GIFT OF
Mrs. Robert Shuey
LATIN
PROSE COMPOSITION
BASED ON CAESAR, NEPOS, AND CICERO
BY
CHARLES CROCKER DODGE, B.A.
CLASSICAL AND HIGH SCHOOL, SALEM, MASS.
AND
HIRAM AUSTIN TUTTLE, JR., M.A.
POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTE, BROOKLYN, N.Y.
NEW YORK-:- CINCINNATI-:. CHICAGO
AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY
GIFT OF
jf&Ajjjc\
COPYRIGHT, 1898, BY
AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY,
LATIN PROSE COMP.
W. P. 4
PREFACE
IN the preparation of this work for the use of schools, an
attempt has been made to combine the advantages of the older
systematic with the newer discursive method. In the former too
much attention was paid to syntax, too little to the author read ;
while in the latter the pupil has not been given an opportunity to
gain a sufficiently clear idea of Latin usage to help him in his sub-
sequent work. In our attempt to profit by the successful features
of both methods, each exercise has been arranged with the follow-
ing aims :
1. To give the pupil a comprehensive view of the various ways
in which some particular grammatical relation may be expressed.
2. To illustrate these by an exercise based upon a limited por-
tion of the text read, with especial care to introduce only such
words and idioms as are to be found in the text.
3. To make each exercise serve also as a review both of topics
previously studied and of constructions that have incidentally
occurred.
4. To give interest by making the exercises a connected synop-
sis of the author's work, avoiding in this, however, what might in
any possible way be used as a translation.
5. To give such work as will meet the demands of the best
private and public schools.
In pursuance of this plan, the Introduction has been divided
into Lessons, each of which treats of some specific grammatical
topic or group of related ideas as commonly expressed in classical
Latin.
M126840
4 PREFACE
This classified statement, expressed in language easily under-
stood and illustrated by one simple example, gives a clear concep-
tion of the construction before the pupil is referred to the more
complex statement of the grammar. For different forms of
expression and further illustrative examples, there has been added
to each paragraph the particular reference to various grammars,
while the more general references have been placed at the head
of each lesson. No attempt has been made to cover all the con-
structions in Latin, but only such as are commonly needed in
secondary school work.
The Lesson may be treated as a special study while that por-
tion of the text on which the Exercise is based is being read,
and emphasis should be laid in class work on the topic under
consideration. For those who do not care to use the Lesson for
special study, the Introduction has been paragraphed for occa-
sional reference.
Although the connected narrative may appear formidable, yet
experience with several classes has shown that pupils can readily
handle these exercises. They have been graded to the ability as
developed, and are intended to bring out the characteristics of
the author. They are of such length that the teacher can give
a long or a short exercise, according to the ability of his class.
The Cicero Exercises are the most complex and general in char-
acter, and give a thorough drill in review of the constructions
required of preparatory classes. The Caesar and Nepos Exer-
cises may be used as tests, each for the other, the teacher giving
the less common words for vocabulary ; while either would give
excellent and systematic sight work for a class studying the Cicero
section.
We take pleasure in acknowledging our obligations to Mr.
Eugene D. Russell, Principal of the Lynn (Mass.) Latin School,
for careful examination of proof and valuable criticisms and
suggestions.
CONTENTS
LESSON
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
XX.
XXI.
XXII.
XXIII.
XXIV.
XXV.
XXVI.
XXVII.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXXI.
XXXII.
XXXIII.
PAGE
Introd. Caes. Nep
Simple Arrangement of Sentence 7 54 82
Simple Agreements. Relatives 8 55 82
Periphrastic Conjugations. Tenses 9 55 83
Uses of the Infinitive 10 56 84
Ablative Absolute 12 57 85
Questions and Answers 13 58 86
Object Cases Accusative 14 59 86
Object Cases Genitive 16 59 87
Object Cases Dative 17 60 88
Object Cases Ablative 19 61 89
Passives 20 62 90
Possession: Genitive, Dative, Adjective, Pronoun, 22 63 91
Description By Phrase 23 64 92
Description By Clause 25 64 93
Means and Agency 26 65 94
Manner and Accompaniment 27 66 95
Comparison 28 67 95
Relations of Place 30 68 96
Relations of Time By Phrase 31 69 97
Relations of Time Dates 32 70 98
Relations of Time By Clause 34 70 99
Use and Sequence of Tenses 35 71 100
Cause 37 72 102
Purpose By Phrase 38 73 102
Purpose By Clause 40 74 103
Result 41 75 104
Conditions Simple Statement 42 75 105
Conditions Contrary to Fact 44 76 106
Concession and Proviso 45 77 107
Indirect Discourse Declarative Sentences . 46 78 108
Indirect Discourse Conditional Sentences . . 48 79 109
Indirect Discourse Questions and Commands . 49 80 no
Informal Indirect Discourse and Attraction . .50 81 in
6 CONTENTS
LESSON PAGE
XXXIV. Commands and Exhortations 51
XXXV. Wishes 52
XXXVI. Potential and Deliberative .... 52
EXERCISES BASED ON CAESAR '" :
Book II 54
Book III 58
Book IV 64
Book I 74
EXERCISES BASED ON NEPOS
Miltiades 82
Themistocles 85
Aristides and Pausanias 86
Cimon 87
Lysander 88
Alcibiades ." . . . 89
Thrasybulus 91
Conon 92
Dion 93
Epaminondas . . 95
Pelopidas . 96
Agesilaus 97
"TV^enes 99
Phocion e 102
Timoleon 102
Hamilcar . . 103
ll -J Hannibal 104
Cato 107
Atticus 108
EXERCISES BASED ON CICERO
I Catiline 112
II Catiline . 116
III Catiline 119
IV Catiline . . , . 122
Archias 125
Manilian Law 128
SPECIMEN EXAMINATION PAPERS 137
LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
INTRODUCTION
LESSON I
[H. = Harkness' Complete Latin Grammar, 1898. References to Harkness' Standard Latin
Grammar are inclosed in parentheses. M. = Mooney. A. = Allen and Greenough.
G. = Gildersleeve. B. = Bennett.]
Simple Arrangement of Sentence. [H. 663-665 : 671-680
(560-569). M. 471. A. 343-345. 0.671-683. 6.348-350.]
1. In a Latin sentence the most important word usually
stands first. As a rule, this is the subject, while the verb,
being unemphatic, is placed near the end of the sentence.
The position of the verb sum is governed by euphony, but
this verb, when used in the sense of there+is, etc. precedes
its subject : cum Caesar esset in Gallia, erat coniuratio, when
Caesar was in Gaul, there was a conspiracy. [H, 664: 665 (561).
M. 471. A. 344 & c. G. 672-674. B. 348: 349.]
2. Adjectives and Genitives, unless emphatic, follow Vir
nouns. Demonstratives and adjectives of quantity and of
number precede their nouns : duas legiones novas conscribit,
he enrolls tivo new legions. When a noun is modified by
both an adjective and a genitive, the usual order is Adjec-
tive, Genitive, Noun : in commum Belgarum coiicilio, in the
common council of the Belgae. [671, i &4= 675 (565, 2). M.47i.
A. 344, a, 2 & b. G. 676 & R. i, 2 & 4. B. 350, I & 4 with d, 5.]
3. Adverbs generally precede the words they modify :
eos magnopere cohortatus profectus est, after exhorting them
earnestly, he set out. [H. 672-674, 678 (567). M. 471. A. 344, b.
G. 677. B. 350, 6.]
7
LATIN, PROSE COMPOSITION
4. Conjunctions and interrogatives generally begin their
clauses : cum quaereret quae civitates in armis esseiit, when
he asked what states were in arms. [H. 675: 677 (569,111).
M.47I. A. 344, b. 6.675. B. 350, 5, a & 8.]
5. Prepositions regularly precede ; but with a modified
noun the order is frequently Modifier, Preposition, Noun :
summa cum laude, with Jdghest honors. [H. 671, 5: 676 (569,
11,3). M. 471. A. 345, a. G. 678 & R. 2. B. 350, 7 & b.~\
6. The words fere, paene, prope, autem, enim, quidem,
quoque, vero, and usually itaque, never stand first : hie
enim ventus ab septentrionibus oritur, for this wind rises in
the north. [H. 677 (569, III). M. 471. A. 345, b. G. 677, R. i : 679.
B. 350, 8.]
Study carefully the author's arrangement of words, and
notice why the order varies from the regular arrange-
ment.
LESSON II
Simple Agreements. Relatives. [H. 387: 388 : 393: 394:
396: 399: 404 (362: 363: 368: 371: 438: 439: 445 : 46o). M. 174: 177-
179: 182: 184: 256. A. 173: 176: 177: 182-187: 198: 204. G. 203:
211: 289: 290: 320: 321: 325: 328: 614. B. 166-169: 233-235: 250-
254.]
7. A noun denoting the same person or thing as another
noun, agrees with it in case. Such a noun may be either
an appositive (i.e. in the same part of the sentence) or a
predicate noun (i.e. one used to form the predicate with
the verb sum or a verb of similar meaning) : ad flumen
Axonam, to the river Axona ; Labienus erat legatus, Labte-
nus was lieutenant. [H. 393, with 8 & 9 (362: 363). M. 174, 2
&3: 179. A. 176: 184, with a& b. G. 21 1: 320: 321: 325. 6.167: 168
& 2: 169, I & 2.]
INTRODUCTION 9
8. An adjective is put into the same gender, number,
and case as the noun it limits : reliquas legiones in acie
constituit, he drew up the other legions in line of battle.
[H. 394 (438). M. 178. A. 1 86, with a & b. G. 289: 290. B. 234: 235.]
9. A relative agrees with its antecedent in gender and
number ; the case depends upon the construction of its
own clause : duas legiones quae conscriptae erant in Galliam
misit, he sent the tzvo legions wJiich had been enrolled into
Gaul. [H. 396: 399 (445 & 2 )- M - l82 > J & 5- A - J 98. G. 614.
B. 250, I : 251, I.]
10. A verb and its subject agree in number and person :
castra amplius milibus passuum'octo in latitudinem patebant,
the camp extended more than eight miles in breadth. [H. 388
& i (460). M. 174, i. A. 204. G. 211. B. 254, i & 2.]
LESSON III
Periphrastic Conjugations. Tenses. [H. 236: 237: 431:
526-540(233: 234: 388: 466-473). M. 98: 207: 305-313: 352. A. 129:
147: 232: 276-281: 293, a Si b, I & 2: 294. G. 129: 223-247: 251: 355.
B. 115: 189, I : 257-264: 293, I.]
11. Such English expressions as Caesar intends or is
about to do this, are translated into Latin by using the
active periphrastic conjugation : Caesar hoc facturus est,
Caesar intends to do this. [H. 236 (233). M. 98, i. A. 293, a & b,
i & 2. G. 129: 247. B. 115.]
12. Such English expressions as Caesar must or has tj
do this and this must be done by Caesar are translated into
Latin by using the passive periphrastic conjugation, the
agent being expressed by the Dative case : Caesari hoc
10 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
faciendum est, Caesar had to do this. [H. 237: 431 (234: 388).
M. 98, 2: 207. A. 232: 294. G. 251: 355. B. 115: 189, i.]
13. Dum, meaning while, takes the Present Indicative,
even when referring to past time : dum haec geruntur,
Caesar discesserat, while this was going on, Caesar had
departed. [H. 533, 4 (467, III, 4). M. 352. " A. 276, <?. G. 229, R.
B. 293, L]
14. The Imperfect is used to denote the continuance or
repetition of an action in past time ; the Perfect, to denote
the simple occurrence : ad eum crebri rumores adferebantur,
many reports were brought to him ; classl Datim praefecit,
he put Datis in command of the fleet. [H. 534: 537 (468: 469:
471, I & II). M. 306, 1-3: 307. A. 277: 279. G. 231 : 239. B. 260, I &
2 : 262, B.]
15. With iam, iam diu, iam dudum, the Present often de-
notes an action begun in past time and continuing in the
present; the Imperfect denotes an action continuing in
past time, but begun at some previous time : iam diu cupio,
now for a long time I have been desiring ; iam dudum cupie-
bam, / had been desiring for a long time ; ad mortem te,
Catilina, duel iam pridem oportebat, long since, Catiline, ought
you to have been led to death. [H. 533, i : 535, i (467, III, 2 : 469,
II, 2). M. 305, 6: 306, 4. A. 276, a: 277, b. G. 230: 234. B. 259, 4:
260. 4.]
LESSON IV
Uses of the Infinitive. [H. 70: 415: 606: 607: 613: 614: 617-
620: 641: 642 (42, II, 2, N.: 523, I: 532-538.) M. 28, 3: 260-276: 392.
A. 29, 2, c\ 240, /: 270-272: 275: 288: 336, I & A. G. 279-281 : 420: 422:
423: 650: 653. B. 15, 3: 270: 325-331-]
16. The Infinitive mood has the qualities of both a
verb and a noun. It is a verb because it denotes time
INTRODUCTION I I
relative to that of the sentence in which it stands, gov-
erns the same case as it does in its other moods, is limited
by adverbs, and may have a subject, which subject is in
the Accusative case. [H. 415: 606(532: 536). M. 261 : 266. A.
240, /: note before 270. G. 279: 420. B. 325.]
17. The Infinitive as a noun is neuter : transire flumen
erat difficillimum, to cross the river was very difficult.
[H. 70 (42, II, 2, N.). M. 28, 3. A. 29, 2, c. G. 422. B. 15, 3.]
18. The Infinitive is regularly used, with its subject
Accusative, as the object of verbs which express or imply
thought or feeling. This use is called Indirect Discourse,
because the quoted thought is not stated in the words of
the thinker, but is made a part of the whole sentence : eos
pulsos esse dixeram, / had said that these zvere defeated ;
putat confirmari regnum Persarum ipsis utile esse, he thinks
that it is to their advantage to strengthen the kingdom of
the Persians. [11.613: 614: 641: 642 (523, 1: 535). M. 268: 392.
A. 272 : 336, I. G. 650. B. 331, I & II.]
19. The Infinitive is often used to complete a verbal
idea, as in English after can, dare, etc. This is called the
Complementary Infinitive : subsidia conlocari non poterant,
reserves cotild not be stationed. [H. 607, with i & 2 (533). M. 261.
A. 271. G. 423. B. 328, i.]
20. In the complementary Infinitive the Present tense
is generally used. In the Infinitive of indirect discourse,
the Present tense stands for the Present Indicative, the
Future for the Future or the Future Perfect, and the Per-
fect for the Imperfect, Perfect, or Pluperfect (cf. 148).
[H. 617-620 (537). M. 260, 1-3: last part of 261. A. 288, c\ 336, A. G.
280, i, (a) : 281, i & 2: 653. B. 270. i & a-c, 2 & 3.]
12 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
LESSON V
Ablative Absolute. [H. 489: 640 (431: 550). M. 255: 279.
A. 255 : 290. G. 282 : 409. B. 227 : 336:]
21. The Ablative Absolute stands unconnected in gram-
matical construction with the rest of the sentence.
22. Various ideas, as of Time, Cause, Concession, Con-
dition, Previous Action, etc. expressed in English by a
clause, may be translated into Latin by the use of the
Ablative absolute.
23. The Ablative absolute, though used with the Pres-
ent, is commonly used where in English the idea is ex-
pressed by the Perfect active participle. As there is no
Perfect active participle in Latin, the Perfect passive parti-
ciple in the Ablative absolute construction must be used :
Gallia pacata, Caesar ad Italiam profectus est, having sub-
dued Gaul, Caesar set out for Italy.
24. In deponent verbs, however, the Perfect passive
participle, having an active meaning, directly translates
the English Perfect active participle, and the Ablative
absolute is rarely used : hostes adorti fugaverunt, having
attacked the enemy, they put them to flight. \
NOTE. Do not use the Ablative absolute when the
participle in Latin can agree with either the subject or
the object of the predicate : hostes impeditos vicit, Jie de-
feated the enemy while they were impeded ; eius flamma
perterriti classiarii manere non audebant, terrified by the
flame of this, the sailors did not dare remain.
INTRODUCTION 1 3
LESSON VI
/
Questions and Answers. [H. 183: 377,4= 378-380: 511: 650
&i(i88&II, 4: 305: 35!-353: 454)- ^.83: 85: 151: 384-386. A. 210-
212. G. 109: 1 10: 450-459: 462-466: 468-471. 6.90: 162: 300,4,0.]
25. Questions in Latin are not shown by the order of
the words. There should usually be two signs of a direct
question: (i) an interrogative word at the beginning;
(2) a mark of interrogation (?) at the end.
26. -ne is affixed to the most important word generally
to the verb, which then stands first. -ne shows merely
that a question is asked and does not imply the kind of
answer expected : eratne Miltiades Atheiiiensis ? zvas Mil-
tiades an Athenian ? [H. 378 & 2 (351, with i & 2). M. 385, i & 2.
A. 210, a. G. 454. B. 162, 2, *).]
27. Nonne (non -f- -ne) shows that an affirmative answer
is expected. Num shows that a negative answer is expected:
nonne CicerS orator fuit ? was not Cicero an orator ? num
Cicero Atheiiieiisis erat? Cicero ivas not an Athenian, was
he ? [H. 378 (351, i, N. 2 & 3). M. 385, 3 & 4. A. 210, c. G. 455 : 45 6 -
B. 162, 2, a) & ).]
28. When an interrogative pronoun or adverb introduces
the question, do not use -ne, nonne, or num: quern vidit?
whom did he see ? quomodo Themistocles mortuus est ?
how did Themistocles die ?
29. In translating into Latin, for the word how in such
expressions as how easily, how illustrious, etc. use quam,
unless some special interrogative word like quantus, how
great, or quot, how many, etc. can be used : quam facile
14 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
Caesar Gallos vicit ? Jwiv easily did Caesar conquer the
Gauls f quot hominum interf ecti sunt ? hozv many men
were killed?
30. An answer in Latin corresponding to yes is gener-
ally expressed by the repetition of the verb, or some other
emphatic word ; corresponding to no, by such repetition
with a negative : Discessitne Catilma ? Discessit. Did
Catiline depart? Yes. Romaene Miltiades habitabat?
Non Romae. Did Miltiades live at Rome ? No. [H. 379
(353, I & 2, with N. 3). M. 386. A. 212 & a. 0.471. B. 162, 5, a & b.~\
31. In a double question, utrum or -ne stands with the
first part, and an (annon in direct, necne in indirect ques-
tions, or not) at the beginning of the second : utrum Cicero
an Caesar maior erat ? was Cicero or Caesar the greater ?
[H. 380 & i : 650 & i (353, i & 2, with N. 3). M. 385, 5 & N." A. 21 1. G.
458: 459- B. 162, 4: 300, 4, a.~]
LESSON VII
Object Cases i. Accusative. [H. 404-406: 409-411 & 2-4:
412 : 413 : 416, 2 : 421 & I (371 : 373 : 374, with 2 & N. 3 & 4: 376 : 378, I
&2: 381 & N. i). M. 184: 190-192: 194: 195: 198: 200. A. 237-239:
239, I & 2, b & c, with N. I : 240, a, b & d. G. 330 : 331 & R. I : 333, I, R. I
&2: 333, 2, R.: 334 & R. : 339: 340: 343, I. B. 172-179, I: 183.]
32. Many verbs which in English have a direct object
in Latin govern not the Accusative case, but the Genitive,
Dative, or Ablative : senatui persuadet, he persuades the
senate ; einon placet, it does not please him.
,33. The direct object of a transitive verb is in the Accu-
sative : nuntium misit, he sent a messenger. [11.404: 405 (371).
M. 184. A. 237. G. 330. B. 172-176, i.]
INTRODUCTION 1 5
34. A second Accusative, denoting the same person or
thing as the direct object, is sometimes used generally
as a predicate Accusative with verbs of naming, choos-
ing, making, etc. .* Ciceronem consulem creaverunt, they
elected Cicero (to be) consul. [H. 410, with i & 2 (373). M. 191.
A. 239, I & a. G. 340. B. 177, i & 2.]
35. An Accusative of the person is sometimes used with
the Accusative of the thing after verbs of teaching and
asking. But some verbs, such as peto, postulo, and quaero
take an Ablative of the person with a preposition, instead
of the Accusative : milites belli rationem docebat, he taugJit
the soldiers the art of war ; auxilium a Lacedaemoniis pet~-
verunt, they asked aid of the Lacedaemonians. [H. 411 & 2-4
(374, 2, N. 3 & 4). M. 192. A. 239, 2 & c, with N. i. G. 339 & R. i & 2.
B. 178, i, a)-*).]
36. Transitive verbs, when compounded with circum or
trans, may take two Accusatives : equites flumen traduxit,
he led the cavalry across the river. [H. 413 (376). M. 194. A.
239, 2, b. G. 331 & R. I. B. 175, 2, )&i): 179, i.]
37. An intransitive verb sometimes takes the Accusa-
tive of a noun of similar meaning, generally qualified by
an adjective (cf. the English to live a good life). This is
the Cognate (kindred meaning) Accusative. Often an
adjective in the neuter Accusative is thus used substan-
tively : bonam vitam vivebat, he lived a good life ; plurimum
valebat, he had a very great influence. [H. 409 & i (371, II).
M. 190. A. 238. G. 333, i, R. i : 333, 2, R. B. 176, 2 & 4.]
38. A neuter adjective or pronoun is often used with
adverbial force : quid hoc factum est ? why was this done ?
[H. 416, 2 (378, I & 2). M. 195 : 198. A. 240, a & b. G. 333, i, R. 2: 334
& R. B. 176, 3.]
1 6 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
39. The Accusative, generally modified by an adjective,
is used in exclamations: O fortunatos elves! O fortunate
citizens ! [H. 421 & i (381 & N. i). M. 200. A. 240, </. G. 343, \,
B. 183.]
LESSON VIII
Object Cases 2. Genitive. Partitive Genitive. [H. 44 o,
with 2, 5 &N.-444: 449-451 : 453-458 (396, III & IV: 397: 399: 406-410).
M. 216: 225-230. A. 216-222. G. 363: 367-372: 374: 376-378: 381:
382. B. 200: 201: 204: 2O6-2I2.]
40. An Objective Genitive is used with nouns which
denote action or feeling : imperium Galliae, the rule of (over)
Gaul. [H. 440, 2 (396, III). M. 216. A. 217. G. 363, 2. B. 200 & i.]
41. An Objective Genitive is used with adjectives of im-
plied action to define their reference : coniurationis memor,
mindful of the conspiracy ; huius coniugii cupidus Callias fuit,
Callias was desirous of this alliance. [H. 450 & i .- 451 : 453 (399,
I&II). M. 226, i&2. A. 218, a&b. G. 374, with N. 4 & 5. 6.204,1.]
42. With verbs of remembering and forgetting, a person
used as object is usually put in the Genitive ; a thing thus
used is put in either the Genitive or the Accusative. Verbs
of remembering in the sense of recalling take generally
the Accusative : sociorum meminit, he remembers his allies ;
illam rem recorder, / recall that circumstance. [H. 454 & 1-4:
455 (406, II: 407). M. 227. A. 219 & b. G. 376, with R. i & 2. B. 206,
I & 2: 207.]
43. Verbs of accusing, condemning, and acquitting take
the Genitive of the Charge or the Penalty : Miltiades pro-
ditionis accusatus est, Miltiades zvas accused of treason.
[H. 456 & 1-4 (409, II : 410, II). M. 228. A. 220. G. 378 &R. B. 208, I.]
INTRODUCTION 17
44. Verbs of feeling take the Genitive. The imper-
sonate miseret, paenitet, piget, pudet, and taedet take the
Accusative of the person and the Genitive of the thing.
Refert and interest take the Genitive of the person, if
not expressed by a personal pronoun, the thing being the
subject : eos iniuriae paenitet, they repent of their injustice ;
rei publicae refert Catilmam discedere, it is for the good of
the state that Catiline sJiould depart. [H. 449, i : 457 (406-409,
I&III). M. 229: 230. A. 221 : 222. G. 377: 381: 382. B. 209-211,1,
2& 4 .]
45. Also note the Partitive Genitive, denoting the whole
of which a part is taken. Cardinal numerals often take a
partitive Ablative with a preposition instead of the Geni-
tive : plurimi Gallorum superati sunt, very many of the Gauls
were overcome ; septuaginta ex navibus ei datae sunt, seventy
of the ships were given to him ; Cimoii satis eloquentiae
habebat, Cimon was quite eloquent. [H. 440, 5 & N.-444 (396, IV :
397). M. 225. A. 216 & c. G. 367-372. B. 201, i, with a & 2.]
LESSON IX
Object Cases 3. Dative. [H. 423-427: 429: 432: 434: 435
(384-386: 389: 391). M. 202: 205: 208: 209: 211: 214. A. 225-229:
234: 235. G. 345-347: 350: 351: 353: 359. B. 187: 188: 192.]
46. The Dative is used with many verbs which appear
in English to be transitive. Carefully examine the lists in
the references : mihi persuadet, he persuades me. [H. 426,
with i & 2 (385). M. 205. A. 227. G. 346. B. 187, II, a, with N.]
47. The Dative of the indirect object (i.e. of the person
or thing indirectly affected by the action) is used (i) with a
LAT. PROSE COMP. 2
1 8 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
transitive verb, together with the direct object ; or (2) with
an intransitive verb, without a direct object : Themistocles
rei publicae se dedit, Themistocles devoted himself to pub He
affairs ; Ciceroni respondet, he replies to Cicero. [H. 423 : 424
& i: 425 (384, I & II). M. 205. A. 225: 226. G. 345: 346: 350, 2.
B. 187, I & II.]
48. The Dative is used with many verbs, both transi-
tive and intransitive, compounded with the prepositions ad,
ante, con, in, inter, ob, post, prae, pro, sub, super, and some-
times circum. Consult the lexicon freely for these com-
pounds : Gallis bellum Inferebat, he ivas making war upon
the Gauls. [H. 429 & 3 (386). M. 202. A. 228. 0.347. 6.187,111,
with i & 2.]
49. The Dative (especially of a person) is used with
many verbs of depriving, instead of the Ablative of sepa-
ration (cf. 53) : scutum militi detraxit, he snatched the shield
from the soldier. [H. 427: 429, 2 (385, 2: 386, 2). M. 211. A. 229.
G. 345 & R. i : 347, R. 5. B. 188, 2, d.~\
50. The Dative is used with many adjectives, especially
those of fitness, nearness, and likeness : Alcibiadi par nemo
in civitate ponebatur, no one in the state was considered
Alcibiades equal. [H. 434 & 2 (391, I). M. 214. A. 234, a. G.
359. B. 192, i & 2.]
51. The Dative is often used when it refers to the
sentence as a whole, rather than to any one word, and
denotes the person to whose interest the action occurs.
This is the Dative of reference : mihi in animum venit, it
came to my attention. [H. 425, 2 & 4: 432 (384, 4: 389). M. 208:
209. A. 235, with a & b. G. 350: 351 : 353. B. 188, I & 2, b.~]
id
INTRODUCTION 19
LESSON X
Object Cases 4. Ablative. Separation, Source, Specifica-
tion, Price. [H. 461-465= 467-469: 477 : 47 8: 48o (413-415: 421:
422: 424). M. 234: 236-238, i: 251-253. A. 243: 244: 249: 252: 253.
