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EX LIBRIS
JOHANNIS FLETCHER
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ANNOS LINGUAE LATINAE IN COLLEGIO
UNIVERSITATIS
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$47155.2.
fiSennett's iLattn Series
The Latin Language
A HISTORICAL OUTLINE
OF ITS
SOUNDS, INFLECTIONS, AND SYNTAX
BY ^
CHARLES E. BENNETT
PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN CORNELL UNIVERSITY
Boston
Allyn and Bacon
1907
COPYRIGHT, 1907, BY
CHARLES E. BENNETT.
PREFACE.
THIS book is a revision of my Appendix to Bennetfs Latin
Grammar, published in 1895. That book was originally pre-
pared as a series of lectures to advanced students on subjects
not covered in any Latin Grammar published in America. The
title " Appendix," however, was misleading and gave to many
a wrong impression of the purpose and scope of the book, which
was in reality written long in advance of the publication of my
Latin Grammar and entirely without reference to that work.
The new title is more appropriate to the views discussed and
the facts brought out ; hence the change.
In the revision some dozen pages of old matter have been
omitted, while nearly forty pages of new matter have been intro-
duced ; but the general plan and scope of the book are un-
changed.
I am indebted to Professor J. C. Rolfe, of the University of
Pennsylvania, and to Professor Charles L. Durham, of Cornell
University, for valuable suggestions made while the book was
passing through the press.
C. E. B.
ITHACA, March, 1907.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I,
THE ALPHABET.
PAGE
Origin of the Latin Alphabet . . . I
Changes in the Form of the Letters .,,.... I
Later Additions to the Alphabet 2
New Characters proposed by Claudius 2
CHAPTER II.
PRONUNCIATION.
Sources of Information .......... 4
The Vowels . 6
a 6
t 6
i 7
I for u . . . ,*'' -7
o 8
u 8
y 8
The Diphthongs 8
ae 8
oe . . . 9
au .10
eu . . . .10
ui .10
The Consonants.
The Semivowels . . II
j II
V 12
The Liquids . .18
/ 18
r 18
vi TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
The Nasals 18
m 18
n 20
n-adultertnum 20
nf, ns 20
gn 21
The Spirants 22
/ . . 22
S 22
h 23
The Mutes 23
The Voiceless Mutes 23
' 23
f 24
k ><! 2 5
/ 26
The Voiced Mutes 26
b . . 26
. d 26
g 26
Distinction between Guttural and Palatal . . . -27
The Aspirates,///, ch, th 27
Development of ph to/ 29
The Double Consonants 30
x 30
z 30
Doubled Consonants 31
Division of Words into Syllables 31
CHAPTER III.
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
Methods of Determining Hidden Quantity 36
General Principles of Hidden Quantity 40
Vowels before ns, nf 40
Vowels before gn, gm 40
Vowels before nt, nd, ss 42
Pontem, Fontem, Montem, Frontem, Frondem 43
Hidden Quantity in Declension 46
Superlatives ........... 49
Numerals 50
TABLE OF CONTENTS. vii
PAGE
Pronouns 50
Conjugation 50
Root Forms 50
Verbal Endings 53
Compounds . -54
Inchoatives 54
Irregular Verbs 54
Word Formation 55
List of Chief Words containing a Long Vowel before Two Consonants . 56
List of Disputed Words 66
CHAPTER IV.
ACCENT.
Accent Defined . . . 73
Character of the Latin Accent 74
Changes in the Latin Accent 74
Special Peculiarities 76
CHAPTER V.
ORTHOGRAPHY.
Standard of Spelling 77
Quom, volt, volmts, etc 78
Assimilation of the Final Consonant of Prepositions in Compounds . 79
Compounds of jacio 82
List of Words of Doubtful or Varied Spelling 83
CHAPTER VI.
THE LATIN SOUNDS.
The Vowels 9
Ablaut 90
Ablaut-Series 9 1
^-Series 9 2
^-Series 93
a-Series 93
J-Series 94
5-Series 94
^-Series . 94
viii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Vowel Changes 94
94
f -95
96
e 96
** 97
^ 97
o . . .98
u . . . .98
u . . . ....'.. 98
at 98
* 99
ei 100
ui . . . 100
au . 100
eu, ou 101
Shortening of Long Diphthongs 101
Re-composition and De-composition . . . . 102
Shortening of Long Vowels 102
Compensatory Lengthening 103
Assimilation of Vowels 104
Parasitic Vowels ......... 104
Syncope 104
Apocope 104
The Consonants . 105
The Mutes 105
The Gutturals and PalataL 105
The Dentals . . .106
The Labials .......... 106
The Indo-European Aspirates in Latin 107
bh 107
dh 107
gh 108
The Spirants , 108
The Liquids 109
As Consonants 109
As Sonants no
The Nasals in
As Consonants in
As Sonants in
The Semivowels, j, v , , 112
TABLE OF CONTENTS. ix
PAGE
Consonant Changes 113
Initial Combinations . . 113
In the Interior of Words 114
Assimilation 115
Partial Assimilation 116
Metathesis 116
Other Changes 117
At the End of Words . . . . . . . .118
Disappearance of Syllables by Dissimilation . . . .119
CHAPTER VII.
INFLECTIONS.
Declension of Nouns and Adjectives 120
^"-Sterns 120
0-Stems . . . 124
Consonant Stems 128
Stem Formation of Consonant Stems 130
/-Stems 131
Consonant Stems that have Partially adapted themselves to i -stems 133
/-Stems 134
/- and /-Stems 136
7<?-Stems .136
Stems ending in a Diphthong 138
Formation of the Comparative and Superlative 139
Numerals 140
Cardinals 140
Ordinals 143
Distributives . . .143
Multiplicatives 144
Pronouns 144
First Person . , 144
Second Person . . 145
The Reflexive . .146
Possessives 146
Demonstratives . . . 147
Hie . . . 147
Is 149
Iste, Ille, Ipse 150
The Relative, Interrogative, and Indefinite Pronouns . . 151
Pronominal Adjectives 152
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Conjugation 152
Introductory 152
Formation of Present Stem 153
Unthematic Presents 153
Thematic Presents 155
Root-Class 1515
Reduplicating Class 156
T-Class 156
N-Class 156
NO-Class 156
SCO-Class 157
JO-Class 157
Tense Formation in the Indicative 158
The Imperfect 158
The Future 159
The Perfect 159
Reduplication 159
Stem Formation 160
The Primitive Perfect 160
Perfect in -si 161
Perfect in -vT . 161
Perfect in -ul 162
Inflection of the Perfect 162
The Pluperfect 164
The Future Perfect 164
The Optative 164
Present 164
Aorist 165
The Subjunctive 166
yf-Subjunctives 166
^-Subjunctives 166
The Imperative 167
Active 167
Passive . 168
The Personal Endings 168
Active 168
Passive 169
The Infinitive 170
Active 171
Passive 171
The Participles . 172
Gerund and Supine . 173
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xi
CHAPTER VIII.
ADVERBS AND PREPOSITIONS.
PAGE
Adverbs 174
Accusatives 174
Ablatives . . .174
Locatives 175
Instrumental 175
Prepositions 175
Origin of Prepositions 1 75
List of Prepositions 176
CHAPTER IX.
SYNTAX.
The Cases 181
Names of the Cases 181
Review of Case Theories 183
The Localistic Theory 183
The Logical Theory 184
The Grammatical Theory 184
Subsequent Views 185
The Accusative 185
With Passives Used as Middles 186
Of Result Produced 187
Of Person Affected, and of Result Produced Dependent upon
the Same Verb 187
Synecdochical or Greek Accusative 187
In Exclamations 188
As Subject of the Infinitive 188
Id genus, muliebre secus, etc 188
Original Force of the Accusative 189
The Dative 191
Original Force 191
Dative of Indirect Object 191
With Verbs Signifying 'favor,' 'help,' etc. .... 192
With Compounds 192
Dative of Reference 193
Ethical Dative 193
Dative of Agency 193
Dative of Purpose 193
xii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
The Genitive 194
Original Force . 194
With Nouns 194
Genitive of Quality . 195
Genitive with Adjectives ........ 195
Genitive with Verbs 195
The Ablative 197
Syncretism in the Ablative 198
Genuine Ablative Uses 198
Separation ......... 198
Source 198
Comparison 199
Instrumental Uses . 199
Accompaniment 199
Association 200
Attendant Circumstance 200
Manner 200
Accordance 201
Means 201
Way by Which 202
Cause 203
Degree of Difference ....... 203
Price 203
Quality 204
Specification 205
Ablative Absolute 205
Locative Uses 206
Place Relations . . 206
Refert and Interest 207
Time Relations . 208
Locative of the Goal 208
Surviving Locative Forms 208
The Moods 209
The Subjunctive 210
Original Force of the Subjunctive 21 1
Original Force of the Optative 212
Classification of Subjunctive Uses 215
Subjunctive in Principal Clauses 215
Original Uses 215
Volitive Subjunctive ...... 215
Optative Subjunctive . . . . . .217
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xiii
PAGE
Subjunctive of Contingent Futurity . . .218
Derived Uses 218
Extensions of the Jussive and Prohibitive . . 218
Extensions of the Deliberative .... 220
Extensions of the Optative 221
Extensions of the Subjunctive of Contingent
Futurity 222
Subjunctive in Dependent Clauses 223
Parataxis and Hypotaxis 223
Subjunctive of Purpose ...... 223
Clauses of Characteristic 225
Clauses of Result 227
Causal Clauses . . 228
Temporal Clauses 228
Substantive Clauses 229
Developed from the Volitive .... 229
Developed from the Optative .... 240
Of Result 241
Indirect Questions 241
Conditional Sentences . . . . .241
Clauses with quamvis . 243
Provisos 243
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SIGNS.
Archiv = Wolfflin's Archiv fur Lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik.
Vols. I.-XV. Leipzig, 1884-1907.
CIA. = Corpus Inscriptionum Attic arum. Berlin, 1873 ff.
CIG. = Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. Berlin, 1828 ff.
CIL. = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Berlin, 1863 ff.
E. L. D. = Lewis, Elementary Latin Dictionary. New York, 1895.
Gr. or Grammar the author's Latin Grammar. Boston, 1895.
Grober's Grundriss Grober's Grundriss der Romanischen Philologie.
Strassburg, 1888 ff.
Keil = Grammatici Latini, ed. Keil. Leipzig, 1855 ff.
Korting, Worterbuch = Korting, Lateinisch-Romanisches Worterbuch.
2d edition. Paderborn, 1901.
Marx = Marx, Hulfsbuchlei n fur die Aussprache der Vokale in positionslangen
Silben. 3d edition. Berlin, 1901.
References by are to the Latin Language itself.
Words marked with a star are hypothetical forms.
Vowels printed without the macron (e.g. a, <?) are short ; for greater precision
these are sometimes printed with a breve (e.g. a, e).
CHAPTER I.
THE ALPHABET.
1. i. The Latin alphabet is a development of that type of the
Greek alphabet known as the Chalcidian. In the widest sense
the term ' Chalcidian ' is applied to all the non-Ionic Greek alpha-
bets ; in a narrower sense it designates the special alphabet of the
Chalcidian colonies of lower Italy and Sicily. These colonies,
settled originally from Chalcis in Euboea, date from very early
times. Cumae, in fact, is said to have been founded as far back
as 1050 B.C. But most of the Chalcidian settlements do not
antedate the eighth century B.C. It was probably from the Cam-
panian colonies of Cumae and Neapolis that sometime in the sixth
century B.C. the Chalcidian alphabet was introduced into Latium.
Special peculiarities of this alphabet are the following :
2. The character H was lacking, X was used as x, and Y (v)
as ch. Lambda, which in Ionic had the form A, took in Chal-
cidian the form If, while Gamma (Attic f~) was C. Besides K,
another character for the /-sound existed, viz. 9, called Koppa.
For Rho, R was employed as well as P, the ordinary Attic form
of that letter.
In conformity with its Chalcidian origin the earliest Latin alpha-
bet consisted of the following twenty -one characters: ABC
(=g) DEFI(Z)HIKHv1NOr?RTVX.
3. Of these characters, \i subsequently became L. C in course
of time came to be used for K, which then disappeared except in
a few words : Kalendae, Kaeso, Karthago. For the --sound a
new character, G, was invented, by appending a tag to the older
C. But permanent traces of the original value of C as g,
2 THE ALPHABET.
remained in the abbreviations C. for Gaius and Cn. for Gnaeus.
The new character G took the place hitherto occupied by I,
which now disappeared. These changes are ascribed, with
some degree of probability, to Appius Claudius, Censor 312 B.C.
P was at first open as in Greek, but subsequently became P.
The Greek alphabet had no character to represent the sound
of/, but the Greek Digamma (F) represented a closely related
sound, v. This F, combined with H (apparently to indicate the
voiceless character of the sound, as opposed to that of the Greek
Digamma), was introduced into the early Italian alphabets to
designate the sound of /. An example is FHEFHAKED
(=fefaced, i.e. fecif), in the earliest extant Latin inscription,
CIL. xiv. 4123. Later, the H was discarded and F used alone.
4. The Greek letters O (0), (<#>), and Y V (X), being
aspirates, represented sounds which did not originally exist in
the Latin language. These characters were accordingly intro-
duced as numerals, O as 100, as 1000, V as 50. Subse-
quently O became G , and finally C. This last form resulted
perhaps from associating the character with the initial letter of
centum. became first PO, and later M, a change facilitated
probably by association with the initial letter of mille.
The half of viz. D, was used to designate 500. V (50)
became successively ^, _L, and L.
5. In Cicero's day Y and Z were introduced for the translitera-
tion of Greek words containing v or . Previously Greek v had
been transliterated by u, and by s (initial), ss (medial), as,
Olumpio, sona (^vrj), atticisso (drTi/aa>).
The Emperor Claudius proposed the introduction of three new
characters, J to represent v (i.e. our w), D (Antisigma) for ps,
and h to represent the middle sound between and z, as seen
in optumus, optimus, etc. These characters were employed in
some inscriptions of Claudius's reign, but gained no further
recognition. See Tacitus, Ann. xi. 14.
THE ALPHABET. 3
On the alphabet in general, see KIRCHHOFF, Studien zur Geschichte des
Griechischen Alphabets. 4th ed., Berlin, 1887.
LINDSAY, Latin Language. Clarendon Press. Oxford, 1894. p. I ff.
Encyclopaedia Britannica, Article Alphabet.
JOHNSON'S Encyclopaedia, Article Alphabet.
SOMMER, Handbuch der Lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre. p. 25 ff.
2. In writing j in the Grammar to represent the Latin i-con-
sonans, reference has been had mainly to practical consider-
ations. Typographical distinction of the vowel and consonant
sounds of z is absolutely essential to enable the pupil to tell them
apart. Where * is written for both sounds there is nothing to
show the student that iam is jam; that etiam is et-i-am ; or that
Gaius is Ga-i-us. Moreover, it is still usual to distinguish be-
tween the vowel and consonant u, by writing u for the former,
and v for the latter. The two cases are perfectly parallel.
See Deecke, Erl'duterungen zur lateinischen Schulgrammatik, p. 8,
Zusatz 2.
CHAPTER II.
PRONUNCIATION.
3. Sources of Information. Our sources of knowledge con-
cerning the ancient pronunciation of Latin are the following :
a) Statements of Roman writers. Much has been left by ihe
Roman grammarians on the subject of pronunciation, far more
in fact than is commonly supposed. The remains of the gram-
matical writers as collected and edited by Keil under the title
Grammatici Latini (Leipzig, 1855-1880) fill eight large quarto
volumes. These writers cover the entire field of grammar, and
most of them devote more or less space to a systematic consider-
ation of the sounds of the letters. As representative writers on
this subject may be cited : Terentianus Maurus (fl. 185 A.D.),
author of a work entitled de Litteris, Syllabis, Metris ; Marius
Victorinus (fl. 350 A.D.) ; Martianus Capella (fourth or fifth cen-
tury A.D. ; not in Keil's collection) ; Priscian (fl. 500 A.D.), author
of the Institutionum Grammaticarum Libri xviii. Even the
classical writers have often contributed valuable bits of infor-
mation, notably Varro in his de Lingua Latina, Cicero in his
rhetorical works, Quintilian in his Institutio Oratoria, and Aulus
Gellius in his Noctes Atticae.
b) A second important source of evidence is found in inscrip-
tions. The total body of these is very great. The Corpus
Inscriptionum Latinarum, in process of publication since 1863,
consists already of fifteen large folio volumes, some of them in
several parts, and is not yet completed. These inscriptions dis-
close many peculiarities of orthography which are exceedingly
instructive for the pronunciation. Thus such spellings as VRPS,
4
SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 5
PLEPS, by the side of VRBS, PLEBS, clearly indicate the assimilation
of b to/ before s. Even the blunders of the stone-cutters often
give us valuable clues, as, for example, the spelling ACLETARVM
for ATHLETARVM, which shows that the th was practically a /;
otherwise we could not account for its confusion with c. See
31-
c) Greek transliterations of Latin words constitute a third
source of knowledge. Not only Greek writers (especially the
historians of Roman affairs), but also Greek inscriptions, afford
us abundant evidence of this kind. Thus the Greek KIKC/JWV
(Cicero) furnishes support for the /-sound of Latin c\ while
Aiovia and OwAevria bear similarly upon the w-sound of Latin v.
The inscriptions are naturally much more trustworthy guides in
this matter than our texts of the Greek authors, for we can never
be certain that the Mss. have not undergone alterations in the
process of transmission to modern times.
d) The Romance Languages also, within limits, may be uti-
lized in determining the sounds of Latin. See Grober's Grund-
riss der Romanischen Philologie, Vol. I., Strassburg, 1888 ; W.
Meyer-Liibke, Grammatik der Romanischen Sprachen, Vol. I.,
Leipzig, 1890.
e) The sound-changes of Latin itself, as analyzed by etymologi-
cal investigation. Modern scholars, particularly in the last fifty
years, have done much to promote the scientific study of Latin
sounds and forms, and, while much remains to be done, the
ultimate solution of many problems has already been reached.
As representative works in this field may be cited :
BRUGMANN, K. Grundriss der Vergleichenden Grammatik der Indogerma-
nischen Sprachen. .Vol. I., 2d ed. Strassburg, 1897.
BRUGMANN, K. Kurze Vergleichende Grammatik der Indogermanischen
Sprachen. Strassburg, 1902.
STOLZ, F. Lateinische Grammatik in MULLER'S Handbiich der Klassischen
Altertumsivissenschaft. Vol. II., 3d ed. Munich, 1900.
6 PR ONUNCIA TION.
STOLZ, F. Lautlehre der Lateinischen Sprache. Leipzig, 1894.
LINDSAY, W. M. The Latin Language. Oxford, 1894.
GILES, P. A Short Manual of Comparative Philology for Classical Students.
2d ed. London, 1901.
SOMMER, F. Handbuch der Lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre. Heidel-
berg, 1902.
RIEMANN, O., et GOELZER, H. Grammaire Comparee du Grec et du Latin.
Vol. I. Paris, 1897.
HENRY, V. Grammaire Comparee du Grec et Latin. 5th ed. Paris, 1894.
As special works on pronunciation alone may be cited :
SEELMANN, E. Die Aussprache des Latein. Heilbronn, 1885. The most
important work on the subject yet published.
ROBY, H.J. Latin Grammar. Vol I., 4th ed. pp. xxx-xc. London, 1 88 1.
ELLIS, ALEXANDER. The Quantitative Prommciation of Latin. London,
1874. A discussion of special problems.
See also the chapter on ' Pronunciation' in the work of Lindsay
above cited.
SUMMARY OF THE EVIDENCE.
THE VOWELS.
4. A. The consensus of the Romance languages indicates
clearly that a was pronounced substantially as in English father.
In the absence of any specific evidence to the contrary, we may
safely believe that a had the same sound qualitatively; in
quantity, of course, it was less prolonged.
5. E. Long e was probably close, i.e. spoken with the vocal
organs (more particularly the tongue and hard palate) nearer
together than in the utterance of short e. Short <?, on the other
hand, was open, i.e. spoken with the tongue and hard palate rela-
tively further apart. These differences in the pronunciation of e
and e are confirmed by the testimony of the grammarians, e.g.
Marius Victorinus (Keil, vi. 33. 3); Servius (Keil, iv. 421. 17);
Pompeius (Keil, v. 102. 4). The Romance languages also,
though they have lost the original quantitative distinctions of
THE VOWELS. 7
the Latin, have preserved with great fidelity the qualitative dis-
tinctions of the close and open e. See 36. 5. It is to be noted
that the relation between Latin e and e stands in marked contrast
with the relation existing between Greek rj and e. In Greek it
was the long ^-sound (rj) that was open ; e was close. It should
further be observed that in our normal English speech it is unus-
ual and difficult to pronounce a pure e. We regularly add an
z-sound and pronounce a diphthong, ^', e.g. in fatal, paper, etc.
6: I. i. Long i was relatively closer than short /', as shown
by the fact that z appears unchanged in Romance words descended
from the Latin, while I regularly appears as e. This relatively
open character of t is also indicated by the occasional occurrence
of e for / in Latin inscriptions, e.g. TEMPESTATEBVS (= ibus).
2. Before the labials /, b, /, m, an earlier u changed to t in
many words at about the close of the Republican period. This
is confined regularly to unaccented syllables. Examples are :
recupero recipero
lubido libido
pontufex pontifex
lacruma lacrima
maxumus, optumus, etc. maximus, optimus.
Quintilian, i. 7. 21, tells us that Julius Caesar was said to have
been the first to introduce the new orthography. In i. 4. 8
Quintilian further states that the sound was intermediate be-
tween i and u. The Emperor Claudius, it will be remembered,
endeavored to secure recognition for a special character
(r-) to represent this intermediate sound, which probably
was approximately that of French #, German u. This view
gains support from the occasional employment of y for / in
words of the category under discussion, e.g. CONTYBERNALIS
CIL. ix. 2608 ; ILLACRYMANT. This y had the sound of u.
See below under y.
8 PR ON U NCI A TION.
7. 0. Long o was close, i.e. nearer the #-sound ; short o was
relatively open, that is, nearer the tf-sound. This is clearly indi-
cated by the descriptions of the sound as given by the Roman
grammarians, e.g. Terentianus Maurus (Keil, vi. 329. 130-134) ;
Marius Victorinus (Keil, vi. 33. 3-8); Servius (Keil, vi. 421.
17-19) ; it is further confirmed by the testimony of the Romance
languages, which, as in case of e (see above), have faithfully pre-
served the qualitative character of Latin o and o, while they have
lost the original quantitative distinction. See 36. 5.
Short o should never be pronounced like English o in hot,
top, rock, not, etc. English o in these words really has a short
tf-sound. Latin o was a genuine <?-sound. English obey and
melody well exemplify it.
8. U. Short u was relatively more open than u, as is shown by
the frequency with which Latin inscriptions show o for u, as
ERODITVS, SECONDVS, NOMERO. The Romance languages also
have o for Latin u, as Italian sovra (super] ; ove (ubf), etc.
9. Y. In conformity with its origin, Latin y (= Greek v; see
1.5) had the sound of French u, German u. Cf. Quintilian,
xii. 10. 27, who mentions the sound as different from any existent
in native Latin words. See Blass, Pronunciation of Greek, 12.
THE DIPHTHONGS.
10. AE. i. The original form of this diphthong was ai, a
spelling which prevailed till about 100 B.C., e.g. AIDILIS, QVAIRATIS
in the Scipio inscriptions (CIL. i. 32. 34). The sound was a
genuine diphthong (that of ai in English aisle], and continued
such throughout the classical period. Cf. the use of at in Greek
transliteration of Latin words, e.g. Trpalrop, Kaurap. Terentius
Scaurus (first half of second century A.D.) bears testimony to the
diphthongal character of the sound, when he says (Keil, vii. 16. 9),
THE DIPHTHONGS. 9
a propos of the orthography, that ae is a more accurate designation
than ai, as the second element is an ^-sound. He thus clearly
indicates that there was a second element in the combination, i.e.
that the sound was diphthongal. This difference between ai
and ae, though a real and perceptible one, was probably not
very great.
2. By the fourth century A.D., however, ae had altered its
character and had become a monophthong. This change had
begun in the first century A.D. or even earlier. It originated
probably in the rustic and provincial speech, but did not become
general till late. Conclusive evidence of the new pronunciation
is found in the frequent occurrence in inscriptions of such spell-
ings as CESAR, HEC (= haec), QVESTOR, etc. But this orthography
does not become frequent till after 300 A.D. See Seelmann,
Aussprache des Latein, p. 224 f.
11. OE. The earlier form of oe was oi. But oi regularly de-
veloped to u, e.g. utilis for earlier oititts ; unus for oinos. In a
few words oi resisted this change and became later oe, e.g. moenia
(yet munio), foedus, etc. The sound was a genuine diphthong
throughout the classical period. In the vulgar language we find
traces of a monophthongal pronunciation in the third and fourth
centuries A.D., a change which ultimately became prevalent. The
evidence tends to show that ae, oe, and e in the late centuries
became extremely similar in sound, a fact which gives us the key
to the hopeless confusion of spelling in our mediaeval Mss. of the
Latin writers. Thus we find caelum written as coelum, a spelling
doubtless suggested in part by its fancied derivation from the
Greek KotAos ' hollow ' ; cena, ' dinner,' appears variously as caena
and coena, the latter spelling being perhaps a result of association
with Greek KOIVOS 'common,' i.e. 'the common meal'; ne, the
asseverative particle, is often written nae, probably another in-
stance of Greek influence. Cf. vat ' verily.' Other instances of
I O PR ON UN CIA TION.
confusion are cerimonia for caerimonia ; cenieferium for coenie-
terium (Gr. Koi^rrjpiov) ; moestusior maestus ; foemina for fernina ;
caeteri for ceten (probably owing to the influence of Gr. KCU ercpoi) ;
coelebs for caelebs ; coecus for caecus. Some of these false forms
are unfortunately still printed in our texts of the classical writers.
12. AU was a true diphthong, pronounced like Eng. ow in
how. Cf. Greek transliterations of Latin proper names such as
HaovX.X.t'.vr) (Paufina), <J>aoo-TtVos (Fausfinus).
13. EU appears in Latin in only a few words, and in these is
of secondary origin. Primitive Latin eu early became ou,
whence u. The chief Latin words that have eu are : ecu, neu,
seu, heu. The combination appears also in numerous proper
names borrowed from the Greek, e.g. Europa, Teucer. In all
these the sound was that of a genuine diphthong, i.e. an <?-sound
quickly followed by an ^-sound, both being uttered under one
stress.
14. UI appears to have been a genuine diphthong in cut, huic,
and hut (the interjection). In the first two of these words ui was
certainly of secondary origin. Quintilian tells us (i. 7. 27) that
in his boyhood (about 50 A.D.) quoi was still in use, and that its
pronunciation was substantially identical with that of qui (the
Norn.). Some scholars have accordingly inferred that qm and cut
were simply graphically distinct, being alike in pronunciation.
Consistently with this view they regard the u in cm as = v, and
mark the i long, viz. cm. But if the facts were thus, we should
expect cut, when resolved into two syllables in verse by metrical
license, to be an iambus (w ). Such is not the case. On the
other hand, we find it appearing as a pyrrhic (w w), and that,
too. at just about the time when, if we may credit Quintilian, cut
began to supersede quoi, viz. soon after 50 A.D. Apparently the
earliest instance of the resolution mentioned is in Seneca, Troades
THE CONSONANTS. II
852 cuicumque (about 55 A.D.). Subsequently, in Martial and
Juvenal, such resolutions are frequent. See Neue, Formenlehre
der Lateinischen Sprache, 3d ed., ii. p. 454. Very late writers
(e.g. Prudentius, 400 A.D., Venantius Fortunatus, 600 A.D.), it
is true, sometimes have cm in verse, but there is apparently no
trace of any such resolution in the early centuries of the Empire.
Another argument may be found in the verse treatment of huic.
The ui in both huic and cut is obviously of the same nature, and
those who write cut also write huic. But if huic were hmc,
then hu- must stand for hv-, since the word is a monosyllable.
But if it begins with hv-, it would not permit elision of a preced-
ing vowel in poetry. But elision does occur before huic. There-
fore huic begins with hu-. That being the case and the word
being monosyllabic, ui goes together to form a diphthong, the /
being short, as in all diphthongs ending in /. The / of huic and
cut would therefore seem to have been short, and to have blended
with the u to produce a diphthong. It must, of course, be con-
ceded that the pronunciation of cm could not have been widely
different from qm ; yet it must have been sufficiently so to keep
the two words distinctly separate in Roman speech, a view which
receives the very strongest confirmation in the fact that the
modern Italian has chi as the descendant of Latin qui, but cui
(with diphthongal ui) as the descendant of Latin cui.
THE CONSONANTS.
THE SEMIVOWELS, /, v.
15. J. i. /(Seelmann, Aussprache des Latein, p. 231 ff.) was
like our y in yes. Evidences :
a) A single character (I) sufficed with the Romans to indicate
both the vowel / and the consonant j (i consonans). This would
indicate a close proximity in sound between / and/, a proximity
manifestly existing if Latin / was English y. C/., for example,
1 2 PR ON UN CIA TION.
English New York with a hypothetical New I-ork. In any
English word the vowel i may easily be made to pass into the
semivowel y by energetically stressing either the preceding or the
following vowel.
b] The Roman grammarians nowhere .suggest any essential
difference in sound between the vowel and consonant functions of
the character, as they almost certainly would have done, had the
consonant been other than the corresponding semivowel. On the
other hand, the grammarians repeatedly suggest a close proximity
in the pronunciation of / and /. Thus Nigidius Figulus is cited
by Gellius (Noctes Atticae, xix. 14. 6) as warning against the
conception that I in IAM, IECVR, locvs is a vowel. Such a
warning can have no meaning whatever, except upon the assump-
tion that the sound of / was very close to that of /, i.e. was the
semivowel y. Cf. Quintilian, i. 4. 10.
f) In the poets, /, when followed by another vowel, often
becomes consonantal, uniting with the preceding consonant to
make position ; e.g. abietis, parietem, ariete become abjetis, par-
jetem, arjete. In these cases the consonant sound can have been
none other than that of the semivowel y. Cf, also nunciam
(trisyllabic), compounded of nunc and jam; etiam, compounded
of et and jam.
d) Greek transliterations of Latin words employ i as the
nearest equivalent of Latin/, e.g. 'louAios (= Julius).
2. In the last centuries of the Empire, / seems to have
progressed, at least in the vulgar speech, to a genuine spirant,
probably similar in sound to that of z in the English word azure.
Thus in late inscriptions (from the third century on) we find such
spellings as ZESU (= Jest/), ZUNIOR (=/#/<?>*), SUSTUS (= Justus),
GIOVE (=Jove). Cf. Seelmann, Aussprache des Latein, p. 239.
16. V. i. Vis a labial semivowel, with the sound of English w.
It corresponds to the vowel u, just as/ corresponds to the vowel i.
THE CONSONANTS. 13
The evidence :
a) A single character (V) sufficed with the Romans to indi-
cate the vowel u (u vocalis] and the consonant u (u consonans).
This indicates a close proximity in sound between u and v, a
proximity which manifestly existed, if Latin v was English w.
For the vowel u naturally passes into w before a vowel whenever
either the preceding or following syllable is energetically stressed.
For example, tenuia easily becomes tenvia, and must repeatedly
be so read in verse.
b) The Roman grammarians (at least down to the close of the
first century A.D.) nowhere suggest any essential difference in
sound between the vowel and consonant functions of the charac-
ter V, no more than in the case of the analogous I. On the other
hand, just as in the case of I, they repeatedly suggest that u and
v were very similar. Thus Nigidius Figulus, cited above in con-
nection with the discussion of /, observes in the same passage
(Gellius, xix. 14. 6) that initial V in VALERIVS, VOLVSIVS, is not a
vowel, an observation which would be pointless unless the sound
of v had been closely similar to that of , i.e. had been that of w.
Quintilian in i. 4. 10 gives a similar warning.
c) The same Nigidius Figulus (Gellius, x. 4. 4) says that in pro-
nouncing vos we thrust out the edges of our lips, which conforms
physiologically to the pronunciation of v as English w.
d) The Greek ordinarily transliterates Latin v by means of ov,
as OwAepios (Valerius), OvoAo-Kot (VolscT), Atovta (Livia).
e) 7 and v often interchange in the same words. Thus early
Latin la-ru-a (e.g. Plautus, Captivi, 598) appears later as a dis-
syllable, larva. Similarly mi-lu-os appears later as milvus. In
verse, silva occurs repeatedly as .?;-/&-#, e.g. Horace, Odes,\. 23. 4.
On the other hand, tenuis, puella, etc., often appear as tenvis,pvella,
etc. This interchange is conceivable only upon the supposition
that the vowel and consonant sounds were closely akin. Cf. also
Velius Longus (close of the first century A.D.) in Keil, vii. 75. 10,
1 4 PR ON UN CIA TION.
to the effect that a-cu-am, ' I shall sharpen,' and aquam, 'water '
(where qu is simply the traditional inconsistent spelling for qv),
were liable to confusion in his day. Caesellius (see Seelmann,
Aussprache des Latein, p. 234) cannot say whether tennis is a dis-
syllable or a trisyllable ; while in the Romance languages we
sometimes find doublets pointing to parallel Latin forms, one with
u vocalis, another with u consonant, e.g. Old French teneve (rep-
resenting a Latin te-nu-is] and tenve (representing a Latin
ten-vis). Italian soave points to the existence of a Latin su-a-vis
by the side of sua- (i.e. sva-) vis. Cf. Seelmann, p. 234.
/) The phonetic changes incident to word-formation also
point in the direction of the w-sound of v. Thus from faveo
(rootfav-) we gttfau-tor (for *fav-tor) ; from lavo (root lav-) we
get lau-tus (for *lav-tus). In such cases the semivowel v natu-
rally becomes the vowel u and combines with the preceding
vowel to form a diphthong. Had v been a spirant, either labio-
dental, like our English v, or bilabial, it would naturally have
become /before /in the foregoing examples. Cf., for example,
our English haf to (colloquial) for hav(e) to.
The evidence given under /) holds, of course, only for the
formative period of the language ; but it is valuable as cor-
roborative testimony. For Latin v is all the more likely to
have been a semivowel in the historical period, if it was such
immediately anterior to that period.
g) The contracted verb-forms, such as amasti for amavisti,
delesfi for delevisfi, audisti for aud'tvistt, commossem for comnio-
vissem, all point to a semi-vocalic sound for v, since this sound
easily disappears between vowels in an unstressed syllable. Cf.
English Hawarden, pronounced Harden; toward, pronounced
ford.
h) Several anecdotes found among ancient writers give fur-
ther confirmation of the similarity in sound of u and v. Thus
Cicero (de Divinatione, ii. 84) relates that, when Marcus Crassus
THE CONSONANTS. 15
was preparing to set sail from Brundisium on his ill-fated expedi-
tion to the East, he heard a vender of figs on the street cry out
Cauneas, really the name of a variety of figs, but which Cicero
suggests was intended by the gods as a warning to Crassus, viz.
cav(e] n(e) eas, don't go.
2. While the above evidence may be accepted as fairly con-
clusive for the pronunciation of Lat. v as w in the best period,
indications are not wanting that v had begun to change to a
spirant sound before the period of the decline. The earliest
testimony on this point is that of Velius Longus (close of the
first century A.D.), who speaks of v as having a certain aspiratid,
e.g. in valente, primitivo (Keil, vii. 58. 17). This reference to
aspiratid hints at the development of v from its earlier value as
a bilabial (i.e. produced by the two lips) semivowel to a bilabial
spirant, somewhat similar to our English v, except that our v is
labio-dental (i.e. produced by the teeth and lower lip). This
view is confirmed by the fact that, beginning with the second
century A.D., we note that v is confused with b, which had also
become a bilabial spirant at this period. This confusion, which
increases as time goes on, reaches its height in the third century
A.D. Examples are : BIGINTI (= vigint'i] ; VENE (=bene) ; FAVIO
(= Fabio).
3. Some scholars have sought further confirmation of the
spirant character for the period referred to (100 A.D. and after-
wards) in the use of Greek (3 as a transliteration of Latin v.
Beginning with about 100 A.D. we find (3 frequently employed in
Greek inscriptions in place of earlier ov for such transliterations,
e.g. Kov/JcVTo? (conventus) ; /?epva (vernd]\ KaA/?etvos (Ca/vmus).
Similarly our text of Plutarch (about 100 A.D.) usually has /8 in
Latin words (e.g. BaAe/oto?, BeVov? = Venus) where earlier Greek
writers mostly employed ov. Now it is believed (cf. Blass, Pro-
nunciation of Greek, p. 109) that Greek (3 at this time (beginning
of the second century A.D.) had become a bilabial spirant. How-
1 6 PR ONUNCIA TION.
ever this may be, little support would be gained from that fact
for the pronunciation of Latin v. For while it is true that the
use of ft for v assumes great frequency from 100 A.D., yet the
earlier spelling ov still remains the predominant one. Eckinger,
Orthographic Lateinischer Worter in Griechischen Inschriften,
p. 87, gives 234 instances of ov as against 100 of ft in Greek
inscriptions of the second century A.D., while often the same
inscription exhibits both spellings. Moreover, occasional in-
stances of ft = v occur as early as the last years of the Republic,
Eckinger, p. 87, cites five examples from the first century B.C.,
and twenty one from the first century A.D. The facts seem to
indicate that the Latin sound was not adequately represented by
either ov or ft ; consequently no permanent equivalent was ever
adopted. It is, therefore, perfectly conceivable that Latin v
should have been transliterated by Greek ft, even at a time when
the latter sound had not progressed to its spirant stage. In
fact, it is quite possible that the confusion in Latin itself, which
resulted in writing b for v, may have contributed to the increas-
ing frequency in the employment of ft as against earlier ov in
Greek transliterations of Latin words. The two phenomena
coincide so accurately in time that the connection suggested
becomes extremely probable.
Even if Greek ft had by 100 A.D. become a bilabial spirant
(as it certainly did ultimately), yet this would not necessarily
prove anything for the pronunciation of Latin v. For the bilabial
spirant is very easily confused with the semivowel. Thus the
dialectal pronunciation of German Wein, Winter with an initial
bilabial spirant easily deceives American and English travellers,
to whom this sound is not familiar, and produces the impression
that an English w is pronounced. The evidence of the Greek,
therefore, is purely negative, and while it seems probable, as
already indicated, that Latin v at about the beginning of the
second century A.D. had begun to become a bilabial spirant, this
THE CONSONANTS. \J
conclusion rests upon other grounds than the evidence of Greek
transliterations.
4. Gothic and Anglo-Saxon loan-words have been thought by
some to confirm the w-sound of Latin v, but without reason.
Gothic and Anglo-Saxon /, it is true, appears regularly as the
representative of v in words borrowed from the Latin, e.g. Gothic
wet'n, 'wine' (Lat. vtnum)\ aiwaggeli, 'gospel' (Lak.cvangelium)',
Anglo-Saxon weall, 'wall' (Lat. vallum)', -wic, 'town' (Lat.
vicus]. But here again it is not only possible but extremely
probable that the Gothic and Anglo-Saxon gave only an approxi-
mate representation of the Latin sound. Gothic could hardly
have borrowed from the Latin before the fourth century, Anglo-
Saxon not before the fifth, and it has been shown above that at
this period Latin v had already become a bilabial spirant.
5. Others have cited Claudius's attempted introduction of d
for v as an indication that v, as early as Claudius's day (50
A.D.), had progressed beyond the semi vocalic stage. Claudius,
it is urged, while suggesting the employment of a new character
for u consonans (?;), did not suggest a new character for i' con-
sondns (/). Hence it is claimed that the relation of v to #, at
this time, must have been different from that of/ to i. As/ was
a semivowel, v, it is claimed, could have been nothing less than
a spirant. But these conclusions would be valid only upon the
assumption that Claudius was a competent phonetic observer,
and was not acting from mere caprice. Neither of these
assumptions would be safe. Moreover, there is no other indi-
cation that v had progressed beyond its value as a semivowel
as early as Claudius's day.
6. It may be added in conclusion that the development of
Latin v was not complete even when the sound had passed from
that of a semivowel to that of a bilabial spirant. Later still
(fifth century A.D. ?) it became a labio-dental spirant (Eng. v),
and with that value passed into the Romance.
1 8 PR ON UN CIA TION.
THE LIQUIDS, /, r.
17. L seems to have been pronounced differently, according to
its position in a word. No fewer than three different sounds of
the letter were recognized by Pliny the Elder, as cited by Priscian
(Keil, ii. 29. 9), viz. i) an exilis sonus, as in the second / of Hie,
Metellus ; 2) a pinguis sonus, after a consonant or at the end of a
word or syllable, as in clarus, sol, silva ; 3) a medius sonus, viz.
when inital, as in lectus. Just what the differences were which
were involved in these three modes of articulation cannot now be
determined. Lindsay (Latin Language, p. 90) thinks that Pliny's
exilis sonus and medius sonus were our normal English /, as is the
case in the Italian descendants of the Latin words cited by Pliny.
The pinguis sonus, Lindsay suggests, consisted in an /-glide pre-
ceding or following the / itself, e.g. a l lter cl l arus. The basis for
this view he finds in the Romance development of this / pingue ;
e.g. clarus becomes Italian chiaro ; flumen becomes fiume ; alter
becomes French autre.
18. R was trilled with the tip of the tongue, as is clearly
described by Terentianus Maurus (Keil, vi. 332. 238 f.) and
Marius Victorinus (Keil, vi. 34. 15). The name littera cariina,
given to r as early as Lucilius (ix. 29, M.), agrees excellently
with the enunciation attributed to the letter.
THE NASALS, m, n.
19. M. Initial and medial m probably had the sound of normal
English m. As regards final m, the true pronunciation can prob-
ably never be satisfactorily determined. When the following word
began with a vowel, final m was only imperfectly uttered. Cf.
Quintilian, ix. 4. 40 : ' When m is final and comes in contact with
the initial vowel of the following word so that it can pass over to
the latter, though it is written, yet it is only slightly uttered, as in
THE CONSONANTS. 19
multum ille, quantum erat, so as to give the sound of a new letter,
as it were. For it does not absolutely vanish, but is obscured,
and is a sort of sign that the two vowels do not become merged.'
In ix. 4. 39 Quintilian tells us that Cato the Elder wrote diee for
diem, evidently in recognition of the vanishing value of the final
nasal. Velius Longus also tells us (Keil, vii. 80, 12 if.) that Verrius
Flaccus, who lived under Augustus, proposed a mutilated M,viz. IV ,
to indicate the sound of final m before an initial vowel. Seelmann
(Aussprache des Latein, p. 356), following the above statement
of Quintilian, defines the sound in question as a ' bilabial nasal
spirant with partial closure.' 1 This seems a just statement. Cf.
also Lindsay, Latin Language, p. 62. Evidently the sound must
have been quite inconsiderable, as it did not interfere with the
slurring of final syllables in -m with a following initial vowel, as
is abundantly shown in poetry by the frequency of elision. Ellis
(Quantitative Pronunciation of Latin, p. 60 ff., especially p. 65)
interprets the testimony of Quintilian above cited to mean that
final m was not omitted (neque eximitur), but was inaudible
(obscuratur) before an initial vowel. The same scholar also
maintains that every final m was inaudible, irrespective of the
initial sound of the following word. In case this initial sound
was a consonant, Ellis (pp. 55, 65) holds that the consonant was
doubled in pronunciation ; e.g. quorum pars, he thinks, was pro-
nounced quoruppars, etc. This view, however, is based on the
improbable assumption that the Italian with its giammai (for gia
mat), ovvero (for o vero), etc., gives the clue to the pronuncia-
tion of Latin final m. Latin inscriptions, it is true, in the earliest
times show that final m was frequently omitted in writing. Thus
the Scipio inscriptions, the earliest of which may antedate 250 B.C.,
show m omitted before consonants as well as before vowels, but
in good inscriptions of the classical period final m was not
omitted with any frequency ; hence no argument can be drawn
from this source.
2O PRONUNCIATION.
20. N. i . N was the dental nasal, as m was the labial. When
initial, n could hardly have differed materially from English n in
the same situation. The same is true also of n in the interior of
a word when followed by other dental sounds (as /, d, s, n) or a
vowel. Before the gutturals, n took on the sound of ng in sing,
e.g. in ango, uncus ; i.e. n here became the guttural nasal, a sound
as different from dental n as is m, and quite as much entitled to
representation by a separate character. Nigidius Figulus recog-
nized the individuality of the sound in calling it n-adulterinum
(Gellius, xix. 14. 7). Certain Roman writers, according to
Priscian (Keil, ii. 30. 13), followed the analogy of the Greek, and
used g (= y nasal) for the n-adulterinum, e.g. AgcHises, agceps,
aggulus. The Greek phoneticians gave y in such situations the
name Agma (as distinguished from Gamma), and their Roman
successors sometimes employed the same designation for the
sound, e.g. Priscian in the passage just cited.
2. The vowel before nf, ns, as is well known, was regularly
long in Latin. See 37. Some have assumed, in consequence,
that a nasal vowel was pronounced in such cases, particularly
Johannes Schmidt (Zur Geschichte des Indogermanischen Vokal-
ismus, I. p. 98 ff .). The chief basis of this hypothesis was found
in the omission of n before s in inscriptions, e.g. COSOL (for consul*)^
CESOR, TRASITV. Adjectives in -ensimus and adverbs in -tens were
also often written -esimus, -ies, e.g. vicesimus or vicensimus ; vicies
or vlciens. Yelius Longus (Keil, vii. 78-79) tells us that Cicero
pronounced forensia as foresia, and Megalensia as Megalesia,
while in adjectives in -osus the n was permanently lost. Greek
transliterations of Latin words also frequently show <r for v<r (v<s),
e.g. KArj/Arys (Clemens); K^crwptvos. But all this evidence may
indicate nothing more than that n before s was unstable and
inclined to disappear. Whatever conclusion be drawn with
regard to the nasalization of the vowel before ns would seem to
hold also for the vowel before n when followed by other dentals,
THE CONSONANTS. 21
viz. before nt and nd. For here, too, the n shows quite as strong
a tendency to disappear, if we may judge by the testimony of
inscriptions, e.g.. SECVDO ( = secundo) ; TESTAMETO ( = testa-
menfo). No instance of the disappearance of n before /occurs
prior to the fourth century A.D., and even then the phenomenon
is of extremely rare occurrence, being confined to four instances,
all of which are in the word wferus.
See the discussion of Seelmann, Aussprache des Latein,
pp. 283-290.
3. It should be added that the omission of the nasal occurs
sporadically in case of m when followed by labial sounds, as
Decebris (= Decembris)\ Capanum (= Campanwn)\ so also in
case of n-adulterinum before gutturals, as iqmrant (= inqui-
rani] ; pricipis (= principis). The phenomenon under discus-
sion is, accordingly, a general one, and may be stated thus :
The Latin nasals m (labial), n (dental), and n-adulterinum
(guttural), exhibit a tendency to disappear before labial, dental,
and guttural sounds respectively.
4. GN. Many scholars hold that gn was pronounced as ngn,
i.e. as n-adulterinum + n. The evidence for this view lies mainly
in the fact that e before gn not infrequently changes to /, e.g.
dignus for *deg-nus (from *dec-nus ; see 73). Now it is a reg-
ular law that this change takes place before ng, e.g. tingo for
*tengo (73) ; hence the inference that gn in such cases was
pronounced ngn. See Brugmann, Grundriss, I 2 ., p. 122 ; Sommer,
Handbuch der Lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre, p. 241. But
the Roman grammarians nowhere attest this pronunciation of gn
as ngn, and in view of their silence it is doubtful whether the
considerations urged by Brugmann and Sommer are sufficiently
weighty to warrant the adoption of their view.
5. Besides the three nasals already considered (m, n, and n-
adulterinutri), Seelmann (Aussprache des Latein, p. 270) recognizes
another, midway in sound between m and ;/. The evidence
22 PR ON UN CIA TION.
for the existence of this sound he finds in the statement of
Marius Victorinus (Keil, vi. 16. 4 ff.) to the effect that such
an intermediate sound (neither m nor ;z) was recognized in
antiquity. Marius Victorinus compares the sound in question
with the sound of the Greek nasal in o-dpfivt;, where likewise,
he observes, neither v nor /x accurately designates the pro-
nunciation. Seelmann suggests that such inscriptional forms
as QVAMTA, TAMTA, DAMDVM, SEMTENTiAM on the one hand, and
DECENBRIS, SENPER, PONPA, INCONPARABILIS on the other, sup-
port by their vacillating spelling the theory propounded. The
facts, however, do not seem sufficiently clear to warrant a posi-
tive conclusion in this matter.
THE SPIRANTS, /, j, h.
21. F. F is the labial spirant. In the earlier period it is
probable that / was bilabial. This theory accords with the
origin of /, which in most cases is the descendant of an origi-
nal bh ; it agrees also with such spellings as COMFLVONT, COM-
VALLEM of the Minucii inscription, CIL. i. 199 (122 B.C.).
Subsequently f became a labio-dental spirant as it is in Eng-
lish and in most modern European languages. At just what
time this change took place is uncertain. It was complete by
the close of the second century A.D., as appears from the
testimony of Terentianus Maurus (Keil, vi. 332. 227).
22. S. S was a voiceless dental spirant, like English s in sin.
Some scholars have thought that intervocalic s was voiced in
Latin (i.e. sounded like English s in these), but there is no valid
support for this view, nor do the Roman grammarians anywhere
hint at more than a single sound for the letter. The Gothic in
loan-words transliterates intervocalic Latin s by s, which repre-
sented a voiceless sound in Gothic, e.g. Kaisar (Lat. Caesar}.
The Gothic possessed also a character for the voiced j--sound
THE CONSONANTS. 2$
(i.e. z), and would undoubtedly have made use of it, had the
Latin intervocalic s been voiced.
23. H. H was a guttural spirant and was voiceless like Eng-
lish h. The same uncertainty manifested itself in the employ-
ment of initial //, as is noticeable among the lower classes in
England. As a result of this uncertainty, words etymologically
entitled to initial h frequently dropped it in the speech of the less
cultivated, while other words acquired an h to which they were
not historically entitled. Thus harena, haruspex, hirundo, holus,
represent the correct spelling ; but these same words were fre-
quently pronounced ar'etia, aruspex, etc., and appear repeatedly
in that form in our Mss. of the classical authors. Occasionally
a word permanently lost its initial h even in the speech of the
educated. A case in point is atiser, which comes from an Indo-
Eur. word with initial gh, and should appear in Latin as hanser
(97. 3). On the other hand erus, umor, umerus are the cor-
rect forms, but these were frequently supplanted by herus, humor,
humerus. The Romans were fully conscious of their defects in
this particular, and Catullus in his 84th poem humorously refers
to one Arrius, who said hinsidias for Insidias, and Hwnios for
lonios.
Intervocalic h easily vanished between like vowels, as is shown
by such contractions as nemo for *ne-henid ; prendo for prehendo ;
praeda for *prae-heda ; etc.
THE MUTES.
THE VOICELESS MUTES, /, <r, k, q, p.
24. T. T was pronounced as in English satin. In English,
/ before i followed by another vowel is regularly assibilated, i.e.
acquires an ^-sound, as, for example, in the word rational; but
Latin / was always a pure t in the classical period. Cf. such
Greek transliterations as OvaAevria ( Valentia). In late imperial
24 PRONUNCIATION.
times (not before the fourth century) ti when followed by a vowel
begins to show traces of assibilation. Inscriptions of this period
exhibit such forms as VOCONSIVS (for Vocontius} ; SEPSIES (for
septies). Probably this orthography was not exact, as the sound
was rather that of our English sh ; but the Latin had no more
accurate designation. The phonetics of the change are as follows :
An original Vocontius, for example, became first Vocontyus, i.e.
the vowel i (very likely under the influence of extra stress upon
the preceding syllable) become the semivowel y. In the next
stage this semivowel became a spirant, the sound represented by
German palatal ch, viz. Vocont-chus. From this, the transition
to the assibilated pronunciation was easy and natural.
25. C. i. C was always pronounced like k. This is abun-
dantly proved by the evidence. Thus :
a] Cand k interchange in certain words, e.g. Caelius, Calendae,
Carthago.
b] We have the express testimony of Quintilian (i. 7. 10), who
says : ' As regards k, it should not be used. Some write it before
a, but c has the same sound before all vowels. '
c] In Greek transliterations of Latin words we always have K,
not only before a, o, v, but also before e, t, where if anywhere we
should have expected the .r-sound of c to have arisen. Examples
are : KtKepwi/, Kaurap.
d] Gothic and German loan-words borrowed from Latin (prob-
ably in the early centuries of the Christian era) show k for Latin
c in all situations, e.g. Gothic lukarn (= Lat. lucernd] ; karkara
(= Lat. career] ; Kaisar (= Caesar] ; German Keller (= cella-
riuni] ; Kiste (= cistd].
e] The Old Umbrian of the Iguvine Tables uses in its en-
choric alphabet >l for c and d for c, (an .r-like sound developed
from c before e and /). The New Umbrian of the same tables
is written in Latin characters, and uses C for c, but S f (or S)
THE CONSONANTS, 2$
for the s-like sound represented in Old Umbrian by d . This
makes it clear that at the time the New Umbrian tablets were
written, Latin c before and i had not yet become assibilated.
Otherwise the New Umbrian would not have resorted to the use
of a special character (S 1 or S) to designate this sound. See
Jones, Classical Review, No. i, 1893. The exact date of the New
Umbrian tablets is not certain, but they can hardly have been
written many years before the beginning of the Christian era.
f) No Latin grammarian ever mentions more than one sound
for <r, as some one certainly would have done had <rhad an ^-sound
before e and /. In paradigms like died, diets, dicit, the change of
sound, had it occurred, would have been too striking to escape
comment.
g) Pulcher (originally pulcer, and often so written in inscrip-
tions) shows by its aspirated c (i.e. cK) that c must have been
'hard.' Similarly anceps, with its n-adulter~inum, shows that c
could not have had the sound of s. Otherwise the nasal would
not have become guttural, as we are assured it did.
2. Beginning with the fourth or fifth century A.D., c before i
followed by a vowel becomes assibilated, exactly as explained
above in the case of /. Inscriptions of this period exhibit such
forms as FELISSIOSA (^feUdosd) ; MARZIAE (= Marciae). The
phonetics of the change are precisely analogous to those already
described under /. Later still, every c before e or i became s,
e.g. PAZE (for pace) in an inscription of the seventh century A.D.
3. This development of ti and ci (before vowels) to the same
sibilant sound led naturally in mediaeval times to the greatest
confusion of orthography in our Mss. of the Latin writers. Thus
condicio appears frequently as conditio ; suspicio as suspltio ; nego-
tium as negocium ; convicium as convitium. In the case of some
of these words, the false forms have not yet been entirely elimi-
nated from our texts of the classic writers.
4. K and Q are simply superfluous duplicates of f, as was
26 PR ONUNCIA TION.
recognized by the Romans themselves. Cf. Terentianus Maurus
(Keil, vi. 331. 204 f.).
26. P. P was apparently a plain English p and presents no
peculiarities.
THE VOICED MUTES, b, d, g.
27. B. B was like English b except before s and /, where it
had the sound of /. This was simply the result of the natural
assimilation of the voiced sound to the voiceless. Inscriptions
show repeated instances of the phonetic spelling, e.g. PLEPS,
APSENS, OPTINVIT, opsiDES, but ordinarily such words made a
concession to the etymology, and were written with b. Quin-
tilian (i. 7. 7) prescribes the use of b\ 'When I pronounce
obtinuit our rule of writing requires that the second letter be
b\ but the ear catches /.'
28. D. D was like English d. Late in imperial times di, when
followed by a vowel, became (through the medium of dy-) a
sound somewhat like our/. The Romance languages retain this
peculiarity, e.g. French journce, Italian giorno, from Latin
diurnus.
Inscriptions show that final d had a tendency to become /, e.g.
aput, haut, at, quit, for apud, hand, ad, quid. Mss. also exhibit
the same spelling.
29. G. G had the sound of English g in get. That before e
and / it did not have the sound of g in gem, seems clear from the
following evidence :
a) The Roman grammarians give but a single sound for the
letter. Had g before i been pronounced like our /, the altera-
tion of sounds in a paradigm like lego, legis, or leges, legum,
would not have failed to elicit comment.
V) In the Greek transliteration of Latin words g is always rep-
resented by y; e.g. iVAAios (Geffius).
THE CONSONANTS. 2/
30. DISTINCTION BETWEEN 'GUTTURAL' AND 'PALATAL.'
1 Guttural ' and ' Palatal ' are not interchangeable terms.
Strictly speaking, ' Guttural ' applies to the c (k) and g sounds
produced in the throat, while ' Palatal ' applies to those pro-
duced against the hard palate. The guttural or palatal character
depends upon the following vowel. Before a, o, or u the c or
^--sound is guttural ; before e or i it is palatal. Cf. English kill,
gill with call, gall. Latin k (used only before a ; see 1.3) was,
accordingly, always guttural ; the same was the case with g,
while c and g varied in character according. to the following
vowel.
THE ASPIRATES, ph, ch, th.
31. i. The Latin originally had no aspirates of its own, and
was not concerned with the representation of these sounds until
the Romans began to borrow Greek words containing <, x, or 0.
These Greek letters (as explained in the Grammar, 2.3) were
equivalent to /, c, or t with a following ^-sound. 1 It is not sur-
prising, therefore, that at first the Romans rendered <, x, by
/, c, t respectively. This is regular in early inscriptions (down to
about 100 B.C.), e.g. CORINTVS, DELPIS, ACILES. In the Captivi of
Plautus, verse 274, the evident pun on Thalem . . . talento, shows
that the th was felt as substantially a t, and in fact there can be
little doubt that / is what Plautus actually wrote.
2. Beginning, however, with about 100 B. c., Greek <f>, x, 6 came
to be represented with increasing frequency in Latin \*y ph, ch, th,
and by Cicero's day this had become the standard orthography.
The multitude of Greek words employed in Latin at that time,
along with the constantly increasing attention paid by educated
Romans to the Greek language and to Greek culture generally,
naturally led to this striving for greater exactness.
1 Initial and final/, c, and /, in stressed syllables, in English are also uttered
with aspiration, though we do not indicate this in writing. Examples are: top,
lock, pot.
28 PR ONUNCIA TION.
3. As a result we notice the aspirates gaining a foothold in cer-
tain genuine Latin words, e.g. pulcher, originally pulcer; Gracchus
(after Bacchus = BaK^o?), originally Graccus ; Cethegus, origi-
nally Cetegus. An English analogy is seen in such words as island,
rhyme. Island comes from the Anglo-Saxon igland, Middle
English Hand. The s was introduced at a comparatively recent
date as a result of associating Hand with French isle (from Latin
msula). Rhyme comes from Anglo-Saxon rim, Middle English
rime, ' number.' The spelling rhyme is due to the influence of
rhythm (Greek pv0/j,o?) , with which rime was associated in the
folk consciousness. Cicero {Orator, 48. 160) tells how he him-
self, in deference to popular usage, was forced to abandon the
pronunciation pulcer, triumpos, Cet'egus, Kartago, in favor of the
aspirated forms, pulcher, triumphos, etc. But he adds that he
refused to pronounce an aspirate in sepulcrum, corona, lacrima,
and some other words, where apparently a popular tendency
existed in favor of ch, ph, th, as against the genuine Latin /, c, t.
Catullus, in the epigram already cited (Carmen 84), humorously
alludes to Arrius's pronunciation of commoda as chommoda.
In Bosphorus (Boo-Tropos) the Romans introduced an aspirate
for a tenuis ; yet the spelling Bosporus also occurs.
4. With the exception of ph the Latin aspirates retained their
original character throughout the history of the language. A
proof that th was still an aspirate in the time of the Empire is
seen in the spelling ACLETARVM for athletarum, and ACLHETICVM
for athl'eticum, in an inscription of about 360 A.D. (Wilmanns, No.
2639). Cf. also CIL. viii. 5352, TERMAS ( = thermas] ; Huebner,
Inscriptions Hispaniae Christianae, 142, AETEREAS { aethereas]\
and the variant Chyesten for Thyesten in Horace, Odes, i. 16. 17.
This orthography is capable of explanation only on the ground
that th was still very close to / (viz. t -\- K). For the confusion
of c and /, cf. the occasional English pronunciation of at least as
ac least. There is not the slightest indication that Latin th, either
THE CONSONANTS. 29
in the flourishing period of the language or in its decline, had a
spirant sound like our English th in this or thin. The Romance
languages regularly have / as the descendant of Latin th, e.g.
Italian teatro (Latin theatrum) ; cattolico (catholicus). Similarly ch
must have always been either a genuine aspirate or else the sim-
ple mute c, as shown by the Italian in such words as carta (Lat.
charta), coro (Lat. chorus].
5. As regards ph, the aspirate seems in late imperial times (not
before the fourth century A.D.) to have developed into the spirant
/. Some have thought that this change occurred much earlier,
basing their opinion upon the fact that Greek <, which was regu-
larly represented in Latin \yj ph, was always employed to trans-
literate Latin/ But </> was simply the nearest equivalent that the
Greek alphabet possessed for representing/ Quintilian (i. 4. 14)
shows that the two sounds were quite different, by his account of
the Greek witness mentioned by Cicero who could not pronounce
the Latin word Fundanius. This seems to show that the Greeks,
not having the sound of Latin /(a bilabial spirant), chose <j> (a
bilabial aspirate) as the nearest equivalent, very much as Slavs
and Lithuanians to-day reproduce the / of modern languages
by/.
In the speech of the educated classes at Rome, ph seems to
have followed the history of (f> in Greek. The latter sound,
according to Blass (Pronunciation of Greek, 28), did not
become the equivalent of/ before the third century A.D., a view
substantiated for Latin by the interchange of/ and ph in inscrip-
tions of this and the following centuries. The phonetics of the
change are as follows : First, we have / + h, i.e. the labial mute
-f- a guttural spirant ; secondly, the h is assimilated from the
guttural spirant to the labial, / (i.e. pf) ; finally, the / is assimi-
lated to/ giving/, which is then simplified to/ Thus an origi-
nal Philippus becomes successively Pfilippus, Ffilippus, Filippus.
