"STRIKE, BUT HEAR. 1
POLAND, RUSSIA,
THE POLICY OF THE LATTER TOWARDS
THE UNITED STATES.
BY
MAJOR G. TOCHMAN
BALTIMORE:
JOHN D. TOY, PRINTER.
1844.
LECTURE
*
DELIVERED BEFORE THE
MEMBERS OF THE STATE LEGISLATURES
OF
New York, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, Virginia,
Ohio, Indiana, and Kentucky,
AND BEFORE THE
MEMBERS OF THE NEW JERSEY STATE CONVENTION,
ON THE SUBJECT OF THE
Serial, JJolitiral antr fiterarjj con.Mtion of
POLAND,
AND HER FUTURE PROSPECTS,
Conjointly with the policy of Russia towards these United States,
BY
MAJOR G. TOCHMAN,
A POLISH EXILE.
AT THE END OF THE LECTURE ARE ADDED
RESOLUTIONS OF THE ABOVE LEGISLATIVE BODIES,
PASSED AFTER HEARING MAJOR G. TOCHMAN:
ALSO,
FOUR COMMUNICATIONS, forming Major Tochman's part of a Contro-
versy in the columns of the National Intelligencer, upon the same subject.
BALTIMORE:
PRINTED BY JOHN D. TOY,
Comer of Market and St. Paul streets.
1844.
ENTERED, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1844,
BY GASPARD TOCHMAN,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Maryland.
*
Library,
HONOURABLE SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES:
4|
SINCE the memorable year 1794, when Kosciusko the great martyr
in the cause of freedom and of Poland fell, and the name of that
unhappy country was sacrilegiously erased from the map of Europe,
continual efforts have been made to justify that dismemberment
Time's bloodiest picture, when "Sarmatia fell unwept, without a
crime."
A host of speculative writers, have, consequently, endeavoured to
impress the public mind with an idea, that the mass of her people
before that event, were slaves or serfs, subjected to a few nobles!
On this plea, it has been falsely asserted, that the Polish people at
this moment under the governments of Russia, Austria, and Prussia,
are happier than before, and that the dismemberment of their coun-
try, has injured only the interests of a few nobles petty tyrants.
Not long ago, there appeared in one of your most prominent pa-
pers, the National Intelligencer, a series of communications, entitled
11 The Northern Nations of Europe, the Poles, the Russians, etc.;"
and the writer of these communications, on the basis of deductions
drawn from such misrepresentations, ventures to conclude with the
assertion, that "to expect the resuscitation of Poland, is toexpect the
tide of human affairs to roll backward, and about as rational as to
hope for the resurrection of the Roman Empire."
Such writings, whether they are intended to justify the infamous
act of the spoilers of Poland, or only produced from ignorance on the
t* * ""^^P^ .
4
part of their authors, have always been, and continue to be the
source of great mischiefs to the whole community of freedom ; be-
cause, in either case, they deprive it of lessons gained through ages
of experience, and divert the people from the way in winch their
own proper interests and duty with regard to mankind and them-
selves would lead them.
Considering, just and correct views upon this subject, to be of the
greatest importance to the interests and welfare of every freeman, I
am very desirous, as far as in me lies, to disabuse the public mind of
the prejudices and errors, wfiich such productions have a tendency
to create.
To do this, it is necessary to make some preliminary explanations
of our social and political institutions:
Previous to' the introduction of Christianity, which took place at
the end of the tenth century, (996,) and during the three subsequent
centuries, Poland was a despotic monarchy. Her kings, although
sometimes elective, were absolute rulers. As to the real condition
of her people in those early days, but very little is known. We find
them, however, in the eleventh century divided into four classes.
First, the Wojewods, a rank corresponding to that of lords in
England or peers in France ; they were a privileged class, and the
king chose from their body his assistant council consisting of
twelve members ; the bishops and the prelates, belonged also to that
class.
The second class, were the Nobles ; they had no share in the gov-
ernment, in the day of the infancy of their country ; their public
duty was merely to defend it, in case of a foreign invasion and for
this purpose they were organized into a militia, which afterwards
took the name of pospolite (pospolite ruszenie.) They always fought
on horseback.
The third class, were the agricultural people, called Wiesniacy,
which means, the people living in villages, the peasants ; they were
a free and independent people ; but they were mostly tenants ; their
public duty was to guard the castles in time of war, and all those
who volunteered to fight the battles of the country in open field on
horseback, were ranked with the nobles, and in time all became no-
blemen.
From time immemmorial, the owners of land used to build entire
hamlets and villages, and the poor people who wished to settle in
thn, used to take a lease of as many acres of land as they pleased,
with which were given to them, a cottage, a stable, a granary, two
or three cows, as many horses, and all the agricultural implements.
The .produce of such a farm, belonged to the tenant; he could dis-
* V. * ** * *
pose of it as he pleased, and paid his rent by working on other land
of the owner. Generally from two to four days work per week, was
demanded for each fifty or sixty acres ; which rent the tenant could
pay, labouring personally or employing his servant or a hired man.
The labour of every man having been counted for one day's rent ;
the tenant could pay his weekly rent in one day, by sending to the
owner of the land, a number of labourers equal to the number of days
due from him. All these tenants (or as we call them peasants) were
under the protection of national law, as well as the nobles ; possess-
ed entire freedom, of action, and^ould remove whenever and where-
ever they pleased ; provided they fulfilled the obligations which they
had voluntarily contracted.
Some of these peasants, in addition to the rent which they paid in
labour, gave eggs, poultry, and a certain quantity of flax. They
might be compared with the English tenants in soccage.
The fourth class of people at that early period, were the prisoners
of war and their descendants; these were considered as slaves of
the nobles and Wojewods who made them prisoners; their condi-
tion, however, was not worse than that of the English villeins and
tenants at will. But, what I wish you to observe is this, that all
these slaves and serfs were emancipated at once, ancLdeclared to be
as free as the peasants, by the great National Assembly, held in the
City of Wislica, in 1347, which Assembly also limited the power
of the Kings, and laid the foundation stone of that new Polish Con-
stitution, which in the course of subsequent political events, made
Poland an elective monarchy, and finally a republic.
It is true, that even while Poland boasted of the republican form
of government : while her kings, though elected for life, were only
the head of the executive, and her legislative power was invested in
a Diet composed of two chambers, a Senate and a House of Re-
presentatives, even at that time, the peasants were not admitted to
any legislative or executive office. This necessarily made them a
subordinate class, and they were very often abused by the nobles,
which gave some of our own writers occasion to blend and compare
their condition with that of the real serfs of other countries. This
evil was, however, in the nature of things; Poland (like other
countries of Europe) having been formed on the ruins of savage
tribes, the mass of the nation were illiterate, ignorant and supersti-
tious, and in such condition the sovereignty of the dempcratic prin-
ciple could not be extended to all her people, for such liberty would
have stopped the progress of civilization, and reduced Poland to the
rank of savage nations. A reform of mind was necessary to extend
this sovereignty, and there is something truly sublime in the mea-
1*
4fe
sures which our fathers adopted to accomplish this purpose. They
established schools throughout the country as early as the fourteenth
century. The children of the peasants were admitted to the same
schools in which the children of the nobles were educated-; and all
those who graduated, were declared to be nobles de jure, and as
such were entitled to the full enjoyment of all the rights of free
citizens of the republic.
Poland was so successful in reforming her people by these two
means, viz : military merit and education, that in the course of a
single century about one-eighth or\her population became nobles ;
and in the sixteenth century, when her population did not exceed
15,000,000, she boasted of about 480,000 voters. This speaks very
highly for her, considering that France in this nineteenth century,
after so many bloody revolutions, with a population of 35,000,000,
numbers only 180,000 voters ; 300,000 less than Poland numbered
two centuries and a half ago, with her population of only about
15,000,000.
Such historical facts and testimonials, evince that the character of
her nobles, differs entirely from the feudal nobility of the rest of
Europe. The nobility of Poland sprang from among the country
people, and are the creation of an adopted reform of the nation,
while the feudal nobility of the rest of Europe, originated in the
ascendency of a conquering race over the original inhabitants.
This difference will better be understood, when it is known that
there are in Poland many hamlets and villages, inhabited by a popu-
lation of nobles only, who are as poor as the peasants, and till the
soil with their own hands, and who before the partition, notwith-
standing their poverty, were always in the enjoyment of political
rights equal with nobles worth millions of money, and to whom
thousands of peasants paid rent in kind or in labour.
Another trait of our history, will perhaps more forcibly show that
her nobles cannot be confounded with the feudal nobility. In the
sixteenth century, all the titles of Princes, Counts, Barons and
others, which had, in former centuries, in consequence of foreign
influence, found their way into Poland, were abolished ; only one
order of nobility, called the equestrian order, was recognized, and
every nobleman, rich and poor, without distinction, was eligible to
the office of King. The kings were elected by the nobles, and a
plurality of votes decided the election.
There were only a few families to whom it was permitted to use
the title of Princes ; these were descendants and relations of the old
Sovereign families : Prince Adam Czartoryski, the President of our
government in 1830 '31, who is now in France as a political exile,
is one of them.* A few families enjoyed the titles of Counts and
Barons, which were given to them by the German Emperors; but
neither these foreign titles, nor the title of Polish Prince, gave any
superiority over the nobles : the poorest nobles were equal to them
in the enjoyment of political rights.
The developement of liberal principles, after the fall of the abso-
lute power of the kings, was so rapid in Poland, that at the com-
mencement of the fifteenth century, the Poles boasted of a law stating
"Neminem captivabimus nisi jure victum aut in crimine depre-
hensum," that is: none shall be arrested, until legally indicted for a
crime, unless taken in the fact. And in the middle of this same
century, the inhabitants of the cities which had been recently built,
mostly by emigrants from Germany, were admitted to legislative and
public office, and were thus brought to an equal political elevation
with the nobles.
When we reflect upon all these institutions, and then compare the
condition of the Polish people with that of their contemporaries in
the West of Europe where the feudal system was predominant, we
cannot wonder that Poland gave birth to a Sobiewski, a Kosciusko, a
Pulaski; and never to a Cromwell, a Robespiere, a Napoleon.
There has always been something in the very nature of her insti-
tutions, which must have influenced the social and political condition
of all the European family and its offspring these United States.
The illustrious French writers of the last two centuries, had made
an engine of her institutions, praising them in their countless writings,
in order to push their own countrymen to that great revolution, which
has, in our days, freed France from eighteen centuries of prejudices,
and changed the political aspect of all Europe, by spreading over it
a better knowledge of the rights of man. And the framers of your
own Constitution, looked to the institutions of Poland in their debates
and deliberations. Jefferson said : "the re-elections of our Presidents
would be a bad imitation of the Kings of Poland." This allusion
was made to defeat the proposal of his opponents, who were in favour
of unlimited re-elections of the Presidents of these United States.
But to shew how much more mankind is indebted to Poland, for
* Prince Czartoryski is condemned to be beheaded, by the Ukaz of Nicholas,
dated the 4th of September, 1834, on account of the political services rendered
to his native land during the revolution. His reputation, high respectability
and patriotism, will certainly place him on the constitutional throne of Poland,
should she recover her independence in his days. His lady, Princess Czarto-
ryski, is President of the Society formed by the ladies of England and France,
whose object is to lend assistance to the school which the exiles have established
in France, for the purpose of giving a national education to their children of
both sexes.
8
the present condition of the civilized world, let me for a moment
recal your attention to the time of the invasion and dismemberment
of the Roman Empire. It is a historical fact, that Christianity alone,
saved the ark of civilization from the influence of the destructive
power of the ancient barbarians. Before their invasion, Christianity
had only one organized church, that is: an institution which pos-
sessed within itself a power to withstand the shock of invasion and
the reign of disorder, and to communicate its light of knowledge to
the nations that were emerging from the barbarian hordes, during
the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries. But had not the
Poles in these very centuries, sheltered the West of Europe from
the repeated attempts at invasion on the part of the Tartars, what
would have become of Christianity and Europe?
The celebrated Melanchton, speaking on this subject, says:
"The magnanimity of this nation is especially displayed in their
continual wars against the Tartars for the tranquility of all Europe.
For centuries she has protected Europe against the Tartars and the
neighbourhood of savage Asia. Let us never forget these obligations
to Poland, and let us recollect who are the people, and in what
regions of the earth they were made instruments of Providence, and
by protecting Europe, enabled her to preserve within her bosom
humanity, religion, and those arts and sciences so beneficial to
society."
And who was it, that in the fifteenth^ sixteenth, and seventeenth
centuries went forth the steel-clad champions of Christendom, and
rolled back from the plains of Europe, the tide of Moslem conquest?
Look at the long list of the heroes in this noble strife, and you
will find there, only the names of the sons of Poland.
Not only so, but on whatever page of the history of past ages we
cast our eyes, we see Poland this morning star of the great principle
which now governs the civilized nations. I mean the principle of
conscience and toleration. When the Jews were persecuted and
burnt alive throughout Europe, Poland gave them a home, and as
early as the year 1264, granted them a charter guaranteeing their
property, personal liberty, and freedom of worship.
At the time of the reformation, when both Reformers and Catholics
were perishing in Germany: when the blood of the hundred thousand
victims of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, was crying out from the
bosom of the French soil; when England, Scotland and Spain were
theatres of torture and fiery ordeal, Poland alone offered an asylum
to the persecuted of all religious creeds of all nations of the earth.
Rulhiere, a French writer, tells us that "mosques were raised
amongst churches and synagogues. The City of Leopold had al-
ways been the seat of three bishops, Greek, Armenian and Latin.
And it was never inquired in which of their three cathedrals, any
man who submitted to the regulations of the country, went to receive
communion. At last when the Reformation was rending so many
States into inimical factions, Poland alone, retaining her ancient reli-
gion, received into her bosom the two new- sects."
Such recollections flash from every page of the annals of Poland;
and ages will not erase from the memory of man, that the blood of
her heroes consecrates the soil, in whose bosom the ashes of mil-
lions of the persecuted of other lands, are reposing side by side
with the ashes of their protectors and defenders.