G. 390: 395 : 397 : 44 : 46 : 47- 6.214: 215: 218, i& 2: 225: 226.]
52. The Ablative is used with utor, fruor, fungor, potior,
vescor, and their compounds : quo usque abutere patientia
nostra, how far wilt thou abiise our patience ? [H. 477, 1 (421,
I). M. 253. A. 249. G. 407. B. 218, i.]
53. The Ablative of separation without a preposition is
used with verbs of freeing, removing, needing, and depriv-
ing. Compounds of ab, de, and ex generally repeat the
preposition with the Ablative when expressing motion or
separation. Consult the lexicon freely for these words :
metu liberati sunt, they ^vere relieved of (from) their fear ;
Themistocles e civitate eiectus est, Themistocles was ban-
ished from the state. [H. 461-465 (413: 414). M. 236: 237. A.
243. G. 390, i & 2. B. 214, & 1-3.]
54. Source is expressed by the Ablative with a preposi-
tion, but with participles of birth and origin the preposi-
tion may be omitted : Belgae ab extremis Galliae finibus
oriuntur, the country of the Belgians begins at (from) the
extreme borders of Ganl ; natus rege, the son of a king.
[H. 467: 469 (413: 415 & II). M. 234. A. 244 &a. G. 395. B. 215.]
55. The Ablative is used with the nouns opus and usus,
need: virtute opus erat, there was need of courage. [H. 477,
III (414, IV). M. 252. A. 243, e. G. 406. B. 218, 2.]
56. The Ablative is used to denote in what particular
an expression is to be regarded as true : celeritate supera-
20 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
bant, they excelled in swiftness (not in strength or pru-
dence). [H. 480 (424). M. 238, i. A. 253. G. 397. B. 226.]
57. The Ablative is used to denote price and definite
value : sestertium quinque milibus eum corrupit, he bribed
him with 5000 sesterces. [H. 478 (422). M. 251. A. 252. G. 404.
B. 225.]
*
LESSON XI
Passives. [H. 404, 2: 410,1: 411,1: 413: 426,3: 468: 518:611
(373> 2 : 374, I : 376, N. : 384, II, 5 : 415, I, 2 : 464 : 465 : 534, I, with N. I
& 2). M. 174, 3: 184, N. I : 193: 205, N.: 247, I & 2: 274. A. 146,^:
177,0: 230: 237, a\ 239, l,a, N. 2: 239, 2, b, N. 2 : 239, c, N. 2 : 246: 248,
c\ 330,3, I & 2: 330, c. G. 206: 214: 216: 217: 251,2: 339, 3 & N. 4:
340, R. I : 346, R. I : 401 : 528, I & 2. B. 177, 3: 178, 2 & a: 179, 3: 187,
II, : 216: 256: 332.]
The following changes (58-62) occur in passing from
the active to the passive construction :
58. The direct object of the active voice becomes the
subject of the passive, while the subject of the active
becomes either the Ablative of agent with a or ab, or the
Ablative of means without a preposition.
Active : Aquitani Valerium interfecerunt, the Aquitanians
killed Valerius.
Passive : Valerius ab Aquitanis interfectus est, Valerius was
killed by the Aquitanians.
[H. 404, 2: 468: 518(415,1,2: 464). M. 184, N. I : 247, 1 & 2. A. 177, a:
237, a: 246: 248, c. G. 214: 216: 401. B. 216.]
59. Verbs of creating, calling, etc. change both object
Accusatives of the active to Nominatives.
Active : Ciceronem consulem creaverunt, they elected Cicero
consul.
INTRODUCTION 2 1
Passive : Cicero consul creatus est, Cicero was elected consul.
[H. 410, i (373, 2). M. 174, 3. A. 239, i, a, N. 2. G. 340, R. i. B. 177, 3.]
60. Verbs of asking, demanding, etc. may retain one
Accusative, usually that of the thing asked, demanded,
etc. ; but few verbs of this class are used in the Passive.
Active : Aristideii sententiam rogaverunt, they asked Aristi-
des his opinion.
Passive: Aristides sententiam rogatus est, Aris tides was
asked his opinion.
[H. 41 1, i (374, i). M. 193. A. 239, *:, N. 2. G. 339,3&N.4. B. 178,2 &.]
61. Verbs which in the active govern the Dative must
be used impersonally in the passive, while the Dative is
retained.
Active : navibus nocebant, they injured the ships.
Passive : navibus nocebatur, the ships were injured.
[H. 426, 3 (384, II, 5). M. 205, N. A. 230. G. 208, 2: 217: 346, R. I.
B. 187, II, b.~\
62. Verbs of saying, thinking, etc. used in the passive
are usually personal in the Present, Imperfect, and Future,
and impersonal in the tenses formed on the Perfect stem.
These verbs in the second or passive periphrastic conjuga-
tion are impersonal. lubeo and veto are always personal
in the passive.
Active : putamus Ciceronem maximum oratorem Romanum
fuisse, we tJiink that Cicero was the greatest Roman
orator.
Passive : Cicero maximus orator Romanus fuisse putatur,
Cicero is thought to have been the greatest Roman ora-
tor ; putatum est Ciceronem maximum oratorem fuisse,
it was thougJit that Cicero zvas the greatest orator.
[H. 611 (534, I, with N. I & 2). M. 274. A. 330, b, i & 2 : 330, c. G. 528,
I & 2. B. 332, a-d & N.]
22 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
Caution. Many verbs intransitive in Latin are transi-
tive in English, and so in English may be used personally
in the passive. This, however, cannot be done with their
Latin equivalents (see 61): the slave was spared, servo par-
citum est. ^
LESSON XII
Possession : Genitive, Dative, Adjective, Pronoun.
[H. 348 : 353 : 430 : 439, with 3 & 4 : 440, I with N. 2 : 501-503 & I : 504 (330 :
33 I: 387: 395 N - 2: 396, I: 448: 449 & 0- M - 163, 2,5 & 6: 164: 212:
217: 433: 434. A. 99, a: 164, c,d&h\ 190: 195 & 1 : 196: 197 & a, I :
214, a&c: 231. G. 182, 5 & 7: 309: 349: 362: 364: 366. B. 151: 152:
190: 195: 198: 242-244: 247,2: 354,4: 359, i.]
63. Possession is generally expressed by the Genitive :
Atheniensium in coldniam missus est, Jie was sent into a
colony of the Athenians. [H. 439: 440, i (396, 1). M. 217, i & 2.
A. 214, a & c. G. 362 & R. 1-3 : 366. B. 195 : 198.]
64. Instead of the Genitive of personal pronouns, the
possessive adjectives are used, agreeing with the thing
possessed in gender, number, and case. In the third
person note the difference between the use of suus (re-
flexive) and the Genitive of is, ea, id. Suus is an adjec-
tive and agrees, while is, ea, id is a pronoun and is used
in the Genitive case : nostri libri, our books ; suis copils
eorum castra adortus est, with his forces he attacked their
camp. [H. 440, i, N. 2: 501-503, i (448: 449, i, i)). M.433: 434. A.
99, a: 195 & I : 196, a, I : 197 & a, I. G. 309: 362, R. 1 : 364. B. 243, I
& a : 244, I & II : 247, 2.]
65. Derivative adjectives are sometimes used to denote
possession : Pompeianus, of Pompey ; alienus, belonging to
another (alius). [H. 348-353 (330: 331 : 395, N. 2). M. 163, 2, 5 & 6:
164. A. 164, c, d & h\ 190. G. 182, 5 & 7: 362, with R. I & 2. B. 151 :
INTRODUCTION 23
66. Possession may be expressed by the Dative of the
possessor with the verb sum, having the thing possessed
as the subject : Thrasybiilo erat corona, facta duabus virgulis
oleagims, Thrasybulus had a crown, made of two olive
branches. [H. 430 (387). M. 212. A. 231. G. 349. B. 190.]
67. With the Genitive, the possessor is made emphatic ;
with the Dative the idea of possession is more prominent ;
habeo and similar verbs add the idea of holding or keep-
ing : Caesaris exercitus, Caesar S army ; Caesari exercitus
erat, Caesar had an army ; Caesar exercitum habebat, Caesar
had (and kept) an army. [H. 430 (387, footnote 3). M. 212, N. i.
A. 231, R. G. 349, R. 2 & 3. B. 359, i.] -
LESSON XIII
Description By Phrase. [H. 393 : 437 : 439 : 440, 3 : 448, with
l& 4 : 467: 470: 473,2(362: 363: 393: 395: 396, V: 404: 405: 415, III:
419, II & 111,2). M. 174, 3: 179: 215: 221-224: 235: 246. A. 184: 185:
213-215 & N. : 244: 251 & N. : 252, a & b. G. 288: 320: 321: 325: 360:
365: 379: 380: 400- B. 167-169: 197: 203: 224.]
68. To describe a noun in English, we may use such
expressions as a brave consul ; a consul of great bravery ;
the consul, a brave man ; the consul is a brave man. So in
Latin there may be used an adjective, a descriptive Geni-
tive or Ablative, an appositive or a predicate noun.
69. The Genitive of description is always qualified by an
adjective : opus summl laboris, a task of very great labor.
[H. 440, 3 (396, V&N. i). M. 222. A. 215 &N. G. 365. B. 203^ with i & 5.]
70. A Genitive of material is sometimes used, instead
of the more common Ablative with a preposition : anulus
24 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
auri, a ring of gold ; more usually, mensa e ligno, a table
of (from} wood. [H. 440, 3: 470 (396, V: 415, III). M. 221 : 235.
A. 214, e: 244. G. 368. B. 197.]
71. A descriptive Genitive . of measure is often used :
iter mille passuum, a journey of a mile. [H. 440, 3 (396, V).
M. 223. A. 215, b. G. 365, R. 2. B. 203, 2 & 5.]
72. The Genitive is used to denote indefinite value (cf.
57) : magni interest, it is of great importance ; in bello Cono-
nis opera magni fuit, in the war Conon's assistance was val-
uable. [H. 440, 3: 448, with I &4 (396, V: 404: 405). M. 224. A. 252,
with a & b. G. 379 : 380, I & 2. B. 203, 3 & 4.]
73. The Ablative of description is qualified by an ad-
jective or a genitive : Galli erant magno corpore, the Gauls
were of great stature. [H. 473, 2 (419, II). M. 246. A. 251 & N.
G. 400. B. 224 & 1-3.]
74. For description the Genitive and the Ablative are
often used without distinction ; but generally the Genitive
describes the essential qualities ; the Ablative, the physical.
[H. 473, 2, N. I (419, III, 2). M. 246, N. A. 215, N. : 251, a. G. 400, R. i.
B. 224, 3.]
75. Compare the Ablative of description with the Abla-
tive of specification (56): (i) a man of great courage ; (2) a
man great in courage. Note that in (i) the adjective
directly qualifies the describing noun and the descriptive
Ablative is used ; in (2) the adjective directly qualifies the
noun described and the Ablative of specification is used :
vir summa virtute ; vir summus virtute.
For the order and agreement of an adjective, see 2
and 8.
For description by appositive and predicate noun, see 7.
INTRODUCTION 25
LESSON XIV
Description By Clause. [H. 396, with 2 & N. : 399 : 510 : 524
& i: 589 & I: 591,1, 5 & 7 (445 #4: 453= 475 n > I: 53)- M - l82: 3o:
383: 448: 450: 455. A. 197, 5: 198-201: 320. G. 610: 612-616: 621:
624: 631. B. 250, 1-4: 251, 1-6: 271 : 282, 3: 283, I & 2: 312, i.]
76. A noun may be described not only as in the pre-
vious lesson, but also by a relative- clause : the consul, zvho
is a brave man ; a consul who is a brave man. In the
first example, where some particular consul is in mind,
in Latin the Indicative is used ; in the second example,
where the antecedent is less definite, the Subjunctive is
generally used.
77. A relative clause regularly takes the Indicative,
unless there is some clearly defined reason to the con-
trary. The Indicative is the mood of fact, and is used
in all relative clauses which simply state facts, and where
the antecedents are definite without the relative clause:
consul qui fortis vir est, the consul, who is a brave man.
[H. 524 & I : 589 & I (475, II, i). M. 380. A. Remarks preceding 316.
G. 624. B. 312, i.]
78. A subjunctive of characteristic is used in a relative
clause, which adds an essential quality to an antecedent
otherwise too indefinite for clear understanding. This is
especially common with such words and expressions as
unus, solus, dignus, indignus, aptus, idoneus, sunt qui (there
are some zvho\ qui sunt qui (zuko are there who?): solus
erat qui non fugeret, lie was the only one who did not flee.
[H. 591, 1,5 &7 (503,1 &II). M. 383. A. 320, with a, b & f. G. 631, with
I, 2 & 3. B. 282, 3 : 283, I & 2.]
26 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
REMARKS ON THE USE OF RELATIVES
79. i. The relative cannot be omitted in Latin: homo
quern vidi, the man I saw.
2. While the relative agrees with its antecedent in
gender and number, it agrees rather with a predicate
noun in its own clause than with an antecedent of dif-
ferent gender or number from the predicate noun : Liger,
quod est Galliae flumeii, the Loire, which is a river of Gaul.
3. The antecedent may come in the relative clause.
This regularly happens if the relative clause comes before
the natural position of the antecedent : quam quisque for-
tunam habet, hac fruatur, let eacJi enjoy what fortune he has.
4. The relative often stands first in a sentence, refer-
ring to something that has preceded. In English, a
demonstrative pronoun is more common with a conjunc-
tion or conjunctive adverb : quae cum ita sint, now since
these things are so.
LESSON XV
Means and Agency. [H. 334-336 : 43 * & J = 467 : 468 : 476 : 477 :
638, I (326, i: 327, 2 & 3: 388: 415, I &N.: 418: 420: 421,11: 453, 2, N. 2:
549, I & 4). M. 161, 2 & 5 : 207: 247: 250. A. 162: 163, c & d\ 201, b\
232 & N. : 246 & No : 246, R. & b : 248, c. G. 181, I & 6 : 355 : 401 : 405, N.
3. B. 147, i&4: 189: 216: 218, with 7 & 8: 337, 2, </.]
80. Means and agency are often expressed in English
by the use of the same preposition. In translating into
Latin, the distinction between means and agency must be
clearly drawn.
81. Means or instrument is expressed by the Ablative
without a preposition. It is also used with verbs and
INTRODUCTION
adjectives of fullness and plenty : giadio se defendebat, he
was defending himself by (means of} his sword. [H. 476:
477, II (420: 421, II). M. 247, I : 250. A. 248, <r, I & 2. G. 401 & R. :
405, N. 3. B. 218 & 8.J
82. The agent of a passive verb is expressed by the
Ablative with a or ab. This agent is generally personal
and voluntary : ab Dionysio expulsus est, he was expelled by
Dionysius. [H. 467: 468 (415, I). M. 247, 2. A. 246 & R. G. 401.
B. 216 & i.]
83. If the person is regarded as a means rather than
the real agent, per with the Accusative is used ; Caesar
also uses the Ablative without a preposition : Caesar per
legates certior factus est, Caesar was informed by (means of}
ambassadors. [11.468,3 (415, 1, I,N. i). M. 247,3. A.246, b. 6.401.]
84. With the passive periphrastic conjugation, the agent
is expressed by the Dative (12). If the verb governs also
an object Dative, the agent is expressed by the Ablative
with the preposition when confusion would otherwise arise :
nobis Catilma iam diu pertimescendus est, we have now for
a long time been obliged to fear Catiline ; ab imperatore ei
parcendum est, the general ought to spare him. [H. 43 1 * with
i & 3, N. (388 & N.).. M. 207 & N.I. A. 232 & N. G. 355 & R. 6.189,1
with a & 2.]
+
LESSON XVI
Manner and Accompaniment. [H. 304-310: 473 (i, 3 & N.),
474, 2, & N. I (303-305: 419, I & III, with footnote 3: 419, III, i & N.).
M. 148-151 : 244: 245. A. 148 : 248 & R. : 248, a & N. : 248, b: 253, N. G.
91: 92: 392: 399: 439. B. 157: 220-222 & I.]
85. The manner in which an action is done may be
expressed by the Ablative with cum. If a limiting adjec-
tive or Genitive is used, cum may be omitted : cum cura
castra muniebantur, the camp was being carefully (with
28 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
care) fortified ; par! modo Epaminondas superabat omnes in
ceteris artibus, in like manner Epaminondas surpassed all
in the other arts. [H. 473, 3 & N. (419, ill, with footnote 3 & N. 2).
M. 245. A. 248 & R. : 253, N. G. 399. B. 220 & I : 221.]
86. Accompaniment also is expressed by the Ablative
with cum. Cum may be omitted under the same condi-
tions as in 85, especially in military expressions. Verbs
of contention and similar words take the Ablative of ac-
companiment : secum aurum habebat, he had the gold with
him ; omnibus suis secutus est, he followed zvith all his
men ; Catilma cum civibus certavit, Catiline fonght with
his fellow-citizens. [H. 473, i: 474, 2, & N. i (419, I & III, i).
M. 244. A. 248, with a & N. : 248, b. G. 392 & R. B. 222 & I.]
87. Manner is frequently expressed by an adverb, espe-
cially when not qualified : celeriter progressus est, he ad-
vanced quickly (or with swiftness}. [H. 304: 306: 307: 309:
310(303: 305* V). M. 148-151. A. 148. G. 91: 92: 439. 6.157.]
LESSON XVII
Comparison. [H. 159: 311: 471: 479: 497-499: 516, 3: 591, 6
(170: 306: 417: 423: 440: 444: 459, 2: 503, II, 3). M. 67-71: 239:
248: 383, 3: 423: 426-429. A. 89-93: 192, with a & b: 193: 247 & a-d\
250: 320, c: 332, : 336, c, N. 2. G. 86-89: 93: 291, R. 2: 296-303: 398:
43 : 439 : 631, 3 &R.: 638-644. 6.71-77: 217:223: 240: 241: 283, 2, a:
284,4: 341, I, <:).]
88. As in English, the comparative degree is used in
comparing two objects, the superlative in comparing more
than two. [H. 498(444). M. 67:426. A. 192: 193. 6.300.]
89. When both objects compared would naturally be in
the Nominative or the Accusative, the adverb quam, than,
may be omitted and the second object put in the Ablative
INTRODUCTION 29
case. When quam is used, the objects compared must be
in the same case : Caesar erat Pompeio felicior, Caesar was
more successful than Pompey ; non minus ilia oratioiie quam
Leuctrica pugna, no less by that speech than by tJie battle at
Leuctra. [H. 471, with i & 3 (417 &. i, with N. i). M. 239, i & 2.
A. 247 & a. G. 296 & R. I : 398. B. 217, I & 2.]
90. With amplius, plus, minus, and longius, even when
quam is omitted, an expression of measure may be used
without change in case : amplius decem dies obsessionem
sustinebant, for wore than ten days they endured the siege.
[H. 471,4 (417, i, N. 2). M. 239, 3. A. 247,^. G. 296, R. 4. 6.217,3.]
91. When adjectives or adverbs are compared, both
generally have the form of the comparative degree ; but
magis, more, with positive forms is also used : audacius
quam prudeiitius, more boldly than wisely ; miser magis
quam improbus, (a matt) unfortunate rather than wicked.
[H. 159 & i : 499 i (444, 2). M. 429. A. 192, with a & b. G. 299.
B. 74 : 240, 4.]
92. To show by how much one object compared differs
from the other, the Ablative of degree (measure) of differ-
ence is used : multo magis hoc timeo, much the more do I
fear this. [H. 471, 10: 479 (417, 2 : 423). M. 248. A. 250. G. 403.
B. 223.]
93. If the second object compared is expressed by a
clause, quam, quam ut, or quam qul with the Subjunctive is
used : omnia faciebat quam (ut) coniurationi se adiungeret, he
did everything rather than join the conspiracy. [H. 591, 6 (503,
II, 3). M. 383, 3. A. 320, c\ 332, b-. 336, c, N. 2. G. 631, 3& R. B. 283,
2, a: 284,4.]
94. Note also the following peculiar uses :
I. Alius followed by ac (atque), than. [H. 471, 6: 516, 3
(459, 2). A. 247, d. G. 643. B. 341, i, *.]
30 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
2. Diets, etc., used instead of a clause. [H. 471, 8 (417, N.
5). M. 239, i. A. 247, b. 0.398, N.I. B. 217, 4.]
3. Summus, medius, etc. used to express what part of an
object is meant. [H. 497, 4 (440, 2, N. i & 2). M. 423. A. 193.
G. 291, R. 2. B. 241, i.]
4. Quam with superlatives denoting highest possible de-
gree. [H. 159, 2 (170, 2, (2)). A. 93,^. G. 303 &R. i. B. 240, 3.]
LESSON XVIII
Relations of Place. [H. 307: 308: 417 & 3-419: 461 : 462: 476:
483-485: 491 (305, I-III: 379: 380: 412: 425-428). M. 151: 196: 199:
233: 240: 241, I & 3: 242: 247, N. I. A. 149, a: 254: 257: 258, entire.
G. no, II, i: 335: 337: 385: 386: 390: 391: 401, R. 6: 411: 611, R. i.
B. 17, I : 21, 2, c) : 25, 5 : 181 : 182, 1-3 : 218, 3 : 219, I & a : 228 & I, a-c :
229, with I & 2 : 232.]
95. Place Whither is expressed by the Accusative with
a preposition, usually ad or in ; Place Whence, by the
Ablative with a preposition, usually ab, de, or ex; Place
Where, by the Ablative with the preposition in.
ad urbem pervenit, he arrived at (to) the city ; ex urbe exiit,
he departed from the city ; in urbe adhuc remanent, they
still remain in the city. [H. 418: 461 : 483: 491, I (380,!: 412,
I: 425, I: 427). M. 199 & N. 4: 233, i: 240. A. 254: 258 & c. G.
337 : 385: 390. B. 182, 2&3: 228: 229 & 2.]
96. With names of Towns and with domus and rus the
preposition is omitted, except when the idea of neighbor-
hood is to be expressed : Roma exiit, he departed from Rome ;
ad Rom am profectus est, he set out for (the neighborhood of)
Rome. [H. 418 & 4: 419,1: 462 & 2-4: 491,11, i &2 (380, II, with i &2 :
412, II, with 3 & N. : 425, II: 426: 428, 1 & II). M. 199 & I : 199, 2, with N.
I & 2 : 241, I & 3. A. 258, a, with N. I & 2 : 258, b, with N. 2 & 3. G. 337 &
R. 4 : 386 & R. 2 : 391 & R. I. B. 182, I & 3 : 228, I, a-c : 229, I & 2.]
INTRODUCTION 3 1
97. To express Place Where with names of towns of the
first or second declension, and with domus and rus, a special
form, the Locative, is used.
The Locative ends, in the first declension singular, in ae ;
in the second declension singular in i ; in the plural of both
these declensions in is.
Zamae Hannibal victus est, Hannibal was conquered at
Zama ; Athenis vivebat Theseus, Theseus lived at Athens.
[H. 483 : 484, I & 2, with N. I & 2 : 491, II & 3 (425, II, with 3, i) & 2):
428,111). M.29,2:242. A. 258, r, 2 & d. 0.411. B. 21,2, <): 25,5 :
228, i, a): 232, with I & 2.]
98. Many verbal ideas take an Ablative of Place Where,
without a preposition. Examples of such are mtor, sto,
fido, contentus, and fretus : insidiis nisus est, he relied upon
an ambuscade. [H. 476, i & 3 (425, II, i, i), N.). M. 247, N. i. A.
254, b, I & 2. G. 401, R. 6. B. 218, 3 : 219, I & a.~\
99. These relations are often expressed by the adverbs
of place. [H. 307, 2-5 (305, 1-III). M. 151. A. 149, a. G. iio,II,
1 : 6ll, R. I.]
LESSON XIX
Relations of Time By Phrase. [H. 308, i : 310: 417: 440,
3: 486-489, I : 638, I, (305, IV & N. 2, 2): 379 : 429-431, I : 549,0- M -
151: 197: 243: 249: 255, I. A. 149, b: 255, d, i: 256: 259, a-d: 292.
G. no, II, 2: 336: 393: 394: 403 & N. 4: 409: 410: 665: 670. B. 181 :
203,2: 223: 227,2,0): 230: 231: 337,2,0: 357,1.]
100. The Time When the action occurred is expressed by
the Ablative, usually with some modifier. The preposition
in is regularly used with numerals, in marking the period
of life, and when the Time Within Which is emphasized :
32 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
hoc tempore consul creatus est, at this time he was elected
consul ; in nocte magnae copiae pervenerant, in the night
great forces had arrived. [H. 486 : 487, with i & 2 (429, with i & 2).
M. 243. A. 256 & a. G. 393 & R. 5 : 394. B. 230, with 1-3 : 231.]
101. Time During Which is expressed by the Accusa-
tive, sometimes intensified by the use of per, through : iilud
tempus Caesar in Gallia erat, during that time Caesar was in
Gaitl. [H. 417 & i (379 & i). M. 197: 243 & N. A. 256, with a & b.
G. 336. B. 181, i & 2.]
Compare the descriptive Genitive of measure (71), which
is often used to express measure or duration of time.
[H. 440, 3 (396, V). M. 223. A. 215, b. G. 365, R. 2. B. 203, 2.]
102. Time Before or After an action has either the Abla-
tive of degree of difference or the Accusative of extent :
multis ante diebus or multos dies ante, many days before.
[H. 479, 3: 488, I & 2 (423, N. 2: 430 & footnote 3). M. 249. A. 259, d.
G. 403, N. 4. B. 223: 357, i.]
103. i. The preceding relations of time are often ex-
pressed by adverbs. [H. 308 & i (305, IV & N. 2, 2)). M. 151. A.
149, b. G. 1 10, II, 2. B. 157.]
2. The Ablative absolute (21-24) is often used instead
of a temporal clause. [H. 489 & i (431, i). M. 255, i. A. 255, d,
i. 6.409: 410: 665. B. 227, 2, #).]
3. For special expressions of time, see H. 486, i : 487, i & 2:
488 (429, 2). M. 243. A. 259, a-c. G. 394. B. 230, 2 & 3: 231, i.]
LESSON XX
Relations of Time Dates. [H. 754-756 (641-644)- M. 498-
506. A. 259, e: 376. G. Appendix, Roman Calendar. B. 371, 1-7: 372.]
104. The Roman year originally began in March. The
names of the months were lanuarius, Februarius, Martius,
INTRODUCTION 33
Aprilis, Maius, lunius, Quintilis (lulius), Sextilis (Augustus),
September, October, November, December. These words
are adjectives, and agree with Kalendae, Nonae, or Idus.
105. i. In reckoning dates, the Romans counted back-
wards from three points the Nonae and the Idus of the
same month, and the Kalendae of the month to come.
2. The Nonae were usually the fifth day of the month
and the Idus the thirteenth except that in March, May,
July, and October, they were the seventh and the fif-
teenth respectively. The Kalendae were always the first :
Idibus Martiis, on the *5th of March ; Nonls Aprilibus, on
the 5th of April ; Kalendis Septembribus, the ist of Sep-
tember.
106. The Roman system of counting both ends of a
series gives the following important rules for finding the
number of days before the Nones or Ides of the same
month, or Kalends of the following month.
