-"''T^^'^^-'^^mM
^'^A^-Zk^'2:f>
^'^^f'A^
'mmmiii£''''
^*^3^«*'ei
,Afe:H^
,)^^^,;^^^r\^AA,-%
f^m^f^^
/
/^
(Ij\
\ 0
O/L'^^ ^/I^i^^^^ , /j^^^
^y^^^Bi^
#
ll^^
LECTURES ON THE HISTORY
OF
THE JEWISH CHURCH.
PAKT I.
ABRAHAM to SAMUEL.
By ARTHUR PENRHYN STANLEY, D.D.
EEGIUS PSOFBSSOE OP ECCLESIASTICAL HISTOET IN THE UMVERSITY OP 0X70BS : HONOKABT
CHAPLAIN IN OEDINAEY TO THE QnEEN : H jNOSAST
CHAPLAIN TO THE PEINCB OB WALES.
WITH MAPS AND PLANS.
SECOND EDITION.
LONDON:
JOHN MUEEAT, ALBEMAELE STEEET.
1863.
2'Ae rii/lit of trans'alion is reserved.
LONDON
PKIS^TED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO.
JTBW-SIKEIil SQUABE
liRL
DEDICATION.
TO THE DEAR MEMOKY OP HER,
BY "WHOSE FIRM FAITH, CALM WISDOM, AND TENDER SYMPATHY
THESE AND ALL OTHER LABOURS
HAVE FOR YEARS BEEN SUSTAINED AND CBTEERED,
TO MY MOTHER,
THIS WORK,
WHICH SHARED HER LATEST CARE,
IS NOW DEDICATED,
IN SACRED AND EVERLASTING REMEMBRANCE.
2107558
PREFACE.
THE contents of this volume, in accordance with a
plan ' which I have set forth elsewhere, consist of
Lectures, actually or in substance, addressed to my
usual hearers at Oxford, chiefly candidates for Holy
Orders. The Twentieth (with some slight variations
from its present form) was preached as a sermon from
the University Pulpit. These circumstances will account
both for the local allusions, and for the practical cha-
racter of the Lectures, which I have left in most cases
as they originally stood.
Throughout the volume I have endeavoured to bear
in mind three main objects, indicated in its title.
In the first place, the work must be regarded not
as a History, but as Lectures. This mode of in-
struction, besides being that to which I was naturally
led by the duties of my Chair, appeared to me specially
adapted to the subjects of which I was to treat. In
the case of a history so famihar as that of which the
materials are for the most part contained in the Bible,
' Introductory Lectures to the History of the Eastern Church, pp. xxvii.-xxxi.
VIU PREFACE.
and embracing, as it does, topics of the most varied in-
terest, the form of Lectures, whilst it avoided the neces-
sity of a continuous narrative, enabled me to select the
portions most susceptible of fresh illustration and com-
bination, and at the same time most likely to stimulate
an intelhgent study of the whole. Moreover, there
already exists in EngHsh a well-known narrative of the
History of the Jews, which is now, I am glad to hope,
on the point of reappearing, with the most recent
revisions from the pen of its distinguished author. I
trust that the venerable Dean of S. Paul's will add to
his many other kindnesses his forgiveness of this in-
trusion on a field peculiarly his own — an intrusion
which would never have been attempted, but in the
belief that it would not interfere with those labours
which have made his name dear to all who know the
value of a genuine love of truth and freedom, combined
with profound theological learning and high ecclesias-
tical station.
Secondly, although for the above reasons abstaining
from the attempt to write a consecutive history, I have
wished to present the main characters and events of
the Sacred ISTarrative in a form as nearly historical as
the facts of the case will admit.
The Jewish History has suffered from causes similar
to those which still, within our own memory, obscured
the history of Greece and of Eome. Till within the
present century, the characters and institutions of those
two great countries were so veiled from view in the
PREFACE. IX
.conventional haze with which the enchantment of
distance had invested them, that when the more graphic
and critical historians of our time broke through this
reserve, a kind of shock was felt through all the
educated classes of the country. The same change was
in a still higher degree needed with regard to the
history of the Jews. Its sacred character had deepened
the difficulty already occasioned by its extreme anti-
quity. That earliest of Christian heresies — Docetism,
or ' phantom worship ' — the reluctance to recognise
in sacred subjects their identity with our own flesh and
blood — has at different periods of the Christian Church
affected the view entertained of the whole Bible. The
same tendency which led Philo and Origen, Augustine
and Gregory the Great, to see in the plainest statements
of the Jewish history a series of mystical allegories, in
our own time has as completely closed its real contents
to a large part both of religious and irreligious readers,
as if it had been a collection of fables. Many, who
would be scandahsed at ignorance of the battles of
Salamis or Cannae, know and care nothing for the
battles of Beth-horon and Megiddo. To search the
Jewish records as we would search those of other
nations, is regarded as dangerous. Even to speak of
any portion of the Bible as ' a history,' has been de-
scribed, even by able and pious men, as an outrage upon
religion.
In protesting against this elimination of the historical
element from the Sacred Narrative, I shall not be un-
derstood as wishing to efface the distinction which good
X PREFACE.
taste, no less than reverence, will always endeavour to
preserve between the Jewish and other histories.
Even in dealing with Greek and Roman times, we must
beware of an excessive reaction against the old system
of nomenclature. An indiscriminate introduction of
modern associations into tiie ancient or the sacred
world is almost as misleading as their entire exclusion.
But we shall be best preserved from such dangers by a
true understanding of the actual events, persons, and
countries of which we profess to speak. And there are
so many signs of returning healthiness in regard to
Biblical History, that we need not fear for the result.
It is one of the many debts of gratitude which the
Churcli of England owes to the author of the ' Christian
Year,' that he was one of the first amongst our divines
who ventured in his well-known poems to allude to the
scenes and the characters of the Sacred Story in the same
terms that he would have used if speaking of any other
remarkable history. It is for this reason, amongst
others, that I have on all occasions, where it was pos-
sible, employed his language — now happily familiar to
the whole of Erighsh Christendom — to enforce and to
illustrate my own descriptions. Similar examples of
freely handhng these sacred subjects in a becoming
spirit may be seen (to select two works, widely differing
in other respects) in Dr. Eobinson's ' Biblical Researches
' in Palestine,' and the Prefaces to Dr. Pusey's ' Com-
' mentary on the Minor Prophets.' Indeed it may
safely be said — and it is the almost inevitable result of
an intimate acquaintance with the language, the topo-
graphy, or the poetry of the Bible — that whoever has
PREFACE. XI
passed through any one of these gates into a nearer pre-
sence of the truths and the events described, will never
again be able to speak of them with the cold and stiff
formality which once was thought their only safe-
guard.
Thirdly, it has been my intention to make these
Lectures strictly ' ecclesiastical.' The history of the
Jewish race, language, and antiquities belongs to other
departments. It is the history of the Jewish Church
of which my office invited me to speak. I have thus
been led to dwell especially on those parts of the history
which bear directly on the religious development of
the nation. I have never forgotten that the literature
of the Hebrew race, ft-om which the materials of these
Lectures are drawn, is also the Bible — the Sacred
Book, or Books, of Christendom. I have constantly
endeavoured to remind my hearers and readers that
the Christian Church sprang out of the Jewish, and
therefore to connect the history of the two together,
both by way of contrast and illustration, wherever
opportunity offered. Whatever memorials of any par-
ticular form or epoch of the Jewish History can be per-
manently traced in the institutions, the language, the
imagery, of either Church, I have endeavoured carefully
to note. The desire to find in all parts of the Old
Testament allegories or types of the New, has been
pushed to such an excess that many students turn away
from this side of the history in disgust. But there is
a continuity of character runnhig through the career
of the Chosen People which cannot be disputed, and
Xll PREFACE.
on this, the true historical basis of ' types ' — which is,
in fact, only the Greek word for ' hkenesses ' — I have
not scrupled to dwell. Throughout I have sought to
recognise the identity of purpose — the constant gravi-
tation towards the greatest of all events — which, under
any hypothesis, must furnish the main interest of the
History of Israel.
These are the chief points to which I have called
attention in my Lectures, and to which I here again
call the attention of my readers. There are many col-
lateral questions naturally arising out of the subject, for
which the purpose of this work furnishes no scope.
Discussions of chronology, statistics, and physical
science — of the critical state of the different texts and
the authorship of the different portions of the narrative
— of the precise limits to be drawn between natural
and supernatural, ^ providential and miraculous — unless
in passages where the existing documents and the ex-
isting localities force the consideration upon us, I have
usually left unnoticed. I have passed by these ques-
tions because I do not wish to disturb my readers with
distinctions which to the Sacred writers were for the
most part alien and unknown, and which, within the
limits of the plan of this work, would be superfluous
and inappropriate. The only exception which I have
made has been in favour of illustrations from Geogra-
phy. These, from the circumstance of my having been
' For an able statement of this ' the Supernatural ' in the Edinburgh
question I may refer to an article on Eeview, No. 236, p. 378.
PREFACE. Xm
twice enabled to visit the scenes of Sacred History, I
felt that I might be pardoned for offering as my
special contribution to the study of the subject, even if
they somewhat exceeded the due proportion of the rest^
of the work. On all other matters of this secondary
nature, I have been content to rest on the researches^
of others, and to refer to them for further elucidation.
No one will, I trust, suspect me of undervaluing
these researches. It is my firm conviction that in pro-
portion as such inquiries are fearlessly pursued by those
who are able to make them, will be the gain both to
the cause of Bibhcal science and of true Eeligion ; and
I, for one, must profess my deep obligations to those
who in other countries have devoted their time and
labour, and in this country have hazarded worldly in-
terests and popular favour, in this noble, though often
perilous, pursuit of Divine Truth.
To name any, in a field where so many have contri-
buted to the general result, would be difficult and in-
vidious. But there is one so distinguished above the
rest, and so closely connected with the subject of this
work, that I must be permitted to express here, once
• This must be my excuse for the of Hebron, and the Samaritan Pass-
frequent references to another work, over.
Sinai and Palestine, which was origi- ■^ It will be seen that there is one
naUy undertaken with the express name constantly recurring here, as in
purpose of a preparation for such a all else that I have written on these
work as is here attempted. I have also subjects. It is an unfailing pleasure
taken this opportunity of giving in to me to refer to IVIr. Grove's con-
the Appendix an account of the two tinned aid— such as I could have re-
most remarkable scenes, which I wit- ceived from no one else in like degree
nessed in my late journey to the — in all questions connected with
Holy Land, — the visit to the Mosque Sacred history and geography.
XIV PEEFACE.
for all, the gratitude whicli I, in common with many-
others, owe to his vast labours.
It is now twenty-seven years since Arnold' wrote
to Bunsen, 'Wliat Wolf and Mebuhr have done for
'Greece and Eome, seems sadly wanted for Judaea.'
The wish thus boldly expressed for a critical and
historical investigation of the Jewish history was, in
fact, already on the eve of accomplishment. At that
time Ewald was only known as one of the chief
Orientalists of Germany. He had not yet proved
himself to be the first Bibhcal scholar in Europe. But,
year by year, he was advancing towards his grand
object. To his profound knowledge of the Hebrew
language he added, step by step, a knowledge of each
stage of the Hebrew Literature. These labours on the
prophetic and poetic books of the ancient Scriptures
culminated in his noble work on the History of the
People of Israel — as powerful in its general conception,
as it is saturated with learning down to its minutest
details. It would be presumptuous in me either to
defend or to attack the critical analysis, which to most
English readers savours of arbitrary dogmatism, with
which he assigns special dates and authors to the
manifold constituent parts of the several books of the
Old Testament ; and from many of his general state-
ments I should venture to express my disagreement,
were this the place to do so. But the intimate ac-
quaintance which he exhibits w^ith every portion of the
' Arnold's Letters, Feb. 10, 1835 {Life and Correspondence, i. 338).
PREFACE. XV
Sacred Writings, combined as it is with a loving and
reverential . appreciation of each individual character,
and of the whole spirit and purpose of the Israelitish
history, has won the respect even of those who differ
widely from his conclusions. How vast its silent effect
has been may be seen from the recognition of its value,
not only in its author's own country, but in France,
and in England also. One instance may suffice : — the
constant reference to his writings throughout the new
' Dictionary of the Bible,' to which I have myself so
often referred with advantage, and which more than
any other single EngUsh work is intended to represent
the knowledge and meet the wants of the rising gene-
ration of Bibhcal students.
But; in fact, my aim has been not to recommend the
teaching or the researches of any theologian however
eminent, but to point the way to the treasures them-
selves of that History on which I have spent so many
years of anxious, yet delightful, labour. There are
some excellent men who disparage the Old Testament,
as the best means of saving the New. There are others
who think that it can only be maintained by dis-
couraging all inquiry into its authority or its contents.
It is true that the Old Testament is inferior to the New,
that it contains many institutions and precepts (those,
for example, which sanction and regulate polygamy
and slavery), which have been condemned or aban-
doned by the tacit consent of nearly the whole of Chris-
tendom. But this inferiority is no more than both
Testaments freely recognise ; the one by pointing to a
XVI PREFACE.
Future greater than itself, the other by msisting on the
gradual, partial, imperfect character of the Eevelations
that had preceded it. It is true also that the rigid
acceptance of every part of the Old Testament, as of
equal authority, equal value, and equal accuracy, is
rendered impossible by every advance made in Biblical
science, and by every increase of our acquaintance with
Eastern customs and primeval history. But it is no
less true that by almost every one of these advances
the beauty and the grandeur of the substance and
spirit of its different parts are enhanced to a degree far
transcending all that was possible in former ages.
My object will have been attained, if, by calling at-
tention to these incontestable and essential features of the
Sacred History, I may have been able in any measure
to smooth the approaches to some of the theological
difficulties which may be in store for this generation ;
still more if I can persuade any one to look on the
History of the Jewish Church as it really is ; to see
how important is the place which it occupies in the
general education of the world — how many elements
of religious thought it suppUes, which even the New
Testament fails to furnish in the same degree — how
largely indebted to it have been already, and may yet
be in a still greater degree, the CiviHsation and the
Faith of mankind.
Chkist Church, Oxford :
Sept. 16, 1862.
CONTENTS.
PAQB
Preface ........ vii
Introbuction ....... xxxi
Three Stages of the History of the Jewish Church . xxxi, xxxii
Authorities for the History ..... xxxii
1. Comparison of the different Canonical Books . . xxxiii
2. Lost Books ...... xxxiv
3. The Hebrew Text — The Septuagint . . xxxv, xxxvi
4. Traditions of the East — Josephus . xxxvii, xxxviii
THE PATEIAKCHS.
LECTURE I.
THE CALL OF ABRAHAM.
The beginning of Ecclesiastical History .... 3
I. The Migration of Abraham ..... 5
Ur of the Chaldees — Orfa — Haran — Passage of the
Euphrates — Damascus .... 5 — 10
Likeness to the Arabian Chiefs . . .11
n. The Call of Abraham ..... 13
1. < The Friend of God '—The Worship of theHeavenly
Bodies and of the Kings -^ Abraham the first
Teacher of the Divine Unity . . 1.3—17
2. 'The Father of the Faithful:' ... 18
Faith of Abraham . . . .18
His imiversal Character . . . 19 — 23
The name of Elohim . . . .22
The Covenant — Circumcision — The Father of the
Jewish Church .... 23—26
a2
xvm
CONTENTS.
LECTURE n.
ABKAHAM AND ISAAC.
PAGE
The first Entrance into the Holy Land . . , .27
I. The Halting-places of Abraham :
1. Shechem— 2. Bethel— 3. The Oak of Mamre ;
TheCaveof Machpelah — 4. Beersheba . 29—36
n. Simplicity of the Patriarchal Age :
Ishmael — Isaac — Rebekah . . . 37 — 39
m. External Relations of Abraham . . . .39
1. To the Canaanites . . . . .39
2. To Egypt ....... . 40
3. To Ch'edorlaomer ..... 43
Melchizedek . . . . .44
4. To the Cities of the Plain .... 46
TV. Sacrifice of Isaac ..... 47 — 52
LECTURE m.
JACOB.
Contrast of Abraham and Jacob
I. Characters of Jacob and Esau
Esau the hkeness of the Edomites-
Examples of mixed Characters
rr. Wanderings of Jacob
1. Jacob at Bethel
2. In Mesopotamia
3. At Gilead .
4. At Mahanaim
5. At Peniel
Retirement of Esau
The Book of Job .
6. Jacob's Settlement at Shechem
The Oak of Deborah
The Grave of Rachel
7. The Stay at Hebron
8. The Descent into Egypt
The Death of Jacob
■Jacob, of the Jews
63
54
56
57
59
69
61
63
64
66
68
69
70
72
72
73
74
75
CONTENTS.
XIX
LECTURE IV.
ISEAEL IN EGYPT.
I. Joseph in Egypt ..... 77—82
II. Israel in Egypt ...... 82
The Shepherd Kings and Pastoral State of Israel . 83
The Servitude 84
m. Effects of their Stay :
1. Heliopolis, and Worship of the Sun . 86 — 90
2. Idolatry of Kings — Rameses . . . 90, 91
Pharaoh ..... 92—95
3. Leprosy . . • , • • .95
4. The Use of the Ass .... 95
Points of Contact and Contrast in the Religions of Egypt and
Israel I 97—100
MOSES.
LECTURE V.
IHE EXODtJS.
trabo's Account of Moses .....
. 104
I. The Birth of Moses .....
105
His Education .....
106
His Escape .....
108
n. The Call of Moses — The Burning Bush — The Shepherd's
.
Staff .....
109—111
The Name of Jehovah ....
Ill
The Return of Moaes ....
113
His personal Appearance and Character
114
His Family .....
115
in. The Delivekance .....
117
The Plagues .
118
The Exodus
120
The Passover .....
121
The Flight .....
124
Rameses — Succoth — Etham — Passage of the
Red
Sea ......
12
5—128
Its peculiar Characteristics
12
8—131
The Song of Miriam ....
132
XX
CONTENTS.
LECTURE VI.
THE WILDEENESS.
PAGE
The Importance of Moses .... 134—136
Uncertainties of the Topography of the Wanderings . . 136
Importance of the Stay in the Wilderness to Christian and to
Jewish Histoi-y : Its Peculiarities . . . 138, 139
Battle of Rephidim . . . . .142
The Kenites — Jethro . . . . .143
The Difficulties of the Desert —Water — Manna . 145—147
LECTURE VII.
SINAI AND IHE LAW.
March from Rephidim ....
. 149
Sinai ......
. 150
I. Negative Revelation ....
. 151
n. Positive Revelation ....
. 153
Prophetic Mission of Moses
. 154
Absence of the Revelation of a Futui'e Lif
3 . .156
The Theocracy ....
157, 158
in. The Law .....
. 162
Traces of the Desert :
1. Constitution of the Tribes .
. 163
2. The Encampment .
. 164
The Ark ....
. 165
The Tabernacle
. 166
3. Sacrifice — The Tribe of Levi
168—170
4. Distinctions of Food
. 170
6. Blood Revenge
. 172
6. The Law generally .
. 173
The Ten Commandments
. 175
LECTURE VEIL
KADESH AND PISGAH.
I. Journey from Sinai to Kadesh
. 180
Relics of the Time ....
. 181
Kadesh .....
. 182
Death of Aaron and IMiriam
183, 184
Moses and El Khudr
. 185
CONTENTS.
XXI
n. Journey from Kadesb to Moab
Passage of the Zered
Passage of the Arnon
The Well of the Heroes
The Last Days of Moses — Pisgah
1. Balaam — His Character
His Journey
His Vision
2. Farewell of
Songs — 'The
God'
LECTURE YlU.— cordmued.
PAGE
186
187
187
187
188
189
191
194—197
Moses — Deuteronomy — The Two
Prayer of Moses, the Man of
197—199
199
202
The last View from Pisgah
The End of Moses
THE CONQUEST OF PALESTINE.
LECTURE IX.
THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST OF THE JORDAN.
The Early Inhabitants of Western Palestine . . . 208
The PhcBnicians or Canaanites ..... 210
Conquest of Eastern Palestine .... 212
Sihon, King of Heshbon — Battle of Jahaz — Defeat of
Midiau 213, 214
Og, King of Bashan — Battle of Edrei — Settlement of
Bashan — Jair — Nobah . . . 214^217
Pastoral Character of the Settlement . . . 217
Reuben 218
Gad — Manasseh ..... 219
Controversy between the Eastern and Western Tribes . . 220
Legend of Nobah . 221
Eastern Palestine the Refuge of the West . . . 222
xxu
CONTENTS.
LECTUKE X.
THE CONaUEST OE "WESTERN PALESTINE — THE FALL OE JERICHO.
PAGE
Importance of Western Palestine ..... 225
Phinehas . .
,
. 226
Joshua
, ,
. 227
His Character -
- His Name
228—230
The Passage of the Jordan
230—232
Gilgal .
. 233
Jericho
. 234
Its Fall .
. 235
FaU of Ai
. 236
Eahab
. 238
The Gibeonites
. 238
LECTURE XI.
THE BATTLE OF BETH-HORON.
Siege of Gibeon ....... 241
Battle of Beth-horon — First Stage . . . 241, 242
Second Stage ....... 242
Joshua's Prayer ...... 243
Third Stage —The Slaughter of the Kings at Makkedah 244—246
Difficulties of the Story . . . . . .247
1. The Sun standing still — Answer of Galileo and of Kepler 247 — 251
2. The Massacre of the Canaanites — Answer of Chiysostoni
— Answer of our Lord — Answer of the Epistle to the
Hebrews ..... 251—253
Illustrations ..... 253, 254
The Moral Lesson .... 255—257
LECTURE Xn.
THE BATTLE OF MEE03I AND SETTLEMENT OF THE TRIBES.
I. Hazor ....... 258
Gathering of the Kings ..... 259
The Battle of Merom . . . . .260
II. Settlement of the Tribes :
1. Separate Conquests ..... 261
Jair and Xobah — Dan — Attack on Bethel —
Judah — Caleb and Hebron — Othniel and
Debir .... 261—265
CONTENTS.
XXUl
LECTURE Xn..—c(mtmued.
2. Assignment of Land :
Ephraim
Benjamin
Simeon .
Zebulim, Issachar, Asher, Xaphtali
Dan
Levi
III. Effects of the Conquest
1. Settlement of the Nation
2. Contact with Canaanites
3. Occupation of the Holy Land
4. Laws of Property — Decrees of Joshua
IV. Remains of the Conquered Races
L^nconquered Fortresses
Tributary Towns
Migi'ation
V. Capitals
Shiloh .
Shechem
Joshua's Grave
265
266
267
267
268
269
270
270
272
272
273
274
275
276
277
278
278
278—280
280, 281
THE JUDGES.
LECTURE Xm.
ISRAEL UNDER THE JUDGES.
Characteristics of the Period ..... 285
I. Outward Struggles ...... 287
Continuation of the Conquest — Military Discipline 288 — 290
n. Litemal Disorder ...... 290
Office of Judge ..... 291, 292
ni. Phoenician Influences ..... 292
The Name of Baal ...... 293
Worship of Baal-berith . . . . .293
Vows ....... 294
XXIV
CONTENTS.
LECTURE Xm.— continued.
PAGE
IV. Primitive Simplicity ..... 294
1. The Danites and Micah
296
2. The War with Benjamin
301
3. Ruth
303
V. Mixed Characters
306
Classical Element .
308
VI. Analogy to the Middle Ages
310—314
LECTURE XIV. ;
DEBORAH.
Preliminary Conflicts — Othniel ..... 315
Ehud
315
Deborah .
317
Jabin of Hazor
317
Barak
319
Gathering of the Tribes
320
The Meeting on Tabor
322
Encampment at Taanach
323
Battle of Megiddo
324
The Murder of Sisera
327
Eifect of the Battle
329
The Blessing on Jael
330
The Song of Deborah
334
LECTURE XV.
GIDEON.
The Midianites .....
Gideon ......
The Massacre on Tabor
The Mission of Gideon
1. The Overthrow of the "Worship of Baal
2. The Insurrection against Midian
The Battle of Jezreel
The Battle of the Rock of Oreb
The Battle of Karkor
Royal State of Gideon
Rise of Abimelech
Parable of Jotham
Internal State of Shechem
Fall of Abimelech
CONTENTS.
XXV
LECTURE XVI.
JEPHTHAH AND
SAMSON.
PAGE
Jephthah. Transjordanic Character of his History —
-Shibbo-
leth — Sacrifice of his Daughter
350— 3G2
Samson, The Philistines .
362—365
Birth of Samson
. 365
The First Nazarite
. 366
His Humoiu'
367—369
His Philistine Conquests
. 370
' Samson Agonistes ' .
373, 374
LECTUEE XVn.
THE FALL OF SHILOH.
The Eise of Eli .
. 375
Shiloh ....
. 376
Elkanah and Hannah
377, 378
Hophni and Phinehas
. 378
Doom of the House of Ithamar
. 380
Battle of Aphek
. 380
Capture of the Ark
. 382
Fall of the Sanctuary of Shiloh
. 384
SAMUEL AND THE PEOPHETICAL OFFICE.
LECTUEE XVHL
Close of the Theocracy
Beginning of the Monarchy .
Transition , . . .
Kise of Samttel
I. His Connexion with the Past
The Last of the Judges
The Battle of Ebenezer
His Oracidar Fame
His Prayer of Intercession .
His Outward Appearance .
389
390
390
391
392
393
393
395
395
396
XXVI
COXTENTS.
LECTUEE XVm.— continued.
. n. The First of the Order of Prophets .
PAGE
. 396
His ' Revelations ' .
. 397
' Samuel the Seer ' .
. 398
The Schools of the Prophets
. 399
The Prophetic Mission of Samuel .
. 402
His Mediation between the Old and the New
. 402
His Independence ....
. 405
His Anti-sacerdotal Character
. 406
His gradual Growth
407—410
His End ...
. 410
His Grave . ...
. 411
The Lesson of Samuel's Life
412—414
LECTURE xrs:.
j.n r. jij.oj.uivx uj? jjjji j-jujrjiJijjUAjj unvan
I. The Meaning of the word Propliet
415—420
II. The Office .....
. 420
Amongst Heathens . . . ,
. 420
In the Jewish Church
. 421
1. The Age of Moses . .
. 421
2. The Judges — Samuel
422, 423
3. David and Nathan .
423, 424
4. Prophets of the Kingdom of Israel .
. 424
5. Prophets of the Kingdom of Judah .
425, 426
6. Prophets of the Captivity and the Return
426—428
7. Prophets of the Christian Era :
John the Baptist
. 428
The Cierist
. 428
The Apostles
. 429
III. Characteristics of the Institution
. 429
1. The Prophetic Call
. 429
2. Absence of Consecration
. 431
3. Universality of Selection
. 431
4. Schools of the Prophets
. 433
5. Modes of Prophetic Teaching — Poetry
434—436
Apologues
. 436
Oral ....
. * 436
6. Community of Prophetic Literature
. 437
Summary of the Office — Its Functions in the St
ate and
Church of Palestine . . . .
438—442
CONTENTS.
XXVll
LECTURE XIX.— continued.
Note . ' .
Catalogue of Prophets :
1. In the Jewish Canon
li. In Rabbinical Traditions
in. In Mussulman Traditions
rv. In Ecclesiastical Traditions
PAGE
443
443
443
444
444
LECTUEE XX.
ON THE NATtTRE OP THE PEOPHETIC TEACHINGr.
Importance of the Prophetic Teaching .... 446
I. In relation to the Past :
■The Historical Works of the Prophets . . . 448
n. In relation to the Preseht :'''-■
1. Their Theology:
The Unity and the Spirituality of God . . 450
2. Their Exaltation of the Moral above the Positive Law 451
3. Their Position as Counsellors . . . 456
4. Their Political Functions .... 459
5. Their Independence .... 462
in. In relation to the Future ..... 464
Their Predictions ...... 465
1. Political and Secular Predictions . . . 467
2. Messianic Predictions .... 471
3. Predictions of the Future of the Church, of the
Future of the Individual Soul, and of the Futm-e
Life 473
APPENDIX L
TBADITIOJfAL LOCALITIES OP ABRAHAM'S MIGEATION'.
I. Ur of the Chaldees
1. Kaleh-Sherghat
2. Warka
3. Mugheyr
4. Orfa
II. Haran
1. Haran in Mesopotamia
2. Hdn-dn-el-Aivamid, near Damascus
III. ' The Place,' or ' Mosque, of Abraham,' near Damascus
479
479
479
479
480
481
481
481
485
XXvili CONTENTS.
APPENDIX n.
THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH;
PAGE
History of the Cave . . . . . .488
Visit of the Prince of Wales • . . . .494
APPENDIX m.
The Samaritan Passover ...... 517
Note. Aiithmetical Errors in the Sacred History . . 526
Index ,,,..... 529
LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS.
Map of the Migrations of Abraham .... to face page 5
„ Palestine before the Conquest . . . „ „ 209
Sketch Plan of the Mosque at Hebron . . . „ „ 499
Plan of Mount Gerizim pagehl^
INTRODUCTION.
THE History of the Jewish Church is divided into three
great periods ; each subdivided into lesser portions ;
each with its own peculiar characteristics ; each terminated
by a signal catastrophe.
The First is that which, reaching back for its prelude
into the Patriarchal age, commences, properly speaking,
with the Exodus; and then, passing through the stages of
the Desert, the Conquest, and the Settlement in Palestine,
ends with the destruction of the Sanctuary at Shiloh, and the
absorption of the ancient and primitive state of society into
the new institution of the Monarchy. It includes the rise
of the tribes of Joseph. It is the period often, though some-
what inaccurately, called by the name of the ' Theocracy.' '
Its great characters are Abraham, Moses, and Samuel. It
embraces the first Kevelation of the Mosaic Eeligion, and the
first foundation of the Jewish Church and Commonwealth.
The Second period covers the whole history of the Monarchy.
It begins with the first rise of the institution at the close of
the aristocracy or oligarchy of the Judges. It includes the
Empire of David and Solomon; and then, dividing itself
into the two separate streams of the Northern and Southern
kingdoms, terminates in the overthrow of Jerusalem and the
Temple by the Chaldsean armies. It comprehends the great
> See Lectures VIII., XVII., XVIII.
b
XXXU INTRODUCTION.
development of the Jewish Church and Religion through
the growth of the Prophetic Order, and the first establishment
of the Jewish commonwealth as a fixed institution. It is
marked by the rise and fall of the tribe of Judah.
The Third period begins with the Captivity. It includes
the Exile, the Eeturn, and the successive periods of
Persian, Grrecian, and Roman dominion. It is marked by
the rise of the tribe of Levi in the Maccabean dynasty ; by
the growth of the Jewish colonies in Egypt, Babylonia, and
the West ; and, lastly and chiefly, by the last and greatest
development of the Prophetic Spirit, out of which rose the
Christian Church, and the consequent expansion of the Jewish
Religion into a higher region ; whilst at the same time the
dissolution of the existing Church and Commonwealth of
Judsea was brought about by the destruction of Jerusalem
and of the Temple in the war of Titus, and by the final
extinction of the national independence in the war of
Hadrian.
The present volume includes the first portion of the History,
extending from Abraham to Samuel,^ and will, it is hoped,
be followed by two others, bringing down the history to its
natural conclusion.
It will be observed that, at the beginning of the several
sections, I have prefixed the special authorities treating of
the subjects contained in them.
Of course the main bulk of the authorities is to be found in
the Canonical Books of the Hebrew Scriptures. It has been
at various times supposed that the Books of Moses, Joshua,
and Samuel, were all written in their present form by those
whose names they bear. This notion, however, has been
' From the extreme uncertainty any dates. In the second and third
of the chronology during this early periods, where the chronology becomes'
period, I have abstained from affixing fixed, the case is different.
INTRODUCTION. XXXUl
in former ages disputed both by Jewish and Christian theo-
logians, and is now rejected by almost all scholars. It has
no foundation in the several Books themselves, and is con-
tradicted by the strong internal evidence of their contents.
To determine accurately the authorship and the dates of
these and the other Sacred Writings is a question belonging
to the same Biblical Criticism, which has thus modified the
opinion just mentioned ; and to those who are called to
enter into the details of such inquiries I gladly leave the
solution of this problem. But there are, meanwhile, certain
landmarks to guide us in the study of these original authorities,
which, though obvious in themselves, often escape the notice
of the ordinary theological student.
(1) The history of the Jewish Church and People is not Compari-
written at length in the Jewish Scriptures in the form in which g°°j.p°(j
we should desire ultimately to possess it. The order of the ^oo^s.
books as they stand in the Canon is often not their real order,
nor are the events themselves always related in the order of
time. Accordingly, if we wish to have the full account of any
event or character, we must piece it together from various books
or passages, often separated from each other by considerable
intervals. Obvious examples of this are to be found in the
illustrations furnished to the life of David by the Psalms,
and to the history of the Jewish Kings by the Prophetical
writings. Again, portions of the same historical events are
related from different points of view, or with fresh incidents,
or by implication, in parts of the historical books where we
should least expect to find them. Thus the slaughter of
Grideon's brothers,' and a long untold stage of his career, is
suggested by a single allusion in the existing narrative to
events of which the record has not come down to us ; the
storming of Hebron ^ by Caleb is partly made up from the
" Judg. viii. 18. See Lecture XIV.
2 Josh. XT. 13, 14 ; Judg. i. 10. See Lectiu-e XII,
b 2
Books.
XXXIV INTKODUCTION.
Book of Joshua and partly from the Book of Judges ; the
narratives^ affixed to the end of the Book of Judges must
chronologically be transferred to the beginning of the period.
Many of these scattered notices are ingeniously collected by
Professor Blunt as undesigned evidences of the truth of the
history ; and, though his arguments are sometimes too fanci-
ful to be safely trusted, yet his method is one of great
value to the historical student, and is the same which
has been followed out, in a larger and more critical
spirit, and with more permanent and fruitful results, in
Ewald's reconstruction of the history both of the Judges
and of David.
The Lost (2) The Books of the Old Testament, in their present
form, in many instances are not, and do not profess to be,
the original documents on which the history was based.
There was (to use a happy expression employed of late) a
' Bible within a Bible,' an ' Old Testament before an Old
* Testament was written.' To discover any traces of these
lost works in the actual text, or any allusions to them, even
when their substance has entirely perished, is a task of
immense interest. It reveals to us a glimpse of an earlier
world, of an extinct literature, such as always rouses innocent
inquiry to the utmost. Such is the ancient document describ-
ing the conquest of the Eastern kings in the 14th chapter
of the Book of Genesis ; the inestimable fragments of an-
cient songs in the 21st chapter of the Book of Numbers;
the quotations from the Book of Jasher, in the Book of
Joshua and the First Book of Samuel. Whenever these
glimpses occur, they deserve the most careful attention. We
are brought by them years, perhaps centuries, nearer to the
events described. We are allowed by them to see something
of the construction of the narrative itself. The indications of
the origin of the different documents by variations of style,
» See Lecture XIII.
INTRODUCTION. XXXV
by the use of peculiar names and titles, may be too minute
to be thoroughly explored by any except professed Hebrew
scholars. But the points to which I now refer are open to
the consideration of any careful student.
(3) Yet, again, we must always bear in mind that the
history of the Chosen People is not exclusively contained in
the Authorised English version, nor even only in the Hebrew
text from which that version is a translation, The Author- The He-
ised Version, indeed, is a sufficient account of the history
for the general purposes of popular instruction. But as no
scholar thinks of reading Thucydides even in the best English
translation, so no theological student should be satisfied unless
he at least endeavours to ascertain how far the English version
represents the original. And in proportion to the value we
attach to the actual words of the Bible itself, ought to be
our care not to over-estimate the words even of the best
modern translation. The variations are, perhaps, not im-
portant as to the general sense. But as to the precise life
and force of each word (I speak chiefly from my experience
of a single department, the geographical vocabulary), they
are very considerable ; and, in a language so pregnant as the
Hebrew, involve often serious historical consequences.
The Hebrew Text, however, is not our only source of The Sep-
information as to the orimnal materials of the Sacred His- '*=
tory. Without arguing the relative merits of the Hebrew and
the Septuagint texts, we have no right to set aside or neglect
such .an additional authority as the Septuagint furnishes.
Whatever may be the value of the Hebrew text in itself, or
its authority in the present Jewish Church, or the present
Church of Western Europe, the Septuagint was the text
sanctioned probably by our Lord Himself, certainly by
the Apostles, and still acknowledged by the whole East.
The Septuagint must, therefore, be regarded as the Old
Testament of the Apostolical, and of the early Catholic
XXXVl INTRODUCTION.
Church. And, though we may refuse to acknowledge this
its co-ordinate authority with the received text of our present
Bible, it has at least the value of the very oldest Jewish
tradition and commentary on the Sacred Test. Therefore, no
passage of the Sacred History can be considered as exhausted
unless we have seen how it is represented by the Alexandrian
translators ; and if, as is often the case, we find variations of
considerable magnitude from the Hebrew, such variations
may always be regarded, if not as the original account of
the matter, at least as explanations and traditions of high
antiquity. Such, for example, are the details of the descent
of the Eastern kings,^ of the passage of the Jordan,^ of the
execution of the sons of Saul,^ of the coronation of Jero-
boam." The Jews of Palestine, in their horror of a rival text
— perhaps of a translation which should render their sacred
books accessible to all the world — held that, on the day on
which the Seventy Translators met, a supernatural darkness
overspread the earth ; and the day was to them one of their
solemn periods of fasting and humiliation. But to us, who
know what the Septuagint was in the hands of the Apostles,
as the means of spreading the knowledge of the Old Testa-
ment through the Gentile world — who, in the scantiness of
any remains of the ancieot Jewish literature, gladly welcome
any additional information to fill up the void — who feel what
a bulwark this double version of the Old Testament furnishes
against a too rigid or literal construction of the Sacred History
— the Seventy Translators, if not worthy of the high* place
which the ancient Church assigned to them, may well be
ranked amongst the greatest benefactors of Biblical Litera-
ture and Free Inquiry.
Heathen (4) There is yet another class of authorities to which I
have referred whenever occasion offo'ed. It has been truly
' Gen. xiv. 16. '2 Sam. xxi. 16.
* Josh. iv. 20. * 1 Kings xii. xiy.
traditions.
INTRODUCTION". XXXVU
said that the history of the Chosen People is the history, nob
of an inspired book, but of an inspired people. If so, any
record that has been preserved to us of that people, even
although not contained in their own sacred books, is far too
precious to be despised. These records are indeed very
scanty. They consist of a few fragments of Gentile histories
preserved by Josephus, Eusebius, and Clement of Alexandria ;
a few statements in Justin, Tacitus, and Strabo ; a few in-
scriptions in Egypt and Assyria ; the traditions of the East,
whether preserved in Eabbinical, Christian, or Mussulman
legends ; and the traditions of the Jewish Church itself, as
preserved by Philo and Josephus. All these notices, unequal
in value as they are to each other, or to the records of the
Old Testament itself, have yet this use — that they recall to
us the existence of the facts, independent of the authority of
the Sacred Books.
It is true that the larger part of the interest and instruction
of the Jewish history would be lost with the loss of the
Hebrew Scriptures. But the original influence of the Hebrew
race on the world was irrespective of the Scriptures, and must
always continue. Even had we only the imperfect account of
the Jews in Tacitus and Strabo, we should know that they
were the most remarkable nation of ancient Asia. This argu-
ment applies with still greater force to the traditions of
the East, and to the traditions of Josephus. With regard Eastern
to the former, it is impossible, without greater knowledge ^^'^ *^°"^'
than can be obtained by one who is ignorant of Arabic, and
who has only visited the East in two or three fugitive
journeys, to ascertain how far they have a substantial exist-
ence of their own, or how far they are mere amplifications of
the Koran and the Old Testament. Some cases — such as
the wide-spread prevalence of the name of ' Friend ' for
Abraham, too slightly noticed^ in the Bible to have been
' See Lecture I.
XXXVlll INTEODUCTION.
derived from thence, and the importance assigned to the
Arabian Jethro or Shouayb ' — seem to indicate an inde-
pendent origin. But, whether this be so or not, they con-
tinue to form the staple of the belief of a large part of
mankind on the subject of the Jewish history, and as
such I have ventured to quote them, partly in order
to contrast them with the more sober style of the Sacred
Eecords, but chiefly where they fall in with the general spirit
of the Biblical narrative, and thus furnish an instructive, be-
cause unexpected, illustration of it. Many common readers
may be struck by the Persian or Arabian stories^ of Abraham
or Moses, whose minds have by long custom become hardened
to the effect of the narrative of the Bible itself.
Joseplms. The traditions of Josephus are yet more significant. It is
remarkable that, of his four works, two run parallel to the
Old Testament, and two to the New. Whilst the histories of
' the Wars of the Jews' and of his own ' Life ' throw a flood of
light, by contemporary allusions, on the time of the Christian
era, the ' Antiquities ' and the ' Controversy with Apion '
illustrate hardly less remarkably the times of the older Dis-
pensation. The * Controversy with Apion,' indeed, is chiefly
important for its preservation of those Gentile traditions to
which I have before referred. But the ' Antiquities ' furnish
an example, such as hardly occurs elsewhere in ancient
literature, of a recent history existing side by side with most
of the original documents from which it is compiled. It
would be a curious speculation, which would test the value of
the style and spirit of the Sacred writers, to imagine what
would be the residuum of the effect produced by the Jewish
history if the Old Testament were lost, and the facts were
known to us only through the ' Antiquities ' of Josephus.
His style is indeed a continual foil to that of the Sacred
Narrative — his verbosity contrasted with its simplicity, his
' See Lectures V., VI. « See Lectures I., VIIL
INTRODUCTION. XXXIX
vulgarity with its sublimity, bis prose with its poetry, bis
uniformity with its variety. But, with all these drawbacks,
to which we must add bis omissions and emendations, as if to
meet the critical eye of his Roman masters, the main thread
of the story is faithfully retained ; occasionally, as in the case
of the death of Moses and of Saul,^ a true pathos steals over
the dull level ; occasionally, as in the case of the story of
Balaam, a just discernment brings out clearly the moral
elevation peculiar to the ancient Scriptures. But there is a
yet further interest. His account is filled with variations not
to be explained by any of the differences just cited. To
examine the origin of these would be an interesting task.
Sometimes he coincides with the variations of the Septuagint;
and, in cases where he seems not to have copied from that
Version, his statement must be considered as a confirmation
of the value of the text which the Septuagint has followed.
Sometimes he supplies facts which agree with existing local-
ities, but have no direct connexion with the Sacred Narra-
tive either in Hebrew or Greek, as in his account of the
mountain (evidently Jebel Attaka) which hemmed in the
Israelites at the Eed Sea, of the traditional sanctity
of Sinai, and of the still existing manna.^ Sometimes
he makes statements which are not found in the narra-
tive itself, but which remarkably illustrate indirect allu-
sions contained either in the history or in other parts of
the Old Testament — as, for example, the thunder-storm at
the Red Sea, which coincides very slightly with the narrative
in Exodus, but exactly and fully with the allusions in the
77th Psalm ; or the slaughter in the torrent of Arnon,
which has no foundation n the Mosaic narrative, but is the
natural explanation of the ancient song preserved in the
Book of Numbers.^ In a more critical historian these
' Ant. iy. 8, §48; vi. U, § 7. 5, § 1.
« Ibid. ii. 15, § 1 ; iii. 1, § 6, 7 ; iii. ' Rid. ii. 16, § 3 ; iv. 5, § 2.
Xl INTRODUCTION.
additions might be considered mere amplifications of the
slight hints furnished by the original writers, but in
Josephus it seems reasonable (and, in that case, becomes
deeply interesting) to ascribe them to an independent source
of information, common to the tradition which he used and
to the occasional allusions in the Sacred writers. Sometimes
his variations consist simply of new information, capable
neither of proof nor disproof, but receiving a certain degree
of support from the simplicity and probability which distin-
guishes them from common Rabbinical legends ; such as the
story of Hur being the husband of Miriam,' or of the rite of
the red heifer having its origin in her funeral.^ Finally,
other statements exist, which agree with the Oriental or
Gentile traditions already quoted, and thus reciprocally
yield and receive a limited confirmation : as, for instance,
Abraham's connexion with the contemplation of the stars,^
and the great deeds of Moses in Egypt.^
Such are the main authorities. In using them for these
Lectures, it will sometimes happen that they hardly profess, or
can hardly be proved, to contain the statement of the original
historical facts to which they relate. But they nevertheless
contain the nearest approach which we, at this distance of
time, can now make to a representation of those facts. They
are the refraction of the history, if not the history itself — the
echo of the words, if not the actual words. And, through-
out, it has been my endeavour to lay stress on those portions
and those elements of the Sacred Story, which have hitherto
stood, and are likely to stand, the investigations of criticism,
and from which may be drawn the most solid instruction for
all times.
' See Lecture VI. ' See Lecture I.
* See Lecture VIIL ■* See Lecture V.
INTRODUCTIOX. xli
There may be errors in chronology — exaggerations in
numbers — contradictions between the different narratives
— poetical or parabolical elements interspersed with the
historical narrative and at times taking its place. These
may compel us to relinquish one or other of the nume-
rous hypotheses which have been formed respecting the com-
position or the inspiration of the Old Testament. But as
they would not destroy the value of other history, so they
need not destroy the value of this history because it relates
to Sacred subjects; or prevent us from making the very
most of those portions of it which are undeniably historical,
or full of the widest and most permanent lessons, both for
' the example of life and instruction of manners,' and for
' the establishment of ' true relig-ious ' doctrine.'
THE PATRIARCHS.
I. THE CALL OF ABRAHAM.
II. ABRAHAM AND ISAAC.
III. JACOB.
IV, ISRAEL IN EGYPT.
SPECIAL AUTHORITIES FOR THIS PERIOD.
1. Gen, xi. 27 — 1. 26 (Hebrew and Septuagint) ; Josh. xxiv. 2-15 ;
Neh. ix. 7, 8 j Ps. cv. 6-23 ; Hos. xii. 3, 4, 12 ; Isa. li. 2.
2. The earlier Jewish traditions : in Ecclus. xliv. 19-23 ; Judith v.
6-11 ; Acts vii. 1-16 ; Josephus, Ant. i. 7 — ii. 8 ; Philo, De
Migratione Abrahami, De Ahrahamo, and De Josepho.
3. The Heathen traditions preserved hy Berosus, Nicolaus of Damascus,
Hecatseus of Abdera, Cleodemus Malchus (in Josephus, Ajit. i.
eh. 7, 15), Eupolemus, Artapanus, Apollonius Melon, Alexander
Polyhistor, Theodotus, Aristeeus, and Demetrius (in Eusebius,
Prcep. Ev. ix. 16-25), Justin (xxxvi. 2).
4. The later Jewish traditions in the Talmud and the Targiim Pseudo-
jonathanj and collected in Otho's Lexicon Rabbinico-philologicum
(Altona, 1757), and in Beer's Lehen Abrahams (Leipsic, 1859).
5. The Mussulman traditions scattered throughout the Koran, collected
in D'Herbelot's Bibliothkque Orietitale (' Abraham ; ' ' Ishak ; '
' Jacob ; ' ' Jousouf ') ; and conveniently an-anged in Lane's
Selections from the Kiir-dn, § § 12, 13 : Weil's Biblical Legends
(London, 1846), pp. 47-90 : and Jalal-addm, Hist, of Temple of
Jerus. (London, 1836), ch. xi-xv. The Persian legends in Hyde,
De Religione Veterutn Persarum, ch. 2, 3.
6. The Christian traditions : in Fabricius' Codex Pseudepigraphus Vet.
Testamenti, pp. 311-800 : Suidas, Le.vicon (' Abraham ' ).
THE PATRIARCHS.
LECTUEE I.
THE CALL OP ABRAHAM.
The Patriarchal Age is not in itself the beginning of the
history of the Jewish Church or nation. That, as we shall
see, has its origin from Moses. But the more primitive
period is the necessary prelude of that history, because it
contains the earliest distinct beginnings of the Jewish
Eeligion and of the Jewish race. It is in this sense that the
first event in this period may fitly be treated as the opening
of all Ecclesiastical History, as the first historical com-
mencement of a religious community and worship, which
has continued ever since, without interruption, into the
Christian Church, such as, with all its manifold diversities,
it now exists. This event, according as it is apprehended
from its human or its Divine side, may be described as
' the Migration,' or as ' the Call ' of Abraham. In every
crisis of history these two elements in their measure may
be perceived, the one secular, the other religious; the one
belonging merely to the past, the other reaching forward
into the remotest future. In this instance, both are set dis-
tinctly before us in the Biblical narrative, side by side, as if
in almost unconscious independence of each other. ' And
' Terah took Ahram his son, and Lot the son of Haran
4 THE CALL OF ABRAHAM. lect. i.
' his soil's son, and Sarai his daughter-in-laiv, his son
' Abrmn's wife ; and they went forth vjith them [LXX. ' he
^ led tliem '] from Ur of the Chaldees, to go into the land of
' Canaan : and they came unto Haran, and dwelt there.
' . . . And Abram took Sarai his wife, and Lot his
' brothers son^ and all their substance that they had ga-
* thered, and the souls that they had gotten [the slaves
' that they had bought] in Haran ; and they went forth to
* go into the land of Canaan ; and into the land of Canaan
' they came.'' This is the external aspect of the Migration.^ A
family, a tribe of the great Sernitic race, moves westward from
the cradle of its earliest civilisation. There was nothing out-
wardly to distinguish them from those who had descended from
the Caucasian range into the plains of the south in former
times, or who would do so in times yet to come. There
was, however, another aspect which the surrounding tribes
saw not, but which is the only point that we now see dis-
tinctly. ' The Lord " said " ^ unto Abram, Get thee out of thy
' cou7itinf, and from thy kindred, and from thy father's
' house, unto a land that I vjill show thee : and I tvill make
' of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy
* 7iame great ; and tliou shall be a blessing : and I ivill bless
' them that bless thee, and curse him that curseth thee : and
'in thee shall all the families of the earth be blessed.' In-
terpret these words as we will ; give them a meaning more
or less literal, more or less restricted ; yet with what a force
do they break in upon the homeliness of the rest of the
narrative : what an impulse do they disclose in the innermost
heart of the movement : what a long vista do they open even
to the very close of the history, of which this was the first
beginning I
1 This is the title of Philo's first 'had said,' is an alteration of the
treatise on Abraham. text, probably to meet the statement
- The tense in the English version, of Acts vii. 2.
lECT. I. THE MIGEATION. 5
Let us then follow the example of the sacred narrative
by dramng out both these views of the event. Take,
first, its outward character as a national or migratory move-
ment.
I. The name of Abraham, as we shall afterwards see more TheMigra-
fully, is not confined to the sacred history. Over and above
the Book of Genesis, there are two main sources of informa-
tion. We have the fragments preserved to us by Josephus
and Eusebius from Greek or Asiatic writers. We have also
the Jewish and Mussulman traditions, as represented chiefly
in the Talmud and the Koran. It is in the former class — ^
those presented to us by the Pagan historians — that the
migration of Abraham assumes its most purely secular as-
pect. They describe him as a great man of the East, well
read in the stars, or as a conquering Prince who swept all
before him on his way to Palestine. These characteristics,
remote as they are from oui* common view, have neverthe-
less their point of contact with the Biblical account, which,
simple as it is, implies more than it states.
In the darkness of this distant past, the most distinct Ur of the
images we can now hope to recall are those of the place and *.,
scene of the event. Where was ' Ur of the Chaldees ? ' ' It
would seem at first sight as if this, the most solid footing on
which we could rely, shifted beneath our feet so rapidly as
to deprive us of any standing ground whatever. The name
itself of ' Chasdim ' or ' Chaldeea ' has, in the progress of
centuries, descended like a landslip from the northern Arme-
nian mountains, to which it originally belonged, into the
southern limits of Mesopotamia, which claimed it in after
times. This is the first source of confusion. Is it the north-
ern or southern, the ancient or the more recent Chaldsea, of
which we are speaking? But, besides this, the name of Ur
■ 'Ur Chasdim,' i.e. 'Ur of the people of Chesed' — as it is expressed in
the original.
6 THE CALL OF ABRAHAM. lect. i.
■f ■ also seems to have been sown broadcast'over the whole region.
One is pointed out near Nisibis, another near Nineveh ; a
third and fourth have lately been found in the neighbour-
hood of Babylon. It is perhaps the most probable solution
that the name originally meant (as the Septuagint translators
have rendered it) a country rather than a place. But no
arguments advanced, even by the high authority of recent
discoverers, seem as yet sufficiently established to disturb the
old and general tradition which fixes the chief centre of the
early movements of the tribe of Abraham at the place va-
riously known as Orfa, Eoha, Orehoe, Callirrhoe, Chaldgeopolis,
Edessa, Antioch of the far East, Erech,^ Ur; and, were it
more in doubt than it is, the singular ecclesiastical position
occupied by this city of many names calls for a few words in
passing.
Orfa. In Christian times, it was celebrated as the capital of Abga-
rus, Agbarus, or Akbar, who was supposed to have received
the traditional portrait and letter of our Saviour,^ and thus
became the first Christian king. Gradually it was invested
with a sacred preeminence, as the cradle, the university, the
metropolis of the Christianity of the remote East. Within
its walls lived and died and is buried the chief saint of the
Syrian Church, Ephrem, Deacon of Edessa. In its neigh-
bourhood, in strange conformity with its earliest history,
wandered a race of hermits, not monastic or cosnobitic,
but nomadic and pastoral, who took to the desert life, and
almost literally grazed like sheep on the desert herbage.' In
later times, yet again, it became the seat of a Christian prin-
cipality under the chiefs of the First Crusade. But whilst
these later glories of Edessa are gathered from books, the
* Bayer, Historia Osrhoena et messenger, attacked by thieves, drop-
Edessena, 3. ped the letter, which gave the spring
^ A •well was sho'WTi in Pococke's a miraculous character,
time {Travels, i. 160), in which the ' Tillemont, S. Ephrem, ch. 16, 17.
THE MKJKATION OK ABRAHAM
LECT. I. UR OF THE CHALDEES. 7
stories of Abraham alone still live in the mouths of the Aral)
inhabitants of Orfa, and in the peculiarities of its remarkable
situation. Tlie city lies on the edge of one of the bare,
rugged spurs which descend from the mountains of Armenia
into the Assyrian plains,' in the cultivated land which, as
lying under those mountains, is called Padan-Aram. Two
physical features must have secured it, from the earliest
times, as a nucleus for the civilisation of those regions. One
is a high crested crag, the natural fortification of the present
citadel, doubly defended by a trench of immense depth, cut
out of the living rock behind it. The other is an abundant
spring,^ issuing in a pool of transparent clearness, and em-
bosomed in a mass of luxuriant verdure, which, amidst the
dull brown desert all around, makes, and must always have
made, this spot an oasis, a paradise, in the Chaldfean wilder-
ness. Eound this sacred pool, *The Beautiful Spring,'
' Callirrhoe,' as it was called by the Greek writers, gather
the modern traditions of the Patriarch. Hard by, amidst its
cypresses, is the mosque on the spot where he is said to have
offered his first prayer : the cool spring itself burst forth in
the midst of the fiery furnace ^ which the infidels had kindled
to burn him ; its sacred fish, swarming by thousands and
thousands, from their long continued preservation, are che-
rished by the faithful as under his special patronage ; the
two Corinthian columns which stand on the crag above are
made to commemorate his deliverance. In the first centuries
of the Christian era we know that other memorials of the
Patriarchal age were pointed out. The year of Abraham was
long adopted in Edessa as the epoch of its dates.^ Josephus
' OliTier {Voyage a Syrie, iv. 329) ('the leaper'). Bayer, 14.
gives a good description of the several ^ This probably arose from a mis-
zones of Mesopotamia. conception of the words ' He came out
^ At times it swells into a flood, ' of Ur,' i. e. ' the light,' or ' fire.'
and is hence called Daizon or Scirtus * Bayer, 24.
8 THE CALL OF ABRAHAM. lect. i.
speaks of the sepulchre of Haran, still sho-wn in his time at
Ur : Eusebius ^ speaks of the tent which Jacob inhabited
whilst feeding the flocks of Laban, as preserved till it was
accidentally burnt by lightning in the second century. But,
apart from all such transitory and doubtful reminiscences as
these, we may well believe that the high rock, the clear
spring, the burst of verdure, must have as truly made this
(such might be a possible interpretation of the name) ' the
' light of the race of Arphaxad ' (Ur Chasdim), as the like
circumstances made Damascus ' the eye of the East ; ' and
amongst the countless sepulchres which fill the rocky hill ^
behind the city, some may reach back to the earliest times
of human habitation and interment.
From this spot, invested with a tender attractiveness from
which even the passing traveller ^ reluctantly tears himself
away, we may believe that the family of Abraham were
called. Was it, as according to Josephus,^ the grief of'
Terah over the untimely death of Haran ? Was it, as ac-
cording to the tradition followed by Stephen, that the higher
call had already come to Abraham ? ^ We know not. We
are told only that they went southward : they went upon the
track which Chaldseans, and Medes, and Persians, and Curds,
and Tartars, afterwards in long succession followed, as if
towards the rich plains of Nineveh or of Babylon.
Haran, One day's journey from Ur, if Orfa be Ur, was the spot
which they chose for their encampment^ — Haran, Charran,
> Chron. 22. haps Neh. ix. 7.
* It is now called ' Top-dag,' the " Visible from Orfa almost at aU
hill of the cannon. Olivier, iv. 226. times (Ainsworth, Assyria, Babylonia,
^ I owe this, and much else of the Chaldwa, 153). The surrounding
impressions of Orfa (which I have country is well described in Meri-
not myself visited), to the kind in- vale's Hist, of Bomatis under the
formation of two recent travellers. E/)ipire, i. 520, and, with elaborate
* Jos. Ant. i. 7, 1. learning, in Chwolson's Ssabier, i. 304.
* Acts vii. 4. PhUo, i. 464 ; per- See Appendix I,
LECT. I. HARAN. 9
Carrhae. That it was a place of note may be gathered from
its long continued name and fame in later days. As the
sanctviary of the Moon goddess, it was, far into the Koman
Empire, regarded as the centre of Eastern Paganism, in
rivalry to Edessa, the centre of Eastern Christendom. It
was the scene, too, of the memorable defeat of Crassus. But
no modern traveller, up to the present time, has left a written
account of this world-old place. There is hardly anything to
tell us why it was fixed upon either as the scene of that fierce
conflict, or as the scene of the Patriarchal settlement. Only
we observe that it is the point of divergence between the
great ^ caravan routes towards the various fords of the
Euphrates on the one hand, and the Tigris on the other;
and therefore must have had some marked features to make
it a fitting encampment both for Eoman general and Chal-
dsean Patriarch. Beside the settlement, too, were the wells,^
round which for the next generations one large portion of
the tribe of Terah continued to linger ; and the settlers in
the distant west are described as still retaining their affec-
tion for the ancient sanctuary,^ where the father of their
race was buried, and whence they sought, according to the
true Arabian usage, their own kinswomen and cousins in
marriage.
But, for the highest spirit of the Patriarchal family, Haran Passage
could not be a permanent abiding-place. * The great river,' Euphrates.
* the river,' as his descendants called it, the river Euphrates,
rolled its vast boundary of waters between him and the
remote country to which his steps were bent. Two days'
journey brought him to the high chalk cliffs which overlook
the wide western desert. Broad and strong lay the great
stream beneath and between. He crossed over it, probably
' Eitter, Tii. 296. As such it seems * Nieb. Trav. ii. 410. Gen. xxix. 2.
to be mentioned in Ezekiel xxvii. ^ Gen. xi. 31, xxix. 4. Ewald,
23. Gcschichte, i, 413.
10 miE CALL OF ABRAHAM. lect. i.
near the same point wliere it is still forded.^ He crossed
it, and became (s^^cll at least was one interpretation put
upon the word) Abraham, ' the Hebrew,^ the man who had
crossed ^ the river flood — the man who came from beyond
the Euphrates.
Damascus. For seven days' journey^ or more, the caravan would
advance along what is still the main desert road to Syria.
Nothing is said in history of their route. It is but an ety-
mological legend which connects Aleppo^ with the herds of
the Patriarch's pastoral tribe. They neared the range of the
Lebanon which screened the Holy Land from their view ;
and underneath its shade they rested, for the last time, in
Damascus.^ It is curious that whilst the connexion of Abra-
ham with this most ancient of cities is almost entirely de-
rived from extraneous sources, it is yet sufficiently confirmed
by the sacred narrative to be worthy of credit. ' Abraham,'
we are told, ' was king of Damascus.' ^ He had crossed the
desert with his tribe, as not many years afterwards came
Chedorlaomer and the kings of the East; and, as they de-
scended on the green oasis of Siddim, so this earlier con-
queror established himself in the green oasis of Damascus,
the likeness, on a larger scale, of his own native Ur. In later
ages his name was still honoured in the region ; and a spot
pointed out as * Abraham's dwelling-place.' And in the
primitive play on the name ^ of Abraham's faithful slave,
1 Zeugma, the ancient passage, was mseans on Damascus from Kir in
a little west of the present pas- Armenia, Amos ix. 7.
sage at Birs. Olivier (ir. 215) com- ® Justin, xxxvi. 2. Nicolaus of
pares it in size and rapidity to the Damascus (Jos. Ant. i. 7, 2). See
Khone. Appendix I.
^ LXX. Gen. xiv. 13, o wepdrns. '' Gen. xv. 2. Ewald, i. 366. It is
Eenan, Langucs Semitiques, i. 108. lost in the English, but preserved in
* Gen. xxxi. 23. Eitter, West Asia, the Greek, version — ' This son of
vii. 296. 'Masek is Damasek Eliezer.' The
* ' Haleb,' the milk of Abraham's Arab tradition makes Eliezer's name
cow. See the legend in Porter's to have been ' Dimshak,' and the ori-
Mcindbook of 8t/ria, 613. gin of the name of the city. D'Herbelot,
^ Compare the descent of the Ara- ' Abraham ' and ' Damaschk,' i. 209.
LECT. I. HIS OUTWAED APPEAEAXCE. 11
preserved in the sacred record, we have a guarantee of the
close tie which subsisted between the Patriarch and his
earliest conquest. ' Eliezer of Damascus ' was the lasting
trophy of his victory.
As we pause at this last halting-place before his entrance
into Palestine, let us look more fully in the face the great
character that we have brought thus far on his way.
Not many years ago much offence was given by one, now Likeness
a high dignitary in the English Church, who ventured to Arabian
suggest the original likeness of Abraham, by calling him a chiefs.
Bedouin Sheykh. It is one advantage flowing from the
multiplication of Eastern travels that such offence could
now no longer be taken. Every English pilgrim to the
Holy Land, even the most reverential and the most fas-
tidious, is delighted to trace and to record the likeness of
patriarchal manners and costumes in the Arabian chiefs. To
refuse to do so would be to decline the use of what we may
almost call a singular gift of Providence. The unchanged
habits of the East render it in this respect a kind of living
Pompeii. The outward appearances, which in the case of the
Greeks and Komans we know only through art and writing,
through marble, fresco, and parchment, in the case of Jewish
history we know through the forms of actual men, living and
moving before us, wearing almost the same garb, speaking in
almost the same language, and certainly with the same gene-
ral turns of speech and tone and manners. Such as we see
them now, starting on a pilgrimage or a journey, were
Abraham and his brother's son, when they* went forth' to go
into the land of Canaan. ' All their substance that they had
' gathered ' is heaped high on the backs of their kneeling
camels. The ' slaves that they had bought in Haran ' run
along by their sides. Pound about them are their flocks of
sheep and goats, and theVsses moving underneath the tower-
ing forms of the camels. The chief is there, amidst the stir of
12 THE CALL OF ABRAHAM. lect. i.
movement, or resting at noon within his black tent, marked
out from the rest by his cloak of brilliant scarlet, by the fillet
of rope which binds the loose handkerchief round his head, by
the spear which he holds in his hand to guide the march, and
to fix the encampment. The chief's wife, the princess^ of the
tribe, is there in her ^ own tent, to make the cakes, and pre-
pare the usual meal ^ of milk and butter : the slave or the
child is ready to bring in the red "* lentile soup for the
weary hunter, or to kill the calf for the unexpected guest.^
Even the ordinary social state is the same : polygamy,
slavery, the exclusiveness of family ties ; the period of
service for the dowry of a wife ; the solemn obligations of
hospitality ; the temptations, easily followed, into craft or
falsehood.
In every aspect, 'except that which most concerns us, the
likeness is complete between the Bedouin chief of the present
day, and the Bedouin chief who came from Chaldsea nearly
four thousand years ago. In every aspect but one : and
that one contrast is set off in the highest degree by the re-
semblance of all besides. The more we see the outward
conformity of Abraham and his immediate descendants to
the godless, grasping, foul-mouthed Arabs of the modern
desert, nay even their fellowship in the infirmities of their
common state and country, the more we shall recognise the
force of the religious faith, which has raised them from that
low estate to be the heroes and saints of their people, the
spiritual fathers of European religion and civilisation. The
hands are the hands of the Bedouin Esau ; but the voice is
the voice of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,— the voice which still
makes itself heard across deserts and continents and seas ;
hear d wherever there is a conscience to listen or an imagina-
' ' Sarah '^princess, of which 'Saxai' * Gen. xxv. 34.
is a variation. ^ For the Arab life in Chald?ea, see
* Gen. xxiv. 67. Loftus, Chaldma and Susiana, 156.
» Gen. xviii. 2-8.
LECT. I. HIS RELIGIOUS ASPECT. l3
tion to be pleased, or a sense of reverence left amongst man-
kind.
11. Wliat then is the position which has been accorded to
Abraham by the general witness of history ? What was it
which caused his own nation to make their highest boast of a
descent ^ from him ? which caused them to look forward to
the rest in his bosom ^ as the fitting repose of weafied souls
that have escaped from the toil of their earthly pilgrimage ?
The answer may best be given by considering the two
names by which he is known in the traditions of the East,
and which, though they only occur once or twice in Scrip-
ture, yet so well correspond to its whole representation of
Abraham, that they may fitly be taken as his distinguishing
characteristics.
1. First, he is 'the Friend of Grod.' ' Khalil- Allah,' or, The Friend
as he is more usually called, ' El-Khalil,' simply, * the °^ ^°*^-
Friend/ ^ is a title which has in Mussulman countries super-
seded altogether his own proper name. In many ways it has
a peculiar significance. It is, in its most general aspect, an
illustration of the difference which has been well remarked
between the early beginnings of Jewish history and those of
any other ancient nation. Grant to the uttermost the un-
certain, shadowy, fragmentary character of these primitive
records, yet there is one point brought out clearly and dis-
tinctly. The ancestor of the Chosen People is not, as in the
' It was a tradition that the He- ture it occurs only in James ii. 23 ;
brew letters were given by him ; and ' He was called the friend of God : '
that Alcph stood first as being the and more doubtfully in Isaiah xli. 8 ;
fii'st letter of his name. (Suidas in ' Jacob whom I have chosen, the
voce 'Abraham.') Artapanus (in Eus. 'seed of Abraham my friend:' 2
Prcep. vs.. 18) derives the name 'He- Chron. xx. 7 ; ' The seed of Abraham
brew' from that of Abraham. 'thy friend,' In Clem. Rom. {Ep. i.
- See Lightfoot on Luke xvL 22. 10) he is called, simply ' the friend,'
^ See D'Herbelot (' Abraham '), 'A;8paa^ b (pi\os irpoaayopevdiis. In
for its precise import. The name of Gen. xviii. 17, Philo (i. 401) reads,
Abraham was interpreted by Apol- ' Shall I hide anything from Abraham
lonius Melon (Ens. Prcsp. ix. 19) as ' my friend?'
'Friend of the Father.' In Scrip-
14 THE CALL OF ABRAHAM. i.ect. i.
legends of Greece and Eome, or even of Germany, a god or
a demi-god, or the son of a god : he is, as we have just
observed, a mere man, a chief, such as those to whom these
records were first presented must have constantly seen with
their own eyes. The interval ^ between the human and
divine is never confounded. Close as are the communications
with Deity, yet the Divine Essence is always veiled, the man
is never absorbed into it. Abraham is ' the Friend,' but he
is nothing more. He is nothing more ; but he is nothing less.
He is ^the Friend of God.' The title includes a double
meaning. He is ' beloved of God.' ' Fear not, Abram, I am
' thy shield and thy exceeding great reward.' He was
The call ' chosen ' 2 by God : he was ' called,' ^ by God. Although
in the word ' ecclesia,' in its religious sense, the etymological
meaning, ' of an assembly called forth by the herald,'' is
lost in the general idea of ' a congregation,' yet this original
meaning gives a fitness to the consideration that he who was
the first in the succession of the ' ecclesia,' or ' church,'
was so by virtue of what is known in all subsequent history
as his ' call.' The word itself, as applied to the summons
which led the Patriarch forth, rarely occurs in the sacred
writers. But it gathers up in a short compass the chief
meaning of his first appearance. In him was exemplified
the fundamental truth of all religion, that God has not
deserted the world ; that His work is carried on by His
chosen instruments ; that good men are not only His
creatures and His servants, but His friends. In those simple
words in which the Biblical narrative describes ' the call,'
whatever there is of truth in the predestinarian doctrine of
Augustine and of Calvin finds its earliest expression.
But the further meaning involved in the title of Abraham
' This is well brought out in Dean ^ Neh. ix. 7 : 'Thou didst choose
Milman's History of the Jews, i. 23. 'Abram.'
Contrast the attempt of the legends ^ Isaiah li. 2 : 'I called him.'
to invest Abraham with a supernatural Heb. xi. 8: 'He was called to go
character. ' out.'
LECT. I. HIS CREED. 15
indicates the correlative truth, — not only was Abraham be-
loved by God, but God was 'beloved by him;' not only
was God the Friend of Abraham, but Abraham was ' the
friend of God.' To expand this truth is to see what was
the religion, the communion with the Supreme, which raised
Abraham above his fellow-men.
The greater histories of the Christian Church usually com- Belief ia
mence with dissertations on the state of the heathen world
at the time of the birth of Christ. Something analogous to
this ouglit, if it were possible, to be in our minds in con-
ceiving the rise of the Jewish Church in the person of
Abraham. But it would be of a totally different kind ; it
would belong to the province rather of philosophy than of
history. We must transport ourselves back to that pri-
meval time of which so lively a picture has lately been
furnished ' from the results of philological research ; of Worship
which, in the European world, we see perhaps the last traces heavenly
in Homer, but of which still later memorials were preserved ^°*^^^^- .
in the New World in the Peruvian worship, even down to
the sixteenth century, when it was seen and elaborately •
described by the" first Spanish discoverers." The objects of
nature, especially the heavenly bodies, were then invested
with a ' glory ' and a ' freshness ' which has long since
' passed away ' from the earth ; they seemed to be instinct
with a divinity which exercised an almost irresistible fascina-
tion over their first beholders. The sight of ' the sun when
' it shined, and of the moon walking in brightness,' ^ was a
temptation as potent to them as to us it is inconceivable ;
' their heart was secretly enticed, and their hand kissed
' their mouth.' There was also another form of idolatry,
though less universal in its influence. ' There were giants
' on the earth in those days ; ' giants, if not actually, yet by
their colossal strength and awful majesty : the Pharaohs and
> Professor Miiller's ' Comparative * See Helps' Spanish Conq. iii. 488.
Mythology,' in Oxford Essays, 1856. ^ Job x.xxi. 26, 27.
16
THE CALL OF ABRAHAM.
Worship of Nimrods, whose forms we can still trace on the ornaments
of Egypt and Assyria in their gigantic proportions, the
mighty hunters, the royal priests, the deified men. From the
control of these powers, before which all meaner men bowed
down, from the long ancestral prepossessions of 'country
*and kindred and father's house,' the first worshippers of
One who was above all alike had painfully to disentangle
themselves. It is true that Abraham hardly appears before
us as a prophet ^ or teacher of any new religion. As ^ the
' He is so called incidentally, Gen.
XX. 7, and perhaps Ps. cv, 15. He is
also ' a prophet ' (Nabi) in the Mus-
sulman traditions.
"^ I cannot forbear, in illustration
of these statements, to refer to a far
more forcible and exact exposition
of them which appeared (since the de-
livery of this lecture) in an Essay on
Semitic Monotheism (in The Times
of April 14 and 15, 1860) by Pro-
fessor Max Mviller. ' How is the fact
'to be explained that the three great
' religions of the world in which the
' Unity of the Deity forms the key-
'note are of Semitic origin? ....
' Mohammedanism, no doubt, is a
' Semitic religion ; and its very core is
' Monotheism. But did Mohammed
' invent Monotheism ? Did he invent
'even a new name of God? Not at
' all. . . . And how is it with Chris-
' tianity ? Did Christ come to preach
'faith in a new God? Did He or
'His disciples invent a new name of
' God ? No. Christ came not to de-
' stroy, but to fulfil, and the God
' whom He preached was the God of
'Abraham. And who is the God of
'Jeremiah, of Elijah, and of Moses?
' We answer again, " the God of Abra-
' ham." Thus the Faith in the One
' Living God, which seemed to re-
' quire the admission of a monotheistic
' instinct, grafted in every member
' of the Semitic family, is traced back
•to one man, to him, "in whom all
■ the families of the earth shall be
' blessed." — And if from our earliest
'childhood we have looked upon
' Abraham, the Friend of God, with
'love and veneration . . . his vene-
' rable figure will assume still more
'majestic proportions, when we see
' in him the life-spring of that faith
'which was to unite all the nations
' of the earth, and the author of that
'blessing which was to come on the
' GentDes through Jesus Christ. And
' if we are asked how this one Abra-
' ham passed through the denial of
' all other Gods, to the knowledge of
' the one God, we are content to an-
' swer that it was by a special divine
' revelation .... granted to that
' one man, and handed down by him
' to Jews, Christians, and Moham-
' medans ... to all who believe in
' the God of Abraham We
' want to know more of that man
' than we do ; but even with the little
' we know of him, he stands before us
' as a figure second only to One in the
' whole history of the world.'
' Abraham,' says Baron Bunsen, ' is
' the Zoroaster of the Semitic race ;
' but he is more than the Zoroaster,
' in proportion as his sense of the
' divine was more spiritual, and more
' free from the philosophy of nature,
'and the adoration of the visible
'world.' — Bihelwerk, ii. 88.
lECT. I. HIS CREED. 17
Scripture represents him, it is rather as if he was possessed
of the truth himself, than as if he had any call to proclaim it
to others. His life is his creed; his mioTation is his mission. Abraham
But we can hardly doubt that here the legendary tales fill teacher of
up, though in their own fantastic way, what the Biblical q/(3^o^'^*"^
account dimly implies. He was, in practice, the Friend
of God, in the noblest of all senses of the word ; the Friend
who stood fast when others fell away. He was the first dis-
tinct historical witness, at least for his own race and country,
to Theism — to Monotheism, to the unity of the Lord and
Ruler of all against the primeval idolatries, the natural
religion of the ancient world. It may be an empty fable
that Terah was a maker of idols, and that Abraham was cast
by Nimrod into a burning fiery furnace for refusing to
worship him. But even in the Book of Joshua we read that
the original fathers of the Jewish race who dwelt beyond the
Euphrates served 'other gods,^ and the deliverance implied
in the call indicates something more than a mere change of
state and place.^ We may be forgiven if we supply the void
by a well-known legend, which has left its traces in almost
every traditional account of Abraham.^ The scene is some-
times laid in Ur, sometimes in the celebrated hill above
Damascus."* The story is best told in the words of the Koran.
* WJien night overshadotved him, he saiv a star, and said,
' " This is my Lord." But when it set, he said, " I like not
' those that set.'''' And when he saw the moon rising, he
' said, " Tills is m^/ Lord.^^ But ivhen the moon set, he an-
' sioered, " Verily, if my Lord direct me not in the right
' Joshua xxiv. 2, 14. One inter- ^ Philo, ii. 12. Josephus, Ant. i.
pretation of 'Ur' (light) is that it 7, 1 ; Suidas {in voce 'Abraham');
was the seat of the sun-worship : as the Tahnud and Midrash (where it is
it certainly was in the fourth century. founded on Isa. xli. 2). See Beer's
Bayer, 4. Leben Abrahams, 102. Koran, ^^.
2 See Judith, v. 7, 8, a statement 74-82.
independent of Genesis. ■• Ibn Batuta, 231.
■16 THE CALL OF ABKAHAM. lect. i.
^ivay, I shall be as one of those who err.^^ And ivhen he
^ saw the sun rising, he said, " This is my Lord. This is
' greater than the star or moon.'''' But when the sun went
' down, he said, " 0 my jpeople, I am clear of these things.
*/ turn my face to Him who hath made the heaven and
•* the earth.^' ' It is an illustration of this ancient legend, that
many ages afterwards, another dweller in Ur of the Chaldees,
that Syrian saint of whom I have before spoken, Ephrem of
Edessa, relates ^ that once coming out of the city very early
in the morning with two of his companions, he gazed upon
"the heavens, spangled with bright stars. Their brilliancy
struck him as they had struck the Chaldaean shepherd of
old ; and he said, ' If the brightness of these stars be so
' dazzling, how will the saints shine when Christ shall come in
' glory ! ' What a world of new hopes, new fears, new pro-
spects, lies between the reflection of the primitive patriarch
and the reflection of the Christian saint !
T}^e 2. This leads us to the second name by which Abraham is
^f^7 known, 'The Father of the Faithful.' ^ Two points are in-
Faithful; volved in this name also. First, he was himself 'the
Faithful.' In him was most distinctly manifested the gift
of ' faith.' In him, long, long before Luther, long before
Paul, was it proclaimed in a sense far more universal and
clear than the ' paradox ' of the Eeformer, not less clear and
his faith, universal than the preaching of the Apostle, that ' man is
'justified by faith.' '^Abraham believed in the Lord, and
' He counted it to him for righteousness.^ ^ Powerful as is
the effect of these words when we read them in their first
untarnished freshness, they gain immensely in their original
language, to which neither Greek nor Grerman, much less
Latin or English, can furnish any full equivalent. 'He
^ supported himself, he built himself up, he reposed as a
' child in its mother's arms ' (such seems the force of the root
» Tillemont, S. Ephrem, ch. 12. ^ Kom. iv. 13. ' Gen. xv. 6.
LECT. I. HIS FAITH. 19
of the Hebrew word ' ) in the strength of God ; in God whom
he cUd not see, more than in the giant empires of earth, and
tlie bright lights of heaven, or the claims of tribe and kindred,
which were always before him. * It was counted to him for
'righteousness.' It 'was counted to him,' and his liistory
seals and ratifies the result. His faith, as we have seen;
transpires not in any outward profession of faith, but precisely
in that which far more nearly concerns him and every one of
us, in his prayers, in his actions, in the righteousness, the
'justice' (if one may again so draw out the sense of the
Hebrew word^), the ' wprightness,^ the moral 'elevation'' of
soul and spirit which sent him on his way straightforward,
without turning to the right hand or to the left. His
belief, vague and scanty as it may be, even in the most
elementary truths of religion, is in the Scriptures implied
rather than stated. It is in him simply 'the evidence of
' things not seen,' ' the hope against hope.' His faith, in the
literal sense of the word, is knowna to us only through ' his
works.' He and his descendants are blessed, not, as in the
Koran, because of his adoption of the first article of the creed
of Islam, but because he had ' obeyed the voice of the Lord,
* and kept His charge, His commandments, His statutes, and
' His laws.'' ^
Such was the faith of the first believer : in how many His uui-
ways, an example, a consolation, a study, to his latest de- ^^''!^^ '^^''^
scendants. And this prepares us for observing that he wa&
not only 'faithful,' but 'the Father of the Faithful.' In
modern ages of the history of the Church it has too often
happened that the doctrine of ' faith ' has had a narrowing
effect on the conscience and feelings of those who have
strongly embraced it. It was far otherwise with S. Paul, to
whom it was almost synonymous with the admission of the
' See Gesenius, Lexicon, 72. ^ Gen. sxvi. 5 ; xriii. 19.
=» lb. 854.
c 2
20 THE CALL OF ABEAHAil. lect. i.
Gentiles. It was far otherwise with its first exemplifica-
tion in the life of the Patriarch Abraham. His very name
implies this universal mission. ' The Father ' * (Abba) :
' The lofty Father ' (Ab-ram) : ' The Father of multitudes '
( Ab-raham ^) : the venerable parent, siurveying, as if from that
lofty eminence, the countless progeny who should look up to
him as their spiritual ancestor. He was, first, the Father of
the Chosen People, the people who, by reason of their faith,
though in one sense the narrowest of all ancient nations, yet
were also the widest, in their diffusion and dispersion — the
only people that, by virtue of an invisible bond, maintained
their national union in spite of local difference and division.
But he was much more than the Father of the Chosen People.
It is not a mere allegory or accidental application of separate
texts, that justifies S. Paul's appeal to the case of Abraham as
including within itself the faith of the whole Grentile world.
His position, as represented to us in the original records, is
of itself far wider than that of any merely Jewish saint or
national hero ; and he is, on that ground alone, the fitting
image to meet us at the outset of the history of the Church.
He, the founder of the Jewish race, was yet, by the confession
of their own annals, not a Jew, nor the father exclusively of
Jews. He was * the Hebrew,' to whom, both in the Biblical
record ^ and their own traditions, the Arabian no less than
the Israelite tribes look back as to their first ancestor. The
scene of his life, as of the Patriarchs generally, breathes a
larger atmosphere than the contracted limits of Palestine —
the free air of the plains of Mesopotamia and the desert, —
the neighbourhood of the vast shapes of the Babylonian
monarchy on one side, and of Egypt on the other. He is
' According to the Persian tradi- (7«a»iow=multitude, as of the drops
tions, his name, before his conversion, of rain, the swelling of springs, the
was Zerwan, ' the wealthy.' Hyde, voice of singers). Gesenius, Lexicon,
Bel. Pers. 77. 281.
^ An abbreviation of rab- amon ^ Gen. xvi. 15 ; xxv. 1-6.
LECT. I. niS UNIVERSAL CHARACTEE. 21
not an ecclesiastic, not an ascetic, not even a learned sage,
but a chief, a shepherd, a warrior, full of all the affections
and interests of family and household, and wealth and power,
and for this very reason the first true type of the religious
man, the first representative of the whole Church of Grod.
This universality of Abraham's faith — this elevation, this
multitudinousness of the Patriarchal, paternal character,
which his name involves, has also found a response in those
later traditions and feelings of which I have before spoken.
"V^Tien Mahomet ' attacks the idolatry of the Arabs, he jus-
tifies himself by arguing, almost in the language of S. Paul,
that the faith which he proclaimed in One Supreme Grod was
no new belief, but was identical with the ancient religion of
their first father Abraham. When the Emperor Alexander
Severus placed in the chapel of his palace the statues of the
choice spirits of all times,^ Abraham, rather than Moses, was
selected, as the centre, doubtless, of a more extended circle
of sacred associations. When the author of the * Liberty of
Prophesying ' ventured, before any other English divine, to
lift up his voice in behalf of universal religious toleration, he
was glad to shelter himselfundertheauthority of the ancient
Jewish or Persian apologue, of doubtful origin, but of most
instructive wisdom, of almost scriptural simplicity, which may
well be repeated here as an expression of the world-wide
sympathies which attach to the Father of the Faithful.^
' Wlien Abraham sate at his tent-door, according to his
' custom, waiting to entertain strangers, he espied an old
' man stooping and leaning on his staff, iveary ivith age
'Koran, ii. 118-126; 129, 130; in a letter of Mr. Everett, in the Z/fe
iii. 30, 91, of Sydney Smith, 14. It was appa-
^ ' Optimos electos et animos sane- rently told by a Jewish prisoner at
'tiores.' — Lamprid. Alex. Sever. Vit. Tripoli to the Persian poet Saadi
c 20, whilst working as a slave, thence
^ The story and its origin are given copied by Grotius, thence by Taylor,
in Heber's Life of Jeremy Taylor, note thence appropriated by Franklin.
XX. (Eden's edit, vol, i. p. cccvi.), and
22 THE CALL OF ABRAHAM. lect. i.
' aiid travel, coming toivards him, tvho was an hundred
' years of age. He received him kindly, washed his feet,
'provided supper, caused him, to sit doivn, but observing
* that the old man ate and prayed not, nor begged for a
* blessing on his meat, asked him why he did not ivorship
* the God of Heaven ? The old man told him that he wor-
' shipped the fire only, and acknowledged no other God ; at
' which answer Abraham grew so zealously angry, that he
' thrust the old man out of his tent, and exposed him to
' all the evils of the night and an unguarded condition.
' When the old man was gone, God called to him and asked
' him where the stranger was ; he replied : " / thrust him
' away, because he did not worship thee.''"' God answered,
' " / have suffered him these hundred years, though he dis-
' honoured me: and couldest not thou endure him for
'one night, when he gave thee no trouble?" Upon this,
' saith the story, Abraham fetched him back again, and
' gave him hospitable enteHainment and wise instruction.
' Go thou and do likewise ; and thy charity will be re-
' warded by the God of Abrahar)!.''
The name If we may trust the ingenious conjecture of a distin-
guished writer ^ whom I have already quoted, a more certain
and enduring memorial has been preserved of this side of
Abraham's mission. The name by which the Deity is known
throughout the patriarchal or introductory age of the Jewish
Church is ' Elohim,' translated in the English version ' Grod.'
In this name has been discovered a trace of the conciliatory,
comprehensive mission of the first Prophet of the true religion.
' Elohim ' is a plural noun, though followed by a verb in the
singular. When ' Eloah ' (Grod) was first used in the plural,
it could only have signified, like any other plural, * many
Eloahs ; ' and such a plural could only have been formed
' What follows has been added, in Professor Miiller on Semitic Mono-
a condensed form, from the Essay of theism, already cited. (See p. IG.)
LECT. I. HIS UNIVEESAL CHAEACTEK. 23
after the various names of Grod had become the names of
independent deities; that is, during a polytheistic stage.
The transition from this into the monotheistic stage could be
effected only in two ways ; either by denying altogether the
existe^ice of the Elohim and changing them into devils,— as
was done in Persia, — -or by taking a higher view, and looking
upon them as so many names invented with the honest pur-
pose of expressing the various aspects of the Deity, though
in time diverted from their original intention. This was the
view taken by Abraham. Whatever were the names of the
Elohim worshipped by the numerous clans of his race,
Abraham saw that all the Elohim were meant for God ; and
thus Elohim, comprehending by one name everything that
ever was or ever could be called Divine, became the name
by which the monotheistic age was rightly inaugurated : a
plural conceived and construed as a singular. From this
point of view the Semitic name of the Deity, which at first
sounds not only ungrammatical, but irrational, becomes per-
fectly clear and intelligible. It is at once the proof that
Monotheism rose on the ruins of a polytheistic faith, and that
it absorbed and acknowledged the better tendencies of that
faith. In the true spirit of the later Apostle of the Grentiles,
Abraham, his first predecessor and model, declared the
God, * whom they ignorantly worshipped,' to be the ' God
' that made the world, and all things therein,' ' the Lord of
' heaven and earth,' ' in whom we live, and move, and have
* our being.' '
Yet, however comprehensive is this type of the Patriarch's' The Cove-
character, there is an exclusiveness also. In one point of
view, ' he is the Father of all them that believe, though Circum-
' they be not circumcised : ' in another point of view he is the
Father of the circumcision only. That venerable rite, indeed,
» Acts xvii. 23-28,
24 THE CALL OF ABEAHAM. lect. i.
which in the first beginnings of Christianity was regarded
only as a mark of division and narrowness, was, in the primi-
tive Eastern world, the sign of a proud civilization.^ It was
not only a Jewish, but an Arabian, a Phoenician, an Egyp-
tian custom. As such it still lingers in the Coptic and
Abyssinian Churches. How far any of these countries re-
ceived it from Abraham, or Abraham from them, is now
almost as difficult to ascertain as it is to discern the ori-
ginal signification of a usage, once so honourable and so
sacred, and now so entirely removed alike from honour and-
from sanctity. But the limitation, of which, in a religious
sense, it was the symbol, is expressed in a passage of the
Patriarch's life, which stands midway, as it were, between his
The vision wider and his narrower call. In the visions ^ of the night
" r'fice Abraham is called forth by the Divine voice, from the cur-
tains of the tent, under the open sky. He is told to look
towards heaven, the clear bright Eastern heaven, glittering
with innumerable stars, those stars which all tradition, as we
have seen, has so naturally and so closely connected with the
education and conversion of Abraham ; the stars which have
in all times taught unearthly wisdom and vastness of spiri-
tual ideas to the mind of man. ' Look toward heaven, and
' tell the stars, if thou be able to number them. So shall
* thy seed be.' This was, if taken in its fullest sense, that
wide, incalculable, interminable view of all nations, and kin-
dreds, and peoples, and tongues — each star differing from
the other star in glory — of which we have already spoken.
But the vision was not ended. He was bidden to prepare as if
for the peculiar forms of sacrifice which, it is said,^ for cen-
» See Ezekiel xxxii. 24-32, with 302), or on the Gebel Batrak (the
Ewald's notes. Compare also Ewald's Patriarcli's Mountain) near Heliron.
Alterthiimer, 100. ^ See Von Bohlen's note on Gen.
* Gen. XV. 1. By Jewish tradition xv. 10. For the ampliticatiou of the
this scene is fixed either on a mountain scene see Koran, ii. 262, iu Lane's
three miles north of Banias (Schwarz, Selections, 153.
LECT. I. ITS KELATIOX TO THE JEWISH CHURCH. 25
turies afterwards, in his own country, were used to sanction
a treaty or covenant. The birds, and the fragments of the
heifer and the goat, were parted, so as to leave a space
for the contracting parties to pass between ; and the day
began to decHne, and the birds of prey, of evil omen, hovered
like a crowd over the carcases ; and at last the sun went
down, and the heavens, so bright and clear on the preceding
night, were overcast ; and ' a deep sleep fell upon Abraham ;
' and lo ! a horror of great darkness fell upon him.' And
in that thick darkness a light, as of a blazing fire, enveloped
with the smoke as of a furnace, passed through the open
space, and the covenant, the first covenant, * the Old Testa-
ment,' was concluded between Grod and man. Taking
these figures as they are thus shadowed forth, and in com-
bination with the words which followed, they truly express
the peculiar * conditions,' to use the modern phrase, under
which the history of the Chosen People was to be unfolded,
from its brighter and from its darker side. Darkness and light
are mingled together ; the bright heavens of yesterday over-
clouded by the horror of great darkness to-day ; wheresoever
the carcases of the victims lie, the ravenous eagles are
gathered together, and with difficulty scared away by the
watchful protector ; the light, burning in the midst of the
smoke as it sweeps through the narrow pathway, is the same
image that we shall meet again and again throughout the
liistory of the Older, and of the New covenant also : the
bush burning but not consumed ; the pillar at once of cloud
and of fire ; the children in the midst of the furnace, yet
without hurt; the remnant preserved, though cut down to
the root ; exile and bondage, yet constant deUverance ; a
narrow home, yet a vast dominion ; ^ the perverse, wayward,
' Gen. XV. 18-21. The 'river of •western limit of Jewish thought and
Egypt' (here only) is the Nile. It dominion,
is inserted, evidently, as the extreme
26 THE CALL OF ABE AH AM. lect. i.
degraded people, yet the countrymen and the progenitors,
after the flesh, of One in whom was brought to the highest
fulfilment their own union of suffering and of triumph, the
thick darkness of the smoking furnace, the burning and the
shining light. ^ This is the mixed prospect of the History
of the Jewish Chinrch; this is the mixed prospect, in its
widest sense, of all Ecclesiastical History.
' A fine passage, whicli unites the Ahrahams, 88), where, after the over-
thought of the TisioD of Gen. xv. 12, throw of Jerusalem, the figure of
with the mediatorial prayer and ea- Abraham emerges from the ruins to
tholie spirit of Abraham in Gen. xviii. plead for the repentance and resto-
23, occurs in the legends (Beer's Leben ration of his people.
27
LECTUKE 11.
ABRAHAM AND ISAAC.
It is an advantac^e of visitinsr a country once civilised but "^^^ ^^*
° o ^ entrance
since fallen back into barbarism, that its present aspect more into the
nearly reproduces to us the appearance which it wore to its ^^yj
earliest inhabitants, than had we seen it in the height of its
splendour. Delphi and Mycenae, in their modern desolation,
are far more like what they were as they burst upon the eyes
of the first Grrecian settlers, than at the time when they were
covered bj a mass of temples and palaces. Palestine, in like
manner, must exhibit at the present day a picture more
nearly resembling the country as it was seen in the days of
the Patriarchs, than would have been seen by David, or even
by Joshua. Doubtless many of the hills which are now
bare were then covered with forest; and the torrent beds
which are now dry throughout the year were, at least in the
winter, foaming streams. But, as far as we can trust the
scanty notices, the land must have been in one important
respect much what it is now. It is everywhere intimated
that its population was thinly scattered over its broken sur-
face of hill and valley. Here and there a wandering shep-
herd, as now, must have been driving his sheep over the
mountains. The smoke of some worship, now extinct for
ages, may have been seen going up from the rough, upright
stones, which, Kke those of Stonehenge^or Abury, in our own
country, have survived every form of civilised buildings.
28 ABEAHAM AND ISAAC. lect. ii.
and remain to this day standing on the sea-coast plain of
Phoenicia. Groups of worshippers must have been gathered
from time to time on some of the many mountain heights,
or under some of the dark clumps of ilex ; * For the Canaanite
'was then in the land.' But the abodes of settled life are
described as confined to two spots ; one, the oldest city in
Palestine, the city of Arba or the Four Giants, as it was
called, in the rich vale of Hebron ; the other, ' the circle '
of the five cities in the vale of the Jordan. These were the
earliest representatives of the civilisation of Canaan ; the
Perizzites, or, as they were usually called, ' the Hittites,'
the dwellers in the open villages, who gave their name to the
whole country; so much so that the children of Heth are
called *the children of the land,' and the land itself was
known both on Egyptian and Assyrian monuments as the land
of ' Heth.' ^ Mingled with these, on the mountain tops, as
their name implies, were the warlike Amorite chiefs,^ Mamre
and his two brothers. Along the southern coast, and the
undulating land called ' the south country,' between Pales-
tine and the desert, were the ancient predecessors of the
Philistines, probably the Avites ; not, like their future con-
querors, a maritime people of fortified cities, but a pastoraly-.
nomadic race, though under a ruler entitled *king.' On
the east of the Jordan, round the sanctuary of the Horned
Ashtaroth, and southward as far as the Dead Sea, were rem-
nants of the gigantic aboriginal tribes, not yet ejected by
the encroachments of Edom, Ammon, or Moab, — the Horites,
dwellers in the caves of the distant Petra, the Emim and
Zamzummim on the banks of the Arnon and the Jabbok,
and the Eephaim,^ whose name long lingered in the memory
> Gen, xxiii. 7. See Ewald, i. 317. ' Gen. xiv. 5-7; Deiit. ii. 10-12,
"^ Gen. xiv. 13. They are applied 20-23. See Lecture IX. For the
to in war, as the Hittites (xxiii. 7) Eephaim see Geseuius {in voce).
in peace.
LFCT. 11. THE HALTING-PLACES. 29
of the later inhabitants, and was used to describe the shades
of the world beyond the grave.
I. Such must have been the general outline of Palestine
when Abraham ' passed over ' from Damascus, and ' passed
'through the land.' Let us, as he roves, almost at will. Halting-
through the unknown country, briefly note the halting-places,
to which we are specially invited by the Sacred narrative,
and also by the account of the Patriarchal wanderings in the
speech ^ of S. Stephen. They bring before us the point often
forgotten, which that great precursor of S. Paul was specially
endeavom-ing to impress upon his hearers, that the migration
was still going on : that the Patriarch ' had no inheritance
' in the land, no, not so much as to set his foot on.' Fixed
locality was to form no essential part of the true religion,
Abraham was still the first Pilgrim, the first Discoverer;
' not knowing whither he went.' ^ The words, which Eeuchlin
used to Melanchthon leaving his father's home, were directly
and without effort taken fi'om the call to Abraham, to go out
' from his country and from his kindred and from his father's
' house.' The figures which we thus employ, in prose and
poetry, in allegory and sermon, are the direct bequest of the
Patriarchal pastoral age. In the sight of that primitive
time, the symbols and realities, which we now regard as
separate from each other, were blended in one. The curtain
of the picture of life, if I may use the expression of the
Grreek artist, was to that age the picture itself.
1. Look at the Patriarchal wanderings in this light, and it Shechem.
will not be thought misspent time to dwell for a short space
on the successive stages of their advance. The first was
' the place,' as it is called, of Shechem ; then, as it would
seem, only marked by the terebinths of Moreh.^ It is the
• Acts Tii. 2-16. * Heb. xi. 8.
' Gen. xii. 6. See Sinai and Palestine, 142, 235,
80 ABRAHAM AND ISAAC. lect. ii.
earliest instance of these primitive wanderers pitching their
tents, for shelter against wind or rain, under the shade of
some spreading tree. As a rock or a palm-grove in the
desert, so in Palestine itself was the isolated terebinth or
ilex, the most massive and majestic of its native trees, and
therefore legitimately, though not quite correctly, rendered
by the English parallel of *the oak.' The oak of Moreh,
like that of Mamre, to which we shall presently come,
probably derived its name from some ancient chief, and was
perhaps already regarded as in some measure sacred.
Here, by the side of the gushing streams of the vale of
Shechem, we are told that the first encampment was made,
and the altar of the earliest holy place in the Holy Land
consecrated. The oak remained for many centuries the object
of national reverence. The sanctity of the place lasts even
to this day.
Bethel. 2, The second halt was a day's journey farther south, on
the central ridge of Palestine, at Bethel ; then only known,
if known at all, by its ancient name of Luz ; and to this
same spot Abraham returned after the journey from Egypt,
of which we will presently speak more at length. That
arrival at Bethel was more than a halt; it is repre-
sented as the turning-point of his life. In the philosophical
and religious traditions of all countries there is often
described a separation as between two parting roads, a
divortlum, or * watershed,' as the Eomans called it, where
those who have been companions up to a certain point are
thenceforth severed asunder. In Grreek teaching the choice
is described, through the well-known fable of Hercules,
between the rugged path of Virtue and the easy descent of
Pleasure. In Mussulman legends, Mahomet stands on the
mountain above Damascus, and, gazing on the glorious view,
turns away from it with the words, ' Man has but one paradise,
' and mine is fixed elsewhere.' Often, too, in the lives and
LECT. 11. THE HALTING-PLACES. 31
conversions of good men in later times, shall we see this
same necessity of selection brought before us in the spiritual
world. Here it is presented to us in one of those instances
which I just noticed, in which the spiritual lesson and the
outward imaffe are so blended tog-ether as to be indistin-
guishable. The two emigrants from Mesopotamia had
now swelled into two powerful tribes, and the herdsmen of
Abraham and Lot strove together, and the first controversy,
the first primeval pastoral controversy, divided the Patriar-
chal Chui'ch. ' Let there be no strife, I pray thee ' (so the
Father of the Faithful replied in language which might well
extend beyond the strife of herdsmen and shepherds, to the
strife of ' pastors and teachers ' in many a church and nation),
' let there be no strife, I pray thee, between thee and me,
' between my herdsmen and thy herdsmen, for we are
'brethren. Is not the whole land before thee? Separate
' thyself, I pray thee, from me. If thou wilt take the left
' hand, then I will go to the right ; or, if thou depart to the
' right hand, I will go to the left.' ^
It was the first instance of ' agreeing to differ,' in later
times so rarely found, so eagerly condemned ; and yet not
less suitable to all times, because of the extreme simplicity
of its earliest application.
Meanwhile let us take our stand with them on the mountain
east of Bethel. The indications of the sacred text, and the
' Gen. xii. 8; xiii. 3-17. There 'he called the name Calumny, be-
is another like passage in the history ' cause they strove with him. And
of Isaac : I give it as it appears in ' they digged another well, and strove
the Vulgate. This, by translating the ' for that also; and he called the name
Hebrew proper names, preserves the ' of it Strife. And he removed from
spirit of the original, which in our 'thence and digged another well,
version is entii-ely lost : ' Isaac's ' and for that they strove not ; and
' servants digged in the valley, and ' he called the name of it Latitttde,
' found there a well of springing ' and he said, for now the Lord hath
' water ; and the herdsmen of Gerar ' made latitude for us, and we shall
'did strive with Isaac's herdsmen, ' be fruitfid in the laud.' — G^ch. xxvi.
' saying, The water is ours ; and 19-22.
32 ABRAHAM AND ISAAC. lect. ir.
peculiar position of the localities, enable us to fix the very-
spot. On the rocky summit of that hill, under its grove of
oaks, Abraham had pitched his tent and built his altar, — the
first of the ' high places ' which so long continued in Palestine
amongst his descendants. And now, from this spot, he and
his kinsman made the choice which determined the fate of
each, according to the view which that summit commands.
Lot looked down on the green valley of the Jordan, its
tropical luxuriance visible even from thence, beautiful and
well watered as that garden of Eden, of which the fame
still lingered in their own Chaldsean hills, as the valley of
the Nile in which they had so lately sojourned. He chose
the rich soil, and with it the corrupt civilisation which had
grown up in the rank climate of that deep descent; and
once more he turned his face eastward, and left to Abra-
ham ^ the hardship, the glory, and the virtues of the rugged
hills, the sea-breezes, and the inexhaustible future of Western
Palestine. It was Abraham's henceforward ; he was to ' arise
' and walk through the length and through the breadth of
' it, for Gfod had given it to him.' This was the first appro-
priation, the first consecration of the Holy Land.
The oak 3. ' Then Abraham removed his tent, and came and dwelt
of Mainre. c -^^ ^|^g « oak-grove " of Mamre, which is in Hebron, and built
' there an altar unto the Lord.' ^ Here we have the third
and chief resting-place of the wandering Patriarch. The
modern town of Hebron, or, as it is now called after its first
illustrious occupant, ' El Khalil,' * The Friend,' lies on the
northern slope of a basin formed by the confluence of two
broad valleys, whose superior cultivation and vegetation have
probably caused the long historical celebrity of this spot as
* It is on this divergence of the of that name near Jerusalem,
characters of Lot and Abraham that ^ Gen. xiii. 18. See Sinai and Pa-
is founded the legend of the Holy Icstine, 142, 164.
Cross, commemorated in the convent
LECT. 11. THE HALTING-PLACES. 33
the earliest seat of the civilisation and power, if not of
Palestine, at least of Judsea. The hills which rise above it
on the north present for a considerable distance a level table-
land slightly broken by occasional depressions, now mostly
occupied by corn-fields. On this high ground, in one of these
depressions, a large square enclosure of ancient masonry
exhibits, in all probability, the remains of the sanctuary built
in former ages round what is still called by Jews and Arabs
' The House,' or ' The Height,' ^ of Abraham. On this spot,
in the time of Josephus, a gigantic terebinth was shown as
coeval with the Creation, and as being that under which the
tent of the Patriarch was pitched. Images and pictures of
Abraham's life hung from its branches. A fair used to be
held beneath it, in which Christians, Jews, and Arabs
assembled every summer, when each with their peculiar rites
honoured the sacred tree. Constantine destroyed the images
but left the tree ; its trunk, standing in the midst of the
church, was still visible in the seventeenth century ; and its
name (' the field of the terebinth ') still lingers on the spot.
Within the enclosure is a deep well,^ being in truth precisely
what one would expect to find hard by the Patriarchal
encampment.
This is the nearest approach to a home that the wanderings
of Abraham present. Underneath the tree ^ his tent was
pitched when he sate in the heat of the Eastern noon. Thither
came the mysterious visitants whose reception was afterwards
commemorated in one of the pictures hung from the sacred
oak. In their entertainment is presented every characteristic *
of genuine Arab hospitality, which has given to Abraham the
name of 'The Father of Guests.' But there is another spot
' Kamet el Klialil. See Robinson, ' Gen. xriii 4, ' the tree,' and
Bib. Res. i. 216. throughout, ' plain '=' oak-grove.'
2 Early Travellers, p. 87. This -well ** For the haste (Gen. xviii. 6-8)
(at the south-west corner of the en- of Arabian hospitality, see Porter's
closure) is not mentioned by Robinson. Damascus, i.
D
34 ABRAHAM AND ISAAC. lect. n.
in Hebron which gives a yet more permanent and domestic
character to its connexion with Abraham's life. When
Darius pursued .the Scythians into their wilderness, they told
him that the only place which they could appoint for a
Cave of meeting was by the tombs of their fathers. The ancestral
Macli-
pelah. burial-place is the one fixed element in the unstable life of. a
nomadic race ; and this was what Hebron furnished to the
Patriarchs. The one spot of earth which Abraham could
call his own, the pledge which he left of the perpetuity of his
interest in ' the land wherein he was a stranger,' was the
sepulchre which he bought with four hundred shekels of silver
from Ephron the Hittite. It was a rock with a double cave
(' Machpelah '), standing amidst a grove of olives or ilexes,
on the slope of the table-land where the first encampment
had been made. The valley above which it stood probably oc-
cupied the same position with regard to the ancient town of
Hebron, that the sepulchral valley of Jehoshaphat did after-
wards to Jerusalem. Eound this venerable cave the reverence
of successive ages and religions has now raised a series of
edifices which, whilst they preserve its identity, conceal it
entirely from view. But there it still remains. Within the
Mussulman mosque, within the Christian church, within the
massive stone enclosure probably built by the Kings of Judah,
is, beyond any reasonable question, the last resting-place of
Abraham and Sarah, of Isaac and Eebekah ; ' and there Jacob
' buried Leah ; ' and thither, with all the pomp of funeral state,
his own embalmed body was brought from the palaces of
Egypt. Of all the great Patriarchal family, Eachel alone
is absent. All that has ever been seen of the interior of the
mosque is the floor of the upper chamber, containing six
chests, placed there, as usual in Mussulman sepulchres, to
represent the tombs of the dead. But it is said that here, as
in the analogous case of the tomb of Aaron on Mount Hor,
the real cave exists beneath ; divided by an artificial floor
LECT. u. THE HALTIXG-PLACES. 35
into two compartments, into the npper one of which only
the chief minister of the mosque is admitted to pray in times
of great calamity. The lower compartment, containing the
actual graves, is entirely closed, and has never been seen by
any one ' within the range of memory or tradition.
4. Although the oaks of Mamre and the cave of Machpelah Beersheba.
rendered Hebron the permanent seat of the Patriarchs
beyond any spot in Palestine, and although they are always
henceforth described as lingering around this green and fertile
vale, there is yet another circle of recollections more in ac-
cordance with their ancient pastoral habits. Even at the
moment of the piuchase of the sepulchre, Abraham represents
himself as still ' a stranger and a sojourner in the land ; ' and
as such his haunts were elsewhere. *He journeyed from
' thence toward the south country, and dwelt between Kadesh
' and Shur, and sojourned in Grerar.' None of these particu-
lar spots are known with certainty ; but it is evident that we
are now far away from the hills of Judaea, in the wide upland
valley, or rather undulating plain, sprinkled with shrubs, and
with the wild flowers which indicate the transition from the
pastures of Palestine to the desert, — marked also by the
ancient wells, dug far into the rocky soil, and bearing on
their stone or marble margins the traces of the long ages
(luring which the water has been drawn up from their deep
recesses. Such are those near the western extremity of the
plain, still bearing in their name their identification with
' the well of the oath,' or ' the well of the Seven,' ^ — Beer-
sheba— which formed the last point reached by the Patriarchs,
the last centre of their wandering flocks and herds ; and, in
after times, from being thus the last inhabited spot on the edge
of the desert, the southern frontier of their descendants. This
southernmost sanctuary marks the importance which, in the
' See Appendix II. sheba ' in Dr. Smith's Dictionary of
' See Mr. Grove's article on ' Beer- the Bible.
D 2
36 ABRAHAM AND IS.iAC. i.ect. ii.
migratory life of the East, was and is always attached to the
possession of water. Here the solemn covenant was made,
according to the significant Arab forms, of placing the seven
lambs ^ by themselves, between Abraham and the only chief
of those regions who could dispute his right, the neighbour-
ing king of the Philistines or Avites. ' And Abraham,' still
faithful to the practice which he had followed in Canaan
itself, ' planted there a grove,' ^ — not now of ilex or tere-
binth, which never descend into those wild plains, but the
light feathery tamarisk, the first and the last tree which
the traveller sees in his passage through the desert, and thus
the appropriate growth of this spot. Beneath this grove and
beside these wells his tents were pitched, and * he called there
* on the name of the Lord, the everlasting Grod.' It was the
same wilderness into which Ishmael had gone forth and
become an archer, and was to be made a great nation. Is it
not as though the strong Bedouin (shall we add the strong
parental) instinct had, in his declining days, sprung up again
in the aged Patriarch ? — as if the unconquerable aversion to
the neighbourhood of walls and cities, or the desire to meet
once more with the first-born son who recalled to him his
own early days, drew him down from the hills of Judaea into
the congenial desert ? At any rate, in Beersheba, we are told,
he sojourned 'as a stranger' many days. In Beersheba
Rebekah was received by his son Isaac into Sarah's vacant
tent ; and in the wilderness, as it would seem, ' he gave up
* the ghost and died in a good old age,' in the arms of his two
sons, — Isaac, the gentle herdsman and child of promise,
Ishmael, the Arabian archer, untameable as the wild ass of
the desert,^ — ' and they buried him in the cave of Machpelah.'
II. We turn from this external fi-amework to the general
' Herod, iii. 8. Compare Biihr's Si/mbolik, 200.
- Gen. xxi. 33. Sinai and Palestine, 21.
' Gen. xvi. 12 (Heb.).
LECT. II. THE PATKLiECHAL HOUSEHOLD. 37
effect of the Patriarchal age, as suggested, amongst many Simplicity
other scenes, by the few words which have just been quoted triarchal
describing the end of Abraham. They bring home to us, ^S^-
beyond any other writings, the force and the beauty of
simple feeling and natural affection. It is Homer, and
more than Homer, carried at once into the hands and hearts
of every one. We all know the instantaneous effect produced
upon us in countries however distant, in classes or races of
men however different from our own, by hearing the cry of
a little child ; with what irresistible force it reminds us that
we belong to the same human family ; how suddenly it recalls
to us, however far away, the thought of our own home. Is
not this the exact effect of reading the story of Ishmael ?
Eemote as it is in language, garb, and manner from our- Ishmael.
selves, we instantly recognise the testimony to our common
nature and kindred in the prayer of Abraham for his first-
born Ishmael,— the cliild who had first awakened in his
bosom the feeling of parental love : — ' 0 that Ishmael might
' live before Thee ! ' ^ or yet more in' the pathetic scene where
the imperious caprice of the Arab chieftainess forbade Hagar
and her son to remain any longer in the tent, and ' the thing
' was very grievous in Abraham's sight because of his son.
' Abraham rose up early in the morning, and took bread and
' a " skin " filled with water, and gave it to Hagar, putting it
' on her shoulder, and the child, and sent her away into the
' wilderness.'
Or look at the story of the other son, the child of laughter
and joy, the gentle Isaac. Read the narrative of Eliezer's
mission to fetch Rebekah. Track every stage of that journey
— our first introduction in early childhood to the pictures of
Oriental life, only deepened more strongly by the sight of
the reality. Watch the long pilgrimage over river and
' Compare Oilman's Hist, of Jews, i. 13.
33 ABRAHAM AND ISAAC. i.ect. ii.
mountain, retraced back to the original settlement of the
race. See the camels kneeling beside the well without the
Kebekah. city ; Eebekah descending the flight of steps with the pitcher
on her shoulder, exactly as the traveller Niebuhr met the
Syrian damsels at one of these very wells. Look at the
different characters as they come out one by one in the
interview — Eliezer, the faithful slave, bent solely on discharg-
ing his mission : * I will not eat till I have told mine errand.
' Hinder me not, seeing that the Lord hath prospered my
' way.' * Send me away, that I may go to my master ; ' — the
aged Bethuel always in the background ; ' — Laban's hard
temper relaxing when he sees the ear-ring or nose-ring, and
the bracelets on his sister's hands, the exact ornaments still
so dear to Arab acquisitiveness in this very region ;— Eebekah
eager to receive, forward to go, the same high spirit that we
shall see afterwards in her future home. ' I will draw water
' for thy camels also till they have done drinking.' ' We
' have both straw and provender enough, and room to lodge
' in.' ' And they called Eebekah, and said unto her : Wilt
' thou go with this man ? and she said, I will go.' ' And they
' sent away Eebekah, their sister, and her nurse. And they
' blessed Eebekah and said unto her. Thou art our sister ; be
* thou the mother of thousands of millions, and let thy seed
' possess the gate of them that hate thee.' Nor can we over-
look the first touch of what may be called sentimental
feeling, in the close of the journey, when the mournful medi-
tations ^ of Isaac, by the well at eventide, are suddenly inter-
rupted by the arrival of the bride : ' and he brought her into
' his mother Sarah's tent, and Eebekah became his wife ; and
'he loved her, and Isaac was comforted after his mother's
' death.'
' This is well brought out by Pro- ^ ' Mournful.' See Blunt, ib. ' By
fessor Blunt, Veracity of the Books of the well,' LXX. Gen. xxiv. 63.
Moses, ch. V.
LECT. II. EXTERNAL RELATIONS. 39
What an insight into the primitive age ! but what a cradle
also for the earliest religious history ! We often say that in
the family is to be found the Patriarchal Church, in the
father of the family the Patriarchal Priest. It is indeed so
i»n more senses than one. When we think of the many periods
in which the relations of brother and sister, father and child,
husband and wife, have, even by good men, been thrust into
the background as unworthy of a place in the religious rela-
tions of mankind, we may well hail this first chapter of
Ecclesiastical History, as possessing far more than a merely
poetical value. It is like one of those ancient Patriarchal
wells so often mentioned in the history. Its waters are still
fresh and clear in its deep recess. It has outlasted all other
changes. It ministers indeed only to human affections and
feelings, but it is precisely to those feelings which are as
lasting as the human heart itself, and which therefore give
and receive from the record which so responds to them, a
testimony which will never pass away.
III. And now turn from the Patriarchal household to its External
points of contact with the external world. These are perhaps ^i^raham"
what most escape us as we read the sacred story for other
purposes, and therefore what may be most fitly noticed here.
1. The general relations of Abraham to the Canaanitish To the
tribes have a twofold aspect. On the one hand, as if with genei-allV^
the full consciousness of the separation which was to exist
between his seed and the tribes of Canaan, and also of its
future superiority over them, he always keeps himself
distinct from them : he professes to be a stranger amongst
them ; he will accept no favour at their hands ; he will not
have any intermarriage between his race and theirs ; he
refuses the gift of the sepulchre from Ephron, and of the
spoils from the king of Sodom. The tomb of Machpelah is
a proof, standing to this day, of the long predetermined
assurance that the children of Abraham should inherit the
40 ABRAHA^I AND ISAAC. lect. ii.
land in which this was their ancestor's sole, but most precious
possession. It is like the purchase of the site of Hannibal's
camp by the strong faith and hope of the besieged senators
of Eome.
But, on the other hand, there is not in his actual dealings
with the Canaanites a trace of the implacable enmity of later
ages; no shadow cast before of long wars of extermination
waged against them ; no indication of what, in modern times,
has been supposed to be the origin of so many dark legends
and severe accusations, — the national hatred of rivals and
neighbours. The anticipation of distinctness and superiority
is not more decided in one class of incidents than the absence
of any anticipation of war or animosity is in another. Abime-
lech, Ephron, Mamre, Melchizedek, all either worship the
same Gfod, or, if they worship Him under another name,^
are all bound together by ties of hospitality and friendship.
The times when the Canaanite is to be utterly destroyed,
when the Amalekite is to be hewn in pieces, when the Jews
are to have no dealings with the Samaritans, are still very
far beyond us : we are still above the point of separation
between the various tribes of Syria : distinction has not yet
grown into difference ; ' the iniquity of the Amorites is not
'yet full.' To overlook the unity, the comparative unity,
between Abraham and the neighbour races of Palestine, would
be to overlook one of the most valuable testimonies to the
antiquity, the general Patriarchal spirit of the record as it
has been handed down to us.
2. Further, there are the more special occasions on which
Abraham is drawn, as it were, out of the pastoral or indi-
\ddual life, into wider relations. The chief of these is the
journey into Eg}^t.
' The God of Melchizedek (Gen. xir. 18) -was not Eloah or EloJiim, but
Eliun, the name given to the God of Phoenicia by Sanchoniathon (Kenrick,
Phan. 288).
LECT. II. EXTEENAL RELATIONS. 41
I shall not endeavour here, or elsewhere, to determine,
where uncertainty still prevails, the special points where the
history and chronology of Egypt or Judsea cross each other's
path : neither shall I draw out at any length what in this
instance is but slightly noticed by the sacred story, the im-
pression left by Egypt on the mind of this, the first of the Abraham
myriad travellers who have visited the valley of the Mle. ^ ^"^^ '
But it is impossible not to pause for a moment on the few
points which this event suggests to us. It is the earliest
known appearance in Egypt of the nomadic races of Asia,
who, under the Shepherd Kings, exercised so great an in-
fluence over its destinies in its primitive history, — who,
imder the Arab conquerors, have now for thirteen centuries
occupied it as their own. Charlemagne is said to have wept
in anticipation of the coming misfortunes of his empire
when he saw the sail of the first Norman ship on the waters
of the Mediterranean, And the ancient Pharaoh, whoever
he was, might have wept in like manner, could he have fore-
seen, in that innocent and venerable figure, the first of the
long succession of Asiatic wanderers, like in outward form,
though unlike in almost all besides, attracted to the valley of
the Nile by the very same motives, coming ' down ' from the
table-lands or parched valleys of their own deserts or moun-
tains, because 'the famine was grievous in the land,' and
sojourning in Egypt, because its river gave the plenteous
sustenance which elsewhere they sought in vain.^
If the Egyptian may have been startled by the sight of
Abraham, much more may Abraham have been moved to awe
by his approach into Egypt. Whatever may be said in legen-
dary tales of his connexion with Nimrod and the Assyrian
powers, this arrival in Egjrpt is the only indication given
by the sacred historian of any conscious entrance into the
' Isaac was going down in like manner, when he was stopped. Gen. xxvi. 2.
42 ABRAHAiyi AND ISAAC. lect. ii.
presence of a great earthly kingdom. The very craft into
which the Patriarch is betrayed ' as he was come near to enter
' into Egypt ' is not without its significance. ' They will kill
' me, but they will save thee alive ; say, I pray thee, thou art
* my sister, and it shall be well with me for thy sake, and
* my soul shall live because of thee.' ' His faith and courage
are unnerved at the prospect and at the sight of the great
potentate amidst his princes in his royal house, with his
harem and his treasures around him. Yet it is also charac-
teristic of the Biblical narrative, that the impression left
upon us by this first contact of the Church with the World is
not purely unfavourable. It has been truly remarked ^ that
throughout the Scriptures the milder aspect of the world is
always presented to us through Egypt, the darker through
Babylon. Abraham is the exile from Chaldtea, but he is the
guest, the client of the Pharaohs. He dwells, according to
the account of a Pagan historian, many years in the sacred
city of On, where afterwards his descendants lived so long,
and there teaches the Egyptians astronomy and arithmetic.^
He reconciles the theological disputes of the Egyptian priests.
He receives (as we infer from the sacred narrative) the gifts
Camels not of male and female slaves,* of mules and asses and camels, with
mentioned ^j^jgj^ then as now the streets of the Eg-yptian cities abounded,
on the *'' ^
mouu- He departs in peace. And such as Egypt is described in this
nients. , . .
narrative, such both m its secular greatness and in its religious
neutrality it appears to have been in those of her monu-
ments which alone can be with certainty ascribed to its
most ancient period. The range of the thirty Pyramids, in
all probability, even at that early time looked down on the
1 The English version is afraid of "* One of these may hare been
saying that Sarah was the wife of Hagar (Gen. xiii. 1), who afterwards,
Pharaoh. ' I might have had ' for ' I mindful of her Egj'ptian home, gets an
had.' Gen. xii. 19. Egyptian wife for lier son Ishmael
2 Arnold, Sermons on Profhccy. (Gen. xxi. 21).
* Eupolemus (Eus. Prcep. is. 17).
LECT. ir. EXTERXAL RELATIONS. 43
plain of INIemphis. They remain to indicate the same long
anterior state of civilisation which the story of Abraham
itself implies, yet exhibit neither in their own sepulchral
chambers, nor in those which immediately surround them,
any of those signs of grotesque idolatry which give additional
point to the story of the Exodus, and which exist in the later
monuments of Thebes and Ipsambul.
3. The next notice of Abraham's connexion with the War with
outer world is of a wholly different kind, and is far more in laomer.'
accordance Avith the secular aspect of his life presented in
Gentile historians than anything else which the sacred nar-
rative presents. ' Abram the Hebrew ' (so, as if from an
external point of view, the fragment, apparently of some
ancient record,' represents him) was dwelling in state at
Hebron, in the midst, not merely of his familiar circle, but
of his three hundred and eighteen trusty slaves, and con-
federate not merely with the peaceful Ephron, but, after the
manner of the Canaanite chiefs of later times,^ with the
Amorite mountaineers, Mamre, and his brothers Aner and
Eshcol. Suddenly a messenger of woe appeared by the tent
of the Hebrew. From the remote East, a band of kings ^
had descended on the circle of cultivation and civilisa-
tion which lay deep ensconced in the bosom of the Jordan
valley. They had struck dismay far and wide amongst
the aboriginal tribes of the desert, all along the east of
the Jordan and down to the remote wilds of Petra, and up
into the mountain fastness and secluded palm grove of
Engedi. In the green vale beside the shores of the lake
the five Canaanite kings rose against the invaders on their
return, but were entangled in the bituminous pits of their own
' For the character and importance ' Some slight likeness to the names
of this chapter as an historical record, of Chedorlaomer and Amraphel has
see Ewald, Gesch. i. 401, &c. been found in the Assyrian monu-
^ Josh. X. 3 ; xi. 1, 2, &c. ments. Eawlinson's Herod, i. 436, 446.
