. 351, v. 879 K.) to o-mnis, a-mnt«, and (v.
904 K.) ma-gmis^ di-gnusj a-jr«t«.«*-<7na,p»*-gnrt(v.94i JL^/a-xOyO^Sy ne-xus, u-aror.
no-xia ; Marius Victorinus (vi. 39. 20 K.) tort-mnt>, ar-rna, o-on* (cf. CharisiuK.
i. II. 19 K. ; Dositheus vii. 387. 4 K.) ; Gaper (vii. 96. 9 K.) to no-atrumy
rc-«frMm, majt'Stas ; Dositheus (viL 385. 5 K.) to a^grmtn«, ma-^no ; Prisoian (i. p. 42
H.) to a'hdomeny My-gdonides^ Abo-dlas^ A»tias, Ae-tna, i-pse, nn'psiy scri-psi, scri-pium,
dra-chmay a-gtneny vi-^rix, sce-phiim, thus admitting, unlike Servius,&cl into the list
of pronounceable combinations, and (p. 50 H.)pa-scu€iy lu-scusy (h-amuSy pro'speray
te'StiSy &c Bede and Alcuin insist on copyists of MSS. breaking up words at
the end of a line according to these rules, ma-gwiSy pro-pter, ootu-^mnay &c
Etymological division is recommended by Quintilian (i. 7. 9) with the
instances harti-speXy abs-temius (quia ex abstinentia temeti composita vox est) ;
by Gaesellius (ap. Gassiodor. vii. 206. i K.), ob-HtMcory and (205. 18 K.), di-spicio,
aba-tiUity irana-ttdit, aba-cmidit) ; by Alcuin (vii. 306. 4 K.), ob-stipuiy ob^anm, ob-strepoy
oba-olerit (cf. Gassiodor. vii. 204. 19 K.). Priscian similarly says (i. p. 45 H.)
si antecedens syllaba terminat in consonantem, necesse est etiam sequentem
a consonante incipere, ut *ar-tu8 ' ^ il-le ' ^ ar-duus/ nisi sit compositum, ut
' ab-eo ' *• ad-eo ' ' per-oo/ but adds that Herodian in his treatise on Ortho-
graphy declared it to be ' rationabilius sonoriusque* to follow the ordinary
syllable-division in the case of Gompounds too ; and in another passage (i. p.
42) he hesitates between a'-bnuo and ab-nuo, Terentius Scaurus (vii. 12. i K.)
censun^s ' nes-cio * for ne-acio, a mispronunciation which shows the tenden(;y
already mentioned (§ 139^ to detach a from a following consonant or conso-
nant group, or perhaps rather to divide it between the two syllables, * nes-scio.'
The law of Breves Breviantes in Plautine prosody, it may be mentioned,
takes no account of syllable-division. Shortening is allowed (after a short
syllable) of a pretonic syllable long by position in words like yubenuibioit.
cavtad(ory roliintdtiay where the consonant group is divided between two
syllables neither more nor less readily than in words like eg$atd(iy reniiatdtiy
where the consonant group is confined to one syllable.
§ 141. Quantity. The quantity and the quality of a vowel are
two different things. We are apt to distinguish in our minds
a long and a short vowel (say S and e) by quality, not by
quantity^ thinking of 6^ as an open E-sound^ of ^ as a close
E-sound, whereas the terms Mong' and 'short' should be
§ 141.]
PRONUNCIATION. VOWEL-QUANTITY.
la;
applied only to the amount of time taken in pronouncing the
vowel, 80 that there is^ properly speakings a long and a short
open £ and a long and a short close E. It is true that differ-
ence in quantity and in quality often go together ; thus Latin ^
was^ like our ^, open £, Latin e was close E^ though the long
sound of open E was also known in Latin, and was written
ae (§ 6). The Romance languages, which have lost all other
distinction of the Latin long and short vowels, distinguish them
according to quality (e.g. Lat. dellus is Ital. bello with open E,
Lat. sfe/ia is Ital. stella with close E), though this distinction
of quality does not always correspond to distinction of quantity
(e.g. the I of Lat. video and the e of Lat. credo are similarly
represented in Fr. vois, crois) (§ 6). Consonants, too, may differ in
their quantity like vowels. For example^ English final consonants
are long after short, short after long vowels, e. g. ' hill/ ' heel.'
We may distinguish at least three degrees of quantity or
length, — long, short, and half-long, — an example of the last
being the vowel of our ^note,' while ' node' and German ^Noth'
have a long vowel. Latin half -longs may be detected by the
metrical scansion of a syllable as cither long or short, e.g. in
Plautus' time the final syllables of umaf, f^nety dbif, ddloi-
(ch. iii. § 40)^.
The marked distinction between a long and a short vowel in
Latin made it possible for the Romans to imitate the quantita-
tive metre of the Greeks. Their own native metre, the Satur-
nian, which is represented in literature by the 'Odyssea' of
Livius Andronicus and the * Bellum Poenicum ' of Naevius, but
which was banished from the domain of poetry by Ennius, was,
' A poetical scansion may of course
be traditional. Thus Martial (iii. 95. i )
has /tare, although Quintilian (i.6. 31)
tells us that in the ordinary pronun-
ciation of his time the final vowel
was short. Nor is variation in the
scansion of proper names proof of
half-long quantity; it is rather to
be referred to ignorance or careless-
ness. The first syllable of Fldetw/e^
for example, was certainly long, the
vowel being written with ci, or with
the tall form of t (to indicate the long
sound) on inscriptions, and being
usually so scanned by poets ; but
Virgil (A. vi. 773) has urbemque Ffde-
nam. Scansions like Italia (an imita-
tion of a Greek prosodical usage) are
mere metrical licences, and prove
nothing about actual pronunciation
(* Italiam ' . . . extra carmen non de-
prendas. Quint, i. 5. 18).
128
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
[Ohap. II.
like the metre of the Teutonic and other I.-Eur. stocks,
accentual, not quantitative ^ But the Romance languages do
not possess this distinction. We are in the habit of calling an
accented vowel, such as the second vowel of the Italian word
* Toscana/ long ; but in reality it is pronovmced with no more
length than the unaccented vowels of the same word. One of
the chief differences of such a language as Italian from Teutonic
languages is the e<[ual length which it assigns to each vowel,
even a final unaccented vowel. Contrast, for instance, the final
e of Ital. notte with that of Germ. Grabe, or the final / of Tivoli
in the Italian and in the usual English pronunciation of the
word. Almost the only really long syllables in Italian are
syllables long ^by position,' e.g. the first syllables of * tanto,'
' tempo/ which, as we shall see (ch. iii. § 4), have in fact a circum-
flex accentuation, ^ t&nto,' ^ tempo.' Similarly the Spanish accent
does not impair the quantity as the English accent does ; and
in French the usual quantity of every vowel is the half -long,
e.g. jeune. (See Storm on Romance Quantity in ihe Phonef.
Slv4, 1888.) All this points to a period of ^Vulgar Latin'
when all vowels were equally short or half -long, and when the
only predominance of one vowel over another would be that con-
ferred by the stress of a<?centuation. And we detect traces of
this process of levelling' in the evident uncertainty of the gram-
marians of the fourth and fifth centuries a. d. about the quanti-
ties of words for which they have not one of the classical poets
to appeal to ^, and above all in the errors in scansion of those
' Tlio Saturniiui line had three
accents (main or secondary, ch. iii. § 7)
in the first hemistich (one always
on the first syllable of the line), and
two in the second, and like Romance
poetry reckoned (with permissible
variations) u definite number of syl-
lables to the line, seven to the first
hemistich, six to the second. Its
two chief types were :
A-type —
XX(.; XX, XXX II XXX,
XXX
(lAbnnt miUnin Met^lli Na^oio podtae,
B-type (less iisual> —
xx(,) XX, XXX y xxxx. xx
priin(a) inc^it C^reris Proserpina p&er,
a variety of the second hemistich of
the Atype being [I xxxx, xx adlocu-
tussummi, and of the B-type II xl^x, xx
fuisse uirum. (See Amer. Jovm, Phil,
vol. xiv.)
^ The passages quoted from the
grammarians by Seelmann. p. 75 r
are not conclusive ; e. g. Ter. Scaurus'
distinction of facilis Sg. from facileis
PI. is a matter of orthography, not
of pronunciation, and is suggested
by Lucilius' proposed distinction of
the sjrmbols i and ei (see ch. i. § 9).
$ 142 ] PRONUNCIATION. VOWEL-QUANTITY. 129
Christian poets who imitate the quantitative verse of the
Augustan poets. Grammarians often censure mispronunciations
due to the overmastering of quantity by accent, e.g. Cere* (Mar.
Sacerd. 451. 13 K.), picen (Consent. 392. 18 K.), pij)er and (Orator
(ib, 392. 3, II quod vitium Afrorum speciale est) ; they frequently
caution against the confusion of equus (with accented short
open e) and dequns (with accented long open e) (Pompeius,
285. 8 K., &c.). Cf . the haphazard use of the apex and tall I on
late inscriptions (ch. i. § i). For a discussion of the influence of
accentuation on the quantity of the Latin vowels (e. g. late Lat.
tdblum for tthoikov), see ch. iii. § i ; for variations like pdcUcor
and pdcem, (I.-Eur. pdk- and/?«^-), see ch. iv. § 51.
§ 142. ' Position.' In Latin poetry a syllable is scanned long,
even though it have a short vowel, if the vowel precedes any
consonant-group requiring a certain period of time for pronun-
ciation. A long syllable of this kind is said to be long by
' position ' (posUio, e.g. Quint, ix. 4. 86 ; i. 5. 28) ; and the way
in which a Roman apprehended this length by * position ' may
be seen from a passage of a fifth cent, grammarian (Pompeius^
112. 26 K.): ut puta si dicas ' et,' unum semis habet. e vocalis
est brevis, unum habet tempus. t consonans est, et omnis con-
sonans dimidium habet tempus : ecce * et ' imum semis habet
tempus. adhuc non est nee longa nee brevis ; plus tamen habet
a brevi, minus quidem habet a longa. adde ad ' et ' s, etiam fit
longa. quare ? e brevis unum tempus habet, t dimidium tempus
habet, s dimidium tempus habet : ecce duo tempora sunt, fece-
runt duo tempora longam syllabam. With a naturally long
vowel there would be really extra-length, but there is no account
taken in Roman poetry of the different length of, say, the second
syllables of calesco (with e) and mode^fuJt (with S), both being
treated as long syllables. Plautus, however, seems not to shorten
by the Brevis Brevians Law (ch. iii. § 42) a syllable with naturally
long vowel, scanning quts incedit ? but not quU %ni(%tit ? qv^s
tnfertur ? (before *-,./*- the vowel of in was long, § 144).
Consonant groups which admitted of more rapid pronuncia-
tion were not necessarily scanned long, viz. groups composed of
a mute and a liquid (r, f). Thus in Virgil agrum (with S) may
K
130 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
be scanned with the first syllable long or short as the poet
chooses. Plautus and the older dramatists^ who follow more
the actual pronimciation of everyday life, never scan such a
syllable long, though in other than dramatic poetry this scansion
is found ; e.g. Ennius in his epic has nigrum {Ann, 187 M.), sacru-
ficare (id. ^^33), &c., with first syllable long, whence we may
infer that in rapid unconventional utterance such a syllable was
short, but in measured ceremonious speech the longer dwelling
of the voice on the mute and liquid justified a long scansion.
That such a syllable differed from an ordinary short syllable is
seen in the avoidance by the dramatists of the shortening of
a vowel after a mute and a liquid by the Brevis Brevians Law ;
e.g. Plautus scans dbt readily, but avoids a scansion like %/^.
The same pronimciation of a mute with r seems to have pre-
vailed in Imperial times, to judge by Servius' note on Virg. A.
i, 384 Libyae deserta peragro] * per * habet accentum ; nam * a '
longa quidem est, sed non solida positione ; muta enim et liquida
quotiens ponuntur, metrum juvant, non accentum (cf. Quint,
i. 5. 28 ; ix. 4. 86), but not of a mute with / in the word maniplu,
according to the same authority (Serv. ad^. xi. 463 in hoc sermone,
ut secunda a fine habeat accentum usus obtinuit). The establish-
ment of the pronunciation mantjdui with long second syllable (but
short i) has been plausibly referred to the longer form manipuluH
(on the presence and absence of the parasitic or svarabhaktic vowel
in Latin between a mute and /, see § 102); but it may be
objected that Plautus scans j^oplus with first syllable short, as well
as trisyllabic pdpulm ; and makes the sufiSx tlo- (ch. v. § 25) one
syllable, with preceding vowel scanned short, in vehicluw, though
(normally) two syllables in cWicvilum, In the Romance lan-
guages the accent has been shifted to all i)enultimate vowels
followed by a mute with r, e.g. Ital. allegro (with accent on
second syllable) from Lat. dhcru (Vulg. Lat. ^alecro-) (see
ch. iii. § 1 1), which shows that in Vulgar Latin the combination of
a mute with r came universally to constitute length by position.
This, too, has been explained by the supposition of a parasitic
vowel, *fl^c*r{?-, like the occasional spelling arbiterium (in
jwetry, however, arbitrivm is invariably scanned with short
second syllable), but may also be referred to the practice which
§148.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWEL-QUANTITY. J31
we see most clearly in Italian of lengthening a mute before r,
e.g. fabbro (loLt, fabro-), febbre {ha,t. febris), and Ital. ocehio
from Lat. ^culus ( Vulg. Lat. oclus, ^occlus ?), suggests a similar
account of the Imperial Latin pronunciation of maniplus. We
see the same doubling in English 'fodder' (from *food '), ' bitter'
(from * bite '), ' apple.' Grober ascribes this consonant lengthen-
ing {Cmnm, JFoelffl. p. 171) to what is called the Megato/ as
opposed to the * staccato ' pronunciation ; that is to say, *fabro-
was pronounced with linking of the two syllables fa- and bro-,
not with that marked break of one syllable from another that
we see in Ital. be-ne (§ 139). The same M^^to' pronunciation
of the two syllables of a word \\kQ factum^ omnu (but cf. § 139),
he makes the scientific explanation of the scansion of the first
syllable as long (similarly with fac tnmulum, &c.), and by the
tendency to attach an « in a group like si, sc, sp to the pre-
ceding syllable (seen in misspellings like disseenie, § 130), he
explains the scansion esio, nescio, &c., with first syllable long.
On the other hand^ when a word ended in a vowel and the next
began with «/, sc, sp, the ^ legato ' pronunciation did not equally
assert itself, so that Lucretius allows a scansion like liderd spojite
(v. 79) and the like, though Virgil does not^. The Italian pro-
nunciation of festa, pescare, aspro, &c., lengthens the 9, similarly
the / in alto, the r in morte, the n in mondo, the 7n in campo^
and so on.
In early Latin poetry final -s as a rule does not before an
initial consonant constitute length by position, a fact due to the
weak pronunciation of -s at that period (§ 1 26). Similarly initial
h'y both in early and classical poetry, has not the weight of an
ordinary consonant. But final -m always has this weight (§ 65).
§ 143. Shortening of long vowel before another vowel. In
the word pins the. i was originally long (cf. Osc. Piihioi ' Pio *
Dat. Sg.), and the scansion 7?^a (MSS. diu, dia) has been ascribed
to Ennius in his Epic (ap. Cic. Rep, i. 41. 64 :
pectora pia tenet desiderium, simul inter
>«ese sic memorant : O Romule. Romule die),
* In A. xi. 308 — ponite. spea sibi quisque, &c.,
spem siquam adscitis Aetolum a pause in the sentence intervenes
habuistis in armis between the two words.
K 2
132 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [ChAp. IL
though Plautus in his homelier dramatic poetry' jecognizes only
jUnH. The shortening of the i is due to the dijQBcuIty foand by the
Ilomans in maintaining the long quantity of a vowel before
another vowel. The same is true of diphthongs ; we find, for
instance, the compound of prae and ^heiulo assuming the form
jtri-hewh (and even jyrewlo^ § 58). The amount of length
assigned to a long vowel or diphthong in such a position would
differ at different periods, and even in the pronunciation of the
same period. Plautus is no doubt using the colloquial pro-
Tmnciation of his own day when he scans Ch\u% (Adj.) {Poefi.
699 ; Cifrc, 78) ; whereas nn^us was not in vogue at Quintilian^s
time (extra carmen non deprendas, sed nee in carmine vitia
ducenda sunt, Quint, i. 5. 18), and Servius (ad Virg. A, i. 451)
says that atirllU, and not aiuHif, le?iuf and not /eutU, was the
ordinary pronunciation, the forms with the short penult being
a usage of poetry. Here the retention of long i in Servius'
pn)nunciation may be ascribed to the presence of the forms with
/', audlvlf, lenivit, and similarly we find in Ter. Pharm, 573
amlleraM, The fili of Ennius, e.g. /inn, 431 M. :
noH 8umu8 Romani qui fuimus ante Rudini,
is sometimes used (especially at the end of a line, i.e. through
metrical necessity) by Plautus, who makes similar use oi fieri,
flerem, (On Ennius* adnuit Perf. &c. see ch. viii. § 50 ; we have
FVVEiT, C\LL, i. 1051.)
The same shortening must have appeared in the pronunciation
of the sentence, when a word ending in a long vowel or diph-
thong preceded a word beginning with a vowel, so that the
•prosodical hiatus* of Latin poetry, e.g. Plaut. til amas, Enn.
Scipift inuicte (cf. Ennt imaginis), Virg. quY amant, &c, was
a native Latin usage and not an imitation of Greek versifica-
tion ^ Final long vowels would, therefore, have a short variety
or * doublet,' which occurred as often as a vowel-initial followed,
and this fact, couplwl with the tendency of the accent to weaken
a long final, esj>ecially in iambic words .(ch. iii. § 40), explains the
early shortening of final w, e.g. ferrdy and the later shortening of
final -J. e. g. 1^0116 in Imperial Latin (ch. iii. § 45).
' It »otM«s to Ih> tho rule in Saturnian metre {Amer, Joum. PhU, xiv. 3io\
§ 144.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWEL-QUANTITY. 1 33
On inscriptions we not unfrequently find a short / before
another vowel in the middle of a word written with the tall
form of the letter, the usual sign of I (ch. i. § i), e.g. dIe, with
prIvsqvam (C, I, L. vi. 10239) ; and in the Romance languages
the / of (lies is represented by the usual representative of Latin i,
e.g. Ital. di, Prov. dia, Fr. di, Span. dia. This at first sight
seems to be in direct opposition to the usual law of shortening
a long vowel before another vowel. But it is unlikely that
a short vowel was lengthened in this position ; all that the
Romance forms and the spelling with tall / need imply is that
the / had the quality (not necessarily the quantity) of long I, in
other words, had the clo.se and not the open sound (§ 14). This
is certainly the explanation of Romance *pio, with close i (Ital.
pio, &c.), and of the pIvs of inscriptions, e.g. C.LL, vi. 1058,
for we have seen reason to believe that a long I shortened in
Latin retained the quality of long ?, aitdV, &c., of the classical
and later period being pronounced with the close, not the open
/-sound (§ 14). But the I of dies must have been originally
short (ch. iv. § 63). (The examples from Romance are discussed
in A'. Z, XXX. 337 ; additional examples of tall I in dies^ jnns on
inscriptions are given in Christiansen, Be apicihus et I longis^
p. 32.) (Cf. the soimd of Engl. ' the ' before a vowel.)
§ 144. Change in quantity of vowel before certain consonant-
groups. The quantity of a vowel which stands before a group
of consonants or a double consonant in Latin is not so easily
determined as the quantity of a vowel followed by a single con-
sonant. In a word like meluctdhile the scansion of the word bv
the Latin poets will fix the quantity of the vowel of every
syllable except the third. The u of the third syllable is long by
* position,' as it is called, because it stands before the consonants
ct, but we cannot tell from a line like —
veiiit sunima dicM et ineluctabile tem2)U8,
whether it is also long by nature or not. To ascertain the
natural quantity of these vowels which are long by jwsition ^,
we can refer to two main sources of information; first, the
* For a lint of them, see Mai-x, Hru/sbucJtIein'\ Berlin, 1889 (a book to be
U8e<l with caution).
134 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
inscriptions which denote a long a, <?, o, u by an apex, a mark
like the symbol of the acute accent (and from c. 130 B.C. by
doubling the vowel), a long i by the tall form of that letter;
second, the Romance languages which, as we have seen, dis-
tinguish a long from a short e, i, 0, u, when, as seems usually
to have been the case, the long and the short vowel differed in
Vulgar Latin in quality as well as in quantity. Neither of these
sources are wholly satisfactory. The apex and tall i seem to be often
used at haphazard, especially on inscriptions later than 150 a.d.,
and the latter has other uses than to express long i, such as for
initial i, consonantal i (oury), and so on ^ The Romance lan-
guages, and the Teutonic and Celtic loanwords, often indicate
a quantity different from that which can be inferred for a word
in Classical Latin, a very natural thing if we consider how much
the pronunciation of a vowel is liable to be influenced by the
consonant-group next which it stands, and by the analogy of
other words of a similar form. Some help is occasionally
afforded by the statements of grammarians on the quantity of
this or that vowel, though even they sometimes show by their
hesitation that the pronunciation of such vowels was in their
time not always definitely established. Aulus Gellius (second
cent. A.D.), for example, discusses the proper quantity of e in
quiesco (vii. 15), and decides for e on the analogy of cale^co,
uifesco, stifpesco and other Inceptives, as well as of the noun qnies
(cf . quiesco C. L L. vi. 25531), though he adds that a friend of his,
an educated man, invariably pronounced the word with short
e, quiesco. In another passage (ix. 6) he recommends the pro-
nunciation dctifo, against a common pronunciation of his time,
tcclifo, which was defended by the analogy of the short vowel of
the simple verb a(/o. The grammarians of a later date, when the
distinction between long and short quantity was beginning to
disappear, are still more at a loss about those quantities for which
they have not the authority of the classical poets to fall back
upon. It is diflBcult to believe Priscian (ix. 28) (sixth cent.)
when he posits a naturally long penult for all perfects with e,
' See Christiansen, De apicibus et I longis in&n'iptionum latinai'umj 1889 (a Kiel
dissertation \
§ 144.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWEL-QUANTITY. 135
e.g. illexiy and for no others, e.g. duxiy nor yet when lie makes
the a of mansi long by position only (ix. 27). Greek transcrip-
tions, too, are often dangerous guides ; for the quality of Greek
€ and ry, o and o), differed, as we have seen (§ 32, § ai), from that of
Latin e, e^ d, d, the Greek short vowels being, at least in the
Attic period, close and the long vowels open, while the Latin short
vowels had the open, the long the close sound. Greek ov is no
indication of the long il of Latin, but merely of the //-sound of
Latin u, as opposed to the «-sound of Greek v. Greek ei, how-
ever, almost always indicates Latin I (see Eckinger).
Etymology indeed will often help us. Thus we can infer
a long vowel in the first syllable of Inchts, grief (the u is marked
long on inscriptions), from the analogy of lugeo; though we
should never have guessed that hesiernvs^ unlike keri^ had a long
vowel, if we had not been informed of the fact by a Latin
grammarian (Mar. Victorin. vi. 15. 15 K. * hestemum ' producte
dici debet : nemo enim est, qui latine modo sciat loqui, qui aliter
quam producta syllaba ' hestemum ' dixerit). The metrical treat-
ment of words by the early dramatists may also be appealed to,
if it be granted that a vowel long by nature is seldom or never
shortened by the influence of a preceding short syllable, in words
like v^luptdfevi^ or phrases like qnul igfidras (see ch. iii. § 34). With
all these aids it is possible to gain a good deal of information
about the quantity of vowels long by ' position ' in Latin, quite
enough to prove the irrationableness of our usual method of
pronunciation which ignores all distinction of quantity in their
case ^y though hardly enough to settle satisfactorily the question
with which this paragraph proposes to deal, namely the extent
to which the influence of one consonant-group tended to shorten
a vowel naturally long, of another to lengthen a vowel naturally
short. To ascertain the limits of our knowledge and of our
ignorance on this subject it will be necessary to make a more
minute examination of the several words involved than is
generally wanted.
' Our ordinary pronunciation of iUfx^ * lawless*.' We pronounce both
Latin makes no distinction, for ex- ' ill6x ' !
ample, between UliXy * alluring,' and
136 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
In one eat>e at least we seem to have safe ground under our
feet. Cicero {Orator^ xlviii. § 159), tells us that in- and coh-
lengthened their vowel when compounded with a word begin-
ning with s or f: quid vero hoc elegantius, quod non fit natura
sed quodam instituto, ^indoctus' dicimus brevi prima littera,
' insanus ' producta^ ' inhumanus ' brevi^ ' inf elix ' longa. et, ne
multis^ quibus in verbis eae primae litterae sunt, quae in
'sapiente' atque 'felice/ producte dicitur^ in ceteris omnibus
breviter. itemque ' composuit ' ' consuevit ' ' c5ncrepuit ' * con-
fecit': consule vcritatem^ reprehehdet ; refer ad aures, probabunt.
That this rule should be extended to all vowels before «*, («/*),
we see from such statements of grammarians as that Present
Participles in -eu9, -a«* had in the Nominative a long vowel
(Probus iv. 245. 13 K. ; Pompeius, v. IJ3. 23 K.), while the
original shortness of this e is indicated by the Romance lang^uages
for the other cases (e. g. Ital. -ente with open e in the penult) ;
that e was long in the termination of Numeral Adverbs in -/«/«,
-ies (Probus iv. 247. 9. K.) (cf. O. Ind. kiySnt, &c.), and in the
Nominative Singular of dens, (/ens, mens, Sec,, (Bede vii. 230.
15 K.), while e in the other cases of these nouns is indicated by
the Romance forms (e. g. Ital. dente, gente, with open e. Span,
diente, miente). Probus, however, seems to inculcate itMus,
oisdntis as opposed to Jons, Jmifiif (iv. 6. 1 2 and 28. 26 K.: cf. Prise,
vii. 39). Inscriptions, too, show the apex in words like cli^mens
{C. L L. ii. 4550), PROCED^NS (vi. 1527 d 28), and a host of
other examples with ns (see a list of them in Christiansen, JDv
apicibifs, &c. p. 41); while Greek inscriptions have -?yrs, e.g.
Upovbr)vs (Eckinger, p. 115). Finally Romance forms like Ital.
teso (with close e) from Latin fe\^n)sf(s, the participle of tendo
(with open e) from Latin iendo^ not only indicate a long vowel
before fis in Latin, but also seem to show that this long e had
the same quality as the usual Latin e (close e?), and was not
a mere protraction of the open ^-sound of short e ^ Quintilian
* The spelliiigH t{h)eiisaurus for -7<t- (with long opeu E, § 41), but
Or^aavpuSf Scapiensnla for JUavr^ vKi] are to be compared with the min-
or ^Kaimf<Tv\Tj, Cher8on<:iisu8 for X«/>- spelling censured in Probi App. 198.
aoktjaos (see Oeorgej») do not then 21 K., occansw for occasio (see § 66^.
offer ins- as the equivalent of Gk. Long open E was written ae (§ 41).
$ 144.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWEL-QUANTITY. 1 37
(i. 7. 29) tells us that in the word coHgnlea the nasal was not
sounded^ a fact possibly expressed by the usual abbreviation of
the word on inscriptions, cos. The dropping of the nasal is also
indicated by spellings like novies beside 7iovienJt, and by the
Romance fonns, e.g. Ital. teso (Lat. fe(n)sug), and Celtic and
Teutonic loanwords, e.g. Welsh dwys (Lat. de[n)9it»)y O.H.G.
isila (Lat. l[u).siila, cf. Diom. i. 409. 3 K. ; Serv. in Don, iv. 442.
30 K.) (cf. Ifehos, C.I L. vi. 19873).
The grammarians who repeat the rule of Cicero with regard
to in- and cim- (Gellius, ii. 17; Probus, iv. 149. 33 K. and 253.
22; Diomedes, i. 433. 15 K.; Serv. ad Am, i. 187 ; Max. Viet.
VI. 204. 16 K. ; Audacis exc. vii. 354. 21 K.), often add the
remark that the rule was not strictly followed in the pronun-
ciation of their time. Thus Diomedes (i. 409. 3 K.) says of
in- and con- before *, /, * plerumque producuntur ' (cf . Cledonius, v.
76. 9 K.) ; and Servius (hi Don, iv. 442. 28 K.) intimates that
the rule was often violated in practice, plerumque enim non
observantes in barbarismos incurrimus. This probably indicates
a tendency of later Latin to give in^ and coti- in these compounds
the same short vowel-sound that they had in other compounds
like hicedo, cdncedo, and in the simple forms lUj cum ; and this
will explain why it is, that on all but the earliest inscriptions of
the Empire, the instances of apexed vowels before //* are not so
frequent in these compounds, as in other words (see the lists
given by Christiansen), and also why, both on inscriptions and in
Romance forms, instances of a long vowel before w/ are rare'.
For the combination ;//* hardly occurs except in the case of verbs
beginning with f compounded with in- and con-. The word
consul was perhaps not regarded as a compound; for the 0 is
marked with the apex on inscriptions with great persistency.
In Welsh, too, the Old Welsh form cusil points to a Latin
cd{nyilivtn (cf. Diom. i. 409. 3 K. : Serv. /;/ Bon, iv. 442. 30 K.).
But, for compounds, which were realized in popular usage to be
compounds, the pronunciation of Cicero's time must have gone
* The Ull / of Infkri {C.I.L. inscription has the tall form, e.g. Ita.
vi. 7579), quoted by ChriMtiuiisen Impetra. It is always difficult to be
and Seelmann, is no certain indica- sure\vhetherlNS-,lNF- on inscriptions
tion of long 1. Every initial i of this indicate long /, or mei^ly injtial 1.
13^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
more and more out of fashion under the Empire. Its prevalence
in the time of Plautus may be inferred from the fact that
Plautus is averse to f/w-, inf- being shortened by the influence
of a preceding short syllable (see § 143). In Umbro-Oscan we
see lengthening of a vowel before ns^ nf in Osc. keenzstur,
' censor/ (with long open E, § 6), Umbr. aanfehtaf , * infectas.'
The remark of Priscian (ii. 63), that the terminations -(pius,
-gna^ -gnum are always preceded by a long vowel, has been
extended by Marx and others into a rule that the combination
-gn- always lengthened a preceding vowel. Of Priscian^s
examples [rcgnum, sfdgnum, beriignus, malignua, ahtegntts^ privigniff,
Paelignus)y abiegnus, regnum^ afagnvm had probably originally
a long vowel (cf. abiesfy regent^ stare) ; pnvlgnus gets a certain
amount of confirmation from the spelling prIvIgno on a soldier's
epitaph {(', 7. L, vi. 3541) ; but beutgjtus, marignns receive none from
Romance forms like Ital. benigno, maligno, which are probably
* bookwords/ acquired by recent borrowing from Latin, not
naturally transmitted by continuous usage from Roman times.
The Romance forms (e.g. Ital. degno, Span, des-den, 'dis-
dain '; possibly * bookwords/ //. Z. /). viii. 324), point to Vulg.
Lat. (Ugmis'y but the word has the tall / in CI.L, vi. 6314
dIqne, and elsewhere. They point also to tngnvm (cf. stgi/lrtw),
(Ital. segno, Span, sena, &c.) ; but on inscriptions we have
sIgnum (CLL, vi. 10234, a carefully written inscription of
153 A. D., and elsewhere), sIgnificabo (vi. 16664). The gram-
marian Diomedes (fourth cent.), speaking of the rhythmic
arrangement of some of Cicero's clauses (i. 470. 9 K.), seems
to speak of dignit^s as an anapaest, just as he calls jasfa7n
a trochee; and if this be the right construction of his words,
it suggests that he pronounced tltgnWts. Welsh swyn, a charm.
Old Irish sen, blessing, s^naim, to bless, to sain. Old High Ger-
man segan, charm against evil, blessing, are all from a late
Latin signum in its Christian sense of *the sign of the cross ^;
and their form indicates a form segnvm, with close (?, a develop-
ment of an earlier signttm, not slgnum (cf. § 14). The Romance
forms indicate, too, a short vowel in lignum, ]ng7ivs, pitgnns^ and
show us that if the lengthening of a vowel before gn was
ii tendency of Latin pronunciation at all, it was not one so
$ 144.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWEL-QUANTITY. 139
marked, and so persistent, as the lengthening before 7is, [For
further discussion of this question, see Bezz. Beiir, xvi. 1 89 sqq. ;
Mem, Soc. Ling, vi. 34 note ; K, Z. xxx. 337, where it is sug^gested
that the change in the vowel was one of quantity merely, not of
quality, so that rlipnm, signum^ would have the long open /-sound.
Before ^«, by a phonetic law of Latin, e became i (ch. iv. § 8)]. The
spelling plaMEN(tum) on an African inscription (C /. L, viii. 1344)
is not evidence enough for a lengthening of the vowel before gm;
nor is the exact relation clear between snbtegmen and subtemen^
exagmen (?) and exdmen {Class, Rev, vol. v. p. 294 : Ef^m, Lai,
p. 1 26) (see eh. iv. § 1 1 6).
In the Perfect Participle Passive and kindred formations of
verbs whose Present ends in -go^ preceded by a short syllable,
e.g. Ugo^ ago^ we find a long vowel. Thus lector^ lecturn^ dctum^
Rctai' (from a third-conjugation form *ligere?) are attested by
Aul. Gellius (xii. 3 and ix. 6). /erlo by Porphyrio (ad Hor. S,
i, 6. 1 22), while on inscriptions we have lector (C, I. L, vi. 9447,
the epitaph of a grammaticus, and so presumably correct in
spelling ; vi. 27140), adlecfd, xiv. 376 (second cent, a.d.), &c., dells
(vi. 1527 d 59, B.C. 8-2), &c., infrdctd (ix. 60, c. 100 a.d.) (while
a for frango is proved by effr'mgo^ confringo (^ from e) ), recte ^
(xii. 2494, beginning of first cent, a.d.), fMor (vi. 5205), and
the like (see Christiansen, p. 47, and cf. Ar^xroy, 7r/)orTjKTo[/)os] on
Gk. inscrr., K, Z. xxxiii. 402,). The long vowel is also found in
the Perfect (properly S.-Aorist, see ch. viii. § 39) of these verbs,
rexi, texi (Prise, ix. 28, who adds illexi ^), rexil (C\I,L, v. 875,
105 A.D.), lexit (x. 1793) (see Christiansen, p. 49). Whether
it is due to the consonant-groups g and I, g and s, or is a
lengthening peculiar to the Perfect and kindred forms of the verb
(see ch. viii. § 39), it is difficult to say, but the latter supposition
is certainly the more probable. The single instance on inscrip-
tions of a form that is not Verbal, viz. mdx(mo) (vi. 2080, the
Acts of the Arval Brotherhood, c. 120 a.d.) is not sufficient
* So that there was complete asson- alluded to by Hor. {Epp, i. i. 59) rex
ance between r?x and r^cte in the eris aiunt Si recto fades,
children's verse : ''' Plautus puns on iUectus, the Verbal
rex eris, si r6cte facies ; si non Noun from /flicio, and /ec<Ms (from /«gro),
facies, non eris, a bed, Bacch. 55.
I40 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [dutp. n.
evidence for the former. Diomedes (431. 17 K.) says the i of
MW? is short. A similar difficulty presents itself in connexion
with the parallel formations from Verbs ending in -w^o. Gellius
(ix. 6) attests Hficfjis beside ilfiffo ; and on inscriptions we have
sejiinetum (C. I. L. vi. 1527 e 38, B.C. 8-2), &c., (lefunciis (v, 1326),
&c., coifjmixU (xii. 4333, time of Antonines), extincto9{\\. 25617,
A.D. 10), cinclus (x. 4104) (see Christiansen, pp. 44 sqq.). Here
the spelling sdnclns (cf. Osc. saahtum, Umbr. sahata), frequent
on inscriptions, seems to show that the lengthening occurs
before original nc {sacer ^), as well as before nc from original ng ;
but the few instances of non-verbal forms, viz. conjunx (vi. 6592,
6593), ^^® numeral qulnctus^ frequent on inscriptions (Christian-
sen, p. 46) (cf. qfiinqne, qumi), are again insufficient evidence to
separate the lengthening from the ordinary lengthening of the
Latin Perfect. The absence of the nasal in nactu^ (beside
Tianctiis)^ fictus (but Jiiicftts Ter. Enn, 104), plebeian defuctntt
(ii. 4173), and sactissimae (vi. 15511 ; v. 6580) (cf. Welsh saith
beside sant, § 70), is explained in ch. viii. § 10. In qtilntu^ it is the
guttural that disappears. All the Romance forms point to qnlnfuat
(cf. Greek Kov^ii/roy and Kocirros, though the earliest forms are
Kotyicrios and Koivros : see Eckinger, pp. 1 22 sqq.), but declare
for the short vowel in pUncfiiSi nnctits, chichts, tmctus, cXfixiyfitixi.
In the absence of express testimony, such as we have for w*,
n/] it is impossible to be sure that the combination of p with
a consonant, like w, ?;;, t, 9, whether preceded or not by a nasal,
had a lengthening effect on a preceding vowel ; though there
certainly are a good many apparent indications of this. It is
equally impossible to decide whether the supposed influence
exerted on the vowel may have been a change of quality merely,
and not of quantity, just as the combination ngn had the effect
of changing an e^ to a ?/, e. g. nngnis for *ongim (eh. iv. § 20).
145. r with consonant. Spt^llings on inscriptions like FOrtun\ii), Furtunaia
{C, I. L. vi. 7527) vCf. Fotunaie vi. 2236; suggest that the 0, whicth was certainly
originally short (Lat. or for I.-Eur. f, see ch. iv. § 92), has been lengthened by
the influencte of the following rt. If this l.e so, it could only have lxH»n a local
pronunciation, or at least one that never gained a secure footing in th«»
' A fresh complication arises from a stem *icn- (aacrea, Plautus), point -
the fact that beside sdcro', we have ing to a root sdC' beside mc:
$$ 146-147.] PRONUNCIATION. VOWEL-QUANTITY. I4J
language ; for the Romance languages testify abundantly to short vowels in
words like porciu?, oomi/, certus, &c. Marius Sacerdos (vi. 451. 5 K.) quotes
pimix as a barbarism ; and Pompeius (v. 126. 5) censures the mispronun-
ciation anna. So that the initial 0 of Onto, if long, as attested by inscriptions,
[e. g. i}mav{it) C, I. L, x. 6104 (time of Augustus), omare xii. 4333 (time of
Antonines ; (for other instances on inscriptions, see Christiansen, p. 53], and
by Celtic loanwords (e. g. Welsh addum, ' ornament/ addurno, ^ to ornament,'
Lat. addmo) must have been originally long and cannot owe its leiigth to the
influence of the following m. (Similarly /5nwa, orrfo, urea,) But it is more
likely that the 0 was not really long, but merely had the quality of long
Latin d, in other words was close 0. Plautus seems to scan urn- after a short
syllable ; though the instances are so few as to leave a slight doubt (TritK 840
might possibly be noro aim Smatti, AuL 721 eo urnatus). There are not wanting
indications that r with a nasal tended to modify the quality of a vowel, e. g.
fwnua and furnua^ fortnica and furmica, tumua (Greek r6pvoi\ just as in Italian
to-day (though not in the Toscana) close e becomes open before r with a con-
sonant, e. g. verde, erpice (Meyer-LQbke, liai, Oram, % 54). How far this may
explain the discrepancy between the firmus of inscriptions (Christiansen,
p. 53), and the Vulg. Lat. /trrotw, postulated by Romance forms like Ital.
fermo, and the Welsh loanword fferf, it is difficult to say. Arvum with short
a expressly attested by Audacis exc. p. 328. 8 K., originally the neuter of
the adjective dfmiis, e. g. Plant. True, 149 non aruos hie sed pascuos ager est,
appears with long a in an inscription of Tiberius* time (drvtVu C.I.L, vi. 913).
(For other cases of long vowel before r with consonant on inscriptions, see
Christiansen, pp. 51 sqq.) [Amiaj attested by Serv. in Don. 426. 11 and 36 K.
Prise. Ace. 521. 15, Audacis exc. 328. 6, is proved by inenuis, for a is not
weakened to e (ch. iii.) ; drx Pomp. 130. 7 is proved by coerc^o,']
§ 146. 8 with oonsonant. The short vowel before spy fic, stj &c., attested by
the Romance languages for words like vesper j pisciSj crtstay is quite strong
enough evidence to disprove the theory that an originally short vowel was
lengthened before these combinations, and to show that the long vowel
indicated by inscriptions for pastor^ jmscu.% tr'istL^, jilstusy &c. (see Christiansen,
pp. 54 sqq.) must have been originally long. Diomedes (p. 431, 31 ; 432, 16.)
attests /enesfra, (isper; Quintilian (ix. 4. 85^ agrSsUs, Audax (359. 15 K. campestris^
&c. H^stemus (Mar. Victorin. vi. 15. 15 K.) beside h^i is puzzling ; also the
discrepancy between crustum of C.I. L, i. 1199 and Vulg. Lat. criista indicated
by the Romance forms, e. g. Ital. erosta. Festus (86. 8 Th.) distinguishes
lustra, wallowing-places, from lustra, purifications.
§ 147. n with single consonant. V^mlo (Ital. vendo with close e^j/ontem
(Probus 6. 12 K. ; but Romance ^JJint- by analogy of other n<-stems), pfi^iceps
(Ital. principe, &c.' are enough to disprove the theory that this combination
shortened a preceding long vowel. There are, however, points of difficulty.
Sfrvius (m Don, 426. 34 K.^ attests prttuxps ; Diomedes 433. 18 cdntio (by anal.
of cSm-'^) (for corenfto, and so originally edntiOj or perhaps *ctintio ; French nonce,
annoncer points to a Latin form nunUus {for noventius, and so originally nijntius,
Mar. Victorin. vi. 12. 18 K.) ; Romance words for * eleven,' like Span, once, Fr.
onze, point to a Vulg. Lat. und^eim (properly iindecim, from unus and deeem)
{sinciput is usually explained as *s?m{iycapuC). There are some indications
that the quality of a vowel was liable to change before this combination.
Thus •<nid' appears as -wwrf- in frundes, a form ascribed to Ennius (see K, Z,
142 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ch»p. II.
XXX. 336) ; unguis seemii to be for *onffui8 (ch. iy. i ao). The remark of a late
grammarian (Anon. Bern. Suppl. 11 1 H.), that hirundOf arundo have t7, is a
mistake based on a misunderstanding of Prisoian i. p. 123. 7 H.
§ 148. 1 with oonaonant. Vulg. Lat. remiUcum (Ital. rimorchio, Span, remol-
que, Fr. remorque}, properly renifilcum (from Gi'eek fivfiovXjciw) is not evidence
sufficient to justify us in supposing that this combination had the effect of
shortening a preceding long vowel, t^^ltroj the form attested by the Romance
languages,' was in all probability also the classical form ; in Varro, L, L, v. 50
read uls, miswritten in the Archetype uis, as in v. 83, and then changed by
scribes to ouis : vltruf not iiltraf is the true reading of the Claudius Tablet at
Lyons, col. i. 1. 40 (Allmer et Dissard, Inscriptions antiques, Musee de Lyon, vol. i.
pp. 70 sqq.). The influence of this combination, however, in changing the
quality of a vowel is seen in ailnfBn beside cdliifnen^ ridt beside vOlo, &;c. (see
ch. iv. § 20).
The shortening of a long vowel before certain single final consonants,
-r, 't, &c. is, like the shortening and change of final vowels, dependent on
the Accent, and so is discusiied in the next chapter. (On the Assimilation of
Consonants, e. g. summitto for submiitOj see ch. iv. $ 159.)
§ 149. Crasis of vowels, Synisesis, &c. Two neighbouring
vowels in the middle of a word became a Diphthong if the
second was i or n, e.g. coe/it^ for coMm (used literally in Plant.
AmpJi, 657 primo coetu uicimus), suffered Crasis if they were
suitable vowels, e. g. cdwo from co-emo (cf . Engl. * dofP ' for
do-ofP, * don ' for do-on), while if the first was j or w (or in
certain cases e or 0) Synizesis was a common result, e.g. larva
from lama (a trisyllable in Plautus). Compounds of a Preposi-
tion ending in a vowel, and a Verb, &c., beginning with a vowel
or hy show vowel-contraction more regularly in the early drama-
tists than in the Augustan poets, e.g. coerce (a dissyllable) Pacuv.,
cdnestat (for cohonestat) Accius, whether it be that these con-
tracted forms are a relic of the earlier accentuation of the first
syllable of every word, coerce, and the uncontracted the result of
the shifting of the accent, co-erce, or that the contracted belong
to the conversational language of everyday life, the uncontracted
to the artificial diction of the higher poetry. Possibly a tri-
syllabic coerce is a ' re-composition ' like e-neco beside older enico
(with weakening of unaccented vowel), or adcnrro beside accttrro
(with assimilation of consonants) (see ch. iv. § 159). Synizesis went
hand in hand with Syncope \ldrna became larva at the same
time that Idridum became lardum (see ch. iii.)], and asserted itself
more and more under the Empire ; e.g. quetus l^quyehis) for quietus
is a common spelling on late inscriptions (cf. Ital. cheto. Span.
§$ 149, 160.] PRONUNCIATION. CRASIS, ETC. I43
quedo, Prov. quetz). The palatalization of a consonant under
the influence of a following i (become y) before a vowel has
played a great part in the Romance languages^ e.g. Fr. bras
from braccAium, *braccyum (see § 48). A final vowel before an
initial vowel suffered elision (see the next section), and the same
thing may have happened to the e of ne- in neutiquam, fee.,
which is scanned with the first syllable short (or should we pro-
nounce nyiiliquam, nyullvs, nyusqvam?), while nS titer ^ in which
the accent by the Penultima law fell on the ne-^ was pronounced
as a trisyllable.
§ 150. Vowel-contraotion in oompotmds in the early dramatists. Coerce
(dissyll.) is found in Pacuvius, Trag. 47 R :
gradere dtque atrocem c6erce confid^utiam
(cf. 1. 345) ; and in Plautus deariuare (Capt 640, 67a), deasciare {Mil 884) ;
deosculari {Cos, 136, 453, 454, 467) are quadrisyllables. But dehortari (four
syllables) stands in contrast to hortari in Poen. 674 —
neque v<Ss hortari n^que dehortari deoet.
(Ennius, Atm. 401 has the same verb in Tmesis : de me hortatur.) The
phrase coemptionalis senex, used of old^ and therefore valueless, slaves who were
bought not singly but in numbers (from coenierey to buy in a lump) is irreve-
rently applied to his master by the cunning slave in the Bcuschides, 976—
nunc Priamo nostro si ^t quis emptor, co^mptional^m senem
uendam ego,
where the word coemptioncUem is scanned with five syllables, as cohonestat appears
in the form conestat in a line of Aocius {Trag, 445 R) —
prc3 se quisque cum corona cUrum conestat caput. (MSS. conectat, constat,)
Of the compounds of MheOy dsheo always has the contracted form in Plautus ;
cohiheo may in all cases scan as cdbeoj and prohibeo as pr6beo ; praebeo is sometimes
spelt praehibeo in the MSS., but the scansion may always be trisyllabic, and
must be so in Merc 1023 ; and the same holds true of all the older poets. In
Terence we find oxiXy prendo and reprendo^ not prehendo (unless possibly Andr.
353), nor reprehetido (from prae and *hendo), (For other instances, see Klotz,
AUnhn, Me^ik, p. 139.) In the classical literature the full forms of these verbs
aire generally restored [but e. g. cogo from *co'ago, c6gito from *co-ajgiio (ch. viii.
§ 31), diheOy praebeo J &c ], though Derivative words often retain the shorter form,
e. g. copula from *cO'apiUa^ from dpere, to fasten ; praeda for *prae-1ieda (cf. pre-
hendo) ; praemium from *prae'emo (cf. eximius from ex-^o), &c. (see ch. v. § 4).
Coepi Perf., with its O. Lat. Present coepiOj comes from an old verb dpere
(cf. dpiscor) meaning *to fasten' (Paul. Fest. 14. 2. Th. comprehendere
antiqui vinculo ' apere ' dicebant), derivatives of which are aptun, aptare^ as
well as cupula just mentioned. In the Perfect we should expect coipi like c5fgi
from digo {co-ago), and this scansion is occasionally found, as in this hexameter
line (usually referred to Ennius' Annals) (536 M.) —
rex ambas intra fossam retinere coepit
H4 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IL
icf. Lucr. iv. 6i9\ Like dissyllabic coepi (the usual scansion both in the early
and in the classical poetrj*) in Terence's trisyll. coemisse {Ad. 225).
§ 161. Synisesis in Iiate and Vulgar Iiatin. For a list of spellings from
late inscriptions and from MSS. like qitesco (for quieaco), Febrarius (Ital. Febbrajo,
Span. Febrero, &c.), see Schuchardt, Vok. ii. pp. 444 sqq., and cf. Georges, Lex.
Wortf. 8. w. rtrrf(f;ar»Mm, sesqu^CdUery t?af(tt)e/acto, v^ntr^Vostis^ 8em{i)ermiSf aemd.-
I/3/M5, 9etn(J,)uncia, vi(r{e)an^ts, cUv{e,ariuin, All these show suppression of A
(Jf/y ^ (y) before an accented Towel, long by nature or by position. Similarly
Lat. coactus has become Ital. quatto, Prov. quait. Span, cachoy through Vulg.
Lat. *quathi8 (fi-om *cica(iits\ Lat. codgulum, Ital. quaglio. Span, cuajo, and so
on. Forms with Synizesis occasionally appear in the Latin Poets (classical
as well as ante-clas8ical\ e.g. praen^tores, Naevius, Com. 17 R., injurjatumy
Lucilius ii. 9. M., walvisti, id. Inc. fr. ix M., genraj tenviOy arjete (with the first
syllables of these three words scanned long by position) (see Luc. Miiller, D*-
Hf Metricaj pp. 249 sqq.). (On * scyo * or * scUfi/ see Charisius, p. 16, 9 K,)
§ 152. Other examples of vowel-oontraotion. Nil from nihil (always
monosyllabic in Plautus' ; nfmo from *ne-hemo ; dissyllabic deinde, proinde
(according to the grammarians these were accented on the firat syllable ; see
next chapter, and cf. the Plautine scansion petinde^ Stick. 520) ; cfnnburo for
♦m-am6-uro ; lAmus for *bi-hifwtSy *of two winters ' (cf. Engl.' twinter,' meaning
a two-year old beast' from hiems : cJipia and O. Lat. cUpi- Adj. for ^co-opia.
*ro-iipis- (cf. in-dpi-) ; antehac (see § 58 for other examples of the loss of inter-
vocalic /* with contraction;. The loss of intervocalic »r, y led to contraction
in words like dlHor for cTivifior, ffimis a form of dirinusy stO for *fday6 (Umbr. stahu.
ch. viii. § 2) (but e and 0 do not coalesce in mdneo^ pleOy Ac, nor a and accented
{ in dhstats) ; on these see ch. iv. $§66and 70. So did the loss of inten-ocalic
m in o'lgo for *cdtmigo, &c., (unless co was a by-form of ooniy ch. ix. § 22). The
tendency to contraction of vowels appears at all stages of the history of Latin,
and asserted itself in colloquial Latin even more than in the literary language.
I For a fuller list of examples see Stolz in MQller's Handlntchj ii'. p. 275). (On
the merging of t in a following 1, u in a following v, see § 48.)
§ 168. Elision. Elision of a final vowel, or vowel preceding
final -w, before the initial vowel (or A with vowel) of a follow-
ing word is a feature of Latin poetry. That it was also
])raetised in speaking we see from passages like Cicero, Oi'at(yi\
xliv. §150; xlv. § 153; Quint, ix. 4. 33 ; xi. 3. 33-34; Seneca.
Kpp. 40 [cf. Cicero's story of Crassus mistaking Caiineas (sc. ficus
vendo) for cave ne eaft ; JDiv, ii. 40]. Marius Sacerdos (448. 6 K.)
says that in reading a line like VirgiPs monstnim horrendum^ &c.,
the final -um of monstrum was entirely suppressed, but this does
not quite agree with the statement of Probus(ap. Gell. xiii. ai. 6)
that turrim had a more melodious sound than tvrrein in the line
turrm in praecipiti stantevt^ &c. In the Satumian Poetry a final
syllable ending in -m seems to have been not elided but left in
§$ 151-164.] PRONUNCIATION. PARASITIC VOWELS. 145
prosodical hiatus (see § 65), like the -um of circtfm in the com-
pounds circu[m)ago^ circii(m)eo, or of sublatum, &e., in the forms
itublatuiri^ &e. (eh. viii. § 87), and the same treatment is found occa-
sionally in the older poets, e.g. Ennius [Ami. 354 M.) (quoted
by Prisician i. p. 30 H.) millia militiim octo, and even in the
Augustan poets with monosyllables, e.g. nttm abest Hor. ;
a final long vowel was also shortened, not elided, like any long
vowel before another vowel in the middle of a Latin word,
e.g. pre-hendo, illtm, and so in the older poets frequently,
occasionally in Augustan poetry, e.g. qut amant, Virg., Esqui-
linac alites, Hor. (see § 143). This must be a native usage, and not
an imitation of Greek poetry. Cicero^s remarks on this subject
may be quoted [Orat, xlv. 153) : nobis, ne si cupiamus quidem
distrahere voces eonceditur : indicant orationes illae ipsae horri-
(lulae Catonis, indicant omnes poetae praeter cos, qui, ut versum
facerent, saepe hiabant, ut Naevius :
uos, qui accolitis Histrum fluuium atque algidam,
et ibidem :
quam numquam uobis Grai atquo barbari ;
at Ennius semel :
Scipio inuiote ;
et quidem nos :
hoc motu radiant is Etosiae in uada ponti :
hoc idem nostri saepius non tulissent, quod Graeci laudare etiam
solent. How far they indicate a change in actual pronunciation
or in the mere technique of verse-making is doubtful (cf. ch. iii.
§41).
§ 154. Parasitic vowels (cf . §§72, 102, and ch. iii. § 1 3). When
two adjoining consonants are not easily pronounced together a
vowel is oft^n inserted to facilitate pronunciation. This is called
Anaptyxis. The inserted or ' parasitic ' vowel (sometimes styled
in the terminology of the Sanscrit grammarians ' svarabhaktic '
vowel, from Sansc. svara-bhakti-' partial voweP) is often seen
in the older Latin loanwords from Greek, when the Greek word
contained a combination of consonants which was not easily
pronounced by Roman lips. A Roman did not begin a word
146 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. II.
with the letters mn-, as tfie Greeks often did, so the Greek yiva
took in Latin the form mtna^ just as in French the Low German
knif became canif ; similarly we find in Plautus t^china (e.g. Poen,
8 1 7), (Irachiinia and the like. Marius Victorinus (8. 6 K.) says that
the un-Latin character of the combination cm produced the forms
AlcHmeo, Alcumena (so on an old Praenestine mirror, C. /. L, xiv.
4102), lecicwessa, and adds that the tragedian Julius Caesar
Vopiseus (an older contemporary of Cicero) was the first to
conform the third word to the Greek TcK/iryo-o-a, writing the title
of his tragedy Tecmesm, and ordering the actors to pronounce the
name in this way on the stage (cf. Prise, i. 29. 5 H.). (For
a list of Greek words so treated, see Ritschl, Ojjusc, ii. pp. 469-
523.) The same thing is found in native Latin words. The
suflSx f'lo' (ch. V. § 25), for example, which indicates the instrument
with which an action is performed, or the place of its perform-
ance, is in Lat. ^ciilo-, as well as -t?/<?-, e. g. vek/kuhm^ ' that by
which one is carried * (in Plautus always vShlclum)^ cutHculum^
* the place where one lies down.' In Plautus the -do- form is
the more usual, especially after a long vowel ; e. g. periculum is
a quadrisyllable only at the end of a line (i. e. through metrical
necessity) in his plays, so that in his time the parasitic vowel
between c and / had not quite asserted its claim to rank as
a separate syllable (see § 102), though between consonants of
less affinity, e.g. b and / in the ending -iulum, it is normal ; he
uses both p^pulus and jjdplus (the latter only at the end of a line)
{ci, piluffinoe jjoploe, quoted from the Carmen Saliare by Festus,
244. 24 Th., a phrase for the javelin-bearing Romans). On the
oldest inscriptions we have j5<?jofo- (e.g. poplus, C,I,L. ii. 5041, of
189 B.C.; poplom on the (restored) Columna Rostrata, pro poplo
Ariminesi, Not, Scav. 1887, p. 120); pmclum (C,I,L. xi. 4766)
may be like cedre *caedere* due to Umbrian influence; but
pocolom on the early Praenestine vases (C /. i/. i. 43 sqq.), tahola
(i. 197, 198), &c. (Marius Victorinus, if we can trust the read-
ing, quotes from the ' libri antiqui foederum et regum * piacolmtt
with popiiloi RomanoL) At a later time the spelling -cul-
established itself so firmly in the language that it became
impossible to discriminate an original co-lo^ e.g. cor-cu-lum
(formed with the diminutive suffixes ko- and fo-, ch. v.), por-
§ 164.] PRONUNCIATION. PARASITIC VOWELS. 1 47
cuius for *porcO'lo-y from an original -do- ; and still later the
wave of Syncope which swept over the language reduced all these
forms to the same type, iwrclns, stablum^ cuiiclum, &c. (see
ch. iii. § 13).
Anaptyxis played a great part in the Oscan language, and its
kindred dialect, the Pelignian. We have in Oscan aragetud for
Lat. argtmto (Abl.), Helevis for Lat. Helvius, teremenniu for
' *terminia ' (Lat. terfnhii), with liquid preceding ; and with
liquid following, paterel (Lat. patri), Sadiriis (Lat. Satrius), in
Pelignian sacaracirix (Lat. sacrctlrtces), pristafalacirix (Lat.
jyraeddbuldi rices), and so on. The inserted vowel takes the
quality of the vowel in the syllable containing the liquid, e.g.
aragetud for *ar-getud, paterei for *pa-trei (so Lat. sfabulum for
^sta-hlum, stabVis for ^afa-blis). The long preceding syllable is
the reason of its absence in Osc. maatreis (Lat. ma iris) (cf.
O. H. G. hlutres beside f Sgales and Plautus' preference oijoerlclum,
&c.). It is not found in the initial syllable, so that Terebonio
(C. LL, i. 190), if a dialectal form, does not belong to the Oscan
dialect (cf. Terebuni, Eph, Epigr. i. 116; Ital. calabrone from Lat.
erafjro, a * hornet ' ^). Accentuation often seems to influence its
presence or absence in Latin ; for example, Plautus has usually
mdnupldris (once at least mafiipularis), as in classical Latin
discipulus stands beside disciplina. But the cross-working of
Anaptyxis and Syncope, and the difficulty of ascertaining in
which woixls a suffix has been directly added to a stem ending
in a consonant, and in which there was originally an intervening
vowel (ch. V. § 21) has hitherto prevented the drawing up of exact
rules for its use in the language. [A full list of Latin examples
will be found in Stolz, Lat. Gram, (in Miiller s Handb. Klass,
Alterthnmswissenchaft) p. 277 (and ed.) (see also above, § 102)].
' Varro's derivation of the name p. 184, Wilm.), suggestH a prouuncia-
(rracchus, *a gerendo* {Lib. Gramm. tion like G'raccAi/.*.
L ^
CHAPTER III.
ACCENTUATION
§ 1. Nature of the Latin Accent. Was the Latin accent one
of pitch or stress ? Did the accented syllable in a Latin word
differ from the other syllables in being uttered at d higher note
than they were, or with a greater force ? The two things are
obviously quite distinct. For a syllable to be sounded at a high
or law note is one thing, with energy or with gentleness is
another, just as a musical note may be sounded strongly or
gently (forte or piano), a thing quite different from its being
a note high or low on the musical scale. Most languages do
indeed combine in a greater or less degree pitch-accent with stress-
accent. The accented syllable, if pronounced with more energy
than the unaccented, is generally at the same time pronounced at
a slightly higher (or lower) pitch. But, for all that, it is
usually possible to say decidedly of one language : this language
has a stress-accent ; of another : this language has a pitch-accent.
Our own language for example is clearly a language of stress-
accent. It distinguishes its accented syllables by giving them
greater energy of articulation than the unaccented ; and it shows
the usual characteristics of a language with stress-accentuation,
namely, a slurring or Syncope of short syllables immediately
following the accented syllable (e. g. ' med(i)cine * ; cf . ddm(o)sel,'
* fint(a)sy ' and ' fancy,*) and an obscuring or reduction of un-
accented vowels (e. g. ' father,' where the e has the sound of the
* Seelmann, Ausaprache des LaieiUj centuation Latinr, Paris, 1855, of the
Heilbronn, 1885, is the chief expo- pitch-theory. For sentence-accentua-
nent of the stress-theory ; Weil et tion, see the Class. Rev. v. pp. 373,
Benloew, Jluknie generate de VAc- 402.
ACCENTUATION OF WORD. 149
' obscure ' vowel of the word * but ' ; ^ savage/ 'minute/ ' orange ').
In a long w^ord, say the adjective ' characteristical/ we might
number each syllable according to the amount of force with
which it is uttered, the strongest (with the main accent) being
the fourth syllable of the word, the next strongest (with the
secondary accent) the first. The weakest syllables are, as is
usually the case with stress-accentuation, those following im-
6 1
mediately on the most strongly accented, thus * ch&racteristical.'
In the Romance languages the accent is, like ours, an accent of
stress, but this stress is much weaker than ours, corresponding
to our secondary stress rather than to our main accent. This is
notably the case in Fi:ench, where the stress is weaker than it is,
for example, in Italian. But the Romance languages show the
same tendency to syncope of short unaccented syllables, and to the
reduction of unaccented vowels, as our language does, though in
a much less marked degree (e.g. Italian gridare from Latin
qmrifare, balsimo from Latin hahamum). Pitch-accentuation is
seen in English more in the accentuation of the sentence than of
single words. A question like * Are you ready ? ' differs by its
rising tone from a statement of fact like ' He is ready.' In
some languages however, such as Swedish, Lithuanian, Servian,
these tone-distinctions are cleary marked in single words, a word
of the same spelling as another being often distinguished from
it by the tone alone. In English we have no example of this,
imless it be such a word as * rather,' which by a difference of
tone can imply two different meanings, in answer to a question
like ' Is it raining ? ' If we are asked, * Is it raining ? ' and
reply * Rather,' the word, if we give it one tone, will imply
' slightly,' ' not much,' with another tone will convey the notion
of * heavily,' * violently.' But in the main the distinctions of
tone are unknown in our language ; and it is this tjiat makes it
difficult for us to understand the nature of a language which
uses entirely or predominantly a pitch-accentuation, such as in
ancient times the Greek language, and of living languages,
Chinese. In the case of a dead language, we have two means
of ascertaining whether its accent was one of pitch or of stress.
We have the phenomena of the language itself on the one hand,
and we have the statements of native grammarians, if they are
I50 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. III.
trustworthy, on the other. Both these means of evidence point
to the pitch-character of the ancient Greek accent. The words
of the language do not show that Syncope and Reduction of
unaccented vowels, which we have seen to be characteristic
effects of a stress-accent. The Greek grammarians' accomits of
the accent of their own language point in the same direction.
Modern Greek has, however, a stress-accentuation, so that the
Greek accent must have changed its nature in the course of time,
though at what precise period the change took place it is diflScult
to say. No doubt the nature of the accent differed more or less
in different parts of Greece ; and the accent in one dialect may
have allowed stress to predominate over tone at an earlier period
than in another (in the N. Greek dialects, for example, as in the
N. Greek dialects of modern times ; see Hatzidakis, JT. Z. xxx.
388). The accent is taken into account in Greek metre in the
verse of Babrius, a contemporary probably of Augustus, and
author of a verse translation of Aesop's fables.
When we turn our attention to Latin, we are confronted with
the difficulty that, while the Latin grammarians often speak of
their accent in terms properly applicable only to a pitch-accent,
all the features of their language point to its having been
a stress-accent. The reduction of the unaccented vowel (e.g.
oMffo^ &c., but Greek dirdyo), &c.), the Syncope of syllables
following the accent (e.g. <^urgo from objun/fOy ca/fh^ from
rtifiilus), all indicate unmistakably the presence of a stress-
accent And the difference of its accentuation from Greek,
though not a single grammarian definitely informs us of this
difference, comes out clearly in the treatment of Greek loan-
words, especially in the language of the less educated Romans.
Greek 2o</)ta (with short i) became Sofia , a stress-accent replacing
the pitch-accent with the result of lengthening the accented
vowel ; Greek €l5uXor became idd/ttm. Instances like these show
that the Romans had much the same difficultv as we have, m
pronomieing Greek words with a short accented paenultima, or
with an accented antepaenultima and long penult. The difficulty
would not be so great for a Roman as for us, if his stress-accent,
like tliat of his modem descendant, the Italian, was not so strons:
as ours ; nor would it be so much felt at an earlier period, when
§ 1.] ACCENTUATION OF WORD. 151
the distinctions of quantity were more vividly marked (see ch. ii.
§ J 41) than in the later Empire. The Hungarian language,
where the sense of quantity is equally vivid, accentuates the first
syllable of every word without detracting from the quantity of
vowels in the following syllables. No doubt too the nature of
the stress-accent would differ in various parts of Italy in ancient
times, as it does to-day (see Meyer-Liibke, ItaL Gram, § 122,
p. 7i),)^n Praeneste, if we are to believe such indications as the
spelling MQOLNiA for the name Ma^olnia on inscriptions, and
perhaps the form co7i€a for ciconia, * a stork,' Syncope was carried
to greater lengths than in Latin, and the stress of the accent
must have been stronger (see § 14 below). But that the Latin
language of all periods, at which we have definite knowledge of
it, was a language of stress-accentuation, is proved by all the
evidence at our disposal, and disproved by nothing except the
silence of the grammarians. The same tendency to Syncope,
which before the literary period produced imdecim out of *««^-
dSciniy is seen working in the Early Literary time in words like
ohjurigo (Plant.), ohjurgo (Plant, and Ter.), and in the Augustan
age in calidus and caldvn (the form preferred by the Emperor
Augustus, Quint, i. 6. 19), while v'mlis for vtndis asserted itself
still later, and the same tendency, as we have seen, still shows
itself in modern Italian. And hand in hand with Syncope
goes the reduction and change of unaccented vowels. How
then are we to explain the absence of comment on the part of
the grammarians? We must, I think, take three things into
consideration. First, that the study of Accentuation, and
all the terminology used, c^me to the Romans from Greece.
It was Tyrannio who in the first cent. B.C. brought this new
lore to Rome, including among his earliest pupils possibly Varro
and certainly Cicero's friend Atticus. Cicero, in a letter which
has been preserved [ad AtL xii. 6. 2), banters his friend on his
enthusiasm for so trivial a subject (te istam tam tenuem BcuypCav
tam valde admiratum esse gaudeo . . . sed quaeso quid ex ista
acuta et gravi refertur ad riKos ?), and in his own treatise, the
' Orator,* published at this time, makes mention of the wonderful
* law of nature ' which prescribes that the accent shall never be
further from the end of a word than the third syllable {Or. xviii.
15a THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. HI.
58). The word accentua itself was nothing but the Greek word
Tipoui^hia in a Latin dress; and not only the terms employed,
but the description of the phenomena of accentuation are taken
directly from Greek authorities.
In the second place, the contrast between their accent and the
Greek would not be felt so markedly by Roman grammarians as
it would by us^ whose accent has so much stronger a stress than
the Latin^ or modem Italian^ a consideration which makes it less
surprising that they did not remark on the essential difference
between the two systems of accentuation. And thirdly, the
Greek accent itself had probably at the time of these gram-
marians already entered that process of change which ended in
the stress-accentuation of modern Greek. The Greek writers
on accentuation would no doubt go on using the terminology of
the earlier phoneticians^ without perceiving that their terms and
descriptions were no longer so applicable to the actual phenomena
as they had once been ; and if the Greek contemporary theorists
on accent misused the terminology in this way, a Roman imitator
might be excused for carrying the misuse a little further, in
applying the same terminology to Latin accentuation. Indeed^
the writers on Latin Grammar were seldom Roman by birth ;
they were usually Greeks, and would have the same diflSculties
in describing the Latin accent as a Frenchman in describing the
strong stress-accent of English. These considerations may
explain how it is that only a few statements of the writers on
Latin Grammar are rid of the terms * high ' and ^ low ' (instead
of ^ strong * and ^ weak ') accent, such as the remark of a fifth-
century grammarian, that the accented syllable in a Latin word is
the syllable which would be heard at a distance, when the others
were inaudible (quoted in § a). We may then believe the Latin
accent to have been in the main an accent of stress, like that of
modem Italian, though like it (and the accent of the Romance
languages generally), the stress-accent may have been accom-
{)anied by a higher tone than the tone of the unstressed
syllables.
The discredit, which we have found it necessary to attach to
the language the grammarians use in describing the nature of
iu\H>ntuation« makes us hesitate about accepting their distinction.
§ 1.] ACCENTUATION OF WORD. . 153
evidently borrowed from the Greek, of three kinds of accent, —
grave, acute, and circumflex. They postulate a circumflex for
those syllables with naturally long vowels which would have
one in Greek, namely, long paenultimas followed by a short final
syllable, e.g. Boyna but RSmae. The quantity of the final syl-
lable is the chief factor in Greek accentuation, but not in Latin,
where the quantity of the paenultima takes its place, so that one
would not expect the accent of the first syllable of RornS, to differ
from that of Botnae, Other circumflex words are, according to
the grammarians, long monosyllables like res^jlos^ vios^ and final
long syllables of words whose last vowel has been dropi)ed by
Apocope or Syncope, e. g. illic from *iliice, no%frd% from nostrdiis.
In modern Italian these apocopated words have a strong acute
accent on the final syllable, e.g. bonti, citti, virtil, for bonifaiemy
civifalem, virttiteniy but in Spanish a word like am6 (Latin dmdvtt,
Vulg. Lat. *amaut') has a tone-circumflex in the last syllable, the
voice rising first and then falling slightly. There is hardly
evidence enough to enable us to test this theory of a circumflex
in Latin, nor to show, supposing such an accent did exist,
whether it was a tone-circumflex, formed of a rising and falling
tone, like Spanish amo or our ^ Oh ! ' when used sarcastically, or
a stress-* circumflex,' formed by two impulses of the voice, some-
thing like our diphthongal pronunciation of a long vowel,
e.g. * foe,' 'two.' In modern Italian a paenultima long by
position has a very long pronunciation, and we might write
a circumflex accent over the first syllable of words like tanto
(pronounce 't&nto'), tempo (pronounce 'tempo'), while the
different treatment of a Latin penultimate from a Latin ante-
penultimate vowel in words like popolo (Lat. jjdjmlns), uopo
(Lat. oijus)^ suggest the possibility of a Latin R^ma^ &c. as
distinct from Rdmuius^ &c.
On the whole, then, we may say that a circumflex accent may
have existed in Ijatin in words XW^jlos, illic, and even in Roma
(though the grammarians' distinction of Roma^ RSmae is doubt-
ful), but that certainty on this matter is not to be had. The
Latin accent was an accent of stress, a stress which was not so
strong as ours, and which may have been accompanied, as in
Romance, by a high tone.
154 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IIL
§ 2. Testimony of the grammarians. (1) On the Nature of the Iiatin
Accent. Tho remarks of the Latin grammarians on accentuation have been
<*olloct<;d hy School!, De Accentu linguae Latinae (in thereto Soc. PhQolog. LipsiensiSj
vol. vi. 1876). They include remarks not only on accentuation, but on
proper pronunciation generally ; for aecentus is often defined as * vitio carens vocis
artificiosa pronuntiatio ' {ib. p. 78). Here are one or two of the more important
de8cri]>tions of tho Latin accent. Varro, who probably learnt the theory of
acct^ntuation from Tyrannic (Schoell, ib. p. 6), speaks of the altitudo of a word
as oppoHed to its longitudo (i. e. the quantity of tho syllable). By altitudo he
means its accentuation, cum pars verbi aut in grave deprimitur aut
Hublimatur in acutum (ap. Serg. de Ace, p. 535. a8 K.) (cf. ib. p. 533. 4 cum
verbum enuntietur aliqua in eo syllnba necesse est summum illud vocis
fastigium poHsideat\ His imitator, Martianus Capella (fourth and fifth
cent. A.D.)(iii. p. 65. 19 Eyss.), prettily describes accentuation as ^ anima vocis
et seminarium musices,' adding, quod omnis modulatio ex fastigiis vocum
gravitatequo eomponitur ; and Nigidius, a contemporary of Varro (ap. Gell.
xiii. 26. 1-3 H.), describes the accentuation Vdleri by the words summo tono est
prima, doindo gradatim descendunt (cf. Audac. exc. 7. 357. 14-358. i K.). On
tho other hand Pompoius (fifth century a. d.) (5. 126-7 K.) uses language
suit4)ble to stress-accentuation (plus sonaf), when ho says, ilia syllaba, quae
accentimi liabet, plus sonat, quasi ipsa ha bet majorem potest^tem, and goes
on to use the illustration of tho accented syllable of the word optimtts being
tho only syllable heard at a distance, finge tibi quasi vocem clamantis ad
longo aliquem positum, ut puta fingi^ tibi aliquem illo loco contra stare et
olama ad ipsum. cum ooeperis clamare, naturalis ratio exigit ut unam
syllabam plus dicas a reliquis illius verbi ; et quam videris plus sonare
a ceteris, ipsa habet accontum. * optimus,' quae plus sonat ? ilia quae prior
ost. numquid hie sonat * ti * et * mus' quemadmodum * op * ? Ergo necesse
est, ut ilia syllalm hal)eat accentum, quae plus sonat a reliquis, quand<>
olamon^m fingimus. [The same language is used by Servius (fourth cent.), in
Ihw. iv. 426. lo-ao K.]. Some would explain this difference of language by
Mupi>08ing the Latin acct»nt in the time of Varn> to have l)eon more of a pitch-
acctMit than it was in the time of Pompeius, while others try to make out
that it is tho8t» grammarians who were themselves Greeks, or who follow
implicitly Greek authorities, who speak of 'high 'and * low 'accent, while
the nativo grammarians of a mon» independent turn of mind use the mort*
oorrtH't tenm», * strong ' and * weak.' I cannot see much ground for discri-
minating Ix^tween the accent of Varro's time and of a later age. The same
prtxvsses of syncope and vowel-n»duction are at work at both periods and the
cause t>f these processes must have been tho same stress-accentuation. But
there may well have biH.»n a change in the Greek accentuation which became
mor*» and more apparent in each successive century.
;,2^. On the ciroumflex accent. Senius (in Don. 426. 10 K.) distinguishes
the acute accent of anna from the circumfiex of Mnsan acutus dicitur aecentus
<luotions cursim syllaham proferimus. ut *arma*; circimiflexus vero, quotiens
traotim, ut * Mi\sa ' ^cf. Pompt^ius. 126. 4 K. non possumus dicere *arma,* non
possumus dioen* ' Musa * ; Cledonius p. 31. 30 K. 'anna' excusso sono
dicendum ost, while 'Roma* is pronounced tractimX Similarly Priscian
li. l>. 7. II H.) six?akaof three diflferent sounds of J, with the acute, the grave,
and the cinnimllex acctmt, as in }inmis, hamonnn, hdmHS, or drae, ararmn, cira.
§§ 2, 3.] ACCENTUATION OF WORD. I55
and Vitruvius, in a passage borrowed apparently from Aristoxenus, says of the
words so/, luxj flos, vox, nee unde incipit noc ubi desinit [ac. vox] intelligitur, sed
quod \y. L nee quae] ex acuta facta est gravis, ex gravi acuta. (Archit v. 4. a).
§ 3. Accentuation of Greek loanwords. (See the passages
quoted by Schoell, pp. 201 sqq.) An educated Roman would of
course pronounce a Greek word correctly with the same quantity
and accentuation that the Greeks themselves gave to it. The
grammarians of the Empire prescribe the Greek accentuation for
such Greek words in a Latin author as retained their Greek
form and declension. Thus in Virg. Geor^, i. 59 Eliadum palmas
Epiros equarum ; Servius, in his note on the passage, says that
the word Epiros, since it has its Greek form, must be pronounced
with the accent on the first syllable, ^/nros, unlike the Latinized
form Ejnnts : sane * Epiros ' graece profertur, unde etiam ' Ej'
habet accentum ; nam si latinum esset, ^ Epirus/ * pi ' haberet,
quia longa est. But Greek loanwords which became naturalized
at Rome were adapted to the Latin accentuation and declension.
This was specially the case in the Republican period, according
to Quintilian (i. 5. 60), who tells us that Julius Caesar followed
the old habit of using Calyimnem^ a form which Quintilian him-
self does not approve, though he accepts Casfdrem, Olympvft,
tyrdnnus. In the plays of Plautus, who uses the language of the
educated society of his day, Greek words appear as a rule in
a Latinized form with a Latin accent, but in some words of use
among the common people the Greek accent is retained with the
effect of altering the quantity. Thus the gold coin known as
a ' Philip,' Greek 4>tAt7r7ros, is always Philippm with the second
syllable shortened after an accented short syllable. The shorten-
ing of the second syllable, long by position not by nature, is.
like the reduction of the vowel in Tarentum (Greek Taparra,
Accus., now Tfiranto), an indication that the Roman accent in
early times, as well as late, produced an effect on the woi-d that
the Greek accent did not produce, an effect always traceable to
a stress-accentuation. But whether a naturally long vowel was
at this period ever shortened by the accent in a Greek loanword
is doubtful. Ancdra (Greek ayKvpa\ with 0 instead of ?/, is not
a certain example, and still less the hypothetical cnnila (Greek
MvCKn]^ not KovlKa) in Plaut Triiu 935 {Journ, Phil. xxi. 305). It
1 56 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. III.
was frequently done at a later age when the long and short
quantity had more approximated to each other (see ch. ii. § 141),
e. g. butirnm (Greek fiovrvpov), bldsfenins (Greek p\dfT(f>rjfios), idS^
lum (Greek dhtuKov)^ erimus (Greek ipriixos beside iprjfios), seUnum
(Greek criXlvov)^ our * celery/ In all these popular words which
passed into the Romance languages (Ital. ermo, sedano^ &c.) the
rule seems to be that the Greek accent was always retained^ even at
the cost of the quantity, except in oxytone words, which followed
rather the Latin accentuation, e.g. taptniis (Greek raTreiros) [see
Meyer-Liibke, Gram. Rom, Sprach, i. p. 34, and cf. Anecd. Helv.
177. 4 H. on ' abyssus ' (i^vccros) : paenultima positione longa sed
acuitur antepaenultima. So aby9sn9 Paulinus of Nola (19. 651 ;
35. 228); Cyi)rian, Gall. gen. a88 P.]. This inability of the Romans
to reproduce the Greek accentuation of a final syllable is a subject
of frequent remark in the grammarians. A Greek writer of the
sixth cent. (Olympiodorus in Aristot. Meteor, p. 27) makes the
curious remark that the Roman paroxytone pronunciation of
words like Tpat,Koi, &c., was due to their haughtiness (bia tov
KopLTTov)^ and had earned for them the epithet of the ' overween-
ing* Romans (od€v VTT€prjvopiovT€S iK\rj6ricrav viro tQv TrotTyrwi;).
I have heard a Frenchman ascribe the English mispronunciation
of words like ' Franyais ' to the same cause.
§ 4. Romance Aooentuation. The clearness with which each
part of the word is pronounced in Italian and Spanish always
strikes an English traveller. Every syllable has due effect given
to it. There is nothing like the swallowing of parts of words,
that is seen in our own and in other Teutonic languages. The
unaccented vowel in Italian notte, Spanish noche, is clearer and
more definite than in German Gabe; but on the other hand
there is less difference in quantity between a long and a short
vowel, the accented long vowel in the word * Toscana/ for
example, being hardly, if at all, longer than the unaccented
vowels of the word. The accent is one of stress, but is accom-
panied by a high tone, the drop of the voice in a Spanish word
like mano (Lat. manns), being about one-fifth, \ j, , though
m4nu,
sometimes in emphatic utterance the word is pronounced with
§§ 4, 5.] ACCENTUATION OF WORD. 157
a lengthening of final vowel and a slight rise of the voice on
the second, the unaccented, syllable, IZf . The French accent
m&no.
must have at one time been of very powerful stress, so great is
the reduction which French vowels and syllables have undergone,
but it is now much weaker than in any other Romance language,
so weak that it is usually difficult to say on which syllable the
accent rests. The difference of pitch, say between the two syl-
lables of the word ' jamais ! ' is often very considerable, especially
in excite utterance, f , m -f-^ (see Storm in Phon,
Stud, 1888). • ja-maiu! jn-mais!
§ 6. The Earlier Law of Accentuation. The Indo-European
accentuation, which we can generally ascertain from the Sanscrit
and Greek (e. g. Sansc. pita, Greek irarrip, father), has not left in
Latin the traces which it has left in the Teutonic languages.
According to a law discovered by Vemer, and known as * Vemer's
Law,' a Teutonic spirant, developed from an Indo-European
unvoiced mute, remained unvoiced when the immediately pre-
ceding vowel bore the accent in the Indo-European, but became
voiced when that vowel did not. The Indo-European verb
♦w^rto, to turn or become (Sanscr. vdrtami, Lat. verto), is in
Goth, vafrj?a (our * worth * in ' Woe worth the day ! ') vnth the
unvoiced-spirant sound (our /// in * thin ') ; while Gothic fadar
(Engl. * father*) had the voiced-spirant sound of our fA in * then.'
By the same law Indo-European s appears in Teutonic words as
unvoiced or voiced under the same conditions, e.g. unvoiced in
Old High Germ, mu^t, our ^ mouse ' from Indo-Eur. *miis (Sanscr.
mu§, Gk. fivsy Lat. mm), where the immediately preceding vowel
had the accent, voiced in Goth, diza-, our * ore ' from Indo-Eur.
*fiyos (Sanscr. &yas, Lat. aes), where the Indo-European accent fell
on another vowel. (On the change of voiced * to r in Latin, see
ch. iv. § 148). The Lithuanian accentuation, too, often enables us,
when we compare it with the Greek, to determine in what cases
the Indo-European accent was 'circumflex,' and in what cases
' acute,' e.g. circumflex in Gen. Sg. of A-stems (Greek Tifirjs, Lith.
raiikos), acute in Nom. Sg. of the same stems (Greek rtfi?;, Lith.
rankk from *rankd) (see Hirt's articles in hidogerm, Forsch. i. &c.).
We have, however, in Latin, as Corssen proved, traces of an
15^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. III.
older accentuation than the system which prevailed in the
classical period, which show us that at some early time the
Indo-European accent-law had been replaced by a new law,
namely, that the accent should fell on the first syllable of every
word. A change of the same kind seems to have taken place
in the Teutonic languages (see Paul's Grundrus Germ. Philol.
i. p. 339), and probably also in Celtic (Thurneysen in Revue
celiiqtie^ vol. vi); and in some languages of the present day,
such as Lettish, this uniform accentuation of the first syllable
prevails. The traces it has left in Latin are these : —
(i) Syncope of the second syllable of a word wlien that syllable
was short, e.g. undecim^ which under the ordinary Latin accentua-
tion must have been ^mufdecitn, a compound of uuu8 and dScem
(see § 13).
(a) Reduction of vowels, which would by the accentuation of
the classical period bear the accent, e.g. infringo from in and
frango\ concido from cum and caedo; triennium from tri- (Ires)
and annu^ ; which point unmistakably to an earlier ^afncaido,
*fruin7iiom, &c. (see § 18). At what precise period the change, no
doubt a gradual one, from this earlier system to the Paen ultima
Law of Cicero's time began and completed itself, it is difficult to
ascertain. But there is some evidence that it was still incomplete
in one particular in the period of the Early Drama, for the
metrical treatment of words like /acilius, mulierem (www^), in
the plays of Plautus and Terence, indicate that the pronunciation
of such words in their time laid the accent on the first, and not
on the second syllable. A line in which the metrical ictus falls
on the second syllable occurs very rarely in their plays {Phllologus,
li. 364 sqq.). At the same time the incidence of the metrical
ictus in all other types of words points to the prevalence of the
Paenultiraa Law for all words, except these quadrisyllables with
the first three syllables short. But though we cannot fix the
time when Latin words passed from the old to the new accentua-
tion, when, for example, sdpiefitia became sapiSntia^ t^mpesfafibus
became tempestdtihiis^ we can guess, partly from the analogy of
other languages, partly from the inherent probabilities of the
case, what the nature of that change was. A long word like
s&pienfia, tempestaf^bns must have had at all periods a secondary
$$ e, 7.] ACCENTUATION OF WORD. 159
as well as a main accent ; it could hardly be pronounced other-
wise, as we can see from our own pronunciation of such words as
' chftracteristicar (with secondary accent on first, main accent
on fourth syllable). So that ffdpimtia would be more accurately
written sdpienlia. The change from the old accentuation to the
new would be, in reality, nothing but a usurpation by the
secondary accent of the prominence of the main accent ; sdpientia
would become shpientia^ tempesthtibiis would become tempestdtihu^,
DhMiii^, unless it takes its -/«/- by analogy of dimidiafus, &c.
(which is unlikely), must have been accentuated on the first
syllable about 250 b. C, for the change of unaccented ^ to ^ is not
found on the oldest inscriptions (§ aa).
The Umbro-Oscan dialects seem to have passed through the
same stages as Latin. Traces of the first stage, the accentuation
of the first syllable, are e. g. Osc. Maakdiis, Yezkei, * Vetusco *
(with syncope of the second syllable), of the second stage (the
Paenultima Law), Osc. teremenniu, ^ *terminia,' with doubling of
consonant before the ^-sound and after the accented vowel (see
von Planta, Gramm, Osk,-Umhr, Dial, i. p. 589).
§ 6. Traces of I.-Eur. acoantuation in Iiatin. The occasional appearance
of M for I. -Eur. ^in Latin has been explained by the I.-Eur. accentuation by
Wharton {Etyma Latvia, p. 119), who thinks that ^ (and o' became d when
they preceded the syllable which bore the I.-Eur. accent, e.g. moffnus from
*meg'7UjSj Gk. fiiyas). For other theories of the kind, see Bugge in Bezz, Beiir.
xiv. 60. 67. 70 ; Frochde, ib. xvi. i8a. 191. 215 ; Stolz in Wien. Shul, viii. 149 ;
Conw^ay, Venier's Law in Holy, &c. ion a trace of the I.-Eur. accent in Umbro-
Oscan, von Planta, i. p. 491).
§ 7. Secondary and main accent. The Saturnian verse recognizes this
.sei;ondary accent, if we are right in regarding it as accentual and not quanti-
tative verse, with three accents in the first hemistich and two in the second
(see ch. ii. § 141),
e. g. dabunt malum Met<$lli 11 Na^uio po^tae.
For a five -syllabled word always counts for two accents in Saturnian verse,
e. g. mdgna s^pi^ntia li multasque uirtutes,
e. g. d^et T^mpestdtibuM n aide mere tod,
e. g. dnerariae onustae n stdbant in fiustris ;
and a four-syllabled woi*d (^at any rate of the forms - » - * and * - w *) does tlie
same at the beginning of the line,
e. g. immoUbat auream 11 uictimam pulcliram,
e. g. siip^rbiter cont^mptim D c6nterit legioues,
e. g. C6rn^lius Lucius || Scipio Barbdtus.
A Latin secondary accent in long words such as armaiura is indicated by the
Romance forms, which treat the vowel of the first syllable in the same way
l6o THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IIL
as they treat accented a. Italian Fiorentino beside Fironze may point to the
secondary accent having been stronger in the first sylhible of Lat. Fldrendntts
than of Lat. FlorenUa (cf. Ital. tollerare, soellerato^ &c., with doubling of the
consonant which follows the vowel with secondary accent) (see Meyer-Liibke,
Gram. Rom, Sprach,, i. p. 501). There are some indications (e. g. Alliteration)
that the first syllable was even in the classical period pronounced with
a certain amount of stress.
§ 8. The Faenultima Law. The law of accentuation which
prevailed in the clas8ical and subsequent periods is that known
as the * Paenultima Law/ a very simple one, namely, that the
accent falls on the antepenultimate syllable, if the paenultima be
short, on the paenultima itself, if long, e.g. decdreSy decores.
The earliest notice of Latin accentuation, the remark of Cicero
(Or. xviii. 58) mentioned above (§ i), speaks of it as a law of
nature that the accent should never go further back in a word
than the third syllable from the end.^/We have seen reason to
believe that at an earlier period this * law of nature ' was broken
in the case of four-syllabled words, like fdctHus^ beginning with
three short syllables. These were at the time of Plautus accented
on the fourth syllable from the end, fdcilius, &c. But in all
other words the evidence to be obtained from the versification
of Plautus, and such processes of language as syncope and
reduction of unaccented vowels, points to the operation of the
Paenultima Law in the earliest literary period.
The Latin grammarians agree in pointing out the difference
between the Greek and Roman systems of accentuation, and the
greater simplicity of the Roman, which (like the Aeolic, and
unlike the Attic, &c.) never lets the accent fall on the last
syllable of a word; though they are strangely silent on the
difference, which one would have thought would have been quite
as striking, between the pitch-accent of the Greek, and the
stress-accent of their own langiiage. They posit for Latin the
three kinds of accent used by the Greeks, the acute, the circum-
flex, and the grave, understanding by the last term rather the
absence of accent than any particular form of accent, and assign-
ing the circumflex, as we have seen, to vowels long by nature in
the penultimate syllable of words whose final syllable is short,
and in monosyllabic words. Thus the name Cethegus, with
a naturally long paenultima and a short final, takes the circum-
$ 8.] ACCENTUATION OF WORD. l6l
flex on the paenultima, Cethegns^ and the grave accent on the
antepaenultima, CHhegus\ the name C&iullm, with a natur-
ally short vowel in the paenultima, takes the acute accent instead
of the circumflex, Catullus, with the grave on the antepaenul-
tima, as before, Catullus.
Monosyllables like luw, spes, Jlos, sol, mens, mos, fans, lis, whose
vowel is naturally long, have the circumflex, lUx, spes, &c., while
ars, pars,pixy nix, fax, with vowel naturally short and lengthened
only by * position/ take the acute accent, drs, pdrs, &c. Apoco-
pated words like illic, nostras retain their old circumflex accent,
illic{e), nostrd{ti)s,
A compound word, or word-group, like respubltca, jUsjUran-
dum, malhanus, interedKcl, has only one accent, respublica, male-
sdnus, inter edloci, &c., though, if resolved into two independent
words, each takes its separate accent, risque jmblica, mdle sdnus^
int^rea I6ci, Thus Argiletum, which the etymological fancy of
the Romans explained as Argi letum, * the death of Argus,' is
mentioned as a unique example of a word combining all three
accents, the acute on the first, the grave on the second, and the
circumflex on the third syllable, ArgMefuvi, (On these word-
groups, see below, § la.)
The secondary accent, which, as we have seen (§ 7), must
have exists in longer words like h'h6retum, t^mperdtus, Intern^'
rdtus, exist^mdtns, is ignored by the Roman grammarians, unless
we are so to understand the mefHa prosodia, mentioned by Varro,
in imitation of the ftcoTj -npoat^hla of Greek Accentual Theorists,
an accent which he describes as something between the grave
(i.e. entire absence of accent) and the acute accent. The
secondary accent shows traces of itself in Italian in the doubling
of the consonant in words like pellegrino (Lat. /;€^r^(^ri«/<*),
scellerato (Lat. scUerdfus), toUerare (Lat. tolerare), &c. (see
above, § 7).
The simplicity of the Latin accentuation made it unnecessary
to indicate by written signs the accent with which a word was
to be pronounced. The mark of the Greek acute accent, a line
sloping up from left to right, and placed above the vowel of the
syllable, was used in Latin inscriptions to indicate a long vowel,
and was called the 'apex' (see ch. i. § i). It was employed
1 62 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. HI.
especially where two words of similar spelling differed in quantity
alone, e.g. mdltis and mdluB (Quint, i. 7. a), and has remained
with a quantitative use in several alphabets derived from the
Latin, e.g. the Irish alphabet.
$ 9. Testimony of the grammarianB. Quintilian's remarks on Latin pro-
nunciation are generally so free from Greek bias, that his account of the
Paenultima Law is worth quoting in full (i. 5. 29-31) : difficilior apud GraecoH
observatio est [k. legis sermonis], quia plura illis loquendi genera, quas
hiaXiierovi vocant et quod alias vitiosum, interim alias rectum est ; apud nos
vero brevissima ratio, namque in omni voce acuta intra numerum trium
syllabarum continetur, sive eae sunt in verbo solae, sive ultimae, et in iis aut
proxima extremae, aut ab ea tertia. Trium porro de quibus loquor, media
longa aut acuta aut flexa erit, eodem loco brevis utique gravem habebit sonum
ideoque positam ante se, id est ab ultima tertiam, acuet. Est autem in omni
voce utique acuta, sed nunquam plus una, nee unquam ultima, ideoque in
disyllabis prior ; praeterea nunquam in eadem fiexa et acuta : itaque neutra
cludet vocem Latinam. Ea vero quae sunt syllabae unius, erunt acuta aut
flexa, ne sit aliqua vox sine acuta. In another passage (xii. 10. 33) ho praises
the variety of the Greek accent in contrast to the monotonous accent of the
Romans, who never give the acute or the circumflex to the last syllable of
a word, so thai every word has its last syllable, sometimes both its last
syllable and its paenultima, grave iL e. unaccented) ; and adds that Roman
poets like to give a charm to their lines by the use of Greek names pronounced
with the Greek accent. (For other similar statements of the Paenultima
Law, see the passages quoted by Schoell pp. 100 sqq. : e. g. Diomedes 431. 6
K. ; Donatus 371. a K. ; Servius in Don. 426. 15 K. &c.) Examples are so/,
dda, CatuUus^ CUhigu8 (Sergius, De Ace. p. 483. 11 K.) indocHssimus (Pomp. 137.
15 K.), OiAiuSy SdllusHuSf Curidtiusj caMum, Cicero, QaHenus, Qalmi, CamiUi (Mart.
Cap. iii. p. 65. 23 Eyss.), RomdnuSy Hispdnus '/Priscian,' De Ace. p. 520. 17 K.),
dbj melyfelj drSj pdra, pix, nix j fix ^ liiXj spesj /16s, aol^ monsj wo«, fons, lis <Diom.
431. 15 K.), mix, rea (Don. 371. 8 K.), n^c, nox (Serv, in Don, 436. 27 K.), ros
(^Serg. De Ace, 534. 21 K.), aes, eft, quS (Pomp. 138. 15 K.), dens, citus, d<itur, drat,
pontus, cohors, lunci, Roma (Diom. 431. 18 K.), Jwra, leges, solus, homo (DositheuH
378. I K.), meta, Creta, nepos, bonus, mdlu^ (Don. 371. 11 K.), marinus, Crispinus^
amicus, SaUnu^, Quirinus, lectica, Mttellus^ MardUus, Idtebrae, tenebrae, Fidenae,
Athenae, T?iebae, Cumae, tdb^iaej fenestnte, Sergius, Mdllius, dscia, fiiscina, Jtdius,
Claudius, Eomdni, legdti, praetores, praedones (Diom. 431. 33 K.), &c.
Of compound words and word -groups with one accent (like our *66n-in-
law/ *man-of-wir/ * pockethdndkerchief,*) we have examples such as wwie-
adnus, itiieredloci (Don. 371. 22 K. ; Diom. 433. 30 K. ; Pomp. 130. 18 K. ;
Cledonius 33. 12 K.). Argiletum {Frisc. ii. p. 113. 10 H. ; but with all three
accents, Mai*t. Cap. iii. p. 68. 15 Eyaa,),propedietn [Don. ad Ter. Ad. v. 5. 7 (888)],
respublica, ju^urandum (Prise, i. p. 177. 10 H. ; i. p. 180. 12 H.), jurisperitus^
legislator, pra^ectusurbis and pra^ectusurbi, (ributiusplebis, tribuntisplebi, 7neniecaptus,
orbisterrae, orbisierrarum, paterfamilias, paterfamiliarum, armipotens, armorumpotens,
magistermilitum, asecretis, acalculis, aresponsis, abactis (Prise, i. p. 183. 5 H.), istiu^
modi, hujfusmodi, cujusmodi (Prise, i. p. 440. 2 H.). Of hujuschnodi^ &c., Priscian
(i. p. 205. 16 H.) says that some regard them as two separate words, but the
accent, resting as it does on the last syllable of the pronoun, shows that they
§§ e. 10.] ACCENTUATION OF WORD. 1 63
are compounds. He distinguishes the separate accentuation of deeimus et
septimuSy &c. from the single accent of septimus-decimuSf &c. {de Fig. Num.
xxi. p. 413. II K.).
$ 10. lixceptions to the Faenultima Iiaw. The rule of Latin Accentuation,
that final syllables are always unaccented, is, according to the grammarians,
violated, or apparently violated, by certain classes of words. They are words
which have dropped or contracted their last syllable, so that the accent,
which in the uncurtailed form fell on the paenultima, remains in the curtailed
form on the same syllable, which has now become the ultima. Under this
category come : —
(i) Nouns, or rather Adjectives, in -as. Gen. -o/w, indicating the country
of one's birth, e. g. cujds, nostras^ Arphidsj with primdsj opUmds ( Caper ap. Prise,
i. p. ia8. 23 H.\ These words, which in Early Latin (e. g. Plautus) have the
full form cujdtiSj nostrdtis, when at a later time they became contracted, retained
their old accentuation ; and so nostrdsj * a countryman of ours,' was dis-
tinguished by its accent from nostras^ Ace. PI. Fem. of the Possessive Pronoun
(^Priscian i. p. 454. 11 K.).
(a) Some Verbal Forms ; addicj adduc, &c., fumdt ffor fUmdvit), audit (for
audivii), and the like (Servius ad Aen. iii. 3). Another remark of Servius (ad
Aen, i. 451), and other grammarians, throws some light on the last example.
They tell us that audiit and not audiit^ leniit and not leniit, was the ordinary
pronunciation, the forms with the short penult being an artificial usage of
poetry, much as in English the word * wind ' is allowed a different pronuncia-
tion in. poetry from its ordinary one. From -lit to -U is so short a step that it
is difiicult to justify a disbelief of the grnmmarians* statements about audit.
The third Sing. Perf. Act. in Romance languages (e. g. Span, amd, Latin drndvit,
Ital. dormi, Latin dormlvit) points to Vulgar Latin forms in accented -aut, -tt
'cf. -aut on graffiti of Pompeii, C. I. L. iv. 1391, 2048).
(3) Words ending in -c {the Enclitic -c^i, whose last syllable is long by
nature or by position, e.g. adhuc, posihdc, antehdc, istiCf iUiCy istucj i7/uc, istitiCy
illim, istdc, i7/dc, istoCj Hide (Caper ap. Prise, i. p. 130. a H,). Vulgar Latin
accentuation of the final vowel of iUic, ilk'iCj &c. is indicated by the Romance
adverbs, e. g. Ital. 1), Ik, Span, alii, alia.
(4) Words ending in n (the Enclitic -ti^;, whose last syllable is long by
nature or by position, e. g. tanton, Pyrrhin (Servius ad Aen. x. 668, &c.). This
rule cannot however have been absolute, for forms like rid(n ut in Old Latin
Poetry, and even in Augustan poets (Virg. Aen. vi. 779 ; Tib. ii. i 25) show
that when the final vowel of the particle was elided, the verb might retain
the ordinary accentuation, riden, like vides. Servius (fourth cent.) tell us that
vidSnw&a the usage of his time (ad Aen. vi. 779 viden ut geminae stant vertice
cristae] ^ den ' naturaliter longa est, brevem eam posuit, secutus Ennium : et
adeo ejus est inmutata natura, ut jam ubique brevis inveniatur), and Plautus
seems, when -qu^y -nd is elided, to let the metrical ictus fall normally on the
syllable which would have the accent in the absence of the particle, e. g.
pr6spcrequ{e), sun-upiasqu'e) {Atner. Joum. Phil. xiv. 313).
An accent originally on the antepaenultima remains in the curtailed form
on the paenultima, according to the grammarians, in contracted vocatives and
genitives of 10-stems, e.g. Vergiliy Valeri, tuguri (Serv. ad Aen, i. 451 ; Prise,
i. p. 301. ai H.). Qellius (second cent, a.d.) tells us that Nigidius Figulus
(first cent, b, c.) wished to distinguish Vdl&ri Voc. from Valeri G^en., but adds
M 2
1 64 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. III.
that in his own time such an accentuation as Vdleri Voc. would sound very
strange : siquis nunc Valerium appellans in casu vocandi secundum id prae-
ceptum Nigidii acuerit primum, non aberit quin rideatur {N.A. xiii. 26).
Lastly, Interjections are excluded by the grammarians from the ordinary
rule. They are said to have no * oerti accentus/ whatever that may mean ;
and the statement of a late grammarian (Audacis exc. 361. 11 K. that papae
and attat (also eiienij MSS. hoehem ?) were accented on the last syllable, is
confirmed, in the case of at least the former, by the incidence of the metrical
ictus in Plautus (always papae, never papas). The Greek c^c appears in
Plautus' dramas with the last syllable lengthened ^ (cf. the MSS. spelling
ettgae)y and the phrase eugas-evgae always has the metrical ictus euffoe-eugae.
Greek words, as was mentioned before (§ 3), when they were used by
a Latin author with their Greek form and declension, retained also their
Greek accent, e. g. Epiroa in Virg. Georg. i. 59 (Serv. adioc.).
r / § 11. Vulgar-Latin Acoentuation. Tlie Latin accentuation is retained
^ with wonderful tenacity by the Romance languages. Wliere they agree in
deviating from the classical Latin accent, the accentuation which they repro-
duce is that of Vulg^ar Latin. There are four important cases of deviation : —
(i) First of all, in words ending in -Urem^ -to/ttw, e. g. miiUSrem^ filiSftimy the
accent in Vulgar Latin was shifted from the t to the e and 0, mulierem, filiolum.
The precept of an unknown grammarian (Anecd. Helv. p. ciii. K.) sanctions
this usage (mulierem in antepenultimo nemo debet acuere, sed in penultimo
potius), and in Christian poets of the third and fourth centuries wc find
scansions like insuper et Salomon, eadem muliCre creatus, Drac. Satis/. 161 ;
cf. Ital. figliuolo. Span, hijuelo, Fr. filleul. Nouns in -i«5, G«n. -iitis followed
a somewhat different course. Their Nominative became -Ss, and this form
was extended to the other cases, e.g. parftes {C.I.L, vi. 3714), Ace. Sg.
*parSiem is attested by the Latin loanwoi-d in Welsh, parwyd, and by the
Romance forms, e.g. Ital. parete (with close e), Span, par^d, &c., while
*mulierem is the original of Ital. mogliere (with open e in the penult).
(a) Again the occurrence of a mute with the liquid r at the beginning of
the last syllable seems to have attracted the accent to the penult. Thus
Vulg. Lat. *tenebrae is attested by Span, tinieblas, and other Romance
forms. We cannot be wrong in connecting this with the practice of Latin
poets of treating a short syllable before a mute with r as a long syllable,
when it suits their convenience (see ch. ii. $ 14a).
Sendus (fourth cent.) (ad Attn, i. 384) seems to say that the accent was not
in his time attracted to the penult in correct pronunciation ; for he remarks
with regard to peragro in this line of Virgil ; * per * habet accentum . . . muta
enim et liquida quotiens ponuntur metrum juvant, non accentimi (cf . Diom.
431. a8 K.).
(3) In Compound Verbs the accent seems to have shifted to the stem- vowel
of the verb in Vulgar or Late Latin, e. g. recipit is indicated by Ital. riceve, Fr.
re9oit ; renegat by Ital. riniega, O. Fr. renie. With this we may connect the
tendency in the spelling of post-classical inscriptions, and of our earliest MSS.
to restore the vowels in compound verbs to their undecayed form, e. g. con-
sacroj compremo (§ 18).
^ Like our • bi*avo ! ' * hillo 1 ' often pronounced with the voice dwelling on
the final vowel.
§§ 11, 12.] ACCENTUATION OF SENTENCE. 165
(4) Lastly, the Romance forms of the Numerals give indioations that the
Vulgar Latin accentuation was viginti, quadrdgitita, &c. (see Meyer-L^bke,
Oram. Rom. Sprach, i. p. 494). Triginta is one of the barbarisms * quae in usu
cotidie loquontium animadvertoro possumus^'enumerat-edbj a fifth-century (?)
grammarian (Consentius p. 39a. 4 K.). On a fifth-cent, inscr. (vid. A, L. L,
V. 106) we have guarranta for qiiadrGginUi (Ital. quar^ta), and an epitaph in
hexameters has vinti for vigirUl (Ital. venti) [Wilm. 569 (cf (X L L. viii. 8573) :
et meni>es septem diebus cum vinti duobus].
§ 12. Aooentoation of the Sentence. Hitherto we have been
considering only the accentuation of words by themselves. But
there is also such a thing as the accentuation of the sentence;
and the accent which a word would bear, if uttered separately,
may be different from the accent assigned to it when standing
with other words in a sentence. The Greek preposition Trpoy,
for example, had, if mentioned by itself, an acute accent. But
in the sentence its accent was obscured by the accent of the
noun which it governed, e. g. irpos ttoXiv, and this by the Greek
system was expressed by replacing its acute by a grave accent.
So that the Greek system of marking the accents recognized
both the word-accent and the sentence-accent.
By the Indo-European sentence-accentuation the verb in
a main sentence was treated as a subordinate word^ and ap-
parently occupied the position proper to enclitic words, namcl}',
the second place in the sentence, while in dependent clauses it
received the accent like any other word, and stood at the end of
the clause, an arrangement which has been, curiously enough,
preserved in German to the present day (see Wackemagel in
Indog. Forsch, i. pp. 333 sqq.). Indefinite pronouns were enclitic
or subordinate words, while inteiTogatives were accented (cf.
Greek avrip rty and rty din]p ;). Other enclitics were the copula
*q?e (Greek t€, Lat. qnS), the personal pronouns (unless specially
emphasized), &c.
We can determine with a fair amount of accuracy the accen-
tuation of the Latin sentence, partly by the help of the remarks
of Latin grammarians, partly from observing the phonetic
changes of Latin words in the Romance languages, where an
accented word or syllable is not subject to the same laws of
development as an unaccented, partly from the analogy of other
languages, and to a large extent from the versification of the
l66 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. UL
early dramatists. For Plautus and Terence leave, as a rule, the
subordinate words of the sentence, the words, in fact, which we
omit in writing telegrams, in the theses of the line, where no
metrical ictus falls on them :
e. g. Plaut. Trin, ai [rogat] ut liceat possid^re banc nomen f;&bulam,
where ut and Aanc, words which might be omitted without
obscuring the meaning, are relegated to the theses of the first
and fourth feet. The Latin grammarians, with their usual
adherence to Greek terminology, speak of the ' attraction ' of the
accent by enclitics or subordinate words. But this statement of
the facts is corrected by Quintilian (i. 5, 25, 26), who shows
that a subordinate relative, like qualis in the sentence, talis est
qualis Cicero fuit, or a subordinate preposition, like circum in
Virg. Aen. iv. 254 quae circum litora, circum Piscosos scopulos,
&c., is really in Latin united with the following word into
a word-group, which takes the ordinary accent of a single word :
cum dico * circum litora,' tamquam unum enuntio dissimulata
distinctione, itaque tamquam in una voce una est acuta. The
Latin pronunciation would thus be qualis-OCcero, circum-lttdra.
Priscian (i. p. 1 83 H.) objects similarly to a statement of Helleniz-
ing grammarians, that qu^s, the indefinite pronoun, in stquis,
ttumqjiis, &c., is an enclitic like ns in efrts, and prefers to call
siquis a compound or word-group with the natural accent of
a single word. With this correction, the rules of the Latin
grammarians about enclitics and subordinate words are in the
main probable enough in themselves, and are confirmed by the
evidence of the Romance languages, and the early dramatists'
versification, though some of their distinctions between the
accentuation of words of the same spelling, such as ne^ * verily,'
ne, prohibitive, ne * lest ' ; ddeo, the verb, and adJo, the adverb ;
ut, * how,' ut, * in order that ' ; ^rtjiOy * therefore,' er^d, * on account
of,' require additional evidence before we can accept them.
§ 12a. Latin Sentenoe-Snclitics. Among Latin Sentence-Enclitics we may
class : —
(i) Enclitic Particles like quS (L-Eur. ♦qS^, O. Ind. ca, Gk.rc, all unaccented),
vi [I. Eur. ♦we, O. Ind. Tft (unacccented), Gk. *f( in tJ-J from *i5-f f], and so on.
Their enclitic nature is shown by their being always joined in writing with
the preceding word, e. g. atque, «tt?o. In the rapid utterance of ordinary con-
$ 12".] ACCENTUATION OF SENTENCE. 167
versation these words often lost their final vowel, and so appear also in the
forms ac (for *a^), ««*, &c. (see $ 35).
(9) The various parts of the substantive verb. The mode in which es, eat
are written in the best MSS. of Plautus, for example, amaJtus (amcUu*8)j amahuty
antcUumst for anuitua eSj amata est, amatum est (cf. rentumst, kc, in Virgil MSS.,
Ribbeck, p. 419), shows that they were treated as mere appendages of the
past participle passive. For the unaccented nature of irat, irii, ftc. we have
proof, if proof be needed, in Romance forms like Ital. era and Span era (Lat.
erat\ O. Fr. ert (Lat. erit\ for an accented ^ would have taken another form,
such as Ital. *iera, Span, ^yera (cf. Ital. niega, Lat. nSgoU), It need hardly be
said that the extent to which these words, and indeed all 'Sentence-Enclitics,'
were suppressed, would depend on the caprice of the speaker, on the nuance
of thought, on the style of composition, &c. No hard and fast rule can be
laid down about them, just as no rule could be made for the use of * 's ' for
* is,' * 're' for * are' in English. A sentence, for example, of Cicero, ending
with the words Ucitum est, is quoted by a grammarian as an instance of
a sentence ending with a monosyllable (Mar. Sacerd. 493. 14 K.).
(3) The personal and possessive pronouns, when unemphatic. In the
Romance languages two distinct series have been developed for the personal
pronouns : (a) the enclitic, e.g. Ital. mi, ti ; Fr. me, te : (b) the accented, e. g.
Ital. me, te ; Fr. moi, toi. Similarly a Vulgar-Latin possessive *fnuSf *mum,
*may beside the regular mens, meunij mea, is indicated by French mon, ma, and
Vulgar-Italian ma-donna, padre-mo, &c., which resemble O. Lat. sis for suis, &c.
(see ch. vii. § 11), in such a line as Ennius, Ann. 151 M., postquam lumina sis
epulis bonus Ancus reliquit. It is true that Priscian (ii. p. 141. 15 H.) expressly
says that there is no distinction in Latin corresponding to the Greek distinc-
tion between cTS^v /ac and cfScv ifii, oifK Ixtivov, apud nos autem pronomina
eadem ot discretiva sunt ut * vidit me' vel, * vidit me, ilium autem non' ; but
he seems to refer rather to the identity of the written form of the emphatic
and unemphatic pronoun, than to that of their intonation in discourse. In
Plautus and Terence the ictus always falls on the preposition in phrases like
in me, dd nie, inter sa, unless the pronoun is emphatic (or elided), just as in
Greek we have irpo^ fif, vp6s ac, &c., or as in English we lay the stress on * for,'
* with ' in * for me,' * with him,' &c. In O. Irish this tendency of pronuncia-
tion reduced the pronouns to mere suffixes, e. g. for-m, *on me,' for-t, *on thee,'
&c (but cf. Censorin. ap. Prise, ii. p. 51. 11 H.),
(4) The demonstrative pronouns, when unemphatic. The Romance forms
point to {U)lum p&tremy {il)ki mater, &c. as the origin of the definite article in
all the Romance languages, while iUe pater seems to have been pronounced
sometimes UQe) pater, e. g. Ital. il padre. Span, el padre, Prov. el paire, some-
times (il)le pater, e. g. Fr. le p^re. Similarly {i)ste, indicated by Ital. stasera,
*thi8 evening,' is actually found in old MSS. (see Neue, Formenlehre^ ii
pp. 40a sq. ; on sta in the Itala, see Georges, Lex. Wotif. e. v.), and iste is men-
tioned as a barbarism by a third-century grammarian (Mar. Sac. p. 451. 10 K.).
(5^ The relative and indefinite pronouns, while the interrogative and
exclamatory were accented, e. g. talis est qualis Cicero fuit, but qudUs/uit Cicero I
The grammarians often distinguish between the accentuation of quU, quSIis^
guantus, quot, qtiHtus, ci^jus, ubi, unde, &c. when used interrogatively, and when
they are merely relative or indefinite pronouns (e. g. Prise, i. p. 61. 5 H.,
interrogativum est quod cum interrogatione profertur, ut guts, qudlis, qudnhUf
1 68 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. ni.
^t, quoius, cum suos servant accentus. Infinitum est interrogativonun
contrarium, ut quis, gualisy quantuSf quof, quotus^ cum in lectione gravi acoentii
pronunciantur, cf. ii. p. 127. a H. Patiit p. 501. 14 H. So for qui interrog. and
rel. ib, ii. p. 9. ao H. ; cttjusj interrog. and rel. ib, ii. p. 179. 3 H. ; quo, ttbi^ unde,
qua, ih, ii. p. 13a. 3 H. ; ii. p. 83. 11 H. *qua * quando relativum est gravatur ;
quandOj Charis. p. iii. a7 K. ; Prise, ii. p. 8a. a4 H. ; quonum, ib. ii. p. 83. 11
H. &c.). Their usual expression for the subordination of the relative and
indefinite forms of these words is that they * have the grave accent ' (gravi
accentu pronuntiantur, gravantur), though sometimes they use language more
applicable to Greek (e. g. iroTos interrog., irot6s rel.), and say that * they take the
acute accent on the last syllable ' ; and Gharisius (p. iii. a7 H.) gives an actual
Latin example of this accentuation of the last syllable in the sentence quand6
tot stragis acervos Vidimus. Quintilian, as we saw, corrects this statement
of the case, and shows that the true account for the Latin language is to say
that the relative is joined with the noun or Important word beside it, thi^
word-group taking the accent of any ordinary word. The line from Virgil
would thus be really pronounced quando-tot stragis acervosy &c., so that the
accentuation of the final syllable of quando is due to the accident that it
stands next to a monosyllabic word. The relative would have no accent in
a sentence like quem testem te adductuiiim dixeras, for it would be joined
with the noun into a word-group, quem-testenij with the accent on the first
syllable of the noun. When in a line of poetry the relative followed the
noun, as in Plautus {Amph. 919) Testem quem dudum te ^dducturum dixeras,
the accentuation would presumably be by the same reasoning testem-quem ; and
this presumption seems to be confirmed by the versification of the dramatists.
(6) Prepositions, while adverbs, are accented. Thus we should say supra
habitat, but supra moenia est ; dvte venit, but ante Caesarem venit. This distinction
is often inculcated by the grammarians ; e. g. Palaemon (first cent. a. d.) (ap.
Charis. p. 189. 10 K. - Diom. p. 407. 19 K.) insists on the different accentua-
tion of ir\/ra, supra, extra, intra, ultra, citra, circa, juxta, contra, subtus, coram, ante,
post, prope, usque, super, when adverbs, and when prepositions ; cf. Charis.
p. 331. 34 K. ; Audax, p. 353. aa K. ; Probus, /n^. p. 149. a^ K. ; Mart. Cap.
iii. p. 67. 31 Eyss. ; Prise, ii. p. a8. 34 H. ; ii. p. 30. 35 H. ; ii. p. 33. i H. ;
ii. p. 43. 7 H. ; ii. p. 45. 35 H. ; ii. p. 51. 11 H. &c.). Priscian (ii. p. 37. 4 H.)
says that Latin prepositions, like Greek, had, by themselves the acute accent
on the last syllable {super, imip), but in the sentence lost this accent ; (accen-
tum habent praepositiones acutum in fine, tarn apud Graecos quam apud nos,
qui tamen cum aliis legendo, in gravem convertitur) (cf. Don. p. 391. 11 K.) ;
and Quintilian, as before mentioned, says that what really happened in
Latin was that the preposition was fused with its noun into a word-group,
which was then accented like any ordinary word, e. g. circumAUora (accented
like drcumsisiiie, circumlitio). Indeed the words are often written together in
old MSS. and inscriptions ; cf. Mar. Vict. 23. 13 K. and Indices to C. /. L. (so
Umbr. preveres ^ante portas'). This suggests that in collocations like in via,
per dohim, in manu^ the preposition itself may have received the accent of the
word-group, unless it were desirable for some special reason to give pro-
minence to the noun. This view is supported by some word-groups,
which established themselves in Latin usage, such as obriam, sfdiUo {s?,
sinS ddo), comminus, dSntw {di novo), admddum, affdtim (but cf. Gell. vi. 7), as
well as by the versification of the dramatists, which also points to in-rem,
$ 12".] ACCENTUATION OF SENTENCE. 1 69
in-npefn, in-JUs, &c. (cf. quamobretn,) A preposition placed after its noun
received an accent, as in Greek, according to the grammarians (e. g. Prise,
ii. p. 37. 4 H. cum praepostere ponuntur, monosyllabae acuto, disyllabae
paenultimo acuto proferuntur) ; but remained unaccented in phrases like
virtutem propter imperatoris or justitia in legam^ where the preposition is followed
by a genitive dependent on the noun (Censorinus ap. Prise, ii. p. 33. ao H.).
(7) That conjunctions, like prepositions, had a different pronunciation
according as they came first or second in the sentence is asserted by Priscian
(ii. p. 24. 91 H.) praepositae gravantur omnibus syllabis, postpositae acuuntur
in principio. He refers expressly to igxtur, qudniam, saltern, so that he would
have us pronounce, e. g. igitur Cicero renit, but venit igitur Cicero. That the
monosyllabic conjunctions ^t, sSd, and the like, were enclitic words in the
sentence, may be proved, if proof be wanted, from the versification of the
early dramatists, in whose lines these conjunctions are relegated as a rule to
the theses, and do not receive the metrical ictus, and also from the Romance
languages, where the Latin monosyllabic conjunctions have suffered the same
phonetic changes as the unaccented syllables of Latin words. Et, for
example, if the word had been accented, would have become *iei, or some
similar form, instead of Ital. e, Fr. et. Span. y.
(8) Auxiliary verbs in Latin must, like those in other languages, have
been enclitic, or rather, according to the Latin practice, must have been
joined with their verb into a word-group, e. g. roto-sctrc, coctum-dabo, missum-
facit, cave-facias. In Plautus vdo-scire is always scanned roJd-acirc, never roid-
acire ; and the metrical ictus in his verses of phrases like fcictum-volo, facids-
roto, missfim-face, cavi-pdrsis, cavS-fdxis supports our rule. Cicero's story about
Crassus at his departure for Parthia mistaking the cry of a fig-seller, Cauneas I
Cauneas I (sc ficxis retido) for care n^ eas {Biv. ii. 40. 84) seems to show that in
ordinary talk this verbal phrase was treated as a word-complex with a single
accent cau{e)-n(€)-€as. Similarly a verbal phrase like dpSram-ddre, fidem-ddre,
dono-ddre would probably have ordinarily only one accent, just as we throw
the stress on the noun * noise ' and not on the verb * make ' in the phrase
* to make a noise.' The dramatists let the metrical ictus fall on these phrases
thus : fldem-datiSj operdm-dat, operdm-ddbam, dono-data. The reduction of other
unemphatic verbs to mere members of a compound word is indicatod by the
traditional way of writing qm'Aibetj quamvis., quaniumxfis, and the like. Sw, 'if
you please,* from si ris (cf. suUis, Plur.), is an enclitic appendage of the
imperative, e. g. pri^ra-sis as much as dum in exotf^-dum, wspici'dunu (Plautus
gives to these phrases the ictus /wopem-u/*, exciUedunij aspicedum, &c.)
(9' Some nouns too of subordinate meaning must have become members
of word-groups. In English * thing,* * kind,' * state,* * part ' are used in this
way without stress, in such sentences as * something (^nothing) of that kind,'
^ some parts of England.' That mbdusy r^s were so used in Latin we see from
the traditional spelling qudmodo ? quart 7 So dies in propediem (Don. ad Ter.
Ad. 888), quotidie, posindie. Gellius (x. 24) says that in the time of Cicero
and the earlier period, the phrase diequinte or diequirUi was in vogue, *■ pro
adverbio copulate dictum, secunda in eo syllaba correpta,' and we may guess
that dies formed a compound with triginta {viginti) from the fact that these two
numerals are perhaps never found in Plautus and Terence with the ictus on
the last syllable, except when dies (or minae) follows, e.g. Men. 951
&i ego te pendd'ntem fodiam stimulis triginta dies,
I70 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chftp. m.
wh<*ru tlu) laftt two words seem to make a compound noun, like our * fort-
night/ Uwolvemonth/ Liicus too might be subordinated in a phrase like
inUred luci (Don. ad Ter. Eun. 355), ubi loci, &c. The versification of the early
drnniatistSf and the compound words in Romance suggest as similar word-
groupN phrases like vad-mlhU va^'miMro-mlhi, bene-rem-^fritf tnalerem-gMt (with
metrical ictus normally on these accented syllables in Plautus), ad'tUam-hdram
(Ital. allora, Pr. alors), ad-mentem-habere (Pro v. amenta ver, O. Fr. amentevoir),
atfU-ttruthio (Fr. autruche, Span, avestruz), avia-tdrda (Ital. ottarda, Fr. outarde,
Port abetarda), faria-fdOre (O. Ital. forfaro, Fr. forfaire), maU-hdhUwi (O. Sp.
malato, Pro v. malapto, Pr.malade), &c, (cf. Engl. * goodbye' for *Godbewi*ye').
§ 18. Syncope. The syncope or suppression of an unaccented
vowel is a common feature of languages which have a stress-
accent, and is carried to the greatest length by the language
whoso stress-accent is most powerful. The Celtic languages had
a stronger stress-accent than Latin, and so we find in Old Irish
some words borrowed from Latin (which the Romans had them-
selves borrowed from the Greeks), reduced by syncope to a much
greater extent than they were in Latin, e.g. felsub, Latin
jMldsdpiiLB^ apstal, Latin dpostdlus. And in countries under
(IJeltic influence, such as France or the northern parts of Italy
(e.g. in the Romagna dmeng f or ddmhitca, Sunday), Latin words
have been curtailed much more than in other parts of the
Romance-speaking world. In ancient Italy, too, we see syncope
more develoi)ed in some districts than in others, e.g. ilgolnia for
Magolnia on a Praenestine inscription (C/. L. i. 118), though it
is not always easy to say when such forms are merely graphic,
and indicate the use not of a contracted pronunciation, but only
of a wntracted system of writing. The conditions under which
vowel-synwpe was carried out differed at different peripds. In
Latin a vowel between n and tn was not syncopated, because the
iH>nsi>nant-group mm was difficult to pronounce, e.g. cintma not
^anma. But in the Romance languages syncope has been pushed
a stage further, e.g. Prov. anma, alma, anna. Old Fr. anme,
alme, arme, Fr. ^e. Span, alma, Sicil. arma^ Ital. alma (in
)H)etry), the unmanageable group nm being often changed to
rw, just as original nm in Latin ^can-mim from ooUio, ^gem^men
from g^o^^gno became rm in carmenygermen (ch. iv. § 78). Simi-
larly ptrtH'Qy which resisted syncope in Latin, in Italian (pertica),
and in other languages, has succumbed in French (perche, our
* perch *) and ProT^n^al (perga). FrigMms appears in all the
§18.] ACCENTUATION. SYNCOPE. 171
Romance languages in a syncopated sliape (Ital. f reddo^ Fr. froid,
&c.) (ch. ii. § 132). Vlrtdis^ too, was in Vulg. Lat. tHrdis (Ital.
verde, Span, verde, Fr. vert), and caUdv^ appears early as ealdus.
Analogy also may often prevent syncope, or, after words have
been syncopated, may restore them to their original form. Thus
porgOy for example, was restored to porrtgo by the analogy of the
perfect porrexi ; and the analogy of other adjectives in -tdus
where this termination was preceded by some uncombinable con-
sonant, e. g.frigidus, may account for the existence of unsyncopated
adjectives like calidn^ ; for the consonants in calidus, I and d, are
of a kind that would be easily combined. A Nom. Sing, like
Aorlus, if syncopated to ^AorU^ *kor8, would soon be restored
to its old form by analogy of the other cases Aortij iorio, &c. In
the compound cohon we do indeed find this monosyllabic form ;
and one might be tempted to think that the syncope of hortus to
*hors had led to the word becoming an I-stem for an 0-stem,
*hoTS, ^hortisy from Aorius^ horti. But the I-stem of cohors is
more easily accounted for by the Latin predilection for I-stem
compounds of 0-stem nouns, e.g. exanimis, unanimU from
dfihnus (ch. v. § 34.). It is doubtful whether any clear case of
a change of stem through syncope of the final syllable of a Nom.
Sg. is to be found in Latin.
It appears, then, that vowels resisted syncope when they stood
between consonants which did not easily combine, and that the
analogy of unsyncopated forms might prevent or efface syncope
in whole classes of words. With these exceptions, it seems to
have been the law of Early Latin that e, I in the syllable after
the accent always suffered syncope, unless they were long by
^ position.' This €?, ^ might be original ^, ^, or the reduced (post-
tonic) form of original a, ^ (§ 18). The Early Latin accent fell,
as we have seen above (§ 5), on the first syllable of each word,
so that every *?, ? in a second syllable not long by position must
have suffered syncope.
The syllable -H?-, preceded by a consonant, followed laws of
its own. It appears in the posttonic syllable as ?r, e. g. pat^mus
for ^paM-nus, Similarly -l^- appears in the posttonic syllable
as fU ipi) inf&cultas^ &c. (see ch. iv. § 13). The syllable -v^ also
stands apart from others owing to the vowel-nature of its eon-
I7« THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chftp. m.
mmtini, wliirli fMfilitatod syncope. Thus we have syncope of
a vowel priH'iMlod by r even in a syllable long by position^ e. g.
aftfif'ttfftJi (Flautus), the ordinary conversational form of ctvonculns
(vt, anrulv^^ (\ I, L, viii. 3936, ix. 998) ; or rather the semivocalic
w liaH (IropiKxl out between the two vowels. Similarly ditior
for illvltior^ ^/A;m«;// (dissyllabic deorsum in Plant) for devorsum^
and <lio lik(s arc difFcrent from the ordinary cases of syncope.
Tlio <4'ndonry to Hynoo{X3 continued to assert itself at all
|H*ri(HlH of the lan^ia^. Words which resisted it at an earlier
|H*riod oft<Mi, as we have seen, succumbed at a later. The new
law of m*con< nation, the Paenultima Law (§ 8), brought with it
tho |M)H8il)ility of a new variety, namely, suppression of the
Myllablo pnMHHling tho m»oont. Pretonic syncope is a feature of
lndo-Kun>|ican, whore indeed it was much commoner than post-
tonio Hyn(*oiK\ but it ixmid play no }>art in Latin so long as the
aooont ronminiHl invariably on the first syllable. It is often
diltioult to 8ay whotlior a i^ase of syncope is pretonic or post-
ton io. In words like artlert^ tmlorfm^ for example, we say
that tho 8ynot>jv of ? of *dthf('*rt*^ *arlfddreM is due to the new
ttiMvnt on tho (H^nult; ^a til Ay, *aridi}rem, but it might possibly
l>o rt^forixnl to tho iufluomv of the old accent on the first svllable,
*#/rif/rfv, *JndofYttt. Wonls like art^na (Cireek af>vTau?a\j)i^rffrdMa
(Oixvk TCfuVrr^HUfia) Luoil. (i. 41 M, and L6we. Protir. p. 347).
Uuh lH>ri\>\viHl no doubt after tho old aci^nt law had ceased to
ojH»rato» art* oKtux^r csi^ots^ of pivtonio syncojx*. So are enclitic or
i^uUmlinato \\>>nls which drop final ^ bofon* an initial consonant,
t\jy. *rw;< ;.f>iji»^iV» ffc*;**/*", which Wfore a consonant often took
tho fxmns ^^rm^ (so SH^nmxl by Plautus and Teiwice, oh. x, ^ 7),
^i*%'»*\ <W.«. as af^t//, n^^fff hcc%n\c ac (for '^rf/j, aU\, w^r. So
V*f.rVfwi*, w^Jfi-ntw, ^l77i^h\ &K\ And the influeni^ of the
fo1K>\^ injr a*\xn\ts mthor than tho more addition of extn ^llaWesfs,
«vi«Ti to Iv tho Tvdil fiw^tor in tho syiKy^pc in the Hteruy period
of swoh w*>i\J?t %s frip/^AjTUi (Lucih viii, 12. M.) hesiie frurij^/^K
.^4^/V4>/^* Ivshio M/i/fvK i'r'rf/iriv.m heside }t6rii-f'0r^ j»(*$i^l< beside
ytf^fitr'^',^ fih '9.yp7'r^*si bos^o a/WtjL Tho woak«iin|r <ffoc-l on an
«r>a*\vi>U\i :?) lUWo of a f*-Jlowiiur acownt i* s3>o^wtx by PlaiitaT>e
?>o«>S7tsns lilco iu 9ti'H%t-rm^ r^/mvt^'j-rfth, ^ttrt-ttrdf^w^ yKr^nfrowJi^ whert
%x\ ^iiit^onal ^^-o^ikcnitur oJ<«n<«t i? ^aappJkd by lie short frliatile
$ 18.] ACCENTUATION. SYNCOPE. 1 73
preceding. These scansions must reflect the pronunciation of
these words in ordinary conversation. Similarly cale^fdcere
became calS-fdcere and cal-fdcere^ and vitwlstSrium passed into min-
ster ium or mistSrium (cf. Plant. Pseud, 77 a), the consonant-group
st being specially adapted to combination with a preceding liquid
or nasal (cf. per{i)stroma above). The unaccented -^ of avtdtts,
which resisted syncope in the simple adjective-form, succumbs to
the influence of the following accent in the lengthened derivative
*avidere^ atidere, to have a mind for, to dare [e. g. si audes (Plant.),
if you please^ in the classical period sd*les\.
Arid- of aridus becomes ard- in ardere, ardSrem, and by their
analogy sometimes appears in the simple adjective (ardus, Luoil.
xxvii. 40 M.). Similarly aet- for aeptf- in aetds may have come into
use first in the lengthened cases aetdtis, aetdti, aetdtem, or in deri-
vatives like aetemus, though here the syncopated form of the
trisyllable established itself in ordinary usage, unlike ardus. Forms
like calddrius may have had some influence in introducing caldus
into the colloquial usage (it hardly came into the literary) of the
Augustan period. Quintilian (i. 6. 19) tells us that Augustus
stigpinatized as a piece of affectation the use of calidus for caldus
(non quia id non sit latinum, sed quia sit odiosum^ et, ut ipse
Graeco verbo significavit, Trcp^epyoi;), and yet in the Appendix Probi
we find calfia under the same condemnation as /riffda, virdis
(198. 3 K.).
Post-tonic s}Ticope, under the new accent law, seems, during
the Republic and Early Empire, to occur only when the accented
vowel is long ^, e. g. jurffo (in Plautus still jurigo), usurpo for
*ustlrij)o, 'OS for (Planting) -dlis in nostras^ Arjnnds, summds^
&c., though we find it in the period of the Early Literature after
a shortened vowel in words of four or more syllables where three
short syllables followed each other before the final syllable, e. g.
bdlineum [so Plant, and Ter.,and dalinealor,Bud., 527 (A.)], a spell-
ing which did not yield for some time to later balueum [palinearijimy
C/.X. i. 1166 (C.130B.C.); Caper (first cent.A.D.)( 108. 7 K.) prefers
balneum ; cf. Gloss. Plac. 9. 29, and see Georges, Lex. Wortf. s. v. ;
' Syncope after a long vowel is due to the tendency to make a long vowel
extra long.
174 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. JU.
balineum occurs frequently on the Lex Metalli Vipascensis of the
first century a.d. {Eph, Epigr, iii. p. i66)], dpttumus [the spelling
OPITVMA of an archaizing inscription, C, 1. L, i. 1016 ( = vi. 1958)
of the late Republic or early Empire shows that this form had not
been so long obsolete as to be forgotten, though as early as the
Scipio Epitaph, C. I.L. i. 3a, c. aoo B.C., we haveoPTVMO, 'opti-
mum ^]. These words, as we saw above (§ 5), had in the time of
Plautus and Terence the accent on the first syllable, haPtneum
producing balneum^ *6pitumus optumu^. Similarly dpt/tctna,
hpijicina (Plant. MiL 880), produced officina^ puiriUa (with the
ictus pueritia in all the instances, not many, of its occurrence in
the early dramatists) produced the puerfia of Horace [C i. 36. 8
actae non alio rege puertiae; Charisius (fourth century a.d.) still
recognized 7??/m^wi as the correct form, 266. 7 K.]. But forms like
caldus, virdis, domnus belong to colloquial or to Vulgar Latin,
and were not as a rule established in the language till the later
Empire, though valde, older vdltde, Plant. Psend. 364, and a few
other woixls, were current at a much earlier time. The same
wave of syncope that reduced viridis, ddmhins, &c., to dissyllabic
form attacked u, i in hiatus (cf . ch. ii. § 48). As early as the latter
half of the first century a. d. tenuis varied between a dissyllable
and a trisyllable (Caesellius ap. Cassiod. vii. 205. 16 K.); cardus (for
carduus) (ch. ii. § 54), mortvs (for morfuus), &c., are the precursors of
the Romance forms (Ital., Span, cardo, Ital. morto. Span, muerto,
Fr. mort); while the similar reduction of t (e?), led to that
palatalization of consonants which has so transformed the whole
appearance of the Romance lang^uages, e. g. Ital. piazza. Span,
plaza, Fr. place from Vulg. Lat. "^plaiyay Lat. pldi^a^ &c. (see
ch. ii. § 48).
Forms like saeclnvi beside saeculum are not to be classed with
forms VikQJvrgo beside y?/n^6>, for saeclum is the older form, while
in saeciUum a vowel has been inserted between the c and the /
to facilitate pronunciation, a vowel which is generally called
a 'parasitic^ vowel, or, in the terminology of the Sanscrit
grammarians, a ' svarabhaktic ' vowel (from Sanscr. svarabhakti-,
' partial vowel ') ; see chap. ii. § 1 54. The termination -culus^ -culnw
in Latin sometimes represents the I.-Eur. suffix -//(?, which
indicates the instrument with which an action is performed, or
$ 18.] ACCENTUATION. SYNCOPE. 175
the place of its performance, sometimes the suffix -colo^ a com-
pound of two I.-Eur. diminutive suffixes, -<?o and -lo. To the
first class belong words like v^Mculum, Hhat by which one is
carried ' ; poculmn, * that out of which one drinks ' ; cublculum^
* the place where one lies down ' ; p^riculum from ^perior, perlttiSy
experior : ordctdum from orare. To the second, diminutives like
corculumy uxorctila, sucula. These two classes of terminations
are not distinguished by us in our ordinary practice of writing
Latin ; they show, however, in the hands of Plautus a notable
difference of metrical treatment. For in his verses the first
suffix appears normally as one syllable, -clus, -cltim, reflecting
without doubt the current pronunciation of his time ; the second
as two syllables, -cultis, -^ilum. Thus Plautus has always
vShiclum^ with that monosyllabic form of the suffix which we
find invariably when by dissimilation the cl is changed into (t,
e.g. amhuldcrum^ ^a place for walking in,' for ^ambulacluniy
while diminutives like auricula^ pvlvisculiia retain the dissyllabic
suffix in his plays as persistently as dr/ricbla^ incdlay or any other
compound of the verb cdlo. So do nouns formed by the
addition of the suffix -lo to -cO'Stems, in distinction to those
formed by its addition to -c-st^ms, e.g. porcu-lm, celoc-la, *a
yacht.' Probably not a single instance occurs in his verses of
-col- reduced to -cl- by syncope, even after a long vowel, e. g. never
^coi'cluvi from cor-cn^lum, ^porclns from porcu-lus (Clasis, Rev, vi.
87). (But privicloesy ' priviculis,' Carm. Sal., ch. vi. § 49.)
Forms with the parasitic or svarabhaktic vowel, with -colo-
for 'cio^, are indeed not infrequent with him. Cubiculvm, for
instance, always or almost always, appears as a quadrisyllable.
But he uses these expanded forms as a rule (especially when
a long vowel precedes), only at the end of a line or half -line ;
that is to say he regards the equivalence of the parasitic vowel
to an actual short syllable as a licence only to be resorted to
in cases of metrical necessity. For example, periclum is the
normal form of the word, while periculum occurs only at the end
of a line or hemistich. Capt, 740 is a good example of this
distinction :
periclum vitae meae tuo stat pcriculo ;
and it is only at the end of a line that the phrase nnllumst peri-
iy6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. in.
clum (e.g. Pseud, 1076) becomes nidlmn periculumst (e.g. Capt,
91). Poculiim^ too, shows this full form usually in a similar
position, while saeclum is never allowed trisyllabic scansion
at all. The Romance lang^ges show that a later wave of
syncope not only reduced 8aec{n)lvm^ &c. to their orig^inal form
saeclum, but also words like porculus to porcluSy e. g. Ital. cerchio,
(Lat. circ(u)lusy teschio (Lat. te8t(u)la), spillo (Lat. S2)in(ti)l<i).
(Cf. ocluSy CLL, X. 7756, &c., crustlum, xi. 3303, of 18 a.d.,
ProclaeSy xv. 1157, of 123 a.d., Viilus, viii. 9432, &c., A^in-Xos,
&c. on Greek inscriptions, Eckinger, pp. 73-5, Masclus (Gk.
Ma(rKXo9, &c.); so in Probi App. 197. 20-22 K. speculum non
* speclum,' masculus non ' masclus,' vetulus non * veclus/ vitulus
non ^viclus/ vemaculus non Wemaclus,^ articulus non 'arti-
clus,' baculus non * baclus,^ angulus non ' anglus,' jugulus non
'juglus/ and 198. 18 oculus non 'oclus/ 198, 23 tabula non
'tabla/ 198. 27 stabulum non *stablum/ 198. 34 capitulum
non *capiclum/ 199. 9 tribula non *tribla/ 199. 14 vapulo
non *vaplo' (MS. baplo); and see George's Lew. Worff. s. vv.
coag{u)lo, aedic{u)la^ as8ec(fi)la, hub{7t)lu8, conch{u)la, Visf[u)la,
cop[u)hy cop(u)lo, cnbic{u)luni^ vif(H)lu8, (liscip(ii)lina, exfemp(tt)h,
Jib(u)la, Jlff(u)linus, laferc{ii)lus^ fferc[u)le, juff[u)lan8, ma7iic(u)la,
ment{ti)l<i^ masc{n)Iu^^ orac{ii)lum^ poc{n)luM, perlc{ii)lumy pedi-
c[u)In8, 8aec{n)lvm, scnip{u)fm^ sexiula (sescla), surc{n)lns^ spec{u)-
lum, sub{ii)la, temp{u)Iumy tricA(i)la, rinc[v)lum^ vet{u)liut, ver-
nac(uyus, Asc{m)Ium^ Fist(ii)la, &c. ; cf . Schuch. Fol\ ii. 402 sqq.).
Fr. roule, &c. from unsjTicopated rdfu/a points to a re-formed
diminutive; so in Roumanian, e.g. teule or tiule (Lat. teguh)
(Tavemey in £iudes , , . G, Paris, p. 267). (See also § 21.)
Another case of syllable-suppression which differs from
ordinary syncope is that of words like arcubii (* qui excubabant
in arce,' Paul. Fest. 19. 10 Th.) for arct-cnbii, where the
proximity of two almost identical syllables d and cu has caused
or facilitated the dropping of the former. [Similarly semi-
mddins and semodins, deUUitare for *debilitdtdre, fastldium for
^/asftfidijim, idd/afria for irlo/dla-j Ihnitrophns for limif-otro-,
Bestutti^ for Resfttutus [A. L. L, viii. 368), &c., as in Greek A/x(<^t)-
<f>op€VSi \ln]((f>o)<f>opCa, X€i(Tro)Tn)p(ay &c.].
And a large number of words, like dixefff (beside dixissem),
$ 14.] ACCENTUATION. SYNCOPE. \^^
audisaem (beside audiviaseni), audl-trix (beside auditof*), ffi-pio
(beside ffin-us), are often wrongly included with genuine eases
of Latin syncope like lardum^ jurgo. In some of these there is
either no syncope at all (so some explain dixem for ^dic-sem,
like es^em ; but see ch. viii. § 3), or, if there is, it took place in
the I.-Eur. period, e.g. I.-Eur. *gt-gn6 (ch. iv. § 51), -trl- {ib.) ;
others, e. g. dixem^ if a reduction of dixisitem (ch. viii. § 3), are
rather to be explained like ar[ci)cuhii above ; audissem, if
a reduction of audivissem (ch. viii. § 3), like su for si vis,
% 14. Syncope in the Praenestine Dialeot of Latin. On the Latin
inscriptions found at Praeneste there are a large number of omissions of
vowels, e.g. Dcumius (for DSc&mius), C.I.L. i, 1133, Ominia (for Oiminia), Bph,
Epigr. i. 7a, Diesptr (for DiSapiter^j C.I.L. i. 1500; Ptronio (for Pitrdnio), Eph,
Epigr. i. 92 ; a full list in Sittl, Lokal Verschied. Lot Sprciche, p. aa. This
tallies so remarkably with a reference by Plautus to a peculiar pronunciation
of the Praenestines, conea for cic6nia, 'a stork/ that it is likely that these
spellings represent the actual sound of the words. In the Truculentua of
Plautus the surly, taciturn slave Truculentus, whose mispronunciations are
more than once a subject of jest (cf. line 683"), turns the word arrofto, * a prepay-
ment," * earnest-money,' into raboj *a raver* (cf. rabere, *to rave,' rabUUif
*a bawling pettifogging lawyer') ; and on being taken to task, says that he
has pocketed a part of his arrabo as the Praenestines do with ciconia (line 690) :
*ar' facio lucri,
ut Praenestinis ^ conea ' est ciconia.
{Ct misisia for Ital. amlcizia in the modern Parmese dialect ; Ital. nemioo
for Lat. inimicus, &c.) The omitted vowel is e or t, once a {Mgolniay C.I.L.
i. 118) (besides Acmemmo for Agdmemno, on an old Praenestine cista, Eph.
Epigr. i. 19), |ind the omission is easily explained by the influence of the
accent in words like Diesp{i)t{e)r, P{e)tr6niOy and, if we admit that the ante-
paenultima was accented in these words in the Praenestine dialect at this
period, in D(«)cumiMS, 0(e)minia (cf. Cem(i)na, C.I.L. i. 99). But an accented
vowel is omitted in Trtia (for Tertia), Eph. i. 108, Pol(i)dia, Eph. i. 95, and
even a long accented vowel in Atlia (for AtUia), Eph. i. 33.
A grammarian of the second cent. a. d. (Terentius l^caurus, pp. 14, 15 K.) tells
us of a practice of an earlier date of substituting a letter for the name of the
letter. The name of c was * ce,* of d was * rfe,' of k was * fca '; and so era was
written for clra, kra for kara {card). His example for d is almost exactly our first
example of the Praenestine contraction, viz. Dcimus for Decimus. These words
of Terentius Scaurus suggest that spellings like Albsi for Albisij Albensi on an
inscription of Alba Fucentia, a town not far removed from the Praenestine
district (Zvetaieff, Inscr. Ital. Inf. 46), luba mereto (for lubis, lubens merito) on
an inscription found near Aves^zano, in the same neighbourhood (C. 1. L.
i. 183), are indications of a syllabic system of writing in partial use in this
region of Italy (ch. i. § 13), and leave us in doubt about the real nature of
Praenestine pronunciation.
N
178 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. III.
$ 16. Syncope under the Old Accent Law. (i) The preposition ambi'
(Gk. d/upi) loses its second syllable in compounds like dncubis, ' a servant,' for
*dmbi'c6lu3 (Gk. dfupi-iroKos, Sanscr. abhi-caras), an old Latin word from
which came anculare, *to serve' (Paul. Fest. 15. 7 Th.) and andUa ; andpes
(Plaut. Rud. 1 158), later anceps (from ambi- and cdpiU) ; am-pleckr, kc. The
same shortening may have caused that confusion of the old preposition indo
{endo) (ch. ix. $ 27) with the preposition in (en) (ind(p)grSdwry Slc, becoming by
S3mcope identical with inffredior) which led to the disuse of indo and the
adoption of in in its place. Thus indaiudio (Plaut.) was completely ousted
by inaudio in the time of Terence, and in the classical period compounds
with indo are only found as archaisms in poets, e. g. indHpiroUor Juv.
(a) The second syllable of the first member of a compound is syncopated in
hospes for *?u>sti-pe3f princeps for *prtmf-cgw (cf. primi'gSnia, an epithet of the god-
dess Fortuna, unsyncopated because m and g do not easily combine) ; forceps
for/ormf-caps (from, formua, * hot,* connected with Gk. Otpfiot. Paul. Fest. 59. i8
gives us this etymology, forcipes dicuntur, quod his forma, id est calida,
eapiuntur; cf. Yel. Long. 71. 15K.) ; quindecim from quinquShndd^kem ; undedm
from Onus and decern ; universus is a re-formation from an older 83mcopated
form which we find on the Decree of the Senate against the Bacchanalian
orgies, an inscription of the time of Plautus (186 B.C.) (though Plautus
himself uses the four-syllabled universus) (C. I. L. i. 196. 19 homines pious Y
oinuorsei uirei atque mulieres sacra ne quisquam fecise uelet) (this may be
a mistake for ^otnuuorset, like sursuorsum on the Sentent. Minuc 1. 15 "i ; vindimia
for *vini'dSmia ; Marpor (C. L L. i. 1076) for Mard-poTf &c.
(3) The first syllable of a verb compounded with a preposition is suppressed in
pergo for *per'Hgo (cf. perrexi, perrectum); porgo, the old form of porrigo, *por-r$go (cf.
Fest. 274. 15 Th. antiqui etiam * porgam ' dixenmt pro porrigam), e. g. exporgere
lumboSj * to stretch one's legs,' Plaut. Pseud, prol. i, cf. Epid. 733 ; the word, sanc-
tioned by the usage of Virgil (A. viii.974 pocula porgite dextris), appears now
and then in the Silver Age poets (Val. Flacc. iL 656 ; Stat. Theb. viii. 755, &c),
but the classical form is porrigo ; surgo for surrigo, *8ub'rSgo ; a deponent perf.
participle sortus for *surctusj formed on the analogy of the s3moopated pres. ind.,
was often used by Livius Andronicus (Paul. Fest. 423. i Th.) ; b^de surrHpui
(classical surripui) we have the syncopated form surpui in Plautus (e. g. Capt.
760), and even a perf. part pass, formed after its type, surptus {Rud, 1105).
Lucretius also uses the contracted form of the present (ii. 314 motus quoque
surpere debent), and Horace (<S. ii. 3. 283 unum me surpite morti ; cf. C,
iv. 13. 20 quae mo surpuerat mihi) ; pono for *p6'Sino (the preposition iapd-
a byform of *dpiij d6), postusy depostus, compostusy very common for p6-sUuSy &c. ;
like postus is prae-stdf earlier pra«-8fil (Cassiod. 157. 22 K.), ready, at hand, for
*prae-8ttu ; cette for *cedite, *ce-ddte, where the particle cS, * here,* * hither,' is
prefixed to the verb, as in Oscan ce-bnust, * hue venerit ' (Zvetaieflf, Inscr. Hal.
Inf, 231. 20). These syncopated forms were probably far more frequent in
the early period, than at a later time, when the same tendency to re-
composition which produced con-sacro out of consecro, ad'sum out of assum
(ch. iv. § 160) restored por-rigoy swr-rtpwi, &c. The older forms might remain
undisturbed in derivatives whose connexion with the verb was unnoticed,
e. g. re/rivafaba (referira, Plin. xviii. 119), the bean brought back by the farmer
from the field for luck (in Fest. 380. 17 Th. we are told that the word was*
also associated with r^figo, *to roast,* * parch ') ; apricusy Aprilisma,yhe similar
i 16.] ACCENTUATION. SYNCOPE. . 1 79
traces of an ap-(0)rib (cf. Sp^io), unless the syncope in all three words was pre-
tonio syncope under the Paenultima Law of Accentuation, r^6)riva, ap{e)ricu8,
Ap{e)rUis. Verbs beginning with a vowel unite it into one sound with the
final vowel of the preposition, though to what period of the language this
crasia should in each case be referred is uncertain, for it might be caused by
a following as well as by a preceding accent. Crasis was the rule in such
compounds in the early period, to judge from the usage of the older poets.
Coerccy for example, is dissyllabic in Pacuvius {Trag. 47 R.),
gradere ^tque atrocem coerce confid^ntiam (see ch. ii ( 150).
(4) The first syllable of a reduplicated perfect of a compound verb is
dropped in reppSri^ rettiUi, recddij &c, where the double consonant seems to
preserve a trace of the syncope (see ch. viii. $ 44). The syncope would in these
perfects be facilitated by the Latin tendency to drop one of two neighbouring
syllables of like sound (see on arcubii for ard'Cubii, above § 13) ; and it is
natural to suppose that the perfects without reduplication, like ex-scldi (O. Lat.
8dcidi)f am-curri (and con-^&curri, older *con'cecunri)y Ac, originated in this way
(ch. viii. § 44), just as in modem Greek fiifid(oa has become /3<&(w in compounds
like iia0d(ej, ififid(a), &c. Another syncopated verb-form is cante (a Plur.
Imperat. of cano), quoted from the Carmen Saliare by Varro {L, L. vii. 27).
But as a rule all traces of syncope in the declension of the verb have been
obliterated, the full forms (e. g. cdnite) having been restored through the
influence of forms where the consonants were not adapted for combination
(e. g. sisSte)^ or where the syllable in question did not immediately follow
the (early) accent (e. g. cmdnUe), as well as from the analogy of other con-
jugations, e.g. am&-U, mcne-tey audt-te. In Umbrian and Oscan these
imperatives are syncopated, e. g. Umbr. sistu (Lat. sisHto), Osc actud (Lat.
(igito). The same is true of derivative adjectives, e.g. in 4dusj hQmiduSf
/riffidus, c&lidfis, sSlidus, rigidus, dridus, &c. (but nUdus for *n(md%i8 from a root
nogw-, Sanscr. nag-nas, our * naked,' is syncopated ; on udtis see below), in
'icus, e. g. unicus, civtcus, mSdicus, but the nouns Plancus, lurco, * a glutton ' (from
laru, ^ the mouth of a sack,' according to PauL Fest. 86. 23 Th. lura, os cullei, vel
etiam utris ; unde lurcones capacis gulae homines), >uncu5, &c. are syncopated
(see below on rauaia). Similarly tfividtis is saved from syncope by the influence
of other adjectives in -Wi«, while the noun vita for *vivita (Lith. gywatJi) is
not. The Umbrian adj. in -co-, totco- (Latin pubSlcus) from tdta-, *touta', * the
community,' ^ people,' shows the contraction which Latin adjectives of this
formation escape (cf. Osc. toutico-),
(5) Diminutives in -/o-, on the other hand, extended the syncope from
dissyllabic to other forms, e. g. uUus from *ilno-lu8, vtilum from *vinO'lumf Ter.
Adelph. 786, and from their analogy, cdrGUa for *corontda, peraoUa for *per86ntUcLf
ampuUa from amp{h)(jra (Greek d/upopci, Ace. of dinpoptwi), &c.
(6) Greek words borrowed at an early period probably owe their syncope to
the early accent, e. g. Hercules (Greek 'HpeuvA^), PoUHces (the early form of PoUux),
Plant. Bacch, 894 (Greek UoXvMicrii), calx (Greek x<^(£» with d) ; c£ Praenes-
tine Acmemeno (above, $ 14).
(7) Other examples are dUer from iUlter ; postulo from *po9ci-tiilo ; ydna from
*vMna (Greek wXivri) ; original -In- becomes -U- in Latin, e. g. cdUis from *<xlnia
(Lith. k^tnas, Greek leoXuvdi) ; propter from *pr6pi'tSr.
(8) For the syllable -rt-, examples are : sdcerdoa from *sacr6'd63f *adcri-d6Sf
N 2
l8o THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. III.
from 8dcer and root do, to give ' ; dcertnts for *dcri'dho-y with the same termina-
tion (belonging to root dhSj ' to make ') which becomes -dus when not preceded
by r, e. g. frigidiMj calidus (see ch. iv. $ 114) ; sAceUum for *aoccr-/Mm, *sacr6-lomy
sdcri'lunif ke. Nouns like dger (Greek dyp6s)j cdper (Greek Kdwpos), and adjectives
like deer show this treatment of the unaccented final syllable of the Nom.
case, whereas hortus, &o. are saved from syncope by the analogy of other cases,
horti, hortOf hortuntj ftc, and of other Nominatives, whose final syllable did not
immediately follow the (early) accent, like antmi/«, autiimnus. In the Italian
dialects we find this -er- in similar positions, e. g. Osc. Aderla- from *Adrola-
Lat. AteOa), Abella- probably from *Abrola- (Lat. *Apdla), Umbr. ager, pacet\,
* propitious,' from pacri-, often spelt -r-, e. g. Sabine Atmo- (Lat. Atemu8)y Osc.
Tantrnnaium (Gen. PI.) (ch. iv. $ 9a). In Latin we seem to have -er- for -n",
in the accented syllable too, e. g. ter (Greek rpis), in Plautus (e. g. Bacch, 1127)
scanned as a long syllable, and so pronounced terr (cf. ierrunciuSy the right
spelling ; see BQcheler in Rhein. Mus. xlvi. 236), from *ters. Tlie substitution
of ir for ri would then be due rather to metathesis (cf. N. Ital. fardor, &c. for
fredor, &c., Meyer-LQbke, Rom, Gramm. i. p. 291, and see above, ch. iL § 11 1).
Ter would however be unaccented in phrases like ter-miUe (cf. terdeciens written
as one word on Hon. Anc. L 29). On ter, see ch. vi. § 61, on er for rf ch. iv. § 13.
(9) For the syllable -ti-, e. g. auiumo for dvi'tiimo :^ Greek atw for of-w) ; daudo
*ddvi'dOy from cldvis ; curia for *cdviria (cf. Volscian covehriu, Zv. Inscr. ItaL Ir\f,
47) ; gandeo for *gdvideOf part, gdvistis (Greek yrjOiu for y&ft-^^oS) ; naufragtis for
*ndvi'frdgus^ ; niiper, cf. adj. nuperum Ace. Sg., Plaut. Capf, 718 rec^ns captum
hominem nuperum nouicium), for *n6vi-pSrus from fuktis and pdro ; praeco for
*prae-vico from prae and voco ; praedes, earlier praevides (jpraevides Plur., praes
Sing, on the Lex Agraria of Sp. Thorius, iii B.C., C.I.L. i. aoo, but only
praedes on the older Lex Repetundarum, 123-a b. c, i. 198), from prae and vas^
perhaps suffered syncope after the new accent law, as did udus (as early as
Lucil. inc. 17a M.), in Plautus only Hvidus ; raucus for rdvicus from rdvis, ^ hoarse-
ness * ; vita for *vivUa (see above) ; aticeps for *avi-c€p8 ; Opiter, a name given to
a child ^ who had a grandfather for a father,' cujus pater avo vivo mortuus
est (Paul. Fest. 307. 15 Th.), Plur. Opiteres (L6we, Prodr. p. 396), seems to be
colloquial Latin for *Aupater for *dvi'pdter from dvua and pdter. The form
mdvdlo is found (with mdlo) in Plautus, but in the classical period only mdlo.
The syllable -vi-j -vS- is syncopated, even when long by ' position,' in auspex
for *dvl-8pex ; niintius, older ndventiua [the older form occurs in a prophecy of
the famous Mareius, published ai3 b. c. (ap. Fest. 164. a8 Th.) quamvis
noventium duonum negumate, ^ quamvis bonum nuntium negate '] ; nundinae
for */if5ren-rfmae from novefn and din- a bystem of dies (Sanscr. dinam, O. Slav,
dini). And -t;- is dropped even before a long vowel when a vowel of the
same quality precedes, e. g. Idlnrnntf earlier Idvdbrumf Lucr. vi. 799. (Marius
Victorinus, ix. ao K. quotes lav&bnim for Idhrum among other instances of Old
Latin forms such as hacetenus for MctSnus, hocedie for hMiSj semol for simiil) ;
Idtrina for lavdtrinay the old word for a bath, supplanted by the Greek loan-
words bal{i)neum {fiUXSy^toy) (cf. Non. aia. 7 M. latrina ... est lavatrina, quod
nunc balneum dicitur), as balneum itself was succeeded by lavdcrum : divinus
was early contracted to dtnua (Leo in Rhein. Mus. xxxviii. a), e. g. reidinai and
* Or for *ndU'/raguSy which became n&U'fragus (ch. iv. § 45), and so with
daudOf gaudeo (?).
$ 16.] ACCENTUATION. SYNCOPE. l8l
res deina on an old inscription (C.I,L. xi. 4766), so obliscor for cbtlviscor in the
early dramatists (see Georges, Lex. Wovif, s. v.), and in uniyersal usage, sis, for
si ri5, from which a plural mitis was formed. (On loss of intervocalic -0-
see ch. ii. § 53 and ch. iv. § 7a
This liability of every short second syllable to syncope under the Early
Accent Law makes it dangerous to infer from Latin forms the presence or
absence of a short vowel in the corresponding Indo-European forms, e. g. to
infer from the distinction between Lat. xCU^a^ dltrd, infrd, aUprdy exircL, contra on
the one hand, and HUiriorj dUhior, in/Srior, supSrioTy extSrior on the other, that
the original stem-suffix was -tr-, -r- in these adverbs and -ier-y -er- in these
adjectives. Priscian (ii. p. 3a i H.) tells us that the older forms were auperOf
inferaj extera, &c. quaedam etiam syncopam passa sunt, ut * supra' pro
* supera,' et * infra * pro * infera,' et * extra ' pro * extera,' nam antiqui trisyl-
laba ea proferebant, ut Cicero in Arato :
Torvus Draco serpit supter superaque retorquens
Sese,
tenuit tamen, ut disyllaba magis ea proferantur (cf. ii. p. 55. 23 H.). Siip^a is
found in an elegiac epitaph, of the time of the poet Accius (to judge from its
use of a double letter to indicate a long vowel), C. / L. i. loii Bee fuit ee
vero plus superaque parens, and on another inscription, with the same
indication of date (cf. Bitschl, P. L. If. p. 46) (-«- for 5 in aeedes) we have ii[feray
i. 1 166 quae infora scripta sont, but on the earlier S. G. de Bacch. (i. 196 of
186 B. c.) we have suprad and exstrad, so that 8upera (which is used also by
Lucretius) may be a form that is not genuinely antique. On the spelling
arbiterium for arhiirium^ see Georges, Lex. WwiJ. s. v., and c£ nuigisiero- C. L L.
i. 73, ma\^\\sUpra^tu;6y Eph, Epigr. ii. 398 ; on dexiSra and deoctraj see Brambach,
Lat, Orth. ; on sinistera for sinistra (e. g. Ter. Eun. 835), on Tibiria and TXbriSj see
Georges, Lex, Wortf. s. w., and for other examples of syncopated byforms, s. w.
«)J(i)rft<s, F»r(t)rfa7narus, frig{i)diiSf ful(i)cay Tetnese (Gk.) and Tempaa (Lat) ; but
audac-terf later auddd-tery pftvi-gnus beside privi-genus (cf. Paul. Fest. 225. 2 Th.
* oenigenos ' imigenitos), (eg-men beside tSgi-men, &c. admit of other explana-
tions. (On the use of a Parasitic Vowel with r see ch. ii. § 102.)
Syncope is carried even further in Umbro-Oscan than in Latin, but in
Umbrian the Perf. Part. Pass, is not syncopated, while the 3 Sg. Imper. is (but
not -net'f e. g. kauetu, * let him sing') ; thus sektu is Imper., se9etu is P. P. P.
(see von Planta, i. p. 214). Contrast Osc. toutico- with Umbr. to/co-, *publicus,*
Osc. minstro' with Lat. minishO'j Osc. Vezkii- with Lat. Vetusco-.
§ 16. Syncope of Final Syllable. In Oscau and Umbrian, as in Gothic, ^, 6,
1, but not u (?;, in a final Myllable are syncopated, e.g. Osc. hurz, Lat. kortuSf
BantinSy Lat. Banilnusj tuvtiks for *touticos from touta-, * community,' * people,'
Umbr. emps, Lat. emptus, pihaz, Lat. pidius, all with syncope of -6s ; Osc.
fuMu£ for *med-dik-^ Nom. PI. of meddix, the title of the Oscan chief
magistrate, censtur for *censtor-6s, Lat. censorSSj with syncope of -Ss of Nom. PI.
(see ch. vi. § 40). Umbr. pacer for *pac-ri-8, * propitious,' with syncope of -ris.
In Latin we have this syncope, unless it should rather be called metathesis
(§ 15. 8), in Nom. Sg. of -ro-, and ri- stems, e. g. dger for ^ag-ro-s, in-tig^er for
*en'tag'ro-s, deer for ac-ri-s, voliicer, &c., but perhaps in no others. Quattuor
might be for *quetwor-ts, Masc. (^Doric Gk. riroptSy Sanscr. catvdras), but may
1 82 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. III.
also be the Neuter fonji (Sanscr. catr^ri) (see ch. vi. $ 63). The contraction of
'SHs to -<S5 in the Nom. Sg. of adjectives or nouns denoting the place of one's
birth, e. g. ArpiruUy *Ca8Ua8 (Umbr. Gasilos), is later than Plautus, who always
uses the full form 'dtis : while Campans (Masc. not Neut.) in his cruel sneer
at the* conquered Campanians, Trin, 545 :
Campans genus
Multo Surorum iam antidit patientia,
seems intended to mimic an Oscan *Campan8 for CampdnuSy like Osc. Bantina
for BanHnus, Like ArpindHSf later ArpinaSj are SamnitiSj later Samnis, LaurenHSf
later Laurens, IXburtiSy later Tiburs, &c (Prise, i. p. 134 H.). Nominatives Sg. of
i-stems like sora (in Plant. Cos. 380 aortis), guiis (if an I-stem like O. Pers.
siyfitiS, Av. sy^itiS) may have dropped i in their final syllable, not by
syncope, but by analogy of consonant-stems ; cf. nubs used by Liv. Andr. for
nubsa (Serv. ad Aen. x. 636), pleba and plfb^ (for other examples, see Ritschl.
Opuac, ii. 65a). Or these may be instances of parallel stem-formations, like
petiU'y peno-, penoa- ofp^ntUy Gen. peniiay penumy Gen. peni, penua, Gen. penHria.
So vioUna and vidletitua, fltiena and Jluentum, &c., epulonua (Paul. Fest. 55,
15 Th. 'epolonos' dicebant antiqui, quos nunc epulones dicimus), and
ipUlo, cerUurionua and centUrio, eurionua, decurionua and curio, dsc&rio (Paul. Fest.
34. 36 Th. * oenturionus ' antea, qui nunc centurio, et * curionus' et
*decurionus' dicebantur), i^fana, once used by Accius (TVo^^. 189 R. infans
facinus) in the sense of tn/andu^. Compounds like trwfesr, iil(8)'dexj cin'dex
differ from eau^-dicu3y itirf-rficu«, fHH-dicua in being formed directly from the
weak verb-stem die-, like Sanscr. &-di5-. So conjux (cf. Sanscr. s^yuj-, Gk.
d(v^) beside bijUgia and bl^jUgua, bigae, &c. So /or(m)ceps, au-cepa, prin-cepa beside
urbi-cApua ;Plaut.), hoati'Capaa (Paul. Fest. 73. 10 Th. 'hosticapas' hostium
captor) ; dpi'fex, wrH-fex, oami-fex beside milni-ficus, magnf-ficua ; rfm-ex beside
pr6d-igua. Man-au^ (Ace. manauem and mansuStem) beside man-auftua, in-quiea
beside in-quiitua are like Gk. dS/x^r and ddfxTjrosy axftfis and dKfjofroi. Priucepay
ancepa from prae-, arribir and c&puty in Plautus praedpea {Rmd. 671), andpaa
(Rud, 1 158) (cf. procapia, Paul. Fest. 281. aa Th. ^procapis' progenies, quae
ab uno capite procedit ; and concapit (?) of the XII Tables ap. Fest. 556.
a7 Th. tignum iunctimi aedibus uineaue et concapit ne soluito) were after-
wards assimilated to compounds of ct^pto, e. g. prin-cepa (cf. Prise, i. p. a8a
15 H. antiqui tamen 'ancipes' et 'praecipes' et 'bicipes' proferebant in
nominative . . . idem tamen vetustissimi etiam ' praecipis * genetivum . . .
secundum analogiam nominativi protulerunt). Old Latin PoUaaa (Plant.
Bacch. 894, cf. Gk. TloXvMKrjs) was shortened to PoUuXy probably by analogy
of h'lXy Gen. lucia. Priscian (i. p. a8a. la H.") tells us that the old forms of
eoncora, diacoray &c. were concordts, dxawrdia (cf. i. 354. 13 H.) (cf. late Lat. d/rbay
e. g. Ven. Fort iz. 3. 14 ; orbis non * orbs * Probi App. 198. 8 K.).
0-stem adjectives often have their Nom. Sg. shortened through their tendency,
especially when compound (ch. v. § 34), to become I-stems. Thus hMrua (Gk.
\kap6sy one of those loanwords from Greek to express subtlenuances of feeling, for
which the Romans had no word of their own, like our loanwords from French,
such as * triste '; became, after the time of Plautus, hilaria (ch. v. § 34) ; fortia
was perhaps originally /orcAi5 (Paul. Fest. 73. 9 Th. * forctum' pro bono dice-
bant), though as early as the XII Tables we find/oretes for loyal allies, (ap. Fest,
534. 15 Th., in XII cautum est, ut idem juris esset 'Sanatibus' quod
$ 17.] ACCENTUATION. SYNCOPE. 1 83
' Forctibus,' id est bonis, et qui numquam defeoerant a Populo Romano ; ct
Paul. Fest. 59. a6 ' forotes/ frugi et bonus, sive yalidus, where Paulus may
have put the Nom. PL fordes by mistake for the Nom. Sg. foretis) ; adUro- and
sScri- are parallel stems in O. Latin {adcres porciy * pigs for sacrifice/ Plaut. Mm.
289, Riid, i9o8, cf. Fest. 464. 7 Th.), and similarly mdno- and mdni-, < good,'
though in classical Latin the only survival of this group was im-m&nia * bad,'
* hurtful,' and the cU Mdnes, In the Carmen Saliare occurred the phrase Gsnit
mdnuSf explained by Paul. Fest. 87. ag Th. as creator bontu, and at Lanuvium
the old word mdnia was in use even in the time of Macrobius (fourth cent. a.d.)
(Macr. i. 3. 13 nam et Lanuini 'mane* pro bono dicunt; sicut apud nos
quoque contrarium est 'immane'). Varro (L. L. vL 4) connects with O. Latin
mdnus, 'good' the adverb mdncj 'early/ and in support of his etymology
mentions a curious Greek custom of uttering the words 0a)f dyaB6y as a good
omen when a light was brought into the room, diei principium ' mane,' quod
tum manat dies ab oriente, nisi potius quod bonum antiqui dioebant
*manum,' ad cujusmodi religionem Graeci quoque, cum lumen affertur,
Solent dicere ^f dya06y (see ch. vi. $ 38) . The 0-stem hortua became in the
compound *cO'hortO' an I-stem ^co-hortis, which (like acray &c aboye) changed
its Nom. Sg. to co-hora. Even the Perf. Part. Pass, a&ndtua appears in the
form aanati' in the expression quoted from the XII Tables by Festus 524. zo Th.
for the repentant allies, who had first revolted and then returned to their
allegiance, 'Sanates' dicti sunt, qui supra infraque Romam habitayerunt.
quod nomen his fuit, quia, cum defecissent a Romanis, brevi post redierunt
in amicitiam quasi sanata mente. And the Old Latin legal phrase dara
damnaa eatOj tarUum damnaa esto (Gato ap. Gell. vi. 3. 37 ; Quint, vii. 9. la, Ac.)
may be a case of substitution, for the usual 0-stem damncUo-, of an I-stem
datnnati'f which has taken a cons.-stem Nom. Sg. damnaa, like oetoa, tempeataa.
lO-stems had at all periods a tendency to pass into I-stems. The older
adj. termination -driita (frequent in Plautus, vid. Lorenz ad Paeud, 95a,
e. g. aingulariuay virginariua) may have been often replaced by -dria in MSS. of
Plautus (ch. V. § 4). Of. Caper iia. a K. vates olim ' vatios ' dicebant ; so Verrea
and Verrina. In Vulg. Lat. -ius {-eua) became -is in actuaria, cibatemiay aobria,
caenUia, conaanguinia, &c. (iX^we, Prodr. p. 420), thus repeating the early
confusion between -to- and -t- in the declension of names like CaecUiua, Ace.
CaecUium, CaecUiaf Ace. Caecilim (see ch. vi. § 5). But none of these are clear
cases of the change of stem of a Latin word owing to the syncope of its final
syllable in the Nom. Sg. Perhaps the most likely instance is Luciporf from
LUciua and puer (stem pu^ro'), of which the Plur. is given by Pliny, H, N.
xxxiii. a6 as Lnciporea (cf. Dat. Sg. Naepori on an inscription of the end of the
Republican period, C, I. L, i. 1539 e), but even this might be otherwise
explained. The weakening of final vowels in Latin (see below) gives an
k priori probability to the syncope of final short syllables like -ts, -da, -ia as
in Oscan and Umbrian, but it has not yet been satisfactorily proved that
syncope did actually occur in any syllables except those inmiediately
preceding or following the accent. (Schuchardt, Vck, ii. 394 sqq. has collected
a number of instances on late plebeian inscriptions of the omission of
a short vowel of the final syllable, e.g./ec^ for/^ci^.)
§17. Synoope under the PaenultimaAocent Law. (i)Fretonio. Compounds
of yScio like cd2e-/aao, which shortened their i by the law of Brevis Brevians
(see below), took the further step of suppressing the vowel altogether before
184 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. m.
the accent of the next syllable, coU'/dcerej eal-fictus. Quintilian (i. 6. ai) tells
us that in his time the full form ca^facere was never used in ordinary talk.
Olfacertj not *ci^aceri, is the regular form. Ritschl proposed to help the
metre occasionally in Plautus by reading ber^num, maJficium for b^fn^ictum,
mal^flcium, Imtfaeta, maJfacta (e. g. Trin, 185) for hen^adOy ma^fcuia of the MSS.
He supported his proposal by the old spelling BEmrsinon on a coin of
Beneventum ^C LL, i. 19), c. 250 b.c. On later inscriptions spellings like
BENMERSKn are frequent, also MALDicrvm (see Ritschl, Opusc ii. 716). So
firmly established was the syncopated form of compounds of /ado like
6^<K%o that even drSfaciOf whose i could not be shortened by ordinary phonetic
change, since it is preceded by a long syllable, seems after their analogy to
have been made a quadrisyllable by Gato, for the MSS. of the Res RusUoa
agree wonderfiilly in presenting the word in this form (c 69 ; 125 ; 157. la).
To pretonic syncope we must refer the currency of the forms disdiplinat/i^na
beside discipulus^ figtdusy and on later inscriptions vebranus (cf. Ci.L. iii. Ind.
p. 1 159 for vftir&nusj kc (on Greek inscriptions almost always o^crpaKos or /3<-
Tpayos). Festus 466. 16 Th. t«lls us that sdnoy an old word for the priest's knife
(used by Liv. Andr. Com. a R. corruit quasi ictus soena) had a byform aacfna ; and
another obsolete term xulnaj discussed by QeU. xx. 11, a synonym of sSquester,
was explained by a grammarian, who compiled a sort of ' Slang Dictionary '
(Lavinius ^ De Verbis Sordidis ') as a contraction of *aecuina. Vulg. Lat.
matyujftnus (It&L mattino, &c.) may be explained either as a case of the
suppression of one of two similiar neighbouring syllables, like Re8{ti)tQfus
above (§ 13, p. 176) or of pretonic syncope, such as is seen in ItaL cervello (Lat.
cfrfMlum), vergogna (Lat. tirfcundia^, bontli (Lat bUnUdt-}, gridare (Lat.
qulritare^ dritto (Lat. dlrectus), &c. Procope is common in Italian, owing to
the fn-Kjuency of final vowels, e, g. vesoovo (Lat. ipiscupus', nemico (Lat.
inimlcus), cagione (Lat. oc&lsicn-), &c Synizesis of the pretonic short vowel
is seen in Vulg. Lat. qu{C)i1u8y *dyunws (Ital. giomo) ; coactus became *quattu8
(Ital. quatto), &c (cf. Georges, Ijex. Wortf. on Xum{i)toriu&, Lug(u)dunum),
(2^ Peat-tonic A good example of syncope after a long accented syllable
under the new Accent-law is the word barca (our * barque *), a word which
seems to have been introduced at the time of the naval displays given by
Caesar for the amusement of the people, and which is clearly a contraction of
*barka from the EgA-ptian bdris (Prop. iiL n. 44) ,see Rhein, Mus. xlii. 583).
Another is lamna (Hor. C. ii, a. a inimice lamnae\ in Vulg. Lat. lanna (Amob. ii.
41 \ the older form of which was lammina e, g. Plant. Asin. 549J. And we have
many words which appear in Plautus in their full form, but in later writers
are reduced by syncope, such as obiungo, by Terence's time alwa}*8 otnurgo,
nouns or adjectives in -dft's denoting the country of one's birth, &c., e.g.
it^^fimatis Stick. 493). The same shortening tendency attacked k, t in hiatus,
e.g. Uinta is a trisyllable in Plautus, a dissyllable later, so gratnsj later
gnins, while it has left traces of itself in spellings on old inscriptions like
iitgra (for jugfra) on the Lex Agraria of Sp. Thorius, 111 b. c. (C./. L. i. aoo.
14, a$\ not to mention others which may be dialectal, such as pbosetkai
,Dative> on a very old mirror of Cosa ^C. /. L, i. 57. -ai, not -ais, is what is
written ; see Hhein, Mus, xlii. 486), and ceore for caedere on an early inscription
of Sj>oletium in Umbria (('. /. L, xi. 4766). Ardus for dridus appears occasionally,
e. g. Plaut. Auh 397 ; Pers, a66 ; Lucil. 27. 40 IL, and on an inscription
copied in the Empire frt>m an original of 105 b.c. {C.LL, i. 577. a. ai =
§ 18.] ACCENTUATION. VOWEL- WEAKENING. 1 85
X. 1 781), which also contains uda (a. 18) for uvida (^but dridus, Plant. Bud,
574, 736^ 764, &c.) ; so Raude for Rande, Gatull. xl. i ; cupris for (nspSris^ Virg.
Aen. ii. 379 (cf. aspritHdOf asprStum, asprSdOj and other derivatives, as well as
Ital. aspro), aspriter, Sueius ap. Non. 513 M. Syncope after a short accented
syllable is seen in soldus, used even in the Lex Municipalis of Julius Caesar,
45 B. c. {C.I.L, i. 906. 1 14, 115), and admitted by Horace into his Satires {S, ii. 5.
65 metuentis reddere soldum, and^. i. 9. 113), in possum tor pHtS'Sum (ch. viii.
§ 97), and in fermey for fSrimef Superl. of f^S, if the corruption /<fr< me of the
Palatine MSS. in Plant. Trin. 319 be evidence of the spelling /en'm« in Plautua'
time. Plautus has never the form culmerif which appears to be a form proper
to the oblique cases, so that the declension was : Nom. cSmmetit Gen, c6l(u)mini8
(cf. Geoi^es, Lex. Wortf, on laUT{i)culuSi and possibly/er(t)cMZttm). In Vulgar Latin
we have slave-names like Marpor (C. I. X. i. 1076), Naepori (Dat. Sg.) (i. 1539 e),
of which full forms like QuintipoTt Mardpor, GaipoTy are given by Festus (340.
1 7 Th.), mattus for m&dUxASy * drunk' i^Petron.), virdis (cf. Probi App. 199. 9 viridis
non 'virdis') ; on vir{x)de^x)y vir{%)danumy see Georges, Lex. Ww\f. s.w. ; didtuA
ioT digitus (see Geoi^ea) ; fridam for frigidam on an inscription of Pompeii
(C.LL, iv. 1291) (cf. Probi App. 198. 3 K. calida non 'calda'; frigida non
* frigda ' ; infrigdo for xr\frigidOy Oribas. fragm. Bern. iv. 34. p. i. 6 and 10 Uag.) ;
iit.friydor (see Georges, Lex. Wortf, s. v.) ; calda, is read in Cato, i2.i2.vLi and 75,
Varro, R, R. i. 13, &c., and the proper name Cald{us) is found on coins as
early as 109 b. a (C. I. L, i. 382) ; on domnus for ddminusy see Georges s. v., and
cf. the proper name Domnus, Bomtuty Gk. Aofivos (C. 7. G. i. 6505, end of second
cent. A. D.), and Vulg.-Lat. nit{{)duSy horr(i)du8, rig{i)dusy col{a)phuSy &c. are
indicated by the Romance forms, e. g. Ital. netto, ordo (but with close initial
0), reddo, colpo, &c (For a list of syncopated forms in late inscriptions and
MSS., see Schuchardt, Vok. ii. pp. 394 sqq.)
§ 18. Change of Unaooented Vowels. In a language with
a stress-accent the unaccented vowels are liable to be obscurei
We see this in our own language, where the unaccented vowels
in words like ' father,^ * sister,^ have become what we call par
excellence Hhe obscure vowel/ the vowel-sound of u in ^but.^
We notice too a difference in this respect between Italian pro-
nunciation and our own ; for an Italian pronounces the vowels
of the unaccented syllables more clearly, and does not slur them
to the same extent as we do. But in Italian also the same
tendency to weaken an unaccented vowel is present, though not
in so marked a degree. The unaccented vowel often fails to
preserve its individuality, and is open to influence from
a neighbouring consonant, r, for example, changing a preceding
short vowel to e, I changing one to 0, Thus Latin arbor, or
rather its oblique case-form arddrenfy &c. has become in Italian
albero ; Latin debVis has become debole. And in the pretonic
syllable of signore (Lat. senidrem), midolla (Lat. 7nMulla\ the
1 86 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. HL
unaccented vowel has become i. Exactly the same thing
happened in Latin. In the last chapter we saw that a short
vowel in the syllable following the accented syllable remained
unsynoopated only when its syllable was long by position^ or
when some other cause prevented syncope. But though un-
synoopated^ it did not remain unaffected. Its quality was
changed. In a syllable long by position we see a short
unaccented vowel becoming e, e.g. remex, from remus and d^o,
in other syllables i, e.g. remigis^ jurigo (Plant.), later jurgo.
Under the influence of a following labial consonant or I it
assimies a «- or «;'<-sound (see ch. ii. § i6), e.g. occUpo^ in^pio, from
cdpio ; a following r makes it e, e.g. pipiri^ from p&rio. Some
vowels retained their individuality better than others. Short
0 in compounds of verbs like voco, rogo, &c. remains unchanged,
e.g. convocOy invoco, irrogo, arrogo; short u in tu-tudi, &c.
Final syllables too cannot have been so liable to affection as
others, or the difference between Nominatives Singular of differ-
ent stems, such as cinis, dpus (Old Lat. qpas), mantu, &c. could
not have been so well maintained. Perhaps they were saved by
the analogy of trisyllables, and longer words, where the final
syllable was not in the weakest of all positions, viz. immediately
following the accent.
Even diphthongs were changed, their first element being
affected, ai becoming I (through ^ei\ au becoming u (through
*eii)y just as single a was originally weakened to e (see below).
Thus the compound of ob and caedo became, under the influence
of the early accent, occido, of ob and claudo^ occludo. But long
vowels were more resistive of change, e.g. invddo, from vddo,
irrepo^ from repo.
The r^ularity with which these changes of short vowels and
diphthongs are carried out in the second syllables of Latin words
is a strong proof of the fact discovered by Corssen, that the
Latin accent at some early time rested invariably on the first
syllable; for it is the syllable immediately following the
accented syllable, which in a language with stress-accent is most
liable to be affected. A syllable with a secondary accent, like
the paenultima of ^pdrri-caida- (under the old accent law) would
not be liable, just as in the Romance languages the vowel of the
» 18.] ACCENTUATION. VOWEL-WEAKENING. 1 87
first syllable of words like classical Latin hnnat4ra^ (fee. shows
the same treatment as the vowel of the syllable with the main
accent (cf. Ital. Fiorentino from Fldrenttnus, like fiore from
fl^rem^ but Firenze from FhrSntia). It mighty however, change
its vowel after the analogy of kindred words where the same,
vowel followed immediately on the accent, e. g. *dC'Caido, and so
we get the Old Latin form pariddas (Paul. Fest. 278. 10 Th.).
On the other hand the analogy of the simple word with accented
root- vowel would often save the vowel of the compound from
being changed, e.g, vades et subvades, XII Tab., where the a of
vades is not weakened as it is in praevides (C, L L. i. 200), later
jpraedes. And at any period in the lang^ge the sense of the
relation of a compound to a simple word might lead to the
restoration of the vowel in the compound to its accented quality,
e. g. ^prdvicare might become pravdcare^ though the noun praeeo
(for ^prae-vico) was left unchanged ; eMco might become e^neco ;
coMecro, con-sacro. This restoration of compounds to their
un weakened form, ' Recomposition ' as- it is sometimes called,
is a feature of the late Republican and the Imperial period, and
possibly had some connexion with the grammatical studies
imported from Greece towards the close of the Republic, and
prosecuted with great zest for many centuries.
In the period of the earlier literature the change of unaccented
vowels is more the rule than it is later, e.g. always enico in
Plautus, &c., in spite of the old practice of separating the pre-
position from its verb by tmesis, ob vos sacro, for obsecro vos^ 9ub
vos placOf for supplico vos.
Analogy, however, was at work in all periods, and exerted its
influence now in one way, now in another. The analogy of the
Nominative preserved from change the vowel in the oblique cases
of arborem, fulguru^ &c., at least in the literary laug^uage
(cf. Ital. albero ; fulgeratoTy Gruter. In^cr, xxi. 3) ; the analogy
of the Oblique Cases, inteffri, integro^ &c. has substituted e for
i in the Nominative integer. Compounds, too, which were made
for the occasion, or were rarely used, like O. Lat. Aosti-capas,
hostium captor (Paul. Fest. 73. 10 Th.), wrii-cajtw* (Plant.), would
escape the change which befel a word established in use, like
prif^cejM, muuuH^eps, But vith these exceptions the change of
1 88 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. m.
short vowels of the second syllable is very regular in Latin,
though the oldest inscription extant, Manios med fefaked Numa-
sioi, on a brooch perhaps of the sixth cent. B. c. found at Praeneste,
is suggestive of an epoch when this law was not in operation.
The exact rules of change seem to be these. The older
representative of i, the modification of a short vowel in an
ordinary short unaccented syllable was e (Gk. c) ; while the
older representative of ii, the modification of an unaccented
short vowel before a labial or /, was o (Gk. o). E was replaced
by i, 0 hy u about 230 B.C. Up to that time the process of
change might be so described. An unaccented short vowel was
changed before a labial / to (?, in all other circumstances to e.
Thus on old Praenestine jewelcases^ &c. we find spellings like
Belolai (C. /. L. i. 44) for Bellulae^ Salutes (i. 49) for Sdlulis,
Aecetiai for Aeqnitiae (al. Angitiae)^ (i. 43) ; and these older
spellings oft^n persist to a much later period. The MSS. of
Plautus, for example^ preserve traces of abegit for abigif, Capt.
814; exsolatum for exulatum in Merc, 593 (B), Most. 597 (A),
&c., and the Lex Repetundarum of 121 B.C. (C.L L. i. 198) has,
with the conservativeness of legal orthography, forms like
detoierii^ oppedeis side by side with detulerit, ediderit, &c. E was
especially long retained after the vowel t, e.g. ebrietas^ jpdriefem.
And after consonantal i [y) we find conieciant on the Lex
Repetimdarum, proiecitad {ior projicito) on the Titulus Lucerinus
{Eph. Epigr. ii. 298); while the spelling inieciafis, Plant.
True. 298 has led to the corruption illeciaiu in the Ambrosian
Palimpsest (so in Lucretius MSS. trai^cSre, iii. 513. For other
examples, see Lachmann ad Lucr. ii. 951); 0 was similarly re-
tained after ?, e, e. g. filiolus, Puteoli, lit. ^ little wells,* and after
vocalic or consonantal u («, «?), e.g.panwlus. (See ch. iv. § 70.)
The ie of compounds of jacio, &c. became I, e.g. conicio,
through loss of accent (ch, iv, § 51), and similarly ue of compounds
of guatio, &c. became ii, e.g. cancutio. This older e remained
in short syllables before r, e. g. peperi, . Also in syllables
long by position, except where the first of the two consonants
was a labial or l\ and even into these it found its way in
time with the exception of the combination of I with another
consonant (not //), e.g. condemno^ older condumno (both forms are
( 18.] ACCENTUATION. VOWEL- WEAKENING. 189
found on the Lex Bantina of 130 B.C., C.I.L, i. 197); mrreptum
(9urr upturn Plant.), but always insuUo, insufsus^ inculco (ch. iv. § 10).
The Oy proper to syllables whether short or long by position in
which the vowel was followed by a labial or l^ became w, which
might pass into the ii-sound (ch. ii. § 16), written at first u^ later i.
The spelling of MSS. of Plautus, testumonuiniy &c. became in
time testimonium, &c. In Superlatives i for earlier u was adopted
for State Inscriptions through the influence of Julius Caesar
(Quint, i. 7. 21 ; Varro ap. Cassiod.p. 150. 11 K.), so on the Lex
Julia Municipalis of 45 b. c. (C, I, L, i. 206) maximam and maxu-
maniy though we find it occasionally used long before his time,
e.g. proxsimum (i. 1291, an inscription which Ritschl dates
*not after 130 b. c.'). I came in earliest probably in syllables
which were followed by a syllable with i in hiatus, e.g. recipio
(recipit on a Scipio epitaph of c. 180 B.C., i. 33).
The same vowel appears in confringo^ infringo, &c. in accordance
with the phonetic law of Latin which gives us i for e in the
accented syllables of words like tingo (Gk. rkyyoa), ch. iv. § 11.
The succession of 0^ u, i in words like maxomoSy tnaxumus,
maximus is also seen in the parasitic or ' Svarabhaktic ' vowel
(ch. ii. § 154) oipoculum {JflBXit. poclum), &c. The earliest spelling
is 0, e.g. on the Praenestine vases of third cent. B.C. helolai pocolom
(C, L L,\, 44), Salutes pocolom (i. 49), Aisclapi pococolom {ior poco-
lam), [Eph. Epigr, i. 5). The classical Latin spelling is «, poculum^
stiiduluMy &c. The i in I-stem Adjectives, &c., e.g. stabilis^ Sgilis,
fdciliSy where i follows in the next syllable, is in O. Lat. ^, e. g.
fameliai [C, L L, i. 166), on Greek inscriptions KatKcAtos, &c.
An 0 which had escaped the reduction to e became at the end of
the third cent. B.C. tt, e.g. ^pus, earlier ojios (id, i. 52), LUcius,
earlier Lu<nom (ib. i. 32) (cf. ch. iv. §17); industrius (older endos^
truo'y if we may believe Paul. Fest. 75. 28 Th.) ; -unt in 3 PI. for
older 'Onty e. g. praedopiont of Carm. Sal. (Fest. 244. 13 Th. MS.
-oti") in the sense oi praeoptanf. A u became «, i, e. g. sdtura, satira.
The weakening of the diphthong ai (later ae) to * was fre-
quently abandoned in the late Republican and Imperial time,
a number of forms which exhibit this weakening, e.g. cofislptum,
obstptuMy from saepio, being recognized as Old Latin forms.
The same weakening may have occurred when ai stood in hiatus,
190 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. HI.
but here by the Latin kw of shortemDg a long vowel in hiatus
(eh. ii. § 143}, i sank further to I, e.g. Bdvianum for £ovtanum
(Oscan Buvaianud Abl.)^ M&rius (of. Oscan Maraiio-). Similarly
unaccented au in hiatus sank to i^ in eluo^ eludcrum (Cato) from
Idvere (Old Lat.)^ lavdcrum. (For other examples, see Parodi in
Stud, Ital, i. 385.) (For reduction of final vowels, see § 37.)
Greek loanwords in Latin show the same changes of the post-
tonic vowels, though a vowel may be retained unchanged in
words which were borrowed after the operation of the law
affecting that particular vowel, or which never became part and
parcel of the common language. The change is seen in bdlineum
(Plant. &c.), classical balneum (pakav€iov), trtUina {Tpvrivri),
tdlenf'Um (tAXovtov), pA&ierae {<f>6Xapa)y &c., but not in pldtanus
(-TrAaTai/os), barbarus (pipfiapos), &c Vulgar Latin cttera {KiOapa),
Probi App. 197. 26 K.), Ital. cetera and cetra, but Span, gui-
tarra from cildra (KiOipa) (as from Ki^iiiapos Ital. gambero, but
Span, gambaro), carry out the vowel-reduction which was
omitted in the classical forms of these words. The analogy too
of native words may often have interfered with the normal
development of these unaccented vowels ; the ^ of anclha
(iyKvpa) and the e of pl¢a (irkaKovvra, Ace. Sg.), for example,
may have arisen in this way, just as itpoOvpov became profulum
(L5we, Prodr, p. 376) by the analogy of diminutives, or Ilfpore-
<^02n;, Prdserpina (Prosepnai, Dative, on an old mirror of Cosa,
C. L L. i. 57) by the analogy of proserpo.
Under the early law of accentuation, when the accent fell on
the first syllable of every word, pretonic change could take place
only in proclitic or subordinate words like prepositions preceding
their nouns. Whether Menerua of early inscriptions (e. g. C, /. L.
i. 191 Meneruai; cf. Quint, i. 4. 17), a quadrisyllable in Plautus
(ch. iv. § 148), became Mhierva through loss of accent in the first
syllable or by analogy of fntnor is uncertain. But the pretonic
change of aw to u in Ital. udire (Lat. audire), uccello (Vulg.
Lat. *aucellu^ from dvia\ and of ae to i in Ital. cimento (Lat.
caeffientum), cisello, our ' chisel ' (Lat. caesellum), may have
already occurred in Vulgar Latin. The pretonic syllable is
often assimilated to the accented, e.g. momordi for earlier
memordi, and the same tendency in the post-tonic syllable
I 19.] ACCENTUATION. VOW EL- WEAKENING. 19I
is seen in mispronunciations like tonotru (Probi Append. 198.
3a K.), preventing reduction in dl&cer^ Mbitem, &c.
A long vowel in an unaccented syllable was not shortened
(except in the final syllable, see §§ 40-50 infr.) until a late period,
when the length of all long syllables had been reduced to some-
thing not far removed from a short syllable (see ch. ii. § 141).
But a syllable long by position, when preceded by a short
syllable and followed inmiediately by the accented syllable, was
so reduced as to be often scanned as a short syllable by the
early dramatists, e.g. volUptatem^ senictutem (Plant. Ter.).
In Oscan and Umbrian, though syncope is of frequent occur-
rence, the quality of an unsyncopated unaccented vowel is
retained in the spelling. The name, for instance, of the Latin
poet, Propertius, who was a native of Umbria, is in Umbrian
form Propartio-, not Propertio- (Vois. Ner. Propartie on an
Umbrian inscription, C, L L. xi. 5389, would be in Latin Vols.
Propertii, Neronis f.; cf. xi. 5518 sqq.).
$ 19. Other Examples. I. SyUables long by position. Anteclassical
exercirent from sarcio, Ter. Heaui, 143 (e in all the MSS. ; cf. PaiiL Fest. 57. la Th.
exerdrerU : sarcirent) ; ommentansj from mantOj Frequentative of mdneOf quoted
by Fest. (a 18. 14 Th.) from Livius Andronicus (cf. Gl. Plac ommentcUi
expectat, &c.); inpetritum: inpetratum (Paul. Feat. 77. 3 Th.) ; inennat:
armis spoliat (id. 78. a8 Th.) ; inl&t : inductor, ah inliciendo (id. 8a ag Th.,
with quotation of Plant A^in, aai) from O. Lat. Idcio (id. 83. 36 Th., lacit :
inducit in fraudem. Inde est * allicere * et ' lacessere * ; inde * lactat,' ' illectat,'
'oblectat,' 'delectat.' Cf. 83. 14 Th. lacit : decipiendo inducit. *Lax* etenim
fraus est) ; procestria (id. a8a. 6 Th.), apparently from castra^ seems to be the
word equated with Gk. npodcrcia in the ^Philoxenua' and ^Cyriilus' Glossaries ;
eompectus is in Plautus the Participle of the compound of pdciscovy compadvLs
(ch. ii. § 144) of compingo. We have e before n labial with a consonant in incepsit,
the old * Perf. Subj.' of incipio (Paul. Fest 76. 33 Th.) ; peremne dicitur
anspicari, qui amnem, aut aquam, quae ex sacro oritur, auspicato transit
(Fest. 316. 3a Th.) ; indeptare: consequi (Paul. Fest. 75. a^ Th.). The gloss
mdepisci : adsequi, adipisci, on the same page, 1. 31 (cf. Gloss. Plac.) is
perhaps given more correctly in the * Philoxenus ' Glossary, indepti : dt^vaav-
T«s; praeceptat: saepe praecipit Carm. Sal. (Fest 344. 10 Th.); ine&roe aves :
quae in auguriis aliquid fieri prohibent (id. 78. 7 Th.). But emtbro : inhi-
benti (id. 54. 7 Th.). Cf. the questionable spellings in the ^Philoxenus'
Glossary, eniber^ enibray enibrum (for enub- ?). On the Falisco-Latin inscription
of the Faliscan * collegium cocorum* in Sardinia (Zv. 1,1,1. 7a), an inscription
with bad spelling and worse metre, we have aciptwm for acceptum in the first
line : Gonlegium quod est aciptum aetatei agedai.
Classical examples are ginetrix beside genitus ; obstetrix beside staJtoTj wnstituo ;
(but prSdttrix, &c., influenced hy proditor^ ; fulgStrum (all these Neuters in ^trum
ig2 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. III.
and Ferns, in •tra have fj except a few with a, e. g. verStrumj mulcHra, arOtrum, But
tonttru : see A.L.L, i. iii) ; id-ent-Xdem from ante ; exp&rs from pars ; pSrennis
from annu«, and imberbis from bar&a, with the usual I-stem of Compound
Adjectives ; incestus from cashis ; forceps from formus, * warm,' and c&pio ; compeso)
from *pac'Sco [cf, pddscor). So in Reduplicated Perfects, e. g. peperd from
parco ; fefeUi front fdUo. And in Final Syllables like mUes for *milets, *milit'8 (in
Plant, the last syllable of such woi*ds is long by position, ch. iL § 137) ; comiceti
for *comicen8j *comu-can-s. An original 0 becomes e(i) in iriginta for '^ngFente (Gk.
TptdKovrd) (on t for e before nt, cf. ch. ii. § 147), iUe from unaccented oUe (ch. yii.
$ 13), and perhaps pCren-die (cf. Osc. perum) (on "undo' and -emio in the Gerund,
-unt- and -en/- in the Pres. Part., see chap. viii.). An original u becomes 0 in
con-stemari ict Gk. vripo/MUy O. H. G. stomem) ; an original t perhaps in
O. Lat. magest^r Quint, i. 4. 17). Other examples of the variation of weakene<l
and unweakoned forms are : comp&rco and comparcOf covUredo and contradOf aspergo
and a^pargo, dtumido and amendOj diapertio better than dispartio, btpartltus and
bipertitiis, quinquepertitus and quingtiepartituSy retracto better than retrecto, conspergo
and conspargo, cdliandrum and caliendntmy attrecto and attracto (so perhaps Sarepfa
and Sarapia)y on which see Georges, Lex. Wort/, s. w. ; cf. abarcet Paul. Fest.
1 1. 36, abercet id. 19. a6 Th. On Greek inscriptions we have wpiyKiif/, itavKOp^
fit£i\\apiosj oviTpavoSy &c.. from the end of the first cent. a.d. ; see Eckinger ;
prae-fisdnl is usually derived from fasdnum, but neither exintero beside exewteru,
nor bipinyiis beside bipennis are certain cases of the change of e to t, nor yet
A}Uistius beside Antestius (§ 39). (On t for e in infiringo, iriginta, see ch. iv. § 11.)
§ 20. IL Short Syllables (1) in -r. The compound of Ux and rumpo has in
Plautus the spelling legeriipa (e. g. Pers, 68, corrupted to lege rumpam), cf.
viv^ddixy Gato, R. R, xxxiiL 3), though at a later time the usual ^ Composition-
Vowel * i was used, e. g. pimiirdpusy Juvenal (see Rev, PhU. 189a, p. 109) ; from
paro come aequipero^ impero, pauper, but (fpi-parus ; janXperus (and junipirus) (see
Brambach, Lat. Orth, p. 142), derived by Verrius Flaccus from^<r^nt« and pinis
(* Serv.* ad Ed. vii. 53); sGcerj soceri may be the direct development of ♦swdkuros,
Gk. kttvp65j Skt. Svafiuras, but see § 15, /T. Z. xxxii. 564) ; dneris, dneri, but ctnts,
dniscidus (cf. Georges, Lex, Wort/. 8,w. Silerus, tnataris, SamiramiSj and for
plebeian spellings like Caeserem, see Schuchardt, Vok. i. 195, ii. 214). [The
late spelling /aanero»t<a is capable of being explained, like temperi Adv. beside
tempori Dat., by the variation of the suffix -os- and -es- in the Declension of
these Neuter stems (ch. v. § 71) ; cf. pignera for pignora (see Georges)].
§ 2L {2) in -1 or Labial. Anteclassical : consdaenint and cosolerdur on the
S. C. de Bacchanalibus of 186 b. c. (C. /. L, i. 196. But constduere i. 185
beside consdiu i. 186 on two old inscriptions of Venusia) ; the MSS. of Plautus
show eocsdatitm^ Merc. 593 (B), exolatuin, Most. 597 (A), Ac. (see Brixad Trin, 535) ;
consd on two inscriptions of 211 b.c. (i. 530-1) on another of 200 B.C. {Not.
Soav. 1887, p. 195), and so normally till the third Punic War, even in one of
71 B. c., comolibus beside consulilms {C, L L, i. 204) ; exsoles is the Old Latin form
(Cornutus ap. Cassiod. p. 152. 7 K. ; Caesellius ap. eund. p. 204. 2 K.), while
Velius Longus says, * consol * scribebatur per 0, cum legeretur per u (p. 49.
14 K.) ; incailomis is the spelling of the best MSS. (B, C) in Plant. True. 168 (cf.
cdio/tnruis C. I. L. i. 1307). 0 remains in the classical period in vinoientus (perhaps by
analogy of vino letUus), somnolentvs, and sang^iindentus. For the Superlative suffix
we have the oldest spelling 0 in the proper name Maxomo in an inscription in
the Faliftcan dialect (Zv. /. 1. 1. 60 Maxomo Iimeo he cupo^ * Maximus Junius hie
$$20,21.] ACCENTUATION. VOWEL-WEAKENING. 1 93
eubat') (cf. Gk. A€tco[jios CI. A. iii.6i. A (3). 18, end of first cent. a. d. (?) ; maxu*
mu8, &c,f as was said above (§ iS*), is the usual spelling on inscriptions till the
time of Julius Caesar, though maximus, &c is occasionally found much earlier.
The spelling of Plautus has u in words like magni{ficef Pseud, 709 (A. / ; puUi^fagiSf
Most, 8a8 (A.) ; socinfrande, Pseud, 36a (A.) ; sacn^ficem, Pseud. 337 (both A, the
Ambrosian Palimpsest, and the Palatine family of MSS.) ; carmtfex, &c. (see
Index to Studemund's Apograph of A, p. 522). So Oinumama for Unimamma, an
Amazon, on an old Praenestine cista (C. I.L. i. 1501) ; testumonium on the Lex
Bantina of 133- 118 b.c. (i. 197); Com^ficia on an inscription (i. 1087), which
Ritschl dates * not long after Caesar* (cf. Gk. Kopyoipiictos, e. g. C. L 0, 6948),
tubulustrium (Varro), but aedificandam 108 b. c. (C. I,L. i. 565 and Eph, Epigr, viii.
460), opiparum on the old Falisco-Latin inscription with aciptum (Zv. /. /. /. 7a),
V€iditnonium and aedificium on the Lex Agraria of iii b. c. (C. I, L, i. aoo) ; tesH'
moniuin on the Lex Ropetundarum of iaiB.c. (i. 198), &c. Mdm^estus is the
anteclass., mani/estus the classical spelling (Geoi^ges, Lex, Wvrif, s. v.). [For other
examples see G^eorges s.w. Hadrumetumj quadrupeSj septu(m)enniSy sqftu(tn)aginUt,
crcLssupes {Qk. Kpaaaonrjs, BuU. vi. p. a8o, of the Republican period), manuprdftutn,
maritumus, incolumisy cotuheTf marsuppiuniy monumentumj comupeta, aurt^feXy extstumo,
lacruma mucculerUusy recupero, usiulo, acupensery sterndinumy intubusy se8ciq)leXy
vidumay pontiifex']. The influence of a following syllable with i (especially in
hiatus) is shown in familia (O. Lat. fatnelioty $ 18) beside famulus ; subrimii
haediy from rtimiSy mamma (Paul. Fest. 369. 8 Th.) beside suhrumari (Fest.
44a. 3a Th.); moinicipieis beside 9nancup{um) on the Lex Agraria of iii B.a
(C,I,L. i, 3cx>) ; manibieis, Eph, Epigr, i. p. 215 (but manuhiesy ih, viii. 476, on a
Capua inscription c 135 b. c.) ; surripias is the spelling of both families of MSS.
of Plautus in Pseud, 876, surripere iu Pseud, 390, 675, surripitur in MU, 60a, but
with u in the next syllable surrupuiy surrupuisse seem to be the Plautine forms
(also surrup(us) ; we have recipit on a Scipio Epitaph of c. 180 b. c. (C. /. L. i, 33),
accipito and concilium on i. 197 of 133- 118 B.C., accipitOy concUiaiumy conciliaboleis
on i. 198 of 123-132 B.C.; acipiant on i. 199 of 117 B.C. ; only the i-form is
quoted of inipitus : implicatus vel inretitus (Gl. Plac), from root ap- (cf. aphts).
[For inipite : inpetum facite (Paul. Fest. 78. 5 Th.), see below]. In Gk. inscrip-
tions Xtnrovfuos is very rare ; we find almost always Seirr</Aios. (See also Georges
on Lanivium),
Classical : u remains in contubemium (but adtibemaliSy Paul. Fest. 9. 9 Th.)
from tabema; nuncupo, occupo from capiOy occuloy &c., and was retained in the
spelling of Dat. and Abl. Plur. of some U-stems to distinguish them firom
similar I- or Cons. -stems, e.g. artubusy but according to the second-oent.
grammarian in the spelling only (Ter. Scaur, p. 35. 11 K. nemo autem tam
insulse per u ' artubus ' dixerit) (irdnbos on an old inscription in the British
Museum, Eph. Epigr. ii. 399) ; dissupo is the anteclassical, dissipo the classical
spelling (Georges, Lex, Wwtf. s.v.); so xinAuma and vidima (i&. a. v.) ; mtmu-
mtmXum and monimenium were both used, e. g. monimeniu (C. I, L, i. 1358, ' not
after 130 b.c' Ritschl), while monementum and monomerUum are incorrect
spellings (Georg. s. v.). DdcumerUum, &c. but spicimen^ &c. by Assimilation.
The Farasitio VoweL Anteclassical : piacolomy the old spelling according
to Mar. Yictorinus (p. 11. 14 K. ut apparet ex libris antiquis foederum et
legom, qui etiamsi frequenti transcriptione aliquid mutarunt, tamen retinent
antiquitatem . . . pro ' piaculum ' ibi ^ piacolom '), is on a law of 58 b. 0. (C^ I, L. L
603), piaeul- (jnadum on the Spoletium inscription, xi. 4766), but the ancient o
O
194 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Oh*p. m.
remains in Plautine spellings like cumohs, Ace PI., Pseud, 196 (A.) ; epolonM
dicebant antiqui quos nunc epulones dicimus (PauL Fest. 55. 15 Th.) ; agdum :
pastorale baculum, quo pecudes aguntur (Paul. Fest. ai. 37 Th.) ; Tuscokma,
C. J. L, i. I900 ; tabolam on S. G. Bacch. of 186 b. c. (i. 196) ; taboleisy popolum
(beside popul(p)) on Lex Bantina of 133-118 b. c. (i. 197) ; singolos, Uiboleis (and
tabula) f conciUoMeis on the Lex Repetundarum of 133-199 b. o. (i. 198) ; singclos
(but vinculeis) on the Sententia Minuciorum of 1 17 b. a (i. 199) ; tabolofn, smgolis
on i. 908, an inscription referred by Ritschl to about the time of the Lex Agraria
(i 900, which however has only tabukty iabkiSy singuUi, irienUibu2e{i8)), yIz. x i i b. c. ;
angolaria (but operetda)f on the (restored) Lex Parieti Faciendo of 105 b. c. (i
577), so that the old spelling does not seem to have died out till the end of the
second cent. b. a (On Greek inscriptions we have AtvroKos (first cent. b. c),
AfVTtkos (c. 140 b. c.), AtvrvKos (first cent. a. d.), but usually Afvrkos (cf. ch. ii.
§ 109) ; the Gk. loanword drachma is in the earlier writers drac{h)uina ; for
spellings like vigulumy vigulOj vigeliOy titeluSj siMoj sepulirity see Gorges.)
§ 22. in other short syllables. Anteclassical : accSdo (for accido) is pre-
served by the MSS. in Enn. Trag. 77. 906 R. ; Lucr. ii. 1095, v. 609 and
elsewhere (see Ribbeck, ProUgom, Verg, p. 416) ; so timedus in Naev. Com, 35 R. ;
acetare dicebant, quod n\mc dicimus agere (Paul. Fest. 17. 30 Th.). Similarly
<! is retained without weakening in spellings of the oldest MSS. of Plautus like
delenetf Pers. 505, contenuumy Stick, 914, conienuo 693, &c. (so the corruption ad ie
alienent, Pers. 497, points to attenent not attinerU) ; in the MSS. of Poen, a66pro8eda
(cf. PauL Fest. 989. 16 Th. prosedas meretrices Plautus appellat), optemd on
a Scipio Epitaph of c 130 b. c. (C. I. L, i 38) ; conregione in the augur's formula
(Varro, L, L. vii 8 ; Paul. 46. 94 Th.) ; promeneruatf promonet, Carm. Sal. (Fest.
944. 19 Th.) ; cf. mereto(d) on a Scipio Epitaph of c. 915 b. c. (C.I.L. i. 39) (but
meritod i. 190, 'early part of the sixth cent. A.U.C.'), and even on a recent
inscription {i. 1019). This e in Old Latin spellings often appears for I.-Eur. t in
syllables unaccented under the Old or the Paenultima Law, e. g. aidites Nom.
Sg. on a Scipio Epitaph of c 950 b. o. (i. 31) ; Fabrecio (i 106) ; Tempestatebus
on a Scipio Epitaph of c 915 b. c. (i. 39) ; Lepareses for Liparenses ^Gk. Aiirdpcu\
(quoted probably from Ennius by Paul. Fest. 87. 6 Th.), and Greek inscrip-
tions often retain the older orthography, e. g. koiutiov (usually), Keu«rcX.io$ (till
c. 50 B. c, thenKaticiXios), KaircrwAiov (usually, Kairtr- not till first cent. a. d.),
AcircSos (in Rep., but AcriSos in Empire), Ao/itTtos and Ao/utios, But the
weakening to t Is old, as is seen from dimidiusy which must have changed e to t
at a time when the accent rested on the first syllable ; confice on an old
Praenestine cista of third cent. b. c. {Mel. Arch, 1890, p. 303) ; subigit and
opsides on a Scipio Epitaph of c 900 b. c. (i. 30) ; habitarent oppidum, possidere
on the Decree of L. Aemilius Paulus, 189 b. c. (ii. 5041) ; obstinety dicebant
antiqui, quod nunc est ostendit, ut in veteribus carminibus, &c (Fest. 998.
6 Th.) ; prospicesy prospice, Carm. SaL (Fest. 944* 13 Th.) ; inico is the old
spoiling, later eneco (Georges, Lex, Wortf. s. v.) ; prosidum, quod praesecatum
projicitur (PauL Fest 989. 13 Th., cf. proskiaey GL Philox.) ; exsicas from ex
and secoy Plant. Rud, 199 ; obigitat antiqui dicebant pro ante agitat (Fest 914.
9 Th.) ; jurigoy later j&rgo (of. jurgium) ; gaUidnium from oano, by analogy of
which was formed conticinium (cf. GL Plac p. 58. 94 G. conticinio : tempore noctis
post gain cantum quando cecinit et conticuit) (see Goetz, praef. in Plant Asin,
xxv). Classical : Jupptier from pater ; 8istite[ct Gk. (ararc); eomfnfum, explained
by Yarro, < ubi viae competunt ' (L. £. 6. 95) (ct propUnu) ; cRmaco from maeo
§§ 22, 28.] ACCENTUATION. VOWEL-WEAKENING. I95
(cf. macto) ; of the rare weakening of 0 we have examples in CompoundB like
fivmicidaj armigefj &c. for the Composition- Vowel, which is 6 in other languages,
is t in Latin (see ch. v. § 83) ; inquitinus beside incola? Of t2, examples are ccmicm
(6k. HopvoK\aptoSf icofwovfeXapios and KopvucXapioi) ; supercUium (cf. 6k. k^Xol,
Plur.) ; both indutxts {induto in all the MSS. of Plant. Pera, 251) and incHtua are
attested spellings ; (cf. arbUa, not arbutUf in the MSS. of Lucretius, v. 941 and
965). For other examples of e-t, see Gorges, Lex, Wor^f,, s. vv. digo^ compUunif
tremebuwiusy caeremoniay feniaiciumy cervesiay ploxenuniy subaicivus, quatmu8y irUemedOf
proiinnaj seneca, qiterimotua, inteUegentia, negkgo, interimoj also for late and plebeilm
spellings like aegitia^ patena, tredecem, decim, (On late cu^jecentia see Schuchardt,
Voh\ L 193. ) The change of e to i in syllables long by position is claimed for
]mt(ifiacini g^iata, &c. (on these see ch. ii. § la), certainly with right in 11*-
frhujfOj &c. (see ch. iv. § 11), before a consonant-group like ng (so Ungo for
*t€ngo, 6k. riYtot), Assimilation saves the vowel in aegetem, tereteniy &c
§ 23. (3) Diphthongs, ai, ae. Anteclassical : diatiaum et perUsum dioebant,
quod nimc * distaesum ' et * pertaesum * (Paul. Fest 51. 25 Th., cfc 271. 9 Th.).
Festus, 379. 7 Th. tells us that Scipio Airicanus Minor was twitted for his
use of pert iaua by Lucilius :
Quo facetior videare, et scire plus quam caeteri
'Pertisum' hominem, non pertaesum, dices.
Lucilius was right, for compoimds with intensive per are Separable Compounds
like bene-faciOf aat-ago (see below) ; pertaesum is the spelling on the Claudius tablet
at Lyons ; consiptus was used by Ennius, according to Paul. Fest. 43. 37 Th. (c£
45. 15) t and an example is quoted by Non. 183. 14 M. s. v. venor : teneor consipta,
undique uenor (Enn. Trag. 954 R.) ; adaipere et praeaipere dicebant antiqui, sicut
nos quoque modo dicimus ab aequo 'iniquimi,'ab quaerendo 4nquirere' (Paul.
Fest. 16. 9 Th.) ; obaipiam, quoted from Caecilius by Diomedes (p. 383. 10 E.
quod vulgo * obsepio ' dicimus veteres * obsipio * dixenmt. Caecilius, &c.)
{Com. 65 R.) ; praecidantam porcam dicebant, quam immolare erant soliti
antequam novam frugem praeciderent (Paul. Fest. 973. 5 Th.). (6elliu8, iv. 6
discusses this word and its cognate succidaneaej which, he says, was sometimes
mispronounced in his time sucddaneae : succidaneae nominatae, littera i scilicet
tractim pronuntiata; audio enim quosdam eam litteram in hac voce corripere) ;
occisit is quoted from the Laws of Numa by Festus (194. 9i Th.) ; so decidito in
XII Tab., inceideretia on S. C. Bacch. of 186 b. c. (C. L I. i. 196, 97). But exquaera is
quoted by Priscian (i. p. 38 H.) from Plant Atd. 800, and the MSS. of PlautUB
often show this spelling of the word (see Ritschl, Opusc. iv. p. 141) {bo dtfaeccUo,
Aid, 79, but d^catamy Moat, 158 are the likely spellings) ; conquaeriy conquae-
aiueritj exaestumaverii occur on the Lex Repetundarum of 193-199 b. c. (C 1, L.
i. 198), while on the Edictum Popillianimi of 139 b. c. (i. 551) we have the
curious spelling conquaeiaiuei [cf. i. 547, an inscription of 141 or 116 b. c, with
Caeicdiua (^and considio), while a similar inscription, i. 548, has the older spelling
CaicUiiia (and conaoltOf $ 96)]. Later, the retention of ae became the rule, e. g.
opaoi^um on the Lex Col. JuL Urbanonmi of 44 b. c. {Eph, Epigr, ii. p. 105) ;
lapicaedinia on the Lex Metalli Vipascensis of the first cent. a. d. {Eph. Epigr,
iii. p. 166) ; we have usually /o&rt aubaediani on inscriptions (C. I, L, x. 6699. 5 ;
▼i- 9559- 8, &C.), or aubediani (vi. 9558. 7 ; viii. 10593. 5) (of which last, aubidiani
on ii. 991 1. 7, seems to be a misspelling). The weakened forms are used in
the clasBical period in the compounds of quaero, in eoeisHmo (cf. Mar. Victor.
O 2
196 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. III.
p. aa. 6 K. quid enim facietis in his quae, velitis nolitis, et scribenda sunt et
legenda ut scrip ta sunt, ut exempli gratia ' existimo ' non * exaestimo *), in
fastidium for yasti'tidiwn (§ 13, p. 176), &c.
au ; offucare aquam : in fauces obsorbendam dare (Paul. Fest. 923. 8 Th.) ;
d^frudo seems to be the spelling of Plautus and Terence (Ritschl. Parerg, Plant.
p. 540) ; accuao, incusoy &c from cattaa are classical forms. The Q of the
compounds of daudo was in time adopted in the simple verb too, dudo by
analogy of redudOf &c. (of ItaL chiudo) (see Seelmann in 06U. CM. Am, Aug.
15, 1890) (cf. sed /rude $ 64, beside aed/raude § 69, on the Lex Repetundarum,
C. J. L, i. ig8)» The 6 of explodo, &c. is not due to the loss of accent, but is a by-
form of au found in the simple verb. (Diom. p. 38a. a6 K. plaudo frequens
est, apud veteres plodo ; then after quoting the form ploderent from Cicero,
he adds, secimdiun eam consuetudinem qua ^ au ' syllaba cum ' o ' littera com-
mercium habet, ut cum dicimus ' claustra ' et * clostra/ item ' caudam ' et
' oodam ' et similia), just as oe (older ox) and H are byforms, e. g. communis^
immanis, oomoikex in S. 0. Bacch. (C. I, L, i. 196), immotnis (Plaut.). Oboedio
Arom audio is difficult to explain, (^ee also Georges, Lex, Worif, s. w. dtssa«pfum,
eocquirOf exisHmOj and Brambach, Orth, on periaesusy lapicidinae,)
§ 34. (4) Diphthongs in Hiatus. (On these see also ch. iv.) The u-diphthong
is retained in &b-avu3j dt-avus, trit-avus (O. Lat. strit-avus) but becomes u in Sluo
beside lavo, eruum {ervum) from *ereg1t- (Gk. kp^fitvOoi), dinuo for de novoy kc. The
Greek *Axcu(f)o( became Lat. Achtvi (through *-4cA«r-); Gk. Il\at(/)ov,olivo'y older
oleivo-j which became when -om was weakened to -wm ♦ofet(r)wm Nom., *oleici
Gen. &c. (see ch. ii. $ 53), whence oleum (for ey before a vowel loses y, e, g. eo, *I
go,' for *dyO, ch. iv. § 63), and oHrum, olei and oHvi, &c (like dei{v)uSy (fetvi, whence
deu8 and divuSy dei and diviy ch. iv. § 70) ; Gk. ^fupahy a Thracian cla3rmore,
became rumpia (Enn. Ann, xiv. fr. 8 M. ; Liv. xxxi. 39. 11). In doSca for
dovaaiy the v has been dropped, as usual, before the accented vowel (ch. ii.
$ 53), while n5civus and nocuus are different formations (ch. v. § 7).
§ 26. (5) je and ve. On {, t2 as a weak or unaccented form of yd, wd in Indo-
European see ch. iv. § 51. Whether the i of dbidoy &c. should be explained
as a similar Latin weakening, or as a modification of -/i-, is an open question.
The u of concuHo may also be compared with tbe use of Greek tcu for Lat. -qui-
(especially unaccented), e. g. Greek 'AtcvXas for Lat. AquilOy Greek Kvp^tyos for
Lat. QuMnuSy see ch. ii. § a8. Cf. ancunulentae * unclean,' (Paul. Fest. 8. a9Th.),
and inquinare ; Mgrow is the reduction of hi-jugae (see C^eorges, Lex. Wort/, s. v.
bijugu8)y quadfiffae of quadri-jugae ; abicio has the first syllable short in the old
dramatic poets (cf. ch. ii. § 48, p. 45).
§ 26. (6) Later change ofotou,utoi!i, i. In syllables long by position
this is the usual development of original 0, for cases like M-ginld with e(t)
for imaccented 0 (cf. Greek rptdHovra) are rare, e. g. v&ustus from I. -Eur.
*wetos (Greek irosy ' a year ') and similar derivative TO-stems from Neuter
S-stems, /Srundus and similar Gerundial DO-stems from third Conjugation
Verbs, voluntas and the like formations [that /UnesiuSy /erendus, /erentarius (cf.
Osc Herentat-, the Oscan Venus), &c show a weakening of 0 to e, and not
rather a hy stem /unes-f/erend-y/erent- cannot be proved ; cf. ch. viii. §§ 89, 94, and
see above, § ao ; cf. lugubris {^os) and /une&ris (-es)]. Similarly in final syllables
long by position we have -unt in 3 PI. of Verbs for O. Lat. -ont, e. g. neqmnoni
(Liv. Andron.), ooaeniiont (Scipio Epitaph) (ch. viii. § 73). The change of 0 to u
ii 24-27.] ACCENTUATION. VOWEL- WEAKENING. 1 97
in unaccented syllables is further discussed in ch. iv. § 20. DApundiua (and
dupondius; see Georges, Lex, Wcrtf, s,Y,)y promurUOrium, are not good examples,
for before nd, rU we find even accented 0 becoming a u-soimd, e. g. O. Lat/rumfes,
Acheruntem (ch. ii. § aa). For examples of the change in syllables not long by
position, see Georges, Lex, Wcfrif, s. yy. formidolosusy aduleacens, lemureSf fulguriOf
hajidusj lautumiae, and cf. Brambach, Orth, on the misspellings pulerUa, amulumy
AequicuU and Georges on suhuleSf ebuiis Gen., rigura Plur., vinulerUus, sanffuinu'
lentusj eomiwlentits, tripudo. But coralium (Greek Koi)p-) and curalium (Greek irov/>>)
are not examples, nor mamphur (leg. tnan^ar) the * thong' roimd a turner's wheel
(Paul. Fest. loi. i Th.) (see Meyer-Lubke, Comtn, Schiceizer'Sidler, p. 24), and
O. Lat. colina is a doubtful form. Examples of u-i are induiusy later inditusj dB-
fnitum and defriium (see Georges), arbutum and arbitum (Lucr.), sdtura and satira,
$ 27. (7) Greek words with Vowel-ohange. a. Aleria ( AXakia in Herodo-
tus), a town in Corsica (cf. the Scipio Epitaph, c 915 b. c. C.I.L. u 3a hec cepit
Corsica Aleriaque urbe) ; tessera {ricaafta) ; Agrigentum {'Ajepdyayra Ace), now
Girgenti ; TarerUum {Tdpayra Ace.), now Taranto or TartLnto ; AlixetUrom
{'Aki^aySpor) on a Praenestine cista of third cent. b. c. (i. 59), and on another
(i. 1501) Alixente{r) {'Aki^ay^ftos), Casenter(a) ( Kaa<r(iy8/>a), Atdeta (^ KrdKiyrri) \
HecubGy O. Lat. Hecoba (Quint, i. 4. 16) {^Eiedfirf) ; camera {leafidpa)^ also camarOf
(the spelling approved by Verrius Flaccus, Charis. 58. 93 K.), which was
specially used in the sense of a decked boat (see Georges, Lex, Wort/, s. v.) ;
Camenna and Camatina (Ka/ici/Mi'a), ardpula {KfxuvdKij) (see Meyer, Rom. Oram,
i. pp. 3a, 36) ; machina {jirixaviif fULxayd) ; Catina (KaTavrf) ; scutula {atevrdkrf) ;
strangulo {ffTpayyakdoa),
c. caiapuUa {/caranikTrfs) ; scopidus {ffK6v€koi) ; tarpessita Plant. (r/>atrc(tri;r) 'fPha-
retra {<f>apiTpa) ; Acheruns Plant. ('Ax^/wv) ; enocilis (LOwe, Prodr, p. 376) (lyx*^*'*)*
I. dapsilis (Sa^cA^s) ; aipressus {mntdpiffffos),
o. amurca {d/idpyr}) ; cothurnus (jc^opvos) ; epistula (imffrok^) ; also epistola {aee
Georges, Lex, Wort/, s.v.); paenula {<pauy6ktjs) ; tribulus (rpifiokos;) ; Pairicoleb
{ndTpoKkos)y the old form, used by Ennius (Trag, 314 R. ; a line of Livius
Andronicus is quoted by Gellius, vi. 7. 11, with this name in the form Patrodua,
without any divergence in the MSS.) ; lautumiae, Avemus, popularly connected
with dopvo^y and late Lat. averta (Greek doprfj) admit of other explanations.
(See Solmsen, Stud, Lat. Lauigesch, p. 23). On the spelling numisma (Gk. yS^ufffM)
see Keller ad 'H.OT,Epp, ii. i. 234, and on late Lat. zdhulus for diabolusj Georges,
Lex, WoniJ. s. v.
V. arytaena, but artaena {artena) in Lucilius (Apvratya) ; incUega (<77v^^)
(Paul. Fest. 76. 3 Th. incitega : machinula, in qua constituebatur in convivio
vini amphora, de qua subinde deferrentur vina) ; mattea, ^ mincemeat' (Varro,
L,L, V. 112) {fMTTvri), (The word appears in a curious military term
inattioharbulusj used by Vegetius for a leaden bullet, or a soldier armed with
these, apparently for iiarrvo-irdpfiokos, lit. ' mincemeat-scattering.' See
A, L, L, V. 135) ; serpiUum, (if from Greek ?/)»vAAos), with s by analogy of serpo,
aiy av, Achivi {*Axaioi) ; olivum and oleum (IXoiok) ; oliva and olea (tkaia) ;
Ceniunimj Centaurum (Gl. Plac. p. 54. 7 G.) (K4yravpov),
Parasitic Vowel. "apaxk^K is on Praenestine cistae and mirrors Herde , , .
{CJ,L. xiv. 4105), Hercles (? Ferdes) {CLL, i. 1500), Hercde Ace. (i. 56),
and on old Praenestine inscriptions (xiv. 2891-2) Hercole Dat On a Roman
inscription of 217 b.c. (i. 1503) HercoUi Dat. So Hercolei (i. 1175), Herodi
(i. 815), but Eerculis Gen. on an inscr. of 146 b. c. (i. 541), classical HercukSy
198 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Oh»p. HI.
meherde (cf. Prise, i. p. 97. 13. H. Romanorum vetustissimi in multis dictioni-
bus loco ejus (u) o posuisse inveniuntur ... * Hercolem ' pro *• Herculom ') ;
*Airie\riirt6s is Aiscolapio Dat on an old inscr. (Ann, Epigr, 1890, no. 85, but
Aisdapif Eph. Epigr. i. 5), classical Aesculapius; 'AXxfxffyrj is in Plautus Alcumena ;
on techinoy kc, munmOf see ch. ii. $ 7a.
$ 28. (8) Vowel nnohanged. i. in Latin words. Anteclassical : incantassit
and excanUusit of XII Tab. (ap. Plin. xxviii. 18), but 'ocoentassint' antiqui dice-
bant, quod nunc convicium feoerint (Fest 196. la Th.) ; ancaesaj dicta sunt
ab antiquis vasa, quae caelata appellamus (PauL Fest. 15. 10 Th.), but Prise.
L p. 39. ao H. cites as instances of am-f 'anfractus,' ' ancisus,' * anquiro/ and
Yarro, L,L, vlL 43 explains ' ancilia': quodeaarma ab utraqueparte,ut Thracum,
incisa ; per/acul antiqui, et per se ' facul ' dicebant, quod nunc facile diximus
(Fest 966. aoTh.) is normal, for compounds with per- >very' seem not to
change the vowel, e. g. persalsus (beside insulsus), persapiens (beside insipiens) :
perfacUis (beside difflcUis), being what are called ^Separable' Compounds,
cf. per pol saepe peccaSj Plaut Cos, 370, per opus est, Ter. Andr. 365 (so that
Lucilius was right in his objection to pertisumy see above) ; procapis progenies :
quae ab uno caplte procedit (Paul. Fest. a8i. aa Th.) ; concapit tignum
XII Tab. (ap. Fest. 556. Q^ Th. tignum iunctum aedibus uineaue et concapit
ne soluito); resparsum Yinnm (Paul. Fest. 353. 6Th.); concapsit, conprehen*
derit (C. Q, L. v. i8a. aa). occannere (3 PI. Pft.) is quoted from Sallusfs
Histories by Priscian, i. p. 539. 5 K.
Classical : rMarguOy but 'rederguo,' was used by Scipio AfricanuH Minor
(Fest. 37a. 7 Th. redarguisse per e litteram Scipio Africanus Pauli filius dicitur
enuntiasse, ut idem etiam ' pertisum ') ; alacriSj but Vulg. Lat. alecer (so
in a glossary in MS. Vind. 48a) (Ital. allegro, &c.) ; augurOtus, augur were
formerly *augeratus,' ^ auger' according to Priscian, i. p. 37. 17 H. ; impetus,
but * inipite,' inpetum facite (Paul. Fest. 78. 5 Th., apparently a corruption
for 'impite,' impetum fac), 'compitum'; undecim^ duodecim weaken the e of
the final syllable but not of the paenultima ; iiwola, but O. Lat * inquilinus '
(ch. vi. § 10) ; inaequSUsy but * iniquus,' &c. U remains in ttUudi (see ch. viii.
§ 39), pkudem, contumax, &c. (See also Georges, Lex, Wwtf, s. w. tnstatm), con-
quaestory cofnparoj sepdiOy &c.)
§ 29. ii. in Greek loanwords : amygdala {dfxvySdXri) (but Vulg. amiddula^ Probi
Appendix 198. a6 K.), artemo Lucil. (dprifioav) ; astraba, the title of a play ascribed
to Plautus {dffTpdfirf) ; ballaetia or halena, Plaut. &c. {<p6KKaiva) ; halanus, Plaut.
&c. (fi&Kavoi) ; haraihrumy Plaut. &c. {0dpa0pov) ; calamuSj Plaut. &c. (/rtUa/xos),
apparently Vulg. Lat. *calmus (Ital. calmo and calamo, Fr. chaumo) ; cantharus,
Plaut. &c. {K6y$apoi) ; cinaeduSy Plaut. &c. (icivaiSos) ; cottabus, Plaut. &c.
(icoTTa/3os) ; qfmbtdum, Lucr.&c. (Kufifiakoy) ; daedalusy Enn.&c. '^daiboKos) ; drapeta,
Plaut. {^pavinji) ; gaunacum, Varro (mwdKrj) ; gausape, Lucil. &c. {yavadvris,
yawrawos) ; Hecata, Plaut. &c. {'E/drrj) ; hOaruSy Plaut. &c., later hilaris {iXap6i) ;
miuriay Plaut., later ni\fria {^WXvpia) ; lapatfius, Lucil. (KdmBoi) ; nuichaera,
Plaut. &c (jjuixoupa) ; malacuSy Naev., Plaut &c. (/KiAeuros) ; margarita, Varro,
&c. (jmpyaplTTji) ; metaUumy Varro. &c. {/jUtoKKov) ; murenay Plaut. &c. {tivpatva) ;
narcissus (ydptciaaos) ; otnrussoy 'touchstone,' Cic. {&0pv(fjy 6fipv(ov) ; onager
{6vaypoi) ; palaestroy Plaut. &c (waKalarpa) ; petasusy Plaut. &c. (viraaos) ;
phalangay Varro, &o. ; pitiacium {wtrrdMiov) ; ptisanoy Varro, Ac. (wriadvif) ;
raphantis, Cato, &c, {fid^roi) ; sesamumy Plaut. (a^aa/iop), but sesumay Plaut.
ii 28-81.] ACCENTUATION. VOWEL- WEAKENING. 1 99
Poen, 326, sesima (see Georges s. v.) ; slomachuSf skmachoTy Ter. &c. (<rTo/iaxos) ;
Tartani8f TartarinviSy Enn. &c. (TdpTapos)f sometimes mispronounced ' Tarterus '
(Consent. 39a. 17 K.) ; thalamus (0<&Aa/ios) ; thesaurus^ t{h)ensaiirus, Plant. &c
{07jactvp6s) ; tropaeum, Accius, &c. {rpSvaiov) ; iympanumf Plant. &c. (nJ/iwwov) ;
^annti«y Plant. &c. (rtipayyos) ; paedagogrAS, Plant. &o, (irm8o7tt;7<Js).