1. If the English date is between the Kalends and
Nones or between the Nones and Ides, add one to the day
on which the Nones or the Ides fall in that month, and
then subtract the English date. Note examples : English
date, February second (between first and fifth) ; hence add
i to 5=6; subtract English date, 6 2 4 ; therefore
ante diem quartum Nonas Februarias or a. d. IV. Noil. Feb.
English date, May ninth ; 1 + 15 = 16; 16 9 = 7; hence
ante diem septimum Idus Maias.
2. If the English date is after the Ides, add two to the
number of days in the month and then subtract the English
date : December twenty-fifth; 2 + 31 = 33; 33 25 = 8;
hence ante diem octavum Kalendas lanuarias.
LAT. PROSE COMP. 3
34 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
3. Note that the day before one of these points of
reckoning was always prldie (never secundus) : prldie Nonas
lulias, the sixth of July.
4. For peculiarities of construction in dates, see H. 754,
III, 3 (642, III, 4). M. 501. A. 259, e. G. Appendix, Par. 4. B. 371, 6.
LESSON XXI
Relations of Time By Clause. [H. 600-605 : 683, 2 & N.
(518-521). M. 343-354- A. 322-325: 327: 328. G. 559-585. B. 287-
289: 291-293.]
107. In temporal clauses the Indicative is generally used
to define the time of the main clause ; the Subjunctive to
describe the time by giving some circumstance. But the
construction used with the different temporal conjunctions
in the text should be carefully noted.
108. Postquam, cum primum, ubi, ut, and simul atque are
regularly followed by the Perfect Indicative, for these tem-
poral conjunctions make the time definite : Catilma post-
quam se compressum cognovit, ex urbe exiit, after Catiline
knew himself to be foiled, he left the city. [H. 602 (518). M.
343. A. 324. G. 561. B. 287, i.]
109. With cum temporal referring to past time, the
Imperfect or Pluperfect Subjunctive is generally used.
To denote a definite past time the Perfect Indicative may
be used. In referring to present or future time, cum is
followed by the Indicative : cum ill! se defenderent, hostes
plures convenerunt, while they were defending themselves,
the enemy assembled in greater numbers ; cum venerit, vobis-
cum ibo, when he comes (shall have come) I will go with
INTRODUCTION 35
you ; cum summa tradita esset Perdiccae tuenda, Eumeni
Cappadocia data est, when the sovereignty had been in-
trusted to the charge of Perdiccas, Cappadocia was given
to Eumenes. [H. 600, I & II, with i (521). M. 344-348. A. 325,
entire. G. 579: 580: 585. B. 288, I, A & B: 289.]
110. Antequam and priusquam have the same construc-
tions as cum temporal : prius vero quam equitatus noster per-
vemret, pedites hostes vicerant, but before our cavalry arrived,
the infantry had defeated the enemy. [H. 605 (520). M. 349-
351. A. 327 &. 0.574:577. 6.291:292.]
111. Dum, donee, and quoad, meaning as long as, take
the Indicative ; meaning until, they take the Subjunctive
to denote purpose and futurity, but the Indicative to
denote an actual fact : dum haec geruntur, reliqui discesse-
runt, while t/iese things were going on, the rest departed ;
exspectabant dum equites reverterentur, tJiey were waiting
until their cavalry should return. [H. 603: 604, i (519). M.
349: 35 2 -354. A. 328 &*. 0.569: 571: 572. B. 293, 1-III, with i & 2.]
LESSON XXII
Use and Sequence of Tenses. [H. 196-198: 526-550 (197:
198: 466-473: 491-496). M. 303-312: 314-317. A. 276-281: 283-288:
290. G. 222-252: 509-519. 6.257-269.]
112. In Latin the use of tenses is more exact than in
English. Thus the English Present or Future, strictly
considered, should often be a Future or Future Perfect.
Carefully determine the exact time relation : si huic reme-
dium attuleris, te remunerabor, if you bring (shall have
36 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
brought, i.e. not until you have completed the action) some
cure for this, I will repay you. [H. 540, 2 (470, with i & 2 : 473 &
2). M. 311. A. 278 & b: 281 & R. G. 242 & R. I : 244, with R. I & 2.
B. 257, I & 2 : 261, 2 : 264, a.~]
113. When the action of the dependent clause is either
in the same or in some future time relative to that of the
principal verb, the tense of the dependent clause is one
of continued action, i.e. Present, Imperfect, or Future.
When the dependent action precedes that of the principal,
the dependent verb has a tense of completed action, i.e.
Perfect, Pluperfect, or Future Perfect : ille unus est qui hoc
facere possit, he is the only one who can do this ; ille unus
est qui hoc fecerit, he is the only one who did do this.
114. i. The tenses are divided into two classes :
Primary: Present, Future, and Future Perfect Indica-
tive, and Present and Perfect Subjunctive.
Secondary: Imperfect, Perfect, and Pluperfect Indica-
tive, and Imperfect and Pluperfect Subjunctive. [H. 198
(198). M. 304. A. 285. 0.225. 6.258:267,1.]
2. On this division depends the rule for the sequence of
tenses, which, however, affects only dependent subjunctive
clauses.
RULE. Any primary tense in the principal clause is
followed by one of the primary tenses in the Subjunctive
clause ; any secondary tense in the principal clause, by
one of the secondary tenses of the Subjunctive. [H. 542-
544: 550(491-496). M. 314-317. A. 286: 287. 0.509-519. B. 266,B:
267, 2.]
3. The points to observe are (i) whether the tense of
the principal verb is primary or secondary ; (2) whether
INTRODUCTION 37
the action of the dependent verb is still continuing or is
completed relative to the time of the principal verb.
Then use the tense that answers both demands. [H. 545
(492). M. 314. A. 286 & R. 0.510: 511. B. 257, i : 267,3.]
INDICATIVE
SUBJUNCTIVE
RELATIVE TIME
OF ACTION
Primary
f Present 1
| Future
1 Future Perf. J
Present
Perfect
Incomplete
Complete
Secondary
f Imperfect j
\ Perfect
i Pluperfect j
Imperfect
Pluperfect
^
Incomplete
Complete
LESSON XXIII
Cause. [H. 316, 7: 475: 4 8i: 588: 589, i & ii: 592: 598: 599:
638,1: 683, 2, N. (416: 421,111: 516: 517: 540, IV). M. 218, I : 238,2:
254: 255, 2: 355-358: 382, 2: 465, 7 & 8: 470, i. A. 156, d-f: 245: 255,
d, 2: 292: 320,^: 321: 326. 0.373: 397:408: 538-542: 579, II, : 586:
626: 633. 6.198,1: 219: 226,2: 227, 2, </): 283, 3&#: 285: 286: 299,
2: 337. 2,/]
115. Cause expressed by a noun takes usually the Ab-
lative, sometimes with a preposition. With dlgnus, an
Ablative of cause without a preposition is regularly used :
qua (de) re senatus convocatus est, because of this thing the
senate was called together ; honoribus dignus est, he is
worthy of his honors. [H. 475 : 481 (416 & i : 421, III). M. 238, 2 :
254. A. 245 & a. G. 397, N. 2: 408 & N. 3. B. 219 : 226, 2.]
116. Cause is often expressed by the Accusative with
propter or ob ; also by causa and gratia, for the sake of, with
a qualifying Genitive : propter aurum occlsus est, he was
killed for his gold ; exempli gratia, for the sake of illustration
Or example. [H. 475, 2 (416, I, 2) & footnote 2). M. 218, 1 : 254, N. i.
A. 245, b&c. G. 373 & R. : 408, N. 3& 5. 6.198,1.]
38 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
117. In causal clauses, when introduced by cum or qiri,
the Subjunctive is regularly used : quae cum ita sint, pro-
grediamur, since these things are so, let us advance. [H. 589,
II: 592: 598(517). M. 355: 382,2. A. 320, e: 326. G. 586 & R. I: 633
B. 283, 3 & a : 285 : 286, 2.]
118. In causal clauses introduced by quod, quia, or
quoniam, the Indicative is used. But if the reason is quoted
or stated doubtfully, the Subjunctive must be used : quod
venistis, vobiscum ibo, because you have come, I will go with
you ; querebatur quia sua vectigalia maiora esseiit, he was
complaining because (as he claimed) his taxes were too heavy.
[H. 5 88,I&II(5i6,I&lI). M. 357: 358. A. 321. 6.539-541. 6.286,1.]
NOTE. For differences in the force of these conjunc-
tions, see H. 316, 7 (311, 7: 540, IV, N.). M. 465, 7 & 8: 470, i. A. 156,
d-f. G. 538, notes : 542.
LESSON XXIV
Purpose By Phrase. [H. 425, 3: 433, with 1-3: 435, i : 608:
622: 626: 627, 2: 628: 632-634 (384, II, I, 3) : 390 & N. i, 2) : 391, II,
!> ( 2 ) : 533> II & N. I : 542, I, N. 2 & III, N. 2 : 544, N. 2 : 546). M. 206 :
214 &N. 4: 289,3: 291: 295,2: 296: 297: 301: 332. A. 233: 234 &:
294, </: 298, R. &<:: 300: 302: 318. 6.356: 359 & R. 3 : 416,1: 428, R. 2 :
430: 432 &R. : 435: 546, N. 3, end. B. 191 entire: 192, 2: 326, N. : 337,
7, 2) : 338, i, c) & 2 & 3 : 339 : 340, i, with a & b.~\
119. To express purpose by a noun, the Accusative with
ad is used, especially with ideas of fitness and usefulness :
ad hanc rem Ciceroni magno usui erat, for this thing (pttr-
pose) he was of great service to Cicero. [H. 435, i (391, II, i,
(2)). M. 214 & N. 4. A. 234 & b. G. 359 & R. 3. B. 192, 2, N.]
120. The Dative of purpose is also used, frequently with
a Dative of the person interested (Dative of reference).
This is most common with dare, ducere, esse, habere, and
INTRODUCTION 39
vertere: praesidio decimam legionem habebat, he had the
tenth legion as (for) a guard. [H. 433 & 2 (390, N. i, 2)). M. 206.
A. 233. G. 356, R. 2 & 3. B. 191, with i & 2.]
121. To express purpose in brief phrase, the Gerundive,
or the Gerund, may be used in the Accusative with ad, or
in the Genitive preceding causa or gratia.
1. The Gerundive is a passive participle, and agrees
with the noun governed by ad or causa.
2. The Gerund, being a verbal noun, is governed by
the ad or causa :
tuorum consiliorum reprimendorum )
> causa profugerunt,
tua consilia reprimand! >
they fled for the purpose of thwarting your plans.
In the first example, consiliorum is the Genitive with causa,
and reprimendorum agrees with consiliorum. In the second,
consilia is the Accusative, object of reprimendi, which is the
Genitive with causa. Avoid the Accusative with Gerund
after ad. [H. 626 & 5 : 628 (542, I, N. 2 & III, N. 2.) M. 289, 3 : 291 :
296: 297. A. 298, R. & c: 300. G. 428, R. 2 : 432 & R. B. 338, I, c) & 3 :
339, i, 2&4.]
122. The Gerundive is used in agreement with the
object of many verbs to denote the purpose : naves refici-
endas curavit, he had the ships repaired. [H. 622 (544, 2, N. 2).
M. 295, 2. A. 294, d. G. 430. B. 337, 7, 2).]
123. The Supine in -um, with an object if necessary, is
used to express purpose only with verbs of motion: ludos
visum ierunt, they went to see the games. [H. 632, i : 633 (546
& N. 4). M. 301. A. 302. G. 435, with N. i & 2. B. 340, i, with a & b.~]
Caution. Never express purpose in Latin by the Infini-
tive, although this construction is very commonly used in
English. [H. 608 (533, II & N. i). M. 332. A. 318. G. 546, N. 3, end.
B. 326, N.]
40 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
LESSON XXV
Purpose By Clause. [H. 564-568 .- 589 : 590 (497 : 49 8). M.
328: 330: 331: 333-336: 382 & 3- A- i 80, e: 317: 331. G. 544-55:
630. B. 282 : 294-296.]
124. To express purpose by a clause, the Subjunctive is
used with ut if affirmative, with ne if negative : ut Catilma
in exsilium exiret, Cicero omnia fecit, Cicero made every
effort that Catiline sJwuld go into exile. [H. 568 (497, II). M.
328. A. 317 & i. G. 545, i&3. B. 282, i.]
125. The relative qui, with the Subjunctive, may be used
when the antecedent of qui is not that person whose pur-
pose is expressed. Quo (originally an Ablative of degree)
is used in a purpose clause which contains a comparative :
legates mittit qui cum Caesare conloquantur, he sends am-
bassadors to confer with Caesar ; quo facilius causam bellandi
reperirent, Carthaginienses in Hispaniam Hamilcarem miserunt,
the Carthaginians sent Hamilcar to Spain that they might
more easily find a pretext for making war. [H. 568, 7: 589:
590 (497, I & II, 2). M. 331 : 382 & 3. A. 317, 2 & b. G. 545, 2 : 630. B.
282, I, a 2 with a.']
126. A verb whose action looks toward the future takes
as its object a purpose clause used substantively. See the
grammar for lists of such verbs.
1. lubeo, order, and veto, forbid, take the Infinitive.
2. Verbs of wishing take either the Infinitive or the
Subjunctive.
3. Verbs of hindering in the affirmative have the Sub-
junctive with quominus. A few verbs, as prohibeo, have
the Infinitive.
Imperavit ne quis ex castris discederet, he ordered that no
one should leave the camp ; iussit eos vlcum incendere, he
INTRODUCTION 41
ordered them to burn the village ; te venire vult, or ut venias
vult, he wishes you to come ; eum id facere prohibet, he pre-
vents him from doing this. [H. 564: 565, with 2-5 : 566 (498, 1 &
II). M. 333-335- A - 33* & <*-e. G. 544, II: 546, i & 2 : 549. B. 294:
295: 296, i.]
127. Verbs and expressions of fearing are followed by
the Subjunctive with ne if affirmative, with ut (ne non) if
negative : timebat ut vemretis, lie was afraid that you would
not come ; vereor ne quid mail accidat, I fear that some mis-
fortune may happen. [H. 567, with 1-4 (498, III, with N. i & 2).
M. 336. A. 33i,/& N. G. 550, i & 2, with N. i. B. 296, 2 & a.~]
128. Purpose is regularly expressed by a tense of incom-
plete action, i.e. the Present or the Imperfect.
For dum in purpose clauses, see 111.
LESSON XXVI
ReSUlt. [H. 550: 569-571 : 591 : 594, II : 595 (495, VI : 500-505)
M. 316, 2: 337: 338: 341: 382 & 4: 383. A. 163, c\ 287, c: 319: 320:
332. G. 513: 5434: SS^SS 6 ' 6 3 J : 632. B. 268, 6: 269, 3: 283: 284:
295, 3, a: 297 : 298.]
129. The result of an action is expressed by the Sub-
junctive with ut if affirmative, with ut non if negative :
tarn callidus erat Hannibal ut Romanes saepe eluderet, Han-
nibal was so cunning that he often outwitted the Romans.
[H. 570 (500, II). M. 337: 338. A. 319 & R. under d. G. 552, i & 2.
B. 284, i.]
130. Relative result clauses are in general those which
give some characteristic of an otherwise indefinite ante-
cedent (cf . 7679) : quae anus tarn stulta invemri potest
quae naec extimescat ? what old vvoman can be found so
42 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
foolish as to believe these things ? [H. 591, 1-7 (503, 1 & II).
M. 382, with 4 & 5 : 383. A. 319, 2 & N. : 320. G. 552, R. 2: 631 & 1-3.
B. 282, 3 : 283, 1-5 : 284, 2 & a.~]
131. Quln with a Subjunctive, of result is used after
negative expressions of hindrance, doubt, etc. : non est
dubium quin Cicero maximus orator fuerit, there is no doubt
that Cicero ^vas a very great orator. [H. 594, II: 595 & i (501,
II, 2: 504: 505, II). M. 341, 3. A. 319, c & d. G. 554-556. B. 284, 3 :
295 3, : 298.]
132. Many verbs (see the grammar for lists) take a clause
of result as the subject, if the main verb is impersonal;
as the object, if the clause is both the object and the result
of the action of the main verb : accidit ut locus imquus
esset, it happened that the position zvas unfavorable ; effecit
ut ea elephantus ornatus Ire posset, he made it possible for
an elephant, fully equipped, to go this way. [H. 571 (501).
M. 341, i & 2. A. 332. G. 553. B. 297.]
133. In result clauses, if the action is completed, the Per-
fect Subjunctive is generally used even after the secondary
tenses. [H. 550 (495, VI). M. 316, 2. A. 287, c. G. 513. B. 268, 6.]
LESSON XXVII
Conditions Simple Statement. [H. 316, 3 : 572 : 573, a. I :
574: 575 (311, 3: 507, I .& N. 7: 508). M. 360: 361: 363: 371: 372:
374: 470,4. A. 155,2,1: 305, a & b, I : 306: 307, i, with a, c & d\ 310:
311. 6.589-591: 593: 594,1: 595. B. 301: 302: 306.]
134. A conditional sentence has two clauses, the condi-
tional clause or protasis, and the conclusion or apodosis.
135. Two points must be observed from the English
sentence before any attempt to write it in Latin is made :
INTRODUCTION
43
(i) the Time to which the condition refers present, past,
or future ; (2) the Attitude of the speaker or writer to the
ac t does he simply state the condition without any impli-
cation of its truth, or does he imply that the supposition
is only possible (not probable) or is even untrue ? If he is
here, it is well: time, present; thought expressed, simple
(i.e. simply stated). If he were here, it would be well:
time, present ; thought, contrary to fact.
136. Whatever the time referred to if the writer simply
states the condition without implying its truth or falsity,
the conditional clause has the Indicative, the conclusion
also the Indicative, unless other demands of the sentence
require a different form of the verb, e.g. the Imperative.
TIME
THOUGHT
EXPRESSED
CONDITION
CONCLUSION
EXAMPLE
Present
Simple
Si with Pres.
Pres. Ind.
Si pater adest,
Ind.
bene est, if
father is here,
it is well
Past
Simple
Si with Past
Past tense,
Si pater aderat,
tense, Ind.
Ind.
bene erat, if
father was here,
it was well
Future
Simple
Si with Fut.
Some Fut.
Si pater aderit,
(more vivid,
or
form
bene erit, if
shall or will)
Fut. Perf.
father is (shall
Ind.
be) here, it will
be well
137. The tense of the verb in the conditional clause
must be carefully considered, for an English Present
often conceals a real Future or even a Future Perfect.
In Latin the exact time-relation must appear ; for exam-
ples, see 112.
44 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
LESSON XXVIII
Conditions Possible and Contrary to Fact. [H. 573, a.
II & III: 576-584 (507, II & III: 509-51*1: 513, II). M. 364-366: 368:
369: 375. A. 305, b,2&c: 307, 2, with b,c&d: 308: 312. G. 594, II &
III : 596-602. B. 303 : 304 : 307.]
138. The forms of conditional sentences not already
explained (134-137), imply either that the supposition is
not true in the present, or was not true in the past, or is
merely possible (not probable) in the future. The same
mood is used in both clauses, and the same tense also, if
both refer to the same time.
139. A condition possible in future time (less vivid, with
English auxiliaries should or would} has generally the
Present Subjunctive in both clauses. When the action of
the conditional clause is to be completed before the con-
clusion would begin, the Perfect Subjunctive is used in the
conditional clause. [H. 576 & i: 577 (509 & N. i). M. 364: 365.
A. 307, 2, with b & c. G. 596. B. 303.]
140. In a condition where the supposition is not viewed
as true (contrary to fact) the Imperfect Subjunctive refers
to present time and the Pluperfect Subjunctive to past
time. Cf . the English, if he were here ; if he had been here.
See 141, Note. [H. 579 & i (510: 511, i, N. 2 &3). M. 366: 368:
369. A. 308 & c. G. 597. B. 304.]
141. Sometimes the condition and the conclusion may
refer to different times ; in such cases the verb of each
clause is put in the tense required by its time relation :
if he had come (in past time), we should not (in present
time) be here, si venisset, non hie adessemus.
INTRODUCTION
45
TIME
Present
Past
Future
THOUGHT
EXPRESSED
Contrary to
Fact
Contrary to
Fact
Possible
(less vivid,
CONDITION CONCLUSION
Si with
Imperf, Subj.
Imperf.
Subj.
Si with Pluperf.
Pluperf. Subj. Subj.
ST with
Pres. (Perf.)
Present
Subj.
should or would) Subj.
Si
EXAMPLE
pater adesset,
bene esset, if fa-
ther were here, it
would be well
Si pater adfuisset,
bene fuisset, if fa-
ther had been here,
it would have been
well
Si pater adsit, bene
sit, if father should
be here, it would be
well
NOTE. Expressions of ability, duty, necessity, and pro-
priety in the conclusion regularly have the Imperfect or
Perfect Indicative. [H. 583 (511, i, N. 3). M. 368. A. 311, c. G.
597, 3- B. 304, 3 & *]
LESSON XXIX
Concession and Proviso. [ii. 316,4: 559, 3= 585-587 : 593, 2:
598: 599: 638,2(311,4: 513, I: 514: 515: 549, 2). M. 282: 376: 378:
382,1. A. 154,0, 3: 155, 2,-: 156,*': 255,^,3: 266 &*: 292: 313: 314:
320,*: 326. 0.264: 573: 587: 603-609: 634. 6.278: 283,3: 308-310.]
142. Concessive clauses take the Subjunctive if intro-
duced by quamvis or ne, ut, licet, cum, or the relative qui :
ne clarus sit, plurimum potest, although he is not famoiis^
he has great power. [H. 586, II: 593, 2: 598 (515, III). M. 378, 2
& 6; 382, I. A. 313, with a, b, d&h. G. 606-608: 634. B. 278: 283, 3:
308: 309 with i, 3 &4.]
143. They take the Indicative, if introduced by quam-
quam, which is used only for an admitted fact : quamquam
46 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
pensum difficile est, tamen fieri potest, although the task is
certainly hard, yet it can be done. [H. 586, 1 (515, 1). M. 378,
5 & N. A. 313, e &/. 0.605. B. 309 & 2.]
144. If introduced by etsi, etiamsl, or tametsi, they take
the constructions of conditional clauses (see 134-141):
etiamsi Catilina Roma exeat, complures scelerati remaneant,
although Catiline should go from Rome, many ^vicked men
would remain. [H. 585 : 586, 1 (515, II). M. 378, 3 & 4. A. 313, c.
G. 604. B. 309, 2 & a.~\
145. A clause of Proviso (provided that) introduced by
dum, modo, or dummodo takes the Subjunctive, negative
ne : dum valeas, gaudeo, if only you are well, I am glad.
[H. 587 (513, I). M. 376. A. 314. G. 573. B. 310.]
LESSON XXX
Indirect Discourse Declarative Sentences. [H. 548 : 613 :
614: 641-645 (522: 523, I: 524-526 & footnote 2). M. 260: 391: 392:
396 : 398. A. 335 : 336, I & 2 : 336, a, I : 336, A, with N. : 336, B. G. 520 :
522: 531 : 647-650: 653-655: 660. B. 244, i, I & II: 268, 2: 270, I :
313: 3H: 317:
146. Indirect quotations depend upon verbs or words of
saying, thinking, perceiving, and the like, generally either
as object if the verb is active, or as subject if it is passive.
[H. 613 : 614: 641 (522: 535, I). M. 391. A. 335: 336, i. G. 527: 528:
648. B. 313: 314.]
147. The principal verb in declarative sentences takes
the Infinitive with a subject Accusative. The subject is
not usually omitted in the Latin: fortis es, you are brave ;
dixit te fortem esse, he said that you were brave. [H. 642
(523, I). M. 392. A. 336, 2 & a, i. G. 650. B. 314, i & 2.]
INTRODUCTION 47
148. The tense of the Infinitive corresponds to that of
the direct statement. The Present Infinitive represents the
Present ; the Future represents the Future and the Future
Perfect ; the Perfect represents the Imperfect, Perfect, and
Pluperfect. Thus the tense of the Infinitive in indirect
discourse is always Present, Future, or Past, relatively to
the tense of the verb of saying.
DIRECT INDIRECT, dixit
venio, I am coming se venire, he said he was coming
veniam, I will come se veiiturum esse, he said he would come
veni, / came se venisse, he said he had come
[H. 644 (525). M. 260. A. 336, A. G. 653. B. 270, i & a-c\ 317.]
149. All subordinate verbs remain or become Subjunc-
tive. The tense of the Subjunctive depends on that of the
verb of saying, in accordance with the rules for sequence
of tenses (114) ; but after a Perfect Infinitive, even when
the principal verb is primary, the secondary sequence is
regularly found : Caesar dixit se eis quos fines vellent daturum
esse, Caesar said that he would give them the boundaries they
Wished. [H. 548 : 643 : 644 & 2 (495, IV : 524 : 525). M. 316, 6 : 392 : 396 :
398. A. 336, 2 & B, with N. 2. 0.518: 650: 654: 655. B. 268,2: 314: 318.]
150. In transferring direct discourse into indirect, be
very careful in regard to the person of pronouns. If the
subject of the Infinitive refers to the same person as that
of the verb of saying, the reflexive se is used ; other pro-
nouns offer no special difficulty.
Direct : ego vobis agrum dedl, / have given you the land.
Indirect : dicit se vobis (or iis) agrum dedisse, he says he
has given you (them) the land.
Directions for Accuracy. Take the sentence apart by
itself and study its meaning carefully in the English.
4 8
LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
Imagine yourself the speaker and thoroughly understand
both the direct and the indirect forms in English. Then
write in Latin what is or was really said, i.e. the direct
quotation. Finally, transfer, according to above princi-
ples, into the indirect : He said that he would do this.
What did he really say ? / (or possibly he) will do this
referring to time future relative to the time of saying.
Direct: ego hoc faciam (or is faciet) ; Indirect, depending
on dixit : se (or eum) hoc facturum esse.
LESSON XXXI
Indirect Discourse Conditional Sentences. [H. 646-648
(527). M. 402-404. A. 337. G. 656-659. B. 319-322.]
151. In transferring a conditional sentence from direct
discourse into indirect, special care should be taken.
The conditional clause, as subordinate, always has the
Subjunctive mood. In a contrary to fact condition the
tense (Imperfect or Pluperfect) is never changed, even
after a primary tense. In all other conditions, however,
the rule for sequence is observed.
DIRECT
Present : si adest, simple
si adesset, cont. to fact
Past : si aderat, simple
si adfuisset, cont. to fact
Future : si aderit, probable
si adsit, possible
si fecerit, probable
(Put. Perf.)
DEPENDING ON
dicit
DEPENDING ON
dixit
si adsit
si adesset
si adesset
si adesset
si adsit
si adesset
si adfuisset
si adfuisset
si adsit
si adesset
si adsit
si adesset
si fecerit
(Perf. Subj.)
si fecisset
INTRODUCTION 49
152. i. The conclusion has the Infinitive, unless other
demands of the sentence require the Subjunctive.
2. An Indicative retains the same tense in the Infinitive.
3. A Present Subjunctive (future possible) becomes the
Future Infinitive.