True it is, that in that age of universal intolerance, the attempt
was made to plant its seed in Poland, but no effort of a few bigoted
fanatics could succeed ; there always was in Poland more freedom
in the spiritual power, and more independence in the secular, than
in any other Christian country.
I cannot forbear, to relate some facts connected with this part of
our history and the peculiarity of national principles, which are,
and must ever be, a source of pride to every Pole.
About the time when John, King of England, kneeling before the
Legate of Rome, promised to pay a tribute of 700 marks, for the
kingdom of England, and 300 for that of Ireland and Henry IV.,
Emperor of Germany, prostrated himself barefooted before His Holi-
ness, Gregory VII., the Polish nation was excommunicated for hav-
ing dethroned the tyrant, Ladislas II. The clergy even of that early
day, stood firm by the side of the nation, and refused to publish the
excommunication of His Holiness, on the plea that they did not
think it proper that the Church should interfere in the political affairs
of the State. Several German armies invaded Poland in order to
enforce this excommunication our fathers defeated them and elected
Boleslas IV.
In a more recent time (1573) the Diet passed a law that free-
dom of worship should be allowed for ever on the soil of Poland,
to all religious denominations; and, in conseauence, when through-
out Europe, the term Dissenters was applied only to the Protestants,
the same Diet enacted, that the Polish people, both Catholics and
Protestants, should mutually be considered as Dissenters in matters
of religion. But, perhaps, the most striking feature of the Polish
tolerance, is furnished by the fact, that at the time of the thirty
years war, when Sigismundus, of Sweden, King of Poland, had
sent to Ferdinand II. of Germany, a reinforcement of 8,000 Cos-
sacks against the Protestants, the Legislature passed unanimously
an act, declaring all the Cossacks who should remain with the
10
standard of the Emperor, traitors to their own country. And it is
a tribute due to the principle enshrined in the bosom of the Poles
of all religious creeds and ranks, to mention, that there were several
Catholic Bishops in the Senate, and the Catholics had a large majo-
rity in both Houses of the Diet, when the laws, which I have just
referred to, were passed.
Let us now glance, for a moment, over the more recent records of
her history :
When the discharge of the muskets of the heroes of Lexington,
Concord and Bunker Hill echoed in Europe, our country was
invaded by hundreds of thousands of foreign soldiery our cities,
towns, and villages were smoking our mothers were mourning
and lamenting for their murdered sons and husbands; but still
their palpitating hearts did not hesitate long between the horror
of which they had been witnesses in their native land, and the
joy which they felt on receiving the news, that there was another
spot on the globe, where the standard of liberty was waving.
The genius of liberty announced to our mothers that the cannons of
"Washington called to the new world, their surviving children, and
hundreds of Poland's noblest sons obeyed this summons. The grave
of Pulaski hallows your soil, . . . and the monument of Kosciusko
looks down upon one of your noblest rivers.
Do not these testimonials conclusively show, that her vital ele-
ment has always been, and still is, a rational liberty of all men and
their prosperity ?
Yet, philosophers, book-makers, and pamphleters, professing them-
selves friends of mankind, attribute in their wisdom the dismember-
ment of Poland, to domestic dissensions only, and argue that " the
growing power of Russia, is more beneficial to the human species,
than the restoration of Poland would be ! ! "
I do not intend to defend the party strifes, which infected Poland in
the last century of her existence as an independent nation. Neither
do I wish to defend that provision of her Constitution, which admit-
ing foreign princes to her elective throne, gave foreign powers an
influence in her domestic affairs. I would only ask those who on
such grounds endeavour to justify the dismemberment of Poland
whether it would be beneficial to the human species, if the English,
the Mexicans, and the Indians, should combine against you, invade
and dismember these United States, because you have two political
parties ? . . . .
Your Constitution and your ballot-box decide the differences be-
tween your parties which are only the natural consequence of free
institutions, of freedom of action, of freedom of inquiry and you
11
enjoy the blessedness of liberty ; a privilege which was secured to
the people of Poland by her own Constitution.
Much has been said against the Polish liberum veto, which gave
power to every member of the Assembly, to suspend the decision of
the majority. But those who censure us for this veto power, care-
fully avoid to mention, that it was repeatedly abolished by the na-
tion, and as repeatedly again forced upon it by the bayonets of the
despotic rulers of the neighbouring countries, who used to oppose
with arms in their hands, every reform and melioration in the free
government of Poland: Let me, Honourable Gentlemen, call your
attention to the Constitution of the 3d May, 1791, which as the
celebrated Burke says, "benefitted every body and injured no
man," has it not ultimately settled the party strifes and abolished
the liberum veto ? This Constitution is the ark of the Polish na-
tion, which 'floats over the deluge of misrepresentations and slanders
forged against Poland's murdered sons, as well as against those who
have survived her by-gone battles, to revenge the injustice inflicted
upon them and their country.
Many a pretended friend of mankind, is boasting over the system
of education in Prussia and Austria, and proclaiming that even the
Russian system of education is better than in France ! ! ! The de-
sign of such boasting, is to create an impression that since the dis-
memberment of Poland, the moral and intellectual condition of her
people has improved. To answer this sophistry, I need only refer
you to the remarkable edict of Nicholas, dated the 21st of May,
1837, enforcing an ancient law of Russia, that forbids the admission
of the serfs to the practical schools. The edict referred to, says,
that such admissions '' would be a dangerous mixture of different
classes, and would produce a too glaring contrast between their civil
rights and intellectual powers." Does not this language conclu-
sively shew, that Nicholas' profession of being willing to educate
and to emancipate the serfs of Russia, and to improve the intellec-
tual condition of the Polish peasants, is like the invidious kiss of
Judas, by which the Saviour of mankind, was betrayed into the
hands of his executioners?
As to Austria and Prussia, there is indeed no doubt that their sys-
tems of internal administration, are better calculated to benefit their
respective inhabitants than in Russia but their systems of educa-
tion, are intended only to supply the wants of their absolute govern-
ments and consequently, the mind in neither of these countries is
permitted, to inquire beyond the circle prescribed by the rules of
their governments. The censorship is as rigid in Austria and Prus-
sia, as it is in Russia and each of those governments, in their
12
respective and peculiar manner, teach efficiently, how to despise
liberty how to invent new tortures for those who cherish it how
to seduce mankind by diplomatic smiles and writings and how, in
all ways, to counteract the efforts which the friends of liberty make
to propagate its principles. These are the characteristic features of
the Prussian, Austrian and Russian systems of education, of which
the first has been so much praised in your country.
If those who foster and support education, are entitled to the re-
gard of mankind, as they certainly ought to be, what nation in
Europe can shew a better claim to that regard than Poland ?
I acknowledge, that France and England, and perhaps some of
the small states of the German Confederacy, hold, at the present
day, a rank superior to Poland, in the literary republic; but let us
hear what a French writer, Meur de Thou, describing a Polish
deputation which was sent to Paris in the days of our independence,
says:
"One of the most remarkable circumstances, was their facility in
expressing themselves in Latin, French, German and Italian. These
four languages were as familiar to them as their vernacular tongue.
There were only two men of rank at the Court of Paris, who could
answer them in Latin, the Baron de Milan, and the Marquis Castel-
neau Morissiere. They were commissioned expressly to support
the honour of the French nation, which had reason to blush at its
own ignorance. The Polish Ambassadors spoke our language with
so much purity, that one would have taken them rather for men
educated on the banks of the Seine and the Loire, than for the in-
habitants of the countries which are watered by the Vistula and the
Dnieper. This put to the blush our courtiers, who knew nothing,
but were open enemies of science, so that when their guests ques-
tioned them, they answered only with signs and blushes."
Muretus, an Italian writer, comparing the Poles with his own
countrymen, bears testimony to the same effect, as also many other
distinguished French, English and Italian writers.
Yet, whoever studies the history and literature of Poland in her
own language, would farther see, that none of the nine daughters
of Mnemosyne was neglected in Poland, that every one had her
idolizing votaries, that every one bestowed upon her own favourites
her grateful gifts and her affections. Nor (says a prominent writer,)
" was there any human science unattainable to the intellectual grasp
of the Poles." And indeed, some had thrown an embellishing
lustre over its different branches, others had enlarged its sphere.
Let us direct our eyes upwards to the blue sky of heaven ; who
was it that pointed out the evolutions of the celestial bodies ? Co-
13
pernicus, a Pole. Who was it that illustrated the nature of light,
and the degree of its strength requisite for reaching us, through such
immense distance as intervenes between the celestial bodies and our
planet? Vitelio Ciolek, also a Pole who in the thirteenth century,
of course long before Newton, elucidated the principle of this science.
Who was it that first detected the sexual organization of plants ?
A foreigner who is not acquainted with our literature would answer
me Linna3us; but let him open the Polish books, and he will learn
that Zaluzianski, a native Pole, long before the birth of Linnaeus,
treated on this subject. His works, entitled "Methodus Herbaria,"
were published at Prague in the seventeenth century. There was
no country, where learning flourished encircled with greater splen-
dor than in Poland, in the days of her independence. Many a Pole,
returning from war or the Diet, has spent his leisure hours in literary
pursuits ; many, after the toils of a rural life, sought in them, a
soothing repose. And the same illustrious men who were the sup-
porters of the nations, were also the ornament of our literature ; the
same hand that wielded the sword, frequently guided the pen with
no less facility and power; the same temples were often enwreathed
with the laurels of the hero and the bard.
Learning ushered into light, even those whom poverty and humble
birth, would seem to have consigned to obscurity and oblivion.
Without multiplying instances, let me only mention the names of
the Cardinal Hosius, of the Bishop Kromer, of the poets and philo-
sophers, Janicki and Simonowicz: their names are well known to
the members of the literary republic. And what was their origin ?
The last three, were, sons of the "humblest Polish peasants.
Even foreigners, versed in any branch of science or the arts, found
in our country liberal rewards and honours. Many of them repaid
their hospitable reception, by engrafting the saplings of their knowl-
edge in our soil, which soon spread wide their exuberant branches,
while in their own country, through negligence they had fallen into
decay.
Some may say that all these things have passed away, and are no
more. And indeed, such is the language of the philosophers, whose
honesty does not permit them to destroy the testimonies of ages,
only because the books containing them are too numerous, and not
altogether within the reach of their grasp. Even more than this has
been done, to impress the public mind with the idea, that the Poles
have degenerated. A host of impostors have been poured in your
country, some under the name of Polish exiles, to misrepresent by
their unworthy conduct, the real character of the Polish people ; arid
thus to induce the public to believe the arguments of these pretend-
2
14
ed friends of mankind, who proclaim that " the Poles are not capable
of existing as an independent nation, and that absolute administra-
tion, whether of Russia, Austria or Prussa, is studiously beneficial
to the great mass of the Polish people."
No one denies, Honourable Gentlemen, that since liberty " bade
farewell" to Poland, she can boast of not even one school, literary
institution, or library. The powers that have dismembered Poland
have destroyed them all " for the benefit of mankind. Ill" But the
mind of the nation does not cease to do the work, and Poland needs
only a government of her own, to shine again on the stage of the lit-
erary republic.
To prove all these, I will limit myself to bringing, before your
Honourable Body, a quotation from an article recently written in the
Foreign Quarterly Review, on the subject of the Polish literature:
"The language and literature of Poland, have advanced to their pre-
sent degree of perfection, in an equal ratio with the increasing mis-
fortunes of the country, during the last fifty years. This phenome-
non is so extraordinary, that it deserves the serious consideration of
every reflecting mind. What, indeed, should seem more unfavoura-
ble to the progress of a nation's language, than its political annihila-
tion, and the incorporation of its dismembered provinces with sever-
al foreign states, each respectively intent on destroying every ves-
tige of its former nationality ? Yet it is a fact that Polish literature,
is actually now reaching its zenith, and at no former period could
Poland ever boast of more distinguished men in every department
of science, learning and political eminence. Since the third parti-
tion in 1795, all the public museums, the library at Warsaw numbering
200,000 works, that of the society of the Friends of Science scarcely
less rich, and Prince Czartoryski's Library, containing in valuable ma-
terials connected with Polish history, and not fewer than 20,000 Eng-
lish works, were, after the melancholy events of 1830, carried off,
for the second time to Russia. Yet these unpropitious circum-
stances, so far from retarding have promoted the growth of the na-
tional literature ; the Polish works of sterling merit have been large-
ly published, not only in several parts of Poland, but also at St. Pe-
tersburg, Moscow and Vienna. In fact, the hitherto unsuccessful at-
tempts made for the recovery of independence, have invigorated in-
stead of weakened the moral energies of the Poles, and the ardent feel-
ing of patriotism which in former times was principally confined to
one class, now animates, alike the inhabitants of every cottage and
palace in Poland. That feeling alone prompts the rich and the poor
to submit to every sacrifice for the restoration of their country. Their
literature is more intimately connected with their political struggles,
15
than is the case with any other nation, and it is a most potent weap-
on which they best understand how to use. "
In pursuance of these patriotic efforts, the Polish exiles, (the vic-
tims of the unsuccessful revolution of 1830,) to whose number I
have the honour to belong, have established several printing presses
in France, Belguim, and in some parts of Germany on the Rhine,
where they print Polish books, pamphlets and periodicals; and re-
publish all the Polish books which have been destroyed by the order
of the Czar. And thousands of these books, pamphlets and periodi-
cals are smuggled into Poland, and circulated secretly, to counter-
act the effects of subjugation, and the efforts of the spoilers of Po-
land, who design to annihilate her language and literature.
Such being the actual course of things in Poland, I ask how can
an inquiring mind believe the scandalous arguments and assertions,
proclaiming that " to expect the resuscitation of Poland is to expect
the tide of human affairs to flow backward, and about as rational as to
hope for the resurrection of the Roman Empire!"
True it is, that the despots of the north of Europe, have swallow-
ed Poland. They, however, will never digest her. She will rather
decompose their own body. There are yet 24,000,000 of Poles,
living in their native land, and breathing the same spirit whose pow-
er in the late contest, caused the Autocrat's throne to tremble to its
very foundation.* The exiles, like myself, are only their representa-
tives, sent to foreign lands to guard their honour and to claim their
rights. The dismemberment of Poland has not made the Poles,
Russians, Austrians or Prussians; they are still Poles, unfettered in
soul, and they obey the despotic rulers, either of Russia, Austria or
Prussia, only as long as their present hampered condition, and their
prudence, constrain them ; as long as the political ties of Europe,
permit the crowned robbers, to keep from five to six hundred thous-
and soldiers, in the barracks and fortresses erected throughout our
country.