$ 30. (9) Iion^ vowelB. None of the examples adduced to prove that long
unaccented vowels were sometimes changed are conclusive : d^ro from Uroy
* a furrow,* root leis- (O.Sl. l«ha, Lith. lyse, * a garden-bed, 'O. H. G. wagan-leisa,
&c), is the correct form, while «fe?^ as Varro (ap. Vel. Long. 73. 9 K.) pointed
out, is due to confusion with Greek krifmv, DSUnio (so spelt in all the MSS.
apparently of Plant. Stick, 457), beside deleniOf subtUis (but protUum^ &c.),
suspicio, conr^um, all with i in the following syllable, show the change to
which even accented s is liable, e. g. PUnius (ch. iv. § 7). OccidamuSy attributed
to Plautus, as an example of ob in composition, by the MSS. of Festus (196. 10
Th. occidamus Plautus ponit pro contra cedamus, cum plurimae aliae prae-
positiones familiariores huic verbo sint ; cf. PauL 197. i Th.) is clearly
a corruption for ocOddmus. For not only does Placidus' Glossary of Plautus
(p. 89. 4 G.) give occedere : occurrere vel obviam cedere, but the MSS. (the
Palatine family) of Plautus read in the passage referred to by Festus, viz. Pseud,
250, Accedamus hac obviam, where the corruption (KcedamUs points to an
original occedamus. Consiva^ an epithet of the goddess Ops (Fest. a 10. 36 Th.,
Varro, L, L.\i, 21) has been connected with consSrOj amsSvi, The examples of
unchanged S are numerous, such as the compounds ofcSdOy rSpo, cSlOf crSdOj crStuSj
spSro, irrltio from r^te, &c. For the change of A to S through want of accent
(for a similar change tlirough influence of palatal j (y) in Vulg. Lat. J^tiarius,
&c., see ch. 11. $ 3) the examples usually adduced are anh^us (cf. Adfo), and subtU
(cfl tdlus). But anMxia (spelt anelhis in MSS. of Virgil ; see Ribbeck's Index)
has probably come from *an-insUiSy the a of AoZo, from.*&nsU> (root an augmented
by s), having been changed to e while its quantity was still short. The word
suhtd quoted by Priscian (i. p. 147. 9 H.) as an instance of -Uj and explained as
rb Koikov rod vo^i (what does he mean by hostis hostilis, subtel subtilis,
i. p. 131. 21 H. ?) may similarly be due to a change of the short vowel in the
original form *sub'tax-lus (cf. taxillus) (or from teUus ?). None of the Compounds
of c^mo, fdmaf/dtusy danis^ pdreo^ paXj pidcoj prdvus^ rddOy vddOf gndrus, gratus, IdboTf
nuSno, ndtuSyffndvus, &c. ever change the vowel. Prqfesttis is a compound of/Sstus
(cf. /^ae for *fssiae)^ not offastxis, Jois (of. nefastus). Nor do 5, a change ; witness
the Compounds of pfcro, dSno, flos^ &c. PraestSlor and praestiUor come, the one from
praesto, the other from praesta (§ 15. 3). PejSro and ^0 (cf. conierat, coniurat,
C, 0, L. iv. 322. 33) have not yet been thoroughly explained.
§ 31. (10) Becomposition and Analogy. In Vulgar Latin, as was mentioned
before (§ 11), the accent seems to have rested on the first syllable of the
verb in Compound Verbs, e. g. renegat, Ital. riniega, O. Fr. renie ; dimorat^ Ital.
dimora (with close 0), Fr. demeure. The vowel of the simple verb usually
appears unchanged in the Compound, e. g. reddedUy Ital. rendiede, O. Fr.
rendiet. From the inscriptions of the Empire and the remarks of gram-
marians we see that the same * etymological ' treatment of Compound Verbs
was a feature of Imperial Latin. On the Latin Papyri of Herculaneum (first
cent. A. D. ) the preposition of a Compound Verb, &c. is usually retained in
its simple form and not assimilated to the initial of the verb, or noun, e. g.
aOO THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. HL
ad-8idu0f ad-fini {Class. Rev, iv. 443% by a similar ' re-composition ' ; and Yelius
Longus (p. 6a. 16 K.) mentions ctcttuo, (idldquorj adldbor as the forms in use at
his time, though Assimilation was the custom with other verbs, e. g. aJUffo (see
ch. iv. § 159). The same grammarian, in another passage, while he approves
of the pronunciation commendo, adds that the popular pronunciation was
commando (73. 10 K. quamvis ^ commendo ' dicamus, tamen ' commando ' in
consuetudlne est.) (So amendo and amando. See Georges, Lex.Worif, s. v.). And
his remark on the word comprimo shows the tendency of his time (first cent. a. d. )
to follow in these Compound Verbs the Analogy of the Simple Verb, or of
the Perfect Participle Passive (76. 9 K. ' comprimo * quoque per i malo scribi,
quamvis * compressus ' dicatur). (Of. Mar. Vict. zo. 6 K. sacratum autem
in compositione ' consecratum ' facit per s et e, non per s et a, sic et castus
facit ' incestum ' non * incastum' ; Caper no. 7K. 4nsipiens' non 4nsapiens' ;
Diom. 378. 30 K. ; Prise, i p. 437. 25 H.) The analogy of the Perf. Part
Pass, (or was it Assimilation ?) brought e instead of t into the second syllable
of perpeti, depedscif &c., while the analogy of the simple verb is seen in spellings
on Imperial inscriptions like consacravit (C. J. L, vi. 3716, of z8a a. d.), conscuravi
on the Hon. Ancyr. ii. 30 ; iv. 95) (for other examples see Seelmann, Ausspr,
p. 60). Often the two forms, the old with changed vowel and the new
popular form, are retained side by side, and are used by the grammarians to
express different shades of meaning. Thus Velius Longus (75. 6 K.) differen-
tiates aspergo the Verb, from aspargo the Noun ; Caper (100. 5 K,) protinus tho
Adverb of time, from protefius the local Adverb. The t of the Oblique Cases
of tewr, *laevirf * brother-in-law' (cf. Greek Saifp, I. -Eur. *daiwer-) and indeed of
the Nom. Sg. too, is due to the analogy of vir (cf. Non. 557. 6 M. levir dicitur
frater mariti, quasi laevus vir) ; of the inferior spelling gSnitrix, for genetrix
(see Georges, Lex, Wortf. s.v.) to the analogy of geniior. Sometimes the
Analogy of the Compoimd affects the Simple Verb, when the Compound is
more frequently in use than the other. The Analogy of conspkio^ aspiciOf
despiciOf &c changed the spelling of the little used simple verb from specio (e. g.
Varr. L, L. vi. 8a, Plant. Cos. 516) to spicio ; complico, eocplico, &c. have effected
the change of *pleco (Gk. irA^/rro;) to plico. (For other ex. of * Re-composition,'
see Seelmann, Ausspr. p. 60, and Georges, Lex, Wor{f, s. w. dispando, it^faceius, prae-
canto, infarcio^ peremoy indamnis beside indemnis ; see also above, § a8).
§ 82. (U) Pretonic. MiniscUur pro reminiscitur antiquitus dicebatur (Paul.
Fest. 88. I a Th.) (or by Analogy of Compound ?) ; the Preposition en of O. Lat.
became in from its position before the accented syllable in phrases like
in-aede esse, in-templum ire, Ac Caper (p. 93. 3 K.) corrects the mispronunciation
piyiaria cella for ^penaria,' and (p. 106. 4 K.) ptdenta for 'polenta,' and (p. 100.
a3 K.), pidato for *pedatu* in the phrase 'prime pedatu '; Probi Append. 198.
5 K. sinatus (C. 1, L. i. ao6, 1. 135 ; viii. 10525, &c.). We may similarly explain the
u of Ulixes, from 'OXvafffvs, the * Aeolic ' form of '08i;<r<r€iJs (Quint, i. 4. 16, who
also quotes the spelling Pulixena for Poljfxena) ; cf. *lov0iroi on a Gk. inscrip-
tion of Syracuse, 1. 1, S. ia5 ; BovXov/iyios on a Cyzicus inscription of the
Republican period, Mitth. vi. ia4. (See also Georges, Lex, Wortf, for the
spellings nitunduSy MligOy ciminumf Sigambri, Lundinium, &c.) In Italian the
influence of the following labial is shown in somiglia (Lat. *similiat)f domanda
(Lat. detnandatjf dovere (Lat. dehere), of a following r in smeraldo (Lat.
smaragdus). But examples in Republican Latin of the weakening of initial
syllables are doubtful (cf. $ 7).
§§ 82-84.] ACCENTUATION. VOWEL-WEAKENING. 201
' $ 88. (12) Aasimllation, Dissimilatioxii and False Analogy* In Italian
the unaccented vowel is often assimilated to the vowel of the neighbouring
syllable. Thus Latin aequdlis has become uguale ; cronaca (Lat. chronica) owes
its penultimate a to Assimilation. The same tendency is seen in Vulgar
Latin *aramen for aerdmen (Span, arambre. Port, arame, Prov. aram, &c.),
*8cUvaticus for sUvdtktu (Fr. sauvage, our 'savage,' Span, salvaje), &c., and in
classical Latin in Perfects like tnonwrdij poposcij cucwrrif of which the older
forms were memcrdif pqMscij cecurri (Gell. vi. 9). So strong is the tendency in
Latin to assimilate completely an initial syllable which has some resemblance
to a following syllable that we find this Assimilation even in the accented
syllable of Perfects like pupHgi^ older pepu^i (Gell. »'&.) [cecini reflects the older
spelling *ce-^;en-ei, but when the Stem-syllable had originally t, we have t in the
Reduplication-syllable, e. g. di-dk'i (see ch. viii. i 2a) from *dic-sco], (On the
Assimilation of Syllables in Latin, see ch. iv. § 163). Mispronunciations of
this kind censured in the Appendix Probi (197-9 K.) are : toUmeum, tonotrUj
passar, ansar^ pctrarUalia, hutumen^ and on late inscriptions we have misspellings
like monomentum (C. L L, vi. 2888, 11 131, 24481, xiv. 416 and 523 and 864 ; BvUL
Conim. Bom, 1880, p. 137, 1887, p. 43), optomo {C.I.L, ii. 4291) (cf. c>p>po(fum as early
as the Lex Agraria of 1 1 1 b. c, i. 200. 81), passar (1. 22. N» 7160 ; C. L L. vi. 2698),
ansare (v. 7906;, pataris (vi. 2060. 12, the Act. Arval. of 81 A.D.), carcares (vi.
2065, 2066, 2067, the Act. Arval. of 87-90 a. d.), cuhuc{u)larius (C. 7. L. vi. 6262,
8766), figilinae (xv. praef. p. 8). See also Gorges, Lex, Wortf, on the spellings
bicuna^ lucusiOy tuburiSj Berenice j carcoTj paasar [e. g. Itala (Ash.) Lee, xL 5, (Taur.)
Maith, X. 29 and 31, (Cantabr.) Luc. xi. 150], PiolomaiSy Dolobdlaf tugurium, and
cf. Romance forms like Span, pajaro, Ital. passaretta (from Vulg. Lat. jxissor).
The opposite tendency, viz. Dissimilation, perhaps appears in Vulgar Latin
in a word like vicinus, where the first I (close i) has been changed to open t
(Span, vecino, Prov. vezins, &c.). To the false analogy of locus has been
referred the a of Vulg. Lat. *lacusta (Roum. l&custH), while forms like Prov.
langosta, O. Fr. langoste point to an original Tangusta (jUla angusta). The
tendency of plant-, bird-, and beast-names to be changed by all sorts of false
analogies is well seen in the dialectal Italian descendants of Lat. resperftltb,
' a bat ' (Tosc. pipistrello, and vipistrello Caserta sportiglione, Pisa pilistrello,
Parma pdlpdstrel, &c.). (For exx. of vowel letained by Assimilation, see
§§ 22, 29).
§ 34. (13) Shortening of Syllables long by Position. In the dramatists of
the Republic a syllable long by nature or by position is occasionally scanned
as a short syllable when a short syllable precedes, a law of Prosody which is
usually called the Law of Breves Breviantes. Of final syllables, syllables
whether long by nature or by ' position * are shortened by this law especially
in iambic words like cavSf putdj feruntj legHfity the liability of a final unaccented
syllable to be shortened being inci^eased by the precedence of a short accented
syllable (see next section). Putting final syllables aside for the present, the
usual case of syllable-shortening is in a word of four or more syllables, where
a syllable long by position is preceded by a short syllable, and followed by
the accented syllable. Thus vciUptatiSy vcluptatem, voUkptariuA, &c. are common
scansions in the early dramatists, and rolilniatiSf juvintutis, gubSmare and
ffubimatcrf egistatis, ventistatiSf supSUectUis come next in order of frequency. The
normal scansion of all these second syllables is that of Classical poetry ; but
the position of the syllable between a short syllable on the one hand and the
202 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. m.
accented syllable on the other, made it especially liable to be slurred in
pronunciation, so that the dramatic poets, who followed more closely the
pronunciation of everyday life than others, felt themselves at liberty, when
exigencies of metre demanded, to treat it as a short syllable. In the word
ministerium this pronunciation was carried so far as to syncopate the second
syllable, nUnsterium, misteritim (Ital. mestiero, Fr. metier, Chaucer's 'mistery,'
ed. Morris, iii. 348) ; and this form seems to occur as early as Plautus,
Pseud, 77a :
paruis magnisque misteriis praefulcior,
where the MSS. offer miaeriia. Less frequently we find the preposition shortened
in a Compound when preceded by a short monosyllable (or elided dissyllable),
e. g. Capt. 83 in dccultOf Most 896 Hbi dptemperem, phrases which may be considered
as word-groups in-occuUo, iib{iyoptemper€m^ and so fall imder the same category
as the polysyllables voluptaiis, voluptarius just mentioned, but also, e. g. TVin. 318
quid fycprobras? Capt 70 quia inuocatus, where the accent does not fall on the
syllable immediately following the preposition. The tendency of a preposition
in a Compound to be weakened (ch. ii. § 130) (cf. 6-mitto for *(mi-mitto, *obmitto ; rS-
ddOf ri-laiuSf ri'duco, earlier reccidOy reUcUus, redduco, but see ch. ix. § 49), is here in-
creased by the precedence of a short syllable ; or perhaps the truer explanation
is that the Preposition was regarded as separable from the other member of the
Compound, and quid &c-, qui{a) in- show the same shortening as in the final
syllable of iambic words. Similarly in Greek and other loanwords a syllable
long by position may be shortened when the preceding short syllable has the
accent, as in Plautus always PhiUppus {^ikiwos) in the sense of a * Philip,' a gold
coin, and in the Christian poets abyssus {&0vaaos) (Paul. Nol. 19. 651 ; 35. 298 ;
Cypr. Gall. Gen, a88 P.). In Vulgar and Late Latin we have syllables long by
nature shortened in this way, e. g. erSmus (iprjftos) in the Christian poets (e. g.
Prud. Psych. 372 ; (kUh, v. 89), whence the Romance forms, Ital. er^mo and
ermo, O. Fr. erme, Span, yermo, &c. ; merSbaturj a mispronunciation censured
by Consentius 393. 23 K. (also drotor 392. 11 K.) ; verScundus in the Christian
poets (e. g. Fort. vii. 6. 10) (cf. vericundus C. I. L, x. 1870), whence the Romance
syncopated forms of ver{e)cundia, Ital. vergogna, Fr. vergogne. Span, vergu-
enza, &c. ; but the instances which can be quoted from the early dramatists
are so few and so uncertain as not to warrant us in ascribing this pronunciation
to an earlier time (see Joum. PhiL xxi. 198 ; xxiL i). In Ter. Phorm, 902 an
uerSbamini, some MSS. have an ueremini ; and CZutSmestra or QutaiSmestra (KAvrcu-
/i-fjarpay a better spelling than KXvTat/ii^or/Kx), in Livius Andronicus, Trag, 1 1 R,
may be a case of false analogy, like onchalcum {6ptixa^oi)i which is in Plautus
aurichalcumy by confusion with aurum, and owes its short t to this earlier form
(cf. aquaeductus non * aquiductus ' Prob. App. 197. 26 K., like terrae motus
non * terrimotium ' ib. 198. 32). AncSra (dyievpa), where the shortened vowel
follows a syllable which is not short but long by position, seems, with its 0 for
V before r, not to be a direct development of the Greek word. The early
dramatists do not shorten by the law of Breves Breviantes the prepositions
tn, con in Compounds when the letter following the preposition is s or / (see
Joum. PhU. 11. cc) ; and we know from Cicero {Or. xlviii. $ 159) that the t, 0
were long in these cases. Cal^aciOf &c. (in Quintilian's time apparently caJfacio,
i. 6. 21), are really separable compounds, cole facia {cf.facit drs, Lucr. vi. 962),
so that the e is properly regarded as a final vowel ; and the same is true of
diiquinte (cf. Gell. x. 24. i).
§ 86.] ACCENTUATION. REDUCTION OF FINAL SYLL. 203
§ 86. Change and Shortening of Vowel in XJnaooented Final
Syllable. The final syllable in Latin requires a separate treat-
ment, for besides the want of accent^ there are other weakening
influences to which a final syllable is always liable. Phoneti-
cians tell us (Sweet, Primer, § 105) that * the general tendency
of language is to pronounce with diminishing force/ so that in
English^ for example, the c of ' cat ' is pronounced with more
force than the t, and the final consonants of 'obliged' are
' whispered ' ; and in Portuguese the final e? of a word like campo
(Lat. campus) is similarly uttered with what is known as
' whisper/ not with * voice.* When a vowel actually ended
a word, it would also be liable to elision^ more or less complete,
before a word which began with a vowel or the letter k,
I. Loss OR Syncope of Short Vowel, i. Final vowel.
The weakness of a final short vowel in Latin is seen in Plautine
versification. Plautus (according to Langen^ in PkUologus, xlvi.
p. 419) shows a preference to elide a final short vowel rather
than allow it to constitute by itself a thesis, so that endings of
iambic lines like expectare vis, where the final ^ of expectare
forms the thesis of the last iambus, are not common. The
weakness of final S in particular^ the vowel to which^ as we
shall see, every short final vowel was changed, is shown still
more by its occasional suppression in words like quippe, undey
inde, and perhaps ille, ute, before an initial consonant in Plautus
and the early dramatists. Netnpe is always scanned nemp in
this position by Plautus and Terence, while proinde, deinde, have
developed the byforms jyrom and dein, and n^que, atqu^, the
monosyllables nee, ac (for *atc). All these are words which
would naturally be closely joined in utterance with a following
word, so that we may compare the Italian suppression of -e, -0,
after «, /, r in word-groups, such as of the final vowel of bello,
buono, signore, &c., in phrases like bel tempo, buon giomo,
signer padre, tal cosa, &c. Similarly the subordinate or
auxiliary yerhsfacioy dico, ducOy lose their -e in the 2 Sg. Imper.
fac, die, due (see ch, viii. § 28). The same loss of -^, whether due
to syncope in a word-group, or to elision before an initial vowel,
or to both causes, has produced -/ from ^le, -r from -re, in forms
like bacchanal for earlier ^haechandle, caUar for *calcdre (Neut. of
204 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IH.
calcariSy for calcare ferrum^ * the iron attached to the heel '), &c.,
and has reduced the particles -^e^ -ne, to -c, -», in kic^ kunCy viden^
audin, Sec. The loss of final -urn in nUil for niAilum, sid for
sedum (Ter. Scaur. 12. 8 K.), &c., can have been due to elision,
but not to syncope (see ch. x. § 18).
ii. Infnal syllable. The syncope of a short vowel in a final
syllable ending in a consonant has been already discussed in
§16. We there saw that this syncope, a prominent feature
of the Oscan and Umbrian languages, e.g. Osc. hurz (Lat.
Aortvs), Umbr. emps (Lat. emptns), is difficult to establish with
certainty for Latin, since vidlens beside violetUm^ mansuds beside
tnamnetv^f remex beside pradtffwf, &c., may be instances of parallel
stem-formations like p^nu-^ peno-, penoa-j of penus, Gen. penus,
penum, Gen.peni,penus, Gen. pendris; and even stronger examples,
such as Arplnas, older Arpindtis, praeceps, older praecipes^ may
have arisen otherwise than by syncope.
$ 86. Loss of -e. For other examples in Plautos such as Pseud. 939 miU{e) me sis,
and for a list of instances of quipp{e), nemp{e),&c. see Skutsch, Forsch, i. Plautus'
use of -ne and -n seems to depend, not on whether the initial of the foUowing
word is a vowel or a consonant, but on whether the preceding syllable is short or
long (Schrader, De part, * ne * . . . apud Plautum) (for Terence's use of -n«, -n, see
Dziatzko ad P?iorm, a 10 Anh.) ; while he employs the forms hiece^ iUiscef &o.
before an initial vowel, hi, iUi, before an initial consonant (Studemund in
Fleckeisen's Jahrb. 1876, p. 73). Parallel forms like atque, and ac (for *atc)f
ItaL tale and tal, which have arisen from the same original form according to
its position in the sentence, are called * doublets.' (German ^Satzdoubletten')
(ch. ii. $ 136.) The Latin mdgia has thus become in Italian mai, when used
independently as an Adverb ; but ma, with loss of the final vowel, when
used as a Conjunction, and so joined to a following word. In Oscan, avt, in
the sense of Latin atUetn or at, and avti, in the sense of Lat. aut, may be
similar doublets. The syncopated form of the L-Eur. preposition *&pd
(Greek dvo, Sanscr. ^pa) has become universal in Latin, e. g. ap-Srio, ab-dUoo
(cf. sub, Greek Cro), almost the only trace of the final vowel being po-^us,
pom for *pO'8{i)no ; I.-Eur. *p6ri (Greek fripiy Sanscr. p^ri) is Lat. per- in perma-
gnue, persaepe, &c. ; I.-Eur. *6ti (Greek in, Sanscr. Ati) is Lat. et (Umbr. et) ;
L-Eur. ♦dpi (Greek om-irBfv) is Lat. ob (Oscan op) ; I. -Eur. ♦ambh! (Greek
dfjufn) is Lat. amb-ustus, an-c^sus), whether the Syncope of these words took
place in the Latin period (a5 from *ape, earlier *apo), or at a much more
remote period (cf. Goth, af, English *of,' *ofr*). Neu^ aeu, ceu, which are not
used in Latin poets before a vowel, are cases of Syncope in the Latin period
o 8ive &c. ; also quin (see ch. x. § 16) for qm-ne [cf. Ter. Andr, 334, if n^ :
efficite qui detur tibi;
6go id agam mihi qui ne detur) ;
stn for 8i-ne ; quot, tot (cf. tSti-dem, Sanscr. lUiti, tdti). (On ^ and vd, see ch. viii.
$$ 86, 87.] ACCENTUATION. REDUCTION OF FINAL SYLL. 20,5
§ 58, and on em, originally *emey the Imper. of ^mo, * to take,' ch. x. § 19). As late
as the time of Terence we find abduce used before a vowel, abduc before a con>
sonant, while face is the form employed at the end of a line (Engelbrecht,
Shidia Terentianaf p. 63) ; but in the classical period, owing to the prevalent
use of these imperatives die, duc^ foe, in word-groups, i. e. in close connection
with a following word, the syncopated ^ doublet ' has ousted the other form,
just as in post* Augustan poetry we find nee more and more supplanting
neque, and usurping the position before vowel- as well as before consonant-
initials. Other Imperatives occasionally appear without final •?, e. g. inger mi
Catull. xxvii. a (see ch. viii. § 58). So with -^ of the Infinitive. Biber dari is
quoted by Chansius (134. i K.) from Fannius (cf. Caper 108. 10 K. bibere non
* biber') ; and a plausible etymology of instar, a word first used in Cic Verr, ii. 5.
§ 44, and literally meaning * weight' (cf. Cic. Off, iii. 3. 11 ut omnia ex altera
parte collocata vix minimi momenti instar habeant), makes it the Infinitive,
used, like biber, as a Substantive, of insto, ^ to be of equal weight/ * to show equi-
poise of the balance,' like Swiss-Gterman ^ die Stimmen stehen ein,* ' the votes
are equal.' (WOlfflin in A. L, L, ii. 581.) Bustar or bosUxr, glossed by 0ov<rrdffio¥
in the ^ Cyrillus ' and ' Philoxenus ' Glossaries, may be for -stare, as instar for
instare. We find -al, -ar for -ale, -are in trisyllabic or longer Nouns like
cmimal, but from sedUe^ &c. we do not find *3edil, &c., nor from tUe, &c. id,
though subtSl (rd lediKov rod vo96s, Prise, i. p. 147. 11 H.) is said to stand for
*8ubtsle, Neut. of *8ubtSlis from tdltis, Sirempse, an old legal word, found in
the phrase sirempse lex esto, ^let the same law apply,' e.g. Plaut. Amph.
prol. 73 :
sirempse legem iussit esse luppiter,
is found without the final -e in the Tabula Bantina of 133-118 b. c. (C. J. L,
1. 197. 13 siremps lexs esto), and other early laws. Lacte, the Plautine form
(though lac is the reading of the MSS. in Amph. 601, perhaps a corruption
of lact) is lact in Varro, L. L. v. 104 {lacte Cato ap. Char. 102. 9 K.), and in
classical Latin lac (cf. Charisius, loa. 4 K. lactis nominativum alii volunt lac,
alii lact, alii lacte 'e' postrema). Voliip, * pleasurably,' seems to be for
*volupe, Adverbial Neut. of an Adj. *volupis ; and Ritschl {Opusc iL 450) would
analyze the volupest of Plautus, Mil 277, &c. into volupe est, a form which the
phrase seems actually to bear in late Latin writers, like Amobius,
Prudentius and others (see Georges, Lex, Wmif, s.v.). We have similarly
facul for JMU, e. g. Lucilius vi. 3 M. nobilitate facul propellere iniquos, and
difficiU for difficile (see Nonius, p. iii. 21 M. ; Paul. Fest. 61. 33 Th. ; Fest 966.
20 Th. * perfacul ' antiqui et per se facul dicebant, quod nunc facile dicimus).
The O.Lat. Adverb poste (e.g. £nn. A. 244 M. poste recumbite, uestraque
pectora pellite tonsis) is in classical Latin post ; ante does not appear without
the final -e in Latin, but we have in Oscan ant, as well as pust, post, Umbr.
post. The suppression of a final short vowel was a common feature of Oscan
and Umbrian, e. g. Oscan nep, Umbrian nep (Lat. neque), &c (See also ch. x.
§§9 and 12, on ii^ and xUt^nam, ddnec and dordque, and cf. Georges, Lex Wor^, s. w.
aUar(e), animal{e), autumnal{e), boletar(e), cervical(e), cochlear{e), laquear(e),
pulvinar(e), virginal(e), lucar, specular, toral, torcidar, vectigal, &c. Quint, i. 6. 17
speaks of tribunale as out of use in his time).
§ 87. II. Change of Vowel, i. SAart Vowel. We have already
seen (§ 18) that, in the syllable immediately following the
2o6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. HI.
early accent, every short vowel was changed to S, unless diverted
by a following labial to d. It is probable that short final vowels
took the same course, and were one and all changed to ^. This
S might be dropped (§ 36) or retained, but did not become I, as
unaccented ^ in the middle of a word did (§ 18), so that e is
preeminently the final vowel of the Latin language. A final
t becomes I in tndre for *mari, dntmdle (later animal) for *animali^
&c., while in the middle of the word it remains, e.g. maria,
animalia. Similarly final -^, when^ by the addition of a particle,
it ceases to be a final vowel, becomes ^, e.g. binif^cus beside
benCy quippini beside quippe^ sicine beside sic{e\ hoccine beside
hoC'Ce from ^hod-ce (ch. vii. § 16).
ii. Diphthong, A diphthong in the final syllable was treated
like a diphthong in the posttonic syllable. As we have ei^
class. *, for posttonic ai in inceido (S. C. Bacch.), class, inddo
from O. Lat. caido^ class, caedoy so we find final ei, class. I repre*
senting I.-Eur. ai (or ai ? ch. viii. § 66) in the i Sing, of the Perfect
Active, &c., e.g. tUtud-i (older -ei). And while an example of the
weakening of oi to ^i, ^ in the posttonic syllable is difficult to
find (§ 18), it is regular when final, e.g.foideratei (S.C. Bacch.),
chss, foederaUy from an original ending -oi. On the treatment
of the final long diphthongs -ai, -ei, &c., see ch. iv. §§ 45 sqq.
iii. Long Vowel. In the post-tonic syllable, as we saw (§ 30),
a long vowel was not changed through the influence of the
preceding accent. Nor was it changed in quality in the final
syllable, though its quantity suffered. Long final a became
-a in terrciy arvd, &c., but did not pass into another vowel, such
as e. The shortening of long final vowels is discussed below
(§ 40).
§ 38. Ohange of final short vowel to d. An example of d- for an original -d
18 the ending of the a Sg. Imperat. Pass, and Dopon., e. g. aequere for *8€quesii
^Gk. lir€(<y)o, ch. viii. $ 77), ot-S for -tl, perhaps serf from an older *«a/(*), if this
was a u-stem *8atu- (cf. satu'r) (hut see ch. ix. § 4). An -6 which has escaped this
weakening (e. g. endoj on which see ch. ix. § 97) became -tH (as in the posttonic
syllable, § a6\ e. g. indil» (On noenii, a byform of noenum, see ch. x. § 18).
$ 89. Alternation of final e with internal i. Other examples are istie, UUc
from isfCf ilUj increased by -ce ; isHeine, iUicine, further increased by -?ie ; hicine^
nuncine, tuncine ; iutin, for tiite with ne, is the spelling of the MSS. in Plant. Mil.
990 ; undique from tmdey indidem from inde ; ante is anU- in compounds like antici-
§$ 88-40.] ACCENTUATION. REDUCTION OF FINAL SYLL. ^0^
parej antistesy arUtsHiOf antigerio (O. Lat. for vdlde)^ and antisto (a better spelling
than antesto : see Georges, Lex. Wortf. s. v.) ; facUin for facile with ncj servirin
for sertire with ne^ is the spelling of the MSS. in Plaut. Men, 998 and 795 ;
benitxilusj ben\ficuSf maUvoluSf malificus (beside henetcius^ maleroiuSf &c.y a spelling
much discussed by the grammarians, e. g. Vel. Long. 76-77 K. ; Alcuin 998.
14 K. ; Probus, 119. a K. See Brambach, Lat Orth, and (Georges, Lex, Wortf,
8. yy.) (For additional examples see Ritschl, Opusc. ii. 556).
§ 40. III. Shortening of Long Syllable, i. Final long vowel
or diphthong. A long vowel or diphthong in the middle of
a Latin word may be shortened in hiatus, e. g. ptus (ef . Oscan
piihio-), balnSum (PaKav€iov\ dSamo, prehendo (see ch. ii. § 143).
The same thing happened apparently to a final long vowel or
diphthong when the next word began with a vowel or h, so that
scansions like Plautus, Aul, 463 m^l hontfris, Asin, 706 dl hdrdeo
(ef. class, m^hercle), Ennius, J;*^. 45 M. Scipid inuictCy need not have
been imitations of Greek poetry, but rather expressed the actual
Latin pronunciation. How far the shortening proper to this
position may have attached itself to the vowel, even when a con-
sonant initial followed, is not easy to say. From the earliest period
of Latin literature we find a tendency to shorten every final long
vowel. Some offer more resistance than others ; -I and -« than
-a and -J. The final a of Nom. Sg. of A-stems and of Nom.
Ace. PI. of Neuter 0-stems seems never to occur even in the
earliest poetry in any but a shortened form, while in the Oscan
and Umbrian dialects it has been reduced to some sound which
is written Oy and which is treated by Lucilius as a short vowel
(Lucil. inc. 106 M.), if we may trust the quotation by Pestus
(426. 7 Th.) Lucilius : * uasa quoque omnino dirimit non soUo
dupundi/ id est, non tota). Final 0 of verbs and nouns is, on the
other hand, always long in the earlier poetry, except when the
precedence of a short vowel, especially an accented short vowel,
allows it to be scanned as a short syllable, e. g. %^, modSy less
frequently pelleg^, dicitd. But by the time of grammarians like
Charisius and Diomedes (fourth century a.d.), this -0 was
universally shortened in pronunciation, so that a fifth-centur}'
grammarian (Pompeius, p. 23^1 K.), cannot explain Virgilian
scansions like cantd, except on the theory that they are imitations
of the Greek -co of irotw, &c. ! The course of development taken
by -^ in the literary period, viz. its shortening first in iambic
3o8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. Chap. HI.
words like legii, then in cretic words like pellegd, finally in all
words^ e.g. ca7itd, we may suppose to have been taken in the
pre-literary age by final -a. Prom /J?ra, &c. the shortening
would spread to efer&, &c., and would in time be extended over
every Nom. Sg. Pem. of A-stems and Nom, Ace. PI. Neut. of
O -stems. That the shortening was mainly the work of analogy
we see from trigirUd, quadreu^intd, &c., which, though really
Neuters Plural, were regarded as mere numerals and so escaped
the shortening which was enforced on every Neuter Plural Noun.
But it must have been aided, partly by the inherent weakness of
every final syllable, partly by the shortening of a final long
vowel in pronunciation when the next word began with a vowel.
The former presence of a final consonant does not seem to have
made much difference. Ovid scans esld (earlier esfdd) as he
scans Sulm^; and Plautus allows the shortening by the Brevis
Brevians law of datd, dicitd, probi^ maxum^, manU and other
Ablatives (earlier datod, &xj.).
ii. Long vowel followed by consonant. The quantity of a vowel
in a final syllable is often influenced by a following consonant.
In English the long vowel-soimd of * node ' becomes a half -long
soimd before the dental tenuis, ^note.' Similarly in Latin
a long vowel tended to be shortened by a following final t, r,
&c. Under the shortening influence of a preceding short
accented syllable, the final syllable (with naturally long vowel)
is readily shortened by Plautus in words like tenety amat, and,
to a less extent, soror, moror, but seldom in words like ienes^
amaSy moras (for the statistics, see Leppermann, De correptione,
&c. p. 78); and in classical poetry every originally long vowel
is scanned as a short vowel before final -ty -r, &c., but not before
final -*. Pinal -/ also shortens a preceding long vowel ; thus
bacchdndl (for bacchandle) became, when the accent shifted to the
second syllable, bacchanal^ as calcdr (for calcdre) became, imder
similar circumstances, calcdr. And, though we cannot trace the
effect of final -in in poetry, seeing that a syllable so ending is
elided before an initial vowel, we are told by Priscian that it had
the same power of shortening a long vowel (even in monosyl-
lables), e. g. spSniy r^My dtSm^ meridiem (Prise, i. 23.13; 366. iii H.).
iii. Final syllable long by position. In Plautus legUnt, dixertint
§41.] ACCENTUATION. FINAL SYLLABLES. 209
are admitted as well as leg^^ dixerd. But in the hexameters of
Ennius, Lueilius, &c., these shortenings of final syllables long by
position are avoided, as they were in the poetry of the classical
period. They were apparently regarded as vulgarisms, much as
the change of final -ng to -n is with us.
§ 41. Final Ions vowel in Hiatus. In Groek poetry (dactylic, anapaestic, &c,)
besides the shortening of final diphthongs like at, 01 before an initial Towel
(a scansion due to the consonantal character of 1, S»Spa fioi Iwtvt being pro-
nounced ay^pa ftoyivvtvtf G. Meyer, Qriech, Gram,^ § 154), we sometimes find
shortening of final a, a;, 17 in similar circumstances. This shortening seems
to have reflected the ordinary pronunciation, as we can see from inscriptions
in the Cretan dialect, a dialect in which the nuances of sound taken by a word
in its TariouB positions in the sentence were more regularly expressed in the
orthography than in other dialects. On the Tablet of Gortyn, for example,
/iri is written fit when the next word begins with a vowel (JST. Z. xxxiii. 133)
In the native metre of the Romans, the Saturnian, a final long vowel or
diphthong (or syllable in -m), seems similarly to be left in Prosodical Hiatus, i. e.
shortened, not wholly elided, before an initial vowel or h- (see ch. ii. § 143) ;
and this Prosodical Hiatus, as well as Hiatus proper, such as the non-elision of
a final short vowel, is much more common in Plautus than in Terence, as it
was in Naevius, according to Gic. Or. xlv. § 15a, than in Ennius. Plautus
employs it in dialogue metres with (i) (accented ?) monosyllables preceding
a short initial syllable, e.g.qu6eam ^ (2) iambic words with verse ictus on the first
syllable, e,g.mei honoris ; (3) monosyllables following a short final syllable which
has the verse ictus, e. g. omnia qua^istidedi ; (4) iambic words or word-endings,
when the final syllable has the verse ictus and the foUowing initial syllable
is short and has the natural accent, e.g. viA hdbitaij una opera ehur, obsequt
animo. In Anapaestic Metres also with (5) Cretic words, and in other cases.
(For a list of examples, see Klotz, Altriim. Metriky p. 1 19. They include not
merely instances of dissimilar vowels, but also of similar, e. g. t'-t in eri
imagincy Pseud. laoa). Terence, and apparently Lucilius, restrict it to the
first of these cases ; but Virgil has not only examples like qui amant (Ed.
viii. 108), but also like vdU vaU inquit (Ed. iii. 79), and sub Hid aUo (A. v. a6i).
Virgil thus employs it (i) to prevent the entire suppression by elision of
a monosyllable (accented ?), ending in a long vowel or -in ; (2) in cases where
a long final vowel would be shortened by the law of Breves Breviantes in the
dramatists. That a vowel shortened in Hiatus was not so long as an ordinary
short vowel, we may infer not only from the fact that it is normally elided,
but also from the disinclination shown by Plautus to allow a vowel so
shortened to constitute by itself the thesis of a metrical foot. It is allowed
to go with another short syllable to form a resolved thesis, e. g. qu& idnty but
is never allowed to dispense with the proximity of another short syllable,
except in a few phrases which may be considered as word-groups or com-
pound words, e. g. dS hordeOf Asin. 706, which might be written de-hordeo like
d&iortarij Foen, 674. The difference in this respect between Plautine and
Saturnian versification (see ch. ii. § 143) need not imply a change in the pro*
nunciation of these final long vowels in Hiatus ; but' may be due merely to
the different character of the verse. The Saturnian poetry was of a more
P
ilO THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. HL
solomn and dignified tone than the oonyersational verse of the dramatists,
and would naturally be uttered with a greater pause between the words.
Imitation of the Greek dactylic and anapaestic prosody is inconceivable in
the Satumian poetry, and unlikely in the trochaic and iambic verse of
Plautus ; so that we can hardly be wrong in supposing this Prosodical Hiatus
to reflect the ordinary pronunciation in Latin, as it did in Greek.
§ 42. Breves Breviantes. The syllables most affected by this law are those
ending in a long vowel in words which were in ordinary talk closely joined
with a following word. Forms like mihi, <iW, «W, modoy a<d, &c have forced their
way even into classical poetry ; and in Plautus we find this shortening chiefly
in verb-forms, which go closely with a following word, e. g. wK-scire, aM-ruSy
cavS-duxiSj while the examples of nouns are mostly confined to adverbial forms,
e. g. domi'Testat, dom&-prodity or subordinate words like hom6 (see statistics in
Leppermann, De correpiume, p. 78). Ennius in his Epic restricts this usage
to words ending in a vowel, and subsequent Hexameter poets follow him,
e. g. pufo but not legiint, dixerd (Hor. S, i. 4. 104) but not dixerunt That this
shortening was not a mere metrical licence, but reflected the actual pronuncia-
tion, we see from Quintilian's remark (i. 6. 21 ) that havSj not ao?, was the
normal form in his time, as well as from Phaedrus' fable of the man who
mistook this word for the caw of a crow {App. ai), and Cicero's story {Div. ii.
40) of Crassus mistaking a figsel]er*s cry, Cauneas {sc, ficus vendo), for cave ne eas.
The spelling causis for cave sis in Juvenal ix. lao points to the same thing ;
f and Servius (ad Aen. vi. 780) says that vidSn was the pronunciation of his
t* day. (Should we read rogdn for rogcis in Pers. v. 134?) Plautus in his
dialogue metres allows the scansion of a cretic word as a dactyl in the first
C foot only of the line or hemistich ; Terence not at all ; but Horace in his
\\V Satires and EpisUea has PoUidy dixerd, mentidj &c. ; commod& Catull. x. 26 is probably
C^ Neut. Plur. (see Owen ad loc.). (On the operation of the Breves Breviantes
Law in Plautus, see Joum. Phil. xxi. 198 and xxii. i.) Plautus requires that
the preceding short syllable shall be perfectly short ; he does not allow
a short vowel preceding a mute and liquid to act as a Brevis Brevians, e.g. not
patri like pi^it, nor- eveb a short vowel preceding qu^ except under particular
circumstances. But in classical poetry we find pulr^actOy liqu^tUy &c.
§ 43. Shortening of final -6. We have -d in Greek words in the early
poets (Enn. A, 567 M. agoed longa repletur is veiy uncertain ; cf. Gk. &yvtd)y
just as we have in later poetry, e. g. Stat. Hieb. vi. 515 Nemed (cf. Prise, i.
p. aoa. 16 H.). But the instances quoted of -d in Nom. Sg. of A-stems or
Nom. Ace. PL of 0-stems seem to be illusory. They are really cases of
(i) metrical lengthening, e.g. Enn. A. 149 M. et densis aquild pinnis obnixa
volabat, a lengthening of a short syllable before the penthemimeral Caesura,
like the lengthenings before the hephthemimeral in A, 85 M. sic expectabat
populOs atque ora tenebat, Yirg. A. iii 464 dona dehinc auro gravid sectoque
elephanto, where we have an originally short syllable (e. g. popidusj I.-Eur.
•6s) lengthened, by a metrical licence borrowed from Greek poetry, before
the two chief caesuras of the hexameter ; (a) syllaba anceps, e. g. Plant. Mil
iaa6 namque edepol uix fuit cnpia \ adeundi atque impetrtodi (at the end of
the first hemistich of an Iambic Septenarius, like -Us in True. 149 non druos
hie aed pdsctMS \ agerest : si arati6nes) ; Plant. Rud, 1086 TR. £t crepundid (a).
OR. Quid, si ea sunt aurea ? TR. Quid istuc tua ? (at change of speaker.
A
xc-^
S$ 42-44.] ACCENTUATION. FINAL SYLLABLES. 211
like -S of Voc. Sg., I-Eur. -6, in Pera. 48a TO. Quid agis ? DO. Credo. TO.
CTnde agis te, Lordal^, DO. Cred6 tibi). Or they are cases of wrong scansion,
e. g. Trin. 351 nox datur : ducitur familia tota (where the metre is Anapaestic
with famUui, not Cretic with fdmilid), MiL 1314 Quid uis ? Quin tu iubes eeferri
6mnia quae isti dedi [where we should scan 6mni& quad isti, not 6mni4 qu(ae),
isti], or of wrong reading, e. g. Asin. 762 Ne epistula quidem uUa sit in a^ibus
(where we might insert usquam before uUaj as in Rud. 529, and scan epistul&j
not episluld). A few apparent instances of d in Plautus have not yet been
explained, viz. Bcuxh, iia8 ; Epid, 498 ; Men, 974 a. (For a list of examples in
Plautus, see C. F. Muller, Plaut. Prosodie^ p. i ; in Ennius, see Reichardt in
Fleck. Jahrh. 1889, p. 777.) In the Saturnian fragments there is no reason for
scanning -d in Nom. Sg. or Neut. PI. (see ch. ii § 141). Final -d for -dd is long in
Early Latin, as in Classical poeti-y, e. g. Abl. metisdj erd. Adv. extrd, suprd
{exstrad, wprad on S. C. Bacch. of 186 b. c, C, J. L. i. 196), so that Early Latin
contrdjfrustrd (e.g. Plaut. Rud. 1355 ne tu frustr& sis, at the end of an Iambic
line ; Naev. praet 6 R. contr& redhostis, at the beginning of the second
hemistich of a Trochaic Septenarius ; Enn. ap. Varr. L, L. vii. 19 quis pater
aut cognatu' uolet nos contr& tueri ?) cannot have been originally *contrddf
*frustrad. But it may be shortened by the influence of a preceding short
syllable, like any other long vowel, e.g. renustissumdy Poen. 1177, ffratid, Stich.
337, nisticdj Pers. 169. Similarly with •a of Imperatives of the first Conjuga-
tion. We have in the dramatists atna, putd beside amd, putdj and so even
e. g. Persius iv. 9. hoc putd non justum est. But this shortening wae not
extended by analogy to all Imperatives in -a. We never find *plantd for
piantdj *may\da for mandd in Early or in Classical poetry. This is perhaps due
to the influence of the other Persons of the imperative plantdiQ^ pUmtdiey while
for nouns like mensa the length of the final -a would not be impressed on the
memory by other cases like mensae, mensamj &c. The -d of Numerals like
quadraginia, kc. is not scanned as a short syllable till late times, e. g. C. I. L.
vi. 38047 ( = Meyer, An(h. 1326) quadragintd per annos ; vi. 29436 ( = Mey. 1389)
stptvagintdy when Abl. -d is similarly treated, e. g. C. /. L. xiv. 3793 hie situs
Amphion ereptus prima juventa (see ch. ii. § 141).
§ 44. Shortening of final -6. Final 'S of the Imperatives of the second
Conjugation is scanned short by Plautus under the same conditions as final
-d of first Conjugation Imperatives, e. g. inofi^ and numPf cavS (almost always
short). That this scansion corresponded with the pronunciation we see from
the remark of Quintilian (i. 6. 21) that ?iavSy not avS, was the universal pro-
nunciation of his time (multum enim litteratus, qui sine adspiratione et
producta secunda syllaba salutarit — ' avere ' est enim — et ' calefacere '
dixerit potius quam quod dicimus, et * conservavisse,' his adiciat ' face ' et
* dice ' et similia. recta est haec via : quis negat ? sed adjacet et mollior et
magis trita) (cf. § 42). This shortening was not extended to Imperatives
with long penult, e. g. aplends, never*sptewf^. Similarly the -g of ca/5, frigs j &c. in
the compounds calefaciOj frig^acio is in all Latin poetry scanned short only
when the first syllable is short, cdlSfacio (but never yrigSfacio), which in
Qulntilian's time was apparently pronounced (x^acio (Quint, i. 6. 21 quoted
above ; for this spelling see Georges, Lex, Wort/, s. v.). Cato's arfacitf so spelt
in MSS. of the Res Rustica'6g; 125 ; 157. 12, seems to follow the analogy of
cal/acit. These Compounds were Separable Compounds {cf. facU are for ar^acity
Lucr. vi. 962), so that their -g is properly regarded as final -f. This -9 already
P 2
ai2 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Caiap. lU.
Bhortened to some extent under the influence of the preceding accented short
syllable in calS, mad^, &c., is in the Compounds caJU-fdno, made-fdcio (cf. Prise,
i. p. 40a. 10 H.) subjected to the additional weakening influence of a follow-
ing accented syllable, and so is scanned by the dramatists invariably as
a short syllable, although other writers sometimes make it long, e. g. Enn. Ann,
573 M. pcUffecit ; CatuU. Ixiv. 360 tepffaciet beside tepifacsit of Ixviii. 29 (see
Ritschl, Opusc. ii. p. 618). A short vowel before a mute and liquid (and to
some extent before qa) (see ch. ii. § 93) was not so short as a short vowel before
a single consonant, and was not so capable of acting as a Brevis Brevians in
the dramatists' versification. Hence Ritschl was wrong in scanning pQtrIi'
facitf Plant. Most, iia, though Ovid has putr^actuSf ligu^fiunt. Similarly in the
compound of dies and quintusj kc. the S of the second syllable, properly
regarded as a final -9, was shortened in the Republican forms diSquinte, &c.
(Gell. X. 34. I * die quarto ' et * die quinto ' . . . ab eruditis nunc quoque
dici audio, et qui alitor dicit pro rudi atque indocto despicitur. Sed Marci
TuUii aetas ac supra eam non, opinor, ita dixerunt ; * dlequinte ' enim et
* diequinti ' pro adverbio copulate dictum est, secunda in eo syllaba correpta.
Divus etiam Augustus, linguae Latinae non nescius, munditiarumque patris
sui in sermonibus sectator, in epistulis plurifariam significatione ista dierum
non alitor usus est.) Final -S in the Abl. of the fifth Declension is treated by
Plautus exactly as final -a of first- Declension Ablatives, that is to say, it
is occasionally scanned short when preceded by a short, especially an
accented shoi*t, syllable, but not otherwise, e.g. dx?, fidi. This shortening
was not extended to Ablatives with long penult. So with Adverbs in -a
(originally -grf, e.g. facilnmed on S. C. Bacch. of 186 B.C., C.I.L. i. 196).
Plautus scans prod?, moxicm?, though an instance of the shortening of this -e is
wanting in Terence.
§ 45. Shortening of final -0. In Plautus and the other dramatists final
'6 is shortened under exactly the same conditions as final -9, that is to say, only
under the infiuence of a Brevis Brevians, e. g. t^, which normally has this
scansion when joined closely as an auxiliary verb with an infinitive, voUH'Scire,
&c. This 8hoi*tening of -d in some iambic and cretic words had so established
itself in pronunciation that even the hiter Republican and Augustan poets
admit scansions of iambic words like^md (Lucr. vi. 65a), tcl^ (CatuU. vi. 16),
dalHi (Catull. xiii. 11), rc^ (Hor. S. i. i. 104), and even of cretic words like
PoUio (Hor. S. i. 10. 4a, 85 ; and even in the Odes, ii. i. 14), menti6 (Hor. S.
i. 4. 93), dixer^ (Hor. S. i. 4. 104), quomodo (Hor. S. i. 9. 43). The shortening
of final -0, like that of final -d, and unlike that of final -^, rapidly extended
itself to all instances, even when a long syllable preceded. In Ovid we have
ergo {Her. v. 59, and elsewhere), csfd, Trisl. iv. 3. 7a, Sulm!6^ Nasd, &c. ; and even
Cicero uses Vettdj if his epigram is rightly quoted by Quint, (viii. 6. 73) fiindum
Vetto vocat, quem possit mittere funda, &c. (On endd, see ch. ix. $ 27.) But -6 of
the Dat. and Abl. is not shortened till very' late times. The fourth 4)entury
grammarians speak of the final -0 of Nouns (Nom. Sing.), Verbs (i Pers. Sing.
Pros. Ind.), Adverbs and Conjunctions, as universally shortened in the
pronunciation of their time, except in monosyllables and foreign words.
[Charis. p. 16. 5 E. etiam illud magna cura videndum est quod veteres
omnia vel verba vel nomina quae o littera fijiiuntur, item adverbia vel
conjunctiones producta extrema syllaba proferebant, adeo ut Vergilius quoque
idem servaverit, in aliis autem refugerit vetustatis horrorem, et carmen
§§45-49.] ACCENTUATION. FINAL SYLLABLES. 213
contra morem veterum levigaverit . . . paulatim autem usus invertit, ut in
sermone nostro * scribe* *dico* et item talibus, ubi o non solum correpta
ponitur, sed etiam ridiculus sit qui earn produxerit . . . sane monosyllaba fere
quiiecumqae sunt yerba vpurdrvva o littera finita tarn versu quam etiam prosa
similiter productam habent : necesse non corripi, ut ' sto ' ' do.' quibus si
conferatur *dico' *curro* * disco* item produota o littera, dijadicari poterit
quam sit aliud absurdum, aliud per euphoniam gratum ; cf. p. 63. 17 K.
nullum autem nomen o producta finitur nisi peregrinum, yeluti * Ino '
* Sappho ' *Dido ' (cf. Diom. p. 435. as K. ; * Prob/ de uU. syU. p. 920. 15 K.) ; Mar.
Victorinus (p. a8. 23 E.) distinguishes the Verbs fnonstruy ostentdy kc from monstrd^
ostentoj the Dat. and Abl. cases of the Nouns monstrum, ostentum. Servius (ad
A. iv. 291) attests quando, Priscian (i. p. 409. 16 H.) excuses vigilandd ot
Juv. iii. 232, &c, on the ground that it is part of a verb (: nos in 'do* utimur
terminatione, quae similis est dativo vel ablative nominis, nisi quod yerbom
hoc existimantes quidam etiam corripiunt o finalem ejus.]
§ 46. Shortening of final -L The shortening of -t by the Brevis Brevians
Law is common in Plautus in Imperatives like abtj redi, and Perfects like
dedi ; while in noims we have domi (very frequent), erf, tfiri, «cni, &c, with the
Ablatives art sinistray Pseud. 762, pan fortuna, Bacch, 11 08 (cf. Ter. 2er» sentential
Hec. 312).
§ 47. Shortening of final -xl By the Brevis Brevlans Law we have rnanH
in Plant. Trin, 288, but owing to the few words with short paenultima ending
in -a, the examples are not frequent. Terence has always diUj never dtti, but
Plautus has dm (or ({ju ?) very frequently.
§ 48. Shortening of final diphthong. A final diphthong is almost never
shortened by the Brevis Brevians Law in Plautus (e. g. novad nuptae, Cas,
118), and never in Terence. This is rather to be referred to the infrequency
of words so ending (Noms. Plur. and Dats. Sing, in -ae), than to be quoted
as a proof of the difference in sound between a diphthong and a long vowel.
49. Shortening of long vowel before final Consonant. -1. In Plautus
we have still the long quantity, e. g. Aul. 413 aperitur Bacchanil : adest, but
in Classical poetry •cU, e. g. tribunaly Ovid (cf. Mar. Victorinus de Finalibus
p. 231. II. K.). Subtel (apparently for *fitt5<?/e, Neut. of *8ubMis, a Compound of
mib and talw) (but see § 30), is quoted as an instance of -CI by Priscian, i.
p. 147. II H., and explained as r6 ttoiKov rod vMs.
-m. Whether the different treatment of -m after 0 of the Gen. Plur. and 0 of
the Ace. Sg. Masc. and Nom. Ace. Sg. Neut. of 0-stems on the earliest
inscriptions (e. g. C. I. L. i. 16 Suesano probmn, ^ Suessanorum probum *) is
a proof that a long vowel was at the end of the third cent. b. c. not yet
shortened before final -m is uncertain v^see cli. ii. § 137). If Lat. -m sounded like
-w owing to the lips not being closed in pronouncing it (ch. ii. § 61;, the
shortening ^>Sm may be compared with nSu (ch. ii. § 34). Osc. paam ' quam '
Ace. Sg. Fem., Umbr. praccUarum Gen. PL Fem. (with u the equivalent of Lat. 6)
indicate a retention of the long quantity in Umbro-Oscan.
-r. (i) Nouns like caicar{e). The final syllable was without doubt long in
Plautus, though there is no certain evidence of its quantity, or of its loss of
final -e. It is short in Classical poetry, e. g. exemplar ^ Hor. (but exempldre,
Lucr. ii. 124), though the grammarians recognize that it ought to be long by
a 14 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IH.
the analogy of the other cases -dris, -dri, &c. (Charis. exc. p. 541. a K. : Mar.
Yictorin. de Fin. p. 23a. 9 K., and similarly of -al p. 231. 10 K.).
(a) Nouns and Adjectiyes like afiroTj maeror, mSnoTy major^ have the long
quantity invariably in Plautus, unless in cases of shortening by the Brevis
Brevians Law. e. g. sorOr, Poen, 364 ; amdr, Cist. i. i. 69, and probably always
patiSr. Iambic nouns often retain the old Nominative ending -oa, e. g. odosj
Pseud. 841 ; fumosj Trin. 697. Ennius in his Annals has -Cr. Whether he ever
{A, 455 M. sOddr) uses -^ is doubtful ; but Lucilius has normally -dr (e. g.
striddTj tnc 90 M.)* and the two probable examples of -dr in Lucilius, (diUdr
V. 55 M. ; pOddr xxx. 70 M.) are perhaps metrical lengthenings before the
chief Caesuras, like Virgil's l&bGr (G. iii. 118), di/mitor (A, xii. 550), &c
There is a lack of decisive inst-ances in the plays of Terence (see Boemer, De
correptionef p. as).
(3) Verbs like muroTf ilior Ind., morery utar Subj., in Plautus always have
a long final, unless shortened by the Brevis Brevians Law, e. g. Rud, la^B nil
morOr ullum lucrum ; Aul, a^a ut&r ; Bacch. 153 nil m6r6r. By Lucilius' time
it is invariably short, e. g. fruniscSr xviii. 3 M. ; oblindr xxx. a5 M. In the
Comedies of Terence the evidence is defective (e. g. sifquAr, Andr, 819). In
Tibullus, L 10. 13 trdhor is of course a case of metrical lengthening before the
pen them imoral Caesura. Oscan patir 'pater,' keenzstur * censor* apparently
retain the long vowel.
•t. Tlie shortening of a long vowel before final 't was perhaps slightly
earlier than before final -r. It is indeed not found in Plautus, except where
the Brevis Brevians Law interposes (and here the shortening is much more
frequent than with -r), e. g. cubdt, Amph, ago ; tim^t^ AmpK ag$ ; vSnit, Aul, aa6 ;
arai, Asin. 874 ; salftf Merc 696 ; al/, Cas. 693 ; but in Ennius' hexameters,
though the long quantity is usual, we find shortening occasionally even after
a long syllable, e. g. mandeb&tjA, 138 M. (but ponebdtj A, 388) ; spletiditf Sat, 14
(.but jitbity A. 465) ; potessSt, A. 335 (but essft, A. 81). In Lucilius the short
quantity is normal, though we have crisaavlt ix. 70 M. But Terence, to judge
from the slender evidence at our disposal, seems to follow rather the usage
of Ennius' hexameter poems, for we have more long scansions, e. g. stedt,
Phorm, prol. 9 ; augedtj Addph, prol. 35, &c. beside audirSt, AddpJu 453. On
a Scipio epitaph of c. 130 b.c. written in elegiac metre (C. i. L. i. 38) we have
nobUitauity though the spelling -eii in the Perfect is foimd much later (e. g.
probaueit beside coerauHj in C. J. L. i. 600, of 6a B. c.) (see ch. viii § 70). Ovid
repeatedly lengthens the -it of interiitj abiit, rediit, &c. and of petiit (see Munro
ad Lucr. iii. 104a). On aitdt in the Dramatists see § 10. p. 164.
Before final -5 the long quantity persisted to classical times. It is
occasionally shortened by the Brevis Brevians Law in Plautus, e. g. Mil, 335
sunt maniis ; Aul, 187 habSs ; and the same is true of the plays of Terence (e. g.
bonis, Eun, prol. 8), which however do not oflfer any example of a verbal form
in 'S being shortened (potSs, adSs are for *pot?ss, *ad^sSy not *pG(BSy *adSs), But
this shortening is very rare in both dramatists, and not at all so frequent as
the shortening by the same Brevis Brevians Law before -t, -r (see the
statistics in Leppermann, De correptione . . . apud Plautum, and in Boemer, De
correpHone . . . Terentiana), Horace's palus aptofpie remis {A, P, 65) is a unique
scansion in Augustan poetry (cf. vui^, rogfin § 4a). Ennius has in his Annals
(1. loa M.) virginSs (cf. Plant. Pers. 845) before a consonant initial (see below).
§ 60. Shortening of Final Syllable long by position. AbSsl in Lucilius
SS60, 61.] ACCENTUATION. FINAL SYLLABLES. 215
(iz. 99 M.), which seems to be the right reading, stands perhaps alone as au
instance in non-dramatic poetry of the shortening by the Brevis Brevians
Law of a final syllable long by position. Horace allows dixerd, but not e. g.
dixeriint, Ennius' virgin^ in Ann. loa M. :
uirgines nam sibi quisque domi Romanns habet sas,
shows shortening of a final syllable long both by nature (-es for -ensj ch. vi. § 2),
and by position. In the dramatists the shortening by the Brevis Brevians
Law of final syllables long both by nature and by position, or by position
only, is freely allowed in the case of dissyllables in the dialogue metres (e. g. Nil
pdt^st (?) suprii, Ter. ; ex Gratis b<SnIs Latinas fecit n6n bonas, Ter.), in the
case of trisyllables, &c. only (as a rule) in Anapaestic and other lyric metres
(e. g. v^ner&nt hue, Plant. ; odio ^nic&s miseram, Plant. ; qui hie liber&s
Yirginds m^rcatur, Plant.). t
Final syllables which had originally a double consonant are long in
Plautus, c. g. miles for ^milessy Aid, 538 mil^s inpransus ^btat, aes cens^t dari,
though they may, of course, be shortened by the infiuenoe of a Brevis
Brevians, e. g. potiSf Stick, 335. But after Plautus' time they appear to be
short syllables. Ennius has not only Squia {Ann, 484. 249 M.), but also miUs
{Ann, 377) ; Terence has always adSSj potls ; Lucilius has miUa (xi. 8 M.),
pr^d/es {inc, ia8 M.) ; Lucretius (iii. 731) ex68, and so on. But final -a for -ss
never fails before an initial consonant to make ' position ' in Early Latin
versification as original -9 usually fails ; mU^ vuU could not end an Iambic
Senarius like occidistis m«, Plant. Bacch. 313. Perhaps the reduction of the
final double consonant was proper to a position before an initial consonant,
so that the actual pronunciation would be originally, e. g. miless impranaus,
miles pransus (see below § 51, on Aoc(c)).
§ 61. Shortening of Monosyllables. The connexion of all
these cases of shortening with the absence of accent is seen from
the fact that monosyllabic words are as a rule not shortened,
unless they are subordinate or enclitic words. Thus a long
vowel is shortened before final -;*, -/, in Classical poetry in un-
accented syllables, e. g. canddr, niajdry/unddr, calcdr, Mbun&l^ but
not in the monosyllables /wr, sol, where the natural length of the
vowel is retained. The monosyllable cor, however, which repre-
sents ^cord, with vowel naturally short, but long by position, is
scanned short in classical poetry, though it is long in Plautus^
Poen, 388 :
huius cCr, huius studium, huius sduium, mastigia,
the pronunciation of his time having probably been cord huius,
cord ardet, when the next word began with a vowel, but cor calet
(like cor{d)culum, ch. iv. § 157), when the next word began with
a consonant. Similarly the more or less subordinate word ter,
ai6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. HI.
older ''^terr (cf. terr-unciu^) for *ier8 (I.-Eur. *tris, ch. vi § 6i),i8
a long syllable before an initial vowel in Flautus, Bacch, 1127
(a bacchiac line):
rerin t€r in Unno posse his tonsit^lri,
while in subsequent poetry the ' doublet ' used before an initial
consonant, e.g. ter{r) durus, like hor{r)deum (from ^Aarsdeti^,
eh. iv. § 158), established itself before initial vowels too. Hoc
Neut. for Aocc {^hdd-ce^ ch. vii. § 16 ; cf. hocci~ne) retained its ante-
vocalic * doublet ' form in classical poetry, e. g. Virg. [A, ii 664):
hoc erat, alma parens, &c.,
and Velius Longus, commenting on this line, tells us that the
actual pronunciation of his time was *hocc erat' (54. 6 K. ergo
scribendum per duo c, * hoc-c-erat alma parens,' aut confitendum
quaedam aliter scribi, aliter pronuntiari). Plautus uses the
proper * doublet ' of all these monosyllables which have a vowel
naturally short followed by a consonant that represents two con-
sonants; thus he invariably makes ea^ *thou art* (I.-Eur. *es-s(i),
ch. viii. § a), a long syllable before a word b^^ning with a vowel
(unless under the operation of the Brevis Brevians Law, just as
we find Mc in a line like Men. 522 quid h6c &t negoti ?). But
in Terence e^ is a short syllable, and so in Lucilius (e.g. iv.4 M .)
(On the reduction of a final double consonant, see ch. ii. § 133).
The shortening of ^ in n-quidem, and (in the older poetry only)
of lu,te, me, &c. before quidem (e.g. tuqnidem^ Lucil. xiv. a6 M.,
Plant. Epid, 99), is due to accentuation, and should be under-
stood in connexion with the rule that antepenultimate syllables
could not be circumflexed in Latin (ch. iii. § 2, p. 153), and with the
modem Italian practice of diphthongizing aparoxytone vowel, e.g.
buono (Lat. bdnus)^ but not a proparoxytone, e.g. popolo (Lat.
pdjmltis). The shortening of English sheep, know in shep-herd,
shepherdess, know-ledge, is similarly due to accentual conditions,
and of Welsh brawd, * a brother,' in brod-yr, * brothers/ &c.
§ 62. Lobs of Final Syllable with -m. This could hardly
take place except in the case of words closely joined in ordinary
talk with a following word [e.g. noen{um) esl, noen{um) hahety
nihiHurn) est^ nihil{um) habet^ would be the * doublet ' forms
S 62.] ACCENTUATION. FINAL SYLLABLES. %l^
before initial vowels, noeiium dat^ nihilum dat, the ante-con-
sonantal doublets]; so that the theory which explains adverbs in
-ter, e.g. hreviter, as Accusatives Sing. Neut. of adjectives with
the * comparative ' suffix 4ero (ch. v. § 18), for 6reviter(jim), &c., is
unlikely to be correct (seech, ix. § a). The Preposition eircwwi, when
compounded with a verb beginning with a vowel, has its final
syllable not entirely elided but left in prosodical hiatus, e. g. ctr-
cu{m)it (a trisyllable); (cf . sublatuiH for mhlatum iri, ch. viii. § 89),
and it is possible that non^7ii(hi)l, should not be referred to noen{um\
nikil(um\ but should receive another explanation, such as non for
noe-ne (on noenu, see ch. x. § 1 8), niAil for *ni'hik^ Neut. of I-stem
(cf . imbeUis and imhelluSy 9ubtH from ^mb-teU^ Neut. of an I-stem
compoimd of tdlu^ (?), and see § 49). But venire seems to repre-
sent venum ire^ though pessum ire did not become ^pesnre. The
grammarians defend the spelling sed against set by a reference
to an older seduin (Charisius, 112. 5 K. ; Mar. Vict. 10. 13 K.)
(see ch. x. § 5). {On donee and O. Lat. donicum^ see ch. x. § 12).
21 8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
By comparing the various Romance words for, let us say,
* horse,' Ital. cavallo, Span, caballo, Port, cavallo, Prov. cavals,
Fr. cheval, Roum. cal, &c., it is possible to conjecture the form
of the Latin prototype from which they all have descended,
cabaUns. In the same way we can guess at the early form, what
is called the * Indo-European ' form, underlying any cognate
group of words in the various Indo-European languages; e.g.
Lat. mater, Dor. 6k. fiirrip, O. Ind. mat&r-, O. Ir. mathir,
O. Slav, mater-. Arm. mair, O. Eng. modor, point to something
like *mater as their prototype. We may similarly trace back
inflexions to an * Indo-European ' form, and may out of these
conjectured words and inflexions construct an ' Indo-European '
alphabet.
In the last two chapters we have discussed the pronunciation
and accentuation of Latin, and the phonetic changes of the
language produced under the influence of the accent, or due to
peculiarities (often local and temporal merely) of pronunciation.
In the next chapter we shall compare Latin with the other lan-
guages of the Indo-European family; we shall investigate the form
in which the various sounds of our imaginary * Indo-European *
alphabet appear on Latin soil, and how that form differs from
the forms assumed in the various languages of Asia and Europe,
which are classed under the name * Indo-European.' These
languages are: (i) the Aryan, including i. Indian, ii. Iranian
(Zend, Persian, &c.) ; (a) the Armenian; (3) the Greek; (4) the
Albanian; (5) the Italic, including i. Latin, ii. the Umbro-
Oscan dialects ; (6) the Celtic, including i. Gaulish, ii. Goidelic
(Irish, Guelic of Scotland, &c.), iii. Brythonic (Welsh, Breton,
&c.); (7) the Balto-Slavic, including i. Baltic (Lithuanian, &c.),
ii. Slavonic ; (8) the Teutonic, including i. Gothic, ii. Scandi-
navian, iii. W. Teutonic (German, English, &c.), (see Introduction
to Brugmann's Comparative Grammar),
CHAPTER IV.
THE LATIN REPRESENTATIVES OF THE INDO-EUROPEAN
SOUNDS.
A, A.
§ 1. A. I.-Eur. * a is Latin a. Thus in the declension of
A-stems we have Latin JUmllids (the old genitive preserved in
legal language^ p&ier famUias), terrm (later terrain terrae), praedd
(O. 'La.t,jn'aiddd),filidrum,filidbua (another legal form, required
for distinction iromjiliisy Dat. Abl. Plur. oijilius) ; the word for
* mother/ I.-Eur. *mater- (O. Ind. matdr-, Arm. mair^ Dor. Gk.
fiirrjp, O. Ir. mathir^ O. Slav, mati^ with o as the equivalent of
I.-Eur. a in Lithuanian and in the Teutonic languages^ Lith.
mote, 'wife/ O. Eng. modor, O. H. Germ, muoter, now Mutter,
with short vowel and double consonant instead of long vowel and
single consonant) is in Latin mater.
I.-Eur. a, Lat. a, is often found in developments from simple
roots like gSn-, 'to beget/ e.g. Lat. gndtus, later ndtus, beside
in^-gSna, gin-us : tel-, ' to carry/ Lat. Idtun for ^tldtuSy P. P. P.
of tollo; stel- (O. Slav, stelj^, 'I spread'), Lat. Idtus^ wide,
earlier afldttis, atldta, sc. ndviSy whence the adj. stldtarius, or with
Mt- for earlier -dt- (ch. ii. § 127), 9flatt<i, sflattarius (Paul. Fest.
455. I Th. stlatta, genus navigii, latum magis quam altum, et
a latitudine sic appellatum, sub ea consuetudine, qua ' stlocum '
pro locum, et ' stlitem ' pro litem dicebant ; Gl. Philox. stlata :
Ts^ipariKov <rKi(l)ovs ctbos : Juv. vii. 134 stlattaria purpura); ster-
(Lat. stemo)^ Lat. sfrd-tu^, ^trd-men; ger-, 'to rub,' 'wear
away,' ' make old ' (Gk. yipcov), Lat. grd-num ; keld-, * to strike '
(Lat. per-cello)y Lat. clddes ; ^*ert-, ' to bind,' ' weave together '
(O. Ind. crtdti, 'he binds/ krndtti, 'he spins'), Lat. crdtes; W-
220 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
(Gk. K€pas, horn), Lat. crdbro for ^crd^-ro (§ 15a), a hornet.
The id, rd^ ud has been variously explained in some or all of
these instances, as (i) long sonant or syllabic 1, r, n (§§ 81, 92),
(so Bmgmann, Grundr} i §§ 253, 306), so that, for example, Lat.
grdnum would represent I.-Eur. *gfno-, while Goth, kaum, £ng.
com, represent I.-Eur. *ghio- (cf . Lat. rdd-lx^ I.-Eur. *wfd-, but
Goth, vaurts, Eng. wort, I.-Eur, *wfd-) : (2) due to the fusion of
an ^-sound with an a-sound in a grade of a dissyllabic root of the
form gena-, &c., so that e.g. 'ij^t,gndiu% would come from gena-,
the root gen- with the addition of an a-sound, while Gk. (Att
and Dor.) -ywyros would come from gen^-, the root gen- with
the addition of an ^-sound (so Bechtel, Hauptprobleme^ p. 203) ;
the ^crd9' of Lat. crdbro for ^crds-ro will thus be a grade of
I.-Eur. *Lcrfls- (Greek Kipas-) : (3) a secondary root, formed by
the addition of a stem-suffix a to the weak grade of the simple
root (see Bmgmann, Marph. Tint i. p. i ; Persson, WurzeUr-
weiierung, p. 91), so that e.g. Lat. gndnis would show a root
formed from gn-, the weak grade of the root gen-, * to know,'
by the addition of the suffix a, as gnotus^ gnosco would show
a root similarly formed from gn- by the addition of the suffix d ;
Lat. Idtus, 'carried,'' for *tldtus^ will thus be like Dor. Gk. l-rXd-v
from root tel-, * to carry,* l-Trrd-v from root pet-, * to fly.'
Latin d is often a lengthened by 'compensation' (§ 162),
e.g. qudlns for ^gnds-lus (cf . qua^illus) ; Adlo for *&ns-lo, from the
root an-, ' to breathe,' with the addition of s, ans-, ' to be fragrant '
(O. SI. ^hati, ' to be fragrant *), with compound dn-helo from *ai»-
enslo, with change of a to ^ before the vowel became lengthened
by * compensation ' (ch. iv. § 162). The older spelling was with U
(cf . qvullu^, anhellm^ and anhell%iu9 in Virgil MSS.), so that the d
is due to the shifting of the long quantity from the consonant to
the vowel. In ocldws from octd we seem to have before v an
d developed from an 0, just as in cavui we have dv for dv (§ 19).
Unaccented d remains unchanged, e.g. immdnis, from an old
word, mdnus^ good ; but when final, or when preceding final w,
/, r, /, it was, like other long vowels, shortened in course of time.
When final, perhaps only in iambic words, originally (ch. iii. § 43),
f^rdy noun, putd^ imper. ; but this shortening was extended to all
Noms. Sing. of A-stemsandNoms. Aocs. Plur. Neut. (see ch. vi §§3
55 2,8.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. A, A. 221
and 45). Thus in the declension of A-stems, the 'First Declension/
final -a of the Nom. Sg. is even in the earliest poetry a short
vowel ; the Ace. Sg. has -am ; the final syllable of the 3 Sg. Pres.
Sabj. Act., e. g. mittcUy and Pass, miilar was shortened in the second
cent. B.C. ; -al (older -die) was also shortened (see ch. iii. § 49).
In Umbro-Oscan I.-Eur. a was likewise retained (von Planta,
i. p. 77), e. g. Osc. maatreis, Umbr. matrer * matris ' ; Osc.
f ratrum * fratrum,' Umbr. f rater ' f ratres.' But final -a became
an O-sound, written in Oscan u (in Lat. alph. 0, in Gk. alph.
0), in Umbr. u (in Lat. alph. 0) and a, e. g. Osc. tnotto, Umbr.
mutu and muta^ * multa ' (^ a fine '), Osc. viu ' via.' It is scanned
(in the Neut. PI. of an O-stem) as a short syllable by Lucilius
(solld^ Lucil. inc. 106 M. ; cf. ch. ii. § i), so that I.-Eur. final -a may
have been modified at a very early period in the Italic languages
(Latin as well as Umbro-Osc.), and the Latin shortening may not
have been confined originally to iambic words (but see ch. iii. § 43).
§ 2. Iistin 6 for L-Eur. &. Other examples are (i) in suffixes, &c. : I.-Eur.
& of the Suhjunctiye, Lat. fhrdmua, ferdtis, &c. ; I.-Eur. noun-suffix -tat- (e. g.
O.Ind. d6vd-tat-, * divinity,' Dor. Gk. K€<5-TdT-), Lat. nMtdt-, vdluptdt' ; I.-Eur.
adjectiye-suffix-&ko-[e.g.Ir.buadhach, * victorious' (frombuaid, ^victory*; cf.
Boudicca, wrongly called by us Boadicea), Gaulish Teuto-bOdi&ci, B^n-acus,
Lith. said6kas, ' sweetish, 'O. SI. novaku ; cf Gk.v^a^], Lat. mSracuSf vSrdc-; (a)
in individual words : I.-Eur. *bhrfitor-, * brother* (O.Ind.bhr4tar,Gk. tppdratp,
the member of a tpparpiaj O. Ir. br&thir, W. brawd, Goth. brOJ^ar, O. Eng.
brO)ror, Lith. broter-^li-s), Lat. frdter; I.-Eur. *bhasro-, *beech-tree' (Dor. Gk.
il>ay6sy O. Engl. b6c-tr6ow, * beech tree,* bOc, * a book,' lit. the runes scratched on
a piece of beech- wood), Lat. Jagus; L-Eur. *swadu-, * sweet' (O. Ind. svadu-,
Dor. Gk. rfWf, O. Sax. swOti), Lat. sudvis for *suddvi8; similarly Lat. ddvis
(Dot. Gk. icKoL{f)ls)y ndvem Ace (0. Ind. n&v-am, Horn. Gk. i^(/5)-<x, O. Ir. nau),
fSriy/vLma^/Sbula (Dor. Gk. ^-/x/, O. SI. ba-jati, * to converse'), vdtes (O. Ir. f^th,
the t being due to * Infection,' that is, to the influence of an t, which was
suppressed in pronunciation in a following syllable, from stem &ti-, I. -Eur.
♦wati-).
§ 3. A. I.-Eur. a is Latin d. Thus I.-Eur. *ago, ' I drive '
(O. Ind. ijami, Gk. iyu), Ir. agaim^ O. Isl. aka inf.)^ is in Latin
&go j its derivative, I.-Eur. *&gros, * a field ' (O. Ind. djra-s, Gk.
aypos^ Goth, akrs, Engl, acre), is in Latin Uger^ stem &grO',
I.-Eur. & varies with a, and similarly Latin & with a, in this
root Sg-, * to drive' (Lat. amb-dges, Sanscr. ajl-, * a race, contest,* Ir.
ag, ^ a contest '), and in others, some of which are enumerated in
§ 56. The P. P. P. of sto, from root sta-, ' to stand,' is 9iMM (Gk,
222 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ch«p. IV.
(TTards), with & for the weak grade of a. Latin a (probably
Ear. &) is also the vowel of a weak grade of 5, e.g. in a root
like do-, 'to give ' (Gk. bd-vos, bO-pov), Latin dor-tus beside do-nurn.
Like Lat. dd-fus from root d5- is Lat. s&-tiis from root se-,
' to sow ' ; and this ci seems to be an Eur. &, a weak grade
of e, e.g. in root ked- (Gr. €K€fci7$€i and fccxcfdoi/ro, Lat. cedo).
This I.-Eur. vowel, found in a weak grade of roots with a, 5, e,
whether it was in each case &, or in some or all cases was an
indeterminate vowel (writt/cn a by Brugmann), appears in Latin as
&, status, datus^ sdtus, but in O. Ind. we have i in sthitds^ &-di-ta
3 Sg. Aor., -dhitas P. P. P. of dha- (I.-Eur. dhe-), 'to place.' The
same O. Ind. t is seen in words like I.-Eur. *pater-, O. Ind. pitdr-,
where in the other languages we have &, Gk. irarrip, O. Ir. athir,
Gt)th. fadar, O.Engl, fseder, as ^ in Latin pater, probably
a derivative from the root pa-, ' to protect/ with this weak-grade
vowel. In other words, like Latin jjdteo, & seems to vary with
5 (Gk. TTcrcii/rv/uii) ; and in Latin we have a few instances of
^, where other languages, or kindred Latin forms, offer ^frango
fragilis (Goth, brikan, Engl, break), jlagro (Gk. (pK^yoi)), gradus
(Goth, grij^s), aper (O. Engl, eofor, Germ. Eber). They are mostly
cases of a with a liquid or nasal, and so admit of the explanation
that they are a form of the sonant or syllabic 1, r, m, n (so
Osthoff, Morph, Tint. vol. v. pref.), while aper has been explained
as ' a contamination ' of I.-Eur. *fepro- (Gk. k6.t;po%) and I.-Eur.
*epro ; they have also been explained by the theory that I.-Eur.
6 and 5 when pretonic became a in Latin (Wharton, Etyma
Latina, p. ia8). The more or less complete fusion of I.-Eur.
& and 5 in other languages makes it impossible to be sure that
this use of a in words connected with S-roots is not a peculiarity
of Latin, or rather of the Italic languages generally (cf. Osc.
patensins, Umb. abro-), depending, it may be, on the pronunciation
of Latin or Italic a (see ch. ii. § j ). For Latin a for d, under influ-
ence of r, e.g. cavus, older covus, see § 19, and for ar, al, an,
from sonant r, 1, n, §§ 81,9a.
Unaccented Latin a in the posttonic syllable became at first e,
except before / and labials, where it became d. This ^ became,
perhaps about the end of the third century b.c., I in syllables
not long by position (except when it preceded r), and before ng;
«4,6.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. E, £. 223
while this 0 became u or the tir-soimd, which in most cases passed
into ^ at the close of the Republican period. Thus the compound
of ah and cado became accMo (so spelt by Ennius), then acMo ;
from in and arma we have the compoimd inermis; from sub
and rapio first *surropio probably, then mrrupio (Plant.), then
surrlpio\ from ex sndfranffo, effringo (see ch. iii. § 1 8). Pinal Latin
a probably became ^, and might be dropped (see ch. iii. § 37).
In Umbro-Oscan I.-Eur. & remains, as in Latin, e. g. Umbr.
ager^ ' a field,' Osc. advd * agito ' third Sg. Imperat., also I.-Eur.
a, e.g. Osc. paterel ^patri/ Umbr. lupater *Juppiter' (von
Planta, i. p. 75).
§ 4. I.-Eur. &. The L-Eur. preposition *&pd (O. Ind. apa, Gk. avoy Goth,
af, Germ.ab, Engl, of) is Latin dp- of ap-<SriOy usually written d5, with suppres-
sion of the final vowel ; but the formpd- oipo-siius, from v^mo for "^pd-sinoy shows
suppression of the initial vowel ; *dd \0. Ir. ad, Goth, at, Engl, at) is Latin dtf.
The I.-Eur. pronoun *&lyo , * other ' [Gk. &XKos, O. Ir. aile, Gaul. AUo-broges,
•those of another country \Schol. Juven. viii. 334), (as opposed to *Combroge8,
* native,' whence Welsh Cymry), W. all-, Goth, aljis, Engl, el-se] is Latin iUius,
Similarly mddeo (Gk. /mb&oS) ; mUio (Gk. aXKoimC) ; atUix (Ir. sail, a C-stem,
Bret, haleg-en, O. H. Germ, salahft, O. Engl, sealh, Engl, sallow) fbut see
§§ 93-94) ; dAcrHmOy later Uurama and lacrima (Gk. Z&Kpv, 0. Ir. dCr, W. dagr,
Goth, tagr, O. Eng. t€ar, Gterm. Z&hre) ; ango, angor^ angustus (fi, Ind. ^bas,
*need,' Gk. Ayx'^y I^* t-achtaim, W. t-agu, Lith. anksztas, ^narrow,' O. SI.
^iiku, Goth, aggvus, Germ, enge) ; arceo (Gk. kpici<u, Arm. argel, * hindrance ') ;
mdcer, * thin' (Gk. fmKposj long, Av. masah-, * size,* O. H. Germ, magar, ' thin*) ;
albus (Gk. &k(p6sy white leprosy) ; dfnlmu^, dnima, *• soul ' (O. Ir. anim, anman
Gen., *80ul,' Gk. &vtixos, wind, from root an-, *to breathe *) ; cano (O. Ir. canim,
W. canu, Goth, hana, *a cock,* Engl, hen) ; dlo (Ir. alaim, W. alu, Goth, ala,
* I grow up,' Gk. A'-oAtos, insatiate) ; aqua (Goth, ahva) ; acAho (Gk. atcawTM,
Lith. skabii, ^ I cut/ Goth, skaba, ^ I shave,' 0. Engl, scafe, Engl, shave) ; dro
(Arm. araur, *a plough,* Gk. dp6<Uj 0. Ir. arathar, *a plough/ W. ar, * tilth,'
Lith. ariii, ' I plough,* O. SI. oij§, Goth, arja, Engl, to ear) ; sal- (Arm. aX, Gk.
fiAj, O. Ir. salann, W. halen, O. SI. sol!, Goth, salt, Engl. salt).
L-Eur. & or e (see § 51).
& — 6 (see § 55) e. g. atrox and odium, acer-bus and ocH$,
& — 8 (see § 61) e. g. aser blood (Gk. (ap), sacena a priest's knife (cf. aeco).
§ 5. E. I.-Eur. e is Latin e. Thus the optative-suffix, I.-Eur.
-ie- (-Tye-) (O. Ind. syas, siyAs, Gk. €trjs for ^iairis) is -i^- of
O.Lsitsies. Prom the root pie-, ' to fill' (O. Ind. pra-tfi- Part.,'full/
Arm. li, Gk. wA^-pijs, O. Ir. lin, ' number,' O. Isl. fleire, ' more ')
comes IjBim ple-nusy ifn'p/e'fus,pleri'fjue,0, Lat. ex-pl^-nunf; from
ai;&4 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
se-, ' to throw, throw seed ' (Gk. ti/Mt for *rri-(r»;-/utt, jj-fxa for *8e-mn,
O. Ir. sil, ' seed/ W. hil, Goth. mana-se]7s, * mankind/ Engl, seed,
Lith. seju, * I sow/ O. SI. sej^, se-m^, * seed *) Latin se-vi, se-men.
This I.-Eur. e is often found in developments from simple roots
with e, as, for instance, pie-, from the simple root pSl-, * to fill '
(Goth, filu, ' much,' O. Ir. il), or pse- (O. Ind. psa-, * to devour,' Gk.
y^]Vy to rub) from the simple root bh^-, (O. Ind. bhas-, * to devour'),
the e being either due to the fusion of S with an ^-sound, in
a grade of a dissyllabic root (thus pie- would be a grade of pel^-),
or a stem-suffix added to the weak grade of the simple root (thus
pse- is ps-, the weak grade of bhes-, with the addition of the
suffix e). The same doubt we found to exist about roots with
a, like gna- (Lat. gnd-tus) from gena- or gn-a- (§ i). Occa-
sionally e became i in Latin through the influence of an i (y)
followed by a vowel in the next syllable, e. g. /ilius for ^felius.
Latin e is often S, lengthened by 'compensation,' e.g. dnhelui
for *an-euslo from ^an-anslo- (cf. hdlo)y written in the older
orthography (in Virgil MSS.) anAellus, a spelling which indicates
the lengthening of the e to have been a transference of the long
quantity from the consonant to the vowel. Sometimes Latin e is
due to the fusion of two vowels, e.g. prendo from preAefido,
tres from *treySs (eh. vi. § 61).
In the unaccented syllable, Latin e remained unchanged,
e. g. concedo^ accedo (see ch. iii. § 30). But when final, it was
shortened in iambic words in course of time, so that while
Plautus scans cav^ and occasionally cave, the ordinary pronun-
ciation in Cicero's time was cav^ only. When preceding final
;//, it was shortened like other long vowels; hence the first
Pers. Sg. of the optative would be siSm in Latin, unlike Gk. ^Iqv
for *^((r)tr;j' ; and before final -^, -r, -l it became (like a, &c.)
a short vowel in the second century b. 0. (For this shortening,
see ch. iii. § 40.)
In Oscan I.-Eur e is 1 (the symbol also of I.-Eur. t, § 13),
ii (Lat. alph. i), e. g. llgatuis * legatis,' ligiid * 1^^ ' ; in Umbr.
e, sometimes i, e. g. plener ' plenis/ habetu and Aabitu ' habeto ' (von
Planta, i. p. 89).
S 6. Iiat. d for I.-Sur. 6. Other examples are : I.-Eur. dh6-, 'to suck,'
* suckle ' (O. Ind. dh&-, dhft-ru-, * suckling,' dhft-trl, * nurse,' Arm. diem, ' 1 suok.
SS e-8.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. E, fi. 22^
Gk. erjirBat, 9^-\vSy $tf'k^, 0. Ir. dith, * he sucked/ dinu, Pre8.-Part., ' a lamb/
Goth, daddja, 'I suckle/ O. H. Gterm. t&u, Lith. d^-le, ^a leech/ pirm-delS,
* young mother/ O. SI. dS-t^ ^infant'), Latin /<P-m»na,/c/Zo (vulgar form of f&xt),
fl-lius for *J&iu8 ; I. -Eur. n6-, * to sew, spin ' (Gk. vfjjVy vij-Boi), yrj-fiaf v^-TpoK, Goth.
n6-)>la, *■ needle/ O. H. Germ, n&dela, naen, Germ, n&hen), Lat. ns-ref ra-tusj n0-
men ; I. -Eur. *semi-, ^half (O. Ind. s&mi-, Gk. ijfu-y 0. H. Germ, s&mi-, O. EngL
sfim-j Engl, sand-blind), Lat. sSmu, Similarly Lat. rfs (O. Ind. ri-s, 'property') ;
Lat. i??rus(0. Ir. fir, W. gwir, Goth. tuz-v6ijan, * to doubt,' O. SI. v6ra, * belief) ;
Lat. ri-ri (Goth. rSdan, ' to advise,' 0. Engl, r^an, Engl, rede, Germ, rathen);
Lat. sp^ (Lith. speti, ' to have leisure,' O. SI. spSti, ' to advance, 'Goth. spSdiza,
* later,' G^erm. sp&t). This I. -Eur. 6 is often a * doublet ' of Si (see § 47 ) ; rfi-, for
example, of Lat. rg«, O. Ind. r4-8, is a byform of r6i-, r6y- (O. Ind. rfty-ds Gen.),
and some refer the fl- of Lat. fUius to an I. -Eur. dhi-, a grade of a root dhei-,
dhfiy, * to suckle.' That the Romans of Plautus' day reg&rdadJUius as a cognate
of /Ho (/dlo) appears from a line preserved only in the Ambrosian MS., Pseiid,
4aa iam ille felat filius, and in Umbrian the word seems to have had the
sense of * suckling,' e. g. 8\f JUiu trif^ tref sif feliuf, Hres sues lactentes'
Ace, as well as that of ' son,' e. g. fd. for felis, ' filius ' on an Umbrian epitaph.
(,BUch. Umbr, p. 174.) (On Praenestine yHc(i) a, a nurse (?), see A.L.L. ii. 48a).
$ 7. i for d. Ddlnio, a byform of delfnio ; Pflnius (dialectal ?) apparently
trojaplSniis ; contHcium from root w6q«-, * to speak ' (? ) ; susplcio from root sp^l:-, * to
look,' all seem to be examples of this change of s to I, produced by a y-sound
in the next syllable. Filius is spelt felius on an inscription (C. /. L. xiv. loii),
and seems in Umbrian to have the g-sound, spelt e or t. On the spellings
ComiliuSf AuriliuSj which prove the affinity of Latin e with an t-sound before
a syllable with y, see ch. ii. $ 1 1 [AurUius occurs on an inscr. of aoo B.C. (C. J. L.
xiv. 4a68, with eisdim)'] ; and on the spelling stiliOj for stBUio, a newt, see Georges,
Lex Wofrif. s. v. (Parodi in Stud.Ital. i. 385 gives other exx., and adds /flta, &c)
§ 8. E. I.-Eur. g is Latin e : for example, in the present stem,
e. g. of the root bh6r-, I.-Eur. *bhgr6, first Pers. Sg. (O. Ind.
bhdrami, Arm. berem, Gk. (pipo), O. Ir. berim, W. ad-feru Inf.,
Goth, baira, Engl, I bear, O. SI. berjj), ItBt./ero ; in the Neuter
ES-stem, e. g. of root gSn-, T.-Eur. *ggnos, Nom. Sg. (O. Ind.
j&nas, Gk. ytvo^^ O. Ir. gein), Lat. (/enus ; in the numeral ' ten,'
L-Eur. *dgkm (O. Ind. d^, Gk. bha, O. Ir. deich, W. deg, Goth,
taihun^ O. H. G. zehan, Lith. deszimt, O. SI. des^tl), Lat. dScetn.
Latin e7n, eii may represent I.-Eur. m, n, the sonant or syllabic
nasal, e. g. I.-Eur. *Lntom (or *t®mtom), O. Ind. iatdm, Gk.
k-Karov, O. Ir. eet, W. cant, Goth, hund, Lith. szimtas, O. SI.
siito), Lat. centum (see § 81). I.-Eur. Sw became ^v in Latin,
which in the unaccented syllable passed into u, e. g. ndvus (Gk.
vio^) and de-nuo^ and similarly I.-Eur. wS became ^, e. g. s^ror
for I.-Eur. swgsor-, in certain circumstances (see below), and I.-Eur.
el became M (fit) except before ^, i or in the group ell^ e.g. v^loy
bat viliniy velle. Latin ^ became i before n^, e. g. lin^o (Gk. riyy^).
%26 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [01i»p. IV.
before ^w, e. g. di^nusirom decet (? 8ee§ 1 19), just as in the Teutonic
languages S has become \ before a nasal and a consonant, e. g.
Engl. * wind/ It became i also in open unaccented syllables, except
when final, or when preceding r, but passed into a «-sound before
/ or a labial. Thus the compound of neco was e-nXco (later spelt
eneco\ the ordinal of decern was d^cHmus, class, decimus (ch.iii, §18).
Latin e sometimes represents ei (Sy) before a vowel, e.g. lo
from the I.-Eur. root ei-, * to go/ on which see § 6^. Final Latin
S may represent any I.-Eur. short vowel, as may also e in unac-
cented syllables before r or a consonant-group, e. g. pi-pSr-i from
pdrio^ an-ceps from caput (see ch. iii. § 1 8). Final -tf was often
dropped, e. g. nSc for nequS, exempldr^ older exempldre^ as ^ (and t)
in the middle of a word might be suppressed by syncope, e. g.
^urffo for sub-rego (see ch. iii. § 13). On the substitution of -^r- for
-H?- in ter^ older terr (cf. terr-unciwi) for ^iers^ I.-Eur. *trls, &c.,
see ch. iii. § 15. 8. I.-Eur. S remains in Umbro-Oscan, though
before some consonants it appears as T, e. g. Osc. estud ' esto/
Umbr. fertu *ferto.' The change to 6 before 1 is apparently
unknown. (For particulars, see von Planta, i. p. 83.)
S 0. Latin h for I.-Eur. h, I. -Eur. -^ in the Voc Sg. of O-stems (O. Ind.
vfka, Gk. Xv/r(, Lith. vilk^, O. SI. vliiSe) is Latin -^ of lu^, &c, as in the
Imperative 9 Sg. Act., e.g. *&g6 (O. Ind. ^'a, Gk. &y*) Lat &^ dropped in rfic,
ducyf&c (ch. iii. $ 36) ; the conjunction * and/ I.-Eur. *q«6 (O. Ind. ca, Gk. rt) is
Latin 91^, with -S dropped in nic for nSquS, &c. ; the first personal pronoun
(O. Ind. ahdm. Arm. es, Gk. I7Q;, GK>th. ik, O. £ng. ic, Lith. ksz, O. SI. azu)
is in Latin igo. Other examples are Lat. nehula (Gk. v€^iKriy 0. Ir. nSl fi*om
♦nehlo-, W. nifwl, 0. H. Gterm. nebul, Germ. Nebel) ; Lat. sSquor (0. Ind. sac-,
Ok. tvofiaiy O. Ir. sechur, Lith. sekii) ; Lat. it (Gk. in) ; Lat. mMius (O. Ind.
mddhya-, Gk. fjiicaos, fxiaoSyGoth. midjis, 0. Ir. medOn,^ the middle,' O.Sl. me2da;
Lat. ^U8 (O. Ind. ^va-, O. Ir. ech, Gaul. Epo-r6dia, W. ebol, * a colt,' Goth,
aihva-tundi, *a bush,' lit. * horse-tooth,' O.Engl, eoh, Lith. aszrk *a mare') ;
Lat vShc (O. Ind. vah-, Pamphyl. Gk. fixot, Ir. ffen from *wegno-, * a waggon,'
Ooth. ga-viga, * I move,' Germ, be-wege, Lith. veZii, O. SI. vez^).
§ 10. 6 for 5 with w and 1. L-Eur. *n6wn (0. Ind. n^va, Gk. iwia for
'^Iv-vtfa, Ir. nOi, W. naw, Goth, niun) is in Latin n5i?cm ; I.-Eur. ♦n6wo-
(O. Ind. nAva, Gk. v^os, O. Ir. nue from *nowio-, GauL Novio-dunum, W.
newydd) is Lat. mvus^ Noviusy while in the unaccented syllable we see H for
I.-Eur. ew in dSnUo. (For other examples of this u, see ch. iii. § 24.) The change
of d to d befoi*e tr, which is shared by the Celtic languages (e.g. Gaul. Novio-
dunum, O. Ir. nue for ♦nowio-, W. newydd from *nawydd for *nowio- from
I.-Eur. *n6wio-, cf. Gk. vtiSs, Goth, niujis ; O.-Ir. nOi, W. naw from L-Eur.
♦newn), and by the Balto-Slavic (e. g. Lith. tavas for L-Eur. ♦tfiwo-, Gk.
rt(f)6s ; O. SI. novu for I.-Eur. *n6wo-, Gk. W(f )os), does not affect the ev
(Latin er, but not I. -Eur. -ew-) of words like livia (Gk. i-Xaxi^), aSvSrus,
§§ 9, 10.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. E, t. 227
apparently from root sdgh-, brSvis (Gk. 0paxvi\ so that the law of change most
have ceased to operate before these words assumed in Latin this form. It is
like the change of the diphthong eu to ou in the Italic, Celtic, and Balto-
Slavic languages, e. g. O. Lat. douco for I. -Eur. '*'deu/cO (Goth, tiuha)
(see § 35).
I. -Eur. sw6- appears as sd- in Latin, e.g. I. -Eur. *8w68or- (O. Ind. sr^Lsar-,
Gk. €o/)-€y, O. Ir. siur, and after a vowel fiur, W. chwaer, Goth, svistar, Lith.
sesS, O. SI. sestra) is in Latin sSror ; I. -Eur. *8wd&uro- (O. Ind. fiv^ura-, Gk.
ftfcvpdsf W. chwegrwn, 0. H. Germ, swehur, Germ. Schw&her, Lith. szeszuras,
O. SI. svekru) is Lat. «oc«r ; I. -Eur. ♦swfipno- (O. Ind. svdpna-, O. Scand. svefn,
O. Engl. sw6fen) is Lat. s6mnu8 for *sSpnus ; cf. sopor. L-Eur. &wd is said to
appear as c6- in Latin in combr-ftuniy a bulrush (Lith. szvefidrai Plur.) from a
stem iw^ndhro-, though this may stand for *quombr'^tum with the 0-grade of
stem (see § 137) ; J<Srem seems to represent dissyllabic */toirem. But B of dw6-
remains, e. g. bellum, older dueUum, hSni (cf. older Duenos), Qua from L-Eur.
qS$, kw^, &c remains, and does not become co, e. g. -qui (I.-Eur. qSd), quSror
from kw-^s- (cf. Gk. Hwtevot), though quo became co in course of time, e.g. cdlOf
the O. Lat. form of which was quolo, as in the old inscription of the Faliscan
* collegium cocorum," written in rude Satumians, and with equally rude
spelling (Zvetaieff, Inacr. Ital» Ir\f, 7a a) :
gonlegium quod est nciptum aetatei aged[ai],
opiparum ad ueitam quolundam festosque dies,
quel soueis astutieis opidque Uolgani
gondecorant saipisume comuiuia loidosque,
ququei hue dederunt inperatoribus summeis (i. e. Jupiter, Jimo
and Minerva)
utei sesed lubentes beneiouent optantis,
where also coqui is written quqpiei (so qulunt for colunt in the Plautus Palimpsest
in Pseud. Baa). The compound inquXRnus, with -quU- for qutA- in the unaccented
syllable, was formed before the change from quo to co, and being a legal term
kept it49 old spelling, unlike tncdJa, (but see p. sag). That quH had come to sound
like CO as early as the beginning of the second cent. b. c, we may infer from
the spelling in oqudUod, for in occultOj on the S. C. de Bacchanalibus (C. I. L,
L 196) of 186 B. c. ; for occiilo must be connected with cihy which has not the
qS- guttural (cf. Ir. c^^lim, W. c6lu with the 6-grade of the same root). The
analogy of ^uom, quemy &c. would preserve the spelling quom till a late date,
though the word was probably pronounced *comf for the preposition, I.-Eur.
*k6m or *kdm, is usually spelt quom till the time of the Gracchi (Bersu,
Gutturaky p. 4a) ; and similarly loquontury &c. would be written after the
fashion of logu^i^tur, loq\ienturj with quo ; so that it is not until the fifth
cent. A. D. that every fjuiS has assumed the spelling cOy e. g. coty oirum, coque
(the conjunction), condam (the adverb), Uxor (Bersu, p. 90). The form
quotidie is censured by Quintilian (i. 7. 6 frigidiora his alia ut . . . ' quotidie,'
non cotidie, ut sit quot diebus : verum haec jam etiam inter ipsas ineptias
evanuerunt), by Velius Longus (79. 16 K. illos vitiose et dicere et scribere
[qui potius] per * quo ' * quotidie ' dicunt quam per * co ' cotidie, cum et
dicatur melius et scribatur. non enim est a quote die ' quotidie ' dictum, sed
a continenti die cotidie tractum), and by Marius Yictorinus [13. ai K. nam
concussus quamvis a quatio habeat originem, et cocus a coquendo (r. I. quo-
aa8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
quendo), et cotidie a quoto die, et incola ab inquilino, attamen per c quam
per qu scribuntur]. Cottidie and coHdie are the spellings of the best MSS., and
are found on inscriptions (see Georges, Lex, Wor{f, s. v.), though no doubt the
older spelling would have quo-,
Lat. vo- became re- (see Solmson, Stud. Lot Lautg, p. i) in the middle of the
second cent. b. c. Quintilian tells us that Scipio Africanus (Minor) was
credited by tradition with this change of orthography (i. 7. 95 quid dicam
'vortices' et 'vorsus/ ceteraque in eundem modum, quae primus Scipio
Africanus in e litteram secundam vertisse dicitur ?). (On these spellings in
inscriptions, see Brambach, Orth, p. loi.) The MSS. of Plautus show the
older spellings vortOf vorausy and compounds, vosterj voto (I-£ur. gSh), -vorro ; and
invortOy divaraiy vortex are found even in the MSS. of Augustan poets, like
Virgil. The grammarians of the Empire sometimes advised the retention of
these forms for the sake of distinctions, e. g. Caper, 99. 1 1 K. vortex fluminis
est, vertex capitis ; 97. 15 versus paginae dicetur, versus participium est
a verbo vertor. One of the o-forms indeed, vdstery was retained to the last
(perhaps by analogy of vdSy or of nHster) in Vulgar Latin (cf. Roumanian vostru,
Ital. vostro, Fr. vdtre), as 0 was retained in classical vdco (by analogy of v6x ?),
v5m0y v6ro (I .-Eur. gV-). 0 was retained before single I and I before another
consonant, e. g. volOj to wish, volOy to fly, fx)lay hollow of hand, volvoy volnusy
later vulnusy &c., and before v, e. g. voveo ; though Cassiodorus, a doubtful
authority, makes amvoUere the old spelling of conveOere (149. 17 K.). VSldterrae
for Etruscan Vela^ri, Vdlumnius for Etruscan Velimna cannot be quoted to
prove that Latin vS- was ever pronounced vd-. They exemplify the phonetic
law that & became SI in Latin (see below). There is no evidence that vSho
was ever *vohOy or Vinus *Vonu8y or virUus *vof%iu8y or vfyru *roni, &c. The old
spelling vorto (I. -Eur. *w6rtO, Goth. wair)>a) probably belongs to a period
when vo- had come to take the sound of V0- and was occasionally used as
a symbol of this sound (ch. viii. $ 8) ; it has also been referred to the analogy
of the P. P. P. vorsus (I.-Eur. *wrt-to-), where Lat. or represents I.-Eur. r.
Oi may similarly have become ei after v, so that vidi may represent an I.-Eur.
*woidai (O. SI. vddS ; cf. Gk. o7(Sa, ch. viii. $ 39) ; but the appearance of d beside 6
in Latin in words like amplectoTy 0. Lat. amphdor (Prise, i. p. 35. 15 H. ; cf. below
ch. viii. § 33) is better referred to the same ' variation ' (Ablaut) as that seen in
tego beside togayprocus beside precor, &c., on which see § 51.
El is found in the group eU, e. g. vellcy veUem (that U had a more ^ exilis ' sound
than /, in technical language was 'front-modified,' is attested by the gram-
marians, ch. ii. $ 96), and before e, t {y) ; but in other circumstances it seems that
the character of Latin I so asserted itself as to change e to 0, e. g. volOy thoiigh
there are a few exceptions to the rule, and not very many instances ^ Thus
the Greek i\(u{f)dy when adopted by the Romans (in the period of the
Tarquins, Plin. Nat, Hist, xv. i), became *olaiva, then *oleiva (§ 37), olitxi.
A following e- or t-vowel prevents the change, e. g. vUinty mHior. The older
type of declension holusy *h&eri8 (from *hele8es) has left traces of itself in hdusy
holeris and O. Lat. helus (Paul. Fest. 71. 13 Th. 'helus'et 'helusa' antiqui
^ Pliny contrasts the I of ledusy exactly as Russian or Gaelic 1, viz.
tectum with the ' exilis ' Z-sound of a ' deep ' I before a, 0, ti, a ' palatal '
Metdlus, so that we cannot suppose I before e, i.
Latin { to have been pronounced
S U.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. E, £. 229
dicebant, quod nunc holus et holera ; cf. the gloss ^helitores' hortolani LOwe,
Prodr, p. 339), but *8o?Hna has not survived beside sc&eris. Before a consonant
el became ol (uZ § 17) (on the pronunciation of I before a cons., seech, ii. $ 96),
e. g. vuUf older volt. (^On gdu^ helvus, shnd^ celsits, and for other instances of the
change to ci, see Osthoff, Dwikhsu. heUes^l'im Lat). InquVtnits xnaj thus
represent an older *€nqueHno-y Mrofti an older *€nquoUi'y both from an early qSdl-.
§ 11. I for (accented^ e. Other examples are : before ngj Lat lingua, older
dingua from I.-Eur. dngh%- (0. Ir. tcnge, W. tafod, Goth. tuggO) ; Lat. inguen
from I.-Eur. ng|5- (Gk. d^v) ; Lat. stringo, I bind, draw tight (O. Ir. srengim,
* I draw'); Lat. sepdngeniif con/ringOf atiifigo, &c. tor*8eptengenHj *con/rengOy *ctUengOy
&c. ; before gw, ignis from I.-Eur. *ngTi\- (0. Ind. agni-, Lith. ugnls, O. SI. ogni) ;
Ignatius, a late spelling of Egnatius (see Schuchardt, Vok. i. 334) ; ilignus and
iligneua from tlex^ \i\i\. abi^gnus (with s, according to PrlsciaUi i. p. 8a. 8 H.) from
dbies ; the old religious term for a sheep, brought with its two lambs to the
sacrifice, is given by Paul. Fest. as ambegna (4. 7 Th. ' ambegni ' bos et vervez
appellabantur, cum ad eorum utraque latera agni in sacrificium ducebantur),
but in Glossaries as anibigna (Mai, vi. p. 506 b. *• ambignao,' oves ex utraque
parte agnos habentes ; and ' ambignae,' oves quas Junoni offerebant, quia
geminos parerent), while the MSS. of Yarro give awibiegna, which may indicate
a correction of ambegna to ambigna (L. L. vii. 31 *■ ambiegna ' bos apud augures,
quam circum aliae hostiae constituuntur). We have sim- for sem- (I.-Eur.
sm-, Gk. &-ir\6os, &c.), in aimplusy simplex, simpludiarea/unera (quibus adhibentur
duntaxat ludi corbitoresque, Fest. 498. 94 Th.) as well as singulis sincerus,
sificinia (cantio solitaria, Paul. Fest. 500. 93 Th.) and in simul, older semui (see
Georges, Lex. Wor^f, s. v.), simt7ia, aimltily but e does not become t before mpl of
templumj nor before nc in j&vencuSy and Umbrian sumel, Gk. 6fux\6ty &c. suggest
that the sim- of simUis and its cognates is I.-Eur. som-, and has the il-sound
of sUmuSf written also simus, Wbet later Kbet (see ch. ii. § 16) ; sindput is derived
from sSmicaput by Velius Longus (78. 18 K.), &c. On the quantity and quality
of the vowel t before gn in dignus, &c., see ch. ii. § 144. The I.-Eur. word for
» five ' *p6nq9^ (0. Ind. pdnca, Arm. hing, Gk. wcVre, O. Ir. cOic, Gaul. irc^iW-
doi/Xa, cinqfoil, 0. W. pimp, Goth, fimf, Lith. penk), O. SI. p^t!) is in Latin
qulnque [with long i indicated both by inscriptions and by the Romance forms,
a quantity which has been referred to the influence of guin{c)tu8 {K. Z. xxx.
501) (see ch. ii. § 144)]. In rustic and dialectal Latin S before re became t,
e. g Mircurios, Mirqurios (C.I.L. i. 1500 and 59, both from Praeneste), stircus
(C. /. L. ix. 789, from Luceria, in Apulia on the borders of Samnium), com-
mirciumy mentioned as an older form by Velius Longus (77. 19K. *mium* et
^ commircium ' quoque per i antiquis relinquamus, apud quos aequo et ' Mir-
curius * per i dicebatur, quod mirandarum rerum esset inventor, ut Yarro
dicit nostris jam auribus placet per e, ut et Mercurius et commercia dicantur).
The i of country- terms like hirsutus, hirtusj &c. (apparently from root grAers-,
*to be rough,* whence Lat. horreoj hordeumj &c.) may be explained by this
dialectal pronunciation of ^iVct^ for siercuSf &c. (cf. Osc. amiricatud ' immercato ').
In other positions than before re, &c. the ' rustic ' pronunciation seems to have
substituted e fort (ut iotalifcteramtollaseteplcnissimumdicas,Cic.(fe Ora^ iii. i9.
46) (cf. above, ch. ii. $ 17). To this confusion is perhaps due the uncertainty
in the spelling of country-terms like/Uix orf&ixy a fern (the latter approved by
Caper, p. 106. i K. ; see Georges s. v.), fiber andy?&cr, a beaver, from I.-Eur.
bhdbhr- (see Georges) ; but the byforms pinna and penna, vigto and vegeo, vittus
^50 THE LATOC LANGUAGE. [Ghapu IV.
M. un4 uOtu H, hirr^ noi jr«i been Mtisfketorilj ezpUined* Lerir, a brother-
ifi'lftw, M word f/nljr frmnd in Uite Latin writerm, and so nuamptH with f for
a« (ms*i I fl6y, fr^/m L-Eor. ^d^iwer- (Ok. Sa^p, Lith. d§Teris) takes t by anal.
tffvir, (On fAhtsr hjffttmn dti« to th« late Latin identification of f with ;, and
to tb« iihuttfs^ fpfiUfiin tinaeeented ayllablea, tee eh. ii. | 6).
tt
§ 12* I. L-Eur. 1 ha0 been faithfoUy retained by the Tarions
Uaigusigen in almofft all circumgtances, and is in Latin t, though
often written in O. Lat. ei, after the I.-£ur. ei-diphthong had
come U) take the sound of i (ch. i § 9). The diphthong ct in
Oroek developed to the same sound (thus mura, the proper spell-
ing, t>ecame IrUa), so that in Greek also €t was in course of time
often written for I, e.g. TroXctVi^r, and Ulfilas adopted this symbol
ei for the long i*sound of Gothic. For examples of I.-Eur. 1 we
may take the adjective-suffix in -ino- (O. Ind. nav-fna-, * new,' Gk.
AyXitTT'lvo^fOitcn with names of animals, e.g.KopaK-ii/oy, dcA(/>aK-ir»/,
Xot/j-fi/r;, (loth. gul]>-ein8, O. H. G. guld-Tn, Engl, gold-en, Goth,
sv-cin, O. Engl, sw-in, Engl, swine, O. SI. mater-inii, * motherly,'
sv-in(i), in Latin 9u-miii^ div-iniis, &c. ; the optative-suffix 1
(varying with ye, ch. viii. § 55) (O. Ind. dviSi-mihi, Gk. c^Sei/mci;
from «Jfi«((r)-l-/ut€r, Goth, vil-ei-ma) in Lat. s-i-mus; the adjective
♦yMIwo-, * alive/ (O. Ind. jlvd-, Lith. g^vas, O. SI. 2ivtl, O. Ir. biu,
W. byw) in Lat. vlvm, in old spelling veiva^; Lat. vis (Gk. is,
l-0t) ; Lat. vlrujf (Gk. t6i for *f 40-09), Lat. vitex (Gk. tria and
ilria, Kng. withy, Lith. vytis). I.-Eur. lis usually a grade of an
ei-root, and it is often difficult to say whether Lat. i represents
the l-griulo or the ci-grade.
After I, Latin • appears as ^ in Idni-ena for *lani'ina, &c. (cf.
toHMtr-hta)^ as wo have S in sdci^fast anxiUas^ but X in castXtas, ndm-
te*, &o. (hoc ch. V. § 83). Latin ♦ represents I.-Eur. ei in dtco (O.
Lat.r/<*/(*(>, Gk. fi<(K-w3-fjii), ad'dicOy Sec, /Mo (Gk. ir^COfa for *<^€i^a}),
cQH^fhto^ &c. (see ch. viii. § 6), and has come from { lengthened
by iHnnjKjnsation in words like nulits for *jiwrfo- (*nizdo-) (Arm.
nist^ * situation,' Engl. nest). In the unaccented syllable it may
n»pn*8ont older ei (Latin W, not I.-Eur. ei), viz. an I-diphthong
whoso first element has been weakened; as in cou^ido, older
am^fYufoy from atedo^ older caidoy and in the final syllable of
Porfwts like W-/ W-i (older -^i) (O. Ind. tu-tud-^), which have the
(§ 12, 18.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. I, I. (^3!
I.-Eur. I Sg. Perf. Middle ending -ai (-ai) (ch. viii. § 66); oi in
the final syllable of Noms. Plor. of O-stems like pqpuli (oldest
Lat. poploe, then populei, eh. vi. § 40). Fidi, older veidei, from I.-
Eur. *woidai (O. SI. v6d6) shows vei-^ a development of an older
voi-, as versus (I.-Eur. *wrt-to-) shows ver-, a development of an
older vor- (§ 10). On the use of e for Lat. I (perhaps properly
only I.-Eur. ei) in rustic Latin^ e.g. ^jo^^a, vella^ see ch. ii. § 17,
and cf . below, § 3a ; on i for e in Jilitis, § 7. I.-Eur. i remains
in Umbro-Osc. and is written in the Oscan alphabet i( or i (in
Lat. alph. j), in Umbr. i (in Lat. alph. i and ^'), e. g. Osc. liimitu[m
' limitum/ Umbr. si, sir, sei^ * sit ' (see von Planta, i. p. loa).
§ 18. i. I.-Eur. 1. is Latin I, sometimes written in Old Latin
e (e. g. Tempestaiebus on a Scipio epitaph), after unaccented ^ had
come to take the ^-sound (see also ch. iii. § 18). The I.-Eur. pro-
noun *1- (O. Ind. i-d-dm Neut., Goth, is Masc., ita Neut., Engl, it)
is Lat. Is M., M N. ; the pronoun *Ll-, * this ' (Goth, hi-mma Dat.,
hi-dre Adv., Engl, him, hither, Lith. szis, O. S. st) appears in
Latin d^, cltra ; the interrogative and indefinite pronoim *q9l-
(O. Ind. ci-d, Gk. Ti{h), O. SI. «-to) is Latin quU M., quU N. (cf .
Umbr. pis) ; from the root mtn-, ' to lessen,' from the primary root
mei- (O. Ind. minomi, Gk. invv-da), Goth, mins Adv., O. SI.
mYnjijl Adj.) we have Lat. m^nvo, minor.
I.-Eur. \ is generally the weak grade of the diphthong ei (as
mYn- from mei-, *to lessen '), and so in Latin, e. g. in-dico beside
dico (older deico\f%des (cf. Gk. VthQ-ov) beside/wfo, older/<?wfo (cf .
Gk, TTcWw for *c/)€t^a)). For \ varying with 1, e. g. I.-Eur. *wiro,
* a man,' see § 58. Latin % may represent any short vowel in an
unaccented syllable, not long by position, e. g. coneino for con-canOj
dlUgo for dikgo^ inguillnus for ^inquolinus^ quidUbet for quidlubet
(whence libet for lubet^ ch. ii. § 16). In an unaccented syllable
long by position % became ?, e. g. ind^x beside indtco, jud^x beside
judlco (ci, jM'dtcus)y cdmes, properly ^cmnhSy Gen. com-^t-is^ and
in an open unaccented syllable before r, e. g. ctn-er^is from cinisy
and also when final, e. g. m&r? but niaria^ mari-ttmus ; Kve^ Neut.
of levis (contrast Gk. Z6pi, Neut. of Ihpi^)^ rure, Loc. of riis, in which
case it may be dropped, e. g. anltndlior animdley Neut. of animdlis,
Latin -7^- in the unaccented syllable, when preceded by a con-
23^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
sonant^ became ?r, e.g. acerbus for *acr^'6us from *aerii-dho-
(Lith. asztriis, O. SI. ostrtl), incertm for *incritu9 (Gk. S-icpiros) ;
and apparently this may occur in the accented syllable too, e. g.
ter^ properly ters (cf. terr^uncius) for ^th-s from *^H^ (Gk. rpU)^
testis for ^trX-stis (cf. Oscan trfstaamentnd, in Lat. testdmento
Abl.) (but see ch. iii. § 15. 8). Similarly for -/J-, when, through
syncope, the / has to play the part of a vowel (sonant or syllabic
/), as is seen in our ' able,' and more clearly in French able, we
find ul (older ^/) in Latin, e. g. f&cultus for ^facU^y>as beside
facilitas, simulfas for *siml(^)tas beside siiwiKtas,
After i we find e not t in sdcietaSy a^ixietas, &c., beside prdKtas,
castltas, &c. (cf. Engl, yg- for yt- in ' yet/ ' yes *), as we find
laniena beside tonstrina (§ 12). In Oscan I. -Eur. Y is i (in Lat.
alph. i, in Gr. €i) ; in Umbr. it is i (Lat. alph. j), but in O. Umbr.
often e ; e.g. Osc. pis, Umbr. pis ' quis ' (von Planta, i. p. 96).
§ 14. other examples of Lat. I for I.-Bur. I. The -Is- of the L-Eur, Super-
lative suffix Is-to- (O. Ind. 8v4d-istha-, Gk. fj^iaros, Goth, sut-ista, * sweetest ')
appears in Latin mdg-is-ter (in 0. Lat. written magester according to Quintilian,
i. 4. 17 quid ? non e quoque i loco fait ? * Menema ' et * leber ' et * magester ' et
' Diove Victore,' non Dibvi Victori), mtn-is-ter. The weak grade of an ei-root is
seen in L-Eur. tri- from root trei-, * three* (O. Ind. tri-su Loc., Gk. T/«-<ri, Goth.
yn-m Dat., Lith. tri-s^ Loc., O. SL tri-chii) and Latin tri-busj though in ter, temi,
&c. there is the usual change of -ri- to -er- ; lAt. piscis (Goth, fisks), while O. Lr.
iasg from ^peisco-shows the ei-grade ; Lat. video (O. Ind. vid-m^ i PL, Hom. Gk.
fl^-fiiVj W. gwedd, ^aspect,* Gk)th. vit-um, i*Pl., Engl, wit, Germ, wissen) from
root weid-, *to see, know,' with Perfect-stem woid- (Gk. otia) ; Lot. fid-i,f{ndo
(O. Ind. bhid-), * to split,' Goth, bitum, i PL Pret., Engl, bit. Germ, bissen),
from root bheid- (Goth, beitan, EngL to bite, Germ, beissen).
I in the unaccented syllable. See ch. iii. § 18 for other instances.
$ 16. id, not iX. Other examples are pietas, sdiietas, ibrieka and other deriva-
tives in 'tat- from to-adjective stems, drtetas, dbietis, &c., variegoy &c beside livigo,
Ac, hietare, and the earlier spellings conieciant, prmedtadj iniedcUiSy traitcerey &c.
(see ch. iii. § 18, p. 188).
6,6.
§ 16. 6. I.-Eur. o is Latin 0. Thus the I.-Eur. root p6-, * to
drink ' (O. Ind. pa-,pa-na-, Noun, Gk. w^-irco-ica, &/ui-7r<ia-ri9, the ebb,
Aeol. TTci-j/o), Lith. pu-ta) is Latin po- oipo^tOy po-tuSy po-culum ;
do-, ' to give' (O. Ind. da-na- and da-ti-, *a gift,' Arm. tur, Gk. iw-
pov and bu^rlvrj^ Lith. dy-tis, O. SI. da-rtl, dan-tL, P.P.P. ; in Celtic,
the I.-Eur. word for 'gift' has taken the sense of 'an accom-
plishment,' O. Ir. dan, W. dawn) is in Latin do^num^ dos. On
5514-17.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. 0,6. 233
the other hand, I.-Eur. 6 is often a grade of S or e (e. g. 6k.
TTcuraofAQt from root Trer-, /cAco^, a thief, from kActtto), Owfios
from TC6r,fii) (see §§ 51, 53). A root like gno- (Gk. yvoaros-j Lat.
tidhts^ older ^ndtvs^ gndsco) beside gen-, admits of being explained
either as an addition of the suffix -6- to the weak grade gn-, or as
a grade of a dissyllabic root gen<?-, so that gndtus from geno-
would be \\Vq Qfidrvs from gena-, &e. (§ i).
Latin 5 sometimes represents an ^ lengthened by ' compensa-
tion,' e. g. jjono from *j)d-s{i)no (cf. pdstti/s) ; sometimes it is due
to crasis, e. g. copula for ^co-apula^ comhuro for co-amh-uro (see
ch. ii. § 149) ; sometimes it is the ^ rustic ' development of Latin
ov, which in standard Latin became i?, e. g. rbhus for ^ribu% (cf .
rubidvs) from I.-Eur, reudh- (Goth, rauj^s) (see § 41); some-
times it is the ' rustic ' form of aw, e. g. pldstrum^ a byform of
planstrum, from plavdo (ch. ii. § 37). But 0 is also found to vary
with au in Latin, when both are sprung from an original ou,
e.g. osculum, ausculum (id.).
In unaccented syllables 3 remained unaltered, e.g. con-dano
and co-gndsco^ but final -o became shortened in course of time (see
ch. iii, § 45). Octdvus from octo (I.-Eur. *okto, *oLtou) appears to
show dv for 6w, as cavus shows av for 5w (§ 19). Fur, cur
(O. Lat. quor) seem to represent an L-Eur. *bh6r (Gk. <^«p,
p. 254), *qVo-r (Lith. kur, * where,' for *kur, ch. x. § 10), and
nan to stand for *«mw, a development of noeH{um) (ch. x, § 1 8).
I.-Eur. o is in Osc. u,uu (in Lat.alph. w), but the endings -Os, -Od
appear in Osc. as -us, -ud (with u, the symbol of I.-Eur. 5) ; e.g.
djuunated ^ donavit,' dunum ' donum,' Abellanus ^ Abellani '
Nom. Plur., Buvaianud 'Boviano' Abl. Sg. In Umbr. it is
usually 0 (in Lat. alph., for the native alphabet writes u for
both the U -sound and the 0-sound, ch. i. § i), but -OB appears
as -«r, e.g. nome 'nomen,' postro * retro,* arnferture 'adfertori'
(see von Planta, i. p. 1 16).
§ 17. 6, I.-Eur. 6 is Latin (accented) ^, e. g. I.-Eur. *6kt6,
' eight ' (O. Ind. asta, Arm. ut, Gk. oKna^ O. Ir. ocht, W. wyth,
Goth, ahtau, O. Engl, eahta, Lith. asztunl, O. SI. osmY), Lat.
^td\ I.-Eur. *poti-, 'master* (O. Ind. pdti-, Gk. TroViy, Goth.
bru)7-faj?s, * bridegroom,' O. Engl, fadian, * to arrange,' Lith. pftts,
vesz-patis, ' lord *), Lat. pUiSy potior.
234 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
I.-£ur. dw seems to have become dv in the beguming of the
second century B.C., e,g, cdviis, older covus (Gk. Koot, cavities^
Hesych., koV<os for *KoftAo9). Latin vd- became vS- in the
middle of the second century B.C. in versus, older vorsus^ &c.
(§ lo); but vdco was the older form of vdco, as we see from
Plautus' pun in Cas, 537 :
f&c habeant lingu^on tuae aedes. Quid ita? Quom ueni^m, uocent.
Latin -^^ may represent L-Eur. -Sw-, as in ndvem^ ndvus (see
§ 10); Latin sd-^ I.-Eur, swS-, as in sdror, s^cer^ somnus (see
§ 10); Latin ^/, ^, the I.-Eur. sonant or syllabic 1, r, as in
forSy cor (see § 92). In the accented, as well as the unaccented
syllable, Latin ^ became u^ before I with a consonant (not ll\
before m with a labial, before ngu^ e. g. vuU {volt) from volo, lum-
bus, unguis. Before certain other consonant-groups it tended to
the close 0- or to the f^>sound (see ch. ii. § 22). In the unaccented
syllable, Latin ^ offered more resistance than, for example, Latin
a, to the rule that a short vowel became ^, then *, in open syllables;
e. g. adnbto^ arr^go have not changed their vowel like adigo (from
ago). In syllables long by position, 6 became ^ about the end of
the third century B.C. ; and any ^ which had escaped weakening to
?, I took the same course (see ch. iii. § 18). The terminations -<w, -om
became -w*, -urn towards the end of the third century b. c. [Lticiom^
filios^ on one Scipio epitaph (G /. L. i. 32), Lucius^ prognatus on
another {ib, i. 30), -«*, -um invariably in the S. C. Bacch. of 1 86 b. c,
{ib, i. 196), and on the decree of L. Aem. Paulus Macedonicus of
189 B.C. (ib, ii. 5041)]. But after t?, «, jw, gu we find the spelling
-M, -oni down to the end of the Republic. There are similar traces
in Osc. of unaccented 6 becoming u, e. g. dolom and dolum (von
Planta, i. p, 11 1). Final 6 became ?, like final &, 1, &c., e.g.
s^quere imper. for I.-Eur. *seqSeso (Gk. tit^o) (see ch viii. § 77).
§ 18. Latin 5 for I.-Bur. 5. Other examples : from the I. -Eur. root 6qS-, <to
see ' (varying with 6q»-) (O. Ind. dksi-, * the eye,* Arm. akn, Gk. ^iiiia^ ojf/ofjuuj
Lith. akls, O. SI. oko) comes Lat. oculus ; the I.-£ur. preposition *prd, ^ forth '
(O. Ind. pr^ Gk. vp6j O.Ir. ro, used like the Augment to indicate past time, e. g.
ro chan *I sang' from canim *I sing,* O.Bret, ro-, Goth.fra-, Lith. pra-, O. SI.
pro-) is Lat.pro- of pr5-yfci«»r,&c. ; another preposition, L-Eur.*Afom *with ' (Gk.
icoivos from *Hofx-yoif O. Ir. com-, Osc. com) is Lat. com, which when unaccented,
or when preceding 6, p, yu, &c., became cunvj its usual form in classical Latin ;
I.-Eur. *nokti-, * night* (O. Ind.nttti-, Gk. vv(, O. Ir. in-nocht, Ho-night,' W.
henoeth, nos, Goth, nahts, O. Engl, neaht, niht, Lith. naktis, O. SI. noSti) is
SS 18-20.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS O, 6. 235
Lat. ndXf ndcHs Gen. ; I.-Eur. root od-, 'to smeir (varying with 6d-) Gk. Mfd},
B^oDy Arm. hot) appears in Lat. dd-orj deo for *od'€o (§ iii).
S 10. Iiat. ft for I. -Eur. 5, under influence of v. Other examples are Lat.
c&veo for *c5reo (Gk. i€o{f)ioj, to perceive, d'tcotw), Lat. autiimo toT*dvi-tumo from
*(m-iuino (Gk. dio;), Lat. l&vo for *i5ro (Gk. Xovat). Lat. f&viUa for */&t;»^ from
I. -Eur. root dhegh^-, ' to bum ' (O. Ind. dah-, Gk. ri<^pa, ashes, Lith. degu,
*I burn '). The example previously quoted, Lat. cavua for covuSf enables us to
assign a date to this change of I.-Eur. ow, Lat. ov to ar. The Spanish and
Portuguese words (Span, cueva, Port, cova) show that cowh, not cava-, was the
Vulgar Latin stem at the time when Spain was made a province. The
country- term coum, {oohum), the hollow in the plough, used by Ennius of the
innermost part of the heavenly sphere, retained the 0, as did oris (Gk. 6{f)ii),
though whether the atTi- of aububukus * pastor ovium * (LOwe, Ptodr. p. 348),
aviUus ' agnus recentis partus ' (Paul. Fest. 10. 3a Th.) is better referred to
this root or to a^jS- the root of agnus (Gk. dfiv6s for *dfivos) is not clear. (Varro,
L. L. V. 135 explains coum as ' sub jugo medio cavum, quod bura extrema
addita oppilatur,' and adds ^vocatur coum a covo' ; cf. Paul. Fest. a8. i Th. ;
Isld. Nat. Eer. la oous (v. I, chous) est quo caelum continetur, undo Ennius,
vix solum complere coum (MSS. choum, cous) terroribus caeli
Partes ejus sunt, cous (y, I, chous), axis, clima, cardines, convexa, poli, hemi-
sphaeria ; Diomedes (365. 17 K.) says that Verrius Flaccus spelt incoho, not
incfioOy for he derived the word from cohumy the Old Latin word for mundtu).
We have already found that I.-Eur. 6w became 6v in Latin (e. g. Lat. novua for
L-Eur. *newos), and that probably at a very early date, seeing that the change
is sliared by other Italic languages (e. g. Osc. Nuvellum). If then it be the case
that I.-Eur. ow became av in Latin in the third or second cent. b. c. we must
suppose that Latin ov from I.-Eur. ew had a different sound from Latin ov from
L-Eur. ow ; for the former ov does not undergo change to av (e. g. norw.'!, not
*navu8; novem, not *nav€m). Latin ov from I.-Eur. oghs shares the change to
<tt>f e. g. fdvilla from I.-Eur. dh5gh9-, the o-grade of the root dh6gh»-. * to bum * ;
but nudus for *nov(e)dus from I.-Eur. *no()S-, * naked,' shows that the change
of ov to av was later than the syncope of ^ in the post -tonic syllable.
Lat. voco (Plant. Cos. 537) for xaco (Umbr. va9eto- P. P. P., vakaze, for *vakaz
se, Lat. vacatio sU ?), is probably nothing but an indication of the o-sound
assumed by a when preceded by v (see ch. ii. § 4). This o-sound in *v6c(tu8f
the Vulg. Lat. word for ^ empty,' must have persisted till late times, for
Italian voto, as well as 0. Fr. voit, reflect this form.
$ 20. ii for 5. (i) in close syllables, unaccented (according to the early
Accent-law) : vStustua for *veto8-tO' (Gk. (/^)^ros), and other derivatives from
Neuters in -os (class. Lat. -us), such as angustus, rSnusius, dnustus ; ?iSmullii8 for
*hormiUit8 from ^homdn-lo-, and other lo- Diminutives from dn-stems, like
lentiUuSf whereas Diminutives from on- have -dS-, e. g. perBSUay c5r$lla ; so also
Diminutives in -co-lo' from on-stems, like hSmUnculMSy lairunculus ; SlUmnus (cf.
Gk. rptip-ofjifvos) and similar formations, VertumnuSy AutumntiSy cSlumna, &c.
(a) before 2 with consonant (not It) : culmen (contrasted with coliimen) ; shiUus
(contrasted with stoSUus) ; pulvis (contrasted with pollen) ; futims (contrasted
with sdlvo for ^solvff). In Old Latin we have 0, e. g. on inscriptions, FoMus
(C. /. L. vi. 1307, of 187 B. a ; Eph, Epigr, viii. 476, c. 135 b. a ; C.I.L. i. 554 and
236 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. IV.
555, both of 130-199 B. c. &c.) Pdlc[er] {ib. i 55a of 139-131 B. c). Priscian
(i. p. 97. 33 H.) tells us that colpa was the O. Lat. form of culpa ; and in the
lines of Ennius about Servius Tullius {Ann, 337 M.) the corrupt reading of
the MSS. opiirmu for tdtimus, probably indicates the spelling oUimus (ct
Osc. ultiumam) :
mortalem summum Fortuna repente
reddidit, ut summo regno famul oltimus esset.
On the spellings volva and viUv<i, Fern, of adj. *volvus from ro^ro, see Georges,
Lex. Wort/, s. v. Vtdnusis the pronunciation of Varro (X. L. iii. fr., p. 148 Wilm.
vafer, velum, vinum, vomis, vulnus, where he gives examples of initial v
followed by the various vowels of the alphabet). This 0^ may be L-Eur. 61,
e. g. volt, vuU (§ 10).
(3) before m with labial : umbo for ^omho, like umbiRcu^ for *om5- (Gk. 6fi^iaX6s) ;
the Greek (Thracian ?) poiupata is rumpia in Ennius (A. xiv. fr. 8 M.) and Livy
(zxxi. 39. 11). Perhaps also befora ms, e. g. iimirus from omso- (0. Ind. ^-,
Arm. us, Goth, ams, Umbr. onao-).
(4) before ngu : unguo, unguen, unguentum for *ongU' (O. Lid. a&j-, * to anoint') ;
unguld, like unguis (Gk. 6vv() ; but longus, where the g is not velar (gu), retains
the 0 (we find however lun\jgum] beside lon[gum] in neighbouring inscrr.,
C. I. L. i. 1073). We have also uncus for *oneus (Gk. Syicoi), (but sesconciam
C. I. L. i. 1430, in a Cremona inscription), &c. On the occasional use of u for 0,
often for Greek 0, before other consonant-groups, e. g. tumus beside tomuSy
from Greek r6pvos, O. Lat. frundes (see ch. ii. § 99). Some isolated cases of
a for accented 0 have various explanations ; hUmus, for ^homus (cf. Gk. x^<^)?
may take its u from the analogy of humeo, for the word (not common in the
oldest writers ; humi, for example, not occurring till Terence, Andr. 796) seems
to have been first used in the sense of moist ground, clay, e. g. Laevius ap.
Prise, i. p. 969. 7 H. humum humidum pedibus fodit ; Varr. Men, 531 B. in
pavimento non audes faoere laconamf, at in humu calceos faois elixos ; Enn.
Trag. 396 R. cubitis pinsibant himium ; Pac. Trag, 351 R. tractate per aspera
saxa et humum ; cf. Gracch. Trag. 3 mersit sequentis humidum plantas (MS.
plantis) humum ; Priscian's * old Latin huminem * (i. p. 97. i H.) may be an
etymological spelling to suit a derivation from humus, like the spelling coUnay
adapted to the derivation from ooio (Varro ap. Non. 55. 90 M. ; * Serv.' ad Aen.
iii. 134) ; fulica, if for ^foliccL, either follows the analogy of fuUgo, or shows the
vowel of fulcoy the form used by Furius Antias ap. Gell. xviiL 1 1. L 4.
(5) ill syllables imaccented under the later Accent-law : the 3 Plur. suffix
-oni became -unt at the end of the third cent b. c, though the old spelling
was sometimes retained even later. On old inscriptions we have e. g. dederont
(C. /. L. i. 181, from Picenum), cosenHont on a Scipio epitaph (i. 39) (so on the
restored Columna Rostrata, ex/odont, L 195). Festus (944. 13 Th.) quotes
praed-opioni (MS. praedotiont), in the sense of praeoptant, from the Carmen Salian*,
and neqtttnont, an old 3 PI. form of nequeo, from the Odyssea of Livius Andronicus
(ap. Fest. 169. 94 Th. ; cf. Paul. Fest. 163. 14 Th.) :
partim Arrant, nequinont Gra^iam redire ;
the Nom. Sg. termination of Neuter ES-stems is -os on an old inscription, opos
(C. /. L. i. 59, probably from Orvieto) (cf. Uenos on old mirrors, L 57 and 58) ;
the Ace. Sg. termination of 0-stems is -om in the older period, e. g. donom, the
Nom. Sg. is 'OS (see Index to C. L L, i.), and this speUing remained after u, r.
SS 21-28.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. U, 0. 237
e. g. equo9j arvonij till the time of Quintilian, though the pronunciation may
have been the ti-sound (see § 70). (On this reduction of d to u in unaccented
syllables, see ch. iii. §§ 18,26; another example is the verb sumj for *8om, with u
for Of because of its usual unaccented character.) In late Latin, when H and
6 had come to have nearly, or altogether, the same sound, 0 is often written for
i2, so that the older spelling seems to be revived (see ch. ii. $ 29).
0, tr.
§ 21. U. I.-Eur. u is Latin «, I.-Eur. *dhumo-, * smoke,' from
root dheu-, 'tx) move violently' (O. Ind. dhumfi-, Gk. OvfjLos,
passion, Lith. dumai PL, O. SI. dymil), Lat. fumu9 ; I.-Euif.
*mQs-, 'a mouse' (O. Ind. muS-, Gk. jutvs, O. EngL mus, O. SI.
myst), Lat. mus. It is generally a grade of a eu-root as 1 of an ei-
root (§ I a). Latin «, older ou^ may represent also I.-Eur. eu or ou,
e.g. ducOy older douco (see §§ 35, 41), Latin «, older oi, oe^ I.-Eur.
oi, e.g. cura (§ 38), and sometimes has arisen from u by * compensa-
tion,' e.g. dumus, older dusmo- (Paul. Pest. 47. 20 Th.), a spelling
retained in the proper name Dusmius; dumetumior dttsm-^ in Virgil
MSS. spelt dummetum^ shows that -urn- is equivalent to ^umm-.
In the unaccented syllable u may represent au, e.g, defrudo
ivovafraudo, includo from claiido (ch. iii. § 18). On fur y cur for
*^r, quor^ see § 16. I.-Eur. u is in Umbr. and perhaps in
some other dialects i, e.g. Umbr. ^r^ *fruges' Ace. PI. (see
von Planta, i. 129).
§ 22. Other examples of Iiat. u, I. -Eur. ii. Lat. friXnisci (Goth, brukjan,
* to use/ Germ, brauchen, O. Engl, briican, Engl, to brook) ; jus, broth (0. Ind.
yuSa-, Gk. fv/i7 for * CCa-firij leaven, Lith. jusze) ; autus (O. Ind. syut^-, Gk.
vto-tcdrrvToi) ; so-bltus (Hom. fiovKirdv-dt).
§ 23. "6. I.-Eur. ti, Lat iiy appears often in the weak grade of
an eu-root, e.g. I.-Eur. *yiigo-, 'a yoke,' weak grade of yeug-, ^to
join ' (O. Ind. yugi-, Gk. &y6vy Goth, jiik, O. SI. igo for jtlgo),
Lat. jugum ; I.-Eur. luk-, weak grade of leuk-, ' to shine ' (O. Ind.
riic-, Gk. &fjL<l>i'\vKi], twilight), Lat. lucerna. I.-Eur. ti (Lat. u)
is also the weak grade of a wS-root, e.g. I.-Eur. *pgruti, 'last
year ' (Gk. iripvcn), from *wetes-, ' year,' and similarly in the
unaccented syllable Latin U often appears for uS, e. g. coticutio for
*conquetio from qudtio (see ch. iii. § 25). Lat. u often represents
I.-Eur. (and older Latin) 5 ; for an ^ passed at the end of the
third cent. B.C. into the sound i^, when in the unaccented syllable
(unless saved by a preceding t;, u\ e.g. danum from earlier donom^
238 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohmp. IV.
but equom till the time of Quintilian ; and even in the accented
syllable d came to assume a 2^-sound before certain consonant-
groups, e.g. cjilpa, older colpa, Fulvius, older Folvius (see § %o),
(On equom^ divomy &c., see §§ 70, 135).
Lat. a offered more resistance than d to the usual transition
of a short vowel in the open unaccented syllable to I (earlier ?,
and always before r), e.g. sdcer (Gk. kKvpos) (ch. iii. § 1 8). Before
/ and labials it passed in open unaccented syllables (especially
when the next syllable contained an i in hiatus) into the
if-sound, which ultimately was written and pronounced ^, e.g.
mcinnbiaey fnanibiaej maniius, dissupo, disHpo. That it ever had
the f/-sound, the sound of Greek Vy in the accented syllable of
native Latin words is doubtful. [On (quid)lubet and (quid)-
libet, &c. see ch. ii. § 16]. Before a vowel in the unaccented
syllable Latin u may represent I.-Eur. ew, ow, Lat. or, e.g.
d€7mo for de novOj eluo for e-lavo (I.-Eur. *l6w6) (ch. iii. § 24) ;
before ^and labials any short vowel, e. g. occupo from cap-, to take
(ch. iii. § 18), and before any consonant-group Latin S, e.g.
idmullus for ^Aomdn-lo- (see § ao). Final -«^, like other short
vowels, normally became e, and might be elided (ch. iii. §§ 37, 38).
A close relation exists in Latin, as in I.-Eur., between u and
w, vocalic and consonantal u. After I and r the vowel ii became
a consonant in the second cent. B.C. in Latin, e.g. Id7*va {Idrua,
Plant.), arvum (druos, -a, -oni Plant.), mllvfis (wtluos, Plant.),
pelvis, &c. (see ch. iii. § 48). For Latin U (earlier ^), the parasitic,
or svarabhaktic vowel, in ocnhui from bc^lo-, speculum from spec-
lo', oraculum from ord-clo-, see ch. ii. § 154.
I.-Eur. tt is Umbro-Osc. u, e. g. Umbr. subra ' supra,' though
sometimes we find 0 written in Umbr. [i.a in the Lat. alph., for
the native alphabet did not distinguish the O- and the U-sound ^
(see ch. i. § i)]. In Oscan we find in after t, d, n (s ?), e. g. tiurri
* turrim,' Diumpafs * Lumpis * (' to the Nymphs '), Niumsieis
*Numerii' Gen. Sg., an affection of u which resembles Boeot.
Tiovxa (Att. TvxT)), or Engl. * pure,' &c. (pronounced pin-), (see
von Planta, i. p. 1%%),
§ 24. Lat. ti for I.-Sur. iL L-Eur. -u- in the U-stem suffix is Latin tH of
frudua, mdniis, &c. ; the I. -Eur. preposition ♦iip^ (0. Ind. upa, Gk. two, O. Ir.
fo for *wo, with p dropped between vowels, and u turned into w, Goth, uf,
$$ 24-26.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. DIPHTHONGS. 239
Engl, of-ten) is Latin s-tib (see ch. ix. § 5a) ; the preposition *updr, *updri
(O. Ind. upAri, Gk. vntip, {jirtp^ 0. Ir. for, from ♦wer, with suppression of p,
Goth, ufar, Engl, over, o'er) is Latin S'Uper (see ch. ix. $ 53) ; I.-Eur. *sniiso-,
'daughter-in-law' (0. Ind. snus4-, Arm. nu, Gr. w{fr)6s, 0. Engl, snoru,
Germ. Schnur, 0. SI. sniicha), isLat. ndrus ; I.-£ur. *iluto-, 'famous,' from lieu-,
* to hear ' (0. Ind. Srutii-, Gr. /rAvr($9, 0. Ir. cloth, Gaul. Cluto-ida, 0. H. Germ.
Hlud-olf, Hlot-hari, from hari, ' army/ whence Lothair, &c), is Lat. in-c2i2h<a,
later in-cUlus; I.-Eur. *rudhro-, *red,' from the root reudh-, *to be red* (0. Ind.
rudhir^-, Gk. ipvOpSs, 0. SI. rudrii) is Lat. ruber ; Lat. mUsca (the Romance forms
prove m), Gk. fivta for *iivaya, Lith. mus^ ; Lat./urents (0. Ind. yuvan-),/Moencu9
from I.-Eur. *yuwnio- (0. Ind. yuvaSi-,Gk. *Tciuic-u'dos, 0. Ir. Oac, Welsh ieuanc,
Gaul. Jovincillus, Goth, juggs for *juvunga-, 0. Engl, geong) ; lAi,fuga (Gk.
^vyjf) from root bheug-, *to flee' (Gk. ^^vyw) ; Lat. urgeo from urg-, the weak
grade of the i-oot werg-, * to confine, press ' (Gk. k'{f)ipyMf Lat. rcrgw.)
§ 25. Latin t. and Latin 5. We have seen that Latin 6 became u when
unaccented, and even in the accented syllable before certain consonant-groups,
and that in late Latin u and 5 came to have the same sound and were often
exchanged in spelling (see § 17 and ch. ii. § 29). Some doubtful cases may
be discussed here. As turbo and turba (Gk. Tvp$Tj, crrvpfidioS) come from I.-£ur.
turb-, from tur-, the weak grade of tw6r-, * to twirl,' so I. -Eur. q!»r-, ghJIr-, the
weak grades of q^r-, gh!ldr-, seem to appear in Latin as cur-^fur, e.g. fumua,
an oven, from I. -Eur. ghTlrno- (0. SI. grunii, *a kettle*), but/armi«, warm, from
I.-Eur. ghSormo- (0. H. G. warm, Engl. warm). Whether Nonius, who
derives /untus from formus^ has any justification in spelling the wordybmt»
(531. 24 M.) is uncertain ; but fomax has 0, and Plautus Epid, 119 puns on
fumo (so the MSS.), and /oro. Curro may then stand for *q5lrso- from the root
q^er- (cf. Lat. querquirus) ; curtus cannot be the same as Gk. KapT6i^ from the
root frer- of Gk. Ktlpu, but must stand for *q?rto-, from a root qSer- ; corpus
must represent ♦qllorpes-, not *q8rp®8- (cf 0. Ind. kfp-) ; ursus may bo
a loanword (Lucanian, according to Varro, L. L, v. 100), or may owe its u to
a velar guttural -rq^ ; iirceus cannot be connected with orca ; the spelling
J'orcilUs in MSS. of Catullus (cv. 2) must be late, if the word is connected with
Hesychius' <povpKop, fpvpKos, which point to u (Cyprian <popKK = x^-P*"^^^ shows
dialectal o for v) ; ur6a (cf. Mars, en urbid * in urbe') cannot be connected with
orbSj so that there is no etymological appropriateness in the play on these
words which is often found in the later poets (e. g. Rutil. i. 66).
§ 26. The Diphthongs. In its treatment of the diphthongs
aiy ail, ei, [(i) I.-Eur. ei and in Latin also, (2) I.-Eur. ai (oi?) in
the post-tonic syllable, (3) I.-Eur. ai, oi in the final syllable],
oi, ov, [(i) I.-Eur. eu, (2) I.-Eur. on], Latin stands halfway
between Oscan an Umbrian. In Oscan they are all retained
intact, except that the i-element has sunk to an ^-sound ^. In
Umbrian they are all reduced to simple sounds, e.g. Umbr.
^ Perhaps both in Oscan and Latin a sound between open i and e, just
the second element of ai, &c. was as in German and English.
240 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
devo-, Osc. deivo-, *god'; Umbrian toro-, Osc. ravpo-, bull;
Umbr. t5to, Osc. touFto^ people, community [I.-Eur. *teuta-,
Goth. )?iuda, whence some derive * Teuton/ O. Ir. tuath, Gaul.
Teuto-bodiaci, W. tud (in Gaelic tuath is used for *the country-
people/ *the tenantry'), Lith. tauta], (see von Planta, i. p. 137).
In the Latin of Cicero's time ae (from ai) and an are the only
survivors ; and even they tend in rustic or colloquial speech to
single sounds, ^, 0, e,g, prefor^ plosfrum. Diphthongs whose two
elements had affinity of sound, such as ei, ou, are naturally the
first to be simplified ; ei, for example, both in Greek and in the
Teutonic languages, passed early into a long *-sound. The oldest
Latin inscriptions offer with great fidelity ei for I.-Eur. ei, as also
for the ei to which I.-Eur. ai, oi, when unaccented, were reduced.
Thus on the S. C. de Bacchanalibus of 186 B.C. {C.LL, i. 196)
we have deicerent (I.-Eur. ei), inceiderefu (I.-Eur. post-tonic ai),
foideratei (I.-Eur. final -oi). But this diphthong soon became
identical in pronunciation with the long a- vowel, so that spelling-
reformers like Accius and Lucilius used i and ei for this long
a-sound without sufficient regard to the past history of the
sound (see ch. i. § 9), and the practice grew up of using ei to
indicate the long vowel-sound, i to indicate the short. Ou is
also sometimes used for Latin u (I.-Eur. oi), e.g. couraverunt
[CI.L, i. 14 1 9, from Picenum), though not at all to the same
extent as ei for «. Ou seems to have been reduced to a simple
sound at the end of the third century B.C. Ai became ae a little
later. Towards the end of the second cent. B.C. we find the
spelling ae established in use, with an occasional resort at the
transition period to a spelling aei\ but the original spelling (not
pronunciation) was again brought into fashion in the reign of
Claudius and is found occasionally on epitaphs even of the late
Empire. On the diphthongal sound of ae (Germ. Kaiser is
evidence of this sound in Lat. Caesar)^ au, see ch. ii. § 32.
Oi passed (through oe) into u at the beginning of the second
cent. B.C., though oi, and afterwards oe^ were long retained
on official inscriptions in phrases like faciundum coiraverufU
(coeraverunt), e.g. C.I.L, i. 567 (Capua) of 106 B.C.: murum
et plnteum facinnd, coeraverey where the spelling murum
(older maerum, moirom) shows that the pronimciation was u^
§27.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. AI. 241
not oe^ and in some words o£ the official or legal style like
poena^ foedwt.
The long diphthongs are not common in I.-Eur.^ so that we
have hardly sufficient material from which to discover their
history in Latin. In the Veda, the oldest literature of India,
we see a tendency to use final -a (I.-Eur. -6) before a consonant
initial, final -du (I.-Eur. -6u) before a vowel initial (e.g. devd
and devau in Dual of devi-, I.-Eur. *deivo-, * god *) ; and the
development of ei and ou in roots and suffixes in the various
I.-Eur. languages suggests that doublets of this sort^ ei and e,
ou and 5, already existed in the case of these two diphthongs of
kindred elements in what is called ' the Indo-European period.'
Long diphthongs, composed of sounds not so nearly allied as
e and i, 5 and u, may have taken on Latin soil a different course
of development, according as they were final or not. When
final, the second element may have been suppressed (probably
after passing through the doublet-stage), just as in later times
a short final vowel has been suppressed after a long syllable in
words like exempldr{e), nev(e). When followed by a consonant
the long element must have been shortened, by the rule that any
long vowel is shortened before y, w, n, m, 1, r, &c. followed by
a consonant, so that ai (ay) would pass to the ordinary diphthong-
soimd ai, au (aw) to au, eu to eu, oi to oi ; just as we have vlnlus
from *went- (root we-, ' to blow,' Gk. fiij/it) (see below, § 45).
§ 27. AI. I.-Eur. ai is Lat. ae (older fli), e.g. the I.-Eur. root
aiwS-, * time, life ' (Gk. aldv, ieC for *aJf c((r)t, with Ion. Att. a for
alF-, as in iXcfd for *^\atf d, O. Ir. ais, aes, Goth, aivs, O. Engl. ^),
appears in Latin aevum ; I.-Eur. aidh-, * to bum,' (O. Ind. ^dhas-^
'firewood,' Gk. aWo), O. Ir. aid, aed, *fire,' O. H. G. eit, *pyre/ O.
Engl, ad), in Latin aedes, lit. ' where the fire is kept up,' aeslus.
In the last root I.-Eur. ai is the weak grade of ayS, thus aidh-
of aySdh- (aye- is seen in I.-Eur. *ayes-, 'metal, gleaming metal'),
and in the first of ai (§ 45) (cf. O. Ind. ayu-). In the
unaccented syllable ae became *, e.g. inquiro, occldo from quaero,
caedo (see ch. iii. § 1 8), or rather ai became ei^ then », e. g. inceideretis
on the S. C. de Bacch. ; and in the final syllable, e.g. tUtUdl
(O. Ind. tutud^) with the i Sg. Perf. Middle ending -ai or -oi
B
242 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
(ch. viii. § 76). On rustic and colloquial e for ae^ and on the late
Latin confusion of ae^ e, oe (that is, oe which had been restored,
§ 3^)) see ch. ii. §§ 41, 44. A spurious diphthong ai is found in
the verb aio (for *ahio, §116), ain (for *aisne), aibat (dissyllabic), &c.
§ 28. L-Eur. ai, Lat. ae (ai). Lat. ca^do from L-Eur. root skaidh- (Goth.
8kaidan, 0. Engl, sc&dan, Engl, water-shed, Lith. sk^dSiu, ' I separate *) ; Lat.
8camu8 (Gk. cieai(f)6s) ; Lat. laeims (Gk. \cu{f)6sj 0. SI. Idvii) ; Lat. caecus from
L-Eur. *k&iko; 'blind' (0. Ir. caech, with another sense, 'empty/ cf. GaeL
caoch-ag, 'a nut without a kernel/ Goth, hailis ; in Gk. KoupiWotj * to gape about,'
the eu has become oc, through the assimilating influence of the accented v) ;
Lat. ?Mereo from I.-Eur. root ghais- (Lith. gaiszti, ' to tany ' ; Goth, us-gaisjan,
' to frighten,' lit ' cause to hesitate,' Engl, gaze) ; Lat. haedus (Goth, gaits, Engl,
goat) ; Lat. I9vir from I.-Eur. *daiwer-, 0. Ind. dfiv^-. Arm. taigr, Gk. Sfi^^,
0. H. G. zeihhur, 0. Eng. tAoor, Lith. deyerls, 0. SI. dSveri) is a late Latin
spelling for leievir, the i being due to the analogy of vir.
§ 29. AI, AJj on Inscriptions. We haye ae on the S. C. Baoch. (C. J. L, i. 196)
of z86 B. c. in aedem (along with aiquonif tabeUUy datot, &c) ; AemUius on three
inscriptions of 187 b. c. (i. 535-7), but AimUhia (C. L L, ii. 5041) of 189 b. c. ;
aetaU on a Scipio epitaph of c 130 b. c. (L 34), (along with quairatis) ; quaestor,
quaeroj praetor are established spellings in the Lex Bantina of 133-118 b. c. (i.
197), the Lex Repetundarum of 123-192 b. c. (L 198), &c. The spelling act,
which we find once or twice towards the end of the second cent. b. c. , conquaeisivei
(in the post- tonic syllable under the older Accent Law) (i. 551, of 13a b. c),
CaeicUius (i. 547 b., ' of 141 or 116 B.a,' Momms., and i. 1487, from Majorca),
Caeicianlus] [i. 378, on a coin with an alphabet A-X, so older than the intro-
duction of T, Z (ch. i. $ 2)], Caeidia (ix. 3087, from Sukno), seems to mark the
transition stage. Often at and ae are found side by side, e. g. praitores acre
Martio emeru (i. 1148, from Cora) ; aetatei and 8aip[i8]ume on the dedicatory
inscription of the Faliscan * collegium cocorum ' (Zvet. 7. J. J. 72 a). The
spelling Caiaarj &c. is frequent on inscriptions of Claudius' reign, when anti-
quarian lore was in fashion (e. g. C. I. L. yi. 353), and we find on epitaphs of
the late Empire Valeriai (Rossi, i. 113, of 352 A.D.), quai and fiUai (Rossi, i. 410,
of 393 A. D.), &c. E is not regularly exchanged with ae till the fourth cent. a. d.
on inscriptions (Seelmann, Ausspr, Lat p. 225), but in dialectal inscrr. it \s of
course much earlier, e. g. cedre for cojedere on an old inscr. of the Umbrian
territory (C. J. L, xi. 4766), and in plebeian from the first cent. a. d. (Hammer,
Loc, Verhr, p. 11). The use of at, ae for 5 is a feature of inscriptions of the
Etruscan country (see Mem, IsL Lombard, 1892), e. g. Painsacos on a Praenestine
mirror (C. i. L. xiv. 4098) [cf. Saetumi on a Praenestine yase (L 48), and perhaps
Lat. Aesculdpitis for 'A(r/rAairi<$s] ; we have ei in queisiores (L 183, Marsic).
§ 80. AU. I.-Eur. au is Latin an, which in the unaccented
syllable became u (see ch. iii. § 1 8), and in the accented syllable
was in dialectal Latin 0 (e. g. Plautus' Umbrian name was PlottM
* splay-foot,* Paul. Fest. 305. 7 TL). Thus the I.-Eur. root aug-,
indicating * growth' or * strength/ a weak grade of the root aw6g-
of Gk. i{F)i((o (O. Ind. 6ja8-, Goth, aukan, * to multiply,' Engl.
§§ 28-82.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. AU, EI. 1^43
eke vb., Lith. iugu, * I grow/ Gk. ai((a^ avf (ii/co) appears in Latin
au^-eo^ auguS'tus ; the I.-Eur. particle *au [Gk. oS, aS-re, aS-ny,
Goth, au-k, * also ' (with -k like Gr. yc), O. Engl, eac, Eng. eke
advb.], in Latin au-t (Osc. avti, Umbr. ote\ au-tem (Osc. avt).
This I.-Eur. *au is perhaps similarly the weak grade of *a-we,
(see ch. x. § 4). Lat. au represents the weak grade of an I.-Eur.
6u-root in ausculum (Plant.) beside os from I.-Eur. *ous (of.
catus beside cos, § 54).
§ 31. other examples. Lat. paucus (Goth, fayai PL, Engl, few) ; Lat.
aurdra for *aus58a (Gk. avpiov for *av(TpioVj dyx'Ctvpos vv^ Apoll. Rhod., ' nearing
the dawn/ Lith. ausz-rk, 0. Scand. austr, O. U. G. Ostar, Engl, east) from
I.-Eur. aus-, a weak grade of Iiw6s>; * to gleam ' (cf. Gk. ^s for *dfout)f whence
*auso-, *gold' (Lat. aurum, Lith. dnksas); Lat. auris for *a%i8i8j aiu-cuUo (O. Ir.
au, a Neuter S-stem, Goth. ausO, an N-stem, Lith. ausis) from I. -Eur. *au8-,
a weak grade of *&wds- [cf. Gk. atu (j^), I perceive ; but oZs is a Greek develop-
ment of the high grade "^us ; cf. 0. Ind. &vis, * openly ']. Lat. ath, away, as
in au'fero, au-fugio (Pruss. au- of au-mu-sna-n Ace., * washing oflf * ; O. SI. u- of
u-myti, * to wash oflf') from I.-Eur. *au, a weak grade of *awe (*awo ?) (O. Ind.
&vsif *away/ ava-bhr-, ' aufero'). It is often difficult to distinguish this Lat.
au, representing I.-Eur. au (a reduction of I. -Eur. &w&) from Lat. au, a reduc-
tion of Lat. AvSf dvij e. g. audeo from aindus. (Other examples in ch. iii. § 16. 9.)
On the occasional appearance of u for au in the accented syllable, e. g. sed/rude
' sine fraude ' in the Lex Bepetundarum, post-class, dttdo, and on the plebeian
and dialectal reduction of au to 0, e.g. plosirum, Clodiua, see ch. ii. §§ 36-37.
§ 82. EI. I.-Eur. ei was in Old Latin ei ; but this diphthong
became identical with the sound of long i, so that in inscriptions
from the latter part of the second century b.o. the sjrmbol ei is
used not only for I.-Eur. ei, but also for I.-Eur. i, and some
spelling reformers proposed to reserve the letter I for short i, and
the diphthong-symbol EI for long i (see ch. i. § 9). In Oscan,
however^ the diphthong is preserved. In Latin it is used in
the interjection Aei, ei, from which comes the verb ejulo.
Instances of I.-Eur. ei, Latin ei or i, are: I.-Eur. deit-, * to show,
say' (Gk. SciK-inJfxt, Goth, ga-teiha, ^I declare'), Lat. dico, O.
Lat. deico, Osc. deicum Inf.; I.-Eur. bheidh-, *to beUeve, trust'
(Gr. TTiidofjLat), Lat. fido, O. Lat. Jeido. Before a vowel ei, ej
became e in Latin, e. g. eo from I.-Eur, ei-, * to go,' both in the
accented (§ 6^), and in the unaccented syllable (ch. iii. § 24).
O. Lat. ei, class. ?, may represent other I-diphthongs in the final or
unaccented syllables, e. g. in tiUudi Perf . (O. Ind. tutude), I.-Eur.
i or -ai (ch. viii. § 76); in pdpuli Norn. PI. (oldest Lat. poploe),
B 2
^44 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
I.-Eur. -oi ; in con-cldo from caedo, older caidoy I.-Eur. ai. The older
spelling of all these words shows -«, tutudei^ pop(u)lei, conceido,
sometimes e, e,g.j)loirume ' plurimi/ Nom. PL, on a Seipio epitaph
(C.I,L, i. 32). Greek « before a vowel was written e^ e. g.
Alexandrea, Ddreua (shortened to ?, e.g. balnium\ later *, e.g.
Alexandria (shortened to I) (cf . eh. ii. § 143).
$ 33. other examples of I. -Bur. ei. L-Eur. *ei-ti, 3 Sg. Pres. Ind. of
ei-, *to go* (0. Ind. 4ti, Gk. €?<«, Lith. eiti, eit), Lat. it (with I in Old
Latin, but class. {, a shortening produced in the course of the second
cent. B.C. by the influence of the final -t, ch. iii. § 49); I.-Eur. *deiwo-, 'god'
(O. Ind. d6v£-, Lith. dSvas, Ir. dia, Gaul. Actovora, W. dwy-fol, * divine/
O. Engl. Tiwes-daeg, 'Tuesday ' ; but Gk. SToy is for *^ifios, like 0. Ind. divyi-),
Lat. divus, on the Dvenos inscription deiuo-. When 6 of the final syllable
was weakened to H, deivos became ^deius (for *deivu3j the v being absorbed by
the following u, $ 70), deivom became *deium, which passed into de{y)uSf
de(y)um as *ei-um, Ace. M. of iSj into e(y)-um, *ei'0 i Sg. into e{y)Oy so that the
word would be declined deus, deiveif deivd^ deum, &c. ; from this yariation arose
the 'doublets' (ftvu«, divi, divoj divunif kc, and deuSf dei, deo, deumy &c. (cf.
C. J. L. i. 632 sei deo sei deiyae) ; some grammarians of Varro's time proposed
to restrict divus to the sense of a mortal made a god (so later divus Aug\ishis),
but Varro contested the accuracy of this usage, showing that in old times
divus was the word for any god (Varro, L, L, iv. fr., p. 150 Wilm. ; cf. Serv. ad
Aen. zii. 139 diva deam, &c.). Reus (cf. rivdliSf older reiv-), seu (cf. 5tt^, older
seive) are to be similarly explained, though some prefer to suppose that the
prior stages of all three words were *(i8ws, *rSti8j *8Su (like Alexandria, DarSwsj
&c.), and quote iSvis as an example of the passage of ei before v into e (cf.
Gk. \€t{f)os) (von Planta, Osk,'Umbr, DidL i. p. 145). Neu, ceu are most naturally
explained as shortenings from *w«u (cf. rOve), *ceu (cf. Gk. «§, Lat. a-teri, B. B,
XV. 313), though they also admit of being referred to *nei-u (fi*om 0. Lat. nei,
ni, used in the sense of class, ns), and from a Locative, either Demonstr. *cei
(ch. vii. § 15) or Relative gueiy qui (ch. viL $ 23). On meio see ch. viii. § 6,
ejus ch. vii. § 13, peter below § 116.
$ 84. EI and I in Insoriptions, Ac. On the S. G. de Bacchanalibus
of 186 B. c. (C. /. L, L 196) wo have deicereni (L-Eur. ei), inceideretis (I. -Eur.
post-tonic ai), foideraiei (L-Eur. final -oi). But we have ei employed merely
to indicate long t in audeire of the Lex Repetundarum of 123-122 b.c.
(i. 198) ; ameicitiam of the Lex Agraria of iii b.c. (i. 200) ; ameicoruntf
vlhieire (i. 203, of 78 b. c.) ; erceiscunda deividunda and feient of the Lex Rubria
of 49 B. c. (i. 205) ; esureis on a leaden bullet used at the siege of Perusia
with the cruel message carved on it, esureis et me celas (i. 69a) ; veivos
(i. 1256), &c. ; and this seems to be the function of ei in the Plautine text
represented by the Codex Ambrosianus (see Index to Studemund's Apograph,
p. 504). Even as early as the end of the third cent. b. o. we have opeinod
deuincam iedonA Praenestine mirror with a representation of a gaming-table
{Rendic, Aocad, Lincei, v. p. 253, 1889). The transition stage from ei to t is
perhaps marked by the spelling e in ploirume (Nom. PL) on a Seipio epitaph
of the end of the third cent. b. 0. (C. I, L, i. 32), conpromesise on the S. G.
$$88-85.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. EU. ^45
Bacch. of i86 b. a (i. 196 ; cf. ameiaerurUj i. 304), though this spelling is often
nothing but a dialectal variety, e. g. uecos (Lat. vet-, vicus) on an inscription
from the Marsic territory (i. 183) (of. Umbr. devo-, ^god,' Lat. divo-). Now and
then we find ei written for a short yowel, as in inpeiratar on the inscription of
Aem. Paulus Macedonicus, from Spain (C. /. L\ ii. 5041, of 189 b.o.), leiteraa
(see eh. ii. $ 130), and seine on the Lex Bepetundarum (L 198) ; so in the
Ambrosian Palimpsest of Plautus, ibeiSj Cos. 9a ; curabeiSy Merc, $26. And et
appears occasionally even for the S-sound, as in pleib-, in an old inscription
found between Rome and Ostia {Ep?i. Epigr, i. 3), in leigibus on a Praenestine
cippus of erratic orthography {jpro sed sueq for pro se suisquef &c.) (C J. L,
xiv. aBga)j and in decreivit on the Spanish inscription of 189 b.o., just
mentioned (jC, I. L. ii. 5041) (see ch. ii. § 11). The Datiye forms in -e on old
inscriptions (e. g. C. L X. i. 11 10 lunone Seispitei Matri) are best explained
as graphical yarieties of the Dat. in -ei^ class, -i (see ch. vi. $ 98), and similarly
the 3 Sg. Perf. Act. forms in -ed, -et, e. g. f^faced on the Praenestine fibula, dedet
(beside ceptY) on a Scipio epitaph (C. /. L, i. 32), as graphical yarieties of -eit (e.g.
probaveit beside coeravii, 1. 600) (see ch. viiL § 70). The Plautine spelling must
have been mendico-, eira to judge from the remarks in Rud. 1305 that mendicus has
'one letter more ' than medicus, and in True. 26a that comprime sis eiram becomes
comprime sis eram by 'taking away a single letter.' (Gf. Early Greek E for EI).
§ 35. EU. This diphthong has been merged in ou in most lan-
guages ; but Greek, with cv and ov, and Gothic, with iu and au,
will serve as criteria. We find eu in Latin in the interjections
Aeu (cf. Gk. <f>€v), eheu, heua ; the pronoun neuter [a trisyllable
(ch. ii. § 3a), from ne and uter^ with accent on the ne^ whereas in
neutiqitaniy pronounced niitiquam (or nyutiquam, ch. ii. § 149), ne
being unac<?ented, was elided] ; the conjunction neu^ a byform of
nev^, seu, a byform of »ive (older seive), ceii from ^ce-ve or ^cei-ve
(§ 33)' {^^ ^^® pronunciation of ^2« in these words and in
Latinized Greek words, like Orpheus^ see ch. ii. §§ 32, 46.) Eu
is assigned to the Carmen Saliare on the strength of the quota-
tions Leucesie (Ter. Scaur. 28. 11 K.),and cozetdodorieso of Varro,
L, L, vii. 26 (perhaps 0 Zeu, &c., ch. ii. § 5), but whether rightly or
not is a matter of doubt. (See Rhein. Mtis. xxxiv. i on Latin eu.)
Examples of I.-Eur. eu, Latin w (O. Lat. ou) are : Lat. ducere
(Goth, tiuhan, O. Engl, teon, Germ, ziehen); TLa.t,jugerUm8 Ab\.V\,
from *jugu9 (Gk. ^itvyos) ; Lat. uro (Gk. e&o for *€8^(o). The Greek
rioAvfievKTys is in O. Lat. ^Pollotices, written in the orthography
of the early Praenestine inscriptions Poloces (C /. L, i. 55), and
Polouces (xiv. 4094), then PoUuces (so the MSS. in Plant. Bacch.
894 ; cf . Varro, L. L. v. 73 in latinis litteris veteribus nomen
quod est, inscribitur ut IIoXvdct/Kijs, * PoUuces,' non ut nimc, Pollux).
246 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CSiap. IV.
Before a vowel eii (ev) from I.-Eur. ew similarly became ov in
the accented syllable, e. g. ndvus from I.-Eur. *nSwo- (see § 10),
and in the unaccented was reduced to Uj e. g. denud (see ch. iii. § 24,
and for other examples Solmsen, Stud, Lat. Lautg, p. 1 28) ; in cloaca^
&c. V has been dropped before the accent (ch. ii. § 53), leaving 0,
% 36. Other examples of I.-Eor. en. Jupiter, in the usual Latin spelling
Juppiter (ch. ii. § 130), may have been originally a yocatiye like Gk. Zcv vdrtp,
(Can the fragment of the Carmen Saliare quoted above from Varro have OZeu
with Z for the sound dy-, as in Oscan inscriptions written in Roman
characters we find zicolo- as the Diminutiye of the word for * day/ like Latin
dOciOa ?).
§ 37. on, U in Inscriptions. The diphthong was reduced yery early to
a simple sound, as is natural where the two elements of the diphthong have
so close affinity as 0 and u. We have a for ou (I.-Eur. eu) in the name Lucius
in two of the oldest Scipio epitaphs (C. I. L, i, 3a Luciom ; i. 30 Lucius with
Loucanam, and dbdoucit), not later than aoo b. c. ; dediuMndae, 181 b. c. (i. 538) ;
Lucius in a dedicatory inscription of the consul Mummius, 146 b. c. (i. 542) ;
htuci and iurarint (with iouranto, ioudicetur, ioudex, kc,) in the Lex Bantina of
1 33- 1 18 B.C. (i. 197) ; iuratOf iudicibuSf duco (with ioudiciumy ioudicatiOj ious) on
the Lex Bepetundarum of 123-iaa b.o. (i. 198), while the spelling with ou
is entirely discarded in the Lex Cornelia of 81 b. c. (i. aoa, with iuusj iure^ &c.\
Now and then ou occurs for a short vowel, e. g. ioubeatis (beside iousiset) in the
S. C. Bacch. (i. 196) (but see ch. viii. $ 99), prohoum on old coins (i. 16),
Laoumeda on an old Praenestine vase (xiv. 4108, or Lad- ?), possibly to represent
the transition-sound between 6 and u, or in imitation of the Greek ortho-
graphy, in which ov represented the u-sound, v the ii-sound. Ou is some-
times used for u (L-Eur. oi), e. g. oouraveruni (i. 1419, from Pioenum), plourume
(with (Zoul[i] for Clodius, i. 1997, from near Amitemum), though not at all to
the same extent as ei for I. (On ou for I.-Eur. ou, see § 41.) The spelling
0 for ou (I.-Eur. eu) is dialectal, e. g. PoUfces and Losna on a Praenestine mirror
(i. 55) (cf. Umbr. toro- for Latin taurxhy bull). On Latin inscriptions 0 occurs
for I.-Eur. ou, and for the new ou-diphthong, which arose by syncope in words
like nov{e)rUiu&, cov{e)ntio, but not for I.-Eur. eu or u. The spellings pobUco-,
pupUhf &c. (see index to C.I.L, i.), are due to confusion of the two radically
different words pObes and p5p{u)lus.
§ 88. 01. I.-Eur. oi was oi till the second century, then came
to be written oe^ and finally passed into the sound u^ though oe
was still written in some words which belonged to legal or
official diction, e.g. foedns, a treaty, j)oena (but punio), Poenus^
moenia (but mimio)^ dboedio, in the poetic words foedui, foul,
dmoenus, and in the family name Cloelius, Thus I.-Eur. *oino-,
* one * (cf. *oiwo-, Gk. olos, * alone') (Gk. olvrj^ the ace, O. Ir. oen,
W. un, Goth, ains, O.Engl, an, Engl, one, an, a, Pruss. ains,
Lith. venas, O. SI. inil ; in Greek the numeral-root used was
I.-Eur. sem- of Lat. slmel, fee., cIs for *sem-s, iaCq for *<r/uiia, !v
S$ 86-40.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. 01. 247
for *sem), Lat. untis, older oenus^ oino-. I.-Eur. oi iff a gnAe of
an ei-root, often seen in the Perfect Tense or in a derivative
noun, e.g. woid- in the Perfect of weid-, *to know' (Gk. o25a and
Tti-noiBa from Trei^o), I.-Eur. bheidh-, \j2ki, fldo^feido\ *q9oina-, *an
assessment, fine,' from q^ei-,' * to value, care for ' (Gk. Troii/f;, from
r€ta), often, written rfo), borrowed by the Romans, poena^ Zend,
ka^na-, O. SI. cena, the k and c in these two examples indicating
oi not ei)and similarly in Latin, e,g.foedus, a treaty, from /(?w?o,
fido^ just as S appears in the similar grsAe of S-roots, in pondus
from pendo. After initial v- Latin oi became eiy as ^ became i in
vorsus, verbis, &c. (§ lo), e.g. vidi in older spelling veidei^ from
I.-Eur. *woidai (-fli), Perf . Mid. (O. SI. v«d6 ; cf . Gk. o25o, Goth,
wait, O. Engl, wat, Engl. wot).
In the unaccented syllable oi became ei, class, i in the nautical
term anqutna, a truss, a loanword from the Greek (dyicoti^),
perhaps adapted to Latin nouns in -ina (Non. 536. 5 M.
anquinae vincla quibus antennae tenentur), but in most cases
was as resistive of weakening as 0 (ch. iii. § 18), e. g. se-cunut from
curUy older coira, impunis {impoene Csito frag. p. 37. 21 Jord.) from
poena (cf. punio) ; in the final syllable ei^ I is regular, e.g. Nom. PI.
populiy eaxlieT pqp[u)lei, from a still e&Tlier poploe. (Fest. 244. 24
Th. quotes from the Carmen Saliare pilumnoe poploe, a designa-
tion of the Romans 'velut piUs uti assueti.*) A spurious
diphthong oi^ oe^ class, u^ has arisen through composition in coepi
(older coepi), coetua for co-itus, and through loss of v before the
accent in Julius, older luilio- from ^Io{y)illius (§ 43) (cf . Cloelius,
older CluiliuSy from the root *klew-, ' to be heard, famous '). On cui
from quoi, see ch. vii. § 25, and on non from noefi(um), ch.
§ 39. other examples of I. -Eur. oi. Lat. mUnua, PI. mOnerci,
moenia, mUnictf munidpiuniy com-miinis, tm-mt?nts, 0. Lat. motnt-ctpto-, oomoinem
{C.I.L. i. 196, of 186 B. c.) (Goth, ga-mams, Germ, ge-mein, 'common,' Lith.
malhas, 'exchange,' 0. Ir. moini, maini, 'gifts'), and from the same root mUto,
to exchange, mmuus, lent (Sicil. Gk. fioiroSf requital, Goth. mai)>ms, ' a gift/
Lett, meetdt, 'to exchange') ; Lat. Hfor, O. Lat. oit-iU {C.LL, i. 201. 9), oeii
(i. 603. 6. 8), &c. (cf. Mart. Cap. iii. 236 ' oisus ' etiam dicitur ; sic enim
▼eteres usum dixere) seem to show, like Gk. otrosy fate, ' portion,' the o-grade
of a root eit-, seen perhaps in Osc. eitiuYft-, ' money,' for *eitu- ; cufuie shows
the o-grade of the root &ei-, ' to lie ' (Gk. ku-iuu ; of. Kolnji),
$ 40. 01, OE, U on Inscriptions. Oi is reduced to tl in a Scipio epitaph of
the beginning of the second cent. b. c. (C. /. L. i. 33) with titiir ; so umra in one
of Mummius' tithe-dedications to Hercules (i. 542) of 146 b. a ; mum Aco. on
l. ^6 18.
1148 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [OIuip. IV.
a Capua insotiption of c. 135 b. o. {Eph. Epiffr, viii. 476) ; procumndae (with oind
and moinicipieis) on the Lex Agraria of z i z b. o. (C. J. L. L aoo). But the spelling
oi, and after it the spelling oe, long continued to be used, especially in such
phrases aa/aciundum coiraverunt (coeraverunt) in magisterial inscriptions (e. g.
i. 566, of Z06 B. o. coiravere and Und{o8] ; i. 600, of 62 b. o. coeravU ; i. 617, of 51
B. a coeraver,) ; and -Cicero in the laws which he draws up for his ideal state
seems to think that the official style demands the spelling oe (e. g. ploereSj Legg,
iiL 3. 6 ; oemua^ ib, iii. 3. 9 ; coerctri and oesus, ib. iii. 4. zo), though in the Lex
Julia Municipalis of 45 b. o. (C. J. L, i. 906) we have reg^arly curOj iUkjTj muni-
cipium (once/oidere), and similarly on the Lex Rubria of 49 b. c. (i. 905), ludua
(not loedta), the form used in the Comm. Lud. Saec. and the Moil Anc, both of
Augustus' reign, though Virgil MSS. often show moenia for mvrus (see
Ribbeck's Index), The traditional nature of this spelling, eyen in the second
cent. B. a, is seen from the occun*ence of spellings like murus side by side with
coeravefunt, &c., e. g. i. 567, of 106 b. c., murum . . . coeravere . . . loedos ; i. 568, of 104
B. 0., murum . . . coiraver- ; Eph, Epigr. yiii. 460, of 108 b. o., murum . . . coiraverunt.
Examples from the older literature are, oenigenos * unigenitos ' Paul. Fest. 295.
fl Th. ; oenus Plant. True. 104 (B.) ; proiiioMen, 186 (P.) ; moenis, obliging, quoted
by Nonius 23. 9 M. from Pacuvius ; moerus Accius Trag. 347 R. ; moenio in the
Ambrosian Palimpsest of Plautus (see Index to Studemund's Apograph) ;
'loebesum' et * loebertatem * antiqui dicebant liberum et libertatem Paul.
Fest. 86. 30 Th. {Loebasius is given as the Sabine name for Liber by Serv.
ad Oeorg. i. 7 quamyis Sabini Cererem Pandam appellent, Liberum Loeba-
sium ; cf. Gl. Plac. 80. 22 G.). This oe seems to haye represented to the Romans
a long il-sound, the sound, in fact, of Greek 0 ; and the earlier instances of u
for I. -Eur. oi probably indicate this sound. Plautus {Baoch, 129) puns on
Lydus (Gk. AuMr) and ludus :
non 6mnis aetas, L^de, ludo c6nuenit;
and oe is often used to express Gk. v, e. g. goerusj ooloephia (ch. ii. § 28).
§ 41. OU. I.-Eur. ou before a vowel (ow) became^ as we saw
(§ 19)^ first ov in Latin, then in the second century B.C. av,
which in the unaccented syll. fell to «, e. g. eluo (ch. iii. § 24).
For I.-Eur. ou before a consonant we find sometimes ^, sometimes
u. Occasionally both these spellings occur for the same word.
Thus I.- Eur. *roudho-, ' red ' (Goth. rau]7s), is Latin robus^ rob-lgo
[the form rvUgo (with u like rufuSf or with u like ruber *() is
rejected in the Probi Appendix, 199. 5 K. ; cf. the gloss robigo
non 'rubigo ' C. G.L, v. 144. 3a, and see ch. ii. § ^4], and rufus, the
last being shown by its^, instead of ^ or i (§ 1 14), to be dialectal.
RilA^us comes from a verb in -eo (cf. humldus from hutneo,
cattdui from MeOy &c.), *rubeo, with I.-Eur. eu of Gk. ip€vd(a^
while the ordinary form of the verb, rUbeo^ shows, like ruber
(Gk. ^pvdpos), the fi of the weak grade of the root, I.-Eur. rtLdh-.
The same variety of spelling is seen in a word indicating
unshaped metal, &c., rodus and rikiu9, though the normal spelling
5§41,42.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. OU. ^49
is perhaps raudm (see Georges, Lex. Wortf. s.v.), the weak grade
of this stem (perhaps connected with the stem of robus, rufus)
being apparently seen in rudis, which means rough, literally,
e. g. aes rude^ or rough, metaphorically, e. g. arte rudia^ in Ovid's
criticism of Ennius : Ennius ingenio maximus, arte rudis. [Varro,
L. L. V. 163 deinde (porta) Rauduscula, quod aerata fuit. Aes
* raudus * dictimi : ex eo veteribus in mancipiis scriptum * raudus-
culo libram ferito*; Festus 356. 4 Th. rodus, vel raudus
significat rem rudem et imperfectam^ nam saximi quoque raudus
appellant poetae, ut Accius . . . hinc manibus rapere roudus (so
the MS.) saxeum; Paul. Fest. 377. i Th. Rodusculana porta
appellata, quod rudis et impolita sit relicta, vel quia raudo, id est
aere, fuerit vincta]. This variety of spelling suggests that
I.-Eur. OU became in Latin an a«^-sound, which was sometimes
written, like Lat. au from I.-Eur. au (§ 30), as J, sometimes, like
Lat. OU from I.-Eur. eu (§ 35), as « ; though, owing to the
scarcity of reliable instances, it is impossible to determine how
far these spellings corresponded to the pronunciation of the
diphthong at various periods, or how far they were influenced
by the analogy of other grades of the same root. For the higher
grade with I.-Eur. 6u, 6 would have in Latin d (§ 50), and the
weak grade of an eu-root with I.-Eur. tl would have in Latin
u (§ 23), while a ^grade (I.-Eur. u, Lat. u) was also not
unknown (§51). The Latin diphthong corresponding to I.-Eur.
eu had thus a different sound from the representative of I.-Eur.
OU. An <?«-diphthong arose in Latin also from I.-Eur. -og(h)"-,
for the velar jj(h))J took in Roman lips the sound of v («). Thus
I.-Eur. *n5g^gdo- became in Latin ^novedo-, *noudO', whence
^nudvs, an example which suggests that the ou from I.-Eur.
og(h)" had the same sound as the ou from I.-Eur. eu, and was
developed in the same way to long u. Also by syncope in words
like O. Lat. noventius (as in the prophecy of On. Marcius : quam-
uis nouentium duonum negumate, ap. Fest. 164. 28 Th.) with
Lat. ^, I.-Eur. 6w, O. Lat. *novendhiae, from nSvem (I.-Eur.
*newn) and d^n-, a stem for * day,' seen in O. SI. dM, ' a day,'
O. Ind. dlna-, &c. For this spurious ou we have first 0, later u,
§ 42. other examples of I -Eur. ou. From the root neud-, ' to use, enjoy '
(Goth, niutan, < to exgoy ') comes the Latin ndUrio, nUirix (in Old Latin ttotrix,
^5© THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
Quint, i. 4. 16), perhaps showing the o-grade, L-Eur. noud- (Goth. nau])s,
O. Engl. niSad, Engl, need, Germ. Noth. Of. Jjatin ususest, there is need) ; Lat.
dUnis seems to represent I.-Eur. &loun- (O. Sc&nd. hlaunn, ' haunch/ but Gk.
K\6vis)j though the word occurs so seldom in the older writers that we cannot
say whether *clauni8, *d5nia were earlier spellings ; Lat. Zacu«isL-Eur. *louko-
(^O.H.G. lOh, ^copse, brushwood,* the -loo of Water-loo, O.Engl.leah, Engl.lea\
properly an open space in a wood, like the German Lichtung (cf. coUOcare,
to make a clearing in a wood), showing the o-grade of the I.-Eur. root leuk-
of Lat. lUceOf &c., so that the old etymology * lucus a non lucendo ' had a grain
of truth after all. The 0. Lat. spelling shows -ou-^ e. g. in hoce loucarid on the
inscription of Luceria (C. 7. L. ix. 789) ; honce loucom . . . quod loud siet on the
inscription of Spoletium (C. J. L, xi. 4766) ; the Perfect Part. Pass, of Idvoj to
wash, I.-Eur. Idw- (,Gk. \ovoj) is lauhis, later Idtus (see Georges, Lex, Wortf, s.y.) ;
the Dat. (Abl.) Plur. of Ws, KJris (I.-Eur. ♦y«Ou-s, ♦gWw-es) is hSbus and bdbus ;
formed from the same stem hou- after the fashion of tn«tor(ch.iii. § 36), comes the
word spelt hustar in the Glossary of Philoxeuus, and hostar in the Glossary of
Cyrillus, and stated in both glossaries to be the equivalent of the Greek /Sotxrrd-
aiovy a word which must have belonged to the older period only, for Spanish
and Portuguese alone preserve it [Span, bostar, Port.bostal, indicating a Latin
original b6star ; bustor, a place for burning a dead body, (Gharisius 38. 19 K.),
is a quite different word, connected with btlstum] ; Lat. aber appears to show
the u-grade of the root, like O. Ind. udhar, 0. Engl, uder, Lith. udHiti, ' to give
milk,' but the ou-grade of Gk. o^ap. Gen. -aros for -ntos, meaning (i) udder,
(2) fertility of soil, may appear in the (dialectal) name of a river in Latium,
Ufens (modern Uffente) [cf. the Apulian river, A^^fidus (modem Ofanto)], from
which comes the name of one of the Roman tribes ^fenlina, in Old Latin
Oi/{fenHna (see Index to G.LL, i.), also Vqfentvuif and Ofentina (C. LI. xi. 570a),
in Greek inscriptions *Cl<p-, O^ax^- (Eckinger, p. 44).
§ 48. u for older ovi, ov5. By the composition of com-'f co- with rtV we
get the word *coviria (cf. Volsc. covehrift-), which became by syncope *cou{i)riciy
curia'. The name JUlius (written luxlio on a lamp found in one of the oldest
graves in the Esquiline burying-place, Ann, Inst 1880, p. 960) seems to come
from an earlier*/or»?{io-,from a word found in Oscan in the form diuvilA-, later
iuvilA-, meaning apparently a gift presented yearly by a corporation or clan
to its tutelary god. Here the older spelling luil' suggests that the xJ repre-
sents not ov\i) but o(r)t, the v having been suppressed before the accent (see
ch. ii. § 53). JuUwt is the original form of the substantival name, of which Jxdius
is an adjectival derivative. The trisyllabic lulus is an invention of Virgil's
(jHerm. xxiv. 155). Similarly GuiliuSy the older form of Cloelius (written on an old
inscription CZot</[is], C, I. L. i. 1997), shows its derivation from the name GuviuSf
a name evidently connected with the root Isleu-, ' to be famous * (Gk. KKif-os)
[compare the gloss durior : nobilior, LOwe, Prodr. p. 364 ; Paul. Feat. 39. 9 Tli.
refers the word to Gonius: Cloelia familia a Clonic Aeneae comite, est appellata.
The family name retained, as often happens, the older spelling with oe, Ctodius,
not QiUius']. Similarly O. Lat. coventio (couentionid on the S. C. Bacch. of 186
B. c, C. /. L. i. 196^, lost its V before the accent, and the two vowels 0 and 0
wore fused into 5 ; contio (but see ch. ii. § 147, and below on nuntius),
i 44. The sporioas diphthong oa. Kontio^ the older spelling \jdenontiari on
$5 48-46.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. Al, &C. 251
the Lex Bantina of 133-1 18 b. c, C. J. L, i, 197 ; prononltiaio on the Lex Bepetun-
darum of 123-122 b.c., i. 198 ; nontiaia on the Epistula ad Tiburtes of c. 100
B. c, i. 201 ; prononiiato And prononHcUum on fragments of old Laws, i. 207 and
208) became nunHo at the close of the Republican period (renunHo is the
spelling throughout the Lex Julia Municipalis of 45 b. c, L 206 ; so nuntia-
tionetn on the Lex Rubria of 49 b. c, i. 205), though Cicero in his Laws (ii. 21)
uses nontius. Marius Victorinus (12. 18 K.) says the old spelling had cu. For
nundinae the oldest spelling is with ou, noundinum on the S. C. Bacch. of z86
b. c. (C. /. L, 1. 196, then with 0, nondinum on the Lex Bantina) (i. 197).
§ 45. AI. The I.-Eur. root, referred to in § 1x7, as aiwS-, * time,
life/ is perhaps more correctly aiwS- (of. O. Ind. iyu-, * life '), with
the diphthong originally long, but shortened in Latin aeviim^
according to the rule that a long diphthong (including combi-
nations with a nasal or liquid as second element) shortened in
Latin its first element when a consonant followed. Final I.-Eur.
-ai^ the ending of the Dat. Sg. of A-stems, shows traces in Latin
of * doublet ' forms, (i) « (with suppression of the second element,
by a similar syncope as produced exemplar from eaetnpldre), a form
which seems to occur on a few old inscriptions, e. g. lunonei
Loucina (C. L L, i. 189), lunone Loncina Tmcolana sacra (i. 1200) ;
(a) -ai (one syllable), class, -ae (presumably iie ; cf . Osc. -al, Umbr.
-e, Rustic and Late Latin e, ch. ii. § 41) (with a shortening of the
first element, which properly took place only before a consonant).
Similar doublets -d and -oi seem to show themselves for I.-Eur.
-6i in 0-stem Datives [ (i) class, ^qud, ddmino, (a) O. JjSkt. populoi
ltom4inoi, Numanoi ; cf. Osc. -ui, Umbr. -e], though in 0-stems
the first (not the second doublet as in the A-stems) established
itself in the classical usage. (On these Datives, see ch. vi. § 23.)
In Greek this I.-Eur. -ai became -a, e. g. x^P9» \si>\^r -d, but in
dialects also -at (presumably at), while this I.-Eur. 6i became
-ip, e. g. tinii^, later -co, in dialects -ot.
Shortening of long ' diphthong ' before consonant. It seems to have
been a law yery widely spread through the I. -Eur. languages that a long
vowel became shortened before any y (in i-diphthongs), w (in u-diphthongs),
m, n, r, or 1, when this was followed by a consonant. Thus I.-Eur. *w6nt- from
the root wfi-, * to blow * (Gk. A-rjiu) has become in Gk. &-kvr'y in Goth, vinds, our
* wind/ as in Latin vHwtus (Span, viento) ; the I.-Eur. word for the heel or
the ham (O. Ind. pirsni-) is in Gk. mipva^ in Goth, fairzna, and in Latin
pjfrna (Span, piema) [curiously enough Mar. Sacerdos (vi. 451. 5 K.) cites
a derivative of this word, pemix, swift (lit. * strong in the ham,' and properly
used of horses and other animals, A.L.L, viii. 453) as an illustration of a short
25^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [OhAp. IV.
e, the long pronunciation of which is a barbarigm : barbarismna ... fit ... si
dicas pemiz et ' per ' producas, quae oorrepta est] ; the Dat. (Abl. Loc Instr.)
Plur. Suffix of O-stems, L-Eur. -^is has become in Greek -oa, as in Latin -eis,
'l8 (ch. vi. § 48) ; ISntua is a cognate of tSnis. (Cf. EngL ' kept,* ' wept ' from
'keep/ *weep').
§ 46. AU. The I.-Eur. long diphthong au is seen in the stem
nau-, ^ship' (O. Ind. naus, nav&s, Gen.; Horn. 6k. vrfisy vrj6s Qen.,
Arm. nav, O. Ir. nau, naue or noe, Gen., W. noe, ' a dish/ like our
' butter-boat/ O. Seand. nor), which is in Latin an fHBtem ndvis,
like cldvis (Gk. Y\ri(F)Csy The -^u- of nau^frXffivm, nau-sfibulum
' vas alvei simile' (Fest. 172. 23 Th.), claudo shortens the first
element owing to the &ct that a consonant follows (see above,
§ 45). [That claudo had the same au, as the equivalent of I.-Eur.
au (e. %^frau9)y we see from its sinking to «^ in the unaccented
syllable, e.g. excludere, like defrudare.] For Latin dv from
I.-Eur. ow, e. g. octdvua, and perhaps fidvus (beside jldru9y Gk.
\\fap6s\ see § 50. Gdtus (a trisyllable till late Latin, Harvard
Studies^ 1891) is the class, form of older Gdvius (Osc. Gaaviis),
with suppression of intervocalic v (§ 70), a name apparently
derived from the root of gavdeo, gdvisus sum (Gk. yr\Bi<a for
*ydF€0€tii) (cf . Raius and Hdvius) On the curious remark of Teren-
tianus Maurus about the pronimciation of Lat. au^ see ch. ii. § 34.
§ 47. fil. I.-Eur. ei appears e. g. in *rei-, * property ' (O. Ind.
rds, Gen. rayds), Lat. res, Gen. m for *reyi, a root in which the
diphthong had apparently in the 'Indo-European period' the
doublets ei (ey) and e. The Loc. Sing, ending of E-stems shows the
second of these doublets in Latin, e. g. die crastini, postridie^ &c.
§ 48. EU. The I.-Eur. Nom. *dyeus, 'the sky,' shows the long
diphthong eu (O. Ind. dyaus, Ace. dfvam and dydm, diydm ; Gk.
Zcvs for *Zt;i;9, Lat. dies like Ace. diem ; on JSvis, &c., from the
stem dySw-, see ch. vi. § 9). A final ^-diphthong arose in Latin
by the suppression of the final -^ of neve, and produced the form
fieu ; ceu is probably to be referred to an older ^ce-ve (ch. x. § 11).
The Loc. Sg. ending of U-stems, if this was I.- Eur. -eu, appears
in nocfUy where the u represents an earlier -^u with shortening
of the first element of -eu (see § 26), so that I.-Eur. *dyeus
should be Lat. *diils (nu-dius-tertius ?).
§ 49. dl. An example of final -oi has been already mentioned.
a 46-61.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. VOWEL-GRADES. ^53
the ending of the Dat. Sg. of 0-stems. This in Latin shows the
doublets, (i) '3, the classical ending, e.g. ^qvo^ ddmlno^ (%) -oi
(presumably Si), an ending found in very old inscriptions, e. g.
Nuniasioi (Osc. -ui, Umbr. -e) (ch. vi. § 7,6).
§ 50. 6U. I.-Eur. 6u- is seen in the numeral *6tt6u, a dual in
form, with the sense apparently of * two sets of four ' (O. Ind.
aStau, a|ta. Ok. dxrco, Goth, ahtau, O. Engl, eahta, LitL asztu-nl),
in Latin ocid. Duals in the Veda show generally -au (I.-Eur. -ou)
before an initial vowel, -a (I.-Eur. -6) before an initial consonant,
e. g. devau and deva, * twin-gods ; ' and it is probable that these
doublets existed even in what is called the I.-Eur. period, so that
the '0 of Latin octo (cf. ambo, duo) will represent an I.-Eur. -6,
and not -6u. As I.-Eur. 6w became &v in Latin (§ 19), so L-Eur.
ow is said to have become dv in the corresponding ordinal number,
octdvus for ^octdvua (Gk. 8yho{F)os), The long diphthong seems to
have occurred in the I.-Eur. declension of the word for * ox,' stem
*g-ou- (O. Ind. gaus, Loc. g^vi. Ace. gam, Nom. PI. gavas, &c..
Arm. kov, Gk. jSoCv, Dor. fim, according to the grammarians,
O. Ir. bou, bo, W. bu, buw, O. Engl, cu, Lett, gflws) ; but the
Latin bds is a doubtful example, for its b- instead of the normal t;-
(§ ^39) suggests that it is a dialectal (or rustic) form like dvis for
^avis (I.-Eur. *5wi-, § 19), and not a genuine Latin development.
§ 51. Variation (Ablaut) of Vowels. A root like pet- of Gk.
TT^rco-^at, to fly, O. Ind. pdtati, ' he flies/ appears in the form pt-
in Gk. irriaOaL, O. Ind. a-pa-pta-t, * he flew/ the shorter form being
a syncopated form of the other, due to loss of accent. Similarly
the root ei-, *to go' (Gk. cl-cn, 3 Sg., Lith. ei-ti, Lat. it, older
ei-t, ch. viii. § 2), loses the ^ of the diphthong in the P. P. P. *t-t6-
(O. Ind. Atk', Gk. -itos, Lat. -itus), where the accent falls on
the suffix ; and eu becomes ii, through loss of accent, in I.-Eur.
*bhiiga, * flight ' (Gk. 0vy^, LsLtfUffa) from *bheugo, * I flee ' (Gk.
(t>€vy<o) ; while en, em, er, el, similarly reduced, appear before
a vowel as n, m, r, 1, e.g. Gk. yf-yiz-ofioi, Lat. gi-gn-o, beside
Gk. yiv'OSy Lat. gin-ui, but before a consonant assumed in Greek
the forms a, pa, Xa, e.g. <f>ar6s from <^«;-, to kill, I.-Eur. (jh-en-,
bpaKdv (O. Ind. dr§dnt-) from depK-, to glance, I.-Eur. der&-, in
Latin en, em, or, ol, e.g. ten-tus (O. Ind. ta-td-, Gk. ra-rrfy) from
254 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CJhftp. IV.
ten-, ' to stretch/ fors (O. Ind. bhr-ti-, O. Ir. brith, Goth, ga-
baur]?8) from bher-, * to bear ' (see §§ 8i, 92). We may call these
reduced forms pt-, bhtlg^, bhr-, &c., the 'weak grade' of the
roots, and pet-, bheug-, bher- the normal or £-grade. We find
these roots also with their S replaced by 5 in such words as Gk.
yi^yov-a Pft., olros, a Derivative Noun from the root ei-, * to go/
y6vos from the root gen-, <f>6vos from gh"en-; and gon-, oi-,
gh^on- may be called the 6-grade of these roots. There are
also occasionally forms with e, o, e. g. Gk. TTioriofmi from pet-,
'to fly.' This variation, or gradation, called by the Germans
'Ablaut/ of I.-Eur. vowels has not yet been thoroughly explained
or systematized ; the relation for example of u, 1 to the ordinary
weak grade ti, t in words like I.-Eur. *tlu-t6- (O. H. G. hlut,
' loud/ Zend, sru-ta) beside I.-Eur. *tlti.t6- (O. Ind. Irti-td-, Gk.
kAv-tJs) is not quite clear, nor yet that of the E- and 0-forms
to the E- and O-forms, e.g. Gk. ircordo/xat beside irorioyMi. They
are generally called * lengthenings ' of the weak grade (of diph-
thongal roots),of the£-gradeandof thed-grade,and are by German
philologists classed under the term ' Dehnstufe ' (' lengthened
grade '). [On these see Streitberg in Indog, Forich. iii. 306, who
explains them as produced by syncope of a following short vowel
in *bh6r (Gk. </)«p) for *bh6r(o)s, &c., *rets- (Lat. rex-i) for
*rSg-Ss-, Stc]. Nor have the grades of other than E-roots been
properly equated to grades like pSt-, pt-, p6t-; the variation
of the root do-, * to give,^ for example, which has 6 in Gk. hi-hoa-iki,
Lat. dd-num, but a short vowel in Gk. bo-T6s, Lat. dd-tusy of the
root se-, ' to throw/ or * to throw seed/ with e in Gk. Vri-ia for
*<Ti,'ari'ij,Ly Lat. se-tnen^ but with a short vowel in Gk. ^-rcfs, Lat.
sa-tusy of the root sta-, * to stand,' with a in Gk. t-cmnki for
♦o-t-ord-fxt, Lat. std-re^ but with a short vowel in Gk. ard'Tos^
Lat. std'tus ; similarly the variation of & and a, e.g. in the
I.-Eur. root meaning *to drive/ &g- in O. Ind. aja-mi, Gk.
&ya>, Ir. agaim, Lat. ago^ ag- in O. Ind. aji-, ' a contest/ O. Ir. ag,
' a contest/ Lat. amb-^es; and the variation of 5 and 0, e.g. in
liSit fddio beside Jddi^ Gk. db-fxri beside ev-dbris; not to mention
the variation of & and 5 in Lat. sc&bo beside scdbis^ &cies (Gk.
aKposy Hom. &KpiSy a hill-top) beside O. Lat. dcris, a rugged hill
(Gk. SKpLSf a point), from the root at-, ot-, * sharp/
§ 51.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. VOWEL-GRADES. 255
Examples of this variation of vowels in Latin are I. in E-roots:
(a) Weak grade in (i) Derivative Nouns with A-suffix, 0-suffix,
Tl-suflSx, &c. (eh. v. §§ a, 4a), e,g,fuga (Gk. </)vy-ij) from the root
bheug-5 * to flee,' jug^um (O. Ind. y iig-fim, Gk. ^y-ov) from the
root yeug-, * to join %for% (O. Ind. bhr-ti-), men% (O. Ind. ma-ti-),
mor% (O. Ind. mr-ti) ; (2) in P. P. P. with TO-suffix, e.g. dUc-tue
from duco for *deucOj m-tus [A, L, L, ii. 607) from wro for ^ewo
(Gk. €{;a) for ei/^a)), per-cuUm for *kld-to- (of. clddes); (3) in
Reduplicated Present-stem, e. g. gi-gn-o from the root gen-, »Wo
for ^si'Sd'O from the root sed- ; (4) in Nasalized Present-stems,
e.g. Ju-n-g-o from the root yeug-, U-n-quo from the root leiq"-
(Gk. Xefiro)), fi-n-d-o from the root bheid- (Goth, beita, *I
bite') j (5) in some Present-stems with the YO-suffix, e.g. fug^io
from the root bheug-.
(h) Normal or E-grade in (i) Neuter ES-stems, e.g. genius
from the root gen- (Gk. ycr-os), decus from the root det-, nemui
from the root nem- ; (2) Present-stems formed with the Thematic
Vowel, e.g. veAo from the root wegh- (O. Ind, vah-, Lith. veiii,
O. SI. vez^), sequor from the root seq-- (O. Ind. sac-, Gk. ewoMot,
O. Ir. sechur), fido, O. Lat. feido, from the root bheidh- (Gk.
TtfCOoi for *</)€tda)), dico, O. Lat. deico^ from the root deit- (Gk.
MKvvfjLi), ducOy O. Lat. douco for *deuco (§ 35), from the root
deuk- (Goth, tiuha), ilro for *ei49o from the root eus- (Gk. €v«
for *cWa)), pluo, O. Lat. plovo for *plewo, from the root pleu-
(Gk. ir\i(F)oii), (On the u of pluo see ch. viii. §^6.)
(c) 0-grade in (1) Derivative Nouns with A-sufiix, 0-suffix,
&c., e. g. jprocus from the root pret-, * to ask ' (Lat. precor)^ domus
(Gk. hoyios) from the root dem-, * to build' (Gk. 5^/uia)), toga from
the root (s)teg-, * to cover, thatch ' (Gk. (niyon^ Lat. tego) ; (2)
Causative Verbs, e. g. moneo^ lit. * cause to remember/ from the
root men- (Lat. me-min-i^ torreo^ lit. ' cause to dry up,* from the
root ters- (Gk. ripa-oiiai),
II. in E-suffixes. (i) Nouns of the Second Declension with
Voc. Sg. in -e, e. g. eque, Nom. Ace, &c. in -os, -om, e. g. equos^
equom ; (2) N-stems, R-stems, S -stems, &c., e. g. tetnp-iU (O. Lat.
temp'Ss), temp-dr-is for ^temp-Ss-es Gen., temp^-i Adv., aug-us-tus
for ^aug-Ss'to^, auaHlium for ^aug-s-ilio'^ pleb-es^ dSc-or (O. Lat.
deC'Os) ; nd-miky car-n-is^ r&ti-dn-i . In the I.-Eur. declension
256 THE LATIN LANGUAGE, [Ohap. IV.
of these stems the suffix may have shown in the Nom. Sg.
e when accented, 6 when unaccented, e.g. Gk. 60-T^p, dcS-rcop,
in the other ^strong' cases S when accented, 5 when unaccented,
e. g. Gk. 7ra-r€/>a, <f>pd'Top^a^ and in the * weak * cases the weak
grade, e.g. Gk. Tra-rp-os, ira-rpi-aL (O. Ind. pi-tf-Su), but the
divergences of the suffix-form have been to a great extent
removed in the various I.-Eur. languages, e.g. Gk. ixrjripo^ as
well as firjTpos^ Tsariptnv instead of irarp^v. The alternation of
strong and weak stems in Declension, depending on the
accentuation of the stem or the suffix, has left its mark in
the divergent form of words like Gk. irous, iro6os (cf. Lat.
M'pdd-are) and Lat. pes, pM-is (cf . Gk. ttcCoj rpd-Trcfa, lit. ' four-
footed,* Trego's, &c., for *ped-ya-, *ped-yo-), Lat. pecten and
Gk. KTfls for *7rKr«;s, &c.
The combination yS, wS was treated somewhat similarly to
ei, eu, being reduced by the loss of accent to Y, tl, a g. Gk. vtt-vos
for *stip-nos (O. SI. sunt!) from the root swep (O. Engl, swefn,
' a dream '), Gk. -nepva-t^ last year, for iripuri (O. Ind. par-ut) from
the root wet- (Gk. {F)€to?, a year, Lat. vSius). This root wet-
seems to have lost by procope an initial &, and the reduced form
of &wSt- appears in Gk. ivi-avr-os, just as the reduced form of
&weg- (Gr. A(f )^^(o) in the aug- of Lat. aug-eo, Gk. avfo), O. Ind.
ojas-, ' strength,' while ug- the reduced form of wSg- (with
procope of initial &) appears in O. Ind. ukS-, ' to grow strong,* Gk.
vyir\^ for *vyt^s, &c. And as we sometimes find T, u beside t, tl the
weak grades of ei, eu, so we find the same long vowels in forms
of yS- and we-roots, e. g. ku- (O. Ind. §una-, * want, emptiness ')
from the root twS- (Gk. K(f)6i;os, empty). On the variation of
1 with yg (lye) in I.-Eur. YO-stems, see ch. v. § 4, of i with ye in the
I.-Eur. Athematic Optative (O. Lat. 9xe% and simus, &c.), see
ch. viii. § 55. Latin can-cut-io for ^con-quSi-io from qvMiOy ab-tc-io
(with the first syllable short in the older poetry), for ^ab-yic-io
from jacio, shows that the Latin language had the same tendency
as the I.-Eur. to reduce imaccented y6 to t, wS to ti, and in many
cases it is impossible to say whether the reduction belongs to the
' Indo-European ' period or is a Latin development.
III. in other roots. I.-Eur. e (Lat. e) varies with Lat. ^ in
Lat. se-men (Gk. fj-fia, a casting) and sd-tus (Gk. ^-ros) from the
§ 51.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. VOWEL-GRADES. 257
root se-yfec-i (Gk. €-dr}K'a) and fac-io^ an extension of the root
dhe- (Gk. TC-Ori^txi) ; I.-Eur. 6 (Lat. d) varies with Lat. & in Lat.
do-num (Gk. b&pov), and da-tn^ (Gk. 5oro9, doVts) from the root
do-, cds (O. Ind. §a-, 'to sharpen ') and c<itu9^ which in O. Lat. meant
* sharp/ ' shrill ' from the root ko- ; I.-Eur. a (Lat. a) varies with
Latin a in Lat./a-»MJ (Gk. 07i-M»?) ^xAfat-eor (eh. viii. § 32) (Gk.
(pcLTos), std-re (Gk. la-rrffjn for *o-t-(rrd-MO and stci-tus (Gk. ora-Trfs).
In all these cases the Latin weak- grade vowel is a, while in Greek
we have € for E-roots, o for 0-roots, d for A-roots, but in Sanscrit
if for all roots (e. g. M-td- from root dhe-, di-ti- from root DO,
sthi-td- from root sta-), just as we have Lat. & oi pater ^ which is
also & in Greek and other languages (Gk. narripy O. Ir. athir, Gt)th.
fadar) represented by Sanscrit \ (pMr-). We find even in Greek
occasionally d in the weak form of E-, 0-roots (e. g. K^Kihovro
beside ^xeKi^ftci, hdvos beside dapoi;), so that we are perhaps justified
in supposing a short a-sound {j&) to have been the form of the weak
grade of e, o, as well as of a, in European languages (see § 3).
The Latin tendency to weaken every unaccented vowel has
greatly obscured the traces of the I.-Eur. variation of vowels ;
prosperus, for example, has spH- (cf. O. Ind. spMrd-, * wealthy') the
weak grade of ape- of spes, spero (O. Ind. spha-, O. SI. spi-ti),
with ^ weakened before r in the unaccented syllable to ^, and
creditus (O. Ind. srad-dMta-) has the same vowel weakened to ^.
Words hkefrdfiffo (a is shown by con-fringo for con-frengo^ &c.),
with the weak g^de frdg- in the Nasalized Present-stem of the
I.-Eur. root bhre^- (Goth, brikan, * to break *), gradus^ grddioVy
with a weak form grdd- from the I.-Eur. root ghredh-, ' to step *
(Goth. gri)7s, ' a step '), suggest that in Latin (as perhaps in other
languages, M, U. v. pref.) m, md^ &c. were the weak grades of
rg, Ig, mS, ng, although we have seen Lat. dr, 81^ em^ ^n to be
the weak grades of 6r, 81, 6m, en where the liquid or nasal follows
the S. But we occasionally find in Latin (and perhaps in the other
Italic languages) & in forms of £-roots where S is not preceded by
a liquid or nasal, e. g. paieo (Osc. pate-) from the root pet- (Gk.
tt^tApwhi); its relation to the obscure or indeterminate vowel
(like the Hebrew sh®va), written a, 9, ®, &c., is not clear (see §§ 3,
831 94).
As an I.-Eur. a is the weak grade of o, so an may be the weak
s
258 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. IV.
grade of ou ; the Plautine aus-ctdum, for example, may then exhibit
the weak grade of the stem "^ous- (O. Ind. as-, Lat. as-). It may
also be the weak grade of eu {Caurus or Corus^ Lith. szidure,
beside O. SI. sSverii, is quoted as an example), and of au ; and
similarly a\ of oi, ei, ai. It is also possible that as ft varies with
5, so ai may vary with oi (e. g. Lat. aemidus and Gk. olbaoo), and
au with ou (e. g. Gk. Kav\6ij a stalk, and koIKos for *K(>f lAos,
hollow); and some explain in this way Latin forms like l&vo beside
Gk. Aovo) (on which see § 19).
$ 52. I.-Eur. and Lat. 8 and 5. Lat. procus (Lith. prasz;;^! 0. SI. prositi)
from I.- Eur. root prek- (Lith. perszii and Lat. preceSy precor) ; Lat. noceo, the
Causative of I.-Eur. nek- (0. lud. naS-, Gk. yiicvSf Lat. nex, &c.) ; Lat. pondOf
in weight (used with ellipse of libra, e.g. centum pondo es, 'you weigh
a hundred pounds *), the Abl. of an 0-stem *pondus, -t, beside pondus, -eris,
from pendOy to weigh ; Lat. domuSf an 0-stem in Plautus and t^e writers
before Sulla, I.-Eur. *domo- (O. Ind. ddma-, Gk. BS/ios) from L-Eur. root dem-,
' to build ' (Gk, Z4fioj, iifuis, form, Goth, tim-r-jan. * to build,* Engl, tim-ber,
Germ. Zim-mer; Goth, ga-timan, 'to be suitable, conformable,' Gterm. zie-
men) ; Latin riita, roiundus (O. Ir. roth, * a wheel,* W. rhod, O. H. G. rad, Lith.
rStas) from I.-Eur. root reth-, * to run ' (0. Ir. rethim, W. rhedu Int, Lith.
ritii, * I roll *) ; Latin ^frbus, I. -Eur. *6rbho- (Arm. orb, Gk. d/xpayds, dptpo-P&rcUf
0. Ir. orbe, from stem *orbio-, * an inheritance,' Goth, arbi) from I.-Eur. root
erbh- (O. Ir. erbim, * I entrust, bequeath ') ; cunae from *coinae (cf. Gk. icolnj)
from iei- ' to lie ' (Gk. «cr/icu).
§ 53. I and 6. This 0 is best seen in the Noun Suffixes -On-, -Or- which vary
with -On-, -Or- and -On-, -Or-, as well as with -On-, -Or-, e. g. Lat. hUmd Nom.,
hominis for *homSni8 Gen,, Lat. ddtor, datHris beside Gk. ddnwp, ddnopos and Son^p,
^Tfjpos (see ch. v. § 57) ; in Greek it is seen also in the Perf. of verbs with 0,
e. g. riOwKrai from B^/y^, d^wKa from dfplrjfu, &c. The root of Lat. /ISa, FlGra is
bhlo- (Ir. blAth, Goth. blO-ma, Engl, bloom ; O. Engl. blOs-tm, Engl, blossom ;
O. Engl. blO-wan, Engl, to blow, of flowers), which is connected with the root
bhlO- of Lat. flfmina, congestion of blood (Goth. uf-blOsan, Germ, auf-blasen),
just as the root plO-, ' to be fuU ' (Latin planus, Gk. vk^ffprjs ; Lat. pUbes, Gk.
vK^Oos) seems to be connected with the root plO- of Ir. l&r, Engl, floor, &c. ;
but these are rather to be explained like gnO- and gn&- of Lat. gndtus, and
gndrus (§ i).
§ 54. d-&, 0-&. From i*oot lod-, * to leave, to let * (Goth, lotan, O. Engl. Isetan,
Engl, let), with 0-grade in Goth. lai-lOt Perf., we have in the weak grade Lat.
1&S8U3 (Goth, lats. Germ, lass) ; Lat. aUus, which Yarro makes the equivalent
of dciUtts, used in Old Latin and in the Sabine dialect of sounds, i. e. sharp,
shrill (L. L. vii. 46 apud Ennium :
lam cata signa fere sonitum dare voce parabant.
Cata acuta ; hoc enim verbo dicunt Sabini : quare :
oatus Aelius Sextus
non, ut aiunt, sapiens, sed acutus) is in O. Ind. 5Iti-, ' sharp^' from S&-, ' to
§§ 62-66.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. VOWEL-GRADES. 259
sharpen/ and is connected with Lat. 0S9, a whetstone (like d68 from root
do-). Similarly we have rd-tus beside rS-ri, J&c-io besidey<^t (ch. yiii. § ^i ), and
from I.-Eur. oi-, * swiff (connected with ftl-, * sharp'?) (O. Ind. aiu-, Gk.
ijK{Sy Lat. dctor) cuupedium (presumably with a), equat&d in the Philoxenus and
Cyrillus Glossaries to b^woZla (cf. Gl. Plac. p. 7. 40 G. ; the acupedius of PauL
Fest 7. 19 Th. is a mistake, see Claaa, Eev. v. p. 9) ; acdpiter (dec- Ter. Maur.
1267) is probably a corruption of *&cu-peter (cf. O. Lad. ftSu-patvan- for *6ku-,
^swift-flying/ and Gk. ^Kv-virrjiy the epithet of a hawk in Hesiod, Op. aio),
due to a popular etymology from accipio; the form acceptor, the original of
0. Span, acetore, is used by Lucilius (inc. 133 M.) exta acceptoris et unguis,
but is censured by the grammarian Caper (p. 107. 8 K. accipiter non ^acceptor') ;
dmarua shows the root dm- (0. Ind. am-IA-, ' sour*), which is usually regarded
as the weak form of dm-, * raw ' (0. Ind. ama-, Gk. i/fi6i).
§ 55. &-d. Examples of this interchange are Lat. cUrox for *adrox (Arm.
ateam, * I hate *) and odium ; scobo, to scrape (Gk. a/cdirrw, to dig) and acohis,
sawdust ; acuoy acus^ aciea, acer-hus (Gk. HKpos, Hom. dxpcr, a hill-top) and ocris
(Gk. oKpii, a point, 6/cpi6€iSj an epithet of unhewn stone in Homer), an Old
Latin word for a rugged hill. [Fest. 196. 17 Th. ocrem antiqui, ut Ateius
Philologus in libro Glossematorum refert, montem confragosum vocabant, ut
apud Livium :
sed qui sunt hi, qui asccndunt altum ocrim?
. . . unde fortasse etiam ocreae sint dictae inaequaliter tuberatae ; in Umbrian,
and Marrucinian the stem ocri- (Nom. Sg. ocar, in Umbrian) seems to bear the
sense of citadel] ; ancus, an Old Latin word for a person with a crook-elbow
(Paul. Fest. 15. 3 Th. ancus appellatur, qui aduncum bracchium habet, et
exporrigi non potest), which went out of use c. aoo B.C., to judge from the
fact that the word survives only in Portuguese anco, ' the elbow ' (Gk. dyxify
and dy KdKrf, 0. Ir. ecath, 'a hook,' from root ank-), and uncus, a hook, reduncum
braechixmi, aduncus unguis (Gk. oyxos, a hook) ; doceo and Gk. Ziddaitca for
*Zt-^K'OK0}. We have Oscan a, Latin 0 in totigere, a word used by Ennius,
declared by Aelius Stilo to be equivalent to noacere, and to be still employed
in the Praenestine dialect (Paul. Fest. 539. 5 Th. tougere nosse est, nam
Praenestini ^ tongitionem ' dicunt notionem. Ennius : alii rhetorica tongent.
Cf. Fest. 538. 9 Th. [tongere Aelius Sti]lo ait noscere esse), appearing in
Oscan in the noun tangion- with the sense of senientia, e.g. senateis tanginud,
* senatus sententia,' the cognate of our word ' think,' probably from a root
teng-. [Cf. the (, dialectal ?) variation of names like BlossiuSf Blassius ; Fabius,
Fobius.'\
m
§ 56. & and &. I. Eur. pag-, * to fasten ' (cf. p&i-) (Sanscr. piSa-, * cord,* Dor.
Gk. vdyvvfju and kvdyrjy, Mid. High. Germ, vuoge, ^deftness in fastening,* &c.,
Mod. G^erm. Fuge, and Goth, fagrs, * suitable),* IaI, pdngo (with a ; cf. com-pingo),
pepigi (from *p€'pdg-i) and com-pdges, pdciscor and pdc-em Ace. ; I.-Eur. sw&d-, * to
make pleasant * (0. Ind. sv^dati and sv&datS, Dor. Gk. dhonai and Hom. Gk.
€vdhov, dSoy Aor.), Lat. si4adeo ; I.-Eur. *nls-, ^ the nose,' probably Nom. n&s(s),
€^n. n&s-os (O. Ind. n&s- and n&s-, Lith. n6sis and 0. SI. nosu), 0. Lat ndasum,
class. Lat. ndsus (ch. ii. § 129), ndris; similarly Lat. sdgio, sdgus and sdgax
(Dor. Gk. kyiofjuu, Ir. saigim, * I seek,* Goth. sOkja, Germ, suche, 0. Engl.
86ce). The Latin words adgio and adgax were used of hounds on the track,
S 2
26o THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. IV.
whence praesdgio, to 'scent out' the future (Cic. Div, i. 65: cf. Ennius, A.
375 M. nare sagaci Sensit ; voce sua nictit ululatque ibi acuta) ; saga was
applied to an old match-maker, like Gyllis in the first Idyll of Herondas
(Non. S2. 34 M. sagae mulieres dicuntur feminarum ad libidinein vironim
indagatrices ; cf. Lucil. vii. 6 M. saga et bona conciliatrix). So Latin Ocer^ stem
dcri-y and acuo (Gk. dKpos, Lith. asztrii-s, &c., show I.-Eur. &) ; Lat. dcri- beside
Gk. ixpo- reminds us of Latin a&cri- {meres porci, pigs for sacrifice, Plant.)
beside aaoo-,
% 67. S and §. L-Eur. ^-, <to eat' (0. Ind. ad-, *to eat' and adyk-,
'eatable,' Gk. cdo/iat and k^rit&n^ Goth, itau and Ctum, Lith. 4d-^s Part, O. SI.
jad-u), Lat. Mo and Mi Perf. ; Lat. tex, Ug-is and Ugo, &c. ; L-Eur. r?g- * to stretch,
rule ' (0. Ind. rt^i-, * a row,' rij-, * a king,' 0. Ir. rigim, * I stretch,' ri, * a king*),
Lat. rigo, I rule, rhg-^ a king. This lengthening appears chiefly in Preterites,
e. g. 0. SI. ndsii, *I carried' (beside nfis^, *I carry),' Goth, s^tum, *we sat'
(beside sltam, * we sit*), O. Ir. ro midar, ' I judged * (beside midiur, * I judge,
think,' from the root mM- of Gk. fii^ofuu), and in the nouns derived from Verb-
stems like iSXf rSx, Tlie occurrence of the long vowel in some Present-forms
like Lith. ^d-mi, * I eat,' is probably due to the use of a Perfect-stem as
a Present (like Gk. di^oryo; Pres. from SoKuya Perf.X
§ 68 I and i. L-Eur. ♦wtro-, *a man' (O. Ind. vinl-, Lith. v^ras have 1 ;
O. Ir. for from ♦wiro-, Goth, vair from *wiro-, O. H. G. wor, Germ. Wer-wolf,
Engl, were-wolf and Lat. vir have 1) ; I.-Eur. *g«iro-, * lively ' (0. Ind. jlr*-, Lat.
vireo). But most examples of Latin i-t are really cases of i-ei, e, g, fides a,nd
idOf older feido (see § 13).
§ 60. 5 and o. The L-Eur. root oqS-, ' to see ' (Gk. Suf/ofuu and &tf/) appears in
Lat. dc-ulus ; the root Sd-, 'to smell ' (Gk. 65/^4, Arm. hot, and Gk. Sva-cuSi;;, Lith.
iidziu) in Lat. ddor ; nSg?-, ' naked ' (O. Ind. nagn^-, Ir. nocht, Goth. naqa)>8,
and Lith. niigas), in Lat. nudns for *nijv{t)dus ; 8len-, * the elbow ' (Gk. dtKhrj^
Goth, aleina, 'a cubit,' ^ell,' O. Ir. uile, uilenn Qen., W. elin, O. Engl, eln,
Engl, ell, el-bow) is Lat. idna for *5l({)na. As with 6 (varying with 6) we find
0 (varying with 6) in the Perfect-stem, in nouns derived from Verb-stems, &c.,
e. g. Gk. 6v-ojv-a, anf/.
§ 60. a and u. I.-Eur. ♦nu, *now,* from the root neu- of ♦newo-, *new'
(O. Ind. nil. Adv. and Particle, nunim, Gk. vd, yvy^ O. Ir. n5 and nil, a Verbal
Part, often used with the Present Tense, e.g. no chanim, ' I am singing.* Goth,
nu, O. Engl, nu, Germ, nun and sometimes nu, Lith. nii-gi, 0. SI. ny-nd',
Lat. nu-dius tertitts the day before yesterday, lit. * now the third day,* -num in
etiam-nuniy ke. ;Gk. Toi-yw)^ niin-c ; I.-Eur. lu- from the root leu-, ' to loose ' [Gk.
^ovXCrov-Sf , about the time of loosing* the oxen from the plough, towards
midday (Class. Rev. ii. 960 ; Schulze, Quaesi. Ep. p. 321), and Xirr<5s], Lat. so-ltltus ;
I.-Eur. sft-, * a sow * (O. Ind. su-kara-, Gk. vs, O. Engl, su), Lat. sUs and sil-cf rrfae,
*stercus suillxmi* (Fest. 439. 8 Th. ; cf. Paul. Fest. 433. s Th. ; Non. 175.
14 M.) (W. hw-ch, Goth, sw-ein, O. Engl. sw-In) ; I.-Eur. tfi, the accented
and the unaccented form of the 2nd Personal Pronoun (Gk. rv-v-rj and av, &c.\
Lat. tU (on til-quidem, see ch. iii. § 51) ; I.-Eur. pu-, *to rot* (Gk. ird^o;, Goth, fuls
ist, * he stinketh,' 0. Engl, ful, Engl, foul, Lith. puti ; Gk. trvoi for *irifaos)t Lat.
pQteo and piUer; I.-Eur. •fcuti-, *skin' (Gk. iy-tcvri and 0. Engl, hyd, Engl, hide,
O.H. G. hut, Germ. Haut), Lat. cHHs. But usually the alternation of u with H in
Latin is the alternation of I.-Eur. eu, ou with d, e. g. dHoo and dUx, ftigi and
§§ 67-62.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. VOWEL-GRADES. a6 1
fiigio (see § 23). The u-grade of eu-roots and the I-grade of ei-roots are
frequent before certain suffixes, especially the TO-suffix (ch. y. § 28), e.g.
I.-Eur. '^'lu-to- (Lat. ao-lutuB, Horn. fio\}-\\rr6v-^), though the u-grade and
I-grade are most common in the P. P. P., c. g. Gk. XC-r^; (t&.) (cf. d^rOium^
must boiled down, Plant. Pseud. 741, Mar. Vict. 24. 15 K. in defruto apicem
secundae syllabae imponere debetis, nam a defervendo et decoquendo fit tale ;
but dejrutum Virg. G, iv. 269). [See OsthofTs list of forms with i, u in Marph,
UrUera. vol. iv., such as Lat. fO-inua (I.-Eur. *dhu-mo-, O. Ind. dhu-m^), aOius
(Gk. yfo-KdrrvTOif O. Ind. syu-ti-), pu-ma, &c.]
§ 61. 8 and &. Cognate with O. Ind. asdn-, Lettish asins, ' blood,* is an
0. Lat. word aser^ blood, with a derivative *a8eratumf a mixture of wine and
blood (Paul. Fest. 12. 19 Th. assaratum apud antiquos dicebatur genus
quoddam potionis ex vino et sanguine tempcratum, quod Latini prisci sangui-
nem ^ assyr ' vocarent ; Gl. Philox. 23. 56 G. aser : atfio) which appears
with an e-sound in Greek (tap in the Cretan dialect, fxikav ttap Callimachus).
Another Old Latin word sacena, a priest's knife or axe, whose byform scSna
recalls the Irish word for a knife, scian (stem sc6n&-) (Fest. 466. 16 Th. scena ab
aliis ; a quibusdam ^ sacena ' appcllatur, dolabra pontificalia ; id. 488. 33 Th.
scenam genus [fuisse ferri] manifestum est, sed utrum securis an dolabra
sit, ambigitur. quam Cincius in libro qui est de verbis priscis, dolabram ait
esse pontificiam. Livius in Lydio :
corruit quasi ictus sc^na, haut mult<S secus)
may be, like another word for a priest's knife, secespita (Fest. 522. 4 Th. ; Paul.
Fest. 523. 3 Th. dicta autem est secespita a secando ; * Serv.' ad Aen, iv. 262)
derived from secoy to cut. 0. H. Ctorm. sahs, O. Engl, seax Neut, 'a knife,'
suggest connexion with Lat. saxum, Lat. aries, Gk. ipi-<f>os, is in Lithuanian
4ra8, ^ a lamb,* with 6, and has in Umbrian some e-sound, erietu Ace., so that
it has been suggested that Lat. a, Gk. c (but see § 51 on KtKdiorro with
d from root ^178-), may be weak grades of an e-root ; and the same explanation
might be given of aser and sacena. In several cases of Lat. a, Gk. c we have
a Gk. byform with 1, e.g. Lat. pateOf pando, Gk. ir€T6ypvfu and wiryrffu ; Lat.
quattuor (Osc. petcra^ Umbr. petur-), Dor. Gk. riroptsy Aeol. viavpts and Hom.
viavpts ; Lat. lapisj Gk. Aivos, and in Hesych Xi\p . . . virpa. Other examples
are: Lat. gradior, and gressua {0. SI. gr^d^ 'I come,' O. Ir. ingrennim, 'I
pursue,' from root grend-, Goth. gri))s, *a step*) ; Lat. magntu (cf. mdgiSy major,
ch. 11. § 55), Gk. /i^Tas (Goth, mikils, Arm. mec) ; Lat. nands-ccfTj nactus, Gk.
i-y^pe€iv (Lith. n^szti, ' to carry/ 0. SI. nesti, O. Ir. conicim, ' I am able ') ;
Lat lahiutny labrum (by analogy of lambo ?), 0. Engl, lippa from root leb- (?) ;
Lat. ^acies and gelu ; Lat. alnus, Lith. elksnis, O. SI. jelicha, O. H. G. elira and
erila, Gterm. Erie). Farcio (cf. freqiuns) shows &r (cf. confer{c)tu8)j perhaps by
metathesis (like Gk. tpaptcrds beside (ppaterSsi) (but see § 92).
§ 62. 6u-fta. Another example of *&us-, the weak grade of the L-£ur.
stem *Ous-, * mouth,* is aureaej whence, by composition with dgOf auriga (Paul.
Fest. 6. 27 Th. * aureax ' : auriga, * aureas ' enim dicebant frenum, quod ad
aures equorum religabatur ; ' orias ' quo ora cohercebantur, with an absurd
reference to auris, ear), a byform of oreae (Fest. 202. 23 Th. * oreae ' : freni
quod ori insoruntur . . . Naeviua in Hariolo :
deprindi autem le<Sni st obdas dreas,
a6a THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. IV.
like our proverb * to beard a lion ') ; ausHum (C. /. L. i. 1463) (0. Pruss. austixii
• mouth,' 0. Ind. 6§tha-, * lip *), a byform of GsHum (Lith. taUn, * mouth of river/
Lett. Osta, * harbour'). (Schmidt, Pluralb. p. asi.)
Y, W.
§ e3, Y. I.-Eur. initial y is represented in Greek sometimes
by the rough breathing, e.g. Taic-ti;do9, from I.-Eur. *yuwnt-,
sometimes by f, e.g. Cvy6v (I.-Eur. *ytlgo-), the same letter as
we find used for an initial y- or yy-sound which has developed
from an original dy-, e.g. Zevs (I.-Eur. *Dy8u-). But in Latin
both these kinds of I.-Eur. y are represented by /, as we write
the letter, but, as the Romans wrote it, i, Q.g. jt^venc-us^jv^um.
The question whether this j was pronounced like a consonantal
spirant (j^), or like the half- vowel % is discussed in ch. ii. § 48. In
the middle of a word it is often difficult to say whether the
original form of the sound, the * Indo-European form,' as we call
it, is more correctly expressed by the spirant y, or by the vowel
i (oriy, ij, ay,&c.). This would no doubt often depend upon the
preceding consonant or consonant-group. The I.-Eur. word for
* middle,' for example, we write *m5dhyo- (cf. O. Ind. mddhya-,
Gk. fx^(r((r)os, Goth, midjis, O. SI. me2da, ' the middle ') ; the
word for ' paternal/ *patrio- or *pfltriyo- (*patriio-, *patr8yo-)
(cf. O. Ind. pitriya-, Gk. irirptos). In Latin, this suffix -yo-,
-io- appears as -20-, mMius^ p&trius, though a word like sdciii^
gives us a clue that -yo- may often have been the original form.
Tor in this word the qu of the root seq--, * to follow, accompany'
(Lat. ftequor), has become c in the derivative with this suffix, and
with the o-grade of the root ; and this would not have happened
unless qS (Lat. qu) had preceded a consonant (§ 116) (cf. Gk.
i'oaa-rjTrjp from *6(r(ro- for *soq*yo-); so that the word originally
socyO' has become in time a trisyllable, ^socio-.
At a later period, owing to that wave of Syncope which, as
we saw, passed over Late and Vulgar Latin, this Adjective-
ending -iuSy and similar dissyllabic endings, were reduced to
single syllables, the i (now become t/) merging itself in the
preceding consonant and giving it a palatal character, e.g. Tititis
became ^Titifus, and then something like *TiUus ; the * * lost
SS es.J REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. Y, W. 263
itself in a sibilant sound/ as a fifth-century grammarian puts it
(perdit sonum suum et accipit sibilum ; see eh. ii. § 90 ; also § 151).
It is this palatalization of a consonant before an a, reduced to
y^ which has made many Romance words, especially French, so
imlike their Latin originals, e.g. Fr. bras from Lat. hraechium^
through *braccy-; ni^e from neptia^ through *netty-; ache
from opium ^ through *apy-; rage from r&bies, rabia, through
*raby- ; singe from simia^ through *simy- (see ch. iii. § 13). The
history of the suffix -yo- in Latin is very like that of the suffix
-I0-. After a consonant both developed a parasitic vowel ;
*saC'yO' became *S0C'iy0'j sociu^^ as ^oc^lo^ (from root oq"-)
became *oc-olo-, oculus ; and this vowel was in both cases
absorbed by syncope at a later period, ^soc-yus^ *oclus (whence
the Romance forms, e.g. Ital. occhio). Between vowels y was
dropped in Latin, e.g. I.-Eur. *eya-, the Fem. of the Demonstra-
tive (Goth, ija Ace.) is Latin ^ (so in Umbro-Osc., Umbr. eo, ea,
Osc. iu, io ; von Planta, i. p. 175). Causative Verbs, which
ended in I.-Eur. in -eyo (e.g. O. Ind. man&ya-mi from root man-,
the I.-Eur. root men- ; Gk. </)o)8^a) from root </>e)8-), end in Latin
in -w, e. g. mdneOy I remind, ' cause to remember,' from root men-
of mindni for ^nie-men^i^ I remember. On the weakening of
-yS- to 1 in I.-Eur. and in Latin (e.g. ab-icio)^ see § 51, p. %^6,
The intervocalic j [y) which we find in major^ aio^ &c. (pro-
nounced * m&yyor,' ' ayyo,' ch. ii. § 55), has arisen through
suppression (or assimilation) of h (for I.-Eur. gh) before y. In
the first syllable y is not found after any consonant in Latin,
except rf, and that only in the older period, e.g. O. Lat. Diovem^
classical Jdvem (from dySu-, O. Ind. Dyaus, Gk. Zev;, while
Lat. dies shows a bystem *dieu-, O. Ind. Diyaus), though how
far this j (y) of Jovem (for yy-, I.-Eur. dy-, Gk. f-) differed at
any time in pronunciation from the j oijuvenis (I.-Eur. y-: Gk. *-)
and from the J of jv^um (I.-Eur. y-, Gk. f-), we cannot say.
All these have developed to the same sound in the Romance
languages, e.g. Ital. Giove, g^ovane, giogo (with the sound of our
j or -dge in 'judge*).