4. An Imperfect Subjunctive (present contrary to fact)
becomes, if active, the Future active Participle with esse ;
if passive, futurum esse ut with the Imperfect Subjunctive.
5. A Pluperfect Subjunctive (past contrary to fact) be-
comes, if active, the Future active Participle with fuisse ;
if passive, futurum fuisse ut with the Imperfect Subjunctive.
n--. DEPENDING ON EITHER
dicit OR dixit
Present : bene est, simple bene esse
bene esset, cont. to fact bene futurum esse
Past : bene erat, simple bene fuisse
bene fuisset, cont. to fact bene futurum fuisse
Future : bene erit, probable bene futurum esse
bene sit, possible bene futurum esse
Present: moiieretur, cont. to fact futurum esse ut moneretur
Past : monitus esset, cont. to fact futurum fuisse ut moneretur
LESSON XXXII
Indirect Discourse Questions and Commands. [11.642
&2-<;: 644: 649,11-651 (523, II & III: 525: 529). M. 388-390: 393-396.
A. 334: 336, B, N. i : 338: 339. G. 460: 461 : 467: 651-655. B. 269, 3:
300: 315: 316: 318: 322, .]
153. A question in direct discourse usually has the
Subjunctive mood. If, however, the question is merely
one of form, not expecting an answer, the Infinitive with
subject Accusative is used. After a verb of asking, the
LAT. PROSE COMP. 4
5O LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
Subjunctive is regularly used : Ariovistus respondit cur in
suas possessiones vemret, Ariovistus asked in reply why he
(Caesar) cam? into his lands; Caesar respondit num recen-
tium iniuriarum memoriam se deponere posse, Caesar asked in
reply if it was possible for him to forget the recent wrongs.
[H. 642, with 2 & 3: 649, II, with 2 & 3 : 650, with I & 2 : 651(523, II: 529,
I). M. 394: 395. A. 334: 338, with N. i 2 & a. G. 467: 651 & R. i.
B. 300, 1-4, a-. 315, 1-3.]
154. Imperative forms, whether Subjunctive or Impera-
tive in the direct discourse, have the Subjunctive in the
indirect. The negative is always ng : noli id facere, do not
do tJiis ; dixit ne id faceres, he said that you should not do
this ; ne id faciat, let him not do this ; dixeruntneidfaceret,
they said that he should not do this. [H. 642, with 4 & 5 (523, III).
M. 393. A. 339, with R. & N. 2. G. 652. B. 316 & a.~\
155. The verbs in these constructions follow the rule
for sequence of tenses (113 & 114). [H. 644, with i & 2 (525).
M. 396. A. 336. B, N. i : 339, N. i. G. 654: 655. B. 318.]
LESSON XXXIII
Informal Indirect Discourse and Attraction. [H. 588, II:
649, I: 652 (516, II: 528: 529, II & N. i). M. 357: 400: 405. A. 340-
342. G. 662 : 663. B. 286, I : 323 : 324.]
156. If some part of a statement rests on another's
authority, the Subjunctive is used on the principle of
indirect discourse, although a verb of saying need not be
expressed. This is especially common in relative clauses
and causal clauses with quod (cf. 118) : pecuniam quae sibi
donata esset pendebat, he zvas spending money ivJiich, he
said, had been given him. [IT. 588, II: 649, I (516, II: 528, i).
M. 357 : 400. A. 340: 341 & a-d, with R. G. 662 : 663, 2. B. 286, I : 323.]
INTRODUCTION 5 1
157. Sometimes a clause depending on a Subjunctive
clause and expressing an essential part of that clause, has
its verb also in the Subjunctive. Sometimes after an
Infinitive the Subjunctive is thus used. This use is best
explained by the term attraction : scit quare mihi quae pos-
sint donent, he knows why they give me whatever they can.
[H. 652 & i (529, II'& N. i). M. 405. A. 342, with a & N. G. 663, I. B.
324, I & 2.]
+
LESSON XXXIV
Commands and Exhortations. [H. 559-561 (483 : 484* n & iv :
487: 489). M. 319-322. A. 266: 269: G. 263: 266-268: 270-272: 275.
B. 274-276: 281.]
158. The Imperative is used in positive commands and
entreaties of the second person. The tense is usually
Present, as the Future is rare except in decrees and formal
commands : domi manete, remain at home. [H. 560 & 2-4
(487, with i & 2). M. 319: 320: 322. A. 269 &^/. G. 266-268. B. 281 &i.]
159. The Hortatory Subjunctive (negative ne) is used
for the first and third persons, which are missing in the
Imperative. The tense is usually Present : hoc faciamus,
let us do this ; ne hoc faciamus, let us not do this. [H. 559,
with i & 2 (483: 484, II IV). M. 321: 322. A. 266 & R. G. 263.
B. 274 : 275, with i & 2.]
160. A negative command or prohibition in the second
person may be expressed (i) by noli with the Present
Infinitive ; (2) by ne with the Perfect Subjunctive (rare in
classical prose); or (3) by cave ne with the Subjunctive.
Do not use the Imperative with a negative to express pro-
hibition : nolite hoc facere ; ne hoc feceritis ; cavete (ne) hoc
faciatis, do not do tJiis. [H. 561, i, 2, N. & 4 (489). M. 321, 4: 322.
A. 269, with a b. G. 270 : 271, 2 : 272, 2. B. 276, with a & c\ 281, 2.]
52 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
LESSON XXXV
Wishes. [H. 551, II : 558 & 1-4 (483 : 484, 1). M. 325. A. 267.
G. 256, 2: 260: 261. B. 279: 280, 2, a.~]
161. The Subjunctive (negative ne) is used to express a
Wish. The Present (or rarely the Perfect) is used when
the possibility for the wish to be fulfilled has not passed ;
the Imperfect or Pluperfect when it is known that the
wish cannot be fulfilled. The Imperfect refers to present
time, and the Pluperfect to past (cf . conditional sentences).
162. The particle utinam (utinam ne) may be used with
the Present, and is regularly used with the Imperfect and
Pluperfect. Sometimes velim or veliem is used instead of
utinam : veniat (or velim veniat), may he come ; utinam ne
vemret, would that he were not coming ; utinam (or veliem)
veiiisset, O that he had come.
LESSON XXXVI
Potential and Deliberative. [H. 521: 551,1: 55 2 -557' 559,
4&5 (477>H: 485: 486). M. 324: 327. A. 268: 311. G. 256,2: 257-
259. B. 277: 280.]
163. In English the auxiliary verbs may, might, would,
etc., are often used to express an opinion in more mild
or polite form. Sometimes this seems to correspond to
the conclusion of some condition understood. In Latin
this use is expressed by the Potential Subjunctive (nega-
tive non).
INTRODUCTION 53
164. Referring to present or future time, the tense is
Present (rarely Perfect) ; referring to past time usually
in the indefinite second person the tense is Imperfect:
aliquis dicat, some one may say ; eum stultum crederes, you
would have thought him foolish. [H. 552: 554, i & 3: 555: 556
(477, II : 485 : 486, I & III). M. 327. A. 31 1, a, with R. & b. G. 257, 2 :
258. B. 280 & 1-4.]
165. The Deliberative Subjunctive (negative non) is
used in questions asked merely for effect, or to express
doubt or impossibility of fulfillment. The Present refers
to present or to future time ; the Imperfect to past time :
quid dicam ? what am I to say ? quid dicerem ? what could
I say? [H. 552: 557: 559, 4 &N.: 559, 5 & N. (486, II). M. 324. A.
268. G. 259. B. 277 & a.]
Caution. The intention in the following exercises is to
give the spirit of the author in everyday English. Con-
sequently take special care in the choice of Latin words,
and study how to make good Latin sentences. Note, for
example, that in Latin many separate English sentences
may be combined into one. In short, aim to write Latin,
not English with Latin words.
EXERCISES CAESAR
Words connected by hyphens are to be translated by a single word, e.g. obtain-
possess! on-of. Words in round brackets are to be omitted in translation.
Square brackets indicate the Latin rendering. Figures in heavy type refer
to the sections of the Introduction. See Caution, p. 53.
ARRANGEMENT OF THE SENTENCE (1-6)
B. G. II, 1-6
166. When Caesar was wintering in Gaul, the Belgians
began to conspire against the Roman people. They feared
Caesar and his army, because he had already entirely 1
subdued 2 the Helvetians and the Germans. Caesar was
quickly informed of these movements [things] by Labie-
nus, the lieutenant, whom he had left in Gaul. Disturbed
by these reports, he hastened to enroll two new legions,
and at the beginning of summer sent them to Labienus.
When Caesar himself came to the army, he learned how
great forces the Belgians were 3 collecting. He especially
encouraged the Remi, who had placed themselves under
the protection of the Roman people, and ordered them to
keep the forces of the enemy apart. He himself led the
army across the river Axona and there left a garrison.
The Belgians meanwhile 4 began to attack Bibrax, a town
of the Remi.
2 pdco. 8 153. 4 interim.
54
B. G. II, 7-13 55
SIMPLE AGREEMENTS (7-10)
B. G. II, 7-13
167. On the arrival of archers and slingers whom Caesar
had sent to aid [for an aid l to] the townspeople, the Bel-
gians set out toward Caesar and pitched camp less than
two miles off. Caesar had fortified a place suitable for
drawing up a battle-line, but was refraining from battle
on account of the multitude of the enemy. Between the
two armies was a swamp which neither dared cross. After
delaying a few days in their camp, the Belgians attempted
to obtain-possession-of a fortress which guarded [was for
a guard to] the bridge. Their expectation [hope] failed
them, for Caesar's forces attacked them in the river and
repulsed them [having attacked, repulsed them]. At this
time the Bellovaci were informed that the Aedui were lead-
ing an army into their country. On learning this [this
having been learned], they hastened home. Caesar heard
the great noise and confusion, and at daybreak [at first
light] followed with all his forces. He attacked the rear
with his cavalry and killed a great number. The next
day he led the army against the Suessiones, whose chief
men were given as hostages.
PERIPHRASTIC CONJUGATIONS. TENSES (11-15)
B. G. II, 14-21
168. Afterwards he received the Bellovaci and the Am-
biani under his protection [into his faith]. While they
were giving hostages, he inquired what the character [na-
ture] of the Nervii was. These were men of great valor
1 120.
56 CAESAR
and had not accepted any conditions of surrender. Against
them Caesar now hastened. His march was hindered at
the Sabis river by frequent hedges. At this place the
Nervii intended to attack his army, thinking : " We shall
defeat the Romans (while) encumbered with their bag-
gage." Caesar, however, had now for a long time been
placing his baggage -train in the rear of [after] six legions
(which were) unencumbered. On their arrival they were
fortifying the camp, but suddenly all the Nervii rushed
from the forest and made an attack upon them. They
had to leave their work and draw up a line of battle.
They with difficulty l withstood the attack of the enemy ;
for they were off-their-guard 2 and could not seek their
own standards, but each man was fighting where he
chanced to stand [stood by chance].
USES OF THE INFINITIVE (16-20)
B. G. II, 22-29
169. Nevertheless, the Romans were not put to flight,
but bravely tried to repel the attack of the Nervii. That
part of Caesar's forces which defended the camp [what
part was for a defense 3 to the camp] on the left and on
the front had routed the Atrebates and crossed the river
in pursuit [pursuing]. And so the camp was stripped of
defenders, 4 and hither the Nervii hastened. In a short
time they had gained possession of it, and began to sur-
round the seventh and the twelfth legions on the right.
Meanwhile the cavalry of the Treveri fled home, for they
thought that the Nervii had overwhelmed the Romans and
that Caesar and his army were in flight. During this
1 Cf. text, II, 6. 2 impriidens. 3 defensio. 4 Cf. text, II, 12.
B. G. II, 30-35 57
time Caesar was hastening from the tenth legion to the
others; encouraging all, he advanced among the centu-
rions, ordered the crowded battle-line to be opened,
inspired hope in the soldiers, and checked the enemy's
advance a little. Now Labienus, who had conquered a
part of the Nervii, sent troops to Caesar's aid. By this
[which] help men of so-great valor were overcome and
were reduced from a great nation almost to annihilation.
(With) the Nervii conquered, all the Belgians had come
into the power of the Roman people. But the Aduatuci
who were marching to the aid of the Nervii, on learning
of this flight, turned back to a,fortified town.
ABLATIVE ABSOLUTE (21-24) 1
B. G. II, 30-35
170. From their town the Aduatuci made frequent
attacks on Caesar's forces. Caesar, having brought up
the sheds and constructed a tower, began to assault
[attack] the enemy's walls. Alarmed at these strange
[new] engines-of-war and at the quickness of their ap-
proach, they sent ambassadors to Caesar and begged for
peace. They said that they did not wish 2 to surrender
their arms, for they feared their neighbors. But when
commanded by Caesar, they threw great heaps of arms
into the ditch, and having opened their gates enjoyed
[used] peace till 3 evening. At night, when the soldiers
were withdrawn, the gates were closed. Having concealed
a part of their arms, they suddenly sallied forth and at-
tacked the army which was before the town ; but driven
back by Caesar's forces, they were compelled to surrender.
1 Use the Ablative Absolute where it is possible. 2 nolo. 3 ad.
58 CAESAR
The survivors 1 Caesar sold (as slaves). Publius Crassus,
his lieutenant, having brought many of the maritime states
under the sway [power] of the Roman people, (so) in-
formed Caesar. After subduing so many states, since
(only) a small part of the summer was left, Caesar led
his legions into winter quarters, and a thanksgiving was
decreed at Rome. 2
QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS (25-31)
B. G. Ill, 1-3
171. s Did Caesar lead his army with him into Italy?
^No| he sent the twelfth legion, under the leadership of
Galba, 3 to the Alps. -Why 4 did he place this legion there ?
Because the road was dangerous 5 for traders, and the
duties were excessive [great], and because he wished
Galba to subdue the Gauls who held the fortresses. -How
many battles did he fight [make] ? Several. *Galba con-
quered this people, did he 6 not ? Yes, and began to fortify
Octodurus, as winter quarters. ^This village was not^ sit-
uated on a mountain, was 6 it ? No, it was in a valley, and
was divided by a river into two parts, one of which he gave
to the Gauls. Did Caesar wish to open the roads or to
hold this place as a perpetual possession ? He wished to
join it to the province. ~Did they try to renew the war, or
not? They left the village and took the heights. How
quickly was Galba informed of this ? What did he do ?
He called a council-of-war, and all gave [spoke] their
opinions. What plan [what of plan] did he adopt [take] ?
He decided to defend the camp.
1 Cf. text, II, 28. 2 97. 3 Ablative Absolute. 4 cur. 5 perlculosus.
6 Express by the form of the question.
B. G. Ill, 4-6 59
OBJECT CASES i. ACCUSATIVE (32-39)
B. G. Ill, 4-6
172. In a short time, the enemy rushed down from the
higher places and made an attack upon the Romans, hurl-
ing stones and javelins. Galba's forces fought continu-
ously for six hours and, (though) hard-pressed, withstood
the first assaults. But finally 1 weapons failed them, and
because of their small-number not even the wounded could
depart ; but the enemy, (when) exhausted by wounds or by
fighting [battle], kept withdrawing, and fresh forces suc-
ceeded (them). Then Baculus-, who -had the most influence
of the centurions, asked Galba his plan. They decided
[it pleased them] to make a sally and to rout the enemy.
And so, after 2 resting awhile and picking up the spent
missiles, the soldiers suddenly sallied forth and drove the
Gauls in flight. For, thinking the Romans were con-
quered, the Gauls had come to the camp. When this
battle 3 had been fought [made], Galba burned the villages
and led his legion across the mountains to (the country of)
the Allobroges. He had not done all that Caesar wished.
OBJECT CASES 2. GENITIVE (40-45)
B. G. Ill, 7-1 1
173. Caesar had to conquer the peoples of Gaul one by
one. 4 Many of these gave him as hostages the sons of
their chiefs. SSometimes 5 the Gauls regretted this and
wished to get them back. On account of the scarcity of
grain, Caesar had sent his legions into winter quarters
1 denique. 2 postquam with Perfect Indicative. 3 Cf. 21-24.
4 singulT. 5 nonnumquam ; aliquando.
60 CAESAR
among many states. In (the country of) the Andes he
had placed a part of his army under the leadership of
Crassus. This man sent ambassadors to the Veneti for
grain. The Veneti detained them, for they thought that
by means of his ambassadors ' they could recover their
children, 1 whom they had not forgotten. Their neighbors
were induced to give them aid, and allies were summoned
from Britain. Crassus, however, quickly informed Caesar
of this and accused the Gauls of conspiracy. As soon as
Caesar had built ships and prepared forces, he began to
wage war with the Veneti. He sent one of his lieutenants
toward the Rhine, and Crassus and Sabinus into neighbor-
ing states. Do you remember the name of the young man
whom he placed-in-command-of the fleet ?
OBJECT CASES 3. DATIVE (46-51)
B. G. Ill, 12-16
174. Caesar had determined to make war upon the
Veneti, for they had not obeyed 2 him, but had even detained
his lieutenants. It was not easy to get possession of their
towns from the land because of the tide, and they had a
large fleet of ships as a defense. Caesar also had built a
fleet which Brutus commanded, but it could not be brought
up during a great part of the summer. In the meantime
Caesar had taken many towns, but no men, for the Veneti
by means of their ships kept withdrawing to other towns.
Their ships were better suited to the great tides of this
sea. Neither could our beaks harm the Gallic ships nor
could our men easily hurl weapons upon them. On the
arrival of our fleet the Veneti hastened to make an attack
1 liber i. 2 pared.
B. G. Ill, 17-19 6 1
upon it. They relied 1 upon their sails and knowledge 2 of
the shoals. The Romans fought near Caesar's camp, and
this increased 3 their courage. They used sharp hooks
attached to long poles. With these they broke away the
sail-yards of the enemy's ships, and the barbarians tried to
seek (a place of) safety. But there was a calm, and they
could not escape. After the defeat of the fleet, the Veneti
surrendered to Caesar, who sold them as slaves.
OBJECT CASES 4. ABLATIVE ^2-57)
B. G. Ill, 17-19
175. While Caesar was fighting in Venetia, Q. Titurius
Sabinus with a part of the army was in the country of the
Venelli. This people had revolted and had put Viridovix
in command of their forces. Viridovix daily led forth his
troops, but Titurius did not wish to fight in the absence of
his commander, unless all things were most favorable, and
remained in camp. Because of his hesitation the scorn of
the barbarians 4 was great, and they dared almost to attack
the camp. Titurius needed the assistance of a Gaul, and
made use of one of the barbarians who was in his army.
He, for a reward, stated to Viridovix that Caesar was being
conquered in Venetia and that Sabinus intended to set out
the next night to his aid. The Gauls believed the deserter
and thought that by quickness they could overwhelm the
Romans. They rushed to the camp, from which the
Romans unexpectedly sallied and made an attack upon
them. They surpassed the Venelli in position, valor, and
training, and easily conquered them. The other states
1 confldo. 2 scientia. 3 augeo.
4 The Subjective Genitive in Caesar and Cicero usually precedes its noun.
62 CAESAR
then surrendered to Sabinus. Caesar was glad to hear
[heard gladly] of this victory and at the same time informed
Sabinus that the Veneti also were defeated.
PASSIVES (58-62)
B. G. Ill, 20-22
176. Do you not remember the name of the other lieu-
tenant, who had been sent into one of the neighboring
states during the war with the Veneti ? He was ordered
to go into Aquitania, a region in which many years before
a Roman army had been repulsed and its commander
slain. Crassus, the lieutenant, had to provide an army.
And so the bravest men were summoned from the province
and were led into the country of the Sontiates. This
people relied on their valor and an ambush. Their cavalry
was easily defeated, and our men pursued into a defile in
which infantry had been stationed. The enemy suddenly
attacked them with all their forces, and a long and fierce
[keen] battle was fought there. The Romans are said
to have fought bravely (though) without their commander-
in-chief, and the enemy were driven back. The town
was at length captured, but all were spared. 1 Adiatun-
nus had been made commander of the Soldurii, who
were not asked their opinion, but were ordered to make
a sally. When this was discovered by the Romans, they
rushed to arms and drove the Soldurii back to the town.
However, those who had attempted to break out were not
harmed by the Romans, but the same terms of surrender
were granted them by Crassus.
1 par co.
B. G. Ill, 23-26 .63
POSSESSION (63-67)
B. G. Ill, 23-26
177. After the Sontiates had been thus defeated by
Crassus, war was made upon the rest of Aquitania. These
states had 1 towns (which were) fortified in Roman fashion,
and had chosen (as) leaders those who had learned 2 from
Sertorius the art of war. Sertorius had been a general in
the army of Marius, but was for many years in Spain. He
was considered a very brave man and a superior leader.
Aquitania was a neighboring (country) of Spain, and thence
the Gauls had many auxiliaries. Because of this they
increased greatly in number and attempted to shut off our
men from supplies. The barbarians had provisions enough
for this war and had determined to delay and fight in safety.
And so they remained in their camp whenever Crassus
gave them an opportunity for battle. The Roman soldiers
thought them timid and were eager to rush against their
camp. Crassus was obliged [had] to fight, and on the
next day attacked the enemy. He kept exhorting his
(men), but he had very many auxiliaries who were not
much trusted by him, and the enemy fought bravely. For
this reason [cause] he could gain no entrance to their
camp. This, however, was not carefully guarded at the
rear-gate, and the Romans' cavalry informed their leader
of this. What was done ? Crassus quickly sent a part of
his forces by a round-about [longer] way, and they came
to the fortifications while the rest were intent on the battle.
Thus the enemy (were) surrounded (and) rushed from the
camp in flight, but nearly all were killed by the cavalry.
1 Translate in two ways. 2 disco.
64 CAESAR
DESCRIPTION BY PHRASE (68-75)
B. G. Ill, 27-29
178. Because of the victory of Crassus this part of Gaul
surrendered. Caesar, the same year, attempted to pacify
the Morini and the Menapii. But they fought in a differ-
ent way from the others, trusting in their forests, and be-
cause of heavy rains the Romans could not finish their
work, and so were led into winter quarters. Caesar has
written about all these wars in Gaul. He had been a man
of great influence l in his city among the plebs, and then
in Gaul was winning 2 great glory. He was a general of
great valor, and in swiftness of movement surpassed all
others. The Gauls were free and very brave, but in nearly
all the states there were two factions, 3 the one of which
was the plebs, the other the nobility [nobles]. This was
a great advantage [use] to Caesar, who united [joined
himself] with one and was thus able easily to conquer
the other. He also supported 4 himself and his army on
plunder 5 from [of] the Gauls. Leaders of the greatest
skill fought with him, but he conquered them all. The
Gauls often revolted [made rebellion], yet Caesar defeated
them and made them allies of the Roman people. Finally
Gaul, which had been a free land for [through] so many
years, came into the hands [power] of Rome.
DESCRIPTION BY CLAUSE (76-79)
B. G. IV, 1-3
179. While Caesar was subduing Gaul, the Germans
kept crossing the Rhine, which is a river between Ger-
1 Cf. text, III, 8. 2 adipiscor. 8 factio. 4 aid. 6 praeda.
B. G. IV, 1-3 65
many and Gaul. This people was (composed) of many
tribes of which the Suevi were by far the most warlike.
The customs of this tribe were strange [new] to the
Romans. They had no private fields, but used all in-
common, 1 and never 2 remained for two years on the same
(piece of) land. They had two divisions [parts] of their
(men). Of these [which] one went forth from the bounds
of their fatherland and waged war in behalf of the state,
the other remained at home. The next year the former
supported the latter, who were in turn led out under arms.
A nation thus trained always has an army of great
strength. The Suevi, because of their hunting, exercise,
and freedom of life, were men of great stature and very
strong. They never used wine, and nothing was imported
from Gaul by the traders to whom they sold their booty.
Whatever horses they had were (capable) of great endur-
ance. By this people the Tencteri had been driven out
and had crossed to Gaul when Pompey and Crassus were
consuls. The Ubii, a large and prosperous tribe, were
the only ones who could withstand the Suevi, but even
they were made tributaries. On the other side the fields
lay waste for many miles.
MEANS AND AGENCY (80-84)
B. G. IV, 4-7
180. Two other nations had been overcome by the
Suevi, and had come to the territory of the Menapii.
They tried to cross the Rhine, but were prevented by
garrisons stationed-here-and-there. Finally, however, they
crushed the Menapii by stratagem, 3 and during this winter
L communis. 2 numquam. 8 msidiae.
LAT. PROSE COMP. 5
66 CAESAR
dwelt in their buildings on both banks of the river. This
victory was full of danger [dangerous] to the Romans, for
the Germans were men of great courage, and Gaul was
generally anxious for a revolution. Therefore Caesar was
at once informed of this through messengers from his lieu-
tenants. He remembered the inconstancy of the Gauls,
and thought : " I must drive the Germans out of Gaul,
and I must not trust the Gauls." By forced [very great]
marches he hastened to the Rhine. (On) learning of his
arrival, the Germans, by means of ambassadors, asked 1
Caesar for a home and for peace. They said to Caesar :
" We were driven from our country by the Suevi, who are
superior even to the gods in strength and are the only
ones who can conquer us. We will be your friends if you
will grant these (things) to us. You will not repent this,
for each of us will serve your people. But we shall (be)
unwilling (to) return to our homes, for the Suevi are our
enemies, and we shall be crushed by them."
MANNER AND ACCOMPANIMENT (85-87)
B. G. IV, 8-12
181. Caesar did not avail himself of [use] the friendship
offered by the Germans, but ordered them to cross the
Rhine with all their (possessions). He told them that
they might live with the Ubii. Nothing more could be
granted by Caesar, for they could not be trusted. Their
ambassadors returned to their camp. Caesar was ad-
vancing quickly, but with very great care, and the cavalry
was sent ahead. The horsemen of the enemy were absent
at this time, in the country of the Ambivariti, foraging and
B. G. IV, 13-16 67
pillaging. Therefore the Romans' march could not be
prevented, and the Germans again sought from Caesar a
day for a truce. This (request) Caesar granted, and he
did not advance more than four miles that day. But soon
after [after by a little] the Germans caught sight of
Caesar's cavalry and, thinking he was attacking with all
his forces, the enemy's horsemen, 800 in number, quickly
made a charge l upon the Romans, and they [who] were
thrown into confusion even by this small force. Though
the Romans resisted very bravely as-long-as they could,
they were finally driven into flight; many horses were
stabbed, and many brave men were killed. Piso, one of
the slain, was the son of a very distinguished Aquitanian.
COMPARISON (88-94)
B. G. IV, 13-16
182. The Germans repented 2 of their madness and the
next day sent ambassadors to Caesar. He seems [is seen]
to have thought thus : " I must drive these men across the
river Rhine, for they are gaining more [of] influence in
Gaul than is safe for us to allow. I must do everything
rather than be defeated by these Germans. I will seize
the chiefs who have dared to put themselves into my
power [offer themselves to me], and then I will attack the
town and put to death as many as possible. This will free
Gaul from fear of the Germans and will make the name
of the Roman people secure for all time to come [remain-
ing]." After he had done these things, he hastened more
quickly than one would think possible [than thought 3 ] to
the enemy's camp. This was defended more bravely than
1 signa infer o. 2 paenitet. 3 opinio.