But let us view the condition of the affairs of Poland, from an-
other point.
We have already seen, that on whatever page of the history of
past ages we cast our eyes, the cause of Christendom, of civiliza-
tion and the welfare of all mankind, have always been closely iden-
tified with the very existence of Poland ; in other words: Poland
has always been the champion of Christendom, the patron of civili-
* As to the population of Poland, see, Le Journal de travaux de la Societe Fran-
de Statistique Universelle, No. 5, p. 119.
L'ouvrage de M. M. Traugott Gotthielf Voigtel, edition de 1835.
The statistical writings of S. Plater and Schnit/ler.
16
zation, and the morning star of conscience and toleration which are
now the basis of the principle which governs the whole civilized
world. And there is something, I know not what, within your
hearts which I see to be with Poland ; or is it in the genius of Time
which is winnowing the misrepresentations forged against her?
there is something which assures me, that you have no doubt, that
the cause of my native land, is even now identified with that of all
civilized nations. Let us, however, examine, how far it is identified
with the interests and welfare of the living generation of the com-
mercial communities of England, France and your own country.
You are aware that the part of Europe under despotic sway, num-
bers more than 140,000,000 of people, and that its political influence,
especially that of Russia, is extended, directly or indirectly, over at
least another 140,000,000 of people in Asia. And what are the so-
cial and commercial communications, between this mass of people
and the inhabitants of other countries? If a subject of one of these
despotic countries, whether merchant or not, wishes to travel in a
foreign land, he is obliged to declare before the authorities, where and
for what purpose he desires to go, and how long he will stay on his jour-
ney, both going and returning. He must wait some six or eight weeks,
after this declaration, for a passport, which will not be given to him,
unless he is known to be a faithful adherent to the despotism of his
government. In this passport an exact description is given of his
person, from head to foot, and the routes by which he is to travel, and
from which he is not allowed to depart, are minutely traced out.
There are agents, maintained both at home and abroad ; the former
watch with argus eyes the social movements of the inhabitants, and
of foreigners travelling through the country ; the latter disguised in
different characters, dwell in or travel through foreign lands, not ex-
cepting your own country, and study the political movements of
those they have been watching, in order to communicate them, to
their respective governments. These agents, directly or through the
intervention of consuls, or through other secret channels, are imme-
diately advised of the departure of all persons who have obtained
passports, in order that they may watch strictly their movements, and
report them to. their governments. Every traveller on his return is
questioned as to what he has done or seen during his journey, and
unfortunate would it be for him, should not his answers agree with
the reports of the agents; he is immediately watched by a secret
police, and sooner or later he may expect a lodging in prison, or if
he be a Russian subject, a delightful residence among the bears of
Siberia.
To similar examination and vigilance, is a foreign traveller through
1Y
these despotic countries, subjected, in whatever character he may
there appear: whether as a merchant or as a visiter merely. He
will also meet with a thousand other difficulties, which are all in-
vented for the purpose of discouraging and preventing foreigners
from visiting the country. Here, the traveller cannot obtain horses :
he is told that they are all engaged for the Emperor, or his train, or
to convey the baggage of the army. There, it is pretended, that the
country is full of robbers, and government careful of travellers' safety,
will not permit him to perform his journey in the way he wishes. At
another place he will be told that the symptoms of cholera (also
imagined) have made their appearance, and although he professes
to apprehend no danger, they, in the name of the Emperor, will not
permit him, imprudently to hazard his life. Every where his bag-
gage is examined, and at no place on his route is he permitted to
stop longer than during the time prescribed in his passport, or such as
is necessary for a relay. If he wishes to rest in any place a single
night longer than the passport prescribes, he must obtain a written
permission from the local authorities, and in no case, is the inn-
keeper or inhabitant, permitted to lodge a foreigner, without the con-
sent of the police. (From this rule, to my knowledge, have been
exempted only two or three native Americans, who had the good
fortune to obtain personal favours from the Emperor, and were car-
ried from St. Petersburg to Odessa and back again, at the expense
of his Imperial Majesty.)*
And what has been the immediate consequence of the introduc-
tion of these very regulations and others similar, designed as they
have been, to maintain the permanency of despotic power in the
north of Europe?
The English mercantile companies of Boharia and Samarand,
belong to the things which are no more ; the free-trade with Con-
stantinople, Trebizond, Bassora, Bagdad, Balk, Mossel, and with the
other cities of the East, has been declining every day of the last
half century. The manufactories in England and France, (and I
may say that to some extent also in your country) have been
stopped; and why ? Chiefly, because the North and East of Europe
and the West of Asia, are almost shut to the exports of their respec-
tive productions.
We are told that we have to attribute these things, to a new indus-
try in the North of Europe ; and the factories recently established
in Russia, which are only a new measure designed to suppress the
little remaining intercourse with foreign countries and also the
rail roads lately made in Russia, Austria and Prussia, which are
* One of them is a Bostonian.
2*
18
mainly intended to concentrate more speedily their military forces
in case of emergency, are represented to us as measures designed
to improve the condition of the mass of the people of the North of
Europe!!!
These artful machinations of the despotic hydra, do not stop
here ; its writers boasting of the introduction of the steam facto-
ries and rail roads in Russia, seem to be willing to throw discredit
upon the intelligence and industry of the Polish people, because
they did not make use of them, in the days of their independence,
that is : before the application of the steam power was known, and
the rail roads were introduced, in any country.
There is something, however, in the very nature of the affairs of
Europe, which disperses the gloom, which such misrepresentations
of the real state of things, are producing. The far-sighted plans of
the enemies of liberty and of Poland, have proved of no avail ; and
the true history of the Polish people, and their social and political
influence on the welfare of mankind, past and future, are better un-
derstood now in Europe than they, ever, were before. We need only
lift our eyes, look around, and reflect a little, to be convinced that it
will be the lot of the people of Poland, as well as their privilege, to
start once again in defence of the rights of mankind. He must be
blind, indeed, to the events which are now passing in Europe, who
does not recognize, that all the efforts of the European rulers, de-
signed to maintain peace, in order to advance their personal views,
must soon yield to this natural course of human affairs which tends
to open a free communication with that part of the Eastern World
which now languishes under despotic sway; there being buried in
the bosom of its soil, immense resources of wealth, on which, in the
progress of human advancement, the prosperity of all commercial
nations, and that of every human being, essentially depends.
Allow me to adduce, the opinions of English and French states-
men, on this subject:
In 1839, there was held in London, a great meeting of the first
dignitaries of the British empire, which was also attended by some
Deputies and Peers of France. The Chairman of this meeting was
the Duke of Sussex, the deceased uncle of the Queen. Speeches
were made by the presiding Duke, by the Marquis of Breadalbane,
Lord C. Fitzroy, Lord Sandon, Viscount Loftus, and some other
members of the British Parliament and a series of resolutions were
passed, one of which is as follows :
"Resolved, That the restoration of Poland, will, in the opinion of
this meeting, be the surest guarantee, for the preservation of the lib-
erties and the promotion of the general peace and welfare of all
mankind,"
19
Similar resolutions, were afterwards passed by numerous meetings,
held in other parts of England ; and about the same time, the
French nation presented a petition to Louis Phillippe, addressing
her king in this language :
" Sire France again reminds Europe of the rights of the Polish
nation, which have been so repeatedly stipulated for by treaties."
This movement, considering the source from which it came, and
the causes which produced it, gives a conclusive evidence -first,
that the efforts of the Poles to regain independence, are not isolated
from the interests of England and France, relating to their interna-
tional rights and the welfare of their respective inhabitants, that
flows from such rights; secondly, it shows that the future welfare
and prosperity of your own -country, as far as they flow from, and
depend upon the same international rights, are also closely con-
nected with the cause of my native land. And it is not only so, on
account of your constituting the same commercial community with
England and France, and feeling already the pressure, which the
anti-commercial policy of Russia has produced; but also, because
by our being a free people, we are a part of your political commu-
nity, and in point of principle, a part of yourselves.
I am aware, that of late an opinion has found its way into your
country, that "as long as Russia stands a great Eastern power, you
have nothing to fear on the part of Great Britain and France." This
sophistry was, with much zeal, propagated amongst you, in 183940,
when England seemed to assume a hostile position towards Russia.
Nicholas himself aided this diplomatic propaganda, by smiling on
your ambassadors and travellers at St. Petersburg, to induce them to
praise his affability, and to proclaim his good intentions towards
these United States. But, Honourable Gentlemen, wait a moment
and you will see, that as soon as the designs of the treaty, which the
government of the Union has lately concluded with England, shall be
accomplished, the benevolent Czar will turn away his gracious face.
I do not mention these facts, in order to induce your countrymen
to fight for us ; this we do not want, and we do not ask Poland has
men enough to fight her battles ; she only asks that the people of
this great country should not at the expense of their own personal
interests, and the safety of those human rights which Providence
has entrusted to their guardianship permit Russia, the wily and
inveterate foe of those very rights, to make them an instrument of
her various schemes, designed, as they are, to divide the people of
Europe into parties, in order to weaken by such means, the moral
forces of the cause of liberty and of Poland.
If England or France should feel disposed to make an attack upon
20
your Republic what could prevent them from entering into an alii"
ance with Russia against you? The recent alliance of England,
concluded with Russia, Austria and Prussia, on the affairs of Egypt
and Turkey, conclusively answers.
You have nothing to fear on the part of any European power, as
long as intelligence and liberty shall be cherished in Europe, as
long as her despotic rulers, shall tremble before their own people.
This is the doctrine you ought to cherish, if you would promote the
great interests of mankind. But let the principles of slavery, prop-
agated and defended by Russia, once prevail in Europe, let her
despotic rulers crush the remnant of people, still struggling for their
liberties; and you alone, unaided and single-handed, will have to
contend with the combined forces of all Europe, to maintain your
principles, as well as the permanency of your Union and the rights
of man.
If this danger appears remote, if you think that it can never
reach you in your proper persons, you ought not to forget, that it is the
duty of every living Christian, to bequeath unimpaired to his poster-
ity, those blessings of liberty which he enjoys. You ought not to
forget, that what you can now secure to your descendants, by an ef-
fectual sympathy with those who defend liberty in the old world,
your children will perhaps not be able to obtain, even by pouring out
their blood.
Already the European powers have an eye to the possession of
California, the future key to the western coast of North America.
You fear lest England seize upon that, and you overlook the fact>
that Russia has, already, encroached on your North Western Territory
and planted her military colonies, on some islands near California.
Even on this side of your continent, the ocean is no longer a bar-*
rier; the European powers, have all the facilities furnished by the
invention of steam power, as completely at their disposal as you have
or can have : and it would be easier for them, to throw into your
country, by their steam vessels, any number of their soldiery, than
it is now to march their forces, from any given point of their respec-
tive empires to any section of Europe.
I respectfully beg you, Honourable Gentlemen, to understand, that
we do not contest the bravery of your countrymen. The glorious
achievements of your revolution is a testimony, which will speak for
your fathers as long as the human race shall exist and no one doubts,
that should it be necessary to fight in defence of the rich boon, which
they have bequeathed to you, you and your countrymen would prove
to be sons and daughters, worthy of such sires. But permit me to re-
mark, that bravery alone would not be sufficient to shelter you from
21
the destructive aggression of all Europe. The Poles have also dis-
played the utmost bravery. Examine our annals, and they will tell
you, that 65,000 Poles, commanded by the famous Chodkiewicz, de-
feated at Chocim 392,000 Turks and* Tartars who left on the field
of battle and in their retreat 120,000 dead ; that the famous Zol-
kiewski with S,000 Poles, completely routed at Kluczyn 50,000
S weeds and Muscovites, took by storm the city of Moscow, and
brought to Warsaw as prisoners of war, the Czar Szuyski, and his
two brothers. You afe aware that 25,000 Poles headed by John
Sobiewski, beat near -300,000 Turks under Vienna, arid saved Christ-
endom from Moslem yoke. And have you never heard to what a
pigmy, the gigantic forces of Nicholas were reduced, by a handful of
Poles in the late contest? And yet you see a Pole before you in
pilgrim garb, and there are thousands like me, scattered throughout
the globe, besides those who are daily expiring in the grasp of the
despotic hydra.
It is, by plots and not by bayonets, that despots succeed in conquer-
ing free people and reducing them to slavery. They sow distrust
between nations coinciding in political views and principles, and
then complimenting one of them, they plot the ruin of the other.
Lately when the rulers of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, combined
against Poland, to effect her destruction, they professed themselves
to be friends of England, and made treaties of alliance even with
republican France. And now, when the English and the French
begin to perceive, that they were deceived by the smiles of friend-
ship of these despots; when they see, that their commerce, their
prosperity, their welfare, are at the will and mercy of the rulers of
the North of Europe ; when they see, that even their respective lib-
erties and independence are endangered; and when, in order to
save themselves and mankind from the impending danger, they ex-
press their opinion in behalf of the restoration of Poland; attempts
are made, to create, in your country, an impression against the expe-
diency and practicability of such restoration. Hence, the efforts to
justify the dismemberment of Poland. Hence, the scandalous argu-
ments, insinuating an opinion, that the Polish people are not capable of
existence as an independent nation. Hence, the assertions proclaim-
ing that there is not even a hope, that Poland could ever regain her
independence ! !
Some may ask, what is the object or design of such attempts?
It is, because steam power and the pursuits of commerce, have
brought you so near to Europe, that you are no longer inhabitants of
a new world. ... It is, because as a natural consequence of this
change, your political movements and opinions, are observed and
22
considered in Europe, by its rulers and people, and have a great
weight in its political scale.
It is evident, Honourable Gentlemen, that human affairs have taken
a new course. The world is no longer governed by the sophism,
that
" Might makes right."
Or by
"The good old rule, the simple plan,
That he may take who has the power,
And he may keep who can."