44 ABRAHAJVI AXD ISAAC. lect. ii.
native region. The conquerors swept them away, and marched
homewards the whole length of the valley of the Jordan, carry-
ing off their plunder, and above all the war-horses ^ for which
afterwards Canaan became so famous. But from the defeat in
the vale of Siddim had escaped one who climbed the wall of
rocks that overhangs the field of battle, and announced to
the new colony established beneath the oak of Hebron that
their kinsman had been carried away captive. Instantly
Abraham called his allies together, and with them and his
armed retainers he pursued the enemy, and (if we may add
the details from Josephus ^) on the fifth day, at the dead of
night, attacked the host as it lay sleeping round the sources
of the Jordan. They fled over the range of Antilibanus, and
once more Abraham beheld the scene of his first conquest,
the city of Damascus, and in its neighbourhood, in a village
still bearing the same name ^ (Hobah), he finally routed the
army and rescued the captives, and returned again to the
banks of the Jordan. In a vale or level spot not far from
the river, called probably from this encounter ' the vale of
* the king ' or * of the kings,' the victorious chief was met
by two grateful princes of the country which he had de-
livered; one was the King of Sodom, the other was one
whose name in itself commands respectful awe — Melchi-
Melclii- zedek, the King of Eighteousness. Whence he came, from
zedek.
what parentage, remains untold, nay even oi what place he
was king remains uncertain (for Salem may be either Jeru-
salem or the smaller town of which, in after times, the ruins
were shown to Jerome, not far from the scene of the inter-
view). He appears for a moment, and then vanishes from
our view altogether. It is this which wraps him round in
' Gen. xiv. 11, 21 (LXX.). is said to be commemorated in a chapel
^ Ant. i. 10, 1. Compare also Eus. or mosque of Abraham, still the object
Presp. ix. 17. of pilgrimage, an hour north of Da-
* Gen. xiv. 15. The scene of this mascus. Porter, i. 82. See Appendix I.
tECT. 11. EXTERXAL RELATIONS. 45
that mysterious obscurity which has rendered his name the
symbol of all such sudden, abrupt apparitions, the inter-
ruptions, the dislocations, if one may so say, of the ordinary
even succession of cause and effect and matter of fact in the
various stages of the history of the Church, ' without father,
' wdthout mother, without descent, having neither beginning
' of days nor end of life.' ^ No wonder that in Jewish times
he was regarded as some remnant of the earlier world —
Arphaxad ^ or Shem. No wonder that when, in after times,
there arose One whose appearance was beyond and above
any ordinary influence of time or place or earthly descent,
the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews could find no fitter
expression for this aspect of his character than the mysterious
likeness of Melchizedek. But there is enough of interest if
we merely confine ourselves to the letter of the ancient
narrative. He was the earliest instance of that ancient,
sacred, though long corrupted and long abused name, not
yet disentangled from the regal office, but still of sufficient
distinctness to make itself felt : ' Priest of the Most High
' God.' That title of Divinity also appears for the first time
in the history ; and we catch from a heathen author a clue
to the spot of the earliest primeval sanctuary where that
Supreme Name was honoured with priestly and regal service.
Tradition ^ told that it was on Mount Gerizim Melchizedek
ministered. On that lofty summit, from Melchizedek, even
to the present day, when the Samaritans still maintain that
'on this mountain' God is to be worshipped, the rough rock,
smoothed into a natural altar, is the only spot in Palestine,
perhaps in the world, that has never ceased to be the scene
of sacrifice and prayer. But what is now the last relic of a
local and exhausted, though yet venerable religion, was in
' Heb. vii. 3. in Gencsim, ad loc.
" Jerome, Epist ad Evangelum, ^ Eupolemus (Eus. Prd]^. £v. ix.
§ 5 ; and Liber Hcbr. Qucestionum 17).
46
ABRAHAM AND ISAAC.
Abraham
and the
cities of
the plain.
those Patriarchal times the expression of a wide, all-embracing
worship, which comprehended within its range the ancient
chiefs of Canaan and the Founder of the Chosen People. The
meeting of the two in the ' King's Dale ' personifies to us the
meeting between what, in later times, has been called Na-
tural and Eevealed Eeligion ; and when Abraham ' received
the blessing of Melchizedek, and tendered to him his reverent
homage, it is a likeness of the recognition which true his-
torical Faith will always humbly receive and gratefully
render when it comes in contact with the older and everlast-
ing instincts of that religion which 'the Most High Grod,
' Possessor of Heaven and Earth,' has implanted in nature
and in the heart of man, in * the power of an endless life.'
4. There is yet another occasion on which Abraham appears
in connexion, not indeed with the revolutions of armies or of
empires, but with the more awful convulsions which agitate
the fabric of the world itself. What were the precise special
means by which the fertile vale of Siddim was blasted with
eternal barrenness — how and to what extent the five guilty
cities of the plain were overthrown, is still a vexed question
equally with theologians and geologists.^ We need only
here consider the aspect of the catastrophe, as it was pre-
sented to the Patriarch. I will not weaken by repetition
the well-known words in which the ' Friend of God ' and
of man draws near to plead before the Judge of all the earth
ao^ainst the indiscriminate destruction of the rig'hteous with
the wicked. This union of the yearnings of compassion
with the sense of justice and of profound resignation, such a
sympathy with the calamities, not only of his own country-
men but of a foreign and a detested race, must in that dis-
tant age be counted (to say the least) as a marvellous antici-
' Jerome, Epist. ad Evangclum, § 6,
justly remarks that the narrative
leaves it amhiffuous whether Abra-
ham gave tithes to Melchizedek or
Melchizedek to Abraham.
^ Sinai and Falestim; 289.
LECT. II. SACRIFICE OF ISAAC. 47
pation of a higher morality and religion, such as we are
accustomed to think peculiarly our own. Eead and study
that chapter well ; we may go much forther and fare much
worse, even in modern and Christian times, in seeking a
true justiiication of the ways of Grod to man. 'And on
' the morrow Abraham gat up early in the morning to the
* place where he stood before the Lord.' The hill is still
pointed out ^ amongst the many summits near Hebron com-
manding a view down into the deep gulf which parts the
mountains of Judaea from those vast, unknown, unvisited
ranges which, with their caves and wide table-lands, invite the
fugitives from the plain below. The subsequent history of
that chasm was like a perpetual memorial of Abraham's
prayer. The guilty cities disappear for ever. The descen-
dants of the innocent fugitives become the powerful nations,
of mixed character and dark origin, — Ammon and Moab.
IV. Lastly, the history of the world and of the Church Sacrifice of
requires us to notice the act of faith which takes us back
into the innermost life of Abraham himself, and marks at
least one critical stage in the progress of the True Eeligion.^
There have been in almost all ancient forms of Eeligion, in
most modern forms also, two strong tendencies, each in itself
springing from the best and purest feelings of humanity, yet
each, if carried into the extremes suggested by passion or by
logic, incompatible with the other, and with its own highest
purpose. One is the craving to please, or to propitiate, or to
communicate with the powers above us by surrendering some
object near and dear to ourselves. This is the source of all
sacrifice. The other is the profound moral instinct that the
Creator of the world cannot be pleased or propitiated or
^ Now called Beni-naim ; probably -396 ; Maurice, Doctrine of Sacrifice,
the ancient Caphar-Barucha. See 33 ; Ewald, i. 430, iv. 76 ; Buusen's
Jerome, Ejnt. Paula, § 11; and Eo- Gott in Geschichte, i. 170; and (in
binson, i. 490. part) Kurtz's History of the Old
* See Arnold's Sermons, vol. ii. 394 Covenant, i. § 15.
48 ABRAHAM AND ISAAC. lect. ii.
approached by any other means than a pure life and good
deeds. On the exaggeration, on the contact, on the collision,
of these two tendencies, have turned some of the chief cor-
ruptions, and some of the chief difficulties, of Ecclesiastical
History. The earliest of these we are about to witness in the
life of Abraham, There came, we are told, the Divine inti-
mation, ' Take now thy son, thine only son Isaac, whom thou
' lovest, and . . . offer him for a burnt offering on one of the
* mountains which I will tell thee of.' It was in its spirit the
exact expression of the feeling of self-devotion without which
Keligion cannot exist, and of which the whole life of the
Patriarch had been the great example- But the form taken
by this Divine trial or temptation ' was that which a stern
logical consequence of the ancient view of Sacrifice did
actually assume, if not then, yet certainly in after ages,
among the surrounding tribes, and which cannot therefore
be left out of sight in considering the whole historical aspect
of the narrative. Deep in the heart of the Canaanitish
nations was laid the practice of human sacrifice ; the very
offering here described, of ' children passing through the
* fire,' ' of their sons and of their daughters,' ' of the firstborn
' for their transgressions, the fruit of their body for the sin of
* their soul.' On the altars of Moab, and of Phoenicia, and
of the distant Canaanite settlements in Carthage and in Spain,
nay even, at times, within the confines of the Chosen People
itself, in the wild vow of Jephthah, in the sacrifice of Saul's
sons at Gibeah, in the dark sacrifices of the valley of Hinnom
under the very walls of Jerusalem — this almost irrepressible
' That this temptation or trial, where the same temptation, which in
through whatever means it was sug- one book is ascribed to God, is in
gested, should in the sacred narrative another ascribed to Satan : ' The Lord
be ascribed to the overruling voice of ' moved David to say, Go, number
God, is in exact accordance with the 'Israel' (2 Sam. xxiv. 1). 'Satan
general tenor of the Hebrew Scrip- ' provoked David to number Israel '
tures. A still more striking instance (1 Chron. xxi. 1).
is contained in the history of David,
LECT. Ti. SACRIFICE OF ISAAC. 49
tendency of the burning zeal of a primitive race found its
terrible expression. Such was the trial which presented itself
to Abraham. From his tents in the south he set forth at
the rising of the sun, and went unto the place of which God
had told him. It was not the place which Jewish tradition
has selected on Mount Moriah at Jerusalem ; still less that
which Christian tradition shows, even to the thicket in which
the ram was caught, hard by the church of the Holy
Sepulchre; still less that which Mussulman tradition in-
dicates on Mount Arafat at Mecca. Eather we must look
to that ancient sanctuary of which I have already spoken,
the natural altar on the summit of Mount Grerizim.' On
that spot, at that time the holiest in Palestine, the crisis was
to take place. One, two, three days' journey from Hhe land
' of the Philistines ' — in the distance the high crest of the
mountain appears. And 'Abraham Ufted up his eyes and
' saw the place afar off.' . . .
The sacrifice, the resignation of the will, in the Father
and the Son ^ was accepted ; the literal sacrifice of the act
was repelled. On the one hand, the great principles were pro-
claimed that mercy is better than sacrifice, and that the sacri-
fice of self is the highest and holiest offering that Grod can
receive. On the other hand, the inhuman superstitions,
towards which the ancient ceremonial of sacrifice was per-
petually tending, were condemned and cast out of the true
worship of the Church for ever.^
There are doubtless many difficulties which may be raised
' Sinai and Palestine, 251, 'son, whom they called leoud, thf
' The dialogue between Abraham ' Phoenician word for an only son,' [so
and Isaac is given with considerable applied to Isaac, Gen. xxii. 2] ' on
pathos in the collection of legends in ' occasion of a great national calamity
Beer's Lcben Abrahams, 56-70. 'adorned him with royal attire, and
^ According to the Phoenician tra- ' sacrificed him on an altar which he
dition, ' Israel, king of the country, ' had prepared.' — Sanchoniathon : see
' haA-ing by a nymph called Anobret Kenrick's Phmnicia, 288.
["the Hebrew fountain"] an only
50 ABRAHAM AND ISAAC. lect. ]i.
on the offering of Isaac : but there are few, if any, which
will not vanish away before the simple pathos and lofty spirit
of the narrative itself, provided that we take it, as in fairness
it must be taken, as a whole ; its close not parted from its
commencement, nor its commencement from its close — the
subordinate parts of the transaction not raised above its
essential primary intention. And there is no difficulty which
will not be amply compensated by reflecting on the near
approach, and yet the complete repulse, of the danger which
might have threatened the early Church. Nothing is so
remarkable a proof of a divine and watchful interposition,
as the deliverance from the iniirmity, the exaggeration, the
excess, whatever it is, to which the noblest minds and the
noblest forms of religion are subject. We have a proverb
which tells us that ' jMan's extremity is Grod's opportunity.'
S. Jerome tells us ' that the corresponding proverb amongst
the Jews was ' In the mount of the Lord it shall be seen,' or
' In the mountain the Lord will provide ' — that is, ' As He
' had pity on Abraham, so He will have pity on us.' Abraham
reached the very verge of an act which, even if prompted
by noble motives and by a Divine call, has by all subsequent
revelation and experience been pronounced accursed. At
that moment his hand is stayed ; and the Patriarchal religion
is rescued from this conflict with the justice of the Law or
the mercy of the Gospel.
A few words remain to be added on the relation of this
crowning scene of the beginning of sacred history to the
cro^vning scene of its close. The thoughts of Christian
readers almost inevitably wander from one to the other ; and
without entering into details of controversy or doctrine which
would be here out of place, there is a common ground which
no one need fear to recognise. The doctrine of the ty%)es of
' In his QiicEstioncs Hebraicm on Gen. xxii. 14.
I.ECT. II. SACRIFICE OP ISAAC. 51
the Ancient Dispensation has often been pushed to excess.
Bvit there is a sense in which the connexion indicated thereby
admits of no dispute, and which may be illustrated even by
other history than that with which we are now concerned.
Not only in sacred, but even in Grecian and Roman history,
do the earliest records sometimes foreshadow and represent
to us the latest fortunes of the nation or power then coming
into existence. Whoever is (if we may thus combine the
older and the more modern use of the word) the type of the
nation or race at any marked period of its course is also the
type of its final consummation. Abraham and Abraham's
son, in obedience, in resignation, in the sacrifice of whatever
could be sacrificed short of sin, form an anticipation, which
cannot be mistaken, of that last and greatest event which
closes the history of the Chosen People. We leap, as by a
natural instinct, from the sacrifice in the laud of Moriah to
the Sacrifice of Calvaiy. There are many differences — there
is a danger of exaggerating the resemblance, or of confound-
ing in either case what is subordinate with what is essential.
But the general feeling of Christendom has in this respect
not gone far astray. Each event, if we look at it well, and
understand it rightly, will serve to explain the other. In the
very point of view in which I have just been speaking of it,
the likeness is most remarkable. Human sacrifice, it has
been well said, which in outward form most nearly resembled
the death on the Cross, is in spirit the furthest removed from
it. Human sacrifice, as we have seen, which was in outward
form nearest to the offering of Isaac, was in fact and in spirit
most entirely condemned and repudiated by it. The union
of parental love with the total denial of self is held up as
the highest model of human, and therefore as the shadow of
Divine, Love. * Sacrifice ' is i^ejected, but ' to do Thy will,
' 0 Grod,' is accepted.*
• Heb. X. 5, 7.
£ 2
52 ABRAHAM AND ISAAC. luct. ii.
Questions have often arisen on the meaning of the words
which bring together in the Gospel history the names of
Abraham and of the true and final Heir of Abraham's pro-
mises. But to the student of the whole line of the Sacred
history, they may at least be allowed to express the mar-
vellous continuity and community of character, of truth,
of intention, between this, its grand beginning, and that, its
still grander end.
' Your father Abraham rejoiced to see My day, and he
' saiv it, and ivas glad.'' ^
' John viii. 39, 56, 58.
53
LECTURE III.
JACOB.
' Abraham was a hero, Jacob was " a plain man, dwelling in Contrast of
' tents." Abraham we feel to be above om-selves, Jacob to be and Jacob.
' like ourselves.' So the distinction between the two great
Patriarchs has been drawn out by a celebrated theologian.'
' Few and evil have the days of the years of my life been,
' and have not attained unto the days of the years of the
' life of my fathers in the days of their pilgrimage.^ So the
experience of Israel himself is summed up in the close of his
life. Human cares, jealousies, sorrows, cast their shade over
the scene — the golden dawn of the Patriarchal age is over-
cast : there is no longer the same unwavering faith ; we are
no longer in communion with the ' High Father,' the ' Friend
of Grod ; ' ^ we at times almost doubt whether we are not with
His enemy. But for this very reason the interest attaching
to Jacob, though of a less lofty and universal kind, is more
touching, more penetrating, more attractive. Nothing but
the perverse attempt to demand perfection of what is held
before us as imperfect could blind us to the exquisite truth-
fidness which marks the delineation of the Patriarch's
character.
I. Look at him, as his course is unrolled through the long
* Newman's Sermons, v. 91. his hivthright (Beer' s Leben Abrahams,
^ It is a striking legend that Abra- 84).
ham died on the day that Esau sohl
54 JACOB. LECT. III.
"vicissitudes which make his life a faithful mirror of human
existence in its most varied aspects. Look at him, as com-
Charaeters pared with his brother Esau. Unlike the sharp contrast of
and Esau, the earlier pairs of ^Sacred history, in these two the good and
evil are so mingled, that at first we might be at a loss which
to follow, which to condemn. The distinctness with which
they seem to stand and move before us against tlie clear
distance, is a new phase in the history. Esau, the shaggy
red-haired ' huntsman, the man of the field, with his arrows,
his quiver, and his bow, coming in weary from the chase,
caught as with the levity and eagerness of a child, by the
sight of the lentile soup — ' Feed me, I pray thee, with the
' " red, red " ^ pottage,' — yet so full of generous impulse, so
affectionate towards his aged father, so forgiving towards his
brother, so open-handed, so chivalrous : who has not at times
felt his heart warm towards the poor rejected Esau ; and
been tempted to join with him as he cries with 'a great and
' exceeding bitter cry,' * Hast thou but one blessing, my
' father ? bless me, even me also, 0 my father I ' And who
does not in like manner feel at times his indignation swell
against the younger brother ? ' Is he not rightly named
' Jacob, for he hath supplanted me these two times ? ' He
entraps his brother, he deceives his father, he makes a
bargain even in his prayer ; in his dealings with Laban, in
his meeting with Esau, he still calculates and contrives ; he
distrusts his neighbours, he regards with prudential indiffer-
ence the insult to his daughter, and the cruelty of his sons ;
he hesitates to receive the assurance of Joseph's good will :
he repels, even in his lesser traits, the free confidence that
' Esau (hairy), Arabic word. 'As horse (Zech. i. 8; vi. 2). So also of
' if with a cloak of hair (Adrath Seir).' lentiles (Gen. xxv. 30), or blood (Isa.
— Zcch. xiii. 4. Edmoni (LXX. irvp- Ixiii. 2). Compare Scott's description
ptxKTjs) is 'red-haired' here, and in of 'RobEoy' (ch. 7).
speaking of David. Edom (red), as of ^ Gen. xxv. 30 (in the original),
the hair of a cow (Num. xix. 2), or
ixcT. III. CONTRAST WITH ESAU. 55
we cannot withhold from the Patriarchs of the elder genera-
tion.
But yet, taking the two from first to last, how entirely
is the judgment of Scripture and the judgTnent of posterity
confirmed by the result of the whole ! The mere impulsive
himter vanishes away, light as air : ' he did eat and drink,
' and rose up, and went his way. Thus Esau despised his
* birthright.' The substance, the strength of the Chosen
family, the true inheritance of the promise of Abraham, was
interwoven with the very essence of the character of 'the
* plain ^ man dwelling in tents,' steady, persevering, moving
onward with deliberate settled purpose, through years of
suffering and of prosperity, of exile and return, of bereave-
ment and recovery. The birthright is always before him.
Eachel is won from Laban by hard service, ' and the seven
* years seemed unto him but a few days for the love he had
' to her.' Isaac, and Eebekah, and Eebekah's nurse, are re-
membered with a faithful, filial remembrance; Joseph and
Benjamin are long and passionately loved mth a more than
parental affection — bringing down his grey hairs for their
sakes ' in sorrow to the grave.' This is no character to be
contemned or scoffed at : if it was encompassed with much
infirmity, yet its very complexity demands our reverent
attention ; in it are bound up, as his double name ex-
presses, not one man, but two ; by toil and struggle, Jacob,
the Supplanter, is gradually transformed into Israel, the
Prince of Grod ; the harsher and baser features are softened
and purified away : he looks back over his long career with
the fulness of experience and humility. ' I am not worthy
' of the least of all the mercies and of all the truth which
' Thou hast shown unto Tliy servant.' ^ Alone of the
' Gen. xxT. 27. The word traus- has softened, probably from a sense
lated ' plain ' implies a stronger ap- of the difficulty,
probation, which the English Version ' Gen. xxxii. 10.
5G JACOB. LECT 111.
Patriarchal family, his end is recorded as invested with the
solemnity of warning and of prophetic song. ' Grather your-
' selves together, ye sons of Jacob ; and hearken unto Israel
* your father.' We need not fear to acknowledge that the
God of Abraham and the God of Isaac was also the God of
Jacob.
Esau, the Most unworthy indeed we should be of the gift of the
likeness of _, . ..„„.,, ^ • • r ^^
the Edom- feacred narrative, ii we failed to appreciate it in this, its full,
■''■'^^' its many-sided aspect. Even in the course of the Jewish
history, what a foreshadowing of the future ! We may
venture to trace in the wayward chieftain of Edom the like-
ness of the fickle uncertain Edomite, now allied, now hostile
to the seed of promise ; the wavering, unstable dynasty
which came forth from Idumsea ; Herod the magnificent and
the cruel; Herod Antipas, who 'heard John gladly' and
slew him ; Herod Agrippa, ' almost a Christian ' — half Jew
and half heathen. ' A turbulent and unruly race,' so Jose-
phus describes the Idumseans of his day : * always hovering
' on the verge of revolution, always rejoicing in changes,
' roused to arms by the slightest motion of flattery, rushing
' to battle as if they were going to a feast.' ^ But we cannot
mistake the type of the Israelites in him whom, beyond even
Abraham and Isaac, they recognised as their father Israel.^
Jucob, of His doubtful qualities exactly recall to us the meanness of
tlie Jews. 7- • I 5
character, which, even to a proverb, we call in scorn ' Jewish,.
By his peculiar discipline of exile and suffering, a true
counterpart is produced of the special faults and special
gifts, known to us chiefly through his persecuted descend-
ants in the Middle Ages. Professor Blunt has with much
ingenuity pointed out how Jacob seems to have ' learned like
' Josephus, B. J. IT. 4, 1. 'et Abraham, et Israhel reges fuere.
* Hos. xii. 3, 4, 5, 12. Once only 'Scd Israhelem felix decern filiorum
Jacob is mentioned in Pagan records : ' proventus majoribus suis clariorem
' Post Damascum Azelus, mox Adores, ' fecit.' — Justin, xxxvi. 2.
LECT. III. COXTEAST WITH ESAU. 57
' maltreated animals to have the fear of man habitually
' before his eyes.' ^ In Jacob we see the same timid, cautious
watchfulness that we know so well, though under darker
colours, through our great masters of fiction, in .Shylock of
Venice and Isaac of York. But no less, in the nobler side
of his career, do we trace the germs of the unbroken en-
durance, the undying resolution, which keeps the nation
alive still even in its present outcast condition, and which
was the basis, in its brighter days, of the heroic zeal, long-
suffering, and hope of Moses, of David, of Jeremiah, of the
Maccabees, of the twelve Jewish apostles, and the first
martyr, Stephen.
We cannot, however, narrow the lessons of Jacob's his-
tory to the limits 6f the Israelite Church. All Ecclesiastical
History is the gainer by the sight of such a character so
delineated. It is a character not all black nor all white,
but chequered with the mixed colours which make up so
vast a proportion of the double phases of the leaders of
the Church and world in every age. The neutrality (so to Examples
speak) of the Scripture narrative may be seen by its con- characters,
trast with the dark hues in which Esau is painted by the
Eabbinical authors.'* He is hindered in his chase by Satan ;
Hell opens as he goes in to his father ; he gives his father
dog's flesh instead of venison ; he tries to bite Jacob on his
return ; he commits five sins in one day. This is the differ-
ence between mere national animosity and the high impar-
tial judgment of the Sacred story, evenly balanced and steadily
held, yet not regardless of the complicated and necessary
variations of human thought and action. For students of
theology, for future pastors, for young men in the opening
of life, what a series of lessons, were this the place to en-
large upon it, is opened in the history of those two youths,
' Veracity of the BooJcs of Moses, ch. viii. ^ Otho, Lex. Rabh. 207.
58 JACOB. LLCT. III.
issuing from their father's tent in Beersheba ! The free, easy,
frank good-nature of the profane Esau is not overlooked ;
the craft, duplicity, timidity of the religious Jacob is duly
recorded. Yet, on the one hand, fickleness, unsteadiness,
weakness, want of faith and want of principle, ruin and
render useless the noble qualities of the first ; and on the
other hand, steadfast purpose, resolute sacrifice of present
to future, fixed principle, purify, elevate, turn to lasting
good even the baser qvialities of the second. And, yet again,
whether in the two brothers or their descendants, we see
how in each the good and evil strove together and worked
their results almost to the end. Esau and his race cling
still to the outskirts of the Chosen People. ' Meddle not,'
it was said in after times, ' with your brethren the children
' of Esau, for I will not give you of their land, because I
' have given Mount Seir ^ to Esau for a possession.' Israel,
on the other hand, is outcast, thwarted, deceived, disap-
pointed, bereaved — ' all these things are against me ; '
in him, and in his progeny also, the curse of Ebal is
always blended with the blessings of Grerizim. Eemember
these mingled warnings as we become entangled in the web
of the history of the whole Church. How hardly Esau was
condemned, how hardly Jacob was saved ! We are kept in
long and just suspense ; the prodigal may, as far as human
eye can see, be on his way home ; the blameless son, who
' has been in his father's house always,' may be shutting
himself out. Yet the final issue, to which on the whole this
primitive history calls our attention, is the same which is
borne out by the history of the Church even in these later
days of complex civilisation. There is, after all, a weakness
in selfish worldHness, for which no occasional impulse can
furnish any adequate compensation, even though it be
^ Deut. ii. 5.
Bethel.
LECT. III. HIS WAXDERrnGS. 59
the generosity of an Arabian chief, or the inimitable good-
nature of an Enghsh king. There is a nobleness in principle
and in faith which cannot be wholly destroyed, even though
it be marred by the hardness or the duplicity of the Jew,
or the Jesuit, or the Puritan.
II. Let us now follow the Patriarch through the successive
scenes of his life ; again, as in the case of Abraham, dwelling
upon those special points which admit of geographical or
historical elucidation, or general application of ecclesiastical
and spiritual truth.
1. * And Jacob went out from Beersheba, and went to- Jacob at
' ward Haran.' It is, if one may so say, the first retro-
grade movement in the history of the Church. Was the
migration of Abraham to be reversed ? Was the west-
ward tide of events to roll back upon itself? Was the
Chosen Eace to sink back into the life of the Mesopotamian
deserts ? The first halt of the Wanderer revealed his future
destinies. ' The sun went down ; ' the night gathered round ;
he was on the central thoroughfare, on the hard backbone ^ of
the mountains of Palestine ; the ground was strewn with
wide sheets of bare rock ; here and there stood up isolated
fragments, like ancient Druidical monuments. On the hard
ground he lay down for rest, and in the visions of the night
the rough stones formed themselves into a vast staircase,
reaching into the depth of the wide and open sky, which,
without any interruption of tent or tree, was stretched over
the sleeper's head. On that staircase were seen ascending
and descending the messengers of Grod ; and from above there
came the Divine Voice which told the houseless wanderer
that, little as he thought it, he had a Protector there and
everywhere ; that even in this bare and open thoroughfare, in
no consecrated grove or cave, ' the Loed was in this place,
' See Sinai and Palestine, 220.
60 JACOB. LECT. in.
' though he knew it not.' ' This was Bethel, the House of
' God ; and this was the gate of Heaven.'
The monument, whatever it was, that was still in after
ages ascribed to the erection of Jacob, must have been, like
so many described or seen in other times and countries,
a rude copy of the natural featm-es of the place, as at
Carnac in Brittany, the cromlechs of Wales and Cornwall,
or the walls of Tiryns, where the play of nature and the
simplicity of art are almost indistinguishable. In all ages of
primitive history, such monuments are, if we may so call
them, the earliest ecclesiastical edifices. In Grreece there
were rude stones at Delphi, still visible in the second cen-
tury, anterior to any temple, and, like the rock of Bethel,
anointed ^ with oil by the pilgrims who came thither. In
Northern Africa, Arnobius, after his conversion, describes the
kind of fascination which had drawn him towards one of
those aged stones, streaming and shining with the sacred oil
which had been poured upon it.^ The black stone of the
Arabian Caaba reaches back to the remotest antiquity of
which history or tradition can speak.
In all these rough anticipations of a fixed structure or
building, we trace the beginnings of what in the case of
Jacob is first distinctly called ' Beth-el,' the house of God,
' the place of worship ' — the ' Beit-allah ' of Mecca, the
'Boetulia' of the early Phoenician worship. When we see
the rude remains of Abury in our own country, there is a
strange interest in the thought that they are the first archi-
tectural witness of English religion. Even so the pillar or
cairn or cromlech of Bethel must have been looked upon by
the Israelites, and may still be looked upon in thought by us,
as the precursor of every ' House of God,' that has since
' Paus, vii. 22; X. 24. worship of 'informes lapides' by the
* Arnobius adv. Gent. i. 39. He Arabs,
s also (vi. 11) of the special
LECT. 111. HIS WAXDERIXGS. 61
arisen in the Jewish and Christian world — the temple, the
cathedral, the church, the chapel ; nay more, of those secret
places of worship that are marked by no natural beauty
and seen by no human eye — the closet, the catacomb, the
thoroughfare, of the true worshipper. There was neither in
the aspect nor in the ground of Bethel any ' Religio loci,''
but the place was no less ' dreadful,' ' full of awe.' The
stone ^ of Bethel remained as the memorial that an all-en-
compassing Providence watches over its chosen instruments,
however unconscious at the time of what and where they
are. ' The Shepherd of the stone of Israel ' was one of the
earliest names by which * the Grod of Jacob ' was known.^
The vision of the way reaching from open heaven to earth re-
ceived its highest application in a Divine manifestation, yet
more universal and unexpected.' Not in the Temple or on the
High Priest, but on the despised Nazarene, the Son of man,
was Nathanael to see the fulfilment of Jacob's vision, ' the
' angels of God ascending ' into the open heaven, and ' de-
scending ' on the common earth.
2. The chief interest of the story of Jacob's twenty years' Jacob in
service with Laban lies in its reopening of the relations mi^^''^^^'^"
between the settlers in Palestine and the original tribe of
Mesopotamia, which appeared on Abraham's migration to
have been closed. These chapters are an instance of the
compensation which is constantly going on in the losses
and gains of theological study. If a shade of uncertainty is
thrown here and there over the meaning and nature of the
narrative, which a hundred or a thousand years ago would
not have occurred, yet, on the other hand, with how far
deeper a pleasure than in any preceding age do we enter
* The worship of meteoric stones of the Deity.
(Tac. Hist. ii. 2 ; Herod, v. 3 ; Ge- - Gen. xlix. 24. Ewald, Geschichte,
seuius, Mon. Phcen. 387) refers rather i. 523, note.
to their being thought the habitations ^ John i. 61.
JACOB.
LECT. !II.
into the beauty of those primitive scenes ! We are more
than interested ; we are refreshed ; we are edified ; we become
again like little children, as that pastoral life rises before our
own worn-out time. Like the aged patriarch, ' whose eyes
' were dim that he could not see,' and who ' longed for the
' savoury meat that he loved, that he might eat it before he
' died,' we too, in the haze of many centuries which surrounds
our vision, ' smell the smell of the raiment ' of those ancient
chiefs, and we bless them, and we feel that it is ' as the smell
' of a field which the Lord hath blessed,' full of the dew of
heaven and of the fatness of the virgin earth.
' Then Jacob " lifted up his feet " and came into the land
' of " the children " of the East. And he looked, and behold
' a well in the field ; and lo ! three flocks of sheep lying by it,
' and a great stone was on the well's mouth.' The shepherds
were there ; they had advanced far away from ' the city of
Nahor.' It was not the well outside the walls, with the
hewn staircase down which Kebekah descended with the
pitcher on her head. Rachel ^ comes, guiding her father's
flocks, like the daughters of the Bedouin chiefs at the present
day ; and Jacob claims the Bedouin right of cousinship :
' And it came to pass when Jacob saw Rachel, the daughter
' of Laban his mother's brother, and the sheep of Laban
' his mother's brother [observe the simplicity of the juxta-
* position], that Jacob went near and rolled the stone from
'the well's mouth, and watered the flock of Laban his
' mother's brother ; and Jacob kissed Rachel, and lifted up
*his voice and wept.' Everything which follows is of the
same colour. Bethuel, the aged head of the family in Re-
bekah's time, is dead ; and Laban has succeeded, the true
type of the hard-hearted, grasping Sheykh of an Arabian
' The spring at Orfa was pointed ' seven years he served his uncle La-
out by Jews, Turks, and Armenians ' ban for fair and beautiful Kachel.'
as Jacob's well, where 'for twice Travels, in Harkian Coll. i. 716.
LECT. iH. HIS WANDEEIXGS. C3
tribe ; Laban, the ordinaiy likeness of one side of the Arabian
character, as Esau is of the other. Then begins the long-
contest of cunning and perseverance, in which true love wins
the game at last against selfish gain. Seven years, the service
of a slave, thrice over, did Jacob pay. He is the faithful
Eastern ' good shepherd ; ' ' that which was torn of beasts he
' brought not unto his master ; he bare the loss of it ; of his
' hand ' did his hard taskmaster ' require it, whether stolen
' by day or stolen by night ; in the day the drought ' of the
desert ' consumed him, and the frost ' in the cold Eastern
nights ; ' and his sleep departed from him.' In Edessa, as we
have seen, was laid up for many centuries what professed to
be the tent in which he had guarded his master's flocks.
And at last his fortunes were built up ; the slave became a
prince ; and the second migration took place from Mesopo- Jacob a
tamia into Palestine, 'with much cattle, "with male and
' female slaves," with camels and with asses.' ^ The hour
was come. As in the earlier flight of Abraham from the same
region, the double motive is put before us : ' And Jacob
' beheld the countenance of Laban, and behold it was not
' towards him as before.' ' And the Lord said unto Jacob,
' Eeturn unto the land of thy fathers and to thy kindred,
' and I will be with thee.' ^ ' He rose up,' and once again
high upon the backs of camels he set his sons and his wives,
and he fled with all that he had ; and Eachel stole the
teraphim, the household gods of her family ; and ' he rose
' up and passed over the ' great ' river, and set his face ' — not,
as Abraham, towards Damascus — but right away to the
south-west, to the long range of Gilead, the line of heights
on the east of the Jordan which stand as outposts between
Palestine and the Assyrian desert. On the seventh day the
pursuers overtook the fugitives. On the undulating downs
' Gen. Tvxx. 43, * Gtn. xxxi. 2, 3.
64
JACOB.
i-rcT. III.
Jacob at
Maha-
naim.
of Gilead the two lines of tents were pitched ; and in the
midst of the encampment of Jacob rose the five tents- of
himself and of his wives, the camels and the cattle moored
around, the seats and furnitm-e of the camels stowed within
the covering of the tents. As in later times the fortress
on these heights of Gilead became the frontier post of
Israel against the Aramaic tribe that occupied Damascus, so
now the same line of heights became the frontier between
the nation in its youth and the older Aramaic family of
Mesopotamia. As now the confines of two Arab tribes
are marked by the rude cairn or pile of stones erected at
the boundary of their respective territories, so the pile of
stones and the tower or pillar erected by the two tribes of
Jacob ^ and Laban, marked that the natural limit of the
range of Grilead should be their actual limit also. ' The
' Grod of Abraham and the God of Nahor ' — here for the first
and last time mentioned together — ' was to judge betwixt
'them.' The variation of the dialects of the two tribes
appears also for the first and last time in the two names of
the memorial. The sacrificial feast of the covenant was
made on the mountain top ; ' And early in the morning
' Laban rose up and kissed his sons and his daughters, and
* blessed them ; and Laban departed, and returned to his
* place ; ' and in him and his tribe, as they sweep out of sight
into the Eastern Desert, we lose the last trace of the con-
nexion of Israel with the Chaldsean Ur or the Mesopotamian
Haran.
3. It was the termination also of the dark and uncertain
prelude of Jacob's life. The original sin, the exile, the
transgression in which the founder of the Israelites was born
and bred, was held up always before their eyes, a mixed
ground of warning and thanksgiving. * Thy first father hath
> Gen. xxxi. 47, 48, 49.
I.ECT. HI. HIS EETUEN. 65
* sinned.' ' ' Thou wast called a transgressor from tlie
* womb.' ^ * Thou shalt say, A Syrian ready to perish was
* my father.' ^ But this is now over. Every incident and
expression in the Sacred narrative tends to fix our attention
on this point of the Patriarch's story, as the crisis and turn
of the whole. He is the exile returning home after years of
wandering. He is the chief, raised by his own efforts and
Grod's providence to a high place amongst the tribes of the
earth. He stands like Abraham on the heights of Bethel ;
like Moses on the heights of Pisgah ; overlooking from the
watch-tower, 'the Mizpeh' of Gilead, the whole extent of
the land, which is to be called after his name. The deep
valley of the Jordan, stretched below, recalls the mighty
change of fortune. ' With my staff I passed over this Jordan,
* and now I am become two bands.' The wide descent of the
valley southward towards the distant mountains of Seir,
reminds him of the contest which may be in store for him
from the advancing tribe of his brother of Edom. But the
story sets before us a deeper than any mere external change
or struggle. It is as though the twenty years of exile and
servitude had wrought their work. Every incident and
word is fraught with a double meaning ; in every instance
earthly and spiritual images are put one over against the
other, hardly to be seen in the English version, but in the
original clearly intended. Other forms than his own com-
pany are surrounding him; another Face than that of his
brother Esau^ is to welcome his return to the land of his
birth and kindred. He was become two * bands ' or * hosts ; '
he had divided his people, his flocks and herds and camels
into two ' hosts ;' he had sent * messengers' before to announce
' Isa. xliii. 27. the name of the place ' the Face of
* Isa. xlviii. 8. ' God : for I have seen God face to
^ Dent. xxvi. 5. 'face,' xxxii. 30. 'I have seen thy
* ' Afterward I will see his (Esau's) 'face (Esan's) as though I had seen
'face.' — Gen. xxxii. 20. Jacob called 'the face of God, xxxiii. 10.
66 JACOB. i>ECT. HI.
his approach. But 'as Jacob went on his way the "mes-
* seno-ers " of God met him : ' as when he had seen them
ascending and descending the stair of heaven at Bethel ; and
* when Jacob saw them, he said, This is God's host : and he
Jacob at ' called the name of that place Mahanaim ; ' that is, ' The Two
Hosts.' The name was handed on to after ages, and the
place became the sanctuary of the Transjordanic tribes. He
was still on the heights of the Transjordanic hills, beyond the
deep defile where the Jabbok, as its name implies, ' wrestles '
with the mountains through which it descends to the Jordan.
In the dead of night he sent his wives and sons, and all that
he had, across the defile, and he was left alone ; and in the
darkness and stillness, in the crisis of his life, in the agony of
his fear for the issue of the morrow, there ' wrestled ' with
him one whose name he knew not until the dawn rose over
the hills of Gilead. They ' wrestled,' and he prevailed ; yet
not without bearing away the marks of the conflict.' He is
saved, as elsewhere, in his whole career, so here ; ' saved, yet
* so as by fire.' In that struggle, in that seal and crown of
his life, he wins his new name.^ ' Thy name shall be called no
* more Jacob (" The Supplanter "), but Israel (" the Prince of
' God "), for as a prince hast thou power with God and with
' man, and hast prevailed.' The dark crafty character of the
youth, though never wholly lost — for ' Jacob ' he still is called
even to the end of his days — has been by trial and affliction
changed into the princelike, godlike character of his man-
hood. And what was He with whom he had wrestled in the
visions of the night, and who vanished from his grasp as the
day was breaking ? ' Tell me, I pray thee, thy name. And
* He said, " Wherefore is it that thou dost ask after My name ? "
* And He blessed him there. And Jacob called the name of
* the place Peniel (that is, " The Face of God ") ; — for I have
' Like the thorn in the flesh, 2 Cor. play on the word sarah, ' to be a
xii. 7 (Ewald, i. 461, note). prince ' and also ' to fight ' (Gesenius,
* 'Israel'' seems to be a double Thes. 1338).
LECT. III. HIS EETUEN. 67
' seen God face to face, and my life is preserved. And as he
' passed over Penuel, the sun,' of which the dawn had been
already breaking, ' " burst " upon him ; and he halted upon
* his thigh.' '
Many memorials, outward and inward, remain of that vision.
' The children of Israel,' and the children of Abyssinia also,
' eat not of the sinew which shrank,^ unto this day.' This
was one remembrance traced back to the old ancestral victory.
Another was the watch-tower of Peniel, which years after-
wards guarded the passes of the Jordan, when Gideon *
pursued the Midianites who were retreating back into their
eastern haunts, by the same approach through which the
tribe of Jacob was now advancing. But a more enduring-
memorial is the application, almost without an allegory, into
which that mysterious encounter shapes itself, as an image
of the like struggles and wrestlings, in all ages of the Church,
on the eve of some dreadful crisis, in the solitude and dark-
ness of some overhanging trial. It was already so understood
in part by the Prophets, — ' He had power over the angel and
' prevailed ; he wept and made supplication unto him.'' ^
And in modern times this aspect of the story finds its best
expression in the noble hymn of Charles Wesley :
Come, O thou Traveller unknown,
Wliom still I hold, but cannot see!
My company before is gone,
And I am left alone with Tliee r
With Thee all night I mean to stay,.
And wrestle till the break of day.
1 The moral aspects of this story in italics are independent of the ac-
are well brought out by Mr. Robert- count in Gen. xxxii. 27. Dr. Wolff
son (Sermons, i. 40). describes the religious exercises of
^ The Jews abstain on this account the Dervishes as resembling an actual
from the hacks of animals. See Eosen- wrestle, and conducted with such ve-
miiller ad loc. hemence as actually to dislocate their
^ Judges viii. 8, 9. joints. — Travels and Adventures, eh.
* Hos. xii. 4. The words quoted xxii.
r 2
08 JACOB, tECT. III.
yield to me now, for I am weak ;
But confident in self-despair :
Speak to my heart, in blessings speak :
Be conquer'd by my instant prayer.
Speak ! or Thou never hence shalt move,
And tell me if Thy Name be Love.
My prayer hath power with God : the grace
Unspeakable I now receive ;
Through faith I see Thee face to face —
I see Thee face to face and live I
In vain I have not wept and strove —
Thy Nature and Thy Name is Love.
The retire- 4. The dreaded meeting with Esau has passed ; the two
Esau. brothers retain their characters through the interview : the
generosity of the one, and the caution of the other. And
for the last time Esau retires to make room for Jacob ; he
leaves to him the land of his inheritance, and disappears on his
way to the wild mountains of Seir.' In those wild mountains,
in the red hills of Edom, in the caves and excavations to
which the soft sandstone rocks so readily lend themselves, in
the cliffs which afterwards gave to the settlement the name
of ' Sela ' or ' Petra,' lingered the ancient aboriginal tribe of
the Horites ^ or dwellers in the holes of the rock. These ' the
' children of Esau succeeded, and destroyed from before them,
' and dwelt in their stead.' ^ It was the rough rocky country
described in their father's blessing : a savage dwelling, ' away*
' from the fatness of the earth and the dew of heaven ; ' by
the sword they were to live ; a race of hunters among the
mountains ; their nearest allies, the Arabian tribe Nebaioth.^
• Seir = woody, hairy. There is ther, Gen. xxxvi. 20.
still the cs-Skerah, or downs, sKghtly ^ Dent. iL 12, 22,
tufted and possibly contrasted with * This seems the most probable
the bald mountains of Petra itself. rendering of Gen. xxvii. 39 (see Ka-
Compare Josh. xi. 17; xii. 7; Joseph. liseh ad loc); comp. Jos. Ant. i, 18,
Ant. i. 20, § 3. § 7.
* 'Seir' and 'the Horite' go toge- ^ Gen. xxviii. 9; xxsvi. 3.
LECT. 111. HIS CHAXGE. 69
Together dwelt the conquering Edomites and the remnant
of the Horites, each under their respective chiefs,* whose
names are preserved in long lines down to the time of David.
Petra, the mysterious, secluded city, with its thousand caves,
is the lasting monument of their local habitation.
May we not also trace their connexion with a monument The Book
still more instructive — the name and the scene of the book ^ ° '
of Job ? When, where, and by whom that wonderful book
was written, we need not here pause to ask. Yet, as we take
leave of Esau and his race, we can hardly forbear to notice
the numerous traces which connect the scene of the story with
the land of Edom, with the mysterious rocks of Petra. Uz,
Eliphaz, Teman, are all names more or less connected with
the Idumsean chiefs. The description of the aboriginal tribes,
expelled from their seats and living in the cliffs and caves of
the rocks, well suits the flight of the Horites before the
conquering Edomites.^ The description of the wonders of
Egypt — the war-horse, the hippopotamus, and the crocodile
— well suits the dweller in Idumsean Arabia.^ So the Sep-
tuagint translators understood even the name of Job, as
identical with the Edomite Jobab, and fixed his exact place in
the history of the tribe.* Perhaps, after all, the position of
the story is left in designed obscurity. But it would be in
strict accordance with the tenderness which the older Scrip-
tures exhibit towards the better qualities of Esau, that the
one book admitted into the Sacred Canon, of which the
subject is not a member of the Chosen People, should bring
before us those better qualities in their pui-est form — sus-
pected innocence frankly asserting itself against false religious
pretensions ; the generosity of the Arabian chief without his
' Allupk = ' ox,' or ' companion,' ^ Job xxx. 3-8 ; comp. Deut. ii. 22.
or 'leader of a thousand,' almost al- ^ lb. xxxix. 18 ; xli. 34.
ways used of Edom ; translated ' duke ' * lb. xlii. 16 (LXX.). For Jobab
(Gen. xxxvi. 15-19, 21, 29, 30; 1 see Gen. xxxA-i, 33. Comp. also Fa-
Chron. i. 51). bricius, Cod. fsciidc'iyigr. 796-798.
70 JACOB. LECT. III.
levity. ' When the ear heard him, then it blessed him ;
' when the eye saw him, it gave witness to him. He chose
' out their way, and sate chief, and dwelt as a king in the
' army, as one that comforteth the mourners.' ^
So we part with the house of Esau, at least for the time,
in peace, and return to the main stream of the history, Jacob
and his latter days.
5. He too moves onward. From the summit of Mount
Grerizim the eye rests on the wide opening in the eastern
hills beyond the Jordan, which marks the issue of the Jabbok
into the Jordan valley. Through that opening, straight
towards Grerizim and Shechem, Jacob descends ' in peace ' ^
and triumph.
Settlement At every stage of his progress henceforward we are re-
chem. minded that it is the second, and not the first settlement of
Palestine, that is now unfolding itself. It is no longer, as
in the case of Abraham, the purely pastoral life ; it is the
gradual transition from the pastoral to the agricultural.
Jacob, on his first descent from the downs of Gilead, is no
longer a mere dweller in tents ; he ' builds him an Jiouse ; '
he makes ' booths ' or ' huts ' for his cattle, and therefore
the name of the place is called ' Succoth.' ^ He advances
across the Jordan ; he comes to Shechem in the heart of
Palestine, whither Abraham had come before him. But it is
no longer the uninhabited ' place ' and grove ; it is ' the city '
of Shechem, and ' before the city ' his tent is pitched. And
he comes not merely as an Arabian wanderer, but as with a
fixed aim and fixed habitation in view. He sets his eye on
the rich plain which stretches eastward of the city, now, as
eighteen centuries ago, and then, as twenty centuries yet
before, ' white already to the harvest ' '' with its waving corn-
' Job xxix. 1 1, 25. ' triumph ' see xlviii. 22.
^ Gen. xxxiii. 18, 'to Shalem ; ' * Gen. xxxiii. 17.
more accurately, ' in peace.' For the * John iv. 35.
LF.CT. in. THE SETTLEMENT AT SHECHEM. 71
fields. This, and not a mere sepulchre like the cave of
Machpelah, is the possession which he purchases from the in-
habitants of the land. The very pieces of money with which
he buys the land are not merely weighed, as in the bargain
with Ephron ; they are stamped with the earliest mark of coin-
age, the figures of the lambs of the flocks. • In this vale of
Shechem the Patriarch rests, as in a permanent home. Beer-
sheba, Hebron, even Bethel, are nothing to him in com-
parison with this one chosen portion, which is to descend to
his favourite son. Yet it is not his altogether by the peaceful
occupation which at first seems implied. Two indications
remain to us of a more warlike character. One is the word of
the aged Patriarch to his son Joseph, like the expiring flash of
the spirit of an ancient conqueror : ' Moreover I have given
* to thee one portion above thy brethren, which I took out
' of the hand of the Amorite with my sword and with my
* bow.' ^ It may allude to the bloody conquest of Shechem
by Simeon and Levi; but the turn of expression ('J have
* given thee .... with 'niy sword and my bow ') rather
points to incidents of the original settlement, not preserved
in the regular narrative. The other indication is omitted
altogether in the Hebrew record, but remains even unto
this day. Outside the green vale of Shechem, but in ' the
' portion of the field east of the city,' is the ancient
well, which can hardly be doubted to be the one claimed
at the Christian era by the Samaritans as *the well of
* their father Jacob, who drank thereof himself, and his
' children, and his cattle.' ^ A natural question arises at
the sight of this well, why it was necessary to dig it at all,
when so close at hand in the valley which falls into this
plain are streams of living water, which might have been
' Gen. xxxiii. 19. See Cardinal ' John iv. 12. See Sinai and Pa-
Wiseman's Lectures, ii. 197. lestine, ch. v.
* Gen. xlviii. 22.
72 JACOB. I.ECT. in.
thought to render it superfluous ? The answer has been made/
with all appearance of probability, that it could only have
been so dug by one who was unwilling to trust for his supply
of water to the stronger and hostile inhabitants of the cul-
tivated valley. It is, if so, an actually existing monument
of the suspicious attitude of the old Patriarch towards his
neighbours, and of his habitual prudence — ' fearful lest, he
' being few in number, the inhabitants of the land should
' gather themselves together, and slay him and his house.' ^
6. It is with the latest portion of Jacob's life that are
most closely interwoven those cords of natural and domestic
affection which so bind his name round our hearts. He
The Oak of revisits then his old haunts at Bethel and Beersheba. The
ancient servant of his house, Deborah, his mother's nurse,
the only link which survived between him and the face
which he should see no more, dies, and is not forgotten, but
is buried beneath the hill of Bethel, under the oak well-
known to the many who passed that way in later times as
AUon-bachuth, 'The Oak of Tears.' He advances yet a
day's journey southward. They draw near to a place then
known only by its ancient Canaanite name, and now for the
first time mentioned in history, ' Ephratah, which is Beth-
' lehem.' The village appears spread along its narrow ridge,
but they are not to reach it. ' There was but a little way
* to come to Ephrath, and Eachel travailed, and she had hard
' labour. . . . And it came to pass, as her soul was in de-
' parting, for she died, that she called the name of the child
* Ben-oni (that is, " the son of sorrow ") ; but his father called
* him Ben-jamin (that is, " the son of my right hand "). And
The grave * Eachel died, and was buried in the way to Ephrath. And
' Jacob set a pillar on her grave, that is the pillar of Eachel's
' grave unto this day.' ^ The pillar has long disappeared,
' Kobinson, B. E. ii. 286. 2 Gen. xxxiv. 30.
3 Gen. XXXV. 16-20.
LECT. III. DEATH OF KACHEL. 73
but her memory long remained. She still lived on, in
Joseph's dreams.^ Her name still clmig to the nuptial bene-
dictions of the villagers of Bethlehem.^ After the allotment
of the country to the several tribes, the territory of the Ben-
jamites was extended by a long strip far into the south to
include the sepulchre of their beloved ancestress.^ When
the infants of Bethlehem'* were slaughtered by Herod, it
seemed to the Evangelist as though the voice of Eachel
were heard weeping for her children from her neighbouring
grave. On the spot indicated by the Sacred narrative, a rude
cupola, under the name of Eachel's tomb, still attracts the
reverence of Christians, Jews, and Mussulmans.
Beside ' the watch-tower of the flocks,' ^ in the same
region where centuries afterwards there were still ' shepherds
' abiding in the fields, watching over their flocks by night,'
Israel spread his desolate tent ; and onward he went yet again The stay at
to Hebron ' to bury his father in the cave of Machpelah,'
and to linger awhile at the spot 'in the land wherein his
' father was a stranger.' In the mixture of agricultural
and pastoral life which now gathers round him, is laid the
train of the last and most touching incidents of Jacob's story.
It is whilst they are feeding their father's flocks together,
that the fatal envy arises against the favourite son. It is
whilst they are binding the sheaves in the well-known corn-
field that Joseph's sheaf stands upright in his dream. On
the confines of the same field at Shechem, the brothers were
feeding their flocks, when Joseph was sent from Hebron to
* see whether it was well with his brethren, and well with
' the flocks, and to bring his father word a^^in.' And from
Shechem he followed them to the two wells of Dothan,^ in
the passes of Manasseh, when the caravan of Arabian mer-
' Gen. xxxvii. 9, 10. ■• Matt. ii. 18.
"^ Kuth iv. 11. * Eclar. Gen. xxxv. 21 ; Lulie ii. 8.
* 1 Sam. X. 2. * Sinai and Falestine, 247.
74 JACOB. LECT. ni.
cliants passed by, and he disappeared from his father's eyes.
His history belongs henceforth to a wider sphere. The
glimpse of Egypt, opened to us for a moment in the life of
Abraham, now spreads into a vast and permanent prospect.
The de- 7. This shall be reserved for the consideration of the general
Jacob into relations of Israel to Egypt. But the story itself, though
sypt- too familiar to be repeated here, too simple to need any
elaborate elucidation, is a fitting close to the life of Jacob.
Once more he is to set forth on his pilgrimage. The old
wanderer, the Hebrew Ulysses, has still a new call, a new
migration, new trials, and new glory before him. The feeling
so beautifully described by the modern poet is there first
shadowed forth in action :
Something ere the end,
Some work of noble note may yet be done ....
' Tis not too late to seek a newer world ....
Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will
To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.
He came to the frontier plain of Beersheba ; he received
the assurance that beyond that frontier he was to descend
yet further into Egypt, ' Grod spake unto Israel in the
' visions of the night, and said, Jacob, Jacob. And he said,
'Here am I. And He said, I am God, the God of thy
' father ; fear not to go down into Egypt, for I will there make
* of thee a great nation.' He ' went down ' from the steppes
of Beersheba ; he crossed the desert and met his son on the
border of the cultivated land ; he was brought into the
presence of the great Pharaoh ; he saw his race established
in the land of Egjypt. And then the time drew near that
Israel must die ; and his one thought, oftentimes repeated,
was that his bones should not rest in that strange land ; not
in pyramid or painted chamber, but in the cell that * he had
' digged for himself,' in the primitive sepulchre of his
fathers. ' Bury me not, I pray thee, in Egypt, but I will
LECT. III. DESCEXT INTO EGYPT. 75
* lie with my fathers, and thou shalfc carry me out of Egypt,
' and bury me in their burial-place. . . . Bm-y me with my
* fathers, in the cave that is in the field of Ephron the Hit-
* tite, in the cave that is in the field of Machpelah, which is
'before Mamre, in the land of Canaan, which Abraham
' bought with the field of Ephron the Hittite for a possession
* of a burial-place. There they buried Abraham and Sarah
' his wife ; there they buried Isaac and Eebekah his wife ;
' and there I buried Leah. The purchase of the field and
' of the cave that is therein was from the children of Heth.
' And when Jacob had made an end of commanding: his The death
f T 1
' sons, he gathered up his feet into the bed and yielded up
' the ghost, and was gathered to his people.' His body was
embalmed after the manner of the Egyptians. A vast funeral
procession bore it away; the asses and the camels of the
pastoral tribe mingled with the chariots and horsemen cha-
racteristic of Egypt. They came (so the narrative ^ seems to
imply) not by the direct road which the Patriarchs had
hitherto traversed on their way to Egypt by El-Arish, but
round the long circuit by which Moses afterwards led their
descendants, till they arrived on the banks of the Jordan.
Further than this the Egyptian escort came not. But the
valley of the Jordan resounded with the loud shrill lamenta-
tions peculiar to their ceremonial of mourning, and with the
funeral games with which, then as now, the Arabs encircle
the tomb of a departed chief. From this double tradition
the spot was known in after times as ' the meadow,' or ' the ♦
mourning,' ' of the Egyptians,' Abel-Mizraim ; and as Beth-
hogla, 'the house of the circling dance.' 'And his sons
'carried him into the land of Canaan and bm-ied him in
' the cave of the field of Machpelah. . . . And Joseph re-
' turned into Egypt, he and all his brethren, and all that
' went up with him, . . . after he had buried his father.'
> Gen. 1. 10.
76
LECTUKE IV.
ISEAEL IN EGYPT.
The appearance of Joseph in Egypt is the first distinct point
of contact between sacred and secular history, and it is,
accordingly, not surprising that in later times this part of
his story should have become the basis of innumerable fancies
and traditions outside the limits of the Biblical narrative. His
arrival in Egypt, his acquisition of magical art, his beauty,
his interpretation of dreams, his prediction of the famine,
his favour with the king, are told briefly but accurately in
the compilation of the historian Justin.' The feud of the
modern Samaritans and Jews is carried up by them to the
feud between Joseph and his brethren.^ The history of
Joseph and Asenath is to this day one of the canonical
books of the Church of Armenia. To the descrij)tion of
the loves of Joseph and Zuleika in the Koran, Mahomet
appealed as one of the chief proofs of his inspiration.
Christian pilgrims of the middle ages took for granted that
the three or the seven pyramids which they saw from the
Nile could be nothing else than Joseph's barns.^ The well
of Joseph and the canal of Joseph are still shown to unsus-
pecting travellers by unsuspecting guides, from a wild but
not unnatural confusion of his career with that of his great
> Justin, xxxvi, 2. Comp. also ^ Wolff, Travels, &c. ch. vii.
iirtapauus, in Euseb. Pr. Ev. is. 23. ^ Maimdeville, in Earl^ Trav. 154.
LECT. IV. JOSEPH IN" EGYPT. 77
Mussulman namesake, the Sultan Yussuf, or Joseph, Saladin I.
But the most solid links of connexion between the story
of Joseph and the state of the ancient world, are those which
are supplied by the simple story itself on the one hand, and
our constantly increasing knowledge of the Egyptian monu-
ments on the other hand.
I. It has been said that Egypt * must have presented to Joseph in
the nomadic tribes of Asia the same contrast and the same ^^ '
attractions that Italy and the southern provinces of the
Eoman Empire presented to the Grothic and Celtic tribes
who descended upon them from beyond the Alps. Such is,
in fact, the impression left upon our minds when we are first
introduced into the full view of Egypt, as we follow in the
track of the caravan of Arabian merchants who carried off
Joseph from the wells of Dothan. We need only touch on
the main incidents in the story to see that it is the chief seat
of power and civilisation then known in the world, and that
it is the same as that of which the memorials have been so
wonderfully preserved to our own time. What I have said Egypt.
of the retention of the outward appearance of the Patriarchs
in the unchangeable customs of the Arabian tribes, is true,
in another sense, of the retention of the outward appearance
of the Pharaohs in the unchangeable monuments of Egypt.
The extraordinary clearness and dryness of the climate, the
rare circumstance of the vicinity of the desert sands which
have preserved what they have overwhelmed, the passionate
desire of the old Egyptians to perpetuate every familiar and
loved object as long as human power and skill could reach,
have all contributed to this result. The wars, the amuse-
ments, the meals, the employments, the portraits, nay even
the very bodies, of those ancient fathers of the civilised
1 The Biblical names of Egypt are the one in the Arabic name of Cairo,
Mizraim (possibly from the tivo banks, Misr : the other in the word ' al-
or the upper and lower districts), and ckeniy,' ' cke?)iistvy,' as derived from
Ha77i (dark). Traces of both remain the medical fame of ancient Egypt.
78 JOSEPH IN EGYPT. lect. iv
world, are still amongst us. We can form a clearer image of
the court of the Pharaohs, in all external matters, than we
can of the court of Augustus. And, therefore, at each suc-
cessive disclosure of the state of Egypt in the Sacred narra-
tive, we find ourselves amongst old friends and familiar faces.
We know not whether we may not have touched a human
hand that was pressed by the hand of Jacob or Joseph.
We are sure, as we gaze on the contemporary pictures of regal
or social life, that we are seeing the very same customs and
employments in which they partook ; we recognise in the com-
merce of the Arabian merchants who carried oif the Hebrew
slave, the articles specially needed for Egjrptian worship — the
spices and myrrh for embalment, the frankincense for the
temples. We see Pharaoh surrounded by the great officers of
his court, each at the head of his department, responsible, as at
the present day, for the conduct of every one beneath him ;
the prison,^ the bakery, the vintage,^ the executioners,^ the wise
men, the stewards,^ the priests, the high priest. The Nile
presents itself to us for the first time under its peculiar
Hebrew name,^ which indicates its unique and significant
position amongst the rivers of the earth. The papyrus,^
which then grew in its stream, is now extinct ; but the green
slip of land, achu, — ' meadow,' as it is translated,^ — runs along
its banks now, as then. Out of its waters, swimming across
its stream, come ^ up the buffaloes or the sacred kine, as in
* ' Chief of tlie roiind tower ' or (Apis) of the waters (mu). The
' castle,' hence chief of the gaol. word ' Nile ' is derived from an
* ' The chief of the cup-bearers,' Egyptian word signifying ' blue.' Wil-
translated the chief' butler.' kinson, v. 57 ; Sharpe, 145.
^ Potiphar, head of the executioners, * Job viii. 11 ; Isa. xviii. 2; Ex. ii. 3.
and therefore (according to Oriental ^ Gen. xli. 2 ; Ecclus. xl. 16 ; Sinai
usage) of the royal guards. and Palestine, App. § 18.
■• See Mr. Goodwin's Essay (Cam- * They are so represented in the
bridge Essays, 1858, p. 248). scidptures of Beni-Hassan. There
* 'lor' and 'Sichor' [Sinai and were seven sacred cows in the Book of
Palestine, Appendix, § 36). In Egyp- the Dead, c. 148.
tian it was ' Hapi-Mu,' the genius
LECT. IV. JOSEPH IN EGYPT. 79
Pharaoh's dream, the fit symbols of the leanness or the fer-
tility of the future years. The drought which withers up
the herbage of the surrounding countries, brings famine on
Egypt also. The Nile ^ (so we must of necessity interpret
the vision of Pharaoh and its fulfilment), from the failure of
the Abyssinian rains, fell short of its due level. Twice only, in
the eleventh and in the twelfth centuries of the Christian era,
such a catastrophe is described by Arabian historians in terms
which give us a full conception of the calamity from which
Joseph delivered the country. The first lasted, like that of
Joseph, for seven years : of the other the most fearful details
are given by an eye-witness. ' Then the year presented itself
' as a monster whose wrath must annihilate all the resources
* of life and all the means of subsistence. The famine
* began . . . large numbers emigrated. . . . The poor ate
' carrion, corpses, and dogs. . . . They went further, devour-
* ing even little children. The eating of human flesh became
* so common as to excite no surprise. . . . The people spoke
' and heard of it as of an indifferent thing. ... As for the
' number of the poor who perished from hunger and exhaus-
' tion, Grod alone knows what it was. ... A traveller often
■ ' passed through a large village without seeing a single li\dng
* inhabitant. ... In one village we saw the dwellers of each
' house extended dead, the husband, the wife, and the children.
' ... In another, where till late there had been four hundred
' weaving shops, we saw in like manner the weaver, dead in
* his corn-pit, and all his dead family round him. We were
' here reminded of the text of the Koran, " One single cry was
* heard, and they all perished." The road between Egypt
' and Syria was like a vast field sown with human bodies, or
* rather like a plain which has just been swept by the scythe
* of the mower. It had become as a banquet-hall for the
' It is explained by Osburn {Monii- of a great inland lake, and the conse-
mental Egypt, ii, 135) by the bursting quent reaction.
Pharaoli's
viceroy,
80 JOSEPH IX EGYPT. lect. iv.
* birds, wild beasts, and dogs, wbicli gorged on tlieir flesh.'
These are but a few * of the horrors which Abd-el-Latif details,
and which may well explain to us how ' the land of Egypt
' fainted by reason of the famine,' — how the cry came up
year by year to Joseph : ' Give us bread, for why should we
* die in thy presence ? Wherefore shall we die before thine
* eyes, both we and our land ? Buy us and our land for
' bread, and we and our land will be " slaves " to Pharaoh ;
* and give us seed that we may live and not die, and that the
' land be not desolate. . . . Thou hast saved our lives ; let
*us find grace in the sight of my lord, and we will be
Joseph as ' Pharaoh's " slaves." ' What were the permanent results of
the legislation ascribed to Joseph, and what its relations to
the regulations ascribed to others in Crentile historians, are
questions which belong to the still obscure region of Egj^tian
history. But there is no difficulty in conceiving from what
is to be seen in the past and the present state of Egypt the
causes and the nature of Joseph's greatness ; how the Hebrew
slave, through the rapid transitions of Oriental life, became
the ruler of the land ; in language, dress, and appearance, a
member of the great Egyptian aristocracy, 'binding their
' princes at his pleasure, and teaching their senators wisdom.'"
He is invested with the golden chain or necklace as with
an order, exactly according to the investitiue of the royal
officers, as represented in the Theban sculptures.^ He is
clothed in the white robe of sacred state, that appears in such
marked contrast on the tawny figures of the ancient priests.
He bears the royal ring, such as are still found in the earliest
sepulchres. He rides in the royal chariot that is seen so
' The whole narrative is given by of the Bihle, 'Famine'). A famine,
Abd-el-Latif {Eolation de VEgypte, ii. under Sesnrtason I., in which the
ch. 2, A.D. 1200). Large extracts are governor of the district jirides himself
given in Miss Martineau's Eastern on having preserved his own territoiy,
Travel, ch. 20. The earlier famine is said to be recorded in the tombs of
(A.D. 1064-1071) is described by El- Eeni-Hassan.
Macrizi (see Dr. Smith's Dictionary ' See Willunson, plate 80.
XECT. IV. JOSEPH IN EGYPT. 81
often rolling its solemn way in the monumental processions.
Before him goes the cry of an Egjrptian shout (^Abrecli /),' evi-
dently resembling those which now in the streets of Cairo clear
the way for any great personage driving ^ through the crowded
masses of man and beast. His Hebrew name of Joseph dis-
appears in the sounding Egyptian title, whichever version of
it we adopt, Zaphnath Paaneach, 'Eevealer of secrets,' or
Psonthom Phanech,^ ' Saviour of the age,' or * Peteseph.' * He
becomes the son-in-law of the High Priest of the Sun-God in
the sacred city of On, Petephre or Potipherah ('he who
belongs to the sun'). He and his wife Asenath, the ' servant
of the goddess 'Neith' (the Egyptian Athene or Minerva),
may henceforth be conceived, as in the many connubial monu-
ments of the priestly order, with their arms intertwined each
round the other's neck, each looking out from the other's
embrace with the peculiar placid look which makes these old
Egyptian tablets the earliest type of the solemn happiness
and calm of a stately marriage. The multiplication of his
progeny is compared, not to the stars of the ChaldjBan heavens,
or to the sand of the Sjo-ian shore, but to the countless fish
swarming in the great Egyptian river.^ Not till his death,
and hardly even then, does he return to the customs of his
fathers. He is embalmed with Egyptian skill, and laid in
the usual Egyptian case or coffin. He rests not in any
Egyptian tomb, but yet not, as his father, in the ancestral
cave of Machpelah. An Israelite at heart, but an Egyptian
in outward form, ' separate from his brethren,' by the singu-
lar Providence that had chosen him for a special purpose, he
• Gen. xli. 43. Comp. Wilk. ii. 24, bel's Genesis, 284.
who says it is the word used by the ■* Chaeieinon, in Joseph, c. Apion.
Arabs to make a camel kneel. c. 32.
^ Compare 1 Sam. viii. 11 ; 2 Sam. * Gen. xlviii. 20, Ileb. (with Mr.
XV. 1 ; 1 Kings i. 5. Grove's comments in Dictionary of
* This is the form given to the the Bible, 'Manasseh').
name in the Septuagint. See Kno-
82 ISRAEL IN EGYPT. jlect. iv.
was to lie apart from the great Patriarchal family in the
fairest spot in Palestine marked out specially for himself. In
the rich corn-field, hard by his father's well, centuries after-
wards, 'the bones of Joseph, which the children of Israel
* brought up out of Egypt, buried they in Shechem in the
* parcel of ground which Jacob bought of the sons of Hamor
* the father of Shechem for a hundred pieces of silver.' The
whole region round became by this consecration ' the inheri-
' tance of the sons of Joseph.' ' And if the name of Joseph
never reached the same commanding eminence as that of
Abraham or Jacob, it was yet a frequent designation of
the whole people, and a constant designation of the larger
portion.^
Stay of II. Thus ended the career of the Hebrew viceroy of the
^^^^° Pharaohs. And so 'Israel abode in Egypt, and Jacob was
* a stranger in the land of Ham.' In this transplantation of
the Chosen People, the vine was to strike its first roots.
From the same valley of the Nile, whence flowed the culture
of Greece, was to flow also the religion of Palestine. That
same land of ancient learning, which in the schools of Alex-
andria was, ages afterwards, the first settled home and shelter
of the wandering Christian Church, was also the first settled
home and shelter of the wandering Jewish nation. Egypt
was the meeting-point, geographically and historically, of the
three continents of the ancient world. It could not but bear
its part in the nurture of that people which was itself to
influence and guide them all.
In considering the stay of Israel in Egypt, two complicated
questions arise. The first refers to the relation of Israel to
the dynasty of the Hyksos, or Shepherd Kings, of whom we
read in Manetho.^ Were they the same ? or, if different, did
the Shepherd Kings precede, or accompany, or succeed the
' Joshua, xxiv. 32.
* Ps. Ixxvii. 15 ; Ixxviii. 67; Ixxx. 1 ; Ixxxi. 5.
' Joseph, c. Apion. i. 26.
LECT. IV. THE SHEPHERD KINGS. 83
settlement of the Israelites? The second question, partly
dependent on the first, refers to the length of the period of
the Israelite settlement. Was it two hundred and fifteen
years ' (according to the Septuagint), or foin- hundred and
thirty years (according to the Hebrew), or a hundred or a
thousand years according to the modern computations of
Egyptian chronology ? We need not enter on any detailed
answer. Not only are the present materials too conflicting
and too scanty to justify any certain conclusion, but there
is, we may trust, a reasonable prospect that any conclusion
now formed may be modified or reversed by fresh discoveries
in Egyptian investigations. Two facts, however, emerge oiit
of the obscurity, essential to the understanding of the future
history.
1. First, whatever may be the true version of the Invasion The
of the Shepherd Kings, the migration of the Israelites into Kins-s*^^
Egjrpt was undoubtedly that of a pastoral people, distinct in and pasto-
manners, customs, and origin from the nation with whom Israel,
they sojourned. 'The shepherds,' even then, 'were an
' abomination to the Egyptians ; ' and when Herodotus was
told that the Pyramids were built by the shepherd Philition^^
who used to feed his flocks at their base, it was an echo of
the long-pprotracted hatred which the Egyptians still cherished
against the memory of the pastoral tribe of Palestine. ' Thy
* servants are shepherds, thy servants' trade hath been about
' cattle from our youth, even until now ; both we and also our
* fathers ; they have brought their flocks and herds, and all
' that they have.' ^ They were a Bedouin tribe still, as truly
1 For the 215 years: (1) LXX. and of Ex. xii. 40; (2) Gen. xv. 13-16 ;
Samaritan text of Ex. xii. 40 ; (2) (3) Acts vii 6 ; (4) Jos. B. J. ii. 9,
Jos. Ant. ii. 15, § 2 ; viii. 3, § 1 ; (3) 1 ; v. 9, 4 ; (5) 600,000 fighting iner,;
the division implied in Gal. iii. 17 ; (6) Genealogy of Joshua, I Chron.
(4) ireixTrrri yevea, Ex. xiii. 18, LXX. ; vii. 27.
(5) Genealogy of Moses, Ex. yi. ^ Herod, ii. 127..
16-20. 3 Gen. xlvi. 32, 34 ; xlvii. 3.
For the 430 years : (1) Hebrew
o 2
84 ISRAEL IN EGYPT. lect. iv.
as the Arab tribes who now tend their camels underneath
the Pyramids. The only incidents of their history during
this period belong to this pastoral state, — the incursion of
the inhabitants of Gath to drive away the cattle of the
Ephraimites, and the revenge of the Ephraimites.^ The
land of Goshen was the frontier land,^ reckoned as in Arabia
rather than in Egypt ; on the confines of the green valley,
yet on the verge of the yellow desert, they fed their flocks,
they watched the royal herds. In one of the most ancient
of all the tombs of Egypt, that called, from the wild Arab
tribe which once dwelt in it, Beni-Hassan, — the children
of Hassan, — is depicted a procession which used once to be
called the presentation of Joseph's brethren. This it cer-
tainly is not. There is no person in the picture correspond-
ing either to Joseph or Pharaoh. Nor is there any exactness
of likeness either in the numbers of the persons represented,
or of the produce which they bring. But, though not bearing
any direct reference to this special event, it is yet a forcible
illustration of the general relation of tlie Israelites to Egypt.
The dresses, physiognomy, and beards of the procession point
them out to be foreigners ; ^ whilst their attitude and appear-
ance equally show that they are not captives. The produce
they bring is evidently from the desert, long herds of ostriches.
The character which pervades the whole — children carried in
panniers on the backs of asses ^ — exactly agrees with the
Patriarchal nature of the first Israelite settlement.
The servi- 2. If this, and like indications, illustrate the earlier portion
Israel. of the stay in Egypt, the ancient representations and the
modern customs, which seem to have retained, through all
the changes of government, a peculiar character of their own,
illustrate the second portion. When the ' new king arose
' 1 Chron. rii. 21-23 ; viii. 13. ' See Brugsch, Hist, de TEgypte, i.
* El-Arish is the traditional scene of 62. Wilkin, plate xiv.
the overtaking of Joseph's brethren by * See below, p. 96.
Pharaoh's officers (Denon, ii. 90).
LECT. IV. SERVITUDE OF ISEAEL. 85
' that knew not Joseph,' whether from change of dynasty or
character, they sank lower still ; they became, like so many
ancient tribes in older times, the public serfs or slaves of the
ruling race. Like the Pelasgians in Attica, like the Gibeonites
afterwards in their own Palestine, they were employed, if not
in those gigantic works which still speak of the sacrifice and
toil of the multitudes by whom they were erected, yet in
making bricks for treasure cities and fastnesses, as may be
seen in the representations of the Theban tombs, where
Asiatics at least, if not Jews, are shown working by hundreds
at this very occupation. Not only was there the well-known
brick pyramid, probably long anterior to the Israelite migra-
tion, but all the outer enclosures of cities, temples, and tombs^
were high walls ' of crude brick. And they were also drawn
away from their free trade of shepherds to the hard labour
of ' service in the field,' ^ such as we still see along the banks
of the Nile, where the peasants, naked under the burning sun,
work through the day, like pieces of machinery, in drawing up
the buckets of water from the level of the river for the irri-
gation of the fields above.^ The cruel punishment which is
described as aggravating their bondage, as when Moses saw
the Egyptian striking the Israelite, and as when the Israelite
officers set over their countrymen were themselves beaten for
their countrjrmen's shortcomings, is the exact likeness of the
bastinado, which appears equally on the ancient monuments
and in the modern villages of Egypt. The complaint of the
Israelites against their own officers is the same feeling which
in popular songs is heard from modern Egyptian peasants,
for the same reason, against the chiefs of their own village ;
' The chief of the village, the chief of the village, may the dogs
tear him, tear him, tear him ! ' It is said that in the gangs of
' See the engrayings in Erugsch, ^ See Lane's Modern Egyptians,
106, 174, 176. ch. 14, the Shadoof.
2 Deut. xi. 10.
86
ISRAEL IN EGYPT.
Effects of
their stay
in Egypt.
Heliopolis.
boys and girls set to work along the Nile are to be heard the
strophe and antistrophe of a melancholy chorus : ' They
* starve us, they starve us,' — * They beat us, they beat us ; ' to
which both alike reply, ' But there's some one above, there's
' some one above, who will punish them well, who will punish
' them well.' ^ This, with but very slight changes, must have
been the cry which went up from the afflicted Israelites ' by
' reason of their taskmasters.'
III. Whatever may have been the precise length of their
sojourn or their bondage, it was at any rate long enough to
have rendered Egypt thoroughly familiar to them. They
seem indeed to have left but slight traces of themselves on
Egypt or its monuments. Memphis, which would have been
most likely to retain indications of their visit and of their
Exodus, has been buried or swept away ; and no direct men-
tion of the Jews occurs in any Egyptian sculpture or picture,
till the representation of the conquest of Judah by Shishak,
many centuries later.^ But on the Israelites, whether by way
of contrast or illustration, the Egyptian worship and manners
left an impression almost as distinct and as durable as that
which the Roman Empire, under analogous circumstances in
long subsequent ages, implanted on the customs and feelings
of the early Christian Church.
1. Take first the scene with which they were most likely
to come into contact. We know not with certainty what was
the chief city of the Egyptian empire at the time of the
entrance or of the flight of the Israelites. Memphis was
probably the capital, at least of Lower Egypt; and the
constant mention of the river implies that Pharaoh was then
living on its banks. Zoan, or Tunis, is the only town ^ di-
' MS. Journal of a Stay in Egypt,
by Mr. Nassau Senior: 1856.
^ In like manner the camel never
appears in the monuments, though it
must have been known (Sharpe's
Eyyjpt, i. 18).
* Num. xiii. 22; Psalm Ixxviii. 12.
LECT. IV. HELIOPOLIS. 87
rectly mentioned in connexion with this early age. Its situa-
tion in the Delta would correspond with the neighbourhood
of Goshen ; and as it was undoubtedly at one period of
Egyptian history the seat of a royal dynasty, so it may have
been at the time of the Exodus. There is, however, another
city, not the residence of the court, but which is constantly
brought before us in connexion with the whole history of
Israel, which still in part remains, and which, with the illus-
trations that it receives from the other Egyptian monuments,
may well serve as a framework to our whole conception of
Egypt as it appeared to the Israelites. On,' Heliopolis, the
city of the Sun, was the spot in which heathen tradition fixed
the residence of Abraham, and, with more certainty, the
education — according to one version, the birth — of Moses.
It was undoubtedly the dwelling-place of Joseph's bride. It
was near the land of Goshen. It was close by the later colony
of Leontopolis, set up by the second settlement of Israel in
Egypt, after the Babylonian captivity. It contains the sacred
fig-tree shown to pilgrims for many centuries as that under
which the Holy Family rested when, for the last time, the
ancient prophecy was fulfilled, ' Out of Egypt have I called
' my Son.' It is thus connected with every stage of the Sacred
history ; but its special concern is with the period preceding
the Exodus. Even if it was not actually the school of Moses,
it must have been constantly within his sight and that of his
countrymen as they passed to and fro between their pastures
and the Nile.
It stands on the edge of the cultivated ground. The vast
enclosure of its brick walls still remains, now almost powdered
into dust ; but, according to the tradition of the Septuagint,
the very walls built by the Israelite bondmen. Within this
enclosure, in the space now occupied by tangled gardens, rose
* See Brugsch, 2o4.
88 ISEAEL IN EGYPT. lect. iv.
the great Temple of the Sun,' which gave its name and object
to the city. How important in Egypt was that worship, may
be best understood by remembering that from it were derived
the chief names by which Kings and Priests were called
— 'Pha-raoh,' 'The Child of the Sun,' ' Potiphe-rah,'
'The Servant of the Sun.' And what its aspect was
in Heliopolis may be known partly from the detailed de-
scription which Strabo has left of its buildings, as still
standing in his own time ; and yet more from the fact that the
one ancient Egyptian temple which to this day retains its
sculptures and internal arrangements almost unaltered,^
that of Ipsambul, is the temple of Ea, or the Sun. In
Heliopolis, as elsewhere, was the avenue of sphinxes leading
to the huge gateway, whence flew, from gigantic flagstaffs,
the red and blue streamers. Before and behind the gateways
stood, two by two, the colossal petrifactions of the sunbeam,
the obelisks,^ of which one alone now remains to mourn the
loss of all its brethren. Thither, it was believed, came the
Phoenix to die. Close by was the sacred spring * of the Sun,
a rare sight in Egypt, and therefore the more precious, and
probably the original cause of the selection of this remote
corner of Egypt for so famous a sanctuary. This too still
remains almost clioked by the rank luxuriance of the aquatic
plants which have gathered over its waters. Eound the
cloisters of the vast courts into which these gateways opened
' On = Light. In Jer. xliii. 13 a disparaging spirit to the great works
(LXX. Ovu) it is called Bethshemesh of Egypt) is said to be uhcn-ra, or
(the house of the sun), as it was and uben-la = 'sunbeam,' or fitohpkra
is still called Ain-shems (the spring of = ' finger of the sun.' "With one
the sun). In Amos i. 5, and Ezek. exception, in Fayum, it only occurs
XXX. 17, it is called 'Aven' (vanity), on the eastern bank. Bunsen, i. 371 ;
as a play on the word On. Wilkinson, iv. 294.
^ To this must perhaps be added, * It is represented in the Prsenes-
though built in the times of the Ptole- tine Mosaic. It appears in Breyden-
mies, the recently excavated Temple of bach's plan, and in the Apocryphal
Edfou, dedicated to Horus. Gospels, as the Spring of the Virgin.
* The 'obelisk' (which is merely See Clarke, v. 142.
the Greek name of 'spit,' applied in
I.ECT. IV. HELIOPOLIS. 89
were spacious mansions, forming the canonical residences, if
one may so call tliem, of the priests and professors of On :
for Heliopolis, we must remember, was the Oxford of ancient
Egypt, the seat of its learning in early times, as Alexandria
was in later times ; the university, or rather perhaps the
college, gathered round the Temple of the Sun, as Christ
Church round the old monastic sanctuary of S. Frideswide.
Thither Herodotus came to gather information for his travels ;
and thither, centuries later, the more careful and accurate
Strabo.' The city in his time was in a state of comparative
desolation ; it had never fully recovered the shock of the
fanatical devastation of Cambyses. A long vacancy, a
vacation of centuries, had passed over it. Priests and
philosophers, canons and professors, alike were gone, and
only a few chaplains and vergers ^ lingered in the sacred
precincts, to carry on the service of the Temple, and to
show strangers over the silent quadrangles and deserted
cloisters. Amongst these was pointed out to Strabo the
house in which Plato had lived for thirteen years. Perhaps
he may have been also shown, or, had he been there a few
generations earlier, would have been shown, the house which
had received Moses when he studied there under the Egyp-
tian name of Osarsiph.^ In the centre of all stood the Temple
itself. Over the portal, we can hardly doubt, was the figure
of the Sun-Grod ; not in the sublime indistinctness of his
natural orb, nor yet in the beautiful impersonation of the
Grecian Apollo, but in the strange grotesque form of the
Hawkheaded monster. Enter ; and the dark Temple opens
and contracts successively into its outermost, its inner, and
its innermost hall ; the Osiride figures in their placid majesty
support the first, the wild and savage exploits of kings and
heroes fill the second, and in the sanctuary itself, standing like
' xvii. 1. - lepoiroioi Ka\ it,f)fiiTai.
' Jos, c. Apio7i. i. 26, 28.
90 ISKAEL IN EGYPT. lect. iv.
the Holy House of Loretto or Assisi, apart from all the sur-
rounding chambers, underneath the carved figure of the Sun-
god, or beside the solid altar, sate in his gilded cage the sacred
hawk,' or lay crouched on his purple bed the sacred black
calf,^ Mnevis, or Urmer ; each the living representation of
the deity of the Temple. Thrice a day before the deified
beast the incense was offered, and once a month the solemn
sacrifice.^ Each on his death was duly embalmed and de-
posited in a splendid sarcophagus. He was the great rival of
the bull Apis at Memphis ; and Hadrian, when in Egypt,
had to determine a controversy respecting their precedence.*
The sepulchres of the long succession of deified calves at
Heliopolis corresponded to those of the deified bulls at
Memphis.^ It was after seeing such a strange and monstrous
climax to so much power and splendour and wisdom, that the
Israelites were likely both to need and to feel the force of the
warning voice : ' Thou shalt not make any likeness of any-
* thing that is in the heaven above or in the earth beneath ;
' . . . the likeness of any beast that is on the earth, the
' likeness of any winged fowl that flieth in the air.' " The
molten calf in the wilderness, the golden calves of Dan and
Bethel, were reminiscences, not to be wiped out of the
national memory for centuries, of the consecrated calf of
Ea, the god Mnevis.
Idolatry of 2. There was yet another form of idolatry, never out of sight
kings.
in Egypt, and brought out with immense force in the whole
Mosaic description. What were the dynasties that ruled at
that time over the valley of the Nile, one or many, we need
not determine. But the name of ' Pharaoh ' clearly ex-
' "Wilk. V. 207. For its mode of were shown the sacred lions, which
maintenance, see Diod. Sic. i. 83. had songs sung to them during their
Such a stone shrine remains at Edfou. meals. jElian, xii. 7. Hence the name
^ Brugsch, 257. of Leontopolis. Wilk. iv. 296, y. 173.
s Wilk. V. 315. ^ Brugsch, 259.
* In another part of the precincts * Deut. iv. 16, 17; v. 8.
LECT. IV. EFFECTS OF THEIR STAY. 91
presses that the same virtue of regal consecration ran through
them all ; and the name of ' Rameses,' as applied to one of
the treasure cities ^ built by the Israelites, implies, with very
great probability, that this name had already become famous
amongst the Egyptian kings. The statue, found near the
ruins of what is almost certainly the site of Rameses, points
without doubt to the second of that name. What then were
the Pharaohs collectively in the eyes of the nation ? and
what was Rameses in particular ? and what, above all, was
Rameses II. ? We often hear it said that Egypt was governed
by a theocracy ; that is, as the word is meant when so applied,
by a priestly caste. This is not the answer given by her own
authentic monuments. Who is the colossal figure that sits,
repeated again and again, at the entrance of every temple ?
Who is it that rides in his chariot, leading diminutive nations
captive behind him ? To whom is it, in the frontispiece of
every gateway, that the gods give the falchion of destruction,
with the command to ' Slay, and slay, and slay ' ? Whose sculp-
tured image do we see in the interior of the Temple, brought
into the most familiar relations with the highest powers^
equal in form and majesty, suckled by the greatest goddess,
fondled by the greatest god, sitting beside them, arm entwined
within arm, in the recesses of the most holy place ? It is
no priest, or prophet, or magician, or saint, but the king only
■ — the Pharaoh, the Child of the Sun, the Beloved of Ammon.
And if there is one king who towers above all the rest in
all the long succession, it is he whose name first dimly Kameses
appears to us in the history of the Exodus, the great
Rameses,^ the Sesostris of the classical writers. As of
all objects of idolatry, in the natural world of those early
' The treasure cities are: (1) Ra- (i.e. probably from the Israelites),
jneses = Heroopolis (Abukeshib). Brugsch, i. 156. (3) On, LXX.
(2) Pithom (in Egyptian Pachtmm- ^ By Brugsch (i. 166) identified
Sarou, the fortress of the Tyrians with the Pharaoh of Moses.
92 ISRAEL m EGYPT. lect. iv.
times, the stars and sun were the most overwhelming in their
fascination, so, in all the world of man, there was nothing to
be compared to those mighty kings, least of all to the
mighty conqueror who has left his traces throughout all the
haunts of ancient civilisation in Asia,' and from end to end
of his own country. With a certainty beyond that with
which Alexander was acknowledged as the greatest sovereign
of the Grecian, or Caesar of the Eoman world, must Ea-
meses II. have been hailed or feared as the hero of the
primeval age before Grreece and Eome were born.^ His very
form and face are before us, with a vividness which belongs
only to these colossal representations, that refuse to be for-
gotten. We see his profound yet scornful repose, expressed
both in countenance and attitude. We see the long profile,
majestic and beautiful beyond any of his successors or pre-
decessors. We see even the peculiar curl of his nostrils, and
the fall of his under lip.^ Such was the Pharaoh who must
have looked down on the Israelite sojourners during some
one period or generation of their stay in Egypt, probably
during the time of their oppression.
Pharaoh. And such, not in detail but in its general outline, is the
image presented to us by the Pharaoh of Scripture. There
is no other king of the Patriarchal times represented as
nearly on the same level. Nimrod, the mighty hunter, has
been indeed invested by Oriental tradition— perhaps he ap-
pears in Assyrian sculptures — with something of the same
sanctity and majesty. But he does not so appear in any
part of the Sacred narrative. Pharaoh is the only potentate
whom Abraham and Jacob alike approach mth awful reve-
rence. From Joseph and from Moses alike, whether as
' Near Sardis, near Beyrout, in like Louis the Fourteenth. Brugsch,
Nubia, in Memphis, in Thebes. (See i. 137.
Sinai and Tahstine, p. li. 117.) ^ On the likenesses of theEgj-ptian
* He reigned for sixty-six years, kings, see Biinsen, v. 561.
coming to the throne very young,
i.ECT. IV. EFFECTS OF THEIR STAT. 93
friend or foe, he commands the submissive respect of a sub-
ject who can of himself do nothing against the royal will.
' What Grod is about to do He showeth unto Pharaoh.' ' I
' am of uncircumcised lips, and how shall Pharaoh hearken
' unto me ? ' The supreme oath, by which safety of person
and property is secured, is ' By the life of Pharaoh.' King-
like and priestlike, he stands by the side of the sacred river,
and sees in visions the good and evil fortunes of Egypt
coming up from its stream. At sunrise he goes out to look
upon its beneficent waters, as if it were all his own. At a
word he summons princes, and priests, and magicians, and
wise men, and interpreters round him. At a word he plants
a stranger over his people. ' See, I have set thee over all
' the land of Egypt. ... I am Pharaoh, and without thee
' shall no man lift up his hand or his foot in all the land of
* Egypt.' And when the last great struggle comes on be-
tween his power and that of a Grreater than himself, it is the
struggle rather of a god against the Lord, than of a man
against man. He has hardened his heart like the Indian
Kehama, rather than like a mortal prince of modern days.
If there were any prouder state or loftier dream in the pri-
meval monarchies of Central Asia, it is remarkable that the
Eastern traditions of these events merge them in the person
of the Egyptian sovereign ; and in the Mahometan version of
the Exodus, Nimrod and Pharaoh, the builder of the Tower of
Babel and the builder of the Pyramids, are blended together
in one and the same gigantic, self-sufficing, Grod-defying king.
He stands with one foot on each of the two great Pyramids,
and darts his spear into the sky in the hope of killing the
Divine Adversary, who from the unseen heavens laughs
him to scorn. If we take the Pharaoh of Scripture from
first to last, still the awful impression remains the same.
' Say unto Pharaoh,' was the language even of one of the
latest Prophets, how much more of these earlier times, — ' say
94 ISRAEL IN EGYPT. lect. iv.
* unto Pharaoh, " Whom art thou like in thy greatness ? " '
Those who had lain prostrate under such a monarchy would
feel doubly the contrast of the freedom into which they were
called. The Exodus was a deliverance, not only from idolatry
of false divinities, but from the idolatry of human strength
and tyranny. In the long democracy of Israel, and the hesi-
tation with which that democracy, 'where every man did
* what was right in his own eyes,' was exchanged even for
the monarchy which was to produce a David and a Solomon,
we see the protest against the awful form of government
which bad once bowed them down.
The evils of this ambiguous and degraded state fast de-
veloped themselves. The old freedom, the old energy, above
all, the old religion, of the Patriarchal age, faded away. Not
in the Pentateuch, but in the later books, the participation
of Israel in the idolatry of Egypt is expressly stated. ' Your
* fathers served other gods . , . in Egypt.' ^ ' They forsook
* not the idols of Egypt,' ^ The Sabbath, if it had existed
in some shape amongst their fathers,^ as seems likely, was
forgotten ; the rite of circumcision, by which the covenant
with God had been made, fell into disuse ; its loss became
a reproach in the eyes even of their Egyptian masters, to
whom, as to the rest of the ancient Eastern world, it was a
necessary sign of all cleanliness and of all civilisation.'* Like
slaves, too, like all those wandering populations which hang
at the gates of nations or classes more wealthy and more
stable than themselves, they learn to cling with a kind
of sensual affection to the land of their bondage, to the green
meadows of the Nile valley, to 'the flesh-pots, and melons,
* and cucumbers, and onions,' which it gave them in pro-
fusion ; to the land ' where they sowed their seed and
'watered it with their foot, as a garden of herbs.' We
' Josh. xxiv. 2, 14. ^ Comp. Ex. xx.
« Ezek. XX. 8, . * Es. iv. 24 ; Josh. v. 2-9.
IKCT. IV. EFFECTS OP THEIR STAY. 95
shall have to bear this in mind during their whole subsequent
history, in order to appreciate both the necessity and the
effect of the vicissitudes which were dispensed to them. The
bare Desert and the bald hills of Palestine formed a whole-
some and perpetual contrast to the magnificence and the
fertility of Egypt. They formed, as it were, a natural Monas-
ticism, a natural Puritanism, in which the luxuries, and the
superstitions, and the barbarism of their servile state were
set aside by sterner and higher influences. But they were
always taught, with pathetic earnestness, never to forget,
nay, even, in a certain sense, to feel for and with, the con-
dition of slavery which had been their original portion.
' Eemember that thou wast a " slave " in the land of Egypt.'
On this recollection, as on an immovable thought never to
be erased from their minds, are made to repose even the
great institutions of the Sabbath and the Jubilee.'
3. There were two other traces of their dependent position Leprosy.
in Egypt, which may be noticed as having left indelible
marks both on their records and those of the nation which
cast them out. One is the disease of leprosy,'^ — which for
the first time appears after the stay in Egypt, — is it too
much to suppose ? — generated by the habits incident to their
depressed state and crowded population. In the Israelite
annals it appears only in individual though most significant
instances, — the hand of Moses, the face of Miriam. But
the severe provisions of the Levitical law imply its wider
spread ; and in the Egyptian traditions the remembrance, as
was natural, took a stronger and more general colour of
aversion and disgust, and represented the whole people as a
nation of lepers, cast out on that account.
4. The other relic of repugnance between the two races, The use of
though slight in itself, is both more deeply seated in tlieir ^*"'"
> Deut. V. 15, vi. 21 ; Lev. xxy. 42, 55.
* Jos. c. Apion. i. 26, 34.
96 ISRAEL IN EGYPT. lect. iv.
original diversity of customs, and more lasting in its results.
There is one animal which, even more than the camel, is
from first to last identified with the history of Israel. With
he-asses and she-asses Abraham returned from Egypt ; with
the ass Abraham went up with Isaac to the sacrifice ; ' on
asses Joseph's brethren came thither ; on an ass Moses set
his wife and his sons on his return from Arabia to Egypt ; ^
an old man seated on an ass was the likeness of him which,
according to Gentile traditions,^ his countrymen delighted to
honour. On white asses or mules, through the whole period of
the early history * till their first contact with foreign nations
in the reign of Solomon, their princes rode in state ; the pro-
phecy, fulfilled in the close of their history, was that ' their
' King should come riding on an ass, and a colt the foal of an
' ass.' It was the long-continued mark of their ancient, pas-
toral, simple condition. The rival horse came into Palestine
slowly and unlawfully, and was always spoken of as the sign of
the pride and power of Egypt ; in the funeral procession of
Jacob, the chariots and horses of Egypt are specially con-
trasted with the asses of the sons of Israel ; they who in
later times put their trust in Egypt founded that trust
in her chariots and horses. But we know not only the
Israelite, but the Egyptian feeling also. Whilst on the
Theban monuments the war-horse is always at hand, the
ass, in their minds, was regarded as the exclusive, the con-
temned, symbol of the nomadic race who had left them.
On asses they were described as flying from Egypt ; ^ asses,
it was believed, had guided them through the desert ; ^ in the
Holy of Holies (to such a pitch of exaggeration was the story
carried) the mysterious object of Jewish worship was held to
be an ass's head ; and so generally was this persuasion
» Gen. xxii. 3, 5. xri. 1, 2 ; 1 Kings i. 33, 38.
2 Exod. iv. 20. 5 Plutarch de hide, cli. 31.
» Diod. Sic. xxxiv. 1. « Tac. Hist. t. 3. See Lecture VL
< Judg. V. 10, X. 4, xii. 14; 2 Sam.
LECT. IV. EFFECTS OP THEIR STAY. 97
communicated to the heathen world, that when a new
Jewish sect, as it was thought, arose under the name of
' Christian,' the favourite theme of reproach and of caricature
was that they worshipped in like manner an ass, the son of
an ass, even on the Cross itself.' So long and far were the
effects visible of this primitive diversity between the civilised
kingdom of the Pharaohs and the pastoral tribe of the land
of Groshen. So innocent was the occasion of this lonsf-
standing calumny, — a calumny not of generations or cen-
turies, but of millenniums' growth before it was dispelled ;
perhaps the most curious of all the many like slanders and
fables invented, in the course of ecclesiastical history, by the
bitterness of national or theological hatred.
5. Such are some of the points, greater or smaller, of
lasting antagonism which their original relations left between
Egjrpt and Israel. But there are also points of contact. It Points of
would be against the analogy of the whole history, to suppose
that this long period was wasted in its effect on the mind of
the Chosen People ; that the same Divine Providejice which in
later times drew new truths out of the Chaldsean captivity for
the Jewish Church, out of the Grecian philosophy and the
Eoman law for the Christian Church, should have made no
use of the greatness of Egypt in this first and most important
stage of the education of Israel.
We need not go to heathen records for the assurance that
Moses was 'learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians.'
Whatever that wisdom was, we cannot doubt it was turned to
its own good purpose in the laws through him revealed to
the people of God. The very minuteness of the law implies
a stage of existence different from that in which the Patriarchs
had lived, but like to that in which we know that the Egyp-
tians lived. The forms of some of the most solemn sacrifices
' The Palatine inscription (Dublin Rev. April, 1857). Josephus, c. Jp.'ii. 7;
TertuUian, A;pol. ch. 16.
H
98 ISRAEL IN EGYPT. lect. iv.
— as, for example, the scapegoat — are almost identical.
Circumcision, the abstinence from swine's flesh, the division
of time by weeks, ^ of the day from sunset to sunset, were
the same in each nation, though by each probably derived
from a common source. The white linen dresses of the
priests, the Urim and Thummim on the high-priest's breast-
plate, are, to all appearance, derived from the same source
as the analogous emblems amongst the Eg3rptians. The
sacred ark, as portrayed on the monuments, can hardly fail
to have some relation to that which was borne by the Levites
at the head of the host, and which was finally enshrined in
the Temple. The Temple, at least in some of its most
remarkable features, — its courts, its successive chambers,
and its adytum, or Holy of Holies, — is more like those of
Egypt than any others of the ancient world with which we
are acquainted. In these and in many other instances we
may fairly trace a true affiliation of such outward customs
and forms as in like manner, at a later period, the Christian
Church took from the Pagan ritual of the empire in which
it had sojourned for its four hundred years. It is but an
expansion of the one fact which has always arrested the atten-
tion of commentators, and which in its widest sense is a
salutary warning against despising the greatness and the
wisdom of the heathen.
This world of thine, by him usurp'd too long,
Now opens all her stores to heal thy servants' wrong.^
Eachel carried off her father's teraphim from Mesopotamia ;
the wives and daughters of Israel carried off from Egypt the
sacred gems and vestments, which afterwards served to adorn
the priestly services of the Tabernacle. ' When ye go, ye
* shall not go empty. But every woman shall borrow of her
^ Sharpe's Egypt, Book ii. § 16. xii. 45. Keble's Christian Year (3rd
« Ewald, ii. 87, 8, on Exod. iii. 22 ; S. in Lent).
liCT. IV. EFFECTS OF THEIR STAY. 99
' neighbour . . . jewels of silver, and jewels of gold, and
' raiment, and ye shall put them upon your sons and upon
' your daughters. . . . And the Lord gave the people favour
' in the sight of the Egyptians, so that they lent unto them
' such things as they required, and they spoiled the Egyp-
' tians.'
Yet the contrast was always greater than the likeness. Points of
'\\Tien we survey the vast array of ancient ideas represented ^'^^ ^^^ '
to us in the Egyptian temples and sepulchres, the thought
forced upon us is rather of the fewness than of the frequency
of illustrations which they furnish to the Jewish history. Of
this absence of influence perhaps the most remarkable in-
stance is that whilst the Egyptian sculptures ^ abound mth
representations of the future state, and of the judgment after
death, the Jewish Scriptures, at least in the Pentateuch,
abstain almost entirely from any direct or distinct mention of
either.^ A wider connexion, indeed, might be maintained if
we could trust the later descriptions of Egyptian theology and
philosophy. It was strongly believed in the Greek schools of
Alexandria, that behind the multitude of forms, human,
divine, bestial, grotesque, which filled the Egyptian shrines,
there was yet in the minds of the sacred and the learned
few a deep-seated belief in One Supreme Intelligence ; and
thus the distinguishing mark of the Mosaic Revelation would
have been, not so much that it disclosed and insisted on this
' If it be true that the Egyptian be- see the record of the ' Justification of
lief in a futiu-e state was inseparably the Dead' {ibid. v. 545).
united with the belief in transmigra- - In lesser particulars may be
tion, and that from this sprang the mentioned (1) The long hair and
■worship of animals, then the exclusion beards of the Israelite as contrasted
of the true doctrine from the Mosaic with the closely shaven Egj'ptian
theology may have been occasioned by priests. Lev. xxi, 5 ; Herod, ii. 36. (2)
the necessity of getting rid of this false The prohibition of the Egyptian usage
excrescence — a remarkable instance of offering food to the dead. Deut.
of primeval Protestantism. (Bunsen's xxxvi. 13, 14. (3) The prohibition
Egypt, iv. 649.) For the good side of of trees round the altar. Deut, xvi.
the Egyptian belief in immortality, 21. See Sharpe's Egypt, book ii. § 16.
H 2
100 ISRAEL IN EGYPT. lect. iv.
fundamental truth, but that what had been hitherto confined
to a priestly caste was for the first time made the common
property of a whole people. Such may possibly have been
the case. But it is not the natural impression left by the
monuments. The crowd of gods and goddesses, above all, the
overwhelming deification of the Pharaohs, of which I have
before spoken, seems almost impossible to reconcile with any
strong Monotheistic belief in Egypt, however far withdrawn
into the recesses of schools or priesthoods. One ever-recur-
ring symbol, however, of such a belief appears in colour and
sculpture on the Egyptian monuments, as in the Hebrew
records it appears also both in word and act. Everywhere,
but especially under the portal of every temple, are stretched
out the wide-spread wings, — blue, as if with the cloudless
blue of the overarching heavens, — covering the sanctuary, as
if with the shelter of some invisible protector. This recur-
rence of a symbol so simply and naturally expressive of a
beneficent overruling Power may be merely accidental. But
it is the nearest authentic approach which the Egyptian
monuments furnish to such an idea. It is the image to
which, in one sublime passage at least, the Divine presence
is compared, ' as it were a paved work of a sapphire stone,
'as it were the body of heaven in his clearness.' ' It is an
exact likeness of the wino-s which formed the covering^ of the
ark in the Tabernacle and the Temple, — a direct expression
of the feeling which has been made immortal in the words,
' Under the shadow of Thy wings shall be my refuge.' ^
' Ex. xxiv. 10. Compare our own of the detailed relations of Egyptian
use of the word ' Heaven.' to Israelite history, see Hengsten-
^ Ps. Ivii. 1. For the amplification berg's Egypt and the Books of Moses.
MOSES.
V. THE EXODUS.
VI. THE ■WILDERNESS.
VII. SINAI AND THE LAW.
VIII. KADESH AND PISGAH.
SPECIAL AUTHORITIES FOR THIS PERIOD.
1. (fl) The last four books of the Pentateuch (Hebrew and Sep-
tuagint).
(b) Ps. Ixxvii. 12-20 ; Ixxviii. 12-54 ; Ixxxi. 5-16 ; xc. ; xcv. 8-11 ;
cv. 23-44 ; cvi. 7-33 ; cxiv.; cxxxv. 8-9 ; cxxxvi. 10-16 : Isa.
Ixiii. 11-14 : Hos. xii. 13 : Micali vi. 4-9 : Ecclus. xlv. 1-22 :
2 Mace. ii. 10.
2. The Jewish traditions, preserved
(a) In the New Testament (Acts vii. 20-38; 2 Tim. iii. 8, 9;
Heb. xi. 23-28 ; Jude 9) : in Josephus (A9it. ii. 9— iv. 8, 49) :
and Philo (De vita Moysis),
(6) In the Talmud, the Targum Pseudojonathan, and the Midrashim :
extracted in Otho's Lexicon rabhinicmn.
3. The Heathen traditions of Eupolemus, Ai-tapanus, Ezekielus, and
Demetrius (Eusebius, Prap. Ev. ix. 26-29) : Manetho, Chseremon,
Lysimachus (Josephus, c. Apiotif i. 26-34) : Apion (ib. ii. 2)
Strabo (xvi. 2) : Diodorus Siculus (xxxiv. 1, xl. from Hecatseus) :
Tacitus (Ifist. v. 3, 4) : Justin (xxxvi. 2) : Clemens Alexandrinus,
Stromata, i. 22-25.
4. The Mussulman traditions in the Koran, ii. v. vii. x. xi. xviii. xx.
xxviii. xl. ; collected in Lane's Selections from the Kur-an, §§ xv.
xvi. ; Weil's Biblical Legends, p. 91 ; D'Herbelot's Mbl. Orien-
tale ('Moussa,' 'Caroun' i.e. Korah, 'Feraoun')j and Jalal-
addin, ch. xvi.
5. The Christian traditions in Apocrjrphal books : — (1) Prayers of
Moses, (2) Apocalypse of Moses, (3) Ascension of Moses, (4)
Prophecy of Balaam, Book of Jannes and Jambres, &c., in Fa-
bricius, Cod. Pseudejnp'. Vet. Test, i. 801-871.
MOSES.
LECTUEE V.
THE EXODUS.
The History, strictly speaking, of the Jewish Church begins
with the Exodus. In one sense, indeed, 'History herself
' was born on that night when Moses led forth his country-
' men from the land of Goshen.' ^ Traditions, genealogies,
institutions, isolated incidents, isolated characters, may be
discovered here and there, long before. But in Pagan
records there is no continuous narrative of events ; in the
Sacred records, whatever history exists is the history of a
man, of a family, of a tribe, but not of a people, a nation, a
commonwealth. This marked beginning, visible even in the
Jewish annals themselves, is yet more clearly brought out,
when considered from an external point of view. To the outer
heathen world the earlier period of the HebrcAv race, with
the single exception of Abraham, was an entire blank. Their
origin in the far East, their first settlement in Canaan, the
name of their first father, whether Jacob or Israel, these were
all but unknown to Greeks and Eomans. It is the Exodus
that reveals the Israelite to the eyes of Europe. Egypt was
the only land which the Gentile inquirers recognised as the
birthplace of the Jews. Moses is the character who first
• Bimsen's Egypt, i. 23.
104 THE EXODUS. lect. v.
appears, not only as the lawgiver, but as the representative
of the nation. In many wild, distorted forms, the rise of
this great name, the apparition of this strange people, was
conceived. Let us take the brief account — the best that has
been handed down to us — by the careful and truth-loving
Strabo.
'Moses, an Egyptian priest, who possessed a consider-
' able tract of Lower Egypt, unable longer to bear with what
' existed there, departed thence to Syria, and with him went
' out many who honoured the Divine Being (to Qslov). For
' Moses maintained and taught that the Egyptians were
* not right in likening the nature of Grod to beasts and cattle,
' nor yet the Africans, nor even the Greeks, in fashioning
'their gods in the form of men. He held that this only
'was God, — that which encompasses all of us, earth and
' sea, that which we call Heaven, and the Order of the world,
' and the Nature of things. Of this who that had any sense
' would venture to invent an image like to anything which
' exists amongst ourselves ? Far better to abandon all statu-
' ary and sculpture, all setting apart of sacred precincts and
' shrines, and to pay reverence, without any image whatever.
' The course prescribed was, that those who have the gift of
' good divinations, for themselves or for others, should com-
' pose themselves to sleep within the Temple ; and those who
'livetemperately and justly may expect to receive some good
' gift from God, — these always, and none besides.' ^
These words, unconsciously introduced in the work of
the Cappadocian geographer, occupying but a single section
of a single chapter in the seventeen books of his voluminous
treatise, awaken in us something of the same feeling as that
with which we read the short epistle of Pliny, describing
' Strabo, xTi. 760. He probaLly further and less acciu'ate details in
takes his account from Hecatseus (see Diodorus (xl.).
Ewald, ii. 74), which is given with
LECT. V. THE BIRTH OF JIOSES. 105
with equal unconsciousness, yet with equal truth, the first
appearance of the new Christian society which was to change
the face of mankind. With but a few trifling exceptions,
Strabo's account is, from his point of view, a faithful sum-
mary of the mission of Moses. What a curiosity it would
have roused in our minds, had this been all that remained
to us concerning him ! That cuiiosity we are enabled to
gratify from books which lay within Strabo's reach, though
he cared not to read them. Let us unfold from their ancient
pages the leading points of the signal deliverance, when
'Israel came out of Egypt, and the house of Jacob from
' among the strange people.'
The life of Moses, in the later period of the Jewish history,
was divided into three equal portions of forty years each.^
This agrees with the natural arrangement of his history into
the three parts, of his Egyptian education, his exile in Arabia,
and his government of the Israelite nation in the Wilderness
and on the confines of Palestine. The first two will be con-
tained in the present Lecture.
I. The early period of the life of Moses, as related in the
Pentateuch, is so closely bound up with the later traditions
concerning it, that it may be well to present it in the form
in which it appeared to his nation at the time of the Chris- The birth
tian era. His birth ^ — so ran the story — had been foretold
to Pharaoh by the Egyptian magicians, and to his father
Amram by a dream, as respectively the future destroyer and
deliverer. The pangs of his mother's labour were alleviated
so as to enable her to evade the Egyptian midwives. The
beauty of the new-born babe — in the later version of the
story amplified into a beauty and size almost divine ^ — in-
duced the mother to make extraoi-dinary efforts for its pre-
servation from the general destruction of the male children
» Acts vii. 23, 30. ' lb. ii. 9, § 1, 5. 'Acruos tw 0€f,
« Job. Ant. ii. 9, § 2-4. Acts vii. 20.
106 THE EXODUS. LEcr, v.
of Israel. For three months the child, under the name of
Joachim, was concealed in the house. Then his mother
placed him in a small boat or basket of papyrus (perhaps
from a current Egyptian belief ^ that that plant was a protec-
tion from crocodiles), closed against the water by bitumen.
This was placed among the aquatic vegetation by the side of
one of the canals of the Nile. The mother departed as if
unable to bear the sight. The sister lingered to watch her
brother's fate. The basket "^ floated down the stream.
His educa- The princess ^ came down, in primitive simplicity, to bathe
in the sacred river. Her attendant slaves followed her. She
saw the basket in the flags, or borne down the stream, and
despatched divers after it. The divers, or one of the female
slaves, brought it. It was opened, and the cry of the child
moved the princess to compassion. She determined to rear
it as her own. The sister was then at hand to recommend
a Hebrew nurse. The child was brought up as the princess's
son, and the memory of the incident was long cherished in
the name given to the foundling of the water's side — whether
according to its Hebrew or Egyptian form. Its Hebrew form
is Mosheh, from 7)iasah, 'to draw out' — 'because I have
'drawn him out of the water.' But this is probably the
Hebrew termination given to an Egyptian word signifying
' saved from the water.' * The ' Child] of the water ' was
adopted by the childless princess. Its beauty came to be
such, that passers-by stood fixed to look at it, and labourers
* Plut. Is. et Os. 358. the LXX., Mcovittjs, and thence in
* Jos. Ani. ii. 9, § 4. the Vulgate, Moi/ses (French Mdise).
^ Thermuthis (Jos. Ibid. § 5), or This form is retained in the Au-
Merrhis (Artap. in Eusebius), daugh- thorised Version of 1611, in 2 Mac-
ter of the king of Heliopolis, wife of cabees — ' Moises.' In the later
the king of Memphis. editions it is altered. Brugsch {His-
* In Coptic, «io^ water, and iishc toire cVEgypte, 157, 173) renders the
= saved. This is the explanation name Mcs or Messon = child, borne
given by Josephus {Ant. ii. 9, 6 ; c. by one of the princes of Ethiopia
Afion, i. 31), and confirmed by the under Eameses II., appearing also in
Greek form of the word adopted in the names Amosis and Thvith.- 3fosis.
LECT. V. MOSES IN EGYPT. 107
left tbeir work to steal a glance.^ Such was the narrative,
as moulded by successive generations, and finally adopted by
Josephus and Clement of Alexandria, from the simpler,
but still thoroughly Egyptian incidents of the BibHcal story.
From this time for many years Moses must be considered
as an Egyptian. In the Pentateuch, whether from absence
of authentic information, or stern disdain, or native simpli-
city, this period is a blank. But the well-known words of
Stephen's speech, which described him ^ as ' learned in all
' the wisdom of the Egyptians,^ and ' mighty in words and
' deeds, ^ are in fact a brief summary of the Jewish and Egyptian
traditions which fill up the silence of the Hebrew annals.
He was educated at Heliopolis,^ and grew up there as a priest,
under his Egyptian name of Osarsiph ^ or Tisithen.^ ' He
' learned arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, medicine, and
' music. He invented boats and engines for building — instru-
* ments of war and of hydrauKcs — hieroglyphics — division of
' lands.' He taught Orpheus, and was hence called by the
Grreeks Musseus,^ and by the Egyptians Hermes. He was sent
on an expedition against the Ethiopians. He got rid of the
serpents of the country to be traversed, by letting loose bas-
kets full of ibises upon them.^ The city of HermopoHs was
believed to have been founded to commemorate his victory.^
He advanced to the capital of Ethiopia, and gave it the name
of Meroe, from his adopted mother Merrhis, whom he buried
there. Tharbis, the daughter of the king of Ethiopia,^ fell
in love with him, and he returned in triumph to Egypt with
her as his wife.^°
The original account reopens with the time when he was
' Jos. Ant. ii. 9, § 6. ^ Artapaiuis, in Eusebius. Prep.
2 Acts vii. 22. Ev. ix. 26-29.
' Compaxe Strabo, xvii. 1. ' Jos. Ant. ii. 10, § 2.
♦ ' Osarsiph ' is derived by Mane- * Artapanus.
tho from Osiris. Jos. c. Ap, i. 26, 31. ° Comp. Num. xii. 1.
* Chiieromon, Ibid. 32. '« Jos. Ant. ii. 10, § 2.
108 THE EXODUS. lect. v.
resolved to reclaim his nationality. Here, again, the Epistle
to the Hebrews, following in the same track as Stephen's
speech, preserves the tradition in a distincter form than the
narrative of the Pentateuch- ' Moses, when he was come to
* years, refused to be called the son of Pharaoh's daughter ;
' choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God
' than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season ; esteeming
* the reproach of Christ greater riches than the treasures ' (the
ancient accumulated treasures of Ehampsinitus and the old
kings) ' of Egypt.' ^ In his earliest infancy he was reported to
have refused the milk of Egyptian nurses, and, when three
years old, to have trampled under his feet the crown which
Pharaoh had playfully placed on his head.^ According to the
Egyptian tradition, although a priest of Heliopolis, he always
performed his prayers according to the custom of his fathers,
outside the walls of the city, in the open air, turning towards
the sun-rising.^ The king was excited to hatred by his own
envy, or by the priests of Egypt, who foresaw their destroyer,'*
Various plots of assassination were contrived against him.
His escape, which failed. The last was after he had already escaped
across the Nile from Memphis, warned by his brother Aaron,
and when pursued by the assassin he killed him. The same
general account of conspiracies against his life appears in
Josephus.* All that remains of these traditions in the Sacred
narrative is the single and natural incident, that, seeing an
Israelite suffering the bastinado from an Egyptian, and think-
ing that they were alone, he slew the Egyptian (the later
tradition said,^ ' with a word of his mouth '), and buried the
corpse in the sand — the sand of the desert, then, as now,
running close up to the cultivated tract. The same fire of
patriotism which thus roused him as a deliverer from the
> Heb. xi. 24-26. * Artapanus.
' Jos. Ant. ii. 9, § 5, 7. * Ant. ii. 10, § 1.
" Id. c. Apion. ii. 2. * Clem. Alex. Strom, i. 23.
LECT. V. MOSES IN THE DESERT. 109
oppressors, turns him into the peacemaker of the oppressed.
It is characteristic of the faithfulness of the Sacred records
that his flight is occasioned rather by the malignity of his
countrymen than by the enmity of the Egyptians. And in
Stephen's speech ^ it is this part of the story which is drawn
out at greater length than in the original, evidently with the
view of showing the identity of the narrow spirit which had
thus displayed itself equally against their first and their last
deliverer.
II. Where these later traditions end, the Sacred history The Call of
begins. Whatever may have been the preparation provided
by Egyptian war or wisdom, it is in the unknown, unfre-
quented wilderness of Arabia, — in the same school of solitude
and of exile, which in humbler spheres has so often trained
great minds to the reception of new truths, — that the mission
of Moses was revealed to him. In that wonderful region of
the earth, where the grandeur of mountains is combined, as
hardly anywhere else, with the grandeur of the desert, —
amidst the granite precipices and the silent valleys of Horeb,
— as to his people afterwards, so to Mcjses now was the great
truth to be made manifest, of which, as we have seen, he was
recognised even by the heathen world to have been the first
national interpreter. ' Now Moses kept the flock of Jethro,
' his father-in-law, the Priest of Midian : and he led the flock
' to the back of the wilderness,' far from the shores of the Red
Sea, where Jethro seems to have dwelt, ' and came to the
' mountain of God, even to Horeb.' We know not tlie precise
place. Tradition, reaching back to the sixth century of the
Christian era, fixes it in the same deep seclusion as that to
which in all probability he afterwards led the Israelites. The
convent of Justinian is built over what was supposed to be
the exact spot where the shepherd was bid to draw his sandals
> Acts vii. 23-39.
110 THE EXODUS. lect. v.
from off his feet. The valley in which the convent stands is
called by the Arabian name of Jethro.' But whether this, or
the other great centre of the peninsula, Mount Serbal, be re-
garded as the scene of the event, the appropriateness would be
almost equal. Each has at different times been regarded as the
sanctuary of the desert. Each presents that singular majesty,
which, as Josephus tells us,^ and as the Sacred narrative
implies, had already invested ' The Mountain of Grod ' with
an awful reverence in the eyes of the Arabian tribes, as
though a Divine Presence rested on its solemn heights.
Around each, on the rocky ledges of the hill-side, or in the
retired basins, withdrawn within the deep recesses of the
adjoining mountains, or beside the springs which water the
The bum- adjacent valleys, would be found pasture of herbage or of
aromatic shrubs for the flocks of Jethro. On each, in that
early age, though now found only on Mount Serbal, must
have grown the wild acacia, the shaggy thornbush of the
Seneh, the most characteristic tree of the whole range. So
natural, so thoroughly in accordance with the scene, were
the signs, in which the call of Moses makes itself heard and
seen. Not in any outward form, human or celestial, such
as the priests of HeUopolis were wont to figure to themselves
as the representatives of Deity, but out of the midst of the
spreading thorn, the outgrowth of the desert wastes, did
' the Lord appear unto Moses.' A flame of fire, like that
which seemed to consume and waste away His people in the
furnace of affliction,^ shone forth amidst the dry branches of
the thorny tree, and ' behold ! the bush,' the massive thicket,
' burned with fire, and the bush was not consumed.' And
when the question arose, with what he should work the signs
by which his countrymen shall believe and hearken to his
> Shoaib = Hobab (Ewald, Gesch. ' See Philo, Vita Mosis, i. 91.
ii. 58, note). Compare Sinai and Palestine, 17, 20,
2 Ant. ii. 12, § 1. 45, 46.
LECT. V. THE CALL OF MOSES. Ill
voice, the same character recurs. No sword of war, such as
was wielded by Egyptian kings, no mystic emblem, such as
was borne by Egyptian gods, but — ' " What is that in thine
' hand ? " And he said, " A rod " ' ' a staff, a shepherd's crook, The shep-
the staff which indicated his return to the pastoral habits of g^ff.^
his fathers, the staff on which he leaned amidst his desert
wanderings, the staff with which he guided his kinsman's
flocks, the staff like that still borne by Arab chiefs — this was
to be the humble instrument of Divine power. ' In this,' as
afterwards in the yet humbler symbol of the Cross, in this,
the symbol of his simplicity, of his exile, of his lowliness,
' the world was to be conquered.' These were the outward
signs of his call. And, whatever the explanation put on their
precise import, there is this undoubted instruction conveyed
in their description, that they are marked by the peculiar
appropriateness to the circumstances of the Prophet, which
marks all like manifestations, through every variety of form,
to the Prophets, the successors of Moses, in each succeeding
age. In grace, as in nature, Grod, if we may use the well-
known exjaression, abhorret saltum, abhors a sudden unpre-
pared transition. ' The child is father of the man : ' the man
is father of the prophet — the days of both are ' bound each
' to each by natural piety.' It is the first signal instance of
the prophetic revelations. Its peculiar form is the key of all
that follow.