68 CAESAR
successfully, and some threw themselves into the Rhine
and there perished. But much the larger part were slain
by the Roman cavalry. Caesar says that the Germans
tried to deceive him, but he is himself accused l of faith-
lessness, even by those who think him better in war than
any other Roman. Must we not always keep in mind
[memory] that Caesar is writing of [concerning] his own
deeds ? Yes. Caesar had now conquered all the Ger-
mans who had made war upon Gaul, but thought that he
ought to cross the river.
RELATIONS OF PLACE (95-99)
B. G. IV, 17-21
183. Caesar did not wish to cross the Rhine in the boats
which the Ubii had promised him, and so with great quick-
ness he built a bridge of remarkable 2 strength. By means
of this he led his army across into Germany. He did not
fight a battle, for the Suevi had withdrawn from their
territory to the forests. They had assembled in [into]
one place and there were awaiting the Romans. Caesar,
however, determined not to fight recklessly, and soon 3
returned to Gaul and cut down the bridge. Thence he
hastened to set out for Britain, from which country auxili-
aries had been furnished his enemies. It was going to be
a great advantage to Caesar to find out about the people
and places of Britain, for nothing about them was known
at Rome, and he afterwards waged many wars with them.
He could not find out anything from the merchants (whom
he) summoned, and so he sent Volusenus with a ship of
war to the island. Meanwhile he himself set out towards
B. G. IV, 22-26 69
the Morini, who immediately gave him hostages. Then
from all sides he began to gather 1 ships, many of which he
had used in Venetia. Some of the Britons sent ambassa-
dors to Caesar, who intrusted to them one of his men of
influence and sent them home again.
RELATIONS OF TIME BY PHRASE (100-103)
B. G. IV, 22-26
184. Volusenus, whom Caesar had sent forward five
days before, had returned, and all was now ready. For
several days Caesar awaited a favorable wind. Having ob-
tained good weather, he set sail about midnight 2 for Britain.
Throughout this night the wind and tide continued [were]
favorable, and on the next day the Romans saw the Brit-
ons drawn up on the hills and shore. The Romans re-
mained here at anchor till late in the day [much day]
and then proceeded to an open shore seven miles away.
At the same time the enemy sent their cavalry thither,
and shortly [a little] after followed with all their troops.
They bravely attacked the Romans, who were attempting
to disembark; and a very fierce battle was fought. The
Romans had to do everything at the same time, but Caesar
sent the war ships to their aid, and the standard-bearer of
the tenth legion led them against the enemy. This man
the soldiers followed, some from one ship and others
from another. Encouraging one another [among them-
selves], they approached the shore, and within a short
time 'put their enemies to flight. Caesar's cavalry had
not been able to reach the island, and so he could not
pursue the enemy very far [long].
1 cogo. 2 tertid fere vigil id.
70 CAESAR
RELATIONS OF TIME DATES (104-106)
B. G. IV, 27-33
[Hereafter date each exercise according to the Roman method]
185. Caesar had sailed from Gaul at midnight on the
26th of August. Disembarking on the 2/th, he fought
the battle of which we have written above, 1 and the enemy
withdrew from the coast. On the next day, through am-
bassadors, they begged Caesar for peace and were par-
doned by him. On the 3Oth they sent a part of the
hostages which Caesar had demanded, and on the ist of
September all the Britons had returned to their homes,
and the island seemed to be subdued. But on the loth
there occurred a tempest which shattered many of the
Romans' ships and drove others over the deep to the
continent. On learning this the chiefs began immediately
to gather troops, and a few days later [after] attacked a
legion which was foraging. Caesar knew they had some
new plan in mind, for hostages were no longer 2 sent to
him, and so he had prepared for an attack. At the same
time he had been repairing his fleet, using what was of use
from [of] the wrecked ships. And also he was providing
grain for his soldiers in case [if] he should have to remain
in Britain during the winter. They now surrounded this
legion with their chariots, which were of great service to
them in battle, for they threw the Romans into confusion.
RELATIONS OF TIME BY CLAUSE (107-111)
B. G. IV, 34-38
186. As soon as [when first] Caesar was informed of
this attack, he hastened to the assistance of his men, and
1 sujprd. 2 iam.
B. G. IV, 34-38 /I
the enemy soon withdrew. After the legion had been led
back in safety, Caesar kept the troops in camp for several
days on account of storms. The Britons improved [used]
this time (in) bringing together larger forces than before.
Caesar also had obtained a few horsemen, for in the for-
mer battle, as l we know, he had been unable to pursue
the enemy (after they were) put to flight. While the
Britons were coming, the Roman battle line was being
drawn up, and, when the battle had begun, it made a
fierce attack upon them. The latter quickly fled, and the
cavalry pursued the fugitives [fleeing] until they reached
their town. They at once projnised hostages, and peace
was made with them. Caesar was waiting until he could
sail with his weakened ships, and after a few days, obtain-
ing good weather, he set out for Gaul with all his men.
Because of his victories in Britain and Gaul there was a
thanksgiving at Rome. This account 2 tells of Caesar's
first invasion of 3 Britain. In the next book we have a
better account of the island, its people, and their customs.
USE AND SEQUENCE OF TENSES (112-114)
Caesar's Relations with the Germans
187. When Caesar first came to Gaul, he found (that)
the Germans had been there before him. The Gauls had
made use of their aid in the contentions between the fac-
tions of their states, but they had now for a long time
been repenting of this, for the Germans were a people of
great power and wished to seize the fields of Gaul. Caesar
first had to defeat Ariovistus, one of the most powerful
kings of the Germans. Of this war he writes in the first
1 ut with Indicative. 2 memoria. 3 incur sio in with Accusative.
72 CAESAR
book. New bands, however, kept crossing the Rhine
after 1 Ariovistus had been driven out; for the Gauls
were unable to defend themselves, and Caesar, the only
one on whom they could rely, was subduing rebellions
among the Belgians, the Veneti, and the Aquitani.
When 1 these wars had been brought to an end, he has-
tened with great quickness toward the river Rhine. The
Tencteri with all their (belongings) were wintering in the
villages of the Morini ; but Caesar immediately crushed
them by stratagem [ambush]. Then he determined to
carry the war into Germany and to prevent more from
crossing [to cross] the Rhine. Therefore he built a bridge
and led his army over, but eighteen days after that, he
returned to Gaul and destroyed that (famous) bridge. In
the sixth book he writes (that) he went again to Germany,
and tells of some strange things about which we know
better.
CAUSE (115-118)
The Invasion of Britain
188. Caesar writes of two invasions of Britain, one of
which was made immediately after he returned from Ger-
many. Since he knew nothing about the island, he sent
in advance a lieutenant who was worthy of his confidence. 2
Through fear some of the Britons sent hostages to him.
(On) setting out from Gaul he left a garrison, because
(as he writes) he wished to have a safe retreat 3 to the
continent. After a hard [keen] fight, he forced his
enemies into the interior ; but because of the injuries to
[of] his fleet the Britons dared to attack the Romans.
While some were repairing the ships, he led the rest
1 Express in two ways. 2 fides. 3 receptus.
B. G. I, 1-3 73
against the enemy and defeated them in battle. Since
Caesar [Caesar, since he] desired to return to the conti-
nent on account of the time of year, he gave them the
peace (they) sought and quickly left Britain. The follow-
ing year he again went to the island. He ordered Dum-
norix to go with him because-he [who] was hostile 1 to the
Romans ; but Dumnorix fled. Caesar pursued and put
[having pursued put] him to death for the sake of an exam-
ple. Again his fleet was wrecked, and he could not leave
the coast, because he had to repair the ships. Neverthe-
less very many tribes were defeated before he went back to
Gaul.
PURPOSE BY PHRASE (119-123)
B. G. I, 1-3
189. Nations have always been eager for new territory.
Usually 2 this is accomplished under the leadership of some
man of great influence and valor. Among the Helvetians,
who lived toward [under] the east, a man of this kind
arose during the consulship at Rome of Marcus Messala
and Marcus Piso. This man was called Orgetorix and
was of-noble-birth, brave, and popular among [acceptable
to] the common people. The Helvetians surpassed the
majority [greater part] of the Gauls in war, for they
often went from their country to fight with the Germans.
Their country was too narrow for their desires, and for this
reason Orgetorix easily persuaded them to his plan 3 of
emigrating to other parts of Gaul. For carrying out this
plan, the Helvetians had to prepare everything within two
years, for they had determined to depart in the third year.
They also tried to make peace with those states through
1 inimtcus. % vulgo. 3 consilium.
74 CAESAR
which they intended [had in mind] to march. For this
embassy they chose Orgetorix. Since he had formed a
conspiracy for seizing the power, he gladly undertook this.
He was assisted 1 not only by the nobility of his own state,
but by two powerful men among the Sequani and the
Aedui. It was also to his advantage [use] that [because]
he had married his daughter among the Aedui. Of his
purpose 2 the Helvetians knew nothing, but were making
everything ready for their departure. 3
PURPOSE BY CLAUSE (124-128)
B. G. I, 4-8
190. When the magistrates were informed through one
of their retainers of this plot of Orgetorix, they wished to
bring him to trial, that the law might be enforced. But
fearing that he could not escape, and that they would burn
him to death, he committed suicide. The Helvetians,
nevertheless, were waiting only 4 until all things were
ready, and on March 24th, as some say, they set fire
to their towns and started toward the Rhone. At this
time Caesar had for-the-first-time been made proconsul of
Gaul, and he determined to hinder them from passing
through the province. The Helvetians sent the noblest
of their race to him to ask that an opportunity of doing
this be granted them. But Caesar wished (for) more [of]
time and ordered them to return to him on the I3th of
April. When they came to ask his purpose, he for-
bade their crossing [them to cross] the Rhone ; and
when they attempted to do this by force he easily re-
pulsed them. That he might more easily overcome them,
1 adiuvo. 2 mens. 3 profectio. 4 tantum.
B. G. I, 9-13 75
he had meanwhile brought together as many troops as
possible and had fortified many places on this side of
the Rhone.
RESULT (129-133)
B. G. I, 9-13
191. The Helvetians had been so hindered by Caesar
at the Rhone that they were crossing into Gaul by the
only other way, through the country of the Sequanians.
Dumnorix, one of those who had assisted Orgetorix,
brought it to pass that the Sequanians were no longer
unwilling to allow the Helvetians to make their way
through the passes of the mountains. Since so large a
multitude can not be kept from doing harm, it now hap-
pened that the Helvetians had laid waste the fields of the
Aeduans. The latter immediately sent to Caesar to ask
for aid, and, as they had for years been friends of Rome,
Caesar could not wait until they had nothing left with
which to resist. Caesar had gathered his forces and had
marched so quickly that within thirty days he was at
Geneva ready for battle. When he heard from the
Aeduans of their wrongs, he did not hesitate l to go to
their assistance. (Being) informed through scouts of
their line of march, he attacked them so suddenly that
he crushed one canton, and the others sent ambassadors
to him.
CONDITIONS SIMPLE STATEMENT (134-137)
B. G. I, 14-18
192. Even if Caesar felt [was] conscious of any outrage
(Ut the hands) of the Helvetians because the Romans had
1 dubito.
76 CAESAR
been defeated by trickery l many years before, he blamed
them more for their recent deeds. If prosperity is some-
times granted to the wicked, it often results' 2 that they
grieve more when the change comes. And Caesar made
some such reply [replied some such things] to the Hel-
vetians when they boasted 3 of their former victories.
They however said : " If you do not make peace with us,
we will bring upon you the same calamities as [which]
we brought upon Cassius." Caesar was indignant at the
words [speech] of the ambassadors, but nevertheless
made answer : " If you give me hostages so that I may
have some control over [power of] your deeds, I will do
as you wish." But this they refused. 4 On the next day
they defeated a much larger force of Caesar's cavalry,
which gave them greater hope. Meanwhile Caesar, (who
kept) following, could not obtain grain for his soldiers.
He said to the Aeduans: " If you wish our aid in this war,
furnish us grain." It happened that Dumnorix was using
his influence to defeat Caesar, and to keep his own place
among the Aeduans. All this was discovered by Caesar,
who had commanded Liscus to tell him all.
CONDITIONS POSSIBLE AND CONTRARY TO FACT (138-141)
B. G. I, 19-25
193. Caesar feared that the influence of Dumnorix
would become of so great (weight) among the Gauls that
Divitiacus would be driven out. But at the exhortation
of the latter that Dumnorix be spared, Caesar merely
warned him to do better. If to-day 5 you and I were in
such danger, we should have great fear, but if we should
1 dolus (in plural). 2 fio. 3 Use participle. 4 recuso. 5 hodie.
B. G. i, 26-30 77
escape so easily, should we not be glad ? l Caesar had
planned to attack the enemy the next day. To gain 2 the
victory more easily, he sent Labienus ahead to seize a
mountain. " If we could (possibly) attack the enemy
at the same time, we should defeat them." Afterwards
he sent Considius to inform him of Labienus. If Con-
sidius had not been terrified, the enemy would have been
defeated at once, but he reported what was not true.
Even then victory would have been gained, had not
Caesar feared that Labienus was cut off by the enemy.
Late in the day it happened that the truth was discovered,
but the Helvetians had moved on. Caesar could not
follow farther, for his men had no food. If the enemy
had proceeded, they could have reached [come through to]
Aquitania before Caesar could pursue. But they turned
from their way and attacked the Romans (who were) in
battle line both half way up and on the top of a hill.
CONCESSION AND PROVISO (142-145)
B. G. I, 26-30
194. Although the Helvetians fought with great valor,
they (were) defeated (and) withdrew to a hill near by.
Caesar's soldiers followed so fiercely that they gained
possession of the camp. The Helvetians had to leave
all and depart by night towards the north. 3 Even if
Caesar delayed a few days, he nevertheless prevented the
neighbors from assisting the enemy with food. The re-
sult was that the Helvetians soon after this came to him
to beg for peace. Though they had been his enemies,
he determined to spare them, provided that they would 4
1 laetus. 2 adipiscor. 3 septentriones. 4 First periphrastic conjugation.
78 CAESAR
obey his orders. He wished to make use of them, for
their country was now vacant, and he feared the Germans
would seize it. Accordingly he ordered the Helvetians
to return home and to rebuild the villages (they had)
burned. They had gone from Helvetia because (as they
said) their territories were so limited. Do you remember
Orgetorix, the leader in [of] this movement [thing] ?
Now, however, there was enough land, for from about
350,000 there were left only 100,000. The number of
those killed in this short war was so great that we wonder.
Some of the Gauls came to ask Caesar for a council, and,
although he had no power over them, he appointed a day
for this council of all Gaul.
INDIRECT DISCOURSE DECLARATIVE SENTENCES (146-150)
B. G. I, 31-34-
195. Write A in indirect discourse, depending on legati
dixenmt :
A. In common council we have decided to seek aid
from you. But you must not disclose what we shall
say of the Germans, for they will inflict tortures upon
us. They first came hither 1 to bear aid to the Averni,
and then they settled in the land of the Sequanians,
which is much better than their own. The Aeduans have
always been your allies, and you must conquer their ene-
mies, because they intend to do what the Cimbri did
many years ago [before]. Therefore you will benefit 2
yourself no less than Gaul. Ariovistus is their king, and-he
[who] is no longer endurable. For this reason we shall
depart from our homes.
1 hue. 2 prosum.
B. G. I, 35-39 79
B. Caesar replied that he would send a messenger to
Ariovistus to beg him to l come to a conference ; that he
had hopes that the king would do what he asked [should
have asked]. When ambassadors were sent to Ariovistus,
the latter said that he would not hold a conference with
Caesar and did not dare to trust the Romans. Besides, he
said that he did not consider [think] that Caesar had any
business in Gaul outside o. 2 the Roman province.
INDIRECT DISCOURSECONDITIONAL SENTENCES (151-152)
B. G. I, 35-39
196. Write A in indirect discourse, depending upon
Ariovistus respondit :
A. If I were seeking any favor [thing] of you, I would
come to you. But I neither can do this nor do I promise
to return the hostages to the Aeduans. If they had not
made war on me, I should not have injured 3 them. Since
they have done so and were defeated, they now pay tribute
to me. You did me a kindness at Rome when through
your efforts [you] I was recognized [called] as a king.
If, however, I shall be [shall have been] hindered by you
in my rights, my former 4 friendship will not benefit you.
If my men were not invincible, they would have been
conquered by the Gauls. Therefore I do not fear the
Romans more than my former enemies.
B. Caesar was informed that the Germans would take
Vesontio if he did not bear relief [aid]. He thought he
ought not abandon to the enemy so great a supply of arms
and hastened by forced marches to the town of Vesontio.
It was said that the Germans would easily defeat the
1 126. 2 extra. 8 noceo. 4 vetus.
80 CAESAR
Romans if a battle should be fought, for the former were
men of greater stature than the latter. The army was
greatly disturbed by the reports [words], and they say that
the camp would have been abandoned and the Romans
would have gone home, had not some been held by (feelings
of) shame.
INDIRECT DISCOURSE QUESTIONS AND COMMANDS (153-155)
B. G. I, 40-46
197. When some begged permission [that it be per-
mitted them] to return to Rome, Caesar addressed his
officers : (Put into indirect discoursed)
What do I hear ? That Romans are afraid ? If any
one desires to leave me, let him go. Many-times already
our fathers have met l these Germans and have defeated
them. Why should not we ? Indeed, I believe Ariovistus
will refuse to fight us. Do not fear the scarcity of grain
and the long roads. Am I not looking out for the sup-
plies ? As to the roads, you can soon judge, for this night
I shall advance. The tenth legion will be faithful to me,
and with it alone I will meet these Germans. Now return
to your legions, and let the brave prepare to follow me.
A few days after this, Caesar, in a conference with Ario-
vistus, tried to show him how much advantage [good]
Rome had been to him and what he ought to do for her.
Ariovistus told Caesar why he suspected that his friend-
ship was pretended, and how he could gain true friends
at Rome if he should kill Caesar. Caesar writes that then
Ariovistus ordered his cavalry to attack the Romans, and
that thus the conference was broken off.
B. G. I, 47-54 8 1
INFORMAL INDIRECT DISCOURSE AND ATTRACTION (156-157)
B. G. I, 47-54
198. Although Ariovistus had broken off the conference
which had been held, he asked Caesar to meet [come
together with] him again. But Caesar decided that he
ought not trust him a-second-time. Ariovistus seized the
ambassadors of the Romans, because (as he said) they had
come to harm him. To see whether they would join in
battle or not, Caesar ordered his troops to be led out each
day. If the Germans had not thought it was not permitted-
by-the-gods, they would have contended with Caesar when
he gave them an opportunity of doing so. Although they
had great strength [were able much] in cavalry and
thought themselves superior to the Romans, they relied so
much on the lots that they did not intend to fight until
there was a new moon. Caesar found out why they did
not wish a battle, and having drawn up his forces with
great care, he quickly made an attack, and after fierce
fighting, put them to flight. Ariovistus, however, was
one of the few who escaped across the Rhine. This vic-
tory greatly increased 1 Caesar's influence in Gaul. Then
Caesar set out to do what seemed advantageous for the
state, and the army was led into winter quarters.
1 augeo.
LAT. PROSE COMP. 6
EXERCISES NEPOS
Words connected by hyphens are to be translated by a single word, e.g. were-
in-command-of. Words in round brackets are to be omitted in translation.
Square brackets indicate the Latin rendering. Figures in heavy type refer
to the sections of the Introduction. See Caution, p. 53.
ARRANGEMENT OF THE SENTENCE (1-6)
MILTIADES I-II
199. Miltiades, who was very eminent at Athens, 1 was
sent to the Chersonesus 2 by the Athenians. They selected
him (in accordance with) the reply of the Pythia; for they
had sent men to Delphi to consult 3 the god, and he had
bidden them take Miltiades (as) their leader. Miltiades
then set out for Lemnos, which island he tried 4 to bring
under the protection of the Athenians. As the inhabit-
ants laughed 5 at (him), and he had no time to delay [of
delaying], he departed to the Chersonesus. Many (of
the) Athenians had set out with him from Athens. 2 With
these he soon routed the barbarians and gained possession
of the whole country. After he had settled 6 the colonists
here, he again 7 went to Lemnos. The inhabitants, not
daring to resist, yielded to him. The other islands were
then brought under Athenian rule.
SIMPLE AGREEMENTS (7-10)
MILTIADES III-IV
200. Miltiades and the Greek chiefs, who had followed
King Darius from Asia, were left (as) guardians of the
1 97. 2 96. 3 124. * conor. 5 117. 6 108. 7 rursus.
82
brid
MILTIADES IV-VI 83
bridge over [in] the Danube [river]. By this bridge Darius
had led his troops across the river, and was making war
upon the Scythians. Messages were soon brought to the
guards of the bridge (that) the Scythians 1 were pressing
Darius hard. Immediately 2 Miltiades said to the other
guards : " We will cut down this bridge and leave Darius
and his army across the river. There they will perish
within 3 a few days. We will then free Greece (from) Per-
sian rule." The other Greek leaders shrunk from this
plan, for their own power depended upon the sovereignty
of Darius. (As there were 4 ) so many privy (to his plan)
Miltiades did not dare remain in Thrace, but set out from
the Chersonesus for Athens.
Darius returned safely from Europe, and after prepar-
ing 4 a large fleet sent it to subdue 5 Greece; for his friends
told him that the Athenians 1 were his enemies. This fleet
was first brought to Euboea. This [which] was quickly
taken, and all its inhabitants were sent to the king.
PERIPHRASTIC CONJUGATIONS. TENSES (11-15)
MILTIADES IV-VI
201. Darius intended to subdue Greece, and alleged (as)
an excuse (that) the Athenians had given aid to the lonians.
The Athenians (were) greatly disturbed by the approach
of the Persians (and) sought aid of [from] the Lacedaemo-
nians. While a messenger was going to Lacedaemon, they
had to choose ten generals. These men were-in-command-
of the army, and had to decide where they ought to fight.
Some wished to defend the city ; others, to meet the
enemy on the battlefield [in battle line] even with their
1 147. 2 statim. B 100. 4 22. 5 124.
84 NEPOS
small forces. The Lacedaemonians could not aid [send aid
to] them at this time, and so the Plataeans (were the) only 1
(ones who) assisted them. Yet Miltiades led forth the
troops of the Athenians, and pitched camp in a spot where
the trees were scattered-here-and-there. In this way he
thought he would 2 hinder the Persian cavalry. When
Datis, the Persian leader, saw that they were-eager to
fight, he immediately joined battle, but, routed by the
valor of the Athenians, he had to-retire-to [seek] his ships.
As a reward for this victory the Athenians placed the por-
trait of Miltiades first among their generals. For the battle
of-Marathon 3 was painted in the Poecile at their command.
USES OF THE INFINITIVE (16-20)
MILTIADES VII-VIII
202. The Persian had withdrawn from Greece, but was
still able to hold many islands. These [which] the Athe-
nians wished to take vengeance upon [pursue with war],
because they had aided the Persian with their fleets. There-
fore they put Miltiades in charge of 4 their forces. When
he had compelled 5 many to return to their allegiance, he
came to Paros. This [which] island he could not win-over
by persuasion [speech], for the Parians thought that the
Persian fleet would support 6 them. Accordingly Miltiades
besieged the city, and was on the point of capturing it,
when a grove in the distance accidentally caught fire. Both
(parties) thought that the royal fleet was approaching ; and
Miltiades, burning his vineae and testudo, returned home
unsuccessful. The Athenians thought that he had been
corrupted by the king, and fined him heavily [punished
1 solus. 2 147, 150. 3 65. * Sec. IV, text. 5 109. 6 Sec. V, text.
THEMISTOCLES I-V 85
him by a large fine]. This money was not paid by Miltia-
des, and he died in prison from the wounds [which] he had
received near Paros. The Athenians had punished Miltia-
des, not because of this charge, but because his power
seemed [to be] too great. Besides, they feared he would 1
be a tyrant.
ABLATIVE ABSOLUTE (21-24) 2
THEMISTOCLES I-V
203. In the reign 3 of Xerxes the Persians sent a very
large fleet and army against Greece, but these were de-
feated by the foresight of one (man). For at Athens lived
Themistocles, who, (when) disinherited by his father, had
devoted himself to (the interests of) the state. This (man)
was very skillful in naval warfare, and by his advice the
Athenians had built a fleet with the state money. When
the approach of Xerxes was known, the Athenians asked
the god how 4 they should protect themselves. When he
had replied : " By wooden walls," Themistocles declared
(that) the ships were the " wooden walls." So the Athe-
nians, abandoning the city, hastened 5 to Euboea with their
fleet of two hundred ships. (Although) they defeated the
barbarians here, they withdrew because the Persians had
captured Thermopylae. The allies of the Athenians wished
to return (to) their homes, when they saw Athens destroyed
by fire. But Themistocles compelled them to fight at 6
Salamis. For, sending a messenger to the king, he per-
suaded him to 7 attack the Greeks immediately. On doing
this he was conquered by the fleet of Greece. Fearing a
greater disaster, the king then returned to [into] Asia.
1 127. 2 Use the Ablative Absolute where it is possible.
7 126.
86 NEPOS
QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS (25-31)
THEMISTOCLES VI-X
204. Was Themistocles less great in (time of) peace ?
No, for he established the triple harbor of the Piraeus, and
fortified it by walls. Did he not surround the city itself
with walls ? Certainly, but not at first. When he tried
to restore the walls of the city, the Lacedaemonians for-
bade the Athenians to do it. How did they rebuild them
then ? l Themistocles went to Lacedaemon and delayed
matters [things] until the walls were 2 built sufficiently high.
This he learned from his colleagues, who had now come to
Sparta. Did the Spartans hear (of) this ? Yes, but they
humored Themistocles, and sent three legates, holding the
highest position, to investigate [the thing]. With them
went the other Athenians, (but) not Themistocles. Why
did not he return also ? The Lacedaemonians held him as
a hostage ; but when their own ambassadors arrived at
Athens they were not allowed to go until Themistocles had
been 2 sent home. Several 3 years later he had to flee for
safety to Asia, because he was accused of treason. King
Artaxerxes gave him many gifts, for he hoped by his
counsel to crush 4 Greece. But Themistocles died at Mag-
nesia and was buried near the city.
OBJECT CASES i. ACCUSATIVE (32-39)
ARISTIDES AND PAUSANIAS
205. The Athenians called Aristides 'the Just/ because
he was so upright [of so great integrity]. When he was
being exiled, he asked a man why he desired to banish
1 tandem. 2 111. 3 aliquot. 4 Future Infinitive of Indir. Disc. 148.
ARISTIDES, PAUSANIAS, CIMON 87
Aristides. He [that one] replied : " Because all call him the
Just." Yet this same integrity gave Athens the supremacy
of the sea. For when Pausanias was conducting himself
too arrogantly at Byzantium, the Greek states joined the
Athenian alliance, and chose Aristides as their leader.
Pausanias had become too elated by his victory at Plataea.