Cf. German Pfalz (the name of the district about Heidelberg).
3O PRONUNCIA TION.
The mediaeval Latin designation of this was Palatium, whence
Phalatium, German Pfalz, but dialectically often pronounced
Falz.
THE DOUBLE CONSONANTS, x, z.
32. X. X is always equivalent to cs, never to gz, as it some-
times is in English. This conclusion follows from the voiceless
character of Latin s, before which a guttural was necessarily
assimilated.
33. Z. The value of z is somewhat uncertain. The character
is confined exclusively to foreign words, chiefly Greek. Though
introduced in the first Latin alphabet, it was early dropped (see
1.3), its place being taken by g. Long afterwards, ap-
parently about Cicero's time, it was again introduced for the
more accurate transcription of in words borrowed from the
Greek. Prior to this time the Latin had transliterated Greek
when initial by s, and by ss in the interior of words, e.g. sona
(= 0)1/77) ; atticisso (= dTTt/ao>). But with the increasing use
of Greek at Rome, a more accurate designation of the sound was
felt to be necessary, and accordingly the Greek character itself
was introduced. Cf. the care exercised at the same period in
designating the aspirate in Greek loan-words.
The pronunciation of z in Latin must have followed the pronun-
ciation of Greek for the corresponding period. As regards ,
while it almost certainly had the sound of zd'm the Attic of the
fifth century B.C., it is likely that by the beginning of the Mace-
donian period (approximately 300 B.C.) it had become a simple
z sound (as in English gaze) , though probably somewhat pro-
longed; for it still 'made position,' as though a double consonant.
See Blass, Pronunciation of Greek, 31. The same sound proba-
bly attached to Roman z. For while certain Roman grammarians
explain z as equivalent to sd or ds, their statements are probably
but the echo of Greek discussions concerning the sound of z. It
is worthy of note that one Roman grammarian, Velius Longus, a
DIVISION OF WORDS INTO SYLLABLES. 31
most competent witness on phonetic questions, specifically denies
that z is the equivalent of sd, and asserts that it is not a double
consonant at all, but has the same quality throughout. (Keil,
vii. 50. 9.)
DOUBLED CONSONANTS.
34. When the mutes were doubled (//, dd; pp, bb ; cc, gg) there
were two distinct consonant articulations. Thus in mitto, the first
t was uttered with a definite muscular effort, involving closure of
the organs in the /-position ; then after a momentary pause a
second muscular effort followed, with the organs in the same
position. See Seelmann, Aussprache des Latein, p. no. Such
doubled consonants do not occur in English. We often write ft,
pp, cc, etc., but pronounce only a single t, p, or c, e.g. ut(f]er,
up(p}er, etc. But in Italian and several other modern languages
these doubled consonants are frequent, e.g. Italian bocca, conobbi,
cappello.
The same double articulation is probably to be assumed in case
of doubled liquids (//, rr), doubled nasals (mm, nti), and doubled
spirants (ff, ss), though it is possible that in some words where
these combinations followed a long vowel they merely indicated a
liquid or spirant that was prolonged in utterance, as, for example,
vallum, ullus.
DIVISION OF WORDS INTO SYLLABLES.
35. The principles given in the Grammar ( 4) for the division
of words into syllables are the traditional ones ; yet the validity of
some of them is open to question, particularly of the principle
embodied under 4. 3 : ' Such combinations of consonants as
can begin a word are joined to the following vowel.' In sup-
port of this principle may be cited the testimony of the Roman
grammarians, who practically agree in prescribing the rule given
above, and some of whom even include such combinations of
32 PR ON UN CIA TION.
consonants as can begin a word in Greek, e.g. pt, ct, bd. See
for instance Caesellius, cited by Cassiodorus (Keil, vii. 205. i) ;
Terentianus Maurus (Keil, vi. 351. 879).
On the other hand it may be urged that the principle laid down
by the Roman grammarians is merely an echo of rules maintained
by Greek scholars for their own language. Cf., for example,
Bekker, Anecdota Graeca, iii. p. 1127; Theodosius (ed. Gottling),
p. 63, where the same laws for syllable division may be found.
We have already seen indications of such irresponsible borrowing
in the case of the testimony of the grammarians concerning the
pronunciation of z. See 33. Moreover, we find Quintilian
(i. 7. 9) advocating an etymological principle of division, e.g.
haru-spex, abs-temius.
When we come to examine the mode of dividing words fol-
lowed in our best Latin inscriptions, the evidence is strikingly at
variance with the traditional rule which prescribes joining as
many consonants as possible with the following vowel. In about
80 per cent of all the cases in which words are divided at the end
of a line, one of the consonants is joined with the preceding
vowel, evidently a systematic violation of the grammarians'
rule. Even greater is the proportion of violations of the rule in
those words which exhibit interpunctuation in inscriptions, i.e.
separation of the syllables by dots, e.g. EGES TAS ; vie TO RI ;
OP -TA -TVS. For a full presentation of the epigraphic evidence
bearing upon this point, see Dennison, in Classical Philology,
Vol. I. p. 47 f.
There is also evidence of a phonetic nature bearing upon this
question. A syllable containing a short vowel followed by two
consonants is phonetically long, as recognized by all our gram-
mars and demonstrated in every line of Latin poetry. But
open syllables containing a short vowel are short ; and in such
words as doctus, minister, hospes, if we divide according to the
grammarians' rule (i.e. do-ctus, mirii-ster, ho-spes), we get pre-
DIVISION OF WORDS INTO SYLLABLES. 33
cisely these open syllables containing a short vowel, i.e. short
syllables. For with this utterance, there is no more reason why
the do- of do-ctus should be long than the do- of do-cet; or the rii-
of mim-ster any more than the rii- of mim-mus. In both cases we
have open syllables containing a short vowel, i.e. short syllables.
Hence it is clear that the Romans in actual utterance must have
joined one of a group of consonants to a preceding short vowel.
This gives a closed syllable (i.e. a syllable ending in a consonant),
and it is a fundamental phonetic principle that a closed syllable
is long. These principles also throw light on the nature of com-
mon syllables. A common syllable is one containing a short
vowel followed by a mute with / or r (pi, d, tl, pr, cr, tr ; etc.}.
In verse such a syllable may be either long or short. But natu-
rally a difference of pronunciation must have accompanied this
variation of quantity. In a word Vfoepatrem, for example, when
the first syllable was used as long the / was joined with the a
(pat-rent), thus closing the syllable ; but when the first syllable
was used as short, the t was joined with the r (pd-trem), thus
leaving the syllable open.
Evidence contradicting the grammarians' rule is found also in
the division of words in examples cited by ancient writers on
Latin prosody. When these writers separate a verse of poetry
into its component feet, they divide the syllables not according
to the grammarians' rule, but according to the principle ex-
plained above as demanded by phonetic considerations, e.g. :
Conticu ere om nes in tenti que ora te nebant
Turnus ut infractos adverse Marte Latinos
Ut bel li sig num Lau renti Turnus ab arce.
See especially Hale, Harvard Studies, Vol. VII. p. 268.
The rule of the grammarians, therefore, seems thoroughly
discredited. It is contradicted by the testimony of inscriptions,
by considerations of phonetics, and by syllabification followed
34 PRONUNCIATION.
in metrical illustrations by the writers on prosody. It should
accordingly be rejected, as resting not upon competent phonetic
observation of contemporary speech, but rather upon the tra-
ditional rules which the Greek grammarians set up for their
own language, rules, by the way, which were no more
phonetically accurate for Greek than for Latin. Very likely
their phonetic accuracy was never claimed by the ancients them-
selves. It is more probable that they were simply copyists'
rules intended to furnish a convenient standard for practical use.
The phonetic principle for the division of syllables where two
or more consonants are involved may be formulated as follows :
In case of such combinations of consonants, a mute -f / or r is
joined to the following vowel, except when a long syllable is
needed, in which latter case the mute is joined to the preceding
vowel. Thus regularly pa-tris, volu-cris, a-gri ; but ag-ri, when in
poetry the first syllable is used as long. In prepositional com-
pounds, also, whose first member ends in a mute, and whose
second begins with / or r, the mute is always joined to the pre-
ceding vowel, i.e. the preceding syllable is always long, e.g. ab-
latus, ab-rumpo. In all other combinations of consonants, the
first consonant is joined to the preceding vowel, as al-tus, an-go,
hos-pes, dic-tus, minis-tri, mag-nus, mon-strum. This principle
obviously demands that x should be divided in pronunciation,
as was undoubtedly the case. Thus axis must have been pro-
nounced ac-sis, Id-xus as lac-sus ; so, also, very likely after a
long vowel, vtc-si (inxT) ; rec-si (rexT), though it is obvious that
after a long vowel such division is not phonetically necessary.
As regards the rule of the ancient grammarians laid down in
the Grammar ( 4. 4), to the effect that prepositional compounds
are separated into their component parts, the phonetic evidence
seems altogether against this when the preposition ends in a
single consonant and the next letter of the compound is a vowel.
The division per-eo, inter-ea gives us a closed (i.e. long) syllable ;
DIVISION OF WORDS INTO SYLLABLES. 35
whence it would appear that the actual division in such cases
was pe-reo, inte-rea, exactly as in ge-ro, te-ro; i.e. compounds of
this kind at least were divided precisely like other words.
Rule 4 in 4 of the Grammar may therefore, for all scientific
purposes, be abandoned, since, except as already indicated, com-
pounds call for the application of no special principles.
CHAPTER III.
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
36. A hidden quantity is the quantity of a vowel before two
consonants. Such a quantity is called hidden, as distinguished
from the quantity of a vowel before a single consonant, where
the metrical employment of the word at once indicates whether
the vowel is long or short. The quantity of a vowel before a
mute with /or r is hidden unless the syllable containing it appear
in verse used as short.
The methods of determining hidden quantity are the follow-
ing: 1
1. Express testimony of ancient Roman writers, e.g. Cicero,
Orator, 48. 159, where the principle for the length of vowels
before nf, ns is laid down (see 37) ; Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atti-
cae, ii. 17; iv. 17; ix. 6; xii. 3. Nearly every Roman gram-
marian furnishes some little testimony of this kind, and though
some of them belong to a comparatively late period, their evi-
dence often preserves the tradition of earlier usage, and hence is
entitled to weight.
2 . The versification of the earlier Roman dramatists, especially
"Plautus and Terence, with whom a mute before a liquid never
lengthens a syllable whose vowel is short. Hence, before a mute
followed by a liquid, the quantity of the vowel always appears in
these writers, being the same as the quantity of the syllable, just
as in case of a vowel followed by a single consonant.
Furthermore, Plautus and Terence not infrequently employ as
short many syllables which in classical poetry would be invariably
1 The material here presented is based chiefly upon Marx's Hulfsbiichlein,
cited below, p. 39.
36
METHODS OF DETERMINING HIDDEN QUANTITY. 37
long by position. Examples are the following : juventus, Plautus,
Mostellaria 30; Curculio 38; volunfas, Trinummus n66;Pseu-
dolus 537 ; Stichus 59 ; voluptas, Mostellaria 249, 294 ; Amphi-
tnw 939, and elsewhere. These cases are to be explained by the
fact that the vowel was short and the following consonants failed
to ' make position.'
In some instances, it must be confessed, even long vowels are
used as short, e.g. boms mis, Plautus, Trinummus 822, forts
pultabo, 868. But these cases are of a peculiar sort and may
be explained on metrical grounds, or by the iambic nature of
the words, as in the examples cited. Cf. 87. 3.
3. Inscriptions. Since the middle of the first century B.C.
the apex (or point) appears added to the vowels a, e, o, u to in-
dicate their length. Long /was designated originally by /(rising
above the other letters and hence called / longa) and by ei ; later,
I took the apex. Examples are TRAXI, GIL. x, 2311 ; PRI'SCVS,
CIL. xi. 1940; OLLA, CIL. vi. 10006; QU!NQVE, CIL. vi. 3539;
M!LLIA, Monumentum Ancyranum, i. 16 ; FECEI, CIL. i. 551.
Before the employment of the apex the length of the vowel in
case of a, e, u was indicated by doubling the vowel, e.g. PAASTORES,
CIL. i. 551 ; PEQVLATVV, CIL. i. 202 ; o is never doubled in this
manner. This peculiarity belongs to the period from 130 to 70 B.C.
A thoroughly consistent use of these methods of designating
the vowel quantities is found, it must be admitted, in but few
inscriptions. Of the vowels contained in syllables long by posi-
tion only a portion are marked, as a rule, in any single inscrip-
tion. Certain official inscriptions of the late republican and early
imperial period form an exception to this, and exhibit very full and
reliable markings, e.g. the speech of the Emperor Claudius (Bois-
sieu, Inscriptions de Lyon, p. 136) and the Monumentum Ancyra-
num, containing the Res Gestae Divi Augusft. This latter, among
a great number of correct markings, contains also some false ones,
e.g. CLVPEI, SVMMA. Such errors also occur occasionally elsewhere.
38 HIDDEN QUANTITY.
4. Greek transcriptions of Latin words. This method is most
fruitfully applied in case of the vowels e and o. The employment
of Greek e or 77, o or w makes the quantity of the Latin vowel
certain, wherever faith may be reposed in the accuracy of the
transcription. Thus we may write Esqtiiliae in view of 'Ho-KvAtvos,
Strabo, v. 234, 237 ; Vergilius^ after OuepyiAios ; Vesontio^ after
OveowriW, Dio Cassius, Ixviii. 24.
The quantity of / may also often be determined by Greek trans-
literations. Thus ct before two consonants regularly points to
Latin z, e.g. Bea//anos, GIG. 5709, = Vtpsanius ; Greek t points to
Latin z, e.g. "lo-r/oos = Ister.
Inscriptions are naturally of much greater weight in such mat-
ters than are our texts of the Greek writers. Cf. 3. c).
5. The iwcalism of the Romance languages. These languages,
particularly the Spanish and Italian, treated ^, /, <?, u with great
regularity according to the natural length of the vowel. It will
be remembered that Latin e and o were close ; Latin e and o
open. Now the Romance languages have not preserved the
original quantity of Latin vowels ; for both the long and the short
vowels of the Latin have become half-long in Romance ; but they
have very faithfully preserved their quality. Thus Latin ~e appears
as a close e in Italian and Spanish ; Latin e as an open <?or as ie.
Latin o appears as a close o in Italian and Spanish ; Latin o as an
open o or as uo (ue]. Similarly Latin z remained i, but t became
a close e ; Latin u remained u, but u became close o. Examples :
LATIN. ITALIAN.
mensis. mese (with close e~).
honestus. onesto (with open e).
monstrdre. mostrare (with close 0).
d'octus. dotto (with open o}.
dixt. dissi.
dicttts. detto (with close e).
dilxi. -dussi.
ductus. -dotto (with close 0).
METHODS OF DETERMINING HIDDEN QUANTITY. 39
The Romance languages, however, authorize conclusions only
with reference to the popular language as opposed to that of the
better educated classes. In the popular speech the tendency was
rather toward the shortening of long vowels than toward the
lengthening of short ones. Hence where the Romance languages
point to a long vowel in the popular language, it is safe to assume
that the vowel was long in the literary language. When, on the
other hand, the Romance languages point to a short vowel, this
testimony is not necessarily conclusive, particularly if other facts
point clearly in the opposite direction.
Again, the Romance languages authorize conclusions only in
case of words inherited from the Latin. Many Romance words
represent mediaeval borrowing by the learned class, as Italian
rigido, cibo, metro, tenebre, pustula^ htbrico. All such words
retain the Latin vocalism. In some cases it is difficult to decide
whether a word has descended by the popular or the learned
channel, e.g. luxtis, urna.
With all the assistance furnished by the methods above enu-
merated, there nevertheless remain some words whose vowel
quantity cannot be determined. It is customary to regard all
such vowels as short, until they are proved to be long.
The following are the most important works of reference on
this subject :
MARX, Hulfsbuchlein fur die Aussprache Lateinischer Vokale in Positions-
langen Silben. 3d ed. Berlin, 1901. A work valuable for its collection
of evidence, but frequently untrustworthy in its conclusions.
SEELMANN, Die Aussprache des Latein. Heilbronn, 1885. p. 69 ff.
GROBER, Vulg'drlateinische S^lbstrata Romanischer Worter, a series of articles
in Wolfflin's Archiv fur Lateinische Lexikographie, vols. i-vi.
KORTING, Lateinisch-Romanisches Worterbuch. 2d ed. Paderborn, 1901.
LINDSAY, The Latin Language. Oxford, 1894. p. 133 ff.
D'OviDlO, in Grower's Grundriss der Romanischen Philologie. Strassburg,
1888, i. p. 497 ff.
MEYER-LiJBKE, Grammatik der Romanischen Sprachen. Leipzig, 1890.
40 HIDDEN QUANTITY.
CHRISTIANSEN, De Apicibus et I Longis. Husum, 1889.
ECKINGER, Orthographic Lateinischer Worter in Griechischen Inschriften.
Munich, 1891.
HERAEUS, Beitr'dge zur Bestimmung der Quantitat in Positionslangen Silben
in Wolfflin's Archiv fur Lateinische Lexikographie, Vol. xiv. pp. 393 ff.;
449 ff.
Further literature up to 1901 is cited by Marx, p. xiv f.
GENERAL PRINCIPLES FOR THE DETERMINATION OF
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
VOWELS BEFORE ns, nf.
37. A vowel is always long before ns and nf, e.g. consul, m-
felix. This principle rests upon the following evidence :
a) Cicero, Orator, 159, expressly states that in compounds of
con and in, the vowel was pronounced long when followed by
/or s.
I)) Before ns the vowel is often marked in inscriptions with an
apex, as CIL. xii. 3102 CENSOR; CIL. vi. 1527 d. 64 CONSTO ;
CIL. xi. 1 1 1 8 MENSVM ; the apex occurs less frequently before nf,
e.g. CIL. xi. 1118 CONFICIVNT. But * longa occurs repeatedly
before both ns and nf, e.g. CIL. iii. 67 INSPEXI ; vi. 647 INSTRVX-
ERVNT ; CIL. ii. 4510 INFERIORIS ; CIL. xiv. 1738 INFANTI ;
CIL. x. 4294 INFERRI.
c) Greek transliterations of Latin words often indicate a
long vowel before ns, as KpT/o^vs ( = Crescens} ;
VOWELS BEFORE gn, gm.
38. Until recently the doctrine was current that all vowels
are long in Latin before gn. In the Appendix to my Latin Gram-
mar, I showed that this general principle was altogether too sweep-
ing and that at most we could go no farther than to recognize
with Priscian the length of the vowel before the suffixes -gnus,
-gna, -gnum and in such other individual words as may be sup-
VOWELS BEFORE -GN, -GM. 41
ported by specific evidence. Admitting the validity of Priscian's
testimony for the length of the vowel before -gnus, -gna, -gnum,
I showed that there was certainly no evidence to support the
doctrine of Marx (see his Hulfsbikhlein, p. i) that the vowel is
long before gn in gigno, agnosco, agnatus, cognosce, cognatus,
ignarus, ignavus, ignoro, ignosco, etc. Marx holds that the vowel
in these latter forms was long as the result of compensatory
lengthening, ignarus being for *in-gnarus, cognosce for *con-gnosco.
But no such theory of compensatory lengthening is tenable.
Marx's appeal (p. i) to the fact that Plautus always uses the
syllable before gn as long, is of no weight, since we should
naturally expect gn to ' make position ' in Latin just as yv regu-
larly does in Greek.
But there has been a growing tendency in recent years to re-
ject even Priscian's testimony in favor of the length of the vowel
before the suffixes -gnus, -gna, -gnum. The passage is found in
Keil, Vol. ii. p. 82 : " Gnus" quoque vel "gna" vel "gnum "
terminantia longam habent vocalem paenultimam, ut " regnum,"
" stagnum" " beriignus," " malignus" " abiegnus," "privignus"
" Pelignus" Some scholars, as Havet, regard this statement as
an interpolation. Others, while admitting the genuineness
of the passage, impugn its correctness. Buck {Classical Review,
Vol. xv. p. 3 1 1, if.) has discussed the question here at issue with
great thoroughness and candor, and urges (p. 312) against the
long vowel before -gnus, -gna, -gnum : " (i) the fact that, except
in words with an original long vowel, the Romance languages
point to a short vowel before gn ; (2) the fact that the Celtic and
Germanic words borrowed from Latin signum also point to a short
vowel ; (3) the total absence on inscriptions of the apex or Ilonga
in the case of the great majority of words with gn, some of them,
like magnus, of so frequent occurrence that this absence can
hardly be accidental ; (4) the citation of dignitas as an anapaest
by Diomedes (Keil, Vol. i. p. 470), who has in mind only vowel
42 HIDDEN QUANTITY.
quantity, not syllabic quantity. " Nevertheless certain words
of this class seem occasionally (in special localities, perhaps,
or in special social strata) to have had a long vowel before gn, as
seen in slGNUM, GIL. vi. 10234; SEiGNVM,xiv. 4270; S!GNIFICABO,
Vi. 16664 ; DlGNI, X. 5676; PRIVIGNO, vi. 3541; IGNIS, xi.
826. But these Buck regards as abnormal and exceptional pro-
nunciations. Buck's argument is a very strong one, and his con-
clusions deserve at least provisional acceptance. It should be
noted, however, that three words, regnum, stagnum, abiegnus,
being derived from stems with a long vowel, were legitimately
entitled to their long quantity and always retained it.
39. Before gm the vowel is long \T\pigmentum (see CIL. viii.
1344, P!GMEN[T) and in segmentum (cf. Greek o-^y/xeVra), but
there is no evidence warranting the formulation of a broad rule
embracing all vowels before gm, as is done by Marx (p. i).
Marx appeals to the analogy of gn in support of his attitude;
but apart from the dangers of this kind of reasoning, we have
already seen that the case for vowel length before gn is of the
weakest possible kind, so that, even if we admit the validity of
the analogy, there is nothing to indicate regular vowel length
before gm.
VOWELS BEFORE nt, nd, ss.
40. i. All vowels are regularly short before nt and nd, e.g.
amandus, mentis, amant, monent.
2. Exceptions:
a) Before nt the vowel is long in
a) quintus.
/?) the following contracted words : contio (for coventio),
j~entaculum (for *jejuntaculum), jentatio (for *j"e-
juntatio), nuntius (for *naventius).
y) Greek proper names in -us, Gen. -untis, e.g. Selinus,
Selmuntis (Greek,
VOWELS BEFORE -NT, -ND. 43
8) Greek proper names in -on, Gen. -ontis, e.g. Xeno-
phon, Xenophontis (Greek, Eevo<wvTos) .
Before nd the vowel is long in
a) the following contracts and compounds : prendo (for
prekendo), riondum (iwn -f- dum),vendo (venumd'o],
nundinus (novem dies), qiiindecim (qiiinque), unde-
cim (unus).
/?) some Greek names, e.g. Charondas, Epaminondas
3. The evidence for the short vowel before nt lies in the fact
that, while in the Nominatives of such words as clemens, crescens,
diem, fons, gens, parem, pom, praesem, the long quantity of the
vowel is assured either by the presence of the apex, or by a long
vowel in Greek transcriptions, in the oblique cases the apex is
lacking, and in Greek transcriptions the vowel is short, e.g.
KArj/xvys (i>e. KAij/^v?), CIA. iii. 1094, but KA^evros, CIG.
3757 ; KXrJ/u,evrt, CIG. Addenda, 1829 c. ; CRESCNS, CIL. xii.
4030, but CRESCENTI, CIL. vi. 9059; Kprjcr/o/j/s, CIG. 6012, c. ;
but Kpjo-Keim, CIG. Addenda, 1994, f. ; npawnys (i.e. Ilpcucr^vs),
CIA. iii. 1147, but Ilpcuo-cvrt, npcuWra, CIG. 3175, 399 1-
Even where a vowel is naturally long, it sometimes becomes
shortened before nt, e.g. in linteum from llnum ; cf. Greek XeWtoi/,
CIG. 8695.
For the vowel before nd the evidence is not so full. We find
the Greek transcriptions KoAeV&us, Lydus, de Mem. iv. 53, 57 ;
4>ov8avtos (i.e. Fundanius), Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique,
ix. p. 439.
4. Vowels are also regularly short before ss, according to the
express testimony of Quintilian, i. 7. 20. But see 47. i.
PONTEM, FONTEM, MONTEM, FRONTEM, FRONDEM.
41. A slight uncertainty exists as to the quantity of the
vowel before nt in the oblique cases oifons, mons, pom, from
44 HIDDEN QUANTITY.
(frontis) ; and before ndm frons (frondis). Three sets of facts
are to be considered :
a) The analogy of other words in -ns (Gen. -ntis). Such words,
so far as they are genuine Latin words, have, without exception,
a short vowel before nt in the oblique cases. See 40.
b] The testimony of the Romance languages. This is as fol-
lows for the different words under discussion :
fons. The Romance languages seem to point to an antecedent
fontis,fdnti, etc. Thus the Italian fonte has close o ; so the Pro-
vencal fon. Spanish alone with its fuente points to fontem
(Grober, Archiv, ii. p. 426 ; Korting, Lat.-Romanisches Worter-
buch).
frons (-ndis). The Romance languages all agree in pointing
to frondem (Grober, Archiv, ii. p. 426 ; Korting, WorterbucH).
frons (-ntis). Provencal fron and Italian f route, with close o,
point to frontem. So the other Romance languages, except
Spanish, which has fruente, pointing to frontem. (Grober,
Archiv, ii. p. 426 ; Korting, Worterbuch^)
mons. The Romance languages point unanimously to montem
(Grober, Archiv, ii. p. 426 ; Korting, Worterbuch).
pons. Provencal pon and Italian ponte with close o point to
pontem ; so the other Romance languages, except Spanish, which
has puente, pointing to pontem.
If mere numerical preponderance were decisive, we might at
once conclude that all these words went back to Latin forms
with o in the oblique cases, and might explain Spanish fruente,
fuente) puente (which should be fronte, fonte, ponte, to represent
Latin o) as exceptions to the prevailing law of development.
A glance at certain facts, however, in Italian and Provencal,
suggests another conclusion. We find it to be a regular law in
these languages that an original open Latin o (i.e. short o, see
36. 5), when followed by m, n, or /, -f- another consonant, be-
comes close. Thus Latin tondet with open o, becomes Italian
VOWELS BEFORE -NT, -ND. 45
tonde, with close o. Similarly respondet becomes risponde ;
rhombus becomes rombo ; pol(y)pus becomes polpo, all with close
0. Just what has brought about this change is not certain.
D'Ovidio in Grober's Grundriss der Romanischen Philologie,
1. p. 522, thinks it was the analogy of words in on -f- consonant,
om + consonant, and ol-\- consonant, in which close o had de-
veloped regularly from an earlier u (see 36. 5), e.g. rompe
(= rumpii] ; onda (= undo) ; dolce (= dulcis). In accordance
with this principle, whose operation is certain, Latin fontem,
frondem,frontem, montem, pontem, would (assuming these to be
the original forms) regularly become in Italian : fonte, fronde,
fronte, monte, ponte, with close o, exactly as we find them. The
admission of a long o in the oblique cases of these Latin words
is, therefore, not necessary in order to account for Italian and
Provencal close o in their Romance descendants. In fact, when
we consider Spanish fuente,fruente,puente, all of which point to
Latin o, it seems more reasonable to regard Spanish monte and
fronde (which point to #) as the exceptions. Grober, who (Archiv,
vi. p. 389) expresses himself in favor of assuming an original
fontem, etc., in these words, suggests that Spanish monte, fronde,
are \oan-vf or ds, while fuente, fruente, flu en te represent an original
inheritance.
Briefly, then, a fair interpretation of the evidence of the
Romance languages seems to warrant the belief that the oblique
cases of the words under discussion came into the Romance lan-
guages from the Latin with a (short) open o ; that in Italian and
Provencal this open o subsequently became close in accordance
with a regular law of wide operation. Spanish regularly developed
the open o to ue in those words which it inherited from Latin
(jnz. \i\fuente,fruente,puente}; while Spanish monte and fronde
are probably loan-words from Italian.
c} The third bit of evidence comes from Greek transliterations
of Latin words as found in Greek inscriptions and Greek authors.
46 HIDDEN QUANTITY,
Thus we find Qovrrjios ( = Fonteius) in Plutarch and Appian ; also
in an inscription, GIG. iii. 5837, b (59 A.D.) ; <$pot/Tu/os, CIA. iii.
1154 (between 150 and 200 A.D.) ; </ooi/Teu/os, GIA. iii. 1177
(about 220 A.D.) ; (Ppovrw, GIA. iii. 1113, 21, 26 (before 161
A.D.), and in texts; all of which point to Latin Pronto, and
Frontinus, and indirectly to front-em. Latin Montanus appears
as Movravos, GIG. Addenda, 4805 b ; and we find rpt/xoi/rtov,
Ptol. iii. n, 12, et passim ; TTOVTC/U, (= Latin ponteni) is the text
in Plutarch, Numa, 9 ; TTOVTL<J>L (= pontifex], in Dionysius, Dio
Cassius, and Zosimus ; 7rovTi<f>c, in Lydus, de Mens. iii. 21 ; TTOVTI-
<f>LKts, in Plutarch, Numa, 9 ; and Trovrt^tKa, in an inscription in
Kaibel's Sylloge Epigrammatitm, Addenda, 888 a. The Gieek
never shows an w in any of these words, either in inscriptions or
in Mss. The evidence furnished by that language therefore is
unanimous in favor of o for the Latin. Nor can recognition be
refused the inscriptions above cited on the ground that they are
late. As the annexed dates show, they all belong to the good
period of the language.
We thus have the strongest possible grounds for writing fontis,
frondis, etc. The analogy of other words in -ns (Gen. -ntis)
favors this view ; the Romance languages favor it, and the testi-
mony of Latin words in Greek dress, as exhibited both in texts
and in inscriptions, favors it. In fact, the evidence is complete.
The isolated apex in FRONT (for FRONTEM, as the context
shows), GIL. v. 2915, is certainly a mere blunder of the stone-
cutter, as is often the case in other words, even in carefully cut
inscriptions (see 36. 3). Christiansen, De Apicibus et I Longis,
p. 57, cites thirteen such instances for vowels before nt.
HIDDEN QUANTITY IN DECLENSION.
42. i . It is maintained by some scholars (e.g. Marx, ffiflfs-
buchlein, p. 2 ; Lane, Harvard Studies, i. p. 89) that the ending
-um in the Genitive Plural of nouns of the First and Second
-UM IN DEUM, NUMMUM, ETC. 47
Declensions has u in such forms as Aeneadum, deum, nummum ;
also in nostrum and vestrum. The facts in evidence are the
following :
a) On early Latin coins prior to the First Punic War, we find
the final m of many Genitives Plural omitted, e.g. ROMANO,
CORANO. Coins of the same date regularly retain final m of
the Nominative or Accusative Singular, e.g. VOLCANOM, PROPOM
(= probuni). This has led Mommsen (CIL. i. p. 9) to infer
that there was a difference in the quantity of the o in the two
instances. As the o of the Nominative and Accusative Singular
was short, Mommsen thought that in the Genitive Plural it must
be long. But the material with which Mommsen deals is ex-
tremely scanty. Genitive Plural forms occur in some number ;
but only a few Nominative and Accusative forms are found, viz.
VOLCANOM, PROPOM. Again, ROMANOM (CIL. i. i) and AESER-
NINOM (i. 20) show that Genitives sometimes retained the m.
Mommsen attempts to solve this difficulty by taking ROMANOM
and AESERNINOM as the Nominative Singular Neuter of the Adjec-
tive ; but that is awkward. The natural inference must be that
there was no system in the omission of final m on these coins.
The coins represent no dialect ; in fact they represent widely
separated localities ; hence it is no wonder if the final m (always
weak) was sometimes written, sometimes omitted. In the Scipio
inscriptions, the oldest of which may date within a quarter of a
century of these coins, we find final m freely omitted in the
Accusative and Nominative Singular just as elsewhere. It is,
therefore, extremely unlikely that Mommsen 's hypothesis con-
cerning the coins is correct.
b) An inscription of Nuceria (CIL. x. 1081) has DVVMVIRATVS,
which Schmitz (Rheinisches Museum, x. no) and Lane (Harvard
Studies, i. p. 89) regard as evidence that the u of duum (Gen.
PI. of duo} was long. But even conceding the correctness of the
apex in this isolated instance, it remains to be shown that the
48 HIDDEN QUANTITY.
duum- of duumvir and duumviratus is in origin a Genitive. Such
an etymology would involve the assumption that the duum- of
the Genitive Plural, duumvirum, became transferred to the other
cases, replacing duo in earlier duoviri, etc. Such an assumption
is extremely improbable. It is much more likely that duumvir
and triumvir are formed after the analogy of centumvir. In the
singular especially such forms as duovir, tresvir would have been
extremely awkward, and it seems probable that the singular duum-
vir, triumvir were for that reason historically anterior to duumviri,
triumviri. The apex in the Nucerian inscription, if this etymol-
ogy be correct, would then be simply a blunder of the engraver,
as is altogether probable. The evidence in favor of -urn in these
Genitives must, therefore, be regarded as of no weight, especially
in view of the regular shortening of vowels before final -m in
Latin. Certainly if -urn did by any possibility exist in the days
of Augustus, the // had become shortened by 90 A.D. For Quin-
tilian (i. 6. 18), as noted by Lane (p. 90), shows that to his ear
nummum, Genitive Plural, was nowise different from nummum,
Accusative Singular.
2. Words in -er of the Second Declension, and words of
the Third Declension in -er and -x, have in oblique cases the
same quantity of the vowel as in the Nominative, e.g. dger,
dgri ; f rater, fratris ; acer, acris ; pax, pads ; tenax, tenacis ;
fax, fads ; rex, regis ; nix, riivis ; corriix, corriids ; calix, cali-
ds ; fel,fellis ; os, ossis ; plebs, plebis. Thus sometimes the Nomi-
native gives the clue to the hidden quantity in the oblique cases
(as dger^ dgn) ; sometimes the oblique cases give the clue to
the hidden quantity of the Nominative (as corriids, corriix}.
3. Words of the Third Declension ending in -ns (Gen. -ntis)
uniformly have a short vowel in the oblique cases, as already
explained in 40. 3. Greek words in -as (Gen. -antis], e.g.
Aias, Aiantis ; gigas , gigantis , have the same quantity as in the
original (Aids; At'oVros ; ytyds, yiyavros). So, also, contracted
ADJECTIVES, NUMERALS. 49
Greek names of cities in -ovs, -oiWog, e.g. Selmus, Selinuntis ; and
proper names in -wv, -oWos, e.g. Xenophon, Xenophontis. Acheron
(not a contract form) has Acheruntis.
4. In all words of the Third Declension ending in two or
more consonants (excepting -ns and -x preceded by a vowel),
the hidden vowel before the ending is short, e.g. urbs, sors, drx.
Exceptions to this principle are plebs and compounds of uncia
ending in -uhx, e.g. deunx, deuncis ; quincunx, quincuncis. Be-
fore -x the vowel is sometimes long, sometimes short, as already
explained in 2, above.
COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES.
43. In the terminations -issimus, -errimus, -illimus, the hidden
vowel is short, e.g. carissimus, acerrimus, facillimus. Apparent
traces of a long / in the termination -issimus are found in inscrip-
tional forms with / longa. The word of most frequent occurrence
is piIssiMUS ; besides this we find a few other words, e.g. CAR!SSIMO,
CIL. vi.5325; DVLC!SSIMO, vi. 16926; FORTISSIMO, vi. 1132. But
many of these inscriptions belong to the last centuries of the
Empire, when the use of / longa had become an extremely
untrustworthy guide, as may be seen by palpable errors. As
regards the frequent occurrence of PI!SSIMAE, piIssiMO, these
may perhaps be explained on the theory that / longa was here
used to indicate not merely i, but also the/ which developed in
pronunciation between the two f s, i.e. pijissimo. Cf. the similar
use of i longa in words like POMPE!IVS, CIL. ix. 3748. At ail
events, in the absence of the apex in these superlatives, and in
view of the absolute silence of the grammarians, it seems unwise
to attach great weight to the occurrence of the / longa alone.
Against i, Lindsay (Latin Language, p. 405) urges the occur-
rence of late spellings like MERENTESSEMO, KARESSEMO, CIL.
ii. 2997. Cf. 6. i.
50 HIDDEN QUANTITY.
NUMERALS.
44. As separate words are to be noted :
a) quattuor, but quartus (see 53 under area).
b) qmnque and its derivatives, all of which have t, as quin-
decim, quintus, quingenft, quinquaginta.
c) the derivatives of unus : undecim, undev'tginfi, etc.
d) m~ille, millia, and mill'esimus.
PRONOUNS.
45. i. Nos, vos ; but noster, vester; nostri, vestri, etc.
2. Hunc and hanc have a short vowel.
3. Hie, ipse, iste have t.
4. The suffix -cunque has u.
5. Compounds retain the quantity of the elements of which
they are compounded, as qitisquis, cuj usque.
CONJUGATION.
ROOT FORMS.
46. i. Presents formed by means of the infix n have a short
vowel, e.g. fundo (root fud-) ; frdngo (root frag-) ; jungo (root
fug-). Before a labial, n becomes m, e.g. rumpo (root rup-) ;
lambo (root lab-). Care should be taken not to confuse deriv-
ative and contract Presents like vendo, prendo, with genuine
nasal formations.
2. In most Presents the hidden vowel is short, e.g. necto, serpo,
verto. But the following exceptions are to be noted :
a) First conjugation : jurgo (for jurigo), narro, orno, purgo,
tracto.
ft) Second Conjugation : ardeo.
c] Third Conjugation : all verbs in -sco (r), except compesco,
disco, posco, vescor.
d) Fourth Conjugation : nutria, ordior.
ardere
drsl
ctrsurus
gerere
gessl
gestus
scrlbere
scrips!
scriptus
vwere
vixl
victurus
figere
fixi
/IX21S
CONJUGATION. 51
3. The quantity of the vowel in the Present regularly remains
unchanged (when it becomes hidden) throughout the entire con-
jugation of the verb, e.g. :
drdeo
gero
scribo
vivo
flgo
Thus inscriptions give F!XA, SCR!PTVM, CONSCREIPTVM, vIxiT,
VEIXIT.
But the following exceptions to this general principle are to be
noted :
a) duo dicer e dlxi d ictus
duco due ere duxl due (us
cedo cedere cessl cessurus
The short vowel of the Perfect Participles dictus and ductus is
assured by the statement of Aulus Gellius (Noctes Atticae, ix. 6)
and by the testimony of the Romance languages. (See 52. s.vv.}
d) The short vowel of the Present is lengthened in the Perfect
Indicative and Perfect Participle, if hidden, in the following
verbs :
ago
agere
egt
dctus
cingo
cingere
clnxl
cinctus
delinquo
delinquere
dellqut
dellctus
distinguo
distinguere
disfinxi
distlnctus
emo
etnere
eml
einptus
exstinguo
exstingttere
exstlnxi
exstlnctus
Jingo
fingerc
finxl
flctus
frango
fr anger e
fregi
frdctus
fiingor
fungi
fiinctussum
jungo
jungere
jiinxi
junctus
lego
legere
I'egi
lectus
pango
pangere
pepigi
pdctus
pingo
pingere
plnxl
pictus
52 HIDDEN QUANTITY.
pungo pungere pupugt punctus
rego regere rexi rectus
relinquo relinquere rellqul relictus
sancio sancire sdnxi sdnctus
struo struere struxl structus
tango tangere tetigi tact us
tego tegere tex'i tectus
tinguo tingiiere tlnxl tinctus
traho trahere trdxt trdctus
ungo ungere iinxi unctus
So also in compounds and derivatives of these verbs.
4. The evidence for the long vowel in the Perfect Participles of
the foregoing list is found :
a) In the statements of Gellius, who testifies (Noctes Atticae,
ix. 6) to the quantity of the vowels of actus, lectus, unctus, and in
xii. 3. 4 to that of structus.
fr) In the testimony of inscriptions, which show the following :
ACTIS CIL. vi. 1377 ; REDACTA vi. 701 ; EXACTVS Boissieu, Inscrip-
tions de Lyon, p. 136 ; C!NCTVS CIL. x. 4104 ; DE.FVNCTIS CIL. v.
1326; DlLECTVS VI. 6319; LECTVS xi. 1826; EXSTlNCTOS vi. 25617;
INFRACTA ix. 60 ; IVNCTA X. 1 888 ; SEIVNCTVM vi. 1527^. 38;
RECTE xii. 2494 ; TECTOR vi. 5205 ; COEMTO Monumentum Ancy-
ranum iii. n ; TRA[CTA (not certain) CIL. vi. 1527 e. 14; SANCTA
v. 2681 ; Oscan SAA(N)HTOM (= sane torn).
c) In the retention of a in compounds of actus, tactus,fractus,
pactus, tractus (e.g. coactus, attactus, refractus, etc.), which shows
that the a was long ; short a would have become e in this situa-
tion, as for example in confectus for an original *conf actus; acceptus
for an original *accaptus ; ~ereptus for *erdptus.
d) For cinctus, dellctus, dis tinctus, exst'inctus, f Ictus, p'ictus,
punctus, relictus, tinctus, the long vowel is assured by the evidence
of the Romance, e.g. Italian cinto, delitto,fitto, relitto, tinto.
5. The evidence for the quantity of the vowel in the Perfects
of the foregoing list is found :
CONJUGATION. 53
a] In inscriptional markings, as CONIVNXIT (Wilmanns, Inscript.
Latinae 104); TEXIT (CIL. x. 1793); REXIT (CIL. v. 875);
TRAXI (CIL. x. 2311, 1 8).
fr) In Priscian's statement (Keil, ii. 466) that rexi and text
have e.
c} In the testimony of the Romance languages, which point to
dnxi, distinxi, exstlnxt, ftnxi, ptnxi, struxi, tinxl, unxt.
d) The long a in sanxt rests upon no specific evidence, but
may perhaps be safely inferred after the analogy of sanctus.
Until recently the principle was maintained (e.g. by Marx in his
first edition) that all monosyllabic stems ending in b, d, or g had
the hidden vowel long in the Perfect Indicative and Perfect Parti-
ciple wherever euphonic changes occurred. According to this
theory we should have e.g. scindo, sdndere, scidi, scissus ; mergo,
merger e, mersi, mersus. This principle was first laid down by
Lachmann (on Lucretius, i. 805) for Perfect Participles alone,
and was subsequently assumed by other scholars to apply to
the Perfect Indicative as well; but this position is now entirely
abandoned. Each long vowel must be supported by specific
evidence.
In the 3d edition of his Hulfsbuchlein (p. i), Marx lays down
the principle that all vowels are long in Latin before nx and net.
These combinations occur almost exclusively in the verbs given
on pp. 51, 52. Whether the general principle is sound, may be
questioned. For example, we have no definite evidence in favor
of the long vowel before nx in anxius, lanx, or phalanx.
VERBAL ENDINGS.
47. i . The hidden vowel is short before ss ( 40. 4) and st in the
terminations of the verb, e.g. fiitssem, amainsse ; fmsti, fiiistis.
This is shown not only by the historical origin of these formations,
but by such metrical usage as Plautus, Amphitruo, 761, dedisse;
Menaechmi, 687, de<ttstt t where iss and ist are treated as short
54 HIDDEN QUANTITY.
syllables by neglect of ' position ' (see 36. 2). Contracted forms
are, of course, an exception to the above principle, as amasse,
commossem, redtsse, audtsset, amasfi, nostis.
2. Formations of the type : dixfi (for dixisfi), accestis (for ac-
cessistis], jus ft (for jussistT), traxe, surrexe, exsttnxem, etc., have
the same quantity as the regular forms.
COMPOUNDS.
48. Marx (p. 8) holds that the vowel of a monosyllabic prepo-
sition, if hidden, is long in composition when the preposition loses
a final consonant. Thus he maintains a long vowel for the initial
syllable of ascendo (for *ad-scando) ; di-stinguo (^ dis-stingiio) ;
suspicio (for *sub-spicio). But this principle rests upon an un-
tenable theory of compensatory lengthening; see 89.
INCHOATIVES.
49. Inchoatives in -sco, -scor have a long vowel before -sc,
e.g. labasco, floresco, nitesco, tremisco, adipiscor. Gellius (Noctes
Atticae, vi. 15) mentions a number of words of this class as hav-
ing a long vowel, and implies that this was generally true of all.
The Romance languages show that -sco and -isco (-iscor) had e
and I. But the hidden vowel is short in competed, disco, posco,
vescor.
IRREGULAR VERBS.
50. i. The root vowel of esse is short under all circumstances,
e.g. est, estis, esfo, essem.
2. Edo, ' eat,' has a long e in the forms es, est, estis, essem, esse,
estur, essetur. Cf. Donatus on Terence, Andria, 81 ; Servius on
Virgil, Aeneid, v. 785.
3. Marx (p. 9) lays down the principle that in compounds of
eo, forms containing it have the second i long before st, as e.g. in
WORD FORMATION. 55
interiisti. This theory rests solely upon the occurrence of INTE-
RIEISTI in CIL. i. 1202. But EI occurs elsewhere in inscriptions,
incorrectly written for /, e.g. PARENTEIS (= parenfis), CIL. i. 1009 ;
FACEIVNDAE (= fatiundae). It is altogether probable that INTERI-
EISTI is another instance of the same sort.
WORD FORMATION.
51. i. Substantives in -abrum, -acrum, -atrum, derived from
verbs, have a, e.g. flabrum, lavacrum, aratrum.
2. The derivative endings -ellus (a, urn), -illus (a, urn), regu-
larly have e and t, but the following have a long vowel, viz.:
ca fella, ' little chain,' anguilla, Bovillae, Hillae, ovillus, stilla,
suillus, villa.
3. The vowel is short in -emus (-ernius, -erriinus), -urnus
(-urnius, -urrilnus}, e.g. hibernus, taberna, Saturnus. In vernus
(from v'er) the r is not a part of the suffix.
4. The vowel is short in the endings -estus fester, -estris, -esti-
cus, -estas), -ister (-istrum), -ustus, e.g. caelestis, domesticus, tem-
pestas, capistrum, venustus. In semes tris, Justus, the long vowel
belongs to the stem.
5. The vowel is short in the endings -unculus, -undo, -erculus,
-usculus, e.g. ratiuncula, paterculus, maiusculus, homuncib ; plus-
culus (from plus) naturally has u.
6. In compounds, the connecting vowel / is short, e.g. navi-
fragus, lect Isternium .
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
52. LIST OF THE MOST IMPORTANT WORDS CONTAINING
A LONG VOWEL BEFORE Two CONSONANTS. 1
A.
abiegnus : see 38, end.
acatalectus : Gr.
a did, dctitj, actor: see ago.
dctutum : like dctus.
ademptio : see adimo.
adimo, ademptus : like emo.
affllcto : \\keflictus.
Africa, Afri: from Afer.
ago, agere, cgl, dctus : see 46. 3. b}.
Alcestis : Gr. "AX/cT/o-rts.
Alecto : Gr. 'AXij/crw.
aliorsum : for *alio-vorsutn.
aliptes : Gr.
Amazon : Gr. '
ambustus : see /7rJ.
Amsdnctus : see sdnctus.
angullla : t ace. to the Romance.
Aqulllius: AQV!LLIVS: CIL.vi. 12264.
ardtriun : see 51. I .
drdeo, -ere, drsT, drsurus: like dridus,
drdus.
Arginnssae : Gr. 'Ap7ivou0-(ra,t.
dspernor : from a and spernor.
dthla : Gr. a.6\ov.
athletes : Gr. atfXTj-njs.
dtrdmentum : like ^f^r.
atrium : from a^r ; also ATRIVM,
CI.L. vi. 10025.
axilla : Priscian, iii. 36.
Plutarch,
Plutarch,
the Ro-
B.
bdrdus, ' stupid ' : from
Bedriacum : Er)TpiaK6v,
Otho, 8, II.
bellua : for bes-lua.
bestia, Bestia : Bij<rTlas ;
Alarius, 9 ; Cicero, 3 ;
mance would point to e.
biformis : see forma.
billbris : like ///;ra.
bimestris : from mensis.
bovlllus : from bovlnus.
Imbrestis : Gr. fiovfip-qaTt.?.
burrus : ii ace. to the Romance.
bftstum : ft ace. to the Romance ; cf.
combustus and nstus.
Biithrotum :
catalectus : Gr.
catella : from catena ; catella, ' bitch,'
has .
catillus : from cafinus.
cetra : better orthography is caetra ;
see 61.
chlrurgus : Gr. x L P v py s -
cicdtrix : d in Plautus, Amphitruo,
446 ; see 36. 2.
ciccus, -um : t ace. to the Romance.
1 The following classes of words are omitted from this list :
0) Most derivatives and compounds.
b} All words containing ns or nf.
c) Inchoatives in -dsco, -esco, -Tsco.
d) Some rare Greek loan-words and proper natnes.
<?) Nouns and adjectives in -x, whose Genitive (ace. to 42. 2) shows the
preceding vowel to be long.
WORD-LIST.
57
Cincius : clNCiA, CIL. vi. 14817 et
passim.
cingo, cingerc, c~*nxi, cinctus : i in the
Perfect and Perfect Participle ace.
to the Romance ; see Korting
( WorterbucJi) : d'Ovidio (Grb'ber's
Grundriss, i. p. 501 f.); dNCTVS,
CIL. x. 4104 ; see 53 s. v.
clandesftnus : from dam and des(i)tus
from desino (cf. positus from pond,
i.e. po-sind} ; hence ' secretly put
aside.'
clatra, cldtrl : Gr. K\rj6pa.
Clytemestra : Gr. KXi/rai/xvyorpa.
Cnossus : Gr. Yvw<r(r6s.
cogo, cogere, coegl, codctus : see ago.
combiiro, comburere, combussi, combus-
tus : see tiro and bushim. Marx
also marks the o long, regarding
comburo as for co-ambilro, and com-
paring cogito (for co-agito}.
comedo, comestus : cf. edo ; see 50. 2.
como, comere, compsi, comptus : o ace.
to the Romance.
compingd, compingere, compegl, com-
pdctus : see 46. 3. /;).
conjunx : CONIVNX, CIL. vi. 6592 et
passim; but conjux has u.
contingo, -ere, contigi, contdctus : like
tango.
contio : for co-ventio ; 40. 2. a).
corolla : from corona.
crdbro : d in Plautus, Amphitruo, 707 ;
see 36. 2.
crdstinus : from eras.
cresco : CRESCENS, CIL. xii. 4030 et
passim ; Gr. Kp-/]<ricr)i>s ; also ace.
to the Romance.
Cressa : Kprjo-ffa.
crlbrum : i in Plautus, Mostellaria,
55 ; see 36. 2.
crispus : CREISPINVS, CIL. x. 3514.
Kpei.<nreivov, CIG. Addenda, 4342,
d. 4. The Romance would point
to I ; but see 36. 5 fin.
criista, crustum : v in CIL. i. 1199 >
the Romance points both to crus-
tum and also to a collateral form
with u. Grober {Archiv, vi. 384) ;
Korting ( Worterbuch}.
Ctesiphon, -ontis : Gr. -C)v, -&VTOS.
cucullus, ' hood ' : the Romance points
to two forms, one with u, an-
other with u ; see Grober (Archiv,
i. 555; vi. 384); Korting (Worter-
bucJi) ; cucullus, ' cuckoo,' has u.
cunctus : CVNCTI, CIL. ix. 60.
custos : Kova-r^drjs, Lydus, de Magis-
tratibus, i. 46 ; u ace. to the Ro-
mance.
Cyclops : Gr.
D.
deligo, -ere, delegl, delectus : like lego.
delinquo, -ere, dellqui, dellctus : face.
to the Romance.
delilbrum : u in Plautus, Poenulus,
1175 ; see 36. 2.
demo, demere, dempsi, demptus ; like
emo.
deiinx : from de and uncia.
dextdns : from de + sextans.
dico, die ere, dixi, dictus : see 46.
3. a). Certain of the Romance lan-
guages (Fr. dit; Old Ital. ditto,
etc?) point to a collateral dictus,
which Osthoff {Morphologische Un-
tersuchungen, iv. 74) thinks be-
longed to the colloquial language.
But possibly those Romance lan-
guages which point to I have sim-
ply adapted the Participle to the
vowel of the Present and the Per-
fect. See Grober {Archiv, vi. 385).
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
dicterium : Gr. deiKTr/piov.
Diespiter : for dies and pater.
digladior : for dis + gladior by com-
pensatory lengthening ; see 89.
dlgredior : for dis + gradior by com-
pensatory lengthening ; see 89.
dilemma : Gr. StX^/xa.
diligo, -ere,dilexl, dllectus: like lego.
dlrigo, -ere, direxl, directus : like rego.
dirimdy -ere, diremi, dircmptus ; like
emo.
distinguo, -ere, disfinxl, disfinctus : t
ace. to the Romance ; see d'Ovidio
( GrobeSs Grundriss, i. p. 502) ;
Korting ( W drier buck} ; cf. ex-
stinguo ; see 46. 3. b.
do lab r a : cf. 51. I.
diico, ducere, duxi, ductus : see 46.
3. a) ; PERDVXIT, CIL. xii. 2346 et
passim.
ebrius : e regularly in Plautus, e.g.
Trinummus, 812 ; see 36. 2.
ellipsis : Gr. e/cXei^ts.
edo, 'eat' : est, estis, esse, etc. See
50.2.
effringo, -ere, effregi, effrdctus : like
frango.
emo, emere, eml, emptus : see 46. 3.
b}.
emungo, -ere, , etminctus : u ace.
to the Romance ; see d'Ovidio
(Grower's Grundriss, i. p. 515).
erigo, -ere, erexi, erectus : like rego.
esca : e ace. to the Romance.
Esquiliae, Esqiiilinus: Gr/Hcr/cuXti/os,
in Strabo, v. 234, 237.
Etriiscus : cf. Etriiria ; Gr. ETpoua/cos.
existimo : from ex and aestimo ; EXl-
STIMAVERVNT, CIL. V. 5050.
exordium : from ordior.
exstinguo, -ere, exstinxi, exstlnctus :
EXTlNCTOS, CIL. vi. 25617 ; cf.
distinguo ; see 46. 3. b.
extraordindrius : from ordo.
F.
fdstus, a, um ; cf. fas.
fav'illa: FAVlLLA, CIL. v. 3143. The
Romance also seems to point to /".
fello : from same root asfemina ; Gr.
festlvtis : from festus.
festus : from the same root zsferiae
(= *fes-iat}, ' holiday ' ; FESTVS in
CIL. i., 1'asti Praenestini for April
25th. So also in the proper name :
Festus: FESTVS, CIL. xii. 3179; FESTI,
v. 2627; FESTAE, iii. 5353; Gr.
QfjffTos, CIA. iii. 635 and fre-
quently. The Romance points to
e, indicating that e of the classical
period ultimately became reduced ;
see 36. 5.
figo, figere, fixi, fixus : FlXA, Afonu-
mentum Ancyranum, vi. 1 8; t ace.
to the Romance.
Jingo, jingere, finxl, f Ictus : t ace. to
the Romance ; see 53 s. v.
flrmus: FlRMVM, CIL. iv. 175 et
passim ; the Romance points to t,
showing that I of the classical pe-
riod had become reduced; see
36.5-
fldbrum : see 51. I.
fligo, -ere, -Jllxt, -fl'ctus : AFLEICTA,
CIL. i. 1175 ; ^ e R mance a l so
points to i.
flosculus : fromflos.
fluctus : it ace. to the Romance.
fluo, -ere,jluxi; u is probably long in
Jluxi in view tffluxus.
fluxus : ft ace. to the Romance.
WORD-LIST.
59
forma : see Donatus on Terence,
Phormio, 28; $&ppt\ in Greek in-
scriptions ; the Romance also shows o.
formula : from forma.
frango, -ere, fregl, frdctus : see 46.
3.*).
frigeo, -ere, frixi : 46. 3.
frigo, -ere, frixi, frictus : I ace. to the
Romance.
fructus : u ace. to the Romance. Old
French froit points to a collateral
fructus ; see Osthoff, Geschichte des
Perfects, p. 523.
fruor, frui, fructus sum : u ace. to
the Romance.
frustrd : FRVSTRA, CIL. vi. 20370.
frustum : u ace. to the Romance.
fungor, fungi, functus sum : DE-
FVNCTJS, CIL. V. 1326; FVNCTO,
xii. 3176 et passim,
filrtim : iromfilr.
furtivus : horn fur.
filrtum : from fur.
fiistis : u ace. to the Romance.
G.
geographia : Gr. yeuypa^la.
Georgius : Gr.
georgicus : Gr.
gtisco : 49.
glossdrium : from Gr. y\&ff(ra.
glossema : from Gr. 7\w(r<r?7/xa.
gryllus: y ace. to the Romance.
gryps : like Gen. grypis ; 42. 2.
H.
hdctenus : like hdc.
Hellespontus : Gr. 'EXX^o-Trovros.
Herculdnum : HERCVLANIAE, CIL.
xii. 1357 ; 'HpKov\dveov, Dio Cas-
sius, Ixvi. 23; 'Hp/cXai^s, CIA. iii.
1197.
hibiscum : f ace. to the Romance.
hillae : from hira.
hirsutus : like hirtus.
Htrtius and hirtus : i ace. to the Ro-
mance.
his co : see 49.
Hispellum : cf. Gr. Et'o-Tr^XXof, Strabo,
v. 227.
fftspo, Htspulla : like Hispellum.
hornus : from hora ?
horsum : for * ho-vorsum.
hy 'drops : like Gen. hydropis ; 42. 2.
Hymettus : Gr. ' r
Hypermestra : Gr. '
I.
ignis : IGNIS, CIL. xi. 826.
illorsum : for *illo-vorsum.
illiistris : from lux.
Illyria : EILLVRICO, CIL. i 2 . p. 77.
impingo -ere, imp'-gl, impdctus : see
46. 3- *). f
infestus : INFESTI, CIL. v. 2627; cf.
manifestus.
instinct us : see distinguo.
intellego, intellegere, intellexi, intellec-
tus : like lego,
intervdllum : from vdllus.
introrsum : for *intro-vorsum.
involucrum : u in Plautus, Captivi,
267 ; 36. 2.
lolcus : Gr. 'Io>X/c6s.
istorsum : for *isto-vorsum.
J-
jentdculum : see 40. 2. a),
jentdtio : see 40. 2. #).
jiigldns : from _/<?^- and gldns.
jungo, -ere, junxi,junctus; see 46.
3-^).
jiirgo : for jurig-0, from jus.
Justinidnus : from Justus.
6o
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
justilium : from jits.
Justus : from jus : also IVSTO, CIL. ii.
210 ; v. 5919.
juxtd, juxtim : from jugis 'joined
with.'
labor, Idbi, lapsus sum : see 46.
3 ; DlLAPSAM, CIL. xi. 3123.
Idbrum, ' bowl ' : for lavdbrum ; la-
brum, ' lip,' has a.
labriisca : ii ace. to the Romance.
laevorsum : for *laevo-vorsum.
Idmna : syncopated for lamina.
Idrdum : syncopated for Idridum.
Lars, Ldrtis : LART-, CIL. x. 633.
larva : like Idrua, the early Latin
form, e.g. Plautus, Amphitruo, 777;
Captivi, 598.
Idtrina : for lavdtrina ; cf. Plautus,
Curculio, 580 ; 36. 2.
Idtro, ' hark' : d in obldtrdtricem,
Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, 68 1 ;
36. 2.
lavdbrum : see 51. I.
lavdcrum : see 51. I.
lego, -ere, legl, lectus : see 46. 3.
lemma : Gr. X^/i/*a.
lemniscus : Gr. \Tj/j.vl<rKos.
Lemnos : Gr. ATJ^VOS.
lentiscus : i ace. to the Romance.
libra : t in Plautus, Pseudolus, 816 ;
36. 2.
libra : like libra.
lictor : iJcroR, CIL. vi. 699 and
often ; LICTOR, Ephemeris Epi-
graphica, v. 51 ; \elKTajp, Eckinger
{Orthographic Lateinischer IV drier
in Griechischen Inschriften^. 43).
limpidus : t ace. to the Romance.
lingo, ere, llnxl, linctus : i"acc. to the
Romance.
lubricus : u in Plautus, Miles Glo-
riosus, 853 ; 36. 2.
liiceo, -ere, liixi : see 46. 3.
lucta : u ace. to the Romance.
factor : like lucta.
lucttts : from lugeo : also LVCTVM,
CIL. vi. 1527 e. 66 ; LVCTV, CIL.
v. 337 ; x. 4041. 2.
lugeo, lugere, luxl : see 46. 3.
lustrum, 'expiation' : LVSTRVM, Mon-
umentum Ancyranum, ii. 3, 5, 8 ;
ii. 3, 6, 10 ; lustrum, ' haunt,' has
u.
lustro : like lustrum.
Iftxuria : see luxus.
lilxtis : ii ace. to the Romance.
Lyciirgus : Gr. Avxovpyos.
M.
mdlle : for *mag(e} {magis} + velle.
manifestus : [MANI] FESTVM, CIL. i.
p. 319 ; very uncertain.
Mdnlius : from Mdnius ; MANLIO,
MAN LI A, CIL. v. 615 ; MANLIAE,
ix. 3942.
maniipretium : ii in Plaut. Men. 544.
Mdrcellus, Mdrcella : from Marcus ;
MARCELLA, CIL. xii. 3188.
Mdrcius : from Marcus ; MARCIVS>
CIL. v. 555 et passim ; MdapKiov,
CIG. 1137.
Marcus : MAARCO, CIL. i. 1006 ; xiv.
2802 ; MARCI, Boissieu, Inscriptions
de Lyon, p. 143 ; MdapKos, CIG.
887 et passim.
Mars, Mdrtis : MARTI s, Monumen-
tum Ancyranum, iv. 21 ; CIL. x.
809 et passim.
Mdrsi : like Mars.
Mdrtidlis : like Mars,
mdssa : Gr. fjiafa.
mdtrimonium : from mdfer.
WORD-LIST.
61
matrix : from mater.
mdtrona : from mater; MATRONA,
CIL. v. 5249.
maxilla : according to Priscian, iii.
36. (Keil).
mdza : Gr. pcLfa. See Cramer, Anec-
dota Oxoniensia, iii. 293.
mercenndrius : for *merced-ndrius.
Metrodorus : Gr. Mr}Tp65a)pos.
metropolis : Gr. /j.rjTp6Tro\i$.
mTlle, mJllia : M!LLIA, Monumentum
Ancyranum, i. 1 6 ; MlLLlENS, iii.
34 ; I ace. to the Romance.
milvus : as in the early Latin miluos.
Mostelldria : from monstrum.
mucro : u in Atta, Frag. 13 (ed.
Ribbeck) ; 36. 2.
mulleus : it ace. to the Romance.
mullus : u ace. to the Romance.
miiscerda : from mils.
mfisculus : from nnls.
muscus : u ace. to the Romance.
miistela : from mils.
Mycalessus : Gr.
N.
nanciscor : see 49.
Ndrnia : Umbrian Nahar- ( = d).
ndrro : NARREM, Boissieu, Inscrip-
tions de Lyon, p. 136.
ndscor : 49 ; NASCERER, Monumen-
tum Ancyranum, ii. 44 ; NASCENTI-
BVS, CIL. xii. 3702.
ndsturcium : from ndsus.
nefdstus : from nefds.
neglego, -ere, neglexi, neglectus ; see
lego.
nequidquam (nequtcquam) : from Abl.
quid.
nitor, mil, nixus sum : see 46. 3.
nolle: by contraction from *nbvelle
(for *ne-velle; 73. 3).
nondum : from J and dum ; NON-
DVM, CIL. x. 4041. 6.
nongentl : for *no(v}engen(7.
nonne : from <w.
nonniilli : from <? and niillus.
Norba: Gr. Ncfy/3r;.
jfJ . J ace. to the Romance.
r^, nupsi, niipta : see 46. 3.
nudiustertius, qudrtus, etc. : see 86.
w?7//j . from ne and //j / NVLLVM,
CIL. x. 4787.
niindinae, nundimim : for *no(v}en-
dinae ; noundinae in early Latin ;
NVNDINVS, CIL. xii. 3650.
niintius : for *nove-ntius? ('news-
bringer ').
nuntio : like niintius.
nilptiae : like niipta.
niisquam : like usquam.
nutrio : like nutrlx.
niltrlx : u in Plautus, Curcitlio, 643 ;
nutricdtus, Miles Gloriosus, 656 ;
nutrtcant, Miles Gloriosus, 715 ;
36. 2.
o.
obliviscor : see 49 ; OBLlvIsCEMVR,
CIL. vi. 6250.
Oenotria : Gr. Olvwrpta.
olla : for aulula ; OLLA, CIL. vi. 10006
et passim.
Onchestus : Gr. "OYx 1 ? " 7 " 05 -
Opus, -ilntis : Gr. 'OTTOVVTOS.
orca : o ace. to the Romance.
orchestra : Gr. dpx^Tpa.
ordior : like ordo.
ordo : ORDINIS, Boissieu, Inscriptions
de Lyon, p. 136; CIL. ix. 5177;
xii. 3312 ; o ace. to the Romance.
orno : ORNARE, CIL. xii. 4333 et
passim,
orndmentum : ORNAMENTis, CIL. xii.
3203 et passim ; cf. orno.
62
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
oscen : from os.
oscillum : from osculum.
oscito : from os.
osculor : from os.
Ostia : from os ; Or. '
ostium : from <?.? ; &<TTia, scholion to
Aristophanes, Plulus, 330 ; OSTIVM,
CIL. vi. 4710 , OSTIO, Monumen-
tu)ii Ancyranum, v. 14.
ovillus : from ovlnus.
Oxus: Gr. T Qos, in Strabo.
P.
paclscor, paclscl, pactus sum : see 49.
palimpsestus : Gr. Tra\lfj.\f/TjffTos.
palnster : from paliis.
pango, pangere, P?pigi> pactus : the
compounds impdctus, compdctus,
point to a ; see 46. 4. r).
paradigmd : Gr. TrapddeiyfjM.
pdsco, pdscere, pdvl, pdstus : see 49.
pdstillus .' like pdsco.
pdstio : \i\LQpdstus.
pastor: \\Yzpdstus; PAASTORES, CIL.
i. 551 ; PASTCJRIS, CIL. x. 827.
pdxillus : ace. to Priscian, iii. 36.
pegtna : Gr. TrTJy/j.a.
pentdthlum : Gr. ad\ov.
peremptdlis : from peremptus (emo}.
pergo, pergere, perrexi, perrectus : like
rego.
perlclitor : like perlculum.
perimo, -ere, pereml, peremptus : like
emo.
Permessus : Gr. IIepyU77(j'o - 6s.
perrepto : from rep to (repo}.
persdlla, for person(u}la, from /^r-
Pessinus, -itntis : Gr.
Phoenissa : like Phoenix.
pictor : \\keplctus {pingo}.
plctnra : like plctus.
pigmentum: PIGMENT-, CIL. viii.
1344 ; face, to the Romance.
pingd,pingere,plnxt,plctus : see under
Jingo, which is precisely parallel.
pistillum, plstor, plstus (from ptnso},
plstrlnum, p'strilla : PlsTVS, CIL.
v. 6998. The Romance evidence is
conflicting, but is favorable to f.
Pistoria : like pis tor.
pleblsc 7 .tum : plebl stitum, and better
so written.
plebs : like genitive plebis ; PI^EPS, CIL.
v. 6797 ; xii. 4333.
plectrum : Gr. T
Plisthenes : Gr.
pljstellum : from plaustrum.
plusculum : from plus.
pol'tria, -is : Gr. Tronjrpia, irotrjTpLs.
Polla : Paulla ; PuLLA, CIL. xii.
3471 ; cf. Pollio.
pollings, -ere, llnxl, linctus : like lingj.
pollinctor : like polllnctus.
Pollio : from Paullus ; POLLIO, CIL.
vi. 22840 et passim ; UwXXLwv in Plu-
tarch, Dio Cassius, and elsewhere.
polluceo, -ere, -ilxl : 46. 3.
rolymestor : Gr. HoXvprio'Tup.
porrigo, -ere, porrexT, porrectus : like
rego.
praeliistris : like lux.
prdgmaticus : Gr. Trpdy/j.a.TiK6s.
Praxiteles: Gr. 11/30^1x^X775 (rpa^ts).
prendo : for pre-hendo.
primordium : from ordior.
prlnceps : from primus and capio.
prlncipdlis : from prlnceps.
prlncipdtus : from prlnceps.
prlncipium : from prlnceps.
Frlscidmis : from prlscus.
prlscus and Prlscus : PRISCVS, CIL.
xi. 1940 ; PRlscvs, CIL. ix. 4354.
c ; n/>e?0-/cos CIG. 4494 et passim.
WORD-LIST.
pristinus : like priscus.
procrdstino : from eras.
Procrustes : Gr. HpoKpoti<rTijs.
profestus : from festus.
promo, -ere, prompsl, promptus : see
46. 3-
prorsum, prorsus : for *pro-vorsum,
-sus.
prosperus : from pro '*spcre ? (' accord-
ing to expectation').
prostibulum : from pro and stabulum.
Publicius, Publicola: from piibliciis.
Poplicola is another word, z/z'z. from
poplus, early form of popitlus,
' people.'
piiblictis : from piibes ; PVBLICOR[VM,
CIL. vi. 1377 ; it in Plautus, Miles
Gloriosus, IO2, 103 ; Captivi, 334
et passim ; 36. 2 ; ft also ace. to
the Romance.
Publilius : like Publius.
Piiblius : like pilblicus.
pulvilhis: horn pulvinus ; PVLVlLLVS,
CIL. i. Fasti Cap., a. 297.
pungo, -ere, pupugl, pftnctus : it ace.
to the Romance.
piinctus : see pungo.
purgo : for *purigo {purus) : il also
ace. to the Romance.
piirgdnientum : from piirgo.
piirgdtio : from purgo.
pustula : from pus ; u ace. to the
Romance.
Q-
qudrtus : QUARTVS, CIL. iii. 4959 ;
Monumentiim Ancyranum, iii. 22
et passim.
qudrtdnus : like qudrtus.
qudrtdrius : like qudrtus.
quiesco : ace. to Gellius, Nodes
Atticae, vii. 15, some persons pro-
nounced quiesco in his day ; but
other -sco formations have practi-
cally invariably e before sc : quievl
and quietus also point to quiesco ;
QVIESCERE is found CIL. vi. 25531.
quincunx : from qulnque and uncia.
q^^lndecim : from qulnque and decent ;
t ace. to the Romance.
quingentl, quingenl, qiungenties : from
quinque.
Quinqudtriis : from quinqiie ; d in
Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, 691 ;
36. 2.
qulnque : QvlNQVE, CIL. vi. 3539 et
passim ; I ace. to the Romance.
qulnqiidgintd : from qtilnque.
quinquennitim : from quinque.
quinquies : from quinque.
qttJntdna : from quintus,
Quintilidnus : from qumtus.
QulntUis : from qu'ntus.
Quintilius : from qulntus ; QvlNCTl-
Lio, CIL. iii. 384.
qumtus, Qulntus, Qutnctius : QV!N-
TVM, Monumentum Ancyranum, iii.
I; ilonga occurs repeatedly; K6eiv-
TOS, CIG. 2003 ; I ace. to the
Romance.
qmppe : for *quid (Abl.) and -pe.
qtwrsTim, quorsus : for *quo-vorsum,
*quo-vorsus.
R.
rdllus : for rdr(ri)lus from rdrus.
rdstrum : from rddo.
redpse : for re edpse (Abl. of ipsa}.
recte, rector : like rectus.
rectus : see rego.
redigo, -ere, redegi, reddctus : like
ago.
redimo, -ere, redenn, redemptus : like
emo ; ' Ped^vrrTa, CIG. 9811 ; RE-
DEMPTA, CIL. Vi. 22251.
6 4
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
redemptio, redemptor : from redimo.
regnum : see 38, end.
regno : like regnum.
regndtor, regndtrtx : from regno.
rego, -ere, rexi, rectus : see 46. 3.
*?'
relinquo, -ere, rehqui, relictus : see
46. 3- 6-).
remimscor, -i : see 49.
7V/0, repere, repsl, reptum : see 46.
3-
restinguo, -ere, restinxi, restlnctus :
see distinguo.
rlxa : i ace. to the Romance.
roscidiis : from ray.
Roscius : Roscio, CIL. vi. 2060, 5 ;
'Pct><r/aos, Plutarch, Cicero, 3 ; 5 ;
Pompey, 15.
rostrum: from ra/<?/ puffTpov, He-
sychius.
Rostra : from rostrum.
Roxdna : Gr. 'Pw^dvT;.
riicto : ace. to the Romance (Grober,
Archiv, v. p. 370), which points
also to a form with .
ructus : like riicto.
riirsum, riirsus : for *re-vorsttm,
*re-vorsus.
ruscum : u ace. to the Romance.
riisticus : from r;7j; RVSTICVS, CIL.
ix. 4012 ; ii ace. to the Romance.
sancio, sanclre, sanxi, sdnctus : see
46.3.^);
sdrculum : like sdrio.
Sdrsina : SASSINAS in an inscription.
sceptrum : Gr. ffKrjirTpov.
sclsco : see 49 ; D [ESC] ISCENTEM,
Monumentum Ancyranum, v. 28.
scrtbo, -ere, scrlpsi, scriptus : see 46.
3 ; scRlprvM, CIL. vi. 2011 ; CON-
SCREIPTVM, CIL. i. 206. 87 ; 109 ;
CONSCRIPTIS, CIL. x. 3903 ; f ace.
to the Romance ; Umbrian screih-
tor = scriptos (Nom. Plu.).
scrtptio, scrlptito, scrlptor, scriptiira :
see scrlbo.
segmen : like segmentum.
segtnentum : see 39.
segnis : SEGNIS in a Herculanean
papyrus.
seligo, seligere, selegl, seleclus : like
lego.
Selimls, -iintis : Gr. SeXti/oui^roj.
semestris : for *ses-mestris, *sexmes-
tris ; see 89.
semuncia : from semi- and uncia.
septunx : from uncia.
sescuncia : for sesqui- and uncia.
sescuplex, sescuplus : for sesqui- and
-flex.
Sesostris : Sfowo-Tpis.
sesqui- : = semisque-.
sestertius : for semis tertius.
Sestius : Gr. STjo-Ttos, in Cic. ad ' Att,
vii. 17. 2 et passim ; SyffTia, CIA.
iii. 1450.
Sestos, Sestii : Gr. ZTJO^S, S^(rrto.
Stgnia : SEIG[NIA, CIL. i. n.
signum and sigmim : SEIGNVM, CIL.
xiv. 4270 ; slGNA, Boissieu, Inscrip-
tions de Lyon, p. 606 ; see 38.
signified, signo : like signum.
sinciput : for semi + caput, i.e. smd-
piit for *senciput, by vowel assimila-
tion ; see 90.
sinistrorsus : for *sinistro-vorsus.
sistrum : Gr. (reiffrpov.
sobritts : o in Plautus, Miles Gloriosus,
812 ; 36. 2.
Socrates : Gr.
solstitium : from sol.
Sophron : Gr.
WORD-LIST.
sospes : Gr. Zwo-Trts, CIA. iii. 1161 et
passim.
sospita, sospito: like sospes.
stagno : like stdgnum.
stdgnum : see 38, end.
sfilla : i ace. to the Romance.
stlllicidium, stlllo : like sfilla.
stringo, -ere, strinxT, strictus : strinxi
ace. to the Romance.
struo, -ere, striixi, striictus : see 46.
3. 3) ; u also ace. to the Romance.
striictor : like striictus ; cf. STRVcroK,
CIL. x. 708 ; it ace. to Gellius, xii.
3-4-
structura : like structus.
sublustris : like lux.
substriictio : like striictus.
suesco : as in suevi, suetus.
sugo, -ere, siixi, suetus : see 46. 3 ;
u ace. to the Romance.
suillus : from suinus.
sumo, -ere, sumpsi, sumptus : see 46.
3 ; u also ace. to the Romance.
sumptus : from sumo.
siirculus : from silrus.
surgo, -ere, surrexi, surrectus : like
rego.
stir sum : for *su-vorsum.
sutrlna : like siitor.
Siitrium : ii in Plautus, Casina, 324 ;
36. 2.
syllepsis : Gr. (ri/
T.
tango, -ere, tetigl, tdctus : see 46. 3.
b\
tdctio : like tdctus.
Tartessus : Gr. Ta/oTr;<r<r6s.
tdxillus : ace. to Priscian, iii. 36.
Tecmessa : Gr. T^/f/u,7/(T(ra.
tectum : from /^?.
. see 46. 3. ).
Telmessus : Gr.
Temnos : Gr.
7'ertnessus : Gr. Tep/j,T)<r(r6s.
teriincius : from uncia.
thedtrum : Gr. dtarpov.
Thressa : Gr. Gp^crcra.
Tlllius : TlLLivs, CIL. vi. 2043.
#:<?, -^r<, //'wjrr, tinctus : see 46.
3- *).
trdctim : like trdctus.
trdcto : like trdctus.
traho, -ere, trdxi, tractus : see 46.
3- *)
Trapezus, -untis : Gr. TpaTefous,
-oOl'TOS.
triformis: {*Q. forma.
trittbris : like libra.
tristis : TR!STIOR, CIG. 6268 ; i also
ace. to the Romance.
trnlla : for truella. The Romance
also points to u.
triicta : ii ace. to the Romance.
tubilustrium : like lustrum.
U.
iillus : from iinus; VLLA, CIL. ii.
1473 ; VLLI, CIL. vi. 10230.
ulna : Gr. tiXtv-rj.
iilva : like iiligo.
uncia : like iinus.
iinctio : like iinctus (ung$).
iindecim, iindecimus : from iinus and
dec em.
undevlginti, etc. : like iinus.
ungo, -ere, iinxl, iinctus : see 46.
3- *).
wr^, -^r^, w/, ustus ; ii in the Perfect
Participle ace. to the Romance ;
for the u in usst, see 53 S. V.
uspiam: like usque,
iisquam : like usque,
usque : ii ace. to the Romance.
66
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
ustnna : like ustus.
usurpd : usu rapid?
V.
vallum, vdllus : VALLARI, CIL. ii.
4509 ; also VALLIVS, VALLIA, CIL.
xix. 4039.
vdlldris : see vallum,
valid : see vallum,
vdsculum : like vds.
vdstus : the Teutonic languages point
to a long root vowel.
V'ectis, ' Isle of Wight ' : Gr. OVTJ/CT/J.
vegrandis : from ve- and grandis.
Veldbrum : a in Plautus, Curculio,
483 ; 36. 2.
Vendfrum : the suffix is originally
the same as -dbrum ; see 51. I.
vendo : from venum and do.
vernus : from ver.
vestibulum : ve + stabulum ? Cf. pro-
stibulum.
vestigium : ve + steigh-?
Vestlnl : Gr. OuTjo-rtVoi.
vexillum : VEXILLO, CIL. xii. 3167 ;
Byzantine Gr. |3?7iXXa ; CIG. 4483,
ou77iXXaTt(tD)<ri' ; also ace. to
Priscian, iii. 36.
victus : from vivo. The Romance
also shows i.
villa : vlLLA, CIL. vi. 9834 ; the Ro-
mance points to i.
vindemia : from vinum and aemo.
Vlpsdnius : vIPSANl, CIL. vi. 12782 ;
VIPSANIA, CIL. vi. 8877 ; Bei^cmos,
CIG. 5709.
Vlpstdnus : vIpsxANVS, CIL. vi. 2039
and frequently ; Ouet^ravoO CIG.
5837, b-, CIA. iii. 621.
viscus : vIscERis, CIL. vi. 1975.
vivo, -ere, vixT, victum : see 46. 3 ;
VEIXIT, CIL. xiv. 2485 ; \TxiT,
CIL. ii. 3449; vIcTVRO, CIL. vi.
1 2,562 ; /3etiT in an inscription
cited by Eckinger (Orthographic
Lat. IVorter in Griech. Inschrif-
ten, p. 43).
Vopiscus : Gr. 6uo7re?cr/<os ; VOPlsco,
CIL. x. 4872.
X.
Xenophon, -ontis : Gr. H<
Z.
zoster : Gr.
53. WORDS WHOSE HIDDEN QUANTITIES ARE IN DISPUTE.
agmen : d Marx ; see 39.
agndtus, agnotus, etc. : d Marx ; see
38.
agnus : d ace. to many ; see 38.
alii do : some scholars mark the e of
the Perfect long in allexi, illext,
pellexi ; and likewise in -spexl
(aspexi, conspexi, etc.}, flexi, pexi,
vext. This marking rests upon a
statement of Priscian in ix. 28. But
Priscian in this passage simply says
that Perfects in -xi have a long
vowel before the x only when, the
vowel is e ; he does not state that
every e is long before -xi. More-
over, little weight is to be attached
to this testimony ; for in the para-
graph immediately preceding (ix.
27) Priscian lends the weight of
his authority to such forms as traxi,
mansi, duxl, which certainly had
a long vowel in the best period.
DISPUTED WORDS.
6 7
Osthoff {Geschichte des Perfects,
p. 227) and Brugmann (Grundriss
der Vergleichenden Grammatik, ii.
p. 1182) support e in Perfects of
this type by arguments drawn from
comparative grammar ; but the evi-
dence does not warrant a positive
conclusion in their favor.
a Ilium : a Marx; see 88. I.
amygdalum : y Marx, without citation
of evidence, Grober (Archiv, i. 240)
and Korting (WorterbucJi) give>\
anxius : d Marx, Brugmann, Sommer,
and others ; see 46. 5. end.
Appulus, Appulia : A Marx. Apulus,
Apulia are the better spelling.
aprugnus: it ace. to many; see 38.
area : this word occurs with the apex
(ARCAE) in Boissieu, Inscriptions
de Lyon, p. 279, but it is doubtful
whether this single instance justi-
fies our recognizing the a as long.
The root arc-, ' hold, confine,' had
originally a short vowel, as is shown
by coerced (for *co-arceo}; *drceo
would have retained the d in com-
position ; see 72. Nevertheless
it is undeniable that a tendency ex-
isted in certain localities to lengthen
the short vowel before r -f a con-
sonant. In some words this re-
sulted in permanent lengthening of
short vowels in the classical speech,
eg. in forma, qudrtus (cf. quat-
tuor}, orca, and probably in or do,
ordior, orno. In case of other
words we simply meet isolated
local manifestations of the ten-
dency, eg. in ARVALI, CIL. vi. 913 ;
LIBERTIS, CIL. X. 3523 ; SERVILIO,
Henzen, 6490; V!RGO, CIL. vi.
2150; vlRTVTis, CIL. vi. 449;
CURV1NVS, Vi. 2041 ; ORFITO, vi.
353; CORDIAE, vi. 22,915; NAR-
BUNE, xii. 3203 ; NARBONENSIS, xn.
3163; HORT[OS, vi. 9493; COHORT-
[is, vi. 2993 ; FORT [is FORTVNAE,
vi - 9493 J FORTVNATA, vi. 7527. Yet
these sporadic inscriptional mark-
ings hardly justify our assuming
drvum, drvdlis, libertus, servus,
vlrgo, etc., for the classical speech ;
and the same applies to area. See
Seelmann, Aussprache des Latein,
p. 91.
Arriins : A Marx; see 88. I.
arvum, arvdlis : see area.
ascendo, ascribo, etc. : d Marx ; see
48.
ascia : d Marx ; see 89.
Asclepiades : A Marx.
Asculum : A Marx.
aspicio, -ere, -exi, ectus : exi Marx and
Lewis ; see above under allicio.
assus : d Marx and Lewis, as if for
*drsus, which is improbable. See
Osthoff, Geschichte des Perfects, p.
545-
astus, astutus : d Marx, as if for *ax-
tus, etc. ; see 89.
axis: u Marx, without warrant ; Cha-
risius (Keil, i. II. 22) and Diome-
des (Keil, i. 428) both testify to a
short a.
balbuttio: ii Marx ; see 88. I.
barritus : d Marx ; see 88. I.
benignus : t Marx and others ; see
38.
benignitas : i Marx and others ; see
38.
bes, bessis : e in oblique cases Marx ;
but in view of Quintilian's state-
ment (i. 7. 20) that ss was not
written after a long vowel in the
68
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
post-Ciceronian period, it is much
more probable that the word fol-
lowed the analogy of as, assis. Ost-
hoff, Geschichte des Perfects, p. 545.
braccae : a Marx ; see 88. I.
caballus : d Marx, as if a diminutive
from an assumed *cabdnus, for
which there is no warrant.
Camillus : I ace. to Appendix Probi
(Keil, iv. p. 197) ; i ace. to Mar-
tianus Capella (p. 66. 4, ed. Eys-
senhardt).
capesso : e ace. to Osthoff (Geschichte
des Perfects, p. 221 ), who regards
capesso, facesso, lacesso, as originally
aorists of the same type as habesso,
licessit, etc. Brugmann ( Grundriss,
ii. p. 1203), taking a different view
of the formation, regards the e as
short.
carduus : possibly d, if from the same
root as cdr-ex, ' sedge ' (lit. ' rough
plant' ?).
carrus, carruca : d Marx ; see 88. I.
Cassandra: Cdss- Marx ; see 88. I.
cingo, -ere, cTnxf, cinctus : Lewis
(E.L.D.) regards the i as short in
cinxi '; likewise in -stinxi, -stinctus ;
tinxT, tinctus, and in pinxl, finxl.
The Romance languages seem to
point to I in the Perfect and Per-
fect Participle of all these words,
e.g. Italian cinsi, cinto ; stinsi,
stinto ; Jinsi, finto, etc. Inscrip-
tions, moreover, give EXT!NCTOS,
clNCTVS. See d'Ovidio in Grader's
Grundriss, i. p. 501 f. ; Korting,
Worterbuch, and Frohde in Bez-
zenberger's Beitrdge, xvi. p. 193.
classis : d Marx, on the basis of an
assumed etymological connection
with cldrus.
cogndtus, cognomen, cognosce, and other
words beginning with cogn- : the o
here is regarded as long by many;
but the evidence is not sufficient to
warrant this view ; see 38.
combiiro : 5 Marx, who explains the
verb as for *co-amb-iiro ; cf. cogitd
for *co-agito.
confestim : e Marx, after the analogy
of manifestus, which latter is some-
what uncertain.
conjungo, conjunx : o Marx, on the
basis of CONIVGI, CIL. v. 1066 ; vi.
9914, which are too improbable to
merit acceptance.
conspicio, -ere, -exT, -ectus : exi Marx
and Lewis ; see above under alli-
cio.
cunctor : u Marx, whose treatment of
this word is unintelligible.
damma : d Marx ; see 88. i.
despicio, -ere, -exi, -ectus : -exi Marx and
Lewis (E.L.D.) ; see under allicio.
dignus : i Marx and others ; see 38.
discidium, discribo, disto, distinguo,
distringo ; dls- Marx and Lewis
(E.L.D.); see 48.
disco : I Marx, on the theory of com-
pensatory lengthening (disco for
* di-dc-sco] ; see 89.
distinguo, -ere,-lnxl,-inctus : see cingo.
For distinguo, see above under dis-
cidium.
duumvir : u Marx and Lewis
(E.L.D.) ; see 42. i.
Dyrrhachium : y Marx, who cites the
modern name Durazzo.
enormis : o Marx and Lewis (E.L.D.) ;
see norma.
Erinnys: f Marx ; cf. 88. I.
exstinguo, -ere, -inxl, -inctus : see dis-
tinguo.
DISPUTED WORDS.
fasfigium : a Marx, on the theory of
compensatory lengthening ; see
89.
fastus, ' disdain ' : a Marx, on the
theory of compensatory lengthen-
ing; 89.
festlnus, festino : e Lewis and Marx,
on the theory of compensatory
lengthening, as though for fendt- ;
see 89.
festiica,jistuca : e and i Marx, on the
theory of compensatory lengthening
(see 89), as though for ferst-.
Jingo, -ere, ftnxT, f ictus : see cingo.
flecto, -ere, flexl : flexi Lewis and
Marx ; see under allicio.
forsit, forsitan : Marx writes forsit
and forsitan on the basis of the
Romance. But Korting (Worker-
buck} interprets the evidence of
the Romance as pointing to o.
fortasse, fortassis : a Marx, who cites
nothing valid in support.
f ragmen : a Marx and many others ;
see 39.
frendo, -ere, frendui, fresus, or fres-
sus : -esstis Marx ; 98. 2.
futtilis: ii Marx; see 88. I.
gar rid, garrulus : a Marx, who con-
nects with Gr. ydptw ; see 88. I.
Garumna : u Marx on the basis of
Gr. Tapotivas ; but the Romance
(Fr. Garonne} points to .
gigno : i ace. to Marx and many
others; see 38.
gluttio, gluttus : ii Marx; see 88. I.
grallae : d Marx ; see 88. I.
hallucinor : d Marx ; see 88. I.
helluo : e Marx ; see 88. I.
hircus : the quantity of the i is doubt-
ful, as the Romance words upon
which judgment is based may be
' semi-literary ' ; see 36. 5 fin.
Cf. Grober (Archiv, iii. 139) ;
Korting (Worker buck}. Marx
compares htrtus, with which hir-
cus may be related.
hispidus : t Marx and Lewis. Marx
cites the Romance, but the word
is probably 'literary' in the Ro-
mance; see 36. 5 fin. Korting
(Worterbuch} regards the i as
short.
ictus : utus Lewis ; but the Romance
points to I.
llignus : t ace. to Marx and others ;
see 38.
immo : immo Marx, in view of imus
and IMMO, CIL. iii. 774. The Ro-
mance points to i.
inspicio, -ere, -exl, -ectus : -exi Marx
and Lewis ; see allicio.
jubeo, -ere, jussi, jussus : jiissus
Lewis. The only authority for ii
in jussus is ivssvs, CIL. vi. 77.
But the apex here is entitled to no
weight. The same inscription has
at least one other error in the use
of the apex, viz. ANNIVS. In favor
of jusst we find IVSS[IT, CIL. xii.
1930; IVSSIT, iv. 25531; and lov-
SIT, CIL. i. 547 a, et passim in
inscriptions of the ante-classical
period. The simplest solution of
the difficulties is to recognize an
ante-classical just, which is well
attested by Quintilian in i. 7. 21,
and a classical jussi. The shorten-
ing occurs in accordance with the
principle explained in 88. i. In
view of Quintilian's additional state-
ment that jussi was the orthography
of his day, and that ss was not writ-
ten after a long vowel (i. 7. 20) this
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
is almost a necessary conclusion.
The apex in CIL. xii. 1930 is then
a blunder, a result of the confusion
of jitsl and jussi. See Osthoff, Ge-
schichte des Perfects, p. 532 ff. ;
Brugmann, Grrtndriss, ii. 1182;
Frohde, Bezzenbergcr* s Beitrage,
xvi. p. 184.
Juppiter : ii Marx; see 88. I.
lasclvus : a Marx, on the basis of an
assumed etymology, which connects
the word with the root lds(ldr-} of
Idrua.
libertus : e Lewis ; see area.
libertds : e Lewis ; see area.
lignum : t ace. to Marx and others;
see 38.
litter a: i Marx ; see 88. I.
malignus : I ace. to Marx and others ;
see 38.
Matrona : d Marx, without citation
of evidence.
Messalla : d Marx ; see 88. I.
mingo, -ere, minxi, mictum : minxi
ace. to Marx and Lewis ; see 46,
end.
misceo, mi seer e, miscui, mixtus : I in
mixtus ace. to Marx and Lewis.
The Romance points to i (Grober,
Archiv, iv. 117; Korting, Worter-
bueh}.
mitto, mittere, mist, missus : the Ro-
mance points to i ; a few suspicious
instances of i longa occur, e.g. Di-
Mlssis, CIL. iii. p. 862 (shown by
Osthoff, Geschichte des Perfects, p.
526, to be probably a blunder) ;
MlSSIONE, X. 7890; REMlSSA, xi.
1585.
Narbo, Narbonensis : d Marx ; see
under area,
nescio, nescius : e Lewis ; but com-
pare nequeo. The Romance points
to <?.
norma : 5 Lewis and Marx, who con-
nects with Gr. yvdpifios.
nnncupo : ii Marx and Lewis, who
connect with nomen.
niisquam : u Lewis ; see usquam.
ostrum : d Marx, who connects with
austrum.
Paeligmis : I ace. to Marx and
others ; see 38. Gr. texts accent
pannus : d Marx ; cf. 88. i.
pecto, -ere, pexi, pexus : pexi Marx,
and Lewis ; see under allicio.
pellieio : see allicio.
perspicio : see aspicio.
pestis : e Marx, in accordance with an
untenable theory of compensatory
lengthening ; see 89.
pigmis : i ace. to Marx and others ;
see 38.
pilleus : i Marx ; see 88. I.
pingo : see cingo.
plango, -ere, planxl, planctus : pldnxi,
pldnctus ace. to many ; see 46,
end.
planctus : d ace. to many ; see 46,
end.
plector, 'be punished' : e Marx, who
compares 7rX?J(r<rw.
posca : d Marx, who compares pd-cu-
lum ; but the root had also a re-
duced form po- ( 69) ; cf. Gr.
irorbv.
posed : o Marx, on the theory of com-
pensatory lengthening (posed for
*porsco} ; see 89.
postulo : o Marx, as in the case of
posed.
prlvignus : i ace. to Marx and others;
see 38.
DISPUTED WORDS.
propugndculum : u ace. to Marx and
others ; see 38.
pugna pugnax pugno pugnus : u ace.
to Marx and others ; see 38.
pulmo : ii Lewis. The Romance points
to u.
quoiisque : Lewis n ; see Usque,
respicio, -ere, -exi -ectus : -exi Marx
and Lewis ; see allicio.
Sallustius : a Marx.
sagmen : a Marx and others ; see
39-
salignus : t Marx and others ; see
38.
Sarmdtae, Sarmdtia : a Marx, who
compares the form Sauromdtae.
sescentl : ses- Marx and Lewis, on the
theory of compensatory lengthening ;
see 89. Marx compares Sestius
(for Sextius) , but e in that word is
exceptional. See Frohde, Bezzen-
berger's Beitrage, xvi. 204.
sordes : o ace. to Korting ( Worter-
bucfi), on the basis of the .Ro-
mance, but the only word he cites,
is Italian sorde, which is very likely
' literary ' ; see 36, 5, end.
Sphinx : t Marx.
spinter : t Marx.
stannum : a Marx, on the basis of
the ' by-form,' stdgnwn.
stella : stela ace. to the Romance ;
probably the form with two /'s
had 2.
strenna : e Marx ; see 88. I.
supparum : ii Marx ; cf. 88. I.
suspicio, -ere, -exi, -ectus ; susplro : u
Marx ; see 48. On suspexi, see
allicio.
taxo : d Marx.
testa : e Marx, on the theory of com-
pensatory lengthening {testa for
*tersta) ; see 89. The Romance
points to e.
testis, testor, testdmentum, testimonium,
etc. : e Marx, on the theory of com-
pensatory lengthening (testis for
*terstis} ; see 89.
testudo : e Marx, as in testa.
tignum : t ace. to Marx and others ;
see 38.
tinguo, -ere, tinxl, fincttis : see
cingo.
torreo, -ere, tor nil, tostus : tostus
Marx, on the theory of compensa-
tory lengthening (tostTis for *tors-
tus] ; see 89. The Romance
points to o. See d'Ovidio in Grower's
Grundriss, i. p. 520 ; Korting
( Worterbuch\ Grober (Archiv, vi.
129).
tressis : e Marx ; see bes, bessis.
Tuscl: u Marx, on the theory of
compensatory lengthening ( TuscT
for * Tursci) ; see 89. The Ro-
mance points to u.
Tusculum: u Marx : see Tusci.
ultra, ulterior, ultimus, etc. : u Lewis,
on the basis of an alleged apex in
VLTRA, Boissieu, Inscriptions de
Lyon, p. 136. But the apex does
not occur there. See Lindsay,
Latin Language, p. 595. The Ro-
mance points to u.
urceus : ii Marx, who cites orca ; but
the Romance points to u.
urna : ii Marx and Lewis. Marx
compares urTndtor ; but urna is
to be referred to the root arc-,
weak form urc- ( 100. 2), whence
ur(c}na. The Italian urna, if a
genuine Latin inheritance, would
point to u ; but it is probably
purely literary ; 36. 5, fin.
HIDDEN QUANTITY.
tiro, -ere, ussi, tistus : usst Lewis ; but
Priscian (Keil, i. 466. 6) gives ussJ.
See under jubeo.
urtua : u Marx and Lewis. Marx
compares uro.
veho, -ere, vext, vectus : vext, Lewis ;
see under allicio.
vescus : e Marx, on the basis of the
questionable etymology ve + esca.
victor, victus, victoria, etc. : t Lewis,
on the basis of repeated inscrip-
tional markings, such as VICTOR,
CIL. vi. 10056 ; 10115; 1058;
VlCTORINVS, Vi. 1058; VlCTORIAM,
vi. 2086; INVICTAI, vi. 353. But
with a single exception no one of
these inscriptions can be shown to
antedate the third century A.D. ;
and I quite agree with Christiansen
(jde Apicibus et I longis, p. 49) in
the view that in the classical period
the i was short ; later, apparently,
it was lengthened.
vincio, -ire, vinxi, vinctus : vlnxl,
vinctus, ace. to Marx and others.
viscum; t Lewis ; but the Romance
points to i.
CHAPTER IV.
ACCENT.
See BRUGMANN, Grundriss, i 2 . pp. 971 ff. ; STOLZ, Lateinische Grammatik?
pp. 98 ff. ; Lateinische Lautlehre, pp. 95 ff. ; SEELMANN, Aussprache des
Latein, pp. 15 ff.; LINDSAY, Latin Language, pp. 148 ff.; SOMMER,
Handbuch der Lateinischen Laut- und Fermenlehre, pp. 94 ff.
54. Accent in general is the prominence of one special syllable
of a word as compared with the other syllables of the same word.
This prominence may manifest itself in three different ways.
Thus:
1. A syllable may be made prominent by 'stressing' it, i.e. by
uttering it with a more energetic expulsory act on the part of the
lungs (stress accent}. The English and German accent are of
this nature.
2. A syllable may be made prominent by uttering it at a higher
pitch than the other syllables of the same word (musical accent).
The Greek and Sanskrit accent were of this kind.
3. A syllable may be quantitatively prominent, i.e. its time
may be greater than that of the other syllables of the same word.
No language was ever accented essentially on the quantitative
principle alone ; but traces of the operation of this principle are
noticeable at one stage of Latin accentuation.
Neither stress accent nor musical accent prevails alone in any
language. As a rule the one constitutes the essential accentual
principle of a language, while the other is subordinate. Thus in
English we notice chiefly the stress accent ; but the rise and fall
of pitch also exists as a feature of the spoken language.
73
74 ACCENT.
55. i. The character of the Latin accent seems to have varied at
different periods of the language. Originally it seems to have
been a stress accent. In the prehistoric period this stress accent
rested upon the initial syllable of the word. In this respect Latin
represents a deviation from the accentuation of the Indo-European
parent-speech. In the parent-speech the accent was free, i.e. it
might rest upon any syllable of a polysyllabic word. Evidences
of this prehistoric Latin accent (i.e. the stress accent on the initial
syllable) are seen in the weakening of unaccented vowels and in
the loss of unaccented syllables. Thus :
a) Vowel-weakening : exerceo for *cx-arceo ; conficio for *con-
facio ; existunib for *exaistunid ; initriicus for *in-aniicus ; con-
titberridlis for *contabernalis ; cectdt for *cecaidl (caedo} ; con-
cludo for *con-claudo ; Manlius for Manilius.
b] Syllable-loss : reppuft for *re-pepuri ; surptii for *sur-rapm ;
un-decim for *uno-decem.
2. In course of time another factor seems to have become
operative in Latin accentuation, viz. quantify. Apparently a long
penult came to assume such prominence as to receive a secondary
stress. Thus ^^Vra became peperci ; inim'icus became ininncus ;
existiimamus became ex~istumamus. Where the penult was short,
the preceding syllable seems to have received the secondary
accent, as existumo for existunio ; conficiunt for confciitnt. Ulti-
mately this secondary accent prevailed over the primary initial
accent, and thus established the traditional accentuation of the
historical period, the so-called ' Three Syllable Law,' by which the
accent is restricted to the last three syllables of a word, resting
upon the penult if that is long, otherwise upon the antepenult.
Yet the first syllable of Latin words seems to have always retained
a certain degree of prominence ; for it is regularly retained in
Romance, while unaccented syllables in the interior of a word
frequently vanish.
3. It has just been stated that in the prehistoric period the
CHANGES IN THE LATIN ACCENT. 75
Latin accent was a stress accent. The nature of the accent in
the classical period is a matter of controversy. The ablest investi-
gators often differ diametrically in their interpretation of the
evidence bearing on this point, most of our leading German philol-
ogists still holding that the Latin accent of the Ciceronian age was
stressed, while French scholars, on the other hand, are inclined to
maintain that it was musical. This latter view has been made
extremely probable by the discussion of Vendryes, Recherches sur
Vhistoire et les effets de rintensite initiate en Latin. Paris, 1902.
See also Johnson, in Transactions American Philological Associa-
tion, 1904, pp. 65-76.
Still, even those who advocate the theory of a musical accent
for the classical speech, admit that by the fourth and fifth
centuries of the Christian era the stress accent had become estab-
lished.
4. Even were we to admit that the accent of the classical age
was a stress accent, it would be clear that the Latin of that time
was not as strongly stressed as English and German, for example.
One reason for this is found in the accentuation of the Romance
languages. These, in the main, retain the Latin accent in
its original position, but they generally agree in showing a much
slighter degree of stress on the accented syllable than exists in
English or German. More weighty is the evidence of Latin
poetry. Here the quantitative principle is the fundamental basis
of the verse. A decided stress accent would have conflicted with
this to the extent of obscuring the metrical character of the verse.
Moreover, we often find Latin words containing an unbroken suc-
cession of long syllables, e.g. ~edlc~ebatur. A strong stress accent
is inconsistent with such conditions, as may be seen from the
strongly stressed modern languages. Cf. Eng. inevitable with
Latin in'evltabile .
5. Attention has been called in the Grammar, 6, 4, to cases
where, by the loss of a final vowel, the accent has come to stand
76 ACCENT.
upon the last syllable of certain words. Other instances of the
same sort are disturbat for disturbavit ; muriit for mumvit. The
principle is stated by Priscian (xv. 17-18). Arpinas, Samriis,
nostras, Camparis, etc., are also cited by the grammarians as hav-
ing an accent upon the last syllable, as though for Arpinatis,
Samnatis, nostratis, Camp anus, etc. See, for example, Priscian
iv. 22. Such forms as benefdcit, satisfdcit, are properly written
bene facit, etc.
6. Various Latin grammarians who support the theory of the
existence of a musical accent in Latin (e.g. Nigidius Figulus, in
Gellius, Noctes Atticae, xiii. 26. 1-3 ; Audacis Excerpta, Keil,
vii. 357. 14 ff. ; Priscian, de Accentu, 2. 5) recognize an acute
( ' ) and a circumflex ( " ), and lay down specific rules for their
employment. According to them, the acute stood upon all short
vowels, as nux, bene, veterem, and upon a long vowel in the ante-
penult, as regibus. It also stood upon a long vowel of the penult
in case the ultima was long, as reges. If the ultima was short, a
long penult took the circumflex, as rege. The circumflex also
stood upon long vowels of monosyllabic words, z&flds. But it is
more than probable that these rules are merely an echo of the
principles of Greek accentuation, just as the rules given for
syllable-division by certain Latin grammarians were probably
merely a learned fiction in imitation of the Greek rules. See
35.
CHAPTER V.
ORTHOGRAPHY.
See BRAMBACH, Die Neugestaltung der Lateinischen Orthographic, Leipzig,
1868, and the same author's Hiilfsbuchlein fiir Lateinischc Rechtschrei-
bung, 3d ed., Leipzig, 1884 ; GEORGES, Lexikon der Lateinischen Wort-
formen, Leipzig, 1890.
56. The orthography of Latin words naturally varied at different
periods, and even within one and the same period there was not
infrequently considerable discrepancy between different writers.
During the classical era relatively slight attention was paid to
the study of the language, and as a result we notice the absence
of any recognized standard of spelling such as prevails in modern
languages. This lack of a recognized norm compels us to resort
to other sources of information in order to determine the best
spelling for a given era. Our manuscripts of the Latin writers
unfortunately have been so altered in the course of transmission
from the past, that they seldom furnish trustworthy evidence. A
few of the oldest give valuable indications of the contemporary
spelling; but more often the Mss. have been adapted to the
standards of a later age, and are full of the errors -and inconsist-
encies of the Decline. On the whole, carefully cut official inscrip-
tions furnish the safest reliance. The testimony given by these is
supplemented for the post-Augustan era by the statements of
grammarians, who, beginning with the first century A.D., devoted
much systematic attention to orthographic questions. Many
points belonging here have already been anticipated in connec-
tion with the discussion of Pronunciation. The following special
classes of words call for further consideration :
77
78 ORTHOGRAPHY.
57. i. Words of the type mentioned in Gr. 9. i ; 4, viz.
quom, volt, volnus, voltus, volgus; Nouns and Adjectives in
-quos, -quom; -vos, -vom ; -uos, -uom; and verbs in -quont,
-quontur ; -vont, -vontur ; -uont, -uontur. This was the original
spelling and continued to be the regular orthography down to
about the beginning of the Augustan Age. After that it was still
retained, particularly in special words as an archaic reminiscence.
But as a rule, beginning about the 8th century of the city (Brug-
mann, Grundriss, I 2 . 662 ; Stolz, Lat. Gr. 46 ; Lindsay, Latin
Language, p. 299 ; Bersu, Die Gutturalen, p. 53 ff.), the following
changes took place :
a) vol + a mute or a nasal became vul, e.g. vultus, vulnus,
But proper names show a preference for the early form, e.g.
Volcanus, Volsci, etc.
b) -vos, -vom, -vorit, -vontur became -vus, -vum, -vunt,
-vuntur, e.g. saevus, saevum, solvunt, solvuntur.
c) -uos, -uom, -uont, -uontur became -uus, -uum, -uunt, -uuntur,
e.g. perpetuus, perpetuum, acuunt, acuuntitr.
d) -quos, -quom, -quont, -quontur developed somewhat at
variance with the foregoing classes. They first became -cus,
-cum, -cunt, -cuntur, yielding, e.g. ecus (for equos) ; cum (for
quom) ; relincunt (for relinqiwnt) ; secuntur (for sequontur).
2. This spelling established itself during the Augustan Age, and
continued to be the standard orthography in words of this class
until shortly after the close of the first century A.D., 1 when -cus,
-cum, -cunt, -cuntur became -quus, -quum, -quunt, -quuntur.
This change was the result of analogy. Thus in a word like ecus,
for example, the preponderance of forms containing qu (equ'i, equo,
1 Examples are ANTICVM, CIL. vi. 615. 4 b)\ cocvs, CIL. vi. 8753 f.;
9264 f.; PROPINCVS, CIL. vi. 2408. 3; iii. 5274 a. 2. Cf. Gr. UpoirlvKos
CIG. 6430. Manuscripts also preserve numerous traces of such spellings.
For examples occurring in the Palatine codex of Virgil's Aeneid, see Bersu,
p. 88, N.
WORDS IN -QUOS, -QUOM, -QUONT, ETC. 79
equis, etc.} in time naturally produced the change from ecus to
equus; and from ecum to equum. Similarly, in the verb such forms
as relincunt, secuntur ultimately became relinquunt, sequuntur
owing to the influence of the forms containing qu (relinquis, relin-
quit, relinquimus; sequitur, sequimur, etc.).
3. It is interesting to note that the conjunction cum remained
unaffected by this tendency. Not forming part of a paradigm
containing ^^-forms, it remained intact. Its association and
frequent collocation with turn also tended to preserve its form
unchanged. The form quum, though occasionally found still in
texts, does not appear in Latin inscriptions or Mss. prior to the
6th century A.D. (Bersu, Die Gutturalen, p. 44 N.).
4. What has been said of forms in original -quont, -quontur,
applies similarly to forms in original -(n)guont, -(n)guontur.
Thus an exstinguont became first exstingunt, then later (after
analogy of the other forms of the same tense) exstinguunt ; so
exstinguontur developed through the medium of exstinguntur to
exstinguuntur.
58. Assimilation of the Final Consonant of Prepositions in
Compounds. 1
a) In compounds of ad, the preposition appears,
1) Before c, regularly as ac-, e.g. accipio.
2) Before f, regularly as ad-, e.g. adfero, adfm.
3) Before g, regularly as ad-, e.g. adgredior; but as
ag- in aggero.
4) Before 1 , regularly as ad-, e.g. adloquor; but as al-
in alltgo, usually in allatus, and often in allectus.
5 ) Before n, regularly as ad-, e.g. adriitor.
6) Before p, regularly as ap-, e.g. appello ; but some-
times as ad-, e.g. adpeto, adporto.
1 On this topic, see particularly the illuminating paper by Buck in the
Classical Review, Vol. XIII., pp. 156 ff. Buck's results have materially
modified the position taken in the Appendix to my Latin Grammar.
80 OR THO GRAPHY.
7) Before r, regularly as ad-, e.g. adrado, adrepo; but
sometimes as ar-, e.g. arripio, arrigo.
8) Before s, regularly as ad-, e.g. adsero, adsisto ; but
as as- in assiduus, and often in assido.
9) Before t, regularly as at-, e.g. attineo; but some-
times as ad-, e.g. adtingo.
10) Before q, regularly as ad-, e.g. adqmro.
u) Before gn, sp, sc, st, we find sometimes a-, some-
times ad-, e.g. agnosco, adgnosco; aspire, adsplro.
Here the spelling adgn-, adsp-, etc., is purely ety-
mological, and does not indicate the actual
utterance ; the d disappeared in these consonant
groups in accordance with the principle explained
in 105. i.
12) In all other cases ad was retained* both in spelling
and pronunciation.
b) In compounds of com-, the preposition appears
1) Before b, p, m, as com-, e.g. combibo, comporto,
commoror.
2) Before c, q, g ; d, t, n; f, s ; j, v, as con-, e.g.
concilio, conqinro, congero; condo, contero, con-
nascor ; confero, consent ; conjungo, convince.
3) Before 1, as con- or col-, e.g. conlatus or collatus.
4) Before r, regularly as cor-, e.g. corrumpo, corripio.
5) Before gn, con- dropped its n (see 105. i), e.g.
cognosce.
6) For the origin of co- in conubium, comveo, efc.,
see 89. i ; 3.
c) The Preposition ex ( = ecs) before f, lost the c ( 105. i)
and then assimilated s to f, e.g. effero, for e(c)sfero
(cf. differo for *disfero). Another form sometimes
arises by the loss of the s, e.g. ecfero, ecfdtus, etc.
This orthography is found mainly in the archaic
period.
ORTHOGRAPHY OF PREPOSITIONAL COMPOUNDS. 8 1
d} The Preposition in appears,
1) Before 1, regularly as in-, e.g. inldtus.
2) Before r, regularly as in-, e.g. inrumpo.
3) Before m, p, and b as im-, e.g. imbibo ; importo ;
immortalis.
4) In all other cases in- was both written and pro-
nounced.
e) The Preposition ob
1) Is regularly assimilated to oc-, of-, og-, op-, before
c, f, g, and p respectively, e.g. occurro, offendo,
oggero, opporio.
2) Elsewhere the b is regularly retained in writing
and in pronunciation, except that before s and t,
b had the sound of p.. See 27. Our Mss. of
Plautus, Terence, and Lucretius often have op- in
this situation ; but Quintilian (i. 7. 7) assures us
that for his time good usage demanded ob.
/) The Preposition per sometimes appears as pel before 1,
e.g.pellicio. Elsewhere r is retained ; p'ejero prob-
ably does not contain the preposition per.
g) The Preposition sub
1) Is regularly changed to sue-, suf-, sug-, sup-
before c, f, g, and p respectively, e.g. succurro,
suffectus, suggestus, supplex.
2) Before m, appears regularly as sum-, e.g. summoveo.
h) The Preposition trans
1) Is regularly retained before vowels and b, c, f, g, p,
r, t, v, e.g. transeo, transfero, transporto, transversus.
2) Becomes tran-, often before s, and always before
&C-, e.g. tran-sero, tran-scribo.
3) Becomes tra-, before j, d, 1, ra, n ( 105. 2),
e.g. traiao, traduco, trano. Yet before these sounds
trans- is often restored by re-composition ( 87. 3).
82 ORTHOGRAPHY.
59. Seelmann (Aussprache des Latein, p. 61 f.) thinks that
such spellings as adf-, adr-, ads-, inl-, inr-, in the prepositional
compounds above considered, indicated the actual pronuncia-
tion. This pronunciation, however, he considers to have been
a faulty one, emanating from half educated persons striving for
special correctness. Terentius Scaurus, Priscian, and Appendix
Probi all expressly declare the etymological spelling to be in-
correct in the type of words under discussion. In accordance
with this, in the Appendix to my Latin Grammar, the etymological
spelling was rejected and the assimilated spelling was recom-
mended as representing the actual speech of the Romans of the
best period. The investigations of Buck no longer authorize those
conclusions, at least not as a thoroughgoing principle. In
many compounds, the assimilated form is practically unknown in
the best period of the language. In others it is regular. In
yet others it occurs occasionally. But in all cases the orthography
is probably to be regarded as indicating the actual pronunciation. 1
60. Compounds of jacio. As indicated in Gr. 9. 3, these are
better written inicio, abicio, etc. That a j was pronounced after
the preposition, is made probable by the fact that the first syllable
of these words is commonly used as long in verse. Possibly the
analogy of eicio, deicio, reicio (where a / would naturally be pro-
nounced, even if not written) led to the omission of j in other
compounds also. For further discussion of the compounds of
jacio, see Mather, Harvard Studies, Vol. VI, pp. 53 ff. ; Exon,
Hermathena, Vol. XIII, pp. 129 ff.
1 In the Appendix to my Latin Grammar it was suggested that even in the
case of unassimilated spellings (adf- ads-, adg-, etc.} there was assimilation
in pronunciation; i.e. that adf- was pronounced aff-; ads-, ass-, etc.
WORDS OF DOUBTFUL OR VARIED SPELLING.
61.
LIST OF THE MOST IMPORTANT WORDS OF DOUBTFUL OR
VARIED SPELLING. 1
A.
abicio : rather than abjicio ; 60.
ad'm composition : 58.
adicio : rather than adjicio ; 60.
adolescens : see adulescens.
Adria : see Hadria.
adulescens : Brambach {Neugeslal-
tung, p. 52) restricts this spelling
to the noun, 'young man,' and for
the participle of adolesco writes
adolescens.
adulescentia, adtilescentulus : like
adulescens.
Aediii : see Haedui.
aeneus, aenus : better than aheneus,
ahenus.
agnosco and adgnosco : 58. a}.
Alexandria : this is the correct form
for the Ciceronian period. Later
Alexandria is found.
alioqui and alioqttin.
allium : early dliutn ; 88. I.
allec : not alec.
ancora : not anchora; 31. 3.
antemna : also antenna.
Antiochea, Antiochia : like Alexan-
drea, Alexandria,
dnulus : not annulus.
Apenninus and Appenriinus.
Apuleius and Appuleius : cf. 88. I.
Apulia, Apulus.
arbor : arbos is archaic and poetic.
arcesso : in early Latin also accerso.
Areopaglta and Arlopagita.
Areus pagus and Arius pagus ; cf.
Alexandria.
artus, artdre : not arctus, arctdre.
a r undo : not harundo.
auctor : not a^^tor.
auctjritds : not autoritds.
aurichalcum : better than orichalcum.
autumnus : not auctumnus.
B.
bacca: early baca ; 88. I.
balbutio : not balbuttio.
ballista : preferable to balista.
balneum, balneae : balineum occurs
in early Latin.
belua : also early Latin, bellua.
beneficium : rather than benifidum.
bencficus : rather than benificus.
benevolentia : rather than benivolentia.
benevolus : rather than benivolus.
bibliotheca : bybliotheca also occurs.
bipartltus and bipertltus : 87.1.
Bosphorus : 31. 3 tin.
bracchium : brdchium also occurs.
Britannia, etc.: better than Britt-.
Brundisium: not Brundusium.
caecus : not coecus ; II.
caelebs : not coelebs ; II.
1 This list in the main follows that given in Brambach's Hulfsbuchlein
fur Lateinische Rechtschreibung, a book unfortunately much antiquated. The
whole subject of Latin orthography calls for new treatment. The standard
followed in this list is the usage of the early Empire, roughly speaking, the
first century A.D. The correct form is given first. Words belonging to the
classes treated in 57-60 are, for the most part, omitted from the list.
ORTHOGRAPHY.
caelum and derivatives have ae, not
oe- ; ii.
caementum : not cetnentum ; 10. 2.
caenum : see coenum.
caerimonia and cacremonia : not <r<?rz-
monia ; 10. 2.
caespes : not r<?j/ / 10. 2.
caestus : not cestus ; 10. 2.
caetra : not r<?/nz / IO. 2.
Camena : not Camoena ; 1 1 .
<ra#.ftz : canssa was the pre-Augustan
form ; 98. 2.
cena : V\Q\. coena ; II.
Ceredlis and Ceridlis ; Ceridlia,
ceteri : not caeterl ; 10. 2.
Cethegus : Cetegus is pre-Ciceronian ;
3i.3-
circumeo and circueo.
claudo : cludo is rare and the result
of 'De-composition' ; see 87. 2.
dipeus : better than clupeus, the
early spelling ; 6. 2.
Clytemestra : not Clytemnestra.
codea and cochlea ; 31. 3.
coenum : this (and not caenum} is
probably the correct spelling.
com- in composition: 58. ).
comissdri and comlsdrl.
comniimis : not cominus.
comprehendo : better than comprendo.
con- in compounds: 58. ).
condicio {con and root </zV-) : not con-
ditio.
conecto and derivatives : not connecto,
etc.
conicio : rather than conjicio ; 60.
A form coicio also occurs.
comtor : not conmtor.
comveo : not connived,
conjunx : better than conjux.
contio (for coventio} : not concio ;
25. 3-
conubium : not connubium ; 89. I.
convicium : not convltium ; 25. 3.
cottidie and cotldie : not quotldie.
cothurnus and coturnus : 31. 3.
culleus, culleum : early culeus, culeum ;
88. i.
rw . archaic ^<?w / never quum ;
see 57. 3.
ciimb a : also cymba.
cupressus : not cypressus.
cur : quor is ante-classical.
D.
damma : early ddma ; 88. I.
Ddnuvius : not Ddnubius. Cf. 16. 2.
Ddreus : better than the later form
Ddrius.
Decelea : better than the later form
Decdia.
defatigo, defafigdtio : also defet-.
deicio : rather than dejicio ; see 60.
delectus, 'choosing'; also dllectus.
de lento : better than delinio ; cf. 90.
di'prehendo : also the contracted form
deprendo.
derigo : also dirigo, which is probably
the original form. Brambach, how-
ever, recognizes two independent
verbs : derigo (de -\- rego), 'to
move in a particular direction, and
dirigo (dis + rego), 'to move in
different directions.'
detrecto : also detracto ; 87. I.
dexter, dextra, dextrum : also dextera,
dexterum ; regularly dextera when
used as a substantive.
dido : not ditto ; 25. 3.
dinosco : earlier dignosco.
disicio : rather than disjicio ; 60.
Duilius or Duillius.
dumtaxat : not duntaxat ; 87. I.
dipondius : earlier dupondius ; 6. 2.
WORDS OF DOUBTFUL OR VARIED SPELLING.
E.
ecu/us : cf. 57. d).
eicio : rather than ejicio ; 60.
elleborus : better than helleborus.
epistula : rather than epistola.
Ennys : not Erinnys.
erus, era, erllis : not herus, etc. ;
_ 23.
Esquiliae, EsquiKnus : not Exqui-
liae, etc.
Euander : not Evander.
exedra and exhedra.
existimdtio, exlstinw : exlstumdtio,
existumo are the early spelling ;
6.2.
exsanguis, exscindo, exscribo, exsiliutn,
exspeclo, and other compounds of
ex with words having initial s :
better than exanguis, excindo, ex-
pecto, etc.
F.
faenerdtor, faenero : not fenerator,
etc. ; 10. 2.
faenum : not fenuni, nor foenum ;
faenus : see faenerdtor.
fecundus, etc. : not foecundus, etc.,
"
femina : T\O\. foemina ; II.
fetus: not foetus; II.
finitimus : earlier -umus ; 6. 2.
foetidus ; not fetidus; II.
forensia and foresid : 20. 2.
futtilis : ewlyfutilis; 88. I.
gaesum : not gesum ; IO. 2.
garrulus : not gdrulus.
Geneva : ace. to the evidence of the
Romance (see Grober in Wolfflin's
Archiv, ii. 437) ; but the best Mss.
of Caesar, and the Celtic point to
Genava.
genefivus : not genitlvus.
genetrlx : not genitrlx.
glaeba : not gleba.
gndtus, gndta : this is the early form,
used also in poetry ; later ndtus,
ndta.
gratis and grdtits. The latter form
is archaic.
H.
Hadria, etc. : not Adria, etc. ; 23.
Haedut : rather than AeduT.
Halicarndsus : not Halicarnassus.
halliicinor better than hdliicinor ; cf.
88. I ; also dl-, all- ; 23.
Hammon : better than Ammon ; 23.
harena : not arena ; 23.
karuspex : rather than aruspex ; 23.
hand : sometimes haut ; 28.
haveo and aveo ; 23.
hedera : not edera ; 23.
helluo, helludtio : early heluo, etc. ;
88. i.
Henna : better than Enna ; 23.
Heraclea : later Heraclta.
her ctsco and er Cisco : 23.
heri ' : also here (a different formation).
Hiber, Hlberes, etc.: not Iber, etc. ;
23-
hiems : possibly also hiemps.
Hilotae : not Helotae.
Hister : better than Ister ; 23.
holitor, holitorium : see holus.
holus : rather than olus ; 23.
I.
imb- in compounds: 58. </) 3).
imm- in compounds: 58. d} 3).
immo : not Into,
imp- in compounds: 58. d} 3).
86
ORTHOGRAPHY.
inclitus and inclutus : not inclytus.
incoho and inched,
ingrdtis and ingrdtiis ; cf. gratis,
inicio : rather than injicio ; 60.
inl~ in compounds: 58. </) i).
in primis, or imprimis: 58. ^/) 3).
z'ttr- in compounds: 58. </) 2).
intellegentia, intellego ."see 87. I.
intimus : earlier intumus ; 6. 2.
jucundus : not jocundus, since the
word is derived homjuvo, ' please ';
the form jocundus is the result of
false association withjocus, 'jest.'
Judaea : not J fide a ; 10. 2.
juniperus : T\Q\. junipirus,
Juppiter : the regular classical form.
Jupiter was the early spelling;
88. i.
K.
Kaeso and Caeso.
Kalendae : better than Calendae.
kalumnia: in legal expressions for
calunmia.
Karthdgo and Carthago.
lacrima: earlier lacruma (archaic
dacruma^) ; 6. 2 ; not lachrima
nor lachryma ; 31. 3.
lagoena: not lagena ; II.
lamina and lammina, also syncopated
Idmna.
lanterna : better than laterna.
Ldrentia (mAcca Z.) : notLaurentia.
lautus : better than lotiis.
legitimus; earlier legitumus ; 6. 2.
libet, libens, libido: earlier lubet, etc.;
6.2.
Ks: but stlis in the legal phrase stllti-
bus jiidicandls ; 104. I. b}.
littera: better than liter a ; 88. i.
litus: rather than littus.
loquela : not loquella.