But, as in all these Eevelations, it is the substance and The Name
spirit of the message, rather than its outward form, which
carries with it the most enduring lesson, and the surest
mark of its heavenly origin. ' Behold, when I shall come
' to the children of Israel, and shall say unto them. The Grod
' of your fathers hath sent me unto you, and they shall say,
^ In the Mussulman traditions it that worked the ■wonders. D'Her-
was the white shining hand of Moses belot (' Moussa ').
112 THE EXODUS. leot. v.
' " What is His name ? " what shall I say unto them ? And
' Grod said unto Moses, I am that I am. . . . Thus skalt
* thou say unto the children of Israel^ " I AM hath sent me
' unto youJ^ '
It has been observed, that the great epochs o^ the history
of the Chosen People are marked by the several names, by
which in each the Divine Nature is indicated. In the Patri-
archal age we have already seen that the oldest Hebrew
form by which the most general idea of Divinity is expressed
is ' El,' ' Elohim,' ' The Strong One,' ' The Strong Ones,' ' The
Strong.' ' Beth-El,' ' Peni-El,' remained even to the latest
times memorials of this primitive mode of address and
worship. But now a new name, and with it a new truth,
was introduced. ' I am Jehovah ; I appeared unto Abraham,
'Isaac, and Jacob, by the name of El-Shaddai (God Al-
' mighty) ; but by my name JEHOVAH was I not kno^vn
* unto them.' ^ The only certain use of it before the time of
Moses is in the name ^ of ' Jochebed,' borne by his own
mother. It has been beautifully conjectured ^ that in the
small circle of that family a dim conception had thus arisen
of tlie Divine Truth, which was through the son of that family
proclaimed for ever to the world. It was the rending asunder
of the veil which overhung the temple'' of the Egyptian Sais.
' I am that which has been, and which is, and which is to be ;
' and my veil no mortal hath yet drawn aside.' It was the
declaration of the simplicity, the unity, the self-existence of
the Divine Nature,^ the exact opposite to all the multiplied
' Ex. vi. 2, 3. translation of Adonai, the word used
^ Ibid. 20. Jochebed is a contrac- by the excessive reverence of the
tion of Jeho-chebed ^ ' Jehovah my hiter Jews in the place of Jehovah.
glory.' (Gesenius, sub voce.) The only modern translation which
' Ewald, ii. 204, 5. has preserved the true rendering of
* Phitareh, Be hid. et Os. c. 9. Jehovah is the French 'L'Eternel,'
* The word Lord, by which we whence Bunsen has taken, in his
render it, is the translation of Kvpios, liihdwerJc, ' der Ewige.'
in the LXX., which again is the
LECT. V. THE EETUKN OF MOSES. ]13
forms of idolatry, human, animal, and celestial, that prevailed,
as far as we know, everywhere else. ' The Eternal.' This
was the moving spring of the whole life of Moses, of the
whole story of the Exodus. In viewing the history, even as
a mere national record, we cannot, if we would, dispense
with the impulse, the elevation, of which the name of
' Jehovah ' was at once the cause and the symbol. Slowly
and with difficulty it won its way into the heart of the people.
We can trace it through its gradual incorporation into the
proper names, beginning with the transformation of Hoshea
into Jehoshua. We can trace its deep religious significance
in the distinction between those portions of the Sacred records
where the name ' Jehovah ' occurs and those which con-
tain only or chiefly the older name of ' Elohim.' The awe
which it inspired went on, as it would seem, increasing rather
than diminishing with the lapse of years. A new turn was
given to it under the monarchy, when it becomes encompassed
with the attributes of the leader of the armies of earth and
heaven, ' Jehovah Sabaoth,' ' The Lord of Hosts.' And in
later times it lies concealed, enshrined, behind the word
which the trembling reverence of the last age of the Jewish
people substituted for it, and which appears in the Greek
and in the English version of the Scriptures, — 'Adonai,'
' Kyrios,' ' the Loed,' — a substitution which, whilst it effaced
the historical meaning of the name, prepared the way for the
still nearer and closer revelation of Grod in Him whom we
now emphatically acknowledge as ' Our Lord.'
But we must return to the original circumstances under The return
which the Revelation was first made. It is characteristic of ^^^o^®**-
the Biblical history that this new name, though itself pene-
trating into the most abstract metaphysical idea of Grod, yet
in its effect was the very opposite of a mere abstraction.
Closes is a prophet, — the first of the Prophets, — but he is also
a Deliverer. Israel, indeed, through him becomes ' a chosen
I
114 THE EXODUS. lect. v.
' people,' ' a holy congregation ' — in one word, a Church. But
it also through him becomes a nation : it passes, by his means,
from a pastoral, subject, servile tribe, into a civilised, free,
independent commonwealth. It is in this aspect that the more
human and historical side of his appearance presents itself.
It is true that even here we see him very imperfectly. In
him, as in the Apostles afterwards, the man is swallowed up
in the cause, the messenger in the message and mission with
which he is charged. Yet from time to time, and here in
this opening of his career more than elsewhere, his outward
and domestic relations are brought before us. He returns to
Egypt from his exile. In the advice of his father-in-law to
make war upon Egypt,^ in his meeting with his brother in
the desert of Sinai, may be indications of a mutual under-
standing and general rising of the Arabian tribes agaiDst the
Egyptian monarchy.^ But in the Sacred narrative our attention
is fixed only on the personal relations of the two brothers, now
His per- first mentioned together, never henceforth to be parted. From
pearance ^^^^ meeting and cooperation we have the first indications of
^"^ his individual character and appearance. We are accustomed
character.
to invest him with all the external grandeur which would
naturally correspond to the greatness of his mission. The
statue of Michael Angelo rises before us in its commanding
sternness, as the figure before which Pharaoh trembled.
Something, indeed, of this is justified by the traditions respect-
ing him. The long shaggy hair and beard,^ which enfold in
their vast tresses that wild form, appear in the heathen re-
presentations of him. The beauty of the child is, by the
same traditions, continued into his manhood. 'He was,'
says the historian Justin ^ (with the confusion so common
' Artapanus. or tall and dignified in appearance,
2 Ewald, ii. 5-9, 60. with long streaming hair, of a reddish
^ An old man with a long beard, hue, tinged with grey, as given by
seated on an ass, was the idea of Artapanns.
Moses, as given by Diodorus (xxxiv.) ; * xxxvi. 2.
LECT. V. AAEON. 115
in Gentile representations), ' both as wise and as beautiful
' as his father Joseph.' But the only point described in
the Sacred narrative is one of singular and unlooked-for
infirmity. ' 0 my Lord, I am not eloquent, neither here^
' tofore, nor since thou hast spoken to thy servant ; but I
' am slow of speech, and of a slow tongue ; . . . . how shall
' Pharaoh hear me, which am of uncircumcised lips ? ' — that
is, slow and without words, ' stammering and hesitating ' (so
the Septuagint strongly expresses it), like Demosthenes in his
earlier youth,— slow and without words, like the circuitous
orations of the English Cromwell,'— ' his speech contemp-
tible,' like the speech of the Apostle Paul. How often has
this been repeated in the history of the world — how truly has
the answer been repeated also : ' Who hath made man's
* mouth ? . . . Have not I the Lord ? . . . I will be thy
* mouth, and teach thee what thou shalt say.'
And when the remonstrance went up from the true disin- Eektions
terested heart of ]Moses, * 0 my Lord, send, I pray thee, by ^ud Aaron.
' the hand of him whom thou wilt send ' (' Make any one
'thine Apostle so that it be not me'), the future relation
of the two brothers is brought to light. ' Is not Aaron the
' Levite thy brother ? I know that he can speak well. And
' also, behold, he cometh forth to meet thee, and when he
' seeth thee he will be glad in his heart.. And thou shalt
'speak unto him, and put words in his mouth. . . . And
' he shall be thy spokesman unto the people, and he shall
' be, even he shall be to thee instead of a mouth, and thou
* shalt be to him instead of Grod.' In all outward appear-
ance,— as the Chief of the tribe of Levi, as the head of the
family of Amram, as the spokesman and interpreter, as the
first who ' spake to the people and to Pharaoh all the words
' which the Loed had spoken to Moses,' and did the signs
' See Carlyle's Cromwell, ii. 219.
I 2
116 THE EXODUS. lect. v.
in the sight of the people, as the permanent inheritor of the
sacred staff or rod, the emblem of rule and power, — Aaron,
not Moses, must have been the representative and leader of
Israel. But Moses was the inspiring, informing soul within
and behind ; and, as time rolled on, as the first outward
impression passed away, and the deep, abiding recollection
of the whole story remained, Aaron the prince and priest has
almost disappeared from the view of history ; and Moses, the
dumb, backward, disinterested Prophet, continues for all ages
the foremost leader of the Chosen People, the witness that
something more is needed for the guidance of man than high
hereditary office or the gift of fluent speech, — a rebuke alike
to an age that puts its trust in priests and nobles, and an age
that puts its trust in preachers and speakers.
His wife As his relations with Aaron give us a glimpse into his
djpu, personal history, so his advance towards Egypt gives us a
glimpse into his domestic history. His wife, whom he had
won by his chivalrous attack on the Bedouin shepherds by
' the well ' of Midian, and her two infant sons, are with
him. She is seated with them on the ass, — the usual mode
of travelling, for Israelites at least, in those parts. He
walks by their side with his shepherd's staff. On the journey
a mysterious and almost inexplicable incident occurs in the
family. The most probable explanation seems to be, that
at the caravanserai either Moses or his eldest child was
struck with what seemed to be a mortal illness. In some
way, not apparent to us, this illness was connected by Zip-
porah with the fact that her son had not been circumcised —
whether in the general neglect of that rite amongst the
Israelites in Egjrpt, or in consequence of his birth in Midian.
She instantly performed the rite, and threw the sharp in-
strument, stained with the fresh blood, at the feet of her
husband, exclaiming in the agony of a mother's anxiety for
the life of her child, ' A bloody husband thou art to cause
LECT. V. THE DELIVERANCE. 117
' the death of my son.' Then, when the recovery from the
illness took place (whether of her son or her husband), she
exclaims again : ' A bloody husband still thou art, but not
* so as to cause the child's death, but only to bring about
' his circumcision.' ^
It would seem as if, in consequence of this event, what-
ever it was, the wife and her cliildren were sent back to
Jethro, and remained with him till Moses joined them at
Rephidim.^ Unless Zipporah is the Cushite wife ' who gave
such umbrage to Miriam and Aaron, we hear of her no more.
■ The two sons also sink into obscurity. Their names,
though of Levilical origin, relate to their foreign birthplace.
Gersliom, the ' stranger,' and Eli-ezer, ' Grod is my help,'
commemorated their father's exile and escape.'* Their pos-
terity lingered in obscurity down to the time of David.^
From the Deliverer we proceed to the Deliverance. We
need not repeat what has been already said of the condition
of Egypt at this time, and of the peculiar oppression of the
Israehtes.
The deliverance, in its essential features, is the likeness of The Deli-
all such deliverances. ' When the tale of bricks is doubled,
' then comes JMoses.' This is the proverb which has sustained
the Jewish nation through many a long oppression. The
truth contained in it, the imagery of the Exodus, have doubt-
less been more than the types, they have often been the
sustaining causes and consolations, of the many successful
' So Ewald {Alterthilm. 105), and Ethiopians derived circumcision from
Bunsen (Ilibelwerk, i. 112). taking the Moses.
siclaiess to have visited Moses. Kosen- * Ex. xviii. 2-6.
miLUer makes Gershom the victim ^ Num. xii. 1. Compare the jioxta-
(see Ex. iv. 25), and makes Zipporah position of ' Cushan ' and 'Midian'
address Jehovah, the Arabic word in Hab. iii. 7.
for ' man-iage ' being a synonjTne for * Ex. xviii. 3, 4.
'circumcision.' It is possible that * 1 Chr. xxiii. 16, 17; xxiv. 24;
on this story is founded the tradition xxvi. 25-28. See also Judg. xviii.
of Artapanus (Eusebius), that the 30,
118 THE EXODUS. lect. v.
struggles which from that day to this the oppressed have
waged against the oppressor. But that which is peculiar in
the story of the Exodus is the mode by which it was effected.
First, it was not a mere case of ordinary insurrection of a
slave population against their masters. The Egyptian version
of the event represents it as a dread, an aversion entertained
by the oppressors towards the oppressed as towards an ac-
cursed and polluted people. It was a mutual hatred. The
king, according ^ to the constant Egyptian tradition, was
troubled by dreams, and commanded by oracles to rid him-
self of the nation of lepers. And this, from another point
of view, is also the prevailing sentiment of the Egyptians, as
given in the Sacred writers. ' Rise up, and get you forth
'from among my people. . . . Egypt was glad at their
' departing — for they were afraid of them.'
The And it is impossible, as we read the description of the
Pla<nies.
^ Plagues, not to feel how much of force is added to it by a
knowledge of the peculiar customs and character of the
country in which they occurred. It is not an ordinary river
that is turned into blood ; it is the sacred,^ beneficent, soli-
tary Nile, the very life of the state and of the people, in its
streams and canals and tanks, and vessels of wood and vessels
of stone, then, as now, used for the filtration of the delicious
water from the sediment of the river-bed. It is not an
ordinary nation that is struck by the mass of putrefying
vermin lying in heaps by the houses, the villages, and the
fields, or multiplying out of the dust of the desert sands on
each side of the Nile valley. It is the cleanliest of all the
ancient nations, clothed in white linen, anticipating, in their
fastidious delicacy and ceremonial purity, the habits of
modern and northern Europe. It is not the ordinary cattle
that died in the field, or ordinary fish that died in the river,
» Jos. c. Apion. i. 26, 32, 34. « Philo, V.M. i. 17.
LECT. V. THE DELIVERANCE. 119
or ordinary reptiles that were overcome by the rod of Aaron.
It is the sacred goat of Mendes, the ram of Amnion, the calf
of Heliopolis, the bull Apis, the crocodile ' of Ombos, the
carp of Eshneh. It is not an ordinary land of which the
flax and the barley, and every green thing in the trees, and
every herb of the field are smitten by the two great calamities
of storm and locust. It is the garden ^ of the ancient Eastern
world, — the long line of green meadow and corn-field, and
groves of palm and sycomore and fig-tree, from the Cataracts
to the Delta, doubly refreshing from the desert which it
intersects, doubly marvellous from the river whence it springs.
If these things were calamities anywhere, they were truly
' signs and wonders,' — speaking signs and oracular wonders,
— in such a land as ' the land of Ham.' In whatever way
we unite the Hebrew and the Egyptian accounts, there
can be no doubt that the Exodus was a crisis in Egyptian
as well as in Hebrew history, ' a nail struck into the coffin of
' the Egyptian monarchy.' ^
But, secondly, the Israelite annals, unlike the records of
any other nation, in ancient or modern times, which has
thrown off the yoke of slavery, claim no merit, no victory of
their own. There is no Marathon, no Eegillus, no Tours, no
Morgarten. All is from above, nothing from themselves.*
In whatever proportions the natural and the supernatural
are intermingled, this result equally remains. The locusts,
the flies, the murrain, the discoloured river, the storm, the
darkness of the sandy wind, the plague, are calamities
natural ^ to Egypt, though rare, and exhibited here in ag-
gravated and terrible forms. But not the less are they the
' The 'serpent' of Exod. vii. 9, ° Bunsen, Bibelurkunden, i. 107.
10, 12 (a different ■word from that in * See the version of the plagues
iv. 3 ; vii. 15), is evidently a 'croco- given by Artapanus (Eusebius).
dile.' ^ This is the view taken in Heng-
- Gen. xiii. 10; 'a garden of the stenberg's Ec/ypt and the Books of
' Lord, the land of Egj-pt.' Moses.
1-20 THE EXODUS. i,ect. v.
interventions of a Power above the power of man, — not
the less did they call the mind of the Israelite from dwelling
on his own strength and glory, to the miglity Hand and the
stretched-out Arm, on which alone, through his subsequent
history, he was to lean.
It is in the final issue of the Exodus that this most clearly
appears, and here we can approach more nearly to the events
as they actually presented themselves; especially with the
additional light thrown upon it by the allusions in the
Psalms, by the parallel story of Josephus, and by the cus-
toms through which it was commemorated in after times.
The There are some days of which the traces left on the mind
Exodus. ^£ ^ nation are so deep that the events themselves seem to
live on long after they have been numbered with the past.
Such was the night of the month Nisan in the eighteenth
century before the Christian era. ' It is a night to be much
' observed unto the Lord, for bringing* them out of the land
I ' of Egypt ; this is that night of the Lord to be observed of
' the children of Israel in their generations.' Dimly we see
and hear, in the darkness and the confusion of that night, the
stroke which at last broke the heart of the king and made
him let Israel go. 'At midnight the Lord smote all the
' first-born in the land of Egypt, from the first-born of Pha-
' raoh that sate on his throne, to the first-born of the captive
' that was in the dungeon ; and all the first-born of cattle.
' And Pharaoh rose up in the night, he, and all his servants,
' and all the Egyptians ; and there was a great cry in Egypt,'
— the loud, frantic, funeral wail characteristic of the whole
nation, — 'for there was not a house where there was not
' one dead.' In the Egyptian accounts this destruction was
described ' as effected by an incursion of the Arabs. The
Jewish Psalmist ascribes it to the sudden visitation of the
plague. ' He spared not their soul from death, but gave
' Jos. c. Apion. i. 27.
LECT. V. THE PASSOVER. 121
' their life over unto the pestilence.' ^ Egyptian and Israelite
each regarded it as a divine judgment on the worship, no less
than the power, of Egypt. ' The Egj^tians biu-ied their first-
' born whom the Lord had smitten ; upon their gods also did
' the Lord execute judgment.' ^
But whilst of the more detailed effect of that night on
Egypt we know nothing, for its effects on Israel it might
almost be said that we need not go back to any written
narrative. It still moves and breathes amongst us.
Amongst the various festivals of the Jewish Church, one The Pass-
only (till the institution of those which commemorated the ^'^^^'
much later deliverances from Haman and from Antiochus Epi-
phanes) was distinctly historical. In the feast of the Pesach,
Pascha, or Passover, the scene of the flight of the Israelites,
its darkness, its hurry, its confusion, was acted year by year,
as in a living drama. In part it is still so acted throughout
the Jewish race ; in all its essential features (some of which
have died out everywhere else) it is enacted, in the most
lively form, by the solitary remnant of that race which, under
the name of Samaritan, celebrates the whole Paschal sacrifice,
year by year, on the summit of jNIount Grerizim.^ Each house-
holder assembled his family round him ; the feast was within
the house ; there was no time or place for priest or sacred
edifice, — even after the establishment of the sanctuary at
Jerusalem, this vestige of the primitive or the irregular cele-
bration of that night continued, and not in the Temple courts,
but in the upper chamber ■* of the private houses, was the room
prepared where the Passover was to be eaten. The animal
slain and eaten on the occasion was itself a memorial of the
pastoral state of the people. The shepherds of Goshen, with
their flocks and herds, whatever else they could furnish for a
hasty meal, would at least have a lamb or a kid, — ' a male
' Psalm Lxxviii. 51. ' For this ceremony, see Appendix III.
^ Num. xxxiii. 4. * Mark xiv. 15, sqq.
122 THE EXODUS. lect. v.
* of the first year from the sheep or from the goats.' As
the sun set behind the African desert, they were to strike
its blood on the door-posts of the house as a sign of their
deliverance. At Grerizim, amidst the wild recitation of the
narrative of the original ordinance, the chiefs of the Samari-
tan community rush forward, and, as the blood flows from
the throat of the slaughtered sheep, they dip their fingers
in the stream; and each man, woman, and child, even to
the child in arms, was, till recently, marked on the forehead
with the red stain. On the cruciform wooden spit — this
we know from Justin Martyr ^ was the practice in ancient
times — the lamb is left to be roasted whole, after the manner
of Eastern feasts.
Night falls ; the stars come out ; the bright moon is in the
sky: the household gathers round, and then takes place the
hasty meal, of which every part is marked by the almost
frantic haste of the first celebration, when Pharaoh's messengers
were expected every instant to break in with the command,
' Get you forth from among my people ; Go ! Begone ! '
The guests of each household at the moment of the meal rose
from their sitting and recumbent posture, and stood round
the table on their feet. Their feet, usually bare within the
house, were shod as if for a journey. Each member of the
household, even the women, had staffs in their hands, as if
for an immediate departure ; the long Eastern garments of
the men were girt up, for the same reason, round their
loins. The roasted lamb was torn to pieces, each snatch-
ing and grasping in his eager fingers the morsel which
he might not else have time to eat. Not a fragment is
left for the morning, which will find them gone and far
away. The cakes of bread which they broke and ate were
tasteless from the want of leaven, which there had been
no leisure to prepare ; and, as on that fatal midnight they
' Dial. c. Triji^lwne ; Bochart, Hicros. ' de Agno Paschali.'
lECT. V. THE PASSOVEE. 123
'took their dough before it was leavened, their kneading
' troughs being bound up in their clothes on their shoulders,'
so the recollection of this characteristic incident was stamped
into the national memory by the prohibition of every kind
of leaven or ferment, for seven whole days during the cele-
Ijration of the feast — the feast, as it was from this cause
named, of unleavened bread. And, finally, in the subse-
quent union of later and earlier usages, the thanksgiving for
their deliverance was always present. The reminiscence of
their bondage was kept up by the mess of bitter herbs,
which gave a relish to the supper. That bitter cup again
was sweetened by the festive character which ran through
the whole transaction and gave it in later generations what
in its first institution it could hardly have had, — its full
social and ecclesiastical aspect. The wine-cups were blessed
amidst the chants of the long-sustained hymn from the
113th to the 118th Psalm, of which the thrilling parts must
always have been those which sing how ' Israel came out of
' Egypt ; ' * how ' not unto them, not unto them, but unto Je-
' hovah's name was the praise to be given for ever and ever.' ^
So lived on for centuries the tradition of the Deliverance
from Egypt ; and so it lives on still, chiefly in the Hebrew
race, but, in part, in the Christian Church also. Alone of all
the Jewish festivals, the Passover has outlasted the Jewish
polity, has overleaped the boundary between the Jewish
and Christian communities. With the other festivals of the
Israelites we have no concern : even the name of the weekly
festival of the Sabbath only continues amongst us by a kind
of recognised solecism, and its day has been studiously
changed. But the name of the Paschal feast in the largest
proportion of Christendom is still, unaltered, the name of
the greatest Christian holiday. The Paschal Lamb, in deed
or in word, is become to us symbolical of the most sacred of
' Ps. cxiv. 1. ^ Ps. cxv. 1.
124 THE EXODUS. lect. v.
all events. The Easter full moon, which has so long regu-
lated the calendars of the Christian world, is, one may say,
the lineal successor of the bright moonlight which shed its
rays over the palm groves of Egypt on the fifteenth mght of
the month Nisan ; Jew and Christian, at that season, both
celebrate what is to a certain extent a common festival : even
the most sacred ordinance of the Christian religion is, in its
outward form, a relic of the Paschal Supper, accompanied by
hymn and thanksgiving, in the upper chamber of a Jewish
household. The nature of the bread which is administered
in one large section of the Christian Church bears witness,
by its round unleavened wafers, to its Jewish origin, and to
the disorder of the hour when it was first eaten. And as, in
the course of history, ecclesiastical as well as civil, events the
most remote and the most trivial constantly ramify into
strange and unlooked-for consequences, — the attempt of the
Latin Church to perpetuate, and of the Eastern Church to
cast off, this historical connexion with the peculiar usage of
the ancient people from which they both sprang, became one
of the chief causes or pretexts of their final rupture from
each other.
TheFlight. It is difficult to conceive the migration of a whole nation
under such circumstances. This difficulty, amongst others,
has induced the well-kno^vn French commentator ^ on the
Exodus, with every desire of maintaining the letter of the
narrative, to reduce the numbers of the text from 600,000 to
600 armed men. The great German scholar defends the
correctness of the original numbers.^ In illustration of the
event, a sudden retreat is recorded of a whole nomadic
people — 400,000 Tartars— under cover of a single night,
from the confines of Russia to the confines of China, as late as
the close of the last century.^ We may leave the question to
* Laborde on Exodus and Numbers. ' See Bell's History of JRussia, ii.
Ewald, ii. 253, sqq. App. C. De Quincey's Wor/cs, iv. 112.
LECT. V. THE FLIGHT. 125
the critical analysis of the text and of the general probabilities
of the case, and confine ourselves to what remains equally true
under either hypothesis. Those who have seen the start of
the great caravans of pilgrims in the East, may form some
notion of the silence and order with which even very large
masses break up from their encampments, and, as in this
instance, usually in the darkness and the cool of the night,
set out on their journey, the torches flaring before them, the
train of camels and asses spreading far and wide through the
broad level desert.
From Rameses the first start was made. This the Septua- Kameses.
gint fixed on the north-east skirts of the Delta, and to the same
locality we are directed by the most recent discoveries.^ All
that follows is wi'apt in too great an obscurity to justify any
detailed description. The spots are indeed named with an
exactness which provokes and tantalises in proportion to the
certainty with which they must once have been known, and
the uncertainty which has rested upon them since. Still the
general direction of the flight, and the general features of the
resting-places, may be gathered. South-eastward they went,
— not by the short and direct road to Palestine, but by the
same circuitous route, through the wilderness of the Red Sea,
which their ancestors had followed in bearing away the body
of Jacob, as now they were bearing off, with different thoughts
and aims, the coffin which contained the embalmed remains
of Joseph. The nomenclature of the several halts indicates
something of the country through which they passed. The
first was 'Succoth,' — the place of 'booths^ or ^ leafy Jiuts,^ Succoth.
— the last spot where they could have found the luxuriant
foliage of tamarisk and sycomore and palm, 'branches of
' thick trees to make booths, as it is written.' How deeply
that first resting-place was intended to be sunk into their
' Lcpsius, Letters from Egy])t and Ethiopia, p. 438.
126
THE EXODUS.
Feast of
Taberna-
cles.
Etham.
Passage of
the Eed
Sea.
remembrance may be gathered from the fact, that this, rather
than any of the numerous halts in their later wanderings, was
selected to be represented after their entrance into Palestine,
as a memorial of their stay in the wilderness. The Feast of
Tabernacles, or Succoth, was a feast not of tents, — but of
huts woven together from 'the boughs of goodly trees,
' branches of palm-trees, and the boughs of thick trees, and
' willows of the brook,' that ' all their generations might
' know that the Lord made the children of Israel to dwell in
* booths, when He brought them up out of the land of Egypt.' '
It was the first step that involved the whole ; it was the first
step, therefore, the last lingering on the confines of Egyptian
vegetation and civilisation, the first step into the wandering
state of the desert, that was to be henceforward commemo-
rated. The next halt was Etham, on 'the edge of the
wilderness.' Cities they had left behind them at Rameses,
the groves and villages they had left behind at Succoth ; the
green land of Egypt, cut off as with a knife from the hard
desert tract on which they now entered, they left behind at
Etham. They were now fairly in the wilderness.
And now came the command ' to turn,' not to go straight
forward, as they would have expected, round the head of the
gulf, but ' to turn ' and ' encamp between Migdol and the
' sea, beside the sea, before Pi-hahiroth, over against Baal-
' zephon.' Here is exactly a case of that precision which
guarantees to us that the spot was once well known, yet
which now serves us but little.^ Could we but discover the
site of .the "pastures of Pi-hahiroth (such must be the meaning
of that Egyptian word) or the sanctuary of Typhon (such
must be the meaning of Baal-zephon), the controversy re-
specting the locality and the nature of the passage of the Eed
Sea would be at an end. As it is, we are led in two opposite
' Lev. xxiii. 40-43.
* Sbuxi and Talestine^ 34-37.
LECT. V. PASSAGE OF THE EED SEA. 127
directions, — on the one hand, the extreme northern point
(beyond the spot where the present gulf terminates, but to
which it must anciently have extended) ^ is indicated by the
mention of Migdol, which can hardly be any other than the
well-known town or tower called by the Greeks JMagdolon ;
on the other hand, the narrative of Josephus speaks distinctly
of ' the mountain ' as that which ' entangled and shut them
' in,' which can be no other than the lofty range of the Jebel
Attaka, the Mountain of Deliverance, south of the modern
Suez. But whichever of these it be, the narrative compels
us to look for the passage somewhere near the head of the
then gulf, whence the width would be such as to allow the
host to pass over in a single night, and the waters to be parted
by the means described, namely, by a strong wind,^ or by
the shortness of the distance required for the Israelites to
escape the pursuers. The ancient theory adopted by the
Kabbinical and early Christian writers, that the Israelites
merely performed a circuit in the sea and returned again to
the Egyptian shores, will now be maintained by no one who
has any regard to the dignity of the story or the grandeur
of the event described. Dismissing, therefore, these geo-
graphical considerations, we may fix our minds on the
essential features of this great deliverance, as it will be
acknowledged without dispute by every reader.
The Israelites were encamped on the western shore of the
Eed Sea, when suddenly a cry of alarm ran through the
vast multitude. Over the ridges ^ of the desert hills were seen
the well-known horses, the terrible chariots of the Egyptian
host : ' Pharaoh pursued after the children of Israel, and
' they were sore afraid,'
' Sharpe (i. 136) and the French in- Suez and the Bitter Lakes,
vestigators suppose that it was the ^ Not necessarily ' east.' See LXX.
neck of land ('the tongue' alluded to (Ex. xiv. 21), and Philo, V. M. i. 32.
in Isa. xi. 15) between the Gulf of ^ Philo, V. M. i. 30.
128
THE EXODUS.
Passage
from
Africa '
to Asia:
from sla-
very to
freedom.
' They were sore afraid ; ' and in that terror and per-
plexity the sun went down behind the huge mountain range
which rose on their rear, and cut off their return to Egypt ;
and the dark night ^ fell over the waters of the sea which
rolled before them and cut off their advance into the desert.
So closed in upon them that evening ; where were they when
the morning broke over the hills of Arabia? where were
they, and where were their enemies ?
They stood in safety on the further shore ; and the cha-
riots, and the horsemen, and the host of Pharaoh had
vanished in the waters. Let us calmly consider, so far as
our knowledge will allow us, the extent of such a deliverance
effected at a moment so critical.
First, we must observe what may be called the whole change
of the situation. They had passed in that night from Africa
to Asia ; they had crossed one of the great boundaries which
divide the quarters of the world ; a thought always thrilling,
how much more when we reflect on what a transition it in-
volved to them. Behind the African hills, which rose beyond
the Eed Sea, lay the strange land of their exile and bondage,
— the land of Egypt with its mighty river, its immense build-
ings, its monster-worship, its grinding tyranny, its overgrown
civilisation. This they had left to revisit no more : the Eed
Sea flowed between them ; ' the Egyptians whom they saw
'yesterday they will now see no more again for ever.' And
before them stretched the level plains of the Arabian desert,
the desert where their fathers and their kindred had wan-
dered in former times, where their great leader had fed the
flocks of Jethro, through which they must advance onwards
till they reach the Land of Promise. Further, this change
of local situation was at once a change of moral condition.
From slaves they had become free; from an oppressed tribe
' Being the 18th or 19th of the month, the moon would not rise till
some hours after nightfall.
LF.CT. V. PASSAGE OF THE RED SEA. 129
they had become an independent nation. It is their de-
liverance from slavery. It is the earliest recorded instance of
a great national emancipation. In later times Eeligion has
been so often and so exclusively associated with ideas of
order, of obedience, of submission to authority, that it is well
to be occasionally reminded that it has had other aspects
also. This, the first epoch of our religious history, is, in its
original historical significance, the sanctification, tlie glorifica-
tion of national independence and freedom. Whatever else
was to succeed to it, this was the first stage of the progress
of the Chosen People. And when in the Christian Scriptures
and in the Christian Church we find the Passage of the Eed
Sea taken as the likeness of the moral deliverance from sin
and death, — when we read in the Apocalypse of the vision of
those who stand victorious on the shores of ' the glassy sea
' mingled with fire, having the harps of Grod and singing the
' song of Moses the servant of God, and the song of the Lamb,'
— these are so many sacred testimonies to the importance, to
the sanctity of freedom, to the wrong and the misery of
injustice, oppression, and tyranny. The word ' Eedemption,'
which has now a sense far holier and higher, first entered into
the circle of religious ideas at the time when Grod ' redeemed
' His people from the house of bondage.'
But it was not only the fact but the mode of their de- Its myste-
liverance which made this event so remarkable in itself, in ehar^ter.
its applications, and in its lasting consequences. We must
place it before us, if possible, not as we conceive it from
pictures and from our own imaginations, but as in the words
of the Sacred narrative, illustrated by the Psalmist, and by
the commentary of Joseplius and Philo.' The Passage, as
thus described, was effected not in the calmness and clear-
ness of daylight, but in the depth of midnight, amidst the
" Jos. Ant. ii. 16, § 3. Philo, Vii. Mas. i. 32.
K
130 THE EXODUS. lect. v.
roar of the hurricane which caused the sea to go back — amidst
a darkness lit up only by the broad glare of the lightning as
' the Lord looked out ' from the thick darkness of the cloud.
' The waters saw Thee, 0 God, the waters saw Thee and were
' afraid ; the depths also were troubled. The clouds poured
' out water ; the air thundered ; Thine arrows went abroad ;
'the voice of Thy thunder was heard round about; the
' lightnings shone upon the ground ; the earth was moved
' and shook withal.' ^ We know not, they knew not, by
what precise means the deliverance was wrought : we know
not by what precise track through the gulf the passage
was effected. We know not, and we need not know; the
obscurity, the mystery, here as elsewhere, was part of the
lesson. ' Grod's way was in the sea, and His paths in the
' great waters, and His footsteps were not hioivnJ All tliat
we see distinctly is, that through this dark and terrible night,
with the enemy pressing close behind, and the driving sea
on either side, He ' led His people like sheep by the hand of
'Moses and Aaron.'
Long afterwards was the recollection preserved in all their
religious imagery. Living as they did apart from all mari-
time pursuits, yet their poetry, their devotion, abounds with
expressions which can be traced back only to this beginning
of their national history. They had been literally ' baptized
' unto Moses in the cloud and in the sea.' And as, in the
case of the early Christians, the plunge in the baptismal
bath was never forgotten, so even in the dry inland valleys of
Palestine, danger and deliverance were always expressed by
the visions of sea and storm. ' All Thy waves and storms
' are gone over me.' ' The springs of waters were seen, and
' the foundations of the round world were discovered at Thy
' That the storm of rain, thunder, ancient Hebrew traditions, aj^pears
and liglitning, as given by Josephus from Ps. Ixxvii. 12-21.
and Philo, is a genuine part of the
LECT. V. PASSAGE OF THE RED SEA. 131
' chiding, 0 Lord, at the blasting of tlie breath of Thy
' displeasure He drew me out of many waters.' Their
whole national existence was a thanksgiving, a votive
tablet, for their deliverance in and from and through the
Eed Sea.
But another and a still more abiding impression was that Its provi-
this deliverance — the first and greatest in their history — character,
was effected, not by their own power, but by the power of
Grod. There are moments in the life both of men and of
nations, both of the world and of the Church, when vast
blessings are gained, vast dangers averted, through our own
exertions — by the sword of the conqueror, by the genius of
the statesman, by the holiness of the saint. Such, in Jewish
history, was the conquest of Palestine by Joshua, the de-
liverances wrought by Gideon, by Samson, and by David.
Such, in Christian history, were the revolutions effected by
Clovis, by Charlemagne, by Alfred, by Bernard, and by
Luther. But there are moments of still higher interest, of
still more solemn feeling, when deliverance is brought about
not by any human energy, but by causes beyond our own
control. Such, in Christian history, are the raising of the
siege of Leyden and the overthrow of the Armada ; and such,
above all, was the Passage of the Ked Sea.
Whatever were the means employed by the Almighty —
whatever the path which He made for Himself in the great
waters, it was to Him, and not to themselves, that the Israelites
were compelled to look as the source of their escape. ' Stand
' still ^ and see the salvation of Jehovah,' was their only duty.
' Jehovah hath triumphed gloriously,' was their only song of
victory. It was a victory into which no feeling of pride or
self-exaltation could enter. It was a fit opening of a history
and of a character which was to be specially distinguished
J Seethe celebrated sermon of Dr. Pusey on tliat text, Not. o, 1837..
K 2
132 THE EXODUS. lect. v.
from that of other races by its constant and direct dependence
on the Supreme Judge and Ruler of the world. Greece and
Eome could look back with triumph to the glorious days
when they had repulsed their invaders,, had risen on their
tyrants, or driven out their kings. But the birthday of
Israel, — the birthday of the religion, of the liberty, of the
nation, of Israel, — was the Passage of the Red Sea;— the
likeness in this, as in so many other respects, of the yet
greater events in the beginnings of the Christian Church, of
which it has been long considered the anticipation and the
emblem.^ It was the commemoration, not of what man has
wrought for God, but of what God has wrought for man.
No baser thoughts, no disturbing influences, could mar the
overwhelming sense of thankfulness with which, as if after
a hard-won battle, the nation found its voice in the first
Hebrew melody, in the first burst of national poetry,^ which
still lives on, through Handel's music, to keep before the mind
of all Western Christendom the day * when Israel came out
' of Egjrpt, and the house of Jacob from a strange land.' On
the Arabian shore of the Red Sea, Moses and the sons of
Israel, we are told, met Miriam the Prophetess, the sister of
Aaron, at the head of the long train of Israelite women, with
the sounding timbrels and the religious dances which they
had learned in Egypt, coming forth, as was the wont of Hebrew
women after some great victory, to greet the triumphant
host. She, the third member, the eldest born, of that noble
family, whose name now first appears in the history of the
Church, afterwards to become so renowned through its
Grecian and European forms of Maria and Mary, — she, who
had watched her infant brother by the river-side, now hailed
him as the deliverer of her people, or rather, if we may with
reverence say so, hailed the Divine Deliverer, by the new
' Ewakl, ii. 94. Moral and Metaj^hysical Philosophy,
" Compare Maurice's History of 11,
lECT. V. PASSAGE OF THE EED SEA. 133
and awful Name, now first clearly proclaimed to her family
and her nation :
Sing unto Jehovah, for He is ' lifted up on high, on high.'
The horse and his rider hath He thrown into the sea.
My strength and song is Jah, and He is become my salvation.
He is my God, and I will praise Him ; my father's God, and I will
exalt Him.
Jehovah is a man of war, Jehovah is His name.
Pharaoh's chariots and his host hath He cast into the sea.
His chosen captains also are drowned in the Eed Sea.
The depths covered them, they sank to the bottom as a stone.
Thy right hand, Jehovah, is become glorious in power : Tliy right
hand, Jehovah, hath dashed in pieces the enemy.
And in the greatness of Thy height Thou hast overthrown them
that rose up against Thee.
Tliou sentest forth Thy wrath, which consumed them as stubble :
And with the blast of Thy nostrils the waters were gathered
together :
The floods stood upright as a heap ; the depths were congealed in
the heart of the sea :
The enemy said, I will pursue, I will devastate, I will divide the
spoil : my desire shall be satisfied upon them : I will draw my
sword, my hand shall destroy them.
Thou didst blow with Thy blast ; the sea covered them : they sank
as lead in the mighty waters.
Who is like unto Thee, Jehovah, amongst the gods ? Who is like
unto Thee, glorious in holiness, fearful in praises, doing
wonders ? Thou stretchedst out Thy riglit hand ; the earth
swallowed them : . . . ,
Jehovah shall reign for ever and ever.*
' I have quoted all those parts of other parts, as has been often conjec-
the Song which refer indisputably to tured, may refer to the subsequent
the Passage of the Ked Sea. The settlement at Shiloh.
134
LECTUKE VI.
THE WILDERNESS.
The com- Fkom tlie Exodus begins the great period of the life of
Moses. INIoses. On that night, he is described as first taking the
decisive lead. Up to that point he and Aaron and Miriam *
appear almost on an equality. But after that, Moses is
usually mentioned alone. Aaron still held the second place,
but the character of interpreter to Moses which he had borne
in speaking to Pharaoh is withdrawn, and it would seem as
if Moses henceforth became altogether, what hitherto he had
only been in part, the Prophet of the people. Miriam, too,
though always holding the independent position to which her
age entitled her, no more appears as lending her voice and
song to enforce her brother's prophetic power. Another who
occupies a place nearly equal to Aaron, though we know but
little of him, is Hur, of the tribe of Judah, husband of
Miriam, and grandfather of the artist Bezaleel. The guide
in regard to the route through the wilderness was, as we
shall see, Jethro : the servant, occupying the same relation
as Elisha afterwards to Elijah, or Grehazi to Elisha, was the
youthful Hoshea, afterwards Joshua.
Importance But Moses is incoutestably the chief personage of the
whole history. In the narrative, the phrase is constantly
recurring, ' The Lord spake unto Moses,' ' Moses spake unto
' the children of Israel.' In the traditions of the desert,
' ' I sent before thee Moses and Aaron and Miriam ' (JMicah vi. 4).
iECT. VI. :M0SES as a leader. 135
whether late or early, his name predominates over that of
every one else : ' The Wells of Moses ' (Ayun Musa) on the
shores of the Eed Sea, ' The Mountain of Moses ' ( Jebel Musa)
near the convent of S. Catherine, ' The Ravine of Moses '
(Shuk Musa) at Mount S. Catherine, ' The Valley of Moses '
(Wady Musa) at Petra. ' The Books of Moses' are so called
(as afterwards the books of Samuel), in all probability, from
his being the chief subject of them. The very word ' JMosaic '
has been in later times applied, in a sense not used of any
other saint of the Old Testament, to the whole religion of
which he was the expounder.'
It has sometimes been attempted to reduce this great
character into a mere passive instrument of the Divine Will,
as though he had himself borne no conscious part in the
actions in which he figures, or the messages which he de-
livers. This, however, is as incompatible with the general
tenor of the Scriptural account, as it is with the common
language in which he has been described by the Church in
all ages. The frequent addresses of the Divinity to him no
more contravene his personal activity and intelligence, than
in the case of Elijah, Isaiah, or S. Paul. In the New Testa-
ment the legislation of the Jews is expressly ascribed to him.
* Moses gave you circumcision.' ^ ' Moses, because of the
* hardness of your hearts, suffered you.' ^ ' Did not Moses give
' you the law ? ' * Moses ' accuseth you.' ^ S. Paul goes so far
as to speak of him as the founder of the Jewish religion :
'They were all baptized unto Moses.' ^ He is constantly
called ' a Prophet.' In the ancient language both of Jews
and Christians, he was known as ' the great Lawgiver,' ' the
' The -word 'Mosaic' (»n/su'!<?«, |Uou- Zeitschrift der Beutsch. Morgenl. Ge-
aelov, fiovadiKhv), as applied to varie- sells, xiv. 663).
gated pavement, was probably derived * John vii. 22.
from a Phoenician word, unconnected ^ Matt. xix. 8. * John \ii. 19.
with Moses (see an Essay of Eedslob, ^ John v. 45. ^ 1 Cor. x. 2.
•136 THE WILDERNESS. lect. vi.
great Theologian,' ' the great Statesman.' ^ He must be con-
sidered, like all the saints and heroes of the Bible, as a man
of marvellous gifts, raised up by Divine Providence for the
highest purpose to which men could be called ; and so, m
a lesser degree, his name has been applied in later times :
Peter was called after him the Moses of the Christian
Church ; Ulfilas, the Moses of the Goths ; Almos, the Moses
of the Hungarians ; Benedict, the Moses of the Monastic
Orders. The union of the Leader and the Prophet was
such as Eastern religion has always admitted more easily than
Western. Mahomet, Abd-el-kader, Schamyl, are all illus-
trations of its possibility. But, amongst the heroes and saints
of the true religion, no such union occurs again after Moses.
This double career may be divided into three parts : the
approach by Kephidim to Sinai ; the stay at Sinai ; the march
from Sinai to Palestine by Kadesh and by Moab. In the
first and third of these he appears chiefly as the Leader ; in
the second, as the Prophet. Whatever is to be said on
minute matters of topography has been said elsewhere ; and,
with regard to all the details of the Israelite journey, there
are many reasons why we should be content to remain in
suspense for the present. Long as the desert of Sinai has
been known to Christian pilgrims, yet it may almost be said
never to have been explored before the beginning of this
century. We are still at the threshold of our knowledge
concerning it. The older pilgrims never troubled themselves
to compare the general features of the desert with the
indications of the Sacred narrative, and therefore they usually
Uncertain- missed the cardinal points of dispute. A signal instance of
Desert. ^ ^^^^ ^^7 ^® s&Q^ in the travels of Pococke, in the eighteenth
century, who gives an account of the Sinaitic desert, such
' All these terms are freely used laws is by Joseplius (Ani. iii. 15, 3)
in Euseb. Pr^p. Evang. vii. 8 ; Philo, ascribed to the respect felt for his
V. M. 1. 80; Clem. Alex. Strom, i. 22, character.
24. The tenacious adherence to his
LECT. VI. ITS UNCERTAINTIES. 137
as entirely conceals from us the very localities which are
most important for the whole comparison of the history and
geography. He passes, almost without notice, the plain at the
foot of one of the claimants to the name of Sinai ; he says
nothing of the commanding mountain which from early
times has been the other claimant. He went through the
sacred localities with his eyes closed to the impressions
which all now see to be most important. We are still, there-
fore, in the condition of discoverers, but if we are thus com-
pelled to abstain from positive conclusions, it is an abstinence
which in this instance is the less inconvenient, because the
very uniformity of nature by which it is occasioned also
enables us to imagine the general framework of the events,
even where the particular scene is unknown ; and many will
feel at a distance, what many, I doubt not, have felt on the
spot, that, in speaking of such sacred events, uncertainty is
the best safeguard for reverence ; and that suspense as to the
exact details of form and locality is the most fitting approach
for the consideration of the presence of Him who has ' made
' darkness His secret place. His pavilion round about Him
' with dark water, and thick clouds to cover them.'
1 . In the flight from Egypt, the people of Israel disappear
once more from the view of the Gentile world. The notices,
scanty as they were, which we have of their earlier history,
almost entirely cease on their entrance into the desert. A
solitary glimpse of their wanderings, recorded by Tacitus,
is all that Pagan records disclose. He relates ' how, in
the absence of water, they threw themselves on the grormd
in despair, when a herd of wild asses guided them to a
rock overshadowed by palm trees, where Moses discovered
for them a copious spring. A seven days' journey brought
them to Palestine ; and the sabbath was instituted to
> Hist. V. 3.
138 THE WILDEENESS. xect. vi.
commemorate their safe arrival within that period, as their
deliverance from thirst in the desert was commemorated by the
erection of the image of an ass in their most holy place. On
this scene the curtain falls, and, as far as the Western world
is concerned, it is no more lifted up, till Pompey entered the
Holy of Holies, and found, not, as he doubtless expected, this
strange memorial of the wilderness, but 'vacuam sedem,
inania arcana.' ^
The im- To US, on the other hand, the history which fills this space,
the Wilder- ^^'^ especially the earlier portion of it, has become almost a
ptf ^- r P^^^ °^ *^^^" minds. The onward march of the history, the
history; successive localities through which it takes us, at least till
the conquest of Canaan, are an epitome of human life itself.
The reaction which followed at the Waters of Strife, upon
the exultation of the Passage of the Red Sea, has been fitly
described as the likeness of the reaction which, from the days
of Moses downwards, has followed on every great national
emancipation, on every just and beneficent revolution; when
' the evils which it has caused are felt, and the evils which
' it has removed are felt no longer.' - The wilderness, as
it intervenes between Egypt and the Land of Promise, with
all its dangers and consolations, is, as Coleridge would have
said, not allegorical, but tautegorical, of the events which in
almost unconscious metaphor we designate by those figures.
It is startling, as we traverse it even at this day, to feel that
the hard stony track under our feet, the springs to which we
look forward at the end of our day's march, the sense of
contrast with what has been and with what is to be, are the
very materials out of which the imagination of all ages has
constructed its idea of the journey of life.
But this period had a special bearing on the history of
to Jewish Israel. It was their beginning as a people : it was their
history.
' Tacitus, Hist. y. 9. ^ Maeaulay's History of England, ch, xL
LECT. VI. ITS PECULIAEITIES. 139
conversion or their reconversion to the true faith ; it had •
all the faults and all the excellences which such a new start
of life always presents. With all its faults and shortcomings,
it was the spring-time of their national existence. 'I re-
* member thee, the kindness of thy youth, the love of thine
' espousals, when thou wentest after ]Me in the wilderness,
' in a land that was not sown.' ^ ' When Israel was a child,
' then I loved him.' ^ The Law, we ar^ told, was ' a school-
' master to bring men to Christ.' ^ ' Mount Sinai in Arabia '
is opposed, both in preparation and in contrast, to the
heavenly and free Jerusalem which is above. But, even in
the earlier stages of tbe history of the Jewish Church, the
Law was a schoolmaster, and Mount Sinai was a school, for
the dispensation and for the possession even of the earthly
Jerusalem.
2. It is difficult, under the circumstances, to imagine a fitter Its pecu-
scene for a new revelation than was the wilderness of Sinai
to the Israelites. They had left the land of Egypt : they
had come out of the house of bondage, into a land as dif-
ferent, into a life as new, as it was possible to conceive. In-
stead of the green valley of the one abundant, beneficent
river, where water and vegetation never failed, they were
in 'the great and terrible Avilderness,' where a spring in
each day's march, — the bitter waters of JNIarah here, the iso-
lated grove of Elim there, — was all that they could expect
to cheer them. Instead of the endless life and stir which
ran through the teeming population of Egjrpt, the song and
dance and feast; the armies passing through the hundred
gates ; the flags with their brilliant colours flying from
the painted gateways ; the king at the head of vast proces-
sions with drum and cymbal, and the rattle of his thousand
chariots ; there was the deep silence of the desert broken by
> Jer. ii. 2. ^ Hos. xi. 1. » Gal. iii. 24, iv. 25 ; Heb. xii. 18.
140 THE WILDERNESS. lect. vi.
no echo of human voice, by no cry of innumerable birds, by
no sound of rushing waters — broken only by the trumpet,
which at early dawn and fall of day roused the tribes from
their slumbers, or called them to their rest. For a time the
Eed Sea was in sight. Once, after they had struck far into
the desert, the hills opened before them ^ (we may be allowed to
dwell upon it as the most authentic spot ascertainable in their
wanderings), and the familiar sea, their ancient enemy and
their ancient friend, burst with its flashing waters upon them,
and they encamped once more upon its shining beach, and
looked once more upon the distant range of the African hills,
the hills of the land of their captivity. It was a moment,
such as occurs from time to time in the history of men and of
nations to remind them from what dangers and by what means
they have escaped. Onwards they went, and the desert itself
now changed into vaster and stranger shapes than they had
ever known before. Here and there, it may be, amongst the
host, was an Israelite who had seen the granite hills of
Ethiopia; but, taking them generally, the ascent of these
tremendous passes, the sight of those towering peaks, must
have been to them as the awful retreats of Delphi to the
invaders of Greece, as the Alps to the invaders of Italy.
Eumours of these mysterious moimtains no doubt had reached
them even in their house of bondage, ' A three days' journey
' into the desert to sacrifice to the Lord ' was a proposal not
unfamiliar to the ears of Pharaoh ; and, as they now mounted
into the higher region of that desert, they would perceive
traces that the Egyptians had been there before them. Here,
they might see a lonely hill, surrounded by ancient monu-
ments,— sepulchres, temples, quarries, — unquestionably the
work of Egyptian hands.^ There, they might see, in a
retired valley, hieroglyphics carved deep in the soft sandstone
' Num. xxxiii. 10. See Sinai and Palestine, 38, 70.
* Sinai and Palcstiru, 24, 49.
lECT. VI. EEPHIDIM. 141
rock, extending back to the builder of the great pyramid,
whose figure can be traced here in the desert cliffs, when
it has perished everywhere in his own tomb and country.
But no report, no experience of individuals, could have pre-
pared them for the scene, as it must have presented itself
to a whole host (taking it at its largest or its smallest num-
bers) scaling that fortress, that towering outpost of the Holy
Land. Staircase after staircase, formed by no human hand
in the side of the rocky walls, brought them (by whatever
approach they came) into the loftier and still loftier regions
of the mountain platform. Well may the Arab tribes ^ sup-
pose that these rocky ladders were called forth by the rod of
Moses, to help their upward progress.
3. And now they approach the first great halting-place, Kephidim.
known by that special name Rephidim, ' the places of rest.'
We know not the spot with certainty. Yet of all localities
hitherto imagined, that which was believed to be so in the
fifth century at least answers the requirements well;— the
beautiful palm grove, now and for many ages past called the
valley of Paran or Feiran.
At any rate some such spot is implied both by the name
and by the twofold encounter which here for the first time
occurs with the native tribes of the desert. We are too much
accustomed to think that the Peninsula of Sinai, when the
Israelites passed through, was entirely uninhabited. This,
however, is not the case even now, still less was it so then.
Two main streams of population at present occupy the pas-
tures of the wilderness, and two also appear at the time of
the Israelite migration. The first was the great tribe of
Amalek, ruled, as it would seem, by a chief who bore the Amalek,
title of king, and the hereditary name of Agag;^ them-
selves a wide-spreading clan; 'first of the nations;'^ and,
like the feebler Bedouins of modern days, extending their
' Sinai and Palestine, 71. * Num. xxiv. 7; 1 Sam. xv. ^ Niim. xsiv. 20.
142 THE WILDERNESS. lect. vr.
excursions far into Palestine, and leaving their name, even
before history commences, on mountains in the centre of the
country.' This fierce tribe, occupying as it would seem the
whole north of the peninsula, were, as might naturally be
expected, the first to contest the entrance of the new people.
Eattle of "WTierever Eephidim may be, it was evidently a place of suf-
ep lie im. ^g^g^^ importance to induce the Amalekites to defend it to
the uttermost. According to the account of Josephus, they
had gathered to this spot all the forces of the desert tribes
from Petra to the Mediterranean, and, according to a frag-
mentary notice in Deuteronomy,^ they began the attack by
harassing the rear of the Israelite host. It is a scene of
which the significance is indicated, not so much by the de-
scription of the event itself, as by its accompaniments and
its consequences. The battle is fought and won by the
youthful warrior who here appears for the first time, Joshua,
the Ephraimite. But Moses is on 'the hill,' overlooking
the fight; he stands, in the Oriental attitude of prayer,
his hands stretched out, as if to draw down and receive
blessings from above. Beside him, holding up his arms
as they fail from weariness, are his brother and (if we
may trust Josephus ^) his brother-in-law, one whose name
occurs but seldom, yet always so as to show a high im-
portance beyond what we are actually told concerning him,
Hur, of the tribe of Judah, grandfather of the builder of the
Tabernacle, husband of the prophetess Miriam. The victory
is gained; and on the summit of the hill was erected a
rude altar, named or inscribed by two words signifying
' Jehovah is my banner ; ' and a fragment of the hymn of
victory was transmitted through Joshua to after ages, pro-
' Judg. V. 14; xii. 15. Compare also Bcs. iii. 287.
the 'Tombs of the Amalekites,' an- ^ xxv. 18.
cient monuments so called, a few miles * Jos. Ant. iii. 2, 4.
north of Jerusalem. Eobinson, J3ib,
LECT. VI. THE KENITES. 143
bably in the book of the Wars of Jehovah, ' As the hand is
' on the throne of Jehovah,^ so there shall be war between
' Jehovah and Amalek from generation to generation.' The
situation well accords with the spot consecrated in Christian
times as the sanctuary of Paran. In the fifth century, a city,
a church, an episcopal palace, had gathered round it; and
pilgrims flocked to it in considerable numbers. In the Jewish
Church, the memory of the first enemy of the Chosen People
was long preserved ; and the slaughter which Joshua had
begun was carried out to extermination, first under Saul and
then under David. Its last trace appears in the offensive
name of ' Agagite,' applied to Haman in the book of
Esther.
This was the first hostile encounter. Immediately in con- The
nexion with this we read of the friendly encounter with that ■^®"^^^^-
other tribe, which is here frequently mentioned in the same
close contact and contrast with Amalek. On the shores, as
it would seem, of the Gulf of Akaba, dwelt the Kenites, a
clan of the vast tribe of Midian. We have already seen its Jethro.
Chief or Priest, variously named Jethro, Jether, probably
Hobab, and Shouaib, possibly Eeuel.^ Of all the characters
that come across us in this stage of their history, he is
the purest type of the Arabian chief. In the sight of his
numerous flocks feeding round the well in Midian, in his
courtesy to the stranger who became at once his slave
and his son-in-law, we seem to be carried back to the days
of Jacob and Labaji. And now the old chief, attracted
from far by tlie tidings of his kinsman's fame, finds him
' Exod. xvii. 16 ; see a similar ex- at the present day, and in the Miissul-
pression as an adjuration in Gen. man traditions he is further repre-
xiv. 22, and Deut. xxxii. 40. sented as the mysterious El Khudr.
^ These various names are given in (See D'Herhelot, 'Moussa.') The in-
(1) Ex. iii. 1, xviii. 5 ; (2) Ex. iv. tention of the narrative will remain
18; (3) Num. x. 29; (4) Ex. ii. 18. the same, if, as has been sometimes
Shouaib (evidently another foi-m of supposed, Jethro and Hobab are father
Hobab) is liis usual Arab designation and son.
144 THE WILDERNESS. lect. vi.
out in the heart of the mountains of Sinai, ' encamped by
' the Mount of God.' ' I, Jethro, thy father-in-law, am
' come unto thee, and thy wife, and her two sons with
* her. And Moses went out to meet his father-in-law,
' and did obeisance, and kissed him,' — gave the full Arab
salutation on each side of the head, — ' and they asked each
' other of their welfare,' — the burst of question and answer,
which renders these meetings so vociferous at first, rapidly
subsiding into total silence, as then, hand in hand, ' they
' come into the tent,' and confer privately concerning the mat-
ters of real interest to either party. He listens, and acknow-
ledges the gTeatness of his kinsman's Gfod ; he officiates (if one
may so say) like a second Melchizedek, the High Priest of the
Desert ; ' he took a burnt offering and sacrifices for God ;
*and Aaron came,' even Aaron the future priest of Israel,
'and all the elders of Israel, to eat bread,' to join in the
solemn feast of thanksgiving, 'with Moses' father-in-law,
' before God.' He is the first friend, the first counsellor, the
first guide, that they have met, since they cut themselves off
from the wisdom of Egjrpt, and they hang upon his lips like
children. He sees Moses wearing himself away by under-
taking labour that is too heavy for him ; and he suggests to
him the same subordination of rulers and judges, of elders
or sheykhs, that still forms the constitution of the Arabs of
the peninsula : and ' Moses hearkened to the voice of his
' father-in-law, and did all that he had said.' And out of
this simple arrangement sprang the gradations that we
trace long afterwards in the constitution of the Hebrew
commonwealth. 'And when he was to depart to his own
' land and to liis own kindred, Moses prayed him not to leave
' them ; ' in the trackless desert, he, with his Bedouin instincts
and his knowledge of the wilderness, would ' know how they
' were to encamp, and would be to them instead of eyes.' ' The
' Num. X. 29, 30.
LECT. VI. ITS DIFFia^LTIES. 145
alliance so formed was never broken. In subsequent ages,
when Israel had long since become a settled and civilised
people, in their own land a stranger's eye would have at
once discerned little groups of settlers here and there retain-
ing their Arabian customs, yet one with the masters of the
soil. In the caverns of Engedi, on the southern frontier of
Judah, the ' children of the Kenite ' were to be seen dwelling
among the people. The valley opening down from the east
to the Jordan, opposite Jericho, still bears the name of
Hobab, Far in the north, by Kedesh-Naphtali, a grove of
oaks was called, from the nomad encampment hard by, ' the
' oak of the unloading of tents.' It is the tent of Heber the
Kenite, whose wife Jael will make use of the show of Ara-
bian hospitality to slay the enemy of Israel. In the streets
of Jerusalem, during the final siege, a band of wild Arabs
will be seen, dwelling in tents, drinking no mne. They
are ' the children of Jehonadab the son of Eechab,' ' the
^ Kenites that came of Hemath the father of the house of
Eechab.' ^
4. Besides the dangers from the desert tribes, tliis earlier The diffi-
stage of the wanderings also brings out those natm-al diffi- ^^^^^"^ ^^.
culties of the desert-journey, which, through the guidance
of Moses, were to be overcome. It is not here intended to
enter upon the vexed question of the support of Israel in
the wilderness. There are two classes of readers to whom
it presents no perplexity — those who are disposed to treat
the whole as poetry rather than as history, and those who
have no scruple in inventing miraculous interferences which
have no foundation in the Sacred narrative.^ It concerns
those only who feel the truth and soberness of the narrative
too strongly to venture on either of these expedients. They,
be they few or many, may be content to withhold a hasty
' Jiidg. i. 16, iv. 11 ; Jir. xxxv. 2 ; 1 Clirou. ii. 55.
« Sinai and Falestine, 24-27.
water.
146 THE WILDERNESS. lect. vi.
judgment on points which the Scripture has left undeter-
mined, and to which the localities and the phenomena of the
desert give no certain clue. We cannot repudiate altogether
the existence of natural causes, unless we go so far as to
maintain that mountains and palm-trees, quails and waters,
wind and earthquake, were mere creations of the moment to
supply momentary wants ; we cannot repudiate altogether
the intervention of a Providence, strange, unexpected, and
impressive in the highest degree, unless we are prepared to
reject the whole story of the stay in the wilderness.
In the case of each of the main supports of the Israelites,
there have been memorials, preserved down to our own time,
of the recollections which the Jewish and the Christian Church
'1. The retained of those times. The flowing of the water from the
rock has been localised in various forms by Arab traditions.
The isolated rock in the valley of the Leja, near Mount S.
Catherine, with the twelve mouths, or fissures, for the twelve
tribes, was pointed out as the monument of the wonder, at
least as early as the seventh century. The living streams of
Feiran, of Shuk Musa, of Wady Musa, have each been con-
nected with the event by the names bestowed upon them.
The Jewish tradition amplified tha simple statement in the
Pentateuch to the prodigious extent of supposing a rock or ball
of water constantly accompanying them.^ The Apostle took
up the tradition in one of his forcible allegorical allusions :
' They drank of the spiritual Eock which followed them, and
* that Eock was Christ.' ^ This again passed on into the
Christian imagery of the Eoman Catacombs, where Peter,
' the rock of the Church,' under the figure of Moses, strikes
the Eock, and brings out its living water ; and it has found
its final and most elevated application in one of the greatest
of English hymns, —
' See the article 'Beer,' in the Dictionary of the Bible.
* 1 Cor. X. 4.
LECT. VI. THE M.iXXA. 147
Rock of Ages, cleft foi- me,
Let me hide myself in Thee.
The manna, in like manner, according to the Jewish tra- 2. The
dition of Josephus, and the belief of the Arab tribes, and of
the Greek Church at the present day, is still found in the
droppings from the tamarisk bushes which abound in this
part of the desert.' The more critical spirit of modern times
has been led to dwell od the distinction between the existing
manna, and that described in the Book of Numbers ; ^ and
the identification is further rendered precarious by the ap-
parent insufficiency of the present supply ^ in the Desert of
Sinai. In the New Testament,'' and in subsequent Chris-
tian writings, the literal meaning of the incident is almost
lost in its high spiritual application to the heavenly suste-
nance of the soul, either in the Eucharist or in our religious
life generally. Of all the typical scenes represented in the
celebrated Ammergau Mystery, none is more natural or
touching than that in which the whole multitude of the
Israelites, in every variety of age, sex, and character, appear
looking up with one ardent expectation to the downward
flight of the celestial food, fluttering over the hundreds of
upturned heads, according to that fanciful and childlike
but beautiful conception of the descent of the manna. But,
in the Jewish Church, the historical origin of this sacred
figm-e was always carried back beyond Palestine to the de-
sert ; a portion of it was laid up as a relic by the Ark for
this very piu-pose, ' that they might see the bread where-vnth
'■ their fathers were fed in the wilderness.' ^ And a Christian
poet has well caught, in ' The Song of the Manna-Gratherers,'
the freshness, the monotony, and the transitional character
of the whole passage through the desert, and at the same time
' Sinai and Palestine, 26, note. this kind of manna is said to he rery
- Num. xi. 7, 8. considerable.
^ In Persia, however, and in South ■* John \\. 31, 49 ; 1 Cor. x. 3.
Africa, the sustenance afforded by ^ Ex. xvi. 32-34 ; Heb. ix, 4.
L 2
148 THE WILDEKXESS. lect. vi.
has blended together the natural and the supernatural in
that union which is at once most Biblical and most philo-
sophical : —
Comrades, haste ! the tent's tall sloading
Lies along the level sand,
Far and faint : the stars are fading
' O'er the gleaming western strand,
Airs of morning
Freshen the bleak biirning land.
Haste, or e'er the third hour glowing
With its eager thirst prevail,
O'er the moist pearls, now bestrowing
Thymy slope and rushy vale.
Comrades — what our sires have told us,
Watch and wait, for it wiU come.
Not by manna show'rs at morning
Shall our board be then suppHed,
But a strange pale gold, adorning
Many a tufted mountain's side,
Yearly feed iis.
Year by year our murmurings chide.
There, no prophet's touch awaiting,
From each cool deep cavern start
Rills, that since their first creating
Ne'er have ceased to sing their part ;
Oft we hear them
In our dreams, with thirsty heart. ^
' Keble's Lyra Iiinocentium.
149
LECTUEE VII.
SINAI AND THE LAW.
Eephidim was but the threshold of Sinai. 'In the third March
'month they departed from Eephidim, and pitched in the phidin/'
' wilderness of Sinai.' Onwards and upwards, after their long
halt, exulting in their first victory, they advanced deeper and
deeper into the mountain ranges, they knew not whither.
They knew only that it was for some great end, for some
mighty sacrifice, for some solemn disclosure, such as they
had never before witnessed. Onwards they went, and the
mountains closed around them ; upwards through winding-
valley, and under high cliff, and over rugged pass, and
through gigantic forms, on which the marks of creation even
now seem fresh and powerful ; and at last, through ' all the
different valleys, the whole body of the people were as-
sembled. On their rio-ht hand and on their left rose lono-
successions of lofty rocks, forming a vast avenue, like the
approaches which they had seen leading to the Egyptian
temples between colossal figures of men and of gods. At
the end of this broad avenue, rising immediately out of
the level plain on which they were encamped, towered the
massive cliffs of Sinai, like the huge altar of some natu-
ral temple ; encircled by peaks of every shape and height,
' With regard to the locality, I have expressions sufficiently wide to include
seen no cause to alter the opinion any sj^ot which may be selected in
maintained in Sinai and Palestine, the neighbourhood of Jebel Musa.
43, 44 ; but I have purposely left the
150 SINAI AND THE LAW. lect. vii.
the natural pyramids of tlie desert. In this sanctuary,
secluded from all earthly things, raised high above even
the wilderness itself, arrived, as it must have seemed to
them, at the very end of the world — they waited for the
Eevelation of Grod. How would He make Himself known
to them ? Would it be, as they had seen in those ancient
temples of Egypt, under the similitude of any figm-e, ' the
' likeness of male or female, the likeness of any beast that
' is upon the earth, or the likeness of any fowl that flieth
' in the air, or the likeness of anything that creepeth on
' the ground, or the likeness of any fish that is in the waters
' under the earth ? ' Would it be any, or all of these forms,
under which they would at last see Him, who, with a mighty
hand, had brought them up out of the land of Egypt ?
These questions, or the like of these, are what must have
occurred to the Israelites on the morning of the mighty day
when they stood beneath the Mount.
Sinai. The outward scene might indeed prepare them for what
was to come. They stood, as I have described, in a vast
sanctuary, not made with hands — a sanctuaiy where every
outward shape of life, animal or vegetable, such as in Egypt
had attracted their wonder and admiration, was withdrawn.
Bare and unclothed, tlie mountains rose around them ; their
very shapes and colours were such as to carry their thoughts
back to the days of primeval creation, ' from everlasting to
' everlasting, before the mountains were brought forth, or ever
' the earth and the world were made.' ' At last the morning
broke, and every eye was fixed on the summit of the height.
Was it any earthly form, was it any distinct shape, that
unveiled itself? .... There were thunders, there were
lightnings, there was the voice of a trumpet^ exceeding
' See Ps. xc. 2, ascribed to Moses. ^ It is well known that no volcanic
For this aspect of the mountains, see phenomena exist in the desert to ae-
Sinai and Palestine, pp. 12, 13. count for these appearances. In fact,
LECT. vii. DARKNESS OF SINAI. 151
loud; but on the Mount itself there was a thick cloud —
darkness, and clouds, and thick darkness. It was ' the secret *
' place of thunder.' On the summit of the mountain, on the
skirts of the dark cloud, or within it, was Moses himself with-
drawn from view. It is this which represents to us the seclu-
sion so essential to the Eastern idea — .within certain limits,
so essential to any idea — -of the Prophet ; that,
Separate from the world, his breast
Might deeply take and strongly keep
The print of Heaven.
I. This was the first and chief impression, which the Israel- Negativp
ites and their leader alike were intended to receive at Mount o/siuai"^°
Sinai. They saw not Grod ; and yet they were to believe that
He was there. They were to make no sign or likeness of
Grod, and yet they were to believe that He was then and
always their one and only Lord.
How liard it was for them to receive and act on this, may
all the expresfsions used in the Sacred ' up the Mount as if it had been day ;
writers are those which are usually 'then, after the interval of a few
employed in the Hebrew Scriptiires ' seconds, came the peal of thunder,
to describe a thunderstorm. For the ' bursting like a shell, to scatter its
effects of a thunderstorm at Mount 'echoes to the four quarters of the
Sinai, compare Dr. Stewart's Tent ' heavens, and overpowering for a
and Khan, 139, 140: ' Every bolt, as 'moment the loud bowlings of the
' it burst with the roar of a cannon, ' wind.' Mr. Drew witnessed a
' seemed to awaken a series of dis- thunderstorm at Serbal, and was
' tinct echoes on every side ; . . . . struck by its likeness to the sound of
'they swept like a whirlwind among a trumpet {Scripture Lands, 66, 424).
' the higher mountains, becoming Compare the descriptions of the event
'faint as some mighty peak inter- in Jos. Ant. iii. 5, 2; Judg. v. 4; Ps.
' vened, and bursting with undimi- Ixviii. 7, 8, 9 ; in each of which, to
' nished volume tluough some yawn- the other images of a storm, are added
' ing cleft, tdl the very ground trembled the torrents of rain — ' The heavens
'with the concussion. . . . It seemed ' dropped ;" The clouds dropped water ; '
' as if the mountains of the whole ' A plentifid rain ; ' ' Violent rain.'
' peninsula were answering one an- A like description occurs in Hab. iii.
'other in a chorus of the deepest bass. 3-11. Compare Ps. xviii. 7-16 ; xxix.
' Ever and anon a flash of lightning 3-9.
' dispelled the pitchy darkness and lit ' Ps. Ixxxi. 7.
152 SINAI AND THE LAW. lect. vii.
be imagined from what has been said of their previous state
— may be seen from their subsequent history. Even on that
very plain, beneath that very Mount, they could not bear to
think that they were to serve a God who was invisible : they
returned to Egypt in their hearts. Then ensued a scene
which Josephus, after the manner of much Ecclesiastical
History of later times, shrinks from describing, but which
the Sacred historian does not fear to relate at length.
Aaron, the great High Priest, in the absence of his greater
The wor- brother, was shaken. He framed a visible form, the likeness
Culf° ^'^ ^^ ^^^® sacred beast of Heliopolis, and proclaimed it as
'the God,' which had brought them up from the land of
' Egypt.' An altar rose before it, like that which still exists
beneath the nostrils of the Sphinx; a three days' festival
was proclaimed, with all the licentious rites of song and
dance which they had learned in Egypt. And not then
only, but again and again, in the history both of the Jewish
and of the Christian Church, has the same temptation re-
turned. The Priest has set up what the Prophet has de-
stroyed. Graven images have been set up in deed or in
word, to make the Unseen visible, and the Eternal temporal.
But the Revelation of Sinai has prevailed. Slowly and
with many reverses did the great truth then first imparted
gain possession of the hearts of Israel, and, through them, of
the whole world — that we are neither to imagine that we see
God when we do not, nor yet, because we do not see Him,
to doubt that He has been, and is, and yet shall be.
This was the marvel which the Jewish worship presented,
even to the best and wisest heathens who were perplexed by
what seemed to them a Eeligion without a God. It is to
us the declaration that there must be a void created by
the destruction of errors, by the removal of false images
' That ' Elohim ' is singular ap- xxxii. 4, and also from the parallel in
pears both from the context in Ex. Neh. ix. 18.
LECT. vn. PROPHETIC MISSION OF MOSES. 153
of God, before we can receive the true image of the Truth
itself.'
II. But it was not only a negative form that the Revelation Positive
of Sinai assumed. This blank, this void, this darkness with- ^f gi^ai.
out a similitude, this vague infinity, as a heathen would
have called it, supplied the enthusiasm, the ardour, the prac-
tical basis of life, which most nations in the old world, and
many in the modern world, have believed to be compatible
only with the most elaborate imagery and the most definite
statements.
The idea of God in the Jewish Church, which can be
traced to nothing short of Mount Sinai, was the very reverse
of a negation or an abstraction. It was the absorbing thought
of the national mind. It ^ was not merely the Lord of the
Universe, but ' the Lord who had brought them out of the
'land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage.' In the
reception and .promulgation of this Eevelation the pro-
phetic character of Moses is chiefly brought out. He had
been called to his prophetic mission, as we have seen, in the
vision of the Burning Bush. But the mission itself, properly
speaking, dates from this time, and is indicated in a form
nearly corresponding to that of his original call. ' I beseech
' Thee, show me Thy glory,' was the petition which bm-st
from the Prophet in the hour of bitter disappointment
and isolation, when he found that his brother and his people
had fallen away from him. The same wish is recorded of
the heroes and kings of Egypt.^ But tlie difference in the
answer to the two prayers well expresses the difference
between the Egjrptian and the Mosaic religion. To the
Egyptian hero the Divinity was revealed in the grotesque
• I cannot forbear to refer, for the am- ^ Ewald, Geschichte, ii. 93-122.
plifieation of this idea, to Mr. Clough's ' Manetho in Josephus, c. Ap. i. 26.
remarkable verses, ' The New Sinai ' Herod, ii. 42.
{Poems, p. 27).
154 SIXAI AND THE LAW. lect. vii.
form of the ram. To the Israelite Prophet the reply was :
' Thou canst not see My face, for there shall no man see Me
' and live.' He was commanded to hew two blocks like those
which he had destroyed. He was to come absolutely alone.
Even the flocks and herds which fed in the neighbouring-
valleys were to be removed out of sight of the mountain.
He took his place on a well-known or prominent rock —
'the' rock.' The legendary locality is still shown, and the
importance of the incident, told equally in the Bible and
the Koran,^ is attested by the fact that from this, rather
than from any more general connexion, the mountain derives
its name of the ' Mount of Moses.' It was a moment of
his life second only to that when he received the first reve-
lation of the Name of Jehovah. ' The Lord passed by and
' proclaimed. The Lord, the Lord God, merciful and gracious,
' long-suffering and abundant in goodness and truth, keeping
* mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity and transgression
' and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty.' The
union of the qualities so often disjoined in man, so little
thought of in the gods of old, 'justice and mercy,' 'truth
and love,' became henceforward the formula, many times
repeated — the substance of the Creed of the Jewish Church.
And this union, which was disclosed as the highest revelation
to Moses, was exactly what received its fullest exemplification
in the final Eevelation, to which Moses led the way: when, in
the most literal sense of the words, 'grace and truth' —
the tenderness of grace, the sternness and justice of truth
— ' came by Jesus Christ.'
Prophetic How marked an epoch is thus intended appears from the
mission of j^Q^jg Qf ^\^q Divine manifestations, which are described as
Moses. '
commencing at this juncture, and perpetuated with more
or less continuity through the rest of his career. Imme-
' Exod. xxxiii. 18, 20, 21; xxxiv, "^ vii. 139. See Sinai and Palestine,
1, 3. 30.
LECT. VII. PEOPHETIC MISSION OF MOSES. 153
diately after the catastrophe of the worship of the calf, and
apparently in consequence of it, Moses removed the chief
tent — his own tent, according to the Septuagint ^ — outside
the camp, and invested it with a sacred character under the
name of ' The Tent or Tabernacle of the Congregation.'
This tent became henceforth the chief scene of his com-
munications with Grod. He left the camp, and it is described
how, as in the expectation of some great event, all the
people rose up and stood every man at his tent door, and
looked — gazing after Moses until he disappeared within the
Tabernacle. As he disappeared the entrance was closed
behind him by the cloudy pillar, at the sight of which the
people prostrated themselves.^ The communications within
the Tabernacle were still more intimate than those on the
mountain. 'Jehovah spake unto Moses face to face, as a
* man speaketh unto his friend.' ^ He was apparently
accompanied on these mysterious visits by his attendant
Hoshea (or Joshua), who remained in the Tabernacle after
his master had left it.*
It was during these prophetic visions that a peculiarity is
mentioned which apparently had not been seen before. On
his final descent from Mount Sinai, after his second long
seclusion, a splendour shone on his face, as if from the
glory of the Divine Presence ; ^ which gradually faded away,
' Exod. xxsiii. 7. Ewald, Alterthii- thorised Version reads, Exod. xxxir.
oner, p. 329. 33, ' And [tiW] Moses had done
* Exod. xxxiii. 10, speaking with them ; ' and other
* Ibid, xxxiii. 11. versions, 'he had put on the veil.'
* Ibid. But, in the Vulgate and Septuagint,
* It is from the ^ilgate trans- he is said to put on the veil, not
lation of keren — 'cornutara habens during, but after, the conversation
faciem,' that the Western Church has with the people, — in order to hide,
adopted the conventional representa- not the splendour, but the vanishing
tion of the horns of Moses. In the away of the splendour, and to have
English and most Protestant transla- worn it till the moment of his return
tions, Moses is said to wear a veil to the Divine Presence, in order to
in order to hide the splendour. In rekindle the light there. With this
order to produce this sense, the Au- reading agi-ecs the obvious meaning
156 SIXAI AND THE LAW. lect. vii.
till, concealing its extinction by a veil, he returned to the
Divine Presence, once more to rekindle it there. It is from
this incident, that, by no very remote analogy, the Apostle
draws the contrast between the fearlessness, the openness, of
the New Dispensation," and the concealment and doubtfulness
of the Old. ' We have no fear, as Moses had, that our glory
' will pass away.'
It is only by thus looking forwards to the end, that we see
the general importance of the Prophetic Mission of Moses.
But it is only by looking back to the beginning, that we
understand its peculiar significance in the Jewish history.
That the consciousness of a present Ruler, in the closest
moral relation with man, as above described, was a part of
the Mosaic Eevelation, properly so called, — that it had its
origin in the solitudes of Sinai, and not in any later growth
of the people of Israel,— seem proved by the place which it
holds as the basis of their most striking peculiarities. Two
may be selected as illustrations of this position.
Absence of First, the Jewish religion is characterised in an eminent
tion of a degree by the dimness of its conception of a future life,
future life. Fj-qj^ time to time there are glimpses of the hope of immor-
tality. But, for the most part, it is in the present life that
the faith of the Israelite finds its full accomplishment. ' The
'grave cannot praise thee; death cannot celebrate thee, . . .
' the living, the living, he shall praise thee, as I do this day.' '
It is needless to repeat here the elaborate contrast drawn
out by Bishop Warburton in this respect between the Jewish
Scriptures and the religions of Paganism. Nor need we
adopt the paradoxical expedient by which, %Dm this apparent
defect, he infers the Divine Legation of Moses. But the fact
becomes of real religious importance, if we trace the ground
of the Hebrew ■words, and it is this 13, 14.
rendering of the sense which is ' Isaiah xxxviii, 18, 19; Ps.
followed by St. Paul in 2 Cor. iii. xxxviii. 12.
I.ECT, VII. THE THEOCRACY. 157
on which this silence respecting the Future state was based.
Not from want of religion, but (if one might use the expres-
sion) from excess of religion, was this void left in the Jewish
mind. The Future Life was net denied or contradicted, —
but it was overlooked, set aside, overshadowed, by the con-
sciousness of the living, actual presence of God Himself.
That truth, at least in the limited conceptions of the youth-
ful nation, was too vast to admit of any rival truth, however
precious. When David or Hezekiah, as in the passages just
quoted, shrank from the gloomy vacancy of the grave, it was
because they feared lest, when death closed their eyes on the
present world, they sliould lose their hold ' on that Divine
Friend, with whose being and communion the present world
had in their minds been so closely interwoven. Such a sense
of the overwhelming greatness and nearness of Grod, the root
of feelings so peculiar as those which I have described, must
have lain too deep in the national belief to have had its
beginning in any later time than the epoch of Moses. It is
the primary stratification of the Eeligiom We should invert
the whole order of the history, if we placed it amongst the
secondary formations of subsequent ages.
Secondly, it is to this period that we must refer in its full The Theo-
extent, in its most literal meaning, what is often called the ^^^''^'
Theocracy of the Jewish people. The word is derived from
Josephus's account of this time. He, as it would seem,
invented the phrase to express an idea for which ordinary
Grreek could furnish no adequate term. ' Our lawgiver,' he
says,^ ' had no regard to monarchies, oligarchies, democracies,
* or any of those forms ; but he ordained our government to be
' what, by a forced expression, may be called " a Theocracy." '
It is a term which has been often employed since ; usually
in the sense of a sacerdotal rule, which is almost exactly the
' Ewald, Gcschichte, ii. 121. ^ C. Apion, ii. 17.
158
SIXAI AND THE LAW.
LECT. vir.
reverse of that in which it was used by its first inventor.
Eeligious The ' Theocracy ' of Moses was not a government by priests,
the nation^. ^^ opposed to kings ; it was a government by God Himself,
as opposed to the government by priests or kings. It was
indeed, in its highest sense, as appeared afterwards in the
time of David, compatible both with regal and sacerdotal
rule : but, in the first instance, it excluded all rule, except
the simplest forms which the freedom of desert life could
furnish. The assembly of all the tribes in the armed con-
gregation, the chieftains or elders of the various tribes as
established by Jethro, were the constituent elements of the
primitive Hebrew commonwealth in its ordinary social re-
lations. But there was one point by which it was distinguished
from the other nations of antiquity, namely, its comparative
Subordina- absence of caste, its equality of religious relations. An heredi-
priesthood. tary priesthood, it is true, was established, after the manner
of Egypt, in the tribe of Levi, in the family of Aaron. But it
was a subsequent ' appendage to the fundamental precepts,
to the first declaration of the religion : in its hereditary
' Some eminent divines have sup-
posed that the Levitical ritual was an
after-gi'owth of the Mosaic system,
necessitated or suggested by the in-
capacity of the Israelites to retain the
higher and simpler doctrine of the
Divine Unity, — as proved by their
return to the worship of the Hcliopo-
litan calf under the sanction of the
brother of Moses himself. There is no
direct statement of this connexion in
the Sacred narrative : but there are in-
direct indications of it, sufficient to
give some colour to such an explanation.
The event itself, as we have seen, is de-
scribed as a crisis in the life of Moses,
almost equal to that in which he re-
ceived his first call. In an agony of
vexation and disappointment he de-
stroyed the monument of his first reve-
lation (Ex. xxxii. 19). He tlu-ew up
his sacred mission (ib. 32). He craved
and he received a new and special re-
velation of the attributes of God to
console him {ih. xxxiii. 18). A fresh
start was made in his career {ih. xxxiv.
29). His relation with his countrymen
henceforth became more awful and
mysterious {ib. 32-35). In point of
fact, the greater part of the details of
the Levitical system were subsequent
to this catastrophe. The institution
of the Levitical tribe grew directly
out of it {ib. xxxii. 28). And the in-
feriority of this part of the system to
the rest is expressly stated in the
Prophets, and expressly connected
with the idolatrous tendencies of the
nation — ' Wherefore I gave them sta-
' tutes that were not good, and jiidg-
'mcnts whereby they should not
'live'(Ezek. xx. 25).
LECT. VII. THE THEOCRACY. 159
functions, in its sacred dress, in its minute regulations, rather
a part of the mechanism of the religion, than its animating
spirit. The Levitical caste never corresponded to what we
should call 'the clergy.' The fact that the Levites were
collected in single cities is of itself a fatal objection to so
regarding them.' They never claimed or were intended to
govern the nation. They hardly claimed even to teach. Levi
was not the ruling tribe, even though the two great leaders
belonged to it : its consecration dated from no essential
ordinance of the Law, but from the sudden emergency which
arose out of the apostasy at the time of the molten calf.
Aaron, though the head of that tribe, and the founder
of the sacerdotal family, was not the ruling spirit of the
people. He was but the weaker erring helpmate of Moses,
who was the Guide, the Prophet, but not the Priest.
We shall see how, like the equality of the primitive Chris-
tian Church, this first development of Israelite independence
gradually passed into other forms ; to what disorders it gave
rise when every man did what was right in his own eyes, and
there was no king in Israel ; how, as in the case of the
Christian Church of later times, all the complicated relations
of state and of hierarchy afterwards sprang up within the
framework of a society at its beginning so simple. But the
twin truths which seem incorporated with the very localities
of Sinai — the Unseen Euler in the thick clouds on the top
of the awful Mountain, and the sacredness of the whole Con-
gregation as it lay spread over the level Plain beneath — were
never lost to the Jewish Church, and have been the constant
springs of religious freedom and responsibility to the Chris-
tian Church. Even at the very outset of the Eevelation was
announced the great principle — the Gospel, as it has been
well called,^ of the Mosaic dispensation — so new to the nation
' Micliaelis, Laws of Moses, art. 52. - Ewald, Gcschlchtc, ii. 126.
160
SINAI AND THE LAW.
Universa-
lity of
prophetic
inspira-
tion.
of slaves, who had hitherto seen truth only through the long-
vista of mystical emblems and sacred incorporations. ' Thus
* shalt thou say to the house of Jacob, and tell the children
* of Israel ; Ye have seen what I did to the Egyptians, and
' how I bare you on eagles' wings, and brouglit you unto
* Myself. Now therefore, if ye will obey My voice indeed,
' and keep My covenant, then shall ye be a peculiar treasure
* unto Me above all people ; for all the earth is Mine. And
*ye shall be unto Me a kingdom of priests, and a holy
* nation.' ^ ' Ye shall be holy, for I am holy.' ^
Inspiration, communion with God, in the case of the Pagan
religions, was for the most part only claimed for sacred
families or local oracles ; in the case of the Mussulman
religion, was confined to its first founder and his sacred
volume. But in the case of Israel it extended to the whole
nation. The history of Israel, from Moses downwards, is
not the history of an inspired book, or an inspired order, but
of an inspired people. When Joshua, in his youthful zeal,
entreated Moses to forbid the prophesying of Eldad and
Medad, because they remained in the camp, Moses answered :
* Enviest thou for my sake ? Would that all the Lord's
' people were prophets, and that the Lord would put His Spirit
' upon them ! ' ^ In different forms and in different degrees,
that noble wish was fulfilled. The acts of the hero, the songs
of the poet, the skill of the artificer— Samson's strength, the
music of David, the architecture of Bezaleel and Solomon,
are all ascribed to the inspiration of the Divine Spirit. It
was not a holy tribe, but holy men of every tribe, that spake
as they were moved, carried to and fro, out of themselves,
by the Spirit of Grod. The Prophets, of whom this might be
said in the strictest sense, were confined to no family or caste,
station or sex. They rose, indeed, above their countrymen ;
' Ex. xix. 3-6,
' Lev. xix. 2.
" Num. xi. 26-30.
LECT. VII. THE THEOCKACY. 161
their words were to their countrymen, in a peculiar sense, the
words of God. But they were to be found everywhere. Like
the springs of their own hmd, there was no hill or valley where
the prophetic gift might not be expected to break forth.
Miriam and Deborah, no less than Moses and Barak ; in Judah
and in Ephraim, no less than in Levi ; in Tekoah and Gilead,
and, as the climax of all, in Nazareth, no less than in Shiloh
or Jerusalem, G-od's present counsel might be looked for. By
this constant attitude of expectation, if one may so call it, the
ears of the whole nation were kept open for the intimations of
the Divine Ruler under whom they lived. None knew before-
hand who would be called. As Strabo well says, in his descrip-
tion of the Mosaic dispensation which I have before quoted,
' all might expect to receive the gift of good dreams ' for
themselves or their people, ' all who lived temperately and
'justly — those always and those only.' In the dead of night,
as to Samuel ; in the ploughing of the field, as to Elisha ; in
the gathering of the sycomore figs, as to Amos ; the call
might come. ' Speak, Lord, for thy servant heareth,' was to
be the ready and constant answer. And thus, even in its
first establishment, the Theocracy, in its true sense, contained
the warrant for its complete development, Moses was but
the beginning ; he was not, he could not be, the end. The
light on his countenance faded away, and had to be again
and again rekindled in the presence of the Unseen. But his
appearance, his character, his teaching, familiarised the
nation to this mode of revelation ; and it would be at their
peril, and against the whole spirit of the education received
from him, if they refused to receive its later manifestations,
from whatever quarter. ' The Lokd tliy God will raise up
' unto thee a Prophet, from themidst of thee, of thy brethren,
' like unto me. Unto him shall ye hearken.^ The same event,
it has been truly remarked, never repeats itself in history.
Yet a like event in one age is always a preparation for a like
M
162 SIXAI AND THE LAW. lect. vii.
event in another, especially when the first event is one which
involves the principle of the second. Moses, — the expounder
of the Theocracy,, the founder of the Hebrew Prophets, the
interpreter between God on Mount Sinai and Israel in the
plain below, — was the necessary forerunner, because the im-
perfect likeness, of the Last Prophet of the last generation
of the Jewish theocracy. In the fullest sense might it be
said to that generation : ' There is one that accuseth you,
' even Moses, in whom ye trust ; for, had ye believed Moses,
' ye ivould have believed Me ; but, if ye believe not his ivritings,
' how will ye believe My words /* ' ^
The Law. III. There was another point in the Revelation of Sinai not
less permanent, and equally characteristic. We speak of it as a
revelation of ' Eeligion.' But this was not the name by which
it was known in ancient times. The Israelite spoke not of the
' Eeligion ' but of the ' Law ' of Moses. Moses was a Law-
giver ^ even more tlian he was a Prophet. In this aspect tlie
Eevelation presented itself, and from this were derived some
of its most important features. At first sight it might ap-
pear as if ' the Law ' was not the form of truth for which
the wild desert and the return to the wandering Arab life
would have predisposed them ; and as regards the minuteness
of many of the enactments, Egypt, as I have before observed,
and not Sinai, must be considered the fitting school of pre-
paration. But those who have studied the Bedouin tribes
know that there is no contradiction between their wild habits
and an elaborate though purely traditional system of social and
legal observances. Such a system has been carefully collected
and expounded by the traveller Burckhardt, who thus closed
the first portion of his remarkable work : * The present state
' of the great Bedouin commonwealth of Arabia . . offers
'the rare example of a nation which, notwithstanding its
' John T. 45-47. Pentateuch, Num. xxi. 18 ; Deut.
* He is tvdce so called in the xxxiii. 21.
LECT. VII. THE LAW IN THE DESERT. 163
'perpetual state of warfare, without and within, has pre-
' served, for a long succession of ages, its primitive laws in
' all their vigour. . . . But,' he adds, ' of the origin of
'these laws nothing is known. . . . The ancient code of
' one Bedouin tribe only has reached posterity. . . . The
' Pentateuch was exclusively given to the Beni-Israel.' '
It is this code of the Beni-Israel — the ' sons of Israel ' (tlie
name itself is an enduring mark of their first Patriarchal
state), — this one extant code of an ancient Bedouin tribe,
which, bearing in mind this peculiarity of its first appearance,
we have now to examine. Here, as elsewhere, it is only by
remembering what there was immediate, historical, and local,
that we shall be able fully to appreciate what there is of
the eternal and universal.
It has been a question often debated amongst scholars,
how far the code of the Pentateuch was a collection of
earlier, later, or contemporaneous customs, under one
general system. It will here suffice to name those portions
of the Law which, by direct connexion with the life of the
Desert, can be traced back to the Sinaitic period.
1. There is no express enactment of any form of government Constitu-
in the Mosaic law. But the ' elders ' or chiefs of the tribes, Desert,
who appear as the background of the primitive constitution,
are distinctly Arabian, and in part existed before the Exodus,^
in part, at least, may be ascribed to Jethro. The word is
almost identical with the ' Sheykh ' ^ of modern times, and is
the same which designates the chiefs of the Bedouin tribes of
Midian. Their original names are preserved.'* Together they
formed a council of seventy, of which, as it would seem,
Hur was the head.'^ They were chosen by the people, and
dedicated by Moses. The priests were not part of them.^
' Notes on tlia Bedouins, i. 381. '' Num. ii. 3-29 ; x. 14-27.
^ Ex. iv. 29. 5 Num. xi. ; Ex. xxiv. 9, 14..
^ Za/cen, Num. xxii. 4 ; see Gese- " 2 Chron.. xxxi. 2.
nius, sud voce,
W 2
164 SINAI AND THE LAW. i.ect. vii.
Through all the changes of the office, the name still con-
tinued. From time to time it appears in the settled period
of the monarchy.' On the dissolution of the kingdom it
reasserts something of its original importance.^ Out of the
elders or Sheykhs of the desert grew the elders of the syna-
gogues ; and out of the elders of the synagogues,— with no
change of name except that which took place in passing from
Hebrew to Grreek and from Grreek to the languages of modern
Europe, — the ' Presb3i:ers,' ' Prestres,' and ' Priests ' of Chris-
tendom. That word and that office, so limited in its pre-
sent meaning, is the direct descendant of the rudest and
most pastoral forms of the Jewish nation. The Christian
Presbyter represents, not the high priest Aaron, but the
Bedomn Jethro,— not the sacerdotal, but the primitive
nomadic element of the ancient Church.
Encamp- 2. The Encampment and its movements were peculiar to
the desert. Never again, after the first settlement in Canaan,
could the sight have been witnessed of the detailed arrange-
ments which called forth the passionate burst of Balaam's
admiration : ' How goodly are thy tents, 0 Jacob, and thy
' tabernacles, 0 Israel ! ' Many usages mentioned in con-
nexion with it must have perished at once on their entrance
into settled life. But relics of such a state are long to be
traced both in their lanjyuao^e and in their monuments. The
very words 'camp' and 'tents' remained long after they
had ceased to be literally applicable. ' The tents of the
'Lord' were in the precincts of the Temple. The cry of
sedition, evidently handed down from ancient times, was,
' To your tents, 0 Israel.' ' Without the cam/p ' ^ was
the expression applied even to the very latest events of
Jerusalem. In like manner, the national war-cries, always
the oldest of national compositions, go back to this early
' For instance, 1 Ks. viii. 1 ; 2 Ks. ^ Jer. xxix. 2 ; Ezek. viii. 11, 12 ;
xxiii. 1. 1 Mac. xii. 1, 35. ^ Heb. xiii. 13,
LECT. VII. RELICS OF THE WANDERINGS. 165
state. The shout, ' Else up, 0 Lord, and let Thine enemies
*be scattered; let them also that hate Thee flee before Thee,'
was incorporated into the Psalms of the monarchy ; but its
first force came from the time when, morning by morning, it
was repeated as the ark was slowly and solemnly raised on the
shoulders of the Levites, and went forth against the enemies
of God in the desert.' ' Arise, 0 Lord, into Thy resting-place !
' Thou and the ark of Thy strength.' ' Give ear, 0 Shepherd
' of Israel, Thou that leadest Joseph like a flock ; Thou that
' dwellest between the cherubim, shine forth ! Before Ephraim,
'Benjamin, and Manasseh, stir up Thy strength and come
* and help us.' ^ Grand and touching as is this address, taken
in its application to the latest decline of the Jewish kingdom,
it is still more so, when we see in it the reflected image of the
order of the ancient march, when the Ark of God went forth,
the pillar of fire shining high above it, surrounded by the
armed Levites, its rear guarded by the warrior tribes of
Ephraim, Benjamin, and Manasseh, the brother and the sons
of Joseph, doubtless intrusted with the embalmed remains of
their mighty ancestor.
And if from these fragments of sacred speech we turn to
the actual relics of antiquity (in the literal sense of relics),
their desert lineage can be yet more clearly traced.
Down to the latest times of the monyrchy was preserved, in The ArV.
the innermost sanctuary of the Temple, the ancient Ark or
coffer of wood, purporting to be the same which had been
made at Mount Sinai and carried through all their Avander-
ings. Its form, as we 4iave seen, possibly its religious sig-
nificance, was derived from Egypt. But its material was
such as can hardly be explained, except by the account
given of its first appearance. It was not of oak, the com-
mon wood of Palestine, nor of cedar,^ the wood usually
' Num. X. 35, 3G ; Ps. Ixriii. 1. ' Rabbinical writers, in their igno-
- Ps. Ixxx. 1 ; Ps. cxxxii. 8. ranee, interpret shittim as ' cedar.'
166 SIXAI AXD THE LAW. iect. vii.
employed in Palestine for sacred purposes, but of shittmi or
acacia, a tree of rare growth in Syria, but the most frequent,
not even excepting the palm, in the Peninsula of Sinai.
What lay within the Ark, also of this period, shall be men-
tioned hereafter. Two lesser objects of interest were laid up,
The pot of we know not for how long a time, in front of it, both relics of
Sinai. One was the pot of manna. Many a perplexed con-
troversy on the nature of the food which sustained the Is-
raelites in the desert would have been spared, could we have
but caught one glance at this its authentic perpetuation. It
has been conjectured by Eeland (and, in a matter of such
obscurity, even the conjecture of so great a scholar may be
worth notice), that the existence of this vessel, with the
handles or ears by which it was supported, may have lent a
pretext to the strange fable already quoted from Tacitus, that
the Jewish sanctuary contained the figure of an ass's head,
in commemoration of the events in the wilderness. Another
The staff object which lay beside the vessel of manna was the staff or
rod of almond wood, — the sceptre of the tribe of Levi, —
sometimes borne by Moses, ^ sometimes by Aaron, the emblem
of the ancient shepherd life, when sceptre and crook were
one and the same. The hke staff is still carried by the
present chiefs of the Sinaitic Peninsula.
TheTaber- But the most remarkable vestige of the nomadic state
nacle. ^£ ^j^^ nation was the Tabernacle or Tent, which was the
shelter of the Ark long after the entrance into Canaan,
and which was finally laid aside and treasured up in the
chambers of the Temple, when the erection of that stately
building rendered its further use superfluous. The Temple
itself was in some important respects but a permanent
If we translate shittim as ' cedar,' in Lecture VI., exchange the histo-
and tachash (vide infra) as ' had- rical ground of the narrative for two
ger,' neither of which is found in imaginary miracles,
the desert, we must, as was observed ' See Num. xvii. 6 ; xx. 8-10.
lECT. VII. RELICS OF THE WANDERINGS. 167
and enlarged copy of the Tabernacle. The name of the
Sacred Tent was thus used for the Temple long after
it had itself been discontinued.* In these its later imi-
tations and reminiscences, much more whilst it stood as
the one Sanctuary of the nation, it was a constant me-
morial of the wandering state, in which they received
their earliest forms of architecture and of worship. No
Gothic or Byzantine style can reveal to us more clearly
the dates of the churches and cathedrals of modern
Europe, than those rough boards of acacia wood, those
coarse tent-cloths of goat's-hair and ram-skin, dyed red after
the Arabian fashion, indicated the epoch of the primitive
Jewish sanctuary. Not a Druidical cromlech, like the Pa-
triarchal Bethel, not a fixed house like the palatial struc-
tures of Pharaoh or of Solomon, but a tent, distinguished
only by its larger dimensions and more costly materials
from the rest of the Israelite encampment, was 'the Ta-
*bernacle of the Lord, which Moses made in the wilder-
*ness.' On this simple dwelling, as of the Unseen Chief and
Euler of the host, was lavished all the art and treasure that
the region could supply ; skins of seals or fishes ^ from the
adjoining gulfs of the Eed Sea, linen coverings from the
Egyptian spoils, to clothe the tent as though it were itself a
living object — almost as, at the present day, the sanc-
tuary of Mecca is year by year clothed and reclothed with
sumptuous velvets, the gifts of Mussulman devotion.^ The
names of the architects of the Temple of Solomon have
perished, but the names of the builders of the Tabernacle,
the first founders of Jewish architecture, the rude beginners
of Israelite Art, are emphatically recorded; Bezaleel, the
' Ezek. xli. 1 ; Ps. Ixxvi. 2 ; Ixxxiv. the word translated ' badger.' See
1 ; ' a resemblance of the Holy Taber- Geseniiis under Tachash. Also Robin-
naele,' Wisdom ix. 8. sou, Bih. Eescarches, i. 116.
^ Such is the probable meaning of ^ Burton's Pilgrimage, iii. 295.
1C8 SINAI AND THE LA\7. lect. vii.
grandson of tlie great but mysterious Hur, and his com-
panion Alioliab of the tribe of Dan. ' See, the Lord hath
' called by name Bezaleel the son of Uri, the son of Hur, of
' the tribe of Judah : and He hath filled him with the Spirit
' of God, in wisdom, in understanding, and in knowledge, and
' in all manner of workmanship ; and to devise curious works,
'to work in gold, and in silver, and in brass, and in the
' cutting of stones to set them, and in carving of wood, to
' make any manner of cunning work. And He hath put in
' his heart that he may teach, both he and Aholiab, the son
' of Ahisamach, of the tribe of Dan. ' '
Sacrifice. 3. Amidst the various elements of worship which were
to be carried on in and around the Tabernacle, the most
conspicuous was, so far as we can judge, peculiarly fitted
to the mind of an Arabian tribe. We may indulge in
philosophical or theological speculations concerning the in-
stitution of Sacrifice ; but, historically (and this is the only
point of view in which we are now to consider it), we can-
not overlook its adaptation to the peculiar period of the
Israelitish existence, in which we find it first described at
length. Some of the forms are identical with those of Egypt
and of India. But it is remarkable that the institution (taken
in its most general aspect), after having perished every-
where else among the worshippers of One Grod, still lingers
among that portion of the Semitic nations which more than
any other represent the condition of Israel at Sinai. Extinct
almost entirely in the Jewish race itself, it is still an im-
portant part of the worship of the Bedouin Arabs. In the
desert of Sinai itself, sacrifice is still almost tlie only form
which Bedouin religion takes, at the chief sanctuary of the
peninsula, the tomb of Sheykh Saleh,^ and on the summit
of Serbal.^ When Burckhardt wished to penetrate into the
' Ex. XXXV. 30-34. ^ Drew's Scrrpturc Lmuls, 61. A
* Sinai and Palestine, 57. sheep is sacrificed ou the summit,
LECT. VII. EELICS OF THE WANDERINGS. JG9
then inaccessible fastness of Petra, the pretext which afforded
him the greatest security was that of professing a desire to
sacrifice a goat at the tomb of Aaron. In the pilgrimage
to Mecca, 'the sacrifices in the valley of Muna are so
' numerous and so intricate, that it is believed that none but
' the Prophet knew them.' ^ Whatever difficulty we have in
analysing the feelings of an ancient Israelite when he shed
the blood of a bull or a goat, or wrung the neck of a pigeon
before the altar, exists equally in the case of the like rites of
a modern Mussulman. Simple as we may suppose the reli-
gion of that earliest stage of the national life of the Israelites
to have been, Sacrifice is, by what we know of the Arabian
religion, one of the most necessary forms which it could
have assumed.'^
And as the sacrificial system was one which would be The tribe
f T -'
specially understood and felt at this early period, so also
historically did the Levitical priesthood spring from the
then existing framework of events. The ' tribe ' of Levi
of itself indicates the nomad division. It has even down to
this day preserved the recollection of that division, when all
the other like distinctions of the Jewish nation have perished.
The tribe of Levi, the family of Aaron, are almost the only
permanent signs of the personal greatness of Moses and his
brother. The supremacy of Israel was in later times shifted
and thrown over the rocks. Compare Amos (v. 25) seems distinctly to deny
the scapegoat. (Lev. xvi. 22.) that sacrifices were offered ' in the
' Burton's Pilgrimage, iii. 226, 303 desert except to heathen gods, and
-313. Jeremiah (vii. 22) goes so far as
^ It is true that on tliis point the almost to deny that the sacrificial
statements of the Sacred Books are ordinances were given at all in the
not uniform. The natural inference time of the Exodus. Perhaps the safest
from the Pentateuch, even acknow- inference from those conflicting state-
ledging the probability that the laws ments would be to suppose that the
did not assume their present shape sacrifices of the desert had a real
till a much later period, would be that existence, but stood on a much lower
the sacrificial system was already in level than the rest of the Mosaic
full force. But the Prophetical teach- institutions. See pp. 158, 176.
ing points to a different conclusion.
170 SIXAI AXD THE LAW. lect. vii.
from one tribe to another, Epbraim, Benjamin, Judab. But
tbis is tbe only period in wbicb tbe leading spirits of tbe
nation came from tbe tribe of Levi ; and in wbicb, tberefore,
its moral preeminence gave a ground for its ceremonial pre-
eminence also. Sucb a ground, implied doubtless in tbe
case of Aaron, is expressly stated in tbe case of tbe tribe at
large, wben we are told tbat tbe origin of tbeir consecration
was to be found in tbe fierce zeal witb wbicb tbey rallied
round Moses at tbe time of tbe Grolden Calf, and ' slew every
' man bis brotber, and every man bis companion, and every
' man bis neigbbour.' ' Tbe triple benediction, tbe especial
function of tbe sacerdotal office, seems to belong to tbe
earliest forms of tbe Israelite ritual; and tbe outward
symbol of it in tbe triple division of tbe fingers is carved on
tbe gravestones of tbose wbo are supposed to be Aaron's
descendants, and is preserved to tbis day as tbe mark of bis
family.^
The dis- 4. Tbe distinction between various kinds of food is one
food ^'^ wbicb furnisbed tbe earliest questions of casuistry in tbe
transition from tbe Jewisb to tbe Cbristian Cburcb, and
wbicb lingers in tbe remnants of tbe Jewisb race to tbis day.
It may be difficult to account entirely for tbe grounds of tbe
selection, but tbey may be traced witb tbe greatest proba-
bility to tbe peculiarities of tbe condition of Israel at tbe
time of tbe giving of tbe Law. Tbe animals of wbicb tbey
migbt freely eat were tbose wbicb belonged especially to tbeir
pastoral state — tbe ox, tbe sbeep, and tbe goat, to wbicb
were added tbe various classes of cbamois and gazelle.
As we read tbe detailed permission to eat every class of
wbat may be called tbe game of tbe wilderness—' tbe wild
^ goat, and tbe roe, and tbe red deer, and tbe ibex, and tbe
' Ex. xxxii. 27. Compare Deut. - Num. vi. 24. See the gravestones
xxaiii. 9. in the Jewish cemetery at Prague.
i.ECT. VII. EELICS OF THE WAXDERIXGS. 171
' antelope,^ and the chamois,' — a new aspect is suddenly
presented to us of a hirge part of the life of the Israelites in
the desert. It reveals them to us as a nation of hunters ;
it shows them to us, clambering over the smooth rocks,
scaling- the rugged pinnacles of Sinai, as the Arab chamois-
hunters of the present day, with bows and arrows instead
of guns. Such pursuits they could only in a limited
degree have followed in their own country. The permission,
the perplexity implied in the permission, could only have
arisen in a place where the animals in question abounded.
High up on the cliffs of Sinai the traveller still sees the
herds of gazelles standing out against the sky; and no
image was more constantly before the pilgrims, of whatever
age they may be, who wrote the mysterious inscriptions in
the Wady Mukatteb, and on the rock of Herimat Haggag,
than the long-horned ibex. In every form and shape of ex-
aggeration it is there to be seen. What makes the enume-
ration more exclusively ^ Arabian in its character is the omis-
sion of the ' reem ' ^ or buffalo, so frequently mentioned in
connexion with the wild pastures east and north of Palestine.
In like manner the strict prohibitions may almost all be
traced either to the intention of drawino- some slight distinc-
tion between Israel and the mere wanderers of the desert, as
in the case of the camel and jerboa, or to the strong recoil
from Egypt, as in the case of the leprous swine and the
serpent, in all its forms and shapes, so closely connected in
Egypt with the mystical or obscene ceremonial from which
they were now set free. We are accustomed, in the French
and Saxon names used in our lano'uase for the various kinds
» Its name, Dishon, is that of the 585, 587, 595, 596, 673, 1098.
Bon of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 21, 30). ^ Unless the word ttoh, IND, oc-
2 The spots on the cliti's of the cuiTing only in Dent. xiv. 5,' and
Dead Sea, east and west, where the translated ' wild ox,' is so to be
ibex is to be found, are enumerated in taken.
Eitier, ii. 534, 560, 562, 580, 584,
rcverige.
172 SIXAI AND THE LAW. lect. vii.
of food, to trace the relative social position of the Normans
and Saxons after the Conquest. A similar inference as to the
original condition of the Israelites, may, in like manner, be
deduced from the permission or prohibition of clean and
unclean food, which must have long- outlived the practical
occasion whence they derived their first meaning and in-
tention.
Blood 5. A whole class of laws appears to be explained, on the
one hand, by the peculiar state against which they are
aimed ; on the other hand, by their high elevation above
that state, indicating the higher than any merely national
source from whence they came. Of all the virtues of civi-
lisation, the one which most incontestably follows in its train,
and is most rarely anticipated in earlier ages, is humanity.
And rare as this is everywhere in barbarous nations, it is
rarest in the East. In the East and West the value of
animal and of human life is exactly reversed. An Arab, who
will be shocked at the notion of shooting his horse, will have
no scruple in killing a man. And what was the fierceness of
the ancient Semitic race, especially, is apparent both from
the later Jewish history, and from that of the kindred
nations of Phoenicia and Carthage. Against this, the laws of
Moses, in war, in slavery, and in the social relations of life,
stand out, as has been often observed, in marvellous con-
trast. But there was one form of ferocity, then as now,
peculiar to tlie Bedouin tribes, that of revenge for blood.
To the fourth generation (it is the exact limit laid down both
in the Bedouin custom and in the Mosaic law), the lineal
descendant of a murdered man is to this day charged with
the duty of avenging his blood.^ This institution, so deeply
seated in the Arab race as to have defied the course of cen-
turies, and the efforts of three religions, was assumed and
' The Goel ('redeemer') of the the Arab. Michaelis, Laws of Moses,
Hebrew is the Tair (' sxirvivor ') of art. 131.
LECT. VII. THE LAW. 173
tolerated, like slavery, polygamy, or any of the other
ancient Asiatic usages, which more or less lasted through the
Jewish times. But it was restrained by the establishment Cities of
of the cities of refuge. If, for the hardness of the Bedouin ''*''
heart, Moses left the Avengers of Blood as he found them,
yet, for the tenderness of heart infused by a 'more ex-
cellent way,' he reared those barriers against them. The
common law^ of the desert found itself kept in check by
the statute law of Palestine, and the six cities became (as
far as we know from history) rather monuments of what
had been, and of what might have been, than remedies of
what was.
6. These are the most obvious instances of a direct con- The Law.
nexion of any part of the Mosaic Law with the code of the
desert. Of the rest of the Law there is, for the most part,
nothing which specially connects itself with the desert life,
though its general savour of antiquity throws it back to the
earhest period of which criticism will admit. The growth of
general laws or customs out of particular occasions, — as, for
example, the rule for the marriage of heiresses within their
own tribe arising out of the case of the daughters of Zelo-
phehad,^ and the dispensation for accidental defilement from
the incident of the dead body in the camp,^ — is precisely the
primitive stage of ancient law which we recognise in the
' Themis ' or ' Themistes ' of the Homeric age.'* ' He cast a
' tree into the waters, and the waters were made sweet :
* there he made for them a statute and an ordinance.' This
indication of the origin of the first Mosaic law at the w^ell of
Marah, though left unexplained, is probably a sample of the
rise of many others. Again, the mode in which the religious,
civil, moral, and ceremonial ordinances ' are mingled up
* together, without any regard to differences in their essential
' Num. xxxvi. 8-11. ' Xiim. ix. 6.
^ See Maine, Ancient Law, p. 4.
174 SIXAI AND THE LAW. lect. vii.
* character,' lias been well observed ^ to be consistent only
with that early stage of thought, when law was not yet
severed from morality, nor religion from law, nor ceremony
from religion. It is, in fact, this primitive blending of
heterogeneous elements which has given rise to the peculiar
relations occupied by the Mosaic Law towards the Christian
Chui'ch. 'No law,' says Michaelis,^ 'of such high antiquity
' has, in one connected body, reached our times, and it is, on
' this account alone, very remarkable .... and, so long as
' it remains unknown, the genealogy of our existing laws may
' be said to be incomplete.' Beyond this general descent of
all modern laws from the code of the Jewish legislator, it
is extremely difficult to point out any principle on which
parts have been retained, and parts abolished. The JNIosaic
prohibition of usury continued in force throughout Chris-
tendom till the seventeenth century. The ]\Iosaic sanction
of slavery is still a strong support of that institution in the
Southern States of North America. Oiu- own marriage laws are
mainly based on theLevitical code; andthe question of Henry's
divorce, which formed the occasion of the separation of the
English from the Eoman Church, turned on a minute point
of Levitical casuistry. Even in its most general aspect, the
relation of the JNIosaic Law to the Gospel presents questions
hardly yet answered by History or Theology. What was
the Law, of which the Psalmist spoke as that in the keeping
of which he found light, and life, and peace, and comfort,
and salvation ? ^ or what the Law, of which the Apostle spoke
as though it were his personal enemy, the cause of death and
the strength of sin ? ■* What was that Law of which ' not one
'jot or tittle should pass away till all was fulfilled?' or that,
' Maine's Ancient Law, p. 16. See Professor Jowett's Essaj' on 'The
^ Laws of Moses, p. 2. Law, the Strength of Sin' (C'o«?«ew<ary
^ Ps, xix. cxix. on S. Paul's Epistles, 2nd ed., ii.
♦ Kom. vii. 7-11; 1 Cor. xv. 56. 493-502).
LECT. VII. THE TEX COMMAXDMEXTS. 175
which with all its ordinances was ' blotted out,' ' taken out of
* the way,' ' abolished ? ' ^ The solution of these problems must
be sou<j^ht elsewhere. It is enough here to indicate them.
They point to the remote antiquity of the code and the
institution, which could thus be personified, idealised, and
applied in senses so different. They are proofs, also, of the
freedom with which these various senses are used in the
Sacred records both of the Jewish and Christian Churches.
It was this most ancient and venerable of all the parts of the
Old Dispensation that furnished the antithesis, now become
almost proverbial, between the ' letter that kills,' and ' the
' spririt that quickens.'
There is one portion of the Law, however, which claims
especial attention, both from its evident connexion with this
earliest period of the history, and from its position as the
kernel of tlie whole institution.
We read that when the Ark was carried in the reign of The Ten
Solomon to its last retreat within the newly erected Temple, men™'^^
it was opened for the first time within the memory of man,
to examine its sacred contents. It is impossible not to feel
the interest of the moment, when the ancient lid of acacia
wood was lifted up, and those who had heard of its hidden
wonders saw its dark interior. ' There was nothincr in the
' Ark save the tivo tables of stone, which Moses put there at
' Horeb when the Lord made a covenant with the children
' of Israel when they came out of Egypt.' Nothing save these.
We know not their form or size. But we know the hard,
imperishable granite out of which they were hewn ; we know
its red hue ; the style of engraving must have been such as
can be still discerned in the Desert Inscriptions. These
venerable fragments of the rock of Sinai, seen then, were
seen, as far as we know, for the last time. They must have
> Matt. V. 18; Col. ii. 14 ; Eph. ii. 15.
ward ap-
pearance,
176 SINAI AXD THE LAW. lect. vii.
perished, or at least disappeared, when the Ark itself perished
or disappeared in the caj)ture of Jerusalem by Nebuchad-
nezzar. But their contents have survived the wreck, not
only of the Ark and Temple, but of the whole system of
worship of which they were the basis. The Ten Command-
ments delivered on Mount Sinai have become imbedded in
the heart of the religion which has succeeded. Side by side
with the Prayer of Our Lord, and with the Creed of His
Church, they appear inscribed on om- churches, read from
our altars, taught to our children, as the foundation of all
morality.
Their out- The form in which they were presented to Israel in the
wilderness is but of slight importance. Yet five points may
be observed as indicating their primitive, impenetrable sim-
plicity. First, the number. Ten, as drawn from the most
obvious form of calculation, becomes, as if in imitation of
this sacred code, the form in which many pf the lesser enact-
ments are cast. As many as six groups of this kind may be
traced ^ in the dijBferent parts of the Pentateuch. Secondly,
the fact that they were on two blocks of stone, probably of
nearly equal size, and the variations in the versions of Exodus
and Deuteronomy, almost necessarily lead to the inference
that the Commandments alone must have been engraven
without the reasons for their observance. Thirdly, the same
general consideration, combined with the form in which the
Commandments run, indicates that the original division of
the Tables differed from that of all modern churches. Five
Commandments were in all probability on the first, and five
on the second table ; amongst those on the first would thus
be included that which now usually ranks at the head of the
second, but which then was placed amongst the general
» (1) Ex. xxi. 2-11. (2) Ex. xxii. (6) Levit. vii. 11-21. Ewald, ii. 157-
6-26 (3) Ex. xxiii. 1-9. (4) Ex. 159. He gives others, but they seem
xxiii. 10-19. (5) Levit. vii. 1-10. too uncertain to deserve notice.
LECT. VII. THE TEX COMMANDMENTS. 177
commandments of reverence to superiors whether divine or
human.' Fourthly, unlike our modern idea of the Com-
mandments, but like the written rocks of the desert, the
inscriptions run over both sides : ' the tables were written on
' both their sides ; on the one side and the other were they
' written.' ^ This was probably to give the impression of
their completeness. Fifthly, they are not properly ' the Ten
Commandraents,^ but ' the Ten Words ' ^^ — Decalogue. Hence
the first of them is, in the Jewish division, not a command-
ment at all.
This was the form : what was the substance of the Ten
Commandments ? . . . What has the human race gained
by its adoption of what Burckhardt called ' the code of the
Beni-Israel ? ' It is, in one word, the declaration of the Theiriden-
indivisible unity of morality with religion. It was the boast of^morality
of Josephus,"* that, whereas other legislators had made religion ^"^ ^^"
. ° ligion.
to be a part of virtue, Moses had made virtue to be a part
of religion. Of this, amongst all other indications, the Ten
Commandments are the most remarkable and enduring ex-
ample. Delivered with every solemnity of which place and
time could admit, treasured up, with every sanctity which
Religion could confer, within the holiest shrine of the holiest
of the holy places, more sacred than altar of sacrifice or
altar of incense,— they yet contain almost nothing of local
or ceremonial injunction. However sacred the ritual with
which they and the other moral laws were surrounded, yet
we have the highest authority for distinguishing between
what was essential and non-essential in the Mosaic institu-
tions, and for believing that even the whole sacrificial system
was as nothing compared with the Decalogue and its enforce-
ments. *I spake not unto your fathers, nor commanded
' As Pietas amongst the Romans. ^ Ex. xxxii. 15.
Ewald, ii. 151. So Philo and Jose- " See margin of Exod. xxxir. 28.
phus, and Irenaeus {Har. ii. 13). * C. Apion. ii. 17.
178 SINAI AND THE LAW. lect. vii.
* them, in the day that I brought them out of the land of
' Egypt, concerning burnt offerings or sacrifices. But this
* thing commanded I them, saying, Obey my voice, and I
' will be your Grod, and ye shall be my people.' ^
If there was in the Fourth commandment the injunction to
consecrate, by unbroken rest, the seventh day of every week,
yet experience has shown how widely adapted the principle of
this observance has been to all times and countries. Even
those who most zealously repudiate the obligation of the
Mosaic Law, and who dwell most justly on the wide distinc-
tion between the Jewish Sabbath and the Christian Sunday,
acknowledge that no other ancient ceremony has so main-
tained its hold on the world, and that without its antecedent
support the observance of Sunday would hardly have exercised
the beneficial influence which none deny to it. The Patri-
archal rites of Circumcision and of Sacrifice have vanished
away, but the name of the Sabbath of the Decalogue, the
Sabbath of Mount Sinai, — as if it partook of the universal
spirit of the code in which it is enshrined, — is still, as though
by a natural anomaly, revered by thousands of Grentile Chris-
tians. If this be so even in the one exception to the spiritual
and moral character of the Decalogue, much more is it with
the remaining nine of these fundamental laws. ' Thou shalt
' have none other gods but Me,' ' Thou shalt do no murder,'
*Thou shalt not commit adultery,' 'Thou shalt not steal,'
are still as impressive and as applicable as when first heard
and written. The Second commandment is full of the recoil
against the idolatry of Egypt ; the Fourth commandment, in
one version, grounds itself on the recollection of the servi-
tude in Egypt ; the Fifth rests its rewards on the possession
of the yet unconquered Land of Promise. But these local
and temporary allusions, whilst they effectually show that
' Jer.vii. 21-23.
LECT. VII. THE TEN COilMAXDMENTS. 179
the letter of the commandments is a thing of the past, serve
as proofs of the enduring force of the spirit which has come
down to us, thus imbedded in the blocks of Sinai. And, if
there is a profound spiritual sense in the declaration that the
words were ' written by the finger of God,' there is also a
grave trutli, both historical and spiritual, in the fact tliat
' the tables ' were the solid fragments hewn out of the rock
of Horeb. Hard, stiff, abrupt as the cliffs from which they
were taken, they remain as the firm, unyielding basis on
which all true spiritual religion has been built up and sus-
tained. Sinai is not Palestine ; the Law is not the Gfospel ;
but the Ten Commandments, in letter and in spirit, remain
to us as the relic of that time. They represent to us, both in
fact and in idea, the granite foundation, the immovable
mountain on which the world is built up ; without which
all theories of religion are but as shifting and fleeting clouds ;
they give us the two homely fundamental laws, which all
subsequent Eevelation has but confirmed and sanctified —
the Law of our duty towards Grod, and the Law of our
duty towards our neighbour.
M 2
180
LECTUEE VIII.
KADESH AND PISGAH.
The close of the history of the Wanderings bears on its face
the marks of confusion and omission.
Two stages alone of the journey are distinctly visible, from
Sinai to Kadesh, and from Kadesh to Moab.
Journey I. I have elsewhere ' pointed out the profound obscurity in
to Kadesh. which the Mosaic narrative has wrapt the first of these two
periods. Not merely are the names of nearly all the en-
campments still lost in uncertainty, but the narrative itself
draws the mind of the reader in different directions ; and the
variations of the text itself ^ repel detailed inquiry still more
positively.
To this outward confusion corresponds the inward and
spiritual aspect of the history. It is the period of reaction
and contradiction and failure. It is chosen by S. Paul ^ as
the likeness of the corresponding failure of the first efforts of
the primitive Christian Church ; the one ' type ' of the Jewish
History expressly mentioned by the writers of the New Tes-
tament. It left hardly any permanent trace on the history
of the people, and, therefore, according to the plan laid down
in these Lectures, may be passed with the same rapidity with
which it is passed by the Sacred Eecord itself. Some few
* Sinai and Palestine, 92, ' types ' in the original. This is the
* Comp. Deut. x. 6, 7, with Num. true meaning of the word ; and it is
xxxiii. .30-36. the only case in which it is applied in
* 1 Cor. X. 11. ' These things hap- the New Testament to the Jewish
' prned unto them for examples ' — Histoiy.
LECT. vni. JOURNEY TO KADESII. 181
institutions', however, or fragments of institutions, come down
to the Jewish and even into the Christian Church, from that
time; and some few saUent points emerge full of eternal
siofnificance.
The brazen plates which covered the ancient wooden altar. The brazen
and which were perpetuated in ' the brazen altar ' of Solo- f]^g .^^[^.^^y.
mon's temple, were traced back to the rehcs of the censers
of brass which had belonged to the chiefs of the great con-
spiracy of the tribes of Levi and Eeuben against the rule of
the two prophet -brothers of the family of Aaron. Never Conspiracy
again did Levi make the attempt to gam the possession oi Eeuben.
the priesthood, nor Eeuben to seize the reins of government.
The two tribes afterwards became entirely parted asunder in
their characters and fortunes : the one was incorporated into
the innermost circle of the settled civilisation of Palestine ;
the other hovered on the very outskirts of the Holy Land
and chosen people, and dwindled away into a Bedouin tribe.
But the story of Korah belongs to a time when they, with
Simeon, still breathed the same fierce and uncontrollable
spirit of their Arabian ancestry ; when Levi was still fresh
from the great crisis in Sinai, by which their tribe had been
consecrated and divided from the rest ; when the recollection
of the birthright of Reuben still lingered in the minds of
his descendants. In the desert they marched side by side ;
and their joint conspiracy naturally grew out of their joint
neighbourhood.^ It was the last expiring effort of the old
traditions of the Beni-Israel against the constitution of the
new order of things, which every generation would more
firmly establish. ' Thou leddest thy people like sheep by
' the hand of Moses and Aaron.' ^
Another relic of that dark time was one which remained The
till the time of Hezekiah in the Jewish Church, but which, gerpgnt.
' See Blunt's Undesigned Coincidences, Pt. i. § xx.
^ Ps. Ixxvii. 20.
182 KADESH. lect. viii.
»
partly in symbol and partly in pretensions to the reality, has
prevailed even to our own day in the Christian Church. ' The
* serpent of brass that Moses had made ' was long cherished
as a sacred image in the sanctuaries of Judah and Jerusalem.
Incense was offered to it, and a name conferred on it ; ^ and
even after its destruction by Hezekiah the recollection of it
was still so endeared to the nation, that from it was drawn
one of the most sacred similitudes of the New Testament ; and
even the Christian Church claimed for centuries to have
preserved its very form intact in the church of S. Ambrose,
at Milan. The snakes against which the brazen serpent was
originally raised as a protection, were peculiar to the eastern
portion of the Sinaitic desert. There and nowhere else, and
in no other moment of their history, could this symbol have
originated.
Amidst the general obscurity and doubts of this period of
the Wanderings, one spot emerges, if not into certainty, at
least into unmistakable prominence. It is in this stage of
the history almost what Sinai was in the first. ' He brought
Kadesh. ' them to Mount Sinai and to Kadesh Barnea.' ^ It is the
only place dignified by the name of a ' city.' Its very name
implies its sanctity — ' the Holy Place ; ' as if, like Mount
Sinai itself, it had a sacredness of its own before the host of
Israel encamped within its precincts : possibly from the old
oracular spring of judgment^ described in the earliest times
of the Canaanitish history. The encampment there is distinct
in character from any other in the wilderness, except the
stay at Sinai. Once, if not twice, ' they abode there many
days.' Situated as it was on the border of the Edomite ter-
' 2 Kings xviii. 4. Our translation The name seems to combine the signi-
treats the name Nehushtan as a title fications of ' serpent,' ' brass,' ' divi-
of contempt applied to it by Hezekiah, nation.'
but it is more accurate to render the - Judith v. 14.
words ' one called it,' i. e. ' it was ^ Eu-Mishpat, ' Spring of Judg-
commonly called,' See Mr. Wright ment,' — ' which is Kadesh.' Gen.
in Diet, of the Bible, ' Nehushtan.' xiv. 7.
LECT. viu. ITS SITUATION. 183
ritory, its close connexion with Israel invested with a kind of
Sinaitic glory the whole range of the Idumean mountains.
' 0 Jehovah, when Thou wentest out of Seir, when Thou
* marchedst out of Edom.'' ' ' Grod came from Teman, and
' the Holy One from Mount Paran.' ^ ' Jehovah came from
* Sinai and rose up from Movmt Sevr unto them : He shined
' forth from Mount Paran, and He came with the ten thou-
' sands " of Kadesh." ' ^
On what precise spot amongst the rocks of Edom this Petra.
' Holy Place ' was enshrined, is a question even more un-
certain than that which regards the exact locality of Sinai.
But nothing has been yet discovered to shake the substantial
credibility of the Jewish, Mussulman, and Christian tradi-
tions, which have fixed it in the neighbourhood of the city
afterwards known by the name of the ' Cliff' or ' Eock.' That
huge sandstone ' cliff,' through which the most romantic of
ravines admits the stream of livings water to fertilise the
basin of Petra, and which, doubtless, was the origin of the
later Hebrew and Greek title of the city, still bears the name
of Moses, and in its rent the Arabian tribes still believe that
they see the mark of his wonder-working staff.
It is this scene of the giving of water to the angry Israelites
and ' their beasts ' ('The Thirst ' of Murillo's famous picture),
on which our attention is chiefly fixed, and which is identified
either with the new name, or the new turn given to the
old name of the place, ' Meribah Kadesh,' * * Strife and
Sanctity.^ But there are two other events which more dis-
tinctly mark the stage of the history at wliich we have arrived.
In Kadesh passed away the eldest born of the ruling family
of Israel. ' Miriam died there and was buried there,' in one Death and
of the rock-hewn tombs which perforate the whole range of Mi\am.
' Judg. V. 4. 2 Hab. iii. 3.
' So the LXX. in Deut. xxxiii. 2. See Ewald, ii. 257.
* Num. XX. 12, 13.
184 KADESH. i.ect. viit.
the hills surrounding- Petra ; it may be, in that secluded spot
still known * by the sacred name of the ' Convent,' still scaled
by the long ascent cut out of the rock for the approach of
pilgrims in ages beyond the reach of history. The mourning
for her death, according to Josephus,^ lasted for thirty days,
and was terminated ^ by the ceremony which remained to the
last days of the Commonwealth, the sacrifice, as if in special
allusion to the departed Prophetess, of the red heifer. Close
in the neighbourhood of Kadesh passed away the second of
Death and the family. On the summit of Mount Hor, immediately
Aaron. facing that other sanctuary of which we just now spoke, has,
for at least two thousand years, been shown the grave of
Aaron. From that craggy top, he, like his younger brother,
forbidden to enter the Promised Land, surveyed, though in
a far more distant view, the outskirts of Palestine. He sur-
veyed too, in its fullest extent, the dreary mountains, barren
platform, and cheerless valley, of the desert through which
they had passed. It was a Pisgah, not of prospect, but of
retrospect : it was, if we may venture so far to draw out its
meaning, the appropriate end of the chief representative of
the sacerdotal order of his nation, clinging to the past, look-
ing back to Egypt, with no encouraging word for the future ;
the opposite of that wide and varied vista which opened
before the first of the Prophets. The succession of the
Priesthood, that link of continuity between the past and pre-
sent, now first introduced into the Jewish Church, and amidst
all changes of form never entirely lost in the Christian
Church, was continued to his son Eleazar. It was made
through that singular usage, preserved even to the latest days *
of the Jewish hierarchy, — the transference of the vestments
and drapery of the dead High Priest to the living successor.
' See Sinai and Palestine, 96. of Mount Sin.
2 He states {Ant. iv. 4, § 6) that ^ Josephus, Ant. iv. 4, § 6.
she was buried in state on the top * Ewald, Geschichte, v. 13.
LECT. VIII. DOUBTS OF MOSES. 185
' Moses stripped Aaron of his garments and put them upon
' Eleazar his son, and Aaron died there in the top of the
' mount ; and Moses and Eleazar came down from the mount,
* and when all the congregation saw that Aaron was dead,
' they mourned for Aaron thirty days, even all the house of
' Israel.' In this, their first great national sorrow, they
parted from Kadesh, from Mount Hor, and from the inhos-
pitable race of their kindred tribe of Esau ; under the now
undivided sway of the youngest, and greatest, and only re-
maining child of the family of Amram.
Even he had borne his share in the gloom of this period. Doubts of
jVXoSGS
In the incident of the calling forth of the water from the
cliff of Kadesh, occurs the expression of distrust on the part
not only of Aaron but of Moses.^ It is but a single blot in
the career of the Prophet, and it is but slightly touched by
the Sacred narrative. Still it was thought sufficiently im-
portant for Josephus, after his manner, to suppress all
mention of it; and it just reveals that shade of weakness in
the character of Moses, which adds so much to our impression
of its general strength.
He doubted, and his doubt is not concealed. He doubted
once in a moment of gloom and irritation ; but he did not,
therefore, doubt everything and always ; and he is not less
revered as the chief Prophet of the Jewish Church. To
this side of his character, in the Koran, is attached the
remarkable story of the message sent to repress his murmurs
against the inscrutable ways of Providence. He met (so runs
the legend), by the shores of the Eed Sea, the mysterious
visitant from the other world, El Khudr, 'The Gfreen or Im- Story of El
' mortal One,' ' One of the servants of God.' And Moses said
unto him, ' Shall I follow thee, that thou mayest teach me
' 'Shall ■we,' i.e. 'can we' (not Num. xxtH. 12-14-, Deut. xxxii. 51,
' shall we ' ) fetch water out of this that it appears as the ground of his
'"cliff?"' Num. XX. 10. It is only in exclusion from Palestine.
186
KADESH.
LECT. VIII.
Journey
from
Kadesh to
Moab.
* part of that which thou hast been taught, for a direction unto
' me ? ' He answered, ' Verily thou canst not bear with me ; for
' how canst thou patiently suffer those things the knowledge
' whereof thou dost not comprehend ? ' Moses replied, ' Thou
' shalt find me patient if Grod please ; neither will I be
' disobedient unto thee in anj^hing.' He said, ' If thou fol-
* low me, therefore, ask me not concerning anything until I
' declare the meaning thereof unto thee.' They proceed on
their journey. The stranger successively makes a hole in
a ship on the sea, slays an innocent youth, and rebuilds a
tottering wall in a city where they had been unjustly treated.
At each transaction Moses asks the reason and is rebuked.
At the conclusion the explanation is given. ' The vessel
' belonged to certain poor men, and I was minded to render
' it unserviceable, because there was a certain King behind
' them, who took every sound ship by force. The youth, had
' he grown up, would have vexed his parents by ingratitude
' and perverseness. The wall belonged to two orphan youths,
' and under it was hidden a treasure ; and their father was a
' righteous man ; and thy Lord was pleased that they should
* attain to their full age, and take forth this treasure by the
' mercy of thy Lord. And I did not what thou hast seen by
' my own will, but by God's direction. This is the interpre-
* tation of that which thou couldest not hear with patience.' '
II. From this point the geography and the history at once
begin to clear up. We trace the course of the host with the
utmost distinctness down the Arabah to the Grulf of Elath.
At the head of the Grulf — to be no more revisited by Israel-
itish wanderers till it became the exit of Solomon's commerce
— they turned the southern corner of the Idumean range by
the Wady Ithm, and then, skirting the eastern frontier of
' Koran, c. xviii. 64-81. This is
the story adopted in Parnell's Hermit.
I have incorporated it here, as the
most universally interesting of the
traditions concerning Moses.
LECT. vnr. JOURNEY TO PISGAII. 187
Edom, finally crossed into what became their home for many
months, perhaps years, — the vast range of forest and pasture
on the east of the Jordan.
It was a marked epoch in their journeyings — almost an Passage of
anticipation of the passage of the Jordan itself — when they
crossed the two streams which formed the boundary of the
desert- The first was the watercourse or torrent that took its
name from its willows overhanging.^ The second was the rush- Passage of
ing river Arnon, which, as its name indicates, dashes through
a deep defile of sandstone rocks, and parts with a decisive
barrier the cultivated land of Moab from the wild mountains
of Edom. Two fragments of ancient song remain, celebrating
with triumphant strains these two memorable fords, —
Now rise up,
And get you over the watercourse of Zered.^
And again, in still more emphatic language, —
What he did in the flags by the river-side,
And in the torrents of Arnon,
And at the poui'ing forth of the brooks
That goeth down to the dweUings of Ar
And heth on the border of Moab.^
Their first halt brings before us a scene, such as had The well of
before, doubtless, been witnessed in their desert encampments,
but now with an indication that they were approaching the
cultivated land. It was no longer by the natural springs, as
of Elim or Marah, nor by the living stream gushing out of
the rock, as at Horeb and Kadesh, that they rested. Here,
as on the southern frontier of Palestine, i?eer-sheba, and
i?eer-lahai-roi, we find ' the well,' the deep cavity sunk in the
earth by the art of man. Long afterwards the spot was
' The watercourse of Zered, ' the tier of Moab.
abundant tree ' (Deut. ii. 13, 18), or of - Dcut. ii. 13.
'the willows' (Isa. xv, 7 ; Amos vi, ^ Num. xxi, 14, 15.
14), is spoken of as the southern frou-
188 PISGAH. LECT. VIII.
known, from tliis the first visit, as Beer-elim,^ ' the well of
the heroes.'
Rabbinical tradition represented it as the last appearance
of the spring or well of Miriam, that had followed them
through their wanderings, and bubbled up once more before
it finally plunged into the Lake of Gennesareth. But the
original account of it is more touching even than this
picturesque legend,^ —
' That is the well whereof the Lord said unto Moses —
Gather the people together,
I will give them water.'
The nation long preserved the song addressed, as if with
a passionate invocation, to the water which lay hid in this
well, by those who came to draw from it.
Spring up, 0 well ! sing ye unto it !
The well which the princes digged,
The nobles of the people digged it
With the sceptre of the Lawgiver,
With the ' staves of their tribes.'
It was the expression of the thankful feeling that in that
simple but precious gift of water all had borne their part
from the least to the greatest : that it was no ordinary tool,
no staff of divination, but the rod of their great leader Moses,
the sceptres of the chiefs of the tribes, that had wrought this
homely work, and left the refreshing boon to posterity.
We can hardly forbear to hail this clear, undoubted burst of
primitive^ Hebrew poetry out of the disjointed structure of
the Sacred History, almost as gratefully as the event which
it commemorates was hailed by the Israelites themselves.
The last From their entrance into the territory of Moab the history
days of presents itself under two distinct aspects. The first is that
' Isa. XV. 8 ; see Sinai and Pales- tionary of the Bible,
tine, Appendix, § 56. * Compare Herder {Spirit of He-
2 See Lecture VI., and Mr. Grove brew Poetry, vol. xxxiv. p. 225).
on ' Beer ' and ' Beer-elim,' in Bic-
1.ECT. viu BALAAM. 189
of the earKest stage of the conquest of Palestine. The
second is that of the last days of Moses. The first of these
will be most conveniently considered in detail in the next
Lecture. But the general results of this conquest introduce
a scene in the history which can only be considered in this
place, because it suddenly gives us, before we finally take
farewell of the great Prophet of Israel, a glimpse of another
Prophet, who for a moment fills our whole view, and who,
though he leaves no enduring mark on the history of the
Jemsh Church, has occupied so large a place in Christian
theology as to rank amongst the most interesting characters
of the Old Dispensation.
A unity of place links together the Two Prophets, else
so wide apart ; and, as if with a consciousness of this, the
shadow of the great mountain, which connects their careers
together, is thrown before at the very beginning of this portion
of the narrative. ' They came from Nahali-el, " the torrents
' of Grod," to Bamoth, " the high places," and from Bamoth
' to the " ravine " that is in the field of Moab, to the top of
' "PiSGAH which looketh towards Jeshimon,^ the waste." '
1. It is one of the striking proofs of the Divine univer- Balaam,
sality of the Old Testament, that the veil is from time to
time drawn aside, and other characters than those which
belonged to the Chosen People appear in the distance,
fraught w^ an instruction which transcends the limits of
the JewislFTChurch, and not only in place, but in time, far
outruns the teaching of any peculiar age or nation. Such is
the discussion of the profoundest questions of religious phi-
losophy in the book of the Grentile Job. Such is the appear-
ance of the Gentile Prophet Balaam. He is one of those
characters of whom, whilst so little is told that we seem to
know nothing of him, yet that little raises him at once to the
' Num. xxi. 20.
190 PISGAH. LECT. vnr.
His posi- highest pitch of interest. His home is beyond/ the Euphrates,
amongst the mountains where the vast streams of Mesopo-
tamia have their rise. But his fame is known across the "
Assyrian desert, through the Arabian tribes, down to the very
shores of the Dead Sea. He ranks as a warrior chief (by
that combination of soldier and prophet, already seen in
Moses himself) with the five kings of Midian.^ He is
regarded throughout the whole of the East as a Prophet,
whose blessing or whose curse is irresistible, the rival, the
possible conqueror of Moses. In his career is seen that
recognition of Divine Inspiration outside the Chosen People,
which the narrowness of modern times has been so eaefer
to deny, but which the Scriptures ^ are always ready to
acknowledge, and, by acknowledging, admit within the pale
of the teachers of the Universal Church the higher spirits
of every age and of every nation.
His clia- His character. Oriental and primeval though it be, is
delineated with that fineness of touch which has rendered it
the storehouse of theologians and moralists in the most recent
ages of the Church. Three great divines have from different
points of view drawn out, without exhausting, the subtle
phases of his greatness and of his fall. The self-deception
which persuades him in every case that the sin which he
commits may be brought within the rules of conscience and
revelation ; ^ the dark shade cast over a noble . course by
' Num. xxii. 5, xxiii. 7, xxiv. 6; the spirit of it is perfectly just, and
' the river ' == Euphrates. applies to the Bible generally. Bnlaam
lb. XXXI. 8. -^Yras no more a member of the Jewish
3 Josephus {Ant. iv. 6, § 13) consi- Church than was Socrates. He was
ders it a special matter of commenda- r^^ g^eat an enemy of the Church as
tion on Moses that, in spite of Balaam's Julian. But not the less has the sacred
hostility to the chosen people, he yet historian done that justice to the alien
' rightly honoured him by thus record- ^j^d the enemy, which many Christian
ing his prophecies,' which he might theologians have made it a point of
have appropriated to himself. The honour to deny,
form of this statement is conceived in 4 Butler's Sermons vii.
the prosaic fashion of Josephus. But
racter.
LECT. VIII. BALAAjM. 191
standing always on the ladder of advancement, and by the
suspense of a worldly ambition never satisfied ; ' the com-
bination of the purest form of religious belief with a standard
of action immeasurably below ^ it ; these have given to the
story of Balaam, the son of Beor, a hold over the last hundred
years which it never can have had over any period of the
human mind less critical or less refined.
One feels a kind of awe in tlie gradual preparation with
which he is brought before us, as if in the foreboding of some
great catastrophe. The King of the civilised Moabites unites
with the Elders, or Sheykhs, of the Bedouin Midianites, to
seek for aid against the powerful nation who (to use their own
peculiarly pastoral image) ' licked up all that were round
' about them, as the ox licked up the grass of the field ' ^ of
Moab. Twice, across the whole length of the Assyrian desert,
the messengers, with the Oriental bribes of divination in
their hands, are sent to conjure forth the mighty seer from his
distant home."* In the permission to go when, once refused,
he presses for a favourable answer, which at last comes, though
leading him to ruin, we see the peculiar turn of teaching
which characterises the purest of the ancient heathen oracles.
It is the exact counterpart of the elevated rebuke of the
Oracle at Cumge to Aristodicus, and of the Oracle of Delphi
to Gflaucus.^ Eeluctantly, at last he comes. The dreadful His jour-
apparition on the way, the desperate resistance of the terrified
animal, the furious determination of the Prophet to advance,
the voice, however explained,^ which breaks from the dumb
creature that has saved his life, all heighten the expectation
of the messaofe that he is to deliver. When Balaam and
> Newman's Sermons, iv. 21. * Herod, i. 158 ; vi. 86. Compare
- Arnold's Sermons, -v-i. 55, 56. 1 Kings xxii. 22 ; Ezek. xiv. 5.
* Num. xxii. 4. ^ 'H.engiitenherg(GeschichieBileams,
* Compare, for this extended inter- 50-54) represents it as a dream or
course between such distant localities, trance.
Blunt' s Coincidences, Pt. r. § xxiii.
192
PISGAH.
LECT. VIII.
The first Balak first meet, the short dialogue, preserved not by the
of Ealaam Mosaic historian but by the Prophet Micah/ at once exhibits
and jjalak. ^^^q agouy of the King and the lofty conceptions of the great
seer. ' 0 my people, remember what Balak, king of Moab,
' consulted, and what Balaam, the son of Beor, answered.
' " Whereivith shall I come before the Lord, and bow myself
' " before the High God ? Shall I come before Him with
' " burnt offerings, with calves of a year old f Will the Lord
' " be pleased with thousands of rams, or with ten thou-
* " sands of rivers of oil f Shall I give my Jirst-born for my
' " transgression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my
' " soul ? " ' So speaks the superstitious feeling of all times,
but, in a literal sense, of the royal house of Moab, always
ready, in a national crisis, to ajDpease offended Heaven by
the sacrifice ^ of the heir to the throne. The reply is such
as breathes the very essence of the Prophetic spirit, such as
had at that early time hardly expressed itself distinctly even
within the Mosaic Revelation itself. ' He hath shoived thee,
' 0 man, what is good; aud tvhat doth the Lord require of
' thee but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk
' humbly with thy God t '
If this is, indeed, intended to describe the first meeting of
the King and the Seer, it enhances the pa,thos of the struggle
which continues through each successive interview. Some-
times the one only, sometimes both together, are seen striving
to overpower the voice of conscience and of Grod with the fumes
of sacrifice, yet always failing in the attempt, which the
Prophet had himself at the outset declared to be vain. The
eye follows the Two, as they climb upwards from height
to height along the extended range, to the ' high places ' ^
The dm-
iiatious.
' Mieah y\. 5, &c.
- Comp. 2 Kings iii. 27 (see Mr.
Grove on ' Moab ' in Diet, of Bible).
This coincidence seems of itself suf-
ficient to show that this passage of
Mieah vi. is not, as some have sup-
posed, a merely general statement,
but is intended for the dialogue be-
tween Balaam and Balak.
^ Bumoth, Num. xxii. 41.
LECT. VIII. BALAAM. 193
dedicated to Baal, on the ' top of the rocks,' — ' the bare hill ' '
close above it, — the 'cultivated field '^ of the Watchmen
( Zophim) on the top of Pisgah,^ — to the peak where stood
' the sanctuary of Peor, that looketh toward the waste.' It
is at this point that the scene has been caught in the well-
known lines of the poet —
O for a sculptor's liand,
That thou mightst take thy stand,
Thy wild hair floating on the eastern breeze,
Thy tranced yet open gaze
Fix'd on the desert haze,
As one Avho deep in heav'n some airy pageant sees.
In outline dim and vast,
Their fearful shadows cast
The giant forms of Empire on their way
To ruin : one by one
They tow'r and they are gone.
Yet in the Prophet's soul the di-eams of avarice stay.^
Behind him lay the vast expanse of desert extending to the
shores of his native Assyrian river. On his left were the red
mountains of Edom and Seir : opposite were the dwelling-
places of the Kenite, in the rocky fastnesses of Engedi ;
further still was the dim outline of the Arabian wilderness,
where ruled the then powerful tribe of Amalek ; immediately
below him lay the vast encampment of Israel, amongst the
acacia groves of Abel Shittim, — like the watercourses ^ of the
mountains, like the hanging gardens beside his own river ^
Euphrates, with their aromatic shrubs, and their wide-spread-
ing cedars. Beyond them, on the western side of Jordan, rose
the hills of Palestine, with glimpses through their valleys
of ancient cities towering on their crested heights. And
' Shrfi, lb. xxiii. 3, 9. * Keble's Christian Year, 2iid
^ Sadch, lb. xxiii. 14. Sunday after Easter.
* Num. xxiii. 28 ; Deuteronomy ^ JSachal, Num. xxiy. 6.
xxxiv. 1. * Nahar (ibid.)
0
194 PISGAII. LECT. VIII.
beyond all, though he could not see it with his bodily vision,
he knew well that there rolled the deep waters of the great
sea, with the Isles of Greece, the Isle of Chittim, — a world
of which the first beginnings of life were just stirring, of
which the very name here first breaks upon our ears.
These are the points indicated in the view which lay before
the Prophet as he stood on the Watchers' Field, on the top of
Pisgah. What was the vision which unrolled itt^elf as he
heard the words of Grod, as he saw the vision of the Almighty,
' falling ' ^ prostrate in the prophetic trance, ' but having
' the eyes ' of his mind and his spirit ' open ? ' The out-
ward forms still remained. He still saw the tents below, goodly
in tlieir array ; he still saw the rocks, and hills, and distant
desert : but, as his thought glanced from height to height,
and from valley to mountain, the future fortunes of the
nations who dwelt there unfolded themselves in dim succes-
sion, revolving round and from the same central object.
TheVision. From the midst of that vast encampment he seemed to
see streams, as of water flowing to and fro over the valleys,
giving life to the dry desert and to the salt sea.^ He seemed
to see a form as of a mighty lion^ couched amidst the
thickets, or on the mountain fastnesses of Judah, ' and none
' should rouse him up ; ' or the ' wild bull ' ^ raging from
amidst the archers of Ephraim, trampling down his ene-
mies, piercing them through with the well-known arrows ^ of
the tribe. And yet again, in the more distant future, he ' saw,
' but not now,' — he ' beheld, but not nigh,' — as with the in-
tuition of his Chaldsean art, — ' a Star,' bright as those of the
far Eastern sky, ' come out of Jacob ; ' and ' a sceptre,' like the
shepherd's staff that marked the ruler of the tribe, ' rise out of
' Israel : ' and then, as he watched the course of the surrounding;
' The same word as in 1 Sam. xix. ^ Ibid. 9.
24; comp. Jos. Aiit. iv. 6, § 12. ■• Ibid. 8, Auth. Vers, 'unicorn.
^ Num. xxiv. 7, as in Ezek. xlvii. 8. * Compare Ps. Ixxviii. 9.
LECT. VIII. BALAAM. 195
nations, he saw how, one by one, they would fall, as fall they
did, before the conquering sceptre of David, before the steady
advance of that Star which then, for the first time, rose out
of Bethlehem. And as he gazed, the vision became wider
and wider still. He saw a time when a new tempest would
break over all these countries alike, from the remote East,
— from Assur, from his own native land of Assyria. ' Assur
' shall carry thee away captive.' But at that word another
scene opened before him, and a cry of horror burst from his
lips : ' Alas ! who shall live when Grod doeth this ? ' For his
own nation, too, was to be at last overtaken. ' For ships
'shall come from the coast of Chittim,' — from the island
of Cyprus, which, as the only one visible from the heights of
Palestine, was the one familiar link with the Western world —
' and shall crush Assur, and shall crush Eber, " the people
' " beyond the Euphrates," and he also shall perish for ever.'
We know not to what precise events ' these words allude.
But they indicate the first rise of the power of Grreece and
of Europe, — .the first conviction, as it has been well expressed,
ut valesceret Occidens, — the first apprehension that the tide of
Eastern conquest was rolled back, and that at last from the
Western Isles would come a power, before which Asshur and
Babylon, Assyria and Chaldaea, and Persia, no less than
the wild hordes of the desert, would fade and 'perish for
ever ' from the earth,^
It has often been debated, and no evidence now remains to
prove, at what precise time this grandest of all its episodes
' The earliest known event to wWeh general sense of 'the West' is still
this could refer was the attack on the preserved. But the exchange of the
colony of Sardanapalus in Cihcia by familiar island of Cyprus for the
the Cyprian fleet. EiLseb. Chron. Arm. country, at that time unknown and
i. pp. 26, 27. For the general relations unintelligible to the East, of Itah/,
of Cyprus to the East, see Sharpe's well illustrates the difference between
Egypt, i. 193. Prophecy as it appears in the Bible,
* For ' ships of Chittim ' the Vul- and as it appears in the theories oi
gate reads ' galleys from Italy.' The later ages. See Lecture XX.
o 2
196 PISGAH. LECT. viii.
was introduced into the Mosaic narrative. But, however
this may be determined, the magnificence of the vision re-
mains untouched ; and it stands in the Sacred record, the
first example of the Prophetic utterances respecting the
destinies of the world at large ; founded, like all such
utterances, on the objects immediately in the range of the
vision of the seer, but including within their sweep a vast
prospect beyond. Here first the Grentile world, not of the
East only but of the West, bursts into view ; and here is
the first sanction of that wide interest in the various races
and empires o? manl^ind, not only as bearing on the fortunes
of the Chosen People, but for their own sakes also, which
the narrow spirits of the Jewish Church first, and of the Chris-
tian Church since, have been so slow to acknowledge. Here,
too, is exhibited, in its most striking form, the irresistible
force of the Prophetic impulse overpowering the baser spirit
of the individual man. The spectacle of the host of Israel,
even though seen only from its utmost skirts, is too much for
him. The Divine message struggling within him, is delivered
in spite of his own sordid resistance. Many has been the
Balaam whom the force of truth or goodness from without,
or the force of genius or conscience from within, has com-
pelled to bless the enemies whom he was hired to curse,
Like the seer of old,
Who stood on ZopHm, heav'n-controll'd.
' And Balaam rose up and went and returned to his own
'place.' The Sacred historian, as if touched with a feeling
of the greatness of the Prophet's mission, drops the veil over its
dark close. Only by the incidental notice ^ of a subsequent
part of the narrative, are we told how Balaam endeavoured to
effect,^ by the licentious rites of the Arab tribes, the ruin
* Josephus amplifies the single word Ant. iv. 6, § 5-8.
of the Biblical narrative into another a Numb. xxxi. 8, 16.
elaborate embassy to the Euphrates. —
LECT. viii. FAREWELL OF MOSES. 197
which he had been unable to work by bis curses ; and how,
in the war of vengeance which followed, he met with his
mournful end.
2. The intermino-lino- of the narratives of the Book of Farewell
Numbers, the Book of Deuteronomy, the Book of Joshua,
the rise of new names, Eleazar, Phineas, Jair, indicate that
we are approaching the confines of another generation, and
another stage of the history. But the main interest still
hangs round Moses, and round the heights of Pisgah. We
need not here discuss the vexed question of the precise time
when the Book of Deuteronomy ^ assumed its present form. Deutero-
It is enough to feel that it represents to us the long farewell ™" '
of the Prophet and Lawgiver, as he stood amongst the groves
of Abel Shittim, and recapitulated the course of his career
and of his legislation. Parts, at least, have every appearance
of belonging to that stage of the history and to no other ;
when they were still beyond the Jordan, when the institu-
tions of the Conquest and the Monarchy were still undeve-
loped. And, if the features of the earlier Law are in other
parts transfigured with a softer and a more spiritual light,
this change, whilst it may indicate the influence of the
later spirit of the great Prophetic age, yet is also in close
harmony — hardly the less remarkable if it be a dramatic, and
not an historic, harmony — with the soothing and widening
process which belongs to the old age, not merely of every
nation, but of every individual. Deuteronomy has been
sometimes said to be to the earlier books of the Law, as the
Fourth Grospel to the earlier Three. The comparison may
hold good in regard no less to the actual advance in the
character of Moses the Lawgiver and Moses the expiring
' At the time of the Christian era, 8, § 48 ; Phil. V. M. iii. 39.) This hy-
and probably long afterwards, the ac- pothesis is worth recording as an ex-
count of the death and burial of Moses ample of interpretation now entirely
was supposed to have been written by superseded,
himself as a prediction. (Jos. Ant. iv.
198 PISGAH. LECT. viir.
Prophet, and the character of the Son of Thunder and the
aged Evangelist.
In this last representation of Moses, one feature is brought
out more forcibly than ever before. The poetic utterances,
regarded as an indispensable accompaniment of the prophetic
gift, now come forth in full strength ; the vox cycnea of the
departing seer.
The two Two of these, at least in their general conception, belong
MoS "^ exclusively to this epoch, the Eve of the Conquest : the Song
of battle and of warning by which Joshua was to be cheered,
and the Blessing, it might almost be said the war-cry, of the
several tribes. In some minute points, also, we seem to trace
the feeling of this particular crisis of the history. The name
by which, in the Song of Moses, the God of Israel is called,
must, in the first instance, have been suggested by the Desert-
wanderings- — * The Rock.'' Nine times in the course of this
single hymn is repeated this most expressive figure, taken
from the granite crags of Sinai, and carried thence, through
psalms and hymns of all nations, like one of the huge frag-
ments which it represents, to regions as remote in aspect as
in distance from its original birth-place. If ' The Kock '
carries us back to the desert, the pastoral riches to which the
Song refers confine us to the eastern bank of the Jordan.
' The butter of kine, and milk of sheep, with fat of lambs,
' and rams of the breed of Bashan, and goats, with the fat of
* kidneys of wheat.' ^ It would be too bold to say that these
words could not have occurred to any one in Western Pales-
tine ; but they are so far more appropriate to the Eastern
downs and forests, that we may fairly see in them a stamp
of that peculiar locality.
The Prayer The third hymn, which, by its title, belongs to this period,
of Moses, is of far more universal interest. ' The Prayer of Moses the
' Deut. xxxii. 13, 14.
LECT. viii. THE LAST VIEW FROM PISGAH. 199
man of God,' ^ which contrasts the fleeting generations of man
with the mountains at whose feet they wandered, and the
eternity of Him who existed ' before ever those mountains
' were brought forth,' has become the funeral hymn of the
world, and is evidently intended to be treated as the funeral
hymn of the Prophet himself. The most recent criticism,
whilst hesitating to receive it as actually the composition of
Moses, rejoices to see in it his spirit throughout. ' The Psalm
' has something in it unusually arresting, solemn, and sink-
* ing deep into the depths of the Divinity. Moses might
' well have been seized by these awful thoughts at the close
* of his wanderings, and the author, whoever he be, is clearly
' a man grown grey with vast experience, who here takes his
' stand at the end of his earthly course.' ^
The end was at last come. It might still have seemed The last
that a triumphant close was in store for the aged Prophet, pisgah.
'His eye was not dim nor his natural force abated.' He
had led his people to victory against the Amorite kings ; he
might still be expected to lead them over into the land of
Canaan. But so it was not to be. From the desert plains
of Moab he went up to the same lofty range, whence Balaam
had looked over the same prospect. The same, but seen
with eyes how different ! The view of Balaam has been long
forgotten ; but the view of Moses has become the proverbial
view of all time. It was the peak dedicated to Nebo on
which he stood. ' He lifted up his eyes westward, and
' northward, and southward, and eastward.' ^ Beneath him
lay the tents of Israel ready for the march ; and ' over
against' them, distinctly visible in its grove of palm trees,
the stately Jericho, key of the Land of Promise. Beyond
was spread out the whole range of the mountains of Palestine,
in its fourfold masses ; ' all Gilead ' with Hermon and
> Ps. xc. - Ewald, Fsalmcn, p. 91. ' Deut. iii. 27.
200 PISGAH.
LECT. VIII.
Lebanon in the east and north ; the hills of Gralilee, over-
hanging the Lake of Grennesareth ; the wide opening where
lay the plain of Esdraelon, the future battle-field of the
nations ; the rounded summits of Ebal and Gerizim ; im-
mediately in front of him the hills of Judsea, and, amidst
them, seen distinctly through the rents in their rocky walls,
Bethlehem on its narrow ridge, and the invincible fortress
of Jebus. To him, so far as we know, the charm of that
view — pronounced by the few modern travellers who have
seen it to be unequalled of its kind — lay in the assurance
that this was the land promised to Abraham, to Isaac, and to
Jacob, and to their seed, the inheritance — with all its varied
features of rock and pasture, and forest and desert — for the
sake of which he had borne so many years of toil and danger,
in the midst of which the fortunes of his people would be
unfolded worthily of that great beginning. To us, as we
place ourselves by his side, the view swells into colossal pro-
portions, as we think how the proud city of palm trees is to
fall before the hosts of Israel ; how the spear of Joshua is to
be planted on height after height of those hostile mountains ;
what series of events, wonderful beyond any that had been
witnessed in Egypt or in Sinai, would in after ages be
enacted on the narrow crest of Bethlehem, in the deep basin
of the Gfalilean lake, beneath the walls of ' Jebus which is
' Jerusalem.'
All this he saw. He ' saw it with his eyes, but he was
' not to go over thither.' It was his last view. From that
height he came down no more. Jewish, Mussulman, and
Christian traditions crowd in to fill up the blank. ' Amidst
' the tears of the people, the women beating their breasts,
'and the children giving way to uncontrolled wailing, he
* withdrew. At a certain point in his ascent he made a sign
'to the weeping multitude to advance no further, taking
* with him only the elders, the high priest Eliezer, and the
XECT. VIII. THE EXD OF MOSES. 201
' general Joshua. At the top of the mountain he dismissed
* the elders, and then, as he was embracing Eliezer and
' Joshua, and still speaking to them, a cloud suddenly stood
' over him, and he vanished in a deep valley.' So spoke
the tradition as preserved in the language, here unusually
pathetic, of Josephus. Other wilder stories told of the Divine
kiss which drew forth his expiring spirit ; others of the ' As-
* cension of Moses ' ^ amidst the contention of good and evil
spirits over his body. The Mussulmans, regardless of the
actual scene of his death, have raised to him a tomb on the
western side of the Jordan, frequented by thousands of Mus-
sulman devotees. But the silence of the Sacred narrative
refuses to be broken. ' In ' that strange land, ' the land of
' Moab, jNIoses the servant of the Lord died according to the
' word of the Lord.' ' He buried him in " a ravine " in the
' land of Moab, over against the idol temple of Peor.' Apart
from his countrymen, honoured by no funeral obsequies,
visited by no grateful pilgrimages, ' no man knowetli of his
' sepulchre unto this day.'
Two impressive truths are involved in this representation
of the death of Moses, truths which hardly occur again \vith
equal force in the history till we meet them again in the
end of Him, of whom, in the New Testament, Moses is so
often made the illustration and likeness. First, the mystery. The grave
the uncertainty, which overhangs the burial-place of the
greatest character of the Jewish Church, is a sample of the
2:eneral feelincr with which these local sanctuaries were re-
garded. Doubtless, as in the case of the Patriarchal sepul-
chres at Hebron, and the royal sepulchres at Jerusalem, the
natural instinct of reverence for the tombs of the illustrious
dead often asserted its own rights. But, as if to show that
this is a secondary and not a primary element of religious
» Jude 9. Fabricius, Cod. Fseudcp. i. 839-846.
of Moses.
202 PISGAH. LECT. VIII.
sentiment, when we come to tlie highest cases of all, the
grave on Mount Nebo, the grave on Grolgotha, the darkness
closes upon the sacred spot : * no man knoweth of his sepul-
' chre until this day.'
The End Secondly, the scene on Pisgah is at once the fitting end
of the life of Moses, and the exemplification of a general
law. In one sense it might seem mournful, incomplete,
disappointing ; but in another and higher sense, how fully
in accordance with his whole career, how truly the crowning
point of his life !
The personal characteristics of the Prophet are too faintly
drawn to admit of any fuller delineation. But one feature
is indisputably marked out. No modern word seems exactly
to correspond to that which our translators have rendered
* the meekest of men ' — but which rather expresses ' endur-
ing ' ' afflicted,' ' heedless of self.' This, at any rate, is the
trait most strongly impressed on all his actions from first to
last. So in Egypt he threw himself into the thankless cause
of his oppressed brethren ; at his earliest call he prayed that
Aaron might be the leader instead of himself; at Sinai he
besought that his name might be blotted out if only his
people might be spared ; in the desert, he wished that not
only he but all the Lord's people might prophesy. He
founded no dynasty ; his own sons were left in deep obscurity ;
his successor was taken from the rival tribe of Ephraim.
He himself receives for once the regal title ' the King ^ in
Jeshurun ; ' but the title dies with him. It is as the highest
type and concentration of this endurance and self-abnegation,
that the last view from Pisgah receives its chief instruction.
To labour and not to see the end of our labours ; to sow
and not to reap ; to be removed from this earthly scene
before our work has been appreciated, and when it will be
' Deut. xxxiii. 5.
LECT. vni. THE END OF MOSES. 203
carried on not by ourselves, but by others, — is a law so
common in the highest characters of history, that none can
be said to be altogether exempt from its operation. It is
true in intellectual matters as well as in spiritual ; and one
of the finest applications of any passage in the JNIosaic his-
tory, is that, first made by Cowley, and enlarged by Lord
Macaulay, to the great English philosopher, who
Did on the very border stand
Of the blessed Promised Land;
And from the mountain's top of his exalted wit
Saw it himself, and show'd us it ;
But life did never to one man allow
Time to discover worlds and conquer too.
*In the first book of the Novwrn Organum we see the
' great Lawgiver looking round from his lonely elevation on
' an infinite expanse ; behind him a wilderness of dreary
'sands and bitter waters, in which successive generations
' have sojourned, always moving, yet never advancing, reap-
* ing no harvest and building no abiding city : before him a
' goodly land, a land of promise, a land flowing with milk
' and honey. While the multitude below saw only the flat
' sterile desert in which they had so long wandered, bounded
' on every side by a near horizon, or diversified only by some
' deceitful mirage, he was gazing from a far higher stand,
' on a far lovelier country, following with his eye the long
' course of fertilising rivers, through ample pastures, and
' under the bridges of great capitals, measuring the distances
' of marts and harbours, and portioning out all those wealthy
* regions from Dan to Beersheba.' ^
The imagery thus nobly used to describe the promise and
the self-denial of intellectual labour, is still more true of
the many reformers, martyrs, and missionaries, John Huss,
Tyndale, Francis Xavier, Howard, who, in all times of the
' Macaulay'a Essay on Bacou, p. 413.
204 PISGAH.- LECT. VIII.
Church, have died on the threshold of their reward, in hope,
not in possession. Events have moved too slow, and the
generation passes away which should have supported the saint
or the chief; or events have moved too fast, and the strength
of the rising generation has superseded the want of a leader ;
or a word has been spoken unadvisedly with his lips, and
his prospects are suddenly overcast; or he is struck by decay
of power, or by sudden, untimely death ; again and again the
Moses of the Church, of tlie comnionwealth, lingers there,
' dies there in the land of Moab, and goes not over to possess
' that good land ; ' and Canaan is won, not by the first and
greatest of the nation, but by his subordinate minister and
successor, Joshua the son of Nun.
THE
CONQUEST OF PALESTINE
IX. THE CONQUSST OF THE EAST OP THE JORDAN.
X. THE CONQUEST OF "WESTERN PALESTINE— THE
FALL OF JERICHO AND AI.
XI. THE CONQUEST OF WESTERN PALESTINE.-THE
BATTLE OF BETH-HORON.
XII. THE CONQUEST OF "WESTERN PALESTINE.-THE
BATTLE OF MEROM, AND SETTLEMENT OF
THE TRIBES.
THE AUTHOEITIES FOR THIS PAKT OF THE HISTORY.
1. (1.) Num. xxi. 21-35 ; xxv., xxxi., xxxii., xxxiv. ; Deut. ii. 9, iii. 20
iv. 41-49 ; xxix. 7, 8 ; Joshua i.-xxiv. ; Judg. i. 1-36 ; xi. 15-26
xviii. 1-31 ; 1 Cliron. ii. 20-24. (2.) Ps. xliv. 1-4 : Ixxviii. 55
cxiv. 3, 5 ; cxxxvi. 17-22 ; Ecclus. xlvi. 1-12. (3.) The Charac-
teristics of the ti-ibes, Gen. xlix. ; Deut. xxxiii.
2. Je-wish traditions. (1.) Josephus, Jjit. iv. 5, 6, 7 ; v. 1. (2.) Rabbinical
legends, in Otho's Lex rabbin. 332 ; Fabricius' Codex pseude-
piffraph. Vet. Test. 871-873. (a.) Joshua's Prayer. (6.) Joshua's
Ten Decrees. (3.) Philo, De Caritate. (4.) Samaritan Book of
Joshua, edited by Juraboll, 1848. [It was \vi-itten in Arabic —
probably in the 12th centuiy — in Egypt, and is chiefly vahi-
able as representing the traditions and feelings of the Samaritan
community.]
3. Heathen traditions, mentioned by Suidas (sub voce Xaj'adi'), Moses
Choren. {Rkt. Arm. i. 18) ; Procopius {Bell. Vand. ii. 4.)
THE
CONQUEST OF PALESTINE.
LECTUEE IX.
THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST OF THE JORDAN.
' The Conquest of Palestine ' introduces us to one of the most The Con-
secular portions of the Sacred History. The very phrase is "^^^^ '
to some minds an offence. It suggests the likeness of other
conquests. It compels us to regard the geography, the
battles, the settlement of Israel, as we should consider the
like circumstances in other countries. Such an offence is, in
a certain degree, inevitable. But this stage of the history,
secular as it is, presents also a religious aspect, on which,
according to the plan of these Lectures, it will be my object
to lay the chief stress, though not to the omission of those
general considerations which here, as in other ecclesiastical
history, are necessary to the understanding of the purely
religious incidents intertwined with them.
The period of the Conquest, properly speaking, commences Its stages.
before the time of Joshua and extends far beyond it. It
began from the passage of the brook Zered under Moses : it
was not finally closed till the capture of Jerusalem by David.
But, in a more limited sense, it may be confined to the
period during which the territory, afterwards known by the
208 CONQUEST OF THE EAST OF JORDAN. lect. ix.
name of Palestine, was definitively occupied as their own by
the Israelites. This divides itself into two stages : the first
including the occupation of the district east of the Jordan ;
the second, and most important, including the occupation of
Western Palestine in its three great divisions, the valley of
the Jordan, the southern and central mountains afterwards
known as Judsea and Samaria, and the northern mountains
afterwards known as Gralilee.
The Israelite conquest of Palestine, although it stands
above all other like events from its intrinsic grandeur, yet is
in itself but one amongst a succession of waves which have
swept over the country, and each of which may be used as
an illustration of those that have gone before and after. The
Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Grreeks, Komans, Arabians,
Turks, Crusaders, French, English, have followed in their
wake ; the Philistines, the Canaanites, the aboriginal inhabi-
tants, accompanied or preceded them.
The early It is of these earlier conquests alone that we need here
tants of speak. The aboriginal inhabitants have already ' been briefly
Palestke described. They belonged so entirely to the dim distance,
that their name, ' Eephaim,' was used in after times to
designate the huge guardians or the shadowy ghosts^ of the
world below. But we can just discern their forms before
they vanish, and some remnants of them lingered till later
times. Their lofty stature is often noticed. It is possible
that this impression may be partly derived from the contrast
between them and the diminutive Hebrews, in like manner
as a similar description, from the like contrast between the
northern races of Europe and the small limbs and features
of the Italians, is given, by Roman historians and poets, of
the gigantic Grauls. On the west of the Jordan this race
appears chiefly under two names ; the ' Anakim ' in the
' Lecture II. 10; Prov. ii. 18; ix. 18; xzi. 16;
^ See Gesenius, in voce; Ps. Ixxxyiii. Isa. xxvi. 14, 19.
PiVL]:STINE BEFORE THE CONQT^EST
LECT. IX. THE CANAANITES. 209
southern mountains, and the ' Avites ' on the maritime plain. ^
The centre of the race of Anak was, as we have seen, Hebron
or Kirjath-Arba. The Avites, it would seem, were still
comparatively secure in their western corner. Their con-
querors, the Philistines,^ had not yet appeared ; at least not
in any overwlielming force. But, in all the rest of Palestine,
already in the Patriarchal age the ' ancient solitary reign ' of The Ch-
these aboriginal tribes had been disturbed by the appearance "'^^"^ '^^'
here and there of powerful chiefs belonging to the Phoenician
or Canaanite branch of the Semitic race. The variations in
the usage of the words, sometimes the variations of the text,
prevent us from accurately fixing the mutual relations of the
several Canaanite tribes to each other. Thus much, however,
is clear.^ The Canaanites,* or ' Lowlanders,' properly so
called, occupied the sea-coast as far south as Dor, a con-
siderable portion of the plain of Esdraelon, and some spots
in the valley of the Jordan. The Amorites, or mountaineers,
occupied the central and southern hills with the Hittites and
Hivites. Of these intruders, the Amorites seem to have
been the most ancient and the most warlike, perhaps allied
to the old gigantic race with which from time to time they
appear in connexion.^ The Hittites belong to the more
peaceful occupants, and their name is that by which Pales-
tine in these early ages was chiefly knowu in foreign countries.
The Hivites, like the Phoenicians of the north, inclined to a
more regvilar form of political organisation. Of the lesser
subdivisions, the Jebusites are attached to the Amorites, the
Perizzites to the Hittites, and the Grirgashites to the Hivites,
If, from the bare enumeration of names and geographical
situations, we pass to the outward appearance, or the moral
' Deut. ii. 21, 23. Ewald, i. 301-342.
* See Lectxire XVI. •• Deut. i. 7.
* The most exact account of the * Deut. iv. 47; xxsi, 4; Jos. is. 10-
relations of these tribes is in Num. Amos ii. 9.
xiii. 29 ; and compare, throughout,
P
210 CONQUEST OF THE EAST OF JORDAN. lf.ct. ix.
and social condition of the inhabitants of Syria, when the
Israelites broke in upon them, the task is far more difficult.
They seem to rise before us only to vanish away. Hardly a
dying word escapes. The Sacred historian turns away as if
in silent aversion. Yet the picture, which from the Israelite
point of view is so dark and shadowy, receives a sudden light
The Phce- from a quarter then unknown and unthought of. It is start-
nicians or ^ -nii , r^ -^-i
Canaan- bug" to be reminded that ' Canaanite is but another name
^*^^" for ' Phoenician ; ' ^ that the detested and accursed race, as it
appears in the Books of Joshua and Judges, is the same as
that to which from Greece we look back as the parent of
letters, of commerce, of civilisation. The Septuagint trans-
lators wavered between preserving the original Hebrew word,
and adopting the name of ' Phoenician,' as already recognised
by the Grreek language. Had they chosen in all cases, as
they have in some,'^ the latter of these two alternatives, it is
curious to reflect how essentially our ideas of the ancient
inhabitants of Palestine might have been modified. Yet,
in fact, the illustrations of the Phosnician or Canaanite history
from Grentile sources coincide substantially with what we
learn from the Jewish annals. In both, we see the same
dusky complexion of the race,* distinguished alike from the
western Grreeks and the eastern Israelites. In both, we track
them advancing into Palestine from the extreme south.^ In
both, the coexistence, side by side, of monarchical, federal,^
and aristocratic institutions can be traced. In both, their
general equality, if not superiority, in social arts to the sur-
rounding nations and to the Israelites themselves, is acknow-
ledged. They are in possession of fortified towns, treasures
' For the name of ' Canaanite ' as the arguments adduced both from
coextensive -with ' Phoenician,' see Gen. x. 6, and from Strabo, xii. 144,
Kenrick's Vhanicia, 42, 52. in Kenrick's Phmiicia, 50, 52.
2 The word is so translated by the ■* Kenriek, 50.
LXX. in Ex. xvi. 35 ; Josh. v. 1. * See Ewald, ii. 337, and Lecture
' For the dark colour of the race see XV.
LECT. IX. CANAANITE EACES. 211
of brass, iron, gold, and foreign merchandise. They, no less
than the Egyptians and Israelites, retain the mark of a^
ancient sacred civilisation in the rite of circumcision,' And
in both accounts, their religious rites are described in the
same terms, — human sacrifices, licentious orgies, the worship
of a host of divinities. But the difference between the two
representations, which has, in fact, almost blinded us to the
fact of the identity of the nation described by the two
authorities, is more instructive than their likeness. The
Israelite version, on the one hand, we must freely grant,
takes no heed of the nobler aspect which this great people
presented to the Western world ; or, at least, not till the
wider prophetic view of Isaiah and Ezekiel comprehended
within the spripathy of the Jewish Church the grander
elements of Sidonian power and Tyrian splendour. But, on
the other hand, the Gentile accounts are insensible to the
cruel, debasing, and nameless sins which turned the heart of
the Israelite sick, in the worship of Baal, Astarte, and JMoloch.
It is true that these are but the same divinities, whom we
regard leniently, if not indulgently, when we find them in the
forms of Jupiter, Apollo, Venus, Hercules, Adonis. But the
other phase is not to be forgotten ; and when Milton ^ took
these names of Syrian idols to represent the evil spirits of
Pandemonium, and thus renewed, as it were, to them a lease
of existence which seemed long since to have died out, he
did but place us, though but for a moment, in the condition
of the soldiers of the first conquest of Palestine, to whom
Beelzebub and Moloch were living powers of evil, as hateful
' The argument from the excep- circumcised,
tional case of the Philistines, 1 Sam. " ' Before Milton, if Moloch, Belial,
xviii. 25-27, 2 Sam. i. 20, com- Mammon, &c., were not absolutely
bined with the historical statement unknown tohistory-, they had no proper
in Herod, ii. 104, is convincing. and distinct poetic existence.' — Mil-
From Gen. xxxiv. 15, it would appear man's Latin Christianiti/, book xiv.
that the early Shechemites were not ch. 2.
P 2
212 CONQUEST OF EASTERN PALESTINE. lect. ix.
as though they actually personified the principles with which
1^ has identified them. The bright side of Polytheism is so
familiar to us in the mythology of Grreece, that it is well to
be recalled for a time to its dark side in Palestine.
Conquest From the general consideration of the Conquest, we turn
Palestine ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ stage of it in the territory east of the Jordan, —
that mysterious eastern frontier of the Holy Land, so beauti-
ful, so romantic, so little known, whether we look at it
through the distant glimpses and hasty surveys of it obtained
by modern travellers, or the scanty notices of its first con-
quest in the Book of Numbers.
On the eastern side of the Jordan valley two fragments of
the aboriginal race had existed under the name of ' Emim,'
and ' Zamzummim ' or ' Zuzim.' ^ These old inhabitants had
been expelled by the kindred tribes of ]Moab and Ammon.
But they in turn had, just before the point of the history at
which we have now arrived, been dispossessed by two Canaan-
ite chiefs of a considerable portion of the territory which they
had themselves acquired.
On this motley ground the Israelites appeared in the
double light of conquerors and deliverers. The story is
briefly told; but its main features are discernible, and it
illustrates in many points the greater conquest for which it
prepared the way.
The attack on the two Canaanite kings was assisted by a
strange visitation which had just befallen the Transjordanic
territory. Immense swarms of hornets,^ always common in
Palestine,^ burst upon the country with unusual force. The
chiefs were thus probably driven out of their fastnesses, and
forced into the plain where the final conflict took place.
' Gen. xiv. 5; Deut. ii. 10, 20. the most natural. See Mr. Cyril
* Dent. i. 44 ; Ps. cxviii. 12, and the Graham's 'Ancient Bashan' in Cam'
name of Zoreah (^ hornet). Josh. xv. bridge Essaijs., j). 147.
33. These passages make a literal ' Ex. xxiii. 28; Dent. rii. 20 ; Josh.
acceptation of tlie texts above citpd xxiv. 12; Wisd, xii. 8.
LECT. IX. CONQUEST OF HESHBOX. 213
The first onslaught was upon Sihon. He occupied the Sihon,
whole district between the Arnon and Jabbok, through which Heshbon.
the approach to the Jordan lay. He had wrested it from the
predecessor of Balak, and had established himself, not in the
ancient capital of Moab — Ar, but in the city, still conspicu-
ous to the modern traveller from its wide prospect and its
cluster of stone pines — Heshbon. The recollection of his
victory survived in a savage war-song,^ which passed into a
kind of proverb in after times : —
Come home to Heshbon ;
Let the city of Sihon be built and prepared,.
For there is gone out a fire from Heshbon,
A flame fi'om the city of Sihon.
It hath consumed Ar of Moab,
And the lords of the high places of Arnon :
"VVoe to thee, Moab : thou art undone, thou people of Chemosh !
He hath given his sons that escaped, and his daughters, into
captivity
To the King of the Aiuorites, Sihon.
The decisive battle between Sihon and his new foes took Battlo of
, Jahaz.
place at Jahaz, probably on the contines of the rich pastures
of Moab and the desert whence the Israelites emerged. It
was the first engagement in which they were confronted mth
the future enemies of their nation. The slingers and archers
of Israel, afterwards so renowned, now first showed their
skill. Sihon fell ; the army fled ^ (so ran the later tradition),
and, devoured by thirst, like the Athenians in the Assinarus
on their flight from Syracuse, were slaughtered in the bed
of one of the mountain streams. The memory of this battle
was cherished in triumphant strains, in which, after reciting,
in bitter irony, the song just quoted of the Amorites'
triumph, they broke out into an exulting contrast of the past
greatness of the defeated chief and his present fall : —
' Num. xxi. 27-29, repeated, as if well known, in Jer. xlviii. 4o, 4G.
^ Jos. Ant. iv. 5, § 2.
214 CONQUEST OF EASTEKN PALESTINE. lect. ix.
We have shot at them : Heshbon is perished :
We have laid them waste : even unto Nophah :
With fire : ^ even unto Medeba.
Defeat of Subject to Sihon, as vassals,^ were five Arabian chiefs, of
the great tribe of Midian. Their names are preserved to us,^
— Evi, Eekem, Zur, Hur, and Eeba. It was they who,
doubtless terrified at the fall of their sovereign, persuaded
the King of Moab to rid himself of the dangerous, though at
first welcome intruders, by the curse of Balaam. \Mien this
failed, and when the more sure and fatal ruin of the con-
tagion of the licentious rites of Midian provoked the religious
and moral feeling of the better spirits of the nation to that
terrible retribution of which the later conquest was one long
exemplification, a sacred war was proclaimed. It was headed,
not by the soldier Joshua, but by the priest Phinehas. The
ark went with the host. The sacred trumpets were blown.
The chiefs of Midian were slain : "* the great prophet of the
East fell with them.'^ Their stone enclosiu-es ^ were taken.^
Their pastoral wealth fell to their conquerors, as in the case
of the second great defeat of their tribe achieved by Gideon *
— ornaments of gold, and thousands of oxen, sheep, and
asses. And then took place the first wholesale extermination
of a conquered tribe.^
Og, Kino; The way was now clear to the Jordan. But the career of
conquest opened on its eastern bank was not easily closed.
It is possible that the thought of pushing forward in this
direction was suggested to them by the neighbouring and
* Num. xxi. 30 (LXX.). he is dragged out of the temple by
^ The word translated 'dukes,' Josh. Joshua, who wislies to spare him;
xiii. 21. Comp. Ps. Ixxxiii. 11, where but the fierce Simeonites insist on
the same word is used of the Midianite his being put to death, lest he should
chiefs Oreb and Zeeb. They are called fascinate them by his spells.
' kings,' Num. xxxi. 8 ; ' princes,' * Translated ' castles ' in Gen. xxt.
Josh. xiii. 21; 'elders,' Num. xxii, 4. 16.
' Num. xxxi. 8. ' Num. xxxi. 10.
* Dnd. 6, 7, 8. ' Judg. viii. 26 ; Num. xxxi. 36,
* lu the Samaritan Joshua (ch. 8), 37-39. ' See Lecture XI.
LECT. IX. CONQUEST OF BASH AN. 215
kindred tribe of Ammon, 'too strong' to be subdued, and
even more interested than themselves in the expulsion of the
second Canaanite chief, who had occupied the territory north
of Ammon, apparently at the same time that Sihon had
occupied the territory east of Moab.
This was Og, king of the district which, under the name
of Bashan, extended from the Jabbok up to the base of Her-
mon. There is no direct notice, as in the case of Sihon, of
his having invaded the country, and this omission, combined
with the mention of his gigantic stature, warrants the con-
jecture that he was one of the leaders of the aboriginal race,
for which Bashan had always been renowned.
In this joint expedition of Israel and Ammon, the com-
manders were two heroes of the tribe of Manasseh, Jair and
Nobah.'
The fastness of Og was the remarkable circular district Battle of
formerly known by the name of Argob, or the ' stony,'
rendered by the Grreeks ' Trachonitis ; ' or Chebel, ' rope,' as
if from the marked character of its boundary,^ rendered by
the corresponding Arabic word 'Leja.' It is described as
suddenly rising from the fertile plain, an island of basalt :
its rocky desolation, its vast fissures, more resembling the
features of some portions of the moon than any formation
on the earth. At the entrance of this fastness, as if in the
Thermopylae of the kingdom, is Edrei. Here Og met the
invaders.^ The battle was lost, and Bashan fell. Ashtaroth-
Karnaim, the sanctuary of the Horned Astarte,^ and perhaps
the same as the capital Kenath, surrendered. It had been
already the scene of a signal defeat in still more primitive
' 111 Num. xxxii. 39-42, Josh. ^ j^^j^^ ^g^[ 33^ jji.. Cyril Gra-
xvii. 1, ' Macliir' is mentioned, but ham in Cambridge Essai/s, i. 145.
it would seem that this (like Judah Porter's Damascus, ii. 220.
and Simeon in Judg. i. 17) is a per- * Figures and coins with a crescent
Bonification of the tribe. have been found at Kenath. Porter's
^ See article 'Argob,' Dictionary Da7nascus, ii. 106-lli.
of the Bible, p. 42.
216 CONQUEST OF EASTERN PALESTINE. lect. ix.
times, when the aboriginal inhabitants were attacked by the
Assyrian invaders from the East.^
Settlement The Ammonites "^ carried off as their trophy the ' iron bed-
stead ' (perhaps the basaltic coffin, like that of Esmunazar
recently found at Sidon) of the gigantic Og. The Israelites
occupied the whole country, remarkable even then for its sixty
cities,^ strongly walled and fortified. Here, as throughout
the Transjordanic territory, the native names were altered,
and new titles imposed by the Israelites, as if at once de-
termined on making a permanent settlement. The basaltic
character of the country lent itself to these cities, as naturally
as the limestone of Palestine and sandstone of Edom opened
into habitations in holes and caves. The country which thus
fell into their hands was that known by the name of Gilead
— a name which* is never lost, and which outlived and super-
seded the divisions of the three conquering tribes. The two
Israelite chiefs took, as it would seem, different portions.
Jair"* occupied the more pastoral part, and founded thirty
nomadic villages, called after his name, ' the villages of Jair.'^
Nobah took possession of Kenath, the capital, of which he
must have been the captor, and to this he also gave his
name, though the old one, as so often in Syria, returned.
Of these two chiefs we^know but little more. It is possible
.lair. that Jair is the same as the stately head ^ of a vast family
mentioned amongst the Judges. His name lingered down
to the time of the Christian era; when, in the same region as
that which he conquered, we find ' a ruler of the synagogue
named Jair,' ' whose daughter "^ was at the point of death.'
' Gen. xiv. 5. ^ Dent. iii. 3-11. * .Tair was in some way allied with
^ Porter's Damascus, ii. 196, 206. the family of Caleb, 1 Clu-. ii. 23 ; but
Graham in Cambridge Essays, 160. the statement is too confused to fur-
Lengerke's Kenaan, 392. I do not pre- nish any basis of additional informa-
tend to pronounce an opinion on the age tion.
of the cities as thus described. But * Num. xxxii. 41 ; Josh. xiii. 30 ;
their existence unquestionably illus- Ewald, ii. 298.
trates those mentioned in Deut.iii. 4, 5. « .Tudg. x. 3-5. ' Luke viii. 41.
LECT. IX. CAUSES OF THE SETTLEMENT. 217
Nobah occurs nowhere else in the Hebrew Scriptures. Nobah
But a certain grandeur must have attached to his career to
cause his selection as the representative of the Transjor-
danic tribes in the Samaritan Book of Joshua.^ There,
under the name of Nabih, he receives from Joshua the solemn
investiture of royalty over the eastern tribes, and sits in
state, clothed in green, on his throne of judgment. The
portion of the Manassite tribe which he represented, and -
which lay beyond the limits of Gilead, must have furnished
the more civilised and settled part of the Transjordanic popu-
lation, which dwelt in the walled cities left by the expelled
Canaanites.
Whether the settlement of the eastern territory of Causes of
Palestine was accomplished, as the Book of Numbers would uient.
lead us to infer, within a few months, or, as the Books of
Joshua and Judges would imply, in a period extending over
many years, must be left uncertain. But the causes which
led to it are natural in themselves, and are expressly pointed
out in the Biblical narrative. The Transjordanic territory Natural
was the forest-land, the pasture-land of Palestine, The the Trans-
smooth downs received a special name,^ 'Mishor,' expressive "Jf/gtricr
of their contrast with the rough and rocky soil of the West.
The ' oaks ' of Bashan, which still fill the traveller with ad-
miration, were to the prophets and psalmists of Isi-ael the
chief glory of the vegetation of their common country. The
vast herds of wild cattle which then wandered through the
woods, as those of Scotland through its ancient forests, were,
in like manner, at once the terror and pride of the IsraeUte,
— ' the fat bulls of Bashan.' The King of Moab was but a
great ' sheep-master,' and ' rendered ' for tribute ' an hundred
' thousand lambs, and an hundred thousand rams with the
' wool.' And still the countless herds and flocks may be
' Chap. 12,24. * Sinai mid Palestine, A'^'p. § 6.
218 SETTLEMEXT OF EASTERN PALESTINE. lect. ix.
seen, droves of cattle moving on like troops of soldiers,
descending at suDset to drink of the springs — literally, in
the language of the Prophet, ' rams and lambs, and goats,
and bullocks, all of them fatlings of Bashan.'
In the encampment of Israel, two tribes, Eeuben and
Grad, were preeminently nomadic. They had ' a very great
' multitude of cattle.' For this they desired the land, and
for this it was given to them, ' that they might build cities
' for their little ones, and folds for their sheep.'' ' In no other
case is the relation between the territory and its occupiers so
expressly laid down, and such it continued to be to the end.
From first to last they alone of the tribes never emerged
from the state of their Patriarchal ancestors. Gad and
Eeuben accordingly divided the kingdom of Sihon between
them, that is, the territory between the Arnon and the Jabbok,
and the eastern side of the Jordan valley up to the Lake of
Chinnereth,^ or Gennesareth.
Reuben. Eeuben was the more purely pastoral of the two, and
therefore the more transitory. ' Unstable as water,' ^ he
vanishes away into a mere Arabian tribe ; ' his men are
' few ; ' ■* it is all that he can do ' to live and not die.' The
only events of their subsequent history are the multiplication
of ' their cattle in the land of Gilead ; ' their ' wars ' with the
Bedouin ' sons of Hagar ; ' ^ their spoils of ' camels fifty
' thousand, and of sheep two hundred and fifty thousand, and
' of asses two thousand.' In the chief struggles of the nation
Eeuben never took part. The complaint against him in the
song of Deborah is the summary of his whole history. ' By
* the " streams " of Eeuben,' ^ — that is, by the fresh streams
which descend from the eastern hills into the Jordan and the
' Num. xxxii, 16, 24. * Deut. xxxiii. 6. The English
* Josh. xiii. 15-28 ; Num. xxxii. version, without any authority, adds
34-38. See Mr. Gi-ove's article on the word ' not.'
Gad ' in Diet, of the Bible. * 1 Chron. v. 10.
Gen. xlix. 4. « Judg. v. 15, 16,
LECT. IX. TE.INSJORDANIC TEIBES. 219
Dead Sea, on whose banks the Bedouin chiefs then, as now,
met to debate — 'by the "streams" of Reuben, great were
' the " debates." Why dwellest thou among- the sheep
' " troughs " to hear the " pipings " of the flocks ? By the
* " streams " of Reuben great were the searchings of heart.'
Grad has a more distinctive character. In the forest regfion Gad.
south of the Jabbok, ' he dwelt as a lion.' ^ Out of his
tribe came the eleven valiant chiefs who crossed the fords of
the Jordan in flood-time to join the outlawed David, ' whose
' faces were like the faces of lions,^ and were as swift as the
' " gazelles " upon the mountains.' These heroes also were
the Bedouins of their own time. The very name of Grad ex-
pressed the wild aspect which he presented to the wild tribes
of the East. ' Grad is " a troop of plunderers ; " ^ a troop of
' plunderers shall " plunder " him, but he shall " plunder " at
' the last.'
The northern outposts of the eastern tribes were intrusted Manasseh.
to that portion of Mauasseh which had originally attacked
and expelled the Amorite inhabitants from Grilead. The
same martial spirit which fitted the western Manasseh to
defend the passes of Esdraelon, fitted 'Machir, the first-born
' of Manasseh, the father of Gilead,' to defend the passes of
Hauran and Anti-Libanus ; ' because he was a man of war,
'therefore he had Gilead and Bashan.' The pastoral
character common to Gad and Reuben was shared, but in
a much less degree, by these descendants of the ruling tribe
of Joseph.
It is evident that with a country so congenial, and a
geographical separation so complete, a disruption might be
at once anticipated between these pastoral tribes and their
western brethren, similar to that which some centuries later,
from other causes, dismembered the monarchy of David.
' Deut. xxxiii. 20. ^ 1 Chron. xii. 8-13. ' Gen. xlix. 19.
220 SETTLEMEXT OF EASl'EEN PALESTINE. lect. ix.
One of the most famous texts in the Bible is founded on
the apprehension of this probable calamity, when Moses
warned the Transjordanic tribes that they were bound to
follow their brethren to assist in the conquest of Western
Palestine. ' If ye will not do so, behold, ye have sinned
' against the Lord : and he sure your sin ivill find you
' ouf ' How it would have found them out, we can see from
Contro- the fate of Eeuben. The nearest actual approach to a breach
tweeii the ^^^ ^^ t,he return of the eastern tribes after the western
*^^*!f !" ^ conquest, when their simple pastoral monument of stones was
tribes. mistaken by the other tribes for an altar. It was put up,
apparently, by Bohan the Eeubenite, and called after his
name, between the fords and the mouth of the Jordan.^
They were pursued by Phinehas,* ready for another sacred
war, like that in which he had destroyed the Midianites. The
whole transaction is an instance of what has often occurred
afterwards in ecclesiastical history. What was meant in-
nocently, though, perhaps, without due regard for the conse-
quences, is taken for a conspiracy, a rebellion, an attempt
' to overthrow the faith. There are always theologians keen-
sighted to see heresy in the simplest orthodoxy, and supersti-
tion in the most harmless ceremony. There have been places
where it has been impossible, without incurring dangerous
suspicions of idolatry, to mention the Cross of Christ. There
have been those, from the first ages of the Church dowmwards,
before whom it has been impossible, without incurring dan-
gerous suspicions of Atheism, even to profess the Christian
religion. The solution of the controversy between the two
pastoral eastern tribes and their western brethren in the Jewish
Church is one which might have saved the schism of the
' Num. xxxii. 23. In the LXX. excellence by the late Rev. J. H.
'Ye shall know yoiir sin when it finds Giirney.
you out.' Amongst the many sermons - Josh. xv. 6, xxii, 11.
which have been published on this ' Josh. xxii. 13.
text, I may refer to one of remarkable
LECT. IX. COXTROVERSY OF EAST AND WEST. 221
Eastern Church from the Western, and have prevented many
bitter controversies and persecutions in all Churches.
On the one hand, the Eeubenites and their companions
said : ' The Lord Grod of Gods, the Lord God of Gods,
' He knoweth, and Israel he shall know. If it be in rebel- '*
'lion, or if in transgression against the Lord, save us not
' this day.' ' It is a text invested with a mournful interest —
for it is that on which Welsh, the minister of the army of
the Covenanters, preached before the battle of Bothwell .
Bridge. Whether or not it was sincerely used in that later
application, on this, its first occasion, it truly expressed
the absence of any sinister intention, and it was accepted as
such even by the fierce, uncompromising Phinehas. ' This Its inten-
' day we perceive that the Lord is among us, because ye have
' not committed this trespass against the Lord : now ye have
' delivered the children of Israel out of the hand of the Lord.' ^
He did not push matters to extremities- — he was thankful to
have been spared the great crime of attacking as a moral sin
what was only an error (if so be) of judgment. Alas ! how
seldom in the history of religious divisions have thanks been
returned for a deliverance from a crime which many religious
leaders have regarded as a duty and a blessing !
The eastern tribes returned to their distant homes. Their
reward was that, in after ages, slight as the connexion might
be with the rest of the nation, it was never entirely broken.
One reminiscence of this connexion is preserved in a Legend of
splendid legend of the Samaritans. It records how, when,
at the close of his campaigns, Joshua was beset not merely
with the armies, but with the enchantments, of the
Canaanites and Persians, and imprisoned within a seven-
fold wall of iron, a carrier pigeon conveyed the tidings of
his situation to Nobah, who sprang from his judgment-seat,
and, with a shout that rang to the ends of the universe, sum-
» Josh. xxii. 22. - Ibid. 31.
222 SETTLEMENT OF EASTERN PALESTINE. lect. ix.
moned his Transjordanic troops around him. They came in
thousands. One band, clothed in white, rode on red horses.
Another, clothed in red, rode on white horses ; a third in
green, on black horses ; a fourth in black, on spotted horses.
^ Nobah himself rode at their head on a steed beautiful as a
panther, fleet as the winds. He approaches, under cover of
a hurricane, which drives the birds to their nests, and the
wild beasts to their lairs, and enters the plain of Esdraelon.
The mother of the Canaanite king, like the mother of Sisera,
or like the watchman on the walls of Jezreel,* goes up to the
tower to worship the sun. She sees the advancing splen-
dours, and she rushes down to announce to her son that ' the
' moon and the stars are rising^ from the East : woe to us,
' if they be enemies ! blessed are we, if they are friends I '
A single combat takes place between Nobah and the
Canaanite king, each armed with his mighty bow. At last
the king falls — by the spring that gushed forth, 'known
* even to this day as the Spring of the Arrow.' At Joshua's
bidding, the priests within the seven iron walls blow their
trumpets— the walls fall — the sun stands still, and the winds
fly to his aid, and the horses of the conquerors plunge up to
their nostrils ^ in the blood of the enemy.
This wild story points no doubt to the bond of union
which in the great extremities of war was kept up between
the two banks of the Jordan. The battle-cry of the eastern
portion of Manasseh seems to have extended to the whole
tribe — 'Whosoever is fearful and afraid, let him depart
' from Mount Grilead.' ^ But their usual relations belong to
a more touching class of recollections and anticipations.
The East Those eastern hills were to the Western Israelites the
of the^"^^' land of exile, — the refuge of exiles. One place there was
West. in its beautiful uplands consecrated by tlie presence of
' Judg. T. 28; 2 Kings ix. 17. ^ Samaritan Joshua, eh. 37.
^ Judg. rii. 3. . See Lectiu-e XV.
LECT. IX. ITS CONNEXION WITH THE WEST. 223
God in primeval times. ' Mahauaim ' marked the spot
where Jacob had divided his people into 'two hosts,' and
seen the ' Two Hosts ' of the angelic vision.' To this scene
of the great crisis in their ancestor's life the thoughts of
his descendants returned in after years, whenever foreign
conquest or civil discord drove them from their native
hills on the west of Jordan — when Abner fled from the
Philistines, when David fled from Absalom, when the
Israelite captives lingered there on the way to Babylon,
when David's greater Son found tliere a refuge from the busy
world which filled Jerusalem and the Sea of Galilee, when the
infant Christian Church of Palestine escaped to Pella from
the armies of Titus. From these heights, one and all of
these exiles must have caught the last glimpse of their
familiar mountains. There is one plaintive strain which
sums up all these feelings, — the 42nd Psalm. Its date
and authorship are uncertain, but the place is beyond
doubt the Transjordanic hills, which always behold, as
they are always beheld from, Western Palestine. As,
before the eyes of the exile, the ' gazelle ' of the forest of
Gilead panted after the fresh streams of water which
thence descend to the Jordan, so his soul panted after
God, from whose outward presence he was shut out. The
river, with its winding rapids, ' deep calling to deep,' lay
between him and his home. All that he could now do was
to remember the past, as he stood ' in the land of Jordan,'
as he saw the peaks of ' Hermon,' as he found himself on
the eastern heights of Mizar, which reminded him of his
banishment and solitude. The Peraean hills are the ' Piso-ah '
of the earlier history. To the later history they occupy the
pathetic relation that has been immortalised in the name
of the long ridge from which the first and the last view of
' See Lecture III.
224 THE EASTEKN HILLS. lect. ix.
Granada is obtained ; they are ' the Last Sigh ' of the
Israelite exile. In our own time, perhaps in all times of
their history, they have furnished to the familiar scenes of
Western Palestine a shadowy background, which imparts
to the tamest features of the landscape a mysterious and
romantic charm, a sense as of another world, to the dweller
on this side of the dividing chasm almost inaccessible, yet
always overhanging the distant view with a presence not to
be put by. And with this thought there must have been
blended, in large periods of the Jewish history, ,a feeling
which has now long since died away-^that from these
Eastern mountains, and from the desert beyond them, would
be the great Eeturn of the scattered members of the race.
' Mine own will I bring again from Bashan,' — ' How beau-
'tiful on the mountains [of the East] are the feet of him
' that bringeth good tidings.' — ' Make straight in the desert
' [beyond the Jordan] a highway for our Grod,' ^
• Ps. Ixviii. 22 ; Isa. Hi. 7, xl. 3,
225
LECTUEE X.
THE CONQUEST OF WESTERN PALESTINE — THE
FALL OF JERICHO.
The Conquest of Eastern Palestine has been drawn out at
length in the preceding- Lecture, because, from the scanty
and fragmentary notices of it in the narrative, we are in
danger of losing sight altogether of a remarkable portion
both of the Holy Land and of the Sacred history. But it is
a true feeling which lias caused the chief attention to be fixed
on the conquest of the western rather than of the eastern
shores of the Jordan, as the turning-point, in this stage, of
the fortunes of the Jewish Church and nation.
We have seen what the Eastern territory was, — how con- Conquest
of^VcstGrii
genial to the nomadic habits of a hitherto pastoral people : Palestine.
a land in some respects so far superior, both in beauty and
fertility, to the rugged mountains on the further side. ' The
' Lord had made them ride on the high places of the earth,
' that they might eat the increase of the fields ; and he made
' them to suck honey out of the " cliff," and oil out of the
' flinty rock ; butter of kine, and milk of sheep ; with fat of
' lambs, and rams of the breed of Bashan, and goats ; with
' the fat of kidneys of wheat and . . . the pure blood of the
' grape.' ' So, we are told, spoke their Prophet-leader, whilst
they were still in enjoyment of this rich country. Yet
forwards they went. It was the same high calling — whether
' Deut. xxxii. 13, 11.
226 CONQUEST OP WESTEKN PALESTINE. lect. x.
we give it the name of destiny or Providence — which had
already drawn Abraham from Mesopotamia, and Moses from
the court of Memphis. They knew not what was before
them ; they knew not what depended on their crossing the
Jordan,— on their becoming a settled and agricultural, instead
of a nomadic people, — on their reaching to the shores of the
Mediterranean Sea, and from those shores receiving the in-
fluences of the Western world, and sending forth to that
Western world their influences in return. They knew not,
but we know ; and the more we hear of the beauty of the
Transjordanic territory, the greater is the wonder — the
greater, we may say, should be our thankfulness — that they
exchanged it for Palestine itself; inferior as it might natu-
rally have seemed to them, in every point, except for the high
purposes to which they were called, and for which their per-
manent settlement on the eastern side of the Jordan would,
humanly speaking, have wholly unfitted them.
It was to inaugurate this new era, of a dangerous present
and a boundless future, that a new character appears on
the scene. In the Eastern conquest, we have but faintly
perceived the hands by which the victory was won, and the
people guided. Moses, indeed, is still living ; but his com-
mand in battle is hardly noticed. Of Jair and Nobah we
know scarce anything but the names. The most remarkable
leader of that transitional period, whose career overlaps also
Phinehas. that on which we are now entering, is the famous son of the
High Priest Eleazar, who in his Egyptian ^ name bore the
last trace of their Egyptian sojourn. Phinehas, rather than
his father, figures throughout this period as the leading-
member of the hierarchy. In the conflict with Midian,^
in the dispute with tlie Eeubenites, in the war with the
Benjamites,^ he is the chief oracle and adviser. On him is
pronounced the blessing which secured to his descendants the
' Brugsch, Egypt, 174. ^ See Lecture IX. * See Lecture XIII.
tECT. X. JOSHUA. 227.
inheritance of the priesthood, as though up to that time the
succession had been in uncertainty. He was long known as
the ruler or commander of the Levite guard,' and as the
type of indomitable zeal. In later Jewish traditions, he is
supposed to have received, through the blessing upon his
zeal, the gift of immortality,'^ and to have continued on the
earth till he reappeared as Elijah ; and thus, in Mussulman
fancy, he claims, with Elijah, Jethro, and S. George, to be iden-
tified with the mysterious Wanderer, who goes to and fro ' on
the earth, to set right the wrong and to make clear the dark.
But the fierce Priest was not to be the successor of the
first of the Prophets. It was from another tribe, and from Joshua.
another class of character, that Moses had chosen his constant
companion, his ministering servant. Every great Prophet had
such an attendant, and the attendant of Moses was Joshua
the son of Nun. He, according to Jewish tradition,"* was the
bosom friend, the first example of pure and dear friendship
in the Jewish Church ; and to him, rather than to any he-
reditary kinsman, was the gviidance of the nation intrusted.
Never, in the history of the Chosen People, could there
have been such a blank as that when they became conscious
that 'Moses the servant of the Lord was dead.' He who
had been their leader, their lawgiver, their oracle, as far back
as their memory could reach, was taken from them at the
very moment when they seemed most to need him. It was
to fill up this blank that Joshua was called. The narrative
labours to impress upon us the sense that the continuity of
the nation and of its high purpose was not broken by the
change of person and situation. * As I was with Moses, so
* will I be with thee. I will not fail thee,^ nor forsake thee.'
There was, indeed, as yet, no hereditary or fixed succession.
' Num. XXV. 13 ; Ps. cvi. 30 ; 1 Chr. ^ See Lecture VIII.
ix. 20. * Philo, De Caritatc, ii. 384, 385.
^ Fabricius, Cod. Pscxulcp, i. 893, s Jogh. i. 5.
894.
Q 2
228 JOSHUA. LECT. x.
But the germ of that succession is better represented by the
very contrast between Moses and Joshua, than in any other
passage in the Sacred History.
The voice that from the glory came,
To tell how Moses died unseen,
And waken Joshua's spear of flame
To victory on the mountains green,
Its trumpet tones are sounding still,
When kings or parents pass away ;
They greet us with a cheering thrill
Of power or comfort in decay. ^
The difference, indeed, was marked as strongly as possible.
His cha- Joshua was the soldier, — the first soldier, consecrated by the
Sacred history. He was not a teacher, not a Prophet.^ He,
one may say, hated the extension of Prophecy with a feeling
which recalls a well-known saying of the great warrior of our
own age. He could not restrain his indignation when he
heard that there were two unauthorised prophesiers within
the camp. ' My lord Moses, forbid them.' ^ He was a
simple, straightforward, undaunted soldier. His first appear-
ance is in battle. ' Choose out men, go out, fight with
' Amalek.' * He is always known by his spear or javelin,
slung between his shoulders or stretched out in his hand.^
The one quality which is required of him, and described in
him, is that he was * very courageous.' He was * strong and
of a good courage.' ^ ' He was not afraid nor dismayed.' He
' This poem in Keble's Christian ground in the narrative, and the Mus-
Yiar is suggested by the Service for sulman traditions expressly exclude
the Accession of the English Sove- him from that rank. (Weil's Bihlical
reigns, on which day this portion of Legends, p. 144.) It is probably on
the Book of Joshua is read. The other grounds that the Book of Joshua
whole poem well carries out the is placed amongst the ' Prophets ' in
thought. the Jewish canon. Sec Lecture XIX.
2 In the Eastern Church Joshua ^ Num. xi. 28.
is sometimes reckoned as a prophet. * Ex. xvii. 9.
Josephus {Ant. v. 1, § 4) seems to im- * Josh. viii. 18, 26. It was thechidan
ply that he had an attendant prophet, or light javelin ; see the article 'Arms,'
through whom tlie divine commands in Diet, of Bible.
weje giveii to him. But this has no '' Josh. i. 7, 9, 18.
i-ECT. X. HIS NAME. 229
turned neither to the right hand nor to the left ; but at the
head of the hosts of Israel he went right forward from Jordan
to Jericho, from Jericho to Ai, from Ai to Gibeon, to Beth-
horon, to Merom. He wavered not for a moment; he was
here, he was there, he was everywhere, as the emergency
called for him. He had no words of wisdom, except those
which shrewd ^ common sense and public spirit dictated. To
him the Divine Eevelation was made not in the burning busli
nor in the still small voice, but as ' the Captain of the Lord's
' host, with a drawn sword in his hand ; ' ^ and that drawn and
glittering sword was the vision which went before him through
the land, till all the kings of Canaan were subdued beneath
his feet.
It is not often, either in sacred or common history, that His name.
we are justified in pausing on anything so outward and
(usually) so accidental as a name. But, if ever there be an
exception, it is in the case of Joshua. In him it first appears
with an appropriateness which the narrative describes as
intentional. His original name, Hosliea, 'salvation,' is trans-
formed into JeJioshua or Joshua, ' God's salvation ; ' and this,
according to the modifications which Hebrew names under-
went in their passage through the Greek language, took, in
the later ages of the Jewish Church, sometimes the form of
Jason, but more frequently that which has now become
indelibly impressed upon history as the greatest of all names
— JESUS.3
Slight as may be this connexion between the first and the
last to whom this name was given with any religious signifi-
cance, it demands our consideration for the sake of two points
which are often overlooked, and which may in this relation
catch the attention of those who might else overlook them
altogether. One is the prominence into which it brings the
' See Lecture XII, ' LXX. throughout, and, iii the N.T.,
* Josh. V. 13. Acts vii. 45 ; Heb. iv. 8.
230 THE PASSAGE OF THE JORDAN. lect. x.
true meaning of the Sacred name, as a deliverance, not from
' imputed ' or ' future ' or ' unknown ' dangers, but from
enemies as real and intelligible as the Canaanitish host. The
first Joshua was to save his people from their actual foes.
The Second was to ' save His people from their ' actual
' sinsJ' ^ Again, the career of Joshua gives a note of prepara-
tion for the singularly martial, soldierlike aspect — also often
forgotten — under which his Namesake is at times set forth.
The courage, the cheerfulness, the sense of victory and of
success, which runs both through the actual history of the
Grospels, and through the idealisation of it in ' the Conqueror '
of the writings of S. jGhn,^ finds its best illustration from the
older Church in the character and career of Joshua.
The Pas- The first stage of Joshua's Conquest was the occupation of
Jordan. ^^6 vast trench, so to speak, which parted them from the
mass of the Promised Land. Between it and them lay the
deep valley of the Jordan with its mysterious river. ' To
' pass over the Jordan and go in and possess the land,' was
a crisis in their fate, such as they had not experienced since
the crossing of the Eed Sea.
The scene of the passage of the Jordan is presented to us
in the Sacred narrative in a form so distinct, and at the
same time so different from that which is usually set forth
in pictures and allegories, that it shall here be given at
length, so far as it can be made out from the several notices
handed down to us, namely, the two separate accounts in the
Book of Joshua,^ further varied by the differences between
the Eeceived Text and the Septuagint, the narrative of
Josephus and the 114th Psalm.
* Matt. i. 21. iv. 4; v. 4, 5). 'The Captain of our
2 Not only in tho Apocalypse (li. 7, salvation ' (Heb. ii. 10)] derives its
11, 17, 26 ; iii. 5, 12, 21 ; v. 5 ; vi. 2 ; martial sound only from the English,
xi. 7 ; xii. 11 ; xiii. 7 ; xv. 2 ; xvii. 14; not from tho original.
xxi. 7), but in the Gospel (John xvL ^ Josh. iii. 3-17; iv. 1-24.
33) and Epistles (I John ii. 13, 14;
tECT. X. THE PASSAGE OF THE JORDAN'. 231
Now at last tliey descended from the upper terraces of the
valley, they ' removed from the acacia groves and came to
' the Jordan and " stayed the night " there before they passed
over.' ^
It was probably at the point near the present southern The river.
fords, crossed at the time of the Christian era by a bridge.^
The river was at its usual state of flood at the spring of
the year, so as to fill the whole of the bed, up to the
margin of the jungle with which the nearer banks are lined.
On the broken edge of the swollen stream, the band of
priests stood with the Ark on their shoulders. At the dis-
tance of nearly a mile in the rear was the mass of the army.
Suddenly the full bed of the Jordan was dried before them.
High up the river, ' far, far away,' ^ ' in Adam, the city
' which is beside Zaretan,' ■* ' as far as the parts of Kir-
' jath-jearim,' •'' that is, at a distance of thirty miles from
the place of the Israelite encampment, 'the waters there
' stood which " descended " " from the heights above," — stood
' and rose up, as if gathered into a waterskin ; ^ as if in a bar-
' rier or heap,^ as if congealed ; * and those that " descended "
' towards the sea of " the desert," the salt sea, failed and were
' cut off.' Thus the scene presented is of the ' descending
' stream ' (the words employed seem to have a special re-
ference to that peculiar and most significant name of the
' Jordan ') not parted asunder, as we generally fancy, but,
' Josh. iiL 1. * So Symmachus's rersion, as the
* So we may infer from Jos. Ant. LXX. in Ps. xxxiii, 7.
V. 1, § 3. ' The ■word here used, ncd, is only
^ IxaKpav (Tcpobpa acpoSpus, LXX. ; used of ' water ' with regard to the
Josh. iii. 16. Jordan river, and the waves of the
* Josh. iii. 16. Not ' from Adam,' seapoetically (Ps. xxxiii. 7; Ex. xv. 8).
but ' in Adam.' See KeU ad loc. The Vulgate makes this to be ' as
Zaretan is near Suceoth, at the mouth high as a mountain.' The Samaritan
of the Jabbok, 1 Kings vii. 46. Joshua makes it ' wave rising upon
* Josh. iii. 16 (LXX.), unless this be 'wave till it reached the height of a
another reading for Kirjath-Adam (the ' lofty mountain.'
city of Adam). Comp. Kiriathaim, in * Hijyfia, LXX.; Josh. iii. 16.
the same neighbourhood. Gen. xiv. 5.
sage.
232 THE PASSAGE OP THE JORD.O". lect. x.
as the Psalm ^ expresses it, ' turned backwards ; ' the whole
bed of the river left dry from north to south, through its
long windings ; the huge stones lying bare here and there,^
imbedded in the soft bottom ; or the shingly pebbles ^ flrifted
along the course of the channel.
The Pas- The Ark stood above. The army passed below. The
women and children, according to the Jewish tradition,*
were placed in the centre, from the fear lest they should be
swept away by the violence of the current. The host, at
different points probably, rushed^ across. The priests re-
mained motionless, their feet sunk ^ in the deep mud of the
channel. In front, contrary to the usual ^ order, as if to
secure that they should fulfil their vow, went the three
Transjordanic tribes. They were thus the first to set foot on
the shore beyond. Their own memorial of the passage was
the monument already ® described. But the national memo-
rial was on a larger scale. Carried aloft ^ before the priests
as they left the river-bed, were ' twelve stones,' selected by
the twelve chiefs of the tribes. These were planted on the
upper terrace of the plain of the Jordan, and became the
centre of the first sanctuary of the Holy Land, — the first
place pronounced ' holy,' the ' sacred place ' of the Jordan
valley,^" where the Tabernacle remained till it was fixed ^' at
Shiloh. Grilgal long retained reminiscences of its ancient
sanctity. The twelve stones taken up from the bed ^^ of the
Jordan continued at least till the time of the composition of
the Book of Joshua, and seem to have been invested with a
' Ps. cxiv. 3. ' Lecture IX.
^ As implied in Josh. iv. 9, 18. ^ The LXX. reads in Josh, iv. 11
' Jos. Ant. V. 1, § 3. ' the stones,' instead of 'the priests.'
* Rid. '» Josh. T. 13-15.
* 'Hasted,' Josh. iv. 10. •' Josh, xviii. 1.
" This is implied in the word trans- '- Josh. iv. 5. For the question of
lated ' lifted up ; ' but more properly the double memorial, see the com-
as in the margin, ' plucked up.' Josh. mentators on this place. The LXX.
iv. IS. text (iv. 9) supposes two.
' Xum. xxxii. 20; Josh. iv. 12.
LECT, X. GILGAL. 233
reverence wliich came to be regarded at last as idolatrous.^
The name was joined with that of the acacia groves on
the further side, in the title, as it would seem, given in
popular tradition or in ancient records to this passage of the
history : ' From Shittim to Gilgal.' ^
But its immediate connexion was with the first stage of the GilgaL
Conquest. The touching allegory by which in the ' Pilgrim's
Progress ' the passage of the Jordan is made the likeness
of the passage of the river of Death to the land of rest beyond,
has but a slight ground in the language of the Bible, or the
course of the history. The passage of the Jordan was not
the end, but the beginning of a long and troubled conflict.
Of this, the first step was the occupation of Grilgal. It be-
came immediately the frontier fortress, such as the Greeks
under the name of epiteichisma, and the Eomans under the
name of colonia, always planted as their advanced posts in a
hostile country, such as at Kufa the Arab conquerors founded
before the building of Bagdad,^ and at Fostat before the
building af Cairo. It was also, as Josephus'' well says,
the 'place of freedom.' There they cast off the slough of
their wandering life. The uncircumcised state, regarded as The cir-
a deep reproach by the higher civilisation of the East, was
now to be ' rolled away.' The ancient rite was performed
once more, and the knives of flint used on the occasion
were preserved as sacred relics. The hill where the ceremony
had taken place — one of the many argillaceous hills on the
terraces of the valley— was called by a name commemorating
the event, as was Gilgal ^ itself. A Jewish sect is repoi'ted
still to exist at Bozra, which professes to have broken off from
Israel at this time. They are said to abhor not only circum-
cision, but everything which can remind them of it — all
' Judg. iii. 26; Hosea iv. 15; is. ^ Ewakl, ii. 244,
15 ; xii. 11 ; Amos iv. 4; v. 5. * Ant. v. 1, § 4.
== JVIicah Ti. 5. ^ lb. v. 3, § 7.
cumcision.
234 FALL OF JEEICHO. lect. x.
cutting with knives, even at meals. One other sign of the
desert ceased at the same time. For the first time since
leaving Sinai, the Passover was celebrated, and the cakes were
made no longer of manna, but of the corn of Palestine,
bread found in the houses of the old inhabitants.
Jericho. It was on Jericho that the attention of Joshua had been
already fixed before the Passage of the Jordan. Following
the plan which seems to have been universal in the warfare
of those times, he sent two spies, as he and his eleven com-
panions had once gone before from the south, as the spies
were afterwards sent to explore Ai ^ and Bethel.^ They, like
the wild Gradites in David's time, swam the flooded river, and
out of their adventure grew the one gentle incident of this
part of the history — the kindness and honour dealt to Kahab,
the first convert to the Jewish faith.
Jericho was the most, indeed the only, important town in
the Jordan valley. Not only was it conspicuous amongst the
other Canaanitish towns, for its walls and gates, and its rich
temple, filled with gold, silver, iron, brass, and even Meso-
potamian drapery,^ but its situation was such as must
always have rendered its occupation necessary to any invader
from that quarter. It was the key of Western Palestine, as
standing at the entrance of the two main passes into the cen-
tral mountains. From the issues of the torrent of the Kelt
on the south, to the copious spring, afterwards called 'the
fountain of Elisha,' on the north, the ancient city ran along
the base of the mountains, and thus commanded the oasis of
the desert valley, the garden or park of verdure, which clus-
tering round these waters has, through the various stages of
its long existence, secured its prosperity and grandeur.
Beautiful as the spot is now in utter neglect, it must
have been far more so when it was first seen by the Israelite
host at Gilgal. Gilgal was about five miles distant from
» Josh. vii. 2. ' Judff. i. 23. ^ Josh. vii. 21.
LECT. X. JERICHO. 235
the river banks ; at the eastern outskirts, therefore, of the
great forest. Jericho itself stood at its western extremity,
immediately where the springs issue from the hills. From
that scene of their earliest settlement in Palestine, the
Israelites looked out over the intervening woods to what was
to be the first prize of the conquest. The forest itself did
not then consist, as now, merely of the picturesque thorn,
but was a vast grove of majestic palms, nearly three miles
broad, and eight miles long. It must have recalled to the few
survivors of the old generation the magnificent palm-groves
of Egypt, such as may now be seen stretching along the shores
of the Nile at Memphis. Amidst this forest — as is, to a
certain extent, the ease even now — would have been seen,
stretching through its open spaces, fields of ripe corn ; for it
was ' the time of barley harvest.' Above the topmost trees
would be seen the high walls and towers of the city, which
from that grove derived its proud name, ' Jericho, the city of
' palms,' ' high, and fenced up to heaven.' Behind the city
rose the jagged range of the white limestone mountains of
Judaea, here presenting one of the few varied and beautiful
outlines that can be seen amongst the southern hills of
Palestine. This range is ' the mountain ' to which the spies
had fled whilst their pursuers vainly sought them on the way
to the Jordan.
The story of the Fall of Jericho and the Passage of the its fall.
Jordan carries with it the same impression as that of the
Exodus ; that it was not by their own power, but by a Higher,
that the Israelites were to effect their first entrance into the
Promised Land. Whatever might be their own part in what
followed — whatever might be their own even in tlus — the
sagacity of Joshua, the venturesomeness of the spies, the
fidelity of Eahab, the seven days' march, the well-known and
terrible war-cry j yet the river is crossed, and the city falls,
by other means. It may be that these means were found
236 FALL OF JERICHO. lect. x.
in the resources of the natural agencies of earthquake or
volcanic convulsion,^ which mark the whole of the Jordan
valley, from Grennesareth down to the Dead Sea, and which
are perpetually recurring in its course, not only during
the sacred history, but to our own time. If so, we have a
remarkable illustration and confirmation of the narrative, the
more so, because the secondary causes of these phenomena
must have been to the sacred historians themselves unknown.
But, if we are denied this external testimony to the events,
the moral, which the relation of them is intended to teach,
and which no doubt it did teach, remains the same, and is
well expressed in the Psalm ^ of later days :
We have heard with our ears, 0 God ;
Our fathers have told us what Thou didst in tlaeir days, in the
times of old :
How Thou didst drive out the heathen Avith Thy hand, and
plantedst them ;
How Thou didst afflict the people, and cast them out.
For they got not the land in possession by their o"\vn sword,
Neither did their own arm save them ;
But Thy right hand, and Thine arm, and the light of Thy coim-
tenance,
Because Thou hadst a favoxu- unto them.
The ultimate importance of the fall of Jericho is marked
by the consecration of its spoil, and by the curse on its re-
builder. But its immediate consequences lay in the opening
which it afforded for penetrating into the hills above. It
was a critical moment, for it was exactly at the similar stage
Fall of Ai. of their approach to Palestine from the south, that the Israel-
ites had met with the severe repulse at Hormah, which had
driven them back into the desert for forty years. Joshua
accordingly ' sent men from Jericho to Ai, which is beside
* Instances — obvious, indeed, with- tion of these events, by Dr. King,
out any special enumeration — of the in his Morsels of Criticism, iii. 287,
effect of earthquakes both on waters 305.
and on cities, are given in illustra- ^ Ps. xliv. 1-3.
LECT. X. FALL OF AI. 237
' Bethaven, on the east side of Bethel, and spake unto them,
' saying, Go up and view the country.' The precise position
of Ai is unknown ; but this indication points out its probable
site in the wild entanglement of hill and valley at the head
of the ravines running up from the valley of the Jordan.
The two attempts of the Israelites that followed upon the
report of tlie spies, are quite in accordance with the natural
featiues of the pass. In the first attempt the inhabitants of
Ai, taking advantage of their strong position on the heights,
drove the invaders 'from before the gate,' . . . and
smote them in ' the going down ' of the steep descent. In
the second attempt, after the Israelites had been reassured
by the execution of Achan ' in the valley of Achor,' probably
one of the valleys opening into the Ghor, the attack was
conducted on different principles. An ambush was placed
by night high up in the main ravine between Ai and Bethel.
Joshua himself took up his position on the north side of
' the ravine,' apparently the deep chasm through which it
joins the plain of Jericho. From this point the army de-
scended into the valley, Joshua himself, it would seem,
remaining on the heights ; and, decoyed by them, the King
of Ai with his forces pursued them as before into the ' desert '
valley of the Jordan ; whilst the ambush, at the signal of
Joshua's uplifted spear, rushed down on the city ; and then,
amidst the mingled attack at the head of the pass from
behind, and the return of the main body from the desert of
the Jordan, the whole population of Ai was destroyed. A
heap of ruins on its site, and a huge cairn over the grave of
its last king,' remained long afterwards as the sole memorials
of the destroyed city.
The passes were now secured, and the interior of the
country was accessible. Two peaceful memorials remained
' Joshua viii. 28, 29.
238 LEAGUE WITH GIBEOX. lect. x.
of this stage of the conquest. The first was the adoption of
Kahab. Eahab into the community. ' She dwelleth among the people
' to this day.' The stringency of the Mosaic law prohibiting
intermarriage with the accursed race was relaxed in her
favour. To her was traced back the princely lineage of
David,' and of a greater than David. Her trust in Grod, and
her friendly hospitality whilst yet a heathen, were treasured
up by the better spirits^ of the later Jewish and early Christian
Church, as a signal instance of the universality of Divine
mercy and of religious faith.
The The other was the league with the Gibeonites. The
1 eom es. j^j^g^Qj-^gg^l peculiarities of this transaction explain themselves.
The situation and character of Gibeon at once placed it in
an exceptional position. Planted at the head of the pass of
Beth-horon, and immediately opposite the opening of the
pass of Ai, it would have been the next prey on which the
Israelite host would have sprung. On the other hand, its
organisation, being apparently aristocratic or federal, — itself
at the head of a small band ' of kindred cities, — separated it
from the interests of the royal fortresses of the rest of Pales-
tine. Their device is full of a quaint humour which marks
its antiquity. It is observable that they represent themselves
as not having yet heard of the aggression on Western Pales-
tine, only of the bygone conquest of the Amorite kings beyond
the Jordan.
The The remembrance of the league was kept up through the
eague. whole course of the subsequent history. The massacre of
the Gibeonites by Saul was not excused by the fact that
they were an alien race. David was faithful to the vow
' Matt. i. 5. to forcft the fearless siaiplicity of the
^ Heb. xi. 31; James ii. 25; Clem. Biblical narrative into confoimity with
Ep. ad Cor. ; Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. a preconceived hypothesis of the
ad Matt. i. 5. The change of ' har- perfection of everything to which it
lot ' into ' hostess ' is one of the relates.
many attempts made in later times * Josh. ix. 17.
LECT. X. ' LEAGUE WITH GIBEON. 239
which Joshua had first made. That vow aud its observance,
even though darkened by its sanguinary consequences in the
sacrifice of the sons of Saul, stands out in the careers of
Joshua and of David as an example, raj^ in the history of
the Christian Church, of faith kept with heretics and infidels.
When in the fifteenth century Ladislaus of Hungary had
made a solemn treaty with Amurath II., and when tidings
arrived of unlooked-for succours to the Christian host, no less
a personage than Cardinal Julian Cesarini, in an elaborate
argument, urged the king to break the league.^ The chief
of the Polish clergy, in a spirit more worthy both of the Old
and the New Dispensation, protested against the treacherous
act. But he protested alone, and king and cardinal broke
their plighted faith, and hurried on the Christian army to
what proved its destruction. Not so the leaders of Israel
under Joshua, when public opinion clamoured for vengeance
on the Gibeonite deceivers. 'All the congregation mur-
* mured against the princes. But all the princes said unto all
*the congregation. We have sworn unto them by the Lord
' Grod of Israel ; now, therefore, we may not touch them.
* This we will do to them : we will even let them live, lest
' wrath be upon us, because of the oath which we sware unto
' them.' 2
Their lives were spared. They willingly undertook the
tributary service which was levied upon them. Under 'the
' great high place ' on which the Tabernacle — at least during
part of the subsequent history — was raised, they remained in
after times a monument of this early league. With what
fidelity the promise was observed, and with what important
consequences, will be best seen by describing the great event
to which it directly led, — the Battle of Beth-horon.
' Life of Cardinal Julian, pp. 329-341. ^ Josh. ix. 18-20.
240
LECTUEE XI.
THE CONQUEST OF WESTERN PALESTINE-
BATTLE OF BETH-HORON.
Battle of The battle of Beth-horon or Gribeon is one of the most im-
portant in the history of the world ; and yet so profound has
ron.
been the indifference, first of the religious world, and then
(through their example or influence) of the common world,
to the historical study of the Hebrew annals, that the very
name of this great battle is far less known to most of us
than that of Marathon or Cannae.
It is one of the few military engagements which belong
equally to Ecclesiastical and to Civil History — which have
decided equally the fortunes of the world and of the Church.
The roll will be complete if to this we add two or three
more which we shall encounter in the Jewish History ; and,
in later times, the battle of the Milvian Bridge, which in-
volved the fall of Paganism ; the battle of Poitiers, which
sealed the fall of Arianism ; the battle of Bedr, which secured
the rise of Mahometanism in Asia ; the battle of Tours, which
checked the spread of Mahometanism in Western Europe ;
the battle of Lepanto, which checked it in Eastern Europe ;
the battle of Lutzen, which determined the balance of power
between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism in Grermany.
The kings of Palestine, each in his little mountain fastness,
— like the kings of early Gfreece, crowded thick together in
the plains of Argos and of Thebes, when they were summoned
to the Trojan war, — were roused by the tidings that tlie
LECT. XI. BATTLE OF BETH-HOEOX. 241
approaches to tlieir temtory in the Jordan valley and in the
passes leading from it were in the hand of the enemy. Those
who occupied the south felt that the crisis was yet more
imminent when they heard of the capitulation of Gribeon.
Jehus, or Jerusalem, even in those ancient times^ was recog-
nised as their centre. Its chief took the lead of the hostile
confederacy. The point of attack, however, was not the
invading army, but the traitors at home. Gribeon, the .Siege of
recreant city, was besieged. The continuance or the raising
of the siege, as in the case of Orleans in the fifteenth century,
and Vienna in the seventeenth, became the turning question
of the war. The summons of the Gribeonites to Joshua was
as urgent as words can describe, and gives the key-note to
the whole movement. ' Slack not thy hand from thy ser-
' vants ; come up to us quickly, and save us, and help us ;
' for all the kings of the Amorites that dwell in the mountains
' are gathered together against us.' Not a moment was to
be lost. As in the battle of Marathon, everything depended
on the suddenness of the blow which should break in pieces
the hostile confederation. On the former occasion of Joshua's
visit to Gribeon, it had been a three days' journey from
Grilgal, as according to the slow pace of eastern armies and
caravans it might well be. But now, by a forced march,
' Joshua came unto them suddenly, and went up from Gilgal
' all night.' When the sun rose behind him, he was already
in the open ground at the foot of the heights of Gribeon,
where the kings were encamped (according to tradition') by
a spring in the neighbourhood. The towering hill at the
foot of which Gribeon lay, rose before them on the west. The
besieged and the besiegers alike were taken by surprise.
As often before and after, so now, ' not a man could First stage
' stand before ' the awe and the panic of the sudden sound battle.
' Josephus, Ant. v. 1, § 17.
R
242
BATTLE OF BETH-HOEOK
of that terrible shout' — the sudden appearance of that un-
daunted host, who came with the assurance not ' to fear, nor
* to be dismayed, but to be strong and of a good courage, for
*the Lord had delivered their enemies into their hands.'
The Canaanites fled down the western pass, and ' the Lord
' discomfited them before Israel, and slew them with a great
' slaughter at Gibeon, and chased them along the way that
' goeth up to Beth-horon.' This was the first stage of the
flight. It is a long rocky ascent,^ sinking and rising more
than once before the summit is reached. From the summit,
which is crowned by the village of Upper Beth-horon, a wide
view opens over the valley of Ajalon, of ' Stags ' or ' Grazelles,'
which runs in from the plain of Sharon. Jaffa, Ramleh,
Lydda, are all visible beyond.
' And it came to pass, as they fled before Israel, and were
' in the goirCg down to Beth-horon, that the Lord cast down
' great stones from heaven upon them imto Azekah.' This
was the second stage of the flight. The fugitives had out-
stripped the pursuers ; they had crossed the high ridge of
Beth-horon the Upper; they were in full flight to Beth-
horon the Nether. It is a rough, rocky road, sometimes
over the upturned edges of the limestone strata, sometimes
over sheets of smooth rock, sometimes over loose rectangular
The storm, stones, sometimes over steps cut in the rock. It was as they
fled down the slippery descent, that, as in the fight of Barak
against Sisera, a fearful tempest, ' thunder, lightning, and a
' deluge of hail,' ^ broke over the disordered ranks ; ' they were
' more which died of the hailstones * than they whom the
* children of Israel slew with the sword.'
Second
stage of
the battle.
' In the Samaritan tradition the
war-cry was, ' God is mighty in battle :
' God is His name' (Samaritan Joshua,
ch. 20, 21).
- The actual amount of elevation in
this ascent is perhaps doubtful.
^ Jos. Ant. V. 1, § 17. Compare
Judg. iv. 15; V. 20; 1 Sam. vii. 10.
* The stones have been interpreted
as meteoric stones ; but the explana-
tion of them in the Hebrew text, and
the tradition in the LXX. and Jose-
phus, are decisive in favour of the
hailstorm.
LECT. XI. BATTLE OP BETH-HOROX. 243
So, as it would seem, ended the direct narrative of this
second stage of the flight. But at this point, as in the case
of the defeat of Sisera, we have one of those openings, as it
were, in the structure of the Sacred history^ which reveal to
us a glimpse of another, probably an older, version, lying
below the surface of the narrative. In the victory of Barak,
we have the whole accoimt, first in prose and then in verse.
Here we have, in like manner, first, the prose account ; and
then, either the same events, or the events immediately fol-
lowing, related in poetry — taken from one of the lost books
of the original canon of the Jewish Church, the book of
Jasher.^
On the summit of the pass, where is now the hamlet of Joshua's
the Upper Beth-horon, looking far down the deep descent of
the Western valleys, with the green vale of Ajalon stretched
out in the distance, and the wide expanse of the Mediterranean
Sea beyond, stood, as is intimated, the Israehte chief. Below
him was rushing down, in ^^ald confusion, the Amorite host.
Around him were ' all his people of war and all his mighty
' men of valour.' Behind him were the hills which hid
Gibeon — the now rescued Gibeon — from his sight. But the
sun stood high above those hills, ' in the midst of heaven,' ^ for
the day had now far advanced, since he had emerged from
his night march through the passes of Ai ; and in front, over
the western vale of Ajalon, may have been the faint form of
the waning moon, visible above the hailstorm driving up
from the sea in the black distance. Was the enemy to escape
in safety, or was the speed with which Joshua had ' come
' quickly, and saved and helped ' his defenceless allies, to be
' "We know this book only from the departed 'heroes' or 'just ones.'
two fragments (Josh. s. 12—14, 2 Sam. '■^ If the expression 'upon Gibeon,'
). 17-27) which have come down in Joshua x. 12, be exact, then the
to us. But, according to a probable early morning must be intended; if
conjecture, first started by Theodoret 'the midst of heaven' in x. 13»
{Qucpstiones in Jesum filium Nave), it then it must be the noon,
was a volume containing songs of the
R 2
244 BATTLE OF BETH-HOROX. lect. xi.
rewarded, before the close of that da}^, by a signal and
decisive victory ?
It is doubtless so standing on that lofty eminence, with
outstretched hand and spear, as on the hill above Ai, that
the Hero appears in the ancient song of the Book of Heroes.
Then spake Joshua unto Jehovah
In the day ' that God gave up the Amorite
Into the hand of Israel,' (LXX.)
When He discomfited them in Gibeon,
' And they Avere discomfited before the face of Israel.' (LXX.)
And Joshiia said :
' Be thou still,' O Sun, upon Gibeon,
And thou, Moon, upon the valley of Ajalon !
And the Sun was still,
And the Moon stood.
Until 'the nation' (or LXX. 'until God') had avenged them
upon their enemies.
And the sun stood in ' the very midst ' of the heavens,
And hasted not to go down for a whole day.
And there was no day like that before it or after it,
That Jehovah heard the voice of a man.
For Jehovah fought for Israel. •
And Joshua returned, and all Israel with him, unto the camp in
Gilgal.
Third So ended the second stage of the flight. In the lengthened
the^Little ^^y^ thus given to Joshua's prayer, comes the third stage.
' The Lord smote them to Azekah and unto Makkedah, and
' these five kings fled and hid themselves in the cave at
' I have given at length what leaves out the closing verse of the
appears to be the extract from the extract (verse 15), from the just feel-
Poetical Book (Josh. X. 12-15). In ing that it interrupts the historical
some respects it seems to be better pre- narrative ; but apparently overlooking
served in the LXX. ; in others, in its connexion with the distinct docu-
the Received Text. The LXX. has ment from Jasher. Besides the metre
given the first portion (verse 12) in of the passage, some of the phrases
the metrical form, which the Re- seem to indicate its poetic cha-
ceived Tex.t has reduced to prose ; racter. For examj^le, the unusual use
and has left out the reference to the of the word Goi (nation), for the peo-
Book of Jasher, which the Received pie of Israel (inverse 13), and the ex-
Text inserts in the middle of the ex- pression of the sun ' being silent,' as
tract. Oii the other hand, the LXX. if awe-struck.
LECT. XI. THE CAVE OF MAKKEDAH. 245
*Makkedah.' But Joshua halted not when he was told;
the same speed was still required — the victory was not yet
won. Tlie mouth of the cave was blocked by huge stones,
and a guard stationed to watch it whilst the pursuit was
continued. We know not precisely the position of Makkedah ; The
but it must have been, probably, at the point where the ^/^ifg
mountains sink into the plain, that this last struggle took kings.
place ; and thither, at last, ' all the people of Israel returned
' in peace ; none moved his tongue against any of the people
' of Israel.' A camp was formed round the royal hiding-
place. It was a well-known cave, ' the cave," ^ overshadowed
by a grove of trees. The five kings were dragged out of its
recesses to the gaze of their enemies. Their names and
cities were handed down, in various versions,^ to later times.
Hoham or Elam, of Hebron ; Piram or Phidon, of Jarmuth ;
Japhia or Jephtha, of Lachish; Dabir or Debir, either of
Eglon or Adullam ; and their leader, Adoni-zedek or Adoni-
bezek, of Jerusalem. If the former (' the Lord of Eighteous-
' ness ') is the name, it suggests a confirmation of the tradition
that the Salem where Melchi-zedek, ' the King of Eighteous-
' ness,' reigned, was Jerusalem, thus conferring on its rulers
a kind of hereditary designation. If the latter, he must have
had a connexion, more or less close, with the terrible chief ^
who had seventy captive princes grovelling under his table,
after the savage custom of Oriental despots. An awe is de-
scribed as falling on the Israelite warriors, when they saw the
prostrate kings. At the Conqueror's bidding, they drew near ;
and, according to the usage portrayed in the monuments
of Assyria and Eg}^t, planted their feet on the necks of
their enemies. It was reserved for Joshua himself* to slay
them. The dead bodies were hung aloft, each on its own
' The cave in the Hebrew and in * The variations appear in the
the LXX. Josh. x. 16, 17. For the LXX.
trees see x. 26. * Judg. i. 7.
246 BATTLE OF BETH-HORON. lect. xi.
separate tree, beside the cave, and remained (so it would
seem) * until the evening,' when, at last, that memorable sun
' went down.' The cave where they had been hid became
the royal sepulchre. The stones which on that self-same
day ' had cut them off from escape, closed the mouth of their
tomb ; and the destruction of the neighbouring town of Mak-
kedah ' on that day,' completed their dreadful obsequies.
So ended the day ^ to which, in the words of the ancient
sacred song, * there was no day like, before or after it.' The
possession of every place, sacred for them and for all future
ages, through the whole centre and south of Palestine, —
Sheehem, Shiloh, Gribeon, Bethlehem, Hebron, and even, for
a time, Jerusalem, — was the issue of that conflict. ' And all
* these kings and their land did Joshua take at one time,
' because the Lord God fought for Israel.' * And Joshua re-
' turned, and all Israel with him,^ unto the camp to Gilgal.'
It is the only incident of this period expressly noticed in the
later books of the Old Testament, ' The Lord shall rise up
* as in Mount Perazim ; He ■* shall be wroth as in the valley
' by Giheon.^ The very day of the week was fixed in later
' See Keil on Josh. x. 27. nessed the first and the last great
- This first victory of their race victory that crowned the Jewish
may well have inspirited Judas Mac- arms at the interval of nearly fifteen
caheus, who, himself a native of the hundred years. From their camp
neighbouring hills, won his earliest at Gibeon, the Romans, as the Ca-
fame in this same 'going up and naanites before them, were dislodged;
coming down of Beth-horon,' where they fled in similar confusion down
in like manner ' the residue ' of the the ravine to Beth-horon, the steep
defeated army fled into 'the plain,' cliflfs and the rugged road rendering
' into the land of the Philistines.' cavalry unavailable against the mer-
And again over the same plain was ciless fury of their pursuers : they
carried the great Roman road from were only saved — as the Canaanites
Cc«sarea tcT Jerusalem, up which Ces- were not saved — by the too rapid
tius advanced at the first onset of descent of the shades of night over
the Roman armies on the capital of the mountains, and under the cover
Judiea, and down which he and his of those shades they escaped to An-
whole force were driven by the in- tipatris, in the plain below,
surgent Jews. By a singular coin- ' Josh. x. 28-43.
cidence the same scene thus wit- ■* Isa. xsviii. 21.
LECT. XI. ITS IMPORTANCE. 247
traditions. With the Samaritans ^ it was Thursday ; with the Impor-
Mussulmans ^ it was Friday ; and this has been given as a ^J^g battle.
reason for that day being chosen as the sacred day of Islam.
Immediately upon its close follows the rapid succession of
victory and extermination which swept the whole of Southern
Palestine into the hands of Israel. It is probable, indeed,
from the subsequent narrative,^ either that the subjugation
and destruction were less complete than this story would
imply, or that the deeds of Joshua's companions and succes-
sors are here ascribed to himself and to this time. But the
concentration of the interest of the conquest on this one
event, if not chronologically exact, yet no doubt justly re-
presents the feeling that this was the one decisive battle,
involving all the other consequences in its train.
There are two difficulties which have been occasioned by Diffi-
CllltlPS
this event, or rather by its interpretation, which have not
been without influence on the history of the Christian
Church.
I. The first has arisen from the words of Joshua, ' Sun, " be The sun
' thou still " on Gibeon, and thou. Moon, over the valley of ^^^^ '"°
'Ajalon:' or, as read in the Vulgate, which first gave the
offence, ' Sun, move not thou towards Gibeon, nor thou,
' Moon, towards the valley of Ajalon.' These words in the
Book of Jasher were doubtless intended to express that in
some manner, in answer to Joshua's earnest prayer, the day
was prolonged till the victory was achieved. How, or in
what way, we are not told : and if we take the words in the
popular and poetical sense in which from their style it is
' Sam. Joshua, ch. 21, where the Compare also Joshua xi. 18-21;
news of the victory was brought to ' Joshua made war a long time with all
Eleazar by a carrier pigeon. ' those kings .... and at that time
-Buckingham's Travels, p. 302. ' came Joshua and cut off the Anakims
Jelaleddin, Tenqde of Jerusalem, 287. 'from the mountains, from Hebron,
^ For example, Hebron and Debir 'from Dehir, &c.'
are taken or retaken (Judg. i. 10).
248 BATTLE OF BETH-HORON. lect, xi.
clear that they are used, there is no occasion for inquiry.
That some such general sense is what was understood in the
ancient Jewish Church itself, is evident from the slight
emphasis laid upon the incident by Josephus ' and the Sa-
maritan Book of Joshua, and from the absence of any subse-
quent allusion to it (unless, indeed, in a similar poetic strain ^)
in the Old or New Testament. But in later times men were
not content without taking them in their literal, prosaic
sense, and supposing that the sun and the moon actually
stood still, and that the system of the universe was arrested.
It was this interpretation which invested the passage with a
new and alarming importance when the Copernican system
was set forth by Gralileo ; when it appeared that the sun,
being always stationary, could not be said to stand still or to
move. Eound this famous prayer was fought a battle of
words in ecclesiastical history hardly less important than the
battle of Joshua and the Canaanites. It raged through the
lifetime of Gralileo ; its last direct traces appear in the preface
of the Jesuits to their edition of Newton's Principia, de-
fending themselves for their apparent, but (as they state) only
hypothetical, sanction of a theory which, by supposing the
earth's motion, runs counter to the Papal decrees. It conti-
nues still in the terrors awakened in many religious minds by
the analogous collisions between the letter of Scripture and
the advances of science in geology, ethnology, and philology.
But, in fact, the victory was won in the person of Gralileo.
Even the court of Eome has since admitted its mistake. It
is now universally acknowledged that on that occasion ' the
' Ant. T. 1, § 17. 'He then heard ' increase, and was longer than usual,
' that God was helping him, by the ' is told in the books laid up in the
' signs of thunder, liglitning, and \m- ' Temple.' The Samaritan book sim-
' usual hailstones ; and that the day ply says, ' that the day was prolonged
' was increased, lest the night should ' at his prayer' (ch. 20).
' check the zeal of the Hebrejvs. ... * Hab. iii. 11.
' That the length of the day did then
^y
LccT. XI. THE ASTRONOMICAL DIFFICULTY. 249
' astronomers were right and the theologians were wrong.'
The principle was then once for all established, that the Bible
was not intended to teach scientific truth. This incident in
the Sacred narrative has thus, instead of a stumbling-block,
become a monument of the reconciliation of religion and
science; and the advance in our knowledge of the Bible
since that time has still further tended to diminish the col-
lision which then seemed so frightful, because it has shown
us far more clearly than could be seen in former times, that
the language employed is not only popular, but poetical and
rhythmical ; ' and that the attempt to interpret it scientifically
is based on a total misconception of the intention of the
words themselves. But, even with the imperfect knowledge
of Biblical criticism then possessed, the defence of their
position by the two great astronomers sums up the question
in terms which not only meet the whole of this case, but
apply to any further questions of the kind which may meet
us hereafter.
Gralileo, with the caution which belonged to his character Answer of
and situation, mainly relies on the authority of others. But
these were almost the highest that he could have named.
The first is Baronius, the chief ecclesiastical historian of the
Roman Church : ' The intention of Holy Scripture is to show
' It is well known that various will be superfluous. But, if there be
scientific expedients have been in- any to whom such explanations ap-
Tented to solve the question. Some pear not only improbable in them-
have imagined a long-prepared scheme selves, but contrary to the plain
for the arrest of the solar system, and a tenor of the Sacred narrative, it
succession of secret miracles to avoid may be a satisfaction to adopt the
the consequences of such a universal statement given above, which is, in
shock. Others have supposed a re- fact, the unanimous opinion of all
fi'action, a parhelion, or a multipli- German theologians of whatever
cation of parhelions. Others have seen school. The expression, ' the stars
in the passage the intimation of a 'in their courses fought against
suspended deluge. To those who may ' Sisera ' (Judg. v. 20), has never
regard any of these explanations been distorted fi-om its true poetical
as authorised either by reason or character, and has, therefore, given
Scripture, what has here been said rise to no alarms and no speculations.
250 BATTLE OF BETH-HORON'. lect. xi.
' us how to go to heaven, not to show us how the heaven
' goeth.' ^ The second was Jerome, the author of the most
venerable translation of the Bible : ' Many things are spoken
' in Scripture according to the judgment of those times
' wherein they were acted, and not according to that which
' truth contained.' ^
Answer of Kepler, with that union of courage and piety which marks
Kepler.
his whole career, explains the text himself. ' They will not
' understand that the only thing which Joshua prayed for,
' was that the mountains might not intercept the sun from
' him. Besides, it had been very unreasonable at that time
* to think of astronomy, or of the errors of sight ; for if any
' one had told him that the sun could not really move on
'the valley of Ajalon, but only in relation to sense, would
' not Joshua have answered that his desire was that the day
* might be prolonged,^ so it were by any means whatsoever ? '
So far the wise astronomer speaks of the actual historic
incident. But I may be excused for adding the conclusion
of his treatise, in words equally profitable to the learned and
the unlearned student. ' He who is so stupid as not to
* comprehend the science of astronomy, or so weak as to think
'it an offence of piety to adhere to Copernicus, him I
* advise — that, leaving the study of astronomy and censur-
'ing the opinions of philosophers at pleasure, he betake
' himself to his own concerns, and that, desisting from fur-
' ther pursuit of those intricate studies, he keep at home and
' manure his own ground ; and with those eyes where-
' with alone he seeth, being elevated towards this much-to-
' be-admired heaven, let him pour forth his whole heart in
' thanks and praises to Grod the Creator, and assure himself
' that he shall therein perform as much worship to God as
' Galileo's Tract cm rash Citations - Jerome {ihid. 448).
from Scripture (Salusbiiry's Mathe- ^ Kepler's Tract {ibid. 463).
matical Tracts, i. 436).
LECT. XI. THE MORAL DIFFICULTY. 251
' the astronomer on whom God hath bestowed this gift, that
* though he seeth more clearly with the eye of his under-
* standing, yet whatever he hath attained to he is both able
' and willing to behold his Grod above it.
' Thus much concerning Scripture. Now as touching the
' authority of the Fathers. Sacred was Lactantius, who denied
*the earth's rotundity: sacred was Augustine, who admitted
* the earth to be round but denied the antipodes : sacred is
' the liturgy of our moderns, who admit the smallness of the
' earth but deny its motion. But to me more sacred than all
' these is — Truth.' ^
II. The second difficulty is that which belongs to the The
general question of the extermination of the Canaanites ; of the
but which is brought out so much more forcibly by the 9^^^^^'
detail of the successive massacres which followed the
battle of Beth-horon, that this seems the best place for
considering it.
There are few who hear the closing scenes of the 10th
chapter of the Book of Joshua read without asking how such
a total extirpation could have been carried out wdthout the
demoralisation of those concerned, or how any sanction to it
could be given in a book claiming to be, at least, one stage
in the Divine revelations.
]Many explanations have been given — the denial of the
fact, the treatment of the whole as an allegory, the alleged
parallels in the promiscuous destruction of human life by
earthquake and pestilence.
It is believed, however, that most reflecting minds will Answer of
acquiesce in the general truth of an answer given long ago stom.^°"
by Chrysostom, and founded on the express and fundamental
teaching of Christ and His Apostles.
He is speaking of the verse in the 139th Psalra,^ — 'I
> Keplep (SaKisbmys Mathc7natical Tracts, i. 437).
* Chrysost. on 1 Cor. siii.
252 BATTLE OF BETII-HORON. lect. xi.
' hate them with a perfect hatred,' and wishes to reconcile
it with the duty of Christian charity. ^ Noiv,'' he says,
' a higher philosophy is required of us than of them. . . .
* For thus they are ordered to hate not only impiety, but the
* persons of the impious, lest their friendship should be an
* occasion of going astray. Therefore he cut off all inter-
' course, and freed them on every side.'
Answer of The difference in this respect between the Old and New
dispensation is laid down in the strongest manner by our
Lord himself.
' Ye have heard that it hath been said. An eye for an eye,
' and a tooth for a tooth : but I say unto you, That ye resist
' not evil : but whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek,
' turn to him the other also.' '
' Ye have heard that it hath been said. Thou shalt love
' thy neighbour and hate thine enemy. But I say unto you,
' Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to
* them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully
'use you and persecute you; that ye may be the children
' of your Father which is in heaven : for he maketh his sun
' to rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the
'just and on the unjust.' ^
' And when his disciples James and John saw this, they
' said, Lord, wilt thou that we command fire to come down
'from heaven, and consume them, even as Elijah did?
'But he turned, and rebuked them,^ and said, Ye know
'not what manner of spirit ye are of. For the Son of
'man is not come to destroy men's lives, but to save
' them.'
Answer of j,^^^ further, that this inferiority of the Old dispensation
to the was an acknowledged element in the 'gradualness and par-
Hebrews.
' Matt. V. 38, 39. words are omitted in the best MSS.
2 Matt. V. 43-45. But they must represent a very early
^ Luke ix. 54, 55, 56. The Last tradition.
LECT. XI. THE MORAL DIFFICULTY. 253
' tialuess ' of Revelatior, inevitably flows from the definition
of Revelation as given by the author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews. ' God who at sundry times and in divers manners
' spake in times past to our fathers,' ^
How necessary this accommodation may have been to that lUustra-
rude age, we see from analogous instances in later history.
Not only in the ancient world do we read, even ap-
provingly, of like conduct in the Homeric or the early
Roman heroes, but even in Christian times we can point
to cases in which no shock has been given to the general
moral sense by an impulse or command of this destructive
character, and in which the general moral character has
risen above this particular depression of its humaner
instincts. I refer not merely to the darker periods of
Christendom, more nearly resembling the Judaic spirit of
the age of Joshua, but even to our own. We have no right
to find objections to these portions of the Old Testament,
when we acknowledge the same feelings in ourselves or others
without reprobation- Two instances may suffice.
(1.) In the late Indian mutiny, at the time when the From the
belief in the Sepoy atrocities (since exploded) prevailed u^uthiy
throughout India, it will be in the memory of some that
letters were received from India, from conscientious and
religious men, containing phrases to this effect. ' The Book
' of Joshua is now being read in church ' (in the season
when this chapter forms one of the first Lessons of the
services of the Church of England). ' It expresses exactly
' what we are all feeling. I never before understood the
' force of that part of the Bible. It is the only rule for us
* to follow.' I do not quote this sentiment to approve of it.
I quote it to show that what could be felt, even for a moment,
by civilised Christendom now, might well be pardoned,
1 Heb. i. 1.
254 BATTLE OF BETH-HOEON. lect. xt.
or even commended, in Jewish soldiers three thousand
years ago.
From (2.) Oliver Cromwell, in the storming of Drogheda,
massacres Ordered an almost promiscuous massacre of the Irish inhabi-
Dv o-heda ^^^^s. Of the act itself I do not speak. It is now generally
admitted that the Puritans attached an undue authority to
the details of the Jewish Scriptures. But the point to be
observed is, that Cromwell's act has received a high eulogy
in our own time from one who, as well by his genius and
learning as by his command of the sympathies of the rising
generation, in a great measure represents the most advanced
intelligence of our age.
' Oliver's proceedings here have been the theme of much
'loud criticism, and sibylline execration, into which it
*is not our plan to enter at present. Terrible surgery
'this; but is it surgery and judgment, or atrocious murder
' merely ? That is a question which should be asked, and
'answered. Oliver Cromwell did believe in Grod's judg-
' ments ; and did not believe in the rose-water plan of
' surgery ; — which, in fact, is this editor's case too !
' The reader of Cromwell's Letters, . . . who still looks with
' a recognising eye on the ways of the Supreme Powers
' with this world, will find here, in the rude practical state,
' a phenomenon which he will account noteworthy. An
' armed soldier, solemnly conscious to himself that he is the
'soldier of God the Just, — a consciousness which it well
'beseems all soldiers and all men to have always, — armed
' soldier, terrible as Death, relentless as Doom ; doing Grod's
'judgments on the enemies of God! It is a phenomenon
'not of joyful nature; no, but of awful, to be looked at
' with pious terror and awe.' ^
Finally, whether we justify this or any like applica-
' Carlyle's Cromwell, ii. 453, 45-4.
LECT. xr. MORAL LESSOX. 255
tion of Joshua's example in later times, there remains (as,
indeed, is implied in the passage just quoted) one per-
manent lesson, — the duty of keeping alive in the human The moral
heart the sense of burning indignation against moral evil, — lesson.
against selfishness, against injustice, against untruth, in our-
selves as well as in others. That is as much a part of the
Christian as of the Jewish dispensation. In this case, the
severe curse of the psalm on which Chrysostom comments is
still true. ' Do not I hate them that hate thee ? yea, I hate
* them with a perfect hatred, even as though they were mine
* enemies.' It is important to divide between the evil prin-
ciple and the person in whose mixed character the evil is
found. To make such a distinction is one main peculiarity
of the Gospel. But it is also important to hate the evil with
an undivided and perfect hatred. ' A good hater,' in this
sense, is a character required alike by the Grospel and the
Law. And the evil, which, according to the imperfect
twilight of those times, was confounded with those in whom
it was personified, was one which even at this distance we
see to have been of portentous magnitude. It has been well
shown ^ that the results of the discipline of the Jewish nation
may be summed up in two points — a settled national belief
in the imity and spirituality of Grod, and an acknowledg-
ment of the paramount importance of purity as a part of
morality; and further, that these two ideas are cardinal
points in the education of the world. It was these two
points especially which were endangered by the contact and
contamination of the idolatry and the sensuality of the
Phoenician tribes. ' It is better ' — so spoke a theologian of
no fanatical tendency,^ in a strain, it may be, of excessive,
but still of noble indignation — ' it is better that the wicked
' should be destroyed a hundred times over than that they
' See Dr. Temple's Essay on the ^ Arnold's Sermons, \i. 35-37,
Education of the World, 11-13. ' "Wars of the Israelites.'
256 BATTLE OF BETH-HORON. lect. xi.
'should tempt those who are as yet innocent to join their
' company. Let us but think what might have been our
' fate, and the fate of every other nation under heaven at this
'hour, had the sword of the Israelites done its work more
' sparingly. Even as it was, the small portions of the Canaan-
' ites who were left, and the nations around them, so tempted
'the Israelites by their idolatrous practices that we read
' continually of the whole people of Grod turning away from
' his service. But, had the heathen lived in the land in equal
' numbers, and, still more, had they intermarried largely with
' the Israelites, how was it possible, humanly speaking, that
' any sparks of the light of Grod's truth should have survived
' to the coming of Christ ? Would not the Israelites have
' lost all their peculiar character ; and if they had retained
' the name of Jehovah as of their Grod, would they not have
' formed as unworthy notions of his attributes, and worshipped
' him with a worship as abominable as that which the Moab-
' ites paid to Chemosh or the Philistines to Dagon ?
'But this was not to be, and therefore the nations of
' Canaan were to be cut off utterly. The Israelites' sword,
' in its bloodiest executions, wrought a work of mercy for all
' the countries of the earth to the very end of the world.
' They seem of very small importance to us now, those per-
' petual contests with the Canaanites, and the Midianites,
' and the Ammonites, and the Philistines, with which the
' Books of Joshua and Judges and Samuel are almost filled.
' We may half wonder that God should have interfered in
' such quarrels, or have changed the course of natm^e, in
'order to give one of the nations of Palestine the victory
' over another. But in these contests, on the fate of one of
'these nations of Palestine the happiness of the human race
' depended. The Israelites fought not for themselves only,
' but for us. It might follow that they should thus be
' accounted the enemies of all mankind, — it might be that
LECT. XI. THE MORAL LESSON. 257
'they were tempted by their very distinctness to despise
'other nations; still they did God's work, — still they
'preserved unhurt the seed of eternal life, and were the
'ministers of blessing to all other nations, even though
'they themselves failed to enjoy it.'
258
LECTURE XII.
THE BATTLE OF MEROM AND SETTLEMENT OF
THE TRIBES.
The battle of Beth-horon is represented as the most impor-
tant battle of the Conquest, because, being the first, it struck
the decisive blow. But, in all such struggles, there is usually
one last effort made for the defeated cause. This, in the
subjugation of Canaan, was the battle of Merom.
It was a tradition floating in the Grentile world, that, at
the time of the irruption of Israel, the Canaanites were under
the dominion of a single king.^ This is inconsistent with
the number of chiefs who appear in the Book of Joshua.
But there was one such, who appears in the final struggle,
in conformity with the Phoenician version of the event. High
Hazor. vip in the north was the fortress of Hazor ; and in early times
the king^ who reigned there had been regarded as the head
of all the others. He bore the hereditary name of Jabin or
'the Wise,' and his title indicated his supremacy over the
whole country, ' the King of Canaan.' ^ Its most probable
situation is on one of the rocky heights of the northernmost
valley of the Jordan. The name still lingers in various
localities along that region. One of these spots * is naturally
marked out for a capital by its beauty, its strength, as well
as by the indispensable sign of Eastern power and civilisation
— an inexhaustible source of living water ; and there in later
1 Suidas, 171 voce Canaan. ' Judg. iv. 2, 23.
* Josh. xi. 10. * See Sinai and Palestine, 397.
LECT. XII. THE BATTLE OF MEROM. 259
times arose the town of Csesarea Pbilippi, from which, in
Jewish tradition, Jabin was sometimes called the King of
Csesarea. On the other hand, the place which Hazor holds
in the catalogues of the cities of Naphtali ^ points to a situa-
tion farther south, and on the western side of the plain.
Wliichever spot be regarded as the residence of Jabin, it was
under his auspices that the final gathering of the Canaanite
race came to pass. Eound him were assembled the heads of Gathering
all the tribes who had not yet fallen under Joshua's sword. Canalnite
As the British chiefs were driven to the Land's End before ^"8^-
the advance of the Saxon, so at this Land's End of Palestine
were gathered for this last struggle, not only the kings of the
north, in the immediate neighbourhood, but from the desert
valley of the Jordan south of the sea of Gralilee, from the
maritime plain of Philistia, from the heights above Sharon,
and from the still unconquered Jebus, to the Hivite who
dwelt 'in the valley of Baalgad under Hermon;' all these
'went out, they and all their hosts with them, even as the
' sand that is upon the sea-shore in multitude, . . . and
'when all these kings were met together, they came and
' pitched together at the waters of ]\Ierom to fight against
' Israel.'
The new and striking feature of this battle, as distinct
from those of Ai and Gribeon, consisted in the ' horses and
'chariots very many,' which now for the first time ap-
pear in the Canaanite warfare ; and it was the use of these
which probably fixed the scene of the encampment by the
lake, along whose level shores they could have full play for
their force. It was this new phase of war which called forth
the special command to Joshua, nowhere else recorded : ' Thou
' shalt hough their horses, and burn their chariots with fire.'
Nothing is told us of his previous movements. Even the
scene of the battle is uncertain. 'The waters of Meroni'
» Josh. xix. 35-37 ; 2 Kings xv. 29. See Robiaason, Bibl. Ecs. iii. 365.
s 2
260 THE BATTLE OF MEROM. ttcx. xii.
have been usually identified with the uppermost of the three
lakes in the Jordan valley, called by the Greeks ' Samacho-
nitis,' and by the Arabs ' Huleh.' Its neighbourhood to
what imder any hypothesis must be the site of Hazor
renders this probable. But, on the other hand, the expres-
sions both of Josephus ' and of the Sacred narrative point in
a somewhat different direction ; and it is therefore safer to
consider it as an open question whether the fight actually
took place on the shores of the lake, or by a spring or well
The Battle on the upland plain which overhangs it. The suddenness of
Joshua's appearance reminds us of the rapid movement by
which he raised the siege of Gribeon. He came, we know
not whence or how, within a day's march on the night
before ; and then, on the morrow, ' dropped ' like a thunder-
bolt upon them ' in the mountain ' ^ slopes before they had
time to rally on the level ground. Now for the j&rst time
was brought face to face the infantry of Israel against the
cavalry and war-chariots of Canaan. No details of the
battle are given — the results alone remain. ' The Lord de-
' livered them into the hand of Israel, who smote them and
' chased them,' by what passes we know not, westward to
the friendly Sidon, and eastward to the plain, wherever it
be, of Massoch or Mizpeh.^ The rout was complete, and
the dumb instruments of Canaanite warfare were here
visited with the same extremities which elsewhere we find
applied only to the living inhabitants. The chariots were
burnt as accursed. The horses,^ only known as the fierce
animals of war and bloodshed, and the symbols of foreign
' Josephus, who mentions the ^ Josh, xi, 7. (LXX.)
Lake Samachonitis in Ant. v. 5, 1, ^ Josh. xi. 8. (LXX.)
omits all mention of it here, and * This is the first appearance of the
speaks of the battle as fought at Beer- horse in the Jewish history. What
oth (the wells), near Kedesh Naph- is here said is borne out by almost
tali {Ant. r. 1, § 18). The expression every subsequent mention of it. See
'waters' (Josh. xi. 7) is never used ''S.oxsq' in Bictlonarij of the Bible.
elsewhere for a lake.
LECT. xii. SETTLEMENT OF THE TEIBES. 261
dominion, were rendered incapable of any further use. The
war was closed with the capture of Hazor. Its king was
taken, and, unlike his brethren of the south, who were
handed or crucified, undenvent the nobler death of behead-
ing.^ This city, chief of all those taken in this campaign,
was, like Ai, burnt to the ground.^
II. And now came the apportionment of the territory Settlement
among the tribes, which has made the latter half of the Book tribes.
of Joshua the geographical manual of the Holy Land, the
Domesday Book of the Conquest of Palestine.
Two principles have been adopted in the division of land
by the conquerors of a new territory — one, specially charac-
teristic of the modern world, and exemplified in the Norman
occupation of England, by which the several chiefs appropri-
ated portions of the newly conquered country, according to
their own power or mil ; the other, specially characteristic of
the ancient world, and exemplified in Greece and Kome,
where an equal assignment to the different portions of the
conquei'ing race took effect by the deliberate act of the State.
Both of these modes were adopted in the allotment of land
in Palestine ; though, as might be expected, the latter prin-
ciple prevailed.'
The first of these methods is seen in the predatory expedi- Separate
tions of individuals to occupy particular spots hitherto un-
conquered, or to reclaim those of which the inhabitants had
again revolted. Of this kind were apparently the conquests
in the Trans-Jordanic territory, already mentioned,'* by Jair Jair and
and Nobah. Another instance, which belongs more properly
to the next Lecture, and which was the last wave of the
Israelite migration, is that of the Danite expedition ^ to the Dan.
north. A third is the attack of the Ephraimites on the
' Josh. xi. 10. * See Lecture IX.
* Ibid. 11. * See Lecture XIIL
* See Arnold's Rome, i. 265.
262
SETTLEMENT OF THE TRIBES.
liECT. XII.
Attack on ancient sanctuary of BetlieL Its capture, briefly told, is a
repetition of the capture of Jericho. The spies go before ;
a friendly Canaanite encounters them ; the town is stormed
and sacked ; the betrayer of the place escapes, like Rahab ;
and, like her, has a portion assigned to his inheritance ' in
Judah. ' the land of the Hittites.' But the chief instance is in the
tribe of Judah. It is in these early adventures that this
great tribe first appears before us. Its vast prospects are
still in the distant future, beyond the limits of the period
comprised in this volume. Yet to this first appearance of
Judah belongs the beginning of the Jewish Chuech, properly
so called. It is by a pardonable anachronism that we extend
the word to the whole of the nation. But we must not the
less distinctly mark the point when the name of ' Judah ' or
' Jew ' first rises above the horizon, destined to bear in after
years so vast an alternate burden of honour and of shame.
Caleb. The founder, so to speak, of the glories of Judah was not
unworthy of its later fame. Caleb, in the Desert, is hardly
known. It may be, as has been conjectured from some of
the links in his descent, that, though occupying this exalted
place in the tribe of Judah, he obtained it in the first instance
by adoption rather than by birth. He is said to * have his
' part and his inheritance among the children of Judah,' not
as by right, but ' because he wholly followed Jehovah the
* Grod of Israel.' ^ And the names of Kenaz, Shobal, Hezron,
Jephunneh, amongst his forefathers or his progeny, all point
to an Idumean rather than an Israelite origin^^ jf go^ -v^e
have a breadth given to the name of Judah, even from its very
first start, such as we have ah'eady noticed in the case of
Abraham. But, Israelite or prosel3i:e, he was the one tried
companion of Joshua, and his claims rested on a yet earlier
' Josh. xiv. 9-'14; xv. 13. on ' Caleb' in Dictionary of the Bihlc \
2 See Lord Arthur Hervey's article and Ewald, i. 338.
LECT. XII. CONQUEST OF HEBRON. 263
and greater sanction, that of Moses himself. He was to have
a portion of the land, on which ' his feet had trodden.' '
The spot, on which Caleb had set his heart, was the fertile Hebron.
valley of Hebron. Of all the country which the twelve spies,
with Joshua and Caleb at their head, had traversed, this is
the one scene which remains fixed in the Sacred narrative, as
if because fixed in the memory of those who made their
report. There was the one field in the whole land which
they might fairly call their own — the field which contained
the rocky cave of Machpelah, with the graves of their first
ancestors. But it was not even this sacred enclosure which
had most powerfully impressed the simple explorers of that
childlike age. It was the winding valley, whose terraces
were covered with the rich verdure and the golden clusters
of the Syrian vine, so rarely seen in Egypt, so beautiful a
vesture of the bare hills of Palestine. In its rocky hills are
still to be seen hewn the ancient wine-presses. Thence came
the gigantic cluster,^ the one token of the Promised Land,
which was laid at the feet of Moses. Thither, now that he
found himself within that land, Caleb was resolved to return.
In that valley of vineyards — in that primeval seat, as it was
supposed, of the vine itself — * by the choice vine, Judah was
' to bind his foal ; he was to wash his garments in wine, his
* clothes in the blood of grapes.' This was the prize for
Caleb. This he claimed from Joshua. But he was to win it
for himself, and it was no easy task. It was the main fastness
of the aboriginal inhabitants of the South. Even, as it might
seem, after the Canaanites had fled, the chiefs of the older
race still lingered there. It was the city of 'the Four
Griants ' — Anak and his three gigantic sons. Within its walls
the Last of the Anakim held out against the conquerors.
But thrice over the old warrior of Judah insists on the claims
' Joshua xiv. 9. ' Num. xiii. 22-24.
264 SETTLEMENT OF THE TRIBES. lect. xir.
of his unbroken * strength.' A pitched battle takes place ' out-
side the walls ; he drives them out ; and Kirjath-arba, with all
its ancient recollections, becomes ' Hebron,' the centre of the
mighty tribe, which was there to take up its chief abode.
Far and wide his name extended, and, alone of all the con-
querors on the west of the Jordan, he succeeded in identify-
ing it with the territory which he had won.^ But this was
but the nucleus of a circle of the like spirit of adventure.
South of Hebron lay a sacred oracular place, as it would
seem, ' The Oracle,' ' the city of books,' Debir,^ Kirjath-
Kirjath- sepher. On this too Caleb fixed his heart ; and announced
teep er. ^^^^^ ^^^ daughter Achsah should be the reward of the suc-
cessful assailant. From his own family sprang forth the
champion, his nephew or his younger brother Othniel, who
won the ancient fortress. And yet again from the same
family another claim was put forth. Achsah, worthy of her
father and her husband, demands some better heritage than
the dry and thirsty frontier of the desert. Underneath the
hill on which Debir stood is a deep valley, rich with verdure,
from a copious rivulet, which, rising at the crest of the glen,
falls, with a continuity unusual in the Judsean hills, down to
its lowest depth. On the possession of these upper and
lower ' bubblings,' so contiguous to her lover's prize, iVchsah
had set her heart. The shyness of the bridegroom to ask,
the eagerness of the bride to have, are both put before us.
She comes to Othniel's house, seated on her ass, led by her
father. She will not enter. According to our Version, she
gently descends from her ass : according to the Septuagint,
she screams, or she murmurs, from her seat. Her father
asks the cause, and then she demands and wins * the bless-
ing ' of the green valley ; the gushing stream from top to
' Judg. i. 10 : ' And Hebron came ' Like Byblos afterwards. See
'forth against Jndah.' (LXX.) Ewald, i. 286.
^ 1 Sam. XXV. 3 ; xxx. 14.
LECT. XII. EPHRAIM. 265
bottom, which made the dry and barren hill above a rich
possession.'
On one more entei-prise the active spirit of Jiidah entered.
This time we see it not in any individual, but personified
in the name of the two ancestors of the kindred tribes, Judah
and Simeon. Whoever may have been the chiefs of the
tribes thus intended, they aimed at yet one greater prize than
all besides, and had almost won the glory which was reserved
for their descendant centuries afterwards. Jerusalem, as it Jcmsalem.
would seem, for a time, but only for a time, fell into the
hands of the warrior tribe. When next it appears, it is still
in the possession of the old inhabitants. We must not anti-
cipate the future. It is enough to have seen the series of
simple and romantic incidents which gave to Judah the
desert frontier, the southern fastnesses, and the choice vine-
yards, which play so large a part in the History of the Jewish,
in the imagery of the Christian Church, hereafter.
2. The second, or more regular mode of assignment, which, Assigna-
as has been well observed,^ places the conquest of Palestine, tribes,
even in that remote and barbarous age, in favourable con-
trast with the arbitrary caprice by which the lands of England
were granted away to the Norman chiefs, was inaugurated, so
to speak, by Joshua's quaint but decisive answer to his own
tribe of Ephraim, when they claimed more than their due. Epiiraim.
The apportionment of this great tribe was, in fact, a union of
the two principles. One lot, and one only, they were to have ;
the rest they were to carve out for themselves from the hills
' Josh. XV. 18 ; Judg. i. 14. In pp. 50-64), and under his guidance
the former passage, the LXX. makes I saw it in 1862, The v/ovdi gulloth,
Achsah (as in the E. V.) the moving translated ' springs,' but more pro-
cause ; in the latter, Othniel. In both, perly ' waves ' or ' bubblings,' well
Aehsah is represented, not as ' light- applies to this bean,tiful rivulet. The
' ing off,' but as 'shouting' or 'mm-- spots are now called Ain-Nunkur and
'muring' 'from the ass.' The scene Dewtr-Ban, about one hour S.W. of
of this incident was first discovered Hebron,
by Dr. Rosen (Zdtschr. I). M. G. 1857, ^ Arnold's Hist, of Rome, i. 266.
266 SETTLEMENT OF THE TRIBES. lect. xii.
and forests of their Canaanite enemies. ' "WTiy hast thou
' given me but one lot and one portion to inherit, seeing I
' am a great people, forasmuch as the Lord hath blessed me
' hitherto ? ' Their public-spirited leader replied : — ' If thou
' be a great people, get thee up to the wood country, and
' cut down for thyself there. The mountain shall be thine,
' for it is a wood, and thou shalt cut it down ; and the
' outgoings shall be thine ; for thou shalt drive out the
' Canaanites, for they have iron chariots, and " for " they
' are strong.' ^ The wild bull or buffalo of the house of
Joseph ^ was to guard the north, as the lion of Judah was
to guard the south.^ One half of the tribe of Manasseh,
as we have already seen, had that post on the east of the
Jordan : the other half, with Ephraim, had the same on the
west.
The two great tribes being thus provided, the remaining
seven had their property assigned according to the strictest
rule of the ancient ' assignation.'
Benjamiii. The warlike little band of Benjamites, which had marched
in the desert side by side with the mighty sons of Joseph,
was not parted from them in the new settlement. It hung
on the outskirts of Ephraim. Thus a group was formed in
the centre of Palestine, firmly compacted of the descendants
of Eachel, cut off on the north by the broad plain of Esdrae-
lon, and on the south by the precipitous ravine of Hinnom.
Hemmed in as it was between the two powerful neighbours
of Ephraim and Judah, the tribe of Benjamin, nevertheless,
retained a character of its own, eminently indomitable and
insubordinate. The wolf which nursed the founders of Rome
was not more evidently repeated in the martial qualities of
the people of Eomulus, than the wolf, to which Benjamin is
compared in his father's blessing, appears in the eager,
• Josh. xvii. 14-18; Ewald, ii. 315. ^ Deut xxxiii. 17.
' Josh, rviii. 6,
LECT. XII. THE NORTHERX TRIBES. 267
restless character of his descendants. * After thee,' 0
' Benjamin,' was its well-known war-cry. It furnished the
artillery (so to speak) of the Israelite army, by its archers
and slingers.'^ For a short time it rose to the highest rank
in the commonwealth, when it gave birth to the first king.
Its ultimate position in the nation was altered by the one
great change which affected the polarity of the whole political
and geographical organisation of the country, but of none
more than that of Benjamin, when the fortress of Jebus,
hitherto within its territory, was annexed by Judah, and be-
came the capital of the monarchy.
In the -svild aspect which Simeon henceforward assumes on Simeon,
the edge of the southern desert, we trace the perpetuation of
the fierce temper which had drawn down the curse of Jacob.
It has been ingeniously conjectured that the first blow which
broke the numbers and the spirit of the tribe was the pesti-
lence^ that visited the camp after the Midianite orgies,
and which would naturally fall with peculiar force on
Simeon, the tribe of the chief offender; and that this
accounts for its total omission, at least in one version, in
the blessing of Moses. But this is hardly needed. Simeon
is the exact counterpart of Eeuben. With Eeuben he
marched through the desert: with Eeuben he is joined in
another version of the Mosaic benediction.* As Eeuben in
the east, so Simeon in the west, blends his fortunes with
those of the Arab hordes on the frontier, and dwindles away
accordingly,^ and only reappears in the dubious, but charac-
teristic, exploits of his descendant Judith.^
The four tribes of Zebulun, Issachar, Aslier, and Naphtali,
' Judg. V. 14 ; Hosea V. 8. andrian MS. the reading is, 'Let
* Judg. xxi. ' Reuben live and not die, and let
' Blunt's Undesigned Coincidences, ' Simeon be many in number.'
93-98, founded on a comparison of * 1 Chron. iv. 39-43,
Num. i. 23; xxvi. 1, 14; xxv, 14. s Judith ix. 2,
* In Deut. xxxiii, 6. In the Alex-
268 SETTLEMENT OF THE TRIBES. lect. xii.
Zebulun, obtain contiguous portions in the north of Palestine, as they
Asher, and were allied in birth, and as they marched through the desert.
Naphtah. They formed, as it were, a state by themselves. A common
sanctuary seems to have been intended for them in Mount
Tabor. The forests of Lebanon, the fertility of the plain of
Esdraelon, the port of Accho, even the glassy deposit of the
little stream of Belus,' figure in the blessings pronounced
upon them. But, with the exception of the transient splen-
dour of the days of Barak and of Grideon, they hardly affect
the general fortunes of the nation. It is not till the Jewish
is on the point of breaking into the Christian Church that
these northern tribes acquire a new interest. ' Gralilee '
then, by the very reason of its previous isolation, springs
into overwhelming importance. ' The land of Zebulun.
' the land of Naphtali, by the way of the sea, beyond Jordan.
' GaHlee of the Gentiles ; the people which sat in darknesiS
' saw great light, and to those who sat in the region and
' shadow of death ^ light is sprung up.'
Dan The last of the tribes that received its due was Dan, the
smallest of all; at times overlooked, and, in the last
catalogue of the tribes that appears in the Sacred volume,'
dropped out altogether. It was, as it were, squeezed into
the narrow strip between the mountains and the sea, in the
plain already occupied by the expelled races,* as if in the
only spot that was left for it. Its energies were great
beyond its numbers ; and hence, as we shall see in the next
generation, it broke ^ out from its narrow territory and won a
seat in the distant north, on the confines of Naphtali,® with
which it appears blended in the later history. There was,
indeed, an outlet for its powers on the west ; for it held the
> Gen. xlix. 14; Dent, xxxiii. 18. * Jmlg. i. 34.
See Sinai and Palestine, 348 ; Ewald, * Jiulg. xviii. ; see Lecture XIIL
ii. 379, &c. * See Blvmt'a Undesigned Coinci-
2 Isa. ix. 1, 2 ; Matt. iv. 15, 16. dences, 119.
» Rev. vii. 4-8.
LixT. XII. LEVI. . 269
port of Jaffa, and thither retired ' to abide in its ships,' '
when the surrounding territory was too hot to hold it. But
it is characteristic of the essentially inland tendencies of the
Israelite nation, that this possession never raised the tribe to
any eminence. The privilege of Dan was, that he was to lie
in wait for the invader from the south or from the north.
' A serpent,' ^ an indigenous, home-born ' adder,' to ' bite
' the heels ' of the invading stranger's horse ; a ' lion's
' whelp,' ^ small and fierce, ' to leap from the heights of
'Bashan,' on the armies of Damascus or Nineveh. 'For
' thy salvation, 0 Lord, have I waited,' * seems to have
been his war-cry, as if of a warrior in the constant attitude
of expectation. Once only in the history of the tribe, so
far as we know, was this expectation fully realised, — in the
life of Samson.
Levi, alone, had no regular portion. Its original character Levi,
of a tribe without a fixed home, was preserved. It remained,
as we have seen, a monument of the early age of the desert,
in which its consecration originated- Four cities were al-
lotted to it in each tribe, if possible (with the exception of the
great central sanctuaries of Shiloh and Bethel) the holy places
of earlier times. The lands * round those cities, however,
were not fields for agriculture, but pastures for cattle. The
old Ufe was, in their case, never entirely to subside into the
new. They were still to keep up — in their dress, in their
separation, in their sacrificial ministrations, in their pastoral
employments, in their wild, barbarian habits — an image of
the past. In the curses of Jacob, there is no distinction
drawn between them and the nomadic Simeon. * Cursed be
' their anger, for it was fierce, and their wrath, for it was cruel.
' I will divide them in Jacob and scatter them in Israel.' ^
' Judg. V. 17. ^ Gen. xlix. 17. * Joshua xxi. 2, 11. The word
^ Deut. xxxiii. 22. translated 'suburbs.'
* aen. xlix. 18. « Gen. xlix. 7.
270 EFFECTS OF THE CONQUEST. lect. xii.
The uncompromising zeal, which had first procured their
consecration in the wilderness, and which ultimately insured
their perpetuity, even beyond that of any other of the tribes,
is just visible here and there in that early period. ' They
' shall teach Jacob Thy judgments, and Israel Thy law. They
* shall put incense before Thee, and whole burnt sacrifice
'upon Thine altar. Bless, Lord, his substance, and accept
' the work of his hands. Smite through the loins of them
* that rise against him, and of them that hate him, that they
' rise not again.' ^ So the brighter side is brought out in
the blessing of Moses ; but its realisation must be reserved
for the change of their position in the altered state of the
Jewish Church and nation under the monarchy.
Efifects of III. With the conquest of Canaan and the settlement of
quest°"' ^^® tribes, Jewish history entered on a new jjhase.
Settlement 1. The Conquest was the final settlement of the Chosen
People as a nation. It was the entrance into the Land of
Promise — the oasis of that portion of Asia. From a wandering
Arabian tribe, they were now turned into a civilised, and, in
a considerable degree, an agricultural commonwealth. The
feeling of repose, of enjoyment, of thankfulness, which
breathes through the 104th and 105th Psalms, now first
became possible. The festivals of the harvest and the
vintage, in the Feast of Weeks, and (to a large extent) in the
Feast of Tabernacles, were commemorations of this con-
sciousness of permanent possession. ' Begin to number the
' seven weeks from such time as thou beginnest to put the
'sickle to the corn. . . . Thou shalt observe the Feast of
' Tabernacles seven days, after that thou hast gathered in thy
'corn and thy wine : and thou shalt rejoice in thy feast,
' thou, and thy son, and thy daughter, and thy manservant,
' and thy maidservant, and the Levite, the stranger, and the
* fatherless, and the widow, that are within thy gates ... in
' Dent, xxxiii. 10, 11.
ofth
nation
LECT. XII. THE HOLY L.-LN^D. 271
' tlie place which the Lord shall choose : because the Lord
* thy Grod shall bless thee in all thine increase, and in all the
* works of thine hands, therefore thou shalt surely rejoice.' ^
The name of one of these feasts, ' Pentecost,' has passed into
our Whitsuntide ; ^ the spirit of the other, in many respects,
corresponds to our Christmas ; and even the spiritual si^ifi-
cation of both the Christian festivals might gain from a
recollection of the actual enjoyment which marked, and
which still marks, those ancient Israelite solemnities. When
the modern Jew, in whatever part of the world he may be,
puts together the branches in the court of his house, and with
his whole family partakes of his meal underneath their shade,
it is a literal perpetuation of the gaiety of heart with which
his ancestors sate down, each under his fig-tree and his vine,
in their newly-acquired homes, — an ever-recurring anniver-
sary of the triumph of the Conquest.
And when their wondrous march was o'er,
And they had won their homes,
Where Abraham fed his flocks of yore
Among their fathers' tombs :
A land that drinks the rain of heav'n at will,
Wliere waters kiss the feet of many a vine-clad hill.
Oft as they watch'd at thoughtful eve
A gale from bowers of balm
Sweep o'er the billowy corn, and heave
The tresses of the palm ;
It was a fearful joy, I ween,
To trace the heathen's toil.
The limpid wells, the orchard green,
Left ready for the spoil.^
» Deut. xvi. 9, 13-15. » Keble's Christian Year, 3rd S.
* The 68th Psalm, used in the ser- in Lent. I have omitted a few
vices of the Christian Church for lines which contain a slight inaccuracy
Whitsunday, forms the Jewish ser- of expression ; but the general feeling
vice for Pentecost (Form of prayer is as true to geogi'aphy as it is to
according to the custom of the Spanish history.
and Portuguese Jews).
272 EFFECTS OF THE CONQUEST. lect. xii.
Contact 2. It was, further, the occupation of a country hitherto
Canaan- inhabited, and still in a great degree, by an alien race. The
^^^- contest was severe, and its traces still remained. The whole
subsequent history, down to the Captivity, was coloured by
the wars, by the customs, by the contagion of Phoenician and
Canaanite rites, to which, for good or evil, they were hence-
forth exposed. It was truly, though on a smaller scale, like
the entrance of the Christian Church on the inheritance of
the Pagan classical world, at the conversion of the Eoman
empire, at the revival of letters, and, it may be, on the pos-
session of still wider treasures hereafter.
Occupation 3. It was the occupation of ' the Holy Land ' — the land set
of the Holy q^q^j.^ ^qj. ^j^g i Holy People.' I have described elsewhere what
may be called the geographical evidence for the Providence
which guided the steps of Israel.^ By its absolutely unique
conformation, — by the unparalleled peculiarity of the Jordan
valley, — by its seclusion, through sea, and land, and desert,
and river, from the surrounding world, — the country has a
mark set upon it, corresponding to those features which have
caused the Jews to ' dwell alone ' among the nations. And
yet also its central situation between Assyria and Egypt, and
its opening to the Mediterranean, gave it the power of at last
bursting its bonds. Its smallness and narrowness gave it the
compactness, and, at the same time, the outward insigni-
ficance, which, as in the case of Greece, so highly enhances
the moral grandeur of the Church and State that rose within
its boundaries. And, within these bounds, the variety and
diversity of features, — sea, mountains, plains, desert, tropical
vegetation, springs, earthquakes, perhaps volcanoes, sharp
divisions between one state and another, — made it the fit
receptacle of a nation which was to give birth to the Sacred
book of all lands ; which was to be the parent and like-
' Sinai and Palestine, eh. ii.
LECT. XII. LAWS OP PKOPEETY. 273
ness of a Church whose name was to he ' Catholic,' and
whose chief distinction was to be its variety of gifts and
diversity of character,
4. From this time, also, for the Israelite commonwealth, Laws of
sprang up by degrees that state of society for which, as has P^'^P*^^ ^ ■
been often observed, the country was so well suited, and
which, in time, so well favoured the growth of individual
liberty, of national independence, and of general purity of
domestic life. To Joshua, a fixed Jewish tradition ascribed Decrees of
ten decrees,' laying down precise rules, which were instituted
to protect the property of each tribe, and of each householder,
from lawless depredation. Cattle, of a smaller kind, were to
be allowed to graze in thick woods, not in thin woods ; no
kind of cattle in any woods, without the owner's consent.
Sticks and branches might be gathered by any Hebrew, but
not cut. Herbs, of any kind, might be gathered, with the
exception of pease. Woods might be pruned, provided that
they were not olives or fruit-trees, and that there was
sufficient shade in the place. Each district or town was to
have its river and its spring for its own use. Fish might
be caught in the Lake of Grennesareth with hooks, but nets or
fishing-boats were only to be used by the members of those
tribes who lived on its shores. The roads were to be kept
free from public nuisance. Any one lost in a vineyard might
proceed in it without trespass, till he reached his home. If
the roads became impassable, they might be left for by-paths.
A dead body might be buried wherever found, provided that
it were not near or in a town.
These rules, whatever may be their date, both show the Jewish
traditional estimate of Joshua, as the founder of the common ]|y}j^j!g
law of property in Palestine, and also the general framework
of society at least in some early period of the history. The
' Selden, De Jure Naturali, book vi. ; Fabricius, Cod. Pscudcj). V. T. i. 87-1.
T
274 REMAINS OF THE CONQUERED RACES. lect. xii.
glimpses into the private life of the Jewish householders are
naturally so few that we can hardly form any conclusion as
to the extent to which the intentions of the Mosaic law and
of the settlements of Joshua were carried out. Some in-
stances, however, remain to us in later times, which, bearing
as they do on their face every appearance of long-inherited
usage, may be fairly taken as samples of the rest. Boaz,'
the owner of the cornfields of Bethlehem, in the midst of his
reapers and gleaners ; Nabal,^ the rich shepherd on the slopes
of the southern Carmel ; Barzillai,^ the powerful chief beyond
the Jordan, with his patriarchal possessions of sheep and cattle ;
Naboth,^ the independent owner of the vineyard on the hill of
Jezreel — all, in their different forms, present the same picture
of the force of established usages in individual and family
life ; and the reluctance even of kings to break through these
usages, and the vehemence with which the Prophets denounce
any such attempt on the part either of kings or of nobles,
showed the firm hold that the traditions of the Conquest kept
on the national mind.
Remains ^^^' The survoy of this great event would not be complete
of the con- -^iti^o^it a last fflauce at the fate of the conquered inhabitants.
quered ° '■
races. The disturbed state of the whole subsequent period, re-
served for the next Lecture, shows how far less sweeping than
at first would appear was the extirpation of the vanquished
race. It will be sufficient here briefly to indicate the traces
of them which were permanently left in the country.
The usual relation of the conquering and the conquered
occupants was, as a general rule, reversed. We find the old
inhabitants taking refuge not in the mountains but in the
plains ; the invaders repelled from the plains, but victorious
in the mountains. This, we are expressly told,^ arose from
» Ruth ii. 4. ■•1 Kings xxi. 1-3.
« 1 Sam. XXV. 2. * Judg. i. 19.
« 2 Sam. xvii. 28.
LECT. XII. REMAINS OF THE COXQUERED RACES. 275
the respective forces of the combatants. The strength of the
Canaanites was in their chariots and horses ; of the Israelites,
in their invincible infantry. In one instance only, the battle
of Merom, the victory was won on level ground against the
formidable array of Jabin's cavalry. Another resource in
the hands of the old inhabitants was the strengfth of their
fortresses. ' The cities, great and fenced up to heaven,' ^ had
always been a subject of alarm to their less civilised invaders ;
and, though in the first onset some had fallen, yet, after the
fervour of the Conquest was passed away, the native inhabi-
tants, especially when on the edge or in the midst of the
friendly plains, recovered spirit, and maintained their ground
for generations, if not centuries, after the time of Joshua.
Amono:st these the five cities of Philistia,'* althouofh three Philistine
of them (Gaza, Askelon, and Ekron) were for a short time
in the hands of the Israelites, resisted the attempts of Judah.
The aboriginal Avites also lingered beside them. Jebus, the Jebus.
only instance of a completely motmtain fastness which re-
mained untaken, was conspicuous for its defiance of the same
great tribe, defended by the steep natural trench of its deep
valleys.
Along the sea-coast were all the Phoenician cities from Dor The sea-
and Accho as far as Sidon,' not to speak of Arvad in the
farther north. In the plain between Beth-horon and the sea
was the little kingdom of Grezer,* which remained indepenuent
till it was conquered by the king of Egypt, and given as a
dowry to Solomon's queen.
In the north the strong towns along the plain of Esdraelon ^ Fortressps
held out against even the vigour of Manasseh, though ex- elon.
pressly charged with the duty of expelling them, which
properly belonged to the less warlike tribes of Issachar and
' Deut. i. 28. "• 1 Kings ix. 16 ; Judg. i. 29.
* Josh. xiii. 2 ; Judg. i. 21. ^ Judg. i. 27 ; Josh. xvii. 11-13.
3 Judg. i. 31.
T 2
276 KEMAINS OF THE COXQUEEED KACES. lect. xii.
Asher. These were Taanach and Megiddo, the future en-
campments of Sisera's army ; Endor, hence naturally the
abode of the witch whom Saul consulted ; Ibleam in the same
region ; Bethshan, with its temple of Astarte, the Jebus of
the north, which remained, under the name of Scythopolis,
a heathen and Grentile city, even to the Christian era.
On the northern frontier, four remnants of the ancient
inhabitants survived both the shock of the invasion of Machir,
and also of the battle of Merom. At the source of the Jordan
was the Phoenician colony of Laish,' Beyond this was the
fortress of Maacah. Its situation in the upland plain, above
the sources of the Jordan, and thus beyond the actual frontier
of Palestine, gave it a natural independence, which was still
further sustained by the oracular reputation of the wisdom
of its inhabitants. It was known from its position in that
well-watered plateau as Abel-beth-Maacah, ' the Meadow of
the House of Maacah.' ^ On the east of the same plateau
was the tribe of the Geshurites,' ruled by a race of inde-
. pendent kings. Still more remote, but yet within contact of
Israel, was the Hivite settlement on Lebanon and round the
sanctuary of Baalgad on the sacred heights of Hermon.^
Tributary These, till David's time, were independent. Others re-
mained either in friendly relations or tributary. Amongst
the friendly tribes may be reckoned the Kenites, or Arabian
kinsmen of Jethro, in the south and north ; the Gribeonites,
with the towns in their league ; the second Luz, founded by
the secret ally who had betrayed the first ; and a remnant of
Hittites in or near Shechem. Amongst the tributaries were
tlie four comparatively obscure towns of Kitron, Nahalol,
Bethshemesh,^ and Bethanath ; and the general population
who appear in that capacity in the reign of Solomon.''
' See Lecture XIII. * Judg. iii. 3.
^ Josh. xiii. 13; 2 Sam. xx. 15, * Ibid. i. 30, 33.
* Joah. xiii. 11-13 ; 2 Sam. xr, 8. « 1 Kings ix. 20, 21.
LECT. xir. THE CAPITALS. 277
Less conspicuous vestiges of the Canaanite race may be
found in the names of towns, struggling for existence -vvdth
the new names imposed by the conquerors — Kirjath-arba
with Hebron, Kirjath-sepher with Debir, Kenath with Nobah,
Luz Avith Bethel, Ephratah with Bethlehem ; and yet again,
in a more striking form, in the few individuals who, from
time to time, appear in the service or alliance of the Israelite
kings, — Uriali the Hittite, Ittai of Grath, Araunah the
Jebusite.
That any escaped by migration, is never expressly said, Migration,
but is so probable, that we may well accept even very slight
confirmations of it from other sources. Two traditions are
preserved to this effect. When Procopius was in Africa, in
the army of Belisarius, two pillars of white marble were
pointed out to him near Tangier, bearing an inscription in
Phoenician characters which was thus explained to liim : ' We
* are they that fled from before the face of the robber Joshua,
'the son of Nun.' ^ The genuineness, or even the antiquity,
of the monument may be more than doubtful; but it
shows the belief which lingered amongst the remnant of
the Phoenician colonies on the coast of Afi'ica. Another
story, preserved in Eabbinical legends, represented that
when Alexander arrived in Palestine, the Grergesenes, or
Girgashites, who had fled to Africa, came to plead their
cause before him against the Israelites,^ for unlawful dispos-
session. Trivial as these traditions may be in themselves,
they have some interest, as showing the last lingering remi-
niscences— if not in the conquered, at least in the conque-
rors— of the old race which had been cast out and superseded.
' Procopius {Bell. Vand. ii. 10), strong. But there is no reason to doubt
supported by Suidas (in voce Canaan) that such a monument was seen by
and Moses Chorenensis (i. 18). The Procopius, and the inscription inter-
argimients against the genuineness of preted to him, as he states. (See Kaw-
this inscription by Keurick {Phoenicia, linson's Bampton Lectures, p. 381.)
p. 67), and Ewald (ii. 298), are very ^ otho, Lex Rabb. 25.
278
SHECHEM.
lECT. XII.
The
Capitals.
Shiloh.
Shechem.
V. One final efifect of this epoch must be noticed, the esta-
blishment of the first national sanctuary and the first na-
tional capital in Palestine. Bethel — which by its sacred
name and associations would have been naturally chosen —
was, at this early stage of the Conquest, still in the hands of
the Canaanites. Shiloh, therefore, became and remained the
seat of the Ark till the establishment of the monarchy ; and
thus was, as long as it lasted, a memorial of the peculiar
accidents of the Conquest in which it first originated. The
general appearance of the sanctuary and its ultimate fate
belong to the ensuing period of the history. But the selection
of the site belongs to this period, and could belong to no
other. The place of the sanctuary was naturally fixed by the
place of the Ark. This, as we have seen, was, in the first
instance, Gilgal. But, as the conquerors advanced into the
interior, a more central situation became necessary. This
was found in a spot unmarked by any natural features of
strength or beauty, or by any ancient recollections ; recom-
mended only by its comparative seclusion, near tlie central
thoroughfare of Palestine, yet not actually upon it. Its
ancient Canaanite name ' seems to have been Taanath. The
title of ' Shiloh ' was probably given to it in token of the
' rest ' which the weary conquerors found in its quiet valley.
But Shiloh — although it succeeded to Gilgal as the Holy
Place of the Holy Land, and although from thence was
made the survey and apportionment of the territory — was
intended only as a temporary halt. It was still not the city,
but the ' camp of Shiloh.' * The spot which the conquerors
fixed as the capital was Shechem, the ancient city before
which Jacob had first encamped, and now the centre of the
great tribe of Ephraim, the tribe of Joshua himself. "WTien
he first arrived at this his future home, is uncertain. In the
> Josh. xvi. 6 ; xviii. 1. This is the view of Kurtz (ii. 70).
^ Judg. xii. 12.
LECT. XII. THE END OF JOSHUA. 279
variations ' of the Hebrew and Septuagint texts, we may be
allowed to follow the guidance of Josephus, and conjiect the
celebration of this marked event in his life with its closing
scenes, which unquestionably took place in that most beau-
tiful of all the sites of Western Palestine. In that central
valley of the hills of Ephraim, which commands the view of
the Jordan valley on the east, and the sea on the west — a
complete draught through the heart of the country— was the
fit seat of the house of Joseph, the ancient portion of their
ancestor, given by Jacob himself. Here were the two sacred
mountains, Ebal and Gerizim, marked out for the curses and
blessings of the Law. From the lower spurs of those hills,
all but meeting across the narrowest part of the valley, those
curses and blessings were first chanted, and the loud Amen
from the vast multitudes below echoed back by the sur-
rounding hills. Ebal, stretched along the northern side of
the valley, became, as its many rock-hewn tombs still indicate,
the necropolis of the new settlement. Gerizim, the oldest
sanctuary in Palestine, reaching back even to the days of
Abraham and Melchizedek, became the natural slielter of
the capital. From its steep sides and slopes burst forth the
thirty-two springs which have filled the valley with a mass
of living verdure. Here the two tribes of the house of
Joseph deposited, at last, the sacred burden they had borne
with them through the wilderness — the Egyptian cofiin con-
taining the embalmed body of Joseph himself, to be buried
in the rich cornfields which his father had given to the
favourite son of his favourite Eachel.^
This was *the border of the sanctuary, the mountain^
' In the Received Text lie arrives Sinai and Palestine, ch, ^. ; Dr. Rosen
immediately after the full of Jericho ; (Zdtschrift Dcutsch. Morg. Gcacll-
in the LXX. after the fall of Ai; in schaft, xiv. 634); Mr. Grove, ' Nablus
Josephus {Ant. v. 1, § 19, 20), at the and the Samaritans' (in Vacation
close of his life. Tourists, 1861).
* For Shechem (now Nablus), see ' Ps. Ixxviii. 54.
280 THE END OF JOSHUA. lect. xti.
* which the right hand of Grod had purchased,' for the tribe
which now through its victorious leader stood foremost
amongst them all, and which henceforth retained its supre-
macy till it fell,^ in the fall, though but for a time, of the
nation itself. How closely the grandeur of Ephraim and the
selection of this seat of their power are connected with the
Joshua. career of Joshua, may be seen from the fact that he alone, of
all the Jewish heroes after the time of Moses, is enshrined in
the traditions of the Samaritans. He is * King Joshua : '
he takes up his abode on the * Blessed Mountain,' as Grerizim
is always called ; on its summit are still pointed out the
twelve stones which he laid in order : he builds a citadel on
the adjacent site of Samaria: he confers once a week with
His fare- the high priest Eleazar : he leaves his power to his son
Phinehas, and in this confusion the history of Israel abruptly
terminates.^ But the connexion of Joshua with Sliechem
and with Ephraim, though more soberly, is not less clearly
marked in the Sacred narrative. He appears there as the
representative of his tribe; yet, .as we have seen, check-
ing that overbearing pride which at last caused their ruin.
Beneath the old consecrated oak of Abraham and Jacob,^ of
which the memory still lingers in a secluded corner of the
valley under the north-eastern flank of Grerizim, he made
his farewell address and set up there the pillar which long
remained as his memorial.^ In and around Shechem arose
the first national burial-place, a counterpoise to the patri-
His grave, archal sepulchres at Hebron. Joseph's tomb was already
fixed : its reputed site is visible to this day. A tradition,^
' Lpcture XVII. of Moreh,' from a supposition that
* Samaritan Joshua, cc. 24, 42. in a vault imderneath is buried the
' Josh. xxiv. 26. Ark. The Mussulmans call it ' Rigad
* Ibid. 27; Judg. ix. 6, 37. This d Amad," 'the place of the pillar;
spot, called in Gen. xii. 6, and xxxv. or ' Shey\ih.-el-Amad; ' the saint of
4, ' AUon-Moreh; ' the oak of Moreh ' the pillar;
or of Shechem, is called by the ' Acts vii. 15, 16.
Samaritans Ahron-Moreh, ' the Ark
LECT. XII. HIS GRAVE. 281
current at the time of the Christian era, ascribed the pur-
chase of this tomb to Abraham, and included within it the
remains, not only of Joseph, but of the twelve Fathers of the
Jewish tribes, and of Jacob himself. Eleazar ' was buried in
the rocky sides of a hill which bore the name of his more
famous son, Phinehas, who was himself, doubtless, interred in
the same sepulchre. It is described as being in the mountains
of Ephraim, and is pointed out by Samaritan tradition on a
height immediately east of Gerizim. The grave of Joshua
has been by the Mussulmans claimed for a far-distant spot.
On the summit of the Giant's Hill, overlooking the Bos-
phorus and the Black Sea, his vast tomb is shown, with
the gigantic proportions in which Orientals delight. But
the reverence of his own countrymen cherished the remem-
brance of it with a more accurate knowledge, in the inherit-
ance which had been given to him — as though he were a
sole tribe in himself — in Timnath-serah, or Heres,^ ' on the
' north side of the hill of Gaash ; ' and in the same grave (ac-
cording to a very ancient tradition) were buried the stone
knives ^ used in the ceremony of circumcision at Gilgal,
which were long sought out as relics by those who came in
after years to visit the tomb of their mighty Deliverer.
' Josh. xxiv. 33. His tomb is still Beth-horon. But it is probably only
shown in a little close overshadowed the transposition of the letters of
by venerable terebinths, at Awcrtah, Serah.
a few miles S.E. of NabKis. ^ Josh. xxiv. 29 (LXX.). The spot
^ Ibid. xix. 44-50 ; xxiv. 30. A is not known with certainty, but is
Rabbinical tradition supposes it to be probably in the hills southward of
called Hires, from an image of the Shechem. See Ritter's Palestitie, iii.
sun to commemorate the battle of 563, 564.
THE JUDGES.
XIII. ISBAEL UNDER THE JUDGES.
XIV, DEBORAH.
XV. GIDEON.
XVI. JEPHTHAH AND SAMSON.
XVII. THE FALL OP SHILOH.
SPECIAL ATJTHORITIES FOR THIS PERIOD.
1. (a) The Book of Judges ; the Book of Ruth ; 1 Sam, I.-vii. (Hebrew
and LXX.) (b) Ps. Ixxviii. 56-66 ; Ixxxiii. 9-^12 ; Isa. ix. 4 ;
X. 26; xx\'iii. 21; Jer. vii. 12; xxvi. 6 ; Ecclus. xlvi. 11-20;
Heb. xi. 32-34.
2. The Jewish Traditions preserved in Josephus (Ant v. 2 — vi. 1), and
the Jewish Chronicle Seder 01am (c. 11, 12, 13).
3. The Heathen Traditions (Sanchoniathon ? in Eus. Prtr]). Ev. i. 9).
THE JUDGES.
LECTURE XIII.
ISRAEL UNDER THE JUDGES.
We are now arrived at the last stage of the first period of the Character-
istics of
history of the Chosen People. We have seen the nation of ^i^g period,
slaves turned into a nation of freemen in the deliverance from
Egypt. We liave seen them become the depositaries of a
new religion in Mount Sinai. We have seen them in their
first flush of conquest in the Promised Land. We have now
to see tlie gradual transition from their primitive state, and
to track them through the interval between the death of
Joshua and the rise of Samuel — between the establishment
of the sanctuary at Shiloh on the first occupation of the
country, and its final overthrow by the Philistines.
The characteristics of this period are such as especially
invite our critical and historical inquiries. Other portions
of Scripture may be more profitable ' for doctrine, for correc-
' tiou, for reproof, for instruction in righteousness ; ' but for
merely human interest — for the lively touches of ancient
manners — for the succession of romantic incidents — for the
consciousness that we are living face to face with the persons
described — for the tragical pathos of events and characters —
there is nothing like the liistory of the Judges from Othniel
to Eli. Hardly any portion of the Hebrew Scriptures,
whether by its actual date or by the vividness of its repre-
2S6 ISRAEL UNDER THE JUDGES. lect. xiti.
sentations, brings us nearer to the times described ; and on
none has more light been thrown by the German scholar, to
whose investigations we owe so much in the study of the
Older Dispensation. It would seem, if one may venture to
say so, as if the Book of Judges had been left in the Sacred
Books, with the express view of enforcing upon us the ne-
cessity, which we are sometimes anxious to evade, of recog-
nising the human, national, let us even add barbarian element
which plays its part in the Sacred history. In other portions
of the Hebrew annals, the Divine character of the Kevelation
is so constantly before us, or the character of the human
agents reaches so nearly to the Divine, that we may, if we
choose, almost forget that we are reading of men of like
passions with ourselves. But, in the history of the Judges,
the whole tenor of the book, especially of its concluding
chapters, renders this forgetfulness impossible. The angles
and roughnesses of the Sacred narrative, which elsewhere we
endeavour to smooth down into one uniform level, here start
out from the surface too visibly to be overlooked by the most
superficial observer. Like the rugged rock which, to this
day, breaks the platform of the Temple area at Jerusalem,
and reminds us of the bare natural features of the mountain
that must have protruded themselves into the midst of the
magnificence of Solomon, — so the Book of Judges recalls our
thoughts from the ideal which we imagine of past and of
sacred ages, and reminds us, by a rude shock, that, even in the
heart of the Chosen People, even in the next generation after
Joshua, there were irregularities, imperfections, excrescences,
which it is the glory of the Sacred Historian to have recorded
faithfully, and which it will be our Avisdom no less faithfully
to study.
'In those days there was no king in Israel,* but every man
■ Judg. xvii. 6 ; xviii. 1 ; xix. 1 ; xxi. 25.
LECT. XIII. THE DISORDERS, 287
* (lid that which was right in his own eyes.' ' In those days
' there was no king in Israel.' * It came to pass in those days
* when there was no king in Israel.' * In those days there
* was no king in Israel ; every man did that which was right
*in his own eyes.' This sentence, thus frequently and
earnestly repeated, is the key-note of the whole book. It
expresses the freedom, the freshness, the independence — the
license, the anarchy, the disorder, of the period. It tells us
that we are in a period of transition, gradually drawing near
to that time when there will be a ' king in Israel,' when there
will be 'peace on all sides round about him, Judah and
' Israel dwelling safely, every man under his vine and under
' his fig-tree, from Dan unto Beersheba.' But meantime the
dark and bright sides of the history shift with a rapidity
unknown in the latter times of the story—* The children of
'Israel did evil in the sight of the Lord,' and 'The children
' of Israel cried unto the Lord.' ^ Never was there a better
instance than in these two alternate sentences, ten times
repeated, that we need not pronounce any age entirely bad
or entirely good.
I. First, then, look at the outward relations of the country. Outward
The Conquest was over, but the upheaving of the conquered ^^^"^^ ^^'
population still continued. The ancient inhabitants, like
the Saxons under the Normans, still retained their hold on
large tracts, or on important positions throughout the
country. The neighbouring powers still looked on the new-
comers as an easy prey to incursion and devastation, if not to
actual subjugation. Against these enemies, both from with-
out and from within, but chiefly from within, a constant
struggle had to be maintained ; with all the dangers, adven-
tures, and trials incident to such a state — a war of indepen-
dence such as was not to occur again till the struggle of the
' Judg. ii. 4, 11, 18, 19 ; iii. 7, 9, 12, 15 ; iv. 1, 3 ; vi. 1, 7 ; s. 6, 10; xiii. 1.
tioii of the
Conquest
288 ISRAEL UXDER THE JUDGES. lect. xiii.
Maccabees against the Greek kings, or even of tlie last
insurgents against the Komans. A glance at the first
chapter of the Book of Judges will show in a moment the
motley, particoloured character which Palestine must have
presented after the death of Joshua. Nearly the whole of
the sea-coast,' all the strongholds in the rich plain of Esdraelon,
and, in the heart of the country, the invincible fortress of
Continua- Jebus, were still in the hands of the unbelievers. Every
one of these spots was a focus of disaffection, a bone of con-
tention, a natural field of battle. Or look at the relations of
conquerors and conquered as they appear in the story of
Abimelech,^ The insurrection, which then was nearly suc-
cessful, of the ancient Shechemites — the ' sons of Emmor the
father of Sychem '-—reveals the fires which must have been
smouldering everywhere throughout the land, and which
would have broken out more frequently had the government
oftener fallen into worthless hands. Or look at the migration
of the sons of Dan. It is like the story of the whole nation
epitomised over again in the portion of a single tribe. ' In
' those days the tribe of the Danites sought them an inheri-
' tance to dwell in,' ^ They were still unprovided. Spies
were sent forth, as formerly by Moses and by Joshua. They
returned with the account of a land ' very good,' ' a place
' where there is no want of anything ; ' and their kinsmen
follow their guiding. They leave the trace of their encamp-
ment on their road,'* like a second Gilgal, and they track the
Jordan to its source, and, in the secluded corner under Mount
Hermon, fall on the easternmost of the Phoenician colonies,
and establish themselves in that beautiful and fertile spot,
with a sanctuary of their own and a priesthood of their own,
during the whole period of which we are speaking.
Slowly, gradually, the dominion of the Chosen People was
> See Lecture XII. * Josh. xix. 47 ; Judg. xviii. 1-31.
« See Lecture XV. * Judg. xiii. 25; xviii. 12.
lECT. XIII. STATE OF CONFLICT. 289
left to work its way. First, they repel distant invaders from Successive
Mesopotamia. This is the special work of the Lion of the
tribe of Judah — of the last hero of the old generation. Then,
under Deborah and Barak, they encounter the final rising of
the Canaanites.^ The battle of Merom is repeated over again
by the waters of Megiddo. In that central conflict of the
period, Israel and Canaan met together for the last time face
to face in battle. Then follows the most trying invasion
to which the country had ever been subjected ^— the wild
Midianite hordes from the desert. How great was the crisis
is proved by the greatness of the champion who was called
forth to resist it. In Grideon and his family we see the
nearest approach to a king that this epoch produces. Finally,
they are brought into collision with the new enemies — the
race of strangers — who, as it would seem, had barely settled
in Palestine at the time of the first conquest— the ' Philis-
tines ' * — and amidst the death-struggle with them under
Samson, Eli, and Samuel, ends this period of the history.
It was a hard discipline ; it must have checked the progress Military
of arts, of civilisation, of refinement. But it was the fitting of the na-
school through which they were to pass. It was the formation *^'"^'
of the military character of the people. It prepared the way
for the inauguration of the new name by which, in the next
period of their history, God would be called — -the ' Lord of
' Hosts.' Through a succession of failures they stumbled into
perfection. Amidst these struggles for independence was
nourished no less a youth than tliat of David. ' Therefore
' the Ijord left those nations, without driving them out
' hastily : ' to prove ' Israel by them ; even as many as had
* not known the wars of Canaan ; only that the generations
' of Israel might know to teach them war, at the least such as
' before knew nothing thereof,' •* Without this discipline, they
• See Lecture XIV. ^ Sec Lecture XVI.
* See Lecture XV. ■• Judg. ii. 23 ; iii. 1, 2.
290 ISEAEL UNDEE THE JUDGES. lect. xiii.
might have sunk into mere Phoenician settlements, like the
' people of Laish, dwelling ^ careless, after the manner of the
' Zidonians, quiet and secure,' having no business with any
man, ' in a large land, where there was no want of anything
' that is in the earth.' Like their Phoenician neighbours,
like their own descendants in later times, they might have
become a mere nation of merchants : ' Dan would have abode
* in his ships, and Asher would have remained in his creeks
'by the sea-shore,' and not 'a shield or spear would have
'been seen amongst forty thousand in Israel.' But their
spirit rose to the emergencies. Faithful tribes, like Zebulun
and Naphtali, were always found amongst the faithless, ready
to jeopardise their lives for the nation. Reversing the
Prophetic visions of an ideal future, their pruning-hooks
were turned into spears, and their ploughshares into swords.
They had ' files to sharpen their coulters, their mattocks,'^ and
' their goads ; ' and Shamgar, the son of Anath, came with his
rude ox-goad, and Samson with his quaint devices — the
jawbone of an ass, and the firebrands at the tails of jackals
—devastating the country of their enemies.
II. But it is chiefly in their internal relations that tliis
transitional state appears. 'There was no king in Israel,'
no fixed capital, no fixed sanctuary, no fixed government. It
was a heptarchy, a dodecarchy, of which the supremacy
passed, as in the early ages of our own country, first to one
tribe and then to another.
Internal Even from a religious point of view, now one, now another
place presents itself as the rallying point of the nation.
The sacred solitary palm-tree was the spot to which ^ at
one time the children of Israel came up for judgment.
Another was the sanctuary of Micah,'' visited as an oracle
by wandering travellers and pilgrims. A third was the green
' Judg. xviii. 7-9. * See Lecture XIV.
2 1 Sam. xiii. 21. * See p. 296.
disorder.
LECT. XIII. THE OFFICE OF THE JUDGES. 291
sward ' on the broad summit of Tabor, the gathering' place
of the northern tribes. A fourth was the little capital of the
northern Dan, already mentioned, beside the sources of the
Jordan. Doubtless, amidst all these variations, the national
feeUng still turned chiefly to two spots, the old primeval
stone or structure called 'the House of Grod' — 'Bethel;'
and the modern sanctuary of Shiloh, set up by Joshua. But
even these were tokens of division and independence. At
the close of the period, the High Priesthood, the one great
office which had been bequeathed by the Mosaic age, appears
at Shiloh. But, in its earlier years, we find it established at
Bethel ; and the Ark itself, as if suffering in the general dis-
integration of the people, reposed not within the sacred tent
of Shiloh, but within the primitive sanctuary of Bethel.
In like manner, no one tribe exercises undisputed pre-
eminence. Ephraim, on the wliole, retains the primacy, but
not exclusively. Judah, after the death of Othniel, disappears
almost entirely. ' There was no king in Israel,' there was no
succession of Prophets. Long blanks occur in the history,
of which we know nothing. From time to time deliverers The office
were raised up, as occasion called, and the Spirit of the Lord judges.'
came upon them ; and again, on their death, the central bond
was broken, and the thread of the history is lost. The office,
which gives its name to the period, well describes it. It was
occasional, irregular, uncertain, yet gradually tending to
fixedness and perpetuity. Its title is itself expressive. The
Euler was not regal, but he was more than the mere head of
a tribe or the mere judge of special cases. We have to seek
for the origin of the name not amongst the Sheykhs of the
Arabian desert, but amongst the civilised settlements of
Phoenicia. Slwjjhet^ Shophetim,'^ the Hebrew word which we
translate ' Judge,' is the same as we find in the ' Suffes,'
' Lectures XIV. XV. scribes judges (SiKaarai) as suceeed-
* Josephus {c. A'pion. i. 21) de- ing to the Tyrian kings.
u 2
292 ISRAEL UXDER THE JUDGES. lect. xiii.
' Suffetes,' ' of the Carthaginian rulers at the time of the Punic
Wars. As afterwards the office of ' king ' was taken from the
nations round about, so now, if not the office, at least the
name of 'judge ' or ' shophet,' seems to have been drawn from
the Canaanitish cities, with which for the first time Israel
came into contact. It is the first trace of the influence of
the Syrian usages on the fortunes of the Chosen People, the
first fruits of the Pagan inheritance to which the Jewish and
the Christian Church has succeeded. Gradually the office so
formed consolidates itself. Of Othniel, Ehud, and Shamgar,
we know not whether they ruled beyond the limits of the
special crisis which called them forth. But in Deborah and
Gideon we see the indications of a rule for life. In Gideon, we
find the attempt at a regular monarchy made and rejected,
yet still virtually maintained in his lifetime, and formally
revived, after his death, by his son Abimelech. In the suc-
cession of obscure rulers who follow, the hereditary principle
has established itself. Sons and grandsons inherit, if not
the power, at least the pomp and state of their father and
grandfather.^ And, finally, the two offices, which in the
earlier years of this period had remained distinct— the High
Priest and the Judge— were united in the person of Eli ;
and Samuel, who acted as the interpreter between the old
and the new order of his people, had actually transmitted
the office by hereditary succession to his sons, and they for
the first time appear exercising those ' j udicial ' ^ functions
which alone are expressed in the modern translation of
Shophet into ' Judge.'
Phoenician III. In connexion with this Phoenician origin of the name
of these rulers, other customs, as might be expected from the
' Liv. XXX. 7 ; xxviii. 37. In xxxiii. netes ' in Greek history. See Aristotle,
46, xxxiv. 61, they are called 'judices.' Politico, iii. 9, § 5 ; iv. 8, § 2.
The office most nearly corresponding * Judg. x. 3, 4 ; xii. 8-14.
to it in the We^.t was that of ' Jisym- ^ I Sam. viii. 3.
influences.
LECT. XIII. PHCENICIAX INFLUENCES. 293
near neighbourhood, now first appear, in every shade of good
and evil, from the same source. The temptations to idolatry
are no longer of the same kind as in Mesopotamia or in
Egypt. Two forms of worship rise above all others, the two
Phoenician deities, Baal and Astarte, as seducing the Israelites The name
from their allegiance, marked everywhere by the image and
altar, or the grove of olive or ilex round the sacred rock
or stone on wliich the altar was erected. Eelics of such
worship continued long afterwards in the names, probably
derived from this period, both of places and persons. Every-
where throughout the land lingered tlie traces of the
old idolatrous sanctuaries — Baal-Gad, Baal-Hermon, Baal-
Tamar, Baal-Hazor, Baal-Judah, Baal-Meon, Baal-Perazim,
Baal-Shalisha, like the memorials of Saxon heathenism, or
of mediaeval superstition, which furnish the nomenclature of
so many spots in oiu: own country. And even in families, as
in that of Saul,^ vre find that the title of the Phoenician god
appears, as in the names so common in Tyre and Carthage
— Maherbal, Hannibal, Asdrubal.
But the most distinct and peculiar mark of the Phoenician The wor-
worship at this time — and not unnaturally adopted in the ^aal Be-
license given to every form of independent organisation and "'^^^•
association — is that of cities congregated in leagues round
such a temple of Baal, hence called Baal Berith,^ ' Baal of
* the League ; ' as in the combination of Tyre, Sidon, and
Arvad to found Tripolis, as in the Carthaginian settlements
which in Sicily formed themselves round the Temple of
Astarte at Eryx, as in the Canaanitish League of Gibeon.
The chief instance of it is the League of Shechem and
Thebez round the Temple of the League at Shechem, under
the half-Canaanite king Abimelech, the first organised form
• Baal, Eshbaal, and Meribbaal, 1 Cbron. Tiii. 30, 33, 34.
See Ewald, ii. 445 ; Lecture XV.
294
ISRAEL UNDER THE JUDGES.
LECT. XIIX.
Phcenician
vows.
Primitive
.simplicity
of life.
of Canaanite polity and worship within the precincts of
Israel.
Another practice, which falls in with the wild usages of
the time, has also a direct affinity with Phoenician customs
— the frequent use of vows. One memorable instance of a
Phoenician vow has been handed down to us, so solemn in
its origin, so grand in its consequences, that even the vows
of the most sacred ages may well bear comparison with it.
The impulse ^ from his early oath, which nerved the coui'age
and patriotism of Hannibal from childhood to age in his
warfare against Eome, may fitly be taken as an illustration of
the feeling which, in its highest and noblest forms, led to the
consecration of Samson and Samuel, and, in its unauthorised
excesses, to the rash vows of the whole nation against the
tribe of Benjamin, of Jephthah against his daughter, of Saul
against Jonathan. These spasmodic efforts after self-restraint
are precisely what we sliould expect in an age which had no
other mode of steadying its purposes amidst the general
anarchy in which it v/as enveloped ; and accordingly in that
age they first appear, and within its limits expire.
IV. But, whatever traces there may be of foreign influence,
the heart of the people and their manners remained essen-
tially Israelite, and the disorders of the time breathe always
the air rather of the desert than of the city. We see the
princes and the judges riding in state on their asses, the
asses of the Bedouin tribe, abhorred of Eg5rpt. ' Speak, ye
' that ride on she-asses dappled with white,' is the address of
Deborah to the victorious chiefs returning from battle. The
thirty sons of Jair ride on their thirty ass colts, which the
play ^ on the word connects with their thirty cities. As in
the wilderness, the assemblies of the people are still gathered
' See Arnold's Boine, iii. 33.
'^ Judg. X. 4. The word for 'aps
colts' and 'cities' (Arim)is the same.
The LXX. keep up the ambiguity by-
rendering it 7r<5Aeis and TrwAoys,
LECT. XIII. SIMPLICITY OF LIFE. 295
by the fresh springs or the running streams. ' At the
' places,' ' or ' amongst the companies of the drawing of water,
' are rehearsed the righteous acts of the Lord.' ' By the
' streams of Reuben are the divisions and searchings of heart.'
Tents may still be seen beside the settled habitations. The
Arab Kenites still linger in the south. A settlement of the
same tribe is planted far north also, under the ancient oak,
called from their encampment ' the oak of the unloading of
' tents,' ^ and underneath the tent of Jael, the wife of Heber,
every Bedouin custom was as purely preserved as in the time
of Abraham. The sanctuary of Shiloh itself was still a tent,
or rather, according to the Rabbinical representations, which
have every appearance of truth, a low structure of stones
with a tent drawn over it, exactly like the Bedouin village,
an intermediate stage between a mere collection of tents and
a fixed precinct of buildings. And although a city grew
round it, and a stone gateway rose in front of it, yet it still
retained its name of the ' camp of Shiloh ; ' and the sanctuary
was only known as the ' tabernacle or tent that Grod had
' pitched among men.' ^
Accordingly the whole period breathes a primitive sim-
plicity whicli peculiarly belongs both to the crimes and the
virtues of this earliest stage of the occupation of Canaan.
The Book of Judges closes with three pictures, of which the
two first, at least, appear to have been inserted with the
express purpose, so unusual in the Sacred history — so un-
usual, one may add, in any history, till within the most
recent times — of giving an insight into what we should call
the state of society in Judaea. How precious to us would
be any details of the private life and incidental customs of
Greece or Rome, equal to what are afforded in the stories
' Judg. V. 11, 15, 16. Seder 01am, c. 11. Ps. Ixxviii. 60.
2 See Lecture XIV. See Lecture XVII.
* Mishna (Surenhusius), vol. v. 59 ;
296 ISRAEL UNDER THE JUDGES. lect. xni.
of Micah, of the war with Benjamin, and of Euth ! Though
appended to the close of the book, they form, both by their
style and by the actual order of the events which they relate,
its natural preface.'
The story 1. Take the expedition of the Danites. They start, as we
Danites have seen, once more to seek new settlements — they track
and Mica i. ^^^ Jordan to its source, and then mark out for their prey
the easy colonists from Sidon in the rich and beautiful
seclusion of that loveliest of the scenes of Palestine. It is
the exact likeness of the Frankish or Norman migrations,
reopening the path of conquest and discovery when it had
seemed all closed and ended with the final settlement of
Europe. And still more characteristic is the incident which
is interwoven with their expedition, and which opens another
vista into the mingled superstition and religion which swayed
the feelings of the time. We are introduced to the house of
Micah, on the ridge of the hills of Ephraim ; we hear the frank
disclosure of Micah to his mother, how he was the thief who
had carried off her shekels — and we see the mother's grateful
dedication of her restored property. Their isolation from
the central worship of Palestine soon manifests itself. The
house becomes a castle ; and not only a castle, but a temple.
The Sane- Like the sanctuary of Shiloh itself, it stands in a court, entered
^"^ by a spacious gateway. Round about it gather houses of
those who take a common interest in this worship, and a
caravanserai for strangers. Within is a chamber called ' the
House of God,' and in this chamber are two silver images,
one sculptured, one molten, clothed" in a mask and priestly
' This arrangement is actually tic Ephod. Such images were used
adopted by Josephus(^«<.v. 2, § 8-12 ; as oracles, Zeeh. x. 2, and as appurte-
3, § 1). nances of public worship, Hos. iii. 4 ;
^ Judg. XTii. 4. Of these two and the custom was finally put down
images, one (apparently as large as a by Jo&iah, 2 Kings xxiii. 24. (See
man, 1 Sam. xix. 16), from its mask Ewald, Alterth. 256-8.)
was called Tera^him, from its man-
LECT. xiir. THE STORY OF MICAIL 297
mantle, so as to represent as nearly as possible the Priestly
Oracle at Shiloli. And wlien we inqnire further into the
worship of this little sanctuary, still stranger scenes disclose
themselves. The five Danite warriors, as they pass by, and
lodge in the caravanserai, are arrested by the sound of a well-
known voice. It is tlie voice of a Levite of Bethlehem,
whom they had known whilst in their southern settlement.
They ask him, ' Who brought thee hither ? and what makest
* thou in this place ? and what hast thou here ? ' They ask
him, and we, with our precise notions of Levitical ritual, may
well ask him too. He tells his own wild story. He, like
them, had been a wanderer for a better home than he found
in the little village of Bethlehem. He, like them, liad halted
by the house of Micah, on the ridge of Ephraim ; and
the superstition of Micah and the interest of the Levite
combined. The one, like many a feudal noble, was eager to
secure the services and sanction of a regular chaplain for his
new establishment. The other, like many a feudal priest,
was willing to secure ' ten shekels of silver by the year, and
' a suit of apparel, and his victuals.' So the Levite went in,
and ' was content to dwell with the man,' was unto him as
one of his sons ; and Micah consecrated the Levite, a>nd the
young man became his priest, and occupied one of the dwell-
ings ' by the house of Micah. Then said Micah, ' Now
* know I that the Lord will do me good, seeing I have a
* Levite to my priest.'
But, as the story unravels itself, still further does it lead
us into the manners and the spirit of the time. The same
feelings which had prompted Micah to secure the wandering
treasure, were shared by the Danite warriors, who had re-
cognised in him their old acquaintance. They had received
liis blessing on their enterprise as they passed by on their
' Judg. xviii. 15.
298 ISKAEL UNDER THE JUDGES. lect. xiii.
first expedition. They suggested to their coimtrymen, on
their advance to accomplish their design, that here was the
religious sanction which alone they needed to render it suc-
The theft cessful. ' Do ye know,' they said as they approached the
relics. well-known cluster of houses on the hill-side — ' do ye know
' that there is in these houses an ephod, and teraphim, and a
' graven image, and a molten image ? Now therefore con-
*sider what ye have to do.' In the centre of the settlement
rose the house of Micah, and at its gateway was the dwelling
of the Levite. By the gateway the six hundred armed war-
riors stood conversing with their ancient neighbour, whilst
the five men stole up the rocky court, and into the little
chapel, and fetched away the images with teraphim and
ephod; and, long before they were discovered, were far
along their northern route. The priest has raised his voice
^ against the theft for a moment. ' What do ye ? ' But there
is a ready bribe. ' Hold thy peace, lay thine hand upon th}'^
' mouth, and go with us ; and be to us a father and a
* priest : is it better for thee to be a priest unto the house of
' one man, or that thou become a priest unto a tribe and
* family in Israel ? ' '
' Hold thy peace, lay thine hand upon thy mouth ' — so,
in almost the same words, was the like bribe offered by one of
the greatest religious houses of England to the monk who
guarded the shrine of one of the most sacred relics in the
adjacent cathedral of Canterbury — 'Give us the portion of
* S- Thomas's skull which is in thy custody, and thou shalt
* cease to be a simple monk ; thou shalt be Abbot of S.
* Augustine's.' ^ As Eoger accepted the bait in the twelfth
century after the Christian era, so did the Levite of Micah's
house in the fifteenth century before it. ' And the priest's
* heart was glad, and he took the ephod, and the teraphim,
' Jiidg. Kviii. 14-19. * Thome's Chronicle, 1176.
LECT. XIII. THE STOKY OF MICAII. 299
' and the graven image, and went in the midst of the
' people.' The theft was so adroitly managed, that the soldiers
were far away before Micah and his neighbours overtook
them, and uttered a wail of grief and rage. The whole '
neiglibourhood had a common interest in the sanctuary ; and
Micah, in particular, felt that his importance was gone. ' Ye
* have taken away my gods, which I made, and the priest, and
' ye are gone away ; and what have I more ? ' But they are
too strong for him, and they advance to the easy conquest
which gives them their new home.
In the biography of this one Levite, thus accidentally, as The Sane-
it were, brought to view, we have a sample of the darker ^^'^^^ '^^
side of his tribe, as brought out in the curse of Jacob — ' I
' will divide tbem in Jacob and scatter them in Israel ' —
lending himself to the highest bidder, to Micah first for ten
shekels a year and food and clothing, to the Danites after-
wards, that he might become a Priest of a tribe and family
in Israel rather than to the house of one man. He had his
reward ; he became a Father and Patriarch to the new com-
monwealth. Under his auspices, on the green hill by the sources
of the Jordan a new sanctuary was established ; the graven
image remained there undisturbed during the whole period
of the Judges, * all the time that the House of God was in
' Shiloh ; ' and he and his sons founded a long line of Priests,
for the same period, ' Priests to the tribe of Dan until the
' day ' of the captivity of the land.' And who was this
stranger Levite — this founder of a schismatical worship?
Was he of some obscure family, that might be thought to have
escaped the higher influences of the age ? So from the larger
part of the narrative, so from the dexterous alteration of the
text by later copyists in the one passage which reveals tbe
secret, it might have been inferred. But that one passage,
' Judg. xviii. 30, 31. For these expressions, see Lectui-e XVII.
soo
ISRAEL UNDEE THE JUDGES.
LECT. xiir.
The grand-
son of
Moses.
according to the reading of several Hebrew manuscripts and
of the Vulgate, and according to an ancient Jewish tradition,
and to the almost certain conjecture both of Kermicott and of
Ewald, tells us who he was : — ' Jonathan, the son of Gershom,
— the son ' — not, as we now read, of Manasseh,' but ' of Moses.'
¥/hether it was from the general laxity of the time, or from
the obscurity which throughout envelopes the family of the
great lawgiver, there can be little doubt that this type of the
wandering, ambitious, lawless Priest of this and so many
after ages, was no less than the grandson of the Prophet
Moses. What Jewish copyists have done here by endeavour-
ing to change the honoured name of Moses into the hated
name of Manasseh, is what has been often attempted in the
later history of the Church, by endeavouring to conceal, or
to palliate, the excesses or errors or irregularities of the in-
ferior successors of noble predecessors. Let the s-tory of the
grandson of Moses be at once an illustration of the fact, and
a warning to us not to make too much of it. A profligate
and heretical Pope in a profligate or heretical age, a turbulent
or timeserving Eeformer in a turbulent or timeserving age,
are not of such importance for the succeeding or preceding
history, as that we should be very eager either to conceal or
to affirm the fact of their existence. Each age has its o'wn
errors and sins to bear. Jonathan the son of Grershom, and
the long succession of the priesthood which he transmitted,
are indeed illustrative of the time to which they belonged, —
are exact likenesses of what has occurred again and again in
like confusions of the Christian Church,— but prove nothing
beyond themselves, and need not either be kept out of sight,
on the one hand, or made into standing arguments, on the
' Judg xviii. 30. The word Mosch Skebuel, son of Gershom, son of Moses,
is in the Hebrew text, hy the insertion • — Jerome (Qn. Hcb. ad L) says that
of a single letter, turned into Manas- he was Micah's Levite. (See Diet, of
eeh. In 1 Chron. xxiii. 15, 16, occurs Bible, 'Jonathan,' 'Manasseh.')
LECT. XIII. STORY OF THE LEVITE OF BETHLEHEM. 301
other hand, against the Church which, for the time, they
represented.
2. No less characteristic of the good and evil of the period The stoiy
PIT -T • 1 • of the war
IS the story of the war oi the eleven tribes against their of Ben-
brother Benjamin for the outrage committed by the in- J^"^^^
habitants of Gibeah. Here, again, is a roving Levite of
irregular life. Every step of his journey shows us a glimpse
of the state of the country. His father-in-law entertains
him with true Arabian hospitality, day after day, night after
night. Amidst the shadows of the evening 'when the
' day is far spent,' we see the towers of ' Jebus which is
'Jerusalem,' still in the hands of the Canaanites. The
apprehension of the travellers as they find themselves over-
taken by darkness is exactly that which still attends the
fall of night in any country where the unsettled state of
the government makes itself felt in robbers and outlaws.
Outside the town of Gribeah, in the open space beneath the
walls, on what in the ' Arabian Nights ' are so often called
'the mounds,' the little band encamps. Then comes the
aged countryman from the fields, and the dark crime which
follows, and the ferocious summons of the whole people
to vengeance by the signal of the divided ^ bones of the
outraged woman. Both the atrocity and the indignation
which it excites belong to the primitive stage of a
people, when, as the historian observes, tanto acrior apud
majores ut virtutibus gloria, ita flagitUs joosnitentia.
There is nothing in later times like the original out-
rage. But neither is there anything in later times like the
' Judg. xix. 29. A like summons is tore her body open in the presence
issued within this same period, 1 Sam. of the tribe, and found that she was
xi. 7. A similar incident is said to have innocent. The slanderer was then
occuiTed recently in the tribes near judged. Her tongue was cut out, and
Damascus. An Arab woman having she was hewn 'into small pieces, which
be^ n accused of unchastity by another, were sent all over the desert.
was killed by her father, who then
302 ISRAEL UNDER THE JUDGES. lect. xiir.
universal burst of horror. ' We will not any of us go to his
' tent, neither will we any of us turn into his house ; but now
* this shall be the thing which we will do unto Gribeah . . .
* according to the folly that they have wrought in Israel.
' So all the men of Israel were gathered together against
' the city, knit together as one man.' There are many wars
in Israel after this, civil and foreign, but none breathing so
ardent a spirit of zeal, excessive, extravagant zeal it may be,
against moral evil. As in the former story, so here, we
meet with one who had known the old generation. Before
it was the grandson of JMoses ; here it is the grandson of
Phinehas. Aaron. But Phinehas the son of Eleazar was made of
sterner and better stuff than Jonathan the son of Gershom.
He was * before the Ark in those days,' and in the fierce,
unyielding, yet righteous desire for vengeance which ani-
mated the whole people, we seem to see the same spirit
which appeared when, in the matter of Baal-Peor, ' Phi-
*nehas arose and executed judgment, and that was counted
* unto him for righteousness among all generations for ever-
* more ; ' ' because he was zealous for his Grod, and virrought
* an atonement for the children of Israel.' And the sudden
change of feeling, no less primitive and natural, the return
of compassion towards the remnant of the Benjamites,
is still in accordance with the only other trait which we
know of the character of the aged Priest. They wept sore
and said, ' 0 Lord Grod of Israel, why is this come to pass
' in Israel, that there should be to-day one tribe lacking in
* Israel? And the children of Israel repented them for
'Benjamin their brother.' Even so, when, for the fancied
offence of the Trans-Jordanic tribes, the rest of the nation
with Phinehas at their head had set off to exterminate them,
the same tender brotherly feeling revived, when the same
Phinehas heard and accepted the explanation of the act.
It is the same union of a wild sense of justice and religion.
LECT. xiii. THE WAR OF BENJAMIN. 303
combined with a keen sense of national and family union,
such as marks an early age, and an early age only. In the
later dissensions of the nation, we find no such hasty vows,
no such measures of sudden and total destruction. But
neither do we find such ready and eager forgiveness, such
frank acknowledgment of error. The early feuds of nations
and churches are more violent, but they are often less in-
veterate and malignant than the sectarianism and party-spirit
of later years. The one is a fitful frenzy, the other is a
chronic disorder. Doubtless there was something fierce and
terrible in the oracles of the ancient Phinehas, Priest and
Warrior in one ; but he was in the end a milder counsellor
than the High Priest who, in the latest days of the nation,
in all the fulness of civilisation and of statesmanship, gave
his counsel that ' it was expedient that one man should die
' for the people, that the whole nation perish not.'
The details of the story agree with its general character.
The resolute determination of the Benjamites not to give
up the guilty city is a trait of the bond of honour and of
clanship which, in an early age, outweighs the ties of
country and public interests. We catch here, too, the first
glimpse of the romantic, and, as it were, secret alliance
between Jabesh-gilead and Benjamin. Hence their absence
from the fatal massacre ; hence the chase of their maidens
for the future wives of Benjamin; hence, in a later genera-
tion, their application for help to the great chief of the
Benjamite tribe ; hence their fidelity to him after defeat
and death.' The remnant of the tribe, entrenched on the
cliff of ' the Pomegranate,' ^ reveals to us the fierce daring
of the time. The dances in the vineyards of Shiloh reveal
to us its simplicity and tenderness.
3. Thirdly, the story of Ruth (in the ancient editions Tlie story
of Kuth.
' Judg. xxi. 9-14; 1 Sam. xi. 4 ; xxxi, 11, 12. * Eimmon ; Judg. xx. 47.
304 ISEAEL UNDER THE JUDGES. l£ct. xiii.
of the Hebrew Scriptures always joined to the Book of
Judges) reveals to us a scene as primitive in its simple repose
as the others are in their violence and disorder.' It is one
of those quiet corners of history which are the green spots of
all time, and which appear to become greener and greener as
they recede into the distance. Bethlehem is the starting-
point of this story, as of the two which preceded, but now
under different auspices. We see amidst the cornfields,
whence it derives its name, ' the House of Bread,' the beau-
tiful stranger gleaning the ears of corn after the reapers.^
We hear the exchange of salutations between the reapers and
their master : ' Jehovah be with you,' ' Jehovah bless thee.' ^
We are present at the details of the ancient custom, which
the author of the book describes almost with the fond regret
of modern antiquarianism, as one which was ' the manner of
' Israel in former times,'— the symbolical transference of the
rights of kinsmanship by drawing off the sandal.* We have
the first record of a solemn nuptial benediction ; with the
first direct allusion to the ancient patriarchal traditions of
Eachel and Leah,^ of Judah and Tamar. And whilst these
touches send us back, as in the two dark stories which pre-
cede this tranquil episode, to the earlier stage of Israelite
existence, there is in this the first germ of the future hope
of the nation. The Book of Kuth is, indeed, the link of
connexion between the old and the new. There was re-
joicing over the birth of the child at Bethlehem which Euth
bare to Boaz : ' and Naomi took the child and laid it in
' her bosom, and became nurse to it.' ° It would seem
as if there was already a kind of joyous foretaste of the
' It is useless (with so few data) ' Ruth ii. 2.
to attempt to iix the exact time of ' Ihid. ii. 4.
the events related in the Book of * IhkJ. iv. 7.
Ruth. Its general character, however, * Ibid. iv. 11, 12.
agrees with the seclusion of the tribe ° Ibid, iv. 16.
of Judah throughout this period.
LECT. XIII. THE STORY OF RUTH. 305
birth and infancy which, in after times, was to be for ever
associated with the name of Bethlehem. It was the first
appearance on the scene of what may by anticipation be
called even then the Holy Family, for that child was Obed,
the father of Jesse, the father of David. Nor is it a mere
genealooical connexion between the two generations. The
very license and independence of the age may be said to
have been the means of introducing into the ancestry of
David and of the Messiah an element which else would
have been, humanly speaking, impossible, ' An Ammonite or
* a Moabite shall not enter into the congregation,' * This was
the letter of the law, and in the greater strictness that pre-
vailed after the return from the captivity, it was rigidly
enforced. But in the isolation of Judah from the rest of
Israel, in the doing of every man what was right in his own
eyes, the more comprehensive spirit of the whole religion
overstepped the letter of a particular enactment. The story
of Ruth has shed a peaceful light over what else would be
the accursed race of Moab. We strain our gaze to know
something of the long line of the purple hills of Moab, which
form the background at once of the history and of the
geography of Palestine. It is a satisfaction to feel that
there is one tender association which unites them with the
familiar history and scenery of Judeea — that from their
recesses, across the deep gulf which separates the two
regions, came the gentle ancestress of David and of the
Messiah.
V. ' And now ' (if I may venture for a moment to use the
language of the sacred book ^ which in the New Testament
has thrown itself with the greatest ardour and sympathy into
this troubled period), ' what shall I more say ? for the time
' Deut. xxiii. 3 ; Ezra ix. 1 ; Neh. xiii. 1. - Heb. xi. 32.
X
306 ISEAEL UNDER THE JUDGES. lect. xin.
' would fail me to tell of Gideon, and of Barak, and of Samson,
' and of Jephthah.'
Mixed cha- Eeserving the details, let me say thus much by way of pre-
the period. ^^^® ^^ ^^^ these characters. I have dwelt on the unsettled,
transitory, unequal state of the time in which they lived,
because only in the light of that time can they be fairly
considered. Mixed characters they are, as almost all the
characters in Scripture are — but in them the ingredients
are mixed more closely, more strongly than in any others, in
proportion to the mixed character of the period which pro-
duced them. It is this which gives to the narrative of the
Book of Judges its peculiar charm. And, although, as I have
said, it stands, by its own confession, on a lower moral level
than other portions of the Sacred record, although it portrays
a time when ' every man did what was right in his own eyes,'
and when ' the children of Israel did that which was evil in
' the sight of the Lord,' yet there is in this very circum-
stance a lesson which we should sorely miss if it were lost to
us. It represents a period of ecclesiastical history, with all the
chequered colours of real life. It gives a play to those natural
qualities which, though not strictly religious, are yet too noble,
too lively, too attractive, to be overlooked in any true, and
therefore (in the highest sense) any religious, view of the
world. We cannot pretend to say that Samson and Jephthah,
hardly that Gideon or Barak, are characters which we should
have selected as devout men, as servants of God. If we had met
with them in another history, we should have regarded them
as wild freebooters, as stern chieftains, at best as high-minded
patriots. They are bursting with passion, they are stained
by revenge, they are alternately lax and superstitious. Their
virtues are of the rough kind, which make them subjects of
personal or poetic interest, rather than of sober edification.
Their words are remarkable, not so much for devotion or
wisdom, as for a burning enthusiasm, like the song of
LECT. XIII. ITS MIXED CHARACTERS. 307
Deborah ; for a chivalrous frankness, as in the acts of Phinehas
and of Jephthah ; for a ready presence of mind, as in the
movements of Gideon ; for a primitive and racy humour, as
in the repartees of Samson. Yet these characters are without
liesitation ranked amongst the lights of the Chosen People :
the world's heroes are fearlessly enrolled amongst God's
heroes ; the men in whom we should be inclined to recognise
only the strong arm which defends us, and the rough wit
which amuses us, are described as ' raised up by God.' No
modern theory of ' inspiration ' checks the sacred writers in
speaking of ' the Spirit of the Lord ' as ' clothing ' Gideon '
as mth a mantle for his enterprise, as ' descending ' upon
Othniel and Jeplithah ^ for their wars, as ^ striking ' the soul of
Samson like a bell or drum,^ or as ' rushing ' upon him with
irresistible force for his heroic deeds.^ In a lower degree,
doubtless, and mingled with many infirmities, the wild chiefs
of this stormy epoch, with their Phoenician titles, their
Bedouin lives, and their ' muscular ' religion, partook of the
same Spirit which inspired Moses and Josliua before them,
and David and Isaiah after them. The imperfection of their
characters, the disorder of their times, set forth the more
clearly the one redeeming element of trust in God that lurked
in each of them, and, through them, kept alive the national
existence. ' By faith,'' as the author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews is not afraid to say, they, too, in their unconscious
energy ' subdued kingdoms .... obtained promises, stopped
' the mouths of lions .... escaped the edge of the sword,
' out of weakness were made strong, waxed valiant in fight,
' turned to flight the armies of the aliens.'
Such an acknowledgment of these characters is a double
boon. Nothing should be lamented, nothing should be de-
spised, which brings within the range of our religious sympathy,
' Judg. Ti. 34 (Hebrew). ' .Tudg. xiii. 25 (Hebrew).
* Bid. iii. 10 ; xi. 29. ■• Ibid. xiv. 6 ; xv. 14.
X 2
308 ISRAEL UNDEE THE JUDGES. i.ect. xiii.
within the sanction of Eevelation, qualities and incidents
which in common life we cannot help admiring, which history
and common sense command us to admire, but which yet,
from our narrow construction of Grod's Providence, we are
afraid to recognise in our theological or ecclesiastical systems.
We gain by being made at one with ourselves : Scripture
^ gains by being made at one with us. Had the history of the
Chosen People been framed on the principle of many a later
history of the Church, who can doubt that these inestimable
touches of human life and character would have been alto-
gether lost to us ? How would Samson have fared with
Milner ? to what would Deborah have been reduced in the
refined speculations of Neander ?
The classi- And there is a yet further affinity between us and them,
in tle'his'- which the Sacred history impresses upon us. Is it not the
*°^- case that, in this period, we see for tlie first time, and more
distinctly than elsewhere, that approximation which is de-
veloped, irregularly, obscurely, but still perceptibly, as time
goes on, between some elements of the Hebrew character and
those of the Western and European world ? It is a matter
which must be stated carefully and cautiously, lest we seem
to encourage the extravagant theories which, on the right hand
and on the left, have beset every such view of the question.
But the very fact of such theories having arisen implies a
common ground, which is really a matter of solid interest
and instruction. Few, if any, will now maintain the hypo-
tliesis of our old divines of the last century, that the stories
of Iphigenia and Idomeneus are stolen from the story of
Jephthah's daughter, or the labours of Hercules from the
labours of Samson ; few, if any, will now maintain, with some
Grermans of the last generation, the reverse hjrpothesis that
Samson and Jephthah are mere copies of Hercules and
Agamemnon. But the resemblance between the two sets of
incidents is an undoubted indication that there was something
LECT. XIII. ITS CLASSICAL ELEMENT. 309
in the Hebrew race which did more readily produce incidents
and characters, if we may use the expression, of a classical,
Western, Grecian type, than we find in any other branch of
the Semitic, we might almost add, of the Oriental world.
It is a likeness, which, as I have said, goes on increasing
from this time forward. It is as if, from the moment that
the tribes of Israel caught sight of the Mediterranean waters
— of the ships of Chittim — of the isles of the sea— the spirit
of the West began to be mingled with the spirit of their
native East, and they began to assume that position in the
world which none have occupied except the inhabitants of
Palestine— links between Asia and Europe, between Shem
and Japhet, between the immovable repose of the Oriental,
and the endless activity and freedom of the Occidental
world.
We may, as we read the story of the Judges, feel that the
sacred characters are gradually drawing nearer to us, flesh
of our flesh, and bone of our bone. The figures of speech
which they use are familiar to us in the imagery of our own
West. In the parable of Jotham — the earliest known fable —
we fall upon the first instance of that peculiar kind of com-
position, in which the Eastern and Western imagination
coincide. The fables of -^Esop are alike G-reeian and Indian.
The fable of Jotham might, as far as its spirit goes, have
been spoken in the market-place of Athens or of Eome as
appropriately as on the height of Gerizim. Of the classical
elements in the stories of Jephthah and Samson we shall have
to speak in detail. In the case of Samson especially, the
classical tendency has been put to the severest conceivable test,
for it has been chosen by the most classical of all English
poets as the framework of a drama, which, even after all that
has been done since in our own day for finished imitations of
the Grecian style, with Grecian scenery and Grecian mytho-
logy for their basis, must yet be considered the most perfect
310 ISEAEL UNDEE THE JUDGES. xect. xiii.
likeness of an ancient tragedy that modern literature has
produced.
Analogy of VI. Finally, there is, perhaps, no period of the Jewish
to the history which so directly illustrates a corresponding period of
Middle Christian history. It is, no doubt, a grave error, both in taste
and in religion, to institute a too close comparison between
sacred history and common history. There is a barrier
between them which, with all their points of resemblance,
cannot be overleaped. But we are expressly told that the
things which 'were written aforetime' happened to them
for ' ensamples,' that they were ' written for our admonition,
' upon whom the ends of the world are come.' If so, we
cannot safely decline to recognise the undoubted likenesses
of ourselves and of our forefathers which those examples
contain. And, in this case, I know not where we shall find a
better guide to conduct us, with a judgment at once just and
tender, through the mediaeval portion of Christian ecclesias-
tical history, than the sacred record of the corresponding
period of the history of the Judges. The knowledge of each
period reacts upon our knowledge of the other. Tlie difficulties
of each mutually explain the other. We cannot be in a better
position for defending mediaeval Christianity against the
indiscriminate attacks of one-sided Puritanical wi'iters, than
by pointing to its counterpart in the sacred record. We
cannot wish for a better proof of the general truth and
fidelity of this part of the Biblical narrative, than by ob-
serving its exact accordance with the manners and feelings
of Christendom under analogous circumstances. We need
only claim for the doubtful acts of Jephthah and of Jael the
same verdict that philosophical historians have pronounced
on the like actions of Popes and Crusaders — a judgment to
be measured not by our age, but by theirs, not by the light
of full Christian civilisation, but by the license of a time
when ' every man did what was right in his own eyes ' — and
UECT. XIII. AXALOGT TO THE MIDDLE AGES. 31 1
when the maxim of them of old time still prevailed over
every other consideration, — ' Thou shalt love thy neighbom-,
'and hate thine enemy.' We need only claim for the
3Iiddle Ages the same favourable hearing which religious
men of all persuasions are willing to extend to the Judges
of Ifaracl. The difficulty which uneducated or half-educated
classes of men find in rightly judging, or even rightly con-
ceiving, of a state of morals and religion different from their
own, is one of the main obstacles to a general diffusion of
comprehensive and tolerant views of past history. What we
want is some common ground, on which the poor and un-
learned can witness the application of such views no less
than the highly cultivated. Such a ground is furnished by
many parts of the sacred narrative ; but by none so much as
the Book of Judges. If we urge that the Middle Ages must be
judged by another standard than our own — that the excesses
which are now universally condemned were then united with
high and noble aspirations — to half the world we shall be
saying words without meaning. But if we can show that
the very same variation of judgment is allowed and enforced
in the sacred and familiar instance of the Judges, we shall,
at any rate, have a chance of being heard. Here, as else-
where, the Bible will discharge its proper function of being
the one book of all classes — the one history and literatm-e
in which rich and poor can meet together and understand
each other.
These resemblances between the mediaeval history of the
Jewish Church and the mediaeval history of the Christian
Church are seen at every turn, and perhaps more felt than
seen. Take any scene, almost at random, from this period ;
and, but for the names and Eastern colouring, it might be
from the tenth or twelfth century. The house of Micah
and his Levite set forth the exact likeness of the feudal castle
and feudal chieftain of our early civilisation. The Danites,
312 THE PEEIOD OF THE JUDGES. lect. xiii.
eager to secure to their enterprise the sanction of a sacred
personage and of sacred images, are the forerunners of that
strange mixture of faith and superstition, which prompted
in the Middle Ages so many pious thefts of relics, so many-
extortions of unwilling benedictions. The Levite bribed by
the promise of a higher office is, as we have already ob-
served, the likeness of the faithless guardian of a venerated
shrine tempted by the vacant abbacy in some neighbouring
monastery to betray the sacred treasure committed to him.
In Micah and his armed men pursuing their lost teraphim,
and repulsed with rough taunts by the stronger band, we
read the victory obtained by the successful relic-stealers
over their less ready or less powerful rivals. The whole
story of the Benjamite war has been introduced as a
mediaeval tale into a celebrated historical romance,' perhaps
with questionable propriety, but in such exact conformity to
the costume and fashion of the time as to furnish of itself a
proof of the graphic faithfulness of the sacred narrative, which
could lend itself so readily to the metamorphosis. The sum-
mons of the tribes by the bones of the murdered victim, and
of the slaughtered animal, is the same as the summons of the
Highland clans by the fiery cross dipped in blood. The vows
of monastic life, the vows of celibacy, the vows of pilgrimage,
which exercise so large an influence over mediseval life, have
their prototypes in the vows already noticed in the early
struggles of Israel — the same excuses, the same evils, and
many of the same advantages. The insecurity of communi-
cation— the danger of violence by night — is the same in both
periods. The very roads fall, if one may so say, into the same
track. ' The highways become unoccupied, and the travellers,'
alike in Judasa and in England, ' walk along the byways,' ^
under the skirt of the hills and through the dark lanes which
> See Scott's Ivanhoc, c. xt. * Judg. v. 6.
LECT. XIII. AXALOGY TO THE MIDDLE AGES. 313
may screen tliem from notice. "We are struck at Ascalon
and in the plains of Pliilistia Ly finding" the localities equally
connected with the history of Kichard Coeur-de-Lion and of
Samson ; but they are, in fact, united by moral and historical,
far more than by any mere local, coincidences. In both ages
theie is the same long crusade against the imbelievers. The
Moors in Spain, the Tartars in Eussia, play the very same
part as the Canaanites and Philistines in Palestine. The
caves of Palestine furnish the same refuge as the caves of
Asturias. Priests and Levites wander to and fro over Pa-
lestine : mendicant friars and sellers of indulgences over
Europe. Hophni and Phinehas become at Shiloh the proto-
types of the bloated pluralists of the Mediaeval Church of
Europe. ' In those days there was no king in Israel,' there
was no settled government in Christendom — all things were
as yet in chaos and confusion. Yet the germs of a better life
were everywhere at work. In the one, the Judge, as we
have seen, was gradually blending into the hereditary King.
In the other, the feudal chief was gradually passing into the
constitutional sovereign. The youth of Samuel, the childhood
of David, were nursed under this wild system. The schools
of the prophets, the universities of Christendom, owe their
first impulse to this first period of Jewish and of Christian
History.
The age of the Psalmists and Prophets was an immense
advance upon the age of the Judges. Yet Psalmists and
Prophets look back with exultation and delight to the day
when the rod of the oppressor was broken,' when the hosts
of Sisera perished at Endor, when Zeba and Zalmunna were
swept away as the stubble before the wind. Our age is an
immense advance upon the age of chivalry and the Crusaders ;
but it is well, from time to time, to be reminded that there
' Isaiah ix. 4, x. 26 ; Ps. Lxxxiii. 9-11.
314 THE PERIOD OF THE JUDGES. lect. xiii.
are virtues in chivalry and in barbarism, as well as in reason
and civilisation ; and the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews
has taught us that even the most imperfect of the champions
of ancient times may be ranked in the cloud of the witnesses
of faith, — ' God having provided some better thing for us,
' that they without us might not be made perfect.' '
' Heb. xi. 40.
315
LECTUEE XIV.
DEBORAH.
The great war of the earlier period of the history is heralded
by two or three lesser conflicts.
Othniel may be said to be the last of the generation of con- Otlmiel.
querors.^ In him the Lion of Judah, which had won the
southern portion of Palestine under Caleb, appears for the
last time, till the resuscitation of the warlike spirit of the
tribe by David. All the other indications of its history during
this period are peaceful; the pastoral simplicity of Boaz
and Euth, its absence from the gathering under Barak, its
retiring demeanour in the story of Samson. The enemy
whom Othniel attacked is also a solitary exception. Chushan-
Eishathaim is the only invader from the remote East till the
decline of the monarchy, and his name has as yet received
no illustration from the Assyrian monuments or history.
The story of Ehud throws a broader light over the dark- Ehud,
ness of the time. The Moabite armies, the most civilised
of the Transjordanic nations, exasperated, perhaps, by the
increasing inroads of Gad and Eeuben, place themselves
at the head of the more nomadic tribes of Ammon and
Amalek, cross the Jordan, and (like the Israelites on their
first passage) establish themselves at Gilgal and Jericho.
Beyond the mountain barrier they did not reach ; ^ but their
dominion extended itself over the neighbouring tribe of
Benjamin,^ and a village bearing the name of the * hamlet
" Judg. iii. 9. » Ibid. 13. » Ibid. 26.
316 EHUD. LECT. XIV.
' of the Ammonites ' ^ was probably the memorial of this con-
quest. From Benjamin, accordingly, a yearly tribute was
exacted. There was in the tribe a youth ^ of the name of
Ehud, who seems (from what follows) to have acquired a
fame for prophetic power in the country. He was naturally
intrusted with the charge of carrying the tribute to the
Moabite fortress. After he had delivered the gifts, he paid
a visit to the sacred enclosure ^ or * images ' at Grilgal, left
his two attendants,* and returned, with his increased know-
ledge of the localities, to the presence of the king. The
whole scene is full of the contrast between the slight, wily,
agile Israelite, and the corpulent,^ credulous, unwieldy
Moabite. The king is seated in a chamber on the roof of
the house, for the sake of catching a cool air in the sultry
atmosphere of the Jordan valley, with his attendants around
him. Ehud announces that he has a secret oracle to dis-
close. The king, with an instantaneous ' Hush ! ' ^ orders
his attendants to withdraw. Ehud, still fearing lest his blow
should miss its aim, repeats the announcement of the divine
message. This was to raise the king from his sitting pos-
ture, and expose him to the stroke more easily. Eglon falls
into the snare. With the respect always paid in the East to
a sacred personage, he rises and comes towards the assassin.
In that moment, from the long mantle ^ which as the leader
of the tribe he wore round him, Ehud, left-handed like so
many ^ of his tribesmen, drew the long dagger concealed on
his right thigh. Its flash ^ is seen for an instant, before the
flesh of the portly king closes in upon it. Ehud escapes by
' Josh, xviii. 24. ^ Juclg. Hi. 17.
^ Joseph. Ant. y. 4, § 2; vtavias, * Ib/d. 19 (Hebrew).
p(avl(TKos. ' The word translated ' raiment,'
^ This seems to be the meaning of Jl/id. 16.
the word translated 'quarries,' Judg. * Ibid. xx. 16; 1 Chron. xii. 2.
iii. 19, 26. ^ LXX. 'p\6ya. Comp. Nahum iii.
* .Joseph. Ant. v. 4, § 2 : aiiv dvoiv 3 ; Judg. iii. 22 ; Job xxxix. 23.
oiKirais.
rKOT. XIV. DEBORAH. 317
the gallery round the roof, locking the door behind him.
He regains the sanctuary at Grilgal, then darts into the moun-
tains, and rouses his countrymen by the rude blasts of his
cow-horns, blown in every direction over the hill-side. The
upper chamber at Jericho, meanwhile, remains shut. The
attendants stand outside. They cannot account for the long
closing of the door, except on the supposition that their lord
had retired there for purposes which Oriental delicacy re-
serves for seclusion. At last their hope fails. ^ They find
the huge corpse stretched on the ground. They fly panic-
stricken ; but, by the time they reach the ford of the Jordan,
they find it intercepted by the Israelite warriors, and the
narrative ends as it had begun, with its half-humorous allu-
sion to the well-fed ^ carcases of those who, corpulent like
their chief, lay dead along the shore of the river.
But the crowning event of this period, both in its in- Deborah,
trinsic interest and our knowledge of it, is the victory of
Deborah and Barak. It is told both in prose and poetry,
and the poem is one of the most incontestable remains of
antiquity that the Sacred records contain, and the increased
pleasure and instruction with which we are enabled to read
it furnish a signal proof of the gain added to our Biblical
knowledge by the advance of Biblical criticism. If, in the
story of Ehud and Eglon, we trace something of what may
be called the comic vein of the Sacred History, in the story
of Deborah and Sisera we come across the tragic vein in its
grandest style.
The power of the northern kings, which Joshua had
broken down at the waters of Merom, revived under a
second Jabin, also king of Hazor. The formidable chariots,
as before, overran the territories of the adjacent tribes. The
' Judg. iii. 25 (Hebrew).
" Ibid. 29. The word translated ' lusty,' always elsewhere ' fat.'
318 DEBORAH. i,ect. xiv.
whole country was disorganized with terror. The obscure '
tortuous paths became the only means of communication. As
long afterwards in the time of Saul, regular weapons disap-
peared from the oppressed population. ' There was not a spear
* or shield seen among forty thousand in Israel.' ^ Shamgar,
the son of Anath, defended himself against the enemies of the
south with the long pole armed at the end with a spike
still used by the peasants of Palestine. In this general
depression, the national spirit was revived by one whose
appearance is full of significance. On the heights of
Ephraim, on the central thoroughfare of Palestine, near
the sanctuary of Bethel, stood two famous trees, both in
after times called by the same name. One was ' the oak-
tree,' or ' Terebinth ' ' of Deborah,' underneath which was
buried, with many tears, the nurse of Jacob.^ The other was
a solitary palm, which, in all probability, had given its
name to an adjacent sanctuary, Baal-Tamar,** 'the sanctuary
' of the palm,' but which was also known in after times
as ' the palm-tree of Deborah.' ^ Under this palm, as
Saul afterwards under the pomegranate-tree of Migron,^ as
S. Louis under the oak-tree of Vincennes, dwelt Deborah
the wife of Lapidoth, to whom the sons of Israel came up to
receive her wise answers. She is the magnificent imperso-
nation of the free spirit of the Jewish people and of Jewish
life. On the coins of the Roman Empire, Judffia is represented
as a woman seated under a palm-tree, captive and weep-
ing. It is the contrast of that figure which will best
place before us the character and call of Deborah. It is the
' Judg. V. 6. Bee or ' Queen Bee ' of Palestine,
^ Ibid. 8. may be perhaps derived from her
^ Gen. XXXV. 8, and possibly ' the patriarchal namesake, by whose tomb
oak of Tabor,' 1 Sam. x. 3. she sate. Compare Donaldson's Latin
* Judg. XX. 33. Dissertation on the Song of Deborah.
^ Her name, on •which Joscphus " 1 Sam. xiv. 2.
{Ant. V. 3) lays stress, as the Sacred
LECT. XIV. KEDESH-NAPHTALI. 319
same Judoean palm, under whose shadow she sits, but not
with downcast eyes and folded hands, and extinguished hopes ;
with all the fire of faith and energy, eager for the battle,
confident of the victory. As the German prophetess Velleda
roused her people against the invaders from Kome, as the
simple peasant girl of France, who by communing with
mysterious angels' voices roused her countrymen against the
English dominion, when princes and statesmen had wellnigh
given up the cause, — so the heads of Israel ' ceased and ceased,
' until that she, Deborah, arose, that she arose, a mother in
* Israel.' Her appearance was like a new epoch. They
chose new chiefs that came as new gods * among them. It
was she who turned her eyes and the eyes of the nation to
the fitting leader. As always in these wars, he was to come
from the tribe that most immediately suffered from the
yoke of the oppressor. High up in the north, almost within
sight of the capital of Jabin, was the sanctuary of the tribe
of Naphtali — Kedesh-Naphtali. It is a spot which, though Kedesh-
mentioned nowhere else in direct connexion with the sacred
history, retained its sanctity long afterwards.^ Planted on a
hill overlooking a double platform, or green upland plain,
amongst the mountains of Naphtali, its site is covered with
ancient ruins beyond any other spot in Western Palestine,
if we except the ancient capitals of Hebron, Jerusalem,
and Samaria. Tombs of every kind, rock-hewn caves,
stone coffins thrust into the earth, elaborate mausoleums,
indicate the reverence in which it must have been held by
successive generations of the Jewish people. In this remote
sanctuary lived a chief, who bore the significant name — which
afterwards reappears amongst the warriors of Carthage —
' Barak ' — ' Barca ' — ' Lightnino;.' ^ His fame must have
> Judg. V. 8. * Josephus {Atit. v. 5, § 2) dwells
^ It is described in Eobinson, iii. on this.
367. I saw it in 1862.
320 DEBORAH. lect. xiv.
been wide-spread to have reached the prophetess in her remote
dwelling at Bethel. From his native place she summoned
him to her side, and delivered to him her prophetic command.
He, as if oppressed by the presence of a loftier spirit than
his own, refuses to act, unless she were with him to guide
his movements, and (according to the Septuagint version)
to name ^ the very day which should be auspicious for his
effort : * For I know not the day on which the Lord will
*send his good angel with me.' She replies at once with
the Hebrew emphasis : ' I will go, I will go ! ' adding the re-
servation, that the honour should not rest with the man
who thus leaned upon a woman, but that a woman should
reap the glory of the day of which a woman had been the
The adviser. It was from Kedesh that the insurrection, thus
gathermg organised, spread from tribe to tribe. The temperature of
tribes. the zeal of the different portions of the nation can be traced
almost in proportion to their nearness to the centre of the
agitation. The main support of the cause was naturally
derived from the northern tribes, who were the chief sufferers
from the oppressor, and who fell most immediately within
the range of Barak's influence. The leading tribe, conjointly
with Barak's own clan of Naphtali, but even more con-
spicuously, was Zebulun,^ as though the spirit of the neigh-
bouring population was less crushed than that which lay
close under the walls of Jabin's capital. The sceptres or
standards of Zebulun stamped themselves on the mind of
the beholders, as the two kindred tribes drew near to
' the high places of the field ' ^ of the upland plain of Kedesh,
' Judg. iv. 9. The ambiguity which * Judg. v. 18. The ' high places of
appears in the present text is still the field,' here more especially asso-
more discernible in Josephus, A7ii. v. ciated with Naphtali, may be either
6, § 3. The empliasis is on ' ihou.' — Kedesh or Tabor. The comparison of
'The way which thou goest.' iv. 14 with ver. 10, rather favours the
^ The two occur together, Judg. iv. former. The Vulgate translates it
10 ; V. 18 ; but Zebulun first ; and m regione Merom.
Zebulun also appears in chap. v. 14.
J.ECT. XIV. TnE GATHEKIXG OF THE TEIBES. 321
ready ' to throw ' their lives headlong into the mortal struggle.
With them, but in a subordinate place, were the chiefs
of Issachar,' roused apparently by Deborah herself, as she
passed over the plain of Esdraelon on her way to Kedesh.
To her influence also must be ascribed the rising of the
central tribes around her residence at Bethel. From the
mountain which bore the name of Amalek came a band of
Ephraimites. The war-cry of Benjamin, 'After thee, Ben-
jamin!'* was raised, and from the north-eastern portion of
Manasseh came representatives bearing some high title ^ which
distinguished them from the surrounding chiefs.
Three portions of the natioa remained aloof. Of Judah
nothing is said. Dan and Asher, the two maritime tribes,
clung the one to his ships in the harbour of Joppa, the
other to his sea-shore by the bay of Acre. The Trans-
Jordanic tribes met by one of the rushing streams of their
native hills — the Arnon or the Jabbok — to decide on their
course. ' Great was the debate.' The pastoral Eeuben pre-
ferred to linger among the sheepfolds, among the whistling
pipes ■* of the shepherds. ' Great was the wavering ' that
followed. And the nomadic Gileadites abode in their tents
or their cities safe beyond the Jordan valley.
These, however, were exceptions. It was a general re-
vival of the national spirit, such as rarely occurred. The
leaders are described as filling their places with an ardour
worthy of their position. 'The chiefs became the chiefs,'
in deed,* as well as in name. ' The lawgivers of Israel
' willingly offered themselves for the people.' ^ ' The Lord
' came down amongst the mighty.' And to this the nation
responded with a readiness, unlike their usual sluggishness,
' Judg. v. 15. goatherds singing in chorus to the
* Pnd. 14. music of a well-played reed pipe.'
» Ibid. 14 (Hebrew). (Miss Beaufort's Travels, i. 283.)
< See Ewald, iii. 88, note. ' On Le- ^ Judg. v. 15, 16 (Hebrew),
banon we met a troop of goats, the ^ End. 9, 13 (Hebrew).
322 DEBORAH. lect. xiv.
as under Gideon and Saul. ' The people willingly offered
' themselves.' * ' They that rode on white asses, they that
' sate on rich carpets of state, they that humbly walked by
' the way,' ^ all j oined in this solemn enterprise.
The meet- The muster-place was Mount Tabor. The marked isola-
l^° °^. tion of the mountain, the broad green sward on its summit,
TaLor. possibly the first beginnings of the fortress which crowned its
height in later times, pointed it out as the encampment of
the northern tribes, in the centre of which it stood. It
has been already noticed that, in all probability, this was the
mountain to which the people of ' Zebulun and Issachar '
are called by Moses ' to offer sacrifices of righteousness.' ^
There two at least of the tribes, Zebulun and Naphtali,
waited under their leaders for the appearance of the enemy.
A village on the wooded slope of the hill still bears the name
of Deborah, possibly from this connexion with her history.
The enemy were not without tidings of the insurrection.
Close beside Kedesh-Naphtali was a tribe, hovering between
Israel and Canaan, which we shall shortly meet again, through
which (so we are led to infer ^) this information came.
From Harosheth of the Grentiles — the ' woodcuttings ' or
* quarries ' of the mixed heathen population on the out-
skirts of Lebanon — came down the Canaanite host, with the
chariots of iron, in which, after the manner of their country-
men, they trusted as invincible. Their leader, the first,
indeed the only, commander of whom we hear by name on
the adverse side of these long wars, was himself a native
of Harosheth, and a potentate of sufficient grandeur to
have his mother recognised in the surrounding tribes as
a kind of queen-mother of the place; and whose family
traditions had struck such root, that the name of ' Sisera '
occurs long afterwards in the history, and the great Jewish
' Judg. V. 2. * Deut. xxxiii. 19.
» Ibid. 10. * Judg. iv. 11.
LECT. XIV. BATTLE OF MEGIDDO. 323
Eabbi Akiba ' claimed to be descended from him. Jabin
himself seems not to have been present. But, as in the
former battle by the waters of Merom, so now several kings
of the Canaanites had joined him;^ and they, with all
their forces, encamped in the plain of Esdraelon, now for
the first time the battle-field of Israel, where their chariots
and cavalry could act most effectively. They took up their
position in the south-west corner of the plain, where a long
spur, now clad with olives, runs out from the hills of
Manasseh. On this promontory still stands a large stone
village. Its name, Taanak,^ marks the site of the Canaanitish Taanaeh.
fortress of Taanaeh, beside which, doubtless, as occupied
by a kindred unconquered population, the Canaanite kings
were entrenched. It is just at tliis point that the traveller
catches the first distinct view of the arched summit of
Tabor. From that summit Deborah must have watched the
gradual drawing of the enemy towards the spot of her pre-
dicted triumph. She raised the cry, which twice over occurs
in the story of the battle, ' Arise, Barak.' ^ She gave with
unhesitating confidence to the doubting troops the augury
which he had asked before the insurrection began — ' This.''
this and no other, ' is the day when the Lord shall deliver
Sisera into thy hand.' ^ Down from the wooded heights
descended Barak and his ten thousand men. The accounts
of his descent emphatically repeat ^ that he was ' on foot,'
and thus forcibly contrast his infantry with the horses and
chariots of his enemies.
From Tabor to Taanaeh is a march of about thirteen
miles, and therefore the approach must have been long
foreseen by the Canaanitish forces. They moved west-
wards along the plain, which here forms, as it were, a
' See Milman's Hist, of the Jews, * Ibid. iv. 14 (Hebrew) ; v. 12.
iii. 115. 5 ji,i^_ i^_ 8 (LXX.), 14 ; Joseph.
2 Jiidg. T. 3, 19. Ant. V. 5, § 3.
' Ibid. i. 27 ; V. 19. « Bid. iv. 10 ; v. 1-5.
324 DEBOKAH. lect. xiv.
large bay to the south, between the projecting promon-
tory of Taanach and the first beginnings of Carmel. The
plain is luxuriant with weeds and corn. One solitary tree
rises from the midst of it. The great caravan route from
Damascus to Egypt passes, and probably at that time already
passed, across it. At the head of this curve stood another un-
rpjjg subdued Canaanitish fortress, Megiddo, afterwards the station
waters of ^^ ^ Eoman ' Legion,' whence its present name Ledjun. To-
wards the cover of this, it may be, securer fastness, but still
keeping along the level plain, the Canaanitish army moved.
Its final encampment was beside the numerous rivulets which,
descending from the hills of Megiddo into the Kishon, as
it flows in a broader stream through the cornfields below,
may well have been known as ' the waters of Megiddo.' ^
It was at this critical moment that (as we learn directly from
Josephus,^ and indirectly from the song of Deborah) a
tremendous storm of sleet and hail gathered from the east,
and burst over the plain, driving full in the faces of the
advancing Canaanites. 'The stars ^ in their courses fought
' with Sisera.' As in like case in the battle of Cressy, the
slingers and the archers were disabled by the rain, the swords-
men were crippled by the biting cold. The Israelites, on the
other hand, having the storm on their rear, were less troubled
by it, and derived confidence from the consciousness of this
Providential aid. The confusion became great. The ' rain
descended,' the four rivulets of Megiddo were swelled into
powerful streams, the torrent of the Kishon rose into a flood,
tlie plain became a morass. The chariots and the horses,
which should have gained the day for the Canaanites, turned
' Judg. V. 19. The -wliole of this repetition of the word 'foiight' from
scene I traversed in 1862, the previous verses, suggests the pos<-
* Ant. V. 5, § 4. sibility that what is meant is the con-
' Judg. V. 20. I have taken this trast between the fighting of the stars
verse, as it is usually rendered, as if for Sisera, and the flood of the Kishoa
' against.' But the ambiguity of the against him.
original 'with,' combined with the
LECT. XIV. FLIGHT OF SISERA. 325
against them. They became entangled in the swamp ; the
torrent of Eashon — the torrent famous through former
ages — swept them away in its furious eddies; and in that
wild confusion ' the strength ' of the Canaanites * was
* trodden down,' and ' the horsehoofs stamped and struggled
' by the means of the plungings and plungings of the
' mighty chiefs ' in the quaking morass and the rising
streams. Far and wide the vast army fled, far through the Tlie fiight.
eastern branch of the plain by Endor. There, between
Tabor and the Little Hermon, a carnage took place, long
remembered, in which the corpses lay fattening ' the ground.
Onwards from thence they still fled over the northern hills to
the eity of their great captain — Harosheth of the Gentiles.^
Fierce and rapid was the pursuit. One city, by which the
pursuers and pursued passed, gave no help. ' Curse ye
' Meroz, curse ye with a curse its inhabitants, because Tlie Ml of
' they came not to the help of Jehovah.' So, as it would ^ *^^'°^-
seem,^ spoke the prophetic voice of Deborah. We can
imagine what was the crime and what the punishment from
the analogous case of Succoth and Penuel, which, in like
manner, gave no help when Gideon pursued the Midianites.
The curse was so fully carried out, that the name ^ of Meroz
never again appears in the sacred history. Of the Canaanite
fugitives, none reached their own mountain fortress : even
the tidings of the disaster were long delayed. From the
high latticed windows of Harosheth, the inmates of Sisera's
harem, his mother, and her attendant princesses, are on the
stretch of expectation for the sight of the war-car of their
champion, with the lesser chariots around him. They sustain
their hopes by counting over the spoils that he will bring
* 'Which perished at Endor, and (Judg. v. 23.)
became as dung for the earth.' (Ps. ■* Eusebius and Jerome, however,
Ixxxiii. 10.) mention a spot near Dothan, of this
^ Judg. iv. 16. name. {Onomasticon de Locis Htb.)
^ ' The messenger of the Lord.'
326 DEEOEAH. lect. xiv.
home, — rich embroidery for themselves ; female slaves for
each of the chiefs. The prey would never come. That well-
known chariot of iron would never returru It was left to
rust on the banks of the Kishon, like Roderick's by the
shores of the Gruadelete. In the moment of the general
panic, Sisera had sprung from his seat and escaped on foot
over the northern mountains towards Hazor. It must
have been three days after the battle that he reached a
spot, which seems to gather into itself, as in the last scene
of an eventful drama, all the characters of the previous
acts. Between Hazor, the capital of Jabin, and Kedesh-
Naphtali, the birth-place of Barak — each within a day's
journey of the other — lies, raised high above the plain
of Merom, amongst the hills of Naphtali,^ a green plain,
which joins almost imperceptibly with that overhung by
Kedesh-NaphtaU itself. This plain is still, and was then.
The oak of studded with massive terebinths. Naphtali itself seems to
Zaauaim. ]ja,ve derived from them the symbol of its tribe, ' a tov/er-
ing terebintli.' ^ These trees were marked in that early
age by a siglit unusual in this part of Palestine. Under-
neath the spreading branches of one of them there dwelt,
unlike the inhabitants of the surrounding villages, a settle-
ment of Bedouins, living, as if in the desert, with their tents
pitched, and their camels and asses around them, whence the
spot had acquired the name of ' the Terebinth,' or ' Oak,
of the Unloading of Tents.' Between Heber, the chief of
this little colony, and the king of Hazor, there was peace.
It would even seem that from him, or from his tribe, thus
planted on the debatable ground between Kedesh and Hazor,
Sisera had derived the first intelligence of the insurrection.^
Thither, therefore, it was that, confident in Arab fidelity, the
' Josk xix, 33, AUon-Zaananim. ^ Gen. xlix. 21 (Hcl)re^y).
Judg. iv. 11, mistranslated 'Plain of ' Judg. iv. 12.
Zaanaim.'
iECT. XIV. THE MUKDER OF SISERA. 327
wearied general turned his steps. He approached the
tent, not of Heber, but, for the sake of greater security,^
the harem of the chieftainess Jael, the ' Grazelle.' It was
a fit name for a Bedouin's wife — especially for one whose
family had come from the rocks of Engedi, ' the spring of
* the wild goat ' or ' chamois.' The long, low tent was
spread under the tree, and from under its cover she advanced eJ.
to meet him with the accustomed reverence. ' Turn in, my
'lord, turn in, and fear not.' She covered him with a
rough wrapper or rug, on the slightly raised divan inside the
tent ; and he, exhausted with his flight, lay down, arid then,
lifting up his head, begged for a drop of water to cool his
parched lips. She brought him more than water. She un-
fastened the mouth of the large skin, such as stand by Arab
tents, which was full of sweet milk from the herds or the
camels. She offered,^ as for a sacrificial feast, in the bowl ^
used for illustrious guests, the thick curded milk, frothed like
cream, and the weary man drank, and then (secure in the
Bedouin hospitality which regards as doubly sure the life of
one who has eaten and drunk at the hand of his host) he sank
into a deep sleep, as she again drew round him the rough co-
vering which for a moment she had withdrawn. Then she saw The mur-
that her hour was come. She pulled up from the ground the ' '^^''
large pointed peg or nail'* which fastened do\^Ti the rojjes of
the tent, and held it in her left hand ; with her right hand
' From the security of the ■wife's a Bedouiu chief, between Tiberias and
tent, the valuables, culinary utensils, Tabor, in 1862, we had both these beve-
&c., are kept in it. rages. The sour milk {Lcbban) was in a
* The word translated 'brought large pewter vessel, lilie a small barrel;
forth,' Judg. V. 25, has this meaning. a cup floated in it to skim and di-ink
^ ' The milk was presented to us in the contents. The sweet milk {Hallb)
a wooden bowl ; the liquid butter in an was in a smaller pewter vessel, round
earthenware dish ' (Irby and Mangles, like a pan, to be drunk by raising it
481). 'Once we had milk sweetened to the lips. In both were dipped the
and curdled to the consistency of large flexible cakes of Arab bread,
liquid jelly, too thick to be drunk, and which lay in profusion on the carpets,
only to be taken up with the hands ' * Iron, in Jos. A7it. v. 5, § 4.
(482). In a meal with Aghyle A.ga,
3-28 DEBOEAH. lect. xiv.
she grasped the ponderous hammer or wooden mallet of the
workmen of the tribe. Her attitude, her weapon, her deed,
are described both in the historic and poetic account of the
event, as if fixed in the national mind. She stands like the
personification of the figure of speech, so famous in the names
of Judas the Afaccabee,^ and Charles 3Iartel; the Hammer
of her country's enemies. Step by step we see her advance ;
first, the dead silence with which she approaches the sleeper,
' slumbering: with the weariness of one who has run far
' and fast,' then the successive blows with which she ' ham-
' mers^ crushes, beats, and pierces through and through '
the forehead of the upturned face, till the point of the nail
reaches the very ground on which the slumberer is stretched ;
and then comes the one convulsive bound, the contortion of
agony, with which the expiring man rolls over from the low
divan, and lies weltering in blood between her feet as she
strides over the lifeless corpse.^
At this moment Barak, the conqueror, appeared. He
might be in direct pursuit of the fugitive chief. He might
be approaching his native place, now hard by. Out from
the tent, as before, came the undaunted chieftainess, and
showed the dead corpse as it lay with the stake or tent -pin
fixed firm in the shattered head. With this ghastly scene
of the Three Neighbours of the hills of Naphtali, thus at
last brought face to face, under the Terebinth of Kedesh, the
direct narrative suddenly closes, as though its work were done.
But Deborah's song of victory breaks in, and continues in its
The Song highest strains the echo of that day. In company with the
of Debo-
rah, returning conqueror, or herself leading the chorus, after the
manner of Hebrew women, the Prophetess poured forth the
liymn which marks the greatness of the crisis. It could be
• The -word Maccab ('Hammer') examining word by word the original
is the very one used in Judg. iv. 21. of Judg. iv. 21 ; v. 26, 27.
' All these details may be seen by
LECT. XIV. EFFECT OF THE BATTLE. 329
compared to nothing short of the day when Israel passed
through the desert. The storm which had been sent to
discomfit the Canaanite host, recalled the trembling of the
earth, the heavens and the clouds dropping water, the
mountains melting from before the Lord. Barak, with
his long train of spoils and prisoners, had ' led captivity
captive.' The sentiment even of the woman's delight in
the dresses won in the spoils transpires through the war-
like rejoicing: the pieces of embroidery are counted over in
imagination as they are torn away from the mother and the
harem of Sisera for the women of Israel. The feelings and
the words of the song rang on through subsequent times, and
in the Prophet Habakkuk, and still more in the 68th Psalm,
we catch again the very same strains ; the march through
the desert ; the flight of kings ; the dividing of the spoil by
those who tarried at home.^ It was, as the close of the
hymn expresses it, like the full burst of the sun out of the
darkness of the night or the blackness of a storm, ' a hero in
' his strength.' ^
The likeness of the outward features of this decisive battle Effect of
t r r^ 111-1 ^^^ Battle.
to that of Cressy has been already pointed out : the storm,
the cold, the burst of sunlight, are all in each. A still m&re
striking resemblance is the defeat of the Carthaginians,^ by
Timoleon, at the battle of the Crimesus, in Sicily. It opens
with the spirit-stirring and prophet-like speech of Timoleon,
' as though a god were speaking with him.' His encamp-
ment, like Barak's, is on the hill above the river. The
chariots of his opponents are broken by the Grreek infantry.
The violent storm of wind, rain, hail, thunder and lightning,
beating in the faces of the Carthaginians, but only on the
backs of the Grreeks ; the confusion in the river, becoming
• Habak. iii. 3, 10, 13, 14 ; Ps. ^ Grote's Hist, of Greece, xi. 246.
Ixviii. 7, 8, 12, 13. The likeness was pointed out to me
^ Judg. Y. 31. by a friend.
330 DEBORAH. lkct. xiv.
every moment fuller and more turbid through the violent rain,
so that numbers perished in the torrent ; the total rout, the
capture of the chariots — the spoils of ornamented shields —
are the exact counterparts of the victory of Barak over Sisera.
But, in its moral aspect, the triumph of Barak was far
greater even than the triumph of Grreek civilisation over
Carthaginian barbarism. It was the enemies of Jehovah
who had perished. It was the securing of the true religion
from the attempt of the old Paganism to recover its ascen-
dency in the Holy Land. It ranks, in the Sacred History,
next after the battle of Beth-horou, amongst the religious
battles of the world.
And, therefore, not unworthily of this object in the song
of Deborah we have the only prophetic utterance that breaks
the silence between Moses and Samuel. Hers is the one
voice of inspiration (in the true sense of the word) that
breaks out in the Book of Judges. In her song are gathered
up all the lessons which the rest of the book teaches in-
directly. Hers is the life, both in her own history and in
the whole period, that expresses the feelings and thoughts of
thousands, who were silent till ' she, Deborah, arose a mother
* in IsraeL' Hers is the prophetic word that gives an utter-
ance and a sanction to the thoughts of freedom, of indepen-
dence, of national unity, such as they had never had before
in the world, and have rarely had since.
In this religious aspect of the battle, this prophetic cha-
racter of its chief leader, lies the difficulty, or the instruction
suggested by her benediction of the assassination of Sisera.
Tlie bless- Few persons read the chapter without a momentary per-
Jael. plexity. Even in the humblest classes, and holiest hearts, a
question, not of sinful doubt, but of pious inquiry, arises —
What is the purpose of thus recording and of thus blessing
an act which is so repugnant to our notions of Christian and
European morality ?
There have been numerous answers given to this question ;
LEf)T. XIV. THE BLESSING ON JxVEL. 331
that, for example, of the Eabbis, that the act of Jael was
in self-defence against a personal outrage of Sisera ; or of
Augustine,' that it was dictated by a sudden divine impulse or
revelation. It is sufficient to say of both these solutions that
they are gratuitous inventions, equally without the slightest
foundation in the narrative itself. And in the case of the
latter hypothesis the difficulty would not be removed, but
would be greatly increased by this attempt to push it back
into a still more sacred region.
It has been argued, again, that the act of Jael is not
commended in the Sacred History. But though this is a
true answer to many so-called difficulties in the Old Testa-
ment, which arise merely from investing with an imaginary
perfection every subject which it treats, it does not avail here.
Even if this act is not commended by the words of the nar-
rative, it is commended by its general sjiirit ; and also both
by the spirit and the words of the song of Deborah. That
song, as has just been observed, is the one prophecy of the
period ; and, therefore, if we do not find the inspiration of the
Book of Judges here, we find it nowhere. It gives the key-
note to the whole book, and must be regarded as the fittest
exponent of its meaning.
But, in fact, the same answer is to be given which covers
not only this, but hundreds of similar cases. Deborah, it
is true, spoke as a prophetess, but it was as a prophetess
enlightened only with a very small portion of that Divine
Light which was to go on brightening ever more and more
unto the perfect day. She saw clearly for a little way— but
it was only for a little way. Beyond that, the darkness of
the time still rested upon her vision.
' " Curse ye Meroz," said the angel of the Lord ; curse ye
' bitterly the inhabitants thereof,' sang Deborah. ' Was it,'
asks our eminent philosophic theologian, ' that she called to
' Opi). iii. pp. 1, 603.
S32 DEBORAH. i.ect. xiv.
' mind any personal wrongs — rapine or insult— that she, or
' the house of Lapidoth, had received from Jabin or Sisera ?
* No, she had dwelt under her palm-tree in the depth of the
' mountains. But she was a " Mother in Israel ; " and with a
* mother's heart, and with the vehemency of a mother's and a
' patriot's love,, she had shot the light of love from her eyes,
* and poured the blessings of love from her lips, on the people
'that had "jeoparded their lives unto the death " against the
' oppressors ; and the bitterness, awakened and borne aloft by
* the same love, she precipitated in curses on the selfish and
' coward recreants who " came not to the help of the Lord, to
*the help of the Lord against the mighty." As long as I
' have the image of Deborah before my eyes, and while I
* throw myself back into the age, country, and circumstances
' of this Hebrew Boadicea, in the yet not tamed chaos of the
' spiritual creation ; as long as I contemplate the impassioned,
* high-souled, heroic woman, in all the prominence and indi-
' viduality of will and character, I feel as if I were among
*the first ferments of the great affections — the proplastic
* waves of the microcosmic chaos, swelling up against and
*yet towards the outspread wings of the Dove that lies
' brooding on the troubled waters. So long all is well, all
' replete with instruction and example. In the fierce and
' inordinate I am made to know and be grateful for the
' clearer and purer radiance which shines on a Christian's
* path, neither blunted by the preparatory veil, nor crimsoned
* in its struggle through the all-enwrapping mist of the world's
' ignorance : whilst in the self-oblivion of these heroes of
* the Old Testament — their elevation above all low and indi-
' vidual interests, above all, in the entire and vehement devo-
' tion of their total being to the service of their Divine
* Master — I find a lesson of humility, a ground of humiliation,
* and a shaming, yet rousing, example of faith and fealty.' ^
' Coleridge's Confessions of an Inquiring Spirit, pp. 33, 34, 35.
LECT. XIV. THE BLESSING OX JAEL. 333
And when, from the inspiration of Deborah, we pass to the
deed of Jael, we must be content there also to admit the
same imperfection of moral perceptions, which the Highest
authority has already recognised in the clearest terms.
' Ye have heard that it hath been said. Thou shalt love thy
' neighbour and hate thine enemy.' ' Jael did hate her enemy
with a perfect hatred. For the sake of destroying him, she
broke through all the bonds of hospitality, of gratitude, and
of truth. But then it must not be forgotten, that if there
is any portion of the Sacred History, where we should expect
these bonds to be loosened, and a higher light obscured, it
would be in this period of disorder ' when there was no king
' in Israel, and when every one ' — the Israelite warrior here —
the Arabian chieftainess there — ' did what was right in his
' or her eyes.' The allowance that, according to our Saviour's
rule, we make for Ehud, for Jael, for Deborah, is precisely
the same that, if it were not Sacred History, we should
at once acknowledge. We do not condemn the Greeks, ac-
cording to the light which they had, for praising Harmodius
and Aristogiton in their plot against the tyrant of Athens.
We ourselves are almost inclined, in consideration of the
greatness of the necessity, and the confusion of the time, to
praise the murder of Marat by Charlotte Corday, 'the angel
' of assassination,' as she has been termed by an historian of
un(][uestioned humanity. Why should we not be as indul-
gent to the characters of Sacred History, as we are to those
of common history? Why should not a blessing, even a
Divine blessing, according to the only light which they were
then able to bear, be bestowed on an act, such as the most
pliilosophic observer does not scruple to commend, as he looks
back on the various imperfect acts of heroism and courage
that have been wrought in troubled and violent times ?
' Matt. V. 43 ; see Lecture XL
334 DEBORAH. lect. xiv.
And, if we ask further, what can we learn from it ? and
why should this deed and this commendation of it still be
read in our churches ? the answer is this : —
* The spirit of the commendation of Jael is that God
' allows largely for ignorance where He finds sincerity ; that
' they who serve Him honestly up to the measure of their
' knowledge are, according to the general course of His
* Providence, encouraged and blessed ; that they whose eyes
' and hearts are still fixed on duty and not on self, are
' plainly that smoking flax which He will not quench, but
* cherish rather until it be blown into a flame. . . . When
* we read some of those sad but glorious martyrdoms where
' good men — alas, the while, for human nature ! — were both
' the victims and the executioners, amidst all our unmixed
' admiration for the sufferers, may we not in some instances
' hope and believe that the persecutors were moved with a
'most earnest though an ignorant zeal, and that like Jael
' they sought to please God, though like her they essayed to
* do it by means which Christ's Spirit condemns ? . . . Right
' and good it is that we should condemn the acts of many of
'those commended in the Old Testament; for we have seen
* what prophets and righteous men for many an age were not
* permitted to see ; but no less right and needful it is that
' we should imitate their fearless zeal, without which we in
' our knowledge are without excuse ; with which they, by
* means of their unavoidable ignorance, were even in their
* evil deeds blessed.' *
THE SONG OF DEBORAH.^
PRELUDE.
For the leading of the Leaders in Israel,
For the free self-oiFering of the People.
Praise Jehovah !
' Arnold's Sermons, vi. 86-88. have here inserted the Song. A well-
^ For the sake of convenience I known and spirited translation of it
J.ECT. XIV. THE SOXG OF DEBORAH. 335
Hear, O Kings ; give ear, O Princes ;
I to Jehovah, even I will sing,
Will sound the harp to Jehovah, the God of Israel.
THE EXODUS.
O Jehovah, when Thou wentest out of Seir,
When Thou marchedst out of the field of Edom,
The earth trembled, the skies also di'opped,
The clouds also dropped water.
The mountains melted from before the face of Jehovah,
Sinai itself from before the face of Jehovah, the God of
Israel.
THE DISMAY.
In the days of Shamgar, the son of Anath,
In the days of Jael, ceased the roads ;
And they that walked on highways, walked through crooked roads.
There ceased to be heads in Israel, ceased to be,
Till I, Deborah, arose,
Till I arose, a mother in Israel.
THE CHANGE.
They chose gods that were new.
Then there was war in the gates :
Shield was there none or spear,
In forty thousand of Israel.
My heart is towards the lawgivers of Israel,
Who offered themselves willingly for the -peojAe.
Praise Jehovah !
is to be found in Milman's Hist, of version of Ewald {Hehrdische Poeste,
the Jews, i. 194. In my o-vra imper- p. 125), following always the order of
feet knowledge of Hebrew, I have the words, and their exact force in
adhered, as closely as I could, to the the original.
336 DEBORAH. lect. xiv.
Ye that ride on white dappled she-asses,
Ye that sit on rich carpets,
Ye that walk in the way.
Meditate the song !
From amidst the shouting of the dividers of spoils.
Between the water-troughs.
There let them rehearse the righteous acts of Jehovah,
The righteous acts of His headship! in Israel ;
Then went down to the gates the people of Jehovah.
Awake, awake, Deborah !
Awake, awake, utter a song !
Arise, Barak ! and lead captive thy captives.
Thou son of Abinoam.
THE GATHERING.
Then came down a remnant of the nobles of the people,
Jehovah came down to me among the heroes.
Out of Ephraim came those whose root is in Amalek,
After thee, O Benjamin, in thy people ;
Out of Machir came down lawgivers,
And out of Zebulun they that handle the staff of those that
number the host ;
And the princes in Issachar with Deborah, and Issachar as
Barak,
Into the valley he was sent on his feet.
THE RECREANTS.
By the streams of Reuben great are the debates of heart.
Why sittest thou between the sheepfolds ?
To hear the piping to the flocks ?
At the streams of Reuben great are the searchings of heart.
Gilead beyond the Jordan dwells.
And Dan, why sojourns he in ships ?
Asher sits at the shore of the sea,
And on his harbours dwells.
LECT. XIV. THE SONG OF DEBORAH. 337
THE BATTLE AND THE FLIGHT.
Zebnliin is a people throwing away its soul to death,
And Naphtali on the high places of the field.
There came kings, and fonght ;
Then fought kings of Canaan —
At Taanach, on the waters of Megiddo ;
Gain of silver took they not.
From heaveu they fought ;
The stars Irom their courses
Fought with Sisera. "
The torrent of Kishon swept them away,
The ancient torrent, the torrent Kishon.
Trample down, O my soul, their strength.
Then stamped the hoofs of the horses,
From the plungings and plungings of the mighty ones.
THE FLIGHT.
Curse ye Meroz, said the messenger of Jehovah ;
Curse ye with a curse the inhabitants thereof;
Because they came not to the help of Jehovah,
To the help of Jehovah, with the heroes.
THE DESTROYER.
Blessed above Avomen be Jael,
The wife of Heber the Kenite,
Above women in the tent, blessed !
Water he asked, milk she gave ;
In a dish of the nobles she offered him curds.
Her hand she stretched out to the tent-pin,
And her right hand to the hammer of the workmen ;
And hammered Sisera, and smote his head,
And beat and struck through his temples.
Between her feet he bowed, he fell, he lay.
Between her feet he bowed, he fell ;
Where he bowed, there he fell down slaughtered.
338
DEBORAH.
LECT. XIV.
THE MOTHER.
Through the window stretched forth and lamented
The mother of Sisera through the lattice :
' Wherefore delays his car to come ?
* Wherefore tarry the wheels of his chariots ? ' ^
The wise ones of her princesses answer her,
Yea, she repeats their answer to herself:
* Surely they are finding, are dividing the prey,
* One damsel, two damsels for the head of each hero.
' Prey of divers colours for Sisera,
' Prey of divers colours, of embroidery,
* One of divers colours, two of embroidery, for the neck
' [of the prey 2].'
THE TRIUMPH.
So perish all Thy enemies, O Jehovah ;
But they that love Thee are as the sun, when he goes forth
like a giant.
' A remarkable parallel to this vain
hope of the mother for the return of
her son is to be seen in the Greek
Klephtie songs, belonging to a some-
what similar stage of society.
^ Shelled, ' ijrey,' is the reading
of the Eeceived Text, for which Ewald
proposes to substitute shegetl (the
queen). Otherwise the connexion of
the word ' prey ' must be supplied.
339
LECTUEE XV.
GIDEON.
In the defeat of Sisera the last attempt of the old inhabitants
to recover their sway was put down. The next event is
wholly different. It is the invasion of the tribes of the
adjoining desert. The name of Midian, though sometimes The Midi-
given peculiarly to the tribe on the south-east shores of the
Gulf of Akaba,' was extended to all Arabian tribes on the
east of the Jordan — * the Amalekites and all the children of
' the East.' They have already appeared at the time of the
first passage of Israel through the Trans-Jordanic territory.
In this, as on the former occasion, they are governed by
Princes or Chiefs whose names are preserved. Two superior
chiefs having the title of ' king,' Zeba ^ and Zalmunna ; two
inferior, Oreb and Zeeb — ' the Eaven and the Wolf — bearing
the title of * princes.' ^ Their appearance is brought vividly
before us. Like the Arab chiefs of modern days, they are
dressed in gorgeous scarlet robes ; ^ on their necks and the
necks of their camels are crescent-like ornaments, such as
were afterwards worn by Jewish ladies of high rank." All of
them wore rings, either nose-rings or ear-rings of gold.^
When these wild tribes, taking advantage perhaps of the
weakening of the intervening kingdoms of Amnion and
' 1 Kings xi. 18. See Ewald, ii. 435, * Ibid. viii. 26.
&c. ^ Ibid. \\\\. 26 ; and Isa. iii. 16, 18.
^ Judg. riii. 5. * Gen. xxiv. 47; xxxv. 4.
•'' Ibid. vii. 2-5.
z 2
340 GIDEON. lect. xv.
Moab, burst upon the country, their fierce aspect struck
consternation wherever they went. ' Let us take to ourselves
' the pastures of Grod ' ^ — so in true nomadic phrase they are
supposed to speak. They overran the whole country. Like
the Bedouins, who now make incursions into the plains of
Esdraelon and Philistia; like the Scythians, who in the
reign of Josiah spread southward ' as far as Gaza ; ' ^ so they,
reaching to the same limits, were to be seen everywhere,
with their innumerable tents and camels, like the sand ^ in
the bay of Acre, — -like one of those terrible armies of locusts
described by the Prophet Joeh*
The flight The panic was proportionably great. The Israelite popu-
raelites. lation left the plains and took refuge in the hills. Three
places of refuge are specially mentioned. First, the cata-
combs or galleries which they cut out of the rock, which are
mentioned only in this place, and which, apparently, were
pointed out, in after times, as the memorials of these
troubled days.-^ Secondly, the craggy peaks, such as the rock
of Rimmon and the inaccessible Masada. Thirdly, the lime-
stone caves, here first mentioned, and afterwards often used,
like the Corycian cave in Grreece during the Persian invasion,
and the caves of the Asturias in Spain during the occupation
of the Moors. It was returning to the old Troglodyte habits
of the Horites and Phoenicians.^
From this great calamity Israel was rescued by a great
Gideon. deliverer — the most heroic of all the characters of this
period.
Just as in the other invasions and oppressions, so here, the
deliverer is to be sought in the locality nearest to the chief
scene of the invasion. Overhanging the plain of Esdraelon,
' Ps. Ixxxiii. 12. * Jiidg, vi. 2; Roseumiiller ad loc.
' Zeph. ii. 5, 6 ; Judg. vi. 4. Comp. Job xxviii. 10.
^ Judg. vii. 12. * Job xxx. 6. Herder, Sjpirit of
* Joel ii. 1-11 ; Judg. vi. 5, vii. 12. Hebrew Poetry, p. 74.
LECT. XV. THE MASSACRE OX MOUNT TABOE. 341
where the vast army of the Midianites was encamped, were
the hills of the Western Manasseh. It was from a small
family ' of this proud tribe that the champion of Israel un-
expectedly rose. There had already been collisions between The mas-
them and the invaders. The northern tribes seem to have Mount ^
met, as in the time of Barak, at the sanctuary of Mount Tabor.
Tabor, and there the elder sons of Joash the Abiezrite had
been overtaken and slain by the Midianite kings.^ They were
a magnificent family — every one of them was like a Prince.
And not the least regal was the sole survivor, Grideon. He was
apparently the youngest ; but had already one high-spirited
son — the boy Jether.* Even in the depressed state of his
country and family, he kept up a dignity of his own. He had
his ten slaves ^ and his armoiur-bearer, whose name, Pliurah,
has been preserved to us in the celebrity of his master.'^
His name was already great, as a ' mighty hero,' ^ both
amongst the Israelites and their invaders. It was whilst he
was brooding over the wrongs of his family and his country
that the call came upon him.^ The scene was long preserved,
and the manner of the call carries us back to the visions of
the Patriarchal age.
There were vineyards round his native Ophrah,^ and by Tim vision
the winepress, in which the grapes would be trodden out
in the coming autumn, he now, in the summer months,
doubtless with his father's bullocks,^ was threshing out the
newly gathered wheat. Close by the smooth level was a cave,
into which the juice of the grapes ran off through a channel
cut in the rocky reservoir, and which Gideon now used to
hide the corn from the rapacious invaders. Above this cave,
' Judg. vi. 15 ; viii. 2. 'My thoxi- * Ihid. vi. 27.
sand is the poor one.' Comp. Deut. ^ Ibid. yii. 10.
xxxiii. 17 (the thows-Aivis, i.e. families, ^ Ibid. vi. 12, 29 ; vii. 14.
of Manasseh). ' 7?«V7. 15; viii. 19.
2 Judg. viii. 18. » Ibid, viii, 2.
' Ibid. 20. » Ibid. vi. 25, 26.
342 GIDEON. lect. xv.
as it would seem, stood a rock, in the midst of a grove of
trees, amongst which the most conspicuous was a well-known
terebinth, spreading its wide branches alike over the rock
and the winepress. The grove was dedicated (so deeply had
the Canaanitish worship spread even into the purest families)
to Astarte. The rock, with an altar on its summit, was con-
secrated to Baal, and was venerated as a stronghold ^ or
asylum by the neighbourhood. A Prophet,^ whose name is
not preserved to us, had already been amongst the people,
with warnings and encouragements. The message to Grideon
is described in language of a more mysterious and solemn
kind. ' A messenger of the Lord ' — a youth, according to
the tradition in Josephus ^ — suddenly appears, leaning on a
staff. The meal which Gideon had prepared for him beneath
the terebinth becomes a sacrifice. The sacrifice is laid on
the summit of the consecrated rock, as upon a natural altar.
At the touch of the wayfarer's staff it is consumed in flames,
and the heavenly messenger vanishes amidst the cries of
alarm which the terrified Gideon utters at the consciousness
of the Divine Presence, till he receives the assurance of
' the Peace of Jehovah.'
There may be difficulties in the details of this narrative.
But it faithfully exhibits the twofold call to Gideon which
forms the framework of the rest of his history.
The over- 1. The first call, which is less distinctly described, is the
the'wor- mission — almost of a prophetic character — to strike a de-
ship of cisive blow at the growing tendency to Phoenician worship
in the central tribes of Palestine. On the morning, we are
told,* of the following day, the villagers assembled for their
worship. They found that the consecrated trees were cut
' The word Maoz, used for it in - Judg. vi. 8.
Judg. vi. 26, though employed in the ' Jos. Ant. v. 6, § 8.
poetical books, occurs here aloue iu •• Judg. vi. 28.
prose.
LECT. XV. THE CALL OF GIDEON. 343
down. Their aslies were seen on the rock. A bullock had
been consumed whole in the flames of the pile that had
been heaped up. The altar had been swept away, and
another new altar reared in its place to receive the sacri-
ficial pile. The answer of Joash to those who charged his
son with this act of sacrilege, is based on that grand principle
which runs through so large a part of the history of the
Jewish Church — that the real impiety is in those who be-
lieve that God cannot defend Himself. * Will ye take upon
' yourselves to plead Baal's cause ? Let Baal plead for
' himself.' ^ Of tliis struggle, and of this iconoclasm, two
distinct memorials remained. One was the new altar which
continued, into the times of the monarchy, on the sacred
rock, bearing in its name an allusion to the events which
caused its erection ^ — Jehovah, Peace. The other was the
name adopted by Grideon, and perpetuated in different forms
as Jerub-baal, Jerub-bosheth, Hierobaal, and Hierombal.
Either as the destroyer of the old, or the constructor of the
new sanctuary, of which he afterwards became the Priest and
Oracle, this name remained side by side with that which he
bore as the deliverer from Midian,^ and was the one which,
alone of the names of this period, penetrated into the Gentile
world.*
2. The second call is that by which in later times Gideon The insur-
has been chiefly known — the war of insurrection against acrainst
Midian. His own character is well indicated in the sign of ^l^'^'''"-
the fleece ^ — cool in the heat of all around, dry when all
around were damped by fear. Throughout we see three
great qualities, decision, caution, and magnanimity. The
summons, as usual, by the well-known horn, first convenes
' Judg. vi. 31. Compare Gamaliel's '' For Hierobaal, see LXX. For
speech, Acts v. 38, 39. Hierombal, see Euseb. Fr. Ev. i. 9
2 Judg. vi. 23, 24. Ewald, ii.
3 Judg. vii. 1 ; viii. 29 ; 1 Sam. * Ewald, ii. 500.
xii. 11,
344 GIDEON. lect. xv.
his own clan of Abiezer ; next, his own tribe of Manasseh ;
and lastly, the three northern tribes. Zebulun and Naphtali
are still the faithful amongst the faithless, the nucleus of
independence, as in the war of Deborah, as in the final war
of Jewish patriotism against Rome. Asher has this time
left his home by the shores of Accho ; but Issachar, overrun
by the Arab tribes, is absent*
The career of Grideon is more than a battle : it is a cam-
paign or war, which divides itself into three parts.
The battle The first is the battle of Jezreel. The Midianite en-
ot Jezree . ^ampment was on the northern side of the valley, between
Grilboa and Little Hermon. The Israelite encampment was
on the slope of Mount Grilboa, by the spring of Jezreel, called,
The Spring from the incident of this time, ' the Spring of Trembling.'
blino-. There had been the usual war-cry — -' What man is there that
' is fearful and faint-hearted ? Let him go and return unto
' his house, lest his brethren's heart faint as well as his heart.' '
It was modified on this occasion by its adaptation either to the
peculiar war-cry of Manasseh, or to the actual scene of the
encampment^* Whosoever is afraid, let him return from
* Mount Gilead,' ^ or (according to another reading) ' from
' Mount Gilboa.' This had removed the cowards from the
army. The next step was to remove the rash.^ At the brink
of the spring, those who rushed headlong down to quench
their thirst, throwing themselves on the ground, or plunging
their mouths into the water, were rejected; those who took
up the water in their hands, and lapped it with self-restraint,
were chosen.
Gideon, thus left alone with his three hundred men,
now needed an augury for himself. This was granted
to him. It was night, when he and his armour-bearer
descended from their secure position above the spring to the
' Deut. XX. 8. ' This, in the Koran (ii. 250-252),
* Judg. vii. 3. See Lecture IX. is ascribed to Saul.
LECT. XV. THE BATTLE OF JEZEEEL. 345
vast army below. They reached the outskirts of the tents
amidst the deep silence which had fallen over the encamp-
ment, where the thousands of Arabs lay wrapt in sleep or
resting from their plunder, with their innumerable camels
moored in peaceful repose around them. One of the
sleepers, startled from his slumbers, was telling his dream to
his fellow. A thin round cake of barley bread, of the most The panic,
homely bread, ^ from those rich cornfields, those numerous
threshing-places, those deep ovens sunk in the ground, which
they had been plundering, came rolling into the camp, till it
reached the royal tent in the centre, which fell headlong
before it, and was turned over and over, till it lay flat upon
the ground. Like the shadow of Eichard, which, centuries
later, was believed to make the Arab horses start at the sight
of a bush, one name only seemed to occur as the interpreta-
tion of this sign : ' The sword of Gideon, the son of Joash.'
The Awful Listener heard the good omen, bowed himself
to the ground in thankful acknowledgment of it, and dis-
appeared up the mountain side. The sleepers and the
dreamers slept on to be waked up by the blast of the pas-
toral horns, and at the same naoment the crashing of the
three hundred pitchers, and the blaze of the three hundred
torches, and the shout of Israel, always terrible, which broke
through the stillness of the midnight air from three opposite
quarters at once. In a moment the camp was rushing hither
and thither in dark confusion, with the dissonant ' cries
peculiar to the Arab race. Every one drew his sword against
every other, and the host fled headlong down the descent to
the Jordan, to the spots known as the House of the Acacia,
and the margin of the Meadow of the Dance.
Their effort was to cross the river at the fords of Beth- Tlie battle
barah. It was immediately under the mountains of Ephraim, Eock^of
Oreb.
' Josephus, Ant. v. 6, § 4. Thomson's Lajjd and Book, p, 449.
346 GIDEON. lect. xv.
and to the Ephraimites accordingly messengers were sent to
interrupt the passage. The great tribe, roused at last, was
not slow to move. By the time that they reached the river,
the two greater chiefs had already crossed, and the encounter
took place with the two lesser chiefs, Oreb and Zeeb. They
were caught and slain : one at a winepress, known afterwards
as the winepress of Zeeb, or the Wolf; the other on a rock,
which from him took the name of the Eock of Oreb, or
the Raven ; round which, or upon which, the chief carnage
had taken place, — so that the whole battle was called in
after times, ' The Slaughter of Midian at the Rock of Oreb.' ^
The Ephraimites passed the Jordan, and overtook Gideon,
and presented to him the severed heads. Their remonstrance
at not having before been called to take part in the struggle,
is as characteristic of the growing pride of Ephraim, as his
answer is of the forbearance and calmness which places him
at the summit of the heroes of this age. The gleaning of
Ephraim in the bloody heads of those chieftains, he told
them, was better than the full vintage of slaughter, in the
unknown multitudes by the little family of Abi-ezer.
He, meantime, was in full chase of his enemies. * Faint,
yet pursuing,' is the expressive description of the union of
exhaustion and energy which has given the words a place
in the religious feelings of mankind. Succoth and Penuel,
the two scenes of Jacob's early life, on the track of his en-
trance from the East, as of tlie Midianites' return towards it,
were Grideon's two halting-places — the little settlement in the
Jordan valley, now grown into a flourishing town, with its
eighty-seven chiefs, — the lofty watch-tower overlooking the
The battle country far and wide. At Karkor, far in the desert, beyond the
usual range of the nomadic tribes, he fell upon the Arabian
host. They had fled ^ with a confusion which could only be
' Isa, X. 26.
« Ps. Ixzxiii. 9-11. Sep Mr. Grove, on 'Oreb,' in the Diet, of Bible.
LECT. XV. THE IMPOETAXCE OF THE CRISIS. 347
compared to clouds of chaff and weeds flying before the blast
of a furious hurricane, or the rapid spread of a conflagration
where the flames leap from tree to tree and from hill to hill
in the dry forests of the mountains ; and in the midst of this
were taken the two leaders of the horde, Zeba and Zalmunna.
Then came the triumphant return, and the vengeance on the
two cities for their inhospitalities. The tower of the Divine
Vision was razed, the chiefs of Succoth were beaten to death
with the thorny branches of -the neighbouring acacia groves.
The two kings of Midian, in all the state of royal Arabs,
were brought before the conqueror on their richly caparisoned
dromedaries. They replied with all the spirit of Arab chiefs
to Grideon, who for a moment almost gives way to his gentler
feelings at the sight of such fallen grandeur. But the
remembrance of his brothers' blood on jNIount Tabor steels
his heart, and when his boy, Jether, shrinks from the task
of slaughter, he takes their lives with his own hand, and
gathers up the vast spoils, the gorgeous dresses and orna-
ments, with which they and their camels were loaded.
How signal the deliverance was, appears from its many
memorials : the name of Grideon's altar, of the spring of
Harod, of the rock of Oreb, of the winepress of Zeeb ; • whilst
the Prophets and Psalmist allude again and again to details
not mentioned in the history — ' The rod of the oppressor
' broken as in the day of Midian ' ^ — the wild panic of ' the
* confused noise and garments rolled in blood ' — the streams
of blood that flowed round ' the rock of Oreb ' — the insult-
ing speeches, and the desperate rout, as before fire and
tempest, of the four chiefs whose names passed even into a
curse — * INIake thou their nobles like Oreb and Zeeb, yea, all
' their princes like Zeba and Zalmunna.'
But the most immediate proof of the importance of this
' Judg. vi. 24 ; Tii. 2, 25.
" Isa. ix. 4; x. 26; Vs. Ixxxiii. 9-11.
348 GIDEON. lect. xv.
victory was that it occasioned the first direct attempt to
Royal establish '^the kingly office, and render it perpetual in the
Grideou. house of Gideon. ' Rule thou over us, both thou and thy
* son, and thy son's son : for thou hast delivered us from
' the hand of Midian.' Gideon declines the office. But he
reigns, notwithstanding, in all but regal state. His vast
military mantle • receives the spoils of the whole army. He
combines, like David, the sacerdotal and the regal power.
An image, clothed with a sacred ephod, is made of the
Midianite spoils, and his house at Ophrah becomes a sanc-
tuary, and he apparently is known even to the Phoenicians
as a priest.^ He adopts, like David, the unhappy accom-
paniment of royalty, polygamy, with its unhappy conse-
quences. It is evident that we have reached the climax of
the period. We feel ' all the goodness ' ^ of Gideon. There
is a sweetness and nobleness, blended with his com-age, such
as lifts us into a higher region ; something of the past
greatness of Joshua, something of the future grace of David.
But he was, as we should say, before his age. The attempt
to establish a more settled form of government ended in
disaster and crime. He himself remains as a character
apart, faintly understood by others, imperfectly fulfilling
his own ideas, staggering under a burden to which he was
not equal. In his union of superstition and true religion,
in his mysterious loneliness of situation, he recalls to us
one of the greatest characters of heathen history, with the
additional interest of the high sacred element. ' His mind
« rose above the state of things and men ; ' so we may apply
to him what has been said of Scipio Africanus — ' his spirit
* was solitary and kingly ; he was cramped by living amongst
* those as his equals whom he felt fitted to guide as from
* a higher sphere ; and he retired to his native ' Ophrah to
> Judg. viii. 25 (Hebrew). ^ j;us. Pr. Ev. i. 9.
' Judg. viii. 35.
lECT. XV. THE USURPATION OF ABIMELECH. 349
' breathe freely, since he could not fulfil his natural calling
* to be a hero-king.' '
The career of Grideon, so poetical, so elevated, so complete
in itself, seems at first sight but unevenly combined with
the impotent conclusion of the prosaic and almost secular
story of Abimelech. But this story has an interest of its
own, in the liveliness of its details, independently of the
grander narrative to which it is a close sequel.
We are suddenly introduced for the first and only time in
the Book of Judges to the ancient capital of the nation in
Shechem. In that beautiful and venerable city, the old Rise of
Abimelech.
inhabitants had still lingered, after the conquest. One oi
the maidens of the city had become a slave ^ of the great
Gideon, and by her he had added another son to his already
numerous offspring. Abimelech inherited the daring energy
of his father, without his self-control and magnanimity.
He determined, on the one hand, to avail himself of the
growing tendency to a monarchical form of government (' Is
* it better that threescore and ten persons or that one reign
*over you?'); and, on the other hand, he appealed to the
common element of race between himself and the subject
Shechemites, like our Henry, the first Norman son of a Saxon
mother ; ' Eemember that I am your bone and your flesh.' ^
To this appeal they at once responded, ' He is our brother.'
From the treasury of the sanctuary,* which they in league
with the neighbouring cities had established, they granted
him a subsidy; and with this and a body of insurgents he
marched on Ophrah, where his seventy brothers still held
their aristocratic court, and slew the whole family on ' one
stone,' probably on that same consecrated rock whence,
years before, his father had thrown do^vn the altar of Baal. It
is the first recorded instance of the dreadful usage of Oriental
» Arnold's Borne, iii. 314. ^ Ihid. ix. 2.
* Judg. viii. 31. * See Lecture XIII.
350 GIDEON. lect. xv.
monarchies — ' the slaughter of the brothers of kings,' which
has continued down to our own days in the Turkish Empire,
and has passed long ago into Bacon's famous proverb.
To Shechem, his birthplace, and the seat of the ancient
government of Joshua, of the future monarchy of Israel,
Abimelech retired in triumph ; and there, beside the oak
whence Joshua had addressed the nation, where probably in
after days the princes of Israel were inaugurated, Abimelech
received, the first in the sacred history, the name of King.
It was in the midst of this festive solemnity that a voice
was heard from the heights of Gerizim, memorable in this
crisis of Shechem, but memorable also in the history of the
Parable of Church, for it is the first recorded Parable. One only child
of the family of Grideon had escaped — Jotham, who in this
quaint address developes the quiet humour and sagacity of
his father and grandfather, who had each turned away the
wrath of their hearers by a short apologue. He from his
concealment suddenly presented himself on one of the rocky
spurs that project from Gerizim over the valley, probably
from the conspicuous cliff that rises precipitously above
what must have been the exact situation of the ancient
Shechem. From that lofty pulpit,' inaccessible, but audible
from below, he broke forth, no doubt in the chant or loud
lament in which Eastern story-tellers recite their tales, with
the fable, intended to describe the disadvantages of govern-
ment and of monarchy in all countries, but drawn from the
very imagery which lay beneath him at the moment. Like
all the parables of the earlier times of the Jewish nation, it
turns on the vegetable world. The vine,'^ the cedar, the
thistle, in the fables of Palestine, take the place which, in
the fables of India or of Greece, is occupied by the talking
beasts or birds. His eye rested on that unparalleled mass
' This was pointed out to me by - Judg. ix. 12 ; Isa. v. 1 ; 2 Kings
Dr. Eosen, in 1862. xiv. 9.
i.ECT. XV. PAEABLE OF JOTIIAM. 351
of living verdure in which, alone of all the cities of Pales-
tine, Shechem is embosomed. He imagined the ancient
days of the earth when all those trees Avere endued with
human instincts and human speech, and bade his hearers
listen to them as they gathered themselves together in that
green council to elect their king. First (so we may fill up
the outline which then must have been supplied by the
actual sight of the hearers) came all the lower trees to the
chief of all that grow in that fertile valley — the venerable
Olive. But the Olive could not leave his useful and noble
task of supplying the sacred purposes of Grod and man, and
remained rooted in his ancient place. Next they approached
the broad green shade of the Fig-tree. But he, too, had the
delicious sweetness of liis good fruit to care for, and his
answer was the same as that of the Olive. Then they
addressed the luxuriant Vine, as he threw his festoons from
tree to tree, along the side of the hill. But the Vine clings
to his appointed work of ' cheering Grod and man,' and he,
too, abjm-ed the idle state of monarchy. One and all the
nobler trees were the true likenesses of the noble race of
Grideon — in his usefulness, his sweetness, and his gaiety of
speech and life. The Trees must descend to a lower growth
before they could find any that would undertake the thank-
less task of ruler. The Briar, the Bramble, the Thorn that
crept along the barren side of the mountain, or under the
cover of the walls of the vineyard or the orchard, had no
loftier cares to distract him from the calling they proposed.
It was the Briar, with which, doubtless then, as now, in the
sacrificial feast on Mount Grerizim, huge fires were kindled ;
and from him, useless and idle as he seemed to be, a blaze
would come forth in which friends and foes alike would burn
— a wide-spreading conflagration which would fly from hill
to hill, till it swept within its range the distant cedars of
Lebanon. This was the true likeness of the worthless but
352
GIDEON.
LECT. XV.
Internal
state of
Shechem.
fierce Abimelech, of the first tyrant of the Jewish nation.
So, from the rock, the youthful Seer pronounced his curse —
in that faithful picture of the degraded politics of a degene-
rate or half-civilised state, when only the worst take any
concern in public interests, when all that is good and noble
turns away in disgust from so thankless and vulgar an
ambition. He spoke like the Bard of the English Ode, and
before the startled assembly below could reach the rocky
pinnacle where he stood, he was gone. Immediately behind
him (if we have rightly conjectured the spot where he stood)
vast caverns open in the mountain side. There he might
halt for the moment. But he stayed not till he was far away
in the south, perhaps beyond the Jordan.^
The three years' reign of Abimelech which follows discloses
to us the interior of society in this centre of Palestine.
That light which the inventive genius of Walter Scott and
the brilliant exaggeration of Thierry threw on the compli-
cated relations of Anglo-Saxon and Norman long after the
Conquest of England, is thrown by this simple and vivid
narrative on the like relations of Canaanite and Israelite after
the Conquest of Palestine. The supporters of Abimelech, as
we have seen, were the native Shechemites^the ' lords ' of
Shechem, as they are called, by a name specially appro-
priate to the native races of Canaan.^ This remnant of \he
original population, with the adherents gained from amongst
the conquerors, had elevated Shechem into a kind of metro-
politan dignity amongst the neighbouring towns ; who thus
formed a religious league, of which the Temple was at
' ' He fled to Beer.' Ewald conjec-
tures that it was the Beer of Num. xxi.
16, on the frontier of Moab. If this
seems too remote, it may be Beeroth,
in the tribe of Benjamin (the modern
Birch), or Baalath-Beer, in Judah.
^ Baali- Shcche7n, trdUtil'dted 'men of
Shechem.' It is thus used of Jericho,
Josh. ii. 4; xxi v. 11: and of Uriah
the Hittite, 2 Sam. xi. 26. The word
elsewhere is only applied to the war-
riors of Jabesh-G-ilead, 2 Sam. xxi.
12 ; and the ruffians of Gibeah, Judg.
XX. 5. (See Did. of Bible, i. 146.)
LECT. XV. THE FALL OF ABIMELECH. 353
Sliechem, under the name of Baal-Berith, or Baal of the
League. Beth-Millo, Arumah, Thebez, are named as amongst
the dependent cities. The Temple itself^ was a fortress,^
containing the Sacred Treasury.^
Over this entangled system, Abimelech, the Bramble King,
undertook to rule. He himself seems to have lived at one
of the lesser towns of the League, Arumah,* leaving his vice-
gerent, Zebul, to govern his unruly kinsmen of Shechem.
Zebul took advantage of the disorganized state of the country
to place troops of banditti along the tops of the neighbour-
ing mountains to plunder the travellers through Central Fall of
Palestine. It was in the midst of this union of despotism
and anarchy, that the Feast of the Vintage — chief among the
festivals of Palestine — came on, with the usual religious pomp
and merriment * with which it was celebrated in the Jewish
Church during the Feast of Tabernacles ; but at Shechem,
in the precincts of the Grod of the League. In a population
tlms excited, the words of a native Shechemite fell with still
greater force than those of Abimelech himself at the com-
mencement ^ of what may be called this movement of the
oppressed nationality. He pointed out to them that
Abimelech was but half a kinsman — ' Is he not the son of
* Jerubbaal ? ' — and called upon them to choose their own
native rulers — 'Serve the men of Hamor the father of
* Shechem ; why should tue serve him ? '
Zebul gives the alarm. By three desperate onslaughts the
insurrection is quelled. In the first, we see the troops of
Abimelech stealing over the mountain-tops at break of day,
by the well-known terebinth, and by some sacred spot called
' the navel of the land.' In the second, the main battle is
' See Lecture XIII., and compare * Judg. ix. 4.
the parallel case of Jupiter Latialis * ^bi^- 41.
at Rome. ' Ibid. 27.
2 Judg. ix. 46. « Ibid. 28. Ewald, ii. 335.
A A
354 GIDEON. lect. xv.
fought in the wide cornfields at the opening ^ of the valley of
Shechem. This ends in the rout of the native party, now
deprived of their chief, and the total destruction of the city
of Shechem, to appear no more again till the time of the
monarchy. In the third and last conflict, the remnant of the
insurgents takes refuge in the lofty tower in the stronghold
of the Temple of the League. Not far off was the moun-
tain of Zalmon,^ famous in the winter for its snow, in the
summer for its shady forests. Thither the new king, with
an energy worthy of his father, led his followers, axe in
hand. Like a common woodcutter, he hewed down a bough
and threw it over his shoulder. The whole band followed the
royal example ; and in the smoke and flames kindled round
the fortress, the insurgents perished. One other stronghold
of the mutiny remained — a similar fortress at Thebez ; ^ and
there, too, the same expedient was tried. Men and women
alike, as at Shechem, were crowded within the tower, and
mounted to the top. From this eminence they commanded
a full view of the besiegers ; and when the fearless king ran
close to the gate to fire it with his own hands, one of the
women above seized her opportunity and dashed upon his
head a fragment of a millstone. He fell; but in his fall
remembered the dignity of himself and of his race; and,
like his next successor in the regal office, invoked the friendly
sword of his armour-bearer to give him a soldier's death. In
this violent end of a noble house, the nation recognised the
Divine Judgment on the murderer of his brothers ; in the
sweeping destruction of the ancient Shechem, and the confla-
gration of its famous sanctuary, was recognised no less the
fulfilment of the Curse of Jotham."* The disaster itself
' ' The jidd^ Judg. ix. 42-44. survives in the modern village of
^ Zalmon, ' shady,' Judg. is. 48 ; Ps. Tubas, on a mound among the hills,
Ixviii. 14 (mis-spelt Salmon). ten miles N. E. of Nablus.
« Judg. ix. 50. Thebez probably * Judg. ix. 56, 57.
LECT. XV. THE FALL OF ABIMELECH. 855
passed into a kind of proverb in the military service of
Israel, as a warning ' against a near approach to the
enemy's walls. With Abimelech expired this first abortive
attempt at monarchy. In the obscure rulers who follow, the
same tendency is still perceptible. Jair and Ibzan cause
their state to descend to the numerous sons of their wives or
concubines ; and the dignity of Abdon reaches even to his
grandsons.^ But the true King of Israel is still far in the
distance.
' This appears from the repetition thenby David himself (2 Sam. xi. 21,
of the story t^nce over, first by Joab, 23, LXX.).
as what the king -would say when he ^ Judg. x. 9; xii. 9-14.
heard of the catastrophe at Eabbah,
A A 2
356
LECTURE XVI.
JEPHTHAH AND SAMSON.
As Gideon is the highest pitch of greatness to which this
period reaches, Jephthah and Samson are the lowest points
to which it descends. In them, in dififerent forms, the vio-
lence of the age breaks out most visibly.
Jephthah. I. Jephthah is the wild, lawless freebooter. His irregular
birth, in the half-civilised tribes beyond the Jordan, is the
keynote to his life. The whole scene is laid in those pastoral
uplands. Not Bethel, or Shiloh, but Mizpeh, the ancient
watch-tower which witnessed the parting of Jacob and Laban,
is the place of meeting. Ammon, the ancient ally of Israel
against Og, is the assailant. The war springs out of the
disputes of that first settlement. The battle sweeps over
The Trans- the whole tract of forest ^ from Grilead to the borders of
di![ricter Moab. The quarrel which arises after the battle between
of the ^]^g Trans- Jordanic tribe and the proud western Ephraimites,
quaiTel.
is embittered by the recollection of taunts and quarrels,
then, no doubt, full of gall and wormwood, now hardly
intelligible. ' Fugitives of Ephraim are ye : Grilead is among
'the Ephraimites and among the Manassites.' Was it, as
Ewald^ conjectures, some allusion to the lost history of the
days when the half tribe of Manasseh separated from its
' ' From Aroer ' — to the ' Meadow The same sentiment appears in an-
of the Vineyards,' Judg. xi. 33. The other form, if we adopt the version of
intervening links are lost in a hopeless the LXX. — ' Ye are Gilead in the
confusion of the text. ' midst of Epliraim and in the midst of
- Ewald, ii. 419, on Judg. xii. 4. 'Manasseh.'
LECT. XVI. JEPHTHAH S VOW. 357
Western brethren ? If it was, the Grileadites had now their
turn — ' the fugitives of the Ephraimites,' as they are called
in evident allusion to the former taunt, are caught in their
flight at the fords of the Jordan, the scene of their victory
over the Midianites, and ruthlessly slain. The test put
to them was a word of which the very meaning is now
doubtful, but which, familiar then from its allusion to
the ' harvests ' or ' floods ' ^ of Palestine, has revived in
the warfare of Christian controversy, Shibboleth. Many a Shib-
party watchword, many a theological test has had no better
origin than this difference of pronunciation between the two
rough tribes, which has thus appropriately become the type
and likeness of all of them.
In the savage taunt of Jephthah to the Ephraimites,
compared with the mild reply of Gideon to the same
insolent tribe, we have a measure of the inferiority of
Eastern to Western Palestine — of the degree to which
Jephthah sank below his age, and Gideon rose above it.
But in his own country, as well as in the Church at large,
it is the other part of Jephthah's story which has been most
keenly remembered. The fatal vow at the battle of Aroer The vow.
belongs naturally to the spasmodic efforts of the age ; like
the vows of Samson or Saul in the Jewish Church of this
period, or of Clovis or Bruno in the Middle Ages. But its
literal execution coidd hardly have taken place had it been
undertaken by any one more under the moral restraints,
even of that lawless age, than the freebooter Jephthah,
nor in any other part of the Holy Land than that
separated by the Jordan valley from the more regular in-
stitutions of the country. Moab and Ammon, the neigh-
bouring tribes to Jephthah's native country, were the
parts of Palestine where human sacrifice lingered longest.
' Both explanations are given ot Shibboleth. Judg. xii. 6.
358 JEPHTHAH. xect. xvi.
It was the first thought of Balak ' in the extremity of his
terror. It was the last expedient of Balak's successor in
the war with Jehoshaphat.^ Moloch, to whom even before
they entered Palestine the Israelites had offered human
sacrifices,^ and who is always spoken of as the deity who
was thus honoured, was especially the Grod of Ammon.
It is but natural that a desperate soldier like Jephthah,
breathing the same atmosphere, physical and social, should
make the same vow, and, having made it, adhere to it.
The Sacri- There was no High Priest or Prophet at hand to rebuke it.
They were far away in the hostile tribe of Ephraim. He
did what was right in his own eyes, and as such the trans-
action is described. Mostly it is but an inadequate account
to give of these doubtful acts to say that they are mentioned
in the Sacred narrative without commendation. Often where
no commendation is expressly given, it is distinctly implied.
But here the story itself trembles with the mixed feeling of
the action. The description of Jephthah's wild character pre-
pares us for some dark catastrophe. The admiration for his
heroism and that of his daughter struggles for mastery in
the historian with indignation at the dreadful deed. He is
overwhelmed by the natural grief of a father. ' Oh ! oh I
*my daughter, thou hast crushed me, thou hast crushed
' me ! ' She rises at once to the grandeur of her situation,
as the instrument whereby the victory had been won. If
the fatal word had escaped his lips, she was content to die,
' forasmuch as the Lord hath taken vengeance of thee upon
* thine enemies, even the children of Ammon.' It is one of
the points in Sacred History where, as before said, the like-
ness of classical times mingles with the Hebrew devotion. It
recalls to us the story of Idomeneus and his son, of Agamem-
non and Iphigenia. And still more closely do we draw near,
> Micah vi. 7. '2 Kings iii. 27. * Ezek. us.. 26 ; Jer. xlix. 1.
LECT. XVI. HIS VOW. . 359
as our attention is fixed on the Jewish maiden, to a yet more
pathetic scene. Her grief is the exact anticipation of the
himent of Antigone, sharpened by the peculiar horror of the
Hebrew women at a childless death — descending with no
bridal festivity, with no nuptial torches, to the dark chambers
of the grave —
at TVHJJOC, (!) VVyU(^f7o)', W KClTCKTICaCp^Q
OLicrjffiQ aei^povpoQf oi Tropevofiai , . .
Kui vvv ayei fit Cia yipwv ovtw Xajjioy
aXei:r()oy, a.vvjj.ivaiov, oWe rov yafiov
fiipOQ Xa-^ovaar, vvre TruiOtiov rpo^j/S-^
Into the mountains of Grilead she retires for two months —
plunging ^ deeper and deeper into the gorges of the mountains,
to bewail her lot, with the maidens who had come out vnth
her to greet the returning conqueror. Then comes the awful
end, from which the sacred writer, as it were, averts his eyes.
' He cHd with her according to his vow.' In her the house
of Jephthah became extinct. * She knew no man.' But
for years afterwards, even to the verge of the monarchy, the
dark deed was commemorated. Four days in every year
the maidens of Israel went up into the movmtains of Grilead
— and here the Hebrew language lends itself to the am-
biguous feeling of the narrative itself, — 'to praise'^ or 'to
lament ' ' the daughter of Jephthah the Grileadite.'
The record which thus transparently represents the waver-
ing thought of the Sacred Historian, has received also the
reflections of the successive stages of feeling with which the
Church has subsequently regarded the act. As far back as
we can trace the sentiment of those who read the passao-e,
in Jonathan the Targumist, and Josephus, and through the
whole of the first eleven centuries of Christendom, the story
was taken in its literal sense as describing the death of the
» Soph. Aiit. 890. 2 Judg. xi. 38 (Hebrew). » 3id. 40.
360 JEPHTHAH. lect. xvi.
Explana- maiden, although the attention of the Church was, as usual,
Sacrifice, diverted to distant allegorical meanings.^ Then, it is said,
from a polemical bias of Kimchi, arose the interpretation that
she was not killed, but immured in celibacy. From the Jewish
theology this spread to the Christian. By this time the
notion had sprung up that every act recorded in the Old
Testament was to be defended according to the standard of
Christian morahty; and, accordingly, the process began of
violently wresting the words of Scripture to meet the pre-
conceived fancies of later ages. In this way entered the
hypothesis of Jephthah's daughter having been devoted as a
nun ; contrary to the plain meaning of the text, contrary
to the highest authorities of the Church, contrary to all the
usages of the Old Dispensation. In modern times, a more
careful study of the Bible has brought us back to the original
sense. And with it returns the deep pathos of the original
story, and the lesson which it reads of the heroism of the
father and the daughter, to be admired and loved, in the
midst of the fierce superstitions across which it plays like a
sunbeam on a stormy sea.
So regarded, it may still be remembered with a sympathy
at least as great as is given to the heathen immolations, just
cited, which awaken a sentiment of compassion wherever
they are known. The sacrifice of Jephthah's daughter,
taking it at its worst, was not a human sacrifice in the gross
sense of the word — not a slaughter of an unwilling victim,
as when the Graul and Greek were buried alive in the Eoman
' After a reasonable exposition, by nation of Jeplithah as ' opener ' (' He
Augustine (III. Part i. 613), of the opened their hearts'); the land of Tob
general commendation implied in Heb. ('good' — the land of the resurrec-
xi. 32, 33, Judg. xi. 39, as compatible tion) ; his daughter, 'the Church;'
with great faults ('Sacra Scriptura 60 days, the 6 ages; 4 days, the 4
quorum fidem et justitiam veraciter quarters of the world; 42,000 Eph-
laudat,non hincimpeditur eorumetiam rairaites, 6 times 7; and Jephthali's
peccata, si quanoritetoporterejudicet, 6 years, also the 6 ages.
notare veraciter'), follows an expla-
LECT. XVI. HIS VOW. 361
Forum; but the willing offering of a devoted heart, to free,
as she supposed, her father and her country from a terrible
obligation. It was, indeed, as Josephus says, an act in itself
hateful to God. But, nevertheless, it contained just that one
redeeming feature of pure obedience and love, which is the
distinguishing mark of all true Sacrifice, and which commu-
nicates to the whole story those elements of tenderness and
nobleness well drawn out of it by two modern poets, to each of
whom, in their different ways, may be applied what was said
by Goethe of the first — that at least one function committed
to him was that of giving life and form to the incidents and
characters of the Old Testament.
Though the virgins of Salem lament,
Be the judge and the hero unbent ;
I have won the great battle for thee,
And my father and country are free.
When this blood of thy giving has gush'd,
When the voice that thou lovest is hush'd,
Let my memory still be thy pride,
And forget not I smiled as I died.*
Or, in the still more exact language of the more recent
poet ^ —
The daughter of the warrior Gileadite,
A maiden pure ; as Avhen she went along
From Mizpeh's tower'd gate with radiance light,
With timbrel and with song.
' My God, my land, my father — these did move
' Me from my bliss of life, that Nature gave,
' Lower'd softly with a threefold cord of love,
' Down to a silent grave.
' Lord Byron's Hthrcw Melodies. ' Tennyson's Poems, 197.
362 SAMSON. lect. xvi.
* And I went mourning, " No fair Hebrew boy
' Shall smile away my maiden blame among
' Tbe Hebrew mothers ; " emptied of all joy,
' Leaving the dance and song,
' Leaving the olive-gardens far beloAv,
* Leaving the promise of my bridal bower,
' The valleys of grape-loaded vines that glow
' Beneath the battled tower.
' When the next moon was roU'd into the sky,
' Strength came to me, that equall'd my desire-
' How beautiful a thing it was to die
' For God and for my sire !
' It comforts me in this one thought to dwell,
' That I subdued me to my father's will ;
' Because the kiss he gave me, ere I fell,
' Sweetens the spirit still.
' IMoreover, it is Avritten that my race
' Hew'd Amnion, hip and thigh, from Aroer
* On Arnon unto Minnith ' . . .
Samson. H. From the lawlessness of Jephthah on the extreme eastern
frontier of Palestine, we pass to a manifestation of the same
tendency in a different, but not less incontestable form, on
the extreme western frontier. At the same time the new
enemies, in whose 'grasp we now find the Israelites, re-
mind us that we are approaching a new epoch in their
history ; that wMch is to close the period on which we are
engaged.
The Phi- ' The Philistines ' now present themselves to our notice, if
not absolutely for the first time, yet for the first time as a
powerful and hostile nation. In the original conquest by
Joshua, they are hardly mentioned. Their name appears to
listini^s.
LECT. XVI. THE PHILISTINES. 363
indicate their late arrival — ' the Strangers ; ' ' and the scat-
tered indications of their origin lead to the conclusion that
they were settlers from some foreign country, from Asia
Minor ^ and its adjacent islands, probably from Crete.
With this agree the notices of their character and pursuits.
Like the Cretans, they were employed as mercenaries. Like
the Cretans, too, they were distinguished amongst the ma-
rauding tribes for the strength and variety of their armour.
The most complete vocabulary of arms that exists in the Old
Testament is taken from the panoply ^ of a Philistine warrior.
Unlike the rest of the inhabitants of Canaan, they were
uncircumcised, and appear to have stood on a lower level of
civilisation. They were almost, it may be said, the laughing-
stock of their livelier and quicker neighboiu-s, from their dull,
heavy stupidity; the easy prey of the rough humour of
Samson, or the agility and cunning of the diminutive David.
The older Avites whom they dispossessed probably occupied
the southern part of the country,* generally called in the
Patriarchal History * the valley of Gerar.' Possibly the Phi-
listines may have been called in by them as allies against the
invading Israelites, and then, as in the ancient fable,^ made
themselves their masters. Possibly, also, they may have be-
come so closely incorporated with them, as to produce that
interchange of names which, in some of the Sacred Books,^
' The LXX. throughout the Pen- 16, 1 Sam. xxx. 14, and apparently
tateuch and Joshiia keep the Hebrew 2 Sam. xx. 23, 2 Kings xi. 4, 19, are
word *i/Aio-Ti6(ju, but in all the sub- used as synonymous terms ; and this
sequent books translate it aWorpvKoi, is confirmed not only by the charae-
' aliens.' Comp. aWoTpiwv, Heb. xi. teristies mentioned in the text, but by
34. (Ewald, i. 292-294.) the confused statement of Tacitus that
"^ In Gen. x. 14, 1 Chron. i. 12, they the Jews themselves came from Crete
are derived, together with Capktorim, {Hist. v. 2), and by the name of Mima
from Casluhim, son of Mizraim ; and given to Gaza (Steph. Byz.).
in Amos ix. 7, Deut. ii. 23, Jer. xlvii. ^ 1 Sam. xvii. 5-7.
4, from Caphtoi-. Caphtor by the * Deut. ii. 23 ; Josh. xiii. 3,
LXX. is rendered Cappadocia. But ^ Comp. Ewald, i. 310.
probably the country directly or in- ° As in Gen. xxi. 34, xxvi. 18 • Ex.
directly intended is Crete. Cherdhite xv. 14 ; xiii. 17.
and Philistine, in Zeph. li. 5, Ezek. xxv.
364 SAMSON.
lECT. XVI.
has identified the earUer with the later race. The gigantic
stature, too, which marks some of the Philistine families,
may have arisen from their connexion with the aboriginal
giants, who lingered ' in the maritime plains after their ex-
pulsion from the mountains.
In these maritime plains, the ' Shefela ' ^ or ' Low Country,'
as it was called, on the south-west of Canaan, was their original
seat after their first settlement; and in this situation lay
their security, as that of the northern Phoenicians, against the
mountain infantry of Israel. They, like their Phoenician
neighbours on the north, and their Egyptian neighbours on
the south, chiefly relied in war on chariots and horses. The
Phoenician spirit of commercial enterprise never seems to have
penetrated into the Phihstine system. Of the three possible
harbours on their unbroken line of sandy coast near Graza,
Ascalon, and Jabneel, they made no use. The only traces
of their maritime ^ origin and situation were to be found in
their worship. Their chief deity was the fish-god Dagon,*
whose image was that of the trunk of a fish with the head and
hands of a man. Some slight indications of the architecture
of his chief temple are given, its doorway,"^ and its two mas-
sive pillars,^ supporting the roof and standing sufficiently
close together to be embraced at once. The traces of his
worship were scattered throughout the country ; in the nu-
merous ' houses of Dagon,' ^ of which the names still linger
in diff"erent parts of the south of Palestine. A similar form
was ascribed to the female divinity, Derceto,'' who in their
mythology took the place of Astarte. The only other special
deity of the Philistines known to us ^ is Baal-Zebub, ' the
* Josh. xi. 22. same as in the river Tagus.
* Sinai and Palestine, 256. * 1 Sam. v. 5.
3 In the LXX. version of 1 Sam. « j^jg^ ^.vi. 25-29.
v. 6, it i.s said that ' the hand of the ' Josh. xv. 41 ; and see Bid. of
' Lord brake out against their ships.' Bihle, ' Beth-Dagon.'
But this may be a misreading. * Diod. Sic. ii. 4.
* 1 Sam. V. 4. The word is the " 2 Kings i. 2-16.
LECT. XVI. HIS BIRTH. 365
' Lord of the Flies,' who had a sanctuary in Ekron, as Dagon
and Derceto had theirs in Ashdod, Gaza, and Ascalon.^ These,
with Grath, formed the original federation of the nation ;
each raised on its slight eminence above the plain, and ruled
by its own king or prince. Their main support, and the
inain value of their country, lay in the vast cornfields, which,
almost without a break, reached from the sandy shore to the
foot of the Judajan hills, and which even to the Israelites
furnished a resource in case of famine.^ Such were the
Philistines, the longest and deadliest enemies of the Chosen
People, whose hostilities, commencing in the close of the
period of the Judges, lasted through the two first reigns of
the monarchy, and were not finally extinguished till the time
of Hezekiah ; ^ and who yet, by a singular chance, have,
through the contact of the Western world with their strip of
coast, succeeded in giving their own name of ' Philistia ' or
' Palestine,' '' properly confined mthin that narrow strip, to
the whole country occupied by Israel.
Of all the tribes of Israel, that on which these new-comers
pressed most heavily, was the small tribe of Dan, already
straitened between the mountains and the sea, and commu-
nicating with its seaport Joppa only by passing through the
Philistine territory. Out of this tribe, accordingly, the de-
liverer came. It was in Zorah,^ planted on a high conical Birth of
hill overlooking the plain, which, from its peculiar relation ^^°^®*^"-
to these hills, was called ' the root of Dan,' ^ that the birth of
the child took place, who was by a double tie connected with
the history of this peculiar period, as the first conqueror of
the Philistines, and as the first recorded instance of a Nazarite.
In both respects he was the beginner of that work which a
' Judg. xvi. 23; 1 Chron. x. 10; for the Holy Land. In the A. V. it
1 Mace. X. 84. is always used for Philistia. (See
^ 2 Kings viii. 2. ' Palestine,' in Bid. of Bible.)
^ Ibid, xviii. 8. ^ Robinson, B. B. iii. 153.
* 'Palestine ' was the Gentile name ^ See Sinai and Palestine, 278.
rites.
366 SAMSON. LECT. svi.
far greater than he, the Prophet Samuel, carried to a com-
pletion. But what in Samuel were but subordinate functions,
in Samson were supreme, and in him were further united
with an eccentricity of character and career that gives him
his singular position amongst the Israelite heroes.
The Naza- It was, as we have remarked, the age of vows, and it is
implied in the account that such special vows as that which
marked the life of Samson were common. The order of
Nazarites, which we find described in the code of the
Mosaic Law, was already in existence. It was the nearest
approach ^ to a monastic institution that the Jewish Church
contained. It was, as its name implies, a separation from
the rest of the nation, partly by the abstinence from all
intoxicating drink, partly by the retention of the savage
covering of long flovsdng tresses of hair. The order thus
begun continued till the latest times. Not only was Samuel
thus devoted, but Elijah in outward appearance was under the
same rule; in the time of Amos,^ there was a flourishing
institution of Nazarites ; and at the very close of the Jewish
Church there were at least two who bore in their habits and
aspect the likeness of the earliest of these ascetics — John,'
the son of Zachariah, the austere preacher in the wilderness,
and Jacob,'* or James, the Bishop of the Christian Church
at Jerusalem. It was as the first fruits of this institution, no
less than as his country's champion, that the birth of Samson
is ushered in with a solemnity of inauguration which, whe-
ther we adopt the more coarse and literal representation of
Josephus,^ or the more shadowy and refined representation of
the Sacred narrative, seems to announce the coming of a
greater event than that which is comprised in the merely
warlike career of the conqueror of the Philistines.
' See Ewald, Alterthilmcr, 97, &c. sents ' the angel ' or ' man of God ' as
^ Amos ii. 11. * Luke i. 15. a youth of transcendent beauty, who
* Hegesippus, in Euseb. H.E. ii. 23. excites the frantic jealousy of Ma-
* Josephus {Ant. v. 8, § 2, 3) repre- noah.
LECT. xvr. HIS AUSTEraTY A^D HUMOUE. 3&7
Wherever the son of Manoah appeared in later life, he His aus-
was always known by the Nazarite mark. As in the case of
the Merovingian kings, whose long tresses were the sign of
their royal race, which to lose was to lose royalty itself; as in
the hierarchy of the Eastern Church, whose long beards are in
like manner the inalienable sign of their priestly functions ; so
the early vow of Samson's mother was always testified by his
shaggy, untonsured head, and by the seven sweeping locks, ^
twisted together, yet distinct; which hung over his shoulders ;
and in all his wild wanderings and excesses amidst the vine-
yards of Sorek and Timnath he is never reported to have
touched the juice of one of their abundant grapes.
But these were his only indications of an austere life. It His hu-
is one of the many distinctions between the manners of
the East and West, between ancient and modern forms of
religious feeling, that the Jewish chief whose position most
nearly resembles that of the founder of a monastic order
should be the most frolicsome, irregular, uncultivated crea-
ture, that the nation ever produced. Not only was ceHbacy
no part of his Nazarite obligations, but not even ordinary
purity of life. He was full of the spirits and the pranks, no
less than of the strength, of a giant. His name, which
Josephus interprets in the sense of ' strong,' was still more
characteristic. He was ' the Sunny,' — the bright and beam-
ing, though wayward likeness of the great luminary which the
Hebrews delighted to compare to a 'giant rejoicing to run his
' course,' ' a bridegroom coming forth out of his chamber.' ^
Nothing can disturb his radiant good-humour. His most
valiant, his most cruel actions, are done with a smile on his
face, and a jest in his mouth. It relieves his character from
the sternness of Phoenician fanaticism. As a peal of hearty
laughter breaks in upon the despondency of individual
' Judg. xvi. 13. * Psalm xix. 5.
368 SAMSON. lect. xvi.
sorrow, so the joviality of Samson becomes a pledge of the
revival of the greatness of his nation. It is brought out in the
strongest contrast with the brute coarseness and stupidity of
his Philistine enemies, here, as throughout the Sacred History,
the butt of Israelitish wit and Israelitish craft.
Look at his successive acts in this light, and they assume
a fresh significance. Out of his first achievement he draws
the materials for his playful riddle. His second and third
achievements are practical j ests on the largest scale. The
mischievousness of the conflagration of the cornfields, by
means of the jackals, is subordinate to the ludicrous aspect
of the adventure, as, from the hill of Zorah, the contriver of
the scheme watched the streams of fire spreading through
cornfields and orchards in the plain below. The whole
point of the massacre of the thousand Philistines lies in the
cleverness with which their clumsy triumph is suddenly
turned into discomfiture, and their discomfiture is celebrated
by the punning turn of the hero, not forgotten even in the
exultation or the weariness of victory. * With the jawbone
' of an ass have I slain one mass, two masses ; with the
* jawbone of an ass I have slain an oxload^ of men.' The
carrying off the gates of Gaza derives all its force from the
neatness with which the Philistine watchmen ^ are outdone,
on the very spot where they thought themselves secure. The
answers with which he puts off the inquisitiveness of Delilah
derive their vivacity from the quaintness of the devices
which he suggests, and the ease with which his foolish
enemies fall into trap after trap, as if only to give their
conqueror amusement. The closing scenes of his life breathe
throughout the same terrible, yet grotesque, irony. When
the captive warrior is called forth, in the merriment of liis
persecutors, to exercise for the last time the well-known
' So the original may be represented : Judg. xv. 16.
2 Judg. xvi. 2, 3.
LECT. XVI. THE CHAMPION OF DAN. 369
raillery of bis character, he appears as the great jester or
buffoon of the nation; the word employed expresses alike
the roars of laughter and the wild gambols with which he
' made them sport ; ' and as he puts forth the last energy
of bis vengeance, the final effort of his expiring strengih, it
is in a stroke of broad and savage humour that his indignant
spirit passes away. ' 0 Lord Jehovah, remember me now ;
' and strengthen me now, only this once, 0 God, that I may
* be avenged of the Philistines ' [not for both of my lost
eyes — but] ' for one of my two eyes.' That grim playful-
ness, strong in death, lends its paradox even to the act of
destruction itself, and overflows into the touch of triumph-
ant satire with which the pleased historian closes the story ;
' The dead which he slew at his death were more than they
' which he slew in his life.'
These are the general features of Samson's life. The Local co-
sudden breaks in the narrative,^ showing more clearly than j^^^^^^f °
elsewhere the imperfect state in which the history of these
times has come down to us, warn us off from a too close
scrutiny of its details. But there is no portion of the sacred
story more stamped with a peculiarly local colour. Unlike the
heroes of G-recian, Celtic, or Teutonic romance, whose deeds
are scattered over the whole country or the whole conti-
nent where they lived — Hercules, or Arthur, or Charlemagne,
— the deeds of Samson are confined to that little corner of
Palestine in which was pent up the fragment of the tribe to
which he belonged. He is the one champion of Dan. To The cham-
him, if to any one, must be the reference in the blessing of Dan.
Jacob ; ' Dan shall judge his people as one of the tribes of
' Israel.' In his biting mt and cunning ambuscades, which
baffled the horses and chariots of Philistia, may probably
' Such are the gaps between Judg. xiii. 24 and 25; between xv. 20 and xvi. 1
(Ewald, ii. 529, &e.).
B B
370
SAMSON.
I.ECT. XVI.
His first
inspira-
tion.
His local
exploits.
be seen ' the serpent by the way, the adder in the path, that
' biteth the horse's heels, so that his rider shall fall back-
' wards.' ^
It was at a spot well known in the history of his tribe — in
Mahaneh-Dan, or the ' Camp of Dan ' — that the first aspira-
tions of his career showed themselves. There, underneath the
mountains of Judah, the little band which broke away to the
north at the commencement of this stormy period, had pitched
their first encampment,^ and there also was the ancestral
burial-place ^ of his family. Amongst his fathers' tombs, and
amidst the recollections of his fathers' exploits, ' the Spirit of
' Jehovah began to move him ' — to strike, as the expression
implies, on his rough nature * as on a drum or cymbal, till it
resounded like a gong through his native hills.
Then began what were literally his ' descents ' of love and
of war upon the plain of Philistia from Zorah on the hills
above. The vines on the slopes of these hills, the vineyards
of Timnath and of Sorek, were famous throughout Palestine.
It was probably amongst these, as the maidens of Shiloh were
surprised by the Benjamites amongst their vineyards, that
he met both his earliest and his latest love. The names of
the surrounding villages bear traces of the wild animals
whom he encountered, and used as instruments of his great ex-
ploits— Lebaoth (' the lionesses '),^ Shaalbim ('the jackals ' ) ®
Zorah ('the hornets'). The cornfields of Philistia — then,
as now, interspersed with olive-groves,^ then, also, with
vineyards — lay stretched in one unbroken expanse before
him, to invite his facetious outrage. Once he wandered
> Gen. xlix. 16, 17.
^ Judg. xiii. 25; xriii. 12; Josh.
XV. 33. See Lecture XIII.
^ Judg. xvi. 31.
* Ibid. xiii. 25 (Hebrew).
« Josh. XV. 32, 33 ; Judg. i. 35.
* It 18 said that jax-kals exist, or
did exist, in great numbers, in the
plain of Kamleh, where they were
hunted down and tlirown into the
sea. (Hasselquist, 115, 277.) To set
fire to the harvest of an enemy is
in Arab warfare a mortal outrage.
(Burckliardt, 331.)
' Judg, sv. 5.
LECT. XVI. HIS GRAVE. 371
beyond the territory of his own tribe, and that of his enemies,
but it was only into the neighbouring hills of Judah. In
some deep cleft, such as doubtless could easily be found in
the limestone hills around the vale of Etam (the Wady
Urtas), he took refuge. The Philistines then, as afterwards
in David's time, had planted a garrison ' in the neighbour-
hood. The Lion of Judah was cowed by their presence.
* Knowest thou not the Philistines are rulers over us ? ' Out
of the cleft he emerges, and sweeps them away with the
rude weapon that iirst comes to hand. The spring and
the rock ^ which witnessed the deed, though now lost, were
long pointed out as memorials of the history. The scene His grave.
of his death is the great Temple of the Fish-god at Graza,
in the extremity of the Philistine district. But his grave
was in the same spot which had nourished his first youthful
hopes. From the time of Grideon downwards, the tombs
of the Judges have been carefully specified. In no case,
however, does the specification suggest a more pathetic image
than in the description of the funeral procession, in which
the dead hero is borne by his brothers and his kinsmen,
'up' the steep ascent to his native hills, and laid, as it
would seem, beside the father who had watched with pride
his early deeds, ' between Zorah and Eshtaol, in the burial-
' place of Manoah his father.'
The arrangement of the narrative into its separate parts —
the manner in which the humour, the strength, the head-
strong rashness of Samson are worked up to the catastrophe
— have not unnaturally suggested to the great Hebrew critic
of our age the supposition that the story may even in early
times have been wrought into a dramatic poem. But it is
a remarkable proof of the latent force of the Biblical history,
' Judg. XV. 7 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 14. ' Lehi,' or ' Jawbone,' Judg. xv. 9, 15,
2 The connexion between the story 16, 17, 19.
and the phiee is indicated in the name
B B 2
372 SAMSON. lect. xvi.
that a series of incidents and characters so peculiarly local,
so abruptly and faintly depicted, should yet have furnished
to our own poet the materials for a drama, which not only
is the best modern likeness in modern form of the ancient
classical tragedies, but is also, beyond any other of his works,
interwoven with the modern experiences of his own eventful
Hfe.
Milton's Even in Milton's earlier days he seems to have dwelt with
stOTv unusual pleasure on the grandeur and the fall of Samson, as
the image of what he most admired and most cherished in
the troubled world of English politics ; as when he thinks
that he 'sees in his mind a noble and puissant nation
' rousing herself like a strong man after sleep and shaking
' her invincible locks ; '•* or as when, in more elaborate style,
he draws out the fine allegory, specially suitable to his own
times, but, with slight modifications, applicable also to the
general relations of rulers and Churches : ^ — ' I cannot better
* liken the state and person of a king than to that mighty
' Nazarite, Samson ; who, being disciplined from his birth in
' the precepts and the practice of temperance and sobriety,
' grows up to a noble strength and perfection, with those his
' illustrious and sunny locks, the Laws, waving and curling
'about his godlike shoulders. And, while he keeps them
* undiminished and unshorn, he may with the jawbone of an
' ass, that is, with the word of his meanest officer, suppress
' and put to confusion thousands of those that rise against
*his just power. But laying down his head amongst the
* strumpet flatteries of prelates, while he sleeps and thinks
*no harm, they, wickedly shaving off all those bright and
' weighty tresses of his laws and just prerogatives, which
' were his ornament and his strength, deliver him over to
' ' Speech for the Liberty of un- ' ' Reasons of Chxirch Government,'
licensed Printing,' i. 324. i. 149.
1.ECT. XVI. MILTOX 3 USE OF THE STORY. 373
'indirect and violent counsels, which, as those Philistines,
' put out the fair and far-sighted eyes of his natural mind,
' and make him grind in the prison-house of their sinister
'ends, and practise upon him; till he, knowing this pre-
' latical razor to have bereft him of his wonted might, nourish
' again his puissant hair, the golden beams of law and right,
' and they, sternly shook, thunder with ruin upon the heads
' of those his e\dl counsellors, but not without great affliction
' to himself.'
In this conception, as well as in the more elaborate treat- The
ment of it in the Samson Agonistes, Milton has, no doubt, ^™ni"es
bound down the lawless grotesqueness of the original character
and exploits of the champion of Dan to the austere simplicity
and majesty of a classical hero. Even Dalila comes in for
a share of grandeur hardly her own. ' He has done her jus-
tice,' exclaimed Groethe, on hearing the passage read aloud.
Eather he has done both her and Samson more than jus-
tice. But still it is a proof of the richness of the story that,
changed or unchanged, it was able to minister true consolation
to the great poet amidst his own peculiar trials of blindness,
and poverty, and age, and the indignant sense of public and
private wrong : —
O loss of sight, of thee I most complain !
Blind among enemies, O worse than chains,
I, dark in light, exposed
To daUy fraud, contempt, abuse, and wrong.
0 dark, dark, dark, amid the blaze of noon,
Irrecoverably dark, total eclipse,
Without all hope of day !
God of our fathers ! what is man.
That Thou towards him with hand so various,
Or, might I say, contrarious.
Temper' st Thy Providence through his short course,
374 SAMSON. iJicT. xvi.
Not evenly, as Thou rul'st
The angelic orders and inferior creatures mute,
Irrational and brute ;
Nor do I name of men the common rout,
That wandering loose about
Grow up and perish, as the summer fly.
Heads without name, no more remembered ;
But such as Thou hast solemnly elected,
With gifts and graces eminently adorned,
To some great work. Thy glory,
And people's safety, which in part they effect :
Yet toward those thus dignified, Thou oft.
Amidst their height of noon,
Changest Thy countenance, and Thy hand .
Nor only dost degrade them, or remit
To life obscured, which were a fair dismission,
But throw'st them lower than Thou didst exalt them high.'
And we may well end this troubled period with that grand
conclusion, with which, after
Samson hath quit himself
Like Samson, and heroically hath finished
A life heroic,
the Chorus consoles his sorrowing kindred : —
All is best, though we oft doubt,
What the Unsearchable dispose
Of Highest Wisdom brings about.
And ever best found in the close.
Oft He seems to hide His face.
But imexpectedly returns.
And to His faithful champion hath in place
Bore witness gloriously ; whence Gaza mourns,
And all that band them to resist
His uncontrollable intent ;
His servants He, with new acquist
Of true experience from this great event,
With peace and consolation hath dismissed,
And calm of mind all passion spent.
375
LECTURE XVIL
THE FALL OF SHILOH.
To the crash of the Philistine Temple, and the silent burial
of Samson, succeeds a blank in the Sacred history, such as
well serves to indicate its fragmentary character. When we
again take up the thread, the existing condition of the
nation gives us a backward glimpse into some of the unre-
corded incidents of the lost interval.^
We find at the head of the nation a man, of whose rise
nothing has been told : Eli, at once Judge and High Priest,
already far advanced in years. This sudden apparition
reveals, that, in the dark period preceding, there has been The
a change in the order of the Priesthood. Eli is not of the of '1)1^
regular house of Eleazar,'^ the eldest son of Aaron, in which ^'"^jj^*^"
the succession ought to have continued. There has been a
transfer to the house of the younger and comparatively
obscure Ithamar, which had struck such deep root, that it
continued, in spite of the agitations of the period, till its
final overthrow in the reign of Solomon. The transfer had
been made since the appearance of Phinehas, who is the
last leo-itimate High Priest we can trace. The Rabbinical
commentators allege that the change took place because of
the share of Phinehas in the sacrifice of Jephthah's daughter.
' I have forborne to enlarge on the Ewald (ii. 475) with Jael of Judg. t.
history of the obscurer Judges, Tola, 6, and with Jair of Eastern Manasseh.
Jair (Judg. x. 1-5), Elon, Abdon, Bedan has been variously connected
{Ibid. xii. 11-15), Bedan (1 Sam. xii. with Barak, Abdon, and Samson.
.11). Jair has been identified by ^ 1 Chron. vi. 4-15; xxiv. 4.
376 THE FALL OF SHILOH. lect. xvii.
Can this be possibly some faint reminiscence of a tradition
indicating tbe submersion of the house of Eleazar in the
general disorder of the age, of which that dark event was
undoubtedly a consequence ? It appears, further, that the
Philistines had been repulsed from the position which they
had occupied in the time of Samson.^ Was this effected
through some heroic deed of Eli's youth ? And did this
raise him to the office of High Priest or of Judge ? Such
a supposition is rendered probable by the union of Warrior
and Priest in Phinehas ; and a like transference of the Pon-
tificate from a like cause appears in the only other time of
the history when it reaches to a like eminence, — when the
priestly house of the Maccabees became also the rulers of
their countrymen.
Union of ^^ the union of Judge and Priest in Eli we have a
Jiuige aud fuptlier step towards the consohdation of power in the
monarchy. It was the only part of what is commonly called
' the Theocratic period,' in which the government was theo-
cratic in the modern sense of the word— that of Priestly
government, of ecclesiastical supremacy and independence
such as has been occasionally advocated in the Christian
Church. But this very peculiarity is not the culmination of
the Mosaic period, so much as a temporary transition to the
next stage of the history, when the powers of Priest aud
Euler were indeed united, not however in the person of the
High Priests,^ but of the Kings and Princes of Judah.
The reign of Eli, therefore, combines in a remarkable
manner the fall of the old and the rise of the new order.
Of all portions of the sacred history this is the one which
most clearly sets before us, in the light which precedes its
Shiloh. final overthrow, the sanctuary of Shiloh. The ancient tent
of Shiloh — memorial of the old nomadic state, containing
> 1 Sam. iv. 1. ^-i. 14, 17, 18; 2 Sam. xx. 26; viii.
» See (in Hebrew and LXX.)1 Kings 17, 18; Ps. ex. 1-11.
LECT. XVII. THE WORSHIPPERS OF SHILOH. 377
the Ark, the relic of Mount Sinai — has been already
described. Tombs, which still remain in a rocky valley
near the site of the ancient town, had been hewn in the
steep sides of the hill. A city (as in the case of Micah's
rival sanctuary, but here doubtless on a larger scale)
had sprung up round it.^ The sanctuary itself was so
encased with buildings, as to give it the name and ap-
pearance of ' a house ' or ' temple.' ^ As in Micah's sanc-
tuary,^ there was a gateway, with a seat inside the doorposts
or pillars which supported it.* It was ' the seat,' or
' throne,' of the ruler or judge, as afterwards in the Palace
of Solomon. Here Eli sat on days of religious or political
solemnity, and surveyed the worshippers as they came up
the eminence on which the sanctuary was placed.
To this consecrated spot pilgrims and worshippers were The wor-
attracted, as to the religious centre of their country, at the
yearly feast, the chief feast of the year — that of 'The
Bowers,' or 'Tabernacles,' which coincided with the Fes-
tival of the vintage. The sides of the valley in which Shiloh
lay were clothed with vineyards, and in those vineyards the
maidens of Shiloh came out to dance, and the whole popu-
lation, pilgrims and inhabitants, men and women alike, gave
themselves up to the usual merriment of eating and drinking.^
In this miscellaneous assemblage were to be seen wor-
shippers of the most various characters. One group of fre-
quent occurrence, year by year, was that of Elkanah, from the Eltanah.
neighbouring hills of Ephraim, with his numerous family.
He is a rare instance of polygamy amongst the common
ranks of the nation. It may have been one of the results of
' 1 Sam. iv. 13. are used witli intentional exactness.
^ Ibid. i. 9 ; iii. 3. They may, however, have been (like
^ Judg. xviii. 16, 17. The word the phrase in 1 Sam. iv. 4) transferred
used in 1 Sam. i. 9 for ' post ' is the from the later Temple.
same as that in Ex. xii. 7, xxi. 6, ^1 Sam. i. 9 ; iv. 13, 18.
Dent. vi. 9, for 'doorpost.' This is * Judg. xxi. 19-21; 1 Sam. i. 9,
on the supposition that the words 13, 14.
378
THE FALL OF SIIILOH.
XECT. XVII.
Hannah.
Samuel.
Hoplini
and I'lii-
nehas.
the disordered state of the times. It may have arisen (as
still in the Samaritan sect) from the barrenness of one of
his two wives. His sacrifice on these occasions was looked
forward to in his house as a grand feast in which every
member of the family had a portion of the sacrificial offerings.
But it is on one individual of the house that our attention
is specially fixed; his best beloved but childless wife, who
bears the Phoenician name ^ which now first appears,
' Hannah,' or ' Anna ; ' afterwards thrice consecrated^ in the
sacred story. She was herself almost a prophetess and Na-
zarite.^ Hers is the first instance of silent prayer. Her song
of thanksgiving is the first hymn, properly so called, the direct
model of the first Christian hymn of ' the Magnificat,' the
first outpouring of individual as distinct from national de-
votion, the first indication of the coming greatness of the
anointed king,'' whether in the divine or human sense.
To this group is at last added the child, who, though of no
Priestly tribe, was consecrated to a more than Priestly office,^
with the offerings of three bullocks, flour, and a skin of
wine, and who from his earliest years ministered in the sacred
vestments within the Tabernacle itself, the future inaugu-
rator of the new period of the Church.
Other pilgrims were there of a far other kind; and the
eyes of others than the aged Eli were fixed upon them.
Hophni and Phinehas, his two sons, are, for students of eccle-
siastical history, characters ' of great and instructive wicked-
ness.' They are the true exemplars of the grasping and
worldly clergy of all ages. It was the sacrificial feasts that
gave occasion for their rapacity. It was the dances and
* ' Anna,' the sister of Dido.
2 Anna, the wife of Tobit (Tobiti.9);
Anna, the daughter of Phanuel (Luke
ii. 36); Anna, the wife of Joachim,
the traditional mother of the Virgin.
' 1 Sam. i. 15 ; ii. 1.
* Ibid. ii. 10. The first mention of
the Messiah. It is probable that the
hymn has been adapted to some later
occasion of victory in war. But there
is no reason to doubt that the original
germ of it is from this time.
* 2 Chron. xiii. 9 ; 1 Sam. i. 24.
LECT. XVII, THE WORSHIPPERS OP SHILOH. 379
assemblies • of the women in the vineyards, and before the
sacred tent, that gave occasion for their debaucheries. They
were the worst development of the lawlessness of the age ;
penetrating, as in the case of the wandering Levite of the Book
of Judges, into the most sacred offices. But the coarseness of
their vices does not make the moral less pointed for all times.
The three-pronged fork which fishes up the seething flesh
is the earliest type of grasping at pluralities and church-
preferments by base means ; the open profligacy at the door
of the Tabernacle is the type of many a scandal brought on
the Christian Church by the selfishness or sensuality of its
ministers. An additional touch of nature is given by the
close connexion of these Priestly vices with the weak in-
dulgence of Eli and the blameless purity of Samuel. The
judgment which falls on the house of Ithamar is the likeness
of the judgment which] has followed the corruption and the
nepotism of the clergy everywhere. It was to begin with
the alienation of the people from the worship of the sanctuary ;
it was to end in a violent revolution which should over-
throw with bloodshed, confiscation, and long humiliation, the
ancient hereditary succession and the whole existing hierarchy
of Israel.^ ' Men abhorred the offerings of the Lord.' . . .
' I said indeed that thy house an4 the house of thy father
' should walk before me for ever. But now the Lord saith,
' Be it far from me.' ' All the increase of thy house shall
' die " by the sword." ' ' Every one that is left in thine house
' shall crouch to him for a piece of silver, and a morsel of
' bread, and shall say, Put me, I pray thee, into one of the
' priests' offices, that I may eat a piece of bread.'
The judgment, of which the earliest indication comes
from some unknown prophet, is first solemnly announced
from an unexpected quarter, and in a form which shows that
the thunders and lightnings, the oracular warnings, of the
' Judg. xxi. 21 ; 1 Sam. ii. 22, ^ i gam. ii. 17, 29, 30, 33, 36 (LXX.).
380
THE FALL OF SHILOH.
LECT. XVII.
The doom
of the
house of
Ithamar.
older period, are about to be superseded by ' a still small
voice ' of a wholly different kind.
It was night in the sanctuary. The High Priest slept in
one of the adjacent chambers, and the attendant ministers in
another. In the centre, on the left of the entrance, stood
the seven-branched candlestick,' now mentioned for the last
time ; superseded in the reign of Solomon by the ten separate
candlesticks, but revived after the Captivity by the copy of
the one candlestick with seven branches, as it is still seen on
the Arch of Titus. It was the only light of the Tabernacle
during the night, was solemnly lighted every evening, as in
the devotions of the Eastern world, both Mussulman and
Christian, and extinguished just before morning, when the
doors were opened.^
In the deep silence of that early morning, before the sun
had risen, when the sacred light was still burning, came,
through the mouth of the innocent child, the doom of the
house of Ithamar.
The first blow in the impending tragedy came from the
now constant enemy of Israel. The Philistines revived their
broken strength. The conflict took place at a spot near the
The battle western entrance of the Pass of Beth-horon, known by the
name of Aphek, but in laj^r times — from the memory of a
victory which effaced the recollection of this dark day —
' Eben-ezer.' ^ A reverse roused the alarm of the Israelite
chiefs. In that age, as in the mediseval period of the Christian
Church, to which we have so often compared it, the ready
expedient was to turn the sacred relics of religion into an
enfrine of war. The Philistines themselves were in the habit
of bringing the images of their gods to the field of battle.^
To these must be opposed the symbol of the Divine Presence
of Aphek.
> Ex. XXV. 31 ; xxxvii. 17, 18 ; Lev.
xxiv. 3 ; 2 Chron. xiii. 11.
* 1 Sam. iii. 15 j 1 Chron. ix. 27-
^ See Lecture XYIJI.
* 2 Sam. V. 21.
LECT, XVII. THE DOOM OF THE HOUSE OF ITHA^IAE. 381
in Israel, the Ark of the Covenant. Such an application of
the Ark was not without example before or after ; but it is
evidently described as against the higher spirit of the religion
which it was intended to support. Hophni and Phinehas
were with it as representatives of the Priestly order. To the
profligate vices of their youth they joined the sin of super-
stition also. Their appearance with the Ark roused as with
a spasmodic effort the sinking spirit of the army. The well-
known cheer of the Israelites — terrible to their enemies at
all times — ran through the camp so that 'the earth rang
again,' ^ and the Philistines were roused to the last pitch of
desperate courage in resisting, as they thought, this new and
Divine enemy.
On that day the fate of the house of Eli was to be deter-
mined. It was also, as the Philistines expressed it, to decide
whether the Philistines were to be the slaves of the Hebrews,
or the Hebrews of the Philistines. On the success of this
wager of battle, the Priestly rulers of the nation had staked
the most sacred pledge of their religion. The whole city
and sanctuary of Shiloh waited for the result in breathless
expectation. Two above all others, Eli and the wife of
Phinehas, were wrapt in dreadful expectation — he blind and
feeble with age — she near to the delivery of her second
child. In the evening of the same day there rushed through The
the vale of Shiloh a youth from the camp, one of the active tiig defeat.
tribe of Benjamin, — his clothes torn asunder, and his hair
sprinkled with dust, as the two Oriental signs of grief and
dismay.^ A loud wail, like that which, on the announcement
of any great calamity, runs through all Eastern towns, rang
through the streets of the expectant city. The aged High
Priest was sitting in his usual place beside the gateway of the
sanctuary. He caught the cry; he asked the tidings. He
heard the defeat of the army ; he heard the death of his two
» 1 Sam. iv. 5. ^ Ibid. iv. 12.
382 THE FALL OF SHILOH. lect. xvii.
sons ; he heard the capture of the Ark of God. It was this
last tidings, ' when mention was made of the Ark of Grod,'
The death that broke the old man's heart. He fell from his seat, and
of Eli.
died m the fall.
The birth The news spread and reached the home of Phinehas. The
pangs of labour overtook the widow of the fallen Priest. Not
even the birth of a living son could rouse her. ' Their
* Priests,' ' as the Psalmist long afterwards expressed it, ' had
* fallen, and their widows made no lamentation.' With her
as with her father-in-law, her whole soul was absorbed in
one thought, and with her last breath she gave to the child
a name which should be a memorial of that awful hour, —
* I-chabod,' ' The glory is departed ; for the Ark of God is
' taken.'
The Cap- ' The Ark of God was taken.' These words expressed the
the Ark. whole significance of the calamity. It was known, till the
era of the next great, and still greater overthrow of the
nation, at the Babylonian exile, as ' the Captivity.' ' The
day of the captivity ' was the epoch which closed the irre-
gular worship of the sanctuary at Dan.^ *He delivered his
strength into captivity, and his glory ' ^ (that ' glory ' of the
Divine Presence, which was commemorated in the name of
I-chabod) ' into the enemy's hand.' The Septuagint title of
the 96th Psalm, ' when the house of God was built after the
captivity,'' and the allusion in the 68th Psalm,^ ' Thou hast
led captivity captive,' most probably refer to the period of
these disasters.
The grief of Israel may be measured by the triumph, not
unmingled with awe, of the Philistines. It was to them as
if they had captured Jehovah Himself; and a custom long
continued in the sanctuary of Dagon in their chief city of
' 1 Sam iv. 19, 20 ; Ps. Ixxviii. ^ Ps. Lxxviii. Gl. The word, how-
64. ever, is diiFerent.
2 Judg. xviii. 30. * Ps. Ixviii. 18.
LECT. xvTi. THE EETURX OF THE ARK 383
Ashdod, to commemorate the tradition of the terror which
this new Presence had excited. The priests and the
worshippers of Dagon would never step on the threshold,'
where the human face and human hands of the Fish-god
had been found broken off from the body of the statue as it
lay prostrate before the superior Deity.
The elaborate description, too, of the joy of the return TheEe-'
marks the deep sense of the loss. In the border-land of the Ark.
two territories, in the vast cornfields ^ under the hills of
Dan, the villagers of Beth-shemesh at their harvest see the
procession winding through the plain, the Philistine princes
moving behind, the cart conveying the sacred relic, drawn
by the two cows, lowing as they advance towards the group
of expectant Israelites, who * lifted up their eyes and saw the
* ark, and rejoiced to see it.' The great stone ^ on which
the cart and the cows were sacrificed, was long pointed out
as a monument of the event. But even the restoration of
the Ark was clouded with calamities ; and when from Beth-
shemesh it mounted upwards through the hills to Kirjath-
jearim, and was lodged there in a little sanctuary, with a
self-consecrated Priest of its own, there was still a longing
sense of vacancy : whilst it remained ' in the fields of the
' wood,' '^ there was * no sleep to the eyes or slumber to the
' eyelids ' of the devout Israelite. * It came to pass, while
'the ark was at Kirjath-jearim, that the time was long; for
' it was twenty years ; and all the house of Israel lamented
' after the Lord.' ^
It was the first pledge of returning hope ; but the hope
was still long deferred ; and meanwhile the catastrophe was
branded into the national mind by the overthrow of the
' 1 Sam. V. 5. According to the servations on 1 Sam. vi. 19. He re-
LXX. ' they leaped over it.' duces them from 50,070 to 70.
^ Robinson, B. B. ii. 225-9. * Ps. cxxxii. 5, 6 (yeamM = woods).
^ 1 Sam. yi. 18. For the numbers ^ 1 Sam. vii. 2.
of Beth-shemesh, see Kennicott's Ob-
384 THE FALL OF SHILOH. lect. xvji.
Overthrow sanctuary itself of Shiloh, in which the Ark had since the
conquest found its chief home. We catch a distant glimpse
of massacre with fire and sword ; of a city sacked and plun-
dered by ruthless invaders. ' He gave his people over to the
' sword ; and was wroth with his inheritance. The fire con-
* sumed ^ their young men, their maidens were not given to
' marriage.' The details of the overthrow are not given ;
partly, perhaps, because the sanctuary gradually decayed
when the glory of the Ark was departed ; partly from the
imperfect state of the narrative, which may itself have been
caused by the silent horror of the event. Shiloh is casually
mentioned twice or thrice^ in the later history. But the
reverence had ceased. The Tabernacle, under which the Ark
had rested, was carried off, first to Nob, and then to Gribeon,
with the original brazen altar ^ of the wilderness. The place
became desolate, and has remained so ever since. ' Thou
'shalt see thine enemy in my habitation.' The name became
a proverb for destruction and desolation. ' I will do to this
' house as I have done to Shiloh.' ' Go now unto my place
' which was at Shiloh ; . . . and see what I did to it for the
' wickedness of my people Israel.' ' I will make this house
' like Shiloh. ... a curse to all the nations of the earth.' '^
The very locality became so little known that it had to be
specified carefully in the following centuries in order to be
recognised. ' Shiloh, ivhich is in the land of Canaan,''
* which is on the north side of Bethel, on the east side of the
* highway that goeth up from Beth-el to Shechem, and on the
* south of Lebonah.' ^ It is only this exact description, thus
required by the very extremity of its destruction, which
• Ps. Ixxviii. 62, 63. May not this 5). Possibly ' Ahijah . . . priest in
be taken literally of the Philistines Shiloh.' (1 Sam. xiv. 3, LXX,).
burning their Israelite prisoners alive? ^ 1 Sam. xxi. 1; vii. 1; 2 Chron. i.
That this was a Philistine custom ap- 6 ; v. 5.
pears from Judg. xv. 6. * Jer. vii. 12, 14; xxvi. 6.
^ Ahijah the Shilonite (1 Kings xi. * Judg. xxi. 12, 19. See Ewald, ii.
29). Pilgrims ' from Shiloh ' (Jer. xli. 423.
LECT. XVII. OVERTHROW OF THE SANCTUARY. 385
enabled a traveller from America,^ within our own memory,
to rediscover its site, to which the sacred name still clung
with a touching tenacity forgotten for centuries, and known
only to the savage peasants who prowl about its few broken
ruins.
So ended the period, defined as that during which *the
' house of Grod was in Shiloh.' ^ So ended the period of the
supremacy of the tribe of Ephraim, whose fall is described,
in the Psalm which unfolds their fortimes, as involved in the
fall of Shiloh — ' He forsook the tabernacle of Shiloh, the
' tent that Pie had pitched among men. He refused the
' tabernacle of Joseph,^ and chose not the tribe of Ephraim.'
So ended the first division of the history of the Chosen
People, in the overthrow of the first sanctuary by the Phi-
listines, as the second division was to terminate in the fall
of the second sanctuary, the Temple of the Jewish monarchy,
by the armies of Babylon ; and the third in the still vaster
destruction of the last Temple of Jerusalem by the armies
of Titus. The revival of the nation from the ruins of the
first sanctuary must be reserved for the rise of the Second
Period of the Jewish Church, when ' the Lord was to awake
' as one out of sleep "* . . . and choose the tribe of Judah,
'the Mount Zion which He loved.' Only we may still
include within this epoch the great name of Samuel, and
the great office of Prophet, which was to unite the old and
the new together, under the shelter of which was to spring
up the new institutions of the Monarchy — a new tribe, a
new capital, a new Church, with new forms of communion
with the Almighty, now for the first time named by the
name of ' the Lokd of Hosts.'
* Seilun was first rediscovered by ^ Ps. Ixxviii. 60, 67.
Dr. Robinson in 1838. " Ihid. 65, 68.
^ Juds;. xviii. 31.
C C
SAMUEL AND
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE.
XVIII. SAMUEL.
XIX. THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER.
XX. THE NATURE OP THE PROPHETICAL TEACHING.
C C 2
SPECIAL AUTHORITIES FOR THE LIFE OF SAMUEL.
1. 1 Sam. i.-xxviii. (Hebrew and LXX.) ; 1 Chron. xxix. 29 ; Ps. xcix. 6 ;
Jer. XV. 1; Ecclua. xlvi. 13-20 ; Acts iii. 24, xiii. 20; Heb. xi. 32.
2. Jewish traditions (Jos. Ant. v. 10 — vi. 14) ; Fabiicius, Cod. Pseiidepigr.
Vet. Test. 895-903.
3. Mussulman traditions (D'Herbelot, under AschmovyT) ; and Weil's
Biblical Legends, 144-151.
4. Christian traditions (^Acta Sanctorum, under the 20th of August).
SAMUEL AND
THE PROPHETICAL OFFICE.
LECTUEE XVIII.
SAMUEL.
The fall of the sanctuary of Shiloh was the termination of Close
the first period of Jewish history, which had lasted from Theocrucy.
Moses to Eli. It had been a period varied and shifting in
detail, but with this common feature — that it was a time of
wandering and of strife, of danger and of deliverance, of
continual and direct dependence on the help of God alone,
with no regular means of government, or law, or army, or
king, to ward off the enemies that were constantly assailing
them from without, or to repress the disorders that were
constantly disturbing them from within. The Judges them-
selves were regarded as invested with something of a divine
or god-like character ; the more so perhaps from their solitary
and strange elevation above all around them. A new selec-
tion of Judges is described as ' a choosing of new gods ; ' '
and the two last of the series are especially dignified with the
name of ' God.' ^ This period, called on these accounts by
Josephus ^ ' the Theocracy ' or ' Aristocracy,' was now at an
* Judg. V. 8. saw gods {Elohim).' Compare Ps.
" Eli, in 1 Sam. ii. 25— The Judge Ixxxii. 1, 2, 6.
(Heb. ' the God,' Elohim) shall jiidge ^ j^g ^,^( yi 3^ g 2, 3.
him. Samuel, in 1 Sam.xxviii. 13, ' I
390 SAMUEL. lect. xvin.
end. The wanderings were at last over, and the battle
was at last won. The desire of the people was stimulated by
its nearer insight into the customs of the surrounding nations
to have a ruler like to them ; the coming change had already,
Eeginniug as we saw in the times of the Judges, made itself felt by the
Monarchy, gradual approximation to such an institution in the lives
of Jair and Abdon, Gideon and Abimelech, Eli and Samuel.
All these indications were at last to receive their full
accomplishment in the inauguration of a fixed, hereditary,
regal government, in the person of the first king — ' Behold
' the king whom ye have chosen and whom ye have desired.
* Behold, the Lord hath set a king over you.' Now, there-
fore, was to begin that second period, that new and untried
future, which was to last for another five hundred years — the
period of the Monarchy. Was it possible that an institution
which had begun in wilfulness and distrust would ripen into
a just and holy law ? would the establishment of armies, and
oflScers of state, and king succeeding king, as a matter of
course, without any sudden call or mission — would the
growth of poetry, and architecture, and music, and all the
other arts which spring up under an established rule — would
the secure dwelling of every man under his own vine and
fig-tree — would these and many like changes destroy or
confirm, diminish or expand, the faith which had hitherto
been the safety of the Chosen People ? Would the true
Theocracy, the government of God, be weakened or strength-
ened, now that in name it was withdrawn ? Was this great
stride in earthly civilisation inconsistent with the preserva-
tion of the ancient primeval religion of Abraham, and Moses,
and Joshua ?
Transition. Such were the questions which naturally would arise in
the mind of any thoughtful Israelite at this crisis. They are
questions which, in some form or other, arise at every like
crisis in the progress of the Church. It must be reserved for
LECT. xviii. EPOCH OP HIS APPEAKAXCE. 391
the discussion of the history of the Monarchy to point out
how these natural fears were in part justified, but yet on
the whole belied, by the actual results of the change. In the
Kings of Israel and Judah we shall see the first exhibition
of that union of regal and priestly excellence, whicli was to be
completed in a yet diviner sense, only in the final stage of the
sacred history. We shall trace in tlie victories of the hosts of
Israel the first complete estabKshment of the new and great
name of God — ' The Lord of Hosts,' ' Jehovah Sabaoth.'
In the Psalms of David, in the Temple of Solomon, and
in the Prophecies of Isaiah, we shall recognise a fuller
communion with Grod even than on the holy mountain of
Sinai, or in the speaking face to face with Moses as with
a friend.
But those blessings were still in the distance. We are
yet on the threshold. It will, however, be useful here to
describe the influences first of the individual and then of
the office, which were raised up to guide the Jewish Church
(and, by example, the Cliristian Church) through this or any
like transitions.
In this crisis of the Chosen People, second only in import-
ance to the Exodus, there appeared a leader, second only to
Moses. Amidst the wreck of the ancient institutions of the
country, amidst the rise and growth of the new, there was
one counsellor to whom all turned for advice and support —
one heart to which ' the Lord ' especially ' revealed Him- Eiso of
self.' The life and cliaracter of Samuel^ covers the whole of '
this period of perplexity and doubt. The two books which
give an account of the first establishment of the INIonarchy
are called by his name, as fitly as the books which give an
account of the establishment of the Theocracy are called by
' This name has been variously ex- vii. 9). Josephiis (Ajit. \. 10, § 3) in-
plained. The sacred narrative seems geniously translates it Ly the well-
to waver between 'asked of God' (1 known Greek name of ' Thesetetus.'
Sam. i. 20) and ' heard of God ' (1 Sam.
892 SAMUEL. lect. xviii.
the na,me of Moses. At this close of the first period of the
Jewish history, and on the eve of the second period, it will
be necessary to draw forth those points in his character and
appearance which specially fitted him for this position. As
in the case of all the earlier characters of the Jewish Church,
we must be content with an uncertainty and dimness of per-
ception ; we must not expect to form a complete portraiture
of either the man or his history. But the general effect of
the whole career is sufficiently clear, and on that alone I
propose to dwell.
I. First, then, observe what his position was, and how he
filled it. He was not a Founder of a new state of things like
Moses, nor a champion of the existing order of things like
His con- Elijah or Jeremiah. He stood, literally, between the two —
withThe between the living and the dead, between the past and the
past. future, between the old and the new, with that sympathy for
each which, at such a period, affords the best hope of any
permanent solution of the questions which torment it. He
had been brought up and nurtured in the ancient system.
His childhood had been spent in the Sacred Tent of Shiloh,
the last relic of the Wanderings in the Desert. His early
dedication to the sanctuary belonged to that age of vows, of
which the excess appears in the rash and hasty vows of
Jephthah, of Saul, and of the assembly at IMizpeh ; in the
more regular, but still peculiar and eccentric, devotion of
Samson to the life of a Nazarite. As he grew up, devoted
by his mother, herself almost a Nazarite, • secluded from the
world, dressed in his linen ephod, his long locks flowing over
his shoulders, on which no razor was ever to pass,^ perhaps,
we may add, abstaining from all mne and strong drink,^ he
must have presented a likeness, civilised and tamed indeed,
but still a likeness, of the wild Danite champion who
' See Lecture XVII. « 1 Sam. i. 11.
» LXX. ; ibid.
rrcT. xviii. THE LAST OP THE JUDGES. 393
rent the lion, and smote the Philistines with the jawbone
of an ass — he must have been a living memorial of past
times, far into a new generation which knew such things
no more.
He was also a Judge, of the ancient generation, the last of The last of
the Judges. In him was continued and ended the Ions: sue- ^ "^
cession who had been raised up from Othniel downwards to
effect special deliverances. In the overthrow of the sanc-
tuary of Shiloh, and the disasters which followed, we hear
not what became of Samuel.^ He next appears, after an
interval of many years, suddenly amongst the people, warn-
ing them against their idolatrous practices. He convened
an assembly at Mizpeh — probably the place of that name in
the tribe of Benjamin — and there with a symbolical rite,
expressive partly of deep humiliation, partly of the libations
of a treaty,,, they poured water on the ground, they fasted,
and they entreated Samuel to raise the piercing shrill cry,
for which his prayers were known, in supplication to God for
them. It was at the moment when he was offering up a
sacrifice,^ and sustaining this loud cry, that the Philistine
host suddenly burst upon them. A violent thunderstorm, Tlie battle
and (according to Josephus ^) an earthquake, came to the gzer.
timely assistance of Israel. The Philistines fled, and, exactly
at the spot where twenty years before they had obtained their
great victory, they were totally routed. A huge stone was
set up, which long remained as a memorial of Samuel's
triumph, and gave to the place its name of Eben-ezer, ' the
Stone of Help,' which has thence passed into Christian
phraseology, and become a common name of Puritan saints
' According to the Mussulman tra- the letter, is true to the spirit of
dition, Samuel's birth is granted in Samuel's life.
answer to the prayers of the nation ^ Compare the situation of Pau-
on the overthrow of the sanctuary sanias before the battle of Plataea,
and loss of the ark (D'Herbelot, Herod, ix. 11.
Aschmouyl). This, though false in ' Ant. vi. 2, § 2.
894 . SAMUEL. lect. xviii.
and Nonconformist chapels.^ The old Canaanites, whom tlie
Philistines had dispossessed in the outskirts of the Judsean
hills, seem to have helped in the battle, and 'there was
' peace between Israel and the Amorites.' ^ A large portion
of lost territory in the plain of Philistia was recovered. The
battle of Eben-ezer — the first, and, as far as we know, the
only direct military achievement of Samuel — marked as it
was by the first return of victory to the arms of Israel after
the fall of Shiloh, was apparently the event which raised
him to the office of 'Judge.' There, in the same way as
* Jerubbaal, and Bedan, and Jephthah,' ^ with whom he is
thus classed, he won his title to that name, then the highest
in the nation. He dwelt in his own birthplace, and, like
Gideon, or like Micah, made it a sanctuary of his own. There
was still no central capital. Shiloh was gone, Shechem was
gone, and Jerusalem was not yet come. All was as of old,
yet uncertain and unfixed. The personal, family bond was
stronger than the national. He went from year to year,
indeed, in solemn circuit to the ancient sanctuaries'* within
his own immediate neighbourhood — ' Bethel, and Grilgal, and
'Mizpeh' — and 'judged Israel in all those places.' But
' his return ' was always to Rarnah ; ' for there was his house,
' and there he judged Israel, and there he built an altar unto
' the Lord.' As yet ' there was no king in Israel — he did
' what was right in his own eyes.' His sons, as in the case of
those of Jair and Abdon, shared the power witli him, though
at the remote southern sanctuary of Beersheba ; ^ and in their
corrupt practices he lived to see a repetition of the scandals
of Hophni and Phinehas. He was, as it might have seemed,
but as one of the old chiefs of the bygone age — half
' 1 Sam. vii. 12. fj.evots tovtois, LXX.
- 1 Sam. vii. 14 ; comp. Judg. i. ■' 1 Sam. viii. 1-4. This is a re-
34, 35. markable instance of the fairness of
3 I/iid. xii. 11. the narrative.
■• Ibid. vii. IG. eV iraai to7s ijyiacr-
LECT. xviii. THE LAST OF THE JUDGES. 395
warrior, half sage. Like the Levite who dwelt in the sanc-
tuary of Micah, but on a grander scale, he was consulted ^
throughout the neighbourhood as an oracle for any of the His oracu-
vexations or difficulties of common life. In him we see the
last example of the custom which was 'beforetime in Israel
* when men went to inquire of God ' ^ about these matters.
An ass would have gone astray on the mountains, or an expe-
dition in search of a settlement would need to be blessed,
and the inquirers would come with the ever-recurring present
(bakhshtsh) of the Oriental supplicant — loaves of bread, or
the fourth part of a shekel of silver,^ or tbe offer of a good
place in the new settlement.*
An awful reverence for the ancient times thus grew up
around him. His long-protracted life was like the shadow of
the great rock of an older epoch projected into the level of
a modern age. ' He judged Israel all his life : ' even after
the Monarchy had sprung up, he was still a witness of an
earlier and more primitive state. Whatever murmurs or
complaints had arisen, were always hushed for the moment
before his presence. They leaned upon him, they looked
back to him even from after ages, as their fathers had leaned
upon Moses. A peculiar virtue was beHeved to reside in his
intercession. In later times he was conspicuous amongst
those that ' call upon the name of the Lord,' ^ and was thus
placed with Moses as ' standing ' (in the special sense of the
attitude for prayer ^) ' before the Lord.' It was the last con- His prayer
solation that he left in his parting address, that he would fiol^^^^^'^'^'
'■]pra;y to the Lord ' ^ for the people. With the wild scream or
shriek of supplication which has been already noticed on the
eve of his first battle, he would ' crij^ in agitated moments,
' all night long unto the Lord,' and thus seem to draw down,
* 1 Sam. ix. 6. * Ps. xcLs. 6 ; comp. 2 Sam. xii. IG.
* Ihid. ix. 9. " Jer. xv. 1.
* Bnd. ix. 7, 8. » 1 Sam. xii. 17, 23.
^ Judg. xviii. 19.
396
SAMUEL.
LECT. xvin.
His out-
ward ap-
pearance.
The first
of the
Order of
Prophets.
as if by force, the Divine answer. ' Cease not to cry to the
' Lord for us.' * And Samuel cried unto the Lord . . . and '
(as if with a special reference to the meaning of his name,
'asked' or 'heard' of God) 'the Lord heard him.'' No
festive or solemn occasion was complete without his presence.
'The people will not eat until he come, because he doth
' bless the sacrifice ; and afterwards they eat that be bidden.' ^
His coming was a signal for mingled fear and joy. The
elders of Bethlehem 'trembled at his coming, and said,
' " Comest thou peaceably ? " And he said, " Peaceably : I
' " am come to sacrifice unto the Lord. Sanctify yourselves,
' " and come with me to the sacrifice." ' ^
When we read of that apparition, in which he was evoked
after death, as he had been known in life, there is some-
thing terrific, yet venerable, in his aspect; 'I see a god
' ascending out of the earth.' ■* His long Nazarite hair,^ now
white with age, marked him from a distance to be the old
grey-headed seer. The little mantle ^ which his mother gave
him, reaching doAvn to his feet, had from his earliest years
marked him out as an almost royal personage ; and the same
peculiar robe, in extended proportions, wrapped round him,
was his badge to the end. On its skirts Saul had laid hold
when he had last parted from Samuel at Gilgal. By its
folds he recognised him in the vision at Endor.
II. Such was Samuel, as the last representative of the ancient
mediaeval Church of Judaism. But there was another relation
inseparably blended with this, in wliich he must be regarded
as the first representative of the new epoch which was now
dawning on his country. He is explicitly described as
* Samuel the Prophet.' ' All the prophets from Samuel
> 1 Sam. XV. 11 ; vii. 8, 9.
2 md. ix. 13.
' ll)ld. xvi. 4, 5.
* Tliid. xxviii. 13.
^ Ibid. xii. 2.
* The Hebrew word inc-il, persis-
tently used throughout for Samuel's
dress, 1 Sam. ii. 19 ; xv. 27 ; xxviii. 14.
See ' Mantle ' in Diet, of Bible.
lECT. XVIII. THE FIRST OF THE PKOPHETS. 397
' and those that follow after.'' ' He gave them judges ^ until
' Samuel the prophet,^ We have already seen the lower
and more limited sense, in which he might be so called,
as the oracle of his neighbourhood or of his country in the
various difficulties, great or small, which drove them to
consult him. We are even enabled to observe the special
means by which he received the revelations which thus first
gained for him the reverence of his countrymen. 'By
' dreams, by Urim, and by Prophets,' we are told,^ were the
three especial channels by which, in those days, ' the Lord
answered ' to those that inquired of Him. By the first of
these, we can hardly doubt it is intended to be intimated that
Samuel received and delivered his early warnings. 'The
* word of the Lord ^ was precious in those days — there was no
* open vision.' It was in the stillness of the night, just before
the early dawn, that Samuel first heard the Divine Voice.
That voice and those visions still continued. 'The Lord Eeve-
' revealed himself to Samuel.' '* It is, with perhaps one ex-
ception, the earliest instance of the use of the word which
has since become the name for all Divine communication.
On one or two occasions the idea is conveyed in a more precise
form, ' The Lord uncovered the ear^ ^ — a touching and sig-
nificant figure, taken from the manner in which the possessor
of a secret moves back the long hair of his friend, and
whispers into the ear thus laid bare the word that no one
else may hear. The term ' Revelation^ thence appropriated
in the theological language both of East and West, when
thus seen in its primitive form, well expresses the truly philo-
sophical and universal idea which ought to be conveyed by it.
' The Father of Truth ' (says an eminent scholar, vindicating his
own use of this phrase to describe the mission of the Semitic
races) ' chooses His own prophets, and He speaks to them in
' Acts iii. 2-1 ; xiii. 20. - 1 Sam xxviii. 6. ' Ibid. iii. 1.
" Pnd. iii. 21. * 2^,/^_ j^. 15.
398 SAMUEL. lect. xviii.
' a voice stronger than the voice of thunder. It is the same
' inner voice through which Grod speaks to all of us. That
' voice may dvsdndle away, and become hardly audible ; it may
' lose its divine accent, and sink into the language of worldly
* prudence ; but it may also from time to time assume its real
' nature with the chosen of God, and sound into their ears as
' a voice from Heaven. A " divine instinct " would neither be
' an appropriate name for what is a gift or grace accorded
' but to few, nor would it be a more intelligible word than
' " special revelation." ' ^
'Samuel Throug^h these revelations, the child first, and then the
the Seer.' *= \ ' ,
man, became ' Samuel the Seer.' By that ancient name,
older than any other designation of the Prophetic office, he
was known in his own as in after times. ' I am the Seer,''
was his answer to those who asked, ' Is the Seer here ? ^
' Where is the Seer's house ? ' ' Samuel the Seer ' is the name
by which he is known in the Books of Chronicles, as the
counsellor of Saul and David.^ And, as if in a distorted
reminiscence of his peculiar gift of second sight, — of insight
into the secrets of Heaven, and of the future, — Samuel is
the character selected in Mussulman traditions as the first
revealer of the mysteries of the nocturnal flight of Mahomet
from Mecca to Jerusalem.* But it was in a much higher
and more important sense than as a mere ' seer ' of visions,
that Samuel appears as preeminently 'the Prophet.' The
passages already quoted from the New Testament indicate to
us, and Augustine in his ' De Civitate Dei' ^ has well caught
the idea, that he is the beginning of that Prophetical dispen-
sation, which ran parallel with the Monarchy from the first
to the last king, and together with it forms the essential
characteristic of the whole of the coming period. ' Hoc
* Quoted from the same Essay of '1 Chron. ix. 22 ; xxvi. 28.
Professor Miiller already cited in * Weil's Legends, 145.
Lecture I. p. 16. * Civ. Dei, xvii. 1.
* 1 Sam. ix. 11, 18, 19.
LECT. XVIII. FOUNDEK OF THE SCHOOLS OF THE PROPHETS. 399
' itaque tempus, ex quo Sanctus Samviel prophetare coepit,
' et deinceps donee populus Israel in Babyloniam captivus
' duceretur .... totum est tempus Prophetarum.' '
It was from Samuel's time that the succession was never
broken. Even the Mussulman legends delight to make him
the herald of all the Prophets, down to the last, that were to
come after him.
In many ways does this origination of the line of Prophets
centre in Samuel. We may trace back to him the institution
even in its outward form and fashion. In his time we first The
hear of what in modern phraseology are called the Schools ^^g p^j^.
of the Prophets. Whatever be the precise meaning of the P^®*^-
peculiar word, which now came first into use as the designation
of these companies, it is evident that their immediate mission
consisted in uttering religious hymns or songs, accompanied
by musical instruments — psaltery, tabret, pipe and harp, and
cymbals.^ In them, as in the few solitary instances of their
predecessors, the characteristic element was that the silent
seer of visions found an articulate voice, gushing forth in a
rhythmical flow, which at once riveted the attention of the
hearer.^ These, or such as these, were the gifts which under
Samuel were now organised, if one may so say, into a system.
The spots where they were chiefly gathered, even in latter
times, were more or less connected with their founder;
Bethel and Gilgal. But the chief place where they appear
in his own lifetime is his own birthplace and residence,
Eamah, Eamathaim-zophim, *the height,' *the double
' height of the watchmen.' From this or from some
neighbouring height they might be seen descending, in a
long line or chain,'* which gave its name to their com-
pany, with ^psaltery, harp, tabret, pipe, and cymbals.' Or
' See Lecture XIX. * The word used is Chebel, ' rope,'
- 1 Sam. X. 5 ; 1 Chron. xxv. 1-8. ' string'(LXX. x<^/'os); 1 Sam. x. 5, 10.
' See Lecture XLX.
400 SAMUEL. lect. xviii.
by the dwellings, the leafy huts as they were in later times,
on the hill-side — ' Naioth in Eamah ' — they were settled
in a congregation ^ (such is tlie word in the original), a
church as it were within a church, and ' Samuel stood
appointed over them.' ^ Under the shadow of his name
they dwelt as within a charmed circle. From them went
forth an influence which awed and inspired even the wild and
reckless soldiers of that lawless age.^ Amongst them we
find the first authors distinctly named, in Hebrew literature,
of actual books which descended to later generations,^ and
gathered up the recollections of their own or of former times.
Song, and music, and dance were interwoven in some sacred
union, difficult for us to conceive in these western or northern
regions, yet not without illustrations, even at the present
day, from the religious observances of Spain and of Arabia.
But, unlike the dances of Seville and Cairo, the mystical
songs and ecstasies of these Prophetic schools were trained to
ends much nobler than any mere ceremonial observance.
Thither in that age of change and dissolution Samuel gathered
round him all that was generous and devout in the people of
Grod. David, the sliepherd warrior and wandering outlaw —
Saul, the wild and wayward king — Heman, the grandson of
Samuel himself,^ chief singer, afterwards, in David's court,
and known especially as the king's seer — Gad, the devoted
companion of David in his exile — Nathan, his stern reprover
in after times, and the wise counsellor of David's wise son —
all, liowever different their characters and stations, seem
* LXX. rrjv fKK\-r}ffiav, 1 Sam. xix. Judges, Euth, the Pentateuch, and
20. even the two books which bear his name.
- EldTiyiei Ka.Qeary\Khs ; 1 Sara. xix. But of the authorship of these writings
20. there is no express mention, and
* 1 Sam. xix. 20, 21. therefore no decisive proof, however
* The Psalms of David, and the much he maj^ with probability, be
biographies written by Samuel, Gad, sTipposed to have contributed towards
and Nathan. (1 Chron. xxix. 29.) the composition of some of them.
Various books of the Old Testament * Son of Joel, 1 Chron. vi. 33; xv,
have been ascribed to Samuel — the 1 7 ; sxv. 5.
LECT. xviii. THE SCHOOLS OF THE PROrHETS. 401
to have found a home within those sacred haunts, all caught
the same divine inspiration ; all were, for the time at least,
drawn together by that invigorating and elevating atmo-
sphere.
I may be forgiven, if for a moment, before dwelling in
detail on what belongs to the special age and country, I call
attention to the fact that this is the first direct mention,
the first express sanction, not merely of regular arts of in-
struction and education, but of regular societies formed for
that purpose — of schools, of colleges, of universities.
Long before Plato had gathered his disciples round
him in the olive grove, or Zeno in the Portico, these
institutions had sprung up under Samuel in Judsea. It
is always interesting, whether in common or in ecclesias-
tical history, to indicate the^ successive moments at which
the successive ideas and institutions, afterwards to be de-
veloped, first came into existence. And here, in Oxford,
it is impossible not to note with peculiar interest the rise
of these, as they may be truly called, the first places of regu-
lar religious education. They present to us the same fixed-
ness of local continuity, which so remarkably distinguishes
our schools and universities from the shifting philosophical
societies of Grreece ; at Bethel and at Grilgal, if not at Eamah,
the schools of the Propjiets are found in the time of Elijah
where they were in the time of Samuel, even as our own
University, and our own Colleges, still flourish on the ground
chosen ages ago by Alfred and by Walter de Merton. They
present to us also, so far as we know anything of their con-
stitution, something of the same large influence, so often
observed amongst ourselves, the effect exercised rather by the
general atmosphere and society of the place, than by its spe-
cial instructions. Of the information imparted by Samuel,'
or by the fathers of the school of the Prophets, we know
J See Lecture XIX.
D D
402 SAMUEL. lect. xviii.
hardly anything. We see only that there was a contagion
of goodness, of enthusiasm, of energy, which even those who
came with liostile or indifferent minds, such as Saul and the
messengers of Saul, found it almost impossible to resist ;
they, too, were rapt into the vortex of inspiration, and the
bystanders exclaimed with astonishment, ' Is Saul also among
' the prophets ? ' How like to the spell exercised by the local
genius of our English Universities, insensibly, unaccountably
exercised over many, who would not be able to say how or
whence they had gained it ; how like to the influences passing
to and fro amongst us, for good or evil, from the example,
the characters, the spirit of our companions ; far more potent
than lectures, or precepts, or sermons. ' I have learned
' much from my Masters, more from my companions, most
' of all from my scholars.' ^ And further, if this be so, the
The Pro- peculiar circumstances of the rise of the Prophetic Schools of
phetic mis- jgj.rj^g]^ j^^j ^qW point out to US one special object, at least, of
Samuel. all such seats of education everywhere. To mediate between
the old and the new ; to maintain a standard of independent
thought and feeling amidst the pressure of lower influences ;
to distinguish between that which is temporal and that which
is eternal — this is the mission of institutions like ours ; this
was the mission of Samuel, and of the schools of which he
was the Founder.
Let us take these points in their order.
His media- 1. To mediate between the old and the new. — This, as I
tween the have before intimated, was indeed the peculiar position of
old and the gj^j^^^i^ jje was at once the last of the Judges and the
new. o
inausfurator of the first of the Kings. Take the whole of
the narrative together ; take the story first of his opposition,
and then of his acquiescence, in the establishment of the
monarchy. Both together bring us to a just impression of
the double aspect in which he appears ; of the two-sided
' Sayings of a Eabbi, quoted in Cowley's Davideis, Notes, p. 40.
LECT. XVIII. HIS MEDIATIOX. 403
sympathy which enabled him to unite together the passing
and the coming epoch. The misdemeanors of his own sons —
the first appearance in them of the grasping avaricious
character ^ which in later ages has thrown so black a shadow
over the Jewish character — precipitated the catastrophe which
had been long preparing. The people demanded a king.
Josephus ^ describes the shock to Samuel's mind, ' because of
'his inborn sense of justice, because of his hatred of kings,
' as so far inferior to the aristocratic rule, which conferred a
' godlike character on those who lived under it.' For the
whole night he lay, we are told, fasting and sleepless, in the
depths of doubt and perplexity. In the visions of that night,'^
and the announcement of them on the following day, is given
the dark side of the new institution. On the other hand, his
acceptance of the change is no less clearly marked in the
story of his reception of Saul. In the first meeting no word
is breathed to break the impression that God is with the
new Euler,* and, in his final coronation as king, there is no
check to the joy with which the whole nation, and, according
to the Septuagint, Samuel himself, 'rejoiced greatly.'^ In
the final address is represented the mixed feeling with which,
after having forewarned, and struggled, and resisted, he at
last bows to the inevitable course of events, and retires
gradually to make room for a new order, of which he could
but partially understand the meaning. He parted from the
people, not with curses, but with blessings : ' Grod forbid
' that I should sin against the Lord by ceasing to pray for
' you ; but I will teach you the good and the right way.'
He parted from Saul, not in anger, but in sorrow. ' Never-
' theless Samuel mourned for Saul.' ^ He who had begun by
denouncing the Monarchy as fraught with evil, ended, by
' Their crimes were bribery and ' Ihid.
exorbitant usury, 1 Sam. viii. 4 * 1 Sam. x. 7.
(LXX.). = Ibid. xi. 15.
■ Ant. vi. 3, § 3. « Ibid. xii. 23 ; xv. 35,
D D 2
404 SAMUEL. lect. xviii.
becoming the protector and counsellor of him who was to be
its chief glory and support. Out of the dark period in which
his early years had been spent, arose through his interposition
a higher and a nobler life. To Saul succeeded David and
Solomon ; and in their reigns was seen a fulfilment of God's
kingdom such as could not be understood by those to whom
there was no king in Israel, who did what was right in their
own eyes ; to whom the Psalms were as yet unknown ; to
whom Prophecy came only by imperfect and distant glimpses ;
to whom the highest type of the Messiah's reign in the
person of David and his son was a thing inconceivable.
Such an epoch of perplexity, of transition, of change, as
that which witnessed the passage from the first age of the
Jewish Church to the second, has been rarely experienced
in any age of the Church since. Yet there have been times
more or less similar ; the passage from every generation to
the one that succeeds has difficulties more or less correspond-
ing. In every such passage there may be, or there ought to
be, characters more or less like that of Samuel, if the transi-
tion is to be safely effected. Of all the characters in the
old dispensation, Samuel has in later times, both by friends
and opponents, been the most often misrejjresented and
misunderstood. In all ages, those who undertake the
difficult task of Samuel are still liable to the same kind
of misunderstanding and misrepresentation. They are at-
tacked from both sides ; they are charged with not going
far enough, or with going too far ; they are charged with
saying too much, or with saying too little ; they are regarded
from either partial point of view, and not from one which
takes in the whole. They cannot be comprehended at a
glance like Moses or Elijah or Isaiah, and therefore they are
thrust aside. There have been those who have undertaken
the same task in former times of the Christian Church.
Athanasius, in the moderate counsels of his old age, in his
LECT. xviir. HIS MEDIATION. 405
attempts to reconcile the contending factions of Christians
in the Council of Alexandria, was, for this reason, fitly
regarded by Basil ^ as the Samuel of the Church of his days.
In later times, even in our own, many names spring to our
recollection, of those who have trodden or (in different de-
grees, some known, and some unknown) are treading the
same thankless path in the Church of Germany, in the
Church of France, in the Church of Russia, in the Church
of England. Wherever they are, and whosoever they may
be, and howsoever they may be neglected, or assailed, or
despised, they, like their great prototype and likeness in
the Jewish Church, are the silent healers who bind up the
wounds of their age in spite of itself; they are the good
physicians who knit together the dislocated bones of a dis-
jointed time; they are the reconcilers who turn the hearts
of the children to the fathers, or of the fathers to the children.
They have but little praise and reward from the partisans
who are loud in indiscriminate censure and applause. But,
like Samuel, they have a far higher reward, in the Davids
who are silently strengthened and nurtured by them in
Naioth of Eamah, — in the glories of a new age which shall
be ushered in peacefully and happily after they have been
laid in the grave.
In two important ways, this character of mediation, if I
may so call it, was discernible in the Prophetical office
generally, and, as far as we can see, was specially exemplified
in Samuel.
First, we observe in his position and character that inde- His inde-
pendence of spirit which has sometimes caused the Prophets, ^^^^
and himself in particular, to be regarded almost as the
demagogues, the tribunes of the Jewish people. The song
ascribed to his mother at his birth well expresses the new
element, which was in him to break out and run across the
' Basil, Ep. 82.
406 SAMUEL. lect. xviit.
usual tenor of Jewish society. ' The bows of the mighty
' men are broken, and they that stumbled are girded vnth
' strength.' ' The Lord maketh poor and maketh rich ; '
' He bringeth low and lifteth up.' Stern rebuke of the
popular will, stern defiance of regal tyranny, stern denuncia-
tion of sacerdotal corruption, marked the entrance of the
Prophetic dispensation into the Church. To be above the
world, to derive courage and strength from a higher source
than the world, was the first guarantee for a due discharge
of the Prophetic mission. ' There is none holy as the
* Lord ; for there is none beside thee ; neither is there
' any rock like our Grod.' ^
But, secondly, in Samuel as afterwards, this attitude of
solitary defiance was not the attitude of Priestly interest
His anti- or ambition. Of all the ' vulgar errors ' in sacred history,
character iione is greater than that which represents the conflict of
Samuel with Saul as a conflict between the regal and
sacerdotal power. It is doubtful even whether he was
of Levitical descent ; ^ it is certain that he was not a Priest.
* Samuel Propheta fuit, Judex fuit, Levita fuit, non Pontifex,
* ne Sacerdos quidem.' * And in accordance with this we
may observe that Samuel himself, after the fall of Shiloh,
dwelt not at Gribeon or Nob, the seat of the Tabernacle and
the Priesthood, but at Ramah. At Ramah, and at Bethel,
and at Grilgal, not in the conse^ated precincts of Hebron or
Anatlioth, were the Prophetic schools. He reproved Saul
the King, only in the same way as, m his early childhood,
he had reproved Eli the Priest. The guilt of Saul's sacrifice
at Grilgal was not that it infringed on the province of the
' 1 Sam. ii. 4, 7. Ps. Ixxviii. 1) and Ewald (ii. 549) by
^ Rid. ii. 2. supposing that the Levites were oeca-
^ Elkanah, in 1 Sam. i. 1, is an sionally incorporated into the tribes
Ephrathite or Ephraimite ; in 1 Chron. amongst which they lived.
vi. 22, 23, he is a Levite. This has * Jerome, adv. Jovinianum.
been explained by Hengstenberg (on ^
LECT. XVIII. HIS GRADUAL GROWTH. 407
Priest : Saul as king had the same right to sacrifice as David
and Solomon had afterwards. It was that he in his rash
superstition broke through the moral restraint imposed upon
him by the Prophet. And in the yet more memorable scene,
where Samuel, as the stern executioner of judgment on the
captive Agag, protests against the misplaced mildness of Saul,
his words rise far above the special occasion, and contain the
keynote of the long remonstrance of the Prophets in all sub-
sequent times against an exaggerated estimate of ceremonial
above obedience. The very flow of the words recalls to us
the form as well as the spirit of Amos and Isaiah. ' Hath
' the Lord as great delight in burnt offerings and sacrifices
' as in obeying the voice of the Lord ? Behold, to obey is
' better than sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams.
' For the sin of witchcraft is rebellion, and iniquity and
' idolatry are stubbornness. . . . The Strength of
' Israel will not lie nor repent ; for He is not a man that
' He should repent.' ^
There is one more aspect in which Samuel's life may be
viewed. It was not merely as the chief leader of the People
when they passed into the second stage of their national
history, nor as the Founder of the Schools of the Prophets,
that he is especially known as ' Samuel the Prophet.' It was
because, unlike Moses or Deborah, or any previous saint or His
teacher of the Jewish Church, he grew up for this office from ^ro^yth.
his earliest years. He was ' the Prophet ' from first to last.
Even in his parentage, we find a slight but significant indi-
cation of his preparation for it. His mother, as we have
seen, was almost a prophetess ; the word ZopJdm, as the
affix of his birthplace Rainathaim, has been explained, not
unreasonably, to mean ' seers ' or ' watchmen ; ' and Elkanah
his father is, in ancient Jewish tradition,^ called ' a disciple
' 1 Sam. XT. 22, 23, 29. * Targum of Jonathan on 1 Sam. i. 1.
408 SAMUEL. lect. xvm.
' of the Prophets.' This early education for his office is, in-
deed, the picture of Samuel most familiar to our thoughts. It
is not the terrible figure which rose up before the apostate
king in the cave of Endor — the stern old man, ascending
like a god from the earth, with threatening and disquieted
countenance, with the fearful aspect of him who had pre-
sented the mangled remains of Agag as a sacrifice at Gilgal,
who had called down thunder from heaven, who had shaken off
Saul from the skirts of that prophetic mantle with which his
face was veiled. It is not this shape, grand and striking
though it be, in which Samuel usually rises to our recollections.
It is as the little child in his linen ephod, and in the little
' mantle ' which his mother brought him from year to year ;
the child Samuel sleeping in the Tabernacle of Shiloh, in the
simple sleep of innocence, unknowing of the sins which went
on around him ; roused by the mysterious voice, listening in
deep reverence to its awful message. This is the image of
Samuel which is enshrined to us in Christian art ; this is the
image which most appeals to our general sympathy, and on
which the Sacred Text lays the most peculiar stress. On these
early chapters of the Books of Samuel, we are told that in
his gentler moments Luther used to dwell with the tender-
ness which formed the occasional counterpoise to the ruder
passions and enterprises of his general life. Ever and
anon amidst the crimes and terrors of the narrative of that
troubled time ; athwart the sins and corruptions of the
Priesthood, and the passions and the calamities of the
nation, the scene of the Sacred Story is, as it were, drawn
back, and reveals to us, in successive glimpses, the one
peaceful, consoling, hopeful image, and we hear the same
gentle undersong of childlike, devoted, continuous goodness.
' His mother said, I will bring him that he may appear
'before the Lord, and there abide for ever.'' 'And she
> 1 Sara, i. 22.
LECT. xvui. HIS GRADUAL GEOWTH. 409
brought him unto the House of the Lord in Shiloh, and
the child was young.'' ^ And she said, ' For this child I
prayed ; and the Lord hath given me the petition which I
asked of him. Therefore also I have lent him to the Lord ;
as long as he liveth, he shall he lent to the Lord. And
he tuorshipped the Lord there.'' ^ ' And the child did,
Tninister unto the Lord before Eli the Priest.' ^ (' The
sons of Eli were men of Belial ; . . . and the sin of the
young men was very great before the Lord. • . . ) But
Samuel ministered before the Lord, being a child.' * * And
the child Samuel grew before the Lord.'' (' Now Eli was
very old, and heard all that his sons did to all Israel ; and
said unto them, Why do ye such things ? . . . Notwith-
standing they hearkened not unto the voice of their father,
because the Lord would slay them.') *And the child
Samuel grew on, and was in favour both with the Lord and
with men.'^ ('There came a man of God unto Eli and
said . . . Wherefore honourest thou thy sons above me, to
make yourselves fat with the chiefest of all the offerings of
Israel my people?) . . . And the child Samuel minis-
tered unto the Lord before Eli,' ^ ' And Samuel greiv,
and the Jjord was with him, and did let none of his
words fall to the ground, and all Israel from Dan to
Beersheba knew that Samuel ivas established to be a
prophet of the Lord.' ^
It is this contrast of the silent, inward, unconscious
growth of Samuel, with the violence and profligacy of the
times, that renders this narrative the first example of the
like characteristic of the history of the Christian Church, in
so many stages of its existence. It is also the expression of
» 1 Sam. i. 24. * Pnd. 12, 17, IS.
* Ibid. 27,28. This act of worship ' * Ibid. 21-26.
on the part of the child is omitted in ^ Ihid. 27-36 ; iii. 1.
the LXX. ' Ibid. iii. 19, 20.
» Ibid. ii. 11.
410 SMIUEL. LECT. xrai.
a universal truth. Samuel is the main example, as we have
seen, of the moderator and mediator of two epochs. He is,
also, the first instance of a Prophet gradually raised for his
office from the earliest dawn of reason. His work and his
life are the counterparts of each other. With all the recol-
lections of the ancient sanctuary impressed upon his mind —
with the voice of Grod sounding in his ears, not, according
to the experience of the elder leaders and teachers of his
people, amidst the roar of thunder and the clash of war, but
in the still silence of the Tabernacle, ere the lamp of God
went out — he was the more fitted to meet the coming crisis,
to become the centre of new institutions, which should them-
selves become venerable as those in which he had been him-
self brought up. Because in him the various parts of his
life hung together without any abrupt transition ; because
in him * the child was father of the man,' and his days had
been 'bound each to each by natural piety,' therefore he
was especially ordained to bind together the broken links of
two diverging epochs ; therefore he could impart to others,
and to the age in which he lived, the continuity which he
had experienced in his own life ; therefore he could gather
round him the better spirits of his time by that discernment
of * a pure heart, which sees through heaven and hell.' In
that first childlike response, ' Speak, Lord, for thy servant
' heareth,' was contained the secret of his strength. When in
each successive stage of his growth the call waxed louder
and louder, to duties more and more arduous, he could still
look back without interruption to the first time when it broke
his midnight slumbers ; when, under the fatherly counsel
His end. of Eli, he had obeyed its summons, and found its judgments
fulfilled. He could still, as he stood before the people at
Grilgal, appeal to the unbroken purity of his long eventful
life. Whatever might have been the lawless liabits of the
chiefs of those times, — Hophni, Phinehas, or his own sons, —
LECT. xviir. HIS DEATH. 4J1
lie had kept aloof from all. ' Behold, I am old and grey-
' headed, and I have walked before you from my childhood
' unto this day. Behold, here I am ; witness against me
' before the Lord.' No ox or ass had he taken from their
stalls; no bribe to obtain his judgment ' — not even so much
as a sandal.^ It is this appeal, and the universal response of
the people, that has caused Grrotius ^ to give him the name of
the Jewish Aristides. And when the hour of his death came,
we are told, with a peculiar emphasis of expression, that ' all
the Israelites '—not one portion or fragment only, as might
have been expected in that time of division and confusion—
'were gathered together,' round him who had been the
father of all alike, and ' lamented him and buried him ; '
not in any sacred spot or secluded sepulchre, but in the midst His grave.
of the home which he had consecrated only by his own long
unblemished career, ' in his house at Kamah.' ^ We know
not with certainty the situation of Ramah. Of Samuel as
of Moses it may be said, ' No man knoweth of his sepulchre
' unto this day.' But the lofty peak ^ above Gibeon, which
has long borne his name, has this feature (in common, to a
certain extent, with any high place which can have been the
scene of his life and death), that it overlooks the whole of
that broad table-land, on which the fortunes of the Jewish
monarchy were afterwards unrolled. Its towering emi-
nence, from which the pilgrims first obtained their view of
Jerusalem, is no unfit likeness of the solitary grandeur of the
Prophet Samuel, living and dying in the very midst of the
future glory of his country.
' f^i\afffjia (LXX.) ; 1 Sam. xii. tion, which reaches back as far as the
* vTr6Sr]fj.a (LXX.) ; 1 Sam. xii. seventh centm-y, is the needless hy-
* Eec'lus. xlvi. 19. pothesis which has endeavoured to
* 1 Sam. XXV. 1. identify Eamah with the nameless
* Samuel's grave is pointed out in a city in 1 Sam. ix. 6. See Mr. Grove's
cave underneath the floor of the Mus- article on Kamathaim-zophim in
sulman mosque of Nebi Samwil. The Dictionary of the Bible.
only serious objection to this tradi-
412 SAMUEL. lect. xviii.
The Is it possible to evade or to forget the illustration which
Samuel's ^^^^ story derives from the experiences of education every-
life. where ? The venerable sanctuary which Joshua had planted,
and where Eleazar had ministered, the monument of what
I have before termed the mediaeval age of the Jewish Church,
is but the likeness, many times repeated in the Christian
Church — but nowhere more strikingly than in England and
in Oxford — of the ancient seats of education, the cathedrals,
the monasteries, the colleges blending both together, where
generation after generation is trained for the future exercise
of the pastoral office. Under such auspices, both in the
Jewish and in the Christian Church, grow up Hophni and
Phinehas, the profligate sons of Eli, and the blameless youth
of the child of Elkanah. Sacred associations, religious ser-
vices, are as deadening and hardening to the one, as they are
elevating and purifjdng to the other.
In this atmosphere, so charged with good and evil for
the future, not less impressive is the lesson of the connexion
between Samuel's character and Samuel's mission. Wild
excesses in youth are often followed by energy, by zeal, by
devotion. We read it in the examples of Augustine, of
Loyola, of John Newton. Sudden conversions of cha-
racter such as these are amongst the most striking points
of ecclesiastical history. But no less certain is it that
they are rarely, very rarely, followed by moderation, by
calmness, by impartial wisdom. Count the eager partisans
of our own or of other times. How often shall we find that
their early discipline was one of headstrong and violent
passion ! How often shall we find that the conversion of
a lawless and reckless youth issues in the one-sided and
superstitious zeal which hurries the ark of God into battle,
after the example of Hophni and Phinehas, — which would
oppose to the death the erection of the monarchy and the
rise of the Prophets, as Hophni and Phinehas in all proba-
LECT. sviii. HIS CHARACTER. 413
bility would have opposed it, had they been converted and
spared !
Whatever else is gained by sudden and violent conversions,
this is lost. Whatever else, on the other hand, is lost by the
absence of experience of evil, by the calm and even life
which needs no repentance, this is gained. The especial
work of guiding, moderating, softening, the jarring counsels
of men, is for the most part the especial privilege of those
w^ho have grown up into matured strength from early begin-
nings of purity and goodness — of those who can humbly and
thankfully look back through middle age, and youth and
childhood, with no sudden rent or breach in their pure and
peaceful recollections.
Samuel is the chief type, in ecclesiastical history, of
holiness, of growth, of a new creation without conversion ; and
his mission is an example of the special missions which such
characters are called to fulfil. In proportion as the different
stages of life have sprung naturally and spontaneously out of
each other, without any abrupt revulsion, each serves as a
foundation on which the other may stand ; each makes the
foundation of the whole more sure and stable. In proportion
as our own foundation is thus stable, and as our own minds
and hearts have grown up gradually and firmly, without any
violent disturbance or wrench to one side or to the other,
in that proportion is it the more possible to view with calm-
ness and moderation the difficulties and differences of others
— to avail ourselves of the new methods and new characters
that the advance of time throws in our way — to return from
present perplexities to the pure and untroubled well of our
early years — to preserve and to communicate the childlike
faith, changed doubtless in form, but the same in spirit, in
which we first knelt in humble prayer for ourselves and
others, and drank in the first impressions of God and of
Heaven. The call may come to us in many ways ; it may
414 SAMUEL. lect. xviii.
tell us of the change of the priesthood, of the fall of the
earthly sanctuary, of the rise of strange thoughts, of the
beginning of a new epoch. Happy are they who, here or
elsewhere, are able to perceive the signs of the times, and to
answer without fear or trembling, 'Speak, Lord, for thy
' servant heareth.'
415
LECTURE XIX.
THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER.
The life of Samuel is so marked an epoch in the history of
the Prophetical Office, that this seems the fittest place for the
consideration of an institution, which, though it bore its chief
fruits in the periods following on that just brought to a close
in the foregoing Lectures, may yet be viewed as a whole in
this critical moment of its existence.
It will accordingly be my endeavour to describe, first, the
Prophetical Order or Institution, in its original historical
connexion, and, secondly, the nature of the Prophetical
Teaching in its relations to the moral and spiritual condition
of the Jewish, and, indirectly, of the Christian Church.
I. Before entering on the history of the order, the meaning The word
of the word ' Prophet,' in the two sacred languages, must be
exactly defined.
The Hebrew word Nahi is derived from the verb naba, Nabi.
which, however, never occurs in the active, but only in the
passive conjugations of the vei'b, according to the analogy of
the deponent verbs in Latin : — loqui, fari, vociferari, vati-
cinari, where the passive form seems to indicate that the
speaker is swayed by impulses over which he has not himself
entire control. The root of the verb is said to be a word
signifying ' to boil or bubble over,' and is thus based on the
metaphor of a fountain bursting forth from the heart of
man, into which God has poured it.' Its actual meaning is
' See Gesenius, in voce Nabi: Comp. Prov. i. 23.
416 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER. lect. xix.
to pour forth excited utterances, as appears from its occa-
sional use in the sense of raving.^ Even to this day, in the
East, the ideas of prophet and madman are closely connected.
The religious sense, in which, with these exceptions, the word
is always employed, to which the peculiar form of the word,
as just observed, lends itself, is that of ' speaking ' or ' singing
under a divine afflatus or impulse.^ The same seems to be
the general sense of the Arabic nebi. It is this word that the
Seventy translated by a Grreek term not of frequent usage in
classical authors, but which, through their adoption of it, has
passed into all modern European languages ; namely, the
' Prophet.' word irpocprJTTjs, ' PuoPHET.' The sense of this word in
classical writers is not less clearly defined than that of Nabi
in Hebrew, and, though not exactly the same in sense, is
sufficiently analogous to justify its employment by the
Alexandrine translators. It is always an interpreter .or
medium of the Divine will. Thus Apollo is the Prophet of
Jupiter, the Pythia was the Prophetess of Apollo, and the
attendants or expounders of her ejaculations were the Prophets
of the Pythia. It is possible that the Seventy may have
derived their use of the word from its special application in
Egypt to the chief of the Sacerdotal order in any particular
temple. His duties were to walk at the close of the sacred
processions, bearing in his bosom an urn of sacred water ; to
control the taxes, and to teach the sacred books. It was
probably in this last capacity that the Grreek name of
' Prophet ' was applied to him, and that we hear of the office
being held by Sonches and Sechnuphis, the reputed masters
of Pythagoras and of Plato.'^
The Grreek preposition pro (Trpo), as compounded in the
word Pro-phet, has, as is well known, the threefold meaning
' 1 Sam. xviii. 10. Comp. 2 Kings ^ Clem. Alex. Strom,, i. 15, vi. 4, and
ix. 11, and the connexion of fxavTis Valesius' notes on Eusebius, H.E.
and nalvofiai. iv. 8.
LECT. XIX. THE WORD ' PROPHET. 417
of 'beforehand,' 'in public,' and 'in behalf of or 'for.' It
is possible that all these three meanings may have a place in
the word. But in its original meaning the second and third
predominate : ' one who speaks out publicly the thoughts
of another.' ^ As applied therefore by the Septuagint,
in the Old Testament, and by the writers of the New
Testament, who have taken the word from the Septuagint, it
is used simply to express the same idea as that intended in
the Hebrew Kabi: not foreteller, nor (as has been said more
truly, but not with absolute exactness) ' forth-teller,'' but
' spokesman,' ^ and (in the religious sense in which it is
almost invariably used) 'expounder,' and 'interpreter,' of the
Divine Mind.
The English words ' prophet,' ' prophecy,' ' prophesying,' Modern
originally kept tolerably close to the Biblical use of the ^^®°^^^^
word. The celebrated dispute about ' prophesyings,' in the
sense of 'preachings,' in the reign of Elizabeth, and the
treatise of Jeremy Taylor on The Liberty of Prophesying,
i. e. the liberty of preaching, show that even down to the
seventeenth century the word was still used, as in the Bible,
for ' preaching,' or ' speaking according to the will of Grod.'
In the seventeenth century, however, the limitation of the
word to the sense of ' prediction ' had gradually begun to
appear ; ^ founded partly on a misapprehension of the true
' This appears clearly from the would seem that he took the preposi-
■words irp6i.i.avTis and vwo(pnrr,s used tion as signifying beforehand. But
synonymously with it (see Liddell and there is hardly any appearance of this
Scott in voce). usage either in the LXX. or the New
2 ThusinExod. iv. 16; yii. 1. ' Aa- Testament. The nearest approaches
ron shall be thy prophet,' — 'instead in the Biblical use of the word
of a mouth.' 'Prophet ' to the sense of prediction
^ It is true that Clement of Alex- are in the speeches and epistles of
andria occasionally dwells on the word S. Peter. (Acts ii. 30; iii. 18, 21;
(Strom, ii. 12) as equivalent to irpo- i Pet. i. 10; 2 Pet. i. 19, 20; iii. 2.)
Oi<riri^eii/ and irpoyivwaKuv, whence it
E E
418 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
meaning of the Greek preposition, partly on the attention
attracted by the undoubtedly predictive parts of the pro-
phetical writings.
This secondary meaning of the word had by the time of Dr.
Johnson so entirely superseded the original Scriptural signi-
fication, that he gives no other special definition of it than
' to predict, to foretell, to prognosticate ; ' 'a predicter, a
' foreteller ; ' ' foreseeing or foretelling future events ; ' and in
this sense it has been used almost down to our own day, when
the revival of Biblical criticism has resuscitated, in some
measure, the Biblical use of the word.
A somewhat similar divergence of sentiment has sprung
up in the Mussulman world. The Sonnites or orthodox
Mussulmans still use the word in its original sense, as a
divinely instructed teacher, whilst the Shiahs or heretical
Mussulmans use it as equivalent to one who has the power
of prediction. It is even said that this difference as to the
meaning of the Prophetic office, far more than the dispute
respecting the succession to the Caliphate, lies at the root of
that great schism in the Mussulman community.
How far the modern limitation of the word is borne out
by the unquestionable prevalence of Prediction in the Pro-
phetical Office of the Jewish Church, will best appear in the
next lecture. Meanwhile it is important at the outset, and
in the history of the Order, to adliere to the ancient and only
Biblical use of the term, the more so, as the contracted sense
in which it is now popularly employed would exclude from
oiu- consideration the most remarkable and characteristic
instances of it, — Moses, Samuel, and Elijah, in the Old
Testament, John the Baptist and St. Paul in the New.
The Prophet, then, was ' the messenger or interpreter of
the Divine will.' Such is the force of all the synonyms
employed for the office. The Prophet is expressly called ' the
LECT. XIX. THE OFFICE. 419
interpreter,' ^ and ' the messenger of Jehovah.' ^ He is also
called ' the man of spirit,' ^ and ' the Spirit of Jehovah '
enters into him,'' and ' clothes ' * him. These expressions thus
correspond almost exactly to our words ' inspired ' and ' inspi-
ration.' The greater Prophets are called * men of Grod.' ^
Their communications are called * the word of Jehovah,' and a
peculiar term is used for the Divine voice in this connexion,
cliiefly in Ezekiel and Jeremiah.'^ In the New Testament
this meaning is still continued. The detailed descriptions of
'prophesying,' by S. Paul,^ are hardly distinguishable from
what we should call ' preaching ; ' the word ' exhortation,' ^
or ' consolation,' is used as identical with it ; and the same
stress as in the Old Testament is laid on the force of the
Divine impulse, whence it sprang. ' Prophecy came not
' in old time by the will of man ; but holy men of old
' spake as they were moved by the Holy Grhost.' ^° ' Grod
'spake by' (or 'in') 'the Prophets ;'^^ whence the phrase
in the Nicene Creed, ' The Holy Grhost . . . spoke by the
' Prophets.'
Two points thus distinguish the Prophets from first to last.
The first is their consciousness of deriving their gift from a
Divine source. No other literature so directly appeals to
such an origin. The impulse was irresistible.^'^ ' Woe is me
' if I preach not the gospel.' '" Secondly, the Divine communi-
cation is made through the persons of men. The rustling
leaves of Dodona, or the symptoms of the entrails in Eoman
sacrifices, were thought ' oracular,' or ' predictive,' but would
' Isa. xliii. 27. Translated ' teach- ' DX3 See Gesenius, in voce.
ers.' 8 1 Cqj. ^^ 3^ 4_ 24, 25.
2 Haggai i. 13 ; Mai. i. 1 (the word ' Bar-waJas (' the son of prophesy-
' Malachi ') ; Judg. ii. 1. ing ') is expressly translated v'los vapa-
^ Hos. ix. 7. KKriaews, ' the son of exhortation,' or,
* Ezek. li. 2. as in our version, ' consolation,' Acts
* Judg. vi. 34; 1 Chron. xii. 18 ; iv. 36. Comp. 1 Cor. xiv. 3.
2 Chron. xxiv. 20. lo 2 Pet. i. 21. " Heb. i. 1.
8 Comp. 1 Sam. ii. 27 ; ix. 6 ; 1 's Num. xxiv. 1 .
Kings xii. 22 ; xiii. 1,2. is i Cor. ix. 16.
E E 2
420 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
never have been called ' prophetic' The ' Urim and Thum-
mim ' on the High Priest's breastplate might be the medium
of a Divine Revelation, but whatever intimations they con-
veyed were not made through the mind and mouth of a man,
and were therefore not ' prophecies.' ^
II. Such being the meaning of the word, I proceed to give
a brief history of the institution in the Jewish Church. The
life and character of each individual prophet will belong to
the period in which he appeared. But a general survey of
. , all is necessary to a just understanding of each.
Strictly speaking, the name and office of a Prophet was
not confined to the Jewish people. Not to speak of the
origin of the name as derived from Greek and Egyptian
The heathenism, the Bible itself recognises the existence of ' Pro-
Prophets, phets ' outside the pale of the true religion. The earliest
and greatest instance of a heathen prophet ^ is Balaam ; and
the form as well as the substance of his prophecies is cast in
the same mould as that of the Hebrew prophets themselves.
' The prophets of Baal ' are also frequently mentioned during
the history of the monarchy, and ' false prophets ' ^ are
described as abounding. S. Paul also recognises Epimenides
the Cretan as a 'prophet;'* perhaps merely as an equivalent
• Two or three other phrases in The last trace of the seer is in 'Ha-
connexion with the oflS.ce must nani the seer' in the reign of Asa, 2
be briefly noticed: — 1. The word Chron. xvi. 7; the last of the gazer
nataph Pl63 rendered ' prophesy ' and in the reign of Manasseh, 2 Chron.
'prophet,' in Micah ii. 6, 11, has the xxxiii. 19.
force of dropping, as gum from a tree, ^ So called 2 Pet. ii. 16, and, by
and thus falls in with the original implication. Num. xxiv. 2, 4. In
signification of INabi. 2. The ancient Josh. xiii. 22, he is called ' the sooth-
word for 'prophet,' superseded by s&yev' {koscm).
Nabi shortly after Samuel's time, is ^ The names of some have been pre-
'Seer' (Eoch), 1 Sam. ix ; 1 Chron. served. Hananiah (Jer. xxviii. 1, 17;
ix. 22; xxvi. 28; xxix. 29. 3. An- LXX.), Zedekiah (Jer. xxix. 21),
other antique title was 'Gazer' (Ho- Ahab {ibid.), Shemaiah (ibid. 24),
zch), 1 Chron. xxv. 5; xxi. 9; xxix. Zedekiah (1 Kings xxii. 11, 24).
29; 2 Chron. xxxiii. 19; Hab. i. 1 ; * Tit. i. 12.
Isa. i. 1 ; ii. 1 ; xiii. 1 ; Amos i. 1.
LECT. XIX. UNDER MOSES. 421
to ' poet,' or votes, but probably in allusion to the mysterious
and religious character with which Epimenides was invested.
S. Jude also speaks of the apocryphal book of Enoch as a
prophecy.^ These instances are important, both as illustrating
the meaning of the word and the nature of the office, and also
showing the freedom with which the Bible recognises ' revela-
tion ' and ' inspiration ' outside the circle of the Chosen
People. Still it is within that circle, and as a special
characteristic of the Jewish Church and nation, that the
office must be considered.
(1.) There is no direct mention of a prophet before the The rise
time of Moses. The name is indeed incidentally given to Prophetic
Abraham when Abimelech is warned to restore Sarah,^ ' for ^^'^®'^-
' he is a 'prophet, and he shall pray for thee ;.' and probably
the Psalmist makes the same allusion in the expression,
* Do my prophets no harm.' ^ But Abraham never utters
what would be called ' prophecies ; ' and those promises and
predictions which are made to him, or which occur in the
earlier chapters of Grenesis, in the primeval narrative of the
Fall, though often classed by modern divines as ' the first
prophecies,' are never so called in the Bible, which, as we
have seen, only recognises under the name of ' prophecies '
those which are delivered through the personal agency of
men. A nearer apprjDach is in the Blessing of Jacob.^ This,
however, is never in the Bible directly called a prophecy,
nor is Jacob called a Prophet.
But Moses receives the name repeatedly, and in one Under
IVToSGS.
famous passage ^ is made the type or Ukeness of the whole
order, even of the Last and Greatest of all. The expo-
sition of the Law is what most peculiarly marks his position.
The poetical gift displayed in the three Songs of the
' Verse 14. * Gen. xlix.
' Gen. XX. 7. * Deut. xviii. 15-18. See Lecture
' Ps. CT. 15. VIL
422 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
Pentateuch * and the 90th Psalm, belongs to him '^ in
common with the Prophets of a later time. Such a burst
of prophecy, as is contained in the acts and words of Moses,
of itself marks his appearance as the first Prophetical
epoch in the Jewish Church, and, as might be expected,
indications of its lesser manifestations elsewhere at this
time are faintly discerned. Aaron is described as ' a
prophet' in relation to Moses himself.^ Miriam is almost
always designated as ' the prophetess,' and on one occasion
not only the seventy elders, but two youths outside the sacred
circle, are described as catching the Divine afflatus ; and the
great Prophet, in despite of the narrower spirit of the soldier
Joshua, wishes that it should extend to the whole people.*
Under the (2.) With the generation of Moses the gift seems for a
time to have expired. Joshua has sometimes been reckoned
as a Prophet, and his address- to the people before his death
may, in the Hebrew sense of the word, perhaps be regarded
as a prophecy. But this is not a usual view of his position.
Josephus thinks that he was accompanied by a Prophet.
And on one occasion, just before his death, a * messenger
of the Lord,' an earlier ' Malachi,' is described as addressing
the people at Bochim.'^ Two more such nameless Prophets
appear in the days of Gideon^ and of Eli. Ehud apparently
had that character at the court of Moab.' But these are
doubtful and isolated instances. The only detailed and
characteristic prophecy of the time of the Judges, is
that of ' the Prophetess ' Deborah.^ The other Judges,
if Prophets at all, are Prophets only in action. They were
' clothed with the Divine Spirit,' or ' struck ' by it,^ but only
to perform acts of strength, not to utter words of wisdom.
' Ex. XV. 1- 19 ; Deut.xxxii., xxxiii. ^ Ibid. -d. 8 ; 1 Sam. ii. 27.
2 Lecture VIII. ' Ibid. iii. 20.
3 Ex. iv. 16 ; vii. 1. » Ibid. iv. 4 ; v. 7.
* Num. xi. 25-29. » See Lecture XII.
' Judg. ii. 1.
LECT. XIX. UNDEE SAMUEL. 4ii3
It is at the close of the period of the Judges that the
office of Prophet first becomes not merely an occasional
manifestation, but a fixed institution in the Jewish Church.
Samuel is the true founder of the Order of Prophets. ' Until Under
, -1 r, Samuel.
' Samuel the prophet,' ' !• rom Samuel and those that follow
' after,' * ' Samuel and the Prophets,' ^ are expressions which
exactly agree with the facts of the history. In his time the
name of ' Prophet ' {Nahi) first came into use, in place of the
ancient and less exalted title of * Seer ' ^ {Roeh), or * Grazer '
{Hozeh). In his time first appear the companies of the ' sons
' of the prophets.' * From his time the succession continues, in
every generation, unbroken down to Malachi. He, like Moses,
appears not alone, but as the centre of a circle of Prophets ;
bat, unlike Moses, of a circle ^ome of whom were as
highly endowed with prophetic gifts as he himself. Without
dwelling on the doubtful case of his father Elkanah and his
mother Hannah, there were certainly Grad, Nathan, David,
Saul, and Heman, Samuel's grandson, amongst those who,
if they were not actually educated by him, all marked the
epoch of his appearance. Amongst these, Samuel, Gad, and
Heman, as if still belonging in a measure to the older state
of things, are called ' Seers,' whereas Nathan and David bear,
without variation, the new name of ' Prophet.' *
(3.) From the two most remarkable of this age, Nathan Under
and David, flowed, in all probability, the two proplietic Nathan.
schools, which never entirely ceased out of the Jewish
Church as long as the prophetic gift lasted at all, but which
may be noticed especially on this their first appearance.
David, in continental nations, is always termed not 'the
Royal Psalmist,' but 'the Prophet King,' and in Mus-
' Acts iii. 24 ; xiii. 20. 28; xxix. 29, ' the seer' (Boek) ; Gad,
2 Heb. xi. 32. 1 Chron. xxix. 29 ; xxi. 9 ; Heman,
^ 1 Sam. ix. 9. 1 Chron. xxv. 5 ; ' the gazer' (Hozeh);
* See Lectui-e XVIII. Nathan 'the prophet' (A^abi), 1 Chron.
* Samuel, 1 Chron. ix. 22 ; xxn. xxix. 29.
424 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, xect. xix.
sulman traditions is especially known as ' the Prophet of
Grod,' as Abraham is the ' Friend,' and Mahomet ' the
Apostle ' of Grod. He gave to his prophetic utterances the
peculiar charm of song and music, which has procured him
amongst ourselves the name of ' the Psalmist,' and to his
prophecies and those that are formed on their model, the
name of 'Psalms,' or 'songs.' Nathan (who probably is
the first ' seer ' that received distinctly the name of ' Pro-
phet '), in one of the only two prophecies directly ascribed to
him, adopts the form of an apologue or proverb, that of the
ewe-lamb ; and being as he was the main supporter, if not
instructor,^ of Solomon, may be considered as the first example
of that kind of moral instruction in which the gifts of
Solomon, though not expressly called prophetic, found their
chief vent.
In the (4.) It was in the disorders at the close of Solomon's reign
Kingdom, ^hat the Prophetic Order assumed an importance in the State
such as it had never acquired before. Samuel had trans-
ferred the crown from Saul to David ; Nathan from Adonijah
to Solomon. But Ahijah, in transferring it from Eehoboam
to Jeroboam, created not merely a new dynasty, but a new
kingdom. The northern kingdom was, during the first
period of its existence, the kingdom of the Prophets. The
Priests took refuge in Judah. But the Prophets, for
the first two centuries after the disruption, were almost en-
tirely confined to Israel. All the seats of prophetic in-
struction (with the possible exception of Eamah) were
within the kingdom of Samaria, — Bethel, Jericho, Gilgal,
Carmel.
We hear of these by fifties,^ and by hundreds at once, and
the names of many have come down to us : Ahijah of Shiloh,'
' 2 Sam. xii. 25 (LXX.) ; 1 Kinga « 1 Kings xviii. 4; 2 Kings ii. 3.
10. * 1 Kings xi. 29.
LECT. XIX. UNDER THE MONAECHY. 425
Iddo ' the seer,' ' Jehu the son of Hanani,^ Obadiah,^ Micaiah,''
Oded/ and, chiefest of all, Elijah and Elisha. A few Pro-
phets of the southern kingdom are mentioned as contem-
porary with these : Azariah,^ Hanani ^ ' the seer,' Eliezer.^
But neither in numbers nor in influence can these be com-
pared with those who had their sphere of action in the north,
of whom Elijah stands forth as the great representative. In
this arduous position, sometimes at variance, sometimes in
close harmony, with the Kings of Israel, they maintained the
true religion in the northern tribes, at times when in Judah
it was crushed to the ground, and when in Israel it had
to struggle against severe persecution or sluggish apathy.
And by their free passage to and fro between the rival
kingdoms, and their endeavours on both sides to keep up a
sentiment of humanity,^ the Prophets of this epoch must be
regarded as important instruments for upholding not only
the religious but the national unity.
(5.) This is the great epoch of the Prophetic action as dis- In the
tinct from the Prophetic writings of the Jewish Church. It is of Judah,
true that during this time the main historical literature of ^^ ^^iters.
the country was formed under the Prophetic guidance. We
have distinct notices of the works in which Samuel, Gad,
and Nathan described the life of David,'" and in which Nathan
and Iddo described the lives of Solomon and Jeroboam."
These unfortunately have all perished. Their historical as
well as their poetical writings, no less than those of the still
earlier period of Moses and the Judges, are only handed
down in the compositions or compilations of others. The
» 2 Cliron. ix. 29. Identified by * 2 Chron. xxviii. 9,
Josephus and Jerome with the pro- ° Ibid. xv. 1-8.
phet of Judah, 1 Kings xiii. 1. ' Ibid. xvi. 7.
2 1 Kin2s xvi. 7. » Ibid. xx. 37.
' 1 Kings xviii. 3 ; and 2 Kings iv. ' Ibid, xxviii. 9. See Lecture XX.
1, according to Josephus {Ant. ix. 4, '" 1 Chron. xxix. 29.
§ 2). n 2 Chron. ix. 29.
* 1 Kings xxii. 8.
426 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
writings of David alone have been preserved in an inde-
pendent and original form. But about the time of the
destruction of the northern kingdom, a new phase passed
over the Prophetic Order. Probably in consequence of the
increasing cultivation of the people that had set in during the
reign of Solomon, and had gradually penetrated all classes,
the Prophets, or their immediate disciples, seem to have
committed to writing the greater part of their prophecies.
Of these written prophecies, the earliest is probably that of
Joel ; and in him the man of action is still visible athwart
the written record. Close following upon him, are the last
Prophets of the declining kingdom of the north, — Jonah,
Hosea, and Amos.
Immediately succeeding to these, but now confined to the
southern kingdom, under Uzziah and his three successors,
rises the great school of Prophets, Isaiah, Micah, Nahum, and
' Zechariah ^ who had understanding in the visions of God.'
Following upon these, in fainter strains, as the external
dangers increased, and the internal strength of the kingdom
declined, were Zephaniah, probably Habakkuk, Obadiah,
and the nameless * seer ' or ' seers ' ^ in the reign of Manasseh.
The series is concluded by the most mournful, and in some
respects the greatest, of the older Prophets, Jeremiah, with
the circle of inferior Prophets round him, Huldah the Pro-
phetess,^ Urijah,'' and Hanan.
In the (6.) Jeremiah is the last of the Prophetic Order who is
Captivity, actively concerned in moving the affairs of the State and
Church. In the Prophets jf the Captivity, and of the Eeturn,
' 2 Cliron. xxvi. 5. This is pro- Jeremiah, and now contained in the
bably the same as Zechariah, the son writings of the later Zechariah (Zech.
of Jebercchiah (Isa. viii. 2), to whom ix.-xiii.).
have been often ascribed, with much ^ 2 Chron. xxsiii. 19.
probability, portions, if not the whole, ^ 2 Kings xxii. 14.
of the prophecies quoted by S. Mat- '' Jer. xxvi. 20 ; xxxv. 4.
thew (xxvii. 9, 10) under the name of
JLECT. XIX. IN THE CAPTIVITY. 427
the character of authors goes far to supersede the character of
their older mission. Their works are for the most part, as
those of their predecessors had never been, arranged in
chronological sequence, and their style becomes continuous
and fixed. Amongst these, three names are conspicu6us :
Ezekiel, who connects the close of the Monarchy with the
commencement of the Captivity ; the Evangelical Prophet,^
who heralds the return from the Capti\dty; and Daniel,^
%Svhatever be the exact date or character we assign to the
book which bears his name. The group following the Cap- And the
tivity consists of Haggai, Zechariah,^ and the imknown *^ ^°'
' messenger,' whom we call Malachi. These three, probably,
alone of the books of the Old Testament, stand in the canons
in the order in which they were originally published. The
only other indications of the prophetic spirit in this
period are amongst the Samaritans, namely, ' the prophetess
Noadiah,' and 'the rest of the Prophets.'* Ezra^ is once
called a Prophet in one of the later books to which his name
is affixed ; but this is not his usual designation.
(7.) With Malachi, accordingly, the succession, which had
' By this term may be designated writer. In the corresponding passage
the author of Isa. xl.-lxvi., whether, in Matt. xxiv. 15, the Syriac version
with most continental scholars, he is omits the name of the writer. But
regarded as a separate prophet from still, as the word 'prophet' is in that
the Isaiah of Hezekiah, or, with most text associated with the book, and as
English divines, he is regarded as the Daniel is so reckoned by the Eastern
older Isaiah, transported into a style world at the present day, and as the
and position later than his own time. book unquestionably contains a special
* The Jewish Canon refuses to prophetic element of the highest A'alue
acknowledge the prophetic character (on which I shall enlarge in my next
of this Book, and places it in the Lecture), we may so far follow the
Hagiographa. The title, as it stands received opinion of the present day as
in our own version, is not the ' Book to rank him amongst the Prophets, of
of Daniel the Prophet,' but ' the Book this or of the succeeding period, ac-
of Daniel.' Ecclesiasticus (xlix. 9, cording to the view taken of the date
10) omits, in like manner, all mention of the book.
of it. In the quotation from it in * See especially Zech. i.-viii.
Mark xiii. 14, the best MSS. omit all * Neh. vi. 14.
mention of the name or office of the * 2 Esdras i. 1.
428 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
Extinction
of Pro-
phecy.
Revival
at the
Christian"
The Bap-
tist.
CHRIST.
continued unbroken from the time of Samuel, terminates, and
a host of legends, Jewish and Mussulman, commemorate the
extinction of the prophetic gift. * We see not our signs :
' there is no more any prophet.' ^ It is true that the Books
of Baruch, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus, lay claim, more or less,
both to the prophetic form and prophetic character. Still
the impassioned poetic flow of the earlier Prophets is greatly
abated, and the name is rarely used. The Eeligion of the
Old Dispensation was fully revealed and constituted ; no^
prophets were needed to declare it, but ' scribes ' to expound
and defend it.^
It is this long silence or deterioration of the gift that
renders its resuscitation more remarkable. It was ' in the
' days of Herod the king ' that the voice of a .Prophet was
once more heard. We shall never understand the true
appearance of the Baptist, or of Him whose forerunner he
' was, nor the continuity of the Old and New Testaments,
unless we bear in mind that the period of the Christian
era was the culminating point of the Prophetic ages of
the Jewish Church. ' The word of Grod came unto John
' the son of Zechariah,' as it had come before to Isaiah the
son of Amoz. ' The people counted him as a prophet.' ' He
* was a prophet, and more than a prophet.' ^ In appearance,
in language, in character, he was what Elijah had been in
the reign of Ahab. And yet he was only the messenger of
a Prophet greater than himself. The whole public ministry
of our Lord was that of a Prophet. He was much more
than this. But it was as a Prophet that He acted and spoke.
It was this which gave Him His hold on the mind of the
nation. He entered, as it were naturally, on an office vacant.
> Ps. Ixxiv. 9.
* This is well brought out in Nicolas'
Doctrines licUffieuscs des Juifs, 25.
' Luke iii. 2 ; Matt. xi. 9 ; xiv. 5.
Zacharias and Anna also indicate the
return of the prophetic gift (Luke i.
67; ii. 36).
LECT. XIX. IX THE APOSTOLIC AGE. 429
but already existing. His discourses were all, in the highest
sense of the word, ' prophecies.'
And, when He was withdrawn from the earth, He, like The
Moses and Samuel, left a circle of Prophets behind Him, ^°^ ^'
through whom the sacred gift was continued and diffused.
It was one of the expected marks of the Messiah's kingdom
that the prophetic inspiration should become universal.^
This expectation S. Peter saw realised on the day of
Pentecost ; and from S. Paul's allusions ^ it is evident that
the possession of tlie gift throughout the Christian community
was the rule and not the exception. Some there were more
eminent than others, whose names, sayings, or writings, have
been preserved to us. Agabus,^ Simeon Niger, Lucius,
Manaen, Philip's daughters, Joseph,'* who derived from this
gift the name, by which he was usually known, of ' Barnabas,'
Saul, who was called Paul, John ; ^ and to these we may
probably add, though not expressly bearing the name,
Cephas, or Peter, Jacob or James the Younger, Judas or
Thaddeus, and the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews.
yV^ith John, as far as we know, the name and the thing
ceased. There have been great men to whom the title has
been given in later times. There have been others who have
claimed it for themselves. But in the peculiar Biblical,
Hebrew sense of the word, and certainly within the circle of
the Jewish Church, S. John was the last of the Prophets.
III. This rapid sketch suffices to give a connected view of The Insti-
the history of the Order. I now proceed to describe some of ^ ^°°''
its characteristics as an Institution.
(1.) The first call, in most instances of which there are
records, seems to have been through a vision or apparition,
resembling those which have in Christian times produced
' Joel ii. 28, 29. * Acts iv. 36; xiii. 2, 7.
2 1 Cor, xii., xiv. * Eev. x. 11 ; xxii. 7, 9, 10, 18, 19.
" Acts xi. 28 ; xiii. 1 ; xxi. 8, 9, 10.
430 THE HISTOET OP THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
Prophetic
call
through
Visions ;
celebrated conversions, as of the Cross to Constantine, and
to Colonel Grardiner, and of the voice to S, Augustine. The
word ' Seer,' by which ' the prophet ' ' was originally called,
implies that visions were the original mode of revelation to
the Prophets. These visions, in the case of the Prophets of
the Old Testament, were almost always presented in images
peculiarly appropriate to the age or the person to whom they
appear, and almost always conveying some lofty conception
of the Divine nature. Such are the vision of the Burning
Bush to Moses, of the Throne in the Temple to Isaiah, of
the complicated chariot-wheels to Ezekiel, and (although not
at the commencement of his mission) of the still small voice
to Elijah. The highest form of vision in the Old Testament
is that mentioned in the case of Moses, who is described as
something even above a Prophet. 'If there be a prophet
* among you, I the Lord will make myself known unto him
'in a vision, and will speak unto him in a dream. My
' servant Moses is not so, who is faithful in all mine house.
' With him will I speak mouth to moutli, even visibly, and
' not in dark speeches ; and the similitude of the Lord shall
' he behold.' ^
To the great Prophets of the New Testament, the purpose
of these Divine visions seems to have been effected by the
intercourse of the Apostles with Christ. ' Have I not seen
' Christ the Lord ? ' ^ is S. Paul's account of his own qualifi-
cations, which would apply to all of them.
These visions or communications are described as taking
place sometimes through dreams, as in the case of Samuel,
Nathan, Elijah at Horeb; sometimes through an ecstatic
trance, as in the case of Balaam, S. John, and S. Peter ;
sometimes both, as in the case of S. Paul. But the more
ordinary mode through which ' the word of the Lord,' as far
as we can trace, came, was through a Divine impulse given to
' 1 Sam. ix. 9. * Num. xii. 6-8. * 1 Cor. ix. 1.
LECT. XIX. ITS UNIVERSALITY. 431
the Prophet's own thoughts. This may be seen partly from through
the absence of any direct mention of an external appearance phet's
or voice, partly from the fact that the message as delivered D^J^^i-
is expressed in the peculiar style of the individual Prophet
who speaks. This close connexion between the Divine
message and the personal thoughts and affections of tlie
Prophet is still more apparent in the New Testament than in
the Old, and reaches its highest point in the utterances of
the Greatest of all the Prophets, Christ Himself. In Him,
the Divine is so closely united with the human, that the
passage from the one to the other is imperceptible. He is
Himself ' the Word.^ In three cases only, but then for
special purposes,^ is there any indication of a communication
external to himself. ' He speaks that which He knows, and
' testifies that which He has seen.'
(2.) In accordance with this intimate relation between the Absence of
Prophets and their Divine call, is the fact that of all the ^j^q^^^'^'*'
offices of the Jewish Church and State, this alone appears to
be the direct result of the call, without any outward or
formal consecration. Kings and Priests, in the Old Testa-
ment, are anointed ; bishops (or presbyters) and deacons in
the New Testament, have an imposition of hands. But there
is no instance (or but one ^) of the anointing of a Prophet in
the Old Testament, or of the consecration, by laying on
hands, of a Prophet or Apostle in the New Testament. It
was a ' call,' corresponding to the call of natural gifts, or
inward movements of the Divine Spirit through the con-
science, in our own times.
(3.) The Prophetic office, thus dependent entirely on the Univer-
personal relation of the Prophet to his Divine Instructor, ^^^^^y*
was, unlike any of the other sacred offices of the ancient
world, confined to no one circle or caste of men. Its uni-
' Mat. iii. 17 ; xvii. 5 ; John xii. 28. anoint Elisha.' But there is no record
''' 1 Kings xix. 16: 'Thou shalt that this was done.
432 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. six.
versality is everywhere part of its essence. Although a few,
such as Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and John the Baptist, were
priests, although Moses and Samuel belonged to the tribe of
Levi, yet there was nothing sacerdotal even in these ; in this
respect forming a remarkable contrast to the Egyptian
'Prophets,' as described by Clement of Alexandria. Most
of them belonged to other tribes ; the Greatest of all was of
the tribe of Judah. They came from every station of life.
Moses, Deborah, and Samuel, were warriors and leaders of
the people ; David and Saul were kings ; Amos was a herds-
man; Elijah a Bedouin wanderer. Women as well as men
were seized by the gift, — Miriam, Deborah, Huldah, Anna,
the four daughters of Philip. This universal diffusion of the
gift answered the double purpose of keeping the minds of
the people alive to the constant expectation of some new
Prophet appearing in the most secluded or unwonted situa-
tion ; ^ and also of maintaining a constant protest against the
rigidity of caste and ceremonial iastitution, into which all
religion, especially all Eastern religion, is likely to fall. In
a certain degree the institution of the Christian clergy fulfils
the same end, as being open to all comers from whatever
rank. But even here the effect is less striking than in the
case of the Jewish Prophet ; partly because in some branches
of Christendom, as in the Russian Church, the clergy have
virtually become an hereditary caste; partly because in
raodern times they have practically been drawn from one
stratum of society, and have been animated by a professional
feeling, such as must have been impossible in the Jewish
Prophets, who included within their number functions so
different as those of king and peasant, characters so different
as Saul and Isaiah.
(4.) But although the office was characterised by this
universal spirit, the Prophets still constituted a separate
* See Lecture VII.
LECT. XIX. SCHOOLS OF THE PROPHETS. 433
order in the State, which, at least during the time of the
monarchy, can be reproduced in some detail, and compared
to like institutions elsewhere. From Samuel's time they
appear to have been formed into separate companies, to
which modern divines have p'iven the name of ' schools of Schools of
1-111 J thcPro-
' the prophets. ' These companies are described by a word phets.
signifying ' chain ' or ' cord.' They were called ' sons of the
' prophets ; ' and their chief for the time being was (like the
' abbot ' of a monastery) called ' father.' "^ Music and song
were among the instruments of their education.^ They .
were congregated chiefly at Ramah (during Samuel's life),
and afterwards at Bethel, Gilgal, Jericho, and finally Jeru-
salem. At Jerusalem many of them lived in chambers
attached to the court of the Temple.'' They wore a simple
dress ; perhaps, since Elijah introduced it, a sheepskin cloak.^
In Samuel's time (according to Josephus^) long hair and
abstinence from wine were regarded as signs of a Prophet.
They had their food in common.^ They lived in huts made of
the branches of trees.® In one such, probably, John lived
in the same neighbourhood of Jericho. They were to be found
in considerable numbers — fifty,^ or even four hundred at a
time.'" Not to have been brought up in these schools was
deemed an exceptional case." Some, like Isaiah in Jeru-
salem, or Elisha in Samaria, lived in great towns, in houses
of their own. The higher Prophets had inferior Prophets
or servants attendant upon them, whose duty it was to pour
• The word ' schools ' nowhere oe- ^ 2 Kings ii. 12.
curs in the Authorised Version, nor * 1 Sam. x. 5.
has it any corresponding term in the * Jer. xxxv. 4.
original. ' Sons of the prophets ' is * Zech. xiii. 4.
the nearest approach to a collective * Ant. t. 10, § 3.
name, as in 2 Kings ii. 3 ; iv. 1, 38, 43. ' 2 Kings iv. 40.
The fullest account of them is in 1 * Dnd. vi. 1-5.
Chron. XXV. To these passages should ' Ibid. ii. 16.
probably be added Eccles. xii. 8-11. '" 1 Kings xxii. 6.
There is an ingenious description of " Amos vii. 14.
them in Cowley's Davideis.
F F
434 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
water on their hands, and secure provisions for them.^ Thus
Moses had Joshua and others; Elijah had Elisha; Elisha
had Gehazi. Many of them were married, and had families ;
for example, Moses, Miriam, Deborah, Samuel, David,
Nathan, Ahijah, Hosea, Isaiah, Ezekiel. The wife was
sometimes, as in the case of the wife of Isaiah, called ' the
Prophetess.' ^ This continued to the prophetical office in
the New Testament, when all the greater Prophets claimed,
and most of them enj oyed, the privilege of married life ;
Zacharias, Anna, and all of the Apostles, it is said, except
Paul and John.^ To this manner of life several parallels
suggest themselves in later times. The rule of inmates of
colleges and of monasteries in some points resembles, and
has perhaps imitated, the outward forms of the prophetic
schools. But the Christian and Western notions of celi-
bacy have made a material difference ; and, on the whole,
the nearest approach is that of dervishes in the East ; in
their wandering life, in their symbolical actions, in their
scanty dress, in their succession of disciples, and their
collegiate institutions."*
Manner of (5.) Their manner of teaching varied with the age in
which they lived. The expression of thoughts in the form
of poetry seems to have been part of the conception of the
prophetic office from the very first. It is involved, as we
have seen, in the sense of the Hebrew word Nabi. It appears
first in the songs of Moses and Miriam.^ It is also implied
by the mention of the musical instruments in the schools of
Samuel and of Asaph.^ It is illustrated by the incident
in the life of Elisha, who, though he has left no poetical
writings, yet required a minstrel and harp "^ to call forth his
> 2 Kings iii. 11 ; v. 22. ^ Ex. xv. 1, 20, 21 ; Deut. xxxii.,
* Isa. viii. 3. xxxiii. ; Ps. xe.
^ See Notes on I Cor. ix. 5. * 1 Sam. x. 5 ; I Chron. xxv. 1.
* See Dr. Wolff's Travels, ch. xvii., ' 2 Kings iii. 15.
xviii., xxxiv.
teaching.
LECT. XIX. MANNER OF TEACHING. 435
powers. It is forcibly exemplified by tbe grand burst of
sacred poetry and music in David ; and from that time most
of the Prophets, whose writings have come down to us,
wrote in verse. The historical chapters in Isaiah and
Jeremiah are however in prose ; and it is therefore probable
that this was also the case with the lost works, on which the
sacred history of the Jewish Monarchy is founded ; such as
the biographies of David by Samuel, Grad, and Nathan ; of
Solomon by Nathan, and Ahijah, and Iddo; of Eehoboam,
by Iddo and Shemaiah ; of Jehoshaphat, by Jehu.' It is,
perhaps, from the connexion between these lost writings and
the present books of Samuel and Kings, that those books are
in the Jewish Canon reckoned amongst the ' Books of the
Prophets.' But these were the exceptions. The general
style of the Jewish Prophets was poetical, and it is this which
made the divines of the last century speak of the Prophets
as the Poets of the Jewish nation. If we no longer dare
to use the name, on account of the offence created by it,
at least the fact is a sanction to us that poetry was regarded
as a prophetic gift, and as the fittest vehicle of Divine
Eevelation, and that a book is not the less divine, or the
less canonical, or the less true, because it is poetical. Even
in the New Testament, there are, in the more directly pro-
phetical parts, many lingering traces of the ancient poetic
style. The Hebrew parallelism may be discovered in several
of the Gospel discourses. Some of the parables, particularly
of the Prodigal Son, and the Eich Man and Lazarus, are
almost poems. The Epistles have their first model in the
prophetic epistles of Elijah, Jeremiah, and Baruch; and
though they are mostly in prose, yet there are portions of
which the highly rhythmical character ^ flows entirely in the
' 1 Chron. xxis. 29 ; 2 Chron. ix. 1-8, xv. 35-58 ; 2 Cor. vi. 3-10 ;
29 ; xii. 15 ; xx. 34 ; xiii. 22. James v. 1-6.
2 Rom. viii. 29-39; 1 Cor. xiii.
F F 2
436 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
Parables,
Written
down.
ancient mould. The Apocalypse is also thoroughly poetical
in structure, as well as in spirit.
The styles which this poetry assumes are various. It is
sometimes lyrical, sometimes simply didactic, at other times
dramatic. The form which is selected by the Grreat Prophet
of Nazareth is that of parable or apologue. Of this only a
very few instances occur in the writings of the earlier Pro-
phets, as of Nathan on the ewe-lamb,^ and Isaiah on the
vine.^ But, in an acted or symbolical shape, this kind of
teaching is of constant recurrence. The rending of the
cloak of Samuel and of Ahijah, the concealment of the girdle
of Jeremiah, Hananiah's breaking the yoke, are obvious
instances ; to which in later times we may add the taking of
Paul's girdle by Agabus, and many of the miracles of our
Lord, which, as has been well pointed out, have almost all
of them a didactic purport.^ There are some of these acted
parables which enter so deeply into the life of the Prophet
himself, as to show that he was himself entirely identified
with his mission. Such are the marriage of Hosea with the
adulteress, Isaiah's walking naked and barefoot for three
years, the names of Isaiah's children, and the death of
Ezekiel's wife, with its effect on himself.
All the earlier prophecies were, in the first instance,
delivered orally. But, like the effusions of Mahomet, they
were no doubt written down soon afterwards by disciples
— such as, in the case of Jeremiah, was Baruch. In some
instances, as in that of Ezekiel, and in isolated examples in
the life of Isaiah,"* they were written down by the Prophet
himself. The historical works above alluded to were also
probably actually written by the authors themselves. Moses
is said to have written the Decalogue ^ in its second form.
' 2 Sam. xii. 1.
^ Isa. V. 1.
* Dean Trench on the Miracles.
* Isa. Tiii. 1.
* Ex. xxxiT. 28.
LECT. XIX. COMMUNITY OF PEOPHETIC WRITINGS. 437
and the register of the Israelite wanderings.^ In the New
Testament, the utterances of Christ, who in this respect
conformed Himself to the greatest type of the ancient
Prophets, were never written by Himself. The only excep-
tions (and these are more than doubtful) were that unknown
' writing on the ground,' ^ and the traditional letter to
Abgarus.^ The utterances of the Apostles were for the
most part taken down by scribes, such as Tertius, Silvanus,
Tychicus, who thus corresponded to Baruch or Gehazi. The
only certain cases in the New Testament where the Prophets
were themselves ' the sacred penmen ' (to employ a modern
expression commonly but very inexactly used) are the Epistle
to the Galatians,* and the Epistles of S. John.^ Most of
their utterances, like those of their Master, were delivered
on public occasions in synagogues, or in assemblies of Chris-
tians, as those of the older Prophets had been in the Temple
courts or on the mountains of Judsea and Samaria. A
peculiar name, by our translators rendered burden, is given
to the Divine messages delivered by the Prophets on these
special occasions. It appears that in the time of Jeremiah ^
this phrase had been so much abused by the Prophets as to
have lost its meaning, and Jeremiah therefore refuses to
employ it ; a striking instance of the duty of discarding even
a sacred formula when it has been perverted or exhausted.
(6.) Different as were the forms of the Prophetic Teaching, Commu-
there was also an identity in them which largely contributes prophetie
to the general unity of the Prophetic Order, and of the Bible Writings.
itself. It is evident that each one looked upon his prede-
cessor's teaching as, in a manner, common property, on which
he modelled his own, and from which he adapted and imitated
without reserve. It is difficult to say in these cases whether
' Num. xxxiii. 2. * Gal. vi. 11.
2 John viii. 6. * 3 John 13.
3 Eus. H. E. i. 13. * Jer. xxiii. 30-40.
438 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
the imitation is direct, or whether each of the similar passages
was taken from a common source. On either hypothesis,
however, the result is the same as to the community of the
prophetic literature. Thus Amos ^ refers back to Joel,
Hosea^ to some unknown prophet, Isaiah^ to Micah, Oba-
diah and Jonah to each other or to some unknown prophet."*
In the New Testament the same practice still to a certain
extent continued. The Second Epistle of S. Peter and
S. Jude ^ either borrow from each other, or from a common
source. This usage illustrates, and in some degree ex-
plains, the corresponding phenomenon of the first three
Gospels. The best key to the difficulties of the Apocalypse
is to be found by tracking back to their sources the numerous
images and passages which it has taken from the older Pro-
phets. And the principle finds its highest exemplification
and sanction in the appropriation of the existing traditions of
the Eabbinical schools, as well as the texture of the ancient
Prophetic writings, by Christ Himself.
These are some of the most striking characteristics of the
outward appearance of this vast institution. Even in the dry
enumeration of facts which I have just made, it is impossible
not to see its importance to the fortunes of the Jewish
Church, and thence to the world at large.
Impor- The very name is expressive of its great design. If the
tf^'offi derivation of the word, as given above from Gresenius, be
correct — the ' boiling or bubbling over ' of the Divine
Fountain of Inspiration within the soul — we can hardly
imagine a phrase more expressive of the truth which it
conveys. It is a word which, like many others in the Bible, is
a host of imagery and doctrine in itself. In the most signal
' Amos i. 2 ; Joel iii. 16. xv. 1-4 ; xxiv. 17, 18; Num. xxi. 28 ;
* Hosea vii. 12 ; viii. 14. xxiv. 17.
» Isa. ii. 2, 4 ; Micah iv. 1-4. * 2 Pet. ii. 1-22 ; Jude 4-16.
* Comp. also Jer. xlviii. 1, 2 ; Isa.
tECT. XIX. ITS IMPORTAIfCE. 439
instances of the sites chosen for the Grecian oracles, we find
that they were marked by the rushing forth of a living spring
from the recesses of the native rocks of Greece, the Castalian
spring at Delphi, the rushing stream of the Hercyna at
Lebedea. It was felt that nothing could so well symboUse
the Divine voice speaking from the mysterious abysses of the
unseen world, as those inarticulate but lively ebullitions of
the life-giving element from its unknown mysterious sources.
Such a figure was even more significant in the remoter East.
The prophetic utterances were indeed the bubbUng, teeming
springs of life in those hard primitive rocks, in those dry
parched levels. ' My heart,' to use the phrase of the Psalmist
in the original language,^ ' is bursting, bubbling over with
' a good matter.' That is the very image which would be
drawn from the abundant crystal fountains which all along
the valley of the Jordan pour forth their full-grown streams,
scattering fertility and verdure as they flow over the rough
ground. And this is the exact likeness of the springs of
Prophetic wisdom and foresight, containing in themselves
and their accomplishments the fulness of the stream which
was to roll on and fertilise the ages. Even in the other
great class of languages — the Indo-Grermanic — the same
figure appears, and may fairly be taken to illustrate the
Eastern metaphor. Ghost — Geist — the moving, inspiring
spirit,^ — is the same as the heaving, fermenting yeast, the
boiling, steaming geyser. The Prophetic gift was to the
Jewish Church exactly what these combined metaphors
imply ; the fennenti7ig, the living element, which made the
dead mass move and heave, and cast out far and wide a life
beyond itself.
The existence of such an institution in the midst of an
Eastern nation, even if we knew nothing of its teaching, must
• Ps. xlv. 1. Professor Miiller (Lectures on the
^ See this well brought out by Sciaice of Langzcage, 2Qd ed. -p. 386).
440 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
be regarded as a rare guarantee for liberty, for progress, for
protection against many a falsehood. Even of the modern
Dervishes, with all their drawbacks, it has been said, that
' without them no man would be safe. They are the chief
' people in the East, who keep in the recollection of Oriental
' despots that there are ties between heaven and earth. They
'restrain the tyrant in his oppression of his subjects; they
'are consulted by courts and by the councillors of state in
' times of emergency ; they are, in fact, the great benefactors
' of the human race in the East.' ^
Such, in relation to the mere brute power of the kings
of Judah and Israel, were the Jewish Prophets, — constant,
vigilant watch-dogs "-^ on every kind of abuse and crime, even
in the highest ranks, by virtue of that universal, and at the
same time elevated position, which I have described. But
they were much more than this. A great philosophical
writer of our own time, Mr. John Stuart Mill,^ has thus set
forth the position of the Hebrew Prophets : —
' The Egyptian hierarchy, the paternal despotism of China,
' were very fit instruments for carrying those nations up to
* the point of civilisation which they attained. But having
' reached that point, they were brought to a permanent halt,
' for want of mental liberty and individuality, — requisites of
' improvement which the institutions that had carried them
* thus far entirely incapacitated them from acquiring ; and
' as the institutions did not break down and give place to
' others, further improvement stopped. In contrast with
'these nations, let us consider the example of an opposite
' character, afforded by another and a comparatively in-
' significant Oriental people — the Jews. They, too, had
'an absolute monarchy and a hierarchy. These did for
'them what was done for other Oriental races by their
> Dr. Wolff's Travels. * Isa. Ivi. 10. ' Representative Government, 41, 42.
tECT. XIX. ITS IMPOETANCE. 441
' institutions — subdued them to industry and order, and gave
'them a national life. But neither their kings nor their
* priests ever obtained, as in those other countries, the ex-
' elusive moulding of their character. Their religion gave
* existence to an inestimably precious unorganised institution,
' the Order (if it may be so termed) of Prophets. Under
' the protection, generall}'- though not always effectual, of
'their sacred character, the Prophets were a power in the
' nation, often more than a match for kings and priests, and
' kept up, in that little corner of the earth, the antagonism
' of influences which is the only real security for continued
'progress. Keligion consequently was not there — what it
'has been in so many other places — a consecration of all
'that was once established, and a barrier against further
' improvement. The remark of a distinguished Hebrew, that
' the Prophets were in Church and State the equivalent of the
' modern liberty of the press, gives a just but not an adequate
' conception of the part fulfilled in national and universal
' history by this great element of Jewish life ; by means of
' which, the canon of inspiration never being complete, the
' persons most eminent in genius and moral feeling could
' not only denounce and reprobate, with the direct authority
* of the Almighty, whatever appeared to them deserving of
' such treatment, but could give forth better and higher
' interpretations of the national religion, which thenceforth
'became part of the religion. Accordingly, whoever can
' divest himself of the habit of reading the Bible as if it was
'one book, which until lately was equally inveterate in
* Christians and in unbelievers, sees with admiration the vast
'interval between the morality and religion of the Penta-
'teuch, or even of the historical books, and the morality
'and religion of the Prophecies, a distance as wide as
'between these last and the Gospels. Conditions more
' favourable to progress could not easily exist ; accordingly,
442 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
' the Jews, instead of being stationary, like other Asiatics,
*were, next to the Grreeks, the most progressive people of
* antiquity, and, jointly with them, have been the starting-
* point and main propelling agency of modern cultivation.'
In what way tliis grand result was produced, not merely
by their office, but by their teaching, and in what that teaching-
consisted, — how it is that this prophetic element, pervading
as it does the whole literature of the Hebrew nation, that is,
the whole Bible, renders it the storehouse of instruction to
the clergy and the teachers of all ages, and at the same time
the one inestimable Book, dear to all true lovers of human
progress and religious freedom, to be studied, understood,
and reverenced, through good report and evil, — will be the
subject of the concluding discourse.
443
NOTE TO LECTUEE XIX.
In the foregoing Lecture the Biblical enumeration of the Prophets
alone has been alluded to. But it may be well to add briefly
the enumerations in the Jewish, Mussulman, and Early Christian
traditions.
I. In the Jewish Canon the Prophetical Books are thus given : —
1. Joshua. 2. Judges. 3. The Books of Samuel. 4. The Books
of Kings. 5. The three Greater Prophets (not Daniel, or Lamenta-
tions). 6. The twelve minor Prophets.
In the Eabbinical traditions, ^ there are reckoned 48 Prophets and
7 Prophetesses.
The 48 Prophets : — ' 1. Abraham. 2. Isaac? 3. Jacob. 4. Moses.
5. Aaron. 6. Joshua. 7. Phinehas. 8. Elkanah. 9. Eli. 10. Samuel.
11. Gad. 12. Nathan. 13. David. 14. Solomon. 15. Iddo.
16. Micaiah. 17. Obadiah. 18. Ahijah. 19. Jehu. 20. Azariah.
21. Jahaziel (2 Chr. xx. 14). 22. Eleazar. All these were in the
days of Jehoshaphat. And in the days of Jeroboam, son of Joash,
23. Hosea. 24. Amos. In the days of Jotham, 25. Micah. In the
days of Amaziah, 26. jItoo^ (Isaiah's father). 27. Elijah. 28. Elisha.
29. Jonah. 30. Isaiah. In the days of Manasseh, 31. Joel.
32. Nahum. 33. Habakkuk. In the days of Josiah, 34. Zephaniah.
35. Jeremiah. In the Captivity, 36. Uriah. 37.Ezekiel. 38. Daniel.
In the second year of Darius, 39. Baruch. 40. Neriah. 41. Seraiah.
42. Maaseiah (Jer. li. 59). 43. Haggai. 44. Zechariah. 45. Malachi.
46. Mordecai. In this list, by some Shemaiah (2 Chr. xi. 2,
xii. 15) is substituted for Daniel, and some add, 47. Hanameel,
and 48. Shallum (Jer. -xs^i. 7). The 7 Prophetesses : — 1. Sarah.
2. Miriam. 3. Deborah. 4. Hannah. 5. Abigail. 6. Huldah.
7. Esther.'
• Given, from the Seder Olam, by * Those names which vary from
Fabricius, Codex Pseude^pigraphus the Biblical enumeration are in
V. T. 896-901. italics.
444 THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETICAL ORDER, lect. xix.
II. The Mussulman authorities ' reckon from Adam to Mohammed
124,000 Prophets, of whom 40,000 were Gentiles, and 40,000
Israelites; of these, however, only 314 or 315 possess super-
natural illumination or ' apostleship.' Of these again 25 are
specially distinguished : — Adam, Seth, Idris (Enoch), 'Noah, Saleh
(father of Heber), Abraham, Ishmael, Isaac, Jacob, Lot, JosejjJi, Job,
Moses, Aaro7i, Khudr (the mysterious Immortal 2), Shuaib ( Jethro),
Jonah, David, Solomon, I^ohnan (contemporary of David, author of
the Fables), Elijah, Daniel, Zachariah (father of the Baptist), Dsiil
Kefr (Ezekiel), Jahia Ben Zachariah (the Baptist), IsA (Jesus),
Mohammed. The 6 pre-eminent names are of those Prophets who
proclaimed a new Revelation.' Four of those who united the office
of Prophet and Apostle were Greeks, — Adam, Seth, Enoch, Noah ;
4 Arabians, — Hud, Shuaib, Saleh, and Mohammed.*
III. The Ecclesiastical enumeration : —
1. Clement of Alexandria {Strom, i. 21) ; — Adam (from his giving
names to the animals and to Eve), Noah (as preaching repentance),
Moses, Aaron, Samuel, Gad, Nathan, Abijah, Shemaiah, Jehu,
Elijah, Michaiah, Obadiah, Elisha, Abdadonai (?), Amos, Isaiah,
Jonah, Joel, Jeremiah, Zephaniah, Ezekiel, Uriah, Habakkuk,
Nahum, Daniel, Misael, the Angel or Messenger (Malachi).
2. Epiphanius: — 1. Adam. 2. Enoch. 3. Noah. 4. Abraham.
5. Isaac. 6. Jacob. 7. Moses. 8. Aaron. 9. Joshua. 10. Eldad.
11. Medad. 12. Job. 13. Samuel. 14. Nathan. 15. David.
16. Gad. 17. Jeduthun. 18. Asaph. 19. Heman. 20. Ethan.
21. Solomon. 22. Ahijah. 23. Shemaiah. 24. The Man of God,
Hoseth. 25. Eli of Shiloh. 26. Joab. 27. Addo (Iddo).
28. Azariah. 29. Hanani. 30. Jehu. 31. Micaiah. 32. Elijah.
33. Oziel(l). M. Eliud. 35. Joshua (Jehu?), the son of Hananiah.
36. Elisha. 37. Jonadab. 38. Zachariah or Azariah. 39. Another
Zachariah. 40. Hosea. 41. Joel. 42. Amos. 43. Obadiah.
44. Jonah. 45. Isaiah. 46. Micah. 47. Nahum. 48. Habak-
kuk. 49. Obed. 50. Abdadoni 51. Jeremiah. 52. Baruch.
53. Zephaniah. 54. Urijah. 55. Ezekiel. 56. Daniel. 57. Ezra.
» Jelaladdin, 281. ^ See Lecture VIII.
3 ZdUchrift der Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, vol. iv. 14, 22.
« Jelaladdin, 280.
LECT. XIX. NOTE. 445
58. Haggai. 59. Zachariah. 60. Malachi. 61. Zachariah (father
of the Baptist). 62. Symeon. 63. John the Baptist. Lesser
Prophets : — 64. Enos. 65. Methuselah. 66. Lamech. 67. Balaam.
68. Sail]. 69. Abimelech or Ahimelech. 70. Amasai (1 Chr. xii.
18). 71. Zadok. 72. Old Prophet of Bethel. 73. Agabus.
Prophetesses : — 1. Sara. 2. Bebekah. 3. Miriam. 4. Deborah.
5. Huldah. 6. Hannah. 7. Judith. 8. Elizabeth (mother of
John). 9. Anna. 10. Mary.
In conventional pictures in Eastern churches, Joshua, Gideon,
Baruch, David, and Solomon are usually styled Prophets.
446
LECTUEE XX.
ON THE NATURE OF THE PROPHETICAL
TEACHING.
In the well-known description of the Revelations of the
Old Testament by the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews,^
the essence of these Eevelations is summed up in the words,
Impor- ' God spake hy the Prophets.^ He had in the words im-
the Pro- mediately preceding spoken of the various and multiform
phetical gradations of Revelation, and he fixes our attention on the
Inspira- ° ^
tion. special instructors or revealers of the Divine Will, who
stood on the highest step of these gradations. These are,
in one word, not the historians, geographers, ritualists,
poets, of the Jewish Church, valuable as each may be in
their several ways, but ' the Prophets.' And again, although
it is well known that the only full sense of the word ' Inspi-
ration ' is that in which alone it is used by the Church of
England,^ and the ancient Church generally, namely, for the
influence of the Divine Spirit on the universal mind of the
whole Church, and in the good feelings and thoughts of the
human heart and intellect, yet there is a deep truth in the
clause of the Nicene Creed, which says, ' The Holy Ghost
spake ' (not by bishops or presbyters, or General Councils, or
General Assemblies, or even saints, but) ' by the Prophets.''
This limitation or concentration of the Divine Inspiration
' Heb. i. 1. Church Militant. The Veni Creator
^ The Collect before the Communion Spiritus. The 13th Article. These are
Service. The Collect for the oth Sun- the only passages in the Anglican for-
day after Easter. The Prayer for the mnlaries in which the word occurs.
LECT. XX. ITS IMPORTANCE. 447
to the Prophetic spirit is in exact accordance with the facts
of the case. The Prophets being, as their name both in
Greek and Hebrew implies, the most immediate organs of
the Will of Grod, it is in their utterances, if anywhere, that
we must expect to find the most direct expression of that
Will. However high the sanction given to King or Priest,
in the Old Dispensation, they were always to bow before the
authority of the Prophet. The Prophetic teaching is, as it
were, the essence of the Eevelation, sifted from its accidental
accompaniments. It pervades, and, by pervading, gives its
own vitality to those portions of the Sacred Volume which
cannot strictly be called Prophetical. Josephus ^ speaks of
the succession of the Prophets, as constituting the main
framework and staple of the sacred canon of the Old Testa-
ment. What has been beautifully said of the Psalms as
compared with the Levitical and sacrificial system is still
more true of the Prophets. * As we watch the weaving of
'the web, we endeavour to trace through it the more
' conspicuous threads. Long time the eye follows the
' crimson : it disappears at length ; but the golden thread
' of sacred prophecy stretches to the end.' ^ It stretches to
the end ; for it is the chief outward link between the Old
and the New Testament ; and, though the New Testament
has its own peculiarities, and though the spirit of Prophecy
expresses chiefly the spirit of the Old Testament, yet it may
also fitly be called the spirit of the whole Bible.
It is the substance of this teaching, extending from Moses
the First to John the Last of the Prophets, that I here
propose to set forth; with the view of ascertaining what
there was in it which gave to the Jewish people that pro-
gressive movement of which I spoke in the preceding
' Contra Apion. i. 8. This is well ^ ^j^^ -^^^ -g-_ -g_ Wilson's Three
put in Oehler's Treatise on the Old Sermons, p. 6.
2\stament.
448 ON THE IfATURE OF PROPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
Lecture, — that elevation and energy, which has given to all
the Prophetic writings so firm a hold on the sympathies of
the Church and of the world.
The Prophetic teaching may be divided into three parts,
according to the three famous words of S. Bernard — Respice,
Aspice, Prospice. The interpretation of the Divine Will
respecting the Past, the Present, and the Future.
The Pro- I. Of the Prophets as teachers of the experience of the
Teachers Past, we know but little. It is true that we have references
of the Past, ^q many of the books which they thus wrote; the acts of
David, by Samuel, Gad, and Nathan ; ^ of Solomon and Jero-
boam, by Nathan and Iddo ; of Eehoboam, by Iddo and
Shemaiah. But these unfortunately have all perished. Alas !
. of all the lost works of antiquity, is there any, heathen or
sacred, to be named with the loss of the biography of David
by the Prophet Nathan? We can, however, form some
notion of these lost books by the fragments of the historical
writings that are left to us in the Prophetical Books of Isaiah
and Jeremiah, and also by the likelihood that some of the
present canonical books were founded upon the more ancient
works which they themselves must have tended to super-
sede. And it is probably not without some ground of this
sort, that the Prophetical Books of the Old Testament, in
the Jewish Canon, include the Books of Joshua, Judges,
Samuel, and Kings. From these slight indications of the
mission of the Prophets as Historians, we cannot deduce any
detailed instruction. But it is important to have at least
this proof that the study of history, so dear to some of us,
and by some so lightly thought of, was not deemed beneath
the notice of the Prophets of God. And, if we may so far
' It is doubtfal whether the word be the biographies written, not by
transhited ' book,' in 1 Chrou. xxix. 29, these three Prophets, but concerning
ought not rather to be rendered ' acts.' them.
In that case, the works described would
LECT. XX. OF THE PAST. 449
assume the ancient Jewish nomenclature as to embrace the
historical books of the Canon just enumerated within the
'Prophetical circle,' their structure furnishes topics well
worthy of the consideration of the theological student. In
that marvellously tesselated workmanship which they present ;
in the careful interweaving of ancient documents into a later
narrative ; in the editing and re-editing of passages, where
the introduction of a more modern name or word betrays
the touch of the more recent historian, we trace a research
which may well have occupied many a vacant hour in the
prophetic schools of Bethel or Jerusalem, and at the same
time a freedom of adaptation, of alteration, of inquiry, which
places the authors or editors of these original writings on a
level far above that of mere chroniclers or copyists. Such a
union of research and freedom gives us, on the one hand, a
view of the office of an inspired or prophetic historian, quite
different from that which would degrade him into the lifeless
and passive instrument of a power which effaced his indivi-
dual energy and reflection ; and, on the other hand, presents
us with something like the model at which an historical
student might well aspire, even in our more modern age.
And if, from the handiwork and composition of these
writings, we reach to their substance, we find traces of the
same spirit, which will appear more closely as we speak of
the Prophetical Office in its two larger aspects. By compar-
ing the treatment of the history of Israel or Judah in the
four prophetical Books of Samuel and of Kings, with the
treatment of the same subject in the Books of Chronicles, we
are at once enabled to form some notion of the true charac-
teristics of the Prophetical office as distinguished from that
of the mere chronicler or Levite. But this will best be
understood as we proceed.
II. I pass therefore to the work of the Prophets as inter- Of the
preters of the Divine Will in regard to the Present. Present.
G G
450 ON THE NATUEE OF PROPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
Their 1. First, what was the characteristic of their directly
aJ- religious teacliing which caused the early Fathers to regard
them as, in the best sense of the word, ' Theologians ? '
It consisted of two points. Their proclamation of the
Unity and of the Spirituality of the Divine Nature. They
The Unity proclaimed the Unity of Gfod, and hence the energy with
which they attacked the falsehoods and superstitions which
endeavoured to take the place of God. This was the nega-
tive side of their teaching, and the force with which they
urge it, the withering scorn with which Elijah and Isaiah '
speak of the idols of their time, however venerable, however
sacred in the eyes of the worshippers, is a proof that even
negative statements of theology may at times be needed, and
have at any rate a standing place amongst the Prophetic gifts.
The direct object of this negative teaching virtually expired
with the extinction of the Polytheistic tendencies in the Jewish
Church. But the positive side of their teaching was the asser-
TheSpiri- tion of the Spirituality, the morality of Grod, His justice,
God. ^ ° His goodness, His love. This revelation of the Divine Essence,
the moral manifestation of God in some impressive form,
constituted, as we have already seen, and shall see further as
we advance, at once the first call and the sustaining force of
every Prophetic mission. This continued to the very end,
and received its highest development in the Prophets of the
New Testament. Then the Prophetic teaching of the moral
attributes of God was brought out more strongly than ever.
Then Grace and Truth^ were declared to be the only means
of conceiving or approaching to the Divine Essence. Then
He, who was Himself the Incarnation of that Grace and
Truth, was enabled to say as no Prophet before or after could
have said, ' Ye believe in God, beheve also in if<3.' ^ To that
crowning point of the Prophetic Theology, the Apostolic
* 1 Kiugs xviii. 27 ; Isa. xliv. 16. - John i. 14, 17. ' Il>icl. xiv. 1.
LECT. XX. IN THE PRESENT. 451
Prophets direct our attention so clearly, that no more needs
to be said on this subject. The doctrine of the Incarnation
of Christ as taught by the last of the Prophets, S. John, is
the fitting and necessary close of the glimpse of the moral
nature of the Divinity as revealed to the first of the Prophets,
Moses.
2. And now how is this foundation of the Prophetic
Teaching carried out into detail? This brings us to the
main characteristic of the Prophetic, as distinguished from Moral
all other parts of the Old Dispensation. The elevated con- ^^ . ,
^ J- ceremonial
ception of the Divinity may be said to pervade all parts of tluties.
the Old Testament, if not in equal proportions, yet at least so
distinctly as to be independent of any special office for its
enforcement. But the Prophetical teaching contains some-
thing yet more peculiarly its own.
The one great corruption, to which all Eeligion is exposed,
is its separation from morality. The very strength of the
religious motive has a tendency to exclude, or disparage, all
other tendencies of the human mind, even the noblest and
best. It is against this corruption that the Prophetic Order
from first to last constantly protested. Even its mere out-
ward appearance and organisation bore witness to the great-
ness of the opposite truth,— the inseparable union of morality
with religion. Alone of all the high officers of the Jewish
Church, the Prophets were called by no outward form of
consecration, and were selected from no special tribe or
family. But the most effective witness to this great doctrine
was borne by their actual teaching.
Amidst all their varieties, there is hardly a Prophet, from
Samuel downwards, whose life or writings do not contain an
assertion of this trutli. It is to them as constant a topic, as
the most peculiar and favourite doctrine of any eccentric sect
or party is in the mouths of the preachers of such a sect or
party at the present day ; and it is rendered more forcible by
G G 2
452 ON" THE NATURE OF PROPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
the form which it takes of a constant protest against the
sacrificial system of the Levitical ritual, which they either,
in comparison with the Moral Law, disparage altogether, or
else fix their hearers' attention to the moral and spiritual
truth which lay behind it.
Listen to them one after another : —
SaTYhuel. — ' To obey is better than sacrifice, and to hearken
^than the fat of rams.' ^ David. — 'Thou desirest not sacri-
' fice ; else would I give it. Thou delightest not in burnt
' offering. The sacrifices of Grod are a broken spirit. Sacri-
' fice and burnt offering thou didst not desire. Then said
'I, Lo, I come, to do thy will, 0 Grod.'^ Hosea. — 'I
' desired mercy, and not sacrifice.' ' Amos. — ' I hate, I
* despise your feast days, and I will not smell in your
'solemn assemblies. Though ye offer me burnt offerings,
'and your meat offerings, I will not accept them, neither
' will I regard the peace offerings of your fat beasts. But
'let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a
' mighty stream.' ■* Mlcah. — ' Shall I come before the Lord
' with burnt offerings, with calves of a year old ? Will the
' Lord be pleased with thousands of rams, or with ten thou-
' sands of rivers of oil ? shall I give my first-born for my trans-
' gression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul ? He
' hath shewed thee, 0 man, what is good ; and what doth the
' Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy,
' and to walk humbly with thy God ? ' ^ Isaiah. — ' Your
' new moons and your appointed feasts my soul hateth : they
' are a trouble unto me ; I am weary to bear them. Wash
' you, make you clean ; cease to do evil ; learn to do well.
' Is not this the fast that I have chosen, to loose the bands
' of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the
' oppressed go free ? ' ^ EzeJciel. — ' If a man be just, and do
' 1 Sam. XV. 22. ' Hosea vi. 6. ^ Micali vi. 6-8.
' Ps. li. 16, 17 ; xl. 6-8. * Amos t. 21-24. « Isa. i. 14-17 ; Iviii. 6.
LECT. XX. IX THE PEESE^'T. 453
'that which is lawful and right ... he shall surely live.
' The soul that sinneth, it shall die. . . . When the wicked
' man doeth that which is lawful and right, he shall save his
' soul alive ; he shall surely live and not die.' ^
Mercy and justice, judgment and truth, repentance and
goodness — not sacrifice, not fasting, not ablutions — is the
burden of the whole Prophetic teaching of the Old Testa-
ment. And it is this which distinguishes at once the Pro-
phetical from the Levitical portions even of the historical
books. Compare the exaltation of moral duties in the Books
of Kings \vdth the exaltation of merely ceremonial duties in
the Books of Chronicles, and the difference between the two
elements of the Sacred history is at once apparent.
In the New Testament the same doctrine is repeated in
terms slightly altered, but still more emphatic. In the words
of Him who is our Prophet in this the truest sense of all, I
need only refer to the Sermon on the Mount,^ and to the
remarkable fact that His chief warnings are against the
ceremonial narrowness, the ' religious world,' of that age.^ In
His deeds, I need only refer to His death, wherein is pro-
claimed, as the very central fact and doctrine of the New
Eeligion, that Sacrifice, henceforth and for ever, consists not
in the blood of bulls and goats,* but in the perfect surrender
of a perfect Will and Life to the perfect Will of an All-just
and All-merciful God. In the Epistles, the same Prophetic
strain is still carried on by the elevation of the spirit ^ above
the letter, of love above all other gifts,^ of edification above
miraculous signs,^ of faith and good works ^ above the out-
ward distinction of Jews and Gentiles. With these accents
on his lips,^ the last of the Prophets expired.
> Ezek. xviii. 5-9 ; 20-28. « 1 Cor. xiii. 1, 2.
* Matt, v.-vii. ' Ibid. xiv. 5.
3 Ibid. XV. 1-20, xxiii, ; Luke xv. * Rom. ii. 29; Gal. ii. 16, 20, ti.
* Heb. X. 7. 15 ; Tit. ii. 8.
* 2 Cor. iii. 6. * 1 John ii. 3, 4 ; Jerome, on Gal. Ti.
454 ON THE NATURE OF PROPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
Example
to the
Cliristiau
clergy.
It is this assertion of the supremacy of the moral and
spiritual above the literal, the ceremonial, and the dogmatical
elements of religion, which makes the contrast between the
Prophets and all other sacred bodies which have existed in
Pagan, and, it must even be added, in Christian times.
They were religious teachers without the usual faults of
religious teachers. They were a religious body, whose only
professional spirit was to be free from the usual prejudices,
restraints, and crimes by which all other religious profes-
sions have been disfigured. They are not without grievous
shortcomings ; they are not on a level with the full light of
the Christian Eevelation. But, taken as a whole, the Pro-
phetic order of the Jewish Church remains alone. It stands
like one of those vast monuments of ancient days — with
ramparts broken, with inscriptions defaced, but stretching
from hill to hill, conveying in its long line of arches the rill
of living water over deep valley and thirsty plain, far above
all the puny modern buildings which have grown up at its
feet, and into the midst of which it strides with its massive
substructions, its gigantic height, its majestic proportions,
unequalled and unrivalled.
We cannot attain to it. But even whilst we relinquish the
hope, even whilst we admire the good Providence of God,
which has preserved for us this unapproachable memorial of
His purposes in former ages, there is still one calling in the
world in which, if any, the Prophetic spirit, the Prophetic
mission, ought at least in part to live on, — and that is,
the calling of the Christian clergy. We are not like the
Jewish priests, we are not like the Jewish Levites, but we
have, God be praised, some faint resemblance to the Jewish
Prophets. Like them, we are chosen from no single family
or caste ; like them, we are called not to merely ritual acts,
but to teach and instruct ; like them, we are brought up in
great institutions which pride themselves on fostering the
LECT. XX. IN THE PRESENT. 455
spirit of the Church in the persons of its ministers.^ 0 glo-
rious profession, if we would see ourselves in this our true
Prophetic aspect ! We all know what a powerful motive in
the human mind is the spirit of a profession, the spirit of
the order, the spirit (as the French say) of the body,
to which we belong. 0 if the spirit of our profession, of
our order, of our body, were the spirit, or anything like the
spirit, of the ancient Prophets ! or if with us, truth, charity,
justice, fairness to opponents, were a passion, a doctrine, a
point of honour, to be upheld, through good report and evil,
with the same energy as that with which we uphold our
position, our opinions, our interpretations, our antipathies !
A distinguished prelate ^ has well said, ' It makes all the
' difference in the world whether we put the duty of Truth
* in the first place, or in the second place.' Yes ! that is
exactly the difference between the spirit of the world and
the spirit of the Bible. The spirit of the world asks first, ' Is
it safe. Is it pious ? ' secondly, ' Is it true ? ' The spirit of the
Prophets asks fii^st, ' Is it true ? ' secondly, ' Is it safe ? ' The
spirit of the world asks first, ' Is it prudent ? ' secondly, ' Is it
right ? ' The spirit of the Prophets asks first, ' Is it right ? '
secondly, ' Is it prudent ? ' It is not that they and we hold
different doctrines on these matters, but that we hold them
in different proportions. WTiat they put first, we put second ;
what we put second, they put first. The religious energy
which we reserve for objects of temporary and secondary im-
portance, they reserved for objects of eternal and primary
importance. When Ambrose closed the doors of the church
of Milan against the blood-stained hands of the devout Theo-
dosius, he acted in the spirit of a prophet. \Mien Ken, in
spite of his doctrine of the Divine right of Kings, rebuked
Charles II. on his death-bed for his long unrepented vices, those
' See Lecture XVIII. ^ Archbishop Whately.
456 OiST THE NATUES OF PROPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
■who stood by were justly reminded of the ancient Prophets.
When Savonarola, at Florence, threw the whole energy of his
religious zeal into burning indignation against the sins of the
city, high and low, his sermons read more like Hebrew pro-
phecies than modern homilies.
We speak sometimes with disdain of moral essays, as dull,
and dry, and lifeless. Dull, and dry, and lifeless, they truly
are, till the Prophetic spirit breathes into them. But let
religious faith and love once find its chief, its proper vent in
them, as it did of old in the Jewish Church — let a second
Wesley arise who shall do what the Primate of his day
wisely but vainly urged as his gravest counsel ' on the first
Wesley — that is, throw all the ardour of a Wesley into the
great unmistakeable doctrines and duties of life as they are
laid down by the Prophets of old, and by Christ in the
Grospels — let these be preached with the same fervour as
that with which Andrew Melville enforced Presbyterianism
or Laud enforced Episcopacy, or Whitfield Assurance, or
Calvin Predestination, then, perchance, we shall under-
stand in some degree what was the propelling energy of the
Prophetic order in the Church and Commonwealth of Israel.
Appeal 3. This is the most precious, the most supernatural, of all
*onsdences ^^ Prophetic gifts. Let me pass on to the next, which
of the brings out the same characteristic in another and equally
hearers. ° .
peculiar aspect. The Prophets not merely laid down these
general principles of theology and practice, but were the
direct oracles and counsellors of their countrymen in action ;
and for this was required the Prophetic insight into the
human heart, which enabled them to address themselves not
merely to general circumstances, but to the special emergen-
cies of each particular case. Often they were consulted even
on trifling matters, or on stated occasions. So Saul wished to
'■b
See Wesley's Life, i. 222.
LECT. xs. IX THE TEESEXT. 457
ask Samuel after his father : ' When men went to inquire of
' God, then they spake, Come, let us go to the Seer.' * So
the Shunamite went at new moons ^ or Sabbaths, to consult
the man of God on Carmel. But more usually tliey ad-
dressed themselves spontaneously to the persons or the cir-
cumstances which most needed encouragement or warning.
Suddenly, whenever their interference was called for, they
appeared, to encourage or to threaten : Elijah, before Ahab,
like the ghost of the murdered Naboth on the vineyard of
Jezreel; Isaiah, before Ahaz at the Fuller's Gate, before
Hezekiah, as he lay panic-struck in the palace; Jeremiah,
before Zedekiah ; John, before Herod ; the Greatest of all,
before the Pharisees in the Temple. Whatever public or
private calamity had occurred, was seized by them to move
the national or individual conscience. Thus Elijah spoke, on
occasion of the drought ; Joel, on occasion of the swarm of
locusts ; Amos, on occasion of the earthquake. Thus, in the
highest degree, our Lord, as has been often observed, drew
His parables from the scenes immediately around Him.
What the ear received slowly was assisted by the eye. What
the abstract doctrine failed to effect, was produced by its
impersonation in the living forms of nature, in the domes-
tic incidents of human intercourse. The Apostles, in this
respect, by adopting the written mode of communication, are
somewhat more removed from personal contact with those
whom they taught than were the older Prophets. But S. Paul
makes his personal presence so felt in all that he writes,
fastens all his remarks so closely on existing circumstances,
as to render his Epistles a means, as it were, of reproducing
himself. He almost always conceives himself 'present
with them in spirit,' ^ as speaking to his reader ' face to
face.' * Every sentence is full of himself, of his readers, of
• 1 Sara. ix. 9. ' 1 Cor. y. 3, 4.
* 2 Kings iv. 23. " 2 Cor. xiii. 2.
458 ON THE JS^ATURE OF PROPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
his circumstances, of tlieirs. And in accordance with this is
his description of the effect of Christian prophesying : ' If
' all prophesy, and there come in one that believeth not, or
' one unlearned, he is convinced of all, he is judged of all.' ^
That is, one prophet after another shall take up the strain,
and each shall reveal to him some fault which he knew not
before. One after another shall ask questions which shall
reveal to him his inmost self, and sit as judge on his inmost
thoughts, ' and thus ' (the Apostle continues) ' the secrets of
* his heart are made manifest, and so falling down on his
' face ' (awe-struck) ' he will worship Grod, and report that
' Grod is in you of a truth.''
This is the true definition, by one of the mightiest Pro-
phets, of what true Prophesying is — what it is in its effects,
and why it is an evidence of a Keal or Divine Presence
wherever it is found. It is this close connexion with the
thoughts of men, this appeal to their hearts and consciences,
this reasoning together with every one of us, which, on the
one hand, makes the interpretation of Scripture, especially
of the Prophetic Scriptures, so dependent on our knowledge
of the characters of those to w^hom each part is addressed ;
which, on the other hand, makes each portion bear its own
lesson to each individual soul. ' Thou art the man.' ^ So
in the fulness of the Prophetic spirit Nathan spoke to David,
and so in a hundred voices God through that goodly company
of Prophets still speaks to us, and ' convinces us ' of our sin
and of His Presence.
And has this Prophetic gift altogether passed away from
our reach? Not altogether. That divine intuition, that
sudden insight into the hearts of men, is, indeed, no longer
ours, or ours only in a very limited sense. Still it fixes for
us the standard at which all preachers and teachers should
« 1 Cor. xiv. 24, 25. ^ 2 Sam. xii. t
iECT. XX. IN THE PRESENT. 459
aim. Not our thoughts, but the thoughts of our hearers, is
what we have to explain to ourselves and to them. Not in
our language, but in theirs, must we speak, if we mean to
make ourselves understood by them. By talking with the
humblest of the poor in the parishes where our lot as pastors
is cast, we shall gain the best materials — materials how rich
and how varied ! — for our future sermons. By addressing
ourselves, not to any imaginary congregation, or to any
abstract and distant circumstances, but to the actual needs
which we know, in the hearts of our neighbours and our-
selves, we shall rouse the sleeper, and startle the sluggard,
and convince the unbelievers, and enlighten the unlearned. So
the great Athenian teacher, the nearest approach to a Jewish
or Christian Prophet that the Gentile world ever produced,
worked his way into the mind of the Grrecian, and so of the
European world. ' To him,' as has been well said by his
modern biographer,' 'the precept ^/ioi^^%5e(/was the holiest
of texts.' He applied it to himself, he applied it to others,
and the result was the birth of all philosophy. But not less
is it the basis of all true prophesying, of all good preaching,
of all sound preparation for the pastoral office,
4. Another characteristic of the teaching of the Prophets Relations
to be briefly touched upon is to be found in their relation country.
not to individuals, but to the State. At one time they
were actually the leaders of the nation, as in the case of
Moses, Deborah, Samuel, David ; in earlier times their
function in this respect was chiefly to maintain the national
spirit by appeals to the Divine help and to the past recol-
lections of their history. This function became more complex
as the Israel itish affairs became more entangled with those
of other nations. But still, throughout, three salient points
stand out. The first is, that, universal as their doctrine was,
* Grote's History of Greece, viii. 602.
ism
4G0 OX THE NATUEE OF PROPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
and far above any local restraints as it soared, they were
thoroughly absorbed in devotion to their country. To say
that they were patriots, that they were good citizens, is a
very imperfect representation of this side of the Prophetic
Patriot- character. They were one with it, they were representatives
of it; they mourned, they rejoiced with it, and for it, and
through it. Often we cannot distinguish between ' the
Prophet and the people for whom he speaks. Of that
uneasy hostility to the national mind, which has sometimes
marked even the noblest of disappointed politicians and of
disaffected churchmen, there is hardly any trace in the
Hebrew Prophet. And, although with the changed relations
of the Jewish Commonwealth, the New Testament Prophets
could no longer hold the same position, yet even then the
national feeling is not extinct. Christ Himself wept over
His country.^ His Prophecy over Jerusalem ' is a direct
continuation of the strain of the older Prophets. The same
may be said of S. Paul's passionate allusions to his love for
the Jewish people in the Epistle to the Eomans,^ which are
almost identical with those of Moses.^ I will not go further
into the enlargement of this feeling, as it followed the ex-
pansion of the Jewish into the Christian Church. It is
enough that our attention should be called to this example
for the teachers of every age. Public spirit, devotion to a
public cause, indignation at a public wrong, enthusiasm in
the national welfare, — this was not below the loftiest of the
ancient Prophets : it surely is still within the reach of the
humblest of Christian teachers.
Again, they laboured to maintain, and did in a consider-
able degree maintain, in spite of the divergence of tribes,
and disruption of the monarchy, the state of national unity.
' See especially Isa. xl.-liv. ; La- ' Matt. xxiv.
mentations, iii. 1-66. * Kom. ix. 3, x. 1, xi. 1.
^ Luke xix. 41. * Ex. xxxii. 32.
LECT. XX. IN TKE PRESENT. 461
The speech of Oded reproaching the northern kings for the
sale of the prisoners of the south is a sample of the whole
prophetic spirit. *Now ye purpose to keep under the chil-
' dren of Judah and Jerusalem for bondmen and bondwomen
* unto you : but are there not with you, even with you, sins
' against the Lord your God ? ' ^ To balance the faults of Unity.
one part of the nation against the other in equal scales,
was their difficult but constant duty.^ To look forward to
the time when Judah should no more vex Ephraim, nor
Ephraim envy Judah,^ was one of their brightest hopes. If
at times they increased the bitterness of the division, yet on
the whole their aim was union, founded on a sense of their
common origin and worship, overpowering the sense of their
separation and alienation.
And thirdly, and as a consequence of this, we are struck
by the variety, the moderation of the Prophetical teaching,
changing with the events of their time.
It is instructive to see how at different epochs different Simplicity
abuses attracted their attention; how the same institutions, and variety
which at one time seemed good, at another seemed fraught °.^ applica-
° ' *= tion.
with evil. Contrast Isaiah's denunciation of the hierarchy
■svith Malachi's support of it.^ Contrast Isaiah's confidence
against Assyria with Jeremiah's despair before Chaldsea.®
There is no one Shibboleth handed down through the whole
series. Only the simple faith in a few great moral and
religious principles remains ; the rest is constantly changing.
Only the poor are constantly protected against the rich ;
only the weaker side is always regarded with the tender
compassion which belongs especially to Him to whom all
the Prophets bare witness. To the poor,^ to the oppressed,
* 2 Chron. xxviii. 10. Arnold's Life, i. 259).
* Ezek. xvi. * Isa. xxxvii. 6 ; Jer. xxxvii. 8.
' Isa. xi. 13. « Isa. iii. 14, v. 8, xxxii. o; Jer.
* Isa. i. 10; Malachi i. 8 (See v. 5. xxii. 13; Amos vi. 3; James r. 1.
462 ON THE NATURE OP PROPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
to the neglected, the Prophet of old was and is still the
faithful friend. To the selfish, the luxurious, the insolent,
the idle, the frivolous, the Prophet was and is still an im-
placable enemy.
This is the ground of the well-known likeness of the
Prophets both to ancient orators and modern statesmen.'
The often quoted lines of Milton ^ best express both the
resemblance and the difference : — -
Their orators tliou then extoU'st, as those
The top of eloquence ; statists indeed,
And lovers of their country, as may seem ;
But herein to our Prophets far beneath,
As men divinely taught, and better teaching
The soHd rules of civil government,
In their majestic, unaffected style.
Than all the oratory of Greece and Rome.
In them is plainest taught, and easiest learnt,
What makes a nation happy, and keeps it so,
What ruins kingdoms, and lays cities flat ;
These only with our law best form a king.
Indepen- 5. One point yet remains in connexion with their teach-
ing ; and that is their absolute independence. Most of them
were in opposition to the prevailing opinion of their country-
men for the time being. Some of them were persecuted,
some of them were in favour with God and man alike. But
in all there was the same Divine Prophetic spirit of eleva-
tion above the passions, and prejudices, and distractions of
common life. * Be not afraid of them ; ^ be not afraid of
* their faces ; be not afraid of their words. Speak my
* words unto them, whether they will hear, or whether they
See Arnold's Letters on this subject, Sir E. Strachey ; also The Vrophets
Nov. 1830 {Life and Corresp. i. 234, of the Old Testament ; in Tracts for
235). Priests and People, No. 8.
' Comp. Hebrew Politics in the '^ Parad. Reg. iv. 353.
time of Sennacherib and Sargon, by ' Ezek. ii. 6, 7 ; iii. 8, 9.
LECT. XX. IN THE rRESENT. 463
' will forbear.' ' I have made thy face strong against their
* faces, and thy forehead strong against their foreheads : as
* an adamant harder than flint I have made thy forehead ;
' fear them not, neither be dismayed.' This is the position
of all the Prophets, in a greater or less degree ; it is the
position, in the very highest sense of all, of Him whose chief
outward characteristic it was that He stood high above all
the influences of His age, and was the Eock against which
they dashed in vain, and on which they were ground to
powder. This element of the Prophetical Office deserves
special consideration, because it pervades their whole teach-
ing, and because it is in its lower manifestations within the
reach of all. What is it that is thus recommended to us ?
Not eccentricity, not singularity, not useless opposition to the
existing framework of the world, or the Church in which we
find ourselves. Not this, which is of no use to any one ; but
this, which is needed by every one of us, — a fixed resolution
to hold our own against chance and accident, against popular
clamour and popular favour, against the opinions, the con-
versation, of the circle in which we live : a silent look of
disapproval, a single word of cheering approval, an even
course, which turns not to the right hand or to the left,
unless with our own full conviction, a calm, cheerful, hopeful
endeavom- to do the work that has been given us to do,
whether we succeed or whether we fail.
And for this Prophetic independence, what is, what was,
the Prophetic ground and guarantee ? There were two. One
was that of which I will proceed to speak presently — that
which has almost changed the meaning of the name of the
Prophets, their constant looking forward to the Future.
The other was that they felt themselves standing on a rock
that was higher and stronger than they— the support and
the presence of Grod. It was this which made their inde-
pendent elevation itself a Prophecy, because it spoke of a
464 OX THE XATURE OF PKOPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
Power behind tbem, unseen, yet manifesting itself tbrough
them in that one quality which even the world cannot fail at
last to recognise. Grive us a man, young or old, high or low,
on whom we know that we can thoroughly depend, who will
stand firm when others fail ; the friend faithful and true,
the adviser honest and fearless, the adversary just and
chivalrous ; in such an one there is a fragment of the Eock
of Ages, a sign that there has been a Prophet amongst us.
The consciousness of the presence of God. In the Mus-
sulman or the Hindoo this makes itself felt in the entire
abstraction of the mind from all outward things. In the
fanatic, of whatever religion, it makes itself felt in the dis-
regard of all the common rules of human morality. In the
Hebrew Prophet it makes itself felt in the indifference to
human praise or blame, in the unswerving fidelity to the voice
of duty and of conscience, in the courage to say what he
knew to be true, and to do what he knew to be right. This
in the Hebrew Prophet — this in the Christian man — is the
best sign of the near vision of Almighty God ; it is the best
sign of the Keal Presence of Jesus Christ, the Faithful and
True, the Holy and the Just, the Power of Grod, and the
Wisdom of God.
rpjjg III. This brings us to the Prophetic teaching of the Future.
teaching j^ jg y^^w known that, in the popular and modern use of the
Euture. word since the seventeenth century, by a ' Prophet ' is meant
almost exclusively one who predicts or foretells ; and the
assertion of the contrary has even been thought heretical. We
have already seen that this assumption is itself a grave error.'
It is wholly unauthorised, either by the Bible or by our own
* See Lecture XIX. ' It is simply ' words for prophecy all refer to a
' a mistake to regard prediction as ' state of mind, an emotion, an in-
' synonymous with prophecy, or even ' fluence, and not to prescience.' (Mr.
' as the chief portion of a prophet's Payne Smith's Messianic Intevpreta-
' duties. Whether the language be ^w?j 0/ /s«m/i, Introd. p. xxx. )
' Hebrew, Greek, or Latin, the ancient
r.ECT. xv. OF THE FUTURE. 465
Church. It has drawn off the attention from the fundamental
idea of the Prophetical office to a subordinate part. It has
caused us to seek the evidence of Prophecy in those portions
of it which are least convincing, rather than in those which
are most convincing — in those parts which it has most in
common with other systems, rather than in those parts which
distinguish it from all other systems.
But this error, resting as it does on an etymological
mistake, could never have obtained so wide a diffusion, with-
out some ground in fact ; and this ground is to be found
in the vast relation of the Prophetic office to the Future,
which I shall now attempt to draw forth — dwelling, as before,
on the general spirit of the institution.
It is, then, undoubtedly true that the Prophets of the Old Prospec-
-r\- 1- T 1 • 111 • 1 11^ tive and
Dispensation did m a marked and especial manner look for- predictive
ward to the Future. It was this which gave to the whole tendencies.
Jewish nation an upward, forward, progressive character,
such as no Asiatic, no ancient, I may almost say, no other
nation, has ever had in the same degree. Eepresenting as
they did the whole people, they shared and they personated
the general spirit of tenacious trust and hope that distin-
guishes the people itself. Their warnings, their consolations,
their precepts, when relating to the past and the present, are
clothed in imagery drawn from the future. The very form
of the Hebrew verb, in which one tense is used both for the
past and the future, lends itself to this mode of speech.
They were conceived as shepherds seated on the top of one
of the hills of Judaea,' seeing far over the heads of their
flocks, and guiding them accordingly ; or as watchmen stand-
ing on some lofty tower, with a wider horizon within their
view than that of ordinary men. ' Watchman, what of the
night ? Watchman, what of the night ? ' ^ was the question
» Isa. Ivi. 10, 11. « Isa. xxi. 11.
H H
466 OX THE NATUKE OF PROPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
addressed to Isaiali by an anxious world below. ' I will stand
* upon my watch,' is the expression of Habakkuk,^ ' and set
' me upon the tower, and will watch to see what He will say
* unto me. Though the vision tarry, wait for it : it will
' surely come ; it will not tarry.' Their practical and reli-
gious exhortations were, it is true, conveyed with a force
which needed no further attestation. Of all of them, in a
certain sense, it might be said as of the Greatest of all, that
they spoke ' as one having authority and not as the scribes.'
Still there are special signs of authority besides, and of these,
one of the chief, from first to last, was their ^speaking
things to come.^ ^ And this token of Divinity extends (and
here again I speak quite irrespectively of any special fulfil-
ments of special predictions) to the whole Prophetic order,
in Old and New Testament alike. To any reflecting mind
there is no more signal proof that the Bible is really the
guiding book of the world's history, than its anticipations,
predictions, insight into the wants of men far beyond the
age in which it was written. That modern element which
we find in it, so like our own times, so unlike the ancient
framework of its natural form ; tliat Oentile, European turn
of thought, so unlike the Asiatic language and scenery which
was its cradle ; that enforcement of principles and duties,
which for years and centuries lay almost unperceived, because
hardly ever understood, in its sacred pages, but which we
now see to be in accordance with the utmost requirements of
philosophy and civilisation ; those principles of toleration,
chivalry, discrimination, proportion, which even now are not
appreciated as they ought to be, and which only can be fully
' Hab. ii. 1, 3. uttered either no predictions or only
* It is observaLle that although the such as were very subordinate), the
power of prediction is never made the failure of a prediction is in one re-
test of a true prophet (some of the markable passage made the test of a
greatest of them, Samuel, for example, false prophet (Deut. xviii. 22).
Elijah, and John the Baptist, having
lECT. XX. OF THE FUTURE. 467
realised in ages yet to come ; these are the unmistakeable
predictions in the Prophetic spirit of the Bible, the pledges
of its inexhaustible resources.
Thus much for the general aspect of the Prophets' office as
they looked to the future. Its more special aspects may be
considered under three heads.
1. First, their contemplation and prediction of the poli- Political
prcdic-
tical events of their own and the surrounding nations. It is tions.
this which brings them most nearly into comparison with
the seers of other ages and other races. Every one knows
instances, both in ancient and modern times, of predictions
which have been uttered and fulfilled in regard to events of
this kind. Sometimes such predictions have been the result
of political foresight. 'To have made predictions which
'have been often verified by the event, seldom or never
' falsified by it,' has been suggested by one well competent to
judge,^ as a sign of statesmanship in modern times. 'To
' see events in their beginnings, to discern their purport
' and tendencies from the first, to forewarn his countrymen
* accordingly,' was the foremost duty of an ancient orator, as
described by Demosthenes.^ Many instances will occur to
students of history. Even within our own memory the great
catastrophe of the disruption of the United States of America
was foretold, even with the exact date,' several years before-
hand. Sometimes there has been an anticipation of some
future epoch in the pregnant sayings of eminent philosophers
or poets ; as for example the intimation of the discovery of
America by Seneca, or of Shakspere by Plato, or the Refor-
mation by Dante. Sometimes the same result has been pro-
duced by a power of divination, granted, in some inexplicable
' M.in.' s Representative Government, Testament, pp. 2, 29.
224. ^ Spence en the American Union,
2 De Corona, 73. See Sir E. p. 7.
SU'achey on the Prophets of the Old
H H 2
468 ON THE NATUKE OF PEOPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
manner, to ordinary men. Of such a kind were many of
the ancient oracles, the fulfilment of which, according to
Cicero,^ could not be denied without a perversion of all
history. Such was the foreshadowing of the twelve centuries
of Roman dominion by the legend of the apparition of the
twelve vultures to Romulus,^ and which was so understood
four hundred years before its actual accomplishment.^ Such,
but with less certainty, was the traditional prediction of the
conquest of Constantinople by the Mussulmans ; the alleged
predictions by Archbishop Malachi, whether composed in
the eleventh or the sixteenth century, of the series of Popes
down to the present time ; not to speak of the well-known
instances which are recorded both in French and English
history.* But there are several points which at once place
the Prophetic predictions on a different level from any of
these. It is not that they are more exact in particulars of
time and place ; none can be more so than that of the
twelve centuries of the Roman Empire ; and our Lord Him-
self has excluded the precise knowledge of times and
seasons from the widest and highest range of the Prophetic
vision. The difference rather lies in their close connexion
with the moral and spiritual character of the Prophetic
mission, and their freedom (for the most part) from any of
those fantastic and arbitrary accompaniments by which so
many secular predictions are distinguished. They are almost
always founded on the denunciations of moral evil, or the
exaltation of moral good, not on the mere locahties or cities
concerned. The nations whose doom is pronounced, thus
become representatives of moral principles and examples to
' Be Divinatione, i. 19. collection in Das Buck der Wahr-und
^ Gibbon, ch. 35. W'e/s-&_9'i<?2_(7e«, published at Ratisbon,
' ]l)id. ch. 52. 1850, or in the smaller French work,
* For theiJe, and many other in- Le Livre de tautcs Im Prophities et
stances of more or less value, see a Predictions, Paris, 184 9.
iECT. XX. OF THE FUTURE. 469
all ages alike. Israel, Jerusalem, Egypt, Babylon, Tyre,'
are personifications of states or principles still existing, and
thus the predictions concerning them have, as Lord Bacon
says, constantly germinant fulfilments. The secular events
which are thus predicted, are (with a few possible excep-
tions'*) within the horizon of the Prophet's age, and are thus
capable of being turned to the practical edification of the
Prophet's own age and country. As in the vision of Pisgah,
the background is suggested by the foreground. No object
is introduced which a contemporary could fail to appreciate
and understand in outline, although its remoter and fuller
meaning might be reserved for a far-distant future. These
predictions are also, in several striking instances, made
dependent on the moral condition of those to whom they
are addressed, and are thus divested of the appearance of
blind caprice or arbitrary fate, in which the literal pre-
dictions of both ancient and modern divination so much
delight. ' Yet forty days and Nineveh shall be overthrown.'
No denunciation is more absolute in its terms than this ; and
of none is the frustration more complete. The true Prophetic
lesson of the Book of Jonah is, that there was a principle
in the moral government of God, more sacred and more
peremptory even than the accomplishment of the most
cherished prediction. ' Grod saw their works, that they
' turned from their evil way ; and Grod repented of the evil,
' that He had said that He would do unto them ; and He did
' it not.' ^ What here appears in a single case is laid down as
a universal rule by the Prophet Jeremiah. ' At what instant
' I shall speak concerning a nation ... to destroy it ; if
' This is well brought out in else admit (on quite independent
Arnold's Sermons on Prophecy, 45- grounds) of another explanation,
49. Other occasions will occur for treating
^ The cases referred to are such them in detail,
as need not be here discussed. They ' Jonah iii. 10.
are either confessedly exceptional, or
470 OX THE NATURE OF PROPHETICAL TEACHIXG. lect. xx.
' that nation . . . turn from their evil, I will repent of the
' evil that I thought to do unto them. And at what instant
' I shall speak concerning a nation ... to build and to plant
' it ; if it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my voice, then
* I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit
' them.' »
With these limitations, it is acknowledged by all students
of the subject, that the Hebrew prophets made predictions
concerning the fortunes of their own and other countries
which were unquestionably fulfilled.^ There can be no
reasonable doubt, for example, that Amos foretold the cap-
tivity and return of Israel ; and Micah the fall of Samaria ;
and Ezekiel the fall of Jerusalem ; and Isaiah the fall of
Tyre ; and Jeremiah the limits of the Captivity. But, even
if no such special cases could be proved, the grandeur of the
position which the Prophets occupy in this respect is one
which it needs no attestation of any particular prediction
to enhance, and which no failure of any particular prediction
can impair. From those lofty watch-towers of Divine spe-
culation, from that moral and spiritual height which raised
them far above the rest of the ancient world, they saw the
rise and fall of other nations, long before it was visible
to those nations themselves. ' They were the first in all
' antiquity,' it has been well said,^ ' to perceive that the
' old East was dead ; they celebrated its obsequies, in ad-
' vance of the dissolution which they saw to be inevitable.'
They were, as Dean Milman* has finely expressed it, the
* great Tragic Chorus of the awful drama that was unfolding
' itself in the Eastern world. As each, independent tribe or
' monarchy was swallowed up in the universal empire of
' Assyria, the seers of Judah watched the progress of the
' invader, and uttered their sublime funeral anthems over
' Jer. xviii. 7-9. ' Quinet, Genie des Eeligions, p. 372.
2 See Ewald (1st ed.), iii. 303. ■• History of the Jews, i. 298.
LECT. XX. OF THE FUTURE. 471
' the greatness and prosperity of Moab and Ammou, Da-
' mascus and Tyre.' And in those funeral laments and wide-
reaching predictions we trace a foretaste of that universal
sympathy with nations outside the chosen circle, — of that
belief in an all-embracing Providence, — which has now be-
come part of the belief of the highest intelligence of the
world. There may be many innocent questions about the
date, or about the interpretation^ of the Book of Daniel, and
of the Apocalypse. But there can be no doubt that they
contain the first germs of the great idea of the succession of
ages, of the continuous growth of empires and races under
a law of Divine Providence, the first sketch of the Educa-
tion of the world, and the first outline of the Philosophy of
History.^
2. I pass to the second grand example of the predictive Messia
spirit of the Prophets. It was the distinguishing mark of W^ ^^'
the Jewish people that their golden age was not in the past,
but in the future ; that their greatest Hero (as they deemed
Him to be) was not their founder, but their founder's latest
descendant. Their traditions, their fancies, their glories, ga-
thered round the head not of a chief, or warrior, or sage that
had been, but of a King, a Deliverer, a Prophet who was to
come. Of this singular expectation the Prophets were, if not
the chief authors, at least the chief exponents. Sometimes
He is named, sometimes He is unnamed ; sometimes He is
almost identified with some actual Prince of the comingf or
the present generation, sometimes He recedes into the distant
ages.^ But again and again, at least in the later Prophetic
writings, the vista is closed by His person, His character. His
reign. And almost everywhere the Prophetic spirit, in the
delineation of His coming, remains true to itself. He is to
be a King, a Conqueror, yet not by the common weapons of
^ See Liicke, On S. John, iv. 154. « See Ewald, iii. 428-9.
472 ON THE NATURE OF PROPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
earthly warfare, but by those only weapons which the Pro-
phetic order recognised — by justice,' mercy, truth, and
goodness, — by suffering, by endurance, by identification of
Himself with the joys, the sufferings of His nation, by open-
ing a wider sympathy to the whole human race than had
ever been opened before. That this expectation, however
explained, existed in a greater or less degree amongst the
Prophets, is not doubted by any theologians of any school
whatever. It is no matter of controversy. It is a simple
and universally recognised fact, that, filled with these Pro-
phetic images, the whole Jewish nation — nay, at last the
whole Eastern world — did look forward with longing expec-
tation to the coming of this future Conqueror. Was this
unparalleled expectation realised ? And here again I speak
only of facts which are acknowledged by Germans and
Frenchmen, no less than by Englishmen, by critics and by
sceptics even more fully than by theologians and ecclesiastics.
There did arise out of this nation a Character by universal
consent as unparalleled as the expectation which had pre-
ceded Him. Jesus of Nazareth was, on the most superficial
no less than on the deepest view we take of His coming, the
greatest name, the most extraordinary power, that has ever
crossed the stage of History. And this greatness consisted
not in outward power, but precisely in those qualities on
which from first to last the Prophetic order had laid the
utmost stress — justice and love, goodness and truth.
I push this argument no further. Its force is weakened
the moment we introduce into it any controverted detail.
The fact which arrests our attention is, that side by side with
this great expectation appears the great climax to which the
whole History leads up. It is a proof, if anything can be a
proof, of a unity of design, in the education of the Jews, in
> Ps. xlv. 4, Ixxii. 11-14; Isa. xl. 1-9, liii. 1-9 ; Jer. xxxii. 15, 16.
LECT. XX. OF THE FUTURE. 473
the history of the world. It is a proof that the events of the
Christian Dispensation were planted on the very centre of
human hopes and fears. It is a proof that the noblest hopes
and aspirations that were ever breathed, were not disap-
pointed ; and that when ' Grod spake by the Prophets ' of the
coming Christ, He spake of that which in His own good
time He was certain to bring to pass.
3. There is one further class of predictions which still
more directly connects itself with the general spirit of the
Prophetic writings, and of which the predictions I have
already noticed only form a part— those which relate to the
P^uture, as a ground of consolation to the Church, to indi-
viduals, to the human race. It is this which gives to the
Bible at large that hopeful, victorious, triumphant character,
which distinguishes it from the morose, querulous, narrow,
desponding spirit of so much false religion, ancient and
modern. The 'power of the Future. — This is the fulcrum by
which they kept up the hopes of their country, and on its
support we can rest as well as they.
The Future of the Church. — I need not repeat those Piedic-
glorious predictions which are familiar to all. But their of the
spirit is applicable now as well as then. Although, in this
sense, we prophesy and predict, as it were at second-hand
from them, yet our anticipations are so much the more
certain as they are justified and confirmed by the experience,
which the Prophets had not, of two thousand years. We
may be depressed by this or that failure of good projects, of
lofty aspirations. But the Prophets and the Bible bid us
look onward. The world, they tell us, as a whole tends
forwards and not backwards. The losses and backslidings
of this generation, if so be, will be repaired in the advance
of the next. ' To one far-off Divine event,' slowly it may
be and uncertainly, but still steadily onwards, ' the whole
creation moves.' Work on in faith, in hope, in confidence :
Church.
Individual.
474 OX THE NATURE OF PROPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
the future of the Church, the future of each particular
society in which our lot is cast, is a solid basis of cheerful
perseverance. The very ignorance of tlie true spirit of the
Bible, of which we complain, is the best pledge of its bound-
less resources for the future. The doctrines, the precepts,
the institutions, which as yet lie undeveloped, far exceed in
richness, in power, those that have been used out, or been
fully applied.
Predic- The Future of the Individual. — Have we ever thought
tions 111 . . 1
of the of the immense stress laid by the Prophets on this mighty
thought? What is the sentence with which the Church
of England opens its morning and evening service, but a
Prophecy, a Prediction, of the utmost importance to every
human soul ? ' When the wicked man shall turn away from
' his wickedness, and doeth that which is lawful and right,
^ he shall save his soul alive.'' So spoke Ezekiel,^ advancing
beyond the limits of the Mosaic law. So spoke no less
Isaiah ^ and Micah : ^ ' Though your sins be as scarlet, they
' shall be as white as snow.' ' He will turn again ; He will
' have compassion upon us. He will subdue our iniquities.
' Thou wilt cast all their sins into the depths of the sea.'
So spoke, in still more endearing accents, the Prophet of
Prophets, Jesus Christ Himself, when He uttered His world-
wide invitation, ' Him that cometh to me, I will in no wise
* cast out.' * Her sins, which are many, are forgiven.' ' Go
' and sin no more.' The Future is everything to us, the Past
is nothing. The turn, the change, the fixing our faces in
the right instead of the wrong direction — this is the diffi-
culty, this is the turning-point, this is the crisis of life.
But, that once done, the Future is clear before us. The
despondency of the human heart, the timidity or the austerity
of Churches or of sects, may refuse this great Prophetic
' Ezek. xviii. 27. * Isa. i. 18. » Micah vii. 19.
Life.
L£CT. XX. OF THE FUTURE. 475
absolution ; may cling to penances and regrets for the
past; may shrink from the glad tidings that the good
deeds of the Future can blot out the sorrows and the
sins of the Past. But the whole Prophetic teaching of
the Old and New Testament has staked itself on the issue ;
it hazards the bold prediction that all will be well when
once we have turned ; it bids us go courageously forward, in
the strength of the Spirit of God, in the power of the life of
Christ.
There is yet one more Future, a future which to the Predic-
Prophets of old was almost shut out, but which it is the j7x,tui.e
glory of the Prophets of the New Dispensation to have
predicted to us with unshaken certainty — the Future life.
In this respect, the predictions of the latest of the Prophets
far transcend those which went before. The heathen phi-
losophers were content with guesses on the immortal future of
the soul. The elder Hebrew Prophets were content, for the
most part, with the consciousness of the Divine support in
this life and through the terrors of death, but did not venture
to look further. But the Christian Prophets, gathering up
the last hopes of the Jewish Church into the first hopes of
the Christian Church, throw themselves boldly on the undis-
covered world beyond the grave, and foretell that there the
wishes and fears of this world will find their true accomplish-
ment. To this Prediction, so confident, yet so strange at the
time, the intelligence no less than the devotion of mankind
has in the course of ages come round. Powerful minds,
which have rejected much besides in the teaching of the
Bible, have claimed as their own this last expectation of the
simple Prophetic school, which founded its hopes on the
events of that first Easter day, that first day of the week,
'when life and immortality were brought to light.' And
it is a prediction which shares the character of all the other
truly Prophetic utterances, in that it directly bears on the
476 ON THE NATURE OF PEOPHETICAL TEACHING, lect. xx.
present state of being. Even without dwelling on the special
doctrine of judgment and retribution, the mere fact of the
stress laid by the Prophets on the certainty of the Future is
full of instruction, hardly perhaps enough borne in mind.
Look forwards, we sometimes say, a few days or a few months,
and how differently will all things seem. Yes ; but look
forwards a few more years, and how yet more differently
will all things seem. From the height of that Future, to
which on the wings of the ancient Prophetic belief we can
transport ourselves, look back on the present. Think of
our troubles, as they will seem when we know their end.
Think of those good thoughts and deeds which alone will
survive in that unknown world. Think of our controversies,
as they will appear when we shall be fain to sit down at
the feast with those whom we have known only as opponents
here, but whom we must recognise as companions there. To
that Future of Futures which shall fulfil the yearnings of all
that the Prophets have desired on earth, it is for us, wherever
we are, to look onwards, upwards, and forwards, in the con-
stant expectation of something better than we see or know.
Uncertain as to ' the day and hour,' ^ and as to the manner
of fulfilment, this last of all the Predictions still, like those
of old, builds itself upon the past and present. *It doth
' not yet appear what we shall be ; but we know that when
* He shall appear, we shall be like Him ; for we shall see Him
* as He is.' *
> Mark xiii. 32. " 1 John iii. 2.
APPENDIX I.
THE TRADITIONAL LOCALITIES OP ABRAHAM'S
MIGRATION.
APPENDIX II.
THE CAVE OP MACHPELAH.
APPENDIX III.
THE SAMARITAN PASSOVER.
479
APPENDIX I.
NOTE A. OX LECTURE I.
TRADITIONAL LOCALITIES OF ABRAHAMS MIGRATION.
I. Wliere vms Ur of the Chaldees ?
There are four claimants : —
1. Ur, a fortress on the Tigris nearHatra, mentioned only Kaieh
by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxv. 8), apparently the modern ^^^^ '^*'
Kaleh Sherghat, on the western bank of the Tigris, between
the Greater and Lesser Zab.^ To this no traditional sanctity
is attached. The arguments in its favour are, (L) The identity
of its ancient name. (2.) The distance from Haran east-
wards, which agrees better than that of the other three
situations with the indications of the Sacred narrative. For
the authorities in its behalf see Chwolson's Sabier, i. 313.
2. Warka, on the present eastern bank of the Euphrates, Warka.
above the junction with the Tigris. It was formerly identified
with Ur by Sir H. Rawlinson, on the grounds, (1.) Of Arabic
and Talmudic traditions, of which he gives an example from
a MS. in his possession.^ (2.) Of the likeness of its name to
Orchue, one of the Grecian forms of Ur. See a good descrip-
tion of it in Loftus's Ghcddoea and Susiana, 163.
3. Mugheyr, on the western bank of the Euphrates, close Mugheyr.
to the confluence of the Two Rivers. It is now identified ^
' Journal of Geog. Society, xi. 7. ' AthoKBinn, January 20, 1855,
^ Journal of Asiatic Socicti/, xii. pp. 84-95.
48L
480 UE OF THE CHALDEES. app. i.
with Ur by Sir H, Rawlinson, on the grounds, (1.) Of the
name of Uruhh or Hur^ found on cylinders in the neighbour-
hood. (2.) *0f the remains of a Temple of the Moon,'
whence, perhaps, tne name of Camnarina given to Ur by
Eupolemus.' (3,) Of the existence of a district called Ibra,
whence he derives the name of Hebrew.^ To these arguments
may be added the apparent identification, by Josephus, of
Chaldsea with Babylonia ; — ' Terah migrated from Chaldcea
into Mesopotamia.^
Orfa. (4.) Or/a or Urfa. The place has been sufficiently described
in Lecture I. p. 6.
The arguments in favour of its identity with Ur are as
follows : —
(1.) It is on the eastern side of the Euphrates, a qualifi-
cation of Ur required not only by the usual interpretation
of the word ' Hebrew,' but by Josh. xxiv. 3, ' beyond the
river ; ' whereas Mugheyr now, and Warka probably in
ancient times,'' was on the western side.
(2.) The general tenor of the narrative closely connects
Ur with Haran and Aram.^ These were in the north-
western portion of Mesopotamia within reach of Orfa.
(3.) Whatever may be the later meanings of the name
Chasdim or Chalda'ans, there can be little doubt that Ar-
pha-Chesed (Arphaxad) must be the Arrapachitis of the
north ,^ and that in this connexion, therefore,^ the Chasdim
spoken of must be in the north.*
(4.) The local features of Orfa, as above described, are
guarantees for its remote antiquity as a city.
(5.) The traditions are at least as strong as those elsewhere,
which may have originated in the anxiety of the Jewish
• Eusob. Pr(pp. Ev. ix. 17. * Gen. xi. 27, 28, 31 ; xii. 1-4.
* f^fe'Loitxis's C/iald(eaand Susiana, * Ptol. Gcoq. vi. 1.
p. 131. ■> Gen. xi. 10, 11, 28.
* Ant. i. 6, § 5. » See Ewald, Gcsch. i. 378.
♦ Loftus, 13i.
APP. I. HARAN. 481
settlement of Babylonia to claim the possession of their
ancestor's birthplace, and in the shifting of the name of
Chaldaea.
II. Where was Haran ?
Till within the last year, the identity of the Patriarchal
Haran with that in the north of Mesopotamia (indicated in
Lecture I. p. 8) had never been doubted.
Within the last twelve months, Dr. Beke (in letters to Haran.
the AthenaiUTYi ') has urged the claims of a small village
called Hdrrdn-el-Aivamid, about four hours' j ourney east of
Damascus, on the western border of the lake into which the
Barada and the Awaj empty themselves. His argument, which
further requires the identification of Mesopotamia (^Aram-
NaJiaraim, Aram of the Two Elvers) with the plain of
Damascus between the Barada and the Awaj, is based, (1.) on
the identity of name, ' Haran ; ' (2.) on the supposed likeness
of natural features, wells, &c. ; (3.) on the journey of seven
days taken by Laban between Haran and Grilead'; which,
though suitable for a journey from Damascus to Grilead, seems
too short a time for a journey of 350 miles from the Eu-
phrates. The first and second arguments prove nothing more
for the Haran of Damascus than for that of Mesopotamia.
But the last must be allowed to have its weight. No doubt
the natiu"al construction of the passage in Gren. xxxi. 23, is
(as given in Lecture I. p, 10), that seven days was the time
usually consumed in the journey. But, in the face of the
powerful arguments brought by Mr. Porter, Mr. Ainsworth,
and Sir Henry Eawlinson, in favour of the Mesopotamian
Haran,^ this single expression can hardly be thought to turn
the scale. The number may be a round number — the start
of the journey may be from some intermediate spot — or the
dromedaries of Laban may be supposed to have travelled
' Nov. 23, 1861 ; Feb. 1, 15; March ^ Athenceum, Nov. 30, Dec. 7, 1861 ;
1, 29 ; and May 24, 1862. March 22 ; April 6, 19 ; May 24, 1862.
I I
482 HARAN. apf. i.
with the speed of 'the regular Arab post, which consumes
' no more than eight days in crossing the desert from
* Damascus to Baghdad, a distance of nearly 500 miles.' '
The only other argument which might be adduced seems to
me to be that Josephus,^ whilst he dwells much on Abraham's
stay at Damascus, does not mention Haran. This miglit con-
fcm the notion that Haran and Damascus were virtually in
the same region. But the uniformity of tradition in favour
of the Eastern Haran, the absence of any in favour of the
Western, the more remarkable from the abundance of other
Patriarchal and Abrahamic legends in the neighbourhood of
Damascus — the difficulty of supposing the ' Aram-Naharaim '
of the Hebrew text and the ' Mesopotamia ' of the LXX.
to be the country of the Barada and Awaj, and 'the river'
('the Nahar'') of Gren. xxxi. 21, to have other than its
usual signification of the Euphrates — are, it appears to me,
almost decisive in favour of the old interpretation.
I subjoin a narrative of an excursion taken by the Rev. S.
Robson (the excellent Protestant Missionary at Damascus) to
Harran-el-Awamid, in the spring of this year, at my request,
to examine the columns which remain on the spot, and
which have given it its present name.
* Last month, Mr. Sandwith, Mr. Crawford, and I went to
'Harran-el-Awamid. We started at five o'clock in the
' morning, and rode there at a walking pace in four hours
' and a quarter. We returned to the city in the evening.
'We could not form an opinion as to the kind or the
' form of the building, to which the three columns now
' standing had belonged. In different parts of the village
* there are pieces of columns of the same black stone, but
' of small diameters, and there are large dressed stones of
' the same material, which evidently were in ancient build-
' ings. The first house, in the west of the village, is the
» Athenmm, April 19, p. 530. ^ Ant. i. 7, § 2.
APF. I. HARAN. 483
' Mosque. Attached to it is a large yard, in which is a well,
' with two or three stone troughs, used for ablutions. The
' well and the troughs are in a small building, and here
' is the Greek inscription. It is on a piece of a column
' five or six feet long, and fourteen or fifteen inches in
* diameter. It lies horizontally, in the angle between the
' wall and the ground — one side a little in the wall, and
' another a little in the ground. The beginnings of the
'lines of the inscription are visible, but the ends are on
'the lower side of the stone in the ground. Apparently
* there had been four lines. The whole is greatly worn and
* defaced, but several letters in the first line, and two in the
* second, are legible as below : —
AAUA (CONSn ....
. A . O .
'The mark ( between A and C in the first line I do not
' understand, and the 11 was doubtful to us. We could not
' guess at a single letter in the third and fourth lines. The
' inscription had not been carefully cut ; the letters were not
' well formed, nor of the same size, and the lines were not
' quite straight.
' The people showed great unwillingness to have the stone
' moved. The inscription is so much defaced, that we could
' not read even the first line as far as it is exposed, and it
' seemed most likely that, if the whole were uncovered, we
' would find hardly another letter legible. I confess also
* that I doubted much whether the inscription would prove
' of any consequence if we had the whole of it. The result
' was that we gave up our design of moving the stone. The
' water in the well stood only five or six feet below the
' surface of the ground, and the supply is evidently abundant,
' It is used chiefly for ablutions and for drinking, by the
112
484 HARAN. a pp. i.
' people when in the Mosque, but never for watering cattle.
' It tasted to us slightly brackish. There is another well
' outside the yard of the Mosque. The water in it was only
' two or three feet below the surface of the ground, but it is
' stagnant, and is never used now for any purpose. There
' are no wells in or around the village except these two.
* The whole region is remarkably level, and is well culti-
' vated. There were very large fields of wheat all around. I
' do not know that any land near the village is now used only
' for pasture. There is abundance of water for irrigation and
' other purposes. The cattle drink from ponds, of which
* there are several near the village. Water for drinking and
' cooking is taken from what the people call " the river," an
' artificial stream constructed in the mode described in
' Porter's Five Years in Damascus. The Barada is distant
*" more than half an hoiu- to the north, and the lakes some two
' hours to the east. Probably the artificial river did not exist
* in the time of Eebekah, but the water now abundant on or
' near the surface of the ground, was perhaps even more so
' then. But the Harran near Orfah in Mesopotamia has also,
* it is said, an abundant supply of water from several small
' streams near it.
' Is it in the least probable that the Grreek inscription could
* throw any light on the question about this place ? At most
' it could only give an ancient tradition, and if such a tra-
' dition ever existed, how have all traces of it disappeared
* from books and from among the people ? Do not the tra-
' ditions of Jews, Moslems, and Christians point to one place
' in the region between the Euphrates and Tigris still called
* " Mesopotamia " (" between the rivers," bem-en-naharein)
' in Arabic, as it appears to have been called in Hebrew.
*The name Harran has not a form usual in Arabic,
' and native scholars tell me the name is not Arabic.
' Hdrrdn, the Arabic name of the town beyond the Euphrates,
App. I. BIRZEH. 485
' has an Arabic form as if from Jiarar, heat, and may mean a
' hot or burned place.'
For the whole history of the Mesopotamian Haran, see the
learned chapter in Chwolson's Sahier, Book i. ch. x. — Harran
und die Hdrranier.
III. The Place of Abraham, at Birzeh near Damascus. Birzoh.
' The name of Abraham is still famous at Damascus,
' and there is shown a village named from him called
* " the habitation of Abraham " ' {otK-qaris ^A/Spafiov). So
Josephus ^ concludes a quotation from the lost work of
Nicolaus of Damascus, whether in his own words, or those of
Nicolaus, does not appear. Mr. Porter ^ first called attention
to this passage in connexion with the fact that 'in the
' village of Birzeh, one hour north of Damascus, there is
' a chapel known by the name of the Patriarch, Mesjid
' Ibrahim, held in high veneration by the Moslems, Pilgrim-
' ages are made to it at a certain season every year,' at which
takes place a miraculous procession — like that of the Doseh
at Cairo — of a Dervish riding over the bodies of his followers.
He adds that Ibn 'Asaker (in his history of Damascus, written
before the sixth century of the Hejra) gives a long account
of it, and says, that ' here Abraham worshipped God, when
' he turned back from the pursuit of the kings who had
' plundered Sodom, and had carried away Lot.'
%• In consequence of this notice, I visited the spot in the
spring of 1862. The village lies at the entrance of tlie
defile which penetrates into the hills at the N.W. corner of
the Damascus plain on the road to Helbon. Through the
defile rushes out a rivulet lined with verdure. A large
walnut-tree stands in front of the irregular homely mosque
which is built on the craggy side of the barren range. Its
upper story is occupied by the chamber opening into the
' Ant. i. 7, § 2. * Five Years in Damascus, i. 82.
486 TRADITIONS OF ABRAHAM. app. i.
sacred cavern ; its lower story serves for the accommodation
of pilgrims. I subjoin the account of it, and of the legend
attached to it, from a letter of Mr. Eobson, who afterwards
kindly explored the mosque for me in detail : —
' We crossed a very small court, and entered a very plain
* mosque about thirty feet long and eighteen or twenty feet
' wide. It stands against the side of the mountain, and the
' north part of the west wall is partly formed of the native
* rock. At that part is a small square gallery, from which
* we walked into a narrow crooked passage in the rock. It
* is a natural cleft from two to three feet wide, and extend-
* ing twelve or fifteen feet into the hill. At the end of it,
' where it is quite dark, there is some reddish clay, which is
' regarded as peculiarly sacred, and visitors usually carry
' away a little of it. There were inscriptions on the walls of
* the mosque of the kind usually found in such places.
* The legend I shall briefly give as we heard it on the
' spot. Nimrod was warned that a child to be born and to
' be named Abraham would overthrow his power, and he
' ordered his Wezeer to cause all women with child in his
' dominions to be seized, and the infants destroyed. The
'Wezeer's daughter was married to Abraham's father, and
' he desired his son-in-law to take care that his wife did not
' become pregnant. She became pregnant notwithstanding,
' but she successfully concealed her state from her father and
' every one. When the time of her delivery came, she fled
* from her home in Bethlehem, and wandered on till she came
' to Birzeh, when the cleft we saw opened before her, and
' she entered and Abraham was born. It was then that the
' clay was tinged red. Fearing Nimrod, she concealed the
' infmt in the hole for a long time, coming occasionally from
' Bethlehem to nurse him.
'This story seems to be implicitly believed by the at-
' tendants and visitors at the mosque, the villagers, and
App. I. BIKZEH. 487
' the common people of the city. It is, however, only a
' vulgar legend. Literary Moslems disavow it. With them
* the Makam Ihralivm is simply a Mesjid to Ibrahim —
' a mosque or place of worship sacred or consecrated to
' Abraham. This is all the learned say of the place. I
' lately saw an Arabic MS. account of the Moslem holy
' places in Syria, composed by a man who was judge (kady)
' of Erzeroum, two or three hundred years ago. In this
' book the place at Birzeh is described just as I have stated
* above. Neither in it, nor in conversation, have I found
' any reason assigned for the connexion of the name of the
* patriarch with the place, or any tradition of his having
' ever visited it.
* Learned Moslems are very strict and critical in judging
Hhe claims of sacred graves and other holy places. For
* instance, the grave of Mohammed is attested by a series
' of legal documents, a new one being drawn up every year ;
'and this is the only grave of a prophet which they will
' admit to be certainly known. Even the graves of the
'patriarchs at Hebron are regarded as only the supposed and
' probable resting-places of those whose name they bear.'
Note to p. 484.
Since this was printed, Dr. Beke has commimicated an account of
his journey to Harran-el-Awamid to the Geographical Society. His
description of the strongly-marked character of the hills of Gilead,
as the easternmost boundary of Palestine, is well worthy of notice.
488
APPENDIX II.
THE CAVE OP MACHPELAH.
In my Lecture on the History of Abraham (p. 35), I enlarged
on the interest attached to the Cave of Machpelah. At that
time I little thought that I should ever be enabled to pene-
trate within the inaccessible sanctuary which surrounds it.
This privilege I owe to the effort made by His Koyal High-
ness the Prince of Wales, in 1862, to obtain an entrance into
the Mosque of Hebron ; • the success of which gave to his
Eastern journey a peculiar value, such as has attached to the
visit of no other European Prince to the Holy Land.
The Cave The Cave of Machpelah is described in the Book of Genesis
°^i V, " "^th a particularity almost resembling that of a legal deed.
The name of 'Machpelah,' or rather 'the Machpelah,'
appears to have belonged to the whole district or property,^
though it is applied sometimes to the cave,^ and some-
times to the field.^ The meaning of the word is quite
uncertain, though that of ' double,' ^ which is adopted in
all the ancient versions (almost always as if applied to
the cave), is the most probable. In this * Machpelah' was
a field, ' a cultivated field,' which belonged not to one of
the Amorite chiefs — Aner, Eshcol, or Mamre — but to a
' For a more complete account of the (the) Machpelah.'
incidents of this visit, see Appendix I. ■* Gen. xxiii. 19; xlix. 30; 1. 13.
to Sermons f reached in the East before ' The field of (the) Machpelah.'
the Prince of Wales. * ' Spelunca duplex,' Vulgate, rh
^ Gen. xxiii. 17. 'The field of (nnj\atov, rh SiirXovu, LXX. passim.
Ephron, which was in Machpelah.' Syriac, passim, except in Gen. 1. 13,
' Ibid. 9 : xxv. 9. ' The cave of where it is ' the double field.'
APP. 11. THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. 489
Hittite, Ephron the son of Zobar.^ The field was planted, as
most of those around the vale of Hebron, with trees ; olives,
terebinths, or ilexes. At one ' end,' ^ probably the upper end,
was a cavot The whole place was * in the face of Mamre,' ^
that is, as it would seem, opposite the oaks or terebinths of
Mamre the Amorite, where Abraham had pitched his tent. In
this case, it would be immediately within view of his encamp-
ment ; and the open mouth of the cave may be supposed to
have attracted his attention long before he made the proposal
which ended in his purchase of this, his first and only pro-
perty in the Holy Land. ' There they buried Abraham and
' Sarah his wife ; there they buried Isaac and Eebekah his
^ wife ; and there,' according to the dying speech of the last
of the Patriarchs, ' Jacob buried Leah ; ' and there he him-
self was buried* 'in the cave of the field of Machpelah,
'which Abraham bought for a possession of a burial-place
' from Ephron the Hittite before Mamre.' ^
This is the last BibHcal notice of the Cave of Machpelah.
After the close of the Book of G-enesis,,no mention is made
of it in the Scriptures. In the speech of Stephen,^ by a
singular variation, the tomb at Shechem is substituted for
it. It is not even mentioned in the account of Caleb's con-
quest of Hebron, or of David's reign there. The only
possible allusion is the statement in Absalom's life,^ that he
had vowed a pilgrimage to Hebron.
But the formal and constant reference to it in the Book of
' Gen. xxiii. 8 ; xxv. 9. of Abraham, or (what is more im-
^ Gen. xxiii. 9. portant) of the place of the sacred
' This interpretation of the words ' terebinth ' worshipped as the spot
'before' or 'in the face of ' Mamre, of his encampment, five miles to the
would require that Mamre should be north of Hebron. The Vulgate trans-
on the hill immediately to the south lates the words, ' e regionc'
of the modern town of Hebron. It * Gen. xlix. 30.
must be admitted that such a position * Ibid. 1. 13.
is inconsistent with the traditional ^ Acts vii. 16.
locality either of the existing ' oak ' ' 2 Sam. st. 7.
490 THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. • app. ii.
Genesis is a sufficient guarantee not only for a spot of that
name having existed from early times, but also for its having
been known at the time of the composition of the book and
of its introduction into the Jewish Canon. That cannot be
earlier, on any hypothesis, than the time of Moses, nor later
than the times of the Monarchy.
The En- We are not left, however, entirely in the dark. Josephus,
in his Antiquities, tells us that there were 'monuments
built there by Abraham and his descendants ; ' ^ and in his
Jeivish War, that 'the monuments of Abraham and his
sons' (apparently alluding to those already mentioned in
the Antiquities) 'were still shown at Hebron, of beautiful
marble, and admirably worked.' ^ These monuments ^ can
hardly be other than what the 'Bourdeaux Pilgrim,' in
A.D. 333, describes as ' a quadrangle of stones of astonishing
beauty ; ' and these again are clearly those which exist at
the present day — the massive enclosure of the Mosque. The
tradition, thus carried up unquestionably to the age of
Josephus, is in fact carried by the same argument much
higher. For the walls, as they now stand, and as Josephus
speaks of them, must have been built before his time. The
terms which he uses imply this ; and he omits to mention
them amongst the works of Herod the Great, the only poten-
tate who could or would have built them in his time, and
amongst whose buildings they must have occupied, if at all,
a distinguished place. But, if not erected by Herod, there is
then no period at which we can stop short of the Monarchy.
So elaborate and costly a structure is inconceivable in the
disturbed and impoverished state of the nation after the
Return. It is to the kings, at least, that the walls must be
referred, and, if so, to none so likely as one of the sovereigns to
whom they are ascribed by Jewish and Mussulman tradition,
' Ant. i. 14. ' For the later list of witnesses
« B. J. iv. 9, § 7. see Robinson's B. R. ii. 77, 78.
Apr. II. THE ENCLOSUEE. 491
David or Solomon.' Beyond this we can hardly expect to
find a continuous proof. But by this time, we have almost
joined the earlier tradition implied in the reception of the
Book of Genesis, with its detailed local description, into the
Jewish Sacred Books.
With this early origin of the present enclosure its ap-
pearance fully agrees.^ With the long continuity of the
tradition agrees also the general character of Hebron and its
vicinity. There is no spot in Palestine, except, perhaps.
Mount Gerizim, where the genius loci has been so slightly
disturbed in the lapse of centuries. There is already a
savour of antiquity in the earliest mention of Hebron,
' built seven years before Zoan in Egjrpt.' ^ In it the names
of the Amorite inhabitants * were preserved long after
they had perished elsewhere ; and from the time that the
memory of Abraham first began to be cherished there it
seems never to have ceased. The oak, the * antediluvian
oak,' ^ ' the Terebintli, as old as the Creation,' ^ were shown
' The Mussulman name at the pre- wide, and 5 feet apart, running the
sent day for the enclosure is ' the wall entire height of the ancient wall,
of Solomon.' There are eight of these pilasters at
^ The peculiarities of the masonry the ends, and sixteen at the sides of
are these: — (1.) Some of the stones the enclosure. These observations are
are very large ; Dr. Wilson mentions taken partly fi'om Mr. Grove, who
one 38 feet long, and 3 feet 4 inches visited Hebron in 1859, partly from
deep; others are 16 feet long, and 5 feet Dr. Eobinson {B.E. ii. 75, 76). The
high. The largest in the Haram wall length and breadth are given by Dr.
at Jerusalem is 24|^ feet. But yet (2.) Eobinson respectively at 200 and
the surface, in splendid preservation, 150 feet, by Signor Pierotti at 198|-
is very finely worked, more so than and 113^ feet, who also makes the
the finest of the stones at the south ancient wall 48 feet high, and 6^ feet
and south-west portion of the en- thick,
closure at Jerusalem ; the sunken ^ Num. xiii. 22.
part round the edges (sometimes called * Judg. i. 10.
the 'bevel') very shallow, with no ^ Ant.i. 10, § A:, t})v ' Ci-y vyriv KaXov-
resemblance at all to more modern fxevriv Spvv. Dr. Rosen conjectures
'rustic work.' (3.) The cross joints that this is the oak stCJ shown under
are not always vertical, but some are the name of Sibteh.
oblique. (4.) The wall is divided « B. J. iv. 9, § 7.
by pilasters about 2 feet 6 inches
492 THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. app. ii.
in the time of Josephus. The Terebinth gave to the spot
where it stood the name which lingers there down to the
present day,^ centuries after the tree itself has disappeared.
The fair held beneath it, the worship offered, show that the
Patriarch was regarded almost as a Divinity. His name
became identified not only with the sepulchral quadrangle,
' The Castle of Abraham,' but with the whole place. The
Mussulman name of *El-khalil,' 'The Friend' (of God),
has as completely superseded in the native population the
Israelite name of ' Hebron,' as the name of ' Hebron ' had
already superseded the Canaanite name of ' Kirjath-arba.'
The town itself, which in ancient times must have been at
some distance (as is implied in the original account of the
purchase of the burial-place) from the sepulchre, has de-
scended from the higher ground on which it was formerly
situated, and clustered round the tomb which had become
the chief centre of attraction. A similar instance may be
noted in the name of El-Lazarieh, applied to Bethany, from
the reputed tomb of Lazarus, round which the modern village
has gathered. In our own country a parallel may be
observed at St. Alban's. The town of Vervilam has crossed
the river from the northern bank on which it formerly stood,
and has climbed the southern hill in order to enclose the
grave of S. Alban, whose name, in like manner, has entirely
superseded that of the original Verulam.
For the sake of this sacred association, the town has become
one of the Four Holy Places of Islam and of Judaism — the
other three in the sacred group being, in the case of Islam,
Mecca, Medinah, and Jerusalem ; in the case of Judaism,
Jerusalem, Safed, and Tiberias. The Mosque is said to have
been founded and adorned in the successive reigns of Sultan
' The field immediately north-east katli-el-Butm,' ' Field of the Tere-
of the building called Ramet-el-Khalil, binth.'
is known by the name of the ' Hal-
APP. II. THE VISIT OF THE PRIXCE OF WALES. 493
Kelaoun, and of his son Naser-Mohammed, in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries. Its property consists of some of
the best land in the plains of Sharon and Philistia.
But of all the proofs of the sanctity of the place the most
remarkable is the impenetrable mystery in which the sanc-
tuary has been involved, being in fact a living witness of the
unbroken local veneration with which the three religions of
Jew, Christian, and Mussulman have honoured the great
Patriarch. The stones of the enclosure have, as has been
said, been noticed from the time of Josephus downwards. The
long roof of the Mosque, the upper part of its windows, the
two minarets at the south-west and north-east corners rising
above the earlier and later walls of the enclosure, have been
long famihar to travellers. But what lay within had, till
within the present year, been a matter, if not of total igno-
rance, yet of uncertainty more provoking than ignorance
itself. There were confused accounts ' of an early Christian
Church, of a subsequent mosque, of the cave and its
situation, which transpired through widely contradictory
statements of occasional Jewish and Christian pilgrims,
Antoninus, Arculf, and Ssewulf, Benjamin of Tudela, and
Maundeville, For the six hundred years since the Mussul-
man occupation, in A.n. 1187, no European, except in dis-
guise, was known to have set foot within the sacred precincts.
Three accounts alone of such visits have been given in modern
times ; one, extremely brief and confused, by Giovanni Finati,
an Italian servant of jNIr. Bankes, who entered as a Mus-
sulman;^ a second, by an English clergyman, Mr. Monro,
who, however, does not profess to speak from his own tes-
timony ; ^ a third, by far the most distinct, by the Spanish
' Of these there is a collection in part ii. pp. 239-242.
the Appendix to Quatremere's Trans- - Travels of Finati, 1830, ii. 236.
lation of the History of the Mamelook ^ Summer Bamhle in Syria, 1835,
Sultans of Egypt, published by the i. 242.
Oriental Translation Fund, vol. i.
, 494 THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. app. ii.
renegade Badia, or ' Ali Bey.' ^ While the other sacred places
in Palestine — the Mosque at Jerusalem within the last ten
years, the Mosque of Damascus within the last two years
- — have been thrown open, at least to distinguished travellers,
the Mosque of Hebron still remained, even to royal per-
sonages, hermetically sealed.
To break through this mystery, to clear up this uncer-
tainty, even irrespectively of the interest attaching to the
spot, was felt by those most concerned to be an object
not unworthy of the first visit of a Prince of Wales to the
Holy Land.
The Visit From the moment that the Eastern expedition was defini-
Prino; of lively arranged in January 1862, it was determined by His
Wales. Royal Highness and his advisers that the attempt should be
made, if it were found compatible with prudence, and with
the respect due to the religious feelings of the native popu-
lation. On arriving at Jerusalem, the first inquiry was as to
the possibility of accomplishing this long-cherished design.
Mr. Finn, the English Consul, had already prepared the way,
by requesting a Firman from the Porte for this purpose.
The Grovernment at Constantinople, aware of the susceptible
fanaticism of the population of Hebron, sent, instead of
a direct order, a Vizierial letter of recommendation to the
Governor of Jerusalem, leaving in fact the whole matter to
his discretion. The Governor, Suraya Pasha, — partly from
the natural difficulties of the proposed attempt, partly, it
may be, from his own personal feeling on the subject, — held
out long and strenuously against taking upon himself the
responsibility of a step which had hitherto no precedent.
Even as lately as the preceding year, he had resisted the
earnest entreaty of a distinguished French scholar and anti-
quary, though armed with the recommendations of his own
government and of Fuad Pasha, then Turkish Commissioner
> Travels of Ali Bey (1S03-1807), ii. 232.
APP. II. THE VISIT OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. 495
in Syria. The negotiation devolved on General Bruce, the
Governor of the Prince of Wales, assisted by the interpreter
of the party, Mr. Noel Moore, son of the Consul-General of
Beyrut. It may truly be said, — as it was in enumerating
the qualifications of the lamented General after his death, —
that the tact and firmness which he showed on this occasion
were worthy of the first ranks of diplomacy.
Suraya Pasha offered every other civility or honour that
could be paid. The General took his position on the ground,
that, since the opening of the other Holy Places, this was the
one honour left for the Turkish Government to award on
the rare occasion of a visit of the Prince of Wales. He urged,
too, the feeling with which the request was made : that we,
as well as they, had a common interest in the Patriarchs
common to both religions ; and that nothing was claimed
beyond what would be accorded to Mussulmans themselves.
At last the Pasha appeared to give way. But a new alarm
arising out of a visit of the Eoyal party to the shrine com-
monly called the Tomb of David, in Jerusalem, complicated
the question again, and the Pasha finally declared that the
responsibility was too serious, and that, unless the General
actually insisted upon it, he could not undertake to guarantee
the Prince's safety from the anger either of the population
or of the Patriarchs themselves. ' So strong is our sentiment
'on this subject,' he said, 'that when some time ago the
' Prophet's tomb at Medina needed repairs, and a recompense
' was offered to any one who would undertake the repairs,
' a man was with difficulty found for the task ; he went in,
* he performed his work, he returned, — and was immediately
' put to death : that was considered to be the only adequate
* recompense for so sacrilegious an errand.' It was an
anxious moment for the Prince's advisers. On the one hand,
there was the doubt, now seriously raised, as to the personal
safety of the attempt, which, though it hardly entered into
496 THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. app. ii.
the Prince's own calculation, was a paramount question for
those who were charged with the responsibility of the step.
On the other hand, the point, having been once raised,
could not be lightly laid aside ; the more so, as it was felt
that to allow of a refusal in the case of the Prince of Wales
would establish an impregnable precedent against future
relaxations, and close the doors of the Mosque more firmly
than ever against all inquirers. General Bruce adopted a
course which ultimately proved successful. He announced
to the Pasha the extreme displeasure of the Prince at the
refusal, and declared his intention of leaving Jerusalem
instantly for the Dead Sea ; adding that, if the sanctuary at
Hebron could not be entered, the Prince would decline to
visit Hebron altogether. We started immediately on a
three days' expedition. On the evening of the first day, it
was found that the Pasha had followed us. He sent to
reopen the negotiations, and offered to make the attempt, if
the numbers were limited to the Prince and two or three of
the suite, promising to go himself to Hebron to prepare for
the event. This proposal was guardedly, but decisively
accepted. And accordingly, on our return to Jerusalem,
instead of going northwards immediately, the plan was laid
for the entei"prise.
It was early on the morning of Monday, the 7th of April,
that we left our encampment, and moved in a southerly
direction. The object of our journey was mentioned to no
one. On our way, we were joined by Dr. Rosen, the
Prussian Consul at Jerusalem, well known to travellers in
Palestine, from his profound knowledge of sacred geography,
and, in this instance, doubly valuable as a companion,
from the special attention whicli he had paid to the topo-
graphy of Hebron and its neighbourhood. ^ Before our arrival
' See his two Essays in the ZcUschrift der Morgenltindischcn GcsdUcJiaft,
xi. 50 ; xii. 489.
App. II. THE VISIT OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. 497
at Hebron, the Pasha had made every preparation to insure
the safety of the experiment. What he feared was, no doubt,
a random shot or stone from some individual fanatic, some
Indian pilgrim, such as are well known to hang about these •
sacred places, and who might have held his life cheap in
the hope of avenging what he thought an outrage on the
sanctities of his religion. Accordingly, as our long cavalcade
wound through the narrow valley by which the town of
Hebron is approached, underneath the walls of those vine-
yards on the hill-sides, which have made the vale of Eschol
immortal, the whole road on either side for more than a
mile was lined with soldiers. The native population, which The ap-
usually on the Prince's approach to a town streamed out to P^^"-'^"-
meet him, was invisible, it may be from compulsion, it may
be from silent indignation. We at length reached the green
sward in front of the town, crowned by the Quarantine and
the Grovernor's residence. There Siiraya Pasha received us.
It had been arranged, in accordance with the Pasha's limi-
tation of the numbers, that His Eoyal Highness should be
accompanied, besides the General, by the two members of
the party who had given most attention to Biblical pursuits,
so as to make it evident that the visit was not one of mere
curiosity, but had also a distinct scientific purpose. It was,
however, finally conceded by the Governor that the whole of
the suite should be included, amounting to seven persons
besides the Prince. The servants remained behind. We
started on foot, two and two, between two files of soldiers,
by the ancient pool of Hebron, up the narrow streets of the
modern town, still lined with troops. Hardly a face was
"\dsible as we passed through ; only here and there a solitary
guard, stationed at a vacant window, or on the flat roof of a
projecting house, evidently to guarantee the safety of the
party from any chance missile. It was, in fact, a complete
military occupation of the town. At length we reached the
498 THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. app. ii.
south-eastern corner of the massive wall of enclosure, the
point at which inquiring travellers from generation to gene-
ration have been checked in their approach to this, the
most ancient and the most authentic of all the Holy Places
of the Holy Land. ' Here,' said Dr. Eosen, ' was the furthest
* limit of my researches.' Up the steep flight of the exterior
staircase — gazing close at hand on the polished surface of the
wall, amply justifying Josephus's account of the maYble-like
appearance of the huge stones which compose it — we rapidly
mounted. At the head of the staircase, which by its long
ascent showed that the platform of the Mosque was on the
uppermost slope of the hill, and therefore above the level
where, if anywhere, the sacred cave would be found, a sharp
turn at once brought us within the precincts, and revealed
to us for the first time the wall from the inside. A later
wall of Mussulman times has been built on the top of the
Jewish enclosure. The enclosure itself, as seen from the
inside, rises but a few feet above the platform.^
The en- Here we were received with much ceremony by five or six
o/the persons, corresponding to the Dean and Canons of a Christian
Mosque. cathedral. They were the representatives of the Forty here-
ditary guardians of the Mosque.
The We passed at once through an open court into the Mosque.
osqne. '^m^ regard to the building itself, two points at once became
apparent. First, it was clear that it had been originally a
Byzantine church. To any one acquainted with the Cathedral
of S. Sophia at Constantinople, and with the monastic churches
of Mount Athos, this is evident from the double narthex or
portico, and from the four pillars of the nave. Secondly, it
was clear that it had been converted at a much later period
into a mosque. This is indicated by the pointed arches, and
' The expression of Arciilf {Early tnuro) might be explained if we
Travellers, p. 7) that the precinct suppose tluit he was speaking of it as
was surrounded by a low wall (Immili seen from the inside.
SKETCH PLAN OF THE MOSQUE AT HEBRON.
REFERENCE TO FIGURES.
, Shrine of Abraham
, Surah.
„ Rebekah.
. Fountain.
, Baised platform,
, Mihrab.
, Mtrhala* (or platform for thi
Preacher).
. Circular aperture leailing
14. Minbar (or pulpit).
N.B. — The deep black lines mark the aocient Jewish wall. The shaded paria are unkuown.
REFERENCE TO LETTERS.
Fliglit of Steps to outer door.
Long narrow passagfi of easy
steps, bounded on the lui't
by fliicieut Jewish walL
Here Shoes are left at the
door of a ceiled room.
Passage Chamber,
Moflque, containing two
Shrines.
Outer Court.
Cloister of round arches,
with domed roof. — The
Outer Nartbei.
Inner Narthex.
Nave of Byzantine Church.
Long, lofty Room, leading to
circular Chambers, contain-
ing Shrines of Jacob and
Do,, to that containing Shrine
of Joseph.
Minaret.
Windows.
^VLinaret.
The J&waliyeh Mosque, built
by JfLwali,
Supplementary Stairease run-
ning up the N.W. wall.
The accompanying Plan waa drawn up by my friend and fellow-traveller, the Hon. R. II. Meade, with the assistance of Dr. Rosen, immediately
after the visit to the Mosque. It may be compared ^vith the Sketches of the Mosque, given from the information of Mussulmans, in Osbum's Palestine
Past and Present, and in the Travels of Alt Ht-i/. I have also compared it with an unpublished Plan shown to me by the kindness of M. Pierotti.
Between these various sketches there are several points of ditVeience. But it has been thought best to give Mr. Meade'a Plan as it was drawn up at
the time, independently of any other authority.
• This platform in Egyptm
>)KpWflns. i. 116). The word Merhala (or, i
V UiJC<l for the plntfori
n the TraveU o/Ali Beii, Meherel) ia.
Hebron )iy tlio Guardianti of the Mot
win of the tribe Metlek, east of the Haur&D, who hold very holy the Merhalat of a
APP. 11. THE VISIT OF THE PKIXCE OF WALES. 499
by the truncation of the apse. The transformation was said
by the guardians of the Mosque to have been made by Sultan
Kelaoun. The whole building occupies (to speak roughly)
one-third of the platform. The windows are sufficiently high
to be visible from without, above the top of the enclosing
wall.
I now proceed to describe the Tombs of the Pa- The
triarchs, premising always that these tombs, like all those of the
in Mussulman mosques, and indeed like most tombs in ^'^t^^^'^'i^-
Christian churches, do not profess to be the actual places
of sepulture, but are merely monuments or cenotaphs in
honour of the dead who lie beneath. Each is enclosed
within a separate chapel or shrine, closed with gates or rail-
ings similar to those which surround or enclose the special
chapels or royal tombs in Westminster Abbey. The two
first of these shrines or chapels are contained in the inner
portico or narthex, before the entrance into the actual build-
ing of the Mosque. In the recess on the right is the shrine
of Abraham, in the recess on the left that of Sarah, each
guarded by silver gates. The shrine of Sarah we were The Shrine
requested not to enter, as being that of a woman. A pall lay
over it. The shrine of Abraham, after a momentary hesita- The Shrine
tion, was thrown open. The guardians groaned aloud. But ham.
their chief tui-ned to us with the remark, ' The princes of
' any other nation should have passed over my dead body
' sooner than enter. But to the eldest son of the Queen of
' England we are willing to accord even this privilege.' He
stepped in before us, and offered an ejaculatory prayer to the
dead Patriarch, ' 0 Friend of God, forgive this intrusion.'
We then entered. The chamber is cased in marble. The
so-called tomb consists of a coffin-like structure, about six
feet high, built up of plastered stone or marble, and hung
with three carpets,' green embroidered with gold. They are
' In Ali Bey's time there were nine carpets. — Travels:, ii. 233.
K K 2
500 THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. app. ii.
said to have been presented by Mohamed II. the conqueror
of Constantinople, Selim I. the conqueror of Egypt, and the
late Sultan Abdul Mejid. As we stood round this conse-
crated spot, the guardian of the Mosque kept repeating to
us, ' that it would have been opened to no one less than the
* representative of England.'
Within the area of the church or Mosque were shown
the tombs of Isaac and Eebekah. They are placed under
separate chapels, in the walls of which are windows, and of
which the gates are grated not with silver, but iron bars.
Their situation, planted as they are in the body of the Mosque,
may indicate their Christian origin. In almost all Mussul-
man sanctuaries, the tombs of distinguished persons are
placed, not in the centre of the building, but in the corners.'
The Shrine To Rebekah's tomb the same decorous rule of the exclusion of
bekah male visitors naturally applied as in the case of Sarah's. But,
on requesting to see the tomb of Isaac, we were entreated not
The Shrine to enter ; and on asking, with some surprise, why an objection
o saac. -^i^ich had been conceded for Abraham should be raised in
the case of his far less eminent sou, were answered that the
difference lay in the characters of the two Patriarchs —
' Abraham was full of loving-kindness ; he had withstood even
* the resolution of God against Sodom and Gromorrah ; he
* was goodness itself, and would overlook any affront. But
* Isaac was proverbially jealous, and it was exceedingly
* dangerous to exasperate him. When Ibrahim Pasha [as
' conqueror of Palestine] had endeavoured to enter, he had
' been driven out by Isaac, and fallen back as if thunder-
' struck.'
The chapel, in fact, contains nothing of interest ; but I
' The arrangement, however, de- slabs of stone. The tombs of the
scribed by Arculf is somewhat dif- wives he also describes as apart, and
ferent. He speaks of the bodies of of a meaner construction. — Early
the Patriarchs (probably meaning the Travellers, p. 7.
tombs) lying north and south, under
APP. II. THE VISIT OF THE PKINCE OF WALES. 501
mention this story ^ both for the sake of the singular senti-
ment which it expresses, and also because it well illustrates
the peculiar feeling which has tended to preserve the sanctity
of the place — an awe, amounting to terror, of the great
personages who lay beneath, and who would, it was supposed,
be sensitive to any disrespect shown to their graves, and
revenge it accordingly.
The shrines of Jacob and Leah were shown in recesses, The Shrine
. of Leah,
corresponding to those of Abraham and barah — but m a
separate cloister, opposite the entrance of the Mosque.
Against Leah's tomb, as seen through the iron grate, two
green banners reclined, the origin and meaning of which was
unknown. They are placed in the pulpit on Fridays. The The Shrine
gates of Jacob's tomb were opened without difficulty, though
with a deep groan from the bystanders. There was some
good painted glass in one of the windows. The structure
was of the same kind as that in the shrine of Abraham,
but with carpets of a coarser texture. Else it calls for no
special remark.
Thus far the monuments of the Mosque correspond exactly
with the Biblical account as given above. This is the more
remarkable, because in these particulars the agreement is
beyond what might have been expected in a Mussulman
sanctuary. The prominence given to Isaac, whilst in entire
accordance with the sacred narrative, is against the tenor of
Mussulman tradition, which exalts Ishmael into the first
place. And in like conformity with the sacred narrative,
but unlike what we should have expected, had mere fancy
been allowed full play, is the exclusion of the famous Kachel,
and the inclusion of the insignificant Leah.
The variation which follows rests, as I am informed by
Dr. Kosen, on the general tradition of the country (justi-
' I have been unable to discover the or' nn of this legend.
502 THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. app. ii.
fied, perhaps, by an ambiguous expression of Josephus ')
TheSlirine that the body of Joseph, after having been deposited first
at Shechem, was subsequently transported to Hebron. But
the peculiar situation of this alleged tomb agrees with the
exceptional character of the tradition. It is in a domed
chamber attached to the enclosure from the outside, and
reached, therefore, by an aperture broken through the
massive wall itself, and thus visible on the exterior of the
southern side of the wall.^ It is less costly than the others,
and it is remarkable that, although the name of his wife
(according to the Mussulman version, Zuleika) is inserted
in the certificates given to pilgrims who have visited the
Mosque, no grave having tliat appellation is shown. A staff
was hung up in a corner of the chamber. There were
painted windows as in the shrine of Jacob. According to
the story told by the guardian of the Mosque, Joseph was
buried in the Nile, and Moses recovered the body, 1005 years
afterwards, by marrying an Egyptian wife who knew the
secret.
No other tombs were exhibited inside the Mosque. In
a mosque on the northern side of the great Mosque were
two shrines, resembling those of Isaac and Eebekah, which
' ' The bodies of the brothers of ' the sepulchre that Abraham bonght
' Joseph after a time were buried by ' for a sum of money from the sons of
' their descendants in Hebron ; but the ' Emmor the father of Shechem.' The
' bones of Joseph afterwards, when the burial of Joseph at Shechem is dis-
' Hebrews migrated from Egypt, were tinctly mentioned in Josh. xxiv. 32.
' taken to Canaan.' — Ant. ii. 8, 2. This ' The bones of Joseph, which the chil-
may be intended merely to draw a ' dren of Israel brought up out of
distinction as to the time of removal, ' Egypt, buried they in Shechem, in
but probably it refers also to a differ- ' " the parcel of the field " which Jacob
ence in the places of burial, and ex- 'bought of the sons of Hamor the
presses nothing positive on tlie subject. 'father of Shechem for a hundred
In Acts vii. 15, 16, the sons of Jacob are 'pieces of silver; and it became the
represented as all equally buried at ' inheritance of the sous of Joseph.'
Shechem ; but then it is with the per- ^ This aperture was made by Dahar
plexing addition that they were buried Barkok, a. D. 1382 — 1389. Quatra-
in the same place as Jacob, and 'in mere, 247.
APP. 11. THE VISIT OF THE PRIXCE OF WALES. 503
were afterwards explained to us as merely ornamental. On
a platform immediately outside the Jewish wall on the north
side, and seen from the hill rising immediately to the north-
east of the Mosque, is the dome of a mosque named
Jawaliyeh, said to have been built by the Emir Abou Said The
... Mosque of
Sandjar Jawali, from whom, of course, it derives its name, j^-nrali.
in the place of the tomb of Judas, or Judah, which he caused
to be destroyed.^
These are the only variations from the catalogue of tombs
in the Book of Genesis. In the fourth century, the Bour-
deaux PilgTim saw only the six great patriarchal shrines. But
from the seventh century downwards, one or more lesser
tombs seem to have been shown. Arculf speaks of the tomb
of Adam,^ * which is of meaner workmanship than the rest,
' and lies not far off from them at the farthest extremity to
' the north.' If we might take this direction of the compass
to be correct, he must mean either ' the tomb of Judah ' or
one of the two in the northern Mosque. This latter conjec-
ture is confirmed by the statement of Maundeville that the
tombs of Adam and Eve were shown : ^ which would thus
correspond to these two. The tomb of Joseph is first dis-
tinctly mentioned by Ssewulf, who says that ' the bones of
' Joseph were buried more humbly than the rest, as it were at
' the extremity of the castle.' * Mr. Monro describes further
' A. D. 1319, 1320. Qiiatremere, Enaeim situs est.' That there was
i. part ii. p. 248. a fixed tradition about Adam in
^ The tomb of Adam was shown as Hebron appears from the legend
the ' Fourth ' of the ' Four,' who, which represents a natural well in
with the three Patriarchs, were sup- the hill facing the Mosque as that in
posed to have given to Hebron the which Adam and Eve hid themselves
name of Kirjath-arba, 'the city of after the flight from Paradise; and
the Four.' By a strange mistake, Hebron is also represented as the
which Jerome has perpetuated in the place of his creation. This was pointed
Vulgate translation, the word Adam out to Maundeville {Early Travellers,
in Joshua xiv. 15, 'a great 7)ian p. 161).
among the Anakims,' has been taken ^ Maundeville {Early Travellers,
by some of the Eabbis as a proper p. 161).
name. 'Adam maximus ibi inter * h..T>.\l^2 [Early Travellers, ijyA^)^
504 THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. app. ii.
* a tomb of Esau, under a small cupola, with eight or ten
' windows, excluded from lying with the rest of the Patri-
' archs.' ' Whether by this he meant the tomb of Joseph, or
the tomb of Judah, is not clear. A Mussulman tomb of
Esau was shown in the suburb of Hebron called Sir.^
The tomb of Abner is shown in the town, and the tomb of
Jesse on the hill facing Hebron on the south. But these
have no connexion with the Mosque, or the patriarchal
burying-place.
The We have now gone through all the shrines, whether of real
Sacrpcl
Cave. or fictitious importance, which the Sanctuary includes. It will
be seen that up to this point no mention has been made of
the subject of the greatest interest, namely, the sacred cave
itself, in which one at least of the patriarchal family may
possibly still repose intact — the embalmed body of Jacob.
It may be well supposed that to this object our inquiries
were throughout directed. One indication alone of the
cavern beneath was visible. In the interior of the Mosque,
at the corner of the shrine of Abraham, was a small circular
hole, about eight inches across, of which one foot above the
pavement was built of strong masonry, but of which the
lower part, as far as we could see and feel, was of the living
rock.^ This cavity appeared to open into a dark space
beneath, and that space (which the guardians of the Mosque
' Summer Eamble, i. 243. ' Hence the common expression among
* Quatremere, i. pt. ii. p. 319. 'the people, "the Lord of the vault
^ This hole was not shown to Ali 'and the lamp'" (Quatremere, i. pt.
Eey, perhaps as being only an ordi- ii. p. 247). ' Near the tomb of Abra-
nary pilgrim. It is thus described ' ham is a vault, where is a small gate
by Mr. Monro or his informant : — ' A ' leading to the minhar (pulpit). Into
' baldachin, supported on four small ' this hole once fell an idiot, who was
' columns over an octagon figure of ' followed by the servants of the
' black and white inlaid, round a small ' Mosque. They saw a stone staircase
'hole in the pavement' (i. 264). It 'of fifteen steps, which led to the
is also mentioned by the Arab histo- ' mmhar.' {Ibid.) [.The lamp is also
rians. 'There is a vault that passes mentioned by Mr. Monro (i. p. 244),
' for the burial-place of Abraham, in and ^by Benjamin of Tudela (see p.
'which is a lamp always lighted. 607).
APP. II. THE VISIT OP THE PRINCE OF WALES. 505
believed to extend under the whole platform) can hardly be
anything else than tlie ancient cavern of Machpelah. This
was the only aperture which the guardians recognised. Once,
they said, 2,500 years ago, a servant of a great king had
penetrated through some other entrance. He descended in
full possession of his faculties, and of remarkable corpulence ;
he returned blind, deaf, withered, and crippled. Since then
the entrance was closed, and this aperture alone was left,
partly for the sake of suffering the holy air of the cave to
escape into the Mosque, and be scented by the faithful ;
partly for the sake of allowing a lamp to be let down by a
chain which we saw suspended at the mouth, to burn upon
the sacred grave. We asked whether it could not be lighted
now ? ' No,' they said ; ' the saint likes to have a lamp at
' night, but not in the full daylight.'
With that glimpse into the dark void we and the world
without must for the present be satisfied. Whether any
other entrance is known to the Mussulmans themselves, must
be a matter of doubt. The original entrance to the cave, if
it is now to be found at all, must probably be on the southern
face of the hill, between the Mosque and the gallery contain-
ing the shrine of Joseph, and entirely obstructed by the
ancient Jewish wall, probably built across it for this very
purpose.
It seems to our notions almost incredible that Christians
and Mussulmans, each for a period of 600 years, should
have held possession of the sanctuary, and not had the
curiosity to explore what to us is the one object of interest —
the cave. But the fact is undoubted that no account exists
of any such attempt. Such a silence can only be explained
(but it is probably a sufficient explanation) by the indif-
ference which prevailed throughout the Middle Ages to
any historical spots, however interesting, unless they were
actually consecrated as places of pilgrimage. The Mount
506 THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. app. ii.
of Olives, the site of the Temple of Solomon, the Kock of
the Holy Sepulchre itself, were not thought worthy of even
momentary consideration, in comparison with the chapels
and stations which were the recognised objects of devotion.
Thus at Hebron a visit to the shrines, both for Christians and
Mussulmans, procures a certificate. The cave had therefore
no further value. In the case of the Mussulmans this
indifference is still more general. Suraya Pasha himself,
a man of considerable intelligence, professed that he had
never thought of visiting the Mosque of Hebron for any
other purpose than that of snuffing the sacred air, and he
had never, till we arrived at Jerusalem, seen the wonderful
convent of Mar Saba, or the Dead Sea, or the Jordan. And
to this must be added, if not in his case, in that of Mussul-
mans generally, the terror which they entertain of the effect
of the wrath of the Patriarchs on any one who should
intrude into the place where they are supposed still to be in
a kind of suspended animation. As far back as the seven-
teenth century it was firmly believed that if any Mussulman
entered the cavern, immediate death would be the conse-
quence.^
It should be mentioned, however, tliat two accounts are
reported of travellers having obtained a nearer view of the
cave than was accomplished in the visit of the Prince of
Wales.
Beniamin The first is contained in the pilgrimage of Benjamin of
of Tudela. rj^^^^i^^ the Jewish traveller of the twelfth century :— ' The
' Grentiles have erected six sepulchres in this place, which
' they pretend to be those of Abraham and Sarah, Isaac
* and Kebekah, Jacob and Leah. The pilgrims are told
* that they are the sepulchres of the fathers, and money is
' extorted from them. But if any Jew comes, who gives an
' Quaresmius, ii. 772.
APP. II. THE ACCOUNT OF BENJAMIN OF TUDELA. 507
* additional fee to the keeper of the cave, an iron door is
* opened, which dates from the time of our forefathers who
' rest in peace, and with a burning candle in his hands, the
' visitor descends into a first cave, which is empty, traverses a
' second in the same state, and at last reaches a third, which
' contains six sepulchres, those of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,
' and of Sarah, Eebekah, and Leah, one opposite the other.
' All these sepulchres bear inscriptions, the letters being '
' engraved. Thus, upon that of Abraham we read : — " This
* " is the sepulchre of our father Abraham ; upon whom be
' " peace," and so on that of Isaac, and upon all the other
* sepulchres. A lamp burns in the cave and upon the sepul-
' chres continually, both night and day, and you there see
* tombs filled with the bones of Israelites — for unto this day
' it is a custom of the house of Israel to bring hither the
' bones of their saints and of their forefathers, and to leave
* them there.'
In this account,^ which, as may be observed, does not
profess to describe Benjamin's own experience, there are two
circumstances (besides its general improbability) which throw
considerable doubt on its accuracy. One is the mention of
inscriptions, and of an iron door, which, as is well known, are
never found in Jewish sepulchres. The other is the mention
of the practice of Jews sending their bones to be buried in a
place, which, as is evident from the rest of the narrative,
could only be entered with the greatest difficulty.
The second account is that of M. Ermete Pierotti, who, m. Ermete
having been an engineer in the Sardinian army, acted for
some years as. architect and engineer to Suraya Pasha, at
Jerusalem, and thus obtained, both in that city and at Hebron,
' A somewhat similar account is bodies, preserved without change,
given by Moawiyeh Ishmail, Prince of and that in the carern were arranged
Aleppo, — that in a.d. 1089 the tombs lamps of gold and silver (Quatremere,
of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were 245).
found ; that many persons saw the
Pierotti.
508 THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. app. ii.
access to places otherwise closed to Europeans. The fol-
lowing account appeared in the Times of April 30, 1862,
immediately following on the announcement of the Prince's
visit : —
' The true entrance to the Patriarchs' tomb is to be seen
' close to the western wall of the enclosure, and near the
' north-west corner ; it is guarded by a very thick iron railing,
' and I was not allowed to go near it. I observed that the
' Mussulmans themselves did not go very near it. In the
' court opposite the entrance gate of the Mosque, there is
' an opening, through which I was allowed to go down for
' three steps, and I was able to ascertain by sight and touch
' that the rock exists there, and to conclude it to be about
' five feet thick. From the short observations I could make
* during my brief descent, as also from the consideration of
' the east wall of the Mosque, and the little information I
' extracted from the Chief Santon, who jealously guards the
' sanctuary, I consider that a part of the grotto exists under
'the Mosque, and that the other part is under the court,
' but at a lower level than tliat lying under the Mosque.
' This latter must be separated from the former by a vertical
' stratum of rock which contains an opening, as I conclude,
' for two reasons : first, because the east wall, being entirely
' solid and massive, requires a good foundation ; secondly,
' because the petitions which the Mussulmans present to the
' Santon to be transmitted to the Patriarchs are thrown,
' some through one opening, some through the other,
' according to the Patriarch to whom they are directed ;
' and the Santon goes down by the way I went, whence I
' suppose that on that side there is a vestibule, and that the
' tombs may be found below it. I explained my conjectures
' to the Santon himself after leaving the Mosque, and he
* showed himself very much surprised at the time, and told
' the Pasha afterwards that I knew more about it than the
APP. II. ACCOUNT OF M. PIEROTTI. 509
* Turks themselves. The fact is, that even the Pasha who
* governs the province has no right to penetrate into the
' sacred enclosure, where (according to the Mussulman
' legend) the Patriarchs are living, and only condescend to
* receive the petitions addressed to them by mortals.' ^
It will be seen that this statement of the entrance of the
Santon, or Sheykh of the Mosque, into the cave, agrees with
the statement given in my Lectm-es,^ ' that the cave consists
' of two compartments, into one of which a dervish or sheykh
'is allowed to penetrate on special emergencies.' Against
this must be set the repeated assertions of the guardian of
the Mosque, and of the Grovernor of Jerusalem (which, as
has been seen, are substantially confirmed by the Arab his-
torians), that no Mussulman has ever entered the cave within
the memory of man. Of the staircase and gate described by
M. Pierotti there was no appearance on our visit, though we
must have walked over the very spot — being, in fact, the
pavement in front of the IMosque. Of the separate apertm-es
for throwing down the petitions we also saw nothing. And
it would seem, from Finati's account,^ that the one hole
down which he threw his petition was that by the tomb of
Abraham.
The result of the Prince's visit will have been disappointing Results
to those who expected a more direct solution of the mysteries pence's
visit.
' M. Pierotti adds (what has often founded on the information of our
been observed before) that ' the Jews Mussulman servants in 1853. In
'who dwell in Hebron, or visit it, 1862 I was unable to gain any con-
' are allowed to kiss and touch a lirmation of the story.
' piece of the sacred rock close to the ^ ' I went into a mosque at Hebron
' north-west corner, which they can ' and threw a paper down into a hole
' reach through a smaU aperture. To ' that is considered to be the tomb of
' accomplish this operation they are ' Abraham, and according as the paper
' obliged to lie flat on the ground, ' lodges by the way, or reaches the
' because the aperture is on the ground ' bottom, it is looked upon as a sign of
' level.' This, however, is merely an ' good or ill-luck for the petitioner.' —
access to the rock, not to the cave. Travels of Finati, ii. p. 236.
* Lecture II. p. 35. This was
510 THE CAVE OF MACHPELAH. afp. ii.
of Hebron. But it has not been without its indirect benefits.
In the first place, by His Royal Highness's entrance, the
first step has been taken for the removal of the bar of
exclusion from this sacred and interesting spot. The relax-
ation may in future times be slight and gradual, and the
advantage gained must be used with every caution ; but it is
impossible not to feel that some effect will be produced even
on the devotees of Hebron, when they feel that the Patriarchs
have not suffered any injury or affront, and that Isaac
rests tranquilly in his grave. Indeed, on our return to our
encampment that evening, and in our rides in and around
Hebron the next day, such an effect might be discerned.
Dr. Eosen had predicted beforehand, that, if the entrance
were once made, no additional precautions need be provided.
* They will be so awestruck at the success of your attempt,
' that they will at once acquiesce in it.' And so, in fact, it
proved. Although we were still accompanied by a small
escort, yet the rigid vigilance of the previous day was
relaxed, and no indications appeared of any annoyance or
anger. And Englishmen may fairly rejoice that this advance
in the cause of religious tolerance (if it may be so called)
and of Biblical knowledge, was attained in the person of the
heir to the English throne, out of regard to the position
which he and his country hold in the Eastern world.
In the second place, the visit has enabled us to form a
much clearer judgment of the value of the previous ac-
counts, to correct their deficiencies, and to rectify their
confusion. The narrative of Ali Bey, in particular, is now
substantially corroborated. The existence and the exact
situation of the cave underneath the floor of the Mosque, the
appearance of the ancient enclosure from within, the precise
relation of the different shrines to each other, and the general
conformity of the traditions of the Mosque to the accounts of
the Bible and of early travellers, are now for the first time
APP. n. GEXEEAL EESULTS. 511
clearly ascertained. To discover the entrance of the cave,
to examine the actual places of the patriarchal sepulture,
and to set eyes (if so be) on the embalmed body of Jacob, the
only patriarch the preservation of whose remains is thus
described, — must be reserved for the explorers of another
generation, for whom this visit will have been the best
preparation.
Meanwhile, it may be worth while to recall the general General
results
instruction furnished by the nearer contemplation of this
remarkable spot. The narrative itself to which it takes us
back, stands alone in the patriarchal history for the precision
with which both locality and character are delineated. First,
there is the death of Sarah in the city of Kirjath-arba, whilst
Abraham is absent, apparently at Mamre.^ He comes to
make the grand display of funeral grief, ' mourning aloud
and weeping aloud,' such as would befit so great a death.
He is filled with the desire, not Eg}^tian, not Christian,
hardly Greek or Eoman, but certainly Jewish, to thrust away
the dark shadow that has fallen upon him, ' to bury his dead
out of his sight.' ^ Then ensues the conference in the gate
— the Oriental place of assembly,^ where the negotiators and
the witnesses of the transaction, as at the present day, are
gathered from the many comers and goers through ' the gate
of the city.' As in the Grentile traditions of Damascus, and
as in the ancient narrative of the pursuit of the five kings,
Abraham is saluted by the native inhabitants, not merely as
a wandering shepherd, but as a ' Prince of Grod.' * The in-
habitants are, as we might expect, not the Amorites, but the
Hittites, whose name is that recognised by all the surround-
ing nations.^ They offer him the most sacred of their
sepulchres for the cherished remains.^ The Patriarch main-
» Gen. xxiii. 2. ■* Ibid. 6 ; comp. Lecture I. 10, II. 43.
^ Ibid. 4. * See Lecture XL 28.
3 Ibid. 10. * Gen. xxiii. 6.
512 GENERAL RESULTS. app. ii.
tains his determination to remain aloof from the Canaanite
population, at the same time that he preserves every form of
courtesy and friendliness, in accordance with the magnificent
toleration and inborn gentleness which pervade his character.^
First, as in the attitude of Oriental respect, ' he stands,' and
then, twice over, he prostrates himself on the ground, before
the heathen masters of the soil.^ Ephron, the son of Zohar,
is worthy of the occasion ; his courtesy matches that of the
Patriarch himself : — ' The field give I thee, the cave ....
* give I thee ; in the presence of the sons of my people give
' I it thee.' ' What is that betwixt thee and me ? ' ^ It is
precisely the profuse liberality with which the Arab of the
present time places everything in his possession at the
disposal of the stranger. But the Patriarch, with the high
independence of his natural character (shall we say, also,
with the caution of his Jewish descendants?), will not be
satisfied without a regular bargain. He ' weighs out ' * the
coin. He specifies every detail in the property ; not the
field only, but the cave in the field, and the trees ^ in the
field, and on the edge of the field, ' were made sure.' The
result is the first legal contract recorded in human history,
the first known interment of the dead, the first assignment
of property to the Hebrew people in the Holy Land.^
To this graphic and natural scene, not indeed by an abso-
lute continuity of proof, but by such evidence as has been
given above, the cave of Machpelah carries us back. And if
in the long interval which elapses between the description of
the spot in the Book of Grenesis (whatever date we assign
to that description), and the notice of the present sanctuary
by Josephus, so venerable a place and so remarkable a
' See Lecture IL 40. * Several of the above details are
* Gen. xxiii. 7-12. suggested by an excellent passage on
' Ibid. 13-15. this subject in Thomson's Land and
* Ibid. 16. Book, pp. 377-579.
"> Ibid. 17.
APP. II. GEXEEAL RESULTS. 513
transaction are passed over without a word of recognition,
this must, on any hypothesis, be reckoned amongst the many
proofs that, in ancient literature, no argument can be drawn
against a fact from the mere silence of authors, whether
sacred or secular, whose minds were fixed on other subjects,
and who were writing with another intention.
L L
517
APPENDIX III.
THE SAMARITAN PASSOVER.
The illustration,^ which I have endeavoured to furnish of the
original Jewish Passover from the Samaritan Passover, was
drawn from a description given to me in 1854 by Mr.
Rogers,^ now Consul at Damascus. During my late journey
with the Prince of Wales, I was enabled myself to be present
at its celebration, and I am induced to give a full account of
it, the more so as it is evident that the ceremonial has been
considerably modified since the time when it was first
recounted to me. Even to that lonely community the influ-
ences of Western change have extended ; and this is perhaps
the last generation which mil have the opportunity of wit-
nessing this vestige of the earliest Jewish ritual.
The Samaritan Passover is celebrated at the same time as
the Jewish — namely, on the full moon of the month of Nisan.
In the present instance, either by design or by a fortunate
mistake, the Samaritan community had anticipated the 14th
of the month by two days. It was on the evening of Satur-
day the 13th of April that we ascended Mount Gerizim, an4
visited the various traditional localities on the rocky plat-
form which crowns that most ancient of sanctuaries. The
whole community — amounting, it is said, to one hundred and
' See Lecture V. p. 122. account is also given in Professor
" His account has since been printed Petermann's Z>aye/s (i. 236-239). He
in his sister's interesting work, Do- witnessed it in 1853.
mestic Life in Palestine, 281. An
518 THE SAMARITAN PASSOVER. app. in.
fifty-two, from which hardly any variation has taken place
within the memory of man — were encamped in tents on a
level space, a few hundred yards below the actual summit of
the mountain, selected on account of its comparative shelter
The and seclusion.' The women ^ were shut up in the tents. The
tioif.' nien were assembled on the rocky terrace in sacred costume.
In 1854 they all wore the same sacred costume. On this
occasion most of them were in their ordinary dress. Only
about fifteen of the elder men, amongst whom was the Priest
Amram,^ were clothed in long white robes. To these must be
added six youths,* dressed in white shirts and white drawers.
The feet both of these and of the elders were at this time of
the solemnity bare. It was about half an hour before sunset,
that the whole male community in an irregular form (those
attired as has been described in a more regular order)
gathered round a long trough that had been previously dug
in the ground ; and the Priest, ascending a large rough stone
' It is only within the last twenty mestic Life in Palestine (249) that
years that the Samaritans (chiefly Amram is not properly a priest (the
through the intervention of the English legitimate high priest — the last de-
Consul) have regained the right, or scendant, as they allege, of Aaron
rather the safety, of holding their festi- — having expired some years ago),
vat on Mount Gerizim. For a long time and that he is only a Levite. He is,
before, they had celebrated the Pass- however, certainly called ' the priest '
over like the modern Jews, and, as in (Cohen). He has two wives. The
the first celebration of the institution children of the fii'st died in infancy,
in Egypt, in their own houses. The and he was therefore entitled, by Sa-
performanee of the solemnity on Ge- maritan usage, to take a second. By
rizim is in strict conformity with the her he has a son, Isaac. But, accord-
principle laid down in Deut. xvi. 15 ing to the Oriental law of succession,
— ' Thou shalt keep a solemn feast he will be succeeded in his office by
"I'm the place which the Lord thy God his nephew Jacob, as the oldest of the
' shall choose ' — and with the practice family.
which prevailed in Judaea till the fall * These youths were evidently
of Jerusalem, of celebrating the Pass- trained for the purpose ; but whether
over at the Temple. thej- held any sacred office, I could
^ Those women who, by the ap- not learn. In the Jewish ritual, the
proach of childbirth or other cere- lambs were usually slain by the house-
monial reasons, were prevented from holders, but on great occasions (2
sharing in the celebi-ation, remained Chron. xxxv. 10, 11) apparently by
in Nablus. the Levites.
' It is stated in Miss Rogers's Do-
APP. III. THE SACRIFICE. 519
in front of the congregation, recited in a loud chant or
scream, in which the others joined, prayers or praises chiefly
turning on the glories of Abraham and Isaac, and contained
in alphabetical poems of ancient Samaritan poets,^ Abu'l
Hassan and Marqua. Their attitude was that of all Orientals
in prayer ; standing, occasionally diversified by the stretching
out of the hands, and more rarely by kneeling or crouching,
with their faces wrapt in their clothes and bent to the ground,'^
towards the Holy Place on the summit of Gerizim. The
Priest recited his prayers by heart ; the others had mostly
books, in Hebrew and Arabic.
Presently, suddenly, there appeared amongst the wor- Tlie
shippers six ^ sheep, driven up by the side of the youths
before mentioned. The unconscious innocence with which
they wandered to and fro amongst the bystanders, and the
simplicity in aspect and manner of the young men who tended
them, more recalled a pastoral scene in Arcadia, or one
of those inimitable patriarchal tableaux represented in the
Ammergau Mystery, than a religious ceremonial. The sun,
meanwhile, which hitherto had burnished up the Mediter-
ranean in the distance, now sank very nearly to the farthest
western ridge overhanging the plain of Sharon. The reci-
tation became more vehement. The Priest turned about,
facing his brethren, and the whole history of the Exodus
from the beginning of the Plagues of Egypt was rapidly,
almost furiously, chanted. The sheep, still innocently
playful, were driven more closely together. The setting
sun now touched the ridge. The youths ■* burst into a wild
murmur of their own, drew forth their long bright knives.
' Petermann, i. 236. * ' The whole assembly shall kill it
^ Compare the attitude of Elijah '"between the two evenings'" (Ex.
(1 Kings xviii. 42 ; xix. 13). xii. 6). ' Thou shalt sacrifice the Pass-
^ Seven sheep is the usual number. ' over at evening, at the going down
— Domestic Life in Palestine, 250. 'of the sun ' (Deut. xvi. 6).
520 THE SAMARITAN PASSOVER. app. hi.
and brandished them aloft. At this instant ^ the recitation
from the Book of Exodus had reached the account of the
Paschal Sacrifice ; and the Priest recited in a louder key,
to be heard distinctly by the sacrificers, 'And the whole
' assembly of the congregation of Israel shall kill it in the
' evening.' In a moment, the sheep were thrown on their
backs, and the flashing knives rapidly drawn across their
throats. Then a few convulsive but silent struggles, —
'as a sheep — dumb — that openeth not his mouth," — and
the six forms lay lifeless on the ground, the blood stream-
ing from them ; the one only Jewish Sacrifice lingering
in the world. In the blood the young men dipped their
fingers, and a small spot was marked on the foreheads and
noses of the children. A few years ago, the red stain was
placed on all. But this had now dwindled away into the
present practice, preserved, we are told, as a relic or emblem
of the whole. Then, as if in congratulation at the comple-
tion of the ceremony, they all kissed each other, in the
Oriental fashion, on each side of the head. Whilst this was
going on, the first stanza of an alphabetical poem was recited,
and the account of the original ordinance continued.'-^
The next process was that of the fleecing ^ and roasting of
the slaughtered animals, for which the ancient Temple fur-
nished such ample provisions. On the mountain-side two
holes had been dug, one at some distance, of considerable
depth, the other, close to the scene of the Sacrifice, com-
paratively shallow. In this latter cavity, after a short
prayer, a fire was kindled, out of a mass of dry heath,
juniper, and briars, such as furnish the materials for the
conflagration in Jotham's Parable, delivered not far from
' I have taken this incident from countries (2 Chron. xxxv. 11 ; Mishna,
Professor Petermann (i. 238). Pesaehim, eh. v. 9). The process, as
^ Ihid. above described, was like our mode
' In the ancient Jewish ritual the of taking off the hair from pigs after
lambs were skinned, as in western they have been killed.
APP. III. THE SACRIFICE. 521
this very spot. Over the fire were placed two cauldrons full
of water. Whilst the water boiled, the congregation again
stood round, and (as if for economy of time) continued the
recitation of the Book of Exodus, and bitter herbs were
handed round wrapt in a strip of unleavened bread : ' with
' unleavened bread and with bitter herbs shall they eat it.' ^
Then was chanted another short prayer. After which the
six youths again appeared, poured the boiling water over
the sheep, and plucked off their fleeces. The right fore-
legs^ of the sheep, with the entrails, were thrown aside
and burnt. The liver was carefully put back. Long-
poles were brought, on which the animals were spitted;
near the bottom of each pole was a transverse peg or
stick, to prevent the body from slipping off. As no part
of the body is transfixed by this cross-stake — as, indeed,
the body hardly impinges on it at all — there is at pre-
sent but a very slight resemblance to a crucifixion. But
it is possible that in earlier times the legs of the animal may
have been attached to the transverse beam. So at least the
Jewish rite is described by Justin Martyr — 'The Paschal
' Lamb, that is to be roasted, is roasted in a form like to that
' of the Cross. For one spit is thrust through the animal
' from head to tail, and another through its breast, to which
' its forefeet are attached.'^ He naturally saw in it a likeness
of the Crucifixion. But his remark, under any view, is
interesting : first, because, being a native of Nablus, he
probably drew his notices of the Passover from this very
celebration, which, as it would thus appear, has, even in this
minute particular, been but very slightly modified since he
saw it in the second century ; and also because, as he draws
no distinction between this rite and that of the Jews in
» Ex. xii. 8.
« The right shoulder and the hamstrings {Domestic Life in Palestine, 250).
* Dial, cum Tri/ph. c. 40.
roasting.
522 THE SAMAEITAN PASSOVER. app. hi.
general, we have a right to infer that the Samaritan Passover
is on the whole a faithful representation of the Jewish. That
the spit was run right through the body of the animal in the
Jewish ritual, and was of wood, as in the Samaritan, is clear
from the account in the Mishna.'
The The sheep were then carried to the other hole already
mentioned, which was constructed in the form of the usual
oven {tannur) of Arab villages — a deep circular pit sunk in
the earth, with a iire kindled at the bottom. Into this the
sheep were thrust down (it is said, but this I could not see),
with care, to prevent the bodies from impinging on the sides,
and so being roasted by anything but the fire.^ A hurdle was
then put over the mouth of the pit, well covered with wet
earth, so as to seal up the oven till the roasting was completed.
' They shall eat the flesh in that night roast with fire. Eat
' not of it raw, nor sodden at all with water, but roast with
'fire.' 3
The ceremonial up to tliis time occupied about two hours.
It was now quite dark, and the greater part of the com-
munity and of our company retired to rest. Five hours or
more elapsed in silence, and it was not till after midnight
that the announcement was made that the feast was about
to begin. The Paschal moon was still bright and high in the
heavens. The whole male community was gathered round
the mouth of the oven, and with reluctance allowed the in-
trusion of any stranger to a close inspection ; a reluctance
which was kept up during the whole of this part of the
transaction, and contrasted with the freedom with which
we had been allowed to be present at the earlier stages of
' Pesachvn, ch. vi. 7. It was to be faring with the roasting. Wliether
wood, not iron, in order that the the spits on Gerizim were of pome-
roasting might be entirely 'by fire,' granate I did not observe,
and not by the hot iron ; and the ^ Ibid.
wood was to be pomegranate, as not ' Ex. xii. 8, 9.
emitting any water, and so not inter-
APF. III. THE FEAST. 523
the ceremony. It seemed as if the rigid exelusiveness of
the ancient Paschal ordinance here came into play — ' A
'foreigner shall not eat thereof; no uncircumcised person
' shall eat thereof.' ^
Suddenly the covering of the hole was tord off, and up
rose into the still moonlit sky a vast column of smoke and
steam ; recalling, with a shock of surprise, that, even though
the coincidence may have been accidental, Eeginald Heber
should have so Well caught this striking feature of so remote
and unknown a ritual —
Smokes on Gerizim's mount, Samaria's sacrifice.
Out of the pit were dragged, successively, the six sheep, on
their long spits, black from the oven. The outlines of their
heads, their ears, their legs, were still visible — ' his head with
' his legs, and with the inward parts thereof.' ^ They were
hoisted aloft, and then thrown on large square brown mats, pre-
viously prepared for their reception, on which we were carefully
prevented from treading, as also from touching even the extre-
mities of the spits. The bodies thus wrapt in the mats were
hurried down to the trench where the Sacrifice had taken place,
and laid out upon them in a line between, two files of the
Samaritans. Those who had before been dressed in white robes
still retained them, with the addition, now, of shoes on their
feet, and staves in their hands, and ropes round their waists —
' Thus shall ye eat it ; with your loins girded, your shoes on
' your feet, your staff in your hand.' ^ The recitation of
prayers or of the Pentateuch recommenced, and continued,
till it suddenly terminated in their all sitting down on their
haunches, after the Arab fashion at meals, and beginning to
eat. This, too, is a deviation from the practice of only a few
years since, when they retained the Mosaic ritual of standing
' Ex. xii. 45, 48. « Ibid. 9. » Ibid. 11.
524 THE SAMAKITAN PASSOVER. app. hi.
whilst they ate. The actual feast was conducted in rapid
silence as of men in hunger, as no doubt most of them were,
and so as soon to consume every portion of the blackened
masses, which they tore away piecemeal with their fingers —
* Ye shall eat in haste.' ^ There was a general merriment,
as of a hearty and welcome meal. In ten minutes all was
gone but a few remnants. To the Priest and to the women,
who, all but two (probably his two wives), remained in the
tents, separate morsels were carried round. The remnants
were gathered into the mats, and put on a wooden grate or
hurdle over the hole where the water had been originally
boiled; the fire was again lit, and a huge bonfire was
kindled. By its blaze, ^and by candles lighted for the
purpose, the ground was searched in every direction, as for
the consecrated particles of sacramental elements ; and these
fragments of the flesh and bone were thrown upon the
burning mass. * Ye shall let nothing remain until the
' morning ; and that which remaineth until the morning ye
'shall burn with fire.' 'There shall not anything of the
' flesh which thou sacrificest the first day at even remain all
' night until the morning.' ' Thou shalt not carry forth
' ought of the flesh abroad out of the house.' ^ The flames
blazed up once more, and then gradually sank away. Perhaps
in another century the fire on Mount Grerizim will be the
only relic left of this most interesting and ancient rite. By
the early morning the whole community had descended from
the mountain, and occupied their usual habitations in the
town. 'Thou shalt turn in the morning, and go unto thy
' tents.' 3
With us it was the morning of Palm Sunday, and it
was curious to reflect by what a long gradation of centuries
' Ex. xii. 11. The hasty snatching * Ex. xii. 10, 46; Deut. xvi. 4.
which I had heard described, I was * Deut. xvi. 7.
unable to recognise.
App. III. THE FEAST. 525
the simple ritual of the English Church — celebrated then,
from the necessity of the case, with more than its ordinary
simplicity — had grown up out of the wild, pastoral, bar-
barian, yet still elaborate, commemoration which we had
just witnessed of the escape of the sons of Israel from the
yoke of the Egyptian King.
526
NOTE ON LECTUEE VI.
Nearly tlie "whole of this work was in substance written, and a
large portion of it printed, before the spring of 1862, when it
was suddenly interrupted by the unexpected suspension of my
Professorial duties, consequent on my journey to the East. It is
thus altogether irrespective of any of the works which have been
recently published on the criticism and the history of the Old Tes-
tament ; and it would have been beside the jjurpose of the work,
as laid down in the Preface, to engage in any personal controversy
or detailed investigation arising out of the topics which may have
been there discussed. It may, however, be due to the interest
excited by one of the works to which I allude, to state in a very
few words its bearing on the subject of the present volume.
The arithmetical errors which have been pointed out (with greater
force and in greater detail than heretofore, but not for the first
time, by eminent divines and scholars) in the narrative of the Old
Testament, are unquestionably inconsistent with the popular hypo-
thesis of the uniform and undeviating accuracy of the Biblical
history, or with the ascription of the whole Pentateuch to a contem-
poraneous author. But, on the other hand, the recognition of such
errors would remove at one stroke some of the main difficulties of
the Mosaic narrative, and would give us a clearer insight into the
structure of the sacred books. By such a reduction of the numbers
as Laborde, for example, or Kennicott propose, ' many of the per-
plexities ^ in the Jewish history at once disappear, and the incredibility
of one part of the narrative thus becomes a direct argument in
favour of the probability of the rest. And the parallel instance
of a like tendency to the amplification of numbers in Josephus's
' Wars of the Jews ' is a decisive proof of the compatibility
of such amplifications, not, indeed, with an exact or literal, but
with a substantially historical, narrative of the series of events in
' See Lecture V. p. 124, and Lecture XVII. p. 383. * See Lecture VL
NOTE. 527
■which these errors are imbedded. "We should also (as in the case of
S. Stephen's speech in the Acts) learn to contrast the literal and
mechanical theories of later ages on the subject of Inspiration with
the freedom with which the sacred writers themselves treated their
sacred materials, ' having regard,' as S. Jerome says, ' to the mean-
ing rather than to the words.' No doubt, to those who regard
the least error in the Sacred History as fatal to the credibility and
value of the whole of the Bible, and to the Christian Faith itself,
such discoveries are full of alarm. But, if we extend to the narra-
tive of the different parts of the Old Testament the same laws of
criticism Avhich we apply to other histories, especially to Oriental
histories, its very errors and defects may be reckoned amongst its
safeguards, and at any rate are guides to the true apprehension of
its meaning and its intention. From an honest inquiry, such as
that which has suggested these remarks, and from a calm discussion
of the points which it raises (wherever such a calm discussion can
be secured), the cause of Truth and Religion has everything to gain
and nothing to lose.
-Si
INDEX.
AAR
AARON, his relation to Moses, 115,
152
— his death, 184
Ahimelech, 349-355
Abdon, 355, 375
Abraham, his biu'ial, 34, 489
— his call, 14
— his migration, 5
— his 'place' at Damascus, 485
— his tomb at Hebron, 499
— his wanderings, 29
— legends respecting him, 14, 17, 21
Achsah, 264
Ai, fall of, 237
Alexander Severus' worship of Abra-
ham, 21
Amalek, 141, 321
Aphek. battle of, 380
Ark, 165, 381, 382
Arnold quoted, 255, 261
Asher, 267, 321
Ass, use of the, 95
Avenger of blood, 172
BAAL, 293
Baal-berith, 293, 353, 354
Balaam, 189-197
Earak, 319
Eashan, 215
Beer, 352
Beer-elim, 188
Beersheba, 35
Benjamin, 266, 301
Bethel, Abraham's halting-place, 30
— conquest of, 262
— Jacob's sanctuary, 59
Beth-horon, battle of, 240
Birzeh, 485
Biu-ckhardt, 162
Byron quoted, 361
EPH
CALEB, 262
Canaan, Canaanite, same as Phoe-
nician, 210
— extermination of, 251
— migration of 277
— relations to Abraham, 39
Carlyle quoted, 254
Chrysostom's opinion on the massacre
of the Canaanites, 251
Circumcision, 23. 211, 233
Conquest of Palestine, 207
— of Eastern Palestine, 212
— of Western Palestine, 225
Controversy, 31, 220
DAGON, 364, 383
Damascus, Abraham's connexion
with, 10, 485
Dan, the town of. 291, 299
— the tribe of, 268, 321, 369
Daniel, 427
Debir, 264
Deborah, 318, 323, 328, 331, 334
— oak of, 72
EBENEZER, battle of, 393
Edom, character of, 56, 68
Ech-el, battle of, 215
Egypt, Abraham in, 41
— Israel in, 82
— Jacob in, 74
— Joseph in, 77
— Moses in, 107
— plagues of, 118
Ehud, 316
Eli, 375, 381
Eloliim, use of the name for God, 22
— — — the Judges, 389
Ephraim, 265, 385
M M
530
INDEX.
ESA
Esau, character of, 54
— history of, 68
— his tomb, SO-t
Etham, 126
FAITH, justification by, 18
Future life, 156
GAD, 219
Galileo, 249
Gerizim, 49, 121, 279, 351, 517
— plan of, 515
Geshurites, 276
Gibeah, 301
Gibeon, league with, 238, 276
— siege of, 241
Gideon, his call, 343
— his femily, 341
— his royal state, 348
Gilead, 63
Gilgal. 233
HAEAN, 8, 481
Hazor, 258
'Hebrew,' the name, 10
Hebron, 32, 73, 263, 488, 491
Heliopolis, 87
Hophni and Phinehas, 378, 381
Horeb. See Si7iai.
Hut, 134, 168
ICHABOD, 382
Ibzan, 355
Isaac, offering of, 47
— his character, 39, 500
— his tomb, 500
Isaiah, 426, 427
Ishmael, 37
Issachar, 267
JABESH-GILEAD, 303
Jabin, 258, 317
Jacob, character of, 54
— his charge, 63
— his death, 75
— his tomb, 501
— his wanderings, 59
Jael, 327
Jahaz, battle of, 213
Jair, 216, 355, 375
Jasher, book of, 244
Jebus, 275, 301
Jehovah, name of, 111
Jephthah, 310, 356-359
MEG
Jeremiah, 426
Jericho, 234
Jethi-o, 143
Jews, 56
— name of, 262
Job, book of, 69
John the Baptist, 428
— the Evangelist, 430, 453
Jonathan the Levite, 299, 300
Jordan, passage of, 230
Joseph in Egypt, 77
— his tomb, 279, 502
Josephus, XXXV
Joshua, his character, 228
— his prayer, 243
— his decrees, 273
— his death, 280
— his first appearance, 142
— name of, 229
Jotham, 309, 350
Judah, 262, 315, 321
Judges, book of, 286
— name of, 291, 389
— office of, 291
KADESH, 182
Keble quoted, 98, 147, 193, 228,
271
Kedesh-Naphtali, 319
Kenites, 143, 326
Kepler, 250
Khudr, El, 185, 227
Kings, rise of, in Israel, 202, 348, 349
— worship of, 16, 90
LAW, the, 162, 173
Leah, her tomb, 501
Leprosy, 95
Levi, 169, 269
Levites, 297, 299, 301
Lot, 32
MAACAH, 276
Macaulay quoted, 138, 203
Machpelah, 34, 75, 488
Mahanaim, 64
Mahaneh-Dan, 370
Makkedah, cave of, 245
Mamre, 32, 489
Manasseh, Eastern, 219
— Western, 266
Manna, 147
Marah, 139
Megiddo, 276, 324
INDEX.
531
MEL
Melchizedek, 44
Merom, battle of, 260
Meroz, 325, 331
Mesopotamia, 5, 61
Micah, 296
Middle ages, 310
Midian, 214, 339, 343, 347
Milman, Dean, 11, 14, 211, 470
Milton, 211, 372, 373, 462
Mill, John Stuart, 440
Miriam, deatli of, 183
— song of, 133
Moab, 47, 187, 315
Moses, birth and education, 105, 106
— caU, 109
— character and appearance, 114
— death, 201
— family, 115
— grandson, 300
— importance, 134
— legends, 107, 185, 201
— mission, 154, 421
• — name of, 106
— psalm, 198
— songs, 198
— Strabo's account of, 104
Midler, Professor, on Abraham, 16, 22
— on Eevelation, 397
ATAPHTALI, 267
IM Nazarites, 366
Nobah, 217, 221, 261
OG, 214
On, 87
Orfa. 6, 480
Oreb, 339, 347
Othniel, 264, 315
PALESTINE, inhabitants of, 28,
208
— conquest of, 207, 212, 225, 270
— name of, 365
Passover, 121, 517
Paid, S., 457
Peniel, 66
Pharaoh, 92
Philistines, their origin and character,
362-365
— fortresses, 275
Phinehas I, 220, 226, 280, 302, 375
Phinehas II., 378, 381
SHA
PhcEnicians, 210, 292
Pisgah, 189, 193, 199
Plagues of Egypt, 118
Predestination, 14
Predictive prophecy,. 4 17, 465
Priest, 39, 45, 164
Prophetic office. 111, 160, 415
Prophets, schools of, 399
— catalogues of, 443-445
— order of, teaching in the present, 449
in the past, 448
in the future, 464
— - the word, 415
f)ACHEL, grave of, 72
I Rahab, 238
Eamah, 394, 411
Rameses II., 91
Rameses, the city, 125
Rebekah, her character, 38
— her tomb, 500
Redemption, 129
Red Sea, passage of, 126
Rephidim, 141
Reuben, 218
Revelation to Abraham, 24
Moses, 110, 151, 153
Samuel, 397-398
' Revelation,' meaning of, 397
Robson, Mr., letter from, 482, 486
Rock, the, 146, 198
Rosen, Dr., 496
Ruth, 303
SABBATH, 178
Sacrifice, 168
Sacrifice of Isaac, 47
— of Jephthah's daughter, 359-362
— Paschal, 520
Samaritan passover, 121, 517
Samson, his birth, 365
— his character, 367
— his death, 368
— his history, 290, 369
— his name, 367
Samson Agouistes, 373
Samuel, his birth, 392
— his death and grave, 411
— his judgeship, 393
— his mission, 402
— his name, 391
— his prayers, 395, 407
— his revelations, 397
Shamgar, 290
532
INDEX.
SHE
.Shechom, Abimeleeli, 352
— Abraham at, 29
— Jacob, 70
— Joshua, 278
Shepherd kings, 83
Shibboleth, 357
Shiloh, 278, 295
— the sanctuary, 295, 376, 380
faU of, 384
Shittim wood, 166
Sihon, 213
Simeon, 267
Sinai, 109, 150
Sisera, 322-328
Sodom, 29, 4-1
Succoth in Palestine, 70
Egypt, 125
Sun, ■worship of, 15, 88
TAANACH, 276, 323
Taanath, 278
Tabernacle, 166
Tabernacles, Feast of, 270
Tabor, 291, 322, 341
Taylor, Jeremy, 21
ZUL
Tennyson quoted, 74
Ten Commandments, 175
Teraphim, 296
Thebez, 354
Theocracy, 157, 389
Tribes, 163, 261
— central, 266
— eastern, 219
— northern, 267
— southern, 263, 267
u
R of the Chaldees, 5, 479
T70AVS, 294
ZAANAIM, 326
Zeba and Zalraunna, 339, 347
Zebulun, 267, 320
Zeeb, 339, 346
Zuleika, 76
LONrON
PRINTll) 7)T SPOTTISWOOPE AND CO.
NKW-STKEET SQUARE
^^r^^n^^ff
''w^mm
'-■J^r^'^r^
$^»w
/^•^pq-o 'm* '^'
'^^^^p^m,^^«.
i^^^^/1/^WA
^^^^rv^.^.^MAv^^^,..-^^,,:^--^ ^
- .A-'^v^c:
aP-^^V^:-