In this age of intelligence, there is no moving power but mind ;
all others, are passive and inert. Look at one of the vessels, which
carry to the farthest regions of the globe, the evidence of the indus-
try of your own country. See that puny being at the helm, com-
manding the winds of heaven and the waves of the stormy ocean
as if these laws of nature, instead of being ordained to hold the
universe together, had, only been made to serve his particular pur-
poses. . . . And yet, the merest breath of these winds which he has
yoked to his service, the merest drop of that fathomless abyss
which he has made into his foot-stool, if ignorantly encountered,
would be more than enough for his destruction ; but the powers of
his mind have triumphed over the forces of matter, and the subju-
gated elements are become his obedient vassals. This mighty en-
gine of the age, the power of mind, does similar wonders in the
political affairs of empires. Whichever nation can grasp and wield
public opinion of the world, will, with it, subdue the fleshy arms of
physical forces, and compel them to work out its ends. It is, there-
fore, to enlist public opinion in behalf of the cause of my native
land ; to gain for it, the moral power, which such public opinion has
a tendency to produce; and to counteract the evil, which the mis-
representations, I have alluded to in the course of addressing you,
have caused us that I appear before you, Honourable Gentlemen,
and the public of your country, lay on the altar of the free people
of these United States, the true records of our history, and bring
forth the services which Poland has rendered to mankind :
Respectfully begging you, in the, name of my nation, that you
should not forsake the land of Kosciusko and Pulaski ; when liberty
from the battlements of Warsaw shall again
" Unfurl her standard to the breeze of morn,
Peal her loud drum and twang her trumpet horn
To rouse her champions
To strike for their altars and their fires,
For the green graves of their sires
God, and their native land."
(Prom the Albany Evening Journal, March 5, 1842 )
POLAND MAJOR TOCHMAN'S LECTURES.
Proceedings of a meeting in the Assembly Chamber at the Capitol, con-
sisting- of members of the two houses of the Legislature, citizens of
Albany, and others, March 3rd., 1842.
After the close of a lecture by Major Tochman, of the late Polish army,
on the subject of Poland, Dr. PETER WENDELL, of the city of Albany,
Chancellor of the University, was called to the Chair, on motion of Dr.
Taylor, of Onondaga, Speaker pro tern, of the Assembly; and the follow-
ing gentlemen were appointed secretaries Morris Franklin, of the Senate,
George A. Simmons, of Essex, and Lemuel Stetson, of Clinton, of the
Assembly, on the motions severally, of Dr. Taylor, Mr. Grout, and Mr.
Swackhamer.
The following resolutions were then read, after an eloquent speech by
Major A. Devezac, of New York, and unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be tendered to Major Toch-
man for the eloquent and able lecture in which he has laid before it so
vivid a picture of the glories, equalled only by the woes, of his heroic
native country.
Resolved, That no sophistry, no fallacious representation of imaginary
improvements, by Russia, either of the physical or moral state of Poland,
can justify or expiate the injustice of the partition of an unoffending nation
among rapacious neighbours, claiming no right over their victim save that
of brutal strength, and offering no apology to mankind, save the success
of their iniquity.
Resolved, That no citizen of a free republic can ever be indifferent to
the fate of a nation whose annals shine with so many a bright record of
her love of liberty, of religious toleration, and of scientific culture; nor
can any American fail to sympathize warmly and deeply in the past
wrongs, the present sufferings, and the future hopes, of the land which
sent' a Kosciusko and a Pulaski, to stand as worthy brethren in arms, by
the side of Washington, in the van of the battles of our own freedom.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published, and that
a copy be communicated by the officers thereof to Major Tochman.
PETER WENDELL, Chairman.
Morris Franklin, ^
Geo. A Simmons, > Secretaries.
Lemuel Stetson, j
24
(From the Boston Daily Advertiser, Sept. 19, 1842.)
MAJOR TOCHMAN'S LEGISLATIVE ADDRESS.
Tn consequence of an error in the publication of the following in Satur-
day's paper, it is re-inserted with the proper correction.
Major Tochrnan, lately of the Polish army, delivered a highly interest-
ing lecture upon the condition and prospects of Poland on Thursday
evening, in the Hall of the House of Representatives, to a full meeting of
members of the Legislature arid the public.
After the conclusion of the address, which was replete with interesting
facts, S. H. Waliey, Esq., of the House of Representatives, was called to
the Chair.
The following resolutions offered by Mr. Stevenson, Representative of
Boston, were unanimously adopted.
Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are due to Major Tochman
for the interesting address with which he has favoured it this evening.
Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting this community still looks
with admiration upon the valour, and with grief upon the sufferings of the
people of Poland.
(From the New Hampshire Statesman and State Journal, July 1, 1842.)
MAJOR TOCHMAN'S LECTURE.
Agreeably to a resolution adopted by the House of Representatives of
the State of New Hampshire, Major Tochman, a Polish exile, delivered
an address upon the sufferings of Poland before His Excellency the
Governor and Council, the Hon. Senate, members of the House of Rep-
resentatives, and many citizens of Concord, in the Representatives Hall at
Concord, Wednesday evening, June 22, 1842.
After the conclusion of the address of Major Tochman, on motion of
Mr. Swasey, Speaker of the House of Representatives, His Excellency
HENRY HUBBARD was chosen Chairman of the meeting.
On motion of Mr. duincy, President of the Senate, the Clerks of the
Senate and House of Representatives, were chosen Secretaries of the
meeting.
Some very forcible and eloquent remarks were then made by His Ex-
cellency Henry Hubbard, Hon. Franklin Pierce, and Samuel Swasey, Esq.
On motion of Mr. Swasey, Hon. Josiah duincy, of the Senate, Samuel
Swasey, Esq. of the House, Andrew Pierce, Esq. of Dover, of the House,
Hon. Simeon Warren, of the Senate, and Hon. Moses Norris, Jr. of the
House, were appointed a committee to draft and report resolutions.
Mr. duincy from the committee on resolutions, reported the following
for the consideration of the meeling.
Resolved, That we have heard this evening with much interest, the
very able lecture of Major Tochman, of Poland, upon the history and
25
condition of his native country, and the character, struggles and wrongs
of her heroic, though unfortunate and oppressed people.
Resolved, That as Americans and as freemen, our feelings and best
wishes are always with man in his contests against tyrrany, and par-
ticularly are our sympathies enlisted in behalf of that brave and generous
people, who have for centuries been battling, though as yet unsuccessfully,
against the sceptered plunderers of Europe and tramplers upon the com-
mon rights of man, and that the land which in the war of the American
revolution gave Pulaski and Kosciusko to fight side by side, with Wash-
ington and Green, our battles for freedom, is now, in her present depressed
condition, entitled to our fullest sympathies, and in the event of another
struggle with her oppressors, would merit, and we trust receive the aid
and co-operation of our grateful countrymen.
Resolved, That the cause of Poland is the common cause of the friends
of freedom throughout the world, that might does not sanctify wrong,
and that though now humbled, dismembered and trampled under the iron
heel of military despotism, we trust in the God of Justice, that the time
will ere long come when she shall rise, break her fetters and be free.
Resolved, That we tender to Major Tochman our best wishes for his
individual prosperity, and success, in the praiseworthy enterprise in which
he is now engaged.
Resolved, That a copy of the proceedings of this meeting be signed by
the Chairman and Secretaries, and presented to Major Tochman, and
published in the different newspapers in this State.
On motion of Col. Pierce, of Dover, the foregoing resolutions were
unanimously adopted the meeting voting by rising.
HENRY HUBBARD, Chairman.
Harry Hibbard, ?
J. B; Wiggin, $ Secretaries.
(From the Vermont Patriot, Nov. 5, 1842.)
LEGISLATURE OF VERMONT.
HOUSE. Wednesday Evening, October, 26, 1842.
POLISH AFFAIRS.
The House proceeded to the special order, being the following :
Resolved, That this Assembly, as the representatives of a free and
independent State, cannot but feel a deep interest in the establishment
and maintenance of free and liberal principles of government throughout
the world. And while a proper regard to the character of our own
government and people, for the preservation of quiet, both among our-
selves, and in all regularly constituted governments, would induce us not
to encourage forcible resistance and revolution, in any but extreme cases,
we do consider that each case of that class must depend mainly upon
its own peculiar circumstances.
We therefore have, and do esteem the case of Poland as one of such
peculiar interest to all the friends of liberty, as to justify this declaration
of our sentiments in regard to it.
3
26
In andition to the fact, that this free republic is enjoying the blessings
of civil and religious freedom, as in some sense the price of the toil and
sacrifice and Mood of some of the noble and chivalrous sons of that ill-
fated land, among whom we are proud to recollect Kosciusko and Pulaski;
no one can trace the history of the wrongs and sufferings, and oppressions
of that unhappy country in her struggle for liberty, and not feel that it is
one in which every free government has a deep interest. The relations
for a long time subsisting between Poland and Russia are, so to speak,
but the personification of arbitrary power and heartless tyranny on the one
hand, and sober, determined, intelligent, chivalrous and agonizing strug-
gles for liberty on the other.
We, therefore, on the behalf and in the name of the inhabitants of the
Slate of Vermont, do say to all the world, that we hope and trust in
Divine Providence, that Poland will continue her aspirations and her
struggles for liberty, till the autocrat of all the Russias shall know and
feel, that it is the unalterable decree of the Ruler of the Universe that the
principle of freedom, once developed in the hearts of a people, can never
be extinguished by any course of oppression, however severe or long
continued.
Major Tochman, of Poland, was admitted to the floor pursuant to a
resolution of the House, and sustained the resolutions in a deeply inte-
resting and eloquent speech. Mr. Canfield moved to lay the resolution
on the table, expressing doubts of the propriety of making this a subject
of legislation.
Mr. Harrison said, he deeply regretted that his friend from Arlington
should have deemed it his duty, to take a course tending to ruffle or disturb
the noble and generous sympathy, which he doubted not pervaded the
bosoms of every member of the House towards the oppressed Poles and
their distinguished countryman who had so ably and eloquently discussed
the resolution. For one, he did not feel disposed to break over the rules
of parliamentary usuage, by adopting any measure not within the legiti-
mate scope of legislation ; slill, no technical parliamentary rule should pre-
vent him from expressing his sympathy for the oppressed Poles in his
capacity as a member of that House and his decided disapprobation of
the course pursued by the Russian autocrat towards that chivalrous peo-
ple. He would remind the house of the noble example set by the French
government during the revolutionary struggle in our America; an exam-
ple worthy the imitation of all the civilized nations of the earth, and one
which, above all others, appeals to us.
Our Franklin, in the capacity in which Major Tochman presents him-
self to this body, presented himself at the court of Louis the XVI., repre-
senting the tyranny of Great Britain, with which we were oppressed, and
asking their "sympathy" and their assistance. What did that great
nation do ? Did she stop to debate a question of parliamentary order, or to
inquire of Great Britain what would be her views on that subject? No,
Sir; she saw and felt that we were an injured and an oppressed people,
she not only expressed her sympathy, but she sent her armies, her navy,
27
and the noblest present of all, her Lafayette. Where one of the nations
of Europe has done so much for us, shall we refuse our sympathy for
other of her nations, similarly injured and oppressed? No, Sir; God
forbid ; it is not in the heart of any true American to be thus ungrateful.
Mr. Canfield was further opposed by Messrs. Pettibone and Davis of N.
and withdrawn, and the resolution was unanimously adopted.
Mr. Harrington moved a resolution of thanks to Major Tochman,
which was also unanimously adopted.
(From the New Haven Daily Herald, Conn. May 13, 1842.)
MAJOR TOCHMAN'S LECTURE.
A meeting was held on Thursday evening, the 12th inst. in the Hall of
Representatives, for the purpose of hearing a lecture from Major Toch-
man, late of the Polish army, upon the history and present condition of
Poland.
At the close of the lecture, the Hon. WILLIAM S. HOLLABIRD, Pres-
ident of the Senate, was called to the Chair, and the Hon. Silas H. Hickok
of the Senate, and Frederick A. Criitenden, Esq. of the House of Repre-
sentatives, were appointed Secretaries.
On motion of Mr. J. C. Smith, Jr. a member of the House, the following
preamble and resolutions were presented, and unanimously adopted.
Whereas, this meeting has heard with the deepest interest, the able
and eloquent Lecture, delivered by Major Tochman, in defence and
vindication of the gallant but oppressed people of his native land, and
desirous thus publicly to express our feelings of sympathy in their behalf,
therefore,
Resolved, That in all conflicts between the tyrant and the oppressed,
our best wishes are due to the latter, and are especially extended to the
Polish nation, whose history is bright with examples of heroism, and
whose noblest warriors have fought by the side of our Fathers, in the
great cause of American freedom.
Resolved, That in thus manifesting our emotions of pity and indignation
for the cruel wrongs which have been suffered by Poland from the armed
robbers of the north, we but echo the feelings of the whole American
people, and particularly those of the people of Connecticut, who for two
centuries, in every struggle for freedon, have ever been found in the fore
front of the battle.
Resolved, That we tender to Major Tochman our best wishes for his
own individual prosperity, and for the success of the noble enterprise in
which he is so ardently and efficiently engaged.
Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolutions,
signed by the officers of the meeting, be presented to Major Tochman,
and also published in the different newspapers of this city.
WILLIAM S. HOLLABIRD, Chairman.
28
(From the Richmond Whig, Va. llth of March, 1843.)
SYMPATHY FOR POLAND.
On Thursday evening last, agreeable to previous notice,, the Members
of the Virginia Legislature assembled in the Hall of the House of Dele-
gates, and, after hearing an able and eloquent address from Major Tochman,
a Polish Exile, in reference to the wrongs and sufferings of his country;
on motion of Mr. Leake, of Albemarle, Joel Holleman, Esq. [Speaker of
the House of Delegates,] was invited to take the Chair, and Richard H.
Toler, of Lynchburg, was apointed Secretary.
Whereupon, Mr. Randolph, of Albemarle, submitted the following res-
olutions, which were unanimously adopted.
Resolved, That we have heard, with feelings of the deepest interest, the
able lecture of Major Tochman, on the history of the wrongs and suffer-
ings of his native country, Poland.
Resolved, That ourselves enjoying the blessings of a free government,
our feeling and sympathies are ever with the unfortunate in their strug-
gles for liberty ; and we, as our fathers before us, have viewed with the
highest admiration the steady and intrepid resistance of that devoted nation
against their oppressors. And we acknowledge, with gratitude, the servi-
ces of a Kosciusko and a Pulaski, who shared a common danger with our
fathers, in the eventful contest which gave us rank among the independent
nations of the earth.
Resolved, That the cause of Poland is the cause of Liberty and of men
against tyranny and power; and, although crushed by the giant arm of des-
potism, and trodden under foot, her patient magnanimity, and her invinci-
ble firmness, fore-shadow the dawn of a brighter destiny.
Resolved, That we tender to Major Tochman our best wishes for his in-
dividual prosperity, and the success of the enterprise in which he is en-
gaged.
On motion of Mr. Frazier, of Augusta, the thanks of the meeting were
tendered to Major Tochman, with a request that he will, at some time con-
venient to himself, repeat the address, to which this meeting has listened
with so much pleasure.
On motion of Dr. Warren, of Surry, it was Resolved, that the proceed-
ings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, and pub-
lished in the newspapers of this city : and that a copy thereof be presented
to Major Tochman.
And then the meeting adjourned.
J. HOLLEMAN, Chairman.
Richard H. Toler, Secretary.
(From the Ohio State Journal, January 25th, 1841.)
At a meeting of members of the Legislature, citizens of Columbus, and
others, held in the Hall of the House of Representatives of the State of
Ohio, on the evening of January 22d, 1841, for the purpose of hearing from
Major Tochman, late of the Polish army, the last of a series of Lectures,
29
by him delivered, upon the history of Poland on motion of Mr. Vincent,
a member of the House, Hon. Seabury Ford, Speaker of the House of
Representatives, was called to the chair; and on motion of Gen. Bell, a
member of the House, John W. Andrews was appointed Secretary.
At the- close of the lecture, on motion of Mr. Van Vorhes, a member of
the House, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously
adopted:
Whereas, this meeting have heard, with much pleasure, the several lec-
tures relative to the history of Poland, delivered by Major Tochman, and
are fully satisfied with the very able defence made by him against the
many slanderous charges prefered against her gallant, but oppressed peo-
ple. For the purpose of giving an expression of our feelings thus public-
ly in their behalf, and also as an act of justice to that individual,
Resolved, That we tender to Major Tochman our thanks for his able and
interesting lectures, with the assurance of our solicitude for his individual
prosperity, and for the final triumph of Poland over all her enemies.
Resolved, That in thus manifesting our feelings of indignation and strong
sympathy for the wrongs that have been suffered by Poland, we but echo
the feelings entertained by the whole American people ; and that the pray-
ers of every patriot are ascending to Heaven for the speedy emancipation
of her sons the countrymen of Pulaski and Kosciusko.
Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolutions, attest-
ed by the officers of this meeting, be presented to Major Tochman.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chair-
man and secretary, and published in the newspapers of this city.
SEABURY FORD, Chairman.
John W. Andrews, Secretary.
(From the Indianapolis Tri-Weekly Journal, Indiana, Feb. 9, 1841.)
At a meeting of the citizens and the members of the Legislature and
strangers in Indianapolis, at the close of Major Gaspard Tochman's Lec-
tures on Poland, in the Hall of the House of Representatives, on motion of
Mr. Elliott, Senator from Henry county, DAVJD WALLACE, Es<i. late
Governor of Indiana, was called to the Chair, and S. V. B. Noel, ap-
pointed Secretary.
The following preamble and resolutions were adopted :
Whereas, This meeting have listened with great interest to the Lec-
tures, delivered in this.Hall, during the present week, by G. Tochman, late
Major in the Polish army; and whereas, they have reason to believe that
the public have been misled in regard to many facts connected with the
history and manners of the Polish nation, by the writings of a certain gen-
tleman, published in the National Intelligencer, ove* the signature of
" Tacitus," and others, therefore,
3*
30
Resolved, That we place implicit reliance on the historical- statements
made by Major Tochman.
Resolved, That we deeply sympathise with, and duly appreciate the
calamities, which have befallen the Poles in the destruction and dismem-
berment of their country, and that this meeting look upon that destruction
as an unwarrantable and craven assumption of tyranical power, unparal-
leled in the annals of modern history, and deserving the execration of all
republicans.
Resolved, That the aspirations of this meeting are, that Poland will
again be free, will again become a refuge and a home for the oppressed
and persecuted, and a beacon light, in the midst of the dark and besotted
nations of the old world, to the friends of Liberty and Free Government.
Resolved, That we tender to Major Tochman our unfeigned thanks, for
the gratification and information his Lectures have afforded us.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by its officers,
and published in the newspapers of this place.
DAVID WALLACE, Chairman.
S. V. B. Noel, Secretary.
(From the Louisville Daily Journal, Ky. February 27, 1841.)
At a meeting of the members of the Kentucky Legislature, and citizens
of Frankfort, held in the Hall of Representatives, at Frankfort, Kentucky,
on the evening of February 16th, 1841, at the close of Major Tochman's
last Lecture on the history and institutions of Poland, and the late revolu-
tion, by which Poland gallantly struggled to throw off the yoke of Russian
depotism: on motion of Wm. F. Bullock, Esq. member of the House of
Representatives from the city of Louisville, Major THOS. SPEED, from
Nelson county, was called to the Chair, and Leonard Bliss, Jr. appointed
Secretary. Mr. Bullock then offered the following resolutions, which
were unanimously adopted.
Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be tendered to Major Toch-
man for his very able and interesting Lectures on the history and institu-
tions of Poland, and the late gallant but unsuccessful struggle of that
brave people, in the cause of Liberty.
Resolved, That the American people can never forget the land, nor the
nation which sent to our revolutionary struggle such patriots as Kosciusko
and Pulaski, who fought side by side with our Washington, and bled in
defence of our liberties ; and that we deeply sympathise with the woes
and sufferings of that unhappy people, and trust in the retributive justice
of the God of Nations, that Poland shall yet rise a great, a free, and
happy people, and shaking off the yoke of the iron depotisms of the
crowned robbers, of the north, shall again resume her place among the
independent nation's of the earth.
Resolved, That we regard the cause of Poland as the cause of all free-
31
men, and that all the true friends of liberty throughout the world are deeply
interested in her fate.
Resolved, That our best wishes and warmest sympathies will ever go
with the gallant and distinguished representative and able advocate of
Poland, who has just addressed us ; and whether he wields the sword or
the pen in her defence, may success ever crown his cause.
Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be presented to Major Toch-
man, and also that they be published in the newspapers of this common-
wealth.
THOS. SPEED, Chairman.
Leonard Bliss, Jr. Secretary.
(From the State Gazette, of Trenton, N. J.)
MAJOR TOCHMAN'S LECTURE.
TRENTON, May 18, 1844.
At a meeting of the citizens of Trenton, members of the State Convention
and others, in the Assembly room this evening, to hear the address of
Major Tochman, in behalf of the sufferings and wrongs of Poland. This
gentleman having closed his most eloquent and stirring Lecture, Gov.
DICKERSON was called to the Chair, and S. R. Hamilton appointed
Secretary, whereupon Col. Zabriskie (of the State Convention) presented
the following resolutions, viz :
Whereas, This meeting has heard with the deepest interest the Lecture
just delivered by Major Tochman, upon the wrongs and cruel oppressions
inflicted upon the brave and gallant people of his ill-fated, but native
land ; and feeling it to be due to the great cause of liberty, for which so
many of the sons or Poland have so nobly struggled, therefore,
Resolved, That we sympathise most sincerely with the oppressed sons
and daughters of Poland whose history is one continued transcript of
valor, and devoted patriotism.
Resolved, That this public expression of our sympathy for the gallant,
but cruelly oppressed people of Poland, is due to the great cause of
liberty, as well as to the memory of some of her noblest warriors, who
bravely fought beside our fathers in the great struggle for our independence.
Resolved, That we tender to Major Tochman our sympathies, and best
wishes for his health and prosperity; and we sincerely trust that the
period is not far distant, when his native land will be emancipated from
thraldom, and restored to her nationality and independence.
Resolved, That the Secretary of this meeting furnish Major Tochman
with a copy of the above preamble and resolutions.
Wm. Halsted, Esq. addressed the Chair eloquently in support of the
spirit of the resolutions.
The resolutions were adopted, unanimously, and ordered to be printed
and a copy furnished to Major Tochman.
32
Chief Justice Hornblower moved that the thanks of this meeting be pre-
sented to Major Tochman, for his learned, eloquent, and patriotic address.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the
city papers.
MAHLON DICKERSON, Chairman.
S. R. Hamilton, Secretary.
A LIST OF THE PUBLIC MEETINGS
HELD ON BEHALF OF POLAND,
By citizens of the United States, after Major Tochmatfs Lectures.
1840.
Marietta, OHIO October 26, A. T. Nye, Chair. J. W. Andrews, Sec'ry.
Oxford, OHIO November 10, Professor J. W. Scott, of the Miami Uni-
versity, Chair. A. B. Mayo, Esq. Sec'ry.
Maysville, KY. 26, Hon. Judge Reid, Chair. L. Collins, Sec'ry.
Lancaster, OHIO December 12, Rev. W. Cox, Chair. Dr. L. I. Moeller,
Sec'ry. Gen. Win. Jas. Rese, moved resolutions.
Logan, OHIO 15, Dr. C. B. Guthrie, Chair. Flavius Case, Esq. Sec'ry.
Gen. Thomas Worthington, m. r..
Athens, OHIO 21, Dr. C. Bierce, Chair. A. B. Walker, Sec'ry. Profes-
sor Reid, of the Ohio University, m. r.
1841.
Mt. Vernon, OHIO January 2, Geo. Browning, Esq. Chair. J. C.Stock-
ton, Sec'ry. Henry B. Curtis, Esq. m. r.
Granville, OHIO 8, Rev. J. A. Bronson, Chair. A. P, Prichard, Sec'ry.
M. French, President of the Episcopal Female Seminary, m. r.
Cincinnati, OHIO March 9, Hon. Judge H. Morse, Pres. Jonathan Pan-
court, Esq. V. P. H. McDougal and J. W. Pratt, Esq. Sec'rys.
Hon. Judge Reed, m. r.
Zanesville, OHIO April 3, Hon. C. W. Searle, Chair. C.Moore, Sec'ry.
Col. Manypenny, m. r.
Wheeling, VA. 14, Rev. R. T. Sedgwick, Chair. M. McK. Lamdin,
Sec'ry. Mr. Nelson, m. r.
Pittsbvrg, PENN. 23, H. H. Van Amringe, Esq. Chair. J. Schoonma-
ker, Esq. Sec'ry. D. Ritchie and T. Shipton, Esqs. m. r. Com-
mittee, J. B. Butler, Ch. Van Bonhorst, W. M. T. McClurg,
John Shipton, Josiah King, Esqs.
Bedford, PENN. May 12, Maj. Sam. Taliaferro, Chair. Dr. G. B. Bar-
clay, Sec'ry.
Chambersburg, PENN. 15, Rev. B. S. Schneck, Chair. Jos. Pritts, Sec'ry.
Joseph Chambers, m. r.
Carlisle, PENN. 22, Rev. Henry Slicer, Chair. Prof. J. McClintock, of
Dickinson College, Sec'ry. Professor Allen, m. r.
Lancaster, PENN. 23, A. B. Roberts, Esq. Chair. C. KefFer and J. W.
Forney, Esqs. Assistant Chair. J. B. Bryson and W. G. Mackey,
Sec'rys.
Philadelphia, PENN. June 19, Benj. Matthias, Esq. Chair. Rev. J.
Nicholson, Sec'ry. Rev. J. Kenaday, m. r.
Portland, MAINE July 20, Gen, Fessenden, Chair. James Furbish,
Sec'ry. John Neal, m. r.
33
Bangor, MAINE 30, His Excellency, Gov. KENT, Chair. J. C. Haynes
Esq. See'ry. John Apelton, Esq. m. r.
Belfast, MAINE August 4, Hon. H. F. Anderson, Chair. Wm. H. Bur-
rill, Esq. Sec'ry. Hon. Alfred Johnson and A. T. Palmer, Esqs.
m. r.
West Prospect Village, MAINE 5, J. C. Dickerson, Esq. Chair. Th. C.
Barker, Sec'ry. Rev. S. Thurston, m. r.
Ellsworth, MAiN-^4^^R.ev. Sewall Tenney, Chair. Sam.Greely, Sec'ry.
Committee, Hok'T. Robinson, Joseph Wood, Esq. Dr. George
Pascher.
West Machias, MAINE 14, A. L. Raymond, Esq. Chair. J. Sargent,
Sec'ry. Committee, William B. Smith, Albert G. Lane, G. S.
Smith, Jr.
Lubec, MAINE 19, H. G. Balch, Chair. Sanford H. Hunt, Sec'ry.
Committee, J. C. Talbot, Jr. Jeremiah Fowler, Jos. Sumner, Esqs.
Calais, MAINE September 13, George Downes, Esq. Chair. Charles J.
Pike, Sec'ry.
East Machias, MAINE 11, P. Talbott, Esq. Chair. J. E. T. Dunn, Esq.
Sec'ry.
Augusta, MAINE 19, Hon. L. Severance, Chair. Wm. R. Smith, Sec'ry.
Hon. Judge Redington, J. W. Bradbury, R. D. Rice and G. M.
Weston, Esq. m. r.
Bmnswick, MAINE 22, Hon. R. P. Dunlap, Chair. Professor William
Smith, of the Boivdoin College, Sec'ry.
Halloioell, MAINE 30, J. C. Lovejoy, Andrew Masters, Calvin Spauld-
ing, J. E. Dumont, Paul Hickney, Esqs. officers of the meeting.
Saco, MAINE October 6, Gov. JOHN FAIRFIEJLD, Chair. Geo. Seamon,
Sec'ry. P. Heines, m. r.
Kennebunk, MAINE 8, Barnadas Palmer, Esq. Chair. Timothy Frost,
Sec'ry.
Cambridge,, MASS. 19, J. T. Buckingham, Esq. Chair. Abraham Ed-
wards, Esq. Sec'ry. Professor Jared Sparks, of the Harward Uni-
versity, m. r.
Boston, MASS. 25, Col. Samuel Swett, Chair. Richard Robins, Esq.
Sec'ry. Geo. H. Snelling, Esq. and Hon. John Pickering, m. r.
Lyceum of Roxbury, MASS. November 19, Richard Ward, Esq. Chair.
Charles H. Dillaway, Sec'ry. Gen. H. A. S. Dearborn, m. r.
New York December 4, Meeting of the Board of Directors of the Mer-
cantile Library Association.
1842,
Batavia, N. Y. January 5, John Lowber, Esq., Chair. S. Wakeman,
Sec'ry.
Buffalo, N. Y. 13, Col. Ira A. Blossom, Chair. H. K. Viele, Sec'ry.
Lockport, N. Y. 19, Charles E. D. Wood, Esq. Chair. Hiram C. Clark,
Sec'ry. Committee, H. Gardner, Joseph Center, Anson A Boyce.
Literary Society of Cqnandaigua, N. Y. 29, Geo. Wilson, Pres. Wm.
Jeffrey, Sec'ry. 'Hon, Mark H. Sibley, m. r.
Geneva, N. Y. February 4, Gen. Joseph G. Swift, Chair. James C.
Brown, Sec'ry.
Utica, N. Y. 15, Hon. Judge Gridley, Chair. Rudolph Sneider, Sec'ry.
E. A. Wetmore, Esq. m. r.
Syracuse, N. Y. 19, Gen. James Lawrence, Chair. Dr. Lyman Clary,
Sec'ry. Committee, P. Outwater, Jr. M. D. Brunet, B. D. Noxon,
Rev. J. P. B. Storer, R. R. Davis.
Pittsfield, MASS. March 12, Ezekiel L. Colt, Chair. Robert Cambell,
Sec'ry. P. Alien, Jr. m. r.
34
Worcester, MASS. 22, Hon. Judge Barton, Chair. D. W. Lincoln, Sec'ry.
A. H. Bullock, aid to the Governor, m. r.
Middletown, CONN. April 21, Rev. Nathan Bangs, D. D. President of
the Wesleyan University, Chair. Elihu Spencer, Sec'ry. Hon.N.
A. Phelps, Mayor of the city, and Hon. W. L. Storrs, Judge of
the Sup. Court of Connecticut, m. r.
Bridgeport, CONN. May 9, Hon. James C. Loomis, Chair. A. A. Pet-
tengill, Sec'ry. Tjk**'
Hartford, CONN. 13, Royal R. Hinman, Chair.sSsTH. Seymour, Sec'ry.
Cabotville, MASS. June 4, S. Adams, Esq. Chair. J. G. Ames, Sec'ry.
Committee, A. Le Baron Monroe, Wm. H. Clark, A. W. Stock-
well.
Greenfield, MASS. 16, H. G. Newcomb, Esq. Chair. Hon. George T.
Davis, Rev. Dr. Strong, Hon. George Greennell, Jr. Hon. Daniel
Wells, m.r.
Keen, N. H. June 13, M. Hale, Esq. Chair. G. M. Edwards, Sec'ry.
Hanover, N. H. June 28, E. D. Sanborn, Esq., Chair. Charles Low, of
Darmouth College, Sec'ry.
Burlington, VERMONT. July 8, N. B. Haswell, Chair. I. N. Pomeroy,
Sec'ry. E. A. Stansbury, m. r.
Keeseville, N. Y. July 16, Hon. G. A. Simons, Chair. G. Stowe, Sec'ry.
Saratoga Springs, N. Y. July 26, G. M. Davison, Esq. Chair, S. P.
Nash, Sec'ry.
Troy, N. Y. August 5, Hon. Jonas C. Heartt, Mayor of the city, Chair.
Hon. Geo. R. Davis, Sec'ry. J. Neal, Esq. Hon. Judge Bull, Dr.
C. S. J. Goodrich, m. r.
New Bedford, MASS. 31, James Arnold, Esq. Chair. Richard S. S.
Andros, Sec'ry. J. H. W. Page, Esq. m. r.
Taunton, MASS. September 2, GOVERNOR MARCUS MORTON, Chair.
Wm. A. S. Sprot, Secretary. Committee, Hon. James L. Hodges,
Hon. Francis Baylies, Sydney Williams, Esq.
Nantucket, MASS. 8, Hon. Geo. R. Upton, Chair. Charles C. Haze-
well, Sec'ry. Committee, D. Jones, Jr. John H. Shaw, David
Toy, Esqs.
Dover, N. H. October 6, Benj. Barnes, Esq. Chair. John H. Wiggins,
Sec'ry. Committee, M. Paul, Noach Martin, John Parkman, I. P.
Hale, J. H. Wiggins, Esqs.
Portsmouth, N. H. 12, Rev. Charles Burroughs, D. D. Chair. Albert
R. Hatch, Sec'ry. Ichabod Godwin, m. r.
Montpelier, VERMONT. 26, Hon. Samuel C. Craft, of the U. S. Senate,
Chair. F. F. Merril, Esq. Clerk of the House of Representatives
of Vermont, Sec'ry.
1843.
Baltimore, MD. January 20, Nathaniel Cox, Pres. of the Lyceum,
Charles S. Carter, Sec'ry. G. Thompson Baird, Esq. m. r.
February 25, Col. Harris, Chair. Charles Z. Lucas, Esq. Sec'ry.
Cpmm. T. P. Scott, Esq. Gen. Anthony Miltenberger, W. S. Pe-
triken, Esq. Major James O.Law.
March 1, Gen. Geo. H. Stewart, Chair. Major S. K. George, Sec'ry.
G. L. L. Davis, Esq. m. r.
Norfolk, VA. April 18, meeting of the Light Artillery Blues, at their
Head Quarters.
Portsmouth, VA. 25, Dr. R. B. Butt, Chair. W. L. Lee, Sec'ry. Rev.
Thomas Hume, and Dr. R. W. Young, m. r.
Frederick, MD. May 21, Hon. Richard Potts, (of the Senate) Chair.
A. B. Hanson, Sec'ry. Cornm. W. M. Addison, Lowe, Winches-
ter, Esq'rs.
35
Gettysburg, PA. June 13, Hon. Geo. Smyser, Chair. Robert G. Harper,
Esq. Sec'ry. Hon. James Cooper and Daniel Smyser, Esqs. m. r.
Lancaster, PA July 4, meeting of the Lancaster Fencibles, at their
Head Quarters.
Cambridge, MD. August 3, Dr. Joseph E. Muse, Chair. J. E. Henry,
Sec'ry. Comm. James B. Champlain, Benj. D.Jackson, Dr. Thus.
H. Handy, James A. Stewart, Esq'rs.
Westminster, MD. August 7, Jacob Shower, Chair, J. Smith and Thos.
Hook, assistant Chair. J. K. Lonowell and J. M. Parke, Sec'rys.
Hon. Wm.P Maulsby, m. r.
1844.
Westchesler, PA February 7, Hon. Judge Thomas S. Bell, Chair. John
Marshall, Esq. Sec'ry. Joseph J. Lewis, Esq. m.r.
Plymouth, MASS. April 27, Col. John B. Thomas, Chair. J. H. Loud,
Esq. Sec'ry. J9^9sV^
Trenton, N. J. May 23, His Excellency Gov. Wv PLUHWUII/J, Chair.
Hon. Halsted, m. r. Chief Justice of the State, Hornblower, and
Gen. Hamilton, supported them.
Reply to Mr. Darby^s Communication published in tlie National Intel-
ligencer, March 30, 1843.
(Prom the National Intelligencer, of the 20th April, 1843.)
NORFOLK, VA. April 13, 1843.
MESSRS. GALES & SEATON: I wish to say a few words in answer to
the communication of " Tacitus," published in your paper of the 31st of
March. The writer of the said communication brought before your
readers, from the Richmond Compiler of the llth of March, from the
account of my Address pronounced in the hall of the House of Delegates,
the following few lines : " One fact mentioned by the speaker deserves
notice. He said that there were no counts or titled nobility recognised
by his countrymen in Poland, except the equestrian order."
Had "Tacitus" quoted the subsequent lines from the same paper, the ac-
count of what I said would be as follows: "Which was so numerous as
hardly to constitute an exclusive class; nor had there been for some time
previous to the late ill-fated but noble effort to throw off the yoke of Rus-
sia; that the survivors of the former titled nobility were few and very old,
and that the strolling Polish counts in this country, therefore, with per-
haps no exception, are impostors."
These few lines give a correct meaning to the preceding paragraph ;
and "Tacitus" would have spared himself much trouble in animadverting
upon what I said on the subject, had he not dissected the account of the
Compiler.
"Tacitus" next quotes long passages from the work of Charles V. Krait-
ser, M.D., published in Philadelphia, in 1837, and from the Analysis and
Parallel of the Polish Constitutions, by Joachim Lelewell ; after which
he concludes : " Well might we pause and leave the reader to form con-
clusions inevitable from the testimony of two native Polish authors; but
we cannot refrain from recurring to the hardihood of any other native of
36
the same country, standing before an American audience, and asserting
that there ivere no counts or tilled nobility recognised by his countrymen
in Poland."
It is of little importance that "Tacitus" made a mistake in representing
Charles V. Kraitser, M. D., to be a native of Poland. Mr. Kraitser is a
worthy and well educated Hungarian; he volunteered to defend the
cause of Poland during the late contest, and, after the failure of our revo-
lution, being not permitted to return to his native land, he arrived in this
country, and is now a professor in the Virginia University. He never
had a claim to be considered a Polish historian, and his book, to which
"Tacitus" refers, is not free from many mistakes.
But, defective as the book of Mr. Kraitser is, the quotations from this
book, as *gft's\tiihe v ftbm the Analysis and Parallel of the Polish Con-
stitutions,* bfEeteWetr* which "Tacitus" brought forward, are in perfect
harmony with my statements, as reported in the Richmond Compiler.
The few families who were permitted, in various epochs of political
changes, to use the title of princes and the foreign title of counts and
barons, never had any political superiority over the nobles who were
very numerous, and never composed a separate political body.
"Tacitus" is mistaken in supposing that there existed a privileged class
in Poland superior to the equestrian order which was the creation of the
reform of various half-savage tribes into a civilized nation : the noblesse
who compose this order do not descend from the conquering race, as is.
the case with the nobility of the rest of Europe; and a feudal nobility
never existed in Poland. According to our primitive institutions, every
man who defended the country was a nobleman, and every man who
graduated in the University was also a nobleman. Hence, there are more
nobles in Poland than in the whole rest of Europe ; and had not Poland
been dismembered, till now, perhaps, all her population would have been
nobles.
No one denies that the rich nobles made an effort to consolidate them-
selves into a separate political body, and that they did not associate much
in private circle with the poor noblesse who tilled the soil with their own
hands. But such tendencies are inseparable from human nature. During
seven years of my residence in this more democratic country than Poland
ever was, I have not yet seen a poor daily labourer invited to the private
circle of a family whom fortune and education place above the former.
"Tacitus" brought to his assistance against me several quotations from
the Analysis of the Polish Constitutions, by Lelewell, in order to refute a
statement which, as it has been shown, originated from this gratuitous dis-
section of the account of the Richmond Compiler. And yet he has thus
commented on these very quotations: "In Russia, however, the serf
was not so far subjected to his owner, as to depend upon his moderation
for life itself; on the contrary, in Poland the poor serf was utterly at the
mercy of a master. Yet, in face of what no one can deny, Lelewell
himself says, " there were no slaves in Poland."
The whole of this comment is utterly destitute of foundation. A Po-
37
lish peasant., or, as Lelewell calls him, serf, was but a leaseholder: he
cultivated a few acres of land taken on a lease, from which the produce
belonged to him, and he paid his rent by working on other land of the
owner. He has been called serf by many Polish writers, because he was
excluded from legislation and public office, unless he graduated in a Uni-
versity, which made him a nobleman de jure; and because he was sub-
jected to such conditions, as he had contracted towards the owner of the
land, on which he lived. This system gave certainly place to many
abuses; but the nobleman never had over a peasant such power, as "Taci-
tus" represents in his appendix to the quotations from Lelewell's Analysis
of the Polish Constitutions.
"Tacitus" says: "To those who are supporting this man's statements I
say boldly, that there are at this moment, on what was Poland a century
past, at least twelve millions of people, who would regard as the most se-
vere infliction Heaven could pour on their heads the restoration of their
former state of oppression:"
During the last half century nothing has been neglected on the part of
Russia, Austria and Prussia to impress the public mind with this same
idea; but the very Constitutions of 1791, 1807, and 1815, which "Tacitus"
declares to have before his eyes, refute all the misrepresentations of this
kind: each of these Constitutions, tending to the melioration of the con-
dition of the great mass of the Polish people, and also extending the
enjoyment of political rights to a greater number of inhabitants.
"Tacitus" will, perhaps, answer, that the Constitution of 1807 was
given to Poland by Napoleon, and that of 1815, by Alexander. But let it
be understood, that both these Constitutions" were written by native Poles,
and. both Napoleon and Alexander sanctioned them, only because the ef-
forts of the Poles to regain their independence, placed them in such condi-
tion, that neither of them dared to refuse this sanction : the study of the
history of Europe, from the time of the dismemberment of Poland, con-
jointly with the history of the Polish Legions and the efforts of the Poles
to regain independence, down to the fall of Napoleon, will evince of the
correctness of this remark.
The Constitution of 1791 is the. mother of the Constitutions of 1807 and
1815; and it is considered, by the living generation of the Polish people,
as a legacy given them by old Poland : it is considered so, because it
checked abuses, which had, in consequence of foreign interference, found
their way into Poland in the last century of her existence as an indepen-
dent nation ; and, as the celebrated Burke says, "benefitted every body
and injured no man:"
Kosciusko led the peasants alone, against Russia and Prussia, in defence
of this Constitution. And in the late contest the peasants often exceeded
the nobles in their devotion to the country.
"Tacitus" is mistaken in supposing that I spare the conduct of Austria
and Prussia: It is well known that the present policy of Russia is to
create an anti-Prussian and anti-Austrian feeling in the Stales of the
38
German Confederacy Many pamphlets subservient to this purpose,
have been published in Europe. The Penlarchy is the most obvious
publication of this description. My mission is only to place before the
public of this country, in a true light, the real condition of our own affairs,
and that of our future prospects,, in order to counteract thus the evil, which
the misrepresentations circulated by our enemies have caused us.
The manifestations of public opinion in favour of the cause of my
country, are not (as " Tacitus " says) " wasted in air before reaching where
they could have any effect." In France and England, every such mani-
festation, enacted in the legislative halls, has always been followed by
diplomatic notes'or protests on the part of the Russian Government. In
this country, such diplomatic notes would not be considered; and for this
very reason, the manifestation of public opinion in behalf of my country
by the people of these United Slates, is more effective; it reaches the ears
of the people of all Europe, and of Nicholas himself.
I, however, agree with "Tacitus," that " if anatomy as a science had
been deduced from skeletons found in ancient sepulchres, it would be, as
to usefulness, about of equal value with our general history." But its
usefulness would be of no assistance to the efforts of "Tacitus" in behalf
of Russia. The extracted, true element of the Polish institutions, would
evince, that mankind is much indebted to Poland for their present condi-
tion; Poland alone defended the rights of man when the whole of Eu-
rope was languishing under feudal slavery. The Poles are enslaved; but
four times as many slaves of other nations, are made free in their place. -
"Tacitus" correctly states that there has been a matter of great inquiry in
Europe, " what would have been the effect probable on Western Europe
had Slavon power found its centre around Warsaw in place of Moscow."
But why does he substitute his own opinion, for the conclusions of
the European inquirers? These last maintain that "liberty having bid
farewell to Poland," the whole of Europe must be "Cossack," if Poland
should not regain her independence.
At a public meeting of the members of the British Parliament, held in
1839, over which the Duke of Sussex, uncle of the Queen, presided, an
opinion was expressed as follows :
"Resolved, That the restoration of Poland will, in the opinion of the
meeting, be the surest guaranty for the preservation of the liberties of
Europe and the promotion of the general peace and welfare of all man-
kind."
No European politician, no man of common sense in Europe, except
the agents of our enemies, would dare to maintain, as "Tacitus" does, that
" its resuscitation is as utterly hopeless as the return of life of the corpse
of a human being whose death terminated in the last stage of consump-
tion."
When, in 1838, General Skrzynecki was appointed general-in-chief of
the Belgian army, the three Powers that had dismembered Poland pro-
tested against this appointment. And why? Because a Pole at the
head of the French vanguard (so is'considered the Belgian army) caused
39
general revolutionary vibration in all the provinces of ancient Poland. . . .
Previous to that event, when Nicholas visited Warsaw, he said to the
Deputies of the city: '.'I have built a citadel here, and I declare to you,
that, on the first disturbance, I will level your city with the ground."
This language from the lips of the Czar, and his fear of a single Pole
at the head of the Belgian army, conclusively show, that Nicholas him-
self does not consider his power as strongly established in Poland, as
" Tacitus " dare to represent to the American public.
I am sirs, your most obedient servant, G. TOCHMAN,
Ji Polish Exile.
Reply to Mr. Darbifs Communication published in the National
Intelligencer, April 25, 1843.
(From the National Inteligenctsr, May 22, 1843.)
MESSRS. GALES & SEATON: The first moment which is at my dispo-
sal, I embrace to answer Mr. Darby's challenge, headed, "To the public
in general, and Major Gaspard Tochman in particular" which appear-
ed in your paper of the 25th of April, and I beg again the favor of using
your columns. Had Mr. Darby read my communication in the Globe of
the 19th of April, he would not have said that I wrote it, in addition to the
reply which has been published in your paper of the 20th: the communi-
cation referred to being verbatim the same reply which appeared in your
paper. The only difference between the two publications is, that through-
out the reply in the Globe figures the name qf Mr. Darby, for which, in
the National Intelligencer, you deemed it proper to substitute the name of
"Tacitus." This fact shows what credit Mr. Darby's statement that there
appeared in the Globe "an additional personal and aspersive communica-
tion" is deserving of. But it is not to skirmish about such little and un-
important matters that I took the pen. All those who have read the commu-
nications of " Tacitus " published in your paper, and in some of the papers
of Ohio, and also my replies which were inserted in some of the papers of
Kentucky, Ohio and New York, can form their own opinion, which of us
Mr. Darby or myself, has reason to complain of being abused. I cannot,
however, forbear to mention, that Mr. Darby is absurdly mistaken if he really
believes that my object in travelling and lecturing in America is to pros-
trate him. I do not know Mr. Darby ; I have never seen him ; and in my
lectures I have nothing to do with the writings of " Tacitus." In 1 839 and
'40, I often referred to these writings, and publicly debated them, because
they were then in circulation, and everywhere followed my foot-st.eps, so
as to come into collision with my lectures. But now I do not need this
reference, and had not Mr. Darby provoked me anew, through your col-
umns of the 31st of March, I would have forgotten that I had ever seen the
writings of "Tacitus," or heard of their author, Mr. Darby.
I appear -before the American public in the name of my nation, Poland,
in defence of the same cause whose unsuccessful issue in the late struggle
40
has brought me to this far off land. I treat of the subject of the history,
institutions, wrongs, sufferings and future prospects of my country, and
plead her cause before the American people not that they should declare
a war against the spoilers of Poland ; but to enlist a public opinion condemn-
ing their perpetrations and encroachments on the rights of a once free na-
tion. "Does rny success in awakening public attention to such an appeal,
injure in any way Mr. Darby's personal interest or reputation?
I cannot conceive what motives Mr. Darby has to complain of, and to
denounce as ignorant all those persons, who after having heard my lectures,
organized meetings and expressed their sympathies in behalf of Poland.
Let me tell Mr. Darby, that in the number of the supporters of the cause
of my country and my own person, are the celebrated American historian,
Professor Jared Sparks, and that distinguished scholar, Hon. John Picker-
ing, of Boston; the former moved resolutions at a public meeting held at
Cambridge, the latter in Boston, both calling the attention of the American
people to the character and importance .of my lectures ; that five Governors
of the States, of both political parties, (three of whom are still in office)
acted as chairmen of the public meetings convened to express their opinion
in favor of the cause which I defend; that similar resolutions were passed
by nine State Legislatures, of which four are whig Legislatures and five
democratic; that about one hundred public meetings of the citizens and
literary institutions, directed by the most distinguished men of both politi-
cal parties, and the clergy of various Christian denominations, have, also,,
expressed their sympathies for the same cause and warmest wishes for the
success of my mission.
Will Mr. Darby persist in his opinion, that in the number of these illus-
trious judges, there is none who knows "anything of Poland beyond the
name, and that Count Pulaski and a few other Poles came to this country
and fought under the American standard in the revolutionary war?" In
m 7 judgment, Mr. Darby does injustice to himself only, by abusing these
distinguished gentlemen. His language "let me advise such first to
read history attentively, and to make themselves, by studying the national
character, the general history and policy of Poland and contiguous States,
competent by these means to become judges" is unfair and malicious.
Mr. Darby challenges me to come to Washington after the opening of
the next Congress, and to appear wil.h him before persons from every sec-
tion of the United States. And what does he wish me to debate with him?
Only the strifes of the political parties! Well, I declare that none deny
that our fathers had much trouble with the election of their kings; that
there were one or two incidents where two kings were elected at the same
time, and that they contested their rights of election, with arms in their
hands; but can these incidents justify the perpetration of the invader's and
spoilers of Poland? Is there any nation legally authorised to interfere with
the domestic affairs of another? Will Mr. Darby show me a single fami-
ly of our species, from the creation of the first man down to this day, free
from some casualties of a similar nature?
My object in lecturing is not, however, to debate, to defend, or to con-
41
demn the factions which infected Poland in the course of her existence as
an independent nation. I bring forth in a true light her institutions, ex-
plain the process of the development of her liberal principles, science and
literature and wish to show, by established facts, that her policy has al-
ways tended to benefit mankind, to secure the rights of man, and to im-
prove the condition of the great mass of her own people. It is on the ba-
sis of such principles that 1 denounce the dismemberment of my country,
as unjustifiable, injurious to the interest of all freemen, and sapping the
security of every free nation. If Mr. Darby wishes to persist in his efforts
to justify the perpetuation of her spoilers, and to debate with me the above
topics, I am ready to answer his challenge. Ever since I commenced to
travel and to lecture in this country, I have chosen the people of this great
republic and their representatives, for my judges, and I will consider it as
one of the greatest honors to which such a pilgrim as I am, can aspire, to
be permitted to bring the great cause of my country before their Highest
Tribunal at Washington (the members of Congress.)
It would be superfluous to say anything about the Polish peasants, or,
as Mr. Darby calls them, serfs; this subject having been, already, an-
swered in my communication published in the Globe of the 19th, and in
the National Intelligencer of the 20th of April.
As to the reproach that " religious intolerance entered Poland with the
reformation," I am disposed to believe that Mr. Darby made an unwilling
mistake in accusing Poland of it: Rulhiere, a French writer, says:
" Mosques were raised amongst churches and synagogues. The city of
Leopold had always been the seat of three Bishops Greek, Armenian
and Latin; and it was never inquired in which of these three cathedrals
any man who submitted to the regulations of the country, went to receive
communion. Jit last, when the reformation was rending so many States
into inimical factions, Poland alone retaining her ancient religion, received
into her bosom the two new sects.' 11
Moreover, will Mr. Darby deny the historical fact, that in 1573, the
Polish Diet passed a law enacting that "the freedom of worship is to be
forever allowed in the Polish soil to all religious creeds?" Will he deny
that when Sigism-undus III. sent to Ferdinand II. Emperor of Germany,
a reinforcement of 8,000 Cossacks against the Protestants, the Polish
Legislature passed unanimously an act, declaring as traitors to their own
country, all the Cossacks who should remain under the standard of the
thirty years war? And who does not know, that in the days of Luther,
and during all the time of the contest of the Reformers with the Catho-
lics, the press of Poland was an engine of the former? When the Catho-
lics printed their books at Cracow, Posen and Lublin, the followers of
the confession of Augsburg printed theirs at Paniowice, Dombrowa and
Szamotuly ; the Reformers at Pinczew, Brzesc, Knyszyn and Nieszwiez;
he Arians at Rakow and Zaslaw j the Greek sectarians, at Ostrow and
Wilna.
True it is, that the attempt was made to plant the seed of intolerance,
and that the Protestants, the Greeks and the Catholics too, applied to
4*
42
foreign powers for protection. But who can reproach Poland for shed-
ing blood to enforce conversions from one religious creed to another, as
was the case throughout the rest of Europe? Who can deny, that not-
withstanding all the efforts of a few bigoted fanatics, supported by foreign
powers, the principle of intolerance (to which Poland gave the first
example,) prevails on her soil down to this day, and makes a part of her
national character?
It is a bravado, not worthy of a republican, to say : " Of those who
dream of the restoration of Poland, how many have asked, much less
answered, the why, how, w r hen, and by whom this will be done?" Let
Mr. Darby leave to the people of Poland to take care of their own affairs
they, certainly, will not ask for any assistance nor advice from Mr.
Darby, to accomplish this great work.
lam far from intending to consider Mr. Darby to be a g-ood friend of
" the good Master Nicholas " but I cannot withhold from remarking a
very singular coincidence: Nicholas, to silence the complaints of the
deputies of the city of Warsaw, said : " I have built a citadel here, and
I declare to you, that on the first disturbance, I will level your city with
the ground" and Mr. Darby to silence myself, tells us: "were, indeed,
the designs of such men as Major Tochman to be adopted, the sure con-
sequence to the millions of people residing in what was Poland, would
be blood, fire, and utter ruin."
Had Mr. Darby lived during the revolutionary war, (of this country,)
and, had the fathers of this great republic listened to, and considered
such arguments, Mr. Darby would be now an English colonist. Thanks
to God, that Mr. Darby was born after the revolution ; he would have
had many apparent deductions to bring in support of his "historical
researches," to trouble the glorious efforts of the fathers of his country;
the population, and the navy of the British Empire, having been much
greater than are those of the three spoilers of Poland ; and the population
of the colonies, having been scarcely equal to one seventh part of the pre-
sent population of Poland.
I pass by the panegyric bestowed upon Louis Phillippe, King of
France ; let another hand depict the true character of his wisdom and
humanity. I only defend my country's rights and honour, and beg Mr.
Darby to declare, through the columns of the National Intelligencer,
whether he wishes to debate with me, during the next Congress, her his-
tory and affairs, (not the strifes of the political parties exclusively.) If he
should wish, he would confer a special obligation by sending me a copy of
the paper with his answer, care of T. Parkin Scott, Esq. Baltimore. I
ask this favour for fear lest his answer may escape my attention.
G. TOCHMAN,
BALTIMOBE, May, 16, 1S43. A Polish Exile.
43
Reply to Mr. Darby's Communication published in the National
Intelligencer, October 31, 1843.
(From the National Intelligencer of the 6th of November, 1843.)
MESSRS. GALES & SEATO : The communication of Mr. William
Darby, which appeared in your columns of the 3lst of October, might
have misled many a reader from the right way of viewing the question
at issue. "You will, therefore, permit me to state the facts as they are.
It was impossible for Mr. Darby to find either arguments or authorities
to refute the historical facts, which I adduced in my communication pub-
lished in the National Intelligencer of the 20th of April, in reply to one
of his " Essays on the Northern Nations of Europe." These motives
only", I believe, could induce Mr. Darby to pass in silence its contents,
and to resort to another kind of arms than the pen that is, to a debate.
I will not advance what other calculations might have induced him to
"such alternative;" the readers of our controversy being aware that Mr.
Darby is a native American, and that the English language is not my
vernacular tongue. But whatever construction Mr. Darby would wish
now to give to his challenge, the words of it, are these: "I openly chal-
lenge you, Major^Tochman, to come to this city, as soon as your conve-
nience will admit, after the opening of the next Congress; we can then
appear before persons from every section of the United States. If you
accept such alternative, I am ready to meet you in open assembly on the
following terms:
"First. Public notice to be given of time and place.
"Second. Each party to be limited to one hour.
" Third. You are yourself to choose whether to open or to close, but
informing me in writing of your choice before meeting.
"Fourth. I pledge myself to show, in one hour, from historical evi-
dence of the highest credit, that the crown of Poland was, at the demise
of every king for more than two centuries before the (so called) partition
of 1772, a mere bauble offered by different factions to Russian, Prussian,
Austrian, French, &c., candidates," &c.
My answer to the above was as follows:
" * * And what does Mr. Darby wish to debate with me? Only
the strifes of the parties! " Well, I declare that none deny that our fathers
had much trouble with the elections of their kings; that there were one
or two instances when two kings were elected at the same time, and' that
they contested their rights of election with arms in their hands. But can
these incidents justify the perpetration of the invaders and spoilers of
Poland? Is there any nation legally authorized to interfere with the
domestic affairs of another nation? Will Mr. Darby show me a single
family of our species, from the creation of the first man down to this day,
free from some casualties of a similar nature?"
" My object in lecturing is not, however, to defend or to condern the
factions which infected Poland in the course of her existence as an inde-
pendent nation. I bring forth in a true light her institutions, explain the
process of the development of her liberal principles, science and,litera-
44
ture, and wish to show, by established facts, that her policy has always
tended to benefit mankind, to secure the rights of man, and to improve
the condition of the great mass of her own people. It is on the basis of
such principles that I denounce the dismemberment of my native country,
as unjustifiable, injurious to the interests o all freemen, and sapping the
security of every free nation. If Mr. Darby wishes to persist in his efforts
to justify the perpetradon of her spoilers, and to debate these topics with
me, I am ready to answer his challenge. Ever since I commenced to
travel and to lecture in this country, I have chosen the people of this
great Republic, and their representatives, for my judges; and will consi-
der it as one of the greatest honours to which such a pilgrim as I am,,
can aspire, to be permitted to bring the great cause of my country before
their highest tribunal at Washington (the members of Congress.")
When this reply appeared in the columns of the National Intelligencer,
Mr. Darby began to beat the retreat. So I consider his answer of the
24th of May: "I there propose no discussion of any kind. I claim but
one hour to place, in the Major's presence, before an American audience,
the cause of the decline and fall of Poland." Mr. Darby may now say
whatever he pleases in relation to this matter; but whoever understands
the English language, cannot give another construction to the words
quoted from his communication of the 25th of April "last, but that he
challenged me to debate with him the subject in question. So I under-
stood that communication when I wrote the above reply, and accepted
the challenge; and it was on this plea that I stated in my advertisement
(which gave occasion to Mr. Darby's protestation of the 31st of October)
that I have accepted a challenge of debating with him some topics of
our history.
It is difficult to face truth, before an intelligent audience, in defence of a
wrong cause. Mr. Darby has heard me lecturing in Georgetown, the 23d
of October; and if my "declaiming loudly" has induced him to eschew
debate why should it not be known to the readers of our controversy ? . . .
I beg to be properly understood. I did not know Mr. Darby, personally,
during all the three years of our controversy; I knew him only by reputa-
tion as a man of vast information, and I always felt for him that respect
which is due to talent and 'a man of education. On my arrival in Wash-
ington, having learned that he was here, I paid him a visit, and, for the
first time, we met face to face. The kind and hospitable welcome and
reception, which he and his family gave me, have increased my esteem
for my learned antagonist. I have nothing personal against him; and,
should he please to examine the histories of Gallus, Bishop Kromer,
Narusiewicz Bantke, Lelewell, &c.; should he please to glance over the
sketches on Poland published in the Foreign Quarterly Review, and in
the Edinburgh Review; should he read " Letters, Literary and Political,
on Poland," published in London and Edinburgh, I hope there would be
no controversy between us, and he would be as good a Pole at heart as I
am by the right of birth.
1 am, gentlemen, most respectfully, your obedient servant,
WASHINGTON, November 4, 1843. G. TOCHMAN.
45
Reply to Mr. Darlifs Communication published in the National Intel-
ligencer, November 9, 1843.
(From the National Intelligencer of November 14, 1843.)
MESSRS. GALES &, SEATON: Once morel am compelled to request
the liberality of your columns, lo reply to Mr. Darby's communication,
published in the National Intelligencer of the 9ih instant.
I leave, entirely, to the intelligence of the readers of our controversy, the
solution of the question, concerning Mr. Darby's construction of his own
former words, challenging me " to appear before persons from every sec-
tion of the United States during the approaching session of Congress,"
and " declaring to meet me in open assembly." It will, however, not be
amiss to state, that when Mr. Darby does not wish to hear my " Polon-
iads," and eschews debate, I think that it would be inconsistent with pro-
priety on my part, to be present when it should please him to declaim his
" Tacit usiads."
He promises to show conclusively, that I am " ignorant of the history of
my own country, or that I wilfully misrepresent it ;" and he concludes,
" as, if he really understands such history, he cannot but know the reli-
gious dissensions, persecutions, &c., which commenced with the Wasa
family in 1586, and continued with little interruption to the final dismem-
berment of the Government in 1772. On the presumption that he under-
stands the history of Poland, he must know the causes which led the Pro-
testants of Poland to seek and obtain foreign protection in 1660 by the
treaty of Oliva, and why, in 1686, the Princess Sophia Galitzen, half-sis-
ter to Peter the Great, as regent during the mental incapacity of her full
brother, refused to sign that treaty, by which the Greek subjecfs of Po-
land were put under Russian protection. He has made a parade of boast-
ing of the religious liberty enjoyed in Poland; and had he told his au-
dience that this liberty began and ended with the Jagellons in 1572, he
would have told them but truth."
These few lines, intended " to show conclusively, that I was utterly ig-
norant of the history of my native land, or that I wilfully misrepresent
it," by a singular chance of fortune, evince that my learned antagonist is
himself utterly ignorant of the subject. No Polish historian, and even
none of my antagonist's authorites, arrayed in his last communication, can
support the statement that, intolerance " began and ended in Poland with
the Jagellons in 1572." The family of the Jagellons commenced its reign
in Poland in 1386 and did not Poland grant to the Jews a charter guar-
ranteeing their freedom of worship as early as the year 1264 when they
were persecuted throughout the rest of Europe ? The last member of the
Jagellons died in 1572 and did not the Diet of Convocation in January
of 1573 enact that the freedom of worship should forever be allowed on
the Polish soil to all religious denominations? Henry de Valois was
elected after the extinction of the Jagellon's family; and was he not
obliged and forced by the Diet to take oath, to respect religious tolerance ?
46
He could not even be crowned until he swore that he should interefere
in favor of the French Protestants, who were then persecuted by his
brother Charles IX.
As to the Wasa family, were they not Sweeds ? did not the Wasas in-
troduce Protestantism in Sweden? One of them, Sigismundus, a Catho-
lic, was elected King of Poland ; he happened to be "a. bigot," and en-
deavored to convert the Polish Protestants to the Catholic faith. Never-
theless, Mr. Darby will not point out a single instance, in which this very
intolerant Sigismundis, the true scourge of Poland, was permitted or dared
to use tortures, corporal punishments, or fines to accomplish his purposes ;
which measures of conversion were then the order of the day in Western
Europe.
I can be answered that, at the time of the thirty years' war, he (Sigis-
mundus) had sent to Ferdinand II, Emperor of Germany, a reinforce-
ment of eight thousand Polish Cossacks against the Protestants. But
did not the Polish Diet reprimand him for so doing ? and did not the same
Diet pass an act unanimously declaring as traitors to the country all the
Cossacks who would remain under the standard of the thirty years' war?
Strange, indeed, to accuse the whole nation of intolerance for the intended
deeds of intolerance of a stranger, because he happened to be elected King !
Nobody denies that there were instances when the Protestants were, for
a while, excluded from legislation; but such measures were of a political
character, and not the fruit of intolerance. When England persecuted Cath-
olics, when Elizabeth rejected the interference of the German Emperor in
their behalf and refused to soften the bloody laws enacted against them,
this naturally caused reaction in the Catholic States; and as in Poland the
Catholics were three or four times more numerous than the Protestants,'the
latter had to suffer exclusion from legislation. The same measure was
repeated in the eighteenth century, on the ground of similar political pur-
poses ; but at no time did these political measures degenerate into perse-
cution of another kind ; and even when excluded from legislation, the
Protestants were always admitted to municipal offices, and enjoyed all
other political rights ; and no Polish Protestant who examines the causes
and the motives of such measures, utters a word of complaint against his
country. As to the Greek believers, they were, perhaps, more severely
treated ; but not so mnch for difference in religion as becausp they were
instruments of the German Emperors and of the Czars of Moscow, and
at their instigations, used to invade contiguous countries, especially Turkey,
with which Poland was at peace ; and often they were the cause of the
calamities of war, which the Turks and Tartars repeatedly declared, to
take revenge on Poland for the misdemeanor of her Cossacks.
I really do not know what Mr. Darby means in saying : "On the pre-
sumption that he understands history, he must know the causes which led
the Protestants of Poland to seek and obtain foreign protection in 1660 by
the treaty of Oliva." If I have to take the meaning of this sentence accor-
ding to its true construction, I must say that Mr. Darby does not under-
stand the character of the war which led to the treaty of Oliva, and he
47
could have never seen that treaty. The facts are these : John Casimir,
King of Poland, claiming the crown of the Swedish throne, protested
against the accession of Charles Gustavus; this latter therefore invaded
Poland to revenge the offence. His bold character pleased the Poles, and
many nobles, especially Protestants, assisted him, which gave him a very
easy victory over his adversary; and John Casimir was on the point of be-
ing dethroned. A deputation was sent to Charles Gustavus requesting, that
he should convoke the Diet for his own elecljon, to which the proud Swede
answered that he had conquered Poland and did not want election. This in-
judicious answer of a Protestant Prince, caused all the nobles, Protestants
and Catholics, to abandon him, organize a confederation, and call the coun-
try to arms. Sixty thousand Transilvenians came to assist Gustavus, and the
Elector of Brandenburg placed at his disposal all his forces. Nevertheless
the invaders were completely beaten, and almost entirely destroyed. The
proud Swede returned to Sweden, and John Casimir was restored- to the
throne. This war led to the treaty of Oliva, by which some advantages
were granted to the Elector of Brandenburg for having deserted Gustavus
before the final termination of the war; and John Casimir, yielding to the
request of the nation, resigned his pretensions to the Swedish throne, which
had given occasion to the above war.
My learned antagonist boasts, further, that I have not denied in my last
communication the facts which he pledges himself to prove. Let me re-
mind him that these facts (as Mr. Darby calls them) are but the repetition of
the contents of his communication published in the National Intelligencer
of the 25th of April last, to which 1 replied through the same paper of the
22d of May. I therefore had no need to repeat my reply whose contents
Mr. Darby, in all his subsequent communications, passed in silence.
As to the long list of authorities of my antagonist, I have only to say
that the German writers to whom he refers me, are writers of the last half
century; some of them are evidently idolaters of the spoilers of Poland;
not one of them is a Polish historian. They treat of Poland as much as
its affairs are connected with their principal subjects: as the life of Fred-
erick the Great, of Alexander of Russia, &c. As far, therefore, as these
writers deviate in their statements i'rom the Polish historians, who wrote in
the twelfth, fourteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, they
do not deserve more credit than the common talebearers. How can the
writers of later days contradict the testimonies of the writers .who lived
some centuries ago, and relate the facts, of which they were eye witnesses'?
With regard to the Polish authorities of my learned antagonist, I have
to inform the readers of our controversy that the quotations adduced in the
last communication of Mr. Darby, are not from Lelewell's history, but from
his Analysis of the Polish Constitutions, a small book published in France,
and bearing a political and not a historical character. I refer Mr. Darby
to the history of Lelewell, published in Poland, to learn the true character
of our institutions, and the real social and political condition of the country.
Hordynski never wrote a history, but a book on the late revolution,
which he published in Boston, Massachusetts; this book has no his-
48
torical merit of any other character than what relates to the revolution.
Count Oginski, accepted amnesty and office from the Czar, and wrote
his Memoirs under such influence. Mr. Darby answered me, in one
of his communications, published in Ohio papers, that he has never read
any book better written, than these Memoirs of Oginski, and expressed great
surprise that I reject his authority, only "because he (Oginski) accepted
amnesty to secure bread for his family, and did not go to Western Europe
or the United States to look for^ a barren sympathy." Nevertheless, I again
declare to Mr. Darby, that I cannot accept Oginski's Memoirs as a school-
book for me.
In conclusion, I cannot conceal my surprise that Mr. Darby in support
of his arguments devoted to justify the perpetration of the spoilers of Po-
land, resorts to the predictions of the dismemberment of Poland, by John
Casimir in 1668. And no less do I wonder, that he sets forth the opinions
of Mr. Robert Walsh and of Mr. Wheaton, to convince me that all the ef-
forts of my countrymen to regain independence are chimerical, because
Mr. Robert Walsh and Mr. Wheaton are of such opinion. The predic-
tions of John Casimir, are not arguments which could justify the invasions
and spoliations of Poland. As to the opinions of Messrs. Walsh and Whea-
ton, they (I will use the words of Mr. Darby) "are not gospel" to bind the
Poles to submit to their oppressors. Notwithstanding, no Pole complains
against such opinions of Messrs. Walsh and Wheaton, and none would
complain against Mr. Darby, should he limit himself to an expression of his
own opinions however unfavorable to their interest; but, when assuming
the character of a historian, Mr. Darby misleads those who rely on his
statements, when he endeavors, by dint of misrepresentations, to defeat the
efforts of the Poles to gain the sympathy of the world, when he boldly pro-
claims that "the people of these United States were deceived into sympa-
thy for the oppresser against the oppressed." Mr. Darby, therefore, must
pardon a Polish exile for saying that, with all the respect for his talent, he
will not rank him with those, who only express their opinions, but do not
stay, deliberately, in the way of the efforts of his country in endeavoring to
shake off the yoke.
I am gentlemen, very respectfully, your obedient,
G. TOCHMAN.
WASHINGTON, November 13, 1843.
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