The Oscan orthography shows both ii and i for intervocalic
i (y), though the paucity of the remains of the language makes
it impossible to determine how far this was arbitrary or reflected
264 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. IV.
the actual pronunciation, e.g. diiviiai *' diviae,' mefial * mediae' ;
heriiad is 3 Sg. Pres. Subj. of the verb and heriam Ace. Sg. of
the noun derived from her-, *to wish' (I.-Eur. gheb-). The
presence of the ^-soimd is indicated by the doubling of a pre-
ceding consonant after the accented vowel, e.g. medikkiai ^med-
diciae ' Dat. Sg., SraTTtijis * Statii * Gen. Sg., Fettio-^ &c. In
the Oscan dialect of Bantia this y-sound is merged in the pre-
ceding consonant, e.g. Bansae 'Bantiae,' alio 'alia' (see von
Planta, i. p. 165). [Cf. Pel. S (ch. ii. § 51), written 9 in Musesa.]
§ 64. I. -Eur. initial y. I.-Eur. ♦yuwnio- (O. Ind. yuvaSA-, Gk. 'riuc-ivOotf
O. Ir. Oac, Welsh ieuanc, Gaul. Jovincillus, Goth, juggs for *juvunga-,
O. Engl, geong)) Lat. juvencus^ with its cognates jikv^is (O. Ind. yuvan-),
Jiiventa (Goth, junda, Engl, youth), &c ; I. -Eur. *yugo-, (0. Ind. yugam, Gk.
ivySy, Goth, juk, Engl, yoke, O. SL igo for *yigo, *yugo), Lat. jOgunij from the
root yeug-, * to join' (O. Ind. yuj-, Gk. (tvyw/Uf Lith. jimgiu, * I yoke *), Lat. iun^ ;
I.-Eur. *yu8- (0. Ind. yusa-, Gk. iv-fitj for *fu<r-/ii;, leaven, Lith. juszd), Lat.
jusy broth, while Lat. jus, law, older jous, is L-Eur. *yeu8- (O. Ind. y^s,
* welfare ') ; L-Eur. yi-, * to go,* formed by adding the suffix & to i-, the weak
grade of the root ei-, *to go* (O. Ind. yft-, 'to go,* Litii. j<Sti, *to ride,' O. SI.
jad) appears in Lat. jd-nxtOy a door, Jdnuarius. (On the tendency to give Latin
a after initial J the open e-sound, whence Yulg. Lat. ^Jenuaritis, see ch. ii. § i.)
Similarly Lat. jdcus with I.-Eur. y6- (cf. Lith. jiikas, * ridicule,' with I.-Eur.
yO-, B. B, xviii. 255) (cf. § 59 above). On riBn (Plant. ; cf. litn) and r^ see
Prise, i. 149. 7 H. On Yulg. Lat. qu'^CjUMSj ch. ii. § 151, and cf. ch. iii. § 11
on par(t)«s.
§ 65. I.-Eur. y preceded by a consonant, (i) In the first syllable : —
This y has been dropped in the Latin derivatives from I.-Eur. roots like syu-,
*to bow' (O. Ind. syu-, Gk. Ka-acvw^ a compound with icar(d), Goth, siujan,
O. Engl, seowian, Lith. siuti, O. SI. Siti), Lat. «no ; ♦ghy6s-, * yesterday * (O. Ind.
hyils, Gk. x^^^ » cf. Goth, gistra-dagis), Lat. hiri, with Adj Mster-nus ; though
it is possible that there were sometimes I.-Eur. byforms without y (cf. O. Ind.
sti-tra-, * thread,' also used, in the sense of ^clue,' for ritual and grammatical
text-books, the Siltras). So Lat. apuo (Gk. miojj Lith. spiduju, O. SI. pljuj%t ^O-
There is a similar doubt about dy-. It may have lost the dental at a very early
period, for we have loves (* Jovios * ?) on the ancient Dvenos inscription, and
it is not possible to prove that the form Diovem had gone out of use by the
time that the form JUvem came in (cf. Diouem, C. I.L. i. 57, louei, i. 56, both on
old Praenestine mirrors). Diovem may quite well have come from a byform
♦dXyfiw-, as 0. Lat. sies from *8iyes (O. Ind- siyis), a byform of ♦syCs, (O. Ind.
sy^s) and have been discarded in course of time for the other * doublet '
*dy6w- Jovem.
(2) In other syUables : — Y after a consonant in other syllables than the
first became vocalic in Latin. Thus after p we find y becoming r in Greek in
verbs formed with the suffix -yo- (-iyo-), e. g. Tinr-Tw for *Twir-ya;, x«^ •'"-'»*•' for
*Xa^<i'-!/tt' ; but in Latin these verbs appear with -pio, e. g. cdpiOy aapio ; after
n we find y producing epenthesis in Greek, e. g. ficdvw for ♦g5m-y6, root gHem-,
but not in Latin, e. g. v^nio. But -§hy-, as has been mentioned, became Ay,
a 64-68.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. Y, W. ^6.5
then y or rather yy, e. g. aio, pronounced *ayyo, and often written aiio (ch. i.
§ 7), from figh-, * to say.'
§ 66. I.-Eur. 7 between vowels. The Nom. PI. of I-stems shows I.-Eur.
-6y6s, e. g. I.-Eur. *treye8 from the stem tri-, * three' (O. Ind. tniyas), '^'ghosteyes
from the stem ghosti-, * a stranger ' (0. SI. gostije), in Latin -fs for -*e-eSf e. g.
tr^, fiostSs. In the words dhsnusj ahSneus the letter h indicates the hiatus caused
by the dropping of y of I.-Eur. *ay6s-, * metal/ *aye8-no-, * made of metal *
(0. Ind. iyas-), like h in the Umbrian atahu for *stfi-yo, * I stand * (Lat. sto).
Like Lat. sid for *std-yo (Lith. pa-st6-ju), arejleo for *//?-yo (O. SI. blS-j§), neo for
*nS-yo, Sic, where the similar vowels a and 0 are blended into one sound, but
the dissimilar, e and 0, remain in hiatus. Similarly Lat, formo for */orfnd'yOf
from forma (stem ybrmS-), and other ist Conj. verbs from ist Decl. nouns,
like Gk. rifuj, for riftd-m, *Ti/A(lycjy from riftiif Dor. rifjA (stem rt^id-).
§ 67. Latin j. Any i which has been developed by the phonetic changes
of the language is treated in much the same way as I.-Eur. y. Thus the group
8j- {sy-) has been produced by the union imder one accent of the two words
si audes. The j {y) is dropped, like I.-Eur. y in suo, in the form aSdes, a form
which seems to have come into use in the period between Plautus and Terence.
For Plautus has the full si audes, e. g. Poen. 757 mitte &d me, si audes, h<Sdie
Adelphasium tuam, but Terence the shortened form, e.g. Andr. 85 die,
sodes. Internal j (y) after a consonant becomes vocalic in nunc-iam (3 sylL
Plaut.), and between two vowels disappears in lUgae for *hi-jigae from hi- and
jugum. On aljScio, dbjtciOf cibkio see ch. iii. § 18, ch. ii. § 48, ch. i. § 7.
§ 68. W. I.-Eur. initial w is represented in Latin by the
sound which we write r, and which the Romans wrote w. (On the
spelling and on the pronunciation of the letter, see ch. ii. § 48), e.g.
I.-Eur. *wegho, ' I carry' (O. Ind. vdha-mi, Gk. {F)oxos, Pamph.
F€xa), O. Ir. fen for *fegn, * a waggon,* W. gwain, Goth, ga-viga,
Germ, be-wege), Lat. ve//d. The suffix wo- after a consonant was
perhaps, like the suffix yo- (§ 63), vocalic in early Latin, e.g.furvus
for early *fusuo8 (§ 148 ; ct.fus-cus), Minerua^ a quadrisyllable in
Plautus (BaccL 893) ; though Syncope, like that which reduced
THivs, &c. to ^Tiiyu9^ reduced aruum^ lama, mlluus (all trisyllabic
in Plautus) to arvum, larva^ milvus. Between vowels v remains,
e. g. at'W, ^rw ; but in the unaccented syllable we find u for di\
ev, dv^ e.g. den?io for de novo (see ch. iii. § 24), and before the accent
V is often dropped, e.g. seormm (and aorsum) for sevorsum, especially
between similar vowels, e. g. O. Lat. di(v)inns, ld{y)dbrum (see ch.
ii. § 53), After a consonant in the initial syllable, w is dropped
in piu9 for ^pw-iyo- (?) from the same root as jmrus, but remains
(like y) after d, e. g. O. Lat. dvonus, Buenos, duellum ; though at
the beginning of the literary period this dv- passed into i-, e. g.
h}inu%i hini^ helium. Side by side with dissyllabic duanus, duellum
%66 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. IV.
we find trisyllabic duonus, duellum^ just as in I.-Eur. we have
duw- and dw- in the words for ' two ' (O. Ind. duvi, and dva,
Gk. bvoa and H{F)U, Lat. duo and bU)^ * dog ' (O. Ind. iuvdn- and
svfin-, 6k. KVMif and Lith. szS). And side by side with I.-Eur.
*twoi, the Locative case of the 2nd Pers. Pron. Sg. we have the
unaccented form *toi (O. Ind. tv^ and te, Gk. <roC and roi), so that
it is often difficult to say when the I.-Eur. form has dropped w,
when it has w, and when it has uw (aw), and to determine when
the w has been dropped in the * I.-Eur. period ' and when in the
^ Latin period.' An S has been turned into d through the influ-
ence of a preceding w in the group sw6-, e.g. sdrar (I.-Eur.
*sw6sor-), sdcer (I.-Eur. *8wgtttro-), &c. (see § lo). Before a con-
sonant (1, r) I.-Eur. w is dropped in Latin, e.g. radix for *wrad- (cf .
Goth, vaurts, Engl. wort). On the weakening of unaccented wS
to tl in I.-Eur., e. g. *pSrut(i) (O. Ind. parut, Gk. -nipvai) from
the root wSt- (Gk. Fdros^ a year, Lat. vituij^ and in Latin, e. g.
con-ciUio for ^-queiio^ see § 51, and onferbuiiorfervui^ ch. ii. § 52.
Latin r often represents I.-Eur. g^, gh? (see §§ 139, 143), both
initial, e. g. v^nio for *gHmy6 from the root g^em- (Gk. lialv(Oy
O. Ind. gam-, Goth, qima, Engl, come), and between vowels,
e. g. nXv-em Ace. for *nigh«m (Gk. rf<^a Ace, W. nyf) from the
root sneigh-- (e. g. O. Ir. snechta, Goth, snaivs, Lith. snaigyti, * to
snow,' O. SI. snegii, * snow ').
In Umbro-Osc. there are separate symbols in the native
alphabets for the consonantal and for the vocalic U-sound
(written in our transcription v and u respectively). The rules
for the use of uv and v in Umbr. have not yet been determined ;
we have arvia and (once) aruvia, vatuva (never *vatva), &c. (see
von Planta, i. p. 180).
§ 68. L-Eur. initial w. The L-Kur. root weld-, ^ to know, to see* (O. Ind.
vMa, Arm. gitem, Gk. fot^ O. Ir. fiadaim, Ooth vait, O. Engl, wftt, Engl,
wot, O. SL yid^ti, * to see/ v<&d$ti, ' to know ') appears in Lai. rSdeo ; the I.-Enr.
^ei&- ;0. Ind. viS-, veSa-, 6k. olmos, Ooth. veihs, O.Sl. T!ai\ in Latin riocs ;
the conjunction •wS, * or* ,0. Ind. ▼&, Gk. ^^(fi\ Lat. -rt ; the root wert-, * to
turn ' ^O. Ind. vart% Goth, rair^ Engl. * woe worth the day/ W. gwerthyd,
' a spindle/ Lith. TariaCi, O. SL Tratiti Inf.) in Lat. verto. Similarly Lat. rito, rifis
,0. Ind. vi-, Lith. v:^i, O. SI. viti, Ir. ftith, * woodbine/ W. gwydd-fid) ; Lat
TfHus, with ff for hi ,§ ^S\ (Goth. ToUa, Engl, wool, Lith.Tilno8, O.SLidiinal ;
Lat. rf^THs p. Ir. fir, W. gwir, Goth. tnz-TCijan, * to doubt,' O. EngL wwp, 'true,'
Gi^rm.wahr; ef. Lith. T#ri^ ^fidth/ O.SL T^xa^ ; Lat. nsqw (O. Engl, wmp and
S§ ea-71.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. Y, W. 267
wseps, 0. SI. Yosa) ; Lat. ifirus (O. Ind. vtMi-, Gk. i6i for flffos) ; Lat. vSmo (O. lud.
vam-, Gk. ifx4w for *f€t*-t Lith. vemiu).
§ 70. I.-Bur. w (and Latin v) between vowels. I.-Eur. *g!!iwo-, * alive '
[O. Ind. jIvA-, W. byw, O. Ir. bin, Goth, qius, 0. Engl, cwicu- (with -c- deve-
loped before u', Engl, quick, Lith. gyvas, O. Si. zivu] is Lat vivus ; I.-£ur.
♦nfiwo-, 'new* (O. Ind. niva-, Gk. yi(f)oij O. SI. novii) is Lat. nHvua ; I.-Eur.
*n6wn, * nine * (O. Ind. niva, Gk. Jy-Wo, O. Ir. noi, W. naw, Goth, niun) is Lat.
ruivem ; I.-Eur. ♦yuwnio-, f O. Ind. yuvaSd-, Gk. Toic-ii^o?, Gaul. Jovinc-illus,
W. ieunnc) is Lat. jUvencus. Similarly Lat. davia (Gk. ic\rj{f)is) ; Lat. Kr/r,
better ?amr, brother-in-law (O. Ind. d6vAr-, Arm. taigr, Gk. Mijf) from *iatf€^) ;
Lat. aetum (Gk. al(f)^, Goth, aivs, O. Engl, w) ; Lat, laevus (Gk. Aai(f )<5$).
The question of the change of the ending -vos to -vus and -us is a difficult
one. The most natural explanation of the change of deivos to deua (the form
in ordinary use as early as Plautus) is that given in § 33 (through *de{t)us),
which takes for granted that -vos became -vus when -os became -us (§ 17) [cf.
FlatM on a coin of aoo-150 b.c (C./. L. i. 277), Onaeusy bourn, coum and cohum
($ 19)], and seems to conflict with the fact that the spelling -vo- (with -qtto-f
-guo-^' is retained to the end of the Republic. But it is by no means clear that
the spelling vo did not represent the sound vu, the spelling vo being preferred
to w, because this last might be confused with the sound H ;ch. i. § 9) or uv.
Velius Longus (first cent. a. d.) expressly asserts this (58. 4 K.) : a plerisque
suporiorum * prim it i vus' et * adopt ivus' et * nominativus * per v et o scripta
sunt, scilicet quia sciebant vocales inter se ita confundi non posse ut unam
syllabam [non] faciant, apparetque eos hoc genus nominum aliter scripsisse,
alitor enuntiasse. Nam cum per o scriberent, per u tamen enuntiabant.
The tendency to re-insert the v from other cases and cognate words, divo,
divos, div{ij &c. would interfere from time to time with the natural develop-
ment of the sound. (Cf. § 67 on abjeciOj ahjicio and ahicio.) On Republican
inscrr. we find v in ivekta (C. 7. L, i. 120s), &c., where w {uv) is the ortho-
graphy of the Augustan age, but that this always represents the pronunciation
(as in Pdcu{v)ius also written Pdquius ; KZ«/(r)tM>8, cf. Galen x. 364) is unlikely.
[For examples of the spellings vo, w, v (w, tti, wr, w), and for a fuller discussion
of the treatment of intervocalic v in Latin, see Solmsen, Stud, LatUg, sect, iii.]
The process of Syncope affected at various periods intervocalic v in different
ways. Under the early Accent Law *dn-spex was reduced to atispex (^cf.
au-cepsjj *mvtta (Lith. gywatk ; cf. Gk. fiiorrj) to vita, &c. ; imder the Paenul-
tima Law *iiridSre became auderej &c. ; in the period of the Early Literature
aevdaa became aetcUj Hvidus became UduSj praevides became praedesy &c ; while
four-syllabled words with the first, second, and third syllables short, which
were in the second cent. b.o. still accented on the first syllable (ch. iii. § 8),
may have suffered syncope within the literary period or at a much earlier
time, e. g. Aulius from AuUios (C. J. L. i. 83, Praeneste). (On the loss of -v-
through Syncope see ch. iiL § 16. 9.',
§ 71. I.-Ear. w after a consonant, (i) In the first syllable : — Latin a^us
(Goth, svers, * honourable* ; Germ, schwer, * heavy *) is from the root swer-, * to
weigh ' (Lith. 8ve?ti) ; for Latin si we have in Oscan svai, in Umbr. sve ;
Latin sUdus is connected with Lith. svid^ti, * to shine * ; Lat. suj-fio^ to fumigate,
with Gk. OvtOf from I. -Eur. *dhw-iy6. But swft- is Lat. md- in swxcis (a trisyl-
lable in Vulg. Lat., cf. Ital. soave ; Servius ad Am. i. 357 says that many
persons in his day made mddei a trisyllable). Lat. dis-, apart, asunder, seems
a68 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Oliap. IV.
to be I.-Eur. *dl8-, a byform of *dw!8 (Lat M#, 0. Lat. dttia), as L-Eor. *toi
(unaccented) was a byform of *twoi (accented), though some regard Lat. cUa
AH the direct descendant of I.-£ur. '^dwis, and O. Lat. duis (class, bis) as the
descendant of I.-£ur. ^diiwis. Sdriumy a kiss, seems to represent 8{u)dvium,
On 80S, kc. for suoSj ke., see oh. vii. § la.
(2) In other syllables : — Internal -dw- becomes -v- in suavis for *stiad^fri8 ;
*derviosus, later derbiosus (see ch. ii. § 52), for *der-diH-08o- (O. Ind. dardu- ; of.
Engl, tetter). VHduus does not show I.-Eur. -dhw-, but -dhfiw-, for it repre-
sents L-Eur. ♦wIdh6wo- (O. Ind. vidhAva-, Gk. ^'{f)iO€(f)oi, O. SI. vidova,
'widow.*) Postconsonantal u, later r, is in Vulgar and Late Latin dropped
before the accent in Jan(tj)ant«, Febr(v)arius, haU{v)ere, con8(t?)erc, quattiv)ordecim,
coniin(y^ariy whence Ital. Gennajo, Febbrajo, quattordici, &c (see ch. ii. § 54),
like V between vowels before the accent (see above). The suffix -uo- remains
dissyllabic in the classical form of words like mortuus (0. SI. mritvil). So
quathtor \0. Ind. catv&ras, Lith. ketveri, O. SL Cetvero) ; Unuis (O. Ind. tanvi
F,\ g^nua (Zend, zanva, Lesb. Gk. y6wa for *yoyfa)y though tenvia, gmva are
found in classical poetry, and in the first cent. a. d. tenuis is declared to
have wavered between a dissyllable and a trisyllable (Gaesellius ap. Cassiod.
vii. 205 K.). Late-Lat. mortvus, &c. (ch. ii. § 48) became mortusy &c. ^Ital.
morto\ as rivus, &c., rius.
dw-, duw-. Dudiius (DuiU- ?\ consul of 260 b. c, was the first to change his
name to BeUius (Cic. Orai. Iv. 153 ; cf. Quint, i. 4. 15); duontts seems to be a
trisyllable in the Saturnian fragments (cf. ch. ii. § 141 n), viz. C. I, £. i. 32 :
duon<Sro <Sptumo fuise uiro, and Naevius (?) ap. Feat. 532. 22 Th. : simul
duona corum p6rtant ad nAuis, dudlum to be a disyllable (Aem. Lepidus'
inscr. ap. Caes. Bass. 265. 25 K. : duello migno dirim^ndo, r§gibus sabigi6ndis),
as it always is in Plautus (e. g. Amph. 189 ; extincto duello mtoumo), whereas
Ennius has {A. 168 M.") : pars occidit ilia duellis, a scansion imitated by later
poets. ;,0n O. Lat. duis, dui- for bis, bi- see ch. vi. § 59 ; on du- in glosses,
see LOwe, Prodr, p. 363, and add DueBonoj C. G. L. ii. 56. 34.)
§ 72. I.-Bur. w before % consonant. Lat. Uquo, Hquor stand for *Wi9- (O. Ir.
fiiucli, * wet *) ; Lat. r^ipens may be a Pres. Part, of I.-Eur. wr6p- (Gk. ^w«, to
fall ; cf. Lith. virp^ti, *to tremble*) (but see ch. viiL § 18).
§ 73. My N. In Sanscrit various kinds of nasals are dis-
tinguished in writing. The palatal n (made palatal by the
preceding j) of yajna-, 'worship^ (Gk. hyvos^ holy) is written
differently from the cerebral n (made cerebral by the preceding
r) of nirmimi, ' I crush, annihilate' (Gk. fxapvaimt Mid.). And in
(irreek, owing to the fact that y before v of ytyvoiiaij &c. had
t»ome to take the sound of the Agma (see eh. ii. § 63), ^yinvoyuai
(cf. Dor. yivo/jiat), y was used to express the guttural nasal,
e. g. &yKvpa, iyyvs, though in inscriptions we often find ivKvpa^
iryvs. But in Latin we have only the symbols itf, h (see ch. iL
§ 63, and on their pronunciation, ch. ii. § 6 1 ). Before a consonant,
though sometimes omitted on inscriptions, they were not dropped
in correct speech. Xfy jf/<ei, spoon (cf. O. Ir. liag, W. Uwy), is not the
« 72, 73.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. M, N. 269
same word as linffilla, strap ; *nepe in Plautus should be corrected
to nemp{e), (For other instances, see Skutsch, Forsch. i. § 2.)
M. I.-Eur. m is Latin m^ whether initial, e. g. I.-Eur, *mater-
(O. Ind. matdr-. Arm. mair. Dor. Gk. fJLdrrjp^ O. Ind. mathir,
O. H. G. muoter, O. Engl, modor, Lith. mote, ' wife,' O. SI. mati),
Lat. mater ^ or internal, e.g. from I.-Eur. root wem- (O. Ind.
vam-, Gk. (F)€fJL€(i), Lith. vemaiai, PL), Lat. vdmo; I.-Eur.
♦termen- (O. Ind. tdrman-, Gk. T4pfjLa>v), Lat. termd, terminus ;
I.-Eur. rump-, ' to break ' (O. Ind. lumpami), Lat. rumpo, or final,
e, g. I.-Eur. -m of the Ace. Sg., as in I.-Eur. *t5m (O. Ind. t&n,
Gk. Tov, Goth. )?an-a, Lith. t|, O. SI. tii), O. Lat. is-tom^ class.
Lat. is-tum. Before ^ (i), t^ *, r/, c we find n in qudniam (for
quomjam^ and originally used in a temporal sense 'when now,'
* now that,' ch. x. § 13), quan^ei, C, L L, i, 200. 27 (on j'w^', see
ch. X. § 11), altrin-s^ciis, centum from I.-Eur. *Inntom (Lith.
szimtas), septen-trimes (lit. * the seven oxen,' according to Aelius
Stilo and Varro, who regarded the -trio not as a mere termina-
tion, but as a rustic word for an ox, Gell. ii. 21), septen-decim, nunc
(from num, now, which survives in etiamnum in a temporal
sense, but usually has the interrogative sense of 'now,' as in
our ' now is this the case ? ', ' now is that true ? ^ where ' now '
has something of the dubitative significance of Lat. num), princeps
for *prtm(i)'Ceps ; though a traditional spelling is often used,
e.g. numcubi, qnamtus, O. Lat. qiiamde, than, &c. (see ch. ii. § 61).
Ap 18 inserted to facilitate the pronunciation of these groups in
sumptus, 9u?npsi for sumtn^, sunm, exemplum for ^exemlum, &c.
I.-Eur. mr is Latin hr in htbermis from ^AiMno- (§ 13), (Gk.
XeiM^pti^os), but initial mr probably became in Latin /r. On the
loss of final -urn by elision in sed from older sedum, nihil from
nihiluni, &c., see ch. iii. § 52.
Latin m represents an original n before a labial, &c., e.g.
impello for inpello, an original labial before n, e. g. scamnum from
the root skabh-, * to support,' with Diminutive scabellum. It is
sometimes lost in a consonant-group, e. g. forceps for ^form(i)'Ceps^
irom/brmns, warm.
I.-Eur. m is Umbro-Osc. m, e. g. Umbr. matter, Osc. maatreis
' matris.' Final -m is usually dropped in Umbrian (see von
Planta, i. pp. 301, 570).
a70 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [OhAp. IV.
§ 74. I.-Bar. m ; other examples. I.-Eur. *mMhyo- (0. Ind. midhya-, Gk.
fUa{ff)osj Jr. medOn, Hhe middle/ Goth, midjls, O. SI. mezda, Hhe middle') is
Lat. mSdius ; I.-Eur. root men-, ^ to think ' (O. Ind. man-, miLnman-, Hhought/
O. Ir. men-me, Hhought,' O. H. G. minna, 'remembrance/ Lith. menti, *I
remember ') appears in Lat. m^ini for *me'men-iy mens, &c. Similarly Lat.
na (O. Ind. mim, Gk« /ic, Ir. mi, Goth, mi-k) ; Lat. sSmi- (O. Ind. s&mi-, Gk.
^fu-) ; Lat. fidmo (Goth, guma, Engl, groom, bride-groom) ; Lat. cuniy com-j with
(O. Ir. com-) ; Lat. morsy mortis (O. Ind. mrti-, Lith. mirtls, O. SI. su-miiti ; cf.
Goth. niaur]>r, ' murder * ) ; Lat./i7mus (O. Ind. dhum^-, Lith. dumai, PI., O. SI.
dymu).
§ 76. n for m. Lat. con-tra from com ; quon-dam from quom ; vinuiv-do, class.
vfndoy from vino-, sale (cf. Gk. Stvos), lit. ' to put or make sale/ like venum eo,
class. vSneo, lit. ' to go to sale ' (cf. pessum do, to ruin, and peaswn eo, to be
ruined). On the spellings damdum, damdam {C, I, L. i. 9o6. 17. 49,) &c.
see ch. ii. § 64.
§ 76. L-Eiir. ms. In Lat. tSnSbrae (Plur., like O. Ind. tdm^si, Russ. sumerki)
from the I. -Eur. root tem- (Lith. t^mti, Ho grow dark*, Ir. tem, 'dark/ temel,
* darkness *) the n seems to be due to the influence of 5, for O. Ind. t&D[iisrft.
O. H. G. dinstar, Germ, finster, show that ^temisra- or ♦fewwrd- was the old form
of the stem in Latin. The m remains in tSmSre Loc., ' in the dark ' (ch. ix. § 5)
(cf. O. Ind. timas- from I.-Eur. ^tSmes-, 'darkness, 'and Germ. Dammerung).
Another example of I.-Eur. -ms- (mes-?) is Lat. HmSms (Umbr. onso-,
O. Ind. 4^-, Arm. us, Gk. SffMSy Goth, ams), and perhaps Lat. nUmSriM^
Numerius (cf. Numisiusy O.Lat. ^u»mmo-, Oscan Niumsio-) ; and another example
of -msr- is Lat. membrum for *mem8-ro- (cf. Gtoth. mimz, * flesh,' O. SI. m^o ; also
Gk. tiTjp6s for nrjffpo-, the thigh, O. Ind. m^-, ' flesh/ Arm. mis.) The fewness
and the contrariety of these instances make it difficult to decide how I.-Eur.
•ms- was treated in Latin. Latin -ma- became ns, e. g. con-sentio, con-sUio, &c.,
from com-, where the m might be regarded as the final letter of a separate
word, but mpSf e. g. sumpsiy dempsiy where the m could not be so regarded.
(On the spellings sumpsiy sumsij &c., hiems, hiempsy see Brambach, Lat. Orth.
p. 248 ; the Roman grammarians approve of sumpsi, &c., but not of hiemps.)
§ 77. I.-Eur. mr, ml are equally difficult to trace in Latin. They are
represented by 0py 0\ in Greek when initial, e. g. fiporSsy fikiiaxwy ^kirroi (from
ft^Ai), by ii&py fifik when medial, e.g. d/tfiporosy /xi/tBkotKa. In Irish we find
initial mr- to be an early spelling, which was changed later to br-, e.g.
mraich, * malt,* later braich, from a stem *mr&ci-, and similarly ml-, later bl-,
e.g. mlicht, blicht, 'milk.' The Latin /races, olivelees, seems to be the same as
this Irish word mraich, in which case fr- will be the Latin equivalent of
I.-Eur. mr- (for other examples, see Osthofif, Morph, Unters. v. 85), and the b of
htbemusy tUbery a swelling, a truffle (from tumeoy to swell), will be like the h of
rtiber, &c. (§ 114), for which / is found in other dialects, e.g. Umbr. rufro-.
[Ital. tartufo, 'truffle,' lit. ' earth- mushroom,' from terra and taber, a name
borrowed by the Germans in the eighteenth cent, for the potato, Kartoffel,
shows that the dialectal form of tuber had/ (ch. ii. § 83)]. The long vowel in
hibemusy tuber might then be explained like the long i of ir\ferOy infHngOy &c,
(ch. ii. § 144), and the original forms would be *Aim/Wno-, tUn^ro: On the
other hand the analogy of other languages and the connexion of m and b in
5$ 74-78.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. M, N. 271
Latin would make us expect to find Latin br as the equivalent of I. -Eur.
initial mr-. A further difficulty is caused by gSnerf a word which it is hard
to dissociate from Gk. ya/ji0p6sy with n{e)r for -mr-. I.-Eur. medial -ml-
appeara in exemplum for *ex-em-2o-, lit. * something taken out/ with a euphonic
p inserted, while a vowel seems to have intervened between m and 1 in irimu'
lu8y tiimtdtUj &c. (ch. v. § 21).
§ 78. N. I.-Eur. n is in Latin », whether (1) initial, e.g. I.-Eur.
*nSwo-, *newio-, *new' (O. Ind. ndva-, nivya-, Ann. nor, Gk. v^osj
O. Ir. nue, Gaul. Novios, W, newydd from *noviyo-, Goth, niujis,
O.Engl, neowe, Lith. naajas, O. SI. novii), Lat. ndvus^ NSviiis^ or
(2) internal ; e.g. the I.-Eur. root sSn-, * old ^ (O. Ind. s&na-, Arm.
hin, Gk. ivt] koL via^ O. Ir. sen, W. hen, Goth, sineigs, sinista
Superl., Lith. senas) appears in Lat. sSnex, senior^ the root angh-,
^to choke' (O. Ind. ^has-, *need,* Arm. anjuk, * narrow,' Gk. ayx<«>,
O. Ir. cum-ung, * narrow,^ Goth, aggvus, * narrow,' Engl, anger,
Lith. anksztas, * narrow,' O. SI. ^ztlktl) in Lat. ajigo^ angor^
angustus^ or (3) final ; e. g. the I.-Eur. preposition *§n (Gk. h^ O. Ir.
in, Goth, in, Lith. \) Lat. In^ O. Lat. en. Before a labial we find
tn^ e. g. impellOy immiito. But nm seems to have become in Latin
rw, if camien stands for ^can-nien^ germeii for ^gen-men^ just as the
nm which arose at a later time from the syncope of i in dtdma has
become in some Romance languages rvi (e. g. Prov. anma, alma
and anna, O. Fr. anme, alme, and arme, Catal. arma and alma
Sicil. arma, Milanese armella). Before / it was assimilated, e. g
corolla for *cordnUa, Mmullus for *Aomdn-lus, ilPtgo^ illex, malluviae
water for washing the hands, from ^man4uviae (so before r in
irritus, &c.), and also after /, e.g. collis for ^col-ni-s (Lith. kdlnas
cf . Gk. KoAa)i;os), vellus (Lith. vllna, O. SI. vlfina), as in Greek we
have AA for \v in AAoy, a fawn (Lith. ^Inis, O. SI. jelenT), &c
In ulna^ &c, a vowel originally came between I and n (cf, Gk
iXivTj). On the pronunciation of »^ as **, or #, with lengthening
of the preceding vowel, e. g. vicessimus and vicedmua from vlcensi-
tnua^ see ch. ii. § 64. So with nf{ib,),
I.-Eur. n is in Umbro-Osc. n, e.g. Umbr. nerua^ Dat. PL,
Osc. nerum^ Gen. PL, from the same root as Gk. avrip (cf. Niro),
Before mutes and spirants we find n often dropped, especially in
O. Umbr., e.g. iveka *juvencas' (N. Umbr. ivenga\ but in Umbr.
of all periods before s, e. g. aseriatu and aseriato, anseriato ; in
Oscan before a mute in an imaccented final syllable, e. g. -et for
2T2 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Oh»p. IV.
-ent 3rd Plur., lak in Ace. Sg. for lank (Lat. eam^ with the partiele
'CCy eh. vii. § 15) (see von Planta, i. p. 301),
§ 79. I.-Ear. n ; other examples. L-Eur. *ii6wn, * nine' (O. Ind. ndva, Gk.
Ik-Wo, O. Ir. nOi, W. naw, Goth, niun, O. Engl, nigon, Lith. dewynl, O. SI.
dev^ti with d- by analogy of the words for ten, just as Vulg. Engl. * thrup-
pence ' takes its u from * tuppence,' ' twopence.') Lat. norcm [for noten (§ 81) :
a similar substitution of -m for -n has been found in Subj. feram, CO. Ind.
bharfini )] ; L-Eur. *n6, *n5u, * we ' (O. Ind. nftu, Gk. fcu, O. SI. na ; cf. O. Ir. ni),
Lat. no-8\ L-Eur. "^nAs-, Hhe nose' (O. Ind. nas& Du., Lith. n6sis; cf. O.Engl,
nosu), Lat. naris for *nd«-w ; I.-Eur. ♦n&u-, * ship ' (O. Ind. nftu-, Arm. nav,
Gk. vaw, O. Ir. nau, W. noe, * a dish, vessel *), Lat. n&vis ; I.-Eur. ♦nSpot-,
' grandson ' (O. Ind. nlipat-, M. Ir. niae, niath Gen., W. nai), Lat. nSp^s^ Gton.
nepotis; I.-£ur. sneighs-, ^ to snow* (Zend, snae^aiti, Gk. vi<^ Ace., &yawi^itoT
*6rfa-<Tvi<poi, O. Ir. snecht, W. nyf, Goth. snaiys,Lith. snaTgo,yb., O. Sl.sn^gii),
Lat. niXy ningiiit ; I.-Eur. *gn6-to-, * known ' ;0. Ind. jnftt^-, Gk. yfvrh^^ O. Ir.
gnfith, 'accustomed '), Lat. iwtvtA^ O. Lat. gnd(us ; the L-Eur. root bhendh-,
'to bind' ;0. Ind. bandhana-, 'binding/ b&ndhu-, 'a relation/ Gk. wtyOtpdi,
stepfather, v€i<rfia, a rope, for *ir«»'tf-<r/ia, Goth, bindan, * to bind') survives in the
religious term, of-fendices, the knots with which the priest's apex was tied on,
an old word wrongly connected by some Roman antiquarians with offendo
[Festus 944. 2 Th. ofifendices ait esse Titius nodes, quibus apex retineatur et
remittatur. At Veranius coriola existimat, quae sint in loris apicls, quibus
apex retineatur et remittatiir, quae ab ofifendendo dicantur. nam quom ad
mentum perventum sit, offendit mentum. Paulus Diaconus, the epitomator
of Festus, has been misled by the corruption offenditnetUum for offendit mentum
(Paul. 245. I Th.) : offendices dicebant ligaturae nodes, quibus apex retineba-
tur. Id cum pervenisset ad mentum, dicebatur ' offendimentum ;' whence
the ' ghost-word ' offoidimenium has come into our Latin dictionaries ; cf.
C. O, L. iv. 13a. 3 ofifendix nodus proprius quo apex flaminum retinetur (MS.
restinguitur et remittitur] ; I.-Eur. *ghans-, 'a goose' (O. Ind. h^s^-, Lith.
i^\s, O. Engl. gOs ; cf. Gk. x^v : in Irish the word means a swan, gfiis from
stem *g6si-, originally *ghansi-), Lat. aneer, properly fianser.
The instances of a nasal (n or m) being dropped before a consonant in Latin
without ' compensation ' are illusory : ligula, a spoon, from lingo, to lick, is
a different word from lirtgulay a strap, lit. 'a little tongue,' though the two
were sometimes confused , as we learn from Martial's lines on a silver spoon
(xiv. lao) :
quamvis me ligulam dicant equitesque patresque,
dicor ab indoctis ' lingula ' grammaticis,
(see Friedl&nder ad loc) ; lantema (from Gk. kafitrrfip) is the correct spelling
(see Georges, Lex, Wor^, 8.v.), latema being probably a corruption due to
a fanciful connexion of the word with lotus ; typdnum is Gk. rvvayov, tympa-
num, Gk. rvfivayov, &c.
§ 80. nm. How far the theory that *canmen became carmen is supported
by the comparison of cancer with O. Ind. karkara-, ' hard,' Gk. Koptciyos, and of
crSpuS'Cidum with Gk. icviipas is doubtful. For the change of r to n in the first
of these examples is due to Dissimilation, like the change of { to r in the first
syllable ofcaeruleus (§ 84), and the second example, if correct, would exhibit
§§ 79-81.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. M, N. 273
the sume change of initiul en- to or- for facility of pronunciation, as is seen
in dialects of Gaelic, e.g. cnu, ^ a nut' (pronounced cru with nasalized vowel),
cnoc, *a hill' pronounced similarly cr- ; in Manx, cronk), gnath (I -Eur.
*gnOt<)-'l (pronounced gr& with nasalized ft). In Latin, however, I. -Eur. cn-
nnd gn- seem t-o have become n- f § 119, so that crepus-citlum, creperj * dark,' if
they represent an earlier cn-j must be dialectal. Yarro makes them Sabine
woi*ds (L. L. vi. 5 secundum hoc dicitur * crepusculum ' a crepero. id vocabu-
lum sumpserunt a Sabinis, unde veniunt * Crepusci ' nominati Amitemo, qui
eo tempore erant nati, ut * Lucii ' prima luce in Reatino ; * crepuscuhmi '
significat dubium ; »beo res dictae <lubiae * creperae,' quod crepusculum dies
etiam nunc sit an jam nox multis dubium). The Probi Appendix censures
the pronunciation *parcarpus' instead of partem j)us ;Gk. viy'Kapvos) (197.
39 K. ; the reading is doubtful, and ^prancarpus ' has been propo8ed\
The evidence for the change of n to / in carmen, yermen (cf § 91 on n for r)
is thus not very strong, and a good deal may be said for the view which
refers gennm to *ges'i-men 1 from ghro for *geM, cf. ges-siy gea-tum) and gemma to
*gen'ma. Carmen may be connected with O. Ind. k&ru-, * a singer,' or with
caro 'Jn Lat. a portion of meat, flesh, but in Osc. any portion, e.g. maimas ear-
neitt semUtis tatiginud ' maximae partis senatus sententia'), as O. Ir. drecht
means i) part, portion, (2) song. (O. Ind. $as-man* Neut., 'praise,' a word
which occurs only once in the Rig Veda, comes from the O. Ind. root S^s-,
'to praise.' which is usually connected with Lat. cenaeo. In Compounds
with «i, con-, &c. •mn' became mtw, e. g. im-mitioj com-miitOf so that gemma seems
a natural development of geri'ina.
The connexion of n with I seen in Proven9al alma for Lat. an{i)ma^ &c.
receives an equally doubtful suppoi-t from the mispronunciation censured in
the Probi Appendix 197. 24 K.) ' cuntellum ' for culidlum, and in the curious
form of the word neptis mentioned in glossaries, * leptis ' (LOwe, Prodr. p. 340) ;
nuscicio explained as ' caecitudo noctuma ' (Fest. i8o. 23 Th. ; cf. nusciciosuSt
ib.f nusciosus in glossaries iLOwe, Prorfr. p. 17 'qui plus vespere videt ')] seems
to be a popular adaptation of luscitio ,-cio'i Paul. Fest. 86. 21 Th.), derived
from luscus, to the word nox. ConuceUa^ the Diminutive of cSlus {C. G. L. iii.
322. 9. (cf. Ital. conocchia, *a distaff,' from Lat. *conucuia^ Fr. quenouille, &c. ,
may Ik* influenced by cdniis. N appears as 1 in dialectal Greek, e. g. Xipva( for
vapvo^. \K. Z, xxxiii. 226.) On the affinity of the n-, {-, and r-sounds, see
ch. ii. §§ 61, 96, 105, 106. (Cf. Germ. Himmel, Goth, himins, Engl, heaven?).
§ 81. The M- and N-Sonants. For the sounds to which gm,
en (me, ne) are reduced in the unaccented syllable of such a word
as I.-Eur. *tnt6- (O. Ind. tatd-, Gk. tuto?, Lat, (efitus) from the
root ten-, ' to stretch/ some write, m, n, others am, on (ma, na),
the a indicating an obscure vowel sound, or else ®m, ®n (m®, n*').
In Latin these sounds became ^///, en, e. g. dechn (Gk. hUa, Goth,
taihun), tenlus^ the e being subject to all the changes of ? for
I,-Eur. e (e.g. incerfua^ Gk. axpiros-, ntulecim^ decuviuSy decivms^
&c.) ; in Greek they became a before a consonant [but a/ut, av before
vocalic i (y)] j in Teutonic um, un, and so on ; so that it is only
T
274 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CJhap. IV.
by reference to another I. -Eur. language that we can tell whether
Lat. ^w, 671 are I.-Eur. 5m, Sn, or I,-Eur. m, n. We occasionally
find ma^ na in Latin words from roots in mS, nS, which are
probably to be explained similarly by the weakening influence of
the accent, e.g. nadus from the root nek-, nenk-, *to obtam'
(O. Ind. na§-, Gk. e-veyK-eii;, Mid. Ir. co-emnacar, ' potui,' Lith.
neszti, * to carry,' O. SI. nesti). (See OsthofE, Morph. Vnt, v. Pref.,
and of. above, § 6i.) Whether Gk. m, Lat. m of Gk. i/^acra (Lat.
anas) for *vdT-jfa, a duck, Lat. gndtn^^ and Lat. a«, O. Ind. a of
Lat. ajitae, O. Ind. jat&-, ' bom/ are rightly called the long sonant
nasals from roots like gen-, &c. is a point which has not yet been
settled (see § i). I.-Eur. initial m, n have been also referred to
a weakening of an original initial am-, an-, e. g. *mbhi beside
*ambhi (Gk. (V^*)> ^^^ *P0 beside *apo (Gk. h-no) (ch. ix. § 12).
I.-Eur. m, n are in Umbro-Osc. treated as in Latin, e.g.
Umbr. desen- 'decem,' ivenga *juvencas,' Osc. tristaamentud
' testamento * Abl. Sg. Why an- should appear for Lat. in- (e«-),
in Umbr. antakres ' integris,* Osc. amprvjid * improbe,' Umbro-
Osc. anter * inter,* is not quite clear (see von Planta, i. p. 315).
§ 82. Other examples of the Nasal Sonants. I.-Eur. -mn of the Nom.
Sg. Ncut. of men-stems (e. g. Gk. fjiui) is Lat. -menj e. g. s^mtn ; the weak
form of the root ten-, * to stretch,' appears also in I.-Eur. *tenu-, * thin '
^^O. Ind. tanu- ; cf. Gk. raw-, stretched, of Toi'v-7Aa><y<ros, ravv-wrfposy ravv-
wfnXos), Lat. tenuis from the Fem. form (O. Ind. tanvl) (ch. v. § 47) ; I.-Eur.
*Sunt6m, * hundred * (O. Ind. h-atdm, Gk. i-Kariv, O. Ir. c6t, W. cant, Goth,
hund, Engl, hund-red, lit. *• loo-number,' Lith. szi&tas, O. SI. suto" is Lat.
centum ; I.-Eur. *<|«mti-, the Verl)al Noun from the root g^m-, * to go ' (0. Ind.
gjlti-, Gk. fidaiif Goth. ga-qum]H, * assembly,' Germ. Hor-kunft, &c. , Lat. im-
renti-o ; I.-Eur. *sip-, the weak grade of the root sem-, * one * ^O. Ind. sa-kft,
* once/ Gk. a-va(, d-irX<$os), Lat. simplex- ; I.-Eur. *mnt6-, mnti-, the P. P. P. and
Verbal Noun of men-, ' to think ' (O. Ind. matii-, mati- Gk. avro-tiaros, O. Ir.
der-met, * forgetting,' Gotli. ga-munds, * remembrance,* O. Engl, gemynd, Engl,
mind, Lith. miiitas, O. SI. m^tii, pa-m^ti, * memory \ appear in laX. com-nu.'ntus,
mens, Gen. mentis. Similarly Lat. ensis (O. Ind. asi-} ; Lat. ingens, lit. * un-
known,' * uncouth' (O. Eng. un-cud) from the root gen-, *to know* ; Lat.
Jiirencus see § 64^.; Lat. liiiguoy older dingua Goth. tuggO, O. Engl, tunge.)
(On nbrein for *narcw, see § 79.' The late retention of the in-, n-sounds (as of
the I-, r-sounds, § 92) has been inferred from jxitrtm (.besideiHifiiN), ntjunin (not
-iw"! (but see p. 186).
§ 83. Other examples of am, an, ma, na. Lat. gnurus from root gen-, * to
know ' (O. Ind. j&n&mi) ; antae^ pillars at door of a temple (0. Ind. ^ta-. Arm.
dr-and) ; Lat. janiY/ tees, sisters-in-law O. Ind. yStar-, cf. Gk. f/Farcpcs, 0. SI.
j^try^. Lat amare is explained by some as derived from hno, *I take,' with
§§ 82-86.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR, SOUNDS. L, R. 275
a reduction of the Sm-, as dtcdre shows reduction of the deic- of dico (O. Lat.
detco). (Cf. § 94 on oZ, ar, and § 3 on pdieo (Qk. ircr-), dper,
§ 84. Ly B. These two sounds are often interchanged in
Latin by * Dissimilation ' of ^/, e. g. caeriileus from caelum ,
pdpu/d-ris and austrd^lis (ch. ii. § 10 1). The same thing is found
in other languages, e. g. O. H. G. turtula-tuba, our * turtle-dove '
from Lat. turtur (Gk. Kd^ltaKapyia and K€i\>a\aKyia) and perhaps
occurred in what is called the I -Eur. period, e. g. I.-Eur. g"er-
g-el- in the reduplicated root {Ij^i, gur-gul-io, O. H. G. querechela,
Lith. gargaliiju). On the parasitic vowel often found between
a consonant and / (r), see ch. ii. § 103, and on the avoidance of
;•-;•, ii,g, praest{r)lgiae (like Gk. hpV'<paKTos for hpv-i\>paKTos) ib,
§ 85. L. I.-Eur. 1 is Lat. /, e. g. the I.-Eur. root leiqH, ' to
leave ' (O. Ind. ric-, Arm. Ik'anem, Gk. Ac^tto), O. Ir. lecim, Goth,
leihvan, ' to lend/ O. Engl. Icon, Lith. leki, * I leave/ O. SI. ottl-
lekii, ' remainder ') appears in Latin linqvo, Pft. liqt/i ; the root
klei-, ' to lean ' (O. Ind. §ri-, Gk. KAiro), O. Ir. cloen, * awry/ Goth,
hlains, ' a hill/ Lith. sztaitas, szleti, ' to lean '), appears in Lat.
clivHS, ac-cltnis; suffixal -lo, -la, as in derivatives from the root
dhe-, ' to suck ' (O. Ind. dharu-, Arm. dal, * beestings/ Gk. ^lyAiJ,
BriXvs, O. Ir. dgl, 'teat/ Gael, deal, 'leech/ O. H. G. tila, * teat/ Lith.
dele, ' leech '), in JjSLt.fellare iorfe-lare, &c. (ch. ii. § 130).
We find // in Latin for original Id, e.g. jw-cello (cf. Gk,
K-Aa5a/)os, brittle, Lat. cld(les\ In, e. g. collis (Lith. kitnas ; cf. Gk.
KoXoivos) {ulna had I.-Eur. -len- j cf. Gk. wAcVt/), Is, e. g. colluw^
O. Lat. coUus (O. Engl, heals. Germ. Hals M.), velle for ^vel-^e (cf,
esse), rl, e. g. sfella for ^sfer-la, dgellns for *agerAuH. So dl in
compound verbs, e. g. alUgo for ad4igo. But usually a parasitic
vowel was inserted to facilitate pronunciation, when I was pre-
ceded by a consonant, e. g.jndculum iorpia-clum (see ch. ii. § 154).
I.-Eur. d became / in the Sabine dialect (see /. F, ii. 157), and
this form was sanctioned in a few words in Latin, e. g. lingua^
older dingua, from I.-Eur. *dnyh"a- (Goth, tuggo) (§11 1). On
fiicul^ &c. for ^faclty fac{i)i^, &c., see § 13; on leptis, a byform
of neptis, ch. ii. § 106; on the change of ^ to ^ (u) before Latin
/ [except before I followed by e, i (^) or before the group //],
§ 10, and on the various pronunciations of Latin I when alone,
when double, and when preceding a consonant, ch. ii. § 96.
T 2
276 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. L01i»P rv.
I.-Eur. 1 is Oscan 1, e. g. ligatuis Megatis.' Similarly we have
Umbr. plener * plenis/ veltu * vulto ' Imperat. ; but initial 1 does
not occur in the Eugubine Tables, the chief record of the lan-
guage, and it is not impossible that at the beginning of a word
I.-Eur. 1 is Umbrian v in words like vapef(^2X. Idpuhit'i Ace. PI.),
Vuv9is (Lat. Lucius? cf. Osc. Luvkis), vutu (Lat. Idrito ?) ; between
vowels 1 became (like d) r (r*) in karetu, carniv * let him call *
(Gk. KoAioi, Lat. cdMre), famefias ' familiae,' &c. ; before t it was
dropped in muta * multa ' (* a fine/ Osc. multa-), &c., while the
Umbrian name Voiaietto- (Lat. Vohieno-) ^ suggests that it became
i before s (see von Planta, i. p. 285).
§ 86. I.-Eur. 1 ; other examples. The I.-Eur. root leuk-, * to shine ' (O. Ind .
rue-, Gk. \fVKos, O. Ir. hlche, lochet Gen., * lightning/ Gaul. licucetios, W.
lluched, Goth, liuhath, O. Engl, l^ht, O. SI. lui^i) appears in Lat. War, luce<u
lucerna ; the rootghel-, * green, yellow ' i,0. Ind. lidri-, Gk. x^ojpus^ x^^V^ ^' ^'*-
Rel, * white,' O. H. G. gelo, O. Engl, geolo, * yellow,' Lith. J^lti, * to grow green,'
O. SI. zelije. * vegetables,' zelenu, * green '\ in Lat. helnts^ h^luft^ and fnVvs. Simi-
larly Lat. sal I Arm. aA, Gk. fiXy, 0. Ir. salann, W. halen, Goth, salt, 0. SI. soli,
Lith. salunka, 'salt-box') ; Lnt. ,flos O. Ir. blAth, 'bloom,' W. blodau, * flowers,'
Goth, bloma, O. H. G. bluomo) ; Lat. clilnis (0. Ind. Pr6ni-, W. clun, O. Scand.
hlaunn, Lith. szTaunis) ; Lat. piSnus, plPrl-</ue^ plMiis ,0. Ind. pr&ta-, Arm. li. Gk.
vXriprjs, O. Ir. linaim, ' I fill,' lln, * a number,' Lith. plTnas, * full,' O. SI. plunu ;
Lat. in-duUis (O. Ind. KrutA-, * heard,' Gk. /rXvros, in Horn. * heard, loud,* e.g.
6vofia KkvroVj Xiyi^v «AvToy, O. Ir. cloth, * famous ' ; cf. O. Engl, hlud, * loud ').
§ 87. B. I.-Eur. r is Lat. r. Thus the I.-Eur. *reg-, * a king '
(O. Ind. raj -an-, O. Ir. ri, rig Gen., W. rhi, Gaul. Catu-riges, lit.
* kings in fight ') is Lat. rex^ stem reg- ; I.-Eur. *bhSro, ' I carry '
(O. Ind. bhdra-mi, Arm. berem, Gk. <;^epa>, O. Ir. berim, W. ad-feru
Inf., Goth, baira, O. Engl, here, O. SI. berj;i) is Jj&t./erd; I.-Eur.
wert-, ' to turn ' (O. Ind. vrt-, Goth. vairj7an, Engl, worth, in ' woe
worth the day,' Lith. versti and vart;^ti, O. SI. vratiti) is Lat.
vert ere ; I.-Eur. */*ilpro- (Gk. KcnrpO's, boar, O. Engl, haefer, * goat ')
is Lat. caper, stem ^cdpro-, I.-Eur. rs before a vowel became rr in
Latin, e. g. torreo for ^torseo (O. Ind. trs-, Goth. J;aursjan, ' to
thirst ' ; cf. Gk. ripaoyLai,). But r was assimilated to a following
s in pronunciation, e. g. Persa pronounced ^Pessa (see ch. ii. § 96),
' On inserr. of Asisium the Umbr. xi. 5390 = !. 1412). The Volsienus
Voisiener Gen. Sing. [C. I. L. xi. 5389 of no. 5390 seems to be the son of the
= Biicheler, Umbrica Inscr. Min. i., Volsienus of no. 5389.
p. 172) corresponds to Lat. Voisietius
$§ 86-90.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. L, R. 7,^^
and I.-Eur. rs before a consonant became **, e. g. to%tu% for
^fosstus, ^torstua from torreo, R was also assimilated to / in
Latin, e. g. stella^ dgUlus for *sterh^ ^agerbis. The Campanian
town of which the Latin name was Atella ha« on its coins AderL
so that its Oscan name must have been *Aderlo, a name appa-
rently meaning ' the little black town/ On the metathesis by
which n became ^r, e.g. ter^ terr- inters) for */m, see § 13.
Sometimes the cacophony of a repetition of r (§ 84) seems to be
avoided by using w for one r, e. g. cancer for *carc^ (Gk. KapK-Cvos;
cf. O. Ind. kar-kar-a-^ * hard ') (but see ch. ii. § 105). On carmen,
possibly for *can-men, see § 78, and on r for d before/, r, ^, e. g.
arfueru?it, arvoranm^ arger, §112. Between vowels I.-Eur. s became
r in Latin, e. g. generis from the stem genSs- [cf. Gk. yivk{(r)o^\ on
which see § 14^)- I.-Eur. r is Umbro-Osc. r, e.g. Umbr. rehte
^ recte,* Osc. Regaturei *' Regatori ' (see von Planta, i, p. 285).
In Umbrian, as in Latin, intervocalic s became r, but not in
Oscan (cf. infr. § 146).
§ 88. I. -Eur. r ; other examples. Lat. roia (0. Ind. ratha-, 'chariot/ 0. Ir.
roth, * wheel,' Oaulo-Lat. potor-ritum, * a four-wheeled vehicle,' O. H. G. rad,
* wheel,' Lith. rStasj ; Lat. porous (Gk. nopKos, O. Ir. ore, O. H. G. farh, Engl,
farrow, Lith. paFszas, 0. SI. pra-s^) ; Lat. rir (O. Ir. f&r, Goth, vair ; cf. 0. Ind.
vird-, Lith. v^ras) ; Lat. inter (0. Ind. antdr, O. Ir. eter; ; Lat. serpo (0. Ind.
srp-, Gk. ifmat) ; Lat. riiher (O. Ind. rudhira-, Gk. l-pvOpoSj O.Sl. riidru; cf.
O. Ir. mad, Goth, raujw) ; Lat. rumpo. (0. Ind. nip- and lup-, O. Engl, be-
rj^ofan, ' to bereave/ Lith. rup^ti, * to trouble ') ; Lat. pro- 0. Ind. pra, Gk. ir/xJ,
O. Ir. ro, used like the augment to indicate a past tense, e.g. ro alt, Mie
nourished,' ro char, * he loved,' O. Bret, ro, Lith. pra-, O. SI. pro-).
§ 80. 88 for rs before consonant. Other examples are : Lat. test amentum
for *ttsst', *terst' from *trist' Osc. tristaamentud Abl. Sg.) ; c?wa for *cesnay
*cessna from ^centna (Osc. kersna-, Umbr. desna-). The spelling coena, due to
the analogy of Gk. koivos^ is very old. It appears on an early Praenestine
cista of the third cent. b. c. with the representation of a kitchen where cook-
ing operations are going on. One servant is saying /en pororf { = /eri porro) ;
another replies co/eci [ - con/eci) ; a third orders made mirecie ( = ^nade mi regie
or mcuk mircj cie) ; a fourth rnisc sane (= inisce sane) ; a fifth says asom fero
(- assum/ero) ; a sixth conflce piscim. The title is coenalia or coenapia (see Mel.
Arch. 1890, p. 303). Similarly lAt. fasthjium for *farnt- (O. Ind. blirSti-, *a
point ') ; posco for *porci>co (0. Ind. prchAmi, O. H. G. forscOn, Germ, forschen).
§ 90. rp for rs before vowel. Other examples : Lat. farreus (Umbr.
farsio- and fasio-; cf. O. SI. bra*iiio, * food'); garrio \^Lith. gafsas, * noise '); horreo
(O. Ind. hrft- ; porrum (Gk. vp&aov) ; terreo [0. Ind. tras-, Gk. rp€{€f)w, Umbr.
iursitu tremitxi] ; vtrres (Lith. verszis, * calf* ; cf. O. Ind. vrSni-, * ram ' ■ ; r^rwca,
* a rising-ground' in 0. Lat. ;^Lith. virszus ; cf. O. Ind. vtlrSman-) ; Maspiter,
278 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
a byform of Marspiter ; Tuscus (Umbr. Tursco- and Tusco-). Lat. fers has pro-
bably re-appended -a to an older */«"» *f^^ for *fer-s [so m/-s has appended -s
a second time to *m/, *\dl for *ol-8 (ch. ix. § 56).] In Umbrian inscriptions
written in the Latin alphabet, the Umbrian d-sound isee ch. ii. § 88) is
written rs, e.g. capirae (in the native alph. kapife), (Lat. capidi), Dat. Sing, of
cdpid-j a bowl.
§ 91. n for p. Lat. crtpusciiluinj if it has cr- for en- ^compare Gk. KViipa%),
with that change of en- to cr- which we find in some languages, e.g. Giiel.
cnu (pronounced cm with nasal vowel), Bret, kraoun, 'n nut,* must be like
our 'gloaming/ a dialectal word : Varro {L. L. vi. 5) makes it Sabine (see
§ 80). On the spellings menetrui for meretrb; &c., see ch. ii. § 105.
§ 92. The L- and B-Sonants. For the sounds to which el,
er (le^ re) are reduced in the unaccented syllable of such a word
as I.-Eur. *drt<5-, *drti (O. Ind. dfti-, Gk. bpard^ and 6a/;To\',
rtapo-is, Lith. nu-dirtas, Goth. ga-taurj;s) from the root der-, * to
flay/ some write 1, r, others al, ar (b, ra), the a indicating an
obscure vowel sound (also % ®1, &c.). In Latin these sounds
became dl, dr, e. g. mors^ Gen. mortis (O. Ind. mrti-, Goth. maurj?r,
O. H. G. mord, Lith. mirtis, O. SI. su-mrTtT), fors, stem *forti-
(O. Ind. bhrti-, O. Ir. brith, Goth. ga-baurj7s, ' birth/ O. Engl, ge-
byrd, ' fate '), the 0 being subject to all the changes of ^ for I.-Eur.
o (e. g^pnhua^ Gk. TraArds from the root pel-), while before a vowel
we seem to find a/, ar in sdllx (O. Ir. sail ; cf. Gk. lA&iy with
E-grade), caro (Umbr. karu, ' a portion ' ; cf . Gk. KcCpca) ; in Greek
they became dp {pd, e. g. Tjarpaai), d\ (Aa), in Teutonic ttr, ul ; in
Slavonic tr, il, and so on ; so that it is only by reference to
another I.-Eur. language that we can tell whether Lat. d/^ or are
I.-Eur. 61, or, or I.-Eur. 1, r. (Lat. dl may also be I.-Eur. t^l, § 10.)
We occasionally find Id, rd in Latin words from roots in IS, re,
which are probably to be explained similarly by the weakening
influence of the accent, e. ^, frdngo, frdgtlis from the root bhre^-,
' to break ' (Gotli. brikan, O. Engl, brccan) (see OsthofF, Morph.
Unt, V. Pref ., and above § 3). Whether Gk. tm, />a, Lat. rd, of Gk.
(TjpiATO'i, TiiiTpfaTai,, K/)dros, Lat. strd/tfs, cidiles, and Gk. op (a/»),
Lat. ar of Gk. (TTopvvyn, Lat. j)ars^ pdrfior, qitdrfus, are rightly
called the long-sonant vowels from roots ster-, per-, &c. is a point
which has not yet been settled (see § 1). There are some indica-
tions that vocalic 1 and r were sounds not unkno\^^l to the Italic
languages down to a fairly late period, e. g. Mamicinian pacrsi
* pacer (pacris) sit,' ^ may she be propitious ' (Zv. /. /. /. 8) (cf .
§§ 91-96.1 REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. L, R. 279
Umbr. pacer ^ Lat. acer^ acris Fern.), Sabine At mo (Zv. 10), Osc.
Tantrnnaium Gen. PI., though how far these are merely graphic
is hard to decide (cf. ch. iii. § 14) ; corresponding to Gk. hypiU we
have in Lat. (fge)\ in Umbr. ager, and so on (see ch. vi. § 4). On Lat.
f'e}'(^r) for *tris^ facul iov fac[i)lly see § 13. I. -Eur. j, r receive
the same treatment in Umbro-Osc. as in Latin, e. g. Umbr. orto^
(Lat. orfus)^ Osc. woffo (Lat. nmlt-a^ a fine) (see vonPlanta, i. p. 314).
§ 93. other examples of the liquid Sonants. I.-Eur. *prl-8&6 (O. Ind.
pTchAmi, prcha-, * enquiry,' Arm. harcanem, hare, O. H. G. forscOn, forsca)
Lat. jwsco for *porc-8co ; I.-Eur. ♦krd-. ;0. Ind. hfd, Gk. xap^a and Kpabiij,
O. Ir. cride, Lith. szirdis, O. SI. 8ridice\ Lat. cor for *cord ; I.-Eur. *pri&-, 'the
ridge of a furrow' (W. rhych F., O. Engl, furh F.), Lat. porca (^Varro, R. R. t
39. 3 qua aratrum vomere lacunam striam fecit, ^ kuIcus ' vocatur. quod est
inter duos sulcos elata terra dicitur * porca ' ; Paul. Fest. 77. i Th. explains the
name Imporcitor as * qui porcAs in agro facit arando,' the name of a deity invoked
by the flamen in the sacrifice to Tellus and Ceres, with a number of other
agricultural divinities : Ven'actor, Reparator, Imporcitor, Insitor, Obarator,
Occator, Saritor, Subruncinator, Messor, Convector, Conditor, Promitor, whose
names are given by Fabius Pictor ap. Serv. ad Virg. G. i. 21. The word
porca occurs also in a line of Accius ap. Non. 61. 19 M. bene proscissas cossi-
gerare ordine porcas) ; I.-Eur. trn- (Gk. xApvo^ Hesych., Goth, haurn), Lat.
cornu ;.cf. Lat. cornuSy cornel, Gk. /Kpdvo9, Kpavov) ; I. -Eur. *prso- (Gk. vp6.aov)j
Lat. pornan for *ptyrsum. Certain examples of I.-Eur. 1 in Latin are not
numerous. Ulm\is may stand for *lmo- dr. lem, Russ. ilemu^; ; or for *elmo-
\0. Engl, elm; ; or for *olmo- 0. Scand. almrj ; mulcUtSj milked, for *mlito-
v^Liih. miisztas, O. Ir. mlicht or blicht, * milk ') ; oc-ctdtus for *-k]to- from the
root kel-j * to hide ' ; cf. sepuUus from sSpelio.
§ 94. Other examples of al, ar, la, ra. Lat. palma^ palm of band (O. Ir.
lam F. ; cf. Gk. naXofirj ; sc(Upo (cf. sculpo ; dddes (cf. Gk. Kka^pos, ptrcxdsus,
frt>m the root A-eld- of per-ceUo) ; cldmo (cf. calo^ cAlendae ; fldnts (cf. fulvus,
O. Lat. Fdriua) ; Idtits, carried ;cf. tMo) ; h'dusj wide, earlier sOdtus, from the
root stel-. Ho extend' tO. SI. stolj^} ; ardea (cf. Gk. i-pojbi6s) ; amius (O. Ind.
irmds, Goth, arms, O. SI. ram^ ; cf. Pruss. irmo) ; carpo from the root kerp-,
* to cut ' (^Lith. kerpu . (cf. Gk. xapnoi, Engl, harvest) ; fasVtgium for *far8t- (cf.
0. Ind. bhrftti-, ' point,' 0. Engl, byrst, * bristle *), or ♦frast- ^^8ee ch viii. § 18, on
farcio for *fracio) ; crdbro for *crd-8ro (cf. Litb. szirszfi, 0. SI. srusen!) ; crdtis and
cartUdgo (cf. Gk. xipTakos, l)a8ket, O. H. G. hurt, Engl, hurdle) ; fraxmus and
/arnun O. Ind. bhurja-, * a birch-tree ') from the root bherg-, (0. Engl, beorc,
Lith. beri^H, 0. SI. br^zu ; yrdnurn (O. Ind. jirnd-, * worn out' ; cf. Goth, kaurn,
* corn,' Lith. ftimih, * pea,' 0. SI. zruno, * a grain ') ; grdius (0. Ind. gurta-, * wel-
come') ; radix for *ir(7- (cf. Goth, vaurts, Engl, wort); strdmen ;^Gk. arpStpLo) from
stemo ; Idixa for *vldna (0. Ind. flrna, Gk. ov\o9 for *^o\vos). On Lat. dl, dr for
el, or before a vowel, see M S. L. viii. 279, Osthoff, Ihinkles u. hedea Z, p. 52,
(jpalea, parens, varix, &c.), and cf. § 3 on pdteo (Gk. v€T')j &c.
§ 95. TenueSy Mediae, and Aspirates. In Sanscrit we have
four varieties of each class of mutes or stopped consonants,
28o THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
(i) tenues, or unvoiced, (2) mediae, or voiced, (3) tennes aspiratae,
or tenues followed by h (like our th in * ant-hill'), (4) mediae
aspiratae, or mediae followed by h (like our dh in * sandhill^).
But these varieties are not kept distinct in other I.-Eur.
languages. In Greek tenues aspiratae take the place of the
Sanscrit mediae aspiratae (e. g. e)i)/A09, O. Ind. dhumds) ; in the
Celtic and Slavonic families the mediae and mediae aspiratae of
Sanscrit are merged in mediae (e. g. Lith. dii-ti, * to give/ O. Ind.
da-, O. Ir. dan, *a gift, an accomplishment'; Lith. dele * a leech,'
(). Ind. dha-, ' to suck/ O. Ir. del, ' teat '). The tenues aspiratae
of Sanscrit are especially difficult to trace in the other languages ;
nor is it always easy to say whether they are due to some
phonetic law peculiar to Sanscrit, or represent I.-Eur. tenues
aspiratae. In the O. Ind. root stha-, ' to stand,' where the dental
tenuis is found in all other languages (Gk. tcrT?;/uii, Lat. %to^ &c.), it
seems probable that the I.-Eur. form of the root was sta-, whereas
in O. Ind. nakhd-, ' a nail, claw,' for which we have an aspirate in
Gk. o/i'x- the tenuis aspirata may be original. Tenues aspiratae
have been with more or less probability conjectured for such
words as I.-Eur. *konkho-, * a shell ' (O. Ind. iaiakh^-, Gk. Koyx"^i
Lat. co7igiu8, a quart) ; I.-Eur. skhi(n)d-, ' to split * (O. Ind. chid-,
Gk. fr)(JiC^y (r\ivhaXyi6sy a splinter, Lat. scinHo^ O. H. G. scintan.
Germ, schinden) ; the suffix of the 2 Sg. Pft. Ind. (O. Ind.
vet-tha, Gk. ola-Oa^ Lat. vlrl-is-ti, Goth, las-t, &c.) ; and the
same hypothesis has been used to explain the anomalous cor-
respondence of Latin ^- and Goth, h- in the verb, ' to have,' Lat.
Addeff Goth. habai)> (I.-Eur. khabhe- ?), &c.
These I.-Eur. tenues, mediae, and aspiratae were liable to
change their character under the influence of an adjoining
consonant. A media became a tenuis before an unvoiced con-
sonant, e. g. I.-Eur. *yukto-, P. P. P. from the root yeug-, ' to
join ' (O. Ind. yuktd-, Lat. junctus), A tenuis similarly became
a media before a voiced consonant, [cf. I.-Eur. *si-zd-o, the
reduplicated form of the root sed-, ' to sit' (Lat. *///<>)]. A media
aspirata before ^ or * is in Latin and other languages treated
like a tenuis, e. g. rectuSy rexi (vecsi), from Lat. re//o (I.-Eur.
root wegh-), but whether this was the case in what is called ' the
Indo-European period' is not certain. More plausible is the
§$ 96-98.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. P, B, BH. 28 1
theory that t before t or th, and perhaps d before d, dh, produced
already at this period some sibilant sound ; for a trace of this
appears in every branch of the I.-Eur. family, e. g. from the root
sed-, with the P. P. P. suflSx -to-, we have Zend ni-^ta-, Lat.
'i<€8sus^ Lith. sestas, O. Scand. sess) (for other examples in Latin,
see § 108). The occasional confusion, too, which we find between
tenues and mediae (e.g. Gk. (TKaiiavr) beside Lat. scabo), mediae
and aspiratae (e. g. Gk. (TT^ij.fi<a beside aore/x^i/s ; O. Ind. ah&m
beside Gk. €yw, Lat. ego, &c.) may in many instances date from
the same early time.
In Umbrian a tenuis becomes a media before r in auhra * supra/
podruhjiei *utroque,^ regularly after n, e.g. ivenga 'juvencas,*
antler * inter ' (Osc. anter) (von Planta, i. p. 547) ; and we have
both in Oscan and Umbrian many instances of a tenuis appearing
for a media, which are by some explained as miswritings, due to
the earlier use of the tenuis-symbol only in the native alphabets
(derived from Etruscan, ch. i. § i), but are by others considered
as a proof that the Italic mediae were not voiced (ch. ii. § 77).
(For instances, see von Planta, i. p. 555.)
§ 96. Media or aspirata assimilated to unvoioed oonsonant in Iiatin.
Other examples are cet-te for *(^-ddtey the plural of cSddj give, lit. * give here '
(ch. vii. § 15), hocic) for *hod-ce (oh. vii. § 16) ; topper for *tod-p€r (ch. ix. § 7) ;
ac-tus from ago ; ncriptus fi*om scrlbo ; rec-tus from vehu, &c. On spellings like
f^ttcnui (S<-ip. Ep. , apsc€(h, urpSj .•see ch. ii. § 80.
§ 97. Tenuis assimilated to voiced consonant in Latin. On oh-dnco
beside op-tnwi, see ch. ii. § 73. I.-Eur. d becomes t before r (unvoiced?) in
Latin, e.g. airnx, from ad-, a byform of the root od- of odium (§ 113;.
Interchange of tenuis and media in Latin. (See ch. ii. §§ 73-77*
Interchange of media and aspirata in Latin. On g occasionally appear-
ing for I.-Eur. gh, see § 1 16.
P, B, BH, PH.
6 98. P. I.-Eur. p is Lat. 7;, e.g. I.-Eur. *p8ku- N. (O. Ind.
pdSu, Goth, faihu, Germ. Vieh, Engl, fee), Lat. jjecn, l.-Eur.
♦septm (O. Ind. saptA, Arm. evt'n, Gk. ^Trrd, O. Ir. secht,
W. saith, Goth, sibun ; ef. Lith. septyni). P becomes m before
n, e. g. somnvs for ^sop-nus ; it is assimilated before labials, e. g.
summus for ^suj)mm^ suffio for ^supjio.
282 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
The Labial Tenuis receives a similar treatment in Umbro-
Osean, e. g. Umbr. patre, Osc. paterei ' patri ' ; but pt is in
Oso. ft, in Umbr. lit, e. g. Osc. serif to- , Umbr. screihto- ' scripto *
(see von Planta, i. p. 424).
§ 09. Other examples of I.-Eur. p. I.-Eur. ♦potter-, (0. Ind. pitAr-, Arm.
hair, Gk. trarfjpy 0. Ir. athir, Goth, fadar) Lat. pater ; O.-Eur. *pro (0. Ind.
prA, Ok. irpo, 0. Ir. ro, 0. Bret, ro, Lith. pra-, 0. SI. pro-), Lat. prt»- ; I.-Eur.
*8orpo {0. Ind. sirpft-mi, Gk. tpvoj\, Lat. aerpo ; I.-Eur. root spet- (O. Ind. apaS-,
O. H. G. 8pehr>n, Engl, spy), Lat. au-spexy con-spicio ; from I.-Eur. root prei-
(0. Ind. praj-ni-, *a request,' Goth, fraihnau, Germ, fragen ; Lith. prasz^,
O. SI. prositi) come Lat. pr^ror, and prikus ; I.-Eur. ♦nSpot- (0. Ind. nilp&t-,
M. Ir. niae, ninth Gen., 0. H. G. nefo), Lat. nSpos ; I.-Eur. root p&&-, p&g-
(O. Ind. pila-, * Btriiig,' Dor. Gk. vdyvvfUj Goth, f&han, * to catch/ Germ. Fuge)
Lat. pilXy pagirui; I.-Eur. */f&pro- ;Gk. xavpo^, O. Engl, haefer, *goat'% Lat.
caper.
§ 100. B. I.-Eur. b is Lat. b, e.g. I.-Eur. *pib6, ' I drink '
(O. Ind. pibami, O. Ir. ibim), Lat. Indo for ^pibo (§ 163). Lat. b,
whether from I.-Eur. b or bh, becomes rn before n, e. g. scawyium
beside scabelluni. Latin b may represent I.-Eur. -bh-, e. g. scrlbo
(of. Gk. (rKapl<l>aofiai, sci-atch) (§ 103), -dh-, e.g. rUber (Gk. tpvOpo^
(§ 1 14), m before r, e.g. hibernvs (Gk. y€i\xfpiv6s) (§ 77), s before
r, e.g. cSreb-nim for ^cerh-rnm (§ 152), dw-, e.g. his for *flwts
(Gk. 815) (§ 68). On the confusion of b and r in late spellings,
see ch. ii. § 52, and on the substitution of -5 for -;; in sub, ab,
eh. ii. § 73.
§ 101. other examples of I.-Eur. b. Lat. balbus (O. Ind. balbala-, Gk.
^p^apos) ; Lat. lambo {0. H. G. laffan, 0. SI. lobuzii ; of. Gk. Adirro;) ; Lat.
liihricus (^Goth. sliupan, * to slip* ; ; Lat. Mbiufn {O. H. G. lefs, 0. Engl, lippa).
§ 102. mn for bn. amnis from abh- (0. Ind. ^mbhas-, * water,' Ir. abann,
* livor'). On the spellings amnuere in glosses, see LOwe, Prodr. p. 491 ; cf.
amne(f(trerit C.I.L. vi. 14672). Similarly hm of *ghlh-ma (root ^leubh-, Gk.
yXuifxv^ became itnn^ and was reduced to 7w (ch. ii. § 127% ghlnia.
§ 103. BH. I.-Eur. bh when initial became Latin /, when
medial b, e.g. I.-Eur. root *bher-, * to carry ' (O. Ind. bhar-, Arm.
berem, Gk. <f>^p(M>j O. Ir. berim. W. ad-feru Inf., Goth, baira, Engl.
I bear, O. SI. berg) is hat.Jero; I.-Eur. *orbho- (Arm. orb, Gk.
6p(pav6^, O. Ir. orl)e, ' inheritance/ Goth, arbi, Germ. Erbe, * heir '),
Lat. o/biffi ; I.-Eur. root bheu- (O. Ind. bhu-, Gk. (jivo), O. Ir.
buith, Lith, bu-ti, O. SI. by-ti), Lat. fui, fufuru^ ; I.-Eur,
*bhrator- (O. Ind. bhratar-, Gk. (fipdroapy O. Ir. brathir, W.
§§ 99-106.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. T,D,DH. 283
brawd, Goth. broJ?ar, Lith. broter-elis, O, SI. bratrtl), Lat./ra^r.
A good example of the different treatment of initial and medial
bh in Latin is the word for a beaver, L-Eur. *bhSbhru- (O. H. G.
bibar, Lith. bebrus, O. SI. bebrii ; O. Ind. babhru-, ' brown '),
Lat. fiber. On mn for bn (with b from I.-Eur. b or bh),
e. g. scamnum from skabh- * to support/ with Dim. scabellum
{'ill If m) (also scamillum Ter. Scaur. 14. 6 K.), see § 102, and on
dialectal f for b (e.g. Alfius^ a byform of Albhis), see ch. ii.
§ 83. L-Eur. bh is Umbro-Osc. f, whether initial or internal,
e.g. Umbr.-Osc. fust * erit/ Umbr. alfo-^ Osc. Alafaternum ' albo-.'
On Faliscan haba for \ja,i.faha^ see § 1 21^ ch. ii. § 57.
§ 104. I. -Eur bh ; other examples. Lat. n&>iila (Gk. v€<p4\ijj O. Ir. n^l for
*neblo-, O. H. G. nebul, Germ. Nebel), L:\t. fdfeorj fauna -^Gk. ^yX) ; Lat.
sorhm (Gk. fiotpiwy Arm. nrb-enam, Lith. srobiu) ; Lat. M?«do, umMRcus (0. Ind.
nabhi-, nabhila-, Gk. 6fi^\6s, O. Ir. imbliu, 0. H. G. naba, nabolo, Pruss.
iiabis, Lett, nabu); Lat. Ji(is ;0. Ir. bl&th, * bloom,* Goth, bloma' ; Lat. alius 'Gk.
ttA«/><5s, white leprosy) ; Lat. ambi- (0. Ind. abhf, Gk. dfupi, 0. Ir. imme for
imbe, Gaulish Anibi-gattts* O. Engl, ymb, Engl, ember-days, from O. Engl,
ymb-ryne * running round, circuit,' Germ, um for umb) ; Lat. ambo (0. Ind.
u-bha-, Gk. dfjupcj, Goth, bai, baj-f)])s, Engl, b-oth, Lith. abii, O. SI. obai ; Lat.
Jlrulo from I.-Eur. root bheid- (0. Ind. bhid-, Goth, bei^ Engl. I bite ; Lat.
fdfftts (Dor. Gk. fpdy6sf O. Engl. b5c). Barba for */arba (I.-Eur. bhardh-, O. SI.
brada, Lith. barzdl^ Engl, beard) is due to assimilation (see § 163).
T, D, DH, TH.
§ 105. T. I.-Eur. t is Lat. / ; e. g. the I.-Eur. root ten-, * to
stretch ' (O. Ind. tan-, Gk. tcCvw, O. Ir. tennaim, Goth. uf-J^anja,
Germ, dehnen ; O. Ind. tanu-, ' thin,' Gk. rai/u-TTTt/iov, O. Ir. tana,
W. teneu, O. H. G. dunni, O. Engl. )>ynne, Lith. dial, tenvas, O. SI.
ttntkii) appears in Latin ten-do, f^nuis ; I.-Eur. *wert-, ' to turn '
(O. Ind. v^rtate 3 Sg., Goth, vairj^an, Germ, werden, Lith. verszti,
vartyti, O. SI. vratiti, W. gwerthyd, * spindle ') is Lat. verfere.
Before / it is dropped when initial, e.g. Idtifs for *tldtn^, P. P. P. of
f^rOy full, but becomes c when medial; thus the suffix -tlo-,
which indicates the instrument with which an action is per-
formed, or the place of its performance, appears in Latin as
-cfo-, e.g. rShiclujH or veMculurn, *that by which one is carried^ ;
pocltim or pocidnm, ^that out of which one drinks/ cfibiclum or
eubXcuhm^ ^ the place where one lies down,' &c., by the same
change as is seen in later Latin veclus for vei{u)lns, in the
284 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
English mispronunciation ' acleast ' for ' at leasts' in Mod. 6k.
o-evjcAo from Gk. (reth-Aor, &c. Before c it is assimilated, e.g.
ac for *acc from *a^^, atqu{e)^ while it became w, after a con-
sonant 8y e.g. passvs for *paftus from pafior, sahus for *8aUtu$
from M/fo, *saldo, verms from t-^r^o, &c.
Final -nt seems to have become -«* in the Umbro-Oscan
languages, for the 3 Plur. Act. ending of Secondary Tenses
(I.-Eur. -nt) appears in them as -ns, e.g. Osc. fufans ^erant'
quasi 'fubant' (ch. viii. § 73). The same may hold of Latin,
for gudfietis, tMiens suggest the O. Ind. suffix -yant of ki-yant,
* how large/ &c. (See A, L, L, v. 575). Latin t represents
an original d before r, e.g. dfrox beside Minm (see § 113). On
the loss of t in consonant-groups, e.g. nox for *noc[t)8y vermlna
for *ver(f')7Mina, see § 157, and on un for tn, e. g. annus, § 161.
In Umbro-Osc. I.-Eur. t remains, e.g. Umbr. tota-, Osc.
TitiFro, a community, but tl became (as in Latin) kl, e.g. Umbr.
pihaklu. Osc. sakaraklum (cf . Pelignian sacaracirix ' saeiatrices/
pristafalaeirix * praestabulatrices ').
§ 100. other examples of I.-Eur. t. I.-Eur. *&mtom (O. Ind. fiatibn, 6k.
k-Kardv^ 0. Ir. cC*t, W. cant, Goth, hund, Lith. szi&tas, O. SI. stito) is Lat.
centuyn'y I.-Eur. ♦dktO(u' (O. Ind. asta, Arm. ut', Gk. 6kt6jj O. Ir. dcht,
W. wyth, Goth, ahtau, O. Engl, eahta, Lith. asztfi-nl, O. SI. 08(t)-mi), Lat.
octo ; I.-Eur. *mater- (O. Ind. m&t<ir-, Arm. mair, Dor. Gk. tiirrjp, O. Ir.
mathir. 0. Engl. mOdor. 0. SI. mater-, Lith. moterk, * woman *), Lat. mater ;
I.-Eur. *w6to8, *a year* (0. Ind. vat."5-A-, *calf,* lit * yearling,' Gk. (f)^Tos,
0. SI. vetuchu, *old'), Lat. vvhis-iua^ vStus ; L-Eur. ♦cs-ti (O. Ind. ^ti, Gk. fort,
Goth, ist), Lat. est ; I.-Eur. root steig-, * to pierce ' (O. Ind. tij-, tigmA-, * sharp,*
Gk. aiiCvj (TTiyfirij Goth, stiks, 'point of time,' Germ. Stich), Lat. insflgo; the
* Comparative ' Suffix -tCro- (O. Ind. katar^-, Gk. virtposy O. Ir. -ther, Goth.
hvajar, Engl, whether, Lith. katras, O. SI. kotory-ji) is in Lat. -ftfro-, e.g. u^.
§ 107. I.-Eur. tl. Lat. %Mor i8 I.-Eur. tloqS- (O. Ir. atluchur for ad-tluchur
in tlie phrase atluchur budo, ' I thank,' 'ad-Ioquor gratias '\ On the spellings
stUsy sciiSj slis for class. liSj see § 150.
§ 108. I.-Eur. tt. Verbs whose stem ends in a dental show ss (after
a diphthong, &c. reduced to .«?, ch. ii. § 127) in their P. P. P., formed with the
suffix -to (e. f^./issus from/r»j<fo, ausiis from avdeo^fisus from /trfo, &c. (see § 155
and ch. v. § a8\ So in formations with the suffix -tumo', e. g. ricensumns for
*nc€nt-tumo- ,'ch. v. § 14% Adjectives in -osus ch. v. § 65), Ac.
The combination tt in Latin appears where a vowel has been dropped by
syncope, e. g. cette for *cS-diite a Plur. Imper., egret(t)us, adgretj^us (§ 109).
§ 109. D. Of I.-Eur. d, Lat. d examples are : I.-Eur. *(iSkm,
$$ lOe-UO.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR.SOUNDS. T,D,DH. 285
* ten ' (O. Ind. ddSa, Arm. tasn, Gk. biKa, O. Ir. deich, W. deg,
Goth, taihun, O. H. G. zehan^ Lith. deszimt, deszimtis, O. SI.
des^tt), Lat. dScem ; I.-Eur. root weid-, * to see, know ' (O. Ind.
veda, Arm. git-em, Gk. otba, O. Ir. ad-fiadaim, ' I narrate/ Goth,
vait, Engl, wot, O. SI. vedeti Inf.), Lat. vuleo, vidi. In the Sabine
dialect d became 1 (/. F, ii. 157); and we find the spelling I
sanctioned in a few Latin words at the beginning of the literary
period, e.g. lacrlma, older dacrimay dacruma (Gk. haKpvy Welsh
dagr, Goth, tagr), (Paul. Fest. 48. 15 Th. ' dacrimas ' pro lacrimas
Livius saepe posuit). I) became r before g in mergo, mergvs (O.
Ind. madgu-, ' a waterfowl '), &c., and before v and/J though the
old forms arger, arv&r^us^ arfueruni^ had their d restored from ad
at the beginning of the second cent. B.C. Initial dw- became
hy e.g. helium (older duellwn^ always a dissyllable in Plautus), hu
for *dwt8 (Gk. 8is), (see § 68), and initial dy- became^'- (y), e.g.
e/orw, O. Lat. Biovis (see § 63), but internal -dw- leaves v in
st/dvis (§71). D is assimilated to a following m in rdmenfum from
rddOf caetjieufum from caedo, c in O. Lat. reccido, hoc for *hod-ce,
I in relMgiOj pelluviae^ water for washing the feet, grallae^ stilts,
from gradior^ but assimilates a preceding / in percello for ^^celdo
(of. clddes), &c. (see ch. viii. § '^'^^ sallo for *saldo (Goth, salta).
It became t before r, e.g. atrox (cf. ddmm), and before f, this H
becoming sft (see § 108), e.g. egressus^ adgressm. The forms egrettus^
adgretius (Paul. Fest. 55. 3 Th. quotes egretns^ adgretns^ apparently
from some early writer, earlier than the practice of writing the
double consonant) seem to stand ioT*€gr€d(i)tO'yadgred{i)to-{^ 1 08).
L-Eur. d remains in Umbro-Osc, e.g. Umbr. devo-, Osc.
deivo- ' divus/ but between vowels became in Umbrian a sound
(d ? ch. ii. § 88) which is expressed in the native alphabet by a sign
conventionally written by us r and in the Latin alphabet by m,
e.g. tera, dersa ^det' (quasi *d£Hlat) (Pel. dida; cf. Osc. didest).
For nd we have in Umbro-Osc. nn as in -nno- the Gerundive
ending, e.g. Umbr. pihano- ' piandus,' Osc. upsanno- *operandus/
§ 110. other instanoes of I.-Eiir. d, Lat. d. I.-Eur. root deii-, Ho point' (O.
Ind. dU-, Gk. ZuKWfu, Goth, ga-tcihan, * to proclaim '), Latin dlcere^ indicare ; I.-
Eur, root d^ks-, ' right hand ' (O. Ind. dak^ina-, Gk. dt^ios, df^-rtpos, O. Ir. des«,
Gaul. Dexsiva, W. deheu, Goth, taihsva, Litli. deazin?, 0. SI. desinu\ Lat.
(ieorter; I.-Eur. rootsed-, 'to 8it'(0. Ind. sad-, Gk. t5o9, 0. Ir. .sudim, sadaim,
W. seddu Inf., Goth, sita, 0. SI. sedlo, 'saddle '}, Ijat. ftf^deo. Similarly Lat. scindo
286 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
(O. Ind. chind-, Gk. <rx*i'8-aXfuJs, a splinter) ; Lat. divus (O. Ind. d^vir, Lith.
dSvas ; Lat. pes^ Gen. pfdis (O. Ind. p^-, Gk. irovr, wo96s Qen.y ir^fo, Goth,
fdtus, Lith. pedk, * footprint ') ; Lat. suadeo (0. Ind. svftdu-y ' sweet/ Gk. ijivt,
Goth, suts) ; Lat. Sdo ^O. Ind. ad-, Arm. ut-em, Gk. 15a;, Goth, ita, Lith. Mu,
O. SI. jadi, ' food ').
§ 111. Lat. 1 for d. Lautia, which usually occurs in an alliterative formula,e.g.
Liv. XXX. 17. 14 aedes liberae, locA, lautia legatis decreta; xxviii. 39. 19 locus
inde lautiaque legatis praeberi jussa) was in Old Latin dautid, a form quoted
from Livius Andronicus by Paul. Fest. 48. 16 Th. * dautia' (Livius saepe posuit ,
quae lautia dicimus, et dantur legatis hospitii gratia ; linguay for I.-Eur.
♦dnfjhsil- or *dnghwa- v Goth. tuggO ; cf. 0. Ir. tenge) was in Old Latin dingua
[nosnunc . . . linguamper Ipotiusquamper d (6cribamus), Mar. Vict. 9. 17 K.:
communionem enim habuit littera (1 cum d) apud antiques, ut * ding^am ' et
linguam, et 'dacrimis' et lacrimis, et * Kapitodium' etKapitolium, id. 96. i K.\
(Was AquUonia the Oscan Akudunnia-, now Cedogna ? cf. 0. Umbr. ake^unia-.)
Pompey, according to Mar. Vict. 8. 15 K., affected the old spelling and
pronunciation kadamiUts for cdlamitas (perhaps from the same root as Oscan
cadets amnudy ' with intent to injure/ ^ out of malice,* Gk. tcttea^qtrcUf explained
by Hesychius as fiKcapat^ xaKUfffai, artfnj<rat) ; the di Novetisiles appear on an
old inscription from Picenum as deiv. novesede {C.I.L. i. 178) (cf. the
Marsic esos novesedcy Zv. I.I.I. 39). In many or all of these words the
preference of the byform with I can be explained by false analogy ; in lingua
by the analogy of lingo (cf. O. Ir. ligur, * the tongue/ Arm. lezu, Lith. leiiiyis) ;
in ccdamitas by the analogy of calamus ; in lautia by the analogy of lavoj &c.
Similarly O. Lat. d&icare with the sense of indtcare (e. g. Plant. MU. 844) may
owe its I to the influence of deliquarey to clarify. Perhaps Lat. lympha,
a Graccizod form 1 cf. Qen. PI. Igmphonj Varro, Sat. Men. 50 B.) of *dumpa, (Osc.
Diumpa- , with Lat. Ulysses^ does not exhibit a Latin change of d to /, but
a change which had already been made in Greek ; for Quiutilian, i.4. 16, quotes
dialectal Gk. *0\vacF€vs ; and on Gk. vases (see Kretschmer, Gr. Vas. p. 146) we
have *OAwffft/s C.I.O. 7697), frequently *0\vrfvs {C.I.Q. 7383, 7699, 8185,
8ao8), while Varro, L.L. vii. 87, quotes \vfMf*6krjirros (cf. O. Lat. Thelis for
BiTts, Varro, L. L. vii. 87). The exact relation of *JmfZa, simildgOf fine wheaten
flour (cf. Germ. Semmel), to Gk. ac/ii^oAts is doubtful, as also that of casila
(Paul. Fest. 33. sa Th. ; for cassilla '?, to cctssis, cassida (an Etruscan word
according to Isidore, Orig. xviii. 14. i). The form relurium mentioned by
Fostus '370. 17 Th. rediviam quidam, alii 'reluvium' appellant, cum circa
unguis cutis »e resolvit, quia lucre est solvere) never ousted the form redivia.
It does not appear to have been a phonetic variety of redivia^ but rather
a separate word, perhaps a grammarian's coinage, derived from /mo, as redivia,
red-uvia was derived from *ovo of twrf-wo, ex-wo, exuviae. Some of the forms with
/ mentioned above, e. g. calamifas^ 'injury to crops,* may similarly have been
different words from the rf-forms. [So consilium, Ac. beside praesidium, Ac. ;
cf. Mar. Vict. 9. 18 K. praesidium per d potius ;scribamus. quam per 1 ;
c&nsidium Plant. Cas. 966 (see below on solium)]. Some appear to be dialectal ;
e. g. lei)€sta or lepista [Greek ^ntara (but cf. AfwacTTi^), according to Varro, L. L.
V. 123] was Sabine (Varro, l.c.\ and perhaps Novensiles ^id. v. 74) (cf. Paul.
Fest. 77. 7 Th. * inpelimenta ' inpedimenta dicebant) ; so probably Idrtx for
"darix (O. Ir. dair for Marix, * an oak'), and possibly laurus for *dauru8 (O. Ir.
daur for *darus, ' an oak ') ; Melica (gallina) for Midica (Varro, K. B. iii. 9. 19) (cf.
§ lU.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. T, D, DH. 287
Paul. Fest. 89. 27 Th.) ; and the few modern Italian words which show this
change of d to I may be dialectal too, e.g. cicala from Lat. dcdda, ellera from Lat.
fifd^ay trespolo from Lat. trSs and pMes, as tiepolo is a dialectal variety of tepldo
(^Lat. teptdua) (cf. the Dtgentia, now Licenza, in the Sabine district). It is
))08sible, but unlikely, that Lat. puhltcus (Umbr. pupdiko-), PulAius from pubeSj
a name whose spelling was often altered after Puplicola and other names derived
from piipHliia (cf. Umbr. Puplecio-), may stand for *puhdi' and exhibit that
change of d to 2 after a labial which is seen in these Italian forms tiepolo and
trespolo ;cf. the byform impSlimenta). The town-name TetBsia shows d on
Oscan coins with Tedis (Zv. 1. 1. 1. 362). Other examples of I for d are lerir^
better laeciry a brother-in-law for *daever (O. Ind. dfivAr-, Gk. haiip for *hauFrip^
Lith. deveris, O. SI. deveri), which Nonius (557. 6 M.) explains : quasi laevus
vir ; i'iUoj which stands in puzzling contrast to odor from the root od-, • to smell '
(Arm. hot, Gk. hht4^ Lith. fidSiu) [pdefacii of Paul. Fest. 193. ai Th. *odefacit'
dicebant pro olfacit, may be a grammarian's coinage). But the other
instances usually quoted are doubtful : uCtgo may come from ^iixKlis as well as
from utMus ; solium and O. Lat. »^Aum (e. g. £nn. Ann. 93 M. scamna solumque)
may be from a root swel- (Gk. ai\fjuiy Lith, siilas, * a bench ';., and not represent
*8odium (O. Ir. suide) from the root sed-, as solunif the ground, the sole of the
foot (cf. sol^ay a slipper) stands for *8wolo-, (0. Ir. fol, * the base, foundation ') ;
mdlus might be from *maz-lo-, as Engl, mast is from *maz-do-. The inter-
change of d and I in lacrumaj lingua, &c. was well known to the native Latin
grammarians, and was often appealed to by them to support theoretical
etymologies of words with /. Thus they explained sella (really for *8ed-la ;
Lacon. Gk. iKkd ; cf. Goth, sitls, Engl, a settle, 0. SI. sedlo, ' a saddle ') by this
interchange (Mar. Vict. 26. 3 K.) ; similarly ancilia from ambe-cido (Varro,
L. L. vii. 43' ; sSliquastra from sideo (Fest. 508. 10 Th.''. ; iniditor from iny^r&M
^Serv. ad Ed. i. a") ; dfUcatus from dedkaius [Paul. Fest. 49. 17 Th. ; who quotes
a (suppositious) deUcarej 51. 35 Th. ' delicare ' poncbant pro dedicare ; cf.
Gl. Plac. 16. II G. delicare: deferre, quod et * dedicare ' dicebant pro commercio
litterarum]. This delicare for dedicare is either an etymological coinage to
explain delicatuSf or the Old Latin delicare, to explain, inform, which was
mentioned above. Modern etymologists have adopted a similar course to
explain some difficult words like mitlier, miUs^ siltcernium, lildtts (for other
examples, see Wharton : On Latin Consonant Lawsj in the Phil. Soc. Trans.
1889 ; and Conway, Indogcrm. Forsch. ii. 157). But the evidence rather points
to this Mike pronunciation of d having asserted itself at the beginning of the
literary period, but not having gained admission into the literary language,
except in tlie case of a few words where the / was supported by analogy or
other caiuses. (Latin haliolusj from bddiusj is a 'ghost- word/ the true reading
in Plant. Poen. 1301 is baiiolus, the old spelling of bajulus).
Whether an original 1 is ever represented by d in Latin is doubtful. The
mispronunciation aJipes for ddlpes f Prob. App. 199. 3 K.) was probably influenced
by the Gk. dktKpa^ but is no argument that the Greek and Latin words are
connected ; the O. Lat. sedda for sella, quoted by Ter. Scaur. 13. 14 K., seems to l>e
a grammarian's coinage to illustrate the etymology from s^leo, though it might
possibly be the same dialectal sedda^ with a peculiar form of d, which is still
heard in S. Italy and Sardinia, where every Italian U is replaced by this (/d-sound
(see ch. ii. § 85). (On medipojUns and melipdntns, sec Keil on Cato B. R. iii. 5.)
§ 112. Lat. r for d. Priscian 'i. p. 35. 2 H.> tells us that the ' antiquissimi '
288 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
used arverui€f arrenioresj arrocott, arjines, arvolare, arfari, also arger: and other
grammarians mention arventum (Mar. Vict. 9. 17 K.), arrorsuSf arvorBarius . Vel.
Long. 71. 23 K.), arveniet Gl. Plac), arferia Paul. Feat. 8. 3a Th. ; Gloss, ap. L5we
Prodr, p. 13 vas vinarium quo vinum ad aras ferebant ; cf. adfetial, Gl. Cyr.).
In Cato wo find arveko (e. g. R. R, 135. 7 ; 138 ; ; and on inscriptions arjitemnt^
arfuise and arrorstim (C. I. L, i. 196) in the S. C. de Bacchanalibus of 186 b. c,
arrorsario beside advorsarium J. 198), in the Lex Rcpetundanim of 123-3 B.C.,
arvorm (ix. 78a). Apur (Mar. Vict. 9. 17 K.), apor (Paul. Fi-st. 19. 34 Th.), the
old form of apudy was probably a * doublet ' used before a word beginning
with g, r,/ i^cf. apurfnetn in an old inscription from the Maraic territory, Zv.
/. 1, 1. 45) ; but quirqw'r in the augur's formula for marking out a templum (Varro,
L. L. vii. 8) is a doubtful example ; and arduuitur (Lcgg. XII Tabb. 10. 7 Br.\
ar me Lucil. ix. 30 M. unlikely readings. The affinity of the sounds is seen
in tlie dialectal) mispronunciation 'in usu cotidie loquentium' (Consent.
392. 15 K.) peies for pSdes (cf. arrenire Diom. 453. 39 K. ' ; and r (or else d, the
f^-sound of our Hhis/ ' then ') take.s the place of Italian d in the dialects of
S. Itiily and Sicily, o. g. dicere and ricere for Ital. dicere in the Abruzzi ;
Neapolitan rurece for Ital. dodici, and (like Consentius' peres) pere for Ital.
piede, &c. Arger persisted in Vulgar Latin vital, argine. * a dam,' Span, arcen,
* a parapet.') Arlnfer^ from the root <j«et- of Lat. v&o {O. Scand. at-kvaeda,
* a decision ') seems to be dialectal 0. Umbr. adputrati, in Lat. ^arhitratu') (cf.
immfrrda, the form used by Plautus, classical fnunfdiila with the termination of
acrfdu1a,f^c?dula^ q^terfiufdulaj n'ttPdvlaj alcSdo ; and the glosses maredus for mddtdtiSy
fsoierare for siHidare, mafcerai for marddat ,,LOwe, Prodr. 353 ; Opusc. 143). The
change of rf to r in O. Lat. ar/uerunt (preserved in the formula son. abf.
scribcndo arfueruni), &c. was often mentioned by the native grammarians, who
regarded a reference of any r to an original ri as a legitimate device in
framing etymologies. Thus Vel ins Longus (7 r . 33 K.^ derives auricula from audio,
and mtndies (older meridib Adv.) from mSdius and dies. This explanation of
meridies is probably right, the r being due to dissimilation (cf. Cic. OraiL xlvii.
'57 ja™ videtur nescire dulcius. ipsum meridiem cur non ' medidiem * ; Varro,
L. L. vi. 4, says that medidies was the old form, and that he had seen it on
u Praenestine sundial : meridies ab co quod medius dies, d antiqui, non r,
in hoc dicebant, ut Praeneste incisum in solario vidi), though a good deal may
bo said for the derivation from tnerus ^cf. mere meridie, Petr. 37, p. 35. i B.), and
the Praenestine D seen by Varro may have been merely an old form of the letter
R, as i^DiNOD, LAOiNEi ou all coins c. 350 b.c.) of Larinum modern Lnrino)
(G. /. L. i. 34) may show the Oscan D, the symbol of r, as R was of rf. Isidore
Orig. xii. 7. 69; similarly explains mcrida : morula antiquitus 'medula' voca-
batur, eo quod moduletur ; and Varro .L. L, v. no;, derives pema *a pede.*
Modern etymologists explain in tlie same way gldrea (Gk. x^^^o*)* possibly
a dialectal form, simtiur (ch. ix. § 8) beside simitu, and other words of dcmbtful
origin (see Wharton, Latin Consonant Laws, in Phil. Soc Trans. 1889, on careo.
fjUlro, &C.I. But the available evidence hardly allows us to ascribe any r to
an original d in a Latin word except before g, r,/. Cdduceus^ a loanword from
Ok KtjpvKtov v^Dor. icdp-) may owe its d to a fanciful connexion of the word with
ladilcus. In Umbrian ar- is found for the Preposition ad in compounds
perhaps only before f-, v-, e. g. arvcitii * advehito/ arfertur (and arsfertur)
'adfertor' ':von Planta, i. p. 408^. (On Lat. arc^sso and other doubtful exx.
of ar- for arf-, see Schoell, xii TaJ)h.y p. 81.)
§$ 112~U6.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. T, D, DH. 289
§ 113. tr for dr. Lat. citrus was the old form of 6k. Mpos, for NaeviuB has
ciiroaa testis, while cedrus is not found till Virgil ; CassarUra and Alexanter were
the old forms of KaaaMpay *A\i(ay9poSj according to Quint, i. 4. t6 [we find
Alixentrtmi (C. I. L. i. 50), AlixwUe{r)f Casenter^a) (i. 150 1), on old inscriptions from
PraenesteJ. So Gk. *T8poCf, -owroi, Lat Hydruntum, is modem Otranto, Lat.
nUtrio is for *nou<l-rw (§ 4a) (Lith. naud^ * use/ Goth, niutan, *to enjoy,* Germ,
geniessen") ; taeter for ^taed-ro- (cf. taedet) ; so uter^ Gen. %ktris (Gk. h^pla) ; lutra^
an otter, may be a malformation of *iUra (O. Ind. udrA-, Lith. tidra, Engl,
otter). The group dr is not found in Latin, except in quadrxk-, quadra, &c. (but
cf. triqiuirus). The name DrO^uA (cf. Gloss ap. LOwe, Prodr. p. 398 drusus : patiens,
rigidus; contumax") is declared by Suetonus {Tib. iii.) to be a Gaulish name :
Drusus, hostium duce Drauso comminus trucidato, sibi posterisque cognomen
inyenit ; andruare and drua (Paul. Fest. 7. 15 Th.) are very doubtful spellings
of antntare {antroare) and tn*a {ib. 1. 17).
§ 114. DH. I.-Eur. dh became /in Latin, which in proximity
to r became b ; but in the middle of a word between vowels
fl is fomid ; e. g. I.-Eur. *dhumo- (O. Ind. dhumfi-, Gk. Ovfxos,
Lith. dumai PI., O. SI. dymu), lia.tfumus; I.-Eur. rttdhro- (Gk.
i'pv0p6sy O. SI. rtldru; cf. O. Ind. rudhiri-), Lat. riiber, stem
rubrO' ; I.-Eur. root bheidh- (Gk. ireCOa) for *</)€ida)), Lat. ftdo.
This/, b, d may have all three developed from an older ^-sound,
the sound of our th in * this,' * that/ * then ; ' but whether Sicilian
Klrpa^ (for Lat. libra) is a survival of the ^-stage is uncertain.
The change of dr to /r, br may be compared with the change of
ST to fry br in tenebrae for ^tenes-rae, &c. (§ 152).
I.-Eur. dh is in Umbro-Osc. f, whether initial or internal, e.g.
Umbr. fa9ia, Osc. fakiiad *faciat,* Umbr. rufra * rubra,' Osc.
mefiai ' mediae ' (von Planta, i. p. 451). This f for Lat. (internal)
rf, b is found in some dialectal words, e.g. crefrare for cribrare,
like dialectal f for Lat. (internal) b from I.-Eur. bh (see ch. ii.
§83)-
$ 115. Other examples of I.-Eur. dh. (i) Initial : I.-Eur. root dh€-, dh^A-,
'to place, do' (Gk. t-Brj-v, tOrjK-a, Arm. d-nem, ^I place,' Goth. ga-d6-)>s, Engl,
deed, Lith. d6-ti, 0. SI. dS-ti, Ho lay'), Lat. fac-io^ but with dh medial, condo
{/He- shows the weak grade of dh6/f-' ; I. -Eur. root dh6-, dh6y-, *to suck,' (O.Ind.
dhiy&mi, Arm. diem, Gk. $ffa$aij 0. Ir. dith 3 Sg. Pret., Goth, daddjan, ' to
suckle,' O. SI. detq, * an infant *), Lat./^to, usually spelt /eKo, filitM (§7). Simi-
larly Lat. /orum (Lith. dvaras, * court,' O. SI. dvoru) ; Lat. /^(reo, /^rlZfa from the
I.-Eur. root dheghl-, * to burn * (O. Ind. dah-, Lith. degii, Gk. ri*ppa for *$4<ppay
ashes) [the original meaning of foreo was * to warm ' (see the dictionaries^
and cf. Paul. Fest. 60. 15 Th. a fovendo, id est calefaciendo) ; hence fbculumy
a fire-pan, e. g. Plant. Capt. 847 foveri foculis ferventibus].
(9) Medial : from I.-Eur. root reudh-, ^ to be red ' (O. Ind. rdhita-, ' red,' lOha-^
U
290 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. IV.
* metal/ Gk. k-ptv&w, O. Ir. ruad,* red,' * strong/ GauL Rondos, W. rhadd, Goth.
rau)>8, *red/ O. H. G. rost, * nwt/ O. SL nidSti, * to blush/ ruda, * metal,' riiida,
' rust ') come Lat. raudust t-^dus and rUduSy unshaped metal, rUdis, unshaped, and
with b, besides rUber mentioned above, riU>eOj robusj rSbur, r$&i^,while rUJuB with/,
is dialectal ; from I.-£ur. root bhendh-,'to bind' (O. Ind. btodhana-, Gk. rtta/ui
for *ir€v$fffM, vtvBtp6t, Goth, bindan), Lat qffltndix (§ 79) with d, while Lat.
lumbua shows h for dh (or dhw?) (O. SI. l^dvija, O. Engl, lenden), and h
appears for dh of the suffix dhlo- (see ch. t. § 96), in tfi-bulum, stdbtUumj &c. as
'br<h for I.-Eur. dhro- in cri-bnan, verti-bnif Ac ; I.-Eur. ♦mMhyo- (O. Ind.
miidhya-, Gk. fi4ff(a)otf Goth, midjis), Lat. mSdiua ; I.-Eur. root aidh-, ' to bum '
(O. Ind. 6dha-, * firewood/ Gk. aX$w, O. Ir. aid, *fire,'0. Engl, ftd, *pyre),' Lat.
aedeSf house, lit. ' hearth.' Similarly Lat. vidua (O. Ind. yidhiyft, O. Ir. fedb,
Goth. viduvO, O. SI. vidova) ; fldHia (Gk. vl$os) ; grddu8 (Goth, grips^ ; vddes
(Gk>th. vadi, Gterm. Wette, Lith. vadvfti. Ho redeem') ; uber (O. Ind. udhar, Gk.
ov$apf O. Engl, uder) ; combrstumy a bulrush (cf. Lith. szvendrai PI.) ; barba for
*farba (§ 104) (Engl, beard, O. SI. brada, Lith. barz-d&) ; arbos (O. Ind. ardh-,
' to grow, thrive ') ; gldber (O. H. G. glat, * smooth,' Engl, glad, Lith. glodtis,
* smooth/ O. SI. gladiikii) ; verbum (Goth.vaurd, Neut., Lith. vafdas, 'a name').
§ 116. The Guttnrals. There are three series of Gutturals, viz.
(1) Palatals (in some languages Sibilants, e.g. O. Ind. sat&m, Lith.
szimtas, O. SI. suto, * hundred ' corresponding to Lat. centum) ;
{2) Velars, better called Gutturals proper (Gutturals in all
languages, e.g. the onomatopoetic name of the cuckoo^ O. Ind.
k6ka-, Gk. k6kkv(, Lat. cuculus ; cf . Lith. kukuti, * to cry cuckoo *) ;
(3) Velars with Labialisation, i.e. followed by a w-sound (in
some languages Labials, e.g. Horn. Gk. irCavpcs, W. pedwar, Osc.
pelora, ' four/ corresponding to Lat. quattuor). They are most
conveniently written, (i) t, g, &c., (2) k, g, &c., (3) q*, g9, &c.,
while the symbols i, ^, &c. may be reserved for Gutturals
whose exact nature is doubtful. So far as Latin is concerned,
we might write (i) and (2) as ^, ^, &c., and (3) as kiOy gw^ &c..
for the same letter c represents the k of centum and the k of
carpo (O. Ind. krp-), nor does the W of equus, &c (O. Ind.
&sva-) present a different appearance from the q^ of quattnor,
sequor (O. Ind. sac-). I.-Eur. t and k became Lat. c (i), g and
g Lat. ffy gh and gh became a guttural spirant, which was
written g with a consonant, elsewhere A ; I.-Eur. q» is Lat qu
(which we might write iv, kw)^ g^ is Latin gu, ffv (fffo), which
became g before a consonant, but lost its g when initial just as
dj' (dy^) when initial became y- (^-), or as Teut. gw from I.-Eur.
gh^ became w in * warm,' * snow,' &c It lost its g also when
medial between vowels. I.-Eur. gh' became a guttural spirant
§ ue.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. GUTTURALS. 29 1
followed by a «?- sound, which was written with a consonant gu or
g^ but elsewhere became hw^ this hw developing at the beginning
of a word into/ [just as the Greek ^tt;-sound from I.-Eur.
initial sw- seems to have developed into some^-sound (ch. i, § 3)],
but in the middle of a word into v {to), (For examples see below.)
The I.-Eur. Gutturals offer considerable difficulty. It is not
only that we find occasionally the confusion, found with every
species of Mute, between Tenuis and Media (ch. ii. § 75), Media
and Aspirate, &c. ; e. g. the guttural Media seems to replace the
Aspirate in Lat. Kgnrrio (cf . lingo), from the root leigh-, ' to lick '
(Gk. Aeix^), Lat. adagio^ prddtgium, from the root agh-, *to say'
(O. Ind. ah-), Lat. ftgura (cf . Jingo) from the root dheigh-, * to
m6uld,' (O. Ind. dih-, ' to smear,') just as we find the labial Media
replacing the Aspirate in Gk. 0Tc/Ltj3a) beside doT€/A</>i7;. We
find also apparent confusion of one series of Gutturals with
another; thus in Greek (and perhaps in other languages) the
proximity of the vowel u seems to change a Guttural of the
third into a Guttural of the second series, e.g. yvvfi^ (Boeot.
jSaro, O. Ir. ban), Xvkos (dial. Lat. lupus) ; and very often the
want of a cognate word in a language which treats one series
differently from another, prevents us from ascertaining to which
series a Guttural properly belongs, e.g. whether the c of collnm
is a palatal or a true guttural. We are also confronted with an
apparently I.-Eur. dialectal change of q- to p, perhaps made in order
to avoid that similarity between two successive syllables which
was so sought after in Latin (§ 163). Thus the I.-Eur. word for
*five' may have been *4^nq"6 in one dialect (O. Ind. pdnca, -fx.
Gk. TT^i/Tf, &c.), *q?enq-e in another (Lat. quinque^ O. Ir. coic) ;
the root meaning *to cook,' peq"- (O, Ind. pac-, Gk. ttcWo)),
q-eq^- (W. pobi, with p- from I.-Eur. q", Lat. cdquus), and even
q*ep- (Lith. kepi. What of Gk. apTo-Koiros ?). The same
explanation has been suggested for the q- of Lat, quercus beside
the p- of O. Engl, furh, Engl, fir, and for the p- of Goth, fidvor,
Engl, four, beside the q" of other languages, e.g. Lat. quattuor,
A Latin Guttural, to whatever series it belongs, combines
with a following s into a?, e.g. vexi from veho (I.-Eur. gh), before
t becomes the group ct^ e.g. veclus, actus, which in late Latin
* So to is dropped before the u-sound in EngL ' two.'
V 2
292 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
came to be pronounced tt (Ital. atto), before «, m becomes the
group gn, gm^ e. g. tlignus from ilex, or the loanword cygnu%
from KVKV09, Initial gn- became «- at the beginning of the
second cent. B.C., e.g. ndfvs. But luna does not stand for *lucna,
but for ^hicma (Zend raoxSna-, ' shining/ Pruss. lauxnos,
' stars '), as we see from the old form on a Praenestine mirror,
Losna (C. 7. L, i. 55), just as velum, a sail, stands for *vex'lum
(O. SI. veslo, 'a rudder'), as we see from the Diminutive form
vex2llu?n, so that Gk. Kv^vos has been declared to represent
*\vKsvos (M. S. L. vii. 91). Another instance of Greek xv
appearing in Latin as n with long vowel is the (loanword ?)
ardnea (Gk. iipaxvri), Exdmen beside agmen, ambages (on
exagmen see Class. Rev, v. 294), contdmino beside contdgitim;
[contrast j)ropagme?i (Enn. Ann. 587 M.) beside j»r(?/?rt^(?, and cf . sub-
femen from texo beside suhtegmen^ e. g. Virg. Aen. iii. 483], have
been variously explained by hypotheses that have as yet failed
to establish themselves, such as (i) that the Guttural is assimi-
lated (like d in caementum from caedo) after a long vowel,
*exdg-men becoming ^exdmmen^ exdmen, while ag-men remains
agmen-y (2) that the Guttural is assimilated in the unaccented
syllable (under the earlier Accent Law), whence exdmen but
dgmen ; (3) that the unassimilated forms had originally a con-
necting vowel, e.g. ag(Vjmen) (cf. jtigumentum, a joining, Cato,
/?. R. xiv. I and 4). Another theory, that these forms add an
* to the final Guttural of the root, exdmen for ^ex-ax^men from
*agS'7ne7i- (cf. *aX'la, ax-is), connects the forms with a known
law of Latin phonetics, and is preferable on that account.
The cognates of major, aio show g in Latin, e.g. magnus^
magis, adagio, prodtgium^ but the guttural Aspirate in other
I.-Eur. languages (O. Ind. mah-, ah-); so it is better to refer
them to the ordinary law that Latin h may be dropped between
vowels, than to posit a new law that the guttural Media was
dropped before y. Major will thus come from an older *mdhior
(cf . O. Ind. mdhiyas-) ; pHleium, fleabane, apparently from pulex,
a flea, may be dialectal, like Umbr. muieto P. P. P., with i for
palatalized g, beside mvgatu Imperat. ; hr(^vis (Gk. ppaxvs) will
represent an older trisyllable breAuis, and l^vis (Gk. iKaxvn
what of i\a(t)p6s ?) an older *leAuis, while pinguis (Gk. itaxys).
$$ U7-119.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. GUTTURALS. 293
where the Aspirate is preceded by the consonant «, will represent
an older trisyllabic form ^pinguis (see § 127).
Aspirate Tenues, which are difficult to trace (see § 95), have
been found in wiguis (cf . O. Ind. nakh&-, Gk. oWx-, O. Ir. inge,
Lith. nagas, O. Engl, nsegel) (see B. B. xvii. 133), cmigius (O.
Ind. Saiakhd-, ' a shell,' Gk. i^oyxr]^ Lett sence). On dat. cl for
I.. Eur. -tl-, e,g. pdc(u)lum see § 105 ; on cc for tc, e.g. ac ior^alc,
atquey hoc for *hod'c{e)^ § 109; on the mispronunciations m, 9c
for ar, e.g. coxim, ascella, ch. ii. § 117.
In Umbrian the combination kt, when due to Syncope, seems
to be differently developed according as the k represents on the
one hand an I.-Eur. q- or on the other an I.-Eur. t (or k) ; in
the former case it becomes kt, e.g. fiktu (Lat. figito for fivito^
ch. viii. § 7), in the latter, j[t, e.g. deitu (Lat. dicito). In Osc.
both are kt, e. g. f ruktatiuf * f ru(v)itationes,' factud * facito,'
while I.-Eur. q^ (not due to Syncope) is Umbro-Osc. kt, and
I.-Eur. kt, kt (not due to Syncope) is Umbro-Osc. ht (for
examples see Buck, VocalUniua Oak, Sprache^ p. 145).
$ 117. X for Guttural with 8. Vexi from c^o (L-Eur. root wegh-, * to carry *) ;
panxi (cf. Gk. vqyvviu) ; finxi from Jingo (I.-Eur. dheigh-) ; nix for *(8)nighXs ;
coxi from coquo ; lixu^ pro-lixusy S-lixus from liquor for *vliquor (0. Ir. fliuch, * wet,*
W. gwlyb). Before most consonants x became s, e. g. seacSiU for ^sex-cenij (as
after r in mers for 7nerx, sparsiy tersi, &c., § 158}, but not before i in dexter, dextra,
scxtus, &c. (but InsirOf to iUuminate, illasiriSf &c. from *lucs-tr- ; on Sestius, mistusj
see ch. ii. § 125}, while before m, n, I it was (like s for I.-£hir. s, e. g. qudlua
for *qua8'lusj cf. qudsiUuSj § 151 ; dropped with * Compensation,' e. g. pdlits for
*paxAiis {Dim.. paxiUiis) ; ala, wing, shoulder, for "^ax-la (Dim. axilla), like axis, an
axle, from the root ag- of ago (O. H. G. ahsala, * shoulder,' W. echel, * an axle,'
Engl, axle) ; tfJum, for ♦tec-Zu»n, from texo, to shape (0. H. G. dehsala, * an axe,'
O. SI. tesla; ; isla, for *tex-la, from texo, to weave (Ter. Heaut. 285 texentem
telam) ; talus, for *taX'lus (Dim. taxillus) ; s^t for *sex-nt ; aula, Dim. auxiUa,
§ 118. ot for Guttural with t. Vectus, with vectis, a lever, from v&u) (gh) ;
panctum and pactum from |)a>i^o (g ?) ; fidwn from Jingo : gh) ; /t<cfu5, grief, from
liigeo (g) ; coc^um from coquo (qS) ; ntcto, to wink ; cf. co-niveo (ghS). After
a consonant c was dropped in course of time ( § 157), e. g. f&rtis, in O. lAi. forctis
[in the XII Tables /orcfed was the name given to the loyal neighbours of Rome,
sanates to those who had swerved from their loyalty, but had returned to it,
Fest. 524. 15 Th. ; cf. Paul. Fest. 59. 26 * forctes ' Qeg. * forctis ') frugi et
bonus, sive validus] ; quintus, in the older spelling quinctus, the older form
being long retained in the names Qfuinctilius, Quinctius, Quinctilis, &c. (see
Georges, Lex. WwtJ. s. v.). On Vulg. and Late-Lat. H for ct, e. g. ImMaok, see
ch. ii. § 95, and cf. Bhein, Mus. xlv. p. 493.
§ 110. gn, gm for on, om. Like ilignus from Ilex are larignus from Idrix, saiignus
from salix ; similarly segmentum from s^o ; dignus, usually explained as *dec-nus
294 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. IV.
from d(cetj but better as *dk-nits (O. Scand. tiginn, ' high-born,' tign, * rank ')
a P. P. P. NO-stem from the root deik- of dicere, indicare, &c. Aprunus is a late
spelling of aprugnus ; aprinus is an entirely different formation (see Georges,
Lex, Worif, s. v.). After a consonant the Guttural is dropped, e. g. qutmuA for
*qa»rt-nMs from qvurcuA ; fanwa for *farg-nu^ a byform of /raxtnu«, though not in
Compounds with ad, &c , e. g. agnasoQ, When the consonant is a Nasal, it seems
to combine with the following Nasal , e. g. ^ulnt for *(ia\'nc-ni, so that oofnidmiw)
might stand for ^can-iaryg-mi'm as well as for *con-(ags-mtno. Compounds with
in, con show different spellings ; in' with gyvysca gives i^nosco, cKm- with (/nosco
both cognosco and cdnoscOf as con- with necto gives cSnecto, &c. (cf. ch. ii. § 130).
Initial Latin gn became at the beginning of the second cent. b. c. n (as in
Engl. ' gnat '), e. g. nHscOf older griSsco (gn-), rUUus, older gnaius (gn-) (jpuUare
waidovutfjacu, C. O.L. ii. 35. 10), nixus, older gnixus (In- ; cf. O. H. Q. hnlgan,
Qerm. neigen), ndrus, older gnarus (^naritur yvojpi^frai^ C. Q, L. ii. 35. la), n&vus,
older gnavus, Naevius (cf Gk. Ncuos on the Hon. Anc.) beside Gnaeus (cf. Qnaivod,
Abl.y on u Scipio epitaph, C. I. L. i. 30). For instances of the older forms, see
Georges, Lex. Wort/, s. w., and LOwe, Piodr. 354: e.g. gnoscier on the S. C. Bacch.
of 186 B. c, C.LL, i. 196. 37, but nationumf noverit (beside gnatus Part.) on the Lex
Bepetundarum of 123-123 b. c, L 198 ; natus Part, on the Sent. Minuciorum
of 1 17 B. c, i. 199. Plautus and Terence use, as a rule, natus for the Participle,
gnatus for the Substantive ; the g of these forms appears in the compounds
agnoscOf agnatus, ignarusj igtvavusj &Cf and strangely also in agno?neny cognomen ;
for nomen i^so in S. C. Bacch.) was not originally *gnomen (cf. O. Ind. nAma-,
and for the various forms of the root, see B. B, xvii. 13a). On cripusculum and
Gk. icv4(paij see § 80.
§ 120. Lat. h dropped between vowels. Rimus for *bi'himus, lit. * two winters
old,' like Engl, t winter, a two-year old beast (cf. x'^t^°-P^h S^x^^y ^i^* ^^ winter
old,' Scotch gimmer, a yearling lamb) ; nil (so always in Plautus), for nthU,
fdhUum from n& and hUum (cf. Enn. ^. 8 M. nee dispendi facit hilum ;
Lucil. xiv. 1 1 M. hilo non sectius vivas ; Lucr. iii. 830 nil igitur mors est ad nos
neque pertinet hilum), hUum being explained as *■ quod grano fabae adhaeret '
(Paul. Fest. 72. 10 Th.) ',praebeo for praehibeo ; cors for cofiors. On the h of d?i^u8
{aenus) for "^^y^-no-, and on the question whether h was used in vehemensy
&c. to indicate a long vowel (as in Umbrian, e. g. comohota ' commOta '),
see ch. ii. § 56.
§ 121. Dialectal f for h. In Spanish, Latin /has become /t, e. g. hablar, Ho
speak' (Lai. /abulan, O. lAt. fabulare), and an interchange of A and/shows traces
of itself in the dialects of Italy. We find the form fasena for hasSna ascribed to
the Sabino dialect by the grammarians (Vol. Long. 69. 8 K.), along withy?rcus
(cf. the name of a citizen of Reate mentioned by Varro, Fircellius) and fedus.
Similar forms roughly classed by the grammarians as * Old Latin ' we may
believe to have been dialectal, e. g. fordeum for hordeumj folus for hSlus, fostis for
hostis, /osfia for hostiay &;c., though some of them may be mere coinages to
strengthen the argument for the spelling with h- (see Quint, i. 4. 14 ; Ter.
Scaur, pp. II, 13 K. ; Vel. Long. p. 81 K. ; Paul. Fest. 59. ai Th. Ac).
A Faliscan inscription has foied for hodie {Not. Scat. 1887, PP- 2^? 3^7 * ft>ie<i
uino pipafo kra karefo ' hodie vinum bibam, eras carebo/ but a Sabine inscrip-
tion has hiretunij apparently from the root gher- (? gher-) (Osc heriiad, Gk.
Xa^, &0.), and Ter. Scaurus (13. 9 K.) quotes haba (Lat. /aba, O. SI. bobo,
§$120-128.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. ^, 6, 6h. 2g5
I. -Eur. bh-) as Falisoan. (See von Planta^ i. p. 449 ; LOwe, Prodr. p. 496 ; and
on the interchange of f and h in Etruscan inscriptions, Pauli, AlHtalische
Forschungen, iii. p. 114). Lat. /e2 has been explained as a dialectal form for
*hel (cf. Gk. x^^<>*)> ^^^ fovea for *hovea (Gk. x<*^) (cf. the gloss * fuma ' terra,
C, 0. L, V. 296. 50).
§ 122. The Palatal Gutttirals: &, 6-, d-H, &H. These
were in Latin^ as in Greek, Celtic, and Teutonic, guttural sounds,
while in the Asiatic languages and Slavonic they were sibilants.
&. I.-Eur. k, Lat. c, is seen in I.-Eur.*tmtom/ hundred ' (O. Ind.
satdm, Gk. k-KarSv, O. Ir. cet,W. cant, Goth.hund, Lith. szimtas),
Lat. centum ; *8wSktlro-, * step-father ' (O. Ind. §v&§ura-^ Arm.
skesur F., Gk. kKvpos, O. Corn, hwigeren, hweger F., Goth, svaihra,
Germ. Schwaher, Lith. szeszuras), Lat. sdcer ; *6tto(u), ' eight '
(O. Ind. astau, a|td, Gk. (JxTto, O. Ir. ocht, W. wyth, Goth, ahtau^
O. Engl, eahta^ Lith. asztSni, O. SI. osmi), Lat. dcto, I.-Eur.
kw was merged in qu, the representative of I.-Eur. q" ; thus
I.-Eur. *6kwo-, * horse ' (O. Ind. diva- ; cf . Lith. aszv^, * mare/
&c.) is Lat. equus,
I.-Eur. k is Umbro-Osc. k, e.g. Umbr. kletram Ace.,' a litter'
(Gk. kAiVo), &c.), Kluviier, Osc. Kluvatiium from the root tleu-
(Lat. clueoy Gk. kAcos, &c.), (von Planta, i. p. 326). In Umbrian
k (whether from I.-Eur. t or k) was palatalized before e, i, and
was written in the native alphabet by a sign which we conven-
tionally express by 9, in the Latin alphabet by i (sometimes *),
e. g. 9ersnatur, hsna (Lat. cena, Osc. kersna-) (ib, p. 359).
§ 123. other examples of L-Eur. k. From I. -Eur. root weii-, 'to enter'
(O. Ind. vifi-, vSid- M., *a tent,*Gk. fdiKos, Alb. vis M., *a place,' Gk)th. veihs,
*a village,' Lith. vfiszSti,^* to be lodged,' O. SI. visi, * a farm*), Lat. rUcua ; I.-Eur.
♦yuw^io- (O. Ind. yuva&i-, Gk. 'Td/r-iv^os, O. Ir. oac, W. ieuanc, Gk)th. juggs),
Lat. jtivencus ; I. -Eur. *trd-, * heart* (O. Ind. Srad-dha-, * confidence/ Arm. sirt,
Gk. Kop^j 0. Ir. cride, Goth. hairtO, Lith. szirdls, O. SI. sridlce), Lat. c&r, crSdo ;
I. -Eur. root ilou-, *to hear * (O. Ind. Sru-, Gk. icAua;, O.-Ir. cloor, cluinim, W.
clywed Inf., G^oth. hliu-ma, 'hearing,' O. SI. sluti, 'to be famous'), Lat. dueo;
I.-Eur. *p5rto- (Gk. v6pHosj O. Ir. ore, 0. Engl, fearh, Engl, farrow, Lith. palHizas,
O. SI. pra8^\ Lat.porciM ; I.-Eur. ii-, a Demonstrative Pronoun-stem (Arm. -s,
Gk. 'Xij Alb. si-, O. Ir. c6, Goth, hi-mma, Lith. szis, O. SI. si), Lat. ds, dtery extra ;
L-Eur. ilei-, 'to lean' (O. Ind. Sri-, Gk. ^Xh/cw, O. Ir. cloen, 'awry,' Goth, hlains,
' a hill,' Lith. 8aitiftTtas\ Lat. ac-dlnisy cRrtw ; I. Eur. *d6iip, * ten ' (O. Ind. d^«a,
Arm. tasn, Gk. bitca, O. Ir. dcich, W. deg, Goth, taihun, Lith. dSszimt, O. SI.
dds^tl), Lat. decern ; I.-Eur. root deii-, * to point, say ' (O. Ind. di^-, Gk. Sfbevvfu,
Goth, gateihan, ' to proclaim),' Lat. dtccre, indicare ; I. -Eur. root prei-, ' to ask '
(O. Ind. pra^n^-, 'a question,' O. Ir. imm-chom-arcim, 'I ask,' O. W. di-er-
296 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
chim, Goth, fraih-na, Gterm. frage, Lith. praszad, O. SI. proS^), Lat. prkor.
Similarly Lat. cr&bro for *eni8ro (cf. Lith. szirszfi, O. SI. sriiien!, Engl, hornet) ;
&cu8^ doer, &c. from the root a&-, * to be sharp ' (O. Ind. a^ri-, ' edge,' Arm. aseXn,
^a needle,' Lith. asztriis, 'sharp/ O. SI. ostrii, &c.) ; dk&irum f or *cerS8-rum (cf.
O. Ind. ^'iras-, N., 'head/ Gk. ttApd, &c.).
§ 124. L-Bnr. &w. Lat. combretumy bulrush, from the stem Iwdndhr-, seen
in Lith. szvefldrai PI., has been compared to sSnyr for 't'swdsor- ($ 68) ; but it
more probably shows the 0-grade of the stem, *qiuombr-^wn (of. O. Scand. hvOnn
'angelica'), with reduction of quO' to co- as in cSlo for older quolo (cf. § 137).
§ 126. d-. Of I.-Eur. g, Lat. g^ we have examples in the I.-£ur.
roots gen-, gno-, ' to know, learn ' (O. Ind. ja-na-mi^ jfiatd-, Arm.
can-eay Aor., Gk. yt-yyc4-(rica), yi;«Tos, O. Ir. gnath, ' accustomed,'
W. gnawd, O. Engl, cnawan^ Engl, to know, Lith. 2in-6ti, O. SI.
zna-ti), Lat. gndsco, gno-tus ; melg-, ' to milk ' (O. Ind. mrj-, ' to
wipe off/ Gk. AficAyco, O. Ir. bligim, O. Engl, melee, Lith.
met^u, O. SI. mliiz^), Lat. mulgeo.
I.-Eur. gw would be indistinguishable in Latin from I.-Eur.
g? j thus uvMns (cf . Gk. iJyp Js), if connected with the root weg-,
' to be strong' (cf. Gk. lyytT/s), shows v between vowels for gw.
In Umbro-Osc. I.-Eur. g is g, e. g. Umbr. ager ^ ager/ Osc.
aragetud * argento ' Abl. (von Planta, i. p. 329). In Umbrian g,
whether I.-Eur. g or g, suffers before e^ i palatalization^ and is
written i, e. g. muieto^ P. P. P. of a verb whose Imperat. 3 sg. is
mugatu (von Planta, i. p. 372).
% 126. Other examples of L-Eur. g. I.-Eur. geus-, * to taste ' (O. Ind. jujf-,
Gk. ytvQi for *y€vcrwf O. Ir. to-gu, * I choose,' Goth. kiusa\ Lat. gusttts ; L-Eur.
reg-, * to stretch, rule * (O. Ind. ig-, rij- or r^'-an-, * king," 6-piyojj O. ly. rigim,
rig Gen., Gaul. Gatu-rTges, '^. rhi, Goth, uf-rakja, Lith*. rgSau), Lat rSgOf rigis
Gen. ; I.-Eur. gen-, Ho beget' (0. Ind. jan-, j^nas-, Arm. cin, Gk. yiyvo/uuy yhosj
O. Ir. gCnar Pft., gein, W. goni, genid, Goth, kuni, 'race,' EngL kin), Lat.
(ji-gn-Oj genuA, Similarly Lat. argenlum (2^nd or*zata-. Arm. arcat' ; cf. O.
Ind. flrjuna-, * white,' Gk. dpy^s) ; Lat. ghs [Qk. ydKocas, O. SI. zluva) ; Lat.
dgo (O. Ind. aj-, Arm. acem, Gk. dyaty O. Ir. ag-, 0. Scand. aka), Lat. granum
(O. Ind. jlrnA-, * crushed,' Goth, kaum, Lith. fimis, ^apea,' O. SI. zrino) ; Lat.
g^u (O. Ind. j^u, Arm. cunr, Gk. Tfivv, Goth, kniu N., O. Engl. cn6o N.) ; Lat.
vegeoy vigftus (O. Ind. vaj-, *to be strong,' Zend vaz-, Gk. iryii^, Engl. I wake,
Germ, wacker) ; Lat. gHu (O. SI. iiedica) (on & instead of $2, see § 10).
§ 127. G-n. I.-£ur. gh is in Latin A, but g before or after
a consonant, e. g. I.-Eur. *gh6rto- (Gk. xopros, O. Ir. gort, Lith.
^ardis), Lat. hortua ; I.-Eur. root wegh- (O. Ind. vah-, Gk. ©xoy,
Goth, ga-viga. Germ, be-wege, Engl, waggon, Lith. wezii,
$§124-129.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. K,G,GH. %^^
O. SI. vez^), Lat. vSko; I.-Eur. root angh- (O. Ind. 4has-, ' need/
Arm. anjuk^ * narrow/ Gk. &yx^> ^- I^* cum-ung, * narrow/ Goth,
aggvus, O. Engl, ange, Germ, eng, O. SI. ^zukil), Lat. ango^ angor^
angiMiu% ; Lat. grando (O. Ind. hraduni-). A good example of the
rule for g and h is mingo beside wejo for *meiho, from the root
meigh- (O. Ind. mih-, Lith. mjzau, Gk. d-/Aix^'<<»)-
I.-Eur. ghw was in Latin merged in I.-Eur. gh-, e.g. I.-Eur.
*ghwer-/ a wild animal ' (Gk, drip, Thess. </)€i/), Lith. 2veris, O. SI.
zvSrI), with which is connected Lat. fSru^^ Fem. fSra^ a wild
animal. (But Engl, deer, Germ. Thier, Goth, dius point to some
I.-Eur. original like *dheus6-, cf. Lat./*fro for */?/*(??).
I.-Eur. gh is in Umbro-Osc. h, as in Latin, e. g Umbr.
iondra, Osc. huntro- from the root of Lat. humvs (von Planta,
i. p. 436). On h for f in Sabine faaena * harena/ &c., see
above § 121.
§ 128. other examples of I.-Eur. gh. Lat. hiems (O. Ind. himi-, Arm.
jiun, Gk. x<^i X*^/*^j O. Ir. gam, O. W. gaem, Lith. ifimii, O. SI. zima) ;
Lat. hilmus <;0. Ind. jm^- F., Gk. xaixaiy Lith. i^Sme, O. SL zemlja) ; Lat. hSluSf
older helusy hdvua ^§io) (O. Ind. hiri-,* yellow,' 0. Ir. gel,* white,' O. Engl.geolo,
Engl, yellow, Lith. ielii, * I grow green,' O. SI. zelije, * vegetables'); Lat. lingo
(O. Ind. lih-, Arm. lizum, Gk. Actx^t Goth. bi-laigO, Lith. l^iiii, O. SI. li{^) ;
Lat. {Ji)an8er (O. Ind. h^-, Gk. xh^i ^> ^r. gCis, ' a swan,' Engl, goose, Lith.
i^sls) ; Lat. fingo (O. Ind. dih-, * to smear,' dchi, * a wall,' Arm. dizem, Gk. rcixor,
O. Ir. dengaim, 'I fasten,' Goth, deigan, *I mould,' daigs, 'dough,' Germ.
Teig) ; Lat. hiare (O. H. G. gi€n, Engl, to yawn, Lith. -iidti, 0. SI. zijati).
§ 129. The Gutturals Proper: K, G, GH, KH. These
appear as Gutturals in all the I.-£ur. languages. The fact that
the I.-Eur. onomatopoetic name for the cuckoo shows this form
of Guttural (O. Ind. koka-, Gk. kokkv^j Lat. cuculus, O. Ir. cuach^
W. cog ; cf. Lith. kukuti, ' to cry cuckoo') indicates what sort of
Guttural it was.
K. I.-Eur. k is Lat. c?, e. g. I.-Eur. root kert-, ' to plait' (O. Ind.
crt-, kdta-, ' mat,' Gk. icdpraAos, basket, Goth, haurds F., ' door,'
Engl, hurdle), Lat. crdte%^ cartildgo ; I.-Eur. kerp-, ' to cut, reap '
(O. Ind. krpana-, ' a sword/ Gk. KaptrSs, fruit, Engl, harvest, Lith.
kerpti, ' I cut '), Lat. carpo (on ar, see § 3).
In Umbro-Osc. I.-Eur. k remains as in Latin, e.g. Umbr.
kanetu *canito' (von Planta, i. p. 327), though in Umbrian k
suffers palatalization before e, i (see above § 122).
298 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CBiap. IV.
§ 130. 1.'Eor. k ; other examples. Lat. cruor, crQdus (O. Ind. kravii- N., ' raw
meat/ Gk. /epias^ O. Ir. cru, *• gore/ W. crau, Lith. kraiSjas, O. SI. kruvl, O. Engl.
hrSaw, ^ raw ') ; Lat. coUis (Goth, hallus M., Lith. kitnas ; cf. Gk. icoKcayos) ; Lat
cldviSy davus (Gk. icXi/is, O. Ir. cl6 M., *a nail,' Gterm. schlieasen, O. SI. kljndi,
* a hook, a key') ; Lat. ancusj uncus ;0. Ind. aiakd-, Gk. dy/cdn^j SyKosj O. Ir. ficath) ;
Lat. cdpio ^Arm. kap, ^a fetter/ Gk. icairrj, O. Engl. hsBft, * captive/ Lett, kampu,
*I seize*) ; Lat. coxa ;0. Ind. k^kifa-, O. Ir. coss, *the foot/ W. coes, *the leg/
M. H. G. hahse, ' bend of knee, hough'; ; Lat. ciipa (O. Ind. kupa-, 'a pit/ Gk.
Kvnrf) ; Lat. sSco (O. Scand. sigdr, ^a aickle/ O. Engl, sage, ' a saw,' O. SI. sSkf , * I
cut'), O. Lat. clepo (Gk. nkivroj, Goth, hlifa, Engl, shop-lifter, Pruas. au-klipts,
* hidden ') ; Lat. vinco (O. Ir. fichim, * I fight,' Goth, veiha, Engl, wight, Lith.
vekk, * strength,' ap-yeikiu, * I compel ') ; Lat. scando (O. Ind. 8kdnd&-mi,
^ I spring,' Gk. aKoof^dXrjBpoyy a springe, O. Ir. ro-sescaind, *he sprang').
§ 131. G. Of I.-Eur. g, Lat. ^, examples are : I.-Eur, root
gar-, ' to shout ' (O. Ind. gr-, Gk, yripvoa, O. Ir. gair, * a shout/
W. gawr, O. H. G. chirru, * I shout/ Lith. garsas^ ' noise'), Lat.
garrio ; I.-Eur. *yiigo-, * a yoke ' (O. Ind. yugd-, Gk. C^ov,
Goth, juk, O. SI. igo), hsLt.Jugum,
I.-Eur. g is g also in Umbro-Osc. (von Planta, i. p. 330) ;
but an Umbrian g, as we have seen, is palatalized (written i)
before the vowels i, e, &e. (§ 125).
§ 132. other examples of I.-Eur. g. Lat. grfis (Arm. kfunk, Gk. yipa»o%^
Gaul. Tri-garanus, W. garan, O. Engl, cran, Lith. g^rve, O . SI. lerav!) ; Lat.
%o \0. Ind. sthdgfi-mi, Gk. criyw^ (rriyos, and 7^70?, O. Ir. teg, O. W. tig,
Engl, thatch, Germ. Dach, Lith. stdgas) ; Lat. augeo (O. Ind. 6jas-, 'strength,'
Gk. av(avojy O. Ir. Og, * entire,' Goth, aukn, 'I multiply,' Engl, eke, Lith.
^ugu, ' I grow'), O. Lat. f-n7gro, of which e-rvcto is the Iterative form (Paul.
Fest. 58. 30 Th.), used by Ennius, Ann. 593 M. :
contempsit fontes quibus ex erugit aquae uis,
comes from the I.-Eur. root reug- (Gk. (ptvyofuuy Lith. rdgiu, O. SI. rygaj^).
§ 133. QH. I.-Eur. gh, like I.-Eur. gh, became A in Latin,
except before or after a consonant, when it became ff. Examples
are : I.-Eur. *ghosti- (Goth, gasts, Engl, guest, O. SI. gost!),
Lat. hostiSy Aos(ti)pes (O. Lat. iosfi*, ' stranger/ Varro L. L. v. 3);
I.-Eur. root ghred- (O. Ir. ingrennim, ' I pursue,' Goth. gri)7S, ' a
step,' O. SI. gr^dsj, ' I come'), Lat. gradior (on a, see § 3), gradus.
In Umbro-Osc. also I.-Eur. gh is h (von Planta, i. p. 438).
On f for h in some dialects, such as the Sabine, see above, § 121.
§ 134. I.-Eur. gh : other examples. Lat. pri-hendo (Gk. xavhiLvw^ Alb. ^cn,
* I find,' ^€ndem, * I am found,* Goth, bi-gita, Engl. I get) ; Lat. hordeum (Arm.
gari, Gorm. Gerste) ; Lat. haereo (Goth, us-gaisja, *■ I frighten,* Engl, gaze,
Lith. gaisztu, • I taiTy ').
H130>135.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. Q^S^QH-. 2^9
§ 136. Velar Q-utturals with Labialisation. These appear
as Gutturals in some languages, and as Labials in others,
and show this divergence even on Italian soil, e. g. Umbr.,
Osc. pis, Lat. quis. (On the Italic treatment of the Gutturals
of this series, see von Planta, i. pp. 331 sqq.). Qr. I.-Eur.
q^ is Lat. qu (but qoi for classical qui on the Dvenos inscrip-
tion). Before u we find c, e. g. sSciUus from seqtwr, a change
which may have been very ancient (see § 116). Before 0 this
qtf, though often retained in writing, seems to have come to
sound like c ; hence qudquo-, a cook, was written coquo- as well
as quoquo-^ and on the other hand the Preposition cum, older
cbm [for kom or kom (Osc. kum, Umbr. -kum)], was written
quom till the time of the Gracchi, and the P. P. P. of occulo, from
a root kel- or kel- (W. celu), appears with the spelling oquoUod
on the S. C. de Bacch. of 186 B.C. {C. L L, i. 196). When in
the eighth cent. a. u. c. 0 before a final consonant, came to be
universally changed in spelling (see § 20) to u, we find the spelling
quo {gno) replaced by cu {gu\ so that equo9 became ecus (Gen.
equi)^ qtioquos or coquos became cociis (Gen. coqni). The gram-
marians of the first cent. a. d. were puzzled by the want of
analogy between ecus Nom., and equi Gen., &c., and reconstituted
the Nom. as equus, &c. Instances of I.-Eur. q^ in Latin are :
I.-Eur. root seq" (O. Ind. sac-, Gk. iirofiai, O. Ir. sechur, Lith.
sekii), Lat. sequor ; I.-Eur. root leiq-- (O. Ind. ric-, Arm. e-lik',
' he left,' Gk. Acfca), O. Ir. lecim, Goth, leihva, * I lend/ Germ,
leihe, Lith. lekti), Lat. linquo ; I.-Eur. *q"i- (O. Ind. -cid Neut.,
Gk. tC for *rt6, O. SI. 6!-to *what?'), Lat. quul Indef.; I.-Eur.
*q"e (O. Ind. ca, Gk. re, O. Ir. -ch, W. -p, Goth, -h), Latin -q?^.
Before a consonant this qu became c, e. g. sdcius, older ^socyo-
from the o-grade of the root seq", with the adjectival suffix -yo-
(O. Ind. sacya-, Gk. a-ocrcr-TyrTyp, with ct(t for icy) ; dculus, older
*oclO' from the root oq"-, * to see * (Gk. ocracy with ara for icy, S^fia
for *07r-juta, Lith. aids, O. SI. oko) with the suffix -lo.
I.-Eur. q-w has been postulated for the initial u (v) of u6i
(Osc. puf , Umbr. pufe), ut, uti (cf. Osc. puz, Umbr. puze) (with
cu in the middle of a word, e. g. si-cubi), vapor (Lith. kvSpas),
in-vltus and in-v'ito (Pruss. quaits, 'will*; Lith. kveciiti, 'I
invite '), &c. (see K, Z. xxxii. 405).
300 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohsp. IV.
In Umbro-Osc. I.-Eur. q'* is p. (On the date of the change,
see Yon Planta, i. p. 331). Its^tia pdpinaj lupti9^ &o. are dialectal,
just as Pontius and Pompeius are the dialectal names correspond-
ing to Lat. QuifUius, and Petreius to Lat. Quartius. (A full
list of examples in von Planta^ I, c).
$ 136. I.-EuT. q%, Iiat. qu : other examplea. Lat. guoUhwr (O. Ind. oaty^nia,
Arm. Cork', Ion. Gk. Wcrcfpcj, Aeol. Gk. viavpts, O. Ir. cethir, W. pedwar,
Gaulo-Lat. petor-ritum, Lith. keturi, O. SI. Setyrije) ; Lat. qvinque (O. Ind.
pdnca, Arm. hing, Gk. vivrty O. Ir. caic, W. pump, Lith. penkl) ; Lat. qui,
quam, &c. (0. Ind. k^-, Gk. ir6$€v, wrj, O. Ir. cia, W. pwy, Goth, hyas, hv6, Lith.
kte, 0. SI. kii-to).
§ 187. o for Qu. u) Before u ; arena (Goth, arhv-azna, * an arrow/ O. EngL
earh), beside arquU^nena, arquUes, the old word for sagiUdrii (Paul. Fest.
15. 3a Th.) ; the change to -cu- appears to be Italic and not merely Latin, if
Umbr. ar^lata- (cf. Paul. Fest. la. 15 ^arculata' dicebantur circuli, qui ex
farina in sacrificiis fiebant) comes from areas ; from quinque come quincunxj
quincuplex ; from seaque comes aescupltta (^but cf. LOwe, Prodr. p. 403).
(a) Before a consonant : Lat. n^ for nSquey ac from *aic for atque, with
Syncope of -t before an initial consonant (ch. iii. $ 36) ; iorculus from torqueo ;
cdculum from cdquo. On ct for q^-t, x for qH-s, see § 116.
(3) Before 0 : dHo (older quolo : we have qolunt in the Ambrosian Palimpsest
of Plautus, Pseud. 8aa, and quolundam on the inscription of the Faliscan
'collegium coquorum/ which also has ququ4fi for coqtiiy Zy. LI. I. 7a) beside
inquiTmus ; colusj a distaff (Gk. vSKos, an axle). The fact that quo (I.-£ur. qSo
or kwo) had come to be pronounced like co (I.-£ur. &o or ko) explains why qu
seems not to offer the same resistance to the Brevis Brevians law in the Early
Poets when it precedes 0, as when it precedes other vowels, e.g. coquS but
only loqui (ch. iii. § 4a}. But the indiscriminate spelling of every quo as co is
not found till the fifth cent. a. d., e. g. cot, coram, condam, locor ^see Bersu, die
Gutturalen, p. 90) and the analogy of the other cases and persons kept quo as
the spelling in the Nom. Sg. of equos, &,c., and tlie 3rd PL, aeqaontur, &c., until
the Oj hitherto preserved in spelling by the preceding u, became in the eighth
cent. A. u. c. u (ch. iii. § 17), when ecus, secutUur were adopted as the proper
spoiling. In words where the analogy of other forms played no part (e. g.
sescoticiam, C. I. L. i. 1430) the spelling co is found much earlier. Similarly the
first syllable of the stem coquo- shows co earlier than the second syllable ; we
have qu- however in the older period ;^e. g. in all the MSS. of Plant. Pseud. 38a ;
cf. qaquei on the inscription of the Faliscan * collegium coquorum,* Zv. 1. 1. 1.
7a}. Puns are unsafe evidence of pronunciation ; but the punning reply may
be quoted of Cicero to the cook's son who asked for his vote : ego * quoque '
tibi favebo (Quint, vi. 3. 47). The spelling equus, &c. was instituted by Velius
Longus in Trajan's time. (On this transition of orthography -quo-, -cu-, -quu-,
see Bersu, die Outturalen, who quotes a large number of instances of these
spellings, as also of the use in the time of the Gracchi of q for c before u, e. g.
oquparcj pequnia, &c., and has collected those passages of the grammarians
which bear on the subject. A list of the instances of the spelling quom for
cum in the MSS. of Plautus is given by Probst, Oebrauch von ^ut' bet Terews,
p. 178/).) I.-£ur. que did not, as is often stated, become quo, cd in Latin (as
(§186-140.] REPRESENTATIVESOFI..EUR.SOUNDS.Q^,g'*,gH'*. 301
it did in Celtic, e. g. Ir. cOic, W. pump, but Lat. qiiinque) ; and though -w$-
after other initial consonants appears as 5 in Latin socer (sw6k-), sSror (sw6s-),
&c., it probably did not after a palatal ; for the evidence points to kw, gw,
&c. haying been merged in q%, gV in Latin. CombrHum, bulrush, may show
the O-grade of the stem &wendhr- of Lith. szvendrai PI. (cf. 0. Scand.
hyOnn * angelica ').
§ 138. Iiat. qu of other origin. We have already seen that I.-Eur. &w
became qu in Latin, e. g. I.-Eur. *&yro-^ ' horse ' (O. Ind. ^va- , cf. Lith. asiva,
'mare '), Lat. eguus. The guttural of Idcus (Gk. K&ickosj <a tank,' 0. Ir. loch),
Icuanarj is not I.-Eur. qV, but when followed by a consonantal u we find qu in
dqtiear. The occasional spelling aterquitinium (see Georges, Lex, Worif. s. v.)
may be like that usage of Late Latin orthography, whereby qiui is written for
Greek «n;, e. g. ^uintcus, htiquisticon, liquiritia (see ch. ii. § a8), the ui being
meant to express the t2-sound of Greek v, or possibly the qu being meant to
indicate the hard unpalatalized guttural. In Italian, Latin qu before e, t has
this hard sound (written ch), e. g. chi, che, retaining the labial affection (the
following unsound) before a, e. g. quale (see ch. ii. § 91), though in cinque,
' five,' where two Latin labialized velars stood in successive syllables, the first
seems to have lost its labialization in Vulgar Latin.
§ 139. gu. I.-Eur. g" is in Latin v, but after a consonant ^tt,
and before a consonant ^. Thus I.-Eur. *g"iwo-, ' alive ' (O. Ind.
jivd-, O. Ir. bin, Lith. gy vas) is Lat. viviis ; I.-Eur. root ong--,
* to anoint ' (O. Ind. anj-, O. H. G. ancho, ' butter ' ; cf . O. Ir. imb,
' butter/ W. ymen-yn) is Lat. unguo ; Lat. gravis is cognate with
O. Ind. gurii-, Gk. papvs, Goth, kaurus. Before u I.-Eur. g-
was replaced by g in Latin, a change probably of a very early
date, e. g. gnrges (Gk. v7ro'-/3pvxa, viro-ppvx^Los), though the u may
be often regarded as a weak form of the wS of gw(^ (see § 51).
Before o, Latin gn (gv) seems to have come in time to sound like
Latin ^^ as quo came to sound like co (§ 137). After 0 in ter-
minations had come to be written u, even when preceded by v,
u, we find spellings like distingujit^ extingunt^ for which distin-
guufU, extinguunl, &c. were afterwards restored by the analogy of
the other persons, distinguivins^ &c. The grammarians of the
Empire have diflSculty in determining the proper spelling of
verbs in -guo and -go, and generally follow the rule of writing -go
when the Perfect ended in -xi^ e. g. exlingo, iingo.
§ 140. I.-Eur. g% Iiat. v : other examples. Lat. vinio (0. Ind. gam-, gach-.
Arm. e-kn,' hecame,'Gk. ficUvw, 0&<ricw, Goth, qima, Engl.Icome^ Gtorm.komme;
Lat. v6ro (O. Ind. gr-, Arm. ker, * food,' Gk. 0opdj 0i0poj<rKw, Lith. geriu, < I
drink,' O. SI. Hr^, * I swaUow *) ; Lat.r^ru (O. Ir. bir N., a U-stem, W. ber) ; Lat.
nOdus for *nocedfh (Goth. naqa>s ; cf. O. Ind. nag-na-, Lith. nugas, O. SI. nagii).
302 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. IV.
An intenrocalic gu3 of later origin is similarly treated in mdnSUi {*maicvolo) from
*mcbg{e)'Vdo,
% 141. Dialectal b. In Umbro-Osc. I.-Eur. g!l is b, e. g. Umbr. hmust, Osc.
ce-hnu8t from the root of Lat. v^io. So Lat. b^ &o. seem to be dialectal or
rustic (see von Planta, i. p. 335).
§ 142. g for I.-Ilar. 99. (i) Before consonant : Lat. agnu9 (Gk. afo^vs for
*&0v6ij 0. SI. jagn^) (on dvilltis, see § 19) ; Lat. migro {.Ok, d-fulfiw, O. SI.
miglivik) * mobile ') ; Lat. glana (Gk. fidXavosj Arm. kaAin, Lith. gil^, O. SI.
tel^di).
^2) Before u. (On the spellings disHngunt, &c.| see Bersu, di$ OuHuraien).
(3; Before 0. (On the spellings disHngo, &c., see Bersu, die Outturalen).
Similarly gu from I.-Eur. ghV is written g before 0 in ningo.
§ 143. gH-. I.-Eur. gh- is Latin/, when initial, but between
vowels V, after a consonant ffu (before u reduced to ^), and before
a consonant ^. Thus Lat./or»iw^ (O. Ind. gharm^-, ' heat/ Arm.
jerm, Gk. ^cp/utoy, Engl, warm for *gwarm, Pruss. gorme, ' heat *) ;
mvem Ace, O. Lat. nivif- [Gk. i;i<^a, yt<^et (j'**-) > cf . Zend snaeiaiti,
Goth, snaivs, ' snow,' Lith. snaigyti Inf., O. SI. snegil, ' snow,*
W, nyf] ; niriguH (Lith. sninga) from the root sneigh--, * to snow.'
I.-Eur. gh- is f in Umbro-Osc. whether initial or intei'vocalie,
&c. (see von Planta, i. p. 447, for examples)
% 144. I.^iir. ghR in Latin : other examples. Lat. co-rureo from the root
kneighlS- (Goth, hneivan, Gterm. neigen) ; tergus (Gk. uripipos, ripipos) ; Lat.
Joveoj the original meaning of which is ' to warm * (e. g. Plant. Capt. 847 ;
foueri foculis feruentibus) from the root dhegh%-, ^to bum* (Lith. degu), and
from the same root, Lat. /AxiUa i^Gk. ri^ppa for *$4<f>pa),
§ 146. The Sibilants : S^ Z. In Sanscrit, besides the i
(I.-Eur. k), which corresponds to a guttural in Greek, Latin,
&c. (e. g. O. Ind. satdm, Gk. ^-KarSv, Lat. centum) we have s
(I.-Eur. s) which corresponds to s in other languages (e.g.
O. Ind. saptfi, Lat. septem, O. Ir. secht, Goth, sibun, Lith. sep-
tyn^), and s (like our sh) which appears after U and «-, r- and k-
sounds, e. g. u|ta-, Lat. ustus. Sanscrit ks is the equivalent of
Greek kt in fkSa-, Gk. ipKTos, &c., of Greek f in iksa-, Gk.
&^(Dv, &c., and even of Greek x^ in kSam-, Gk. x^<ii'. The exact
number and nature of the I.-Eur. sibilants have not yet been
determined, but we can at least discriminate an unvoiced and
a voiced sibilant, which we may call S and Z (ct Engl. * use '
§§141-146.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. S, Z. 303
Noun and * use ' Verb), without precluding the possibility of this
S and Z representing more than one variety of sibilant.
§ 146. Sy Z. Latin « was, as we have seen (ch. ii. § 117),
unvoiced or havd. The voiced or soft sibilant^ for which the
symbol Z may have been used in early times (ch. i. § 5) passed
in the fourth cent. b. c. into r between vowels (cf. Engl. * for-
lorn,^ Mid. Engl, forloren, beside * lost '). Before a consonant the
voiced sibilant was dropped with lengthening of the preceding
vowel, e. g. I.-Eur. *ntzdo (O. Ind. nida-, Arm. nist, * situation/
O. Ir. net M., ' a nest/ Engl, nest), Lat. nidui. An initial sibilant
was often dropped in I.-Eur. ; thus we have a root teg-, * to
cover, roof * (Lat. i^go^ Gk. r^yoy, O. Ir. teg,' house/ Engl, thatch),
as well as a root steg- (O. Ind. sthag-, Gk. crr^ya)), the roots
without initial s- being perhaps those used after words ending
in -s (cf. raioTcyaty for roXs ariyais on the Gortyn inscr., bvarq-
vos for *bvar'(mjvos, &c.) ; and it is not always easy to say whether
Latin words, which lack an initial sibilant that is found in cog-
nate words of other languages, have lost it through the phonetic
laws peculiar to Latin, or represent an I.-Eur. * doublet.^ Ldtus^
broad, from the I.-Eur. root stel-,*to extend '(O. SI. stelj^), appears
in Old Latin in the form stldtus^ stldtaria or stlattaria navis (ch.
ii. § 130); and we have iflo-cn^^ Hiis (sHs) as the old forms of
Wciis^ Hi, just as in Greek o-/utticpo5, &c. are the older forms of
IxLKpo^, &c. An initial sibilant is not found in Latin before m,
e.g. mordeo from the root smerd- (Gk. afi€pba\io9, O. H. G.
smerzan, ' to feel pain,' Engl, to smart), before «, e. g. nunts from
I.-Eur. *snilso- (O. Ind. snusa, Arm. nu, Gk. w(<r)6s, O. H. G.
snur), before I, e. g. ld6o for *sla6o (O. H. G. slaf, ' loose,' Lith.
slabnas, 'weak '). Before r in the middle of a word a sibilant
becomes b, e. g. sobrinue for *9wesrimi^ (Lith. seserynai, PI.), from
I.-Eur. *swSsor-, * a sister,' probably from an earlier / (§ 1 14) ;
whether it becomes /at the beginning of a word, e.g./rigus
(Gk. plyos), or is dropped, e. g. rej)o for *irepo (cf. serpo)^ or
becomes sir-, e. g. sfr'mgo (O. Ir. srcngim, ' to draw '), is uncertain.
After r and I it is assimilated, e. g. verres for ^verses (Lith. vers-
zis ; cf . O. Ind. vfsa-), collum^ O. Lat. collusy for ^coho- (O. Engl,
heals. Germ. Hals). Initial ps-, k&- appear to have become ^-,
304 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohsp. IV.
e. g. sabulum, sand (Gk. y\fiL\x\xos for *\/ra<^-;ios), dis-Apo (O. Ind.
ksip-, ' to throw ').
Latin s often represents an original dental sound, e. g. adgrei-
sus formed from the stem of adgrSdior with the participial ter-
mination 'to-. This change was probably very old, so that the
form adgrettus (written in the earlier orthography adgretus),
quoted from Ennius by Paul. Fest. 5. 6 Th., probably represents
^ad-gred{i)tu8 (like cette for ^c^-dtte, § 108). A double 99 (gener-
ally arisen from tf-, ts \ cf . our ^ gossip ' for god-sip) was after
a diphthong or long vowel (see ch. ii. § 129) reduced in the
Early Empire to single *, e. g. fnsus^ older fussus, ilsus^ older
U8SH9. In se9ceni, from 9ex, the second 9 represents an original x
(i. e. cs) (see § 158) ; and x reduced to * is first assimilated, then
dropped with lengthening of the vowel, in words like telum^ older
tellum^ for ^teslumy *texlum (§ 117). On initial «- for ^-, e.g.
9tw^ see § 65 ; for *w-, e. g. 9udor^ § 7i» ^^ «*» see ch. ii. § 66,
on I.-Eur. ms, above, § 76.
In Umbro-Oscan I.-Eur. s remains when initial, e. g, Umbr.
9ent^ Osc. set ' sunt,* but when intervocalic became first voiced 9
(written in Oscan in the native alphabet s, in the Lat. alph. r,
e. g. Fluusai ' Florae,* egmazum * rerum '), which in Umbr, passed
into r, e. g. kuratu * curato ' (Pel. coisatens * curaverunt '), I.-Eur.
ss became tt if the Perfect ending -atted 3 Sg., -attens 3 PI.
(e. g. Osc. pruf atted * probavit,* prufattens ' probaverunt ') is
rightly compared with the Lat. Future in -*w, e. g. ama990 (ch.
viii. § 3) ; sr probably became f r (Lat. br) (cf . mod. Neapolitan
Uttrafe for Ital. Ottobre,' October'); sn, sm, si remain, e.g. Umbr.
snata P. P. P. (Lat. nare), Osc. Slabiis ' Labius ' (cf. Lat. Stlaho-
riu9) ; rs appears in Osc. sometimes as r with ' compensatory '
lengthening, e.g. teerum 'terram,* sometimes as rr, e.g. Kern,
in Umbrian sometimes as rs (s), e. g. tnr8itu^ tusetu (cf. Lat.
terreo), sometimes as rf , e. g. perfu- ; ns in the middle of a word
became nts, e. g. Umbr, menzne ' mense ' ; when final it is in
Osc. -ss, in Umbr. -f, e. g. Osc. viass * vias,* Umbr. turuf ' tau-
ros * ; final -nts is in Umbr. (and Osc. ?) -f , e. g. Umbr. zefef
* sedens.' (On the treatment of I,-Eur, s in Umbro-Oscan, see
von Planta, i. p. 472.)
H 147, 148.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. S, Z. 305
§ 147. I. -Eur. 8, Iiatin a : other examples. I. -Eur. *8dno-, 'old ' (0. Ind.
siina-, Arm. hin, Gk. tyrj koI yia, *■ the old and new day/ L e. the last day of
the month, O. Ir. son, W. hon, Ooth. sinista Superl., Lith. sSnas), Lat. sin-iorj
shi-ex. Gen. senis\ I.-Eur. root wes-, *to clothe* f 0. Ind. vas-, vAstra-, N., 'cloth-
ing,* Arm. z-gest, Gk. ca-^y, Gk)th. vasjan, vasti F.), Lat. res-tia ; I.-Eur. *ats{i)-,
'axle' (O. Ind. dkila-, Gk. &^wv, 0. H. G. ahsa, Lith. assds, 0. SI. osi), Lat.
ttx/« ; I.-Eur. ♦pdtis Nom. Sg. kO. Ind. patis, * master,' Gk. v6<ns)j Lat. p6tis,
§ 148. Iiat. r for intervooalio sibilant. Intervocalic s became h in Greek,
e.g. fCo; for €u/io> (I.-Eur. *euso:, and was dropped, e. g. yivtos, yirow Gen.
(I.-Eur. *gen6s-d8), but in Latin it appears as r, e. g. uro, ginSriSj having
probal)ly passed through the stage of voiced s (z), a stage at which the sibilant
remained in Oscan, e. g. ezum ' esse,' while it suffered rhotacism in Umbrian,
as in Latin, e. g. et'om. The grammarians often quote Old Latin forms with
intervocalic s, e.g. loses, VcUesiij Fusii (Quint. {4. 13 ; cf. Ter. Scaur. 13. 13 K.
Fusius, asa, loses) ; dasi^ arbosem^ rohosemf helusa ' holera,' heheaum ' liberum '
(Paul. Fest. 48. 19; 11. 20 ; 71. la; 86. 30 Th.) ; r pro s littera saepe antiqui
posuerunt, ut moiosihus, meliosihus, lasibtiSj fesiis (id. 359. i Th.) ; pignosa (id.
260. IT Th.) (for other passages see Miilier ad Paul. Fest. p. 15), and often
refer similar forms to the Sabine dialect e. g. Paul Fest. 6. 36 Th. aurum . . .
alii a SubiniH translatum putant, quod illi 'ausum' dicebant; id. 18. 3 Th.
Aureliam familiam ex Sabinis oriundam a Sole dictam putant, quod ei
publico a populo Romano datus sit locus, in quo sacra faceret Soli, qui ex
hoc 'Auseli' dicebantur, ut 'Valesii,' 'Papisii* pro eo quod est Valerii,
Papirii ; Varro, ap. Vel. Long. 69. 8 K. (cf. L. L. vii. 27) gayefasena as Sabine
for Lat. fiarena. Varro (£. X. vii. a6) quotes examples of this older spelling from
the Carmen Saliare ; Livy speaking of Sp. Furius Fusus, the consul of 464 b. c.
says that some of his authorities spelt the name Fusio- (iii. 4. i Furies ' Fusion *
scripsere quidam) ; on the inscription with the Carmen Arvale (C. I. L. i. 28')
we have Loses ' Lares' : enos, Lases, iuuate ; in the mo.st ancient piece of Latin
preserved for us, the Praenestine fibula, Nwnasioi * Numerio ' (xiv. 4123 Manios
med fefaked Numa^ioi), and in the Dvenos inscr. Toitesiai *Tuteriae.* But words
of the literary period with intervocalic s are either (i) dialectal, e.g. nmdsius^
a gallant (Sabine ?, see Nettleship, Ck>niributions, s. v.), or (2' foreign loanwords,
e. g. goesum (Gaulish ; cf. gaesatij Gaulish mercenaries, C. G. L. v. 71. 23, 0. Ir.
gai) (so (isinus^ Ifiser, rosa, siser, &c.), or (3) had originally ss, whether derived
from I.-Eur. tt, e. g. caesus for *caei-tus from caedo^ from ns (I.-Eur. ntt, &c.),
e.g. vicisimus older ricensumus (ch. ii. § 66 ,/orm5sus, older formonstis {ib.), from
I.-Eur. ss, e. g. quoesoj o\dor quaes-so, a different word from quaero (ch. viii. § 33),
fidsuSf older nossuniy or from .some other consonant-group. This older ss was
after a long vowel or diphthong written s after the close of the Republic, but
Quintilian tells us that cuussae, cassus^ divissioneSy kc. was the spelling of Cicero
and Virgil (i. 7. 20 quid quod Ciceronis temporibus paulumque infra, fere
quotiens s littera media vocalium longarum vel subjecta longis easet, gemina-
batur? ut 'caussae, cassus, divissiones' : quomodo et ipsum et Vergilium
quoque scripsisse manus eorum decent), and this spelling is by no means
uncommon in the MSS. of Plautus, Virgil, &c. ^see ch. ii. § 129). After a short
vowel ss remained, e. g.ftssus. QufisiUuSj pii^illus (cf. pfisus) are said to show the
same reduction in the pretonic syllable as o/^/a (beside offa)f nUlmiUa (.beside
mamma) (ch. ii. $ 130) ; rather the Dim. quasUlus was formed ft^m *quas-loi
X
306 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohsp. IV.
after Rhotacism had ceased to operate ; tntser (on the spelling myser see ch. ii.
§ i6. p. 39) has been explained as a loanword from the Greek (jtvaapdi),
like other adjectives expressive of nuances of feeling, e.g. hUdris older
hUarus (Gk. I\ap6t). An initial 5 is not rhotacized when it comes after the
final vowel of a preposition, &c, in a compound, e.g. pH-sUwt from po-n
a byform of ab (L-Eur. *&p6) and the P. P. P. of sfno, but the final « of
a preposition, &c., in a compound is rhotacized before an initial vowel, e. g.
dir-imo from dis- and hno, diribeo from dis- and habeo. Furrus points to r.n
earlier trisyllabic fus-uo- (cf. orrMwi ft^m trisyllabic aruum, § 68), a by-
formation of fuS'CUSj and Minetra to *Mene8-ud (the word is a quadrisyllable in
Plaut. Bacch. 893, Attius, Ttclq. 137 B.), but before consonantal r we have s
dropped with * Compensation ' in dl-rdlo, di-rendOj &c. Other examples of forms
with r beside forms with s are maereo {maestiis)^ (fSro (gfe»-«, ffes-tum), haurio
{hau3-\8].ij fMUs-tum), quaero {quaes'tua ; but qua€s(s)ivif quaes{8)tium come from
qua€s(8)0jCih.yiii. $ 33), Etruria (Etrusct)^ auris{auS'CuUo)j ndres ;*mis (s)Mm;, and ob-
lique cases of S-stems, e. g. ftlneris (funes-tus), 6neris (otius-ttia)^ rerberis (subverbua-
tam Plaut. ap. Fest. 444. 15 Th.), himijris {honestus) ; by analogy of these oblique
cases r has found its way into the Nominative of honor (older honoa), arbvr
(older arbos ; cf. cubustum and <wb6ntum)j odor (older odos), &;c. (ch. vi. § 7).
(For a fuller list of examples of the Latin and Umbro-Oscan treatment of
L-Eur. intervocalic s, see Conway, Vemer^a Law in Italy). The change of inter-
vocalic s to r is a common occurrence in language. English r corresponds
to Gothic z in words like *ore' ^Goth. aiz-, L-Eur. *ayes-, Lat. aes, aeriaOen.),
and in Polish a word like vaoie, * can,' has a trilled sound of the voiced sibilant
that is hardly to be distinguished from r (^ee B. B. xv. pp. 270 sqq.).
§ 149. Initial Sibilant before Consonant : (i) before unvoiced consonant :
L-Eur. root st&-, * to stand ' (O. Ind. stha-, Gk. ardais, Goth. 8ta)», O.Sl. stati
Inf. ), Lat. atare, aidtio ; L-Eur. root sper-, * to strike with the feet * (0. Ind. sphur-,
Gk ovaipwj Engl, spurn, Lith.spiriii;, Lat. aperno ; L-Eur. root skand-, * to spring'
^0. Ind. skand-, Gk. a/capbd\Tf0pov^ a springe, 0. Ir. ro se-scaind, * he sprang';,
Lat. acando. Similarly we have «/r-, e. g. in Lat. atrdtuaj strfimen (cf. Gk. arfwros,
arfMUfiA)^ spr- in sprvtus, acr- in «cr5W«, a ditch (Lett, skrabt, * to scrape '), while
stl- of O. Lat. atldtua, atWitaria {aUatt.) navia has become class. Lat. I- of Idtua, broad.
(2' Before voiced consonant: L-Eur. root snei9hS-, * to snow' ^Zendsnaehiiti,
Gk. v€i<f>€if dya-yfi(pos for *dya-avt<pos, 0. Ir. snechta, W. nyf, Goth, snaivs, Lith.
«n?gas, 0. SI. sn^u) Lat. ntrem Ace. ; L-Eur. root snft- (0. Ind. snft-, * to
bathe,* Gk. w/xo;, I swim, 0. Ir. sn&im), Lat. ndre; L-Eur. root sl^g- (Gk.
Xa77f!fa», to slacken, X^to;. to cease, 0. Ir. lac, 'weak,' W. Hag, O. H. G. slach.
Engl, slack, Lat. lafigueo; I.-Eur. root sleub- (Goth, siiupan, Engl, to slip,,
Lat. lubriata; L-Eur. root smerd- (Lith. nmirdeti, * to stink'), Lat. merda;
Ok. (o]fuKf6sjIj&i. mtca. If we may infer from the treatment of an internal
sibilant before a voiced consonant, e. g. nidus for *nizdo-, it would seem that
the initial sibilant was first assimilated, *nni-x for *s}iix (cf. Gk. <pt\0'tifjifibrfs
for ♦</)»Ao-<T/i€«5i;s) then dropped, nix.
(3) Before r. The use of t for I.-Eur. d with r in Latin, e.g. dter. stem dtro-
for *iidro-, suggests that Latin r was not voiced, so that it is better to consider
separately the treatment of an initial sibilant before r. The instances are
unfortunately few and uncertain. L&t.fhgus goes naturally with Gk. ^705,
but it has also been connected with Gk. (pptaaw^ while Lat. rigor^ rlgidus has
been assigned to fiiyos; lAt. frdga, strawberries, has been referred by some to
§§ 149-151.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I -EUR. SOUNDS. S, Z. 307
Gk. ^^, a grape, by otherH to fragro, and certainly Lat. rdcitmm goes more
naturally with ^ than fidga. Whether Greek ^705, ^ originally began
with o* or f is a moot point. Lat. r^ goes naturally with serpo, but Lith.
repli6ti, Zend rap-, ' to go/ suggest an L-Eur. * doublet* without the initial
sibilant. The L-Eur. root sreu-, * to flow * (0. Ind. sru-, Gk fi({f)(Uy Lith. sraviu,
Ir. sruaim, * a stream,' O. H. G. stroum), has been sought in the Latin words
rummy (Jicua) Rumina, Rumon, the old name of the Tiber (Serv. ad Am. viii.
63. 90) and in the name Roma itself; Lat. rdtis has been connected with stroy
Lat. rvbtis with Germ. Ge-striipp, and so on i^for other examples see Osthoff,
M. U. V. 62). On the other hand Latin forms with initial r which have in
other languages a sibilant before the r, may come from an I.-Eur. * doublet '
which lacked the sibilant, as tSgo comes from I.-Eur. teg-, a byform of the
root steg-, *to cover/ roof. Another possibility is that stV' may be the Latin
equivalent, as in our * stream/ &c. It is not always easy to decide where
Lat. 8tr- and str-, sr-, in other languages, represent an original str- or an
original sr- ; and similarly 0. Lat. sU-, of sWkuSy stUs and sits may have been
originally d- and not sti-.
§ 150. O. Iiat. stl, 8l, sol. Quiutilian (i. 4. 16) quotes sGocus and sOites as
O. Lat. forms. The old form stlis whs retained in the legal phrase decemviri
stliiibusjtidicandis in Cicero's time (Cic. Or. xlvi. 156) ; on the Lex Repetundarum
of 133-122 B.C. {C. I. L. i. 198) we have once slis but usually liSy and sl. ivdik
on a Scipio epitaph of c. 130 b. c. (i. 38), sclitib . . . (x. 1249) ; cf. sUoclus'] (v. 7381).
Stiembusy slow, is quoted from Lucilius (Paul. Fest. 455. 4 Th.) ; adoppus (v. 1.
sUoppus), is used by Persius (v. 13) to indicate the sound of slapping the cheek
when distended ;cf. Ital. schioppo) :
nee scloppo tumidas intendis rumpere buccas.
■ •
In dialectal names these combinations are preserved, e. g. StUiccius {€. I. L. vi.
26863, &c.) (cf. Lat. lacca, a swelling on the leg?), Stlaborius (Wilm. 1913, Pom-
peii) (cf. Lat. labor Y)j Oscan Slabio-. In Latin the t of stl- (or c, for tl became
^h § ^05) would be dropped, as it is in the name Fodius (cf. FostuliiSj Faustnlus),
C. I. L. i*. p. 130) (cf. for(c)tiSy § 157}, leaving 8^, which would become */?-
(see above), then ?-.
§ 151. Sibilant before voioed consonant in middle of word. Lat. aitdio
for *au8'diOy from *ansy a byform of aurits ; Lat. ptdo from L-Eur. pezd- (M. H. G.
fiat, Pruss. pcisda. * podex ') with o-grade of root in pOdex for *posd-ex ; Lat. sido
for *8i-8do from the weak grade of the root sed-, * to sit,* with t-reduplicatiou
(ch. viii. § 9) ; Lat. sudus for *8ys-dus from the root saus-, * to dry ' (0. Ind.
Sul-, Gk. aZosy Lith. saiisas, Engl, sear) ; Lat. mdlus for *masAu8 or for *tnaS'du8
(§ III) cEngl. mast) ; Lat. damns (O. Lat. dusmus), dumetum, dummetum in the
earlier spelling, e. g. in Virgil MSS. (see Ribbeck's Index) for ^diufmetum ^cf.
O. Ir. doss, • a bush ') (the dialectal name Dusmia is found on inscriptions, Eph.
Epigr. viii. 128. 820, both from Teate Marruc). Lat. comis {cosmis on the Dvenos
inscr.) ; Lat. primus for *prismus (cf. i)riscuSy pristinusy Pelign. prismo-) ; Lat.
pomfrium for *pos{t)mo€riu7n (Varro, L. L. v. 143; of. Paul. Fest. 327. 13 Th.) ;
Lat. prelum for *pres'lum (cf. pres-si : a Latin '*pr€so must have existed beside
premoy as Gk. Tpi(^a)oj beside rpifjioj) ; Lat. qudlus for *quas-lu8 (cf. quasiUus ;
Lith. kSszius, O. SI. koki) ; Lat. cfinu8 for *ca8nus (cf. casctts, Osc. casfuiry an
old man) ; IL&t.fanum for */dsnum (cf. Osc. fiisna-, Umbr. feana-, from stem
*f(Dsna- ; on a-f, see § 54) ; Lat. /es-tusy fr-riae from Jes-iaey Osc. fiisia-) ; Lat.
X 2
3o8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohsp. IV.
pone for *pos{f}-ne ; Lat. pdno for *po's(%)nOj a compound of po-, a byform of aft,
ap- of aperio (cf. O. Ind. Apa, Gk. 5iro), and «tno [cf. the P. P. P po-stfus, and
Pft. Ind. originally po-8irt, then by false analogy of p<M-tft«, pcwwi (ch. viii. § 39)] ;
aSnuSj ahsnus for *ayes-no-, Umbr. ahesno-), and so with many stems in -fno-j
'hio-, -flo-, &c. In some of these examples the sibilant is a development from
an earlier group of sounds, e. g. from st in ponOriumy pone, from s(?) in pSno ;
similarly from (i) (», x in /jlrw, written Losna on an old Praenestine mirror
{C.I. L. i. 55), for *lux-na (Zend raoxSna-, * shining,' Pruss. lauxnos, ^ stars * ;
«ftii, aSmenstris (cf. ses-(xni) for *««ami, *8ex-mensiris ; Wa from texo, &c. (other
examples in § 162' ; (a) ns in {h)alo for *ansU) (O. SI. ^chati, *to be fragrant') ;
pilum from pinao. The older spelling showed a double consonant in these
cases. Thus v?latura, the carrying trade, for *rex-Za^Mra, from veho, was probably
spelt vdlatura by Varro in a passage {JR. R. i. a. 14) where he connects the woi-d
with v^la, the rustic form of villa ; a sibilant which came at a later time to
stand before a voiced consonant was similarly treated, e. g. divdio for dis-vello,
dimota for dismota (S. C. Bacch. C. I.L. i. 196), dlmitte {* dismitte * non dicas,
Caper, 97. 7 K.), dt-numerOj di-luo. In the same way the form S arose from ex
in collocations like f-retto, g-morco, l-mWOy S-numero. B-luo (see ch. ix. § a9) ; vtdJn for
vtd(s-ne was shortened to rid^ (ch. iii. § 4a). CdmUius 'Camdio on old Praenestine
epitaphs, C. J. L. i. 74 ; 1501 a) was derived by the Romans from a Greek
(or Etruscan ?) xAafuKos, meaning a servant of the gods (see Varro, X. L.
vii. 34 ; Macr. iii. 8. 5 : Paul. Fest. 44. 33 Th. ; cf. Virg. Aen. xi. 54a). Varro
refers Cdmena to an earlier Casmenaf which he connects with carmen (L. L.
vii. a6). How Casniillus and Casmena (if the word ever existed in this form)
failed to become *C<lmiJlnSy *Cdfnena is not clear. The group red became rd
(through *rrdj for rs becomes rr)^ e. g. }iordeum (cf. 0. H. G. gerst&, Germ.
Gerste) ; fnrdus (Lith. strSzdas, O. Ir. truit, Engl, throstle). The I.-Eur. proto-
type of custos (Goth, huzd, Engl, hoard), hastn (Goth, gazds, *a sting,' Germ.
Gerte, Engl, yard, 0. Ir. gat) may have had sth-, not -zdh-.
QuasiUus from *qnas-lo3 (class, qudlus) shows that si remained later than the
change of intervocalic sto r (§ 148). Ihtsmus Adj. occurs in Liv. Andronicus
(end of third cent. B.C.) {Trag. 39 R.) dusmo in loco. Plautus' viden for
videsncj ain for aisne, &c. show that the law was operative in his time.
§ 152. Sibilant before r in middle of word. Lat. c^Brum for *ceri8irum
(O. Ind. Siras-, * the head *) ; Lat. crdbro for *crdsro (Lith. szirszS, O. SI. sriiSenl) ;
fibra for fisra {cf.fUum for */i8lumy Lith. g^sla, *a sinew'); Lat. I&n^ae for
*tenSsrae (0. Ind. tdmisra. from ttlmas-, 'darkness,' Germ. Dfl.mmerung^;yMW^?Z>ns
for *funSs-ris.
§ 153. Assimilation of sibilant to preceding r, 1. Lat. farreus for *farseus
(Umbr. farsio-, cf. 0. SI. brasino, *food' ; Goth, barizeins, 'made of barley') ;
Lat. torreo for *torseo (0. Ind. trS-, Gk. Hfxrofjuu); Lat. ferre for *fer'8e; Lat. rdle for
*telse; Lat. erro for *crso (Goth, airzjan, *to mislead/ Germ, irren); Lat. gatrio for
*garsio (Lith. gafsas, * noise ') ; Lat. porrum from I. -Eur. *pr80- (Gk. frp&aov) ;
Lat. terruncixM for ♦^^rs-, older *triS' (Gk. rpii). This rr from rs was when final
reduced to r, e. g. ter (scanned as long by position in Plautus) (ch. ii. $ 133),. /ar,
Gen. /arris. Before Hhe s kept its place, and the r was dropped, e. g. testdmentum
for *tersta' from older *tnsta- (Osc. tristaamento) ; iostus for *torstus.
An s (ss), arisen out of an earlier ts, &c. was not assimilated, e. g. versus for
*r^tuSf rursus and reversus for *reverttusy ars beside far, Latin rs was
§§ 152-157.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. CONS. -GROUPS. 309
pronounced like ss, as we see from the pun in Plautus, Pers. 740 Persa me
pesBum dedit, and often came to be written ss, and after a long vowel, s ;
hence russus and rusus, introsunif prosa, &c. (see oh. ii. § 139).
§ 154. Assimilation of preceding dental to the sibilant. Lat. sudsi for
*sudssi from sttddeo ; conc^ssi from conditio^ kc ; pUssum for *p{it{e)sufn.
Similarly in the final syllable, Jiospes for *hosp€t8t mUes for *milets ; this -es is
short in classical poetry, but probably long by position in Plautus (ch. ii. § 133).
§ 155. Iiat. 88 for tt. Before r we find st for U, e. g. pddestris for *pedet-1ri8
from pedeSf Gen. peditiSf assestrix Fern, of assessor, and perhaps at the end of
a word, e. g. estj 3 Sg. Pres. of Mo. But in other cases tt became ss, e. g. usus^
older ii88ns, from utw (older oitoTy odor) for *iU-tii8y usio for *M<-tto, *oit'tio (Osc.
oittiuf ' usio/ beside Pel. oisa ^ usa ' is best explained as *oit(i)tions) ; bo /(issus
from JafeoTf sSssus from aSdeOj mofsus from mordeo, perculsua from per-cello, *per-cddo,
&c., all formed by adding the participial T0-8ufiSx.(see ch. v. § 27) to the root of
the verb. In the second cent. b. c. some verbs whose root ended in a guttural
followed the analogy of these verbs, owing to the similarity of their Perfect
Indicative Active, e.g. spargo, sparsi made sparsusj as ardeo, arai made arsua;
tergoy tersi made tersusy as mordeo, morsi made moraus. But in the period of the
older literature these false forms in 'Sua had not established themselves ;
Paul. Fest. quotes mertat for merscU (57. 16 Th. ; cf. 89. a6) ; Quintilian
J. 4. 14) says : * mortare ' atque ^ pultare ' dicebant ; and Nonius (179. 4 M.)
quotes from Varro tertwj for tersus, and from Accius tmrtare for mersare. ExfuHf
explained by Paul. Fest. 57. 16 Th. as ejfum (cf. con-fiito^ futtilisy futilia) has been
referred to */utu8, P. P. P. of a verb */mo, to shake (O. Ind. dhu-) ; if it comes from
/undo it must represent an older *fud{i;tns^ a byform of ♦/wd-ftw as al(i)tus of
al-tits ; so maUu8j drunk (the Romance forms attest tt) for *viad{i)tus, like
adgretttis (§ 109). Estis, esie, &c. from edo, to eat, must bo due to the analogy of
amd-tis, ama-te, &c. ; so com-estus beside coimessus. FSruntOj kc. for */eront'i6d (ch.
viii. § 57), vehemenferf if for *rehement'ter ,ch. ix. § a) retain t in the same way.
§ 156. Other groups with a sibilant. When a sibilant came between two
labials or gutturals, the first was droppe<l, e. g. asporio for *abs-poiriOy disco for
*dic-8co (cf. di'dic-i), sesctni for *8ex-ceniy *s€cs-ceni. Similarly pst becomes st in
oetendo ;^but O. Lat. obstinet) beside obstriidoy obsdno.
As rs became rr, and Is became 11^ so rs, Is before a consonant become r, 2,
e.g. )iordeum for *horsdeum, aintis for *(Usnus (Lith. elksnis}, j>enia, the ham,
from I.-Eur. *p6rsna-, * the heel ' (Gk. vripva, Goth, fairzna, 0. Engl, fyrsn.
Germ. Ferse ; cf. O. Ind. prr^ni-), but an unvoiced consonant presei-ves the s at
the expense of the r, /, e. g. toslus for *torstuSj posco for *por8co (0. H. G. forscOn,
Germ, forschen), properly for *prksko from the root prek- of precor, &c. (On
these groups see the next paragraph.)
§ 157. Loss of Consonant in Group. It is convenient here
to bring together the various examples of the loss of consonants,
when they occur between two other consonants, or in some un-
pronounceable combination (cf. Engl. * hal(f)penny,' * Satur(n)-
day,' * be(t)st,' ' cas(t)le,' ' go(d)spel '). It is not always possible
to decide whether the consonant was already ejected in what we
310 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
call the ' Indo-European period/ e. g. mTsk-,' to mix ' (Lat. misceo,
O. Ir. meseaim, W. mysgu Inf., O. H. G. miseu), for *mtt-8k-,
from the root meik-, ' to mix * (O. Ind. mis-rd-, ' mixed/ Lith. su-
mlszti, ' to get mixed '), with the addition of the Inceptive suffix
(ch. viii. § 2i), or whether its ejection is due to the phonetic laws
of Latin, e. g. luna (on an early Praenestine mirror Losua) for
*lu(c)sna (Zend raox&na-, ' shining/ Pruss. lauxnos, ' stars ').
A consonant between two others is dropped in such groups as :
(i) l(c)t, l(c)s, r(c)t, r(c)8, r(t)c, s(c)t, 8(t)l, b(c)1, c(t)8, r(t)8
or r(d)s, e. g. nltns for *u/cluit^ mulsi for *mulcsi^ fort'is^ O. Lat.
forctis (§ 1 1 8), tortus for ^torclHS^ torsi for *iorcsi^ corcultim for
*cort-culum from cor(d),pasfum for ^pasctum, O. Lat. */w, class, /is
for sflis (sclis) (§ 150), nox for *nocfs, ars for *a/7*, arsi for ^arthi.
(2) r(g)n, r(g)m, r(d)n,r(d)m, r(b)m, e. g. imia for *Hrgna (cf.
urceus), iorytientnm for ^torgmentum^ from iorqueo^ omo for *anhio
(cf. or(ltfio), vermina, gripes (Gk. <rTp6(l)os^ Paul. Fest. 571. 12 Th.)
for *verdm'ma from verfo^ sarmentum for ^sarhmentum from sarpo.
The first consonant is dropped in groups like :
(3) (t)8C, (c)8C, (p)8p, (p)8t, (p)sc, (s)p8, (n)gn, (r)8t, (r)sc,
e. g, esca for ^etsca from edo, disco for *dicsco (§ 156) (cf. dt-dic-i),
asporfo for *apsj)orto from abs (ch. ix. § 12) and porto, ostendo for
^opsteiido from ohs and tendo (but ohstXndfus^ O. Lat. obstinet^ &c.),
Oscus^ older Opscus (Obscus) (see Fest. 212. 24 and 234. 29 Th.),
^jo^tf for *ispse, ignis for ^engais (I.-Eur. *n^i-, O. Ind. agnl-,
Lith. ugnis, O. SI. ognlf. See M. S, L, viii. 236), fasfigium for
^farsfigium (cf. O. Ind. bhr|ti-, ' a point,^ Engl, bristle), Tnscus
(Umbr. TurscO' and Tusco-),
(4) (c)8n or (g)8n, (c)8l or (g)8l, (c)sm or (g)8m, e. g. luna for
*lusna (Praen. Losna) for *lv^sna, tili/m for ^ieslum for ^tecslum^
dla for *a*^« for ^agsUiy subtenien for ^suhiesmen for ^stibtecsmen.
The group «c/ is preserved in juncUis, defunciuSy anteclass. qitinc-
tns, but drops the c in class, qvintus, late Lat. defuntns {C, L L,
iii. 2137), sanfus (v. 81 36), nanius (iii. 1635. 4), &c. (see ch. ii. §§ 70,
95), and cf . conctione miswritten for contione on the Lex Repetun-
darum, i. 198. 18). The group ncs remains, e, g. phnxi, hnx,
§ 158. other examples. On the forms cals for *cal{c)s^ calx, and tners for
*fn€r(c)Sj merXy see ch. ii. § 125; they are like/arsi for *farcsi, fulsi for *fuksij mulsi
for *mulcsi. Like Jor{c)tis isfertumj O. Lat./erc^wm, a sacrificial cake, from a lost
i$ 158, 109.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. CONS.-GROUPS. 311
verb *ferg(i^ to bake (cf. 0. Jr. bairgeD ^ bread *) ; also /orfus from yor«o, O. Lat.
^<f/fu« (§ 155) from UtrgOy sartus from sarcio. Cf.fulmenhim (or fulcmentum, quemuSf
for *qtiercnu3. The b of *ambe, around, is dropped in am-termtniy am-caemj am-s^teSy
&Q. (seech, ix. § 16), and the loss of the d in indu- in similar circumstances prob-
ably led to its being ousted by in, e. g. imperatoTf ingredi \^0. Lat. inditperatoTj
imlugredU ch. iii. § 15). Tlie sibilant is dropped in hordeum for horsdeum (O. H. G.
gerstii), turdus for *tur8dus (Engl, throstle ; cf. Lith. strftzdas), pema (Goth,
tairznn. * the heel ' ; 0. Ind. p4r?iii-), alnus (cf. Lith. elksnis for ♦elsnis) (see
§ 156) ; also in inquamj coinquo if these stand for *ind'Squam, co-irid-squOf but
remains in exta if this stands for encsta (Lith. Inkstas, * kidney';. Like asporto,
&L'. are susdpio for *supS'Cipio, astulit (Charis. 237. a K.) for apstulit {abstulU).
P08C0 represelits *por-8co (0. H. G. for«c5n, Germ, forschen), L-Eur. pr(i)-sio-
like *mi(lLV8K0-. The group nst remains in monstrunij &c. but becomes st
hotween vowels, e. g. mosteilum. Like fasfigium is Ustamenlum for *1erstamentum
(Osc. tristaamentud Abl.).
The weakening of a root often produces an unplensing consonant-group
which has to be changed and often becomes unrecognizable. Thus the I.-£ui*.
weak-grade of dei- (of the numeral * t«n,' I. -Eur. *d6tm) appears in the word
for hundred as dk-, which is changed to k- (I.-Eur. *kmtom for *dkmtom,
ch. vi. § 76 ; Lat. centum beside d^em) ; the weak -grade of the root gen-, 'to
bo bom,' appears in Lat. gndfus, which in class. Lat. lost its initial g ($ 119).
Similarly *tlatiut from the root tel- of toUOf &c., became ld(u$, * carried * (§ 105),
and 8tl(Uu8j fix>m the root stel- of 0. SI. stelj^, * I extend,' was reduced to the
same form Idtusy * extended, broad' (§ 146). Other initial consonant-groups
avoided in Latin are tfr-, «i-, rfZ-, *m-, wU, trr-, &c, (see this chapter passim \
§ 169. Assimilation of Consonants. The loss of a consonant
in a group is often really due to assimilation. Thus the loss of
* in hordeum for horsdeuyn can hardly be separated from the
assimilation of * to r in the group rs^ e. g. horreo for ^horseo. In
the case of Assimilation, as of Ecthlipsis, it is often difficult to
say whether the Assimilation already existed in * the I.-Eur.
period * or not. Assimilation plays a great part in the com-
pounding of Prepositions with verbs, e. g. acciin-ere for ad-cur-
rere, O, Lat. omMeufans for oh-mentans^ liellege (Plant.) for per-
legey al-ligare for ad-ligare (the assimilated form had so established
itself by the time of Pliny that he treats it as a simple verb and
re-compounds it with ad^ ad-all'igare)^ but the immodified forms
of the preposition were often restored in spelling at least (thus
Servius ad Aeii, i. 616 says that apjdicat was the spelling for-
merly in vogue, adplicat the spelling of his own day), a restora-
tion which went hand in hand with the restoration of the
unweakened form of the vowel in verbs like e-neco (older enico),
inM'lego, &c. (see ch. iii. § 31). Examples of Assimilation are:
31 a THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
pc, e. g. oC'Caeco^ suc^curro] p^ e. g. of^fXcina (O. Lat. d/A-Jicind),
suf-ftcio ; bg, e. g. og-^^ro, 9vg^ero ; bm, e. g. ommenfatut (quoted
from Liv. Andron. from Festus 218. 14 Th., and explained by obmS-
nenn, 'waiting'; of. C, G. L, v. 37. 3 ommetUat: expectat)^ iummUio^
dmitto (for ammiftOy eh. ii. § 127) (but dmiUo),gluma for ^glub-ma
from ^/tt&?. ^ is assimilated to r in Prepositional Compounds like
ffurripioj and before n becomes m in 9camniim (cf. scabellnm),
amnegaverit (C. L L. vi. 14672), &c. (§ 102), though in Preposi-
tional Compounds the spelling with b is usually retained, e. g.
ab'vego ; of (rather o{b% § 157), e. g. effero from ex-fero ; to, e, g.
ac-ciirro, hoc for ^hod-ce ; tf, e. g. «^i?/*o ; dg, e. g. ag-gero ; dl,
e. g. aUluOf pel-luviae, water for washing the feet, lapil/ns for
*lapid'lus ; dm^ e. g. ; dmefUum from r(^(7 ; dn, e. g. an-n »o, m^-
cennariwf from werced- j tp, e. g. ap-pdreo ; tq, e. g. quicquam ;
dr (tr), e. g. ar-rtdeo ; ds (ts), e. g. as-ftldeo ; In, e. g. collis (Lith.
k&tnas), but vlna had originally a short vowel between I and n
(Gk. wA^rrj) ; Id, e. g. pet-cello (cf . clddes\ but t?a^d from vdttde,
caUla from c<rla; Ls, e.g. collum, O. Lat. (?(7//2/« (Goth, hals
Masc.), re//e for ^vel^se (cf. e«-«e) ; m and n are assimilated in
Compounds of the Prepositions com-^ in, and the Negative Prefix
in-y e.g. col'laudOj il-ldbor, illaitdabilis, cor-ruo, ir-rfto, ir-rtt-vs,
con-necto or cdneclo, im-Tnifto, im-ntSmar^ and similarly the final -m
of etiam^tamykjQ. was often written n (ch. ii. § 65) before an initial «.
e. g. etian-num fan-ne (ch. ii. § 135) ; nl (as in Engl. * eleven/ Mid.
Engl, enleven), e. g. corolla for ^cordn-la, MmuUu^ for ^/wntdn-
Ins ; rl, e.g. Atella (Osc. Aderl-), agellns for *agerlits (cf. Rupellex
non ^ superlex,^ Probi App. 198. 14 K.) ; rs, e. g. ^e>rr^o for ^torseo
(cf. Gk. Tipa-ofxai), ferre for ^fer-se (cf. e«-«^). On the Assimila-
tion of « to a following voiced consonant, and the consequent
lengthening of the preceding vowel by * Compensation/ e. g.
qndlus (older qval/us) for *q?tas-lu9 (cf. qimsillus), see^ 151, on
a like treatment of n before * or f, ib,, and on the Assijnilation
of Mediae to Tenues (e. g,scripfiis for ^8cribfug),cH'fe for ^ced{i)te\
Tenues to Mediae, e. g. ab-duco from ap- (I.-Eur. *apo), see § 95.
In dialectal Latin nd became nn as in Osc. upsanno- * operando-,'
whence dispennife and disleuniie (Plant.) (see ch. ii. § 71); on
the pronunciation ss for rs (cf. rusms for mrsns), see ch. ii.
§ 104.
§160.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. CONS.-GROUPS. 313
§ 160. Asaimilation in Frepoaition oompounded with Verb. The passages
of the Roman grammarians dealing witli this subject are enumerated by
Brambach, Lat. Orth, pp. 294 sqq. Lucilius declared it to be immaterial
whether one wrote rf or c in adcurrere, accurrere (ix. 25 M.) :
^adcurrere' scribas
dne an c, non est quod quaeras eque labores,
but seems (though the reading is doubtful) to have insisted on the necessity
of distinguishing ad-bitere (from ad and baeto) and db-bitere (from ab and baeU))
(ix. 27 M.) :
^abbitere' multum est
d siet an b ;
{absimUis seems to have been discarded in Latin for dissimilis^ through fear of
confusion with ad»imilis) ; he pronounces in favour of peilicio (ix. 32 M.) :
in praeposito per
* pelliciendo/ hoc est inducendo, geminato 1.
Similarly Priscian (i. 5a 7 H.) quotes peBege, peUucet from Plautus.
The MSS. of Plautus and Terence show great prevalence of Assimilation ;
Plautus puns on adswn and assunij Poen. 279 :
Milphio, heus ubi tu es? Assum apud te eccum. At ego elixus sis uolo,
where however the MSS. read cuisum, and Stilo (end of second cent. b. c.)
derived as-aiduus ^ab asse dando ' (Cic. Top, ii. 10). It is quite a mistake to
suppose the unassimilated forms to be the older, and the assimilated the more
recent (see Dorsch in the Prager phUU, Studien, 1887). In the Herculanean
papyri the proposition is generally not assimilated, e.g. ^adsiduo/ Mnridens,'
* inlita/ 'adfini/ but * imminet/ *imj9«riis* {Gass. Rev. iv. 442). The byforni
a of ab originated in an assimilated form, e. g. before/* in the verb d'JluOy to be
abundant .cf. ab-undo), often confused in MSS. with af-fluo, to flow to (see
Nettleship, Contributions^ s. v. ajfluo), and before w-, r-, e. g. d-mitto, d-rello, the
forms ammittOf &c being avoided apparently through fear of confusion with
compounds of ad ; in classical spelling ad is assimilated usually before c-j o. g.
ac-dpio (sometimes before g-, e. g. ac'quiro)^ before gf-, e.g. oggrMior nnd ad-gredicr^
before 1-, e.g. alligare but adluere, adUtqui (Velius Longus, p. 61 K.), before p-,
e. g. ap-pOnOy rarely ad-pono^ before r-, e.g. arripio and ad-ripio, before 8, e. g.
cu-sufeo and ad-sideo, ad-sunif before t-j e. g. at-tribuo ; com- is assimilated before
I'f e. g. col-lSgiunij col-Uko and con-loco^ before r-, e. g. cor-rtgOf and becomes con-
before o, d-y /-, g-j j-j W-, q-, s-j t; V- ; on ex see ch. ix. § 29 ; in- is assimilated before
m-, e.g. im-mitto (becoming im- also before 6-, p-), occasionally before r-, e. g.
tr-ruo and in-ruo, not so often before /-, e. g. in-ludo and HAudo ; ob- is assimilated
before c-, e.g. oc-currOi before/-, e. g. of-/endo, before gr-, e. g. og^g^o, beforep-, e. g.
op-p&ri&Tj and occasionally before w-, e. g. ob-nuineo, 0. Lat. om-mentare ; per- is
assimilated before /-, e.g. pel-llciOy pel-ltgo and per-lego ; sub is assimilated before
C-, e. g. suc-curro before /, e. g. suf-JZ-rOf before </-, e. g. sug-g^ro, before p-, e. g.
tup'pono, and optionally before m-, e. g. sMm-mtftonnd sub-mitlOj andr-, e. g. snr-
rlpui (contracted aurpui) and sub-ripui ; trans- often becomes ird» before jf-, d-, /-,
m-, n-j e. g. trd'do {bans-dere attested by Donatus for Terence, Phorm. 2, where all
our MSS. have tradere) ; before j- we find co- in coicio, &c., pe- in pejerare, a later
spelling of perjerare (see Georges, Lex, Worif, s. v.) (cf. peiiuri Plant True, 612 (B) )
314 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IV.
(cf. Ital. Gennajo for Lat., Jdnuarius), (See Brambach, Lot. Orth. pp. 996 sqq.
on the Assimilation of Prepobitions on Inscriptions, and the Indices to C.I,L.)
§ 16L Other examples of Assimilation. If Festus (259. 7 Th.) is right in
saying that both peUia and pesna wore O. Lat. words for *a wing/ we must
suppose penna to be the development of the former, while the latter (from
*p€ts7id-) would become *p?na (cf. tuna for *l\(csna) ; anmis is most naturally
derived from *af-no- (Goth. a\hi Neut, ^a year'). The assimilation of c to
a following t was a feature of dialectal (e.g. blatta for *blacta, Lett, blakts,
*a bug*) and Liite Latin (see ch. ii. § 95). Like gluma from glubo is rumentum
(glossed by * abruptio* Paul. Fest. 369. 12 Th.) from rumpo ; like rdmmlum from
ftido is caemenium from caedo. (On the reduction of mm after a long vowel or
diphthong to m, e.g. *caemineyi(um to caemejUum, see ch. ii. § 127). For dp we have
0. Lat. topper (see ch. ix. § 7 ) for *tod-p€r (on qvippe, quippUimj see ch. x. $ 7). Idcirco
is sometimes .spelt iccirco (see Bnimbach, Ufd/sMcfilein^ s. v.). Whether nm
became mm, e. g. gemma, or rm, e. g. germen^ is discussed in § 80, and whether
exdmen represents *exagmen or *ex-ags-men in $ 116. In the Probi App.
(198. 26 K.) we have: amygdala non 'amiddula'; the gd of /rig{i)du'i
i/rigda Probi App. 198. 3 K.) became dd (cf. fridattu, C. /. L. iv. 291 ; Ital.
freddo, &c.).
§ 162. Iiengthening by Compensation. Closely connected
with the Assimilation of Consonants is what is called the * Com-
pensatory ' Lengthening of Vowels, where the assimilated con-
sonant lends itself rather to increase the length of the preceding
vowel, so that the loss of the consonant is, as it were, compensated
by the additional quantity of the vowel. (English examples are
* lady/ ' maid/ * rain/ * thane. ^) Qimlv^, for ^guas-lu^ (cf.
rjuaS'illus, § 148), is in the older spelling quailus^ dnhelus for
^anhensh^ is anhellns^ velum for ^vexlvm (cf. vexillum) is velluWy
anhy a pot (later olla)^ for *auxla (cf . auxiU^i) is aulla^ &c. ; the
Adjective ending -omis for *o-went-to- (ch. v § 6^ is in the older
spelling 'OHSsuSy -ossm (see Brambach, Orth, p. Ji68, and the
Indices to Ribbeck's Virgil and Studemund's Apograph of the
Ambrosian Palimpsest of Plautus) ; dumeium. for ^dnsmefum is
in Virgil MSS. dummetmny as diminuo is in Plautus MSS. dim-
vihiuo [cf. dirnimpo, Bacch, 441 (C D), but dis^r- (B)], and so on.
(On the spellings with double consonant in the MSS. of Plautus,
Virgil, &c., see ch. ii. §§ 127-133, where the question is discussed
how far a long vowel with a single consonant might be substi-
tuted for a short vowel with a double consonant in Latin.
On the lengthening of a vowel before 7is^ see ch. ii. § 144, and for
additional examples of the loss of s, x with ^ compensatory *
lengthening, § 151 above.)
$$ 161-163.] REPRESENTATIVES OF I.-EUR. SOUNDS. 315
§ 163. Assimilation of Syllables. The change of the older
Perfect-forms cSctirri, m?mordi, pSposci, pSpugi^ &c. to cilcnrn, tnd-
morfli,pdposciypupugi, &c. (see ch. viii. § 43) sliows the partiality of
Latin for the complete assimilation of two neighbouring syllables.
The I.-Eur. dissimilation of *q"enq^e, 'five,' to *penq^e (§ 116)
(O. Ind. panca, Lith. penkl, &c.) is not seen in Lat. quinque ;
quercvs (for ^qverqmis\ querquetum may be another example, for
O. Engl, furh, our ' fir/ points to I.-Eur. *perq"- (cf . Mho from
I.-Eur. pib-, O. Ind. pibami, O. Ir. ibim). The same similarity
of initial and following syllable, whether an original similarity
preserved in Latin or first produced by the Latin partiality for
a repetition of the same sound, is seen in words like cinchmus,
a curl (Gk. kCklwos), quisquiliaey shreds (Gk. Koa-KvAfxcina), barba
for ^farba (Engl, beard, O. SI. brada), querquera^ a^ue, mur-
mur (Gk. /mop/mvpo)), uimpa (Gk. Itto^), furfur^ tintiuno, eucumis,
turiur, &c. But in Vulgar Latin we find qu becoming c when
a following syllable has qu, e. g. cinque for quifique, cesquo for
quiesco (Bersu, fHe GuUuralen, p. 98).
CHAPTER V.
FORMATION OF NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS.
§ 1. I. STEM-SUFFIXES. We have seen how the several
sounds of the Latin language were written (eh. i.), and pro-
nounced (ch. ii.), and what original or * Indo-European ' sounds
they represent (eh. iv.). We have now to see how Latin words
were formed, and how the Latin process of formation was related
to the * Indo-European.^
For the forming of words we find sounds combined into roots,
and these developed into stems ; thus the sounds t, e, and g, are
combined into the root teg-, ' to cover ' (Lat. teg-o^ teg-men^ tectus
for ^feg-tm^ tdg-a with 0-grade of root), which is further
developed into the stems toga- (Lat. Nom. Sg. tog^^ earlier *togd.
Gen. PI. togd-rum^ &c,), tegmen- (Lat. Nom. Sg. tegmen^ Gen.
legmtniSj earlier ^tegmefi-es, &c.) by the addition to the root of
the stem-suffixes -a-, -men-. It is these stem-suffixes, used in
the making of Nouns and Adjectives, which will be the subject
of this section.
§ 2. SufOxes ending in -5, -ft (Nouns and Adjectives of the
First and Second Declension). -6-, -A-. -6-, which should
rather be called the e-o-suffix, since it alternates with S (e.g.
I. -Eur. Voc. Sg. of Masc. o-stems ended in -e, *gkwS, ' O horse,'
Gk. l'n'n€i Lat. equS, &c.), is associated with the Masc. and
Neut. Gender. -A-, which should rather be called the a-suffix,
since it alternates with Jt (e.g. I.-Eur. Voc. Sg. of Fern, a-stems
ended in -&, *ekw&, * O mare ' ; cf . Hom. Gk. w/uw^a), is associated
with the Fern. Gender. Hence the 6- and a-suffixes were used
§§1, a.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -6-, -A-. 317
in Adjectives, e. g. I.-Eur. newo-, Masc. and Neut., *newa-,
Fern. (Gk. i;c(f)os, v4(F)ovy vi{F)ay Lat. n^vos, novom, nova, &c.).
Special circumstances have however produced a few instances
of Fem. o-stems and Masc. a-stems. Thus Lat. fd^us, Gk.
(I)rjy6s are Fem., being names of trees; and Lat. agricola^ when
it passed from its original abstract sense of ' field-tillage * into
the concrete sense of a ^field-tiller/ became Masc. (of. Gk.
^v^avid'y youth, v€avlasy a youth). (See ch. vi. §1.)
Of the many uses of the 6-suffix, two may be selected for
particular notice: (i) in Abstract Noims (Nomina Actionis),
these having the accent on the root, e.g. I.-Eur. *g6no-, * pro-
duction ' (O. Ind. janam, Gk. yovos), from root gen-, ' to produce ' ;
(2) in Nomina Agentis, these having the accent on the suffix,
e.g. I.-Eur. *t6r6-, ' a piercer* (Gk. ropos), from root ter-, 'to
pierce 'j I.-Eur. *pr6S:o-, *an asker' (Lat. prScus, a suitor), from
root prek-, ' to ask.^ The root in all these examples shows the
o-gi'ade (ch. iv. § 51).
The a-suffix is similarly used in Abstract Nouns (Nomina
Actionis), e.g. I.-Eur. *bhuga, 'the action of fleeing^ (Gk. <f>vyriy
Lat.y%«), from the weak grade of the root bheug-, ' to flee.^
How far these simple suffixes -(>- and -a- have been combined
with others to form the large number of suffixes which end in
the letter 6, or the letter a, e.g. -io-, -ia-, -to-, -ta-, -tuo-, -tua-,
-tro-, -tra, &c. need not be discussed hero. In Latin we find
them more used in the older stages of the language, while fuller
suffixes seem to be required in the classical period ; thus per-
v^cus (from the root weik-, ' to fight,' Lat. vinco) is O. Lat. for
j)er-vicdx^ and itqndlus, Enn., became sqiidHdus. The Verbal Noun
used as Infinitive by the Umbro-Samnite nations was probably
a Neuter o-stem, e.g. Osc. ezmn^ Umbr. erom from root es-, 'to
be,'' Lat. e8se\ Osc. deiciim corresponds to Lat. dlcere, Osc.
Moltmim to Lat. mult-are) ; and at all periods of Latin we see
a tendency to make rough-and-ready coinages of words with the
help of these simple suffixes, e.g. Camay from ^car{o)n', flesh,
the goddess of the vital organs, to whom a temple was dedicated
by Junius Brutus in 510 B.C., Carda (or Cardea)^ from ^cardan-,
a hinge, the goddess of hinges, nola, ' a say-no ' from ndlo, in
Caelius' punning description of Clodia (Quint, viii. 6. 53).
31 8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Oh»p. V.
§ 3. Iiatin 5- and a-sufflxea ; other examples. Lat. uncus from *onco8
;0. Iiid. aiak^s, Gk. SyKos) from the root ank-, * to bend * ; Lat. d6lu8 (Ok. 96\oi)j
perhaps the 0-grade of a root del- ; Lat. jugum (O. Ind. yug^m, Gk. (vy6v,
Goth, juk Neut., 0. SI. igo Neut.) from the root yeug-, * to join' ; Lat. piaga
(Gk. vKrjyri) from the root pidg-, * to beat * ; con-rim from riro, to enjoy oneself
(e.g. CatiiU. V. I ; Plant. Pera. 30 uiues mecum ; so vita Plant. Trin. 477 ; cf.
Non. 14. 16 M. sicuti qui nunc est in summa laetitia, *vivere* eum dicimus) ;
parens from parco ; with lengthened root col-iPga (cf. t^-ula, rfg-Ula^ and ciMre,
if from *iigaj *rfga, *cgto, Verbal Nouns from the roots t^g-, reg-, kb\- ; cf. § 33).
Of early forms, and occasional coinages, may be mentioned : condus and prGmxts
from c(n\do^ promo, e. g. Plant. Pseud, 608 condus promus sum, procurator peni ;
trdha^ a harrow, for which Virgil substituted (invented ? > the form trahea (cf.
the note of Servius on 6r. i. 164 traheoeque : Epenthesin fecit causa metri, ut
* navita.' traha autcm vehiculum est a trahendo dictum ; nam non habet
rotas), from trcJiOj like aSra, the bolt of a door, from seroj to join ; from aio was
formed Aius LocutiuSy the god to whom a temple was dedicated in gratitude
for the supernatural warning against the attack of the Gauls, 390 b.c ; from
pafulOf Panda, the goddess of opening, alter whom was named the Panddna
porta (Varro, L. L. v. 4a), the Oscan name of tlie goddess being Patana-.
Nonius quotes perri:cM«, stubborn, persistent, from Accius {Trag, 158 R ) :
sed p^ruico Aiax tinimo atque aduors^bili,
derived from pervinco, to be stubljom, persistent, as we may see from the
assonance of Ennius [Tray, 408 H.) :
peiiiince pertin^i peruicacia ;
coa and >k*/«, from coeo and noh are quoted from Gael ins by Quintilian (viii. 6.
53): quadrantarinm Clytemestram, et in triclinio coam, in cubiculo nolam ;
so perhaps cor\feta sus, for sus cum fHu, explained by Paul. Fest. .40. a8 Th.) :
quae cum omni fetu adhibebatur ad sacrificium ; Domi-duca, Pro-nUba (an
i'pitliet of Juno), Juga (another epithet of Juno), Lua, Vica Pota, nocil-luca,
sangui-silga. Scriba was the early word for * a poet ' (Fest. 492. 19 Th.).
§ 4. -I6-, -I A- (-Y6-, .YA-). It is difficult to distin-
guish in Latin the I.-Eur. suffixes (i) -yo-, -ya-, (2) -ty5-.
-tya- (by some written -ayo-, -ay a-), for as we have seen (oh. iv.
§ 65)' y after a consonant in the middle of a word became
vocalic / in Latin, so that Lat. fnedhts from I.-Eur. *m5dli-
yo- (O. Ind. mfidhya-, Gk. fjLi((r)(ros) is, unlike the O. Ind.
and Greek forms of the word, a trisyllable. The weak grade of
I.-Eur. -yo-, -liyS- (or -yS-, -tye-, § 2) seems to have been -!-,
-1- ; e. g. Goth, bruks, ' useful,^ for *brukis, I.-Eur. *bhruy"Y-,
*bhru(j"y5- (-yS-), from the root bhreuy"-, ' to use, enjoy * (Lat.
frnor) ; Goth, hairdeis, ' a herd, shepherd,' for *hairdTs; and this
opened the way to a confusion of io- stems with i-stems. Another
byform seems to have been -lyo-, -Tya-, e.g*. O.Ind. trt-iya-, ' third/
55 3,4.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -I0-, -IA-. 319
Horn. Gk. irpoOvfX'-trj, a form which would in Latin shorten the 1
before the following vowel, and become identical with I.-Eur.-lyo-.
These 10- suffixes have three chief uses in I.-Eur. : (i) to
form Verbal Adjectives, especially Gerundives, the Neuter and
Fern, being often employed as Verbal Nouns, e.g. I.-Eur.
*s5q"-yo-, ' requiring help or company ' (Lat. sSci?is ; cf . O. Ind.
saciya-, Gk. a-oaayiTrip from *6(r<ro-) from the root seq"-, * to
accompany ' (O. Ind. sac-, Gk. lirofiaiy Lat. sSquar). Similarly
Latin exhnius in the sense of eximejuhs (e.g. Ter. Hec. 66 utin
eximium neminem habeam? *am I to make no exception?^);
Lat. stUdium from studeo, Lat. exuviae from exuo; j)luvia from
pluo; (2) as a secondary suffix of Adjectives, the Neuter and
Fem. being often used as Abstract Nouns ; often too in Com-
pound Adjectives; e.g. I.-Eur. *patrYyo- (O. Ind. pitriya-. Gk.
Tidrpios, Lat. pafrius) from the noun *pater- (I.-Eur. pitdr-, Gk.
Tranfip, Lat. pater); Lat. somnmm (O. Ind. svfipnyam, O. SI.
sunije, siinije) from somnu^^ stem ^somno- (O. Ind. svdpnas,
O. SI. suntl); Ija,t. falsi-jilrius iromfalsus and jus, discordia from
dhcors ; (3) in Adjectives which have a sense of comparison or
distinction, indicating a special locality, direction, &c., e. g.
I.-Eur. *medhyo- (O. Ind. madhya-, Gk. /ui€(<r)(roy, Lat. mMins) ;
I.-Eur. *alyo- (Arm. ail, Gk. aAAo9, Lat. alius^ Goth, aljis);
Gk. h^^ios has this suffix, while Lat. dexter (Gk. 66^4T6pds) has
the -tero- suffix, which has the same force (§ 16). So in some
Ordinal Numbers, e.g. Lat. tertius (cf. O. Ind. trtiya-, Goth.
J^ridja, O. SI. tretiji, ch. vi. § 61).
A notable use of this suffix in the Italic languages is in the
formation of Proper Names. While in all, or most, of the other
I.-Eur. languages Compounds were used for Proper Names, the
son taking a Compound slightly varied from the father's (e. g.
Gk. Atro-Kpariyy, son of Aij/o-kA^j, Teut. Walt-bert, son of
Wald-ram), the Italic stocks employed simple stems with this
10- suffix, e.g. Lat. LuchfS, Stdtius, &c., which correspond to
some contracted or * pet '-names in the other I.-Eur. nations,
e.g. Gaul. Toutius, a familiar shortened form of Toutio-rix, Gk.
Zcuftds, for the more ceremonious Z^v^-iinros, &c., AcvKt; beside
A^vK-nTTTos, &c. (see Fiok, Personennatneu),
The Osean inscriptions enable us to distinguish two varieties
320 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohti^Y,
of this suflSx in Patronymics (or family names)^ which cannot
so easily be distinguished in Latin: (i) -yo-, in Patronymics
derived from praenomina (what we call * Christian names ^) in
-o, e.g. Osc. Uhtavis, Lat. Ocfdvius, the patronymic derived
from Lat. Octavux\ Osc. Statis from a praenomen *Stato-.
The Oscan sufHx is in native characters written -is (i.e. -is), in
Latin characters -/>, in Gk. -49: {%) -!yo-, in Patronymics
derived from praenomina in -yo-, e.g. Statiis, a patronjrmic
from the praenomen Statis (stem *Statyo-). This suffix is in
Oscan characters -iis, in Latin characters -ieSy in Gk. -i€9. To
tliese we may add a third variety, -lyo-, apparently the un-
shortened form of -tyo-. This is used in ceremonious language on
inscriptions bearing the names of magistrates, &c., and is written
-iis, Gk. -€4€s, e.g. Vifnikiis, 'Af66i€s, both quaestors. How far
Latin spellings like Clodeiu^^ Puhleim^ Fareha, if they are genuine
Latin forms and not dialectal, may be distinguished from the
nonnal forms Clodtus^ PubKui, Farins is hard to determine.
The diphthong el in O. Latin may, as we have seen, represent
the weakening of an original -ai- (-oi-) in the unaccented
syllable, e.g. <tcceitfo, as well as an original -ei-, e.g. deico ; it
may also be a graphic expression of the long simple vowel i,
for this -ri- came to be pronounced, and in time spelt, in the
same ^^'ay as 7 ; and before another vowel * would be shortened
to ?. Thus Osc. Bovaiano- ^'as in Latin Bovtanum through
*BoviaitNff/ from ^Boveianom ; Osc. Pumpaiians is Lat. Pom-
jH*iaHu^ ; Osc. Maraio-, Falisc. Mareio-, is Lat. Manta (cf.
Umbr. pemaio-, 'in front/ postraio-, 'behind/ in Lat. antieus,
f}0*flrnit). Analogous to the Oscan -Tyo- as opposed to -Yyo- is
|>erhaps the Latin use of the full ending -iw*, as opposed to the
shorter -/> or -/ (^-ith -1- like Osc. -is ?), in names of magistrates :
for exiimple, on the S. C. de Bacchanalibus (C.LL. i. 196) the
consuls' names are Marcittn and Po^fitmitts, but the names of the
clerks who ' scribendo arfuerunt ' are C/mtdi, Valtri, Mimtci.
As the lO-suffix is often added as a secondarv suffix to Verb-
stems (e.g. piujtio and />/jMf>, ch. \\iu § 15), so it is added to
Xouns. O-stems either drop their final vowel before it, e.g.
feiuNM'itfM, or show -?yo- which became -?o- (ch. iv. § 66). e.g.
nw/wjr. (On rustic -«>- for -10-, see ch. ii. § 10). This ending
§ 4.1 NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -I6-, -IA-. 321
was often assigned to other stems, e.g.Jiammeui{A'Stem),car?ieiis
(U-stem), V'lteus (I-stem), to denote material. The TER-stems
augmented by -io- produce in Latin a numerous class of Neuter
Nouns indicating the place or instrument of an action, with the
ending -tdrio- corresponding to Greek -rrypio-, e.g. audi'torium,
' the place of hearing/ deversorium for ^devert-forium, * a lodging-
place,' scalp'toriuMy * an instrument for scratching ^ (Martial
xiv. 83). (Cf. Gk. Pov\€V'Tripiov, ipyaar'Trjpiov, both indicating
place, Kava-'TTJpiov, ' instrument for burning,' Kpi-Tripiov, * means of
deciding '). (On Fem. -toria in Late Lat. see Ronsch, CoUecfranea^
p. 197.) Similarly we have -monium, -ftmiia from MEN-stems,
e. g. aKmo7iia and dlimwiium (cf. aPimentum), jJdmonium (on the
spelling, see Nettleship, Contributions, s.v.) trom flameti, an ending
extended to trist^-mofiia, sanctt-monia, &c. The Adj. ending -drius
(from d^os, ch. iv. § 1 60) was to some extent supplanted by -dris in
later Latin (ch. iii. § 16), though the popular speech retained the
.older forms (e.g. vinarius), forms which should perhaps be restored
to various lines of Plautus (see Langen, Beitrdge, p. 3^x4 ; e. g.
wilitariis, Pseud, 1049). The same may be true of -«//«* and
'dlis^ &c., e. g. mdniuilium : iyx^ipCbiov (Gl. Cyrill.), dvilium (ib.)
A common ending of Abstract Nouns is -Uia (often -ities), e. g.
laetitia from laetus, like militia from miles Jjsee also Y£-stems,
§51), Mium, e.g. servitiumy fldgitinm , Idnitium, From N-stems
we have, e. g. cdlmia, in O. Lat., * a dwelling-place ' (Plaut. Anl.
576 : ut conmutet coloniam).
-§xio- and -ari-, -alio- and -ali-. Caper (p. 103. 9 K.) approves the old form
vinarius :
Yasa istaec vinaria sunt, vinaria cella :
Vulgus adhuc retinot de prisca verba loquella ;
and similarly atrameniarium (p. 108. 3 K.) ; but Probi Appendix (p. 198. 7 K.)
primipilaris, non ' primipilarius/ (For other examples of -arixts, -aUtis^ see
R5nsch, Collectanea^ pp. 196, 208 ; Neue ii'. p. 158.)
Other examples of lO-stem Compounds. From jus and ago was formed
jur{{)-gium ; so lUigiuin ; from rfico, judicium, indicium ; from co, cf/mUium, exitiumf
initium ;,cf. § 77) ; similarly praemium from et»w, incetidium, suspiriumf discidium,
connubium, subsidium, nedi-flcium, lecti-sternium^ stiUi-cMiumf obsSquium [wrongly
declared (Cicero ap. Quint, viii. 3. 35 ; but cf. LaeL xxiv. 89) to be a coinage of
Terence, for it is used by Plautus {Bacch. 1089) and Naevius (Don. ad Ter.
Andr. i. i. 40)] and exsequiae, excuhiae, suppStiae^ vindSmia from rinwrn and dSmo,
ineiiria from cQra, &c.
Y
322 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
§ 6. -U6-, -UA-. Here again the two I.-Eur. forms of the suffix,
(i) -w6-, -wa-, (2)- tLw5-, -tLwa-, (or -owo-, &c.) are difficult to dis-
tinguish in Latin, where w after a consonant in the middle of a
word became vocalic u at first, though it might afterwards become
a consonant by the process of Syncope described in ch. iii. § 13,
e»g,furrvs, which must have been trisyllabic, /w*«m (cf./f/#-c«*),
at the time when s between vowels became r in Latin. An
original -ilw5-, -Swo-, -6w6- would also become -i^-, and in time
-I'd' in Latin (ch. iii. § 24, p. 174), so that the exact origin of the
Latin suffix -uo-, -r^- is often doubtful. Another element of
confusion is that the weak grade of the I.-Eur. suffixes -wo-,
-uw6- (-wS-, -tiwS-, see § 2) was u, which opened the way to
these stems coalescing with u-stems.
The UO-suffix is much used in Latin and in Teutonic in
adjectives denoting colour, e. g. Lat. heivv^ (O. H. G. gelo, Engl,
yellow, from *ghSl-wo-),/«rrtt^,^ai?«*, rdvnsy &c. Greek Verbal
Adjectives in -rcos for *-T€fos, with Gerundive force, e.g.
hmKrioSy requiring to be pursued^ capable of being pursued (cf.
O. Ind. kdrtva-, kirtuva-, 'requiring to be done'), are in Latin
represented by formations in -wf/*, e. g. caeduut^ excipuus, prae-
cipnus^ consptcuvs^ while another class of Verbal Adjectives,
denoting state or condition, end in -fivw, e. g. ndtivns^ captlws^
vdtivus. These Adjectives in -tlvtis seem to be derived from
Verbal Nouns with a TlO-suffix or a Tl-suffix (cf . furtltn^t
from ^furti'^ a stem seen in Adwfurtim, ch. ix. § 4; sementivu^
from dementis, Late Lat. sementium, Bonsch, Collect , p. 209).
though some have tried to connect them with Sanskrit Gerund-
ives in -tavy^-, e.g. O. Ind. kartavyA-, 'requiring to be done.'
(See Thumeysen, Ferba auf -io^ p. 41 ; von Planta, Gramtn, Osk\-
Umbr, i. p. 169), while Verbal Adjectives of the same sense in
-it??/*, e. g. rScidivna [cf . cadivvs (morbus), * the falling sickness,'
in Gaulish Latin, e. g. Marc. Emp. xx. 93], ^ub-^civm^ O. Lat.
vocivos from vocare (classical vdcare), may come from Verbal
Nouns with an lO-suffix. The forms de-ctduns, vacuus are not
phonetic developments of these, but follow the analogy of
Gerundive Adjectives like caeduus^ excipuus, &c,
§ e. I.-Sar. stems in -w6-. I.-Eur. *g«!-w6-, ' alive, lively ' (O. Ind. jivA-.
O. It. biu, W. byw, Goth, qius, Lith. g^as, O. SI. iivu>, Lat. ttrus ; I.-Eur.
§§ 5-7.1 NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -U6-, -UA-. 323
♦laiwo-, Meft* (Gk. Kcu(f)6s, 0. SI. iCvii), Lat. laerwt, probably connected with
Engl. sloW) from Teut. ♦slaiwa-. Similarly Lat. calrus (0. Ind. kulva-) ; Lat.
sccievtis (Gk. (T/cai{f)6s) ; Lat. divus (Goth, hlaiv Neut. ' tomb/ O. Engl, hl&w,
hlspw, * hill,* esp. * grave-hill,' Sc. law' from the root ilei-, * to lean, slope.*
The thematic vowel is inserted in I.-Eur.*widh-6-wo-, 'unmarried, widowed *
[0. Ind. vidhava-, Gk. ii4$€os ; cf. Goth. viduvO (n-stem), O. SI. vWova, * a
widow,* O. Ir. fedb, W. gweddw], Lat. viduus, from the root weidh-. *to
separate,' of Lat. di-vido, &c.
§ 7. Latin Verbal Adjectives in -uus, -ivus, -Uvus. Reltcuus (rather
rtlicuos) is a word of four syllables in Plautus, and indeed in all the Republi-
can literature, though it afterwards became rdiquos and finally rdicus ;
similarly ef^/icMus, &c. (see Bersu,die Gtttturalenj p. 59). This ending -uus (-mos),
indicating Ktate or condition, is seen in continuuSj itig^uus, assiduus (whence
the Adverb amduo, for the sake of a pun with which Plautus coins the form
accubttOj Tmc. 422), exi{fuu3, ambiguus [though we find other Compounds like
prodigus from ago (prodiginis in the Comm. Lud. Saec), indigus from ^eo with the
O-suffix] ; from first conj. verbs we have druus^ irrtguus {irriffivus Cato\ vdcuvu
{vocivjis Plaut.) ; from vieo we have Inuvs. Derivative lO-stems from these
are e.g. reliquiae, deliquium. Examples of Adjectives, &c, in -wis, derived from
nouns, arc : annuus from annus (0-stem), Mtnei-va for *meneS'Ud \ci. O. Ind.
manas-vin-, ' intelligent ') from *menes-, ^intelligence' (O. Ind. i^^inas-, Gk.
it4v€(T'), a quadrisyllable in Plautus (ch. iv. § 148), strSnuus (cf. Gk. aTpfjvos,
health, Engl. stern, Pruss. sturnawiskan, ^earnest ' ', patruus from pdter (R-stem).
Another example of a Gerundive Verbal Adjective in -uus is pascuus, fit for
pasture, intended for pasture, with which Plautus contrasts druus, fit for
ploughing {True, i^g) :
non aruos hie, sed pascuos ager est ;
(cf. Cic. de Rej). v. 2. 3 agri arvi et arbusti et pascui), whence arrum, with
O. Lat. aruae Plur., a field for ploughing. Of Nouns and Adjectives in -ivus,
-Iro, which some would make Derivative lO-stems of Adjectives in -uus (reci-
divus from reciduus ; but cf. deliquium, reliquiae from delicuus, relicuus), examples
are : internecivus (cf. initmecio and intemecium) from nScare, subsicitms [cf. i{n)si-
cium, fPni-»icimn'] from sScare. {&ub8iciws denotes what remains over and above
a division of land, &c., hence suhsicivus ager, spare land, subsicivum tempus^
spare time, whence the proverb siibsicivis operis, Cic. de Orat. ii. 89. 364).
Another word often confused with this last, viz. succisivus, from succido, shows
the more usual mode of derivation, from a Verbal Noun TI- or TlO-stem (cf .
sucdsio), like pfissimts, fiigitivus. Lixirus, whence the derivative lO-stem lixivius,
comes from lixius, derived from Ifxa, water, lye, *lixare (Ital. lessare), to boil,
words connected with the root wleiq5l of Lat. liquor, 0. Ir. fliuch, * wet ' (see
Class. Rev. v. 10). The 0. Lat. word sonirius (Paul. Fest. 409. 6 Th. * sonivio,'
sonanti) used in the augur's phrase sonivium tripudium (Serv. ad A. iii. 90 ;
cf. Fest. 422. 19 Th.\ will, if the second syllable is long, be similarly related
to »inare, as lixivus to *lixare, subsicivus to subsicare, &c. [^Ndcivus, Plin. Phaedr.,
&c. from noceo, I.-Eur. ♦n6i^y<5 (ch. viii. $ 23), has been compared to O. SI.
chodl-vu, * wandering,' from chodi-ti, * to go,' Ijubl-vii, Moving,* from Ijubi-ti,
* to love'].
The I.-Eur. suffixes -tw6-, -twS-, or -tiiw6-, -tuwa-, closely connected with
the Verbal Noun suffix -tu- (§ 47), are ft-equent in O. Ind. and Slav. (e.g.
Y a
3^4 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
O. Ind. k^r-tuva-) kdr-tva-, ' requiring to be done,' k^r-tva-m, * a task' ; cf. Gk.
-T€(f)os of Sioiie'TioSf &c.), but hardly appear in Latin ; e. g. mor-iuus (O. SI. mri-
-tvu) ; Fd'tuiis another name of Faunus, the god of prophecy, derived from
yS-rt (but fdtuus, foolish, with short a, means literally * gaping/ troni JoHscoTj
kc). In 7niituu8 the t belongs to the Verb-stem (cf. Lett, meetdt, 'to exchange/
Goth, maipms, ' a gift ').