When the golden tripod was set up at Delphi because of
this victory, he had written on (it) that he himself had de-
feated the Persians. This inscription was cut out by the
Spartans. Later, at Byzantium, as has been stated above, 1
he conducted himself arrogantly, and almost demanded
royal honors of the allies. For this [which] he was called
home by the ephors and fined. Returning [when he had
returned] (to) Byzantium of his own accord, he wrote
letters to the Persian king, in which he promised to sub-
due Greece for him, and expressed the hope [hoped] that
he would give him his daughter. When this was learned,
(he was) again recalled to Sparta (and) was imprisoned,
but later he was set free, because he could not be convicted.
The ephors then asked a favor of a certain Argilius, a
trusted slave of Pausanias. This man betrayed Pausanias
to the ephors, but he escaped to a temple. The doors of
this [of which] (temple) were then walled up, and here
perished in disgrace the conqueror of Plataea.
OBJECT CASES 2. GENITIVE (40-45)
CIMON
206. Do you remember the hard fate of Cimon ? Ac-
cording to Athenian laws he was detained in the public
prison, because a large sum of [much] money, his father's
1 supra.
88 NEPOS
fine, had not been paid. We pity this illustrious 1 son of
Miltiades, but remember the great love of his sister. When
the wealthy but ignoble Callias wished to marry her, she
declared that she would marry 2 him when he had paid
Cimon's fine. On being thus freed, Cimon quickly became
powerful with the army, which under his command [he
being leader] defeated his country's enemies and captured
great spoils. With these he adorned the Acropolis of
Athens, but because of his great power was soon exiled
by his ungrateful citizens. When the Lacedaemonians
declared war on Athens, they repented of their jealousy
of Cimon. After his recall [having been recalled] he did
not keep in mind the deed of his fellow-citizens, but strove
to restore peace between Athens and Sparta. After this
had been gained, having gone to Cyprus he had subdued
the larger part of the island, when he died of disease.
Athens had never had a man of such liberality. Every
Athenian enjoyed his garden and its fruit. His property,
his services, did not fail any who needed his help. For a
long time Athens mourned his loss [missed him].
OBJECT CASES 3. DATIVE (46-51)
LYSANDER
207. Lysander won his reputation rather because of
the insubordination of the Athenians than because of his
own valor ; for they had not been obedient to their com-
mander, but had left the fleet unguarded. 3 Easily getting
possession of this fleet, Lysander was greatly puffed up
by his victory, and strove to hold all Greece in his power.
Banishing all the enemies of Sparta from the states of
1 ddrus. 2 ntibd. 3 indnis.
LYSANDER, ALCIBIADES I-V 89
Greece, he put in power over these states men [those] who
favored his own interests. For he aimed at becoming [he
sought to become] king of all Greece. First he tried to
remove the kings of Sparta by corrupting the god, but
he could not persuade the priests at Delphi or Dodona.
Then he set out for the shrine of Jupiter Ammon in [into]
Africa; but not only could he not corrupt the priests
there, but he was accused by them before the magistrates
of this crime. The judges, however, acquitted him, and he
was later sent to the aid of the Orchomenians. In this
war the Thebans slew him. He had always acted avari-
ciously and treated the allies^ cruelly. Once, 1 fearing [for
himself] the odium of his fellow-citizens, he asked Pharna-
bazus for a testimonial of his integrity. On receiving this,
he handed it to the ephors, who read in it not the praise,
but the condemnation 2 of Lysander.
OBJECT CASES 4. ABLATIVE (52-57)
ALCIBIADES I-V
208. All (men) wondered that one man could have [in
one man there could be] such diverse gifts as Alcibiades.
He was at once painstaking and industrious, dissolute and
lustful, a man of great virtues and of great vices. Shrewd
in counsel, he persuaded the Athenians to declare war on
Syracuse, and to elect him general for the war [for carrying
on the war]. As he was on the point of 3 setting out, almost
all the Hermae throughout the city were overthrown, which
occurrence [thing] made the people fear for their liberty.
When Alcibiades noticed that all thought he desired to
get possession of the city, he urged his enemies to hold 4
1 seme/. 2 acciisdtid. 3 Cf. Milt. sec. VII. 4 126.
90 NEPOS
an investigation while he was present [he being present].
They could not injure him at that time, and so remained-
silent until he had reached Sicily. Then they accused
him of sacrilege [because he had profaned the sacred
rites], and he was ordered home [that he should return
home] for trial. Fearing that his fellow-citizens were
estranged from him, he fled to Lacedaemon, where by his
talents he aided the Lacedaemonians. He was so shrewd
in counsel that the Lacedaemonians sought to kill him, for
they feared that he would be restored to favor with the
Athenians. Alcibiades perceived this, and withdrew from
Sparta to Tissaphernes. Shortly after he returned to
Athens, having won such victories that Lacedaemon
begged for peace.
PASSIVES (58-62)
ALCIBIADES VI-XI
209. The Athenians had been persuaded that they had
suffered adversity [adverse things had happened to them]
because Alcibiades had been banished by them. Yet,
although 1 they flocked to the Piraeus to see him, and
although laurel wreaths were bestowed on him by the
state, as 2 upon an Olympic victor, he soon fell again into
disfavor, when he failed to [did not] take Cyme. After
he learned that they had put another in his stead, he
withdrew to Thrace, where he gathered an army and
enriched himself by plunder. Here he showed his love
of country ; for when Lysander, the Spartan, was pro-
tracting the war in order that he might exhaust the re-
sources of the Athenians, Alcibiades came to Philocles
and promised to 3 drive Lysander from Thrace, or to force
i 142. 2 ut. 3 Future Infinitive, 148.
THRASYBULUS 9 1
him to make peace. Philocles, however, not only was
unwilling to do what Alcibiades urged, but even gave
Lysander a chance to destroy his army. Alcibiades, after
losing all his possessions, fled to the satrap, Pharnabazus.
At first Pharnabazus received him kindly, but afterwards,
when the Lacedaemonians demanded that Alcibiades
should be killed, ordered his men to slay him. They tried
at first to accomplish this by setting fire to his house [his
house having been fired] ; but as he was on the point of
escaping from the flames they had to slay him with mis-
siles.
POSSESSION (63-67)
THRASYBULUS
210. For some reason, many (men) who have been very
valiant and have freed their country from tyrants, have
not gained 1 great renown among their (people). So
Thrasybulus excelled all in merit, but others profited by
his deeds [made his deeds of profit]. Thrasybulus had,
however, the special glory of driving out the thirty tyrants.
When he had (but) thirty men with him, the tyrants de-
spised him ; but therein lay his safety [this was to him
for safety]. For he increased his forces while they were
slow in pursuing him. Later, he seized Munychia and
killed Critias, the chief of his enemies, who with his (men)
had assaulted his position. When the forces of Critias
were withdrawing to the city, Thrasyb.ulus spared all ex-
cept the tyrants themselves. These were punished by
exile, and their goods were confiscated. All others, who
had not been (associated) with them in the city, were not
punished for 2 their previous misdeeds. The law of amnesty
2 43.
Q2 NEPOS
was the special merit of Thrasybulus. In recognition of
[for] his services, the people gave him a crown of olive
branches. With this small gift he was content, and escaped
the envy of his fellow-citizens. While he was waging war
in Cilicia as a general, the barbarians sallied forth from
their town and killed him.
DESCRIPTION BY PHRASE (68-75)
CONON
211. In her misfortune Athens had a general of great
skill and carefulness. Indeed, when Lysander had con-
quered the Athenian fleet at Aegospotami, and the Spar-
tans were about to besiege Athens, Conon sought every
(means) by which he might protect [be for a defense to]*
his country. As at this time Tissaphernes, the royal satrap,
had formed a league with the enemies of Athens, Conon
sought aid of Pharnabazus, who was not only a satrap
but a son-in-law of the king. He was a man of great
judgment, and appointed Conon general of his forces.
When Agesilaus, on the overthrow of Athens, attempted
to wrest Asia from the Persian by the aid of Tissaphernes,
Conon opposed him until the Athenians declared war on
the Lacedaemonians. At this time Artaxerxes, the great
king, did not know that Tissaphernes had revolted from
him. But on the departure of Agesilaus, Pharnabazus s
sent Conon to the king to accuse Tissaphernes. When
Conon had come, he, with great prudence, handed to the
chiliarch, in writing [written], what he had intended to
say to the king; for every one who came to the king's
presence had to reverence him. This, according to the
customs of free Greece, he could not do. On reading 1
1 lego.
CONON, DION I-IV 93
these letters, the king declared war on Tissaphernes and
the Lacedaemonians ; and also ordered war galleys from
the maritime states. Conon was put in command of these,
and soon routed the enemy. By this victory he freed
Athens, and all Greece from Spartan rule. Afterwards
he was imprisoned, because he tried to bring Ionia again
under Athenian rule.
DESCRIPTION BY CLAUSE (76-79)
DION I-IV
212. Dion of Syracuse was connected with both the Dio-
nysi. By nature he was of a kindly disposition, and disliked
the cruelty of the elder Dionysus ; but because of his rela-
tionship he remained [was] intimate with him. What riches
his father had left him were increased by Dionysus, who
had also given him his own daughter in marriage. What-
ever Dionysus wished done was faithfully executed by
Dion. In this way Dion was able to soften the cruelty of
the elder Dionysus by his own kindness. Dionysus in-
deed humored him, and even brought over to Syracuse
Plato, who was then at Tarentum. When Plato, later,
displeased him, Dionysus, influenced by Dion's prayers,
did not sell him (as a slave). When Dionysus was seri-
ously sick, Dion wished him to divide his kingdom ; for
he desired his sister's sons to have a share. The physi-
cians, who reported this to the younger Dionysus, were
compelled to give the sick man a sleeping potion. This
act [thing] was the cause of the hatred between Dion and
Dionysus the Younger. At first the latter pretended
friendship ; but when he feared that the people would
crush him because they loved Dion, and he himself was
not worthy to be loved, he sent Dion to Greece with all his
94 NEPOS
goods. Then he gave Dion's wife in marriage to another,
and gratified the basest desires of the son. Meanwhile
Dion began to prepare troops in the Peloponnesus.
MEANS AND AGENCY (80-84)
DION V-X
213. With (but) two ships, Dion attacked Sicily and
overthrew the tyranny of Dionysus within three days.
He was assisted by Heraclides, who had been expelled by
Dionysus. When Dion had recovered his wife, a faction
was organized against him by the same , Heraclides, who
could not calmly endure the power of Dion. By means
of his soldiers Dion had Heraclides killed, and then divided
among them the money which he took from his oppo-
nents. When this failed him, and he could not appease
the soldiers except by more money, he lost (the favor of)
the Optimates. Then the people began to call him tyrant
since he could no longer retain the favor of the soldiers.
At this time a shrewd Greek, Callicrates, who thought
all were hostile to Dion, formed a conspiracy against
him. He pretended to be Dion's friend, and disclosed
to him his plan, (saying) that by his help Dion would dis-
cover his enemies. When the truth [thing] was almost
revealed by Dion's sister and wife, Callicrates hastened to
slay him. This he accomplished by means of some youths
of great strength, who bound Dion and killed him with a
sword [killed with a sword Dion bound]. The Syracusans
were greatly displeased at their deed, and buried Dion at the
expense of the state. He was called by them the Liberator
of his Country, because he had driven forth Dionysus the
Younger.
EPAMINONDAS I-X 95
MANNER AND ACCOMPANIMENT (85-87)
EPAMINONDAS I-IV
214. Epaminondas was the noblest 1 of all the Greeks.
He was born at Thebes, in-poor-circumstances, but was
educated very carefully 2 by his teachers. Thus he learned
singing 3 and dancing, arts which at Rome were considered
vices, but in Greece praiseworthy. Lysis, the Pythagorean,
who had come with his pupils to Greece, taught him philos-
ophy. In the palaestra he aimed at quickness (of move-
ment) because he thought he was in this way better trained
for the practice of arms. He cherished truth and honor
to-such-a-degree that he preferred to endure poverty rather
than to receive money unlawfully [through wrong]. Once
Artaxerxes, King of Persia, wished some (favor) from the
Thebans. To gain [do] this, he sent Diomedon to Thebes
with a large sum of money. This man attempted with
the money to bribe Epaminondas. But when he met
Epaminondas with Micythus, whom he had bribed, he
could not tempt him in any way ; for not only 4 did Epami-
nondas not receive the money, but he even 4 compelled Micy-
thus to return to Diomedon the gold which he had received
from him and which he had with him. He afterwards
sent Diomedon with it to Athens for safety. At Athens
he provided a ship in which Diomedon could reach Asia un-
harmed. There was not gold enough in the world to tempt
Epaminondas.
COMPARISON (88-94)
EPAMINONDAS V-X
215. Few Greeks were more eloquent than Epaminondas.
Indeed, no Theban was happier than he in repartee [the
1 praecldrus. 2 ciira. 3 16. 4 non modo . . , sed etiam.
96 NEPOS
brevity of reply]. To be sure, Thebans had more strength
than brains. Yet a few of them had some [something of]
eloquence. Some of the opponents of Epaminondas, who
saw that he was well trained in war, preferred the palaestra
to the camp. For in this way they hoped to divert (the
thoughts of) their fellow-citizens from war. But Epami-
nondas showed that Thebes was gaining slavery rather
than peace by such means ; that lasting peace comes from
war. The Spartans' power was shaken no less by his elo-
quence than by his arms, for by it he deprived the Spartans
of their allies. Again and again did he endure injuries
(at the hands) of his fellow-citizens, and never cherished-
resentment-against his country. When they needed his
care, he came to their aid without a thought of the previous
injury [no memory of the injury being held to]. Once,
even, he retained the command longer than he legally
could, because he saw that the new generals were inexperi-
enced and that the army would otherwise 1 perish. So he
held the command for more than four months. On his
return, he was accused of not obeying the law. He con-
fessed, but asked of them to say, after his death, that he
had been killed because he had compelled them to over-
come the Lacedaemonians. He fell at Mantinea and died
when the Boeotians were announcing to him their victory.
.RELATIONS OF PLACE (95-99)
PELOPIDAS
216. At Thebes Pelopidas was next to Epaminondas in
honor ; for under his guidance the Spartans were driven from
the Cadmea, and Thebes was freed. The citadel of Thebes,
1 aliter.
PELOPIDAS, AGESILAUS I-IV 97
the Cadmea, had been seized by a Spartan general, who was
marching through their territories to another town. The
Lacedaemonians had kept it, although l they had fined
and dismissed the general. Among the exiles who were
driven from their country was Pelopidas. At Athens,
whither they had gone, they strove to crush their enemies
and free the state. The time for action seemed at 2 last to
have come. From the city (of) Athens Pelopidas led forth
twelve youths with their hunting dogs. In this way they
came to the house of their confederate, 3 (as) darkness (was)
coming on. The magistrates of Thebes had too great
confidence in their power and were feasting in the city.
They did not take the trouble to investigate when they
heard that the exiles were in the city. Serious business they
put off till the morrow, which never came ; for that night
Pelopidas with his friends slew them (as they lay) intoxi-
cated. Then quickly summoning all Thebans from the
country, Pelopidas drove the Spartan garrison from Thebes.
Later, he was slain by Alexander's cavalry, when he was
bringing aid to Thessaly.
RELATIONS OF TIME BY PHRASE (100-103)
AGESILAUS I-IV
217. Xenophon has specially praised Agesilaus, the
Spartan general, who made war on Artaxerxes.. When his
brother, King Agis, died, Agesilaus contested the kingship
with his son. For Agis throughout his life had declared
that Leotychides was not his son. At his death, however,
he recognized him (as) his (son). At this time Lysander, who
was then very powerful, voted for Agesilaus, and he [who]
1 142. 2 denique. 3 socius.
LAT. PROSE COMP. J
98 NEPOS
was declared king. Within a short time he heard that
the Persians were preparing fresh 1 troops to send against
Greece. He thought it better for the Greeks to send
troops to Asia immediately. The power was given him
a few days later, and he went quickly to Asia, where he
found the royal satraps unprepared. One of them, Tissa-
phernes, treacherously obtained a three months' truce.
During this time he was preparing for war, but Agesilaus
kept to his agreement throughout the truce. After the
truce Agesilaus ravaged the country of Tissaphernes until
winter. Then he withdrew to Ephesus. The next year
[year which followed] he declared that he intended to
storm Sardis. This Tissaphernes did not believe, and
in a few days protected the other sections by his garri-
sons. Agesilaus, however, actually 2 moved toward Sardis,
and, after gaining much booty, was planning to march
against the king, when he was ordered by the ephors to
return home. He accomplished this march in thirty days,
and defeated the Boeotians and Athenians at Coronea.
RELATIONS OF TIME DATES (104-106)
AGESILAUS V-VIII [The dates are fictitious]
[Hereafter date each exercise according to the Roman method]
218. After 8 the defeat of his opponents at Coronea, on
August I4th, Agesilaus led his army to Corinth. Here
he waged war for many months and drove his enemies
within the city. Yet he desired that the Persians should
suffer punishment rather than the Greeks, and he be-
moaned the death of so many Greeks. On October /th
he refused to [said he would not] besiege Corinth, for it was
i novus. 2 vero. 3 108.
EUMENES I-IV 99
not fitting to destroy one of the noblest cities of Greece.
Meanwhile the Spartan resources were shaken 1 by the
battle at Leuctra on July 5th. Agesilaus had not been
present at this battle, but he aided the Lacedaemonians
with his counsel, when on the first of November Epami-
nondas led his army to Sparta. Shortly after, on the loth,
some young Spartans tried to desert to Epaminondas, but
Agesilaus, who had detected their plans, added some of his
own companions to their number, and in this way saved
all. After Thebes had become the head of Greece, Agesi-
laus aided his country with the money of which it was-in-
want. All the gifts bestowed on him by others he gave
to his people. When he was returning from Tachus,
to whose aid [to whom as aid] he had been sent, he fell
sick, and died on December 22d.
RELATIONS OF TIME BY CLAUSE (107-111)
EUMENES I-IV
219. When the Macedonians were powerful, they were
vexed that a foreigner should be placed over them. Yet
while Philip was king Eumenes of Cardia was his secre-
tary. This position was very honorable, because the sec-
retary was familiar with all the plans of the king. After
Philip had been slain, and Alexander had become king
[ruled], Eumenes held the same position with him. When
Alexander was dying at Babylon, he assigned Cappadocia
to Eumenes. He had already intrusted to Perdiccas the
guardianship of his children and his empire [his children
and empire to be guarded]. This (man) immediately won
Eumenes over to himself, before Crateros and Antipater
i Cf. Epam. VI.
100 NEPOS
could persuade him to join them. For he recognized his
fidelity and saw how useful [for how great use] he would
be to him. As soon as the death of Alexander was
known, all the others gathered forces to crush Perdiccas.
The latter hastened to Egypt against Ptolemy, while Eu-
menes was left to oppose the European armies until he
could return to Asia. Eumenes' forces were untrained,
and thought that they were marching against barbarians.
Before his troops could learn that their opponents were
Macedonians, Eumenes engaged in battle and killed Cra-
teros and Neoptolemus. The rest of the army, after asking
peace of him, obtained it, but did not keep their pledge.
Eumenes remembered his friendship for Crateros and sent
his body home to Macedonia.
USE AND SEQUENCE OF TENSES (112-114)
EUMENES V-VIII
220. Meanwhile, after Perdiccas had been slain by Seleu-
cus in Egypt, Antipater was put in charge of affairs. The
Macedonians condemned Eumenes to death together with
the other friends of Perdiccas. Antigonus pursued him,
but he extricated himself from the place where Antigonus
had surrounded him and fled to Nora. Here he was be-
sieged all winter by Antigonus, whose works he kept burn-
ing and destroying. His horses were exercised every day
in the castle by (means of) a device (of) his. As a result
they were sleek when he led them forth the next spring.
While he was pretending to treat for a surrender, he es-
caped with all his men. Olympias, the mother of Alexan-
der, sought his advice before returning to Macedonia from
Epirus. The advice that he gave she did not follow ; but
EUMENES IX-XIIIy- ;, ; ";\ lt
returning she began to prepare large forces to aid him, who
alone was faithful to Alexander's son. Eumenes was put
in command of her troops, but feared the envy of the
Macedonians, who grudged 1 having a foreigner placed
over them [that a foreigner should be placed over them].
To escape this envy he erected at his headquarters a tent
of Alexander, where all plans were formed. Within a few
months he compelled Antigonus to retreat, while his own
phalanxes forced him to allow them to pass the winter
according to their desires.
EUMENES IX-XIII
221. The following spring Antigonus attempted to pass
through a desert to attack Eumenes before his soldiers could
assemble. When he had passed over half the distance, Eu-
menes learned of his approach. The other generals were in
despair ; but Eumenes sent men with orders [and ordered
them] to kindle 2 fires, so that Antigonus might believe that
the troops had been gathered. Because of this Antigonus
changed his line of march, and was delayed until Eumenes
had assembled his army. After the battle, in which Eume-
nes was victorious, he was betrayed to Antigonus by his
own soldiers from jealousy. Although Antigonus desired
to save him, because he saw how useful he could be to him,
yet the generals demanded that he should be killed. They
envied his valor and felt that (with) him alive they were not
secure. While Antigonus was deliberating (as to) what he
should do, the army began to revolt. Then Antigonus de-
clared that he would not kill a man who had been his friend,
but removed all food from Eumenes. Three days after,
i Sec. I, text. 2 126.
162 NEPOS
his generals strangled Eumenes, before Antigonus, who
was preparing to march, could forbid it.
CAUSE (115-118)
PHOCION
222. Phocion is better known for his integrity than for his
military labors. Because of his poverty, King Philip gave
him much money, for he hoped in this way to win 1 his sup-
port at Athens. But as Phocion thought his little field
would support him and his sons, he refused the money.
He also said that he was unwilling to increase the luxuri-
ous living [luxury] of his sons by accepting so much money.
Many pitied him because he was imprisoned (when) eighty
years old ; for when he was general, together with Nicanor,
Cassander's prefect, he had not prevented Nicanor (from)
seizing the Piraeus. When the people had gained the
upper hand, they banished Phocion and Demetrius of Pha-
lerum. Phocion fled to Philip, where he was accused by
the Athenians of having [that he had] betrayed the Piraeus
to Nicanor. Since Philip was unwilling to offend the Athe-
nians, he sent Phocion to Athens to be tried by the Athenian
laws. The Athenians were so incensed because of the sus-
picion of treachery that he was immediately condemned to
death, nor was an opportunity even given him to plead his
cause. As the multitude hated him, slaves buried him, for
no free man dared do it.
PURPOSE BY PHRASE (119-123)
TIMOLEON
223. Timoleon seems to have existed for the purpose of
freeing his fellow-citizens. Not only was he unwilling to
1 concilia.
TIMOLEON, HAMILCAR 103
have any part [take a share] in the sovereignty that his
brother had seized at Corinth, where he was born, but he
even thought it better to have his brother killed than (for)
Corinth to lose its freedom. It is a proof of his love of lib-
erty that when he had driven Dionysus from Syracuse, and
could have been tyrant, he laid down his command and
passed the rest of his life as a private (citizen) ; for he had
come to aid the Syracusans after Dionysus, on the death
of Dion, had regained his power. Not only did he take
care to free Syracuse from tyrants, but he drove the Carth-
aginians from Sicily. As many cities were deserted be-
cause of the war, he summoned fresh [new] colonists from
Corinth and Greece to restore them. When by these means
he had gained peace for the Syracusans, he laid down the
power, as has been said, to preserve liberty. It was to his
advantage, also, to do this. For the citizens never envied
him afterwards, and even when he became blind permitted
him to be drawn to the council by his own mules and to
speak from his wagon. After his death the gymnasium
where he was buried was called Timoleonteum.
PURPOSE BY CLAUSE (124-128)
HAMILCAR
224. When the first Punic war was almost ended, Hamil-
car, (while) a young man, was sent to Sicily to command the
army. The Carthaginians were losing all the island, but
wherever he was present they were victorious. To con-
quer the Romans the more quickly, he never let slip [lost]
an opportunity for [of] fighting. After the Carthaginians
had become exhausted by the expenses of the struggle, they
ordered Hamilcar, who was defending Eryx, to end the war
and return home to Carthage. The Roman leader, Catulus,
104 NEPOS
however, demanded that Hamilcar should hot leave Eryx
without 1 surrendering his arms. This Hamilcar refused to
do, and at last the Romans had to yield to his stubbornness.
On his return to Carthage, he learned that it was in great
danger because of the mercenaries it had used in this war.
Carthage, indeed, did not hesitate to ask help from its
enemy Rome. Finally it sought aid of Hamilcar, who
was placed in command of the army. He soon drove the
mercenaries away from the city and restored all Africa to
the power of Carthage. Then, for the purpose of renewing
the war with Rome, he crossed into Spain, where he gained
great booty. When he was on 2 the point of carrying the
war into Italy, he was slain, and his son-in-law Hasdrubal
received the command. In a short time, on Hasdrubal's
death, Hamilcar's son Hannibal became leader of the army.
RESULT (129-133)
HANNIBAL I-IV
225. Hannibal surpassed all other commanders, and so
in his battles in Italy he always came off victor. But he
was weakened by jealousy at Carthage. His hatred of the
Romans was indeed so great that he never stopped plan-
ning war [warring in his mind] against Rome. Through
his influence, not only was Philip, King of Macedon, made
an enemy of Rome, but even King Antiochus, whose
kingdom was near the Red Sea, made war upon Italy.
When the Romans learned of the latter's plans, they tried
to make Hannibal an object of suspicion to the king [bring
Hannibal under the king's suspicion]. This they did not
do in vain ; for the king did not doubt [it was not doubtful
1 nisi with Ablative Absolute. 2 Cf. Milt. VII.
HANNIBAL V-VIII IO5
to the king] that Hannibal had been corrupted by them, un-
til he told-him-the-story-of his hatred of the Romans. For
his father Hamilcar had so cherished [kept] his hatred of
Rome and the Romans that he did not take Hannibal with
him to Spain until he had sworn never to be a friend of
the Romans. When the king had learned this, he made
Hannibal a leader in the war.
When Hannibal's father died in Spain, he was placed in
command of the cavalry. After subduing many nations and
capturing Saguntum, he prepared, when twenty-eight years
old, sufficient [of] forces to hold Spain and Africa and to in-
vade Italy. Leading his army into Italy by the Grecian pass,
he subdued every tribe that attempted to prevent his reach-
ing Latium. In Italy he defeated all the Roman armies.
CONDITIONS SIMPLE STATEMENT (134-137)
HANNIBAL V-VIII
226. As no one opposed Hannibal after the battle at Can-
nae, he remained near Rome several days before returning to
Capua. When he was departing for Capua, Quintus Fabius
Maximus, who had been elected dictator, shut him up in the
narrow passes. " If Hannibal now tries to free his army,"
thought Fabius, " I shall put him to flight." But Hannibal
shrewdly bound lighted fagots to the horns of cattle and
by night spread terror in the Roman army at the sight.
By this trick he was enabled to lead his army back to Capua
without loss. If all his battles in Italy are counted, it can
easily be seen that he was a great general, for in all these
he came off victorious. If the question is asked why then
he did not conquer Rome, the answer-must-be-given that
the Carthaginians did not show the same earnestness as he.
106 NEPOS
They had not defended Spain, and young Scipio, having
conquered that country, marched to Carthage. Hannibal
was hastily called home from Italy. (Though) conquered
at Zama, yet within a few days^he was holding new levies.