M.
maereo, maestus, etc.: not moereo^
etc.; ii.
malevolentia : not malivolentia .
malevolus : not malivolus,
mancipium : earlier mancupium;
6. 2.
manifestus: earlier manufestus;
6. 2.
manipretium: earlier manupretium;
' 6. 2.
maritimus : earlier ntaritumus ; 6. 2.
Maiiretdnia : also Mauritania,
maximus : earlier mdxumus ; 6. 2.
Afegalensia and Megalesia ; 20. 2.
mercenndrius : not mercendrius.
Messalla : early Messdla ; 88. I.
w/7/^ . plural nitllia (Monumentum
Ancyranuni) and wz7m (the usual
form) .
minimus : also minumus ; 6. 2.
monumentum and monimentum ;
6. 2.
muccus : earlier mitctis ; 88. i.
multa : not mulcta.
multo : see multa.
muraena : not miirena ; IO. 2.
murra and myrrha.
N.
ndvus : earlier gndvus.
ne, 'verily' ; not #/ IO. 2.
neglego, neglegentia : 87. I.
negotium, negotiator : not negotiant,
etc.; 25. 3.
nenia : not naenia ; IO. 2.
nequicquam and nequiquam.
novicius : not novitius ; 25. 3.
WORDS OF DOUBTFUL OR VARIED SPELLING.
nunquam and numquam.
nuntio, nuntius : not nuncio, etc.;
25- 3-
O.
obicio : rather than objicio ; 60.
oboedio : not obi' did ; 1 1.
obscenus : not obscaenus ; nor obscoe-
nus ; 10. 2 ; 1 1.
obs- in compounds: not ops-; 58.
2).
obsoniiim : also opsonium (O^WMOJ').
obsonare ; see obsonium.
obstipesco : earlier obstupesco ; 6. 2.
obtetnpero, obtineo, obtuti : not 0^/- /
58- 2)-
opilio : better than iipilio.
opp~ in compounds; 58. <?) l).
optimus : earlier opium us ; 6. 2.
Orcus : not Orchus / 31. 3.
P.
paelex : not pellex ; IO. 2.
Paeligni : not Peligm ; IO. 2.
paenitet : not poenitet ; II.
paemila : TMQ\. pemda ; IO. 2.
Parnasus ; not Parnassus.
parricida, etc. ; earlier pdricida ;
88. i.
Paullus and Paulus.
paulus : preferable to paullus.
pedetentim and pedetemptim.
pediseqwis : not pedissequtis.
pejero : not pejuro ; perjiiro is prob-
ably a different word.
percenter, etc. : not percunctor, etc.
perjiirus and pejurus : cf. pejero.
pessimus : earlier pessumus ; 6. 2.
pilleus, etc. : early pileus, etc. ; 88. I.
//a 5/r w . not plostr u m .
plebs : notpleps; 58. <?) 2).
/ better than
pomerium : not pomoerium.
Pomptlnus : not Pontlnus.
pontifex : earlier pontufex ; 6. 2.
Porsenna and Porsena ; also, ace. to
Brambach, Porsinna and Porsina.
prehendo and prendo.
prelum : not praelum ; IO. 2.
proelium : not praelium ; 1 1.
proicio : rather than projicio ; 60.
promunturium : better than promon-
turium.
proscaenium : not proscenium ;
10. 2.
proximus : earlier proxum^ls ; 6.2.
Piiblicola: on the early forms Popli-
cola, Puplicola, see piiblicus.
publicus (from pubes, ' youth,' able-
bodied men,' ' citizens ') : poplicus
(early Latin) is from poplus = pppu-
his ; puplicus is the result of the
contamination of publicus and pop-
licus.
pulcher: early Latin pulcer ; 31. 3.
Q.
quamquam and quanquam.
quattiior : not quatiior.
querela: better than querella.
qulciimque : better than quicunqiie.
quicquam and quidquam.
quicquid and qtiidquid.
Quinctus, Quinctius, Quincfilis,
Qmnctllius: these are the forms
for the Republican period; under
the Empire, Quintus, Qulnfilis, etc.
quom: 57.
quor : see cur.
quotiens and quoties.
R.
raeda: better than reda ; not rh-;
10. 2.
88
ORTHOGRAPHY.
Raetia, Raetl ' : not Rhaetia, etc.
recctdi (Perf. of recido*} : not recidi.
recipero : earlier recupero ; 6. 2.
Regium : not Rhegium.
reicio : rather than rejicio ; 60.
religio : in poetry also relligio.
reliquiae : in poetry also relliquiae.
reliquus : early Latin relicuos ; 57.
repperl (Perf. of reperio} : not reperl.
reppuli (Perf. of repello*) : not repull.
reprehendo or reprendo.
res piiblica : not respnblica.
rettuli (Perf. of refero} : not retull.
rotundus : in Lucretius sometimes
rutundus ; 90.
S.
saeculum : not seculum ; 10. 2.
saepes : not sepes ; 10. 2.
saepio : see saepes.
saeta : not j^Az / 10. 2.
Sallustius : not Sdlustius.
sdrio : better than sarrio.
satura : also later satira ; not satyr a.
scaena : not scena ,- 10. 2.
sepulcrum : not sepulchrum ; cf.
Si- 3-
sescentt : rather than sexcentl.
setius : not secius.
singilldtim : not singuldtim.
soldcium : not solatium ; 25. 3.
sollemnis : not sollennis.
stellio : zzx\y stelio ; 88. I.
stillicidium : not stllicidium.
stilus : not stylus.
stuppa, etc. : early j/?7/a, ^<r. ; 88. I.
suddela : not suddella.
subicio : rather than subjicio ; 60.
subt'emen : not subtegmen.
succ- in compounds : 58. ) i ) .
succus : rather than sncus ; 88. I.
Suebl : not Suevl ; 1 6. 2.
jw^"- in compounds.- 58.^-) i).
sulpur and sulphur; not sulfttr ;
3L 4-
summ- in compounds: 38. ) 2).
j//- in compounds: 58.^) i).
suscensed : rather than succenseo.
susplcio : not suspitio , 20. 3.
Syria : earlier Suria : 1.5.
T.
taeter : not teter ; 10. 2.
tanquam and tamquam.
temperi (Adv.) : not tempori.
tentdre and temptdre.
Thalia : Tha^a is pre-Augustan.
thesaurus : thensaurus is archaic.
Thrdx and Thraex (0/>^).
tingo : also tinguo.
totiens : also /0/z'y.
trdjectus : not trdnsjectiis ; 58.^) 3).
trans- in composition : 58. //).
trdnsicio and trdicio : rather than
trdnsjicio, trdjicio ; 60.
trdnsndre and trdndre : 58. ^).
Treveri : rather than Treviri.
tribiinuius : not tribunitius : 25. 3.
(ripartltus and tripertltus : 87. I.
tropaeum and trophaeurn.
tus : rather than //^j.
U.
ubicumque : better than ubicunque.
Ulixes : not Ulysses.
umerus : not humerus ; 23.
iimidus, umor, etc. : not humidus,
etc.; 23.
unguo and .
unquam and umquam.
urged : not urgueo.
utcumque : better than utcunque.
utrimque : not utrinque.
WORDS OF DOUBTFUL OR VARIED SPELLING.
8 9
V.
vatetudo : not vatttudo.
vehemens : in poetry often vemens.
Vergiliae, Vergilius, Verginius : not
Virg-.
versus (yersum} : early Latin vors-.
vertex: early Latin vortex,
verto : early Latin vorto.
vester : early Latin vaster,
vuesimus : commoner than vigesimus ;
sometimes also vicensimus.
victima : earlier victuma : 6. 2.
vilicus : not vtllicus.
vinculum and vinclum : 91.
vlnolentus and vinulentus.
Volcdnus : 57. a).
Vohcl : 57. a).
Volsiniensis : 57. a).
Volturnus : 57. a).
Vortumnus : under the Empire also
Vertumnus : cf. verto.
vulgiis : earlier volgus ; 57. a),
vulnus : earlier volmis ; 57 a).
vulpes : earlier volpes ; 57. a},
vultur : earlier voltur ; 57. a),
vultus : earlier voltus ; 57. a).
CHAPTER VI.
THE LATIN SOUNDS.
THE VOWELS.^
ABLAUT.
62. i. The Indo-European parent-speech, from which the Greek,
Latin, Sanskrit, Avestan, Slavic, Teutonic, Celtic, Armenian, and
Albanian languages are descended, had a vowel system of con-
siderable regularity. By variation of the the root vowel, each
monosyllabic root 2 was regularly capable of appearing in three
different forms. Thus the Indo-European root gen-, ' bring forth,'
had also a form gon-, and another form gn-. The different
phases in which a root appears are designated as ' grades'; while
the general phenomenon of variation is called Ablaut or Vowel
Gradation. The different phases of a root taken together form
an 'ablaut-series.' While ultimate conclusions have not yet been
reached on the subject, yet it is usual to recognize six such ablaut-
series as belonging to the Indo-European parent-speech. Of the
three grades belonging to each series, two are characterized by a
fuller vocalism than the third ; these fuller phases of the root are
called ' strong ' grades ; the third by contrast is called the 'weak'
grade. Thus gen- and gon-, cited above, represent the strong
1 See Brugmann, Grundriss 1 , Vol. I, 78-549 ; Lindsay, Latin Language,
chap, iv; Stolz, Lateinische Grammatik^^ 4-45 ; 1 ateinische Lautlehre,
pp. 112-229 > Sommer, Handbuch der Lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre
(pp. 34-336), to which work I am under the greatest obligations for the
material here presented.
2 While roots are usually monosyllabic, yet some disyllabic roots are also
to be recognized.
90
ABLAUT. 91
grades ; gn-, which has been weakened by the loss of the e, is the
weak grade. The first of the two strong grades gives its name to
the series in which it occurs.
2. The six Indo-European ablaut-series are as follows :
a-Series: { ".. { *
I e.e. bha-
SERIES. WEAK GRADE. STRONG GRADES.
6
\ e.g. bfa- \ eg. bhd- bko-
\ e.g. dfo- \ e.g. dhe- dho-
6-Series: / 9 /
(. e.g. ps- I e.g. po~ po-
( Vowel vanishes f 3. 8
S-Series:
I e.g. g- I ag-
f Vowel vanishes ( 8 8
6-Series: e.g. pt- \ pet- pot-
drk- 1 derk- dork-
\
( Vowel vanishes f 8 8
8-Series :
1. e.g. I oa-
3. Of these six ablaut-series, it will be noticed that three are
long- vowel series (the a-, e-, and o- series), and three short-vowel
series (the a-, e-, and o- series) . But the short -vowel series often
have, in addition to the forms given in the foregoing table, so-
called ' protracted forms ' of the root ; e.g. from the root teg- y
tog- of the e- series comes the 'protracted form ' fig- in fegula,
1 tile' ; from the root sed-, the 'protracted form' sed- in sedes, 'seat.'
63. The origin of this variation in the form of roots is attrib-
uted with great probability to accentual conditions prevailing in
the parent-speech. Some uncertainty still prevails concerning
details in the various series ; but for practical purposes the above
scheme is sufficiently accurate (see Brugmann, Grundriss*, i.
534 ff. ; Lindsay, Latin Language, p. 253 ff. ; Stolz, Lat. Gr. t
1 9 represents an obscure short vowel, which developed variously in the
different Indo-European languages, as a, e, t, o.
Q2 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
15 if.; Lateinische Lautlehre,^. 157; Johnson's Cyclopaedia,
Article Ablaut). Of the different Indo-European languages some
have preserved the Indo-European Ablaut with great fidelity;
this is notably the case with Greek and Teutonic. In other lan-
guages the Ablaut has become much obscured ; Latin belongs to
the latter class. Most Latin roots appear in only a single grade,
the other two grades having disappeared in the course of the
development of the language. Yet some examples of the original
gradation are preserved. These will be considered according to
the different ablaut-series in which they occur.
^-SERIES.
64. The ^-series is by far the best represented of any in Latin ; it
embraces three sub-types :
a) The e or o is followed by some consonant which is not
a nasal or a liquid, e.g. root dc-, dec-, doc-, seen in disco (for
^di-dc-sco) ; dec-et; doc-eo ; root sd-, sed-, sod-, seen in siao (for
*si-sd-o) ; sed-eo ; sod-alis, 'seat-mate,' 'table companion,' 'crony.'
The root es- (' to be ') has only the weak grade and one of the
strong grades. The weak grade is seen in s-im; s-unt, etc.; the
strong grade in es-t; es-se, etc.
b) The e or o is followed by a liquid or nasal. By the loss of the
e in the weak grade the liquid or nasal often becomes vocalic, de-
veloping according to the principles explained in 100, 102.
Thus from the Indo-European root gn-, gen-, gon-, the Latin has
gnatus (for gn-tus ; see 102. 2), and gen-us ; no form with^wz-
has been preserved ; gi-gn-o, however, shows us another form of
the weak grade. From the root mn-, men-, mon-, the Latin has
mens (for *mn-t(i)s), memim for *me-men-i, and mon-eo. Com-
pare also ex-cel-lo, col-lis (root eel-, col-); terra, ex-torris (root ters-,
tors-}. Occasionally the liquid precedes ; e.g. from the root/rr-,
prec-,proc-,vre gttposco (for *prc-sco, *porc-sco ; 100. 2 ; 105. i),
prec-or, proc-us, 'suitor.'
ABLA UT. 93
c) The e or o of the strong grades was originally followed by /
or u ; in the weak grade the e, as usual, disappeared, leaving / or
u. Thus originally :
i ei oi
u eu ou
But, of these diphthongs, ei became i, while the others became u,
except that oi {oe} has been retained in a few words. Examples :
root fid-, feid-, fold-, seen in fid-Is ; fldo (for feid-o) foed-us
(earlier foid-us) ; root due-, deuc-, douc-, seen in due-em, duco
(for earlier *deuc-o) .
By disappearance of the e, o of the strong grades, i sometimes
develops from j in the weak grade, e.g. mag-is, ma(g)-jes-tas,
ma(g)jus (for -jos).
For protracted forms of the root in the ^-series, see 62. 3.
Further examples of Ablaut in the ^-series are given in Stolz,
Lat. Grammatikf pp. 34 rT. ; Lat. Lautlehre, pp. 157 ff. ; Lind-
say, Lat. Language, p. 255.
^-SERIES.
65. No root shows all three grades in Latin; 9, the obscure
vowel, develops regularly as a, but often appears secondarily as i
in accordance with 71. 2. The root dhd-, dhe-, dho-, 'place,'
' put,' shows the weak grade in con-ditus (for *con-da-tus ,-71.2),
etc., and one of the strong grades in sacer-do-s ; fanum (for *fds-
num) shows the weak grade ; fes-tus, the corresponding strong
grade. Cf. also rd-tus, re-ri; sd-tus, se-men.
^-SERIES.
66. One form of the strong grade is seen in dg-o, the ' pro-
tracted form ' (62.3) in ambages. The a may combine with /
to produce the diphthong at. An instance of this is seen in
maes-tus, weak grade mis- in mis-er.
94 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
^-SERIES.
67. The obscure vowel P develops as a. The weak grade is
seen mfa-teor; the corresponding strong grade in fa-ri, jama.
Cf. also sta-tus ; sta-men, Stator ; rad-ere and rod-ere exhibit the
two strong grades.
^-SERIES.
68. Examples of this scantily represented ablaut-series are
fo-dere, od-ium. Of these roots, protracted forms ( 62. 3) appear
in /<?//-/, odl.
^-SERIES.
69. The obscure vowel 9 appears as a. The weak grade is
seen in ddmus, datus ; the corresponding strong grade in donum,
dos. Cf. also c a- tits, cos (for *cots}.
70. Vowel gradation appears not only in roots, but also in
suffixes and in case-endings. Thus in nouns of the second de-
clension the suffix varies between e and o, the two strong grades
of the ^-series. The suffix*? is seen in the vocative hort-e, and
originally existed in the locative horfi, which is for *hort-e-i ; see
126. The other cases originally had the suffix <?, e.g. hortus, hor-
tum, for a primitive hort-o-s, hort-o-m. Cf. also nouns of the type
of genus, generis, originally *gen-os, *gen-es-is, where again the
suffixes -es, -os show us the two strong grades of the ^-series.
In case-endings we have an interesting illustration of vowel
variation in the genitive ending, which appears as -s, -es, and -os ;
e.g. familia-s ( 113); ped-is (for *ped-es ) / senatu-os (early Latin).
VOWEL CHANGES.
a.
71. Indo-European a 1 in syllables which were accented at the
time of the early Latin accentuation (see 55) remains unchanged
in Latin ; in syllables which were unaccented at that period, a
develops as follows :
1 Including the a arising from Indo-European 3 ( 62. 2, footnote).
VOWEL CHANGES. 95
1. Before two consonants (not a mute and a liquid) and
before r (not final) a regularly becomes e, e.g. acceptus for
*accaptus ; particeps for *pdrticaps ; confectus for *confactus ;
impertto for *impartid ; pepercl for *peparci ; reddere for
*ieddare.
2. Before a single consonant in the interior of a word a
becomes i, e.g. adigo for *adago ; tetigi for *tetagi; ceridt for
*cecadl ; concino for *concario; msitus for *~insatus ; redditus
for *reddatus.
3. Before /-f a consonant (but not before //), a becomes u,
e.g. exsulto for *exsalto; inculco for *incalco ; insulsiis for
4. Before labials, a becomes the sound which was represented
by u in the earlier period, and later by i (see 6. 2), ^
occupo for *occapo; contubernalis for *c6ntabernaUs; mancu-
pium (later mancipium) for *mdncapium. But when / follows
the labial the preceding appears always as /, e.g. accipio for
*dccapio.
5. Before , ^ becomes ? (through the medium of e), e.g.
attingo for *dttango ; confringo for * confrango ; compingo for
*compango.
6. After z in open syllables a becomes e, e.g. variego for
*variago ; hieto for *hiato (cf. Masco) .
7. Short a before / in open syllables becomes
a) u, if the / is guttural, 1 e.g. exsulo for *exsalo.
b) t, if the / is palatal, 1 e.g. exsilium for *exsalium.
72. a regularly remains unchanged in Latin in all situations,
e.g. mater ; contactus for *contactus.
1 By guttural / is meant / before a, o, u, or a consonant j by palatal /, /
before e or i.
96 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
73. i. e is regularly retained in Latin :
a) Before r, e.g. f era, confero, sceleris.
b) When final, e.g. horte, age, agite.
c) Usually before two consonants, e.g. scelestus, obsessus,
auspex.
2. e becomes t:
a} Before a single consonant in syllables which were
unaccented by the early accentuation ( 55), e.g.
colligo for * college ; militis for *tmletes ; obsideo for
*6bsedeo ; protinus for *protenus. But in unaccented
syllables before r, the e is retained, according to
73. i. a, e.g. generis.
b) Sometimes before n or ;;/ -f a consonant, e.g. simplex
for *sem-plex (from sem-, 'one '), vigintl for *v~igenti ;
tinguo for *tenguo ; qulnque for *quenque (earlier
*penque). Before gn original e also becomes t, e.g
lig-num for *leg-num; dignus for *degnus (from *dec-
nus; 94. 3).
3. e becomes o before v, e.g. novos for an original *nevos
(Gr. i/e/ros).
4. sve- becomes first svo- and then so- ( 103. 5), e.g. Indo-
European *svesor to *svosor, whence *sosor, soror (for the
change of s to r, see 98. i) ; *svecrus to *svocrus, whence
socrus, ' mother-in-law.'
5. e becomes o before guttural / (i.e. I followed by a, o, u
or a consonant, e.g. ollva for *elaiva (Gr. eAcu/ra) ; volvo for
*velvo (cf. Gr. /reXvca).
e.
74. ^ is regularly retained in Latin in all situations, e.g.
rectus, correctus y correx~i, die.
VOWEL CHANGES. 97
I, 1.
75. i. In unaccented syllables not final / becomes e before
a secondary r ( 98. i), e.g. cineris for *ciniris, genitive of finis.
So also in an accented syllable in sero for *si-so, *si-rd.
2. Before a consonant, ri develops to r (see 100), then to
er y e.g. *crino (Gr. K/OU/W) becomes first *crrio, and then cerrio ;
so *tris (Gr. rpt's) became *trs, later ter(s}.
3. Final t becomes e, e.g. mare for *mari ; ante for *anti
(Gr. dvTt ) ; .><?*#/<? for *sedili ; but sometimes final t disappears.
e.g. animal (for *animalT) ; calcar (for *calcari).
4. Long z regularly remained unchanged in Latin.
6.
76. \.o became u in accented syllables :
a) Before n-adulterinum ( 20. i), .-. ## for *oncos
(Gr. oy/co?) ; unguis for *onguis (cf. Gr. oi/v).
^) Before /+a consonant, e.g. multa for molta ; sulcus for
*solcos (Gr. 6XKos); pulcer for earlier polcer ; culpa for
<r0,$te. But this change does not take place before //;
hence collis, mollis.
2. o also regularly becomes ^ before m, e.g. umbo for *ombo
(cf. Gr. o/x^>aAos) ; numerus for *nomeros (cf. Gr. vo'/xos). A few
exceptions (domus, etc.) remain unexplained.
3. About 150 B.C. earlier vor-, vos-, vot- became ver-, ves-,
vet-, e.g. versus, verto, vertex, vester, veto, for earlier versus, etc.
4. In unaccented open syllables Indo-European o seems to have
become :
a ) *> e -S' novitas for *nevo-tas ; armiger for armo-ger ; ~i-lico
for *tn stloco, ' on the spot ' ; indigena for *lndogena.
b) After z this o became e, e.g. pietas for *pio-tas ; societas for
*socio-tas.
98 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
c) Before guttural / (see 71. 7, footnote), o became u, e.g.
sedulo for *se dolo.
d) Before labials this o became u (later i, see 6. 2), e.g.
Crassupes for *Crassop~es ; aurufex for *aurofex.
5. In closed syllables, originally unaccented o becomes u,
e.g. onustus for *6nostos ; euntis for *eontis (cf. Gr. IO'VTOS). So also
before a consonant in final syllables, e.g.filius for earlier ////<w /
donum for *donom ; opus for *opos. Final syllables in -quos,
-quom; -vos, -vom ; -uos, -uom, etc., retained the <? to a con-
siderably later period; see 57. i. o was also regularly re-
tained before r, e.g. temporis.
6. Final o became e, e.g. sequere for *sequeso. For the rhota-
cism, see 98. i.
6.
77. o regularly remains unchanged in Latin in all situations,
e.g. donum, vie tores, lice to.
ti.
78. u before labials became t about the close of the Republic
(see 6. 2), e.g. lacrima for earlier lacmma; lacibus for earlier
lacubus. This change regularly took place in unaccented syl-
lables, but by analogy it affected some accented syllables also,
e.g. libet for lubet ; libens for lubens.
u.
79. u is regularly retained in all situations, e.g.fumus, conjunc-
tum, etc.
ai.
80. i. In syllables which, under the early accentuation (see
55)j were accented, original ai was retained, becoming, about
100 B.C., ae, which, in turn, late in imperial times, developed
into a monophthongal sound ; see 10. 2. But ai arose
VOWEL CHANGES. 99
secondarily in Latin in a few words, e.g. maior, 1 aid, Mains, etc.
pronounced maijor, aijo, etc.
2. In syllables which, under the early accentuation ( 55),
were unaccented, original ai became regularly t, e.g. inquiro for
*inquairo ; existunio for *exaistumo ; virtu ft, niilift, etc., for
*virtutai, etc. ; mensts, portis, etc., for mensais, etc.
oi.
In Accented Syllables.
81. i. oi appears in the oldest monuments of the Latin lan-
guage, e.g. OINOM. But it early began to take the form oe, e.g.
COERAVERE. Somewhere between 200 and 100 B.C. it began to
develop to u, e.g. utilis for *oitilis ; unus for oino s; ludus for
*loidos. This change was complete by 100 B.C., though a
tendency existed for a long time after that to use the original
oi in formulas, e.g. COIRAVERVNT, LOIDOS.
2. Yet oe (even after the change of oe to u) appears even in
a few words :
a) As a result of contraction, e.g. coetus for coitus ; coep't
for *coepi.
b) In the following special words : poena, Poenus, coenum,
foedus, ' \.T.z&\yj foedus, ' ugly,' foetor. Yet by the side of
poena we have punio ; by the side of Poenus, Punicus ;
along with coenum? cunio. Sommer suggests that the law
is this : When the Iabials/,y5 or the labio- velar qu began
a word, the following oe was retained, except when t
followed.
c) Moenia survived as an archaism. The form served to
differentiate moenia and munia, which were originally the
same word.
1 This is probably the correct spelling for this class of words, not major, ajo t
Majus, etc.
2 coenum is for earlier *quoinom ( 103).
100 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
d} oi in early Latin appears before / in quoi(j)os; see
198. 3-
3. After initial v, oi became t, e.g. vicus for *voicos (Gr.
; vinum for *voinom (Gr. /rou/os).
In Unaccented Syllables.
4. Here oi, through the intervening stage of ', became i, e.g.
hortt through hortei, from *hortoi (cf. Gr. xP roL ) > horfis, through
horteis, from *horfois (Gr. x o/ p rols )- Vestiges of the early form
are preserved in poploe (=populT) and oloes (=ollis t tttts),
mentioned by Festus.
ei.
82. i. Indo-European ei is preserved in the earliest monu-
ments of the Latin language, e.g. DEIVOS, DEICERENT. About
200 B.C. it began to pass into ~i. This circumstance led to the
writing of ei for original i in some words, e.g. FAXSEIS, for faxis ;
peilum for pllum. In inscriptions the spelling EI (both for orig-
inal ei and for i) was commonly current even down to the time
of Caesar.
2. After /, ei became ?, e.g. /em's for *leivis (Gr. Xet/ros) ; tevt
for *ieivi (from lino).
3. ei arose secondarily in some words, e.g. eius,peior, Pompeius,
the correct spelling, instead of the traditional pejor, Pompejus.
These were pronounced eijus, peijor, etc.
nl.
83. This diphthong undergoes no changes ; see 14.
an.
84. i. au is regularly retained in syllables which, under the
early accentuation ( 55), took the accent, e.g. aurora, claudo.
In the speech of common life this au had a tendency to become
an open o (later close), and in some words this colloquial pro-
nunciation even established itself permanently in the literary Ian-
VOWEL CHANGES. IOI
guage. Examples are : Clodius for Claudius ; plodo, in explbdo,
implodT), etc.
2. In syllables which, under the early accentuation ( 55),
remained unaccented, au regularly became u, e.g. include for
*inclaudo ; defrudo for *d'efraudo.
eu and ou.
85. i. Primitive Latin eu and ou are nowhere preserved in the
existing monuments of the Latin language, eu first became ou
(seen in early Latin douco for *deuco), and subsequently developed
to u, e.g. duco, luceo. Original ou became u directly.
2. In a few instances we have eu arising secondarily, e.g. neu,
ceu, seu.
LONG DIPHTHONGS.
86. The name ' long diphthong ' is given to diphthongs whose
first element consisted of a long vowel. At, oi, ei, eu, au, ou, ex-
isted in the parent- speech. These, so far as they were inherited
by the Latin, more commonly shortened the first element, after
which they developed according to the principles already laid
down for original ai, ei, oi, au, eu, ou, etc. Examples are horfis
for *hortois ( 81. 4), from original *hortois ; dative singular,
portae, from *portai (cf. Gr. x^/ ?) > ^ ur ofa, for * aurora ; noctu
for *nocteu, from *nocfeu. So also probably dius in nudiustertius,
dius here being for *dieus, from original *dieus. In the dative
singular of <5-stems, the Indo-European termination was -oi (Gr.
-a)). In Latin this generally became -o, by loss of the final
element of the diphthong, but in our earliest Latin inscription
(CIL. xiv. 4123) we have perhaps a dative in -oi, viz. NVMASIOI,
from -oi.
In the parent-speech, these long diphthongs frequently lost the
second element. Thus ei, eu gave e. Traces of this are seen in
Latin felo, for *feilo ; rem (earlier *rem) from *reim ; diem
(earlier *diem) from *dieum.
102 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
RE-COMPOSITION AND DE-COMPOSITION.
87. i. The principles laid down in the foregoing sections for
the change of vowels and diphthongs in the (originally) unac-
cented syllables of compounds often seem to be violated. Thus
appeto, expeto, intellego, neglego occur where the law demands
*appito, *expito, negligo, intelligo. These apparent irregularities
are in reality not due to any violation of the law, but are the
result of 'Re-composition,' i.e. the identity of the simple verb
was so keenly felt that the language restored it in the compound,
thus replacing the regular *appito, intelligo, etc., with appeto, intel-
lego, etc. Other instances of the same kind are exaequo, conclau-
sus, exquaero, revoco, colloco, interrogo, where phonetic laws
would demand *exiquo, conclusus, exqiitro, *revico, *collico,
*interrigo ( 76. 4).
Many compound words are also naturally much later than the
operation of the laws above referred to.
2. Sometimes the form taken by a verb in composition occurs
instead of the original form, e.g. cludo for claudo, after include,
etc. ; plico for pleco after implico, etc. This process may be called
' De-composition.'
3. Re-composition and De- composition manifest themselves
not only in connection with vocalic changes, but also in connec-
tion with many of the consonantal changes enumerated in the
following sections. Cf. e.g. transduce as an illustration of Re-
composition. The phonetic form is traduco, which also occurs.
Cf. also sescenti (the phonetic form; 105. i), but sexcenft
(Re- composition).
SHORTENING OF LONG VOWELS.
88. i. A group of some twenty words exhibits shortening of
an accented long vowel, with compensatory doubling of the fol-
lowing consonant, viz. Juppiter (for earlier Jupiter] , cuppa, littera,
muccus, succus, hallucinart, parriclda, bacca, gluttus, glutfire,
VOWEL CHANGES. 1 03
bucca, damma, mutfire, stuppa, futtilis, Messalla, braccae, puppa,
allium, stellio, strenna, helluo, culleus, pilleus. Many of these
words often appear in Mss., texts, and inscriptions, written with
a single consonant ; that represents the earlier spelling. The
orthography of the Augustan Age has two consonants.
2. The vowel was regularly shortened in final syllables in m
and /; also in the original -or, -ar, and -tr of Passive forms ; and
in the Nominative endings -fer, -tor, -sor, -or, -al, -ar.
3. Words of original iambic form, e.g. niitii, tWi, sWt, mo do,
cito, cedo, often suffered permanent shortening of the ultima, giv-
ing niihi, tibi, modo, cedo, etc. The name of ( Breves Breviantes '
('shorts shortening ') has been given to this process.
4. In the interior of words a long vowel is often shortened
before a vowel, e.g. pleo, taced, from *pleo, * faced ; deorsum from
*dHorsum ; fide'i from fidlzi ; re~i from rel ; deesse, deeram (jcf.
desum, d~efu~i).
COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING.
89. i. In accented syllables, an s before a voiced consonant is
often dropped with lengthening of a preceding short vowel, e.g.
sido for *si-sd-o ; querela for *queresla; egenus for *egesnos.
Often the consonantal group contains other consonants before
the s, which first disappear (in accordance with 105. i), e.g.
ala for *acsla ; remus for *retsmos ; scala for *scantsla ; femo for
*tensmo ; conubo for co-snubo ( 104. i. b. 2). This lengthening
of the short vowel in compensation, as it were, for an omitted
consonant, is designated ' compensatory lengthening.'
2. A short vowel followed by -ns at the end of a word is
lengthened with disappearance of the n, e.g. equos for *equons.
3. Compensatory lengthening is also claimed by many scholars
for those cases in which a long vowel has developed before net,
ncs (i.e.nx], e.g. junctus, junoci (cf.jungo) ; and where n dis-
appears before c, e.g. cotiived for *con-coriiveo.
104 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
ASSIMILATION OF VOWELS.
90. Vowels are occasionally assimilated to each other in suc-
cessive syllables, e.g. nihil for *nehil; nisi for *nesi; soboles for
suboles ; rutundus (chiefly in poetry) for rotundus ; tugurium
for *tegurium (tego} ; purpura for irop^vpa. ; and in reduplicated
perfects, e.g. momordt for memordl ; totondi for tetond'i ; pupugi
for pepugi ; etc. Assimilation is mainly restricted to short vowels,
but possibly we should recognize the assimilation of a long vowel
in fllius, lit. 'suckling,' for *fe-lius, root dhei- (see 86) ; in
suspicio for *suspecio (protracted form of root spec-) ; subfilis for
*subt~elis (tela).
PARASITIC VOWELS.
91. In the immediate environment of a liquid or nasal, a para-
sitic vowel sometimes develops. Thus, especially in the suffixes
-tlo-, -bio-, -do-, which become -tulo-, -bulo-, -culo-, e.g. in vitulus,
stabulum, saeculum ; yet the original forms continued in use in
the colloquial language and in poetry, e.g. saeclum, vinclum.
Further examples are famulus (for *famlos) ; populus for poplus
(early Latin) ; and several words borrowed from the Greek, e.g.
Aesculapius ('Ao-KA^Trids) ; mina (pva) ; drachuma
SYNCOPE.
92. In early Latin a short vowel following an accented syllable
was often dropped. Illustrations of this are : auceps for *aviceps ;
auspex for *avispex; ardor for *aridor ; reddo for re-d(i}do ;
aetas for aevitas ; prudens for *prov(i}dens ; vald'e for valid e ;
officina for *op(i)ficma ; anceps for amb(i)-ceps. Syncope in
final syllables is seen in ager for *agr(o)s, *agrs, *agr, etc., and
acer for acris, *acrs, *acr, etc. ; see 100.
APOCOPE.
93. i. Final e and t often disappear, e.g. nee (for neque}, ac
(for atque), et (for *eti ; Gr. en), aut (for *auti)\ quot, tot (for
THE MUTES. 105
*quoti, *toti ; cf. toti-dem) ; ob for *obi ; and in neuter /-stems
e.g. animal for *animali; calcar for *calcari. But dissyllabic
*-stems change -* to -e, e.g. mare for *mari.
2. Final o disappears in ab, for an original *apo (Gr. OTTO) j
and j^ for *.$ &/0 (cf. Gr. VTTO) . On the change of p to b, see
96. i.
7S CONSONANTS. 1
THE MUTES.
The Palatal and Guttural Mutes, c, q, g.
94. i. There are three series of k and ^-sounds in Indo-Euro-
pean, designated respectively as ' Palatals,' * Velars,' and ' Labio-
Velars.' The Palatals were formed by approximating the tongue
to the roof of the mouth. They developed in most languages
as k, g (in Latin regularly as k (c), g, rarely as q; in Sanskrit and
Slavic as sibilants, s, sh, etc.) . The Velars were formed further
back in the throat, and develop in all languages as plain gutturals,
k, g. The Labio-Velars develop with labialization, i.e. they have
a parasitic w-sound after the k or g. Latin represents these
sounds respectively by qu and gu.
2. Examples of the different Gutturals are :
Palatals: centum, decem, dtcere, socer ; ager, ago,genu, genus,
argentum. qu for c appears in queror, queo, but never gu for g.
Velars : cruor, cavere, canere ; augeo, grus, gelu, tego.
Labio-Velars : quis, qui, etc. ; sequor ; -que ; -linquo ; stinguo,
unguen. The labial element is sometimes entirely lost so that qu
appears as c, e.g. stercus (cf. sterquilinium), socius (for *soquius ;
cf. sequor); arcus (cf. arquitenens) ; -I ictus (cf. -linquo). When
1 See in general Brugmann, Grundriss*-, 277-532 ; Lindsay, Latin
Language, chap, iv.; Stolz, Lateinische Grammatifi, 42-69; Lateinische
Lautlehre, pp. 232291; Sommer, Handbuch der Lateinischen Laut- und
Formenlehre, pp. 169-336.
106 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
initial, gu (i.e. gv) loses the g and becomes v, e.g. (g)vemre,
(g)vivos, (g)vorare.
3. -en- and -cm- occasionally develop as gn and gm, e.g. salig-
nus from salix (root salic-} ; dignus for *dec-nus ; segmentum for
*sec-mentum (sec-o) .
The Dental Mutes, f, d.
95. i. / regularly appears as /, but in the Indo-European suffix
-//<?-, / became c, e.g. piaclum (whence piaculuni) for *piatlom;
saeclum (saeculum) for *saetlom ; vinclum, etc. Sometimes this
-do- subsequently (by dissimilation; see no) developed to
-cro- y when a preceding syllable had /, e.g. lavacrum for *lavaclom,
*lavatlom ; in quadraginta, quadringenfi, d has not developed
from /; quadr- probably represents a different word; see
183. 13.
2. d is regularly retained, but becomes / in a few words, e.g.
lacruma for dacruma (preserved in Ennius) ; lingua for early
dingua (helped perhaps by association in the folk-consciousness
with lingere, 'lick') ; solium for *sod-ium (Ablaut of sed- ; see
64. a) ; tevir for *devir (dialectal (?) for *Jaivir ; Gr.
The Labial Mutes, p and b.
96. i. p regularly remains unchanged ; but in the prepositions
at>, ob, sub, b has developed from an earlier /. The original
forms of these words were *apo (Gr. dra'), *op-i (in Ablaut rela-
tion to Gr. 7rt ; cf. 64. a) ; *supo (cf. Gr. VTTO). By loss of the
final vowel these became *ap, *op, *sup (cf. sup-er, supra) ; ap-
and op- are probably to be recognized in aperio and operio ; but
before voiced consonants the / of ap, op, and sup regularly became
b by partial assimilation, e.g. ab duce, ob dellcta, sub decessu,
whence the forms with b ultimately became predominant. In bibo
the initial b may be for an original p by assimilation ; cf. Skr.
pibami. By assimilation also, an original *penque became quln-
que ; and *pequo became first *quequo, then coquo.
THE MUTES. IO/
2. b, as the descendant of Indo-European b, is by no means
a frequent sound in Latin, particularly initial b. Examples are
baculum, balbus, brevis ; lubricus, labrum. On the late develop-
ment of intervocalic b to a spirant, see 16. 2.
The Indo-European Aspirates in Latin.
97. In the Indo-European parent-speech the aspirates were
almost exclusively voiced, i.e. bh, dh, gh (both palatal, velar, and
labio-velar) ; ph, th, ch were extremely rare. These voiced as-
pirates developed in Latin as follows :
1. Indo-European bh became:
a) /at the beginning of words, e.g.fagus (for *bhagos ; Gr.
<^>ryyds) ; fa-ri (root bha- ; Gr. <>//AI) ; fu-i (root bhu- ;
Gr. <v<o) ; fer-o (root bher- ; Gr. <epoo).
b) b in the interior of words, e.g. ambo (for *ambho ; Gr.
a/u,<o>) ; orbus (root orbh- ; Gr. 6p<f>av6s) ; mor-bus
(suffix -bho-).
2. Indo-European dh became :
a} /at the beginning of words, e.g. fumus (for * 'dhumos ;
Gr. 0iyxd?) ; femina (root </-fe- / Gr. ^-Xvs) ; forum
(root dhor-).
b) Usually d in the interior of words, e.g. medius (for
*medhios ; cf. Gr. /oteWo? for *//,0tos) ; aedes, ' fire-
place,' ' hearth ' (root <2/^%- / Gr. at^o>, * burn ') ; viduus
(root vidh-) ; but
^) /5 in the interior of words, if an environing syllable con-
tains r, e.g. uber (root oudh- ; Gr. ovOap) ; rubro-
(root rudhro- ; Gr. cpvOpos) ; and in the suffixes -r#-
(for -dhro-; Gr. -0po-), <?.^. cri-brum. Similarly before
/ in the Indo-European suffix -dhlo- (Gr. -0A.O-), rt%
becomes b, e.g. stabulum (with -bulum for -blum ; see
90.
108 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
3. Indo-European gh. Here we must distinguish palatal,
velar, and labio-velar gh.
A. Palatal gh. This became :
a) h, when initial or between vowels in the interior of
words, e.g. hiems (root ghim- ; Gr. ^ct/xwj/) ; holus
(root ghol-) ; veho (root vegh-) ; anser (root
ghans-) has lost the initial h ; see 23.
b) g before and after consonants e.g. fingo (root
dheigh-, with the infix n) ; gramen (root ghra-).
c) /before #, e.g. fu-ndo (root gheu-).
B. W#r >$.
#) Velar ^ becomes regularly h, but ^ before r, e.g.
hostis (for *ghostis) ; pre-hendo (root ghend-) ; ^rd!-
/#0r (for *ghrad-}.
C. Labio-velar ^ becomes,
1) /, when initial, <?.. formus (for *ghormos).
2) gu after #, <?.^. ninguit (root (s)nigh-, with
infix ).
3) # between vowels, ^.^. #/'#/>, /w, <?Ar. (root
THE SPIRANTS, s, /, h.
98. i. s is the most important of the spirants, as regards
phonetic changes. An original s regularly became r between
vowels (^ Rhotacism '), e.g. ger-o for *ges-o (cf. ges-sl, ges-tus) ;
dirimo for *dis-emo (cf. distingue) ; temporis for *tempos-is (cf.
tempus) ; portarum for *portasom. This change took place
within the historical period of the language. It had been con-
summated before the close of the fourth century B.C. But the
grammarians retained the tradition of the earlier forms, and often
cite such words as arbosem, pignosa, etc. This change of s to r
sometimes seems to occur before v, e.g. larva (root las-). But
THE LIQUIDS. IOQ
this is only apparent ; v in such cases is secondary, having devel-
oped from u, so that the rhotacism is regular : lar-u-a (for
*las-u-a}\ cf. Lar-es (for Lases) ; fur-u-os (for *fus-u-os ; cf.
fus-cus); Mener-u-a (for *Menes-u-d)\ la-ru-a and Mine-ru-a
are both found in Plautus.
2. Wherever s appears between vowels in the classical language
it is usually a result of the reduction of ss after a long vowel or
a diphthong, e.g. mist for must (i.e. *niit-si) ; suast for suasst (i.e.
*suadsT) \ haest (for haes-sT)', causa for caussa.
The forms with double ss were current in Cicero's day (cf.
Quintilian, i. 7. 20), and occur occasionally in inscriptions much
later ; after short vowels ss was, of course, always retained, e.g.
fissus, sctssus, etc.
3. In a few cases intervocalic s appears to have resisted rhota-
cism, e.g. basium, miser, caesaries. Possibly the s was retained in
miser and caesaries as a* result of dissimilation ( no), i.e. in
order to avoid *mirer, *caeraries.
4. By analogy, the r resulting from rhotacism sometimes crept
into the Nominative from the oblique cases, e.g. honor (originally
horios} after honoris, honori (originally *honosis, etc.}.
5. Compounds, of course, often show intervocalic s after the
analogy of the simple words of which they are compounded, e.g.
nisi, quasi, positus (after situs), desilio, desino, etc.
6. For the omission of the spirant h, see 23.
THE LIQUIDS, /, r.
The Liquids as Consonants.
99. i. As consonants, the Latin liquids exhibit few peculiari-
ties. Their most important feature is a tendency toward dissimi-
lation, as a result of which / changes to r, or r to /, to avoid the
repetition of / or r in successive syllables. Examples are seen in
the suffixes, -ari-, -cro- for -ali-, -do- (from -tlo- ; see 95. i),
110 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
e.g. exemplaris (to avoid *exemptalis)\ lucrum (to avoid *luclum).
So caeruleus is for *eaeluleus (eaelum), 'sky-blue.' Sometimes r
disappears as a result of the tendency to avoid two r's in succes-
sive syllables, e.g. praestigiae for praestrigiae (praestringo) ; sempi-
ternus for *sempe(r)-ternus.
The Liquids as Sonants.
100. In the Indo-European parent-speech, whenever roots
which, in their strong grades, contained el, ol, er, or, became
reduced to the weak grade (see 64. b), the / or r (by the
disappearance of the e or d) became sonant, i.e. endowed with
vocalic character, usually indicated by /, r. English has these
sounds in bot[ (written bottle) ; centr (written centre), etc. These
Indo-European sonant liquids developed in Latin as follows :
1. /developed regularly as ol, which often became ul ( 76. i,
b), e.g. tollo, i.e. *tol-no (for *tl-rid, root /<?/-) ; pulsus (for an
Indo-Eur. *pl o -tos ; root pel-) ; -cultus in oc-cultus (for an Indo-
Eur. *c[-tos ; root eel-). Before vowels, / developed as al, e.g.
palea for *pl-ea.
Sometimes the sonant / was long in quantity and then devel-
oped as la or al, e.g. lana (i.e. * viand) for *vl-nd, from root
vel- ; cf. vel-lus ; latus (i.e. * flatus; 104. i a), from root tel- ;
falx (for *flx; root flee-, m flee-to), 'the curving tool.'
2. r developed regularly as or, e.g. porta (for *pr-td, root per- ;
cf. Gr. Tret/aw, for *7re'p-tw) ; cord-is (for *crd-) ; cornu (for crn-}.
In some words this or seems to have developed to ur, e.g. curvus
(*crv6s, root cerv- ; cf. cerv-tx) ; curtus (for *cr-tos, root cer-,
' cut ' ; cf. Gr. Ketpw, for *Ke/3ioj) .
Before vowels r developed as ar, e.g. card, ' flesh ' (for *er-o,
from root cer-, 'cut').
Like the sonant /, the sonant r was sometimes long in quan-
tity. It then developed as ra or ar, e.g. stratus (for *sfr-tos ;
root ster- in sterno} ; cratis (for *cr-tis); armus (forfmos).
THE LIQUIDS. Ill
3. In certain instances a sonant r arose in Latin itself. This
sonant r developed differently from the Indo-European r above
described, regularly becoming er. Thus in the Nominative Sin-
gular of r0-stems, ager, for example, was originally *agros ; by
Syncope (see 92) *agros became *agrs t whence by assimilation
*agr(r), and by development of r to er, ager. Similarly, stems
in -ris developed an er in the Nominative Singular. Thus acris
gave first *acrs, then *acr, whence acer. Other instances of the
same change are tlbertas for *libr-fas (root libra-}, acerbus for
*dcr-bus; incertus for *incrtus (from *incritos, 75. 2, root
cri-) ', secerno for *secrno (from *secrino, 75. 2, root m-) ;
agellus, i.e. *ager-lus for *dgr-lus, from agro-.
Similarly sonant / sometimes arose secondarily in Latin and
developed as el, e.g. catel-lus, for *catl-lus t by syncope for *catlo-
lus ( 92).
THE NASALS, m, n.
The Nasals as Consonants.
101. As consonants the Latin nasals exhibit few peculiarities.
1. Before/, m became n, e.g. venio for *gemjo (with labio-velar
g', 94. 2) ; quoniam for *quomjam.
2. On the tendency of m to disappear before labials, and n
before dentals, see 20. 2-4.
The Nasals as Sonants.
102. In the Indo-European parent-speech, whenever roots
which, in their strong grade, contained em, om ; en, on, became
reduced to the weak grade (see 64. b), the m or n (by the dis-
appearance of the e or o) became sonant, i.e. endowed with vocalic
character, usually indicated by m, n. English has these sounds
in butn (written button], rhythm, etc.
i. These Indo-European sonant nasals developed in Latin
regularly as em and en, e.g. septem (for *septm) ; decem (for
112 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
*decm) ; ped-em, niilitem, etc., for *pedm, militm, etc.; memento
for *me-mn-tod ; tentus for *tn-tos (root ten-) ; and in the suffix
-men for -ntn t e.g. nomen.
2. Like the liquid sonants (see 100. T, 2) the nasal sonant
n is sometimes long, and then regularly develops as na, e.g. antae
for*ntae; gna-tus (for*gn-tos; root gen-) ; gna-rus (for*gn-ros).
An instance of m is perhaps seen in (d)mdteries (for *dmteries,
from root dem-, ' build ' ; cf. dom-us) .
THE SEMI-VOWELS /, v.
103. i. Primitive intervocalic/ regularly disappeared, e.g. tres
for *tre-es, from trejes ; moneo, etc., for *monejo.
2. When following a consonant, primitive j became i,e.g. venio
for *venjo ; capio for *capjo; medius for *medjos.
3. Intervocalic v also often disappears, accompanied by con-
traction of the vowels which it separated, e.g. contio for co(v}en-
tio; latrina for *la(v}atrina ; no to for *no(v}old; jucundus for
ju(v)icundus ; junior for *juvenior. Yet this law does not affect
all instances of intervocalic v.
4. av and ov in unaccented syllables regularly became u, e.g.
abluo for *dblavo ; demto for de novo ; impluo for *tmplovo ; in-
duo for *indovo ; suns and tuus for earlier sovos and tovos t owing
to their frequent enclitic (unaccented) use.
5. Before o, v regularly disappeared, e.g. sudor for *soidos
from *svoidos ; coenom for *quoinom ; secundus for *sequondus ;
socrus for *svocrus (from *svecrus ; 73. 4) ; somnus for *sop-
nus from *svop-nos (earlier *svep-nos) ; soror for *sosor ( 98. i),
from *svos-or (earlier *svesor).
CONSONANT CHANGES. 113
CONSONANT CHANGES}
INITIAL COMBINATIONS.
104. i. Initial consonant combinations often drop the first
consonant. Thus :
a) Mute lost :
1) / in tilia for *ptilia (Gr. TrreXea) ; sternuo for
*psternuo.
2) / in latus for * flatus (root tel-) ; d in Ju-piter for
*Djeu- pater (cf. Gr. Zev's for *A<. C vs).
3) g in /<<: for *glact (cf. yaAa/cros), also in natus for
gnatus ; notus for gnotus ; yet the ^ appears in the
archaic language and in compounds, e.g. ignotus
(for *ingnotus) cognatus (for *con-gnatiis}. By
analogy cognomen takes a ^ (for *comnomen).
&) s lost :
1) before mutes : torus for *s torus (root ster- t stor-;
cf. ster-no, stor-ea, ' mat ') ; tego for *stego (cf.
oreyw) ; further, in //.f, /^^j 1 , /^///j, 'broad,' for
stfrs, stlocus, stiatus. Early Latin still has stiocus
(e.g. CIL. v. 7381) and stiatus, while stlis is regu-
larly used in the phrase Xviri stl'itibus judicand'is.
Cf> also Quintilian, i. 4. 6.
2) Before liquids and nasals : in lubricus for *slubricus ;
ninguit, nix (for *sninguit, *snix) ; mirus for
*smirus ; nubo for *snubo.
c) v lost in /# for *vlana ; r^^fo for *vradix.
2. ^- becomes ^ in bellum (and derivatives) ; in bonus and
w (earlier ^/z/w ; (/. Gr. 81? for *8/rts) ; blmus for
*dvi-him-us, 'of two winters.' The early forms dvel-
lum, dvoiiorum are preserved in inscriptions, and as
1 See especially Stolz, Lateinische GrammatilP, 62-69 ; Lateinische
Lautlehre, pp. 295-334.
114 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
archaisms in the poets. By the side of forms with
b- from the foregoing roots, we find also forms with
d-, e.g. dlmus, des ( ties), diennium. These are
archaic or dialectal, but dirus, a classical word, is
apparently for *dvei-ros.
CONSONANT CHANGES IN THE INTERIOR OF WORDS.
105. Simplification of Compound Consonant Groups. i. In
the case of groups of three or more consonants, one or more
were regularly dropped in the formative period of the language
to facilitate pronunciation. Examples are : suscipio for *subs-
cipio ; asporto for *abs-porto ; ostendo for *obs-tendo ; misceo for
*mig-sceo (cf. Gr. /u'y-w/u) ; disco for *di-dc-sco ; illustris for
*ittucsiris ; suesco for *suedsco ; ecferri for *ecs(ex)ferr~t ; pastus
for *pasctus ; mulsi for *mulg-si ; ultus for *ulctus ; qmntus for
*qmnctus ; arsi for *ards~t ; tortus for *torctus ; ursus for *urcsus ;
sparsi for *spargs~i ; dimes tris for *bim~ens-tris ; poscere for *porcs-
cere ; Tuscus for *Turscus (cf. Umbrian Turskum) ; alnus for
*alsnus ; fulmentum for fulc-mentum ; urna for *urc-na (cf.
urc-eits), quernus for *querc-nus.
Here also belong such compound forms as ignosco for *ingnosco ;
cognosce for *congnosco ; agnosco for adgnosco.
2. Often such simplification is merely preliminary to further
changes, regularly so when the groups si, sm, sn arise. Com-
pensatory lengthening (89) then takes place, e.g. p'llum, ' mor-
tar,' for *pinslum, *pislum ; ala for *acsla, *asla. The preposition
e as a ' by-form ' of ex arose in this way, e.g. eligo, enormis for
*ecsligo, *esligo ; *ecsnormis, *esnormis ; after e became estab-
lished in compounds, it came to be used separately. So also
tra- arose, e.g. traduco for transduce, *trasduco. Transduco is the
result of ' Re-composition ' ( 87. 3).
3. Where two of three consonants in a group are a mute and a
liquid, owing to facility of pronunciation, simplification does not
CONSONANT CHANGES. 115
take place, e.g. astrum, antrum. Other groups easy of pronuncia-
tion are sometimes preserved, e.g. sculpsi, serpsi, planxt, though
these may be due to analogy. Compounds like transcribe, trans-
porto, being much later than the formative period of the language,
are not to be regarded as exceptions.
ASSIMILATION.
106. i. Assimilation is designated as ' regressive' when the
first of two consonants is assimilated to the second, ' progressive '
when the second is assimilated to the first.
2. By regressive assimilation the following changes take place :
be to cc, e.g. occurro.
&g to gg, e.g. suggero.
bf to ff, e.g. suffero.
bp to //, e.g. supporfo.
dc to cc, e.g. accurro.
dg to gg, e.g. aggero.
dl to //, e.g. sella (*sed-la) ; lapillus (*lapid-lus).
dn to nn, e.g. mercennarius for *merc~ed-narius.
ds to ss,e.g.jussusfor*jud-sus (rootjudh-}.
dp to //, e.g. apporto.
tc to cc, e.g. sic f us for *sit-cus (cf. sit-is) .
ts to ss, e.g. quassi for *qnatsi.
pm to mm, e.g. summus for *supmus.
pftoff, e.g. offidna for *opficina, i.e. *opificina; see 92.
nm to mm, e.g. gemma for * -gen-ma, i.e. ' sprout' (root ?#-).
/to //, e.g. ullus for *unlus, i.e. *unulus ; see 92.
ns sometimes to ss, which was later simplified to s, e.g. in adjec-
tives in -osus. The earlier form was formonsus, etc., whence
formossus (cf. 98. 2},formosus.
r/to //, e.g. stella for *ster-la ; agellus for *ager-hts (see 100. 3) ;
paullus ( classical paitlus} for *paur-lus (cf. Gr.
Il6 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
3. By progressive assimilation the following changes occur :
Id to //, e.g. percello for *perceldo. Assimilation affects only a
primitive Id; in valde (= valid 7 / 92), for example, the Id
remains unchanged.
In to //, e.g. pe His for *pelnis ; In resulting from Syncope ( 92),
as in ulna for *ulena ; volnus for *vol-inus, is not affected by
this change.
Is to //, e.g. velle for *velse ; facillumus for *facilsumus.
rs to rr, e.g. ferre for */er-se ; torr~ere for *tors-~ere. Secondary
rs, for rtt, as in versus for *verttos (see 108. i) generally
remained unchanged, but in the colloquial language such an rs
sometimes became ss or s, e.g. prossus, prosus for prorsus (i.e.
proversus) .
4. Partial Assimilation. Sometimes assimilation is only par-
tial. Thus :
a) A labial nasal may become dental, or a dental nasal may
become labial, owing to the influence of the following
mute, e.g. centum for *cemtum ; ventum for *vemtum
(root guem-) ; con-tendo for *com-tendo, etc., whence
arose con- as a separate form of the preposition com-.
b) A voiced mute may become voiceless before a following
voiceless sound, e.g. ac-tum (for *ag-tttm) scrip- si for
*scribs~i.
c} The labial mutes/ and b are changed to the correspond-
ing nasals before n t e.g. somnus for *sop-nus (earlier
*svep-nos ; 104. 2. b) ; Samnium for Sab-nium
(cf. Sabirii) ; antemnae for *ant-ap-nae ; lit. 'opposite
fastenings,' hence ' yards.'
METATHESIS.
107. Metathesis or transposition is perhaps to be recognized
in fundo for *fud-no ; unda for *ud-na; panda for *pat-na ; and
tendo for *te-tn-o (reduplicated present).
CONSONANT CHANGES.
OTHER CONSONANT CHANGES.
108. i. An original dt or // became ss, e.g. sessus for *sed-tus;
passus for *pat-tus. After a long vowel or diphthong such an ss
became s in the Augustan era, though retained in Cicero's time
( 98. 2), e.g. usus, earlier ussus, for *uttus ; divisus, earlier
(Ttvissus, for *d~iv~idtus. In such forms as lap-sus, pulsus, nexus
(= nec-sus), ftxus, s has not developed phonetically, but has
simply been borrowed from words like sessus, fisus, etc. When
followed by r an original dt or // became st (instead of ss), e.g.
claustrum for *claud-trum ; pedestris for *pedettris. In syncopated
forms and compounds, dt simply became #, e.g. cette for *cedate
(cf. cedo), attendo ; i.e. these forms belong to a period in which
the change of dt, tt to ss was no longer operative.
2. Between m and /, a parasitic / developed, e.g. exemplum
for *exemlom ; templum for * tern- lorn. Such a p developed also
between m and s in sumpsl, contemps'i, and between m and / in
emptus and contemptus. This phenomenon apparently was con-
fined to accented syllables, though hiemps is attested occasionally
in good Mss.
3. An original -sr- became br. The steps in this change were
first from sr to f>r (/> = Eng. th), then to fr, whence br. Exam-
ples are : sobrinus for *sosr-~tnus (*sosr-, from *sosor, earlier form
of soror ; see 104. 2 b) tenebrae for *tene.srae ; membrum for
*memsrom ; funebris for *funesris (cf. funes-tus) ; muliebris for
*muKesris (cf. mulier-is for *mulies-is ; 98. i) fibra for *fis-ra ;
cf.ftlum for *fis-lom.
4. For the disappearance of s before /, m, n, r, b, d, g,
combined with lengthening of a preceding short vowel, see 89.
Il8 THE LATIN SOUNDS.
CONSONANT CHANGES AT THE END OF WORDS.
109. i. Single consonants are usually retained. Final s does
not become r phonetically, but is changed after the analogy of the
r arising by rhotacism in the oblique cases ; see 98. 4. Final
n in the Nominative Singular of ^-sterns disappeared prior to
the existence of Latin as a separate language, e.g. in homo for
*hom-o(n); *caro(ii), etc. After a long vowel or a diphthong,
final d is found in early inscriptions, but disappeared toward the
close of the archaic period. Examples are : Ablatives Singular of
the first and second declension, e.g. praeda for praedad; Gnaivo
for Gnaivo d ; also certain Adverbs and Prepositions, e.g. extra,
supra, etc. ; pro- for prod-, which latter appears in prodesse. So
also se- for sed-, which latter appears in seditio.
2. Geminated consonants are not written at the end of a word ;
thus as for *ass (cf. as -sis) ; svfel for *fell, i.e. *fels ( 106. 3) ;
far for *farr, i.e. */ars ( 106. 3) ; yet it is probable that gemi-
nated consonants were spoken in these words, e.g.hocc (for *hodc),
not hoc ; so/arr,/ett, ass, ess, ' thou art ' ; this last is the regular
form in Plautus.
3. Groups of two consonants at the end of a word are sim-
plified,
a) By dropping the second, e.g. mel for *melt ; lac for *lact ;
os for *ost; cor for *cord. l\\fert, volt, est, the final consonant is
retained after the analogy of agit, etc. A regular exception to the
general principle is seen in final ps and x t e.g. ops, urbs (bs = ps ;
see 27) / rex, Tex.
b) By dropping the first, e.g. miles for *niilets ; pes for *peds ;
and in final syllables in -ns, as agros for *agrons ; turris for
*turrins.
4. Final -nts, -nds, -rts, -rds, -Its lost the /, e.g. mon(t)s,
fron(d)s, concor(d)s, ar(t)s, pul(f)s. Final -nx, -Ix, -rx are per-
mitted, e.g. lanx, falx, merx.
CONSONANT CHANGES. 1 19
DISAPPEARANCE OF SYLLABLES BY DISSIMILATION.
110. By a natural tendency, when two syllables began with the
same consonant, the first syllable was often dropped, e.g. debi-
litare for *d'ebilitatare; calami fosus for *calamitatosus ; dentio
for *dentitio ; portorium for *portitorium ; veneficus for *veneni-
ficus ; voluntarius for *voluntatarius ; semodius for *se mi-mo dius.
CHAPTER VII.
INFLECTIONS.
DECLENSION OF NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES}
>TStems.
111. In the Indo-European parent-speech there was Ablaut
(62) in the suffix of ^-sterns. The weak grade of a, viz. a
( 66), occurred in the Vocative Singular. Elsewhere the suffix
remained a.
112. Nominative Singular. i. The original Nominative Sin-
gular had -a, e.g. *porta. But -a was shortened to -a before the
beginning of the historical period. Possibly this shortening was
owing to the influence of the Accusative Singular, where *-am
regularly became shortened to -dm ( 88. 2). The relation of
the Nominative to the Accusative in ^-sterns, //-stems, and /-stems
might easily have led to such shortening. Cf. the following pro-
portional representations :
servos: servom 1
friictus : fnlctum \ : : porta : portam.
ignis : ignim
Possibly the law of Breves Breviantes ( 88. 3), by which *fuga,
*fera, *rotd, etc., regularly became /#, /mz, rota, etc., led to the
extension of -a for -a to all Nominatives. Either one or both of
these influences may have operated to produce the shortening of
final a.
1 See, in general: Brugmann, Grundriss, ii. 184-404; Lindsay, Latin
Language, chaps, v. and vi.; Stolz, Lateinische Grammati$ > , 75-88; Som-
mer, Handbuch der Lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre, 179-265.
1 20
A-STEMS. 121
2. The Latin has developed a number of Masculine 5-stems,
e.g. agricola, ' farmer ' (probably originally ' farming ') ; cf. optio,
m., ' centurion's assistant,' from optio, /., ' choice, selection.'
Other languages exhibit this same phenomenon, e.g. Greek.
Thus yeai/tas, 'a youth,' probably goes back to a lost *vcavta, ' youth '
(abstract), the -s being appended to indicate the Masculine sig-
nification ; so further many Greek Masculines in -as, -qs. The
mediaeval Latin word bursa,f., meant ' company of students,' but
subsequently became individualized to mean 'a student' (.German
Bursche) ; so camerata,f., 'roomful of comrades,' later ' comrade '
(German Kamerad}. Cf. also English justice (the quality) and
justice (' magistrate'); Spanish justicia, by change of gender, also
covers these two senses.
113. Genitive Singular. The ending of the Genitive Singular
in Indo-European was -s, -es, -os, the different forms representing
Ablaut ( 64. a), as the result, probably, of varying accentual con-
ditions of the parent-speech. In the case of ^-sterns, the case-
ending was -s, which united with the a- of the stem and gave -as.
This termination appears in but a few Latin words. It is pre-
served in familias, in the combinations pater familias, mater
familias, etc., but elsewhere is archaic, e.g. mas (Enn. Ann. 421
Vahl.) , fortunas (Naevius) .
114. The Genitive Singular in -ae goes b.ick to an earlier -at
(dissyllabic), which is found in the poets as late as the Augustan
Age. This termination -at apparently arose by appending the
Genitive termination -t of the 0-stems directly to the stem, e.g.
porta-i. Whether at became at, aeby regular phonetic processes,
or under the influence of the Dative and Locative ending ae, is
uncertain.
115. Dative Singular. The Indo-European case-ending of the
Dative Singular was -at. But this had already in the Indo-Euro-
1 2 2 INFLE C TIONS.
pean parent-speech contracted with the final -a of the stem, pro-
ducing *-ai, whence successively -at, -ae ( 86 ; 80. i).
116. Accusative Singular. The case-ending was -m in Indo-
European. This in combination with -a of the stem must have
given a primitive Latin *-am, e.g. *portam ; but the vowel in all
final syllables in m had probably become shortened before the
beginning of the historical period ( 88. 2).
117. Vocative Singular. There was no case-ending in the
Vocative Singular of ^-sterns in the Indo-European parent-speech.
The Vocative simply had the weak form a of the suffix a ( in).
Whether the Vocative in actual use represents this original forma-
tion or is merely the Nominative employed in Vocative function
cannot be determined.
118. Ablative Singular. The Indo-European case-ending of
the Ablative Singular seems to have been d with some preceding
vowel, i.e. -ad, -ed, or -od. In the noun- declension, this case-ending
belonged in Indo-European exclusively to the ^-sterns (see 130).
In Latin it was transferred to 5-stems also, combining with the
final -a of the stem to produce -ad, which is preserved in early in-
scriptions, e.g. PRAIDAD, CIL. i. 63, 64 ; SENTENTIAD, CIL. i. 196. 8,
17. These inscriptions belong to the period of Plautus ; but it
is generally thought that such Ablatives were probably archaistic
at that time. Before an initial consonant, final d when following
a long vowel regularly disappeared. Theoretically, therefore, for
a while two forms must have existed, an ante-consonantal form,
pratda, efc., and an ante-vocalic form, praidad, etc. But the
ante-consonantal form early became predominant, probably
before 200 B.C.
119. Locative Singular. The case-ending of the Locative
Singular in Indo-European was -i. In -^-sterns this combined
A- STEMS. 123
with -a of the stem to produce -at, a long diphthong ( 86),
which then became shortened to -ai t later -ae, just as in the case
of the Dative ( 115).
120. Nominative and Vocative Plural. The original case-
ending of the Nominative Plural in Indo-European was -es for all
nouns. In the case of #-stems, this -es must early have con-
tracted with final -a of the stem to *-as. This *-as is the regular
termination of the Nominative Plural of 5-stems in the other
Italic dialects, Oscan, Umbrian, etc. ; but has entirely disap-
peared in Latin. 1 Instead of -as, we have the termination -at,
which goes back to an original *portai. This formation is
analogical, after the Nominative Plural of ^-sterns in -oi ( 131).
The Vocative Plural of ^-sterns is simply the Nominative em-
ployed in a Vocative function.
121. Genitive Plural. The case-ending of the Genitive
Plural in Indo-European was -dm. With the -a of the stem this
case-ending must have early contracted to *-am, a termination
which has entirely disappeared from all the Italic dialects.
Instead of *-am the Latin has -arum, a termination borrowed
from the Genitive Plural of the Pronominal Declension. This
-arum is developed by Rhotacism ( 98. i) from an earlier
*-asom ; compare Homeric Greek forms in -awv, e.g. 0eda>i/ for
0ed(cr)aH'. The forms ending in -um, which sometimes occur in
the poets, e.g. caelicolum, Dardanidum, are new formations, pos-
sibly in imitation of the 0-stems ( 132), possibly after the analogy
of such Genitives as Aeneadum (from Aenead'es).
122. Dative and Ablative Plural. The Indo-European parent-
speech had no special form for the Ablative in the Plural.
The Ablative Plural, in all languages in which that case occurs, is
identical in form with the Dative. The genuine Dative and Ab-
1 A few possible vestiges occur in the early language.
1 24 INFLE C TIONS.
lative Plural of ^-sterns in -abus (on -bus, see 144) appears only
in a few words where distinction of sex is important, e.g. equabus,
filiabus, nbertabus, etc. Elsewhere we have the termination -is,
which is historically an instrumental formation borrowed from the
0-stems. The termination of the Instrumental Plural of the
<?-stems was -ois (see 133). By analogy the iz-stems created
the termination -ais, which regularly became -is (see 80. 2).
Nouns in -ia sometimes contract the t with the -is of the
termination to -is, e.g. Virgil, Aen. v. 269, taeriis for taeniis.
Words in ia, e.g. Maia (the adjective) have -is, e.g. Kalemtts Mais
(for Mails] ; see 80. i .
123. The Accusative Plural. The case-ending of the Accusa-
tive Plural in Indo-European was -ns. The n disappeared accord-
ing to 109. 3, i.e. portas for *portans.
0-Stems.
A. MASCULINES AND FEMININES.
124. In the Indo-European parent-speech there was Ablaut
( 70) in the suffix of <?-stems. Both forms of the strong grade
occur, e and o. The former appears in the Vocative and Loca-
tive Singular, and partially in the Ablative ; the latter in the
remaining cases.
125. Nominative Singular. This is formed by appending -s
to the stem, e.g. horto-s, later hortus ( 76. i). On age r, see
100. 3.
126. Locative and Genitive Singular. In the Locative Sin-
gular the suffix took the form e ( 124), which, with the Locative
case-ending /, gave by contraction -ei, whence regularly -i. The
Locative function is still apparent in hunii, belli, donii, heri, also
in town names, e.g. CorintJii ; and in qi/arfi, qmnfi, etc., in such
expressions as quarfi die, qulnfi die ( 173).
O- STEMS. 125
It was formerly thought that the Latin Genitive Singular of o-
stems was a Locative that had taken on a Genitive function. But
this position is no longer tenable. For in the Senatus Consultum
de Bacchanalibus of 186 B.C., where Indo-European ei is still
regularly written El, the Genitive ending appears as I, showing
that we have a different formation from the Locative. Besides
this, the Genitive Singular of /^-sterns (e.g. imperiuni} is different
from the Locative. For while throughout the Republican period
the Genitive of /^-sterns ends in -I, the Locative of such stems
ends in -//, e.g. Bnmdisii. The Genitive, therefore, is probably
distinct in origin from the Locative, but what the origin of the
Genitive -i is, is not clear. Words in -eius formed the Genitive
in -ei, e.g. Pompei from Pompeius ( 82. 3).
127. Dative Singular. The Indo-European case-ending -ai
early combined by contraction with final o of the stem, producing
-oi. Perhaps we have this (shortened to -oi ; 86) in Numasioi
in our earliest Latin inscription, CIL. xiv. 4123. In the his-
torical period -oi has become o ( 86).
128. The Accusative Singular. The regular ending -;;/ is
appended to the stem in o, e.g. horto-m, classical hortum
( 76- 5).
129. Vocative Singular. The stem with the ^-suffix serves as
a Vocative, e.g. hort-c ; there is no case-ending. Not only proper
nouns in -ius but all nouns in -ius regularly had -i (by contraction
for -le) in the Vocative Singular. But barring fill, Vocatives
from other than proper names are rare. Forms in -ie are practi-
cally unknown, except as cited by the grammarians.
130. Ablative Singular. <9-stems were the only class of
nouns in Indo-European that originally had a special Ablative
case-ending ; other nouns, so far as they exhibit a special ending
1 26 INFLE C TIONS.
for this case, have borrowed it from ^-sterns. The form of this
case-ending is d with a preceding vowel, a, e, or <?, i.e. -ad, -ed,
or -od. As the case-ending appears only in contraction, the
vowel cannot be determined. The stem appears in two forms,
one in o- and one in e- ( 124), e.g. r'ecto- and recte-. With the
former of these the case-ending combined to produce *rectod,
and with the latter * reefed. Forms with d appear in early Latin,
e.g. POPLICOD, FACILUMED (=. facittime) . Later (probably shortly
before 200 B.C. in the ordinary speech) the d disappeared ; see
1 1 8. The forms in -~e became appropriated as Adverbs, recfe,
facillinie, etc.
131. Nominative and Vocative Plural. The Nominative Plural
of ^-sterns in Indo-European was originally formed by appending
the case-ending -es to the stem, giving Indo-European -os. This
termination appears in the other Italic dialects, Oscan, Um-
brian, etc. ; but in Latin the ^-sterns have borrowed the termina-
tion of the Pronominal Declension, viz. -oi. A tradition of this
appears in pilumnoe, poploe, cited by Festus (p. 205, ed. Miiller).
But final oi regularly became t, the classical termination, e.g.
horti ; di is common as the Nominative-Vocative Plural of deus.
132. Genitive Plural. The original termination was -om, the
result of contraction of final o of the stem and the case-ending
-dm ( 121). This termination, shortened to -om ( 42. i),
appears in early Latin, e.g. Romanom, and in the form -um
( 76. 5) is also regular in certain words in the classical period, e.g.
talentum, modium, deum, etc. (Gr. 25. 6. a). The usual end-
ing -orum is of secondary origin, and is formed after the analogy
of the Genitive Plural of 5-stems ( 121).
133. Dative and Ablative Plural. The so-called Dative and
Ablative Plural is in reality an Instrumental. The Indo-European
6-STEMS. 127
form of the termination was -dis. This in Latin became first -ois
( 86), and then -eis, -~ts ( 81. 4), the classical termination. Cf.
122. In -/0-stems -its often contracts to -is, e.g. conub'is for
conubns ; so flits, auspicis ; dis is common as the Dative-Ablative
Plural of dens.
134. Accusative Plural. The Indo-European case-ending
was -ns. Latin *horto-ns would represent the primitive forma-
tion; this became hortos ; 109. 3. .
B. NEUTERS.
135. In the singular these present no special peculiarity.
The Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative have -m as case-
ending, which is Indo-European.
136. The Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative Plural have -a...
This ending is in all probability identical with that of the Nomi-
native Singular of -^-sterns ; i.e. certain Feminine collective nouns
came to be felt as Plurals and were so used syntactically. Thus
an original *juga (Latin juga] meaning ' collection of yokes ' (cf.
German das Gefoche) came to be felt as a Plural and was con-
strued accordingly. The use of the Singular in Greek with a
Neuter Plural subject, apparently dates from the time when the
Neuter Plural was still a Feminine Singular. In Latin this -a
of the Nominative, Accusative, and Vocative Plural of <?-stems
was transferred also to consonant, z-, and ^-sterns (e.g. *nomina,
*maria, *corniia), and when (by the ' Breves Breviantes ' law ;
88. 3) the -a of juga, etc., was shortened to -a, this shortening
was extended also to other stems, giving nomina, maria,
cornua, etc.
1 2 8 INFLE C TIONS.
Consonant Stems.
A. MASCULINES AND FEMININES.
The original case-endings are seen to best advantage in the
Mute stems.
137. Nominative and Vocative Singular. The case-ending is
s, which combines with the final consonant in the ways enu-
merated in Gr. 32, 33, e.g. princep-s ; miles; dux. The
Nominative serves also as Vocative.
138. Genitive Singular. Of the three forms of the Indo-
European case-ending, viz. -s, -es, -os, the second, -es, is the
one which regularly appears appended to consonant stems.
This becomes -ts according to 73. 2. a), e.g. ped-h, milit-is.
Traces of the ending -os are seen in early Latin NOMIN-VS (-us
for -os ace. to 76. 5), CASTOR- vs, HONOR-VS, etc., perhaps
also in opus in the phrase opus est, ' it is necessary.' Cf. 341. 2.
139. Dative Singular. The Indo-European case-ending was
probably -ai which regularly became -/, e.g. ped-1 for *ped-ai ;
niilifi for *mllitai.
140. Accusative Singular. The Indo-European case-ending
was -/, which, after a consonant, necessarily became sonant
( 1 02. i) and developed as -em, e.g. pedem for *pedm ; principem
for *pnncipm.
141. Ablative Singular. In the Indo-European parent-speech,
as already stated, there was no separate form for the Ablative
Singular except in <?-stems. Ordinarily the Genitive served also
as Ablative. In Latin consonant stems the ending -e is the
Indo-European Locative ending -i ( 75. 3). But after the
analogy of z-stems, the Ablative of consonant stems sometimes
ends in ~td, -t, e.g. AIRID (=aere), CONVENTIONI ; 153. In the
CONSONANT STEMS. 1 29
Ablative Singular of adjectives with consonant stems, the termina-
tion -i. has become practically universal (e.g. prudenti, audacl,
felici, etc.). So also in town-names, to denote place where, e.g.
Tlburi, Carthagifii, Lacedaemom, etc. To denote place whence,
the -e forms are used, e.g. Carthagine.
142. Nominative and Vocative Plural. The Indo-European
case-ending of the Nominative Plural was -es, seen in Greek
-es (e.g. <v/\.a/c-es), but is not preserved in Latin. Plautine fanes,
pedes, turbines, etc., come under 88. 3. The ending -es which
appears regularly in all nouns of the so-called Third Declension
has been borrowed from the z-stems ; see 154. Owing to the
fact that the Nominative and Accusative Plural were regularly
alike in consonant stems (e.g. m'tlites, imlites) ; and owing to
the further fact that many consonant stems took -is in the
Accusative Plural, after the -/-stems ( 159. i), it happened
that by proportional analogy this -is was transferred to the
Nominative Plural. The phenomenon is confined almost exclu-
sively to early Latin, where we find such forms as IOVDICIS,
( =judicis), homims, etc.
143. Genitive Plural. The regular ending -um is for earlier
-om, from -dm; see 121.
144. Dative and Ablative Plural. The Indo-European end-
ing was -bhos, which became -bos ( 97. i. b]. This appears
once or twice in early Latin, but soon became -bus ( 76. 5).
The i of -ibus t the regular termination of all consonant stems,
is borrowed from the /-stems; 156.
145. Accusative Plural. The Indo-European ending -ns
became -ns ( 102. i) after a consonant. This regularly became
*-ens y whence -es ; 109. 3. b.
1 30 INFLEC TIONS.
B. NEUTERS.
146. The Nominative and Accusative Singular are formed with-
out case-ending. For the -a of the Nominative and Accusative
Plural, see 136.
STEM- FORMATION OF CONSONANT STEMS.
147. Several formative suffixes originally showed Ablaut (62,
70). Thus:
1. S-Stems. Stems formed with the suffix -os (-us); e.g.
gen-us, had in certain cases the suffix -es- ; thus originally Nom.
*gen-os, Gen. *gen-es-es, Dat. *gen-es-ai, later gen-us, gen-er-is,
gen-er-l ( 98. i). In some words the -os- suffix of the Nomina-
tive invaded the oblique cases, e.g. temp-us, Gen. temp-or-is (for
*temp-os-es). Yet the -es- suffix appears in the adverbs temp-er-1,
temp-er-e. Cf. also temp-es-tas, temp-es-fivus, where the original
-es- has been protected by the following /. Pignus, which is
ordinarily declined pignus, pignoris, had the -es- suffix in early
Latin, e.g. pigneri (Plautus).
2. Nasal Stems. The suffixes of many nasal stems originally
had Ablaut ( 62, 70). Thus :
a) The suffix -on- (lengthened from -on-, strong grade; 62)
had another strong form, -en-, and a weak one, -n-. Most words
have lost the -n- grade, and show only -on- or -en-, e.g. umb-o for
umb-o(n) ( 109. i), Gen. umb-on-is, etc.; drd-o(n), ord-in-is
(for *ord-en-is, 73. 2) ; turb-o(ii], turb-in-is. Car-o(n), Gen.
car-n-is, shows a trace of the weak grade of the suffix.
b) The suffix -io(n}- had another form of the strong grade,
viz. -ien-, and a weak grade -in-. The weak grade appears in
the other Italic languages, Oscan, Umbrian, etc., but not in
Latin, where as a rule we have only -ion, e.g. actio(ri), acti-on-is,
though Anio(n) shows -ten- ('protracted form'; 62. 3) in
Anienis, etc.
I-STEMS. 131
c) The suffix -mo(n) had also the grades -men- and -mn-.
Sometimes the -men- grade appears in the oblique cases, e.g.
ho-mo(n), ho-min-is, etc.; sometimes the -mo(n) of the Nomina-
tive appears throughout, e.g. sernib, sermonis.
<f] Neuters in -men show two forms of the suffix. In the
Nominative -men stands for -mn ( 102. i), e.g. no-men for
*no-mn. In the oblique cases min- is for men-, e.g. no-min-is for
*no-men-es ( 73. 2).
3. ^-Sterns. Some of these originally had Ablaut in the
suffix. Thus :
a} Nouns of relationship in -ter, e.g. pater, mater, f rater.
These originally had three forms of the suffix, viz. -ter-, fer, and
-tr- (weak form ; 62). The Greek has clung quite closely to
the original declension TTO.-TTJP, Tra-r/o-os, Tra-rcp-a. In Latin the
-tr- form of the suffix has gained the supremacy in the oblique
cases; in the Nominative, -ter represents earlier *-fer (88. 2).
b) Nouns of agency in -tor originally had three forms of the
suffix, viz. -tor-, -tor-, -tr-. In Latin these have all practically
been reduced to one, -tor (Nominative -tor being for earlier *-tor;
88. 2). The weak grade -tr-, however, appears in the corre-
sponding feminine nouns of agency, e.g. vic-tr-ix, gene-tr-~ix t etc.
/-Stems.
A. MASCULINE AND FEMININE Z-STEMS.
148. These originally had Ablaut ( 62, 70) in the suffix.
The strong forms of the suffix were -ei-, -oi-; the weak form -i-.
Many original /-stems have passed over in Latin into the -io(n)
class ( 147. 2. V). Examples are statio (earlier *statis ; cf. Gr.
o-Touns for *o-Ta-Tis) ; -ventio (earlier *ventis ; cf. Gr. /Scuns for
*/2aTi9) ; -tentio (earlier -tentis ; cf. Gr. TCUTIS for *rans).
149. Nominative Singular. This is regularly formed by ap-
pending -s, e.g. tgni-s, turri-s. Several nouns have lost the i
I 3 2 INFLE C TIONS.
before s by Syncope ( 92), e.g. pars for *part-(t)s (cf. partint} ;
gens for *gent-(i)s ; mem for *ment-(i)s. Gr. 38. 3.
150. Genitive Singular. The Indo-European termination
seems to have been -eis, i.e. ei (strong form of suffix) + -J> weak
grade of Genitive case-ending ( 138). But this termination
-eis t while preserved in Oscan and Umbrian, has disappeared in
Latin. The termination -is is borrowed from consonant stems.
151. Dative Singular. The Indo-European case-ending -at
was appended to the stem with the suffix -ei, thus giving, for
example, *turrei-ai, whence by contraction * turret, turn.
152. Accusative Singular. The regular ending -m is appended
to the stem, e.g. turri-m. The termination -em (borrowed from
the consonant stems) has, however, largely displaced primitive
-im. See Gr. 37.
153. Ablative Singular. There was no special form for the
Ablative Singular of /-stems in Indo-European. The Latin, how-
ever, formed an Ablative in -d, e.g. turrid, after the analogy of
tf-stems (hortos : hortorn : hortod: : turris : turrim : turrid). These
-^/-forms, however, are attested by only scanty examples ; the d
early disappeared ( 109. i), leaving the termination -i. But in
most nouns the ending -<?, borrowed from consonant stems, has
replaced this -z. Adjectives, however, always have -1.
154. Nominative Plural. The suffix of the Nominative Plural
took the form -ei- ( 148). Thus the primitive formation would
be represented by *turr-ei-es. The i between vowels first became
j, and then regularly disappeared. The resulting *turrees then
became turres by contraction. Cf. in Greek TroAas (ei = e) for
I-STEMS. 133
155. Genitive Plural. The ending -urn is appended to the
stem, ending in the /-suffix, e.g. turri-um.
156. Dative and Ablative Plural. The Indo-European end-
ing -bhos is appended to the stem, ending in the /-suffix, e.g. tur-
ri-bus. On -bus for -*bhos, see 97. i. b ; 76. 5.
157. Accusative Plural. The termination was -ns ; hence
originally turrins, whence turns ( 109. 3. b). The termination
-es, which is often used instead of -is, is borrowed from the con-
sonant stems.
B. NEUTER /-STEMS.
158. i. These changed the final -/ to -e by a regular law
( 75)- Stems of more than two syllables then usually dropped
the -e thus developed, while dissyllabic stems retained it, e.g.
calcar(e), animal(e] ; but mare, rete.
2. The case-endings of Neuter /-stems are in general the same
as for Masculines and Feminines. In the Ablative Singular the
termination -/ is regular. On the -a (i.e. -i-a) of the Nominative
and Accusative Plural, see 136.
Consonant Stems that have partially adapted themselves to the
Inflection of /-Stems.
159. As stated in the Grammar, 40, the adaptation is prac-
tically confined to the Plural, viz. the Genitive and Accusative,
where -turn and -is take the place of the normal -urn and -es.
Several distinct groups of words belong here :
i. One of the most important classes consists of nouns in -es,
e.g. aedes, nubes, etc. What has led to the adaptation of these
words to the inflection of /-stems in the Genitive and Accusative
Plural is not certain ; but the fact that stems of this class prac-
tically never show -im in the Accusative Singular or -/ in the
Ablative Singular, whereas regular /-stems in -is frequently show
134 INFLECTIONS.
these endings, makes it impossible to regard nouns in -es, Gen.
-is, as actual /-stems.
2. Nouns in -tas y Gen. -tatis, may possibly represent /-stems,
i.e. civitat-i- ; yet the absence of -im and -/- forms in the Accusa-
tive and Ablative Singular is against this. Cf. i above.
(/-Stems.
A. MASCULINE AND FEMININE //-STEMS.
160. Like the /-stems, the //-stems had a suffix which appeared
in three forms, viz. -eu-, -ou-, and -u-. The first two were strong ;
the last weak. See 64. c ; 70.
161. Nominative Singular. The Nominative Singular appends
-s, e.g.fructu-s.
162. Genitive Singular. The Genitive Singular had the strong
form of the suffix, either -eu- or -ou-. To this was added the Geni-
tive case-ending in its weakest form, viz. -s ( 138), thus giving
*fruct-eu-s, or *fruct-ou-s, whence regularly fructus ( 85). Early
Latin also shows two other formations, viz. in -uis and -uos, e.g.
senatu-is and senatu-os. These represent the other forms of the
Genitive case-ending, -is being for earlier -es ( 138).
The termination -us cannot be explained as the result of con-
traction from either -uis or -uos. Neither ui nor uo contracts to u.
In Plautus and Terence //-stems largely follow the analogy of
<?-stems and form the Genitive Singular in -/, e.g. senafl.
163. Dative Singular. The Indo-European case-ending -at
appended to the stem with suffix -eu- gave *fruct-eu-ai, whence
regularly fructui. The Dative in -u is not formed from that in
-ui by contraction ; for -ui does not contract to u. The forms
in u are probably Locatives, fructu being for earlier *fructeu,
a peculiar terminationless formation, found also in Sanskrit.
U- STEMS. 135
164. Accusative Singular. The regular ending -m is ap-
pended, e.g. fructu-m.
165. Ablative Singular. The earliest Latin formation had -d,
e.g. fructud. This, however, was not inherited from the Indo-
European, but was a new formation, specifically Latin. See
153. The -d was soon dropped, giving fructu.
166. Nominative Plural. The original formation would have
been in *-eu-es, i.e. the strong form of the suffix ( 160) + the
Nominative case-ending -es ; *-eu-es would regularly have become
*-u-is, which would have remained uncontracted. The regular
Nominative Plural in -us must, therefore, be referred to another
origin ; it is probably an Accusative that has taken on a Nomina-
tive function. Cf. early Latin Nominatives in -is from i-stems,
which are likewise Accusatives in Nominative function ( 142).
167. Genitive Plural. fructu- urn, etc., are
On -om, see 121. A Genitive in -um also occurs, e.g. currum, in
place of curruum. Inasmuch as this formation appears in Plautus
(long before the change of -uom to -uum ; 57. i. c), currum
cannot be explained as from curruum, but is an analogical formation
after Genitives in -um from ^-sterns ( 132) and consonant stems.
168. Dative and Ablative Plural. The regular Indo-European
case- ending *-bhos became Latin -bus ( 97. i. ), and was regu-
larly appended to the stem in u-, e.g. fructu-bus. Later, either
owing to the influence of consonant and z-stems, or to the ten-
dency of u to become i before labials ( 6. 2), -ubus often became
-ibus.
169. Accusative Plural. The primitive formation would be
represented by *fructu-ns (case- ending -ns\ whence regularly
frucfus ; 109. 3. b.
1 36 INFLE C TIONS.
B. NEUTER &-STEMS.
170. These are not numerous and present few peculiarities.
The long u of genu and cornu has been explained as being possi-
bly an original dual formation, ' two knees,' etc.
I and U- Stems
171. i. The only I- stem in Latin is vis. The terminations of
the Singular follow those of /-stems ; I has probably been short-
ened in the Genitive, though the actual quantity cannot be
proved. The Accusative vim for *v1m is regular; 88. 2. In
the Plural, vires, vlrium, etc., result from the conception of the
stem as vis-, whence *vts-es, vires, etc.; 98. i.
2. 7-stems are represented by sus and grus, both of which take
the endings of consonant stems, shortening u regularly to u before
vowels. Subus is not a contraction of suibus, but represents
the original formation ; subus and suibus are the result of analogy.
le- Stems.
172. /e-stems are represented by nouns in -ies, e.g. rabi'es, acies,
fades, species, etc. The suffix -ie- originally had Ablaut ( 70) in
Indo-European, appearing in the forms -*- and -ie- ; but Latin has
lost all traces of the /-suffix and has -ie throughout. Two original
j-stems (spes and fides) have also adapted themselves to the
same declension as the -zf-stems, along with res and dies, which
were originally diphthong stems ; see 180.
172 a . Nominative Singular. The case-ending is -s as else-
where.
173. Genitive Singular. The primitive Genitive of the -ie
stems ended in -s, e.g. rabies, Lucretius, iv. 1083. But the
regular termination is -el. The 1 of this is probably borrowed
E-STEMS. 137
from <?-stems, precisely as in case of the ending -at of ^-sterns ;
subsequently e was regularly shortened before -1, when a consonant
preceded the termination, e.g.fidei, spei, ret, plebei, though in early
Latin, forms like fidTt, re~i are found. A Genitive in -i also arises
by the contraction of el to -ei, whence -t, e.g. pernicn, dn (Virgil,
Aen. i. 636). The ending -~e, e.g. acie, die (in such expressions as
qulnft di'e, postridte, pridie, etc.), is not Genitive, but a Dative-
Locative formation ; see 1 74. The original formation was
*diet. But under certain conditions this diphthong -ei became
-~e (cf. 86) ; hence die for *diei.
174. Dative Singular. In the Indo-European parent-speech
the Dative and Locative seem to have become merged in a single
formation in - (long diphthong) ; whence -1 ( 1 73). But for
the most part this original Dative in -e has been supplanted by
the Dative in -el, a new formation modelled on the Datives of
consonant stems.
174 a . Accusative Singular. This is formed regularly by ap-
pending the case-ending -m, before which ~e is regularly shortened
( 88. 2), e.g. aciem for earlier *aciem.
175. Ablative Singular. No traces of forms with -d are
found, though it is likely that acie, etc., are for an earlier * acted,
etc. This formation would be secondary, after the analogy of the
Ablative Singular of ^-sterns.
176. Nominative Plural. The Nominative case-ending -es
(see 142) combines by contraction with the stem, e.g. acies
for *acte-es.
177. Genitive Plural. The termination -erum is after the
analogy of -drum of the 5-stems and -orum of the <?-stems.
1 3 8 INFLE C TIONS.
178. Dative and Ablative Plural. The ending -bus, for Indo-
European -bhos ( 97. i. ^), is appended directly to the stem.
179. Accusative Plural. The primitive Latin formation would
be represented by *aciens, whence acies ( 109. 3. b).
Stems ending in a Diphthong.
180. i. Res, originally a diphthongal stem, viz. *reis, had
become res in the Indo-European period.
2. The Nominative Singular of navis was originally *naus.
This form disappeared ; navis is a new formation after the Geni-
tive navis, Dative navt.
3. Bos is probably not a genuine Latin word, but is borrowed
from one of the Italic dialects (Oscan ?) ; o represents earlier ou.
The oblique cases are formed from the stem bou-, u becoming v
between vowels. The Dative Plural bubus is regular (for *boubus) ;
bobus is modelled on the Nominative bos.
4. The stem of Ju(piter} was, in Indo-European, *Djev-.
Initial dj regularly became /( 104. i. a) ; hence *Djev- became
*Jev-, and further Jov- (73. 3). From this stem are formed
the oblique cases Jov-is, Jov-i, Jov-em. The Vocative consisted
of the simple stem, namely *Jev, which became *Jeu, Ju- ( 85).
It is this last which, combined with -piter (i.e. pater, 73. 2),
gives Jupiter (Juppiter, 88. i), really a Vocative, but used as
a Nominative as well.
The original Nominative was *Dj~eus, with a ' by-form ' *Difeus,
' god of the sky,' 'god of day.' From the latter came the com-
mon noun dius, ' day,' preserved in nudiustertius, ' now the third
day/ ' three days ago ' ( 86). But after the analogy of the
Accusative diem, there arose also the Nominative Dies seen in
the archaic Diespiter, which is the real Nominative corresponding
to Jupiter. This same dies^ as a common noun, ' day,' passed over
into the inflection of the *7-stems.
COMPARATIVE AND SUPERLATIVE. 139
FORMATION OF THE COMPARATIVE AND SUPERLATIVE. 1
181. The Comparative. i. The regular Comparative Suffix in
Latin was -jos- ('protracted form' -jos-; 62. 3), with -jes- as
another form of the strong grade, and -is- as weak grade ( 62).
But -jos-, -jos- alone 2 survived in Latin. In the Nominative Mascu-
line and Feminine the original formation was -jos. Following a
consonant, / regularly became / ( 103. 2), and in the oblique
cases s became r ( 98. i), e.g. melioris for * me Hosts ; the r was
subsequently transferred by analogy to the Nominative. The
Neuter took the suffix -ids- and kept s, changing o to #(76. 5),
e.g. melius. Minus is not for *min-ios (which would be impos-
sible in Latin), but was probably originally a Noun, *minvos t
whence *minos ( 103. 5), minus, Gen. *mineris. This became
an Adjective and developed a Masculine minor, after the analogy
of other Comparatives.
2. The Indo-European parent-speech had another suffix, which
in some languages developed Comparative force, viz. -tero-, -tera-,
e.g. Greek KaKw-repos. But in Latin this suffix retained its primi-
tive force of ' having a relation to,' ' connected with,' e.g. ex-terus,
lit. ' having a relation to the outside, outer ' ; *interus, posterus,
citer, etc. These were felt as Positives and took the regular suffix
-tor- to denote Comparative relation.
3. Plus is for *plo-is, from the rQQ\.pfe-,plo- t ' fill,' 'full' ( 62).
This *plois became * plots ( 86), whence //j ( 81. i). In the
archaic hymn known as the Song of the Arval Brothers we find
the form PLEORES from pie-, the other phase of the root.
182. The Superlative. We have three Superlative suffixes in
Latin :
1 See Lindsay, Latin Language, p. 404; Stolz, Lateinische Grammatik*,
92 ; Sommer, Handbuch der Lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre, 302 ff.
2 -is appears in plus (see 3, below) and in the Adverbs mag-is, nim-is.
140 INFLECTIONS.
1. -mo-, -imo- seen in sum-mus for *sub-mus ( 106. 2) ; /r/-
mus ; bruma ' winter,' lit. ' shortest day,' for *breu-ma (brev-is) ;
pessimus ; also in extre-mus, postre-mus ; supre-mus ; plur-imus,
prox-imus (for *proqu(t)simu$) ; max-imus (for *mag(i)s-imus).
2. -tumus, -timus ( 6. 2), seen in ci-timus, ex-timus, in-timus,
pos-tumus, ul- timus, op-timus, for op (i) timus, from ops ( 92) ;
earlier citumus, etc. This suffix originally had much the same
meaning as tero-, tera- (see 181), and still retains its primitive
force in several words, e.g. fagi-timus ; fini-timus, etc.
3. The suffix -issimus is of uncertain origin. It can hardly be
for -istimus, a mingling of -isto- (seen in the Greek Superlative
ending -IO-TOS) and -mus ; for -istimus could not become -issimus.
No plausible explanation of the suffix has as yet been offered.
Acerrimus is probably for an original *acr-is-imos, whence by
Syncope ( 92) acrsimos, *acersimos ( TOO. 3), acerrimus
( 1 06. 4). Similarly facillimus is for *fdcil-is-imos,*facilsimos,
facillimus ( 106. 3) ; -is-, in the forms assumed as original, repre-
sents the weak form of the Comparative suffix ( 181). Cf.
Brugmann, Grundriss, \\. p. 158.
4. On the quantity of / in -issimus, see 43.
NUMERALS. 1
Cardinals.
183. i. Unus is for earlier oinos ; 81. i. (cf. Gr. olvr), the 'one-
spot ' on dice) . German ein and English one are the same word ;
Greek ets for *cre//,-s is not related to unus, but to semel, singull.
2. Duo is for earlier *duo according to 88. 3 ; cf. Gr. Sixo.
The formation was Dual.
1 See Brugmann, Grundriss, ii. 164181; Lindsay, Latin Language,
pp. 408 ff. ; Stolz, Lateinische Grammatik*, 91 ; Sommer, Handbuch der
Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre, 306 ff.
CARDINALS. 141
3. Tres. The stem shows Ablaut ( 64. c}, strong grade tret-,
weak grade tri-. The former stem originally appeared in the
Nominative, *trej-es, whence *tre-es, tres. The other cases have
tri-, viz. tri-um, tri-bus, tri-a, tris (for *tri-ns ; 109. 3).
4. Quattuor. The Indo-European form from which quattuor
is descended was probably *quetvores ; but the Latin form early
lost its inflection, after the analogy of the other indeclinable
numerals ; -or regularly became or ; 88. 3. The change of the
primitive e to a, and the doubling of the / cannot be referred to
any recognized law. The change of v to u is perfectly natural ;
cf. 16. i./.
5. Quinque. The Indo-European form was *penque ; cf. Skrt.
panca, Gr. irvre. Initial qu- in Latin is the result of assimila-
tion of the first syllable to the second ; cf. bi-bo for Indo-European
*pi-bo (Skrt. pibami}. The change of e to / is in accordance
with 73. 2. b. The long i is probably borrowed from quintus,
for qutnctus.
6. Sex. This comes from Indo-European *sex, a by-form of
*svex t seen in Greek l, Doric p (for o-ffg).
7. Septem. The Indo-European form was *septm, which regu-
larly developed in Latin as *septem ( 102. i).
8. Octo is descended from an Indo-European *ocfo. The form
was a Dual ('two sets of fingers'; root ac-, oc-, 'sharp,'
'pointed'?).
9. Novem. The Indo-European form was *nevn, which in
Latin would regularly have appeared as *noven ( 102. i ; cf.
Eng. ni-ne ; German neu-ri) ; -em for -en is probably due to
association with the following dec -em.
10. Decem is for Indo-European *dekm; 102. i.
11. 'Eleven' to 'Nineteen.' These are regularly formed by
composition, undecim, tredecim, etc. On -im for -em, see
73. 2. For tredecim we should expect *tredecim according
to 89 (cf. sedecim for *sec(s)decim ; 105). The e remains
142 INFLECTIONS.
unexplained. ' Eighteen ' and ' Nineteen ' were usually expressed
by duo d~eingin.fi y und~ev~iginfi.
12. Viginti. The Indo-European form was *v~i-kmtt t in which
m, ' two,' is for *dvi, an original Neuter Dual, from the root *du-
*kmfi, whence in Latin *-genti, -ginti ( 102. i) was also Dual, in
the sense of ' tens.' The change of k to g is peculiar, though not
unexampled ; cf. dig-itus for *dic-itus (from root die- ' point ').
13. 'Thirty' to ' Ninety.' These all end in -ginta, which in
Indo-European was *-konta (cf. Gr. TptaKovra, Teo-o-apaKoi/ra, <?#.),
a Neuter Plural meaning * tens ' ; *-konta shows the strong grade
of the root whose weak grade *knt- lies at the basis of viginti (see
above) ; -ginta for *gonta is due to the influence of viginti. The
-a is a vestige of the original ending mentioned in 136. On g for
c, see above. Tri- in triginta is probably a Nominative Plural
Neuter. The -a in quadra-, quinqua-, sexa- is secondary. Its
precise origin is uncertain. As regards quadra-, it is best to dis-
connect it entirely from quattuor. It is probably an independent
word.
14. Centum is for an Indo-European *cntom, whence the Latin
form by regular phonetic process ; 102. i. Eng. hund- in hund-
red is the same word. Gr. e-Kardv has prefixed e-, for -ev, ' one.'
15. The Hundreds present few difficulties. Tre-cenfi is for
*tri-cenfi by assimilation ( 90). Quadringenn, octingenfi (for
quattuor-, octo-} have borrowed the -ing- from quingenfi (for
*quinq-genti ; 105. i) and septingenti (for *sepfem-gentt\ where
-ing- developed regularly. Sescenft is for sex-cenfi, according to
105. i. Sexcenti, which also occurs, is the result of ' Re-com-
position ' ; 87. 3. On g for c in -gen ft see above, 12.
16. Mille. The most probable etymology of this word is that
which connects it with Greek ^tAta, Doric x^Aia (for *^eo-Xia),
' thousand.' The Indo-European form of this was *gheslia, which
in Latin would regularly develop as *helia ( 89; 97. 3. A.),
and, by assimilation ( 90), *hilia. The initial m would repre-
DISTRIBUTIVES. 143
sent sm-, weak form of the root sem-, l one,' seen in sem-per
sem-el, sim-plex, sin-gun. Cf. also Greek //,-i'a for *(cr)/x,ia. Hence
originally in Latin *sm(h)~ilia, ' one thousand.' On m for initial
sm-, see 104. i. b\
Ordinals.
184. i. Primus for *pris-mos (cf. pns-cus, pris-tinus} is a
Superlative formation ; 89.
2. Secundus (for *sequondos ; 103. 5) is from sequor; hence
originally : 'the following.'
3. Tertius may be for *tri-tios, whence by Syncope ( 92)
*trtios, then tertius (100. 3).
4. Quartus, Quintus, Sextus are formed from the respective
cardinals by adding -tus. The route followed in the development
of quartus is too devious to be here described.
5. Septimus, Decimus are probably for an original *septm-mos,
*decm-mos. Before m, m developed into the sound variously
represented by u, t ; 6. 2.
6. Octavus is for an earlier *octovus.
7. Nonus is for *noven-os ; cf. 183. 9.
8. Vicesimus and the other tens are formed with the suffix
-timo-, i.e. v'tcesimus, earlier vtcensimus, for *vicent-timos ; 108. i.
9. Centesimus and the Hundreds. Inasmuch as the element
-esimus was common to all the tens, it came to be felt as an inde-
pendent ordinal suffix, and was appended to the stems of the
hundreds, centum, ducenft, etc. The suffix -timo- would have
given *centum-timus t or else *cesimus for *cent-timus.
10. Millesimus follows the analogy of the hundreds.
Distributives.
185. i. Singuli shows the weak form of the root sem-, 'one,'
seen in sem-el, 'once,' sim-plex, sem-per, etc. The origin of the
suffix -gull is not clear.
144 INFLECTIONS.
2. The other Distributives are formed with the suffix -no-, e.g.
b~im for *bis-ni ; trim for *tris-m. Beginning with septerii, the
Distributives are formed by the suffix, -erii, which is borrowed
from sent (for *secs-m ; 105. i ; 89). The cardinal form to
which this suffix is added, usually loses its final syllable, sometimes
the last two syllables, e.g. sept(em)erii, nov(em)ent ; dem, vicem.
Multiplicatives.
186. i. Semel, 'once,' is from the root sem- 185. i.
2. Bis is for dvis, preserved in the Glosses of Festus ; 104.
2. f). Cf. Greek Sis. For Latin dis, see 104. 2.
3. Ter is for *tris (cf. Gr. T/OI'S) in unaccented position. The
sequence of development would be */m, *trs t *trr, ter ; 106.
3 ; ioo. 3-
4. Quater is possibly for *quatrus, *quatrs, quater(f] ; 100. 3.
5. The other Multiplicatives are formed by the suffix -tens,
-ies (see 20. 2), which is variously explained. Some see in it
the Participle of eo, so that sex-iens would mean literally ' going
six.' Others identify it with the Sanskrit suffix -yant, ' great.'
PRONOUNS. 1
PERSONAL PRONOUNS.
187. First Person. i. The Nominative Singular, ego, for
earlier ego ( 88. 3), represents an Indo-European *egd.
2. The Genitive Singular, met, is simply the Genitive Singular
Neuter of the Possessive meus, used substantively. By the side
of mei we have also in early Latin the Genitive nils. This
probably goes back to an Indo-European Genitive- Dative-Loca-
1 See Brugmann, Grundriss, ii. 407-459; Lindsay, Latin Language,
chap, vii ; Stolz, Lateinische Grammatik? 89, 90 ; Sommer, Handbuch der
Lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre, 266 ff.
PRONOUNS. 145
tive form *mei or *moi, whence *ml. To this was added the
Genitive termination -s.
3. The Dative Singular, mihi, is probably descended from an
Indo-European *megh-oi or *megh-ei, Locative. This would regu-
larly appear in Latin as *meht ( 97. 3. A; 81. 2). The change
of e to t took place first when *mehi was in unaccented position ;
73. 2. On the shortening of the final i, see 88. 3. Mi may
be a contraction of mihi or may be identical with Greek /W (also
Locative).
4. The Accusative and Ablative Singular, me, was med in early
Latin. Originally med was Ablative only, with the case-ending
discussed in 130. Before an initial consonant med would
become me, remaining med before vowels. The original Accu-
sative Singular was me, but the existence of me and med side by
side in the Ablative naturally led to the rise of med by the side of
the already existing me in the Accusative.
5. Nominative and Accusative Plural, nos, is apparently an
inherited Indo-European formation. The form was originally
Accusative and was thence transferred to the Nominative also.
6. Genitive Plural. Nostri, nostrum are the Genitive Singu-
lar and Genitive Plural of the Possessive Pronoun used with sub-
stantive force. In early Latin we find also nostrorum and (as
Feminine) even nostrarum.
7. Dative and Ablative Plural. Nobis has apparently bor-
rowed its termination -bis from vobis ; see below.
188. Second Person. The Indo-European stem was tve-, with
weak grade tu-. A collateral form te- also appears.
1. Nominative Singular. tu corresponds to German du,
Greek TV- in Homeric rlvrj.
2. Genitive Singular. Tui like me'i ( 187. 2) is the Genitive
of the Possessive Pronoun used substantively. Early Latin has
also a Genitive tis to be explained like mis (see 187. 2).
1 46 INFLE C TIONS.
3. Dative Singular. Tibi is for an earlier *tebhei, *teb~t, tibi ;
on i for e, see under mihi, 187. 3. On the shortening of the
final -/, see 88. 3 The origin of the termination -bhei is uncertain.
4. Accusative and Ablative Singular. In both Accusative and
Ablative we have te, with fed as an alternative form in early Latin.
On the origin and relation of the two formations, see 187. 4.
5. Nominative and Accusative Plural. Vos represents an
Indo-European formation. Like rids ( 187. 5), it was originally
Accusative only.
6. Genitive Plural. Vestrum, vestri are of the same formation
as nostrum, nostn; see 187. 6. Vostrum, vostn, for vestrum,
vestri, result from association with nostrum, nostn.
7. Dative and Ablative Plural. Vobls is formed with the suffix
-bills, the relation of -bis in vo-bls to -bl in ti-bl being perhaps de-
termined by that of tills to till ; istis to tstl, etc.
THE REFLEXIVE PRONOUN.
189. The stem of the Reflexive is *sev-, with the collateral
forms *se-, sv-.
1 . Genitive. Sui, like met and tut, is the Genitive Singular of
the Possessive used substantively.
2. Dative. Sibi, earlier sibt, is for *sebhei, *sebt. See under
mihi, 187.3. On the shortening of the final / see 88. 3.
3. Accusative and Ablative. In both Accusative and Ablative
we have se, with sed as an alternative form in early Latin. On the
origin and relation of the two formations, see on me, 187. 4.
THE POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS.
190. These are formed by appending -os (-us) to the stems or
other form of the Personal Pronouns.
i. Me-us is formed by adding the suffix -os to *mei, the Indo-
European Genitive form mentioned in 187. 2. This *mei-os
PRONOUNS. 147
regularly became meus. The Vocative Singular nit is either the
old Genitive mi, or is for *mei-e, which by loss of its -e might
become *mez, ml.
2. Tu-us is from the stem tev-, whence originally *tev-os, later
tovos ( 73. 3), preserved in early Latin. In enclitic position ov
became u, whence fuos, tuus ; see 103. 4. With Latin *tev-os,
cf. Homeric Greek re(/r)os.
3. Su-us is from the stem sev-, whence originally *sevos, later
sovos (73. 3), preserved in early Latin. In enclitic position, e.g.
pdtrem sovom, ov became u, whence suos, suus ; see 103. 4.
With primitive Latin *sev-os cf. Homeric Greek e/ros for *o-e/ro?.
The weak form of the root sev was sv-. It is this which appears
in Greek os for oyros, and traces are present also in Latin, e.g. in
such forms as sis (Dat.-Abl. Plu.), for *sms (root svo-) t found in
early Latin.
4. Noster and vester are formed by adding the suffix -tero- to
nos- and vos- t with Syncope of the e ; cf. Gr. ^/ae-repos. The suffix
is the same as that already considered 181. 2, and had the mean-
ing ' connected with/ ' having a relation to.' The early form
vaster became vester according to 76. 3.
THE DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS.
Hie.
191. i. The stem of hie was ho-, ha-. To the regular case-
forms of this stem was often added the suffix -ce, frequently reduced
to -c \ -ce itself represents a pronominal stem meaning ' here.'
2. Nominative Singular.
a) Masculine. Hie is now explained as for *ho-ce. In unac-
cented (i.e. enclitic) use, this would regularly become *hice,
whence hie ( 76. 4). The element ha- is thought originally to
have been a Nominative form of the same type as Indo-European
*so (Skrt. sa> Gr. 6 (for *<ro), Gothic sa), i.e. a Nominative consisting
1 48 INFLE C TIONS.
of the stem alone without case-ending. The / of hie was thus short
by origin, and the word always has i in Plautus. Where we find
an apparent i in later times, we should probably read Kicc ; i.e.
the syllable is long, but the vowel is short. An instance of hicc
occurs in CIL. ix. 60, HICC EST. This cc comes from hocc. See
below, <:).
a) Feminine. Haec for *ha-i-c(e), adds / (a formative element
recognized elsewhere in the inflection of this pronoun) to an
original *ha (cf. *porta).
c) Neuter. Hoc is for *hocce, earlier *hod-c(e), in which
-d is a case-ending peculiar to the Pronominal Declension.
The o of hoc was short. Whenever the word makes a long
syllable in verse before an initial vowel it is probable that the
Romans pronounced hocc, e.g. hocc erat in Mss. of Virgil, Aen. ii.
664. Before consonants they pronounced hoc, e.g. hoc templum.
3. Genitive Singular. The earliest form of the Genitive
Singular was *hoij-os, whence hoi(j}us, preserved in early Latin,
The exact nature of this formation is still far from clear. The
classical form hujus seems most likely to have developed from
hoi-(j)us in accordance with 81. i.
4. Dative Singular. The original form of the Dative Singular
was probably *hoijei, a Locative formation that took on Dative
function. From this, by disappearance of the intervocalic j
(103. i) and contraction, arose the earliest Latin form, viz.
HOICE, CIL. i. 197. 26. The exact way in which huic arose is un-
certain.
5. Accusative Singular. Hunc, hanc are simply for earlier
*ho-m-ce, *ha-m-ce, with obvious phonetic changes.
6 . Ablative Singular. floe, hac for earlier *hod-c(e) , *had-c (e) '
represent the same Ablative formation as regularly seen in a- and
0-stems ; 118, 130.
7. Plural Forms. These all follow the regular termination of
a- and 0-stems, except the Nominative and Accusative Plural Neu-
PRONOUNS. 149
ter, haec, where -at, -ae (instead of -a) exhibit the same i as noted
above in connection with the Nominative Singular Feminine.
Is.
192. i. The root of this pronoun is '-, weak form t- ( 62).
By appending the suffixes -o- and -a we get the stems ejo-, eja-
or (by disappearance of the intervocalic j) eo-, ea-.
2. Nominative Singular.
a) Masculine. Is shows the root in the weak form with the
case-ending -s.
&) Feminine. Ea is for *ej-a ; see above, i.
c) Neuter. Id shows the weak form of the root with the Pro-
nominal case-ending -d.
3. Genitive Singular. The original formation is thought to
have been *eijos, whence eius, the correct classical form ; cf.
82. 3.
4. Dative Singular. Ei for *e-ei, earlier *ej-ei was in forma-
tion a Locative from the stem ejo- (see i). In the Pronouns the
Locative served also as Dative.
5. Accusative Singular. Eum, earn represent an earlier
*ejom, *ejam, (see i).
6. Ablative Singular. Eo and ea, earlier edd, ead, were
formed from the stems *ejo- 9 eja-. The case-ending is the same
as that of a- and ^-sterns.
7. Plural Cases. These are all formed regularly from the
stems *ejo- t eja-. In the Nominative Plural, ei (for *ej-oi) repre-
sents the original formation; // is for ei by assimilation ( 90) ;
i is from ii by contraction. Cf. also the corresponding Dative-
Ablative forms, eis, its, is.
8. Idem is simply is with the suffix -dem. For the Compen-
satory Lengthening, see 89. i.
1 5 O INFLE C TIONS.
Iste, Ille, Ipse.
193. These three pronouns presumably contain in their second
syllable the Indo-European pronoun *s#, l he ' ; *sa, * she ' ; *tod,
'that.' But by association and analogy the second element has
become much modified.
194. Iste. The first syllable of iste is of uncertain origin. It
was apparently an unchangeable element. By the addition of
*so, *sa, *tod, would arise *isso, *issa, * is tod. The regular Accu-
sative of *so was *tom, *tam, *tod (cf. Greek roV, rav, rd(8)),
whence *istom, Distant, *istod. The preponderance of forms with
/ eventually caused *issa to become ista and *isso to become
*isto t later iste ( 76. 6), influenced by ///<?, ipse.
195. Ille. li olle was the original of tile, as is usually held, the
change from o to / can be accounted for only on the ground of
adaptation to such forms as iste, ipse, is. Olle, itself, may be for
*ol-so t *ol-se, whence olle ( 76. 6; 106. 3). The Feminine
would similarly have been *ol-sa t olla. The Neuter would have
been *ol-tod, and the Accusative *oltom, *oltam, *oltod. Then the
forms with // might naturally have gained the supremacy over
those with //.
196. Ipse. I- here seems the root of is (cf. early Latin eapse,
cumpse t eopse, etc.), while the origin of the suffix -pse is obscure.
The Neuter, ipsum (instead of *ipsud), shows transition to the
Noun Declension.
197. Declension of Iste, Ille, Ipse. With the exception of
the forms istud^ illud already mentioned, and the Genitive and
Dative Singular, these all show the usual terminations of the Noun
Declension. The Genitives isfius, illius y ipstus are formed by
appending the Genitive ending -os (-us) to isft t till, ips't, Locatives
PRONOUNS. 151
from the stems is to-, illo-, ipso-. These Locative formations
served originally as both Dative and Genitive in the Pronouns.
Later the Genitive was differentiated from the Dative.
The Relative, Interrogative, and Indefinite Pronouns.
198. i. These are all formed from the same root, which ap-
pears as gut-, quo-, qua-.
2. Nominative Singular. Quis shows the stem qui- with the
case-ending -s. Qui is for quo -\- i, a formative element which
appears elsewhere in the Pronominal Declension (see under hie,
191. 2. b} ; 7) ; oi in accented syllables regularly becomes u,
but i for oi in qui may perhaps be explained by the enclitic char-
acter of the word. Quae is the regular Feminine of the Relative.
The formation is the same as seen in hae-c ( 191. 2. b). Qua,
which appears in the Indefinite Pronoun, follows the Noun De-
clension. Quo-d and qui-d append the regular pronominal ter-
mination to their respective stems.
3. Genitive Singular. Cujus, for earlier quoi(J)us, *quoijos,
seems best explained like hujus ; 191. 3.
4. Dative Singular. Cui seems to have developed in the first
century of the Christian era from the earlier quoi ; see 14.
Quoi was probably a Locative formation.
5. Accusative Singular. Quern for *qui-m has followed the
analogy of j-stems having -em for -im, e.g. turrem, ovem, etc. ;
152.
6. Ablative Singular. Besides the regular quo, qua, quo,
which present no peculiarities, we find qui used for all genders
and (in early Latin) for both numbers. This may have been a
genuine Ablative form (giii for *quid\ or an Instrumental.
7. Plural Forms. Quae is analogous to hae-c; 191. 7.
The Dative and Ablative quis is from the stem quo- ( 133); it
has no formal connection with qui-bus, which is from the stem
152 INFLECTIONS.
Pronominal Adjectives.
199. Several Adjectives of pronominal meaning have adopted
also the Pronominal Declension in the Genitive and Dative Singu-
lar, viz. alius, alter ; uter, neuter ; u/lus, nullus ; solus, totus, unus.
Alius takes also the pronominal -d in the Neuter Singular.
CONJUGATIONS
INTRODUCTORY.
200. As compared with Greek and Sanskrit, the Latin in its
verb-system exhibits extensive deviations from the original conju-
gational system of the Indo-European parent-speech. The fol-
lowing are the most important points of difference :
1. The Latin has lost the augment, i.e. an initial <?-, prefixed to
the secondary tenses of the Indicative as a symbol of past time.
2. The strong (i.e. unsigmatic) Aorist has disappeared almost
entirely.
3. The original Perfect Indicative has become merged with
the sigmatic Aorist. The result is a tense whose inflections are
derived from both sources, and whose meanings are Aoristic as
well as Perfect.
4. The original Middle Voice has disappeared, being super-
seded by a new inflection peculiar to Latin and Keltic.
5. The Subjunctive and Optative do not appear as separate
moods, but have become fused into one, designated Subjunctive.
6. In the Imperfect and Future Indicative of the a- and ?-
conjugations we meet new formations in -bam and -bo, which, like
the r- Passive, are peculiar to Latin and Keltic.
1 See in general: Brugmann, Grundriss, ii. 460-1086; Lindsay, Latin
Language, chap. viii. ; Stolz, Lateinische Grammatik^, 96 118; Sommer,
Handbuch der Lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre, 317 391
CONJUGA TION. 1 5 3
7. In the Personal Endings the distinction between primary
and secondary endings has become effaced.
8. Several new tense- formations have developed which are
peculiar to Latin, e.g. the Perfect Indicative in -vi and -m, the
Pluperfect Subjunctive in -issem, etc.
FORMATION OF THE PRESENT STEM.
201. Thematic and Unthematic Formation. The Latin in-
herited two distinct types of Present formation. The one, char-
acterized by the presence of the variable or thematic vowel (e, o)
before the Personal Endings, is called Thematic. This type is
illustrated by dicu-nt (for *dico-nf) ; dici-tis (for *dice-tis). The
other type of Present formation has no thematic vowel, and hence
is called Unthematic. Unthematic presents originally had Ablaut
( 62). The strong form of the root appeared in the Singular,
the reduced form in the Plural. This change was connected with
primitive accentual conditions. Presumably the accent originally
rested on the root syllable in the Singular, on the endings in the
Plural.
In Greek, the Unthematic Conjugation is represented by the
-/AI verbs (ri-Otf-fUj Ti-0e-,uiev) , while -w verbs are thematic, e.g.
Xcy-o-/iCVj Ae'y-e-re.
Classification of Present Formations.
A. UNTHEMATIC PRESENTS.
202. Unthematic Presents are but scantily represented in
Latin ; for the most part they have passed over into the thematic
inflection. The following verbs are the chief representatives of
the class :
i. Do, 1 da-Sj ddt (for earlier daf) ; Plural dd-mus, da-tis^ ddni.
1 For the personal endings in this and the other verbs, see 235 ff.
1 5 4 INFLE C TIONS.
2. Eo. The two forms of the root were ei- (strong), and -t
(weak). The primitive inflection for Latin, therefore, would have
been theoretically somewhat as follows :
*ei-t *i-nt
In the First Singular *ejo regularly became eo ( 103. i) ; *eis
became is ( 82) ; and *<?//, z/, later //. The Plural seems to
have abandoned early the weak form of the root in favor of the
strong ; imus, Jtis, eunt, therefore, represent *ei-mos, ei-tis, ej-ont.
3. Sum. The strong form of the root is es-, the weak s-.
The original conjugation for Latin, therefore, would have been
theoretically somewhat as follows :
*es-m z *s-mos
*es-s *s-tis
es-t *s-nt
The historical forms show considerable deviation from -this.
Traces of *ess are seen in the regular use of es as long in early
Latin verse. The presumption is that ess represents Plautus's pro-
nunciation. The First Singular sum, along with su-mus (for
*so-mos) t and sunt (earlier sonf) may represent a special thematic
formation. The Second Plural es-tis is formed from the strong
root, like the Second Singular. Enclitic forms 'j and 'j/ some-
times occur for the Second and Third Singular. These are often
1 The Indo-European inflection was presumably :
*ei-mi (Gr. el/xi) *i-mos (cf. Gr. 1-fj.ev)
*ei-si *i-te (cf. Gr. ?-re)
*ei-ti (Gr. ef(ri for *efTi) *i-enti
' 2 The Indo-European inflection was presumably :
*esmi *smos
*esst *ste
*esti *senti
CONJUGA TION. 1 5 5
joined in writing with a previous word, e.g. bonust = bonum 'st ;
morast = mora 'st. The usage is poetic and colloquial.
4. Edo. Unthematic forms occur only in the Second and
Third Singular, and in the Second Plural. The root shows Ablaut,
appearing in some forms as ed-, in others as ed-, altered to es- by
euphonic change, e.g. est for *edt; estis for *edtis ( 108. i).
5. Fero. Fers, fert, fertis show apparent unthematic forms,
but in view of the fact that this verb follows the thematic con-
jugation in Sanskrit and Greek, it is probable that the above Latin
forms arose by Syncope (92).
6. Volo. The only forms which are certainly unthematic are
vult, vultis (earlier volt, voids'). The root in the Singular was
normally *vel- (cf. vel-im, etc.}, but *velo and *vel-t became void,
volt, according to 73. 5. The Second Singular vis is not for
*vel-s, but comes from the root vet'-, also meaning ' wish ' ; cf. in-
vitus. Volumits, volunt have followed the thematic inflection
with o for e according to 73. 5. Vultis (earlier voltis) is most
naturally explained as for *vl-tis, whence voltis ( 100. i). Nolo
is for *nevoldj *novolo ( 83. 3) and malo for *mag(e)volo.
B. THEMATIC PRESENTS.
203. Of these there are the following classes :
I. Root Class. The Present stem consists of the root in its
strong form + the thematic vowel e / . More exactly the root
appeared in that phase of the strong grade which gave its name
to the different Ablaut Series ( 62). Thus roots of the - Series
had e, et(i), eu(u) ; those of the ^-Series had a, etc. The ^-Series
is most fully represented. Examples are :
e-Series : leg- e -/ _, root leg- ; teg- e -/ ., root teg- ; veh- e ' / ., root
veh- ; deic- e -/ ., root deic- (later die-; 82) ; feid- e -j ., root feid-
(later/w 7 -) ; deuc^-jo.^ root deuc- (later due-}.
1 56 INFLECTIONS.
d-Series : ag- e ~/ -, root ag- ; caed- e ~ j ' ., ( 68).
a-Series : vad- e -/ ., root vad-.
e-Series : c~ed- f - / ' ., root ced-.
o-Series : rod- e - / ' ., root rod-.
II. Reduplicating Class. The Present Stem is formed by
prefixing to the root -f the thematic vowel e / , a reduplicating
syllable, which consists of the initial consonant of the root -f t.
The root appears in its weak form ( 62). Examples: gi-gn- e -/ . y
root gen- (cf. Gr. yi-yv-o-/wu) ; si-d- e ~ / . for *si-sd e - / . ( 89), root
sed- ; also apparently originally *di-do (cf. reddo for *re-d(i)-do by
Syncope ; 89). Sisto, root sta, andse-r0 for *si-so ( 98. i), root
*se- t do not strictly belong here. They were originally unthematic
formations (cf. Gr. (o-)t-o-T7^/xi, (<r) r-(<r)iy-/u), but have passed in
Latin into the thematic conjugation ; bibo is not properly a redu-
plicated formation. The root was pib- ((/. Skr. pibami ; Gr.
7rt(38a for *e7rt-7rt^-8a). The Latin word results from assimilation
of/ to b.
III. T-Class. This class, like the preceding, is but sparingly
represented in Latin. The root appears in its strong form, to
which is appended /'-/_. Examples are : nec-t e - / _, plec-t e - / , t
pcc-t-l flec-t^l^
IV. N-Class. The Present Stem is formed with a nasal infix
before the final consonant of the root ; to this is appended the
thematic vowel '/ _. The root appears in the weak form. Exam-
ples : find e -/ _, root fid- ; rump- 6 ' / _, root rup- ; jung '- / _, root
jug-. Originally the infix was confined to the Present system, but in
some words, as jungo, it appears throughout the entire verb, e.g.
jungo, junxi, junctus. In other verbs the nasal appears in the
Perfect Indicative, though not in the Perfect Participle, e.g.
fingo, finxi, f ictus ; stringo, strinxl, strictus.
V. NO-Class. To the root in its weak form is added the
suffix n e ~ I o-. Originally verbs of this class were unthematic.
CONJUGATION. 157
The primitive suffix was nu- in the Singular, and nu- in Plural.
The Personal endings were appended directly to these suffixes, so
that a verb like sternd, for example, was once inflected :
*ster-nil-o *ster-nu-mos
*ster-nu-s *ster-nu-tis
*ster-nu-t *ster-nu-nt
But *ster-nu-mos regularly developed to sternimus. Thus two
forms of the Plural (sternimus, sternunf) were identical with the
thematic inflection and hence led to sternd, sternis, sternit'm the
Singular, after the analogy of dicimus, dicitis, dicunt to died,
diets, dicit. Other examples are sper-nd, tem-nd, It-no, si-no,
tolld, for *tl-nd ( 100. i).
VI. SCO-Class. The Present stem is formed by appending
sc e ~/o-> to the root, e.g. h~i-scd, git-scd, cre-scd, (g)nd-sco, posed for
*pore-scd, suesed for *sued-sco.
Many secondary formations also occur, as gemt-sco, trenie-sco;
especially derivatives from contract verbs, as floresco, from floreo ;
labasco from labo; and even from nouns and adjectives, as lapi-
desco, roresco, duresco.
The inceptive or inchoative meaning of numerous sco- verbs is
not an inheritance from the Indo-European parent speech, but is
a special development of the Latin itself. Many verbs of this
formation, e.g. nascor, disco, posco, ktsco, etc., show no trace of
the inceptive force.
VII. jO-Class. The Present Stem is formed by appending the
suffix/'-/,, to a root or stem. Several different formations belong
under this head, the chief of which are the following :
^)/ <? -/ tf .-Presents from roots ending in a consonant. Here /
becomes /, e.g. jac-io for *jac-jo; capio for *cap-jo, and all the
so-called verbs in -id of the Third Conjugation. Some verbs
originally of this formation have passed over into the inflection of
contract verbs in -id, -tre (see b below), e.g. venid, venire.
158 INFLECTIONS.
ft] j e ~ I o-- Presents from roots and stems ending in a vowel. The
/, here becoming intervocalic, disappears and the concurrent
vowels (except in the First Singular of ?- and z-verbs) regularly
contract. Examples :
1) Monosyllabic roots : imple-mus for * imple-jo-mos, root pie-;
intramus for *intrajomos, root tra-.
2) Dissyllabic verb-stems : domamus for * do-majo-mos, stem
do ma-.
3) Noun and Adjective stems in -a, e, t: curamus, stem cura-;
rubemus, stem rube-; firiimus, stem flm-.
These ^-contracts form the so-called First Conjugation, the e-
and ^-contracts the Second Conjugation, and the /-contracts the
Fourth Conjugation.
e} Causatives in ej e ~/ _, e.g. mon-eo, doc-eo, torr-eo. These all
take the #-phase of the strong form of the root ( 64). They
regularly suffer contraction and form a part of the Second Conju-
gation.
d) Verbs in -ojo probably once existed in Latin, but have dis-
appeared. Thus aro, arare was probably originally *arco (for
*arojo)' } cf. Or. dpow. The adjective aegrotus is likewise possibly
to be referred to an orignal *aegro.
TENSE FORMATION IN THE INDICATIVE.
The Imperfect.
204. The termination -bam in the Imperfect Indicative is
plausibly explained as representing an Indo-European Aorist,
*bhvam, from the root bhu-. This seems to have been appended
to some oblique case of a noun derived from the stem of the verb.
The primitive formation would be represented by *monebhvam^
*legebhvam, etc. This theory of the origin of the Latin Imperfect
finds confirmation in Slavonic, where the Imperfect consists of a
case-form of a verbal noun -f- the past tense of the verb 'to be.'
CONJUGATION. 159
Early Latin has both -'tbam and -iebam in verbs of the Fourth
Conjugation. The ending -iebam, however, is later in origin than
-'ibam, and was borrowed from /0-verbs of the Third Conjugation,
e.g. capiebam.
It has been suggested that the element preceding the -bam in
the Imperfect was an old Infinitive. Cf. such compounds as
are-faciOj 'to make dry.'
Eram for earlier *es-am ( 98. i) exhibits the same praeterite
formation as that assumed for *bhv-am in amabam, etc.
The Future.
205. i. The Future in -bo. The Future in -bo is analogous
to the Imperfect in -bam , -bo is probably the Present of the root
bhu-, so that amabo (for *ama-bhvo; 204) literally means 'I
become loving.' Cf. the analogous German ich werde lieben. On
ama-j mone- in this formation, see 204. The Future in -bo is
found also in verbs of the Fourth Conjugation in early Latin, e.g.
scibo, audibo.
2. The Future in -am. This formation, regular in the Third
and Fourth Conjugations, is in reality a Subjunctive, or rather two
Subjunctives, that have come to be ranked as Indicatives. The ist
Singular in -am (for *-am) is an 5-Subjunctive ; the remaining
forms are ^-Subjunctives. See 221; 222.
3. The future in -so. This formation appears in such archaic
forms as dixo, faxo, which are in reality Aorist Subjunctives that
have come to be ranked as Indicatives. The Future of sum, ero,
is similarly a Present Subjunctive, for *es-o ( 98. i) ; cf. Ho-
meric Greek (o-)<o, Attic <3 (by contraction).
The Perfect.
THE REDUPLICATION.
206. i. In Verbs beginning with a Consonant. The Redupli-
cation in such verbs regularly consisted of the initia.1 consonant + e.
1 60 INFLE C TIONS.
Where the root began with sf, sp, or st, the sc, sp, or st appeared
in the reduplicating syllable, but the s was lost in the root syllable,
e.g. sd-ci-di (early Latin) spopondi, ste-fi. The reduplicating
vowel, e, was assimilated to the root vowel when the latter was the
same in the Perfect as in the Present, e.g. mo-mord-l, sci-cid-l,
pu-pug-i, di-dic-~i, spo-pond-~i ; but the original forms with ^are often
found in early Latin, e.g. memordi, pepugi, spepondi, FHEFHAKED
CIL. xiv. 4123.
The Reduplication has disappeared very largely in Latin, yet
traces of its earlier presence are sometimes distinguishable, e.g. in
rettull for *re-(fe)fu/t ( 92) ; reppuli for *re-pepull ; repperi for
re-(pe)peri ; reccidl for *re-(ce)cidi. In the same way fidi, scidi
represent an earlier *fefidi, *scecidl (cf. early Latin scicidi).
2. In Verbs beginning with a Vowel. The Reduplication here
consisted in prefixing e. Only a few verbs have preserved it, e.g.
egt for *e-agi;edi for *e-edi; -ep~i(fox *e-apT) in coept, for *co-
epi, root ap- ; em't for *e-em~i. Some scholars refuse to recognize a
Reduplication in Latin verbs beginning with a vowel, and explain
the long vowel in the foregoing Perfects in other ways.
STEM FORMATION OF THE PERFECT.
A. The Primitive Perfect.
207. In the Indo-European parent-speech the accent rested
on the root syllable in the Singular of the Perfect, but on the
Personal Ending in the Plural. It was probably owing to these
primitive accentual conditions that the strong form of the root
appeared in the Singular, the reduced form in the Plural. The
special phase of the strong form appearing in the Singular was
that containing o or o (see the various Ablaut Series, 62 ff.).
Several of the Indo-European languages, as Sanskrit, Greek, and
the Teutonic, have preserved with more or less fulness the original
CONJUGA TION. 1 6 1
Ablaut of the root in the Perfect ; l but in Latin there has been a
uniform ' levelling' ; either the strong form has invaded the Plural
(the usual sequel), or the weak form has invaded the Singular.
Examples of the former process may be seen in totondimus, spo-
pondimus ; of the latter in ce-cid-i, tu-tud-i. In most Latin verbs,
however, other formations have largely displaced both of those just
mentioned. This has come about, partly as the result of phonetic
changes, partly from the workings of analogy. The whole subject
is too intricate for detailed consideration here. See Lindsay, Latin
Language, p. 494 f.
B. The Perfect in -si.
208. The Perfect in -si, which appears chiefly in roots ending
in labial, dental, and guttural mutes, is by origin an Aorist which
has passed over to the Perfect inflection. Cf. Latin dtx-1 with
Greek, c-Sei-a. Some verbs have preserved both the true Per-
fect and this Aorist Perfect, e.g. peperct and par si ; pupugi and
(in compounds) -punxi ; pepigi and (in compounds) -panxi.
C. The Perfect in -vi.
209. The Perfect in -vi is a new formation which has devel-
oped in the separate history of Latin itself. The origin of this
suffix is not clear ; according to one theory, -vi is borrowed from
such Perfects a.s/avt, lav~i,fovi, mov't, vovi,juvi, solvi, volvi, where
v really belongs to the stem.
1 Cf., for example, Greek
ol5-a td-fAev
olff-da fa-re
ol8-e t<r-a<ri,
or Gothic
vait vit-um
vaist vit-u\>
vait vit-un
1 62 INFLECTIONS.
D. The Perfect in -ui.
210. The Perfect in -ut is a development of that in -m ; -vl
is thought to have been added to extended forms of the roots
e.g. *gen-e-m (root gen-), *dom-a-vi (root dom-), whence genut,
domm ; 103. 4. From forms like these the category might easily
extend itself. Its diffusion was probably assisted by the existence
of such Perfects as fui, plm for early fuvi (Ennius), plum
rut, indm, exul, imbui, etc.
THE INFLECTION OF THE PERFECT.
211. In its inflection the Latin Perfect presents a mingling of
Perfect and Aorist forms. The exact determination of the details
of this fusion furnishes one of the most difficult problems of his-
torical Latin grammar ; the following explanations can claim only
a certain degree of probability.
212. The type of Perfect inflection existing in Latin prior to
the fusion of Perfect and Aorist may be partially reconstructed
as follows :
SINGULAR PLURAL
1 . vidi 1 vid- i- m us
2. ? ?
3. *vidc *vid-ent (for *vld-nt)
Of these forms vidi in the First Singular represents an Indo-
European middle, *void-ai. The Second Singular and Second
Plural cannot be conjectured with any degree of satisfaction.
213. With this true Perfect were fused certain sigmatic Aorists,
viz. an ^-Aorist and an -/j-Aorist. These were originally unthe-
matic, i.e. the endings were appended to the stem without the
1 No attempt is here made to take account of the Ablaut.
CONJUGATION. 163
help of connecting vowels ( 201). The inflection of one of
these -is- Aorists may be hypothetically reconstructed as follows :
SINGULAR PLURAL
1. *vTd-er-em (for *vld-is-m ; 75. I; 98. I; \Q2..\)*vid-is-mos
2. *vld-is (for *vld-is-s} *vid-is-tis
3. *vid-is-t *vid-er-ent (fo**vTd-is-nf)
214. Just what furnished the starting-point for the formal
fusion of the two tenses is not clear ; vidistis in the Second Plural
is the Aorist form ; so is viderunt in the Third Plural, with *-ent
changed to -unt after the analogy of other tenses, e.g. regunt,
amab-unt; ~e (for e) in -erunt is of uncertain origin. Probably it
was borrowed from the Perfect Third Plural in -ere, which is
certainly a different formation, though not at present well under-
stood. The scansion -erunt, frequent in poetry, preserves the
earlier quantity. In the Singular, vidi has already been explained
as originally a Middle which has assumed the function of the
Active. First Singular, vidi, and the First Plural, vtdi-mus, are
Perfect forms ( 212). The Second Singular vidistt is difficult of
explanation. Possibly the primitive form of the Second Singular
Perfect may have been *visfi. If so, vidisti may be a contami-
nation of * visit (Perfect) and *vtdis (Aorist), helped on by the
influence of the Second Plural indistis. The assumption of a
Perfect *vtstt, however, involves difficulties. The Personal End-
ing of the Second Singular Perfect was -tha in Indo-European.
Cf. Greek olaOa for */roiS-0a. In Latin -tha after s should become
-td. Influence of the Second Singular Middle ending *-sai
(= Latin -si) has been suggested ; also of the First Singular ending-/.
The Third Singular *vide early assumed the regular Personal End-
ing, /, of the other tenses. This gave *vldet, vidit. Some have
thought that in the true Perfect in Latin the primitive Third
Singular was *vldi (a Middle form, like the First Singular). Some
evidence in favor of this view is found in the regularly long quantity
of -it in early Latin poetry.
164 INFLECTIONS.
The Pluperfect.
215. The Pluperfect Indicative in -eram seems to have devel-
oped by proportional analogy : videram : vldero : : eram : era.
The Future Perfect.
216. The Future Perfect Indicative is an Aorist Subjunctive.
Thus videro is for a primitive *veid-is-o ( 75. i ; 98. i), in which
-is- is the same Aorist suffix as already mentioned in 213, 215.
The inflection follows that of Presents in -o, -is, -it, except in
the 3d Plural, which has -int instead of -unt, probably owing to
the influence of the Perfect Subjunctive ( 219), which it regu-
larly resembles in the other persons and numbers. In strictness
the terminations of the Perfect Subjunctive had -is, -imus, -itis.
Hence, by confusion of the two formations, the -i- sometimes
appears in the Future Perfect, e.g. Horace, Odes, iv. 7. 20,
dederis.
THE OPTATIVE.
217. There were two Optative formations in Indo-European, a
thematic and an unthematic. Greek AV-O-I-/W represents the for-
mer, a-ra-LTfj-v the latter. In Latin probably only the unthematic
type is to be recognized. Owing to the thorough fusion of Opta-
tive and Subjunctive ( 353), all Optative forms are traditionally
known as Subjunctives.
218. Present Optative. Only a few forms occur. The special
suffix of the unthematic Optative was -te- in the Singular, -/- in
the Plural.
Thus the primitive inflection of the Present Optative of the
root es-, ' to be,' was :
SINGULAR PLURAL
1. *s-ie-m (stem; 88. 3) s-i-mus
2. s-ie-s s-l-tis
3. s-ie-t *s-i-nt (s-i-nt)
CONJUGATION. 165
Stem, sies, siet are common in early Latin. The classical in-
flection of the Singular, sim, sts, sit, is formed after the analogy
of the Plural. Similarly in early Latin also we find siemus, sietis,
sient after the analogy of siem, etc. The weak form of the root, as
above, regularly appeared in the Plural. Other illustrations of
this Optative are velim (for *vel-ie-m, after vel-t-mus), riolim,
malim, edim (edo, ' eat '), du-im, possim.
219. Aorist Optative. The so-called Perfect Subjunctive in
-erim is by origin an Aorist Optative. The tense is formed by
means of the Aorist suffix -is- already mentioned in 213, 215,
to which is further appended the Optative suffix ie-, I- ( 218).
Thus the original inflection of viderim was :
*veid-is-ie-m *veid- is-i-m us
*veid-is-ie-s *veid-is-l-tis
*veid-is-ie-t *veid-is-T-nt
By change of ei to i ( 82), by rhotacism ( 98. i), and by
the regular development of t to e before r ( 75. i), this gave
*inderiem, etc., Plural viderimus. But the ie of the Singular
was early changed to t after the analogy of the Plural, giving
*mderim, widens, *v~iderit. The long vowel was regularly shortened
in the ist and 3d Singular and in the 3d Plural, but was retained in
the ist and 2d Plural, and is common in the 2d Singular. Hence
the correct inflection is : viderimus, videritis, and probably also
videris. The forms in -tmus, -ttis, -ts, where they occur, are to be
explained as the result of confusion with the Future Perfect
(216). A trace of the long vowel in the 3d Singular is found in
Plautus, Mercator, 924, adduxerit.
Another Aorist formation was by means of the suffix -s- in place
of -is-. This is seen in dixim,faxim, ausim for earlier *dic-s-ie-m,
etc.
1 66 INFLE C TIONS.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE.
220. Two formations, both descended from Indo-European, are
to be recognized. One of these is characterized by the suffix a
and belongs to the Present tense ; the other is characterized by
the suffix e, and appears not only in the Present, but in the
other tenses as well. Both these suffixes take the place of the
thematic vowel of the corresponding Indicative formations.
221. A- Subjunctives. Examples are moneam (for *mone-
jani) reg-a-m, audiam, earlier *regdm, * audiam; 88. 2. In
the 3d Singular, and 3d Plural also, the a has become regularly
shortened, but traces of the original quantity are preserved in
early Latin, e.g. Plautus, P&nu/us, 489, faciat.
222. E-Subjunctives.
1. Amem (for *ama-je-m) evidently has preferred this type, to
avoid the identity of Indicative and Subjunctive, which would have
resulted from the ^-formation here ; *ama-ja-m, etc., would have
given *amam, * amas, * amat. For the shortening of? in *amem,
see 88. 2. For the e in amet, ament, cf. 221. Traces of the
original quantity are preserved in Plautus, Curculio, 208, amet.
2. The so-called Future Indicative of the Third and Fourth
Conjugations is (outside the First Singular, which is an 5-Subjunc-
tive) a Present Subjunctive of the ^-formation which has come
to rank as an Indicative, e.g.fer-e-s, audi-e-s, etc.
3. The Imperfect Subjunctive also belongs here. There are
two formations, both -s- Aorists in origin :
a) Without connecting vowel. Examples are : es-s-em,ferrem,
for *fer-s-~em ( 106. 3), vellem for *vel-s-~em ( 106. 3) ; ama-r-em
for *ama-s-em ( 98. i) ; morie-r-em for *mone-s-em, audi-r-em
for * audl-s-~em.
b] With connecting vowel, e.g. reg-e-rem for reg-e-s-'em ( 98. i).
CONJUGA TION. 1 67
4. The Pluperfect Subjunctive may be the result of proportional
analogy : vldissem : vidisse : : essem : esse.
THE IMPERATIVE.
A. Active.
223. Present, Second Singular. The most probable view is
that which regards this form as consisting of the simple stem.
The Imperative, then, will be analogous to the Vocative, to
which it bears in general meaning a strong resemblance. Exam-
ples are: t, es, leg-e, cura (for *cura-je), morie (for *mone-je],
aucfi (for *audi-je). Verbs in id of the Third Conjugation follow
the root class ( 203. i ) e.g. cape. Die, due, fac, fer are probably
for due, duce, face, fere by dropping off the final short e.
224. Present, Second Plural. This is formed by adding -te
(Indo-European ending of the secondary tenses) to the stem, e.g.
~i-te, fer-te, es-te, legite (for * lege-te ; 73. 2), amate, monete,
audlte.
225. Future, Second and Third Singular. The termination
is -to, earlier -tod, appended to the Present Stem, e.g. ~ito, ferto,
estd, legitd, etc. Originally this formation had Plural as well as
Singular force. Strictly, too, it was a Present, not a Future ; the
Future force is a special development of the Latin. The ending
-tod is preserved in early Latin, e.g. lic'etdd, datdd, violatdd.
226. Future, Second and Third Plural. The termination of
the Second Plural -tote is simply a pluralization of the Singular
-to. The Third Plural termination -nto is a new formation (cf.
225) after the analogy of the relation existing between the
Third Singular and Third Plural of the Present Indicative, i.e.
sunto : estd : : sunt : est
regunto : regito : : regunt : regit
amanto : amdto : : amant : *amdt
1 68 INFLE C TIONS,
B. Passive.
227. The Present. The Second Singular ending -re repre-
sents an original -so, so that Latin seque-re (for * seque-so ; 76. 6)
corresponds exactly to Greek e7re(<r)o, CTTOV. The Second Plural
in -mini is probably an old Infinitive which has taken on the func-
tion of the Imperative. Cf. the Homeric use of the Infinitive as
an Imperative. According to this view Latin legi-mim = Greek
A.ey<7Xwi, both forms being originally the Dative of a verbal noun
with the suffix -men. Cf. ger-men, Dat. ger-mim.
228. The Future forms are the result of appending the Passive
-r ( 235) to the corresponding Active forms.
THE PERSONAL ENDINGS.*
A. Active.
229. ist Singular. In the Indo-European parent-speech -o
was the termination of the primary tenses of the Thematic Con-
jugation, while -mi was the termination of the Unthematic Conju-
gation. Secondary tenses had -m only. Latin shows no traces
of -mi (on sum, see 202. 3) ; -o appears in the Present, Future,
and Future Perfect Indicative. Elsewhere in the Indicative and
everywhere in the Subjunctive (including some original Optatives)
-m appears, e.g. amabam, amaveram, sim, essem, etc.
230. 2d Singular. The Indo-European endings were -si
(primary) and -s (secondary). Latin -s may represent the
secondary ending, or original *-si may have lost its final short
vowel, so that legis, for example, may be either for *leg-e-s or
* leg-e-si.
1 The endings of the Perfect Indicative and of the Imperative have already
been considered in 211 ff., 223 ff.
CONJUGA TION. 1 69
231. 3d Singular. The Indo-European endings were -ti
(primary) and -t (secondary). Apparently in the earliest Latin, -t
had become -d. Cf. early inscriptional forms, e.g. FHEFHAKED,
FECED, FECID, siED ; -ti, on the other hand, became -/ and
very early supplanted the -d of the secondary tenses. The
closely related Oscan dialect exhibits this distinction of -d and -/
assumed for early Latin.
232. ist Plural. The only ending appearing in Latin is -mus,
earlier *-mo$, which seems to stand in Ablaut relation ( 62) to
Greek -/xe? (dialectal).
233. 2d Plural. The Latin ending -tis probably stands for -te
(the Indo-European ending of the secondary tenses) + s bor-
rowed either from the 2d Singular or the ist Plural.
234. 3d Plural. The Indo-European endings were -nti (pri-
mary) and -nt (secondary). In the Italic languages -nti became
-nt t while -nt became -ns. Oscan and Umbrian preserve this dis-
tinction, but in Latin *-ns has disappeared, being everywhere
supplanted by -nt (for -nti).
B. Passive.
235. The distinguishing characteristic of the Latin Passive is
the presence of final r. This formation, in its wide applica-
tion, is found only in the Italic and Keltic groups of the Indo-
European family. Its origin is not yet sufficiently clear to warrant
an attempted explanation here. Some have connected it with
the Sanskrit ending -re of the Perfect Middle. One thing is per-
fectly certain : Latin r does not arise from the reflexive se as was
formerly held. In general the Latin Passive is an outgrowth of
an earlier Middle. With the exception of the ist Singular and
ist Plural, Middle forms are seen to have been at the basis of
the developed inflection.
1 70 INFLE C TIONS.
236. i st Singular. Where the Active form ends in -o, the
Passive is -or, e.g. regor (earlier -or-, 88. 2), amabor. Where
the Active ends in -m, the Passive has r instead of -m, e.g. amer,
amabar. The originally long vowel before -r sometimes appears
in Plautus, e.g. Asinaria, 62,/ateor; Amphitruo, 559, loquar.
237. 2 d Singular. This is in origin a Middle, formed with
the Indo-European ending *-so, the termination of secondary
tenses in the Middle. Thus sequere is for *seque-so ( 98. i).
Cf. Greek rc-(<r)o, en-ov. The ending -ris arises secondarily from
-re by further appending -s, the ending of the 2d Singular Active.
Thus sequeris for *sequere-s ( 73. 2). This was possibly the
result of an effort to distinguish the Indicative 2d Singular from
the Imperative.
238. 3d Singular. The origin of the 3d Singular in -tur is
too obscure to be considered here.
239. ist Plural. In place of -s of the Active ending -mus we
have the Passive -r, e.g. regimu-r.
240. 2d Plural. We probably have here a periphrastic forma-
tion ; legimini, etc., presumably stand for legimirii estis, in which
legimini is a Middle Participle of the same type as Greek Aeyo-
juevoi. This formation must have originated in the Present Indic-
ative ; legebamirii, leg'eminl. legamirit, legeremim are all secondary,
formed after the analogy of legimini.
241. 3d Plural. The origin of the 3d Plural in -ntur is too
obscure to be considered here.
THE INFINITIVE.
242. In Latin, as in other Indo-European languages, the Infini-
tives are oblique cases of verbal nouns which have become stereo-
CONJUGATION. I/I
typed by usage. The Dative and Locative cases have contributed
most largely to this category.
A. Active.
243. Present. This was apparently in origin the Locative of
a noun with an -es-, -os- suffix. Thus reg-er-e for a primitive
*reg-es-i ( 141), as though from a Nom. *reg-os. Unthematic
verbs appended -se (for -si), e.g. es-se, fer-re, for *fer-se; vel-le
for *vel-se.
244. Perfect. The Locative -se (for si) is appended to the
-is- Aorist stem ( 213, 215), e.g. vld-is-se.
245. Future. In such forms as dicturum esse, it is probable
that originally dicturum was not a Participle, but an Infinitive.
The form has been plausibly explained as being contracted from
dictu *erom, where dictu is Supine, and *erom (for *es-om; 98. i)
the old Infinitive of the root es- (-esse). This Infinitive is pre-
served in Oscan and Umbrian, though lost in Latin. The original
force of dictu *erom would be ' to be for saying,' i.e. ' to be about
to say' (on dictu see 252. 2). The foregoing explanation ac-
cords excellently with the use of dicturum and similar forms with-
out esse and (in early Latin) with a Plural subject, e.g. credo inimi-
cos meos hoc dicturum, 'I believe my enemies are for saying this,'
i.e. 'will say this' (C. Gracchus, cited by Gellius, i. 7). After
the analogy of periphrastic forms, dicturum esse subsequently
came into vogue (though the form with esse never came to be
predominant) and thus gave rise to the Future Active Participle
in -urus, -a, -urn.
B. Passive.
246. Present. Such forms as reg-i, dlc-i are Dative forms ;
139. Other verbs append the Dative ending to -^-sterns, e.g.
cur an, monert, audtri, for *cura-es-t, etc.; so fern for *fer-s-i.
1 7 2 INFLE C TIONS.
Cf. 243. No Passive signification originally attached itself to
these Dative Infinitives ; at the outset they could not have differed
essentially from the Locative Infinitives of the Active. The dif-
ferentiation into Active and Passive meanings was purely arbitrary.
The Passive Infinitive in -ier (archaic and poetical) is of un-
certain origin. Some think that -er represents the apocopated
Active ending -ere. This seems to have been fairly frequent in
colloquial Latin, e.g. biber for bibere ; tanger for tangere. Agier,
therefore, and similar forms might represent Passive Infinitives
with an added Active termination.
247. Perfect and Future. Periphrastic forms are used here,
e.g. dictus esse, dictum ~iri. The latter consists of the Supine com-
bined with the Passive of eo in its impersonal use.
THE PARTICIPLES.
248. Present Active. The suffix here is -nt-, e.g. -sens for
*-s-nt-s ( 102. i) in ab-sens, prae-sens ; regens for *rege-nt-s.
The oblique cases of tens are formed from the stem *tj-o-, e.g.
cuntis for *ej-o-ntis.
249. Future Active. See 245.
250. Perfect Passive. The suffix was -tus, earlier -tos, ap-
pended originally to the weak form of the root, e.g. dic-tus, duc-
tus, tentus for *tn-tos ( 102. i). Where the root ended in d or
/, ss or s arose phonetically ( 108. i), e.g. sessus for * sed-tos ;
usus for *ut-tos. By an extension this spurious ending, -sus
became appended also to some guttural and liquid stems, e.g.
lap-sus, ftxus, pulsus.
251. The Gerundive. The origin of the termination -endus,
-undus is not yet determined.
CONJUGA TION. 1 7 3
GERUND AND SUPINE.
252. i. The Gerund. The Gerund is probably a develop-
ment of the Gerundive. Such expressions as virtus colenda est
might easily give rise to a colendum est (impersonal), while simi-
larly patriae defendendae causa might generate a defendendi causa.
2. The Supine. The Supine in -um is an Accusative of a
Verbal noun formed with the suffix -tu- ; the Supine in -u is a
Locative formation from the same stem (cf. 163).
CHAPTER VIII.
ADVERBS AND PREPOSITIONS.
ADVERBS. l
253. Adverbs are, in the main, case- forms which have become
stereotyped as the result of highly specialized usage. The cases
most frequently thus employed are the Accusative, Ablative, Loca-
tive, and Instrumental.
254. Accusatives. These result from various syntactical usages.
Thus:
1. Accusative of Result Produced (Gr. 176. 2 ; 3) , e.g. mul-
tum, plerumque, plurimum, aliquid, facile, fortius, and other
comparatives, etc.
2. Appositives, e.g. vice m, par tim, etc.; 310.
3. Limit of motion, e.g. for as.
255. Ablatives. Here belong :
1. Adverbs in - (for -ed; 130) from ^-sterns, e.g. pulchre,
sane ; certissim'e. Bene and male result from the operation of the
'Breves Breviantes' law ( 88. 3).
2. Adverbs in -o (-for -od ; 130) from ^-sterns, e.g. certo,
contimw. Cf. early Latin merited. Cito and modo result from
the operation of the 'Breves Breviantes' law ( 88. 3).
3. Adverbs in -a (for -ad ; 118) from ^-sterns, e.g. extra,
supra, Infra, contra, supra, ultra, citrd, juxta. Cf. early Latin
exstrad, suprad. Many words, clearly Ablative in form, appar-
1 See especially Lindsay, Latin Language, chap. ix.
174
PREPOSITIONS. 175
ently became Adverbs through the medium of Instrumental con-
structions, e.g. una, recta, qua, ea, eadem (sc. via), etc. Cf.
34i- 5-
256. Locatives. Here belong :
1. True Locatives, e.g. heri, vesperi, hutm, belli, niilitiae, donii,
postridie ( 126; 173), meridie ; die crastirii ; noctu ; temere
(originally, 'in the dark,' and so ' blindly,' 'rashly') ; also the Pro-
nominal Adverbs Jii-c, illi-c, isfi-c ( 197).
2. Ablative in Locative function, e.g. forts.
257. Instrumental. Here belong : sponte, forte, repente,
numero, 'promptly' (originally a musical term, 'with the music,'
'with the beat'), saepe (originally, 'with frequency').
258. Even a few Nominatives have become Adverbs, e.g. adver-
sus ; rursus for reversus ; prorsus for proversus.
259. Many adverbs were originally phrases, e.g. denuo for
de novo ( 103. 4) ; Ilico for in *stloco ( 89) ; admodum. Some
have thought that Adverbs in -iter also belong here, e.g. breviter
for breve iter, etc. Cf. German kurzweg.
PREPOSITIONS.^
260. Prepositions are in the main Adverbs which have come to
have special uses in connection with certain cases. Historically
they belong to a relatively late period in the development of lan-
guage. Originally the cases alone sufficed for denoting relations,
but as greater precision became necessary, the requisite definite-
ness of meaning came to be expressed by various Adverbs, which
ultimately crystallized as Prepositions ; yet an independent adver-
bial usage often remained.
1 See especially Lindsay, Latin Language, chap. ix.
176 ADVERBS AND PREPOSITIONS.
In the earlier period of their employment, Prepositions enjoyed
considerably more latitude of usage than later, being freely com-
bined with almost any oblique case ; ultimately, however, most of
them became restricted to combination with particular cases.
This is truer of Latin, for example, than of Greek, where the older
freedom is quite apparent. The Oscan and Umbrian also show
greater latitude than Latin.
261. A, ab, abs, au-.
1. A, ab, abs go back to an Indo-European *apo, Greek airo.
By loss of the final o, this became in Latin ap-, seen probably in ap-
erio. But in composition and in phrases before voiced consonants
p became b, e.g. abdo for *ap-do; ab gene re for *apgenere, and
ultimately the form with b supplanted that with /. Abs is formed
from ab by appending -s, probably the Genitive ending in its
weak form ( 138), an element frequently employed in amplify-
ing prepositional and adverbial formations. Cf. ex ( = ec-s) from
ic-; sub-s (in suscipio for * sub-s cipio ; 105. i) from sub; obs-
from ob ; also Greek e by the side of IK ; eV?, whence Attic et?,
by the side of ei/ ; d/x<'s by the side of d/x<i. A seems to have
developed from abs in compounds, e.g. avello from *asvelio (for
*abs-vello ; 105. 2), and then to have detached itself as a ' by-
form' of ab, abs.
2. Au-, Sanskrit ava, goes back to an Indo-European ave.
It appears in Latin only in aufugio, and aufero for *ave-fugio,
*ave-fero by Syncope (92). Cf. auspex for *av(i}spex; augu-
rium, etc.
3. A form of *apo with aphseresis of the initial vowel is
po-, seen in pond for *po-s-(i}no ( 92; 89); cf. po-situs. Po-
also possibly appears in po-lio (root //-, cf. li-no), 'rub off, polish.'
4. A form of, found in early inscriptions and occasionally later,
is of uncertain origin. It is probably merely a dialectal variation
of ab.
PREPOSITIONS. 177
262. Ad is cognate with English at. In early Latin inscrip-
tions we find a form ar-, used before f and v in composition, e.g.
arfuerunt, arversus; also ar-biter, arcesso in classical Latin. Ar-
is probably of dialectal origin.
263. Ambi-, Greek d/x<i, is probably an old Locative.
264. Ante for *anti, Greek dm', is probably an old Locative.
265. Apud seems to be Indo-European *apo ( 261. 2) with
an appended d.
266. Circum, circa, circiter are all connected with the noun
circus, ' ring, circle, circus ' ; circum is the Accusative Singular,
used first as Adverb, later as Preposition ; circa is probably a
late formation after the analogy of extra, supra ( 255. 3).
Circiter probably contains the Comparative suffix -ter ( 181).
Cf. inter, prop ter, sub ter.
267. Cis, citra are from the root a-, 'this.' On the final -s of
cis, see 261. 2. Citra has the comparative suffix ( 181). On
the formation, see 255. 3.
268. Clam evidently contains the root of celo, 'conceal.' The
formation is uncertain.
269. Com- (cum). See 58. b\ The relation of co- to corn-
is not clear.
270. Contra. See 255. 3.
271. De is obscure in its formation and its relationship.
272. Erga, ergo are obscure in etymology and formation.
They can have no connection with Greek (fitpyov, work.
ADVERBS AND PREPOSITIONS.
273. Ex, ec-, ef-, e. See 105. 2. On the final s of ex
(=ec-s), see 261. 2.
274. Extra is formed from ex by means of the Comparative
suffix tero- ( 181). On the case-formation, see 225. 3.
275. In is the unaccented form of Indo-European *en, Greek
eV. The original form of the Preposition is seen in early Latin
en-do. Cf. Greek !i/8o-0t, IV-^QV. Another form of endo is indu-
(indi-) seen in indi-genus, indolcs, and in several early Latin
words, e.g. indu-gredi.
276. Infra. Cf. inferus, and see 255. 3.
277. Inter, intra are formed from in by means of the Com-
parative suffix -tero- ; 181 ; 255. 3.
278. Intus contains the same suffix as seen in divmitus, fun-
ditus, etc.
279. Juxta is from the stem juxta-, a Superlative of jugis,
'connected,' < continuous.' For the case-form, see 255. 3.
280. Ob is from an Indo-European *op-i, a Locative formation
kindred with Greek CTT-L, to which it stands in Ablaut relation
( 62). The form ob has developed from *op t exactly as ab
from *ap ( 261. 2); yet op- probably appears in op-erio, and
is preserved in Oscan.
281. Per is for an Indo-European *peri (Locative). Cf. Greek
282. Post, early Latin poste, apparently goes back to a Locative
*posti.
PREPOSITIONS. 179
283. Prae, praeter. Prae is very likely a Dative from pra-,
an extension of/;-- (weak form of per-). Cf. pro(d) from pro-.
Praeter bears the same relation to prae as inter to in; subter
to sub.
284. Pro, pr5-, por-. Pro and pro were Indo-European 'by-
forms.' In Latin, pro- appears only in composition, chiefly
before f (e.g. profugio, profiteer, proficiscor], but also elsewhere
e.g. protego, pronepos} . The d of prod-, seen in prodesse, prodire,
etc., is not original, but is probably borrowed from retro(d) or
red-. Por-, e.g. in por-tendo, porrigo, polliceor (for *por-liceor)
may represent pr-, weak form of the root per- ( 100. 2), with
which all the above words are ultimately connected.
285. Prope, propter. Prope is for pro+pe. Cf. quip-pe.
Propter bears the same relation to prope as inter to in, etc.
286. Re-, red-. Re- is the earlier form; the d of red- is of
uncertain origin.
287. Secundum is an Accusative from secundus, lit. ' following '
(sequor).
288. Se-, early Latin s~ed-, preserved in seditio, may have been
an Ablative formation ; so-, seen in so-cors, so-brius, may repre-
sent the Ablaut of se-.
289. Sub, subter. The Indo-European form is *upo. Cf.
Greek VTTO (with irregular rough breathing). The initial s is
explained as containing a reduced form of ex, viz. 'ks, so that
*(k)sup would represent the primitive formation. For the change
of/ to b, see 261. 2. On subter, cf. inter.
l8o ADVERBS AND PREPOSITIONS.
290. Super, supra. Super goes back to an Indo-European
*uper. Cf. Greek Wp (with irregular rough breathing). For
the initial s, see 289. Supra sustains the same relation to super
as infra to inter.
291. Tenus is probably the Accusative of an obsolete tenus,
-eris, lit. 'a stretch,' root ten-.
292. Trans is probably the Present Participle of *trare seen in
intrare, penetrare ; i.e. originally trans flumen mllifes duxit meant
he led his troops, crossing the river. On tra- y see 105. 2.
293. Ills, ultra from root ol-, 'that' (</. olle; 195), are the
pendants to cis t citra.
294. Versus, versum, etc. See 258.
CHAPTER IX.
SYNTAX. 1
THE CASES.
Names of the Cases.
295. The English word case comes from the Latin casus, which
was a translation of the Greek word TTTWO-IS. TTTOJO-IS (from TTITTTW,
fall}, as a grammatical term, primarily denoted a 'change' or 'de-
viation,' and was accordingly first employed to denote the oblique
cases, as being ' deviations ' (^TWO-CIS) from the Nominative. The
Nominative itself, therefore, was not at the outset a TTTOWS, though
it early came to bear this name.
296. The Greek names of the cases were :
?/ (sc. TTTuio-i?), Nominative.
Genitive.
Dative.
oirtarua;, Accusative.
K\rrnK-rj, Vocative.
1 See especially Brugmann und Delbriick, Grundriss der Vergleichenden
Grammatik, vols. iii-v {Vergleichende Syntax, by Delbrxick), Strassburg,
18931900. Landgraf, Historische Lateinische Grammatik. Riemann et
Goelzer, Grammaire Comparee du Grec et du Latin, vol. ii. Paris, 1899.
Drager, Historische Syntax der Lateinischen Sprache, 2 vols. 2d edition.
Leipzig, 1878, 1881. Kxihner, Ausfuhrliche Grammatik der Lateinischen
Sprache, vol. ii. Hannover, 1878. Schmalz, in Miiller's Handbuch der
Klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, vol. ii. 3d edition. Munich, 1900.
Riemann, La Syntaxe Latine. 4th edition. Paris, 1900. Roby, Latin Gram-
mar, vol. ii. 5th edition. London, 1888.
181
1 82 SYNTAX.
The Nominative was so called because it was the case employed
for naming a substantive when it was simply cited as a word.
The significance of the term yeviK?; is in dispute. Some have
thought it meant 'the case of source or origin.' But the usual
meaning of yevixos is against this view. It probably meant ' the
case of the genus/ or 'the generic case.' This view accords with
the regular use of the Genitive to restrict the meaning of another
word by denoting the class or yei/os to which it applies, e.g. love
of parents, 'fishers of men] tons of earth.
The Dative was called Sori/oJ, 'the case of giving,' though this
is simply one prominent function of the case.
In calling the Accusative an-Mm/oj, the Greeks intended to
designate this case as the 'case of effect,' i.e. of the thing caused
(atria). Here again the name designated but imperfectly the
functions of the case. For the Accusative indicates also the per-
son or thing affected, to say nothing of other uses.
rj means 'calling case' or 'case of address.'
297. The Romans in devising grammatical terms for their own
language simply translated these Greek names. 'Oi/o/Aao-Tt/oy became
Nominafivus (sc. casus) . In translating ycj/iKij by Geneftvus the
Roman grammarians falsely interpreted the case as that of source,
or origin, misled doubtless by the frequent use of the Greek
Genitive in that function. Aon/oj became Dafivus. AmariK?; was
falsely rendered Accusafivus, as though an-tan/o; were derived
from amao/uu, accuse. KA^TIKT} became Vocafivus. The Greek
had no Ablative, and for this case the Romans were therefore
obliged to coin a new term; they named it Ablattvus, 'the case
of taking away.' This designation was fairly accurate for certain
uses of the case, viz. those of the true Ablative ; but it ignored
the Instrumental and Locative uses of the case ( 331). It is
uncertain just when and by whom these Latin names were intro-
duced. They had become established as current terms by Quin-
tilian's time (90 A.D.).
REVIEW OF CASE-THEORIES. 183
Review of Case-Theories.
298. Since the beginning of the last century, there has been
much discussion concerning the original force of the cases both
individually and collectively.
299. The Localistic Theory. The chief representative of this
was Hartung, who set forth his views in 1831 in a work entitled
Ueber die Casus, ihre Bildung und Bedeutung. Hartung started
with the assumption (largely a correct one, according to the views
of most investigators) that in language the development is from the
concrete to the abstract, that words at the outset indicated defi-
nite sense concepts, which later came to be used in transferred
meanings. Applying this principle to the cases, he assumed that
in Greek and Latin there had been (in addition to the Nomi-
native and Vocative) three cases, one to designate each of the
three definite local relations, from, in, and to. Applying this prin-
ciple first to Greek, he explained the Genitive as the from-cs&z,
the Dative as the /-case, the Accusative as the /0-case. For
Latin, substantially the same explanation was given, except that
the Dative of the Greek has in Latin, according to Hartung, been
differentiated into two cases, Dative and Ablative, of which the
latter has entirely absorbed the ///-function, while the Dative has
developed new meanings.
Hartung's theory has been styled ' through-going' Localism. It
asserted that the original Indo-European case-system (apart from
Nominative and Vocative) had originally been limited to three
cases, which expressed the three natural space relations : to, from,
in. Wherever in the individual languages more cases appeared
(as in Latin or Sanskrit), these were held to be differentiations
(' Zersplitterungen ' ) of the original three. Whatever may be true
of the meaning of individual cases, comparative grammar conclu-
sively proves that Localism in the form in which Hartung held it
1 84 SYNTAX.
is absolutely untenable. A case-system of at least six clearly
distinguished oblique cases must have existed in the Indo-Euro-
pean parent-speech.
300. The Logical Theory. Michelsen, in his Casuslehre der'
lateinischen Sprache vom causal-localen Standpuncte aus, pub-
lished in 1843, endeavored to apply logical categories to the
explanation of the cases. According to him two principles are
fundamental: i) Causality (including cause and effect); 2) Final-
ity. Hence in every sentence, he holds, we must have a cause, an
effect, and a purpose. The Nominative he regarded as the case
expressing the cause, the Accusative the case of the effect, the
Dative as the case of finality or purpose. The Genitive and
Ablative were also given special treatment, though these cases
were regarded as not essential to logical completeness. But
Michelsen's theory is false in principle. Language is not founded
on logic, and any attempt to explain forms of speech as primarily
identical with logical categories will probably always be fruitless.
301. The Grammatical Theory. In 1845 appeared RumpePs
Casuslehre in besonderer Beziehung auf die griechische Sprache.
This book was a protest against the Localism of Hartung on the
one hand and the logical theory of Michelsen on the other.
Rumpel asserted the purely grammatical character of the cases.
The Nominative he defined as the case of the Subject, the Accu-
sative as the case used to complete the meaning of the verb, the
Genitive as the adnominal case or case used to complete
the meaning of a noun, while the Dative was used to modify the
meaning of the sentence as a whole. Where the Genitive limited
a verb, it was explained as denoting an internal relation as opposed
to an external relation, such as that denoted by the Accusative.
As Rumpel concerned himself only with Greek, he propounded no
theory of the Ablative.
THE ACCUSATIVE. 185
302. Subsequent Views. RumpeFs theory shows much better
method than either Hartung's or Michelsen's. Yet the gram-
matical theory of the cases is not universally true. Discussion
since Rumpel's day has shown that while some of the cases are
undoubtedly grammatical in their origin, others were just as cer-
tainly local. To the Grammatical cases belong with certainty the
Nominative and the Genitive, the former as the case of the sub-
ject, the latter as the adnominal case. To the local cases belong
with certainty the Ablative, as the/?w#-case, the Locative, as the
z>z-case, and the Instrumental, as the case denoting association
with. Diversity of opinion still exists as to the Dative and to
some slight extent as regards the Accusative. If we regard the
Dative as originally the case of direction, it is a local case ; if we
take it as originally used to modify the sentence as a whole, it is a
grammatical case. The Accusative is usually regarded as simply
completing the meaning of the verb, and is therefore classified as
a grammatical case ; but there is some warrant for considering it
as originally denoting the goal of motion, in which case it would be
local. See 311.
THE ACCUSATIVE. 1
303. The distinction between the Accusative of the Person or
Thing Affected (Gr. 175) on the one hand and the Accusative
of the Result Produced (Gr. 176) on the other, is one of funda-
mental importance. Other designations are often employed to
distinguish the two types. Thus the Accusative of the Person or
Thing Affected is called External Object, the Accusative of Result
Produced the Internal Object. But these designations are likely
to prove too philosophical for elementary pupils. German scholars
employ also the designations ' Akkusativ des Affekts ' and ' Akku-
sativ des EffektsJ terms which might be advantageously imitated
in English, if our language only had the noun Affect. When the
J For the original force of the Accusative, see 311.
1 86 SYNTAX.
Greek philosophers gave the name aiTwm/oy to the Accusative,
they had in mind only the second of the two uses of the Accusa-
tive now under consideration, viz. the Accusative of the Result
Produced or, as they designated it, of the Thing Caused ('Internal
Object,' 'Effect '). The Romans, in transferring the Greek name
of the case to Latin, should have rendered it by some such word
as Causdtlvus (a designation actually employed by Priscian) or
Effecfivus. Either of these would, like the Greek original, have
been a defective name (cf. 296), but it would have been accu-
rate as far as it went.
304. The Accusative with Passives used as Middles. The
treatment of the Accusative after Passive Verbs in Gr. 175. 2. a)
is based on the elaborate discussions of Schroder, Der Accusativ
nach Passiven Verben in der Lateinischen Dichtersprache, Gross-
glogau, 1870; Engelhard t, Passive Verba mit dem Accusativ,
Bromberg, 1879 ; an( ^ tne treatment of Klihner in his Ausfuhr-
liche Lateinische Grammatik, ii. 71. b). The explanation of the
Accusative as Synecdochical (cf. Gr. 180), which is sometimes
given for this construction, is not adequate. It might explain
such phrases as cinctus tempora hedera, but is irrational for galeam
indmtur, riodo sinus coirecta, laevo susp'ensl loculos lacerto, and
many others. On the other hand, the interpretation of the Pas-
sive in such instances as a Middle, and the Accusative as the
Direct Object, furnishes a satisfactory explanation of all phrases
of this type.
Sometimes by an extension of usage the Middle is employed to
indicate that the subject lets some action be consummated upon
himself, or has it done. Cf. English he had his hair cut. An
illustration of this is Virgil, Aen. ii. 273, per pedes trajectus lora,
' having had thongs drawn through his feet.' For a few instances
in which a Synecdochical Accusative occurs with Passive verbs,
see 307.
THE ACCUSATIVE. 187
305. Accusative of Result Produced. The different construc-
tions grouped together under Gr. 176. 1-5, are often referred
to the Cognate Accusative as the original
all developed. The Cognate Accusative, h
in its scope that it seems better to regard it as to subdivision JQ a
larger category rather than as the basis of such a category 5 ; Cf.
Brugmann, Griechische Grammatik z , 439. 2, who classifies
TVTrreiv eA*os (strike a wound, i.e. produce a wound by striking)
and viKov VLKIJV, win a victory, as parallel subdivisions of the gen-
eral category of the Accusative with Verbs of producing.
306. Accusative of Person Affected and of Result Produced
Dependent upon the Same Verb (Gr. 178). The true char-
acter of this construction is best seen in phrases where the Accu-
sative of Result is a Neuter Pronoun or Adjective, e.g. fe haec rogo,
id me doces, the essential point being that the Latin was able not
only to say id doces (Ace. of Result) and me doces (Ace. of Per-
son Affected), but to combine the two constructions in a single
phrase. It is a misconception to regard the Accusative of Result
in such sentences as any less the Direct Object than the Accusa-
tive of the Person Affected. Each of the two Accusatives is a
Direct Object equally with the other. There is no essential differ-
ence between the construction of haec in haec me rogas and the
construction of haec in haec rogas. In many instances the Accu-
sative of Result with verbs of asking, teaching, etc., is clearly of
secondary origin, e.g. fe sententiam rogo, after fe hoc rogo; fe
celain sermonem after fe id celavi.
307. The Synecdochical or Greek Accusative (Gr. 180).
There can be little doubt that this construction is a Grecism. Cf.
Quintilian, ix. 3. 17. Some have claimed it as a genuine Latin
idiom, but its almost total restriction to the poets of the imperial
age and to the prose writers who imitate them is against any such
1 88 SYNTAX.
theory. The names 'Accusative of Specification' and 'Accusa-
tive of Respect' are sometimes used to designate this construction.
With Passive verbs it is better in most cases not to recognize a
Synecdochical Accusative. Apparent cases of the construction can
usually be classed under Gr. 175. 2. d), but in some twenty in-
stances in the Augustan poets and in about twice that number
in Lucan, Silius, Statius, and Valerius Flaccus, we must recognize
the Synecdochical Accusative with Passive verbs.
308. Accusative in Exclamations. This construction is appar-
ently the result of ellipsis. Just what verb is to be supplied in
thought in particular instances, is not always clear, nor is it mate-
rial that it should be determined.
309. The Accusative as Subject of the Infinitive. The Accu-
sative as Subject of the Infinitive is an outgrowth of the use of
the Accusative as Direct Object. The history of the construction
may be illustrated as follows : In an expression like jussi eum
abire, eum was originally the object of jussi, while the Infinitive
was a noun in the Locative ( 243), the force of the entire phrase
being: I ordered him to a going ( 351). But in course of time
the eum ab'ire came to be felt as a whole and as sustaining an
object relation to the verb, a conception which led to such expres-
sions zs jussit pueros necari, where pueros could never have been
the object vijussit. When once the construction of the Accusa-
tive with the Infinite became established, its extension was
rapid. Expressions like jussit pueros necdri easily led to dixi
pueros necatos esse, whence puen necatl esse du'ebantur and other
types of Infinitive usage.
310. Id genus, muliebre secus, etc. i. Id genus is clearly
appositional in origin, as indicated by the fact that it regularly oc-
curs only in combination with a Nominative or Accusative, i.e. not
virorum id genus, but usually viri id genus, viros id genus, etc.
THE ACCUSATIVE. 189
2. Muliebre secus, virile secus, while doubtless of the same
origin as id genus, have nevertheless advanced a stage beyond it
in actual use. We find not only llberi muliebre secus, 'children of
the female sex,' lit. ' children, the female sex' (of children), but
also liberorum (I'iberis) muliebre secus.
3. Meam vicem, tuam vicem, etc. The appositional or predi-
cate origin of this phrase seems to be indicated by such early Latin
usages as Plautus, Mostellaria, 355, qm hodie sese excruciari meant
vicem possit pafi, 'who can let himself be tortured, as my substi-
tute;' Captivi, 697, ut eum remittat nostrum amborum vicem, 'to
release him in return for us two,' lit. 'as an exchange for us two.'
4. Magnam pattern, maximam partem. The appositional
origin of these phrases is less certain, yet expressions like Livy,
v. 14 and ix. 37.9, maximam partem ad arma trepidanfes caedes
oppressit, seem to point in that direction.
311. Original Force of the Accusative Case. Rumpel in his
Casuslehre, published in 1845 (cf. 301), contended that the
Accusative served simply as the complement of the verb, and that
all the varieties of meaning, such as limit of motion, duration of
time, direct object, etc., are but varieties of this primary function.
Rumpel accordingly regarded the Accusative as a grammatical
case, and this view has been maintained by most subsequent
scholars. It is advocated to-day by all the leading authorities,
e.g. Delbriick, Brugmann, Hiibschmann, Holzweissig, Gadicke,
and others. This theory, it must be admitted, is both simple and
rational. Yet there have always been some scholars who have
recognized the ^^/-notion as representing the original force of
the Accusative. While it is impossible to prove the truth of this
latter theory, yet the arguments in its favor deserve consideration.
They are the following :
i. The antecedent probability of the existence of a case denot-
ing to a place, person, or thing, is very great. It is admitted that
190 SYNTAX.
the parent-speech had an /;z-case (the Locative) and
(the Ablative), so that a /<?-case might naturally be expected as
the complement of these.
2. There are advantages in starting with a concrete, tangible
meaning for the Accusative. Language undeniably develops from
the concrete to the abstract.
3. The ## /-notion is shown by the testimony of those Indo-
European languages whose literature reaches furthest back, to
have been an extremely primitive force of this case. Thus
Sanskrit and Homeric Greek exhibit the goal- meaning of the
Accusative, while the vestiges of it in Latin indicate that in pre-
historic times it had been more frequent. Thus the use of town
names and of domum, domos, rus, to denote the goal of motion,
and the occurrence of such expressions as exsequias ire, Infitias
ire, pessum dare, venum dare, point to a freer use of the same
kind in early times. The Supine in -urn also shows this primitive
force. It is noteworthy that in post-Homeric Greek this goal-use
of the Accusative had become obsolete. Post-Homeric Greek
stands upon the same ground as Latin in this respect. In both of
these languages the practical disappearance of the <?#/-notion in
historical times would seem to indicate that as other uses de-
veloped the original function gradually passed away.
4. The other uses of the Accusative may all be satisfactorily
derived from the *?#/-use as the original one. As the first and
most obvious developments must be considered the Accusative of
Extent of Space and of Duration of Time. Thus viginfi niilia
processit would originally have meant ' he advanced to the limit of
twenty miles,' whence arose secondarily the notion of extent.
Similarly viginfi anrios vlxit would have meant originally 'he lived
to the limit of twenty years,' whence secondarily 'he lived through-
out twenty years.' In the case of the Direct Object, the Accusa-
tive may also have orginally designated the limit of the action of
the verb. Thus aedes struxit would originally have meant 'he per-
THE DATIVE. 1 91
formed an act of building, the goal of which was a house.' Simi-
larly video hominem, 'I perform an act of seeing, the goal of
which is a man.' Cf. the similar idiom prevalent in certain Ro-
mance languages, 'e.g. Spanish yo veo al hombre, lit. ' I see, to the
man ' = ' I see the man.' The so-called Accusative of Specifica-
tion, which, so far as it appears in Latin, is apparently a Grecism
( 307 ), would be the least obvious development of the goal-
notion. Yet expressions like umeros similis deo, lit. 'like a god
as to the shoulders,' may be explained as originally meaning
'looking to the shoulders,' 'as regards the shoulders;' i.e. the
shoulders are conceived as the thought limit to which the state-
ment is referred.
THE DATIVE.
312. The Dative probably originally designated motion towards,
motion in the direction of. It was accordingly a localistic case.
Some, however, as Delbruck, regard it as a grammatical case, and
think that originally it was a mere sentence modifier, very much
like the so-called Dative of Reference. But it is much more dif-
ficult to develop the notion of direction from the force of the
Dative as a sentence modifier than vice versa. It therefore seems
simpler to assume this concreter meaning as the original one.
In that case the poetical construction of the Dative to denote
direction of motion (Gr. 193) would represent the original
meaning of the case.
313. Dative of Indirect Object. The Dative of Indirect Object
is a very obvious development of the notion of direction, just as-
sumed as the original meaning of the Dative case. Thus tibi hoc
dlco, { I tell you this,' would originally have meant 'I tell this in
your direction ' ; so tibi ignosco, ' I pardon you ' ; ruina riofris
impendet, 'ruin threatens us.'
I Q2 SYNTAX.
314. Indirect Object with Verbs signifying 'Favor,' 'Help,' etc.
It is a common conception that the Latin is peculiar in con-
struing many verbs of these meanings with the Dative ; but this
impression is erroneous, and largely due to the loss of inflections
in English, whereby the original distinction between the Anglo-
Saxon Dative and Accusative has become obliterated, so that the
English ' Objective ' is commonly felt as an Accusative.
As a matter of fact many verbs of the category under consider-
ation were intransitive in Anglo-Saxon and in Teutonic generally,
and accordingly governed the Dative case. Modern German
gives clear illustration of this. Cf. e.g. ich glaube Ihnen, ich veiteihe
Ihnen, ich traue Ihnen, ich helfe Ihnen. Latin, therefore, does
not differ from English and the other Teutonic languages in tak-
ing the Dative with these verbs ; on the other hand there is a strik-
ing agreement, when we come to examine the matter from the
historical point of view.
. 315. The Indirect Object with Compound Verbs. It is a mis-
conception to suppose that the mere fact of composition with
certain prepositions was the occasion of the employment of the
Dative case. Prepositions when prefixed to neuter verbs often
essentially modify the previous character of the verb. Some-
times they make the verb transitive (i.e. the verb becomes transi-
tive) and it then governs the Accusative (e.g. iiiire magistratum.
Cf. Gr. 175. 2. a). More frequently a neuter verb, when com-
pounded with a preposition, becomes only so far modified in
meaning as to admit an indirect object, not a direct one, e.g.
pericufis incurrit. Sometimes also composition changes the char-
acter of a transitive verb, making the compound incapable of
governing a direct object, though admitting a Dative, e.g. obsequor.
But in all these the use of the Dative should be referred not
to the fact of composition, but to the meaning of the verb.
Least of all should the Dative be regarded as depending upon
THE DATIVE.
193
the preposition, an error often propagated in the minds of
elementary pupils.
316. The Dative of Reference is an outgrowth of the original
notion of direction belonging to the Dative. It is a somewhat less
obvious development than the Dative of Indirect Object, repre-
senting as it does a somewhat weaker relation. Thus in a sentence
like riobis hosfes in conspectum venerant, the Dative represents the
direction of the thought as a whole rather than of the action in-
dicated by the verb. The name 'Dative of Interest' sometimes
applied to this construction is somewhat narrower in scope than
1 Dative of Reference,' and hence is less satisfactory. The sub-
division of the construction into ' Dative of Advantage ' and * Dative
of Disadvantage ' is also quite useless. These designations tend
to obscure the real character of the construction, calling attention,
as they do, to what is merely accidental. A division of the Ac-
cusative of Direct Object into ' Accusative of Advantage ' and
'Accusative of Disadvantage' would be equally justified.
317. The Ethical Dative. This is simply a special phase of
the Dative of Reference, and is entitled to recognition as a sepa-
rate category only because it represents the Dative in its most
attenuated force, often, in fact, quite untranslatable. It is con-
fined to the Personal Pronouns.
318. Dative of Agency; Dative of Possession. These are
both developments of the Dative of Reference. Thus haec mihi
agenda sunt originally meant ' this is to be done and it is with
reference to me that this is true,' i.e. ' I must do this.' Similarly
nobis sunt agri originally meant ' there are lands, and it is of
us that this is true,' i.e. 'we have lands.'
319. Dative of Purpose. This, like the Dative of Indirect
Object, is a perfectly obvious development of the original notion
194 SYNTAX.
of direction belonging to the Dative. Thus receptui canere, 'to
sound the signal for a retreat,' was originally ' to sound the signal
in the direction of a retreat'; rei publicae dad'i sunt similarly
meant ' they are in the direction of damage to the state. '
THE GENITIVE.
320. The Genitive is best regarded as primarily an adnominal
case, i.e. as originally used with nouns to define their meaning
more closely. It is therefore a grammatical, as opposed to a
local, case. The use of the Genitive with verbs must be regarded
as secondary, and as developed from its use with nouns by some
association or analogy.
321. Genitive with Nouns. The special kind of closer deter-
mination expressed by the Genitive, depends upon the context.
There was no one type from which the others developed, but all
of the varieties enumerated in Gr. 195 (excepting the Genitive
of Quality) are equally primitive. Most of these call for no
special comment, but the Objective Genitive is noteworthy as
exhibiting at times a wider extension of application than at first
belonged to it. Theoretically the Objective Genitive is used only
with verbal nouns whose corresponding verb governs the Accusa-
tive. Thus amor patris corresponds to amare patrem, metus
deorum to metuere deds, etc. But by an extension of usage we
frequently find the Genitive used with nouns derived from verbs
which govern other cases, and even from verbs which admit no
.case construction whatever. Typical examples are: consiietudo
homimtm, ' intercourse with men'; excessus vitae, .' departure
from life ' ; ira praedae amissae, ' anger on account of the loss
of the booty'; argenti oratio, 'talk about the money.' These
relations, however, are usually more accurately expressed by
means of prepositions.
THE GENITIVE. IQ5
322. Genitive of Quality. This seems to have been of second-
ary origin and to have developed from the Subjective Genitive.
Thus homo magnae virtutis was probably originally 'Virtue's
man.' In conformity with this origin, the Genitive of Quality
more commonly denotes a permanent quality, as opposed to the
Ablative of Quality, which was primarily employed to designate
qualities which were more or less transitory. For a complete!
statement of the difference between the Genitive of Quality and
the Ablative of Quality, see 345.
323. Genitive with Adjectives. This construction must be
regarded as equally primitive with that of the Genitive with
nouns. Cupidus laudis, for example, is just as original a construc-
tion as cupiditas laudis.
As regards the construction with similis, many fine-spun theories
have been propounded to account for the difference between
similis with the Genitive and similis with the Dative. The dif-
ference, however, is probably merely one of chronology and not
of meaning. In the earliest Latin we find similis construed only
with the Genitive. This is probably Plautus's unvarying usage.
Later the use of the Dative begins to creep in, doubtless after the
analogy of par and similar words construed with the Dative, and
as time goes on the Dative gains the supremacy more and more,
until in Silver Latin the Genitive is comparatively rare. See
Jones, Thomas M., Case- Constructions of Similis and its Com-
pounds, Baltimore, 1903.
324. Genitive with Verbs. If the Genitive was primarily an
adnominal case, its use with verbs must be of secondary origin,
and is due either to some analogy whereby the verb adopts the
construction of a noun of kindred meaning, or else to the ellipsis
of a governing word.
196 SYNTAX.
325. Genitive with MeminI, Reminiscor, Obliviscor. With
verbs of remembering the use of the Genitive apparently comes
from associating the verb with memor. Thus memirii was felt as
memor sum. Obliviscor followed the analogy of its opposite
memini. Cf. English differ with after the analogy of agree with.
See Babcock, C. L., A Study in Case-Rivalry, being an Inves-
tigation regarding the Use of the Genitive and Accusative with
Verbs of Remembering and forgetting. (Cornell Studies in
Classical Philology, Vol. XIV.) New York. Macmillan, 1901.
326. Genitive with Admoneo, etc. Here the verb of remind-
ing was probably felt as equivalent to aliquem memorem reddere y
and was construed with the Genitive on this principle.
327. With Verbs of Judicial Action the Genitive is plausibly
explained as resulting from an ellipsis of the governing word,
crimine, judicio, nomine. Thus Verrem avaritiae coarguit is to
be regarded as standing for Verrem avaritiae crimine coarguit;
'he convicts Verres on the charge of avarice.' Occasionally cri-
mine was expressed, e.g. Tacitus, Annals, vi. 14. 2 cecidere conju-
rationis crimine ; iii. 44. 8 maiestatis crimine reum.
328. Genitive with Pudet, Paenitet, etc. The Genitive here
is held to depend upon the noun notion implied in the verb.
Thus pudet suggests pudor; paenitet, paenitentia ; miseret, miseri-
cordia, etc.
329. Interest and Refert. The Genitive here is probably the
Subjective Genitive used predicatively, i.e. patris interest rem
familiarem curare is quite analogous to patris est rem familiarem
curare. For the Ablative Singular Feminine of the Possessive
with fefert and interest, see 349. 3.
THE ABLATIVE. 197
330. Genitive with Other Verbs. With verbs of plenty and
want, e.g. compleo, impleo, indiged, the Genitive, where used, is
employed after the analogy of its use with adjectives of plenty
and want; thus compleo after pfenus ; indigeo after egenus, etc.
But with most verbs of this category the Ablative is the regular
construction. Potior when construed with the Genitive follows
the analogy of pofens, ' master of.'
THE ABLATIVE.
331. The Ablative is a so-called syncretistic case, i.e. a case
resulting from the fusion of more than one original case. The
Ablative represents three original Indo-European cases, viz. the
true Ablative or from-ca.se, the Instrumental or with-case, and
the Locative or zVz-case. Evidences of the fusion referred to are
found both in the forms and in the functions of the so-called
Ablative.
a) Forms : Only a portion of the forms designated as Ablative
are historically such. Thus in ^-sterns the Ablative Singular is a
true Ablative (e.g. porta, for portad; 118). In the Plural of
0-stems the so-called Ablative is probably an Instrumental. The
same is true of ^-sterns as of ^-sterns. In Consonant stems the
Ablative Singular in -e (e.g. mtlite) is probably a Locative ( 141),
while the Plural forms ending in -ibus are true .Ablatives. In the
-/-, -u-, and -e- stems both the Ablative Singular and the Ablative
Plural are true Ablatives.
b) Functions: The triple function of the so-called Ablative
also points clearly to a triple origin of the case. Thus we find
/rom-uses, with-uses, and /Vz-uses (the last much rarer than the
others) side by side. Notions so radically distinct could hardly
have developed from a single original case.
By the Romans, of course, the Ablative was felt as a single case.
They were totally ignorant of its syncretistic origin, although they
recognized its great diversity of function.
198 SYNTAX.
332. Causes of Syncretism in the Latin Ablative. Despite
their radical differences of meaning, the Locative, Ablative, and
Instrumental cases naturally possessed certain points of contact.
Thus aqua lavare might have meant originally either ' to wash with
water ' or ' to wash in water,' i.e. might be expressed either by
the Instrumental or the Locative. Similiarly equo vehi might
mean ' to be borne on a horse ' or ' by a horse ' ; onus umero
sustinet, ' he bears the load on his shoulder ' or ' with his shoulder ' ;
earns veniiint, ( they come with carts 'or 'on carts,' etc. These
examples all show points of contact between trie Locative and
Instrumental. The Ablative and Instrumental also have certain
points of contact. Thus ira ardere might mean either ' to burn
with anger ' or ' from anger ' ; lacte vivunt might mean either
'they live from milk ' or ' by milk,' etc. Points of contact between
Locative and Ablative are naturally much less frequent, yet such
English expressions as 'to receive at the hands of and ' from the
hands of;' ' the wind is in the west' and ' the wind is from the
west,' show that even here contact was possible.
Ablative, Instrumental, and Locative, therefore, to a certain
extent occupied common ground in the field of thought, and this
circumstance ultimately led in Latin to a complete fusion of the
three and to the establishment of a single syncretistic case, the
Ablative.
Genuine Ablative Uses.
333. The true Ablative designated dissociation or the point of
departure. When the dissociation is external, we call the con-
struction Ablative of Separation ; when the dissociation is internal,
we call it Ablative of Source, a construction which in prose is con-
fined to narrow limits. The Ablative of Agency is also a develop-
ment of the true Ablative, the agent being conceived as the source
from which the action emanates ; e.g. in a Caesare accusatus est
the action was primarily conceived as emanating from Caesar as
its source.
THE ABLATIVE. 199
334. Ablative of Comparison. This construction also reveals
the original conception of point of departure. Thus mette dulcior
primarily meant ' sweeter, reckoning from honey as the standard,'
and so in similar expressions. An examination of Cicero's orations
shows that in this writer the Ablative of Comparison is mainly
restricted to negative sentences, to interrogative sentences imply-
ing a negative, and to a few stock phrases such as luce clarius,
latins opinione, etc.
When plus, minus, longius, and amplius are used as the equiva-
lents of plus quam, minus quam, etc., the plus, minus, etc., were
probably originally appositional. Thus amplius vlginti urb'es
incenduntur originally meant ' twenty cities, (aye) more were
fired.' This explanation, of course, involves the assumption that
originally a different order of the words existed in sentences of
this type, e.g. vlginti urfres, amplius, incenduntur, and this assump-
tion is borne out by the repeated occurrence of this order, e.g.
Tac. Ann. xii. 43 qmndecim dierum alimenta, non amplius, 'food
for fifteen days, not more'; Livy xxix. 32. 5 cum quinquaginta,
haud amplius, equitibus, 'with fifty horsemen, no more.' Fora
detailed discussion of the Ablative of Comparison, see Neville,
K. P. R., The Case- Construction after the Comparative in Latin.
(Cornell Studies in Classical Philology, Vol. XV.) New York,
Macmillan, 1901.
Instrumental Uses of the Ablative.
335. The Instrumental was primarily the case of association or
zwM-case.
336. Ablative of Accompaniment. This is logically one of the
first and most obvious developments of the sociative idea. The
construction is not frequent, however, being confined mainly to
military expressions. Gr. 222. i.
20O SYNTAX.
337. Ablative of Association. Besides the idea of accompani-
ment (which strictly applies only to persons in connection with a
verb of motion) the Ablative also sometimes denotes association.
This construction was never common in Latin, yet it should be
recognized in a limited set of expressions ; thus with jungere, con-
jungere, miscere, mutdre, permutare, assuetus, e.g. libido scelere
juncta, ' lust joined with crime ' ; mella inrio miscere, ' to mix
honey with wine ' ; bellum agricultura permutant, ' they exchange
war for farming ' ; assuetits labore, ' accustomed to toil ' (lit.
' familiarized with toil '). In all of these expressions and in some
others of less frequent occurrence, it seems better to recognize
the primitive sociative force of the Instrumental, rather than the
Ablative of Means, as is done in Gr. 218. 5 ; 7. For a fuller
discussion of this Ablative of Association, see Bennett in Transac-
tions of the American Philological Association, Vol. XXXVI (1906),
pp. 64 ff.
338. Ablative of Attendant Circumstance (Delbriick's ' Instru-
mentalis der Begleitenden Umstande ' ; Vergleichende Syntax,
195). This construction also is a direct outgrowth of the
sociative idea inherent in the Instrumental. Thus dat sonitu
magno stragem means ' occasions destruction in connection with a
loud crashing ' ; nemo mea funera fl'etu faxit, ' let no one cele-
brate my obsequies with weeping ' ; exstinguitur ingentl luctu, ' he
dies under circumstances of great sorrow,' etc.
339. The Ablative of Manner is another obvious development
of the sociative idea. Thus in magna gravitate loquitur, 'he
speaks with great impressiveness,' the 'impressiveness' was
primarily conceived as an accompanying feature of the speak-
ing. ' Manner' differs from 'Attendant Circumstance' in that it
is regularly restricted to abstract words, e.g. celeritate, virtute,
dignitate, etc.
THE ABLATIVE. 2OI
340. Ablative of Accordance. The construction treated under
Ablative of Manner in Gr. 220. 3, viz. suis moribus, mea sen-
tentia, etc., seems to be closely connected both with Manner on
the one hand and Attendant Circumstance on the other. The
type is so definite and pronounced that it deserves clear recogni-
tion in our Latin teaching. Another excellent example of the
construction is seen in Cic. de Sen. 3, pares autem vetere prover-
bio cum paribus facillime congregantur, 'according to the old
proverb, "birds of a feather flock together." '
341. Ablative of Means. The notion of Means is an out-
growth of the idea of Association. Thus, hostem felo percussit is
primarily 'he, along with a spear, smote his enemy.' Out of
this sociative idea the notion of means or instrument developed
secondarily. Yet there are few instances of the Abative of Means
in which traces of the sociative notion are not apparent, and in
some cases this idea is very prominent, e.g. deos precibus adorare,
'to worship the gods with prayers.'
1. With utor, fruor, fungor, potior, vescor, the Ablative of
Means is a natural result of the Middle, i.e. reflexive, use of these
verbs, 'benefit one's self,' 'enjoy one's self,' etc.
2. With opus est the Ablative is a secondary construction after
the anology of usus est with the Ablative. In usus est aliqua re,
'there is need of something,' the Ablative was originally one of
Means, lit. 'there is service by means of something.' From the
notion of use the notion of need arose secondarily. Cf. German
ich brauche etwas, ' I need something,' as an outgrowth of the
earlier meaning, ' I use something.' Besides the use of usus est
with the Ablative, we find usus used predicatively, e.g. hoc usus
est, 'this is necessary.' Now in the case of opus, the predicate
construction was probably the earlier ; opus is best taken as the
Genitive of ops, 'help, service.' The formation would then be a
relic of Genitives of the type of nominus, necessus, etc. ( 138).
202 SYNTAX.
At the outset hoc opus est meant 'this is of service,' secondarily
'this is necessary.' Early Latin exhibits many instances of this
predicative use of opus in its original meaning, 'of service,' and
the same force is noticeable at times in Cicero (e.g. de Or. ii.
296), Livy (e.g. xliii. 19. 4), and later writers. The construction
opus est aliqua re seems to be historically later than the predicate
construction, and to have developed after the analogy of usus est
aliqua re. It is in view of this theory of the origin of the con-
struction that it has been classed in the Gr. as a subdivision of
the Ablative of Means.
3. With contineri, consistere, constare, consist of, be composed
of, the Ablative was probably originally one of Means. Such is
the view of Ebrard, de Ablativi, Locativi, Instrumentalis usu, p.
645. Ktihner and Roby also give this explanation for the Ablative
with constare and consistere; the use with contineri they explain as
Locative. But all three words originally had the same meaning,
'hold together, be held together,' and it seems unnecessary to
adopt different explanations for the separate verbs. Some scholars
regard the Ablative with all three verbs as a true Ablative usage.
This view is based upon the occurrence of ex with the Ablative
with constare. But prepositions are a very uncertain guide in
such matters. Often more than one case relation is possible with
the same verb ; and often a verb in its developed meaning takes
a different construction from that which it originally had. See
Delbrlick, Vergleichende Syntax, I., p. 230.
4. Quid hoc homine facias; quid me fiet? Delbriick in his
Ablativus, Localis, Instrumentalis, p. 17 (published in 1867),
explained the case in expressions of this type as a true Ablative.
Ebrard's collections for early Latin, however, showed that the con-
struction was rather Instrumental in origin, and Delbrlick now
( Vergleichende Syntax, L, p. 248) adopts this view.
5. Ablative of the Way by which. This construction seems
to be one of considerable antiquity, and deserves recognition as
THE ABLATIVE. 2O3
an independent type of the Instrumental. It appears not only in
Latin, but in several other Indo-European languages. Illustra-
tions for the Latin are : utjugis Octogesam pervemret, 'that he might
reach Octogesa by way of the mountains' ; port'is erumpunt; fru-
mentum quod flumine Arari subvexerat. Cf. German mit der Bahn
reisen, where the traveller is evidently conceived as keeping com-
pany with the road.
342. Ablative of Cause. Cause is sometimes referred to the
true Ablative for its origin. In accordance with this theory ira
ard'ere meant originally ' to burn from anger.' The Sanskrit often
employs the Ablative in this way. On the other hand an Instru-
mental origin is equally conceivable. Cf. such English expres-
sions as burn with anger, howl with pain, leap with joy, green
with envy; the Sanskrit employs the Instrumental as well as
the Ablative to denote this relation. Other Indo-European lan-
guages also use the Instrumental to denote Cause. While it is
impossible to prove that Cause has developed exclusively from
the Instrumental conception, yet it is likely that this case has at
least had the greater share in propagating the construction ; such
is now the opinion of Delbriick (VergUichendt Syntax, I., 126).
Cf. also Kiihner, Ausfuhrliche Grammatik, ii. p. 291.
343. Ablative of Degree of Difference. This seems an out-
growth of the Ablative of Means ; i.e. urio die longiorem mensem
fadunt meant primarily 'they make the month longer by means
of one day,' and so on.
344. Ablative of Price. Price was in its origin a develop-
ment of the Means notion. At the outset, the construction must
have been confined to verbs of buying, e.g. puellam vigint'i minis
emit, 'he bought the girl by means of twenty minae.' With verbs
of selling the price was not strictly the means of selling ; but
204 SYNTAX.
after the analogy of verbs of buying, such verbs early came to
take the Ablative construction. A still further extension of the
construction is seen in its application to verbs of costing, being
worth, etc., and also to the adjectives vilis, 'cheap' ; carus, 'dear,'
'too dear,' e.g. HS sex niilibus constat, 'it costs 6000 sesterces';
asse carum, 'dear at a farthing.'
The use of tanti, quanft, pluris, minoris with verbs of buying
and selling is the result of a transference of the Genitive of Value
(Gr. 203,3) from verbs Q{ valuing, estimating, etc., to verbs of
buying and selling. Such a transition is psychologically easy. Cf-
our English I wouldn't give a penny for that (a phrase of buying)
in the sense of / don't value that at a penny.
345. The Ablative of Quality is an obvious outgrowth of the
sociative force of the Instrumental case. Thus in a sentence like
serp'ens immani corpore labitur, the original idea was ' the serpent
glides on with its huge body,' as though the body were a distinct
accompaniment of the serpent. But in course of time the Abla-
tive in such cases came to be felt as a modifier of the noun. In
this way such expressions as acerba tuens immani corpore serp'ens
became possible. Here the phrase immani corpore can be con-
ceived only as an Ablative of Quality, limiting serp'ens ; it cannot
be associated with the verb as in the first example.
In conformity with its origin, the Ablative of Quality primarily
denotes more or less transitory qualities. Qualities which are the
mere outward accompaniment of an action are naturally not
permanent. The observation sometimes made that the Genitive
denotes internal qualities, whereas the Ablative primarily denotes
external ones, is not sufficiently exact. In the phrase hortatur
ut bono animo sint, ' he urges them to be of good courage,' the
quality is internal ; yet the Genitive could not here be used ; for
while the quality is internal, it is transitory. On the other hand,
' a man of high purpose ' is in Latin vir magm aninii, since a per-
THE ABLATIVE. 2O5
manent and not a passing quality is intended. By an extension
of usage the Ablative is sometimes employed, where ambiguity
would not result, to indicate permanent characteristics; but the
Genitive is not used to denote temporary qualities. Physical and
bodily characteristics are regularly designated by the Ablative.
For an excellent discussion of the Ablative of Quality, see
Edwards, Geo. V., The Ablative of Quality and the Genitive of
Quality. New York, 1900.
346. Ablative of Specification. This seems to be a develop-
ment of the sociative force of the Instrumental. Thus Helvetii
virtute praecedunt meant originally ' the Helvetii with their valor
are superior' ; so pede claudus, 'lame with his foot.' The Means
conception may also have assisted in the propagation of the
construction.
347. Ablative Absolute. The Ablative Absolute construction
is an outgrowth of the sociative force of the Instrumental. Thus
in Plaut. Trin. Prol. 13, rem paternam me adjutrice perdidit, the
sense is: ' he lost his property (in connection) with me helping
him' ; so frequently me judice, 'with me as judge'; te praesente
'with you present.' Cf. further scissa veste, passis capillts, 'with
clothes torn, and hair dishevelled.' At first the Ablative in such
phrases modified the verb of the sentence, but ultimately the
original construction was lost sight of, and the phrase as a whole
came to be felt as a kind of loose modifier of the rest of the
sentence (Ablative Absolute). See Brugmann, Die lateinischen
to-Participia, Indogermanische Forschungen, Vol. V., p. 142 ff.
Others have regarded the Ablative Absolute as a Locative
development. This theory was suggested by the fact that the
Locative is the case absolute in Sanskrit. That fact, however,
would be of little significance for Latin unless it can be shown that
the Locative was the case absolute in the Indo-European parent-
speech. But there is nothing to show that such was the case.
206 SYNTAX.
In fact each language seems to have developed its own case
absolute. In Sanskrit we have the Locative, in Greek the Geni-
tive and Accusative ; in Gothic there are traces of the Dative ;
modern German employs the Accusative. As regards Latin,
therefore, there is no anterior probability in favor of any particu-
lar case. The question is simply one of evidence, and the evi-
dence points to an Instrumental rather than to a Locative origin.
Those who advocate a Locative origin would find the begin-
nings of the construction in the temporal force of the Loca-
tive, e.g. Servio regnante, ' in the time of Servius reigning ' ; bello
confecto, ' at the time of the war having been finished,' etc. But
this explanation seems much less natural than the former.
Another theory, that of Bombe (De Ablativo Absolute, Greifs-
wald, 1877), refers the Ablative Absolute to the true Ablative
for its origin. Bombe explains bello confecto, etc., as ' after the
war having been finished.' But no such use of the true Abla-
tive to denote time after which is known for Latin. Moreover, if
Bombe's theory were true, we should expect a predominance of
time-words in the early history of the construction; but no such
predominance is found to exist.
Locative Uses of the Ablative.
348. The Locative seems to have designated originally the
space in or within which something is done. From this meaning
the notions at, on subsequently developed (Delbriick, Verglei-
chende Syntax, I., p. 1 83) . The Locative uses of the Ablative natu-
rally fall into two classes : Place Relations and Time Relations.
349. Place Relations. These may be either literal QT figurative.
i. In its literal force the Locative may mean :
a) ' in,' as premit altum corde dolorem.
b) ' on,' as pharetram fert umero.
c) 'by,' 'near,' as tttore curvo exstruimus toros. This last
appears to be rare.
THE ABLATIVE. 2O?
The preposition, however, is usually necessary to express these
relations, except in poetry and late prose, and in the classes of
words specified in Gr. 228. i.
Some recognize a Locative use in tenere se castris, aliquem fecto
recipere, pugna vincere; but all of these easily admit interpreta-
tion as Instrumental usages, and in the phrase conquer in battle
it is significant that the Sanskrit regularly employs the Instru-
mental case.
2. In figurative uses the Locative function of the Ablative is
restricted to very narrow limits. Here belong, however, a few
phrases such as animis pendent, lit. ' they are in suspense in their
minds' (cf. the Singular animi in animi pendere) ; stare promis sis,
1 to stand by one's promises ; ' stare convenfts ; manere promissis.
In his Ablativus, Instrumental, Localis (1867), p. 39, Delbriick
formerly pronounced in favor of recognizing a Locative usage
in connection with glorior, delector. But now in his Vergleichende
Syntax, I., p. 253, this scholar regards the construction as Instru-
mental in origin. The same explanation is also to be preferred
for laetor, gaudeo, etc. Similarly with fido and confldo an Instru-
mental origin is the more probable, inasmuch as we find this case
used in Slavic with verbs of trusting.
3. Refert and Interest. The Ablative Singular Feminine of
the Possessive with refert originally limited the re (Ablative of res,
' thing ') of refert. If the construction was Locative in origin, mea
refert may have originally meant ' it bears towards my affair ' (Goal
Locative 351), i.e. 'it concerns me.' The use of the Ablative
Singular Feminine of the Possessive with interest is of secondary
origin, being modelled on the construction with refert, in conse-
quence of similarity of meaning. Some regard mea refert as
equivalent to ex mea re fert; mea re has also been explained as
a stereotyped Dative ( 86. b 174), and even as a Nominative,
i.e. for mea re (s) fert, with retention of the original long a of the
Nominative in mea; 112. i.
208 SYNTAX.
350. Time Relations. The transference of the Locative from
space relations to relations of time is easy and natural. In this
way arose the notions of time at which and within which. The
use of the Ablative to denote duration of time, which occurs with
some little frequency in the best prose of all periods, e.g. Caesar,
B. G. i. 26. 5, eaque tota nocte continenter terunt, is probably not
a development of the time within which, but is rather to be
referred to an Instrumental origin. This use of the Instrumental
to denote duration of time would correspond to the use of the
Instrumental to denote the way by which ( 341. 5).
351. Locative of the Goal. Sanskrit and Greek both exhibit
a goal use of the Locative. This is the result of extending to
verbs of motion a conception primarily belonging only to verbs of
rest Cf. in English he went among the Indians, after he is among
the Indians. Examples in Latin are confined chiefly to the archaic
period. Thus, ford ponit (Ennius) ; loco collocare (Lucilius) ;
certa parte reponunt (Lucretius). Genuine Locative formations,
humi, donii, etc., also occur in this sense, e.g. domt adveniens.
Surviving Locative Forms.
352. The chief genuine Locative formations in common use
are enumerated in Gr. 232. Beside these we should probably
recognize the Locative of an #-stem in noctu, and (by association
with noctu] in diu. On die, as the Locative of dies in such ex-
pressions as quarfi die, postridi~e (for posteri die), see 256. i.
Plural formations in -is from a- and <?-stems are more safely
regarded as Instrumentals which have taken on all the functions
of the Ablative, Locative included. Plurals in -ibus of the Third
Declension are certainly Ablative in form. Formations in -e of
the Third Declension, e.g. Sulmone, are original Locatives; 141.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 2OQ
THE MOODS. 1
LATIN NAMES OF THE MOODS.
353. i. The Greek name for mood was ey/cAto-is, literally 'in-
clination' or 'turn/ i.e. ' turn of thought.' The Romans transferred
this designation to their own language as modus, which is the
universal designation for mood among the Latin grammarians.
Yet traces of the influence of the Greek designation are still to be
seen in the definitions given by the grammarians. Thus Priscian,
probably following the tradition, defines modi as diversae inclina-
tiones animi, varios eius affectiones demonstrantes (Keil, Gram-
matici Latini, Vol. II., p. 421. 17). Diomedes (Keil, Gram. Lat.
Vol. I., p. 338) gives the heading : De modis sive inclinationibus
verborum, indicating that inclinatio was sometimes used as an
alternative designation.
2. The Greeks recognized five ey/<A.ms, viz. O/OIOTIKI} (Indica-
tive), TrpocrraKTi/oj (Imperative), ev/m/o; (Optative), vTroraKxt/oj
(Subjunctive), dTrape/x^aro? (Infinitive).
3. 'O/HO-TIKT; was variously rendered by the Latin grammarians
as modus finitus, pronuntiativus , or indicativus. Neither of these
designations was precise, however, as ly/cAwis OPKTTLK^ meant
'mood of definite statement' (from 6pia>, 'bound,' 'limit,' 'define,'
' state definitely ') . Hence definitivus would have been a better
name.
4. "Ey/cAwis TiyxxrraKTiKi; meant mood of 'command, and was
literally translated by the Romans as modus imperativus.
5. "Ey/cAio-is evKTLK-f) was the name of the Greek Optative; but
the designation was good for only a small portion of the uses
of the Greek Optative, viz. its employment in wishes. It did not
apply with accuracy to the Potential uses of the mood. The
1 On the names of the Moods, see especially Jeep, Zur Geschichte der Lehre
der Redeteile bei den lateinischen Grammatikern y Leipzig, 1893 5 PP- 216-236.
210 SYNTAX.
Romans, having no special verbal forms recognized as Optative,
had no need of the designation modus optativus. Yet they some-
times used it, ad imitationem Graecorum, as Priscian remarks
(Keil, Gram. Lat. Vol. II., p. 407). But it should be noted that
the Romans never used the name optativus to designate a group
of inflected forms. With them it designated merely a syntactical
use of the Subjunctive, viz. the Subjunctive in wishes. They thus
made the name narrower than the Greek CVKTIKTJ, whose syntacti-
cal province extended beyond what its title designated.
6. *Ey/<Aio-is vTToraKTi/o? meant ' mood of subordination' and was
the Greek designation for what we ordinarily call the Subjunctive.
But the name was a poor one, since it applied only to the uses
of the Subjunctive in subordinate clauses, and implied that these
represented the original function of the mood. It ignored the
independent Volitive uses (Hortatory, Jussive, Deliberative, Pro-
hibitive), also the so-called Anticipatory uses.
The Romans translated vTroraKTiK?} usually by subjunctivus, less
frequently by conjunctivus (cf. Jeep, Redeteile, p. 224, footnote 3),
names quite as misleading, of course, as the Greek original
from which they were taken.
7. 'A7ra/3e/u,<aTos was rendered by the Roman grammarians
modus infinitivus or infinitus.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE.
354. i. Origin of Subjunctive Forms. The Latin Subjunctive
is the result of a fusion of two original moods of the Indo-European
parent-speech, the Subjunctive and the Optative. Greek and
Sanskrit kept them distinct from each other, but in Latin they
early became merged in a single mood endowed with the
characteristic meaning of each. The following table indicates
the origin of the different formations appearing in the so-called
Subjunctive :
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 211
SUBJUNCTIVE FORMS. OPTATIVE FORMS.
1. All regular Presents, e.g. amem, I. Presents in -im, e.g. sim, passim,
moneam, regam, audiam; 221 f. nolitn, mdlim, velim, ediin, duini;
2. All Imperfects, e.g. essem, amdrem, 218.
monerem, etc. ; 222. 3. 2. All Perfects, e.g. viderim, amdve-
3. All Pluperfects, e.g. amdvissem, dl- rim, etc. ; 219.
xissem, etc.; 222. 4.
2. Original Force of the Subjunctive. The Indo-European
Subjunctive exhibits two meanings which seem to have been the
source of all others :
a} The Subjunctive expresses the will of the speaker, e.g. surgat
= 'I will him to rise,' i.e. Met him rise.' This use implies a cer-
tain power or authority on the part of the speaker, i.e. he is repre-
sented as willing something over which he has control or volition ;
hence the name 'Volitive' has been given to characterize this
use of the mood.
^) Alongside of this Volitive notion, the Indo-European Sub-
junctive also possessed a second force, that of pure futurity
(precisely like a Future Indicative). The Greek, particularly of
the Homeric dialect, frequently exhibits this Future force of the
Subjunctive ; but it is uncertain whether we should recognize it
in Latin. In Latin the Subjunctive has a Pure Future force only
in subordinate clauses, and this may be traced to a different origin.
Yet it should be borne in mind that the so-called Future ero was
in reality a Present Subjunctive ( 205. 3) ; also audiam, regam, etc. ;
while the so-called Future Perfect is an Aorist Subjunctive ( 216).
All of these formations bear witness to a Pure Future force as
having once existed in the Latin Subjunctive.
The connection of meaning between the Future force and the
Volitive force of the Indo-European Subjunctive is much closer
than might at first appear. Thus the English he's to go clearly
stands on the border line between the two meanings, and may
be interpreted either as Volitive, = let him go, or as Future, = he
will go.
212 SYNTAX.
It is probably impossible to explain satisfactorily the relation-
ship to each other of these two uses of the Indo-European Sub-
junctive. Some have regarded the Volitive notion as the original
one and the Future notion as derived from that. 1 Others have
started with the Pure Future notion as fundamental and have
deduced the Volitive uses from this. 2 Others have regarded the
two functions as equally primitive and as representing merely two
phases (the Subjective and Objective) of the same thought. 3 No
attempt to solve this problem, however, has commanded extensive
acceptance, nor is it likely to. Fortunately its solution is not
necessary to our purpose. The two meanings of the Indo-Euro-
pean Subjunctive may be safely accepted, even though we are
unable to determine their mutual relations.
For the views of those who deny that the Indo-European Sub-
junctive possessed any definite fundamental force (or ' Grundbe-
griff'), see below, 356.
355. Original Force of the Optative. Here we note two dif-
ferent, but closely related meanings, as in the case of the Sub-
junctive. Thus :
a) The Optative is used to express an act as wished for by the
speaker, e.g. veniat, ' may he come ! ' The element of power,
authority, and volition which characterizes the corresponding use
of the Indo-European Subjunctive is lacking here.
b) Alongside of the notion of wishing, we find both in Greek
and in Latin another notion, viz. that of a contingent futurity
(Delbrucks Bedingte Zukunft], e.g. aliquis dicaf, 'some one may
say' ; crediderim, ' I should believe' ; qiiis putet, ' who would think? '
This is obviously a weaker type of Future than that belonging to
1 This is the view of Delbruck in his Conjunctiv und Optativ im Sanskrit
und Griechischen, p. 1 1 ff.
2 Notably Goodwin in Greek Moods and Tenses, p. 371 ff.
8 The view advocated in the earlier edition of this book.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 213
the Subjunctive (in Greek) , just as in its meaning of wishing the
Optative expresses a weaker phase of thought than the Subjunctive.
The problem of the mutual relationship of the different mean-
ings of the Indo-European Optative is even more difficult than for
the meanings of the Subjunctive. Delbriick in his Konjunktiv und
Optativ started with the wish meaning as fundamental, and derived
the Potential uses from that. Subsequently (Altindische Syntax,
p. 302) he has expressed the conviction that the wish meanings and
Potential meanings are distinct in their origin. 1 Goodwin (Greek
Moods and Tenses, p. 384 ff.) starts with the Potential force as
original. But scholars are far from agreed as to accepting any of
these theories of relationships. It is safer, at present at least, to
content ourselves with recognizing the existence of the various
Optative functions, even though we cannot determine their origin
and mutual relationships.
For the views of those who deny that the Indo-European
Optative possessed any precise fundamental force whatever (a
'Grundbegriff'), see the following section.
356. Some eminent syntactical investigators have contested the
propriety of attributing to the Indo-European Subjunctive and
Optative any precise narrow fundamental value (a 'Grundbegriff').
Thus Abel Bergaigne (De Conjunctive et Optativi . . . vi anti-
quissima. Paris, 1877, pp. 41-50; 57-73) urged that the Sub-
junctive and Optative alike originally covered the entire range of
modal conception outside that of positive categorical assertion
embraced by the Indicative, and that the specific Subjunctive and
Optative uses found in the various Indo-European languages are
the result of selection in this wide field. Closely related to this
attitude of Bergaigne is that of Morris (American Journal of
1 But in his Vergleichende Syntax, IV. 2. p. 373, he apparently returned to
his earlier view.
214 SYNTAX.
Philology, Vol. XVIII. p. 392 ff. ; also On Principles and Methods
in Syntax, especially chapters iii. and iv.). Morris recognizes in
Subjunctive and Optative no ' Grundbegriff,' but urges that the
actual functions of these moods have developed as a result of
context, gesture, intonation, etc.
Yet to most investigators the phenomena of linguistic growth
seem to point to the early existence of a fairly definite value for
every inflected form. The existence, also, in Old Indian, Iranian,
Greek, Latin, Gothic, and Slavic of a number of substantially the
same specific Subjunctive and Optative modal uses seems impos-
sible to account for except upon the basis that the value 1 of these
moods in Indo-European was a fairly precise and definite one ;
cf. Delbriick, Die Grundlagen der Griechischen Syntax, p. 116.
357. The so-called Latin Subjunctive, as an amalgamation
of the original Indo-European Subjunctive and Optative, might
naturally be expected to exhibit all four of the original significa-
tions, viz.:
\ Indo-European Subjunctive.
Pure Future
Optative | Indo-European Optative.
Contingent Future J
As a matter of fact it represents with certainty only three of
them, viz. the Volitive, Optative, and Contingent Future ; and
from these three primary uses are to be derived all existing Sub-
junctive constructions in Latin, not only in principal, but also in
subordinate, clauses.
The absence of the Pure Future use of the Subjunctive in Latin
may be accounted for by the fact that the Subjunctive in that
use early came to be felt as Indicative, and as a result various
Subjunctive formations actually became Indicatives, ero, audiam,
1 It is not necessary that this assumed value was absolutely primitive in
Indo-European speech. It may have been the result of development.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 21$
videro, etc. ( 205. 2, 3 ; 216). This transition to the Indicative
of those Subjunctive forms which possessed the Pure Future force
naturally resulted in the restriction of the remaining forms to the
Volitive use.
CLASSIFICATION OF SUBJUNCTIVE USES.
SUBJUNCTIVE IN PRINCIPAL CLAUSES.
A. Original Uses.
358. Volitive Subjunctive.
a) Jussive, expressing a command. This use is found most
commonly :
1) In the Third Singular and Third Plural of the Present
tense, e.g. loquatur, ' let him speak ' ; loquantur, ' let them
speak.'
2) In the Second Singular and Plural Present. The Second
Singular often has indefinite force, but not necessarily so.
An example is utare inribus, 'use your strength,' i.e. 'let
a man use his strength ' (indefinite).
The Perfect tense is sometimes employed in the Jussive. It
calls attention rather to the summary performance of the act, while
the Present represents the act as in progress. This is in accord
with the origin of the two tenses, for the Perfect was by origin an
Aorist (219). Cf. under d, and 360, a.
Jussives accompanied by ut, ufi occur in early Latin, e.g. Plaut.
Capt. 115, utl adsen>entur, 'just let them be watched !' Bacch.
739, ut caveas ; Ter. Ad. 280, ut omne reddat; Cato, tie Agr.
i. 4, ut bene aedificatum siet. Ut in these and like expressions
is an adverb, probably originally indefinite, corresponding to
the indefinite qul, 'somehow,' 'only,' 'just.' The three meanings
of the adverb qui are well substantiated, viz. :
i. Relative, 'in which way,' 'as.'
2l6 SYNTAX.
2. Interrogative, ' how ? '
3. Indefinite, * somehow'; cf. modo, originally ' in a way,' 'in
some way,' ' somehow,' ' only.'
In case of the corresponding adverb ut we have :
1. Relative ut, 'in which way,' 'as.'
2. Interrogative ut, 'how?'
3. If we recognize the Indefinite ut, we get for ut the third of
the three meanings which are assumed for qm. The value here
suggested for ut seems to occur also in uti-nam, and to be sup-
ported by the use of qui and ut interchangeably with independent
Optatives ; see 359.
ff) Of determined resolution. This rare usage is confined to
the Present First Singular, e.g. Terence, Hautontimorumenos 273
mane : hoc quod coept pfimum enarrem, ' wait ! I'm bound first
to finish telling what I began. '
f) Hortatory. This is confined to the Present First Plural,
and is a mingling of a) and b}, e.g. loquamur, 'let us speak,' i.e.
'I'm bound to speak, and do you speak.'
d) Prohibitive. This occurs in the 2d and 3d Persons Singu-
lar and Plural of the Present and Perfect Tenses. The earlier
theory as to the Prohibitive was that the Second Singular Perfect
was employed of a definite Second Person, while the Second Singu-
lar Present had a general (or indefinite) force. This view has been
shown to be false by the exhaustive examination of the subject by
Elmer, American Journal of Philology, 1894, No. 3. In the
Grammar and the Appendix I had given my adhesion to Elmer's
view that the Perfect Prohibitive expressed special emotion or ex-
citement. Renewed examination of the question, however, has
compelled me to abandon that attitude and to accept the con-
clusions of Delbriick, who holds that the difference between the
Present and Perfect tenses was one of the kind of action desig-
nated by the verb, the Present indicating an act (or state) going
on, the Perfect an act (or state) conceived of without reference
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 2I/
to continuance. This accords with the origin of the two tenses,
for the Perfect was an Aorist ( 219).
e) Deliberative. This occurs in affirmative questions inquiring
after the will or command of the person addressed, e.g. quid
faciam, in the sense : ' what do you bid me do ? ' ' what is your
will that I do?' Cf. Plaut. Trin. 59, sequere :: quo sequar?
Aul. 651, redde hue : : quid reddam ? Capt. 839, gaude : : quid
gaudeam ? The usage, accordingly, consists simply in the inquiry
after a command. An English analogy may perhaps be recognized
in ' what let's do ? ' i.e. ' what do you say (direct) that we do ? '
The name ' Deliberative ' is by no means an accurate designa-
tion of the usage here under consideration. There is nothing
deliberative in an inquiry after orders. We shall come later, under
the head of ' Derived Uses,' to a usage which is truly deliberative.
We shall come also to a number of other uses which traditionally
bear the name ' Deliberative,' though no deliberative character
inheres in them. See 363.
359. Optative Subjunctive. The Optative Subjunctive ex-
presses a desire or hope for the fulfillment of a wish. Both the
Present and Perfect tenses occur, e.g. Plaut. Pseud. 714, bene sit
tibi ; Verg. Aen. i. 603, dl tibi praemia digna ferant. The Per-
fect is less frequent than the Present. When used, it ordinarily
differs but slightly in value from the Present, denoting the sum-
mary performance of an act, as opposed to its continuance (see
358, a, d\ e.g. Cic. Phil. xii. 14, quod dl omen averterint. But
occasionally the Perfect Optative has true Present Perfect force,
e.g. Cic. de Rep. iv. 8, cui quidem ver'e auguraverim, lit. ' may I
have prophesied,' i.e. ' I hope I have prophesied.'
The Optative Subjunctive is not infrequently accompanied by
strengthening particles, e.g. Plaut. Trin. 923, qui istum dl per-
dant ; Aul. 785, ut ilium di perdant. Cf. the use of ar/with the
Jussive ( 358, a, 2). Utinam is also frequent.
2l8 SYNTAX.
360. Subjunctive of Contingent Futurity. This corresponds
to the second of the two meanings of the Indo-European Optative
( 355- ^)- From this general notion have developed the follow-
ing special uses :
a) Subjunctive of Pure Possibility, e.g. aliquis dicat, aliquis
dixerit, 'some one may say.' This is the most obvious develop-
ment of the notion of contingent futurity, but it is rare, being con-
fined chiefly to phrases of the type cited in the above examples.
As regards the use of tenses, the Perfect (originally Aorist ; 219)
lays stress upon the accomplishment of the act, while the Present
calls attention to its progress. Cf. 358, a, d.
b) Where some condition is implied or expressed, e.g. velim,
'I should wish,' i.e. 'if I were to have my way'; d'tcas, 'you
would say,' i.e. ' if you should have occasion to express an opinion.'
This use occurs also particularly in the First Singular of the Per-
fect (Aorist, 219), e.g. d'lxerim, 'I should say'; crediderim, 'I
should believe.' Where the condition is expressed, we get a
Conditional Sentence of the Second Type ( Gr. 303), e.g. laefe-
ris, si veniat, ' you would rejoice, if he should come.'
The name Potential is usually given to the Subjunctives cited
under a) and l>) ; but this name is somewhat inexact; see 365.
B. Derived Uses.
361. The uses here enumerated are secondary developments
from those cited above in 358 ff.
362. Extensions of the Jussive and Prohibitive.
a) Corresponding to the Jussive loquatur there developed an
Imperfect use, e.g. loqueretur, in the sense, ' he was to speak,' i.e.
' he should have spoken.' This use is manifestly a derived one,
since one cannot now will a person to have done in the past what
he obviously has failed to do. An expression like loquer~etur,
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 2IQ
therefore, must have been formed after the analogy of loquatur.
The Pluperfect Subjunctive also occurs in this sense, e.g. eum
imitatus esses, ' you ought to have imitated him.' The Volitive
character of these expressions is shown by the fact that the nega-
tive is regularly ne, e.g. Plaut. Pseud. 437, tu ne tale fa ceres, 'you
ought not to have done any such thing ' ; Cic. ad Att. ii. i, 3, ne
poposctsses, ' you ought not to have asked.'
b) The Permissive. An example of this is Cic. de Sen. 58,
sibi habeant arma, ' they may have their weapons ; ' originally this
meant ' let them have ! ' i.e. ' let them have, for aught I care,' and
so, ' they may have.' In this way a recognized permissive value
came to attach itself to the Subjunctive. Other examples are
Tibullus, i. i, 58, fecum dummodo sim, segm's vocer ; Accius, Fr.
oderint, dum metuant, ' they may hate, provided they fear.' These
Permissive Subjunctives, when negative, imply that one does not
need to perform the act involved, e.g. Plaut. Capt. 947, at ob
earn rem mihi I'tbellam argenft ne duis, ' you don't need to give
me,' etc.
f) The Concessive. This is found in the Present, Perfect, and
Pluperfect tenses. The Perfect in this use refers to the past.
Examples : Cic. Brut. 76, sit Ennius perfectior, ' I grant that
Ennius is more finished'; Academica, ii. 75, at dissolvit 'idem.
Mihi quidem non vide fur ; sed dissolvent, ' but I grant that he
refuted ' ; Verg. Aen. iv. 603, fuisset, ' grant that it had been
done ' ; Cic. de Sen. 34, ne sint vires in senectute, ' I grant that
there is not strength in old age ' ; Or. 101, nemo is, inquies, um-
quamfuit. Nefuerit, 'I grant that there wasn't.'
d) Subjunctive of Acquiescence. Here belong expressions like
the familiar /*#/ of comedy, 'so be it,' 'very well.'
e) Subjunctive of Supposition. This is infrequent, but is exem-
plified in such expressions as Cic. de Off. iii. 54, vendat aed'es vir
bonus ; pestilences sint et habeantur salubres ; . . . quaero . . . num,
etc., ' let us suppose the case of a good man selling a house ; let us
220 SYNTAX.
suppose the house is unwholesome, but is considered safe, ... I
ask whether,' etc.
363. Extensions of the Deliberative. These are all outgrowths
of the original use mentioned in 358. e. We distinguish :
a) Questions of purely rhetorical character, implying that the
thing mentioned is impossible. The Present, Imperfect, and Per-
fect tenses occur in this use, e.g. quidfaciam ! ' what am I to do ? '
in the sense : ' there's nothing I can do.' The Imperfect repre-
sents this present use projected into the past, e.g. quid facere m,
'what was I to do?' implying the impossibility of doing anything.
The Perfect is rare, but is found in Plaut. Amph. 748, ubi ego
audiverim, 'where am I to have heard it?' i.e. 'how can I have
heard it?'
^) Questions implying the idea of duty, obligation, or propriety.
The tenses used are the Present and Imperfect. A characteristic
example is quid faciam in the sense of 'what ought I to do?'
'what should I do?' This is a perfectly natural and legitimate
outgrowth of the original idea contained in quidfaciam ( 358. e),
' what do you bid me do ? ' Whenever this question is addressed
to a person whose authority is respected, ' what do you bid me
do?' becomes tantamount to 'what ought I to do?' So in the
Imperfect, quidfacerem often means ' what was it my duty to do? '
This is simply quidfaciam projected into the past. The negative
of this usage is non^ e.g. non haec faciam, rion haec facerem, 'isn't
it (wasn't it) my duty to do these things?' So also in Cic. pro
Arch. 1 8, hunc ego non diligam, non admirer? 'ought I not to
love, ought I not to admire this man?' So also in expressions
introduced by cur, quare } and rarely quin, e.g. Caes. B. G. i. 40,
cur desperarent, i why should they despair ? '
1 The negative non (instead of ne} is to be regarded as a perfectly natural
consequence of the derived nature of the usage.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 221
c] Real Deliberative questions. Although the name ' Delibera-
tive ' is used as a designation of all the related idioms here con-
sidered, yet the only real Deliberative Subjunctive is found in
expressions like quid agam, quid faciam, where the speaker is
actually pondering what decision to take or what course of action
to pursue.
d) Repudiating Questions, in which the speaker repudiates with
scorn some command or imputation, or expresses his disdain at
some proposal of another person. The origin of the Repudiating
Questions may be seen in passages like Plaut. Mil. Glo. 496,
vicine ausculta, quaeso : : ego auscultem tibi. The context shows
that the inquiry is uttered with contempt. Hence the idea is, ' I
listen to you!' Sometimes we have the Indefinite ut ( 358.
a. 2), e.g. Ter. And. 618, tibi ego ut credam ? In these cases we see
that the usage originated in an inquiry after a command, but that
the indignant attitude of the speaker developed a repudiating force.
As a result a new category was formed, and we find Repudiating
Questions, where no vestige of an inquiry after a command is dis-
cernible, or even imaginable, e.g. Plaut. Capt. Wj 9 fingitu fugam : :
rids fugiamus ! The idiom is even transferred to the past, e.g.
Plaut. Men. 678, pallam quam tibi dedi mihi redde : : mihi tu dede-
ris pallam, ' you gave me a cloak ! ' Cic. ad Quint, i. 3. i, ego te
videre ridluerim. Pluperfect : Cic. pro Sulla , 45, mihi cujusquam
salus tanti fuisset, ut meam neglegerem ?
364. Extensions of the Optative. The use of the Imperfect
and Pluperfect Subjunctive in expressions like utinam tu valeres,
utinam adfuisses, is also secondary. For if the primary force of
the Optative was to denote a wish, it must have looked for-
ward to the future ; hence its employment with reference to the
present and the past must be a derived usage, after the analogy
of sint felices, etc.
The Imperfect and Pluperfect Subjunctive, in expressions like
222 SYNTAX.
those cited above, do not strictly express a wish, but rather a
regret at the present non-existence or the previous non-occurrence
of something.
In these derived uses utinam is almost invariably used. A very
few exceptions occur in poetry.
365. Extensions of the Subjunctive of Contingent Futurity.
There are three derived uses :
a) The Present 26. Singular in the sense 'you can, one can,'
e.g. videas, 'you can see.' In its origin, the Subjunctive of the
Contingent Future denoted mere objective possibility, e.g. dicas
= ' there's a possibility, you will say,' 'you may say.' In the
derived usage this objective possibility becomes subjective,
'you may' becomes 'you can.' Strictly speaking, only the second
of these is Potential. For potentiality involves capacity and con-
trol, which mere possibility does not.
^) The 2d Singular Imperfect. This is restricted to narrow
limits, being found chiefly in such expressions as videres, 'one
could see'; cerneres, 'one could observe'; crederes, 'one could
believe.' The usage is an extension of a) above, and, like that, is
Potential in the strict sense of that term.
c) The Imperfect and Pluperfect in the conclusion of contrary-
to-fact conditions, e.g. si adesses, videres; si adfmsses, vtdisses.
The exact way in which this use has grown up is one of the most
difficult problems of Latin syntax. But if, as seems probable,
the protasis in such conditional sentences was in origin partly
Optative, partly Jussive (e.g. adesses, 'would that you were here,'
videres, ' then you would see '), if this may be assumed, then
the use of the Imperfect and Pluperfect would be a kind of assimi-
lation, induced by the regular correspondence of tense and mood
in other conditional sentences.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 22$
SUBJUNCTIVE IN DEPENDENT CLAUSES.
i. Parataxis and Hypotaxis. In the earlier stages of lan-
guage there were no subordinate clauses. Sentences were joined
by co-ordination. For example, an independent use of the Indica-
tive was followed by an independent use of the Subjunctive, or by
another Indicative without any conjunction, e.g. eos moneo, desi-
nant, lit. ' I warn them, let them cease.' In course of time in such
combinations the one clause came to be felt as subordinate, and
to be introduced by various connecting particles ('subordinate
conjunctions'). The stage of co-ordination is called Parataxis;
that of subordination, Hypotaxis. In Latin the paratactic form
of expression often survives, even when the hypotactic relation
has become clearly developed. This is especially noticeable in
the early and colloquial language, but is found also in the best
prose in certain categories of expression ; see, for example, 381 f.
For further discussion of Parataxis, see Bennett, in Cornell Studies
in Classical Philology, Vol. IX. p. 66 ff. ; Morris, Principles and
Methods in Syntax, p. 113 rT.
Subjunctive of Purpose.
367. i. The Subjunctive clause of Purpose is introduced by ut,
ne, quo, qui, and Relative Adverbs. It was probably Jussive in
origin, e.g. tibi da pecuniam tit panem emas originally meant ' I
give you money ; just purchase bread.' For this force of ut, see
35 8 -0- 2 ; 359-
In course of time the ^/-clause came to be felt as subordinate
to the other, and ut from being an adverb came to be felt as a sub-
ordinate conjunction. In this way arose the purpose clause with ut.
2. Negative clauses of purpose introduced by ne were quite
analogous in origin to those introduced by ut. Thus tibi obsto ne
intres probably meant originally ' I stand in your way ; don't come
in !' Ultimately this Parataxis developed into Hypotaxis.
224 SYNTAX.
3. Quo as an Ablative of Degree of Difference is regularly con-
fined to use in connection with comparatives. The Subjunctive
with quo arises in the same way as with other relatives. See 4.
4. Qui, quae, etc., in relative clauses of purpose had practically
a demonstrative force, e.g. tibi Hbrum do quern legas, ( I give you a
book to read,' originally meant ( I give you a book ; read it !'
5. Relative Clauses with dignus, indignus, and idoneus have
been classified in Gr. 282. 3 under Relative Clauses of Purpose.
This has been done partly on account of the meaning of such
clauses, partly in view of the other constructions found with dig-
nus, idoneus, etc. As regards the meaning of the relative clause
with dignus, indignus, idoneus, it seems impossible to separate a
sentence like dat mihi surculds quos seram, 'he gives me shoots
to plant,' from dat mihi surculds dignos quos seram, 'he gives me
shoots fit to plant,' originally ' he gives me fit shoots to plant.'
So homines dignos elegit quos mitteret may well have meant
originally : 'he selected fit men, (in order) to send them,' and
then, secondarily, ' he selected men fit to send.' In each case the
Subjunctive clause is fairly one of Purpose. This view is further
confirmed by the other constructions found with dignus, idoneus.
Thus we repeatedly find an Infinitive employed with these words,
e.g. Verg. Eel. 5. 53, et puer ipse cantdri dignus, 'worthy to be
praised ' ; Pliny, Paneg. 7. 4, dignus eltgt, ' worthy to be chosen.'
The Gerund with ad also occurs, e.g. Cic. Rep. i. 18. 30, dignus
ad imitandum; and sometimes even an ^/-clause, e.g. eras dignus
ut haberes (cited by Quintilian from an early author). The
^/-clause cannot be regarded as one of Result in this and similar
cases, as is done by Kiihner, Ausf. Gr. ii. p. 858 d), since the
action is viewed purely as one contemplated, not as one accom-
plished.
Some regard the relative clause with dignus, etc., as a Clause of
Characteristic. It is of course quite true that dignus, with a fol-
lowing relative clause, does express a characteristic in a general
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 22$
way ; but the relative clause itself is certainly not a Clause of
Characteristic in the technical sense of that term. See 371.
368. It is obvious that only those purpose clauses are of primi-
tive origin in which the main clause and the subordinate clause
refer to different persons. Thus in a sentence of the type pecu-
niam mutuor ut libros emam, emam cannot be referred directly
to a Volitive origin, since the Volitive Subjunctive is not naturally
used to represent a person as exercising his authority and volition
over himself. Sentences like the last, therefore, are more prob-
ably of later origin and formed upon the analogy of those cited
in 367.
Clauses of Characteristic.
369. The Clause of Characteristic is a relative clause devel-
oped from the Subjunctive of Contingent Futurity ( 360). It is
probable that in its origin it was confined to a limited number
of words such as possim, velim, ridlim, malim, audeam, credam,
putem, etc., following negative expressions. Thus a nemo est qui
possit, lit. 'there is no one who would be able,' is so nearly equiv-
alent to 'there is no one who is able,' that it early took on this
force. Similarly in such expressions as nemo est qui velit, nolit,
malit, audeat, credat, putet. In all these cases the notion of con-
tingency is so slight as easily to disappear, leaving the relative
clause essentially one denoting a fact.
370. Clauses of Characteristic as Distinguished from Relative
Clauses of Purpose. Difficulty is often experienced in distin-
guishing Clauses of Characteristic from Relative Clauses of Pur-
pose. This difficulty results chiefly from the fact that a Relative
Clause of Purpose may denote a characteristic of an antecedent
in the general sense of the word characteristic. Thus in Cicero,
Brutus, 56 scribebat orationes quas alii dlcerent, 'he wrote
226 SYNTAX.
speeches for other persons to deliver/ the clause quas alii
dlcerent is a Relative Clause of Purpose ; but at the same
time it does in a certain sense indicate a ' characteristic ' of
its antecedent. One essential difference between the Clause of
Characteristic and the Relative Clause of Purpose consists in the
fact that the former denotes an action or state contemporary with
or anterior to that of the main clause, while the Relative Clause
of Purpose denotes an action which is future relatively to that of
the main clause. In accordance with this principle expressions
like nihil habeo quod agam, ' I have nothing to do' (Hor. Sat. i. 9.
19); ml scio quod gaudeam, 'I don't know anything to rejoice
about' (Plant. Capt. 842) are Relative Clauses of Purpose. Did
these sentences mean respectively ' I have nothing that I am
doing ' and ' I don't know anything that I am rejoicing about '
(contemporary action), they would be Clauses of Characteristic.
At times we find sentences which are ambiguous. The syn-
tactical nature of the relative clause will then depend upon the
interpretation. A good example is Ter. Phormio 433 hab'ebis
quae tuam senectutem oblectet, either 'you will have some one
who cheers ' (Characteristic) or 'some one to cheer ' (Purpose).
371. Clauses of Characteristic Denoting Cause or Opposition.
In sentences like o fortunate adufesc'ens qifi tuae virtutis Honie-
rum praeconem inveneris there is an apparent violation of the
principle that the Clause of Characteristic refers to ' an ante-
cedent not otherwise defined' (Gr. 283. i) ; but in such cases
as this we may explain the relative as referring to an indefinite
antecedent to be supplied. According to this view the original
force of the above sentence would have been : ' O ! fortunate
man, (one) who has found,' etc. The frequent employment of
ut qm, utpote qm, etc., 'as being one who,' supports this view.
The use of the Second Singular in the subordinate clause would
then be a species of attraction.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 22 /
372. Clauses of Characteristic Introduced by Quin. The
treatment in Gr. 283. 4 follows that of Brugmann in Indogerma-
nische Forschungen, Vol. IV. p. 226 ff. Brugmann sees in the first
element of this qmn an indeclinable Relative qu!, which he thinks
was capable of standing for any case either Singular or Plural.
According to this view, qmn might be equivalent to qui non, quae
non, quod non, etc.; the qmn mentioned in 383, 391 must
then be regarded as a separate word.
Clauses of Result.
373. Clauses of Result, introduced by ///, ut non, qum, qm, are
a development of the Subjunctive of Contingent Future, viz. from
its second phase, where there is a condition implied ( 360. b).
Thus in the sentence hoc flagitium tale est ut qtnvis oderit, the
original meaning was : ' this outrage is of such a nature as anyone
you please would hate' (i.e. if he should see it). From this to
the meaning 'of such a nature that anybody you please hates it/
is an easy transition. At the outset it is probable that such Sub-
junctives v&possit, velit, riolit, malit, audeat figured largely in the
establishment of this category, since in these verbs the transition
from the idea of contingency to that of actuality is particularly
easy; cf. 370.
374. Relative Clauses of Result are simply a development of
the Clause of Characteristic. At times it is not easy to decide
whether the clause is one of Characteristic or of Result, and indi-
vidual interpretations of the same sentence- would doubtless often
differ. For example, in the sentence given in Gr. 284. 2 habetis
eum consulem qu~i parere. vestris decrefls non dubitet, the clause
qui . . . dubitet might be felt by some simply as a Clause of
Characteristic, ' a consul of the sort that ' ; but the clause also
admits the interpretation 'a consul such that he does not hesi-
tate ' ; and in that sense it is a clause of Result.
228 SYNTAX.
375. Clauses of Result with Qum. These are really Relative
Clauses of Result, and differ from Clauses of Characteristic intro-
duced by quin just as ordinary Relative Clauses of Result differ
from ordinary Clauses of Characteristic. Wherever the main
clause contains tarn, talis, etc., the Result notion is sufficiently
clear.
Causal Clauses.
376. Causal Clauses Introduced by Quod, Quia, Quoniam.
When these take the Subjunctive, it is probably on the principle
of Indirect Discourse.
377. Causal Clauses Introduced by Cum. The Subjunctive
with cum-ca.\isa\ is a development of the temporal cum-clause.
The temporal notion easily passes into the causal in all languages.
Cf. e.g. in English ' When he saw ruin staring him in the face, he
did not care to live,' i.e. ' since he saw,' etc.
Clauses with Cum-Temporal.
378. The treatment in the Grammar, 228 f., follows the
elaborate and convincing exposition of Hale in his Gum-
Constructions, Cornell Studies in Classical Philology, Vol. I.
Hale shows that the cum-clause is simply a form of the Clause
of Characteristic. Cum, earlier quom (Gr. 9. i), is a form of
the Relative stem quo-, and, as such, was quite as capable of
introducing a Clause of Characteristic as was any other Relative
word. Just as qm takes a Clause of Characteristic, stating a
quality of a person or thing, so quom took a Clause of Character-
istic, stating a quality of a time, i.e. giving the situation existing
at that time. The Indicative ^;#-clause, on the other hand,
like the Indicative ^-clause, was primarily a defining, or deter-
minative, clause and hence used to denote a point of time or
date.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 22$
Clauses Introduced by Antequam and Priusquam.
379. Where these are followed by the Subjunctive, Hale (The
Anticipatory Subjunctive in Greek and Latin, Chicago Studies in
Classical Philology, Vol. I., p. 68 ff.) recognizes a survival in
Latin of the Indo-European Subjunctive in its Pure Future phase,
a phase conspicuously present in Homeric Greek. Others
refer the mood to the Subjunctive of Contingent Futurity (the
second of the two uses of the Indo-European Optative; 360).
Clauses introduced by Dum, Donee, and Quoad.
380. These clauses are probably the development of an Opta-
tive Parataxis. Thus originally exspecto : dum veniat, ( I am
waiting ; may he come the while.' Hence, ' I am waiting till
he comes, for him to come.'
SUBSTANTIVE CLAUSES.
Substantive Clauses Developed from the Volitive.
381. Many of these are often regarded as Substantive Clauses
of Purpose. Such a designation implies either that the clauses in
question are Purpose Clauses or once were such ; neither of these
alternatives represents the truth. With the exception of the
clauses mentioned in Gr. 295. 3, all the substantive clauses
included in 295 are the developments of an earlier parataxis
(see 367), in which the Subjunctive was Volitive (Jussive, De-
liberative, etc.) in nature. For a valuable discussion of the origin
of clauses of this kind, see Durham, Subjunctive Substantive
Clauses in Plautus, Cornell Studies in Classical Philology, Vol.
XIII. (Macmillan & Co.).
382. As a typical illustration of the general type here under
discussion let us take the sentence, tibi impero (uf) hoc mihi des.
Whether ut is present or absent, is immaterial to our purpose.
230 SYNTAX.
In either case the dependent clause is of Jussive origin ; ut is
simply the adverbial particle which we have already met in inde-
pendent sentences (see 358. a; 359). The original differ-
ence between tibi impero hoc mihi des and tibi impero ut hoc
mihi des, could hardly have been more than that between 'I
command you, give me this,' and ' I command you, just give
me this.' Probably even this distinction soon passed away, and
the two forms of expression came to be felt as practically equiva-
lent in force.
383. Taking now our tibi impero (ut) hoc mihi des as the
type, let us consider a variety of Extensions to which it gave
rise :
a) ' Extensions within the Present.' After the analogy of tibi
impero (ut) hoc mihi des, it became natural to form sentences
like:
mihi imperat (ut) hoc sibi dem ;
tibi imperat (ut) hoc sibi des ;
ill! imperat (ut) hoc sibi det ;
ill! imperas (ut) hoc tibi det ;
mihi imperas (ut) hoc tibi dem.
Our original typical sentence, tibi impero (ut) hoc mihi des,
was undoubtedly once paratactic : ' I command you ; give this
to me ! ' But the developments just enumerated could obviously
never have stood in Parataxis ; they are analogical ' Extensions
within the Present.'
b) ' Future Extensions.' An illustration of these would be,
tibi imperabo (ut) hoc mihi des. A sentence like this could
obviously never have stood in Parataxis. It is simply tibi impero
(ut) hoc mihi des projected into the Future.
c) l Past Extensions.' An illustration would be, tibi imperdvi
(ut) hoc mihi dares. Here similarly we have our tibi impero
(ut) hoc mihi des projected into the past.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 231
d) l Negative Extensions.' These are exemplified by tibi non
impero (ut) hoc mihi des. These ' Negative Extensions ' may
also be combined with Extensions of the kinds already noted,
e.g. tibi non imperabo (ut) hoc mihi des (Future) ; tibi non
imperdvt (ut) hoc mihi dares (Past) ; mihi non imperat (ut)
hoc sibi dem (Within the Present).
e) ( Interrogative Extensions.' These are exemplified by quare
tibi impero (ut) hoc mihi des? These ' Interrogative Extensions'
may at the same time also be Future, Past, Within the Present,
or Negative, e.g. quis tibi imperat (ut) hoc mihi des ? quis tibi
imperavit (ut) hoc mihi dares? cur mihi non imperavisft (ut)
hoc tibi darem ?
f) 'Conditional Extensions,' e.g. st tibi impero (ut) hoc tibi
dem. These may similarly be also Future, Past, Within the Pres-
ent, or Negative ; or they may contain a combination of these
Extensions, e.g. si. mihi non imperavisft (ut) hoc tibi darem,
a Conditional Negative Past Extension.
g) ' Extension by Analogy of the Meaning of the Verb.' Thus
fe oro (ut) abeas undoubtedly represents an original Parataxis :
' (Just) go away ! I beg you,' ' I beg you to go away.' Now
after the analogy of this we get fe exoro (ut) abeas, ' I induce
you to go away,' ' I succeed in my request that you go away.'
Similarly after tibi suadeo (ut) abeas, ' I advise you to go away,'
we get tibi persuaded (ut) abeas, ' I succeed in my advice that
you go away,' 'I persuade you to go away.' Neither fe exoro
(ut) abeas nor tibi persuaded (ut) abeas could have stood in
an original Parataxis. Such combinations would have failed to
make sense.
A recognition of the foregoing varieties of ' Extensions ' is of
great importance for an understanding of Substantive Clauses
Developed from the Volitive, and in fact for many other vari-
eties of subordinate clauses of Subjunctive origin, e.g. Purpose
Clauses, Substantive Clauses Developed from the Optative,
232 SYNTAX.
Clauses of Characteristic, Result Clauses, etc. No theory of
origin can possibly explain all, or even any proportionally large
part of the phenomena ordinarily classified under any one of
these syntactical usages. A large part of the instances belonging
under any single syntactical category (Purpose, Result, Volitive
Substantive Clause, etc.) represent analogical Extensions of one
sort or another.
Classification of Substantive Clauses Developed from the Volitive.
Developed from the Jussive and Prohibitive.
384. With Verbs of Ordering or Commanding.
Without ut.
Original Uses: Plautus, Poen. 1155 d~ico mihi filiam d~espon-
deas, { I bid you to betroth your daughter to me.'
Extensions: Plautus, Stichus, 624 dixi, in carcerem ires, ( I
ordered you to go to prison' (a Past Extension).
With ut.
Original Uses : Plautus, Men. 990 died ut imperium meum
habeatis curae, 'I bid you heed my orders.'
Extensions : Plautus, Men. 784 ed'txi tibi ut caveres (Past
Extension) .
With ne and ut ne.
Examples : Plautus, Merc. 465 ad portum ne bifas died tibi,
' I tell you not to go to the harbor ' ; Mil. Glo. 185* hoc e't dicito
ut ne digrediatur, ' tell her not to depart.'
385. With Verbs of Begging and Requesting.
Without ut.
Original Uses : Plautus, Merc. 992* pacem faciatis oro, ' I beg
you to make peace.'
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 233
Extensions: Plautus, Amph. 257 orant ignoscamus peccatum
suom, ' they entreat us to forgive their fault ' (Extension within
the Present).
With ut.
Original Uses : Plautus, Cure. 629 quaeso ut mihi dicas, ' I beg
you to tell me.'
Extensions: Plautus, Cas. 532 orabat ut properarem, 'he en-
treated me to make haste ' (Past Extension) ; Men. 1048 possum
exordre ut pallam reddat, ' succeed in my request that she return
the cloak,' an Extension after Analogy of Meaning of the Verb ;
383. g. Similarly impetro ut, ' I succeed in my request that.'
With ne and ut ne.
Original Uses: Plautus, Bacch. 1013 quaeso ne me deseras,
' I beg you not to desert me ' ; Rud. 627 quaeso ut te ne pigeat
1 1 beg that you be not loth.'
Extensions : Plautus, Cist. 302 earn exores ne tibi suscensedt,
'induce her not to be vexed with you'; Bacch. 533 impetravi
ut ne quid e~i suscenseat, ' I succeeded in my request that he
cherish no anger toward him.'
Some regard the clause with exoro and impetro as one of
Result, but it is abnormal to have ne or /// ne with a Clause
of Result. We have no sure instance of any such Result Clause
in the entire Latinity. Furthermore, affirmative clauses depen-
dent on exoro and impetro often lack ut, which is never lacking
in Result Clauses. It is therefore much simpler and more
natural to explain such usages as analogical Extensions.
386. With Verbs of Advising. The origin of the Subjunc-
tive Substantive Clauses after verbs of advising is indicated by
Plautus, Men. 569 male habeas : sic censed, 'worry him ! That's
my advice.'
234 SYNTAX.
Without ut.
Original Uses : Cic. in Cat. ii. 9 eos hoc moneo, desinant
furere, ' I give them this warning : let them cease their
frenzy ! '
Extensions: Plautus, Merc. 1015 meam sororem tibi dem sua-
des, 'You advise me to give you my sister.'
With ut.
Original Use : Plautus, Trin. 674 moneo hoc ut reputes, ' I
advise you to consider this.'
Extensions : Plaut. Persa 842 hortantur tuo ut imperio paream,
' they exhort me to obey your bidding.'
With ne, ut ne.
Original Uses : Plautus, Persa 680 ne permittas domum, moneo,
te, ' I urge you not to hie yourself home.'
Extensions : Plautus, Stick. 608 suades ne bitat, ' you urge him
not to go.'
Under this head belong clauses with verbs of inducing, impel-
ling, persuading, e.g. Plautus, Epid. 87 perpuli ut censeret, 'I
induced him to believe ' ; Bacch. 964 persuasit, se ut amitteret,
'he persuaded her to let him go'; Mil. Glo. 1269 induxi in
animum n~e oderim, ' I've persuaded myself not to hate her.' In
all these cases the usage represents an ' Extension after the Anal-
ogy of the Meaning of the Verb' ( 383. g). Some regard the
Subjunctive Clause after verbs of inducing, persuading, impelling,
as a Clause of Result. But the same arguments are to be urged
against this view as previously in the discussion of the nature
of the clause used with exoro and impetro, viz. the fact that
negative clauses with these verbs have ne, ut ne (instead of
ut non), while in affirmative clauses the ut is often lacking.
See 385.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 235
387. With facio, particularly with fac, facite, facito, 'see to it !'
Without ut.
Original Uses : Plautus, Poen. 1035 Knguam compescas, face,
1 see that you hold your tongue ! ' originally ' hold your tongue !
see to it ! '
Extensions : Plautus, Men. 890 fac sciam, ' see to it that I
know,' 'make me know' (Extension within the Present).
With ut.
Original Uses : Plautus, Persa 526 ut accipiat, face, 'see to it
that he receives it!' Rud. 1218 fac ut exores, 'see that you
persuade him ! '
Extensions : Plautus, As. 28 faciam ut scias, 'I'll see that you
know' (Future Extension); Aul. 26 feet tHensaurum ut hie
reperiret, ' I saw to it that he discovered the treasure ' (Past
Extension) .
With rie, ut tie.
Original Uses : No suitable examples are at hand.
Extensions: Plautus, Most. 1145 fac rie metuam, 'see to it
that I have no occasion for fear ! ' (Extension within the
Present).
Especially interesting are the clauses with efficio and related
verbs. Here belong : Virgil, Eel. 3. 51 efficiam posthac rie quem-
quam lacessas, 'I'll bring it about that you do not challenge
anybody hereafter ' ; Cic. ad Fam. i. 2. 4 hoc videmur esse con-
secuti ut rie quid cum populd agi possit, ' we seem to have accom-
plished this, viz. that no business can be done with the people ' ;
Q. Curtius, iv. 14. 4 Macedonas assecutos rie quis tuto locus esset,
'brought it about that no place was safe'; Cic. pro Milone, 13.
34 adepft estis rie quern civem metueretis, ' you have achieved
your end, of standing in fear of no one.' All of these clauses
are probably to be regarded as Extensions after the Analogy
236 SYNTAX.
of the Meaning of the Verb ( 383. g). The origin of the
usage probably goes back to clauses with fac, facite, facito, ' see
to it (that).' From fac, the first Extension seems to have been
to the other forms of facto ; but in our earliest Latin there are
many more instances of fac, facite, facito, followed by Substantive
Clauses than of all the other forms of facto combined. From
facio the next Extension seems to have been to efficio, ' succeed
in one's effort to see to it (that) ' ; and from efficio the construc-
tion was extended to other verbs of closely equivalent meaning,
such as assequor, consequor, adipiscor.
Many regard the dependent clause with these verbs as one
of Result, but the employment of negatives (ne, ut ne} and the
fact that the affirmative clause often lacks ut, point to a Volitive
origin. Beginning with Cicero we find ut non in negative clauses
after facio, efficio, which seems to show that the Clause of Result
also is used with these verbs.
Other verbs of seeing to it are euro, video.
388. With cave, cave ne.
Expressions of the cave abeas Type.
The most plausible theory as to the origin of these expressions
is that cave abeas is formed on the analogy of fac abeas.
Cave ne.
Original Uses: Plautus, Most. 324 cave ne cadas, 'take care
you don't fall ! ' Originally ' Don't fall ! Take care ! '
Extensions : Plautus, Pseud. 478 ne quid noceat cavero.
389. With Verbs of Permitting, Granting, Allowing.
Without ut.
Original Uses : Plautus, Trin. 1179 videas licet, originally 'see !
you may ' ; then, ' You may see ' ; Amph. 806 sine dicat, ' permit
him to speak.'
THE SUBJUNCTIVE.
Extensions : Plautus, Cist. 454 sine dicam, ' let me speak '
(Present Extension) ; Mil. Glo. 54 sivi vlverent, ' I let them
live' (Past Extension).
With ut.
Original Uses : Plautus, As. 43 dorio ut expers sis, ' I permit
you to be exempt.'
Extensions : Plautus, As. 847 potestatem dedi ut esses, 'I gave
you the opportunity to be.' Here we have a noun taking the
place of the verb in a Past Extension.
390. With Verbs of Deciding, Resolving, etc.
Without ut.
Original Uses : An original use would be : decernimus consults
videant, ' we decree, let the consuls see to it. '
Extensions : The foregoing was evidently the starting-point for
expressions like Sail. Cat. 29. 2 senatus decrevit darent operam
consults, ' the Senate decreed that the consuls should give heed.'
With ut.
Original Uses : No suitable examples are at hand.
Extensions : Plautus, Pseud. 549 rus ut irem constitueram, ' I
had resolved to go to the farm' (Past Extension).
391. With opus est, usus est, necesse est, oportet.
Without ut.
Original Uses: Lucretius, iii. 593 fateare, necesse est, 'you
must admit ' ; originally ' admit ! you must ' ; Cic. de Fin. ii. 26
me ipsum antes, oportet, ' you ought to love me myself ; originally
Move me my myself! that's your duty.'
Extensions : Plautus, Poen. 1244 mi hi pa tr onus sim necesse est,
' I must be my own defender.'
238 SYNTAX.
With ut.
Original Uses : Plautus, True. 500 nunc tibi opust aegram ut
fe adsimules, ' now you must pretend that you're ill ' ; Mil. Glo.
1132 nunc ad me ut veniat usust.
Several scholars regard the Substantive Clause after necesse est
as one of Result. But if the clause were one of Result, it would
be impossible to account for the practically invariable absence of
ut in this idiom. Moreover, we find that the clause with opus est
takes rie as a negative in Pliny, Epp. vii. 6. 3 opus esset ne reus
videretur.
392. With sequitur, reliquum est, restat, in the sense 'it
remains to,' 'the next thing is to.'
Without ut.
Original Uses : These seem lacking.
Extensions: Cic. ad Fam. xv. 21. 6 reliquum est tuam profec-
tionem amore proscquar, ' it remains for me to attend your
departure with affectionate wishes.'
These expressions also are followed by Substantive Clauses of
Result, but they then have another meaning, viz. ' the fact remains
that.'
393. Substantive Clauses Introduced by Quominus and Quin
after Verbs of hindering. As explained in Gr. 295. 3.0,
Substantive Clauses introduced by quominus are probably developed
from Purpose Clauses. However, they have their ultimate origin
in the Volitive, since Purpose is a development from the Volitive
( 368. i). The original character of Subjunctive Clauses of this
kind may be seen in an expression like formido viros impedit
quominus velint, originally : 'fear hinders men, in order that they
may not be willing,' i.e. prevents them from being willing. Quo-
minus lit. means 'by which the less, by which not,' and hence 'in
order that not.'
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 239
The origin of Substantive Clauses introduced by quin with
expressions of hindering is not altogether clear. Two views de-
serve consideration :
(1) Quin in such clauses may be a relative adverb, com-
pounded of qm (old Instrumental), and ne, 'not'; lit. 'by which
not.' In this sense, quin would be the exact equivalent of quo minus,
and the Substantive Clause with quin after expressions of hindering
would have the same origin as that with quominus.
(2) Qinn in such clauses may be the interrogative quin, ' why
not?' In that case the Substantive Clause is developed from the
Deliberative. Cf. Plautus, Amphitruo, 560 qtitn loquar, num-
quam potes d~eterrere ; lit. 'why am I not to speak? You cannot
prevent it ; ' i.e. ' You cannot prevent me from speaking ; ' Tri-
nummus, 641 retinen nequeo quin dicam.
Clauses introduced by quin after negative expressions of hin-
dering are sometimes classified as Result Clauses. It is of
course true that in its developed meaning the guin-c\ause after
negative expressions of hindering does at times seem to in-
dicate a (negative) result, e.g. nee impediti sunt quin face-
rent may be conceived as literally meaning ' nor were they pre-
vented so that they didn't do.' But this conception is just as
possible in case of quominus- clauses after negative expressions of
hindering, and even more so in case of quominus- clauses after
affirmative expressions of hindering. Thus, fe impedio quominus
haec facias might theoretically be conceived as meaning 'I hinder
you so that you do not do this. ' But quo minus is clearly a pur-
pose particle, so that the original purpose character of the quomi-
zw-clause seems beyond question. Any consistent treatment of
Substantive Clauses must have regard to their origin, not merely
to the English rendering. Thus, in a sentence like eis perstiasit
ut exirent, 'he persuaded them to go out,' the ut- clause might
seem at first sight to indicate a Result, but an examination of such
clauses clearly shows that they are developed from the Jussive.
240 SYNTAX.
Clauses introduced by ne after verbs of hindering are not neces-
sarily developed from the Jussive, as suggested in Gr. 295. 3.
This is the more probable view ; but it is also possible that, like
quominus and ^urn-clauses, they have been developed from
Purpose Clauses.
394. Substantive Clauses in Sentences of the Type : nulla causa
est cur, nulla causa est quin, etc. (Gr. 295. 7). These have
been explained as developed from the Deliberative. This is the
view, among others, of Schmalz (Lett. Synt? 350), and is sup-
ported by the history of these clauses. Cf. e.g. Cic. ad Fam. ii.
17.1 quin decedam nulla causa est, originally * why shouldn't I
go away ! There's no reason' ; later ' there's no reason why I
shouldn't go away.' Cf. Ter. Andria 600 quid causae est, quin
in p'istrinum proficiscar, ' what reason is there why I shouldn't
set out for the mill ! ' originally ' what reason is there ? Why
shouldn't I set out? '
Substantive Clauses Developed from the Optative.
395. After Verbs of wishing and desiring (Gr. 296. i).
The Optative origin of these Substantive Clauses is sufficiently
evident. It should be noted, however, that in colloquial lan-
guage void sometimes has the force of commanding (cf. the
English authoritative / want, e.g. in / want you to understand) .
In such cases the Substantive Clause with void must be referred to
a Volitive origin, e.g. void earn ducas, ' I want you to marry her.'
396. After Verbs of fearing (Gr. 296. 2). Instructive for
the history of the construction are such early Latin uses as Ter.
Andr. 277 Haud verear si in fe sit sold situm : sed ut vim queas
ferre, ( I should not fear, if it were to depend on you alone ; but
may you be able to withstand compulsion ' ; 705 dies hie nit ut
satis sit vereor ad agendum, ' may this day be sufficient (I'm
afraid though).'
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 241
Substantive Clauses of Result.
397. Expressions like accidit ut aegrotaret, 'it so happened
that he was ill,' show clearly the origin of the Substantive Clause
of Result. But the Result notion early became weakened in
these clauses, and the substantive notion became so prominent
that Substantive Clauses introduced by ut occur where not only no
notion of Result exists, but where it never could have existed, e.g.
verisimile non est ut ille anteponeret, ' it's not likely that he pre-
ferred ' ; accedit ut doleam, ' another fact is that I am suffering ' ;
praeclarum est ut eos amemus, 'it's a noble thing that we love
them' ; reliquum est ut virtus sit frugalitas , 'the fact remains that
economy is a virtue.'
Substantive Clauses Introduced by Quin after Non Dubito and
Kindred Expressions.
398. In the expressions non dubito quin, quis dubitat quin, non
est dubium quin, haud dubium est qiiin, the ^z/z/z-clause is prob-
ably developed from the Deliberative Subjunctive. Thus quis
dubitat quin in virtute divitiae sint originally meant 'why shouldn't
there be riches in virtue ! who doubts it?' It seems difficult to
find any ground in the history or signification of these clauses for
regarding them as Clauses of Result, a view advocated by some.
Indirect Questions.
399. The origin of the Subjunctive in Indirect Questions is
not yet clear. The construction is manifestly a relatively late
one in the development of Latin syntax. Plautus and Terence
frequently employ the Indicative in such sentences.
Conditional Sentences.
400. The treatment in the Grammar follows the traditional
classification, which has regard exclusively to what is implied
in the Protasis in each instance.
242 SYNTAX.
401. Conditional sentences are the development of an earlier
Parataxis ( 367). Thus we may assume that the earliest type
of si valet, bene est, was bene est, valet, ' it is well ; he is well.'
The conditional force was purely the result of the context, which
indicated that valet was something assumed. As language devel-
oped, the fact that one clause was related to the other as an
assumption or condition was brought out more definitely by the
use of si; yet conditional sentences without si occur with more or
less frequency in all stages of the Latin language (Gr. 305. 2).
They are simply a relic of the earlier paratactic stage. The ori-
gin of the conjunctional use of s~i was as follows : Si was originally
an adverb meaning so. The most primitive type of a conditional
sentence with si would be seen in bene est si, valet, i.e. 'it is
well so, (viz. that) he is well.' In this expression s~i limits bene
est, and valet is really an appositive of the adverbial idea in si.
The use of si as a conjunction is secondary and the result of its
association. With si cf. English so in such expressions as so you
pay me, I shall be satisfied.
402. Conditional Sentences of the Second Type. Here the
Subjunctive in the Protasis was originally Jussive in character.
Thus a sentence like si videat, credat would, in its earliest form,
have been videat, credat) lit. ' let him see (i.e. assuming he should
see), he would then believe.' The Apodosis is the Subjunctive of
Contingent Futurity, conventionally called ' Potential.'
403. Conditional Sentences of the Third Type. The origin
of this type is obscure. Perhaps the Protasis was originally an
Optative, i.e. si adesset, bene esset, lit. ' O that he were here ! it
would be well.'
The employment of oportuit, decuit, d'eb'ebam, and of the Indica-
tive of the Periphrastic Conjugations in Apodoses of Conditional
Sentences of this type is frequently the result of ellipsis. Thus in
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 243
si Pompeius occisus esset, fuistisne ad arma itun, the thought is
'were you about to proceed to arms (and would you have done
so ? ) had Pompey been slain ? ' So in eum patris loco colere debe-
bas, si ulla in fe pietas esset the full sense is : 'it was your duty to
revere him (and you would now be doing it), had you any sense
of devotion.'
Subordinate Adversative Clauses with Quamvis.
404. Here the Subjunctive was originally a paratactic Jussive.
Quamvis was originally quam vzs, ' as much as you wish.' Thus
in the sentence, quod turpe est, id, quamvis occultetur, tamen
honestum fieri rion potest, the original meaning was: 'what is base,
let it be concealed as much as you wish, cannot become honor-
able.' In this way quamvis ultimately developed into a Conjunc-
tion with the force of ' although.'
Clauses of Proviso with Dum, Modo, Dummodo.
405. These were all originally Jussive. Thus in manent ingenia
senibus, modo permaneat studium et industria, the original sense
was: 'let only interest and vigor remain ! (then) old men's
faculties remain.' Dum was originally an oblique case of a noun
meaning 'while.' Hence in oderint, dum metuant, the original
sense was 'let them fear the while ! (then) they may hate.' Some
regard the clause of Proviso with dum as originally temporal
('while'). But that view fails to account for the use of the Sub-
junctive, and also ignores the fact that the negative with the dum-
clause of Proviso is always ne.
INDEX. 1
[THE REFERENCES ARE TO SECTIONS AND PARAGRAPHS.]
A.
a, pronunciation, 4.
a, changes, 71.
a-Series, 66.
a, 72.
a-Series, 67.
a, 'from,' 261.
a- Stems, in f.
ab, 93. 2; 96. I ; 261.
abjetis, 15. c.
Ablative, 331 f.
absolute, 347.
of accompaniment, 336.
of accordance, 340.
of agent, 333.
of association, 337.
of attendant circumstance, 338.
of cause, 342.
of comparison, 334.
of degree of difference, 343.
of duration of time, 350.
of manner, 339.
of means, 341.
of price, 344.
of quality, 345.
of separation, 333.
of source, 333.
of specification, 346.
of time at which, 350.
of time within which, 350.
of way by which, 341, 5.
Ablatlvus, 297.
Ablaut, 62 f.
in case -en dings, 70.
in suffixes, 70.
Ablaut-Series, 62 f.
abluo, 103. 4.
-abrum, -dcrum, -atrutn, 51. i.
abs, 261.
ac, 93. i.
Accent, 54 f.
accestis, 47. 2.
Accusative, syntax, 303 ff.
original force, 311.
of person or thing affected, 303.
of result produced, 303 ; 305; 306.
with passive used as middle, 304.
synecdochical, 307.
Greek, 307.
in exclamations, 308.
as subject of inf., 309.
Accusatlvus, 297.
acer, 92; 100. 3.
acerbus, 100. 3.
acerrimus, 182. 3.
Acquiescence, Subjunctive of, 362. d.
ad, 262.
in composition, 58. a.
Adjectives, 181 ff.
admodum, 259.
admoneo, with genitive, 326.
Adverbs, 253 f.
in -e, 130.
in 2, 257.
in -o, 130.
in -o, 255. 2.
Adversative clauses, 404.
in indicative, 400. 3.
adversus, 258.
ae, pronunciation, 10.
aedes, 97. 2. b.
aegrbtus, 203. VII. d.
Aesculapius, 91.
a/, 261. 5.
agceps, 20. i.
agellus, loo. 3 ; 106. 2.
1 For words containing hidden quantities and for words of doubtful or varied
spelling, see the special lists, p. 52 and p. 79.
244
INDEX.
245
ager, 92 ; 100. 3.
arversus, 262.
aggulus, 20. i.
Aspirates, 31 ; 97.
agricola, 112. 2.
asporto, 105. i.
ai, 86.
a^ (^), 109. 2.
ai, changes, 80.
Assimilation of consonants, 106.
earlier form of ae, 10. I.
of vowels, 90.
aid, 80. I.
attingo,TL. 5.
airld, 141.
du, 86.
-dl, 88. 2.
a, pronunciation, 12.
a/for/, zoo. i.
a, changes, 84.
a/a, 89 ; 105. 2.
a-, 261.
aliquid, 254. I.
auceps, 92.
allium, 88. i.
audiam, 221.
alnus, 105. i.
audies, 222. 2.
Alphabet, i.
audirem, 222. 3.
amdrem, 222, 3.
aufero, 261. 3.
ambi-, 263.
aufugio, 261. 3.
ambo, 97. i. .
Augment, 200. i.
amem, 222.
aurora, 86.
arc for , 102. 2.
aurufex, 76. 4.
anceps, 92.
ausim, 219.
a^<?, 97. 3. A.
auspex, 92.
animal, 93.
a/, 93.
dnser, 23 ; 97. 3. A.
antae, 102. 2.
B.
a/, 264.
, 96. i.
antemnae, 106. 4. r.
, pronunciation, 27.
antequam, with subjunctive, 379.
bacca, 88. i.
Anticipatory subjunctive, 379.
bdsium, 98. 3.
antlcus, 57. 2. N.
^///, 256. i.
Antisigma, i. 5.
&?,?, 255. i.
Aorist Optative, 219.
<W (Indo Eur.), 97. i.
sigmatic, 200. 3.
^/^(9, 96. i ; 203. 2.
strong, 200. 2.
bimestris, 105. I.
aperio, 96. i ; 261. 2.
ZZ, 185. 2.
a/r, 36. 3.
*M, 186. 2.
Apocope, 93.
bdbus, 1 80. 3.
apud, 265.
Mr, 180. 3.
-a>, 88. 2.
Bosphorus, 31. 3.
ar-, 262.
-br-ioi -sr-, 108. 3.
ar, for r, 100. 2.
bracca, 88. i.
arbiter, 262.
Breves Breviantes, 88 1 . 3.
arbosem, 98. I.
breviter, 259.
ardor, 92.
bruma, 182. i.
arefacio, 204.
bubus, 180. 3.
arfuerunt, 262.
^^a, 88. i.
-ar/- for -a/-, 99.
armiger, 76. 4.
C.
armus, 100. 2.
, 94.
aro, 203. VII. a.
t, pronunciation, 25.
a>, 105. i.
C = Gdius, i. 3.
246
INDEX.
C. = centum, i. 4.
caecus, n.
caedo, 104. I. b.
caelebs, n.
caelum, n.
caerimbnia, II.
caerideus, 99.
caesaries, 98. 3.
calamitbsiis, no.
calcar, 93.
capib, 103. 2; 203. VII.
Cardinal numerals, 183.
*Wfl, 100. 2.
Cartkagine, 141.
Carthagim, 141.
Cases, 295 ff.
, names, 296.
Case-endings, see <z-stems, 0-stems, <?/<:.
Case-theories, 298 ff.
Castor us, 138.
cafe Hits, 100. 3.
catus, 69.
Cauneas = cav(e~] n(e) eas, 16. i. //.
Causal clauses, 376.
introduced by ///, 377.
causa, 98. 2.
<r<?</0, 88. 3.
cena, n.
centesimus, 184. 9.
centum, 106. 4; 183. 14.
cernb, 75. 2.
ceter'i, n.
Cethegus, 31. 3.
^//tf, 108. i.
//, 31. 2.
cineris, 75. i.
circa, 266.
circiter, 266.
circum, 266.
/j, 267.
<:/Vt'r, 181. 2.
citimus, 182. 2.
,_88. 3; 257. i.
/ra, 255. 3; 267. i.
clam, 268.
Claudius, as grammarian, i. 5; 16. 5.
Clauses of Characteristic, 369 ff.
, distinguished from relative clauses
of purpose, 370.
denoting cause or opposition, 371.
introduced by qu'tn, 372.
-do- for -tlo-, 95. i.
Clodius, 84. i.
cludo, 87. 2.
Cn. ~ Gnaeus, 1.3.
co- in compounds, 58. b. 6.
<:<?- in compounds, 58. b. 6.
0<r#.r, 57. 2. N.
coemeterium, n.
coenum, 8r. 2 ; 103. 5.
<:^<?/J, 8 1. 2; 206. 2.
coeravere, 81. i.
coetus, 8 1. 2.
cognomen, 104. i. a.
cognosco, 105. i.
col I is, 76. i.
<:0w-, to, in composition, 58. b.
Comparative Degree, 181.
Comparison, 181 f.
Compensatory Lengthening, 89.
campled, with genitive, 330.
Concessive Subjunctive, 362. c.
conclausus, 87. I.
condicid, 25. 3.
Conditional Sentences, 400 ff.
conditiis, 65.
cdnfido with ablative, 349. 2.
Conjugation, 200 ff.
consistere with ablative, 341. 3.
Consonant changes, 104 ff.
Consonant stems, 137 ff.
that have partially adapted them-
selves to i-stems, 159.
Consonants, 15 ff. ; 94 ff.
Consonants doubled, 34.
final, 109.
cdnstare, ' consist of/ 341. 3.
, ' cost,' 344.
contemps'i, 108. 2.
contemptus, 108. 2.
continere, with ablative, 341. 3.
Contingent Future, 355. b.
cbntio, 103. 3.
contra, 255. 3.
contyb emails, 6. 2.
conTibls, 133.
cbnubb, 89. I.
conventionl, 141.
convicium, 25. 3.
coquo, 96: i.
cor, 109. 3.
cor diii, TOO. 2.
INDEX.
247
cornu, too. 2.
corpulentus, 108. 4.
toj, 67.
coventid, 103. 3.
Crassupes, 76. 4.
crafts, 100. 2.
ere sco, 203. VI.
crtbrunt, 97. 2. c.
-m?-, for -/t?-, 95. i; 99.
<:#*', 14; 198. 4.
cujus, 198. 3.
cull em, 88. I.
ctilpa, 76. i.
;;z-Clauses, 377 f.
cuppa, 88. i.
curdmus, 203. VII. ^.
curtus, 100. 2.
curvus, 100. 2.
D.
495-
rf, pronunciation, 28.
D = 500, i. 4.
dacruma, 95. 2.
damma, 88. i.
Dative, 312 f.
of agency, 318.
of indirect object, 313.
of possession, 318.
of purpose, 319.
of reference, 316.
with compounds, 315.
with verbs signifying ' favor,' ' help,
etc., 314.
Datlvus, 297.
de, 271.
deb Hi tare, no.
decent, 102. i ; 183. 10.
decimus, 184. 5.
Declension, in ff.
De-composition, 87. 2.
deer am, 88. 4.
deesse, 88. 4.
delector, with the ablative, 349. 2.
Deliberative Subjunctive, 358. e\ 363.
Demonstrative Pronouns, 191 ff.
dent, 185. 2.
dentio, no.
denuo, 103. 4 ; 259.
a% (Indo-Eur.), 97. 2.
-dhlo-, 97. 2. .
dfc, 223.
dfc<?, 82.
didic'i, 206. I.
<#*, 173.
&>*, 86.
Diespiter, 180. 4.
dignus, 38 ; 73. ; 94. 3.
, with ^z-clause, 367. 5.
dingua, 95. 2.
Diphthongs, 10 ff. ; 80 ff'.
Diphthongal stems, 180.
dirimo, 98. i.
dlrus, 104. 2.
dis- not rfw- in compounds, 48.
disco, 64 ; 105. i.
Dissimilation of syllables, no.
Distributive numerals, 185.
dius, 86.
divissio, 98. 2.
dfa/WJ, 82.
dlxl, 208.
dlxim, 219.
dfcr<?, 205, 3.
dlxtl, 47. 2.
d?<7, 2C2. I.
docco, 203. VII. .
domamus, 203. VII. .
donii, 256, i.
donrul, 103. 4.
donee, with Subjunctive, 380.
Double consonants, 32 f.
Doubled consonants, 34.
drachuma, 91.
</r, 223.
ducentl, 183. 15.
d?<3, 64.
duim, 218.
d?/, introducing a Proviso, 405.
rfw;, temporal, 380.
duo, 183. 2.
dvis, 186. 2.
^, pronunciation, 5.
e, from a, 71. i.
e, from t, 75. i.
e, changes, 73.
2-Series, 64 f.
^,74.
e, 'from,' origin, 105. 2.
^-Series, 65.
248
INDEX.
^-Sterns, 172 f.
eum, 192. 5.
ea, 192. 2. b.
eumpse, 196.
ea, 192. 6.
euntis, 76. 5.
ea (adverb) , 255. 3.
^jf, 273; 261. 2.
eadem (adverb), 255. 3.
<?.*, in Composition, 58. c.
earn, 192. 5.
exaequo, 87. i.
eapse, 196.
exemplar is, 99.
ec-, 273.
exemplum, 108. 2.
ecferrl, 105. i.
exlstumb, 80. 2.
ecus, 57. i. d.
exquacro, 87. I.
edl, 206. 2.
ex s ilium, 71. 7.
ediui, 218.
exstra(d), 255. 3.
<?</<?, 202. 4.
cxsulto, 71. 3.
*/-, 273-
exsulo, 71. 7.
<?7, 206. 2.
exterus, 181.
<^>, 187. I.
ex t hit us, 182. 2.
^/', 82.
r/ra, 255. 3.
ei, 86.
ex tr emus, 182. I.
^, 192. 4.
eius, ejus, 82. 3 ; 192. 3.
F.
Eleven, etc,, 183. n.
_/| pronunciation, 21.
-ellus, 51. 2.
/ origin of letter, i. 3.
*?/;* for m, 102. i.
//7/" O^O
<?/*, 206. 2.
y" 6 i ^-^j-
facile, 254. i.
emptus, 108. 2.
facillimus, 182.3.
^-7 for 72, 102. i.
o
fagus, 97. i. a.
cndo, 275.
falx, 100. i.
^0, 192. 6.
f ami lias, 113.
0, 'go,' 2O2. 2.
famulus, 91.
eopsc, 196.
fanum, 65.
-^Z, 206. 2.
/J/v, 97. i. a.
cquabus, 122.
/ar (/) , 109. 2.
equus, 57. 2.
faxim, 219.
--, 88. 2.
/a^o, 205. 3.
^r for , 100. 3.
/&/(/), 109. 2.
eram, 204.
/^/0, 86.
-erculus, 51. 5.
femina, n; 97. 2. a.
erga, ergo, 272.
feres, 222. 2.
-ernus, 51. 3.
/r<?, 97. i. a; 202. 5.
, 205. 3.
ferre, 106. 3 ; 243.
<?r#j, 23.
f err em, 222. 3.
es, est (edo), 50. 2 ; 202. 4.
f'estus, 65.
^j(j), 109. 2.
^7-0, 108. 3.
w, 243.
fides, 172.
esscm, 222. 3.
y&#, 206. i.
-est us, 51. 4.
/J^0, 64; 82.
rf, 93.
with ablative, 349. 2.
Ethical Dative, 317.
flliabus, 122.
eu, 85.
fllius, go.
eu, pronunciation, 13.
Final Consonants, 109.
eu, 86.
Jin do, 203. IV.
INDEX.
249
fi*ga, 97- 3- A.
firiirnus, 203. VII. b.
fixus, 108. I.
flectd, 203. III.
foedus, 64; 8 1. 2.
fons,fontis, 41.
foras, 254. 3.
foris, 256. 2.
formus, 97. 3. B.
/0r/*, 257. 3.
fortunas, 113.
forum, 97. 2. a.
frdns, front is, 41.
fruor, with ablative, 341. I.
yta, 97. I. a; 210.
fulmentum, 105. i.
fumus, 97. 2. a.
/undo, 97. 3. A. ; 107.
funebris, 108. 3.
fungor, with ablative, 341. i.
furuos ( = furvos), 98. 2.
fulfills, 88. i.
Future Indicative, 200. 6; 205.
Future Perfect Indicative, 216.
/z/z, 210.
G.
<T, 94-
,", pronunciation, 29.
g, earliest form, i. 3.
gaudeo, 86. a.
gaudeo, with ablative, 349. 2.
gemma, 106. 2.
Genetlvus, 297.
Genitive, original force, 320.
with adjectives, 323.
with nouns, 321.
of quality, 322.
with verbs, 324 ff.
genus, 70.
gero, 98. i.
Gerund, 252. i.
gg, for ng, 20. i.
gh (Indo-Eur.), 97. 3.
gigno, 203. II.
gllsco, 203. VI.
glorior, with the ablative, 349. 2.
gluttlre, 88. i.
gluttus, 88. i.
,7rc, quantity of vowel before, 39.
-gm- for -#z-, 94. 3.
gn, pronunciation, 20. 4.
,%, quantity of vowel before, 38.
-gn- for -en-, 94. 3.
Gnaivod, 109. I.
gnarus, 102. 2.
gnatus, 102. 2 ; 104. i.
gnosco, 203. VI.
gnotus, 104. i.
Gracchus, 31. 3.
gradior, 97. 3. B.
gram en, 97. 3.
Grammatical theory of the cases,
301.
^rj, 171. 2.
Guttural, distinguished from Palatal
Gutturals, 94 f.
H.
h, pronunciation, 23.
hac, 191. 6.
Adtf (Fern.), 191. 2. ^.
Aa^ (Neut.), 191. 7.
hallucinarl, 88. I.
hanc, 191. 5.
harena, 23.
Hartung's theory of the cases, 299.
haruspex, 23.
helluo, 88. i.
&?/-!, 256. i.
^J<r, 191.
/^Jt (Adverb), 256. I.
Hidden Quantity, 36 f.
hiemps, 108. 2.
hiems, 97. 3. A.
A/V/^, 71. 6.
hlsco, 203. VI.
^^, 191. 2. <:.
^^ (Ablative), 191. 6.
A0(<r), 109. 2.
holus, 23; 97. 3. A.
honorus, 138.
Hortatory Subjunctive, 358. c.
hortei, hortl, 81. 4.
horteis, hortls, 81. 4.
^<?j/w, 97. 3. B.
huic, 191. 4.
hujus, 191. 3.
hum'i, 256. I.
Aa, 191. 5.
Hypotaxis, 367.
INDEX.
I.
z, pronunciation, 6.
*. ", 75-
from ai, 80. 2.
from ^z, 82.
from 02', 81. 3.
from u, 78.
from 0,71.2; 5 .
from 2, 73.
for/, 103. 2.
z consonant, 15. i. a.
z /ow^-a, 36. 3.
z-Stems, 171.
*-Stems, 148 ff.
id, 192. 2. t.
Idem, 192. 8.
id genus } 310. i.
iddnens, followed by ^#z-clause, 368. 5.
id us, 68.
-z/zj, -*?.?, 186. 5.
ignosco, 105. i.
z/for/, 15. 3.
*//<?/, 204.
llico, 76. 4 ; 259.
illacrymant, 6. 2.
Hie, 195 ; 197.
ill ic, 256. i.
-ill us, 51. 2.
illustris, 105. i.
Imperative, formation, 223 f.
Imperfect, Indicative, 200. 6; 204.
Subjunctive, 222. 3.
implemus, 203. VII. b.
impleo, with genitive, 330.
impluo, 103. 4.
zX 275.
in, in composition, 58. d.
incertus, 100. 3.
Inchoatives, 49.
Indefinite Pronoun, 198.
indigena, 76. 4.
indigenus, 275.
indiged, with genitive, 330.
indignus, followed by ?#z-clause
368. 5-
Indirect Questions, 399.
indoles, 275.
indu-, 275.
indugredi, 275.
induo, 103. 4.
Infinitive, formation, 243 ff.
in -/v, 243.
in -isse, 244.
in -ri, -I, 246.
in -ier, 246.
Inflections, in ff.
infra, 255. 3.
inquird, 80. 2
Instrumental case, 331 ; 332; 335.
uses of the Ablative, 335 ff.
inlellegd, 87. i.
intelligo, 87. i.
inter, 277.
interest, with the ablative, 349. 3.
with the genitive, 329.
inter ieisti, 50. 3.
Interrogative Pronoun, 198.
intimus, 182. 2.
intramus, 203. VII. .
intus, 278.
, 196 ; 197.
z'j, 192.
-issimus, 43 ; 182. 3.
?, l-;4; 197.
r, 51. 4.
V, 256. i.
/. 103.
j, pronunciation, 15.
/, defence of the character, 2.
jacio, 203. VII.
in compounds, 60.
/0-class of verbs, 203. VII.
jucundus, 103. 3.
jungo, 203. IV.
junior, 103. 3.
Jupiter, 104. i ; 180. 4.
T uppiter, 88. i.
fussive Subjunctive, 358. a; 362.
jussiis, 106. 2.
justi, 47. 2.
ta,z$$. 3; 279.
K.
2 5-4-
pronunciation, 17.
earliest form, i. i.
' = 50, i. 4-
for r, 99.
INDEX.
251
/, 100.
la for /, 100. i.
Labio- Velars, 94; 97. 3.
lac, 104. i ; 109. 3.
Lacedaemonl, 141.
lacruma, 6. 2; 95. 2.
/fl^/0r with the ablative, 349. 2.
/aflr, 100. i.
lapillus, 106. 2.
lapsus, 108. i.
larua, 16. I. <r.
/arz/a, 98. i.
latrina, 103. 3.
/ataj, 100. i ; 104. i. b.
lavacrum, 95. i.
legimirii (Imperative), 227.
Lengthening of vowels, 89.
tevl, 82. 2.
levir, 95. 2.
levis, 82. 2.
liber tabus, 122.
llbertas, 100. 3.
/#*/ (lubet), 78.
/:*/, with the subjunctive, 389.
lingua, 95. 2.
//#<?, 203. V.
Liquids, 17 f. ; 99 f.
as sonants, 100.
Us, 104. i. b.
littera, 88. I.
Localistic theory of the cases, 299.
Locative uses of the Ablative, 348 f.
Locative of the goal, 351.
locus, 104. i. b.
Logical theory of the cases, 300.
Long diphthongs, 86.
lubet, 78.
lubtdo, 6. 2.
lucrum, 99.
Indus, 8 1. I.
M.
m, pronunciation, 19 ; 20. 3.
m, 102.
Af= looo, i. 4.
maestus, II.
magis, 181. I.
magistres, 131.
maior, 80. I.
Maius, 80. i.
male, 255. i.
malim, 218.
maid, 202. 6.
manctpium, 71. 4.
wa/v?, 75. 3 ^ 93.
Masculine a-stems, 112. 2.
materies, 102. 2.
Matuta, 86. .
maxumus, 6. 2.
w^, 187. 4.
w^rf, 187. 4.
mediua, 97. 2. ^; 103. 2.
/, 187. 2.
w^/, 109. 3.
membrum, 108. 3.
memiril, with genitive, 325.
mentor dl, 206. i.
Menerua, 98. I.
mercennarius, 106. 2.
meridie, 256. I.
Messalla, 88. I.
Metathesis, 107.
#z<?j, 190. i.
wz (Dative), 187. 3.
#n (Vocative), 190. I.
Michelsen's theory of the cases, 300.
Middle voice, 200. 4.
mi hi, 88. 3 ; 187. 3.
mllitiae, 256. I.
mllle, 183. 16.
millesimus, 184. 10.
tnlluos, 16. i. ^.
mina, 91.
mindris, 344.
minus, 181.
OT/J, 187. 2.
misced, 105. i.
ww<?r, 98. 3.
miseret, with genitive, 328.
/wJjJ, 98. 2.
w0dfo, 88. 3; 257. i.
modo, introducing a proviso, 405.
moenia, 81. 2.
mollis, 76. i ; 106. 3.
momordl,yQ\ 206. i.
moneam, 221.
moneo, 203. VII. t.
moncrem, 222. 3.
mons, mentis, 41.
Moods, names of, 353.
morbus, 97. i. .
muccus, 88. i.
252
INDEX.
muliebre secus, 310. 2.
muliebris, 108. 3.
mulsl, 105. i.
multa, 76. i.
Multiplicatives, 186.
multum, 254. i
munia, 81. 2.
Mutes, 24 ff. ; 94 if.
muttlre, 88. I.
n, pronunciation, 20.
n for m, 101. I.
, 102.
n adultertnum, 20. I.
#-class of verbs, 203. IV.
na for #, 102. 2.
Nasals, 19 f ; 101 f.
as sonants, 102.
Nasal Stems, 147. 2.
natus, 104. i.
navis, 180. 2.
nd, quantity of vowel before, 40.
ne, ' verily,' n.
tiec, 93. i.
necesse est, with the subjunctive, 391.
necto, 203. III.
n eg lego, 87. i.
negbtium, 25. 3.
nexus, 108. i.
nf, pronunciation, 20. 2.
#_/j quantity of vowel before, 37.
-nguont, -nguontur, 57. 4.
/'^z7, 90.
nimis, 181. i.
n it/guif, 97. ". B.
Tmj, 90.
nivis, 97. 3. B.
<9-class of verbs, 203. V.
nobls, 187. 7.
noctu, 86; 256. i.
iiolim, 218.
#0/0, 103. 3 ; 202. 6.
Nominatlvus, 297.
nominus, 138.
nonus, 184. 7.
y, 187. 5.
noster, 190. 4.
nostrl, 187. 6.
nostrum, 187. 6.
$, 104. I.
Nouns, declension, in ff.
novem, 183. 9.
novenl, 185. 2.
novitas, 76. 4.
73. 3.
, pronunciation, 20. 2.
, quantity of vowel before, 37.
, quantity of vowel br fore, 40.
nudiuster tius, 86.
niilla causa qum, etc., 394.
Numasioi, 86. b.
Numerals, 183 f.
numero, 257.
numerus, 76. 2.
O
o, pronunciation, 7.
#, changes, 76.
8 from , 73. 3.
^-Series, 68.
8 lost, 93. 2.
^-sterns, 124. f.
^,77-
o from a, 84. i.
^-Series, 69.
b< 93 ; 96. i ; 280.
ob in composition, 58. ^.
obllvlscor, with genitive, 325.
occupo, 71. 4.
occultus, 100. i.
octavus, 184. 6.
octingentl, 183. 15.
tjr/'i?, 183. 8.
<?, pronunciation, n.
officina, 92 ; 106. 2.
ot, 86.
oz, changes, 81.
oinos, ii.
oitilis, n.
o/from /, lor.
o/zz/a, 73. 5.
olle, 195.
<7/<?<?j, 8 1. 4.
onustus, 76. 5.
operio, 96. I ; 280.
oportet, with the subjunctive, 391.
Optative, 217.
original force, 355.
Subjunctive, 359; 364.
optlmus, 182. 2.
optio, m., 112. 2.
INDEX.
253
opfumus, 6. 2.
opus, 138.
opus est, with ablative, 341. 2.
with subjunctive, 391.
or, 88. 2.
or bus, 97. i. .
Ordinals, 184.
Orthography, 56 f.
os, 109. 3.
ostendd, 105. i.
ou, 85.
0#, for <?, 85.
ou, 86.
P.
A 96. i.
/, pronunciation, 26.
p for , 96. i.
paenitet, with genitive, 328.
Palatal distinguished from Guttural, 30.
Palatal Mutes, 94 f.
palea, 100. i.
pandd, 107.
-panxl, 208.
Parasitic Vowels, 91.
Parataxis, 366.
parjetis, 16. i. c.
parriclda, 88. I.
par si, 208.
par tern, 310. 4.
Partial Assimilation, 106. 4.
particeps, 71. i.
Participles, formation, 248 f.
past us, 105. i.
/<?/#, 203. III.
pedestris, 108. I.
peior, 82. 3.
pellis, 106. 3.
pendere animl, animls, 349. 2.
pepugl, 206. i.
/*r, 281.
/<?r in composition, 58./".
Perfect Indicative, 200. 3 ; 206 ff.
, inflection, 212.
in -si, 208.
in -ul, 210.
in -m, 209.
Permissive Subjunctive, 362. b.
Personal Endings, 207 ; 229 ff.
Pronouns, 187 ff.
pessimus, 182. I.
ph t _ 31. 2; 5.
piaclum, 95. i.
pietas, 76. 4.
pignosa, 98. I.
pilleus, 88. i.
pllum, 105. 2.
pilumnoe, 131.
plecto, 203. III.
pie ores, 181. 3.
plerumque, 254. i.
plied, 87. 2.
plodo, 84. i.
//*, 210.
Pluperfect Indicative, 215.
Subjunctive, 222. 4.
plurimum, 254. I.
pluriirus, 182. I.
///7rw, 344.
//j, 181.3.
plum, 210.
poena, 81. 2.
/<?/w, 261. 4.
polliceor, 284.
Powpel, 126.
Pompeius, 82. 3.
/J5, 261. 4.
/<?#.r, pontis, 41.
pontufex, 6. 2.
poploe, 8 1. 4; 131.
populus, 91.
/0r-, 284.
porrigo, 284.
porta, 100. 2.
portendo, 284.
portorium, no.
poscere, 105. i.
, 64. b; 203. VI.
Possessive Pronouns, 190.
passim, 218.
, 282.
posterns, 181.
postremus, 182. I.
postrldie, 173; 256. I.
postumus, 182. 2.
Potential Subjunctive, 365.
', 108. 4.
ith ablative. 341. i.
with genitive, 330.
, 283.
praedad, 109. I.
praestigiae, 99.
254
INDEX.
praeter, 283.
pre kendo, 97. 3. B.
Prepositions, 260 f.
in composition, 58.
Present Optative, 218.
stem, 201 f.
pridie, 173.
primus, 182. I ; 184. I.
priusquam, 379.
pro-, 284.
pro-, 284.
procus, 64. b.
prodesse, 109. I.
Progressive Assimilation, 106. i; 3.
Prohibitive Subjunctive, 358. d; 362.
Pronominal Adjectives, 109.
Pronouns, 187 ff.
Pronunciation, 3 ff.
props, 285.
propter, 285.
prdr.ms, 258.
prbtinus, 73. 2. <z.
Provisos, 405.
proximus, 182. I.
pudet, with genitive, 328.
pulcer, 31. 3; 76. i.
pulcher, 25. i.^.
pulsus, 101. i ; 108. i.
-punxl, 208.
puppa, 88. i.
pupugi, 90; 206. i.
purpura, 90.
Q-
?, 25. 4 ; 94.
<^a, 198. 6; 255. 3.
quadra, 183. 13.
quadraginta, 183. 13.
quadringentl, 183. 15.
quae, 198. 2.
quantl, 344.
quartus, 184. 4.
quater, 186. 4.
quattuor, 183. 4.
^#<?z, 198. 5.
querela, 89.
quernus, 105. i.
^z, 198. 2.
^#zW, 198. 2.
qulnque, 73. 2. ; 96. I ; 183. 5.
qu'mtus, 105. I ; 184. 4.
^#, 198. 2.
^w, 198. 7.
^#<?, 198. 6.
quoad with Subjunctive, 380.
^#0^, 198.
quoniam, 101. i.
-^w^j, -quont, etc., orthography, 57. i.
quot, 93.
57. 3.
R.
r, pronunciation, 18.
r,ioo.
r from /, 99.
r from j, 98. i.
-r for -j in nominative, 98. 4.
r-Stems, 147. 3.
ra from r, 100. 2.
radix, 104. i. .
r^-, 286.
reccidi, 206. i.
Re-composition, 87. I.
recta, 255. 3.
;vrf-, 286.
Reduplicating class of verbs, 203. II.
Reduplication, 206.
refert, 349. 3.
refert, with genitive, 329.
Reflexive Pronouns, 189.
regam, 221.
regerem, 222. 3.
Regressive Assimilation, 106. I ; 2.
Relative pronouns, 198.
relincunt, 57. 2.
reliquum estwith the Subjunctive, 392.
rent, 86.
reminlscor with genitive, 325.
remus, 89.
repent e, 257. 3.
repperl, 206. i.
Repudiating Questions, 363. tf.
r^j, 180. i.
Result Clauses, 373 f. ; 397.
rettull, 206. i.
Rhotacism, 98.
Romance languages, 36. 5.
Root class of verbs, 203. I.
rub emus, 203. VII. b.
rubro-, 97. 2. .
Rumpel's theory of the cases, 301.
INDEX.
255
rumpo, 203. IV.
sextus, 184. 4.
rursus, 259.
Shortening of Vowels, 88.
rutundus, go.
ji, origin as a conjunction, 401.
sibi, 88. 3 ; 189. 2.
S.
siccus, 106. 2.
s, 98.
jzrf<?, 64; 89; 203. II.
s, pronunciation, 22.
.T/>2#, 2l8.
s between vowels, 98. 2.
siemus, 218.
j-Stems, 147. i.
silua, 16. i. .
-s from ns, 109. 3. b.
JZW, 2l8.
-s from ts, 109. 3. b.
similis, construction, 323.
sacerdos, 65.
simplex, 73. 2. b.
saeclum, 95. i.
singuli, 185. i.
saeculum, 91.
J, 190. 3.
salignus, 94. 3.
SlStO; 203. II.
salvus, loo. i.
so-, 288.
Samnium, 106. 4. .
so boles, 90.
satin, 108. 4.
sobrln-us, 108. 3.
scala, 89.
sobrius, 288.
scicidl, 206. i.
societds, 76. 4.
j'fl, 206. i.
socius, 94. 2. ,
scilicet, 204.
so cor s, 288.
-j^-class of verbs, 203. VI.
socrus,73. 4; 103. 5.
j*. 189. 3.
soliiim, 64; 95. 2.
j*-, 288.
somnus, 106. 4. ^r.
secerno, 100. 3.
-J0r, 88 ; 103. 5.
secundum, 287.
wror, 73. 4 ; 103. 5.
secundus, 103. 5 ; 184. 2.
Sounds, 62 f.
secuntur, 57. 2.
j^wj, 190. 3.
j/-, 189. 3.
spar si, 105. i.
j^j, 62. 3.
spepondl, 206. I.
seditio, 109. I.
speres, 171. i.
seduld, 76. 4.
sperno, 203. V.
segmentum, 94. 3.
^/^j, 172.
j//a, 106. 2.
Spirants, 21 f. ; 98 f.
;*/, 186. i.
sponte, 257. 3.
Semivowels, 103.
spopondl, 206. i.
semodius, no.
.w from <#, 108. I.
sempiternus, 99.
jj from tt, 108. i.
j2, 185. 2.
stab tilum, 91 ; 97. 2. <:.
septem, 102. i; 183. 7.
j/ar^ with ablative, 349. 2.
septenl, 185. 2.
stella, 106. 2.
Septimus, 184. 5.
stellio, 88. i.
sepulcrum, 31. 3.
sterna, 203. V.
sequere (Imperative), 76. 6 ; 227.
sternuo, 104. I.
sequitur, ' it remains,' with subjunctive,
jte//, 206. i.
392.
stlatus, 104. i. ^.
w$, 75. i ; 203. II.
j/"/w, 104. i. .
sescentl, 105. I.
stlocus, 104. i. .
J6'.r, 183. 6.
stratus, loo. i.
sexcentl, 87. 3.
strenna, 88. i.
256
INDEX.
Strong grades of roots, 64.
stuppa, 88. i.
sub, 93. 2; 96. i; 289.
sub in composition, 58. g.
Subjunctive, 200. 5.
uses, 358 ff.
of Contingent Futurity, 360; 365.
in Dependent Clauses, 366 ff.
formation, 220 ff.
original force, 354.
in principal clauses, 358 ff.
of purpose, 367.
syntax, 353 ff.
Substantive Clauses, 381 ff.
after verbs of ordering and com-
manding ; 384.
after verbs of begging and request-
ing, 385-
alter verbs of advising, 386.
after /acid, 387.
after cave, 388.
after verbs of permitting, granting,
allowing, 389.
after verbs of deciding and resolving,
390.
with opus est, necesse est, usus est,
oportet, 391.
with sequitur, reliquum est, etc., 392.
after verbs of hindering, 393.
developed from Deliberative, 394.
after verbs of wishing and desiring,
395-
after verbs si fearing, 396.
of Result, 397.
with qu'm, 393 f.
developed from Volitive, 384 ff.
introduced by quominus, 393.
developed from Optative, 395 ff.
after ndn dubitb, etc., 398.
subter, 289.
subtllis, 90.
subus, 171. 2.
succus, 88. i.
sudor, 103. 5.
suescb, 105. i; 203. VI.
Suffixes,
of a-stems, in.
of it-stems, 148.
of 0-stems, 124.
of w-stems, 160.
ios-, -us-, 181.
ion-, -in-, 147. 2. b.
mbn-, -men-, -mn-, 147. 2. c.
men-, -mn-, 147. 2. d.
mo-, -ma-, 182. I.
-on-, -en-, --, 147. 2. a.
os-, -es-, 147. i.
ter-, -tr-, 147. 3. a.
tero-, -ter a-, 181.
- -tor-, -tor-, -tr-, 147. 3. b.
sui, 189. i.
sulcus, 76. I.
sum, 202. 3.
sumus, 106. 2; 182. 2.
sump si, 108. 2.
super, 290.
Superlative degree, 182.
Supine, 252. 2.
Supposition, Subjunctive of, 362. e.
supra, 255. 3.
suprad, 255. 3.
surr'exe, 47. 2.
sus, 171. 2.
suscipio, 105. I.
suspicio, 25.3; 90.
suus, 103. 4 ; 190. 3.
Syllables dissimilated, no.
division of, 35.
Syncope, 92.
Syncretism, in ablative, 331 ; 332.
Syntax, 295 ff.
T.
A 95-
t, pronunciation, 24.
/-class of verbs, 203. III.
tanti, 344.
te, 188. 4.
ted, 188. 4.
tegb, 104. i. b.
tegula, 62. 3.
temere, 256. i.
temno, 203. V.
temo, 89.
templum, 108. 2.
tendd, 107.
tenebrae, 108. 3.
tenere castris, 349. I.
tent us, 102. i.
tenus, 291.
tenuia, 16. i. a.
-?r. 88. 2.
INDEX.
257
ter,75. 2; 186. 3.
w-stems, 160.
tertius, 184. 3.
uber, 97. 2. <:.
#,31. 2; 4.
*, 14; 83.
Thematic Conjugation, 201 ; 203.
ul from /, 100. I.
tibi, 88. 3 ; 188. 3.
ullus, 106. 2.
tilia, 104. i.
*/J, 293.
tingub, 73. 2. .
ultimus, 182. 2.
/M, 188. 2.
ultra, 255. 3 ; 293.
-tfo-, 95. i.
ultus, 105. I.
/0//0, 100. i ; 203. V.
-; in genitive plural of a- and 0-stems,
-tor, 88. 2.
42.
tor red, 203. VII. .
umbilicus, 76. 2.
tor r ere, 106. 3.
umbo, 76. 2.
tort us 105. I.
umerus, 23.
torus, 104. i. .
umor, 23.
^/, 93-
5*5, 255. 3.
totondl, go.
-undo, 51. 5.
tOVOS, 190. 2.
-unculus, 51.5.
trans, 292.
uncus, 76. i.
trans, in composition, 58. ^.
unda, 107.
transduco, 87. 3.
unguis, 76. i.
traxe, 47. 2.
Unthematic Conjugation, 201 ; 202.
trecentl, 183. 15.
j, 183. i.
tredecim, 183. n.
-oj, -uom, -uont, etc., 57. i. .
*r, 183. 3.
urn a, 105. I.
tribubus, 168.
-urnus, 51. 3.
trig into, 183. 13.
-#.$ in genitive singular, 138.
trim, 185. 2.
-usculus, 51. 5.
/r/0, 104. i. 3.
-us /us, 51. 4.
triumpus, 31. 3.
utor with ablative, 341. i.
^, 188. i.
tugurium, 90.
V.
/j, 188. 2.
z, pronunciation, 16.
-tumus, -timus, 182. 2.
v, changes, 103. 3; 4.
Tuscus, 105. i.
valde, 92.
/j, 103. 4; 190. 2.
variegb, 71. 6.
wA5, 97. 3. A.
U.
Velar gutturals, 94. i.
#, pronunciation, 8.
Z/<?/iOT, 2l8.
*, 78.
velle, 106. 3 ; 243.
u from av, 103. 4.
vellem, 222. 3.
w from ov, 103. 4.
veneficus, no.
S from a, 71. 3; 4.
venib, 101. i; 103. 2; 203. VII. a.
# from o, 76. i ; 2.
venire, 94. 2. .
. 79-
ventum, 106. 4.
from au, 84. 2.
Verbs of judicial action, 327.
u from ^, 85.
versum, -us, 76. 3 ; 294.
u from <?/, 81. i.
vertex, 76. 3.
u from , 85.
vescor, with ablative, 341. I.
cbnsonans, 16. I. a.
vesperl, 256. i.
w-stems, 171.
vester, 76. 3 ; 190. 4.
2 5 8
INDEX.
vestrl, vestrum, 188. 6.
veto, 76. 3.
vhevhaked, 206. I.
mas, 113.
vicem, 310. 3.
vlcenl, 185. 2.
vlcesimus, 184. 8.
v'uus, 8 1. 3.
videlicet, 204.
vlderlmus, 219.
f/<#, 212.
vidimus, 1 08. 4.
viduus, 97. 2. .
viginti, 73. 2. ; 183. 12.
vincere pugna, 349. I.
vinclum, 95. i.
vlnum, 81. 3.
virile secus, 310. 2.
vzj, ' thou wilt,' 202. 6.
vitulus, 91.
v'lVUS, 94. 2. .
v5^u, 1 88. 7.
Vocatlvus, 297.
z/0/-, orthography of words beginning
with, 57. i. a.
Volitive, 354 ; 358.
Z>0/tf, 202. 6.
voluntaries, no.
w/w, 73. 5.
vorarc, 94. 2. ^.
zw, 188. 5.
-z/^j, -vom, -vont, 57. i. ^.
vostrl, vostrum, 188. 7.
Vowel gradation, 62 f.
Vowels assimilated, 90.
Vowels shortened, 88.
W.
Weak grade of roots, 64 f.
X.
x, pronunciation, 32.
x, origin of the letter, i. 2.
y, pronunciation, 9.
y, origin of the letter, i. 5.
Z.
z, pronunciation, 33.
z, origin of the letter, i. 5.
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