§ 8. -N6-, -NA-. The I.-Eur. suffix -no-, Fern, -na-, seems
to vary with the higher grades -Sno-, -ena-, and -6n6-, -ona- ;
sometimes a vowel-sound seems to precede the nasal^ repre-
senting some such variation as -an5-, -ana- (ch. iv. § 8 1). Its chief
use is in the formation of Verbal Adjectives, usually with the
force of a Perfect Participle Passive ; thus in Sanscrit a certain
number of Verbs have P. P. P. in -n4-, the others in -td- (I.-Eur.
-to-, § 27), and likewise in Teutonic and Balto-Slavic, e. g. O. Ind.
purnd-, ' filled,' O. Engl, bunden, * bound,' O. SI. dantl, * given/
In Latin, as in Greek, the P. P. P. suffix is -to-, but traces of
a similar use of -no- are found in words like plenus, full (cf. im-
pletus) ; while of Verbal Nouns formed with this suffix we have,
e. g. (lonum (O. Ind. dana- N., O. Ir. dan), somnus from the root
swep-, ' to sleep ' (O. Ind. svdpna- M., Arm. k'un, O. Ir. suan,
O.Engl, swefen, Lith. sapnas ; cf. Gk. vtti/os, O. SI. siintl). An
N-stem which passes into the 0-declension shows this suffix ;
thus regnvm (ch. ii. § 144) may be from stem *regen- (cf. O. Ind.
raj&n-, ^rule'). The suffix is preceded by s in la^ia for ^luxna (cf.
losna on an old Praenestine mirror, C, L L. i. 55) (Zend raox§na-,
' shining,' Pruss. lauxnos PI., 'stars*). In Greek we find some
Adjectives of Time in -Iros, derived from a Locative Case ending
in I, e.g. \€LyL€pt,'vds (L2LtAi6erfiui tor ^^imrt-no-, ch. iv. § 77), iapi-
v6s (Lat, ver?in^)y ka-Tt^pL-vos (cf . Lat. vesperna), &c. Adjectives in
'hitis in Latin like fofftnu^, juuchiuf show an I.-Eur. suffix -tno-,
denoting material or origin, e. g. Gk. <f>riy'Xvos, made of beech-
wood, pv^KXvos, made of papyrus, &e. In Latin, owing to the
weakening of vowels in unaccented syllables, -*//w* may represent
an older -find-, -eno-, -6n5-, &c., as well as -tno- ; and, owing to
the syncope of such vowels, -»w* may represent the same forma-
tions. It is however often possible to distinguish between
original -no- and original -Yno-, &c. ; thus popiilnus, made of
poplar-wood, must have had originally a vowel between the /
and the u, for original In becomes II in Latin (e. g. collis for
§ 8.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -N6-, -NA-. 325
^colnis I cf. Lith. kainasj see ch. iv. § 78). The suffix Avos in
Greek, denoting species, occurs frequently with names of animals,
e.g. l€\^aK'tvr\ from hiX^a^^ KopaK-lvos from Kopa^; and similarly
in Latin we have bdvinuSy Aquinas, 9uinus (Goth, sv-ein, Engl,
swine, O. SI. BV'\n\\)^fbrinvs (O. H. G. bibir-Tn; cf. Zend bawr-
aenis, Lith. bebr-inis), &c., the feminine often being employed
with ellipse of caro^ as vttMina^ veal, suina^ pork, &c. Latin
'Inus is often due to the addition of the NO-suffix to lO-stems,
e. g. Ldtinm from Latium (though, when the suffix -ino-, and
not -no-, is added, we have -ienus^e, g. dlienus from alius ^Idniena
from ianius, with the same dissimilation of the i- and tf- towels,
as mpietas instead of * pittas^ mMietas instead of ^mediitas, &c.,
Engl. ' yet,' ' yes,' for *yit,' ' yis '), or to I-stems, e.g. m^rinus from
niare^ piscina from piscis, oinnind from omnis. It is often seen in
the transference of an lON-stem into the O- or A-declension
(cf . § 55 on Spulonus beside epulo), e. g. in names of gods like
Jugatinus^ ^ qui conjuges jungit/ from jugdtio, Potina, the god-
dess worshipped when a child first took milk (Non. 108. 17 M.),
from polio, &c. Lat. -ino may also represent an earlier -aino-,
&c., for ai in the- unaccented syllable, became ei, which passed
into ^, but Osc. deiv-ino-, &c. proves an original -ino- for
divinuSy &c. The suffix -ttnus of di?i-finns, cras-tinuSj pris-tiniis,
&c., corresponding to the O. Ind. suffix -tna-, -tana- used to form
Adjectives from Adverbs of Time, e. g. diva-tana- and diva-tdna-,
'daily,' nii-tna-, nu-tana-, ' of the present time,' pra-tnd-, ' former,'
&c., may be connected with O. Ir. tan, * time,' and so be more
strictly the second element of a compound than a mere suffix,
just as -ff?i74s in privi-gnus, bignae, twins (Paul. Fest. 24. 25 Th.),
represents the root gen-, of g^nus, gignOy &c. The -gnus of tii-
gyiits, salignuSy ISrignus on the other hand shows the suffix -no-,
the g being the development before « (ch. iv. § 1 1 9) of the final c
of the stems ittc-is^ saltc-is, latic-is, and was by their analogy ex-
tended to other tree-adjectives like abiegnvsiromaHeSyGen.abiei'is
[ferrilghius (cf. aurlghieus, fUtigineus) adds the 0-suffix to the
stem oi ferrHgln-is^ Similarly -dnus, the ending of Adjectives
formed with the NO-suffix from A-stems, e. g. silvdnus, arcdtins,
is extended to Adjectives from other stems, e. g. urbdnus. By
the addition of this NO-suffix to Nomina Agentis in -or we get
3^6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [ChAp. V.
-umui, e.g. tdciturnus (and -umius^ e.g. Plansurnins) ; while
ES-stems give -enus ; e. g. akintis, Umbr. ahesno- from aes,
I.-Eur. *aye8- ; v^fienum, lit. * philtre/ ' love-potion/ for ^venis-
no- (of. Vinus) ; Sffenus (of. iget-tas)^ &c. ; we have -wia from
a U-stem in lacuna. A common use of the NO-suffix in Latin
is to form Distributive Numerals, e. g. quaterni^ bini, trini, temi
(see eh. vi. §§ 59, 61, 63).
% 9. I.-Bor. NO-sufflz. I.-Eur. ^oi-no-, ^ one ' [Gk. oivrj, the ace on dice,
(though otosj Cypr. otfos, alone, has the WO-sufilx, like Zend a?va-, Giva-),
O. Ir. oen, W. un, Goth, ains, Lith. v^nas, 0. SI. inu), Lat. Hn'ua, Similarly
Lat. c&nuB for *ca8nu8 (cf. cascus)^ Osc. casnar, an old man ; Lat. uma for
*urcna (cf. urceua) ; Lat. quemxia for *quercn%ts ; Lat. agnus (Gk. <l/<y^f for
*iL^'V0Sj 0. Ir. uan, W. oen ; cf. O. SI. jagn^) ; Lat. granwn from root ger-, ^ to
rub down, wear out* (0. Ind. jlrnd-, * rubbed down,' Goth, kaum, *oorn,*
0. SI. zrino).
§ 10. Iiatin -nufl. Other examples are pdter-nus, rndter-nuSf from R-stems ;
alter-nnSj infer-nuSy exter-nus ; pr^us from the preposition proj as Osc. amno-,
^ a circuit,' from the preposition am- (Lat. ambi-), Osc. com(o)no-, Umbr.kumno-,
corresponding to the Latin c6mitium^ from the preposition com ; ^natSrinus from
materiSa (-In- probably) ; from U-stems tribunus, (cf. p^iinia). The suffix -6no-,
-dno- appears in 0. Lat. Duenoa, bine (cf. hSnigtiuSj bellus for *ben'lus)f O. Lat.
dtwnusj bonus from the same root as 0. Ind. diivas-, * honour.' Prom sarcio
we have sardna, from pango {comp&gea)f pdgina, from ango, anginaf from sto, de-
stiruif A prop (cf. destindre, like lancindrey &c, ch. viii. § 10).
§ 11. Iiatin -inuB. From A-stems, names of animals, we have aquiUnuSj/ormU
cinuSf noctuinus, mustsiinusy dHumbinus, vipSrinuSj &c.,and from names of persons,
Affrippina, JUgurthimiSj Mesa&lina, Slbyliinus, kc. Other examples are : from
0-stems, dlv-imtSj vicinus ; from an R-stem, sobr-inus (for *sosr-inus from soror,
I.-£ur •sw^sor-) ; from U-stems, g^uintts dens, from *gemiSj the jaw ^Gk.
y4yvs)j veniina from vSru ; fh>m Verbs in -to, officina, /Mina, (For a list of
Nouns in -mat see R(}nsch, (MectaneoL, p. 199).
§ 12. Latin •tous. (See A, L. L. i. 177.) From town-names of the first
declension we have RSmanus^ CdpuanuSj &c. Names of pei'sons in 'dnus are
usually derived from place-names, and often preserve the names of lost towns ;
e.g. AptciUanus points to a town *ApsciUa {Ep?i, Epigr. ii. pp. 25-92). Deriva-
tive Adjectives from the fem. of ordinal numbers show -dnusy e. g. undidtnani
from undedmoy sc. ligiOj cohors. So decimanus from dedmaj sc. parsy the tenth
part, tithe, e. g. ager dedmantts^ land paying tithes, an adjective which some-
how acquired the sense of lai^, huge, e.g. decumana scuta, decunwnus Jluctus,
decumana ora, all quoted by Paul. Fest. (3. 31 ; 50, 27 Th.), dedmanus acipenser,
Lucil. iv. 6 M. The same ending appears in some names of gods which are
derived fi*om Verbs of the first conjugation, e. g. Levana from Uvdre, to lift,
the goddess who protected the newly-born child when first lifted from the
ground, TutaiM from tiUdri, Praestana from praestdrej &c The ending -idMts,
properly affixed to iA-stems, e.g. OctddafMS from Octdria, sc. gens (the cognomen
of a person who had passed by adoption fh)m the gens Octavia to another
$$ 9-13.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -M6n6-, -M£NA-. 327
gens), was mucli affected with N-stems, e.g. CiceriinianuSj PlsTmiannSy which
seem to have pleased the Roman ear more than *Ciceron-ami8j *Pi90fi-anuSf and
was in time extended to other Proper Name-stems, e.g. Caesdrianus (^but
Caesannus in Cicero, &c.). The ending -itdnus, e. g. AbdSritanuSj was produced
by adding the Roman termination to the Greek -fri;;, e. g. *AfiirfpiTfjs ; so
K&ipi^)iifanusj PdnortnitantiSj &c. The ending -icdnus often denotes a resident
alien as opposed to a native, e. g. Africanusj an Africander, opposed to Afer,
Gallicanus, to Gallus, (Varro, L. L. i. 32. 2 : legumina Gallicani quidam * legarica '
appellant.)
The Romance languages point to a great extension of the -amis endings in
Vulgar and Late Latin, e. g. Fr. certain from *cerUinns, moyen from *meilianu8.
§ 13. -M^Nd-9 -M&NA-. Other grades of this suffix were
-mono-, -mona-, and -mn6-, -mna-, &c. In Latin -meno- and
-m6no- would both become -nrtno- or (by Syncope) -w/wo- (cf .
lamna^ earlier lammhia). The suffix was used in the Middle or
Passive Participles of Thematic Tenses of the I. -Eur. Verb (e. g.
O. Ind. bhdra-mana-, Gk. <^€/>J-jui6x;os) ; and although the Pres.
Part. Passive was lost in Latin, traces of this formation remain
in the 2 PI. Pres. Ind., e.g. ISgtmini for kgimini estis (while
legi7nini^ 2 PI. Pres. Imper., may equally stand for the Inf., Gk.
Aeye/mei/ai, used in Imperatival sense ; see ch. viii. § 81), a/ufntni^,
6 Tp€(f>6fjL€vo9 (sometimes a nurse, as in the Ciris, 441 : commu-
nis alumna omnibus, of the earth), y^-z«/?w from the root dhe(y)-,
* to give suck,* Verfnmnus^ the god of the changing seasons, from
verfo^ Volnmnus^ the deity who guarded new-bom children, from
v^lo^ ^calumnvs (cf. cdlumnia) from calu-or^ calvor^ to deceive.
Analogous, but irregular, formations seem to be O. Lat. p'dumnoe
poploe^ iromjnlnw, a javelin, used of the Romans in the Carmen
Saliare (Fest. 244. 24 Th.), like classical pildni, and the names of
deities, Pilununis^ from liilum^ a pestle, Fitumyivs^ ' per quem
vivescat infans,^ from vlfa^ &c. We find -mo- (from an earlier
-mno- ?) in Umbro-Oscan Imperative forms like Umbr. permi-
hlmu ' supplicato,' Osc. censafnur ' censetor ' ; cf . Lat. praefd-
mlno^ antesfdmind (see ch. viii. § 60). Sometimes the suffix is
used in the transference of a MEN- or MON-stem into the 6- or
a-declension, e. g. cUtimna^ beside cUumen (cf . columella for ^colu"
men-Id)^ tenninus^ beside termen and termo (quoted by Festus, 550.
22 Th., from Ennius, e. g. A, 591 M. : qua redditus termo est).
The ending "iiimis in Latin often aiises from the addition of
the suffix -no- to a stem ending in a labial consonant, e. g. som-
3^8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CSiap. V.
nu4 for ^8opnu9 (cf. s6j)or)^ damnfim (cf . Gk. SaTrarrj), scamnum (cf.
icabellum), &c.
§ 14 -Md-, -MA-. This suffix was used to form Adjectives
(e. g. Gk. <l)v^LyLos from <^i;f is, Xvaifios from Xvans) and Nouns,
especially Masculine nouns, but sometimes Fem. (e. g. Gk.
Abstracts in -/uws like Ai-/ioy, Aoi-juios). Examples are I.-Eur.
♦dhumos (O. Ind. dhiimds, Gk. dvfxSs, Lith. dumai PL, O. SI.
dymu), Lat. fumns, from the root dheu- ; I.-Eur. *gh"orm6s,
*(jh"ermos (O. Ind. gharm&i, * warmth/ Arm. jerm, * warm,' Gk.
O^pfios, Engl, warm), liSit.formus, from the root gh"er-.
It was also used to form Superlatives (with Comparative in
-Sro-, ch. vi. § 52), e. g. Lat. summus for ^n-up-mo^ with Comp.
S'UperO' (O. Ind. upam&-, with Comp. upara-; cf. O. Engl. yf(e)m-
est). In Latin puicerrimus for ^pulcersimm^ ^pulcrmmus^ it is
affixed to the Comparative suffix -is- of tndgUy &c. The more
usual Superlative suffix however was -tcmo- (-t®mo-) (with ' Com-
parative ' in -tSro-, ch. vi. § 52), e.g. Lat. iri'timus^vath * Comp.'
intero- (O. Ind. &n-tama-, with ' Comp.' fin-tara-). (On the
Lat. Superlative see ch. vi. § 54.) But originally this suffix,
like the Comparative -tero- (ch. vi. § 52), had the sense rather of
likeness (O. Ind. go-tama-, lit. ^ like an ox '), or position (Lat.
m&rttimriSy older 7nari'tumm, lit. * placed by the sea'). The
Ordinal Numeral ending -mv^ of rfeairfnis, &c. may owe its m
to the final of the Cardinal Numeral stem ; but -t®mo- appears in
vice^itfiM, &c. (ch. vi § 74).
$ 15. other Examples : (i) of the Noun- or Adjective-suffix. Lat. dnitnus
(Gk. Atff-fios) ; Lat. ySirni (Gk. <p^'tiri) ; Lat. pal-ma (Gk. iraXd-fti;, O. Ir. Ift-m
Fem., 0. Engl, fol-m Fem.) ; Lat. admus (Gk. leaXa-noi, O. Engl, healm, Lett,
sal-ms, O. SI. sla-ma Fom. ) ; Lat. dumxts, O. Lat. dtismus Adj. (Liv. Andr.
dusmo in loco) ;cf. O. Ir. doss, * a bush') ; Lat. Umus (0. H. G. lim, Engl. lime].
;2) Of the Superlative suffix, (a) alone : Lat. mhilmua^ bnona from brSvis for
♦bregrhu- (cf. Gk. fipaxw) ; Lat. iy\fimM8 beside in/Si-us. (b) With -is- : cSlerrimiiSj
/acillimusj simiUimus, &c, . The suffix -tcmo- (-tnno-) has its original sense in
ftni-Umu3j lSgi'Hmu8j aedi'iumuSf a temple attendant, which was changed in
Varro's time to aedi-twiSj through a false reference of the word to tiieor (Varro
R, R. i. 2. i) ab aeditimo, ut ' dicere didioinius a patribus nortris, ut
corriginuir a recentibus urbanis, ab * aedituo ' ; cf. G«ll. xii. 10). XJUimxis
(Osc. ultiumo-) is Superl. of uUerioif dltimtis of citerioTj &c.
§ 16. -r6-, -BA-. This suffix in its various forms was used
to form Adjectives and Concrete Nouns, e. g. I.-Eur. *r(Xdhr<5-,
§$ 14-16.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -R6-, -RA-. 329
'red,' from the root reudh- (O. Ind. rudh-ird-, Gk. i-fwOpSs, O.Sl.
rtidrii; cf. O. Sean, rodra Fern., * blood'), Lat. rilber ; I.-Eur.
*figro-, ' a field,' from the root ag-, ' to drive ' (O. Ind. fijra-, Gk.
iypoSi Goth, akrs), Lat. aper. In Latin the ending -rds (and
-r^, § 40) became -er, as is seen in these two examples [cf .
ch. iii. § 15 (8)]. The suffixes -Sro- and -tSr6-, which in Latin
might through Syncope lose the S and appear as -r<?-, -Iro- have
been already mentioned as Comparative Suffixes, corresponding to
Superlatives in -mo- (-mmo-), -tmmo- (-t®mo-). Their original
sense however was rather that of likeness, of equal than of
greater degree, e. g. O. Ind. vatsa-tard-, lit. ' like a calf ' (cf . Lat.
indtertera)^ and similarly O. Ind. -tama in go-tama-, lit. Mike an
ox/ &c. ; and in O. Ir. the suffix -tero- retains this sense, e. g. dem-
nithir, ' equally certain' (not 'more certain'), from demin, 'certain,'
while in O. Ind. and Greek it has developed into a regular Com-
parative suffix (but cf . Hom. SrjXvT^pos, aypdrepos). Latin nouns
like filiaster, matraster^ patrasfer have this suffix with a prefixed
-as- (see Ascoli, Suppl, Arch, GloiL i), while in mSLg-is-ter^ ndn-
is-fer, the Comparative sense belongs to the suffix -w-, not to
the suffix 'ter ; crtter, exier^ &c. are not Comparatives ; ci-ter-ior,
ex-fer-ior, &c. are. (On the Latin Comparative, see ch. vi. § 53).
Latin Adverbs in -Uer have probably this suffix, e. g. br^viter
(see ch. ix. § 2) j though some have explained -iter as the noun
iter, a way, so that brev-ifer would correspond to the German
adverb kurz-weg. It is used in Possessive Pronouns in Latin,
e. g. vesfer, as in Gk., e. g. v^irepos, and in various pronominal
and locative Adjectives, with the sense of * like,' ' in the direction
of,* e.g. al-ter, t-lerum, sUp-erus, to which Adverbs with -(t)ro-
correspond, e. g. in^ro (ch. iii. § 15). This suffix -tero-, in Lat.
-tero- or -Iro-, must be distinguished from the I.-Eur. suffix -TRO-,
which was used to form Neuter nouns indicating an instrument,
&c., e. g. ard-tru7n, * an instrument for ploughing,' a plough, and
from the Latin suffix -era- which represents the stem cSro-,
making, from the root ker-, * to make ' (cf . Lat. CeniSf creare, Sec.),
e.g. ludt-cer, or stands by assimilation for -do- (I.-Eur. -tlo-) when
an /precedes, e. g. invdlu-entm for ^involn-clnm (ch. ii. § loi). This
-clO' (I.-Eur. -tlo-) is a suffix closely associated with -tro-, form-
ing Neuter Nouns which indicate a tool or instrument. Another
330 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Oh*p. V.
suffix, -dhro-, is used in the same way^ though in Latin it affects
also the Feminine gender, -bra for *'Jrd^ ^-dhrd (eh. iv. §114), e. g.
teref/ra, a gimlet, borer, from tero^ to bore ; crtbnim, a sieve, from
cer7io, to sift. Latin -aniSy of honorus^ (fScdru9, cdnom^, ddorus,
&e. stands for -oso- (§ 74) ; we have -erus in e. g. s^erus^ procerus,
% 17. other examples of the BO-sufflx. Lat. pr^sperj stem ptXhapSro- for
*pro-sixiro-, with the weak grade (ch. iv. J 51) of the root of apSs (O. Ind.
sphird-, O. SI. sporu) ; Lat. vlr (O. Ir. fer, Goth, vair, Engl, wer-wolf; cfc
O. Ind. vlrd-, Lith. v^ras) ; Lat. tcnSbrae for *teme8'rae (O. Ind. tamis-ram,
tdmis-ra, O. H. G. dinstar) ; Lat caper (Gk. Kdir-po^j O. Engl, hsefer) ; Lat.
^nacer (Gk. fjuuc-pdi) ; Lat. pU-ma, gnd'Tus, in-tfgery gi&her for ^gladhro- (cf. O. SI.
gladukii, * smooth '), ci^ihrum for ^ceres-rum (,cf. O. Ind. ^ii*as-, * head *), fn&tu'irus
(cf. pinxirid), (On Put. Part, in -Mnw, see ch. viii. § 86.)
$ 18. Examples of I. -Eur. -tdro- and -dro- in Latin : (i) attached to
Nouns. Adjectives formed with this suffix from Nouns seem to have passed
into i-stems in Latin (cf. § 34) ; tliey liave often a locative sense and corre-
spond to Adjectives in 'tlmus like mdritimxis, finitimus : e. g. camp-&-/er, ^Iv-es-ier^
&c. which take -«- by the Analogy of Neuter ES-stems (cf. Gk. dpie-TtpoSy Ac) ;
Hfjues-ter for *tfpiit-tri-j pSdester for *pedU-tri- ; pdluster for *pcdud4ri'f teUus4er, The
ending -aster of Nouns or Adjectives, especially in Vulgar or colloquial Latin
(cf. Ital. giovinastro, poetastro), derived from Nouns or Adjectives, implies
likeness, and is often used contemptuously in the sense of ^ a poor imitation
of," e. g. pMitasier^ of which Plautus uses the Diminutive in tlie sense of *• tag-
rug and bob-tiul soldiery' in Mil. 54 :
at peditustelli quia erunt, siui uiuerent,
AntOniasier i.Cic. fraytn. orat. pro Varenoj 10) ; oleaster^ wild olive, and simi-
larly dpiastrunij wild parsley, &c. ; fUiaster, a stepson, nidtrastroj a stepmother,
pdtrasteTy a stepfather; surdasterj with other Adjectives indicating bodily
defucts, such as calmsieTj daudastery and the diminutive rdvastelliis from rdvusj
grey (v. 1. grdvitsldlus ; cf. Gk. -^paw ?) in Plant Epid. 620. Derivative Adjec-
tives show 'iisi{r)\nuay e.g. m^wsiinus and mediastrinuSy cHeastinus, JUiastinuti,
^,0n these formations in -eatery see A. L, L, i. 390.)
2) Attached to Prepositions, &c. : Lat. siipero- (O. Ind. upara-, Gk. {;irc/>os,
0. Engl, ufer-ra with -ra for Goth, -iza), sup-er and mb-ter; Lat. inter-ior
,0. Ind. lintara-, Gk. ivrtpov, the entrails, O. SI. j^tro Neut, * the liver') ; Lat
txter (0. Ir. echtar), postero-y postrl-dif, contrdy pratter (ch. ix. $ 2). Other locative
words are ci-ter (Goth. hi-drC, * hither '), dex-ter (Gk. Jc^i-Tfpos), stn-is-ter.
(3) Forming Pronouns: Lat. M-/er, Osc. potoro- (cf. O. Ind. katar^-, Gk.
ifoTtposj Goth, hvaj ar, Litli. katras) ; itentniy for another time, again, from itero-,
other (0. Ind. itara-, * other '% The suffix often expresses that a pair of persons
or things is spoken of, e. g. ai-ter, the other (of a pair), but dlu4s^ another (of
many). The Possessives * our,* * your * take -tero- in Latin, tios-ter, t-cs-ter, and
Greek iftii-rtpoiy vfU-rtpoSy but -ero- in Teutonic, e. g. Goth, unsar, Genu, unser.
§ 10. I-Eur. -tro-. Lat. lird-tnim (cf. Gk. dpo-rpovy Arm. arOr, Ir. arathar,
W. arad,r) from aro {ardtus) ; spectrum from sp(cio (spectus) ; rutrum from ruo
$$ 17-21.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -L6-, -LA-. 33 1
(ruttts) ; vtritrum from vereor (veritus) (so fulgetrum from fulgeo ; cf. tonUru from
tonOf to7iitus A, L.L, i. iii) ; muktrumy a milkpail, fTOiamulgeo {middxis) ; rosfrum
from rddo. We find -stro- in Lat. c&pistrum, a halter, from c/ipio (or for *capit'
tmm from aipw^?), monsfrum from mSneo (cf. O. H. G. gal-star Neut., *a song/
from galan, * to sing '), &c. The Dim. of momtrum is mosteilum (ch. iv. § 158).
$ 20. I. -Eur. d-hro-. The Greek and O. Jr. cognates of Lat. iSribra show
the suffix -tro- (Gk. riptrpovy O. Ir. tarathar Neut.) ; so O. Ir. criathar, * a
sieve,' for ♦kreitron (cf. Lat. pnlp^ra and palpitra). Other examples of Lat.
-bra are dold-bra, from dclare, whence the name (originally a nickname) JXld-
beUtty laiS-braf lit. *a place for hiding/ from IcUeo, verte-hra from veriirc, p^-lic^-bra
from lacio, to allure (cf. ic^Xtj-Opov from /crjKica). Examples of Lat. -brum are
fld-brum from JUire, O. Lat. polubrum (quod Graeci x^f^^^o^i 'los truUum vo-
camus, Non. 544. ao M.) from *p6-luo in the sense of ab-luo (cf. ch. ix. § la),
(Wubrum, vefUUd'btum from ventHd're. (On the possibility of referring all these
forms to the suffix -dhlo-, see § 26). Latin 'bro-, -brd- also represent an
original -s-ro-, -s-rft- (ch. iv. § 152% e.g. i&tibrae (O. Ind. timisr&-) from ^ternis,
*temus darkness \cf. iin\tre\ c^Sbrum (cf. O. Ind. liras-, * the head') ; and some
would explain terebra, &c. as ♦teres-ra, from the Verbal Noun-stem teres-
seen in Inf. terere (§ 71).
§ 21. -Ld-, -LA-. This suffix in its various forms was used
for Nomina Agentis (Nouns and Adjectives), and often came
to denote an instrument, while as a secondary suffix it was
specially used to form Diminutives. Thus Engl, shovel, literally
' an instrument with which one shoves,' meant originally * the
shover ' ; Engl, throstle, is a Diminutive. Latin examples are
legulns^ a picker, from lego^ pefidulus, hanging, from pendo,
jjendeOy vificuluff/y a bond, 'an instrument for binding,' from
vincio, inensula^ a little table, from ynensa. In Latin, since every
short vowel in a syllable which had not the accent under the
early Accent Law (ch. iii. § 5) became before I the short
//-vowel, it is impossible to distinguish -Slo- (e.g. Gk. v€<f>iKr\^
Lat. nebula) y from -iilo- (e.g. Gk. TraxvAoy, O. Ind. bahuld-),
&c. Further, owing to the tendency to insert a short w -vowel
between a consonant and / to facilitate pronunciation (ch. ii.
§ 102), it is not always possible to decide whether the original
suffix was -lo- or -elo-,-tilo-,&c., though in words like exe?/ij)lnM,
&c. (as contrasted with words like fremulvs, Sec) it is clear that no
vowel intervened between the final consonant of the root and
the LO- suffix. The wave of Syncope which passed over the
Latin language reduced all these formations in Late and Vulgar
Latin to -ius, -la-^ -ban (e.g. auri-cMa^ formed by adding the
33^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. V.
Diminutive Suffix -la to the Diminutive Suffix "CO- (§ 31), in
classical Latin auricula^ became aurkla^ oricla, whence Ital.
orecchia and orecchio, Fr. oreille, &c. (ch. iii. § 13). From these
formations with the two Diminutive Suffixes -co- and -lo- we
must distinguish Neuter nouns formed by the suffix -tlo-,
denoting the instrument with which an action is performed, or
the place of its performance. This took in Latin the form
'clum, or with parasitic vowel -culnm, e.g. vMi-clum {vShtculnm)^
' that by which one is carried/ po-clum (pdculum), * that out of
which one drinks,* cvM-clum {cuHtculum)^ ' the place where one
lies down'; and we have seen (ch. ii. § 154) that Plautus
generally makes this suffix monosyllabic, and the Diminutive
-^O'lO' dissyllabic, e.g. vMlclvm^ perzclum^ but corculum^ uxorcuki.
The suffix -dhlo- (in Latin -bulum) had much the same function
as -tlo-, e.g. stdbulum, *a place for standing.' The presence of
an I in the stem of the word causes a dissimilation of -clum to
'Crum^ 'blunt to -brum in ambuld'Cmm^ ' a place for walking,^ &c.
(ch. iv. § 84). Beside Neuters in -bulum we have Passive Adjec -
tives in -Inlu, with much the same sense as the Passive Adjectives
in 'lis, e.g. (igi-bilis, that can or ought to be driven, from <igOy
like &gili8, * that can easily be driven,' nimble.
§ 22. Adjectives formed by the LO-suf^. Other examples of Adjectives
expressing the action of a Verb are Lat. Wnilus from M&o, cndiilxu from crfdo^
trSmiilus from MhnOj garriUus from garrio, ^minulus from ImineOy pdMus from p&teo.
With a passive sense they become I-stems in Latin, and indicate capacity,
suitability, &c., e. g. dgilis (O. Ind. ajir^), ^ easily driven/ nimble, from agOy
to drive, d6cili8 from ddceOf frdgUis from frango, blbilis from bibo. This -/i- suffix
is often added with the same sense to P. P. P. stems, e. g. coctUis fh>m coctusj
fissttis from fiasusy JleocUis from flexus.
In Adjectives derived from Nouns, &c., we find -ii-, e.g. MmiUa (Gk. xOafux-
\6s) from kumuSf herbUia from herhoy simUis (Gk. 6fiaK6s) (on these see § 40).
Active Verbal Adjectives in -lo- are used in O. SI. in the periphrastic perfect
tense, e. g. zna-lu jesmi, ^ I have known,' lit. ^ I am acquainted,' from znati,
* to know/
§ 23. Nouns denoting the Agent or the Instrument, e. g. Lat. figHluSj
a potter, from fingo ; tfgiila from tigo; r^gUla frt)m rSgo (unless these are Diminu-
tives of *Ukfa, *rSga ; cf. col-iega ; cf. § 3^ ; cdpiUns from cdpio ; spSdiia, a place of
outlook, and spSadumj a looking-glass, from sp^cioj to look ; lorciilum (with Adj.
torculu8)f a wine-press (later torctdar)^ from iorqueo ; cingiilum and cingulnsy
a girdle, from cingo ; jdcQlum, (i) a javelin, (a) a throw-net (refe tocuZtim, Plaut.
7Vt4c. 35), and jaculusy a kind of snake, from jdcio ; seUa for *sed'la (Lac. Gk.
lAAci) from sMeo ; graUae from grddior : pttum for *pins!umf a pestle, from pinso.
§$ 22-25.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -l6-, -LA-. 333
Often we have the terminations -slo-, -bISl-, e. g. -atum for ^ana-lum, from ans-
(cf. O. SI. ^ch-ati, * to be fragrant *), a byform of the root an-, *to breathe' ;
pdlus for *pax-lus (cf. Diminutiye pcixillus)^ from panffo ; viluniy a sail, for *veoclum
(cf. vexiUum)j from v&io (cf. O. SI. veslo, *a rudder*). Nouns in -Sla may be derived
from Neuter es-stems (e g. quSrSla for *queres-laj aSqutki for *seqite3-la) or may have
had originally 6 (e.g. ci-cindsla, a glow-worm, from candeOy cands-rCf like Gk.
fufiTj\6s from fufxioiitu). These nouns in -^la were in Late and Vulgar Latin
confused with Diminutives and became quer&Ja, aequSUa, &c. (see ch. ii. § 130),
just as catnSluB became camSIuSf cuciUua became cuadlus, anguUa {A. L. L. viii. 44a)
became anffuiUa, We have -rum for -lum by dissimilation of I in acalp-nim
from scalpo, &c.
§ 24. DiminntlTea. Lat. cistula ; auxiUa from aula {oUa) for *auX'la ; porculus
(Gterm. Perkel) ; servoHus ; J\li6lus ; ttneola ; laducula from lactUca ; IdquSc-vlus ;
misdlus (occasionally misihrulus) ; AteUa (Osc Aderlft-) ; asellus from dtdnus ;
gemellus from y^fni ; 2apt2Zu8 from 2d[pul-. Sometimes this termination is added
a second time, e. g. cisteUa from cistula ; dlula from oUa ; porculus from porculus ;
aselluJus from aseUus ; gemeUulus from gemellus. Sometimes it is added to the
Diminutive suflSx- co-, e. g. o/K-cu-to, «errt-cu-?vs. cor-cu-Zum, l^un-cu-laj cdni-cu-la
{cfjebri-ad^susy mStu-culdsus)^ aplcu-lay vaUS-cu-la, diS'Cu4a, corpuS'CU-lum, arti-cu-lus.
The Diminutive retains the Gender of the simple Noun, unlike Greek Diminu-
tives in -lov, which are Neuter [A. L. L. iv. i69>. This suflSx -ciilus gives to
Adjectives the sense of ^somewhat/ e. g. mtUus-culus, ^somewhat better,' and
other Comparatives like plus-culusy ^naJus-culiiSy &c. ; also grafuli-culusy duld-culusy
IM-culusy &c. With the Diminutive suffix -I0-, familiar or pet names are often
formed in I. -Eur. languages, e. g. Gk. Bpatrv-Xosj the familiar form of 0pa<rv-
fiaxos, Goth. Vulfi-la. The gradual weakening of the diminutive force of
these suflSxes, which is to some extent accountable for the doubling of the
suffix in puellula^ cistellay &c. (cf. nneUns from dnulus^ Dim. of dnusy a large ring,
e. g. Plaut. Men. 85 anum lima praeterunt) is seen in words like nncilla (Fem.
of 8errus)y which had ceased to be a Diminutive as early as the time of Plautus.
Adulescentulus always differs from aduJescens in Plautus, but in Terence is hardly
distinguishable. Diminutives were a feature of Vulgar Lntin, as we see from
the forms censured in the Probi Appendix : juvencus non * juvenclus' (197.
29 K.) ; catulus non *catollus' (198. a), aurisnon *oricla' (198. 11 ; cf. Ital.
orecchio, Fr. oreille) ; fax non * facia * (198. 33) ; neptis non * ncpticla,' anus
non *anucla' (199. i) ; mergus non 'mergulus' (199. 7). The ending -ertws,
as we have seen, may denote a Diminutive of a LO-Diminutive, e.g. dnellus
(on -ell'y see ch. iv. § 10), Dim. of onu/us, or the Diminutive of a Noun with a
RO-suffix, e.g. ageUus from agro' for *agr6'lo- (ch. iii. § 15. 8), or of a Noun
with S in the penult, e.g.fSmeUa from f^nlna (earlier -mena). Similarly we
have -tllus for -td'his in lapiUus^ -eUa for -en-la in catfUoy -tUum for -tn-?Mm in rlffwiw,
•miuA (older -oRus) for 'on-lus in homvlhts, -alia for 'on'la in cor6llay 'iiUvs for -?4n-
lus in illlusy 'dllus for •dn-lus in HispCdliiSy &c (cf. nitMula and nttWa).
§ 25. Neuters formed with the Suffix -tie-. Lat. discermculum (^ acus quae
capillos mulierum ante frontom dividit : dictum a discernendo,* Non. 35.
29 M.) ; pidclum (pidculum), *a means of appeasing the gods,' a victim, then
*a sin for which the gods must be appeased,' from pidre ; riceptdculum from
receptdre; pavicHhty a mallet, from pdfire; sediaUum from sSdeo (*sediculum'
334 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Cluip. V.
wdile. PaoL TesL 500. 9 Th.} ; Spenulum from operio {apertus ; sipdentm, inym
$tpKlio nepulUu). We hare -tmm by disaimiUtioii of (-/ in lara-enamy * a place for
bathing/ from larnre ; inrfJiftcnem from inrofro. &c.
$ 26. The raAx -dhlo-. Lat. Intibufum, *a place for hiding.' from lat^ :
v^nnhultim, '■ an instromeDt for hunting.' a hnnting-spear, from tftylri : r€ct*i-
bulum (quod nunc rehienlam dicitnr, Non. 54. a6 M.) ; ameiHdb>ulMm Iocn.s ubi
in conciliom convenitnr, Paul. Fest. 37. 9 Th.*, ; cf. /Sbuk^ tubula. We mav
hare -brum hj dissimilation of {-4 in hirntfrum ; and it ia possible that some, or
all, of the examples of Lat. -brum (L-Eor. -dhro- , quoted in $ 90, had
originall J -bio- and not -hro-, e. g. po-lvbntnu Just as I-stem adjectives with
a Passive sense like dgQis, * easily driven,' are connected with Neuter Instni-
mentals in -h- like dgiUum *• agolum,' pastorale baculum, quo pecudes aguntur.
Paul. Fest. ai. 37 Th. , so we have Passive I-stem Adjectives connected with
the suffix -dhlo-. e. g. am/irhiUs, koni-tUu, Jti-bUiSj rolQ-bilUj mH-btlu, inteUigi-bUis,
&c. (cf. Umbr. Cs^efele 'facibile'), sometimes derived from the P. P. P. stem,
e. g. pertitrlM-Wis, flexi-t&utj ttrui-bOiA, and sometimes showing -bris (-Iter) ft>r
-6t7M, when an / precedest, e. g. ^Sitm (and 4lib€is), andSbris. For a list of Adj«».
in -bQis in early authors (e.g. nobSU, known. Plant. Pteud. 11 13 neque illis
nobiliji fai ; cf. Pacuv. Trag. oai JL , seeHanssen in PhQcl. xlviL 274, who denies
that they ever have a transitive sense, e. g. incogUabV.ia, * thoughtless/ Plant.
§ 27. -T6-, -TA-. This I.-Eur. suffix was used to form
(i) Verbal Adjectives, which in Latin and some other languages
have the function of perfect participles passive, e.g.^^ffi-/ir^ from
the root gen-, while with the n^;ative particle prefixed they
may express incapacity, e. g. I.-Eur. *5mrto-, ' incapable of
being killed^' immortal (O. Ind. amfta-, Gk. iiipporos); (2)
Ordinal Numbers, and when added to the Comparative suffix
-is- (§ 76), Superlatives; e.g. I.-Eur. *sStsto- (O. Ind. sa|-thd-,
Gk. Ik'Tos, Goth, saihs-ta^ an N-stem), Lat. 9exlus ; I.-Eur. *6t-
is-to- (O. Ind. al-]|tha-, Gk. mjciotos). In Latin this formation
of Superlatives is not founds but another, e.g. dciMmus (ch. vi.
§ 54). Abstract Nouns in -ta- are found beside Verbal Adjectives
in -to-, e.g. Gk. ycvcn}, birth, Goth, junda *juventa'*, which
occasionally pass into a concrete sense and become Masculine,
e.g. y€viTr\s^ Iwirrfnyy (cf. Lat. eqnes from an earlier Abstract
Fem. *€quUu ?), though the suffix in Latin was ousted by 'tda.
-iudo^ kc. (§ 67). I.-Eur. -to- is often seen added to the MEN-
' Lat jiirenta seems to be a forma- sense of ' period of youth ' and * a
tion on the analogy of a^fnecto (sc number of young men.' Fleck. Jakrh.
aftai., tor jurenta* is the form used SuppL 1891.) We hnre aeUxie iuenfa on
1 y the oldest writers, both in the an inscription (C. /. L. i. 1902 .
1$ 20-28.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -T6-, -TA-. 335
suffix (§ 54) in neuter nouns, e.g. Lat. cognd-men-tum beside
cog^io-men^ such forms being apparently the Neuter of Participles
or Verbal Adjectives, formed not from verbs but from nouns,
e. g. *cogn(Hmentu9 beside cogno-mhidtns^ like scUestus beside
scelerdtus (of. Engl, compounds like * bare-footed/ ' black-headed,'
where the participial suffix is added to the nouns * foot,' * head ').
The forms with "tnentum are, as a rule, those used by prose
writers, the forms with -men being relegated to poetry. With
'fneulum, Plur. -menta has been compared Gk. Plur. -fxara, e.g.
(rTpdfxaTa (Lat. strdmenla), Kaaav^Ta (cf. Lat. as9umenta),
§ 28. Fartioiples in -tus. The weak grade of the root is used with
I. -Eur. verbal adjectives in -to-, and the suffix is accented, e. g. I. -Eur. *klu-t<3-,
* heard, heard of, famous/ from the root ileu-, * to hear/ [O. Ind. iruta-, Gk.
ifAi;T<5s, which perhaps retains the old sense of * heard/ 'loud* in such Homeric
phrases as kXvt^ /<^Aa, O. Ir. cloth, from *cluto-, O. H. G. Hlot-hari (from
O. H. G. hari, Germ. Heer), the name Lothair, corresponding to Greek
KAtrr(5-<rT/)aTos ; cf. Zend sruta-, O. Eng. hlud, * loud '], Lat. in-clutua ; though
with the noun we often find the high-grade and the accent on the root, e. g.
Gk. itoirrj from KUfuu, otros from ff/u, &c. In Latin -sus replaced -tus when the
verbal stem ended rf or * (ch. iv. § 155), e. g. scUsus from sailo for *9cddo ; occa-
sionally the P. P. P. took -SUB when the Perfect Ind. had -5», e. g. tersus from
ttrgeo (Perf. Indie, /em), though the older spelling appears in the earlier
literature, e.g. iertus (Varro) (see ch. viii. § 9a ; ch. iv. § 155).
Examples of Latin participles in -tus are straius (from the root ster-,
O. Ind. strta-, Gk. arpcarosj O. SI. -stritu) ; mulctus from the root meig- (Lith.
mltsztns) ; com-mentus from the root men- (O. Ind. matd-, Gk. airro-fjuiToSy
Goth, munds, Lith. mifitas, O. SI. m^tu) ; Lat. gndtits from the root gen-,
♦gna- (O. Ind. j&td-, Goth, -kunds) ; Lat. siltua for *s3ruto- (O. Ind. syuti-,
Gk. v€o-KaTTVTOi, Lith. siutas, O. SI. §itu ; Lat. gnotiis (O. Ind. jn&td-, Gk. yyatrosj
O. Ir. gnath) ; Lat. jundus cf. O. Ind. yiikti-, Gk. f€v«fT<5s). The different
treatment of the stem vowel I)efore the suffix is exemplified by dmdtus, domiius
from first conj. Verbs ; rietitSj vegStus, exerdtMs (but ar{c)t\is), mimitus (but
Manfta^j muJctus from second conj. ; (ilitus and altiiSj cuUus, /actus ^but Jacttus
from third conj. ; flnitus and opetius from fourth conj. (On these Verb-stems
see ch. viii.) ; aegro-tiiSj arqu-tus^ indii'tus^ citus and dtus. Words like pih'tti,
• armed with the pihinij* harhdiuA (O. SI. bi*adatu), aufitus^ cindutus, do not of
course imply the existence of verbs, *pilarey *harharey *aurirej &c. Of similar
formations from Noun- or Adjective-stems examples are : Lat. Tiberius beside
lib^ratus ; onustus beside onSratus ; atnectua from senex ; and the words indicating
a place planted with trees, &c., e.g. ai-bus-tumy so/ic-fwrn, the Neuters of arbustua,
' provided with trees ' (arbustus sive silvestris, Columella), &c. {ArbSiretum is
a quasi-participle from *arbor€o, arborescoy like (Upturn from acesco ; so nuc-itum,
pin-^tum^ llic-€tum. The -cffwrn of ilicetum, &c. and the -dum of salidumf &c.
were extended by false analogy, e. g. biicetum, viredum). For a list of Adjec-
tives in -estusn -ustus, -iltua with this sense of 'provided with,* see R()nsch,
Cofled. p. 217, and cf. Plant. Capt. 39a: qui me honore honestiorem semper
336 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CJhap. V.
focit et facit). Latin participles in -to- have often become nouns, e.g. tectum,
UgatuSf repidsa, sSneda, or Adjectives (ch. viii. $ 92), e.g. sandus, latuSf broad
(for *sthV.uSj from the root stel-, * to extend/ O. SL stelj^).
$ 29. Abstract Nouns in -ta (-saj. The Fern, of the Participles r^dsusj
diprensusj &c. is used in an abstract sense: rtpidsa, defeat at an election,'
deprensa, * genus militaris anlmadversionis, castigatione major, Ignominia
minor ' (Paul. Fest. 50. 30 Th.). These Abstracts must be distinguished from
Concretes like torta (sc. pldcenta), a roll, expensa (sc. pScunia)^ a sum expended
(for fL fuller list, eee B5nsch, CoQect p. 195). The Fern. Abstract *equUa, * horse-
manship/ seems to have been made a Masc. Concrete in O. Lat. with the
sense also of 'a horse'; thus Ennius (.^. 249 M.), describing a charge of
cavalry and elephants, says :
denique ui magna quadrupes eques atque clephanti
proiciunt sese,
a usage imitated by Virgil (G. iii. 116) :
equitem docuere sub armis
insultare solo et gressus glomerare superbos,
and commented on by Aulus Gellius (xviii. 5 ; cf. Non. 106. 34 M.).
§ 30. Neuters in -mentuin. Other examples are atigmentum beside aHgmeii
(poet.) : funddmenhim beside fundamen (poet.) ; intigumentum ' beside iegtitnen,
Uyimefi, tegmen ; cogndmenium beside cognomen ; termentum and Mmentum b^ide
Uhrimen ; ai-gumentunif from arg^w, * a making clear/ a proof, then ^the subject of
a story, picture, &c.,* e.g. Virg. A. vii. 791 argumentum ingens ; Prop. iii. 9.
13 : argumenta magis sunt Mentoris addita formae ; resdmefdumf from veatio ;
caetnentiim for *caed-mentum (ch. iv. ( i6i) from caedo ; jugmentum (et paries,
C. I, L. vi. 24710), and jugumentum (Cato) ; jumentum from juvo, according to
Augustine, Quaest, in Heptat. iii. 2 and v. 38 ; mtimentum beside mdmen (poet.)
from mtkeo, Numen^ crimen, culmen (cf. columeji), &c. have no byforms in -mentum ;
impUmentum, incrSmentum, mmumenhtm, &c. have no byforms in -men.
§ 31. -B:6-, -KA-. I.-Exir. -*o-, the -y of Engl. * stony,'
* angry/ &c., is rarely -ko- (with palatal k), e.g. I.-Eur. *yiiwnLo-
(O. Ind. yuvaSd-, O. Ir. oac, W. ienane, Goth, juggs), Lat.
juvencits^ but usually -ko- or -q'^o-. It is used as a primary
suffix, e.g. cascu^ (cf. cdnus for ^ca^ius, Ose. casnar) fmc%i% (of.
furvus for ^fiisuiis), but mainly as a secondary suffix employed
in the formation of Adjectives from Adverbs, e.g. anticus (of
place), anfiquns (of time) from ante (cf. O. Ind. anttkd-), Nouns,
e. g. bellicu^f civicus, and Adjectives, e.g. O. Ind. n&gnaka-,
^ naked/ beside nagna-, having often a diminutive significance,
which is in Latin denoted by -culv^ (§ 24)1 the addition to -co-
of the other diminutive suffix -lo- (§ 21), e.g. nigriculus beside
(§ Sl-aS.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -K6-, -KA-. 337
mger^ dvicula (O. SI. ovlca), [allncare and nigricare are Verbs
with the Diminutive KO-suflBx (eh. viii. § 33 (7)], (of. hdmun-c-io
and homun-cii-lu^^ slnSca, Non. 17.18 M., sene^io and senlcuhs)^ as
in Gk. by -laKO" of iraMa K09, Sec, We also find it preceded by
1, e. g. flpcaV'LKos, Lat. iistrmi-icus (without the vowel we should
have had *Aistriu7ieu9), often -ticO', e.g. nuf-licus, Aerbd-licne,
errd-iicus after the analogy of Participle-stems in -to- (§ 28) ;
by 1, e. g. Goth, mahteigs, ' mighty/ Lat. amlcu9^ pudlcus {I not ei
is attested for mendlcus by Plant. Rud, 1 305 ; see ch. iv. § 34) ; by
a, e. g. merdcug. Adjectives in -ako- had the sense of English
adjectives in -ish, e. g. Lith. saJdokas, ' sweetish/ and came in some
languages to acquire the force of Comparatives, e.g. Lett,
saldaks, ' sweeter/ W. glanach, ' fairer.'
In Latin the -ko- and -q^o- suffixes seem often to have been
confused, e.g. anlicus and antlquus^ teaca or tesqua^ lit. *dry
places,' for ^tersc-^ from the root ters-, ' to dry ' (cf . torreo^ Gk.
Tepaofxai), and, as in Greek, &c. there are often byforms of the
Consonantal declension, e.g. l/lbdx, &c. beside merdcus, filix^ &c.
beside pudicus, &c., like Greek ijAif and r^kCKos, finpa^ (O. Ind.
maryakd-). For -Ica^ we have -Icin^ in aediH-cius, irUunYcius, pa-
Irtcius, adveniiciuSf coinmenddllcius^ &c. ; for -dcus we have -dceus
in herbdceiis^ galllndcens^ arundindcens^ &c.
§ 32. Adjectives with the K6-8iifflz. From the adverbs rl- and prxt- wo
have rtcl-procitSj while procul adds the lo- (li-) suflRx to *proats (O. SI. proku)
(Rhein. Mus. xliii. 40a) ; posticus is the opposite of anticus ; pris-cus (cf. primvs
for *pfis-mtis). From the numeral unus we have unicus (Goth, ainahs, O. SI.
inoku ; cf. O. Ind. dvika-, Gk. Stauos for HftKios). From nouns : patricus (cf.
pcUricitis ; hostiats, used in Plautus like hostilvt (hostlca manus, Capt. 246 ;
hostilis manus, Capt 311) ; clvfats (beside cir?/is). (Cf. Porph. ad Hor. C. ii. 1. 1
adtende autem non ^civile' sed ' civicum Mixisse antiqua figura. illi enim
* civica ' et ' hostica/ deinde * civilia ' et ' hostilia ' dicebant. denominationos
autem hac fere liberae sunt apud doctos). Other noticeable forms are
cdducus, manililciis icf./iduc-ia from *fiduc\iSj and pawnj/c/a) ; Ungiildca, verbcmca ;
hUtlcus, pttidcuH from hiare and petere with the (diminutive ?) LO-suffix. [For
a list of Nouns in -uca, e. g. rem/ca, a wart, in O. Lat. a hill (Cato ap. Gell
iii. 7. 6 ; Quint, viii. 3. 48 and viii. 6. 14), from the root wers- of Lith. virsziif?,
* the top/ O. Ind. vdi-Sman, * a height,' see Stolz, Beifruge, p. 6, who points out
the connexion of this ending with the ending -ilgo, e. g. Vermgoy a Volscian
town in Latium.] A gloss has : manubrium, quod rustici 'manicum' dicunt
(C. G. L. V. 115. 17 {nmnico- in Romance, e. g. Ital. manico, Span, mango, Fr.
manche) ; Paul. Fost. quotes ohntica ^mali odoris loca' (223. 4Th.).
% 33. Adjectives in -icius. Denominatives (i.e. derivatives from Nouns
Z
338 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
or Adjectives) have -i-, e. g. patrkius from pater, mdaUmis from w'tlalis ; Deriva-
tives from P. P. P. in -to (Vb. Nouns in -tio-, -ti-) have -i-, e.g. d^iticiusfronx
dSditus, insiticius (cf. inattivus) (also nomcius). (For a full list, see A. L. L,y. 415.)
§ 34. Suffixes eitding in i (Nouns and Adjectives of third
Declension), -i-. In the declension of these stems I varies with
ei and oi (see eh. vi.). The I-stems are often confused with lO-
stems (§ 4), with I-stems (§ 51), and with YE-stems (§ 51).
Examples of the primary suffix -t- are Lat. anguis (Lith. angls,
O. SI. ^zt, Arm. auj), and another I.-Eur. word for a snake,
*eghi- (O. Ind. dhi-, Zend aii-, Arm. i2, Gk Ixts).
Neuter I-stems in I.-Eur. (like Neuter R-stems, &c., see § 56)
seem occasionally to show a heteroclite declension, a nasal
replacing the vowel in oblique cases, e. g. O. Ind. dksi, akSnds
Gen., ' the eye,* dsthi, asthnds Gen., ' a bone,' which may have led
to a confusion of I- and N-stems in such words as I.-Eur.*a£:si-,
' an axle * (Lat. axis^ Lith. aszls, O. SI. ost ; but Gk. d^cav). As
a secondary suffix -i- is used in many languages to give an
adjectival sense, especially in the formation of Compound
Adjectives from Nouns, e. g. Lat. exsomnis from somuus^ Q. Ir.
essamin for *exomni-, from omun (*omno-), * fear,' though we
often find in the early Latin literature the O-stem, e.g. tnermvs,
class, inermis (so Gaulish Exobnm, Exomnn^ for O. Ir. essamin).
In Latin the I-declension has been greatly extended; thus
consonantal stems of the third declension often take the t-stem
case-suffixes, e. g. pM-i-hia, fSrent4vvi^ &c. ; and a stem-suffix
ending in 5 or tl passes readily, if it be an adjective, into an
I-stem, e. g. simllis (Gk. biiaXos), hmvilk (Gk. x^afjwiAos), ndvU
(I.-Eur. *nau-, O. Ind. naus, Gk. raCy), br^vis (cf. Gk. ^pa\vs)^ livi^
(cf. O. Ind. raghus, Gk. i'\a\vsy Lith. lenguris). The Greek
loanword hXlarus (Uapoy) is also hilaris by the time of Terence.
§ 35. other examples of I-stems. Lat. ensis (O. Ind. asi-) ; Lat. tnulis from
trildo (root trend-, Goth. U8-]>riutan, ' to trouble/ Engl, thrust, threat, O. SI.
trudu, ^ toil ') ; Lat. rikfia, unworked, rude, originally of metal, from the root
reudh-, ' to be red' (cf. rauduB, unworked metal, ch. iv. § 41) ; i%rts, continual,
from jungo ; Lat. scd&is from soSbo ; Lat. mare (O. Ir. muir Neut., for *mori,
O. H. G. meri Neut., Germ. Meer Neut., Engl. mere).
§ 36. Adjeotive I-stems firom O-stems. Other examples are : O. Lat.
8uhrtmu8y e. g. Enn. Trag. 2 R. deum sublimas subices^ Lucr. i. 340 sublimaque
caeli (see Munro's note) ; O. Lat. stfrHxiSj e.g. Lucr. ii. 845 sonitu sterila (cf.
Paul. Fest. 463. i Th. ^sterilam' sterilem). Greek aiKrrrjp^ had the same
tendency to the I-declension in Latin as Greek iKaftos, for Caper gives
$§34-40.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -I-, -RI-, -LI-. 339
a caution against the form austeris (p. 108. 4 K.)- Nonius (494. 96 M.) quotes
pnhiis from Varro {Men. 391 B.). On O. Lat. fardus, see ch. viii. $ 9a.
The Noun torris from the root ters- (Gk. ripaofuu ; cf. Lat. torreo for *torseOf
ch. viii. $ 23) was in O. Lat. torrus (Non. 15. 2a M. ; Serv. ad Am. xii. 298
*hic torris' . . . ita nunc dicimus : nam illud Ennii et Pacuvii penitus de usu
recessit ut ^ hie torrus, hujus torri * dicamus), but is rather to be explained as
an E-stem become an I-stem (like sordeif, $ 51). The form torres ¥., a burn-
ingf read by Lachmann in Lucretius iii. 917 (MSS. torret) is doubtful {A. L, L.
viii. 587). On hilarus beside hilaris, see Neue, ii'. p. 149.
§ 37. -NI-. This suffix, varying with -€ni-, -5ni-, &c. is more
common in those languages which have extended the use of the
P. P. P. in -no- (§ 8) than in Latin. Examples are : Lat. iff7iu
(cf. O. Ind. agni-, Lith. ugnls F., O. SI. ognl M.), Lat. cliinis
(O. Ind. sroni-, O. Scand. hlaunn, Lith. szTaunls). Adjectives in
-nis may have been originally NO-stems (§ 36), e.g. immdnis
from O. Lat. mdnus^ good (with a bystem in -ni-, Mdnes^ lit.
* the good deities'); cf. Janis, a byform of Janus j in Carm. Sal.
(Tert. ApoL 10).
§ 38. Other examples of Latin -nis. Lat. amnia for *a&-nts (cf. O. Ir.
abann), Lat. crinis for *crisnis (cf. Lat. cristo), panis for *pa8nis (cf. Lat. pastUlus).
§ 39. -MI- is a still rarer suffix than -ni-. An example is
Lat. vermis (O. H. G. wurm), a word the relation of which to
I. -Eur. *q-rmi- (O. Ind. krmi-, O. Ir. cruim, W. prjrf, Lith.
kirmis) is not quite clear. Latin Adjectives in -mis like Inemiis,
snhlimis were originally -MO-stems (cf . § 36) ; thus Nonius
489. 7 M. gives some examples of mhlimua from the older
literature (cf . Georges, Lex. Worff. s. v.).
§ 40. -BI-, -LI-. These are not nearly so common I.-Eur.
suffixes as -ro-, -I0-, e. g. O. Lat. ^cris, a hill (in Umbrian, &c.
used of the citadel) (Gk. ^xpis, a point, aKpiy, a hill ; cf. O. Ind.
dSri-, but also Gk. axpoy), Lat. tdlis^ qndlis (O. SI. toll Adv., kolT
Adv. ; cf . Gk. TrjXC-Kos, TrrjAt-Kos); but -li- is fairly frequent in the
Slavonic languages, where the P. P. P. in -lo- is much in vogue.
In Latin, Adjective -RO- and -LO- stems often show -m, -//*, e.g.
O. Lat. sdcres, used of animals for sacrifice (e.g. Plant. Riid.
1208 sunt domi agni et p6rci sacres) beside sacer (cf. Manes
beside O. Lat. mduvs, good), sXmiUs (Gk. 6/utaAoy), IiwnUis (Gk.
X^afxoAoy). And the use of -li- and -ri- for Adjectives derived
from Nouns is very widely extended in Latin, far more widely
z 2
340 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
than in any other I.-Eur. language, e. g. vltdlis from vita, dldris
for *alalis{?) from dla, so that the Greek Adj. bayjnkrisy when
borrowed by Latin, assumed the form dapsili^. Dialectal
examples are Osc. luisarifs, * *lusaribus/ Sab. Flusare * Florali/
while Osc. Fiuusasiais ' Florariis ' has -asio- (Lat. -ario-, § 4).
§ 41. other examples of Latin -li-, -ri-. iiier, a skin^ for *ud-ri-, beside
uthiAS (O. Lat. utenim) ; (Uer, sharp (cf. Gk. &cpoi). Verbal Adjectives in 4i8
are, as we have seen (§ 22), byforms with Passive sense of Active Verbal
Adjectives in -Zi«, e.g. dgtHs, * easily driven,* btbUiSj * easily drunk * (beside
bdnUus, ^ easily drinking,* inclined to drink), dUcllis (like (foct&t?ts) ; sometimes
formed from the Perf. Part. Pass., e.g. flctUis^ JissUis, Jlextlis (and flexibUis),
hdrndtUis et saocd&lis (Plant. Ri4d. 299), missilis. The ending -His of aedUia has
I.-Eur. I, not ei, to judge from old inscriptions, 0. g. C. /. L. i. 61 aidUis (cf. ib.^i^.
This 'His (proper to I- and lO-stems) as well as -dlis (proper to A-stems) is often
extended by analogy ; e.g. dnilis (for *anulis) by analogy of sSnUis ; vemllis is from
rcnia, vemdfis from ver ; from librae a pound, we have librilis and librdlia ; from
scurra, scurrUis ; from manu not ^manOlis, but manudlis {so dorsudiia from (iorso-).
Examples of -His arefidSlis fromftdS-, crudSlis {cf. fdmf-Hcus, cont&mS-lia) as well
as patrnSlis and mcUrUBlis. Like tribiUis (from ti-ibu-), idtUis (from id?t-)> ^^ SdHlis.
From 0-stems we have puSriliSy virHis, hMlis, serrllis, &c. ; anndlis^ fatdliSj &c. ;
from Cons. -stems cdplt-dliSy virgin-dliSy hospit-dlisy juvSndlis &nd juvSnUiSf &c.
§ 42. -TI-. As -to- was the I.-Eur. suflSx of Verbal Adjectives,
especially of the Perfect Participle Passive, so -ti- was the suffix
of Verbal Nouns (Nomina Actionis), e. g. Gk. ttiotos and irCaTis.
These nouns were of the feminine gender, had the weak form of
the root, and are accented sometimes on the suffix, and some-
times on the root, e.g. O. Ind. mati- and mdti- for I.-Eur.
%[in-ti- (Lat. mens) from the root men-, ' to think.' In Latin, as
in Celtic, we find this suffix enlarged by an EN-suffix, e. g. Lat.
me?itiOy Ace. mentionem^ O. Ir. -mitiu-, -mitin Ace, and this
compound suffix, which in Latin supplanted almost entirely the
older -ti-, appears also in other languages, e. g. Goth. raJ?jo (Lat.
ratio), Gk. htarivri (cf. Lat. ddtioy Ace. dationem). The sup-
planting may be accounted for, wholly or partly, by the change
which the phonetic laws of the Latin language would produce
in the Tl-suffix, a change which would often make the suffix
unrecognizable. From the root men-, the Verbal Noun *mnti-
became mens in Latin and from the root bher-, the Noun *bhrti-
became fors^ while from mHo we have messis for *met'lis, from
the root wes-, vestU^ from s&tidre, sdtidSj &c., forms whose
common formation has been obscured past recognition. A similar
$$ 41-44.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -TI-. 341
explanation has been offered for the fact that in Teutonic also
the same suffix -ti- ceased to be a living suffix^ namely that
under the working of the Teutonic phonetic laws it would
assume the various forms -J>i, -di, -ti, -si, &c. The older suffix
remains in Adverbs like raptim^fnrtim^ &c. (see ch. ix. § 4).
Occasionally the feminine abstract passed into a concrete
noun and might change its gender. Thus Lat. hostis (Goth, gasts,
' a guest,' O. SI. gostX) may have been originally abstract, just as
Lat. agrtc^la, a field-tiller, meant originally ' field-tillage ' (§ 2).
The secondary suffix -tati- (or -tat-), used to form feminine
Abstract Nouns, derived from Adjectives and Nouns, and the
similar suffix -tuti- (or -tut-) exhibit this suffix -ti- added to the
suffixes -ta- and -tu-, e. g. JjSiXj. juventds beside jUventa (see § 27).
The suffix -tati- (-tat-) is found in O. Ind., Greek, and Latin, while
-tuti- (-tut-) is found in Latin. Celtic, and Teutonic, e. g. Lat.
ndvUds (Gk. vcoTryy), Lat. unitd^ (O. Ir. oentu), Lat. juventm
(O. Ir. oitiu). In Latin, in addition to -tuti- (-tut-), which is
much less in use than -tati- (-tat-), we find a form augmented
by an N-suffix, -tudo^ Gen. -tudinis^ e. g. servitiido beside servttuSy
hilariiudo (so in Plant., not Ailarifas)^ bedtUudo, which (with
beafif^s) was a coinage of Cicero (Quint, viii. 3. 32).
§ 43. other examples of the suffix -ti- in Latin. Latin v^is, a lever (cf.
V€ctio)f from vSho ; Lat. viHs from the root wei-, * to plait, weave ' ; Lat. messia ;cf.
messio) h'om m^; Lat. /ors ;0. Ind. bhrti-, O. Ir. brith, Goth. ga-baur|>s,
O. H. G. giburt, O. Engl, gebyrd, * fate ') from fSro ; Lat. mens (O. Ind.
mati- and m^ti-, Goth, gamunds, ana-minds, Lith. at-mintis, O. SI.
pam^ti) from the root men-, * to think * (cf. mentio) ; Lat. gensj from gigno
(cf ndtio for *gnaiio) ; Lat. mors (O. Ind. mrti-, O. Lith. mirtls, O. SI.
8U-mritl) from m^lriar\ Lat. d6s (0. Ind, dftti-, Lith. dMis, O. SI. dati)
from root d5- (cf. datiOy Gk. borrhnj) ; so Lat. cos beside cdiu^ (ch. iv. § 54) ; Lat. ars
(O. Ind. rti- means * attack ') ; Lat. pars (cf. portio) ; Lat. grates beside gr&tus ;
Lat. quiSs beside quietus {inquies for inquiettis is due to the tendency to turn
Compound Adjectives into I-stems) ; Lat. restis from the root wes-, * to clothe,'
meant originally, like our word * clothing,' the act of arraying oneself, then
the raiment itself.
§ 44. Examples of Lat. -tion-. Lat. visio (cf. O. Ind. vitti-, O. SI. -visti
and v6sti) from the root weid-, ^ to see, know' ; Lat. -rentio (cf. 0. Ind. gdti-,
Gk. 0a<rts, O. H. G. cunft, Lith. -gimtls) from the root g«em-, *to come' ; Lat.
s&tio (cf. Gk. d»-€(TiSj Goth. -s6|)s, ' seed,' Lith. sfiti) from the root s6-, * to throw,
throw seed ' ; Lat. con-ditio for *con-ddiio (cf. O. Ind. -hiti-, Gk. Oiais, Gtoth. -d6})S,
*a deed,' O. SI. -deti) from the root dh6-, ' to put, place '; Lat. dd-eptio for *ad-dptio
(cf. O. Ind. ^pti-) beside aptus ; Lat. ex-pl?tio (cf. O. Ind. prftti-, Gk. irk^ais),
beside ex-pV^tus ; Lat. ri^io for *gn6Ho (cf. O. Ind. -jnftti-, * the act of knowing,'
34ii THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
j£uti-, *an acquaintance/ Gk. 7vcua"is,0. H. G. nr-chn&t, O. SI. po-znat!, Goth.
ga-kun]w, ga-kunds, Germ. Kunst, O. SI. z^ti, * son-in-law') beside (^)n5tus; Lat.
dictio (cf. O. Ind. difiti-, Gk. Scfjfis, O. H. G. -zilit) from the root dei&- ; Lat.
stdtio cf. O. Ind. sthiti-, Gk. ardcn, O. H. G. stat, O. SI. -stati) from stare ;
Lat. in-tentio (cf. O. Ind. tati-, Gk. rdais) from the root ten-, * to stretch ' ; Lat.
junciio (cf. O. Ind. yukti-, Gk, itv^ii, Lith. jiinkti) from jungo.
§ 45. Adjectival -ti- for -to- in Latin. The same tendency to turn 0-stem
Adjectives into I-stems, which we have seen in simUia (Gk. 6fiaX6si)j humHis
(Gk. x0afia\^), appears in an adjective like fortisy in O. Lat. forctus (PauL
Fest. 73. 9 Th. horctum et forctiun pro bono dicebant), originally a P. P. P.
from the root dhergh-, ' to establish ' (O. Ind. drdhd-, ' stablished, firm '). The
older spelling forctis occurs in the clause of the XII Tables quoted by Festus
(534. 15 Th.), which provided : ut idem juris esset Sanatibus quod Forctibus,
the Sanates being allies who had revolted but had returned to their allegiance,
' quasi sanata mente,' the Forctes being those who had never broken faith [cf.
Paul. Fest. 59. 26 Th. forctis (MSS. forctes), frugi et bonus, sive validus]. The
word Sanates shows a similar transference to the I-declension of the P. P. P. of
sdnare, and throws light on the termination, -as O. Lat. -oHs (see ch. iii. § 16),
which indicates the country or the party to which one belongs, e.g. opti-
mateSy in/tmatis (Plant. Stick, 493), Arplnates.
% 46. Other examples of Lat. -tat(i)-, -tut(i)-, -tudin-. The tendency of
the I-stems to encroach on the Consonant-stems in Latin (mentioned above,
§ 34) makes it difficult to decide when -t&t-, -tut-, and when -t&ti-, -tuti-
were the suffixes used, e. g. Gen. PI. civUatum and civitatium. In O. Ind. -tAt-
,e. g. sarvdt&t-, ^completeness') is rarer than -tati- (e. g. sarv^t&ti-), while in
Greek only -t&t- is found. Other Latin examples of -tds (see A. L, L. viii. 321)
are scaevitas (Gk. aitai6Tris\ commwUlias (Goth. gamaindu)>s), b<mitas from hmus,
Ubertas from Rber, civxtas from ctrt«, Cbertas from wfter, fHadtas and fdtiiVitas from
Jacilis, voluptas from tx>/t5p(e), tempestas from tempus (cf. iemptri)^ vUuntas from
Viilens. Examples of -tus : sSnectus from shtex, virtus from rir ; O. Lat. tempestus
(Varro L. L. vii. 51 libri augurum pro tempestate ' tempestutem' dicunt
supremum augtirii tempus). Examples of 'iOdo : alHtudo from altusj Idtitudo
from IdtuSf soUkiiudo from soUidtus.
§ 47. Suffixes ending in -ft (Nouns of fourth Decl.).
-&-. In the declension of these stems u varies with eu and
ou (see eh. vi.). I.-Eur. Adjectives in -u- usually show the weak
form of the root, and are accented on the suffix, e.g. *pltu-,
* broad ' (O. Ind. prthu-, Gk. irkarvs, Gaul. litu-). They formed
their Nom. Sing. Fern, in -wi, e. g. *swadu-, ' sweet/ with Nom.
Sg. Masc. *swad6s (O. Ind. svadus, Gk. rjbvs), Nom. Sg. Fem.
♦swadwi (O. Ind. svadvf). In Latin these Adjectives, aided by
the analogy of the Fem., have followed the tendency of 0-stem
Adjectives, and have passed into the I-declension (as in Teutonic
*t^nu- * thin ' became J^unni- by influence of the fem. *t®nwi} ; thus
smvis for ^suddvis, tSnuis (O. Ind. tanu-, Gk. Tajw-ykaxra-os,
§$ 45-49.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -U-. .343
O. SI. ttnii-kii), fevis (cf. O. Ind. raghd-, Gk. ^Xaxi/s, O. SI.
Itgii-kii), br^vis (Gk. Ppa\vs)i gravis (O. Ind. g^uru-, Gk. fiapvs,
Goth, kaurus). Of noons with the U-suffix examples are I.-Eur.
*pgtu- (O. Ind. pa§u- M., Goth, faihu N., 'property,' O. H. G. fihu,
O. Engl, feoh, Germ. Vieh, Engl, fee), Lat. pUcu and pecus;
Lat. lacns (O. Ir. loch, a Neuter U-stem) ; with the rarer NU-
suffix, Lat. cornu and comus^ mSniis, ptnus. The -ru- of Gk.
hiKpv is augmented by the suffix -ma- in Lat. dacruma, lacruma.
The Romance languages show us that U-stems had come in
Vulg. Lat. to be merged in the 0-declension ; and even as early
as Plautus Noun-stems in -u retained little of a distinctive
declension in ordinary speech.
-TU-. As we have seen -ti- used to form feminine Verbal
Nouns (Nomina Actionis), connected with the P. P. P. in -to-,
similarly -tu- was used for masc. nouns of the same kind, some-
times with accent on the root (strong grade), sometimes with
weak grade of root and the root unaccented, e.g. O. Ind. etum but
!tva, from the I.-Eur. root ei-, ' to go.' The Latin first Supine
is the Accusative of a TU-stem, used with a verb of motion, e. g.
mmm it (cf. O. Ind. vettum eti, O. SI. videttl idet!), and the
second Supine is another case (ch. viii. § 88) of a similar stem.
Occasionally these Abstract Verbal Nouns become concrete, e. g.
Lat. mdgistrdtuSy a magistrate. In Greek (they are mostly con-
fined to the Ionic dialect) they are feminine, e.g. aprvy, a fitting,
a connexion (Lat. artus^ M., a limb) (cf. O. Lat. metm F.).
§ 48. other examples of XT-stems in Latin. Lat. g<h\u (cf. O. Ind. j^nu, N.
Gk. 7(5i'i; N., Goth, kniu N.) ; r^< (O. Ir. bir, a Nout. u-Stem, W. ber).
§ 49. Interchange of IT- with O-stems. This interchange is found also
in Umbro-Osc. Thus Osc. senateis shows the same Gen. Sg. suffix as an
0-stem (e.g. sakarakleis 'sacraculi';, Umbr. marmmto 'magistratu/ the O-stem
Abl. In Plautus the U-stems appear mostly in the Nom. Ace. Abl. Sg., and
so are hardly to be distinguished from O-stems ; the Dat. Sg. is usually in -ui
(ch. vi. § 27), but the Gen. Sg. is normally in -i (ch. vi. § 21) ; in the Plural
instances are comparatively seldom and almost only in the Nom. Ace. and
Abl. ; the only certain instance of a Gren. PI. is miUe passiim. On the S. C.
Bacch. of 186 B. c. we have Gen. Sg. senatuosy but at the end of the same
century semiti (C. /. L. i. 199, 200, 547), and Quintilian (i. 6. 27) states that it
is impossible to say whether s^tuiti or setiCitus is the Genitive form. Xura for
nuruSy socra for socrus, forms censured in the Probi Appendix (198. 34 and
199. I K.) occur on late inscriptions [nuraf C. /. L. viii. 2604. 4293, &c. ; tiuruaf
V. 2452 ; socruy ii. 530, 2936 ; iii. 655 ; viii. 2906^ 3994 ; xiv. 526, &c. ; socera, iii.
3895, vii. 229, &c.) and nom, siktra or socra are the prototypes of ItaL nuora,
344 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
suocera, Span, nuera, suegra, &c. On Greek inscriptions the only fourth
Decl. Nouns found are idus, tnbus, and the forms used are Nom. PI. ftioi (/Sot),
Gen. PI. (Idvojy (second cent. B.C., but later tl^oay) AbL Sg. rpifiou (see
Eckinger, p. 134).
DUmus is declined only according to the second Decl. in Plautus and till
Sulla ^see Langon^ Anal. Plant, ii. p. 5). Quintilian (i.6. 5' mentions it as a word
about whose declension therp might be doubt. We find in the older writers
humu (Varro, Men. 433, 531 B. ; the gender of humus is Masc. in O. Lat, see
Gorges, Lex. Wotif. s. v.), lectus (fourth Decl., GJeorges s. v.), sdnus (fourth Decl.,
Georges s. v.), and in a quotation from a Law of Numa (ap. Feat aia. 17 M.)
occurs the form Jdnut -Dat. Sg. : Janui Quirino agnum marem caedito. Priscian,
discussing the interchange of second and fourth Decl. forms (i. p. 356 H.),
mentions the variants fastos and fasius in Hor. C. iii. 17. 4, ctbus Gen. Sg.
(doubtful), arci Gen. Sg. (Cic. Deor. Nat iii. ao. 51 ; arcus is Fem. in O. Lat.),
as well as the parallel forms spScus and specum, pihius and penum, J\co and
yfcu, &c. For statistics of the O- and U-declension of such words see Neue, i*.
pp. 509 sqq. Names of trees like kiurus, fagus^ &c show this uncertainty
(Varro L. L. ix. 80 alii dicunt cupressus, alii cupressi, item de ficis platan is
et plerisque arboribus), an uncertainty perhaps due to the rarity of fem. O-
stems (e. g./HguSj Gk. ffniy6s F.) in I.-Eur. (see ch. vi. § i. p. 369).
§ 50. Other examples of -tu-stema. Lat. Bsus from edo (O. Ind. &ttii',
Lith. 6stu, 0. SI. jastii) ; Lat. vitus, the felly of a wheel (Gk. frus F.) ; Lat.
actus, (i) a driving, (a) a road for driving (Paul. Fest. 13. 17 Th. iter inter
vicinos quattuor pedum latum), (3) the space over which something is driven,
a measure of land, like our * plough-gate,' (Plin. xviii. 9 in quo boves
agerentur cum aratro uno impetu justo) ; Lat. /Piusy a brood (cf. Gk. rpwp^it
e. g. Soph, 0. r. I; ; O. Lat. metus F., e. g. Enn. A. 526 M. nee metus uUa tenet.
§ 61. The Suffixes -YE- (NoimB of fifth DeoL) and -I-. The
Stems in -E. As the feminines of O-stems were formed with
the suffix -a- (§ 2), so the feminines of other stems appear with
the suffix -ye-, e. g. Lat. tempiriea from the ES-stem tempuSy or
-i-, e. g. O. Ind. datn, fem. of datdr- (in Latin with c added, e.g.
ddtrl-x^ stem d^ttic- ; cf . Gk. avKrjTptb- with added dental and
short i), or -ya-, e.g. Lat. temperia (cf. Gk. aA?}^eta for ^dKriOca-'
ydy horeipa for * hoT€p-ya\ How far these differences are due to
a variation of -ye- with -1-, as in the Optative, e. g. Lat. sies^ nfis
(ch. viii. § 55), or to a confusion of I-stems (thus O. Ind. napti-,
Lat. neplisy may be an 1-stem corresponding to the tJ-stem, O. Ind.
svaSrii-, Lat. socru^y O. SL svekry), has not yet been satisfactorily
determined. It is possible that the e-vowel of Latin and the
Balto-Slavic languages (e. g. Lith. iem-e- for *2em-j[e-, ' land,*
O. SI. zem(l)-3a- for *zem(l)3e-, whence the name Nova Zembla,
connected with Lat. Aiimm and Gk. \6<iv) may be a modification
§§ 60,61.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -YE-, -I-. 345
of an original a under the influence of the preceding y-sound (cf .
Vulg. Lat. Jenuarius for JdnuariuSy ch. ii. § 3), so that O. Lat.
heriem Ace, a word occurring in the liturgical formula k^riem
Junonis (Gell. xiii. ^3. a), will exactly correspond to Osc. heriam
[on an execration-tablet, Zvet. /. /. /. 1^9. i ; the i (not ii) of
the Oscan word probably indicates a y-sound (ch. iv. § 63)]. Verbal
Nouns with -ye- are a feature of Latin, e. g. pro-^inies, r&bies,
scabies, pervHcies^ and permXties [infaciea^ species the i (y) appears
also in the Pres. stem].
Other examples of these suffixes are: of U-stems, O. Ind. svadvi,
Gk. Tjbcia for ^a-FdbeFyd (cf . Lat. sudvis M. and F., § 47), fern, of
L-Eur. *swadu-; of N-stems, O. Ind. yuni, fem. of yuvan-,
* young ' (the Plautine iuuenix^ Mil. 304 points to Lat. junix being
rather a contraction of a stem *yiiweni- than a direct develop-
ment of the stem yuni-), O. Lid. rajni (mod. Ranee), fem. of
rajan-, ' a king * ; of NT-stems, O. Ind. bhdranti, fem. of the Pres.
Part, bhdrant- (Gk. (pipovo-a for *<f>€povT^d ; cf. Lat. praesenfia,
&c.).
Other fifth Decl. stems are suffixless, e.g. res (O. Ind. ra-s, ray-fe
Gen. from the root rei- (ch. iv. § 47) ^ ; dies from a stem d(i)yew-
(O. Ind. dyaus Nom. Sg.), a byform of d(i)ySw-, ' sky, day * (ch. iv.
§ 48). Some seem to have the same Verbal E-suffix as is seen in
verbs like Me-facio, cdnde^facio [ch. viii. § "^"^^ (9)], e. g.fam-es
(cf. Gk. i-yjiiv^^v from yalvit} for *xa/uiya)), which is really a fifth
Decl. noun like/^^/- J-* (cf . Gk. i-irCO-rj-v), Another noun declined
according to the fifth Decl. is sordes, Abl. sarde, Lucr. vi. 127 1,
Gen. PL sordernm, Plaut. Foen, 314 (cf. sordeo). So from *dleo^
to grow, proles for ^pro-dles, sub-dies, ind-dles (cf . ol{eyfacio from
dieo, to smell); from Ino lues, from struo sfrues from ruo rves
[* rues ' ruina, C. G. L, iv. 281. 5 ; cf. lue rue, ' luem ruem^ (?)
on the Carmen Arvale]. Against the association of lobes with
Idbe-facio is the different quantity of the root-vowel. A long
vowel is seen also in vwles {mdles-tu^), sedes (sedeo), amb-dges {&go),
* sp^ may be of similar formation treats it as an S-stem in Ann. 448 M. :
(cf.O. Ind. sphayatc,* he extends him- spero, si speres quicquam prodesse
self, increases *); it is used by Plautus potis sunt (cf. 119 M.). With the
only in Nom. Ace. Abl. Sg. and in variants spSs and spSrSSj compare vis
Nom. Ace. PI. (spes). But Ennius (Nom. PI.) and tires.
346 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
contdges (t<ingo\ propdges and compdge9 {pango\ rupee {runipo).
The cognates 7ndleS'tus, Gk. l6os, v4<l>os have suggested the refer-
ence of mo/es, sedes^ nubea (though the u is difficult to explain) to
ES-stems (§ 7 1), with the same -es that we see in Gk. dkifiri^
from XxjOos^ Dor. XaBos (cf. iX6.6ov). But perhaps a better ex-
piation of sedes is to regard it as a Plural of an I-stem mlis^ used
as a Singular (cf . O. Ind. vAyas, ' a bird/ properly ' birds/ and for
the long vowel Gk. /m^ws, &c.) ; for a good many of these nouns
in -es were more used in the Plural than the Singular, e. g. am-
bdges (O. Ind. aji-, * contest/ Ir. ag, * contest '), aedes^ vepres, and
byforms of the Nom. Sg. occur with -is, e. g. nubis, Plant. Merc.
880 (cf. 7iubs, Liv. Andr.), saeps, Cic. (cf. j)rae-saepe Neut.),
vdfis (cf. O. Ir. faith for *wati-), ve/tis, clddiSy aedis (C, /. L, i.
2c6. 30), caedis, molis, sedis. Many of them belong to poetical
diction ; e. g. neither Plautus nor Terence use sedes (the usual
w^ord for a seat being sdlium or sella), i-upes, tabes, caedes, &c. ;
and they must have been liable on that account to confusion of
Number. A certain amount again of Nouns in -es are fem.*
names of animals, e. g. cciftes (F., beside c&ms M., in O. Lat.),y?/#*,
meles, vulpes (cf . vulpectila), pdlumb&s. The last two, perhaps all,
are dialectal, so that this -cs may be the dialectal expression of
-eis, a byform of the Nom. Sg. suffix of I-stems. PlSes has
been called an ES-stem like tiXijOoSy but it is more persistently
decHned after the fifth Decl. (cf. plebeius), than any of the
others, whose Abl. is often the only Singular case found in use
(e. g. ambage, vepre, Ovid, &c.) ; pubes (cf . puber-tas, im-publr-es
Nom. PI.) has a better claim, although the Abl. pwbe, Plant.
Psend. 126, would have to be explained as due to a false analogy
of the Nom. Sg., such as has produced requie Abl., requiem Ace.
from reqnies, -eiis.
The declension of a good many of these Nouns with Nom. Sg.
in -es wavers between the third and fifth Decl. Plautus makes
the Gen. PI. of sordes sorderum (Poen. 314), like rerum, but we
find sordium in late Lat. Cicero {Top, vii. 30) says that specierum,
speciebns are impossible forms (nolim enim, ne si Latine quidem
' Priscian (^i. pp. 168. 15. 169, 9, and 321. 19 H.) seems to think that
adip- F. implie.s a Nom. Sg. adipia.
$$ 62, 68.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -Y£-, -I-. 347
dici possit, ' specierom ' et ' speciebus ^ dicere), and so prefers
forma to species as a translation of the Greek iXbos. Yet specie-
rum and speciebus are common in late authors, e. g. Apuleius, and
Priscian (i. 367. 23 H.) quotes facierum from a speech of Cato.
Quintilian (i. 6. 26) expresses the doubt felt about the declension
of progenies and spes : quid progenies genetivo singulari, quid
plurali spes faciet? (For statistics of fifth Decl. forms, see
Neue, i^. pp. 370 sqq.) And the use of -ies itself in the Nom. Sing,
seems to have been a matter of gradual extension. Plautus has
fades, pertttUieSy mdtiries (but materiam on the Sententia Minu-
ciorum of 117 b. c, C, L L. i. 199), segnities, vastUies, and possibly
caesdrieSy inlUvies, inUmp^ries, rtibies (but efflgia^ &c.), to which
Terence adds molRties, Lucretius ndltties, spurctties^ &c. These
ye-forms are generally confined to the Nom. Ace. Sg,, while in
other cases ya-forms are preferred, e.g. intemperiae Nom. PI.,
materiae Dat. Sg., luxuriae Dat. Sg., moUitiis Abl. PI., in Abl.
Sg. harldridy Poen. 598, molliiid, ViduL 35. Still Plautus
adheres to the fifth Decl. tjrpe for facies (Nom. Gen. Ace. Abl.
Sg.), and apparently dcies (Ace. Abl. Sg.), permities (Nom. Ace.
Abl. Sg.), species (Ace. Abl. Sg.), though he does not use these
words in the Plural. Pliny (ap. Charis. p. 1 1 8. 1 5 K.) sllowedpldn^'
ties, luxuries^ mo/lilies, but not dmicities (amicitiem^ Lucr. v. 1019),
' because the Plural is amidtiaey while Charisius (p. 57. 3 K.)
confines canities to poetry, and makes canilia the proper prose-
form. (For fuller statistics, see Neue.) The 'tie-stems are
found also in Umbr., e. g. uhtretie * auctoritate,^ kvestretie, ' in
the quaestorship.^
§ 52. Other examples of Iiatin Ferns, in -i, -10, kc. Latin comix (cf. Gk«
Kopdnnf) ; g^nStrix ^O. Lat. janitri, Gk. yfvhttpa); from mSreor comes mSrStnXy but
from medeor the name of the deity MMitrlnay whose festival, the Meditrinalia,
is mentioned by Varro (L. L. vi. 21) and Paul. Fest. (88. 36 Th.) in connexion
with the curious Roman custom of hallowing the first taste of new wine
with the words : novum vetus vinum bibo ; novo veteri morbo medeor ;
c/inlcula (cf. 0. Ind. ^ni) ; ctuviSj -iw Ace, -i Abl. (cf. Gk.. Kkrjh, stem Kkijl-5-).
§ 53. -ye- and -i-. Aciscidus, a small pickaxe (there was a Roman family-
name Valerius Acisculus), has been referred (with supposed 1} to dcies {Rhein,
Mus. 1891, p. 236) ; the Probi Appendix (p. 198. 12 K.) censures a large
number of firms in -is beside forms in -cs, e. g. vatis beside vateSy and among
them facts for facies {cf. facittrgiuvi Isid. beside /ocietergiuw Greg. Tur.).
34^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
§ 64. Suffixes ending in -n (Nouns of third DeoL).
-EN"-, -YEN-, -WEN"-, -MEN"-. Beside I.-Eur. Masc.
stems in -o- (-e-), -yo- (-ye-), -wo- (-we-) (§§ a, 4, 5), we
find masc. stems in -en- (-on-), -yen- (-yon-), -wen- (-won-).
The relation between the two seems to be that the O-stem is
the Adjective, but becomes an N-stem when a Substantive,
e.g. Lat. mulfi-Mu8 Adj., but bibd Subst. An adjective
which is restricted to denote one individual, in other words
which becomes definite from indefinite, takes this suffix, e.g.
Lat. rufusy red, but Rufo, ^ the Red ' (cf . Gk. a-Tpafios and Srpd-
fiu}v) ; and this process, which has been more consistently carried
out in the Teutonic languages than in any other, is still seen in
the German ' weak declension ' of the Adjective, e. g. rothe Nom.
PI. indef. (strong decl.), die rothen Nom. PI. def. (weak decl.)
(Goth, raudai and )?ai raudans). This early connexion between
O- and N-stems explains why an N-stem in a Compound is
often replaced by an O-stem, e. g. Gk. iKfio-dcrov, stithy, com-
pounded of &Kfi<av and rW';/xt, and why an N-stem in one lan-
guage often corresponds to an O-stem in another, e.g. Gk.
al(F)(ov to Lat. aevom (also explained as *aiw6n), Goth, ga-juk-a
(N-stem) to Lat. con-jUg-iis (O-stem), or in the same language,
e. g. Lat. Idnio to Lat. Idnius, ineubo to incabus. In the declen-
sion of these Masc. N-stems, n varies with en, on, en, on, &c.,
yen also with in, and wen also with un. They are sometimes
transferred by the addition of -o- or -a- into the O- and A-
declension, e. g. Lat. SpHlmtis beside epulo, lermhiu^ beside termo
(§ 13). Neuters in -n are connected with neuters in -r. Sec,, the
n apparently being proper to the Oblique Cases, e. g. Lat. femur,
Gen. fh/iifiis (§ 56). They are therefore better considered in the
paragraph which deals with the R-sufiix § (56).
Neuters in -men are Verbal Nouns (Nomina Actionis), and
are used in various languages as Infinitives (like -sen-, e.g.
O. Ind. ne§£ni from nl-), e. g. O. Ind. vid-mdn-e, Horn. Gk. 16-
ficv-ai (perhaps Lat. 2 PI. Imper. Pass., e. g. lef/tminiy is a similar
Infinitive form with Imperative sense ; see ch. viii. § 81). They
have usually the E-grade of root, e. g. tvg-men^ but the Latin law
of Syncope seldom allows us to decide when there was a connect-
ing vowel, when an s preceded, &c. (cf, reffimen^ integumen-fttm ,
$§54-06.1 NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -N-, -R-. 349
jiigmeii'tum and juffumen-tum^ augmen-tumy sumeu from 9ug0j and
see eh. iv. § 116 on agmen and exdmen). Their byforms with
-menfum in Latin, e. g. allmentum^ have been mentioned in § 30,
and the extension of MEN-stems by the Y0-, YA- suffixes, e. g.
alimdnia, alimoniumy in § 4.
Fern. Verbal Abstracts in -yen-, -tyen- (-tien-) in Lat., Celt.,
Teut., e.g. Lat. usu-capio, captio have become fem. by the
analogy of other abstract nouns. They sometimes appear as
A-stems with the ending --ina, 'Una, e. g. Foiina, the goddess
worshipped when a child first drank (Non. 108. 15 M.) from /yJ//<?,
Slaihia, *statuendi infantis/ offi,cina {ppi-ftcina Plant.), rapina,
niina (cf. § 8).
§ 55. Maso. en-stems in Iiatin. Lat. li^^ Gen. litnis shows -M, and pecten^
Gen. pectinia (Gk. m-tis for *nrr€vs ?) shows -^w, but the usual form is -0 in the
Nora. Sg., -on- or -in- {with i for older 6 or S) in the oblique cases, e.g. Sd5,
Gen. edimia from the verbal root ed-, * to eat,' /kJmd, Gen. hominia from the noun-
stem humo'f the ground. The Fem. cdro, Gen. camia, is exceptional in reducing
the stem-suffix in the oblique cases to n. In Umbr.-Osc. the word has the
same declension and gender, but retains the older sense of * a part/ a 'share/
e. g. Osc. mahnas cameia aencUeis tanginud^ which would be in Latin, ^ maximae
partis senatus sententia ' ; and originally the word seems to have been
a Verbal Abstract (Nomen Actionis), * the act of cutting or dividing/ whence
the feminine gender. (On the variation of gender in cardo, margo, cUpido, grando,
utigo^ farrCigOf see Neue, i'. p. 654 ; Abstracts in -go^ like 6n^, are fom., and
Nouns indicating defects or ailments like yern<^, aerugo, cdttgoy prurigo).
Nouns in -0, '^lia Gen., used of persons, belong as a rule to plebeian or
colloquial Latin and express contempt, e.g. dleoj 6»6o, Cdptto, Ndao ; in the earliest
period they are derived only from Adjectives, e. g. atrdho, but later from
Nouns and Verbs, e. g. commlUto from miles, lanio from Idnius, erro from errare^
sdturio from adturire. The more respectful formation was in -onus, e. g. patronua
(])ut -narpmr always on Greek inscriptions, as early as 150 b. c, Eckinger, p. 135);
Paul. Fest. quotes O. Lat. epolonu.f for ^ulo (55. 15 Th.), centv.rionuaj curionus and
dacurionua (34. 36 Th.) ; so Dor. Gk. AaT<l; became Ldtona. (On these nicknames,
&c. in -o, -onia, see Fisch, Lat. Nomina Pera. avf -0^ -onis, 1890.)
§ 66. Suffixes ending in -r (19'oans of third Deol.).
-B-. I. -Eur. Neuters in -r (-r) seem to have substituted n for r
in the oblique eases, e.g. LtBt.femtir, Gcu, /emhiis, O. Ind. udhar,
' the udder/ iidhnas Gen., which has led to confusions of R- and
N-stems, e.g. JjSLt.jecvry but O. Ind. yakdn-, and to such curious
declensions in Latin as U'm'er'U,jeC'hi-dr-iSjanijoC'iU'er'is,&,c,
§ 67. Neuter B-stems. Many of these are names for parts of the body,
e. g. /hniir, j£cur, Tiber {A?ner. Joum. Phil. xii. i). On O. Lat. aser, blood (O. Ind.
dsr-k Nom., asn-ds Gen.^ and on other Neut. R.-stems, see ch. vi. § 15.
350 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
§ 68. -EB- and -TER-. As the Comparative suffix is some-
times -ero-, sometimes -tero- (§ i6), so we find -er and -ter as
the suffix for forming words of relationship, and masculine No-
mina Agentis [with fem. in -(t)ri, -(t)ria, &c., § 51]. This -(t)er-
varies with -(t)or-, -(t)er-, -(t)6r-, -(t)r-, &c., e.g. Gk. Trariyp,
Ace. iraripa, and (fypaTtap, Ace. (fyparopa, Gk. boTrjp beside b(aT<t)p,
fiorfip beside j3«ra)p, &c. The Nomina Agentis in Latin show
-tor-, e.g. actor^ Gen. actoris (Gk. S.KTa)p, -opos and iir-aKTrip,
-Tjpos). Abstracts in -or, -Jm Gen., often connected with Verbs
in -eo and Adjectives in -Mus (e. g. cdlor, beside caleo, calufvs),
are not R-stems but S -stems, and had in O. Lat. -os in the Nom.
Sg., e. g. calos^ though in the classical period the r, into which
intervocalic s in the oblique cases had passed by the phonetic law
of Latin (ch. iv. § 148), forced its way into the Nom. Sing, also
(see ch. vi. § 7).
§ 69. Nouns of relationship. Lat. p&ter [O. Ind. pltdr-, Arm. hair, Gk.
itaHipy O. Ir. athir, Goth, (rare) fadar] ; Lat. mCUer [O. Ind. mfttdr-, Arm. mair,
Gk. fi'firrjpj 0. Ir. mathir, O. Engl. mOdor (in Goth. ai)>ei, * mother,' atta, ^ father ')
0. 81. mater-] ; Lat. prater (O. Ind. bhritar-, Arm. eXbair, Gk. <ppiro)p and <f>pdTrjpj
a clansman, O. Ir. brathir, * a brother,' W. brawd(r), GK>th. brO})ar ; cf. 0. SI.
bratrii) ; Lat. sdror (O. Ind. svAsar-, Arm. k'oir, O. Ir. siur and fiur, Lith.
sesfi ; cf. Goth, svistar, O. 81. svestra) ; Lat. ferir better ♦/oertV, for *laexer by
Anal, of vir (I.-Eiir. ♦daiwer-, O. Ind. devdr-, Arm. taigr with g for w,
Gk. hd-ijp for ^dcufrjp, O. Engl, t&cor, O. H. G. zeihhur; cf. Lith. d6ver-ls,
O. SI. dever-l).
§ 60. Latin Nomina Agentis. Lat. praetor for *prae-itor (O. Ind. pura-€tdr-,
* he who goes before,' * a guide ') ; junctor (O. Ind. yOktAr-. Gk. (tvKr^p) (cf.
junctus) ; con-ditor for ^con-ddtor from the root dhC-, Ho put, place' (O. Ind.
dhfitdr- and dhdtar-, Gk. 0cr^p) (cf. conditus) ; pdtor (0. Ind. p&tilr- and pitar-,
Gk. rrorffp) (cf. potus) ; g^nUor [O, Ind. janitar-, Gk. ytverljp and ytviroDp) (cf.
gMiiita) with Fem. gSnStrix (O. Ind. jdnitri, Gk. yfyirfipa) (on S see ch. iii. § 19) ;
texfor (0. Ind. tdHar-, * carpenter ') (cf. iextus) ; Saor (O. Ind. att4r-, Gk. difAtjarrfp)
(cf. Ssus).
§ 61. Suffixes ending in -t (Nouns and Adjectives of
third Deol.). -T-. Latin stems in -^ are probably of various
origins. A compound like com-es (stem ^cdm^zt-) from cum and
irCy which has the sense of a Participle Active, ' going along with/
reminds us of the use of this suffix in O. Ind. with verbal roots
ending in vowels, &c., when these roots form the second part of
a compound, e. g. O. Ind. visva-jlt-, * all-conquering,* from ji-, * to
conquer.* To this category belong Latin ^-stems like antuste^
$§ 58-63.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -T-. 351
from the root sta-, ' to stand/ mcer-dds from the root do-, * to give.*
On the other hand adjectives of passive meaning like man-^ws,
Gen. mansuetu^ * accustomed to the hand/ tame (beside mansuetns),
in-^ens, Gen. ingentis^ * not known/ huge (cf. Engl, uncouth),
may be for ^man^ielis, *ingenlis with that transference of the
Adjective to an I-stem which we have seen in O. Lat. Safiates,
beside sanati, forctis (class, fortis) beside forckis (§ 45). It has
further been suggested (§ 29) that nouns like Sques, Gen. equttis,
may be connected with Greek formations like iTr-n-JTr;?, the fem.
Abstract *equita^ horsemanship, becoming masc. eqnes, a horse-
man, just as aniidita fem. is related to aiitistes masc.
Again Feminine /-stems like tSges^ Gen. tegHis, a mat, lit.
* a covering,' s^ges, Gen. segetis^ a crop, lit. * a sowing ' (W. hau
for *sog-, ' to sow '), merges, a sheaf, lit. * a dipping ' (if merga,
a pitchfork, be rightly explained by Paul, Fest. 89. 13 Th. : quia
. . . messores eas in f ruges demergunt, ut elevare possint manipu-
los), or * a plucking ' (cf. Gk. d-/xepya)), may have been originally
Fem. Tl-stems (Nomina Actionis), like messis for *tnet4is,
* a reaping,* harvest (§ 42), and may show that confusion of the
TI- and the T-suffix which is shown by words formed with
-tut(i)-, -tat(i)-, (§ 46), and bystems like Gk. wkt-, Lat. nocti-.
But Greek nouns like Ki\rjSy "Tjto?, a horse, lit. ' runner/ from
the root kel-, * to run, go quickly * (O. Ind. car- ; cf. Lat. cele-r)y
and adjectives like dpyrjr- and apy^i*-, bright, from the root arg-,
* to shine * (O. Ind. arj- ; cf. Lat. argenium), rather point to by-
forms in -t, beside the usual Pres. Part, stems in -nt, just as
Greek compounds like ay2;ft5s,-wTos,(i) unknowing, (2) unknown,
beside ayvoiTos and ayv<ii(rTOSj irpopKrjsy "rjroSy a headland, beside
TTp6p\riTos, thrown forth, suggest that Latin mansues, &c. may
be quite separate forms from mansi(etus,&CQ.,Sknd not sprung from
*man8uetis, still less produced by Syncope of the last syllable of
manstietus (cf. ch. iii. § 16).
§ 62. other examples of Lat. T-stems. Lat. t^es. Gen. terHtiSt from iero ;
hiSbeSy Gen. hebStis ; a/es, Gen. cUitis, with the sense of aldtus ; tudea (cf. tuditare)y
an old word for a hammer (Fest. 530. 30 Th. ; Paul. Fest. 531. 12. Th.), from
twido, is a rather doubtful form ; and the origin of I.-Eur. *n6pot- (0. Ind.
nap&t-, M. Ir. niae, Gen. niath, W. nai ; cf. Hom. Gk. vciroScs), Lat. nipoSy with
its cognate *n6ptl (O. Ind. napti-, Goth. ni(f))>jis, * kinsman/ O. SI. ne(p)tiji-,
* nephew,' &c.), Lat. neptis is not clear. The termination -es was much in vogue
35^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
in the earlier period, e. g. caekSy -itiSj circeSt -itis. From it were formed Abstract
Nouns in -j7/a, -iftcs, &c. (see §§4, 51) (cf. axttiosi, Paul. Fest. a. 34 Th. : a. factiosi
dicebantur, cum plures una quid agerent facerentque, fh>m axites id. 3. i Th.
a. mulieres sive viri dicebantur ima agentee. The adj. axUidmts is quoted by
Varro, L. L. vii. 66 from the Asiraha of Plautus :
axitiosae ann6nam caram e uili concinntot uiris).
§ 63. -NT-. The suffix -ent-, -ont-, -nt-, &c. plays an im-
portant part in the I.-Eur. languages, being used in the form-
ation of all Active Participles, except the Perfect (ch. viii. § 89).
In the thematic conjugation we have -ont- in all the cases in
Greek ((f>4povT^os, <f>ipovcri for *<l>€povT<ri, &c.) and other languages ;
and O. Lat. forms like Jlexuntes (?), as well as the classical eiinfes
where e precedes, have been quoted as proof that Hj&t.fereni-Uj
ferenl-em, &c. represent an older *feront^, with change of the
short vowel before double consonant in the syllable unaccented
under the early Accent-law (ch. iii. § 5) into e (but see ch. viii.
§ 90), These Participles have often become adjectives and nouns,
e.g. Engl friend (Goth, frijonds, lit. * loving '), fiend (Goth, fijands,
lit. ' hating/ Germ. Feind), Gk. ipx^v, Lat. ruden^y sometimes
with transference to the 0-declension, e. g. Lat. v^ntm (Goth,
vinds) beside the Participle, O. Ind. vant-, Gk. aefs for ^iFevrs.
§ 64. other examples of Lat. -ent. Lat. agens (O. Ind. ^'ant-, Gk. dycaif) ;
J&rens (0. Ind. bhdrant-, Gk. tpipcaVf Goth, bairands, O. SI. bery) ; rvdens
(O. Ind. rudant-), (i) * roaring/ (a) * a rope * ; vfhens [O. Ind. vAhant-, Goth, ga-
vigandft, Lith. veSJs, O. SI. vezy) ; WiietJotens is often a Noun ';cf. hin^nierens) in
the Comedians, and is closely connected with the Adjective henevolus, so that
benivdentior and benerolenter have taken the place of the Comparative and
Adverb of the latter, as magnifkentiorf magnificeniissimxis supply a Comparative
and Superlative to magnificus. Other Nouns are parens (beside the verb pdrio),
serjyens, adiileacens ; other Adjectives, i^oqu^nsj aapienSj inndcens. The addition
of the ya-8uffix, which forms the fern, of these participles in Greek (e.g.
ipipovaa for *<f>ff>ovTya) forms Abstract derivatives in Latin, e. g. benivolentiaf
praesentiOy eloq%ie7itia (all of these first used by Terence), cor^fuientiay trUUivdlentia,
piitienticL, sdpientia, poUentia, &c. (all used by Plautus), sententia (beside the verb
sentio). On the rare ending -entium, e.g. sUentium, see ROnsch, (Med. p. aoS.
Fluentum and cruenttis probably originated in Neut. PI. fluenta, cruenta (cf.
silenta loca Laev.), a formation like Gk. tpipovra, &c. The ending -lentus of
'''Pidenhis (beside cpuUns)^ viSlentus (and viciem), truculentus, esculenlua, rirulenttiSt &c.
comes from an Adj. -stem in -to {-It § ai) ; cf. grdc&entus (the 0 of vindtentus^
9cmyu^ntns has be en explained by * popular etymology * from rinS lentus, somnd
lentiis ; nee ch. iii. § ai).
§ 65. -WENT-. This suflSx, like our ' -ful/ added to Noun-
SS es-e?.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -WENT-, -D-. 353
stems to form Adjectives, with the sense 'possessed of/ * abounding
in/ and occasionally * resembling/ e. g. O. Ind. agni-vdnt-,
'provided with fire/ xapUts for ^xapiFevrs, possessed of grace,
graceful, aroroets (Corcyr. arovoFia-av, Ace. Sg. Fem.), woeful,
is in Latin augmented by the TO-suiBix, e.g. ddlosus (Gk.
6oA.o€ts) for *dolo^ven8SU9 from *dolo-went-to- or *dolo-wnt-to-,
nH'dms (Gk. vitfyocLs). In O. Ind. it was often added to the
P. P. P. TO-stem, e.g. krta-vant- from krtd-, P. P. P. of kr-,
' to do,' and came to be used in the sense of a Perfect Indicative
(with omission of the Substantive Verb), e.g. sa tad krtavan,
* he has done this.'
§ 66. Other examples of Lat. -dsus. Lat. virosus (cf. O. Ind. vlid-vant-) ;
mnosus (cf. Gk. olv6us), (i) full of wine, (a) like wine; oAddv^osus, like a dead
body. From U-stems, -uosus, e. g. aestuosus (but faaiosus, and from the stem
mont-j moniudsus), but from I-stems -osus, e. g. piacostts (Virgirs rendering of
Homer's Ix^^tts), (^but bUiosus), Incuriosus (from incHria) produced curiosus
(instead of *cur68us) ; cdldmtt^sus stands for *cdlamiUUo8U8 (ch. iii. § 13, p. 176).
On the change of *-ovens8us to -osus (cf. retrursunit retrosum from reirdversum, &c.),
see ch. ii. § 53. The older spelling is -onssuSj -ossua (see Brambach, Orth. p. a68,
and the Indices to Ribbeck's Virgil and to Studemund's Apograph of the
Ambrosian Palimpsest of Plautua). Gtellius (ix. 12) comments on the
Active and Passive sense of these Adjectives : ut * formidulosus * dici potest et
qui formidat et qui formidatur, ut ^invidiosus ' et qui invidet et cui invidetur,
ut ' suspiciosus * et qui suspicatur et qui suspectus est, ut ' ambitiosus ' et qui
ambit et qui ambitur, ut item ^gratiosus' et qui adhibet gratias et qui
admittit, ut Uaboriosus' et qui laborat et qui labori est,&o.
§ 67. Suffixes ending in -d (iQ'ouns of third Declension).
D-suffixes are not frequent enough in the I.-Eur. languages to
enable us to determine the formation of Latin ^^-stems like
lapis (cf . Gk. Aciras ?), merces^ kerea, nor to trace the passage of
original D-stems into other stems. The -a6- of Gk. xoipisy
a reef, 'like a hog's back/ ireAeicis, a wild dove, has been
declared to be the first part of the Latin -astro- (for *-ad-tro-) of
poetaster, 'like a poet/ Oleaster, *a wild olive/ &c. Lat. -edula
occurs in names of birds, &c., e.g.ficedula (oxiiJicelM), a beccafico,
acredvla, qtierquedula, nitedvla and nltella (cf. alcedo) ; Lat. -edo
in names of ailments Y\^q fr'igedo, rubedo^ grdvedo (and gravldo)
resembles the -r)hiiv of Gk. a)(fir)hiiv, \aiprib<iv. Lat. -dus of
Adjectives beside Verbs in -eo and Abstract Nouns in -or, e. g.
pallidas (heside patleo smi pallor), splendtdus (beside spletideo and
A a
354 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
isplendor)^ sqvdUdus (O. Lat. sgualus) (beside %qiialeo and %qualor\
has been referred to the root do-, ' to give' (cf. O. Ind. jala-das,
lit. * giving moisturcj' like Lat. imbri'duSy artha-das, ' giving
benefit,' but see ch. iii. § 15. (8)) ; and the tennination of Genin-
dives like laudandns, &c. has been similarly explained (^laudam-
dnSy * praise-giving ') with the Ace. Sg. of a Verbal Noun as the
first part (of. vin-dex) of the compound (see ch. viii. § 94), as well
as Verbal Adjectives in -bundus, e. g. errdbundus, pMibundti^yfurl-
bvfidiis, ffemebmidva, mi^rlbunduSy lascivibundiis {-Ib^ probably) and
'CunduSy e. g. j'HeundtiSy rUbicfifidus, vSrec7(ndv^,fecundnSy irdcundns,
fdcundus. (On these also, see ch. viii. § 94.) The termination
'tudo, Gen. -tUdtnis, has been called the amplification of the stem
-tut- by an N-stem, *tut-n- producing *tud-n- (but see ch. iv.
§ 161), but it may also be derived from a tu-stem, as rubedo
from an e-stem. ^
§ 68. other examples. I^t. picus, -Hdia beside pecua, -oris ; Lat. cassis, aii
Etruscan word, according to Isidore {Orig, xviii. 14. i), with transference to
the A-declension in the byform cassida.
§ 69. Suftlxes ending in a Guttural (Nouns and Adjectives
of third Deolension). These also are infrequent in I.-Eur.
languages, and often have, as we have seen (§ 31), byforms
with added -o-, e. g. Gk. iXdirri^ (O. Ind. lopaSd-), Gk. fxcipa^
(O. Ind. maryakd-), Gk. vid^ (O. SI. novakii), Lat. s^ex (O.
Ind. sanakd-, cf. Goth, sineigs; perhaps with the Diminutive
suflSx -ko-, so that Lat. senex may be for ^s^nicis, ' oldish/
with that transference to the I-declension so frequent in Adjec-
tives ; cf. seni' from I. -Eur. *sSno-, O. Ind. sdna-, Gk. ivos, O. Ir.
sen, Lith. senas, &c.). Latin Adjectives in -dx express tendency
or character, e. g. bibdx, dicdXy r&pdx, pertUcdx (O. Lat. pervious) ;
of adjectives in -ix we have feilx from ^ela^ Gk. dr\kriy the
breast, perntx (properly of horses, &c. A. L, L. viii. 453) from
penia ; -trix is the f em. ending (O. Ind -tri, Gk. "Tfsyd) of Masc.
Nomina Agentis in -tor, e.g. gSnetrlx (O. Ind. jfinitrT, Gk.
y€V€T€ipa, § 51); 'OX appears in the derivatives from Adjectives,
ferox (from ferus)^ %olldx (from solhis), atrox (from ^atro- ; cf .
ddivm), and in ve/ox, cSlox^ which suggest connexion with odor.
We have O-stem Adjectives with -dciiSy e. g. merdcus, and -Jew*,
e.g. mendtcvSy (inucns (§ 31), and A-stem Nouns with -?ca, e.g.
(§ 68-71.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -ES-. 355
lectica, aild -«ca, e.g. lactuca (§ 3a). The Latin termination
-^0, in names of ailments, e. g. vertigOy depHigo^ impUigo^ cdXigo^
may be due to the addition of an N-sufiix to Adjectives in -m*,
^vertic^u-, ^calic-n^^ &c., and the somewhat similar -ugo of
ferrugo (of. robigo), aerugo, lanugo, and in names of plants, e. g.
mollugo {'igo), aspirugo may similarly represent -Hc-n-, the c
becoming g before n by the phonetic law of Latin (ch. iv. § 119).
§ 70. other examples. Lat. piil&c, -ids, a flea, but pidegium, fleabane ; Lat.
Idt&r, PI. IcUicea (but Gk. kdrayts ; cf. Gk. Sprvy- but O. Ind. yartaka-) ; Lat
veri&c from verto ; Lat. verviXy a wether ; Lat. miMx, -ids, a watersnake (O. Ir.
nathir, nathrach Gton.).
Words like aureax (a. auriga, Paul. Fest. 6. 37 Th.), auri/eon, &c. do not show
the Guttural a|iffiz, but are Compounds of agoj facto ($ 78).
The number of words ending with -x that indicate parts of the body is
noticeable, e. g. calXy fauXy ooxendiXj cervix (or rather cervices Plur., for the Sing,
was a poetical usage ; cf. Varro, L, L. viii. 14 and Quint, viii. 3. 35), mdtrix,
paiUeXy podeXy also bodily marks, e. g. variXy vibiXy fameXy &o. ; bird-names in -iac
are, e. g. comiXy cotumiXy spintumix. Adjectives in -dx from second Conj. Verbs
are audaxy tSnax (cf. r&inaculum), mordaxy &c. ; from lO-Verbs c&pax, efftcaXy
perspicax. With faUax cf. /aZ/a, O. Lat. tor faUdcia ; with dkax cf. dicd-re beside
dicSre ; with cdpaXy oc-ciipd're,
§ 71. Suffixes ending in -8 (Nouns and Adjectives of
third Declension). -ES-. The soffix -es-, varying with -os-,
-S-, &c. was used to form Neuter Abstract Nouns, with E-grade
of .root and accent on the root, e.g. I.-Eur. *g^nos Nom. Sg.,
*genes- in Oblique Cases, from the root gen- (O. Ind. jdnas,
Gk. yivos Nom., y€re((r)-os Gen.), Lat. g^ntis Nom., ge?iSr'is for
^genes-es Gen. These Neuter-stems became adjectives by trans-
ferring the accent to the suffix and substituting -es for -5s in ^
Nom. Sg. Masc, -Ss in Nom. Sg. Neut., e. g. Gk. ev-yerrjs
Masc, -res Neut. Beside them we find occasionally Masc. or
Fem. Nouns with -os in Nom. Sg., a formation which came into
great favour in Latin, e.g. lenor Masc. for ^fenos, beside ten us
Neut. (Gk. T€vos, 2t, string), from the root ten-, ' to stretch ' ; t^por
Masc. for ^fepos (cf. O. Ind. tdpas Neut. for "'^tepos), from the
root tep-, ' to be warm.' A case of these Neuters is used as the
Infinitive in various languages, e.g. Lat. vtvere Loc, O. Ind.
jivdse Dat., ' to live ' (see ch. viii. § 83).
§ 72. Neuter ES-stems in Iiatin. The original declension with -os Nom.,
-es- in Oblique Cases and Derivatives, is sometimes departed from, e. g. tempusy
A Si 2
356 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
-iSris (but cf. tempMj tempes-Hvus) ; SnuSj Snusttis (but cf. onerisy onerare) ; Veliua
Longus (p. 73. I K.) calls attention to the discreimncy between faenoris and
faeneratoremj fadnoris and facinerosus. We have the O-grade of the root, e. g. in
modes-tus ;by analogy of the O-stem mSdHs) from *wiodcs-*, from the root med-
(but Umbr. mers for ♦med(o)» Neut., the right, the due, is normal) yfoedus [also
JidvtSj i. e. *fei(Ios, to judge from Varro L, L. v. 86 per hos ^Fetiales) etiamnunc
fit foedus quod ' fidus' Ennius scribit dictum ; cf. Paul. Fest. 64. 3 Th. fidusta
a fide denominata, ea quae maximae fidei erant] from the root bheidh-, pondtis
by analogy of porido- (Abl. pondd) from pendo. Minerva was in earlier times
*Me7ies-ua (§ 7), a derivative of the Neut. stem ♦m^nes- (0. Ind, m^nas-, Gk.
/i4yos)f from the root men-. From other than E-roots we have, e. g. dpus
(O. Ind. ftpas and iipas, * work/ especially ^ a religious performance '). The
ending »nus is seen in Jadniis (cf. Gk. dd'Vos)y &c. Tho -r of rSbur (O. Lat.
robusy see Georges, Lex, Wort/, s. v.) may be due to the Masc. byform robor (cf.
O. Lat. robosem Ace, quoted by Paul. Fest. 11. ao Th.) ; cf. ccUor Neut (Plant.
Merc, 860). The weak grade of the suffix, -s-, is seen in the derivative
O-stem O. Lid. vats-d- for *wet80-, *a calf,' lit. *a yearling,' from *wetos,
* a year ' (Gk. firoi), kc. Other examples are V^ua (originally Neuter and
meaning 'glamour,* like O. Ind. vdnas-; cf. vSnSnum for *venes-nutny properly
'a philtre ') ; tergus ^Gk. aripifxn and rifxpos),
§ 73. Adjective SS-stems. Of the transference of a Neut. S-stem into an
Adjective a good example is Lat. v^tuSj which is nothing but I. -Eur. *vf6ios
(Gk. firosy a year) used in apposition as a predicate (cf. Horn. Gk. map, Lat.
ubeTy &c.). The ordinary way of making an Adjective from a Neuter S-stem
was by adding the suffix -to- (§ 27), e. g. vitustus, to which however, owing to
the cacophony of the two similar syllables, vetus was preferred in the Positive
and veterrimns in the Superlative, though vetustior was the Comparative in
vogue (cf. Varro, L, L. vi. 59 a vetere vetustius ac veterrimum), bnHa-tuSy
sc&iS'UiSy funestuSf jvs'tus. Perhaps another way was to add the suffix -o-, e. g.
O. Lat. sc&SruSy and perhaps fUnSrus (beside funereus) (see Fleck. Jahrb. iSgi ,
p. 676 ; both forms are doubtful) (cf. dScorus from dScoTy § 74}. The refer used
by Ennius {Ann, 16 M. cum ueter occubuit Priamus sub Marte Polasgo") and
Accius {Trag. 481 R.) may be of this formation, or of the third Decl. like
puber (beside pubBs Adj. ) and the Compounds dhfifnefy bicorpor, &c.
§ 74. Maao. (and Fern.) SS-stemB. The usual termination is -or Nom.,
•drts Gen. (older -os, '5sis)j e. g. dScor (beside decus ; with Adj. dec^aty O. Lat.
decdrem Accus. ; cf. indedjrem beside indecOrum) ; angor (0. Ind. ^has Neut. ; with
Adj. angustus) ; ?i<inor (with Adj. Jionestua) ; arbor F. (with Adj. *arbu8tttSf cf.
arbustuniy § 28) ; paedora is Vulg. Lat. for paedores (C, 0. L, iv. 270. 4 ' paedora '
aurium sordes). The -s remains in /Ids [like Flora F. beside flSs M. is aurora
beside I. -Eur. *aus6s (Gk. ^d^ F.)] ; while some have found -«s in the Fem.
nouns sidSSj beside I.-Eur. ♦«6d6s (O. Ind. s^das, Gk. ?5os), p/P6fs (Gk. irX^or),
and perhaps aedSs beside aedis (see Georges; Lex. Worif, s. v.) (O. Ind. Mhas,
Gk. cutfos) (but see § 51). Those Masc. Nouns in 'or arc widely used as Verbal
Abstracts, connected with Verbs in -to and Adjectives in -Idus^ e. g. poJQjor
(pallcOy pallidui), ttmor (ftmeo, timidus) (see § 67 ; and for a list of examples
' Plant. Cure, aoo immodestis tuis modereris moribus.
§8 78-77.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. -YES-. 357
A, L. L. viii. 313) . The Verb in -eo is not found with JIuoTj fluidus^ crmry crudus
(cf. O. Ind. kravii-, ' raw flesh/ Gk. Kpias) ; the Adj. in -idtis is not found
with favor {Jci>veo\ a coinage of Gicero*s time (Quint, viii. 3. 34).
§ 75. Other S-stema. Lat. cSr&rrum for ^cerearum points to an S-stem like
O. Ind. 6iras-, ^ the head/ Ok. leipas^ a horn ; Lat. iSnSbrae for *tene8rae (cf. O.Ind.
t^bnis-ra beside t&mas, ' darkness ' ; cf. Lat Umgre, lit. *■ in the dark ') ; Lat.
cinis M., sometimes F., resembles Gk. tc6vis F. in its termination ; Lat. /dr,
/arris Gen. for Vars, */ar8i3 has a derivative ySrlna for */ari3naf Fern, of an Adj.
*/arisnu8 (cf. Goth, bariz-eins, 'made of barley*).
§ 76. -YBS-. This suffix, used to form Comparatives (of. the
^ Comparative ' use of -yo-, § 4), appears in Latin as -ior Nom.
M., F., -wm Gen., -j«* Nom. N. (older -ids, -iosis^ -ids), e.g.
attdvioTy 9udvidris, sudviiis. The variations of the suffix are not
easy to determine amid the variety of forms in the various
languages (e. g. O. Ind. svad-iyas-, with Nom. svdd-iyan, Gk.
fjbiuiVf Ace. fibim for *^6to(ra, Goth, sutiza for *sut-izen-, Lith.
sald-es-nis, &c.), but it is certain that the weak grade -Is- was
prefixed to the suffix -t6- (-th6- ?) to form Superlatives in various
languages (O. Ind. svad-iStha-, Gk. ^dtoros, Goth, sutists),
though in Latin this formation was ousted by -issmus (cf.
however magis, magU-ter, &c.). These suffixes were originally
affixed to the root without the suffix of the Positive stem (so
Lat. oc'ior, O. Ind. aS-iyas-. Gk, iK-l(av from a Positive stem
*6ku-), but we have also in Latin, e.g. tenu-ior^ audvior for
^auadv-ior, asper-ior^ &c.
For other details of the formation of Comparatives and Super-
latives in Latin, see ch. vi. section 2.
§ 77. Suffixless Forms. Nouns formed directly from the
root, without any suffix except those of the cases^ are especially
frequent as the second element of a Compound, and take in this
position the function of a Nomen Agentis, e. g. Lat. au-spex,
^ seer of birds,^ from the root spek-, ' to see,* parti-cepSy * taking
a share.' They are also found independently, e. g. O. Ind. spdS-,
' a spy,* often with a high grade of vowel, e. g. Gk. o-kw^, an owl
(cf. ch. iii. § 51, p. 254), both from the same root spek- (step-).
The passage of such forms into the vowel declension is a very
near one, so that we find bystems with and without a suffix in
the same language^ e.g. Lat. auapex beside exli-ajncus (a late
358 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
form of exti-spex), or in different languages, e. g. O. Ind. nau-,
Gk. vavs beside Lat. fidv^i-s, O. Ind. lid-anc- beside Gk. TroS-air-o-s,
Lat. prdp-inqu-o-s. The Latin Inf. Pass., e. g. a^t, seems to be a
case of a suffixless Verbal Noun (ef. O. Ind. nir-ije, drse, Inf.
of dr§-, ' to look '), just as the Inf. Act., e. g. d^ere, seems to be
the Locative case of a Verbal Stem in -es- (see ch. viii. § 83).
§ 78. Suffixless stems at end of Compounds in Latin. From junffo,
coti-jux (cf. 0. Ind. s^-yuj-, Gk. <n;-(i;£) and con-junx (0. Ind. yunj- beside
yuj-) ; from /ado, art\fex^ cam\fex, (ifpiftXy &c. ; from capw, mancepSf auceps, forceps
for *formi'CepSf prfncepA, &c. ; from dicoy judex, vindex ; from skleo, diaes^ rises ;
from odwo, comicen, fuHcen ; from 6go, rfmex, aureax, &c. Beside these we have
often 0-stems, kc, e. g. jUri-dlctis beside jil-dex, prdd-igns beside rSm-ex, O. Lat.
hosti'capas (hostium captor, Paul. Fest. 73. 10 Th.', urbi-cdpe Voc. (Plant. MiL
1055) beside auceps, &c. The presence of suffixless stems in the second part of
Compounds in other I.-£ur. languages forbids us to regard the third I>ecl.
forms as due to Latin syncope of the 0-suffix in the Nom. Case, *avi-cap(o)8,
&c. (see ch. iii. § 16). But in some adjectives original 0-stems may have
become I-stems (cf. § 34), and the Nominative form may be due to syncope
or to the analogy of consonant-stems (just as pars Nom. for *parti-8, with
Oen. partis, is due to syncope or to the analogy of rfx Nom. with Gten. rSg-is,
&c.), e. g. praecox beside praecdquis and praecoqmis, cohors for *cohortis from hortus.
The Feminines add -a, e. g. exH-sptc-c^ fidi-dn-a,
§ 79. Ijatin Independent suffixless stems. Lat. rSx (0. Ind. riij-, O. Jr. r!g
Gen.) from the root reg-, of rSgo ; tec from ligo ; pSs Nom., pM-is (Sk?n. (cf. O. Ind.
pad-, p4d-am Ace., Dor. Gk. vovs Nom., vo^s Gen., &c.) ; ^r for *Jor (ch. iv. § 16)
(Gk. tpwp) from the root bher- ; 1^ (O. Ind. r^) ; hietns (Zend zyl, Gk. x'**'*') i
fls, the mouth (O. Ind. is-) ; mils (O. Ind. mus-, Gk. fivs, O. H. G. mus) ; die-is
Gen., in the phrase dicis causa, for form's sake (O. Ind. diS-, * direction') from
the root deilE-, of dico ; ntt (Gk. vl<l>-a Ace.) ; sal (Gk. A\s) ; sus, subus Dat. PI.
(Gk. Is, 0. H. G. su) ; rfilx from dUco ; prSc-es Plur. from root prei-, * to ask ' ;
vox (0. Ind. vie- F.) beside roco. (On the long vowel, see ch. iv. § 51, p. 254.)
§ 80. II. COMPOSITION. Compounds are seldom resolv-
able into two intact words like 6k. AtoV-xovpot, ipriC'<f)aT0S9 slain
in battle, Lat. shidtu^-ccmsulium, paires^famWdrumy juri9-jurandi ,
ren-puhUca, O. Engl. Tiwes-dseg, 'Tuesday.^ Sometimes, as in
reduplicated words, one element is reduced almost beyond
recognition, either the second element (in * broken ' or curtailed
Reduplication), e. g. Lat. haUh^un (cf . O. Ind. bal-bala-karomi),
gvrr-g-es, a whirlpool (cf. O. Ind. gar-gara-), or more usually
the first, e.g. ci-cinde-la^ a glow-worm, while Lat. gnr-ffiH-io,
the throat, quer-quSr-v^, mur-niur, &a give equal prominence to both
elements. But generally the full stem without the case d\iffixes
§§78-80.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. COMPOUNDS. 359
is used in the first part of the Compound, e. g. paM-Ma (con-
trasted with patres-^amiliarum)^ JM'fltctts (contrasted with^wm-
Jurandi), The treatment of these stems which begin the Com-
pound is the special subject of this section.
Owing to the weakening of imaccented vowels in Latin,
every vowel in the final syllable of such a stem was liable to
change under the early accentuation of the first syllable of each
word (ch. iii. § 5). It is therefore often necessary to call in the
aid of other I.-Eur. languages before one can determine the
original vowel in a Latin Compound, e. g. dli-ger from dla may
be shown to have been originally ^ald-ger by Greek vAo-rofxoy,
&c. from v\i] (§ 8a), though, so far as the Latin form goes, it
might equally well have been ^ala^ger, ^alS-ger, &c., while in
forceps for ^fomii-ceps the vowel has been suppressed altogether
by Syncope (ch. iii. § 13), in arcubii for arci-cubii by Dissimi-
lation {ib. p. 176). 0 is the I.-Eur. ' Composition- Vowel * par
excellence. Not only does it appear in 0-stems, but it is often
added to Consonant-stems, and sometimes takes the place of the
-a of A- stems. In Latin post-tonic 6 (like S. and other short
vowels) became, as was shown in ch. iii. § 18, fi before labials
(later 1), and I before other single consonants (except r), so that
I is the * Composition-Vowel ' of Latin as 5 of I.-Eur. (cf . Uno^
wammia Plant., Oinu-mama on a Praenestine inscription, unt'
mamma ^ an Amazon).
The second part of a Compound is often scarcely to be dis-
tinguished from a sufiix. Thus the second part of imbri-dus (cf.
O. Ind. jala-da-, lit. ' moisture-giving,' § 67) is often called the
' suflfix ^ do- ; and the form taken by the final vowel of the stem
before a suflix is often determined by the same laws as before
the second element of a Compound {QLfdbd-ginusvfiihfabd'Cens^
fabd'tus, fabd-rius^ fabd-lis ; imbn-dus with imbrt-cus). For
these laws with suffixes, laws often disturbed by the influence of
analogy, e. g. mil is (from anu-) for *anulis by analogy of senilis
(from se?ii'), see the preceding section.
Composition does not play so great a part in Latin as in
Greek (cf. Liv. xxvii. 11. 4 quos 'androgynes' vulgus, ut
pleraque, faciliore ad duplicanda verba Graeco sermone, appellat).
The early dramatists and other imitators of Greek poetry incurred
360 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
the censure of Quintilian for their attempts to reproduce Greek
compounds like KvpTavxrjv in Latin (Quint, i. 5. 70 sed res tota
magis Graecos decet, nobis minus succedit: nee id fieri natura
puto, sed alienis favemus, ideoque cum Kvpravxeva mirati simus,
' incurvicervicum ' vix a risu defendimus, alluding to Pacuvius'
line:
N^rei repdndirostrum inciiniiceniicum pecus) ;
and Virgil uses a periphrasis like (Avema) so7ia7Uia silvis (A. iii.
442) where an earlier poet might have employed a compound like
filvudfius (cf. silvifr&gud^ used by Lucretius, who however com-
plains that the 'patrii sermonis egestas' prevented him from
reproducing the Greek compound o/xoio/uic'peia, i. 832). The
compound Proper Names of other I.-Eur. languages are, as we
have seen (§ 4), replaced in Latin (and Umbro-Oscan) by
Adjective lO-stems, such as Lucius [on the compound Opiter,
see ch. iii. § 16 (9)]. The Latin language does not therefore give
the same occasion as the Greek for a study of the I.-Eur. types
of Compounds, or the various irregularities which disturbed the
normal course of Composition; and a brief account of these
types and irregularities will suffice.
I.-Eur. Compounds, Nouns and Adjectives, are sometimes
classified according to the scheme of the Sanscrit grammarians
[Dvandva or Collectives, Bahuvrihi or Possessives, Tatpurusha
or Determinatives (including Karmadharaya formed of Adj. and
Noun, and Dvigu foimed of Numeral and Noun), Avyayibhava
or Adverbial Compounds], sometimes by the more rational
criterion of the change or retention of the meaning of the
second element (thus the Possessive lofifft-?ndnus, * possessing long
hands,' * long-handed,' changes its second element from a Noun
to an Adjective, while the Determinative pereiml-serviis, ' a con-
stant slave,' retains the Noun-meaning of servns)^ these two
main classes being subdivided according to the nature of the
first element [a Noun or Adj. stem as in loiigi-manMSy a Particle
as in ifi'Cerlvs, ve-^dnus, a Preposition as in con-^enm*^ a Noun or
Adj. Case as in vin-dea:, legislator ^jurisdictio {contrsist jM-dtcus),
the last being, as we have seen, rather Word-groups than Com-
pounds; ai. parce^pranms Plant., bem-vdhiSy paeii-insula (contrast
§ sa.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. COMPOUNDS. 36 1
levi'densis^ solli'Citu9)'\^ &c. Of Possessive Compounds (Sanser.
Bahuvrihi) examples are augril-pes^ ^ possessing a foot which is
a snake/ ' snake-footed * ^ ; pudarl-cdlor, ' possessing the colour of
shame/ ' shame-coloured/ ticc-bcuhiSy * possessing dry eyes/ ' dry-
eyed/ Of Determinatives with first element consisting of (i)
a governed Noun (Sanser. Tatpurusha) : vttX-sdtar, * planter of
the vine/ artt-fex^ dgm^lex; (a) Adjective qualifying a Noun
(Sanser. Karmadh&raya) : O. Lat. albd-ffdlervs, the white cap of
the Plamen Dialis, sudvl^sdvidtio Plant., vivS-rddix Cato, ld(i-
cldvus (the Adj. contrary to rule follows the Noun in Pliny's
equifer, a wild horse; cf. ovlfer^ a wild sheep) ; (3) Numeral, ^n-
nuvimii9, (For other examples of Numeral Compounds, see ch.
vi. sect, iii.) Coordinate Compounds (Sanser. Dvandva, e. g. agni-
dhumau, 'fire and smoke') are not found in Latin, except in
Derivatives, e. g. su'dvt^taurilia (but not ^su-ovi-taurus), a sacri-
fice of a swine, a sheep, and a bull, slrU'Jer{cyarii, those who
offered ' struem et fertum/ Scaliger's rule that a Noun is
never compounded with a Verb was a law of I.-Eur. Noun-
compounds, and is not broken in good Latin, though Tertullian
coins vinci-pes by false analogy of iiudi-pes, whose first element
he conceives as a verb, * qui pedes nudat ' (de Pall. 5 quem enim
non expediat in algore et ardore rigere nudipedem quam in
calceo vincipedem ?), and Verti^cordia was a name under which
Venus was worshipped. As we have seen in the chapter on the
Latin Accent (ch. iii.), the line is often hard to draw between
a Word-group (united under a single accent) and a Compound,
e.g. affafim (from ad faCim), denvo (from de fiovo), Juppiter(hom
^Ju'jjafer, Voc, ch. vi. § 32). Prom the group per nocteni has been
formed the Compound Adj. pernox, much as Meri-die [a single
word like O. Lat. diequhite or diequinti^ ch. iii. § 12" (9)], which is
only found in this form in the earlier writers, gave rise to the
Compound Noun meridies; from Sacra Via we have the deriva-
tive Sacravienses^ from quarta decima (sc. legio) the derivative
quartadecimdni (cf our 'get-at-able,^ &c. formed from the
^ These Possessives were originally retained in the Fern, of Compounds
used in Apposition, e. g. angui-pes, like /$odo-&!birrvAos ('Ha;s), 'Rose-
*• Snake-foot.' Hence in Greek -os is finger.
362 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V.
phrase ' to ^et at '). Holusatrum differs from a word-group by
the fact that the first element remains imdeclined in holu^alri
Gen., &e. (§ 85) ; vin-dex, by the fact that -dex {-dix) is not used
as a separate word, though the first element shows the Noun in
its proper Case (for a similar explanation of laudan-dus^ &c.^
see ch. viii. § 95). Similarly the Case instead of the Stem
appears in the first element of cefUum-pSda (cf. Gk. ^KarfJfjt-Tredos),
beside cenU-peda (but see eh. vi. § 76), while the reverse is seen
in the forms mulft-mddis (for multis modis)^ omni-modis (for
omnibus modis)^ which are used by Plautus. Plautus is especially
fond of whimsical compounds coined on the Greek type, and
often half -Greek, half -Latin, e.g. Pers, 702-5 :
Uauiloquidonis Uirginesuend6nides
Nugiepiloquides ArgentumextenebnSnides
Tedigniloquides Numtnosexpalpdnides
Quodsemelarripides Numquameripides : ^m tibi.
Cdraedium may stand for cav(um) aedium^ domnaedium Accus. for
ddmin{um) aedium, as cirAmadverto for anim{um) adverto (ch. iii.
§ 5a) (dnlmaequilas has similarly been referred to anm{i) aequitas);
Luer. uses ordia pritna for primordia ; and summopere, magridpere^
&c. represent summo opere^ magno opere^ and the like. Greek
compounds like ipiar6-\€ip (with a Superlative as first element),
avTO'X^Lp (with a Pronoun) are alien to the spirit of the Latin
language.
These Noun and Adjective Compounds sometimes retain the
stem of their second element unchanged, e. g. siccSculns, some-
times add a sufiix (on dpificns^ &c. beside ^ptfex^ &c., see § 77).
Compound 0-stem Adjectives, as we have seen (§ 34), tended to
become I-stems, e.g. O. Lat. mermm^ class, inermis; and Com-
pound Nouns (and Adjectives) affected the I0-sufl5x, e. g. Idti-
cldvinm beside Idt^icldvus (so the Vulgar Compound fonned from
the Word-group terrae mblm assumed the form terrinfotium^
Prob. App. 198. 32 K.). Often the selection of a suffix for a
Compound is determined by the usage in Derivatives from the
simple word, e.g. iranamdrlnus from trans mure^ like marium
from 7fiare, duhhig^iosm from dubius and vigeuiuMy like ingeniosns
from ingenium, sifnpludidrius (cf. ludiarius).
Compound Verbs have normally as their first element a Prepo-
§§ 81, 82.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. COMPOUNDS. 363
sition (see ch. ix.). Whether the Negative Particle in might be
used, e.g. ig-nosco^ 'not to notice/ to overlooV or pardon, is
doubtful (see ch. x. § 18 ; cf. ne-scio, ne-queo, &c.). But Com-
pounds like aedificare from aedes ^xA facto are really Derivatives
from Compound Adjectives or Nouns, aedificus or aedifex] so
that Scaliger's law (see above) is not violated (cf. 6k. o^Ko^ofji^a),
&c. from oUobofios); so ndmgare from ^navigus^ dpttHlari from
*opitulu9 (like philosophari from philosophtul), (On these Deriv.
Verbs, see ch. viii. §§ 21, 33.) Benifacio, mal^/acio, &c. are
really word-groups, and so are c&lefacio, arefacio, &c. (ci.facU are
Lucr.). Credo comes from an I,-Eur, word-group (O. Ind. sr6d
dadhami, ' I set the heart to,' see ch. viii. § 27}. Compound
Adverbs like der^penU^ desvMtd are discussed in ch. ix., and also
Compound Prepositions like Vulg. Lat. abante (Fr. avant). (For
a fuller treatment of Latin Compounds than can be permitted
within the limits of this book, see Skutsch, Norn. Lat. Comp.).
§ 81. Beduplicated Nouns and Adjectives in Iiatin. Lat. gur-g-es,
whirlpool, gur-gul-io, throat (O. Ind. gdr-gar-a-, * whirlpool,' Gk. yap'yap'tdiv,
uvula, yip-ytp-^s, throat, O. H. G. quer-chal-a and quer-ch-a, Germ. Gurgel) ;
bal'lhus (0. Ind. bal-hal-ft-karOmi, *I stammer/ Gk. ^p'^p'O-i) ; ?u«r-^t«^-M-«,
cold, shivering (frigidus cum tremore, Paul. Fest. 343. sTh., who quotes from
Lucilius febris ^erquera, the ague) (cf. Horn. Gk. Kapicaipoj)^ has reduplicated
form like other words for trembling, shivering, such as Germ, zittere from
*ti-tr6-mi ; cancer (cf. ,0. Ind. kar-kat-a-, Gk. Hop-Kiv-O's) ; mur-mur (0. Ind.
mar-mar-a-, Gk. fiop-fi^p-oj^ Lith. mur-m-iu) ; /a-to, like mammae children's
words mentioned in Martial's witty epigram (i. 100) :
' mammas ' atque ^ tatas ' habet Afra ; sed ipsa tatarum
dici et mammarum maxima mamma potest,
and found on children's epitaphs, e.g. CI.L. vi. 25808 destituisti, Vitilla
mca, miseram mammam tuam (cf. ch. ii. p. 118 n), ij^ii-squU-iae^ shreds of
leather, &c. (Gk. KO'aKvX-p&Tia) (Caec. Cow. 251 R. quisquilias uolantis, uenti
spolia) ; fiber (the I.-Eur. name was *bhe-bhr-u-, O. Ind. ba-bhr-u-, * brown,'
0. H. G. bi-bar, * a beaver,' Lith. bS-br-u-s, 0. SI. be-br-u). Reduplication is
common in onomatopoetic words, e. g. cu-cidua (cf. Gr. kokkv^^ Lith. ku-kii-ti,
* to cry cuckoo,' &c.), iip-up-a (cf. Gk. tit-oiff), tU-iU-a (cf. 0. Ind. ul-ul-i-, Gk. 6k-
o\-vyfj)j tur-tur. The Latin tendency is to assimilate tlie first to the subsequent
syllable, e. g. cin-dti-nus (Gk. kI-kiv-vos) (cf. mo-nwrd-i for earlier m^-»word-i, Ac.
see ch. iv. § 163). Often a reduplicated Noun is a derivative from a redupli-
cated Verb-form, e. g. ci-cindi-la from *ci'Cinde-Oy a reduplicated form of candeo,
like Gk. di-dax-ifi from ^-^danajj Kf-Kpdy-pos from xi-tcpdy-a, ^Ou these redupli-
cated Verb-forms, see ch. viii. § 9.)
§ 82. A-stems show sometimes a, but usually 6 in I.-Eur. compounds.
364 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. V.
(e. g. Gk. viKTi-<p6pos and "StigS-ijaxos, O. Ind. urvarft-jit- and ukh&-chid-, Lith.
8zik8zn6-8parnis and gatva-raisztis, Gaul. Teut5-b5diaci, Goth. air)7&-kund8),
so that Lat. i of tubi-cen, ali^gery &c. must have been originally 0. The long a
is probably seen in Jaibd-ginusy Sled-ginuSj as before suffixes like R^md-nuSj did'
ris. Stems in -ift seem to show a similar divergence of forms, AM-cen with
i for id ; § 4), and before a suffix vid-Hcus.
§ 83. O-stems appear with -6 in Gk. linr6-9afioSf Gaul. D^vo-gn&ta, Epo-
r^ia, Teut. Austro-valdus, ftc, so that Lat. i of beUi-gery moffni-ficus, earlier H
before a labial, e. g. magnu-ftcus, is probably a weakening in the unaccented
syllable of original 5. O. Lat spellings (mostly before a labial), like Uno'
mammia (Plant. Cure. 445 ; cf. Oinu-niama, an Amazon, on an old Praonestine
cista, C. /. L. i. 1501), sexerUo-pfdffua (Plant. Capt. 726), alho-gdiSms (PauL Fest. 8.
6 Th.)y xlh^no-harhua may thus bo genuine relics of the oldest spelling, though
late compounds like mdl(hgrdn&twn must be imitations of the Greek. Before
a vowel this -6 is elided in Latin (as in Greek, &c., e. g. Iirv-a'>iwy6s)y e. g.
mtiffn-dnimusy aeqii-dnimitas, forms like mvUi-angHlus being late. Lat. -lO-stems
show -i6- for -ii- by Dissimilation (ch. iv. % 13) before a suffix in aocie-tciSy anxie-
tasj &c., but -I- in LucUius, &c. (cf. AosA-Zts from the I-stem hosU-), Like sescerUo-
pldgttSj &c. is O. Lat. sdcio-fraudua or aociu-fraudus in Plant. Pseud, 36a. (The
Palatine MSS. have 0, the Ambrosian Palimpsest u.) Latin ro-stems show
-^r- by rule [ch. iii. § 15. (8)], e. g. sacer-dos, but sometimes -ri-f e. g. sacri-fsx,
after the law by which -rf- became -Sr- had been forgotten.
§ 84. I-stems had i in I. -Eur. compounds (e.g. O. Ind. tri-pid-, Gk.
rpiirovsy Gaul, tri-garanusj 0. Engl. )^ri-f^te, Lith. tri-k6jis, O. SI. tri-z^bu),
and so Lat. tri-ennium, tri-ggmlntiaf though by rule -ri- [at least unaccented -ri-y
ch. iii. § 15. (8)], became •^- in Latin, e. g. ter-geminus, and before a labial i was
by the older spelling properly U, e. g. dcrufilios Cato {R, R. xxxi. i), as before r
it was Sj e. g. legSr&pa Plant. Before a vowel this i (now become y) might be
dropped, e. g. fun-anibulua (coined by Messalla to express Gk. (rxoiyo06.TijSf
Porph. ad Hor. S. i. 10. 28), from */uny'anibulu8j sSm-ermis for *semyennis.
§ 85. XT stems had originally u (e. g. O. Ind. sv&du-r&ti-, Gk. i)8v-(/')eir^,
Gaul. Catu-riges ; 0. H. G. Hadu-mar, Lith. virszu-kalnis), so that the older
spelling mdnu-festus preserves the earliest form (class. m&riX-festus), From
diphthongal U-stems we have nau-frdgus (see ch. iv. § 46), hH-caeda beside hM-
cidium, l»i-8tar and bo-star, an ox-stall (ch. iv. § 42), ju-glans (Gk. Aids fidhxtyot)
(Macr. iii. 18. 3). DieA-pitris (C. L. L. xi. 3259), Dm-pUri Arnob. ii. 70 (cf.
Dies-pitrem, Macrob. i. 15. 14 ^ ut diei patrem ') may be a case of the declension
only of the second part of a word-group, like hcliis-aJtri for hderia atri (§ 80), or
pronouns like aUer-uUry alier-utrius Gen. (ch. vii. § 29). On Juppiter, see ch. vi.
§33.
§ 86. N-stems show, as we have seen ($ 54), their close connexion with
O-stems. by substituting -6 for -n whether in the first half of a compound,
e. g. Gk. dKfi6-$«Toyf stithy, from &MfuaVf Lat ?i6mi-cidaf from homo (cf. Gk>th.
guma-kunds, ^ of male sex'), or in the second, e. g. Gk. SfuufAos beside 6fuu/iojv.
Wo find also n in Gk. dvofufc-zcXi/ros, so that the en of Lat. nomen-ddtoVj &c. was
originally n ; also the * Composition vowel ' -5- added to the stem, e. g. Gk.
tppiW'O-fiKa^ij Lat. imagin-i'/er.
$$ 83-90.] NOUN AND ADJECTIVE STEMS. COMPOUNDS. 365
$ 87. B-stems, like N-stems, take the weak grade of the stem suffix before
a consonant, r (e. g. 0. Ind. pitr-ihrAvana-, Gk. rtrpd-yvos, Goth. brOj>ru-lubO),
before a vowel, r (e. g. O. Ind. pitr-artham, Gk. varp-cavvfuos). and often add
the ^Composition vowel* 6 (e.g. Gk. irar/w-^voy). Since Latin -dr- (for
I. -Eur. r), -ri- (for I.-Eur. -r6-) would generally become in the unaccented
syllable -^-, it is not easy to decide on the origin of -ir- in each case. For
patri-cida, patri- cusj &c. we should expect *patercicia, *pa(ercus ; cf. acertaa on the
Aes Italicense. (C. /. L. ii. 6378, 1. 36, of 176 -180 a.d.)
§ 88. Dental and Guttural Sterna. The frequent interchange of conso-
nantal with I-stems in Latin ($ 34), suggests that the -i- of derU-i'/rangtbiilus^
pfd-i-s^uSf ftg-i-fugium, may have been original I. It may also have been the
6t which is often used as 'Composition vowel/ with these stems, in other
languages [e. g. Gk. SpaKoyr-6-fia\koSf vKp-d-^oXos, Gaul. Carant-o-magus,
Cinget-o-rix (lit. * king of warriors * ; cf. 0. Ir. cing, * a warrior,' from cingim,
*I march')]. Before r we should have ?, e. g. UgMLpa (Plant), and before
a labial u (d) in the older spelling (see ch. iiL § 18).
§ 89. S-8tems. The S-stems, like other consonant-stems in Latin, often
show f, e. g. mwr-i-cidusj jur-i-dicua, whether the i of I-stems or the * Compo-
sition vowel ' 6 it is not easy t« decide. But we find also the normal stem,
e. g. mi'is-dpiila (cf. Gk. /ivfr-ipSifos). The ES-stems took -68- in I.-Eur. com-
pounds [e. g. Gk. (rcucta-<p6pos (the poetical form), Goth, sigis-laun], and so
before suffixes in Latin tempea-tivus, htynea-his^ &c., though -t2«-, by Analogy of the
Nom. Sing., is found in onua-tuSf &c. In Latin compounds the stem suffix is
either displaced by i [the 6 of Gk. ivo-noios (the prose form), dkriBo-fuurrtSj &c.
0. SI. Cudo-tofiinu], e. g. foedi-frdgus, or augmented by it, e. g. fotdHtr-l-fragua^
him^r-i-ficus 'cf. 0. SI. C-udes-o-to^^inu, Goth. aiz-a-smi]>a).
§ 90. Stem>sufflxes and Composition in Romance. The Latin suffixes
have for the most part remained productive in Komance (e. g. Ital. cannonata
with the TO-suffix), though their meaning has sometimes undergone a change.
Thus -ino-f which has ousted -e(y)o-, the suffix denoting material (§ 4), e. g.
Fr. ferrin, ivoirin, has acquired in Italian and Portuguese a Diminutive
sense, e. g. Ital. tavolino, Poi't. filhinho ; -acec- has taken the sense of large
size or inferior quality, e.g. Ital. corpaccio, acquaccia. And new suffixes have
been gained from other languages, such as -iasa (from the Greek), a fem. suffix
used especially in titles, e.g. Ital. duchessa, Fr. duchesse ; -itto- with Diminu-
tive sense, v. g. Ital. biglietto, Fr. amourette ; -ia (from the Greek), denoting
Abstracts, e. g. Ital. villania, Span, villania, cortesia, and so on. (For a full
account of the Romance suffixes, see Meyer- Lttbke, Rom. Gram. ii. pp. 448 sqq.)
Of Composition these varieties are noteworthy : Word-groups like Fr. pour-
boire ; Bahuvrihi Compounds like Fr. rouge-gorge ; Dvandva Compounds
like Ital. acqui-vento, * wind and rain ' ; Verb with Noun (violating Scaliger's
rule , e. g. Fr. garde-robe, Ital. guarda-boschi, becca-fico, lit. * peck-fig,* with
the Verb apparently in the a Sg. Imperat. [see Meyer-Liibke, ib, pp. 577 sqq.).
CHAPTER VI.
DECLENSION OF NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.
COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. NUMERALS.
§ 1. I. DECLENSION OF NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.
The I.-Eur. Nouii had three Genders, Mase., Fern., and Neut.,
three Numbers, Sing., Dual, and Plur., and at least eight Cases^
Nom., Gen., Dat., Ace., Voc. (if the Voc. may be called a Case),
Abl., Instrumental, and Locative (the Dat., Abl., Instr., Loc. are
not always easy to discriminate in the Plural). The three
Genders are retained in Latin, but of the Numbers the Dual has
disappeared, though traces of it remain in the Numeral forms dvo
(§ 59)^ ^^^^ (1^^- ^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ' ^)j ^^d ^^ ^^^ Pronoun form
ambo (ch. vii. § 29) ^. (On vi-ginti^ see § 74.) Of the Cases the
Voc. hardly survives except in 0-stems (§31), and the Instr. has
left only doubtful traces of itself in some Adverb forms (§ 36) ;
the Locative became by the operation of the phonetic laws of the
language indistinguishable in A-stems from the Gen. Sg.^ while
in O-stems it seems to have ousted the Genitive (§ 17), and in
Cons. -stems the Ablative (§ 33).
The I.-Eur. Cases were indicated sometimes by the addition of
suflBxes, e. g. -s for Nom. Sg. Masc, -m for Ace. Sg., sometimes
by modification of the stem, e. g. *pater Nom. Sg. of stem *p^ter-,
*a father,'sometimes by both, e.g. *patr-5s, *pfltr-6m Gen. Sg.,
PI. of the same stem. This modification (called by the Germans
' With tlio gradual loss of these a suffix still retained in ^ oxen,' &c.
peculiar suffixes (in Plautus amhos The Dual is rapidly disappearing
has begun to oust amh6 Ace, and in at the present time in the Prus-
Late Latin amhis ousts ambobxia) wo sian dialect of Lithuanian, though
may comjmre our plural ^shocs/ with in the other dialects it is better pre-
diHUse of the older suffix of *8hoon,* sensed.
$ 1.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. 367
* Abstuf ung ') of the stem is due to the different accentuation of
the different cases ; and the I.-Eur. cases have been divided into
(i) 'Strong' Cases, viz. the Nom., Voc. M. and F. of all
Numbers^ and the Ace. M. and F. of the Sing, and Dual^ along
with the Loc. Sing.; (a) * Weak' Cases, where the accentuation
of the suffix weakened the stem, e.g. *patr-6s (Gk. 7rarp-os).
This alternation of unweakened and weakened stem is a feature
of the Sanscrit declension^ but has been effaced in most other
languages by the natural tendency to make one Case like another
in everything but the suffix (cf. Horn. Gk. varipos on the
analogy of Trarepa), Lat. patr-eni on the analogy of pafr-is), and
often the only trace left of it is the existence of varieties of the
same stem ; e. g. the varieties pdlen- (Lat. pblen-td) and poll- for
^polfi^ (Lat. poll^en) may be due to a former declension with the
stem polen- in the strong, and the stem poln- in the weak cases.
[The variations hom^n-^ e. g. Mniinis^ ietndn-^ e. g. O. Lat. hSmoneni
(Paul. Fest. 71. 18 Th.), and homd(n)- have been similarly ex-
plained.] The appropriation of different stems to different cases
leads to what is called Heteroclite declension ; thus USr- is the
stem appropriated to the Nom. Sing., Utner- the stem appropri-
ated to the other cases in Latin [so senec- (ch. v. § 69) Nom. Sg.,
but 8?n(i)' in the other cases, supelleg^^ for super-leg-^ a suffixless
stem (ch. v. § 77) in the Nom. Sg., mpellecUli' for super-lectili' (an
Adjectival Ll-stem, ch. v. § 40) in the oblique cases]. Jjait.f^mar
'NoTn.,fem^nu Gen., &c. retain a very ancient type of heteroclite
declension of Neuter Nouns, in which the consonant R was the
mark of the Nom., Ace, the consonant N of the Gen., Dat., &c. (see
ch. V. § 56). In discussing the declension of the Latin Noun it will
be better to put aside the conventional division made by the native
grammarians, and to class nouns rather according to the final letter
of their stems as A-stems, 0-stems, &c. The heterogeneous com-
position of the fifth declension {res stem rei-, fides stem jid-e-^
tristtties stem Irisfitid- (?)) has been already pointed out (ch. v.
§ 51) ; also the close connexion of Consonant and I-stems (ch. v.
§ 34 ; cf . below, § 46, on dvttdfinm, fereidiiim^ anddcmm, &c.), and
the absorption of the U- into the 0-declension (ch. v. § 49).
0-stems had, as we saw (ch. v. § 34), a tendency, when used
as Adjectives, to become I-stems, e. g. hiermiSy O. Lat. inei-mMs,
368 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VL
from the stem anno- ; and in Vulg. Lat. we find a similar confu-
sion of I-stem Adjs. with O-stems, e. g. tristis non * tristus,' Prob.
App. 1 98. 3 K. (of. trista N., Rossi, i. 842, of 47 a A. d., Ital. tristo).
In the Romance languages the Latin Declensions have been
* levelled ' to a much greater extent than the Latin Conjugations,
owing to the fact that the distinction of the Cases came to be
expressed rather by Prepositions than by Case-suffixes. The
sign of the Genitive was the Preposition de, of the Dative ad^
and so on ; and these Prepositions ceased to retain their classical
construction [as early as the first cent. a. d. we have on a Pom-
peian graffito {C, I, L. iv. 275) Satuminus cum discentes]. Thus
the Cases have been reduced in most languages to one, though
O. Fr. and O. Prov. retain the distinction of the Nom. and Ace.
(e. g. O. Pr. chars Nom., char Ace. of Lat. cgTu% ; suer Nom.,
serour Ace. of Lat. 96ror\ and in Roumanian we see the Dat.
Fem. in roase Dat. (Lat. ri&sae) beside roa^ Nom, (Lat. r^«rt), &c.
More important was the distinction of Singular and Plural ; and
so the two Numbers are always distinguished, except (in pronun-
ciation) in French, though a Latin Plural has often become
a Romance Singular, e. g. ligna^ Ital. legna, hihlia^ Ital. bibbia.
The fourth Declension has been merged in the second, a process
which shows itself very strongly even in the conversational Latin
of Plautus (eh. v. § 49), the fifth in the third or first ; and forms
like Span, polvo (Vulg. Lat. *pulvus for pulvis), Ital. serpe (Vulg.
Lat. serpi' for serpens) illustrate how the ' levelling ' influence of
Analogy gradually removed the distinctions of declension. (For
particulars of the Romance declension, see Meyer-Lubke, Gram.
Rom, SpracA. ii. pp. 1 sqq.).
As regards Gender, the laws according to which one Noun was
Masculine, another Feminine, and a third Neuter in I.-Eur. have
not yet been determined. The Neuter Gender seems to have
been restricted to things without life. Thus while names of
trees were masc. (in O. Ind., e. g. bhurjas, * a birch ') or fem. (in
Greek and Latin, e. g. <t>r)y6syfdgnSy * a beech '), names of fruits
were Neuter (e. g. O. Ind. amr&m, * mango-fruit,' beside amrfe,
' mango-tree,' Lat. malum beside mains) (see Delbriick in Brug-
mauu*s Grmidriss^ iii. ch. i.); the difference between the gender of
names of rivers in O. Ind. (fem.) and in Gk. and Lat. (masc.)
$ 1.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. GENDER. 369
may be due to the different gender of the word for * river ' in
these languages (O. Ind. nadi F., Gk. 7rora/xo9 M.), just as the
names of the months, winds, &c. in Latin are really Adjectives
agreeing with menm^ ventus (e. g. Jdnudriiis, Februdrius^ Martius ;
duster y CauTvs^ lUvonius), But the proneness of nouns to take
a new gender by analogy of a noun which had a similar termin-
ation, or a kindred meaning, or with which they were often
joined in speech^, makes it impossible to trace the original
gender of each and every noun. The feminine gender seems to
have been associated with Abstract Nouns, e.g. Lat. ojjtio,
' choice.' But if an Abstract Noun came to be used as a Con-
crete, it might change its gender ; and so optio in the sense of
^ a centurion's assistant ' was masculine. Similarly agrtc^la^ lit.
' field-tillage,* became masc. in the sense of ' a field-tiller ' ; and
this is probably the reason why A-stems, which were associated
with the feminine gender in I.-Eur., are often masc. in the
various I.-Eur. languages (ch. v. § 2). O-stems were similarly
associated with the masculine (with Nom. Sg. in -5s) and the
neuter gender (Nom., Ace. Sg. in -6m) ; but we have feminine
O-stems in the various languages, e. g. Gk. 6h6sy Ki\€v$os, \iOos,
\lnj(f}os, and names of trees like <l>rjy6s, &c. In Latin (as we have
seen, ch. iv. § 49) we seem to detect a tendency of these feminine
O-stems to pass into the fourth declension. Thus fdff us is treated
like a U-stem (fourth Declension) in the Culex^ 1. 139: umbrosae-
que patent fagus (cf. Varro ap. Charis. p. 130. 5 K.); and the ^
declension of ddmus (an O-stem in the earlier literature, ch. v.
§ 49 ; cf. Gk. 6o'/uios-), cdlus (Gk.TrrfXos), nurus (Gk. wos for *iw<r6s)
has been so explained.
The c*onfusion of masculine and neuter O-stems may be illus-
trated by the words collmn, which in Plautus is coll us (I.-Eur.
^Iso-, Germ. Hals M.), and utems, which in Plautus is utermu
(cf. O. Ind. udfiram). (Other exx. in Neue, i^ p. 529.) (On
Wcns^ loca Plur., &c., see § 45.) In Late and Vulgar Latin the
masculine seems to oust the neuter in these stems, as we see from
* Thus the fern, gender of dits * O. Slav, domu is a U-stem, but
has been ascribed to tlie analogy of in Slavonic the 0-and U-declensions
nox, have been mixed up, as in Latin.
Bb
370 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VL
the precepts of the grammarians [e. g. Caper (first cent.) censu-
res pratus 105. 6 K., soliiis 94. 19 K., and expresses himself
forcibly about cereher 103. 6 K. : hoc cerebrum est nam * cereber '
qui dicunt sine cerebro vivunt], and from the ' sermo plebeius '
of Petronius (e. g.fatus^ 4a, p. a8. 13 B.). On plebeian epitaphs
we find colUgins (e. g. C, I. L. xi. 4579. 4749), monimentus (e. g.
ib, vi. 1 93 1 9), and especially /a^«/* in the stock-epitaph of the
lower classes (like our ' Afiliction sore long time he bore ') :
noli dolere mater eventum meum.
properavit aetas : hoc voluit fatus mihi.
(On the disuse of the Neuter in later Latin, see Appel, Be genere
neutro iniereunte in lingua Zalifia, Erlangen, 1883).
In the Romance languages the Neuter has disappeared, though
it has influenced the formation of the Plural. Thus O. Prov.
pratz points to pratus for prdtuniy but Ital, tempora Plur. (tempo
Sg.), braccia Plur. (braccio Sg.), retain the Neut. Plur. formation
tempora^bracchia, (On change of gender see Meyer-Lubke,ii. 416.)
The Adjective Declension took advantage of the connexion of
0-stems with the masculine and neuter, and of A-stems with
the feminine gender, e. g. I.-Eur. *ngw6s M., *newa F., "'hiewSm
N. (Lat. ndviis, -a, -urn) (see ch. v. § a). Consonant-stems
formed their feminine with the I-suffix, e.g. I.-Eur. *nSpti F.
beside nSpot- M. (Lat. neptis beside nSpos.) (On the I-sufiix, see
ch. V. § 51, and on other feminine formative suflBxes, as in Lat.
gall^lua beside gallus^ reg-lna beside reXy consult the same chapter.)
The Greek extension to the Feminine of the masculine suflBx -05
in Compound Adjectives, which were originally Nouns in Appo-
sition, is not found in Latin, e. g. pohohaKTvKos 'HJy, lit. ^ Dawn
Rose-finger' (ch. v. § 80), though we have in O. Lat. lupn^
femina, agnns feinina, &c. (e. g. Ennius, A. 59 M., in the story of
the nursing of Romulus and Remus, has :
indotuetur ibi lupus femina).
But a usage peculiar to Latin is the extension to the Neuter of
the S-sufiix of the Masc. and Fem., not merely in Present Parti-
ciples like fSrens, where f evens Neut. may represent an older
^/erent (ch. iv. § 105), and in vUvs, which was probably originally
§a.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NOM. SING. 371
a noun (Gk. FiroSy § 55), but also in Adjectives like artddx (faci-
nus audax, Plaut.), dives (dives opus, Ovid). It is to be com-
pared with the extension of Derivatives in ^trtw (properly
feminine, e. g. victrices lauros, Virg.) to Neuters, e. g. victricia
arma, Virg., though victrix Sing, is not used with a Neuter Noun
till Late Latin (see Neue, ii^ p. 40 ; and cf. below, § 16). The
distinction in Rl-stems^ between the Nom. Sg. Masc. in -e7', and
the Nom. Sg. Fem. in -m is not always foimd in the earlier
authors (e. g. Ennius has somnus acris, A. 400 M., and acer hiempsy
A. 471 M., and Virgil himself hasa/am* Masc, A, vi. 685), and
is not rigorously enforced even in classical Latin, e. g. mediocris
Masc., illiisfris Masc. (see Neue, ii^. p. 15). (On the Romance
declension of Adjectives, e.g. Ital. buono M., buona F., Span,
bueno M,, buena F., O. Fr. bon, bone, &c., see Meyer-Liibke,
Roni, Gram, ii. p. 75.) (On the Pronominal declension of certain
Adjectives in I.-Eur., see ch. vii. § 29.)
§ 2. Nom. Sing. I. Maso., Fem. A-stems took -a in
I.-Eur. (e. g. O. Ind. i§va, * a mare,' Gk. x^P^)' ^7 ^^^ *™® ^^
the oldest Latin poetry this a has in every Nom. of an A-stem
been shortened to «, a shortening which may have begun in dis-
syllables with short first syllable, e. g. iera, where the working
of the Law of Breves Breviantes would shorten the final syllable,
kerci like cdv6, hav^ (ch, iii. § 40) ; though an early reduction of
this -a, as well as of the -a of Nom. PI. Neut. of 0-stems (§ 45),
on Italian soil is indicated by the fact that in Oscan both have
been replaced by an e>-sound (in Oscan alph. u, in Lat. (?, in Gk.
0), and in Umbrian are written sometimes -a, sometimes -0 (in
Umbr. alph. -u), e. g. Osc. vio ' via,' Umbr. mutu and muta
^mulcta' (see ch. ii. § i)^. O. Lat. hodicapaa (hostium captor,
Paul. Fest. 73. 10 Th.), jjaricidas quoted from the Laws of Numa
(Paul. Fest. 278. 10 siqui hominem liberum dolo sciens morti
duit, paricidas esto) may be analogous to the Greek usage of
* Many were originally RO-stems Ital. allegro ; cf. Ital. campestro, &c.
(cli. V. §40; cf. 0. Lilt. hMrus). They "'' For the Umbro-Osoan forms of
are often RO-btems in Late and these and the other case-siifYixeBf see
Vulgar Latin, e.g. Vulg. Lat. dlec^. Class. Rev. ii. pp. 129, 202, 273.
B b 2
372^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
adding -s to a fern. Abstract a-stem when used as a masc. Con-
crete, e.g. V€avias, a youth, from *v€avCdy youth, though the
usual practice in Latin is to retain the ordinary Nom, form, e. g.
agn-c^la^ a field-tiller, originally * field-tillage/
YA-stems, the f em. of consonant-stems, &c. (ch. v. § 5 1 ), which
in O, Ind. take -i, e.g. bhdranti, Pres. Part of bhr-, 'to carry,'
napti, Fem. of napat-, 'grandson,' in Greek -ta, e. g. (f}€pov<ra for
^(f}€poirrf/d, show in Latin 'ia^e.g.jprae^sentia^'possihly also -^#,
e. g. ^ferefifts which became/er^;M, nej)tts (older Lat. -is?). Beside
'ia (first Decl.) we find -ies (fifth Decl.), e. g. mdt^r-ies beside
materia. The exact relation between O. Ind. -i, Gk. -la, Lat.
-w and "ies has not yet been determined (see ch. v. § 51).
O-stems took -os in I.-Eur. (e. g. O. Ind. vfkas, * a wolf,' Gk.
AvKoy, Gaul, tarvos, *a bull'), and in Latin, e.g. luptiSy tanrus,
older ^lupos^ *lauro9 (ch. iv. § 19). In RO-stems the final -ros,
when preceded by a consonant, was changed by a phonetic process
common to Latin with other Italic languages to -^r, e. g. Lat.
ager for *agro^s (Gk. dypSs), Umbr. ager; even when a short
vowel precedes, we find, e. g. Lat. sdcer (in Plautus socSrns) for
*so€uros, *soc^ro8 (I.-Eur. *8weturos), vtr for *tlro*, s&tur for
^saturos,
YO-stems, whose sufiix in I.-Eur. seems to have varied with i
(e.g. Goth, hairdeis, 'a herdsman;' Lith. gaidys, 'a cock,' beside
sveczias, * a guest ') show in Latin usually -zW, but in familiar
language also -is, e. g. Cai^lis and other proper names.
All other stems took -s in I.-Eur. and in Latin, e. g. dv^s
(O. Ind. dvi-s, Gk. S{F)iSi Lith. avis), m&niU (O. Ind. svadus,
* sweet,' Gk. fibvs, Lith. sunds, ' a son'), vis (Gk. is), sUs (Gk. Sy),
res (O. Ind. rds), mllSs for *milets (the last syllable is scanned
long by Plautus, ^milesSy ch. ii. § 133), mus for ^mus-s, rex^ Sec.
S-stems have -es (e. g. I.-Eur. *dus-menes, O. Ind. dur-manas,
Gk. bvo-^ficvTJs;) or -6s (e.g. I.-Eur. *auso8, Hom. Gk. ri<is; cf.
O. Ind. usas), and so in Latin, e.g. pubes, h^nos M., later honor,
tSnor M. (beside tenus N.). But N-stems, which in I.-Eur.
showed (1) -on, -en,(3)-5 (-e)[e. g. (i)Gk. Kvoavy iroifiijv, (a) O. Ind.
Sva, * dog,' O. Ir. cu, Lith. szfi], show -d in Latin, e. g. Admd, rdtid,
uirco ^ virgo ' on the very ancient Dvenos inscr. I.-Eur. R-stems
had similarly (i) -or, -er, (a) -6, -e [e.g. (i) Gk. txrjrrjp, dwrcop.
§8.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NOM. SING. 373
(2) O. Ind. mata, ddta, Lith. mote and m6te, sesS, * sister'], but
display only the first formation in Latin, e. g. mdtSry ddtd^r^ sdrdr
(in O. Lat. ^maf'iry datar^ wror ; see eh. iii. § 49). So in Umbrian
karu, * a part * (Lat. card), with u as equivalent of Lat. 0, but in
Osc. statif ' statio/ fruktatiuf * fruitatio,' uittiuf ' utitio ' with -f
for ns, the ns being perhaps a re-formation just as camis some-
times replaces caro in Latin (Prise, i. p. 308. 19 H.). Umbro-
Oscan R-stems form their Nom. like the Latin, e. g. Umbr. ars-
ftftwr^ Osc. censiur 'censor' (both with «, the equivalent of
Lat. 0).
$ 3. Nom. Sing, of A-stemB in Iiat. We have seen in ch. iii. § 43 that
all supposed instances of -d Nom. Sg. in early poetry are illusory [aquUdj Enn.
A. 149 M. is a case of metrical lengthening of a short syllable before the
penthemimeral caesura ; oopia, Plaut. MU. iaa6 shows ' syllaba anceps ' at the
end of the hemistich ; famUia^ Trin, 351 is a proceleusmatic {fimWUi) represent-
ing an anapaest, and so on]. The only genuine instances are Greek words
with 'S. >, which are long in later poetry too, e. g. Nemea (Stat. Thdb, yi. 516^.
Greek Nominatives in -<», -17s were especially in the older literature changed
to the ordinary Latin Nom., e. g. AnchiBa (Enn. A, 19 M.), Atnea (Quint, i. 5.
61 ne in a quidem atque s litteras oxire temere masoulina Graeca nomina
recto casu patiebantur, ideoque et apud Gaelium legimus ' Pelia cincinnatus '
et apud Messalam *bene fecit Euthia,' et apud Oiceronem ^Hermagora,' ne
miremur, quod ab antiquorum plerisque * Aenea ' ut * Anchisa ' sit dictus),
and similarly in classical Latin poitdy nautd, biblidpoUif &o. (of. AMd&j Propert.
ii. 14. I ; Marsy&y Hor. S. i. 6. lao ; and for other instances see Neue, Formenl,
i*. pp* 31 sqq.) ; though they usually in the classical literature retain -(is, -is,
just ns Greek Noms. in -17 retain B, e. g. Andrdmdche, or take the Latin suffix,
e. g. fistula. Hosticapas, quoted by Paul. Fast., is a strange form. Compounds
of capio usually show -ceps, e.g. munt-cepsj while Plautus has urht-cdpe Voc.
{Mil 1055). Paricidas (i. e. parricidas, for the double consonant was not written
double till Ennius' time, ch. i. $ 8) is indeed in the Republican and Classical
period an A-stem (e. g. parrlcida Voc, Plaut. Pseud. 362 ; but adjectivally
muri-<nde homo Voc, * j'ou coward,' Epid. 333) ; however, if these Masc. A-stems
originally took -as in Latin, they had conformed to the ordinary usage of
Fem. A-stems as early as the beginning of the second cent. b. c, for Plautus,
R%Hd, 652, has Ifgirupa (better legerupaj ch. iii. § 20) Nom. Sing, with its last
syllable elided :
legenipa, inpud^ns, inpunis, inuerecundissimus,
where legentpa, originally * the act of law-breaking,' a fem. Abstract, then
masc. and Concrete, 'a law-breaker,* cannot have been written by Plautus
legerupas (ch. ii. $ 137). The names on Oscan inscriptions (Map)as (Zv. /. /. 7.
^ agoed in Enn. A, 567 M. : multa word seems to have been &yvtd, and
foro ponet et agoea longa repletur, one MS. reads ponens ageaque.
is not a certain example. The Greek
374 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
353 from Messana), Maras (J. F, ii. p. 437 from Puteoli or Gumae), whence the
derivative Osc. Maraio-, Falisc. Mareio-, Lat. Mdriiis (ch. v. § 4), and Tanas
(Zvet. 102 from Samnium) suggest that Noma, in -as (for -&s would probably
bo syncopated in Oscan) were used in Oscan like Noms. in -fir, -rjs in Greek.
But they may belong to some un-Italic dialect. SavBias is Osc Santia
',Zvet. 238 \
§ 4. BO-stems. The substitution of -er for -ros is extended even to Gk.
loanwords, e. g. Alexandety though the usage varied, e. g. Euandrus and Exuttider
in Virgil (see Neue, FormtnL i*. p. 77). It is not found in Latin words when
a long syllable precedes -roSj e. g. sdvS-ru^, msur-rusj nicUu-rusj nor in these
tribrach words Mmiru8t ntimirusy Utirus, Plautus has the tribrach stem adcSro-
(I.-Eur. *sw<;^kuro-, O. Ind. iv^ura-, Gk. kxvpos, Lith. szesziiiras) with Nom.
socerus {Men. 957), and Priscian (i. 231. 13 H.) says that puerua was used by the
older writers, though he is perhaps referring to Voc. pu^e, probably the in-
variable form of the Voc Sg. of puer in Plautus^ for puerus is not found in
any extant literature. It is not however certain that puer was originally an
0-st«m, for the cognate Greek word is fra{p)lb-<, and the old Satumian poets
used puer as fem. as well as masc. (see Charis. 64. 5 K. ; Prise, i. p. 232 H.),
e. g. Naevius, Bell, Pun, ii. :
prima inc^dit C^reris Proserpina puer,
while tlie curious compound slave-names MarcipcTj Gaipor, QuirUiporf &c are
I-stems, Plur. Marcipores (e. g. Plin. xxxiii. 26). Jt\fSru8j with supiniSj is used in
Livius Andronicus* translation of the Odyssey (at least in the later dactylic
version of it) :
inferus an supcrus tibi fert deus fiinera, Ulixes?,
but ir{fer and super by Cato (R.R. cxlix. i ubi super inforque uicinus permittet),
like cifer (Cato, Orat, fr. Ixii. p. 65 J.). Of compounds ending in Verbal
Adjective in -rua we have always nUiri-gSnis (e.g. Plaut. Capt. 966), pro-pftKs,
{Juni-perus is by some explained Aajun{oti)i'pmiSf * Juno's pear,* like jQ-glans,
* Jove's acorn,' by others is derived from *junusy cf. jun-cusj and p&rio), but the
normal usage favoured -gerj -fer^ &c. (for details, see Kiihner, Tjat, Oram. i.
pp. 278 sqq.). All this points to -er having originally been substituted for -ros
only when a consonant preceded, e. g. ager for *ag-ros. After the vowel t we
find -ros curtailed to -r in vir (but pirus beside pirwn) ; after the vowel w, in
sdtiir (as early as Plautus ; see A, L, L. v. 34), although volturus (class, vuliur,
-iiris Gen.) is used by Ennius, A, 138 M. The tendency to curtail -rus to -r
increased in Vulgar Latin, as we see from the Probi Appendix 197. 30 K. :
barbarus non 'barbar,' although the opposite tendency (due to Greek
influence of S. Italy?) is also mentioned (tb. 198. 26) : teter non Hetrus,'
aper non * aprus.' In the Umbro-Oscan dialects -los was similarly changed
to -el, e.g. Oac. famd J apparently for f&m-lo-, *a dweller' (cf. Osc. faamat,
• he dwells*) with the same formation as lAt figulusy btem/fg-lo- from ftgo, &c.
(ch. iv. § 51). But this was not the Latin usage, e. g. fdmiiluSf Mbiilusj tnasculuSf
&c. (cf. ch. iv. § 10), though Ennius borrows from his native Oscan the form
/'arnul in his reference to Servius Tullius {A. 336 M.) :
mortalem summum fortuna i^pente
reddidit, ut summo regno famul o/timus esset,
§§ 4-e.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NOM. SING. 375
in which he is imitated by Lucretius, who echoes the rhythm of this passage
(iii. 1035) :
Scipiadas, belli ftilmen, Carthaginis horror,
ossa dedit terrae proinde ac famul infimus esset.
The S. Italian forms figeLf maacd found their way into plebeian Latin under
the Empire (Prob. App. 197. 28 K. figulus non ' figel,' masculus non
^mascel'); but the usual Vulgar Latin form masclus is mentioned in the
same treatise (197. 20 R. speculum non ^spechmi/ masculus non 'masclus,'
vetulus non 'veclus,' vemaculus non ^vemaclus,* articulus non *articlu8,*
baculus non ^ baclus,' angulus non 'anglus,' jugulus non 'juglus.') (On the
curtailment of -ris and -liSf see ch. iv. § 13 ; the restriction of -er to Masc,
-ris to Fern. Nom. Sing, is not observed in the older literature ; e. g. Ennius
has sonmus ncris and acer hiems ; cf. § i, p. 371).
§ 5. TO-stems. The -Is of the Nom. Sing, of Oscan YO-stems, e.g. Pakis,
Lat. PQcins (-Is would be syncopated in Oscan, e.g. cevs^ Lat. dvis)^ is perhajts
indicated for Latin by the occasional spellings with -cis on Greek inscriptions,
e. g. EXfis (Lat. Aelim) (J. /. 8. 928, Ostia, very late), UtTpafvtti (Lat.
Petrotiius) ; the usual Greek transcription, however, is -n. (Neither -ly nor
-c(s is found till the beginning of the first century a.d. ; see Eckinger,
Otihograpkie p. 56). Alis ^if we may infer this quantity from (Uid, Lucr. i.
263, &c) may have its final syllable shortened by the Law of Breves Brevi-
antes, like carl, havSy kc. (t;h. iii. § 42). In the S. C. de Bacchanalibus [C. I.L.
i. 196) the consuls' names are written in what we may suppose to be the
ceremonious form, MarcittSj Postumiusy while the secretaries' names have the
i«-ending, Claudi, Valeri, Minuci. Ritschl in a paper entitled ' De declinatione
quadam latina reconditiore ' {Opusc, iv. 446) has collected a large number of
these proper names with -is or -i Nom. (less certainly -is Gen., -i Dat., ^im Ace )
from Latin inscrr. The form oZts^quoted from the older writers (e. g.Catull. Ixvi.
28) by the gi'ammarians (see the passages mentioned by Ritschl, ib, p. 452),
may have been specially used in collocations like cdis alium .so in the Vulgar
Latin of the Itala ; cf. C. I. L, ii. 2633, of 27 a. d. : eique omnes alis alium . . .
receperunt), alis alibi .e.g. Sallust fragt. ap. Chnris. p. 159. 31 K.), where the
two words formed a single word-group like our ' one another.' This byform
of the Nom. (Ace. &c.) must have led to confusion with I-stems, of which we
have perhaps a trace in the gradual ousting of the second Decl. sufiix -arius by
the third Decl. -dris (ch. v. § 4), and in the remark of Caper (112. 2 K.) that
vates fan I-stem, like O. Ir. f&ith for *wati-, Gaul, oidrfis Plur.) was in 0. Lat.
vatiiis.
§ 6. I-8tems. The -is of the Nom. Sing, of I-stems is syncopated in the
Umbro-Oscan dialects, e. g. Osc. ars (Lat. civis)^ like the -os of the Nom. Sing,
of O-stems, e. g. Umbr. emps (Lat. emptus)j Ikuiins { Lat. IguTinxis)^ Osc. hui'z
(Lat. hortus)^ Bayitins {L&i. Bantimis)^ and the -68 of the Nom. Plur. of Consonant-
stems, e. g. Osc. /4€58(£f for *med-dik-6s Nom. Plur. of meddix, censtur for *cen-
stor-^«, Lat. cmson^s. We have seen (ch. iii. § 16) that it is very difficult to
prove a similar treatment of -ts in Latin ; for Noms. like pars {for partis) ^ Qen.
partis, may have dropped i not by Syncope, but by the Analogy of Cons.-stems
like nBoc, Gen. rigisj ItXy Gen. legis, &c. Like -ros, however, -ris was reduced to
-♦T in Latin as in Umbro-Oscan, e. g. Lat. dctr for «crw, Umbr. pacer for *pac-
37^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CJhitfi. VI.
riSf * propitious,' connected with Lat. pax, Ennius, who coined yami</ after the
type of the Oscan famel (§ 4), used dibU (^Voc. Sing. ?) for debUis (A, 341 M.
debil homo), perhaps after Osc. aidil (Lat. aidilis), &c. Nouns with Nom.
Sing, in -I {cotisulj prae9ulj exulypugil, vigQj mugUy &c.) are declined as Consonant-
stems in Latin (Gen. Plur. consul-um, pugU-um, vigU-um, mxtgU-um) (see Neue,
Formenl. i*. p. 153), though the line between Nouns in -/ and Adjectives in -?is,
e.g. debilis, is, as might be expected, often passed over. Thus Juvenal, (x. 317)
has mugUis (but Mart. Cap. iii. 294 si ^ mugilis ' esset . . . ' mugilium ' faoeret.)
For vigil fpugU we should expect *m'gulu$, *pugulusj like bXbvduSjfigulus (ch.v. § 22),
or with adjectival i (ch. v. § 34) *vigiHsy *pugUi8f although -Uis has properly
a passive sense, e.g. btbilis, 'drinkable, easily drunk/ (fgUiSf * easily moved/
Mbilis (whence debilis for *de-hibilis), 'easily handled * (ch. v. § 41). Beside -fe,
the usual Nom. Sing, of Masc. and Fem. I-stems in Latin, we find occasionally
'iSj e.g. cdnfs F., the 0. Lat. form which had been replaced by cants by the
time of Varro (L. L. vii. 32). The -^ of anibdgSSj &c., we have seen to be really
the -fs of the Nom. Plur. of I-stems, viz. -fiyfis (e. g. Lat. Ms for *tr6y6s, O. Ind.
trdyas, Cret. Gk. rp4fs for *Tp€yti, 0. SI. trije, kc.) (§ 40) ; it must not be
confounded with an early spelling like aidUes for aedllis on a Scipio epitaph
(C. I. L. i. 31, but aidUis on another Scipio epitaph, i. 32), where the c (pro-
nounced £) is merely an expression of the t-sound in an unaccented syllable,
like the third e of Tetnpesiatebus for TempesUUtbus (C. J. L. i. 32) (see ch. iii. § 22).
This use of -?s in the Nom. Sing, of I-stems led to the diversion of other stems,
which took -is in the Nom. Sing., into the I-declension. Thus pUbPs, if an
£S-stem by origin like Gk. v€pi'v\ij$^s (beside n\^$os) (ch. v. § 74), should have
made its Gen. Sing. *pl$bSriSj but was led by the analogy of canSSj &c. into
taking a Gen. jpkb-is^ as on the other hand the analogy of stems like r?5.
Gen. rH, m supplied the Gen. pUHiSi, plebti ; and the tendency of Vulgar Latin
to replace every Nom. Sing, -es by the more familiar -is was perhaps the cause
of the forms cautisy plebis^ rcUiSy tabisj nubiSfSuboHs^ tndpis, palumbiSy luiSy vepris^famis,
dadiSy prolis, censured in Prob. App. pp. 198-9 K. For the late byform melts for
moles (an £S-stem, cf. mSlSS'tus)^ see Georges, Lex. WwiJ, s.v., and for other
examples, Ritschl, Opasc, ii. 654. Beside plebSSj nub?8, cavUes, saepesy we have
plebsj nubs (used by Liv. Andronicus, according to Servius ad A. x. 636, and
frequent in the Italaj, cos, saeps ; also trabs for older trdbes (Varro, L. L. vii. 33
.sic dictum a quibusdam ut una ' canes,' una ' trabes ' . . . cujus verbi singu-
lariB casus rectus correptus ac facta trabs.) ;,0n these Nonas, in -?s, see ch. v.
§ 51.^, O. Lat. soriis (class. Lat. sors) and the like are discussed in ch. iii.
§ 16 ; messis of Plant. Rttd, 763 (AP) is changed by editors to messis.
§ 7. B-stema. Masc. and Fem. ES-stems, connected with Neuter ES-stems
(Nom. -6s, ch. V. § 71), took -os M. (class. 'or)y -is F. in Latin, e.g. /i5n5s, class.
honor (cf. honSS'tus^ pUbSs (cf. Gk. v\rf$os). As Adjectives (cf. Gk. n€fH''W\fj0^s
beside vkrjBoSf tfftv^s beside ^cOSor) they show -er in pUber (also pubfH, -iris
Gen., imptibis, -iris G^n.), dS-gSner ; -or in con-c6lory bi-corpor (ch. v. $ 73). The
-OS of honosj Idbos, dHoSj vdpos, &c, was not quite ousted by -or (taken from the
oblique cases, honiiris, hondremj &c., where s came between two vowels, ch. iv.
§ 148) till the Augustan period (for details, see Neue, Fortnenl, i*. p. 167).
Sal lust, according to Servius ad A,i, 253, almost always used the form Idbos ;
and -OS was persistently retained in monosyllables, o.g.JloSy rOs.
§ 8. N-stema. We find -en in pecten M. (Gk. /rrei's M. for *ff«T€Ks, Gon.
$57-10.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NOM. SING. 377
KTtvds), fldi"*^ &nd lUn (the a is attested by Prise, i. 149. 7 H., Mart. Cap. iii.
279). Sanguis M., which often has its last syllable scanned long by the Latin
poets (always sangulln or sanguis in Lucretius, Munro ad Lucr. i. 853), may
represent *sangu\ns (ch. ii. § 144), a patchwork of the old Nom. *8a'ngu%y with
the oblique cases *sanguXn'es Gen., &c. (For this declension of some I.-Eur.
neuters, e.g. 0. Lid. ikii Nom., akd^iU G«n., *the eye,' see ch. v. § 34.) The
scansion sanguis brought with it the treatment of the word as an I-stem,
sangrtem Ace, sanguis Gen. &c. (see Georges, Lex, Wortf. s.t.).
§ 8. Diphthong Sterna. I.-Eur. *n&u-s (0. Ind. n&u-s, Gk. vav-r) is Latin
naHs ; I.-Eur. *g«Ous (O. Ind. g&u-s, Gk. /3o0$) is Lat. &a«, but the h- points
to the form being dialectal ; the stem rdy- (O. Ind. ris Nom., rfty-^ Gton.)
probably formed its I.-Eur. Nom. Sing, as *r6-s, and so in Lat., r?8. I.-Eur.
*d(i)y6u-s, * the sky, day' (0. Ind. d(i)yftu8, Gk. Zew) has in Latin in the sense
of ^ day * the Nom. die-s, while for the name of the sky-god a .compound is
used, Juyipiier (the correct spelling, ch. ii. § 130. p. 116) for *JeUrpaUry probably
in the Voc. case, unless Jtu- be the stem (ch. v. § 85 ; cf. Jani-pairi, C. I. L. xi.
5374). The grammarians point out the incongruity of a declension like Jup-
ptYer Nom., JGcis Gen, (^as absurd as Phoebus Nom., Apollinis G«n.* Mar. Sacerd.
473. I K.), and tell us that in the old liturgical books the word was declined
Juppiter Nom., Juppitris Qen.j &c (Pompeius 17a. 25 ; 187. 9 K.), or Jotis Nom.,
Jotis Gen., Prise, i. 229. 10 H.). We have lovos Nom. on an old Praenestine
cibta (C. I, L. xiv. 4105), a.l8o[Die']spater{Bull. 1887, p. 232), Diesptr^C.I.L, i. 1500) ;
and in Plautus, ko. DiespUer is not unknown (see Georges, Lex, Wortf. s.y.
Juppiter). Dies is like the Accus. diem. For the Nom. we should expect *dieus
(Gk. Zews), with Su from Su, which would become in Latin diOs (cf. ml-dius-
terHus ?).
§ 10. Nom.9 Aoo. Sing. II. Neat. Neuter 0-stems in I.-Eur.
have their Nom. Sing, in -6m, the suffix of the Ace. Sg. Masc. ;
all others use the bare stem, ES-stem Nouns taking however -6s,
N-stems -n, NT-stems -nt, &c. So in Latin, e. g. jugwn (older
jugom). (I.-Eur. *ytlgom, O. Ind. yugdm, Gk. C^yoi^), mite
(older *mtf^; see eh. iii § 37) (cf. O. Ind. suci, *pure,' Gk Ibpi);
namen with -en for I.-Eur. -n (O. Ind nama ; cf . Gk. Svofxa); firen%
from *ferent (ch.iv. § 105) with -ent for I.-Eur.-nt (O. Ind. bhdrat),
genus (older geiws) (I.-Eur. *gSnos, Gk. yivos), cor for ^cord (O.
Ind. hrd ; cf. Gk. k^/o for *K(\ph), U-stems have in I.-Eur. -ii,
e.g. "^mcdhil,' mead,' "^s wad ft/ sweet' (O. Ind. mddhti, svadtt. Gk.
fic^v, r\hv) \ and similarly Latin Neuter Nouns have -u, e. g. pecu^
comn (U-Stem Adjectives passed into the I-declension in Latin,
e.g. suave ; see ch. v. § 47). But there is a doubt with regard
to the quantity of the -w. Most grammarians declare it to be
short, while Priscian (i. 362. 11 H.) controverts their opinion,
and proves by quotations from the poets that it is long. (For
37^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
details, see Neue, Formenl. i^ p. 345). The existence of byforms
like pecm, cornnrn^ &c. obscures the question, but there seems to
be little doubt that with the Augustan poets cornUy &c. was the
recognized scansion. The long vowel has not yet been satisfac-
torily explained (see Brugmann, Grundr. ii. § 223 for the
various theories, and cf. below, § 45). The Neuter Nom. of
consonant-stem adjectives has been assimilated to the Masc. and
Fem. form, e,g,felix for ^felic (cf. allec 'N.yOllix ¥.),du'pl€x ior
^du-plec (Umbr. tu-plak) (cf. above, § 1, p. 37o).
§ 11. 0-8tems. We find -um lost in nihUf nil, from nihilum, a compound of
ni and hilum (quod grano fabae adhaeret, Paul. Fest. 7a. 10 Th.), a loss
which sooms due to elision before a vowel (ch. iii. § 5a). From phiiises like
mhU(um) hoc csl on the one hand, and nihUum dicit on the other^ the ' doublets '
nihil and nihilum would come into use, and no doubt existed for a long time
side by side till the less cumbrous nihilj nU ousted its rival. Similarly nun for
ne-oenum, like our * nought ' for ^ no-aught,' 6 being substituted for H (older oe)
because of the monosyllabic form or the unaccented character of the Con-
junction (but see ch. x. § 18). The Umbro-Oscan neuters have -6m, Osc. saka-
raklum ' sacraculum ' (' a shrine '), dunum * ddnum,' Umbr. esonom, a sacrifice.
§ 12. I-stems. Final S is dropped by Syncope (cf. ch. iii. § 36) in Neuters
like/acvly an 0. Lat. form of facile j e. g. Accius, Trag. 460 R. :
erat istuc uirile, ferre aduorsam fortunim facul,
vdup, Neut. of a lost Adj. *volupi8j e. g. Plant. Cos. 784 fi&cite nostro anim6
uolup. (On the question whether vciupest is rightly divided into volupe est or
into volup est, see Gorges, Lex^ Worif, 8. v.). Similarly the old Nom. lade, with
the I-stem form (e.g. Plant. Bacch, 19. it 34, Men. 1089, Mil, 240) became
lact [Plant. True, 903 (?), Varro, L L, v. 104^ classical tec (see Georges 8.V.).
§ 13. IJ-stems. The uncertainty of the grammarians of the Empire about
the quantity of -u of fourth Decl. Neuters may be due to the fact that in later
Latin the fourth Decl. was being supplanted by the second Decl. (ch. v.
§ 49). Priscian elsewhere (i. 161. a6 H., &c.) corrects the extraordinary
statement of Charisius (fourth cent.) (aa. 15 K.) and others, that the -w of
-us in fourth Decl. Noms. masculine was pronounced long, a quantity indicated
neither by poetry nor by the orthography of inscriptions.
§ 14. S-stema. The I.-£ur. Nom. Sg. -ds of Neut. ES-stems, and -Cie of
Masc. ES-stems, remained distinct in Latin, e. g. O. Lat. opos (C. /. L, i. 5a),
honOs, In course of time Neut. -ia sank to -HSf fip^ta (see ch. iv. § ao), Masc. -iSs
became by Analogy of the oblique cases {hmdr-ia, hondr-eni, &c.) -or, then -or,
owing to the difficulty of sounding a long vowel before a final -r (ch. iii. § 49).
There are a few indications of a temporary formation of Neuter Noms. in -oTy
e. g. color (Plant. Mere. 860 nee calor nee frigus metuo), prior helium ^Claudius
Quadrigarius ap. Prise, i. p. 347. 7H.), bellum Panicumiwstenor (CassiuaHemina
§$U-17.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. GEN. SING. 379
ap. eund.) (cf. § 53 below). Priscian (I. c), who quotes some instances of
Neut. Comparatives in -or from the old historians, says : vetustissimi etiam
neutrum in or finiebant, et erat eadem terminatio communis trium generum,
thus hinting that the justification of this usage was the Analogy of Adjectives
of one termination for Masc., Fem., Neut, like auddXj /&ix. And it is possible
that a Neuter in 'Ur (older -dr like iHbur (robor Ace., Varro, R, R. iii. 7. 9) took
-r for -s in the Nom. from the oblique cases roftfir-is, robiir'ij &c., for Cato (R, R.
xvii. i) u»es the form robus, or from an Early Latin Masc. byform [if we may
trust Paul. Fest. 11. ao Th. * robosem ' pro robore (dicebant antiqui)]. But in
spite of these occasional deviations, Latin writers hold with great persistence
to the rule that a Neuter ES-stem has a Nom. in -us (older -6s) j a Masc. ES-stem
in -or (older -Or, -os), e. g. tSnus N., tgnor M., dScus N., dScor M., frigus '^.jfrigor M.
The -U8j not only of Neut. Nouns, but also of Neut. Comparatives, is invariably
short in Plautus and the older poetry (M^ler, Plant, Proa. p. 55).
§ 15. It-stems. Neuter R^stems show usually -Ur (older -^), apparently
representing I.-Eur. -f, but occasionally -Sr, e.g. iiber {O, Ind. ddhar-, Gk.
oZ$ap)y in Latin. The obsolete word aaer^ blood (cf. Cret. Gk. iap, O. Ind.
asr-k, asn-ds Gen., Lett, asins), is of doubtful spelling [cf. Paul. Fest. la. 19 Th.
'asearatum' apud antiques dicebatur genus quoddam potionis ex vino et
sanguine temperatum, quod Latini prisci sanguinem 'assyr' vocarent ; Gl.
Philox. asaer (leg. -er) : oT/ia].
§ 16. 8 in Nom. Sg. Neut. of Adjectives. This, if we may believe the
MSS., is as old as Plautus, e. g. /acinus audaXj Aul. 460 (so Ter. Pkorm. 233, &c.),
duplex (sc. aurum). Men, 546, sagax nasutn, Cure, 1 10, and occurs in the ancient
phrase quod bonum faustwn felix fortunahtmque sit. (For examples, e.g. dives optw,
Ovid, pondus iners, Cic, see Neue, ii^. p. aa). Similar is the extension of the
suf&x -tnc-j properly fem., to neuter Adjectives, e. g. tncfriciaarwa, Vii'g. -4. iii. 54
(though vidrix Sg. is not used as neut. till Late Latin). [Does concapii of the
XII Tables (ap. Fest. 556. a^ Th. tignum iunctum aedibus uineaue et coucapit
ne soluito) point to an earlier use of the bare stem for the Neuter?].
§ 17. Gten. Sing. A-stems took in I.-Eur. -as (e. g. Gk. x<apd^f
Goth, gibos, Lith. rankos), and similarly in the Umbro-Oscan
languages, e. g. Umbr. tutas, later totar ' civitatis/ Osc. eiltias
* pecuniae,' and in O. Lat., e. g. escas, Liv. Andr. But a rival
formation, of doubtful origin, which appears in the oldest literature
as di (dissyllabic) ultimately established itself in exclusive use in
the form -ae. In Greek we find Masc. A-stems taking the
O-stem suffix, e. g. Hom. 'Arpfibdo like Al6\oo, and it has been
suggested that Lat. -di began in Masc. Nouns such as agrtcdia^
advena, &c. (§ 2), and took its -l from the Gen. of the second
Decl. Similarly fifth Decl. stems show -el , later -ei^ -i, e. g.ftdei
O. IjSit.,fulei class., m, re J, and rei in the Dramatists, dii^ Virg.
A, i, 636, also (like -as from A-stems), O. Lat. fades, dies.
380 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. V I.
0-stems, which in Umbro-Oscan show the I-stem suffix, have
in Latin, as in Celtic, a long 2-sound, e.g. Lat. ndli^ vtrl^ Gaul.
Ate-gnati, O. Ir. eich for *eci, * of a horse,' which one would have
no difficulty in regarding as the Locative suffix of 0-stems, -ei
(§ 37)» were it not that it is written -e and not -ei in the
oldest Latin inscriptions. For lO-stems indeed a Gen. -i would
naturally go with a Nom. -U (§ 5) ; and it is possible that
the suffix^ or at any rate the spelling of the suffix, has been
extended from these over all O-stems.
I-stems have -eis^ -ois in various languages (e. g. Goth, anstais
for I.-Eur. -ois) ; and in Umbro-Oscan we have -eis, e.g. Umbr.
ocrer^ of the citadel (Lat. dcris), a suffix extended to consonant-
stems and even to O-stems, e.g. Osc. cameis, of a part (Lat.
cani-u)f sakarakleis, ^of a shrine' (Lat. *sacrdculi). But in
Latin the consonant-stem suffix has enforced itself on the I-stems
too, e.g. parUs like reg-'U (cf. partus like Castoms^ C.I.L.
i. 197).
U -stems seem similarly to have had -eus, -ous (e. g. Goth,
sunaus, * of a son,' for I. Eur. -ous), and so in Umbro-Oscan, e. g.
Umbr. tfifor * tribus,' Osc. castrovs * fundi,' Lat. manus^ all prob-
ably with -ous from I. Eur. -eus (ch. iv. § 35). Whether the Gen.
form of ddmvs affects by Augustus, viz. domos, points to the
coexistence in Latin of I.-Eur. -ous is uncertain (cf. ch. iv. § 41,
on Lat. o for I.-Eur. ou). A common formation, perhaps the
usual one in the careless talk of every-day life, in which the fourth
Decl. seems to have been greatly merged in the second (eh. v.
§ 49), was -«, the O-stem genitive. This is the normal genitive in
the Dramatists of the Bepublic ; and even Quintilian in the first
cent. A. D. declares it impossible to decide whether senati or
senaf'Us is the proper Gen. of sSndliis. Occasionally the
Dramatists have -uis, the suffix proper to u-stems like sus, socruSy
as -*i/>, "U to i-stems like vis (O. Lat. Gen. vis).
Consonant-stems show -6s in some lang^ges (e. g. O. SI. dYn-e,
* of a day,' with -e from -Ss), -6s in others (e. g. Gk. TroificVoy).
Latin -w, on old inscriptions -es^ shows the former suffix, while
the 'US occasionally written on inscriptions seems to be a
relic of the latter. To make -is a weakening of earlier -us
{'Os) is an unlikely theory, seeing that -?ts {-os) of the Nom.
§18.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. GEN. SING. 381
Sg. of Neuter ES-stems, &c., e.g. genus ^ opm^ was not weakened
to -es, 'is.
The A-stem Gen. -aes (pronounced -es with the open E-sound,
eh. ii. § 32) is probably a feature of the Italian-Greek patois, for
it is practically confined to epitaphs of the uneducated classes
(from the last century of the Republic). It is merely an ex-
pression in Roman letters of the Greek Genitive-ending -17s
(with open E). Hedonel {C.LL xi. 3316 Forum Clodi), may
be an example of a Greek name in -77 taking a Genitive after
the analogy of Latin fifth Decl. stems (or for Hedonii ?)
$ 18. A-8tems. (i) In -^s. This form is proper to the Satumian and
earliest Epic poetry. Thus eacas, MSnStaSf LdtOnas are quoted by Priscian
(i. p. 198 H.) from Livius Andronicus, Terras and fortiinas from Naevius, vUu
from Ennius. (For other passages of the grammarians treating of this
Genitive, see Neue^ Formenl. i*. p. 5.) Servins favours the reading auras for
a%trae in Virg. A. xi. 801, and in his note on the passage mentions that some
interpreted custddias as a Gen. Sg. in a passage of Sallust : castella custodias
thensaurorum in deditionem acciperentur. A relic of the old usage survived
in legal phraseology, so conservative always of old words and ceremonies, in
the terms pdter ftimtliaSj mcUer familias, f'tlius (-a) familias. But this form is
unknown to the conversational language of the Dramatists {^AlcAmiruns in the
Argument (post Plautine) of the Amphitruoy 1. i, is an imitation of the
antique], and must have been in their time out of use. (A contrary view is
stated in Student, Stud, ii. p. ai.)
(a) In -(It, class. -a«. Dissyllabic -at is not infrequent in Plautus, and is
perhaps found in Terence {Rhein, Mus, 1893, p. 305), while in Lucilius it
is allowed in hexameters only (e. g. TirSsiai, v. 43 M.), not in the dramatic
metres. Lucretius is especially fond of this early form ; and it is used
occasionally by Cicero, Virgil, and other Epic writers (for instances, see
Neue, i^ p. la). To Martial it seems typical of the uncouth early Latin
poetry (xi. 90. 5) :
attonitusque legis * terrai frugiferai,'
Accius et quicquid Pacuviusque vomunt.
The rarity of the elision of the final -i of -ol, as of -H [Plant. Bo/cch, 307
Diana(i) Ephesiae; Pers. 409 p€cunia{i) accipiter^ are more or less doubtful
instances], may be an indication that the ending had already at the begin-
ning of the second cent. b.c. ceased to be quite two distinct syllables, though
it is scanned as a spondee. The change to -a« would probably begin by the
shortening of the a before the following vowel, so that ai (classical -ae)
would differ from -ax in Plautus very much as his pronunciation Chins (Adj.
pins from C7«w5, pius (ch. ii. § 143). Though written -ai on early inscriptions
(for example on the old Praenestine vases and mirrors) it need not have been
pronounced otherwise than the diphthong ai of aidilis, &c, (ch. iv. § 39), pre-
cisely as the archaistic spelling of a later metrical inscription (C. I,L, vi. 5551
offers as a spondee ripai. Another inscription of no early date (i. laoa),
382 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
seems to show -ai with -t elided : non aevo exsacto vitai es traditus morti).
[For passages of the grammarians referring to this Genitive in -aij see Neue,
i'. p. 9, e.g. Quint, i. 7. 18 unde 'pictai vostis* et *aquai' Vergilius aman-
tissimus vetustatis carminibus inseniit. Servius on A. vii. 464 says that Virgil
ended the line with * aquae amnis' {leg. vis?), which was changed by Tucca
and Varius to aquai].
A list of * Greek ' genitives in -aes from plebeian epitaphs is given by Neue,
i'*. p. 13. On two bricks of the same year (123 a. d.) from the manufactory of
Flavia Procula we have (C. /. L. xv. i. 1 157-8) Flaviaes Prodaes and Flariae Procule.
[Cf. no. 1425 Seiaes Isauricae (123-141 a. d.), but usually Setcw Isauricae.']
Some would connect Lat. -dl^ -oa with O. Ind. Gen. -&y&s, Dat. -&y&i (used in
the Br&hmanas for the Gen,) of A-stems, the yo f which forms is of doubtful
origin. The derivation of Lat. h51 from an earlier *-ats is impossible. The
supposed * Prosepnais 'of a Praenestine mirror (C. I,L. i. 57) is really Prosepnai,
and is a Dative, not a Genitive (see Rheitu Mus, 1887, p. 486).
§ 19. Fifth Decl. Stems. The Genitive of these stems is discussed by Aulus
Gellius in the fourteenth chapter of Book ix of the Noctes Atticae. In old copies
(aliquot veteribus libris) of the History of Claudius Quadrigarius he found
fades Qen.f sometimes with facii added in the margin : meminimus enim in
Tiburti bibliotheca invenire nos in eodem Glaudii libro scriptum utrumque
* facies ' et *' facii.' Sed ' facies ' in ordinem (in the text) scriptum fuit, et
contra (^in the margin) per i geminum ^ facii.' He quotes dies from Ennius
(^Ann. 433 M.) and from Cicero, pro Sest xii. 28: equites vero daturos illius dies
poenas (^ where our MSS. read dieiy but where Gellius found dies in the older
copies : inpensa opera conquisitis veteribus libris plusculis), and mentions
a report that in a Miber idiographus' of Virgil the line (G. i. 208'; was
written :
Libra dies somnique pares ubi fecerit hora8\
Ho adds examples of -u (Nom. -tfs), -i (Nom. -P.s) from early literature, /ami
from Cato and Lucilius, pemicii from Sisenna and Cicero, progenii from Pacu-
yius, acii and specii from Matius, Ittxurii from C. Gracchus, and supports the
reading dii in Virgil, A. i. 636 : munera Inetitiamque dii (quod inperitiores
*■ dei ' legunt, ab insolentia scilicet vocis istius abhorrentes). Finally he
summons the authority of the great Dictator for dicj specie^ &c. : sed C. Caesar
in libro do Analogia secundo ^ hujus die ' et ' hujus specie ' dicendum putat,
and supports this form from an old MS. of Sallust : ego quoque in Jugurtha
Sallu^tii summae fidei et reverendae vetu.statis libro * die ' casu patrio scriptum
inveni. (The passage is Jug. xcvii. 3, wliere two of our MSS. have die^ the rest
diet.) (For the remarks of other grammarians on this point, see Neue, i**. p. 375.)
From his account wo gather that forms like diPj speci?.^ were grammarians'
coinages designed to restore the actual forms dCi, specii to the proper e-type
of stem. At the same time the tendency to Dissimilation, which in the
middle of a word turned i\ to iS in aHenus, &c., may have been to some extent
operative in certain collocations of these words, e. g. dii-festiy dii-naialiSf &c.
[see ch. iii. § 12 a (9)]. The spelling dw, speciVi, &c., in early literature and
inscriptions, may often have represented dit, siyecilj the -ei being diphthongal as
' The form dies would, however, produce cacophony with its repetition of
•s in the Cicero and Virgil passages.
§§ 19, 20.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. GEN. SING. 383
in the old spellings deico,fndo (ch. iv. § 34). Gellius mentions (Z. c.) the theory
of some grammarians that dief specie were Ablative forms used as Genitives,
and modern philologists have made them Locatives, like die cmstini, &c. ($ 37).
The rule of the grammarians of the Empire is that in the approved Qen.
form, dissyllabic -et\ the e is short after a consonant, long after a vowel,
e. g. ftd^f diH. In Plautus and Terence we rarely find rH (e. g. Plant. Men.
494), but usually monosyllabic rei, hardly ever the ceremonious form r?f,
e. g. MU. (prol.) 103 magnili r6I publicai gratia (post-Plautine ?) ; similarly
fldei is always dissyllabic in Terence and usually in Plautus (but twice yWR) ;
apei is never a dissyllable. (Seyifert, Stud. PI. p. 25.) (Compare the usage of
the dramatists with regard to the Pronoun Dat. Sg. Si, Si, and St, ch. vii. § 19.)
The normal shortening of % in hiatus (ch. ii. § 143) would be hindered when
t preceded, e. g. diei. Of the elision of the final -t of dissyllabic -ei examples
(more or less doubtful) are : Plant. Aul, 68 Mala^ rei euenisse, Pf>en, 479 Quoi
r^i ? Ad fiindas uiscus ne adhaer^sceret, &c. (Other examples of all these
forms of the Oen. of fifth Decl. stems, e. g. HUn^ in Lucr. iv. 1083 :
quodcumque est, rabies unde illaec germina surgunt,
die in Varro, Ep, ad Fufium : meridiem die natalis, /l(20 in Hor. C. iii. 7. 4 oon-
stantis juvenem fide, see in Neue, I. c^
§ 20. O-stems and lO-stems. The grammarians tell us that VSXirij VergUif
&c. were accented on the second syllable, that is to say they were accented as
if they were contractions of Valerii, &c. (ch. iii. § 10. 4), though whether this
accentuation was due to tradition or to grammarians' rules is open to question.
Lucilius' rule for the use of the single symbol i for a Singular case, e. g. pueri
Gen. Sg., and of the double symbol ei for a Plural, e. g. puerei Nom. PI. has
been mentioned in ch. i. § 9.
The earliest form of the 0-stem Gen. Sg. sufl&x is -i, e. g. Saetwmi pocdcm
CI. L. i. 48 ; from the time of Lucilius to the end of the Republic -ei, which
had come to be an expression of the long i-sound (ch. i. § 9) is also found,
e. g. poptUi Romanei on the Lex Agraria of 1 1 1 b. c. In Faliscan we have -oi in
the one instance of the Gen. Sg. of an 0-stem, Zextoi * Sexti ' on a rude inscr.
on a tile (Zvet. /. /. /. 73) ; lO-stems (with Nom. in -io or -es) have -i, e. g.
Acareelini {ib. 62), Caui (16. 49) (also -es?). On the use in the Gen. Sg. of
lO-stems of -i (the older form) and -11 (Propertius, Ovid, &c.), see Neue,
Formenl. i'. pp. 85-94. The passages which he quotes from the grammarians
make it clear that -ii was a grammarian's restoration* on the Analogy of
* The suggestion of -ii seems to
have been made as early as Lucilius,
who proposed to distinguish in this
way the Gen. of Numerivs from the
Qen. of nittnents. Tlie phrase senandi
numeri should, he said, mean ' for the
purpose of keeping tune' (mc. 66 M.):
'seruandi numeri ': — numerum ut
seruemus modumque.
This use of the Gen. of the Gerundive
to indicate purpose (cf. Aegyptum
proficiscitur cognoscendae antiqui-
tatis, Tac.) is a genuine Latin con-
struction (see Weisweiler, Der finale
Gen, Gerund. 1890% and is found in
Umbrian, e.g. esono- . . . ocrer pihaner
'sacrificium arcis piandae' (Tab.
Ig. vi. A. 18), verfale pufe arsjertur
trebeit ocrer peihaner 'templum(?} ubi
fiamen versatur arcis piandae ' (ib.
vi. A. 8).
384 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohm?. VI.
0-stems^ -t the actual historical development-. Adjective lO-stems have -tt\
e. g. patrii sermonis, Lucr. [See Neue, ii°. p. 44 ; flutii of Virg. A. iii. 70a
(Gela fluvii cognomine dicta) has been explained as an Adj.]
§ 21. U-stema. On the S. C. de Bacchanalibus of 186 b. c. (C. /. L. i. 196)
we have sSndluos, but in inscriptions of the latter part of the second cent. b.c.
senafi {,i. 199, of 117 b. c. ; i. aoo, of iii b. c. ; i. 547, of 141 or 116 b. c), (cf. Idei
i. 584, of 82-79 B.C., and see Mommsen's note) ; and in the Comedians and
Tragedians -t is the usual form ^cf. Prise, i. 257. 18 H.), occasionally -uis
(dissyll.), e. g. Ter. Heaut. 287 eius anuis causa. Qellius (iv. 16. i) tells us that
Yarro and Nigidius (first cent. b. c.) approved -uis, e. g. sencUuis, domuis, a form
which sticklers for Analogy defended by the Dat. Sg. senatuiy since patriy diicij
caedi had as Genitives patris^ duels, caedis. According to Mar. Victorinus
(9. 4 K.), Augustus used dorms for domus Qen. (diVus Augustus genetivo casu
hujus ^domes' meae per o, non ut nos per u litteram scripsit. Cf. Suet.
Aug. 87). (For other passages of the grammarians dealing with the Genitive
of u-stems, see Neue, i'. p. 352). The -uos of senatuos must be the u-stem Gten.
with the I.-Eur. Gen, suffix -ds (see below), as the -uis of anuis is the u-stem
Gen. with the I.-£ur. CK^n. suffix -^s. But the -us of senatus, dniis can hardly
be derived by the ordinary processes of phonetic change from either ; for -uosy
'Uis would naturally become -rds (-?<.<?), -vis ((/. mlluoSf Plant., mUvos in class.
Lat., mort{v)u8 in Late Lat., ch. iv. § 71).
In Faliscan we have (Zvet. 2. /. /. 70) : de zenatuo sententiad, where the
final -s of zenatuos (Lat. senaiuos) has been dropped before the following
initial s-. Oscan senateis shows the aame Gen. suffix as the 0-stems.
§ 22. Oonsonant-stemi. The frequency of the Gen. -us in S. Italian
inscriptions, e.g. VSnSruSf C.L L. i. 565 f Capua, 108 B.C.), Eph. Epigr. viii. 460
(Capua, 108 B. c), C. J. L. i. 1183 (Casinum), i. 1495 (on a tile, now at Naples),
OrSrus, i. 566 (Capua, 106 B.C.), i. 568 (Capua, 104 B.C.), HGndrus on the Lex
Pariet. Fac. i. 577 (Puteoli, 105 b. c, a copy), may be due to the influence of
the Greek Gen. in -os [so rfgus (with sikiStdtis) on a bilingual Greek and Latin
inscr. of 81 B.C., NoL Scav. 1887, p. no], but this Latin suffix cannot have
been merely a usage of Italian-Greek patois, like -ass in Gen. of A-stems. It
is found on so early inscriptions as the S. C. de Bacch. ^i. 196) with ndminuSf
and the old Praenestine cippus (xiv. 2892) with SdlutuSf and on various
official inscriptions, o. g. the Epistula ad Tiburtes (i. 901, of c. 100 b. c.) with
Kastorus, the Lex Agraria of in b. c. (i. 200) with Ad»nifnti«, praerdricdHdfius, the
Lex Bantina (i. 197, of 133-118 b. c.) with Castorus and even partus (an I-stem ,,
and may be the correct reading in Lucil. Ix. 28 M. : foris subteminus panust.
(Other examples in Neue, i'. p. 191, such as the soldier's message of defiance
cut on a glans used at the siege of Perusia : L. Antoni calve, peristi C.
Caesarus victoria, C. I.L. i. 685).
The Genitive in -es on old inscriptions may sometimes be dialectal with -^
for -eis (the I-stem G^n., extended in the Umbro-Oscan languages to tk)n-
sonant-stems\ e.g. Umbr. matrer, nomtier (cf. Osc. maatreis 'matris'), but is
more naturally regarded as -^, the older spelling of classical -is (as early as
c. 180 B. C.J Jidmlnis, C.J.L. i. 33) (cf. ch. iii. § 18). Examples are C.LL. i. 49
(Orto) Salutes pocolom, i. 187 (Praeneste) Apdones dederi, i. 811 (Rome?) [C]ereres.
On a possible byform -9, of the Gen. Sg. suffix, seen in the O. Lat. Adverb
twx, * by night' (Gk. vv/rT<5s), see ch. ix. § 3.
$§21-28.1 DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. DAT. SING. 385
§ 23. Dat. Sing. The Dat. Sing, of A-stems had in I-Eiir.
the long diphthong -ai (e.g. Gk. x<ipa). In Latin and the
Umbro-Osean languages we find the ordinary diphthong -ai
(Osc. -ai, Umbr. -e, Lat. -ae, older -at). Whether in O. Lat. -a
existed beside -ai is not quite certain. If it did, we must suppose
-a and -ai to have been doublets, both sprung from original
-fii, just as atqve and ac (for ^atc) were doublets, the one re-
presenting the sound which al with the enclitic gue took before
a word beginning with a vowel, the other its sound before a
consonant (eh. ii. § 136 ; ch. iv. § 45).
0-stems had similarly in I.-Eur. the long diphthong -6i (e. g.
Gk. iTTTry). In the most ancient Latin inscriptions we have -oi
with the quantity of the 0 unascertainable (Umbro-Oscan seem
to have had the ordinary diphthong -oi, in Oscan -ui, in Umbrian
-e), but in all other inscriptions and in classical Latin, -o. This
-oi and -d are generally regarded as doublets, like -a and -ai of
A-stems, the long vowel having survived the struggle for
existence in the one declension, the diphthong in the other.
As regards Fifth Decl. Stems, we have seen (ch. iv. § 47) that
the doublets -ei (the long diphthong) and -e probably existed in
I.-Eur. times. If Gellius is right in saying thsit facie, &c. were
regarded as the correct forms by the older writers, this may indicate
that the latter gained the day in Latin. The alternative Dative
which he mentions, /acii, may then be the Genitive form {facii
for older Jaciei from faciei), which was adapted to the dative use
on the Analogy of third Decl. datives in -7 (just as the classical
faciei seems to be a Genitive form), though some prefer to regard
it as a relic of the I.-Eur. ' doublet ^-suffix ei-.
I-stems have in Latin -i, older -ei, probably (like the Genitive
in -IS, older -es, also -us, § 22) a loan from Consonant-stems,
and so originally -ai. The Umbro-Oscan termination was -ei
(Osc. -ei, Umbr. -e), as in Consonant-stems.
U-stems have -ui in Latin, which is equally traceable to
either of the I.-Eur. suffixes, -evvai and -wai (e.g. O. Ind.
sun^ve, * to a son,' and iiiv , ' to a child.' The occasional Latin
forms in -w are (ef. Umbrian frifo ' tribui ') really Locatives
(§ 37)> according to some, Instrumentals (§ 36).
Consonant-stems had -ai (-ai? ch. iv. § 3) in I.-Eur. (e. g. O. Ind.
c c
386 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
8un-e, ' to a dog,' da-man-e Inf., Gk. bo-fiev-at Inf., Lat. ligtmhn
Inf. used as Imper. (?), ch. viii, § 81), in Latin -i from older -ei
(sometimes written -e), the diphthong -ai being weakened
first to -e?', then to -^ in the unaccented syllable, as al of oc-caido
to ei, occeido, and t, occido (ch. iii. § 18). In Umbro-Osc. this
weakening does not seem to have taken place, so that their -ei
(Osc. -el, e. g. medikei * meddtci,' chief magistrate, [A]7rtXXovi;7j4 ;
Umbr. -e, e. g. patre, nomne) can hardly represent I.-Eur. -ai.
§ 24. A-stems. Dissyllabic -m is not found in the Dat. of A-stems, but
only in the Gen. {terrai frtigiferaiy Enn. A. 605 M. is, like Virgil's autot medio^
with which Charisius couples it, a Genitive, so correct 'dativo' in Char.
19. I K. ; tarn stemendaif Lucil. xi. 5 M., even if the reading is right (MSS. vim
siemenda et), is anything but a certain example (see L. Mueller's note), so that
Priscian's remark that the Nom. and Voc. Plur. ending of the first declension
did not admit of * divisio,' as the Gen. and Dat. Sg. did, cannot be quite
accurate (Prise, i. p. 291. 17 H. nominativus et vocativus pluralis primae
declinationis similis est genetivo et dativo singulari. Nam in ae diph-
thongum profertur, ut ' hi ' et ' o poetae ' ; sed in his non potest divisio fieri,
sicut in illis). Gtollius (xiii. 26. 4) tells us that Nigidius (first cent. b. c.)
approved -ai (presumably the diphthong > in the Gten., -ae in the Dative. (On
Lucil ius' practice see L. Mueller's note on Lucil. ix. 6.) The -e found on some
inscriptions is dialectal (cf. Umbr. -e) and rustic, e.g. Diane {C.l.L. i. 168,
Pisaurum), Fortune (i. 64, Tusculimi), Uictorie (i. 183, Marsi). Of the * Datives
in -a,' only found on very old inscriptions, most of the apparent examples
come fi*om Pisaurum (C. /. L. i. 167-180), where -e {Diane just quoted) was the
Dat. suffix of A-stems, and may be Genitives in -&s with omission of the final
s (cf. Nom. PI. matrona Pieaurese for maironas Pisaureyises, i. 173 ; so Gen. Sg. Coira
pocoloj Epfi, Epigr. i. 6), or else a mere dialectal variety, which would prove
nothing for the Latin dative. Others, viz. Fortuna (i. 1 133, Praeneste) ; Fortuna
{BuU. 1885, p. 6a, Signia) ; Fortuna Diouo fileia primogenia (xiv. 2863, Prae-
neste) ; Diana (xiv. 418a a and 4184 a, Nemi) are open to similar doubts. The
strongest instances are: [Me']nenut dono d . . . {Not. Scav. 1887, P* 179; Rome) ;
Ixmonei Loucina (C. /. L, i. 189, loc. inc.) ; lunone Loucina Tus(xlana sacra and
[Paye [Tusc]olana sacra (i. laoo-i, Capua) [cf. Faliscan Menerua sacru (Zvet.
J. 7. /. 70)].
Examples of -ai are Diitnai donum dedit {C. I, L. xiv. 4370, beg. of second cent.
B. €.}, Meneruai donom port- (C. /. L, i. 191), lIunon']e Loucinai (i. 813). We have
•at even on inscrr. of the Emperor Claudius, e. g. Antoniai Axtgustai matri
(Orelli 650).
§ 25. Fifth DeoL Stems. Gellius (ix. 14) : in casu autem dandi qui purissimo
locuti sunt non * faciei,' uti nunc dicitur, sed * facie ' dixerunt. He then quotes
two examples of facie from Lucilius (vii. 9 and vii. 7 M.), and adds : sunt tamen
non pauci, qui utrobique * facii ' legant. In Plautus the treatment of the
Dative Sg. of thc^se stems is the same as that of the Genitive (see § 19). In
Umbr. ri ' rei ' the i may correspond to Lat. -f, as in pru-sikurent * pronun-
tiaverint' with the ©-grade of root seen in Lat. stdij &c. (ch. viii. § 39).
§§24-29.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. ACC. SING. 387
§ 26. O-stems. The 8a£Bx -ot (mentioned by Mar. Victorinus 17. ao EL :
* populoi Romano! ' pro populo Bomano solitos priores scribere) is found on
the very ancient Praenestine fibula (C. /. L. xiv. 4123) : Manios med fefaked
Numasioi ("Manius me fecit Kumerio), but -0 on the Dvenos inscription
(Zvet. /./. J. 285), if the words : die noine med mano statod, be rightly read and
interpreted ^die noni me Mano state' (cf. Nimiisio Martio donom dedit mere-
tod, Not. Scav, iSgOj p. 10; Lebro 'Libero' C. I. L, i. 174, from Pisaurum. The
Vestine dialect had -0, e. g. Htfrcto louio (Zvet. /. 1. 1. 11).
§ 27. TJ-8temB. SenoAiet (C. /. L. i. 201, of c. 100 b. o.). Gellius (iy. 16)
informs us that Varro and Nigidius used aenataiy domui^ fluctuiy kc. in the
Dative, and senahUSf domuia^ fluchUs in the Genitive, but gives examples of -u
from Lucilius (iv. 8 M. ; dnu, iv. 9, of. vii. ai) and Virgil, and clenches them
with the authority of Caesar : C. etiam Caesar, gravis auctor linguae Latinae,
... in libris Analogicis omnia istiusmodi sine i littera dicenda censet. In
Plautus -ta is the usual form, e. g. quaestui habere, extersui, twtit es9e, and with
the force of a second supine, Baceh, 6a quia istaec lepida sunt memoratui ;
but -tt is also found, e. g. Rud. 394 sunt nobis quaestu et cultu.
§ 28. Consonant-stems. The so-called * Datives in -^ ' in Latin poets
icf. Servius ad A. x. 653 oonjuncta crepidine saxi, A, x. 361 haeret pede pea, and
L. Mueller's note on Ennius, Ann. 395) are really Locatives or Instrumentals
(see Neue, i'.p. 195). The -e which we find (along with -ei) on old inscriptions
is -s, possibly in some cases (e. g. C. /. L. i. 1170, louej Marsic), a dialectal form
(cf. Umbr. patre), but certainly in others a mere graphic variety of -et, later
-i, just as the e of pUnrume on the Scipio epitaph (C. /. L. i. 3a hone oino
ploirume cosentiont) represents no different sound from the usual -et', later -t
of the Nom. PI. of O-stems. Instances of Dat. -et and -e are : Hercolei (i. 1503,
Borne, 217 B. c.) ; Martei (i. 531, Rome, an b. c.) ; Herccle {Ann, Epigr. 1890,
no. 84, Rome) ; Hercde (C. /. L. xiv. a89i-a, Praeneste). We have the three
spellings of the suffix side by side on a freedman's inscription from the
Roman district (i. mo): Junone Seispitei Matri, and the two older in i. 638:
[2>]iouet Uidore (Rome, c. 180 b. c), [Quintilian {i. 4. 17) mentions Diom Uictore
as an old form], and in xi. 4766 loue . . . louei (Spoletium in Umbria). (For
other instances of these old spellings, see Index to C. 1. L. i.)
§ 29. Ago. Sing. To form the Ace. Sing. Mase. and Fern,
the suffix -m was added^ which in the case of Consonant-stems
took the form -m (e.g. O. Ind. mat&r-am, Gk. ixririp-a^ Lat.
fnatr-em). The Ace. Neut. was the same as the Nom. (§ 10).
Thus A-stems had -am (e. g. O. Ind. divam^ Gk. xdpdv), which
in Latin would become -&m (ch. iii. § 49), equdm. The long vowel
is indicated by Osc. paam (Lat. quam), the Ace. Sg. Fem. of the
Relative Pronoun, but the usual spelling is e. g. Osc. tovtam, Umbr.
totaniy the community. O-stems had -6m, in O. Lat. om^ class.
'Um (ch. iv. § 20); lO-stems, -w?w, -iww, perhaps also in the
c c 2
388 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
' familiar ' declension (§ 5), -im ; I-stems, -im, which is found in
the older literature and in many examples, turrim^ &c., in the
classical period^ though -emy the Consonant -stem ending, has
usually supplanted it ; U-stems, -iim ; I-steras, -im (also -iym, e.g.
O. Ind. dhiyam, * thought '), which in Latin would become -?w ;
O-stems, -uwm, Lat. -uem^ e. g. snem, also -um, Lat. -i^w, e. g.
socrum. Consonant-stems take in Umbro-Oscan -om, the 0-stem
Accusative, e.g. Osc. medicaHtt-om (Lat. ^medMcdtidnem from
med-dix, a magistrate). Of Latin ES-stems some are regular,
e. g. degenSrem from ^degenes-em ; others follow the analogy of
E-stems, as in the Gen. and other cases, e. g. itUhem (ch. v. § 51 ).
§ 30. The eDdings -im and -em. We can hardly say that -l^m arose from
'\m by ordinary phonetic change, seeing that final -im remains in so many
words, 0. g. Adverbs in -im like Uim^ as well as AccusatiTes li]^e davim. The
change is rather due to that intermixture of I- and Consonant-stems wliicli
was the despair of grammarians as early as Varro (X. L. viii. 66), and which
led to the substitution of -t for -t in the * Ablative ' (see below, § 33). A list
of Accusatives in -im^ with references to the Latin grammarians who discuss
this question, is given by Neue, i^ p. 196, to which may be added pisdm on an
old Praenestine cista {K&.. Arch, 1890, p. 303), and the instances from the
Ambrosian Palimpsest of Plautus given in Studeraund's Index, e. g. imhrim,
PseviA. loa. Sometimes the use of -im indicates an I-stem, e.g. riw, some-
times a Greek loanword, e.g. furrim (?) ; it is retained in Accusatives used
adverbially, e. g. partim ,ch. ix. § 4). [Gfaudt, &c. (C. 1. L. iv. Ind.), if for Clau-
di{u)m, maybe dialectal. On Gk. *Air^€iv for^Airwiov Nom. Sg. {I,J.S. i^ii), &c.,
see Eckinger, Orth. p. 56.]
§ 31. Voo. Sing. In the Plural and Dual^ and in the Neut.
Sing., the Nom. form was used also for the Voc. in I.-Eur., and
even in the Masc., Fem. Sing, the same thing is often found (e.g.
in the Veda, Vayav Indra§ ca, ^O Vayu and Indra' ; in Hom., Zcv
Trdrcp, . . . 'HcAtos t€ ; in Plautus mens ocellv^, . . . w* aniwe). The
rule however was that in the Singular the bare stem was used
(accented on the firet syllable, e.g. O. Ind. pitar, Gk. ttoltcp,
unlike the Nom., O. Ind. pita, Gk. Trarrip). A-stems had
a short A-vowel (Gk. fito-TroTa, &c.), O-stems -e (O. Ind. vfkS,
Gk. \vK€i I^t. lupS) and so on. In Latin I-, U- and N-stems
substitute the Nom. form for the Voc., e.g. civis, mdnus, Mmo
(contrast Gk, <Ji^4, TTrj\v^ kvov) ; and the same was done in R-
stems even earlier than the shortening of long vowels before
final -r in the second cent. b. c. removed the distinction between
I.-Eur, -er and -er, -or and -or, to judge from scansions in
$$ 80-82.1 DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. VOC. SING. 389
Plautus like Merc, 800 Uxor, heus uxor; probably also in
S -steins. Final a was shortened in Nouns of the first declension
still earlier, before the literary period (eh. iii. § 43), so that it is
impossible to say whether equ<i Voc. is the Nom. form (originally
eqnd)^ or is a special Voc. form. It cannot be the I.-Eur.
Vocative, if final I.-Eur. -& became -^ in Latin (ch. iii. § 37),
so that I.-Eur. *ekwa would sink to equ^, and would be indis-
tinguishable from the Voc. of 0-stems, I.-Eur. *etwe, Voc. of
*ekwos. The levelling process to which the other Latin
Vocatives have submitted makes it likely that the Nom. was
used for the Voc. in the A-declension too ; and that the Umbrian
language, in which a distinction between the Nom. (in -0, § a), and
the Voc. (only in -a, e. g. ^erfia), of A-stems is clearly apparent,
has retained the I.-Eur. -& of the Voc. (cf. ch. iii. § 18, p. 191).
Latin lO-stems show in the Voc. -f , e. g. VUlSri ; but this form
is hardly found except in proper names [which, as we saw before,
(§ 5), admitted the 'familiar' declension, -w Nom., -ii» Acc.(?),&c.],
and the word of everyday life,/^//, so that the -i need not be
a contraction of an older -i^, but may be the Voc. byform
corresponding to the Nom. byform -?> (cf. Lith. gaidy Voc. from
gaidys Nom., ' a cock ' ; see § 5). RO-stems which took -er in
the Nom. retain this in the Voc. too, though pu^re, and not
puer, seems to be the form always used by Plautus.
§ 32. Other examples. Ju-piter (better Juppiter^ ch. ii. § 130, p. 116; cor-
responds exactly with Gk. Ztv vArfp, and might be a Vocative used as
a Nominative, just as Homer's y€<l>€\riy€piTd Zcvt, fxririird Z«i/y, have been
explained as obsolete Vocative forms, preserved only in certain liturgies, and
treated by the poet as Nominatives through a similar mistake to oura in using
* cherubim ' as a Singular. But Ju-piter may also be a correctly formed
Nominative with the stem *Dyeu-, Lat. Jor- (cf. O. Lat. Jovis Nom.) as the
first part of the Compound (cf. ju-glans, ch. v. § 85). The same double expla-
nation is possible for Dite pcUer Voc. {C, 1. L. i. 818). Di^c Voc. (Eph, Epigr. viii.
529) reminds us of 6k. 6<pi, &c. '
The Vocative formation for lO-stems is discussed by Ctellius (Nod, Att. xiv. 5),
who describes a battle royal waged in his presence between two grammarians
about the proper Voc of egregius^ without satisfactory result (non arbitratus
ego operae pretium esse, eadem istaec diutius audire, clamantes compugnan-
tesque illos reliqui). Priscian (i. p. 301. 19 H.") says that the early writers
used -ie as well as -i in the Voc. of proper names : haec tamen eadem etiam
in e proferebant antiquissimi, *0 Virgilie,* *Mercurie' dicentes, though all
that he quotes is a couple of instances of Laertie, which is a Greek word, and
as much an Adjective as a Noun. He adds that the classical form -I must be
39© THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
a contraction of this older -ie (as Arpinds, kc.j of older Arpindtis, &c) because
Vocs. in -i were accented on the paenultima, e.g. Vaieri Voc. (like Vaieri
Gen.). Gellius (xiii. a6) tells us that Nigidius Figulus (first cent b.c.) wished
to distinguish Vaieri Voc from Vaiiri Gen., but says that in his time both Voc
and Gen. of lO-stems -were invariably accented on the paenultima (cf. ch. iii.
\ la 4). (For other passages of the grammarians, see Neue, FormenL i*. p. 89.)
Priscian elsewhere (i. p. 305. 9H.) quotes ^Ye (apparently the more ceremonious
form) from Livius Andronicus :
pdter n6ster, Satumi filie,
but almost the only instance of the Voc. Sg. of a masc. lO-stem to be found
in Plautus and the older writers is mUiiri (for which some would read wUure),
' you vulture ' {Capt, 844). PuMi Comdi occurs on a Scipio epitaph of c. 180 b.c.
{C. L L. i. 33). Adjective lO-stems take at all periods -ie^ though there is
evidently a reluctance on the part of good writers to use these forms (see
Neue, Formenl. \\\ p. 43).
§ 33. Abl. Sing. The Ablative suflSx, ending in -d, appears to
have been used in I.-Eur. only in O-stems, which formed their
Abl. Sg. in -6d and -ed (the latter suffix being reserved in the
Italic languages for Adverbs, ch. ix. §1), [O. Ind. yugat, ' from
a yoke/ O. Lat. jugod^ Falisc. rected, class. Lat. jugo^ recle, final
d being dropped after a long vowel at the close of the third cent.
B. c. (ch. ii. § 137)]. In other stems the Genitive ending -es or
-6s was used (O. Ind. navfis, ' from a ship/ Hom. Gk. vt]{F)6s) ;
and in the Greek language this Ablatival use of the Genitive
was extended to O-stems too. In the Italic languages on the
other hand the A-, I-, U- and E-stems acquired Ablatives in -d
on the Analogy of the O-stems ; and the Consonant-stems
availed themselves in Latin of the I-stem Abl., in Umbro-
Osean of the O-stem Abl. (e. g. O. Lat. air-id, Osc. ligud, * by
law'). The Locative Case in -^ (possibly Instrumental, § 36)
of these Consonant-stems competed with this I-stem Abl. not
only in Consonant- stems (e. g. acre and am), but also in I-stems
(e. g. cive and cit*), so that Varro declares that ore was heard in
his time as often as ovi^ are as avi. The confusion of cases was
increased by the circumstance that when -d of the Abl. was
dropped, nothing remained to distinguish Abl. 'e(d) of £-stems,
-Z(rf) of I-stems, -«(rf) of U-stems from Loc. -^, -t, -w (see § 37), so
that the dvl, dvi of Varro 's time have as much right to be called
Locatives as Ablatives. (On the question whether these forms
can have been Instromentals, see § 36.)
$$33,84.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. ABL. SING. 391
The use of -S in the * Abl/ Sg. of I-stems was certainly not
so far advanced in the time of Plautus as in the classical period.
He uses only sorli, Uli, civi,fusli^ mv?, Sec, not sorfi, &c. Priscian
however attests rete (presumably refe, likeforf^, Most, 694) in Rud.
1020, and remarks (i. p. 331. 16 H.): vetustissimi solebant hujusce-
modi ablativum etiam in -e proferre. Of Consonant- stems with
-* we have, e. g.pariitl (MSS. -e?), Cas, 140, pumtcl (MSS. -tf), Pers,
41, ohieci, Per9, 203. (For details of the use of -/ and -e forms
by the Latin authors, and the rules laid down by the native
grammarians, see Neue, i^. pp. 21a sqq.). An early example of
the Ablatival use of -e (presumably -e) is the line of the Saturnian
Scipio epitaph (C. /, L. i. 30, c 200 b. c. ?) :
Gjiaiuod pAtre progn^tus fortis vir sapi^naque.
(Cf. aire moltaticod i. 181, Picenum) ; somewhat later are i. 198
(Lex Repet.) mai ore parte diei; i. 199 (Sent. Minuc.) de maiore
parte ; i. 603 (Lex Furf .) mense Flusare (dial. ? Cf . Sab. mesene
Flusare). We have -ei, apparently a graphic variety of * (ch. i.
§ 9), in the Scipio epitaph of c. 130 b. c. (i. 34, along with aetate) :
is hie situs quel nunquam uictus est uirtutei
(cf. ah fmitei on the Sent. Minuc, i. 199. 7) ; -i in the Lex Agr.
(i. 200. 23 ab eo herediue eius . . . testamento hereditati dedi-
tioniue obuenit, and again : curatore herediue), in the Lex Jul.
Municip. (i. 206 ubi continenti habitabitur), the Lex Rep. (i. 198.
56 de sanction!, but also adessint for adessent). These are clearly
the later forms of the older "id of i. 61 airid, i. 186 (S. C.
Bacch.) couentmiid, xi. 4766 bouid,
§ 34. O. Lat. Abl. with -d. Ablatives with -d seem to be unknown in
Plautus and the earliest Dramatic literature, so that the final dental must
have dropped out of the spoken language before the end of the third cent. b. c,
though it is found in the Saturnian poetry (e. g. Naevius, Bell. Pun. 7 M. n6ctu
Troiad exibant cdpitibus op^rtis ; C. /. L. i. 30, one of the oldest Saturnian
Scipio epitaphs : Gnaiuod patre (probably -e prognatus fortis uir sapi^nsque
(but Srtwn/oAbl. on the same epitaph), and is persistently written in the S. C. de
Bacchanalibus (i. 196) of 186 b. c. (sententiculj couentionidj exstrad, supradj oquoltodj
preinatody popUcod, JacUumed^ &c.). It is as persistently omitted in a nearly
contemporary inscription {C. I. L. ii. 5041, Spain, of 189 b. c). [For other
examples of Abl. -d on inscriptions, and for passages of the Latin grammarians
referring to this form, see Neue, i^ p. 2, Ritschl, Xeue ExcursCj i., and add porod
(for ^ass. porro) on a Praenestine cista, Mel. Arch. 1890, p. 303.] In Oscan the
-d remains, e.g. tristaamentud 'testamento,' akrid *acri,* egmad *re' (cf.
39^1 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CJhftp. VI.
Fallscan sententiad), but in Umbrian it has been dropped as in Latin, e.g.poplu
* populo,' re-per * pro re,' ocri-per, ven * Tift * (cf. Pelignian oisa * usa ') ; similarly
with Adverbs in -(5d, e. g. Osc. amprufid * improbe/ Umbr. rehte * recte ; * Cons,
stems show the O-stem Abl., e.g. Osc. ligud * lege,' or the Loc. in -I, e. g. Pelign
aetate, Umbr. nomne.
§ 36. I-stem and Cons. -stem * AbL' in -i and -e. There is no evidence
of an old Cons. -stem -erf, later -?, corre8i>onding to I-stem -Irf, later -I. The
dictatored (also navaled^ but marid] of the Columna Rostrata (C 1. L. i. 195) is
probably a mistake, for the inscription is not the actual inscription of 260 b.c,
but a copy made in the time of the Empire ; and the instances in MSS. of
Plautus and the old poets with final -s may be due to that 4mperitia ' on the
part of scril)e8 which Priscian (i. p 345. i H.) blames for the change of c»ct, &c
to cive in MSS. of Cicero. The reading of the best Palatine MS. (9) in Plaut.
Pseud. 6i6 is mHitite^ which points to a correction in the archetype of mUid to
militf (the Ambrosian Palimp^^est seems to have miliii) ; and the MSS. often
vary between -t and -e, e. g. Naev. BeU, Pun, 14 M. pietcUi ^v. 1. -te), Enn. A,
486 M. monti (MSS. moniis and monte),
§ 86. Instr. Sing. The Latin grammarians knew nothing of
an Instrumental Case. Quintilian indeed (i. 4. 26) suggests
that a seventh ease is required in Latin for such a phrase as
kasfd percvssi, where Aaafd is not a real Ablative ; though of the
previous existence of an Instrumental Case in the Latin language
he has no conception. But in various I.-Eur. languages we find
an Instrumental, and also a Locative Case; Sanscrit, for example,
has, in addition to the Abl. devat, * from a god,' the Instra-
mental ^ devena, * with a god ' (in Vedic also *devd), and the
Locative deve, 'in a god.' And the sufiixes used in these languages
to form their Instrumentals and Locatives it is possible to find
also in Latin, though the weakening process which attacked every
Latin final syllable has made them indistinguishable from other
Case suffixes. To form the Instrumental Singular there seem to
have been originally two methods used in the Indo-European
language : (1) the addition of -e [according to some -il, which
would in Latin become -^ (ch. iii. § 37)] ; in Cons.-stems this -e
is found unchanged, in A-stems we have -a, in O-stems -6 or -e
and so on ; (2) the addition of -bhi (e. g. Hom. Gk. t-<^t), or -mi
(e. g. Lith. sunu-ml, ' with a son *) ; and various modifications of
these suffixes are found in the different languages. Of A-stem
^ The Instrumental, it may be remarked, in tlie case used after the phrase
drtho bhavati (Lat. opus est).
§§ 85, 86.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. INSTR. SING. 393
Instrumentals with I.-Eur. -a (and -am ?) (e. g. Gk. \i6pd ?) there
are no certain examples in Latin, for the Adverbs supra, extra,
&c. are written in the S. C. de Bacehanalibus suprad, exsirad,
and are therefore Ablatives. Some make O, Lat. confrd (the
invariable scansion in O. Lat. poetry, Skutseh^ Forschungen , i.
p. ;{) an Instrumental, with the same shortening of -a as is seen
in the Nom. Sing, of A-stems, e. g. ierra (eh. iii. § 43), cmitrd,
the classical form being adapted to the type of supra, extra, &c.
But contra may be an Ace. PI. Neut. form, and frustrd (the
O. Lat. quantity, e.g. ne frustrd sis, Plant.) need not be an
Instrumental either. The Osean preposition cofUrud (i. e. *con-
trod ; cf . Lat contro-versia) is an Ablative.
The 0-stem suffix -6 would by the second cent. B.C., when -d
was dropped after a long vowel, be identical with the Abl., so
that modo, cito (usually with -^ by the Law of Breves Breviantes,
ch. iii. § 42) may be either Instrumentals or Ablatives. Porro is
shown to be an Abl. by the old spelling porod, mentioned above
(§ 34). The other 0-stem suffix -e may indeed appear in bSni,
male, since the shortening of their final syllable by the Breves
Breviantes Law (e. g. Plant, ddt^d for *datdd) has advanced more
rapidly than in the case of ~ed ; but on the other hand this might
be referred to their greater use in everyday life (cf. ^av^ but 7»one
in Quintilian's time, ch. iii. § 42), and their more frequent occur-
rence in word-groups, e. g. tjene-rem-geras, wale-jicio (cf . d'l^quinte
but fide, ch. iii. § 44). (The scansion l)ene, viale in Plant, is
doubtful.) Superlative Adverbs in -e have lost a final d, as is
shown hyfaciluyned on the S. C. de Bacehanalibus. Similarly -e of
Fifth Decl. stems, e. ^, facie, re, may be Instrumental -e or Abla-
tive -ed ; -Z of I-steras may be Instr. -i or Abl. -id; -« of U-stems
may be Instr. -u or Abl. -ud; they may also be Locative -e (e.g.
postri'die), -Syl- (Lat. -ei, class, -i, e. g. NedpUi), -eu- (Lat. -«,
e. g. yioctu) (see § 37). The -e of Consonant-stems, e. g. patre,
cannot be an Abl. suffix, but either Instrumental -e (-S?), or
Locative -1 (Lat. -6?, e. g. Tlbure), used ablativally and instru-
mentally, as Loc. -t in Gk. Cons.-stems was used to express all
the meanings of the Greek Dative case, e. g. iraTp-t
It thus appears how difficult it is to establish by certain proof
the presence of Instrumental forms in the Latin declension, owing
394 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
to the lack of a sufficient number of examples from the earlier
inscriptions in which Abl. forms have not yet lost their final d
(e. g. C, 1, L, xi. 4766 bouid piaclum datod ; i. 61 airid [coir]au-
[it] ; i. 181 aire moltaticod ; Zvet. 7. /. 7. 7 a opidque Uolgani) *,
and Loc. -t would be distinguished from Instrumental -e (-& ?).
Yet the evidence of cognate languages shows that Instru-
mental case-forms must have been a living part of Latin at
some period, however remote; and when we come to examine
the formation of Latin Adverbs we shall find that some of them
are believed with a fair amount of probability to be Instrumentals.
The evidence that we can draw from forms on Oscan inscriptions
(they are not very numerous), is all in favour of the supposition
that in the declension of the Noxm the Instrumental forms had
quite dropped out of use. The Oscan language, unlike the Um-
brian, does not drop final d; and indubitable Ablative forms
with -d are used in all the senses of the Latin ' Ablative/ to
express our prepositions *from/ ^ with,* ^by/ &c., e.g. kumben-
nieis tanginud, ' by decree of the assembly/ eltiuvad, ^ with
money/ up eisud sakaraklud (Lat. aptul id sacellum), (The doubt-
ful eitie of Zv. 7. 7. 7. 89 : suvad eltie upsed (Lat. suapecuniu opera-
tu9 eef), requires confirmation before it can be used as evidence that
IE-stems used an Instr. or Loc. -ie instead of Abl. -ied. The
absence of an Abl. in -ied from the early Latin inscriptions can
be explained by the comparative paucity of Fifth Decl. stems.)
In the Pelignian dialect^ a variety of Oscan, we have in the few
inscriptions preserved an ^ Ablative Absolute,' oisa aetate (Lat.
usd aefafe, with passive sense of the Deponent, ^ his life having
been exhausted ') (cf . forte, of doubtful meaning, on the same
inscription), and an Ablative of imcertain construction, suad(?)
aetatu firata fertlid (Lat. &ud aeiate . . .ferfili)^ with apparent
dropping of -d before initial f ; and this evidence, so far as it
goes, points to an Abl. of Cons.-stems in -ud (i. e. -od, the 0-stem
Abl. suffix), beside another case in -e (presumably -6). If how-
ever this -e represents an original -T (cf. Pel. ae for ai, Osc.
Bansae Loc.) the case will be a Locative, not an Instrumental ;
and this view is favoured by the fact that other stems have in
' The (Adverb ?) mi:rit6 is spelt meretod or tneritod on the oldest inscriptions.
$ 87.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. LOC. SING. 395
Osean a Locative as well as an Ablative Case, e. g. A-stems :
vfai mefial Loe.^ beside eitiuvad Abl. (and eituas Gen.) ; O-stems :
Ladinei Loc., beside tristaamentud Abl. (and sakaraklels Gen.).
An isolated example of an Adverb formed apparently by the
Instr. suffix in Osc. is suluh * omnino * (Zvet. /. /. /. 129), though
this stands on a carelessly written inscription, a leaden execra-
tion tablet^ and is not free from the suspicion of being meant for
sullud, a form which seems to occur (the last letter is unfortu-
nately not quite legible) on another tablet of the same kind (/. F.
ii. 435 ; cf. von Planta,i. pp. 577-80). The conclusion therefore
which the scanty evidence at our disposal entitles us to draw is
that Instrumental formations, though they may be found in some
Latin Adverbs, are not found in the declension of Latin Nouns,
the case-forms which competed with the Latin Ablative (especi-
ally in Cons.-stems) being Locatives and not Instrumentals.
§ 37. Locative Singular. Locatives in I.-Eur. seem some-
times to have had a final -t (e. g. O. Ind. murdh&n-i and murdhn-i,
* on the head '), sometimes not (e. g. O. Ind. murdhdn, Gk. dopici'
Inf., a Loc. as 5o/i€i;at is a Dat.). Of Locatives without -t in
Latin there are only uncertain traces, such as Prepositions like
penes (Loc. of penu^, with -es not sunk to -«>, possibly because
the accent rested on it in collocations like pefi^s me, peTies te, ch. iii.
§ I2fl. 3), and Adverbs like fioctil. The predominant formation
is with -Y. Of these T- forms, A-stem locatives show I.-Eur. -ai
in O. Ind. a§vay-am, Lith. rankoj-e, with Postpositions -am and -e,
but in Greek the ordinary diphthong -ai (a ' doublet' of ai, ch. iv.
§ 45), e. g. 0r;/3at-y€i;Tjy ; and this is also the Italian form (O. Lat.
-at, class. Lat. -ae, Osc. -ai, Umbr. -e). O-stems took -oi and
-ei (e.g. Gk. oXkol and otKet). By the phonetic laws of Latin
both these suffixes would become -ei, class, -i (ch. iii. §18); so
the origin of the suffix of CdriulM, &c. is, so far as Latin is con-
cerned, doubtful. But in Oscan we have -ei, which must be
I.-Eur. -ei (e. g. muinikei terei, ' on common ground ') (Umbr. -e,
e. g. (ksfre onse, ' on the right shoulder,^ may be -oi or -ei). Fifth
Decl. stems took -ei, which already in the ' I.-Eur. period ' had a
' doublet * -e. It is this latter form which appears in Latin, e. g.
die in the phrase poslri-die, die crasi1,ni, &c. (unless die has lost
39^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
a final <1 ; cf . Faliscan foied ' hodie '). I-st^ms had -Syt (e. g.
Horn. Gk. 7rro\€t), which in Latin would become -e'i, class, -i,
and would be merged in the Dative (§ 23) [possibly Instrumental
(§ 3^)] suffixes. U-stems had -Swt (e. g. Hom. Gk. aorci), but
Latin U-stem Locatives show -u, the i-less formation, e. g. noctUj
mentioned above. I-stems showed -tyt, Lat. -I, as iJ-stems -iiwt,
Lat. 'lie, e. g. sue. Consonant-stems had -t (used in Greek as
Dative suffix, as well as Locative), which in Latin became -^,
e.g. Carthdijin'^^ rure, and Infs. Act. like ci{/ere, vtvere (contrast
O. Ind jivds-e, Lat. agl, which are Datives), though by false
analogy of O-stems (or I-stems ?) we sometimes find -i, e. g. rtirly
perhaps introduced to discriminate the locative from the ablative
use, e. g. rurl esse^ from rvrS vetiire,
% 38. Locatives in -i and -e in Latin. IRn is by modem editors written
with -e when the last vowel has to bo scanned short, otherwise with -i. The
scansion hen i,by the Brevis Brevians Law, ch. iii. § 42) is common enough in
the early Dramatists , e. g. Caecil. Com. 197 R. heri uero, where heri has abun-
dant MS. authority), while the spelling/ter« is established for passages like Plaut.
Mil. 59 (quantity of final vowel doubtful \ where the Ambrosian Palimpsest
has lusre and the Palatine MS. hercle (cf. Pers. 108). Quintilian (i. 7. 22") says :
*here' nunc e littora terminamus: atveterumcomicorum adhuc librisinvenio:'
*heri ad me uenit,* quod idem in epistulis August!, quas sua manu scripsit
aut emendavit, deprehenditur. [On his remark (i. 4. 8), in 'here' neque
e plane neque i auditur, see ch. ii. § 16.] Tlie spelling of these fonns. especi-
ally in the early writers, is often doubtful, and so it is difficult to prove with
certainty such a theory as that only ruri is used for * in the country,* and
usually rurc for * from the country * in Plautus (Langen, Beitrdge, p. 308). Cha-
risius (p. 200. 12 K.) attests ?ieri for Afranius Com. 71 R., peregri for Naev. Cow.
93 R. , hut peregre for Naev. Com. 84 R., asprae-Jiscine for Afranius Cow. 36 R. The
long quantity of the final vowel of pSrPgre (so both the Ambrosian Palimpsest
and the Palatine family) is required by the metre in Plaut. Tntc, 127, an
anapaestic line, and peregrp has been explained as the suflSxless Locative of an
I-stem peregri- (ch. v. § 34) with the L-Eur. ending -e, a doublet of -6i (cf.
O. Ind. agnfi, Loc. of agni-, 'fire'). VespM^ the form always used by the early
writers, is naturally referred to the 0-Stem vespen)'. Temp^l {•oriy see G^eol^ges,
Lex. Wort/, h.v.) may be related to tempore as faentifi to fnenorty majori to major?
(§ 33)j ^^^ so with run (e. g. Ter. Phonn. 363, Plaut. Cist. 226), Carthagini (e.g.
Plaut. Poen. 1056 AP), Acchervnti Plaut., while nUine (if not an Adverbial Ac-
cusative may show conversely a Cons. -stem 'Ablative ' suffix applied to an
I-stem fnani-f Manes PI. (ch. v. § 37). The close connexion of the Ablative and
Locative, already mentioned in § 33, is seen in phrases like mane sane septimi,
Plaut. Men. 1157 ; luci daro, Plaut. AtU. 748 (the use of daro for clard or darae is
due to the fact that luci being an Adverb does not have the fem. gender of btx).
(For fuller details about these Locatives, see Bell on the Latin Locative ; Neuo,
Formenlehrc, ii'. p. 640, i*. p. 242).
§§ 88-40.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NOM. PLUR. 397
§ 89. A-stems, fto. O. Lat. -at is never dissyllabic, like -at of the Genitive.
In Plautus a common A-stem Loc. is rtdnia^, as in the phrase proxumae uicinicief
* next door/ We have Romai on a very early inscription, C.I.L. L 54 : med
Romai fecid. Die quinti occurs in Cato*s account of Maharbal's boast to Hanni-
bal : mitte mecum Romam equitatum ; die quinti in Capitolio tibi cena cocta
erit !^ap. QeU. x. 24. 7).
§ 40. Nom. Plur. I. Maso., Fern. The I.-Eur. -Ss, which
appears ia Cons.-stems as -§8 (e. g. O. Ind. matdr-as, Gk. /iTyrep-cy),
in A-stems as -as, in 0-stems as -os, and so on, is the suffix in
use among the Umbro-Oscan dialects (e.g. Umbr. frater for
*fratr-Ss, Osc. cen^tur for -rSs, aasas ' arae'), but in Latin is hardly
found except in I-stems whose -es represents I.-Eur. -Syes (e. g.
from the I.-Eur. stem tri-,' three,' O. Ind. trdyas,Cret. Gk. rpUs
for *Tp€y€s, Att. rpcts) Lat. fres. In 0-stems this I.-Eur. suffix -os
is replaced in many of the I.-Eur. languages by -oi, the Nom. PI.
suffix of the Pronominal Declension (e.g. I.-Eur. *toi, O. Ind.
te, Hom. Gk. rot, Lat. is-ti from -Ui from original -toi). Thus
in Greek we find -ot (e. g. Xvkol), in Celtic -oi (e. g. Gaul. Tano-
taliknoi ; O. Ir. fir Nom. PI., ' men,' points to an original
*wiroi, as does Lat vtri, while firu Voc. PI. is either the I.-Eur.
Nom. PI. in -os or the Ace. PI.), Teutonic -ai (used in Adjectives,
I.-Eur. -OS being used in Nouns), Balto-Slav. -ai (e.g. Lith.
viikai, O. SI. vluci, ' wolves'). Similarly in Latin we find -1
from -ei from still earlier -oe or ^oi, e. g. O. Lat. poploe (Carm.
Saliare), pojjlei, class, jjdjjuli, which is thus distinguished from
Ace. PI. jwpiild^ as Nom. PL isli (originally -toi) from Ace. PI.
islos. The prevalence of this Pronominal oi-suffix among the
European languages suggests the possibility that Umbro-Osc.
-OS (e. g. Umbr. Atiersinr * Attiedii/ Osc. Nuvlanus ^ Nolani ')
may have had at one period a struggle for existence with -oi,
and may have owed its acceptance into use to the analogy of A-
stem Noms. Plur. in -as. The Latin A-stem suffix -ae, e. g.
drae (O. Lat. -ai, never dissyllabic, according to Prise, i. p. 221 H.),
is an example of the contrary change from a prehistoric -as^of
which no traces remain, to a new formation made on the model
of the -oi of 0-stems. It resembles Greek -at (e. g. yjapai), but
must have been originally -^«, since the ordinary diphthong -Si
would become -^ in the unaccented syllable in Latin (cf. occidi for
oC'Caidoy eh. iii. § 18). Lat. iJ-stems with Nom. PI. -169 may
398 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CJhftp. VI.
have the I. -Eur. suffix, but U-stems with -us show the Ace. PI.
suffix, instead of the I.-Eur. Nom. PI. -ewSs, which would be in
Latin -uSs^ -ma, (This would hardly contract into -us, as we saw
before, §21). The -u which is occasionally found for -es in I-stems
is also an Ace. PI. suffix (§ 51) ; and the I-stem Nom. PI. vU (so
in O. Lat., but in class. Lat. vtr-es for ^vis-es, an S-stem) is pro-
bably an Accusative form. The -es of Cons.-stems, e. g. mafr-ea,
censor-es may either be the I-stem Nom. PI. ending, since there is
so much interchange of Cons.- and I-stems in Latin (§ 30), or the
Ace, PI. ; and the same is true of the tJ-stem -nes, e. g. suds,
$ 41. A-stems. RitschI {Neue Excwrae, i. p. 1 18) proposed to avoid hiatus in
some passages of Plautus by the change of Nom. PI. -ae to -^, reading e. g.
(Uternaa in Tiin. 539 :
nam fulguritae sunt alternae Arbores,
where all the MSS., the Palatine family as well as the Ambrosian Palimpsest,
read alternae (which may be right, the hiatus being palliated by the allitera-
tion, though editors prefer altemis^ or dUernaSf an Adverb like dli<xs, dWhras),
He quoted in support of this change a line from one of the Atellanae of
Pomponius, c. 90 b. c. {Com, 141 R.) :
qu6t laetitias insperatas m6do mi inrepsere in sinum,
where laetUias inspercUas is now usually explained as Ace, governed by inrepsere^
though it may quite well be a dialectal form, for the Atellanae in imitating
the manners of country life may also have imitated its language. Dialectal
-as Nom. PL is found in the old inscriptions of Pisaurum with the s dropped
(C. /. L, i. 173 matrona Pisaurese dono dedrot ; 177 dono dedro matrona),
along with Gen. Sg. -a(«) [or Dat. Sg. -<i(i), § 24]. In early inscriptions we
have -at for class -oe, e. g. iabelai, datai on the S. C. de Bacch.
§ 42. O-stema. PUumnoe poploe was a phrase used of the Romans in the
Carmen Saliare (Fest. 244. 25 Th. velut pilis uti assueti) ; cf. fescemnoe (qui
depellere fascinum credebantur, Paul. Fest. 61. 10 Th.; should we resid Feaceni-
noe, class. Fescennini'i). On early inscriptions we have -c<, e. g. foideratei, «*>«,
oinuorsei on the S.G. de Bacch., sometimes written -e (cf. ch. iv. § 34), e.g. ploirume
{C. I. L, i. 3a}. A Nom. PI. of an lO-stem with -is occurs on an inscription of
the first cent. a. d. (C. /. L. i. 1541 6), fllis. It is impossible to say whether
/flei (i. i27a),/e{7et (i. 1384) (cf. meet, i. 1041) is meant for this form (cf. Clodi for
Godis Nom. Sg.), or is a misspelling of filiei (i. 1275) or a contraction of it (like
graiis for older gratiia), 0-stems show -eis, also written -es, -ts, in some inscrip-
tions of the end of the second or beginning of the first cent. b. c, e.g. magisireis
(C. 1 L. i. 565, Capua, 108 b. c. : heisce magistreis Uenerus louiae muru aedi-
ficandum coirauerunt), lanies (vi. 168, Rome), vioLaries rosaries coronariis (vi. 169,
Rome). . (For other examples, see RitschI, Opusc. ii. 646, and add heisce magis-
treisj Not. Scar. 1893, p. 164, firom Capua, mustae pieiSf C. I. L. iii. Suppl. 12318,
from Samothrace.) This form is attested for the pronoun hie by Priscian
(i- p. 593. 5 H. inveniuntur tamen etiam nominativum ' hisce ' proferentes
antiqui), and is found in the Nom. PI. Masc. of Aic, tUe, iste in the Dramatists
§5 41-45.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NOM. PLUR. 399
before a word beginning with a vowel, when the particle -ce in added, e. g.
Plant. Mil. 374 :
non pdssunt mihi minaciis tuis hisice oculi exfodiri,
(similarly tUiafe and isHxe are the forma used in Plautus before a word begin-
ning with a vowel, never iUic^ isdc ; Studemund in Fleck. Jahrh. 1876, p. 57),
though probably never in the Nom.- PI. of 0-stem nouns. In the pronouns it
seems to be due to the addition of the plural suffix -5 to the already formed
plural in -t (older -ei) ; in the Noun O-stems it may have the same origin,
though it is not unlikely that the lO-stem formation mentioned above had at
least some share in bringing it into use.
DeuB has two Nom. PI. forms, dei, a dissyllable (probably the more cere-
monious form), and eft, also written dtt, a monosyllable. {Dii and dei are
compared to it and ei by Prise, i. p. 298 H.).
% 43. f-stems. Varro (L. L. viii. 66) saya that puppis and puppes, restis and
restes were rival forms in his time, like Abl. 6vi and ore, dirt and are. On early
inscriptions we have usually -ea, e. g. aidiUSf C. I. L, i. 187, Eph. Epigr. viii. 676,
but ceiveia on the Lex Repetund. of 123-iaa b. c. (C, I. L, i. 198. 77), /ineis and
/inis in the Sent. Minuciorum of 117 B.C. (t&. i. 199), and peUeis on the Lex
Furf. (i. 603) (cf coqitescUrienms on a Praenestine inscr., i. 1540). (See Neue, i^
p. 346.) The O. Lat. Plur. of vis was vis (Prise, i. p. 249. 9 H.).
§ 44. Cons.-stems. Lat. qiuUtuor appears to be a relic of the -ds formation,
for *quattuor-6s (§ 63), I.-Eur. ♦qWtworfis ;0. Ind. catv^ras, Dor. Gk. r^ropcv,
O. Ir. cethir), though some make it represent I. -Eur. *q9etw6r, supposing this
to be a byform of the ordinary Neuter, which would be in Latin *quattuora
(Osc. petora or *petoro). Plautine scansions like cdniSy turbinds {Trin. 835) are of
course mere examples of the Law of Breves Breviantes, like the Imperatives
cUtI, patd, &c. (ch. iii. § 42) (cf. Ace. PI. liberda virginSSy Pers. 845) and are no
evidence of the use of the suffix -&.
§ 45. Nom.y Aco. Flur. II. Neut. In the Italic^ Balto-
Slavic, and Teutonic languages all Neuter stems form their
Nom. and Ace. Plur. in -a, while in Greek we have -a. This
a seems to have been originally peculiar to O-stems, and to be in
reality the same as the Nom. Sg. Fem. sufiix. Prof. Johannes
Schmidt, in his book on the Indo-European formation of Neuter
Plurals {Die Pluralbildnngen der Indogermanuchen Nentra,
Weimar, 1889) has mustered an array of facts from the various
I.-Eur. languages, which point to the Neut. Plur. having been
originally a Collective Fem. Sg. like JjSLt.fat/nlia in the sense of
'fdrnfUi, so that, e. g. Lat. jiiga originally meant what the
Germans would express by ^das Gejoehe,' the yoke-material.
The use of a Singular Verb with a Neut. Plur. subject in
400 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Oliap- VI.
•
Greek, O. Ind. (Vedie) and Zend niay be explained by this
hypothesis, e. g. firjpa in Horn. //. i. 464 ^ttcI Kara ixrjp* iKarj
differs from firjpoC of 1. 460 firjpovs r k^irayiov in signifying the
mass of meat as opposed to the thighs separately. And the
change of Gender in Lat. cae?nentum N., caemefita F., mendum N.,
metida F. may be due to the fact that a Collective Sing. Fem.
caementa^ menda, being treated as a Plural (a ' Nom. Plur. Neut.'),
developed a new Singular, caeynenfjivi, mendum (Nom. Sing.
Neut.). Other illustrations of the connexion between a Col-
lective Sing. Fem. and a Plur. Neut. may be seen in Prof.
Schmidt's book, e. g. Lat. ^p^ra Sg. Fem. and op^a Plur. Neut.,
Hom. Gk. TOL ffvlaj Att. ff ffvla, with plur. at fivCoL, (The Latin
examples of change of Gender like locus Sg., loca PI. are to be
found in Neue, i ^. p. 540.)
The suffix -a appears, as we have seen, in the Nom. Plur. of
all Neuter-stems in the European languages. But in the oldest
Indian and Zend literature we have relics of an earlier state of
things, viz. -a for 0-stems, -1 for I-stems (a Latin relic of -1 is
frt'ffi?tfa, lit. ' three tens,' § 74), -u for U -stems (perhaps the long
vowel of Lat. j)icvy g6nu, carnu, &c. may be due to their having
been originally Neut. Plur. ; another suggestion is, that genu,
coruu, &c. were Duals, like I.-Eur. *sunu, Nom. Dual of the
stem *8unii-, ^a son'); while Cons.-stems lengthened the
vowel of their final syllable [e.g. Vedic nama, ^ names,' for
*nomo(u)?j Prof. Schmidt compares Lat. quattuor from I.-Eur.
*q"etwor, but see § 63]. All these formations Prof. Schmidt
identifies with Fem. Sing. Collectives.
Like the -a of the Nom. Sing, of A-stems, Neut. Plur. -a
appears in Latin as -S in the earliest literature, and in Umbro-
Oscan becomes an <?-sound, Oscan u, Umbr. u, (a), both written
in the Latin alphabet <?, which is scanned by Lucilius as a short
syllable in the Oscan loanword soUo (Lat. iota Neut. PI. ) [iiic,
160 M.) :
uasa quoque omnino dirimit, non solid dupundi,
and is written -a by Festus in the Oscan numeral petora^ four
(250. 30 Th. petoritum et Gallicum vehiculum esse, et nomen
ejus dictum esse existimant a numero quattuor rotarum. alii
Osee, quod hi quoque ' petora ' quattuor vocent). In Umbrian
S 46.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. GEN. PLUR. 4OI
it appears that the Nom. and Ace. PI. of Neuter-stems were
distinguished by the addition to this -0 of the -r (-s) and the -f ,
which are the final letters of the Mase. Nom. and Ace. Plur.,
though it is possible that this -r and -f were not pronounced,
but were used merely as graphic criteria of the two cases, e. g.
tuderor Nom., verof Ace. Whether it is merely accidental, or
not, that the ordinary forms in -a, -0 are found in the Ace.
along with forms in -of, but not in the Nom. along with forms
in -or, the limited material does not allow us tp dedde.
With that interchange of the Cons.- with the I-declension
mentioned in § 50, we have e. g. pltiria (cf . comjduria) and plurUy
forms discussed by Gellius (v. 21), who tells us of a letter
written by Sinnius Capito to Pacuvius Labeo to prove the
thesis : * pluria non plura dici debere.' We have -ia in the
Neut. Plur. of Adjective Stems like teretia^ auddda^ vicirlcia,
fSrentia, Slc. (see Neue, ii^. p. 121), but always vil^ra from
veins, which was originally a Noun (Gk. (F)iToSj a year) (§ 55).
In O. Lat. we have silenfa, for slleiUia, quoted by Gellius
from Laevius (Gell. xix. 7. 7 ab eo quod est sileo ^silenta
loca ^ dixit et ' pulverulenta ' et ^ pestilenta ') (see ch. v. § 64).
§ 46. Gen. Flur. The suffix -6m is indicated by most of the
I. -Eur. languages (e.g. Gk. 177710)2;, iMrjTip'oav), which would in
Latin become in time -dm (ch. iii. § 49), then -urn (e. g. socium
on the S. C. de Bacch.) (cf. Osc. Nuvlanum, Ma/ifpnrovpi,
\ovKavo\i., Umbr Aiiersio), A -stems took in Greek and in the
Italic languages -asom, e.g. (Hom Gk. O^dotv, Att. $€(av, Lat.
dedrnni, Osc. egmazum ' rerum,^ which was the Gen. Plur. Fem.
suffix of Pronouns (e.g. O. Ind. tasam, Hom. Gk. rdtjiv^ Lat.
is-farum), and after this model a Gen. PI. of 0-stems was formed
in Latin with the suffix -ontm (O. Lat. -arofn), a suffix not found
in Umbro-Oscan, which by Cicero's time drove the older -tw/, -?////
off the field. On the same model the Fifth Decl. stems formed
their Crcn. PL, e. g. fhcierum. The use of -ium in (yen. Plur. of
Adjectives like /ereniiuM, auddcinm^ and of -um in Gen. PI.
dpvnf^vSlikrum, vdtum^ &c. (see instances in Neue, i*^. pp. 258 sqq..
e. g. civitdiufn and civifafiiif/i), is due to that confusion of Cons.-
stems with I-stems, which played so great a part in the Latin
^Dd
402 THE LATIN LANGUACIK. [Chap. VI.
declension, and which occupied a great deal of the attention of
the native gTararaarians
$ 47. -um and -orum in O-stema. Cicero\ remarks on these suffixes are
worth quoting (Orat, xlvi. 155): atque etiam a quibusdam sero jam emendatur
antiquitas, qui haec reprehendunt ; nam pro deum atque hominum fidem
' deorum ' aiunt. Ita credo. Hoc illi nesciebnnt ? an dabat banc licentiam
consuetudo? Itaquo idem poeta 'Ennius^ qui inusitatius contraxerat : Patris
moi, mcum factum pudet, pro ^ meorum factoi*um,' et : Texitur, exitium
examen rapit^ pro *exitiorum/ non dicit 'liberum/ ut plorique loquimur,
cum * cupidos liberum'aut Mn liberum loco* dicimus, sed ut isti Tolunt :
Neque tuum unquam in gremium extollas libcrorum ex te genus. Et idem :
Namque Aesculapi liberorum. At ille alter (Pacuvius) in Chryse non solum :
Ciues, antiqui amici maiorum meum, quod erat usitatum, sed durius etiam :
Consilium socii, augurium atque extum interpretes ; idcmque pergit : Post-
quam prodigium horriferum, portentum pauor. Quae non sane sunt in
omnibus neutris usitata. Nee enim dixerim tam libenter ' armum judicium,'
etsi est apud eundem : Nihilne ad te de iudicio armum accidit? quam cen-
turiam, ut censoriae tabulae loquuntur, fabrum et procum audeo dicere, non
• fabrorum * et *procorum.* Planeque * duorum virorum judicium' aut
• triumvirorum capitalium ' aut * decemvirorum stlitibus judicandis * dico
nunquam. Atqui dixit Attius : Uideo sopulcra duo duorum corporum ;
idemque : Mulier una duum uirum. Quid verum sit intellego, sed alias ita
loquor, ut concessum est, ut hoc vel pro deum dico vel pro deorum, alias, ut
necesse est, cum triumvirum, non * virorum,* cum sestertium, nummum, non
• nummoruni,' quod in his consuetudo varia non est. Similarly Varro {L.L. viii.
71) : quaerunt, si sit analogia, cur appellant omnes aedem Demn Consenlium
et non ' Deorum Consentium ' ? Item quor dicatur mille denarium, non
^ mille denariorum ' ; est enim hoc vocabulum flgura ut Yatinius, Manilius,
denarius ; debet igitur dici ut Vatiniorum, Maniliorum, denariorum ; et non
equum puplicum millo assarium esse, sed mille ^assariorum' ; ab uno enim
assario multi assarii, ab eo assariorum. (A list of Genitives Plur. of 0-stems
in -?<m is given by Neue, i'. 103.) Xoatntm and vestrumf C4en. Plur. of nosterj rest*;}-.
established themselves in class. Lat. as Gen. PL of tios, ros (ch. vii. § 9 .
A-stem Genitives like agrioHum .Lucr. iv. 586- follow the analogy of 0-stems,
as do fecTifjCiUorumf (uufilioruniy &c., and perhaps curntniy &c. ; amphortun and
dnichmum follow the Greek. On the (restored Columna Rostrata [C. I. L. i.
195. 10) we have the Pronoun olorom * illorum ' ; on a Scipio epitaph of
perhaps the end of the third cent. b. c. (i. 32), the Adj. dw)tioro * bonorum,'
but -o{m) on the earliest coins, e. g. C. 1. L. i. 15 Caletio (with NforoXiTcwv), i. 16
Suesano with NcoiroA.»T<tfK\ (See ch. iii. § 49.) In i. 24, of end of third cent.
B. c, LADINOD is usually read Lari^tor.^ a Gen. PI.
§ 48. Dat., Abl., Loc., Instr. Plural. These four cases must
be considered together ; they are so intermingled in Latin and
in other I.-Eur. languages. Latin A-stems show -is, older -m,
which has come from an earlier -ais (cf. Oscan -ais, Greek -ats),
a suffix apparently formed in imitation of the -ois of 0-stems.
§§ 47-49.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. DAT., ABL. PLUR. 403
This O-stem suffix, in Latin -i*, earlier -eis, and still earlier -oes
or 'Ois (Osc. -uis, -om) is regarded by some as a Locative, by
others as an Instrumental (see Brugmann, Grundriss^ ii. §§ 357,
380). The suffix -dfi*, O. Lat. -^0*, shown by other stiems (e. g.
civt-bus^ leg-K-hui with the i of I-stems, Idcu-bus or /act-bus, sn-bm
or sif'bfis), comes from an original -bhOs. In Umbro-Oscan, as
usual, the short vowel of the final syllable is syncopated, e.g. O.
O.^c. luisari-fs (in Lat. ^lusdribus), Osc. teremn-l-ss (in Lat.
terrnhMtis), lig-i-s (in Lat. leg-^-bus)^ Umbr. fratr-ti'Sy with s
for ss and so not changed to r, and preceded by a vowel which
may be the I.-Eur. ' Composition Vowel ' 0 (ch. v. § 80), though
this is quite uncertain. This suffix was in O. Lat. em-
ployed in the Dat., Abl. Plur. of A-stems, e.g. dextrdbtis (cf.
Gaul. Mdrp€/3o Naftavo-ticdjSo), but in the classical period this
form was retained only in legal language, for the purpose of
distinguishing A- from O-stems, e. g. Jifiis et filiabuny just as we
retain the old Plural suffix in ' oxen ' but have dropped it in * shoes '
(earlier ' shoon '). Adverbs like alias ^ O. Lat. aUSms^fdrds may
show the I.-Eur. Locative of A-stems (Gk. -dat^ e. g. Ovpaai ;
O. Ind. -asu, e. g. iiSvasu) (but see ch. ix. § 4).
§ 49. A- and O-stems. Tlie old form pHticloes (privis, id est singulis), the
Dat., Abl. Plur. of a diminutive of pficvs, is quoted from the Carmen Saliare
by Festus (244. 21 Th.), and Paul. Fest. 14. 17 Th. has : ab * oloes ' dice bant
pro ab illis, but -eisy sometimes written -es (ch. iv. § 34), is the spelling of the
older inscriptions : e. g. uieis, leibereis, popi(leis,aefHJiciei8, (tgreisj loceisj on the Lex
Agraria of in b. c. (C. I.L. i. 200) ; mueis nuges on an old epitaph of a mimus
vi. 1297) :
plouruma que fecit populo soueis gaudia nuges,
which has f for ei also in the Nom. Sing. Masc. of the Relative, que for qiiei
i^class. qui ; de nianubies {Eph. Epigr. viii. 476, Capua, 135 B.C.). We find -iia
contracted in course of time into -\s ; thus grdtiia (always with -tw, and
similarly ingratiis^ in Plautus and Terence ; cf. gratiis in a line of Pomponius,
c. 90 B. c , Com. no R.) became grafitt in cla8.sical Latin ; provinclSj &c. beside
JmUcnfi ;the long i being indicated by the tall form of the letter^ occur on the
Mon. Ancyranum ; and of lO-stems we have, e.g. Januaris {C.I. L, vi. 543, of
1 15 A. D.), Junis (vi. 213, of 131 a. d.). ;For other examples, see Neue i'. p. 31.)
An example of -abus in O. Lat. is quoted by Nonius (493. i6 M.) from Liviu.s
Andronicus' translation of the Odyssey : d^que minibus dextrdbus. The
passages of the grammarians bearing on this form, and details of the use
of deahxtSj fiUabus, and Ubertabus, the most frequent words of the kind, are given
by Neue, i^ pp. 22 sqq. We have Masc. -obus with Fern, ilbus in the Duals
4uobwi, ambobus, though the rarity of the formation led to the latter being
D d 2
404 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
replaced in Vulg. Lat. by ambis Masc. and Fern. (Caper 107. 14 K. ambobus, non
* ambis ' et ambabus\ O-stems sometimes take the I-stem and Consonantal
'ibus in Late and Vulgar Latin, e. g. C. I, L. vi. 224 dibiis omnibus deabusque
(197 A. D.) ; 15967 (unicibus; 17633 ahimnibus, Pomponius, the writer of
Atellauae, VLBes pannibus {Com. 70 R.) for pannis in imitation of the rustic mode
of speech ; and in the Sermo Plebeius of Petronius we have diibus {Sat. 44.
P* ^> 35 B' i^ meos fruniscar, ut ego puto omnia ilia a diibus fieri). In the
O. Lat. inscription {C.I.L. i. 814): devas Comiscas sacrum, found in the
'Comiscarum divarum locus trans Tiberim' (Paul. Feat. 45. 16 Th.), the two
first words may be Gen. Sing. If Plural, they are Locatives like alias. The
instances of dialectal and Lat. -os are all doubtful {CUtss. Rev. ii. p. S04).
§ 50. Other stems. 0. Lat. -bos of trebibos on a bronze vase in the British
Museum {Eph. Epigr. ii. 399 Q. Lainio Q. f. praifectos protrebibos fecit), corre-
sponding to class, -bus, indicates a short vowel, for -bos would have retained a
(ch. iii. § 18). The few apparent examples of its being scanned as a long
syllable by the Dramatists (collected by C. F. Miller in his Plaut, ProsodUy
P* 53 t ^^^ Naev. Trag. 57 R. ) must be illusory (many of them are cases of
syllaba anceps at a pause in the line, e.g. Plant. Merc, 900, Rud. 975).
§ 61. Ago. Flur. The I.-Eur. suffix was -ns, after a cod-
sonant -ns. Thus A-stems ended in -ans, which became -as,
O-stems in -6ns, which became -6°s, I-stems in -ins, R-stems in
-rns, S -stems in -sns, and so on. Latin examples are vids, lupos,
Jralres [with -es from -^na (ch. ii. § 64) from I.-Eur. -ns], honores
for 'Osens. I.-Eur. -ns, -ns becomes in Oscan -ss, in Umbr. -f,
e.g. Osc. viass ' vias,' feihuss, walls (cf. 6k. r^lxos), Umbr. vitlaf
* vttulas,* or with loss of -f vifla, font for ^f<yntf ' tauros,' avef ,
avif , and aveif ' aves/
I-stems in Latin should show -is (from -itut, ch. ii. § 64) ; and
this is the usual form in the best MSS., though we often find
-es, the Nom. PI. ending or the Cons.-stem ending. Thus urbis is
attested for Virg. G. i. 25 : urbisne invisere, Caesar, &c., but urbes
for A, iii. 106 : centum urbes habitant magnas. Ires for A. x. 350,
but fris for the following line (Gell. xiii. 21) ; so on the (restored)
Columna Rostrata (CLL.i. 195) [cjlasesque nauales . . . claseis
Poenieas . . . copias Cartacinienseis . . . naueis. (For statistics
of the use of -w and -es, see Neue, i^. p. 245.)
§62. II. THE COMPARISON OF Ai^JECTIVES. The
I.-Eur. suffixes used to form the Comparative and Superlative of
Adjectives have been already mentioned in chap. iv. For the
Comparative, (i) -ySs-, with weak grade -is- (e.g. O. Ind. svad-
lyas-, Gk. fiblio Ace. for ^fjbipaay Goth, sutiza, Lith. sald-es-nis),^
ii 60-62.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. COMPARISON. 405
Lat. mdvior^ older ^suavios^ m&gU Adv.; (2) -tSro- and -Sro-, the
original sense of which was rather that of likeness, of equal, than
of greater degree (e. g. O. Ind. vatsa-tar&-, lit. * like a calf,' Lat.
mdier-tera^ lit. 'like a mother,* Ir. demnithir, 'equally certain,*
from demin, ' certain*); for the Superlative, (i) -is-to- (-is-tho-?),
(e.g. O. Ind. ds-iStha-, Gk. ^jcioro;; O. Ind. svad-istha-, Gk. ^5-
lOTos, Goth, sut-ists, Engl, sweet-est), apparently composed of the
weak Comparative suffix -is- and the TO-suffix (ch. v. § 27) ; (2)
-temo- or -t®mo- (-tmmo-) and -emo- or -*mo- (-mmo-) (ch. v. § 14)
(e.g. O. Ind. dn-tama-, Lat. in-ftmus; O. Ind. upami-, Lat. 9ummM
for ^sup-mus). This last Superlative suffix was, like the Com-
parative -tero-, -ero- (Ascoli, Suppl, Arch, Ghtt. ItaX, i. 53),
originally a suffix denoting likeness (e. g. O. Ind. go-tama-, lit.
' like an ox *) or position, and it has this force in Latin words like
aedi'tumtts, lit. ' living in a temple * (lat^r corrupted to aedi-tuftSj
as if from tuear, ' guarding a temple,' Gell. xii. to ; Varro, B. R.
i. 2. i) ; fliii-timti^^ miirt-fimu^, Sec,, so that e. g. c^-timus probably
meant originally ' near in position ' (cf. dex-titnm, * on the right,
not ' most on the right '), and is not properly a Superlative. To
give Superlative sense, the weak Comparative suffix was added,
-is-emo- (-i&-®mo-), e. g. maxima for ^mdgu^imus, s&cerrimus for
^sacriS'lnms^fdcillimMS for ^factlis-imm (on the change of -rts-
to -erS'^ -err-, &c., see ch. iv. § 13). The origin of the usual Latin
Superlative ending -issimus, older -issumns, has been matter of
much discussion. One theory makes the I.-Eur. suffix of
O. Ind. a§-istha-, Gk. wx-toros -istho-, not -isto-, and explains
Lat. 'ismnus as this suffix augmented by -emo- (-mo-). But
the change of I.-Eur. sth into Latin S9 is not satisfactorily
proved by Lat. om-, bone (O. Ind. asthan-, Gk Joreov; see
ch. iv. § 95), and it seems safer to analyze -usimHS into the suffixes
-isto- and -temo- (on m for (s)tt, see ch. iv. § 108) ^. The -is- of
'issimui, like the -is of magiH^ had short /, a fact attested not only
by grammarians [Mar. Victor., p. 242. 24 K. ; Vergilius, p. 1 89.
17 H. (Suppl.)], but by late spellings like merente^semo, karesiemo
^ Or 'issimo-y an ending peculiar, shtie) obscured the presence of this
so far as is known, to Latin, may suffix, and may have led to a re-
contain the suffix h- twice. The formation from oct us (*od«), viz. oct«-
change of *<}ci8-w¥ie{d) to oxime {*oc- sime.
4o6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
(C, I, L, ii. 2997). (The tall form of I in some late inscriptions,
e. g. cakIssimo C, L L. vi 5325, does not prove that the vowel
was long; see eh. i. § 9).
The irregular Comparison of simple Adjectives like 'good/
* bad ' (e. g. bdnus, melior, opfinius ; Gk. ayaOos, chi^Ivquv ; Engl,
good, better) is a relic of a very early time when different roots
were used to express a Positive, a Comparative, and a Superlative
notion, — bonus (older duonus) from dwen- (cf. O. Ind. duvas-,
'honour'), meliar, optimus [C. I. L, i. 1016 has opituma, an
archaism) from the root op- of opfo, dpes, &e. On the Comparison
of Adverbs, see ch. ix. § i.
In the Romance languages Comparison is expressed by the use
of the descendants of loit, plus (Ital., French, &c.), ma^is (Span.,
Port., &c.), e. g. Ital. pifi ricco, ' richer,' il piu ricco, ' the richest,'
except in these simple Adjectives like ' good,' ' bad,' which
retain their old irregular Comparison, e. g. Ital. migliore and
ottimo, 'very good' (il migliore, 'the best'), peggiore and
pessimo, ' very bad ' (il peggiore, ' the worst '), &c. Ital. -issimo
(e. g. ricchissimo, ' very rich,' not ' richest ') shows itself by its
-is- instead of -es- (for Lat. -^^-, ch. ii. § 14) to be a late innovation,
and no transmission from ancient times. (See Meyer-Liibke,
Rofi?. Gram. ii. p. 83.)
§ 63. The Comparative Suffixes. The suffix -yes- appears in Latin as -ior
Nom. Sg., M., F., riorw Gen. Sg., -ius Nom. Sg. Neut., of which the older forms
were -i^, -«>$««, -i^«. (On the change of « to r, see ch. iv. § 148). Varro (L. L.
vii. 27) quotes from early Latin (from the Carm. Sal.?) meHosenif and Paul. Fest.
(359. 1 Th.' maiosibuSf meliosibus (his ^meltom' m^iorem dicehant, 87. 25 Th., may be
a corruption of a gloss like ' meiios ' mtHior ; see Oass. Rev. v. 10 ; so in a Glos-
sai'y ^meliosa* meliora, LOwe, Opvsc. p. 170). Priscian J. p. 347. 2 H.) quotes
from the earlier historians Neuter forms like prior, posterior ; thus from
Vulerius Antias : hoc scnatusconsultum prior factum est; from Cassius
Hemina : bellum Punicum posterior ; from Claudius Quadrigarius : prior
bellum quod cum his gestum erat ; and : focdus prior Pompeianum (on caior
Neut. in O. Lat., see § 14) ; though it is conceivable that the actual forms
used may have been priiis, posterids, which must have been the predecessors of
priiiSy posterius (ch. iii. § 18) ^
The yes-suffix was originally affixed to the root without the suffix of the
Positive stem, as in Lat. fic-ior, O. Ind. ft&-Iyas-, Gk. oiK-iwv from a Positive
• The supposed examples of -ius in Plautus are illusory ; see Miiller, Plnvt.
Pros. p. 55.
§§ 58-65.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. COMPARISON. 407
stem *OKU-, but Lat. siidvior for ^stuidv-ior, itnuior, asp&ior, &c. start from the
Positive stem ^swAdu-, &c. On the other hand the suffix -tero-, when added
to an Adjective, was affixed to the Positive stem, e. g. inev-rtpw. This -tero- is
often added to Prepositions, e.g. ex-ter^ ci-ter, postero- (similarly -ero- in
sup-ero-). In Latin it has not Comparative sense unless augmented by the
YES-suffix, e. g. ex-ter-ior^ d-ier-ior^ dex-ter-ior, sinis-ter-ior ; odteVy &c being
apparently the Latin equivalent of the Gk. ijiei'Ttpo-y kc. (ch. ix. § i ).
§ 54. The Superlative Suffixes. The suffix -temo- or -tnno- (-ttnmo-) with
-emo- or -nno (-mmo-) is closely associated with Comparative -tero-, -ero-,
e. g. ci-timtM goes with ci-tero', in-timus with in-tero- (O. Ind. tin-tama- with
an-tara-), 8ummu8 from *»up-mi« with stip-ero-y infimus (Imtts seems not to occur
in Plautus) with infero-. The old augural term soUistumum tripudium may
combine it with the Comparative -is-. Its original form is difficult to
ascertain. The spelling on Republican inscriptions is -tumusj -umus (ch. iii.
$ 18). Umbr. kondomu suggests an older -tomo-, -omo-, while Osc. ultiumam
(Lat. lUtifnam) shows an affection of t that is usual before a t4-sound (cf. Osc.
tiiirri-, Lat. turris). The form without t is seen in mtnimvsy bruma from brSvis
for *breghu- (Gk. fipaxvs), (cf. Osc. mnimo- ^maximus'), and apparently
attached to a case-form, in suprS-muSj extrs-tnus, postri'tnus ;^cf. postumus Virg. A.
vi. 763), but it is usually combined with the Comparative -is-, e. g. maximus
for mag'is'imxia (Falisc. Maxomo-), 0. Lat. oxime (Paul. Fest. 225. i Th.) for
*oc-is-ime, medioacimus from the stem medioc' seen in mJkiiocris. This was the
formation adopted by Adjective-stems ending in -li-, -ri-, -ro-, e.g. /act?M,
/acil'limus for */acli'Siinu8 ; deer {dcri')j acerriimis for *acri-8imtt8 ; misero', miser'
rimtis^y &c., though we have sSv^ssimuSy trUiturissimus and mahirissime, but
usually maiurrime, &c. (see Neue, ii'. pp. 187 sqq.). With the last we should
probably compare O. Lat, purime in the phrase purime tetinero, explained in
Paul. Fest. 335. 7 Th. Rspurismme Unuero. Ennius (according to Charisius 83.
22 K.) wrote equitatus celerissimusy and minerrinms is quoted by Paul. Fest. 88.
1 1 Th. : * minerrimus' pro minimo dixerunt.
§ 56. Some irregular Comparatives and Superlatives. Vetustior appears
as the Comparative of vctusj because vetustus with its ill-sounding repetition of
the syllable •tits- was discarded in the Positive for vetusj apparently the I. -Eur.
Noun ♦w6tos, *wetes- (Gk. ^tos, a year) ; in the Superlative veterrimus and
retustissimus (in Livy and later writers) are both found. Mhiusj with -?is not
'ius, has been similarly explained to have originated in a Neuter Noun, meaning
' the less quantity,' and to have produced the declension minor M., minor F.,
minus N. ; the Oscan equivalent of minor is minstro- (Lat. minister)^ e. g. ampert
minstreis aeieis eituas moltas moltaum licitud ' dumtaxat minoris partis pecuniae
multas multare liceto' on the Law of Bantia (cf. Umbr. mestro- 'major,' Lat.
7nugister). The coexistence of such forms as b^iSviilus and be7ievol€ns (ch. viii.
§ 90} produced a type of Comparison like magnXficus, magjujicentior, magnijicentis-
simus ; while /rUgi, which was a Dative Case of a noun [frugi (bonae) sc.
' It is a mistake to suppose that the antepenultimate of -issimus is ever
scansion miserrimusy simUlimusj &c. is shortened {Class. Rev, vi. 342).
found in O. Lat. poetry, or that the
4o8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VL
faciendae aptus ; cf. Plaut. Pseud. 468 tamen ero frugi bonae ; Poen. 892
ems si tuos uolt facere fnigem) had recourse for its Comparatiyo and Super-
lative to the A^y friigalis. The retention of r. in the Positive with its suppres-
sion in the other degrees, causes the anomaly in the Comparison of dtrea,
(but cf, Ter. Adelph. 770 dis quidem esses, Demea), ditior^ ditissimtM ; jUviniSf
junior. From pl6-, a development of the root pel-, * to fill * (L&t.pH'nus, repfS-tus^
piS'ri'QHe, Gk trk-fiprfSj &c.), were formed Greek irAfto/v, vk€i(rroi ; from pl5-,
another grade of pl6- .ch. iv. § 53), the Latin plus for *pIo-is iploera Cic. Legg.
iii. 3. 6 ■, plurimus for *pIois'(miO' (jploirume Nom. PI. Masc. on a Soipio epitaph of
the end of the third cent. B.C., C. L L. i. 3a :
h6nc oino ploirume cosentiont R[6mai]
du0n6ro 6ptimio fuise uiro,
* hunc unum plurimi consentiunt Romae l)onorum optimum fuisse virum ') ;
the pl(ms of the S. C. Bacch. (C. I. L. i. 196. 19 and so) may with its ou merely
represent the u-sound which the diphthong oi had by this time assumed (ch.
Iv. § § 37, 38, and is hardly sufficient evidence of a formation ^pio'Us like minus ;
similarly plouruma on the epitaph of a mime (C. /. L. i. 1397, in dactylic
hexameters :
plouruma que fecit populo soueis gaudia nuges,
^ plurima qui fecit populo suis gaudia nugis'] is a misspelling of ploeruma or
plfirmna. The pleoris of the Carmen Anrale {€. I. LA. 28;, a hymn preserved in
a late and wretchedly spelt inscription :
neve luae rue, Marma, sins incurrere in dleores,
neve lue rue, Marmar, ^ins incurrere in pleoris,
neve lue rue, Marmar. sers incurrere in pleoris,
* neve luem ruem, Marmar, sinas (siveris?, incurrere in plures,* may be
a mistake for ploeres, and the plisima quoted from the Carmen Saliare by Festus
[244. 17 Th. ^plisima * plurima ; but in Varro's account of the same Carmen
(X. L. vii. 27) plusima is the reading of the MS.] should perhaps be corrected to
pioisunM 'pU)i9oma)i though some regard these forms as evidence of Latin deri-
vatives from the root pl€-, like Greek vXctW (irAcW) and vkuirrot. Major is
perhaps best referred to an older *tnahior (cf. O. Ind. m^hiyas-) with h for the
Guttural Aspirate, while tnagis^ tncucimus show another form of root with the
Guttural Media (ch. iv. § 1 16), (but cf. Osc. mats for *mahiSf ynainms for *mahimas,
Umbr. mestru for ^mahistro-) ; the relation however of the Italic forms to
Goth, maiza, *more* Adj. .I.-Eur. *ma-is-y, O. Ir. mfta, mo, 0. W. moi, all of
which point to a root ending in a long vowel, mA- or mo-, is not perfectly clear.
§ 66. III. NUMEBAIiS. Of the Latin Cardinal Numbers only
J -3 are inflected, uuns -a -um, duo -ae -d, tres -es -ia, not 4 (O. Ind.
eatvaras, eatasras, catvari, Gk. Tiaaap^s -cs -a), nor 5 (O. Ind.
p&nca Nom., paneanam Gen., Gk. irevrc, Lesb. -niyL-naav Gen.).
The Numeral Adverbs from 5 upwards end in -iens or -ies (on
the spelling, see Brambaeh, Lat. Orth, p. 269 ; Neue, ii^ p. 335 ;
the Mon. Aneyranum has -iens^ an ending which is also found
§§66,67.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NUMERALS. 409
in totie(n)s^ quolie{n)s, and which has been connected with the
ending of O. Ind. kiyant- (Adj.), ' how great ? ', iyant- (Adj.), * so
great,* probably I.-Eur. -ySnt. Umbr. nuvis ^novies,' Osc.
jwmtis ^ quinquies ' seem to show the same ending, with i as weak
grade of yS (ch. iv. § 51 ). [On the change of I.-Eur. -nt to -ns in
Lat. and Umbro-Oscan, see ch. iv. § 105 ; in late Lat. inscriptions
we often find -w (cf. ch. ii. § 6), e. g. quinquis^ Rossi, 7. Chr. i.
508, of 402 A. D., 96X19^ ib. i. 530, of 404 A. D., decis C. L L, xii.
2087, of 559 A. D., also '69 (cf. quetu9 for quielu9, ch. ii. § 149),
e. g. quinque9, Rossi, i. 510, of 402 a. d., rfece9 C. I, L, xii. 2086,
of 558 A. D., vice9 xii. 2187, of 564 a. d.]
Fractions are expressed by divisions of the a9 (=12 unciae),
e. g. nncia, 'one-twelfth,' quincunx, ' five-twelfths,' 9€piunx, ' seven-
twelfths,' (feunx, ' eleven-twelfths,* lit. * minus an ounce.* The
I.-Eur. word for 'half/ *seml- (O. Ind. sami-, Gk. fifxi-,
O. Engl, sam-, whence our ' sand-blind *), is in Latin 9em^', the
declinable form 9emi9^ Gen. 9emis9i9, &c., being apparently a
compound of 9emi- and a9 with the -y^- of *9emyi99i9 weakened
to I (ch. iii. § 18, p. 188); similarly the -«?^- of ^ce7itu{mye89i-,
*dScu(m)'€99i' is weakened to » in centu99i-^ decu89i'. The origin
of the '119 (for -nf^) of triefi9, ' one-third,' 9exf^fi9, ' one-sixth,'
qv^dran9, ' one-fourth,* dodran9, ' three-fourths,' dexlan9, ' five-
sixths,' for *de'9exfa7i9^ lit. ^ minus one-sixth,' is not clear ; he99i'- is
usually explained as *du'e99i' (on 6- from dw-, see ch. iv. § 71),
but it means not 'two asses' but 'two-thirds of an as*^ The
Adjective for ' half ' is di'midiu9 from di9' and medius (ch. iii.
§ 18). ' One and a half* is sesqm-, usually explained as ^9ewi9'
qife, with the same syncope as is seen in 9e9lertiM9, ' two and a
half,* for 9emi9-fertite9 (cf . Germ, drittehalb).
§ 57. One. I.-Eur. *oi-no- (Gk. olvr], an ace, O. Ir. oen, W.
un, Goth, ains, Lith. v-enas, O. SI. i-nu ; cf. O. Ind. eka- for
*oi-ko-, Cypr. Gk. ol-Fos, Att. 0I09, alone, for *oi-wo-), Lat. U7iu9
(-tf -ww), O. Lat. oino9. Another I.-Eur. word for ' one ' was
* The Oscan word, often compared All that the inscription shows is
with bessi-j viz. diasis (Zv. I, I, I. ... iasis.
154), has scant claims to existence.
4IO THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VL
*8t*m-, which is used in 6k., clj for *sem-8, fiia for o-^-io, & for
*sem, and in Arm., mi for *sm-i : and in Derivatives and
Compounds in all languages, e. g. *sem-, *sm- in O. Ind. sa-krt,
* once,' Gk. a-ira^, a-7rAos, a-irAooj, Lat. sin-ffif/i, Ampins, sm-piex^
stm^fy sem-per^ micinia : eantio solitaria, Paul. Fest. 500. 23 Th.,
siwpludiareafunera : quibus adhibentur duntaxat ludi, Fest. 498.
24 Th., Goth, simle, ' once.' For the Ordinal was used a derivative
from the I.-Eur. root per- (ef. Lat. pro^ prae, &c. ; Gk. iripvai
for Trip-VTL, ' in the previous year,' O. Ind. par-ut, from pSr-
and the root of *w6tos, ' a year,' Gk. iro^), in Latin *prTs- (cf.
prius) with the suffix -mo-, primus for *j/ru-miiB (Pelign. Prisma- ;
cf. Lat. prU'Cifs, prU-iinm)^ in O. Ind. a derivative with one
Superlative suffix, pra-thama-, in Teutonic with another, O. H. G.
fur-ist (cf. Germ. Fiirst), Engl, first.
The Adverb is in Latin semH from the root sem-, just
mentioned, a by form of which furnished the Indefinite Pro-
noun ' any,* ' some/ in various languages (O. Ind. sama-, Gk.
d/xo-, Goth, sums, Engl, some; A'. Z, xxxii. 373); the Adjective,
Kim-pluH (Gk. tt-TTAos) or ftim-plex (from ^sem^plax^ cf. du-plex
§ 59) ; the Distributive sin-guli.
§ 58. Unufl. O. Lat. obios appears on the proud epitaph of L. Cornelius
Scipio (C. /. L. i. 3fl , written in Saturnian metre :
h<3nc oino ploirume eosentiont R[(3niai]
clu0n6ro 6ptumo fuise uiro,
' hunc unum plurimi consentiunt Romae bononim optimum fuisse virum ' ;
cf. oinuorsei * universi * on the S. C. de Bacch. .'i. 196), and Oinumama *Uni-
mammu ' (^an Amazon) on an old Praenestine cista (i. 1501), oitUi Adv. in the
Lex Agruria of iii b.c. (i. aoo. 21) ; oenus in Plant. Trw, 103, Cic Legg. iiL
3. 9. But we have units in the Lex Repctundarum of 193-122 B.C. (i. 198).
Tlie Neuter, with the Negative particle ii<? prefixed, was used as the ordinary
Negative, noatum (for */i«-ot;iom), later non :ch. iv. § 16;, like our *not' and
* nought,' Germ, nicht and Nichts, from Goth, ni waihts (see ch. x. § 18),
while to express ^notliing' the Romans used a compound of ne and hilum
quod grano fahae adhaeret, Paul. Fest. 7a. 10 Th.,, niAil/um, later nlhtl^ nU
eh. iii. § 5a •. The plural of unus is found with Nouns whoee Plural is used
in a Singular ^Collective) sense, e. g. una castra, and in the sense of * only/
* alone * cf. Gk. dlos)^ e. g. ires un&s passtts Plant. In the Romance languages
tin* Indefinite Article is formed from Lat. umis, as the Definite from Lat. iVe ;
and we see traces of this use in colloquial Latin, e. g. una adulescetUtdaj Ter.
Autlr, 118.
§ 69 Two. I.-Eur. *<ii1wo- and *dwo- with Dual declension,
§§58-60.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NUMERALS. 41I
*duwo(u) M., *duwai F., *duwoi or ^duwei N. (O. Ind, dvau
and dva, older duvau and duva M., dve, older diive F., N., Gk.
bvaa and bvo, also 5(f)a)-, O. Ir. dau and da M., di F., W. dauM.,
dwy F., Goth, tvai M,, tvos F., tva N., Lith. du M., for *dvu,
dvi F. for *dve, O. SI. dva and diiva M., dve and dilve F., N.),
Latin duo M., N., duae F., with Dual declension, which however
became intermixed with Plural forms, e. g. dffdff Ace. M. beside
duo. In Derivatives and Compounds the I. -Eur. stem dwi-
appears (O.Ind. dvi-p^-, 6k. 8(f)t-7rovy, O. Engl, twi-fete), Lat.
^pes, (H'dens (O. Lat. dui-defi^, Paul. Fest. 47. 8 Th., cf. dui"
cemua : cum altero, id est cum Klio, census, id. 47. 5; duiceiisns
. . . bevTipov iiroyeypafi^ivos Gl. Philox.), while in the Italic
languages we have also dti- (Lat. du-plvs^ du-phx^ du-ceiiti,
Umbr. dn-pursus ' bipedibus ' ), apparently the weak grade of an
I.-Eur. ■**'dwS- (Lat. du-bivs has the same root ; cf. Hom. botq^
doubt, Germ. Zwei-fel, Zend dvai-di). For the Ordinal the
Romans used secufidus, lit. ' following,' from sequor^ or alter ^
' the other of two,' from the same root as ai-ins, ' the other of
many' (O. Ir. aile, W. ail, which have also this sense of
' second ' ; in O. Engl. 6}?er had this numerical sense) ; for the
Adverb I.-Eur. -^^-dwls or *diiwts (O. Ind. dvis, Yedic duvis, Gk.
d(f )ts, M. H. G. zwis, Goth, tvis-, ' apart ' ; Engl, twis-t), bis (O.
Lat. duis, Paul. Fest. 47. 6 Th. ; cf. duulens ' hostia bidens,' and
duicensus ' cum altero, id est cum filio census ' quoted above) ; for
the Adjective du-plus (Gk. 6t-7rAds, Umbr. du-plo-) or du-plex
(Gk. bl'irka^ ; cf. Umbr. tu-plak N.) ; for the Distributive bi-ni
from *dwlz-no- (O. Scand. tvenner) or from *dwi-no- (Lith.
dvynil Du., * twins ').
§ 60. Duo. The original quantity of the final vowel of duo in Latin is
difficult to establish from poetry. We cannot assign much weight to the
precept of the grammarians 1 e. g. Charisius 35. 25 K.) which distinguishes
dud M. from duo N., nor to the scansion duo in the Christian poets (Neue, ii*.
277 ; similarly ego for ego). In classical poetry the scansion is invariably dud
icf. dwKUni)^ but in the old Republican poets we find duo Ace. distinguished
from dms^ not by the quantity of its final syllable, but in being treated as
a monosyllable or the equivalent of a long syllable ; for example, duo Ace. is
never allowed to end an iambic line, which points to *dvo rather than to *rffio
(A. L. L. iii. 551). The shortening of the final vowel can be easily explained
by the Law of Breves Breviantes, whicli reduced have to Mr(} (eh. iii. § 42) ; for
a similar doubt with reference to the pronunciation of scio as scto or *«j/o, see
412 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VL
ch. ii. § 151). The Fom. dwie may retain the old suffix of the Nom. Dual of
A-stcms, -ai (e. g. O. Ind. aiv6 for L-Eur. ♦^iwai, * two mares*;, which would
be retained in monosyllabic *drai without sinking, as in the unaccented
syllable, to -i (e. g. occido from oc-ca/rfo, ch. iii. § 18). The termination -obus of
duUbiis M., N. is shared only by the other Dual-form amboy though -dbus F. was
a common (Dat., Abl. or Instr.) Plural ending of A-stems, retained in legal
language especially in the words decdnut, JiliabiiA^ lihertabna \% 48). But the
Plural declension encroached more and more on these Dual forms; du^
Ace. M. competes, as we have seen, in the older literature with du^, while '
dxuia F. is a Plural, as are also the Genitive forms duorum M., N. (older duum,
e. g. duumvirum used by Cicero, § 47), duarum F. A Nom., Ace. Neuter dua
appears on inscriptions (e.g. C./. L. v. iioa ; other instances in Neue, ii^ p.
977), thougli it is called a barbarism by Quintilian (i. 5 15 nam ^ dua ' et Hre*
diversorum genei*um sunt barbarismi, at ^ duapondo ' et * trepondo ' usque ad
nostram aetatem ab omnibus dictum est, ct recte dici Messala confirmat),
which seems to have been supplemented by a Nom. Masc. *dui in Vulgar Latin,
to judge from the Romance forms (e.g. Ital. due, older dui, O. Fr. dui, doi, &c.).
In Umbrian the word shows Plural declension, dur Nom., tuf Ace, tuva Nom.
Ace. Neut. (On the declension of Lat. rfwo, see Neue, ii". pp. 276 sqq.). Late
compounds like dihrisy dinummium are hybrid formations with Greek 5r-
instead of Latin bi-. The relation of L -Eur. 't'dwi- to the Latin preposition
die- J apart, has not been established, nor yet to I. -Eur. *wi- of Dor. Gk. fl-tcariy
Lat. vi-ginn, &c., perhaps connected with 0. Ind. vi, * apart.'
§ 61. Three. I.-Eur. *tri-, Nom. Masc; ^rgySs (O. Ind. trdyas,
Gk. rpelv, Cret. Gk. rp^es, O. Ir. tri, W. tri, Goth. J^reis, Lith.
trys, O. SI. trije), Lat. Ires M., F., fria N. (cf. Umbr. trif or
tref Ace, triia Neut.). The stem tri- appears in Gk. rpC-ros, rpC-
irovs, Lat. tri-pes, &c., but a stem tre- in Lat. M-centi, Ire-pondOy
Lith. tre-ezias, * third,* O. SI. tre-tYjt, &c. The Ordinal Urtim
(Umbr. tertio-) probably shows this stem trS- with metathesis of
r ; the Adverb /^, for terr (in Plautus scanned as a long syllable,
cf. terr-uncius) from ^ter-s, comes from the same stem, or, like
O. Ind. tris, Gk. rpis, from the stem trt- (ch. iii. § 15. 8); the
Adjective is truplus (Gk. rpt-irAoj), M-plex^ the Distributive
trinm (see on hlnus above), and ter-nns. We find trt- and ter-
interchanged in Compounds like tri-gemmus and f-er^getiiinus^
tri'VentJicus and ter-veneficus, fri-vium and ter-vium (CLL. ix.
2476), Tefvefitum now Trivento; tn- and Ire- in tri-rnddia and
tre-fno(lia (Varro, Men. 310 B.).
§ 62. Tres. The grammarianH prescribe trPs in tlie Nominative and iris in
the Accusative (Neue, ii'. p. 984\ as is the rule in all I-stems (§§ 40, 51 \
though Virgil, as Gellius (xiii. 21. 10) points out, uses tres Ace. for the sake of
variety in A, x. 350 :
§§61-68.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NUMERALS. 413
tres quoque Threicios Boreae de gente suprema
et iris, quos Idas pater et patria Ismara mitt it,
per Tario8 stemit casus,
as he uses elsewhere urbea Ace. in a context where the Roman critics found
that this form gave greater melody to the line {A. iii. 106) : centum urbes
habitant magnas (Gellius I, c. quotes the remarks of Probus on this form : hie
item muta ut * urbis ' dicas, nimis exilis vox erit et ezsanguis, and his reply
to a caviller: noli igitur laborare, utrum istorum debeas dicere ^ urbis* an
* urbes.' Nam cum id genus sis, quod video, ut sine jactura tua pecces, nihil
perdes, utrum dixeris !). Tris Nom. is found on late inscriptions, e. g. Eph,
Epiyr. iv. 420 (other examples in A. L. L. vii. 65).
§ 63. Four. The I.-Eur. stem q-Stwer- had various grades,
q^etwor-, q-etur-, q^etru-, &c. Its Nom. Masc. *q*etwores (O. Ind.
catvaras, Dor. 6k. reropes, Att. Tdrrapis, Lesb. Wcvpes, O. Ir.
cethir, W. pedwar, Goth, fidvor, O Engl, feower; of. Lith.
keturi, O. SI. cetyre) probably appears in Lat. qitaituor (some
make this an I.-Eur. Neuter *q^etw6r, §§ 44, 45), apparently for
*quotvor{e)s^ with t doubled before the «7-sound (ch. ii, § 130) and
•^tv- for 'OiV' like -av- for -of- in cavue, &e. (eh. iv. § 19). The
Oscan word was petora (so spelt by Festus 250. 33 Th., but
probably better ^etoro). In Compounds and Derivatives we
find a stem q-etru- (Zend ea|7ru-, Gaul. Petru-eorius; of. Umbr.
/?^^?</-j57/r«w 'quadripedibus'), which in Latin is qnadrii' (with
fit for ^ by analogy of quatiuor^ quariv^ ?), where the d is
puzzling, for -dr- seems to become -/r- in Latin, e.g. dfro- for
*ddrO'^ nutrix for *nudrtx (ch. iv. § 1 13), so that -tr^ should not
change to -r/r- [Wharton, Etym, Lat, p. 83 suggests that quadra^ a
square, means literally ' pointed ' and comes, not from quattuor^
but from a root q-ad-, ' to point, sharpen,' Engl, whet, the usual
change of -dr- to -tr- being seen in truquetrvs^ triangular.
Qvadra, which retained d (by analogy of other words from
the same root?), may have been the cause of ■**'q"etru- taking
the form qnadru- ; cf . K, Z. xxxii. 565]. The Ordinal qvdrtus
with its long a (indicated by an apex over the letter on
inscriptions; see Christiansen, de Apicibns, p. 52) has not yet been
satisfactorily explained. On an inscription of Praeneste we
have Quaria (cf, ch. ii. § 4); the Oscan word truto- is inter-
preted variously as ' quartiis ' for *ptru-to-, and as ' certus.' The
Adverb qudfer stands for *q"etrii-s (Zend ca)?rus; cf. O. Ind.
cat6r), as ager for ^agrbs^ ficer for ^dcrls (ch. iii. § 16) ; the
414 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VL
Adjec'tives fjuadrn-plns^ fjnadru-plex show the curious change of
-tr- to -^/r-, remarked on above, from which quater is free ; the
Distributive quale rum for ^qnatri-nvs (like sacerdds for *sacridds^
ch. iii. § i6) from *q-etrii-no- (ch. iii. § i8), or from the Adverb
quater with the suffix -no (see above on binm^ § 59).
§ 64. Quattuor with double i is the spelling of the best MSS. and in-
scrlptionH, such as tlie Monumentum Ancyranum fsee Georges, Ler. Worif, s. v.).
Tlie form qtutttor, found on late inscriptions 'e.g. C.LL. viii. 5843; other
examples in A. L. L. vii. 65 1 has been already explained from *quatl{y)6rd€cinu
where the u?-sound would l>e dropped before the accent, as in Jan(r)«riu8, Feb'
r{v)driusy &c. (eh. ii. § 54. Vulg. Lat. ^qnaltor-ilechn is indicated by the Romanet*
words for * fourteen,' e. g. Ital. quuttordici, Fr. quatorze, but Vulg. Lat. *quat-
tro by the wordn for * four,' e. g. Ital. quattro, Fr. quatre (Sic. battor, how-
ev«»r, from f/iiattor,. This Late and Vulg. Latin quattor can hardly be assigned
to early Latin authors ; so retain quafhtor in Plaut. Moat, 630 and scan qvnfitwr,
like eniciis. Hud. 944 as a dactyl at the beginning of an iambic line ; in Enn. A.
90 M. quathior like Virginia A. 102 ; in Enn. A. 609 read ferS quattuor partum ?).
PefrfiiuHj retrTmiKs aire dialectal Proper Names derived from this numeral, as
Ponijteiiiff, l^ntinn Lat. Quintius) from the numeral 'five.*
§ 65. Five. I.-Eur. *pcnq"c (O. Ind. p^nca, Arm. hing, Gk.
TT^rre, 7r€fi7r-(o/3oXor, Lith. i)enki) shows in Teutonic assimilation
of the second syllable to the fii-st, ■**'pempe (Goth, fimf), in Lat.
and Celtic of the first to the second *q"enq"e (Gaul. TreftTrc-dovAa,
quinquefoil, O. W. pimp ; in O. Ir. with 0 for e in the first syllable,
eoic; cf. Umbro-Oscan pum])-, Pontpeins), Lat. quinqve with e
changed to / before a nasal and guttural (like tingo for *teugo,
ch. iv. § 1 1), and the / lengthened (by analogy of qififitus?). The
Onlinal quintifx, older qtuncttis, follows the rules of Latin phonetics
that qu becomes c before a consonant (ch. iv. § 137), apd that in
this group of three consonants the middle one is dropped (ch. iv.
§ 157)« On the lengthening of the /, see ch. ii. § 144. The original
form was *q"enc-to- in Italic for I.-Eur. *penq"-to (or *pnq"-to-?)
(Gk.W/biTrTos, Lith.penktas, O.Sl.p^^tu; Osc. Piintiis, also XloyLim^s
with -mp' from the Cardinal form). The Adverb is quinqifie9,
older qttinqtfu fin, on which see § 56, the Adjective qniuqitl-plex [or
with -r//- for -y////- (ch. iv. § 137) qttiucu'jdejt], rarely quinniplus or
qitlnquiphiit ; the Distributive quinus for ^qiiinc-nui (ch. iv. § 157).
§ 66. Quinque. Tlie long quantity of the i of quinque is attt^tcd by the
use *»f the tall form of the letter on iuMTiptions [for instances, see Christiansen,
I** Apicibu^ pp. 45-46. On Vuljj. Lat. cinqir (Ital. cinque, Fr. cinq, &c. .
see oh. iv. $ 163 .
§§64-70.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NUMERALS. 415
§ 67. Six. Lat. sex points to I.-Eur. ^seks or *ks&ks {M. S. L,
vii. 73), as Greek If, f^f to *8wek8 or *>bweL8 (ef .Zend xsvas, O.Ir.
se and *fe, W. ehwech). The Ordinal sextus has -st- in Umbro-
Oscan, e. g. Umbr. sestentasiaru ; Sestiua is a dialectal byform
of Sexfius. The Adverb is sexies, older sexiens (see § 56) ; the
Distributive s^niis for ^sSx-fius (as liina for lux-iia^ eh. iv. § 162).
§ 68. Seven. I.-Eur. *8Sptm (O. Ind. sapt4, Arm. evt'n,
6k. Ittto, O.Ir. secht, W. saith, Goth, sibun ; ef. Lith. septyn-i),
Lat. sepiem, with Ordinal *8eptmo- (O. Ind. saptamd-, Gk.
i^bofios, Pruss. septmas and sepmas), Lat. septYmus, older septtf-
mus. The Distributive septeiius stands for ^septen-no- (ch. ii. § 130).
In later Latin we find ft for pt^ e. g. Seitembris (C. L L, xi.
2885, Setebres 4075) ; ef. Ital. sette, Settembre. In Compounds
we find the stem septem-^ e.g. septempMdIis Plant., aeptemplex
Virg., septetngemmv^ Catull., but Sepfi-moniium^ and on the
restored Columna Rostrata isepte-resmos [CLL, i. 195); sepfv-
eimis Plant., &c. (cf. aeptva-gintd, below), for ^septum-ennis,
shows the usual weakening of unaccented e before m to n, and
the same loss between vowels of final m of the first member of
a compound as is seen in circn(m)ir€, &c. (ch. iii. §§ 18 and 52).
§ 69. Bight. The O.-Ind. Dual form *6kt6(u), cleverly
explained by Fick as ' the two sets of pointed ' (i. e. the fingers,
without the thumbs, of both hands), from the root ak-, ok-, ' to
be sharp, jwinted ' (O. Ind. asta and astau, Arm. ut*, Gk. 6KT<i,
O. Ir. ocht, W. wyth, Goth, ahtau, Lith. astu-n-1) is in Latin
octo, with Ordinal oct-avus (cf. Osc. Uhtavis 'Octavius') for
^ocldvvs (ch. iv. § 1 6), and Distributive octd-nits. In later Latin cf
became tt^ Ottohres C, I, Z. xi. 2537 (cf . Ital. otto, Ottobre), and
the final -o is shortened, like every final -<? in the poetry of the
Empire, e. g. octo Mart. vii. 53. 10. In Compounds it is treated as
an O-stem, e. g. ocfu-plvSy octti-pieXy octi-pes^ oct-ennis,
§ 70. Nine. I.-Eur. *nSwn (O. Ind. ndva, Gk. ivvia for
*h-v(Fa (?), O. Ir. noi, W. naw, Goth, niun ; cf. Lith. devyn-i
with d- instead of n-) is in Latin fif'wefn \vith ov regularly enough
for -ew- as in Celtic (ch. iv. § 10), but with -em instead of the
4l6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VI.
normal -e^i. The proper Nasal appears in the Ordinal mnus,
older noinO" (if the Dvenos inscription is rightly read dienoine,
on the ninth day), from ^tidv^no-^ where the o is difficult to
explain^ though it seems to have a parallel in nou for noen{um).
Failing this explanation^ we may suppose that *nouno- or
*nownno- was the I.-Eur. form, with the O-grade of the root,
and understand Lat. o as an expression of I. -Eur. ou as in robus,
&c. (ch. iv. § 41). (On nondinum and noundinum, old spellings
of niindtnnmy for *no{v)endinum^ from 7ioveni and the root din-,
seen in O. SI. dtnt, ' a day/ see ch. iv. § 44.) Umbr. nuvimo-
shows the form rather to be expected in Latin, ^tiSvimo-
(O. Ind. navamd-), but in Pelign. we have Novnis ^ Nonius.^
The Adverb is 7iovies (Umbr. nuvis) ; the Distributive novmus
from ^noven-no- (ch. ii. § 130).
§ 71. Ten. I.-Eur. *d6tm (O. Ind. da§a, Arm. tasn, Gk. hUay
O. Ir. deich, W. deg, Goth, taihun ; cf. Lith. deszim-t, O. SI.
des^-tt), Lat. decern, with Ordinal declmtis (O. Ind. dasam^-) (cf.
the proper name Decius), Adverb decies^ and Distributive denus
for which we should expect *dec3nus like septenm (cf . § 74).
§ 72. Eleven to Nineteen. These Numerals were denoted
in I.-Eur. by Compounds, expressive of the addition of the
smaller imit to ten. These Compounds consist of the two
Numerals themselves (not their stems) placed together, the
smaller unit preceding the ten, e.g. I.-Eur. *treySs-dgkm,
* thirteen ' (O. Ind. trdyo-daia). The Latin Compounds (in which
the final -etn of decetn sinks to -im, ch. iii. § 18) are, uu-decim
for *m(i)-decim (on Vulg. Lat. ^utidechn, see ch. ii. § 147), duo-
decif/i, fre'decim for ^tres-decim (like nidus for ^nis-dns, ch. iv,
§ 151), quatinoi'-decim ^ quin-d^cim ior *quin{qu€)'decim (ch.iii.§ 13),
se-decim (the correct spelling) for sex-decim (like luna for ^/ux-tia,
eh. iv. § 1 6a), sejjtem-decim, Octo-decini and novein-demn were re-
placed by duO'de-viginti^ mi'de-viginti for *u7i[iyde'Viginti^ or by
octo et decern^ decern novein^ a mode of expression which is found
in the other numerals too,e. g, decern duo (Umbr. deseti-duf k.QC,)^
and which is used in (jreek exclusively for the numbers above
twelve, e.g. rp^ls koX b€Ka and b€Ka rpcis, and optionally for
55 71-74.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NUMERALS. 417
twelve, b<i'b€Ka or dcjca bvo. In I.-Eiir. it was used for numbers
above twenty, and. so in Lat, qihaituor et viginfi or viglnti qu^t-
tnor)\ &c. The Ordinals are undecim/ii^^ dvodecimus (O. Ind.
dvadasama-), &c. ; the Adverbs undecies, duoderie^^ the Dis-
tributives nwJeniis^ duddenuft, and so on,
§ 73. O. Iiat. duovioesixnus for class, duo et rlcPsimuSf twenty-second, is
attested by an interesting chapter of the Noctes Atticae (v. 4), which iUustrates
the pains taken in the Imperial period to secure correct texts of early authors.
Gellius there tells us of a MS. of the Annals of Fabius : bonae atque sincerae
vetustatis libri, quos venditor sine mendis esse contendebat. A grammaticus
who was asked to inspect the MS., on the absolute correctness of which the
bookseller was willing to stake any amount of money (grammaticus quispiam
de nobilioribus, ab emptore ad si)ectandos libros adhibitus, repperisse se unum
in libro mendum dicebat ; sed contra librarius in quodvis pignus vocabat, si
in una uspiam littera delictum esset), declared that duovkesimo anno in Book iv.
was a fhistake of the copyist for dito et vicesimo annoj but was finally forced to
admit, on being referred to other passages of ancient authors, that dtumcesimtis
was a genuine Old Latin form.
§ 74. Twenty to Ninety. These Numerals are denoted in
I.-Eur. by Neuter Compounds, ' two decades,' ' three decades,'
&c., the word for ' decade' being *dekm-t-, changed in Compo-
sition into *(d)kmt- [or *(d)komt- ? ; cf . Greek -kovt- in 30-90,
Tpid-Kovra, T€(r(rapi'KOVTa, or Tfrpta-Kovra, &c., which suggests
that this is the plural stem, the other the dual]. In Lat. v't-glnfi
VI- is probably Neut. Dual Nom. of I.-Eur. *wi-; the -glnfi^
with 1 for ^ owing to the popular accentuation ^vigeuti^ ^irlgenta^
^qttadrdgenfa^ &c., which takes its g apparently through influence
of the d of I.-Eur. *(d)kmt- (but vicenimns', so Alb. -zet, * a gross,'
points to g not k), is also Neut. Dual Nom. In tri-gintd
the tr'i- is Neut. Plur. Nom. of the I.-Eur. stem *tri-, the -giuf^i
shows the original quantity of the Neut. Plur. sufRx, which has
by the time of the earliest literature been shortened in Nouns,
&c. to -a (ch. iii. § 43). In qnadrd-ghitd the qvadrd- (on the
form of the stem, see § 63) may correspond to Gk. TiTpu}- of
T€Tp<O'K0VTa (see ch. iv. § 92), or may have the Neut. Plur. ending
-d, an ending assumed by quinqve, aex^ sepferti, novem in a somewhat
haphazard way in the Compounds qulnqjid-ginfa, sexd-gi?ik[,
ifeptnd-g'infa (for *.s€p(u[m)dg'nifu ; see above on fteptiientiMy § 68),
nond-ginfa^ while odd in octdginta retains its ordinary form. The
Ordinals are formed with the suffix -tmo- or -t®mo- (ch. v. § 14),
K e
41 8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VL
e.g. vlc^sinnut, older vicensumus (this spelling is more frequent
than vigenwus) for ^vi-ceiU^iumuSy t rices hnus and trigesimvs,
older -eiisunivs for ^tri-cent-tnmus (O. Ind. tri-§at-tam£-) ; the
Adverbs are vicies, older -ens, trldes^ older -ens (sometimes
trigies), like decies, older -ens (§ 56) ; the Distributives vicetius
(with byform vigenus), fricenus (with by form trigenns\ &c., not
like the abnormal demis^ but like ^decenus (§ 71).
§ 75. Viginti, ^. Viginti is spelt veiginti (C. /. L. i. 1194 ; x. 6009), ^^^ the
et may merely indicate I, for the inscriptions are not of great antiquity : ch. i.
§ 9). The late spelling vigenti (C. I. L. v. 1645, &c.) points to viginti (cf. quinqwi-
gerUa xii. 48a, and other examples of 'yetiia quoted in A, L, L. vii. 69-70;. In
Late and Vulgar Latin the g was dropped (oh. ii. § 94 \ whence the form
vinii ; e. g. Wilm. 569 :
et menses septem diehus cum vinti duobus;
cf. Sard, vinti, Ital. venti, &c. The same thing happened to triginta, producing
the form trienta (C. /. L. xii. 5399, &c.), and in Romance, Sard, trinta, Ital.
trenta, &c. ; also to quadragfiUa (a hexameter line on a late epitaph ends,
quadraginta per annos, vi. 28047), which had become quar(r)agifUa (Fabretti,
iv. 134), whence Ital. quaranta, Fr. quarantc. On the accentuation of these
three numerals, see ch. iii. § ti. 4. Septwiginid is the scansion required in
metrical epitaphs (C. /. L. vi. 93951. 99426). Its analogy produced in Mediaeval
Latin the form octuaginta, which found its way into some early editions of
Latin authors (Skutsch, Forscfi, i. 24). Odaginla occurs sometimes in the Edict
of Diocletian (C. /. L. iii. pp. 810, 81 1) and elsewhere (see A. L.L. vii. 70. (For
other examples of the scansion -ginta in late poetry, see Neue, ii'. p. 990.)
§ 76. The Hundreds. The I.-Eur. expression for 100 was
apparently ' a decade of decades * (like the Compound later
evolved in Gothic, taihunte-hund (?)), viz. *(d)kmt5m, probably
an old Gen. Plur. of the stem *defcmt (§ 46), treated as a Nom.,
like sesterlium, -i Gen. for mille sesterfium^ ' a thousand of
sesterces/ in Latin. This explains why the full form, and not
the mere stem, is used in Compounds in Greek and Latin (e.g.
kKaroyL-^-q^ kKoroy-yj^ipos ^ centum -plex, cenhim-gSmmifS, centum-
pondivm) ; though some prefer to regard *(d)innt6m as Nom.
Sg. of a Neut. O-stem,' a decade,' just as O. Ind, daiati- means,
(i) a decade, (2) a hundred, i.e. 'a decade (of decades*). The
d of ■'^(d)I[mt6m shows its influence in Latin in the presence of
g, instead of, or along with c, in the expressions for the various
hundreds. In O. Lat. we find Neuter Compoimds, ducentum
(with dtl- the weak stem of I.-Eur. dwe-, a byform of dwl-,
§ 59), tre-centum (with I.-Eur. tre-, a byform of trt-, § 61),
§§75-78.] DECLENSION OF NOUNS, ETC. NUMERALS. 419
noTigentum, &c., used with the Genitive of the thing specified,
e. g. argejiti sescentum, Lucil. xxx. 0,2 M. ; but these Neuter
Compounds, when referring not to a mass, but to a number of
individual things^ became in course of time declined as Adjec-
tives, dU-centi -^e a, IrS-centi -ae -a, e. g. trecentae causae Plant,
(cf . nongentusy Plin. xxxiii. a. 31). (So in Greek YO-stem Adjec-
tives were formed,in Att. -Ko<rioi(with -<n-for -ti-), in Dor. -Kcirioi.)
They formed their Numeral Adverbs, Adjectives, and Distribu-
tives by analogy of the tens, e. g. trScent-ies (like tncies\ tricent-
enmus (like tricesimus), tricent-eni (like trkeni). The forms quin^
genii (tor ^quinc-gentij ch. iv. § 157), septin-genti (for ^septem-genti,
^septen-genti like tingo for *tengo, ch. iv. § 1 1), apparently influenced
qnadrin-genti (for earlier quadrl-genti), octin-genli, and even nonin-
genii (beside the usual nan-genii). Ses-centi for ^se{c)%'Centi
obeys the same phonetic law as disco for ^di(cysco (cf . di^ic-i ;
see ch. iv. § 157. 3).
§ 77. Centum, Ao. The stem *cent6' {-f) appears in cenil-ceps Hor., centi-
mdnt^s Hor., cetUupMa (and centum-peda) PHn., &c., but centom- in centumpcndium
Plant-, Cato, centumplex Plant. Pers. 560, centum'g^inus Virg., &c., so that the
latter is the older formation. For examples of ducentum, Slc, with Gen., from
the older writers and in legal phraseology, see Neue, ii'. p. 298. The usage is
confined to phrases like ducentum aurij argenti, rtnt, &c. ; Plautus has ducenti
-ae -a, &c., as in classical Latin. A transitional construction is seen in CI. L.
iv. 1 1 36 nongentum iahemcu, nine hundred shops. As to the form of the several
numerals ; duoceyiH is found in the late Latin of the Itala ; quadrigerUi is the
Plautine form, though the MSS. have usually (not, however, universally in
Bacch. 1 183) changed it to q\iadringenti ; for the second syllable is always short,
and the Breves Breviantes Law is inoperative when a Mute and Liquid follow
the short vowel, so that -dri- not -drin- must have been the second syllable of
the word used in Plautus' day ; quadrigentiy quadrigenusy Ac. are probably also
the classical forms (Neue, ii'. p. 297), but on Mon. Ancyr. iii. % quadringenos ; of
qumgentum Festus tells us that the pronunciation before his time was qulncentum
(Fest. 338. 19 Th. ^quincentum ' et producta prima syllaba, et per c litteram
usurpant antiqui, quod postoa levius visum est, ita ut nunc dicimus, pronun-
tiari) ; sescenti is the correct spelling, not sexcenti (see Neue, ii*. p. 297) ; septigenti
for septingenti occurs on the Edict of Diocletian ; noningenti is a late and rare
form (see Neue, L c); Caper censures the form noticenti (104. i K. nongentos
non ^ noncentos ' dicendum est), and it seems to be the rule that after n the
voiced {g), and not the unvoiced {c) guttural is used in these words.
§ 78. The Thousands. The Latin mille, in O. Lat. a declin-
able Neuter Noun taking a Genitive of the things specified, e.g.
mille hominum occvlitur^ milli (Abl.) passum vicerit^ is probably
E e 2
420 THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
unconnected with the Gk. yiKtoi, Lesb. xiXXioi, from *ghSslio-
Adj., and the O. Ind. sa-hdsram from *sm-ght>slom, a Neuter
Noun-compound, of which the first part is the root sem-, ' one,'
literally ' one thousand,' as Gk. k-Karov for *a-KaToi; (?), ' one
hundred,' ' one (decade) of decades (?).' [Some suppose that it
represents an original ^sm-Iiesii^ ' one thousand,' and that this
became ^melle, *meU^ as ^quaslus (cf. qnasillus) became qudlvs
(older quallm^ ch. iv. § 162) \ the Plural ^melia becoming mllia as
*Plenius became Pllnius (ch. iv. § 7). O. Ir. mile would then be
a loanword from Latin, for I.-Eur. sm- would remain in Irish.]
It is cognate with the Celtic word for ' thousand ' (O. Ir. mile,
W. mil), just as the Teutonic and Slavonic numerals are cognate,
Goth. J^fjsundi F., Lith. tukstantis, O. SI. tys^sta or tysq§ta F.
For the thousands, the units dvo^ tria, &c. are prefixed in Latin
as separate words, duo milia (on the spelling 7nilia beside mUle^
see ch. ii. § 1^7), tria milia^ &c. The Ordinals and Adverbs are
formed like those of the hundreds, mi//-eMmns, 7»ilies, &c., like
eefif-emnm, ceni^ies,
§ 79. MJUe. Gellius (i. 16) quotes a number of passages to show that Cicero,
as well as the older writers of the Republic, used miUe as a Neuter Singular
Noun, e. g. Cic. Mil. 53 millo homimim versabatur. So mille passuum (earlier
passum)j a mile. [Other examples are given by Neue, ii'. p. 303, to which add
Plaut. Bacch. 928 millf (MSS. mille) cum numero nauiuml. In the spelling
mvUia (probably for ineiRia^ for double consonants ai*e written single on this
inscription, e.g. redideij tabeUtrioa) of CI.L. i. 551 (Lucania, 13a B.C.), the ei
may indicate merely the long t-sound. Lucilius (ix. ai M.) seems also to
recommend ei in both singular and plural (cf. ch. i. § 9) (so meilk in the
Ambrosian Palimpsest, Plaut. Stick. 587).
$ 80. The Numerals in Bomanoe. The Cardinals are mostly retained,
though ducenti, &c. have become Fr. deux cents, Span, doscientoe, &c. But
only Italian keeps the Ordinals unchanged, prime, secondo, terzo, quarto,
&c. French has premier for pf^musj and for the others uses the suffix -idme.
Spanish has primero (like French) for primus ^ tercero (with the same suffix)
for iertiuSf and uses for nanus noveno (the Lat. Distributive mvPnus), and
similarly for dMmus deceno. (For a fuller account see Meyer-L0bke, Rom,
Oram, ii. pp. 590 sqq.)
CHAPTER VII.
THE PBONOUNS.
§ 1. I. THE PERSONAL FRONOUNS AND THE RE-
FLEXIVE. 1. Sing. Latin ^^^, O. Lat. ^go represents I-Eur.
*6g6 (Gk. ^yci), of which byforms were *eg6 (Goth, ik, Lith. esz
and ^sz), *eg6m (Gk. kydv)^ *eg6m (O. SI. azil ; of. O. Ind. ahdm
with Aspirate instead of Media). It is strengthened by the addi-
tion of the particle -mU^ e. g. egomef^ niiAmef, and in certain of its
cases by the particle -pfei^ 20), e. g. miMpfe^ while in the Accusa-
tive we jBnd the Pronoun doubled for emphasis, Me?ne. For the
Genitive, met is used, apparently the Gen. Sg. Neut. of the Posses-
sive, ' of mine/ but in O. Lat. we have tn^s (with the Gen. Ss-
sui&x ?) ; for the Dative mHl (mi) for *me/iei or *me/wi, with the
I.-Eur. Locative ending (Umbr. vie/fe ; cf. O. Ind. mdhy-am) and
with mt' instead of m^- because of the Pronoun's want of accent
(ch. iii. § i8)j for the Accusative O. Lat. wed, by the time of
Terence always me, owing to the Latin phonetic law that final rl
was lost after a long vowel (eh. ii. § 137) ; this d is either the
Ablative d, with a strange confusion between Ace. and-Abl.
functions (so in Engl. ' him ' Dat. has become Ace), or the I.-
Eur, particle -id, often used in the Veda to strengthen Pronouns,
^me-id' (cf. Dor. Gk. 6)utet Ace. for *^/ui€-t6 ?), just as the particle
*f/h is used to distinguish the Ace. in Teutonic (Goth, mi-k.
Germ, mich ; cf . Gk. ^tx^-ye) ; for the Ablative, O. Lat. ined
from I.-Eur. *med (cf. O. Ind. rafid from I.-Eur. *med), which
with med Ace, became me in the second cent. b. c. ; the Locative
[I.-Eur. *raei or *moi, O. Ind. (Vedic) m^ Loc, used also as
Gen. and Dat., Gk. fxoC Dat.] and Instrumental (perhaps I.-Eur.
*me or *m6) cannot be identified in Latin. On the affix -gh-
of mi/ii, see ch. x. § i.
422 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VII.
§ 2. Egd is tho invariable scansion of classical poetry, and the almost
invariable scansion of Plautus and the early Dramatists ; eg6 is found occa-
sionally in late poetry (Neue, ii*. p. 346), where it may possibly be influenced
by Gk. iy&f and in Plautus (e. g. Fom. 1185 , &c., where it must be a relic of
the older quantity (Klotz, Altrdm, Metrikj p. 51 ; Miiller, Plaut Pros. p. 30), not
yet shortened by the Breves Breviantes Law (ch. iii. § 42). The preponder-
ance of the shortened form is due to the enclitic character of the word (even
egdmet), for Lat. ego cannot represent L-Eur. "^cgd, if final 6 became ^ in
Latin (ch. iii. ( 37). Mihipte is quoted from Oato by Fest. 144. iiTh. ; Paul.
Fest. 145. 5 ; mepte occurs in Plaut. Men, 1059 '
quin certissumumst
m^pte potius fieri seruom, qudm te umquam emittiim manu.
For examples of meme [A somewhat doubtful form), see Neue, ii'. p. 355. Mis
Gen. is quoted by Priscian from Ennius {A. 145 M.) :
ingens cura mis cuim concordibus aequiperare,
and probably occurs in Plaut. in PoeJi, 1188, beginning: rebus mis agiindis
(anapaestic), and in other passages, though the MSS. have usually changed
it to the more familiar mei. It is often mentioned as an 0. Lat. form by the
grammarians (see the references in Neue, ii^ p. 347), and may represent an
original *m6s, as Saiutia is in 0. Lat. Salutes (ch. vi. § 17). For the Dative, we
have on old inscriptions tnihei (C. /. L, i. 1016. 1277), and with e to express
the ei-diphthong (cf. ch. iv. § 32) mihe (i. 1049). A still older form mehe (cf.
mehi Plaut. Men. 925 ^P.)) seems to be mentioned by Quintilian (i. 5. 21 nam
^ mehe ' pro mi apud antiques tragoediarum praecipue scriptores in veteribus
libris invcnimus), though, if we retain the MSS. reading ^ pro me,' we must
suppose tnehe to be a mere graphic expression of m^, as in Umbrian a long
vowel is indicated by repeating it and inserting h, e. g. comohota ' commOta '
(whether this was a Latin practice is doubtful, see ch. ii. § 56). The final vowel
of mihif &.C. had quite become a short vowel in Quintilian's time, and Is
described by him in the phrase commonly applied to f, as * a sound between
e and i" (see ch. ii. § 16) ; and even in Plautus and the early Dramatists tnihi
is the usual scansion (Leppermann, De correpiioney p. 9). Mihi is often contracted
to m\y as nihil to nil (ch. ii. § 58), so that wo have side by side in Plautus
diverg(5nt treatments of this Dative, such as (i) dissyllabic mUiu e. g. True, 77
Nam mihi haec m^retrix, &c, (2) the same with elision, e.g. 8tich, 427 mih(i)
expedi, (3) monosyllabic mi^ e.g. (elided) True. 173 Sunt m(i) ^tiam. {Fox
instances of mt, see Neue, ii^. 349, and on Nigidius' distinction of Gen. and
Dat., Gell. xiii. 26.)
The remark of Festus (156. 6 Th.) * me ' pro mihi dicebant antiqui, illustrated
by a quotation from Lucilius {inc. 98 M.) : quae res me impendet, means, of
course, merely that in 0. Lat. another case was used (in this example, the
Accusative ; cf. Lucr. i. 326 mare quae impendent saxa), where the classical
construction had the Dative ; and similarly rae te Plaut. Asiyv. 481 (cf. vae me
Seneca, Apoc, 4) is probably nothing but an unusual employment of the Accu-
sative. The Vocative of the Possessive Pronoun mi, e. g. mi Jilij mi rir, has
been regarded as a Locative- Dative by some and compared with Homer's
tofrifn fxotf the Tragedians' S> yvvai fioiy Vedic m6 giras, ^ my hymns.' But it is
more likely to be a byform of *mie (with unaccented e sunk to t, ch. iii. § 18%
if a-4.] THE PRONOUNS. PERSONAL. 423
aajili may be of/Hie (but see ch. vi. § 31), for it is always joined with a Voc.,
and is used in good writers only with a masculine noun (with a Fem. after
ApuleiuS) Neue, ii^. p. 368) ; and this is the explanation given by the native
grammarians [see below, § 12 ; thei-e is no *ti (Gk. roif aoi) nor ♦w (Gk. o[)].
The Accusative med is found on the very earliest Latin inscriptions which we
possess, the Praenestine fibula (C. /. L, xiv. 4133), with Manios med flaked Numa-
sioij and the Dvenos inscription (Zvet. LI. I. 285, Rome), with Dvenos med f eked
{or feced) ; and in Plautus m!M and m^ are doublets, in the Ace as in the Abl.,
miB often being shortened by prosodical hiatus to mi before an initial vowel,
while in Terence m^ &c. Ace, Abl. has ousted midy &c. Whether Plautine m£
Abl. is ever an Instrumental form, and has not lost a final -ef, it is impossible
to say ; but there is no indication of its being anything but a phonetic variation
of an original mitd (cf. oh. iL § 137). On mi^^quidem Plant., see ch. iii. § 51.
§ 3. 2 Sing. Lat. tu is from I.-Eur. *tu (Horn. Gk. tv-j^tj, O. Ir.
tu, O. H. G. du, O. SI. ty), as Dor. Gk. rv from I.-Eur. *tii. In
the oblique eases the I.-Eur. stem was *twS (or *tw6) and *tS (or
*t6), &c. [e. g. Gk. ai for Cret. rf c, O. Ind. (Ved.) tva Instr.,
tve Loc., te Dat., Gen.], often enlarged by an afiix -bh-, like the
-gh- of the 1 Sing. Pron. (e. g. O. Ind. tu-bhyam Dat.). For the
Genitive in Latin the Gen. Sg. Neut. of the Possessive is used,
tul^ ' of thine ' (see above, on mel)^ and a Gen. //> (? tu) appears
in O. Lat. ; for the Dative, fibi^ older tibei^ for *tebhei {Umbr.
tefe ; of. Pruss. tebbei), with tt- for te- owing to its unaccented
character; for the Ace, as for the Abl., O. Lat. ted) in the
earliest literature ted and te appear as * doublets ' (like med and
me^ § 2), but by the middle of the second cent. b. c. ted is out of
use ; the Locative and Instnmiental cannot be identified in Latin.
A strengthened form of the Nom. is iu-fSy of the Ace. and Abl.
tc'le ; and with addition of the particle -m^t we find tu-i^i-met
(cf. ch. iii. § 39), tlbi-met^ te-met,
\ 4. Tis (^like wi^s, § 2) is attested for O. Lat. by the grammarians (see
Neue, ii^ p. 347), and occurs in Plant. Mil. 1033 (an anapaestic lino):
quia tis egeat, quia te careat : ob eim rem hue ad te missast,
where, if we keep the reading of the MSS. (the evidence of the Palimpsest is
wanting), we must scan fTs, unlike m\s. (Shall we read quia tis ea egeat ?) ;
Trin. 343 yu tis alios misereat i.so in the Palimpsest, but the other MSS. have
changed the unfamiliar form to tui), and possibly elsewhei-e (see Neue, I. c.
and add Plaut. Cist. 457V The Dative is sjKilt tibeiy C. I. L, i. 542. 1453, but
tihe in all the MSS. of Varro R. R. iii. 7. 11, and in C. /. L. i. 33 one of the
Scipio epitaphs in Satumian metre, e. 180 B.C.). The Ace. is spelt te (probably
with elision) on the same epitaph :
qufire lubens t(e) in-gremium. Scipio, recipit.
424 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIL
Tu-met is not allowed by Prisciau (^i. p. 591. 5 H.\ An example of tute is the
famous alliterative line of Ennius {A. 108 M.) :
0 Tite tuto Tati tibi tanta tyranne tulisti.
;For other examples of tutey Miniet, tibhmt^ &c., see Neuo, ii'. pp. 361 sqq. ; on
tUqiUdeyn, tSquidemj see above, ch. iii. § 51.)
Tlie Umbro-Osc&n forms for the Accusative (and Nom. ?) point to an
original tiom (from ♦twiom as /io from *JidIo ; or with I for I.-Eur. u ?), Umbr.
ti<nn and tioj Osc. tiium ; usually taken as Nom.).
§ 5. Beflezive. The I.-Eur. stem was *swS (or *sw3) and *s^
(or *86), &c. (e.g. O. Ind. svfi-, *own,' Goth, sves, O. SI. svojt;
Goth, si-k Aec„ O. SI, seb6 Dat.), often with the same affix as
2 Sg. *twS, *tS (see above), viz. -bh-. The Latin Gen. is sul,the
Gen. Sg. Neut. of the Possessive (like mei, tui ; see above), the
Dat. sibi for *sebhei (Pelign. sefed, Osc. sifei ; of. Pruss, sebbei),
with »i' for se- owing to the unaccented use of the Reflexive ; the
Ace. and AbL se (O. Lat. aeil, which went out of use with itied,
iecl, § 2), often doubled for emphasis, ae^P, The particle -mel is
added for the same purpose to se, Mi^ viz. aemet^ sibimeL Se-pse
is read in Cic. Rep, iii. 8. 1 a : quae omnis magis quam sepse
diligit.
§ 6. The spelling sibei is found on C. /. L. i. 38 ,an Elegiac Scipio epitaph,
c. 130 B.C.J ut sibei me esse creatum Laetentur ; i. 196 (the S. C. Bacch. of
186 B. €.; ; i. 198 >;the Lex Repetundarum of 133-122 b. c.) ; i. aoo (the Lex
Agi'aria of iii b. c.) ; i. 205 i^the Lex Rubria of 49 b. c), &c. ; the spelling si&t
was found (with qtuxse) by Quint, (i. 7. 24) in several MSS. (sedan hoc voluerint
auctores nesci(»j, and was afifected by Livy (T. Livium ita his usum ex Pediano
comperi, qui et ipso eum sequebatur). Livy's s^Milling was probably designed
to exprosis short unaccented i, the sound which the grammarians describe as
being *■ between an e and an i* ;see ch. ii. § 16;. Sihi .like mihiy tibi) is the
usual scansion in Plautus and the early Dramatists, but sibi is by no means
rare, and is normal in the phrase 8uu8 sibi, *• his very own ' (so meus miht)^ e. g.
»uo sibi gladio hunc jugulo ; of. 0. SI. pisachi^ svoj^ si r£di, ^ scribebant suam
bibi linguam '). There is no Genitive form in O. Lat., *si«, corresponding to
mis, (is (Priscian ii. p. 2. 29 H.). Sedy Ace, occurs on the S. C. Bacch., of
186 B. c. \C, 1. L. i. 196 inter sed)^ and on the Lex Bantina of 133-118 b. c.
i. 197 apud sed : along with sese, seese) ; setted on the inscr. of the Faliscan
cook.*} (Zvet. /. /. /. 72 a). Sese is much more frequent than mftnS and tfitf,
(For examples of its use, see Neue, ii'. p. 355.)
The Oscan Ace. is sioin (cf. above, § 4, on Umbrc^-Osc. tiom *te'i, the
Umbrian Dat. seso.
§ 7. 1 Plur. Of the two I.-Eur. stems, *we- (or *\v6-) (e. g.
O. Ind. vay-fim Nom., Goth, veis, Engl, we, Lith. vfe-du Dual,
O. SI. ve) and *n6- (or *n6-) (e. g. O. Ind. nas, the enclitic Gen.,
$$ 5-9.] THE PRONOUNS. PERSONAL. 425
Dat., Ace, O. Ir. nl, Goth, uns for *n8, Engl, us, O. SI. nastl ;
Gk. vm Dual, O. SI. na ; with weak grade ns- and an aflix
-smS- in O. Ind. ohlique cases^ asman Ace., asmabhis Instr., &c.,
Lesb. Gk. a/ut/utcs, Att. fjficls), the latter appears in Latin nds Ace.
(Zend na Ace). No^ is also the Nominative form. The Gen. is
nodnim (O. Lat. nostrarum, -armn) and nostri^ the Gen. Plur. and
the Gen. Sg. Neut. of the Possessive, * of ours/ the Gen. PI.
being used when the idea of plurality was specially prominent,
e. g. 07Miium nostrfim, pars iwstrumy but amicus 7wstri ; the Dat.,
Abl. is j^^His (earlier nd-dei-s), apparently with the plural suffix s
added to a case suffix like that of Dat. Sg. lidei^ sibei ; in O. Lat.
nis seems also to have been used (Paul. Fest. 33. 6 Th.), with the
ordinary Dat., Abl. Plur. suffix (see ch. vi. § 48). To strengthen
the pronoun, the particle -mef is added ; nostnet (always Nom. in
Plautus), nobismet,
§ 8. Enos Ace. is found in the ancient H^nnn of the Arval Brothers, preserved
in a carelessly written inscription, containing the minutes of the Priesthood
for the year 218 a. d. (C. I,L.\. 28) : enos, lMse.8, iuuate, and enos, Mannor, iuiuUo.
If the lines have Saturnian rhythm, the accent must fall on the first syllable
of enos (see ch. ii. § 141, p. 128 n.) :
^nos, Lases, iuuilte . . .
^uos, Mdrmor, iuuato ;
but this, and indeed every fact about th(^ lines, is doubtful. The form enos is
generally explained as having a particle *6 prefixed to nos (cf. i-ni). Kosmef
is, like vosmet, always Subject in Plautus, but also Ace. in Terence, Phorm. 172,
and the classical writers. The use of nostrum (Partitive Gen. and with omnium)
and nostri is discussed by Gellius (xx. 6;. For instances of nostrorum, -drum for
nostrum in Plautus, &c., see Neuo, ii'. p. 359. The spelling nobeis is frequent
in the Ambrosian Palimpsest of Plautus (see Studemund's Index, p. 505).
§ 9. 2 Plur. There are two I.-Eur. stems, *yu- (O. Ind. yu-
yfim, Goth, jus, Engl, you, Lith. jus ; O. Ind. yuvdm Dual,
Lith. jti-du) and *we- (or *w5-) (O. Ind. vas, the enclitic Gen,,
Dat., Acc.jPruss. wans, O. SI. vy vasti ; O. Ind. vam Dual, O. SI.
va). The former, with the affix -sme- is found in Gk. vfxets,
O. Ind. yusman Ace, yusmabhis Instr., &c. ; the latter is
the stem used in Latin vas Ace. (Zend va Ace). Vds is also the
Nominative form ; vest rum (O. Lat. vosirornm, -arum) and vestri
(O. Lat. voslri) the Gen., with the same usage and origin as
nostrmti and nostri (see above) ; vdlAs is the Dat., Abl., older voheis
(see above on nobis). The strengthening particle used is -met :
426 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VII.
vos^met (only Nom. in Plautus, but afterwards Ace. as well),
vobmnel; and -pte in O, Lat. vqpte (Paul. Fest. 578. 21 Th.
' vopte ' pro vos ipsi Cato posuit).
§ 10. For examples of Ocn. vestrum {costrorum) and vestri, see Neue, ii'.
P- 359 i A^d ^^' ^^strumj nostrorum^ noatrif above. Tlio spelling vobeis is extremely
frequent in the Ambrosian Palimpsest of Plautus, and occurs in the S. C.
Bacch. (C. i. L, i. 196. 29), the Epistula ad Tiburtes of c. 100 b. c. (i. aoi), Sec,
§ 11. II. THE POSSESSIVE PBONOUNS. In the I.-Eur.
languages there is a close connexion between the Possessives and
the Gen. of the Personal Pronouns. Thus O. Ind. (Vedic) tvd-s is
Possessive 'thy/ tdva is Gen., * of thee' (I.-Eur. *tewS); Dor.
Gk. res': is Possessive, rio (I.-Eur. *tS-sy6) is Gen. Latin tnu^,
O. Lat. fovO' (I.-Eur. *tSwo-) must be similarly derived from the
I.-Eur. Gen. *tewS, Latin suu^y O. Lat. sovo- (I.-Eur. *sSwo-)
from a corresponding Gen. *sSwS, while ni(nis (*meyo-) may come
from the Locative-Genitive *mei (O. Ind. me Gen., Dat.). The
same connexion is seen between cjyu^, the Gen. of the Interroga-
tive (§ 13), and cifjns -a -um the Possessive (§ 23). Some
purists objected to this Possessive, and parodied Virgil's line
(jE*. iii. 1 ) by :
die mihi, Damoeta« 'cujum' pecus, anne Latinum?
under the idea that cujjcs -a -urn was merely a vulgar inflexion
of a Gen. sufiix -us, treated as if it had been -us of the Nom.
Sing.
Beside the Reflexive Possessive stem *s5w6- (Gk. kos), there
was another I.-Eur. form, *sw6- (O. Ind. svds, Gk. 05 for *(rFos).
The latter would be in Latin so- (ch. iv. § 68), and appears in
the O. Lat. forms sum for suum, ms for suas, 909 for snos^ sis for
suis, which must not be confounded with the Demonstrative stem
SO' on the one hand (O. Lat. sos for eos^ »um for eum^ &c.), nor
on the other with the monosyllabic suas^ suos, suis (pronounced
sicas^ swos, S7vis), where, through the unaccented use of the Poss.,
the « has been turned into a consonant (w) before a long vowel
(see ch. ii. § 149), just as the e (^) of unaccented mens has been
turned into y in monosyllabic meas, meos, nieis, med, meo, Mieis
was the older spelling of meis (ch. ii. § 9), and in the Voc. Sing.
§f lO-iaJ THE PRONOUNS. POSSESSIVES. 4^7
Masc. we have, besides mens^ the form wi, e. g. mijili, mi homo^
mi vir.
For the Plural Pronouns the suffix -tero- (ch. v. § i6) was used
(cf. Gk. fffii'T€po9j vixi-T€po$)j 1 PI. ndsteTy 2 PI. O. Lat. vaster,
which by the phonetic laws of Latin (cf. vefo from older vdio,
ch. iv. § lo) became vesfer about the middle of the second cent.
B. c. [Osc. nestro- (?), Umbr. vestro-.]
The Gen. Sg. Neut. of these Possessives was in classical Latin
used for the Gen. of the Personal Pronouns, mei, tui, sui, nostril
vestri, and, where the notion of plurality was involved (as in
the Partitive Genitive or with omnium), the Gen. PI. nostrum,
vestrum (in O. Lat. nostrortim, -arum, vostrorum, -arum) (see § 8).
The strengthening particles -met, -pt^ are added to the Posses-
sives, e. g. meamet, suismet, meapte, suopte, noUrapte,
§ 12. The grammanans speak of un O. Lat. spelling mius, from which thej
derive Voc. mi (as Laeli Voc , Ladius Nom.) (e. g. Gharis. p. 159. 17 K., Vel.
Long. p. 77. la K. ; other references in Neue, ii'. p. 366), though the only
instance which they quote is miis in Ter. Heatd. 699 (probably a dissyllable) :
at enim istoc nihil est magis, Syre, miis nuptiis adu^rsum,
where miis ;a spelling retained in the MSS. of Terence), like mieis (probably
a monosyllable) on a Scipio epitaph of c. 130 b. c. (C. /. L. i. 38):
uirtutes generis mieis moribus accumulavi,
and mieis (probably a monosyllable) in Plant. Men. aoa : una uiuis mieis mori-
gera miSribus ; probably mieis, True. 709, where the MSS. read miles jj shows that
spelling of i for e (I.-Eur. ey) which was the rule in Republican Latin in an
unaccented syllable before -is {-eis), e.g. abiegnieis (but abieffnea Ace), aesculnieifi
on the Lex Parieti Faciundo of 105 b. c. (C*. I. L. i. 577) (see ch. ii. § 9). [For
other passages in Plautus where mti.s is indicated by the MSS., see Neue, I. c, ;
in Trin. 822 mis may be Gen. Sg. of the Personal Pronoun, mU (§ 2), or Abl.
PI. of the Possessive : bonis mis quid foret aut meae uitae (anapaestic)]. For
the Vocative Sg. Masc, mens was used with an 0-stem Noun in the Nominative
form, e. g. Plant. Asin, 664 :
da, mens ocellus, mea rosa, mi anime, mea uoluptas,
Cos. 137 :
sine, am^bo, ted amari, mens festus dies,
meus pullus passer, m^a columba, mi lepus.
, Notice mi hpvs in Plaut., where the Noun is not an 0-stem. But Virg. has
mens sangxiis.) On the theory that mi is I.-Eur. *moi or *mei Loc, see § 2 above.
Mi is not found with a Voc. Fem. Sg. or Masc. PI. till Lateand Vulgar Latin,
e. g. mi parens, my mother, Apul. Met. iv. 26 ; o mi, inquit, hospites, Petron.
428 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VII.
ii6, p. 82. 25 B. ; (mi homines, mi spectatores. Plant. Ciftt. 678, should probably
be meiy as in Mil. 1330 O mei oculi, 0 mi animo). (See Neue, ii*. pp. 368-9.)
We find tott[am] for tuam on an old inscription (C. /. L. i. 1290 quei tou[am]
pacem petit adiouta) ; soueis for suis on the Lex Repetundarum of 123- 122 b. c.
(1. 198. 5O) beside suei, suae, suoy sua Abl.,) and on i. 1258, i. 1297 (where it is a
monosyllable :
plouruma que fecit populo soueis gaudia nuges),
8OUO i. 1007 (beside smm, both dissyllabic :
suOm mareitum corde dilezit souo),
souom Gen. PI. Masc. i. 588, of c. 81 B.C.
The unemphatic Possessive is a monosyllable in the early Dramatists (by
Synizesis^ in iambic forms, e.g. ineos^ tfuis, which should probably not be
scanned according to th(» Breves Breviantes Law *ine6Sf *8ui8 (see ch. iii. § 49).
(Instances from Plaut. and Ter. in Neue, ii^ p. 371.') How far tlie Vulgar Latin
unemphatic Pos-sessive *mus. *inumj *ina (seen in Fr. mon, ma, and in Vulg.
Ital. ma-donna, padre-mo, &c.) %ihould be referi-od toO. Lat. so- (I. -Eur. *swo-;.
&c , or to these colloquial forms, is a doubtful jwint. \Ct. Us for iuis on a late
metrical inscription, Orelli 4847 :
cum vita functus jungar tis umbra figuris.)
O. Lat. 80- Possess, is attested by Festus and distinguished from O. Lat. S'>-
Demonstr. (sas Fest. 476. 1 7 Th. * sas * Verrius putat significare eas, teste Eunio.
qui dicat in lib. i. :
uirgines nam sibi quisque domi Romanus habet sas,
cimi suas magis videatur significare, sicuti ejusdem lib. vii. futendum est
eam significari, cum ait :
uec quisquam sapientia quae perhibetur
in somnis uidit prius quam sam discere coepit,
idem cum ait 'sapsam,' pro ipsa nee alia ponit in lib. xvi. :
quo res sapsa loco st»se ostentatque iubetque,
et Pacuvius in Teucro :
nam Teucnim regi sapsa res restibiliet ;
sis Fest. 428. II Th. *sos ' pro eos antiqui dicebant, ut Ennius, lib. i. :
constitit inde loci propter sos dia doarum,
et lib. iii. :
circum sos quae sunt magnao gentes opulentae,
lib. vii. :
dum censent terrere minis, hortantur /be sos,
lib xi. :
contendunt Graios, Graccos memorare solent sos,
interdum pro suos ponebant, ut cum per dativum casum idem Ennius effert :
postquam lumina sis oculis l>onus Ancus roliquit ;
f 13.] THE PRONOUNS. DEMONSTRATIVES. 429
sam Paul. Feat. 33. 6 Th. antiqui dicebant . . . *sam' pro suaxn). On the
other hand Festns quotes in illustration of O. Lat. pueUus part of a line of
Ennius with monosyllabic suos (so spelt in the MSS. of Festus 324. 17 Th. and
Paulus 325. 6) :
Poeni soliti suos sacrificare puellos,
and the MSS. of Lucretius spell suo (monosyll/ in i. 1022, v. 420 :
ordine se suo quaeque sagaei mente locarunt,
but sis in his quotation of Ennius' line, just mentioned, iii. 1025:
lumina sis oculis etiam bonus Ancus reliquit,
so that monosyllabic siiasj &c. of everyday speech, a scansion discarded by the
Augustan poets as unsuitable to the dignity of poetry, were dififerent forms
from 0. Lat. sos, &c. We have monosyllabic suo^ tud (see ch. ii. f 65) on the
dedicatory inscription of Mummius, the conqueror of Corinth {CI.L, i. 542,
of 146 B. c.) :
uisum animo suo perfecit, tua pace rogans te.
Hen. PI. meum, ttiumy tioslrum are attested by Priscian (i. p. 308. 23 H.), and
occur along with suum (cf. sowow, C. L L. i. 588, of c. 81 b. c.} in the Republican
Dramatists, &c. (see instances in Neue', though an instance oivostrum {vesirum)
is difficult to find. It occurs in the elegiac epitaph of Ennius quoted by
Cicero, Ttisc. i. 15. 34 :
hie nostrum panxit maxima facta pat rum.
The particle -met is not found with the Pos8essivcs in Cicero or Caesar, and is
not common in other authora. We have mmtnet adpd, Plaut. Poen. 446, simmet,
snometj siuunet, sui»inet in Sallust. It was thus more a particle for Personal than
for Possessive Pronouns. But -pte is very common, though almost exclusively
with the Abl. of the Poenessive, which precedes its noun, e.g. suapte tnafWy
Cic. ; meopte ingenio, Plaut. ; nostiapte culpa, Ter. Phorm, 766. ^See examples and
references to the native grammarians, in Neue, ii'. p. 373). Still the usual
method of emphatic expression was sua ipsius nmnu, meo ipsius ingenio^ nostra
ipsorum aifpa in literary Latin, and in colloquial speech snus sibHj meus wt7*t,
kc, § 6). Examples of Possessives from the Umbro-Oscan dialects are, Osc.
tuvai * tuae,' suvam 'suam,' suvad *sua.* suveis 'sui* (perhaps Pel. svad
'sua,' Osc. nistnis ^nostros'); Umbr. tua and tuva *tua,'f?ier and tover *tui,'
resfra *vestra.'
§ 13. III. DEMONSTRATIVES. There were several Demon-
strative Pronoun-stems in I.-Eur., some of which appear in some
languages as Adverbs and Particles only, but as Pronouns in
others. Thus the stem ke-, (ko-) appears in Latin in the
Adverb ce- of cedo, ' give here/ and in the Particle -ce of Aujiis-ce,
ilih'Ce, &c., but in Oscan eko- is the Pronoun in common use,
which corresponds to the Latin /ur ; and on the other hand the
430 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VII.
stems gho-, ghe- (cf. glit-) of Lat. hi-c (O. Lat. 4^-c), ho-c appear
as particles in O. Ind. ha, hi, Gk. ov-xt, voi-yi.
The Latin Demonstrative stems are :
(i) I.- Eur. s6-, (sS-), which seems to have been originally eon-
fined to Nom. Sg. Masc. and Fem., a stem t6- being used
elsewhere (O. Ind. s& and s&s M., sa F., t4d N., Gk. 6 and 5y M.,
7] F., t6^ for *Toh^ N.) So- is the stem of O. Lat. sain * eam,'
90% * eos,' mm * eum * ; to- of the second element of the compound
i9'te for *w-/6? M. (ch. iii. § 37), h-ta F., is-Utd N., from the
stem *i-, *ei- (see below), though some regard the first part as
the stem es- (Umbr. es-to-?), a byform of the stem so- (se-),
with i for e owing to the unaccented use of the Pronoun (ch.
iii. § 18). By a further reduction of the vowel ist^ became in
course of time de,
(2) L-Eur. gh6- (ghS-) supplies Lat. ///-<? from O. Lat. ^^-(?M.,
haec for ^hai-ce^ hoc for hocc for ^hod^c^ * this,^ all augmented by the
particle *ke. The i of hie is due to its unaccented nature (see
ch. iii. § 18).
(3) I.-Eur. ol- (Lat. Ul-fra, ul^timm; see ch. ix. § 56), a
grade of the root Hi- (51-) of Gk. SAA09, Lat. alim^ &c. (§ 29), with
L-Eur. so- appended. The Nom. Sg. Masc. was *ol-s6, O. Lat.
oUe, or %1-sos, O. Lat. ollus^ Fem. *ol-sa, O. Lat. olla^ with //
by the Latin phonetic law for original Is (cf. velle for ^vel-ae)^
Neut. *ol-t(Sd, which should have been in Latin *oltud^ *ultud^
but which was adapted to the Masc. and Fem. forms and
became ollnd. In class. Lat. owing to the unaccented use of
the Pronoun apparently, though the change is a curious one, the
^ became t, ille (ill us being dropped), illa^ illud,
(4) From I.-Eur. \- (ei-) and eyo- (O. Ind. id-&m N., im-&m
Ace. M., Lith. 31s M., O. SI. -jY, &c.) comes the Latin ' anaphoric '
pronoun (i. e. the pronoun which refers to something previously
mentioned), Xs M., ea for *eya F., M N. Augmented by a
combination of the particle /;^ (ch. x. § 1) with the Pronoun-stem
so-, a combination which expresses * self,' it forms the Latin
Pronoun of Identity, ij)9e M. for *i-p(e)'8d (ch. iii. § 37), ij^sa F.,
ipsiim N., in the O. Lat. also ea-pse with flexion of the first
element of the Compound only, and ea-psa with flexion of both
elements. Augmented by the particle -dem (ch. x. § 1) it
f 18.] THE PRONOUNS. DEMONSTRATIVES. 43 1
expresses * the same/ i-dem for is-dem M. (like audio for ^aus-dio^
ch. iv. § 151), ea-dem F. (For a fuller list of the I.-Eur. demon-
strative stems which appear in Latin, see the chapters on the
Adverb and the Conjunction.)
The Declension of these stems differed originally from that
of Noun-stems, though it became more and more assimilated in
course of time, and in Greek had come to be almost identical.
The Nom., Ace. Sg. Neut. was formed, not like 0-stem Nouns in
-m, e.g. donum, but in -^ (often written -^, ch. ii. § 73), e.g.
illiid^ Mtud (but ipsum instead of *i-plud), id; the Dat. Sg. of
all Genders has -J, older -ei (-oi), like the Locative -ei (-oi)
suffix which appears in 0-stem nouns such as Cdrinlii, e. g.
nil, isli, ipsi, huic for O. Lat. hoi-ce^ el, and ei for *ey-ei ; the
Gen. Sg. of all Genders is formed by the addition to this
Dative-Locative form of the Gen. suffix -Ss, -«*, as in O. Lat.
nomin-us, e. g. iltl-us, isit-ns, ipsi-ns (with shortening of vowel
before vowel, ill^us, &c. ch. ii. § 143), kitjus (pronounced *hiiyyus)
for hoi-US, ejus (pronounced *eyyus) which when unaccented
became in the rapid utterance of ordinary speech *illis, *islis,
*ipstSy ^huiSy ^eis, e.g. illl{u)s modi Ter. Ad, 441, or in one
word, illimodi, with s dropped before m as in primus for *prismv^
(ch. iv. § 151). The Nom. Plur. Masc. suffix of 0-stem pronouns,
viz. -oi, was in Latin (as in Greek) borrowed by 0-stem nouns
(see ch. vi. § 40), and so is not distinctive of the Pronoun in Latin,
but the Nom. Sing. Fern, (and Nom. Ace. PL Neut.) in -ai is
a feature of the pronominal declension which remains in Latin
Aaec for O. Lat. kai-ce, illaec for ^illai-ce, istaec for *isfai'Ce,
though without the particle -ce the two last take the -a of
Noim-stems, iila, ista (and so ipsa). Before the Dat., Abl. Plur.
suffix the stem appears with an appended i (O. Ind. t^-bhyas,
Goth. J7ai-m, Lith. te-ms, O. SI. te-mii), e.g. Lat. hi-hus\ cf.
I'hus for ^ei'hvs (O. Ind. e-bhy&), but gm-bus, not ^qui-hvs.
There is the same difficulty with Latin Pronouns as there is
with Nouns (ch. vi. § '^6\ in assigning any ' Ablative * forms to
an original Instrumental. Thus Osc. svai puh, * si quo' (cf.
Umbr. pu-e ' quo '), in the sense of ' sive ' (but see ch. ix. § 5),
suggests that Lat. qvo in some of its uses may be an Instru-
mental case form and represent an original *q"6 not *q"5d. But
43^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VH.
Adverbial ed in praeier-ea is shown to be an Ablative by aruorsum
ead on the S. C. Bacch. (C. L L, i. 196. 24) ; cf. eod die, xi. 4766.
The Locative had also the Dat. and Gen. functions, which we
found to belong to the Loc. of the Personal Pronouns, e. g. Gk.
fir)T€p(, fxoi (§ 2). Its suffix in O-stems was -ei or -oi, e. g. Gk.
TToi, Dor. Tret, ^kci ; the former is the suffix used in Oscan, e. g.
eisei, which uses in the Fern, the A-stem Loc. suffix, e. g. eisai.
§ 14. O. Lat. 80-. Festus (428. 1 1 Th.) quotes sos for eos from three lines of
Ennius .see § 12) ; elsewhere (476. 17 Th.^ he cites sam for earn, sapsa for ipsa
from the same author, and (426. 2 Th.) sinn for eum : ^sum ' pro oum usus est
EnniuH lib. i. :
astu, non ui, sum summnm seruare decet rem,
et lib. ii. :
ad sese sum quae dederat in luminis oras.
[The gloss (L5we, Piodr. p. 350 *soc': ita is doubtful ; cf. Umbr. e-soc *sic*]
But neither the Demonstrative so- nor the byform of the Reflexive Possessive
SO' (J.,-Eur. 8W0-) are found in the conversational language of Plautus and
Terence. The Neuter *tod is preserved in an 0. Lat. Adverb topper for *tod-per,
on which see ch. ix. § 7.
§ 15. The partiole -oe. This particle belongs to the stems k6- (kd-), (also
i'l- and kyo-) [Ok. iictt hoc. Advb., icftvoSf Osc. eko- (often with this particle
added, e. g. ekask, ' hae '), Lat. ri-tery ci'tra, O. Ir. c6« *on this side,' Engl, he,
him, Germ, heu-te, Lith. szls, * this,' 0. SI. si], and appears as an Adverb or
Preposition in Lat. ct-do^ * give here ' (more frequent in Terence than in
Plautus), (O. Ir. cit *da' ;?)j, and probably in Osc. ce-hnustj * hue venerit.* It
is said to be employed as an enclitic in other languages too, e. g. Arm. tCr-s,
'this person,' Goth. )iau-h, Engl, though (?\ Its widespread use with Demon-
stratives in Latin and Umbro-Oscan ;Lat. hi-Cj iflej 0. Lat. Hlkj istej 0. Lat.
iatic^ Osc. eisa-k and Umbr. erak, * e&,' Osc. ekask, * hae,' exacj ' hac, iu-k,
* ek,' and so on) may be compared with the Romance forms which have prefixed
Ijat. ccce to certain Pronouns and Adverbs, e.g. Fr. 9a, * there,' from ecce-hac ; Fr,
ci, Ital.ci, *here,* from ecce-h'tc; Fr. ce-, Ital.ci6, 'this,' from ecce-hoc ; Fr. ceUe
from ecce-illa^ Fr. cette from ecce-istUf &c.), (cf. tcciUum uideo and eccisUtm uideo
Plant.). It is the same tendency of expression which has i*ea88erted itself;
and it has its equivalents in vulgar Euglish 'this here' for 'this,' 'that
there* for ' that,' and so on. The usage with these forms with -ce diifered in
early and in classical Latin ; for while in early Latin they are more or less
arbitrarily used, in classical Latin their use is stereotyped in most pronouns.
Thus class. Lat. ilUc is the Adverb (Locative), while tVH is the Dative (so istie
and isti) ; hae is the Nom. PI. Fem., haec the Nom. PL Neut. ; but in
Plautus ilR and UtfCf iati and u»/ir, are equally Adv. and Dat. Pron., hae and
haec {iUae and t'Macc, iatae and iBtaec) are both used for the Nom. PI. Fem., iUa
and iXlaec (but only Aoec, isUux) for the Neut., while iWrc, telle, forms not found
in class. Lat., are equivalents of iUe, iste, iUuc of Ulud (but only istuc in Terence,
and perhaps also in Plautus). Still there are rules observed even so early as
§f 14-16.] THE PRONOUNS. DEMONSTRATIVES. 433
Plautus' time ; for example, the Nom. PI. Masc. of hic^ HUe^ is before a word
beginning with a vowel Aisce, ttlisce, but before a consonant hi^ iUij and in
general the forms with -ce are found in use before an initial vowel, hoace, fuiscey
hisce Dat.-Abl.) iUiscey isHace Dat.-Abl., though before a consonant horunc, harvnc
are employed when the verse-ictus has to fall on the final syllable. In the
Latin of ordinary conversation, as represented by the language of Plautus'
plays, the particle -ce has not in these pronouns the worth of a syllable,
a dissyllabic ?iaecej kc. being proper to a more elevated style of poetry, e. g.
Ennius, A. 994 M. haece locutus vocat, at the beginning of a hexameter line,
so that hacetenua and hocedie, quoted as O. Lat. forms by Mar. Victorinus
(9. 19 K.), must come from an Epic poem, or else from some official inscription
or legal document. When the interrogative particle -ni is added, the -ce is
preserved as a full syllable, e. g. hoc-ci-ne, si-ci-^ie with i not Sj because the
vowel has now become medial and not final (ch. iiL § 39). The fiill form
only is used in Plautus and Terence, but in later authors we find also, e. g.
hicne (Stat. Theb. i. 189 ; other examples in Neue, ii^ p. 433). The Interjection
em seems always to take the forms with -c, e. g. em UliCy em istoc, but not the
Interjection ccce, e. g. ecc-iUam, ecc-istam, ecc^am (for ecce *kam ?, § 16). Prefixed
to quidem the c is not used in hiquidemf &c of the Dramatists (but istucquidem,
not ishtdquidem, in Plautus, as istuc not istud in the simple Pronoun).
§ 16. Hio. The old form hec (for *ghd-&e) appears on the earliest Scipio
epitaph in Satumian metre {CI, L, i. 39) :
hec c^pit Corsica Al^riaquo lirbe,
which has, however, e for original i in Tempestatebus, and in the previous line
shows the spelling hie (probably not the Adverb, for this would naturally be
spelt heic in so early an inscription) :
consol, censor, aidilis hie fuet a[pud uos].
The spelling hec seems to be a retention of the old form, due to the emphatic
position of 'the Pronoun at the beginning of the line, if it is not merely an
example of the early interchange of 6 and i in the unaccented syllable (e. g.
aidiles for aedUis on the still older Scipio epitaph, i. 31 ; see ch. iii. § 22). The
Neuter Nom. -Ace. Jtoc should be *hocc ^for *gh6d-Ke), l)ut though we are
expressly told that it was so pronounced befoi*e an initial vowel, as in Virgil's
line : hoc erat, alma parens, &c., there is no evidence that it was ever written
with -cCf for Priscian's statement (L 593. 92 H.) : in antiquissimis codicibus
invenitur bis c scriptum, is illustrated only by the form hoccine. Hoc is
always long by position in Latin poetry, as hoc Abl. is long both by nature
and by position (for *h6d-ce), and hie M. is distinguished from htc Adv. in
Plautus and the early Dramatists (spelt fieic in Plautine MSS., Merc. 307, Metu
375, &c.), though, like other long syllables, hlc, {fiik) may be shortened, when
unaccented, after a short syllable by the Law of Breves Breviantes (ch. iii.
§ 49), e. g. f/uid hie est?, what is here?, {quid hoc est?, what is this?). But in
classical poetry hie M. is more often scanned as a long than as a short syllable ;
and the grammarians assert of hie in a line like Virg. A. xi. 16 : manibusque
meis Mezentius hie est, that it was pronounced *hicc ^Mar. Victor. 22. 17 K. ;
other references in Neue, ii'. p. 411), just as they declare ?mc erat to have been
pronounced hocc erat ; so that it is probable that hie M. came to be pronounced
*hkc by the Analogy of hoc (for *hodc) N., which was pronounced *?i5cc. (^One
pf
434 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VII.
theory supposes hie with long i to have been a byform of Aic, Rev. Philologie,
1892.)
In the Genitive we have, e.g. hoiusce on the Lex Bepetundarum of 123-iaa b.c.
[C. I. L. i. 198. 56), hoiusque (i. 603, of 58 B.C. hoiusque aedis ergo), hoius Plant.
Pseud. 271 (holua A, Jwjus P), htdius Moat. 664 (A, fiujns P). Plautus is said not
to admit the form with -ce {Poen. 1257) ^^^^ ^^»e colloquial language of his plajrs.
It occurs, however, in Terence {Andr. 439, Phorm, 827), and the phrase hxnjusce
rnoili is very common in Cicero and Sallust.
In the Dative ?mic occurs in the Lex Bantina of 133-1 18 b.c. (C. I. L. i. 197. 26
lioice leegei). Mar. Victorinus (12. 2 K.) quotes ^ex libris antiquis foedenmi
ot legum, qui etiamsi frequenti transcriptione aliquid mutarunt, tamen
retinent antiquitatem,' the form hoic, a form affected in pronunciation by
a few in the time of Vellus Longus (first cent. a.d.) (p. 76. 3 K.). In later
poetry huic (like cM in the poetry of the first cent. a. d., § 25) is scanned
as a dissyllable (twice in Statins, Silv. i. i. 107; i. 2. 135; and even /tMic in Ter.
Maurus, 1. 1375. For other examples, see Neue, ii\ p. 415). In the Accusative
the oldest spelling hon-ce appears in the Lex Spoletina (C. I. L, xi. 4766 hohce
loucom nequB uiolatod), hance in the Lex Bantina (i. 197), hoce for */«occ6 on
the S. C. Bacch. of 186 B.C., where double consonants are written single,
(i. 196. 26 atque utei hoce in tabolam ahenam inceidei'etis) (cf. i. 1291 itus
actusque est in hoce delubrum Feroniai). We have hone on the Scipio epitaph
(i. 32), in the Satumian line :
h<Snc oino ploirume cos4ntiont R[6mai],
*hunc unum plurimi oonsentiunt Bomae.' Like hune from hone M. is huc{c)
from h(K{c) N., a spelling found in an inscription of somewhat irregular
orthography (i. 603, of 58 b. c, ad hue templum), and in the Falisco-Lat. hue
dedenirU (Zvet. /. I.I. 72 a), but in classical Latin reserved to discriminate the
Adverb from the Pronoun (see ch. ix. § 10). In the Abl. we have the full
form hocej e. g. in the magisterial proclamation cited above for hoee Neut. Ace.
(C. 1. L. i. 1291 ex hoce loco ; cf. Orell. 3857), /wee in the Lex Bantina (i. 197. 7)
and throughout the Lex Repetundarum (i. 198) [cf. fiocedie and h<Ketenus^
mentioned as 0. Lat. forms by Mar. Vict. (9. 19 K.)]. (For the Locative, see
the Adverb Ale, heic, ch. ix. § 10). Nom.-Acc. Plur. Neut. haice is found in the
S. C. Bacch. (C. I. L. i. 196. 22 haice utei in couentionid exdeicatis, ' haec uti
in contione edicatis ') ; hcbece has been already cited from Ennius, A. 294 M.
haece locutus ; hlaee or heisce, the Nom. PL Masc. form used by Plautus before a
word beginning with a vowel, occurs without the particle in two inscrip-
tions of no great antiquity (C. I. L. i. 1059 heis sunt horti ; i. 1071 heis sunt
duo Concordes), and, according to the grammarians, in Virg. E. iii. 102 :
his certe, neque amor causa est, vix ossibus haercnt ;
we have heisce further in some Capua inscriptions of 108-71 b. c. (C. i. L.
i. 565 hoisce magistreis Uenerus louiae ; i. 566 heisce magistreis Cererus ;
i. 567 heisce magistrei ; i. 569 heisce mag. ; i. 573 heisc. magistr. ; Not, Scac.
1893. P* 164 heisce magistreis); cf. C,I,L. i. 1478 (Cartagena), heisce magistris.
For examples of haec F., see Neue, ii*. p. 417 ; e. g. Virg. G. iii. 305 :
haec quoque non cura nobis leviore tuendae.
The form seems to have been used both by Caesar and Cicero. In the Geni-
tive the full form is found in Cato, e.g. harumee {R. R, 139 harumce rerum
ergo), and in the old oath administered to soldiers taking furlough (ap. Gell.
$ 17.] THE PRONOUNS. DEMONSTRATIVES. 435
xvi. 4. 4 nisi hanince quae causa erit, funus familiare, feriaeve denicales,
&c. ). In the Dat.-Abl. hiace is used by Plaut. and Ter. before vowels, by
Cicero, &c. before consonants too (examples in Neue, ii^ p. 419 ; cf. heiaee in
the Lex Bepetundarum, C, I. L. 1. 198. 8 de heisce, dum, &c.), and the same
holds of Ace hosce and ?iaace (cf. hasce sedes, C. I. L. iii. 7030).
The stem h^ {M-) is augmented by % (like the Pronoun Datives PL, O. Ind.
t4-bhyas, Gk>th. )>ai-m, Lith. t4-ms, O. SL t^mii), in Dat. PI. Ai&us (obsolete in
Varro's time ; cf. Varro, L, L, viii. 72), attested by Priscian, ii. p. 10. 15 H. (and
Charis. p. 54. 19 K.) in Plaut. Cure 506 :
eodem h^rcle uos pono ^t paro : parissumi estis hibus,
like ibua (for *etbua) in Plaut. Mil. 74 (see § 19) ; it follows the analogy of
Noun A-stems in Dat. Sg. F. hoe in Cato {R. R. 14. 3 hae rei materiem . . .
dominus praebebit). The Nom. PI. M. heis'Ce, already mentioned, is, like
Nom. PL eis of the stem i- (§ 19), due to the addition of the Plural suffix -a to
the already formed plural hei, hi. (On the declension of hie in Plautus, see
Studemund in Fleckeisen^s JahrbUcher, 1876, p. 57, and on its use, Bach in
Studem. Stud. ii). Hie always refers to the first Personal Pronoun in Old Latin,
and means ' this that is near me, that belongs to me/ &c. ; so hie homo for ego
in the Comedians. It is sometimes used for is, to refer to something already
mentioned, in the classical historians and Epic poets, but rarely earlier, e. g.
Ter. Phorm. 866-9 h*s hie where ibi would be used by Plautus :
i(d fores
suspenso gradu placide ire p^rrexi, accessi, ^titi,
. . . hie pulch^rrumum
f&cinus audiui.
The Adverb M-die (Falisc. foied) seems to show the bare stem (cf. ch. ix. § 5,.
A form without the enclitic has been claimed for 0. Lat. eccum, e. g. sed eccum
Palaestrionem, ' but see, here comes P.', Plaut., though the word may be
analyzed into ecce eum as well as into ecce *hum (§ 15). On Faliscan he cupat,
* here lie/ * here lies * (for *hei or for *heic^), and on Late Lat. hijaceL, see ch.
ix. § 10. We have Dat. hui in late inscriptions (Henz. 7339, Rome ; perhaps
also in C. I. L. x. 7297, Palermo).
§ 17. Iste. Examples of the various cases of this Pronoun with -c(e) in
Plautus and Terence are given by Neue, ii^. pp. 398 sqq., istie Nom. Sg. M.,
istfuec F., istuc N., isdc Dat., istune Ace. M , istane F., istuc N., istoe Abl. M., istae
F., istaee Nom. PL F.. N., istosci-n Ace. PL M., istaee N., also of the later cur-
tailed form ste (cf. Ital. stasera, from Lat. {i)8la sera) as in the Itala sta nomina ;
see I. F. Am. ii. 153) (cf. ch. iii. § 12 a. 4). (The declension of iste in Plautus
is treated by Studemund in Fleckeisen's Jahrbucher, 1876, p. 57, and its use by
Bach in Studemund'n Studien ii.) Iste refers to the second Personal Pronoun,
* that of yours,' as hie to the first and ille to the third. In classical Latin, but
probably not in the earlier literature, it came to acquire a contemptuous
sense. We find istaee in an old ritual mentioned by Cato {R. R. 132. 2) :
luppiter dapalis, macte istaee dape poUucenda esto. The influence of the
Noun declension is seen in Late Lat. isto Dat. Sg. (Apuleius), istum Neut.
(Vulgate) ; istae Dat. Sg. is the reading supported by the MSS. in Plaut. True.
790 (see Georges, Lex. Wor^. s. v.). In colloquial Latin eece is sometimes pre-
fixed to the Ace. case of iste, and forms a compound, e. g. eccistam uideo Plaut.
P f 2
436 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CJhap.VII.
$ 18. nie. Nom. oUus M., olla F. are the words used in two ancient
formulae preserved by Varro {L.L, vii. 4a), the announcement made at a * flinus
indictivum/ viz. ollus leto datiis est^ and the proclamation by the herald at the
comitia, in which olla cenhiria and not ^ ilia c/ was used, just as we keep up
the old Norman French *oyez, oyez' in Royal proclamations. The same
Nom. Fem. seems to occur in the formula, also preserved by Varro [,L. L. vii. 8^ ,
which the augur used on the citadel in marking off a ^ templum/ though the
reading of the MSS. is corrupt : ullaber arbos quirquir est . . . ollaner arbos
qulrquir est. The immediate precursor of ilkj the Nom. Masc oUCy is found
in the Law of Servius Tullius, quoted by Festus (290. 15 Th.) : si parentem
puer verberet (MS. -it), ast olle plorassit, puer divis parentum sacer esto.
A very old form of the Abl. Plur., oloes, is cited by Paul. Fest. 14. 17 Th. : * ab
oloes ' dicebant pro ab illis ; antiqui enim litteram non geminabant ; and in
the inscription on the Golumna Rostrata (a restoration made in the Imperial
period) we have the Gen. PI. dorom (C. I. L, i. 195 praesente[d Hanibaled]
dictatored ol[or]om) (cf. oUarum on an early inscr., Marini, Act. Arc, p. 233).
Macrobius (iii. 9. 10) quotes an old ritual with dlis legibus, and on the Lex
Furfensis of 58 b. c. (C. /. L, i. 603) the same phrase occurs, olleis legibus (followed
immediately by UUis regionibus), similarly on the Lex Ck>rnelia of 81 b. c. [i. 302.
(i). 6 olleis honiinibus]. Cicero in his De Legibus employs in the archaic langpiage
of his laws oUi DatSg., ottwDat. PI., oUi Nom. PI., oUa Neut. PL, o/tos Ace. PI. In
the early Dramatists the form is not found, so that it must have been already
relegated to the legal style by the beginning of the second cent. b. c. Ennius
in his Annals knows only oUi Dat. Sg. and Nom. PL, and oUis Dat.-Abl. Plur.
iilli and illis are apparently not used by him), and these are the only forms of
oUe found in his imitator, Virgil, and the later Epic poets, while Lucretius
confines himself to ollis. Quintilian mentions olli among the happy archaisms
t)f Virgil (viii. 3. 25 * olli ' enim et * quianam * et * moerus ' et * pone * et
' porricerent ' adspergimt illam, quae etiam in picturis est gratissima, vetus-
tatis inimitabilem arti auctoritatem). The old spelling may have lingered
longest in these forms through the analogy of the Adverb d/tm, which comes from
the stem oi- (Umbr. tdo 411uc *) a byform of 61- (ch. iv. §§ 45, 59), and does not
exhibit a substitution of ol- for dU- (cf. ch. ii. ( 127). Servius (ad A. i. 254 and
v. 10) mentions a theory that olli in these two lines of Virgil was not the Dat.
Sg. of the Pronoun, but an Adverb with the sense * tunc ' (cf. the glosses oUi
Mill ... aut tunc' ; oUi Mbi, interdum, illi, vel illinc,' C. Q, L. v. 229. 4-5),
and oUi-c is quoted by Paul. Fest. 231. 2 Th. as an O. Lat. form of iUic (cf.
Lucil. inc. 152 M. : uelut olim Auceps ille facit, where the MSS. offer olli). The
mispronunciation, * oli * for oUniy censured in Prob. App. 199. 16 K., is merely
an example of the tendency of Vulg. Lat. to omit final -m, like the mispronun-
ciations ^pride^* ^passi,' ^numquoy* ^ide,* censured on the same page. From
dim was formed Late Lat. o/ttonus, ' of former time,' and the curious phrase,
found in Petron. 43 p. 29. 2 B. dim diorum, ^ long long ago.' [Another theory
connects O. Lat. dti, Hhen/ with O.Sl. lani. Mast summer/ and analyzes oUo-
into *d-no-y not *ol-90- (I. F. iii. 264).]
For instances of the addition of the particle -re to ille in its various forms in
Plautus, &c. (jmc Nom. Sg. M., iUaec F., iUuc N., ilUc Dat., iUunc Ace. M., Ulanc F.,
illoc Ahl.y iUac F., tUisce Nom. PL M. (before a voweL, iOaec F., ittaec Neut, Ulisce
Dat.-Abl. (before a vowel), see Neue, ii*. p. 427. In old rituals mentioned by
•Cato in the Res Ruslica we find iOiuxe (139 illiusce sacri coercendi ergo), iU&ce
ii 18, 19.] THE PRONOUNS. DEMONSTRATIVES. 437
(13a. I eius rei ergo macte hac illaoe dape pollucenda esto), iUisce (141. 4 Mars
pater, siquid tibi in illisce suouitaurilibus lactentibus neque satiafactum est,
te hisce suouitaurilibus piaculo) ; and in legal formulae in Varro's Res Rusticoj
iUosce (ii. 5. 11 illoflce boues sanos esse noxisque praestari, . . . illosce iuuencos
sanos recte deque pecore sano esse noxisque praestari spondesne ?), illasce (ii.
4. 5 illasce sues sanas esse). The Analogy of 0-stem Adjectives has produced
iUum Neut. in Late and Vulgar Latin (e. g. in the Vulgate, S. Marc, iv. 35), iUae
Dat. in Cato {R, R. 153 and 154 illae rei) and Plant. Stick, 560 (filiae illae ; so
the MSS.), iUo Dat. in late authors (e.g. Apuleius) ; to the Analogy of I-stems
is due iUibusj if it be a genuine form, ascribed to 0. Lat. by Serg. in Donoii.
p. 547- 37 K.
Lucilius seems to have proposed the spelling iUi Dat. Sg., iUei Nom. PI.
(ix. 15 M.) :
'hoc illi factumst uni' : tenue hoc facies i.
'haec illei fecere' : adde e, ut pinguius fiat,
on which see ch. i. § 9. According to Diomedes (339. 11 K.) the strengthening
particle -met is added to »2fo, and produces illemet
In colloquial Latin ecc- was prefixed to the Ace. case of iUe and formed
a compound, e. g. eccUlum uideo. Plant. By prefixing em [the old deictic
interjection, for which ^ was substituted in class. Latin (ch. x. $ 19)], was
formed dlum, Mam of the Comedians, which survives in the exclamation used
in the dialect of the Abruzzi at the present day, ello (with open e).
On the pronunciations iUius and iOius, see Neue, ii^ 518, and cf. below,
§ aa.
§ 19. Is. The stem 1- appears clearly in is Nom. Sg. M., id N. But the
encroachment of the O-declension shows itself in the numerous cases formed
from a stem 6y6- (e.g. eum for *6y6m Ace. Sg. M., which ousted the old Ace.
im ; eis for *eyois Dat.-Abl. PL, which ousted the old thus for ^ei^bus (0. Ind.
e-bhy^), with stem augmented before the Dat. Plur. suffix as in M>us ($ 16).
Another old I-stem form may be Abl. I- in %-licOy which is used in O. Lat. in
the sense of *in loco' [* in eo loco,' Non. 395. 6 M., who quotes Accius {Trttg,
373 R) :
ilico, inquam, habitdto, nusquam pr6pius],
while the class. Abl. Sg. M. is eo for *ey5d. Jll<^ is however better explained
as *in stoco, 0. Lat. for in loco (see ch. ix. § 7).
It may be owing to this stem eyo- that we find the natural Fem. *i&
replaced by ea. The Ace. form iam preserved in the MSS. of Varro, L. L. v. 166
and viii. 44 (cf jamj the Adverb, ch. ix. § 10. 8 ; turn on a Luceria inscr., C. I. L,
ix. 78a), may be a relic of the old and correct spelling, for there is no
indication that there ever existed a spelling *etam, of which some have sup-
posed it to be a corruption (cf. ch. ii. § 9). (In Umbr. we find earn Ace. Sg.
F., eaf Ace. PI. F.j
The particle -c€ is not added to this Pronoun-stem until Late Latin, e.g.
ejuscemodi (Jerome, Epist, 8a. 6) by Analogy of hujuscemodu [Posteac in Clau-
dius' edict on the Anauni (Hermes^ iv. 99, 1. 13) is an isolated form.] But in
Oscan we have iz-ic * is,' iu-k * ea,' id-ik 4d,' and in Umbrian (with intervocalic
s become r) er-ec * is,' ed-ek * id,' &c, as well as forms like Ose. id-ad *ad id,'
Umbr. eo Ace. Pi. M., eu Ace. PI. N., Ac.
The various case-forms that call for notice are these. Nom. Sg. M. eis
appears three times beside the usual is on the Lex Repetundarum. It may be
43^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [C3hap. VIL
A Nom. formed from the strong stem ei- (cf. Dat. PI. I'bus)^ but is as likely to
be a mere mistaken use of ei for if as in seine and leiteraa on the same inscrip-
tion, au inscription not older than the last quarter of the second cent. b. c.
(On eisdem, see § ai.) In the Dat. Sg. iei is written in the Lex Rubria (C. I. L,
i. 205) of 49 B. c. (beside et), by the same orthography as mieis, abiegnieis, aeacuinieis
(see eh. ii. § 9, and cf. iei Nom. PI., ieis Dat. PI. below). (So Umbr. ie-pru,
ie-pi). The Ace. Sg. M. was in O. Lat. im [Charis. 133. i K. *im' pro eum.
nam ita Scaurus in arte grammatica disputavit, antiquos Mm/ ^ques' . . . et
declinari ita : is, ejus, ei, eum vel im ; Paul. Fest. 73. 29 Th. ^ im ' ponebant
pro cum, a nominative is ; ib. 33. 7 antiqui dioebant ... Mm * pro eum ; Gl.
Philox. im : avfrdv, (h ahrov ; Gl. Cyrill. avrSv, rovrov im (MS. eim)]. Macro-
bius (i. 4. 19) quotes a law of the XII Tables : si nox furtum factum sit, si im
occisit, iure caesus esto, and Cicero [Legg. ii. 24. 60) another: cui auro dentes
iuncti escunt, ast im cum illo sepelirei ureiue se fraude esto (cf. Fest. 322.
13 Th.).
This form is often given as em, instead of tm, perhaps by analogy of Noun
I-stems which substituted the Ace. suffix of Consonant-stems for that of I-
stems, e. g. turrem for turrim (see ch. vi. § 29) ; so Paul. Fest. 54. 20 Th. *em' pro
eum, ab eo quod est is. Another law of the XII Tables is cited by Porphyrio
in his note on the Micet antestari ?' of Hor. S. i. 9. 76 : si in ius uocat, ni it,
antestamino, igitur em (MSS. en) capito; and Festus (298. 15 Th.) quotes, from
a speech of Cato, si em percussi. Similarly the Adverb im (ch. ix. § 10) (cf.
O. Ind. Im, originally an Ace. of the ^anaphoric' pronoun, then a mere
particle), so written in Gl. Philox. im : Komov^ ij^j is mentioned by Paul. Fest.
as em (53. 37 Th. * em,* tum) ; the Ace. of an 0. Lat. derivative of is in the
sense of idem is imeum in the Philoxenus Glossary (imeum : rov avrdv), but
emem in Paul. Fest. (54. 2 Th. * emem/ eundem) [cf. the form in the Glossary
of Placidus, emdem (^MSS. hendem) : aequo, similiter, C. G. L. v. 73. 19].
The Dat.-Loc. Sg. *eyei, written eiei* (along with ei) in the Lex Repetundarum
of 123-122 B.C. {C.I.L. i. 198), has in Plautus and the older poetry three
scansions, ^, Si and et, in Ovid and later poets one, Si (cf. rSi and ret Plant.,
rSi class., ch. vi. § 19). This *6y$i is thought to have become H much as
-Sy6s became -Ss (e. g. Lat. irSs for I.-£ur. *tr6y6s, ch. iv. § 66), which in
what we may call ' ceremonious ' speech would preserve its full sound, and
for a time resist the Latin tendency to shorten every long vowel before
another vowel (ch. ii. § 143), while after the shortening set in, ^, through its
unaccented character, would in the rapid utterance of everyday life become
a mere monosyllable e», as ful became tut, kc. (§ 12). (Priscian,ii. p. 10. 2 H.
speaks as if ei were as much a monosyllable as huicy cui in the ordinary
pronunciation of his time). To suppose that etet was pronounced *ey-yei as
*Tr6ia was pronounced ♦Troy-ya, pejor, *pey-yor (ch. ii. § 55), does not account
for the fact that these words are always scanned with the first syllable long
in poetry, while et<m for ♦eyom is never scanned with its first syllable long.
(See below, however, on the doubt attaching to the antiquity of the scansion
Si.) But the Genitive ^jus, formed by the addition of the Gen. suffix -us to
^ This would most naturally be form of the t-stcm had in Latin the
explained as a Reduplication of ei, notion of identity, e.g. em-em (gl.
and some explain 91, ^ as produced eundem). Still the theory given
in this way. But the reduplicated above is far from certain.
§ 19.] THE PRONOUNS. DEMONSTRATIVES. 439
the already formed Locative had this pronunciation "^Sy-yus [Caesell. ap.
Cassiod. ao6. 6 K. 'Pompeiius/ 'Tarpeiius' et ^eiius' per duo i scribenda
sunt, et propter sonum (plenius enim sonant), et propter metrum. Num-
quam enim longa fiet syllaba nisi per i geminum scribatur]. This pronun-
ciation is indicated by the spelling eiIvs on inscriptions (Neue, ii*. p. 376)
and MSS. (Index to Studemund's Apograph of the Ambrosian Palimpsest of
Plautus). The treatment of Nom. PL *ey€i for *eyoi and Dat-Abl. PI. ^eyeis
for *eyois is not the same as that of Dat.-Loc. Sg. *eyei ; for we have in Plautus
and the older poetry no instance of *^, Sis, but only H or ^ i, and Sis or eis, Is.
Where S is followed by a long syllable it passed in unaccented usage into y by
Synizesis, e.g. 4b, As, &rum Plant, (not ws, &c., by Law of Breves Breviantes;
see ch. iii. § 49).
The old Abl. Sg. -d is seen in eod die of the Lex Spoletina (C. I. £. zi. 4766),
and in Adverbial eod of the S. C. Bacch. (i. 196. 35 quei aruorsum eod fecisent,
* qui adversum e& fecissent ').
In the Nom. PL the spelling iei is, in accordance with the orthography of
the first cent. b. c. (ch. ii. $ 9), found on the Lex Cornelia of 81 b. c. [L aoa. (i\ 7.
along with et], on the Lex Antonia de Termessibus of 71 B. c. \i. 904, passim,
never ei), on the Lex Rubria of 49 b.c. [i. 205. (i). 48], on the Lex Julia
Municipalis of 45 b. o. (i. ao6. 24, usually ei), and in Varro (X. L. ix. a and 35).
We have also t in MSS. (often confused with hi), and inscriptions (examples
in Neue, ii^. p. 38a) ; and the ei of Republican inscriptions (ibid. p. 383)
admits of being taken to denote the simple long t-sound. Priscian (i. 398.
9 H.) seems to distinguish monosyllabic ii (for t) from dissyllabic St, and
similarly iis (is) from eis, dii (<ri) from d£l, diis (dis) from dSis (see Neue, I c).
The Nom. PL Masc. form used in the Lex Bantina of 133-118 b. c. (L 197) and
the Lex Repetundae of ia3-i2a b. c. (i. 198) is eis (cf. i. 199. 2g ?), a form which
appears in the earlier spelling eeis in the S. C. Bacch. of 186 b.c. (i. 196. 5,
the only occurrence of a Nom. PL of is on this inscr.) (possibly in i. 1JB5 «m),
and which should be compared with fiis (older ?ieis) and hisce for hi, illis {illeisj
and iUisce for iUi (§§ 16, 18). (The reading is in Pacuv. Trag, aai R ap. Charis.
133. 4 K. is very doubtful). In the Gen. PL the form ewm, mentioned by Paul.
Fest. 1.54. ao Th. *eum* antiqui dicebant^pro eorum), is found once (usually
eorum) on the Lex Julia Municipalis of 45 b.c. [C. I.L. i. ao6. 5a eum h(ac) l(ege)
n(ihil) r(ogatur)]. The orthography of the Dat.-AbL PL resembles that of the
Nom. PL We have ieis on the Lex Antonia de Termessibus, the Lex Rubria,
the Lex Julia Municipalis. and other inscriptions of the first cent. b. c. (see
Index to C. /. L, i.), but eeis in the early spelling of the S. C. Bacch. of 186 b.c.
(i. 196), while the earliest form of all, eieis, reappears on an inscr. of circ.
100 B.C., the Epistula Praetoris ad Tiburtes (i. aoi de eieis rebus af uobeis
peccatum non esse. Quonque de eieis rebus senatuei purgati estis, &c.). We
have also is in MSS. foften confused with his) and inscriptions (Neue, ii'.
P» 383), and the eis of Republican inscriptions (see Index to C. /. L. i.) admits
of being taken as an expression of the sound is. Priscian, as we have just
seen, appears to distinguish iis (pronounced Is; from Bs, as diis (pronounced
(Us) from dissyllabic deis.
The 0. Lat. I-stem Dat.-AbL ihxis is mentioned by Nonius (486. t i M. * ibus '
pro is minus latinum putat consuetudo, cum vetorum auctoritate plurimum
valeat), who quotes Plautus, Mil. 74 :
latrones, ibus dinumercm stipendium,
440 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CJhap.VII.
(the MSS. of Plautus have laironisbiis and latronihm), and other instances from
the Comedians. The Placidus Glossary (C. 0. L. v. 75. 9} has * ibus,' iis, illis,
with quotation of the same line of Plautus. For other lines of Plautus where
some editors read thus, and for Lachmann's proposal to read fbus (though only
Ibusj hlbus are known in Plautus, &c.) in certain lines of Lucretius, see Neue,
ii*. p. 386.
The analogy of the A-declension has produced eae Dat. Sg. F., a form found
in Cato {R. R. 142 quo modo uilicam uti oportet, et quo modo eae imperari
oportet) and probably in Plant. Mil. 348 : hie eae proxumust, but not in use in
Varro's time (i. L, viii. 51) ; so in Late Latin eum for id (see Georges, Lex,
Wortf. 8. v.). Cato also uses eabus (R. R. 152 facito scopas uirgeas ulmeas
aridas . . . eabiis latera doliis intrinsecus usque bene perfricato), which is
quoted from Cassius Hemina (pro eis differentiae causa in feminino) by
Priscian (i. 294. 4 H.).
The obscure form necerim mentioned by Festus (160. ai Th.) and Paul. Fest
(161. II Th.), and explained by them as *nec eum,' has been supposed by
some to be a wrong reading for nece im {nee elm ?), by others to contain the
Pronoun-stem es- of iste for ♦este (§ 13).
The scansion B is allowed by most editors of Plautus in the Dat. Sg., but
a certain example is very difficult to find, except in the Prologues ; and these
cannot be quoted as Plautino. Thus in Rud. 392 where editors end the line
with : ne copia esset ^i, the MSS. have eius ; in Bacch. 525 : mendiUsium ei dixit,
only the Ambrosian Palimpsest has ei, the Palatine MSS. have HU [editors
similarly prefer Ulis the (probable) reading of the Palimpsest to iis of the
other MSS. in Rud, 219 : nequo quicquam umquam illis pnSfuit] ; in Ourc 544,
for which we have only the testimony of the Palatine family of MSS. :
IS Summanum s^ uocari dixit; oi r^didi,
et might be easily emended to ex ego, and so on (e. g. dst. 138). But the
scansion H in the Dat. Sg. is certain for Terence, e. g. Aridr. 443 :
dum licitumst 6i dumque aetas tulit,
and is very common in Lucretius, e. g. vi. 674 :
scilicet et fluviiis quivis est maximus ei
qui non ante aliquem majorem vidit ;
so that ei (like supera for supra, ch. iii. § 15) may be a form that is not genuinely
antique. The Dat. Sg. is avoided by the Augustan poets, Horace for example
in his Satires and Epistles using ejtiSj eum, eo but not ei ; but in Ovid, Halieut, 33,
we have Si (see Neue, ii'. p. 378, who, however, quotes as examples of ?I from
Plautus lines where it can be scanned SI in prosodical hiatus, e. g. Cure. 603
milter Si utdndum dederat, like mSi honoris, Aul. 463).
i 20. Ipse. We have already seen the particles -pte and 'pse added to
various pronouns to give the sense of ^self,' 'own,' e. g. meopte ingenio like meo
ipsius irigeniOf sepse like se ipsatn. These particles seem to be composed of a par-
ticle pe- (pi-), seen in quis-piam, quippe, &c., and the Pronoun-stems so- and to-,
which alternate in the I. -Eur. Demonstrative with its Nom. *s6 M., *sft F.,
*t6d N., and its oblique cases formed from the stem to- (te-). [Lat. -pte should
therefore not be compared with Lith. pats, *self,' from patis (L&i.potis, Gk.
w6(rit, &c.)]. Similarly we find the Pronoun-stem i- augmented by 'pse in the
Latin pronoun of identity, i-pse, which is further strengthened in the 0. Lat.
ii 20, 21.] THE PRONOUNS. IPSE. IDEM. 441
form, or forms, given by Paul. Feat, as ipsippe (74. 37 Th. ^psippe,' ipsi, neque
alii), in the Glossary of Pliiloxenus as ip^pfe (* ipsipti ' : airroi, C, 0. L. ii. 87. 26
and 44) and ipsipae (Mpsipse' : a{>T6s, ib. 91. 35), and augmented by -pte in
eopU (Paul. Fest. 78. 16 Th. * in eopte,' eo ipso).
The orig^al declension of ipse we may suppose to have been : Nom. Sg.
*i8-p8e ^i'pse) M., ea-paa F., *id^tod i*x-ptod) N., Ace. Sg. *tm-ptoin M., &c, until
the inconvenience of the alternation of -p-so- and -p-to- brought about
a * levelling* process. (Jpsud is not found till late Latin, see Georges, Lex,
Worif, s. V.) The declension of both elements of the Compound may still
appear in isolated forms indicated by the MSS. of Plautus, e. g. eopsa, Cos. 60a
[so the Ambrosian Palimpsest (A), but ea ipsa in the Palatine MSS. (P), as in
V. 604 for eapse of A] ; eaepaae, Pseud. B33 {eaepae Ay eae ipsae P) ; eumpsum non
eampsanif True. 133 (eum ipsum non eam ipsam A, eum ipsum non ea ase P) ;
eumpsum. True 114 (eum ipsum A, umsum P), which have been, perhaps
unnecessarily, changed by editors to eapse, eaepse, eumpse, eampse.
The declension of the first element appears in eapse, mentioned by Paul.
Fest. (54. aS Th. ^ eapse,' ea ipsa), and this and similar forms are sometimes
preserved in the MSS. of Plautus (e. g. eapse, Trin, 974, True. 24, Ourc. 161, 534),
though usually ipse is written for the unfamiliar -pse and is sometimes
declined, e.g. eumpse, Pers. 603 (eum ipse P} ; eampse, Poen. 273 (eam' ipse P) ;
eapse, Cas. 604 (so A, but ea ipsa P). (On sirempse, see ch. ix. § 8.)
In the Nom. Sg. Masc. we have a bjrform ipsus in 0. Lat. {ipsos in a Law of
Numa quoted by Paul. Fest. 4. 29 Th. : si quisquam aliuta faxit, ipsos loui sacer
esto), which is the form used by the Comedians before a Reflexive Pronoun,
e. g. ipsus sibi, ipsus suam rem, &c. Ipse is not a development of ipsus. The two
are separate forms, ipse for -so, ipsus for -sos, corresponding to the I. -Eur. by-
forms *s6 and sds (0. Ind. s^ and sds, Gk. 6 and os) (§ 13). The influence of
0-stem Adjectives produced in Late Latin ipso Dat. Sg. (Apul.) and ipsae
(ApuL), of I-stems ipsibus Dat. PL, ascribed to 0. Latin by Serg. in Don.
(547- 37 K.). The Plautine ipsissumus (Trin. 988), like Aristophanes* avrdraroi,
seems to have been, in the form ipsuma or ipsima, actually used in the collo-
quial Latin of the Empire in the sense of domina (Petron. 69. p. 46. 16 B. ; 75.
p. 51. 33 B., Ac). (On the colloquial pronunciation isse, issa, for ipse, ipsa, see
ch. ii. § 81.) Ipsemet is found occasionally (see Georges, Lex. Wort/, s. v.).
§ 21. Idem. The afi^ -dem of idem, 0. Lat. is-dem, iafUi-dem, tantum-dem,
expressing the idea of * precisely/ * exactly,' is thought by some to have been
originally ide^n, for the Oscan equivalent of Latin idem is is-idum. This idem,
formed by adding the affix -em to the Neut. Demonstr. id, is used in Latin as the
Neut. of the Pronoun expressing * the same/ but in 0. Ind. Id-^m is the Neut.
of the Demonstr. ' this,* much as the Ace. Masc. with the same affix, *im-em,
is used in 0. Ind. (imdm) as the Ace. Masc. * this/ but was in 0. Lat. the
equivalent of eundem [Paul. Fest. 54. 2 Th. emem, * eundem ' ; Gl. Philox.
imeum : rdv avrov ; cf. Gl. Plac (h)emdem, * aequo, similiter * ; these readings
leave it doubtful whether the word was formed by adding the affix -em to the
Ace. im, or, as seems more likely, by doubling the Ace.]. Priscian (i. 589.
14 H.) derives l-dem from w and dSmum.
The Nom. Masc. is discussed by Cicero in a passage of somewhat uncertain
text {Orai. xlvii. 157) : * idem campus liabet * inquit Ennius, et in templis eidex
PROBAVIT ; at ' isdem * erat verius, nee tamen * eisdem ' ut opimius : male
442 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VII.
Honabat ' istlem ' ; im]>etratam eiit a consuetudine, ut peccare stuiTitatis causa
liceret. He Heftmn to say that idem [also written with es for the long t-soond
fch. i. $ 9) eulern] was the form in use, with 8 dropped with compensatory
lengthening l>efore d eh. iv. § 151,, but that some purists insisted on the spell-
ing with H, iwlem or even eisdem. ''For examples of these spellings, e.g. eifdem
C. I.L. i. 576 : 577. (2). 9, II, 13 ; 1468 ; 1470. &c, fcee Neue, ii*. p. 390.)
In tlio Dat. Sg. we have Bdem and ^dem like tx and et, % 19), but Bdem is
not found. On later inscriptions idem is very frequent ;.examplesinNeue, ii^
p. 390 , and even iadem (Neue, I. c), a confusion with the Nom. Sg., which had
the archaic) spelling isdem^ but the pronunciation idem. In the Nom. and
Dat.-Abl. PL, Priscian (i. 589. 39 H.) seems to distinguish ei-<fem, Bs^em from
iidem (pronounced and usually spelt t-dem^ iisdem (pronounced and usually
spelt ia-dem), (For instances of the spelling %-dem and is-dem, the usual forms,
see Neue, I. c.) The eidem of Republican Inscriptions ;Neue, Lc.\ e.%. C.l.L,
i. 197. 17 and i. 20a) may represent the pronimciation idem. Like ei&, older
eeis^ as Nom. Plur. of w (§ 19;, we find eisdem Nom. PL (C. /. L. L 198. a^
eis<lom ioudices ; often in the phrase eisdem probanerunt, Ac, e.g. L 1149;
i. 1 187 ; L 119a ; cf. L 1143), and in later inscriptions sometimes iadem (Neue,
p. 394). In the Dramatists, &c with a long second syllable we find the
word pronounced with Synizesis, e. g. <^Wiem, fosdem, &c. like eb, ebs ;§ 19).
The influence of 0-stem Adjectives is seen in the Late Latin forms eodem Dat,
eaidfrin Dat. (very rare ; see Georges, Lex, Wortf, s.v.).
§ 22. The Pronominal Oen. and Dat. Sg. In the early Dramatists we
find two scansions of illius, istiusj ipsiuSj &c., (i) ilaiiSy istius, ipsiils, aUerids, &c,
(a) illi(u)8, i8(i{u)8j ipdi(M)s, but not illius^ istius, ipstiis^ &c., as in classical
pot?try. Examples of the second scansion are : i.«rf!,'M)s modi ,4 sylL) in Plant.
Most, 746 ; Uwl, 321 ; Ter. Heaut. 387, &c. Another 0. Lat. form of the Gen.,
ftilly attested by Priscian (i. 196. 22 H. ; i. 226. 16 H. ; i, 266. 3 H. ; i. 303.
21 H. ; ii. 8 H.) is with -?, iUij iatiy ipsi, e.g. iUi modi and isti modi (Cato), isti
ififxii Plaut. True. 930 (so the MSS.). This cannot be explained as an 0-stem
Adjective formation, for it is found with Fern. Nouns, e.g. toU familiae
^Afnmius), isti formae (Terence), and a Dat. Masc. like itfo, isto is not found
till Late Latin. It may be a relic of .the Locative form which, as we have
seen, was augmented by the Gen. suffix -us {-oh) to form these Pronoun
Genitives in -ixu ; but it is also conceivable that it is a doublet which has
arisen out of the contracted form itff(u}8, »sfi(u)s, &c. in certain combinations.
A word-group like i8Ci{u)8-modi would be pronounced isttmodi, as naturally as
O. Lat. dufnnua became dUmvSy or *pri8mv8 became primus, or is-dem, idem ; and
a large number of Priscian's examples of this Gen. in -t show the Pronoun in
combination with modus. Similarly aJ\{u)8'rei would become ait-ret, as dis-rumpo
became dirtimpo; cf. Priscian's examples, alii ret causa .Caelius), nu7/t rei (.Cato).
The byforms iUi, nulH, &c. having been produced in such combinations would
push their way into other combinations too, e. g. torn nuUi coyisili (Ter. Andr.
608). They do not however seem to be found before a vowel initial.
The Dative in -? is, as we have seen, undisturbed by the influence of the
O-stem Noun declension till Late Latin, e.g. itto, isto, ipso (Apuleius). But
a Dat. Fem. in-a«, attested for O. Lat. by Priscian (i. 197. 12 H.; i. 226. 18 H. , is
not unknown in early authors, e. g. iUae rei, Cato {R, R, 153 and 154). (For a list
of examples of these Qen. and Dat. forms, with references to the passages of
§§ 22, 28.] THE PRONOUNS. RELATIVES, ETC. 443
grammariaDS dealing with them, and for a fuller discussion of the whole
subject, see Luchs in Studemund's Stibdien, i. pp. 319 sqq.)
§ 23. IV. RELATIVE, INDEFINITE, AND INTEKBO-
GATIVE FBONOUNS. The I.-Eur. Relative-stem *yo. (O.
Ind. yds, Gk. 8s) does not supply the Latin Rektive, which
shows the stem *q"o-,a stem originally proper (with *q^-, *q"u-)
to the Literrogative and Indefinite Pronouns (O. Ind. kds, ku-tra,
' where ?,' Gk. tCs, ttov, O. Ir. cia, W. pwy, Goth, hvas, Engl, who ?,
Lith. kis, O. SI. kil-to ; O. Ind. eit Neut., Gk. ns, &e.), but used
also as a Relative (Engl, who, &c.). I.-Eur. *q^o-, *q^-, *q^-
appear in the Latin quisF, si-qim, quiF, ali-cubi, &e. (Umbro-
Oscan pis, Osc. pid Neut.). We may roughly disting^uish qui as
the Relative, quis as the Interrogative and Indefinite Pronoun,
though the stems frequently overlap, e. g. in the Latin of Cato
and the earliest inscriptions qnes is the Nom. PL of the Indefinite,
qui (qvei) of the Relative ; but in class. Lat. both are qni. In
the Italic languages (as in Celtic and elsewhere) a curious
declension of the Relative (and Interrogative) was in vogue,
a case-form of the Relative-stem being prefixed to a Demon-
strative, like modem Gk. ttov t6v for 6v in such a sentence as
avToy €ti;€ 6 ivbpas ttov t6v elSa, that is the man whom I saw.
Thus an Abl. Sg. Fem. of the Relative is in Oscan pullad, which
is compounded of the Relative-stem po- (Lat. qno-) (either the
bare stem or a case-form) and *(illad (Lat. ^olldd), the Abl. Sg.
Fem. of the Demonstrative olio- ; another is poizad, a similar
compound with the Abl. Sg. Fem. of the Demonstrative eiso-.
The old spelling of the Dat. Sg. of Lat. qja, viz. quoiei, shows
it to be a compound of this kind, having for its second element
the Dat. Sg. of is (O. Lat. eiei), *qnd-eiei ; and Gen. Sg. quoins
(class, cujns) will consequently represent *qvo-eins. Whether
this method of declension was used in other cases in Latin does
not appear. Another feature of the Italic Relative is its tendency
to append the Pronominal particle i (cf. Gk. ovros-i), e. g.
Umbr. poi Nom. Sg. M., porsi (*podi) N. ; Lat. qui for *q"o-i
(O. Lat. quoi).
The Latin Interrogative-Relative has a Possessive cvjus -a
'Uw, older quoins -a -?^//^, which is very frequent in Plautus and
Terence, and is found in Republican inscriptions (e. g. in the
444 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [OhAp. VU.
Lex Repetundarum, i. 198. 5, 10, 29 qiwium fiomen and quoiaue
ifi frie), in Cicero (e.g. Ferr. II. i. 54. 142 cuja res), and
Virgil (J^. iii. i cujmn pecns). VirgiFs use of the word was
objected to by purists, apparently through an idea that cujm
-a -um was a vulgar inflexion of the Gen. Sg. of the Pronoun,
an idea which the occurrence of the word in Cicero and in State
inscriptions disproves (§ 11). It is rather formed by means of the
Adjectival suffix -yo- (ch. v. § 4) from the stem *q"o-, *q"o-yo-, as
mens (stem *me-yo-) from the stem *me- (§ i). It is not till
Late Latin that we find the particle -ce added to the Relative-
Interrogative Pronoun in cujnscemodi (Apuleius, &c.), a word
coined after the type of hujvscemodi.
§ 24. stems q^i- and q!lo-. In O. Lat. there is a asage of quis, possibly as
a Relative, but rather in the sense of siquis or quiciinque ; e. g. in an old treaty
quoted by Festus to illustrate 0. Lat nancitor for nanciscitwr (170. 25 Th.) :
pecuniam quis nancitor, habeto ; in an old plebiscitum (Fest. 322. 11 Th.) :
eum quis uolet magistratus multare, dum minore parti familias taxat, liceto ;
on a public notice affixed to a grove at Luceria (C. I. L. ix. 782) : quis uolet
(other examples from Cato and from Cicero's laws are given by Neue, ii'.
p. 4^, e. g. Cato, R, R, 147 dominus uino quid uolet faciet\ Cf. 0. Lat.
necumquem explained by ^ nee umquam quemquam ' (Fest. 162. 22 Th. ; Paul.
Fest. 163. 12 Th.). (So Umbr. piaest totar Tarsinater * quisquis est civitatis
Tadinatis/ Osc. pis hajiest ^qui habebit'}. In the Dramatists quis is the
Fem. of the Interrogative, quae of the Relative (cf. Prise, ii. 8. 21 H. quis
etiam communis esse generis putaverunt vetustissimi, sicut apud Graecos rif\
e. g. Plaut. Ptrs. 200 quis haec est, quae me aduorsum incedit ? (other
examples in Neue, p. 441), but the distinction of qui Adj., and quis Pron. in
questions, e.g. qui homo venifi and quis renif^ is hardly observed, the habit of
Plautus being rather to use quis before a vowel, qui before a cons, (see Neue,
p. 431, and B, P. W. xiii. 278 ; similarly Cornificius seems to write siqui before
an initial s, otherwise siquis^ e. g. siqui sua(JM)it, iii. 5. 8). The I-declension
form of the ' Abl.' Sg. quij e. g. quicum, is Relative as well as Interrogative and
Indefinite ; e. g. Ter. AiL 477 psaltriam parauit, quicum uiuat ; C. I. L. i. 200
queiue ab eorum quei omit (see Neue, pp. 455 sqq.). But the Nora. Plur. gue*.,
attested by Charisius (91. 16 K. ut duces, ducibus, mores, moribus, et *ques,'
quibus ; 158. 21 veteres nominativum pluralem ^ques' dixerunt regulam secuti,
unde etiam dativus mansit in consuetudine), Festus (348. 23 Th.), Priscian
(^ii. 9. 13 H.) &c. , seems to have been confined to the Interrogative and Indefinite
use. Thus Cato began his Origines with the words : siqucs homines sunt, quos
delectat populi Romani gesta describere ; on the S. C. Bacch. (C. I. L. i. 196)
we have : sei ques esent, quei sibei deicerent necesus ese Bacanal habere,
* siqui essent, qui sibi dicerent necesse esse Bacchanal habere ' ; and a lino
of Pacuvius (7Vc<{/. 221 R.) runs :
ques sunt ? ignoti, n^scioques ign<3biles ;
(other examples in Neue, p. 466).
$$ 24, 25.] THE PRONOUNS. RELATIVES, ETC. 445
The l-declension Neuter quia survives only as an Adverb or Conjunction,
e.g. 0. Lat. quianam, *why?,* like qtiidnftm ; the Gren. quium can hardly be
ascribed to Cato on the mere testimony of Servius (ad^. i. 95 : denique Cato
in Originibus ait: si ques stmt populi. Et declinavit ^ques,* * quium' ut
* puppes,* * puppium *), for this remark only implies that Cato's ques was an
I-stem formation. The I-stem Dat. qulbus supplanted the 0-stem quia (older
qiteia) in the Relative, though the 0*stem form is hy no means uncommon
(see a long list of instances in Neue, ii^ p. 469, e. g. Plant. Most. 1040 :
quis m^ exemplis h6die eludificatus est).
§ 25. Case-forms. The original Nom. Sg. Masc. of the Relative (/uo-t (stem
quo- with affix -i of Gk. ovroa-t, &c ' [Osc. pui(?), Umbr. poi ; the Umbr. shows
this affix also in Nom. PI. Masc. pur-i, Ace. PI. Fem. paf-Bf &c.] is probably
intended by the spelling qoi of the very ancient Dvenos inscription [Zvet.
I.I. I. aSsqoi med mi tat, 'qui me mittat (mittet)].' The weakened form
quei, due to the unaccented use of the Relative (ch. iii. § 18), is common on
inscriptions of the Republic, ft^m the Scipio epitaph (in Satumians) of c.
aoo B. c. (C. I, L. i. 30) :
c6nsol censor aidilis qu(>i fuit apud uos,
to the Lex Julia Municipalis of 45 b. c. i. 906^, which has quei far more
frequently than qui ; also in the MSB. of Plautus, &c. (see instances in
Georges, Lex. Worif» s. v.). The Fem. of the Indefinite Pronoun in its Adjec-
tival use followed the Adjective Declension in taking usually the suffix -a in
class. Latin, e. g. siqvia causa est (but seiquae causa erit on the Lex Repetun-
darum, C. I. L. i. 198. 37 ; at quae lex on the Lex Agraria, i. aoo. 41 ; and in
Plautub numquae causast quin^ &c ; see Neue, ii'. p. 445). G^n. Sg. quoius
appears in the Saturnian Scipio epitaph of e. aoo b. c. (C. /. L. i. 30"^! :
quoius forma uirtutei parisuma fuit,
in the Lex Repetundarum (i. 198), and other inscriptions, and in the MSS.
of Plautus, Varro, &c. (see Georges, s. v. ; Neue, p. 450}. When the ot sank
to Ml, the quhy a law of Latin phonetics became c (^ch. iv. § 137) ; hence cujus
(pronounced ciiy-yus, ch. ii. § 55), a pronunciation indicated by spellings like
cuiiuSf cuilus (Neue, p. 451). (On monosyllabic qu(n{Uj8 in <{uoi{u)smodi, Ac,
in the Dramatists, and quoi in (juouiuoimodi^ cuicuimodi in Cic, &c., see
§ aa\ The oldest form preserved of the Dative is qiwiei of a Scipio epitaph
of c. 130 B. c. (C. I. L. i. 34) in a Saturnian line referring to the short life of
the deceased :
quoiei uita defecit non hont)s hon6re,
in the Lex Repetundarum of ia3-i3a b. c. (i. 198. 10, usually quoi)y and in the
Lex Agraria of 1 1 1 b. c. (i. aoo. 68, usually quoi ; cf. quoieique, 11. 3. 6. 3a. 45.
99) ; though the dissyllabic Dative seems not to occur in Plautus (it is read by
some editors in Trin. 358. 558, &c. ; see Brix ad locc.), and so cannot have been
used in the ordinary conversation of his time. The common form in use
on Republican inscriptions is quoi (see Index to C. I. L. i.) ; the Lex Julia
Municipalis, for example, of 45 b.c. (i. ao6) has always quoi, never cuij as
it has always quoius^ never atjus, and always, except in two instances, quei for
qui (so quoi in the Comm. Lud. Saec. of Augustus' reign'. And Quintilian (i. 7.
446 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VII.
27) tells us that in his youth qiwi was tlie spelling. [Of. Velius Longus
(first cent. a. d.), p. 76. 3 K. itaque audimus quosdam plena oi syllaba
dicore *■ quoi ' et * hoic * pro cui et huic. ] In late poetry cui is a dissyllable,
cut, a scansion which is found as early as Seneca, Juvenal, and Martial, e. g.
Mart. i. 104. 22 eed norunt cui serviant leones >, examples in Neue, p. 454).
Ace. qit^m has -ew for -im (Osc. pirn) by analogy of Noun I-stems which
usually substituted the Cons.-stem -em for the I-stem -im, e. g. iurrem (oh. vi.
§ 29\ As to the Abl. Sg. we have not sufficient means of deciding, owing to
the absence of sufficiently old inscriptions, whether and in what uses qtti,
O. Lat. for qtio, was an Abl. (from *quld\ a Locative (from *quei), or even an
Instrumental (from *qut). But the spelling quiquam (*in any way') on the
S. C. Bacch. ;1. 12), an inscr. on which original i and original ei seem to be
kept distinct, goes against the Locative theory, unless indeed it is a mere
mistake for qnis<iuam (see % 28). The spelling quei on the Lex Agraria of iii
B. c. (C. 7. L. i. 20a 17 queiue ab eorum quei emit) merely expresses the sound
qw (see ch. i. § 9). This qui, byform of ^uo, qxta, occurs in Virgil {A, xi. 822^^ :
Accam ex aequalibus unam,
quicimi parti ri curas.
It was not in living use in the time of Servius (fourth cent. a. d.) (Jn Donat.
p. 411. I K. nam dicimus *a quo ' venisti et * a qui' venisti ; sed ' a qui ' in
usu esse desiit). Already in Terence quicam is not so frequent as in Plant us.
In the early authors qui is used : (i) as an ordinary Abl., e. g. Plant. Capt. 828
qui homine nemo uiuit fortuniltior ; Bacch, 335 sed qui praesente id aurum
Thcotim6 datumst ? ; but especially (2) as an Abl. of the instrument, e. g.
Plant Men. 391 quis ist^st Peniculus ? qui dxtei*gentur bdxeae ?, ' what
Mr. Brush do you mean ? one to clean shoes with ? * ; Varro, R. R. ii. praef. 3
frumentum qui saturi fiamus. In this capacity it passes into a mere Adverb
like \U, and is used even with a plural noun, e. g. Plaut. Stick, 292 quadrigas
qui uchar ; PsewJ. 487 (uiginti minas) quas meo gnato des, qui amicam libe-
ret ; (3^ as an Adverb with the sense oiquomodo ; e. g. qui JittU?,^ phrase in
common use in classical Latin ; Ter. Adelph, 215 quipotui melius ? ; (4) as an
enclitic Particle, e. g fterde qui, edepd qui, utinam qui (Plant.), a usage surviving
in classical af-qui, (For a fuller list of examples, see Neue, ii'. pp. 455 sqq. ;
cf. below, ch. x. § 5.) The Nom. PI. Masc is written quei on Republican
inscriptions see Index to C. I. L, i.), this being the weakening of an original
*qu(n, duo to the unaccented nature of the Relative (ch. iii. § 12 a. 5), e. g. i.
196 sei ques esent, quei sibei deicerent necesus ese Bacanal habere. (On
quea Nom. PI. of quis in O. Lat., and on queis and quis, Dat.-Abl. Plui'., from
*qu<ns, see above, § 24,)
§ 26. The stem q«u-. Corresponding to Umbr. pu-fe, Osc. pu-f, * where *
O. Ind. kuha, 0. SI. kude, from I.-Eur. ♦qSudh-), is Lat. -cilftl of dlUcubi,
* somewhere,* 51-cwW, * if anywhere/ ng-cuW, num-cubif Ac, with cu- instead of quu-
by the same phonetic law of the Latin language that has made quincu-plex out
of *quinquU'plex (ch. iv. § 137; (cf. Vulg. Lat. neacio-cube, Probi App. 199. 16 K.),
and clearly connected with the Interrogative, Indefinite, and Relative Pro-
noun-root (see ch. x. $ i, on the existence of parallel stems of Pronouns in -o,
-i, -u). But apart from compounds the Latin Adverb is ubi. Similarly the
-cunde of (Ui-cunde (dliquotuk is written in Plaut. Paeud. 317 in the Ambr. Palimps. ;
so Oaesellius ap. Cassiod. 902. 28 K. aliquonde per quon debet scribi), si-
$§ 26-28.] THE PRONOUNS. RELATIVES, ETC. 447
cunde^ nS-cunde, wants initial c- in the simple form -unde. According to Schmidt
(K. Z. xxxii. 405) this Latin initial u-, internal cu-j represents L-£ur. *qliu-, a
parallel stem of q^o-, q!(i- (cl § 33). (For another possible explanation of
this loss of the initial guttural, see Brugm. Gnmdr. i. § 431 c) The Latin
Interrogative and Indefinite Pronoun iUer^ ^ whether of two * (on the suffix
-tero-, seech, v. § 18) shows a similar relation to 0. Ind. kutra, 'whither' (stem
*qUutro-, ♦kutro), Osc. potro-, * whether of two * (stem ♦qSotro- or ♦kwotero- ;
both derivatiyes of a stem ♦qSe-t(e;ro- or ♦kwe-t(e)ro- ?). (On other Latin
Adverbs beginning with u-, derived from the Interrogative root, and wanting
an initial guttural, see ch. ix. § 10.) Ritschl's proposal [based on Trin. 934,
where there is a manuscript corruption cxibitus for ubi tua (gignitur)] to read
cubif &c., in some passages of Plautus, has not met with approval {Opusc. iii.
135).
§ 27. The Possessive cujus. The case most frequently in use in Plautus
and Terence is the Nom. Sg. Fem., e. g. Plaui. Trin. 45 quoia hie uox prope
me sonat ? ; cf. Cic. Verr. II. iii. 7. 16 ne is redimeret, cuja res esset ; t&.
27. 68 Apronius cortiorem facit istum, cuja res erat. The Plural is very
rare, Plaut. Rud, 745 :
^gentum ego pro istisce ambabus quoiae erant domino dedi,
Trin. 533, with quoium for cujorunij God. PI. (?) (cuium A, quoium B ; some read
quorum) :
necunquam quisquamst, quoius ille ag^r fuit,
quin p^ssume ei res u<Srterit, quoium fuit,
alii ^xolatum abi^runt, alii em<3rtui.
With the suffix -flti-, denoting the country of one's birth (ch. v. § 45), we have
cujdsj 0. Lat. quoiati&f *what countryman? * * belonging to what country? '
§ 28. Other derivatives. Ali-quiSy some one, is a compound of the stem
(Ui-y some (connected with d/to-, other) ^ and the Indefinite Pronoun, like ali'
cubiy somewhei-e, ali'cunde, &c. An 0. Lat. Nom. PI. (digues is mentioned by
Charisius (159. 7 K.). Ec-quis has been explained as nothing else than et quiSy
with c for t by the same phonetic law as reduced *sit-cu8 (cf. sitis) to sic'cus
(ch. iv. § 159), but it is more likely to come fi-om the pronominal stem 6- fused
as a prefix in e-nosy Umbro-Osc. e-tanto-, &c.) with the appended particle -ce
(without this appendage in e-quidemy ch. x. § 6, and in S-quiSy a bjrform of
ec'quis, in Plant.). The Neut. ecquid in Plautus often sinks into a mere con-
junction, e. g. ecquid placent ? Most. 906, Ac.
Quidam for *qui8^am (like idem for is-deniy § ai) appends the particle -dam to
the Indefinite Pronoun. The Nom. Plur. Masc. is not found in Plautus, and
scarcely indeed in any of the older authors. We have quesdam Ace. PI. in
Accius, Trag. 477 R Qulvis (cf. Umbr. pis-her from the verb heri-, * to wish ')
may stand for *<yMfs-rw, ' any you please/ ' whosoever you please * (cf. 0. Lat.
quis naiicitor, *• whosoever obtains,' § 24), with the same loss of s before initial
t in a Compound as divdlo for *dh-vello (ch. iv. § 151), and qutiubet, for *qut84uh€ty
like diligo for *disli{fo (ib.). as well as for qm-visy guhlubet. The I-declension
Abl. quluis appears in Plaut. SHch. 627 : quicumuis depugno multo fdcilius
^ aliquis alius is not found in Plautus, though it occurs in Terence.
44^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIL
quam cum fame. Qul'Cum'quej 0. Lat. quei'quom'que (C. I. L. i. 197. 5 ; aoo. 50 ;
ao2, &c.}, had probably a byform ^quis-quom-que, to judge from Nom. PI. ques-
cumque n Cato {Orig. ii. fr. 34 J. quescumque Romao regnauissent). The latter
part of the word is probably the Adverb quum (O. Lat. quom\ when, with the
enclitic particle -que, so that -cumque means literally * whenever * (see ch. ix.
§ 10. 7). In O. Lat. quiaque is used in the sense of quicunque, e.g. quomque
offendero, Plaut. Capt. 798, the particle -que (O. Ind. ca in kai-ca, * whoever,' &c.,
Horn. Gk. T€ in 8s t«, Goth, -h in hv6-h^ giving to a word the sense of our
*evor' in 'whoever,' * whenever,* &c. (see ch. x. § a) ; but has in classical
Latin the sense of 'each.' It is fem. as well as masc in 0. Lat., e.g. Ter.
Hec. 216 quisque uostrarum ; so quemque Ace. Sg. F. in Plaut. Pseud, 185.
Another expression for * whosoever ' is quiaquis (Osc. pispis, of which the Neut.
pitpit is mentioned by Paul. Fest. 263. 8 Th.), {riarn occurs in an Old Gk.
inscr., Mon, AnHchi i. 3. p. 594), a doubling of the Indefinite Pronoun ^ We
have quisquia Fem. in O. Latin, e. g. Plaut. CisL 610 mulier qulsquis as (cf.
Nonius, 197. 30 M.). The Neuter quicquid, a byform of quidquid, shows the same
assimilation of d {t) before a guttural as accurro for adcurro (ch. iv. § 160). The
shortened form of the Gen. Sg. of quis, current in ordinary pronunciation
when not specially emphasized, viz. guot(tt)s, cui{u)Sf (§ 22), appears without
its final 8 in Cicero's cuicuimodi ; and the I-stem Ablative quiqui occurs more
than once in Plautus in the phrase cum eo, cum quiqui^ anyhow, at any cost,
lit. ' with that thing or with whatsoever thing ' {Poen. 536. 588). A curious
passage, Cos. 523 :
s^d facito dum, morula per uorsiis quod cantat, td colas :
' cum cibo, cum quiqui ' facito ut ueniant,
suggests that Roman children interpreted the alarm-note of the blackbird
into the words : cum cibo, cum quiqui, ac. veni, ^ come along ! food or no
food.' {Qaaa. Rev, vi. 124.) Quia prefixed to the Adverb quam, quia-quam had
the sense of * any,' and was used especially in negative sentences. Examples
of its use as Fem. in O. Lat. are Ter. Eun, 678 nostrarum numquam quis-
quam uidit ; Plaut. Rud. 406 :
neque digniorem c^nseo uidisse anum me qu^mquam,
and of the I-declension Abl., Plaut. Pera, 477 nee satis a quiquam homine
accepi [see § 25 on qui-quam Adv., * anyhow* (?), of S. C. Bacch. : neue
pro magistratud neque uirum neque mulierem quiquam fecise uelet, like
nsqut-qucmi, in vain, lit. ' not anyhow/ always so spelt in the Ambrosian
Palimpsest of Plautus]. Another compound of the Indefinite Pronoun,
quia-piam, some, the formation of which was obscure to the Roman gram-
marians (Festus 338. 28 Th. ' quispiam ' quin significet aliquis, et ^ quae-
piam * aliquae, similiterque alia ejusdem generis, ut dubium non est, ita unde
sequens pars ejus coeperit, inveniri non potest), may be a compound of
*quia'P€f of which quippe for *qutpe is an Adverbial case-form (ch. x. § 7), with
jam, as nwunam of nunc with jam (ch. iv. § 67). Corresponding to -quam, -piam
of Lat. qtiiaquam, quiapiam is Oscan -um of pid-um 'quidquam,' pieia-um
* cujuspiam.'
' So quantua quantu^a, * every inch of you,' Ter. Adelph, 394 ; quantum quantum,
Plaut. Poen, 738 ; (pAaequaXia in a poetical inscr., C. I, L, vi. 6314.
5 29.] THE PRONOUNS. PRONOMINAL ADJECTIVES. 449
§ 29. V. THE FBONOMINAL ADJECTIVES. These are :
(1) alvi9^ L-Eur. *&lyo- (Arm. ail, Gk. &AA09, O. Ir. aile,
Goth, aljis, Engl, else), Osc. alio- (on the Bantine Tablet), with
a byform ali^ in the Nom. Sg. Mase. (e. g. Catull. Ixvi. 28), alid
in the Nom. Sg. Neut. (e. g. Luer. i. 263). These byforms,
which are to be compared with CorneliSy &c. for Cornelius (see
ch. vi. § 5), come into special use in the phrase alis alinm (e. g.
ad alis alium and cum alis alio in the Vulgate, alis alium, C, I. L,
ii. 2633. 7), probably owing to the fact that the stress of the
voice in this word-group fell on the antepenultimate syllable (see
ch. iii. § J 2). The deriv. Adj. alihins is for ^ali-mo- (ch. iv. § 1 2).
(2) alter is formed from the root al- («1-?), seen in *alyo-, by
the addition of the suffix -tero- (ch. v. § 18), (Osc. alttro-),
while other I.-Eur. languages show a similar formation from
the root an-, seen in O. Ind. anyd- * alius ' (O. Ind. &ntara-,
Goth. an-J?ar, O. Engl. o]?er. Germ, ander, Lith. to-tras). It
is often used as an Ordinal Numeral, * second.' A stem altro-
appears in allrifi-seeus, altro-vorstim (Plant. Cos, 555) and other
words (cf . Gk. AXAorpios), but in lines like Plant. Bacch, 1 1 84
alterum, &c. need not be changed into altrum^ &c., but may be
scanned as dactyls, alterum^ &c. (see Klotz, Altrom, Mefrii, p. 59) ;
even in Pers. 226 allra is not certain.
(3) milts is formed by the LO-suffix (ch. v. § 21) from uniis
(see ch. iii. § 15. 5), which also belongs to the Pronominal Declen-
sion, Gen. imitis, Dat. uni. (With quisque appended we have the
word-group or compound nnvs-qnisqne,) The opposite of ullus
is uidlus with the negative prefix ne- of n-nsqitam, n{eyvtiquam
(pronounced with both first and second syllable short) and the
like (ch. ii. § 149); and ^ne-ullus^ 'not a little one,' ^not even
one/ was probably anterior in formation to nllm^ in which the
force of the Diminutive suffix is not so apparent. Like nullvs,
but used properly of persons, while nnllus was used normally
of things, is nemo fi'om n^-hemo, (On hemo^ a byform of homOy
see ch. vi. § j .) Nullus is hardly used as a substantive till Late
Latin, but nulliv^ and nullo take the place of neminis and nemine
in class. Latin. As the Neuter of nnllus, nihil is used, a com-
pound of the negative w^- and hilmn (see ch. iii. § 52 ; ch. vi. § 1 1 ).
(4) solus may be connected with the Adverb se-, ml-, apart
450 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VH.
(e. g. sed-ilio, lit. ' a going apart ') (ch. ix. § 51), and be formed of
80-, a grade of se- (eh. iv. § 53), with the suiRx -lo. Some refer
the word to the stem solh- of Osc. sollo-, * whole/ Lat. soU-erSy
soU-emfiis, but the connexion of theideas * alone ' and * whole '
or ' all ' is not apparent.
(5) tdfus is another word of uncertain etymology. Some
connect it with the Umbro-Oscan word for a community, state
or people, *teuta- (Osc. tovtil-, Umbr. tota-), and suppose the
Latin word to exhibit another grade of the root, perhaps *touto- (see
ch. iv. § 4 1 ). The word encroached on the sphere of omuis, and
finally supplanted omnis in Vulgar Latin. Of the Romance lan-
guages Italian is the only one which preserves Lat. ow«w(Ital.ogni)
beside Lat. totus (Ital. tutto ; on this form, see ch. ii. § 1 30. p. 116).
(6) uler is one of those Latin Relative (Interrog., Indef.)
forms beginning with u- like udi, M which are discussed in § 26.
With the addition of -que, *ever' (see on quis-qve, § 28), it
becomes nter-que. The Umbro-Oscan stem is *potro- (Osc.
puturus-pid Nom. PI. ^ utrique,' puterei-pid Loc. Sg. ; Umbr.
sei-podrvh'pei ' utroque ' Adv. is a formation like sed-utraqne
Nom. Sg. Fem., 'each separately,' Plant. Stick. 106). The
opposite of nter is neuter , a trisyllable (ch. ii. § 3a), with the
negative prefix. Alter-uter is a compound of alter and ui-ery
sometimes with both elements declined, sometimes with the
second only (cf. § 20 on ipse^ Fem. ea-psa^ ea-p^e and i-pfo),
A form altertra for alterutra is mentioned by Paul. Fest. 6, 2 Th.
All of these take the pronominal Gen. and Dat. Sg. in -ifw, and
-2, but only aliuB takes the Neut. Sg. (Nom. -Ace.) in -d. Still
they admitted more readily than ///e, w/^'and the other Demonstra-
tive Pronouns the Noun Declension forms in these cases ; e.g. nnae
rei (Gen.), Cic. TSUI, xv. 36; tarn nulii consili, Ter. Andr. 60S ; coloris
ulli, Plant. Tnic. 293 ; af ferae legioni, Caes. Bell, Gall. v. 27. 5 (see
Priscian, i. 196. 18 H. and Neue, ii^ pp. 516 sqq.). For the Gen.
Sing, of alius the Romans discarded "^/l//^, which was liable to confu-
sion with the Nom., and used the Gen. Sing, of alter instead, altering
(in dactylic poetry, of course, only alterius is admissible, but alterlvs
occurs in other metres, e.g. Ter. Andr. 628, Seneca, Herc^ Fnr. 2 1 2).
There are other Adjectives called ' Pronominal * Adjectives,
which are derived from Pronoun-stems, but which do not share
$ 29.] THE PRONOUNS. PRONOMINAL ADJECTIVES. 45X
the Pronominal Declension. From the stem to- (te-) comes Lat.
talis (I.-Eur. *tali- of Gk rrfXl^Kos ; cf . O. SI. tott Adv., ' so
very/ toli-ku Adj., ' so great *), tan-tus (Osc. e-tanto-, e. g. motto
etanto estud * multa tanta esto ' j Umbr. e-tanto-, e. g. etantu mutu
adferture si 'tanta multa affertori sit') {t^ntUce pro tantis C. G. L.
V. 155. 36), t9t^ older Ml-^ preserved in tdtMetn (I.-Eur. *t6tt,
O. Ind. tati ; cf . Gk. ro(r((r)o9 for *ror4os), and (with O-suffix) (dfus
(e. g. Manil. iii. 420 detrahitur summae tota pars^ quota demitur).
From the Relative (Interrog., Indef.) stem comes Lat. qudlis
(Gk. mjAi-Kos; cf. O. SI. kott, koli-ku), quantus (Umbr. panto-)/
qudt^ older quoit (I.-Eur. *q"6tt, O. Ind. kdti ; cf. Gk. it6(T{a)os
for *7roTioy), and (with O-suflRx) qndtus (e. g. Hor. tu quotus esse
velis rescribe). (On cotti-die^ see ch. ix. § 5.) The Late Latin
use of fanti^ quanti for toty quoi (e. g. Tertull. nee tamen tantos
inveniunt verba discipulos, quantos Christiani factis docendo),
survives in Romance, e. g. Ital. quanti anni hal, ' quantos annos
habet?', 'how old is he?' (On ce-ieri^ see ch. iv. § 33.)
A Dual, like the Numeral duo (ch. vi. § 59), is amhb ^ae -0
(I.-Eur. *ambh6(u), Gk. S/uk^o)), Gen. ambonim, &c., Dat. ambohis^
&c., Ace. ambds and ambd -as -b ; in the Aec. the older amhb was
being ousted by ambbs even in Plautus' time, for he uses ambos
always before an initial consonant, and ambb with ambos before an
initial vowel as the metre requires, while in Late Lat. we have ambis
for the Dat.- Abl. Plur. e.g. ¥jph. Epigr, iv. p. 491 (cf. Caper 107.
14 K. ambobus,non 'ambis,' et ambabus ; and see Neue, ii^. p. 279).
The Pronominal Declension has in some languages (e.g.
Lithuanian and the Teutonic languages) extended itself from
these Pronominal Adjectives to all Adjectives ' . What is called
in Teutonic the * Strong Declension ' of Adjectives, in Lithuanian
the ' Indefinite ' is really the Pronominal, e. g. Goth, blinds with
Neut. blindata, * blind,' like Neut. J?ata, ' that,' In Greek, on the
other hand, the Pronominal Declension has lost ground, and
that is why in Greek the declension of the Pronouns does not
appear so unlike the declension of the Nouns as in Latin.
' We have seen ,ch. vi. § 46) that to Adjectives (e.g. rfwonoro on a Scipio
in Latin the Gen. PI. suffix of O-stems, Epitaph of perhaps the end of the
'osom, then -orom^ class, -dmm^ was ex- third cent. b. c), and in time to Nouns
tended from Pronouns i^e. g. olmom (e.g. denrum competed with deum In
* illorum ' on the Columna Rostra ta) Cicero's time, ch. vi. § 47).
Gg 2
45^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
§ 30. The Pronouns in Bomance. The development in the
Romance languages of two series of the Personal and Possessive
Pronouns, (a) the enclitic, e.g. Fr. me, te, mon, ton, {6) the
accented, e. g. Fr. moi, toi, mien, tien, has been already mentioned
(ch. iii. § la fl, 3, and above, § 12). In Vulgar Latin epo became
eo, whence the Romance forms, e. g. Ital. io, Span, yo, Sard, eo,
O. Fr. eo, io, eu, jo, now je. Spanish nosotros ^ we,' vosotros * you '
represent nos alteros, vos alteros (cf . Fr. nous autres, &c.). The a PI.
Possessive remained vaster in Vulg. Lat., whence Ital. vostro, Fr.
votre. Span, vuestro, &c., while two rival forms competed for the
3 PI. Possessive, *w«^(Span., Port.) and ilhruyn (Ital. loro, Fr. leur).
The Demonstratives ille^ ipse (which takes the place of tile in
Sard, as 3 Sg. Pron. and Article, isse and issu, * he '), iste had in
Vulg. Lat. 'I in Nom. Sg., -ui in Dat. Sg. Masc., -aei in Dat.
Sg. Fem.,e.g. illi (Ital. egli, Fr. il), illui (C, L L, x. 2654; Ital.
lui, Fr. lui), illaei (Ital. lei, O. Fr. li). Their extension by the
prefix ecce has been noticed in § 15, e. g. Fr. celle from ecce-iUa,
Used enclitically, ille has lost its first syllable in Romance, e. g.
ItaL gli (from i7ft), Io (from ilium), Span, le, Sard. li. The
Definite Article in most Romance countries was supplied by ille
(but by ipse in Sardinia and elsewhere), which in Roumanian is
postfixed (e. g. domnu-1 for dominvs ille), and in all languages is
united with a Preposition into one word, e. g. with the Preposition
ad in Ital. al, Fr. au, &c. Hie survived only in word-groups,
e.g. Ital. cio from ecce hoc.
Of the Indefinite, Interrogative and Relative Pronouns qtiae
and quis seem to have been ousted in Vulg. Lat. by qui ; quid is
Ital. che, and (accented) Fr. quoi, (unaccented) Fr. que.
For the Pronoun of Identity (ipse had become a Demonstrative)
various phrases were used ; e. g. Ital. medesimo, Prov. medesme,
Fr. meme. Span, mismo are from t?iel ipsimus ; Ital. desso from id
ipsuM (or ad ipsum Vj ; Ital. stesso is a compound of isf-e and ipse.
Alius survived in a Neuter form *alum^ whence O. Fr. el and al,
O. Span, al, alter having taken its place (Ital. altro, Fr. autre. Span.
otro). Certus (and certdnus) replaced quid^m, Atlquis was joined
with Unus into a Compound *alieuuu^, whence Ital. alcuno, Fr.
aucun, Span, alguno. (See Meyer-LUbke Ifot/i. Gram, ii. pp. 89
sqq., 595 sqq-)-
CHAPTER VIII.
THE VERB.
§ 1. I. THE CONJUGATIONS. The I.-Eur. Verb had two
Conjugations, (i) the Thematic, in which the Person-suffixes were
attached to the verb-root augmented by -S- or -6-, e. g. Gk. (f>ip^
0'ix€v, (f>€p'€-T€; (2) the Athematic, in which this vowel, the
Thematic Vowel, as it is called, was absent, e, g. Gk. tora-zxci;,
tara-Tf. In the Thematic Conjugation the 1 Sg. Pres. Ind.
Act had -o, e. g. (f>4p'(»), Lat. leff-o; the Subjunctive changed the
Thematic Vowel of the Indicative to -e- (and -o-), e. g. Gk. <^f p-ry-re
(<^€p-a)-/xfi;) ; the Optative changed it to -oi-, e. g. Gk. <l>€p'OL-fi€v,
<f>ip'OL'T€, In the Athematic Conjugation the i Sg. Pres. Ind.
Act. had -ml, e. g. Gk. larq-tii ; the verb-stem was weakened in
the Dual and Plural Act. and in all Numbers of the Middle, e.g.
Gk. tard-Tov, tard-ixev, ta-Td-fxai beside Sg. la-rq- ; the Subjunc-
tive (with strong stem) showed -e- or -6- between the root and
the Person-suffixes, and the Optative (with weak stem) -ye- in
Sg. Act., -1- elsewhere, e.g. Gk. lora-tTj-j;, lard'l'fifv (laTalfXfv).
We find early Derivative Verbs like I.-Eur. tr-a- from the root
ter-, pl-e- from the root pel- (Lat. in-trd-re^ im-ple-re), and later
Derivatives from Nouns, e. g. Lat. curd-re from the Noun-stem
curd', forming the persons of their Present Tense sometimes
thematically with the suffix -y6- (§15), sometimes athematically,
e. g. O. Ind. tra-yS-te and tra-ti 3 Sg. The long vowel, with which
these derivative verb-stems end, is not weakened in the Dual and
Plur. Act., nor in the Middle, e. g. O. Ind. tra-sva 2 Sg. Imperat.
Mid.
454 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. VIII.
In Latin almost every athematic verb becomes thematic in
1 Sg. Pres. Ind., and usually in 3 PI. ; and the declension of the
Pres. Ind. often shows thematic and athematic forms side by
side. Thus I.-Eur. *ei-ml, ' I go ' (O. Ind. e-mi i Sg.,l-m4s x PI.,
Gk. €t-/xi I Sg., l'ix€v I PL, Lith. ei-mi) is in Latin eo for *^y-6,
a thematic form, though other Persons, e. g. 2 Sg. I-*, older ei-^
(*ei-s(l)), are athematic ; I.-Eur. *wSl-mi, ' I wish ' (Lith. pa-
velmi 1 Sg., pa-velt 3 Sg.) is in Latin thematic in i Sg. vdl-o,
but athematic in 3 Sg. vul-t. The Latin Substantive Verb sum
has best retained the features of the Athematic Conjugation,
with its 1 Sg. Ind. in -w, its Opt. originally declined s-ie-m, s-ie-s^
it-ie-f, ^s-l-^nos, ^si-tes^ and so on.
The four Conjugations of our Latin Grammars, (1) amd-re,
&c., (2) vid^-re, &c., (3) legf-re^ &c., (4) andt-rey &c. are, like the
five Declensions (ch. vi. § i), an unscientific classification, often
bringing forms together which were of dissimilar origin, just as
Modem Italian with its three Conjugations brings together in
the Second forms like vend^re (Lat. venf/^e), potere (Lat. poMe)^
solere (Lat. sdlere), and in the Third dire (Lat. dic^re), empire
(Lat. tmjjl^e), apparire (Lat. apparere), seguire (Lat. sequi), and
venire (Lat. vHtre), We must substitute for them an enumera-
tion of the various ways in which the Tense-stems are formed,
especially the Present Tense-stem.
Of the Latin Present (i. e. Thematic Present) Tense-stems, the
usual type is that which was also the most prevalent in I.-Eur.,
that namely in which the Present-stem shows the ordinary un-
weakened root (E-grade) of the Verb, e. g. Gk. ireiS-O'imi from
the root bheudh-^ TttCO-oD from the root bheidh-, TttT-o-fiai from
the root pet-, while the weak grade of the root is proper to the
Preterite (Aorist) tense, e. g. Gk. t-TrvS-o-fxriv, l-Trl^-o-i;, ^-ttt-J-
ixriv, Latin examples (part of the * Third Conjugation ') are :
dilco^ O. Lat. donco, for ^d^nco (Goth, tiuha) from the root deui- ;
dlco, O. Lat. deico (Goth, ga-teiha, ' I indicate ') from the root
deik- ; veko for *w^h-6 (O. Ind. vdh-a-mi, Lith. vei-u, Goth,
ga-vig-a, * I move '). Another type shows a Nasal in the Pre-
sent-stem (with weak grade of root) which is omitted in the
other tense-stems, this Nasal being either (i) a nasal infix, e. g.
Lat. ru-m-po (O. Ind. lil-m-pimi) from the root renp-, f^-do
$ 2.] THE VERB. CONJUGATIONS. 455
(O. Ind. bht-na-dmi) from the root bheid-, or (a) a nasal aiRx,
e. g. Lat. l^-n-o (O. Ind. lY-na-mi, O. Scand. K-na) from the root
lei-. Latin meio for *meigh-6, beside mhi^o for *mt-n-gh-6^ is
a good example of these two modes of forming the Pres.-st^ ;
and similarly we seem to have O. Lat. nivo for *(s)neigh--6 (or
(s)nigh"-6 ? M. U, iv. 8), beside mnguo for *(s)nt-n-gh--6, in a line
of Pacuvius {PraeL 4 R.) :
sagittls nluit, plumbo et saxis gnindinat.
Another affixes -yo- (-yS-) or -iyo- (-ty6-), an affix which often
varied with 1 (of. eh. iv. § 51) ; e. g. in Latin (part of the Third
and of the Fourth Conjugations)yayr/(? (Gk. c^pdcrcro) for *<^paK-^o)),
with 2 Sg.Jarcl'S, from the root bhreq^- (ct.freqiietis), Lat. morior
(O. Ind. mr-iyd-te 3 Sg.) from the root mer-. We have also a suffix
-8k5- (-skg-) used to form what are wrongly called * Inceptives '
(Third Conj.), with weak grade of root, e. g. posco for ^parc-sco,
from prk-, the weak grade of the root prek-, * to ask ' ; a suffix
-gyo- (with 0-grade of root) used to form Causatives (Second
Conjugation), e.g. Lat. mdneo for *mon-gyo, *I remind/ lit.
' cause to remember/ from the root men- (cf . Lat. me-min-i), and
so on. A very important class is the class of Verb-stems ending
in a vowel (Vowel-stems), which form their i Sg. Pres. Ind.
usually w ith the help of the suffix -y5-, e. g. in Latin (First and
Second Conjugations) 710 for *(s)na-y6 (O. Ind. sna-ya-te), neo
for *(s)ne-yo (O. H. G. nau), but other Persons athematically,
e. g. 2 Sg. nd'S, ne-s, many of these Vowel-stems being Deriva-
tives from Nouns and Adjectives (First, Second, and Fourth
Conjugations), e. g. euro from C2ira (stem ^curd-), like Gk. Tlfxa-oi
from TLfxd (-?/), aldeo from aldus (stem *albO', ^albe-), flnio from
finl* (stem jini-^ finei-). These various modes of forming the
Present Tense-stem will be considered in later sections (§§ 6-33).
$ 2. Traces of the A.thematio Conjugation in Latin. Of I.-Eur. verbs
of the Athematic Conjugation, which retain more or less of their athematic
character in Latin, the most important are the roots es-, * to be,' ei-, * to go/
ed-, 'to eat,' wel-, * to wish.' ES- has in i Sg. sum (Osc. sum) with the root
in weak form «-, instead of es- of I.-Eur. ♦tis-mi ,0. Ind. ^-mi, Arm. em, Gk.
ti-tii for *ia-fu, Lesb. </</«, Alb. jam, Goth, im, Lith. es-m\, 0. SI. jes-ml),
though, if we may believe Varro L. L. ix. 100), the older form was esum (sum
quod nunc dicitur olim dicebatur * esum ') ; 3 Sg. es [older cs(s), scanned long
by • position' in Plautus], I.-Eur. ♦es-si (Arm. es, Hom. iff-<ri) ; 3 Sg. es-^(08c.
456 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. VIII.
ist), I.-Eur. ♦68.ti [0. Ind. lU-ti, Gk. I<r-T«,0. Ir. is for ♦is-t, Goth. is-t. Lith.
es-ti and Ss-t, 0. SI. (Russ.) j§^-ti] ; i PI. stiitius and simus .ch. il. $ i6),
I.-Eur. *s-mes, *s-mos (O. Ind. s-mas) ; a PI. es-fis should be *s-fw, I.-Eur.
♦s-te (O. Ind. sthA), but cf. Gk. ic-ri, Lith. gs-te ; 3 PI. aunt (older sont)
from *sont{i) beside I.-Eur. *senti (Gk)th. s-ind); as Umbr. sent, Osc.
set ; the I.-Eur. Optative *8-ye-m (*8-iy6-m) i Sg., *s-y6-8 v*8-iy6-8. 2 Sg.,
*8-i-mos I PL, &c, is reproduced with some fidelity in O. Lat. »-t5-8, s-l-mutf,
though the vowel t extended itself in time over Sg. as well as Plur., class.
Lat. Sim, »is, sit (§ 55), as in Umbr. air * sis,' si * sit,* aina * sint * ; in the
Imperative we should expect *^s, the bare stem, in 3 Sg. (and (a is probably
the only actual Latin form, on which see § 58), *s-tOd in 3 Sg., but we have
ea-toUl) (cf. Gk. iff-rw) ; the Inf. is es-se, the Loc. Sg. of an S-stem, as the
Umbro-Oscan *es-om (Osc. entm, Umbr. erom) is the Ace. Sg. of an 0-stem
(ch. V. § a) ; EI- is thematic in i Sg. in Lat. eo from *6y-0 instead of I.-Eur.
*ei-mi,but athematic in the other persons of the Pres. Ind., 3 Sg. !«, older «-w,
3 Sg. it, older eit, i PI. ?-mi*«, older ei-mus, with strong stem ei- as in Lith.
eT-me, eT-te, instead of weak stem i- (possibly with a bygrade i like 0. Ind.
t-mahe I PI. Mid. ; but Pel. ei-te 2 PI. Imper. i)ointH to an original ei- for Latin
also), 3 PI. 1-^ older ei-tia (with ei- again for i-), except the 3 Plural eitnt from
*ey-o-nt'i), imless -onti was an I.-Eur. byform of -enti in the Athematic
Conjugation (cf. amit from *sont(i) ) ; the form int of the Philoxenus Glossary
' P* 75* 33 ^' * ^^» vopfuovTcu) is too doubtful to quote as an athematic 3 PL*
for it may be a wrong reading for luunt ;^cf. prod-munt, red'inunt, ob-inufU),
although indeed the common theory of the origin of these forms presupposes
an old 3 PL In-t (see § 73) ; athematic too are the Inf. ire older «-re fi*om
*ei-st, Imper. i older ei (Lith. ei-k), ito older ei-td{d) (with ei-, as in Umbr.
ee-tu, for i- of Gk. r-TaF(8), § 57) ; ED- is thematic in i Sg. ed-o (Gk. Put. tb'O'iuu
is a Subjunctive form, and is quite regular), but athematic in the other
persons, which often show a byform ?d- (Lith. ^-mi and ed-u i Sg., &-t 3 Sg.)
(thus Donatus ad Ter. Andr. i. i. 54 distinguishes ut una?aaetj Subj. of edOj from
ui una Ssaetj Subj. of ^um) ; i PI edimua, 3 PL edunt are like aumua, aunt ; the
Imper. es-td is athematic, and the Inf. ea-ae. (On -.«^^ instead of -as- from I.-Eur.
-dt- in est 3 Sg. &c., see ch. iv. § 155 ; on Impcrat. cs, § 58, below). The by-
forms edit, erlUia, &c. need not be new Latin types, for there are indications that
in the I.-Eur. period this root wavered between the Thematic and Athematic
Conjugations (cf Lith. Id-u for *6d-0 beside ^d-mi ; Goth, ita for *6d-0) ; WEL-
was probably declined : 1 Sg. *w«^l-mi, 3 Sg. ♦w61-sl, 3 Sg. *w6l-ti, i Pl.*w}-m4s
or -m6s, &c. ; Lat. v6lo,vult(roU) are the normal equivalents of ♦wSlO, ♦w61t(i)
{see cli. iv. § 10 on otira from Gk. iKaia, &c.), so that the i Sg. is thematic, as
are possibly also the i Pl.^ and 3 PL (cf. aumus, aunt)^ while the 3 Sg. and a PL
are athematic ; for the 2 Sg. *wels, which would become *te?(0 (ch. iv. § 146),
and would be probably scanned as a long syllable in Plautus [see ch. ii. $ 133
on Plautine t€r{r) for *tera from I.-Eur. *tri-s], the Romans substituted the
* The -M- in I PL of these Athematic Analogy of the Thematic Conj. (so
Verbs, sumua, volumua, is noticeable. Late Lat. feriaj avfere, on which see
VoUmuay the reading of the Ambrosian G^oi^es), or to the ordinary weaken-
Palimpsest in Plaut. Paeud. 233, True. ing of unaccented tl (so possimtis, $ 97,
192 is a Late Lat. form (see Georges, 5fmu.s ch. ii. § i6\ On the spelling
Ltx, Worif, 8. v.), due either to the qtiaeaumus see below, $ 33. 4.
$ 2.] THE VERB. CONJUGATIONS. 457
3 Sg. of a different Verb-root wei-, * to wish * (,0. Ind. vi-, with 2 Sg. v4-ii,
Gk If fjuu) [I.-Eur. wel-, wei-, wei- (Gk. iieitv) all mean *to wish/ and are
probably connected] ; the athematic Imper. vSl (vSl in Plautus too) has
become a Conjunction (oh. z. $ 4), while the Imper. noR of the Compound^
has been yariously referred to a bystem of the Fourth Conjugation (I. -Eur.
*wel-yO-, Goth, vilja ; O. SI. velj^), with Imper. *veR, like farciy § 57, and to
the Optative (of. 2 PI. Opt. notttis with a PI. Imper. noRie ; also i PI. noRmus,
used both in an optative and an imperative sense). The root BHER- belonged
to the Thematic Conjugation (Gk. ^p-a>, O. Ir. -biur from *ber-5, Goth, bair-a ;
cf. 3 Sg O.Ind. bhilr-a-ti for ♦bher-e-ti, Arm.ber-6, 0. SI. ber-e-tii ; athematic
forms however appear, O. Ind. bh^r-ti 3 Sg., bhr-t^m 2 Du. ; cf. Gk. <f>4p-T€
2 PL, O. Ind. bhar-tam a Du.\ but in Latin to the Athematic (with the usual
exceptions of the i Sg. and probably i PI. and 3 PI. Pres. Ind.), e. g./er-t 3 Sg.
Pros. Ind.,/cr-ft's 2 PI. (with strong stem /er- instead of weak stem /or-, I.-Eur.
bhr- ; cf. Gk. <p4p-T€)f fer Imper., fer-re (for *fer-se from Ver-«, ch. iv. § 146 ;
ch. iii. § 37) Inf., while a Sg. *feryr) [this is what an original */er'8{i) would
become in Latin ; cf. ter(r) for *ters, ch. ii. $ 133] has been brought into line
with other a Sg. forms by the fresh addition of the a Sg. suffix, fer-s. An
Optative *ferim like velim and the other optatives of athematic Verbs is not
found and probably never existed. (On the Pres. Part. -stems sent- and sont-,
ient' and euni'y volent- and volunt-y see § 90 ; and on the Optatives »'m, O. Lat.
sienij edim, vdim, § 56 ; the Compounds posstintj mdlOt ndlo, &c. are discussed in
§ 97, ambio in § 46).
Of I. -Eur. athematic Verbs of the type of O. Ind. di-ti 3 Sg. (Gk. 8t8a^-fu , tarrf-fu,
&c.) with root d6- (varying with the weak grade), Latin examples are : DO-,
to give, of which i PI., a PI. Pres. Ind. dd'tnitSj dd-Hs are the normal athematic
forms with the weak root dd- (cf. c&tus and cos, ch. iv. $ 54), while a Sg. dds^
3 Sg. dat (0. Lat. ddt, probably so scanned in Plautus, e. g. Moat. 601, Men. loi),
show d instead of <5, *d6-a, *dd-t ; the old athem. a Sg. Imper. ♦rfS (Lith. du-k)
remains only in ci'd6 (shortened under the influence of the preceding short
syllable, like havSj «M, ch. iii. § 4a), for the ordinary form dd is coined on the
type of the ist Conjugation ; the a, 3 Sg. dd'io is however the correct athematic
form, also 2 PI. rfd-te, and Inf. dd-rcj older Vd-«. i Sg. Pres. Ind. do is pro-
bably *d6-y5 'cf. 0. SI. da-j^), and the reduplicated Present-stem of Gk.
8(-8o;/xi, Pelignian dida * det ' &c. (§ 9^ may appear in reddOf if this stands for
re-d(i)'dd. DHE-, to put, appears in the Latin compounds con-dOy cr?-rfo(0. Ind.
irM-dh&-, lit. * to put the heart to,' 0. Ir. cretim), which are usually reckoned
as ordinary thematic verbs of the 3rd Conj., like %o, though a great many of
their forms may be explained as athematic, with the weak root, Lat. -rfd-
i^whifch at the beginning of the word would be /d-, ch. iv. § 114 ; cf. /ado,
I.-Eur. *dhdA-yO, from DHE-JiT-, Gk. i-OriK-ay an extension of the root by
addition of A:) ; thus, though condisy condtt should have ♦-d6s, *-det (O. Lat.
*-dHy class. *-ditj ch. iii. § 49), con-dimus m&y represent *-dnmu8y con-ditis, *-ddti8,
and though a Sg. Imper. con-dS should be *-de (Lith. d^ k), 3 Sg. con-dUo, a PI.
con-dite may represent *-dd-tddj ♦-dd-te, and Inf. (xm'd^e, *-dd'sU (On Opt. duim
from the stem *duoy a bystem both of DO- and of DHE-, see § 56.) The roots
STA- and BHA- (Gk. tarrj-fu i Sg., tarH-^tv i PI. ; iprfiu 1 Sg., t^-iih i PI.)
are treated like the type trft- (a development of the root ter- ; see below) and
retain d throughout, std-Sy std-musy stu-re, kc, fa-tury fd-mur, fSL-ri, &c. (cf. Gk.
€-aTrjfji€v, i-<rrqr€), forming the i Sg. Pres. Ind. with the suffix -yo, sld from
458 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VTII.
♦sta-yO (Umbr. stahu, Lith. atd-jfis, * I station myself,' O. SI. sta-j^ ; cf. Zend
ft-staya, but see Buck, Osk. Spr. p. 34), /o{r) from *bhft-y6 (Lith. b6gu, * I
enquire,* O. SI. ba-j%, *I converse'; cf. O. Ind. bhft-ya-t^ Pass., if this be
a genuine form). The weak grade of the two roots appears in stdtus {O. Lat.
also stahis), fuieor (cf. Osc. fatium Inf.) ; the reduplicated Present-stem of the
former (Gk. iffrrj-fu for *(rt-<rTrj'fu\ in Lat. si-st-Oj which usui*ped the transitive
sense that had in 0. Lat. belonged to sto, e.g. nied Mano statod^ ^ set me as an
offering to Manus,' on theDvenos inscription, * astasent ' [leg, -int ?) statuerunt
{leg. -ijit ?) Paul. Fest. 19. 3a Th. On these Reduplicated Presents of athematic
roots in Latin, si-sH-fnus from the root STA-, se-ri-mus from the root Sfi- (Gk.
Iff fit for *ffi-crjfu ^ and perhaps re-d{iydi-mu8, see § 9. An athematic a Sg. Imper.
from the root BHEU- (of Lat. /mi) occurs in the Carmen Arvale, /u (^Lith. bu-k,
Umbr. fu-tu), if rightly understood in the sense of * be ' : satur fu, fere Mars.
Of I. -Eur. athematic verbs of the type of O. Ind. prft-mi (Gk. vi(ji)wKrffu) with
root plG-, a development of root pel- (the strong grade pl6- never varying with
any weak grade), the Latin examples are : PL£- (cf. PfiL-), tm-piJre, ex-plfre ;
TRA- (cf. TfiR-^, in-trare, &c. These form the i Sg. Pres. Ind. thematically with
the thematic suffix -yo-, e.g. im^pleo for *-pl6-yo, iti'lro for *-tra-y5 (thematic
byforms with this suffix perhaps existed in the I. -Eur. period, e. g. O. Ind.
tr^-ya-t^ beside tra-ti), but the other persons athematically, im-pU-Sf in-trd'Sj
im-iile-t (0. Lat. -U), in-tra-t (0. Lat. -dt), im-plS-mtis, in-trd'tnusj &c., as also the
other parts of the verb, Imper. im-pfl^ im-plS-tOf in'trdy in-lrd-to, Inf. im-plf-re.
in-trd-re.
Like them were declined other verbs whose stems ended in long vowels
or diphthongs, e. g. L-Eur. *wid-e- (a stem perhaps originally confined to
Secondary Tenses, *wid-y6- being the stem used in the Present Tense ; see
$ 15), Derivative Verbs from A-stems, e.g. cunl- from the Noun cura (stem
curd-y ch. V- § a), from I-stems, e. g.y?*wi- from the Noun/tnis (stemyfn«*-,y?ni-,
ch. V. § 34), but not from U-stems (o. g. stdiuo from sttUus, § 15), nor possibly
(i) those from 0-stems v©. g. /Idieo from Jlanis), {2) Causatives and Intensives
with I Sg. Pres. Ind. in -6yO (e. g. tnoneo, Causative of root men- ; f. tnefmni ;
see § 39;, though these two last types have a declension which, by reason of the
phonetic changes of Latin, can hardly be discriminated from the athematic
declension [thus monSs may represent *inow«-s, as well as *mon-^'8 (cf. tris for
♦tr^yes, ch. iv. § 66), mone Imper. may come from *mone, a stem in -6, or
♦mon-eye. In the P. P. P. however the two types are distinct, moni-tus, with
I.-Eur. weak stem moni-, im-ptt-tus with stem plC-, as in the Perfect Ind. Act.
mon-uif im-pl^vi ; see § 39. 4]. Farcio (Gk. <ppdff(Toi for *if>paKyw) and Jdcio both
belong to the same I.-Eur. thematic type, a type in which the root has the
suffix -y6-, varying on the one hand with -ye-, on the other with -i- and -I- ;
the divergent roads which they have taken in Latin are perhaps due to the
fact that in the declension of facio the weak suffix -i- asserted itself (Imper.
O. Lat face for */acty cdpe for *capt), in the other the weak suffix -i (Imper.
fare}) J and this assertion of the long vowel brought with it a transference to
the Athematic type, farci'te beside fice-re from *faci-9e, though the original
difference botween/amo and a Deiivative like yfnio, is still maintained in the
Perf. Ind. Act. far-siy for *farC'8i ; beside fnt-ri, and P. P. P. far-tus, older
farc-hts, beside fnhtiis. (On these stems with suffix -yo-, and on the Derivative
Verbs and stems ending in vowels which form their i Sing. Pres. Ind. with
the help of this suffix, see §§ 15, ai.)
$ 8.] THE VERB. AORIST AND S-STEMS. 459
The form cante for canite quoted from the Carmen Saliare by Yarro {L, L,
vii. 37) can hardly be called an Athematic 2 PI. (Imper.). It is rather an
example of the Latin tendency to syncopate every short unaccented vowel
before a single consonant^ which would have destroyed most traces of the
thematic vowel in the Latin Verb, if it had been allowed free play (see ch.
§ 3. II. THE TENSE-STEMS (STBONG AOBIST AKD
S-FOBMATIONS). The Tense-stems are formed by various modi-
fications of the root. From the root gen- for example is formed
by Reduplication (with t as Reduplication-vowel and with weak
grade of root) the Present-stem gi-gn- (Lat. ffi^no, Gk. yiyvo-fxai),
expressive of continued action in Present time, * I am producing,'
and by another species of Reduplication [with S as Reduplication-
vowel and in the Singular (see § 39) with the 0-grade of the
root] the Perfect-stem ge-gon- (Gk. yiyova) expressive of com-
pleted action, ^ I have produced/ The Aorist-stem, expressive of
action merely, unlimited by the idea of continuance or the idea
of completeness, is in this Verb formed from the root itself gen-
(Gk. i'y€V'6-fi'qv)i and so the O. Lat. form geyiunt (Varro, Sat,
Menipp, 35 B. sed quod haec loca aliquid genunt; cf. Lucr. iii.
797 durare genique) might be called an Aorist (i. e. unlimited)
tense-form. But the distinction between a Present-stem and an
Aorist-stem is by no means so clearly marked as between a Pre-
sent-stem and a Perfect-stem, and what is an Aorist-stem in one
language may be used as a Present-stem in another. The stem
gen- (with the thematic vowel geno-, gene- as in Gk. €-y€i^o-fXTyj;,
l-yiv^-To) is in O. Ind. used as a Present, jfina-ti 3 Sg., and the
exact equivalent of Gk. i-y€vo- (with the Augment prefixed) is
in O. Ind. not an Aorist, but the past tense of a Present-stem,
in other words an Imperfect, d-jana-m, * I was producing,' while
the aorist sense is assigned to the weak grade of root, gn- (g®n-),
a-jna-ta 3 PI. Thus in this verb it would be more correct to say
that the Present-stem was both gi-gn- and gen-, than to restrict
the first of these to the Present, the second to the Aorist
signification.
^ Or is cante, like the other strange .p. 175), merely a trace of the older
syncopated form quoted from the syllabic writing ^ch. iii. $ 14) ?
Carm. Sal. prinidoes • priviculis '
46o THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VHI.
Some find more exact counterparts of the Greek Strong Aorist
(2nd Aorist) in Latin Perfects like scidU (O. Ind. d-chtdil-t),
hM- being the weak grade of the root sceid-, a root which forms
its Present-stem in Latin by Nasalization, scind-. But, as is
pointed out in § 41, scidU is more likely to be a Reduplicated
Perfect (O. Lat. sd-cidi, O. Ind. ct-chtde), and to have lost its
Reduplication syllable in Compounds like dkscidit (O. Lat. -t/,
-eif) for *dis-sci'cidit, like re-p-pulit for *re-pe-j)HlU), the Perfect
having in Latin come to assume Aorist functions, e. g. dSdi (1) I
have given, (2) I gave. Where the Aorist-usage most shows traces
of itself in Latin is in phrases like ne alfu/as (Subjunctive of an
Aorist-stem ta^- beside the Present-stem tXn^-), which suggest
comparison with the Greek use of the Aor. Subj. in pro-
hibitions, &c.
The Present-stem, as it is on the one hand occasionally indis-
tinguishable from the Aorist-stem, so it is on the other from the
Verb- stem. In a verb like Lat. ^Ino the Nasal is clearly part of
the Present-stem, and connected with the idea of continued action
in present time, for it is not found in other parts of the verb
(e. g. &i-vi, sl'fum) (cf. tango Pres., (St^gi Perf., tac-tus Verbal
Noun). But in a verb like Lat. jnngo the Nasal is extended
throughout the Verb (e. g. ju7ixl,jvnctnm^ § lo)- Similarly the
* Inceptive ' suiRx of cre-sco is properly dropped in cre-viy cre-tum,
but the same suffix is in posco (for ^porc-sco^ I.-Eur. *prk-sko-)
extended to Perf. pdpoitci, &c. Some of the stems which are
included in this section in the list of Present-stems are probably
rather to be called Verb-stems, i. e. extensions of the root by
means of a suffix to denote action, whether continued action,
completed action, or momentary action j for example, the stems
tr6m-, trSs-, formed from the root ter- (O. Ind. tar-al6-, * tremb-
ling ') by means of an M-suffix (Gk. Tptfi-cny Lat. frem-o) and an
S-suffix (Gk. Tp€-((r)-a), Lat. terreo for Hers-eo)^ are rather Verb-
stems than Present-stems, although, for practical purposes, it is
best with a view to completeness to include them in the list of
Present-stem formations.
We have already spoken of the so-called Aorist (i.e. Strong
Aorist) forms of the Latin Verb. Another series of forms is
better considered here than assigned to any definite Tense, viz.
$ 8.] THE VERB. AORIST AND S-STEMS. 461
the S-formations, which receive further treatment in the sections
dealing with the Perfect, Future, Imperfect and Pluperfect Tenses.
A large number of Verb-forms, whose exact relation to each
other has not yet been clearly explained, show the sibilant s in
some shape or other (-ss-, -s-, -es-, &c.). We find an S-sufiix in
the Verb-stem just mentioned, tres-, ' to be afraid, tremble ' (O.
Ind. trasa-ti and tar-dsa-ti, Gk. Tp4((r)(o ; cf . Lat. terreo for ^fer-s-);
and in a stem like auk-s- of Gk. avfco (cf. av^ivio) from the root
aug- (Lat. aMgeo)y this S-suiRx is clearly connected with the
S-§uffix (-es-, -OS-, -S-) of the Noun *augos,*auge8-os Gen. (O.Ind.
ojas, ' strength ' ; cf . Lat. augus-fus like rdfjus-tus, funen-ttis^ ch.
V. § 71), precisely as in Derivative Verbs like Gk. T€A€((r)-a), Pf t.
Pass. reWAecr-Tai, from the Noun t€Aos, Gen. T€Ae(cr)-os; and
this Noun S-sufiix we shall find to be the suffix used in Infinitives
like Lat. agSrS for *ag-es-Y Loc. ^g.^ferre for *bher-s-t Loc. Sg.,
ferri for *bher-s-ai Dat. Sg., Gk. Seifat, &c., which are nothing
but cases of Verbal Nouns. Side by side with Verb-stems with
an S-suffix stand Verb-stems with a sufiix -syo-, e.g. O.
Ind. tra-sya-ti, exactly as Present-stems in -yo- like Lat.
fug-io (stem bhiig-yo-) stand side by side with Present-stems
like Gk. (f)€vy(a (stem bheug-o-).^ This suffix -syo- is how-
ever usually the suffix of the future-stem (e. g. O. Ind.
dek-sya-mi from I.-Eur. deit-, Lith. bii-siu from I.-Eur. bheu-),
but not of the ordinary Greek Futures, e. g. 8f tfo), <^v(ra), ri/xTyo-o),
which are now generally regarded as Subjunctives (the I.-Eur.
Subjunctive had Future, as well as Subjunctive, force, § 55) of
the S-Aorist, the difference between rt/x7}o-ofxcj; Fut., ri/xT^o-co/xei/
Aor. Subj., 8€ifofxfj; Fut., b€l^(jD^i€v Aor. Subj. being explained
by the fact that originally the Subjunctive of the S-Aorist was
Athematic (§ 1), ri/i^(r-o-/uicr, 6€if-o-/xcy (cf. r^laofx^v Hom.), but
afterwards took by analogy of Thematic Subjunctives the long
vowels (i>, 7), and retained its prcper athematic forms only in their
Future Indicative usage. Gk. Tt/utTyo-o), hC^irjaa, &c. must have
had at the first double s, *Tifxr)n-(T(i> (-do-o-o)), irCfxrjaaa (-daaa), for s
between vowels in Greek disappeared when single (e. g. y€W((r)-oy),
and was reduced when double (e. g. cWa from the root eus-, for
*€W(Ta, cf. Lat. h-n, ch. ii. § 129), as in Latin it became/* when
single (e.g. gener-u, quaero), and was reduced in the classical
4^2 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [C1ih>. vm.
period after a long vowel or diphthong (/^.) when doable (e. g.
qua€9o^ older quaenso^ haesi, older hae^si). Gk. riyn^a^y older
-do-o-o), will then correspond to O. Lat. amasso^ Gk. dc^fco to O.
Lat. //2>o and similar forms. We have also Latin forms in 9*
used as Presents, but always with a peculiar sense {^ H- 5), e.g.
laceJfso (cf . lacio, laclo),/ctcesso {ct.yhcio), cdpeMo (cf . eapio)^ incipisso
Plant, (cf. incipio), p^i^sso (cf. peto; in O. loit, pefis^ere^ * saepius
petere' Fest. 250. 19 Th., adj)etissU Accius, Trap, 160 R. ; cf.
petiti), quaeso (cf. qitaero), vlso (cf. video) ; they have sometimes
been called Latin Intensives, and compared with another .S-
formation in which the root is reduplicated, namely^ the De-
sideratives (sometimes with Intensive force) of Sanscrit, e.g.
pf-pa-s-ami, * I wish to drink,' ji-jiva-s-ami, ' I wish to live,'
ip-sami, * I wish to acquire/ and the Reduplicated Futures of
Celtic, such as O. Ir. gigius * rogabo,' gigeste ' orabitis * ; their
Perfects in -ivi, lacessivi, quaesivi (used as Pft. of qttaero), areessivi,
perhaps point to parallel stems in -ss-yo-, *lacessiOj *quaes9io^
*arcesno (cf. the I.-Eur. Fut. in -syo-, Lith. bu-siu beside Gk.
<^v-(r(i>) (on visi, see § 41). Other O. Lat. *-forms (Subjunctive
or rather Optative, § 55), like avrrrfincassiSy servassisy faxis^
used in prayers, wishes, deprecations, &c. (e.g. deos ut fortunas-
sint precor ; Juppiter, prohibessis scelus ; di mactassint), have
been called Latin Precatives, and compared with Sanscrit
Precatives (mt)re usual in the older literature than in classical
* Sanscrit ') such as bhii-yd-s-am from bhu-, ' to be.' These O. Lat.
Fut. and Opt. forms with ** (corresponding to s after a consonant,
faxOyfaxim^ dixo^ dlxlm) are mostly found in Verbs of the first
Conjugation, -asao, -assim^ Inf. -assere^ but sometimes in Verbs
of the second, e. g. prohibessis^ jirohlhessint. They do not occur
in the Aorist (Preterite) Indicative usage of Gk. hCfirjaa (-dcrcra),
kfi>iKr](Ta {'r}(r(ra) in Latin ; but, if Umbro-Oscan tt is rightly
interpreted as the equivalent of I.-Eur. ss (cf. Att. irpiTTO) for
-Trpan-a-o), this o-o being a Greek development of Ky), they do
occur in this usage in the other Italic languages, Osc. terem-
nattens * terminaverunt,' quasi *terminassunt, prufatted ' pro-
bavit,' quasi *probas8it, duunated * douavit ' quasi *donassit.
Pel. coisatens ' curaverunt ' and so on (all the examples preserved
belong to the first Conjugation).
$ 8.] THE VERB. AORIST AND S-STEMS. 463
So far we have found evidence of Verb-forms with ss after
a vowel, 8 affcer a consonant, used as Aorists, Futures [in the
Future use often with -(s)syo- for -(s)so-], Precatives, &c., as well
as of Verb-stems with a suffix consisting of a single s (e. g.
*tres- the stem of Gk. rp^w), a suffix perhaps identical with the
S -suffix of Verbal Nouns. It is therefore a natural inference to
explain the formations with double s as due to the addition of
some S-suffix to a Verb-stem already composed by means of an
S-suffix, so that Latin amasso would be resolved into aniasso^
and possibly dixo into deic-s-so, (On dixo however, see § .55 ;
Greek Locatives Plural also like Svpdai offer an original -ss-,
which after a consonant appears as -s-, e. g. <^vAa£i).
This additional S-suffix may be the same as that which seems
to show the form -Ss- in Latin Future Perfects like vid-ero,
amav-ero^ dix-ero, and Pluperfects like vid-eram, amav-eram,
dix-eram, and which has been identified, plausibly enough, with
the Substantive verb, es-, ' to be ' (it appears in the form s in
ama-rem, fer-rem, cu/e-rem, &c.), though some regard it as the
suffix -es- of Noun-stems, comparing vid-ero to Gk. ci8^(o-)(o,
viderimns Subj. to Gk. €lh€(a)ifi€v Opt., and these to Gk. clSos,
-e((r)-os (similarly ferrem^ agerem, &c. to feire^ agere). Others
make it not only -es- but -is- or -as- (ch. iv. § 3), comparing
md-eram to O. Ind. d-ved-isam, dixeravi to O. Ind, Aorists with
-sis- such as akSisur 3 PI., and identify this -is- or -as-, as well as
-es-, with the suffix of Noun S -stems (e. g. O. Ind. roci|- N.,
Gk. y^pas, BifiLs-, Lat. ctnis)^ and further with Latin -w- of
aynav-is-tis, afnav-is-sem, amav-isse, although the i in these Latin
Perfect-forms may be merely an example of the continuation of
the vowel of the i Sg. Ind., &c. of the Perfect throughout the
declension of this Tense, as Gk. Setfat/xt, 5f tfciro), &c. continue
the a of ib€i(a (see §§ 67, 52, 39). The Umbro-Oscan Future
forms, e. g. Osc. didesi ' dabit,' Umbr. ferest * feret ' point to
the vowel having been originally e, for the Latin weakening of
unaccented vowels is almost unknown in Umbro-Oscan.
Another moot point in the analysis of the Latin Verb is the
explanation of what the Roman grammarians regarded as con-
tracted forms, such as atnassem beside amuvissem^ amasfis beside
amavistut^ amaruni, amarOy and amarim beside amavenmty amavero.
464 THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
and awaverim, and also such as invassem beside invdsmeni, dixem
beside dixissem^ dixti and dixtu beside dixisti and dixi^fis. There
is nothing in the laws of Latin Phonetics to prevent the Con-
traction Theory from being right; aiulivmem would become
attdissem as naturally as si vis became sis, obUvisci became oblUci
(Plant.), divmv^, dtnifs (Plant.) (see ch. iv. § 70) ; invasissem would
become invassem by that Roman practice of discarding one of
two similar neighbouring syllables which reduced *arciciibii to
arcudii, Restituius to Restutm (see ch. iii. § 13. p. 176). Thus
although the comparison of amassem (E-Subj. like amem) with
amassim (Opt. like sim, O. Lat. siem), dixem with dixo and dixim,
aviarim with aviarem is a very natural one, it cannot be said that
the evidence is at present strong enough to warrant us in
relinquishing the old explanation.
Indeed the evidence to be derived from the usage of Plautus
and the other Dramatists is all the other way, for we find that
Plautus and Terence treat these shorter forms exactly as they
treat forms that are indubitably contracted, \\\iQJnrgo iromjurigo
(ch. iii. § 13); in the older poet the two are used side by side, in
the later the contracted have ousted the uncontracted, the latter
being used only at the end of a line, i. e. only through metrical
necessity. (For statistics, see §§ 48, 49.)
§ 4. ' Strong Aorist ' forms in Latin. Beside the Nasalized Present-stem
Uhig- of tango^ attingo we find a stem tcig- in O. Lat. In the Dramatists aUigasj
attigatis (only in prohibitions) are not uncommon, e. g. Plant. Bacch. 445 ne
attigais pucrum istac causa (cf. Xon. 75. a6 M.). A lamp discovered in the
very ancient Esquiline burying-ground bears the inscription : ne atigas. non
sum tua. M. sum {Ann. Inst, 1880, p. 260). In the simple verb we have, e. g.
si iagit^ nisi tagam in Pacuvius {Tiag. 344 and 165 K.) (forms compared to
con-tigif, at-tigit by Festus 540. 37 M.), and probably fago in Plant Mil, 19a :
remorare : abeo. Neque t^ remoror neque t^ tago neque te— ^tiiceo.
Similarly beside the Nasalized Present-stem toln- of toUOf attcilo (cf. affero,^
abstoUo (cf. ai{fero) we have atttHaSt abshilasy &c. (or in the older spelling attokUf
abstolas) in prohibitions in the Dramatists, e. g. Novius, Com. 87 R. dotem ad
nos nullam attulas ; Pacuv. Trag. aa8 R. :
custodite istunc uos: ne uim qui ilttolat, neu qui ^ttigat,
and in the simple verb nisi tulat (Accius, Trag. ids R).
Beside the Present-stem formed with the suffix -yo- (§ 15), rSnic-y we find
a stem rtn- without this suffix in the compounds etenat, advenat, pervencU^ &c.
(e. g. Plant, metuo ne aduenat, priusquam peruenat, utinam euenat, quomodo
§§ 4, 5.] THE VERB. AORIST AND S-STEMS. 465
cuenat, &c.) These Aor. forms aeem to occur only at the end of a lino (the
same indeed is generally^.but not always, true of attigasj attidas, kc), and so
are licences of which the Dramatic Poets availed themselves under metrical
necessity. They have been also referred to a suppression of the i (y) of
ev€7iiat, &c,, like that of i (y) in dbicio (the scansion of the Dramatists) and
possibly augur{i)a of Accius (see ch. ii. § 50), on the plea that the Aor. -stem
would be vem-f for the n is produced from m under the influence of the
following consonantal i {y), *rgm-yo (^I.-Eur. *^Sm-yo-, Gk. 0aivcj for *fiaf4y<u)
becoming ren-yo, v^iOj as quom-jam became qu5niam (ch. iv. § 73). The root is
yHem- (cf. Goth, qiman, * to come '). Similarly beside pario, to give birth to,
we have parentes. Beside the Reduplicated Present ffi-gn-o from the root gen-,
we have an 0. Lat. Present geno (cf. Priscian, i. 528. 25 H.) of the common type
of fero (root bher-), reAo (root wegh-), sequor (root seq«-) (see § 6). This form of
the Pi*e8ent is frequent in Varro (e. g. R. R. ii. a. 19 nam et pingues facit
facillime et genit lacte ; ib. i. 31. 4 antequam genat ; Men, 35 B. quod
genunt), and occurs in the testamentary formula *■ si mihi Alius genitur ' (Cic.
I)e Orat. ii. 4a. 141) (see Gorges, Lex. Wortf. s. v. for examples of the word).
It was a moot point among Latin grammarians whether in the phrase of the
XII Tables wi rrx pacvnt, the last word was 3 Plur. of a verb ^^jxkoo (whence
pdciscor ; but cf. § 28), or with the old usage of writing c both for c and for g^
of a verb pago (an unnasalized form of pango ; cf. pSpigt) (see ch. i. § 6). (On
riidenieSj the ropes of a ship, see below, § 6.)
§ 6. O. I<at. forms with -as- (-8-). The forms in '{8)80 1 Sg. may be called
Future-Perfects ; thus /oxo corresponds to f^cSro in Plant. /r. 6a W. :
peribo si non f^cero, si faxo uapuUbo,
Capi, 695 pol si istuc faxis, hand sine poena feceris ; but they are often used
in the Dramatists, as the ordinary Fut. Perf. is also used, in the sense of
a Future, e. g. Plaut. Poen, 888 nisi ero uni meo indicasso, * I will tell my
master only ' (see Neue, ii^ p. 548). They have an Inf. in •asere, e. g. hoc
credo me impetrassere, ilium confide me reconciliassere, and occur sometimes
in the Passive Voice in laws, e. g. mercassitur (C. J. L. i. aoo. 71) ; faxitur in an
old Rogatio mentioned by Livy, xxii. 10. 6 : si antidea senatus populusque
iusserit fieri, ac faxitur ; turbassiiur in a law in Cicero, De Legg, iii. 4. 1 1 ; cf.
uti iussitur, ' as shall be ordei'ed,' Cato R. R. xiv. i.
The forms in '(s)siin i Sg. have never a refei'ence to past time like the
oixlinary Perfect Subjunctive ; contrast, for example, Plaut. Capt. la^ uisam
ne nocte hac (*last night*) quippiam turbauerint, with Pacuvius, Trag. a97 R.
precor ueniam petens Ut quae ^gi, ago, vel dxim uerruncent bene (see A. L. L.
ii. aa3) ; they are frequent in Plautus, who normally uses cave dixis, cave
faxisy &c., and not (except at the end of a line, i.e. for metrical convenience)
care dixeris^ cave feceris, &c. (after ne only dixeris, &c.), but are much less fre-
quent in Terence. They are generally used by Plautus in the protasis of
a conditional sentence (except ausim^ faximy which are found in the main
clause), e. g. Aid, aa8 si locassim, and similarly in old laws, e. g. the Lex
Numae(ap. Fest. 194. 21 Th.) : si hominem fulminibus occisit ; we find them
also in wishes, e.g. Plaut. A\jd. 50 utinam me diui addxint ad susp^ndium, in
prayers, as in the Augural Prayer (quoted by Festus, 5a6. 1 1 Th.) : bene sponsis
beneque uoluens, and with ne in deprecations, e.g. Plaut. Mast, 1097 ne
occupassis opsecro aram, and expressions of anxiety, e.g. Plaut. Bacch, 598 :
Hh
466 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VTII.
mihi cautiost
ne nucifrangibula excussit ex mails me is.
These usages mark the forms in '(s)sim as the Optative Mood of the forms in
'(8)so. This -(«)«- formation appears in Vowel Verbs almost only in the first
Conjugation, though we find in the second prohibessiU prohibessitit and prottibessis
occasionally, cohibessit (Lucr. iii. 444), licessii (Plaut. Asin. 603), &c., while for
the fourth ambiasit ^MSS. ambisset) in the (un-Plautine?) prologue of the Am-
phitrno of Plautus, 1. 71, is quoted. In Terence these forms of Vowel Verbs
are very rare, e. g. appdlassis^ Phorm. 74a. In Consonant-stems of the third
Conjugation they are found in poetry of all periods {/axim and ausim even in
prose' ; examples are (Labials) capao, accepso, incepsitj (Gutturals) axim, taxbn^
insexifj noocity (Dentals) baesis (C.G.L. ii. 27. 55), tticensit, (Nasals) empsim,
surempsit (Fest.). [For other instances, see Neue, ii*. 539 sqq. ; essis of
the MSS. of Nonius (aoo. 30 M.) in a lino of Accius [Trag, (Praet) 16 R.],
quoted as an example of Mstra F. : cdstra hae<; uestra est : opt i me essis m^ri-
tus a nobisj seems a miswriting of escis (cf. below, § 33. 5) ; adessint of the Lex
Rept»tundarum {C, I. L. i. 198. L 63) may stand for ad-essent (cf. ch. vi. § 33) ;
uioUisit (C. I. L. xi. 4766, witli anun) and similar forms with s for sa belong to
the perio<l when double consonants were written single (ch. i. § 8)].
§ 6. A. Present^, (l) With £-grade of root and Thematic
Vowel. Examples are of E-roots : I. -Eur. *8Sq-6-, *sSq-e-,
Mid., * to be following' (O. Ind. sdca-te 3 Sg., Gk. iTto-fxai,
O. Ir. sechur, Lith. sekti Act.), Lat. seqnor ; I.-Eur. *wegh6-,
*weghg-, ' to be carrying ' (O. Ind. v&ha-mi, Pamphyl. Gk. f €xa>(?),
Lith. ve^ti, O. SI. vez^, Goth, ga-viga, ' I move '), Lat. reho.
Of ET-roots: I.-Eur. *bheidho-, *bheidhg-, 'to be trusting'
(Gk. TTct^o-ftai, Goth, beida, * I abide *), Lat. fldo from O, Lat.
feulo'y I.-Eur. *deik8-, *deikS-, 'to be showing, indicating*
(Goth, ga-teiha, Germ, zeige), Lat. dico from O. Lat. deico ;
I.-Eur. *meigh6-, *meigh6- (O. Ind. meha-mi, O. Engl, mige),
Lat. meio. Of. EU-roots : I.-Eur. ♦deuX'o-, *deuX-§-, ' to be lead-
ing, drawing' (Goth, tiuha, Germ, ziehe), Lat. duco^ O. Lat.
douco for *deu/"o (ch. iv. § 37) ; I.-Eur. *eu86-, *eu8e-, * to be
burning, singeing' (O. Ind. 6sa-mi, Gk. ({fw for *cWa)), Lat. uro,
O. Lat. ^onro from *euso ; I.-Eur. *plewo-, *plew^-, * to be flow-
ing, sailing, swimming' (O. Ind. pldva-tc 3 Sg. Mid., Gk. TT\4{F)ai,
O. SI. plov^ for *plew-), Lat. plno from O. Lat. plovo (cf. Fest.
330. 29 Th. * pateram perplovere ' in sacris cum dicitur, significat
pertusam esse ; so plovebat^ Petron. 44. p. 30, i B.). (The form
plvo is proper to Compounds, e. g. perpltio, ch. iii. § 24.)
* For a fuller li8t of examples of see Job, h Pttsent et ses deiires dwi$ la
the various Present-stem formationft, cotijugaifum latine, Paris*, 1893.
§§ e-8.] THE VERB. PRESENT-STEMS. * 467
The weak grade of the root, which in Greek appears with the
accent on the suffix^ and with the Aorist sense (e. g. Tpairelv Aor.
but rp^'TTcti; Pres., inOdadai Aor. but TrelSccrOai Pres,, irvdiaOai
Aor. but ireiSca-Oai Pres.), has sometimes encroached on the Pres.-
stem, e.g. Dor. Gk. rpiiro) beside Att. rpcTrco, Gk. y\v<l>(»} beside
I.-Eur. *^leubh6- (Lat. fflubo, O. H. G. chliubu, Engl, cleave).
Similarly Lat. riulo (O. Ind, ruda-mi) beside rudo (O. H. G. riuzu)
seems to show *r(id6- beside *reud6-, so that rttdenles, the ropes
of a ship, lit. * the rattlers,' ' roarers,' might be called an ' Aorist '
participle (§ 4). [In Plautus we have rMentes^ Bud. 10 15 mftte
rudent^m, sceleste, as 'rudo in Persius, iii, 9 Arcadiae pecuaria
riidere credas. The Pft. nidivi (Apuleius) and Verbal Noun ru-
dUu9 point to a Pres.-stem *riid-y6-, Wkefugio^ § 15.]
Examples of Verbs which have not an E-root are : rddo^ I am
going (the weak grade vad- is seen in vddum, a ford) ; caedo, from
older caido, I.-Eur. (s)kaidh- (Goth, skaida, cf. Engl, water-
shed) ; ai/Oy I.-Eur. *^6 (O. Ind. &ja-mi, Gk. iyoa, M. Ir.
agaim, &c. ; the strong stem ag- is seen in Lat. amb-dges, &c.) ;
scabo, to scrape, I.-Eur. skabh- (Goth, skaba, * I shave ' ; the
strong stem skabh- perhaps appears in Perf . scdbi ; see § 39).
§ 7. other examples. Lat. tego (Gk. ar4yca) ; rego (Gk. 6-p4yca) ; lego (Gk.
A^7a>). Like 0. Lat. ntrit, beside ninguity for *(s)neigh!ld- (Zend sna^^aiti, Gk.
VCI0CI, Lith. dial. sn9ga) is 0. Lat. ftvo for *dheighS6-(?) (Lith. d^gia Intr.),
for which figo ^as afterwards substituted by Analog of fixi, &c. The form
with r which, we are told, was used by Cato [Paul. Fest. 65. 19 Th. * fivere '
(apud Catonem) pro figere], reappears in the derivative /?&uia for *fivi-bula (cf.
fixut-ae^ Paul. Fest. 64. 7 Th. * fixulas,* fibulas). (Lith. dygus however points
to *dhlgh96-, and we have >?^i«r, not/et- on the S. C. Bacch.).
O. Lat. amploctor (veteres immutaverunt ^ amploctor ' crebro dictitantes,
Diom. 384. 8 K.), e.g. Liv. Andr. Odyas.:
utrum gdnua ampl6ctens uirginem ordret,
may take its 0 from a Derivative Noun (cf. toga from tegOy ch. iv. § 5a, and see
below, § 33. 3). The 0 of cSquo for *qui'qud (0. Ind. pac-, Gk, wiaacj^ O. SI.
pek%) has been similarly referred to the influence of cdqutu,
§ 8. Weak grade of root. Verio is in O. Lat. vcrto (Plant., &c.), so that
instead of showing the vowel & of I.-Eur. *w6rt-o (0. Ind. v^rtate 3 Sg. Mid.,
Goth, vairjja, ' I become *), it seems to show the o of the Perfect, O. Lat.
writ iwith weak-grade of stem, wrt-, as in O. Ind. va-vrt-fi Perf. Mid.) and the
P. P. P., 0. Lat. vorsus for *wit-to (0. Ind. vrt-ti-). But in Umbr. we find
vert- in the Present, vort' in the Perfect and Verbal Noun, ku-vertu, co-rertu
* convertito,' ku-vurtus, *converteris,' co-rorf*«, rorsMwi Ace. nXlBpcv. The O.
Lat. spelling vorfo is in all probability a mere matter of spelling ; the Present
H h 2
468 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIII.
was always pronounced with e^ verto, but at the time when vo- had come to be
pronounced re- (see ch. iv. § lo), it was occasionally spelt (not pronounced)
vorto. 0. Lat. rorro for Herso {O. H. G. wirru, * verwirre ') may be similarly
explained. In Gk. yl-yy-o-fuu Pres., l'y(v-6-fjirfv Aor. we find the E-root
relegated to the Preterite, while a modification of the root by Beduplication
is assigned to the Present (see next paragraph). In 0. Lat. and 0. Ind.,
however, the E-form, gen-, appears also as a Present-stem (0. Lat. genunt^
O. Ind. jdn-a-ti 3 Sg.) (see §§ 3-4). Similarly, Lat. peto is regarded by some as
originally an Aorist-stem, the Present-stem being formed with the -Y6-suffiz
(§ 15, » *P€tio I Sg., whence the Perfect petiri.
Other examples of the unaccented verb-form of a Latin Compound asserting
itself in the uncompounded verb are : cliido for clavdo (see ch. iL § 36) ; luo for
lavo (Sil. Ital. xL 2a) ; spicio^ sico for apfcio, tteco (see ch. ii. § la). ,For additional
instances, e. g. plicOf see Solmsen, Stud, Laufg. p. 130.)
§ 9. (2) With reduplicated root. Latin exaroples are :
ffifffio [I.-Eur. *glf-gn6-, *gl-gn-e from root gen-, which also
occurs with Them. Vow. as a Pres.-stem in O. Ind, and O. Lat.
(§§ 3~4)> ^^' ylyifofiai], bibo for *pibo (ch. iv. § 163) (I.-Eur. *pY-
b5-, *pT-bS-, O. Ind. piba-ti 3 Sg., O. Ir. ibi-d ; cf . Faliscan pipa-
fo Fut.), sisto (I.-Eur. *st-8to-, *st-ste- from root sta-, O. Ind.
tistha-ti 3 Sg.), 9l(lo for ^stsdo (ch. iv. § 151) (I.-Eur. *s!-zd6-,
*st-zdS- from root sed-, O. Ind. sfda-ti 3 Sg. for *sisd-, Umbr.
ander-sistu ^ intersidito ' Imper., for *sisd(e)-t6d). Often these
Reduplicated Present-stems belong to the Athematic Conjugation,
e.g. Gk. laTTj'fii for *si-sta-mt (O. H. G. ^esto-m), beside Lat. »islo,
O. Ind. ti|tha-mi ; and Latin sisthmiSy sisfttis correspond as well
with the Greek lard-ficv, tora-re, as with the thematic forms.
Similarly Gk. tT/fx? (I.-Eur. *st-se-, athematic) is in Latin thematic
in siro for ^si-so^ though seri-mu^, seri-tis may be equally referred
to athematic *sis«- as to thematic *sis6-, *sisS- ; I.-Eur. *dt-do-,
athematic (Gk. dtSoa-fxi, O. Ind. ddda-mi) has in Latin lost its
reduplication, except in red<io^ if this stands for re-'d(i)d'0 as rep^
j)uli, repperi for re-'p{e)jjuli, re-p(e)periy but not in Umbro-Oscan
(Pelign. dida * det,' Umbr. dirsa pronounced *dtda ?). All these
Latin examples reduplicate with the vowel Y, and most belong to
roots ending in a long vowel. Some Greek Aorist-stems show
this reduplication with the vowel 6, e. g. l-Trec^ro-r from root <^6v-,
^-k^kAc-to from root kcA-, 7rc7rW-«tfv from root Trctd-, irtirvO-oiTo
from root Trevd-, by analog}' of which the spurious Presents iriiPvco^
KCKAofxat have been formed. Short e is also the Reduplication -
vowel of the Perfect-stem (see § 39).
§§ 9, 10.] THE VERB. PRESENT-STEMS. 469
§ 10. (d) With root nasalused. Of the ten conjugations under
which the Hindu grammarians have classified the Sanscrit verb,
three are assigned to these nasalized Present-stems, one (the
seventh conjugation) showing a nasal infix, I.-Eur, -ne-, varying
with -n-, e.g. yii-n^j-mi i Sg., y(i-n-j-mds 1 PI., jrurak-t^
3 Sg. Mid. (Lat. ju-n-go), from the root yuj- (I.-Eur. yeug-),
the other two showing a nasal affix, viz. the ninth conjugation
with -na- varying with a weak grade (O. Ind. -ni-), e. g.
str-na-mi 1 Sg., str-ni-mfis i PL, str-ni-te 3 Sg. Mid. (Lat.
iter-no), and the fifth conjugation with I.-Eur. -neu- (O. Ind.
-no-) varying with -nii-, e.g. r-no-mi i Sg., r-nii-m&s i PL,
r-nii-te 3 Sg Mid. (Gk. op-vv-fii). In Greek the type of Present
corresponding to the Sanscrit seventh conjugation has only -n-,
never -ne-, and has been usually modified by the addition either
of a nasal affix, e.g. not *\lf-/ut-7ra) (Lat. It-n-quo) but Al)i-7r-((i;a) (so
TV'y'\'avmy ka-v-B'-avoi, &c.), or of the -Y0-, -YE- suffix, e. g.
K\d((o for *K\ayy-yo) (cf . i-KKay^a) (Lat. clango) ; the Sanscrit
ninth conjugation is represented by aKCb-vri-fii 1 Sg., (rKCh-vd-ficp
I PL, a-Kib'vd'fiai Mid., irlT-vrj-fn 1 Sg., irCT-m-fiev I PL, irLT-vd"
fiat Mid., &c. ; the Sanscrit fifth conjugation by dy-inJ-ftt i Sg.,
iy-vv ^€v I PL, iy-inJ-ftat Mid., a-K^bivvvfiij Trcrirwfit, &c. In
Sanscrit all these nasalized stems belong to the Athematic Con-
jugation, though we have thematic byforms like 3 Sg. yunjdti,
rnvdti ; but in Greek the first type mentioned is always thematic,
e. g. Aiftiraro), the others occasionally, e.g. ttiti/cIo), bafivd<o (byforms
of irlrvrffiL, ddjun/ry/jii), l(T\av6,<a, &C., arpcavvva}^ Tpuiviwo), dpivia for
SpivFo), &c., while we have another type with -v^ta, e. g. iKvio^ai,
vT^ifrxvio^iy KLvi<»>, The discrepancy between Greek and Sanscrit,
the two languages in which these nasalized stems have been
most fully preserved, makes it difficult to determine the original
I.-Eur. types of nasalization (see /. F, ii. pp. 285 sqq.). In
default of a better classification, we may arrange the Latin
nasalized Presents in two classes, according as the nasal presents
the appearance of a nasal infix or a nasal affix.
i. With nasal infix, e.g. R-n-quo (O. Ind. rl-ni-c-mi 1 Sg.,
ri-n-c-mAs 1 PL, Pruss. po-linka,* he remains'; cf. Gk. Xljuwrcli/ft)),
from root leiq-- (Gk. Ac^tto), Lith. leki, Goth, leihva, ' I lend,'
(jerm. leihe) ; JVn-do (O. Ind. bM-nd-d-mi) from root bheid-
470 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap, VIH.
(Goth, beita, ^ I bite '). The variation of ,-ne- and -n- seen in
O. Ind. ri-nd-c-mi i Sg., ri-n-c-mds i PL, is not seen in other
languages, where the weak grade -n- is used throughout. The
Latin Presents conquiniscar (Perf. conqu^xvs), to stoop, and
ipo88ih\yfrunUcor{ci.fructns),to enjoy, do however perhaps show
the fuller suffix -nS- combined with the Inceptive suffix -s^ (§ 22),
if 'uiscor stands for -fi^-scor, with loss of c (p) in the group
'CSC- asin disco for ^dtc-sco (ch. iv. § 157), and with i by analogy
of other Inceptives (see § 28) ; and Gk. icv-r^-(o-)-(o, Aor. l-zciw-a,
may do the same. These forms with nasal infix are often
augmented by the YO-suffix (§ 15), e.g. Gk. 7rrfo-<ro) for *7rTfr<r-^a>,
TrXafo), to beat, for *7rA.ayy-^a) (cf. l-7rA.ay^a), KKi^ta for *icAayy-jf<»
(cf. €-KA.ay^a), Lith. jung-iu, beside Lat pinso, phngo, clango^
and jvngo ; and so in Lat. pinsiOy sancio (cf . sdc-er), viucio (from
the root vyek-). English examples of nasal infix are : * I spring,'
from *spr-n-gh6, from the root spergh- (Gk. (r-nipypiMi) ; * I
wring,' from the root wergh- (Lith. ver2-iu, * I squeeze ').
(* I stand ' belongs to a rare type of I.-Eur. Present-stem in
-NT, on which see Osthoff in VersammL Philolog, xxi. p. 300.)
ii. With nasal affix. I.-Eur. l¥-na- (O. Ind. l!-na-mi, Gk.
At-ra-fiaf TpiiToixai Hesych., O. Ir. iSnim, ' I cling to, follow,' O.
Scand. lina, ' I grow weak ') is Lat. Pi-no, from a root lei-, so that
the I.-Eur. affix -na- has been lost in Latin (unless lino represents
*li-'7id-d), and only its weak grade (O. Ind. -ni-, Gk. -vd-) remains,
e.g. Ci-ni-mus (Gk. *\i-i;a-/ut«^). The -wtf- of aspemdri (beside
spenio), consterudre, to terrify (beside constenio, to strew) (but of.
ch. iii. § 19), decllndre and ificltndre (beside Gk. K\tv(a), desdndre
(beside Gk. crriLvta and crraviia) cannot quite be identified with
I.-Eur. -na- (O. H. G. spor-no-n, O. Ind. str-na-ti 3 Sg.,0. Sax.
hli-no-n ; cf. O. H. G. stomen, * to be astonished; hlinen), for
the same d appears in compounds of other than nasal-stems, e. g.
occupdre (beside capere)^ proflgdre (beside fligere) (see § 32), and
the 'Ind- of la-n-c-ind-re (cf. Idc-er), coqu-iyid-re (cf. cdqiw), which
indeed suggests comparison rather with Gk. -dvo- of Ai-/ui-ir-(iif»,
hfjLapT-iv(o, &c., than with Gk. -yd- of a-Kib-vrj-fiLj 7rfr-i;Tj-/uti, seems
to show the -a- (I.-Eur. -ay6-)*of Derivative Verbs (§ 32), like
sarctttatus from sarcma (a Derivative with nasal suffix from sarcioj
stsf acinus from f acio),rmiclnare iroia ninchia,pdginaretTOTa pdg/^na^
§§ U, 12.] THE VERB. PRESENT-STEMS. 47 1
or nof/iifiare from noniefi (cf. destina, a prop). The I.-Eur. aflix
-neu-, -nil- has left very few traces in Latin: ^ter-nu-o (Gk.
Trrrfp-w-fxat), mUnu-o (O. Ind. ml-no-mi ; ef . Gk. fxt-vv-dto),
probably for *ml-new-o, &c. (ef. de7iuo for de *new6d, ch. iii.
§ 24). English examples of nasal affix are ' I spurn,' ' I shine '
(Goth, skei-na), * I fiU ' (with 11 for In).
By rule the Nasalization should be confined to the Present
Tense, and not extended to other than Present forms: e.g.
li'?i-quo^ re-tiqniy re-lic-tus ; ^rt-n-o^ H-vi, si-tus. But it pervades
the whole verb in some cases, e. g. jufig0yjunxi^junctn9.
The weak grade of the root is proper to all these Nasalized
Present-stems, e. g. jnngo from root yeug-, tino from root lei-,
mi-nU'O from root mei-.
§ 11. other examples of nasal infix. Lat. ruym-po (O. Ind. lu-m-p^i), from
root reup- (O. Engl. berGofe, Engl. I bereave) ; pi-n-so (O. Ind. p!-nil-$-mi ; cf.
Gk. nriaoea for *imvayoj, Lat. pinsio) ; sd-n-do (O. Ind. ch!-nil-d-mi) ; fungor
(O. Ind. bhu-ni-j-mi) ; li-ri'goj from root leigh- (Gk. X€ix«) (cf. O. H. G. leochOm,
from '^ligh-nA-mi) ; p(-n-co, from root weik- (Goth, veiha, * I fight') ; cZa-n-sfo
(O. Scand. hlakka ; cf. Gk. KkayydyoD, K\d(ofAcu), from root klag- (Llth. klag^ti,
' to cackle *) ; pre-he^n-do (Alb. ^cndem, * I am found,' Lett, gldu, * I appre-
hend, perceive,' for *gendu ; cf. Gk. xaoft&^o)^ x^*^^^!*"^ "Fvit. for *x«»'8-o'o/iai),
from root ghed- (Engl, get, Lat. praeda for *pr(ie-hed'a) ; dt-s^-n-^o (Goth.
Mtigqa, *I thrust' ; cf. Lith. st^ngiu), from the rootsteig^- (0. Ind. t4jat6, ' is
sharp' ; cf. Lat. in-sligare) ; e-m^n-go (O. Ind. munc^ti, 'he releases,' Lett,
muku, * I escape,' for *munku) ; fi^n-go (O. Ir. dengaim, • I fasten *), from
root dheigh- (Goth, deiga) ; iu^n-do (PfL tu-tii-di) ; pu^n-go (Pft. pu-pHg-i) ; ac-
cu-m-bo (cf. ciibarej Pft. aC'Cub'Ui) ; td-n-go (Pft. te-tig-ij for *1e'iAg»i^ Gk. r^ra-^) ;
la-m-ho (cf. lab-ium) ; ri-n'giyr (0. SI. r^g-n^, augmented by -no-), beside rictus,
§ 12. Betention of Nasal throughout the Tenses. Like >un^,,;u»m, junctum
(with possibly a Neuter Noun jungusy -eris, ' a team/ like Gk. ((vyos, in Plant.
Men. 913 : n6n potest haec r6s ellebori iiingere optin6rier),
we have pungo, pmictum (but pupugi ; Priscian says the Perf. of repungo is
rqyunxif like expunxi^ or repupugif i. 534. 13 H.) ; distinguo, distinxij distitictum ;
Jinyoyfinxi [hut Jictum ; fnctunij Ter. Eun. 104) ; plango, planxi, planetum ; emungoy
emumcij emunctum; lingo, linxi, linctum; fungor, fundus [but on plebeian inscrip-
tions defuctiis (C. i. L, ii. 4173), like sactus, e. g. sactissimae (vi. 15511, v. 6580),
whence the Welsh loanword saith beside sant ; nactus and vuinctus are equally
good spellings, see Georges, Lex, Wortf, s. v.]. Spellings in MSS. like corrump-
tm (Neue, ii''. 560), relinqui, Perf., are due to the same confusion. When the
stem is extended by the YO-sufiix, the n is retained, e. g. vincio, vtnxt, rtncfum,
from root vyek-, beside vinco, vici, victum from root weik-, satKtus from sancio.
Of roots ending in a dental we have e. g. from (undo, hinsus and (post- Aug.)
tustis, and the grammarians speak of a Perf. tunsi (Georges, s. v.) ; but the
dropping of n before s in pronunciation makes it doubtful how far the nasal
was really present in such forms (see ch. ii. § 66 on tkensawr^is for $rjff<wp6s ;
cf. tnensus from met tor).
472 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Gte^vm.
§ 13, Other examples of luwal afiz. Let. fp<ni'> O. H. 6. ffr-^iMmi-t 3
npUfTiu,, with P^rf. jf^r^-n, am r-rrno Perf. crff-ri cf. Gk, rc/nr-ae. I-t^ #y ; ;
O, lAt, fU^ntrt 'dfoipiHUre, PauL Feet. 50. 36 Th. : cfl GL Fbilox. d«ganei>e :
6mirf*0jan^ni ttal trvYfrSf^oi) for •de-goe-nere fr^-m root 8ea«- Gk. 7«r^e •■.
Goth, kiusa, Enj^ I chooae'^ ; ajy-peHdn end «*n-/iirfl!iir< for '-pti-mS-n ^Gk. eiX-
p^i'fMu^ I k\fprtmchf O. Ir. edHrlleim . beside p^lUrt, to strike: the Compoond-
%t<;fn with -nA^ heb e peculiar seiMe aliio in dt-sti-fy'i-n, prat^sR-mA-rt^ iHiich in
FlantijH are iiM.-d for * to buy.' e.g. M<0tt, 646 quid, ees quenti destinet*:
Gapt. 848 alium piMsiii priest inatum abire (cf. Arm. ste-ne-m. *IpoaBees. baj"^.
tAfUfi-ria'rt:, to wtickle for, PUut. A%U. 967 :
id inhiat, ee affinitetem henc ob&tinanit gratia.
wh<'nr:e iiiMinaiuM ; there ia a glowt, gndinvnda 0aii(owraj C. G. L. ii. 36. 10.
§ 14. Other Verb-atema with n. From Xaaalized Present-stems we must
diHtinguiHh (i^ O. Lat. formn of the 3 Plur. Pres. Ind. like dany$U, expt^nnnt
prtfthnunty on which 8ee § 73 ; (a Derivative A- Verbs from Noun and Adjec-
tive Nai«aI-HtemH : e. g. r^nr/r, 'dri from a Noun *opton-. connected withpm«</-
(jf/itrnt (MH8. praedotiont) 'praeoptant' of the Carmen Saliare .Fest. 244.
13 Th., t/iHiOf fjplftrt;, &,c. ; festinOf -fire ; rw/ptiior, -arif to use the wiles of a fox
^ Vnrro, Men. 337 B.) ; audidnoTj -dri ; contHmor^ -dri ; sarcino, -dn ; fwmino, -dn
(ftee aIkivo; ; (3; Verba in which the nasal belongs to the root, e. g. tenfio,
formiHl from the root ten- by means of the suffix d (§ 33) ; frendo similarly
for frem'd'O ; offendOf d^tfendo from the root fjhSen-, *to strike' (Gk. 9uvw for
Th(f verli pando is of doubtful origin. Some make it a nasalized form like
urula (cf. Lith. vand2 beside Goth. vatO, Engl, water ; 0. Ind. udin- beside
(}k. 08a;/)) ; others make it a word-group, *patem-do, lit. *I make opening,'
like rendo and v9num do [Osc. patensins ' aperiront ' (?) has also been variously
explained]. Mando, to chew, if connected with Gk. fiaadofiai for *futTiao/tai (?),
will \w a parallel formation.
§ 15. With suffix -Y6-, -1y6-. Like the Noun-suffix -y5-,
-Ty5- (eh. v. § 4) this varies with -yS-, -tye- or with -1-. Owing
to the weakening of vowels in unaccented syllables in Latin, it
iH (lifli(;ult to ascertain the exact form of the suffix in the
various iHjrsons of the Present Tense ; but the analogy of other
languugCH points to a declension like this of those Presents in
which -yft- varied with -1- : i Sg. ^ciip-yd, 2 Sg. cup-i-^^ 3 Sg.
cifjj-i-fj 1 PL *cup-y6'mo9i 2 PL ^cup-i-tes^ 3 PL ^cup-yo-nt (see
Brugmann, GrundrisSy ii. § 702).
Two classes of Present-stems with the YO-suffix stand out
very clearly, though they occasionally overlap :
i. With E-grade of root and accent on the root, e. g. Lat.
Hfi^C'io (O. Ind. pd§-ya-ti, Zend sj>as-ye-iti, Gk. a-Kimofiat for
*<rK€7r-jfo-fJia().
§§ 13-15.] THE VERB. PRESENT-STEMS. 473
ii. With weak grade of root and accent on the sufQx, e. g.
Lat. mdr-iar for *mr-yor (O. Ind. mr-iyd-te 3 Sg.), vSnio for
*g"m-yo (O. Ind.gam-yi-te, Gk. 0alv(a ior^pm-yia). To the second
belong intransitive verbs (e. g. O. SI. sto-j^, * I stand ') ; and so
intimately connected is this type of the suffix with intransitive
sense, that in Sanscrit its Middle is used as the Passive of all
verbs, e.g. kriye, * I am made,' kriydte,' he is made,' the Passive
of karomi, ' I make,' karoti, ^ he makes.' In the Balto-Slavic
family of languages these verbs show in the other tenses an
E-suffix, clearly the same as the Greek Passive -rj- of i-frnv-rj-v
beside fiaCvofiat for ^im-yo-iKu, a suffix likewise identified with
the intransitive or passive sense. This conjugation of intransi-
tive verbs is not found in Latin, but it has perhaps left its
mark in the coexistence of Presents in -io and -eOy e. g. jdcio and
jaceo^pavio and paveo. In most cases however the E-suffix ousted
the YO-suffix altogether, e. g. ildeo^ sed-e-^i, sed-e-mu^y &c. from an
I.-Eur. Present-stem *sed-y6-(Gk. cfoftatfor *o-€8-yo-fiat, O, H. G.
sizzu for *sed-y6), video^ vid-e-s, vid-e-mns, &c. from an I.-Eur.
Present-stem *wid-y6- (O. Ind. vid-yd-te, ' he is perceived,' Lith.
pa-vydXiu 1 Sg. Pres.) with another (originally not a Present)
stem in -e- (Lith. pa-vydeti Inf.). [In Goth, vitais for *wid-
eye-s, vitaij? for *wid-eyS-t, and in other Teutonic verbs, the same
intrusion of -e- (-eyo-) into the Pres.-stem is seen as in Latin.]
These Intransitive Verbs with Inf. -ere constitute an important
part of the second Conjugation in Latin, e.g. cd^ere, rubere,
pdtere ; they acquire a Transitive sense by appending facia to
a Verb-stem in -e (ch. v. § 51), e.g, ca/e-fdcio, and often take as
their Present-stem an ' Inceptive ' formation in -sco, e. g. incctlesco,
eriibesco (see § 28). The association of this type with the In-
transitive functions is seen in pendeo Intrans. beside pendo Trans.,
madeo (Gk. yiahiia), vSreor (Gk. dpata, ch. iv. § 10), ciueo and clvo
(Gk. Kkv(o),
Another class of Presents which show the Y6-suffix is —
iii. With -a, -e, -6 after the root. Beside the root pel-, for
example, we have the root pie-, ^ to fill/ with a Present-stem *ple-
yo-, ' to be filling ' (Lat. im-pleo) ; beside the root ter- we have
the root tre-, ^ to penetrate,' (cf . Gk. rprj-fia) with a Present-stem
*tre-y6- (O. H. G. drau, Germ, drehe), as well as the root tra-,
474 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ch*p. VHI.
with a Present-stem *tra-y5- (O. Ind. tra-ya-te, Lat. in-iro for
*-trayo) (see eh. iv. § 66). Unlike the second Conj. verbs just
mentioned, ^deo^ a^eo^ &c. with Perfects vldi^ sedi^ Supines vUum^
sessum, and cdieo, rUbeo, &c. with Perfects cdlui, rubiii and with
Supines wanting, these e-verbs retain their e throughout the con-
jugation, -pl^vi, -jilelum, &c. In addition to monosyllabic Verb-
stems we have such dissyllabic stems as Lat. *dotnd'^d^ ddwo (O.
Ind. dama-y&-ti), and a group of onomatopoetic words, e. g. Lat.
*ul'Uid'^o^ iliu/o (Lith. uT-uT6-ju, and unreduplicated ut6-ju, Gk.
v\i(o for *vA.d-yo)). Beside the Present-stems with the Y6-suflix
we find athematic Presents from these roots with -a, -e, -6 (e. g.
O. Ind, tra-ti beside tra-ya-te, Gk. irCfi-iTXrj'fUy rl-Tprj-fiLy KC-xq-iii)
which seem to have originally retained the long vowel throughout,
and not to have variation with the weak grade (e. g. O. Ind. tra-sva
2, Sg. Imper. Mid., Gk. kC-xv^^v P'«)» ^^^ ^^ Latin this athematic
formation appears to be used in all persons but the first, in-trd^y
iu'lrd-mus, &c., though this cannot be proved, seeing that^ e. g.
im-plea is equally derivable from thematic *-ple-yS-s (cf. tre» for
*tr(iy-eSy ch. iv. § 66) as from athematic *-ple-s (O. Ind. prd-si).
The YO-suffix played a great part in the I.-Eur. languages as
a secondary suffix, added to Verb-stems, e. g. Lat. pitisio beside
pinso (an already-formed Pres.-stem, § lo), Gk. ^<rOCa> beside
Icrdo), or to Noun-stems, &c. to form derivative verbs, e. g. Lat.
euro, for ^curd-yo (Umbr. kuraia, * curet ') from the Noun-stem
^curd-, claudeo for ^claiuU-t/o from the Adjective-stem *claudi^y
^claud^'yflnio for '^fini-yo from the Noun-stem ^fini-^ alAtuo for
*siatH't/d from the Noun-stem ^statu-, custodio for ^cmtod-yb
from the Noun-stem ^cuatad-, and so on. But since the suffix is
in these derivatives usually maintained throughout the Latin
conjugation, jjinaifus, custwUvi, cusfodltus, &c., they are better
reserved for discussion among the Verb-suffixes in § 26 (cf. Gk.
8at-<ro), hal'Vv-}ii beside hatxa for *da-j^(o). Derivatives from
A-stems follow the analogy of roots with -a (e. g. Lat. in-frOy
in-(rdSy in-frdmus, see above) in using the YO-suffix only to form
the thematic 1st Pers. Sg. of the Present Tense, while those
from U-stems use it in all persons, e. g. stdtvo, sMuis, statuimva.
For Latin athematic forms like curd-mus derived from stem
curd'y &c. we may compare the athematic flexion of similar
§§ 16, 17.] THE VERB. PRESENT-STEMS. 475
Derivative Verbs in the Lesbian dialect, e. g. Ttfid-fxci/, derived
from stem rifid-, <^fATy-/xi, derived from stem (^iXe-, <n'€<f>Avoi>fiiy
derived from stem (rT€<l>ai;o-,
English examples of Present-stems with the Y6-suffix are
* I lie ' [O. H.G. ligg(i)u, but Pret. lag, ' I lay'], and the two
Pres. Participles which have become Nouns, * a fiend ' (Goth,
fijands, lit. ' hating '), * a friend ' (Goth, frijonds, lit. ' loving ').
§ 16. $ in the third CkmJ. Presents with T6-safllx. V^e have t often in
O. Lat. ; ciipHs, Plaut. Cure. 364 :
laudo. Laudato, quaiido illud, quod cupis, efliSoero,
facts, Amph, 555 (so the MSS.) ; facit, Cure. ^58 (?) ; inlicUe in the scansion required
by the metre in a line of Naevius {Trag. 30 R.) :
sublimen altos sdltus inlicite, ubi
biped^s uolantes (MSS. uolucres) lino linquant lumina ;
in 1 Pers. Plur.. morimur is attested by Priscian . i. p. 501. 16 H.) in a couplet
of Ennius {Ann, 415 M.):
nunc est ille dies, cum gloria maxima sese
nobis ostendat, si uiuimus siue morimur ;
we have adgredtmurf Plaut. Asin. 680, Rud. 299 ; and in 3 Sg. Dep. adoritur is
attested by Prise {I. c) in a line of Lucilius ; or Lucretius iiL 515 ?). The long
vowel is especially common in the Inf. of the Deponent in Plautus, e. g.
adgredirij wionrt, ^odiri (cf. parire). (For other examples, see Neue, ii'. p. 415.)
These forms can hardly be due to the false Analogy of verbs like/fwio, -iri,
-i/wm, -irCf such as is seen in Late Lat. farcMus (coined on the type of
fini4us., for they are a feature of the older language. They rather indicate
that in the period of the early literature the suffix might appear as t or as i,
whereas in the classical period the usage became restricted to one or other of
these forms The best explanation then of Verbs in -io i Sg. Pres. Ind.
which belong to the third Conjugation is that they are YO-stems in which -1-
asserted itself, rather than -1-, as the weak grade of -1/0- (-i/^-) ; cap^e will then
stand for *capisij cape for *capi. This does not however preclude the possi-
bility of other explanations being right in particular cases, such as that
a bystem without -yo- existed, say *fac' beside */oc-j/«>- (cf. bene-ficent-ior beside
facitna), *rap' beside *rap-yd (cf. rapo, * a robber,' Varro, Men. 378 B.), that -1-
belongs to a stem in -iy6-, -i- to a stem in -yo-, e.g. apScio from stem *spek-yo-
(cf. Gk. ffxivTOi) with the YO-suffix immediately following on a consonant.
§ 17. Other examples of IS-grade roots. Lat. *r^io, * to close,' seen in
op-(to)mo, ap-{ui)erio (Lith. uft-veriu, * I shut,' kt-veriu, * I open *) (on the loss
of w, see ch. iv. § 71) ; ind-iw for *iruiovo from ♦-ew-yO, to judge from Umbr.
an-ovihi-mu for *and-ov-i-mu, Mnduimino' (ch. iii. § 24) from the root ew-,
* to put on.* Similarly haurio for aurio {exaurio is the almost invariable spelling
476 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [C3hap. VIII.
of Latin Glossaries, L(hve, Prodr, p. 371 >i.) from root aus- (cf. Gk.l^avaoi, * to
take out/ k^avarrip, * a flesh-hook * ; ; croc-io Gk. Kpoj(oj from *Kpoi)y-ycaf Lith.
krok-iu and krog-iii).
§ 18. Of weak grade roots, i. With -to. Lat. ciip-io (0. Ind. kup-ya-ti, ' is in
agitation') ;/ugio (cf. Horn. wc-^vfcJTts for •^pvyyo-) from root bheug- (Gk. ^1^70;) ;
yrtidior from the root ghredh- (Goth, gridi- F., * a step/ 0. SI. gr^d^, * I come/
0. Ir. in-grennim, * I pursue, attack,' the last two with Nasalized stem) shows
the weakening of -r6- to -m- mentioned in ch. iv. § 51 ; similarly farcio for
*fracio (Gk. tppdaaw) from the root bhreqS- of fr&juens (and for the connexion
of * cramming ' and * frequency,* cf. saepe and 0. Lat. saepissumiiSf * closely
packed,' ch. ix. § 4) ; likewise rdpio, if connected with ripens, 'sudden.'
ii. Intransitive with -eo. Lat. rubeo from an I.-Eur. *rudh-y6 (O. SI. ruid^
with the e-suffix in Inf. rudC-ti) ; torpeo with trp- the weak grade of the root
terp- ; stiideo (cf. Gk. <rir«i;8a;?) ; maneo (cf. Gk. fiivoj), &ndpdteo (cf. Gk. trfr-dyyvfu),
both seem to show Lat. a as a weak grade of ^ (ch. iv. § 3). Like rUbeo with
Noun rubor J torpeo with Noun torpor and Adj. torpidus are a lai^ge number of In-
transitive Verbs, caleo {calory calidus^t plac^o {placidus ; but Transitive jpMco),
U/fiieo (liquor J liquidtts ; cf. Uquory third Conj.), and so on (ch. v. § 74). The t^neo
of per-iineoj lit. * to reach through,' trans-tineo, * to reach across ' (Plant. Mil,
468 commeatus transtinet trans parietem) is the Neuter of tendo,
§ 19. Alternative forms in -o and -eo. Lat. tueor and tuor, * to look ' ; fulffeo
and fulgo ; ferveo and ferro ; scaieo and scato ; ahnuo and 0. Lat. abnueo (Diom.
38a. 1 1 K.). In all of these the form in -o is the older (e. g. contuor, intuor Plant,
scato Plant., Enn., Lucr. ; fervit and fervSre are common in the early Dramatists,
the latter often in Virgil, but to Quintilian a third Conjugation form of this
verb is * inauditum,' Quint, i. 6. 8), while the form in -eo is a new formation
on the Analogy of the numerous Intransitives in -eo (^cf. Caper 109. 16 K. fido
non * fideo' . We have sordSre in Plant. Poen. 11 79. (See also below, § 33.)
§ 20. Of roots with -a, -e, -0. Latin no for *s}M-yd (0. Ind. snft-ya-t€,
and athem. snft-ti, Lat. nat) ; neo for *{8)nP-yo (Gk. v(Wy 0. H. G. nftu, Germ,
nllhe), taceo for *tac^-yu (Goth. ])ahai]) 3 Sg. from *tak6-ye-ti, and athem. O. H. G.
dag^-s, Lat. tM^s) ; Jlo for *JId-yd (cf. O. H. G. blau from *bhl6-y0, perhaps the
same word as Lat. /leo for *Jle-ydj Gk. <p\(<u, to overflow) ; hio for *hid'y5 (Lith.
ii6-ju) from the root ghei- ; jUvo for *jum-yo, I.-Eur. *dyiiy5a-y6, from the root
dyeuyS- (cf. Lith.dSiung-ii-s, ' I rejoice/ a nasalized Present) (^butcf. ch. iv. § 64) ;
ciibo for *cuh-dyo from the root keubh- (cf. -cvtnbo, a nasalized Present). Of
onomatopoetic words with i Sg. Pres. in -rt/yo, we have murmuro, tinthmoj uneoj
to bray (Gk. dytcdo/jiat .
§ 21. Inoeptives, and other Verb-stems. Though Inceptive
verbs by virtue of their meaning restrict, as a rule, the in-
ceptive suffix -sk6- (-sko-) to the Present sense, e. g. crescOy Pft.
crevi] they differ fi'om Present-stem formations like «*»o, Pft.
9ivi, capioy Pft. cejn, in this respect, that the meaning, which
they express, is something more than the mere sense of action in
present time, e.g. s^iiesco means, not * I am old' (seneo)^ but 'I
become old.' They are therefore better considered in a separate
§§ 18-28.] THE VERB. PRESENT-STEMS. 477
section, along with some verb-formations which are more than
mere Tense-stems, such as Causatives, Intensives, Desideratives,
and the like.
§ 22. Inoeptives in -skd- (-skd-). The root shows, as a rule^
the weak grade, e. g. I.-Eur. *prk-sko- (O. Ind. pr-cha-mi, with
*-skh- for *-sk-), Jjaii,posco for ^porc^sco^ from the root prek-.
It is sometimes reduplicated in Greek, e. g. hihidKUi for *8t-8a»c-<rKa),
but not in Latin unless disco, from root deik-, stands for ^di-dc-sco,
(ef. dt-dtc-i) and not for ^dXc-sco. An English Inceptive is
'I wash' (O. Engl, waesce, from a Teut. *wat-sk6 ist Sg.,
derived from the same root as ' wet,* * water,' Lat. unda^ &c.).
§ 23. Causatives and Intensives in -eyo-. The root has the
O-gi-ade, and the accent rests on the first syllable of the suffix.
Causatives of this type are a regular feature of the Sanscrit
conjugation, and may be formed from any verb, e. g. man-dya-mi
(Lat. mMeo for *mon-^y6) from the root man- (I. Eur. men- ;
cf. Lat. mimtni for ^me-vien-i) ; tar|-&ya-mi(Lat. lorreoy O. H. G.
derr(i)u, for *tr8-^yo) from the root trS- (I.-Eur. ters-), so that
Lat. moneo was literally ^ to cause to remember ' [cf . Plaut. Mil.
49 Edep61 memorials Optima. Offa^ monent; Paul. Fest.
115. 6 Th. ^monitores' qui in scaena monent histriones (our
' prompters ')], torreo ' to cause to be dry/ These Causatives of
Sanscrit have a different accent from Derivatives in -eyo- from
0-stems, in which the accent falls on the suffix -y6-, e. g. deva-
ya-mi, * I honour the gods,' from devd-, * a god ' (an 0-stem,
*deiw5-). The same formation often has the Intensive or the
Iterative sense, e. g. Gk. (fxtpeo} from I.-Eur. *bh6r-ey6, ' I carry
frequently,' from the I.-Eur. root bher-, * to carry ' (Gk. (pipoa^
Jj&Lfero); Gk. iroBion for ^tpodio) from I.-Eur. *ghSodh-^yo (O. Ir.
guidiu), * I ask or desire earnestly,' from the I.-Eur. root gh-edh-,
'to ask' (Gk. Bitra^trBai). The P. P. P. of these verbs shows -T-
in some languages (O. Ind. vartT-t4-, Goth fra-vardi-|;s), -I- in
others (cf . Lith. varty-ti Inf., O. SI. vrati-ti) ; in Lat. »,e. g. monifns,
uocifns ; and there are indications that the I.-Eur. declension of
the Present Ind. was *wortey6 i Sg., *wortim6s 1 PI., &c. (P. B.
Beitr, xviii.p.519). An English example is *I lay '(Pres.), in Goth,
lagja, from I.-Eur. *logh^y6; ' I lay * is the Causative of * I lie.*
47H THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohi«). VHI.
§ 24. Latin Desideratives in -turio. These are formed
with the YO-suffix (§ 15), probably from Verbal Noun-stems in
-tor-, e. g.jjarfifrio trom par for, wripfurio from scriptar, with the
same change of unaccented ^ to u as in fnlgurOy O. Ijdki.fvlgMo
(ch. iii. § 26).
§ 25. Latin Iteratives or Frequentatives in -*t&y6- are
formed from Perf. Part. Pass.-stems, or rather from the Fem. of
these used as a Noun (cf. offensa beside offensus, r^pulaa beside
repul&ua), with the help of the Y6-8uffix, e. g. p?iho, older pulfo,
for ^pvlta-yOy from pulsus, older pulf us, P. P. P. o{j)el/o. Some-
times the TO-suffix is doubled, e. g. facW-o, rentUo,
§ 26. Other Derivative Verbs with the Yd-suffix. The
ending -ayo-, which properly belongs to Derivatives from A-stem
Nouns (e. g. from plants, a plant, a shoot, plantare^ to plant, lit.
' to make or turn something into a plant '), acquired a transitive
sense, and was used in Latin, as in other I.-Eur. languages, with
any Noun- or Adj.-stem, e. g. cldrare, * to make clear,' from the
Adj. -stem claro-^ puherare, * to turn something into dust,' or * to
cover with dust,' from the Noun pulvis, a Consonant-stem. The
ending -Syo-, which properly belongs partly to Derivatives from
0-stem Nouns or Adjectives (e. g. clavdeo, ' to be lame,' from
clamlus, alheo, ' to be white,' from alius), partly, as a Primary
suffix, to Intransitive Verbs like rtibeo, sedeo (see § 3a), is the
corresponding intransitive formation, e.g. c/a;rr^, ' to be clear.*
Latin Verbs in -io include Derivative Verbs from Consonant-
stems, e. g. custdd'io from the stem CKstoil-, and from Instems,
e. g. ludnio from the Adj. I-stem inani-. This ending acquired
to some extent an intransitive sense, expressing a state of body
or of mind, and was in this capacity applied to other stems too,
e. g. insdnio from the Adj. 0-stem insnntis, to be mad, saevio from
the Adj. 0-stem saerus, to be fierce.
§ 27. Other suffixes commonly used in forming Verb-stems,
primitive suffixes, the sense conveyed by which cannot now be
detected, were (i) -dh-,e.g. 6k. kw{-^-w beside Krao), (a) -d-,e.g.
Gk. i\'ho'\ixii from root wel- (Lat. volo), which may be nothing
§§ M-28.] THE VERB. INCEPTIVES. 479
but the Verb-stems dhe-, ' to put/ and do-, ' to give * (cf. Lat.
credoy O. Ir. cretim with O. Ind. §rdd dadhami, lit. ' I set heart
to '), as the common Latin ending -?^o, -are, e. g. ndvi^o, seems to
be nothing else than the Verb a^o (from ^navigu9\ of. ch. v.
§ 80) ; (3) -t-, e. g. Gk. wcic-T-a) (Lat. pecto) and ttcktcco, beside
Wko), which seems connected with the P. P. P. suffix -to- (ch. v.
§ 27); (4) -s-,e. g. Gk. do/ro) beside de0a>, Tpc-((r)-a) beside r/)^-/ui-a),
which seems the same as the ES-suffix of Nouns, e. g. Gk. riXos^
stem TcA.€(r- (Gk. r€\€((r)a), rc-r^A.c(r-rat) (§ 3). Latin examples
are: gau^-eo{Gk, yfiOoixai and y^Oiu)) for ^gdv^-d-fio (cf. ffdvlsus),
sallo for *sal'do (Goth, salta), plecfo (O. H. G. flih-tu, Germ,
flechte) beside pRco, -are (Gk. Trk^KU)), viso^ older f^sso, veisso for
*weid-so (Goth. ga-veis6 ; cf . the O. Ind. Desiderative vi-vit-sa-
mi), qiiaeso^ older quaes-so for ^quau-so, beside quaero for ^rjvaUo,
in-cesso for ^in-cedso (cf. cedo). Other Latin endings are : (5)
-sso^ e.g. cdpesso, indpisso (PlsMt,), p^lesso, O. Lat. petisso (Fest.
250. 19 Th.) from capio, pSto (or a bystem ^petio^ whence petivi,
§ 47) ; on these see § 3 ; (6) -lo and -illo of Diminutive Verbs,
e. g. conscribillo Catull. ; (7) -co of alMco, fddtco, &e. ; the last
two are like Derivative A-verbs and belong to the first Conju-
gation, conscribillare^fodicare, albicare, like m^dtcari from medicus.
Similarly, (8) -ro of lamb^lro (§ 41) is like -ro of the Derivative
temp^rare from tewpiis,
§ 28. Other examples of Latin Inoeptives. Misc-eo has added the Causa-
tive ending to a lost *mtBco [cf. miac sane for misc^ sane on an old Praenestine
cista (§ 58)] for ♦mit-sWJ [the shortness of the 1 is seen in the Romance forms,
such as Ital. (Tusc.) mesci, ^give me a drink/ the Latin misce mi] with the
weak grade of the root meii-. But the E-grade is retained in O. Lat. esco for
*eS'8C0j the Liceptive of the root es-, * to be/ used for ero (or rather for sinn) in
the Laws of the XII Tables : si marbwt amdtas^te uitium escity and ast ei custos nee
escitf &c, and even by Lucr. i. 619 :
ergo rerum inter summam minimamve quid escit ?,
as by Ennius, A. 32a M. :
dum quid^m unus homo Romanus toga superescit.
Roots extended by -ft, -6, -6 like gn6- from gon-, keep this vowel long, as is their
custom in such cases (§ 2) ; hence {g)nosco Gk. yt-yv&tr/coj^ Epir. yv&aKot)^
(g)nd-8cory cr?-8C0j vi^-sco, hid-sco ; and similarly Latin Intransitives in -eo (§ 3a
and Derivatives in -0 (for *-ayO), -eo, -io (*6.\ e. g. nVjf-sco, con-tfc^-sco^ trd-
scoVy JidtsB-scOy oh-dormt-scoy era-sco [erreiscunda on the Lex Rubria. C. I. L. i.
205. (2). 55], des(ii8co (with tall form of I on Mon. Anc, v. 28, which also offers
480 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VHI.
nascerer with an apex over the a) ; though at a later time, when the difference
of quantity between vowels had become less marked, we find some uncertainty
about the e of quiesco (see Gellius, vii. 15, who decides in favour of ^uiSsco, on
the strength of ailiscoy nitfsco, stiip^sco and other Inceptives ; cf. ch. ii. § 144).
The name ' Inceptive ' is unsuitable. It is only verbs of the second Con-
jugation uncompounded with a Preposition, such as calesco^ liquescoj to which
a notion of ^ beginning ' can be attached, and even there the notion conveyed
by the suffix is rather that of passing into a state or condition, of * becoming '
than of 'beginning,' e. g. Hqtiesco, ^ to pass into a liquid state,' 'to become
liquid.' The suffix is closely associated with Intransitive Verbs of the second
Conjugation, so closely indeed that these, when compounded with the
Prepositions cum^ ex, in (Prepositions which convey the idea of * becoming'",
always form their Present-stem with this suffix in good authors, e. g. SrHbesco
(not erubeo), conv&Iesco (not convcHeo), inardesco (not inardeo)^ unless the Preposi-
tion retains its separate force, e. g. S-lQceo, ^ to shine out,' co-haereoy Ho be united
with,* which have the force of hiceo ex, haereo cum. Intransitive Derivatives
from stems like d\tlci-, tgmt-, ^pt-, &c. are formed on this type, and take -eaco
instead of -isco, duicescoj ignesc^, graresco, mltescoj pinguescOj &c. ; and -dsco of
Intransitive Derivatives from A-stems, &c. , is in Late Latin often changed to
-e8co, e. g. yemmesco for yemmasco. The spelling -isco for -esco in Late Latin, e. g.
enibiscOf may often be a mere interchange of the similarly sounding vowels t
and e (see ch. ii. $ 14), but it may also be referred to the Late Latin importa-
tion of Verbs of the second Conjugation into the fourth (e. g. floriet, flurient in
the Itala), which has left its mark on the Romance languages, e. g. Ital. appa-
rire (apparisco Pres.) from Lat. appdr^e (§ 33 a). The -iscor of dpiacoTj nanciaoor,
may be referred to the old forms apio, nancio (whence coepiam, Paul. Fest. 41.
34 Th., Jtanciam, Prise, i. 513. 17 H.), as the -isso of O. Lat. piiisso to a lost *petio
(whence pc/irt, § 47). * Inceptives * from fourth Conjugation Verbs are for the
most part ante-classical, e.g. condormisco {Fl&ut.), edormisco (Plant., Ter.), perpra-
risco (Plant. Stick. 761), persentisco (Plant., Ter.), but obdormiscOy ' to &11 asleep,' is
used by Cicero (Tuac, i. 49. 117). They are mostly Compounds (except wtsco),
and the same is true of the ' Inceptives ' from third Conjugation Verbs in the
Republican writers, e.g. r^sipisco (Plant., &c.), prd/Xciscor (cf. fdctsum^ * to take
oneself off,' and Late Lat. ae/ncertj *• to betake oneself,' e. g. intra limen aese
facit, Apul.), concupisco (Cic, Sail., &;c.), impUdscier^ to become affected (by a
dinease), Plant. Amph. 729 :
ubi primum tibi sensisti, mulier, inpliciscier ?,
though in the poets and later prose writers we have trhnescoj gitnesooj &c.
• Inceptives * from first Conjugation Verbs found in the early writers are
Amaaco (Naev.), hiasco (Cat.), l&baaco (Plant., Ter., Lucr.\ coUabasco, permdnascoy
dSsudascOj and a few others; but this formation was not continued in the
classical period, though we find Derivatives in -osco, derived from Noun- and
Adj. -stems, e. g. vetercisco, vesperascoy gemmasco, in which the suffix -aco seems to
be added to change the transitive sense attaching to these Derivative A-verbs
(e. g. clararBy to make clear, to clarify, § 3a) into an intransitive.
It thus appears that an intransitive sense attached to the suffix -sco- in
Latin, and that this was the reason of its close association with the Intransi-
tive Second Conjugation. Its sense of *■ passing into a state or condition '
suited it for acting as the Present Tense-stem of Intransitive Verbs. A
S 29.] THE VERB. CAUSATIVES. 48 1
verb with this suffix did not govern an Accusative, unless the simple verb
from which it was formed governed an Accusative, e. g. perhorrescere aliquidy
Cic, like horrere aliquid (a construction of horreoy pareoy &c., not found before
Cicero's time). But in the fifth cent. a. d. the termination acquired a causa-
tive sense, e. g. innSteacerej to make known, inform ; moUescerey to make soft, not
*to become soft,' a sense which was properly expressed by the Auxiliary /acto,
e. g. calB'/acio, rubS-facio, AsauescOj insuesco, mansuesco, and other compounds of
suesco had at an earlier period assumed the sense of assuS'/aciOj mansuS-faciOf
and perhaps supplied the type for this new formation, which was widely
extended in the Romance languages (cf. § 33 a).
Of individual * Inceptive' Verbs may be noticed : caUeaco, in whose Perfect
Cato retained the Inceptive suffix, cdllescerunt 3 PI. [Nonius 89. a6 M. quotes
this form (MSS. calliscerunt) from Cato's speech on the Punic War : aures
nobis callescerunt ad iniurias] ; dhsijleaco and exolesco from sSUo with P. P. P.
ohsofJHus, exolHus; adSlesco and coaiesco {ooL-) from the root al- (0I-), 'to grow,
nourish * (whence indoles^ suholes, proles), with P. P. P. aduliu^^ coalitua.
For a list of Latin ' Inceptives,' and full details of their history, see A, L. L,
i. 465 sqq. Umbro-Oscan examples are Umbr. pepurkurent * rogaverint,'
Osc. coinparascuster *■ consul ta erit.'
§ 20. Of Iiatin Causatives, &c. O. Lat. lujceo, ^ to cause to shine,' to light
or kindle (e. g. Enn. A. 158 M. : pi*odinunt famuli, tum Candida lumina
lucent; Plant. Cttrc. 9 tut^ tibi puer es : lautus luces c^reum ; Cos, 118
primum 6mnium huic luc^bis nouae nupta^ facem) may be a Causative form,
I.-Eur. *louk-^y6 (O. Ind. rOcdya-mi), and different from iuceo, to shine, which
seems to be an intransitive form like sedeo, with -eo instead of -»o, I. -Eur.
*leuk-yo (Gk. \tvaaoj) ; noceo, I.-Eur. *n6i-4y5 (O. Ind. n&s^ya-mi) is the
Causative of the root nek- (Lat. nex\ and has in Late and Vulgar Latin the
construction which we should expect, viz. with the Accusative case ; its use
with the Bat, in class. Latin must be due to the analogy of obessCf officere^ &c.
The rivalry between Transitive A-stems and these Causative-stem •, best seen
in Lithuanian, where the Causatives (e. g. vart^-ti Inf.) form liieir Present-
stems with -a- (e. g. varto- for I.-Eur. *worta-), appears in Lat. n^vre beside
nt'xi^re ; dfknare may be I.-Eur. *d6ma- (O. H. G. zamO-, * to tame '), a byform
of I.-Eur. *d6m4yo- (Goth, tamja, O. H. G. zemm(i;u). In O. Ind. we have
examples of verbs with this suffix which have not the 0-grade of root, but the
weak grade, e. g. grbh-aya-ti, *he seizes.' Perhaps Latin d-eo (beside do) belongs
to this type. But the ending -eo is sometimes added to other Verb-stems
which have a Causative sense. Thus in Lat. tnisc-eo it is added to a stem
formed already with the inceptive suffix, so that misceo for *mic-sc-eyo has
really two suffixes (cf. O. Ind. dhunaya-ti, '■ he shakes, shatters,' beside dhu-
na-ti and dhu-no-ti, Gk. clA^a; beside ttXot for *l\'V-ci). And this may be the
true explanation of cieo also. Jubeo for *>'u-dh-eyo [from the root yeu- with
the formative suffix -dh- (see § 27), cf. 0. Ind. yO-dha-ti, Ms set in motion,'
Lith. j-un-dii, * I am set in motion *j is spelt in the S. C. Bacch. with -ow-, the
diphthong always found in the perfect (C. I, L. i. 196, 1. 27 iotibeatiSf 1. 9, 1. 18
iousiset; cf. iousit 547 a, 1166, iouserunt 199, 1. 4, iouserit 198, 1. la) ; this, if not
a misspelling (ch. iv. § 37), will exactly correspond with the O. Ind. causative
yOdhaya-mi (I.-Eur. *youdh6yo). TerreOj for which we should expect
*torr€Of has in Umbrian the 0-grade of root ^Umbr. tnrgitu, O. Umbr. tusetu,
' terreto ').
I 1
482 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VHI.
Other Cau^atives, or TraDsitive Verbs with the Causative -eo appended, are
rfgeo (older t%«o?), to rouse to life, e.g. Pomponius, Com. 78 K. animos Venus
veget voluptatibus, ddceo, suddto, vrgeOy Umdeo, torqveo, tnordeo^ spondeOy augeo, &f.
§ 30. Of Latin Desiderativea. These were called by the Latin gmm-
mariann * Meditative.' They were avoided in the higher literature and went
out of use in Late Latin. They are not found in the Romance languages.
Examples of Desiderative Verbs are e.tuno, pariiirioj emptHriOy (fndtnrio (see
A. L. L. i. 408;. Verbs in -urrio {-nrio), e. g. ligMrrio, acaturio, are a quite distinct
clafcs, being apparently Derivatives from Verbal Nouns in -i/r/s (e.g. siatris^
or -vra (e. g fig^tra).
§ 31. Of Latin Iterativea. The distinction of (i) ^ Iteratives * in -ttto, (a)
* Intensives * in -to, -so is untenable. The suffix in all its forms denotes
ivpeated action ; the usual type is that of a Derivative A- Verb from a Perfect
Participle Passive, e. g. datare, domntaref though from Verbs of the first Conju-
gation we have sometimes forms in -Uo like ddmitOy vocitOj viilitOf pointing to
P. P.P. rodt»8 like cr^ttts (§ 9a). As the /o-suffix of the P.P. P. became in
time so- (ch. iv. § 155), we have Iteratives in an older form, merto, pvdio
(' mertare ' atque * pultare ' dicebant Quint, i. 4. 14 ; Plautus puns on ptdtem
Subj. andpidtem Ace. of puis in Poen, 729), and in the class, form mtr»Oy pulao,
Iteratives which add the suffix to a Present-stem, e. g. acisctto Plant., noacito
Plant., agito, are especially frequent in Late Latin, e. g. mergito Tertull., miscito
Script. Gromat., while to the class of Iteratives with double suffix belong adtto^
lectitoy cmitUOf diditOy haesUo, jaciUo, ventito^ viciito^ cM/-«to, /acfito,Vulg.-Lat. ♦ftixttare,
whence Ital. tastare, Fr. tAter, *to taste, try.*
Iteratives are especially used in anteclass. and postclass. Latin. They are
avoided by Terence, and not much used by Cicero and Caesar, hardly at all
by the Augustan writers ; in fact they seem to have been regarded as a part
of the uncultured speech. In the Romance languages they have often taken
the place of the parent verb, e. g. Fr. joter {Lai. jactare)^ to throw (Lat.>Scio),
meriter (Lat. m^itare), to deserve (Lat. mSreo), chanter (Lat. cantare), to sing
(Lat. cdno). (See A, L.L. iv. 197.) DutKiare is the Iterative of an O. Lat. verb
dahare (Paul. Fest. 47. 18 Th. *dubat,' dubitat) ; horiari of an O. Lat. *hSrior
[attested in 3 Sg. horiiur by Diomedes (p. 38a. 23 K.) for Ennius {A. 465 M.) :
prandere iub^t horiturque], which seems to be a Deponent of l.-Eur. *ghj-yO
(Gk. X"*V*'\ a byform of ♦gher-yO ;0. Ind. har-ya-mi, *I delight in * ; *heriu,
the Umbro-Oscan word corresponding to Lat. rdlo^ e.g. Umbr. heris, *vis,'
Osc. heriiad, * velit.' whence Hertntas, the Oscan name of Venus) from the
root gher- ; giistare is apparently an I.-Eur. Iterative of this type (O. H. G.
costCn: from ♦giis-to-, P. P. P. of geus-, 'to taste' (Gk. 7€i;(<t>iv, Goth, kiusan,
* to approve,' Engl, choose : cf. Germ. Kur-fiirst) ; ito, -are (Gk. iTtf-Tiov) from
*itits P. P. P. of eo, for *!tayo 1 Umbr. etaiansj * itent *) ; pHtOy -are, to prune, to
think, lit ' to sift or cleanse often * (in Romance * to prune,' e. g. Ital. potare),
from a P. P. P. stem *pi1-/o-, * cleansed * (Lat. putu,% clean, in the phrase pGrus
jnttus, e.g. Plant. Pseud. laoo}, from the root of Lat. pu-rus, for *putayO (cf.
O. SI. pytaj^, * I investigate,' with u) ; dihntto from domitus ; crSpfto from crepitus ;
lialnto for fiabitusy which monopolized in class. Lat. the sense of ' to dwell,'
' inhabit ' (cf. archaic Engl. ^ to keep,' as in the Merchant qf Venictj iii. 3 : it is
the most impenetrable cur That ever kept with man), a sense which it shared
§S 80-82.] THE VERB. DERIVATIVES. 483
in 0. Lat. with hdbeo, e. g. Plaut. Men, 308 : n<3n tu in illisce a^ibus Habes ?
Bi illos homines, qui illic habitant, p^rduint.
§ 32. Of Iiatin Derivative verbs with Y6-8ufflx. The onomatopoetic
verbs tintinnio (also tinnio and UfUinnare)t ffingrio, to cackle, of geese (whence
gingrinay the name of a small size of fife : genus quoddam tibiarum exiguarum,
Paul. Fest. 67. 23 Th. ; cf. Gl. Philox.) have a formation analogous to the
Sanscrit Intensives (e. g. nan-nam-ya-te from the root nam-, *■ to bend ') and
to Greek vafjKfxxivw for *vav-^V'yWf fiap/uupcj for *fMip-fjuip-yajf &c., that is to feuy
with the suffix -yd- appended to the fully reduplicated root.
The suffix -yd-, as was remarked before (§ 10), is often added to nasalized
Present-stems, especially in Greek, e. g. ^cXri'a; for *KKT'V-yoj from the root klei-,
and so we have : linio, a Late Lat. derivative from Ibw, the Present tense of the
root lei- ; pinsio (Gk, vrioaof for ♦unva-yw) beside pinso'^ vincio from ♦rf-n-co, the
nasalized Present of the root vyek- (O. Lad. vi-vyak-ti, *he encompasses');
8a7icio beside sdcer. These derivatives naturally retain the nasal throughout
the verb, e.g. P. P. P. pinttitua (^but from pinso^ pistus), sanctiis (in Vulg. Lat.
saduSy ch. ii. § 70).
Examples of Verbs in -fty5- from Noun A-stems are: scintUlOy -are from scintilla ;
lacrimOf -are from lacrima; multo,, -are (Osc. woUaum Inf.) from m\dta\ in^dioi;
-arif insidiae ; tw^cwto, -are from macula ; praedor^ -ari from praeda ; m6rari from
mora [in O. Lat. always transitive, *to cause delay,' *to detain/ whence nil
morur (banc rem), I do not care for, lit. *I do not (care to) detain']. Lat.
poeyiiojpunioy from poenay may exhibit an alternative method of forming deriva-
tive verbs from Noun A-stems, viz. with the mere suffix -y6-, the final vowel
of the Noun-stem being suppressed, as in derivative Adjectives like Gk. rifi-ios
from T'lfATf ; or may follow the analogy of derivatives from I-stems, or deriva-
tives from Consonant-stems.
Of Transitive Verbs from 0-stems : amp^ant, * pro amplificant,' Pacuv. Trag.
339 R. (ap. Non. 506. 30 M. ) ; nikOf -are from norus ; sdno^ -are from sanus ; 7iario,
-are from yndnis (?i ^ch. ii. § 13a) ; anno^ -are from anna PI. ; spoliory -ari from
fpolium ; num^o, -are from Humerus ; loco, -are from Zooms ; d&noj -are from donuyn ;
ciimvdoy -are from cumulus ; damno, -are from damnum. This use of the -AYO-
suffix for Derivative Verbs from O-stem Nouns and Adjectives is common in
all I.-Eur. languages, e. g. Goth. frijO, *I love' (of which Engl, 'friend ' is a
Pres. Part. }, O. SI. prija-j^, 0. Ind. pri}*a-yd-t6 3 Sg., all from an I.-Eur. O-stem,
♦priyo- O.-Ind. priya-, ' dear'), 0. Ir. caraid, * he loves,' from I.-Eur. karo-,
* dear ' (Lat. cfirus). On the use of -at6- as a Participial Adjective suffix, mean-
ing 'provided with,' * clothed in,' &c., e. g. armaiusy dentatus, pikUus, from
pilvmj cordatus in Ennius' egregie cordatus homo (cf. re-corddri), see ch. v. % a8.
It is probably seen in Gaulish fuaaroi [gaesati, * Gaulish mercenaries,' C. G. L.
V. 71. 23 (?j], from Gaulo-Latin gaesum, a spear.
The natural formation from O-stems is sometimes in -^yd-, e. g. Gk. <i>i\i(Vj
to love, for ♦0tA<-ya;, from <fH\os, dear (stem <f>iXo- or <^(Ac-, ch. v. § a), dSuvorco;,
to be unable, from dSvvaroSy unable ; sometimes in -yd- merely, e. g. Gk. fxtt-
kiaaoi for * fx€t\ix-yoi> from fxtlkixos. With the latter Lat. unio from unuSy bland-
ior from Hatidus may be compared, as in Noun derivative YO-stems we have
8om7i-inm from somnuSj Octntius from Octavus, &c. (ch. v. § 4) ; with the former,
intransitive Verbs from second Declension Adjectives, like claudeo from
chmdus, aibeo from aJbus, ddreo from clams, Jldveo from flavu8[8i& in Adjective
derivative YO-stems like aureus from aurum (16.)], unless these follow the
I i 2
484 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohi«). VHI.
analogy of Intransitives like sSdeo for L-Eur. *8ed-yo ^seo above, § 15),
in which case their ending will be not -^yO but -€y5. (The correspond-
ing verbs in Balto-Slavic have -€yO, e. g. Lith. k^te-ju, * I grow hard/ from
k6tas, 'hard*). The same distinction between transitive -o, -dre and
intransitive -eo^ -ere is seen in primary verbs like Uquare and liquere. (On the
proneness of Intransitive Verbs to take -€o, e. g. /err-€o, fulg-eo, O. Lat. fervOj
fvl^o, see § 19.)
We have also Participial Adjectives in -^tus, e. g. aegrOtus from (leger (stem
aegro'), like Gk. fuoOoj-rds from fua$6s, Lith. ragii-tas from rSgas, * a horn,* with
corresponding Verb-stems in Greek and Lithuanian, e. g. Gk. fuffOoofy Lith.
jftkfi-ju, but no *aegr6o or *aegroy -55, -omus in Latin. Derivatives from I-stems
have -iy6-, e. g. O. Ind. kaviyil-te, * he acts like a seer,* from kavi-, * a seer/
janiya-ti, * he desires a wife,* from jAni-, * a wife * ; Gk. firjriofiai (f ) from fiifris^
fiTfvia/ (f) from /JirjviSf kovioj (!) from kovis; Latin examples are iflnio from finis, l^io
from letiis; they show -t- in the Perfect Participle Pass., &c, e. g. Gk. d'^pi-
Tos, Lat. fini-tuSf leni-tnSf molH-tuSj insignt-tus, veHti-tiis^ muni-tus, st&btti-tiiSf 9-rucR'
iu8 ; from sors, O. Lat. sortiSj comes sortior ; from pars, stem parti-, cornea partior ;
from potis O. Ind. p^ti-, * lord,' Gk. irocris) comes po/ior, * to become master of,'
with an Active jm^'o (e. g. Plant. Rud. 911 piscdtu nou6 me uberi conpotiuit),
which was used in Oscan as the equivalent of the Latin possum (Osc putiiad
* possit,' putiians * possint '] (§ 97). U-stem derivatives have -ily6-, e. g. O. Ind.
^trfi-yi-ti, ' acts like an enemy,* from ^&tru-, *an enemy,* Gk. Sa«pvw (w) from
Jidxpv (from tJ-stems, e. g. Zcxvo; in the Dramatists), Lat. stdtno from slatuSf
fnftuo from metus, with -«- in the Perf. Part. Pass., e. g. Gk. d-Scucpv-ros, Lat.
statH'tuSy argxi-tus (from the stem argu- of 0. Ind. arju-na-, * white,* Gk. dpr/v-
pos), acu-ftis (cf. acus, a needle) *. From the analogy of a number of verbs of
similar moaning, which happened to be formed with one or other of these
types of YO-suffix, a definite meaning came to attach itself in the various lan-
guages to certain suffixes. Thus in Sanscrit the ending -iy6- came to acquire
a desiderative sense and was used to convey this notion, not merely in deriva-
tives from I-stems, e. g. jantyi-ti, * he desires a wife,* from jini-, * a wife,* but
in derivatives from other stems too, e. g. putriy^-ti, ^ he desires a sou,* from
putra-, ^ a son * (an 0-stem). In Latin, as we have seen, the desiderative
ending is -ft/no, e. g-parturio, but it is possible that the ending -io conveys this
sense in catiilio from the 0-stem caiuhts, iquio from eqvtts,
A fact of more certainty is that Latin -0 for *-ayu was used to give a transi-
tive sense*, e. g. ddro, -are, to make clear, from the 0-stem clams, n<Jr5, -are from
noTus (and so in other languages, § 29, e. g. O. H. G. niuwOn, though in Greek
the ending -ooj ousted -aw from this usage, e. g. v(6o), to make new, from y^or,
{r/i6o), to make healthy, from v7t^), and Latin -eo, to give an intransitive
sense, e. g. clCireo, -^c, to be clear, from the same stem, claro-, while -to possibly
had attached to it the notion of a state of body or mind, e. g. Jvrikio, -ire, to be
* These Derivatives in -uy6- must root has a Guttural (cf. fluxi^/ructus.
be distinguished from Presents end- § 39. 3). Suo represents an I.-£ur.
ing in -two, like minuo (O. Ind. mi- *syu-yu i^Goth. siuja, Lett, schigu,
n5-mi, from I. -Eur. *mi-neu-mi, § 10), Gk. Kaaavw).
as well as from a Present like pluo ' On First Conjugation Deponents
(O. Lat. plovo, from I.-Eur. *pl6w0, with intransitive sense, e. g. <iemiliari,
§ 6), and from fluo,Jrwyr, &c., whose flttciuari {and fimtiiare), see §§ 62, 64.
§ 82.] THE VERB. DERIVATIVES. 485
haughty (Cato, &c.), saevio, -irCf to be fierce, inmnioj -tVc, to be insane, dentioj
-ire, to be teething, as -aot, -lau were used in bodily ailments in Greek, e. g.
6<p$a\f4inof, oBoyridoty or desideratively, e. g. rofiaw.
The -YO- suffix was thel.-Eur. suffix by which verbs were formed from Nouns
and Adjectives, e. g. O. Ind. apas-yd-ti from £pas-, iipas- (Lat. opus), Gk. dvo-
fiaivoj for *6rofjiii'tfeii from oyofjui (Lat. nomen^. But in Latin, denominative -y6-
has been to a great extent supplanted by -h-yd- (see below). Thus the Latin
equivalents of the Sanscrit and Greek verbs, just quoted, are lipirari and notni-
nare. This process of extending the AY6-suffix at the expense of theVO-suffix
went on as late as the literary period. Many 0. Lat. verbs of the fourth Conj.
are in class. Lat. verbs of the first Conj. ; e. g. O. Lat. fulgorio (fuJgur-io), from
f Uigur, used by Naevius {Trag, 13 R.) :
suo sonitu claro fulgoriuit luppiter,
«
is in class Lat. fuiguro, -are ; impetrire is the old form of impetrare, consecrated
to religious usage, like porricere the old form of prqjicere (ch. ix. § 44) ; artire,
Cato, &c. is in class. Lat. artare ; of. dotituSy Varro, Men, 7 B. for dolatus ; atriticr,
Compar. of cUfitua, Plant. Poen. 1290 (if this is the right reading) ; gruirivisae
quoted (apparently from Livius Andronicus) by Paul. Fest. 68. 5 Th., for
narrcisse (cf. Gl. Philox. gnariiur : yva>pi(€Tcu ; C. 0, L. v. 7a. 9 gnoritur : cognitum
sive compertum est).
The old formation remains in custddio from custos ; denHo, to grow teeth
(used by Plautus for ' to suffer through lack of food * in Mil. 34, where the
parasite apologizes to the audience for his complaisance in listening to the
soldier's bragging: auribus Peraudienda sunt, ne dentes d^ntiant), though
deniatus, and not denfttus, is the Participial Adjective. In dentio we have the
same -YO- or -lYO-suffix as in the Verbs indicating disease, state of body, &;c.
(see below), like insdnio from insanus.
When a Verb is compounded with anything but a Preposition the Com-
pound assumes the form of an A-Derivative, 0. g. aedijtcare from aedes and
facio, §acriftcare from sacrum and facio (cf. sacrificus), as in Greek we have -«w of
olteoBo fiioj, &c. Manddre seems to be a similar formation, as if a Derivative
Verb from *mant-dus, * giving into the hand ' ; and the Derivative Verbs in
'igo, -are, e. g. rulvigo, -are, pur{i)gOf -are, jur[i)go, -are (on O. Lat. purigo, jurigo,
see ch. iii. § 13) point to *navigu8, &c. from navis and ago. Md^ig&rari, to
humour, devote oneself to (also morem gerere), comes from the Adj. morigero-
(Plaut. Amph. 1004 meo me aequomst morigerum patri esse) ; dpitiilari from
a stem *ojn-Mo-, &c. (cf. ch. v. § 80, p. 363). (On the predominance of the A-
type of Verb in Latin, see § 33 a.)
Examples of these endings are : (i) -0, -are : nomfno, -are from nomert ; cdliho,
•are from c6lr)r ; onero, -are from onus ; scSlSro, -are from scelus ; exdmtno, -are from
examen ; prlco, -are from pnvus ; ignoro, -are to make unrecognizable, Plant.
Men. 468 ; pio, -are from pius ; probo, -are from probus ; sdcro, -are from aacer ;
gr&to, -are, to make Ireavy, from gravis ; c'lcuro, -are from <ficur (not i, Rev. Philologie,
XV. 64) ; lero, -are, to make light, or to lift, from kcis ; pdro, -are, to make equal,
from par, Plaut. Cure. 506 :
eodem h<?rcle uos pono ^t paro: parissumi estis hibus.
Ampliare, to adjourn a case, is a rough-and-ready Derivative from amplius, the
judge's phi*ase in giving notice of adjournment ; similarly compSrendinare, to
remand for two days, from (coinperendinus -dies), Vulg. Lat. *hilcare, to call
486 THK LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIH.
hitbor (Fr. hiichor}, from fine ; some explain nfgare as a DerivatiTe of this sort
from nee cf. (iorm. verneincii from nein), or rather from its byform neg-
(ch. X. § i8)y t)ie byform lioing chosen to avoid confusion with nieare^ to kiU.
Whtithor the n so often seen in Verbs compounded with a Preposition, e.g.
projfhjare {from Jtigt)\, occiijHire (from cri|>io), asptrnari (from aperwo) is due to the
transitive 6<'nKe (»f the Compound, or to derivation from lost Adjective-stems
*j)r<Jt/liyo-, *oixup(>'j *rt«pemo-, is not clear. (On amplio see K, Z. xxxiii. 55.)
(2) -10, 'Ire : raucio, to be lioarse, from raucus ; siiigidtio from singuituB (U-stem),
Itlundior from bUituius^ laryior from largtiSf prae-sCigio from a&gus ;an A4j.
espc^cially found in the Fem. saga, a go-between, e. g. Lucil. vii. 6 M. saga et
bona concilintrix .
.3) -to, -^n : ardto from rmdus [O. Lut. ardus, e. g. C, I. L. i. 577. (a). 3i ; see
(;h. iii. § 13], whicli is tlie Adjective corresponding to rireo, as cAlidus to cAko,
nitldxis to ndtOy &e. (ch. v. § 74) ; audeo^ from urUluSy the Adj. corr6^>ondiug to
aviOf had originally the sense of * to be eager/ * to have a mind to/ e.g. Plaut.
Mil. 23a auden participant me quod commentu's, whence the colloquial s6des
(Torence, &c.), * if you please/ for si audes (Plaut., e. g. Trin, 344 dA mihi
hoc, mtU meum, si me amas, si audes) (ch. iv. § 67\ These two classes of
verbs in -eo must be kept distinct, the Derivatives from 0-stem Adjectives
UkiiJlm'eOj ardeo, atidvOj and the Intransitives with Nouns in -or and Adjectives
in -UluMf e.jij. caJto (c«/or, caUdus), area [aridus), aveo (avidus), niteo .wiftw, nitidus)
see ch. v. §§ 67, 74).
§ 83. Of other Verb-sufflxes :— (i) -dh- : on Jiibeo with^Mb-, for Myu-dh-, lit.
* U> set in motion,' ' rouse to action,' see § 29.
(a) -d- : tondfif seems to be Gaunative of a lost *h'}ido (Gk. rivZVf to gnaw), for
*tem-do fi'om the root tern-, * to cut * (Gk. rifi-voj) ; jter-cello for *crf-<fo (cf. dd-d-eg,
(Ik. KXa-d-dffai' fftioouy Ilesych.) from a root kel- (cf. Gk. dwo-ieX-d-i] ; trUdo
(Goth. U8-J>riuta, *I trouble';.
Since -dh- would become d in Latin (ch. iv. § 114)} it is impossible t«>
determine whether the sufi^ -dh- or -d- appears in cii-do (cf. Lith. lulu-ju),
fnn-do (and frendeo) ^ for *frtm-do (cf. /remo)^ ten-do from the root ten-, * to
htretch * (cf. Gk. rciVo; for *T*yyw)f of-fm-do and de-fen-do from the root (jh!len-
cf. Gk. Ofivm for *$€v-y<u). On pando, mando (third Conj.), ccnrfo, see §§ 14,
95, and on nunulo 'first Conj.^ § 32, above.
(31 -t- : mv-to (cf. Mid. Ir. methel, * a reaper ' ; so some explained the name
Mttellusy LOwe, Prodr. s. v.) cannot be dissociated from Gk. d/uxa; ; nor Jtec-to
from falx. But this formation is not so common in Latin as in Greek, though
all of the numerous Gk. Verbs in -irro;, e. g. rwrrm, xaXimciimfky ]>e formations
with the Y6-suffix, for -py- seems to have l>ecome -irr- in Greek, ^rw-yvy
*Xa\tn'yoDj &c. (ch. iv. § 65). The E-grade of root seems to ))e used with the
T- as with the B-suffix, so that plecto (from root plek-, Gk. vKiKol) is the correct
form, O. Lat. -plocto being due to false Analogy (cf. pondus with 0 by Analogy of
pondo-y ch. V. $ 7a, and see above, § 7\
(4) -s- : prur-io shows the ending -to of verbs indicating bodily ailments, &c.
(§ 32) attached to a lost *pruro for *preu-8o (O. H. G. friusu, Engl. I freeze) from
* The two forms fretulo and frendeo Eur. *-dhes) a Sg., fren-ditis (L-£ur.
have been explained by a supposed ^-dhates) a PI.
original declension like fren-dia (l,-
§ 83.] THE VERB. DERIVATIVES. 487
the root preu- ; with Gk. av^otj a development of *auyw (cf. Lat. attg-eo, a Causa-
tive formation, § 99) with the suffix -s- (cf. I.-Eur. *auge8-,*augos-, a neuter noun,
0. Ind. djaS) ' strength* ; cf. Lat. attgus-ius)^ we may compare Lat. aux-Uiumy and
the Umbrian formula in invocations of deities orer oscj if this means ^ his {ac.
donis) macte/ ose being Voc. of a stem *aukso- with the sense of Lat. auctiAs.
If arceaso is connected with acoBdo as incesso with incedoy the suffix must in
this Verb have Causative force (cf. Lib. Gloss. * arcesserat/ advenire compu-
lerat ; Porphyr. ad Hor. Epp. i. 17. 50 corvus cum accedit ad cibum, strepitu
vocis alias aves arcessit), but the use of r for d before c is peculiar (ch. iv.
§ iia\ Accerao is a metathesis of arcesao and belongs to colloquial Latin (e. g.
Terence, Petronius), as arceaao to legal phraseology (see A. L. L. viii. 279).
QuaesOj in older spelling quaesso (ch. ii. § 129), from *guat-s-$-o, is in the earliei
writers used along with qimero (older quairo, C, /. L. i. 34, from * ^wai-s-o),
e. g. Plant. Bacch. 178 :
mirumst me, ut redeam, te upere tanto qua^ere,
Enn. Ann. 143 M. (a description of Ostia) :
Ostia munitast. idem loca nauibus celsis
munda facit nautisque mari quaesentibus uitam,
and Trag. 97 R liberum quaesendum causa ^ ; in classical Latin it is found in
I Sg. quaeso, i PI. quaesumus. (On the spelling quacsimus in MSS. of Cic, see
Neue, ii^. p. 437. The spelling with u seems to be an affectation due to the
archaic character of the word.)
(5 -SS-. These bear the same relation to the stems just mentioned as Lat.
aniassoj &c. to dixo, capso. They are called * Desiderativa * by Priscian (i. 431,
18 H.), who explains capesao as ^desidero capere ' (i. 535. 10 H.). In MSS.
they are often confused with ' Inceptive ' forms, e. g. laceacentem for laceasentemt
capescit for capeaait (for a list of examples, see A. L, L. i. 515^.
(6) Verbs in -Ulo. These are hardly to be separated from A- Derivatives
from Diminutive Nouns in -iUd-f Adjectives in -iUo-^ &c., such as acintillare from
scintiUay stiU<ire from atiUa (cf. «ftna), iranquillo from tranquiUtia. They are evi-
dently Diminutive Verbs derived in the same style from Verbs instead ol
Nouns. Examples are : conacribiUare from conacnbo, e. g. Catull. xxv. 1 1 :
ne laneum latusculum manusque mollic^llas
inusta turpit^r tibi flag^Ua conscribillent ;
Varro, Mm, 76 B. itaque eas inceravi et conscribillavi Herculis athlis ; Varro,
Mm. 280 B. astrologi non sunt ? qui conscribillarunt pingentes caelum ;
occillare from occoj Plant. Amph. 183 ; aorhiUo from aorbeo ; obatringillare from
obstringOf e. g. Enn. Sat. ii. i M. :
. . . restitdnt, oecurrunt, obstringillant, 6bagitant.
(See A. L. L. iv. 68. 223.)
We have -lo in rdpiilOj vertUd-bundua^ re7itilOj ustuloj &c.
iT) -co in (dbicoj fodicoj velllco seems to have the same Diminutive force as the
preceding suffix. As the Adj. suffix -co- is often combined with -lo- in Diminu-
' qtuieserej quaeaentibua, qtiaesendutn, vocalic s had become r long before
cannot be the O. Lat. forms of quae- the time of Pluutus and Ennius
rerCy quaerentibusy quaerendonim, as (ch. iv. § 148).
Valesius of Valeriu3y &c., for inter-
488 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ch&ip, VIII.
tives, e. g. jnter-cu-ius (ch. v. § 31), so we have in Y erhs pandJculanSf stretching
oneself (in yawning' Plant. Men. 834 (cf. gesticulari from gesticulus, Dim. of gestua).
(8) -ro. ConsRdSro can hardly come from sidus^ a star, but must with dfseidero
be an extension of a Verb-stem -sTrf-. Other examples of this formation are
mdcfroj riciip^rOj tuliro,
(9) Other formations. Verbs in -igo, -are, e. g. O. Lat. gjiarigavitj used by
Lir. Andr. for nanarit (Paul. Fest. 68. 5 Th.\ with an Auxiliary dgo giving
a Causative force, have been already mentioned (§ 27), and verbs in -/tco, -are
(5 32), ©. g- ampUfco, -iirey in which an Auxiliary /(icio plays the same part.
Facto does not enter into so close composition with the Verb in b&tS/aciOj drf.
/ado (Lucr. vi. 962 sol excoquit et facit are), cdl? facia later calefacio with the same
shortening of a final long vowel as in hari (ch. iii. § 4a), consui /ado (Varro,
B. R ii. 9. 13 consue quoque faciunt) (on this -e see § 34), compefuli /acioj to cut
short (Plant, orationis operam compendiface) ; and we have an Accusative
case- form as the first element of rfnwm-rfo (vetido), venum eo {veneo), pessum-do,
pessvm eo (on crMo, see § 27 ; on mandOf -are, § 32 ; on pando, mando-j -ire, § 14).
Other Latin Verb-suffixes are 'Ut{t)io of balbuUo, to stammer, /riguttio, to
chirp ; -urrio (-t7no) of ligurrio, sc&turio (on which see above, § 30) ; 'dnor, -art
of pairocinor^ Unocitwr (cf. pcUrodnium, lenodnixim), rdtiodnor, alfidnor, tuburdnoTf
&c. ; 'isso, -are, which is bon'owed from 6k. -<fo;, e. g. aididsBO (drTiKt^oj), graedsso,
patrisso (cf. § 33 a).
§ 88 a. The Conjugations in Bomance. In the Romance
languages the Latin Conjugations are much better preserved than
the Latin Declensions (ch. vi. § i). The first Conjugation is the
prevailing type. Its encroachment on the others even in the Latin
period is shown by Vulg. Lat.^ forms \ike fiddre (Fr. fier. Span.
Bar), a Derivative iromftdns, which supplanted c\Bss.f7(Idre, as the
Derivative ;;e'c^?«artf supplanted 7?^c/^^ (Caper 93. 8 K. pecto caput
non * pectino,' et pexum non ' pectinatum '), as well as from the
fact that Greek loanverbs appear naturally to drift into it,
6\lfoiveiv becoming obsonare, iTpoTrCvciv propinare, &c., just as
loanwords in French take -er (Lat. -are), e. g. trinquer, and in
German, -ieren, e.g. marschieren, amusieren. The freaks of
false Analogy appear in Vulg. Lat. fvglre, cupire^ &c. (Ital.
fuggire, Fr. fuir, Span, huir; Sard, kubire, Prov. cobir), with
transference to the fourth Conjugation by the analogy of their
1 Sing. Pres. Ind,, fu(/io, cupio ; in Vulg. hsit, Jiorire, complire
(Ital. fiorire, Fr. fleurir; Ital. compire ; cf. Fr. emplir), with
a similar transference, due to the identity in Vulg. Lat. of -eo
and 'io (both pronounced -yc>, ch. ii. § 149); and the confusion
' The same tendency appears at an planted *c^lo (cf. occt<&>), and the same
early period. Cflare, a Derivative explanation should perhaps be given
from *cfla, concealment, has sup- of »'>»iare (Perf. wnm}, &c. {See § 3a.)
§§ 38a, 84.1 THE VERB. IMPERFECT. 489
of second and third Conjugation Verbs, which we have already
remarked in the Latin of Plautus in the case oiferveo, sordeo, &c.
(§ 19), is intensified in Romance through the approximation of
the c- and ^-sounds (ch. ii. § 141), so that we have Vulg. Lat.
forms like resjjondire (Ital. rispondere, Fr. r^pondre), tond^re
(Ital. tondere, Fr. tondre), and (by Analogy of the Perfect
tense sapui) mpere (Ital. sapere, Fr. savoir) ; so Anal, of potui,
posse became Vulg. Lat poidre (Ital. potere, Span, poder), and
by Anal, of volui^ veUe became voUre (Ital. volere, Fr. vouloir).
The Perfects struxi^ traxi^ prosfrdvi, contnvi have similarly pro-
duced the Vulg. Latin forms tragere (Ital. trarre, Fr. traire),
strtujere (Ital. struggere, Fr. de-truire), prostrare (Span., Port,
prosti-ar), conlrire (Span., Port, curtir). Verbs of the fourth
Conjugation oft^n show the * Inceptive * suffix in their Present,
e. g. Ital. unisco Pres. Ind., unire Inf., on which see § 28. (For
a fuller account of the Romance Conjugations, consult Meyer-
Liibke, Rom^ Gram, ii. pp. 137 sqq.).
Of Derivative Verb endings may be noticed (1) -icare, a fre-
quent formation in Vulg. Lat., e. g. ^n/ivicare, to snow (Ital.
nevicare, Fr. neiger), (a) -Miare (Gk. -tCctr), which appears in
Ital. as -eggiare, in Fr. as -oyer, in Span, as -ear, e. g. Ital.
biancheggiare, O. Fr. blanchoyer, Span, blanquear, (3) -antare,
-efitare (cf . Lat. jjraesentare)^ used for Factitive Verbs, e. g. ^expa-
venture y to terrify (Ital. spaventare, Fr. ^pouvanter, Span,
espantar) (ih, ii. pp. 604 sqq.).
§ 34. B. Imperfect. In Slavonic the Imperfect is formed
by appending a Preterite of the Substantive Verb (i Sg. *jachii
from original *es-o-m, ' I was *) to a case form (usually called an
Instrumental) of a Verbal Noun. Thus of the verb * to see,* of
which the Inf. is vide-ti (Lat. vide-re), the Imperfect (i Sg.) is
vide-a€hu, lit. ' I was a-seeing ' ; of the verb * to carry,' Inf.
nes-ti (from the I.-Eur. root nek- of Gk. h€yK€iVy &c.), the
Imperfect ( i Sg.) is nese-achu ; of glagola-ti, * to speak/ the
Impft. (i Sg.) is glagola-achti. The same method of fonning
an Imperfect was followed in Latin, only the Auxiliary verb
chosen was not I.-Eur. es-. Lat. vide-bam^ feie-bam^ amd-ham,
are formations consisting of a Verbal Noun-stem (probably in
490 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VHI.
some ease form sucli as the Instrumental) followed by the
Preterite of an Auxiliary verb. The b of the Latin Imperfect
is in Umbro-Oscan f (Osc. fu-fans, 'they were'), and must
represent an I.-Eur. bh or dh (e. g. Lat. ubi^ Umbr. pufe, Osc.
puf , O. SI. kiide, O. Ind. kuha from an I,-Eur. DH-sufiix)
(ch. iv. § 114). It can hardly be separated from the h of the
Latin Future vid^-bo^ amd-bo, &c. (see § 36), which is similarly
in the Italic languages /, e. g. Fal. kare-fo * carebo/ but whose
equivalent in O. Ir., b, e. g. no charub, * amabo ' [quasi *nu (nunc)
carabo] (cf. Lat. cams), shows it to represent I.-Eur. bh, not dh
(which would be d in O.-Ir.). The Auxiliary verb used must
then have been the I.-Eur. root bheu-, whence Lat. Jvi, O. Lat.
Suhj, /nam, &c. ; and Lat. ^bam, -bds, -bal, 3 PI. -banl (Osc.
-fans) may represent an I.-Eur. Preterite *bhwam, -as, &c.
(on the loss of postconsonantal w, see ch. iv. § 71), seen in
O. Ir. ba (from *bam), and corresponding to the Lat. Preterite
of the verb es-, eram (from *esam). The Verbal Noun-stem
employed recurs in such formations as the Fut. vide-bo, are-bo,
sci-bo, as well as in Verbs compounded with fa cio, e.g. are-facio
(§ 33' 9)^ ^^^ i^ Adverbs compounded with VLcet, e. g. vid^-licet^
8ci-Hcet, i-licet (ch. ix. § 7). It appears in the Ace. case in O. Ind.
Perfects like vid^-cakara, compounded of vidam, the Ace. Sg.
of a Verbal Noun (cf . Lat. vide-) and eakara, the Perfect of kr-,
' to make ' (I.-Eur. ker-, Gk. Kp-atVco, Lat. creo), Lat. vule-, amd-^
Jiui' might be regarded as the bare stem of the Verb without any
Case-suflSx, but this explanation does not suit with lege-bam^ for
the Verb-stem would here be lege- (leg6-), and the only way of
avoiding this difficulty ^ would be to suppose that Verbs of the
third Conjugation followed the Analogy of Verbs of the second
Conjugation, ^legt-bam becoming kge-bam after the fashion of
vid^'bam, as in the third Declension of Nouns Consonant-stems
followed the analogy of I-stems in their Nom. PL, ^milit-h
becoming milU-es like jxirf-es (originally -eySs, ch. vi. § 40).
A similar change of their Imperfect formation was made by
Verbs of the fourth Conjugation in the second century b. c, for
^ Some prefer to regard the Latin case kgfbam will represent *legtS''bam
Imperfect as formed of a Verbal Noun (cf. ch. iv. § 151).
in -^s with an Auxiliary. In that
S§ 85, 36.] THE VERB. FUTURE. 49T
while these have -tbam (or -iebam) in Plautus and the earlier
writers, e. g. audl-bavi (and audie-bam)^ they follow exclusively in
classical Latin the analogy of Verbs like facio in their Imperfect
audie-bam like fade-bam^ as in their Future audiam (O. Lat.
audibo and audiam) \\kefaciam. The Romance languages point
to a Vulgar Latin Imperfect of the second and third Conjugations
in -eam^ of the fourth in -lam (e. g. Sard, timia, finia, Span, vendia,
Port, dormia, O. Fr. diseie * disais,* senteie * sentais '), while the
first Conj. Impft. had -dbam (e. g. Sard, istava from Lat. stdbam)^
but whether this may be taken as evidence that byforms ^time-am,
^Jinl-aniy &c. formed like er^anij ^bAw-am, existed in Latin from
the earliest times is doubtful (see Meyer-Liibke, Rom, Oram,
ii, p. 38a ; and cp. below, § 37).
The Imperfect Subjunctive is formed with an S-suflSx which
is usually referred to the Substantive Verb es-, appended as an
auxiliary, though some explain it as a Noun-stem suffix, com-
paring dger-evi (on Subjunctive e, see § 55) to agere for *ages-Y,
Loc. Sg. of a Neuter S-stem *agos, *ages-os Gen., ferr-em for
*fers-evi \x> ferre for ^fersi^ amarem, f/iereretn, arufirem to amare,
mei'&re^ audire (see § 83).
§ 35. Fourth Conj. Impft. in -ibam. Tliese forms are very common indeed
in the Dramatists, e.g. Plant. AuL 178 :
pra^sagibat mi Animus frustra me ire, quom exibdm domo,
and the Republican poets, e. g. Lucr. v. 934 :
nee scibat ferro molirier arva,
and are often used by the Augustan poets and their followers, where the
ordinary form would not come into a dactylic line, e.g. lenihai in Virg. A.
vi. 468 : ^
lenibat dictis animum lacrimasque ciebat.
From eo, the classical Imperfect remained 'tham, phr-tbam, r5n-t6am, and from
q\u:Oj qulhatn, ni-quibam.
Aibanif a dissyllable, is the usual form in Plautus, but we have Also aieham,
e. g. Rud. 1080 quam esse aiebas (MSS. alebas).
The question whether -ibam or -iebam was the correct ending for these
fourth Conjugation Imperfects was a matter of discussion among Roman
grammarians. We hear of a certain Aufustius who wrote a treatise, dedi-
cated to Asinius PoUio, to ehow that veniebam and similar forms were preferable
to venibam, &c.
§ 36. C. Future, (i) In -^^. (I.-Eur. *bhwo). This forma-
tion is shared by the Celtic languages [e. g. O. Ir. no charub
49^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CtiKp. VIII.
* amabo,' quasi * *nu (nunc) carabo ' (cf. Lat. cdrtut)], and appears
in Faliscan, karefo * carebo/ pipafo * bibam * in the inscription on
a drinkin<if bowl : foied vino pipafo, kra karefo * hodie vinum
bibam, eras carebo * (Nof, Scav. 1887, p. 26a). In class. Lat. it
is confined to the first and second Conjugations, dmdboy vlde-bo,
but in the early Dmmatists the fourth Conjugation Verbs show
-ibo as well as -iam in the Future, and in the plebeian Latin of
Novius' Atellanae^ or rustic farces, we find vivebo, for vivam^
dicebo for dicam (as in the Atellanae of Pomponius paribis for
paries, Com, 20 R.). These last forms are doubtless due to the
influence of the Imperfect in -bam (see the preceding section),
a formation shared by the third Conjugation, as well as the
first, second, and fourth ; vlvebam^ dicebam called into existence
vivebo , dicebo^ on the analogy of v'td'ebam, cdrebam , which had Future
forms videbo, carebo. This -bo of the Future Tense, Falisc. -fo,
O. Ir. -b(o) is clearly some part of the Verb bheu- (Lat./ttt, &c.),
of which we have seen -bam of the Imperfect Tense to be
a Preterite. The Future of Latin sum, ero, is a Subjunctive
form, *es-o, with Future meaning ; a meaning which seems to
have attached itself to the I.-Eur. Subjunctive (see § 55).
(2) In -am. For verbs of the third and fourth Conjugations
in Latin the i Sg. of the A- Subjunctive (see § 55) is used for
the I Sg. Future, though, as we have seen, in the case of
Verb-stems of the fourth Conjugation, this Subjunctive did
not succeed in entirely ousting the fonnation in -bo till the
classical period, e.g. Ie{j-am 1 Sg. Fut. and i Sg. Subj.,
audi-am 1 Sg. Fut. and i Sg. Subj. (but in the older
literature, also avdl-bo). For the other Persons of the Future
the E-Subjunctive forms (see § 55) are used, leges, leget, UgemitSy
&c., audits, aiidiet, avdiemHS, &c. The reason of this distinction
between the i Sg. and the other Persons of the Future Tense
is not clear. It may be that the i Sg. Subj. had already for
a long time played the part of the 1 Sg. Fut. of these verbs,
as it played the part of the i Sg. Imperative at all periods of
Latin, and still retained its place when the new Future forms,
which supplanted an older dixo, &c. (see below), were introduced.
The spellings affected by Cato dicae, faciae for dicam, faciam
seem to have had nothing to do with this variation of a and e
SS 87, 88.] THE VERB. FUTURE. 493
in the Future of these verbs, but to be merely an attempt to
express by a written symbol the weak sound of final 7fi in Latin
(see eh. ii. § 6i)^
(3) In "SO, This formation belongs to O. Lat., e. g. dixo^faxo.
It is discussed in §§ 3 and 5. The similarity in use between dixo^
faxo, capso on the one hand, and dmasso, &c. on the other, suggests
that dixo stands for ^dic-sso^faxo for ^fac-sso^ capso for ^cap-sso.
But the Umbro-Oscan Future, e. g, Osc. deivasi * jurabit,'
censazet * censebunt,* Umbr. fust ' erit,' f urent * erunt ' had only
one s. In Romance the Future has been lost (but O. Fr. ier
from ero)^ its place being supplied by periphrastic formations
with habeo (the usual type), volOy &c. Thus Ital. cantero, Fr.
chanterai represent cantare habeo (reduced to kayo) (see Meyer-
Liibke, B^om, Gram, ii. pp. 138 and 354 sqq.).
§ 37. Fourth CoDJ. Fut. in -ibo. This formation is extremely common in
the Dramatists, e. g. Plant. Asin, s8 ut ipse scibo, te faciam ut scias, but was
not adopted (as the Impft. in Aham was) by the Augustan poets, though
Propertius ventures on Ihiibunty iii. 21. 32. In Late Latin poetry it reappears,
e. g. Utrgibor, Juvenc. ii. 562. The existence of audiam beside audihOy and of
diaho beside dicam may have led in Vulgar Latin to the coinage of an Imper-
fect without 6, 'whence Romance Imperfects like Sard, timia, finia (but
istava, Lat. staham) (see § 34). Red-dibOj an O. Lat. Fut. of reddo, shows the
Fut. of dOf dabOf e. g. Plaut. Men. 1038 (perhaps reddSbo is the spelling indicated
here and elsewhere by the MSS. :
saluom tibi ita, ut mihi dedisti, roddibo : hie me mdne mode.
The Fut. of eo and its Compounds, as of nequeo, has -'tbo in class. Latin as
well as in the earlier period ; and it is not till Late Latin that forms like
rediet, transient came into use {exiet in Hor. C. iv. 4. 65 : merses profundo,
pulcrior evenit, is the reading of inferior MSS., and like moUibit of C. iii. 23.
19 has no probability\
Whether third Conjugation YO-stems took this form of Future (and the
Imperfect in -thani) is very doubtful. Parihia for imrieSy quoted from an
Atettana of Pomponius {C&m. 20 R.) may be a vulgarism. AdgrMibor is the
reading of the Palimpsest in Plaut. Pers. 15, as against adgredior (aggiedior) of
the other MSS., and seems to be required by the metre ; congrediar of all the
MSS. (AP) in Plaut. Most. 783 is changed by editors to congredibor,
§ 38. Third Conj. Fut. in -Sbo. Viv^bo is quoted by Nonius (509.3 M.) from
Novius {Cum, 10 R.) :
tibi dum uiuebo, fidelis ero,
* Still all the instances of this spel- p. 447 ; and cf. above, ch. ii. §§ i, 3,
ling of Cato's seem to be i Sg. Fut. on the Vulg. Lat. change of a to e
In MSS. of Plautus we find -em occa- after J), e. g. faciem, accipiem ; also
sionally in i Sg. Fut. of Verbs in -to sinem, True. 963 (in the Palatine
(for the references, see Neue, ii'. MSS.).
494 TH E LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. Vni.
and flicebo by Nonius '507. i M/ from the same play of the same author
Cow. 8 R.) prjmum quod dicebo. Plautus {Epid, i88) uses the phrase exsvffho
fvtngninem :
iam ego me conuortam in hirudinem atque eorum ^xsugebo sdnguinem,
though in another pass^ige he has the usual exsugam in this phrase, Poen. 614 :
idm nunc ego illic ^gredienti singuinem exsugdm procul
(in Rud. 1009 the correct reading is : exurgebo quidquid umoris tibist). (On
Late Latin inftrebis, tretnebit, see Georges, Lex. WoriJ. s. w.)
§ 39. D. Perfect. The I.-Eur. Perfect-stem, denoting com-
pleted action, was either {a) Reduplicated, with 0-grade of an
E-root in the Singular Active, and elsewhere the weak grade,
e being the usual Reduplication-vowel : e. g. from the root gen-
(Lat. gi-gn-o) the Perfect-stem was *ge-gon-, *ge-gn- (Gk.
yi-yov-€, ye-ya-fiev ; cf. O. Ind. ja-jan-a, ja-jn-ur), or (b) Un-
reduplicated, usually with a high grade of the Stem, and that
either confined to the Singular Active, or extended over all the
declension: e.g. from the root weid-, ^to* see, know' (Lat.
vid-eo) the Perfect-stem was *woid-, *wtd- (Gk. oXh-^^ lb-fx€v,
O. Ind. ved-a, vid-mfi) ; from the root sSd-, * to sit * (Lat. sed-eo),
the Perfect-stem was sed- (Goth, set-um, Lith. sed-§s, Partic).
Verbs beginning with vowels, e. g. root ed-, ' to eat ' (Perfect-
stem ed-, O. Ind. ad-a, Goth, fr-ct), may have been the stepping-
stone between these two formations. Other Unreduplicated
Perfects occur in various languages side by side with Redupli-
cated forms, and show the same vocalism, e. g. O. Ind. sarpa (and
sa-sarpa), from the I.-Eur. root serp-, ' to creep,' Hom. bix-arai
(beside 6^-8cK-rai) from bexofiai, O. Ind. skambh-ur (and ca-
skambh-a) from the root ska(m)bh-, * to support * (cf. Lat. scam-
nnm). In Latin both the Reduplicated and the Unreduplicated
type of Perfect are found, and it is not always easy to decide
whether on the one hand the Reduplication has been lost in
what we may call the * Latin period ' (e. g. tuit^ which is in the
time of Plautus fe-tul-i ; cf. Gk. T^-TAa|ui«;), either by that
Latin habit of discarding one of two neighbouring syllables
with similar form \ar{ci)'^ubii, &c. ; see ch. iii. § 13. p. 176]
re't{e)4uU (so de'towli^ O. Lat. de-fd-tmuli beside tO'tondi)^ or
by adaptation to other Unreduplicated forms, or whether on the
$ 89.] THE VERB. PERFECT. 495
other the want of Reduplication dates from what we may call
the ' Indo-European period.^
The Latin Perfect had usurped the functions of the Aorist or
Preterite, and denoted action in past time, as well as completed
action in present time, e.g. dedi (i) I gave, (2) I have given.
It thus drew within its sphere Aorist or Preterite formations,
such as what is called the S-aorist, e.g. Gk. l-8cif-o, O. Ind.
d-dtks-am, and gave to these its own peculiar person-endings
(1 Sg. -i from I.-Eur. -ai or -ai, O. Ind. -e, the I.-Eur. Middle
I Sg. suffix, so that Lat. ded-t corresponds to O. Ind. da-d-e,
a Middle, not an Active ; 2 Sg. -isii^ and so on ; see §§65 sqq.).
Thus Lat. diX'i from the S-Aorist stem *deik-s- (Gk. i-h^i^-a) is
in Latin called a Perfect, not an Aorist, and is declined like
a true Perfect, dlx-l (O. Lat. deixei, *deik-s-ai), 3 Sg. dixit
(O. Lat. 'tt, -eit) like tnemXnl^ 3 Sg. meminit (O. Lat. -l^, -eit).
Strong Aorists, both Reduplicated (e.g. Gk. i-ire-ipvo-v from
gh"en-, ' to kill ^) and Unreduplicated (e. g. Gk. k'y^v6-^r\v from
•gen-), may have been absorbed into the Latin Perfect with the
others, but decisive evidence that will prove their existence
separate from true Perfects (Reduplicated and Unreduplicated)
is hard to find. Thus Lat. fidi of dif-fld-i from fi-n-d-o^ root
bheid-, may perfectly well be a true Perfect, with Reduplication
lost in the * Latin period,' the weak grade of the stem being
appropriate to the whole of the I.-Eur Middle (e.g. O. Ind.
bt-bhid-e, i Sg.) as well as to the Plural (and Dual) Persons of
the Active Perfect (e. g. O. Ind. M-bhtd-iir, 3 PI.). It may
however be claimed for the Strong Aorist class, like O. Ind.
fi-bhtda-m, Aor. ; and similarly sctd-l has been called a Strong
Aorist (O. Ind. ^-cMda-m) with the Latin Perfect-ending, while
ftci'Ct'd'l is the true Perfect-fonn ; even sci-cid-l might be itself
ascribed to a Reduplicated Aorist-class, as tetigl has been
identified with Gk. TC-ray-cSi;, 2}?pigl with Gk. TT€'TrayO'Cr}v, It
seems best to class these Latin forms merely as * Reduplicated *
and ' Unreduplicated/ without the more definite title of ' Re-
duplicated Perfect,* * Unreduplicated Perfect.* To attempt
a further subdivision into Reduplicated Aorist (or Preterite),
Unreduplicated Aorist (or Preterite) would be to go beyond the
evidence at our disposal.
49^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIII.
There is still another formation wliieh in Latin has the name
and the person-endings of the Perfect-stem, viz. the formation
adopted for Vowel-verbs (first, second, fourth Conjugations),
which appends v (after a Consonant ?/), e. g. amd-v-i, re-ple-v-i,
aufh'V'i^ vibn-U'i. This formation has not yet been satisfactorily
explained (see below). The v disappears in awliif (pronounced
atuliit in ordinary speech, aiuJiit in Poetry), andU, ahit, as in
(fifior from dlvttior^ O. Lat. dtnus from dlmnus (ch. ii. § 53), *f*
for SI VIS.
Examples of the various types of Latin Perfect are :
(i) Reduplicated: de-d^ (O. Tnd. dX-d-e, Perf. Mid.; cf.
O. Ind. d-da-da-m, Impf .), Osc. de-d-ed * dedit,' Umbr. dede (on
the Umbro-Oscan 3 Sg. Person-ending, see § 69), cre-dud^i
(O. Ind. dS-dh-e, Perf. Mid. On credo^ O. Ind. §rfid-dha-,
^ I believe/ lit. * put the heart to,^ O. Ir. cretim, see § 27). The
I.-Eur. Reduplication Vowel e (in O. Ind. the vowel of the
stem is often substituted) remains in class. Latin in forms like
mi-mtn-i (older ^me-men-i), pe-jjer-i, but came to be assimilated
in Latin fashion (see ch. iv. § 163) to the vowel of the second
syllable in fud-mard-i, tu-tM-i (cf. O. Ind. tu-tud-e), &c., although
in O. Lat. to the end of the Republic forms like m^-mord-i were
in use.
What the Latin Stem-vowel originally was is not always to
be discovered, owing to the Latin habit of weakening every
vowel in a short second syllable to i {e) (ch. iii. § 1 8), Tu-fud-i,
which has retained the 7^-vowel un weakened (ch. iii. § 28),
shows the weak stem tiid- of the I.-Eur. Middle and Plural
Active (O. Ind. tu-tiSd-e 1 Sg. Mid., tii-tild-ur 3 PI. Act.),
while cofi'tHd'if, quoted by Priscian (i. p. 518. 13 H.) along with
con-fud-U from the Annals of Ennius (11. 515 and 418 M.), may
be the trace of a Latin ^tu-tud-, *te-taud- (O. Ind. tu-tod-a
I Sg. Act., Goth, stai-staut 1 Sg. Act., stai-staut-un 3 PI.
Act., apparently from a root (s)taud-), like ce-ctd-i from ^ce-caid-^
root (s)kaidh-. But to-tond-i, spo-{s)poful'i (O. Latin spe^pond^i)^
from the roots tend- (Gk. tcV5(w), spend- (Gk. o-TrevSo)), are not
necessarily derived from that form of the Reduplicated Perfect-
stem which was reserved for the Singular Active in L-Eur., the
form namely with 0-grade of an E-stem vowel, *te-tond-, 8cc.,
$ 89.] THE VERB. PERFECT. 497
for their o may be due to the Causative Present-stems (§ 29)
with which they were associated, tondeo (L-Eur. *tond6yo-),
sporuleo (I.-Eur. *spond6yo-). The or of mo-mord-i (O. Lat.
^ne-mard-i) is most naturally explained as the Latin equivalent
of I.-Eur. r, so that me-mord^ is the weak stem, *me-mrd-, from
root (s)merd-, and me-mord-l is exactly O. Ind. ma-mrd-e 1 Sg.
Mid. ; similarly the ul (older ol) of tetUli will be I.-Eur. 1 (®1)
(cf. Lat. te'tul-i'inu^^ Gk. ri'TX-a-fxev) from the root tel-.
(2) Un reduplicated : vld-i, I saw, have seen, if v'ul- repre-
sents I.-Eur. *woid- (ch, iv. § 10, p. 228), exactly corresponds to
C). SI. ved-e, ' I know,* a Middle form, and perhaps the only
trace of the Perfect Tense to be found in the Balto-Slavic family
of languages, with the exception of the Participle, while in Latin,
Celtic, and Teutonic it is the Perfect Participle which has been
lost, and the other parts of the Tense retained ; the Active form,
I.-Eur. *woid-a, appears in O. Ind. ved-a, * I know,' Gk. olb-a,
Goth, vait ; sed-i, unless it stands for ^sS-sd-i, as sido for *si'^-o
(§ 9) ^, shows the I.-Eur. Perfect-stem sed- of Goth, set-um i PI.,
Lith. sed-|s Partic. ; ed-i shows I.-Eur. ed- of O. Ind. ad-a Act.,
Goth, f r-et ; e//i, the Perfect of a^o^ does not show I.-Eur. ag-
(O. Ind. aj-a, Gk. ^y-/utai, O, Scand. ok ; cf. Lat. amb'dges)^ but
adopts a Latin raising of 5 to ^, seen in other verbs whose root-
vowel is a, e. g. j)egi from root pag- (Lat. pango) [cf. ch. iv.
§ 51, where it is shown that I.-Eur. a^ Lat. «, is the weak
grade of I.-Eur. e, Lat. t', e.g. I.-Eur, *sato- from root se-,
Lat. mtns beside se-men, fac-io beside fec-i (Gk, iOrjKo) fix)m
root dhe-].
A similar absence of Reduplication appears in Umbro-Oscan,
e. g. Osc, dictisl ' dixerit ' (beside Umbr. dersicnst), Umbr. fakust
' fecerit ' (beside Osc. fe/acusi), Umbr. vurtus ' verterit * and
ku-vurtus ' converteris,'
(3) S-Aorist (Preterite) : dla!'l, older deix-ei (Gk. c-8cif-a ;
cf. O. Ind. d-dlksa-m) from the root deik-, a Reduplicated Per-
fect (Aorist ?) of which appears in Umbr. de-rsk-ust ' dixerit '
(Umbr. rs expresses an intervocalic d-sound, ch. ii. § 88), and
apparently an Unreduplicated in Osc. dk-ust * dixerit ' ; u%%i (Gk.
^ Umbr. pni-sik-urent * pronuntiaverint ' has certainly I.-E«r. 6 (Umbr. i).
Kk
49^ THE LATIN LAXGUAGE. [CSmp- VHI.
€v*Ta lor *€v<T<Ta) hai? a short vowel according to Priscnn. L 46^!,
7 If., like tUf'tvM which has the weak grade iis- of the root eos-
(cf. I^te Ijat. 0*67? for HjffUe, &c^ ^. Z. Z. ii. 607). The S-Aorist
fonriK show sometimes the weak stem, sometimes the E-gnde in
I.-Kur. languages, e. g. O. Ind. ^-diksam just mentioned, Gk.
i'fH('a, sometimes a still higher grade; e.g. from the root
leiq^-, O. Ind. d-raiksam Act. [Gk. c-Xci^-a may represent
-ir^iq"- or -Iciq"- (ch. iv. § 45), O. Ind. a-rlks-i MkL has
the w<fak grade] ; and the same variety appears in Latin
S-Perfe<,'t«, e. g. dirvulo, di-v'tsi, but ilro. msi. But it is not
always p>ssible to ascertain the quantity of the vowel in Latin,
for the grammarians of the Empire are uncertain guides about
the natural quantity of any vowels long by position, for which
they could get no clue from the classical poets. One requires
further evidence before one can fully believe Priscian (sixth cent.)
(i. p. 466. 1 7 H.), when he posits a naturally long penult for all Per-
fects in -xi which have the vowel e before this ending, e. g. il-lexi
from IcU'iOy and for no others^ e. g. dtuc-i from diico (so perducfus^
Auda^jis exc. 359. 15 K.,but deduxerunt in the Mon. Anc. iii. 26).
The use of the apex, or accent- mark, to indicate a long vowel, on
inscriptions, especially on inscriptions later than 150 a. d., is also
evidence of a more or less doubtful character ; and even when the
length of a vowel seems fairly established, e. g. rexi (with apex
over the e on an inscr. of 105 a. d., C, L L, v. 875 ; also declared
to have long e by Priscian, Lc; contrast Gk. 5-pefa), there
remains a further question whether the long vowel is not due to
a Hiinilar phonetic law for the group f/s, as that which gramma-
rians mention for the group ^-/ (in reclm, lectus, tectui, &c.), viz.
that a naturally short vowel is lengthened before this Consonant-
grouj). (On the question of the quantity of the Stem-vowel in
these S-Perfects, see ch. ii. § 144, and cf. ch. iv. § 51, p. 254,
whore the high gi'ade of the root is accounted for by the syncope
of a short vowel, rex- for ri^g-(S)s-.) The vocalism of the Perfect
oljUbco may have been altered before the end of the Republic,
for the spelling jous- on old inscriptions (see C, I, L. i. Index,
s. V.) proves an original diphthong on (probably I.-Eur. eu;
the root is yeudh-, O. Ind. yodhati), and O. Lat. jou^^ei (with »
for #tv before the practice of writing a double consonant came in,
$ 89.] THE VERB. PERFECT. 499
ch. 1. § 8) would become naturally in classical Latin jusi, as in
the Perfect of mitfo O. Lat. meissei became class. Lat. tnUi (see
ch. ii. § 129). Cedo has chsi (Prise, i. 466. 6 H.). Perfects
in 'Ssi often come from Verb-stems ending in -*, e.g. from
the root eus-, us-si ; thus premo probably takes its Perfect
lyres^n from a lost Present ^preso [cf. Gk. Tpi{a')(t} and TpifKo;
Lat. ter(s)'eo and trem-o, § 3]. Flvxi comes from the stem
*bhlug-- (Gk. olv6'<f>\v(), the guttural becoming v in flnvo, class.
Jiuo ; co-nixi from the root kneigh-- (cf . nicto) ; Jixi from the stem
dheig^-, the O. Lat. Present being /^ro (§ 7); vexi from the
root wegh-, Pres. veho^ and so on.
The S-Aorist is not found with Vowel Verbs in Latin as it is
in Greek, e. g. i-Tlfirj-a-a (Dor. -d<ra), i'ipikrj'a-a (with a apparently
for (Tcr as in evaa for *€i;o--o-a, quoted above) ; at least it is not
found in the Indicative. But in Umbro-Oscan, if tt in these
languages represents an original ss (as Att. Trparro) for Trpicro-o)),
we have this formation in Perfects like Pelignian coisatens
' curaverunt ' quasi *curassunt, Osc. duunated ' donavit ' quasi
♦donassit, dadikatted * dedicavit/ prufatted, prufattens * probavit,
probaverunt/ teremnattens ' terminaverunt * [all the examples
preserved belong to the first Conj., and so do almost all of the
Latin examples of ss- forms, e. g. aincusso^ amamm, amassere (see
§5)].
(4) With V (w). This is the Perfect-stem formation of Vowel-
Verbs, as of the first Conjugation, amdvi, n^cd-vi, and with the
V (u) added to a stem not ending in -a, n^-ui (so cr^pavi and
erepui^ cubavi and cubniy dlmtcavi and dimictii^ &c.), of the second
replevin mofmi, of the third strd^vi^ se-vi, cre-vi, sl-vi, of the fourth
auflivi^ desiiui, and destlivi. It is also found with some Consonant
Verb-stems, e. g. colui, dlui, ghniii^ and is sometimes added to
a Perfect-stem already formed; e.g. mess-ui (but see § 51).
When the stem ends in v (w), two v's are not written, but the
preceding vowel is lengthened, e. g. cdvi, Idvi (see § 47 on fori).
SMni, fid, &c. were in O. Lat. slatui (slafuvi), fuvi. Pdsiti is
a form introduced by the false apprehension of pd-sttns [from
the Preposition pd- (Gk. dird, Lat. ab, ch. ix. § 12) and M7i9
P. P. P. of sfno {pono tor pd-s{i)no^ ch. iv. § 151)], as if it were
posi-tus like mdnl-tm. The true Perfect, used by the older
K k 2
500 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIII.
writers, is po-Hvi, but this could not become posui {imposui, Lueil.
xxviii. 26 M .) by ordinary phonetic development.
Both the Perfect with v and the S-Perfect occasionally present
shortened forms, e. g, aniasti^ misti, which are best regarded as
phonetic developments of the full forms dmdvisti, misisH, due in
the one case to the Roman tendency to drop intervocalic v (see
ch. ii. § 53), and in the other to the practice of discarding one
of two neighbouring similar syllables (see ch. iii. § 13, p. 176).
The same shortening occurs in various parts of the Perfect-stem
conjugation, e.g. amdro Put. Pft., amassem Pluperf. Subj., and
so on (see § 3).
The Perfect-stem was formed in I.-Eur. from the root of the
verb, not from the Present-stem. This is the reason why a
Latin Perfect often presents so different an appearance from
a Latin Present. Thus se^vi is formed from the root se- (cf.
si'fnen), but s^ro is a Reduplicated Present, for *st-s-o (cf. Gk.
Irifii for *o-t-(nj-/xi, § 9) ; cre-vi, I deteimined, si-vi, sfrd-vi and
others exhibit Nasalized Present-stems, cer-no, st'tw, ster-no
(see § 10); cre^vi^ I grew, nd^viy abdle-vi and abol-ui have as
Presents * Inceptive ^-stems cre-sco^ no-sco^ abole-sco (see § 28).
But it often happened that the Perfect was influenced by the
form of the Present-stem. Thus veni from root g"em- (Goth,
qemum i PI.) should be *vemi, but takes its 71 from the Present,
a YO-steip, which by the Latin Phonetic law changes its m to
n before i (^), rSnio,
In Oscan the Perfect Subjunctive differs from the Perf. Ind.
only in its use of the Subjunctive vowel e (§ 55), e. g. Osc.
fefacid * fecerit.' But in Latin the Perfect Subjunctive adds to
the Perfect-stem -eriw, -cm, -^n/, &c. (3 PI. -erinC)^ which is
generally regarded as an Optative form from the root es- (cf.
mn) used as an Auxiliary. Others explain viderifn, with vldero^
&c., as containing a Noun-'Stem vUliS' (cf. c%nXS'\ which is seen in
its proper form in vidissem (see § 52). In the Perfect Sub-
junctive person-endings i, not )f, is correct ; scansions with i are
due to confusion with the Put. Perf. (see Neue, ii*. p. 510). In
its Potential use, e. g. dixerim, I would say, affirmaveiim, &c. the
first Pers. Plur. is rare (e. g. dixerimus, Cic. Tnsc. iii. 4. 7 ; Nat,
DeoT, i. 20. 52), and in the Deponent Conjugation this use is rare
$$ 40. 41.] THE VERB. PERFECT. 501
even in the Singular (e. g.passus sim^ Ter. Andr, 203 ; of. M passus,
Virg. G. iii. 141) (see A. L. L. i, 347).
§ 40. OthcSr examples of Beduplioated forms : stS-t-l (O. Ind. ta-sth-e),
ate-H-muSf older *8te'tS'tnos (Gk. t^aTa-fAty) ; pe^pSd-i from pSdo for *pezdo (O, Engl,
fist) ; ce<in-iy older *ce-cen-ei (O. Ir. ce-chan) ; but with the Reduplication-
vowel changed, rff-dfc-t, Pres. disco for *diC'8co ; pd-posc-l, O. Lat. pe-posc-i for
*pe-pri [Tooi prei-) with * Inceptive '-stem suffix -sk- (§ 99) (cf. O. Ind. pa-
prach-a, Act.), Umbr. pe-pnrk-urent * rogaverint.* Peculiar to O. Lat. are :
te'iii\A (O. Ind. ta-tan-6from tan-, I. -Eur. ten-/ to stretch*), which was used as a
Perfect of <^n€o (apud veteres *tetini * dicitur Diom. 37a. 18 K.) ; Nonius (178.
7 M.) quotes tetinisse and tetinerim fh>m Pacuvius, tetinerit from Accins ; in
Plant. Amph. ga6 we should probably read dbstinei for absHnes of the MSS. :
nunc qutodo factis me inpudicis dbstinei,
ab inpudicis dictis auorti uolo,
and tetinij -tint sliould perhaps be read for tenuiy -tinui in other passages of
Plautus (Studem, Stud. ii. laan.) ; Paul. Fest. (335. 7 Th.) has preserved for
us an old augural phrase, discussed by Messala in his Treatise on Augury,
punme tetinero * purissimo tenuero ' ; sdddi {sciacidi ?), illustrated by Priscian
(i. 517- 3 H.) with several passages from the Dramatists.
§ 41. IJnTeduplioated. The following, with short vowel, which are often
referred to I.-Eur. strong (unreduplicated) Aorists, are more probably redu-
plicated forms which have lost their Reduplication, first in Compounds, then
in the Simple Verb : tiUi (see below) ; scf-dt (cf. O. Ind. ci-chid-6 Perf. Mid.,
a-chida-m Aor.), in O. Lat. ad-dfd-t (see above), cf c^scidif di-acidiy re-scidi^ &c. ;
fidi (cf. O. Ind. bi-bhid-6 Perf. Mid., d-bhida-m Aor.), rare in the Simple Verb,
but more frequent in the Compound dif-fidi (©. g- Virg. A, ix. 588 tempera
plumbo diffidit ; Hor. C. iii. 16. 13 diffidit urbium Portas vir MiCbedo) ; -culi
only occurs in the Compound per-culi, just as -^pidi (in the Simple Verb p^puli)
is only found in Compounds, dispulij impuLi, &c. (cf. rep{e)puli).
And a large number of the forms usually quoted as Unreduplicated Perfects
with stem-vowel unchanged rest on very insecure foundation : -ceYidi occurs
only in Compounds oc-cewrft, in-cendij &c. ; the same is true of -/endi of de-fendi,
of'fendiy and -hendi of pre-hendi, nor can we be certain whether the e in these
Perfects was short or long ; *lamhi is attested by Priscian (i. 506. 25 H.) with
the single example of a line of Lucilius (,xiii. 11 M.) :
iucundasque puer qui lamberat ore placentas,
where lamberat is evidently Pres. of lambero ( Plant. Pseud, 743 :
eugepae : lepidd, Charine, med me ludo Idmberas),
and is probably the very word which is quoted by Paul. Pest. 84. 30 Th.
* lamberat ' scindit ac laniat ; for *psaHi Priscian quotes only a line of Caesius
Bassus, the friend of Persius, with psaUerat ; of mando he says (i. 419. 13 H.)
ejus praeteritum perfectum quidem alii mandui, alii mandidi esse voluerunt ;
Livius tamen in Odyssia (a later hexameter version) :
cum socios nostros mandisset impius Cyclops;
502 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Olmp. VIH.
•rcrrt cf. Prise, i. 53a. aa H.) ia easily attested for Compounds, but not for the
Simple Verb, and the same is true of -cufli (Prise, i. 515. 16 H.), and to a great
extent of reUi '. Virg. Ed. vi. 4 vellit et admonuit).
Of the remaining examples of Unroduplicated Perfect with Stem-Yowel
unchanged, ici (Pft. of Ico ? see Wharton, Etyma Lot, s. v.), ^tndi, ri*t (an S-
Aoribt ? ; the usual Perfect of these Present S-stems is in -Iri, e. g areessAvi,
quaes-ni, from arcesm, quaes\H)oy § 3), and better attested than these, piindif
prandij acdndiy virti (on «di, biUj see below) ; the Verbs with Present in -fMio
are sometimes credited with a Perfect in -didi instead of -di ^cf. condidi, but in
composition abacondi, though abscondidi is quoted from the Republican Dra-
matiHts by Noniua, 75. aa M. ), e. g. descendidi, quoted from Valerius Antias and
Laberius by Goll. vi. 9. 17, mandidi, a byform of mandi (Prise, i. 419. 13 H.,
just cited), prandidi, censured by Diomcdes, 367. 17 K. This -didi is proper to
verbs compounded with do, (i) to give, (a) to put, so is applied by false analogy
to de-acendo, from the L-Eur. root skand- i,0. Ind. skand-, Gk. Ciray&iXi^por,
O. Ir. ro-sescaind) ; the formation oip&ndo (cf. Osc. patensins ^aperirent* (?)),
mandoj piandeo is not clear i.see ( 14). Vertij O. Lat. vorti (to- became re- in the
course of the second cent. b. c, eh. iv. $ 10). has probably the weak stem *wrt-,
with which wo may compare either the O. Ind. Reduplicated Perf. Mid. va-
vitlj or the O. Ind. Unroduplicated Aorist ^-vrta-m) ; but while the Umbrian
forms ku-vurtus, co-ror/ws, corriust (or courtiist, for corwrfiwf?), * converteris'
* converterit,' ku-vortu, co-vertu ' convertito/ point to a different stem for the
Present wort- ; cf. O. Ind. Vilrtatfi) and the Perfect (wrt-), the 0. Lat. spelling
shows vort- (wrt-) both in the Present and in the Perfect, as well as in the Per-
fect Participle Passive versus (*wrt-to-, O. Ind. vrttd-), so that the weak stem has
the appearance of having forced its way in Latin into the Present Tense-
system, leaving an identity of Stem-vowel between the Present and the Per-
fect. The spelling vorto may, however, have represented the pronunciation
rerto (see ch. iv. $ 10).
The alternation of a in Present- with S in Perfect-stem is seen in /2c-u>
l^Umbr. fa9ia, Osc. fakiiad *faciat') and /ffc-i (I.-Eur. dhC-A:- of Gk. l-fty/r-o),
frdiigo (root bhrogf-. Goth, brikan ; see ch. iv. § 51), and frfg-i, jdcio and jfci,
cdpio and c?i>i, pango und pigi, ago and Sgi, cofpi (Lucr.^. and apere (ch. ii. $ 150), it
is seen also in Oscan hipitl 'habuerit' (Osc. i is I.-Eur. 6), though *hflri is
unknown in Latin ; that of o with 5 in /od-io and Jod-i [the I.-Eur. root is
bhedh-, Lith. bedu, *I dig,' W. bedd, *a grave,' varying with bhodh-, Gk.
06$fH)s (with $ for »), Lith. badad, * I prick,* O. SI. bod^] ; of a with d there is
one doubtful example, scdbo (with a in scdberei, Hor. S. i. 10. 71) and ftoabercU,
quoted as a Plupft. (with lamberaty on which see above) by Priscian from Lucil.
ix. 77 M. scaberat ut porcus contritis arbore costis ; that of t with ? is seen in
ido and fd», cmo and Smif l$go and fc^i, sfdeo and sPdi^ r^nio {en for •m, ip, like Gk.
fiaivcj) and tfnt for *vftni (,Goth. q€mum, i PI.": ; the weak stem with short
vowel is seen in the Present, but not in the Perfect, in fugio and fdgi (root
bheug-), linquo and Uqui (root leiqS-), riimpo and rupi (root reup-), video and
vidi (root weid-), Hnco and vlci (root weik-),/rtwd« and fudi,
§ 42. Form of Bedaplioation. When the root of the Verb began with
a group of consonants the practice in I.-Eur. languages is to use only the first
consonant of the group in the Reduplication-syllable, e. g. I.-Eur. ♦ke-klow-,
*Ilc-11u-, the Perfect-stems fW)m the root Sdeu-, * to hear ' i^Gk. ici'ttXvTf ; cf.
(§ 42-44.] THE VERB. PERFECT. 503
O. Ind. ^-Sr^Ta, 0. Ir. ru chuala from *cu-clowa, both of these last liaving
the weak stem vowel ix instead of the Keduplication-Towel 6). This form of
Reduplication appears in Latin Reduplicated Presents (see $ 9) like si-s-to
(I.-Eur. *8i-8t-, Zend hi-staiti, Gk. UarrjfUj Umbr. se-stu). But in Latin
Perfects the whole group appears in the Reduplication-syllable when
the group consists of s followed by a mute, while in the stem-syllable
the s is dropped (possibly sometimes retained, as in Teutonic), whereas
in other I.-Eur. languages (e. g. O.-Ind., Gk.) only the mute appears in the
Reduplication-syllable, e. g. Lat. spd-pond-i {spo-spondi is occasionally found in
MSS.), ad-dd-i (v. 1. seufodi), Goth, stai-staut, O. Ind. ta-sth&u (from O. Ind.
tsthh', *■ to stand '). BCbi shows the i of U-Aho, the Reduplication- vowel of
Present-stems, as 6 of Perfect-stems. Similarly di-dic-i may owe its i to the
fact that disco is a Reduplicated Present for *d%-dc-aco (cf. Gk. hi-^&aKu for *8(-
haK-oKoi) (but see $ aa). The Roman grammarians were in doubt whether the
correct Perfect of sisto was sd-t-i or stU-t-i (see Georges, s. v.), Grellius (ii. 14)
speaks of an old MS. of Cato's speeches which had the reading vadimonium
stitisses, a reading changed by ^ emendatores ' to vculinuynium stetisses ; the same
doubt existed whether sfdi or sSdi was the Perfect of sUdo (*si'8d-o),
§ 43. Assimilation of Beduplioation-vowel to Stem-yoweL Aulus
Gellius, in a chapter dealing with peculiar forms of the Latin Perfect {N, A,
vi. 9 ; cf. Nonius 140. 19 M.), says that although i)opo8ct, momordif pupugi, cucurri
were the forms used in his time by almost all educated men (omnes ferme
doctiores), the older writers used S in the Reduplication-syllable. He quotes
meinordi from Ennius (from his poem to Scipio, and referring to the rivals of
his hero ?) {Sat. 20 M.) :
meum n<>n est, ut (v. I. at) si me canis mem6rderit,
from Laberius, Nigidius, Atta, and Plautus {Aid. fr. a ut admemordit homi-
iiem), remarking that the last author used also prae-tnorsisset (the S-Aorist
form), peposd from Valerius AntisiS , pepugero from Atta, occecurrit fix)m Aelius
Tubero, spepofiderarU from Valerius Antias. He even assigns similar forms to
Cicero and Caesar (sic M. Tullius et C. Caesar mordeo * memordi,' pungo
'pepugi,* spondee *spepondi* dixerunt), although our MSS. of these authors,
as of Plautus and the older writers, hardly preserve a trace of them [see
Neue, ii*. 465. In Plaut. Poen. 1074 one of the Palatine MSS. has memordit
(D), another 7nc mordit (C), another momordif (B)].
§ 44. Loss of Beduplioation. This assimilation may have in some cases
facilitated the loss of the Reduplication-syllable in Compounds, which was
ascribed above (§ 39) to the Latin practice of discarding one of two neigh-
bouring and similar syllables [e.g. «r((i)-cMbi7, ch. iii. § 13. p. 176]. This
practice of Latin [cf. Gk. &fi{<pi)-<pop(vs]f along with the liability of every short
second syllable to Syncope imder the older law of Accentuation (ch. iii. § 13),
must have operated most powerfully to the detriment of the Reduplication-
syllable in Compounds, so that it is wrong to refer all Latin Unreduplicated
Perfects to I.-Eur. Unreduplicated Perfect and Aorist forms. A Perfect like
fuli, which has in Plautus the form tettiliy in Terence usually the Unredupli-
cated form, tiili, as always in classical Latin, is most naturally explained as a
Reduplicated form which lost its Reduplication in the second cent. b. c. The
Compound rettuli (not retuli^ see Georges, Lex. Wor^f. s. v.) has a double t, which
504 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIII.
is clearly not due to the Preposition having had the form red-, but like the
double p of repperi (benide r^rio), reppiiU (beside rfpdlo\ to the Syncope of tlie
Reduplication-vowel, re-f(e)-h</», like re-p{e)'peri^ re-pieypuU, Other compounds,
like con-tidiyOb'tuUfat'iulijSUS'tuH have precisely the form which they would have
had if they, like rettuli, had suffered Syncope of their second syllable ; only,
while Syncope has left a trace of its operation in the double t of rettuli, this
trace has been obliterated by the phonetic conditions of these other Com-
pounds. *ConttulU *obttulif *aMuU, *su8ttuli are impossible forms; they must in
liatin orthography be written conMi, obtiUi, attuH, sustuliy so as to afford no
cnterion of whether the Preposition was originally compoxinded with teiuli or
ttUi, The one Compound however which does afford such a criterion pro-
nounce^( for the first of these alternatives, and warrants us in asserting that
an original tetuH has been reduced to tuli in the Perfect of all the Compounds
of fero {^toUo)t and in denjdng the theory that they show an original Mi, an
Aorist formation like Subj. attulas, &c, (see § 4). The shortened form tuli
having thus established itself in the numerous Compounds of fSi-Oj words in
constant use in the speech of every-day life, it may well have spread from
them to the simple verb. The habitual use of con-tuU, at-tuli^ ob-Udi, &c. would
naturally lead to the preference of tidi for the more cumbersome tetuli, although
by a freak of language, by the caprice of that * usus,
quem pones arbitrium est et jus et norma loquendi,'
the shortened form -ptdi of the Compounds r€-p[e)2yuUy com'pe)indi, im-(j)e)puli,
&c. did not supplant the full form pepxdi at the same time. It is the Compound
Verbs which as a rule in Latin show the short form, the Simple Verbs which
are most retentive of the full Reduplicated form ; e.g. ds-tondi {detototidi is
quoted from Varro by Priscian, i. 482. 7 H., but is declared impermissible by
Servius, who lays down the law that no Compound can have a Reduplicated
Perfect : * verba quae in praeterito perfect© primam syllabam geminant, cum
composita fuerint, geminare non possunt), atiandi (in Plant. &c.), despondi
(Plant., Ter., Cic), praecldi (Plaut., Cic.) beside /ofo/tirfi, spopondi, cecidi; and this
fact is additional evidence of Latin Unreduplicated forms having lost the
Reduplication-syllable in Composition.
§ 45. Co-existent Beduplicated and Unreduplioated forms. A more certain
example of an Unreduplicated form existing side by side with a Reduplicated,
and not a phonetic development from the latter due to the loss of the
Reduplication-syllable, is the Perfect of pangOf pSgi beside p^pigi. Both forms
survived in classical Latin, the Reduplicated pepigi being reserved for the
sense * I have agreed,* ' stipulated/ so that it is often called by the Roman
grammarians the Perfect of pdciscor ; and in addition a third Perfect is men-
tioned by the grammarians for the Simple Verb (not the Compounds), an
S- Aorist forrapawciy e.g. in the elegiac epitaph of Ennius (ap. Cic. Tusc. i. 15. 34) :
hie uestrimi panxit maxima facta patrum.
In the same way 0. laX, ftfaked of the very ancient inscription on a Praenes-
tine brooch (C. I. L. xiv. 4123) : Manios med fefaked Numasioi, seems to be
from a Perfect-stem *fe-fdu:- ;and similarly O^q, fefaaist * fecerit ' Put. Pft., and
fefacid * fecerit' Pft. Subj., will have & not a), anterior to the weakening of
unaccented vowels (see ch. iii. § 18). It would have been in class. Latin, had
the form survived, *jS/tcif related to fPci Si8p(i>igi to pegi.
i 46. 8-Preterite. Examples of parallel Latin and Greek forms are dixi.
$$ 46-47.] THE VERB. PERFECT. 505
O. Lat. del- (Gk. Hh^o) (^both Ltit. dei- and Gk.Sci- may before a consonant repre-
sent I.-Enr. dei-, ch. iv. $ 45), rBxt (Gk. &pfia)y texi (Gk. tcrt^a), depsi (Gk. lirAc^),
mansi (Gk. tiiuva for *^fA€roa), Hasi (Gk. tvaa for ♦eiffao) ,i)ca?t (Gk. ive^dfirjy). The
substitution of -»' for -xi (of aanxt, <>nx«, &c) in mulsi from (i) mulceoy (a) mu2j^,
/«&» from (i)/ufcio, (a)/ti2^,ix»r8t (andp«perci) from parco^ sparsifrom. spargOf &c.
is due to the preceding consonants I, r (see ch. iv. § 157). The same Verb may
use as its Perfect both the S-formation and the Reduplicated Perfect : thus
parco has parsi and peperci ; praemordeo has praemordi and praetmrai (Plaut. fr,
lao G.) : aurgo has surrexi, but in Livius Andronicus often surreffi (in the old
spelling sureffi ; Paul. Fest. 403. i Th. * suregit ' et * sortus * pro surrexit, et
quasi possit fieri surrectus, frequenter posuit Livius) ; the difference between
di-lexij neg-leoci (cf. intd-lexi} and dS-lfgi^ S-lfgi, &c. has been explained by referring
the Perfects with x to a lost Present *lego (Gk. 0X^70;, to care for) ; &no, to buy
(cf. redimo, co^o)^ in O. Lat. to take (Paul. Fest. 53. a6 Th. emere, quod nunc
est mercari, antiqui accipiebant pro accipere) as in ad-imoy to take away,
O. Lat. ab-emo with the same sense (Paul. Fest. 4. 11 Th. ^abemito ' significat
demito vel auferto. * emere' enim antiqui dicebant pro accipere), dir-imo,
int^-imOf ex-imo (cf. M. Ir. fo-emaim, *I take,' Lith. imii, O. SI. im^),
retains in these Compounds the Perfect-formation of the Simple Verb imif
red&nij coSmij ad(miy &c., but in the Compounds c^moj dSmOj prSmOj aumoj in
which its connexion with emo is obscured, it takes an S-Preterite, compsij
dempsiy prompsiy sumpsi (0. Lat. suremit however for sumpsit is quoted by Paul. Fest.
425. sTh.) ; similarly dmicio, a Compound of jdciOf is conjugated inconsistently
with its forgotten origin amicui and aynixi, amictuniy amicire (cf. ambitum Supine
of ambio, a Compound of eo, but amb-ihiSy a going round, canvassing, &c.) ; why
flicio should have as Perfect elicuij but allicio, allexi is not clear.
§ 47. Origin of the Perfect in -vi (-ui). The v (u) of Perfects like dmd-vi,
mon-ui has been variously explained as a case-ending of a Verbal Noun U-stem
followed by the Auxiliary Verb ei-, * to go,' as a formation on the analogy of
Verb-stems which end in v (u) such as/or-eo (ch. iv. § 144) from the root dhegh^-
(fivi being regarded as a Perfect formed in the same way as fodi from/Sdw,
and not in the manner stated in § 39. 4) and other even less satisfactory
hypotheses. A very pHausible theory supposes I.-Eur. -wi to have been the ending
of the first and third persons singular of the Perfect of roots ending in a long
vowel and compares O. Ind. ja-jnau (with final unaccented! dropped) with Lat.
{y)mvi ;with the middle i Sg. ending -ai), 0. Ind. pa-prau with Lat. piSr't.
These O. Ind. forms are confined to the i and 3 Sg. of the Perfect of roots
ending in a long vowel, e. g. da-dau, * I have given/ ' he has given,' but da-d^-
tha, * thou hast given,' &e., so that the original Latin paradigm may have been
pferi, plesiiy pkvity &c. There is also an explanation possible which connects
these Latin Perfects with Oscan (and probably Umbrian) Perfects in -f- (-ff-),
such as Osc. aa-mana-ffed 'amandavit' * faciendum curavit,* aikda-fed
* *aequidavit ' ' fines ad normam derexit,' pnif-fod * probavit,' fufens * fuenint.*
This Oscan f has been naturally explained, like f of Oscan fu-fans 'erant,*
Falisc. kare-fo *carebo,* as representing I.-Eur. bh, seen in O. Ir. charub
' amabo ' (quasi * *carabo ';. But Italic f may also represent I.-Eur. dh (see
ch. iv. § 114), so that these Oscan Perfects, if separable from the Impft.
fufans, may contain an Auxiliary Verb connected with the root dhe-, *to
put ' (Gk. riOrjfjUf Lat. crS-dOy § a^ and p. 363). Latin v (1*) in the middle of a word
5o6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIII.
may represent dv (I.-Eur. dw, as in sudvis, I. -Eur. *8wadu-, and probably also
I.-Eur. dhwj, while at the beginning of a word I.-Eur. dw- is represented by
Latin t, e. g. bis from I.-Eur. *dwi8 (Gk. 8(f )is), so that the t? of the Latin Perfect
and the f . ff) of the Oscan may both represent the dhw- of a weak stem from
the root dhe-, * to put, place,' a stem which appears in a fuller form (the
E-grado ? ch. iv. § 5 1) in Lat. crs-duasy as the numeral duo (see ch. vi. $ 59 "^
appears beside his. If this explanation, which requires a good many possi-
bilities, be right, Oscan -manaffed will correspond to Latin aibavU, &c., Oscaii
pruffed to Latin cuhuity &c., and the -as- of messuij &c. will be due to the com-
bination of the final dental of the Verb-stem with the initial dental of the
Auxiliary (see below $ 51).
In ciibui beside aibavif crtpui beside -crepavi, the ti-forms may be referred to
the parallel Consonant-stems of cumbeicj *crepere (percrepis^ Varro, Men, 124 B.),
and similarly Ulvi ;for *Utwi) to 0. Lat. latere, sdnui to 0. Lat. sOnere (cf. ( 9a).
But Perfects in -ui may also come from forms in which a short vowel*
preceded the Auxiliary Mhwai, just as vluo comes from fldvoj dfnuo from di nSw
(♦newod), ercum from ♦erdySo- (cf. Gk. Bpo^os, ipi^-iv$os) (see ch. iii. § 24).
Perfects in -In* from Consonantal Verbs, such as peli\:i from p^/o, rudivi from
rudo, lacessivi from Idcessoy arcessivi h-om arcesso (and similarly quaesivi for
*quae8sivi from quatso^ older quaesso, used as Perf. of quaero)^ probably come
from parallel YO-stems, *petio, *rudiOy *lacessio^ &c. (cf. sallo and aaUio, Perf.
salUcij liyio and linioy Perf. Zim'rt, &c., $ 15).
§ 48. Shortened forms of the Perfect in -vi. Latin v was often dropped
when it stood between two vowels, oftenest between two Ts, e. g. O. Lat. dinus
for divimiSj oblisci for obtivisci, ditem for divitem (so dis for dtt?es) (see ch. ii. § 53),
but the dropping of u after a consonant is not practised in the same way
(ch. iv. § 71). The only Latin Perfect form without u is the curious numerim
of Pacuvius, quoted as an irregular formation by Nonius (507. 23 M.)
Trag. 30 R. :
. . . die quid faciam ; quod me moneris effectum dabo,
and Trag, iia R di mouerint meliora atque amentiam ^uerruncassint tuam
(parodied by Lucil. xxvL 35 M.), which seems to be a formation from a stem
www- (cf. Gk. fii-fAova ?) instead of the ordinary Perfect;;3tem wottw-, unless it
indicates a pronunciation mQn(to)erim like db{yicio of the old Dramatists
(ch. ii. § 50), and possibly atiffur^y)a in a line of Accius {Trag. 624 R) 1^ quoted
by Nonius 488. a M., who makes the word augura^ by some regarded as a Ncut.
PI. like rijbora ; cf. O. Ind. 6ja8- N., * strength') :
pro certo arbitrabor sortis, oracla, adytus, augura,
and prdgen{y)em {'^ prvgSniem) in a pentameter line of a Scipio epitaph of this
period {C. I. L. i. 38, c. 130 b.c.) :
progenie mi genui : facta patris petiei
(probably a graver's mistake for progeniem genui), (P55i«8e, aapisse&re shortened
forms, not of posuiasey saptitsae, but ofpostrisse, saplvisse^ § 39.4). But Perfect-forms
' Domuiy which is usually explained dotnitus). An example of a stem in
as Perf. of ♦ddmCyo-, a Causative by- I.-Eur. -a is O. Ind. v6mi-mi (3 Sg.
form of *domayo- (§ 29), is by some v^mi-ti, but also with the Thematic
referred to an I.-Eur. stem ending in Vowel, vama-ti), the equivalent of
-k or -« (cf. Gk. d-5^/i&ros with Lat. Lat. vdmo, -Ire,
$ 48.] THE VERB. PERFECT. 507
without V were extremely common ; in Cicero's time nosse, judicaase, &c. were
usual {Orat, xlvii. 157 quid quod sic loqui, ^nosse, judicasse' vetant, 'novisse'
jubent et ^ judicayisse * ? quasi vero nesciamus in hoc genere et plenum verbum
recte dici et imminutum usitate) ; and in Quintilian's time the forms audivisae,
scivisse, amservavisae were scarcely heard even in public speaking [Quint, i. 6.
17-ai inhaerent tamen el (sc. analogiae) quidam molestissima diligentiae
perversitate ut * audaciter ' potius dicant quam * audacter/ licet omnes
oratores aliud sequantur . '. . his permittamus et ' audivisae ' et ^ scivisse ' et
' tribunale ' et * faciliter ' dicere . . . sed abolita atque abrogata retinere
insolentiae cujusdam est et frivolae in parvis jactantiae. multum enim
litteratus, qui sine adspiratione ot producta secunda syllaba salutarit (' avere '
est enim), et ^calefacere ' dixerit potius quam quoddicimuset ' conservavisse/
his adiciat * £ace * et ' dice ' et similia. recta est haec via : quia negat ? sed
adjacet et mollior et magis trita]. Servius, in a note on the form leniU in
Virg. Aeru i. 451, tells us that the pronunciation of every-day life was leniitf the
form with the short penult being confined to poetry (sed hoc in metro ubi
necessitas cogit : nam in prosa et naturam suam et accentum retentat).
Varro (Z. L, iii. fr. p. 148 W.) mentions amastij nostij cibiit&s the favourite forms
of his time ; and in Terence the usual forms of Perfects in -?ri, -ivi and of ndri
are the contracted (in Plautus the uncontracted, though in the middle, not
the end, of a line «m, not slv^ris, is used), while the uncontracted forms of
Perfects in -art are used only at the end of a line (in Plautus equally with
the contracted). Eo and its compounds have even in Plautus usually the
form -ii' in Perfect forms, except Ivi, exJvi, amb'iri, &c. All this indicates the
forms without v to have been phonetic developments of the others, and to
have gradually established themselves in exclusive use, the r being dropped
earliest and most persistently in forms where it came between two t*s. The
shortened form of -avit, if it did not push itself into literary usage, must
however have become, sooner or later, a part of every-day pronunciation, for
the Romance forms point to a Vulgar Latin -aut for -avitj e. g. Ital. compro
from a Vulg. Lat. *cc'mp(d)rant. (On audity &c. for audivitj see ch. iii. § lo. a.)
The V of the Perfect of verbs whoso stem ends in v (u) was not dropped to
tlie same extent ; a fact which may be explained by the different sound of -wr-
for -^ivv- in cdveram (pronounced *c(ivreram ?) and -de- in amdveram. But even
these Perfects when 0, u precede r, are contracted almost as readily as the
others : e. g. deroro for devovero in the Praotcxtata of Accius called * Decius '
(referring to Decius Mus) [Trag, {Praet.) 15 R.] :
pdtrio exemplo et me dicabo atque animam deuoro h6stibu8 ;
comtnorat, Ter. Phortn, loi ; commdrunt, remosse^ Lucr. ; adjuro (or adjuiro ?), in
a passage of the eleventh book of Ennius' Annals {Jl. 386 M.) describing the
Macedonian campaign of Flamininus (the words are addressed by a shepherd-
guide to the Roman general) :
0 Tite, siquid ego adiuro curamue leuasso,
quae nunc te coquit et uersat in pectore fixa,
ecquid erit praemi ?
and the same form (3 Sg.) in Plaut. Rud. 305 and Ter. Phcmn, 537, &c. Morunt,
mdram, commOruntj conxmoram^ commossetn, &c. are not uncommon in the Augustan
poets, e. g. Hor. S. i. 9. 48 :
dispeream ni
summ esses omnis.
5o8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIH.
RmXjuerint occurs in Catullus, Ixvi. i8 :
non, ita mo diui, uera gemunt, iuerint
(for other examples, see Neue, ii'. 533). The usage on inscriptions of the
3 PI. Pft. forms of euro, jyrdbo similarly points to the forms with v being the
older [e.g. coraueroni^ C.I.L. i. 73, courauenmt 14 19, coirauerunt $6$, &c. (once
cmrarunf), but coeraverunt and coerarunt, curarunt],
$ 49. Shortened forms of the Perfect in -si. A better case might be
presented for the theory that the shorter forms of Perfects in si (-xt) are
really ancient forms of different origin from the full forms, for dixH, dixtm,
dixe, &c. are most found in the early Dramatists, though they are by no
means uncommon in Virgil and later poets. But the explanation of this
fact is rather that they were felt to belong more or less to colloquial Latin,
and so were freely admitted into Comedy and Tragedy (in both of which
the every-day language of cultured society was employed), but not so freely
into other literature. (Quintilian ix. 3. 2a remarks on Cicero's use of dixti
'excussa syllaba' in the 2>^o Caecinay 29. 8a.) A thing that is almost con-
clusive proof that dixem, Ac. are not parallel forms to dixim, dixo, &c. is that
these shortened forms are only found with Verbs which form the Perfect in
-si (-x») ; we have no *oapse>n, answering to capsinif no *ax^m answering to
axim, [On the wrongness of the readings suhax^it (for subaxit) in Pacuv. Trag,
163 R, faxet in Plant. Capt. 71a, accepsti, Trin, 4ao, 964, &c., see Neue, ii*.
p. 539, and for examples of the shortened forms of Perfects in •« (-xi), e. g.
vixe and vixem in Varro {Men, 321 B. non eos optime vixe qui diutissime vixent
sed qui modestissime), mistiy missey scripstij rescripsti (Cic. ad Att. v. 9. a),
'Sumpsti, -aumpsey -cesti, -cessetfiy -cesse, dttxtiy duxcy -spexH^ -spexe, vextiy traxty
emunxtiy &c. see Keue, ii^ pp. 536 sqq.]
§ 60. O. Lat. Perfects in •u(v)i. Varro declares that in the correct pro-
nunciation of his time the u of verbs like pluoy luo was short in the Present
but long in the Perfect Indicative, as in the Perfect Participle Passive of
similar verbs {L. L. ix. 104 quidam reprehendunt, quod * pluit * et * luit * dica-
mus in praeterito et praesenti tempore, cum analogiae sui cujusque temporis
verba debeant discriminare. falluntur ; nam est ac putant aliter, quod in
praetcritis u dicimus longimi * pluit,* *luit,* in praesenti breve * pluit' 'liiit';
ideoque in venditionis lego fundi * ruta caesa ' ita dicimus ut u producamus)
(but cf. dirHtua), Priscian (i. 504. 22 H.) makes this pronunciation, -ut, in the
Perfects of Verbs in -uoy a feature of Old Latin, and quotes Ennius {Ann, 135 M) :
adnuit sese mecum decemere ferro,
while in another passage (i. 503. 14 H.) he quotes pluvissey pluvit with t? (the
quantity of the u is not mentioned) from Livy.
Institili is the reading of the MSS. in Plant. Most. 86 (in bacchiac metre,
a metre in which the long quantity of a vowel preceding another vowel is
often retained) :
argiimentaque in pectus multa institdi.
The commonest instance of -mi or -art is in the Perfect of the old verb /no, viz.
fid, used as the Perfect of sumy as filirmis in the boast of Ennius on being
made a Roman citizen {Ann, 431 M.) :
nos sumus Romani qui fuimus ante Rudini,
/riit (along with prqfait) in Plant Ckipt. 555 :
quibus insputari saluti fdit atque Is pr6fuit.
$$ 49-62.] THE VERB. PLUPERFECT. 509
fueriniy Mil. 1364, kcj/uiaset in Ennius {Ann. 297 M.) :
magnam cum lassus die!
partem fuisset de summis rebus regxindis.
We have the spelling fwetf on an epitaph (C. 7. L, i. 1051). (See ch. iv. § 70.)
$ 51. Some Irregular Perfects. Besides the byforms in s of the Perfect
of parco, -ISgoj &c. which are foimd in the older as well as the later literature
(§ 46), we have some which are more recent coinages on the type of other
verbs. Velius Longus (74. 4 K.) speaking of sorpsi, a byform of sor&ut, says :
cum recens haec declinatio a sordidi sermonis viris coeperit (cf. Caper 94.
14 K. non est . . . *sorbsi/ sed sorbui), and similarly describes terui i^for trim) as
a * consuetude nova* (ahsorpsi is used by Lucan^ iv. 100). The Perfect vuUti,
for vellij seems also to belong to this class of later coinages {(wulsit in Lucau,
V. 594 ; cf. Neue, ii'. 503), and -cdnui of concinui (Ov., TibulL), occanui (Sail.),
incinui (Varro), Ac. may be a remodelling of a Perfect with lost Reduplication
-dni {con-cini, oc-cini, in-cini) after the pattern of sonui, conaonui, 4lg, Messui
(found in the older writers) is generally regarded as due to a similar
addition of the ending -ui to an already existing Perfect *messij and also
nexui (with wexi), pexui (with pexi)^ although^ if the theory of the origin of
the V-perfect stated in § 47 be correct, the sibilant might be referred to the
influence of the dental in the auxiliary *dhwai (cf. usus for *ut'tu8, *(nt-to-,
fusus for *fud-tu8j &c., ch. iv. $ 95. p. 281). In late inscriptions we have e.g.
reguii (C. /. L. v. 923, from Aquileia : septimae qui cohortis centuriam reguit,
a pentameter line), converiuit (viii. 2532 D b i) ; Apuleius uses conterui (see
Georges Lex Wort/, a. v.\ On Heteroclite Perfects like /t/i, Perfect of ^mw, tHH
(older tStiilC) of fSrOj see § 97.
In Vulgar Latin, as reflected in the Romance languages, the ending -ui
\ encroached still more. Cognovit became cognovuit (Ital. conobbe), movit became
' nwvuit (Ital. movve\ cecidit was replaced by cculuit (Ital. cadde), stetit by stetuit
(Ital. stette), venit by venuit (Ital. venne), &c. [cf. § 92 on the Vulg. Lat.
P. P. P. in 'Utus, e. g. cadutuSi fallen (Ital. caduto)]. The ending -si also
extended its sphere, respondit passing to responsit (Ital. rispose), prendit to
pre(n)8it (Ital. prese), cucurrit to curait (Ital. corse), &c. (See Meyer-Liibke,
Bom. Qrantm. ii. pp. 297 sqq.)
§ 52. E. Pluperfect. The Pluperfect-stem is formed by
adding to the Perfect-stem an S -suffix, probably a Preterite
of the Substantive Verb es-, as the Imperfect in -bam, e. g,
dmd-bam^ uses a Preterite of the Verb bheu-. The -eram, -eras,
-erat of drndv-eram^ meru-eram^ repUv-eram^ dlx-eram^ vld-eram,
pepig-eram^ audiv-eram is most naturally referred to the Im-
perfect of sum^ though videram has been, with the O. Ind.
d-vedis-am, analyzed into a Noun-stem in -is (cf. vidis-sem) as
Gk. fjb€a into a Noun-stem in -es (see § 3). The -w- of the
Pluperfect Subjunctive dmdvisseniy mdjiumem, tHdissem^ avMvissem
must, if the old view be correct which sees in these forms an
5IO THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VHI.
Auxiliary easem appended to the Perfect-stem, be a change of
-eS' to the I-vocalism of the Perfect, just as the a of Gk.
fictfdro), &c. is due to the apprehension of a as the appropriate
vowel of the Aorist Tense.
§ 53. P. Future-Perfect. The Future-Perfect adds to the
Perfect-stem -ero, -m-*, -^tt^ &c. (3 PI. -erunt)^ which seems to
be nothing else than the Future (in form a Subjunctive, § 55)
of snm^ appended as an Auxiliary Verb, though those who
explain the -er^ of vKleram as I.-Eur. -is-, the suffix of a Noun-
stem, see the same -is- in vid-^ro (cf. O. Ind. vedifam) (see 3).
Scansions like /ecerim if s (Catull. v. 10), i PI. oi fecero^ are due
to the confusion of the Future- Perfect forms with Perfect
Subjunctive forms (see Neue, ii^. p. 510) ; aderint is similarly
used for wWunt throughout the Lex Col. Jul. Genetivae
Urbanorum of 44 B.C. {Eph, Epigr, ii. p. 122). The use of the
Fut. Perf. in the Republican Dramatists in sentences like max
Ivero, where it hardly differs from the Future, suggests that in
its original usage the Tense was more of a Future than of
a Future Perfect (see A. L. Z. iv. 594).
In the Umbro-Oscan languages we have a suffix -us- (Umbro-
Oscan u may represent I.-Eur. o as well as I.-Eur. u), which is
supposed to be the termination of the Perfect Participle. Thus
Osc. fefacmt * fecerit ' will be like Gk. h^hpaK^% iaviiai, Umbr.
fakurent like bebpaKorc^ ecrorrai. (On the Umbro-Oscan Perfect
Participle in -us, see § 89.)
§ 64. G. Tenses formed with Auxiliary Verbs. We have seen
that the suffix used to form the Imperfect Tense of all Verbs.
-^tf-, and the suffix used for the Future of Vowel Verbs, -W-
(-fc'-), are nothing but parts of the Auxiliary Verb bheu- (Lat.
fui), that the S-suffixes of the Pluperfect and Future-Perfect
Indicative, and of the Imperfect, Perfect and Pluperfect Sub-
junctive are probably to be referred to the Auxiliary es- (Lat.
jfum), and we have seen the possibility of a similar explanation
of the V-suffix of the Perfect Tense as a form of the root dhe-,
' to set, put/ used as an Auxiliary Verb. These theories receive
a sanction from the proneness of the Latin and other Italic
languages for Periphrastic Tense-forms. Not only was the
$$63-66.] THE VERB. SUBJUNCTIVE. 51 1
Italic Perfect Indicative Passive a form of this kind [Lat.
dmdtus s^um^ (i) I was loved, (2) I am in a state of being loved,
amatua fuiy I was in a state of being loved, Osc. pruftu-set
* probata sunt,' teremnatust * terminatus est,' Umbr. screhto eat
' scriptum est ' (the Auxiliary is joined in writing w^ith the
Participle in frosetomeat)\ and other Tenses of the Passive
(Pluperfect, Lat. amatua iram^ amatua fu^am^ Future-Perfect
amatua ^ro, amatua fu^ro, Perfect Subjimctive amatua aim, amatua
fu^rim, Pluperfect Subjunctive amatua eaaem, amatua fuiasem)^
but we have many other examples of Periphrastic formation.
The 2 PI. Pass, ending -mint, e. g, J^riminiy is explained (§ ^i)
as the ending of a Pres. Part. Pass. (Gk. <l>€p6fx€voi) with
suppression of eatia^ just as eaae is commonly suppressed in the
Fut. Inf. dicturua, -a, -urn (eaae) (§ 86). Osc, manafum * mando,'
if it correspond to 'mandans sum,* is another example, showing
a Pres. Part, with the Substantive Verb (cf. C.I.L, i. 196
senatuosque sententiam utei scientes esetis). The Auxiliary eo
appears in the Latin Fut. Inf. Pass., e. g. datum (i Sup.) iH
(§ ^7)> ^^® Auxiliary Mbeo in such phrases as miaaum haheo for
mlai or dlmiai (e. g. Plant. Paeud. 602 ilia omnia missa habeo,
quae ante agere occepi), the Auxiliaiy DUE- (reddo, doyfacio, &c.)
in phrases like miaaum facto for mitto or dimitto (e. g. Plant.
Amph, 1145), perfectum reddo for 2)erficio (e.g. Plant. Aain, 12a),
factum daho for fadam (e. g. Ter. Eun, 2 1 2). In the Romance
languages these expressions have supplanted many of the Latin
tenses ; e. g. cantare haheo (Fr. chanter-ai, Ital. canter-6, with
haheOy hahea^ &c., reduced to hayo^ haa^ haty haunt^ &c.) has sup-
planted cantahOy &c , so that the Latin Future survives in Romance
only in a few isolated forms, Ital. fia, O. Fr. ier from \aX,fiam,
era ; we find a Periphrastic Perfect consisting of the Perf . Part.
Pass, with aum^ ato (Intrans.) or with haheo ^ teneo (Trans.) ; and
for the Passive the same Participle with aum^fiOy venio, &c. (See
Meyer-Liibke, Som. Gram, ii. pp. 138 sqq.)
§ 56. III. THE MOODS. A. Sul](junctiye. (Belies of the j
I.-Bur. Optative Mood in Latin.) The I.-Eur. Subjunctive had
the functions of a Future (cf. Horn. 1/, i. 262 ov yip -Trca toIovs Ibov {
avipas ovSe TScojutat), as well as of a tme Subjimctive ; it had
512 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VUL
also Imperatival functions, and in O. Ind. while Subjunctive
forms are frequent in the oldest literature, the Vedas, they
survive in classical ' Sanscrit ' only in Imperatival use, e. g. i Sg.
Imper. bhar-a-ni, ' let me carry/ To the unweakened stem
(E-grade) was appended in the Athenciatic Conjugation the stert
vowels e and 6, followed by either the Primary or the Secondary
Person-endings ^•(§ 65): e.g. from the Athematic Verb es-, *to
be,' we have 3 Sg. Subj. *es-e-t(i) (O. Ind. dsat(l) ). In Greek
these athen^atic Subjunctive forms are still seen -in Homer (e. g.
fiij(TOfX€v, retVere), and later in a^ few so-called Futures like ft-o-ftat
from the Athematic Verb ed-, * to eat,' as in Latin we have ero,
erit 3 Sg. similarly retained as a Future Tense. But in Greek,
as in Latin, the athematic forms -have been almost wholly
supplanted by the thematic forms, which show a long vowel,
sometimes a, as in the Italic, Celtic and other languages,
sometimes G (which in Greek varies with 6, e. g. <^€p-T/-r6, ^ip-
(a-fx€if, like athematic e-o in rcfcr-ere, ^rja-o-fxev), as in the Italic
and Greek languages ; and this process must have b^un very
early, for thematic Subjunctive forms of verbs belonging to the
Athematic Conjugation appear in many instances to have been
I.-Eur. forms. Thus *ed-a-, *ed-e- must have been an I.-Eur.
Subjunctive stem of ed-, *to eat,' for we find in Lat. edd-mus^
edd-tls^ in Greek iSw-jutcr, ibri-Tf^ and in O. Ind. &da-n 3 PI.
(O. Ind. a may represent I.-Eur. a, e, 6) ; *e8-e- from es-,
' to be,' appears in Gk. Iry-rc, €Q>-fji€i; (cf . O. Ind. &sa-t 3 Sg.,
asa-tha 2 PL) ; and ey-a- from ei-, * to go, in Lat. ed-s, ed-tu
(cf . O. Ind. aya-s 2 Sg., aya-t 3 Sg.). The discarded athematic
forms are supposed to have been utilized in Greek as Futures
[the Future in -cro- (-o-e-)] ; thus Att. Tfiaofxfv, rciVcre, beC^oficv,
b€C^€T€, Ti^ria'oti€v, Tiixrja€T€f &c. will not be of the same class
as the ordinary I.-Eur. Future in -syo-, e. g. O. Ind. dek-|ya-mi
corresponding to Gk. bci^ta, Lith. bu-siu to Gk. <^vcra), but will be
Subjunctives of S-Aorists ; and Latin Futures in -so-, like dixo,
faxo, &;c., have been referred to the same source. (On this
theory, see § 3.)
In Latin the a-forms were not used for the first Con-
jugation, probably because a Subjunctive like *amay-a-8(i) 2 Sg.
must have become arnds, and so been merged in the Indicative
$ 65.] THE VERB. SUBJUNCTIVE. 513
2 Sg. amdk The E-forms only were used for this Conjugation
in Latin, e. g. amis from *amay-e-s(i) (of. Osc. devaid * juret,'
fndait ' censeat/ sakahiter * sacretur ' ; Oscan i, in the Latin
alphabet i, represents L-Eur. e, e. g. ligato- * legatus/ zicolo- M.
' dieeula '), but in Umbrian we have A-f orms in kuraia ^ euret/
etaians ' itent.* Similarly the E-forms were not used for the
second Conjugation in Latin, to avoid confusion between *widey-
e-s(i), ^vides 2 Sg. Subj., and vides 2 Sg. Ind., only the A-forms
being allowed, e. g. *widey-a-s(i), videds. But in the other
Conjugations the A- and E-forms probably existed side by side,
imtil the latter were appropriated for the Future functions
(see § 36), e. g. ferds 2 Sg. Subj. from *bher-a-8(i), feres 2 Sg.
Fut. from *bher-e-s(i),/flcia^ 3 Sg. Subj. (Osc. fakiiad, Volsc.
fafia, Umbr. fa^ia), faciei 3 Sg. Fut. These A- and E-Sub-
junctives show in Umbro- Oscan the Secondary Person-endings
(-d in 3 Sg., -ns in 3 PI.).
The Optative must have entered into competition with the
Subjunctive at an early time, for it has almost entirely ousted
the Subjunctive forms in the Teutonic and Balto-Slavic families
of languages, and in Latin we see the struggle still going on
between the Optative-forms edi-^nus, edi-tis, and the Subjunctive-
forms edd-mus, edd-tis from the root ed-, ^ to eat/ while in the
ease of the root es-, *to be,' the Optative sn-mus, st'tk have
driven out of the field the proper athematic Subjunctive forms
en-mus, eri-tis (from *eso-, *ese-), which have been relegated to
the Future function, as an *(e)se'7mis, ^{e)seMs may lurk in the
Imperfect Subjunctive ending (see § 34).
The I.-Eur. Optative had in the Athematic Conjugation the
weak grade of stem, with a suffix which was in the Singular
Active -ye- (-lye-) and elsewhere -1-, and with the Secondary
person-endings. Thus from the root es-, the I.-Eur. Optative
forms were : 2 Sg. *sye-s (O. Ind. sya-s) or sYye-s (O. Ind.
s-Tyc4-s, O. Lat. sws), 2 PI. *s-i-te (ef. Lat. s-i-tis). In the
Thematic Conjugation the suffix was -oi- in Singular and
Plural alike, e. g. from the root bher-, to carry, 2 Sg. *bher-oi-s
(Gk. (\)ip'0{.'s)y 2 PI. *bher-oi-te (Gk. c^ep-oi-Tc). I.-Eur. oi of
the Thematic Optative would in the unaccented syllable in
Latin become -e/-, then -«- (ch. iii. § 18), and I.-Eur. -ye- (-tye-)
l1
514 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIII.
of the Singular Active of the Athematic Optative has been
mostly replaced by -i-, the weak form of the suffix (e. g. class, sim
for O. Lat. siem, like nmns, sifts), so that a Latin Optative form
like edis might equally well represent an I.-Eur. athematic
*5d-i-s (with E-grade of stem and with I transferred to the
, Singular from the Plural, as. -ye- is transferred to the Plural
from the Singular in Gk. ora-fry-fjicv, a byform of araifi^v), and
an I.-Eur. thematic *ed-oi-s. The probability however is that
the Optative was confined to the Athematic Conjugation in
Latin, and represents in every case I.-Eur. -ye-, -i-. Again,
it would be iwssible to argue that stes, stemus, &c. were
representatives of I.-Eur. *sti-ye- (Gk. orrd-CrjSy <rra-^ij-fji€j/), and
not examples of E-Subjunctives. The resolution of these doubts
must come from the Umbro-Oscan languages, of which the
remains hitherto discovered offer too scanty material to enable us
to separate with certainty Latin thematic and athematic Optatives,
and Latin Subjunctives in -e-. The use of the weak grade of
the suffix -ye- in the Singular of the Optative of es- appears in
these languages too, e. g. Umbr. */ ' sis,' si * sit, like sitis ^ sint,'
Marruc. -si * sis ' or * sit,' and has been referred to an Italic
weakening of unaccented ye to L How far it is possible to
assign an Optative force to forms like creduim in the older
literature, and a Subjunctive force to forms like creduam is
doubtful. The Optative origin of the old forms in -{s)sim comes
out clearly in their use in prayers (e.g. Juppiter prohibessis
seel us, di mactassint, and the formula of the ancient Augui*al
prayer : bene sponsis beneque uolueris ; see § 5), but in
process of time aU distinctions between Optatives in -im, Sub-
junctives in -am and Subjunctives (possibly Optatives) in -em
came to be effaced.
$ 56. Some O. Lat. Subj. and Opt. forms. In one of the oldest Latin
inscriptions preserved, the Dvenos inscription, we have an A-Subjunctive
mitat 'mittat* used as a Future, with the Optative of the root es-, sied *sit,'
used in the true Optative sense : qoi med mitat, nei tod en do cosmis uiroo
sied * qui me mittet, ne erga te comis Virgo sit ' {asted on the same inscr.
is variously interpreted as * adstet ' and as * ast * ; see ch. x. $ 5). Stem, siis,
siet (on sient, see § 73 ; *8iemn8, *6ietis have not found their way into Latin
as syama, syita have into O. Ind.),possiem, &c. are by Terence used almost
only at the end of a line or hemistich, i. e. through metrical necessity, but
§ 66.] THE VERB. SUBJUNCTIVE. 515
siem, siet are almost inyariably used in old laws (e. g. C. /. L, i. 196. 30 ; 197.
21 ; 198 passim ; 199. 6 ; 200 passim), and Cicero {Orat, xlvii. 157) says, 'siet '
plenum est, 'sit* imminutum : licet utare utroque. [For statistics, see
Zander, Vers, TtcU, p. cxjc, who makes -t- of sit, &c. not the I.-Eur. I of the
Plural, but a Latin weakening of -ie- as in dmieti Voc. for ComdU (? cli. vi.
§ 31)]. Besides the class. Lat. 'Subjunctives* (Optatives) in -im, sim, Sdim,
velim (in Plant, velis and vis are used as the metre requires, without difference
of meaning), with its Compounds nSlim and mfilim (on noli, see § 58), we find
an O. Lat. Optative duim. It comes from duo, a bystem both of do, to give
(root do-) and of -do, to put (root dhC- of ri-Orj-fu, &c.), e. g. duitur (v. 1. ardu-
tiitur) XII Tab. x. 7, interduo. Plant, fr. inc. 2 G. ciccum non interduo, concreduo,
AtU. 585, concredui, Perf., Cos. 479. We have in Plautus the Optative forms
duim, perduim, especially in prayers and execrations (e. g. MosL 668 di istum
perduint), interduim (e. g. Rud, 580 ciccum non interduim), creduim (in phrases
like Amph, 672 si situlam c^pero, Nunquam mihi diuini quicquam cr^duis
post hunc diem, * may you never trust me again *), as also the A-Subjunctive
forms creduam e. g. Baicch. 504 nam mihi diuini numquam quisquam cr^uat,
Ni ego, &c.), and accreduam {Asin. 854 ntkjue diuini n^ue mi human! p6sthac
quicquam adcrMuas ... si, &c.), while an £-Subjunctive form (in Future
sense ?) is quoted by Paul. Fest. 20. 22 Th. addues, addideris (cf. ib, 47. 6 Th.
duis . . . pro dederis). We have in Conditional use, e. g. duit in a Law of Numa
(ap. Paul. Fest. 278. 9 Th.) si qui hominem Uberum dole sciens morti duit,
paricidas esto ; adduit in a Plebiscitum de Ponderibus Publicis (ap. Fest.
322. II Th.) siquis . . . faxit iussitue . . . dolumue adduit, &c. Festus also
quotes an old form produit which he explains by * porro dederit ' (284. 16 Th.).
Duim was the form appropriate to Early Latin prayers, as in the prayer at
the ' agri lustratio,' preserved by Cato {R. R. cxli. 3) : pastores pecuaque salua
seruassis duisque bonam salutem ualetudinemque mihi domo familiaeque
nostrae ; it is used even in Tiberius' letter to the Senate (Tac. Ann.
iv. 38). There are also uncertain traces of Optative forms from other verbs,
such as coquint, the reading of the Palatine MSS. in Plant. Pseud, 819 (l»ut
cocunt in the Ambrosian Palimpsest), temperint, the reading of the same family
of MSS. in True 60, a line for which the evidence of the Palimpsest is not
available (other examples, see in Neue, ii^. 442 : carini of the Palatine MSS. in
Most, 858 is carent in the Palimpsest, and the corrupt reading of the Palatine
MSS. in Mey\. 984 a, where this line of the Mostellaria is wrongly inserted,
culparent for culpa carent, shows carent to be the right form ; verherit of the law
of the XII Tables, ap. Fest. 290. 15 Th. : si parentem puer uerberit, ast oUe
plorassit, is a corruption due to the fact that the words were wrongly divided
in the archetype rerheretas idle, and the fii*st word, being mistaken for a fre-
quentative Verb, was changed to wrfteritos).
An O. Lat. A-Subjunctive is /uam used in the sense of fiam, e.g. Bacch, 156,
in the amusing conversation between young Pistoclerus and his 'paeda-
gogus ' Lydus :
PiST. fiam, ut ego opinor Hercules, tu aut^m Linus.
Lyd. pol metuo magis, ne Phoenix tuis factis fuam,
teque dd patrem esse m<5rtuom renuntiem,
sometimes merely in the sense of sim, e. g. Virg. A. x. 108 :
Tros Rutulusve fuat nullo discrimine habebo.
L I 2
5l6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VUI.
The equivalent of forsitan (which is not used by Plautus, and only seldom, if
ever, by Terence, ch. ix. § 5) is in Plautus forsfuat an, e. g. Pseud. 43a :
fors fuat an istaec dicta sint mendiicia.
(Cf. Ter. Ilec, 610 fore fuat pol ! * heaven grant it may ! ')
Nonius (478. 36 M.) quotes rotam for vdim from Lucil. : xxviii. 15 M.) :
eiddla atque atomus uincere Epicuri uolam,
and Plaut. Asin. 109 siquid te uolam, Ubi eris ? ; but in the second at least
of these passages it seems to be used in the Future sense.
§ 57. B. Imperative. In the 2 Sg. Act. of the Present Im-
perative the bare stem of the Verb is used, e.g. Athematic *ei,
from the root ei-, ^ to go ' (Gk. c^-€t, Lat. ex-i from *ex^i)y
Thematic *bhere, from the root bher-, ^ to can-y ' (O. Ind. bh&ra.
Arm. ber, Gk. <f>ip€, O. Ir. beir, Goth, bair; Lat. atjie). But
a particle was often added : the particle -dhi to the 2 Sg. in the
Athematic Conjugation (e.g. O. Ind. i-hi, Gk. l-Si; O. Ind.
vid-dhi, Gk. laSi ior^Fib-Si, O. Lith. veiz-di, O. SI. viz^t); the
particle -ki or -ke in Lithuanian, e. g. ei-k, ' go,' dii-k, * give,' bu-k,
* be'; the particle -u (cf. O. Ind. so for *sou, Gk. ov-to9 for *aov-
Tos) in Sanscrit to the 3 Sg. and PL, e. g. bhfiratu, bhdrantu ;
the particle -tod to various persons both in the Athematic and
Thematic Conjugations [e. g. O. Ind. vit-tat 2 Sg. ; Gk. Ioto) for
*f tr-ra»5 3 Sg. ; Gk. Icr-ra»(6), Lat. eS'td{d)'], In Latin the 2
Sg. Imper. in 'fd{d) is called the Future Imperative, because it
expresses a command, not for immediate performance, but for
performance after something shall have happened (e. g. Plaut.
Merc. 770 eras petito, dabitur; nunc abi; Hor. C, iii. 14. 23
si per invisum mora janitorem Fiet, abito), and the same sense
is attached to the O. Ind. 2 Sg. Imper. in -tat (see Delbriick,
Aliind. SpitaXy p. 363), so that it is not unlikely that this
particle -tod is nothing but the Abl. Sg. of the Demonstrative
Pronoun-stem to- (ch. vii. § 13. i), and means * from this,' * there-
upon.* It is also found with the 3 Sg. Dual and Plur., and
perhaps took with it originally the weak grade of the Verb-
stem (e. g. Gk. T-rcD 3 Sg., dfi-vv-Tfo 3 Sg., O. Ind. kr-ntl-tat
2 Sg., * do thou ' ; but not in Latin ilo^ Umbr. etu, eelu, for
*ei-tod). In the 3 PI. it is added to what is called the * Injunc-
tive' 3 PI., viz. a form resembling an augmentless Imperfect
ii 67, 58.] THE VERB. IMPERATIVE. 517
(I.-Eur. *bheront like Impft. *e-bheront), e.g. Gk. <l>€p6vT(a for
*<f>€povr-T<ii>b, Lat. ferunto for ^feront^tod. For the i Sg. and
Plur. the Subjunctive was used, e. g. Lat. feram^ ferdmus. In
the 2 PI. we have the ^ Injunctive ' form (e g. *bher6te, O. Ind.
bharata, Gk. <^^/)€r€, O. Ir. bend, Goth, bairi]^ ; Lat. (igtte from
*agete)y beside which we find in Latin a ' Future ' form with
'tote, e.g. ^*^6>/<?, apparently the addition of the 2 Plur. sufiix -t^
(§ 72) to the 2 Sg. * Future ' Imperative (e.g. eato.)
In the Latin Passive, the Injunctive form in -so (e. g. I.-Eur.
*bhere-s5, Zend bara-raha, Gk. <f>4p€0y contr. <t>4pov, i'(f>ip€o, contr.
i'tl'.ipov) is used, e. g. age-re for ^age-sii (see ch. iii. § 38), in the
2 Sg., and in the 2 PL the old Passive Infinitive ^ (Dat. Sg. of
a MEN-stem), e.g. dgt-m^nl for *age-menai (Hom. Gk, ayi-
/Lt€vat), da-mini (O. Ind. da-mane Inf., Hom. Gk. So-fjierai); in
the 2 Sg. * Future* Imper. and in the other persons the final d
of -tod is changed to -r, e. g. dgUor, ddtor, agunfor (cf . Umbr.
emantur, emantu, tiirsiandu), A byform for the 2, 3 Sg. is in
-mhio, e. g. prae-fdminOy formed apparently by Anal, of 2' PI.
-nvinl. There is no Perfect Imper. in Latin, though m^mlm,
a Perfect used for a Present, has mSmento for *mement-tod
(Gk. fxcjuiciro) for'*/Lt€jut«-ra)d). Memento, like other 2 Sg. Impera-
tives in -td, expresses a command that usually has reference to
the future, a reference naturally suggested by the command
* remember.*
§ 58. Other examples of 2 Sg. Imper. with bare stem, (i) Athematic :
like athematic Ind. im-ple-s, vide-s, cwra-s, Jini-s are Imper. im-ple, ridP (Lith.
pa-vyde-k), curdj >?m, &c Fer, vd, es (from sum) are then likely to be athe-
matic too, since their Ind. is athematic (e. g. 3 Sg. fer-tj vul-t, es-t; see § a).
Far cannot be an Injunctive form *fer-8 (like ter for *ter'S from I. -Eur. *tri-8,
ch. vi. § 61), if, as is probable, it is in Plautus a thoroughly short syllable,
capable of acting as a brevis brevians (see ch. iiL § 42), in Cure. 245 auf(§r
istaeo quaeso, wherens ter is a long syUable in Plautus. e.g. Bacch. 1127. In
^^^- 1343 however one family of MSS. reads : f!Br aequo animo, the evidence
of the Ambrosian Palimpsest being unfortunately wanting, a reading which
may easily be changed to ffer animo aequo : as Cure, 245, for which there is
similar MS. evidence, is changed by some editors to aufer quaeso istaec). The
* Or the Plural of the old Pres. ellipse of estis (§ 8a). The Inf. is
Part. Passive, agimini for ♦ago-menoi used for the Imper. in Italian &c.
(Gk. (i7(5-/x<i'oi), with ellipse of este, as in phrases like non p.irlare *do not
2 PI. Ind. agimini for the same, with speak.'
5lH THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap.
small numbor of lines with decisive evidence on the quantity offer in Plautus
makes it difficult to speak with certainty. Fer is short in Asin. 672 f6r amanti
ero salutem. Vel is a short syllable, capable of acting us a brevis brevians in
Plautus, e. g. Amph. 917 v61 hunc rogato; es, *be,* cannot be shown (like €&,
^art*) to be long by position in Plautus (see Solmsen, Stud, Lauig. p. 185) ;
es, 'eflt/ for which we should expect ♦erf, beside 3 Sg. esto, may be coined on
the type of es, * be,' beside 3 Sg. eato, although both es, *bc,' and es, * eat/ can also
be explained as Injunctive forms (like Gk. kvi-axf-^^ &c.) for *es-s and *ed-8 *.
Ci-do (with Plur. ce-tte for *ce-dtte?), *givo me ' or * tell me,' seems to contain
the Pronoun *ke (perhaps Lith. szfe, * hither* ; see cli. vii. § 15), prefixed as
an Adverb or Preposition, *here,' * hither' (cf. Osc. ce-hnnst *huc venerit,*
composed of *te and a tense of the I.-Eur. root gSem-, *to come*) to an
athematic Imperative ♦do (Lith. dii-k ; cf. Gk. hi-ho)), the final vowel,
shortened by the Law of Breves Breviantes after the short syllable cf-, being
invariably short owing to the rapid utterance of the word in every-day talk
(so havt for av% in the pronunciation of Quintilian's time, ch. iiu $ 4a).
Dd for ♦do shows the same transference to the A-Conjugation as Pres. Ind.
rfrts, dut (O. Lat. dot) (see § 2).
Another example of an athematic Imperative may be fu in the Carmen
Arvale, if the words saturfuy fere Mars, are rightly interpreted * satur esto, fere
Mars.* Fu will be Imper. of ♦/t«o, like Lith. bu-k. NoU may come from
a bystem of the fourth Conjugation, I.-Eur. ♦wel-yo- (Goth, vilja, O. 8L
velj^) (see $ 2). (On Late Lat. auferet see Georges, Lex. Wort/, s, v.)
;2) Thematic. The thematic Imperatives O. Lat. dice, dvce, f&ce (for ♦/«*»
from stem fac-yd-, § 16) drop their final -^ in classical Latin owing to their
frequent use in word-groups, i. e. in close connexion with a following word
(like atq{u€)j 7ieq(u€) before consonants ; see ch. iii. $ 35). Die mifii, foe sciam
are regularly used even in 0. Latin authors, and in Platitus we find die in
questions when the next word begins with a consonant, e. g. die quid eat, but
dice is the form employed where there is anything of a pause after the word;
cf. Mil. 256 dice, monstrn, praecipe, and especially Rud. 124 :
tu, siquid opus est dice. Die quod te rogo^
Abduccy adduce and other Compounds of duco are still found in Terence before
a vowel, ahdUCj &c. before a consonant, while /ace is the form employed at the
end of a line ; idxce in Virgil Q antiquitatis amans ' Diom. p. 349. 30 K.) in
Aen. xi. 463 :
tu, Voluse, armari Volscorum edice maniplis.
The Compounds however of facio, whose short penult was not so favourable to
Syncope (ch. iii. § 13. p. 173) retain the -€, eonfia', office, inficey &c. Catullus
has ing&rmi (xxvii. 2) : inger mi calices amariores, from which we may perhaps
explain misc sane on an old Praenestine cista with a kitchen-scene {MA. Arch,
1890, p. 303) as misc(^) sa^ie from *mi8C0y an earlier form of misceo (see § 28'.
The Interjection em (ch. x. § 19) [e.g. em tihi, *take that' ^with a blow), em
ergo hoe iibi, &c. , in the Comedians] may have been originally Imperative of
Smo, which in O. Lat. (§ 46) meant * to take * (thematic *eme, to judge from
the Ind. emis, emit, &c.), just as the Conjunction vel (ch. x. § 4) was the
Sifis of the Carmen Arvale (quoted in ch. vi. $ 55) is a very doubtful form.
§$ 60-62.] THE VERB. DEPONENT. 51 9
Imperative (athematic) of volo (L-Eur. *w6l-mi) (cf. Umbr. heiis . . . heris,
' either . . .or,* lit. * do you wiah ... do you wish ' ?).
§ 60. Other examples of Imper. in -t6d. The final -d is retained in Oscan,
^^•g* 3^S- deimiud *j urate/ eshtd, likitud MicSto/ and in Early Latin inscrip-
tions, e. g. a Sg. staiodf * sistito ' on the Dvenos bowl [a Future Imperative if
we are right in interpreting dienoine med Mano staiod ' on the ninth day set me
(with an offering) for Manus'] ; sSg. uiolcUod, lic^tod, datod with exuehito, ex/erto,
ctflito 'caedito,' on the Spoletium inscription (C./. i. ii.4766), c/»tod, licetod with
fundatid, proiecitad, parentoHd on the Luceria inscr. (C. /. L. ix. 782) ;
hut in class. Latin, as in Umbrian, -d was by the phonetic laws of the
language lost after a long vowel (see ch. ii. § 137), e. g. Lat. estd, licstoj fertoj
kdbstdy Umbr. fertu, futu * esto/ habetu. The curious forms in -tid and -ioui
(»n the Luceria inscr. (in hoce loucarid stircus ne[qu]is fundatid neue cadauer
proiecitad neue parentatid) are dialectal (Subj., with t for e in -iid ?). A Third
PI. form with -d, sutUody occurs on the Spoletium inscription. (On Umbrian
*-to-tft in 2, 3 PI., see § 73.)
Deponents sometimes show -to for -ioTy e. g. niiito (Cic. ap. Diom. 340. i K.),
ntunto [C. I. L. i. 204. (i). 8], and on the Lex Ropetundarum we have the Passive
censento (i. 198. 77).
§ 60. Imper. Pass. 2, 3 Sg. in -mind. This is an O. Lat. form, found as
a Sg. in Plautus (e. g. progrSdlminOy Pseud. 859 : tu spectat<3 simul,
si quo hie gradietur, parit«r progredimino),
and Cato (jn-a^amino, R. R, cxli. 2 lanumlouemque uino praefamino, sic dicito)
(cf. Paul. Fest. 62. 10 Th. 'famine ' dicito), and as 3 Sg. in early legal Latin ;
antestamino in XII Tables : si in ius uocat, ni it, antestamino, igitur em
(iapito ; fruimino in the Sententia Minuciorum of 117 b. c. {C.I.L.L 199.3a
quel . . . non parebit, is eum agrum nei habeto niue fruimino) ; prqfiteniino in
the Lex Julia Municipalis of 45 B.a (i. 206. 11. 3, 5, 8, 11).
The corresponding suffix in Umbrian is -mu 3 Sg. (i. e. -mO, from -*mnOd ?,
ch. v. § 13), e. g. persnihi-mu ' precamino,' with 3 PI. ptranihi'mumo. In Oscan
the Passive ending -r appears in 3 Sg. censamur (i. e. -mOr) * censemino,' but
tlie so-called Latin a PI. Imper. Pass, in -minor is a fiction of the grammarians
(see Madvig, Opusc. p. 239.) [Cicero in the archaic language of his laws
employs appellamino (MSS. •minor) as 3 PI. Pass. {Legg. iii. 3. 8), but that this
is a genuine old usage may be doubted.]
§ 61. 3 PI. Imperat. The grammarians occasionally offer curious forms,
amenta (Sacerdos) ; probunio, doceunio (Probus; cf. 3PI. Ind. mereunt, Commod.,
neuni, Tibull.).
§ 62. IV. THE VOICES. Deponent Verbs. Passive. Since
the Passive in Latin does not differ from the Active in the
Tense-stems so much as in the Person-endings, it is best discussed
here, immediately before we proceed to the consideration of the
sutfixes used to denote the different Persons of the Verb. In
close connexion with it goes the Middle, which had originally
a Reflexive force, e.g. Gk. Tvitrofjiai like rvTrrw ifiavrov, or
520 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. Vm.
a Neuter force, e.g. Gk. Sipofiai, ipxcfxai. In Latin Middle
Verbs are called ' Deponents/ e. g. chtf/or like cin^o me Thus
the I.-Eur. Middle *8eq--, ^ to follow, accompany ' (O. Ind.
sdea-te 3 Sg., Gk. e-Tre-rat) is in Lat. the Deponent sequor, sequitnr
3 Sg. (O. Ir. sechur, sechethar 3 Sg.). The R-endings of the
Passive and Middle or ' Deponent ' in the Italic and Celtic lan-
guages are discussed in § 65, where it is suggested that the Passive
R-forms may originally have been restricted to an Impersonal
use in Latin, as in Umbro-Oscan and Celtic the Impersonal
Passive with -r, e. g. Umbr. fera-r Subj., * there may be carrying,'
O. Ir. do-bera-r, ^ there may be giving^ (I.-Eur. *bhera-r), is by
its absence of person-ending distinguished from the Deponent
with -r, e. g. Osc. karanter ^ vescuntur,' O. Ir. sechethar
* sequitur.' The Personal Passive of O. Ir. by its restriction to the
Third Person indicates its Impersonal origin. A Latin phrase like
itur in antiquam silvam^ the peculiarity of which is commented on
by Quintilian (i. 4. 28 : jam * itur in antiquam silvam ' nonne
propriae cujusdam rationis est ? nam quod initiura ejus invenias ?
cui simile * fletur ') may then exemplify the oldest use of the
R-Passive, except that the original form would be */r (*ei-r)
without the 3 Sg. Person-suffix of itur (*ei-t6-r) ; and the
change from the Impersonal vitam vivifur of O. Lat. to the
Personal vita vivifur of class. Lat. is parallel to Horace's use
of ifivideor for iyividetur inihi^ or Cato's change of contumeliam'
fact 11)71 itur to co^Uum el ia factum itur (§ 87).
The Latin Perfect, as we have seen (§ 39), represents the
I.-Eur. Perfect Middle, its i Sg. -i, older -ei^ being I.-Eur. -ai
or -rti (O. Ind. -c), so that a Perfect like reverti (older -vor/iy
'Voriei ', cf. O. Ind. va-vrte) goes naturally with a Present
reverfor. On the other hand, the Participle in -to- (§ 92), which
properly belonged to the Preterite Passive, was often used in an
Active (or Middle) sense, e. g. Lat. ceudtuSy pramus^ pdtusy so
that rerersus (older -vorsvs ; cf . O. Ind. vrttd,-), reversns sum are
also admissible. More questionable is verteuH as the Pres. Part.
of vertor in the phrase : intra finem anni vertentis, ^ within the
current year,* vehem of vehor, &c. In the older literary period
we find Active and Middle forms of the same verb side by
side, but by the time of the classical writers there is less freedom
§§ 63, 64.] THE VERB. PASSIVE. 521
of choice ; assentior, for example, had almost wholly supplanted
assentio in Varro's time, who tells us that Sisenna the historian
still clung to the old-fashioned assentio in giving his vote in the
senate [L. L, fr. ap. Gell. ii. 25. 9 : ^ sentior * nemo dicit, et id
per se nihil est ; adsentior tamen fere omnes dicunt. Sisenna
unus ^ adsentio ' in senatu dicebat, et eum postea multi secuti,
neque tamen vincere consuetudinem potuerunt ; cf. Quint, i. 5.
13. Quintilian however (ix. 3. 7) allows both assentior and
ass€7diOy and the latter form is found in Cicero's Letters and in
the De Inventiane ; see Georges, Lex. Wortf, s. v.]. The Middle
form of assentior (as distinguished from sentio) is justified by the
use of the Middle in verbs which express a state of feeling, e. g.
reoTy v^reoTy irascor. For the Greek Verb-ending -evo) (e. g.
Ko\aK'€v<M}), used in Derivative verbs indicating ^ to play a part,'
* to act like,' we have in Latin an A-Middle, e. g. aemUl-or, -dri
from aemnluSy auguroVy from augur y ddm^nor from daminus, poefor
of Ennius' frank confession (Sat, i M.) :
nunqudm poetor nisi sim podager.
from poeta and so on. Examples of Frequentative Middles are
hartor from O. Lat. *^drior (3 Sg. horitur Enn,), medifor from
a lost *medor (Gk. fiibofMai), tmitor (cf. %mdgo\ nitor for *mvitar
from a root with a Guttural (cf. nixiis, and see ch, iv. § 116).
§ 63. Impersonal use of Iiatin Passive. An example of an Ace. governed
by an Impers. Pass, is Ennius, Trag. 190 R. :
incerte errat dnimus, praeterpr6pter uitam uiuitur,
quoted by Gellius (xix. 10) in illustration of the word pro^teiprop/ei*, * inexactly,*
' 80 so,' a word which was in his time only used in plebeian Latin (nescioquid
hoc praenimis plebeium est et in opificum sermonibus quam in hominum
doctorum disputation ibus notius) ; the same construction has been seen in
Plaut. Mil. 94 (epityra ostur). Pseud. 817 (teritur sinapis scelera), (but see edd.
ad locc.)j Pets. 577 (ufiniri hanc nolo) (but cf. Plaut. /r. inc. 1. 64 G. ego illi
uenear). Without an Ace. the Impersonal Passive is very common in the older
writers, e. g. Plaut. Pseud. 273 :
Quid agitur, Caliddre ? Amatur &tque egetur Acriter ;
Pers. 309 ut ualetur'i, ^^ facile nubitur, * marriage is easy ' ; Trin. 580 ibiiur ; Capt.
80 quom caUtuTj ^in hot weather'; Rud. 10 18, &c. The Latin for * No
admittance' is PRIVATVM. PRECARIO ADEITVR, a notice preserved in
an inscription (C. /. L. i. 1215).
§ 64. Active and Middle. Gellius (xviii. la) remarks on the O. Lat. use
522 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. Vin.
of Active Verbs like augeOf muto in a Neuter senBe^ instead of augeor, mutor, and
similnrly of contemplo for conf emptor j &c., and the seventh book of Nonius
contains a host of examples from the older writers, a^icupo for auctZpor, vago for
vdgoTf and so on. Quintilian (ix. 3. 6-7) remarks on the inconsistency of the
Middle form of Transitive Verbs, yhbricor, punioTj arbitror, suspicar with the
Active form of a Neuter or Passive Verb, vdpulOf and mentions as parallel
forms htruriatur and luxuriate fluchuxtur and /Itictuat, adsentior and cuIsenHo (see
$ 63). The same uncertainty with Active and Middle forms is shown for
a later period by the precepts of the grammarians, e. g. Caper (93.10 K. ructo
et nausio dicendum, quamvis quidam veteros ' ructor ' et ^ nausior ' dixerunt.
non *• egco ' . . . dicendum, non autem ^ egeor ' ; 93. 21 K. suffragor non * suffrago ';
95. 1 K. somnio dicendum, non ^ somnior '). The Passive use of Deponents (e.g.
vereor abs te) is discussed by Gellius (xv. 13) with examples from the older
writers, and a fuller list is given by Priscian (i. pp. 379 sqq. H.). A curious
instance of Attraction is seen in the use of coeptus sumy instead of coQn, desiius
sum instead of desiif with a Pass. Inf., e. g. urbs coepta est aedificari (cf.
mitescere discordiae coeptae, Liv.), and in O. Lat. we find potestuTy poteratur,
possetur similarly used (instances in Nonius p. 508 M.), n^ttur, nequUum (see
Georges, s. v.). The Neuter sense offo (cf. Osc. fiiet 'fiunt '), and its use as
Passive of /dcio (on the occasional use of facior, apparently a vulgarism, see
Georges), have changed its old Lif. /iere to fieri, Fiere was used by Ennius (see
Gram, Lat, v. p. 645. 9 K.), perhaps in the line in which the spirit of Homer
related his experience of metempsychosis (Ann. 8 M.) :
memini me fiere pauom (MSS. fieri),
while Cato (ap. Prise, i. p. 377. 11 H.) used fitur for fitj fiebantur for fi^banU (On
Imperat. /t, e. g. Plant. Pers. 38, Cxirc. 87, f\te Cure. 89, 150, &c., see Gorges,
Lex. Wor{f. s. v.) ; so vvniri is used for venire {v^num ire) in Plaut. Pers. 577 (cf.
pei'eunda, Epid. 74, pUkendtty Trin, 1159). As coeptus sum and desitus sum replaced
coepi and desii (originally Middle formations), when these verbs were used
intransitively, so Intransitive Verbs like svleOy gaudeo, audeo took a Perfect of
Passive form soUtiis sum, gdv'isus sumy ausus sum, in O. Lat. also so/ut, gavisiy ausi
(Prise, i. pp. 420, 482 H. ; Non. 508. 27 M.)) e. g. Liv. Andr. : quoniam audiui,
paucis gauisi. On the Deponent Imperatives nitito, utuntoy &c., see $ 59. .
§ 65. V. THE PEBSON-ENDINGH3. The I.-Eur. person-
endings were slightly different in Primary Tenses (the Present
Ind., Future Ind., &e.) and in Secondary Tenses (the Preterites
Ind., the Tenses of the Optative Mood, &c.), e. g. I.-Eur. *bhSr6-tt,
* he is carrying/ *S-bhSrS-t, ^ he was carrying/ ' he carried,*
*bheroi-t 3 Sg. Opt. The Tenses of the Subjunctive Mood
seem to have taken sometimes the Primary, sometimes (in
Umbro-Oscan perhaps always) the Secondary person-endings.
In the Perfect Tense an entirely different set of endings was in
use, e. g. I.-Eur. i Sg. *woida, ' I know,' 2 Sg. *woit-tha, ' thou
knowest,' and so on ; and in the Imperative the persons are often
§ 66.] THE VERB. PERSON-ENDINGS. 523
distinguished by the addition of particles, e. g. I.-Eur. *bhSrg-
tod, with the particle *tod, Abl. Sg. of the Pronoun *to-, meaning
* from this' or * thereupon ' (§ 57).
In Passive and Deponent Verbs, Latin departs widely from
the I. -Eur. scheme of Passive (or rather Middle) person-endings
(contrast Lat. ,/<?ror, sequor with Gk. <t>€pO'yLai, liro-fmi, ferimur^
sequlmur with Gk. <f>€p6'fjL€6a, kiro-fieOa, and with O. Ind. bhdr-e,
bhdra-mahe). Latin^ as well as the Umbro-Oscan languages,
and the Celtic family^ uses as the characteristic mark of its pas-
sive and deponent flexion the letter r (cf. O. Ir. sechur i Sg.,
sechethar 3 Sg., sechemmar i PI., sechetar 3 PI., with Lat. sequor,
sequUuTy sequlmur, sequuntur). [In Celtic r is used in all persons of
Deponents (except 2 PL), but only in 3 Sg., PI. of Passives.] This r
cannot be connected with the Reflexive Pronoun *swS- (Lat. se
Ace), seeing that s between vowels does not become r in Oscan or
in the Celtic languages (e. g. Lat. sequor might conceivably stand
for *seq"o-sS, but O. Ir. sechur could not). Nor does it go well
with the r of 3 PL suflSxes in the Sanscrit Verb, and the -rnnty
-re of the 3 PL Pft. Act. in Latin (e. g. O. Ind. d-duh-ra, d-vavrt-
ranta, Lat, dedirunt, dedere), since the Sanscrit r is confined to
3 PL suffixes, and is used in Active as well as Passive Verbs.
Its original sense may have been impersonal [cf. Lat. itur in
antiquam silvam, *they go,' *one goes*; originally without
any person -ending, as in Umbro-Oscan and Celtic, e. g. Umbr.
po7ie esofiom-e jterar, * when there is carrying to the sacrifice,'
• when the carrying to the sacrifice takes place,* which would
be in Lat. feratur or feretur, with person-ending -tu- (-t6-) ;
O. Ir. doberr or doberar, ' they give,' * one gives,' Bret,
gweler, ' they see,' * one sees '] ; and the original construction of
these Impersonals Passive seems to have been with an Ace. of
the object (e. g. O. Lat, vitam vivitur; Osc, iuvilas . . . sakriiss sa-
krafir avt ultiumam kerssnais, * let the jovilae be consecrated with
victims, but the last with banquets * ; Welsh, Etlym gledyf coch
ym gelwir, * they call me Etlym of the red glaive,* like Lat me
appellatur (see § 62).
This Impersonal (Passive ?) governing an Ace, has been ex-
plained as the Verb-stem with the Locative suffix r (seen in Engl.
' where,' * there') used predicatively like the i-Locative of the
524 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIII.
Verbal S-stem (the Latin Inf. Act. ; see § 83) in such a phrase
as hodcH ap^xirere, ^ the enemy appeareil* (Historical Inf.), lit.
* the enemy in the action of appearing.* On the change froni,
e. g. ^amd-r amicos to atnanfvr amici, like Horace's invideor for
Invifletnr wiii, see above, § 62.
§ 66. (1) Active. 1 Sing. I.-Eur. Athematic Verbs ended
in Primary Tenses in -mt (c. g. I.-Eur. *es-mi, O. Ind. &s-mi,
Arm. em, Gk. c^fxt for *€(r-fxt, Alb. jam, Goth, im, Lith. es-mi,
(). SI. jes-ml), Thematic in -6 (e. g. I.-Eur. *bhSr-6, Gk. <^epa>,
(). Ir. -biur for *ber6, Goth, baira for *berd ; Lith. veiil, ' veho ').
In Secondary tenses the ending was -ra (e. g. I.-Eur. *S-bhSr6-m,
(). Ind. dbharam, Gk. i<\>€pov', O. SI. nesil, ' I carried,' for *ne8om),
after a consonant, -m, e. g. Gk. cSft^a for *^8ctf-m. The Perfect
had -il (e.g. I.-Eur. *woid-a, O. Ind. ved-a, Gk. ot5-a, Goth,
vait for *vait& ; O. Ir. ro cechan * cecini ').
In Latin, as we have seen, Athematic Verbs form the i Sg.
according to the Thematic Conjugation, e. g. Lat. ed-o for I.-Eur.
*gd-mi, vol'O for I.-Eur. *wel-mi (§ 2), just as in Sanscrit
Thematic Verbs take the Athematic -mi, e. g. bhdra-mi for I.-Eur.
*bher6. I.-Eur. *es-mi, however, is in Latin 9iim^ whether
originally ^s^vn with Syncope of final \ (ch. iii. § 37) or merely
^sbm, it is impossible to determine (cf. Osc. sum). The curious
I Sg. inqvaw ^, with the other Persons formed from a i Sg. inquio,
and with Imper. htgue^ resembles a Subjunctive in form, ^I
should say,' or ' I shall say,' or * let me say ' (see § 55). The
Secondary Tense-ending -m appears in Imperfects and Pluperfects,
e. g. era-m (cf . O. Ind. d-ya-m, ' I went,' Gk. l-Spd-r, Goth, id-
dja, ' I went '), amd-ha-vt (cf. O. Ir.ba for *bam, ' I was '), drndr-
era-M, in Optative forms, e. g. si-vi, O. Lat. sle-nt. (O. Ind. siyam,
sya-m, Gk. elrj-v), (imdv-eri'M, dma-^si'Vi, faxi-m^ and in Sub-
junctive, e. g. Cune-niy amdvisse-m^ videa-m^ f^ra-m (also used as
Fut., § 36), flnia-m (cf. O. Ir. do-ber for *-ram, O. SI. ber^,
used as Pres. Ind.). But the ' Future-Subjunctives ' (see § 53)
take the Thematic ending, e. g. ^r-o for *cs-6 (Zend, araha.
* Explained as *iml-{s)t/vam from the root scq'i- (ch. iv. § 158), or an
*in(U{r€^qtmm from the rof»t weqU-.
§§ ee, 67.] THE VERB. PERSON-ENDINGS. 525
Horn. Gk. €0) for *^cra)), drndv-er-o, dmass-o, fax-b^ like/i?/*-^, %td
for *stay-6 (Umbr. staAu),
In the Perfect, the ending of the Active Voice has been re-
placed in Latin by the Middle ending -ai (-fli), which became in
the unaccented syllable -^i, then -J (ch. iii. § 18), futtuhl (O. Ind.
tutud-e), ded'l (O. Ind. dad-e), vul-l from ^veidei, a Middle form
which survives in the O. SI. v6de, ' I know,' for *woidai (O. Lat.
fecei, poseiueiy conquaeisiuei, redidei, all on the milestone of Popi-
lius of 133 B. c, C. L L, i. 551). Lat. revertl^ asjsensi, &c. are
thus really Middle forms, and go suitably with Pres. reverter,
assentior.
§ 67. 2 Sg. The I.-Eur. endings are -st (e. g. I.-Eur. *g-si
and *es-si, O. Ind. 4-si, Gk. cl for *k -en, which with the addition
again of the suflSx -s became cIs, Horn, kcr-ai^ I.-Eur. *ei-si from
the root ei-, * to go,' O. Ind. e-si, Gk ct for *€i-cri ; O. Ind.
bh6ra-si, O. Ir. beri. Goth, bairi-s), -s (e. g. I.-Eur. *S-bherS-s,
O. Ind. d-bhara-s, Gk. l-</)6p€-s, O. Ir. do-bir; O. SI. veze
' vexisti ' ; and in the Present Tense, Gk. rCOrj-s, Dor. (f)4p€"s),
in the Perfect -tha (e. g. I.-Eur. *woit-tha, O. Ind. vet-tha, Gk.
otada ; cf. O. H. G. gi-tars-t). In Latin we have -* in ^s, ' thou
art,* for ^ess (scanned as a long syllable in Plautus), whether
from older *gssi (ch. iii. § 37) or not, it is impossible to say, a^ts for
*age-s (if from an original *age-si, like O. Ir. beri from *bhere-
si, the final -1 must have been dropped before the fourth cent.
B. c. when s between vowels became r ; see ch. iv. § 146), «-#
(O. Lat. sie-s), agd-s, while in the % Sg. of the Perfect Tense we
have 'St\ e. g. dedi-sti, the final vowel of which (O. Lat. -ei, e. g.
gesistei on a Scipio Epitaph of c. 180 b. c, C. /. i. i. 33), like the
-/ of I Sg. ded'l (O. Ind. dad-e), must represent an original -ai
(-ai), vi^hile the -* reminds us of that -s- which so often appears
in the endings of the second Person (e. g. Gk. lip-q-ada, Tldrj-ada^
kOiKjj-crBa, fiaXoL-a-Oa). (For another theory which regards vidi^-
of vidisti as a Verbal Noun-stem, see § 52.)
In the Imperative, the bare stem is used, as the bare stem is
used in Vocatives Sg. of Nouns, e. g. (Thematic) age from the
Thematic Verb-stem *Sge-, *Sgo-, * to lead,' as *figS is Voc. Sg.
of the Thematic Noun-stem *iig^-, *^o-, Gk. ayos^ a leader,
526 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. Vni.
Lat. prod'tgus ; (Athematic) I for *<?/ from the Athematic Verb-
stem ei-, * to go ' (see § 2). Sometimes the particle *t6d (Abl.
Sg. of the Pronoun-stem to-, ' from this,' ' thereupon*) is added,
when the command refers not to immediate action, but to action
after something shall have happened, e. g. quium venerit, scribito,
* when he comes, write,' lit. * write thereupon.* (So in O. Ind.,
e. g. % Sg. vit-tat for I.-Eur. *wit-tod from the root weid-, ' to
know'; see § 57.) The final -e of O. Lat. duce^ dtce^f&ce [for
^faci (ch. iii. § 37), from the ^t&mfacyO'^fact-^ § 16] is dropped
in classical Latin, through its frequent use in word-groups like
dic{e) tni/ii, &c. So in Catullus (xxvii. 2) tJiger fni for inhere mi
(see § 58 ; ch. iii. § 36).
§ 68. Tho athematic Sg. of /tro, vijlo would be *fer8, ♦t'ete. which would become
*/er{r\ *vt'l{l) (ch. iv. § 153). Tho former word was changed to /er-s by the addi-
tion of the 2 Sg. suffix -Sj as in Greek cf for *€(rt was made €h, thou art ; for the
latter was substituted the woi*d ins, apparently 2 Sg. of a root wei-, * to wish *
^O. Ind. V1-, 2 Sg. v^-si, Gk. Ufxcu).
Wliothor dices of the MSS. in Plant. Trin. 606 non credibile dices, is a relic of
the old .spelling of (Ucis is doubtful. It may be Future.
§ 69. 3 Sg. The Primary Tense-ending in L-Eur. was -tX (e. g.
*Ss-ti, O. Ind, fo-ti, Gk. icr-Ti, O. Ir. is, Goth, is-t, Lith. &-ti and
es-t, O. SI. (Russ.) jes-ttj Dor. Gk. 6t8(o-ri, Att. W6<i)-<ri, rf^-<ri,
&c.), the Secondary Tense-ending was -t (e. g. *S-bhSrS-t, O. Ind.
6-bhara-t, Gk. l-</)fpc for *€-<^€p€-r), and the ending of the
Perfect -S (e.g. *woide, O. Ind. ved-a, Gk. oI6*c, Goth, vait;
O. Ir. ro cechuin * cecinit ^). In Latin all trace of the -X of
I.-Eur. -tt has been lost (e. g. Lat. es-f, fer-i, dgt-t for ^ag^-t),
but in Oscan we find -t for I.-Eur. -tt, and -d for I.-Eur. -t.
On the very oldest Latin inscriptions we find -d for the
Secondary ending, but certain instances of Primary endings are
unfortunately wanting. Thus the Praenestine fibula has /^c^r/,
* fecit,* the Dvenos inscription has feced^ sied (but mitat, ap-
parently 3 Sg. Subj. used as Put.), and in Oscan we have deded
' dedit,' kum-bened * con-venit/ f usi-d ' f oret/ deivaid ' juret,'
heriiad * velit/ while Primary Tenses show -t, e. g. faamat
* habitat.' These ending^ had been * levelled ' to ^ in Latin
before the second century b.c.; for a Praenestine cista, not of
the same antiquity as the fibula just mentioned, has dedit beside
fecirl (C /. L. i. 54 Dindia Macolnia fileai dedit. Nouios
§§ 68-70.] THE VERB. PERSON-ENDINGS. 5^7
Plautios med Romai fecid), and in all other old inscriptions we
have invariably ^l, e. g. iousU (ii. 5041, of 189 b. c), uelel * vellet.'
esety fuity censuit (all on the S. C. Baceh. oif 186 B.C., i. 196),
cepet on the (restored) Columna Rostrata (i. 195), fuet^ cepil,
dedet on one of the oldest Seipio Epitaphs (i. 32.).
In the Latin Perfect the original ending seems to have been
-eit, written in the very oldest inscriptions -ed (with that use of e
to express the ^'-sound which we have seen in Nom. PI. ploirume
on a Seipio Epitaph, Dat. Sg. Biove Victoie^ ap. Quint, i. 4. 17 ;
see ch. iv. § 34), then -e^, -eit, and in class. Lat. -it. Before
a final -t a long vowel was shortened in the course of the
second cent. b. c. (ch. iii. § 49), so that in class, poetry this -it
of the Perfect is a short syllable. But in Plautus it is invariably
scanned long, unless shortened in iambic words^ &c. by the Law
of Breves Breviantes (e. g. dMit may be scanned dedtt, but only
vldlty fecit y &c.). The long quantity is found in every type of
Perfect in Plautus (see § 39), in viixyity habnU, adniimeravit, as
well as in Perfects proper like vicit. This -eit can hardly have
been anything else than the L-Eur. ending of the 3 Sg. Mid. of
the Perfect Tense (which was, like the i Sg. Mid. ending -ai,
a diphthong weakened in the unaccented syllable in Latin to -ei,
class, -i, ch. iii. § 18), augmented by the 3 Sg. Act. Secondary
suffix 't. So that all trace of the I.-Eur. 3 Sg. Act. ending -e is
lost in Latin. In the Oscan Perfect, however, the ending -ed,
e. g. deded ' dedit/ prufatted * probavit ' (quasi *probasstt, § 3),
aamanaffed * -mandavit ' (cf . b^ber, araf aiccr, Pel. afded ' abiit ')
is usually referred to the I.-Eur. Preterite ending -6t, or to the
Perfect Active -S augmented by -t, though whether Umbrian -d
(f ef ure for *f ef ured, dede for *deded) was dropped after a short
vowel, so readily as after a long vowel (like Latin -d) is doubtful.
In the Imperative the same form is used as the 2 Sg. 'Future '
Imper. e. g. es-ta{d)j on which see above, § 67.
§ 70. The 3 Sg. Fit. in Latin. We have found (ch. iii. § 49) that the
shortening influence of fhial 't on a preceding long vowel is already seen in
the poetry of Ennius (339-169 b. c), who scans, e. g. mandeb&t beside potiebdt,
splendU beside jubiU potessSt beside essStj though it probably does not appear in
Plautus (c. 354-184 B. c), that Terence (195-159 b. c.) follows the same usage
as Ennius, while Lucilius (148-103 b. c.) scarcely ever allows a vowel before
final 't to retain its original length. It is thus the versification of Plautus
5^8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIH.
which must decide the original quantity of the vowel in the 3 Sg. Pfb. ending
-it. Indubitable instances of 'it in Plautus are imli, Poen, 1059 •
emit; et is me sibi adoptauit Hlium ;
vixUj Pseiid. 311 :
ilico uixit amator, ubi lenoni supplicat;
which are the readings of both families of MSS., while we have vitii, Amph. 643 :
uicit et domum laudis c<Smpos reuil^nit (a bacchiac line) ;
adnuminiv% Asin 501 :
adnumerauit et cn^didit mihi n^ue deceptust in eo,
where the evidence of the Ambrosian Palimpsest is wanting. (For other
examples, see Miiller, Plant, Pros. p. 71.) The instances of -U in Plautus,
except where the Law of Breves Breviantes operates (e. g. di&dXt like d&fi, aM,
abity dbtSj &c.), are very few and uncertain (e. g. dixitf Pera. q6o\ ; and even if
it wei-e true, as it almost certainly is not, that this scansion occurred now
and then in Plautus, it would only prove that the shortening influence of
final 't showed itself even earlier than Ennius, for there is no indication of
one type of Perfect having had -it and another type -it. In other writers we
have, e.g. eocddit Naev. I^ag. 5 R, dStlit Ter. Eun, 701, stStiiy Phorm, prol. 9,
crissiiilt Lucil. ix. 70 M., and the long quantity is found after t in the com-
pounds of eo in Ovid, e. g. inferiit, abiity reditt (see Lachmann and Munro on
Lucr. iii. 1042 ; and cf. interieisti, C, L L. i. laoa).
The spelling in the very oldest inscriptions is -ed i/efaced on the Praenestine
fibula //. /. L. xiv. 4123 Maniosmed fefaced Numasioi, ^ Manius me fecit Num-
erio '), feked {orfeced ?) on the Dvenos bowl (Zvet. /. 1. 1. 285 Duenos med feked).
This can hardly be equated with Osc -ed, since the other spellings •eitj -it point
to this early € being merely that symbol of the ei-sound which is oftenfound in
old inscriptions (ch. iv. § 34), derivable from an I. -Eur. -ai, for which in Oscan
we should expect to find a diphthong rather than the simple vowel e. Other
old spellings are -et, -eit, -id, and -it. Examples of -et arefuet and dedei (beside
cepit) on a Scipio Epitaph, perhaps of the end of the third cent. b. c, (C. J. L,
i. 32), dedef in two old inscriptions with Ablatival -d (i. 63 de praidad Maurte
dedot ; i. 64 de praidad Fortime dedet) ; and this is the spelling adopted in
the (restored) Columna Rostrata (i. 195 exemet . . . cepet, . . cmauet). The classi-
cal spelling -it occurs as early as the Scipio Epitaph, just mentioned, with
cejnt ; the dedicatory tablet of Minucius, 217 b. c, with votit (i. 1503 Hercolei
sacrom . M. Minuci C. f. Dictator uouit) ; a Scipio Epitaph of c. aoo B. c. (i. 30)
with /tit/, cepit ; the dedication of Aurelius, 200 b. c. {Not, Scav. 1887, p. 195^,
with diditj probauit ; the decree of Aemilius Paulusof 189 b. c. (C. I.L, ii. 5041)
with decreiuity iousit ; and the contemporary decree of Fulvius Nobilior 189 B.c.
with cepit {i. 534 Aetolia cepit, 'took from Aetolia'); the S. C. Bacch.
186 B. C. (i. 196) with censuit ; while we have both -it and -id on the old
Praenestine cista (end of third cent. ?) quoted above, with dedit, fecid. But •«<
is not common, e. g. j?rofeaw< (with coerarit) (i. 600, of 62 b, c), fuueit (i. 1051),
redieit A. 541, of 145 B.C.), vetiieit {i, 20a 58, &c., of iii b. c), so that if we had
only the spellings of inscriptions to guide us, and not the versification of the
early poets, we should be Inclined to suppose the original form of the 3 Sg. Pft.
suffix to have been -It, -ed, which, with the usual change of unaccented e to t,
became about the end of the third cent, -it {'id). It has been suggested that
in some types of Perfect, e. g. dixU (cf. Gk. «8€if€(T)),/Mrt (cf. O. Ind. i£-bhid-
§§ 71-78.1 THE VERB. PERSON-ENDINGS. 529
at ; but see § 39), the final syllable was originally short, while in other types
it was long. But the versification of Plautus points to no distinction having
been made between the different types in his time at least. The pronuncia-
tion of his age must have been dixit, fidit, aniavU as well as hUudify vidit, fedU,
and this I-sound can hardly be dissociated from the final -I of i Sg. tutudl, &c.
This -i of iutitdi we have seen to be the I. -Eur. -ai, the ending of the r Sg. Pft.
Mid. (0. Ind. tutud-€). In the 3 Sg. of the Perfect Middle, Sanscrit shows
a similar form to the i Sg., viz. tutud-€. We are therefore led to suppose
that in Latin as in Sanscrit Huiudai was the original form both in i Sg. and
3 Sg. This *tutudaiy which would become in Latin *tutudeij then tiUttdi, was
in the 3 Sg. discriminated by the addition of the 3 Sg. suffix used in Secondary
Tenses in the Active Voice, -t, and became tutttdei-t (written in the old ortho-
graphy tuiuds-t), then (utudi't, then in the second cent. b. c. tutudiL The other
types of Perfect' followed in the 3 Sg., as in all other persons, the type of
I.-Eur. Perfects like ttUudi,
§ 71. 1 Plur. In Lat. we have in all tenses the ending *-m6s
(class, -rniis), while in the other I.-Eur. languages we have
a variety of endings, e. g. Gk. (t>€pO'^€v, €(l)4pO'ix€v, Dor. <f>ipO'ix€s
(this I.-Eur. *-mes varied with *-m6s, the Latin person-suffix),
O Ind. £-bhara-ma, Vedic vid-ma. The scansion -mus in Plant,
is illusory (see Miiller, Plant. Pros, p. 57).
§ 72. 2 Plur. The ending -tg of Gk. (l)ip€'T€, &c. appears in
Latin only in the Imperative, e. g. fer-fe, agi-te for ^age-te, &c.
Elsewhere it was replaced by -Us (older ^-fes), an ending like
the 2 Dual ending (with th- apparently) of O. Ind. bh^ra-thas,
Goth, baira-ts, the use of which discriminated agitis Ind. from
agite Imper., as ag?s Ind. differed from age Imper. Corresponding
to the 2 Sg. * Future' Imperative in -to (older ^tod), we have
a 2 PI. * Future ' Imperative in -tote, apparently composed by
adding to the Sg. form the 2, PI. suffix -t6, -tote (e. g. estate),
for 4di4e (ch ii. § 127).
§ 73. S Plur. The I.-Eur. suffixes end with -t in Primary but
not in Secondary Tenses. Thus -entt, -ntt, -nti are Primary, -ent,
-nt, -nt are Secondary, e. g. *s-Snti (O. Ind. s-&nti^ Gk. €1<tL for
Dor. k'vri, O. Ir. it, O. W. int, Goth, s-ind; so Umbr. s-ent,
Osc. s-et for *s-ent), *bhero-nti [O. Ind. bhdra-nti, Arm. beren,
Dor. Gk. (f}(po-vTL, O. Ir. berit, Goth, baira-nd, O. SI. (Russ.)
ber^tt], *e-bh6r6-nt (O. Ind. d-bhara-n, Gk. i^f^^po-v). In class.
Lat. the ending both for Primary and Secondary Tenses is -«^,
e. g. fern-nt (older ^fero-nt, e. g. cosentiont on a Scipio Epitaph,
M m
530 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. lOha^.YJXl.
CI.L. i. ^2), fereba-nf, fera-nty si-ni [Umbr, «Vw; but O. Lat.
nenty either by analogy of Sg. neuy sies^ siet (see § 55), or with
-ent for -nt, *8iynt], 9-unt (older sanl, CI.L. i. 1166). But in
Umbro-Oscan there is a distinction. "We have -nt for I.-Eur.
-ntY, but -ns for I.-Eur. -nt, e. g. Umbr. seniy Osc. set for *8ent in
the Ind. of the Substantive Verb, but Umbr. %irUy in the Opt.,
Osc. prufattens ^probaverunt/so that it is likely that at some early
period Latin, like the other languages of Italy, distinguished
Primary -ntl and Secondary -nt. The 3 PI. tremanfi in the
fragment of the Carmen Saliare, ascribed to Numa^s time^ is
a doubtful reading [Ter. Scaur. 28. 9 K. Cum . . . quoniam antiqui
pro hoc adverbio ' cuine ' dicebant, ut Numa in Saliari carmine :
cuine tonas (MSS. ponas), Leucesie, prao tet tremonti (MSS. praetexert»
monti}],
though it is confirmed by another corrupt passage of Festus
(344. 17 Th. ; he is quoting from the Carmen Saliare): 'prae tet
tremonti ' (MSS. pretet t.) praetremunt te (MSS. praetemunt pe).
In Old Latin we have a curious form in -nunt (older -nont) in
the Pres. Ind. only, e. g. du-nunt^ expU-nunf, fyrddi-Jiunty nSqul-
nonty which has been explained on the theory that the 3 PI.
of the Pres. Ind. had once ended in -n, *ddn, ^exp/^^n, ^prodtn,
^nequvi, and that these forms were expanded by the subsequent
addition of the Thematic Secondary ending -^»^, later -i?»^, much
as Gk. c? for *c(rt, 2 Sg. of ci/it, was by the addition of the
Secondary suflSx -s expanded to €t-5, or O. Engl, sind, ' they are,'
to sind-un. If it were a mere case of Nasalization like tu-u^o,
li-n-o, ^sta-n-o in desftno{?), &c., Lith. einu, 'I go' (§ 10), it is
difficult to see why it should be confined to this single person,
the third person plural of the Present Indicative Active. But
how *danti could become *dan, *ets-plenti become ^eaplen, has
not yet been satisfactorily shown (see /. F. ii. 302).
T.-Eur. -nti, -nt (e. g. O. Ind. ddd-ati, Gk. AcAoyx-acri for -nti)
does not appear in Latin, unless possibly in O. Lat. stent (see
above). But in Umbro-Oscan -ent, -ens [I.-Eur. -ent(i) or
-nt(i) ] is as universal as -unt [I.-Eur. -ont(i) ] in Latin^ e. g. Osc.
fiiet ' fiunt,* prufattens ' probavemnt,' Umbr. furent * erunt/ Osc.
censazet for ^ent ^ censebunt.'
§§ 74, 76.] THE VERB. PERSON-ENDINGS. 531
The ending of the 3 PI. of the Latin Perfect -Smnl is to be
compared with the O. Ind, 3 PI. ending^ with -r- of various
Tenses (e. g. d-duh-ra Pret., duh-rate Pres., bhare-rata Opt.,
duh-ram and duh-ratdm Imper. ; very rarely -ranta, in d-vavrt-
ranta. The O. Ind. Perfect has in 3 PI. Act. -ur, e.g. dadur,
' they have given,' and in 3 Pi. Mid. -re, e.g. dadire, represent-
ing probably I.-Eur. -r and -rai). The byf orm -ere is in O. Lat.
-ert {dederi^ C, L L. i. 187, probably from Praeneste : M. Mindios
L. fi. P. Condetios Ua. fi. aidiles uicesma parti Apolones dederi).
In the Imperative we have in Latin, as in Greek, the particle
*tod, ^ from this,* * thereupon,' added to a 3 PL form, e.g. Lat.
ferunto for ^feront-tod^ Gk. (f)€p6vT(jii for *</)€poi/r-ra)6. The final
'd is seen in suntod on the Spoletium inscription {C, L L. xi. 4766).
The Umbrian ending appears to have been -tota, e.g. etuta and
etuto ' eunto.'
§ 74. 3 Fl. Fres. in -nunt. D&nuinJt for datnJ^ is quoted from the older poets
by Nonius, 97. 13 M., e. g. Gaecilius, Omu 176 R pati^re quod dant, quilndo
optata n6n danunt (cf. Paul. Fest. 48. 18 Th. ^ danunt ' dant) ; it is often used by
Plautus (the references are given in Neue, Formenl, ii". p. 41a), and is found on
a Satumian dedicatory inscription of two brothers, money-lenders, caUed
Vertuleius (C. I. L, i. 11 75, Sora :
d<5nu danunt H^rcolei m^xsume m^reto) ;
prodlnuni for prodeunt is quoted by Festus (384. 2a Th.) fi'om Ennius {A,
158 M.) :
prodinunt famuli ; tum Candida lumina lucent ;
so obinunt for obeunt (id. 214. 4 Th.), redinunt for redeunt (id. 400. la, a passage
badly preserved in the MS.), quoted from Ennius [possibly with mention of
inunt for eiint, so that the Philoxenus Gloss (p. 75. as G.), int : nopfvovrai may
be a corruption of inunt : vop^voyrcu (see § a)]; nequinont for nequeunt (Fest.
i6a. 34 Th.), quoted from the Odyssea of livius Andronicus :
p^rtim Arrant, nequinont Gra^iam redire,
and paralleled with ferinunt (MS. fsrwtnt) for feriunt (MS. fereunt; cf. 400.
14 Th.), and solinunt for solent [rather for soluntf the obsolete verb of which
consulo is a compound ; cf. Fest. 536. 14 Tli. ' solino ' idem (Messala) ait esse
consulo] ; explenunt for explent by Paul. Fest. (56. 14 Th.) ; insermuntur for
inseruntur is used by Liv. Andr. (ap. Fest. 53a. 34 Th.) : millia dlia in isdem
inserinuntur.
§ 75. 3 PI. Perf. The isolated forms dedro on an old inscription of Pisaurum
(C. I. L. i. 177 Matre Matuta done dedro matrona; beside dedrot on another
inscription from the same place, i. 173 lunone re. matrona Pisaurese dono
dedrot) aud emeru on an inscription of Cora (i. 1 148 Q. Pomponius Q. f. L.
Tulius Ser. f. praitores aere Martio emeru) cannot be taken as a proof that -r5
M m 2
532 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [GhAp. VUL
wa« a byform of -ri in the Latin 3 PI. Perfect. For the dropping of final
consonnnts iu n feature of the Latin of Pisaunim (see the inscriptions quoted
above with -s, -r dn)pped ; and cf. the loss of -t in dede, i. 169, and apparently
of -71^ in i. 177 M*. Curia, Pola Liuia deda), and emeru on the Cora inscription
iHHy ho a Himilar dialectal variety, or merely a graphic contraction for erne-
runt. Final -nt often loses the dental on late inscriptions and is wiitten -n or
-?n; thus wo Iiayv fccerun and fecerum (also/ecerw, vi. 34649) in plebeian inscrip-
tions of the Empire {see ch. ii. § 137). Some Roman grammarians called the
form with -re the * Dual * form, a theory which is rightly rejected by Quin-
tilian, though his own explanation, that it is a weakening of -ruHi^ cannot
stand A. 5. 43 quanqunm fuerunt qui nobis quoque adicorent dualem 'scrip-
^ere ' ^ lege re ' : quod evitandae asperitatis gratia mollitum est, ut apnd
veteres pro male moreris ' male merere*) (cf. Serv. ad A,ii. i). In the older
writers -runt and -re seem to be used at will, e. g. Plant. Trin, 535 alii ^olatom
abierunt, alii emortui, Alii so suspcndere, and Cicero (Orat. xlvii. 157), qnoting
a line of Ennius, says : nee vero reprehenderim * scripsere alii rem * ; * scrip-
serunt ' esse verius censeo, f<ed consuetudini auribus indulgenti libenter obse-
<iu<)r. (Ennius, however, seems to prefer -cnoU to ^ere in his Annals ; Terence
prefers -ere.) The older spelling -ronf, mentioned by Quintilian (i. 4. 16), who
(luotes dederonf and probavcrontj is found on early inscriptions {see Index to
c. I. L. i.).
Tht* ending -rS (older -ri) seems to come from an I.-Eur. -ri, cognate with the
I. -Eur. -rai of the 0. Ind. 3 Sg. Pft. Mid. -r6, e. g. dadird, *dedere * ; the ending
•n<«/ older 'ront)f either from an I.-Eur. -rent (cf. O. Ind. 4-vavft- ranta), or
from a subsequent additiitn of the usual 3 PI. Thematic suffix -unt {-<mt) to
a 3 PI. Pft. in -r. Thus *dedtr ;a * doublet * of ded^e ?} would become dedtr-uni
by the same proci»ss as we have supposed an earlier ^explhi to have become
explfn-unt. In view of the presence of r in these O. Ind. third persons plural
this is a more likely ex2)]anation than to suppose that r is the Latin substitute
for intervocalic s.
With regard to the quantity of the e in -emntf the short quantity, though it
is in the classical and later period more prominent in Dactylic Poetry than in
other verso, owing to its suitableness for the dactylic metre, is not by any
means unknown in the older (and later) dramatists, e. g. in Plautus subeginmi.
Plant. Bncch, 928, fecirunt, Amph, 184 locavtrunty Pers. 160, ceasaruntj Mil, 143a,
Ac. ; em^runt, Ter. Eun. prol. ao, contocantniy ih. 593). Plautus appears, how-
over, to use it only at the end of a line or hemistich, so must have regarded
its use as a licence to be resorted to under metrical necessity. It does not
appear to have been used in Tragedy, nor by the earlier Epic writers, like
Ennius, and not very frequently by Lucretius (e. g. institirutd, i. 406 ; see
Munro's note), which points to its having been a pronunciation of colloquial
Latin that won its way only gradually into the higher literature. It is gene-
rally explained as a 3 Plur. of the Auxiliary stem es-, ^ to be,* and is com-
imred with Gk, -c aov of 3 Plur. Plupft., so that dcdlrunt from *ded(sunt would
be a quite different formation from dedlrunt and ded^e, with I. -Eur. r. An-
other theory makes it *d€di8'0nt, the first part being a Verbal Noun-stem
*dedis- •■ see $ 5a). [On ciirarunt for curav^mt beside the older coiratierunt (S P)
on inscriptions, see $ 48.]
§ 76. (2) Passive (Deponent). 1 Sing. The Italo-Celtic
§§ 76-78.] THE VERB. PERSON-ENDINGS. 533
ending was -or in the Pres. Ind. [e. g. O. Lat. sequdr, class, seqndr
(eh. iii. § 49), O. Ir. sechur], apparently an addition of Passive
-r to the Active ending -d. Those Tenses and Moods which in
Latin formed their i Sg. Active in -m substitute in the Passive
-r for -m^ e. g./^ra-r Fut. and Suhj,, fereba-r Impft., except in the
Perfect group, where a periphrastic form is used, e. g. Idtm sim,
latus essem, not ^tulerir, ^lulisser, also latm ero, not *luleror (see
§ 54), though in Oscan we do find this adaptation of the Active
forms in comparascnster, Fut. Pf t. Pass, (pon ioc egmo comparM'
cutter * cum ea res consulta erit '), the Active of which would be
^comparascti^t (§ 89) ; but in Umbr. we have pihaz fust ' piatus
erit/ &c.
§ 77. 2 Sing. Since O. Ir. sechther * sequeris * shows the
I.-Eur. (athematic) ending -thes (e.g. O. Ind. d-di-thas, Gk.
k'h6-6y]s\ which is retained in the O. Ir. Imperative (e. g. cluin-
te, ' do thou hear/ Dep.), with the usual ending -r, we might
expect to find in Latin the I.-Eur. (thematic) ending -s5 (e. g.
Zend bara-raha, Gk. <^ipio for *-cro, i-cfyipe-o), which is retained
in the Latin Imperative (e. g. s^querS for ^sequesd^ § 57), with an
appended -r, ^sequesdr, in class. Lat. ^seqiterur. But the forms
actually found are (i) seqtier^^ the same as the Imperative a Sg.
(this is the usual form in O. Lat., and even in Cicero); (a)
sequeris^ which adds to this the ending -« of the 2 Sg. Act,
^seqMere-s becoming seqiiens (ch. iii. § 18). The addition of this
'S discriminates the Ind. from the Imper. form as dgts differs
from SgCy dgitls from (igit?. The ' Future ' Imperative changes to
-r the -d of its a Sg. Act., e. g./er-tor 2 Sg. Vass.jferto from fer-
tod 2 Sg. Act. [On the O. Lat. ending for the 2, 3 Sg. Imper.
'7mnOy formed apparently from 2 PI. -m^ni on the type of a, 3 Sg.
Act. 4d{d), see § 60, and on forms like ulUo for utitar, § 59.]
§ 78. For statistics of the use of -re and -ris^ see Neue, ii^ pp. 393 sqq.
Terence uses -re only, Plautus both -re and -m, but -re far more frequently.
(He puns on ohtoquere Ind. and oUoquere Imperat. in Cure, 41.) Cicero prefers
-re in all other tenses than the Pres. Ind., and in this tense too in Deponent
Verbs. Quintilian is wrong in supposing -re to be a weakening of -ris (i. 5. 49
quod evitandae asperitatis gratia mollitum est, ut apud veteres pro male
mereris * male merere '), for -is did not become -e in Latin (ch. ii. § 137), nor
can an isolated spelling like iriburuis [militd\re for mVXtdris on an old inscr. (C L L.
534 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VHI.
i. 64) be quoted as a proof of this change. The form -nis on a few inscriptions
{spatiarusy C. J. L. i. 1220, Beneventum ; utarus, i. 1267, Yenusia ; figamsj iv.
9o8a, Pompeii), none of them old, may be a mere dialectal or vulgar varietyf
but it may also (like -us in the G^n. Sg. of the 3rd DecL, ch. vi. § 22) be a
genuine tradition of an older form, which arose from the addition of -8 to
*seque86f kc, at a stage prior to its weakening to sequerS, Thus *spaiid's6 would
be expanded to *spatids6-Sj which would become *apaUdr68, spatiarus,
§ 79. d Sg. The Italo-Celtic ending is -t5r [e. g. Lat. sequi-
tur from ^seqiteddr, O. Ir. sechethar ; cf. Osc. sakarater * sacra-
tur,' with -ter from syncopated -t(6)r as Umbr. agei- from *agr(()8)],
formed by adding Passive -r to the L-Eur. Secondary ending -to
(e.g. O. Ind. fi-di-ta^ Gk. i-ho^ro ; O. Ind. d-bhara-ta, Gk.
^-</>€pc-To). The Imperative changes to -r the -d of the Particle
-tod which it appends to the bare stem in the Act., e. g./<?r-^(w
Pass.^ fer-to(d) Act., dgUor Pass.^ agi'td{d) Act. (On O. Lat.
'mtnoy e. g. anteslamino, ' let him take to witness/ see § 60^ and
on 'to for 'tor in iitifOj &c., § 59.)
§ 80. 1 Plur. The Italo-Celtic ending is -m6r (e. g. Lat.
sSquimur for ^sequo^vwr^ O. Ir. seche-mmar with a curious
doubling of the m), formed by changing to r the s of the Active
-mr)s (Lat. ft^ri-mm for ^fere-mds, O. Ir. do-beram for -m5s ?).
§ 81. 2 Plur. Both the Celtic and the Italic languages
depart from the ordinary procedure in this person. In O. Ir.
Deponents we have the Active ending ; in Latin we have the
Nom. Plur. of the old Pres. Part. Passive with ellipse of e^tisy
e. g. ferhninl from ^/ero-menoi (Gk. (jyepofxevoi,) in the Present
Tense, and analogical formations in the others, Q.g.ferebd^minl,
ferd'ttilnl^ feire-mml. The 2 Plur. Imper., though similar in
form to the 2 Plur. Pres. Ind., a g. ferminiy is usually explained
as an old Infinitive (Dat. of a MEN-stem), for I.-Eur. *bhere-
menai (Gk. (jyepi-fievaL) (see § 57).
§ 82. 3 Plur. The Italo-Celtic ending is -ntor (e. g. Lat.
s^qtumtur from ^^eqno-iMr^ O. Ir. sechetar; cf. Osc. karanter
' pascuntur * with -nter from syncopated -nt(o)r, like 3 Sg. -ter
for -t(6)r j see above), formed by adding Passive -r to the I.-Eur.
Secondary ending -nto (e. g. O. Ind. d-bhara-nta, Gk. i-ipepo-vro.
Cf. Gk. €/i-7rA??-wo with Lat, im^ple^tur). In the Imperative the
S$ 79-88.] THE VERB. INFINITIVE. 535
-d of the particle -tod appended in the 3 PI. Act., is changed to
r, e. g. firuntor Pass., feruntd from ^fhoni-tod Act. (see § 57,
and on O. Lat. censenio for censmfor, § 59).
§ 88. VI. THE INFINITIVE. The I.-Eur. Infinitive was
merely a Case (nsnally Dat. or Loc. Sg.) of a Verbal Noun, and has
best retained its character in the Celtic languages, where its object
stands not in the Ace, as after a verb^ but in the Gen., as after
a Noun. The form of the Inf. varied not merely accoi-ding to
the case employed, but also according to the Noun-stem which
was chosen. In O. Ind. we have a great variety of Infinitives,
e.g. (1) Dat. of a Root-stem, a stem which was the same as the
root of the Verb, e. g. -fije, 'to drive,* lit. * for driving * (Lat. Hfl ;
cf . Gk. xev-ai ?) ; (2) Dat. of an S-stem, e. g. ji-se, * to conquer '
[cf. Lat. dfl-rl, O. Lat. da-sei (§ 85), Gk. Trci-crai] ; (3) Dat. of
a MEN-stem, e. g. da-mane, * to give ' (Gk. 6o/ui«/ai ; Lat. da-
minl 2 PL Imper. Pass., see § 57), vid-mdne, * to know ^ [Gk. (f )rt-
fx€z;at]; (4) Loc. of a MEN-stem (without-!, see ch. vi. § 37), e.g.
dhfir-man, * to keep up ' (cf. Gk. 6o-/i€z;) ; (5) Dat. of a TU-stem,
e. g. dha-tave, ' to set ' (cf . Pruss. da-twei, ' to give ') ; (6) Ace. of
a TU-stem, e. g. dha-tum (this is the classical or Sanscrit form of
the Infinitive of every verb) (Lat. con-dltum ist Sup., Lith. de-t^
Sup., O. SI. de-tii Sup.; the Balto- Slavic Supine in -tum is fused
with the auxiliary verb of the same root as Lat. fui to form
a Compound Tense, e.g. Lith. detum-bime, 1 PI. Opt., as the
Lat. 1st Supine is joined with impersonal in to form the Fut.
Inf. Pass., e.g. suhldtum in or sublatuiriy see below); (7) Dat. of
an I-stem, e. g. dr§-dye, * to see,' and many others. The Teutonic
Inf. is Ace. of an ONO-stem, e. g. Goth, itan, Germ, essen from
*gd-6n6-m (cf. O. Ind. ddanam, a Neut. Noun). The form
chosen for the Latin Inf. Act. was a Loc. Sg. of an S-stem, e. g.
dge-re from ^age-n^ amd-re from ^mna-si^ vtde-re from ^vide-n^
flm-re from ^fini-siy esse from *^*-^e, dedis-se (see § 52), fer^re
from *fer'&i, vel-le from *f^/-*^, the last two showing the regular
change of rs to rr (cf. torreo from *torsey6, ch. iv. § 153), Is to II
(cf. coUum from ^colso-^ Germ. Hals, ch. iv. § 146). For the
Inf. Pass, a Dat. Sg. was chosen, either (i) of a Root-stem, e.g.
ag-i (O. Lat. ag-ei) from *S,g-ai, m(ir-l (with the diphthong ai
53^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VHI.
weakened in the unaccented syllable, first to ei, then to *, as in
^dc-caido, oc-ceido^ oc-cvlo^ ch. iii. § i8), or (2) of an S-stem, e.g.
amd-ri (O. Lat. ama-rei) from *ama-sai, vide-n from *wide-sai,
finl-ri, O. Lat. tnort-rij eo that the Lat. Inf. Pass, differed from
the Inf. Act. only conventionally, and had no distinctive Passive
suffix. This however seems to be present in the byforms af/ier^
amdrier, morlrier, though the exact origin of this -ier, -rier is
doubtful ^. For the Perfect Inf. Passive the Perf . Part. Pass,
was used with the auxiliary verb esse, e.g. constat id factum esse,
constat ea facta esse; for the Fut. Pass, the 1st Supine with m,
Inf. Pass, of eo, ' to go/ e. g. constat id factum iri, constat ea fac-
tum iri. The Fut. Act., e. g. constat id eventurum (esse), is most
naturally explained as a combination of the Fut. Part. Act. with
esse, though its Old Latin indeclinable use, e. g. credo inimicos
meos dicturum (from a speech of C. Gracchus) has suggested the
theory that it is a compound of the 2nd Suj>ine in -til (e. g. even-
iu, dicfu, Locs. of TU-stems, ch. vi. § 37) with an old byform of
esse, viz. ^esom, later *erum (Umbr. crow, Osc. ezum, Ace. of O-
stem), dicturvm for ^dictu-emm being in time made personal
dictnrns -a -urn (the Fut. Part. Act.) in the same way as O. Lat.
* dicendimi est orationem * changed to class. Lat. * dicenda est
oratio' (Postgate in Class, Rev, v. p. 301). The Umbro-Oscan Pres.
Inf Act. is the Ace. Sg. of a Verbal O-stem (e. g. Umbr. er-om,
Osc. eZ'tim, deic-um, molt-aum * multare ') (ch. v. § 2).
On Lat. are in are-facio and similar Verb-stems, see § 34.
In Vulg. Lat., as reflected in the Romance languages, the
Perf. Inf. has been lost ; esse has become essere (Ital. essere,
Span, ser, Fr. etre) ; velle, volere (Ital. volere, Fr. vouloir), this
verb having been transferred (by the analogy of its Perf.
volui like ?/ionui, Aadni, &c.) to the second Conjugation, voleo
I Sg. Pres. Ind. (Ital. voglio), voleaf, 3 Sg. Pres. Subj. (Ital.
voglia), as posse became potere (Ital. potere, Sp. poder) through
the likeness of its Vert.potui to the second Conjugation type,
(cf. § 33 a).
^ Some make it an addition to i of {A. L. L. vii. 13a). Similarly in
the Active Inf. ending, with Syncojw Vulg. Lat. esse-re replaced esse (seo
of the final J, as in hiber for WWfre below).
§S 84-86.] THE VERB. INFINITIVE. 537
§ 84. Fres. Inf. Act. Biber for bib&rS in the phrase biber dare (quoted by
Charisius 124. i K. from various early authors, and censured as a mispronuncia-
tion by Caper, 108. 10 K. bibere non * biber '), seems to be a case of syncope of
final 'S (like nee for niquey animal for animdlej calcar for cakdre, ch. iii. § 36),
though it has been also regarded as a Teritably old form, a Locative without 1
(ch. vi. § 37), like Gk. 86-ficv Inf. (see above). Instar may be a similar synco-
pated Inf. (.for instare) used as a Noim (cf. bustar, an oxstall ; see ch. iii. § 36).
On late inscriptions we have, e. g. haher (C. I, L. viii. 8369, of ia8 a-d.) ; and
on a lamp found in the oldest Esquiline cemetery {Ann, Inst, 1880, p. 260),
Sotae sum. noli me tanger.
§ 85. Pros. Inf. Pass. The form in -iery -rier belongs to O. Lnt. and is
employed as an archaism by the Augustan poets and their imitators (see
statistics in Neue, ii^. p. 409). Even in the time of Plautus it can hardly have
been so current as the form in -i, -rt, for it is confined to the end of iambic
and trochaic lines, e.g. percontariery Most, 963 (see Lorenz, adloc,)y and is never
found with a short antepaenultima (except deripierj Men, 1006), restrictions
which indicate that it was a form used only for the sake of the metre.
That the -r of -ri was originally s wo see from the O. Lat. form dost men-
tioned by PauL Fest. [48. 19 Th. * dasi ' dari (^ould we read * dasei * or else
dare ? )].
The occasional scansion of the Pres. Inf. Act. with -e in Plant, (e. g. Pseud,
355, 1003) has been explained as a relic of the use of -ai (O. Lat. -ei or -^, ch.
iv. § 34) as Active suffix (/. F. iv. 240). But it may be otherwise explained,
as syllaba anceps before final dipody (see Miiller, Plant. Pix>s, p. 22). The theory
that the i- and ai- suffixes were in the O. Lat. period used indiflferently as
Act. or Pass, is plausible enough but lacks proof.
§ 86. Fut. Inf. Act. Gellius in the seventh chapter of the first book of
his Nodes Atticae quotes several instances of the indeclinable use of the Fut.
Inf. Act. from the older authors, in connexion with the reading : hanc sibi
rem praesidio spei*ant futurum (Cic. Verr, II, v. 65. 167), found in a copy
of Tiro's edition (libro spectatae fidei, Tironiana cura atque disciplina
facto). This reading was defended by such examples as : credo ego inimicos
meos hoc dicturum (from a speech of C. Gracchus) ; hostium copias ibi ocou-
patas futurum, and again : decs bonis bene facturum (from the Annals of
Claudius Quadrigarius) ; omnia ex sententia processurum esse (from Valerius
Antias ; the use of esse is irregular) ; altero te occisurum ait {sc, Casina) (from
'Plaut. Cos, 693, where our MSS. are almost unanimous for occisuram I) ; non
putavi hoc eam facturum (from Laberius, Com, 51 R.). Priscian (i. p. 475.
23 H. ) quotes from Cato : illi polliciti sese facturum omnia ; from Lucilius
(xvii. 8 M. ) : nupturum te (sc, Penelope) nupta negas.
The existence of nouns like scriptilra, versuraj pidura points to the Fut. Part.
scripturus -a -um, versurus -a -wm, pidurus -o -wm, &c. (formed from t)-stems,
as Gk. Iaxvp6-f from a tT-stem ; cf. ch. v. § 16, ch. iv. § 60) having been
an old formation (cf. ojffmsa beside offensusj rSptdsa beside repulsus), and makes
it unlikely that the declinable Fut. Part, arose from this indeclinable Inf.
So it may be better to regard O. Lat. didurum as the Neut Sg. of this
participle used (without esse) impersonally, just as the Impersonal constat^
e.g. ^constat inter omnes haec ita esse,' becomes in the Fut. Inf. Pass.
538 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VTII.
constaturwn, e.g. *8pero constaturum inter omnes haec ita esse.' Similarly
the Gerundive in -Hdus -a -urn seems the older form and the Gerund in -ndum
an Impersonal use, eundum e^^ being analogous to ihtr (see § 6a). On the other
hand the preference shown by Plautus and Terence for the omission of esse
(for statistics, see Postgate in i. F. iv. 352 ; cf. Plant. Baccfi. 59a negat se
iturum, with True. 85 is nunc dicitur Uenturus peregre), and the rarity of the
use of the Fut. Part, in apposition (e. g. Enu. Ann. 41a M. carbasus alia
uolat pandam ductura carinam) are quoted in support of Prof. Postgato's
explanation.
§ 87. Fut. Inf. Pass. Iri is impersonal, like itur in Virgil's itur in aniiquam
sUvartij so that the line of Terence (Hec prol.) : rumor uenit datum iri gladia-
tores, should be translated * that they are going to exhibit gladiators,' ^ that
there is going to be a gladiatorial show.' G«llius (x. 14) quotes a curious
extension of this usage from a speech of Cato, contumdia tnUii factum itur :
atque euenit ita, Quirites, uti in hac contumelia, quae mihi per huiusoe
petulantiam factum itur, i*ei quoque publicae medius fidius miserear,
Quirites. This throws some light on the development of the Italo-Celtic
passive from an Impersonal R-form (§ 6a). (Cf. Plant. Rud. 1343 mihi ista^
uidetur praeda praedatum irier.) The word-group/ocfttm irt, &c. seems to have
become a single word in ordinary language, for we often find the Fut. Inf. Pass.
written with -tuiri in MSS., which is frequently corrupted in later copies to
-turi as if Nom. PI. Masc. of Fut. Part. Act. (e. g. sublatuiri in Cod. A of BM.
Alex, xix. a, but in other MSS. suUaturi ; for a list of examples from
Lactantius, see A, L, L. ii. 349). The suppression of -m of subtatunij &c. is
like the suppression of m of circum in circuit for circum it (see ch. ii. § 153).
§ 88. VII. THE SUPINES. The First Supine, used after
a Verb of motion, is the Ace. Sg. of a Verbal Noun, a TU-stem
(e.g. ire specldtfim, lit. ' to go to the seeing,' like ire ddfnum^ to go to
the house, ire Rdmam^ to go to Rome), the same form as is in San-
scrit the regular Infinitive of the verb (see § 83). An O. Ind. usage
like dr^tum a gaehanti, * they come to see,' hotum eti, ' he goes
to sacrifice ' (cf . O. SI. vidStii idett, ' he goes to see ') (Delbriick,
AliimL Syntax, p. 428) is what the Latin First Supine has
developed from.
The Second Supine, used after an Adjective, is the Loc. Sg. of
the same Verbal Noun (e.g. d^lis ctirsu, nimble in running).
The Loc. Sg. in -{^ of U-stems often played the part of a Dat.
(e. g. curru for currui in Virgil, see ch. vi. §§ 37, 23, 27) ; and we
find the Second Supine used not only as a Loc, but as a Dative,
e. g. {^f alula) lejAda 7uem6rdtu^ pleasant for telling, where in the
older language the Dative proper in -vi is used, e. g. lej)ida
memoratni (Plant.), as well as the Locative, e.g. rUltcula audilu
§$ 87-89.] THE VERB. SUPINES. PARTICIPLES. 539
(Plaut.), (in Plaut. Bud^ 294 sunt nobis quaestu et cultu^ this Loc.
plays the part of a Predicative Dative).
This TU-stem bulks largely in the language of Plautus and
the older Dramatists, e. g. opsonatu redeo (Plaut. Men, 288)^
essum vocare, * to invite to dinner ' {Men. 458), nuptum dare, * to
give a girl in marriage ' {Pers, 383). In AuL 736 perdUum ire is
used almost like perdere :
quam 6b rem ita faceres m^que meosque p^rditum ires liberos,
(of. BaccA, 565 mi ires eonsultum male), and the use of the
Accusative without a Preposition is paralleled by phrases like
i motam crucem (Plaut.), 9upjMias, infifias, exsBquias ire, &c. Like
nuptum dare and nuptum ire are venumdare or venundare (vetidere)
and venum ire {venire ; but cf . O. Ind. vasna-yd-ti, 3 Sg., Gk.
cireo/Ltat) ; pessumd&re or pessumdare and pessum ire. A similar
Ace. of a Verbal Noun TU-stem is asom (class, assum, ist Supine
of ardeo) in the phrase asom fero on an old Praenestine cista with
the representation of a kitchen scene (if//. Arch, 1890, p. 303),
a phrase which recurs on a Marrucine inscription, amm . . ,feret
(Zvet. 7.7.7. 8). The ist Supine is also found in Umbrian, e.g.
aseriato etu * observatum ito.' In the Romance languages the
Supines have been lost.
§ 89. VIII. THE PABTICIPLES. The I.-Eur. Participles
were merely Verbal Adjectives formed with the various suffixes
already mentioned in the chapter on Noun- and Adjective-stems
(chap. v). Thus for the Perf. Part. Pass, the TO-sufiix was used
(e. g. O. Ind. -dhi-td-, Gk. 0€'t6s, Lat cre-di-tus, Lith. de-tas ;
Goth, vaurh-ts, * wrought'), or the NO-suffix (e. g. O. Ind. pur-nd-,
'filled,' O. Engl, bund-en, ' bound-en/ O. SI. nes-enu, * carried^; cf.
hsit.ple-jius); for the Gerundive, the Y0-8uffix(e.g. O.Ind. dj^-ya-,
' seeable, worth seeing,' O.Sax. un-fod-i, 'insatiable' ; cf. Gk. fiy-toy,
venerable, Lat. exim-ius), or -TWO-, -TfiWO- (eg. O. Ind. kdr-
tva-, ' worth doing,' Gk. 6t<«)K-rc(f)o5, worth pursuing), and so on.
With- the LO-suffix is formed the second Past Participle Act. in
O. SI., e. g. nes-lii, used in the periphrastic nesltl jesmt, ' I have
carried/ and the Aor. Part. Act. or Pass, in Armenian, e. g. gereal
' capiens, eaptus.'
The Pres. Part. Act. (and all Active Participles, except the
540 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIII.
Perfect) took the suffix -Snt-, -nt-, -ont- (see eh. v. § 63) (e. g.
O. Ind. bhdrant-, Gk. (f>(p(»}v, -ovtos, Goth, bairands, O. SI. bery),
Lat. fer-ens, -ends, sedans (Umbr. zedef). The Perf. Part. Act.
took -wes- (e.g. O. Ind. ririk-vds-, Gk. AcAoi7r-(F)(os, Lith. lik^s ;
ef. O. SI. mltiz-ti, ' having milked *) ; and this formation appears
in Umbro-Oscan in the Compound Tense, which corresponds to
the Lat. Fut. Perf. (e. g. O^a.fefacust ' fecerit '), and probably in
Osc. sipu9^ knowing, with full knowledge [from *sep-wes- (?).
That the n is long (I.-Eur. u or 6) is inferred from the absence
of Syncope, for ^sipuSy *sij)ds would become in Oscan ^Hps ; but
see ch. iii. § 16] ; but in Latin the Perf. Part. Act. is not used.
Neither is the Pres. Part. Middle (or Pass.), which was formed in
-meno- (-mono-, -mno-) (e.g. O. Ind. bhdra-mana-, Gk. (fxpo-fxcvos ;
ef. Pruss. po-klausi-mauas, ' being heard '), though it is found
in the 2 PI. Ind. Pass., e. g. firimlnl (sc. estis^ see § 81), and in
nouns like alvmnm (cf. Gk. 6 Tp€<t>6iJi(vos, see ch. v. § 13). The
Perf. Part, shows the suffix -to-, e. g. scriptus (Umbr. screihto-,
Osc. scrifto-) ; the Fut. Part. Act. in -turus is probably a form-
ation with the suffix -ro- from a TU-stem Verbal Noun, e. g.
scnptHruSy stem ^scriptU'ro- from the stem *scriptu- of scriptus,
-Ff^, pictunis from the stem *piclu- of piclus, -«^, &c., like Gk.
icrxv'pos from laxys. [On its relation to the Fut. Inf. Act. in
O. Lat. scripturum, in class. Lat. scripturus (-a -um) {esse)y see
§ 86]. For a Participle the Latin writers, especially the poets,
often substituted an Adjective, e.g. Idc^ for lacerdtus (Virg.
lacerum crudeliter ora), and these Adjectives or ' truncated Parti-
ciples ' have to some extent encroached on the Perf. Part. Pass, in
the Romance languages, e. g. Ital trovo beside trovato. (Meyer-
Liibke, Rom. Gram. ii. p. 375.)
§ 00. Fres. Part. Act. Tlie Pres. Part. Act. was liable to become in all
languages an ordinary Adjective or a Noun ; e.g. Ooth. frijond-s, lit. * loving,'
assumed the sense of ^ friend ' ; Lat. rudens (see § 6), lit. *■ rattling/ assumed
the sense of ^ a rope, tackling ' ; hini&tijlena is a noun in Plautus, c. g. Triju 46,
1 148, &c Very early examples of this seem to be Lat. dens (Osc. dont- ?),
a Pres. Part, of the L-Eur. root ed-, * to eat,* aorw a Pres. Part, of I.-]fiur. es-,
Ho bo ' (cf. 0. Scand. sannr, * sooth, true/ which acquired the sense of * truly
charged.' 'guilty'). Of Pros. Parts, becoming Adjectives in Latin examples
are congrvens (beside C(m(jruus),b€nex'olen8 (beside l>€nerdiis\ beficm^ms {ct -mirus
in Lucilius' meradimSrae Ugwnes) ; itvdigens, not iyidiguSf and inaciens, not insdHS
(but nesci'us)f are used by Plautus. The result of this close connexion of
§S 90-92.] THE VERB. PARTICIPLES. 541
Verbal Adjectives (especially Compounds) in -us with Participles in -en«, is
a Comparison like henevcltiSy benevoUntioTj henevolentissimuSf magnificuSy -entwr,
-eiUissimn8 (see ch. ri. § 55).
The 0-grade of the suffix which predominates in the Greek declension,
<p€pQiVj -ovros, -ovTi appears in Lat. sons (beside prae'SettSf prae-senHoj ab-sens^
kc), euntiSf -i, -em, -ea, &c. (beside Nom. Sg. iens)^ vUluntas (beside volens). It
can hardly be due to a mere accident that all these traces of the suffix -ont-
are found in verbs belonging to the Athematic Conjugation, I.-Eur. *e8-mi,
*ei-mi, *wel-mi (see § a). It almost seems as if the declension of the Pree.
Pai*t. of Athematic Verbs in Latin had originally exhibited the suffix -ont-,
perhaps varying with -ent- (I. -Eur -nt- or even -ent-), o. g. db-iens Nom. Sg.,
euntis Gen., eunii Dat., *ienitm Ace. (see ch. vi. § i, p. 367), or sons Nom. Sg., sentis
Gen. from an I.-Eur. *86nts Nom., "^t^s Gen. (cf. O. Ind. sdnt-, satas Gen.),
*sentia Fern. (cf. prae-sentia) from snt- like Dor. Gk. iaaaa for *iffnTia, the
equivalent of Att. oZaa (ch. iv. $ 81). The use of euniiSj euntiy &c. cannot well
have been due to the dislike of the combination -tS- {iens has is-, the vowel
being lengthened before ns, ch. ii. § 144), for this combination is not
objected to in other Participles, /acientis, capientisj &c. The survival of the
suffix -ent' in the struggle for existence in the Latin Present Participle^
athematic and thematic, was probably aided by the Latin tendency to turn
every short unaccented vowel before a consonant-group to S (see ch. iii. § 18 ;
and cf. below, § 94, on -undus and -endus in the Gerundive).
§ 91. Ferf. Fart. Aot. This has been lost also in Celtic and Teutonic,
but in Balto-Slavic is the only part of the Perfect Active retained. Some
find traces of the formation in Lat. c&ddvery pdpdver, others in 0. Lat. gndrHres
Plur., * knowing,' e. g. Plant. Most 100 :
simul gnaruris uos uolo esse banc rem mecimi.
(Cf. Gloss. Placid. * gnaruris * gnarus, sciens : Gloss. Philox. * gnarurem *
yv6fpifwu : * ignarures ' dyvoovvrts : * gnarurut ' yvQ)pi(€i\ MSmor seems to be
not a Perfect Participle, but an Adjective derived from a Perfect Participle-
stem, as Gk. tcfxpayfiSs (Eurip.) is a Noun derived from xiicparpi,
§ 92. Ferf. Fart. Fass. This participle too became often an ordinary
Adjective (Engl. * cold,* * dead,' &c. are TO-stem Participles), o. g. dtusy swift,
lit * bestirred' (0. Ind. Si-ta-) ; oWms, shai-p (this was the meaning of the
word in the Sabine district, Varro's home, Varro, L, L, vii. 46), then (meta-
phorically) (i) piercing, of sounds, e. g. Eun. A. 538 M. cata signa, the shrill
clarions; (a) shrewd, of persons, literally 'sharpened,* from L-Eur. io- (c£
Lat. cos, a whetstone) (ch. iv. $ 54) ; Idtus, O. Lat. stlntuSy broad, lit. * extended *
(cf. 0. SI. 8tel-J5, 'I spread, extend') S or a Noun, e.g. ndtuSf a son (in PlautUM
and Terence we have as a rule gnatusy a son, natuSj born), iBgdtuSf a lieutenant,
deputy. When used as an Adj. it sometimes passes into the I-declension,
tlie favourite Adjective declension (ch. v. § 34), e.g. fortis, O. Lat. /orcftw,
originally P. P. P. of the I.-Eur. root dhergh-, * to establish * (O. Ind. drdha-,
* Another example is cundus 1168: fac istam cunctam gratiam.
(for co'vinctus?), which has still its Accuratus is always a Participle in
participial sense in Plant. Most. 0. Lat.
542 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VIH.
* established, firm'), in-gens, lit. * unknown,' from the root gen-, *to know*
(O. Engl, un-cult, * uncouth'). When used as a Noun the Neuter often
appears, e.g. tectum (also Masc. lectus^ of the fourtli or second decl.), tectum,
fdtum (the sense of * destiny* probably originated in the phrase *fari fatum
alicui,' to lay a doom or spell on one, like the Welsh tynghu tynghed ; see
Rh^s, Proc, of Intemnt. Folklore Congr, 189 1, p. 150), and (especially in the case
of Abstract Nouns) the Feminine, e. g. offensa^ ripidsa.
The Participle in -to- of Intransitive Verbs has the sense of a Perfect Part.
Active, e. g. c^ndtuSf having dined, pransus, pfituSy like our ^ learned ' in such
a phrase as * a learned man/ ' a learned judge/ Hence its use as the Perfect
Participle of Deponent Verbs, e. g. aspemdhis, sScutuSy and the coexistence of
Deponent Perf. Part, and Act. Verb, e. g,ftsus beside /fdo, maestusj sad, beside
maereo. Those participial TO-stems from roots which have developed in
Latin into Deponent Verbs often retain their true passive sense, e.g. abUsa
Pass. (Plant. Aain, 196 ; cf. Pelign. oisa aetate ^ confecta aetate '), so that
there is a justification for Virgil's ohlita carmuMy Horace's diteat&ta bdla, and
the like.
It seems to have taken in L-Eur. the weak grade of the Verb-root, e. g.
I.-Eur. *wid-to- from the root weid-, *to know' (O. Ind. vittii-, Gk. d-taros,
Goth, un-vis), ♦ilu-to- from lieu- [0. Ind. iriitd-, Gk. xXffr^t, Lat. in-dutus^
O. Ir. cloth for *cluto-, 0. H. G. Hlot-hari (the equivalent of Gk. KAvtjS-
ffrparos, cf. Germ. Heer, an army), the name * Lothair *]. In Latin this is
also the rule, e. g. diic-tus from ducOj us-tus from uro^ ienhts for *tn-to8 (Gk.
raros) from root ten-, pHtus (Plaut. Pseud. 1200) used with its equivalent
pu-rus. See ch. ii. § 144, where it is suggested that the long vowel of rfctusj
kc. may be due to a Latin tendency to lengthen a vowel before the group
g-t. The Perfect Ind. Act. too has often influenced its vocalism. The
same influence caused the substitution of -ms for -tus, which spread from
Dental Verb-stems, .where it was due to a Latin phonetic law (ch. iv. § 155),
e. g. tmsus for *iend-tu8y ilsus older ussus, for HU-tuSj *oit-to-, flexus for *Jleettus,
ftdlsus for *sald-to- (cf. Goth, saltan), perculsus for */fld-to- {ct clades), to others
where the Perfect has s (x), e. g. faraus (cf. farsi Perf.), flxits (cf. fixi ; but
,fictus from fingoj finxi)^ just as the analogy of haesi has produced the late form
fiaes-uruSj and hausi (P. P. P. haustus), haus-unui beside haustunis^ or as the
analogy of the Present Tense is followed in 0. Lat. sortus {surtus ?) with -rt-
for -rd-, ch. iv. § 157) for *8wrectu8 (Paul. Fest. 423. i Th. *suregit* et
* sortus * pro surrexit, et quasi })0ssit fieri surrectus, frequenter posuit Livius),
txpergitus for experrectus ;;Lucil. iii. 56 M. ; Lucr. iii. 929, &c.).
On Oscan prufto- * probatus,' Umbr. va^to- (from stem vakfi-), &c.,, which
have been compared with Lat. criipitus from crepare, implicUus i^om itnplicarej
see von Planta, i. p. 214. The difficulties which they offer have not yet been
satisfactorily removed.
In Italian, French, and Roumanian the ending -fdus (like steUHtuSt tmniitus,
&c.) has become the normal ending of the P. P. P. of the third Conjugation ;
e. g. Ital. venduto, Fr. vendu, Roum. vindut, point to a Vulg. Lat. vendutus
for rendtfus (see Meyer-Lflbke, Rom, Gram, ii. p. 370). (Cf. § 51, above, on the
encroachment of the Perfect in -ui in Vulg. Lat.) For the Past Part, of sum
the Italian and French languages use status (Ital. state, Fr. 4i^j &c.) {ib, p. 385).
A Romance example of a P. P. P. which has become an Adj. i&stridus with
the sense of < narrow * (Ital. stretto, Fr. ^troit. Span, estrecho).
§S 98, 04.] THE VERB. GERUND AND GERUNDIVE. 543
§ 93. * Trtinoated ' Fartioiples. Priscian (i. 534. 6 H.) says : * retiis ' pro
retitus dicebant, quomodo * saucius ' pro sauciatus, et * lassiis ' pro lassatus,
et ^ lacerus ' pro laceratus et ' potus ' pro potatus ; Gollius (xix, 7) quotes
from Laeviiis * oblitteram ' gentem for oblitteratam, with other novelties
such as ^ accipitret ' for laceret, * pudoricolorem ' auroram, ciiris ^ intoler-
antibus ' for intolerandis.
§ 94. IX. THE GEBUND AND GERUNDIVE. The Ger-
undive (Adj.) in -ndo', Umbro-Oscan -nno- (e. g. Osc. trlibum . . .
upsannam deded * domum . . . operandam dedit,' Umbr. esonir . . .
popUf anfei'ener et ocrer pihaner * sacris . . . populi circumferendi et
arcis piandae/ Gen. of * Purpose*) has beside it in Latin, but not, so
far as we can tell, in Umbro-Oscan, a Gerund (Neut.Noun) in -ndch,
which seems to stand to the Gerundive in the same relation as
an Impersonal to a Personal Verb, eundum est in antiquam silvam
being Impersonal like itur in antiquam silvam. Until more
Umbro-Oscan inscriptions with this formation have been dis-
covered, it is rash to attempt a history of the Gerundive and
Gerund on Italian soil. The evidence at present at our disposal
points to the Adjectival use as having been the original one, shared
by al] the Italic languages, e.g. domus aedificanda, iter cognoscen-
dae antiquitatis (ch. vi. § 20, p. 383 «.). In the older Latin writers
when this formation is turned into finite form, i. e. when a state-
ment is made by means of it, the usual method is to employ the
Gerund with est governing an object, e. g. agitandum est vigilias,
imperandum est servis, carendum est urbe ; but in classical Latin
the Gerundive is preferred if the Verb is one which governs the
Accusative, e.g. agitandae sunt vigiliae, but still as before,
imperandum est servis, carendum est urbe (see Roby, Laf. Gram.
ii^. Pref . pp. Ixi sqq.) ; and the transition from the impersonal to
the pers<mal mode of expression, marked by a construction like
Plautus' nominandi istorum copia (a construction allowed by
Cic. with a Gen. PI. for the sake of euphony, e.g. facultas
agrorum condonandi) is like the transition from 'factum itur
contumeliam ' to Cato^s contumelia factum itur (§ 87).
The origin of the Gerundive suflSx still remains doubtful, after
all the theories that have been started to account for it (see
especially Brugmann, GrundrisSj ii. §§ 69 and 1 103 ; Tliumeysen,
K. Z. XXX. 493 ; Conway, Class, Rev. v. 296). In the third and
fourth Conjugations the form -^ndo- cannot be a phonetic
544 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Clukp. VIH.
development of -dndo- through weakening of the vowel 5 in the
unaccented syllable, for we have anfereno- for *Jlmbhlf-bhSr6nd6-
in IJnibrian, where a weakening of this kind would not be
found. Although the form -efido- became the approved form in
classical Latin, while -Tnido- (from an earlier -dnffo-) was relegated
to the legal and archaistic style, e.g. res repdfundae, yet the
classical form is found on the earliest inscriptions. On the
Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus of i86 b. c. (C. I, L, i. 196)
we have exdeicefidum *edicendum* and faciefulavt^ and on the Lex
Repetundamm of 122-123 B.C. (i. 198) trihuendeiy fru^ndeut^
/ruetulum, &c. stand side by side with legundh^ scr'ihuiuliy defer ^
vndo^^quaerunda] ^ &c. The two are rather parallel endings like
-onl' and -cnU in the Pres. Part. Act. (see § 90), although the
ultimate acceptance of the L-form in both these cases may have
been helped by the Latin tendency to turn a short unaccented
vowel before a consonant-group into c (ch. iii. § 1 8).
With the Gerundive suffix are evidently connected the suffixes
of Adjectives in 'du?ido-,'Ciaifl<)',&c,, e. g. errdJjundus, ird-ctindu-g,
riil/i-cundus, rdtmuli/s (cf. O. Ir. cruind, * round,* alaind, ' beauti-
ful ' ?). The b of the first of these has been referred to the root
bheu- oifid, &c., the c of the second to the suffix seen in riUff-care^
albi-care, &c. (above § 27, ch. v. § 31).
§ 95. Origin of the suffix -ndo-. The suffix -do- of luci-dxts, &c. has been
referred to the verb dare, so that luci-dus would really mean * giving light *
ch. V. § 67). In the Gerundive this same suffix (cf. Aius from aio, Pafida
from pattdo, &c., ch. v. §§ 2, 3) may perhaps be joined not with a stem, as in luci-
dusj Imt with an Accusative case, as 'dex{trom dico) is in rin-dex (ch. v, § 80), or as
the finite verb in joined in composition with nn Accusative in remtn-do, vendo,
j)essum-do. These may be relics of a mode of expression that prevailed much
more widely in the pre-literary period of Latin. The combination of Active
and Passive sense, which is so peculiar a feature of the Latin Gerundive
formSf e. g. ^ agitandum est vigilias ' Act., and ^ agitandao sunt vigiliae ' Pass.,
and ^anulus in digito subtertenuatur habendo' Aet.-Pass., may then be
explained from the double sense that can be attached to an expression like
rribOrvm darcj (i) to blush, Neut., (2) to cause to blush. Act. The Accusatives
will be Accusatives of Verbal Noun-stems *rotam-diiSy *laudam-dtis (Jaudfindua^
Audncis exc. 359. 15 K.), ♦n<6e»n-c/jis, *hah€m-<1us (Ital. provienda points to kabht-
dtts),*fi rom-du8 (with */€rem-du8 ; cf. /erf -bam, § 34) see § 34 on ruU-facio, &c. , i-iicetj
&c., and cf. the Zend Inf. d^m, * to set, to give ' \ That -md- became -nrf- in
Latin, but -mm- (often written n) in XJmbro-Oscan, we see from Lat qu(m'dam<»
*ptan-do, Umbr. pontie and iwne, Osc. pon from *qSom-de.
§ 96. Adjectives in -bundo-, -cundo-, &o. Examples of -bwidO' from Verbs
§§ 95-07.] THE VERB. IRREGULAR VERBS. 545
of the first Conjugation : errd-hundusj praedd-bundus (Sail., &c.), popula-bundus
(Li v., &c.), vertUa-bundus ^Varr. Men. 108 B.) ; of the second : pudi-bundus (Aug.
poets) ; of the third : furi'bundits, miiri-bu)idusy quhihundua, trSmS-bundus (cf.
(reme-faciOy treme-sco), frSmi-hundus (Accius, with fremi- ?, and Aug. poets) ; of
the fourth : lascivi-bundus (Plant. Stick. 288 ; the quantity of the third vowel
is not decided by the metre, but must be long). Examples of -mndo- are from
the first : fS,-cundii8 (cf./<3-ft«), trd-aindus (cf. ird-tns)j ju»cundus (cf. -jutua) ; and
from the second : f^-cundus (cf. fs-tus, t^e-cundus (from Plant, onwards),
rubi-cundvs (Ter., &c. ; cf. rubi-facio), Rdtundua has 'Undo- ;cf. Ital. rotondo,
Span, redondo, &c) from -undo- (on the spelling nttundus, see ch. iii. § 33).
Sociennus, a Plautine word for aocius {Aul. 659), may be a dialectal form
(Plautus was an XJmbrian), of which the true Latin equivalent would be
*soci€ndus.
§ 97. Some Irregular Verbs. The irregularity of many
verbs consists in their use of different stems for different tenses.
The Substantive Verb shows the root ES- in some tenses (§ 2),
the root BHEU- in others, e. g. Pft. /ui^ ; and the heteroclite
conjugation of verbs like * to be,' * to go ' seems to date from the
I.-Eur. period. Other Latin examples sxejlo (for *fioio from
bhw-, a weakened form of the root bheu- ; cf. Osc. fiiet, fiet
* fient ') and /actus sum ; ferio and percussi i fero and tuli (O.
Lat. tetuliy § 39), the Perfect being taken from the root of
O. Ind. tul-, * to lift/ Gk. rcrXarai, Ir. tallaim, * I take away/
Goth. J7ulan, * to endure,' Scotch thole ; iollo for tol-no (Ir. tallaim),
with the Nasal Present-stem and sustuli for sustStuli (§ 44), with
Preposition and Aorist- or Weak stem (§ 3); vescor ajxd jjoslus sum ;
arguoi' and couvicius sum ; remmiscar and recordatus sum ; medeor
and medlcafns sum ; surge differs from surrexi and surrectus in
being syncopated (cf . porgo and parngo) ; a contracted form of
the P. P. P., sortus^ is said by Fest. 422. 5 Th. (cf. Paul. Fest. 423.
i) to have been frequently used by Livius Andronicus; Virgil
(J. iv. 183) uses the full form sub-ngo in an active sense: tot
subrigit aures ; on vis beside volo, see § 3. Other verbs, classed
as Irregular, are the Defective Verbs : coepi (the Present coepio
is found in O. Lat., see Georges, Lex. Worif. s. v., e. g. Plant.
Men. 960 neque ego litis coepio; Pers, 121 coepSre Inf.; on
coepi dissyll. and coepi trisyll., see ch. ii. § 150); inquam for
' jT^et beside es&et seems to be a fonn -pucr ; the Osc*in equivalent is fusid,
of *fuerdy *bhw6?>Gt, like fioror- from cf. Osc. fust Fut.
*i4we.sor (ch. iv. § 10), or Mard-por for
N n
546 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. VHI.
^in(l-8(pfam (ch. iv. § 158) from the root seq"-, 'to 8i)eak' (W.
heb, O. W. hepp, * quoth he/ &c.), the unweakened form of
which appears in O. Lat. inseque Imperat., insequis, ' narras,
refers, et interdum pergis/ C, G, L, v. 78. 10 [or *in(d)-ve'
quafii from the root weq-- ?] ; inqiie, an Imperat. of inquam,
is used by Plant., and the 2 Sg., &c. of Pres., inquh, in-
quit, inquivnf and of Fut., inqnies, itiquief' are frequent, but
inqnio Pres. Ind. is not found till Late Lat. (cf. inquio Mico/
C. G, Z. iv. 250. 27). [On the parts in use of inqftam, dio for
^iigh'io (ch. i V. § 11 6), inft, see Neue ii^. p. 612; injio is quoted
from Varro by Priscian, i. p. 450. 17 H. ; ai Imperat. (a dissyll.)
is used by Naevius, Com, 1 25 R. uel ai uel nega (but ai^ ' incipe,
die/ C, G.L. V. 165. 7, like infe 'incipe, die, narra,' ib. 211. 10,
htfens * dicens,* ib, 211. 37) ; the two vowels of aio are sometimes
unit^ in a diphthong, e. g. aibam (dissyll.), airi (monosyll.) in a
phrase like ain vero ? * do you really mean that?'; on the
spelling aiio, see ch. i. § 7.]
Possum is found in the older writers in its uncompounded form
j)6ti8 &nd pdte sum (examples in Georges, Lea. IFortf. s.v., Neue,
ii^. p. 600) ; pote is properly the Neuter of pofi^, e. g. pote est
(class, potest), it is possible, but the Masc. (and Fern.) and Neut.
forms are used of any gender and of any number, e. g. poiis est, it
is possible, Ter. Phorm, 379, credo equidem potis esse te, seelus,
Plant. Pseud, 1302; so with jjotis SLni pote, without sum, just
as O. Ind. i§vard-,*able/ which is used with the sense of 'can/
though generally agreeing with the subject, sometimes appears in
the stereotyped form ilvarfe (Delbriick, Altind, Syntax, p. 88). In
Oscan we have a derivative verb used in this sense, putiians and
putians * possint,' putiiad and putiad ' possit ' (cf . Lat. pdtui,
like mdnui from moueo), but the Latin derivative ptotio is used in
the sense of ' potem facere,* potior (fourth and third Conj.) of
* potis fieri ' [cf . potior fieri used in the sense of potiri, Plant
Cas, 112 quam tu eius potior fias, like certior (and certus)
fieri], e. g. eum nunc potiuit pater seruitutis, Plant. Ampi,
178; postquam mens rex est potitus hostium, Capt, 92; regni
potiri, Cic. On possHmvs for possumns in MSS. of Virgil,
Eel. vii. 23 and perhaps viii. 63 : non omnia possumns omnes, also
in the Verona Palimpsest of Gains (99, 14; loi, 2), &c., seech, ii.
S 98.] THE VERB. IRREGULAR VERBS. 547
§ 1 6. Possem torpotessem has been explained by the Analogy of
pos9um {ior pot{e)'9um) beside potis-stim^ possim beside potis-sim,
Mdlo, a contraction of mdvdlo ^ , seems to come similarly from
jfiape (a byform of maffis, ch. ix. § 4) united into a word-group
with vdlo, and noio from the Negative n6- and volo, though
the exact process of phonetic or analogical change by which
the various parts of these verbs arose is not easy to trace.
Perhaps mcig(fj'V6lo became *mavvdlo (written mdvolo, as ^cavvi
was written cdvi^ § 39. 4), much as I.-Eur. g" or gw became
Lat. V (ch. iv. § 139). And ne-vMo (for the word-group cf.
ne-scio, ni-qv^o, Engl, cannot) may have become ^nlhdlo as
I.-Eur. *newos became Lat. ndvus (ch. iv. § 10), and similarly
^novig, ^novolf'y ^novolumus, ^novoUis^ *novolunt. By loss of
intervocalic v (ch. ii. § 53) arose nolo (the only form known to
Plautus), noiumus, noliis (ap. Diom. 386. 19 K.), nolunt, while
O. Lat. ni'vU, ni-volf, as well as class, non-vis, non-vuU, non-
vultis are re-formations. On Imperat. noh see § 2, and on the
spellings wallo, nollo, ch. ii. § 129. Another account of md-volo
makes its first element the Comparative Adverb *ma, *m6 (see
ch. X. § 6 on im^mo), and not ma//e.
§ 98. Irregular Verbs in Bomanoe. Of Lat. mm the Vulg. Lat. Inf. esstre
(Ital.essere, Fr. 6tre, Span, ser), and P. P. P. status (ItaLstato, Fr. ^t^), have been
already mentioned (§§ 83, ga) ; the Pres. Subj. seems to have been siam (Ital.
sia, Span, sea, 0. Fr. sole). For Lat. eo various verbs were united in the Vulg.
Lat. paradigm, e. g. Fr. je vais ;from Lat. r^rfo), nous aUons (from Lat. am-
bido ?). Lat. hdbeo was, owing to its Auxiliary use, shortened to a declension
like hayo, Ms, hat , . . hauYU (Ital. ho, hai> ha . . . hanno ; Fr. ai, as, a . . . ont ;
Span, he, has, ha . . . ban). Vulg. Lat. rofco, voffre Inf. (Ital. voglio, volore ;
Fr. veux, vouloir) by Analogy of Pft. vdui^ as Vulg. Lat. poUre Cltal. pot^re,
Span, poder) by analogy of poh«i, have been cited in §§ 33 o, 83.
^ Both mavolo and malOy mavelim end of a line in Terence, Hec. 540.
and malim occur in Plautus, but malOf Mallem is not found in Plautus,
malimy &c. are predominant later, only mavdlem (Solmsen, Stud, Lautg.
though we have mavolo once at the p. 55.)
N n 2
CHAPTER IX.
ADVERBS AND PREPOSITIONS.
§ 1. ADVEBBS. Latin Adverbs are for tbe most part cases of
Nouns, Adjectives (or Participles), and Pronouns, the cases most
frequently found being tbe Accusative (cf. O. Ind. n&ktam,
* by night/ satydm, ' truly/ Ace. Sg. Neut., prataram Ace. Sg.
Fern., Gk. irpSrcpov Ace. Sg. Neut., fioKpdu Ace. Sg. Fern.,
Kpv<t>a Ace. PI. Neut.), Ablative (cf . O. Ind. durdt, * afer ') [also
Instrumental (?), cf. O. Ind. diva, * by day/ Gk. iKKr}] \ and
Locative (cf. O. Ind. dure, ' afar,' Gk. olicot, omt/Lworcf, kKovrC),
and often retain case-forms which have become obsolete in the
ordinary declension. Thus, -m, the original form of the Ace.
Sg. suffix of I-stems (ch. vi. § 29), which in classical Latin was re-
placed by the -em of Consonant-stems, e. g. partem from the stem
parti-y like militem from the stem milit-y is retained in Adverbs
like partim, and in the Adverbial Accusatives of Verbal Noun
I-stems, e.g. raptim from the stem rapii- (class, raption-j ch. v.§ 42),
aensim from the stem sensi- (class, sensidn-), uni-versim (Osc. uini-
veresim) &c. ; war, an old equivalent of noclu, seems to be an early
byform of 7ioctis Gen.; -e (older -ed), the suffix by which
Adverbs derived from Adjective 0-stems are formed in the
Italic languages, is an Abl. Sg. suffix (parallel with -J, older
'od, ch. vi. § 33), which has been reserved for Adverbs alone. The
Adverbial suffix -tus (I.-Eur. *-tos) of fundt-tuSf dlvint'tiis, &c.,
is in O. Ind. occasionally used as an Ablative suffix (Sing, or
Plur.) of Nouns, e. g. matr-tas, Abl. Sg. of mat&r-, ' a mother/
' In O. Ind. the Instr. Caso is in the sphere of motion, * by the route
the Noun I>c<*IenBion used to denote of.* (Delb. Althui, Synt. p. 129.)
S 1.] ADVERBS. 549
satru-tas, Abl. PI. of Sdtru-, 'an enemy*; and this close relation
of Noun and Adverb suflBxes makes it difficult to draw any hard
and fast line between the suffixes used in the forpiation of
Adverbs, and the suffixes used in the declension of Nouns. An
example of a purely Adverbial suffix is -ies (older -iens)^ by
which most Numerals form their Adverbs, e. g. sex-ies (cf . tdt-ies,
qu^t-ies\ or the ^-mente of the Romance languages, e. g. Fr.
facile-ment, Span, facil-mente, which is nothing but the Abl.
Sg. of Latin mens, just as the -versus^ -versum (older -vorsus,
-vormm) of qtidqudversm (-m), alidvorsMm (contracted aliorsum),
retrovorsum (contracted retrorsum^ retrosum\ rursus (-m) for
reversus (-ni), &c. are nothing but the Nom. Sg. Masc. (see below)
and Ace. Sg. Neut. of the P. P. P. of verio, to turn, or as the
'l^mis of hactenus, &ttqudtenus, &c. is the Ace. Sg., employed
adverbially, of the old neuter noun tenm^ a stretching, used by
Plautus in the sense of a string or snare (§ 54). The Adverbs
derived from Pronouns, e. g. Ibi, inde, illinc^ ofEer special difficulty,
because of our ignorance of the full number of case-suffixes used
in the I. -Eur. declension of the Pronoun. Thus -am of quam^
tam^ naw^ jam is naturally taken as Ace. Sg. Fern., but it has
also been referred to an Instrumental formation with the suffix
-m, -ml, which appears in the Instrumental case of Nouns and
Pronouns in Balto- Slavic (ch. vi. § 36) ; and various other Latin
Adverbs in -m^ usually called Accusatives, have been referred to
the same source.
Adverbs in -teVy e. g. brSmfer, are best explained as Nominatives
Singular Masc. of stems in -tSro-, a Stem-suffix which occurs in
various pronominal and locative Adjectives, e.g. al-ter^ dex-ier^ &c.
(ch. V. § 1 6) (t'terum is an Ace. Sg. Neut. of a similar formation),
though they have been also referred to the noun Uer, brev-iter
corresponding to German kurz-weg. Other examples of a Nom.
Sg. Masc. Adjective stereotyped as an Adverb are probably
deinceps, which was declined in O. Lat. like princeps, though it
might be regarded as Ace. Sg. Neut. (cf. exordium princeps),
dermis an O. Lat. by form of demum; more certainly adversui,
rurms^ &c., the byforms of adversum, rursum, and other compounds
of versiis (-ni), &c.
Examples of Ace. Sg. Neut. forms are, beside the Adverbs in
550 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CJhftp.
'iim (-817/1) just mentioned, Adverbs in -urn like l-terum^ another
time (Ace. of *itero-, O. Ind. itara-, * other/ from the Pronoun-
stem i-, eh. vii. § 13, with the suffix -tero-, ch. v. § 16), ce-ferum
(eh. X. § 5), commddum (beside commode)^ multum, p&mm (§ 7),
plerum-que (p. 559), verum, tafitum, along with some Superlatives
like mtivlmum. (usually minime), potissimum, insdnum (not insane in
Plant.) Wery/ and occasional Adverbs from I-stem Adjectives,
e.g.facil^, difficile^ sublim^ (though -iter is the usual suffix, e.g.
breviter^J%delifer, the formation in -e being reser\'ed for poetry,
e. g. dulce ridentem . . . dulce loquentem, Hor.). The comparative
degree of the Adverb is always the Ace. Sg. Neut. of the Com-
parative Adjective, e. g. longius^ facilius^ brevius. Accusatives
Sing, of Nouns used Adverbially are vtcem, id genus^ &c., to
which we may add an Ace. PI. fdrds^ which is only used with
verbs of motion towards {foras ire, like nis ire^ domum ire), and
seems to be Ace. PI. of *fora (Gk. Ovpa), a door. Of Ace. PI.
Neut. forms we have celerct (Virg. A. ix. 656 cetera parce puer
bello), omnia (Virg. A. iv. 558 omnia Mercurio similis ; C. L L.
vi. 1 1 44 omnia magno Constantino), possibly the O. Lat. forms
contra [for which contra, an Abl. Sg. Fem., was used in class.
Lat., and confrud, an Abl. Sg. Neut. (cf. Lat. contrd-versia), in
Oscan], and frnstra (class, frustrd).
Of Ablatives we have for 0-stems, beside the <?^-suffix already
quoted (a suffix used to form the Superlative Degree of Adverbs,
e. g. facil/hne, O. Lat. facilumed, brevissime), the ordinary 5rf-
suffix (ch. vi.§ 33), e.g. cerio (beside certe), vero (beside vere),as8iduo
(usually assidne), explordto (and explorate), merito and immerito
(neither of these are Adverbs in Plautus, for they are used with
meo^ tuo, &c.), fesiindto (also festifiatitn), fortitito (also fortuitu ;
see ch. v. § 49). Examples of Ablatives Sg. Fem. are dext^rd (scil.
parte), recta (scil. via), eddem (scil. ojjera), extra, supra. As was
pointed out before (ch. vi. § 36), the loss of final d after a long vowel
at the beginning of the 2nd cent. b. c. makes it impossible to be
certain that some of these * Ablatives ' (e. g. Una, omnlno) are
not really Instrumentals (e. g. Gk. kaBpd, Kowrj ?) ; for it is
natural to suppose that the Instrumental suffix, whose existence
in the Latin declension of Nouns is difficult to establish (ch. vi.
§ 36), may have survived in Latin as an Adverbial suffix. The
§ 1.] ADVERBS. 551
shortening of -o (by the Law of Breves Breviantes, ch. iii. § 42)
in ctio^ mddd^ and of -S in b^ne, malS. is no proof that these words
ended originally in -J, -e (Instr.) and not in -od, -ed (AbL), but
should be referred to their greater use in every-day speech (of. Aave
beside mofie^Scc. in Quintilian's time^ eh. iii. § 42), and their more
frequent occurrence in word-groups, e. g. Lene-rem-g^ras^ male"
mnus (cf. diequinli hesiAefMe, ch. iii. § 44). It is only rarely that
the occurrence of an Adverb on an old Latin inscription, or on
inscriptions written in Oscan, or some other dialect which retained
'd, enables us to decide, e. g. O. Lat. meritod (merelod), porod,
ewirad, suprad^ Osc. contrud, Falisc. rected, which are Abl. forms,
Osc. suluh,* wholly,' from the stem sollo-y all, whole, which is called
an Instrumental form (but see ch. vi. § 36). The third Declension
* Abl.' (originally a Consonant-stem Locative, ch.vi.§ 37) appears in
forte, spontS, repenU (O. Lat. derepente\ &c., and the Plural Abl.
(Instr. Loc.) in grdiu (older gratiis), * for mere thanks ' (cf . Ter.
si non pretio, at gratiis), ingratiis (2w^rfl^w),/i5/t* (used with verbs
of rest, e. g. f oris manere, occasionally with verbs of motion from,
e. g. foris venire), altemU. Examples of Locatives of U-stems are
huml (first found in Terence, A^idr, 726), posln-die, die crastini^
noctii (cf. O. Ind. aktau) (see ch. vi. §§ 37-38).
Pronominal Adverbs show various suffixes: (1) -bi (older -bei)
with locative sense, e.g. ibi^ ubi, also /^*, uln, with final vowel
either shortened by the Breves Breviantes Law (ch. iii. § 42), or
originally short (cf. Osc. puf) ; (2) -I (older -ei), the Locative
0-stem suffix, e.g. O. Lat. illh isli, there, which in classical Latin
always have the particle -c{e) appended, ill-i-c, isf-i-c ; (3) -r7, to
indicate motion to a place, e.g. ed, quo, isto, alio, apparently Abl.
forms like porrd (O. Lat. porod) ; O. Lat. hoc, istoc, illoc may
represent *hM'c(e), *istdd-c(e), *iliM-ce, Ace. Sg. Neut., for in
class. Lat. we have ^uc, istuc, illuc ; (4) -a, to indicate direction,
manner, &c., e.g. qua, ea, which like quo, eo are Abl. forms
(O. Lat. ai-vorsum ead), not Instrumental like Greek -tttj, ratfrry,
TTavTt] (afterwards confused with Dative -?/) ; (5) -im, to indicate
motion from a place, e.g. illim, istim, which in class. Lat. always
append the particle -cCy illinc, inline (cf . hinc, dehinc) ; (6) -nde,
with similar sense, in unde, inde ; this hide is shortened by
syncope of the final vowel to -in in the Compounds jjroin, deiu,
552 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CJhftp.
exhi, &c. (oh. iii. § 36). Other endings like w/aw of quatidam (cf .
quidam), ^dem of qm-dem^ tun-demy with the sense of * exactly/
* precisely ' in ibi-dem^ lanti-dem (cf. i/iemj ch. vii. § ai), -/ew of
1,-ievi, 'fu of ?-^«, are apparently case-forms of pronominal stems,
as -quam of nn-qnam^ iis-quam (cf. quis-qtiam)^ appears to be Ace.
Sg. Fem. of the stem *q"o-. (See ch. x. on the Conjunctions.)
Other Adverb formations are (1) in -fdriam^ indicating division,
e.g. Ui-fananty quadrufariam (cf. Gk. -</)a<rtos from -<^ario9, e.g.
rpi'<t>a*nos) ; (2) in sectis, indicating motion from a place ; this
aecus is an Adverbial Noun, and is appended to Adverbial forms
in -i?//, e.g. exfrin-secuSy intrin-secus^ altrin-secus^ as 'le?iiis to Abl.
Sg. Fem. forms, e.g. qud-teiius, aliqud-tefiuSy ed-lenns; it is
derived from the root seq*-, *to follow,' and must be distinguished
from ( I ) the Adverb s^s, otherwise (O. Ir. sech, ' beyond,'
W. heb, * without ') ; (2) the Adverbial Noun *to^, a Neuter
byform of sexns, used in phrases like: trecenti occisi sunt virile
secus, ' 300 were killed of the male sex ' (see § 50 on the Prepo-
sition secus). The Abl. fini {fine) occurs in O. Lat., like fenus,
after an Abl., e. g. senem osse fini dedolabo, Plant., oleas operito
terra radicibus fini, Cato ; but came to take a Genitive, e.g.
amphoras nolito implere nimium, ansarum infimarum fini, Cato ;
fine inguinum ingrediuntur mare, Sail.
Instances of Adverbial word-groups are ad-fatim, suflSciently,
lit. 'to weariness,' ad-mddum, qiiem-ad-modnm^ qud-ri% qitam-ob-
rem^ de-nno for de 7idvo, se-dulo for se dolOy i-ticd perhaps for in
sloco (old form of loco), i-ricef-, sct-licef, vlde-licet^ im-prtmi^, duni-
taxal, &c.
In the Romance languages Lat. mente (p. 549) is the favourite
Adverbial suflfix, though Lat. -o^-nm) is not uncommon, e. g. Vulg.
Lat. alio or aUum (Ital. alto, Fr. haut. Span, alto) {-iter has been
lost). Mente (Abl. of mens) retains a trace of its independence
in usages like Span, temeraria y locamente, O. Fr. humle e
dulcemente. So firmly has it established its footing as Adverbial
sufiix that it is even added to already formed Adverbs, e. g. Ital.
quasimente, O. Fr. ausiment. (For fuller details of the formation
of Adverbs in Romance, see Meyer-Liibke, Rom, Oram, ii.
pp. 637 sqq.).
S 2.] ADVERBS. 553
§ 2. Nominative Adverb-formfl. Breviter, &;c are better considered Nom.
Sg. Masc. than Aoo. Sg. Neut. for *hrevi'terum, since the loss of -um seems only
to occur in a few words of constant use, such as noenum, ni(/it)Zum, which came
to be employed exclusively in that doublet-form which the words assumed
before a vowel, e. g. no{fi)n{um) est, ni{hi)l{um) hdbeo (ch. iii. % 52). Iterum did
not become *iterf nor cderum, *ceter. The crystallizing of the Nom. Sg. Masc. of
the Adjective as an Adverb, used with any number or gender, finds a parallel
in the extension of pdHs, properly Nom. Sg. 'Masc., Fem. only, e. g. poiis sum, potis
es, potis est iUe, poiis est ilUif to all persons and numbers of the Verb, e. g. qui istuc
potis est fieri ?, Plant., with Neuter subject (see ch. viii. § 97). The Adverbs
(Prepositions) prcteter, propteTj &c might be similarly explained ; praeter it iUe,
*praetera it iUa^ *praeteri eunt ilH became praeterit, praetereutU VTithout distinction
of gender or number (but see p. 554). Nuper (Superl. nuperrime) appears to be
Nom. Sing. Masc. of the Adjective nup^o- (Plant. Capt, 718 rectus captum
hominem, nuperum, nouicium) for *nM-p^o-j * newly acquired,' unless it is
Ace. Sg. Neut. of an I-stem Adj. (ch. v. § 34) for *n«pcre. F&cul (Paul. Fest. 61.
3a Th. ^ facul ' antiqui dicebant et *faculter ' pro facilb ; Fest. 266. ao Th. * per-
facul ' antiqui, et per se ' facul ' dicebant, quod nunc facile dicimus ; Non.
III. ai M. * facul ' pro faciliter, huic contrarium est 'difficul'), a word used
by Lucilius in his description of the Roman patricians (vi. a M.) :
peccare inpune rati sunt
posse, et nobilitate facul propellere iniquos,
is better regarded as Neut. Sg. for/ac/Ve, with syncope of -^, as in vdup for
volupe, Neut. of *idupi8 (ch. iii. § 36), than as Nom. Sg. Masc. of an Adj.-stem
faculo- (cf. sacri-ficulus)f since the reduction of -16s to -I seems to be dialectal
only (e. g. Oscan famel) (ch. vi. § 4), and not, like the reduction of -rds to -r
(e. g. Lat., Umbr. ager, Gk. dypos), shared by Latin. We have difficid Nom. Sg.
Neut. in Varro Men, 46 B. :
quod utrum sit magnum an parvum, facile an difficul.
Shnul (older semcHj C. J. L. i. 1175, in MSS. of Plautus sejntd, e. g. Rud.
760, Men. 405) (Umbr. sumel ?) may be Ace. Sg. Neut. of similis, unless it
rather shows the L-suffix of O. SI. ko-li, ko-le, * when,' to-li, to-16, * then,' &c. ;
simul and sitnulfer (a byform of similiterf used by Plaut. Pseud, 382) corre-
spond to /add and facuUer. Deinceps was declined like princeps in 0, Lat.
(Paul. Fest. 53. i Th. *deincipem' antiqui dicebant proximo quemque
captum, ut principem primum captum ; cf. ih, 50. 5), and may have
been associated with princeps in a fragmentary line on the Lex Repetun-
darum (C. /. L. i. 198. 79) : index deinceps faciat pr[incipe cessante]. Demus
(cf. Gk. Trjfios) was used by Livius Andronicus (Paul. Fest. 49. 27 Th.) ; it is
the reading of the Palatine family of MSS. in Plaut. True, 245 : qui d6 then-
sauris integris demus danunt (demum oggerunt A), and is required by the
metre in Trin. 781. In the Adverbial compounds of versus the terminations
-ws and -um compete in the early literature, e. g. rursxim and rursus (also russum,
rusum, &c., ch. ii. § 104; rursum appears to be used in Plaut. after Compounds with
re-y e.g. redeo rursum, and at the end of the Vine \,prorsum (with local sense in
Plaut. Pers. 677 simulate quasi eas prorsum in navem ; Mil. 1193, &c) and
prorsus (cf. prosa oratio), sursum and surs^uSy but in the classical period one of the
rival forms often has the monopoly, e.g. rursus, prorsus , sursum (for statistics, see
Ritschl, Opusc, ii. 259 ; Neue, Fomienl. iP. 743). These ccmpoimds show other
554 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap.
adverbial sufTixes in ilnicersim (0»c. uiuiveresim), unose for *Mno«ror9e (Pacuv.
Tray. 213 R. occidisti, ut multa paucis u^rba unose obnuntiem). On the
Preposition versus, see § 58. Adverbs in -ter are in classical Latin almost
confined to Adjectives of the third Decl. (Cicero in his earlier writings uses
humaniterf but finally discarded it for humdnf), but in the older literature are
often formed from 0-stem Adjectives [Priscian, ii. 7a 20 H. gives a list of these
from the older writers, e. g. dmicUerj maestUer, Plant., and the eleventh book of
Nonius is devoted to obsolete Adverb forms, especially (i) Adverbs in -ter from
0-stem Adjs., {q) in -e from I-stem Adjs, e. g. cSlere, fidHe^ (3) in -tus, e. g. nUfdul-
lUuSj largltuB, coinnmnUus]. The NT-stems have -ivter^ e. g. rehementer, impddetUery
instead of -nt-ier (cf. 3 PI. Imper. /5rwn<6 for */eront-t6d, ch. viii. § 57), by dissimi-
lation, some say, for *-i\t-i-ier (ch. iii. § 13, p. 176 •. From audax we have midcuittr
i^less comraonly auddcUer ; see Georges, Lex. Wort/, s. v.), but from fcUldx^/aUdc-
-itevy from lijquaxloqxiadterf from, proctlx procddter, &c. DifficuUer is more usual than
iUffictlUer (see Georges) ; fdcuUer is mentioned by Paul. Fest. (61. 3a Th. * facul '
antiqui dicebant et * faculter '), but /cicUUer (see Georges) was the form that
competed with/aa7d (cf. Mart. Cap. iii. 325 cum difficultor dicamus,x;ur * facul-
ter ' dici non potest ?) ; similiter is quoted from Plant. Pseud. 382 by Nonius
170. 19 M. Quintilian condemns both audaciU:r and fadtiter [i. 6. 17 inhaerent
ei (sc. analogiae) quidam molestissima diligentiae perversitate, ut 'audaciter'
potius dicant quani audacter, licet omnes oratorcs aliud sequantur, et *emi-
cavlt ' noil eniicuit, et ' conire ' non coire ; his permittamus et * audivisse' et
' scivibse' et * tribnnale * et * faciliter ' dicere], regarding aiidacter and facile as
the true Latin forms.
Otlier Adverbs that might be called Nominative forms are: Bminus and
cumminus (^the impelling co-minus is due to the analogy of f-rnmu5 ; see Georges
s. V. ), wJilch may be Nom. Sg. of Compoimd Adjectives (cf. Gk. o^u-x«tp, e. g.
Soph. Atit. 1 1 75 Ax flow i\oj\fVy avrSxup 8' alfidaatrai); rBcens (used with a Perfect
Participle, e. g. Lucr. vi. 791 nocturnumque recens extinctimi lumen), which
is equated with Uhens by Charisius (114. 21 K.) : utimur sic * recens venit,*
quod est pro adverbio nomen, ut * libens dixit.' (^Similarly ripens comes very
near rtpenic in phrases like Liv. xxii. 8. i : repens alia nuntiatur clades) ;
pro-nnus (also prO'ttnus]f 'stretching forward,' may be the Nom. Sg. of an
O-stem, as the (somewhat doubtful) form pro-tenis (Afran. Com. 107 R. c6mis-
siitum prutenis rectd domum Digredimur) may be the Nom. Sg. of an I-stem
(cli. v. § 34: ; sicus in intrin-secusj &c., has been sometimes explained as Nom.
Sg. of an Adj. *8eco', lit. * following from within.' But these, and indeed all
the Adverbs cited as Nominatives, are capable of other explanations ; recens
(like detnceps; as Ace. Sg. Neut. ; cominuSj emimis [with the other Adverbs in
-s, rursus and other compounds of versus (vorsus)] as augmented with the same
particle -s (p. 573) as appears in Greek m^'xA'^W* ^^M^" (a»d dfuf>i\ tv$v{s)f &c.
^^with dfmus cf. Gk. jJ^ioj, rrjfjLos, and for -tenusj -seciw, see above) ; praeter, propter,
subter are beat explained as sufilxless Locatives (ch. vi. § 37) like 0. Ind. prfi-t^r,
•early,' sanu-tdr, * away,' Lat. super and Gk. imip (cf. 0. Ind. upir-i, with the
Locative suffix), Lat. in^er and 0. Ind. antilr (but antdri-ksa-), though they are
also capable of being referred to the O. Ind. ending of local Adverbs, -tra
I.-Eur. -tre ?;, e. g. t^tra, * there,' y^tra, 'where,' anydtra (Lat dlUerl), * else-
where,' *prai'trf, &c. becoming by syncope *prai-ter, &c. ; procid has been simi-
larly explained as *prO'He (ch. iv. § 105), by Dissimilation from *pro-tre (ch. iv.
§ 84 \ or a.s Ace. Neut. Sg. of a compound Adjective, whose second element
§§ 8, 4.] ADVERBS. 555
is from the same root, q!lel-, as Gk. r^Ac, iroAcu, but it is more naturally
referred to some extension of the Preposition pr5 by a co-suffix (of. rSd-prOcus
from re-co- &ndpro-c(hf O. 81. pi'o-ku) ; nfipir (Superl. nupenime) may have as its
second component the Preposition per of antio-per (§ 7), sem-per (?), Osc pert
in petiro'pert * quater/ and as its first the adverbial particle *nu (O. Ind. n6,
* now/ Gk. yv'V, vD, Lat. ntt-dius tertiusy &.c, , eh. x. § 10). The existence of
Adverbs in Latin derived from Nom. Sing, case-forms is thus at once natural
to imagine and difficult to prove.
§ 3. Qenttive Adverb-forma. Examples of nox^ used for noctu^ in O. Lat.
are XII Tab. : si nox furtim faxit ; £nn. Ann. 439 M. :
si luciy si nox, si mox, si jam data sit frux ;
(cf. Plant. Asin. 598, Jind see QeW. viii. lemm. i). In Lucil. iii. 22 M. it is
qualified by medid, as if nocte :
hinc media remis Palinurum peinienio nox.
The parallel Adverbs in other I.-Eur. languages, e. g. Gk. wkt6s, O. Ind.
aktds, ^ by night/ v^t5s, ^ by day ' (c^** Germ, nachts), suggest that it is a Genitive
form (see however ch. iii.§ 16). IHus, in O. Lat. * by day,' may then be likew^ise
a Genitive form (L-Eur. *diw-os v^ras the Gen. of the word for * day,' O.-Ind.
div^ Gen., Gk. AtfS^Gen,) and inter-dius. They have also been explained as
suffixless Locatives (ch. iv. § 37 \ like O. Ind. sa-divas, *at once,* purvd-dyus,
* early in the morning ' (so p^n& may be a suffixless Loc. of pSnus Neut. § 37).
Examples of dius Ave, Plant. Merc, 862 noctu neque dius ; Titin. Com. 13 R.
noctu diusque. Interdius is more common, e.g. Plant. Asin, 599 : nunc enim ^sse
negotiosum interdius uidelicet Sol6nem ;
(other instances in Georges, Lex. Wort/, s. v.), just as interdifi became the usual
word for * by day,* while dm [formed on the analogy of noctii, a U-stem Loc.
(ch. vi. § 37), according to one theory] is seldom found in this sense. (It is
found only in conjunction with noctuj at least in the older writers). Nonius
98. 20 M.} gives as examples Plant. Cos. 823 ^apparently anapaestic) :
noctuque et diu ut uiro subdola sis;
Aul. fr. 4 nee noctu nee diu; Titin. Com. 27 R. (in his play about the life c»f
thefuUones) :
nee noctu nee diu licet full6nibus qui^seant.
[On dm, for a long time, see ch. x. § 12 ; we have quandius for qnamdin in the
epitaph of a litter-bearer (C. J. L. vi. 6308), quamdius (vi. 13101)]. Mox has been,
like the Adverb rtor, explained as an old Genitive-form, or a form with the
Adverbial suffix -s (a variety of -su, -si, the suffix of the Loc. Plur. ?, cf. Gk.
rripi^ and fiera^v) ; its cognates are O. Ind. makSu, ' soon, quickly,' an Adverb
from the Adjective maksu-, * quick,* O. Ir. mos- (e. g. mos-ricub, *I will soon
come '), moch, ' early.' Vix (connected with vicetn ?) must be of similar formation.
Per-nox is an Adj. (e. g. luna pernocte, Ov.), so in Late Lat. penwx et perdiusy
-a, -Mm.
§ 4. Accusative Adverb-forms. The Adverbial use of the Accusative Case
was a feature of I.-Eur. syntax. In addition to the Latin examples already
given (iicem, id genus, sScus in vitlle sectis, &c.), may be mentioned partem (e. g.
rnagnam partem, maximam partem), principium e.g. Cato, R. R. 157. i de brassica
pythagorea, quid in ea boni sit salubritatisque, principium te cognoscere
55^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap.
oportot). When used alone as an Adverb, the Ace. Sg. partem retains its old
form partim (see Gell. x. 13 on partim ftomifium veneru^tt and Gate's cum partim
illoimn erat). If saltern is Ace Sg. of *9dlti-j a leap, lit. * with a leap/ ' swiftly,
easily, assuredly/ it has taken -tern by analogy of au-tem, uiem^ &c. [mliim, e.g.
(\ G.L, V. 146. 13, is, according to Georges, Lex. Wort/, s. v., a late spelling,
like decim for deceni, (ch. ii. § 8 ; cf. B. P, W, xiii. 310], for the other Adverbial
Accusatives of Verbal Nouns retain, in addition to the old Stem-suflfix -/*-
class, -ti&n-j ch. v. § 42), the old form of the Case-suffix, -im. Other examples of
these Verbal Adverbs are ddtatim from the Frequentative ddtare, whence
datatim ludere, to play at ball (Plant. Cure. 296), a phrase used in the famous
description of the coquette '* Naev.' Com. 75 R.) : quasi in chore
lud<^'ns datatim dAt se et communem facit.
alium tenet, alii adnictat, alibi manus
est 6ccupata, ^lii peruellit pedem,
alii dat anulum dspectandum, a labris
alium inuocat, cum illio can tat, attamen
aliis dat digito litteras ;
praesertim from sero, lit. * in the front row * (cf. dfsertim O. Lat. for diserte) ;
tolutim, at a trot (st»e Nonius, 4. i M. ), connected with toUo ; stridim ^e. g. sfrictim
tondere, as opposed to per 2>€ctinem tondere, Plant. Capt. a68) from stringo, to graze,
touch the surface ; p^detemptim. cautiously, like sensim^ lit. * feeling,' (Nonius
quotes a hy form pedepressim J 29. i M.) ; passim irompando ; cxirsim^ hastily, for
which Virgil and others use cursu [Abl. Sg. of the Verbal Noun-stem cwrsM-,
like the Comedians' curncCdn fugere, abire, percurrere, &c.;, Abl. Sg. of
curriculum {cf. Plant. Trin. 1103, Stick. 337)]; stdtim, at once, lit. ^standing,'
*ou the spot ' :like Vlcoy § 7), is the Ace. Sg. of the Verbal Noun stdti- [class.
station-) f while O. Lat. statim (for the a, see Nonius, 393. 5 M. ; Donat. in Phorm.
^- 3* l)} comes from a bystem stdti- (cf. statu- and statu-} ; in Plautus the word
has the sense of ^standing to one's ground,' e.g. Plant. Amph. 239 n«5c recedit
loco quin statim r^m gerat ; ih. 276 ita statim stant signa ; it does not mean
* at once ' till Afranius' time (Langen, Beitr. pp. 16 and 337). Parallel with the
Adjectives in -ato- derived from Nouns, e. g. togatus from tikfa, and, like them,
not postulating the existence of a verb in -are (e.g. *togare) (ch. v. § 28), are
Adverbs in -Cttim like assidatim^ from assulo. a splinter (e. g. Plant. Capt. 832
ape rite hasce amb^ foris, Prius quam pultando ^Issulatim fdribus exitium
lidfero), yuttatim from gutta^ ostiatim from ostium^ vicatim from vicxtSj gradcUim
from grddus, &c, also paulatim, pauxillaiim, nostratim from iwster ; cf. noslrates)^
and from proper names, tongiliatim (tongiliatim loqui, ... a Tongilio parasite, qui
. . . salutatus convicio responderet ; see L(Jwe, Prodr.)^zopyriatimj Lucil. ix. 74 M.
Vir forms its Adverb with Atim^ xiritim (so propntim Lucr. ii. 975,1. Confestim
comes from a stem *fe8ti-. a byform of which, */estidn'y is indicated by the Verb
fesdnoj from which Virgil {A. ix. 488) coined the Adj. fesTinvis. These Adverbs
in -tim {-sim) were more frequent in early than in classical Latin (Gelling
xii. 15 remarks on their frequency in the historian Sisenna), but returned
into fashion at a later period (see A. L, L. viii. 98). Vicissim 'which some
derive from *ric-essij a Loc. Plur. of *rix, Ace. vicem) is an abnormal form. In
O. Lat. we have also ricisscttimj with that substitution of -atim for -im, -w, which
we see in two forms mentioned by Paul. Fest. 79. 12 Th., ititeratitn for intSrim
and interduatim (cf. Plant. True. 882?) for interdum. Pro-tinus (also spelt
pro'tenus; see Georges, Lex. Worff. s.v.) meant (i) forward, onward (of
$ 4.] ADVERBS. 557
space or time), e.g. en ipse capellas Protenus aeger ago, Virg. ; sic vives
protinus, Hor. ; {a) without interval of space, e.g. Virg. A, iii. 416 cum
protinus utraque tellus Una foret, of the traditional connexion of Italy with
Sicily ; (3) without interval of time, forthwith (its usual sense) ; qud-tmua
(also spelt qua-tiniis ; see Georges), whose earlier form fpjuUenos is quoted hy
Festus (346. 34 Th.) from a speech of Scipio Africanus, meant originally
(i) * as far as,' of space, then (a) 'as long as,' of time, then acquired a causal
sense like our 4n so far as,' a usage found first in Lucr. ii. 997, &c., but
avoided by the classical prose writers, as well as by Virgil ; in later Latin it
took also (4) the sense of ' quomodo/ * qua ratione/ (5) the final sense of *• ut/
;6) the consecutive sense of *ut/ (7) the force of an Ace. before an Inf., and
was very widely used (see A, L, L, v. 399). (On the Prep, tenusj see § 54.'
Adverbs in 'am are usually called Accusatives Sing. Fern., though a new
theory makes them relics of the old A-stem Instr. Sg. in -am, of which -ft was
a byform, and explains Gk. Adverbs in S. like T(ix°) ^^<^j le/wtpa as Instru-
mentals in -m ; see i. F. i. 17). Other examples quoted are: perpSramy
falsely, wrongly, said to be Ace. Sg. Fem. of perperus (cf. C, (?. L. iv. 141. 19
' peri)erum,' perversum), sc. warn, an Adjective used by the Dramatist Accius
in his poem on stage technique {Pragmaticony fr. inc. i. M.), a precursor of
Horace's Ars PoeOca :
discribere in theatro perperos
p<3pularis,
along with the derivative noun perpMiiido (fr. inc. ii. M.) :
et eo plectuntur poetae quam suo uitio sa^pius
ductabilitate dnimi nimia nostra aut perperitudine ;
protinajn, forth, forward, an 0. Lat. Adverb, used always of motion forward
from a place of rest (Langen, Beitr, p. 163), e. g. Plant, fr. 16 G. dare p^dibus
proiinam sese ab his regi6nibus, and sometimes wrongly written protinus in
MSS. of Plautus and Terence (e. g. Ter. Phorm, 190), seems to be an Ace. Sg.
Fem. of an Adjective-stem *prottno-, as conJRnu^ is Abl. Sg. Neut. of the
Adjective-stem confinuus ; pro-miscam (e. g. Plant. Pseud. 1069 ut mea laetitia
laetus promiscam siet; cf. Paul. Fest. a8i. i Th.) is similarly related to the
usual pro-miscue (also promisee).
Of Accusative Plural, Alias {sc. vices), at other times, aUSms quoted (appar-
ently from Cato) by Paul. Fest. 20. 8 Th., utrasqxie, on both occasions, used by
the historian Cassius Hemina (ap. Non. 183. 95 M. : in Hispania pugnatum
bis. utrasque nostri loco moti), and by the comedian Caecilius Statius
{Coin. 225 R. :
atque hercle,
utrasque te, cum ad n6s uenis, subf^rcinatam uidi),
have been called Locative Plural forms like Gk. Ovpdot, and the occasional use
of forus in the sense of/^ls (better explained as a vulgarism, e. g. Petron. 30,
p. 21. 10 6. . Ill et pridie Kalendas Januarias C. noster foras cenat, the entry on
the engagement-tablets of the wealthy parvenu, Trimalchio ; cf. ib, 47, p. 3a.
4 B.) has been refeiTed to the same source ; contra is an Adverb, not a Prepo-
sition (but Pers. 13 contra me astat ; cf. Pse\id. 156), in Plautus and Terence, e. g.
tueri contra (cf. Liv. i. 16. 6 and ix. 6. 8 contra intueri), auro contra rendere, &c.,
and has the final vowel short like /rustrA (for the quantity -a, f>ee Brix, TVin.*
55^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IX.
introd. p. 20) [ne/rustra sis, * don't mistake,' is frequent in Plaut.. hnt/rustra
sum (cf. iUi sum, bene sum, &c.) is avoided by classical writers {A,L.L, iL 3),
though fruHtrn in Plautus usually occurs with this verb (with other verbs
nequiqtmm)]. Contra can hardly l>o anything else than Ace. Plur. Neut. (cf. Gk.
&vria PI., iarriov Sg.) of *c(M-t{e)ro' (ch. v. § 16) ; and /rus/n! may be the same
case of a stem */rustro-j whence frustrari [cf. Liv. ii. 31. 9 neque frustrabor civea
meos neque ipse frustra dictator ero; Ennius in one of his SeUurae (inc. 84 M.)
plays on the words fnistra and fruslrari for four lines consecutively: n4m qui
lepide p<>stulat alterum frustrdri, Qu^m frustratur frustra eum dicit esse
frustra, and so on, somewhat in the style of the Schoolmaster in the Merry
Wives 0/ Windsoi'] ; tor id tueri and similar adverbial Accusatives PI. Neut.
belong, like didce ridentemy to the language of poetry. (Servius ad Aen, iii. 594
cetera Grains, &c., quotes from Sallust sanctus alia ; cf. Tac. Ann. xii. 3 juvenem
et alia clarum, and see A. L. L. ii. 90).
The Comparative Degree of the Adverb is in Latin (as in Greek) expressed
by the Ace. Sg. Neut. of the Adjective (the Superlative in Greek, but not in
Latin, by the Ace. PL Neut.), e,g, pejus (Superl. pesstww), longius (Superl. Um-
fjissime). The Adverb corresponding to the Compar. Adj. major (pronounced
• m^j-jor,* ch. ii. § 55) is not *majus but mdgis ; this ma^ffis, properly *ma(h)is (fine,
mais), takes its g from magnus, as/tgura for *fihura (ch. iv. § 1 16) takes its g from
fingo, and represents either I.-Eur. ♦mais (*mais ?), (Goth, mais), from a stem
mil-, SI en in O. Ir. mar ;mOr), * great,' or more probably ^maghis from a stem
magh-, seen in O. Ind. mdh-, ^ great' 'cf. the Oscan name Mahio-). In either
case the suffix is -is, the weak grade of the Comparative suffix -ios, seen in
Superlatives like Gk. irAc-ta-Toj, Goth, ma-is-ts, &c. (ch. vi. § 52% just as the -ik
of Att. trXuv, a by form of ir\%Tov and vXiov^ is the weak grade of -ion (see on
these weak grades ch. iv. $ 51, and on the Compar. suffix, ch. vi. $ 53, and cf.
magis-tro-f minis-tro-y Osc. mins-tro-). This -is seems to have been confused by
the Romans with -is, the Nom. Sg. ending of I -stem Adjectives, like facQis^potis,
so that from mdgis, regarded as a Nom. Sg. Masc. or Fem., was formed rndgif, a
Nom. Sg. Neut., as pots from pot^s (cf. Serv. ad Aen. x. 481 nunc mage sit, &c. :
• mage "... propter metnim dictum est pro magis, sicut etiam ' pote ' pro
potis, . . . quod adeo in usum venit ut etiam in prosa inveniatur ; Cicero in
Frumentnria : mage condemnatum hominem in judiciiun adducere non
posse), whence mdvolo (pronounced *mavvolo'^, ch. viii. § 97) for mag{e)-rolo ; nimis
did not produce a parallel Neuter in -^, *nim€, perhaps because there existed
already a cognate Neuter in -ium, nimium (Neut. of the Adj. nimius) with
Comparative sense, * too much ' ; but sdtis, a Noun meaning * sufficiency ' (cf.
fdtis, $ 7% and properly used in sentences like satis est mthi divitiarum, then
extended as an Adverb to sentences like satis divitiarum habeoj satis dives sutn^
developed a Neuter *sate, curtailed to sat^) ; j^us, if ptous on the S. C. Bacch.
(C. /. L. i. 196, of 186 B. c.^ be merely an expression of the sound plUs (saplou'
ruma, Cloul[i] on the epitaph of the actor, i. 1297, seem to show ou for t?,
* Another explanation of sai makes (^cf. pSnUria). Satin (with the In-
it Neut. Sg. of a stem satu- (cf. Lith. terrog. Particle -nd) is used in ques*
sotiis, 'satisfying'), whence^ with ad- tions, e.g. satin abiit? 'has he gone?*
dition of the suffix -ro-, was formed Terence puns on satin and satis in
the Latin Adj. sdtUr (stem satu-ro-). Phorm. 683 : Satin dst id ? Nescio
Paene may similarly represent *paen\i h^rcle : tantum idssus sum.
$ 6.] ADVERBS. 559
ch. iv. § 37\ will have, like magis and nimis, the comparative suffix -is, and will
represent *plo-i8 [cf. ploera, * plura/ an archaism used by Cicero in his laws {Legg.
iii. 3. 6), ptO'ir-ume, * plurimi/ on one of the oldest Scipio epitaphs (i. 39, end
of the third cent. b. c. ?)], with root plo-, a variety of the root pie- of Greek
TrKfiojy, vKttffros (ch. vi. § 55), That forms like mage, &c. are not mere
expressions of a tendency to drop final s in pronunciation (ch. iL § 137). we
see from a line like Plaut. Poen, 461 : cont^ntiores mige erunt atque auidi
minus, where the final of the word is elided (cf. ch. viii. § 78 on -rS and -rCs
in 9 Sg. Pass.)-
For pUrum-que, plerum is used in a passage of the historian Sempr. Asollio
(ap. Pri^. i p. 182. 13 H. ut fieri solet plerum, ut in victoria mitior man-
suetiorque fiat), an Ace. Sg. Neut. of the 0. Lat. Adjective plerus^ used for
example by Pacuvius, Trag. 390 R. :
peri^re Danai, pl^ra pars pessum datast.
Other examples of the Adverbial Ace. Sg. Neut. of I-stem Adjectives are :
volup for volupS (ch. iii. § 36) ; impuni from impunis, a compound of in and poena ;
viZe, an Adverb in common use in the time of Charisius (116. 7 ; 187. 7 ; 183.
14 and 18 K.) ; fidSlSj quoted from Plant. Capt. 439 (fac fidele sis fidelis) by
Nonius, 519. 59 M. ; sttbHmS, aloft. For this last we often find aublUnen^ as in
the Plautine expressions sublimen raperej ferre^ auferre, which is nothing but an
Adverbial word-group siib limett, * under or up to the lintel * (on the confusion
in MSS. between suUbne, sublimem and stihlimeriy see Ritschl, Opusc. ii. 462) ;
saep^^ Neut. of an old Adj. *saepis (whence saepio) of which the Superl. is
possibly to be read in Plant. Pers. 633 :
ubi rerum omnium bonarum c6piast saepissuma,
* the most closely packed store,' ' the densest store ' (Jriquens seems to be con-
nected with Jarcio by a similar transference of meaning).
Gellius (x. i) says that Pompey consulted various authorities, and finally
Cicero, on the question whether he should write tertium or fertio consul in
the dedicatory inscr. on the temple of Victory, and by his advice wrote merely
tert. The distinction between the two words is a slight one, 'during the
third year' and 'in the third year.'
§ 5. Ablative (Instr.) and Iiooative Adverb-forms. The normal forma-
tion of Adverbs from 0-stem Adjectives was in -f, older -?d (e. g. facilumed on
the S. C. Bacch., C. I. L, i. 196 ; cf. Falisc. rected, Osc. amprvjid * improbe,'
Umbr. rehte, totce ^ publice '), a suffix which in classical Latin was distinctive
of 0-stems as -(J)ter of I- and Consonant-stems. The ending -^ (the Abl.
suffix, originally -6d ; possibly in some words the Instrumental suffix, origi-
nally -0, but see below) competes, as we have seen, with -e in some Adverbs
formed from 0-stem Adjectives, and is exclusively used by good writers in
subito (cf. O. Lat. desubito)^ omnlno, mSrito {meri/odf C, I. L. i. 190), the Abl.
of meritnm, desert (cf. Plaut. Asin, 737 meritissimo ejus), &c Charisius
seems to say that the use of -0 for -e in Adverbs was a feature of some
dialects of Latin (193. 16 K. non quia negem ultra Safinum interque Vestinos
Teatinis et Marrucinis esse moris e litteram relegare, o videlicet pro eadem
littera claudentibus dictionem). Adverbs formed from O-stem Nouns have -$,
e. g. modo, with Adverb or Preposition prefixed in postmodo^ pr6pSmodo [these
56o THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [ObAp.
are not early foniis ; postmodo is indeed read in Ter. Hec. 208, but propemodum
is the only form used in the old Drama. Asinius Pollio (Cic. Fam, x. 33. 1)
seems to have introduced the form poatmodo into prose, and Livy prefers it to
postmodujH (see Neue, ii'. p. 600)] ; O. Lat antigerio (antiqui pro valde dixenint,
Paul. Fest. 6. 18 Th. ; vel admodum vel imprimis, Gl. Placid. ; cf. Gl. Philox.),
a word described by Quintilinn (viii. 3. 25 ; cf. i. 6. 40) as quite obsolete in his
day, apparently Abl. Sg. of a Verbal Noun, an lO-stem (ch. v. $ 4), anti-qerium
from anU and gtro^ a carrying in front ; O. Lat. nitrntrOy quickly, or too quickly,
e. g. Plaut. Men. 287 numero hue aduenisad prandium, whence Varro (ap. Non.
352. 32 M.) derives the name SumerixtSy 'prematurely bom,' a Benoventan name
first introduced into the Roman aristocracy, according to the tradition, by a
Fablus who manied the daughter of a rich citizen of Beneventum (Fest. 178. 32
Th.) ; 7w nierOf probably used originally with Verbs of motion, may mean ' with
musical note or rhythm,' like Germ, nach Noten ; ridgo from vtdgus ; principio
frarely Ace. Sg. principium) ; impendio (Abl. of iynpendinm^ outlay), used as an
Adverb (Gell.xix. 7. 10 translates it by impei^st) by the Republican Dramatists,
especially with magis^ mmusj e. g. Ter. Eun, 587 impendio magis Animus
gaudebat mihi. Instead of fortS, the Nom./f/rs is sometimes used (e. g. Virg.
A. ii. 139) with an ellipse of sit an \cf, forsifan (first in Terence*) and /orsan (first
in Lucr.), often written/orwtawi and /orsam (see Ritschl, Opusc. ii. 570) by Anal,
of Advba. in -am ? cf. p. 69], while /orta«se find fortassis (in 0. Lat. followed by
Ace. and Inf , o. g. Plaut. Asin. 36 ubi fit polenta, t<3 fortasse dicere, but also,
e. g. Nitd. 140 fort^isso tu hue uocatus es ad prindium) seem to be parts of
a verb *fotiare, to assert, affirm, derived from O. LrL forctus, strong, as c^f-Jir-
tnare from frmus, OptrSy ^Abl.' of optis, appears in a great many Adverbial
expressions, e. g. magnopere, tantupere for 7nagn{d) opere, iant{o) opere (cf. Plaut.
Mil. 75 me opere orauit maxumo). Rit^ is a similar formation from *risj a by-
form of fitus (cf. O. Ind. rtii-, *the fitting time,' esp. for a sacrifice, ttd-, ^fitting,
suitable,' P. P. P.. rt^na, *fitly, duly,' Adv. (Instr.)].
TemeTH (on the quantity of the finals, see A. L. L. iv. 51) is either the Loc. Sg.
of a lost Noun *temus (cf . 0. Ind. tamas-, * darkness'), lit. * in the dark,' or Ace.
Sg. Neut. of a lost Adj. *femm8, lit. 'darkly, blindly' (cf. O. Lat. Umfnier). On
the adverbial Locative cases of Nouns in common use, /iiemt, (iomt, mUitiae, &c.,
see ch. vi. §§ 37-38. Di?. whether with original -5 (cf. eod die, C. I. L, xi. 4766, an
inscr. where -d is not invariably written after a long vowel ; die noine or dse noinc^
*on the ninth day,' on the Dvenos inscr., if this reading be the correct one)
or with original -ed [cf. Falisc foied, apparently • hodie ' {Not. Scar, 1887, pp.
263 and 307) : foied vino pipafo kra karefo • hodie vinum bibam, eras carebo*]
occurs in a great many Adverbial woi*d-groups, e. g. postrx-di^ fcf. die crasfin*),
prt-die, cotti-die and cod-die (spelt quotidie only by precisians, Quint, i. 7.6), p&ren-
die, ho'die, mift-die (see ch. iv. § 112), from which was formed the Noun mer'tdies.
Cotti-dit can hardly represent anything but a compound of dies and the word
tjuot in some form or other (cf. qttot Kaiendis*, Plaut. Stick. 60 ; quotanniSt and
in Lute Latin qvot diebus and qtwt dies) with co- written for quo-, its equivalent
in sound (ch. iv. § 137), but what that form was is not easy to say. Some make it
quo-tus, a correlative of tufus (cf. totos dies, Plaut. -<i ?/'. 73 ; totis horis. Mil. 212);
* Whether forsitan really occurs in ^ c^idie, the reading of the MSS. in
Terence is doubtfli]. {Fleck. Jahrb. Plaut. SficA 165, is changed by editors
1894, p. 284.) to quot dies.
§ ej ADVERBS. 561
others postulate a *(iuot'iit3 (beside quo-tua from quo-) formed from quot- with
that TO-suffix which is used in Ordinal Numerals, quar-ku, quin-tus, &c., just
RHqiMt'umua (Plaut. Pseud. gi6Q. 1-173) i^ formed on the type of septumua ; others
again suppose *qmt{t)in8 (O. Ind. katitha-) to have been a bjrform of quotua ;
peren-diCf the day after to-morrow, is connected with Osc. perum, without
(originally * beyond* ; cf. Gk. »■«/»), of the phrase penon dohm mdUom 'sine
dolo malo/ and means literally 'on the beyond day' ; hd-die seems to join to
die the bare stem Ao- (but see ch. iii. § 51 on a%-quidem), (For other Abl. and
Loe. Adverb-forms, see ch. vi. § 38.)
Eddem, at the same time, always with the Fut. or Fut. Pft. in PlautuH, e. g.
Trin. 577 :
i hac, L^sbonice, m^cum, ut coram uuptiis
dies c6nstituatur ; eadem haec confiimabimus,
is occasionally found without ellipse of ^jp^a, e. g. Copt. 449 :
s^uere me, uiiticum ut dem a tarpezit^ tibi :
eiidem opera a praetdre sumam syngraphum ;
nnd may, in some uses at least, have sprung from a similar phrase ; cf.
Pseud, 318 :
quia pol quil opera credim tibi,
una opera allig^m canem fiigitiuam agninis lictibus.
Of Adverbs in -£ from 0-stems may be noticed : v<dde [the fUll form xaUde i»
found in Plautus, PaeuA, 145 (AP), &c] from vaUdua ; Cicero was the first to
use it with an Adj. ; fh^ and fermB are related as Positive and Superl. (cf.
p. 185).
§ 6. Adverbs in -tus. The best established in classical usage were anti-
(juitua, divinituaf providentially, /widttu8f lit. *from the ground,' *from the
bottom ' (derived from fundo-^ O. Ir. bonn, GaeL bonn, * the sole, the ground
or base ' ; cf. O. Ind. budhni-, Gk. wOfiriv and irvv9a(y the bottom of a vessel,
O. Engl, botm), phiUua, lit. * from within ' (see § 37 on pinia), rddldtuaj inlua.
Intua is used not only of motion from within, e. g. Plaut. Men. 918 euocate
intus Culindrum, but also like Greek iirr6s (cf. iicrSs), of rest within, e. g.
Capt. 199 ibo intro atque intus subducam ratiunculam ; cl Lucil. ix. 59 M., who
explains the distinction between ad and apud as the same as that between
intro and intua :
intro nos uocat ad sese, tenet intus apud se.
Quintilian declares the use of intus in the sense of intro (motion to within) to
be a solecism {i, 5. 51). (Tlie suffix -tua, when added to another preposition,
.sttb, has the same variety of meaning ; for subtua, like intua, denotes not merely
motion from, but also rest in, e. g. uti subtus homo ambulare possit, Cato,
R. R. xlviii. 9). But in the older and the later literature many other of
these Adverbs occur. Nonius in his eleventh book, which deals with the
Adverb forma of the older writers, cites commUnltuaj puhlidtua, pugnXtua, with
the fist, humdniiua, immortdlitua, largituaj ' pro large ' ; and elsewhere mentions
iinimttua, genndnitua, midulUtua [from the Saturae of Ennius (1. 7 M.) :
EInni poeta, s^lue, qui mortalibus
uersus propinas fl^mmeos medullitus],
O O
562 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Glutp.
6dUitu.% primitns, soUemnttiiSj &c. From the Adverb penihts Plautus coined the
Superlative Adj. petHtissumus (see Yarro, Mefi. 529 B. ut ait Plautus *peni-
tissumae '), which is common in Late Latin. He uses in one passage an
Adj. penitus {Asin, 40 usque ex penitis faucibus), which also found currency
in the late literature (cf. peniti Adv., Catull. Ixi. 178^
$ 7. Adverbial word-groups and compounds. Antiop&r itpb tovtov^ Oloss.
Philox.; seems, if the reading is right, to represent *antia [Ace PI. Neut. of
*antio-y Gk. dyriw : cf. antiae (sc. comcie), front curls], with the Preposition per
(on 0 for u after i in the unaccented syllable, e. g. JiUoluSj see ch. iii. § 18), ah
pdrum-per represents pdrum (Ace. Sg. Neut. of *par-o-, little, a byfonn of
par-uo-j parvus) with the same Preposition (cf. the Umbro-Oscan Numeral
Adverbs, Umbr. triiu-per, * three times/ Osc. petiro-pert, four times ; on the
form per/, see $ 38). Tapper^ a word quite obsolete in Quintilian's day
\\, 6. 40 ab ultimis et jam oblitteratis repetita temporibus, qualia sunt
* topper ' et *• antigerio ' et ' exanclare ' et ' prosapia,' et Saliorum carmina vix
sacerdotibus suis satis intellecta) seems to be a similar word-group with an
Ace. Sg. Neut. *tod {ftom. the Pronominal-stem to-, ch. vii. § 13 ; cf. is-titd)
governed by the Preposition per ; according to the Roman grammarians (see
Festus, p. 539 Th.) the word had two meanings, (i) *cito, celeriter, temere,'
e. g. Liv. Andronicus (a translation of Homer, Od. viii. 138 sq.) :
namque nullum peius mdcerat huminum
quamde mire saeuom, uis et cui sunt m^nae ;
tdpper corpus confringent inportiinae undae,
and in his translation of Bk. xii. 17 :
topper citi ad a^is u^nimus Circai,
and of Bk. x. 395 :
t6pper ficit homines ut prius fu^runt ;
(Q) * fortasse/ a later sense, e. g. Pacuvius (Trag. 424 R ) :
topper tecum sit potestas faxit si mecum uelit,
and the historian Gaelius Antipater (cotemp. of C. Gracchus): eadem re gesta,
topper nihilo minore negotio acto, gratia minor esset. Sem-per may likewise
have as its first clement an Ace. Sg. Neut. '^sem (Gk. tv), and as its second
the Preposition per {sempitemus^ may then be a formation on the analogy of
aevitemus ; but see Suppl. Arch. Ohit. Ital, i. 58). These examples suggest that
in pauliS'per^, tantis-per, (Uiquantis-per the first element may be a Neuter-stem in
-is, possibly a weak grade of Gomparative -ius (cf. magiSj p. 558), and not, as
is usually thought, an Abl. (Loc. Listr.) Plural form, pavUis, *by littles,'
* little by little.' The -per of these words however may be the Greek -«p of
&(rir€p, KoBdwfpf &c, (ch. x. § i). (On nuper, see $ 2.) Impraesentidrum is morv
naturally analyzed into in praesentia renmi (a phrase which actually occurs in
* Explained as *8empe{r)ternus with • Paidisper, vrith the tall form of I
loss of r by Dissimilation (ch. ii. to indicate the long quantity, occurs
§ io3\ in C. I, L. vi. 27788.
§ 7.] ADVERBS. 563
its full form ; see A, L. L, iv. 1 1), with suppression of one of two similarly
sounding syllables (see p. 176), than into in praeseniia Aorum, with ellipse of
rerum. Another adverbial word-group, consisting of a Preposition with its
Noun, is afftSUimj for ad-fatim from a lost noun */afis, weariness (cf. faitigo), e. g.
Liy. Andr. Com. 5 R. affatim edi, bibi, lusi ; Plant. Poen. 534 bibas . . . usque
afEatim, where affoitim (perhaps better written ad faHm, for an early affatim
would have become *(^ffeHm) means ^abundantly ' ; it is also used with a Qen.
in the sense of 'abundance/ e.g. Plant. Men. 457 affatim hominumst. Paul.
Fest. 8. 34 Th. says : Terentius * afiatim' dixit pro eo quod est ad lassitudinem,
which shows that the grammarians of the Empire still realized that affatim
was a combination of the Preposition ad with a Noun (like ad saturiiaiemy
Plaut. Eud. 758 ; ad rdvim, Aui. 336, Cist. 304 ; praeconis ad fastidium, Hor.
Epod. 4. 19). Indeed from the words of Gellius (vi. 7) we gather that in the
second century a. d. the Adverb was divided in spelling and pronunciation
into two words ad fatim, for he speaks of the pronunciation affatim (like
(idmodum) as unusual, only to be defended on the supposition that the phrase
was one word and not two (quod * afEatim ' non essent duae partes orationis,
sed utraque pars in unam vocem coaluisset"). It was possibly this pronuncia-
tion ad/diim that gave rise to the curtailed Adverb yhh'm, which was in use in
the time of Servius (4th cent. ▲. d.) (Serv. ad Aen. i. 123 * fatim ' enim abun-
danter dicimus). Amtusim (Paul. Fest. 5. 3 Th.), Accus. of amussis, a carpen-
ter's rule, may be a similar late curtailment of ad amussim^ though we find
examussim as early as Plautus. Another word-group of the kind is ^Hld,
from sfj a Preposition used in O. Lat. in the sense of its cognate sine (§ 51),
and dolus. From the Adverb ss-dulo (with u for 6 in the unaccented syllable,
ch. iii. § 26 > was formed the Adjective sedulus. That this is the true account
of sedxdo is clear from sc duh m/olo of the Lex Agraria (C. I. L. i. 900. 40), and
from the comparison of phrases like Plaut. Trin. 90 haud dicam dailo, 480 non
tihi dicam dolo, Men. 228 non dtcam dolo^ with Capt. 886 quod ego dim seeft^o, Ter.
Phorm. 453 ego sedxdo hunc dixisse credo (but sedulo is commoner with /ado than
with dico) ; though the confusion of seduio with an Adverb from an Adjective-
stem sedulo- must have been very early, for the byform sedulum is found in a
line of * Plautus' (/r. 41 G.) sedulum est^ and in a plebiscitum about weights
and measures quoted by Festus (322. 3. Th.) : ex ponderibus publicis, quibus
hac tempestate populus oetier qui solet, uti coaequetur sedulum, uti quadran-
tal uini octoginta pondo siet, congius uini decem pondo siet, &c. (cf. later
sedide). The Roman grammarians usually explained the word in this way ;
Acrou however, in his commentary on Terence, derived the word from an Ad-
jective-stem sedulo-f&s/also from the Adj. /also- (ap. Charis. 192. 30; 219. 5 K.).
Another combination of Preposition and Noun is ob-vianiy which has its literal
sense in Plautus (usually with esse, tre, venire, &c.) ; thus in Capt, 791 the
parasite Ergasilus, who is hurrying to give Hegio news of the arrival of his
son, cries out :
4minor int^rminorque n^uis obstiterit obuiam,
* that no one stand in my way * ; it has not the sense otpraesto in Plautus nor
in Terence. From obviam was formed the Adjective obvius (but ct pervium,
pervius)j as from sedido, sedulus. Like obviam (and tnter-w'as with vi€is Ace. PI.) is
obiter, a word regarded with suspicion by purists, though Augustus gave it his
sanction, and reproved Tiberius for using per viam instead. The Emperor
Hadrian seems to have reversed his predecessor's decision (Charis. 209. 12 K.
0 0 2
564 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CJhap.
* obiter * divus Hadrianus Sermonum I quaerit an Latinum sit . . . qiian-
<|uam divus Augustus reprehendens Ti. Claudium ita loquitur : scribis enim
* per viam * dvrl tov obiter). Ilico is explained by Charisius (aoi. 17 K.) as m-
lijco (the length of the initial i could be accounted for by the old form sloeo,
ch. iv. $ 150), and has often this sense in Old Latin authors '^for examples, see
Charisius, 1. c. and Nonius, 325. 6 M.) (in Plautus the local sense is not nearly
HO common as the temporal, and is found only with verbs of rest, e. g. R%td, 878
ibidein Uico nmnete ; 836 iUic astate Uico) : Nonius (1. c.) makes it the equivalent
of Mn eo loco,' but the sense of ibi is foreign to ilico^ a fact which tells against
its derivation from *«, an old Abl. Sg. of ia, and locus. Rico has not the sense
of ^ on that spot,' but of * on the spot ' (e. g. ilico hie ante ostium, Plant. Trin,
608), and its change from a local to a temporal meaning finds an exact
counterpart in our phrase ' on the spot,' which may be used in the sense
of *■ immediately,' *■ without delay.' Curiously enough the O. Lat. adverbial
word-group lUcet^ which in the Comedians has the sense of ire licet (e. g. Plant.
Capt, 469 :
i licet parasiticae arti mixumam malam crucem,
' the profession of diner-out may go hang itself on the highest possible
gallows '), from which by an easy transition it acquired that of actum est [e. g.
Plaut. Cist, 685 peril, opinor, actumst, ilioet, was brought again into fashion
by Virgil in the sense of Uico, e. g. Aen, xi. 468 :
ilicet in muros tota discurritur urbe.
[OharisiuH quotes the note of u commentator on this line : (ilicet) nunc pro
ilico, id est statim. antiqui pro eas licet,' and mentions a somewhat similar
use of the word in a line of Afranius {Com. 215 R.) : an tu eloquens ilicet?,
*have you become an orator all at once?']. By another freak of language
the confusion of ilicet with a word of similar sound was repeated some cen-
tures later, when it was used (e. g. by Sidonius ApoUinaris, fifth cent. a. d. )
in the sense of scAUcet (cf. Paul. Fest. 74. 22 ^ ilicet,' sine dubio). A verbal
group like ilicet is videlicet, which in the earlier period occurs with the con*
struct ion of vid^re licet, e. g. Plaut. Asin. 599 :
nunc enim esse
iiegotiosum int^rdius uid^Iicet Sol6nem,
Lucret. i. 210 :
esse videlicet in terris primordia rerum,
also scilicet, construed like scire licet in such a line as Plaut. Pseud. 1179 : scilicet
solitum esse, < of course be used to ' (,on these verbal Noun stems /-, vide-, sci;
see ch. viii. § 34). Sis (for si rts, ch. ii. § 53), siUtis Plur., similarly takes an
Inf. in Plaut. Asin. 309 sis amanti subuenire familiari filio.
The word tnddus enters into several adverbial word>groups. Besides adfno-
dum, propemodum (and later propemodo), postmodum (and posttnodo), which have
been already mentioned, we have quemadmodum, gwOwiorfd [cf. agusntodl, fttf/us-
modi, ^usmodi, &c., which in Plautus are scanned as cretics or the equivalents
of cretics (ch. vii. § 92), cuicuimodi (perhaps not in Plautus)], <{wdamtnodo, tan-
tummodo and (in Late Latin) solummodo, &c. (cf. the compounds omni-modis, multi-
modis, on which see Neue, ii'. pp. 609 sq.). We find rH in qua-ri, quam-ob-rem,
kc,, dies in in-dies, prope^iem*
A Preposition with a Noun (or Adj.) appears also in d£-nt2o, for de nOco (with
§ 8.] ADVERBS. 565
u for unaccented or, ch. ill. § 34), like de integro, ex-templo (in Plaut. also er-
tempulo), from templum in itsO. Lat. sense of locus (e. g.^cA«n4«ta templa, £nn.\
in-cassunif lit. 4nto the empty ' (cf. cassa nux^ Plaut. )» like its synonyms in Late
Lat. in vanum and in vacuum ; tm-piimls, cum-primis (cf. apprimf, used Mrith an
Adj. in the sense of a Superlative in ante-classical and post-classical Latin).
A verbal phrase is seen in dum-i<txai [taxcU is Pres. Subj. of *taxOj a byform of
tangOf as viso of mleoj quaeso of quaero (ch. viii. $ 33. 4) for *tag'8o']f a legal phrase
whose original sense appears in O. Lat. laws like C. /. L. i. 197. la : sei quiH
magistratus multam inrogare uolet, [quei uolet, dum minoris] partus familias
taxsat, liceto, * so long as he assigns a fine of the smaller portion of his
property/ ' of less than half of his property ' (for dumtaxat the Oscan expression
is ampert from the Negative particle an- and the Preposition pert, * beyond ' ;
thus on the Tabula Bantina : in[im] ftvae pis ionc fortis meddis moUaum henst,
ampert minstreis aeteis eituas moUas moUaum licitud * et siquis eum fortius (? forte)
meddix multare volet, dumtaxat minoris partis pecuniae multas multare
liceto') (Zvet. I.LI. 231. la . Actu-tum is merely acta^ lit. *on the act,'
followed by tumf then.
§ 8. Other Adverbs. One of the puzzles of Latin etymology is the O. Lat.
Adverb simttii^ the equivalent of simulj found as an archaism on some inscrip-
tions of the Empire in the forms Bimitu (C. /. L, vi. 7578), and certainly once
(possibly twice) simUur (vi. 9390, a slave-girl's epitaph of 13 b. c, and read by
Ritschl in x. 174, an epitaph in illiterate verse). Nonius mentions simitu
(175. 16 M.) with three examples from Lucilius and Plautus ; so that this
form is well established. Plautus elides the last syllable in SHch. 249 mecum
simitu ut ires ad ses^ domum. The later (plebeian) form simitur can hardly
be due to a change of -d to -r like that seen in 0. Lat. apor, apur for apud (§ 19) ;
it is more likely to be a corruption caused by confusion with the Impersonal
iturj 3 Sg. Pass, of eo, to go. Simitu has been explained as a Compoimd of the
root sem- (ch. vi. § 57) in some form or other with ttv, the Abl. Sg. of the
Verbal Noun itus, a going.
Another puzzle is tgitur (the quantity of the final syllable cannot be deter-
mined in Plautus), the oldest sense of which is *then,* * thei*eupon ' (cf. Non.
128. 14 * igitur* positum pro postea), e. g. the first clause of the XII Tables : si in
ius uocat, ni it, antestamino : igitur em capito, a clause well known to Roman
schoolboys of the first cent. B.C. as the beginning of one of their most formidable
lesson-books (cf. Cic. Legg. ii. 4. 9 a parvis . . . Quinte, didicimus * si in ius vocat'
atque alia ejus modi ' leges ' nominare) ; Plaut. Cas. 215 m6x magis quom otium 4t
mihi et tfbi erit, tgitur tecum loquar : nunc uale ; Mil, 772 quindo habebo, igitur
rationem mearum fabricarum dabo ; igitur turn (e.g. Most. 689), igitur deimU, igitur
dtmum are all frequent in Plautus. This makes unlikely the theory that igitur
is a curtailment of quid igitur 'ij a form of quid d^tur^i, with a weakened to fin
the unaccented syllable of the word-group quid-agitur 'i Another theory con-
nects it with Lith. -ktu of tdktu, * so,' kdktu, 'as,' or with 0. SI. -gda of togda,
* then,* igda, * hitherto.* It has also been resolved into the three Pronominal-
Ktoms i- (ch. vii. § 13), ko- [ib. ; digitus is quoted as a parallel case of the change of
- icil- to 'igit- ; others make the particle *g6 (Gk . yi) the second element of igiiur'\j
and to- {ib.) ; the last with the ending >r, seen in 0. Ind. tir-hi, * then,' kir-hi,
' when/ &c.). Its use varies in different authors ; thus it is placed normally
AS first word of the sentence in Sallust and Tacitus, but almost never in
Cicero's speeches ; and it is avoided by purists like Terence (except in his
566 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Oh»p.
earliest plays), Lucilius, Caosar, and the older and the younger Seneca (for
statistics, see A. L, L, iii. 560). Its formation evidently seemed to the Romans
to have something irregular about it (cf. Quint, i. 5. 39 ex quo genere an sit
' igitur ' initio sermonis positum dubitari potest, quia maximos auctores in
diversa fuisse opinione video, cum apud alios sit etiam fi*equens, apud alios
numquam reperiatur). Another Adverb (?) of uncertain etymology is
airemps in the formula found on old laws, siremps lex estOy *■ the same law shall
hold ' (C. /. L, i. 197. la ; 198. 73 ; aoo. 27 ; aoa. (1). 38, (a), i, &c. ; see Georges,
Lex, W&rif, s. v.), and in the form sirempse (which Charisius calls the Ablative
of siremps, 93. 24 ; 146. i K.) in the (un-Plautine ?) prologue of the Amphiiruo
of Plautus, 1. 73 :
sirempse legem iussit esse Itippiter.
One theory declares it to be composed of sis {si vis) and empaej the old Ace. Sg.
Masc. of ipse (ch. vii. § 9o\ and to have originally meant ^ the aforesaid '
(person), but to have been in course of time wrongly associated with lex esto
{WiiM, Stud. 1891, p. 396).
SStiuSt less (esp. non setivSy nihUo setius, also quo setius like quo minus), is the
correct spelling, not sSciuSj which is not found till the period when ti began to
be confused with ci (see ch. ii. § 90, and Fleckeisen, Fuf\fzig Artikel, p. aS), so that
the word cannot be equated with Gk. Ijaawy (for *1jicyejv ; cf. ^icmttos). Though
treated by the Roman grammarians as the Comparative of the Adverb (Pre-
position) sScus and as a byform of the normal comparative aSquius (e. g. Afra-
nius 293 R. sin, id quod non sp^ro, ratio tdlis sequius c^iderit) (from the
root seq5-, *to follow,' Gk. tnoftm ; lit. * following,* hence 'inferior*), it seems
impossible to connect sStius with secus (see § i) or with sequius, Gellius (xviii.
9. 4), describing a controversy he had heard over the spelling of the O. Lat.
verb insSco {insequo)^ to narrate (Gk. iyi<nroy), mentions as an argument adduced
by one of the disputants, that the form sectius was found in Plant. Men, 1047
(our MSS. in this line of Plautus, a line unfortunately undecipherable in
the Ambrosian Palimpsest, vary between setius quam, sed uaquam, and secus
quam) :
ha^ nihilo esse mihi uidentur setius quam s6mnia,
and that this sectius was connected with the 0. Lat. inaectiones 'narrationes,*
so that the line really meant * nihilo magis narranda esse quam si ea essent
somnia.* On the strength of this very questionable authority, it has been
attempted to connect sSfius with the root seq^-, * to follow,' by the theory that
sktius was the oldest form (from secto-, a participial-stem from sequor ; cf. Mcto,
sector), which became *8itHuSj then sStius. But even granting the existence of
this form sectius, a form most probably duo to an error in the copy of Plautus
used, the change of c^ to M is a late one (ch. ii. § 95), and the substitution of
H for Stt too doubtful (ch. ii. § 130) to make this theory at all convincing. It is
much more likely that setius and seats were entirely different words (like mSius
and bSn^, p^jua and mdl6\ associated as Comparative and Positive owing to
their similarity of meaning.
Oppido is another of the problems of Latin etymology. The most likely
theory is that oppfdum, a town, meant originally the part on the plain (o&-
*pedum ; cf. Gk. irtdiov) as opposed to the arx. This distinction seems to be
expressly made in the Titulus Aletrinas (C. J. L, i. 1166) in a passage refer-
ring to the water supply of a town : aquam in opidum adqu[e] arduom. The
S( 9, 10.] ADVERBS. 567
Adverbial Abl. oppido will then be exactly similar to plans. In Plautus it
goes usually with a Verb, but in Terence only with an Adj.
§ 9. Numeral Adverbs in -ies (see ch. vi. § 56).
§ 10. Pronominal Adverbs. (On the Relative Adverbs which show
initial u* in the simple word, but as the second element of a compound -cu-^
e. g. ubi, sUcubi, urule, si-cumfe, see ch. vii. § a6).
(i) With suffix -bi (Umbr. -fe, Osc -f, e.g. Umbr. pufe, Osc. puf, *ubi,*
Umbr. ife). The Umbro-Oscan forms point to -fi as their original suffix,
with f representing I.-£iu*. bh (Gk. -0i), as in the Dat. Sg. of the Personal
Pronouns (e. g. Osc. sifei * sibi,* I. -Eur. *sebhei, ch. vii. § 5), or more probably
dh (Gk. '6i ; cf. 0. SI. kude, 0. Ind. kiiha). Latin -&t is in 0. Lat. -bei [e. g. ubei
on the S. C. Bacch. (C. 1, L, i. 196) ; other examples in Georges, Lex, Worif, s. v. ;
on the spelling u&e, e. g. Varro R. R. i. 4. 4, see ch. vii. $ 6], and is in poetry
scanned as a long or as a short syllable (similarly ilAd^m)^ a variation of
quantity which is most naturally explained by supposing that the last syllable
was originally long (representing I.-Eur. -ei), and was in time shortened
through the influence of the short first syllable (avi from av9, &c., ch. iii. § 49).
The Oscan form however suggests that the short final vowel may not be a late
development (cf. uti' and vteij ch. x. § 11). Latin examples of this forma-
tion are u-2^, »i-ctitnj num-cuhij &c, tibi-qu€y ilAj ilndem (rarely ibidem in Plant. \
In-ibi \inibi esse like in eo esse (tt/), * to be on the point of], tn^^-tW (often used
by Plautus for intered, interim), post-ibi (used sometimes by Plautus for postea),
(iltbi and the less usual aliubi (as early as the Lex Agraria of iii b. 0., C. I. L,
i. aoo. 86 : aliubeiue aliterue), utrHbi, uirubique and tttrobique (on these spellings,
nee Georges s. v.), neutrubi,
(2) With suffix -I (older -«). In the language of Plautus tttt or HUc (older
ollic, Paul. Fest. 231. 2 Th.), istt or istlc may be Dat. Sg., * to him,' or Adverb
■Loc. Sg.), * there.* The scribes of our MSS. however have gone on the prin-
ciple of correcting tHt, isH, * there,* to UliCy istic, usually (e. g. Ccq>t, 278, where
the metre requires ifli), and almost always illicj isiic, * to him,' to iUiy isti, so
that the relative frequency of the two forms of the Adverb in Plautus,' or
other writers, cannot well be determined. The Adverb from the pronoun
hie seems to have had the enclitic -c{e) at all periods of the literature, hiCj
older heic (C. I. L. i. 551. 590. 1007. 1009) ; heicei on the epitaph of an actor,
1 1297:
Protogenes Cloul[i] suauei heicei situst mimus,
plouruma que fecit populo soueis gaudia nuges,
may be a graver's error, for the orthography of the inscription is erratic ;
heic^ (i. 1049 me heioe situm inmature). But on late inscriptions we
occasionally find hi (e. g. ii. 3244 hi jacet). [Faliscan he, hei in the formula
he (hei) cupat * hie cubat, -ant * may owe the suppression of its -c to the
initial c- of the following word ; cf. Zvet. J. 1. 1. 66.] From the Pronominal-
stem *so- (ch. vii. $ 13) we have si, and with the enclitic -c(e), sic * (cf. Umbr. i-sek
^ For an example of the older ut rosa amoena homini est quom
spelling seic we may take this touch- prime tempore floret,
ing epitaph of a girl called Flavia quel me viderunt, seic ego Amoena
Amoena iMitth. (rOm,) viii. 150] : fui
568 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Cluip. IX.
* item '; ; from the Relative (Interrog., Indef.) the Adverb qui (which is
perhaps rightly regarded as an Instr. (cf. O. Engl, hyrl, O. SI. iimi) from a stem
ffui-j ch. vii. § 95), and with the suffix -n(e', quin (ch. x. $ 16), as well as the
compounds nUo-*[ui and aiio^jttmj cetero-qui and cetero-quin, ni-qui-quam (ch. viL
§ 98;, and piThaps quippe (if for tpil-pe) and quipjmm ^qtiiputm) (see ch. x. § 7 ;
ch. vii. § a8).
(3) With suffix -Oy e. g. eo. co-f?«m (^id-eo has only the later sense of purpose,
not the earlier of motion towards, * that for that purpose/ * and that indeed
with that object '), 7M0. quo-curuiue, dUq»o, <?/io, utro^ utroqtie^ neuiro. These have
the same sense as Adverbs formed with -r^rsunif-s {older -rorautHj -0), and often
have this participle added, e. g. aliOvorsum and aliorstati, Plant, (for the suppres-
sion of r between the two vowels, see ch. ii. § 53', (/tiorsttSj -m. The Preposition
ad is appended in qtio-ady and prefixed in M-eo (used in a literal sense in the
older literature, e.g. Cato, B.B, xl. 3 surculum artito usque adeo quo
praeacueris ; cf. adeo res rediit, ^ things have reached such a pass,' in the
Comedians), and ad-qiiOj a variety of quoad, * so far as,* for which Nonius
(76. 6 M.) cites two lines of Afranius, Com, 978 R. :
ut scire possis ddquo te expediat loqui,
and 949 R. :
initus essem adqu6 liceret.
We Jiave the same suffix -o in Adverbs indicating motion towards, formed
from Prepositions by means of the tro- {ro-) suffix, rt-tro, ct-fro, xd-tro, por-ro ;
and that this -o represents earlier -od, the Ablative case-ending of O-stems,
we see from the sp<>lling porod on an old Praenestine cista {Mel, Arcft, 1890,
p. 303)- Oscan adpud in a Capua inscr. {R/iein. Mm. 1888, pp. 9 and 557.
adpud fiiet) seems to be the equivalent of Latin quoad (cf. Afranius* adquo) and
to havo the sense of * so long as,' Lat. quoad fient. In Umbrian, where, as
in Latin, final -d is dropped after a long vowel, we find ar-ni-po with another
sense of f/Mwir/, * until,' followed by a Future Perfect, strttifu andpo . , , pesnis
fust * sedeto quoad precatus erit ' (the -nt- of arnipo seems to be like the -m- of
Latin do-ni-cum, ch. x. § 19, and -po may represent ♦pdm rather than ♦pdd) ; the
Adverb corresponding to Latin <juo is pu-e with that suffix -i (?) (Gk. cifroa-i
written -i, -ei, -e, which is added not merely to the Nom. Sg. Masc. of the
Umbrian Relative, po-i, orjMj-eif or po-e ^Lat. qui for quo- with i, ch. vii. § 95), but
to other parts of its declension, e.g. Ace. PI. Fein. paf-e ; the Adverb fh>m
O. Lat. Sfd-utt-r-que (Plant.), ^ each separately,* is in Umbrian sei-podruh-pei,
with uh expressive of the long o-sound (a close 0, nearly or altogether u ; see
ch. ii. § 90j. Tlio fact that the 0-stem Abl. shows -u in Umbr. has been used
as an argument that Umbr. tdo *illuc,' postro * retro,' &c. are Instrumentals.
Similar formations from die, iste are found at all periods of Latin, »W5 (cf.
Umbr. ulu, m/o), isto (for examples, sec Georges), but the Adverbs generally
used are iUuc^ istucy with final syllable scanned long in poetry, and similarly
from hie we have /iwc, hither, ad-htic, hither-to (is *ho indicated by the form
horsum for Aoror«<m?). In the earlier literature the forms with the enclitic
•c(e; end in -oc, with final syllable again scanned long. e. g. ftoc (as in Plant.
Capt. 480. where the parasite is touting for a dinner :
quis ait. * hoc ' ? aut quis profitetur ?),
an archaic form employed by Virgil, A, viii. 493 (see the note of Servius on
the passage) :
hoc tunc Ignipotens caelo descendit ab alto
$ 10.] ADVERBS. 569
[for other examples, see Q^orges, Lex. Wor(f» a. w. ; statistics of the spelling
hoc and hue in Flaut., &c. are given in Fleck. Jahrb. (Suppl.) 1891, p. 393 n.].
This 'Uc has been referred to an earlier -oi-ce with the Locative suffix -oi,
which is used in Adverbs of motion towards in Greek, voi, oiroc, &c., but it
seems unnatural to regard it as anything but a phonetic development of the
earlier -oc If the vowel in these endings be naturally long, it must have
been originally ou (ch. iv. § 41), and the parallel Adverbs in Greek will be
not iror, oiroi but vov, Svov, which mean in Greek * where/ not * whither.'
But it may have been naturally short ; for the metrical value of the syllable
can be explained by the fact that c really represents ccj from an earlier dc,
*hod'C(e)f *t«-<od-c(e) (ch. iii. § 51), so that the foims would be really Accusatives
Sing. Neut. (cf. however O. Lat. iUucy istucy and class. ItoCj Ace. Sg. Nout.), and
not Ablatives.
QuOf €0, &c have also other senses in Latin, as with Comparatives eo major,
eo minor (cf. Lith. j^ with Comparatives ; Welsh po, * by how much the *), quo
majoTj quo minor, &c., from which comes the use of quo for ut in final sentences
with a Comparative, e. g. quo facilius haec fieri possint, and the word-group
quominuSf lest, e. g. quominus haec fieri possint ; also quo, whereby, &c. These
too are Ablative forms, originally *qufjd, *eod, as we may see from Osc pod
. . . mins * quominus ' in the Tabula Bantina (Zvet. 7. J. J. 231. 10) : n«p
fe/acid pod pis dot eizac egmad minis] deivaid dolud malud * neve fecerit quo quis
do ea re minus juret dolo malo'; Osc. .svaepod . . . 8v<iepod *8ive . . . sive,'
Umbr. svepo ; Umbr. etto {iso) from the stem *ek-8o-, also esoc (issoc) for *ek-sok
' sic * ; with the last, cf. the Latin gloss : soc, ita ;,LOwe, Prodr, p. 350, a doubt-
ful form). In a leaden execration tablet (Zvet. 1,1,1. 139), written in
Oscan (presumably not the best Oscan), we have svai puh (h indicates the
length of a vowel in Umbrian), a spelling which, if found on a magisterial
proclamation, or any carefully written inscription, might establisli the
existence of an Oscan po (pu;, an Instrumental form, beside pod (pud),
the Ablative form. But the character of this inscription diminishes the
value of the evidence of this, as well as of the other * Instrumental * Adverb,
which occurs on the same tablet, suluh ' omnino' (from the stem sollo-, *all,
whole') ; besides it is doubtful whether h indicates vowel-length in Oscan. In
another Oscan execration scroll (7. F, ii. 435), we have the form sullud (the
last letter somewhat doubtful), but the fragmentary state of the inscription
makes it impossible to determine satisfactorily that sullud is an Adverb.
(4) In -a, e. g. qua, * in which direction * (cf. fpta . . . qua, * both . . . and '),
ne-qua-qitamj haud-qua-quam, qua'propter (cf. Plant. Amph, 815 quaistaec propter
dicta dicantur mihi), ea (often appended to Adverbs, prapter-ed, praeter-ed, post-
ed, ant-ed, and on the S. C. Bacch. arvorsum ead in the sentence : sei ques esent,
quei aruorsum ead fecisent, quam suprad scriptum est), ea-dem, alia, aliquay
hoc (appended like ea to Adverbs, post-hoc, anie-hac, praeter-hac, and in a plebi-
scitum ap. Fest. 322. 8 Th. adversus hac ; cf. Osc. post exac * posthac *), iliac,
istac. With tSnus appended these Adverbs indicate distance : quatenus, ' how
far ' (on the subsequent development of meanings, see § 4), hadenus, ' thus
far * (cf. Hor. est quadam prodire tonus). The formation is evidently the
same as that of Adverbs derived from Prepositions with the suffix -&o- {-ro-),
e. g. extra {exstrad S. C. Bacch.), supra {suprad S. C. Bacch.) (cf. Oscan pullad
' qua,' an Adverbial Ablative Sg. Fem. of the Relative, formed by adding the
Abl. Sg. Fem. of the Oscan Demonstr. stem olio- 'Lat. illo-, older olio-, ch. vii.
57© THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap.
§ i8) to the Relative stem po- ;ch. Tii. § 33) ; [p]ullad viu uruvu ist *quft via
flexa (?; est,* Zvet. 1. 1. 1. 136. 56). Qtia-od is found for quo-^ on late inscrip-
tions, and is a not uncommon variant in good MSS. (see Georges).
(5) In -/w, utrim-quCf iliim (found in Cicero as well as in the older writers,
whereas istim is doubtful ; see Georges, Lex. Wcnif, s. w.), but usually UUnCf as
isiinc, hinc, Tlie same suffix is found in the forms to which the Adverb aicua
is appended, ititrin-secus, aUrin-secus^ extrin-secuSf and apparently in exinif inGSrim
and oUnij though in two at least of these three last words, it has not its usual
sense of motion from. IntSrim is equivalent to intSr-ed, iwter-iW (Plant.), while
oZtm, from meaning *• at that time ' (often answering to quitm in Plautus, e. g.
olim quom caletur maxime, Ti-uc. 65), came to mean ^ at any former time,'
* formerly,' ' once upon a time,* then * at any time/ * occasionally* (e. g. Lucil.
iii. 4 M. uiamque Degruma^iis uti castris mensor facit olim), and to be used
even of future time (e. g. Hor. : non si male nunc, et olim Sic erit). OUm can
hardly come directly from the Pronoun>stem oQo- of O. Lat. oUus, oUe (class. iOe),
best analyzed into *ol-so- (ch. vii. § 13), for 6U- would not become 51- (ch. ii,
§ 130' ; i t is rather to be derived from the stem 0I-, a grade of the OL- (AL-) stem,
without the suffix so- (cf. Umbr. tUo * illuc ' with u the equivalent of Lat. 5).
The origin of the suffix -im has not yet been satisfactorily explained.
(6) In •tule. This suffix seems to be the suffix -m (hardly the Ace. Sg. suffix)
augmented by the particle -de. As the Adverbs meaning Hhenoe,' tOe, iste
added to -im the particle -c{e)y the corresponding Adverbs from is, qtU add to
-m the particle 'de (cf. Gk. iySiv-^t), which, like -ce, was liable to be curtailed
of its final short vowel in every-day pronunciation ( ch. iii. § 36). Thus we
have inde (which should not be derived from the Preposition in, but must go
with uiide\ indi-denij and with prefixed Adverb de-inde (curtailed to dein)^ pro-
inde {OJidproin), ex-inde (and exifi, a different word from ertm ; see Georges, Lex.
Woty. s. v.), &c., undej st-cunrfe, nS-cunde, undt-que, aliunde, dlicunde. For iWrifide,
quoted from a speech of Cato by Charisius (224. 14 K. utrinde factiones tibi
pares) wo should expect tUrunde.
,7) In -Mm (-wn), the Ace. Sg. Neuter, e.g. turn and with the enclitic -c(e),
tutic vcf. nunc and etiani'num), quuniy older qwrni, with appended jam in qu6n-
iam (ch. x. § 13), and appended 'dam in quon-dam (cf. qui-dam^ ch. vii. § a8), dum
'ch. X. § I a), du'dum {ih.}, non^dum. From the Pronominal-stem i- (Lat. is) an
Adverb in -m was in use in O. Lat. in the sense of * then,' variously written
as im and em (ch. vii. § 19) ; and from the Relative-stem seen in u-M, &c. we
have the U7n- of un-quam (^cf. O. Lat. *umquis of necumquem * nee umquam quem-
quam ' Fest. 162. 22 Th.), and with negative nS- prefixed, nun-quam {ne umquam
is the reading of the MSS. of Plant. Most. 307) ; though some make this
originally to have ended in n, not in m, and find the form with initial c (like
si'cuhi, si-cundi) in the -cun- of qui-cun-que (ch. x. $ 2), ne-cun-quetn (so interpreting
theO. Lat. word mentioned by Festus), which they compare with Gx>th. -hun-
of ni hvas-hun, ' none so ever.'
(8; In -am, apparently the Ace. Sg. Fem., though some make it an Instru-
mental case (suffix -m or -mi, ch. vi. $ 36). If Festus is right in quoting tame
as an O. Lat. form of tam from the Carmen Saliare (Fest. 546. i Th. ^ tame ' in
Carmine positum est pro tam), all these Adverbs in -am may have originally
ended in a short vowel. From the Relative Pronoun we have quam, the cor-
relative of which is taken from the Pronoun to- (ch. vii. $ 13), not from the
Pronoun i-, torn. The two are united in tan-quam. Whether jom, now (cf.
$ 10.] ADVERBS. 571
Lith. jau, * already '), is the corresponding formation from the stem i- is not
certain. The indeclinable Adj. ni-quam may be a colloquial compound ofquam,
as the Adverb nS-quaquam is of qudquamy so that neqiiam would literally mean
* a no-how * (cf. O. Lat. nequalia * detrimenta ' Fest. i6a. 23 ; Paul. Fest. 163.
13 Th.). Another compound iaperquam, exceedingly (cf. advwdum quam, Plant.).
The addition of the Preposition dd (§ 27) to quam gives the Adverb quandd
(ch. X. $ I a), originally temporal, then causal (cf. quandSquidemy dlt-quando,
quandd-que (Umbr. panu-pet) (cf. O. SI. k^du, * qua, unde ' ?), while O. Lat.
^am-d^ is a by form of quam, than, as in a passage of Livius Andronicus (quoted
in $ 7) : peius . . . quamde mare saeuom, and Lucr. i. 640 quamde gravis inter
Graios qui vera requirunt. Other derivatives are aliquam in aHquam^iu, &c.,
quam-ins (rarely with Subj. in Plautus, and always with an Adj. or Adv. ;
not in Terence), and quam-quam (cf. tam-quam)^ n{eyuH-qua.m, nS-qua-quamf &c.
From the pronominal-stem *no- (0. Ind. nA-nS, ^in various places or ways/
lit. ^ there and there,' ' thus and thus '), connected with the stem *eno- (*ono-)
< 0. Ind. ana-, * this,' Lith. anks, ^ that,' O. 81. onu) we have nam used in empha-
sizing a question, e. g. quid ceruss& opus nam ? Plant, (hence quis-nam, who ?,
O. Lat. ^to-nam, why ?), and in the sense of * for ' ; from the stem *do-, -dam
of quon-dam (cf. qui-dam),
(9) With other suffixes : of f-suffixes we have (a) -to in i-td, so (Umbr. itek),
i-td-que^ therefore (ch. x. § 8) ; *uto, as, may be inferred from O. Lat. ali-uta (cf. ali-
mW. p. 564), otherwise, quoted from the Laws of Numa by Paul Fest. [4. 27 Th.
si quisquam aliuta faxit, ipsos loui sacer esto ; cf. the gloss aliutea (leg. aiiuia),
aliud, amplius, LOwe, Prodr, 432]. The final a was no doubt originally long, if
every final short vowel became -^ in Latin (ch. iii. $37), but there are no traces
of this quantity in iiaque in the older poetry (on itaque in the Satumian epitaph
of Naevius, see ch. x. § 8), and probably none in ita either. So that the
shortening of the final vowel under the infiuence of the preceding short
syllable must have established itself in this word of common use at a very
early date.
(6) 'tem in i-tenif au-tem (cf. O. Ind. -tham of ka-thdm, *how,' &c. ?).
(c) -t (originally with a short final vowel, probably i ; cf. O. Ind. i-ti, * thus ')
in ut, uH-naniy uti-qut. The Umbro-Oscan equivalents of Latin ut show an s
after the ^ Umbr. puze, puse^ ending originally in -tsi or -tsd, Osc. puz {pous
on the Bantine tablet must surely have ou for m), which in Latin appears in
the local Adverbs us quam, nu8-quam.
Us-que is a different word, derived from the I.-£ur. Preposition ud-, as a&-
s-qve from ah (see § 57 for iiaque).
The suffix t appears also in au4, which probably ended originally in a shoii;
-i (Gk. aZ-T( has tc for I.-£ur. *-q56, ch. x. § 2), as we see from Umbr. o/«,
Osc. avti. The long -• ofuH is probably Loc. -et (§ 11).
Of d-suffixes, besides (a) -dam of quon-dam (temporal Adv. of qui-dam) and (&)
dumy with idea of time in dw-dwiw, non-dumj vix-dum, inter-dum already men-
tioned, we have (c) -dem in qui-dem (ch. x. § 6), and with the sense of * exactly,'
* just ' (cf. IS demumj ibi demum) in a large nuuiber of Adverbs, such as tand-dem,
ibi-dem, indi-demj iti-dem, toti-dem (from *totiy the older form of tot, ch. vii. $ 29),
as well as in the Pronoun of Identity, t-deni (ch. vii. § 21), with its curious
derivative Wen/iefem, repeatedly (explained as ' idem ante idem ' or * idem tum
idem '), also with the idea of time (cf. dum in inter-duntj non-dum) in tat^dem
(cf, demum), pfx-dem.
572 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap.
§ 11. PBEPOSITIONS. Prepositions are Adverbs, which
came to be specially used in connexion with certain cases of the
Noun, or in composition with a Verb. In the early stage of a lan-
guage the cases alone were sufficient to indicate the sense, but as
the force of the Case-suffixes became weakened, or as the necessity
for clearer definition was more recognized, the Case-suffix was
strengthened by the addition of an Adverb. Thus ire mante
might mean *to go out of the mountain' or * to go down
from the mountain.' To indicate the fijst sense, the Adverb ex
was used, ire monte ex ; to indicate the second, the Adverb de^ ire
monte de ; or ex-ire tnonte, ^de-ire monte. These Adverbs which,
owing to their meaning, are most frequently associated with
particular cases of Nouns, or are used in composition with Verbs,
are called Prepositions ; and the process, by which Latin Adverbs
became Prepositions, may be seen in operation at various periods
of the language. Thus contra, which has hardly passed the
Adverb stage with Plautus and Terence, is a Preposition in
classical Latin and governs an Accusative Case; coram is not
a Preposition till Cicero's time ; simul in Augustan poetry and
Silver Age prose; retro not till Late Latin (e.g. vade retro me,
S. Marc. viii. 33, Vulgata), It is customary now in writing Latin
to write the Preposition and the Verb in one word, e.g. exire,
but not the Preposition and the Noun, e.g. ex monte ; and this
practice is justified by the fact that a Verb compounded with
a Preposition had, so to speak, a separate life of its own in its
compound form. Eaitgo, for example, was a different word from
a{fo, and so suffered weakening of the vowel a in the unaccented
syllable ; pdno ceased to be recognized as a compound of po*
(see § 12) and sino, and changed its Perfect pd-nvi to posui
(ch. viii, § 39. 4) ; summitto shows that assimilation to which the
internal consonants of a word were liable. On the other hand
a Noun with a Preposition is as a rule not so treated (although
there are not wanting examples like sedulo for se dole, § 7), unless
a Compoimd Adjective is formed of the Preposition and the
Noun, e, g. pSr^f/re, Loc. of ^peregris compounded of per- and ager
(ch. vi. § 38). Still it must be remembered that in the Roman
pronunciation the Preposition and the Noun formed a word-group
(e.g. circnm-Uttora, ch. iii. § laa. 6), and in the Roman ortho-
$ IL] PREPOSITIONS. 573
graphy they were usually written together (e.g. ingalliam^initaliamy
Mar. Victorin. 23. 12 K.)^ sometimes with consonant-assimilation^
(e.g. summanus for 9ub mantes, Plant. Pe^s. 450). This close
union of the Preposition with its Verb and Noun must have led
at a very early time to the syncope of a final short syllable of
Prepositions ; and it is possible that byforms like Gk. ivC and ^i;
may be doublets of very ancient date, representing the forms
assiuned by the word when used independently and in compo-
sition (cf . Engl. * by ' and ' be ^-witch, Germ. * bei ' and ' be '-leben,
similarly * ofE ' and * of," * too * and ' to ' are doublets, one of
which is used as Adv., the other as Prep.). Tmesis, or the
separation of the prepositional part of a Compound, fi'om the
other part, is a feature of the older stage of every lang^uage;
and is common in O. Lat. (e.g. sub uos placo was the archaic
phrase for siippltco retained in Latin prayers ; tranaque dato and
endoque plorato are legal archaisms for trdditoque and implordtoque,
Pest. 444. 30 Th.). An arrangement like sub uos placo, ob uos
sacro (for obsecro vos) (cf . Vedic vi no dhehi, ^ lend us ') became
the rule in the Celtic languages, thus in O. Ir. at-om-aig
' adigit me ' the Pronoun is ' infixed ' between the Preposition
and the Verb, as if we had in Latin ' ad me agit.'
In the later stages of a language the use of Prepositions
increases more and more. In Latin this culminated in the loss
of Case-suffixes, and the use of Prepositions in their place, as we
see in the Romance languages. As early as the first cent, a, d.
a grammarian points out that in manus aqua is the phrase in
vogue instead of the older aqua manibus (Caper 92. 8 K.). New
distinctions of prepositional meaning were expressed by com-
pounding Prepositions with one another, e. g. de^ex, de-sub, &c.
[cf. abante, C. L L, xi. 147, Fr. avant], a process which may have
begun at a very early stage ; for I.-Eur. Prepositions often show
an appended particle (Pronoun and Adverb), such as (1) -s(S),
Gk. -crc, e.g. &\/r, ^^, Lat. abs, ex, sus- ; (2) -d(6), Gk. bofiov-b^,
e.g. Lat. posiidy antidj prod' (ct. O. SI. -dtl of pre-dii-/ before');
(3) -tt, e.g. O. Ind. pn'iti, Zend patiy, Gk. irporl, irori^ Osc. pert- ;
(4) -n(e), e. g. Lat. pone for ^pos-ne (cf , Germ, von, O. H, G,
fona and fon). These particles, whose original form is not
always recognizable (thus a Latin -d from -dS might come from
574 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IX.
an original *d6, *dt, *d6, *du, &e.. eh. iii. § 37), cannot be
separated from the pronominal stems mentioned in § 10, eh. x.
§ I (e. g. the * Adverbial ' -6c of Gk. b6nopb€ from the ' pro-
nominal ' -6c of Gk. 5-6c) ; and it is doubtful how fer there
was originally any real distinction between them. In Latin
their original form is especially obscured by the Latin tendency
to syncopate a short second syllable (ch. iii. § 13), a process
which may have led to the confusion of the Preposition «irf3-,
indu- with the different Preposition ^w-, in-, in such words as
indur-gr^li^ in-ffredi, iiidii-pdratdr, im-perator, and ultimately to
the disuse of endo, indu, in favour of en, in. (In Terence inaudio
alone is used for earlier ind-audio and in-atidio, A similar con-
fusion of I.-Eur. *endo and *en may have taken place in Celtic).
And the tendency of a Latin Preposition, because unaccented,
to be obscured brought about that confusion of oIh and alh, de-
and di- [dis-) in Compounds which we see in Late Latin, and
which even in the earlier centuries of the Empire attracted the
notice of the grammarians (Vel. Long. 64. 19 K., &c., on de- and
di- ; in Romance ^abdurare^ *abaiidire, ^abtenere have supplanted
obdurare, obaudire, ob^nere). A much earlier opportunity of
confusion was afforded by Prepositions which represented different
developments, case-forms, &c. of the same root, e.g. Lat. per,
through, and Umbro-Osc. per, ^on behalf of, before,* the equivalent
of Lat. pro (both I.-Eur. *per and *pro being derived from the
same root per-, on which see § 38) ; and this confusion is very
hard to trace. The readiness too with which a Preposition
changes its meaning is an obstacle in the way of identifying its
cognates in other languages. Oscan up, op governs the Abl. with
the sense of Lat. apud, while Latin ob (governing the Ace.) has
passed from that sense (§ 35) to its classical sense of ' on account
of ' ; O. Ind. a with Abl. following has the sense of ' to/ but
with Abl. preceding might be translated ' from ' ; examples
which show that a difference of meaning between a Preposition
in one language and in another is not a valid proof that the two
words were not originally identical. Much less is the difference
of case governed to be taken into account. In the earlier stage
of every language the Prepositions must have been used with
great elasticity, sometimes with one case, sometimes with another
$ 12.] PREPOSITIONS. 575
(cf. O. Lat. in potestatem esse. Sec), the fixing down of Prepo-
sitions to a particular case being always a feature of an advanced
stage of language. [Servius may thus be right in saying (ad
Eel. i. 29 longo post tempore) that pasty ante, circum were used
also with the Abl. in earlier times : antiqui enim ' post ' ' ante '
'circum' etiam ablative jungebant, quod hodie facere minime
possumus ; Pompeius (278. 21 K.) attributes ante templo and
propter homine to Pacuvius]. It should be noticed that in
Umbro-Oscan local Prepositions, indicating rest in a place, &c.,
go with the Locative case, not the Abl. as in Latin. Their
position too varied in course of time. In classical Latin a Prepo-
sition, especially a monosyllabic Preposition, precedes the noun
(hence ' Pre-position '), except in particular circumstances (e.g.
metu in magno^ &c. ; see Neue, ii^. pp. 942 sqq. for statistics),
but in the older literature often follows it ; and in Umbro-
Oscan postposition is common, e.g. Umbr. asam-ad, *ad aram,'
termnom-e * in terminum,* (So our ' in here ' was earlier * here
in'). In I.-Eur. the Preposition seems to have preceded
the Verb, but to have followed the Noun, while between
the Prep, and the Verb a Particle or Enclitic Pronoun (ch. iii. § 12)
might be inserted (cf. O. Lat. anti-d-eo, § 18 ?, sub vos placo,
p. 569).
On the Vulgar Latin treatment of Prepositions in composition
with Verbs, as it is reflected in the Romance languages, see
Meyer-Liibke Ram, Gram, iu pp. 617 sqq. To the ordinary
Prepositions were added foris, e. g. Vulg. Lat. faris-facere (Fr.
forfaire, Ital, fuorfare), and other words.
§ 12. Ab, ap-9 po-, absy &-, an-, af, absque. Ab, from, is
I.-Eur. *ap (Goth, af , Engl, of, off), a curtailed form of *ap6
(O. Ind. dpa, Gk. iiro, e.g. O. Ind. apa-i-, ' to go ^yfB,jy Gk. iir-ctjut,
Lat. ab^ea ; cf . Lat, apM for ^apa-d^ see below), of which another
curtailment was*po (O. SI. po-, Lith. pa-), found in Lat. /?^-#J^/«*,
pono for *pO's{i)na (with Pft. pd-stvi changed to pdS'ui owing to
a false apprehensionof jO(?-*jV?/*asif it werejo(?«-^tt*like mdnl-ttcs).
[Po-lnbrum, a wash-basin, jo^-fire, and Germ, vo-n, O. H. G. fo-na
and fo-n, have also been referred to this I.-Eur. form, § 39). The
formaj5- appears in dp-Srio, and was no doubt the shape assumed by
the word in such collections as ab templo ; ab is due to the same
576 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IX.
Latin preference for -b rather than -;;, as substituted ob for op
(Osc. op ; cf. Lat. op-erio), sub for *sup (ch. ii. § 73). The form
abs (pronounced and often written ops, see ch. ii. § 80), in which the
Preposition is augmented by the particle *-s(6) (Gk, &\/r), is used
in Composition before Tenues,e.g. before ^,c in abs-traho^abg^ondo^
while before p it is, by a law of Latin phonetics (ch. iv. § 157),
reduced to as-^ e, g. as-porto for ^aps-porto, as-pello for ^ajis-pello ;
it appears also in the O. Lat. phrase absque me (te, Sec,) esset
{/oret), equivalent to ' si sine me esset/ where qne^ like its O. Ind,
equivalent ca in the Rig-Veda, seems almost to have the sense of
' if ' (cf . O. Engl, an for and) ; at a later period absque me, &c.
was used without the verb, and absque came to take the sense of
sine, without {A.L,L, vi. 197). That a (Osc, aa-manaffed
' amandavit/ Umbr. aha-, aa-, a-, e.g. aha-vendu beside jiw^-
vendu) is another form of ai, 2s e oi ex (see below), is generally
believed, though it is difficult to see why ob and sub did not
develope corresponding forms *5,*^i^; it may be an entirely different
word, associated with ab because of its resemblance in meaning,
form, and usage ^. Au- of aufugio, auf^ro, &c. is an example of an
association of this kind. It has not been produced from ab by any
phonetic process, but represents a different I.-Eur, preposition,
*aw(e) (O. Ind. dva, Pruss. au-, e. g. O. Ind. ava-bhr- ' au-fero '),
which was brought into requisition in these Compounds before
an initial / to avoid confusion with the compounds of ad, e. g.
affero. (On the confusion between afltw and affluo, see Nettleship,
^ontrib, Lai, Lex, s.v.). A curious Preposition afy used in Cicero's
time occasionally in account-books, with the name of the person
from whom money had been received, occurs on a few inscrip-
tions, and in O. Lat. afvolant for dv^hnt. Whether it is
a dialectal form (cf , Pelign. af-ded ' abiit ' ?) with f represent-
ing some I.-Eur. aspirate (cf. O. Ind. ddhi, * on,^ used with Abl. in
the sense of ' from '), or a Latin variety of ab (or au ?) with
/ produced originally under the influence of some following con-
sonant (most probably v), it is impossible to say. It may be
a mere (Greek ?) trick of writing, with the s3rmbol F employed
to denote the w- or w- sound, like the Greek digamma (cf. Prise.
i. 35, 17 H.),
* Lat. a and W. Teut. 0 are referred to I.-Eur. *k by Buck, Oik, Spr. p. 25.
$$ 18-16.] PREPOSITIONS. 577
§ 13. Ab, abSi a. In Plautus ah is used before vowels and j, s, r ; a before
^1 Py ^1 fy h ^i di 9 (Labial and Guttural sounds) ; ahs (and a) before t\i, iuus,
&c. ; ah and a before t,dfl,n; in class. Lat. ab is used before vowels and I, n,
r, Sjj; (i before &,p,/,r ; a5s before c, g^t (Cicero began with abate, but discarded
this expression for ate);in Late Latin ab is used before vowels, a before con-
sonants (see Langen, Beitr. 331 ; Georges, Lex, Wortf. s. v. ; A. L. L. iii. 148). The
usage of a in the older period allows of its being a mere phonetic development
of a&, ford beUojntij be simply an expression of the sound abbello (ch. ii. $ 130),
and so the shortening of d by the Law of Breves Breviantes in Plautus, e. g.
quid a beUo poriat?, will not be a case of the shortening of a naturally long
vowel by this law (see ch. iii. $ 34).
§ 14. Af. Cicero's words ai*e {Orat. xlvii. 158; : una praepositio est * af/ eaque
nunc tantimi in accepti tabulis manet, no his quidem omnium, in reliquo
sermone mutata est ; nam 'a-m6vit' dicimus et *ab-egit' et 'abs-tulit/ ut
jam nescias 'a ' ne verum sit an 'ab/ ' abs.* Quid si etiam * au-fugit/ quod
* ab-fugit ' turpe visum est et * a-fer ' noluerunt, ' aufugit ' et ' aufer ' malue-
runt. Quae praepositio praeter haec duo verba nullo alio in verbo reperictur.
Velius Longus (60. 13 K.)« who refers to this passage of Cicero, gives as an
illustration of the now obsolete use of c{fin receipts, c^f Longo (his own name);
Paul. Festus (19. 31 Th.) mentions af volant as an actual form used by an
ancient writer. On an inscription of Amitemum {Not, Scav. Oct. 1891) we
have afvinieis, af villa (beside ab casteUoy db segete) ; on the Epistula ad Tiburtes
iC. I. L. i. 201, of c. 100 B. c.) afudbeis ; on the milestone of Popillius (i. 551,
of 132 B. c, from Lucania) af Capua (besides ab Regio) ; on a bilingual (Greek and
Latin) inscription ascribed to c 81 b. c. (i. 587) af Lyco ; on an inscription
of Pracneste (i. 1143) afmuro, and so on.
§ 15. Ad, at, to, I.-Eur. *ad (O. Ir. ad, e. g. at-om-aig ' adigit
me,' lit. * ad me agit/ Goth, at, Engl, at ; cf . Goth, at-tiuha with
Lat. ad'ducOj Goth, at-baira with Lat. ad-firo) is a different word
from the Conjunction at^ I.-Eur. *at (Goth, a)?- in a]7-]7an, ' but '),
though often confused with it in Roman spelling (ch. ii. § 76).
On the old form ar, e. g. arfuemnt^ arvorsiim, due to the phonetic
change of d to an r-sound before /, t?, see ch. iv. § 11 a. This
Preposition, which governs the Ace. in Umbro-Oscan as in Latin,
is found augmented \vith the particle *s(e) in Oscan, e.g. az
hurtum * ad hortum ' ; but also ad, e. g. adpud ' adquo ' * quoad/ idad
' ad id.' In Umbrian we have ad, e. g. ad-fertur ^ adfertor,'
adputi-ati * arbitratu ' (ch. iv. § 1 1 2), postfixed to Nouns, e. g.
asam-ad * ad aram/ written ar- in aniipo ' quoad ' (§ 10. 3).
§ 16. Ambi-, around, on each side, I.-Eur. *ambM (Gk. a/ut<^^; cf.
O. Ind. abhi, Gaul, ambi-, O.Ir. imme, imb-, W.am-, O. Engl, ymb,
O. SI. obi-), a Locative of the same stem as I.-Eur, *ambh6, ' both *
pp
57^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap.
(Gk. SfjM^o), Ijat. ambo ; cf. O. Ind. ubhd-, Goth, bai, baj-o]», Lith.
abi\ O. SL oba), appears in Latin compounds in the forms, (i)
amh' before a vowel, e. g. amb-artd/e (sacrificium) ' quod arva
ambiat victima ' (Serv. ad Eel. iii. 77), amb-urbiales (hostiae) 'quae
cireum terminos urbis Romae dueebantur' (Paul. Fest. 4. 15 Th.),
amb'vHiia ' cireumustus * {ib. 4. 17), whence by false analogy
comb'Ustus^ instead of ^com-ustus (unless this rather represents
co-amb'Ushis)^ amb-Uus 'circuitus' (ib. 4. 18); (2) am- before
a consonant, e. g. am^ter-mini (oratores), a phrase of Cato's * qui
circa terminos provinciae manent ' (Paul. Fest. 13. 9 Th.; Macr.
1. 14. 5; Gl. Philox.), am^plector^ am-pendices 'quod circum-
pendebant ' (Paul. Fest. 16. 3 Th.), am-segden ' quorum ager viam
tangit^ {ib, 16. i ; Charis. 231. ii K. seems to quote a similar
awjines\ dm-^cio for am-jicio. The form ambU in compounds bears
the sense of ' both ' in ambUdens (ovis) * quae superioribus et
inferioribus est dentibus' (Paul. Fest. 4. 9 Th.), ambi-lvdlrum
' quod non licebat nisi ambos eensores post quinquennium lustrare
civitatem ' (* Serv.' ad Aen, i. 283), ambi-vium. In Umbro-Oscan
the word appears with an r-suffix (cf. inter), Osc amfr-et
' ambiunt,' Umbr. arnbr-etuto * ambiunto,' but also e. g. Osc.
am-nud 'circuitu/ am-vianud * vico,* Umbr. an-ferener *cir-
cumferendi.'
§ 17. An-, a curtailment of I.-Eur. *anft, * on ' (Zend ana, Gk.
iivii. Goth, ana, Engl, on, O. SI. vii for *5n) (cf. I.-Eur. *&nil),
(O. Ind. itnu, Zend anu) may appear in dn-helvK (also derived from
the root an-, * to breathe,' whence dtimvs, &c.), aii^qulro [by some
explained as ^amb{iyquiro\ an-tennae, an-teatari (or for ^anie^
tenfiae, ^ayife-testari, ch. iii. § 13, p. 176). Its presence is more
certain in Umbro-Oscan, e. g, Osc. ava-FaKcr * consecravit,' an-
getuzet ^ proposuenmt,' Umbr. an-tentu 'intendito,* am-pentu
* impendito,' imless indeed it is here some variety of Lat. i», as
an- the Umbro-Oscan negative prefix (ch. iv. § 81) is of Lat. in-.
§ 18. Antdy before, L -Eur. *antt(0. Ind. 6nti, ' opposite, near,^
(jk. avrU opposite, instead of, Goth, and, Howards,' Engl, an-swer,
Lith. afit, ' on '), a Locative Sing, of some stem connected with
Lat. ante9^ rows, O. Ind. 4nta-, ^ vicinity, end,' Goth, and-eis, *end,'
of which Gk. ain-o, opposite (cf. ivrtjv), is another case. In Oscan
§$ 17-20.1 PREPOSITIONS. 579
the Preposition (governing the Ace. as in Latin) appears without
the final short vowel (this loss of a final \ is common in Oscan),
e. g. ant punttram ' ante pontem; ' but in Latin, though paste was
reduced to post (see below), ant is not written for ante [in Plant.
Rud. 509, if the reading of the MSS. is right, we must pronounce
ant{e)positasty a quadrisyllable :
quam qua^ Thyestae qu6ndam antep6sitast T^reo.
On antenna and antestor, see above]. With the particle *dS
appended, ^ in post id, is the form antkl- in O. Lat. andd^eo (e. g.
Plant. Trin» 545 sed Campans genus Multo Surorum iam antidit
patientia), antid-hac (used by Plautus when three syllables are
required by the metre, antehachemg a dissyllable ; cf. antidit, &c.
and anteit, &c.), anUd-ed (Liv. xxii. 10. 6 in the Vow of the Ver
Sacrum ; antea is not found in Plautus, and only once in Terence,
viz. Andr, 5^). In antid- the -t of I.-Eur. *anti, not being final,
does not sink to d (cf . antp-stes, &c., ch. iii. § 39).
§ 19. Apudy which is also spelt aput, seems to be the I.-Eur.
Preposition *iipo (of which Lat. a6 is a curtailment ; see above),
augmented by the particle *d(e), or *t(l), and must have been
originally ^apo-d, or ^apo-t (cf. Dor. ttotC). An old form apor,
with that change of -rfto an r-sound (before/, v) seen in arftie-runt,
ar-vorsum, &c. (ch. iv. § 112), is quoted by Paul. Fest. 19. 34 Th.
(cf. apur Jinem on a Marsic inscr., Zvet. /. /. /. 45 ; apur is quoted
by Mar. Vict. 9. 17 K.). On the spelling apnt, like at, set for ady
sed, see ch. ii. § 76. In Oscan up, op (Lat. ob) is used with the
Abl. in the sense of Lat. apud, e. g. op tovtad * apud populum,'
up elsud sakaraklud * apud id sacellum.*
§ 20. Circum, oiroa, oirolter. Circuniy around, is the Ad-
verbial Ace. Sg. of circus (Gk. KpUos, a ring ; cf . O. Engl, bring,
with nasalization), which had in O. Lat. the sense of class, circnlus
(Dub. Nom. 573. 4 K ; cf. above, ch. v. § 24), and is used, for
example, by Accius of the moon's orbit {Trag. 100 R.) :
quot luna ciroos dnnuo in cursu institit
In the early literature circum is the only form, whether Adverb
or Preposition, but in class. Lat. a byform circa appears, first
found in Cicero (who uses it in three passages of the Verrine
orations, but afterwards seems to have discarded it), possibly never
p p 2
58o THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap.
in Caesar, but much affected by Livy. Circa is a formation on
the type of mprdy exird^ &c., perhaps originally employed with
verbs like e99e (Cicero's three examples of the words are : Verr. II,
^- 5^ • ^33 ^anes esse circa se multos ; i. 48. \%6 canibus, quos circa
se haberet; iv. 48. 107 Henna, quam circa lacus sunt plurimi),
owing to a feeling that circum was suitable only for verbs of
motion, e.g. legatos circum civitates mittere, *to send ambassadors
a tour of the states/ ii'e circum urbem, * to go a circuit of the city '
{A, L. L, V. 395). Circiter, an adverbial formation like breviter,
O. Lat. amiciter (see §1), came to be restricted to the logical
sense of * about/ ' almost/ a g. Plant. CisL 677 loca haec circiter.
The form circo appears in the Adverb id-circo, as circa in quo^
circay with the same logical sense (cf . Osc. amnud, * because of,
in effm[a8 tovti^cas ammid *rei publicae causa/ an adverbial Abl.
Sg. Neut. of amno-, a formation with the suffix -no- from the
Preposition am- [Lat. am-^ ambi-], as comno- * comitium ' from the
Prep. com-).
Cis, citra, on this side (cf . Umb. 9imu, simo^ ' retro'?), are formed
from the I.-Eur. pronominal root ti-,' this' (Gk. -Kt of ovK^,7oXAaxi,
Goth, hi-na, ' this/ Engl, he, Lith. szls, O. SI. st), exactly as their
opposites ul^y vllra, on that side, from the I.-Eur. pronominal root
0I-, * that ' (ch. vii. § 1 3), the first by the addition of the particle *s(e)
(p. 573 ; on uls for *oU, see § 56), the second (an Abl. Sg. Fem.) by
the suffix -tero- (ch. v. § 16). The Adverb cifro (Abl. Sg, Neut. or
Masc.) corresponds to citrd as ul^d (e. g. ultro citroque) to ultra.
§ 21. Clam, clanculum. Clam, an Adverbial Ace. Sg. Fem. (?)
from the root /tel-, ' to hide ' (Lat. celo, occulo, &c.), had in
O. Lat. a byform clam-de, clande (written clade in the MSS. of
Placidus 15. 32 G. ; but cf. quamde from quanty ch. x. § 1 1), whence
was formed the Adj. eland estinus. Another O. Lat. form written
callim in the MSS. of Paul. Fest. 33. 6 (' callim ' antiqui dicebant
pro clam, ut ' nis ' pro nobis, ^ sam ' pro suam, ^ im * pro cum) is
more difficult to explain. (Should we read calam, and refer the
form to the Analogy of phlam ? It may be merely the coinage
of some grammarian to support his etymology of chm). Clam,
which governs the Ace. always in Plant, and Ter., and perhaps
never the Abl. at any period of Latin (Langen, Beifr, p, ^30),
has in the Comedians another, apparently a Diminutive form.
$$ ai-26.] PREPOSITIONS. 581
clanculum (but cf . procul, § a), used as a Preposition by Terence,
AdelpA. 52 clanculum patrea. Cf . the glosses : claficulae 'absconsae'
(C. 6. L. V. nyy. 58); clanculum ^occultum' {ib. 278. i).
§ 22. C6m-, (cum), with, and 00- (e. g. co^o for cd-offo),
I. -Eur. *^m and *>t6 (?) (with palatal or with guttural i ?) (O. Ir.
com-, CO, W. cyf-, cy, Osc. com, con, co-, Umbr. com, -co, co-) is in
early inscriptions written quom (Bersu, Gulturale, p. 42), like the
Relative Adverb quom^ when, because quo- had the same sound as
CO' (ch. iv. § 1 37), The 0 of com became w in the unaccented use of
the word (ch. iv. § 20), and before certain initial consonants (ch. ii.
§ 22), and cum became the recognized spelling of the simple Preposi-
tion, though in compounds, e. g. com-es, the (?-form was retained.
On the form co-, e. g. co-eo (Quint, i. 6. 17), O. Lat. co-ventionid,
and the like, see ch. ii. §§ 61, 65. Its original difference from
com- is not certain. Osc. com, with, governs the Abl., and is
prefixed in comjoreivatnd, conpreivatud *cum privato* on the
Tabula Bantina (cf. Umbr. com prinvatir *cum legatis'), but
Umbr. kum, coin is postfixed in the sense of ^ apud,' ' juxta,' e. g.
asa-ku, ' juxta aram,' veria-co (opposed to pre verir and post
verir), at the gates.
§ 23. Contra (see §§ i, 4). Osc. contrud in the phrase on the
Bantine Law : ffvae pis contrud exeic fefacv^t * si quis contra
hoc fecerit,' is followed by the Adverb (Locative) exeicy as Lat.
arvorsum in the S. C. Bacch. by the Adverb (Abl. Fem.) ead :
sei ques esent, quei aruorsum ead fecisent. It is Abl. of an
0-stem (cf . Lat. contro'Versia), as contra of an A-stem.
§ 24. Coram, in presence of (not a Preposition till Cicero's
time), seems to be connected with ds, Gen. oris, the face, perhaps
being an Adverbial Ace. Sg. Fem. of a stem ^coso- {^coro-), com-
pounded of the preposition com- (cum) and this noun (cf . O. Ind.
sfiksad). lucoram with a Gen., e. g. incoram omnium, is found
in Apuleius.
§ 26. De, down from, concerning (Fal. de in the phrase : de
zenatuo sententiad, Zvet. 7. 1. 1. 70) ; O. Ir. di, O. W. di ; cf .
O. Ir, di-mor, ^ very great,* with Lat. de-magis, &c. corresponds
to Osc. dat (e.g. dat senateis tanginud 'de senatus sentential),
58a THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap.
which seems to have the particle -t(i) affixed, as per-t, Lat. per
(§ 38), unless the -t stand for -d, in which case *dad may be an
Ablative (Lat. de for "^ded ?). The Umbrian Preposition is da
(with final -d or -t dropped in Umbrian fashion), if da-etom
on the Eugubine Tables (vi. A 28) stands for Lat. demptum
(cf . Osc. da-did * dedat/ da-dikatted * dedicavit ').
§ 26. Difl-, apart, is most naturally referred to some byform
of the root dwo-, dwi-, * two ' (Goth, tvis-, e. g. tvis-standan, ' to
separate '), wanting the w (see ch. iv. § 7 1 ). With the w the same
formation expressed the Numeral Adverb *dwts [O. Ind. dvis,
Gk. 6(f )is, M. H. G. zwis], and is in Latin bis (ch. iv. § 68). Before
a vowel diS' becomes, by the phonetic law of Latin, dir- (ch. iv.
§ 1 48), e. g. dtr-^mo, and before voiced consonants (see ch. iv. § 1 5 1 )
di'y e. g. di-mdveo (du-mota on the S. C. Bacch., C /. L, i. 196).
§ 27. End6. (Cf . O. Ir. ind-., e. g. ind-riuth, ' I attack,'
Gaul, ande- ?), also under the form ifidu, the i and u being ap-
parently weakening of e and 0 due to the unaccented use of
the Preposition. It corresponds in meaning to in (both with
Abl. and Ace.), and was in classical Latin replaced by in, e. g.
class, iffi'perdlor^ O. Lat. indu^peratar^ class, in-fftidi^ O. Lat.
iiuln-gredi. It seems to represent an I.-Eur. *en-do (Gk. ivho^Bi^
hbo'6€v, hbov)y compounded of the Prep. *en (Lat. in) and the
Prep. *do (cf . Lat. dd-nec ; O. Ir. do, Engl, to, Lith. do, O. SI.
do), the last element being connected with the Adverbial particle
*d(e) (Gk. So/utor-Sc). The final -6 has been preserved from
becoming -e in Latin (ch. iii. § 37) by the frequent use of the
word as the first element in a compound. (So *pro remains pro
in Latin and does not in unaccented use become *prS, owing to
compounds Wkepr^-ficiscorj &c.). Traces of the same confusion of
I.-Eur. *endo- and I.-Eur. *en- are seen in Celtic.
Endo and indu. The form endo occurs, e. g. in the epitaph of Ennius,
quoted by Cicero, in his De BepuUlica (ap. Sen. Epp, 108. 34) :
si fas endo plagas caelestum ascendere cuiquam est,
mi soli caeli maxima porta patet,
in ii clause of the XII Tables (ap. Fest. 45a. 6 Th.) : si caluitur, pedemue
»tniit, manimi endo iacito, * if he deceives, or attempts to run away, the
prosecutor may arrest him/ a clause alluded to by Lucilius, xvii. 10 M. :
si non it, capito, inquit, eum, et si caluitur, endo
fertd manum,
$$ 26-89.] PREPOSITIONS. 583
and in other laws, and is one of the archaisms used by Cicero in drawing up
his code of laws {Legg. ii. 8. 19) ; it is employed too by Lucretius (vi. 890) endd
mari [cf. the glosses: endoclusa iyic€K\(iafjUvrf ; endo fesUibat; endo rivum icara
fi€t0pov ; endodicarit fjojvi&trti (C. 0. L, ii. 61. 35) ; endogenia {^uja*i) ' naturaliter
amoena ' ; endoriguum * irriguimi ' (C. G. L. v. 193. 25)]. The form indo- appears
in a line of Ennius, referring to Romulus and Remus {Ann. 59 M.) :
indotuetur ibi lupus femina. conspicit omnis;
the form indu, e. g. in Ennius, Ann, 298 M. indu foro lato sanctoque senatu
(cf. Lucil. inc. 17 indu foro) ; in Lucr. v. 102 nee jacere indu manus (cf. ii.
1096 indu manu), as well as in the compounds indupercUor Enn., Lucr., indu-
pedio Lucr., indugredwr Lucr., &c. By the time of Plautus the word seems to
have dropped out of ordinary usage, for it occurs in his plays only in com-
pounds like ind-audio (Terence knows only in-audio\ ind-ipiscor (cf. class, tnd-
iyeoj indi-gSna, ind-dles^ &c.) ; and though it occurs at the end of Varro's Res
Rusticae (iii. 17. 10) : ille inde endo suam domum, nos nostram, the phrase is
a quotation from Ennius' curious experiment in language, mentioned by
Ausonius {Techn. 18) and others : endo suam do, with <fo, an apocopated form
of d^jmum, after the type of Homer's Sou.
§ 28. Erg&9 ergo. Ergdy originally local (e. g. Plaut. True.
405 tonstricem Suram Nomstin nostram quae ^rga aedem
sesed habet?, if the MSS. reading be right), must be connected
with ergo^ on account of, in O. Lat. a preposition or rather
postposition, governing the Genitive, e. g. funeris ergo, XII Tab.
Whether the two words have been differentiated on the type of
ultra and mUto, intra and intro^ or whether they came originally
from two different stems, it is impossible to say. Ergo has been
explained as a compound of the Preposition e and the Abl. Sg.
of a stem ^rego- (from the root reg-, ' to stretch '), meaning
' direction,^ so that its change of meaning would resemble that
oFGerman wegen (originally von wegen). Ergd might similarly
represent e ^r^d^ like e rSgidne, opposite. It is not restricted to
the expression of friendly feeling in Plautus, e.g. Pseud. 1020
ne mdlus item erga m€ sit, ut erga ilium fuit; Cos. 618 aut
quod ego umquam erga U&erem inique f^cerim.
§ 29. Ex, ec-, S, out of. I.-Eur. ''^'ets (Gk. ^^, Gaul, ex-,
O. Ir. ess-, W. es-; cf. Lith. isz ?) appears to be a compound of
a Preposition *ek and the particle *s(e), as Gk. ayjfy Lat. abs,
append the same particle to *ap, a curtailment of *apo (§ 12).
In Latin compounds the Preposition often appears before the
letter / in the form ec- in MSS. (cf. Ter. Scaur. 26. 14 K.
effatus, non * exfatus ' nee * ecfatus,' ut quidam putaverunt ; Ter.
584 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IX.
Maiir. I. 949 K. muto vel partem prions, si fit hirtum, syllabae,
*ecfer' ut dicam, vel illud, ^hoc tibi efEectum dabo *), e.g.
ecf^dio, ecfero^ ecfdri (for examples, see Neue, ii^. p. 870), often
corrupted to haec and to et (see Class, Rev. v. 295 ; Fleck. Jahrb,
1890, p. 771). {Et is often a corruption also of eXy owing to the
fact that the symbols for these words in minuscule writing were
very similar.) This ec- may be merely a phonetic development
of ex before/, bjs e oiex before d (e. g. e-duco ; cf . se-d^cim), m (e. g.
e-mitto ; cf. se-mestris)^ &c. (ch. iv. § 151). Corresponding to
Lat. e we find in Osc. ee-stint (apparently with a different sound
from I.-Eur. e, which is in Osc. i, i, e. g. ligud * lege '), eehiianasum
' e(ve)hiandarum/ Umbr. ehiato- * evehiato-,* easa ' ex ara,* &c.
(see ch. ii. § 6).
Extra. (O. Lat. extrad \ cf. the S. C. Bacch., C.LL. i. 196
exstrad urbem) is an Abl. Sg. Fem. of an extension of ex by
the suffix -t(e)ro- (ch. v. § 16), like in~tra, d-tra, ul-tra, &c. Oscan
ehtrad (with Al for c^, as in Uhtavis, the Oscan form of Octavius)^
O. If. echtar may represent an original stem *ek(s)-tero- or
*ek-tero-.
§ 30. in, in, the unaccented form of O. Lat. en [cf. enque,
but indltod on the (restored) Col. Rostrata (C 7. L. i. 195)] is
I.-Eur. *en (Gk. h, O. Ir. in, W. yn, Goth, in, Lith. J). The
same form is used in Latin and other languages with the two
senses, ( 1) in, (2) into [whereas in Greek the second is distinguished
by the addition of the particle *s(e), hs, Att. e^s], and appears
to be a Locative case, formed without the case-sufiix -1 (ch. vi. § 37).
(The Greek byform ^i^t shows this case-suffix ; butcf. above, § 1 1).
Before labial consonants in became im by the Latin phonetic law
(ch. iv. § 78), e. g. im-pleOy i?n-Mitfo, imbello (in war), C. L L, iii.
4835, &c. On the derivative Prepositions endo^ inter ^ see §§ 27, 32.
Osc. en (in), Umbr. en, have with Ace. and Loc. (not Abl.) the
two senses of Lat. a«, but are postfixed, e. g. Osc. exaisc-en ligis
' hisce in legibus,' Pel. eite uus pritrom-e, ' do ye go past or
forward,' Umbr. arvam -en ^ in arvum,' arven ' in arvo,' fesner-e
'in fanis.' Osc. -en with the Abl. imad-en *ab ima (parte),'
eisttc-en ziculud ' ab eo die (*dieculo),' which has the sense of
Lat. ad, has been referred to Lat. inde (but see § 10. 6).
$$ 80-86.] PREPOSITIONS. 585
§ 31. Infir& (inferay C.LL, i. 11 66), an Abl. Sg. Pern, like
9uprdy citrdy intra y connected with the Adj. infirus (on which see
ch. V. § 16).
§ 32. Intdr, between (O. Ind. antAr, O. Ir. etar ; e. g. O. Ind.
antdr-chid- *inter-8cindo ^), is formed from in by the addition of the
suffix -tero- (see ch. v. § 1 6), like interior (cf . intrdyiwtrd\ as eX'tero-,
&c. from ex. The Oscan form is anter (with Ace, but once with
Abl.-Loc. Plur.), the Umbrian form is anter, ander (governing
the Ace), both with an- corresponding to Lat. i«-, the Preposition,
as to Lat. ««, the Negative, e. g. Umbr. an-takro- ' in-tegro-/
§ 33. IntrS, intiis. Intra is an Abl. Sg. Fem. like extrdy
class, contrd (while intro is an Abl. Sg. Neut. like Osc. contrud,
Lat. contrO'Versia) (cf. Osc. Entra-, the name of a goddess).
Intm (Gk. ivros with the I.-Eur. affix -t6s, implying usually
motion from, § i ) wavers between an Adverb and a Preposition
in such a phrase as VirgiPs tali intu^ templOy ' in such temple,
within ' or ^ within such temple ' (cf . Lucr. vi. 798).
§ 34. Juzta, which is first used as a Preposition by Caesar, is
Abl. Sg. Fem. of a stem ^jnxto-^ whether this be P. P. P. of a verb
*juxo formed from jungo as vi^o from video^ quaeso from quaero
(ch. viii. § 33. 4), or a Superlative with the I.-Eur. Superlative
suffix -isto- (Gk. TrXe-TtTTos, &c.). The Adv. jvxtim is foimd as
early as Livius Andronicus (Trag, 11 R.).
§ 35. 6b, I.-Eur. *op(i), apparently a variety of *epi (Gk. iitiy
on, to, oTTi-o-^ey, behind,' O. Ind. dpi, * by,^ Lith. api-, * around ' ;
cf . Lith. ap-szvesti, * to make light,' with Lat. ob-caeco^ to make
dark), is in Oscan op (with the sense of Lat. dpud^ governing the
Abl., e.g. op tovtad * apud populum,' up elsud sakaraklud 'apud
id sacellum'), and often retains its -p in Latin spelling in
compounds like op-Uneo (e.g. optenui on a Scipio Epitaph,
C. /. L, i. 38 ; cf. Quint, i. 7. 7), op-erio^ though in the simple
word the Latin usage substituted the Media for the Tenuis as
the final consonant (cf . ah for ap^ mb for 9up, and see ch. ii. § 76).
In classical Latin it has the sense of * before,' e.g. ob oculos
ponerCy to describe, or * on account of ' j but in the earlier litera-
ture it had other shades of meaning; cf. Paul. Fest. 193. 7 Th.
586 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap.
ob praepositio alias ponitur pro circum^ ut cum dicimus urbem
' obsideri/ . . . ' obvallari/ . . . alias pro ad, ut Ennius :
ob Romam noctu legioues ducere coepit ;
Servius tells us that many interpreted ob Italiam in Virgil, Aen,
i. 233 as 'juxta Italiam/ with the old sense of ob: ob enim
veteres pro juxta ponebant. (This variety of meanings has been
explained by the theory that Lat. ob represents, not only I.-Eur.
*epi, *opi, but also an *ebhi, seen in O. Ind. abhi.) By the addi-
tion of the particle *8(e), as ab became abs (e.g. abs te, abstineo),
so ob became obsy a form occasionally found in compounds before
t'y e.g. obstmet (Fest. 228. 6 Th. o. dicebant antiqui, quod nunc est
ostendit), obdrudant (Paul. Fest. 221. 3 Th. ^ avide trudant* ; Fest.
220. 1 4) (so Umbr. os-tendu ' ostendito *). (On dmiUo, see ch. iii. § 34.)
§ 36. F&lam, like its opposite, clam, an Ace. Sg. Fem. (but
see § i) of some stem, perhaps connected with the Plautine
verb dispale^co [Bacch, 1046) :
periisse Builuiust
quam illud flagitium uolgo dispal^scere
(from the root oipdlari, to wander, be dispersed abroad). Others
connect it with palma, the hand, and make it mean literally ' in
the hand.^ Besides the Adv. palafn we have pro-palam, as early
as Plautus, but palam is not a Prep, till the Augustan Age.
§ 37. Fends (governing the Ace, usually of a person), repre-
sents some case of penm, -oris N., or a kindred stem, from the
root pen- of jjml-im (§ i), pene-tro, &c., a suffixless Locative
according to some (cf . Dor. aJ^s), a Loc. PI. according to others,
who offer a similar explanation of v^cigsi-m (ch. ix. § 4), semissi-, '
viwy max (cf. § 3). The final syllable may have been prevented
from being weakened to -/* by the fact that the stress of the
voice fell on it in the common phrases penes-me, penes^te, penh-
no9y peiieS'V09y &c. (ch. iii. § 1 2 a. 3). Penes is used only with
Pronouns in Plautus.
§ 38. PSr, through (Goth, fair-, Lith. per), connected with
I.-Eur. *per6, * I transport, bring or pass through * (O. Ind. pr-,
O. SI. per^; cf. Gk. irefpo), Treipa, Lat. ex-p^rior, &c.),
(»orresponds to Osc. per- of peremust, Fut. Pft. of a verb used
$§ 86-88.] PREPOSITIONS. 587
apparently in the old sense of Lat. per^mo (Fest. a66. 31 Th.
■ * peremere ' Cineius in libro de Verbis Priseis ait signifieare idem,
quod prohibere : at Cato in libro qui est de Re Militari pro vitiare
usus est), though the commoner form of the Osean Preposition is
pert (with the sufBx -tt of Gk. Trpori, § 11), e.g. comofio periemest
' comitia peremet,' am-perty ^ not beyond ' (used like Lat. duntaxat,
§ l)y p^tirO'pert^ ' four times ' (of. Lat. sem-per, § 7), and to
Umbr. per, pert, e.g. per-etom ^peremptum,^ trio-per, 'three
times,' which with the Abl. has the sense of Lat. prOj e.g. nomne-'
per ' pro nomine.' The intensive sense of per" in per-magntiSy
per-quam, &c. (often separated from the qualified word, e.g. j^er
pol quam paucos reperias, Ter. Hec, 58 ; hence per-taesus did not
become ^^r-^i*tt*, ch. iii. § 23), is seen in Lith. per-saldus, * very
sweet ^ ; cf . Gk. irepi-fXT/Kr;?, very long, &c. (cf. Engl. ' through '
and ' thorough '). Again Lat. jt?^- approaches the usual sense of
Gk. TT^pC, about, aroimd, in pertiffo, perungOy pervdHto, The sense
of * past/ * beyond * (cf . Osc. am-perty pert viam ' trans viam/
Umbr. pert spinia ' trans spinam ' (?) ) appears in per-go, &c. ;
and with the implication of wrong or injury (cf . Gk. TTOpa-fiaCvoo,
TTap'Oixwfii), mper-jurus [from vfYnoh^peQ^ro, perjero (see Georges,
Lex. Worff. s. v.), can hardly be separated, though the 6 is hard
to explain], per-doy per-fidua^ and of difference in peregre.
It thus appears that per represents a considerable variety of
meanings, and this variety is increased if we take into account
Umbro-Oscan per, pert. For besides the sense of Lat.j!?rc>, on
behalf of, seen in Umbr. nomne-per, &c. in the Eugubine Liturgy :
{tio . . . ocre-per Fisiu, tota-per lovina, erer nomfie-per^ erar
nomne-per . . . subocau ^ te pro arce Fisia, pro populo Iguvino,
pro ejus (M.) nomine, pro ejus (F.) nomine, subvoco,* estu esunu
f etu f ratrus-per Atiiedie ' ista sacra f acito pro f ratribus Atiediis *),
once written -pert in the phrase : Petruniapert natine ' pro
Petronia natione,^ it has the local sense of Latin pro-^ forward,
in front, in the words, Umbr.jt?^r-w^, per-naio-, opposed to post-ne
(Lat. pone, behind), post-naio-, Osc. Pema-, the name of a god-
dess [cf . I.-Eur. *per- in *per-iit(t), from *wStos-, ' a year,' O. Ind.
parut, * in the former year,^ Gk. ir^pvai, Dor. Trepvrt). The reason
of this is that the I.-Eur. root per- produced a large number of
Prepositions, representing different case- forms, &c., *p^rY Loc.
588 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap.
(O. Ind. pari, ' around/ Gk. ircpC), *p®r68 Gen. (O. Ind. purfis,
* before/ Gk. irapos), *p^nn (O. Ind. pdrS , * beyond ' ; cf . pdra, Gk. '
TTfpd ; Lat. perem- of perm-die, Ose. perum dolom mallom ' sine
dolo malo ^), and so on. The weak grades of the root, pr-, pr-,
seen in Gk. Tropct, Goth, faura, faur, Engl, be-fore, appear in Lat.
por- oi poT'tentmn, &e., Umbr. pur-titu, ^mr-ditom (unless this be
merely a metathesis of prd), and in Lat. jpro, Umbr. pro, pru,
Osc. pro, pru, as well as in Lat. jjrae from *prai (Pel. prai-,
Osc. j}rae, Umbr. pre), perhaps a Dative form (cf. Gk. -napal^
O. Ind. pare).
§ 39. P6-, retained only in a few Compounds, po-sitns, po-lu-
br^im, porceo, &c., as Teut. *mij?, * with ' (Goth, mij?, Germ, mit,
like Gk. /uteri) is in English retained only in the compound ' mid-
wife ' (see under ab, § 12).
§ 40. Post, pOn5. Post, behind, from *post^, O. Lat. poste,
posti'd (with the particle *d(e)), adds the suffix -tt (§ 11) to
I.-Eur. *pos (Lith. p5.s, &c.), which seems to be derived from
*p5- (Lith. pa-, ' under/ O. SI. po, * about ^), a curtailment of *fip6
(see § I %), In certain collocations the -t was dropped by the
Latin phonetic law (ch. iv. § 157), e.g. C, L L, L 1454 postempus ;
of Virg. Aen, iii. i Marius Victorinus says (2a. 1 1 K.) : posquam
res Asiae, non * postquam * ; and this pos might be further reduced
(before m, &c., ch. iv. § 151) to po-, e.g. po-merinm (so spelt, not
pomoenum), quod erat post murum * post-moerium ^ dictum,
Varro L. L, v. 143.
Poiie (Plant., &c.) adds the suffix -ne (§ 1 1 ) to post (Umbr .^0*^11^,
opposed to peme ; cf. pustnaio-, pusnao- Adj., opposed to pemaio-).
Umbrian post is joined with the same case B&pre (LsLt.prae),
e.g. post verir Treblanir and pre verir Treblaiiiry in O. Umbr.
pusveres Treplanes and preveres Treplanes, and similarly Osc.
pust feihufs * post fines,^ while Osc. jwst exac corresponds to Lat.
posthac.
In Umbro-Oscan we find a Preposition postin governing the
Ace. case with the sense of Lat. secvndtcm^ e.g. Umbr. pusti
kastruvuf, * according to their lands/ Osc. pustin slagim, ' accord-
ing to the locality (?).*
$$ 88-48.] PREPOSITIONS. 589
§ 41. Poste, posti-d, pos, pd-. Poste, which shows the regular change of
-i when final to ^ (i not final is retained, e. g. posti-d, see ch. ill. § 39), is found
in a fine line of Ennius, Ann, 344 M., an exhortation to rowers :
poste recmnbite, uestraque pectora pellite tonsis,
frequently in Plautus, e. g. Asin. 915 (see Ritschl, Opusc. ii. 541 sqq.)) and pro-
bably in Terence, Eun. 493 (see A. L. L, ii. 140). Its reduction to post is like
that of animal^ to animal^ nequi to nec^ &c. (ch. iii. § 36). The Adverb posHd is not
unfrequent in Plautus (e. g. pogtid locorunif Poen, 144, &c.), as also poaHd-eii (cf.
antid-ed, antid'hac)^ compounded with the Adverbial Abl. Sg. Fern, of w(§ 10. 4)
(e. g. postidea locif Stick, 758, &c.)y and has on account of its exclusively adverbial
use been regarded as a compound of post{e) with id, the (adverbial) Ace Sg.
Neut. of 15 (cf. post-edf ad id locorunif Sail., Li v.), though this explanation requires
us to see in postidettj aniidea,&c. a pleonastic repetition of the pronouns, pos^uf -da,
ant-id-ed. Cicero {Orat, xlvii. 157 ; cf. Vel. Long. 79. 3 K.) says that he preferred
posmeridianas (quadriga s) to poshneridianaSf while Quintilian (ix. 4. 39) seems
to mention the form pomeridiem, (On the spelling pos for post in MSS. of
Plautus, see Ritschl, Opusc, ii. 549 ; of Virgil, see Ribbeck, Prolegg, p. 44a ;
of other authors, see Georges, Leoc Wort/, s. v.). The evidence points to Lat.
pos- being not I. -Eur. ♦pos, but a syncopated form of I. -Eur. *pos-ti (see Stolz,
Beitr. p. ai).
§ 42. Frae, before, I.-Eur. *prai (Lith. pre ; of. O. Ir. re or
ria, with a dropped final nasal). In O. Lat. also pri, according to
Paul. Fest. 282. 27 Th. (cf. pns-cus^ prU-tlnus^ primus for ^pris-
mO', Pelign. Prisma-, pri-stafalacirix * prae-stabnlatrices '), prob-
ably I.-Eur. *pri (Lith. pri, O. SI. pri, Goth, fri-), connected
with I.-Eur. *pro, * before,' and with Gk. itapo^^ O. Ind. purds,
pura, Goth, faura, Engl, be-fore {B. B, xvii. 17), possibly a Dative
formation from the root per- (see above, § 38). The Preposition
is found with the same use as in Latin, but with prominence of
the idea * before' (often for Lat. atUe)^ in the Umbro-Oscan
languages ; Pel. prai-cim, Osc. prai, prae-setUid * praesente ' (with
the usual sense of Lat. praesefis ; in the Columna Rostrata we
have praesens in its older sense : praesente[d] . . . dictatored
ol[or]om, 'being in command,' C.L L, i. 195), prae-fticus *prae-
f ectus,^ Umbr. pre verir Treblajiir * ante portas Treblanas,* pre-pa^
' priusquam,' lit. * prae-quam,' pre-habia * praebeat.'
§ 43. Fraetdr, past, except, is formed from the preceding by
means of the suffix -tero- like the Adverbs 6rM-tery &c. (§ 2), as
from I.-Eur. *pii is formed Pelignian pritro- (in an epitaph,
Zvet. /. 7. /. 13 cite uus pritrome ' ite vos praeter * quasi * prae-
tenim in *). (Cf. Umbr. pretro- ' prior.')
590 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap.
§ 44. Pro, por-. Pro^ before, forth, is I.-Eur. *pr6 (O. Ind.
prd, Gk. TTpo, O. Ir. ro-, used like the Greek augment with pre-
terite tenses, Goth, fra-, Lith. pra-, O. SI. pro). The long vowel
seems to be the vowel of the Oscan preposition (or I.-Eur. *pru,
Gk. TTpivTavis, &c.), e.g. pru-kipid ' prohibuerit,* pruter-pan ' prius-
quam,* and may have been I.-Eur. (Gk. Trpco'C, early, O. H. G.
f ruo, Lett, prfl-jam, * forth '). These Oscan forms suggest that
Lat. pro was not originally *pr6d'^ an Abl. form (which would be
in Oscan *prud-, not pru-), so that the prod- of prod-est^ prod-ire,
may be a form augmented by the particle *-d(e) like anti-d-y
podi-d, r-ed', &c. In Late Latin the form prode (cf . Chans. 236.
29 K.) is common, especially with esse (cf. Charis. 237. 8 K., and
see Neue, ii^. p. 662) {prodivs : ulterius, longius, a prodeundo,
quoted by Nonius 47. 10 M. from Varro, is generally corrected
by editors to propitis). The par- of por-ngo or porgo, porrlcio for
^por-jicio, por-ro (O. Lat. porod), &c. is either a metathesis of
pro-, or represents an I.-Eur. by-form *pr (cf. Gk. irapi) (see
eh. iv. § 92). In Umbrian we hsLYejjro- for Lat. /?r(?, before, e.g.
procanurent * procinuerint,' affixed in ie-pru (cf. promo- 'primus'),
and pur- in a verb corresponding in sense to Lat. porricio and in
form apparently to Lat. jyrd-do^ with P. P. P. pur^dilam, Imper.
pur-dovUu,
§ 46. Pro-^ and prd-. The variety prd- and pro- in Compounds (the simple
preposition has always the long vowell is seen more in the early literature
than in the stereotyped usage of the classical age : pnlvehat aique pr^p^kU, Lucr.
ir. 194 and vi. 1027 ; Lucr. prdpagare ; O. Lat. pro-tinam. PrU- almost ousts prd-
in class. Latin, hut pro- is normal before/-, 0. g. priUficiscor, pro-fimdo^ except in
prv-fkio (^for prode-facioy as in Late Latin ?) ; but Catullus (Ixiv. aoa) has prdfuditi
Plautus {Men. 643) and Ennius {Trag. 293 R.) prdfiteri ; Plautus (TVtn. 149)
profecturus. The Greek rrp6\oyoi is prGloguft in the Comedians (cf. propoUji, Lucil.
V. 28 M.), npomyoj is prdpinare. Even in classical poetry we have pr^kuro,
(). Lat. 2^o-tervu8 might be similarly explained, were it not for the fact that
there are indications of an old form proptervo- (so in the MSS. of Plaut. Bacch.
612, and in the Ambrosian Palimpsest in True. 256: see LOwe, Gloss. Nom.
pp. 142, 184, who connects the form with Gk. wpowfr^s). Probus (cf. O. Ind.
prabhu- * preeminent *) apparently adds to pro the same formation (from the
root bheu- * to be ' ?) as super^bus (cf. Gk. virc /x^v^s) to super.
§ 46. Prdcul is formed from *pro by the suffix -ko- [a suffix
often attached to adverbs, e.g. Lat. posticus, anti-cus (eh. v. § 31),
reclprdcusiroia *recO' and *proco-, § 49], and some L-suffix (see § 2).
It is used as a Prep, as early as Ennius (Trag, 220 R.)
$$ 44-60.] PREPOSITIONS. 59 1
§ 47. Pr6i)6 (e. g. Plaut. Cure, 97 prope me est) adds to I.-Eur.
*pro the particle -pe (eh. x. § i. 4). The sense 'nearly* is perhaps
later than Plautus (A.L.L. ix. 165). For Superl. proxime we
should expect *prop-{i)s'mey ch. vi. § 54).
§ 48. Propter, near^ on account of (in Plautus this latter sense
is always expressed by propter^ not by oby when a person is spoken
of), is formed from the Adverb prope by means of the suflSx
-tero-, as praeter iromprae (§ 43), circiter from eireum (§ 20).
§ 49. Bo-, back, has in O. Lat. a byform rM-, with the addi-
tion of the particle *d(e) (§ 11 ; cf. anti-d, posti-d), which in
class. Lat. remains in red-eo, red-do, &c. [red^vlvus is peculiar),
but is before a consonant usually discarded for re-, e. g. re-duco
(O. Lat. red'dueOy but perhaps only re-dux), (before a vowel, not
till Late Latin, e.g. reaedijico; see A,L. L. viii. 278). From re-
was formed the Adverb r^-tro (like in-trd, cl-tro, ul-trd)^ which in
Late Lat. became a Preposition, e. g. vade retro me, S. Marc. viii.
33, Vulgata. An Adjective-stem ^r^o- from this Preposition (ch. v.
§ 31) is seen compounded with a stem *prdco- from the Prep, pro-
in the word reci-procus. In Umbrian this Prep, appears in two
Compound Verbs, re-vestu ^ revisito ' and re-statu ^ restituito.'
§ 50. Sdoiindumy sfioiis. 8ecu7idum, according to, close behind,
&c. is the Adverbial Ace. Sg. Neut. of secumlus, following (§ 4).
In plebeian Latin 9ecus was used for secundum (Charis. 80. 1 8 K, id
quod vulgus usurpat, * secus ilium sedi,' hoc est secundum ilium,
et novum et sordidum est ; cf. Caper. 103. 12 K. ; so on plebeian
inscriptions, secus raerita ejuSy secus viam, &c., but also in O. Lat.
authors, for Charis. (220. 14 K.) quotes Aoc secus, ^ soon after this,'
from the historian Sempr. Asellio), which may be Nom. Sg.
Masc. of an Adj.-stem (cf. Aeres secus, 'h, secundus,* C.LL. iii.
387), or Ace. Sg. of a Neuter S-stem ^secus, like tenus (§ 54).
Apparently connected with the Prep, secus are O. Ir. sech, * past,'
W. heb, * without,' from a stem *seq"o- ; and the Latin Adv. sectts
appended to Adverbs in -im, e.g. extrm-secus (§ 10. 5), as well as the
sec2is of phrases like secus accidit, nan secus atque (Comp. sequins) has
been also referred to our Preposition on the theory that this Adverb
meant originally ^ following but coming short of,' ^ less/ as O. Ir.
sech meant ' following and going past,' * more than ' (see § 8).
592 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap.
§ 50 a. Simul, used as a Prep, in Augustan and later poetry, and
in Silver Age prose, is perhaps Ace. Sg. Neut. of similis (see § 2).
§ 51. Bmhf se. Sine^ if connect-ed with O. Ind. sanu-t&r (cf.
sani-tur), M. H. G. sun-der (which have the suffix -tero-), must
represent I.-Eur. *s®nt (*s®nii), and must have been in O. Lat.
^9ene, the change from e to i being due to the unaccented use of
the word, as in mihi for ^rnehi (ch. vii. § 1). The spelling seine
on the Lex Repetundarum (CLL. i. 198. 54) is best explained,
like leiteras on the same inscription, as a case of ei wrongly used
for t (ch. ii. § 1 30).
In O. Lat. there is another Preposition of the same meaning,
se{d) (as an Adverb meaning ^ apart*), which became obsolete
except in Compounds like sed-Uio, lit. ^ a going apart/ se-arsum (-#)
(a dissyll. as early as Plautus), se-dulo from se dolo (whence the
Adj. sedulus^ § 7), se^curus, se'Cedo, se-cemo; it is evidently
connected with the Conjunction sid (ch. x. § 5) ; the d of sed-Uio^
&c. need not be the Abl. Case-suffix, but may be the particle *d(e)
(cf . re-d-, § 49). This Preposition occurs in the legal phrase se
fratide, ' ^vithout hurt,' free from penalty, written sed fraude on
the Lex Repetundarum of 123-122 B.C. (C, L L, i. 198), and on
the Lex Agraria of 1 1 1 B.C. (i. 200, 11. 29 and 42, but se dulo malo
1. 40) (cf. Paul. Fest.500. 6 Th. ^sed ' pro sine inveniuntur posuisse
antiqui). The compound sed-uterque (cf. Umbr. sei-podruhpei)
occurs in the Nom. Sg. Fem. in Plant. Stick, 106 sedutraque ut
dicat mihi. This se(d) has been plausibly connected with the
I.-Eur. Reflexive Pronoun-stem *8we- (Lat. se Ace), and explained
as originally meaning ' by oneself.' The Old Slavonic Preposi-
tions sve-ne, sve-nl, svS-nje, ' except, without/ in which this root
swe- appears with an N-suffix, suggests that Lat. ^se-ne may also
be connected with the Reflexive Pronoun. The first part of the
Compound Verb sol-vOy and the Adjs. so-hrius (cf . e-briuSy according
to Chans. 83. 16 K. from bria ^ vas vinarium *), so-cars (cf. secordis
* stultus, fatuus,' C. G. L. iv. 282. 52), is of kindred origin. Festus
quotes nesi * pro sine positum' from an inscription on the temple of
Diana on the Aventine, but the fragmentary condition of the MS.
of Festus for this passage (nesi pro sine positum . . . Dianae Aven-
tinen . . . , 166, 26 Th.) makes it doubtful whether the word is
$$ 60»-64.] PREPOSITIONS. 593
not really the conjunction nisi, used in a context which gave it
the force of sine.
§ 52. Stib, subtdr, subttls. Sid, under, is I.-Eur. *iip6
(O. Ind. upa, * to/ Gk. vtto, under, for vito, O. Ir. fo, W. gwo-, go-,
Goth, uf ). The initial s-, which is found also in the Umbrian
Preposition su(b), e. g. stibocau, ' subvoco/ su-tentu ' subtendito,*
as well as in super (§ 53), is generally explained as a curtailment
of prefixed ex (I.-Eur. *eks), so that sub would represent an
I.-Eur. compound Preposition *eks-upo, but is as likely to be
the particle -s(e) (§ 11). This particle -s(e) is postfixed in the
form suS' for subs, e. g. sus-Uneo, sus-que de-gue (in the O. Lat.
phrase siisque deque /ero, habeo (Plant. Amph. 886), explained by
Gell. xvi. 9 as meaning ^ aequo animo sum *), apparently used by
wrong analogy in old forms of sumpsit and sumpserit quoted by
Paul. Fest. 425. 3 Th., suremit and surevtpsit. Sub-ier is a form-
ation like prae-ter (§ 43), and sub-tus like in-tus (§ 33). The
diminutive sense of Lat. sub in sub-absurdns, &c. is shared by Gk.
VTTO (e. g. vTToKfVKos) and O. Ir. fo (e. g. fo-dord, * a murmur ').
§ 63. Stipdr, suprsy insuper, supemd. Super is I.-Eur. ^tipSr,
*tiperi (O. Ind. upAri, Gk. wrep for virep, O. Ir. for, O. W. guor-,
Goth, ufar) with a prefixed s- as in Lat. sub, just mentioned.
Umbr. super governs the Loc., e. g. super kumne ^ super comitio.^
Supra is an Abl. Sg. Fern, {suprad on the S. C. Bacch.) like
in-frd, ci^trd, &c. The form supera is quoted by Priscian (ii. 30. 3
and 55. 23 H.) from Cicero's poems, and is found in Lucretius as
well as on C. L i. i. loi 1. (2). 1 1 (see p. 181). The Umbrian equi-
valent is sobra, governing the Ace, e. g. sobra tndero * supra
fines.' Super-n^ (also supeme. Adv. of supernus) is formed from
super as p5ne from post (§ 40). It is not used as a Preposition in
Latin, at least in classical Latin, but is so used (governing an
Ace.) in Umbrian, supe^-rif adro ' super atra (vascula).* Insuper
is a Prep, as early as Cato {R. R. xviii. 5).
§ 54. TentiSy apparently the Adverbial Ace. Sg. of a Neuter
S-stem ^tenes-jfrom the root ten-, 'to stretch' (cf.^e?7/zf*N.,*a cord,'
in Plaut. Bacch. 793 pend^bit hodie pulcre ; ita intendi tenus) is
used as a Preposition as early as Ennius. It takes the Abl. Sg.,
Q4
594 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. IX.
e. g. Tauro tenus, Cic. (originally ^ from T. in a line/ then used
for ' usque ad '), and the Gen. PL, e. g. crurum tenus, Virg., and
in Late Latin the Ace, e. g. Tanain tenus, Val. Flaec. It is not
found in prose till the Silver Age (see A. L, L, i. 415). Tenu^ is
appended to Adverbs in -a (older ww/ Abl. Sg. Fem.) in the sense
of * as far as/ lit. ' stretching from/ e. g. aliqua-tenus, huc-tentc^
(on which see § 10. 4 j cf . pro-tinus, § 4).
§ 55. Trans, across (Umbr. traf, trahaf\ is either the Pres. Part,
of *trdre^ in-trare^ peyi^-trare (probably the Nom. Sg. Masc.
crystallized in Adverbial usage ; cf . § 2\ or is an extension of
an obsolete Preposition ^tram (an Ace. Sg. Fem. from the same
root) by the same particle *s(e) as appears in the Prepositions of
kindred meaning, ul-s, ci-ft. It is clearly connected with O. Ir.
tre or tria, tri, trem-, tar, W. trwy, trach, O. Ind. tirds, all from
the root ter-, * to go through, drive through ' (O. Ind. tr-, * to bore,^
Gk. reipo), Lat. Uro, &c.). The -anSy pronounced -a* (ch. ii. § 66), of
trans became before voiced consonants a by the Latin phonetic law
(ch. iv. § 151), e.g. Ird-do {but transdo C.LL.i. 198,11. 54,58, &c.),
trd-mitto (and tram-miUo), Umbr. Iraf^ irahaf (i. e. traf ), tra
governs the Ace. with a verb of motion, e. g. traf sahatam etu
* trans Sanctam ito,* the Loc. with the idea of rest, e. g. trahaf
sahate vitla triffeetu * trans Sanctam vitulas tris facito.'
§ 56. XTlB, ultrft, beyond, on the other side, came from the same
root, I.-Eur. ol- (whence Lat. ille^ O. Lat. olle for *ol-8o, ch. vii. § 13),
the first being augmented by the particle *s(e) (§ 11), the
second (an Abl. Sg. Fem.) by the suffix -tero- (ch. v. § 16). The ^
has become «{ before the combination I with a consonant by the
Latin phonetic law (ch. iv. § 20), but the original vowel appears in
oUimns (Osc. dltiumo-) in Ennius' description of Servius TuUius
(A. 337 M.) :
mortalom summum fortuna repento
reddidit at summo regno famul oltimus (MSS. optimus) esset.
(The ovis of the MS. of Varro L, L. v. 50 is a scribe's emendation
of visy the same mis-writing of uh as occurs later in v. 83, or is
due to the correction of oh to w/*, and should not be printed ovU,
which would imply uh. The shortness of the vowel is proved by
the Romance forms of uUra ; cf. Gell. xii. 13. 8 on the extension
§$ 66-68.] PREPOSITIONS. 595
of m, cis, uh to intra^ cilra, ultra : quoniam parvo exiguoque
sonitu obscurius promebantur, addita est tribus omnibus eadem
syllaba. It is a mistake to suppose that there is an accent to
indicate length over the first vowel of ultra in Claudius' tablet
at Lyons.) An original *ol-8(e)must have become *o// in Latin ;
the form uh is due to a later re-addition of s on the analogy of
ci'9^ &c. (cf. ch. viii. § 68 on fer^s).
§ 57. Uflqu6, with long u, to judge from Romance forms like
O. Fr. usque, Fr. jusque for de ti^que (for Lat. u would be
represented by o, see ch. ii. § 7,6)^ is formed from the I.-Eur. Pre-
position *ud, * out, up out ' (O. Ind. ud, Goth, ut, Engl, out) in the
same way as absque from I.-Eur. *ap(o) (§ 12), so is not
connected with usquam (§ 10. 9).
The Prepositional use of this Adverb (see § ii), e.g. usque
quintum diem, Cels. (in Cic. only ' usque Romam,' &c. ; so Ter.
Ad. 655 Miletum usque, but Cato B.E. xlix. 2 usque radices
persequito), is due to a curtailment of the proper phrase usque
ad, much as in Attic Greek &s (for m €ls) came to be used as
a Preposition, e. g. is rdv fiaa-LKfa Uvai, The Latin grammarians
point out that usque , unlike other Prepositions (cf. p. 573), can
take a Preposition as prefix, e.g. ahusque, adusqtte (Expl. in
Donat. 517. 22 K. nemo enim dicit ' de post forum/ nemo enim
' ab ante ' ; at vero dicimus * ab usque ' et ^ ad usque ') ; ab usque
was a poetic inversion of Virgil's which found its way into Silver
Age prose {A.L,L. vi. 80); ad usque (first in Catull. iv. 24) is
likewise a phrase of Augustan poetry and Silver Age prose
{A,L.L. vii. 107).
58. Versus, versnmy adversus, adversuniy ezadversus,
exadversum. Versus apparently a Nom. Sg« Masc, as versum
is an Ace. Sg. Neut., of the P. P. P. versus, corresponds to the
Celtic Preposition meaning * towards/ * against ^ (O. Ir. frith, fri>
W. wrth, O. W. gurt). On its Adverbial use, see § 2.
Qq 2
CHAPTER X.
CONJUNCTIONS AND INTERJECTIONS.
§ 1. COTSfJTTNCTlO'NS. As Prepositions are hardly separable
from Adverbs of Locality, so Conjunctions are closely connected
with pronominal Adverbs. These pronominal Adverbs, as
we have seen (ch. ix. § lo), are not always capable of being
referred to their proper case-form (e. g. tbt, iidi), owing to our
imperfect knowledge of the declension of the I. -Eur. pronoun.
Nor is it easy to find their cognates in the various I.-Eur.
languages; so rapidly does the meaning of a Conjunction
alter. Thus Latin Snim, which in the older literature is
a particle of asseveration, * indeed/ had by the classical period
appropriated the sense of *for'; and in French, pas (Lat.
passus) and point (Lat. piinctum) have acquired a negative sense
from their use in the phrases ne . . . pas, ne . . . point. A feature
of I.-Eur. Conjunctions is their tendency to append other
Conjunctions or conjunctive Particles (e.g. ins in Greek may
append d?}, Trcp, &c., ins 61}, &s irep) ; and this habit puts another
obstacle in the way of identifying cognate Conjunctions in
different languages, for in one language they may appear
extended by one particle, in another language by another.
The exact form of these conjunctive Particles is also a difficult
thing to ascertain ; we often see parallel stems in -o, -i, -u, &c.
(e g. *q^o-, *q"e-, *q"i-, *q^u- are all various forms of the
Relative and Interrogative Pronoun-stem, ch. vii. § 23 ; -tS and
-tt appear in O. Ind. u-td, Gk. aS-re, O. Ind. f-ti, Gk. i-u), and
parallel forms with long and with short vowel (e.g. Negative
*nS and *ne appear in O. Ind. n& and na, Lat. nS- and tie- ; I.-Eur.
*we, * or,' O. Ind. va, Lat. -ve) ; and the tendency was always
§ I.] CONJUNCTIONS. 597
present to adapt the ending of one Conjunction to the ending of
another Conjunction of similar meaning (e. g. Lat. saltern for
mltim^ adapted to au-tem, ^^tem ?, ch. ix. § 4). It will therefore
be best to designate these conjunctive Particles acQording to their
consonants, as, for example, (i) the T-particle of Lat. ^aw, ^-tem,
n-l{i), Gk. aV'T€, O. Ind. u-t4(.a), i-ti, *so/ O. SI. te, 'and' ; (2) the
D-particle of O. Ind. i-dd, Vnow ' (Lat. Mo-neus ?) ; dum, ^bt-dem,
Gk. b'n, b(, o-6€ ; (3) the DH- particle of Gk. ivOa, O. Ind. ku-ha,
' where/ O. SI. ktt-de, * where ; * (4) the P-particle of Lat.
gnip-pe, nem-pe, Lith. kai-p, * how, as,' szeTp . . . teip, * so ... so * ;
(5) the N-particle of Lat. nam, num^ nem-pe^ quis-nam^ O. Ind.
hi-nd, ' for,' O. SI. tu-nii, ' then.' These particles are not easily
distinguished on the one hand from the particles affixed to Pre-
positions (e. g. *-tt of O. Ind. prd-ti, Gk. 7rpo-rt, Osc. per-t ; *-nS
of Lat. po-ne^ Umbr. post-ne, Germ, vo-n), as has been already
mentioned (ch. ix. § 11), nor on the other are they always to be
distinguished from Case-suffixes. Indeed the usage of the oldest
Indian literature, where, for example, the particle kdm is often
added to a Dativus Commodi or to a Dative of Purpose (see
Delbriick, Altind, Syntax, p. 150), and other particles are more or
less allotted to special cases, suggests that the Case-suffixes may
have at the first originated in this way, just as Gk. iv came in
time to be a sign of a Mood of the Verb. Thus not only has
the -s of the Nom. Sg. Masc. been with great probability
referred to the pronominal-stem *so- (*se-) (ch. vii. § 1 3), but also
the Abl. -d to the suffix *dS expressive of motion, joined with
an Accusative, in the sense of motion towards, in Gk. W/utov-dc,
Gen. -s (which in Greek and other languages has the function
of an Abl.) to the similar *sS of Gk. SAAo-ore. The person-
suffixes of Verbs may often have had a similar origin. The
*-dht of the 2 Sg. Imper. in O. Ind., Gk. &c., e.g. l-Oi, is the
asseverative particle *dhT, joined to Imperatives, as Lat. dum in
(i^e dum ; the *-tod of the 2 Sg. Fut. Imper., e. g. quando uidebis,
dato, Plant., is the Adverbial Abl. Sg. Neut. of the Pronoun *to-,
* from this,' ' thereupon ' (ch. viii. § 57). And in the declension of
the Pronouns themselves we have clear instances of the progress of
appended particles to case-suffixes in *ge (Gk. yt) used as the sign
of the Ace. Sg. in Goth, mi-k, Germ, mi-ch, *ght (O. Ind. hi.
59^ THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. X.
Gk. val'Xi) as the sign of the Dat. Sg. in O. Ind. md-hy-am, eh.vii.
§ i). The 'd of the Ace. Sg. of the Personal Pronouns in Latin
has been similarly explained as the particle *ld, so common in the
oldest Indian literature^ where it is used to emphasize a preceding
word, so that Lat. ted was originally *te id (cf. tuam Id in the
Rig- Veda) (see ch. vii. § i).
§ 2. (i) Cox^iinotive. — Que, et, atque, ao, quoque, etiam.
"Qvi, I.-Eur. *-q*e (O. Ind. ca, Gk. r€, Goth, -h, e.g. ni-h' ne-que'),
apparently the bare stem of the Relative *q*o- (*q-e-) (ch. vii. § 23),
is in Latin, as it was in I.-Eur.^ an enclitic appended to the first
word of the sentence. Through Syncope, to which final -^ was
always liable in Latin (ch. iii. § 36)^ it has become -c in nee (neque),
ac for ^at'C {at- que), &c., and probably often had this sound before
an initial consonant in the rapid utterance of every-day life. In
some lines of Plautus (Stick. 696, Capt. 2^6yPoen. 419, &c.) we
must, if the reading of the MSS. be right, scan : dumq(ue)
se exomat ; perq(ue), cons^ruitifim commfine, &c. (Skutsch, For-
schungen, i. p. 151). I.-Eur. *-q"S gave a relative and indefinite
sense to pronouns, and so in O. Latin, though in the classical
period the fuller ending -ciinqtie (O. Lat. -quomque, e. g. queiquom-
que, C. L L. i. 197. 5 ; 198, &c. ; see Georges, Lex. Wortf, s. v.) is
preferred, e. g. qu^m-que Plant, for quem^unque (O. Ind. ka§-ca,
Hom. Gk. OS re, Goth. hv5-h F.) ; so quis-que, each (cf. O. Ir. ca-ch,
W. pawb, O. W. paup^ apparently from I.-Eur. *q-6-q^S or
*q"a-q"S), This --cunque seems to be nothing but cnm-qtie, * when-
ever^ (Hor. C. i. 3a. 15), though some connect it with O. Ind.
cand (with ka-, &c , * whoever/ &c.), and others make the -cum-
{'Cun-) a byform of um- (im-) of um-quam, &c. (ch, ix. § 10. 7).
The corresponding particle in Oscan is -pld (O. Ind. -cit), e. g.
pokka-pid * quandoque.' Lat. qnd-qu^ is composed of some part
of the Pronoun-stem quo- (?w^-) and the enclitic -que (perhaps
the bare Pronoun-stem ; cf . O. Ind. kva-ca, * anywhere, in any case/
from kv^, * where/ and ca, Lat. -qv^). Similarly, at-que, of the
Preposition (Adverb) ad and the enclitic, lit. *and to/ *and
further ' ; in O. Lat. it often signifies * forthwith,' e. g. Plant.
Most. 1050:
qu6niam conuoc^ui, atque iUi me ^x senatii segregant.
§( 2-4.] CONJUNCTIONS. 599
Umbrian ape^ when, also spelt api^ appei, may be the same
formation as Lat. atque. The Umbro-Oscan equivalents of Lat.
Tv^qui^, Osc. nep, neip, nip, Umbr. neip, niep^ have -p for I.-Eur.
*-q«g. £t is the I.-Eur. Adverb *gtt (O. Ind. dti, ' over,' Gk. In,
further), used in Latin, as in Gothic (i)?, ' and '), for the copula.
It may be that it gpradually encroached on the sphere of the
older -que^ for it is noticeable that only -que^ not et^ is found in
the (restored) inscription on the Columna Bostrata {C.hL, i.
195). The Umbrian copula is also et, but in Oscan fnfm,
a word related to Lat. enim (see below).
In M'iam^ et is associated with the Adverb janiy now, the
; (y) becoming vocalic by the Latin phonetic law in the middle
of a word, as in mediu% (I.-Eur. *m6dhyos, O. Ind. mddhyas,
Gk. /Lic<r(<r)o9, &c.) (ch. iv. § 67).
§ 3. Atque, ao. On Republican Inscriptions the rule is that aHqm be
used before an initial vowel, ac before an initial consonant, and so in the
MSS. of Terence. But in the MSS. of Plautus aJtqm is sometimes used before
a consonant, where the metre requires the pronunciation <k (e. g. Epid, 5aa),
and in the MSS. of Cato aXqiHA is the prevailing spelling (whatever Gate's
pronimciation may have been) before initial consonants and vowels alike.
The classical authors, as well as Plautus, seem to avoid oc not only before
vowels, but also before c-, gr-, q* (see Georges, Lex. Wortf. a. v. ; Skutsch, Forscih.
i. 52 ; B, P. W. xiii. 31a). Aique is the spelling in Republican inscriptions ;
adfiue occurs in the Res Gestae of Augustus (once), and is in later inscriptions
very frequent, as well as in good MSS. (see Neue, ii^ 953). Aique aique seems
to mean *■ nearer and nearer ' in Ennius, Ann. 519 M. :
atque atque accedit muros Romana iuuentus.
§ 4. (2) Difidunotive.— Ve, aut, vel, sive, seu. -VSis I.-Eur.
*-we, (O. Ind. va, e. g. ndktam va diva va, * by night or by day,'
Hom. Gk. r)'{J)i)^ probably a curtailment of an I. -Eur. Adverb
*awe (O. Ind. dva, *away^). The I.-Eur. particle had also the
sense of ' as,' * like," seen in Lat. ce-w, O. Ind. i-va, ' as,' e-vA,
* thus,' later e-vdm.
Aut is compoimded of I.-Eur. *au [Gk. av, again, Goth, au-k,
* also ' (quasi *a5-y€), Engl, eke], another curtailment of the same
Adverb (cf . au-fugio, auf-ero, ch. ix. § 1 2), and the particle -tl (§ 1 ).
Similar are Umbr. ote, Osc. avti and avt, though the latter Oscan
form has generally the sense of Latin autem.
Vel is the old 2 Sg. Pres, Imperative of v^lo (ch. viii. § 58), lit.
6oo THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohap. X.
' choose/ as Germ, wohl (e. g. Homer, wohl der gnisste Dichter,
' Homenis vel summus poeta ') was originally Imper. of wollen.
Vol can hardly represent veU for *v€l8, an old a Sg. ' Injunctive/ for it is so
thorouglily a short syllahlo in Plautus as to be capable of acting as a Brevis
Brevians (ch. iii. § 42% e. g. Poen. 6a^ u4)\ in lautiimiis, u^l in pistrino, although
Umbr. heris . . . heris, e. g. hens vinu heri puni * vel vino vel posca/ is a Sg.
Ind. of heri-, * to wish * (whence Herentas, the Oscan Venas).
Other instances of Imperatives used as Particles are putdf for example, Hon
and afjS ; enif the Interjection, probably represents SmS, 2 Sg. Imper. of emOf
I take (§ 19).
Sive is compounded of si, older sei, and -ve. Before -?/, the
curtailed or syncopated form of -ve (as -c of -que, -7t of Interro-
gative -ne, &c.), the ^/-diphthong was by the Latin phonetic law
(ch. iv. § 66) reduced to ^ (as in deits from deiu{n)s, ch. iv. § 33).
Lat. 81 was in Umbrian sve (Osc. svai), and the Umbrian
equivalent of Lat. sive is sve-po ' siquo.'
§ 6. (3) Adversative. — At, ast, sedy autem, atqui, tamen,
ceterum, venim, vero. At is the I.-Eur. Adverb *at(l) (O. Ir.
aith-, *back,' Lith. at-, O. SI. ottt, *from'), used in Latin, as in
Gothic (a)?-)?an, * but '), as a Conjunction. On its confusion in
spelling with the Preposition ad^ see ch. ii. § 76.
Ast is a Conjunction found in old laws in various senses (Chans.
229. 30 K, * ast ' apud antiquos variam vim contulit vocibus,
pro atque, pro ac, pro ergo, pro sed, pro tamen, pro turn, pro
cum, ut in glossis antiquitatum legimus scriptum), especially (i)
' if further,' ' and if moreover/ e. g. Lex Serv. Tull. : si parentem
puer uerber^t, ast oUe plorassit, puer diuis parentum sacer esto ;
(2) ' if/ e. g. XII Tab. 10. 8 (in the curious law referring to the
use of gold in dentistry) : . . . neue aurum addito, at cui auro
dentes iuncti escunt, ast im cum illo sepeliet uretue, se fraude
esto), and occasionally in the early writers, e. g with the sense of
'- if further,* Plant. Capt. 683 :
si ego hie peribo, ast ille ut dixit n6n redit,
with the sense of * further' or ^but,' Accius, Trag, 260 R. :
idem splendet sa^pe, ast idem nimbis interdum nigret.
It may be a formation from ad, and stand for *ad-s-ti as post for
$ 6.] CONJUNCTIONS. 6oi
*po-s-tt (ch. ix, § 40), so that its original signification would be
' further/ ' moreover/ though, owing to the custom of using it in
the added clause of the protasis in conditional sentences, it came
to acquire the notion of * if further/ and even of * if.' It is one
of the archaisms used by Cicero in drawing up his code of laws
(Legg, ii. 8. 19, &c.), who gives it the senses of (i) ^ if further/
(2) * if ' (so on the law relating to the Ludi Saeculiires of Augustus'
reign, ast quid est ' siquid est *), (3) ' further ' (so in Cicero's trans-
lation of Aratus's PrognosHca, 1. 160). The Augustan poets
revived the use of the woi*d, as a substitute for at, where the
metre required a long syllable, and in the second cent. a.d. it
passed into prose. If asted on the Dvenos inscription (usually
explained as adstet) be really ant^ it is a byform with the particle
'd{e) Wkepostid (ch. ix. § 40).
Sed^ if we may believe the statement of some grammarians
(Charis. 112. 5 K. ; Mar. Victorin. 10. 13 K.; Ter. Scaur. 12.
8 K. ; Isid. Orig, i. 26. 24), who argue against the spelling set
(ch. ii. § 76), was at some early period sedum. The word can
hardly be separated from the Preposition (Adverb) se {sed\
* apart * (ch. ix. §51), and may be a compound of %S, a byform of
v^, with the Conjunctive particle dum (see below).
Autem adds the particle -teni (cf. ^-tem) to the I. -Eur. Adverb
*au [Gk. a5, again, Goth, au-k, * also ' (quasi ^av-y^), Engl, eke],
which is probably identical with the Preposition ati- of Lat, au-
f^rOy au-fugio (ch. ix. § 12), and cognate with the I. -Eur. Con-
junction *w§ (see under Lat. -ve). The Oscan equivalent of autem
is avt, apparently a * doublet * of avti, the equivalent of aut (§ 4).
The older usage of autem is seen in passages like Plant. Merc,
118:
et currendum et pugn^ndum et autem iurigandumst in uia,
(cf. sed autem^ Rud. 472; et autem, Poen. 841).
Atq7(i adds to the Conjunction at the particle qui, which is
much used by the early Dramatists as a mere particle of emphasis
[e. g. Plant. Hercle qui {Pseud. 473), utinam qui, ut qui {Trin,
637)], and which is either the Abl., Loc. or Instr. Sg. of the
Relative (ch. vii. § 25). Atquin (on this spelling, see Georges,
lex. Wortf, s. v.) has the particle -w(e) appended (§ i, above).
Tdm^n however, * none the less,* is clearly related to tarn (ch. ix.
6o2 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. X.
§ lo. 8), SO,' equally much,' which was often used in the sense of
tamen in O. Lat. (Fest. 548. 3 Th. antiqui ' tarn' etiam pro tamen
usi sunt, with examples from Naevius, Ennius, and Titinius ; for
examples in Plautus, see Seyffert, Stud. PlauL p. 14) (cf class.
tam-etsl and tamen-etsi). Some see in lam-en a relic of the
earlier usage, retained in Umbro-Oscan, of putting the Preposi-
tion in (older efi) after the word it governs, e. g. Umbr. arvam-
en ' in arvum/ Pel. pritrom-e * praeter ' quasi * praeterum-in '
(ch. ix. § 30) ; others suppose that the particle -ne (of quand<Mie,
&c., § 1), appended to lam, produced lam-i-ne or lamett{e)y and
quote Plant. Mil. 628, where the MSS. reading points to lamine,
as a proof that interrogative -ne appended to lam produced this
same form :
tilm capiilaris? t^mne tibi diu uideor uitam iiiuere.
On the other hand lanne is mentioned by Festus 542. 26 Th.
as the O. Lat. form of lam with interrogative -ne^ and exempli-
fied by Afranius, Com. 410 R. : tanne drcula Tua plena est
ardnearum ? Festus also quotes lamej as an old form of lam^ on
which see ch. ix. § 10. 8.
Celerum is the adverbial Ace. Sg. Neut. of the stem celero-
(Nom. PI. celeri), as cetera in such a line as Virg. A. ix. 656 :
cetera parce puer bello, 'for the rest — you are a boy — deal
sparingly with war,' is an adverbial Ace. PI, Neut. Celerum of
Plautus' Tmc. 847, &c. is exactly parallel to unum of Plautus,
Mil. Glor. 24 nisi unum epityra ei 6stur insanum bene, * but —
one thing, — &c.' The root of the word is the I.-Eur. pronominal
*ke, which shows the short vowel in the Latin enclitic -ce of
hujuS'Ce, &c. (ch. vii. § 15), the long vowel in Lat. ce-leri^ &c.
(see § I on the variation of quantity in pronominal *we, *ng,
&c., and cf. ch. iv. § 33).
Ferum is similarly an adverbial Ace. Sg. Neut. of the Adj.-
stem vero-, true, and vero an adverbial Abl. (Instr. ?) Sg. Neut.
of the same stem.
§ 6. (4) Limitative and CorreotiYe. — Quidem, immo. The
formation of qu^dem has not yet been satisfactorily explained.
The qui- may be the bare stem of the Pronoun (see § 2 on qnd-
$( e, 7.] CONJUNCTIONS. 603
qu^) ; or if Mem represents *M-dem, quidem may be the Neuter
Pronoun with the suffix -dem (§ 2) ^quid-dem (but see eh. vii.
§ 21 on Idem).
Equldem might be similarly explained as et-quidem [of. Plant.
Pets. 187 et quidem (A), eq. (P)], but is better referred to the
pronominal prefix i- of e-nos^ Umbro-Osc. e-tanto-, &e., aug-
mented by the particle -ce in ec-qtiis, and in ecce (see § 19). Its
association with the first Personal Pronoun in Cicero and other
good writers (see Neue, ii^. p. 963) shows that to a Roman the
first syllable suggested a reference rather to ego than to et (cf .
Prise, ii. 103. 5 H. ; ecce in Plautus very often refers to the per-
son speakings A. L, L, v. 18). The exact truth regarding its use
in Plautus is not easy to ascertain^ for the MSS. frequently write
it for et quidem (e. g. Pers, 187), and editors often substitute it for
quidem after tu, me, 8z;c. to avoid the scansion tu quidem^ m6 qui-
dem (like siquidem, ch. iii. § 51), or the division of a dactyl between
two words in iambic and trochaic metres, e. g. atqtie quidem,
Immd (not imo ^, according to Brambach, HUlfsbUchlein, s. v.)
has the scansion of a pyrrhic (w o) according to the MSS. in
passages like Terence, Phorm, 936 :
immo u^ro uxorem tu cedo. lu ius dmbula,
a scansion which has not yet been accounted for. Nor is the
derivation of the word at all clear. One theory makes it Adver-
bial Abl. Sg. Neut. of imus, another analyzes it into in-md, ^in
magis,' supposing *md to be an I.-£ur. Comparative 'more,'
whence comes Gaul, -ma-rus of Virdo-marus, O. Ir. mar, mor,
' great,' &c.
§ 7. (5) Explanatory. — Enim, nam, namque, quippe, nempe,
nemut. Eiiim^ in O. Lat. an asseverative particle merely (cf.
class, enim-vero), a usage imitated by Virgil, e.g. A. viiL 84 :
quam plus Aeneas tibi enim, tibi, maxima Juno,
mactat sacra ferens,
is most naturally referred to I. -Eur. *eno- (*ene-) (cf. O. Ind. ana,
* indeed/ *for'), another form of I.-Eur. *no- (*ne-) (§1), (cf. illim
from ilk, istim from idfe, ch. ix. § 10. 5). The weak point of this
etymology is that it prevents us from connecting the word
* Imo occurs in the Aes Italicense of 176-180 a.d. (C. I. L. ii. 6278, 1. 20).
6o4 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ch*p. X.
directly with einom Mgitur/ of the Dvenos inscription, Pel.
inom (?), 'et/ Osc. inim, *et/ Umbr. etiom (enum-ek, inum-ek,
with the particle -ce of Lat. hujus-ce^ &c.), also enem ' turn/
which all show the Pronominal root i- of Lat. is (ch, ix. § 19)
prefixed to a form (-nim, -nom) of the root no- (ne-). Lat. enim
(from *e-no-) will stand to O. Lat. einom of the Dvenos inscr.
(from *ei-no- ; cf. O. Ind. ena-, ' he/ ena, * so, here ^), as O. Ind.
asa-u, * this ^ (from *e-so-) to O. Ind. es6-, ' this ' (from *ei-so-).
Naniy often used in O. Lat. in questions, e.g. *quid cerussa
opus nam ? * ' why, what is the use of paint ? ' Plaut. (cf . quis-
7iam)^ without that definite sense of ^ for,* ' because ' to which the
word is restricted in classical literature (but cf. nfi-nam), is the
same case-form of the Pronominal-stem *no- (§ i) as quam of
*q"o-, la7fi of *to- (Ace. Sg. Fem. ?, ch. ix. § 10. 8).
Namque adds to nam the enclitic -qm (§ 2). It is used only
before an initial vowel in Plautus and Terence.
Q7tippe appends the particle -pe (§ i) to some case of the
Relative or Interrogative or Indefinite Pronoun, either the Ace.
Sg. Neut. quippe for ^qnUl-pe (cf. quippini equivalent to guidni),
or (if ^ipp- can represent -ip^ in Latin ; cf. ijmppe ' ipsi neque
alii ' Paul. Fest. 74. 37 Th., and see p. 116 «.), the Loc. Instr.
Sg., quippe for ^qvl-pe, or else the Abl. Sg. quippe for ^quid-pe.
Nempti appends the same particle to a form ^nem (the same
case-form of the Pronominal-stem *no-. as -i^m of auf'em is of
the stem *to-). This form ^nem appears also in O. Lat. nenmi
'nisi etiam vel nempe' (Fest. 160. 28 ; Paul. Fest. 161. 13 Th.).
On the pronunciation nemp(e) before initial consonants, see
ch. iii. § 35.
§ 8. (6) Conclusive, — Ergo, itaque, igitur. Ergo has already
been explained, in connexion with its use as a Preposition, e.g.
funeris ergo (ch. ix. § 28), as possibly standing for e ^riigo (cf.
e regimie), ' from the direction/ and has been compared with
German wegen, M. H. G. vonwegen.
Itaqu^, compounded of Ud (ch. ix, § 10. 9), and -que (§ 2), seems,
like ita, never to have a even in the earliest poetry. We should
scan the Satumian line of the epitaph of Naevius (ap. Gell. i. 24. 2):
it&que p68tquam est 6rclio traditiin thesauro seep. laS n.).
$$ 8-10.] CONJUNCTIONS. 605
The grammarians of the Empire distinguish itdqucy therefore, from itdque-y
and so, *et ita,' (e. g. Serv. in Don. 427. 13 K. tunc corripitur media cum una
pars fuerit orationis, tone vero producitur cum duae), but short a is invari-
ably shown in the Dramatists in both senses of the word The grammarians'
rule about Uaque resembles their rule for the penultimate accentuation of
pkrwiue, utrdquej Nom. Sg. Fem. (cf. ch. ii § 93 on Late Lat aqua, aequo).
Igitur had in O. Lat. the sense of Uim (Paul. Fest. 74. 29 Th.
' igitur ' nunc quidem pro eonpletionis significatione valet, quae
est ergo. Sed apud antiquos ponebatur pro inde et postea et
turn), as in Plaut. Mil. 772 :
quindo habebo, igitur rationem mednun fabricarum dabo,
or in the first law of the XII Tab. : si in ius uoeat, ni it, ante-
stamino. igitur em capito. The etymology of the word, one of
the most puzzling in Latin, is discussed in ch. ix. § 8.
§ 9. (7) Optative. — Ut, utinam, Ut, in wishes, e.g. Juppiter
ut Danaum omne genus pereat, is the Conjunction M^ that (older
ut^, ch. iii. § 36), with suppression of the idea ' I wish ' or ' do
thou grant.^
In utinam the final t of nt(^) is retained, and nam has its older
sense of a strengthening particle, ' indeed ' (§ 7).
§ 10. (8) Interrogative. Ne, nonney num, utrumy an,
anne, cur, quare, quianam. In class. Latin -n^ is the general
interrogative particle, while nonne is limited to questions which
expect an affirmative, num to those which expect a negative,
answer. This distinction is unknown to Plautus, who uses nonne
hardly at all (e. g. Trin. 789), {-ne being used instead, e.g. Trin.
178, Men. 284, or wow, e.g. Stick. 606), and num, numquis without
a negative sense occasionally, e.g. Most. 999. (A list of examples
of the Interrogative Particles in Plautus and Terence is given in
Atner. Joum. Phil. vol. xi. 1890.) It is easy to see how these
meanings came to be attached to non-ne, ' is . . . not,^ and num^
'now ' [Gk. wv ; cf. nu7ic for num-c{e), ch. ix. § 10], e.g. nonne
haec ita sunt /, ' is not this the case ? ' ; num haec if-a sunt ?, ^ now
is this the case ? ' (with emphasis on the word ^ is ^).
'Ne is probably I.-Eur. *nS (Zend -na, appended to Interro-
gatives, e.g. kas-nii, ' who then ? ^ ; cf. O. H. G. na weist tu na.
6o6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [OhAp. X.
' nescisne ? '), though it might also represent I. -Eur. *nu (eh. iii.
§ 37) (^* ^^^- ^^> ^ ^^® phrase: katha nu, 'how then?'; of.
Horn. Tt in; fiot fiTjKtora y4vr\TCA ;). On its reduction by Syncope
to -n, e.g. vidhiy audln, see ch. iii. § 36.
tfirum is the adverbial Ace. Sg. Neut. of idevy like Gk. irorcpov.
An (Goth, an ; cf. Gk. av, in that case) belongs to the I.-Eur.
pronominal root seen in Lith. ans, ' that/ O. SI. onti, &c.
Cur (O. Lat. qttar) is I.-Eur. *q-or [Lith. kur, 'where/ for
♦kflr (/. F. ii. 420) ; cf . O. H. G. hwar, ' where ? ', from I.-Eur,
*q-er, and O. Ind. kdr-hi, ' when ? \ from I.-Eur. *q"6r], with
a change of 6 to ?l in a monosyllable before final -r (ch. iv. § 16)
that has a parallel in fur from *fdr (Gk. (fxip). It may also
represent I.-Eur. *q-ou- (Gk. irov, where ?) with the suflSx -r. (On
O. Lat. 5, class. H for the L-Eur. diphthong ou, see ch. iv. § 41.)
Qudre, which must not be connected with cur, since the
length of the final vowel makes the idea of Syncope impossible
{calcari becomes calcar, but avare could not become *avar), is the
Ablative of Cause, just as cui rei Plaut. Tnic, 394 (quoi rei te
adsimulare retulit ?) is the Dative of Purpose, of the word-group
quae res ? (cf . quamobrem ?). Plautus uses cur or qvamobrem, quoi
reiy but perhaps not quare. {Epid, 597 quare filiam Credidisti
nostram ? is bracketed by Goetz.)
Quldnam, in O. Lat. poetry (Fest. 340. 25 Th. ; ' Servius ' ad
Virg. A. X. 6) (not in Comedy, so not colloquial ; Langen, Beitr.
p. 326), and adopted as an archaism occasionally by Virgil
(A. V. 13 and x. 6), is the adverbial (I-stem) Ace. PI. Neut. of
qtiis-nam (ch. vii. § 28), as quid-nam is the adverbial Ace. Sg. in
such a phrase of Plautus as : quid tu, malum, nam me retrahis ?,
' plague on you, why do you pull me back ? '
§ 11. (9) Comparative. — Ut, uti, quasi, ceu, quam. V^t, of
which the final short vowel is preserved in uPi-nam^ fie-uft-quam,
[pronounced n{e)n(iqMam with first, as well as second, syllable
short], ufi-que, is one of those Relative Particles that appear in
Latin with initial v, but in the Umbro-Oscan dialects with an
initial p-, which is their usual equivalent for an I.-Eur. labiovelar
guttural (see ch. iv. § 135). The Umbro-Oscan forms are dis-
cussed in ch. ix. § 10. 9.
$ 11.] CONJUNCTIONS. 607
Vtl is in O. Lat. utei (e.g. on the S. C. Bacch. of 186 B.C.,
C. L L. i. 196).
Qmo^. It is difficult to derive qtuisi from quant si, though
the two expressions were undoubtedly equivalents : e. g. in the
Republican Laws quasei is the usual form, as in the Bantine
tablet of 1 33-1 1 8 b. c, C. 7. L. i. 197. 1. la, in the Lex Repetun-
darum of 123-122 b. c, i. 198. 1. 41 (cf. 1. 73), but quansei occurs
in the Lex Agraria of 1 11 b. c, i. 200. 1. 27 ; and in Plautus we
have ([) quam si in the sense of the usual qu&st in Poen. 241
item . . . quam si, (2) qtids^ in the sense of * than if/ {quam »i) in
Mil. 482, &c. (see Brix's note on Trin. 265). For the first
syllable of quasi was so thoroughly short that it aet^d as a
' Brevis Brevians ' and made the normal quantity of the final
vowel of 'Si short as early as the time of Plautus, whereas the
combination 71s {fns) properly lengthens a preceding vowel in Latin
(ch. ii. § 144). We are thus driven to suppose that quam (adverbial
Ace. Sg. Fem.) and qud (adverbial Ace. PI. Neut.) were two
equivalent Conjunctions which were joined with si to denote
(i) as, (2) than if, and that the classical usage made a differentia-
tion of them, assigning the sense of * as ' to the combination
qtm-si and the sense of * than if ' to the combination quam-si.
Ceu, which is restricted to the Epic and Lyric Poets and a few
Silver Age prose writers (the elder Pliny, &e.), is compounded of
the Pmnominal-stem *ko- (kc-), 'this* (ch. vii. § 15) and the
particle *wS, *as, like ' (§4). It has been supposed that as sen
is a syncopated form of sive [*sei-w(S), § 4], ceu must come from
a fuller form *kei-w(S), the Locative Case of the Pronoun with
the particle *wS. But of this fuller form there is no trace, so
it is better explained as ^ce-ve (cf . ce-teri) (ch. iv. § 33).
Qiiam is the Ace. Sg. Fem. of the Relative, as tam of the
Demonstrative (ch. ix. § 10). The two words are combined in tan-
quam. Its Oscan equivalent is pan (Zvet. /. /. /. 231.6 mais €gm\as
tovfi^cas amnud pan pieisum brateis * magis rei publicae causa quam
cujuspiam gratiae') or pam {ib. 231. 16 pruter pam medicatinom
didest * priusquam judicationem dabit '). In O. Lat. we have a form
augmented by -de, quamde, e. g. Liv. Andr. ap. Fest. 532. 8 Th. : '
namque nullum p4ius m^cerat hum&num
quAmde m^re sa^uom uls et cui sunt m^gnae,
6o8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ohsp. X.
(a translation of Horn. Orf. viiL 139). This quamde, qiiande
(Umbr. pane) would probably become *qiian (Osc. pan ?), as deinde
became dein (ch. ix. § 10. 6), and would be merged in quam,
§ 12. (10) Temporal. — Quum, quando, dximy doneo, at, ubi.
Qnnrn^ O. Lat. qiwm^ is most simply explained as an Adverbial
Ace. Sg. Neut. of the Relative, an I.-Eur. *q-om. Terentius
Scaurus (28. 9 K.) mentions an old form of the word (MSS.
ctdyie, for which editors read quomtie or cuine)^ and quotes a couplet
from the Carmen Saliare ; but unfortunately the passage in the
MSS. is so corrupt that little certain has hitherto been made of
the lines (see ch. viii. § 73). The Umbrian word ponne, pone and
the Oscan pun, po7i seem to be compounded of I.-Eur. *q^om
and a particle -de [cf. O, Lat. quanide for qnam (Umbr. pane,
Osc. paii) §11; and see below on quan'do\,
Quafidd seems to be the Ace. Sg. Fem. of the Relative with
the I.-Eur. Preposition *do, * to,' or with some form of the
particle -de of O. Lat. quamde, than (§ 11). The Faliscan form
cuando (cu- or cv-) (Zvet. /. /. 1, 70 cuando datu) affords presump-
tion that the word did not end originally in -d, so that -do would
not be an Abl. The * Preposition ' -do, ' to * (ch. ix. § 27) would
give a suitable sense, ' to what ' [sc, time), for in Plautus the Con-
junction is mainly temporal, though in Terence it is mainly
causal, as quandoquidem is at all periods of the literature (see
Studemund's Sludie?i, ii pp. 85 sqq.). Varrg mentions its use
for quuniy * when/ as a feature of the dialects of Formiae and
Fundi (ap. Charis. iii. 23 K.). In quandone (C.LL,yi, 25048
nequa ei loci controversia quandone fieret ; 25905 con qua reli-
quias meas quandone poni volo) we have the suffix further
augmented by the particle -ne (cf. dd-ni-cwn and see ch, ix.
§ 10 ; O. SI. ku-da-no ' quando,^ beside ktl-da ' quando ' shows
another form of the N-suffix), and in quando-qne, whenever, by the
particle -que, * ever ' (§ 2). Quandoc, quoted from the XII Tab.
by Festus 346. 3 Th. (cf. Paul. Fest. 345. 4, 7 Th.) seems to be
a syncopated form of qtiandoque as n^c of nequ^. The scansion
quanrldquidem, found as early as Plant. (Trin. 991 sdluos quando-
quidem aduenis ; some would scan quandocdem) seems to be like
fttquidem (see ch. iii. § 51).
§ 12.] CONJUNCTIONS. 609
Dmn, which is often a mere asseverative particle, e. g. a^e dum
(Gk. aye brj), qttidum, how so? prlmuwdnm, first of all, is an Ace.
Sg. Neut. from the Pronominal-stem *do-, as turn from *to-, quum
from *q?o- (Gk. hri is another case- form of the same stem). The
phonetic laws of Latin hardly allow us to connect it with diu,
dieSy which come fi-om the root dyew-, diw- ; but the first part of
du-duw, often referred to diu and dies, may come from a stem
*du-, a by form of *do-, whence Gk. brfv for *bFdv, O. SI. dave,
' olim ' (/. F, ii. 250). Similar parallel stems were *no- and *nu- ;
and as Latin nvm may stand for *no-m from the first or *nu-m
from the second, so Lat. dum may etand for *do-m or *du-m.
The temporal sense is clearly seen in the particle -du7n in non^lum^
etiam-dnmy infer-dum^ &c. On late plebeian inscriptions we find
a form dnnCy while, e. g. C, I, L. vi. 25063 :
ad tu ne propera simili qui t$orte teneris,
dime annos titulo nomina ut ipse legas ;
apparently an extension of dum by the particle -(?(€?), on the
type of HunCy tunc (ch. ix. § 10. 7). The connexion of the two
meanings ' while ' and * until ' is seen in archaic Engl., e. g.
Macbeth, iii. i. 143 while then, God be with you.
Donee must be considered in connexion with the byforms
donlciim and donlque. JDdntcum is mentioned as an O. Lat. form
by Charisius (197. 15 K.), who quotes Livius Andronicus:
ibi mdneus sed^to donicum uid^bis
me caipiC'iito ueh^iite mmm doniuin uenisse,
as well as Plautus and Cato. Itisnaturallv resolved into ^do-ne
(the Preposition *do, ch. ix. § 27, and the affix -ne, § 1), and cum
the temporal Adverb, ' to when,^ ' till when ^ (cf . Umbr. ar-ui-po
and its Latin equivalent quo-ad. Some explain donee as a form
of donicum with the last syllable dropped, but the loss of final
-urn in Latin is confined within strict limits [on nfhil(um)y
no{e)u-{u7n)y see ch. iii. § 52], and would hardly be allowed in dofie-
cum. Do7iec is more naturally explained as the syncopated form
of doni-que (cf. nee and neque, § 18), and doni-que as ^done aug-
mented by the particle -que, ' ever ' (cf . quando, when, quandoque,
whenever ; also de-7iiqne) ; but the weak point in this account
is that doniqne is not found till Lucretius, and so is later than
do7iec. Perhaps the true explanation is that donicum was appre-
R r
6 10 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. X.
bended as dmiec dim, and go with omission of cum became donee,
while Lucretius coined a donique on the analogy of nee and neque.
Whether Fr. done and the cognate Romance words come from
do7iec is doubtful [see Korting, Lat,-rom. Worterb, s. v. ; donee in
Petronius 40 (see Friedl. ad loe.) and 55 need not be translated
' then/]
Ui (see § 9). Ubi (see ch. ix. § 10. i).
§13. (11) Causal. — Quxun, quoniam, quody quia, quippe.
Quion (see ch. ix. § 10. 7).
Qudnia7n is a compound of quuffi (f/uom) and ^flw^the j (y)
becoming vocalic by the law of Latin phonetics in the middle of
a word (so I.-Eur. *medhyos, O. Ind. mddhyas, Gk. fi^(r((7)oy, &c.,
became medius in Latin, ch. iv. § 63). Its oldest sense is temporal
' when now * (with Pres Ind., the Pres. tense being required by
the^'aw), e. g. Plant. Trin, 112 :
quoniam hinc iturust ipsus in Seleuciam,
mihi cdnmendauit uirginem ;
and it is possible to trace its gradual development from a tem-
poral to a causal sense in the course of Latin Literature (see
Luebbert, Gramm. Stitd, ii.).
QuM, I.-Eur. *q^6d (Lith. kad, ' that/ after verba declaraiidi,
&c., also used in the sense of 'if ^) is the Ace. Sg. Neut. of the
Relative 0-stem, used like Homeric o in such a line as Od.
i. 382:
In Plautus it is always, or almost always, subject or object of
a relative sentence, e. g. Cajjt. 586 :
filium tnum qu6d redimere se ait, id ne utiquam mihi placet;
from the second cent. a. d. it is used with verba declarandi, &c.
e. g. Apul. Mel, x. 7 asserere incipit quod se vocasset.
Qftla is an Ace. Plur. Neut. of the Relative I-stem (Slov.
Ci, ' if,^ Bnlg. ci, ' that, because '), and has the same double mean-
ing as quod, (1) that, (2) because. With appended -nam it had
interrogative meaning ' why ? * (see § 1 o) like quid ? quid nam ?
Quippe (see § 7)- (On quatenm see ch. ix. § 4.)
§14. (12) ConditionaL — Si, nisi, ni, sin, siye, sou, modo,
dummodo. Sri, O. Lat. %eiy is a Loe. Sg. of the Pronoun *80-, seen
§( 18, 14.] CONJUNCTIONS. 6 1 1
in Lat. ip^se, ipsa (ch. vii. § ao), as Lith. j^i, * if/ of the Pronoun
seen in Lat. is, ea (eh. vii. § 1 9). Greek el has been connected by some
with the Latin, by others with the Lith. conjunction. Sic, so, is
the same word with the enclitic 'c{e) appended (ch. vii. § 15). Osc.
svai, Umbr. sve come from a stem *swo- (whence Goth, sva, ' so '),
of which O. Lat. suad ^ sic,' quoted from an augural prayer by
Festus (526. 15 Th. suad ted ^ sic te ') is an Abl. Sg. Fem., as
the Umbro-Oscan forms are Loc. Sg. Fem. ; but Volscian se
shows the same stem as Latin. The stems *so-, *swo- were no
doubt originally connected like the two stems of the second Sg.
Personal Pronoun *twe- and *te- (ch. vii. § 3). (On sw- see
ch. iv. § 68.)
Nutl is a compound of the negative tiS (§ 1 8) with si, ^ not if.'
It is probably this word which is quoted in the form nesi (ch. ix,
§ 51) in a defective passage of Festus, who explains it as sine
(166. 26 Th.) ; it is spelt nisei on the S. C. Bacch. and the Lex
Repetundarum, and nise (with e for the ei-diphthong, ch. iv. § 34)
on the Lex Rubria. The change of ^ to )( in the first syllable is
due to the unaccented use of the word (as sine for s^-ne, mihi for
meliei) (ch. iii. § 18).
The Umbro-Oscan forms have *swai instead of *sei (Lat. si),
as their second component, the Negative being represented in
Oscan by the Loc. Sg. form *nei (Osc. nei svae), in Umbrian by
a form no (Umbr. nosve). In that very old Latin inscription,
known as the Dvenos inscription, we find the Negative in another
Loc. form noi (is this a mere graphic variety of nei ?), if noisi
is rightly interpreted ^ unless.' With the first part of nisi we
may compare Osc. nepon 'nisi quum ' (Zvet. /. /. 7. 231. 14 izic
comono ni hipid ne pon^ &c. ' is comitia ne habuerit nisi quum,' &c.).
Nl, I -Eur. *nei, perhaps *n6 with the deictic particle -i of Gk.
ovTocT'i, &c. (ch. vii. § 23), had originally the sense of non or ne, as
in quid-ni, quippi-ni [Lith. nei, 'not at all*; Osc. svae pis cen-
stomen nei cebnust 'si quis in censum non venerit,' nei-p mais
ponitis com preivatud actud * neve magis (quam) quinquies cum
privato agito,' nei svae ' nisi,' svai nei-p ' si non ' * si nee '], and
still retains this sense in some passages of O. Lat., e. g. Cato :
caueto ni quam materiem doles, and in Virgil's line : ni teneant
eursus. It came however to acquire the sense of nisi from its
R r a
6 12 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [CSiap. X.
use in such phrases as si in ius uoeat, ni it, XII Tab., ' if he
summons him (and) he does not go/ id ni fit, pignus dato Plaut.,
' lay me a wager in the event of that not happening,' lit. ' that
does not happen, lay me a wager.' (See O. Brugmann, Gebranch
desCond, 'Ni; 1887.)
Sin is usually said to represent *l-«^, ' if not,* with the same
syncope of the negative particle as in quln, lest (§ 16), or as of the
interrogative particle in atidin for audh-7ie, &c. (§ 10); and this
explanation exactly suits its use in sentences like Cic. Epp, Famtn.
xii. 6. 2 qui si consecutus erit, vicimus ; sin — , quod di omen aver-
tant, omnis omnium cursus est ad vos. But this negative sense
of */;/, ' if not,' is hardly attached to the word in the time of
Plautus. The Plautine use of 8in has been explained by the
O. Lat. habit of attaching interrogative -ne to the first word of
the relative clause, instead of to the first word of the main clause
[e.g. Ter. Phorm, 923 quodne ego discripsi? instead of: quod
ego discripsi, illudne rescribam ?], so that, e. g. Plaut. Trin. 309
si animus hominem pepulit, actumst ... sin ipse animum pepulit,
uiuit, might more properly be written : sin ipse animum pepulit?
uiuit. It is however unnecessary to regard the n of %in as either
the Interrogative or the Negative Particle -«e; for it may be
merely that Demonstrative suffix -ne seen in alioqidn, &c. (§ 16)
[Qiiin (see § 16) represents (i) qui with Negative -7ie, (2) qui
with Interrogative -ne, (3) qui with Demonstrative -ne]. The
older spelling sehi occurs, for example, on an epitaph, much
affected by the Romans' (Not Scav. 1887, p. 180) :
mortua heic ego sum, et sum cinis, is cinis terrast ;
soin est terra dea, ego sum deit, mortua non sum.
Site and seu (see ch. iv. § 33).
3Iddo is the adverbial Abl. (Instr. ?) Sg. of 7noduSy measure,
limit (cf. Hor. quis desiderio sit pudor aut modus ?), * only * ;
dum-modoy ' while only.' A common sense of the word is the
temporal sense, 'only a little while ago' (cf. Caper 96. 15 K.
' modo ' praeteriti est temporis, et ideo dicendum ' modo scrips!,'
' This is a translation of Epichar- Kovpos iffriv.
nius' epigram (ap. Schol. Hom. II. x. tl 64 rt yrj v^Kp6s k(rr, ov vcat/mSs,
144) : dAAd 9t6i.
$$ 16, 16.] CONJUNCTIONS. 613
* modo feci * non ' modo scribo/ ' modo facio ' ; quamvis quidam
veteres et praesentis putaverint), emphasized in the Praenestine
dialect by the addition of lam (tam modo^ inquit Praenestinus^
Plant. Trin, 609). The shortening of the jBnal -o is due to the
influence of the preceding short syllable (see ch. iii. § 42 on the
Law of Breves Breviantes), like^a^^ (originally *datod) Plant.,
havey hbi^y itiaU^ &e.
§ 16. (13) Concessive.— Etsi, quamquam, quamvis, lioet.
The formation of all these words is evident : et-ifiy ' even if/
quam-quam (reduplicated), quam^vu^ ' how you wish ' (like quan-
ivm-visy * however much you wish ' or qnam-Ubet^ * how you please '),
licet ^ ^ it is allowed/ ' granted/
§ 16. (1 4) Final. — Ut, quo, quominos, quin, ne, neve,
neu, nedum. Vt (see § 11).
Qno is the Abl. (Instr. ?) Sg. Neut. of the Relative, used with
Comparatives, quo factliu% like eofacilins, Qifomhius adds to quo
the Comparative vimus, ' less,* used in a negative sense (cf.
f/fhihnP, * by no means ' ; parum itcietis, ' ignorant ').
Qum is composed of qui, how (Abl. ? Loc. ? Instr. ?), and the
negative particle m (§ 18), and is found with -we? (or perhaps ne,
* lest *) in unsyncopated form in Ter. Atidr, 334 : efficite qui
detur tibi ; figo id agam mihi qui ne detur, and in a fragment
from some comedy (Com. inc. 47 R.) :
haud facile ost def(6nsu qui ne c6mburantiir pr6xumae.
In some instances it represents j'wi (Nom. Sg. Masc.) with -ne,
e. g. nemo f uit quin sciret (qui nesciret) ; and a construction like
nulla mulier fuit quin sciret, nil tam diflBcile est quin exquiri
possit, is best explained as a universalizing of qui Masc, as of
jwtis Masc. in jjolis est (ch. ix. § 2), though some regard the qui of
this usage as the Adv., and compare it to that Mod. Gk. use of
-nov Tov for ov mentioned in ch. vii. § 23 (/. F. iv. 2,26),
It is used also in other ways than as a Final Conjunction
(the manifold uses of quin were a favourite thenje of Latin
grammarians; see Gell. xvii. 13). Qinn in aflirmations, e g.
hercle quin recte dicis, Plant., may be merely the Adverb qui of
6 14 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. X.
hercle qui, &c. with the Demonstrative suflRx -ue (so afgiiin and
afqui, alioquin and alioqui, ceteroquin and ceteroqui ; see on these
forms Georges, Lex. Worif, s. vv.) ; quin in commands, originally
witli Ind. (and so usually in Plautus), e. g. quin dieis ?, then by
'constructio ad sen sum * with Imper. (so usually in Ter.), e. g. quin
die, is the Adverb qui with the Interrogative particle -ne, ^ how
not ? * * why not ? ' ; quin in a sentence like Plant. Trin, 360 : quin
comedit quod f uit, quod n6n fuit ? (i. e. eumne dicis qui, &c.), is
qui Nom. Sg. with the same particle (cf. Mil, 13 quemne ego
seruaui ? ^ you mean the man whose life I saved ? * (see above,
§ 14 on sin),
Ne is I. -Eur. *ne, * not ' ( O. Ind. na, O. Ir. ni), a variety of
I -Eur. *nS, ^not ' (Lat. 7ie-, § 18). In O. Lat. nl (I.-Eur. *nei,
Osc. nei) was used in the sense of ne (§ 1 4). In Umbro-Oscan
i corresponds to I.-Eur. e (Lat. e), so that Osc. ni in ni hipid * ne
habuerit,^ ni fuid ' ne f uerit,^ Marruc. ni in nita\g]a ^ ne tangat '
exactly correspond to Lat. ne.
Neve adds to ne the enclitic -ve, or, which in neu is reduced by
syncope (cf. sive and sen, § 14).
For nedum (especially used by Livy, also by Cicero, but rarely
by the other authors) ne alone is occasionally found [Journ. Phil,
XX. 177). An early instance of the word, which is not employed
by Plautus, is Ter. Heaut, 454 :
satrapa si siet
amdtor, numquam 8u£forre eius sumptus queat ;
nedum tii possis,
lit. ^ ne(dum) tu te posse credas dico satrapam non posse,* ^ satrajm
non potest, nondum tu potes,** with which we may compare Plant.
Awph, 330 :
uix incedo in^nis, ne ire p^sse cum onero existumes.
Nedum is related to ne^ as vixdum to vix, nondum to non ; cf. Li v.
xxiv. 4. 1 puerum vixdum libertatem, nedum dominationem modice
laturum. On the construction and use of the word, see Uarv,
Stud, ii. pp. 103 sqq.
§ 17 (15) Asseverative Particles. — We (nae), -ne. Ne is the
spelling indicated by the references to the word in the Roman
grammarians, for they speak of it as the same in form with pro-
§§ 17, 18.' CONJUNCTIONS. 615
hibitive ne (Charis. 189. 2 K. ; Diom. 394. 21 K.), and is also
the spelling of the best MSS. (Georges, Lex. Worff. s.v.), though
there is no reason why there should not have been in Latin two
separate affirmative particles ne and nae^ as there were in Greek
VI) and vai (cf. hri and hai), representing an original *ne and *nai,
a Loc. Sg. Form (of. Osc. svai, *if,' § 14). The form *ne cor-
responds to *n5 of the affirmative suffix -«e found in the
Dramatists with Personal and Demonstrative Pronouns; ef.
O. Scand. ];er-na * tibimet ' (e. g. Plant. Mil, 565 :
egone si post hiinc diom
muttiuorOf etiam quod egomet corto sciam,
dato excruciandum me ;
for other examples, BeeAfner,Jouni, P/tiL ii. 51), as *wS to *we, *or/
*de to *dc, &c. (§ 1 ).
§ 18. (16) Negatives. — In-, ne-, neo, non, hand, ve-. N^-
(I.-Eur. *ne, O. Ind, nd, &c.) is prefixed, not only to Verbs, e. g.
ve-^cioy O. Lat. ne-vis, ne-parcunt, &c. (cf . O. Engl, nille, nolde ;
O. SI. nesmi, &c.), but also to other parts of speech, e. g. nS-fas,
n(eyuti(iuam, neuter (ne-, I.-Eur. *ne, O. Ind. n^, &c., appears in
ueqinquam, &c.) ; in- (I.-Eur. *n, O. Ind. an-, a-, Gk. dr-, a-, &c.)
and ve- (I.-Eur. *we, O. Ind. va- ; cf. O. SI. u-bogii, ^ poor '),
a curtailment of I.-Eur. *awe-, O. Ind. ava-, ch. ix. § 1 2) only to
Adjectives, &c. (but see Langen, Beitr. p. 181 on imprbbare^
infUeri^ ignoscere^ &c.). I.-Eur, *n- (Lat. i«-, older e»-, ch. iv. § 8 1 ),
the weak or unaccented grade of I.-Eur. *nS (ch. iv. § 51), is re-
presented in Umbro-Oscan by an-, e. g. Umbr. antakres * integris,'
Osc. amjynijid ' improbe.'
Nan is generally supposed to represent *noe7i(um), the * doublet '
of noe?iu7n (usually explained as *nd-oi?iom, * not one *) before an
initial vowel, as niAil, nil was the similar doublet of nihilum
(ch. iii. § 52) ; though the absence of a satisfactory parallel for the
change of oe to 0 (instead of the usual u) has led many to see in
the first part of the word some other form of the Negative stem
(cf. Umbr. no-sve ^ nisi,' § 14), leaving the final » to be
explained as the particle (negative or demonstrative, § 1) *-nS
(or *-nu ; cf. O. Ind. na-nu, Hom. ov w, and see ch. iii. § 37).
Aoenu (e.g. Lucr. iii. 199 noenu potest) should be written
6l6 THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Chap. X.
^noemiSy and represents *ne'ifmisB& ?ioent(m,*ne'imHtn(c{,defnu9SLnA
(Itmiim, eh. ix. § 2) with suppression of -s in pronunciation (ch. ii.
§ 126). The other theory makes it differ from uoennm in
appending *nii instead of num (§ 1 o).
Ilaiid^ which is confined within narrower limits than non in
O. Lat., being used especially with Adjectives and Adverbs,
usually immediately before the negated word, and never in
questions, has been referred (along with Gk. ov) to I.-Eur. *fiwS-,
*away' (see above on ve-)^ so that it would properly be spelt ^avd.
The Roman grammarians preferred the spelling hand to hant^
e.g. Charis. 112. 8 K. baud . . . d littera terminatur. ov enim
Graeca vox d littera terminari apud antiquos coepit), and were
probably right in doing so; for the byform han seems to be
tlie * doublet' (ch. ii. § 136) before an initial consonant [Mar.
Vict. 15. 25 K. cum (sequens) verbum a consonanti incipit,
d perdit, ut * hau dudum ' et ^ hau multum ' et * hau placitura
refer ^], e. g. C,I,L. i. 1007 heic ^st sepulcrum hau pulcrum
pulcrai f^minae. (On the spellings hand, hant^ hau^ see Georges,
Lex, Wortf, s. v.) The initial h- must have been used as a dis-
tinguishing mark to differentiate the word from aut (cf. Prob.
hisL Art, 145. 9 K. *aut^ si sine aspiratione scribatur et in
t litteram exeat^ erit conjunctio ; si vero ' baud ' cum aspiratione
scribatur et in d litteram exeat, erit adverbium).
Nee in O. Lat. has the sense oinon^ [Festus 162. 14 Th. quotes
XII Tab. : ast ei custos nee escit, and Plautus ^ in Phasmate '
{Most, 240) nee recte si illi dixeris], like Osc. neip (svai neip
dadit ^ si nee dedat '), Umbr. neip [sve neip jjortnst issoc pnsei
subra screhto est ' si nee portarit ita uti supra scriptum est '), The
f/ of 7ieg-otium^ neg-lego (often spelt neclego in MSS. ; see Georges,
Lex, W(yrtf, s. v.), &c. is variously explained as a phonetic change
of the -c (*qHS) of nee (see ch. ii. § 73), or as the particle *gS (Gk.
ye) of *ne-g(g) (cf. Lith. nfe-gi, ne-gu). a different formation
from *nS-q5(e).
§ 19. INTERJECTIONS. Interjections, being for the most
part onomatopoetic words, do not come under the phonetic laws
* Catullus (Ixiv. 83) uses the phrase funeta nee funera to express the Greek
TCUfXH drcufKH,
§ 19.] INTERJECTIONS. 6x7
of a lang^uage ; their analysis and etymolog^y offer little difficulty.
The Latin interjections need not therefore detain us long. Oh !
ah ! st ! are more or less the same sounds that we ourselves use
to express astonishment and surprise, and to enforce silence ; and
they require no discussion. Many are borrowed from the Greek,
especially the exclamations used at musical or other entertain-
ments, e. g. euge [in the Dramatists euge (eugae) with a lengthen-
ing of the final syllable* like our ^ bravo/ * hallo ^], sbphd9^pd[tn, as
ours come from the Italian or French, e.g. bravo, da capo, encore.
But some are peculiarly Latin and offer points of interest. Em
(not to be confused with hetn^ an Interjection of terror, grief,
&c.), which is used by the Republican Comedians, where en (Gk.
fiv) is used by the classical writers (in the Comedians eti is used
only in rhetorical questions, e. g. ennnqu^im ?^ Plant. Men, 142,
925), seems to be the Imperative of imo^ lit. ^take,' a sense
which suits well in phrases like em tibi, ' take that ! ' ^ there's
for you ! ' (in giving a blow), e. g. Plant. Asin, 431 em ergo
hoc tibi. Others make it Adverbial Ace. of is, O. Lat. em,
^ tum * (Paul. Fest. 53. 37 Th.), which is also, perhaps properly,
spelt im (ch. vii. § 19). Joined with ille (in the Ace. Case) it
produces ellum [ello (with open e) is still heard in the Abruzzi],
ellos, &c. So ecce (O. SI. ese and se) from the Pronominal stem
*ete- (*efco-)(ch. vii.§ 15) either with appended -ce ; [cf. Osc. eko-,
' this,' usually with appended -k (Lat. -ce), ekak ^lac,' ekkum
^item'], or else with doubling of consonant (as in att-af) produces
eccillum, eccillos^ &c., whence the Romance forms, Fr. celui, Ital.
quello, &c. (see ch. vii. § j 5). Eccum has been explained as ecce
*hnm (the enclitic -ce not being appended to the Pronoun because
it exists already in the Interjection, just as ^ecceillimc, &c. is
never found) ; and this analysis is preferred to ecce enm, because
the word is used by the Dramatists only when the person referred
to is present on the stage, whereas is is the Pronoun used of
persons who have been recently mentioned. Still *ecce eum might
be explained as a parenthesis, e. g. Amphitruo eccum exit foras.
^ A. — see him — has come out.' Eccum is the original of the Italian
^ JfiTcm, the usual scansion, as in heia, viri, nostrum re])oana eclio
this refrain of a Late Lat. boating- sonet heia ! ,
song {Pott IM. Min. iii. p. 167 B.) : appears as heid in Plaut. Merc. 998.
6l8 THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
interjection eceo, and in Plautus often comes very near ecce, e. g.
Mil, 25 ubi tu es ? Eccum, Poeii. 279 assum apud te eccum.
Pro (not prohy see Neue, ii^. p. 985) seems to be merely the
Preposition (Adverb) pro, forth, lit. ' away with it ! '
Vae, I. -Eur. *wai (Goth, vai, Lett, wai), borrowed in late
Greek, oiat, is the same word as our Noun ' woe.*
Age is, like eniy an Imperative used inter jectionally, in Plautus
and Terence often with the enclitic dum appended, agedum (like
Gk. 3ye hjiy § 1). The interjectional use of Imperatives is
a feature of all languages ; our Mo ' is the Imperative of ^ to
look,' and we have in modern Italian vie (for veni\ tie or te (for
tene), guar (for guarda).
The names of deities occur in herde, me-ftercules {sc, juvet, Paul.
Fest. 90. 1 1 Th.), me-hercley me'Castor, me-diM^ Jidius (^ the god of
good faith,' with dius for deii^ because the first syllable is
unaccented ?), jpol (a curtailment of Pollux), ecastor (better
eccasfor, for the first syllable is long, but not long by nature,
since it is shortened by the Law of Breves Breviantes in the
Dramatists; see ch. iii. § 34). The last might represent et dutor,
but edepol can hardly represent et deus Polltix, although the
irregular forms assumed by many of the English interjections,
' zounds,' ' sblood,' ' marry ' (for * Mary '), show us the difficulty
of tracing curtailed phrases of the kind back to their origin by
the ordinary methods. Eccire is either an invocation of Ceres
or ecce re, * lo indeed.'
INDEX'
-M-
(The numbers refer to the pages ; i and j, u and v are treated as identical.)
A, pronunciation y 13 sqq. ; phonetic
changes, 219 sqq. ; in weak grade
of 0-root, 258 sq. ; of £-root, 258 sq. ;
of £-root, 261 ; varying with 5, 259;
with &y 259 sq. ; Lat. a for I. -Eur.
a (a), 221 sqq. ; for S, 222 ; forauin
Affustusj kc, 38, 41 sq. ; in Idy rd^
ma, ndy 222 ; for 5y 234 sq. ; Lat. d
for a lengthened, 220 ; for 5^ 220 ;
in Idj rd, ytdj 219 sq. ; not weak-
ened to ?, 199 ; aa written for d,
10.
-a J shortening of, 210 sq. ; in Nom.
Sg., 210 sq., 373 ; of quay Adv.,
_ &Cm 551-
A -Subjunctive, 512 sqq.
(I, aby abSj Prep., 575 sqq. ; ab- con-
fused with 06-, 574.
abante, 573, 595.
abist, the scansion, 214 sq.
abiciOj 45.
aWdgmtw, pronunc. of, 138.
Ablative (see Declension), Adv. use
of (see Cases).
Ablaut (see Gradation).
abntw and abnueOj 476.
iiboUvi and abolui, 500.
abscisio and abscissiOj 112.
ab&xmdi and absoondidi^ 502.
absida, 79.
absinJOiiumy 79.
absfiucj 576.
abstinei\? <f 501.
Abstufting, 367.
abstulasj 464.
abusquCf 595.
abffssus, the scansion, 156.
ac (see afque),
Acca LarenHa, 1 18 n.
accMOf 194.
Aooentuation, 148 sqq. ; studied at
Rome, 151 sq. ; Early Law, 157
sqq. ; L-Eur., 157 sqq., 165 sqq. ;
of JdcUiuSy &c, 158 ; of Sentence,
165 sqq. ; Secondary, 158 sqq.,
161 ; Paenultima Law, 160 sqq. ;
of Word-Groups, 161 sqq., 169 sq. ;
of -as, 163 ; of adducy &;c., auditj &;c.,
163 ; of iUoCf &c., 163 ; of tantoHj &c.,
163 ; with -^(e), &c., 163; of Gen.,
Voc. Sg. of lO-stems, 163 sq. ; of
Inteij., 164 ; Vulg. Lat, 164 sq.;
of 'Hreniy -iiilumj 164 ; with Mute
and Liquid, 164 ; of Comp. Vb.,
164 ; of Numeral, 165 ; and Ictus
in Plaut., 166 sqq. ; of suniy 167 ;
of Pron., 167 sq. ; of Prep., 167
sqq. ; of Adv., 168 sq. ; of Conj.,
169 ; of Auxiliary, 169.
accentiiSf meaning of, 152, 154.
occ6psh\?), 508.
acceptor for acdpiterj 115.
accersoj 487.
AccfierunSj Plant, 58.
AcchiUeSy Plaut, 58.
accipiter, 259.
* If a word is not found in this Index, the ending or suffix of the word
should be looked for. Thus the reference for furibundus, fremebundus, &c., will
be found under -bundusy the reference for commenticiusj &c., under -Actus.
620
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
AooiuB, doubling of vow., 8 sqq. ; gg
for ng f lo sq. ; ei for f, 9 sq.
acclinis, 275.
accubuo, 323.
accuratu^t, 541 /«.
Aoousative (seo Declension). Adv.
use of (see Cases .
(ker, 260, F. 371 ; -m, M., 371.
rtcer^Ms^ 180.
iicertas for acritas^ 365.
ar^ftwi, 335.
-ulceus (see Suffix -K0-).
Achivi, 196.
ocies, aci.sc?i/t«, 347.
acredula, 353.
acrufolius^ spelling, 364.
dditOj pronunc. of, 134 ; of actum, 139.
Active, endings (see Verb).
acbis. Noun, 344.
cictujtumf 565.
acuoy 260
acupedium, 259.
Hicus (see Sufi^ -iCO-).
Acute Accent, 153 sqq.
ad, Prep., 576 ; spelling of, 76 sq. ;
ar^ 288, 99.
adagiOj 291.
addt«», 515 ; -t7, 515. (See arr(uui7«r.;
adeo^ Adv., 568 ; accent, of, 166.
(uieps, alipes, 287.
ade88int{?)f 466.
adgredimur, the scansion, 475.
adgrehis, 285.
Adjectives, dist. of Gender (see
Gender) ; Deol. of (see Declension) ;
Compar. of (see Comparison) ; form
of (see Suffixes) ; Numeral (see
Numerals) ; Pronom. (see Pro-
nouns) ; used as Part., 540, 543 ;
from Part., 540 sqq.
adjuro {-jue-)t Put. Pft., 507.
adnuit, Perf., 508.
adolesco, 481.
adoriiurf the scansion, 475.
adpetissis, 462.
adfpWy 568.
adsunif pronounced asa-y 313.
uflvenat, 464.
adventiciuSf 337.
Adverbs, 548 sqq. ; Nom. forms,
553 sqq- ; in -tor, 553 sqq. ; Gen.
forms, 555 ; Ace. forms, 555 sqq. ;
Compar. of. 557 sq. ; AbL, Instr.,
Loc. forms, 559 sqq. ; in -ft/s, 561 ;
in -tint, 548 ; in -e, 548 ; word-
groups, 562 sqq. ; -meniej 552 ; of
doubtful origin, 565 sqq ; Num.
(see Numerals) ; Pronom., 567 sqq. ;
Compound, 360 sq.
adversus (-m), Prep., 595.
adulescetiSj spelling of, 197.
aduncuSj 259.
aduaguej 595.
(Kf pronunc. of, 37 sqq. ; and e, 42,
242 ; for aUf 42 ; for Gk. 17, 42 sq. ;
for (i, 242 (see also AI '.
Aecetiai, 188.
nedes, 241, 346.
aediliSj 340 ; aidHes, Nom. Sg. 376.
aeditumus (-tuus), 405.
aegrotusy 484.
-aei' for -at-, 242.
aemidus, 258.
Aetteaj Nom., 373.
ctequanimtis {-iUts)y 123, 364.
(tequipero, 192.
aequus, pronunc. of, 42.
-aes in Gen. Sg., 381 sq.
aes, 157.
Aesadapiusy 242 ; spelling, 198.
aetaSy 173.
aecum, 241, 251, 348.
a/. Prep., 576 sq.
affatiniy 563.
ajluo and affluo, 576.
agey 600, 618.
ager, 221.
agilisy 332.
Agma, 10 sq., 60, 65.
offtvieny 292.
agnonxeti^ 294.
ag^iusy 235 ; F., 370.
agoy 221 ; egi, 497 ; adunty pronunc,
139 ; aga, 600, 618 ; orim, 465 sq.
agom (?), the scansion, 373 w.
agricolay 317.
Agrigentnmy 197.
agvhimy 334.
.4gu«^us for Aug-y 38, 41 sq.
^AoZa and AlOy 54.
AhenoharhvSy 364.
oAentw, 265 ; spelling of, 55, 57.
AI, phon. changes of, 941 sq. ; AI,
251 sq. ; ai on inscrr., 242.
-a» of Gen. Sg., 381 sq. ; Dat, 386.
aioy 546, 265 ; pronunc, 53 ; spelling
alio, 8 1 at, ait, Itnpi^r., 546 ; adxon,
(liebam, 491 ; pronunc. of ai-, 43.
•al- from I.-Eur. 1, 379.
iJa, 393.
(liarw, pronunc. of, 16 ; -ris, M., 371
-^fr, iB, -198.
nJbfvs for alv-, 51.
i^biro. 488
o/doffn'jTtM. 361, 364,
Albci for ^I6«n«i, 177.
Kilfnis, 333.
nfcfti-ij, 334.
Aleria. 197.
afes, 35'-
^'einnrfgr, ■Ut, Atiienlnn, Ace., 73.
^(;*M,di*l. torAlb-, 80.
-oliiK, Adv 537.
'ili'bi and ofjubt, 567.
aliat :haiA, 56.
alicundt, 570.
n/imiu, 449.
a!i,.Adv 566.
niioviii(-n 568,614.
nKormm, 549.
nfifMdmrfii/, 571.
KtijMonrfo, 571.
aliiiiHin ' '
nliq.
<,. 447-
(diqm, Adv., 568.
•eia (see SulHx -LI-).
«'««■■ 554 ; c'. 553-
R/ifiM ftnd aUu3, 335.
flffum, nH-, tJ5 ; -euiR, 33. (Seenium).
iiJiiirHte, 570.
B'/iH, 449 ; .(.. 375.
n/ii(/n, 57 ■■
alleri. 505.
n^niu, 309.
(rfo, 333. «
Alphabet, 1 3qq.,5;6l[.]etters,4, 1 isq.;
Claudius' reforms (see Cliiudiua).
j(f(rT 449,453 -fit'jGen., 4Sa
al'ernt, Adv 557
•uKmiM i?l. JJom. PI., 39!
tdkrnis. Adv., 551.
nJhmler, 450 : -rfra, 450.
nfiif riinr, 4SB ; HpeHJng of, 117.
niKin, 333. (See iHium.l
-nm of fMam, tam, &c., 549.
im-, Prep.. 578.
nmana, 959.
omnafus, 305.
ambages, 345 sq., aai.
oinlififna {-Igna), 939.
omti., Prep., 577.
ambio, 505 ; .tssit, 466.
ambo, 4SI.
imfrub, 547.
amciuia (-ando), 900.
amfcio, 505, 578.
amiciu, 337.
niniUo (nmm-), 109, 114.
nminenftim, spelling of, 114.
omne^ for aim-, 80.
iiniwniw, 946.
impmdicts. 578.
umtilaH', 483.
ampfcrtor 578; hjc^, 467.
owirfin, 485.
nnucfntu, 578.
amlermini. 578.
[imifrca, 33. 75.
i™»m™,5fi3.
nnigiK'iibi, -iddula, 198.
nn, CodJ., G06.
an-, Prep., 578,
Anaptyzls (see Parasitic Vowel).
anas, 974.
ancepa, older, -cipti, 178.
ancilia, 387.
nncioiriir, 334
aiuora, 155, I90:
S9-
cf'ia, 333.
lis, 993, 356.
nnciu, 959.
angina, 336.
onjo, 37ir -uW
aii^i7n (-i7Ia), 1
n>i?H(S, 33a
anhdB, 199, 578 ; oJen-, 98 ; -0-, Jia.
animailcerUi, 369.
anniui, 117. 3'4-
anqiiina. 947.
nnjuim, 578.
nn(oi!. 374-
nnte, 578; an* ;e)j»»i'(u8, 579; aiif«i.
579, 569 ; anlehar, 56) ; antid-. 579 ;
antidhac, 579.
622
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
antennae, 578.
antes, 578.
aiitesiaminOy 519, 578.
antiae, 562.
antiais, 337.
atUuleo, 575. 579.
antigeriOj 560.
antioper, 562
antiquiis, 337.
antistes, 350.
antruo, -dr, 289.
anui5; Gen., 384.
-(7ni« (see Suffix -NO-).
anus, 333.
Aorist (see Tense-Stems).
aper, 22a.
rtpmo, 475.
Apex, over long vow., 4. 1 29, 134,161 sq.
apinae, 58.
«pto, Vb., 480.
apiscor, 480.
aplustmm, 96.
Apocope, 203 $(qq. ; accent in, 153,161.
appello, 472 ; -amino, 519
Appenninus [Ape-), 117.
Appius (see Claudius .
apprinie, 565.
apricus, 178.
Aprilis, 178.
apntgnus, -unus, 994.
«PM<^» 579 ; -o'*? -**r, 288.
o^Ma, 223 ; trisyll. (?\ 87 ; a-, acq-,
87; -ni, Gen., 382.
aqnUa, the scansion, 210.
Aqiiihnia, 286.
-ar- from I. -Eur. r, 279.
ar for (wi, Prep., 288, 99.
ara, asa, 305.
*aramen for a«*a>ne/t, 201.
arafiea, 292.
aratrum, 330.
arbiter, 288.
ar&or, 290 ; -os, 356 ; -oseni. Ace, 305.
arboretum {-bustum), 306, 335.
arbuium {-itujn), 197.
«rc€0, 223.
arcesso, 487 ; -trt, 506 ; acoemo, 487.
arcubii, 176.
arcj^s, 300 ; docl. of, 344 ; F., 344.
anlea, 279.
ardeo, 486.
ardits, 184.
arduuitur (?•, xii Tab., 288, 515.
ar(j-(/acw), 490 ; oi/-, 184.
arena (see ^rena).
argenium, 296.
arger for ogi^-. 288.
Argiletuntf accent of, 161 sq.
argumentum, 336.
argutus, 484.
anw, 261 ; -Jete, 144.
-am (see Suffix -RI-).
arispex, 29.
•<5nt« (see Suffix -I0-) ; ousted by
'dris, 321.
annus, 279.
aro, 223.
ar^ttes, 300.
«rs, 341.
atiena, 172.
Article, Def.,452 ; ludef., 410
Articulation, Basis of, 30.
artio, 485.
artus, 343.
Aruncus for ^ur-, 42, 40.
arvum, 323 ; -taw, 323.
-as (see Suffix -TI-) ; accent of, 163.
-as, Nom. PL, 398 ; Gen. Sg., 381.
aser, blood, 261.
asimis, 305.
asom/ero, 539.
asp- for ab^-, 310.
asper, aspr-, 185.
aspergo {-argo), 200.
a^pentor, 470, 486.
Aspirates, ph on. changes of,a79 sqq. ;
Gk. in Lat. orth., 4, 11 sq., 54, 57
sqq-j 72, 99 sq. ; Tenues (see
Tenuf s Asp.).
asporio, 210.
assent tor (-0), 521.
Asseverative Particles, 614.
Assibilation (see Palatalization).
assidue (-0;, 550.
Assimilation, of Cons., 311 sqq.; of
Prep., 312 sq. ; of unacc. vow.,
201 ; of final cons, (see Sandhi).
-asso^ Vb. -forms in, 462 sqq.
assidaiim, 556.
ast, 600 sq.
asted, Dven. Inscr., 514.
■^ter, -ctst{r)inus (see Suffix -TERO-,
Suffix -D-\
at, Conj., 600 ; spelling, 76 sq.
AteUa, 312.
ater, 81.
INDEX.
623
Athematio, Conjug. (see Verb) ; Pres.
Part. Act , 541.
-atim of Adv., 556.
afque (ac)y 598 aq., laa ; spelling,
599 ; a^« atque, 599.
aiqui (-n), 601, 614.
atrltusy 485
atrox, 259, 354.
attat, 617 ; accent of, 164.
aftigasy 464.
attulasy 464.
-ntuSf e.g. dentcUuB, P. P. P., 483.
AIT, phon. changes of, 243 sq. ;
pronunc, 37 sqq. ; weak grade of
()U-root, 261 ; -au' for aw?, 243 ;
AU, 252.
att'j Prep., 576.
rtu, Interj., 38.
aububulcua, 235.
(iitcepSf 180.
nudader {-iter), 554.
niideOy 486 ; -sij 522 ; 'Sus sum, 522 ;
-«im, 465; aitssuftj 112.
audio, 307.
«ire (see /lare).
AvemiiSf 197.
HvemincassiSf 462.
acerta, 197.
Aufidus, 250.
au^feo, 482, 243.
rtM^pur, -gre?-, 198 ; -ra, Accius, 48.
avUluSy 235.
au&re (oOri', 41 ; au27a, iia
Aidius, 267.
(titreae, 26 r.
aurichalann, 41.
auriya, 261.
««m, 243.
Aurora, 243, 356.
aitnujo {-igo\ 37.
r/itrum, 243.
«MS- yos-; in oscylor, &c., 41. 262.
«MS for arM«, 52.
((u^ciiZ^o, 243 ; aJM:-, 41.
tiuspex, 180.
au«8t(3, 112.
ai/sfe)*us, -rw, 338.
austivm, 262.
"«', 599.
autemf 601, 571.
f£M/or for -d-, 89, 119.
««<uwo, 180, 235.
avunctiivs, aunc-, 49, 172 ; anc-, 172.
Auxiliary Vbs., 511 ; accent.. 169.
auxWa, 333.
Avyaylbhftva, Compd., 360 sq.
'dx (see Suffix in Gutt., -KO-.
-ax J o. g. aureaxy 355.
oonm, 465 sq.
^MTis. 305, 338.
axitts {-tiosi)j 352.
B, pronunc, 78 sqq. ; for 6k. <^, 11 ;
for r, 47, 49 sqq. ; phon. changes
of, 282 ; for dw-, 265, 268 ; for hh.
282 sq. ; for dh, 289 sq. ; hr for sr.
303, 308.
bacay spelling of, 1 16 sq.
Bahuvrlhl, Compd., 360 sq.
balbus, 282, 358.
bcdbttfiOy 488.
*l)aliolu8 (?), 287.
baliaena, 48, 58 ; spelling. 117.
balneum, baUn-, 173.
-bam of Impft., 489 sqq,
barbaj 283.
barbactum for rerr-, 52.
barbar{us)j 374.
barcn, 184.
basilica J bass-, 115 ; basis, bam'^. J15.
Basis of Articulation, 30.
batillum see vat-),
batfuo, spelling of, 113.
beatitxido {-tas), 341.
Beleim (?), 48.
bellum, 0. Lat. duettum, 268
bellus. 326.
bene, -^, 551 ; b€7i{e), 184 ; 'tnerens, Adj .
540 ; -ro?ens, 352 ; and -lus, 540 ;
-Jicus for ren?-, 51.
betiignus, pronunc. of, 138.
Benuentod, 184.
*b€rbix for rerre;r, 52.
bessi; 409.
BH, phon. changes of, 282 sq
bh&-, * to speak,' 457.
bher-, *to caiTy,' 457.
bheu-, * to be, 458.
-W of ibi, &c., 551, 567.
bi- ofbidens, &c., 411.
bibo, Vb., 468 ; -t, Perf , 503 ; -<r(e).
Inf., 537.
bicorpor, 376.
bigae, 196.
'bilis (see Suffix DHLO- .
bimus, 144. 294.
624
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
biniy 411.
bipinnis for -pen; 23.
his J 411.
blasf^-fmiSy the scansion, 156.
bhitta, 314.
-bo of Fut., 491 sqq.
bonus, 326 ; CJompar., 406.
bos J 253 ; bobusj 6 m-, 250.
-br- for mr, 269 sqq.
-bra (see Suffix -DHRO-).
Irracu, spelling of, 116.
hracchiuntj 58 ; spelling of, 117.
Breathing, Gk. in Panliormus, kc, 57.
Breath- Stops (see Tenues).
Breves Breviantes, 210, 126, 129 sq.,
201 sq.
brevis, 227, 292
breviterj 553.
Britanni {Britt-), 115.
Broken Beduplioation, 358.
Bruges for Dnyg-, 36, 58.
-JfTum (see Suffix -DHRO-).
binma, 407.
Bn(((ii (-W-i, 29.
-bs-y 'It- J pronunc. of, 79.
Intcetumj 335.
bucituij spelling of, 117.
bidba for ndr<i, 50.
-6u2«m (see Suffix -DHLO-).
-bundiis, e. g. enabunduSf 545.
Bum(s for Pyrrh-f 36, 75.
burrus, 75.
-bus, Dat. PI., scansion of, 404.
bustar {bo-), 205, 250.
bustar ;cf bw^wm), 250.
bu/trum, the scansion, 156.
*5m^/s (-«), 116.
Bxitrio, 33.
biMTMS, 75.
C, the letter, 2, 6 sq., 76 ; pronunc
84 sqq. ; palatalization of, 87 sq. ;
for qy, 299 sqq., 315 ; d for W,
283 sq.
cadaver J 541.
mrfHcews, 288.
caducuSy 337.
car?t(i for cectdi, 509.
CaeciliuSy Cec-, 42 ; Caeic-t 242.
caecKSj 242.
caedtSy 346.
f(/tr7o, 242 ; cecTrfi, 496 ; ccrfrc, 184
caelebSy 48.
cae/um, the spelling coe-, 44.
cacmerUnmy 285 ; -fa, F., 400.
caeruleuSf 275.
caZamttos, 286 ; kad-^ 286.
calamitosnSj 353.
caiandae for cafe-, 23.
co/car, 203.
a/Wwsfor -/trf-, 173.
ca!e-(/acio), 490 ; co^-, 173. 184.
caikarey 95.
«*''^) 355-
callescenmty Cato, 481.
ca«/m (?), 580.
*ca/mus for dam-, 1^.
calory N., 356.
ccdumnia, ccdvoTy 327.
caZn«, 323.
calXy heel, 355.
ca/a-, lime, 95 ; -te, 107.
CidypsOntmy 155.
cameHlus for -^Z«5, 1 15.
Camenoy 308.
cawjeia ( twar-), 197.
Camerina (-»war-), 197.
CamilluSy 308.
caiwmarMS (^fl-)» 74*
Cflwjjxins for -nus, 182.
campeatery 330.
cancer, 96.
ttiwes, Nom. Sg., 346 ; -n^s, PI., 399.
canicuhiy 347.
cano, 223 ; -nte, Carm. Sal., 459 ; Perf.,
Soiy 509.
CanjopxiSy 75.
crtn'<,«t, 307.
c«P«J^» 355-
capei'y 276.
caperro, spoiling of, 117.
capessoy 462.
capidum for -tidum, 83.
caj9io, 298 ; ccp«, Perf., 502.
copis, bowl, 83.
capistrum, 331.
CapiYo, 349.
CaraliSy -lar-y 93 ; -rar'y 93.
Car(fa (-rfert\ 317.
Cardinal Numerals (see Numerals).
cardus for -dnuSy 174.
carictum (?) for -rec-, 23.
c(!rtnf(?, 515.
carmen, 271 sqq.; C. Saliare, 5, 245,
459 »»•
INDEX.
625
Cania^ 317.
ccero, 278, 273, 349.
carpatinasy 75.
can-poy 279.
cartilago, 279.
CarviliuB Bnga, letter Q, 7.
canisy 491.
wscusj 307.
Cases, 366 sqq. ; Strong and Weak^
367 ; suffix ousted by Prep., 573 ;
Adv. use of, 548 sqq. ; of Nom.,
553 sqq. ; of Gen., 555 ; of Ace,
555 sqq. ; of Abl., Instr., Loc, 559
sqq. {See Declension.)
citssiSf -iday 354 ; ca«(2a, 286.
cassuSf empty, 565.
Cdsidrenij 155.
coifusj •S8-, 1 10 sq.
Cato (Elder), -ae for -anij 61, 493 n,
catidiOf 484.
catiiSy 258, 541.
cavaediutHj 362.
cauciOus for -coZc-, 96.
cawUij 41.
cat€o, 235 ; cave^ accent, 169 ; pronunc,
49 ; caviy 499.
Cauneas (cave ne eew), 169.
Caurus, 258.
causa, -SS', 1 10 sq.
Causative Vbs., 477, 481 sq.
catisis {c<iv€ si8)f 49.
cams (cot?-), 234 sq.
-cc. Particle, 432 sq.
cedoy 432, 518 ; cette, 284.
ct'dOf Perf. cessif pronunc, 11 1.
csdre for cciedere, 184.
cedrus, 289.
ceter, 351 ; -rissinvJSy 407.
-C€/to, 486.
celo, 488 n., 227.
cc^f^^y 354-
ce?«ti5, 229.
ccrw, 277 ; -atusy P. P. P., 520, 542 ;
-oe-, 44, 277.
-cendi, Perf., 501.
censeo, 273 ; -cn/o. Pass., 519.
centum, 418 sq. ; -ptex, 418 sq. ; -iuwt-,
409 ; -centum for -«, 418 sq. ; -tesi-
muSj-tensu-f 418 sq.
cerebrum, 296 ; -ber, 370.
ceresium, cherry, 18.
cernoy 472 ; crer/, 500.
ctrto {-€), 550.
ce?Tix (Sg., Plur.), 355.
Cents, 329.
cesanes for caes-, 43.
cetero', 244 ; -rum, Conj., 602 ; -ra.
Adv., 602 ; -fogwi (-n), 568, 614.
ceffe, 284.
-c^tum, 335.
cew, 607.
-c/*- (Gk. x)» -cch-, Plaut., 58.
Change of unaooented vowel (see
Weakening).
Chersonensus, the spelling, 136 ».
Chi (see Aspirates).
Chius (Adj.), scansion of, 132.
-ci' and -«-, 82 sqq.
cihus, decl. of, 344.
cicindela, 333.
ciconia, Praen. oonM, 22.
cicur, quant, of t, 485.
*cicu8 for 'icc', 116.
cieo (do), 481 ; c*tua, 335, 541.
cincinnus, 315.
cinctutus, 335.
ctiigio, -njct, -ndi«, pronunc, 140.
nnis, 357.
•cinor {-cinium), 488.
drees, 352.
circo-, -um, Prep., 579 ; -a, 579 ; -iter, 580.
Circumflex Aooent, 153 sqq., 161.
cis (citra), 580, 432 ; -ter, 432.
cisteUa, 333. ^
cifera for -<Aar-, 190.
citrus, 289.
n7Ms, 541 ; ct-, 335 ; -<5, Adv., 551.
civicus, 337.
-rf- for -tf-, 81.
dadeSf 219.
c/awi (c/oMcuZMm), 580 ; clamde, 580.
clamo, 279.
dandestinus, 580.
clango, 471.
clarare {-ere), 484.
Claudius (A pp.), reforms alph., 6,
105 ; vEmp.), reforms alph., 3 sqq.,
36, 47 sq., 79 (see also CUh).
claudo, 180, 252; du', 40, 196.
davis, 347.
datus, 298.
c/epo, 298 ; -psi, 505.
c/iens (dw-), 29.
dipeus {du-), 29.
dirua, 275, 323.
doaca (jdu-), 37.
8 S
626
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
Qodius, 41 ; C7a-, 4a.
GodiuSj 250 ; C7<M<Z[t], 946.
Close SylL, quant, of vowel, 133 sqq.
clueo (-mo), 473, 395.
'Clum {-culum^ q. v.) (see Suffix -L0-).
duniSf 250.
dtttSmestraf tho scansion, 202.
CO- for quo-y 300.
-co of albicOf Ac, 479.
coo (from coeo), 318.
coaiesco^ 481.
foci<2t/m, 300.
coelum for cae?-, 44.
coemptionalia senex, 143.
coe?ia for ce-, 44, 277.
coepio, 545 ; -i>t, 502 ; scansion of, 143 ;
'Ptus sum J 522.
coeroj coi-j for cttro^ 248.
co^<M.s, 142, 39.
cogitOj 143.
co9n«(ft<«, spelling of, 114.
cogtwtneHf 294.
coj/nosco, con- J 294 ; Perf., 509.
cofifo, 143.
cohiheoj scansion of, 143.
cohorsj 183.
co{?i]um, 235.
cojicio, pronunc. of, 53.
coinqao, 311.
cciina (?), the spelling, 236.
Collective, Compd., 360 sq., 365 ;
Noun, 399.
coUega, 318 ; -gins for -m, 370.
coUiSj 271.
ro/Ium, gender of, 369.
oiUum for -I-, 112.
colOj 227 ; spelling of, 300.
coloher for -hi6-, 37.
cdoephia for -ii/-, 36.
coloniftj 321.
co^Mmen (cuZin-), 185.
co^ur»t)ta, pronunc, 69 ; -?om-, 37, 69 ;
C. Rostrata, 7 ; -tneUn, 69.
coiuniMs, 97.
cdtts^ 300.
com- (ct«n) (co-?). Prop. , 580 ; bef . t^,
/•♦ 50 sq., 66, 99 sqq. ; bef. ri-, gn-^
114 ; bef. «-,/-, 136 sqq. ; guont, 581 ;
cum bef. n-, 121 ; c. eo c. quiqui, 448.
co»i6rc^Mm, 227.
cowtfturo, 578, 144.
comes, 350.
cow IS, 307.
comtnendo (-WMin-\ 200.
wmmentus, 335.
commimtSf 554 ; -m-, 115.
commirciunif the spelling, 229.
communis^ 247.
com/), -mpsi, 505.
otmpages, 346.
Comparison, of Adj., 404 sqq. ;
Compar., 404, 406 ; Super!., 405,
407 ; irreg., 407 sq. ; of Adv., 550.
compeRaref 472.
Compensation, length by, 314.
comperendinarey 486.
compescOy 192.
coinpitum^ 194.
compleref in Romance, 489.
Compounds (Noun and Ad,i.), 358
sqq. ; accent of, 161 sqq. ; A-stems,
363 sq. ; O-stems, 364 ; I-stoms,
364 ; U-stoms, 364 ; N-stems. 364 ;
R-stemH, 365 ; Dent., Gutt. Stems,
365 ; S-stems, 365 ; in Pacuv., 360 ;
in Lucr., 360; in Plant., 362;
(Verbs), 362 sq. ; accent of, 164 ;
influence on Simple Vb., 468 ;
(Adv.) (see Adverbsi ; (Prep.) (see
Prepositions).
coticapitj xii Tab., 379
concinoj -ui, 509.
cojufitio, 341 ; 'CiOj 88.
coneaj Praen., 22.
conesto for cohon-^ 143.
confestim, 556.
con/eta (sus)f 318.
confuiOy 309.
conger {go-), 74 ; gu-, 33.
congius^ 280.
congmens {-mis), 540.
coniior^ spelling of, 114.
GOJu'rtfo, 302 ; -nixi, 499.
Conjugations (see Verb).
Conjunctions, 596 sqq. ; accent, 169 :
variety of meaning, 596 ; of stem.
596; of vow.-quant., 596; Con-
junctive, 598 sq. ; Di^unctive, 599
sq. ; Adversative, 600 sqq. ; Limi-
tative, 602 sq. ; Explanatory, 603
sq. ; Conclusive, 604 sq ; Optative,
605 ; Interrog., 605 sq. ; Compar.,
606 sqq. ; Temp., 608 sqq. ; Causal,
610 ; Condit., 610 sqq.; Concessive,
613 ; Final, 613 sq. ; Assev., 614 sq. ;
Neg., 615 sq.
6^^
r«vux (-«■). 69, 35a
comipftH, c(if., 114 ; ^irf., 47t.
conquaeimTa, 34a.
ConM, 358.
cos, 359.
fOnmcTo for -oe-, aoa
coaenHont, Scipio Epit., 5S9.
™«T,fc,7to. 479, 487.
Bamur. Dvenos inscr., 307.
CDnn'(f«ro, 486.
colhimuii, 33.
ron«Tiiim, a86 ; -mrf-, 386.
(ToimM, 75.
ttmtlpha, 195.
coHidM, 560; spelling, 337 sq.
ronjim, 199.
»Kn«o, S. C. Baoch., 350.
CoMonttnt. lost in group, 309 sqq. ;
aniraaerHnt, 346.
Stems and I-»lemB, 338. 341
(s«,
«xwi,398.
Snffixefl).
CTuftm, 230.
n-arlif..,- rMn,9T
ttnmi, prontitic. of, 136 sq.
ciapuia, 197.
fcmtofffs, 34S.
CrxlB, 143 sqq.
cMlatitiim 999, 994.
Cra««iu, 8tai7 nf, 169.
cms/in u», 335.
crates, aig, 279.
fm«nt». 557.
er<ibeacc for -br-, 95.
rmtin, 67 ; pronnnc, 141 ; oimK-
350;
credo. 479; ^«n»i, -im, 514.
-**, arc
CTto, 339.
confrn, 581 ; -3, 557.
crepa for capra, 98.
"77;
crqw, -uf, -nri, 499, 506 ; -ilia, P. P. P.
e.g.mfffornMjntM. 135; Contr. Vb.-
M=-
fonns (see Vorb).
mjnw, 98.
f«nftv«r«<.. 581.
rre/nieiniiMin, 373.
nrntubemium, spelling of, 193.
fresoo, 479 ; -Hi. 500.
rt)N(Srf,t 496.
erflariat for «(-, 96.
crtfemi, 118.
eoKubivm, Bpelling of, 1 14.
CTibrum, 330.
cotmetlla, 373.
mWn, 336.
nmriciiim, 335.
tmdm. 3iB.
mjfti, 339.
conroBo (-rdl-), 338.
c™.-o, 476-
fopia, 144; mpi., Adj., 144.
cnutaiB, 340.
c«pii;n, 143.
eoguina. 470.
(Ti«nft(s. 353.
rojtw, 467; -ini!?). 515.
<™«r, ^.
nquvs, 391 ; spelling of, 399.
(TusfHin, pronunc. of, 141; -tnan, 96
cor, 379; aeniwion. laa, 315.
-/fH«, c(«rtr-, 97.
™afl.«m (mrali-). 34.
foram, 58..
-c(- for Outt. -with (, 391. 393.
cw&iur for -piu, 51.
-c(i<m. e.g. nVniuni, 335.
(ordaft.s, 463.
■CM- fur guu, 86 sq., 3i».
eorigia for rorf-, 114.
■C.bi, 446.
CornWis, 373.
cubicMJwm, scansion of, 175.
•amietn, rga.
i..l.o,-vi -uf.), 506, 499.
COfTiiwas, 404.
fUClJuS, 390 -I«Uf'5, 115.
™™'>, 347-
tudo, 486 -rti, 503.
rwni,, 379.
cui (see (^.1, ^<j> rj< ; rW ?, 606. -
(■ormu, comol, 879.
c»,cu,W-;/, 445, 564,
cn>m, Poss., 443, 447 ; cujdi, 447.
mrana, 59 ; spelling of, 59.
2
S
628
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
culfiis {KvKiroi), 59.
'Ctdij Perf., 501.
culmeHf 235 ; (colunu), 185.
culmua, 328.
'culo-j Dim. (see Suffix -L0-).
culpaj col-f 236.
'culunif scansion of, 146, 175 sqq. aeo
-dum).
cum (see com-),
cumbo, 471.
ctimprimiSf 565.
cunae, 258.
cunchin for co-, 33.
cunciusy 541 n.
-cwwiM^, 544 sq.
cunUai'f), 155.
-cun^Me, 598.
cttnteUnm for cmW-, 97.
cupa ('pp-)j 116.
cwpto, 476; -Is, 475.
cur, 606.
euro, 247 ; cot', coe-f 248 ; cou-, 246.
cwrbus for -rr-, 51.
curia, 180.
CMriosMS, 353.
curriculo, 556.
cu/TO, 239 ; cecurrij 503 ; Perf. in
Romance, 509.
cursim, 556.
curhna for co-f 34.
CMrfM«, 239.
cu^tos, 308.
-cu^/o {quatio), 196.
cutis, 260.
C!/sr>iw», 292 ; ci', 36.
D, pronunc, 80 sqq. ; and -t in at, ad,
&c., 76 sq. ; phon. changes of, 285
sqq.
D-partiole (see Particles).
'd, Abl., 391 sq.
DaimcUia {De-), 17.
-dam of quidam^ Ac, 552.
Dama, spelling of, 117.
damma, spelling of, 117.
damnas esto, 183.
damnumj 328.
Danubius for -uc-, 51.
<2anunt, 531.
dapsilis, 340.
rfa« (?;, 0. Lat Inf., 537.
datatim, 556.
Dative (see Declension).
dautia, 286.
'de of ttidc, &C., 570.
de, Prep., 581 ; confused with di-, 574.
deabus, 403.
t/ebeo, scansion of, 143.
rfeWi for 'lisy 376.
delilito, 176.
decern, 416 ; -cim, 19, 21 , -amus, 416,
Decius, 416.
^eci>m»ii<s, 326.
Declension (Noun, Adj.), 366 sqq. ;
Nom. Sg., 371 sqq. ; Gen., 379 sqq. ;
Dat, 385 sqq. ; Ace, 387 sq. ; Vt«c.,
388 sqq. ; Abl., 390 sqq. ; Instr.,
392 sqq. ; Loc., 395 sqq. ; Nom. PI.,
397 sqq* ; Gen., 401 sq. ; Dat., Abl.,
Loc, Instr., 402 sqq. ; Ace, 404 ;
(Pron.) Pers., 421 sqq. ; Demonstr.,
431 sqq. ; Rel., 443 sqq. ; Pron.
Adj., 450 sqq. ; (Verb) (see Verb).
dedino^ 470.
decor, M., -us, N., 356; decorus Adj., 356.
decreiuit, 22.
decussi-, 409.
dedro, 531 ; -ot, 531.
d^endo, 486.
defrudo, the spelling, 196, 40.
d^rfitum, 261 ; -/rt-, 197.
de/uchis, 471.
degener, 356.
Degrees of Ck>mpar. (see Comparison).
degxifiere, 472.
Dehnstufe (see Gradation).
deinc^s, 553.
deinde, 570 ; dein, 122.
deU-nio {-lin-), 199, 225.
delicatus, 287.
ddico^ 286.
delirus (-/er-), 199, 22.
ddubrum, 331.
-dem of idem, &c., 441 ; of iandem, Sic.,
55a.
demo, -psi^ 505.
Demonstratives (see Pronouns;.
deynum, 549 ; -«, 553.
Denominative (see Derivative).
dens, 540.
Dentals, phon. changes of, 283 sqq.
dentio, 485.
denuo, 564.
Deponent, 519 sqq. ; Past Part, of
Act. Vb., 520, 542 ; Perf. of Neut.
Vb., 522 ; bef. Pass. In£, 52^ ; Act.
INDEX.
629
Perf., 5ao ; Pres. Part., 520 ; Act.
by-form, 521 sq. ; Pass, use of, 522,
542 ; -art like Gk. -cvctK, 521.
ilepre^xsaj 336.
derhiosua^ 268.
Derivative Verbs, 478, 483 sqq.
descendidi, 502.
desciso, pronunc. of, 479,
rfeses, 358.
Desideratives, 478, 482, 484.
desiderOf 488.
desilui (,-ivi)j 499.
desitus siifiif with Pass. Inf., 522.
desiinoj 470, 472.
Determinative Oomp., 360 sq.
deteataius, Pass., 542.
det(mdi (-<o<-), 504.
devas Comiscas, 404.
deunXy 409.
devfiroy Fut. Perf., 507.
deus (cf. div-), 244 ; dei, d*(0» Nom. PI.,
399, 21 ; deum, -orunij Gen., 402 ;
deis, diiSf Dat., 21 ; diibuSj 404 ;
-</ms(?), 618.
dextans, 409.
dexteVy 285 ; -remu^, 405 ; -tera, Adv., 550.
DH, phon. changes of, 289 sq.
DH-particle (see Particles),
dhe-, * to put/ 457.
di- (see dis-) for dc-, 574 ; ' for W-,
412 ; rftfor 5, 105.
dkae for -aw, 492.
rficax, 355.
(^tcis. Gen., 358.
dtcoy 243 ; -ces (?), 2 Sg., 526 ; -c (-cc;,
Imper., 518; -aw", 495, 497, 504;
-TO, 463 ; -xim, 465 ; -ocerdj 212 ;
dicebo, 492, 494 ; dtcturum, O. Lat.,
537.
-didiy Perf., 496, 502.
dienoinej Dvenos inscr., 560.
diequintij 397 ; pronunc, 212.
dies, 252 ; pronunc, 24, 30, 133 ; gend.,
369 71, ; Nom. Sg., 377 ; Gen., 382 ;
dtt, 382 ; in word-group, 169 ; in
Comp. Adv. 560 ; dienoine, Dvenos
inscr., 416.
Diespiter, decl. of, 364.
difficult N., 205 ; -Iter {-liter), 553.
Digamma, Lat. F., 2, 5 ; for r, 8.
Digentia, 287.
digitus, 76; -rf-, 185.
dignus, 293 ; pronunc, 138 sq.
dilexi, Perf., 505.
diloriSf 412.
dimicOf 194 ; -avi {-ui;, 499.
dimidius, 409, 159 ; de-, 30.
Diminutives, 333, 336 sq.
dimminuo, the spelling, 314.
dingita, O. Lat. for lingua, 286.
(ftnummium, 412.
dtnu5 for divin-, 52.
Diorem, 263 sq.
Diphthongs, phon. changes of, 239
sqq. ; pronunc, 37 sqq. ; shortened
bef. cons., 251 sq. ; when final, 213 ;
Gk. in Lat. orth., 43 sq. ; Gk. ci, 244.
diritno, 582.
dirrumpo, the spelling, 314.
dis-, Prep., 582.
disceryiictdum, 333.
disciiHina, 176; -plic-, 97.
disco, 477; didici, 501.
disertim, 556.
dispalesbo, 586.
dispennite for -yid-, 64.
Dissimilation of I, r, 275 ; syll. lost
by, 176.
dissipo, 304 ; spelling of, 193.
distennite for -nd-, 64.
distinguo, 471 ; spelling of, 301 sq.
Distributives (see Numerals'.
I>ite, Voc, 389,
diu, 555 ; -tinus, 325.
dtr65, di5, 408 ; Ck>mpar., 408.
divisi, Perf., 498.
Division of Syll., 124 sqq.
divissio, the spelling, 1 10 sq.
dius, Adv., 555.
divus (cf. deus), .244 ; deros, 404.
dixeram iUis, pronunc of, 123.
'do of cupido, &c. (see Suffix -N-).
-do, Vbs. in, 486; Perf., 502 ; of condo^
&c, 457.
do, I give, decL of, 457 ; da, Imper.,
518; dedi, 495 sq.; dedro (-<), 53 1»
124 ; datus, 222 (see duo),
doceo, 259, 482 ; -eunto, 3 PI., 519.
(?o<fran«, 409.
DolabeUa, 331.
(ioa/u^, 485.
dolus, 318.
(2am7tu5 for -wii'n-, 185.
domo, Vb., 474, 481 ; -mi, 506 n,
domus, 258; decl., 344; -mos, Gun.,
380, 384.
630
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
donee f 609 ; -iatmj 609 ; -ique, 609.
(lonum, 232.
dorsualis. 340.
dos, 341.
dossum for -rs-^ 96.
Double Cons., pronunc. of, 108 sqq. ;
for Single, 113 sqq. ; written, 3, 8 ;
II, 7 sq. ; W, 7 ; Vow., 3, 9 sq.
Doublets, 120 sqq , 204.
drachumaf 145.
Dropping (see Loss).
dma for tr-, 289.
Drusus, 989.
Dual, traces of, 366, 400.
Dvandva, Comp., 360 sq., 365.
dubitOf 482.
dubiuSf 411.
dueenti^ 419 ; -^um, O. Lat., 418 sq.
duco, 466 ; duCf Imper., 518 ; -x»,
pronunc, 498 ; ductusj pronunc, 542-
dudlunif 268.
Dvenos Insor., 2.
duicensuSf 411.
duidenSf 411.
Dvigu, Comp., 360 sqq.
duiSy O. Lat. for bis, 411.
d«»», 609, 570.
*dump€iy 286.
dumtaxai, 565.
<2umu5, 237.
dune, 609.
duo for do, 515 ; -iw, 515.
duo, Num., 410 sq. ; scansk)n, 411 ;
-urn, Gten. PL, 412 ; -a, Neut. PI.,
412 ; -decim, 416; -cen^i, 419 ; -vice-
simus, 417 ; -deviffinH, 416.
Duodeoim Tabb. (see Twelve Tables).
dtionus, 268.
duplex (*ua), 411.
dupundius {-on-), 197.
-du«, e. g. pallidits, 353 sq.
Du5mtu«, 237.
dw-, phon. change of, 265 sqq.
E, pronunc, 18 sqq. ; for oe, 44 ; for
ae, 42 sq. ; for t in hiatus, 19,
22 ; in atonic syll., 25, 30 ; S for f,
25, 29 sq. ; phon. changes of, 223
sqq. ; for short vow. in atonic syll.,
191 sq., 194 ; for a &fterj, 17 ; for !
after i, 230, 232 ; for -i, &c., 205 sq. ;
f for S lengthened, 224 ; for -Syi-,
-(M; 224 ; in grade of ^root, a6o ;
not weakened to i, 199 ; shortening
of -e, 211 sq. ; 0. Lat. S for et, 244
sq. ; Gk. (see Eta).
-S, loss of, 204 sq. ; ^Dat.' in, 387 ;
with -I in Abl. Sg., 390 sqq.
•S of Adv., 548.
g, ex. Prep., 583 ; ec-, 583.
E-grade of Boot (see Gradation).
E- Subjunctive, 512 sqq.
eddem, Adv., 561.
eapse (-d?), 441.
-ebam of legeham, &c,, 49a
-ebo, Fut, 3 Conj., 493.
-ebris of funebris, &c., 196.
ebrius, 592.
ecastor (ecc-), 618.
ecce, 617 ; -cere, 618 ; -urn, 617, 435 ;
-Ulumy 'istum, 432.
edesia, the spelling. 115.
ecquis, 447.
Ecthlipsis, 309 sqq.
ecus for equusj 86.
edepol, 618.
edice, Imper., 518.
cdo, Vb., decL of, 456 ; Sdi, 497 ; -am,
'im, 512 ; Imper., 518 ; essus, the
spelling, 112 ; -tus, 309.
Sdo, -Mula (see Suffix -D-).
edidis, 340.
edus for haedus, 42.
egestas, 326.
ego, decl., 421 sqq. ; scansion, 422 ;
mihiy scansion, 422.
egregius, Voc. of, 389.
egretus, O. Lat.. 285.
EI, on inscrr., 244 sq. ; for 7, 9 ; for
t, 245, 22 ; for e, 22 ; phon. changes
of, 243 sqq. ; for atonic ai, oi, 243
sq. ; EI, 252 ; O.Lat. 9 for ei, 244 sq.
ei-, ' togo,' 456.
ejero, 199.
einom, Dvenos inscr., 604.
-eis, Nom. PI., O-stem, 398.
^pdo, pronunc. of, 53.
-eitts, Prop. Names in, 320.
t^uscemodi, 437.
-el-, phon. change of, 228 sq.
-Sla (see Suffix -L0-).
dicui, Perf., 505.
sits [aee Suffix -LI-).
Elision, 144 sq. ; of -m, 61 sq., 144 ;
-s, 123 ; -t of -dl, -a, 381, 383 (see
Hiatus).
INDEX.
631
dixus, 393.
-etfo (-t/5), -^-, iia sqq., 115.
eUiim, 617.
-e«t« (see Suffix -L0-).
-em- for I.-Eur. ip, 273 sq.
-em, -iwi, Ace. Sg., 388 ; for -am, Fut.,
493 «.
tm, Interj., 617.
on, * turn,* 438 ; * eum/ 438.
ememj *eundem,' 438.
tminusj 554.
emifor for im-, 30.
<^wo» 505 ; emiy 502 ; -p«, 505 ; -p^ua,
npelling of, 70 ; emf^nif 531 ; -pstm,
466.
-endiiSf 'Unduitj Grer., 544.
emungOf 471.
-rwt<« of swpreww^, Ac, 407.
-t:/i- for I. -Eur, n, 273 sq.
tn. Prep, (see in},
evif Interj., 617.
Enclitics, 165 sqq.
endo, indUy 582 sq. ; and in-, 583 ; WJ-
doqiie ploratOy 573.
eneco, spelling of. 194.
enim, 603 ; -vero, 603.
Ennius, inti'oduced double cons.,
3, 8-
enociliSy 197.
moSf Carm. Arv., 425.
•ens (see Suffix -NT-).
-ens- for Gk. rju (?), 136 n.
tyisiSy 274.
-e>i/t«, -ium (see Suffix -NT-).
-entioTj Compar., 407.
enubro- (-nt6-), 191.
enunqiuunf 617.
-frtMs (see Suffix -NO-).
eu, Adv., 568 sq.
eo, Vb., decl. of, 456 ; eunt-, Part., 541 ;
-(it, Perf., 214.
Epirxis, accent of, 155.
eindomiSy 348.
«(/«<««> 336.
tt/uidtni, 603.
tijuifer, 361.
e(/l/lO, 484.
cv/}/us, 226 ; spelling, 300 ; pronunc.
of e-, 42.
-cr- for n, 231 sq. ; for -<Jr- in/oenem,
^^'1 34 (^^ &lso £).
•er, from -ros, 374 ; M., -ria F., 371.
trcisco, pronunc. of, 479.
er^muHy the scansion, 156.
ergo, 583.
eryo, Prep., 583, ; Conj., 604 ; accent,
166; '6y 212.
erro, 308.
ervgo, -do, 298.
erum7M for a«r-, 43.
-?mnf, -tre, 3 PI,, 531 sq.
erviimf 196.
es, es< (see edo, decl. of),
es, &< (see sum, decl. of).
-M (see Suffix -T-) ; -m, -is. Ace. PI.,
404 ; Nom. PL, 399 ; 0-stems, 398.
esca, 310.
escOj 479.
•tsimuSf -ensumus, 418.
esstJTtf for esse, 536.
65915 (?), 466.
-6550, Yb. -forms in, 462 sqq.
{e)st, [e)s, Procope of, 121.
-ester (see Suffix -TERO-.
et, Conj., 599.
Eta (Gk.), Lat. ae, 42 (see -ens-).
ctiam, 599 ; -dum, 609 ; -num, 570 ;
-nunc (-wn-), 62, 69, 121.
etsi, 613.
-eft<w, e. g. arboretum, 335.
ET7, pronunc. of, 39 sqq. ; plion.
changes, 245 sq. ; £U, 252.
ereyiat, 464.
euge {-ae), 617 ; accent, 164,
-eus, sum (see Suffix -I0-).
-ex of remexy &c., 358.
t'xadversus (-m), Prep., 595.
examen {-agtn-), 292.
examusshn, 563.
exaurio, the spelling, 475.
exempt um, 271.
ea/u/*, 309.
exiet (?), Fut., 493.
eximius, 319.
exvide, 570.
exolesco, 481.
expergitus, 542.
expers, 192.
explenunt, 531.
explode, 196.
explorato (-c), 550.
exsugebo, 494.
exta, 311.
extemph, 565.
extinguo, spelling of, 301 sq.
ex^tQnca, 358.
632
TEIE LATIN LANGUAGE.
Muo, 475-
F, the letter, a, 5, 391 ; pronUDC, 98
sqq. ; for Gk. f, 11 ; from I.-Eur.
bli-, aSanq. ; -bh-, 083; dh-, aSgsq. ;
-dh-, 989 ; Khw, 097 : qM, 303 1
for A, 094 aq., 56 ; b, ^8, So.
f^ibarii, 95.
/abula, 334-
faasso, 46a.
factha, 335.
faeiae for -am, 493.
/«<!.■«, 345 i -■«i 341.
/nctlis. .tril, N. (Adv.l, 553 ; -cifc, Adv.,
554 ; -cillter, -ctJUr, 553 ; -cilumed,
S. C. Baoch., 559.
fiich, 457 ; decl. of, 458 ; tai.e/., 4e.,
183 aq.. 488 ; -ta, -if, 475 ; ftci, 497,
503; /ocCO, 5'8; /am {■>»'), 465;
■i«( (?), 508 ; f«faktil, Praon. flb.,
504; /difd, Dvenoa inscr., 538.
fiauiidia, 545.
faemtiria (/eji-), 4a.
/osntK (fin-), 4a.
/nuru, 331.
/oHa, 355-
.ftili, 486.
/ama, 3=8.
/an.
', 345-
/uiufct, 355.
/ninilin, 193; hJ (?), Nom., an ; -,
Oen., 381.
yiimH! for -Iiu, 374.
/anum, 307.
/|^ 357-
/arao, 476 ; decL, 458 ; -raus, 543.
./ariam, 553.
farina, 357.
yimiiu. 379, »94-
famua, 377.
/fwtHJiuni, 176.
/KuUgiutn, ajT.
fiulia, decL of, 344.
/atiffi), 563.
/uWm, 563,
/atmn. 54a ;
/Vidtua, 394.
/alvus, 334.
/nrii/a, ass,
yi"w. 357-
37°-
/eBo, 335.
fimina, 335, 337.
Feminine (Be« Gender).
fimiir, decl. of, 349 nq.
-/(..rfo, Vb., 4B6 ; -ai. Pert, 501.
/ere, /miM, 561, 185.
/eHae, 307.
/mo, jwcwwf, 545 ; firiimat, 531.
/ero, decl. of, 457 ; fir, 517 ; Mi. 545.
494. 503 ; '<*"''. 494. 497-
fi™, 354-
firlum, a oake, 310.
/errei (.ro), 476 ; -biii, 51,
/iTMs, 397.
/fflcimiioi! (?), 398.
/rjfiiio, Vb., 473; -us. Adj., 556; -nfep
(-Jbi), Adv., 550.
/eafiu, 307.
/r(H^ fbr/nr-, 18.
/.(us, 344.
/Wkt (/'!^}i "39.
.Ittiila, 467.
jJcBMa (-cef(«?), 353.
fideli. Adv., 559.
Ff*lK
, the
■■ 345 .
T, «en..
137 "■
febrici'
'.355.
.333-
i»«, 358-
Jjih, 343 ; in Romance, 4B8,
•'■", 337-
fidiia tar Joed-, 356 ; fidntlua, 356.
Fifth Dool. (aoe Suffix -Yfi-, -E-).
.fliWi for -<ilui, 375.
.rtjl-no, 184.
JlSTi't^l ; ii, 499 : -iiM,54a;J'iWi-iu, 534-
Jigura. sgi.
/fiiiia, 335, 39 ; -le, -i, Voc., 389 sq. ;
filiabia, 403.
/Wi> yS-), 939.
Final, Cons., pronuiic of, iigsqq. ;-tf,
taa ; -in, 67 sq., 133 ; -nf, 134 ; -r, 97 ;
-(., 108. 133 -I. 133 ; double cohh.,
119, laa ; Vowel, short, 903 sqq. ;
long, 907 sqq. ; afll. in -m, 9i6 aq.
ftndo, 469; Mr, 495, 501
fltigo, 397 1 -nzi, pronuDCq 140 ; -ncfiu,
47>-
Jliii (-<), Adv., ssa.
INDEX.
633
finitimus, 405.
M 545» Saa; A Saa ; /ten, 13a
0. Lat. -re, 53a ; JUuTj 522.
firmusy pronunc. of, 141.
First, Pers. Sg., ending, 524 sq. ; PI.
529 ; Syll., accent, of, 157 sqq.
Jivo^ 0. Lat. for flgoy 467.
fixulaet 467.
Mgroj 222 ; confused with/rogro, 92.
/lameHy a blast, -mm*, 1 18.
flavus, 279.
yZec/o, 486.
/leminoj 258,
yteo, 476.
/lexuHtes (?), 352.
yto, 476.
^^''o^ 356.
/loreref in Romance, 489.
floSf 258.
fluentum^ 352.
y/tto, 484 n. ; -art, 499.
foculumf 289.
fodicOf 488.
/odio, -odi, Perf., 502.
/oedifragus {-erif-), 365.
/oedus, N., 356 ; ;W-, 356.
/(WW, pronunc. of, 136.
/or, decl. of, 457 ; /ari, 221.
Mas, 550, 557.
forcepsj 178.
/orciliuj the spelling, 239.
fordus, 0. Lat., 182 sq., 541.
/orem, 545 n.
/»»'«• 551 ; in Vb. Comp., 575.
fonnd, pronunc. of, 141.
formiddosusy spelling of, 197.
formonsus for -os-, 69.
formtis, 302.
/oniox, 239.
/ors, 278 ; Adv., 560 ; foraan, -m, 560
forsitan, -m, 560 ; /. /ua< an, 516
/arte, 560.
fortasse {-is), 560.
Fortes and Lenes, 71 sqq.
/or/w, 541 ; -ret', 342.
fortuito (-m), 550.
forum, 289.
fosZiiw, 307.
/orea, 295.
/oreo, 289, 302.
Fourth DecL, blends with Second
343 sq.
/r- for mr-, 269 sqq.
fraceSf 270.
Fractions (see Numerals'.
fragro and flagr-, 921 ; fragl-, 92.
fragum, 306.
frntigo, 222 ; /rej/i, 502 ; fractus, pri>-
nunc. of, 139.
/rater, 221.
fraxinus, 279.
frendo, 486 ; (-rfeo), 486 w. ; fressus. the
spelling, 115.
fretfiena, 559.
Frequentatives, 478, 482 sq.
frigidua, frid{dy, 30, 119; -gfrf-, 185;
-ona, 172.
/rij^iw, 306.
fviguttio, 488.
yru^t, 407 ; Compar., 408.
frumentum, -mint-f the spelling, 23.
frundes for -<md-, 31, 33.
fruniscor, 470, 237.
fntor, 484 w. ; -tmtno, 519.
fnistra, (-<*), 557 ; -«"-> 4©; -or,Vb.,558.
fnisttum for -/wm, 96.
/«Sfa, 239.
/<<grto, 476 ; fugi, 502.
yiii (see /mo).
fulgeo {-go), 476 ; -fei, 505
fidgorio, 485.
fulica, {-Ic-;., 236.
fubnentum, 310.
fidvus, 235.
fuma, * terra, ' 295.
fumus, 237.
/unam^uZitf, 364.
i^mfantiw, Gk. mispronunc. of, 58, 99.
fumlatidy Luceria inscr., 519.
fwuUtus, 561.
/undo, fudi, 502 ; txfvUua, 309.
funera necfunera, 616 n.
funerua {f), 356.
fungor, 471.
funiea for -on/-, 33.
/iw, -am, 515 ; /m, 518 ; /«/, Perf., 545 ;
scansion, 132, 508 sq.
/Mr, 233 ; scansion, 215.
/urea, 239.
/umiis, 239 ; /or-, 239.
/are, 297.
/umi8f 306.
/uscua, 306.
Fusio; 305.
/lissus, the Hpelling, 113.
/uttUia, 309 ; spelling of, 117.
634
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
Future (see Tense-stems) ; Fut. Perf.
(do.) ; Fut. lm\yeT.f 516 sqq.
G, letter. 2 sq., 6 sq. ; pronunc, 84
sqq. ; from I.-Eur. Gutt. Asp., 291,
296 sq., 298, 302 ; Gutt. Ten., 292
sqq. ; gS, 301 sq. ; for gw, 301 sq. ;
C-, 72, 74 sqq. ; 6, phon. changes of,
296 ; G, 298 ; ^9, 301 sq.
yaesum^ 305 ; spelling of, i la.
Oaius, 252 ; pronunc, 53.
yaUicinium, 194.
(jaUbiaf 370.
garriOy 277.
gaudeOj 479 ; yavisi, 522 ; -its suni,
Gaulish, mispronunc 27.
gdu^ 296, 261.
yemmn, 273.
Gender, 368 sqq. ; of N-stems, 349 ;
in Adj., 370 sq. ; Fern. O-stems,
369; Masc. and Neut. O-stems
mixed, 369 sq. ; Fern. A-stems
and Neut. O-stems, 4cx> ; disuse
of Neut., 369 sq.
(/ewer, 271.
yenetrix, 191 ; -niU, 200.
genisidj 195.
Genitive (see Declension) ; lO-stem,
accent, 163 sq. ; Gerund, of Pur-
pose, 383 n.
ymo for yiyno, 459, 465.
gem, 341.
genu, 296 ; -nvoy the scansion, 144.
genuinus, 326.
yeJiuSj 225.
yei^neny 271 sqq.
Gerund, &c., 543 sqq.
gestiadorj 488.
-gg- written for tig, 10 sq.
GH, phon. changes of, 296 sq. ; GH,
298 ; -gHa, 302.
ghe- (gho-), Dem. Pron., 430.
gignoy 468 ; gemj 459, 465.
gingrinay 483 ; -riOj Vb., 483.
-ginta, the scansion, 418.
glab€i\ 290
glaciiSf 261.
glaiiSj 302.
glurcuy 288.
*glerein for -lir-, 30.
globus^ -musj 80.
glos, 296.
glosa, spelling of, 112.
gluma {glubo), 282.
-gm-f pronunc. of, 89 ; -gn-, 64, 70.
Gnaeus, 294.
gnar- (Adj.), -t«, 220 ; 'Uris, 541 ; (Vb.)
'itur^ 485 ; 'irissej 485 ; -igavitf 488.
gnatus {ttat-)y 541.
gnoritur, 485.
Gnoau«, spelling of, 117.
-g^ius (see SufiSx -NO-).
-go (see Suffix -N-) ; for -guo, 301 sq.
gobiuSj 74.
srocru« for gry-, 36.
gorytus (co-), 74.
grabattus, 118.
Gracc/»i«, Varro's deriv., 93.
Gradation of Vowels, 253 sqq. ;
Weak grade, 255 sqq. ; of y6, wfi,
256 ; E-grade, 255 sq. ; 0-grade,
255 sq. ; 6-6, 258 ; e-6, 258 ; 6-a,
258 sq. ; 0-&, 258 sq. ; &-d, 259 ; &-ik,
259 sq. ; 6-€, 260 ; i-i, 260 ; 5-o,
260 ; u-u, 260 sq. ; S-A, 261 ; ISu-au,
261 sq.
giadior, 476.
gtadiis, 222.
grcdlaef 285.
gramas, -mnumis, ii8.
grawlo, 297.
granum, 219 sq.
grates, 341.
gratis (-us), 403, 551.
graius, 279.
gravastellus, 330.
Grave Aooent, 153 sqq.
gravedo (-Wo), 23, 353.
gravis, 301 ; -mi, 210 ; *grems, 18.
Greek, Aspirates (see Asp.) ; Diph-
thongs (see Diph.) ; Letters (see
Alphabet) ; Loanwords, parasitic
vow., 70 sq. ; accent, 155 sq. ; for
nuances of feeling, 182 ; for excla-
mations, 617 ; Mispronunc. of Lat.,
27, 45» 58» 114 sq- ; Orthography, in-
fluence on Lat., 12, 576 ; Phonetic**,
infl. on Lat., 28, 32, 152 sq. ; Tran-
scription of Lat., ch. ii. passim, 135;
Lat. of Gk. (see under Gk. name
of letter, e. g. Eta, also Aspiratee,
Diphthongs, Breathing, Tenues).
Grimm's Law, 31.
groma, 96.
grxis, 298.
INDEX.
635
-gu' for guuj 86 sqq., 301 sq. ; pro-
nunc, 84 sqq.
gubemOt 74.
guy lis {Bee cm/-).
gummij 74.
-guo {-go) in Vbs., 301 sq.
gurges, 301, 358.
gurgulio, 275.
gusto, Yb., 482 ; -u^ Noun, 296.
Gutturals, lettersi 2 sq., 6 sq., 10 sq. ;
phon. changes of, 290 sqq. ; three
series, 290 sqq. ; Proper i.or Velar),
297 sq.
gutus {'tt-)y 116.
gyla, the spelling, 29, 36.
gyrus {gos-), 36 sq.
H, pronunc. of, 53 sqq. ; to denote
vowel-lengtli, 54 ; hiiitus, 265 ; for/,
56, 294 sq. ; dropped bet. vow., 54,
294 ; from gh, 296 sq. ; fromgh. 298.
?uibeOj 280 ; scansion of Comp., 143 ;
* to dwell,' 483.
hahito, 482.
?utcetenuSf 433.
haedmty 242 ; faed-, 56 ; «?-, 42.
}uiereoy 242; -s&/, the spelling, 112;
'Surus, 542.
Half-long Vowel, 127.
halica (aZ-), 56.
halOj 220.
hafiser (see anser),
hareiMy spelling of, 56.
hariolus, spelling of, 56 ; far- (?), 56.
harusptx, arisp-y 29.
hastdf 308.
fiaudf6i6 ; h<iu, 120, 122 ; -quaquanij 569.
*ar?, pronunc. of, 49, 56, 127 n.
fiaurioy 475; -ssiy the spelling, 112;
'SuruSj 542.
hebesy 351.
hecj O. Lat., 433.
Hecvba, O. Lat., 197.
hedercij fiaed-j 43.
HedoHfiiy Gen., 381.
heiay 617 n.
helcusy 276, 229.
htm, Inteij., 617 ; pronunc of^ 61.
Hercules, spelling of, 197.
HerentaSy 482.
heri, 264, 396 ; (-e), 25 sq. ; -stemuSy
pronunc. of, 135.
heries {heriem Junonis)^ 345,
Heteroolite, Nouns, 367 ; locusy -cay
400 ; Vbs., 545 (see Comparison,
irreg.).
heuy Inteij., 39.
Hiatus, T44 sq. (see Prosodical H.)
hibernus, a6g sq.
Ate, Pron., decl. of, 430 sqq. ; pro-
nunc, 433 ; huicy pronunc, 44.
hiCy Adv., 567, 433.
Hidden Quantity (see Close Syllable)
hiemsy 358, 297 ; -mpsy 70.
hilariSy 338 sq. ; -rus, 182.
hilaritudo (-/oa), 341.
Hiluria for lUyr-y 36, 115.
hinnuleuSy pronunc of, 118.
hiOy 476.
htquidemy 433.
hircusy spelling of, 56.
hirrioy 90.
hirsutusy hviusy 229.
hiulcusy 337.
hoc (Adv.), O. Lat., 568.
Iiocedie^ 433.
hodie, 561 ; pronunc, 84.
?iolu8 [?iel'\ 228 sq. ; -atrum, 362.
homiciday 364.
homoy 349 ; /tern-, 367 ; hum-y 33, 236 ;
'Ullusy 333 ; 'UmiOy 337 ; -unculuSy 337.
hordeutHy 298.
horituTy £nn., 482.
horreo, 277.
horsuniy 568.
hortoTy 482.
Aorfua, 296.
hospesy 178, 298.
hosticapas, 187, 371, 373.
hosticuSy 337.
Ao5ft8, 298, 341.
Amc, Ad^., 568.
♦Aiicarc, 486.
Ami, Interj., 39.
hujuscemodiy accent, of, 162.
humane (-t7<rr), 554.
AMnierMA (see mm-).
humiliSy 338.
Ammms, 236 ; docl., 344.
Hydruntumy 289.
I, the letter, 3, 7 sq. ; written for II,
7 sq. ; tall form, 4, 8 sqq., 47, 133
s(|., 137 n. : doubled in aiio, &c, 8,
47,53; symbols of long, 9; pronunc,
23 sqq. ; phon. changes, 230 sqq. ;
636
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
Lat. i for atonic vow., 193 sqq. ; forfi
bef. ng, yji, &c., 225 sq., 229 sq. ; in
hiatus, 19, 21 »qq. ; in tyncine^
&c., 206 sq. ; for u in optimiiSj &c.,
189, 23 sqq. ; t- prefixed to sf-, &c.,
102, 105 sqq. ; -t dropped, 204 sq. ;
Lat. t for S in /ilius, &c., 224 sq. ;
for atonic ai, oi, 243 sq. ; for ei,
243 sqq. ; for i lengthened, 230 ;
varying with t, 260 ; -i shortened,
213.
J, the letter, 7 ; pronunc, 44 sqq. ;
I -Eur. Y, phon. changes of, 262
sqq. ; Lat. j for ghy, 263 sqq. ; for
dy-, 263 sq. ; dropped bef. accented
vow., 144.
I-8teni8, mixed with Con8.-8tems,
338, 401 (see Suffix -I-).
I'Subjunot. (Opt.', 513 sqq.
-I- in Put. Perf., 510 ; 'Porf. Subj.,
500 ; 3 Conj. Vbs. in -to, 475.
i-Uj ti'iy in stupiUiy &c., 37.
ia- pronounced ie-, 15, 17.
jcu:iOj jaceoj 473 ; jeci, 502.
jdculuyn, 332.
jajentaculumy 17.
JajumiSt 17.
tarn, * earn,' Ace. Sg., 437.
jam, 570.
jandiidum for -wrf-, 66, 121.
Janitrices, 274.
ianfoj 17.
jimuttf 264 ; >«-, 17.
JanuariviSf pronunc. of, 15 ; Jen-y 17.
JmiuSy decl. of, 344; 'iSj Carm. Sal.,
339-
-ib(fm, -icbanif Impft., 491.
ibiy 567 ; 'demy 571, 567.
-ibOy Fut., 493.
-ic of iRiCy &c., 551.
-icamis, e. g. Afr-j 327.
iciy Perf., 502.
'Ictus (see Suffix -JtO-).
lotuB, and accent, in Plaut., 165 sqq.
-icus (see Suffix -OA'- .
Ulcircoj 580 ; ice-, 314.
Ulemy 431 ; decl. of, 441 sq.
identidctriy 571.
ideOy 568.
iddatrixty 176.
idalum, the scansion, 150.
'idusy e. g. pdUiduSf 353 sq.
je- for ja-y e. g. jecto for jcKto, 15, 17.
jecurj decl. of, 349 ; joc-f 41.
-ieiSj old spelling of -eis, Dat^Abl. PL,
19. ai.
jejunus (j€ij-)i 17 ; pronunc, 53.
'ie{n)8 of Numeral Adv., 408.
iensy euntiSy Gen., 541.
jento (Ja-)y 17 ; j«ijent-y 17.
-ter, Inf. Pass., 536 sq.
-ilrem, accent of, 164.
igituTy 565, 605 ; accent., 169.
Ignatius for Egn-y 229.
igniSj 229.
ignoroj 485.
ignoscoy 363, 615.
•igo of rutvigoy &c., 479.
-igo (see Suffix in Gutt.).
-tit of dbiity &c., 528 ; of audiit &c.,
13a.
f/toct, 564.
tVtco, 564.
t7t«7nu5, 293, 229.
-His (see Suffix -LI-) ; -iW«, of Pass.
Adj. (do.).
ilkiCy Adv., 569.
tT/e, 430, 436 sq. ; pronunc, isa :
accent., 167 ; -ut, Dat. Sg., 452.
illtx and ilUx, 135 n.
U/ex, the spelling, 112.
iUic (-* , Adv., 567, 432.
illicioy -exif pronunc. of, 498, 139.
illim, Adv., 570.
iUimodi, 43 t.
'iUo of Dim. Vbs., 479, 487 sq.
UluCy Adv.. 568.
-iUus (see Suffix -LO-) ; {'Uus\ 115.
iUustris, 293.
-im of sensim, &;c., 548 ; of if/t'm, &c.,
551 ; (-tm) Ace. Sg., 388.
im, * eum,' 438.
imago J 521.
imhilicus for u?n&-, 29.
imeum ^?), * cundem,' 438.
imitoTy 521.
imtnaniSj 339.
tmmo, 603.
tfnpe?uf(o. 560.
Imperative (see Moods) ; as Pai-ticle,
600 ; accent of add iiCy &c., 163.
Imperfect (see Tense-stems).
imperoy 192.
Impersonal Pass., 520 sq.
impetiiOy 485.
impko, 473.
INDEX.
637
impliciscor, 480.
implicitus, P. P. P., 54a.
ImporcHoif 279.
impraesentianimf 562.
imprimis, 565.
imjyrobOy 615.
impHdetiteTf 554.
tmpM/w, 559.
"imns of Super], (see Comparison).
imvSj infimus, 407.
m (e»;, Prep., 584 ; im, im-, 50 sq., 66,
69,99sqq.,i2i; bef. s-, /-, iS^sqq.
in-, Neg., 615 ; with Vb., 615, 363.
-tna (see Suffix -N-).
incassumf 564.
Inoeptivefl, 476 8q.,479 ^<1- * "^^^t ^34*
incipis»)f 462.
incitegui 197.
inclino, 470.
tnc/M/t« (-/*^-), 239 ; spelling of, 197. ^
incogitabilis, 334.
hxcoho, spelling of, 57.
incokffniSy the spelling, 192.
twcoram, 581.
incubus (-bo), 348.
incurrtcerriCMS, Accius, 360.
indaudiOj 583.
inde, 570 ; pronunc, 122 ; -didem,
570 sq.
Indefinite Fron. (see Pronouns).
Indeterminate Vow., 257.
iiuUgeyxa, 583.
imJigeOf Vb., 583 ; -us (-«w), Adj., 540.
Indo-European, languages, 218 ; pro-
totype of word, 218 ; alph., 218 sqq.
ifidolesy 345, 583.
iridu (see endo).
indugredior, 583.
induoy 475.
induperatorf 583.
industriuSy 189.
inebrne ares, 191.
infans for in/anduSt 182.
inferebiSy 494.
»n/erM,s, -/er, 374 ; -/ro, Prep., 585 ;
-/erri, i8i ; t^mus, tmuA, 407.
Infinitive, 535 sqq. ; as Imper., 517 ;
Pres. Act., 535, 537 ; Pass., 536 sq. ;
Fut. Act., 536 sq. ; Pass., 536, 538;
Perf. Act., 536 ; Pass., 536; Hist.,524.
if^t, 546.
injiteor, 615.
ingens, 274, 541.
i>ifif«-, Imper., 526.
ingratis {-iis), 551.
int&i, 567.
inipiie (?) 198.
Initial ByU. (see First Syll.).
inlicttej the scansion, 475.
inpeirator, 22.
inquanij 524 ; Conj. of, 545 sq.
inquies, -etuSj 182.
inquilinuSy 227.
insane, -uniy 550.
inscienSf -«s, 540.
insequo, -cOy 566; decl., 545.
inserimmtur, Liv. Andr., 531.
insonSf pronunc. of, 136.
insperatasj Nom. PI., Pompon., 398.
instavy 205.
instigoy 284, 471.
institrd, Perf., 508.
Instrumental, 548 (see Declension) ;
Adv. use of, 559 sqq.
insupeVy 593.
int (?), 3 PI., 456.
inteUexiy Perf,, 505.
intemperiesy Sg., -ae, PL, 347.
iwter, 585.
interaiimy 556.
interdiu (-s\ 555.
interduatim, 556.
interdumy 609.
inttrduo, 515 ; -«m, 515.
iniereaJociy accent, of, 162.
inter ibiy 567.
Interjections, 616 sqq.; from Gk.,
617; Imper., 6i8 ; accent, of,
164.
interiniy 570.
Interrogative, Particles, 605 sq. ;
Pron. (see Pronouns).
interriaSy 563.
intcierans for -andusy Laev., 543.
tn^a, Prop., 585 ; -troy Adv. 561.
intrarey 474.
i/i^iw. Adv., 561 ; Prep., 585.
inteniiOy 274.
invitOy Vb., -iw, Adj., 299.
-inum ioT -f?iuw, 23.
inunty 3 PL, 531.
iHCoZMcnew, 329.
Anus (seo Suffix -NO-).
jocus, 264.
-ioZuni, accent, of, 164.
'ior (see Comparison).
638
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
lotaoismos, 27.
loues (Dvenos Inscr.), 264.
ipse {-us,, 430, 440 sq. ; tsse, 79 ; ipsimaj
-issumus, ipsippe (-pse, -pfe), 441 ;
eapse (-a), 441.
iroy spelling of, 245.
iri in Fut. Inf. Pass., 538.
Irregular Verbs, 545 sqq.
-IS of ComdiSf Ac, 375.
is, Pron., 430 ; decl. of, 437 sqq. ;
ejusy pronunc. of, 53.
-isco for -esco. Incept., 480.
Issa, 79.
-issifmis, Super! . (see Conipar.)«
'isso, Vb., 488.
istac, Adv., 569.
iste, 430; decL, 435 ; pronunc, 122;
accent., 167.
isflc (-0, Adv., 567.
istucj Adv., 568
'it, 3 Sg. Perf., 527 sq.
I to, 571 ; -idem, 571.
Italia, the scansion, 127 n.
-Itanus, e. g. Abder-, 327.
itaque, 604 sq., 571 ; scansion, 604.
itare, 482.
item, 571.
'iter. Adv., 549. 553-
itei; decl. of, 349.
Iteratives, 478, 482 sq.
iterum, 330 ; 550.
'itia i'wn) (see Suffix -I0-).
itur, Impers., 520.
Jit- pronounced.;!-, 15.
jxibeo, 481 ; jussi, pronunc. of, iiosq. ;
0. Lat. joussei, 498.
jucxindus, 545.
judex, 182.
Jugatinus, 325.
.Tugis, 338.
jugmerUum, -gum-, 336, 292.
juger-, 245 ; iugra for -era. Lex Agr., 184.
jugum. 237 264.
JtdiuSf 250.
Mtm, * eum,' Luceria inscr., 437.
jumeiUum, 336.
Jufigua (? , 471.
junior, 408.
juniperus {-pir-), 374, 192 ; >/-, 35.
>?i/x, 345.
Jupiter (-PP-), 246, 389; spelling, 116;
decl., 377 ; Jov; 263 sq.
jurigo, 0. Lat., 173.
ji«. * broth,' 237 ; * law,' 264.
-iuSf Compar., scansion of. 406 n.
jusjuraiuium, 358.
justtis, 356.
juvenalis, -His, 340.
juvencus, 264.
juvenis, 239 ; Compar., 408.
>urcnto, 334 >i. ; -tas (-tits), 341.
iuro, 476 ; juerint, 508.
jiixto, 585.
-Ix of felix, &c. (see Suffix -JTO-, Gutt.) ;
of comix, &c. (see Suffix -I-)
K, the letter, 2, 6 sq ; pronunc, 84
sqq. ; plion. changes of I.-Eur. fe,
295 sq. ; of K, 297 sq.
kadamitas, 286.
E[appa in Lat, 72.
garmadhftraya, Comp., 360 sq.
ke- (io-), Dem. Pron., 429 sqq.
Ij, pronunc. of, 89 sqq. ; bef cons.,
96 sq. ; I.-Eiir. L, phon. changes
of, 275 sq. ; L, 278 sq. ; Lat. I for d,
80, 82, 285 sqq. ; for r, 92 sq. ; for
n, 96 ; for U, 109 sqq.
/- for tl-, 283 sq.
-/, vow. shortened bef., 213; decl. of
Nouns in, 376.
Labials, phon. changes of, 281 sqq.
Labiovelar Gutt., phon. changes of,
299 sqq. (see Q», §«, §H*^-
labes, 345.
labium^ 261.
labo, 303.
Idbrum, 180.
lac, spelling of, 122 ; lact (-te), 378.
tac4M, 307.
lacer for -raius, 540.
lacesso, 462.
/ac/o, 191.
lacrima, 223 ; spelling, 57 sq.
2acf«5, 301.
lacusta for Zoc-, 201.
Jaevus, 242.
lamberoj 479. '
tambOf 471 ; -bt ? , Perf., 501.
?aMi&r«sca for /ab-, 65.
lammina, -mn- {-nn-), 184.
lana, 279.
lancino, 470.
languto, 306.
/ai» /m5 (-jo), 348.
INDEX.
639
laniema {-mpt-), 70.
iapiSj 353.
larignuSf 293.
Larinunif a88.
larix, 28(5.
larva (-nm), 46.
lassus, 258.
ta/«x, 355.
latidavuSf 361.
Latono, 349.
Zd^ 219 sq., 541.
Zavo, 235 ; -viy 499 ; 2autu«, lo-f 250 ; -Zuo
in Compounds, 196.
laurus, 286.
lautiay 286.
tector, pronunc. of, 139.
Uctum (-5), 542 ; pronunc. 139.
Legato Fronunoiation, 131.
kgatiiSf 541.
legirupa {'ger-)^ 373, 192.
legitimuSf 405.
Ze(7o, 260 ; iBgi, 502 ; Zec^um, pronunc,
139.
Iienes and Fortes, 71 sqq.
Length (see Long Cons., Vow.)
Lengthening, by Position (see Poe.) ;
by Compensation, 314 ; bef. r\f, n«,
136 sqq. ; gn, gm, 138 sq. ; d, x,
139 sq. ; ncty nx, 140 ; r with cons. ,
140 sq. ; 8 with cons., 141.
Imibatj 491 ; -ibunt, 493.
lenocinor, 488.
-/«w {-lentus) (see Suflftx -NT-V
ZtfTih^A, 252.
lepestttf 286.
Z^^is for wcp-, 96.
Letters (see Alphabet).
Levana, 326.
Leucesie, Carm. Sal., 245.
leviVy 200, 242.
IgviSj 292.
iSris, 244.
Zex, 260.
-/cari {-legi)y Perf., 505.
-Zt-, syncopated after cons., 171.
libertabuSy 403.
libet {lub-), 29.
Z*6rrt, 289.
licet, 613.
'««*» 349'
ligula, 272.
ligurriOf 291, 482.
limiiwphuSy 176.
/tmu«, mud, 328.
/iMfifo, 471.
lingua, 229, 286.
Ungula, 272.
/mto, 483.
/ino, 470.
linqiw, 469 ; Zigui, 502.
2mter (Zmh-), 29.
liqtiare, -ere, 484.
liquor, 268.
2tra, 199.
Zt^^a, spelling of, 117 ; l.oanina. 90.
litus, spelling of, 117.
lixa, 293 ; 'ivus, 323.
M' for Id, In, Is, 275 ; dl, 285 ; nl, 271 ;
rl, 277.
Locative (see Declension) ; Adv. use
of, 559 8qq.
locus, -ca, PI , 400 ; O. Lat. stloais, 303,
307, 564 ; in wordgroup, 170.
LoehasiuSj 248.
loedus, O. Lat., 248.
Long, Cons., orth. of, 3, 109 ; Vow.,
3 8q«> 9 **<!• (see Quantity).
longus, spelling of, 236.
loqueHa, the spelling, 112 sqq.
loquor, 284.
Losna, 292.
Loss, of Cons, in Group, 309 sqq. ;
of final syll. in -m, 216 sq.
lotus, 250.
lubricus, 306.
lubSf Marso-Lat., 12, 177.
luceOf 481.
lucema, 237.
Ztici daro, 396.
Luoilius, i and ei, 9i 27 ; r/ for gw/, 1 1 ;
a for ^, 10, 14 ; e and oe, 42 ; r, 90 ;
pellicio, 97; numeri, Gen., 383 n. ;
w«7Zc, 420; t7Zt, 437.
Lncipor, 183.
Luoretius, use of Compounds, 360.
luctus, pronunc. of, 135.
lu^us, 250.
ludus, 287 ; loed-y 248.
it<€«, 345-
Zt(m&t<5, 290.
Iu7iay 292.
7mp«5, 291 ; F., 370.
lurco, 179.
*liir(i)dus for Zi7n-, 37
lustra, liistrn, 141.
ZvsAro. 293,
640
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
lutra, 289.
lux, 276 (see luci),
lympha, a86 ; spelling, 11, 36.
M, the letter, 7 ; pronunc , 60 sqq. ;
final c1ropi)ed, 68 sq., 123 ; assimi-
late<l, 121 ; L-Eur. M, phon.
changes of, 268 sqq. ; M, 273 sq. ;
Lat. m for >i, 269 ; bef. r-, /-, 50 sq.,
66, 99 sqq. ; for p, 281 ; for &, 282 sq.
->M, vow. shortened bef., 213 ; final
syll. droppt»d, e.g. nihUiuni',^ 216
sq. ; of I Sg., 524.
tnacer, 223.
macero, 488.
madeo, 223. 473.
maereo, maestus, 306. 542.
nrngis (-c), 558.
nutgister, 232.
truigistratuSy 343.
iruignanmiuft, 364.
inugt^optre, 362.
tnagnus^ 261.
Maia, •ti-, 8 ; -r/»-, 105.
major f 292, 408 ; pronunc, 53.
nuiU, 551 ; nud{e)', 184; -ficua, 51,
nuilignus, pronunc. of, 138.
main, 547; -?Z-, iii sqq. ; nuOim, 515.
malogranatumf 364.
mdhiSf 307.
3fa»iers, 95.
mainiUa, 113.
m<(?n/)ia, 1 18 >? ., 363.
manior for mann-y 95.
mamphnr ,?), 197.
niandare, 485.
matuierc, 472 ; Perf. of, 501.
»na>te, 396.
w«wto, 476 ; ->Mi, 505.
»K»it- (-M0-), 183; MmicSy 339.
7ruinico-y a handle, 337.
nuini/estits (-ww/-), 193.
9m(nip2t<«, pronunc. of, 94.
mantele (-HMm), 117.
inanuaUSf 340.
nuirarat for -cidaty 288.
>wire, 338.
mnndus for -rfirfws, 288.
fnaritimus, 405.
Mariits, 320.
nuirmor, 18 ; pronunc, 95.
Marptsius (-ptssos), T17.
Marpor, 185.
»>wrst//)p/Mm (-P-), 117.
MarsuHj 84.
wMiscc?, 375.
Masouline (see Gender).
Maspitefy 278.
tmi^sa, 104.
mafeola, 19.
ma^, 219.
ynaterteray 405.
matrueliSj 340.
*matfinu8 for -fM/-, 184.
mnttioharhidus, 197.
mrt«M^, 185, 309.
nii^urrime, 407.
jtuivolOf 547.
waar/wiw, 407 ; pronunc, 139.
Media Frosodia, 161.
Mediae, pronunc. of, 71 sqq.; M.,
Tenues and Asp., phon. changes of,
279 sqq.
mediastinum (-/n-), 330.
medioximus, 407.
mefftpon/us (-1-), 287.
meditiyr, 521, 287.
Meditnna, 347.
t)i«dtt<5, 226.
medius Jidius, 618.
tnedi(/Ztft(«, 561.
97i€/te, 0. Lat., 422.
meherck {-cules'j 618,
t>»e/o, 466.
me/, scansion of, 122.
me?e«, 346.
JtfitZ/ca for 3fe</-, 287.
mdior, 406.
miVom ?\ 406.
mclum for wd^, 18.
/»e?n&nim, 270.
mcinini, 270; -»wen/o, 517.
tnemor^ 541.
meudicusj spelling of, 245.
meynlum, N. (-^a, F.), 400.
meuKtris, for nurretrix, 96.
w€/j.s, 274 ; -yn^fi^e, Adv., 549, 552.
meiisa^ pronunc. of, 67.
mentioy the scansion, 212.
-wicM/Min (see Suffix -TO-).
merceditneraej 540.
»t<»rce«wartns (-n-), pronunc of, 118.
merda, 306.
wierto, -fun^ 3 PL, 519; »»erc6o^Mr,
the scansion, 202.
641
merctru. 347 ; mtnttria, g6.
merga, 351.
mtrtfta, 351.
-mtl of cgamel, Ac., .
Hetatheaia of r, I,
MtieUwi, 486.
0.4B6 ■
'■, 499-
MUia, F. (0. Lat.), 343, gq.
twiw, 436 xqq. : fRi, Voo., 437.
lf<s«i(>us, Ifeil-, 104.
»«., 306.
Ultima, 303.
mife^ 387; scansion, ng, ais; -w.
loS.
milh, 419 aq. ; milto, spelling of, iia
aq.
BliifU. (-«0«-., 46-
mino (firo), 64 ; in word-group, 169
aq.
Uinttra, 306, ipo.
inintm, 455
-mini', a PI., Ind., 534 ; Imper., 517.
mjnnnua, 407 ; -me [-mum), Adv., 550.
miniKitur, aoo.
■mino, Paivi., 517. 519-
moHHiiita -er-\ aSS.
munto, 477 ; monerti, -iBl for monu-, 506.
■munJHin (-in) (aeo SuflBx -IO-).
Monoeyllables, ahortening of, 215 aq.
>noiv<tnim, 331
MoathH, Gtndor of. 369.
monuuanfmn, -nam-, 301 ; -tiis, 370,
Hooda, 511 sqq. ; Subj., 511 »qq. ;
Opt, 511 sqq. ; Imper., 516 sqq.
rnorilfi, 303, 4831 Perf. of, 505; "w-
-.503-
iiiarigeror, 485.
iwioi", 473; -'
334 ; -till, 17.
Riomu for -ius, 53.
BiMMrim, 331.
moieo, Perf. in Bomauce, 509.
»'«, 555-
mr, phon, change of. 370 aq.
-ma-, phoQ. change of, 970.
.»«cu. l-rc-), 116.
miilcto, -Ui. 505,
mu(!Ki>, 396 ; -Ifi, 505 ; -tcftt*. 379.
ihiiImt. 387 1 Jirtm, accent, of, 164.
mallitnoilii, 363.
Hinlius, Compar., 408.
Mummlua, dedicatory ioacrr., 11.
-miiJisfo. Vb,,47I.
.«»»«>, 347.
', 407.
1 PI. Paaa., 534.
a for (11
'73.*
miCn^atrrmm for -niat-
m,■nm,^^l.
MintiTioK, PrM-n. inscr., i
tail, Gcji., 431 Kq.
inisoo, 479; mixtus, -ilim.
BKisMi. 499, 112.
railHliia, iTifrti-, 37.
ml, plivu. -cliuiigo of, 370 Bq.
-HSI-, proiiuii.:. of, 64, 69 aq.
iiici- for mtv; Poas., 436.
mcdeiiir, 356.
modtstus, 356,
niorfn, 6ia ; -", 5S' I Conipa. of, 559.
107.
, tHuriola, spelling of, 117.
I murmur, 315.
I -Riiw, I PI. Act., 539; acsnsion, 539.
I fflH.S337.
i niii™, 339.
iJiuBimo. 71.
HntKtion of VoweU (see Oradation).
Uute a&d Idqnid, tow. lengthened
bef, 94; accent, of penult with, 164.
of, 60 sqq. 1 I.-Eur. N.,
642
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
phon. changes of, 971 sqq. ; N, 273
sq. ; Lat. n for /, 96 ; for w, 370 ;
for gn-, 292, 294.
N-partiole (see ParticlesV
Naepoff 183.
NaevixtSf 294.
Nahartis, Nart-^ 54.
tkjw, 604, 571.
Names, of birds, Sec, changed by
Anal.) 201 ; Proper, form of Italic,
319 sq. ; in -0, 348 sq. ; in -is, 375.
namqitef 604.
nanaVicor, 261, 480 ; -cio^ 480 ; -ctus
{•nchis\ 471.
naris, 272.
narroy 483 ; pronunc, 1 18 ; -r-, 1 18 sq.
Nasal, pronunc. of, 60 sqq. ; Gutt.,
10 sq., 60, 65 ; Vb., 469 sqq. ; 3 PI.,
e. g. dmiunt, 530 sq.
nassiternay the spelling, 112.
tiagusy 259; -8sum, 112.
n&trix, 355.
natus (gm-), 541, 219 sq., 294.
nanfragus, 180 ; -turn, 252.
tMvia, 221, 252.
-net; pronunc. of, 64, 70.
-nd-y pronunc. of, 64, 70.
-tide of und€f &c., 551.
-ndO'f of (Gerund, 543 sq.
-w, Interrog., 605 sq.
-n«, AflSrm.,615.
nS'f Neg., 615.
nff nae, Affirm., 614 sq.
n8, Neg., 614 ; accent, of, 166.
nebida, 226.
neCf *non,'6i6.
nee (see neque),
necerim, *nec eum," 440.
tieco, 481 ; -avi (-ui), 499.
necto, 'Xui, 509.
necubi, 446.
necujnquetny 570.
nedyntf 614.
n^<My 615.
Negatives, 615 sq.
negUgo, 616 ; -xi, 505.
negOt 486.
n«gf0^mm, 616.
n«mo, 449.
tt«mpe,6o4; scansion, 63; pronunc, 122.
n€o, 476, 225 ; neunt, 519.
nepos, 351,272; -w<, 3a.
wcp^fs, 351 ; lept'f 96.
nequcUia, 571.
nc^uaw, 571.
n«^a<7uam, 569.
neque (>wc), 122.
n«?Meo, 547 ; -quinonl, 531 ; -quilur, 522.
-ATero, 271.
wescio, 547.
nesciocube, 446.
rwsi, 592.
nere {neu), 614, 122.
Neater (see Gender) ; in -r, decl. of,
349; in-e», 355 8q-
neuter, 450 ; pronunc, 143.
neuHqtMm, pronunc of, 143.
-n/"-, lengthening of vow. bef., 136 sqq.
m, 611.
nicto, 293.
Nigidiua, on h, 55 ; Agma, 65 ; accent
of Valeri, 163, 390.
nihU (nU), 216 sq., 144, 57.
nimis {-turn), 558.
nisi, 61 1 ; -ae, 25.
nitedtda {-eUa), 333, 353.
nitor, Vb., 521 ; -fito, 519 ; -xws, 294.
wi«io for -ct', 89.
ntri^, Vb., Pacuv., 455.
nix, 272.
-nm-, phon. change of, 271 sqq.
no, 476.
ncbUis, 334.
woe**©, 481 ; -ivus. Adj., 323
nochi, 555.
noenum (-u), 615.
nola (from nolo), 318.
no/o, decl. of, 547 ; -fl-, iii sqq. ; Mm,
515.
nomen, 294 ; ^ator, 364.
Nominative (see Declension) : Adv.
use o'i 553 sqq.
non, 615, 216 sq.
nonaginta, 417. ,
nondum, 570, 609.
noti^enfi (noning-), 419.
nonne, 605.
nonua, 416.
*«op^>rt for ntip/(a«, 37.
nos, decl. of, 424 sq. ; -88, 112.
no«oo, 479 ; giu, 294 ; -t?», 500.
nostrdSf &c., accent, of, 163.
*noto for Tia-, 15, 17.
nohiSf (flr»-)j 233-
tior^n, 415 sq. ; -decim, 416; -renu*.
416.
INDEX.
643
NovensOes (-rf-), a86.
noticitis^ 338.
novitaSy 341.
nwuSf aa6,
nox, 234 sq. ; Adv., 555.
-w«-, pronuno. of, 63 sq., 69 ; for a
after long vow., 69 ; from -nss-, i la ;
vow. long bef., 136 sqq.
-iM of triens, seoctans, &;c., 409.
-nty 3 PI., 529 ; -ntoy 531 ; -ntor, 535 ;
-«^«r, 534.
nu5e9, 346 nuba, 182.
nu<{«pe8, 361.
nudiiis tertins, 960, 377.
ntidu«, a6o, 235, 179.
nuStw, 449; pronunc, 113.
num, 605.
Xumasioif Praen. fib., 305.
Number, 366 ; Dual (see Dual).
Numerals, 408 sqq. ; Fractions, 409 ;
accent, of, 165.
Numeriua, 560 ; -n, Gen., 383 n.
numerua, 270 ; nutnero, Adv., 560.
nummumy Gen, PL, 409.
nunc, 570.
nunaibi, 446.
nun^tmi€ {nond-^ nound-}, 251, 180.
?mn^uam, 570.
-nuntf 3 PL, e. g. danuntt 530 sq.
nu>i/tti«, 180 ; novent-f nont-, 250 sq. ;
pronunc, 141.
nuper. Adv., -n«, Adj., 180, 553.
nurua, 239 ; -ra, 343 ; no-y 37.
-nM«, e. g. /acinus, 356.
rw^ciosus (-cift'o9M.9), 96.
nufr/o, 249.
O, pronunc. of, 30 sqq. ; phon.
changes of, 232 sqq. ; 6 in e-roots,
958 ; 0 in S-roots, 258 ; 6-0, 960 ;
^•&, 259; Lat. 6 for lengthened o, 233 ;
Lat. 6 for a, 17 sq. ; for e with
w, I, 225 sqq. ; for atonic vow. bef.
Lab., 192 sqq. ; after qu-, 300 ; Lat.
0 for au, 40 sq. ; for ou, 248 sqq. ;
not weakened to 12, 199.
O-stems, blend with U-stems, 343
sq. (see Suffix -0-, -Y0-, &c.)
-6, I Sg., 524; of Ru/o, Ac., 348 sq. ;
of qito, Adv., &c., 551 ; of vero, Adv.,
&c, 550 ; for -9 in Adv., 559 ; short-
ening of, 212 sq.
ob (pba-). Prep., 585; ousted by 06-, 574.
T
06 voa aaax), 573.
obinuntf 531.
ofteter, 563.
oblitterua for -^itusy 543.
obiiriacory -lisc-, 59 ; 4it%ta, Pass., 543.
oboedio, 196, 946.
obniaaa, 198.
Obscure Vowel, 185 sqq., 957.
obaequium, 391.
obaoleaco, 481.
obaonOf 488.
obatetriXy 191.
obatinOf 479 ; obatinaiiut, 310.
obatringiUoy 487.
o&^i'nao, spelling of, 78 sq.
obvia^n (-««, Adj.), 563.
occanuiy Perf., 509, 198.
occtcfamw^ (?) for -ced-y 199.
occillOf 487.
0CC1//0, 997 ; oquoUod, S. C. Bacch., 227.
occMjw, 470, 486.
ocior, 259, 406.
ocria, 259.
^^^^'^'^ 415 ; -deeim, 416 ; -^rtnto, 417 sq. ;
-tag-y 418 ; -tuag-, 418 ; -tingeniiy 419 ;
•toriis, 220.
ocuZtw, 234.
odium, 259.
odor, 235.
OE, pronunc. of, 39 sqq. ; spelling,
246. (See 01.)
oenua, 248, 410.
o/eUa, 113.
offendicea, 272.
offendoy 486; -sa. Noun, 542.
officina, 174, 349.
01, phon. changes of^ 246 sqq. ; 6I,
252 sq. ; 01, OE on inscrr., 247 sq.
o/«, Inteij., 39.
oi>ioa, 410.
Oinumama, 193.
oinuoraei, 178.
-d- from el, 228 sq. ; 1, 278 sq.
0I-, Dem. Pron., 43a
oUnticay 337.
deoy 287.
ijlim^ 570 ; 0. dlicfrum, 436 ; Uitanua^
436.
oZtra, 228 ; -urn (o/«um), 196.
oUa {aula), 41.
o//e {-wi), 436 ; o^om, olorom, 436.
0/^j>u5, accent, of, 155.
Omega, Lat. transcr. of ^, 44.
t 2
644
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
Omicron, Lat. transcr. of, 33.
omitto, 113 sq., aoa.
(trnmentOy 80.
omnimodiSf 36a.
omniSy 450 ; omnino, 335.
Onomatopoetio Verbs, 483, 476.
-onsstts (-^sua), 353.
-ontj 3 PI., O. Lat., 529.
-SnuSf O. Lat. for -0, 348 sq.
onustus, 306.
operay 400.
'Oper€f Adv., 560.
optriOt 475 ; for ap-j 18.
operoTy 485.
opijicinay 174.
opi/io («i)-), 34.
opinoTf 47a.
cpiparuSf 193.
OpiteVy 180.
opituloTy 485.
opiYuma, 174.
oppido, 566.
oj?poftiinu5, c^por-, 114.
Optative (see Moods).
op^tmM«, 406.
op<io, 369.
opuletis {-lentu8)f 353.
opiw, 485.
ofjuoltcdy S. C. Bacch., 337.
-or- from L-Eur. r, 378 sq.
-or, I Sg. Pass., 533 ; Nom. Sg., e. g.
calor (see Suffix -S-).
Orata, as a nickname, 40.
orhiSj 339; orbSf 183.
orhus, 358.
orco, 339.
oTf/ia prima for primord-, 363.
Ordinal Numerala (see Num.).
orrfo, pronunc. of, 141.
oreaej 361.
oncActJcMm, ao3.
oricla for anrictda^ 40 sq.
*"■"«» 33* 310; pronunc, 141.
-arum (-wm), Gten. PI. , 403.
-OS, Nom. Sg., e. g. O. Lat. orfos, 356.
05, mouth) 358.
OS, bone, 405.
OS' (a««-), e.g. osadory 41.
0scu5, 310.
ostendOy 310.
ostium, 363 ; iwf-, 34.
-5sMs (-o«»u5, -otuncs', 113, 353.
OI7, phon. changes of, 348 sqq. ; OU,
353 ; Lat. oii for ou, 345 sq. ; on
inscrr., 346 ; written for u, 346 ; for
11, 346.
-or- for -Mr-, 33.
or(/fer, 361.
ori«, 335.
*ovum for 6i'-, 34.
-5x see Suffix in Gutt.).
oxime, 407.
P, pronunc. of, 78 sqq. ; phon.
changes of, 381 sq. ; dial, from qft,
399 sq. ; not final, 77 ; bet.m-n, 8lc.,
70.
P-particle (see Particles).
pacunt or pag-, xii Tabb., 465 ; paciscory
465 ; -peciscor, 300.
Paouviua, use of Compds., 360.
paedora for -res, 356.
PaeliffnuSy pronunc. of, 138.
paeney 558 n.
paeninsulay 360.
jxienula, 197.
Paenultima Aooent.-I<aw, 160 sqq.
paginay 336.
palamy 586.
Palatal Gutt., phon. changes of, 995
sqq. (see K, G, GH).
Palatalisation of Oona. bef. y, 363 ;
of ty 81 sqq. ; of c, 87 sq. ; /, 91. 98 ;
r, 91, 98.
pcUetty 379.
palmay 379, 338.
palory 586.
paJpebra {-tra), 331.
jxthwibes^ 346.
p(i/i(s, -u8y the scansion, 314.
P<S/ms, 393.
Panda, 318 ; -(i/ia porta, 318.
pandictUory 488.
pandOf 47a ; -rfi, Porf., 503.
/>«>H70. 359 ; Perf. of, 504 ; panxi, 504 ;
jxgi, 497; p^»firi, 495-
partw» 339^
pannuciay 337.
i)anu5, pa^mutf, 117.
papae, accent, of, 164.
paparfTy 541.
Papirius Craaans, his use of r for c, 6.
Parasitic Vowel, 145 sqq. ; with /,
r, 93 sqq. ; in Gk. loanwords, 70
sq. ; u bef. I, 193 sq., 197 sq.
parcarpus (?) for pane-, 373.
INDEX.
645
parcepromuSf 360.
parcoy Perf. of, 505 ; -rat, 505.
parcuSf 318.
parentatidf Luceria inscr., 519.
parcntes, 465.
paret^-rr-)^ 117.
paHcidas, 371, 373, 117 sq.
pariOj 379 ; -Ire, 475 ; -ibis, 49a sq.
jxiro, to equalize, 485.
pars, 378 ; partem, Adv., 555.
Participles, 539 sqq. ; Pre». Act.,
540 ; Put., 540 ; Perf., 541 ; Pres.
Pass., 540 ; Perf., 541 sq. ; -Uis (-»i«),
54a ; truncated, 543 ; used as Adj.,
540 sq.
Particles (see Conjunctions) ; T-,
597 ; D-. 597 ; DH-, 597 ; P-, 597 ;
N-, 597 ; -% 43a sq. ; relation to
Case-suffix, 597 sq. ; to Pers.-suflf.,
597 ; Imper. used as, 600.
partim, 556.
parum, 56a; parumper, 56a.
parvus, 56a ; Compar., 406 sq.
pasco, pastiim, 310.
passar for -er, aoi.
passiniy 556.
Passiye, 519 sqq. ; Impers., use, sao
sq., 533 ; with Ace, 5a i ; Person-
endings (see Verb) ; Inf. (see Inf.) ;
Part, (see Participles).
pastilhts, 339.
pateOf 476, aaa.
pater, aaa; p.faynilias, 381.
PatricoUs, 197.
pairisso, 488.
patrocinor, 488.
pa^onus, 349.
patnielis, 340.
paucus, 343.
paveo, pavio, 473.
pavlaiim, 556 ; Aisper, 56a ; -lum,
spelling of, 1 1 1 sq.
pax, 359.
-pe. Particle, 597.
pecten, 349.
pectino, 488.
pecto, 479 ; -xi, 505 ; -xui, 509.
pecH, a8i ; peciis, 354.
p&iepressdm. -tcmptim, 556.
peditaster, 330.
pfrfo, 307 ; pepedi, 501.
peiero, 48, 199 ; perj-, 313, 587.
pcjor, pronuno. of, 53.
pelegrimis for per-, 93.
pe/fex forpewZ-, 115.
pello, 47a ; i)epM/i, 504.
pelluviae, 385.
pendeo, pendo, 473.
penes, Prep., 586.
penetro, 586, 594.
I?em7u«, Adv., Adj., 561 nq. ; -te, Adv.,
56a.
penna, 313.
l?enwna, 558 >«.
penus^ 586.
-per, e.g. paulisper, 562.
per, Prep., 586 sqq.
peragro, pronunc. of, 94.
perceUo, 486 ; -culsus, 54a.
percussi, Perf., 545.
peregre, 396.
peremwe, 191.
pvremo, 587.
perendie, 560, 588, 19a.
perendino (see com;>ereii^t?u)).
peres for perf-, 81.
per/acul, 198.
Perfect (see Tense-stems) ; quant.
of penult of S-perf., 134 sq. ; accent.
of -t^, &c., 163 ; scansion -iW, 314.
perjidus, 587.
perj/o, 587.
peWcwZu?/!, scansion of, 175 sq.
perjero (see p^-).
Periphrastic Tenses, 510 sq.
pema, 351.
perniXy 354 ; pgrn-, 141 .
pemox, 361, 555.
perperam, 557.
perpfor^re, 466.
per^Matw, 571.
Personal Pron. ^see Pronouns).
Person-endings ^see Verb).
perstronuiy 173.
pertineo, 476.
pertisus, 195.
perreno^, 464.
perrict^s, 317 sq.
pes, 386.
P«s»rt ;?), 313.
pessumy 539.
petesso, -isso, 463.
pe<«)/i«(?), 76.
peto. 468 ; -ivi, 506.
petorriium, 300.
Petreivs, 300.
646
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
petulcusj 337.
phaleraej 190.
phasellusy -tt- for -/-, 115.
Phi ;8ee Aspirates).
PhiUpptis, accent, of, 155.
Pi, Lat. transcr. of, 75.
piacuiutn, 333 ; O. Lat -cohm^ 193.
pidato ij)edatu)f 19, 91.
pigtrteniumf pronunc. of, 139.
*piila for pQa, 115.
pUleus (-?-), 117.
pilnmnoe poptoe, Garm. Sal., 398.
pinaria for pen-f aoo.
pinguiSy 399.
pinnaj 999.
pinso, 471 ; -io, 470.
pinw, 374.
pisciSf 932.
|M«awu5, 353.
Fitch- Accent, 148 sqq.
pituita, pronunc. of, 59.
piuSf 265 ; scansion, 131.
placenta, 190.
ptagoj 318.
Plancus, 179.
jjtawjW), 471.
plaudo, piodo, 41.
p/aus^um, j>2o8^m, 41.
Flautus, use of Gompds., 369 ; dial.
PlotuSf 949.
pUbes, 376.
pUcto^ 486.
j92ent4«, 324.
-pleo, to fill, 458, 473, 293.
pleoris (?), Carm. Arv., 408.
plerumque, pleruSf Adj., 559.
I^JtCO, 900, 468.
PliniuSf 995.
l)2tstma (?), Carm. Sal., 408.
plodo, 41.
*pU)pti8 for pdpuZus, 98.
plostrum, 41.
p^MO (pfovo), 466.
Pluperfect (see Tense-stems).
plurimus^ 408.
plus, 408, 558 ; -m irria)f 401.
po-, Prep., 575, 588.
podex, 307.
pocffa for pu'j 37.
poena, 246 sq.
A)«nu8, 246.
po€<(t, 373.
po2, 618.
polioj 575.
Po^, 41.
poBen, polenta, 367,
iV/to, spelling of, 112 ; -6, 919.
Polltix, 179, 189 ; -It4cff5, O. Lat., 945.
poluhrum, 575, 331.
pomerium, 588.
JPompetus, 300.
pondo, 958.
ix>w<^w«j 356.
pon«, Prep., 588.
pono, 178 ; p<WMt (posivi), 499 ; -«-, 115.
PoniittSt 300.
popina, 300.
popuius, scauHion of, 146 ; -loi Romanoij
O. Lat., 387.
p^pulu8f in Romance, 98.
-por for puer, 183, 185.
por-. Prep., 590.
porca, 279.
porcw, 588.
porci«, 277.
porricio, 485.
porrigo, porgo, 545, 178.
porro (O. Lat. porod), 568.
pomim, 279.
Poraenna, spelling of, 23.
posco, 477 ; poposa, 501 ; pep-, 503.
Position, length by, 129 sqq. ; bef.
Mute and Liq., 94, 129 sqq.
Possessive, Compd., 360 sq. ; Pron.
(see Pron.).
possum, decl. of, 546; Inf. in Romance,
536 ; potestur, 529.
post, pos, p6-, poste, postid, 588 sq. ;
P<^a, 5^; posteac, 437; posthae,
569 ; postibi, 567 ; postmodum (-0),
559-
posterior, N., 378.
postictis, 337.
postmeridianus, spelling of, 589.
postridie, 560.
Post-tonic, Syncope ^see Syncope) ;
Vow. -change (see Weakening).
postulo, 179.
postumus (-rernw*), 407.
*pot€ca for apoth', 107.
Potina, 349.
potior (-to), 484, 546.
potis, 233.
po<« (pote) *Mm, 546.
poto, 932.
poft«, 520, 542.
INDEX.
647
'fip- for p, 116.
praef 589 ; prae let iremoniiy Carm. Sal.,
530.
praebeOf scansion of, 143.
praecipes (-ccp«)i i8a.
praeco, i8o, 187.
praecox ^^-coquus), 358.
praeda, 143.
pritedopiont, Carm. Sal., 1891 47a.
praef amino, 517.
praejiscini, 19a ; -ne, 396.
praemiumf 143.
Fraenestine, <x»iea, aa, 106, 177 ; tarn
modCy 613 ; Sync, 177 ; fibula, 188,
praeSj 180, 187.
praesagiOf 359, 486.
praesensj 589.
praesertim, 556.
praestigiae, 95.
praestinoj 47a.
praesto (-fu), 178.
praestohr {-tid-)y 34.
praeter, 589 ; -eo, 569 ; -Aoc, 569.
praeterpropter, 531.
praetor, 350.
prandeOy -di, Perf., 50a ; -5us, 530, 54a.
pratus for -m, 370.
precor, 396.
precula for perj;-, 76, 97.
preftendo, 471, 4a, 13a ; -dt, 501 ;iwew</o,
57> 143 ; Perf* ii^ Romance, 509.
preluMj 307.
j?r««o, 307 ; -sst, 499.
FrepositionB, 57a sqq. ; written with
Noun, 168, 57a ; oust Case-suff.,
573 ; Compound, 573 ; with many
Cases, 574 ; assim. in Comp. Vb..
31a sq. ; accent., 167 sqq.
Present (see Tense-stems).
Pretonio, Syncope (see Syncope) ;
Vowel-change (see Weakening) ;
6, 6 changed to d (?), 159, aaa.
pri, Prep., 589.
pridie, 560.
primilegium for pn'r-, 5a.
primordia, 36a.
primus. 410 ; primumdumf 609.
priticepSj 178; pronunc, 141.
priyicipio (-mm), Adv., 56b.
prior, N., 378.
jjrisciiSy 337.
pristinusy 335.
pristris for prisHs, 96.
pritichesy Carm. Sal., 403.
privignus, 181, 335; pronunc. of, 138.
pro, Prep., 590 ; -Z, 590.
pro, Inteij., 618.
probunto, 519.
probus, 590 ; -bourn, 346.
procapis, 183.
procestria, 191.
Frooope, 107 ; (e)8^, i3i.
procul, 590.
procus, 358.
prod-, Prep., 590 ; prodtus, 590.
prodigium, 391.
prodinunt, 531.
produit, 515.
profestus, 199.
proficio, 590.
pnificiscor, 480.
prcfitemino, 519.
profiigare, 470, 486.
progenies, 345 sqq. ; pro^ite (Scip. Ep.),
48, 506.
progredimino, 519.
prohibeo, scansion of, 143 ; -&e«^«, 463.
proieciiad, Luceria inscr., 519.
proifide, 570 ; proin, 133.
pro/€S, 345.
prolixus, 393.
prologus, 590.
promenervat, Carm. Sal., 194.
promiscam, 557.
prompsit Perf., 505.
promufiiurium, spelling of, 197.
pro>u's for -hms, 339.
Pronominal, Adverbs, 567 sqq. ; in
-^iy 567 ; -?. 567 ; -5, 568 sq. ; -<i,
569; -*m, 570; -tide, 570; -um,
570; -am, 570; T-suffix, 571 ; D-
8uff., 571 ; Adjectives, 449 sqq.
Pronouns, 431 sqq. ; Pers., Befl., 4a i
Hqq. ; Poss., 436 sqq. ; Dem., 439
sqq. ; Rel., ludef., Interrog., 443
sqq. ; Decl. of (see Declension) ;
accent, of, 167 sq. ; iUoCj &c. ,
163.
Pronunciation, 13 sqq.
promiSt 336 ; -nis, 339.
propages, 346.
propagmen, 393.
prope, 591 ; -modum (-0), 559.
Proper Names, Italic, 319 sq.
properus, 374.
propino, 590, 488.
648
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
pfvpinqut43f 358.
propitius, 194.
propius for -pit'-, 95.
propritim, 556.
propter, 591, 179 ; -ea, 569.
proptervusy 590.
pror»u8 (-W), 553 ; cf. 549.
iwofia, 553-
fVosffrpina, 98; Prosepnai, (not -ats)
38a, 184.
Frosodioal Hiatus, 139, 144 sq., 209
sq.
prosperus, 357.
prostemerey in Romance, 489.
Prosthetic i, loa, 105 sqq.
prosum, Vb., 590.
proterrmSf 590.
prohiiM* (-feniw), 554, 556, 200 ; -am,
557 ; -*«, 554.
proiulum for prothyr-^ 190.
proximvsy 591.
pruriOf 487.
^sofli, Perf. (?), 501.
^pse, -pfe, Particles, 440.
ptttcr, 356.
pM6e», 346.
Publicola (PbpZt-), 76.
puUicu«, 987.
PublhiSy 387.
pu^, -re, Voc., Fem. in O. Lat., 374 ;
•par in Compd., 183, 185.
puertia (-W<-), 174.
pugilj 376.
pidceTy spelling of, I3, 59 sq.
puleium (-e^*-), 48, 292.
pulenta for pol-, 33.
iw*^*, 355.
•pw?i of impidiy &c, 501 ; ptdsus, 278.
ptrfto (-so), 482.
ptdvisy 235.
pumer for pi?i^-, 37.
pumilio {pmn-\ 34.
pungro, 471; pepugi, 503; pM«dM«,
pronunc, 140.
pvpa [-PP-), 116.
pwnw, 542 ; purime, 407.
pttaOlus, 305.
pwfer, 260 ; pu/eo, 260.
pwto, 482 ; -^4, 211, 600.
pxitrefaciOy scansion of, 212.
pittiis, 542.
Q, the letter, 3, 7 ; gu, pronunc.
84 sqq. ; length by Position, 87 ;
I.-Eur. QH, phon. changes of, 999
sqq.
q«o-, qW-, q«u-, Pron. stems, 443
sqq.
qoi (Dvenos inscr.), 445.
qxta, Adv. [qttaad), 569 sq.
quadra^ 413.
quadragintOj 417 sq. ; accent., 165 ;
quarr-, 418.
quadranSf 409.
quadrigae, 196.
quadrigenti (-»ngf-), 419.
quadruplex {-plus), 414.
guae^<«(iis, 448 n.
qttaerOj 487 ; -«r», 506.
qiiaeso, 462, 487 ; -umus (-imtcs ;, 487
-SS-, 112.
qmdis, 451.
fjuaUiis, the spelling, 112.
f/wam, 570, 607 ; of tttiquatn, &c., 552 ;
quamde, 570, 607 ; -?idc<, 613 ; -pi«,
613; -ohrem, 606; guamguayn, 613.
gwando, 608, 571 ; -6, 213 ; -grt«, 571 ;
'quidem, 571, 608 ; quandoc, 608 ;
9Ma?ufone, 608.
quansei, 607.
Quantity, 126 sqq. ; overmastei-ed by
accent, 129 (see Shortening,
Lengthening, Scansion) ; changed
bef. cons.-group, 133 sqq. ; of vow
in close syll., 133 sqq.
qi(anius, 451 ; -mvis, 613.
quapropter, 569.
quare^ 606.
quarinsy 413.
quasi, 607 ; -«e, 25.
quasHluHf 305.
quatenus, 557.
qxtater, 413 ; -nws, 414.
quatio, u in Comp., 196.
quatiucr, 413 sq. ; spelling, 414, 113;
-ffor, 414 ; 'decim, 416.
^e, 598 sq. ; enclitic. i66 sq. ; qu{e ,
598.
queistores, 242.
^M^rcus, 291 ; -?iH9, 294.
quereHa, the spelling, ri2 sqq.
quertn-j 227.
qtterquera, 315.
quetus for gute-, 142 sq.
-gin'- for Gk. *v, 36.
(?»«', Pron., 443 sqq. ; pronunc, 39,
INDEX.
649
44 ; cui, pronunc, 39, 44, 446 ;
spelling, 87.
qui, Adv., 446, 568 ; -^1 (-n), 613 ;
'dum, 609.
quiaj 610 ; -nam, 606.
quicumqtie, 448 ; -dam, -libety 'Vis, 447.
quidetn, 60a ; siq-, iuq', &c., ai6.
quieSy 1 8a.
quiesco, pronunc. of, 134 ; qitetus for
quie-y 143 sq.
quitij 613.
(iuinque, 414, aag ; pronunc, 414;
'ndecim, 416 ; -n(c)fu«, 70 ; pronunc,
140, 414 ; -ngenti, 419 ; -ncenhan,
O. Lat., 419; 'WjuagiiUa, 417;
•ncioix, 300; -nus, 414.
quippcy 604 ; pronunc, laa
qitirquir, a88.
g^t9, 443 bqq. ; pronunc, 85 ; -que,
'piam, -quaniy -quis, 448.
quisquUiae, 315.
quoy Adv., 568 ; Conj., 613 ; -od,
568 ; -circa, 580 ; -modo, -6, aia.
quod, Conj., 610.
quoiatis (cujas), 447.
qucieij Dat., 445.
quoiqtioimodiy 445.
9uo?n for cwm, Prep., 581.
quoniinus, 569, 613.
-quomque {-cunque), 598.
quondaniy 571.
fpMniam, 610.
quoque, 598.
9i4orsu5 ;-m), 568.
QMorto, 413.
^Mo^, 451 ; -aimts, 560 ; -idie (see co<^}.
^uofimiM^, 561.
quotus, 451.
9uum, 608, 570.
B, pronunc of, 89 sqq. ; I.-Eur. B,
phon. changes of, 376 sqq. ; 1^ 378
sq. ; Lat. r for s, 303 sqq., loi,
105 ; for df 385, 388, 80 sqq. ; for I,
93 sq. ; for n, 96 ; dropped in preie-
st(r)igiae, &c, 91, 95 ; bef. cons., 97.
-r, long vow. shortened bef., 313 sq. ;
of Passive, 533, 533.
rabies, 347 ; -e«. Gen., 383.
i'obo for arrahOy 177.
rdbula, 177.
racemus, 306.
radix, 330.
Raius for Rav-, 353.
ramentum, 313.
rapiOy 476.
rapi^, a robber, 475.
ra/io. 340.
ratiocinor, 488.
rfl<t5, 307.
ratus, 359.
rara5(e&u5, 330.
ra«cMs, 180.
Raudus for -tnd-, 185.
rauduSy 348 sq.
-re, 3 Sg. Pass., 533 ; Inf. Act., 535
sqq.
re-, red-, Prep., 591.
recctdi, Perf., 504.
recens, Adv., 554.
recidivua, 333.
reciprocus, 337.
Beoomposition, 199 sq. (see Re-
formation).
recordor, 483.
recttty Adv., 550.
recupero, 488.
reddOy 468, 114 ; reddibo, 493.
rcd(d)uco, 114; rcdwa, 591.
rederguo for -arg'-, 198.
redmttn^, 531.
redivia, 386.
redin'rus, 591.
Beduction (see Weakening, Shorten-
ing).
redwicus, 359.
Beduplioated, Present, 468 ; Perfect,
496 sq., 501 sqq.; form of red..
503 sq. ; assim. of red. vow. to
stem- vow., 503 ; loss of, 503 sq. ;
Noun, 358, 363.
Beflezive Fron. (see Pronouns).
refrivafaba, 178.
regiTUt, 370.
regnum, pronunc. of, 138.
rego, 396; rext, 505; pronunc. of, 139,
498.
regula, 318.
Belative Pron. (see Pronouns).
reliquus, pronunc of, 333 ; -cuos,
O. Lat., 46.
reluvium, 386.
remex, 358.
remukum, pronunc of, 143.
ren, 364.
reor, rahis, 359.
650
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
repaiulirostro-, Pacuv., 360.
ripens, 968 ; Adv., 554 ; -nte, 551.
repo, 307.
repperij Perf., 504.
reppuliy Perf., 504.
repulsUf 54a.
requies, decl. of, 346.
res, 25a, 325 i ui word-group, 169.
reseSy 358.
respondeOf Perf. in Romance, 509.
Res{ii)tutuSy 176.
retro(r)8um, 549.
rettuli, Perf., 503 sq.
y^us for rettYutf, 543.
rerertif Perf. of, -tor, 520.
renSj 244.
rex, 260, 276.
Bho, Lat. transcr. of, 12, 59.
-n-, syncop. after cons., 171, 179 sq.
•rt. Inf. Pass., 535 sqq. ; -tier, 536 sq.
rien, 264.
r/^r, 306.
ringoTj 471.
-ri«, 2 Sg. Pass., 533 ; and er in Adj.
M., F., 371.
rtte, 560.
rituSj 560.
rivaliSj 244.
Biyers, gender of, 368.
riua for nru», 52.
-W-, pronunc. of, 97.
-nn- for nm, 271 sqq.
-ro, e. g. lambero, 479.
ro6?sw, 348 ; rub-y 34.
rotur (-or), 356, 379 ; -vs, 379.
rohuSf Adj., 248.
r(Wu«, 248 sq.
Rotnaf 307.
»"<>Pto, 76.
Bostrata Golunma (see Col. Rostr.).
rota, 258.
rotundiiSj 544 sq.
Bough Breathing (Gk.) (see Breath-
ing).
'tr- for rs, 277 sq.
-rs-, pronunc. of, 91, 96.
rubeoy 476.
rwtcr. 239.
ruhinttuina, 545.
rubf>) for ro6-, 34.
rubus, 307.
n«5Msft<a for rob-, 34.
nicto («ee erticto).
rudenfes, 467.
rudis, 249, 338.
rfido, 307.
rudusj 248 sq.
"*<», 345-
rt^fusy 248.
Buga (see Garvilius).
rumen, 307.
rt#men^<m, * abruptio,' 314.
Ruminaftcus, Kumon, 307.
run^ia, 33.
''t^'^POf 471 ; v^Ph 502 ; -mp<i(« (see
corruptus).
rupea, 346 ; -^^p-, 1 18.
ruri (-c), 396.
rursus (-m), (rus-), 549, 553.
-rusy 2 Sg. Pass., 534.
Bustio Latin, ( for if, 19, 25, 30;
veha, 92 ; i for I, 24 sq., 29 aq.;
fmndea, 31, 33 ; tundo, 33 ; 0 for au,
40 sq. ; e for a«, 42 sq.
riisticusj 337.
8, voiced written Zy then r, 6 ; pro-
nunc of, loi sqq. ; phon. changes
of, 303 sqq. ; Lat. s for as, 305 sq.,
109 sqq. ; for ns, 136 sq. ; for ih in
Not Tir., 58; 0. Lat. s, class, r,
305 ; dial. », 305.
8-Perf., Vb.-forms (see Tense-stems).
S' fromps-, As-, 303.
-8, O. Lat., e.g. cofoSy 356; a Sg.,
525.
sabulum, 304.
sacena (5cena), 261, 184.
sa/cerdos, 179 sq.
aacri-y sdcro-, 183.
sactus for «anc<-, 70.
saepcy 559.
8a<:pe5 («e-), 42.
Saeiumiy 242.
Sagutituniy 104.
so^u^, 259 sq.
50/, 223.
Saliare Garmen (see Carmen SaL).
aal^inusj 293.
8€di0y 223.
so/tx, 278, 223.
saUOy 285, 479.
acdtemy 556.
*satr<ificus for «iZf-, 201.
5a>n{nM:t4« (sab-), 65.
Satuites, 183.
INDEX.
651
sanciOf 470; sanctua, pronunc, 140;
aact-, aant-f 70.
Sandhi, lao sqq.
sanguis (-en), 377.
saplutus^ 104.
sarcinoj 326.
sarmentum, 310.
««<*« («»0» 558; satin, 558 n.
s«rfwr, 558 n.
satura {-ira)j 197.
Satumian Metre, ia8 n., 13a n., 159.
satuSf aaa.
satictu5 for -ahi«, 543.
aaviumf a68.
*Muma for soffma, 89.
aaxum, a6i.
sc- lengthens final vow., 131 ; isc-
i^see Prosthetic t).
scdbdlvm (-witf-), 383.
scabo, aa3, a8i, 359; -bi, Perf., 50a.
.scoena {see-), 4a.
j(ca«p6n«m (see-), 4a.
Hcaevus, a^a.
Soaliger's Law, 361, 363, 365.
scalpo, 379.
scalprum, 333.
scamnum, 383.
acamfo, -dt, Perf., 50a.
Scansion, traditional, 137 n. ; errors
in late literature, ia8 sq. (see
Shortening).
Scaptensuia, the spelling, 136*1.
scaieo {-to), 476.
scaturio, 48a.
scauria for «co-, 41.
acelerus (?), 356.
scduSj aag,
acentty a priest's knife, 184, a6i.
scetia, {(Tierjyff), scae , 43.
acheda, ac{h)i-, 33.
acUicety 564.
sci7ido, a8o, 471 ; acicidi, 495, 501 ;
scwc- (?), 503 ; sctdi, 495, 501.
Soipio Afr. (Min.), ic- for vo-, 338.
scZw (««-}, 307, 83.
scJoppuSj 307.
-SCO, Incept., 477.
acobia, 359, 338.
scopidua^ 197.
scorisaia for con/sc-, 39.
scn7>o, 318.
scribOj 383.
scroWs, 306.
scrofay 80.
acrujn<Zt45 (scrtp-), 39.
scu/»a, 184.
sctc/po, 379.
sS-, * to sow,' 334.
ae, Pron., 434.
ae (aed), Prep., 593; aefraude, 593.
aeceapitOf 361.
seciua (see se^).
aeco, 398 ; si-, 33.
Second Pars., Sg. ending. 535 sq. ;
PI., 529.
Secondary Accent, 158 yqq., 161.
aecordia, 593.
aecraium for aacr-j 18.
aecta^ 566.
sf(rfjMs (?), 566.
aeaoidumj Prop., 591.
secundua, 411.
aecurus, 593.
«e«<s. Noun, 553 ; Adj., 591 ; Adv.,
553; Prep., 591.
-accua, 553, 554.
at'd, 0. Lilt., ' himself,' 434.
sed, Conj., 601.
aedda for -tf-, 387.
aedecim («exrf-), 416.
serZeo, 385 sq.. 473 ; sedij 497, 503.
sc(/t'5, 345 sq.
aeditio, 59a.
seffw/o, 563 ; -vsy Adj., 563.
aeduniy 601.
j)e«fu</-a9ue, 450.
sesrtjs, 351.
aefftnentuniy 393.
8t/mum, the scansion, 156.
aeliquaatra, 387.
8e//a, 387.
aemelf 410, 339.
aemermiay 364.
se>n{-, 409. 335.
se;(wi)»norfii«, 176.
aemiaai-y 409, 586.
aempeVy -iiermta, 563.
aemptetn for s*^-, 66.
aenaiua, decl. of, 343; -^1. Gen., 380,
384 ; 'tuoaj Gen., 384.
8tf»€ca, 337 ; aettecio, 337.
aeneda, 334 n.
seTi^x, 371, 354 ; decl. of, 367.
Sentence- Accent, 148 n., 165 sqq.
sententiaj 353.
aenua, 415.
652
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
seorsunif 592.
septeniy 415; -decimy 416; -tuaginta,
417 8q. ; -tingentij 419; -HmuB, 415;
-fenM«, 415 ; -^u«nni5, 415 ; sempt-, 66.
septentriones, 269.
SepHdonium for Septus- j 104.
s^timus decimus, accent of, 163.
scpMfcrum, 334 ; spelling of, 57, 59 sq.
sequins, 566.
seguor, 520.
Sereyia for Str-, 30.
seriusj Adj., 267.
serpUlum, 197.
sfrpo, 277.
serra for sera, 115.
sero, 468 ; sert, 500 ; siUus, 222.
sesamum, spelling of, 198 nq.
sescejiti, 419.
sescewfopZogrw^, 364.
sesciincta, 300 ; -wic-j 236.
sesqui'f 409.
s^sse for sese, 1 12.
sestertiusy^og ; -mm. Gen. PI., 402 ; 418.
setius, 566.
Se<u« {Zri$os)f 104.
5eu, mY, 122.
seveniSf 226 sq.
sear, 415 ; sexagintaj 417.
sextons, 409.
Sexiius (-sf-), 415.
Sh^va, 257.
Short Vowel (see Quantity .
Shortening, of vow. bef. vow., 131
Hqq. ; bef. n with cons., 141 sq. ;
bef. / with cons., 142 ; bef. -l, -»»,
-r, -t, 213 sq. ; of final vow., 207
sqq. ; of final syll. long by position,
215 sq. ; of monosyll., 215 sq. ; after
shoi:t syll. (see Breves Breviantes) ;
of long diphth. bef. cons., 251 sq.
St, 610.
sibiy 424 ; -e, 25.
Sibilant?, phon. changes of, 302 sqq.
sibilo, 78 ; -/-, 80 ; sw-, 30.
**c, 567 ; pronunc, 121 sq. ; sichte, 433.
siccusj 447.
Sioilious, mark of double cons., 4, 8.
stctihij 446.
sido, 468 ; sidi {sedi)f 503.
sidHS, 267.
siem, 514 sq.
*»i/ilo for sib-f 30, 78, 80.
signum, pronunc. of, 138 sq.
sttenta for -Ha, Neut. PL, Laev.,401 , 35a.
silicemium, 287.
-stVn, Subj., 465.
simila, 286.
similisj 338.
simihi (-ft/r), 565.
simplex {-plua), 410.
simpludiarea Junera^ 410.
simul, Adv., 553 ; Prep., 592.
simidter, 553.
simus for sumus, 29.
sin, 612.
sinatas for sen-y 200.
«mcmta, 410.
sinciputy 141.
strw, 592 ; set-, 592.
Single Gons. for Double, 1 13 sqq.
singnifer for sign-y 66.
singidi, 410.
Si no, 471.
sj'ns, Carm. Arv., 518 w.
siquidem, the scansion, 216.
sis for St ris, 52 ; suUis, Plur., 181.
sireinps{e), 566.
sUtOf 468 ; Perf. of, 503.
sive {seu), 122, 600.
-sOy Vb. -forms in, 462 sqq.
so- (se-), * this,* 430.
so- for SUO-, Poss., 426 sqq.
so-, 0. Lat. Demonstr., 430, 432.
sohrinus, 303.
sohrixiSy 592.
soc (?), ' ita,' 432.
soier, 192, 227 ; -erxis, 374.
socittmus, 545.
sociofraudus (,-1*/"-), 364.
sod us, a6a.
socors, 592.
soo-us, 344 ; -a, 343.
.wdes, 265, 486.
Sofia, scansion of, 150.
soly the scansion, 215.
soldus for -Hd-y 185.
so?6a, 287.
solemnis for -H-, iii.
soierare, * solidare,* 288.
solinuni, 531.
solitaurilia, 8.
solitus sum, Perf. Dep., 522.
solium, 287.
soUemnis (-nn-), 70 ; -wpn-, 70 ; sofe- 1 1 1.
soUicitwty 361.
mlUsiumus^ 407.
653
^vo, 59a : -lui for -Iri, 48 i -lului, 360.
-««, a Sg. Perf., 535.
w'"'. 449>
sHlicidiHtn, spelling of, 113.
mnnium, 319.
naia, 487.
-sftjiijuo, 471.
»mnM«, 337.
3((pmdi,im, 116.
Boi>»ntL,M,N,H(BeeL,M,N,|{).
shmcsfor-o-c-, so, sag.
smiriiM, 333.
s(?-,0. Lat., /.7J'i(wri"Hs,S((<ifc<H,-i,3t;e>n6ii»,
MHO, 488 n. ; sonui, 506.
rfi.s, s'li,n;. fl//npj>„H. 307.
x-por, aa^.
torbeo, 383; .psi for -ftiii, 509; -&fl)o,
rfi« (8CI-). 83, 307-
487.
Ho, decl. of, 457 ; sUli, 501 ; FBrf. in
aordire, -Ire, 476.
Romance, 509". '*"»». a=". 542-
wd«, 345-
sWirfufl. 335.
(otw, 337.
sforoi, 37.
TOrtw,, P. P. P., 5^^■
sframen. 379; .(ratHS, 319.
sp- lengtht-iis final vow., 131 ; i3]-
»(f<nna for -n-, 116.
JfreiiKM, 333 ; -nn-, 1 13.
sparai, Pprf,, 505.
atroM-AOMnt, 146 sqq.
spatiants, 534.
sfrirt™, 556-
sp^™, decl. of, 346.
»(ridi, PiTf., soa.
spetio, 473 ; spi-, 33.
frfnngo, 339 ; siridus, 54a,
apenio, 47a.
»(n/ori«, 0. Lat. fcr (rii-, 196.
"P«. aS7. 345 "■
Strong, Cases, 367; Rool^gradi! i.3ee
spiTO, «p«-, as.
Gradation).
SplrituB (see Breathing).
S(™*3, 345,
jponrfw), 48a; spojMmdi, 496; ipt-
sfru/rrtorii, 361.
^spoip- ?), 503.
»(™o, in Romance, 489.
jpangia (-«.). aa.
str^ivus (-opp-), 58.
qmo, 364.
rt,«i™, 476.
-ss- for tt, 304, 309; for i, 103; re-
Bi»ii«», 335.
duced to It, iioaqq.
-h(poC-M>.i, 1.6.
■«ere, Inf., 465.
slapila for s(rimfa, 37.
-.j>iBi.Subj.,46s.
5un<r, 'Hie,' 61..
-{.)», Vlj.-fonnB in, 46a 8qq. ; Perf.
svadfla, Hpelling of. 1 15.
or,so6.
KOdee, 483, 359 ; proniinc, 53.
•t»-, ' to Btaud," 457.
Svarabhftklic Vowel (see Paraaitic).
auaiis, aai ; pronunc, 53.
stognnm, p^on^ln(^ of, 13a
sinlim, 556; ste-, 15.
nit. ms-. Prep., 593; «ub ms plaai,
aatt««, 349.
573-
staforf (DT«n. inscr.), 519.
su6a«<lia>"', spelling of, 195.
j/ofug, aai ; as P. P. P. of suin, 543.
siitniEf ;?J, 508.
sfe for isle, 435, 1S7.
*si,Im!o for ^(J)-, 30.
8W,o(.fl.\ 117.
Subjunetlve (see Moods).
alelta, Jirouilllf. of, iia.
SHH.m«i.ss9; .,.s,338.
fltom, Nugn and Adj.. 3'6 «!«■ 1
SHbolts, 345.
suffia (see SuHBmb) : interchiinge of
U- and 0- atems, 343 aq.
™trtBO, 545-
»teri(«.,338-
TOftrimrt A«Ji, 193.
Ximo, 470, 319; sfrnhM, ai9, 306.
»i<t».V<r«», 333.
654
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
mbtel, 199, 213.
subtemen (-egrm-), 29a, 70.
aubtery 593 ; tuSy 561 ; Prep.. 593.
sntbverbustuSf 306.
subula^ 334.
suc<:idatieae porcae, 195.
sucerdaCj 260.
sucusj 76; spelling off 116.
8\idu8y 307.
giMTSCo, 481.
mffio, 267.
Suffixes (Noun, Adj.), 316 »qq. ; -0-,
-. -V t --^-t 316 »qq. ; -I0-, 318 sqq. ; -UO,
^ 322 sqq. ; -NO-, 324 sqq. ; -MENO-,
327 sq. ; -M0-, 328 ; -TEMO-, 328
-R0-, 328 sqq. ; -TERO-, 329 sq. ;
-cro', 329 ; -TRO-, 329 sqq. ; -DHRO-,
329 sqq. ; -L0-, 331 sqq. ; -TLO-,
332 sqq. ; -DHLO-, 33a sqq. ; -TO-,
334 sqq. ; -ATO-, 336 sqq. ; -I-, 338
sqq. ; -NI-, 339 ; -MI-, 339 ; -RI-,
-LI-, 339 sq. ; -TI-, 340 sqq. ;
-TION-, 340 sqq.; -TATJ -, 341
sq. ; -TtrrCI)-, 341 ; -U-, 34a sqq. ;
-TU-, 343 sq. ; -Yfi-, -I-, -£-, 344
sqq. ; -EN-, 348 sq. ; -YEN-, 348
sq. ; -WEN-, 348 sq. ; -MEN-, 348
sq. ; -R-, 349 sq. ; -ER-, -TER-,
350; -T-, 350 sqq.; -NT-, 352;
-WENT-, 35a sq. ; -D-, 353 sq. :
Gutt, 354 sq. ; -S-, 355 sqq. ; -ES-,
355 sqq. ; -YES-, 357 ; -i«a, 365 ;
-'«, 365 ; -t^'o-* 36s
Suffixless Stems (Noun. Ad.j.;, 357 nq.
*sufilo for sib-, 30.
Hugo, 76.
Sullaf Sy-, 39, 36.
8nUi8, for si cultiSf 181.
sutHf 237 ; decl. of, 455 sqq. ; enclitic.
167; Perf., 545; e«, Imper.. 518;
Sim, 514 ; simus for aHmiis, og; ero,
492 ; eram, 490 ; forem, 2Q^, 545 «. ;
{e)st Procope, lai.
summosses, Hor., 507.
summus, 407 ; -opere, 36a.
sumo, -psi, 505; suremit, 505. 593:
surempsit, 593.
at4o, a64, 484 rt.
suorifaurilia, 361.
supelleXfdecl. of, 367 : -trt-, 97 ; -pp-, 1 18.
super, Prep., 593 ; Adj. (-rus), 374.
superbus, 590.
tsupercilium, 195.
Superlatiye Degree (see Compari-
son) ; 1 for u in, 189.
supeme, 593.
sttperus {-per), 374.
Supines, 538 sq.
supparum .sip') ag.
Suppression of Syll.> e. g. ar(ci)ru6t>,
176 sq.
supra, 593 ; -pera, 181, 593.
suremit, 505, 593 ; -psit, 593.
surgo, 178; surrexi, 545, 505; suregit,
505 ; sortus, 54a.
surpui, Perf., 178; surptus^ 178.
sursum (-5), 549, 553.
'tfus {-tus), P. P. P., 54a.
sus; Prop, (see sub) ; susqut deque, 593.
sus, sow, a6o.
suspicio, aa5.
sustidi, Perf., 545.
suus, 426 sqq. ; monosyll., 436 sqq. ;
O. Lat. so-, 426 sqq.
swS-, phon. change of, 227.
Sylla, 29.
Syllable, Close (see Close Syll.);
Division, 124 sqq. ; First (see First
Syll.); Suppression of (see Sup-
pression ; Syncope); Syllabic Writ-
ing, la, 177.
sylva, the spelling, 11, 39.
Syncope, 170 sqq., 150 sqq.; Prae-
nestine, 177 ; by old Acoent-Law.
178 sqq. ; final syll., 181 sq. ; pre-
tonic, 183 sq. ; post-tonic, 184 sq. ;
final vow. (see Apocope) ; vow. in
final syll., ao3 sqq.
Synisesis, 14a sqq.
T, pronunc. of, 80 sqq. ; and d, final,
76 sq. ; phon. changes of, 983 sq. ;
for d bef. r, 385, a89.
T-particle (see Particles),
-ty 3 Sg., 5a6 sqq. ; vow. shortened
bef., ai4.
-to of I to, &c., 55 a.
tabes^ 346.
Tables, Twelve (see Twelve).
taceOj 476.
taeter, 289.
talis, 451.
taius, 393,
tow. 570; -mr, Carm. Sal., 570; -etsi,
60a ; ianne, 60a, 69.
tamen^ 601 ; -etsij 60a.
INDEX.
(>55
tango, 471 ; tago, 464 ; tetigi, 495.
tanquam, 570.
tarUiiSy 451 ; -tidem, 571 ; -tiftper, 56a ;
'iummodo, 564.
Taren^m, accent of, 155, 197.
tarpessiiay 104.
tola, ii8n., 363.
TatpuroBha, Comp., 360 sq.
*taxitare, 48a.
'te, a PI. Imper., 529.
teeter, pronunc. of, 139 ; -turn, 54a.
TeaimessGy 64, 71, 145 sq.
ted, 423.
*^^% 351-
^Y 303 * '^t S^'S ! pronunc. of, 139.
/eguZa, 318.
tela, a93.
Tdesia, a87.
IWis for 7%cfw, 75.
^eZum, a93; -U-, 11 a.
-tern of item, &c., 55a.
temere, 560.
temperi, spelling of, 19a, 356.
ttmperieSf 344.
temperint (?), 515.
tempestas, 34a ; -/t^^, O. Lat., 34a.
tempfum, 565.
7V;mpM, Ttmese, 181.
tendo, 486 ; -SUA, 54a.
ienebraej a^o.
(eneo, 476 ; -tus, 54a ; tefini, 501.
tenor, tenus, 355.
Tense-Stems, 459 sqq. ; Aor. and S-,
459 <^<1* }' Pres., (i) Them. E-grade,
466 sqq.; (a) Redupl., 468; (3)
Nasal, 469 sqq. ; (4) Y0-, 47a sqq. ;
(5) Inoeptives, 476 sq., 479 sqq. :
(6) Causatives, 477, 481 sq. ; (7)
Desideratives, 478, 48a, 484 ; (8)
Iteratives, 478, 48a sq. ; (9) Deri-
vatives, 478, 483 sqq. ; Stem-suf-
fixes, 478 sq., 486 sqq. ; Impft. (Ind.
Subj.), 489 sqq. ; Fut., 491 sqq. ;
Perf. (Ind. Subj.), 494 sqq. ; (i)
Redupl., 496 sq., 501 sqq. ; (a) XJn-
redupl., 497, 501 sqq. ; (3) S-, 497
8qq.» 50s 508; (4) V-, 499 sq.,
505 sqq.; (5) irreg.. 509; Plupft.
(Ind. Subj.), 509 «q. ; Tenses with
Auxil., 510 sq.
tento for -mpt-, 70.
Tenues, (Lat.) pronunc. of, 71 sqq. ;
(Gk.) Lat transcr. of, 74 sq. ;
(I.-Eur.) phon. changes of, a79
sqq. ; Ten. Asp., a8o, 308.
tenuis, a74; pronunc, 46, 174; -via, 144
tenus. Prep., 593 ; Mctenus, &c, 569.
tmus, Noun, 355.
-ter. Adv., 549, 553.
ter, 41a ; scansion, 119; temus, 41a.
terebra, 331.
teres, 351.
terffus, 30a.
'ter tor (see Comparison).
terminus, 269 ; termo, 337.
tero, terui for trivi, 509.
terreo, 481.
terrimotium, 36a.
terruneiuSf 41a.
tetiius, 41a ; -0 (-urn), Adv. 559.
tesca {-qua), 337.
tesera for -ss-, 1 15.
testamentutn, a77.
tetinif Perf., 501.
tetidi, Perf., 494, 497.
-tfi- for 8, 58.
Thelis, for Thetis, a86.
Thematic, Conj. (see Verb); Vowel,
453.
thensaurus for thes-, 69, 136 n.
Theta (see Aspirates).
Third Pars., Sg. ending, 5a6 sqq. ;
PI., 5a9 sqq.
•ti' and 'Ci' confused, 8a sqq.
tihi, spelling of, 433 (see tu).
tibicen, 364.
'ticus (see Suffix -KO-).
tUia, aa$.
-tim, Adv., 548.
tingo, aa5 ; tindus, pronunc, 140.
tinnio, pronunc. of, 118; tiniinnio {-no),
483.
'itnus, Adj. (see Suffix -NO-) ; Adv.
(see tenus).
'tiSy a PI., 5a9
tis, Gen., 433.
-avus (see Suffix -U0-).
Tmesis, 187, 573.
'to. Put. Impor., 516.
to-, * this,' 430.
toflw, 355.
Toiiesiai, Dvenos inscr., 305.
tolerOt 488.
totto, sustuli, 545.
tolutim, 556.
tondeo, 486; totondi, 496.
656
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
Tone- Accent, 148 sqq.
tongerej 259.
tongUiatimj 556.
toppevy 56a.
'toTf Imper. Pass., 533 sq.
torcidus, 300.
'turium (see Suffix -I0-).
tormentumf 310.
torpedo (-?rfo), 33
torpeOf 476.
torqueOf 482 ; ^or«, 310; tortus, 310.
torreOf 477.
^orrw, 339.
to<, 451 ; fotidem, 451, 571.
-W/«, Fut. Imper., 517.
totus, 450; -«-, 116.
totus, 451.
-^r- for dr, 81, 289.
•trtty Adv., 569.
trd-, * to go through/ 458.
&abes {'bs., 376.
frado, -nsd'y 594.
<raA«a for -Aa, 318.
traho, in Romance, 489.
(ramitto, -rwtii-, 594,
fraw«, frd-, Prep., 594.
transmarinusj 362.
f7iaM5fin«o, 476.
Trasumenmts for Tars-, 97.
Trees, gender of, 368.
tremoy 499 ; tremebitf 494 ; tremonti, 530.
^e«, 412 sq. ; trg; trU, 412; tredecim,
416; treceiUi (-urn), 418 sq. ; irigintay
4 1 7 sq.; accent., 165; trienta for ft*t^*-,
418 ; tricenm {-g-), 418 ; tricies (-p-),
418; trinus, 412; frip/ex C-ua), 412.
tribmiai(€)j 205.
^coe, 58, 116
tric{h)iUnium for ^nci-, 94.
friww, 409.
triginta dies, accent, of, 169.
tripodarcj 256.
*trippat 119.
fm^i« for -/«, 368.
tritavus strii-), 196.
friu>npAt«, spelling of, 59.
'trOy Adv., 568.
Trqhi pronunc. of, 53.
*tiono for tono, 95.
trudiSf 338.
/rwrfo. 486.
.<n<m, (see Suffix -TRO-) ; with ^ 191.
-«- for f^ 86, 89 ; by Sync , 284.
tu, decl. of, 423 sq.
-ft*, 2 Sup., 538 sq.
tuber, 27a
tuburcinoTy 488.
ftt<fe«, 351.
-/wfo ,see Suffix -TUT(I)-, -D-).
tueor {-uor)y 476.
'tuiriy Fut. Inf. Pass., 538.
'tulas, attulas^ 464.
ttUi (seefero),
-tuniy I Sup., 538 sq.
turn, 570 ; tunc, 570.
^m5a, 36.
/um/o, tutudiy 496 ; funsi (?), 471 ; tun-
SU8, tusus, 471 ; turuio for tondeo, 33.
-'"»*, 3 Sg. Pass., 534.
turbo, 239.
/urMn^A, the scansion, 399.
turdusy 308.
-furio, Desider., 478.
turnns for ft)-, 31, 33.
'turo-y Fut. Inf., 537 ; Part., 540.
turtury 363.
-tu^y '8U8, P. P. P., 542 ; of Jimditusj
&c., 548.
tUSy 58.
TuscMs, 278.
tutSy Pron., 423 sq.
tuiel<iy spelling of, 115.
tuusy 426 sqq. ; monosyll., 426 sqq.
Twelve Tables, 7, 565.
tympanum (tgp')y a']^,
Tyrannio, taught Accent., 151, 154.
U, V, the letter, 3, 7 sq. ; V and VV,
267 sq., 52 ; utt for u, 10 ; Gk. (see
Upsilon; ; U, pronunc, 34 sqq. ; V,
44 sqq. ; tt-sound, 25 sqq. ; I.-Eur.
Vy phon. changes of, 237 sqq., 260
sq. ; V ;W), 265 sqq. ; Lat fl for o,
235 sqq., 31 sqq. ; for atonic xi-,
196; in weak -grade of root with
labiovel., 239 ; for atonic vow. bef.
lab., 192 sqq. ; for d, 33 sq. ; Lat. u
for o, 233 ; for ii lengthened, 237 ;
for eu, 245 sq. ; for ou, 248 sqq. ;
Lat V from g«, 301 sq. ; for 6, 47,
49 sqq. ; dropped bet. vowels, 52 ;
dropped after cons., 52 sq., 144.
-Uy shortening of, 213; of comu, Ac,
scansion, 377 sq.
(4-t and i-Uy e. g. atupUoy 37.
V-i>exfect (see Tense-stems).
INDEX.
657
IJ-stems, blend with O-stoms, 343 j
sq. (see Suffix -U-). 1
m</o, 467.
rmlumj 467,
rac, 618. ;
ralde, 561 ; -/id-, 174.
Valeri (Voc., Gen.), accent, of, 164. |
rapoTy 299.
i>(ipulo, 532.
Variation of Vowels (see Gradation ). 1
rarix, 279, 355.
Varpo, t and ei, 9 ; deriv. of Oracchua,
14791. ; on dicusj 244.
vas, a surety, 290.
ras, a vessel ; rassa^ PL, 1 12.
cntesj 346 sq., 221 ; O. Lat. vcUitUy 375.
wWlunij spelling of, 51.
ubha for 066a, 33.
ubeTj 290, 250.
ubi, 567 ; -e, 25.
-M*rw, e. g. lugubrisj 196. 1
-i/c, Adv., 551. j
'UCU8 (see Suffix -XO-). j
lulufi, 180.
-re, Conj , 599; enclitic, 166 sq.
re- for to-, 228.
r?-. Prefix, 615.
veclus for -^/^, 83
redis, 341.
regeOf 482, 296.
vegetusy 296, 335.
rc/wi for ria, 22.
ve?iemens, r^-, 54, 57; -ter. Adv., 554.
re^, 226; -JTt, 499.
1^7, 599 »q-
Velar Gutt. (see Gutt. Proper, Labio-
velar).
vdcUuruy 308.
velim see tv>/o).
reWa for r*-, 29.
vdlico, 488.
w/fo, older ro- (?), 228 ; -/i. 502 ; wlsiy 509.
re//ujt, 266
reloJTy 354.
rr/<ra/ius for -rirag-. 93.
reZM?n, 333 ; -W-, 112.
r€w?o, 472, 488; 'ditusjin Romance, 542.
renejictis^ hene-y 51.
voieiitwi, 326.
re/icj, 488, 539; -tn, 522.
ren/o, 473; r<w, 500; Perf. in Romance,
509 ; -re««/, 464 ; -ventWj 274.
ventuftf 251.
U
r^MM/n, 539; -'7o, 472.
VmuSf 356.
vepreSf 346.
Verb, 453 sqq. (see Tenses, Moods,
Pass., Dep., Inf., Part., Sup., Ger.) ;
Conjugations, 454; Athem. C!onj.,
453 sqq-'f Them. Conj., 453 sqq.;
Contracted forms, 463 sq. ; Person-
endings, 522 sqq. : 3 Conj. Vbs. in
•'0, 475 ; atonic form of Simple Vb.,
468 ; in -0, -«o, 476 ; -Mmo, 482 ; -u«,
48471.; Onomat., 483; Compound,
485; in -utiiOy 488 ; -ciVior, 488 ; -issOf
488: I Conj. predominant, 488;
Noun-stem in -5-, 490; Irreg.,
545 s<l<l- ; Contracted Perf.-forms,
V-perf., 506 sqq. ; S-perf , 508.
rerberit (?), 515.
verbunij 290
rervcujtduft for -f-, 202.
vereor, 473 ; rerihamini (?), 202.
Vey-gilius^ spelling of, 23.
rermiwa, 310.
vermis, 339.
Vepner*8 Law, 157.
remiiSf 324.
vera (-e), 550.
verresj 277.
verro, 468 ; ro-, 228 ; -ri. Perf., 502.
rerruat, 277, 337.
Verrngo, 337.
-rersi« (-mj. Adv., 549.
versus i-m)j Prep., 595.
Veriicordia. 361.
rt-r/o, 266 ; ro-, 228 ; -li, Perf., 502.
Vertumnus, 327.
rerw, 301.
rents. 266: -m, -0, Conj., 602; -0 (^-«),
Adv., 550.
reapa, 266.
rcsperi, 396.
vesperna, 324
res^w, 305, 341.
veto, 288 ; ro-, 228.
T^tranus, for -^er-, 184.
FfeZ/o, the scansion, 212.
rdusj 356 ; Compar., 407 ; i«te»', 356 ;
-tiistusj 407.
Vfentbwi, 250.
-fl^o (see Suffix in Gutt.).
'Ui {,-uvi), Perf., 506.
UI, pronuuc. of, 39, 44 ; ri-, prcnunc,
29.
U
THE LATIN LANGUAGE.
-r(', Syncope of, 171 sq., 18a Hq.
ribix, 355.
•■OAt, 355.
fitem. Adv., S50.
4'7;-'
niciniar. Loc , 397.
rkiMim, S56. 586 : -aalim. 556,
rietiui for 'liil-. 83.
nttiir, N., 371.
ritus. aps.
ridrlkel, 564.
rideo, 473. a66. asaj -di. 50a, 497 ;
rvien, pronuuc, 163 ; Hsma, spell-
ing, 1 1 a.
riduus. a6B.
rifo, a66.
r/ff'V, 376.
vigiloiuli. the ticanHloD, ai3.
nV/infi, 4t7)iq. ; accent., 165 ;T>inji, 41 8.
riff, Adv., 559-
rillciin, thf spelling, i la sq.
i^iRa, pronuiie. of. 1 la sq. ; re-, 39.
rUluni, 333, 179.
rillua, aag.
vinarivi, 331.
tinelo, 470.
liiira, 471, 398: riW, 50a.
rinrffQiin, 17S.
tunrffj, 36a.
lie. of, I
40a.
nrdii, ftc,, for ->
rirsrf.im, 335.
rirto, 360.
a, !-iivUing of. 19a.
'■" . 35"-
.. 39; -Hin.aon. PI..
i. Plur
9 34f- "
lis, a Sg. (8©o ro/o, decl. of).
riao, 46a ; -Kf, 503 ; rim, 119.
ri»»(i for tiiit, 107.
tiin, 179; ritam nnhir, 531.
ritez, 330.
riUf, a66, 341.
'■,*iw, 344.
rirtradix, iga, 361 .
ri'i*. 301 ; tirfbo. Nov., 49a ; rlxi, 499 ;
-»«•, 107; riri/MrrrVatn, sai.
iiriM, 330.
'"■^. 555 ; -Hi™, 614.
■u'- for (r, 333 ; from 1, 378 iq,
ulcispft. uWhi, 310
uligo, aB7.
-lUo see Suffix -LI-;.
-uUan [,-alue , 115.
"""s. 449 ; pronunc, i [3.
ulmas. 379.
ii(n<i, a6o, 179,
iil>, ultra, 594 sq. ; pronunc. 14a ; :J-
limua. a36.
ulu'n, 363.
u<"/o, 474-
Ulnaats nixes), 386, aoo.
-iim (...™i«),Geii, PI. 403.
u»nbu, 3Q3.
•imtras. 336 : spelling. 56
iiiHi, Adv., 561.
Unuoented Vow., weakened imh-
Weakening) i Syncope of (nee Syn-
,..,™. 476.
undigat, 570, 306.
■uiidHn , oirfiw), Oer., 543,
iinjHfjr, 393.
iiiurtio. 301 ; -netiu, pronunc, 140.
t"<"v, 554.
iiiuiuam, 570.
unH», 409 sq. ; -^lii»7i(*, 449.
ru-, O, Lai, forrt-, 338.
-ro- atonic chnnged to tu, 367.
-«o.-VbH.in.434n.
Vooatlvo (see Dpcleliiion) ; of lO-
ntoms, Bocent.. 163 Bq.
'rocihiK. empty, 18.
r.*-iVii», 18 ; rono for ra-, 15, 18.
rolo, I nish, dect. of, 456 sq. : acount .
169; iWini,5i5; ni!nni,5i6: r^Nmut,
456 I'. : Inf. in Romance, 536.
INDEX.
659
roUunia, 374.
VolumnuSj 327 ; -nius, 228.
voluntas, 541.
volup, 553.
voluptasj 342.
vomOj 267, 506 n, 228.
rojite, 426.
roro, 301, 228.
tWTO (re-), 468, 228.
vorto (re-), 467, 228.
ToSj decl. of, 425 sq.
Vowel, Gradas (tee Gradation);
Quantity (see Quant., Shortening,
Lengthening).
«>J?» 358.
upUio {op-), 34.
ITpsilon, Lat. transci*. of, 4, 11, 36,
24a
upupuj 315, 363.
urbanus, 325.
urbSf 239 ; spelling. 78 sq.
urceus, 239.
urgeoj 239, 482.
MOW, 310.
-u)7iu5 (see Suffix -NO-).
uro, 466; t<sst, 497; pronunc, 11 1 ;
ustuSj pronunc, 255.
-urrio, Vbs. in, 482.
ursuSf 239.
-MS, Gen., e. g. Venerus, 384 ; decl. of
Neuts. in, 355 sq. (see -ruSj 2 Sg.
Pa-s.;.
usque, 571, 595.
ustium for 08^, 34.
usurpoj 173.
M^, 606, 605 ; accent., 166 ; uti, 607.
utevj Noun, 289.
ufer, Pron.. 450 ; -que, 450.
uterus (-urn). 369.
Utica, 37.
utinam, 605.
u/or, 247; M/an«, 534; ussus, 112;
utunto, 519.
t*<ras</«c, Adv , 557.
lUrinKjue, Adv., 570.
utrinde, Adv.. 570.
u/ro, Adv. , 568.
tUrubi, Adv., 567.
ufrumj Conj., 606.
-ut{t)io, Vbs. in, 488.
'UtuSf P. P. P. , 542.
-uu- written for 1?, 10.
'U(y)i Perf., 508 sq.
vulgoy 560.
vidnus, spell iiig of, 236.
tulpesy 346.
wlpbwr, 472.
tnrffttr, roWurus, 374.
-uus (see Suffix -U0-).
uxor, written voxor in MSS., 5.
ry- for IU-, e. g. ryr, 29.
W, Lat. expression of, 7 sq. ; I.-Eur.
W, phon. changes of, 265 sqq.
Weak, Cases, 367 ; Grade of Root
(see Gradation).
Weakening, of Atonic Vowel, 185
sqq., 148 sqq.; syll. long by Position,
191 sq. ; 8hoi*t syll., 194 sq. ; bef.
r, 192 ; bef. Lab., 192 sqq. ; of
Diph , 195 sq. ; of Diph. in Hiatus,
196 ; of jiy vS, 196 ; 0, u, t, 196 sq. ;
Gk. loanwords, 197 sq. ; long vow.
unweakened, 199; short, 198 sq. ;
re-formation, 199 sq. ; weakening
in pretonic syll., 200 ; by Assimi-
lation, 201 ; in final syll., 203 sqq.
wel-, * to wish,' 456 sq.
Wharton's Law, 159, 222.
W^inds, gender of names, 369.
Word-Groups, 361 sq., 365; accent.,
161 sqq., 169 sq.
X, the letter. 2, 5 ; written xs, ex,
&c., 5; pronunc. of, loi sqq.: -«s-
for, 102 107 ; for Gutt. with s, 291,
-X (see Suffixes in Gutt.).
Y, the letter, 4, 11 ; Gk (see Upsi-
lon) ; Lat. expression of y-sound,
7 sq. ; pronunc of Lat. y, 34 sqq. ;
I.-Eur. Y, plion. changes of, 262
sqq. ; Lat. y for i u 29 (see U).
Z, the letter, 4, 5 sq ; Gk. (see 2feta);
pronunc. of, 10 r sqq ; I.-Eur. Z,
]>hon. changes of, 303 sqq. ; Lat. z
for j, 49.
Zabulus, for diabohts, 105.
Z?ta, Lat transcr. of, 4, 11, loi, 104.
THE ENI>.
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA
■♦♦-
p. vii. Prof. Stolz lias now published a Lauilehre der lafeinischen Sprache (Leipz.
1894)} giving the phonetic laws of Latin, (cf. chap, iv of this book)
along with a general introduction to the study of the language.
P- 344? § 95* The new number of the American Jourfuxl of Philology (vol. xv.
p. 194) has a paper by Mr. L. Horton-Smith, in which this view of
the origin of the Gerundive -ndo- is supported by a strong array of
arguments.
P- 153. 1. I a for iUtc read iUic
p. 19B, 1. 3
• «
Ann, Epigr,
•*
Ann, ipigr.
P- 235» 1- 7 al> im-
•?
on-
••
(m-.
p. 238, 1. 9 ab im.
• •
orbs
••
orbis, late Lat. orbs.
p. 242. I. 14
y •
dfiveri
««
dftveri.
p. 276, 1. 8
• •
ai&lre
« ■
cdldre.
p. 29T, 1. II ab im.
• •
*q6nqWi
»»
*p6nq96.
P- 356, 1. 4
• «
*nwdes-
•«
*mode8- (whence moderor).
p. 415, 1. 6
• •
si-nvs
•»
8tnU3.
p. 420. 1. 3
« «
*eg5 a
• »
*eg6.
1.4
% «
*eg6m
•«
*eg6m.
p. 528, 1. 22
««
fefaoed
•«
fefaked .
p. 551, 1. 19
n «
U-stems
».
Vow. -stems.
^^IaI99
Clatenbon press, ©ytotb.
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