But in the meantime his country made peace with the Ro-
mans. Some time later the Romans demanded Hannibal of
the Carthaginians. Hearing of this, Hannibal escaped to
King Antiochus, whom he soon induced to war with Rome.
" If Antiochus follows [obeys] my suggestions, he will be
victorious," thought Hannibal. But the king was afraid to
wage war in Hannibal's way and so was routed.
CONDITIONS POSSIBLE AND CONTRARY TO FACT (138-141)
HANNIBAL IX-XIII
227. When Hannibal reached Crete after the defeat of
Antiochus, he feared the avarice of the Cretans. For if they
should learn that he had a large sum of money with him
they would kill him. Accordingly he deceived them by a
shrewd trick [plan] and escaped with his property [things]
to King Prusias of Pontus. Here he might have remained
free from [without] danger, had he not aroused the king
against the Romans. First he tried-to-win-over other war-
like nations to his plan. If he could crush Eumenes, King
of Pergamos, who was a strong-friend of the Romans, the
other (measures) would be easy. When accordingly he
was about to fight a naval battle [fight with the fleet], he
showed his men where Eumenes was and ordered them to
attack his ship in-a-body. 1 Indeed, they would have over-
come Eumenes, if he had not sought safety in flight. The
rest of the fleet, however, could have conquered Hannibal
1 universus.
CATO ID/
if they had not been frightened. For Hannibal's sailors
threw on board jars in which they had put poisonous
serpents. On seeing these, the enemy fled to land. After
this victory Hannibal happened to be mentioned at Rome
by the ambassadors of Prusias. The Romans thought : "If
Prusias keeps Hannibal with him, we shall never be free
from plots." Accordingly they demanded his surrender
[that he should be given them]. Prusias did not do this,
but the Romans surrounded Hannibal's house to seize him.
On learning this, Hannibal took poison. For if he had not
done so, his most bitter enemies would have killed him.
CONCESSION AND PROVISO (142-145)
4
CATO
228. Although Nepos wrote about many Romans, the
lives of two only, Cato and Atticus, have been left to us.
(When) a young man, the former did not give attention to
public-office, but was busy far from Rome. Marcus Per-
penna, the ex-censor, tells us that, although he had an inher-
itance in the territory of the Sabines, he later frequented the
Forum, at the suggestion of Lucius Valerius Flaccus. Even
if this is not true, we know that he came to Rome and held
many public-offices. Although he was made consul and had
won a triumph, yet as censor he has left the greatest fame
[name]. For he attempted to check the luxury of the Roman
people, which was beginning to be a danger to the state. To
show his remarkable industry, Nepos states that he was
a skillful farmer, a great general, and a pleasing orator.
Even when eighty years old he devoted himself to literature.
Indeed, even if he had been younger, he could hardly have
been more eager in its pursuit. He also wrote a history
108 NEPOS
of the deeds of the Roman people, in which everything
(that was) worthy of admiration was set forth. He told
how the Romans waged war with the Carthaginians and
other nations, but in his work the leaders of these wars
were not named. Do you remember the famous saying of
Cato in regard to Carthage ?
INDIRECT DISCOURSE DECLARATIVE SENTENCES (146-150)
ATTICUS I-V
229. Write in indirect discourse.
I. Depending on Nepos scrlpsit : Titus Pomponius Atti-
cus was of the equestrian order and had inherited this dig-
nity from remote Ancestors without-a-break. His father,
who was not only rich for the times, but especially de-
voted to literature, educated his son in all the arts, and
the boy displayed [there was in the boy] so great aptitude
for his work that his high-spirited mates could not endure
it calmly, but were stimulated by his zeal. When he was
still a young man, his father passed away. To avoid of-
fending the followers of Cinna or of Sulla, he withdrew to
Athens on the death of Sulpicius. As he carried his prop-
erty with him he suffered no loss of his estate and was able
to aid the Athenians, whenever they wished to borrow.
II. Depending on Nepos scrlbit : Although Atticus would
never accept interest from the Athenians, he never allowed
the debt to become overdue [to be owed longer than was
agreed]. When he was away from Athens and could not
prevent it, the Athenians erected statues to his honor [to
him]. Even Sulla was captivated by his culture and learn-
ing, and tried to bring him back to Rome. But he would
not bear arms against his friends and preferred to remain
ATTICUS VI-X 109
at Athens. When Cicero was banished, he showed his
fidelity to him. On returning to Rome, he won the good-
will of a churlish uncle, who at his death [dying] made
Atticus his heir.
INDIRECT DISCOURSE CONDITIONAL SENTENCES (151-152)
ATTICUS VI-X
230. Write in indirect discourse.
I. Depending on Nepos scrlbit : Atticus belonged to
the party of the Optimates, but did not engage in their
civil dissensions. If he had sought honors from Sulla, he
would have received them, but he preferred to avoid all
suspicion. For this would be troublesome to him, if he
should wish to aid his friends during the civil wars. He
was sixty years old when the civil war with-Caesar broke
out, and although the other Optimates left Rome, when
Pompey ordered them to repair to his camp, Atticus re-
mained without (incurring) his displeasure. If his friends
at that time wanted money, he gave it to them; nor did
Caesar take offense at this [did this offend Caesar].
II. Depending on Nepos scrlbebat : On the death of
Caesar, when some of the equestrian order wished Atticus
to contribute money to the slayers of Caesar, he replied
\_pnt the following also in indirect discourse after replied] :
' Brutus may use whatever of my means he wishes, but I
will not unite with others in this matter.' Later, when
Brutus withdrew from Italy, Atticus sent him (a) large
(sum of) money. Yet when Antony was declared an
enemy by the senate, Atticus prevented the Romans from
despoiling Fulvia and her children of everything. He
lent her money without interest, although no one at that
time thought that Antony would return to Italy.
1 10 NEPOS
INDIRECT DISCOURSE QUESTIONS AND COMMANDS (153-155)
ATTICUS XI-XV
231. Write in indirect discourse.
I. Depending on Nepos scripsit : Who 1 at that time
thought that Antony would return victorious to Italy?
Yet he did return and remembered the kindness of Atti-
cus, who with the others had feared proscription. For he
sent him (Atticus) a guard to bring him without danger to
himself. Do not think Atticus did not assist the pro-
scribed, when every one [the common-people] was search-
ing for them. Even after Brutus had been slain at Philippi,
Atticus protected a's many as he could. How could one
think his liberality time-serving ! He assisted the unfor-
tunate and preferred to forget rather than to avenge an
injury. What can be more noble than this ?
II. Depending on Nepos scribit: With all Atticus'
wealth his house was more tasty than expensive ; his
household was composed of well-educated slaves [boys],
readers, and scribes. Each one had been born and trained
in the house [at home]. Nepos could tell how much
Atticus [he] entered as expended each month, for he had
seen his expense-books. Why did he have an educated
household? He wished to please the mind no less than
the palate [stomach] at his feasts. He would neither tell
nor endure a lie. In transacting [undertaking] business
he believed that he should keep his promise. He never
wearied of managing the business of others. Indeed, the
affairs of many Roman knights were looked after by him.
i Cf. sec. IX, end.
ATTICUS XVI-XXII III
INFORMAL INDIRECT DISCOURSE AND ATTRACTION (156-157)
ATTICUS XVI-XXII
232. Atticus was a favorite with [pleasing to] both old
and young. He lived on-intimate-terms with Cicero and
Hortensius. He was especially beloved by Cicero, who sent
him letters from (the time of) his consulship to the very end
of his life. These were published and have been handed
down 1 to us. It is thought that they fully describe the
changes in the state during that period. Atticus boasted
that he had always regarded his sister as his equal and
that no (cause for) complaint had ever come between them.
Why should one mention that he was fond of ancient his-
tory [antiquity] ? For he had described in his books the
laws and wars of Rome, and even edited the genealogy of
illustrious families. He wrote many other books, both in
Greek and in Latin. After Octavius became Imperator,
Atticus obtained from him what fortune had not granted
to any Roman before. For it is said that Caesar pledged
his stepson to the granddaughter of Atticus. Whenever
Caesar wrote to his friends at Rome in-his-absence, he
always informed Atticus what he was reading and doing.
(When he was) seventy-seven years old [born] he had a
disease, which the physicians at the outset thought of
little consequence [despised]. Three or four months later,
when the pain became more severe [increased], he deter-
mined to abstain from food ; for he had noticed that this
did not nourish him and only increased his sufferings.
Within a few days he died and was buried in the tomb of
Quintus Caecilius, near the Appian Way.
1 trddo.
EXERCISES CICERO
Words connected by hyphens are to be translated by a single word, e.g. fail-
in-its-duty. Words in round brackets are to be omitted in translation.
Square brackets indicate the Latin rendering. Figures in heavy type refer
to the sections of the Introduction. Date each exercise according to the
Roman method. See Caution, p. 53.
COMMANDS AND EXHORTATIONS (158-160)
CAT. I, 1-3
233. Catiline, do not abuse our patience. Dare you
come into the Senate ! Let the guard of the Palatine,
the assembling of all good citizens induce you to lay
aside your mad purpose [madness]. Know that your con-
spiracy is exposed. Depart, therefore, from the Senate,
from the city. Long ago I ought to have crushed you
because of your bold deeds [boldness]. On mere sus-
picion of sedition our ancestors have often put dangerous
citizens to death. Go forth, then, from Rome, if you
would escape such a fate [fortune]. Or else 1 change
your purpose. No longer plan to destroy the city (while)
within its walls. The Senate will not fail-in-its-duty to the
state if you remain in the city and plot its ruin. We have
long been too merciful, Conscript Fathers, but let us allow
this enemy to depart. If he does 2 not, but, remaining,
strives to destroy this city, and to slay each one of us, let
not his punishment then keep him waiting a day. Nor
ought you to fear, for even if he gives up his plans and
remains with us, yet my guards shall watch him as hitherto,
and he can no longer plot against the city within the city.
1 aliter. 2 Cf. 137.
CATILINE I, 4-8 113
WISHES (161-162)
CAT. I, 4-6
234. Catiline, would that you had gone into exile, rather
than to Marcus Laeca's house that night ! For there were
assembled your companions in this wicked folly. There,
after planning the destruction of Rome, you decided to go
to the camp of Manlius, that bold leader of your desperate l
band. Yet you wished to kill me before your departure, and
soon found those who agreed to slay me in my bed. But
my house was fortified with stronger guards. I shut out
the knights who had promised to free you from your care.
Now depart from the city. O that you were already on
your way ! May you take with you all your accomplices
in this crime ! You cannot remain longer within this city
to plot against the state. All your plans up to this time
I have thwarted. Now all the senators, whom you see
assembled, all citizens, whose safety is imperiled, know of
your conspiracy. Go forth, then, into exile, if you wish,
for every man in this city both fears and hates you. May
you change your purpose, forget fire and sword, and trust
no longer to crime and madness. Then at length the state
will be freed from fear.
POTENTIAL SUBJUNCTIVE (163-165)
CAT. I, 7-8
235. Cicero may have been moved by hatred when he
banished Catiline, but he said that he was influenced by
pity only. When Catiline boldly entered the Senate, which
had been called to pass-judgment on his conspiracy, Cicero
told him that he ought to know what the senators thought
1 perditus.
LAT. PROSE COMP. 8
114 CICERO
of him and his impious plots. They would not salute him
when he entered the senate house nay, more, they left
vacant even the bench on which he sat. Most men would
prefer to avoid such an affront, but Catiline would not with-
draw from their sight. His country had already suffered
much through him. He had injured and plundered her
allies, he had murdered her citizens, violated her laws.
Would she now suffer herself to be continually in fear
on his account ? The consul urged him to depart from
the city, but he said l he would not l go unless the Senate
should so [it] order. The consul, however, would not refer
(the question) to the Senate. " Catiline might see," said 2
he, " from the silence of the senators, when the consul
ordered him to go into exile, what would be-their-pleasure." 3
Yet Catiline, long desirous of laying waste the city, could
not then be influenced to do this.
CAT. I, 9-10
236. Why should Cicero have thought that Catiline would
reform? He had always been a man whom neither fear
nor reason could keep from disgraceful-deeds. If he had
gone into exile, he would have done so, not because he
yielded to the necessities of the state, but that he might
bring an impious war on his fatherland. Cicero knew
that he had already sent to the camp of Manlius at [to]
Faesulae that silver eagle which the army of Marius
was said to have borne. What could he mean [wish] by
this but [unless] war ? When he had gathered his force
of abandoned (creatures), he saw in it not-a-single good
man. The habits of his whole life had well trained him
1 nego. 2 inquit. 3 placet.
CATILINE I, 11-13 115
to be commander of such an army. Cicero knew all this,
but thought that if he could drive Catiline [him] into exile,
just as he had before this defeated him for [repelled him
from] the consulship, his undertakings would be regarded
as brigandage, not war. " May he separate himself from
the conspirators in-the-city, or, rather, let him take them
with him! Then it will be ^easier for me to save the
state," thought Cicero. Cicero did, indeed, drive him
from the city, but later had to endure such a storm of
unpopularity that he himself went into exile.
CAT. I, 11-13
237. Why did Cicero allow a man who had already been
discovered (to be) an enemy to leave the city unharmed ? l
If the custom or laws of his Roman ancestors ought to be
heeded, 2 Catiline should have been thrown into prison, not
let loose against the city. Many men at Rome had these
same views, and Cicero thought it necessary to answer
them. He remembered that many men had won-honor, in
previous times, by putting to death the enemies of the state.
Consequently he did not fear that he would defile himself,
or that any odium would threaten him because of this.
But he had noticed that many, even among the senators,
could not understand in what danger the state was, and
had strengthened Catiline's conspiracy by their weak views.
If he had done what he thought ought to be done, these
men would say that he was acting tyrannically, and the
conspiracy could not be crushed forever. Under these cir-
cumstances, Cicero judged it better to let Catiline go forth.
He hoped, also, that Catiline would take with him to Man-
1 incolumis. 2 pared.
1 1 6 CICERO
lius' camp all the rascals of-the-city. If he should do this,
and at last a wall should separate these from all good citi-
zens, each man would know, without (chance for) doubt,
that Catiline was the head of tl}e conspiracy, and the con-
sul could more easily defend the altars of the gods and the
homes of men from this impious alliance of crime.
CAT. II, 1-4
238. On the following day, Cicero told the Roman citi-
zens how Catiline, who had plotted the burning of the city,
had been driven forth. For Catiline had departed, for Mas-
silia as he said, but really for the camp of Manlius. No
longer would the Romans have to fear his plots within the
defenses (of the city). Already many, who a little-while
before did not believe that Catiline was to be feared, were
blaming Cicero because he had not put him to death.
How gladly 1 would Cicero have punished him according to
his deserts ! But he had seen that, if he should [do this],
he would be unable, because of the hatred of the people, to
overpower his associates.^ For, although Catiline had led
forth many men, yet he had left more in the city men of
noble birth, but heavily in debt, who could even then be
seen flitting about the Forum. These were the men, Cicero
thought, who should be feared, rather than that army of
rascals and bankrupts who had followed Catiline. Yet
Cicero might now despise them in-comparison-with the
splendid forces of Rome ; for he had shown clearly that a
conspiracy had been made against the state. He even
permitted those like Catiline to leave the city, if they
wished. In this way he hoped to relieve the state of pois-
oners and parricides, infamous women and abandoned men.
1 libenter.
CATILINE II, 5-10 1 1/
CAT. II, 5-7
239. Happy would Cicero be, could he but remove from
the city these intimates of Catiline, who are wasting the
means of industry in licentious-living ! If their desires
were but moderate, they would not have had to mortgage
their fortunes. Not only had they done this, but at their
feasts they had planned murders and the destruction of the
commonwealth. Cicero hoped that by their removal his
consulship would free the state from danger and add many
years [ages] to the republic ; for every foreign nation had
been subdued by Gnaeus Pompey, but within (her pre-
cincts) the state had to contend with the wickedness of her
own citizens. If these men could be restored (to good con-
duct), Cicero would use every means to accomplish it. When
some said that Cicero had driven Catiline, an obedient citizen,
into banishment, Cicero showed how the latter had plotted
to kill him ; how every senator had left vacant the bench
in the Curia, when Catiline approached ; how Catiline had
already sent to Manlius the well-known silver eagle. If
Catiline should not now go to Manlius, but should become-
terrified and depart into exile, Cicero would gladly endure
the storm of unjust odium, provided he could save the
state. However, he knew that Catiline did not intend-to-
go ; that those who kept saying this feared it rather than
complained of it.
CAT. II, 8-10
240. Cicero no longer feared for the state, since Catiline
no longer remained at Rome. There were, however, many
in the city who had been associated with [associates of]
Catiline. To these [whom] he must now turn his attention.
They were (composed) of many classes of men, and to each
Il8 CICERO
of them Cicero offered his advice. The most respectable
class was still rich, but they had been unwilling to add to
their credit by paying their debts. If this class expected
to keep [use] their property safe^in the common ruin, they
were mistaken. Such men were little to be feared and
would rather utter threats than bear arms against the state.
Another class was of such as expected to gain power in
the disturbance of the [in the disturbed] republic. To
these the warning must be given that all good citizens
would bring aid to their country. A third class remem-
bered the times of Sulla and hoped for new proscriptions ;
for already they had squandered their money in expensive-
luxuries. All the other classes were (composed) of debtors
and criminals. It would, indeed, be a good (thing) for
Rome if these men should go out into open brigandage ;
for they would become a nursery of Catilines unless they
should go where they might be recognized as enemies.
They were such bosom-friends of Catiline that he could not
live without them.
CAT. II, 11-13
241. When one contrasts the men who are to form Cati-
line's bodyguard with the Roman troops, how can he fear
the war ! Already exhausted by want of everything, Cati-
line will see arrayed against him the flower and strength of
all Italy. Nay, on the one side are all the virtues, on the
other, all the vices. So even if men should be lacking in
zeal, the very gods would oppose Catiline. Besides this,
Cicero has-taken-precautions to have a sufficient guard in
the city and to notify the towns of Italy of Catiline's raid.
Everything is ready to crush this man, or to check all his
attempts. Again and again has Cicero even urged the
CATILINE III, 1-3 119
followers of Catiline, who have dared to remain in the city,
to depart. If they do not do this [which], but think the
consul will be remiss, they will find out [perceive] that
the prison is still an avenger of impious crimes. Cicero,
indeed, intended so to act that the evil only should suffer
punishment, and the state be undisturbed by any rioting.
Although he desired to act in this way, and hoped to
accomplish it by his (personal) efforts, yet he told the
Roman citizens that he had undertaken this task, relying
on the aid of the immortal gods alone.
CAT. ill, 1-3
242. What a glorious empire and what a beautiful city
had the gods saved from fire and sword ! Surely Cicero
ought to have been (held) in honor by the Roman people,
since they [who] had been torn from the jaws of fate by
his efforts and plans. When the conspirators had almost
set fire to [placed fires beneath] the temples of the gods,
he had extinguished the flames. Although Cicero had
already disclosed the whole plot [all things] in the Senate,
he thought that he ought to set forth briefly to the people
how it had been found out by him. " You know," said he,
" when Catiline was banished from the city, how little you
believed my words. How much I had then to fear, if he
had not gone to Manlius ! His associates in wickedness
who had remained in the city were still plotting. I per-
ceived that you must with your own eyes see the mischief
before you would provide for your own safety. So the
conspirators were watched, 1 and when they tried to bribe
the legates of the Allobroges, who had come to the
Senate, the opportunity was presented to me for arresting
1 custodio.
120 CICERO
all (of) them. As the Allobroges, with letters to their
people, were leaving the city, the praetors seized l them
near the Mulvian bridge and brought l them to me. Al-
though many [and] noble men thought that I should open
the letters, I refused to do so, and immediately called the
Senate together."
CAT. Ill, 4-6
243. Write in indirect discourse, depending on Cicero
dixit :
First Volturcius was led in and told the Senate that
Lentulus had given him letters urging 2 Catiline to join
forces with the leaders in the city as soon as possible.
For they intended to set fire to the buildings and to
slaughter [make a slaughter of] the citizens, as soon as
he should draw near the city. Then I brought in the
Gauls, who declared that they had been urged to carry the
letters to their people and to make war on Italy. Besides,
Lentulus had assured them that the rule of the city must
come to him, for he was the third Cornelius, and the sooth-
sayers had said that the downfall of the government would
occur at the feast-of-the-Saturnalia. After this the letters
were shown to the conspirators. Each one could recog-
nize his own seal and handwriting ; and, although at first
they denied the charges of the Gauls [what the Gauls
charged against them], finally they confessed all. If they
had not convicted themselves by their own confessions,
they could have 3 denied everything. What did the Senate
decide to do ? Without any amendment it voted to thank
me for my services in freeing the state, and to put Cethe-
gus and the others except 4 Volturcius under arrest. It
1 Condense this sentence. 3 141, N.
2 Omit, but show by construction in the following clause. 4 praeter.
CATILINE III, 8-9 121
was thought that the remaining members of the conspiracy
would be crippled by the punishment of these leaders.
Lentulus also freed us from any religious scruple in pun-
ishing him by resigning his praetorship.
CAT. Ill, 7-9
244. Write in indirect discourse, depending on Cicero
dlcit :
Now, fellow-citizens, we have seized all the leaders of
this foul conspiracy. Never could we have done this, had
Catiline remained here among us. When he was forced
from the city, there was no one else to be feared. He
[that man] never would have given his letters to barbarian
ambassadors; for he had judgment suited to his crime.
Although all his plans were met and opposed by me while
he was in the city, yet never could I have detected the
whole plot so plainly, had he himself been able to under-
take the direction of affairs. And yet, fellow-citizens, not
I alone, but the immortal gods through me, have managed
(the affairs of) the state. Indeed, they have shown their
care for us in many ways. Do you remember when all
Rome was terrified because the images of the gods had
been overthrown and that gilded (statue of) Romulus
was struck by lightning ? At that time to avoid the civil
wars that were approaching our citizens neglected nothing
which might placate the gods. They even contracted for a
large statue of Jupiter, which you saw erected this morning.
Indeed, that Jupiter has saved your city and opposed these
wicked men. In no other way would a race hostile to Rome
have neglected its own advantage, especially when this op-
portunity was offered them by our (own) Patricians.
122 CICERO
CAT. Ill, 10-12
245. Write in indirect discourse, depending on Cicero
dixit :
When, Romans, has any people been saved from such
pitiable ruin without armies, without bloodshed ? You re-
member how Lucius Sulla, overcoming Sulpicius, banished
Gaius Marius and many others from the state ; how this
place overflowed with the blood of citizens when Cinna was
driven from Rome by Octavius. In all those civil strifes
each sought the destruction of the other. And yet, what
did each aim to accomplish ? Not to blot out the name
of the Roman people, as Catiline desires, but merely to
change the (form of) government. Catiline and his fol-
lowers would have burned the city and slaughtered you, her
citizens, had I not preserved you. His friends have now
become my bitter enemies, and it is your (duty) to see that
I am not injured by them. For I demand of you no other
reward save this that the remembrance of this day may
be cherished in the memory of all good citizens. Although
others less worthy of this honor than I may obtain statues,
yet let all remember him who preserved this empire from
the assault of wicked citizens. What! If I should be killed
by these men, surely there is nothing higher to which I
should ascend. Now depart to your homes, reverence
that Jupiter who has protected you from danger, just as
you have often previously done. Remember that I, the
consul, will be watchful in-the-interests-of our common-
wealth.
CAT. IV, 1-4
246. Senators, why are your eyes turned toward me?
Why are you so anxious for my safety ? (It is) the state
CATILINE IV, 5-7 123
(that) is in peril ; for her safety you ought to take counsel.
If to save the state I must endure all tortures, I will do so
gladly, if only your wives and children may be snatched
from this great peril. Lay aside, therefore, (all thought of)
my safety. Even if I should be slain by these men, I should
not wish you to perish with me. You must come to a de-
cision to-day in regard to these men whom you have already
condemned to imprisonment. When so great a conspiracy
has been formed against a state, there should be no delay-
ing, no postponing-action, in the hope that in this way the
evil may be crushed. But it is my (task) first to state the
two propositions which have been brought to your notice.
The one proposes that, as these defendants have long
stirred (and are stirring) the people to overthrow the gov-
ernment, they should be punished by death. The other de-
clares that the gods did not establish death as a (means of)
punishment, and urges that the punishment should be im-
prisonment for-life [eternal]. This is, indeed, a severe pen-
alty [of great severity], for even hope is taken away, and
only life is left. If Caesar had only insisted on taking
away this, with the confiscation of their goods [when he
should confiscate their goods], he would have brought
them rest from [of] their toil and misery.
CAT. IV, 5-7
247. No doubt it is for my interest that you should
agree with [follow the opinion of] Gaius Caesar ; for if he
should approve your vote, I should have no more trouble,
since he is considered friendly to the people. Indeed, if
you will recall (the fact) that Caesar, but a few days ago,
voted for a thanksgiving in my name, and imprisonment
for these men, you can see that the advantage of the state
124 CICERO
outweighed all considerations of private peril. He remem-
bers that by the Sempronian law a Roman citizen can be
deprived of life only by vote of the people. He forgets,
however, that these men, since they [who] have impiously
planned the destruction of this city, cannot be regarded
(as) citizens, but (as) enemies. Can any punishment be
too cruel ? If your slave had murdered your children and
attempted your own life, would you think any punishment
too severe ? The attempt of these conspirators was not like
that of Gracchus. These are men who have determined
to murder us, to burn the city. Be not cruel to your
country by any diminution of punishment. If you think
I have not sufficient guard to carry out your decrees, you
are greatly mistaken. It is to your interest to notice how
many, and what classes of men, are present about the
senate house. Even the poorest desire this government,
these temples, this common liberty, to remain [stand].
CAT. IV, 8-1 1
248. The zeal not only of those men who were born at
Rome, not only of the freedmen who have gained the right
of citizenship, not the zeal of these alone, I say, should
be noticed, but especially that of other men who are still in
servitude. Although this city is not their country, although
they have not liberty the dearest (possession) of man
yet the audacity of these citizens appalls them, and in their
desire [desiring] that this government should continue,
they are contributing to its preservation all the goodwill
they dare. If you have heard that some have attempted
to bribe the needy and ignorant, be not frightened at this,
but rather provide for the safety of the Roman people.
ARCHIAS 1-3 125
To-day you should remember that your country has a
leader forgetful of himself, devoted to you, who will not
hesitate to execute your decrees. Decide before night
what is to be done. I have now performed my consular
duty. Granted that your other leaders have become
famous by managing well (the interests of) the state, yet I
am the only man whom you have honored for saving the
state. If by chance I shall be overwhelmed by the multi-
tude of my enemies, I demand of you but one reward
[thing]. Let my deeds and the memory of this day be
fixed in your minds. Then protect my little son from
every danger.
ARCHIAS 1-3
249. If I am able to help the man from whom I received
my enthusiasm for [of] culture and literature, surely Aulus
Licinius may well demand this of me. For from my boy-
hood, from my earliest recollection, he trained my mind to
learning, my voice to public speaking. Do not think-it-
strange that this man cannot defend himself. He has so
devoted himself to literature that he shrinks from this kind
of speaking in a public assembly. And, Judges, as I am
about to plead in behalf of such a man, I beg that I may
be permitted to use a form of speech new to this court, yet
suited to this case. If you grant me this favor, I am sure
you will feel that you ought to add Archias to the number
of citizens, if he were not already (one). Born at Antioch,
he was trained to culture in the usual [the same which are
customary] branches. In a short time he excelled all the
learned men in that famous city. Soon after his reputa-
tion spread through Asia and Greece, and even here at
Rome he was known to many of us as (being) worthy of
126 CICERO
our admiration. When Marius and Catulus were consuls,
he came to Rome, where he was received by the Luculli.
So pleasing was he to these and other noted men that the
highest honors were heaped upon him.
ARCHIAS 4-6
250. How was he enrolled as a citizen ? When Marcus
Lucullus, his friend, set out for Sicily, Archias went with
him. Coming to Heraclia on his way, he became a citizen
of that state, which has long been on a perfect equality
with us as to rights. Some time later the Senate decreed
that all who were citizens of allied states might be given
(Roman) citizenship, if they then had a residence in Italy,
and were enrolled within a certain time. These (conditions)
he fulfilled [did]. And yet, when you cannot weaken these
(statements) you finally remember that the record-office
at Heraclia was burned, and some one of you demands the
public records. A foolish request [thing], especially as he
made his declaration before Quintus Metellus, a most up-
right and careful man. Or do you think that the people of
Heraclia would not have enrolled him as a citizen ? Yet
they gave this (honor) to men of much less ability. " If he
had been enrolled by the censor, it would prove that he
thought himself a citizen ; but he was not enrolled." But
you know, Gratius, that he not only made a will, but often
received legacies from [of] Roman citizens. In doing this
he acted as a Roman citizen. But you wonder why I
should devote myself to his interests ? One reason is that
he furnishes me with rest of mind, when I am wearied with
the noise of the Forum. Indeed, I am not ashamed to grant
some time to reviewing such studies, for by so doing I am
better able to aid you all.
ARCHIAS 7-12 127
ARCHIAS 7-9
251. Do you understand me to say that the illustrious
men of whose meritorious deeds we have read in literature
were trained by such teaching ? It may be difficult to prove
this, yet this reply can be made : When we see how much
trained natural ability accomplishes, and how able men
have been aided in acquiring (a love for) virtue by the
study of literature, we wonder how much other men of
excellent talent, but untrained, would have accomplished,
if they had had the molding-power of education. How
much, therefore, should we love and cherish the man who
not only shows this result of his teaching, but, if we seek
pleasure only, who indeed furnishes us with so refined a
diversion ? Again and again has Archias recited many
excellent verses extemporaneously. Who would think that
we should spurn such a poet ? Poets are given to man by
the gods, and for that reason were called sacred by our
own Ennius. Did not seven cities claim Homer as their
own, even though he was dead ? If the rocks and deserts
respond to the song of the poet, if even wild beasts stop
to hear it, shall we not be glad to call [gladly call] Archias
our citizen ? Who is not pleased at hearing the praises
of his own merits ? Archias has celebrated Rome by his
praises. For the same reason, (a bust of) Ennius was placed
in the tomb of the Scipios. Thus many other poets, who
have devoted themselves to praising the Roman name,
have been cherished by our ancestors. Shall we not adorn
Archias also with great honor, and recognize him as our
own ?
ARCHIAS 10-12
252. Do not think that the Roman people receives less
praise because Archias' works are in Greek verse. For
128 CICERO
Greek literature is read among all peoples the Latin only
within our own territories. Consequently our praises will
penetrate to the farthest bounds of the world. The great
Alexander deemed Achilles fortunate to have had Homer
as a herald of his valor. And yet he himself had many
poets with him, to praise his deeds. In fact, some of our
own commanders have even bestowed the citizenship on
poets who have written of their deeds. Would any of
them have refused Archias, if he had asked it of them ?
Remember that the Luculli, father and son, and Metellus
Pius were his intimate friends. Through them he could
have obtained anything, for they gave rich rewards even
to poor poets. But why do I defend Archias ? Not alone
because of these considerations, but also because he has
promised to touch in verse upon the events of my consul-
ship. By this he will spread remembrance of me to all
the earth. In these praises of me, you also will be praised.
Therefore, spare this man, this poet of genius. Nay,
rather, let him conduct himself as a citizen unmolested.
MANILIAN LAW 1-4
253. I have to rejoice that, when I am about to speak
for the first time in this honored place, I am to devote my
time to my friend, Gnaeus Pompey. Hitherto I have been
so busy with [in] the defense [danger] of private citizens
that I could not aspire to the influence of this position.
But now that you have shown your judgment of me, by
electing me praetor, this avenue to [of] glory has been
opened to me, and I will bring to this place whatever
ability I may have. But to start at the beginning, two
powerful kings have seized your provinces in Asia. Your
tribute from these provinces is at stake ; the Roman
MANILIAN LAW 5-7 1 29
knights, who have devoted themselves to your interests
in Asia, have begged me to report to you the state's
danger and their own. If I say what ought to be dis-
cussed first, I shall speak of the nature of the war. Here
let me warn you that you will not only lessen the glory of
the Roman People, but will lose your most powerful allies.
Desirous as you have been of (gaining) glory, how can
you allow Mithradates, who ordered all Romans in Asia to
be put to death, and whom you defeated in the previous
war, to (continue to) rule ? One must pardon your com-
manders because Mithradates has not received punishment
fitted to his crimes, for (the interests of) the state called
them home before he had been captured or slain. What did
Mithradates then do ? He prepared the greatest possible
armies, and now is planning to wage war on you from two
widely separated parts of the empire. In Spain, Pompey
has already removed all danger from you. In Asia, Lu-
cullus was doing the same, until summoned home. Should
we not send Pompey to bring this war to an end?
MANILIAN LAW 5-7
254. To speak further of the nature of this war, consider
how our ancestors punished those who treated our citizens
abusively. Because the Greeks addressed our ambassadors
too haughtily, war was waged on Corinth until it. was
destroyed. And yet you suffer Mithradates to deprive
Roman citizens of life ! Your friends and allies are driven
from their kingdoms all Asia is demanding aid from
you, so great is the danger. They would ask of you, if it
were allowed them, one leader of whose self-restraint they
have often heard ; but you have sent a different one. Yet
this other leader, who is now close-at-hand, has already
LAT. PROSE COMP. 9
130 CICERO
checked the enemy's attacks (simply) by his [very] name.
Think what is-at-stake. Consider how necessary it is to
protect a province not merely from war, but even from
fear of it, if you expect to enjoy the revenues from that
province. All your tribute ceases while war is being
waged. Even if you should gain a victory, the property
of your tax-gatherers would be lost. Who then would
farm your taxes? If you neglect the interests of these
men, others will have no desire to invest in any of your
provinces. For they would think that you will consider
them of too little importance to defend [so little that you
will not defend]. Consider also what would happen at
Rome, how credit would fail and many be dragged to ruin.
MANILIAN LAW 8-9
255. Consider now the greatness of this measure. Do not
scorn what I shall say. For although this war is not to be
feared, yet you must undertake it with the greatest care.
And do not think that great praise is not due Lucius
Lucullus, a man of the greatest wisdom and valor. For
although, when he arrived, Mithradates with large forces
was besieging Cyzicus, that city was relieved by his efforts.
If this same Lucullus had not overwhelmed and sunk that
well-equipped fleet, it would already be blockading [shut-
ting.off from all access] Italy. That leader also captured
the king's palaces, despoiled him of his ancestral kingdom,
and drove him as a suppliant to other peoples. Have I
given Lucullus sufficient praise? Has any one, even of his
friends, or of those who oppose Manilius, bestowed like
praise on him ? Do you ask then how there can now be
anything more to be done if Lucullus accomplished all
this ? Since the question is not unreasonable, you shall
MANILIAN LAW 10-12 131
learn. When our army was driving Mithradates from his
kingdom they were delayed by the gathering of the booty.
For all the silver and gold that Mithradates had heaped
up in Pontus was left by him when he fled to the Arme-
nian king. Although Lucullus defeated both Tigranes
and Mithradates in Armenia, our soldiers sought rather
a return from that remote place than a further advance.
Since this time Mithradates has been gathering new forces,
gaining new allies. I pass over that terrible disaster to us
when he suddenly attacked our victorious army. At that
crisis Lucullus was obliged to deliver the army to Manius
Glabrio.
* MANILIAN' LAW 10-12
256. Fellow-citizens, I have said enough in regard to the
nature and greatness of this war. Let us now consider
who is to be commander of interests [things] so great.
Would that it were difficult because of an abundance of
leaders for you to select one preeminently [especially]
suitable! But of all your commanders one only, Gnaeus
Pompey, possesses the necessary qualities of a leader.
Consider his knowledge of the art of war from earliest
boyhood he was trained by the discipline of the camp.
What wars has he not waged ! If you should read of the
various kinds, you would learn that he has been drilled in
every one. Indeed, there is nothing in military experience
that has escaped his knowledge. Is not his merit also
equal to his knowledge (of war) ? Indeed, he has such
merits as none of your other leaders has had. If witnesses
to this are sought, you must select them from a large
number. For not only Italy and Sicily, which were freed
from their enemies by his aid, but Africa, Gaul, and Spain,
all saw him overthrow the numerous foes that oppressed
132 CICERO
them. From him alone did every coast, every foreign
nation seek aid, when the pirates held every harbor and no
one dared sail except in winter. If you recall that widely
scattered war, you will even nojv wonder how such a war
could have been finished by one commander in one year.
Yet Gnaeus Pompey in the fury of war passed over all
coasts, all shores. By midsummer all the pirates had
surrendered to his power. Besides, Cilicia had been added
to the Roman dominion. No longer had we to fear that
robbers would plunder our coasts, and even our harbors.
And all this was accomplished by the valor of one man.
MANILIAN LAW 13-15
257. A finished commander must possess not merely
valor but also blamelessness, self-control, and other quali-
ties of like nature [like these]. You must consider the
character of these virtues [what sort of virtues these are]
in-the-case-of Gnaeus Pompey, for any one can recognize
how (truly) great they are. In his army you do not hear of
the buying and selling of centurionships [that the centurion-
ship is bought 1 and sold]. If he had taken from the treasury
money which the Senate had appropriated for the expense
of war, and, as others have done, had kept it for himself or
divided it among his (friends), already your murmurs would
show [make] that you recall-it-to-mind. If you are angry
with the generals who from avarice have done this thing,
how much more must your foreign allies be alarmed, all of
whose fields and towns have been pillaged by these same
commanders! Because these remember what other lead-
ers have done and know how self-restrained [of how great
self-restraint] Pompey and his armies are, they regard him
1 emo.
MANILIAN LAW 16-18 133
(as one) sent by the gods to free them from oppression
[wrong].
They think that they see why their ancestors considered
it more to their advantage to be-servants-of Rome than
to have other nations as their tributaries. Such indeed
is the courtesy of Gnaeus Pompey that even the private
citizen dares enter complaint before him. Consider also
how great is his prestige ; for there can be no doubt
that our enemies are influenced by this. ' How you have
increased this by your decrees! When you filled the
Forum to demand Pompey as commander for the war
against the pirates, his fame penetrated to the most solitary
shore of the world. When you appointed him commander
of this war, prosperity came to Rome, and even the price of
grain fell [the cheapness of grain followed]. Had he not
been in Asia when we suffered that disaster in Pontus, you
could _not have checked Mithradates. Will he not then
save Asia if you put him in charge (of the war) ?
MANILIAN LAW 16-18
258. Is there need 1 of further examples to make clear
how great Pompey's influence is among foreign nations?
He was the only (man) to whom the Cretans would sur-
render, although he was far away, and another of your
generals was even then in command of the army on the
island of Crete. It happened that this same Mithradates
increased Pompey's prestige, when he sent a messenger to
him in farthest Spain. But come, let us consider his good-
fortune. Because of this indeed, and not merely because
of wise counsels and valorous-deeds, do we select com-
manders for our armies. For good-fortune seems to be
1 Cf. 55.
1 34 CICERO
given in-some-divine-tnanner by the gods. When we remem-
ber how great good-fortune Gnaeus Pompey has already
had, may we not hope that in the future [remaining time]
he will not be displeasing to the gods ? Already even (the
forces of) nature seem to have given obedience to his will.
Had any one, before we saw what fortune the gods have
granted this man, dared (even) silently to declare himself so
endowed with honors, he would have been thought insolent.
At home, in the field, everywhere, 1 all things have yielded
to his wishes. Now as we cannot abandon our allies in
this danger, and as you have a commander endowed with
such virtues, will you not place him in charge of this war ?
Why must we choose another as commander, especially
when Gnaeus Pompey is already in Asia with his army?
And yet Quintus Hortensius, whose authority has always
had the greatest weight with you, says that this is not
the best (thing) to be done. He thinks you ought not to
appoint the same (man) for all wars. If we had followed
his advice when we were appointing Pompey commander
against the pirates, even now we should be cut off from
our provinces. How weak was the state of the Roman
people, although-their [whose] ancestors had conquered
all maritime nations, and adorned this place with the
spoils of fleets, while we could not keep our own shores
safe from robbers, nay more, even feared to set forth
from the city by the Appian Way. Ought we not to
have been ashamed to mount this rostrum?
MANILIAN LAW 19-21
259. Had the Roman people then been persuaded by
your views, Quintus Hortensius, rather than by their own
1 ubique.
MANILIAN LAW 19-21 135
distress, we should not now be freed from all dangers on
land and sea. And yet you declared with the best inten-
tions what seemed to you to be for the safety of the state.
Further, as Pompey demands that Aulus Gabinius shall be
made his lieutenant, why should he not obtain from you a
man suitable for defending your allies ? By decrees of the
Senate your other commanders have often received such
lieutenants as they desired, to plunder your provinces. If
the consuls hesitate to bring before the Senate the choos-
ing of Gabinius as lieutenant, I myself will do so. Quintus
Catulus, however, demands that you do nothing contrary
to the precedent of your ancestors. You answered well
when you said that, in case any misfortune should prevent
Pompey from doing all you hoped he would accomplish,
there was none so worthy of your trust as Quintus Catu-
lus. And yet we must differ from this noble man, who
has been of so great an influence for good in the state that
we all believe-in him and gladly listen to his advice. If I
may call to mind the Carthaginian and the Spanish wars,
you will remember that these were conducted by one man.
Recently even the Senate decided that unless Gaius Marius
was placed in command of all the forces of our land, there
could be no hope of safety for the state. This same man
both subdued Jugurtha and defended us from the Teutons.
To pass by all others, even in the case of Gnaeus Pompey
very many remarkable honors have been granted by decree
of the Senate. It was indeed an unheard-of (event) that a
knight should have a triumph at Rome, that a private citi-
zen should be given a proconsulship. If these examples
are not sufficient, remember how he was permitted to be-
come consul before he had held any other office. And all
these things, too, were done with the full consent of Catulus.
136 CICERO
MANILIAN LAW 22-24
260. Such men should respect your judgment in regard
to Gnaeus Pompey, especially since you have always ap-
proved their opinions concerning this same man. Did not
many men cry out when you chose Pompey general in the
maritime war? But did your judgment then bring safety
or disaster to the state ? Can they not see that they must
sometimes yield to the will of the Roman people ? Now
especially you should have in Asia a commander of great
self-restraint ; for it is difficult to think of nothing save the
state. The rich shrines and prosperous cities are so many
in number that our generals have even sought a pretext
[reason] for waging war. Why ? Simply that they might
plunder those intrusted to their care and become rich on
the spoils of war. All this has been done to such an
extent that we are bitterly hated by [in great hatred
among] foreign nations. The complaints of your allies
are known to Catulus and Hortensius. They know that
the property of those cities and the royal treasure are so
great and the ornaments of the shrines in Asia so rich
that your other generals would not keep their hands from
them. Do not then fear the threats of these men who,
(although) endowed with the greatest talent, would dis-
suade you from sending [urge you not to send] Gnaeus
Pompey to the Mithradatic war. Abide by your purpose.
I promise to aid [be an aid to] you with this pretorian
power, not that I expect to gain from this any defense
against dangers or any assistance to (further) honors, but
that I may place your advantage before my own. There-
fore, fellow-citizens, appoint Gnaeus Pompey to the man-
agement of this war.
SPECIMEN COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS
IN LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION
AMHERST COLLEGE, 1897
While Caesar was thus engaged, he desired to know
what was being done elsewhere. A message was brought
to him from Titurius, whom he had placed in command^ of
the troops at the bridge : " The Belgians have changed
their plan, and have come down to the river. I fear they
will cross it at a ford* and thus attack us in the rear 2 *"
Caesar immediately dispatched his horse and light troops 4
to prevent their carrying out this design. These squad-
rons^ crossing the river by the bridge, reached the ford
before the Belgians had passed it, and attacked them with
their missiles while they were still struggling^ in the mid-
dle of the stream. Part of them who had already gained
the opposite side were surrounded and cut in pieces 1 by
the cavalry. The Belgians were forced* to retreat to their
former encampment, where they heard that Divitiacus had
entered their confines and was now wasting their homes
with sword and fire. They therefore determined to aban-
don their attempt^ and to return each to defend his own
- land.
1 praeficere. 4 miles expeditus. 7 trucidare.
2 vadum. 5 turma. 8 cogere.
3 a tergo. 6 impeditus. 9 inceptum.
137
138 COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS
BRYN MAWR COLLEGE, 1897
He told me to buy him a horse for twenty minae, but
said that he could not pay it now because his friend had
not sent him the money that he heeded. I am ashamed of
my faults, but what business is that of yours? He was
leaning on the table, when suddenly the table was moved,
and he fell to the ground. I broke the window with a
stone, but I cannot remember what I was trying to hit.
All the world is full of good men, but the wicked seem to
have the most pleasures.
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, 1897
If I should say that I had done these things alone with-
out the help of the gods, I should be beside myself. Does
it not seem to have happened providentially that Lentulus
was so foolish as to intrust the letters to the Gauls who,
though they might have kept silent, nevertheless of their
own accord offered us the proofs of Catiline's guilt?
CORNELL UNIVERSITY, 1897
1. All good citizens will obey the laws of the Roman
people.
2. These brave men blocked the way of the enemy with
their own bodies.
3. Before I set out from Rome, you returned to the city
from Asia.
4. Take care that those who are absent may not have a
place to which to return.
5. If he had known that you were to come to-day, he
would have remained at Athens.
COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 139
6. He said that he should have done this before setting
out, but that he did not know how important it was.
DARTMOUTH COLLEGE, 1897
On the next day Caesar led out his forces from both
(uterque) the camps, and advancing a short distance from
the larger camp, he drew up his army and offered battle to
the enemy. As soon as (udt) he perceived that the enemy
did not come out, he withdrew. Then Ariovistus sent a
part of his troops to attack (oppngnari) the smaller camp,
and a sharp battle was fought till evening (vesper). Then
Caesar, calling a council, said that he should send out a
detachment of cavalry (aid) to reconnoitre (explorare), and
when they returned, he should order the soldiers to pre-
pare (corpora curare) for an engagement.
HARVARD COLLEGE, 1897
Although only a small part of the summer was left,
Caesar determined to cross into Britain, for he had ob-
served that in nearly all the wars with the Gauls aid had
been furnished to the enemy by the inhabitants of that
island. Since, however, he could learn nothing from the
Gauls about the nature of the island and of its people, and
was afraid that some misfortune might happen to him if
he acted incautiously, he sent a lieutenant to find out all
he could about that portion of Britain which was nearest
to Gaul.
In the meantime Caesar gathered together about eighty
ships in which to carry across the troops if a favorable
report was made by his lieutenant. When after five days
I4O COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS
this officer had returned and reported all that he had
seen, Caesar at once set sail with two legions of infan-
try and ordered the cavalry to follow with all possible
speed.
The cavalry, however, waited more than five days before
setting out and then proceeded so slowly that one battle
had already been fought with the enemy before they came
within sight of Caesar and the infantry.
PRINCETON COLLEGE, 1897
1. Although news of this was brought to Ariovistus,
he told his men to wait until the enemy had crossed
the river. Then, after he had incited his soldiers to the
highest pitch of daring, he began the attack.
or,
The hostages told him that the enemies' camp was not far
distant, and that only old men and boys were guarding it,
and that if he chose to make an attack, in the absence of
the soldiers, he could capture it quite easily.
2. It is worth my while, citizens, to undergo this out-
burst of unjust hatred provided the peril of this dread-
ful war be removed from you. Let people say that I
have cast him out, if only he go into exile. But believe
me, he is not going to go.
TUFTS COLLEGE, 1897
Marcellus was much stronger in infantry forces, for he
had veteran 1 legions tried by many battles. Cassius relied
more on the loyalty than on the bravery of his legions.
So when Marcellus had seized a place suitable for a fort-
COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 141
ress, 2 in order to cut off the followers 3 of Cassius from
water, Longinus, fearing that he might be confined by a
sort 4 of siege in regions hostile to himself, set out from
his camp by night in silence, and hastened by a swift
march to Ulia, a town which he believed to be faithful
to him.
1 veteranus. 2 castellum. 3 Cassiani. 4 genere quodam.
VASSAR COLLEGE, 1897
There are times when it is wrong to do things that
ordinarily are fitting (dignus) for good men to do. For
instance, if you have agreed to go and be an advocate
for some one, and meanwhile your son falls ill, surely it
is not shirking your duty not to do that which you said
you would do. If this were not so, says Cicero, there
would be no one who would dare make a promise ; but,
he adds, every man in deciding whether he ought to keep
a promise or not must bear in mind this rule, that the
lesser injury is to be preferred to the greater.
WELLESLEY COLLEGE, 1897
Render into Latin :
But the barbarians were not lacking in counsel. For
through all the ranks (tota acii) their leaders gave the
order (pronuntiare jusserunf) that "no one should quit his
place ; the booty was theirs, and for them was reserved
whatever the Romans should leave ; so then they should
understand that all depended (posita) upon victory." In
valor and numbers our men were their equals in the fight.
Although they were deserted by their leader and by for-
142 COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS
tune, they yet placed all their hope of safety in valor, and
as often as each cohort rushed forward, in that quarter
great numbers of the enemy fell. When he perceived
this, Ambiorix ordered his men to throw their weapons at
a distance and not approach too near, and to fall back
whenever the Romans made a charge.
Change from indirect to direct discourse :
Germanos neque priores populo Romano bellum inferre
neque tamen recusare, si lacessantur, quin armis conten-
dant, quod Germanorum consuetude haec sit a majoribus
tradita, quicumque bellum inferant, resistere neque depre-
cari. Haec tamen dicere : venisse invitos, ejectos domo ;
si suam gratiam Romani velint, posse iis utiles esse amicos ;
vel sibi agros attribuant, vel patiantur eos tenere quos
armis possederint.
Change from direct to indirect discourse:
Alterum genus est eorum, qui, quamquam premuntur
aere alieno, dominationem tamen exspectant, rerum potiri
volunt, honores, quos quieta re publica desperant, pertur-
bata consequi se posse arbitrantur. Quibus hoc praecipi-
endum videtur, unum scilicet et idem quod reliquis omni-
bus, ut desperent se id, quod conantur, consequi posse.
WILLIAMS COLLEGE, 1897
In the five-hundred-and-fortieth year after the founding
of the city (a condita urbe) Paulus and Varro were sent
against Hannibal. At a town called Cannae in Apulia a
battle was fought, in which both consuls were defeated.
The consul Paulus was killed, thirty senators were either
COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 143
captured or slain, as well as three hundred nobles and
forty thousand soldiers. Yet no Roman dared to speak of
peace. Slaves were manumitted (manumissi sunf), a thing
which had never been done before, and in this way the
army was increased.
YALE COLLEGE, 1897
[Time allowed, 30 minutes.]
When the Romans reached Britain the barbarians, occu-
pying the shore, hurled javelins at them and attempted to
prevent them from disembarking (ex navibus egredi). The
Romans, not accustomed to -fight on ships, were terrified
by this until (donee) Caesar ordered some of his ships to be
stationed near the exposed flank of the enemy. Then the
barbarians disturbed by the arrows and javelins retreated
slightly (paulum pedem referre). While the Romans were
still hesitating, the eagle-bearer 1 of the tenth legion, jump-
ing (se proicere) into the sea, cried out, " Leap down (desi-
lire), soldiers, unless you wish to betray your eagle to the
enemy ! " All immediately followed him and after a fierce
conflict put the enemy to flight.
1 " He who carried the eagle."
UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, 1897
Elementary Prose Composition
Translate into Latin (marking all long vowels):
i. Ariovistus told Caesar that he (Ariovistus) had not
crossed the Rhine of his own accord, but at the earnest
entreaties of the Gauls, who were being hard pressed by
their neighbors.
144 COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS
2. Moreover, he wanted to know what business Caesar
had anyhow in his part of Gaul, which he had conquered
in war.
3. Caesar replied : You do not think, do you, that I
can permit the friends and dependents of the Roman
people to be injured?
4. Can you not, therefore, be persuaded to send your
forces home and not allow any more Germans to cross the
Rhine ?
5. Although Ariovistus spoke so boldly, yet he was
afraid that Caesar would drive him out of Gaul.
Advanced Prose Composition
[Do not attempt to render the English into Latin word for word, but grasp
clearly each thought, and consider what is the Latin way of expressing this
thought.]
Translate into Latin (marking all long vowels) :
Tullius sends greeting to Tiro :
I thought that I could bear your absence a little more
easily than I do, but I do not bear it easily ; and although
it is of great importance to me to come to the city as soon
as possible, still I seem to have done wrong in leaving you.
But since it seemed to be your wish not to sail until your
health was restored, I have approved of your plan. I
have sent Mario to you with instructions that he is to
come with you to me as soon as possible, or, if you remain
for a time, that he is to return to me at once. But be
assured of this, 1 that if it can be done with safety to your
health, I prefer nothing more than that you should be with
me.
COLLEGE ENTRANCE EXAMINATIONS 145
ii you sail at once, you will overtake us at Corcyra;
but if you wish to recover your strength? you will take
good care to choose suitable weather and a suitable vessel.
Give heed to one thing, Tiro : do not let the arrival of
Mario and this letter disturb you. Take care especially
of your health.
1 hoc tibi persuade. 2 te confirmare.
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 1897
Translate into Latin (if Latin word is unknown, indicate
in blank space the case or the mood and tense required) :
When Caesar made these inquiries (asked these things)
of the envoys, he found that the Belgae long before had
driven out the Gauls (use participial phrase) and that they
were the only ones who had been able to prevent the Cim-
bri from entering (or invading) their country; that the
Nervii, who were considered the fiercest among them, had
promised fifty thousand armed-men for this war.
While Caesar was waiting for reinforcements, the Belgae
attacked a walled town of the Remi, which was eight miles
from the Roman camp. So Iccius sent a messenger to say
that unless aid were given him, he would have to surrender
the .town. Caesar replied that he would send one legion
to help the Remi because they had obeyed his orders.
LAT. PROSE COMP. IO
TYPOGRAPHY BY J. 8. CUSHING & CO., NORWOOD, MASS.
Dodge, CC
D644
Latin pro
se compos it i
% <> A -M "W vs A a
m
bes6d on CH
and Cicero
Joar j Wopos ,
THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY
