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,A^

The

Legacy of the American Revolution

to the
British West Indies and Bahamas

A Chapter out of the History of the
American I.oyalists

WILBUR H. ^BERT, A. M
Professor of European Histoty

Published by

The Ohio State University

Columbus

1913

-V

297812

Copyrighted, 1913, by
Wilbur H. Siebert

Contents

I. THE LOYALISTS IN EAST FLORIDA

Pack

The organization of loyalist regiments in and for East Florida 6
Number of refugees in East Florida increased by the evacua-
tion of Savannah . . 7

Further increase of East Florida's population on the evacua-
tion of Charleston 8

St. Augustine experiences a visitation of loyal Indians 9

Attitude of the British government towards the Indians. ... 10
Unwillingness of loyalist regiments to remove from East

Florida 11

II. THE LOYALISTS IN WEST FLORIDA

West Florida as a refuge for loyalists 1 1

Loyalist defenders of West Florida 12

What became of the loyalists of West Florida 13

III. THE EMIGRATION OF LOYALISTS

TO JAMAICA

Early movement of refugees to the West Indies and Bahamas. 1 4

Emigration from Savannah to Jamaica and other places. ... 14

Emigration from Charleston to Jamaica 15

Incompleteness of our information concerning the loyalist

emigration from East Florida to Jamaica 15

Exodus from Honduras, the Mosquito Shore, and other places

to Jamaica 16

IV. THE LOYALISTS IN THE BAHAMAS

Spain gains and loses the Bahamas 16

Efforts to retain East Florida as an asylum for the loyalists. 17

o 8 u L of A R 3

Pack
Visit to New Providence by intending settlers and by Lieu-
tenant Wilson I S

Report by Lieutenant Wilson on the availability of the Ba-
hamas for colonization 19

Movement of loyalists from East Florida to the Bahamas,

ly^^^S-iT^S 19

Colonization of Great Abaco Island by loyalists 20

Increase in population of the Bahamas by immigration of

the loyalists 22

Adventures of Colonel David Fanning 22

Conditions in the Island of Great Abaco 24

Effects of the loyalist immigration on political conditions in

the Bahamas 25

Effects of the movement on the commercial conditions in the

islands 26

Effects on agriculture in the islands 27

How plantation life in the Bahamas was affected by the loyal-
ists . . 29

Attitude of Parliament towards slavery in the Bahama Islands 31

The Wylly affair 31

The struggle over an improved slave code for the Bahamas. . 33

The end of slavery in the islands 33

V. THE LOYALISTS IN JAMAICA

Sir John Temple's plan to colonize the loj^alists in Porto

Rico 34

Legislation in Jamaica for the benefit of the loyalists 35

Protest against the new legislation by older inhabitants of

Jamaica 36

Distribution of loyalists in Jamaica 37

States from which they came, and classes represented among

them 38

Experiences of Dr. William Martin Johnson and his family

before and after settling in Jamaica 39

Life of the loyalists in Jamaica and the other British West

Indies 41

Slavery in Jamaica 43

VI. THE LOSSES AND COMPENSATION OF
THE LOYALISTS IN THE ISLANDS

Page

Losses of loyalist settl'^rs in the islands illustrated by those
of many refugees in Jamaica 44

Parliament's measures for the relief of the claimants from
East Florida 45

Compensation of individual refugees in the islands , . . 46

Appointment of loyalists to office in the islands 47

.*)

The Legacy of the American Revolution
to the British West Indies and Bahamas

A Chapter out of the History of the
American Loyahsts

I. The Loyalists in East Florida

From the beginning of the Revolutionary War, East Florida
served as a retreat for loyalist refugees from the Carolinas and
Georgia. As early as 1776, Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Brown,
himself a fugitive from Savannah, formed a regiment, in whole or
in part, of these refugees, which he called the East Florida
Rangers. This he supplemented in the spring of 1778, by engag-
ing three hundred and fifty men from the same colonies to defend
the frontiers of the peninsula. These men were organized at
first into a regiment known as the South Carolina Royalists under
the command of Colonel Innes, and the next year were re-organ-
ized as a regiment of infantry under the title of the King's
Rangers.^ They formed part of the English force in East Florida,
as recounted by a deserter on his arrival at Charleston in the early
summer of the same year, a force which, he said, also included
eight hundred regular troops, one hundred Florida Rangers, one
hundred and fifty provincial militia, and two hundred Indians.'^
All told Colonel Brown enlisted as many as twelve hundred men,
if we may credit his own statement in a letter to Sir Guy Carle-
ton, and of these he proudly asserted that five himdred were
killed in the course of the constant and distant service in which
he and his men were engaged throughout the War.*^ Doubtless
most of his recruits were gathered in Georgia and the Carolinas,

where he conducted his campaigns.

1. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. /nst. of G. Brit., Ill, 322, 323;
McCall, History 0/ Georgia, 72.

2. McCall, History of Georgia, 421.

3. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. ofG. Brit., Ill, 323.

The loyalist element in East Florida was greatly increased by
the evacuations of Savannah and Charleston. The former event
occurred in July, 1782, 7,000 persons being turned adrift between
the twelfth and twenty-fifth of that month. This host was made
up of twelve hundred British regulars and loyalists, five hundred
women and children, three hundred Indians, and five thousand
negroes. Three months later, Patrick Tonyn, governor of East
Florida, wrote Carleton that the number of settlers in his province
previous to the surrender of Georgia was * *about a thousand and
near three thousand blacks, "that the militia numbered about three
hundred, and that some five hundred of the negroes might be
entrusted with arms. *'The Refugees from Georgia," he said,
"are about fifteen hundred whites and a thousand negroes; there
are a few respectable families but they consist chiefly of back-
woodsmen who are intolerably indolent; perhaps about four
hundred may be found fit to bear arms, but their appearance is
against them, their families are in distress, and they are exceed-
ingly dissatisfied. The provincial corps no doubt may be com-
pleted from them."^

Prompt measures were taken to alleviate the condition of
these people and to ascertain fully their number. Already,
Colonel Brown was engaged in pointing out lands to them and
establishing them in settlements on the St. John's River, and
Brigadier-General Archibald McArthur, who was in command in
East Florida, soon designated a committee of four of the principal
refugees — Colonels Ball and Cassells for the CaroUnas and Colonels
Tattnall and Douglas for Georgia to take a census of them and to
superintend the distribution of provisions among them. By the
end of October, their numbers were not yet fully ascertained, for
not all had been able to land on account of the bad weather and
the dangerous bar in the harbor of St. Augustine.'-' Meanwhile,
an inspector of refugees seemed a necessity, and John Winniett
was appointed to that ofiice. His first report covered arrivals
from July to the thirteenth of November, 1782, exclusive of those

1 . Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G, Brit., Ill, 163, 164

2. Ibid., 140, 192.

who had come in before that period, and showed a total of 3,340
refugees and slaves.^

Although the evacuation of Charleston did not occur until
December 24, numbers of loyalists, military and civilian, were
already being sent from that place to St. Augustine by the
middle of the previous month. Among these were the North
and South Carolina regiments, the King's Rangers, and a body
of refugees described as "distinguished loyalists'* by Governor
Tonyn, many of whom, he said, were substantial merchants and
planters. He accommodated the merchants with houses in town
and placed the planters on lands, which, although previously
granted by the Crown, had not been cultivated, as required by
the terms of the grant ;^ and as provisions were being supplied by
the government, the chief need of the new settlers was plantation
tools. This was the cause of considerable anxiety on the part of
the provincial authorities, and so also was the tendency of the
refugees to concentrate in St. Augustine and at a place on the St.
John's River known as the Bluff. Both Governor Tonyn and
General McArthur exerted themselves to prevent this concentra-
tion.^ By the middle of December, Charleston passed into the
possession of the Americans and witnessed the unhappy departure
of 9,121 persons, not counting the troops. Of this number 3,826
embarked for East Florida, 1,615 being whites and 2,211 blacks.
On December 23, Inspector Winniett submitted a second enumer-
ation of the refugees and their slaves from Georgia and the
Carolinas: according to its figures, the whites now numbered
2,428 and the negroes 3,609, making a total of 6,037.^ B\' this
time, the loyalists who had come with the first convoy were
forming their settlements in the country, and the much needed
tools were being supplied them. One division of the fleet of
transports, under escort of the Bellisariiis, was reported to have
brought in a thousand loyalists and fifteen hundred negroes. In

1. Report on the Am. ISlss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., III. 216.

2. Ibid.^ 64, 112, 220.

3. Ibid., Ill, 224.

4. South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine^ Jan., igio\
Mass. Historical Society Miscellaneous Papers, 7769-/79 j, /', 139; McCrady
History of South Carolina, 674.

5. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. I>rit., HI, 276.

disembarking, some small craft were lost "owing to their rashness
in venturing over the bar without sufficient guides.*'^ A similar
fate awaited nine of the vessels in the train of the Bellisarius, when
she arrived ofF the bar on her return trip on December 31 . Of the
i»3oo passengers aboard this fleet, but four were lost.^ Inspector
Winniet completed a third enumeration before these 1,300 landed;
but as its figures are unknown, w^e are only sure of the minimum
number of arrivals in East Florida during the period from July,
1782, to the end of the same 3^ear, namely, over 7,300.^ That
this number is far short of the actual gain in the population of
the province through the incoming of the loyalists is indicaied by
the contrasted statements of Governor Tonyn and General McAr-
thur. In October, 1782, as we have already seen, the former
gave the population as about i ,000 whites and 2,000 blacks before
the emigration from Georgia. Seven months later, that is, in
May, 1783, his military colleague stated that the population was
about 16,000, the proportion between the two races being
nearly three blacks to two whites. By this time, it was
known of course that the province was to be surrendered to
Spain. If, on the other hand, it had been retained, and the large
land grants to absentees could be abolished, Mc Arthur thought
that East Florida would soon flourish through the presence of
the great number of people lately arrived. He reported that
since the evacuation of Charleston, a little town, regularly laid
out, was forming at the Bluff on St. John's River, which would
have soon risen to consequence on account of the harbor being
safer there than at St. Augustine. As St. Mary's River possessed
the same advantage, he was convinced that numbers of people
v/ould have formed a town there also.* However, these were
prophesies that were not to be fulfilled under loyalist auspices.

In the midst of their labors for the disembarking multitudes,
the provincial officers were destined to experience a visitation of
Indians from far and near. The question of provisions was
already a pressing one when this visitation took place in the lat-
ter part of December, 1782. Not only hundreds of Cherokees,
Creeks, and Choctaws came to St. Augustine, but also a great

deputation from Detroit, on behalf of the Northern Indian nations.

1. Report on the Atn. Mss. in the Roy, Inst, of C Brit., Ill, 276.

2. Ibid., 319, 395.

3. Ibid., 294, 320.

4. Ibid.,Il\^-j, 9«.

According to Tonyn, this deputation comprised representatives of
the Mohawks, Senecas, Delawares, Shawnees, Mingoes, Tuscara-
was, and other tribes. The Cherokee delegation numbered twelve
hundred and that of the Choctaws and Chicesaws, six hundred.^
We can only surmise what may have been the size of the North-
ern deputation. Fortunately, they came on a peaceful mission,
professing themselves firmly attached to the king's interest and
commissioned to confirm the southern tribes in the same senti-
ments. ^ Conferences followed between these people and the
Indian department, in which the Indians made it clear that they
considered their engagements with England as having been ful-
filled, and hoped that they would not be abandoned by the great
King. Lieutenant-Colonel Brown, who w^as superintendent of
Indian affairs, gave assurances of Britain's continued attachment
to her allies, and recommended them to desist from further offen-
sive operations and to devote themselves to hunting and trading.
He also obtained promises from the Cherokees that thej' would
remove their towns at once to a greater distance from the fron-
tiers of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and the Carolinas, so as to be less
exposed to attack. Meantime, he managed to keep all of his
visitors well supplied with provisions, and he did not forget to
distribute presents among them with an unstinted hand. Being
well satisfied with their cordial reception, the assembled warriors
soon departed with minds at ease.^

If the situation in regard to the Indians was felt to be criti-
cal by the officers in East Florida — and it undoubtedly was — the
English government also felt some trepidation about the attitude
the red men in that province would assume when they should
learn of the intended cession of this region to Spain. Accordingly,
in February, 1783, orders were sent from Whitehall to Colo-
nel Brown to have all the officers of his department withdraw
with the traders from the Indian country and to distribute to its
denizens all presents remaining in the stores at St. Augustine.^
This looked as though Great Britain regarded her account with

1. Repot t on the Am. Jfss. in the Roy, Inst, oj G. Brit., III. 325, 334

2. Ibid,, 277, 316, 322.

3. Ibid., 325, 326, 334, 367.

4. Ibid., 358.

the Florida Indians as v^irtually closed. That the Indians them-
selves did not so regard it is shown by General Mc Arthur's com-
ments concerning them in a letter to Carleton of May 19, 1783.
Rewrote: "The minds of these people api^ar as much agitated
as those of the loyalists on the eve of a third evacuation; and
however chimerical it may appear to us, they have very seriously
proposed to abandon their countr}' and accompany us, having
made all the world their enemies b}^ their attachment to us." ^

Colonel Brown, who wrote to the same effect, also testified
to the past faithfulness of his proteges, and asked for vessels to
remove them. He received assurance that those who persevered
in their demand would be furnished with conveyance to the
Bahamas; but they were to be dissuaded, if possible, on the score
that the islands were not a suitable place for them. This was
more easily said than done, for after an interval of several months,
McArthur still felt constrained to write (September 13, 1783) of
his apprehensions that man}' of the Indians would insist on accom-
panying him to the Bahamas. ^

The provincial regiments in East Florida did not accept as
readily the prospect of their removal. This was largely due to
the insinuations that reached them through irresponsible persons,
namely, that they were to be sent off to the East and West Indies
without their consent. The spread of these rumors almost pro-
duced a mutiny among the troops, and they demanded their dis-
charge. However, they were promptly reduced to obedience, and
the ringleaders were punished. Later, they were assured that
there was no intention of deporting them, and that every man
was to have the liberty of going w^here he pleased, indeed, of
placing himself under the rule of Spain or the United States, if he
chose. ^

II. The Loyalists in West Florida

West Florida was out of range of the swarms of provincial
troops, refugees, and negroes sent down to her sister province;
but she was by no means devoid of loyal inhabitants, and she
received a considerable accession of incorporated loyalists and

1. Report on the Am, Mss, in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., IV\ 89.

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid, 90, 165.

II
OSULofAR s

other refugees from the colonies farther north. Certain planters
of the province presented a petition to the House of Commons in
March, 1787, in which they stated that many of their fellow colo-
nials had joined the King's troops, while the refugees in West
Florida had formed themselves into provincial corps and faced the
dangers of the field. ^ Among these refugees was Captain Rich-
ard Peavis, who after engaging four hundred men for service in
the peninsula was forced to flee, he tells us, from the vicinity of
Charleston to Pensacola, taking with him six companions. In
1777, he was commissioned a captain in the West Florida Loyal-
ists by Colonel Stuart, and was constantly employed thereafter
until he settled on St. John's River, East Florida, in 1783. -
Doubtless, the corps which Captain Peavis joined was that offi-
cially styled the West Florida Loyal Refugees organized by
Colonel Charles Stuart, the superintendent of Indian affairs at
Pensacola, and disbanded at the end of November, 1779, by Major
General John Campbell, who was in command in the province. ^
In the following year, however, General Campbell found it expe-
dient to enroll a new corps known as the West Florida Royal
Foresters. This troop remained in service until its reduction,
August 15, 1782. Evidently, the Foresters w^ere organized about
the time the Spanish attack on Pensacola was exixrcted, which
was as early as May, 1780. ^ That the attack did not take place
at tiiis time was partly due, Campbell thought, to the presence of
a large body of Indians, which had been assembled in the town

for its protection. ^

But the defense of West Florida did not fall alone upon the

Indians and the Royal Foresters. Campbell had under his com-
mand other forces, including the third battalion of the Sixtieth
Regiment, the third regiment of the Waldeck troops, and the
I'nited Corps of Pennsylvania and Maryland Loyalists — the last
numbering two hundred and sixty-seven men, with Lieutenant-
Colonel William Allen at their head. He also had a company of
Military Batteauxmen, probably loyalists, under Captain Miller. ^

1. Journalsof the House of ComvionSy 27 Geo. IH, Vol. A'/.//, 551, 552.

2. Report of the Bureau of Archives, Out., Ft, /, 19^), 191.

3. Report on the Am. jl/ss. in the Roy. Inst, of ii. J>rit., II, 159, 160.

4. Ibid.,n\ 445.

5. Ibid., II, 12 [, 122.

6. Ibid., Ill, 169, 170.

According to General Campbell, these troops had been left
without an adequate supply of cannon and artillery stores; but
they nevertheless held out for nearly two months after Don Galves
and his Spanish fleet entered the harbor of Pensacola. When,
however, a well directed shot from the blockading force exploded
the powder magazine, the place capitulated. May 9, 1781.^

What became of the loyalists of West Florida at this time is
difficult to discover. We are told that part of the garrison of
Pensacola w^as sent to New York;'- and w^e have information of the
arrival in London of a party of the Maryland and Pennsylvaina
Loyalists under the command of Lieutenant Inglis. This party
was made up of invalids who desired admission to the military
hospital at Chelsea and set sail from Pensacola for that destina-
tion in the early months of 1780." Before the evacuation of the New
York, nearl}^ three and a half years later, the larger part of the
Maryland Loyalists sailed in thevhip Martha with the fall fleet for
the Bay of Fundy to settle in Nova vScotia; but their vessel was
wrecked, late in September, 1783, off Tusket River, and over one
hundred lives were lost. "It is recorded," says Paul Leicester
Ford, "that the troop stood drawn up in comi)any order, while
the women and children were ordered into the boats, and the few
survivors among the men were chiefly saved by clinging to
wreckage."* In an undated list of persons w'ho embarked for
Nova Scotia, probably aboard the fated transport, we find the
names of Lieutenant-Colonel James Chalmers, organizer of the
troop, and Lieutenant-Colonel William Allen of the Penns3ivania
Lo\ alists.'* Cai>tain Adam Chrystie of the Foresters was still in
New York City, November 3. when he signed a petition for a
grant of land in Nova vScotia. ^ C.«ptain Richard Peavis of the
West Florida Refugees found himself doomed to leave his place of
settlement on the St. John's River, East Florida, and betook

1. Report nn Hie .int. J/s.\. in tlie Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., //, 281, 286,

5M. 515-

2. Orde>ly Hoot: oj tlie '\Miuy!atid Loya/i'its Rej^in/efft,^' 12, n.

3. Report on the Am. Mss. in tlie Roy. Inst. o/G. Diit.., If, 109, no,

150.

4. Onterty Boot; of tlie ''Mar\land Loyalists Reij^iinent,'" 1 1 ; Report

on tlie Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., //', 380, 409, 420, 440.

5. Report on the Am. .]fss. in the Roy. Inst.of G. Brit., //', 479, 105.

6. Bud., Il\ 443.

himself to the Island of Abaco iu the Bahamas. ' A few others
from West Florida, with their slaves, arrived in Jamaica during
the summer of 1783, settling chiefly iu Kingston, according to
the parish records of that island. While these are only scattered
instances, they serve to illustrate the vicissitudes of the loyalists
of West Florida after the conquest of that province by Spain.

III. The Emigration of Loyalists to Jamaica

East Florida escaped subjugation by the Si)aniards, but
nevertheless shared the fate of the adjoining district when PCng-
land made peace with Spain. By the treaty of Versailles, the
latter country gained both provinces, but the loyalists i^referred
the hardships of another removal rather than submit to Si)anish
rule. During the earlier years of the Revolution, refugees had
taken shelter under the British flag in Jamaica and the Bahamas.
In October, 1775, one of the London papers gave currency to
the item that several American families had arrived in Jamaica
with their effects "on account of troubles in their own countrv." -
When Sir James Wright, governor of Georgia, fled to England
in March, 1776, a considerable number of Georgia loyalists took
their departure to the West Indies and Bahamas. It is true that
some of these returned after Governor Wright resumed his office
in the spring of 1777, but not all of them did so. ^

When in July, 1782, Savannah was evacuated, le.ssthan half
of the 7,000 persons who withdrew from that port went to liast
Florida; Governor Wright, w^ith some of the officers, civil and
military, and part of the garrison, disembarked at Charleston;
Brigadier-General Alured Clark and part of the British regulars
went to New York; and the remainder — described as inhabitants
and their effects — sailed to Jamaica under convoy of the frigate
Zebra, ^ Doubtless, these effects were mostly slaves, for Mr.
Wright and some of his fellow loyalists had no less than two
thousand for shipment to the island. The Governor explained
afterwards that he considered Jamaica the best market for his

1. Report oj the Bureau of Archives y Out., Pt.^ /, 190, 191.

2. Lloyd's Evening Post, Oct. 4-6, 1775.

3. Report of the Bureau of Archives, Ont., Pt . II, 1305; Audit Office
Claims, IV, Public Records Office, London.

4. Report on the Am, Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., Ill, 65, 126.

negroes, and that the}^ were in danger of being stolen at Savan-
nah.^ Probably, much more of the same kind of property was
transported to the same destination. At any rate, Bridges tells
us in his Annals of Jamaica^ that the island gained nearly 5,cx)0,
besides four hundred white families, by the evacuation of
Savannah.

When, in December, 1782, Charleston was surrendered to the
Americans, 3,891 persons embarked for Jamaica, of whom 1,278
were whites and 2,613 were blacks. At the same time, twenty
whites and three hundred and fifty blacks sailed for St. Lucia.
It will be remembered that the number carried from Charleston
to East Florida was almost equal to that destined for Jamaica.
Of the remainder, two hundred and forty sailed for New York,
four hundred and seventy, for Halifax, and three hundred and
twentyfour, for England.^

What the result of the exodus from East Florida may have
been for Jamaica and the other West Indies is not clear. At the
end of July, 1782, some of the Georgia refugees at St. Augustine
memoralized Carleton, informing him that there w^ere at least
4000 people of both races from their colony in their neighborhood,
and that they regarded the West Indies as the only region where
they could employ their slaves to any adv^antage."* But we have
no means of ascertaining how many of these people found their
way to the desired destination. The same uncertaint}' appertains
to the various families in New York City who were seeking con-
v^eyance to these islands during the years 1782 and 1783.^ That
a considerable proportion of them succeeded in reaching their goal
admits of little doubt. Sabine gives several instances of Massa-
chusetts Tories w^ho settled in Antigua and St. Christophers.*^
Near the close of May, 1783, eighty-five persons registered at
St. Augustine to go to Jamaica, and a ship with these refugees,

1. Report on the Am. MssAn the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit. ^ III, 28; Re-
port oj the Bureau of Archives, Out., Ft. // ,1806.

2. P. 190.

3. South Carolina Historical Magc{zine, Jan., 1910, 26.

4. Report on Am. Mss. in the Roy Inst, of G. Brit.^ Ill, 45.

5. Ihid,, III 230. 260, 363, 365; IV, 161, 228, 234, 374, 399, 480;
Second Report of the Bureau of Archives, Ont., Pt. II, 914, 929, 1132, 1133.

6. American Loyalists, 1847, 55 j, 587, 221.

and probably others, sailed from that place for the island named
about the twenty-fifth of the following month. ^

Some of the new settlers in Jamaica came also from
Honduras and the Mosquito Shore, where the British had colonies
engaged in cutting logwood and mahogany. The Spanish had
long regarded these people as intruders in Central America, and
during the later years of the Revolution attacked them with such
persistence as to drive them out.'^ Their certificates of loyalty
are still to be found among the official records of their chosen
retreat, and show that they arrived at various times during the
3^ear 1783, some being accompanied by their slaves. Their num-
bers were sufficiently large to cause them to be mentioned in cer-
tain acts passed by the Assembly of Jamaica in 1783 and 1784.^
The certificates also bear testimony to the fact that loyalists
continued to come to this island down to 1788 from both North-
ern and Southern states, albeit in very small numbers. Doubt-
less, Jamaica profited also by the dispersion of the 10,000
refugees who were sent from New York to Shelburne, Nova
Scotia, in the spring and fall of 1783. This dispersion took
place during the years from 1785 to 1788, inclusive; and we are
told by Mr. T. Watson Smith, author of "'The Loyalists at
Shdbufne,'' a paper showing careful and extensive investigation,
that numbers of these exiles found their w^av not onlv to the
Canadas and Great Britain, but also to the West Indies.^ The
above facts help to explain the remarkable increase in |:)oi:>ulation
of Jamaica between the years 1775 and 1787. The census for the
former year showed 18,503 tvhites, 3,700 free colored people, and
190,914 slaves; while for the latter year the figures are 30,000
whites, 10,000 free colored people, and 250,000 slaves.-^ By 17S5
the number of slaves had alread}^ reached from 220,000 to 240,
000.^

IV. The Loyalists in the Bahamas

During the greater part of the War — if we may trust our

evidence — the Bahamas benefitted but little b}^ the misfortunes

1. Report oil the Am. Mss. iu the Roy. lust. ofC. /hit., 11 \ 92, 93.

2. Morris, The Colour 0/ British Honduras.

3. Acts of the As<iemb!y af Jamaica, ///S-zj-Sj?, 337; ijS^-rjgi, 32.

4. Collectious of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, /tSj-S, 57, 63, 65
85, 86, 88. "

5. C,nrf\ucr, History 0/ Jamaica, 221.

6. Martin, History of the West Indies, /, 90.

of the American refugees. Moreover, early in May, 1782, they
had the mishap to fall, like West Florida, into the hands of Spain.
But Spain wasnot able to keep them long, for in April, 1783, Ma-
jor Andrew DeVeaux, a prov'incial officer of South Carolina, left
St. Augustine with'^a handful of ragged militia and five pri-
vateers" to recover New Providence. In this he succeeded, de-
spite the presence of five hundred Spaniards, seventy- pieces of
cannon, and six galleyt'. This was the last episode of the Revo-
lutionary War, which thus closed with a British victor}- won by
American loyalists acting on their own motion. The iron}' of the
affair is enhanced bv the circumstance that Deveaux's success
had been anticipated nine days before by England's treaty with
Spain, the fifth article of which restored the Bahama Islands to
Great Britain J At the same time, the treaty deprived the loyal-
ists of the Floridas as a place of refuge, for it surrendered them
to the Spanish King The sole consolation of the Southern loyal-
ists was that the ill wind that swept them from their last retreat
on the mainland was to bear them to the neighboring islands,
including the Bahamas.

The first intimation of the intended evacuation of East
Florida reached Governor Tonyn as early as June, 1782, and
caused him much surprise and sorrow; while it produced nothing
less than consternation among the loyalists, both old inhabitants
and refugees. The Assembly of Georgia remonstrated against
the proposal, recommending that the territory be kept as an asy-
lum for the loyalists. The Assembly of East Florida asked
for some defense in case the troops should be withdrawn, and
resolved to stand by the Gov^ernor in preserving the allegiance
of the province. Tonyn took up with Carleton the question of
the removal of the garrison from vSt. Augustine, and secured his
consent to a delay. He was thus encouraged to hope that the
King would find a way of retaining the province permanently,
and, doubtless, this hope w^as still further encouraged by Carle-
ton's instructions to grant lands free of quit rent to officers and
soldiers desirous of settling in East Florida on the establishment
of peace. '^

1. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Rov. Inst, of G. Brit., Il\ vi. vii,
93, 128, 169, ^47, 293, 351.

2. Ibid., If, 513, 520, 527, 528, 529, 530, 531, 546; ///, 19, 417.

However, the publication of the peace rudely destroyed any
such expectations. It only left the loyalists a choice between
living under Spanish rule, which they greatly dreaded, and pre-
serving their fealty by withdrawing to some British possession.
By the eighth article of the treaty, those subjects of England
who proposed to remove w^ere allow^ed eighteen months in w^hich
to collect their debts, sell their property, and leave the country.
Tonyn received orders to cooj^rate with McArthur in effecting
the evacuation in conformity with this provision, and made
proclamation accordingly.^ Judging by the official correspondence
that has come down to us, these measures did not produce a marked
effect at once. We have already seen that a single ship was
sufficient to carry those who embarked at St. Augustine near the
end of June, 1783, for Jamaica.. It may be added that two vessels
sufficed for those taking passage for England, and that while
ninety signed to go to New Providence, no reference is made to
their departure at this time.^ This disinclination on the part of
the loyalists to proceed to the Bahamas was due to a lack of
information about the conditions obtaining there. Hence, some
of the intending settlers of New Providence went to find out what
they could about these conditions, and were soon followed by
Lieutenant Wilson, of the Engineers, who was officially dispatched
from St. Augustine for the same purpose. The report made by
the former w^as not very favorable, and is embodied in a letter
of McArthur of September 7: it represented that the soil
was rocky and that there were '*no tracts of land contiguous
where an 3^ considerable number of negroes could be employed."
On Wilson's return, he found instructions from Robert Morse,
chief engineer at New York, extending his tour of inspection to
all of the Bahamas, evidently in co^ipliance with a request of
Carleton, who had recommended to the British goverment that
any lands ungranted or escheated in the islands be given free of
expense to those loyalists w^ho had lost their property through
their allegiance, and should choose the Bahamas as a place of
settlement.^ Lieutenant Wilson was therefore sent back to the

1. Report on the Am, J/ss. in the Roy. Inst. ofG. Btit., Il\ 57, 9.^

2. Ibid., Il\ 92, 93.

3. Ibid., Il\ 158,204, 233, 340, vii. 224, 233, 247, 248, 351.

islands, and gathered the information for an extended report
that proved to be more reassuring than that of the prospective
settlers in New Providence.

Indeed, this report left little doubt concerning the availability
of the Bahamas for colonization by the refugees. It ascribed the
uncultivated condition of the islands to the indolence of the
inhabitants, who contented themselves, it declared, with what-
ever nature produced by her unaided efforts. They took no trouble
to clear the land, but planted small patches of Guinea corn,
yams, and sugar cane, which they left without futher care until
the crop was ready to be gathered. It asserted that pineapples,
oranges, lemons, limes, cocoa, and other fruits common to the
West Indies w^ould readily grow^ in the Bahamas, and maintained
that the soil had never been put to a fair test, such as it would
now be subjected to b\' the new settlers. It did not attempt to
conceal the fact that the islands were rocky and the surface rough,
but called attention to the three kinds of soil existing there, one
adapted to the growth of cotton, another to the raising of vegeta-
bles of all kinds, and the third to the production of Guineacorn. ^

Reassuring as this report proved to be, it came too late to
start the movement of the loyalists from Florida to the Bahamas.
The event that gave the impetus to this movement was the arrival
of .some government transports and victuallers at St. Augustine on
September 12, 1783. By this time many of the loyalists had be-
come convinced that they could no longer stand on the order of
their going, but must go at once. Two days later a number of
them applied to McArthur for conveyance to the islands for them-
selves and their negroes.'** Unfortunately, we are left in ignor-
ance as to the success or failure of their application. But as Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Brown and most of his regiment of East Florida
Rangers, together with a few of the men of the North and South
Carolina regiments, made their decision in favor of the Bahamas
at this time, it is highly probable that conv^eyance was supplied
to all those desiring it. Of the North Carolina corps, however,

1. Stark, History and Guide to the Bahama Islands, 172, 173.

2. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy, Inst, of G. Brit., /F, 351, 356.

O S U L of A R 4

more than half asked for passage to Nova Scotia, while nearly
two-thirds of the South Carolina corps chose to be discharged
from service in St. Augustine. ^ Although we catch but few
glimpses of what was taking place in East Florida during the
remainder of the time allowed for its evacuation, w^e can scarcely
doubt that parties of v^arying size, some in small vessels supplied
by themselves, were embarking from time to time for the Bahamas
and tlie neighboring islands. This exodus was encouraged not
only by Wilson's report, and by the means of transportation
provided by the Crown, but also by the favorable conditions
offered to those \vhowished to settle in the archipe ago.
According to instructions issued to Lieutenant-* governor
Pow^ell, September lo, 1784, he w^as to grant unoccupied lands in
the Bahamas as follows: '*To every head of a family, forty acres,
and to every white or black man, w^oman or child in a family,
twenty acres, at an annual quit rent of 2s. per hundred acres.
Hut in the case of the Loyalist refugees from the continent such
lands were to be delivered free of charges, and were to be exempted
from the burden of the quit rents for ten years from the date of
making the grants." These instructions were issued none too
soon, for only fifteen days afterwards a number of traiisi)orts and
ordinance vessels arrived at Nassau with the garrison and military
stores of St. Augustine. With this fleet came McArthur. whom
Carleton had placed in command of the Bahamas for the time
being. Within a few days there arrived also ".seven .*^hips and two
brigs crow^ded with refugees." We are told that the .stream of
loyalists continued to pour into the i.slands during the early
months of the following year, Spain having extended by four
months the period allowed for the withdrawal of British subjects
from Florida. Even this concession proved barely sufficient, for
Governor Tonyn appropriated a few days of grace by making
announcement that the last transport w^ould leave the port of St.
Mary's River, on March i, 1785. He advised all persons of Eng-
lish blood to leave East Florida for the }5ahamas before the Span-
ish governor took possession. -

1. Report on the Am. Jfss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., //', 351.

2. Geographical Society of Baltimore," The Bahama /stands^ 424; North-
croft, Sketches of Summerland, 281; Campbell, Histotical Sketches of
Colonial Florida, 142; Fairbanks, History of Florida, 239.

But Ka.st Florida was not the only important source of the
multitudes coming to settle in the Bahama Islands ^during our
period. From New York Cit3% Carleton sent more tnan i,4cx>
persons, who had associated themselves to colonize the Island of
Abaco. On August :o, 1783, Brook Watson, commissary-general
at New York, reported that most of this party — or, in his own
words, "near a thousand souls" — were ready to embark. He
saw to it that they w^ere supplied with provisions sufficient to
serve them for six months after their arrival, and recommended
Phillip Dumaresq, a Boston loyalist, as commissary tu accompany
them and distribute the provisions. This recommendation was
carried into effect, and Dumaresq probably sailed with the first
contingent, which left New York sometime before August 22.
Other refugees embarked at the same time for Cat Island.
Carleton now^ shipped provisions for an additional six months,
and instructed McArthur to do everything in his power for the
exiles. During the month of October, two additional contingents
of the associators got ready to sail, one of those numbering five
hundred and nine persons. All told, 1,458 lo^^alists embarked at
Nfw York for Abaco, according to an official return of the Com-
missary-General, dated two days before the British troops evac-
uated that port.^ This number does not include eight com-
panies of militia sent from New York to the Bahamas in October
1783.2 That Abaco derived part of its settlers from East Florida
is indicated by a memorial, addressed to Carleton in June of the
year just named, bs' some of the New^ York associators. This
memorial stated that many persons from St. Augustine were
expected to join the new colony, and another memorial, published
in New York about the same time, announced more explicitly
that the number of loyal inhabitants of East Florida who had
actually engaged to take part in the settlement of Abaco was
upwards of 1,500.-* On October 21, Carleton communicated to
Major-General Edward Mathew, commandant of the British
West Indies, that he expected adherents of the Crown to remove

from East Florida to the Bahamas during the following winter,

and oidered him to send six months provisions for 2,000 men to
r. Report on the Am. Jfss. in the Roy, Inst, of G. 3nt.y I\\ 470, 271,
272, 283, 407, 437. X.

2. Ibid., 398.

3. Report on the Am. J/^ss. in the Roy. Inst, of C Brit.^ Il\ 188*
Manual of the Corporation of the City of Neio York, iSjo, 791,

New Providence, in addition to the supplies that had been already
sent from New York. He hoped thus to provide a quantity
sufficient to subsist the new setthrs until they should be able to

raise their own produce.^

It is difficult to estimate the increase in population of the
Bahamas due to the immigration of the loyalists. Bryan Edwards,
writing at the beginning of the nineteenth century, does not
attempt it, but contents himself with teUing us that the inhabitants
who in 1773 numbered 2,052 whites and 2.241 blacks were "con-
siderably augmented" by the emigrants from North America. -
Northcroft, writing in 1900. is more positive: he states that be-
fore the emigration there were only 1,750 white people in the
colony and 2,303 colored; but that the influx of refugees raised
the number of the former to 3,500 and the latter to 6,500.*^ Dr.
Wright, who investigated the subject in 1905, seems to accept
these figures.^ But, according to a census of 1 782, in which seven of
the islands are named, the total number of inhabitants was 4,002,
less then one quarter being negroes. In the light of the evidence
presented in this paper, it seems safe to say that the Bahama
Islands gained between 6,000 and 7,000 inhabitants of botli races
from June, 1783, to April, 1785.

One of those who came to the Bahamas later than most of
the others loyalists was Colonel David Fanning of North Car-
olina, who received his commission in the Loyal Militia of
Randolph and Chatham Counties in July, 1781.'^ It is true that
Colonel Fanning remained only a short time in the islands; but
his adventures between the evacuation of Charleston and his
arrival at Nassau, serve to illustrate vividly the vicissitudes of the
Southern refugees during this trying period. At the end of
September, 1782, Fanning and his wife were at Charleston, where
the shipping was ready for those desiring to embark for St.

1. Repot t on the Am. Ms>. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit ., Jl\ 420, 421.

2. History 0/ the IVest Indies, II, 199, 200; Lucas, Historical Geography
of the British Colonies, II, 80, ;/.

3. Sketches in Sumtnerland, 282.

4. History oj the Bahama Islands, 425.

5. Fannin<r's Narrative, 1908, 17; Report of the Bureau of A rehires
Out,, Ft , I, 241

Augustine. Many loyalists had previously signed to go under
his direction to East Florida. Accordingly, he ordered them to
embark, and, on November 6, went on board the transport New
Blessing, whose name doubtless seemed something of a mockery
before that vessel sailed eight days later. On November 17, the
convoy cast anchor off the Florida coast, and there laid eight days
more before its weary passengers could go ashore. After another
but briefer dela}-, Fanning was able to get his effects landed at a
point about twenty-seven miles from St. Augustine on the
Matangej's, where he thought of settling. Becoming dissatisfied
there, he went next to a more distant locality on the Halifax
River to established a plantation, for which he had a supply of
negroes.

In February, 1783, having met Major Deveaux, who was
collecting volunteers for his expedition to capture New Provid-
ence, Colonel Fanning agreed to join him, and raised thirty men
for the purpose; but through some oversight was left behind.
Later, several of the Colonel's slaves took sick and died, thereby
destroying his hopes of establishing a plantation. He, therefore,
moved into St. Augustine, but only to fall desperately ill
himself. Shortly after his recovery from this sickness, the news of
the peace reached East Florida, and the evacuation of that prov-
ince was ordered. At the same time, the ships came that were to
carry the provincial troops to Nova Scotia; but Fanning' s personal
property was still in the country, and he had not yet decided
where he wished to go. Before settling this point, he visited the
Mosquito Shore, and received from its inhabitants a petition
addressed to Gov^ernor Tonyn, under date of January 24, 1784.
This petition asked for a schooner to transport the inhabitants to
East Florida before the intended surrender of that province, as
the petitioners desired to leave with the other loyalists. Fanning
delivered this message to the Governor, and appears to have
carried back in person the latter's reply, namely, that the inhabit-
ants must get to the shipping as best as they could, inasmuch as
there were no government vessels available to send for them. In
a speech that Fanning made to these people, he declared that the
loyalists had been sacrificed to the indignation of their enemies,
and that nothing was to be expected of Great Britain. He, there-

fore, advised his hearers to throw themselves ou the mercy of the
Spaniards, and announced his own intention of betaking himself
to the farthest limits of West Florida, in order to settle "at or
near Fort Notches [Natchez] on the Mississippi River."

That this was not idle talk is shown by the fact that Colonel
Fanning set out, March 20, 1784, from St. Augustine, with seven
families, his wife, and two negroes, all in open boats, for the
Mississippi country. After sailing one hundred and sixty miles,
he lost sight of his companions, and never saw them afterwards,
although he waited for them twelve days, he tells us, at
"Scibersken." From that point, he journeyed to Key West,
where he was detained by a gale for more than a fortnight.
There he met a Spanish schooner, and was w^arned that his boat
was too small for the voyage he was undertaking, and that he
stood a poor chance of escaping death at the hands of the Indians.
Thereupon, he sailed back to one of the other keys, where he
found an Italian skipper from New Providence, engaged in
catching turtles. Fanning discov^ered this man to be untrust-
worthy and grasping, but, having no other alternative, engaged
passage with him at an exorbitant price. Fortunately, however,
the arrival of several other seaman from the Bahamas, on July
12, enabled Colonel and Mrs. Fanning to make the voyage to
New Providence with a captain who showed them every attention.
Landing at Nassau, the Fannings remained there only twenty
days, and then sailed for New Brunswick, where they cast
anchor, September 23, 1784. They departed a month later for
Halifax, Nova Scotia, with a view to obtaining Land for settle-
ment.^

Abaco, which probably received a greater share of the immi-
grants than any of the other Bahamas, is the largest island of
the group, and one of the most fertile. Philip Dumaresq, who
remained there as commissary for more than a year and a half , gives
some particulars regarding the island, which enable us to identify
it with Great Abaco: the length of the island, he says, is about a
himdred miles, and in shape it "forms an elbow." He found
the cHmate delightful, but noted that the soil was so shallow
that in a dry season the sun heated the rock underneath and

burned up any vegetables that had been planted. He also recorded
I. Flixfifting's Narrative, 1908, 37-46.

that an unusual drought had prevailed almost from the time
the loyalists had arriv^ed there. He wrote that Guinea corn,
potatoes, 3'ams, turnips, and other garden produce would grow
very well, together with such fruits as oranges, limes, and
plantains (bananas), and that cotton would thrive; but he com-
plained that the settlers were all poor, had not the strength to
do much, and that he had seen no fresh meat, except pork, since
his arrival. However, poultry, he said, could be raised in plenty.
The abundance of wild grapes convinced him that good wines
might be produced, and he was told that indigo could be cultivated
successfully. He and his family did not find the people of Abaco
at all congenial, and he speaks of them in no complimentary
terms in the letter to his father-in-law, Dr. Sylvester Gardiner,
the Boston loyalist, from which we glean our informant's impres-
sions of the island and its occupants; on the other hand, the Com-
missary had nothing but good words for the treatment accorded
him by John Maxwell, governor of the Bahamas, and Gen-
eral McArthur. These gentlemen, he testified, treated him only
with the greatest politeness, and the former appointed him a mag-
istrate in order, he declared, to keep him from being * 'insulted
by the Abaco Blackguards." ^

If, however. Governor Maxwell showed himself kindly dis-
posed towards this lone loyalist officer, he yet exhibited an
unmistakable prejudice, which he shared with the older inhabi-
tants, towards the new element in the colony. The coming of the
loyalists thus brought with it factional feeling — feeling that grew
so pronounced ere long as to lead the new settlers to disavow
openly any responsibility for an address of regret presented to
the Governor when he surrendered his office, and returned to Eng-
land in the summer of 1785. The Americans promptly became
the party of opposition to the existing government in the islands:
they criticized the administration, accused Governor Maxwell of
attempting to withold from them the right of trial by jury, and
of other conduct which they characterized as tyrannical. They
also found fault with some of the laws, on the ground that they
were repugnant to those of the mother cotnitry, and they de-
manded reform. The elections of 1785 gave the loyalists some

I. The Gardiner, Whipple, and Allen Letters, Vol.11, 49. (In the
Librar}* of the Massachusetts Historical Society, in Boston. )

-i

members in the House of Assembly, but the native population
was still in control there; and when several members, who favored
the new party, withdrew from the House and persisted in absent-
ing themselves against the House's orders, they were declared
to be no longer eligible to seats in that body. The loyalists
sent a petition to the Assembly asking for its dissolution, which,
after being read, was handed over to the common hangman to be
burned before the door of the House.

By the latter part of 1786, the Americans had become the
stronger party in the Bahamas; but the Earl of Dunmore, w^ho
succeeded to the governorship at this time, pursued the same
policy as his predecessor. He received petitions from New
Providence, Abaco, Exuma, and Cat Island, again praying that
the Assembly be dissolved; but, as he declined to accede to
them, that body lasted about eight years longer, or until the end
of Dunniore's administration. Then, finally, an act was
l)assed that limited the life of a legislature to seven years.

Up to 1787, the title of the lands of the Bahamas had been
vested in the Lords Proprietors of the islands. Now, however,
the proprietary rights of these gentlemen passed to the Crown
"on the payment of ^2, OCX) to each of them." Henceforth, the
King would exercise the rights of granting lands and collecting
quit rents, although this was to be with less success, insofar as the
quit rents were concerned, then under the Lords Proprietors.^

Besides affecting political conditions in the colony, the influx
of the loyalists had a marked effect upon the commercial, agricul-
tural, and social conditions of the archipelago. By 1800 the town
of Nassau alone had a population — a little more than 3,000 —
equal to the whole population of the only islands inhabited thirty
years before, namely. New Providence, Eleuthera, and Harbor
Island. The exports of Nassau are said to have amounted only
tO;^5,2oo for the years 1773 and 1774, and her imports to ^3,600
for the same period; while for 1786 and 1787 the former had
increased in value to ^^5, 800, exclusive of the large amount of
bullion exported, and the latter to ;£^i36,36o. McKinneu, who
made a tour of the Bahamas in 1802 and 1S03, reports that six

square-rigged vessels were seen at one time in Nassau harbor laden
I. Fiske, The West Indies. 125; Geographical Society of Ballimore,
The Bahama Islands, 426.

with cotton for London, and tells us that during many years
previous the exports of this commodity amounted to several hun-
dred tons per annum. He also notes that the town was fiie-
quently visited while he remained there by AiFrican slave-ships,
some of which disposed of their cargoes on the island. The
principal trade of Nassau, McKinnen says, was carried on with
England, the southern islands in the West Indies, and the United
States, whence it derived continual supplies of live stock and
provisions.^ The same authority states that the exports from the
islands included salt, turtles, mahogany, dye and other woods
and barks. Wrecking was also a source of considerable income,
since wrecks wxre continually occurring among the Bahamas.**^

Agriculture, even more than commerce, was given a new
impetus by the American refugees, many of whom were planters
from the South, accompanied by a considerable number of
their slaves. It did not take these experienced cotton raisers
long to clear lands and plant their crops. "It is said that fifteen
years after their arrival, forty plantations, with between 2,000 and
3,000 acres in cotton fields, had been established on Crooked Island
alone, and that on Long Island, which was settled at an earlier
date, and which had been more extensively improved, there were
in 1783 nearly 4,000 acres in cultivation. The combined yield
from Long Island and Exuma for one year was estimated at over
600 tons." McKinnen found that the planters — most of whom
came from Georgia, according to his account — had brought with
them different varieties of seed, es])ecially the Persian, but that
Anguilla cotton was being more generally cultivated at the time
of his visit. It w^as customary to assign not more than four acres
of Persian plants to each working slave, while five or six acres
formed the usual allotment on the plantations where the Anguilla
cotton was being grown. The best croi)s were secured from the
higher lands, and amounted to one-half or three-fourths of a ton
of clean lint for each working slave on some estates, although the
average yield was about one-sixth of a ton or less. Another crop

1. Geographical Society of Baltimore, T/je Bahama Islajids, 14S;
^IcKinw^n, Tour Throtdgh the British West Indies, 216, 217; Northcroft,
Sketches of' Snmmcrlami, 282; McKinnen, Tour Through the British West
Indies, 218, 219.

2. Geographical Society of Baltimore, The Bahama Islands, i^g.

that was universally cultivated was Guinea corn. The produc-
tion of cotton, however, was not destined to be permanently suc-
cessful. When McKinnen visited the islands in 1802- 1803, ^^
found the plantations on Crooked Island for the most part
deserted, and the proprietors generally despondent over the agri-
cultural outlook. Mr. Charles N. Mooney of the United States
Bureau of Soils, who has thoroughly investigated this subject,
thinks that the same conditions probably prevailed in all the other
islands, and proceeds to explain that the failure of cotton was due
chiefly to the attacks of insects, but that other causes were al.<;o
operative, as disclosed by a committee of planters who looked
into the matter at the time. This committee reported as additional
causes for the failure of cotton growing, "the use of land unsuited
to its culture, the injudicious and wasteful methods of clearing
the land, and the exhaustion of the soil by unremitted tillage."
The result appears to have been a marked decline in the produc-
tion of cotton after the year 1805, together with a decrease in the
value of land and slaves.^ These conditions led inevitably to the
emigration of some of the planters with their negroes before the
exportation of slaves from the British colonies was prohibited,
and to attempts at securing the right to emigrate with them
after the slave trade was abolished in 1807. These conditions
serve to explain the return to Florida of a body of loyalists who
formed a settlement at New Smyrna, although they soon aban-
doned this place to seek homes in the States on account of the
distasteful policy of the Spanish administration. ^ The news of
the cctivity of the opponents of slavery in England, which did
not reach the Bahamas until 1815, must have had a furi^her
demoralizing effect upon cotton culture in the islands; and when
slavery was abolished in 1834 cotton ceased to be an important
crop. We are told that the fine estates that had been built up
were now deserted and that the owners either moved to Nassau
or left the islands altogether.^ When emancipation was declared
the Bahama slave owners received /^ 128, 296 for their negroes,

or ;^i2, 14s, 4d. per head. This was a comparatively low figure,

1. Geoj^rapliical Society of Baliimore, The Bahama Islands, 148. 149:
McKinnen. Tour Through the British West Indies, 1S3; Geographical
Society of Baltimore, The Bahama Islands, 426, 552.

2. Fairbanks, History oj Florida, 2j[^.

3. Geographical Society of Baltimore, The Bahama Islands^ 149. 429.

considering the reimbursements of other colonies; hut this fact
msLy possibly be regarded as proof that slave labor was not very
remunerative in the Bahamas. ^

The presence of the American refugees affected more or less
the social conditions in the Bahamas, for the newcomers soon out-
numbered the older inhabitants, and they introduced their own
conceptions of plantation life and of the relations of master and
slave. Many of the new whites were j^rsons of energy, and we
have McKinnen's word for it that the blacks in general possessed
"more spirit and execution" than those in the southern parts of
the West Indies. The planters assigned the various tasks to their
negroes, ''daily and individually" according to their strength;
and if the latter were so diligent as to have finished their
labors at an early hour, the rest of the day was allowed
them for amusement or their private concerns. Another feature
that tended to soften the system of slavery in the islands was the
absence of the overseer from most of the estates. The master usually
acted as his own superintendent; and it rarely happened, there-
fore, according to McKinnen, that the negroes were so much
subject to the discipline of the whip as was the case where the
gangs were large, and the direction of them was entrusted to
agents or overseers. It was, nevertheless, true that some planters
w^ere brutal, that female slaves as well as males were some-
times flogged, and that masters "had the right ])ractically to
punish their slaves at their own discretion," without being held
accountable for their acts of cruelty.*-*

The immigration to the Bahamas probably trebled the num-
ber of blacks, and raised the relative majority of blacks over whites
b3' more than twenty per cent. It is not surprising, therefore,
that the stringency of the laws regulating slaves should have
been increased. The sentiments and fears of the ruling cla^s,
which arose out of the changed situation, appear in the legislation
enacted by the General Assembly of the colony in 1 784. This leg-
islation provided for the punishment of assault on a white by a
slave with death; it provided that other abuse of a white person

1. iioT\.h.cro{\,, Sketches 0/ Sutnmerlattd^ 292.

2. Edwards, irest Indies^ Vol. IV, Ap., 358; Northcroft, Sketches oj
Siimmerland, 285.

should be atoned for b}^ a fine of ;^i5. or by corporal punishment,
not limited in amount or character; it provided that * 'whites could
disarm not only slaves but also free coloured persons whom they
found at large with arms in their hands;" it imposed a tax of £()o
on any one manumitting a bondman, and gave validity to the evi-
dence of slaves against manumitted persons in all trials for capital
or criminal offenses; while against white persons only Christian
negroes, mulattos, mustees, or Indians were allowed to testify
at all, and they only in suits for debt.*

In 1796 it was enacted that slaveowners should endeavor
to instruct their slaves in the Christian religion, and have those
baptized who could be made sensible of a Deity and of the Chris-
tian faith; but as there was only one clergyman in the entire
colony at that time it is not likely that many slaves were baptized. ^

Inasmuch as planters were sometimes annoyed by the escai>e
of their slaves, it was customary to offer private rewards for the
return of the runaways. We are told that hardly an issue of the
Bahama Gazette appeared in 1 794 and 1 795 that did not give notice
of the escape of a fugitive. At length an epidemic of escapes
into the interior occurred in the small island of New Providence,
and a law was passed ordering the registration of all free negroes,
mulattoes, mustees, and Indians, and providing that if at any
time five or more runaways were reported, free negroes might be
sent in pursuit of them. Colored freemen were promised rewards
for the arrest and delivery of runaways, and were allowed to kill
a fugitive slave, if necessary, in order to defend themselves from
his attack.^

Slaves were excluded from service in the local militia. So,
also, were free blacks until the year 1804. After that time,
prejudice served as a sufficient bar against the exercise of this
right until after emancipation was declared. Much the same
restrictions hf*ld in regard to jury service by negroes during the
same period.*

By a statute of 1805, the trial of all suits relating to the free-
dom of slaves was confined to the highest tribunal in the colony,

1. Geographical Society of Baltimore, 7^he Bahama Islands, 449,
450,451, 456; Norihcroft, Sketches in Sutnmerland , 288.

2. Northcroft. Sketches in Summerland. 288.

3. GeoKraphical Society of Baltimore, The Bahama Islands^ 453.

4. Ibid., 44S.

namely, the General Court. As that body sat only in the island
of New Providence, it was necessary to provide that in the case of
the Out-islands a magistrate could require a master, on sufficient
evidence, either to surrender his claim of ownership to the alleged
slave, or pay the expense of sending the latter to Nassau for trial
before the court specified. If the claimant secured judgment,
he could bring another suit for damages, as well as for wages, for
the time he had been held in bondage. ^

Meanwhile, the planters of the Bahamas were already suffer-
ing from crop failures, and were deeply concerned over the
uncertainty of the tenure of the lands which they held. After 1807
the foreign slave trade could no longer be carried on openly
in the islands, and a few years later residents were claiming
that their slaves had lost a quarter of the value which they
possessed during the first decade of the nineteenth century.
Under these circumstances, it was but natural that the slave
owners, especially the refugees from the Southern states, should
oppose the attempts of the English Parliament to get the colony
to adopt laws for the amelioration of the condition of the blacks.
These American refugees had been brought up in an atmosphere
of slavery; they had been accustomed to dealing with it in their
own way; and they were averse to any interference with it, espe-
cially any interference which they believed to be ruinous to their
property rights, and conducive, as they alleged, to slave insurrec-
tions. The Bahama Assembly took its stand from the first
against the successive measures recommended by the British gov-
ernment and supported by the local government. Thus a struggle
began in the islands in 181 5 that continued for nearly fifteen
years. This struggle started with a controversy over the need of
the registration of the slaves, the House of Assembly maintaining
that registration was wholly inexpedient and would prove disas-
trous to the islands.^

This situation was greatly aggravated by an incident in
which the attorney- general of the colony, William Wylly, a
Georgia loyalist, figured so prominently that it has been des-
ignated "the Wylly affair. " This incident aroused such feeling
between the local legislature on the one hand and the local govern-

1. Geographical Society of Baltimore, The Bahama Islandfi, ^^i.

2. Ibid, 430. 433. 440-445.

meut on the other that legislation in regard to the registration
of the slaves was precluded for a term of four years. In
1816, Attorney- General Wylly brought action to prevent a
master's removal of his three negroes from New Providence to
Georgia, on the ground that the slaves had been imported since
the abolition of the slave trade. Two of the slaves were restored
to their owner, but the third was not. The House of Assembly
objected to the conduct of the Attorney-General, and also to his
opinion in favor of the use of licenses and bonds for removals
under the imperial statute of 1806. Its hostility was further
aroused by the rumor that Mr. Wylly was in correspondence
with an anti-slavery societ}^ in London, called the African Insti-
tution, which he was alleged to be keeping informed as to the
colony's attitude on the question of registration.

Having determined to investigate the Attorney-General's
conduct, the House undertook to summon him before a committee,
only to receive an answer which it considered contemptuous.
A messenger, who was sent to arrest him, was resisted by armed
slaves on Mr. Wylly' s premivSes. Outraged at this, the House
next asked Governor Cameron to suspend the Attorney-General
from office, and again attempted his arrest. This time it w^as suc-
cessful, but within an hour after his imprisonment he w^as
released by order of the Chief Justice. The House now declared
the action of the Court imconstitutional, and again ordered the
arrest of the released prisoner; whereupon the Governor dis-
solved the House. If, a few days later, the action of that body
was unanimously approved by a public meeting at Nassau, the
Governor had the satisfaction of receiving in due time the sup-
port of the home government. Nevertheless, the struggle was
renewed by the next Assembly and its two successors.

At length, in 1818, the House passed a*'healing act" under
the pacifying influence of a new executive, Major-General Lewis
Grant; but also voted that it could not, consistently with its dig-
nity, and never would, grant salaries to William Wylly and the
Justice of the General Court for past serv'ices since the commence-
ment of the dispute, or for any future services. It also reasserted
its claim to superiority over the courts. The uncompromising

attitude of the House on these matters led to its dissolution in
December, 1820. Thus, the House of Assembly spent four years
in trying to override the other departments of the local govern-
ment on account of the Wylly affair, and then finally adopted
(1821) the system of registration for slaves.^

But the greater conflict was to occur over the demand for a
programme of amelioration. According to this programme,
which originated in Parliament and was urged by the Ministry,
the flogging of female slaves was to cease; instruction was to be
given to negroes in the principles of Christian morality and
religion; the right to testify in courts of law was to be accorded
them after they had been duly qualified to exercise such a right;
the sacredness of the marriage tie was to be taught and fully
protected; self-emancipation was to be encouraged, together with
the accumulation of propert^^ by negroes, and too severe punish-
ments were to be discouraged. The Bahama Assembly did not bring
itself to accept these reforms until the year 1824, when it enacted
a new slave code which embodied only a part of them. In 1826,
however, it supplemented the code by amendatory legislation,
which included almost all of the recommendations of the British
government. This legislation, we are informed, * 'contained prac-
tically all that the Bahamas ever conceded in the enactment of
regulations for the amelioration of their slaves," although "a few
minor points were added in 1829."'^ But, even yet, the provision
against the flogging of female slaves had found no place in the
new law.

In the year last named. Sir James Smyth was sent out as
governor of the Bahama Islands. His first duty was to enforce
the slave code, and thus accomplish the end at which the home
government had been aiming through all the previous fifteen
years. As he was himself an abolititionist, he had no desire to
shirk his responsibility, although he hoped to secure the cooper-
ation of the House of Assembly in the performance of his duty.
However, he soon came into a clash with that bod^- in his efforts
to prevent the flogging of enslaved women. The House brought
a number of charges against the Governor, including one of mal-

1. Geographical Society of Baltimore, The Bahama Islands^ 433-440.

2. /<^/V/., 442, 445, 446-456.

administration, and decided to ask the King to remove him.
Under such circumstances, the only thing left to Sir James was
to prorogue the Assembly, which he did after a few weeks' delay.
But the new Assembly, elected in 1832, was in no better mood,
and the Governor found himself compelled to resort to another
dissolution. In the spring of 1833, Sir James Smyth was recalled,
and was succeeded by Blaney T. Balfour as lieutanant-gover-
nor. This change gave no hope of a better understanding in
regard to the point in dispute between the executive and legislative
departments of the colony, inasmuch as Mr. Balfour held the
vSame convictions as his predecessor on the slavery question.
Meanwhile, English sentiment had been so aroused by the failure
of the colonists to enact the reforms demanded bj' enlightened
humanitarianism that the imperial Parliament was forced to pass
tiie .statute abolishing slavery in the British Empire. Although
this action was taken in the spring of 1833, ^^^ old laws govern-
ing the relation of masters and slaves were allowed to remain in-
force in the colonies until the first of August, 1834.1 That the
loyalist immigration was partly res]:)onsible for this result is
obvious: it not only strengthened the hold of slavery on the Baha-
mas and the British West Indies, but also furnished a specious
standard of private rights combined with public interests, under
which those who had given proof of their steadfa.stness could do
battle in behalf of a cherished but doomed institution.

V. The Loyalists in Jamaica

While we know far less of the life of the loyalists in Jamaica
and the other British West Indies than of the life of those who
settled in the Bahamas, the general conditions amidst which they
settled are clearly distinguishable. The size of Porto Rico,
together with its advantages of harbor and soil, and some doubts
about the effects of Parliament's compensating the loyalists in
money for their losses and sufferings led a Boston gentleman of
great prominence in his day, Sir John Temple, to draw up a plan
for the acquisition of this island by Great Britain, with a view to
settling the friends of government there. It is not known that
this project was ever submitted to the British authorities; but,
I. Geographical Society of Baltimore, The Bahama Islands, 480-483.

nevertheless, it is not without a certain interest for the student
of loyalist affairs. Temple's project, then, contemplated the
reimbursement of the impoverished loyalists partly in Porto Rican
lands, instead of in monej^ exclusively. Moreover, even those
who had lost no estates were to receive grants of land. For the
benefit of merchants, tradesmen, and others, a town was to be
laid out and alloted to members of these classes. Such a parcel-
ing out of the island, which Temple said contained 3,290,000
acres, would enable it to accommodate 30,000 families. If negroes
were to be admitted, which the author of the project thought
contrary to good policy, they should be taxed; and the mone\'
secured from this source should be paid out in bounties on certain
exports, such as cotton and indigo. Sugar plantations ought not
to be encouraged, for England needed raw materials for her
manufactures more than she needed sugar; and Porto Rico could
well supply lumber and produce to the sugar islands, as well as
large quantities of cotton and indigp to Great Britain. Follow-
ing such a plan, Porto Rico would soon surpass Jamaica in
importance. But, the land should be kept low in price, and
should be subject to forfeiture if not settled within a specified
period after being granted.^

Meanwhile, Jamaica was receiving considerable numbers of
loyalists and negroes from the mainland, the great convoy from
Charleston arriving on January 13, 17H3. Six weeks later, the
Assembly of the island passed an act for the benefit of all white
refugees who had already come in, or should follow later, with the
intent of becoming inhabitants. This act was made applicable
to former residents of North and South Carolina and Georgia,
the Bay of Honduras, the Mosquito Shore, and other parts of
North America, who were paying the price of exile bj' being
forced to relinquish their dwellings, lands, slaves, or other prop-
erty. It exempted these persons for seven years after their arrival
from the payment of imposts on any negroes that accompanied
them, as well as from all manner of public and parochial taxes,
excepting the quit rents on such lands as they might purchase or
patent. It also released them from all services, duties, and offices,
except the obligations to serve in the militia, and decreed that the

I. Winthrop Papers, XXIV. (In the Library of the Massachusetts His-
torical Society, Boston.)

charges for patenting their lands should be borne at the public
expense. To avoid dispute in regard to those entitled to the
benefits of the act, it was provided that all persons claiming such
benefits should make affidavit, before the magistrate of the parish
or precinct where they proposed to settle, of their last place of resi-
dence, the number of slaves they had brought with them, and of
their intention in coming to Jamaica, this declaration to be made
within three months of the passing of the act for those who had
already arrived, or within the same period after their arrival for
those who should come later. The local magistrates were to
issue certificates to the persons satisfying the above requirements,
and these certificates were to be duly recorded in the office of the
secretary of the island. Loj-alists who patented lands were
obliged to settle and plant at least a part of these, and proceed
with their improvements without intermission within two years
from the date of their patents, and in default of so doing were to
lose their lands. The reasons for the enactment of the above
measure, which were embodied in its preamble, were that the
Assembly of Jamaica felt bound by every principle of humanity
to relieve and assist the suffering refugees, and that it was only
good policy to give them all due encouragement, inasmuch as
nothing could tend more to the security, wealth, and prosperity
of the island than the increase of the inhabitants. ^

These reasons, however, did not prevent a protest against
the new law on the part of some of the older inhabitants. While
applauding the law and the motives from which it s])rung, the
justices and vestry of Kingston presented a petition to the
Assembly, November 30, 1784, calling attention to the effects of
the measure upon their parish, which, they claimed, was more
burdened by its provisions than all the other parishes combined.
The ])etition explained that there were nearly seventy- house-
keepers in the town of Kingston who were refugees, and hence
were exempt from parochial taxes, although many of these were
apparently wealthy and were engaged in commerce to a consider-
able extent. Others were tradesmen or mechanics in the exer-
cise of lucrative employments. Some of these persons were
occupying fine houses in the best situations in the town. Thus,

the petitioners were deprived of the taxes that might have accrued
I. Acts 0/ Assembly of Jamaica y /yyS-/jSj, 337, 338.

from the * 'opulent refugees," and were also burdened with a
numerous poor of the same description, who came from the Mos-
quito Shore, the Bay of Honduras, and all parts of North America.
The petition further recited that ^^1041, i is, 4d., had been raised
by subscription in Kingston for the relief of these exiles, but that
the sum was so inadequate that numbers of hem still remained
in the utmost distress. The parish-house was crowded with ref-
ugees, and outside support was being furnished to many others
by weekly distributions of money. All this occasioned "a very
great and grievous addition to the parochial taxes," in the words
of the petition, from which is borrowed the annexed schedule of
sums expended on the exiles in the years 1783 and 1784:

1783 £' s. d.

32 addit. pers. admitted into the parish-house, at

the average of 24 1. each 768 o o

Paid for the passage of sundry refugees to other
countries where they were desirous to go, &
occas. necessaries; & for the temp, support
of many peo. in distress 127 4 2

1784
20 addit. pers. admitted into the parish-house, to
the pres. time; but in all prob. the num. w411

soon equal that of last year 480 o o

Paid for passages and occas. necessaries 301 4 o

Out-pensions to refugees, about 5 1. />^r w^eek, tak-
ing an average of two yr. for twenty-one
months 455 o o

2,131 8 2
This petition was referred to the committee of the whole

House, which was to inquire further into the state of the island

but what action, if any, was taken in regard to it does not

appear.^ It is worth remarking, however, that the advent of

the lo3'alists in Kingston had cost that parish no less than ;^ 3, 1 72,

19s. 6d. in public and private contributions up to the end of

November, 1784.

Other parishes in which loyalists are known to have settled
were Port Royal, St. Thomas-in-the-East, St. Andrew, St.
George, St. Catherine, St. Elizabeth, St. Thomas-in-the-Vale,

J. Joitnnils 0/ t/w Assembly of Jamaica, VI 11, (ijS^-ijgi) pp. 32, 33.

and Trelawney. But, as was asserted by the justices and vestry
of Kingston, the proportion of newcomers in these parishes was
small in comparison with those in Kingston, probabh^ between
eight and nine per cent, of the latter number. The writer has in
his possesion copies of one hundred and seventy-four of the cer-
tificates that were issued to refugees, in accordance with the act
of 1783. These show that one hundred and forty-five of the
recipients chose Kingston as their place of abode. Eighteen
others, whose locations are given, distributed themselves pver
the other parishes. Sixty-one of the hundred and forty-five
were accompanied by slaves, to the number of eight hundred and
eighty-one. Of the eighteen others, only nine had slaves, who
numbered all told five hundred and sixty-eight. While fully a
fourth of these certificated loyalists had but few negroes, the rest
had anywhere from five up to two hundred and over. One ref-
ugee was in charge of two hundred and two blacks, including
eighty-nine of his own, who had been employed for some time
on the public works, but were afterwards engaged in "jobbing"
in different parts of the County of Surrey. Another refugee
had brought over four hundred and twelve blacks, of whom
more than half were the property of Sir James Wright, recently
governor of Georgia, while another was in charge of one hundred
and eighty-one, nearly two thirds of these belonging to the Hon.
William Bull, late lieutenant-governor of South Carolina. Since
their arrival, the last named group of one hundred and eighty-one
slaves had been employed on the public works and in "jobbing"
in several parishes.

A few of the exiles came from Connecticut, Massachusetts Bay,
New York, and Pennsylvania, a few also from Maryland, and Vir-
gina, but by far the greater number came from the other Southern
states. Out of the hundred and seventy-four certificated loyalists,
referred to above, sixty-six were from South Carolina, the most of
these having come at the time of the evacuation of Charleston.
Fifty-four gave the Ba}' of Honduras and the Mosquito Shore
as their former places of residence. Among the new settlers
there was a sprinkling of "gentlemen," surgeons, tradesmen,
Quakers (from Philadelphia), widows, and men w^ho had
served in loyalist corps. The Quakers had been driven south-

ward by being threatened with trials for treason. William Roach ,
a refugee from New York, in making affidavit before the magis-
trate of his parish, told of having raised a company in the corps of
Loyal American Rangers, commanded by Colonel William Odell.
That there were many planters among these people goes without
saying. As early as Januar}^ 1784, accounts of the success of
some of these loyalists in raising large crops of indigo were circu-
lating in St. Augustine.^ One surviving record shows that lands
were g:ranted to no less than one hundred and eighty-three refugees
in the parish of St. Elizabeth, We are informed that the region
in which these grants were made was little better than a morass,
and that a claim for payment by the persons who surveyed and
apportioned the tract led to an inquiry on the part of the House of
Assembly, "when it was stated in evidence that none but amphib-
ious creatures, such as fishes, frogs, and 'Dutchmen* could live
there." It chanced that one of the loyalists who tried the exper-
iment bore the appropriate name of Frogg, but reported in vsor-
row that he had buried most of his family in consequence, and
that his case was only one of many.^

Among the refugees families that settled in Jamaica was that
of Dr. William Martin Johnston, the son of Dr. Lewis John-
ton, for some years treasurer and president of the King's Coun-
cil of Georgia. While in the North, William became a caj^tain in
the New York Volunteers, or Third Loyal American Regiment.
In 1779, Captain Johnston married Elizabeth Lichtenstein of
Savannah, in whose Rccollectmis, written in 1836, is preserved a
record of experiences that may fairly be regarded as typical for a
large class of island settlers. On the capture of Savannah by the
revolutionists in July, 1782, the elder Dr. Johnston and his family
were compelled to withdraw to East Florida, and until that prov-
ince was ceded to Spain, he lived in St. Augustine. Captain and
Mrs. Johnston, however, went, fron Savannah to Charleston with
ihe military. When, in December, Charleston was evacuated,
Mrs. Johnston and her children took passage to St. Augustine to
join her father-in-law's family, while her husband accompanied
his regiment to New York City. Mrs. Johnston relates that she
was conv^eyed to her destination by a small schooner, and arrived

1. Eaton, Recollections of a Georgia Loyalist^ 218.

2. GsLT^w^T, History of Jatnaica, 211,212.

there safely ' ' with many more Loyalists, ' although she saw * 'many
vessels lying stranded along the shore that had been wrecked on
the sand bar." It ma^^ have been that she was writing of this
dismal sight, w^hen she remarked in a letter of January 3, 1783,
to her husband: *'Out of the last fleet from Charleston there have
been sixteen sail of small vessels lost on and about the Bar.
There are six or eight high on the beach." At any rate, she
reported that no lives had been lost at the time of her own land-
ing, although "much of the poor Loyalists' property" was
destroyed.

Mrs. Johnston found St. Augustine occupied by many Greeks
from Smyrna and Minorca, who had been brought there by a Dr.
Turnbull to cultivate his lands on the Metanges, some miles from
the city. Inasmuch as these people had failed to get along well
with their employer, they had left his estates and come into town.
The Johnstons remained in St. Augustine for sixteen months,
during which period tish proved to be their * 'chief dependence
and ration." With the announcement that East Florida had been
ceded to the Spaniards, and that St. Augustine was soon to be
evacuated. Dr. Lewis Johnston was granted a transport for his
sole use "to go wherever he wished in the British Dominion. ' ' Being
a native of Scotland, he chose to return to that countr}-, and late
in May, 1784, embarked at St. Mary's River for Greenock with
his own and his daughter-in-law's families. Captain Johnston
had sailed in advance, wnlh the intention of pursuing medical
studies in Edinburgh and London. About the same time Brig-
adier-General Alured Clark, formerly commandant of Savannah,
was appointed governor of Jamaica. This circumstance with
others, led the Captain to decide on locating in Kingston, which
he accordingly did in the autumn of 1785. However, his family
continued in Scotland until some time in October, 1786, and did
not arrive in Jamaica until the middle of the following December.
The elder Dr. Johnston spent the remainder of his life in Edin-
burgh, and died there, October 9, 1796.

His son was kindly received by Governor Clark, and nomi-
nall}' attached to a regiment in order to enable him to obtain
island pay at the rate of 20s. per week for himself, los. for his
wife, and 5s. each for his children. Not long after this he ren-

dered important service in helping to combat yellow fever, which
was brought to Jamaica from Philadephia, and according to Mrs.
Johnston's Recollections ^ ''made great havoc among all new-
comers and sailors," although it did not attack the natives, or
others who had resided there long enough to become acclimated.
Later, Dr. Johnston accepted attendance on the estates of James
Wildman, one of the members of the Jamaica Council, near
Kingston, in St. Andrew's parish, and settled in Liguana near
Halfwaytree. Here he died, December 9, 1S07. In the sum-
mer of 1810, Mrs. Johnston, having arranged the affairs of her
husba)id's estate in Jamaica, quitted the island for Nova vScotia
to reside witli several of her children and near her aged father,
who had removed thither. ^

The first large companies of loyalists who resorted to Jamaica
were furnished provisions by the British government, but the
supply soon proved inadequate. A memorial, dated April 8.
1783, was forwarded to Sir Guy Carleton at New York, signed
by Charles Ogelvie, A. Wright, George Kincaid, WilHam Tel-
fair, John McGillivray, James Skene, J. O. Murray, Thomas
Inglis, Sir James Wright, William Knox, and several others,
requesting a further allowance until they could find "lands or
employment, especially for their negroes."- Some of these loyal-
ists secured the desired employment for their slaves, as we have
already seen, by hiring them out to labor on the public works,
or sending them out "jobbing," that is, to perform the heavy
work on sugar and other plantations, such as digging the cane
holes and planting. •** To the extent of being able to call on the
British authorities in the United States for provisions, the loyal-
ists were fortimate; but unless their appeal was pronijUly answered
they had to endure not only the hardships peculiar to their own
lot, but also the visitations of famine and hurricane that prevailed
(luring the early years of their residence in the islands. In part,
the prospect of starvation that confronted new and old settlers
alike at this time was due to the destructive effects of the hurri-
canes of 1780 and 1 781; in part, however, it was also due to the

War of Independence, to which they owed their banishment from

1. Eaton. Recollect ions of a (tcorgia Loyalist, 11, 12, 24, 29, 64, 73, 74,
passim.

2. Repot t oil -//;/. ^fss. in the Roy. Inst, of G . Brit., Ii\ 19.

3. Gardner, History of Jamaica, 158.

the states. Despite the proclamation. of peace, the home govern-
ment adopted the policy of restricting trade with the neighboring
continent. An order in Council was promulgated, July 2, 1783,
limiting the importation of American products (livestock, grain,
lumber, etc.) into the West Indies, to British v-essels, and pro-
hibiting entirely salt beef, pork, and fish.

Whether this policy of commercial hostility towards the
revolted states met with the approval of the loyalist element in the
West, Indies or not, it led most of the islands to send remonstrances
and petitions to the British Parliament in 1784, on the score
that they were dependent on America for supplies. The Legisla-
ture of Jamaica advocated free trade with the United States as
the only means of aifording a chance of carrying on the island
estates, of supplying their families with bread, and of averting
"impending ruin." These protests were given added emphasis
by a destructive storm, which occurred, July 30, 1784. This
.storm either sunk, drove ashore, or dismasted every vessel in
Kingston harbor. It blew down public buildings in or near
Kingston, and caused the loss of many lives. Indeed, the situa-
tion had become so grav^e by the end of the first wetk in August
that Governor Clark exercised his discretionary power to the
extent of permitting the importation of provisions in foreign bot-
toms during the following six months. The immediate effect of
all this was to induce the planters to increase their acreage in
corn and other farm produce. Scarcely had they harvested their
crops when another hurricane swept over Jamaica, August 27,
1785; and the Governor found it necessary to ])rohibit the expor-
tation of provisions to other suffering colonies as an alternative
to opening the ports once more to American ships. Even this
measure did not prevent scarcity of food during the remainder of
the vear, but "the climax of miserv seemed to be reached" when
still another storm "bur.^t upon the land," October 20, 1786. ^
Under the drastic stimulus of these years of disaster, supplemented
by the severities of the navigation laws, the islanders came to
depend more on themselves, not only in raising their own provi-
sion, but also in hewing their own staves.- The navigation laws

ceased to be enforced after 1792, and were rescinded by Parlia-
ment a few^ years later.

1. Gardner, History rf Jamaica^ 212, 213.

2. Edwards, History of the West Indies, HI, 284.

It should be noted, however, that the increased production
of food stuffs was not accomplished at the expense of the sugar and
coffee crops, which in 1787 exceeded those of any former year. We
have no means of learning how far the loyalists and their slaves
contributed to these various results. Probably, they contributed
their share, especially in the cultivation of coffee, inasmuch as
this industry was rapidly growing in favor with the island planters
at the time the exiles began to arrive. While some refugees
were earl 3^ reported to have raised large quantities of indigo, they
must have found, as did the other cultivators, that this crop was
unprofitable in the absence of protection; although it was well
suited to men of moderate means and owning but few negroes.
The growing of cotton, to which many of the Americans had been
accustomed, proved to be only partially successful in the West
Indies, on account of the variable climate of these islands.^

It has been truly said that in no colony did the system of
slavery run more thoroughly its baneful course than in Jamaica,
and in none did it die harder. As most of the loyalists who
established themselves here were, or had been, slaveowners, there
can be no doubt that they held the same views on the abolition
of the slave-trade, the compulsory improvement of the slave code,
and emancipation as did their fellow-colonials in the Bahamas.
Moreover, they were now (in the year 1800) fully identified with
a population of 30,000 whites, who were the proprietors of 300,000
negroes. During the previous decade, the white men of Jamaica
had witnessed "the horrors which brought in the age of freedom"
in the neighboring island of Haiti or St. Domingo; aud they
were familiar on their own soil with Maroon wars and slave
rebellions. Jealous of their rights of self-government, they deeply
resented England's interference with their cherished institution,
which they regarded as the very foundation of their prosperity.
The Assembly of the island struggled long and bitterly against
the demands of the imperial government ; but was compelled at
last to submit to the inevitable and accept the sum of ^/^ 6, 000, 000,
or more, that was set apart as the purchase price of the slaves
in Jamaica. 2

r. Gairdncr, History o/'/amaira, 159, 241, 242.

2. Lucas, Historical Geography of the British Colonics y //, 108;
Gardener, History of Jamaica^ 292.

VI. The Losses and Compensations of
the Loyalists in the Islands

The losses of real and personal property sustained by many
of the loyalists who fled to the West Indies and Bahamas were
liberally compensated by the British government, as were the
losses of those adherents of the Crown who settled in other parts
of the British Empire. That the newcomers in these islands had
relinquished a great amount of property is shown by the certifi-
cates issued to those who landed in Jamacia and avowed their
intention of remaining as residents. As previously remarked,
the writer has copies of one hundred and seventy-four of these
certificates; and in one hundred and fiftj'-eight of them he finds
evidence of the losses sustained by their possessors, definite
amounts being given in one hundred and eleven certificates,
while only general statements regarding the losses appear in the
other forty-seven. The amounts reported range all the way from
;^i5 up to ;^ 1 2,000, not a few running from ;^ 1,000 to ;^5,ooo.
James Cotton of North Carolina reported the largest loss men-
tioned, namel}^ ;^i2,ooo; while James Cary tells of having left
Charlestown "under the necessity of abandoning all his property
that he could not carry off with him, which propertj', so left,
was confiscated by an Act of the Rebel Legislature and was of
the value of ^6,000 and upwards.*' Taking into account only
the definite estimates contained in these certificates, the total
amount of the losses would be ;/^i 15,051, although doubtless some
of the estimates were exaggerated.

A large class of claimants among the island settlers had
suflFered the deprivation of their property in consequence of the
cession of East Florida to Spain. P^our months before the defini-
tive treaty was signed confirming this cession, the East Florida
6^^^^^//^' published a communication from Governor Ton3^n in which
the intended surrender of the province was announced. The
communication also gave assurance that the government of Great
Britain would pay every attention to the welfare of the refugees
in the province, and that the Governor would exert himself in

"cooperating with them to obtain a compensation for their great
losses and suffering."^

The wretched condition of these unhappy* people, for whom
East Florida would soon cease to be an asylum, caused a stir in
London, where the members of the Cabinet thought the matter
sufficiently grav'e to warrant a special meeting, July 24, 1783.
The purpose of this meeting was to discover some expedient for
giving relief to the large number of loyalists then assembled at
St. Augustine. The London papers reported that 5,000 of these
people had transmitted a memorial of their distresses to the govern-
ment; but that the mode of alleviation to be adopted had not yet
been made known. ^

Despite the commendable promptness of the Cabinet in consid-
ering this matter. Parliament appears to have taken no action for
the financial relief of these loyalists until 1786, when it passed an
act designating two commissioners to investigate the losses of such
of the East Florida sufferers as might submit their claims for
liquidation. For the benefit of those ' 'proprietors' * of the province
who had already removed to the Bahama Islands, or other British
colonies in America, the act provided that the Governor, Lieuten-
ant-Governor, or Commander-in-Chief, and Council of such islands
or colonies might act in place of the commissioners for East
Florida, and that these officials should report their findings to the
regular commissioners to be laid in turn before the Lords of the
Treasury and the Secretaries of State. It was further provided
that no claim should be received in Great Britain after January
I, 1787, or in the Bahama Islands or other colonies after March
I , of the same year. This act was to continue in force for two
years after the time of its passage.^ Early in June of the next
year, however, the same measure was re-enacted for an additional
twelv-emonth.*

In the meantime, the House of Commons adopted a reso-
lution. May, 8, 1787, recommending the granting of a sum not to
exceed ;^i3,6oo to be applied in payment "for present relief and
on account" to persons who gave satisfactory proof of their

1. The London Chronicle, July 22-24, '7^3'

2. The Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser, July jo, ijSj.

3. Public General Acts, 26 Geo. Ill, cap. Ixxv.

4. Journals of the House 0/ Commons, XL III, 519.

losses to the commissioners of investigation for East Florida, this
sum to be paid in proportion not exceeding 40 per centum. ^
That this amount was wholly inadequate was demonstrated by
the first report of the East Florida Claim Office, which was sub-
mitted to the House at the end of May, 1788. That report
showed that the number of claims received thus far was two hun-
dred and eighty-eight, the gross amount of these claims being
^602,765, IS. 7d. of these claims one hundred and seventy
nine were estimated as amounting in gross to ;^488,682, is. 7d.
The losses actually allowed by the commissioners cut this last
sum down to ^127,552, 14s. 3d.2 As Parliament had provided for
but ;^i3,6ooof this amount at its last session, the House of Com-
mons recommended, June 9, 1788, an additional appropriation of
^113,952, 14s. 3d.* Later claims made necessary the voting of
further sums, most of which were included in larger appropria-
tions for groups of claimants not confined to those from East
Florida. Such appropriations were made in 1789, 1792, 1793, 1794,
1795. 1796 (two), and 1798. Besides these grants '*for American
and East Florida sufferers" as they were designated, there was a
special grant of ;^24,oo5, 12s. for East Florida claimants alone,
enacted in June 1790,^ and another of ;^i2,262, 19s. 9d. for
those from the Mosquito Shore, voted in March, 1792. ^

One of those who received compensation was Lieutenant-
Colonel Thomas Brown, who had gone to the Bahamas, and was
awarded the munificent sum of $150,000 for his confiscated estates
in Georgia and South Carolina."^ Another was General Robert
Cunningham of South Carolina, who was at the time a resident
of Nassau, New Providence.® It is interesting to note that the
commissioners of loyalists* claims sitting at Halifax reported at

the end of September, 1786, that they had examined the cases of
some few claimants of the Bahama Islands.** That the claims
made did not always look to compensation in money is illustrated

by the memorial of John Ferdinand Dalziel Smyth, ^^ a Northern

1 . Journals of the House of Commons XL /I, 739.

2. /bid., XlllIL 519.

3. Ibid., XLIII, 540.

4. Annual Ref^ister ior the years named.

5. Journal of the House of Commons, XLV, 462, 543.

6. Annual Register for the year named.

7. Stark, History and Guide of the Bahamas, 87.

8. Sabine, American Loyalists, 1847, 236,

9. Report of the Bureau of Archives, Ont., Pt. If, 1363.
10. In the Library of Congress.

refugee, then in England, (January i, 1784), who in view of the
important services he insisted he had rendered early and late, the
great risks he had run, the captivdty he had endured, the regi-
ment of one hundred and eighty-five men he had raised for the
Queen's Rangers, and the immense estate he had lost, applied to
the King in Council for a grant of one of the Bahamas, named
Yametta or Long Island, which contained about 20,000 acres
and was still unoccupied or unpossessed, according to his repre-
sentations.

The appointment of commissioners to investigate the East
Florida claims aroused to action those loyalists who had liv^ed for
a longer or shorter period in West Florida. Some of "the
Planters, Merchants, Public Officers, and other late Proprietors"
of that province, hastening to London, presented a petition to
the House of Commons, March 16, 1787, in which they set forth
their reasons for asking consideration, as follows: that many
loyal inhabitants of that region had joined the King's troops, and
others had formed themselves into provincial corps and had been
emplo3-ed in dangerous service; that some of the petitioners, who
had sought safety in West Florida, were now excluded from that
temporary support and compensation for losses that had been
granted to many refugees who had dwelt in peace and security in
Great Britain during the whole War; that they had suflFered seri-
ous losses, and West Florida had been surrendered under stipu-
lations that had proved ineffectual, insofar as the loyal inhabit-
ants were concerned; that many of these inhabitants had been
reduced from affluence to indigence, while some were in want of
immediate support; that no discrimination ought to be made
between East and West Florida, as both had been equally loyal and
and had been ceded to the enemy for the sake of peace; hence the
l)etitioners had come to England and were asking for such relief
as the House might deem proper. The House disposed of this
petition, which was caustic in tone, by laying it upon the table,
and nothing was heard of it afterwards. ^

However, as we have already seen, the claims of large numbers
of other loyalists were paid in money on a liberal scale. Still others

I. Journals of the House of Commons, XLII, 551, 552.

!. ..

received compensation in the form of appointments to offices
of emolument and honor under the Crown. Various executive,
judicial, and fiscal positions in the Bahamas, Lesser Antilles, and
Bermudas were filled in this way. Thus, in 1781 , William Browne
of Salem, Massachusetts, then an exile in England, w^as appointed
governor of Bermuda. Previous to the Revolution, Mr. Browne
had been a man of note in his native province, having served as
colonel of the Essex regiment, judge of the Supreme Court, and a
mandamus counselor. It is said that the revolutionary committee
of safety offered him the governorship on condition that he support
the American cause; but the loyalist declined and retired to
England. His administration as governor of Bermuda began
January 4,1782, his reception by the islanders being most cordial.
He conducted the business of the colony sucessfully and in harmony
with the local Legislature, greatl}' improved the finances, and left
the island in a prosperous condition when he withdrew to the
mother country in 1788.^ Another Massachusetts man who held
office in Bermuda was Daniel Leonard of Taunton. A member
of the General Court, he was appointed a mandamus counselor in
1774, although he never serv^ed in that capacit}'. In 1776 he
accompanied the British army to Halifax, and doubless went
thence to England. . In recognition of his past services and
sacrifices he was made chief justice of the Bermudas.*-^

In the Lesser Antilles, the Virgin Islands, St. Christopher's
or St. Kitt's, and Antigua had loyalists among their officials.
In Antigua the post of attorney to the Crown was held for some
1 years by Samuel Quincy of Massachusetts. Like his fellow-

\ colonials, Leonard and Browne, Quincy went to England after the

' evacuation of Boston, having previously been solicitor-general.

He held the attorneyship of Antigua until his death in 1789. ^

■ Another fugitive from Boston, Nathaniel Coffm, was appointed

j collector of customs in St. Christopher's, a station worth ;^ 1,500

per annum, and occupied by Mr. Coffin for thirty-four years. ^
James Robertson, attorney-general of Georgia before 1779, and
later a member of the House of Assembly and the Council in that

province, went from New York to London in the fall of 1782,

I. Stark, Bermuda Guide, 1890, 51-54.

j 2. Sabine American Loyalists, 1847, 418.

i 3. Ibid., 551.

j 4. /bid., 22\\ \Vi III hrop Papers, XXIV, 151.

and about a year later was appointed chief justice of the Virgin
Islands with a salary of ;^ 200 per annum. ^

Besides loyalist officials, a few others of this class went to
some of the islands among the Lesser Antilles. Thus, in Sep-
tember, 1783, the family of Captain William Sutherland of the
Queen's Rangers was living in Antigua;- and, at the evacuation
of New York John Cox of New Jersey betook himself to St.
John's in the same island, whence he carried on trade among the
West Indies.^ In 1786, another refugee from New Jersey,
James Stockton, and his sister, were residents of the Bermudas.*
The petitions and memorials addressed by numerous individuals
at New York to the commander-in-chief, Sir Guy Carleton, dur-
ing 1782 and 1783, to be permitted— if not assisted — to depart for
the archipelago, the name of the particular island being omitted
in most instances, suggest that Dominica, Barbados, and other
islands, in addition to those named above, received a few refugee
settlers.^

In the Bahamas at least three loyalists held offices of more or
less importance. One of these was William Wylly, whose con-
nection with the so-called Wylly affair has been previously nar-
rated.^ He had been a resident of Georgia, although he spent a
considerable period in New Brunswick before going to the
islands. In New Brunswick, Mr. Wylly served as the first Ciown
counsel and registrar of the court of vice-admiralty, but in 1787
he removed to the Bahamas with his family. In the following
year, he was appointed solicitor-general and surrogate of the
court of vice-admiralty. In 1804, he became advocate-general
of the vice-admiralty court. By 1812, he was chief justice, and
two years later exchanged with the attorney-general. In 1822,
he was transferred to the chief justiceship of St. Vincent, one
of the islands of the Windward group. *^ Another refugee who
served as chief justice of the Bahamas was Stephen De Lancey,

5
6

Second Report, Bureau 0/ A rehires , Out., Ft, II. 1132, 1133.

Report on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G, Brit., IV, 374.

Second Report, Bureau of Archives, Ont ., Ft. II, 929.

Ibid., Ft. I, III.

Ante, p. 15.

Ante, p. 31.

Lawrence, Footprints, 107.

formerly lieutenant-colonel of the first battalion of the New
Jersey Volunteers.^ William Hutchinson of Massachusetts also
held an office in these islands.^ Sabine thinks that Nathaniel
Hall, collector of customs at Nassau, New Providence, who died
in 1807, was likewise a member of a loyalist family.^

Jamaica furnishes at least one example of a loyalist office-holder
albeitof inferior rank, in the person of Adam Dolmage, a former
citizen of New York, who was appointed by the Governor on May
I, 1 79 1, to act for twelve months as deputy registrar of the high
court of chancery and clerk of the patents of this island, in place
of William Ramsay, who was about to leave for England for the
benefit of his health. Some years later, (that is, on January 7, 1 8 1 5)
Mr. Dolmage was appointed clerk of the Supreme Court, and about
the same period served as clerk of the Surrey police court.* Isaac
Hunt of Philadelphia, after being carted through the streets of
that city by a mob, departed for the West Indies, where he took
church orders. Subsequently, he removed to England, and
became tutor in the family of the Duke of Chandos. It may be
added that he was the father of Leigh Hunt, one of the most emi-
nent literary men of England in the first half of the nineteenth
century.*^

Sabine, American LoyaiisiSy 1847, 255.

/(^/V.,378.

/bid., 342.

Record in possession of the author.

Sabine, Awerican Loyalists, 374.

-i

h.-

THE EXODUS OF THE LOYALISTS

from

Penobscot to Passamaquoddy
(With Map)

f...

A"'

I*'

f It I

■ ■* •

f ■ '

WILBUR H. SXEBERT, A. M.

Professor of European History

Published by

The Ohio State University
Columbus

1914

I'V*'^

THE EXODUS OF THE LOYALISTS

from

Penobscot to Passamaquoddy
(With Map)

4
«

WILBUR H. SXEBERT, A. M.

Professor of European History

Published by

The Ohio State University
Columbus

1914

THE EXODUS OF THE LOYALISTS

from

Penobscot to Passamaquoddy
i (With Map)

WILBUR H. SJEBERT, A. M.

Professor of European Historj'^

Published by

The Qhio State University
Columbus

1914

Copyrighted 1914
By

WlI^BUR H. SiBBKRT

Contents

Tagk

The loss of old Fort Pownall by the Americans 7

The departure of Colonel Thomas Goldthwait 7

The project of establishing a new military post on the Penob-
scot . S

Knox's plan for a loyalist province between the Penobscot

and the St. Croix 8

John Nutting and the British expedition to establish the

post 9

The unsuccessful siege of the new post by the Americans. . . 12

The behavior of the local inhabitants during the siege 13

Removal of American refugees to the post 14

The missions of John Nutting and Dr. John Caleff to

England 16

The constitution proposed for the loyalist province 17

The plan to settle the Penobscot country with loyalists from

New York 18

The growth of the refugee population at Penobscot 19

Refusal of the Americans to give up the Penobscot country

at the peace 19

Removal of the loyalists from Penobscot to Passamaq noddy . . 20

Surveyor General Robert Morse at Passamaquoddy 20

Contention between Massachusetts and the loyalists over the

Passamaquoddy region 21

The loyalist settlement on St. Andrews Point, and its

activities 23

The town plot and grantees of St. Andrews 24

Church and school at St. Andrews 25

Extent of the grants at Passamaquoddy to the Penobscot

Associated Loyalists; the settlements founded 27

[K 1^2]

Page

St. George's Town 28

Settlements formed by loyalists from localities other than

Penobscot. 27

The town of St. Stephen 28

Settlements on the Digdeguash in the Parish of St. Patrick . . 29

Settlements on the lower Magaguadavic and the L'Etang. . . 29

The settlement of the Royal Fencible Americans on the west

side of the lower Magaguadavic 30

The settlement of Pennsylvania Quakers at Pennfield 31

Ttie occupation of the small harbors east of Pennfield 32

The settlement of the Cape Ann Association in the Parish of

St. David 32

The loyalist settlers on the Island of Grand Manan 33

The loyalist settlers on the Island of Campobello 35

The loyalist occupants and settlers of Deer Island 35

Loyalist settlers of the smaller islands 36

The census of 1784; occupations of the settlers 37

Increase of the population to 1803 38

Creation of the district court and the townships at

Passamaquoddy 39

The boundary dispute 40

The boundary commission and its decision 4o

Contention over the islands in Passamaquoddy Bay 42

The island commission and its verdict 43

Passamaqaoddy Boy

CompUed from a map by

Orujins of SetUeni^rvts uvN.B,

The Exodus of the Loyalists from
Penobscot to Passamaquoddy

In September, 1778, the British government ordered General
Clinton at New York to secure pose on the Penobscot River in
Maine for the purpose of erecting a province to which loyal
adherents of the Crown might repair.^ An earlier post, Fort
Pownall, which had occupied the bold, rocky promontorj^ at
Cape Jellison at the mouth of the Penobscot was no longer in
existence, having been dismantled and burned by the militia
under Colonel James Cargill in July, 1774. For eleven years
previous to its destruction, the old colonial fort had been under
the command of Colonel Thomas Goldthwait, who by his com-
pliance with an order from General Gage permitted a detachment
greatly outnumbering his own meagre garrison to carry off the
cannon and spare arms of the fort, and thus incurred the censure
of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts Bay, the loss of his
command, and virtual banishment. Colonel Goldthwait deserves
a word of more extended notice on account of the important part
he took in settling and developing the Penobscot Valley. While
in command of Fort Pownall, he was appointed agent for a vast
tract of land belonging to the Waldo heirs in that region.
Later, in conjunction with Sir Francis Bernard, then governor
of the province of Massachusetts Bay, he purchased a part of the
Waldo Patent from General Jebediah Preble, and appears to
have been chiefly instrumental in settling the Penobscot country
with a population which lie estimated at '* more than 2,400 able
men.**'-^

Colonel Goldthwait did not participate in establishing the
new post at Penobscot, but remained in retirement there or at
Castine until July, 1779. when he went aboard one of the frig-
ates of the British fleet that entered Penobscot Bay to lay siege to
Bagaduce. Taking passage on this vessel for New York after

1. Report on the Aw.. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of 6'. />V//., /, 284;
Dorchester Collection, /, No. 7.

2. Me. Hist. J/atrazine, /A, 23. 188, 254, 258, 273, 363; A', 94, 96.

the success of tlie British expedition, he had the satisfaction of
being borne to his destination by the ship that carried the good
tidings to Clinton. It may be added that Mr. Goldthwait*s stay
in New York City lasted only from the early part of September to
December 23, when he took his departure to England, there to
remain during the rest of his life.^

The project of planting a British force on the coast of Maine
had long been cherished by William Knox, a Georgia loyalist,
who was under-secretary in the Colonial Office in London. Knox
argued that it would serve to distract the attention of the
Americans from operations in other quarters, that as a military
and naval base it would protect the country to the east from
attacks by land and sea, and last, but not least, that it would
form the center and bulwark for a new province for the friends
of government, who were leaving the Colonies in ever increas-
ing numbers, and were already flooding the home authorities
with insistent claims for compensation. ^ Lord Germain, Knox's
superior officer, was not easily convinced of the advantage of the
project, but at length was brought around, giving what was evi-
dently his own chief reason for its approval when he wrote to Gov-
ernor Haldimand at Quebec, April 16, 1779, that if the Kennebec,
or even the Penobscot, were secured, it would keep open direct
communication between the Canadian capital and New York at all
seasons., and so do away with the tediousness and delays in corre-
spondence by way of Halifax. However, this explanation did
not satisfy Haldimand, who still doubted the efficacy of the
measure. **

Meanwhile, Knox was anticipating with evident zest the suc-
cess of an expedition yet to move against the coast ot Maine, by
arranging the details of the province that was intended to reach
from the Penobscot River to the St. Croix, and become the Ca-
naan of the refugee loyalists. "Lying between New England and
'New Scotland' (Nova Scotia), it was to be christened New Ire-
land, perhaps,*' as Batchelder suggests in his illaminating study

1. Me. Hist. Magazine y A', 95, 96.

2. Batchelder, yit^/rw Nuttings (Reprint from the Proceedings of the
Cambridge Hist. Soc.) 74, 72.

3. Can. Arch., 18S5, 302, 327.

of the subject,^ * 4n delicate reference to Knox's own national-
ity." With manifest appropriateness, all of the officials of the
proposed produce were to be loyalists of high repute, if not, in
every case, of experience in administrative matters: thus, Thomas
Hutchinson was to be governor, Daniel Leonard, chief justice,
Dr. John Caleff, one of the leading tories of Penobscot, clerk of
the council, and the Reverend Henry Caner, formerly of King's
Chapel, Boston, bishop. Although Hutchinson was named as one
of the beneficiaries of the scheme, he wrote from London that it
was a '*most preposterous measure," and that but few people
there thought well of it. -^

However, as the measure already had the necessary official
approval, it only remained to decide where the post should be
located, and send out the expedition to establish it. These Were
important matters, to be sure, and the advice that proved con-
clusive in regard to them came, strangely enough, from a
carpenter of Cambridge, Massachusetts, who, having arrived in
England in the fall of 1777, had succeeded in ingratiating him-
self with Under-Secretary Knox. This carpenter of surprising
career was John Nutting, who rendered valuable service in his
trade to the British in Boston before the evacuation, and in Halifax
afterward. In the latter place, especially, he had found oppor-
tunity to display his Yankee resourcefulness and ability as ''Mas-
ter Carpenter and Superintendent of Mechanics," and, despite
the lack of skilled workmen, had performed the feat of erecting
within a limited time "no less than ten large block houses, each
mounting sixteen guns." In England, by direct application to
Lord North, he secured the appointment as overseer to the King's
works at Landguard Fort in East Anglia. His isolation at this
rather remote point on the coast of the North Sea did not prevent
his visiting London occasionally, or keeping himself in the recol-
lection and esteem of his patron of the Colonial Office. So it
came about that he was called into consultation concerning the
proposed expedition to the Maine coast. As Mr. Nutting had
invested some years before in shore lots in what is now Castine,
across Penobscot Bay and up the Bagaduce River, he must have

1. Batchelder, yioA;/ Nutting, 74, 75.

2. Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, II, 218, 290, 291.

been aware of the natural strength and well -recognized strategic
advantages of that locality. When, therefore, he suggested Pe-
nobscot as the best site for the new post, his quality of * 'uncommon
Loyalty," for which he had received deserved commendation in
Halifax, was not being sacrificed to his self-interest, although the
happy blend of the two must have pleased him in no small degree.
His suggestion was adopted by the King's ministers, and Nutting
was ordered to London to carry Germain's despatches to Clinton
at New York, and accordingly set sail early in September, 1778.
A fortnight out, his vessel, the government mail packet Harriet,
was overtaken by an American privateer, the Vengeajice, and
Nutting, rid of his despatches which he sunk in the sea, but
wounded in four places as he later testified, was taken prisoner
with the other people on his ship. In less than two months,
however, the King's messenger was again in London, having
had the good fortune to be exchanged.^

Undaunted, Mr. Nutting undertook a second voyage in Jan-
uary of the next year, and after fourteen weeks on the ocean was
able to hand detailed instructions to Clinton. ^ In compliance
with these orders, the latter directed Brigadier General McLean
at Halifax to carry into effect the plan of fortifying a post on
Penobscot River, and instructed him to prepare materials for a
respectable work capable of accommodating three hundred or
four hundred men. McLean was unable to comply fully with
Clinton's instructions concerning the troops to be taken, but he
made such substitutions as were necessary, and set out on the
expedition at the end of May, 1779. He w-as accompanied by
four hundred and forty men of the 74th Regiment under Lieu-
tenant Campbell, and two hundred of the 82nd under Major Craig,
his convoy comprising four men-of-war under Captain Andrew
Barkley and the flagship Albany under Captain Henry Mow^att.
He also took with him stores for nine hundred men, which would be
the total number when the engineers should be included. Nutting,
who was to be emplciyed as overseer of carpenters in building the
fort, acted as pilot. On June 13, the expedition arrived at the
mouth of the Penobscot, and after reconnoitering the river for

1. Batchelder, John Xuftitt^ir, 71-77-

2. fhtcf., -j-j, 7S.

several dajs, the troops were disembarked on the little neck of
land which had been chosen for the fort. The most advanta-
geous part of the peninsula being wooded, some time was spent in
clearing it. There was also some difficulty in landing the pro-
visions, which had to be rolled up a steep hill. These prelimi-
naries were not completed until Jul}' 2, when the work on the
fort began. ^

Contact with the local inhabitants disclosed the fact, as
McLean wrote Clinton, that they **had been artfully led to believe
that His Majesty's troops were accustomed to plunder and treat
the Country where their operations led them with the greatest
inhumanity." To remove that prejudice, the leaders of the
expedition issued a- proclamation extending clemency to all who
would take the oath of allegiance. This procedure so far restored
confidence that about five hundred persons subscribed to the oath
in the limited time allowed, although McLean wrote that the
number would have been considerably increased if he had been
able to send to "some distant settlements the Inhabitants of which
requested that indulgence from the impossibility of all attending
the places appointed."*'* The testimony of Colonel John Allen,
the American superintendent of Indians in the Eastern Depart-
ment, is of a confirmatory character. In a letter written at
Machias, Maine, July 16, 1779, he states that most of the inhabit-
ants at Penobscot had submitted and taken the oath of allegiance
to the King after the capture of that place by the English. But
his condemnation is particularly reserved for those east of the
Penobscot, who had gone a distance to acknowledge themselves
British subjects, including most, if not all, of the people at Union
River, Nashkeag, and Deer Island, and two or three at French-
man's Bay, and Goldsborough.^ Dr. Caleff tells us that about
a hundred of those who were well disposed showed their good
will by coming in on July i9 with their captain, John Perkins,
and helping three days to clear the ground in front of the fort.*

1. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit.^ /, 440, 441,
458; Batchelder, John Nutting, 78; Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy.
Inst, of G. Brit., II, i^.

2. Ibid., I, 458.

3. ►SV. Croi.v Courier series, L.

4. Caleff, Siege of Penobscot (Ms. in Harv. University Library);
Batchelder, y^?^;/ Nutting, 79; .S7. Croix Courier series, LI.

McLean explained that the attitude of the people to the east of
Boston, who were in want and distress, seemed in general friendly,
but that they were prevented from any marked demonstration by
the threats of the enemy. Their open allegiance, he thought,
could be won only when they should be furnished a force strong
enough to afford them complete protection in their persons and
property. However, he had to admit the existence of a division
of sentiment among the inhabitants, remarking that * 'numbers
of 3^oung men of the country had gone westward, and attempts
have been made to raise the people, tho hitherto without
success."^ The force under McLrCan's command was certainly
not large enough to inspire the remaining population with
feelings of safety and reviving loyalty; but, small as it was, it
was nevertheless reduced by the withdrawal of Captain
Barkley with four of his warships in order to shield the coast of
Nova Scotia against the threatening presence of nine American
vessels, which had recently been sighted in the offing. Thus,
only the Alba7iy was left to stand guard at the mouth of the
Penobscot, the solitar}' ship being in turn protected by a battery
erected for that purpose.

The fort was not yet half completed when the American fleet
* 'to the number of thirty-seven sail of all sizes," with 2,600
troops aboard, traversed Penobscot Bay, and laid siege to the
place. On August 7, according to Caleff, the Americans
scoured the country round for the loyal inhabitants, destroyed
their movables, killed their cattle for meat, and, having captured
a number of persons, imprisoned them aboard ship.^ For three
weeks, McLean and his men held out, relief from Halifax failing
to put in an appearance. On the morning of August 14, a party
reconnoitering without the fort discovered that the Americans
had abandoned some works which they had constructed, in their
attempt to avoid a clash with the King's fleet, under the com-
mand of Commodore Sir George Collier, which had op|X)rtunely
arrived from New York. In desperation, the American fleet sailed
up the Penobscot River, where the loyal inhabitants were released,
and the shipping was set on fire, while the enemy's troops retreat-

1. Report of the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G . Brit., /, 460, 462.

2. St. Croix- Courier series, LI .

ed in various directions without op|X)sition.^ Thus, Collier*s
coming resulted in the destruction of the Americans' vessels and
the dispersal of their land forces. 2 Among the ships that went
up in flames on the Penobscot flats was the privateer ]''cngea7ice,
to which Mr. Nutting owed his capture when first he sailed from
England with Germain's despatches for Clinton.^

No doubt some of the local inhabitants were recreant to
their oath of allegiance. If so, McLean excused it on the score
that they had been compelled to join the enemy; but he insisted
that most of them had been emplo^-ed in working for the Ameri-
cans, "tho," he added, '*some of them were in arms." Learning
that a number of these people had withdrawn from their habita-
tions with the intention of going to the westward, on account of
the fear of the resentment of the British, McLean issued a new
proclamation in order to reassure them and "prevent the breaking
up of the settlement."* Collier, however, was more severe in his
judgment of the recent conduct of the inhabitants. In a letter
to Clinton, he denounced them as rebels who took an oath to the
King one day and another to the Congress the next, and asserted
that all had "assisted the rebels in everything they could during
the .siege."'' It would seem, however, that the denunciation of
Commodore Collier was too sweeping in its character. It could
scarcely have been the case that those who placed themselves
under the protection of the British post, and whose need of supplies
was causing a shortage of provisions, had been guilty- of the sort
of double dealing charged against all the inhabitants by the preju-
diced Commodore.'* Moreover, Colonel Thomas Gold th wait, who
had settled a large number of people in the Penobscot region,
wrote to Clinton, October 2, 1779, urging the continued impor-
tance of the post to the Crown: "If the present arrangement of
his Majesty's troops won't permit of a reinforcement there, at this
time," says the refugee's letter, "I myself will undertake to raise

1. St. Croix Courier, series L. I.

2. Report on the Aw. I\fss. in the Roy. Itlst. of G. Prit., II, 15, 16/
Collects. Me. Hist. Sac., Series II, l\ /, 391, 392.

3 Batchelder, John A'uttinj^, So.

4 Report of the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., II, 17.

5 Ibid.

6 Ibiil., 66.

a Battalion out of the militia of that country, which notwithstand-
ing their seeming delinquency in their late unhappy situation,
I'll pledge myself for it, that they will make as good subjects as
any the King has got. *Twas I, principally, yt settled them in
that country; I commanded them, and I fully know their princi-
ples, and have estate enough to carry into execution what I pro-
pose."^

Even while the loyalty of these people was being thus favor-
ably or unfavorably commented upon, man}- friends of govern-
ment were removing to this haven of refuge. McLean, who
returned to Halifax at the close of November, 1779, wrote to
Clinton from that place that a considerable number of inhabitants
had taken refuge on the peninsula, that their distressed situation
rendered it necessary that they be supplied with provisions from
the King's stores, and that he proposed sending a further supply
by the Albany to complete their stock to the end of May.*'' Be-
sides the people who were coming in from the immediate neigh-
borhood, others were arriving from localities farther removed
both in Maine and Massachusetts. One such party came from
Falmouth under the guidance of a tory named Baum, who was
afterwards captured by the Americans, tried by a court-martial
presided over by Major Burton, condemned to death, and executed
by order of General Wadsworth. It was in revenge for this ex-
ecution that Wadsworth and Burton were captured by a detach-
ment from Penobscot, and imprisoned there until they made their
escape, June 15, 1781.^ Among the loyalists from Falmouth who
early sought protection at the post were Captain Jeremiah Pote
and his two sons-in-law, Robert Pagan and Thomas Wyer.*
Pagan did not go directly to Penobscot, but in February, 1776,
sailed with his family for Barbadoes. On his return, he settled
in the growing Penobscot colony, where, with two brothers, he
purchased dwelling houses from Lieutenant Colonel Campbell in
1781.*'' Moses Gerrish of Newbury, Massachusetts, who was a

1. Repot t on the Am. Mas. in Ihe Roy. Inst, of G. Brit.^ Ily 20, 45.

2. Ibid, 66.

3. Report of the Ant, Jlfss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Urit., lly 258;
Sabine, Am. Loyaiists, 1847,148, 626.

4. Aeadiensis, July, 1903, 175.

5. Idi if., Julvy 1907, 22T,\ See. Rep., Bureau of Are/n'ves, Out., Ft. /,
304 307; Sabine, Am. foyaiiists, 502.

graduate of Harvard College, and was stationed at Penobscot as
an officer in the coramissar}' department, remained there until the
ix)st was evacuated by the British forces J Colin Campbell, an-
other loyalist, acted as assistant commissary.- The garrison
found its surgeon, and for a while its chaplain, in Dr John Caleff,
a former resident of Ipswich, who had served as a member of the
Maj^sachusetts legislature, but had sought shelter at the post
before the siege/"* For a season, Caleff was also employed as
inspector at Penobscot. On his departure for England in May,
1780, he was succeeded in this position by Robert Pagan.* John
Jones of Pownalborough (now Dresden), Maine, escaped from
Boston jail, and arrived at Quebec at the close of August, 1779.
There he joined Colonel Rogers' regiment, receiving a commis-
sion as captain, and was sent to Penobscot. From that point he
engaged in forays against the Americans at the head of a company
kown as * 'Jones' Rangers. ' ' His swarthy complexion gained for
him the nickname of "Black Jones"^ Simeon Baxter, the super-
intendent of hospital stores in Boston, was another of those whose
loyalty was too active to be tolerated by the revolutionists. He
was, therefore, condemned to be incarcerated in the jail at Worces-
ter, but breaking awa}^ he did not regard himself as bej'ond the
reach of danger until he had gained the shelter of Fort George.^
John Long, a native of Nantucket, also resorted thither probably
as earl}' as the year 1779. In his new retreat he made himself
useful by securing intelligence for Captain Mowatt, but fell into
the hands of the enemy. However, he succeedec^ in making his
escape, and during the remainder of the war commanded a priva-
teer belonging to the Pagan brothers." Another Massachusetts
tory who joined the contingent at Penobscot in 1779 was James
Synious of Union River. Like most of the other refugees who
settled within the shadow of the post, he remained there until

1. Coll. N. B. Hist, Soc, /, No 3, 355; ^Icadi/^ttsiSy July 1906, 170.

2. Report ott the Am. Jfss. itj the Roy. inst. ofC Rrit., Ill, 122, 132;
Acadiensis, July, 1907, 277-279,

3. Coil.Me. Ifist. Sac, Series II, Vol. I. 392.

4. Report on the Am. Mss. /;/ the Roy, lust, of (i. Hrit.JII, 229.

5. Acadiensis, July, 1907, 276.

6. Audit Office Claims, XII, 44: (in the Public Record Office. London.)

7. Sec, Report, Hitr.oJ Archives, Out., Pt. /, 315-317.

[K L-4]

the peace. ^ Meantime, Nulling was serving as overseer of the
works with such satisfaction to Colonel Campbell, who was then
in command of the fort, that the latler **in consideration of his
Attachment to His Majesty's Government,*' made at ''Gratuitous
Grant" to Mrs. Nutting of "a lot of land to settle upon . .
on the N. E. side of y Road Leading to Fort George, formerly
the Property of Joseph Pirkins now in Rebbelion." Upon this
lot the overseer built him a house, which he valued at jCi 50.*^
Thus, a population of loyalists was gathering within the bound-
aries of the proposed province of New Ireland.

This development may have had something to do with Nut-
ting's departure for England in the spring of 1780, b}' the partic-
ular advice and recommendation of General McLean. At any
rate, soon after his arrival in London, Nutting announced that he
had laid a plan before Lord George Germain which, if put into
execution, would prove "of the greatest Utility to Government."
The concerns of the prospective province were certainly receiving
a great deal of attention at this time among the loyalists at Pe-
nobscot, for, in May ofthej-ear named above, they sent Dr. Caleff
to England to do what he could toward getting the British author-
ities to fix upon the River Penobscot as the dividing line between
themselves and the United States.^

While the object of Mr. Nutting's journey is less clear by
reason of the lack of documentary proofs, the fact that he now
crossed the ocean at what was virtually the request of McLean, to
whom had been entrusted the first step towards erecting a loyalist
province in eastern Maine, suggests strongly that the present
mission of the Overseer of Works was in connection with the
carrying into effect of the second and principal part of the pro-
gramme, namely, the establishment of the province itself. It
was certainly more than a mere coincidence that the whole New
Ireland scheme received a fresh impetus soon after Nutting's
arrival in London. On August 7, 1780, Germain wrote to Knox
expressing the hope that New Ireland still employed his thoughts,

1. StY. Report^ Bur. of Archives^ Out., PL /, 323, 324.

2. Batcheldei,y(t?^// Nuttings 82.

3. Ibid.^ Batchelder,/!^^;/ Nuttings 82, 86; Report on the Am. Mss. iu the

Roy, lust, of C . Brit., II, 118, 420; ///, 229; Ganong, Evol. of the Bound-
aries of N. B., 260; Raymond, \l'inslo7v Papers, 25b.

that he was more and more inclined to prefer Oliver (the ex-chief
justice of Massachusetts Bay) for the governorship, and that he
wished they might * 'prepare some plan for the consideration of
the Cabinet." No sooner said than done, the plan was produced
with astonishing promptness. Its form was thatof a constitution
for the new province, concerning which Germain wrote on
August nth: '"The King approves the plan — likes Oliver for
Governor, so it may be offered him. He approves Leonard for
Chief Justice."^

The instrument, thus approved, placed the province abso-
lutel}' under the control of the British Parliament. On acquiring
land, whether by inheritance, purchase, or grant from the Crown,
every landlord had to declare his allegiance to the King in his
Parliament. There was to be, of course, a governor and a coun-
cil, but no elective assembly for the time being. This omission
was obviously intended as a means of forestalling any disposition
of the people to republicanism. There was, however, to be a
middle branch of the legislature, of which the members were to
be appointed by the Crown for life, but also subject to suspension
or removal by royal authority. These legislators might have
conferred upon them titles, emoluments, or both. The traditions
of aristocracy were to be further secured by the granting of land
in large tracts, thus providing at once for great landlords and a
tenantry. The Church of England was to be the established
church, and the governor, the highest judge in the ecclesiastical
court, with the additional function of filling all benefices. The
power of ordination was to be vested in a vicar-general, the way
being thus opened for a bishop. The establishment of schools
was left wholly unprovided for.*-^ Such was the constitution of
New Ireland, the purpose of which, according to that thorough-
going loyalist, the Reverend William Walter, was by its "liberal-
ity" to show to the American Provinces "the great advantages of
being a portion of the Empire and living under the protection of
the British Government."^ That these advantages remained un-
tested insofar as New Ireland was concerned was primarily due to

1. Batchelder, /(f?^;/ Niittittg, 86, 87.

2. Coll. Me. Hist, Soc, Series 11, Vol. /, 395, 396; Bancroft, Hist, of the
U, S.. X, 368.

3. Raymond, Hist, 0/ the River St. John ^ 291.

Attorney General Wedderburn, who held that the territorial
possessions of Massachusetts extended to the western boundary'
of Nova Scotia, and that the charters of both provinces precluded
a new one from being interposed between them. ^

Although this opinion prevailed, the plan does not seem to
have been abandoned by its originators, for in the winter of 1781
Germain "urged upon Clinton the ministry's favorite scheme for
the disposition of the throngs of Tories at New York: 'Many
are desirous of being settled in the country about Penobscot and,
as it is proposed to settle that country, and this appears to be a
cheap mtthod of disposing of these loyalists, it is wished you
would encourage them to go there under the protection of the
Associated Refugees, and assure them that a civil government
will follow them in due time; for I hope, in the course of the sum-
mer, the admiral and you will be able to spare a force sufficient to
effect an establishment at Casco Bay, and reduce that country to
the King's obedience.*" *^

Massachusetts, of course, wanted "the viperine nest it
Penobscot" suppressed, and appealed feelingl}' from time to time
to the French and to Washington to strike the decisive blow. In
truth, her authority had been so far encroached upon by the
enemy that she was no longer able to collect taxes or contribur
tious from any place to the eastward of their stronghold. The
garrison there was ever on the alert, and improved the defences
of the post until it was declared by the Commander-in-chief of
the Continental forces to be "the most regularly constructed and
best finished of any in America." These excellent ramparts
sheltered a throng of loyalists and their families, while nearby a
refugee settlement grew up, which by the end of the war con-
sisted of thirty-five houses (a few of two stories), supplemented
by the barest utilities in the form of three wharves and two
stores.^

It remained to be seen whether this outpost of loyalism
would survive the undercurrents of diplomacy during the nego-

1. Co//. Me. /lis/. Soc, Scries //, l^c/. /, 396; Ratchelder,yoA// Nu//iiig^

87.

2. Batchelder, yt?/;w NiU/ing^ 86.

3. Ibid.. 84; Sabine, Aut. Loya/is/s, 10; j\fass. Archives, V. 145, 377;
Co//. Me. His/, Soc, Series II, Vol. /, 400.

tiations for |>eace, as it had weathered the storms of war. If so,
it might still become the capital of a real province of New Ireland,
and by the favor of the authorities secure a population of some
thousands out of hand from among the swarms of loyalists that
had been gathering for 3^ears at New York. In the conferences
of the peace commissioners England contended that the frontier
of Massachusetts extended no farther than Penobscot Ba}-: she
gave it out that she wanted the territory to the eastward "for
masts." But John Adams, who was a member of the board of
treaty commissioners, was a Massachusetts man, and was thor-
oughly conversant with conditions at Penobscot. He pertinently
remarked to Count Vergennes, while the contention was in prog-
ress,^ that "it was not masts, but Tories, that again made the
difficulty," and that "Some of them claimed lands in that terri-
tory, and others hoped for grants there," not forgetting to add
that "the grant of Nova Scotia by James I to Sir William Alex-
ander, bounued it on the St. Croix." Adams was no less positive
when face to face with the English commissioner, Mr. Oswald,
and told him plainly that he "must lend all his thoughts to con-
vince and persuade his court to give up" the disputed region,
else "the whole negotiations would be broken off."*- The un-
yielding character of the man from Massachusetts was confirmed
by Lord Shelburne, who was constrained to report to the House
of Lords that he "had but the alternative either to accept the
terms proposed or to continue the war."'^ Mr. Secretary Knox,
in the bitterness of his personal disappointment over the final
collapse of his budding province, gratified his own animosities by
alleging that Penobscot would never have been evacuated at all
had it not been for the jealousy of Wedderburn and the igno-
rance of Shelburne.*

The provisional articles of peace were agreed to at the end of
November, 1782. It was not until the middle of the following
Juqe that Carleton wrote to Governor Parr, of Nova Scotia, that
two ships had been sent to Penobscot to remove such persons as

1. November 10, 1782.

2. Adams, /^mrv, under the dates Nov. jo, and iS; Co//. Me. Hist. Soc.
Series If, Vo/. /, 396^ 397.

3. Co/i. Me. Hist. Soc,, Series //, lot. /, 397.

4. Batclielfler, Jo/ifi Nutting, 94.

{

should choose to go to his province.^ Three weeks later, it was
reported that some people of Machias, Maine, had * 'moved to Pas-

sainaquoddy and possessed themselves of lands between

the river St. Croix and the River Scoodie [Scoodiac]."*^ About
the middle of August, Parr wrote to Brigadier General Fox at
Halifax concerning the rumored encroachments east of the St.
Croix, encroachments made, he said, under pretense that the
lands between that river and the Scoodiac belonged to Massa-
chusetts. He informed General Fox that the invaded lands were
"intended chiefly for the immediate settlement of part of the Pro-
vincial disbanded troops and one hundred and fifty refugee fami-
lies from Penobscot," and therefore suggested that an armed
detachment be sent there to protect the boundary.'^ Thus, before
the definitive treaty of peace was signed, (September 3, 1783), a
new boundary dispute had emerged, in which the luckless Penob-
scot loyalists were involved as before. This their agents discov-
ered when they arrived at Passamaquoddy at the close of August,
for they were there greeted by a letter from the authorities at
Boston, warning them not to form a settlement in the disputed
region. The agents communicated this news to Parr, with the
further information that the transports intended to convey their
people to Passamaquoddy had already arrived at Penobscot, news
suggesting that the loyali.sts would soon be at their destination
and take possession.*

Meantime, Robert Morse, the chief engineer, had received
instructions to proceed to Passamaquoddy and report on the situa-
tion there. He soon learned of the alleged encroachments, and
wrote to Carleton, August 15, 1783, of the difficulties that might
arise about the boundary river, explaining that the name St. Croix
had been indiscriminately applied to the three rivers which empty
into Passamaquoddy Bay, and that while the westernmost had
been the old boundary between Maine and Nova Scotia, the middle
and by far the most important one was meant for the new bound-
ary, thus o|>ening the way for dispute.'^ Early in September,

1. Report on the Am, Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., /K, 276.

2. Ibid., 210.

3. Ibid.

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid., 280.

Morse reached Passamaqiioddy, in time, as he explained to Carle-
ton, "to point out to the surveyors employed in laying out
different towns, and the lands adjoining, such spots as appeared
. . proper to be reser\^ed for the use of Government, and future
protection of the country."^ He was detained there eight days
before he was able to sail for St. John's River. On November i,
he again wrote the Commander-in-chief at New York to say that
the town laid out for the people from Penobscot was "on St.
Andrew's point — their lands extending up the east side of the
River Scodiac.*' This position he conceived to be "totally out
of dispute," and though it was contested, as we shall see later,
the country to the east of the Scodiac was adjudged to be part of
Novia Scotia and the settlers remained in possession. Morse was
equally correct in asserting that the stream called the St. Croix
by the Massachusetts people and alleged by them to be the true
boundary was in fact the "Majiggaducey" (Magaguadavic),
which he declared to be "quite out of the question.*' Hence, he
urged that an early explanation should be required of the author-
ities of Massachusetts, "lest the unfortunate people from Pen-
obscot should be again disturbed, or before any military force is
sent there." He added that a British man-of-war was already
under orders to proceed to Passamaquoddy.-

At Penobscot the loyalists had formed an association with
Captain Jeremiah Pote, Robert Pagen, and a third member,
whose name is unknown, as agents to complete arrangements for
the removal to Passamaquoddy. Many of the associators had
alread}' gone (about October i) to the location chosen for their
new settlement to erect houses,'^ and had evidently been there
about three weeks when Colonel John Allan, the agent of the
Massachusetts authorities, arrived on the scene, only to find the
surveyors exploring the rivers and preparing to lay out townships,
while a number of settlers were already in possession of St. An-
drew's Point. He remonstrated with the survej^ors, and, discov-
ering one of them, Zebedee Jerr}', of Freetown, to be a proscribed
refugee, "cautioned him from appearing on any lands of the

2. Report OH the Am. Afss. in the Roy. Ins. of i». Brit. //', 280.
I. Ibid. 4f2.

3. The London Chronicle, Mav 8, 1784; .SV. Croix Courier series,
LXXIW

United vStates in future, as he certainly would be made a prisoner,"
and at the same time directed the Indians "not to suffer any
British subjects to pass on the river Passamaquoddy on such
business until further orders. * ' In obedience to their instructions,
the Indians soon after took captive the loyalist, Captain (John)
Jones, of Kennebec, whom they found marking trees on the river.
Jones was placed on parole, but had no compunctions about mak-
ing his escape at the earliest opportunity.*

Allan was further disturbed by the arrival on October 3 of
two large transports and several smaller vessels bringing forty
families from Bagaduce. The ships were warned not to land
their passengers, but nevertheless did so a few days later. On
the 17th of October, Allan visited the refugees and pointed out to
them what he considered to be their precarious situation at St.
Andrew's. In reply, they disclaimed any intention of encroach-
ing upon American soil, reminding him that they had been landed
where they were by the King's transports, and praying that they
might not be molested until spring, as they were poor and the
season was already far advanced. The deputy surveyor of Nova
Scotia, Captain Charles Morris, Jr.. was on the groimd, and when
called upon after a few day.s' interval by Allan, explained cour-
teously that he was merely following out positive instructions in
laying out the lands for the new settlers, and freely showed the
charts in his possession, namely, those of Holland and DesBarres,
in which, as Allan remarked, "the westerly branch of Passama-
quoddy called Cobscook is set down as the River St. Croix."
Soon more families disembarked, and Allan notes that vessels
were daily arriving with supplies, that a number of houses were
already built, as well as a large store for government provisions,
and that valuable timber was being constantly cut and shipi^d.
His letter went on to say — on good authority, as he asserted —
that the British intended to claim all the timber lands on Passa-
maquoddy Bay as part of Nova Scotia, and that a company of
wealthy persons under the management of one Pagan, formerly
of Casco Bay, and others, was ready to go into the lumber busi-
ness, having sufficient influence with the government to obtain

I. Report on the Am. Jfss, in the Roy. Inst. o/d'. Rnt., //'., 372-374;
St. Croix Courier series, L \'A'AV, /.AAA'.

settlers enough, including disbanded soldiers, to keep possession
of the Passaniaquoddy region. To prevent this, Allan advocated
immediate steps "to remove those settlers from St. Andrews."^

However, the new settlement appears to have entertained
greater fear of the Indians than of the Americans during the
first winter, for Captain (Samuel ) Osborne thought it necessary
to patrol the bay in the frigate Ariadne throughout that season
to ward off the red men. By January, 1784, there were sixty or
more houses at St. Andrews, and in February Governor Parr
established a court there for the District of Passamaquodd y. In
March a part of the Penobscot garrison, the 74th or Argyle
Highlanders, arrived at St. Andrews, while others, it is said,
landed at L'Etang (St. George^s Town) to await, like the
loyalists, the location of their lands. The main body of the
Highland regiment had sailed for Kngland more than two months
before. By the first days of May, there were ninety- houses in
St. Andrews, and a letter of that time, still extant, reports
"great preparations making in every quarter of the town for
more." The letter continues: "Numbers of inhabitants are
daily arriving, and a great many others are hourly looked for
from different quarters." The writer, William Pagan, had al-
ready explored part of the land laid out for the Associated Loy-
alists from Penobscot, namely, the region round Oak Point Bay
and up the Scoodic River. He found it to be of good soil and
abounding "with large quantities of hard wood, [and] all kinds
of pine timber of a large growth" conveniently located for trans-
portation by water. He remarked that two sawmills had already
been erected on the Scoodic, and that he had seen good sites for
others. He was convinced that Passamaquoddy Bay could sup-
ply the British West Indies with "every species of lumber
that could be shipped from any part of New Pingland, except
oak staves. '"-^ What was actually being accomplished in the ship-
ment of lumber by the people of St. Andrews appears in a com-
munication of somewhat later date (May 26), signed by Robert
Pagan and others, in which it is stated that a number of cargoes

1. Letter of John Allan of Dec. 15, 1783, to Gov. John Hancock, quoted
in the St. Croix Courier series. LXXIX.

2. Letter of Wni. Pagan to Dr. Wni. Paine, May 2, 1784, printed in
Acadiettsis, July, 1 907, 2 10- 1 1 2.

{

had already been sent to the West Indies and to various parts of
Nova vScotia.^ By the end of December, St. Andrews had
expanded to a \nllage of between two hundred and three hundred
houses, and other settlements were making rapid headway
General Rufus Putnian, who visited Passamaquoddy at the time
mentioned, reported that '*a town at present called Schoodick,
near the head of navigation has one hundred houses; besides
which there is a township at the head of Oak Bay, granted to a
company of associates at the head of which there is a Mr. Nor-
wood from Cape Ann; another township west of this is surveyed
for a company from Connecticut, and these companies obtain the
same supplies of provisions as the refugees do." ^

The plan of St. Andrews, which was completed perhaps
early in 1784, provided for six parallel streets running from
northwest to southeast and thirteen streets cutting them at right
angles, thus forming sixty square blocks, besides twelve blocks
on the southwest side of the town more or less indented by the
irregularities of St. Andrews Harbor. Each block was divided
into eight lots. On August 12, this town plot was granted
to "William Gammon and 429 others," several of the grantees
receiving moie than one lot. Some of the earliest houses erected
in the town had been set up originally at Penobscot, only to be
taken down for removal at the evacuation. Among these are the
St. Andrews Coffee House still standing at the foot of William
Street, the store and the home once owned by Robert Pagan, and
houses built by Robert Garnett and Captain Jeremiah Pote.
The first two-story building to be erected in St. Andrews was
owned and occupied by John Dunn, who brought the frame and
materials from New York in 1784, the year in which the other
structures were also set up.* Many of the refugee families were
loth to leave behind their coats of arms and their treasures in
mahogany and silver. These cherished possessions still remain
in some old homes at St. Andrews,^ and doubtless at other
places on Passamaquoddy Bay. By 1788, if we may credit the
statements in an old manuscript, the population of St. Andrews

1. Acadiensis, July, 1907, 213.

2. Si. Croix Courier series, CXVI.

3. Acadiensis, July, 1907, 231, 214, 222. 226 228, 225; July, 1903, 160.

4. Ibid., July 1903, 161.

and vicinity had increased to more than three thousand, while
the town itself now numbered about six hundred houses. ^ At
this time, and for some years afterwards, the place rivaled St.
John, New Brunswick, in commercial importance.*''

Ever since the settlement of St Andrews, religious services
had been conducted by the civil magistrate, who acted as lay
reader on Sundays. In November, 1785, the Reverend Samuel
Cooke, of Shrewsbury, New Jersey, who had recently removed to
St. John where he hud been appointed missionary, visited Campo-
bello, St. Andrews, and Digdeguash. At these places he read
prayers, preached, and performed baptisms, and then returned to
his own parish. In the following year, the Reverend Samuel
Andrews, a graduate of Yale College, who had been rector of St.
Paul's Church in Wallingford, Connecticut, came to minister at
St. Andrews. He found there **a considerable body of people of
different national extraction, living in great harmony and peace,
punctual in attending Divine Service, and behaving with pro-
priety and devotion." Sent as a missionary by the Society in
London for the Propagation of the Gospel, ' 'Parson" Andrews
proved to be a man of broad and liberal spirit without any sacer-
dotal pretensions. This was fortunate, for the majority of the
people of his new parish were Scotch Presbyterians. Neverthe-
less, he won the favor of all, his congregation comprising all the
Protestant elements represented in the town. The first vestry
meeting was held August 2, 1786. In the following April, Mr.
Andrews was temporarily incapacitated for his work by a paralyt-
ic stroke; and his son, Samuel F. Andrews, was appointed
school master and catechist, being thus able to relieve his father
of part of his duty. The missionary's illness did not prevent
the taking of prompt measures to erect a church edifice, which
was accomplished in 1788, although the structure was not com-
pleted until September, 1790. It was called All Saints' Church
and measured fifty-two feet in length by forty in width, the ex-
pense being met partly out of a fund contributed by the parish,
but chiefly out of a government allowance. The church had a
bell presented by Mr. John MacMaster, a merchant in London,

1. Raymond, IVinslozv Papers ^ 3^4.

2. Acadiensis^ July, 1903, 158,

and was decorated with the royal coat of arms which the niission-
ary had himself brought from Connecticut.^ Owing to the fact
that most of the inhabitants of St. Andrews professed the Pres-
byterian faith, the number of communicants remained small, but
baptisms, especially of children, were frequent. Besides All
Saints' Church, another memorial of the first rector is to be found
in ''Minister's Island," which had been granted under the name
of Chamcook to Captain Samuel Osborne, but was sold by him to
Mr. i^ndrews in March, 1791, Captain Osborne having removed
to London, England. On this island, overlooking St. Andrews,
the rector built his house and passed the remainder of his life.**^

Some years after purchasing Chamcook, the genial clergyman
gathered about him a little group of the most notable loyalists in
the town in an organization known as "The Friendly Society."
Its members held weekly meetings, at which they discussed
questions of religion, morality, law, medicine, geography, and
history, besides contributions of importance in newspapers and
magazines. By an article of their constitution, they limited
themselves to ".spirits and water" as the only refreshments per-
mitted in time of meeting. Their philanthrophy was manifest in
their purpose to exert their influence in suppressing immorality
in the community of which they were the leaders. It should be
added that during the summer of 1 800 three members of this society,
namely, Dr. Caleff, Colonel Wyer, and Henry B. Brown, together
with Mrs. Robert Pagan, rendered heroic service in combatting
an epidemic of smallpox that swept St. Andrews and vicinity.
Of the five hundred and more cases that developed, only three
were lost. The society flourished during the lifetime of its
founder, that is, for thirteen years, and then died.^

Aside from the town plot of St. Andrews, the Old Settlers'
Reserve at Scoodic Falls, (now the town plot of St. Stephen),
the Indian Reserve, (now Milltown), and a few scattered lots
reserved for public use, six tracts of shore and river lots were

1. This coat of arms now hangs over the main entrance of All Saints'
Church in St. Andrews, the second structure of that name.

2. Nezv Haven Hist. Soc. Papers, VII, 324, 325; Lee, Ftrst lifty Years
of the Church of En^tand in the Province of N. B., 32-35, 82 84; Eaton, The
Church in Nova Scotia, 150-152, 158; Acadiensis^ July, 1903. 193; July, 1907,
236, 238.

3. . 1 cad iensis, July, 1907, 187-192; Raymond, JVinstorv papers, 455.

granted to the Penobscot Associated Loyalists in 1784. These
tracts extend from Bocabec on the inner bay of Passamaquodd\'
to Sprague's Falls on the St. Croix, and include two ranges of
lots on Mohannes Stream. They form the greater part of the
water front of the present parishes of St. Patrick, St. Andrews,
St. Croix, St. David, Dufferin, and St. Stephen, and extend over
nearly half the length of Charlotte County.^ In this region,
the associators formed their settlements, among which were Boca-
bec. Dufferin, Moannes, St. Croix, and St. David. St. Croix
was first settled along the river of the same name and the Waweig,
while St. David sprang up at the head of Oak Bay, all around
which extended settlements of the Penobscot loyalists. The
village of Chamcook, which arose from the expansion of neighbor-
ing colonies, was of somewhat later origin. '-^ Another loyalist
village, whose inhabitants came in large part from Penobscot,
was St. George's Town. It was laid out on the western side of
the little peninsula in L'Etang Harbor, facing the island now
known as Fry's Island. Its original grantees numbered one hun-
dred and fifty-three persons, who received their lots under date of
November i, 1784. In all perhaps two hundred families settled
here, many of the townsmen being disbanded soldiers of the Roy-
al Fencible Americans and probably of the 84th Regiment. Of
these men Captain Peter Clinch wrote a dismal account to the
Provincial Secretary in February, 1785, charging them with
general worthlessness, due to the introduction of rum into the
community through the agency of Captain Philip Bailey. Clinch
also charged Bailey with exploiting the inhabitants for his own
benefit. However, even Clinch admitted that there were many
settlers in the town against whom no reasonable objection could
be raised.^ In 1799, a forest fire destroj-ed the village, and it
had never been rebuilt.^

In addition to the settlements formed by the Penobscot As-
sociated Loyalists, there was a number of settlements established
in the Passamaquoddy District in the same period b\' loyalists
from localities other than Penobscot. Among these were the

1. Acadit'ftsis, July, 1903, 172.

2. Gaiionjir, Ongins of Settlevients in N. A'., 118, 123, 128, 156, 167.

3. Aciuiietisis^ J"b'» I9*^7» 250-260.

4. .Sy. Cfoi.v Conner series, LXXl'I.

town of St. Stephen and the Old Ridge, a colony on the Digde-
guash above its mouth, another on the Magaguadavic to the
Second Falls, Pennfield, and farther east along the coast Lepreau,
Mace's Bay, Seeley's Cove, Dipper Harbor, Chance Harbor, and
Musquash. The town of St. Stephen at the head of navigation
on the St. Croix, together with the country north of the town,
including the Old Ridge, was settled by the Port Matot)n(Mouton)
Association of loyalists and disbanded soldiers of the British
Legion. This association took its name from the village it had
founded late in 1783 in Queen's County, Nova Scotia. When the
snow disappeared in the following spring, the locality was found
to be rocky and sterile. Hardly had this discovery been made
when an accidental fire consumed the town, and compelled the
immediate removal of the inhabitants. Of these, the majority
betook themselves to Chedabucto Bay in the eastern part of Nova
Scotia, while the rest decided to accompany Captain Nehemiah
Marks to Passamaq noddy. Captain Marks was a refugee from
Derby. Connecticut, had served as a captain in the corps of Armed
Boatmen and later as lieutenant in the Maryland Loyalists. His
party landed where the town of St. Stephen now stands, May 26,
1784, hoisted the British flag, and called the place Morristown, a
name it continued to bear for several years. In the following
September, 19,850 acres on the Scoodic or St. Croix River were
distributed among the members of the association, one hundred
and twenty-one in number, while garden lots in Morristown were
bestowed upon John Dunbar and one hundred and five others.
Captain John Jones, who had first come to Passamaq noddy as a
surveyor for the loyalists, was one of the recipients of a farm lot.
Among the grantees of the town are found the names of many
members of the Penobscot Association, who also held grants in
St. Andrews, besides of some who were favored with lots both in
St. Andrews and St. George's Town. It is no doubt true that a
number of the grantees of St. Stephen abandoned their lands or
sold them for a nominal sum; but many others remained, and
numerous farms along the Old Ridge are still held by their de-
scendants. Captain Marks became a grantee of both St. Andrews
and St. Stephen, and was one of the first justices of the peace in
Charlotte County. He died in St. Stephen in July, 1799, having
lived long enough to see the community he had planted in the

wilderness making substantial progress. By 1803, the parish as
a whole had a population of nearly seven hundred. It boasted
seven sawmills, or almost half the number to be found in the
entire Passaraaquoddy District, and was turning out annually
4,000,000 feet of boards, or more than all the other mills to-
gether.'^

The settlements formed by loyalists who had not come from
Penobscot were assigned locations on the east side of Passama-
quoddy Bay. Thus, John Curry and forty-two others received
15,250 acres on the Digdeguash in the Parish of St. Patrick, at
the end of March, 1784. At the same time, a grant of 2,000 acres
was issued to Colin Campbell. Lieutenants Thomas Fitzsimmons
and Colin McNab, who were assigned i ,000 acres in the same
region, permitted their grant to escheat to the government.-

Two tracts, one on the east side of the lower Magaguadavic,
and the other on the L'Etang with its western shoreline on Pas-
samaquoddy Bay, were granted to a score of loyalists, of whom
Dr. William Paine of Worcester, Massachusetts, was the most
notable. A refugee in Halifax after the evacuation of Boston,
Dr. Paine had brought his party to Passamaquoddy late in 1783.
but did not obtain the grants, which together amounted to 5,500
acres, until some three or four months later. Of the tract on the
Magaguadavic, the Worcester loyalist received i ,000 acres. In
addition, he was given the Island of LaTete in recognition of his
services in Rhode Island and New York as apothecary to the
British forces and at Halifax as physician to the King's hospitals.
With his family. Dr. Paine took possession of La Tete in the
summer of 1784, but within a twelvemonth removed to St. John,
New Brunswick, to educate his children and practise his ])rofes-
sion. Nevertheless, the County of Charlotte elected him to the
Assembly of New Brunswick in 1785, and he was appointed clerk
of the House. He was also commissioned as a justice for the
County of Sunbury, and held other offices during his residence
there. In 1787, having secured the permission of the War Office,

r. .SV. Croix Courier senes, Cn\ LXX, LXXXl\ LXXXIU,
LXXX/X, XC, XCI, XC//.CIX: 0?i\\on%, Origins of the SettU me fits
in N. B.y 55, 57, 170; Oanong, Historic Sites inN. /?,, 340; Ravmoiid
Winston* Papers, 489.

2, Ganong, Hist, Sites in N, I). , 339.

he returned to Massachusetts, at first to Salem where he spent
six years, thence removing to Worcester to enjoy the privilege
— unusual for one of his former attachments — of residing in the
paternal mansion and being treated with respectful consideration
by his fellow- townsmen. Here he lived out the remaining forty
years of his life with means ample to provide for every want. His
status as a citizen of the United States, which he had forfeited
early in the Revolution, was restored to him by special act in 1825.
vSamual Bliss of Greenfield, Massachusetts, one of the grantees
of Dr. Paine' s party, later secured the concession of the large
island at the mouth of L'Etang Harbor, still known as Bliss's
Island, and of the small island near it called the White Horse. ^

West of the lower Maga^uadavic, the Royal Fencible Ameri-
cans were for the most part settled. Although included among the
loyalist corps, the Fencibles had been enlisted in Nova Scotia and
Newfoundland. Such of their officers and men as received
grants at Passamaquoddy appear to have been in garrison at Fort
Cumberland, where they were disbanded in 1783. Captain Philip
Bailey and fifty-eight others landed on November 10 of the same
3'ear at the mouth of the Magaguadavic, and perhaps Lieutenant
Peter Clinch accompanied them, although he had visited the
region in advance. Late in February, 1784, Lieutenant Clinch
was granted seven hundred acres extending from the lower falls
to the headwaters of L'Etang and in the following month the
others received their grant of more than 10.000 acres. That an
additional number of the Fencibles came to Passamaquoddy is
shown by the muster held at L'Etang, or St. George's Town, on
July 3, 1784, when there were present of the "late Royal Fencible
American Regiment," one hundred and eight men, forty women,
and fifty-three children, or a total of two hundred and one per-
sons. The valley of the Magaguadavic contained rich meadow
lands, abundant forests, and ample water powers; but these ad-
vantages made no appeal to most of the disbanded soldiers, who
occupied themselves with hunting and fishing, or gave them-
selves over to the pleasures of the cup. Many soon left the coun-

I. .S7. Croix Courier series, LXXII/, AAA'/'; Coli. A\ B. Hist. Soc.
l\ /, No. 3. 273; Stark, Loyaiisis o/Mass., 385-387; Ganong, /-fist. Sites in
A- />*., 339; Chandler, The Chandler Fainity, 269; Paine, Paine Fatuity
Register.

try. The others improved their farms, and probably followed
the life of the woodsman. The descendants of the latter w^ere
joined by new immigrants, the settlement was extended up the
liver, and lumbering operations were considerably increased. By
1803, the population of the Parish of St. George was four hun-
dred, of which only seventy-eight were men. There were al-
ready five mills in the parish, which were cutting annually
2,300,000 feet of boards. In addition, the settlers were raising
good crops of various cereals, besides potatoes and flax.^

East of St. George's Towm, an association of Pennsylvania
Quakers settled on the west shore of Beaver Harbor, where a
town called Belleview was laid out for them. The assocation
was formed early in 1783 in New York City, where its members
had taken refuge. Joshua Knight of Abbington, a suburb of
Philedelphia, appears to have been the leader of the "society."
Samuel Fairlamb, John Rankin, and George Brown were sent
out as agents to select a place for settlement on the river St. John,
but chose Beaver Harbor instead. Among the regulations
adopted before the party sailed was one providing that ' 'no slave be
either bought or sold nor kept by any person belonging to said
society on any pretense whatsoever." The associators reached
their destination sometime before October 12, 1783, and were
granted one hundred and forty-nine lots of the nine hundred and
fifty constituting the town plot at Beaver Harbor. They renamed
their settlement Penn's Field, since contracted to Pennfield,
and were evidently joined by other immigrants, for a contem-
porary writer estimated the population of the place at eight
hundred. It is said to have contained about three hundred
houses in 1786, but was devastated by fire in the following year.
Doubtless, it was this disaster that caused the removal of most
of the inhabitants to Pennfield Ridge, Mace's Bay, and other
localities, and left those remaining behind in great poverty.
Fortunately, two Quakers from Philadelphia visited the town in
the late summer of 1787, and noting the distressed condition of
the colonists, raised a subscription among the members of their

I. SL Croi.x Courier siries.LXX/V, LXX\^II;Coll. N. B. Hist.Soc.
^o- 5» I97i 201, 217, 218; GanoDg, Hist. Sites in N. B., 339,- Ganonjf,
Origins of the Settlements in N,B., 167; Raymond, U'inslozv Papers 490;
Acadiensis, July, 1907, 255, 256.

sect on their return home, with which they purchased and shipped
a supply of flour and Indian meal, together with other necessaries,
to Beaver Harbor. According to certain brief but interesting
records of the town, which are still extant, donations were also
received from Friends in England, these donations being
mentioned under date of March lo, 1789. The records also tell
us that in July, 1786, the society at Pennfield decided to erect a
small meeting house on ground allotted for the purpose. This
intention was carried out, and the meeting house was still standing
in the spring of 1789. The loss in population suffered by the
Parish of Pennfield during this period is shown by the census of
1803, which reported but fifty-four inhabitants, principally Quakers
concerning whom it was noted that they were excellent farmers
living on a good tract of land and in comfortable circumstances.*

The decline of Pennfield helped to populate the smaller
harbors farther east, although some of these had been .settled
shortly after the war by loyalists who may have come either from
St. John or directly from the States. Lepreau was first occupied
in 1784; Mace's Bay was settled later by the exodus from Penn-
field; Seely's Cove had its origin in 1784 or 1785 as a small loyalist
colony formed by Justus Seely; Dipper Harboi and Chance Harbor
both began as fishing villages founded by loyalists in 1784, and
Musquash was established a year earlier by people of the same
class. The expansion of the descendants of these groups has
supi)lied settlers to other places along the coast.-

Another settlement w^orthy of mention was that of the Cape
Ann Association in what is now the Parish of St. David. This
parish lies northwest of the Bay of Passamaquoddy, and includes
the headwaters of Dennis Stream and the Digdeguash River,
which are not navigable. The association numbered two hundred
and twenty members, and received a grant of nearly 23,000 acres
on October i , 1784. Many of the grantees appear to have come
from Gloucester, Massachusetts, and vicinity. Several, however,
were from New Boston in New Hampshire. Francis Norwood,
the leader of the association, was one of the latter. Twenty-six

1. SI. Croix Courier series, LAW'//: Coll. N, B, //tsl. Soc, /F, 73-80;
Ganong, Origins of the Settlements in N. B., 158; Raymond, Winslow
Papers, 345. 490-

2. Ganong, Origins of the Settlements in N. B., 144, 171, 127, 123, 152.

of those whohad grants at St. Andrews drew lands also in St. David;
while several others, whose names appear in the Penobscot As-
sociation grant, are listed among the grantees of the Cape Ann
Association. Among the latter were Moses Gerrish, John Gillis,
and William Monroe. These facts indicate that nearly one
seventh, if not more, of the Cape Ann company were loyalists.
Since, however, most of them did not belong to this class, the
association was assigned ''back lands," that is, lands back from
navigable waters, evidently on the principle that loyalists and
disbanded troops were entitled to the best locations. It is prob-
able that the St. Andrews and Penobscot grantees drew '*back
lands" either for their children, which they had a right to do. or
as a matter of speculation. However, the settlement in St.
Da\4d did not fulfil its promise, although the soil there
was of excellent quality: in 1788, there were nearly one
hundred and fifty absentees, and two years later, all but
forty- six lots had been escheated. By 1803, the settlers num-
bered two hundred and eighty-six, and were reported to be the
most independent farmers of any in the County of Charlotte.^

Thus far we have been dealing almost exclusively with the
settlements formed on the mainland by lojalists, or. in the case of
St. David, with a settlement in which loyalists had some small
share. We turn now to the islands. The large islands on the
west side of Passamaq noddy Bay, as well as some of the smaller
ones, gained a number of settlers at the close of the Revolution-
ary War. Indeed, the outermost of these islands, namely, Grand
Manan, became the resort of several loyalist families*^ asearh-as
177Q, these families coming from Machias, Maine, where they con-
sidered it unsafe to remain any longer. The place in which they
built their huts still retains thename of the leader, Joel Bonney,
being known as Bonney 's Brook. However, they were not per-
mitted to enjoy peace even here, and in 1780 they removed to
the mouth of the Digdeguash on the mainland.^ With the

I SL Croi.v Courier series, LXX, CXVI; Ganong, //isf. Siles in A^
^•« 338. 340; Ganong, Origins of ihe Seiiiements in A'. B., 55; Raymond,
Win slow Papers, 489.

2. The families were those of Joel Bonney of Pembroke, Conn., (now
in Mass.), Abiel Spragiie. and James Sprague: ColL N. B. Hist. Soc, V. /,
No. 3, 546.

3. Coli. N. B. Hist. Sac., l\ /, No. 3, 346. 347, 359; AcadiensiSy July,
1906, 165; St. Croi.v Courier series, XCl'I, LHI.

ending of the war, a license was granted "to John Jones, Thomas
Oxnard, Thomas Ross, Peter Jones, and Moses Gerrish, and
others, being fifty families, to occupy during pleasure the Island
of Grand Manan, and the small islands adjacent in the fishery,
with liberty of cutting frame stuff and timber for building."
Gerrish and a few of his associates took possession, and began
their settlement near Grand Harbor in May, 1784. They found
their island to be fourteen miles in length and nine miles in
breadth, "very steep and craggy on all sides," but fertile in soil
and covered with good timber. Evidently, not all the families
expected joined the new community, but so far as we can tell
those who came were prominent refugees irom Penobscot. Ger-
rish himself was one of these, although originally from New-
bury, Massachusetts, and a family by the name of Cheney was
from the same place. Thomas Ross had been a mariner at
Falmouth, Maine, and entered the West Indies trade after
coming to Grand Manan. He was granted a small island, still
called Ross Island, just east of the one on which he made his
home. Captain John Jones appears to have returned to Maine
in 1786, after disposing of his interest in the island to James and
Patrick McMaster, two merchants of Boston, who had become
discredited early in the Revolution on account of their loyalty.
John Dogget, another of the refugee settlers, was a native of
Middleboro, Massachusetts. No doubt, the isolated position of
the island retarded its development: at any rate, its population
was but one hundred and twenty-one in 1803. Nevertheless, the
number of inhabitants was sufficiently large to help establish the
British claim to Grand Manan in the long controversy with the
United States that followed years after. The retention of the
island was regarded of great importance by England on account
of its being the key to the entrance of the Bay of Fundy. To-
gether with other islands in Passamaquoddy Bay, Grand Manan
was declared part of New Brunswick in 1817. For years, Gerrish
was the most prominent resident on the island, and served both
as collector of customs and justice of the peace. While he and
his associates failed to secure the fifty families required by the
license of occupation to obtain a grant of the entire island, the
Council of New Brunswick ordered grants to the settlers of their
respective possessions and allotments, together with a glebe and

a lot for public uses, and these grants were duly passed, November
I, 1810.'

North of Grand Manan, the Island of Campobello was partly
settled by loyalists, a few of whom remained but a short time.
At the opening of the Revolution, John Hanson, a native of
Marblehead, Massachusetts, came to the island in a whaleboat,
only to pass on to Minister's Island, where he settled. Captain
Christopher Hatch, a grantee of Parr Town on the River St. John,
went into the mercantile business at Campobello. Later, he sold
out to Lieutenant Thomas Henderson, who became the customs
officer of the island. Another grantee of Parr Town, who settled
temporarily on Campobello, was Nathan Frink, a native of
Pomfret, Connecticut, and a captain in the King's Loyal
American Dragoons. It is recorded by a historian of the island
that many of the early inhabitants, who lived along what is called
the North Road, were tories from New York, some of them being
of Scotch origin. Later on, this loyalist element appears to have
been considerably increased by the accession of numerous families
from the mainland, who, dissatisfied with their locations, either
sold or abandoned their grants there. In 1803, the population of
CamiK)bello, including both loyalists and other settlers, numbered
nearly two hundred and fifty persons.'^

North of Campobello, Deer Island had occupants who, as
previously noted, went to considerable trouble to take the oath of
allegiance to the King at the time of the American attack upon
Penobscot. The earliest refugees to join these settlers probably
fled from Colonel Allen's rule at Machias. Among these, it
wc»uld appear, was Josiah Heney, a native of Portland, Maine,
who was aided in making his escape from Machias in 1777 by
James Brown of Passamaq noddy. Later, Heney sought the pro-
tection of the post at Penobscot, and came thence to Deer Island,

1. ColL N, B. Hist. Soc. I\ /, No. 3, 347-350; Acaclieusis,]\x\y, 1906,
168; ibid., July, 1907, 209; Ganonx, Origins of the Settlements in N. /?.,
136; Lorimer, //15/. of I stands y II\ Raymond, H'instozc Papers, ^Sg, 4go,
580, n; Sabine, Am. Lovalists, 1847, 4591 '*»V. Croix Courier series, LI I I,
XCIIJ. XCri, CXI I.

2. Colt. N. I». Hist. Soc., W /.No. 2, 215; .S7. Croix Courier series,
LXXl'IIL CXXIV: W^Ws, Cam poheilo, 6; Raymond, U'instow Papers,
490; Ganong, Origins o/t/te Setttements in A\ B., 67.

where he built a house opposite Pleasant Point. ^ About the same
time, John Rolf and his daughter arrived from Machias. Several
members of the Penobscot Association also took up their resi-
dence on the island, including Daniel Leemen and William
Stewart, the latter settling at Pendleton's Passage. Other
loyalists came in from St. John, New Brunswick, one of these
being John Appleby, who located at Chocolate Cove. Both Ap-
pleby and Leeman have descendants now living on Deer Island.
Another settler from St. John was Issaac Richardson, whose name
is perpetuated in that of Richardson ville. It was not long be-
fore these loyalist inhabitants were joined by some of the fami-
lies from the mainland, who evidently thought they could better
their condition by removing to Cam pobello. In 1803, this island
and its dependencies had a population of one hundred and seven-
teen. In the following year, a score of these residents tried to
establish a claim to the lands on which they were living. The
memorial of these petitioners states that they had been on Cani-
pobello for twenty years (or since 1784), which would suggest
that many of them, if not all, were refugees from the States.
Gideon Pendleton, whom we know to have been a loyalist from
Long Island, and whose name api>ears in that of Pendleton's
Island, was one of these. 2

The island just named had been granted, no doubt, to Gideon
Pendleton, as other of the small islands were granted to other
adherents of the Crown. However, Moose Island (now East port )
was inhabited at the close of the Revolution by about half a doz-
en families, who had been more or less in sympathy w^ith Great
Britain during that struggle. It is not known how many out-
side loyalists joined this little colony, but it is said that George
Cline (or Klein), a recruiting sergeant during the War, and
Joseph Ferris, a native of Stamford, Connecticut, and a captain
in Butler's Rangers, both lived for a time on Moose Island. The
former spent the end of his days on Bar Island, and the latter,
on Indian Island. James Maloney, who was a mariner and a
grantee of St. Andrews, settled on St. Andrews Island, and

1. S/. Croix Conner series ^ ^'A'AY, XLIX^ CIX; Lorimer, History of
Islands, 89.

2. St, Croix Courier series CVA'/, CXXII\ Ganong, Origins of the
Settlements inN. B.y 67; Raymond, Winsloiv Papers , 490.

Matthew Thornton who fled to escape persecution after the battle
of Bennington, spent one w4nter there, being later provided with
a grant as a member of the Penobscot Association. Thornton
was a native of New Hampshire.^

The population of the Passamaquoddy region in 1784, accord-
ing to Colonel Edward Winslow's muster was 1,744 persons, o{
whom seven hundred and ninety were men, three hundred and
four, w^omen, and six hundred and fifty, child ren.^ The various
regiments and other groups represented comprised the 42nd,
70th, and 72nd regiments, Royal Fencible Americans, King's
Orange Rangers, Royal Garrison Battalion, Tarleton's Dragoons,
Nova Scotia Volunteers, Regiment of Specht (Brunswick
soldiers), various corps at L'Etang, Nehemiah Marks' Company,
loyalists and others at Beaver Harbor, Penobscot loyalists, and
Lieutenant Colonel Stewart and party, besides two small com-
panies, one in the District of Passamaquoddy and the other on
the River Magaguadavic. As we have already seen at some
length, most of these people were loyalists, and although the
men had pursued the most diverse occupations in their former
homes, farming engaged the great majority of them at Passa-
maquoddy. However, at the time of the landing of the refugees
from Penobscot, lumbering operations were already in progress
near the headwaters of the Scoodic or St. Croix River, on both
sides of which a settlement of fifteen or twenty families was in
existence. Most of these families had come from Machias, and
had evidently chosen their location on account of the valuable
timber and the water power to be had there. At the mouth of
Dennis Stream they had built a sawmill.^ Thus began the lum-
ber trade of the St. Croix, which may have supplied building
material to loyalists who settled farther down the river. How-
ever, there were abundant supplies of fine timber along the other
large rivers emptying into Passamaquoddy Bay, and there were

ample water powers and excellent harbors at hand. The new-
comers, appreciating these advantages, established important

1. St. Croix Courier series, A//, CXX/, CXXIV, XCIV, CXIII.

2. Ibid.s LXVII. The fij^ures given in the text are taken from the
original Muster Book, now in the possession of the Rev. Dr. W. O.
Raymond, of St. John, N. B.

3. Si. Croi.v Courier series ^ LI I.

2>1

villages at St. Stephen, Milltown, St. Andrews, St. Patrick, and
St. George's Town, and erected sawmills at numerous points of
vantage. Sailing vessels were needed for the lumber trade, and
so ship-building became an important industry in .several of the
parishes that were settled by the loyalists. By 1803, the Passa-
maquoddy District had no less than twenty-one sawmills, which
together cut 7,700,000 feet of boards, and it also had a fleet of
fifty-nine .sails, besides numerous smaller craft. Of the sailing
vessels, St. Andrews Parish alone had built forty- two since 1 785. *
The principal markets for the lumber exported from Passamaquod-
dy were Nova Scotia and the British West Indies, in both of
which regions thousands of loyalist refugees were settling during
this period. It need scarcely be added that fishing was an im-
portant occupation of many of the settlers on the shores and
islands of Passamaquoddy Bay. The quantity of fish taken in
1803 amounted to 9,900 quintals and 3,000 barrels, besides about
5,000 boxes of herring.'-*

Meanwhile, the loyalists and their fellow-colonists were
multiplying in numbers despite the removal of many from
Passamaquoddy to other places in New Brunswick or to the
States. By 1803, the population of Charlotte County had reached
2,622 persons, or nearly eight hundred and fifty more than that
of the year 1 784. With the growth in numbers, desirable lots that
had been abandoned by the first grantees were taken up and oc-
cupied by young men coming into maturity who wished farms of
their own, and, following this, new settlements were made on the
uplands back of the older settlements. In this way, an expan-
sion seems to have taken place up the St. Croix, Digdeguash, and
Magaguadavic.'^

The coming of the loyalists had led to the creation of Char-
lotte County, together with the seven other counties of New
Brunswick, early in 1786. At the same time, Charlotte Count}'
had been subdivided into seven towns or parishes, namely, St.
Stephen, St. David, St. Andrews, St. Patrick, vSt. George, Penn-
field, and the West Isles. The act establishing these divisions

1. Kayrnond, Wins!o7v Papers^ 489-491.

2. /hid.

3. Ganong, Origins of the Settlements in N. 7?., 59, 61.

,->8

had also declared that St. Andrews should be thereafter the seat
of the County of Charlotte.^ But before the passage of this
measure by the first Assembly of the province, and even before
New Brunswick had been made a separate province, Governor
Parr had created a court for the District of Passmaquoddy (early
in 1784) by appointing John Curry, Philip Bailey, Robert Pagan,
and William Gallop to be justices of the peace therein. All of
these men were loyalists, and three of them were grantees of St.
Andrews; while the fourth, Captain Philip Bailey, was a grantee
of St. George's. Two of them received appointments in addi-
tion to that of justice of the peace. Mr. Pagan served the Crown
as agent for lands in New Brunswick and in looking after matters
connected with grants to the loyalists. He also represented his
county for a number of years in the Provincial I^egislature. Mr.
Gallop was commissioned as first registrar of deeds for Charlotte
County, in March, 1786, and continued in that office until 1789.
Another St. Andrews loyalist, Colonel Thomas Wyer, became
the first sheriff of the county, being appointed in the spring of
1785, and serving until 1790, when he was succeeded by his fellow-
townsman, John Dunn, a refugee from New York, who held the
position twelve years. Mr. Dunn also acted as comptroller of
customs at St. Andrews for a long period. -^

The action of Governor Parr in appointing justices of the
peace for the District of Passaniaquoddy in 1 784 is to be regarded
as the revival of an earlier court, rather than as the creation of a
new tribunal. Before the Revolution, the general sessions of the
peace for the District had been held on the Island of Campobello.
That they were resumed there after the war is shown by Robert
Pagan's statement that he went to Campobello to attend the ses-
sons in his capacity as magistrate for the County of Sunbury.^
A little later, sessions were held at St. Andrews, but whether
there or on Campobello, the jurisdiction of the court appears to
have extended over all the islands of Passamaquoddy Bay. It
should be noted, however, that Grand Manan had at least one

1. .^cadiettsis, July, 1907, 232.

2. Ibid. 223-225: Coli. N. /y. Hist. Soc, l\ /. No. 3, 363.

3. .SV. Croix Courier series, Z.A'-VA7V; Ganoiig Evolution of the
Boundaiies of N. />' , 281,11.

resident justice of the peace in the person of Moses Gerrish who,
as previously mentioned, served also as collector of customs for
that island. Joseph Garnett, who died in St. Andrews in the
year 1800, is said to have been "New Brunswick's first master in
Chancery and the first deputy registrar of deeds and wills and
deputy Surrogate or Judge of Probate for Charlotte County."^

The settlement of the loyalists on Passamaquoddy Bay gave
rise, as we have seen, to a dispute over the western or
river boundary of Nova Scotia. That dispute was to re-
main undecided until 1798. By the treaty of 1783, the
boundary had been fixed at the St. Croix; but the topographical
location of the true St. Croix was as yet unknown. However,
the Nova Scotia authorities had acted on the assumption that the
Scoodic was the St. Croix by settling large numbers of loyalists
on its eastern bank. John Allan had called the attention of the
Massachusetts government to the refugee settlements at St. An-
drews in August and again in September, 1783. Thereupon, the
Massachusetts House of Representatives had directed Governor
Hancock (October 23) to obtain information regarding the al-
leged encroachments, and communicate the same ta Congress.
This was done at once, and Congress replied (January 26, 1784,)
with a recommendation that representations should be made to
Nova Scotia, if the results of an investigation warranted it. The
advice was followed, a committee was sent to Passamaquoddy,
and on its return reported that the Magaguadavic, lying about
three leagues east of St. Andrews, was the original St. Croix.
On the basis of this report, Governor Hancock wrote to Governor
Parr, November 12, 1784, requesting him to recall such of the
King's subjects as had "planted themselves" within the Com-
monwealth of Ma.ssachusetts. The reply to this communication
came from Thomas Carleton, governor of New Brunswick, the
province that had been recently erected on the north side of the
Bay of Fundy: Carleton wrote that "the Great St. Croix, called
Schoodick by the Indians," was considered by the Court of
Great Britain as the river intended by the treaty of 1783 to form
part of the boundary. President Washington urged the adjust-
ment of the matter in a special message to Congress in 1790; but

I. Acadiettsis^]vi\y, 1907, 210, 226, 227.

nothing was done until Jay's treaty was signed four years later,
a clause in this instrument providing for the reference of the
question to the final decision of commissioners.^

It is interesting to note that, first and last, not less than
four prominent loyalists took part in the important labors of the
board of commissioners thus authorized. Thomas Barclay, a
graduate of Columbia College and a captain in the Loyal Ameri-
can Regiment, who had fled to Nova Scotia at the close of the
Revolution, was named commissioner for Great Britain. His
American colleague was David Howell, an eminent lawyer of
Rhode Island, and they together designated Egbert Benson, a
distinguished jurist of New York, as the third member of their
board. Edward Winslow of Plymouth, Massachusetts, w^ho had
served as muster-master general of the loyalist forces at the close
of the war, and then had taken up his residence in New
Brunswick, became secretary of the commission. Each govern-
ment had an agent to prepare and present its case before the
board. The British agent was Ward Chipman of Massachusetts,
a graduate of Harvard college and deputy muster- master general
under Winslow. In New Brunswick, whither Chipman removed
after the war, he attained the highest honors, serving as member
of the House of Assembly, advocate general, solicitor general, etc.
The agent for the United States was James Sullivan, one of the
ablest members of the bar in Massachusetts at that time. The
identification of Bone (now Dochet) Island with the Isle of St.
Croix of Champlain, on which the identification of the River St.
Croix largely depended, was accomplished by Robert Pagan, one of
the loyalist grantees of St. Andrews. After a series of meetings held
at various times from August to October 26, 1798, the commission
rendered the verdict that the Scoodic was in fact the River St.
Croix intended by the treaty of 1783. The source of the stream,
thus declared to be the boundary between Maine and New Bruns-
wick, was decided to be the eastern or Chiputneticook branch of
the St. Croix. This was undoubtedly a fair line of division, in-
asmuch as the St. Croix had been the old eastern boundary of
Massachusetts Bay.**^

1. Ganon^, Evol.of the Boundaries of N, />., 24 1-254, and the author-
ities there cited; Rives, Correspondeucc of Thomas Ihirclay, 45,.^.

2. Cj?i\\o\\%y Evol. of the Boundaries of N.B,, 254-259; Sabine, .Im-
Loyalists, 144, 711, 208; Stirk, Loyaiists of Mass., 436, 432.

41 •

In 1784 and 1785, the question of ownership of some of the
islands in Passamaquoddy Bay became a point of contention be-
tween the British and American governments. The loyalists
and other British settlers of that period laid claim to all of these
islands, and were supported therein by the New Brunswick au-
thorities. Nevertheless, the Eastern Lands committee of the
Massachusetts House of Representatives had Moose, Dudley,
and Frederick islands surveyed (in 1784), and sold Dudley Is-
land to John Allan, who settled there and made some improve-
ments. At about the same time, the same committee was author-
ized to make sale of Grand Manan and the small islands adjacent,
despite the fact that the government of Nova Scotia had already
granted a license (December 30, 1783,) to Moses Gerrish and his
associates to occupy Grand Manan. In October, 1785, Congress
passed a resolution instructing the American minister in London
to attempt an adjustment of these matters, or failing that, by
commissioners appointed by the two governments. Ignoring
both the resolution of Congress and the operations of the Massa-
chusetts committee, the Assembly of New Brunswick enacted a
law (January 3, 1786,) dividing the province into counties and
parishes, in which the Parish of West Isles in Charlotte County
was declared to comprise Deer Island, Campobello, Grand Manan,
and Moose, Frederick, and Dudley islands, with all the lesser islands
contiguous to them. Several years later (that is, in 1791), Mas-
sachusetts played the next card by causing Moose Island to be
divided into lots and granting these to the occupants. When
the boundary question was taken up by the St. Croix commission,
the contention over the islands was wisely excluded from the
discussion by the exi)licit instructions of the British ministry.
The next step took the form of negotiations, which were con-
cluded in 1803 by a convention or agreement declaring Deer
Island and Camphbello, with the small islands lying to the north
and east, to be under the jurisdiction of New Brunswick, the
others to the south and westward being declared subject to Mass-
achuettes. vStrangely enough, Grand Manan was not men-
tioned.^

I. Oanoiig, i'lvol. of thr iUmndaries of N, B.y 278-2S7, and the
authorities there cited; .Uaifiensis, July, i9i<>, 168.

In the War of 1812, Moose Island was seized by the British,
and was permitted to remain in their possession by the treaty of
Ghent until its title could be determined. The fourth article of
this treaty provided for a commission of two members to settle
the island question. Thus, the suggestion first made by the
American Congress in 1785 was finally adopted. Two of the
loyalists who had shared in the work of the boundary commission,
were assigned tasks of like kind in connection with this one.
They were Thomas Barclay and Ward Chipman, representing Great
Britain as commissioner and agent, respectively. The United
States was represented by John Holmes, a prominent citizen
of Maine, as commissioner, and James T. Austin, a leading
lawyer of Massachusetts, as agent. The memorial of the British
agent rei>eated the old claim of Nova Scotia to all the islands of
Passamaquoddy Bay, not forgetting Grand Manan, on the basis
of their inclusion within the original limits of that province, the
extent of its jurisdiction, the exercise of its civil authority, etc
The counter-claim of the United States was also heard, and the
rejoinders on both sides. Finally, on November 29, 18 17, the
commissioners gave their decision, namely that Moose, Dudley,
and Frederick islands belong to the United States, and that all
the other islands, including Grand Manan, belong to his Britannic
Majesty, "in conformity with the true intent of the second
article of the treaty of 1783.*' As both governments accepted
this decision, the dispute over the islands was closed.^ Thus,
the loyalist settlers, whether on or off the mainland of Passama-
quoddy Bay, were finally left to enjoy in peace the lands granted
them at the close of the Revolution.

I Ganong, Evol, of the Boundaries of N. ^•, 287-290.

THE LOYALIST REFUGEES
of NEW HAMPSHIRE

WILBUR K SIEBERT. A. M.

Professor of European History

Published by

The Ohio State University
Columbus

1916

Contents

PAGE

Number of Loyalists in New Hampshire 3

Early flights from the Colony 3

New Hampshire Refugees with Burgoyne and with the British

at New York 5

Portsmouth as a Tory Center 6

Liberty granted Tories to depart 7

Suspicion of the Quakers and proscription of the Tories 7

Confiscation of Tory property . . 9

Wentworth's Volunteers and the Associated Refugees 10

The King's American Dragoons 11

Migration of some of the New Hampshire Loyalists to

Annapolis 13

The King's American Dragoons on the St. John River 16

Ex-Governor John Wentworth in Nova Scotia 17

Amos Botsford and Associates at Digby 18

Return of Refugees forbidden in New Hampshire 22

Claremont Loyalists seek admission to Lower Canada, 1784 22

The Loyalist Refugees of New Hampshire

The best index of the relative number of Loyalists in New
Hampshire in the early months of the Revolution appears in the
figures obtained through the submission of the ''association test"
during the summer 1776, in response the resolution of the Conti-
nental Congress of March 14 of the year named, recommending the
disarming by the local authorities of the several Colonies of all
persons notoriously disaffected to the American cause, or who re-
fused to associate for the defense of the country "against the hos-
tile attempts of the British fleets and armies." Eighty-one hundred
and ninety-nine men signed the test, and seven hundred and seventy-
three declined, or neglected, to affix their signatures. That is to
say, over one-eleventh of those to whom the test was submitted
failed to sign it. This fraction included about 200 Quakers of
Brentwood, Gilmantown, Kensington, Richmond, Rochester, and
other towns, who withheld their names chiefly on account of their
scruples. Some of these non-jurors were certainly not Tories, if we
may accept the explanations offered by them to the selectmen of
their respective towns. Thus, the Quakers, of Gilmantown found
no difficulty in accepting the Declaration of Independence or paying
their proportion in support of the United Colonies, but based their
failure to sign the test solely on the ground of their religious prin-
ciples. James Caruth, a Scotch inhabitant of Kingstown, declined
to take up arms against either his native or his adopted country,
but announced his readiness to pay his taxes; while others of his
fellow-townsmen professed the fear of infringing their liberties by
signing, although asserting friendliness to the American cause, and
in a few instances demonstrating it by serving in the Continental
army.^

Even allowing for these friendly non -jurors, however, we must
not overlook the fact that some Tories had already fled from New

'N. H. State Papers, Documents, and Records from 1776 to 1783, VIII
204-296; Brewster, Rambles about Portsmouth, N. H.. 212-215.

Hampshire, or were soon to do so. In June, 1775, bodies of armed
men at Portsmouth pursued John Fenton, an expelled member of
the House of Assembly, to the residence of Governor John Went-
worth, and compelled him to surrender. He was then given a
hearing by the Provincial Congress and incarcerated in the jail at
Exeter, but was later allowed to escape and go to England. Wood-
bury Langdon, a merchant of Portsmouth who also served in the
Provincial Congress, sailed for the mother country in October, 1775.
In a memorial to Lord North, dated February 7, 1777, he explains
that he had left America after "using his influence for peace and
good order," to the end of preserving his family, his life, and his
property, and that he might "avoid all temptation to take sides
with his disaffected countrymen." Meantime, Governor Wentworth
and his family had retired to Fort William and Henry in Portsmouth
Harbor for safety, whence they embarked on the King's ship Canso,
August 24, 1775, being accompanied by Captain John Cochran, the
commander of the now dismantled fort, and doubtless by other
adherents of the royal cause. After landing at Boston the Went-
worths remained with the British army, going to Halifax in March,
1776, and at length to Philadelphia on their way to London.
They arrived in the British metropolis, March 13, 1778. Other
refugees from New Hampshire also sought protection within the
lines at Boston, including Elijah Williams who with several others
fled from Keene soon after the battle of Lexington, John Morrison
who became attached to the commissary department of the King's
forces after the battle of Bunker Hill, Colonel Edward Goldstone
Lutwyche a member of the Provincial Congress until 1775, William
Stark who received a colonel's commission in the royal army after
being refused one in the New Hampshire contingent, George
Meserve the collector of customs at Portsmouth, Samuel Hale, Jr.,
Gillan Butler, Joseph Stacy Hastings, and probably John Fisher the
naval officer at Portsmouth and supposed to be identical with the
person of the same name who was a brother-in-law of Governor
Wentworth and was later to become, like Benjamin Thompson of
Concord, a secretary in the Colonial Secretary's oflfice in London.
After making himself obnoxious by entertaining two British officers,
Benjamin Thompson withdrew from Wobum, but on discovering
that his presence there was not desired, hastened to Rhode Island

and sailed for Boston in October, 1775. In the following January
he sailed for England.^

However, not all the refugees from New Hampshire went to
England, or even to Boston. At least a few joined Burgoyne dur-
ing the fall of 1777, including Levi Warner of Claremont, who tes-
tifies that he served with the British during the entire war and
was at St. Johns at the head of Lake Champlain in 1783, and Cap-
tain Simon Baxter who was condemned to death by the Whigs, but
on the day set for his execution escaped "with the rope around his
neck and succeeded in reaching Burgoyne's army." At the peace
he went to New Brunswick and was living at Norton, King's Coun-
ty, when death finally overtook him in 1804. Joseph Stacey
Hastings, a Harvard graduate of the class of 1762, sought safety
at Halifax, although he ultimately returned to Boston where he
kept a grocery store. No doubt. New York City and the neigh-
boring islands became sooner or later during the Revolution the
favorite asylums of the exiles from New Hampshire, as they were
for most of those from the other Northern States. Indeed, some
of them accompanied Howe's army from the Nova Scotian capital
to Staten Island in the fall of 1776. Among these was Governor
Wentworth himself, who spent more or less of his time at Flat-
bush on Long Island, only a few miles from New York, until his
departure for Philadelphia and London. In a letter to his sister
written from this point, in January, 1777, the deposed Governor,
referring to a group of his fellow refugees from Portsmouth who
had returned with him to American soil, reports the good health
of Messrs. Meserve, Hale, and Lutwyche, as also of Captain Coch-
ran, Mr. Macdonough, and Mr. Wentworth, the three last being
with him, as he specifically states. As we have already met most
of these gentlemen it will suffice here to say that Thomas Mac-
donough had been Governor Wentworth's secretary and that Ben -
ning Wentworth was to return to Nova Scotia after the peace and
to be honored with several high offices there (a membership in the
Council, and the secretaryship and treasurship of the Province)

^Brewster, Rambles about Portsmouth, 2d Series, 252, 253; Sabine, Am. Loy-
alists, "(1847) 680, 215; Sec. Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont. Pt I (1904) 831;
Hutchinson's Diary and Letters, II, 192; Colls. Hist., and Miscel. and Monthly
Lit Jour., Ill, 44. 220; Colls. Top., Hist, and Biog., I. 55; Colls. N. H. Hist.
Soc, II, 112; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 429; Sabine. Am. Loyalists, 476, 464,
433, 630, 341, 286; Lyford, Hist, of Concord, N. H., I, 252-254!

F.-2

during the years 1795 to 1797. The Governor refers in the same
letter to Messrs. Boyd and Traill who were evidently also in exile
the former being undoubtedly George Boyd who had been a mem-
ber of the Council of New Hampshire, while the latter was with
equal certainty Robert Traill, until recently comptroller of the
customs at Portsmouth. Where these persons were at the time is
left in doubt.i

The early flights from New Hampshire and particularly from
Portsmouth, which was the seat of the provincial government,
must have been increased by the termination of royal authority
there and also by the action of the Continental Congress, October
6, 1775, in recommending to the various provincial assemblies and
committees of safety the arrest of such persons as were regarded
to be dangerous to the liberties of America. Gen. John Sullivan
violently denounced "that infernal crew of Tories" at Portsmouth
in a letter of October 29th to Washington, who replied November
12th, with an order that all officers of the royal government who
had manifested an unfriendly disposition be seized and dealt with
according to the wishes of the Provincial Congress or Committee
of Safety. The other Tory inhabitants of the town were specific-
ally omitted from this order, although Washington declared that
they would "meet with this or a worse fate" in the near future, if
they failed to reform their conduct. When, in the middle of Nov-
ember, the New Hampshire Congress took action in accordance
with Washington's recommendation, it contented itself with desig-
nating six persons only for removal to moderate distances from
Portsmouth, or for confinement in specified towns. The fact that
the penalties imposed were not of a severer nature, or the number of
those condemned larger may be fairly taken as another indication
that the more objectionable officials had already fled. However,
the six victims were let off easily, for they were kept under re-
straint less than six weeks.^

As yet New Hampshire had not adopted the policy of expel-
ling its dangerous inhabitants. On the contrary, it was to become
in the late autumn the custodian of considerable numbers of such

*Sec. Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont; (1904) Pt. II, 1020; Sabine, Am. Loyal-
ists, 148, 149. 350; N. H. Prov. Papers, Documents, and Records, 1674-1776.
VII, 394; Sabine, Am. Loyalists, 453. 680, 171, 651.

-N. H. Provincial Papers. Documents, and Records, (1764-1776). VII, 623,

662. 695.

persons from New York, sent over by the Comniittee of Conspira-
cies of that State. One group of these prisoners, which was for-
warded to Exeter in the latter part of October, or later, numbered
117 persons; but in March, 1777, the New Hampshire Committee
of Safety was notified by a new board of Commissioners, recently
appointed by the New York Convention, that all of the latter's
prisoners were to be recalled and given the choice between taking
the oath of allegiance, or seeking the protection of the enemy.
Meanwhile, New Hampshire sought to encourage the departure of
her own Tories, for on January 16th her House of Representatives
adopted a resolution granting full liberty to such of the inhabit-
ants as were disaffected and desirous of leaving the State with
their families and effects to do so within the next three months
and, in the language of the resolution itself, "go to any other
parts of the Globe they may choose," provided that they would no-
tify the selectmen of their respective towns 30 days in advance of
their departure.^ Again, we are confronted by the lack of evidence
that would enable us to determine how many took advantage of
the terms of this resolution. Doubtless, that evidence lies buried
in numerous town records of the period, insofar as these have
survived to the present day. On June 13, 1777, the House of Re-
presentatives itself readily granted permission to John Pierce, of
Portsmouth, who was then in prison, "to repair to the West Indies
or to Great Britain, and not to return to this State nor to any part
of this Continent, without leave had and obtained of the General
Assembly or of the Continental Congress."^ With equal readi-
ness the New Hampshire Committee of Safety gave its consent on
October 8 to a schooner that had recently arrived at Portsmouth
under a flag of truce to transport the families of Benjamin Hart
and other designated inhabitants to Rhode Island, an exception
being made in the case of one person only, who was held as a
prisoner of war. ^

A month later the House of Representatives showed conclu-
sively that it entertained suspicions toward the non-juring Quakers
of the State by appointing a committee from several counties to

* Brewster, Rambles about Portsmouth, N. H., 204-296.

2N. H. State Papers, Etocuments, and Records from 1776 to 1783. VIII.
379-383, 393, 394, 508, 468, 584.

'Ibid., 702.

examine the records and papers of the Friends* societies in Dover,
Hampton Falls, Seabrook, and other towns with a view to trans-
mitting to the House for further inspection any writings of a
political nature that might be disclosed.^ But, after all, it was
not the Quakers against whom the General Assembly directed its
most determined action. This action was embodied in the measure
adopted in November, 1778, to prevent the return of 76 persons
named therein and of others who had left, or might leave, the State
and had joined, or might join, the enemy. These persons were
roundly denounced for deserting the cause of liberty and abetting
that of tyranny by depriving the United States of their personal
services at a time when their utmost assistance was needed; and
since their return might be productive of new dangers the measure
forbade their voluntary reappearance without leave, obtained in
advance, by special act of the Assembly. It also made it the duty
of the inhabitants of any district, as well as of the local officers,
to apprehend and carry before a justice of the peace for commis-
sion to the common jail any absentee who might presume to return.
The person thus committed was to be kept in custody until he
should be sent out of the State. A master of a vessel who know
ingly brought into the State any of the persons above described,
or a person who willingly harbored a return refugee, was to pay
a fine of £500 on conviction, one-half to go to the State and the
other to him who should sue for it. Fugitives who should return
a second time were to suffer death. Of those named in the act 32
had been residents of Portsmouth, 6 of Londonderry, 5 of Keene,
4 of Dunbarton, 3 of Hollis, and a like number of Alstead, while
a dozen or more other towns had contributed the remainder in
smaller numbers.^

'N. H. State Papers, Documents, and Records, (1776-1783) VIII, 713.

-By towns those proscribed were as follows: from Portsmouth. John
Wentworth, Esq., Peter Livius, Esq., John Fisher, Esq., Geo. Meserve, Esq..
. Robt. Traill, Esq., Geo. Boyd, Esq., John Fen ton, Esq., (Capt.) John Cochran,
Esq., Samuel Hale, Esq., Edward Parry, Esq., Thos. McDonough, Esq., Maj.
Robt. Rogers, Andrew Pepperell Sparhawk, Esq., Patrick Burn, mariner,
John Smith, mariner, Wm. Johnson Rysam, mariner, Stephen Little, physician,
Thos. and Archibald Achincloss, Robt. Robinson, merchant, Hugh Henderson,
merchant, Gillam Butler, merchant. Jas. and John McMasters, merchants, Jas.
Bixby, yeoman, Wm. Pevey. mariner, Benj. Hart, rope-maker, Bartholomew
Stavers, post-rider, Philip Bayley, trader, Samuel Holland, Esq., Benning
Wentworth, gentleman, Jude Kermison, mariner; from Pembroke, Jonathan
Dix, trader; from Exeter, Robt. Luist Fowler, printer; from Concord, Benj.

Before the end of November, 1778, the Assembly proceeded to
confiscate the real and personal property of 23 of the proscribed,
together with those of two other Loyalists whose names had not
appeared in the act of proscription. These two persons seem to
have been non-residents of the State. ^ In each county trustees,
or agents, were appointed to take possession of the sequestered
estates and sell the personal property immediately at public auc-
tion, except such articles as they mi^ht deem necessary for the
support of the families of the proscribed. In the case of the furni-
ture and family pictures of Governor Wentworth, however, it was
not the trustee but the Assembly itself that decided (April 27, 1780)
that these personal effects should be delivered up to the father of
the absent official, namely, Mark Hunting Wentworth. The need
of clothing for the Continental army led the Assembly at the close
of March, 1781, to direct the trustees of the confiscated estates
to pay into the State Treasury at once the money accruing rfom
sales thus far made. At the same time, the Treasurer was directed
to appropriate this money to the payment of orders for military
clothing which had been, or was yet to be issued by the Board of
War. A few days later (that is, on April 4) a committee of the

Thompson. Esq.; from Londonderry, Stephen Holland, Esq., Richard Holland,
yeoman, John Davidson, yeoman, Jas. Fulton, yeoman, Thos. Smith, yeoman,
Dennis O'Hala. yeoman; from New Market, Geo. Bell, trader, Jacob Brown,
trader; from Merrimack, Edward Goldstone Lutwyche, Esq.; from Mollis,
Samuel Cummings, Esq., Benj. Whiting, Esq., Thos. Cummings. yeoman; from
Dunbarton, Wm. Stark. Esq., John Stark, yeoman, John Stinson, Jr., Samuel
Stinson, Jeremiah Bowen. yeoman; from Amherst, Zaccheus Cutler, trader,
John Holland, gentleman; from New Ipswich, Daniel Farnsworth, yeoman;
from Francestown, John Quigley, Esq.; from Peterborough, John Morrison,
clerk; from Keene, Josiah Pompoy, physician, Elijah Williams, Esq., Thos.
Cutler, gentleman, Eleazer Sawyer, yeoman, Robt. Gillmore, yeoman; from
Packersfield, Breed Batchelder, gentleman; from Alstead, Simon and Wm.
Baxter, yeomen; from Winchester, Solomon Willard, gentleman; from Rindge,
Jesse Rice, physician; from Charlestown, Enos Stevens, gentleman, Phineas
Stevens, physician, Solomon Stevens, yeoman. Levi Willard. gentleman; from
Claremont, John Brooks, yeoman; and from Hinsdale, Josiah and Simon Jones,
gentlemen. (N. H. State Papers. Documents, and Records, 1776-1783, VIII,
810-812; Belnap. Hist, of N. H., I, 380, 381.)

^The names appearing in the act of confiscation (Nov. 28, 1778) are as
follows: John Wentworth, Esq., Samuel Holland, Esq., Geo. Meserve, Esq.,
(Capt.) John Cochran, Esq., Thomas McDonough, Esq., Wm. Johnson Rysam,
Jas. McMasters, John McMasters, Benning Wentworth, gentleman, Robt.
Luist Fowle. Stephen Holland, gentleman, ^ward Goldstone Lutwyche, Esq.,
John Stinson, Zaccheus Cutler, John Quigley, Esq., Daniel Farnsworth, Josiah
Pomroy, Elijah Williams. Esq., Breed Batchelder, Enos Stevens, Simon Bax-
ter, John Brooks, Crean Brush (of Cumberland County, N. Y.), Samuel Tar-
bell, and Jas. Rogers.

Lower House, to which had been referred the question what should
be done with such estates of absentees and subjects of Great Brit-
ain as had not been confiscated hitherto, reported in favor of the
immediate sequestration and sale of these properties, and this was
probably done.^

The history of a considerable number of the New Hampshire
Loyalists after their flight from the State may best be traced by
examining the record of the corps of Volunteers associated by
Governor Wentworth probably after his arrival on Long Island in
the fall of 1776. The Governor himself testified in 1784 that his
men were very respectable persons from their several Provinces
who "supported themselves at their own expense." So far as
known the first muster roll of this company was taken at Flush-
ing, Long Island, October 16, 1777, when the officers were Cap-
tain Daniel Murray of Rutland, Massachusetts, First Lieutenant
Benjamin Whiting of Hollis, New Hampshire, and Second Lieu-
tenant Elijah Williams of Keene, New Hampshire, and the number
of men was scarcely more than 20. Six months later the com-
pany was mustered at Hampstead, Long Island, and numbered but
26. In the following month Oune, 1778,) 21 of its members, in-
cluding the officers named above, petitioned General Sir Henry
Clinton from Bedford, Long Island, for such support as their serv-
ice might require, because they had been deprived of their prop-
erty and in a few cases of considerable fortunes. Eleven of these
petitioners were from New Hampshire, 6 from Massachusetts, 3
from Connecticut, and 1 from Rhode Island. Of 8 others who be-
longed to the company at this time, or later, at least 5 were from
New Hampshire. By the close of June, 1778, Wentworth *s Vol-
unteers had more than doubled in numbers, but during the next
two months they shrunk to 26. We next hear of the company at
Newport, Rhode Island, at the end of March, 1779, whence they
operated with Captain Abraham DePeyster's Grenadier Company
of the King's American Regiment, a detachment of Colonel George
Wightman*s Loyal New Englanders, and Captain Martin's
corps, under the name of the Associated Refugees, in an unsuc-
cessful expedition against New Bedford, Massachusetts, and im-
mediately afterward in a bombardment of Falmouth, Maine. They

'N. H. State Papers. Documents, and Records, (1776-1783) VIII, 813, 814,
857, 893. 896.

were back at Newport by April 6th. From this time on until
Rhode Island was evacuated by the British in the fall the Associated
Refugees were active in operations in Buzzards Bay, at Nantucket
and Martha's Vineyard, and along the Connecticut coast, as re-
lated at some length in the chapter on "The Refugee Loyalists of
Connecticut." Having retmed to Long Island, Wentworth's Vol-
unteers were mustered at Jerusalem near the end of May, 1780,
and found to number 41 men. Seven months later they were at
Lloyd's Neck with an equal strength, although it is said that they
reached their maximum enrollment of 83 men at this time (De-
cember, 1780.) The last muster was held in March, 1781.^

Whatever the size of the company at the moment. Colonel
Edward Winslow, who had been in command of the Associated
Refugees during a part of their service in Rhode Island, together
with Captain Murray and Major Joshua Upham, was now seeking
to form a Loyalist brigade and trying to obtain Governor Went-
worth's consent to command it. As a part of this plan Murray
had proposed to General Clinton the raising of a troop of Dragoons,
but was meeting with various difficulties, one of which was due
to his failure to obtain a pass from headquarters to bring off cer-
tain recruits with the result, according to Winslow's account, that
"18 men who would have been doing duty as dragoons in the serv-
ice" were captured and sent to the Simsbury mines in Connecticut,
Winslow added that he was quite willing to wait until Murray's
corps was completed and Upham's respectable in numbers, and
that he had no reason to suppose that he would fail in securing
an appointment as lieutenant colonel, although admitting himself
unsuccessful in every attempt to secure recognition since Clinton's
accession to the chief command in America. His failure thus far
Colonel Winslow attributed to the "unpardonable inattention" with
which General Timothy Ruggles, his first patron, had been treated
by General Clinton and the disgust which Ruggles had therefore
contracted for "present men and measures," in consequence of
which "he could neither negotiate with confidence or serve with
alacrity." However, a more cogent reason for Winslow's failure
to achieve the military rank he coveted appears in the competing
ambition of Benjamin Thompson who, through the favor of Lord

^Second Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont, Pt. I, (1904), 567; Muster Rolls of the
Loyalist Battalions (at St. John, N. B.); Raymond, Winslow Papers, 20.

George Germain, had secured in England an appointment as lieu-
tenant colonel and was having a refugee corps known as the King's
American Dragoons recruited for him at this very time. It was
in this corps that Captain Murray, Lieutenant Williams and most
of their men — many with commissions — were enrolled, together
with Colonel Wightman's Loyal New Englanders, now numbering
scarcely more than 50 men, and Major Joshua Upham's Volunteers
of New England, who had attained a maximum strength of only 32
men. Altogether these three companies furnished no more than
125 recruits for the new regiment. The opportune arrival at New
York of the Bonetta from Yorktown, Virginia, after the surrender
of Comwallis, brought in a remnant of the Queen's Rangers and
Tarleton's British Legion, which is said to have been added to
Colonel Thompson's corps. Be this as it may, the muster rolls
show that the corps consisted of 228 men at the close of December,
1781, when it was stationed at New Utrecht, Long Island.

Meanwhile, in the previous autumn. Colonel Thompson had
arrived at Charleston, South Carolina, and after a brief participa-
tion in the British operations in that vicinity, sailed for New York
in the following April to take command of his regiment. In the
latter part of June he was getting ready "to recruit in good ear-
nest," as he wrote a friend at the time, although he fails to men-
tion in his letter the recent addition of 16 volunteers. About a
month later (July 24, 1782) Rivington's Royal Gazette contained
an advertisement offering 10 guineas to volunteers for the King's
American Dragoons, or 5 guineas to any one who would bring in
a recruit and 5 guineas to the recruit himself. It was announced
also that an officer would remain on duty at Lloyd's Neck for the
convenience of those who might cross from the mainland at that
point. By the middle of September the corps was at Ireland
Heights, three miles east of Flushing, and numbered 312 rank and
file, but was marched to Huntington on October 1st, where it built
a fort for the purpose of protecting the trade across the Sound in
that region, according to an item in the Gazette, but which was
probably intended chiefly as a winter shelter for the troops them-
selves. By December 1st the corps was reported as consisting of
550 effectives, and 18 days later this figure was increased to 580
in Rivington's columns. That these statements were exaggera-

tions is conclusively shown by the muster rolls, according to which
the highest number ever in the corps was 332 on April 12, 1783,
when the King's American Dragoons were at Springfield, Long
Island.^ Although most of the New Hampshire men who entered
the King's service belonged to this regiment, a few are known to
have joined other Loyalist corps. Thus, John Stinson of Hillsboro
served for a period in the Royal American Reformers; Stephen
Holland, probably from Londonderry, was a member of the Prince
of Wales American Volunteers; Robert Robinson became an ensign
in the Loyal American Regiment, and John Stark attained a lieu-
tenancy in the Royal Guides and Pioneers. ^

At the termination of the war the refugees from New Hamp-
shire were among the first of the American Loyalists to leave Long
Island and New York for* their new homes in Nova Scotia. In
March, 1782, Captain Simon Baxter, whose escape to Burgoyne's
army referred to earlier in this paper, arrived at Fort Howe at the
mouth of the St. John River with his family was befriended by
several persons of local importance, and recommended by them to
the authorities in Halifax. Soon afterwards he received a grant
of 5,000 acres in what is now the Parish of Norton, Kings County,
New Brunswick. In the same year in which Mr. Baxter landed
at Fort Howe a paper was circulated among the refugees at
Lloyd's Neck and in Queen's County, Long Island, (probably at
Springfield) to be signed by those approving the terms contained
in the "articles of settlement" by which this paper was accom-
panied. The terms suggested were that vessels should be provided
by the British authorities at New York to convey the emigrants,
together with their horses and cattle, to their destination; that
clothing, farming implements, arms and ammunition, mill stones,
medicines, and one year's supply of provisions should be furnished
them, and that lands should be granted to them in the country to
which they were going, including a sufficient acreage for the
support of a church and a school. The authors of these articles
of settlement were Lieutenant Colonel Thompson, Lieutenant
Colonel Edward Winslow, Major Joshua Upham, who was now

^Raymond, Winslow Papers, 51, 57, 69, 70; Winslow's Muster Rolls (in
the possession of the N. B. Hist. Soc, St. John, N. B.); Ellis, Life of Rumford,
124, 125, 129, 131, 136, 139-141, 143.

^Sabine, Am. Loyalists, (1847) 570, 363, 630; Sec. Rep., Bur. of Archives,
Ont., Pt. 272.

commandant of Fort Franklin at Lloyd's Neck, and several others,
including Samuel Cummings, Esq., of HoUis, New Hampshire.
The articles received the general approval of General Sir Guy
Carleton, who in a letter of September 22d solicited the assistance
of the Governor of Nova Scotia for these refugees. Those who
signified their intention of going numbered 177 men, 99 women,
and 316 children. Nine transports were required for their convey-
ance, and the Amphitrite and another of the king's frigates acted
as convoys. On October 19th this fleet entered the Annapolis
Basin but did not discharge its passengers until the following day,
when Robert Briggs, the commander of the Amphitrite, who had
treated the exiles under his care with generous consideration, even
spending £200 of his own money to make them comfortable during
the voyage was presented with an address of appreciation and
thanks signed by Amos Botsford, Samuel Cummings, Elijah
Williams, and others.^

When this band of expatriated Americans arrived at their
destination, Annapolis Royal was a mere hamlet of 120 inhab-
itants, but already its two best educated, if not most serviceable,
citizens were refugees from the States. One of these was Ben-
jamin Snow, a graduate of Dartmouth College in New Hampshire,
who had opened a grammar school in the village the preceding
year, and the other was the Reverend Jacob Bailey, a graduate of
Harvard College, who had but recently become the rector of St.
Luke's Parish. In October, 1777, Mr. Bailey had managed to es-
cape from Pownalsborough, Maine, to Boston, and later with his
family to. Halifax. Thence, in October, 1779, he removed to Com-
wallis where he remained as pastor of the Church of England
until 1782, when he came to Annapolis. An eye-witness of the
landing of this first concourse of his fellow-exiles, though the num-
ber of them was much less than of those moving at different times
during the following months, Mr. Bailey has depicted in various
letters, written at the time, the severe experiences of Annapolis
and its numerous guests. The more than 500 newcomers proved
to be "a prodigious addition" to the population of the place, crowd-
ing the houses and barracks beyond their utmost capacity, so that

'Raymond, The River St. John, 506; N. B. Courier, Mar. 28, 1835; Rep.
on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., Ill, 144, 159, 207; Savary, Hist,
of the Co. of Annapolis Supplement, 36.

many were unable to procure lodgings. Both the inhabitants and
the soldiers were "lost among the strangers," who were "a mix-
ture from every Province on the Continent except Georgia," not a
few of them being "peeple of fashion." Mr. Bailey received into
his own house the family of Mr. Cummings, and was told by this
gentleman that another considerable fleet might be expected in
three weeks and 2,000 more families in the spring. He learned
further that the Loyalists had come well supplied "with clothing
and provisions for a twelve month, besides all instruments for
husbandry," and that those who had belonged to what he called
"the Gentlemen Volunteers" were receiving five shillings per day.
The Whigs up the Annapolis River were so highly displeased with
the arrival of the immigrants that they threatened to petition the
government for their removal and one impecunious inhabitant pro-
claimed himself neady to pay £50 towards their deportation.^

Before the withdrawal of these Loyalists from Long Island,
Sir Guy Carleton had advised them to send agents to examine
vacant lands for settlement. These agents, who were Amos Botsf ord,
Samuel Cummings, and Frederick Hauser, hastened to Halifax
with a letter from the Commander in Chief to Governor Parr, rec-
ommending them to the latter's consideration as persons entitled on
on every account to the grants of land they were seeking and
such other advantages as had been promised by proclamation, or
otherwise, to intending settlers. After a satisfactory interview
with the Governor and the Surveyor General, Charles Morris, the
agents returned and explored the country from Annapolis to St.
Mary's Bay and then crossed the Bay of Fundy to the River St.
John near the end of November, 1782. Finding the river impass-
able for boats at this season of the year, they travelled on foot
about 70 miles up-stream to the Oromocto and also went up the
Kennecbeccasis. Returning to Annapolis, the agents wrote to
friends in New York, January 14, 1783, an account of their journey,
in which they expressed a favorable opinion of the lands they had
just viewed on the St. John, because these could be secured sooner
than those near Annapolis, were sufficiently close to the cod fishery

^Sabine, Am. Loyalists (1864) I, 201; Bartlet, Frontier Missionary, 191-193;
Calnek and Savary, Co. of Annapolis, 604, 66-68; Polit. Magazine (London,
Eng.), 1783; Campbell, Hist, of Nova Scotia, 170, 171; Rev. W. O. Raymond's
Notebook (unpublished). Rev. J. Bailey to Thos. Robie, Oct. 19 1782, Rev.
Bailey to Capt. Farrel. Oct. 21, 1782.

in the Bay of Fundy, and were secure against both the. Americans
and the Indians. They added that some of their associates were
in favor of settling on the St. John, while others preferred Conway
(now Digby), but that for the winter all were settled, a part in the
town of Annapolis, a part in the barracks, and a part up the An-
napolis River for a distance of 20 miles under terms made with
the inhabitants, and that while some were already doing well, the
others had nothing to live on but their provisions.^

How many of the associated Loyalists at Annapolis settled on
the St. John River is not known, but certainly some of the refugees
from New Hampshire located in the region north of the Bay of
Fundy. One of these was John Stinson of Hillsboro, who went to
St. John in May, 1783, and became a grantee of the town, although
he spent a year at Maugerville and lived later in Lincoln, Sun bury
County. Captain John Cochran and John Holland also settled in
St. John, the former being able to maintain the style of a gentle-
man, while the latter was elected sheriff of the county. Lieutenant
John Davidson, who served as deputy surveyor in the province for
some years, settled in Dumfries, York County,^nd became a member
of the House of Assembly in 1802. Hugh Ruinton of Londonderry
took up his abode in the Province in 1783, and Solomon Stephens
was a resident of Musquash at the time of his death in 1819.^

Although some of the King's American Dragoons' accompanied
the large party sailing for Annapolis about October 1, 1782, the
greater part of the regiment did not leave New York for Nova
Scotia until the following spring. Sir Guy Carleton mentions them
in a letter of April 26 to Major General Paterson. in which he en-
closed embarkation returns of the troops and refugees going to
different parts of that province. In this letter he states that he
had consented to the request of the Dragoons to be sent to St.
John River, and that they were to proceed directly to that place.
The corps did not arrive at its destination until the end of June,
when it encamped on Lancaster Height just back of Carleton, and
was employed in cutting and clearing the streets of the town that
was rapidly forming. Colonel Edward Winslow, who saw them

•Raymond, The River St. John, 510, 511; Murdoch, Hist, of Nova Scotia,
III, 13-15; Wilson, Hist, of the Co. of Digby, N. S., 46.

^Second Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont., Pt. 1, 101, 272; Sabine, Am. Loyalists,
635, 216, 363; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 95, n.; Sabine, Am. Loyalists, 551,
631.

engaged in this work, was impressed by their general cheerfulness
and good humor, and noted that they were enjoying a great variety
of what New Yorkers would call luxuries, such as partridges, wild
pigeons, salmon, bass, and trout. However, these pleasures of the
regiment were soon to be interrupted, for it was found that the
men could not provide themselve&with winter quarters where they
were without serious inconvenience to the many Loyalists settling
at the mouth of the river. They were therefore ordered on August
8 to proceed about 100 miles up the St. John to the land allotted
them in the district assigned to the provincial regiments. The
Dragoons were the first to settle here, their grant extending from
Long's Creek, twenty miles above Frederiction, to the "Barony"
at the mouth of the Pokiok, and being christened by them the
township of Prince William, in honor of their royal patron, after-
wards King William IV. It was not long before several officers of
the corps became prominent in the affairs of New Brunswick. Thus,
Major Joshua Upham attained a seat on the supreme bench, as did
also Ward Chipman, the paymaster of the corps; Major Daniel
Murray served some years as a member of the House of Assembly
for York County and as a leading magistrate; Lieutenant John
Davidson, a prominent land surveyor, also represented York County
in the provincial legislature; Captain Jonathan Odell became the
first provincial secretary and held the office for 28 years, and after
him his son, William F. Odell, held the same post for 32 years;
Surgeon Adino Paddock achieved an enviable reputation as a
physician; Quartermaster Edward Sands became a leading merchant
of the City of St. John, and Comet Arthur Nicholson commanded
the garrison at Presquisle.^

Ex-Governor Wentworth retumed#from England to Halifax,
September 20, 1783, to take up the duties of surveyor general of
the King's woods in Nova Scotia at a salary of £800 a year and an
allowance of a guinea a day while in actual service. It was
reported at the time that his family would follow him in the
spring. For the next nine years Mr. Wentworth was chiefly
occupied in travelling about the Province and preventing the
cutting of timber on the royal preserves, as also the unlicensed

'Report on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., IV, 55; Raymond, Wins-
low Papers, 102, 123, 183; Raymond, The Dispatch of Woodstock, N. B., Nov.
28, 1906.

felling of pine trees which where suitable for masts, whether on
granted or ungranted lands, since these were destined for the use
of the British navy. Toward the close of 1784 he appointed
Benjamin Marston to be his deputy in New Brunswick. In March,
1792, the ex-Governor was again in London. During this visit
he was knighted and also appointed to succeed Mr. Parr as lieu-
tenant governor of Nova Scotia. On his return to Halifax, May
12, he was welcomed by the civil and military authorities of the
Province and was sworn into office two days later. He continued
to administer the government of Nova Scotia for 16 years, being
retired in April, 1808, on the arrival of Sir George Prevost. In
the following month the Assembly voted him £500 sterling per
annum as a pension for life, in compliance with the wishes of the
King, who announced his intention of making additional provision
for the declining days of his faithful servant. Sir John and Lady
Wentworth now took up their residence at the Prince's Lodge
near Halifax, and continued* to live there, except while absent in
England in 1810 and 1811, until Sir John's death, April 8, 1820,
in his 84th year.^

In view of the fact that AmosBotsford accepted a commission
from Governor Parr as soliciting agent for Conway, and together
with 300 others received a patent for a township comprising
100,000 acres at the southern endof the Annapolis Basin, it is prob-
able that a number of Botsford's associates participated in set-
tling this locality. Manyof the patentees, however, had entered the
Province since the arrival of the first association (or in June, 1783),
and as the vessels that brought them to Conway — seven in num-
ber — had been supplied by Rear Admiral Robert Digby, the new-
comers interceded with the government to change the name of the
township to Digby, and the patent contained a clause carrying their
desire into effect. Among the names appearing in this document,
which was dated February 20, 1784, are those of several men al-
ready familiar to us as refugees from New Hampshire, namely,
Thomas Cummings, Josiah Jones, Enos and Phineas Stevens, and
Elijah Williams. In keeping with the resolution of the patentees
to erect a town, Deputy Surveyor Thomas Milledge laid out a plot
containing about 70 acres, and lots were drawn by the settlers

^Raymond. Winslow Papers. 133, 134. 258, n., 388, 389, 391, 394, 615, n.,
632, 646, 656, 663; Murdoch, Hist, of Nova Scotia, III, 277, 281-283.

under the supervision of Surveyors Milledge and John Harris of
Annapolis and Amos Botsford in his capacity as agent for the
colonists. Meantime, the Reverend Edward W. Brudenell» Rich-
ard Hill, and John Stump had been appointed to act with Mr.
Botsford as a land board, and this board located the other settlers
regardless of necessary formalities, except in assigning the num-
bers of their respective lots. The colonists labored throughout
the summer in clearing away the forest and erecting log houses,
or in some instances houses built with oak frames that had been
brought from the States. A few of the log structures were after-
wards enlarged, covered with boards and shingles, and survived
for more than a century.^

But although Digby sprang into existence during the year
1783, many of the Loyalists in the neighborhood were reported,
September 16, 1784, as being still unsettled "on account of the negli-
gent and dilatory conduct of those appointed to lay out lands for
them." Fully one-third of the persons named in the Botsford grant
failed to occupy their lots. Others who were not included in the
patent were nevertheless assigned lands, or went upon them with-
out authority, even including the common and the glebe. When
complaints were made against this illegal procedure, the squatters
promptly made demands for allotments. While this contention
was in progress a British man-of-war, which had been despatched
with provisions and implements for the colony, was detained by
adverse winds, and the settlers were brought to the verge of star-
vation on account of the smallness of the season's crops. During
the disturbances that followed a discharged officer, who had done
much in promoting the settlement and was both a deputy land
surveyor and a justice of the peace, was charged with disloyal acts
by the puisne judges before the Governor and the Council, and suf-
fered the loss of his justiceship, June 16, 1785. An extensive out-
break was avoided only by the wise management of certain officials
and the timely arrival of the delayed supplies. But sufficient harm
had already been done to cause many of the best residents to re-
move from Digby. Some of these returned to the States, while
others removed to Granville farther up the Annapolis Basin, or
crossed the Bay of Fundy to St. John. A few went to Weymouth,
which lies on the east side of St. Mary's Bay about seventeen miles
Wilson Hist of the Co. of Digby, N. S., 52, 48, 49, 50, 64, 65.

south of Digby, among these being Enos and Phineas Stevens and
Josiah Jones who, as we have seen, had come originally from New
Hampshire. 1

The departure of these dissatisfied ones only complicated, in-
stead of relieving, the situation, for they neglected to dispose of
their shares in the township, and left their unimproved lots to be
occupied and cultivated by others having no legal title to them.
The increasing difficulties of the problem were brought to the at-
tention of the provincial House of Assembly, April 2. 1795, by sev-
eral grantees of the township, who urged that commissioners be
appointed to look into the question, on account of the injury that
the settlement was suffering through continued expense and litiga-
tion. Two days later a bill was introduced to quiet the possession
of lands within the township. For some reason, which is not
stated in the official records, action was deferred until the next
session, when a new bill was presented, but with no better success.
In June, 1798, the inhabitants pf Digby petitioned the Council, and
a commission of inquiry was appointed. However, this body so
far failed in its duty that a new appeal was presented in October,
and a second board of commissioners was named, and was given
power to employ a clerk and one or more deputy surveyors "at the
expense of those immediately interested.'* This board took ample
time to accomplish its task with thoroughness, and at length sub-
mitted a report recommending that the landholders, whether claim-
ing by grant or occupancy, be considered actual owners, and that a
new patent, or "grant of confirmation," be immediately issued as-
signing to the 276 real estate proprietors, then residents of Digby
Township, the tracts held by them respectively. This report be-
came the text of the proposed grant, and on January 31, 1801, was
signed by Sir John Went worth as lieutenant governor and coun-
tersigned by Berining Wentworth as secretary of the Province of
Nova Scotia. Thus, after 17 years, during which Digby had re-
mained at a standstill in population, the inhabitants of the town
were freed from their burden of suspense, and given the legal as-
surance that the lands which they had cleared and tilled were their
own. It is, of course, obvious that the grievances of people of
Digby did not receive just treatment until they came before the

'Raymond, Winslow Papers, 189; Wilson, Hist, of the Co. of Digby, N. S.,

76, 77. 75.

Council of the Province, and it is worthy of note that the grant
of confirmation" bears the official signatures of two distinguished
Loyalists from New Hampshire, who were fully able to appreciate
the sad plight in which their fellow refugees at Digby had long
been placed by force of circumstances, i

Not a few of the founders of Digby were educated men,
while others possessed no more than an ordinary education, or only
the rudiments of knowledge. Among their number was William
Barbancks, who is said to have been "a worthy and competent
tutor," and soon began to teach reading, writing, and arithmetic
to the children of the scattered settlement, although he was under
the necessity of going from one homestead to another for the
purpose. As Mr. Barbancks was induced to remove to Gulliver's
Cove before long, the colonists engaged the services of Lieutenant
James Foreman, a graduate of a high school in England, who
opened a "superior school" early in November, 1784, in his own
dwelling, with an enrollment of 75 pupils. During the summers
of 1785 and 1786, Mr. Foreman also conducted a class in the
Anglican catechism and selections from the Scriptures. The need
for more commodious quarters led to the erection of a schoolhouse
in 1789, by voluntary subscriptions. This building, which was
fitted with long desks for both elementary and senior pupils and a
brick furnace, remained the center of education for the residents
of the county until the establishment of an academy at Digby. ^

The first religious service held in the new settlement was in
1783, when the Reverend Edward W. Brudenell delivered a sermon.
About two years. later the Reverend Jacob Bailey came over from
Annapolis and conducted worship in the house of one ot the resi-
dents. As the Loyalists of Digby and its vicinity were Episcopal-
ians, and had now made considerable progress with their settlement,
they held their first vestry meeting, September 29, 1785, elected
officers, and instructed their church wardens to petition the Gov-
ernor to establish the limits of a parish to be called Trinity Parish.
The name which they suggested is reminiscent of the fact that
many of the pioneers had been members of Trinity Church in New
York City, under the ministrations of the Reverend Charles Inglis,
D. D. Governor Parr fixed the boundaries of the parish, March 3,

'Wilson, Hist, of the Co. of Digby, N. S., 77-81, 111.
-Ibid., 92, 93.

1786, and before many months had passed a church was built by
local subscriptions, aided by an appropriation from the provincial
fund for building and repairing established churches, and a gener-
ous contribution from Admiral Digby, who also presented a bell.
This structure and the adjoining burial ground were consecrated
by Dr. Inglis, who was now bishop of Nova Scotia, July 31, 1788.^

It will have been noted that New Hampshire's treatment of
the Tory element in her population was relatively moderate. She
permitted Loyalists to leave the State, and indeed by the resolu-
tion of January 16, 1777, she encouraged them to go, but she did
not expel them, and many of them remained. Those who did go,
however, were forbidden to return by the act of November, 1778.
The ultimate success of the Revolutionists does not seem to have
changed their opinion of their absentee brethren. In the spring
of 1783, the town of Mollis voted to instruct its representatives
against permitting the return of the refugees or the restoration of
"their forfeited estates." About a year later Elijah Williams put
in his appearance at Keene, and was promptly bound over to the
court of sessions at Charlestown, which ordered him to leave the
State as soon as he had transacted his business. After settling
his affairs Williams departed for Nova Scotia, but he was not long
in finding his way back to Deerfield in consequence of ill health,
and there he died.^

Some of the non-jurors who had remained within the borders
of the State during the war were as unforgiving as the Revolu-
tionists, and showed no inclination to become reconciled to the
outcome of the war. A notable instance of this sort is disclosed
by the petition of Ebenezer Rice and Lieutenant Benjamin Tyler,
March 4, 1784, to Governor General Haldimand at Quebec, request-
ing permission for their own and 46 other families of Claremont
to settle on Lake Memphremagog, or on the west bank of the
Connecticut River. They explained that they had always been
loyal subjects of King George III, were members of the Church of
England, but were "overburdened with Usurpation, Tyrene, and
opression from the Hands of Violent Men," who had used every
art to include them among the proscribed in the late Revolution,

'Wilson, Hist, of the Co. of Digby, N. S., 88, 87, 89, 90.

-"Worcester, The Town of Hollis, N. H., in the War of the Rev. (a reprint
from the N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg., July, 1876); Colls. N. H. Hist. Soc. II,
134. 135.

and that they were therefore impatient to find an asylum in their
"Royal Master's Dominion." They hoped that after those who
had been meritorious in service should be provided for, their own
petition might receive favorable consideration. Not content to de-
pend solely on a written plea, the petitioners sent Captain Benjamin
Summer to Quebec with a letter for Surveyor General Samuel
Holland from the clerk wardens and vestrymen of their church
begging his assistance in favor of their request. It is interestihg
to note that the list of 48 names submitted with the petition con-
tains a number that also appear among those of the non-jurors of
Claremont, May 30, 1776.^

The lapse of more time was needed to remove the antipathies
of the past, and in the case of James Sheafe of Portsmouth, who
had suffered imprisonment for his Toryism, a complete restora-
tion to popular favor occurred, for in 1802 Mr. Sheafe was elected
a United States senator from New Hampshire, and fourteen years
later he came within 2,000 votes of being chosen governor of the
State. 2

'Haldimand Papers, B. 175. pp. 251, 253-255; N. H. State Papers, Docs.,
and Records from 1776 to 1783, VIII, 218-220.

-McClinntock, Hist, of N. H., 510. 511.

The Ohio State University Bulletin

VoLCitB XXII APCtrsP. 1917 Numdeb S

CONTRIBUTIONS IN HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE NUMBER 4

Western Influences on Political
Parties to 1825

AN ESSAY IN HISTORICAL INTERPRETATION

HOMER C. HOCKETT

frofegBor of American Hi»toru i"

The Ohio Slate r,,. ,i,,

USHED BY THE UNIVERSITY AT COLUMBUS

CONTRIBUTIONS IN HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE

No. 1 : The Legacy of the American Revolution to the British
West Indies and Bahamas. Wilbur H. Siebert, Profesao]
of European History. 50 pp. April, 1918.

The Exodus op the Loyalists from Penobscot to Pabsa-
MAquowty. Wilbur H. Siebert, Professor of European His-
tory. 4S pp., 1 map. April, 1914.

The Loyalist Refugees of New Hampshire. Wilbur H.
Siebert. Professor of European History. 23 pp. October,
1916.

The Ohio State University Bulletin

Volume XXII August, 1917 Number 3

THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY STUDIES
Contributions in History and Poutical Science Number 4

Western Influences on Political

Parties to 1825

AN ESSAY IN HISTORICAL INTERPRETATION

HOMER C. HOCKETT

Profeaaor of American History in
The Ohio State University

THE OmO STATE UNIVERSITY

•J

FREDERICK JACKSON TURNER

In Acknowledgment of a Debt which but Increases ivith the

Lapse of Years

PREFACE

This study was begun in a search for the key to the political his-
tory of Monroe's presidency, so long superficially known as the Era
of Good Feeling. The quest for the unifying principle of this con-
fused period revealed, however, that it could not be separated from
the events which marked the earlier history of parties, and tiiat it
would be necessary to treat the whole question of the rise and de-
cline of the first pair of parties in the United States — Federalism
and Jeffersonian Republicanism. Due regard for the threads of con-
tinuity in this larger topic required that the operation of forma-
tive influences be traced from about the middle of the eighteenth
century to the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth. The study
has thus become a sketch of our party evolution down to 1825, so
far as that evolution was influenced by new forces and issues re-
leased or raised by the development of new western areas.

It is hoped that the essay may be sufficiently successful to war-
rant a continuation of this type of study for the period since 1825.

OHIO STATE UNIYEBSITT

AuguBt 12, 1916

■ «

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

Pact
THE ORIGIN OF PARTIES IN THE UNITED STATES:

L Colonial Antbcbdents 9

2. The Rbvolutionasy Pekiod 22

8. Rise OF THE Fbdebalist AND Repubucan Pabtibs 27

CHAPTER II
THE TRIUMPH OF THE PRINCIPLE OF WESTERN EQUALITY 41

CHAPTER III
THE DECUNE OF FEDERALISM 61

{ CHAPTER IV

i THE DISRUPTION OF THE REPUBUCAN PARTY:

1. The Eba of Nationausm 81

2. Development of Economic Life and Thought of the West. . 91
8. dlyebgence of west and south 112

CHAPTER V

TENDENCIES TOWARDS REALIGNMENT OF PARTIES 127

BIBLIOGRAPHY 146

INDEX 161

CHAPTER I
THE ORIGIN OF PARTIES IN THE UNITED STATES

1. Colonial Antecedents

^ In Europe political parties have divided in the main along
lines of social stratification ; in the United States the lines of cleav-
age have tended to be geographical. The reason for this difference
is that the parties of modem Europe have developed within coun-
tries occupying definitely fixed territories, while in the United
States settlement has expanded over a continent many times out-
measuring the region which it occupied at the beginning of our
national history. The origin of our parties is therefore to be sought
in the variation of social types incident to the westward move-
ment of population from the Atlantic coast, and our party history
is closely connected at every epoch with the changes resulting from
each stage of the westward advance. It was the development of a
group of inland settlements differing in important ways from the
coast communities which first gave rise to those conflicting eco-
nomic interests and social ideals which have furnished the causes
of party groupings throughout our history.^

The forces of social selection began very early in colonial days
to produce differences between the older settlements and the new.

^ "We may trmee tlw eontatt between the capitaliat and the democratic pioneer ttom the
rUeat colonial daja."— Frederick J. Turner, in the American HUtorieal Review, XVI, 227.
The idea of eocial differentiation ae a retnh of the weetward movement was first set forth
clearly by Profeiaor Tomer in the eesay on "The SIsnifleance of the Frontier in American
History/' in the American Historical Association Report for 1898.

Dorinff the past two de c ades several writers working independently have produced mono-
graphs dealing with the social development and sectional struggles in so many of the colonies
that it is now possible, by putting together the fkcts revealed by their r esea r ches, to obtain a
fairly comprehensive understan din g of the evolution of this group of inland settlements and
of the reasons why they came into conflict with the older communities. The more important
of t h sse monographs are:

Ambler, C. H., SeetionaUem in Virginia.

Baasett, J. S., "The Regulators of North CaroUna," in Amer. Hist. Assn. Rep<trt for 1894.

Becker, C. L., The Hietary of PoUHeal PmrUee in the Provinee of New York, 176a-177f
(University of Wiaeonsin BuUetin, History Series, n. No. 1).

Lincoln, C. H., The Revolmtionnry Movement in Penneiflvania,

Schaper, W. A., "Sectionalism and Representation in South Carolina." in Amer. Hist.
Assn. Report for 1900, L

The whole subject of the formation of the social order of the interior east of the AUs-
ghanies has been summarised by Professor Turner in "The Old West," State Historical Society
of WiseonnB ^^oeeeHnoe for 1906.

10 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

The first colonists were frontiersmen, wielding the axe and build-
ing their ca'bins and rude blockhouses in the forest clearings.
Wilderness conditions gave way with surprising rapidity, however,
to those of settled life, and the frontier line began its westward
march towards the setting sun. Liong before It crossed the Alle-
ghanies, the dominant members of the communities first settled
had worked out a measurably satisfactory adjustment between their
ideals and environment, and had set up ecclesiastical, political, and
economic systems which they desired to perpetuate. The hunters,
fur traders, and farmers upon whom fell the chief task of settling
the interior came, on the other hand, from those elements of the
population which were more or less in ill-adjustment with the coast- ^
al order. Thus it came to pass by the middle of the eighteenth /
century that two contrasting societies dwelt between the moun- t/^
tains and the sea, the one occupying the coast lands, the other the
''back country,'' and thus was prepared the stage for the first party
divisions.

In the Old Dominion, during the rise of tobacco planting, men
of small means were unable to maintain themselves as land holders
in the fertile valleys of the tidewater, in competition with the
wealthy,^ and found it necessary to retreat either to the more
barren upland between the river courses, or towards their sources,
for on the outskirts of settlement lands were to be had as bounties
for defence of the f rontier." A distinct sectionalism appeared with- |
in the colony even before the close of the seventeenth century, and
furnishes the true clue to Bacon's Rebellion.^ A few men of the
upper social class, like Captain WiUiam Byrd, of more adventur-
ous nature than most of their kind, interested themselves hi fron-
tier lands, but the great majority of the inhabitants of the back
settlements were poor men struggling to gain a foothold by dint
of their own labor. Throughout the colonial period, in fact, most
of Virginia's brilliant society, as well as her wealth and politi-
cal power, centered in the slaveholding plantations of the tide-

* See Bruee, P. A., Seanamie Hutory of VtrgUiia in ths 84V€nU€nth Centwi/, I, 527 et mq.,
on the tendency towards Urse bolidngs. We can only eonjeeture the prooeee by which en-
sroennent affected the small fanners, hut ef, the displacement, two ecntorlcs later, of the
small fkrmer in the Gulf region by the cotton planter: Phillips, U. B., "Origin and Growth of
the Southern Black Belts," in Amer. Hi&L Rev., XI, 798-816. See ako behw, 114 and /. «. 101.

•Bruce, Seanomie Hittory, I, 610 et mq. The practice of "sqiiiattins" mutt haTi ap-
peared early also. See Ford, A,, Colonial FroeodenU of our National Land Stfotam, 118.

* Osgood, H. A., Tka Amorioan Coloniss in tha SavaaUaaik Canlmnh n^ S4S-MT.

COLONIAL ANTECEDENTS 11

water." The Anglican establishment, like the economic system,
tended to drive certain elements of the population from the coast
regions. In the days of intolerance, the exclusion of non-Anglicans
resulted in an overland migration from the James River to Albe-
marle Sound, making North Carolina for a time virtually a frontier
of Virginia, but the tempered ecclesiasticism of the eighteenth
century permitted the settlement of dissenters in the interior, thus
adding another element of contrast with the coast. Although some-
what later in making themselves felt, similar forces came into play
in North Carolina with the rise of the plantation system there,
and with similar results.*

As the social order of the coast plain crystallized, the outlet
to the frontier for those whom the system hampered impeded the
formation of social strata, but stratification after the European
fashion proceeded apace wherever the outlet was stopped. Such
was the case for a time in South Carolina, where access to the in-
terior was difficult because of the broad belt of ''pine barrens,''
which ran parallel with the coast and isolated the piedmont. Sub-
^ stantially all of the good lands lying east of this barrier had been
engrossed by the planters before population began to move into
the district in its rear. Hemmed in on the coast the whites tended
to divide into two classes: the planters and merchants who com-
posed the aristocracy and were bent on such an organization of
industry and government as would promote their own interests,
and a proletariat which would probably have become a negligible
political force. Foreign commerce, the professions, and planting
were considered to be the only respectable vocations, and there
was little room in the economy of the plantation save for the planter
and the slave.^ Farther nortti. New York affords another example
of the tendency to stratification. Here expansion was retarded by
the Catskills and the Iroquois Confederacy of the Mohawk Valley,
while the system of large land grants in vogue from the days of
the Dutch patroons enabled the landlords to lay claim to avaMable
lands far in advance of settlement. A legal system of small grants
gave a measure of protection to poor settlers who would fight for
their rights, but under the circumstances many preferred lands in

* Spaenlathr* land owning in tb* Viisinia ptedmont beesme common in tho eiffhtoenth
eentnnr. bat most of tbo population eontinnod to eonaist of poor farman with small boldinsi.
C/. Tomar, "Old Wart," 209.

•/MU 107-209.

f Sahapar, "Saetlonaliam,'' 174, 904.

12 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTIGAL PARTIES

other colonies where fee simple titles could be had more easily and
safely. Vast tracts claimed by proprietors therefore remained un-
occupied, while to a greater extent than in any other colony white
cultivators of the soil sank to the status of semi-feudal tenants."

The rise of an interest strong enough to compete with the
coastal aristocracy was due to the settlement of the interior, and |
its story is a part of the history of the coming of the German and
Scotch-Irish immigrants.* Into New York came, about 1710, Ger-
mans whom Governor Hunter planned to colonize in Livingston
Manor. Dissatisfied with their treatment, the colonists "trekked"
to the valley of the Schoharie, only to find that the lands on which
they had settled were claimed by the avaricious landlords. Once
more, therefore, they dispersed, many going northward to the
Mohawk, where they formed pioneer communities of independent,
democratic farmer folk.^® Pennsylvania, however, received the
chief influx of foreign immigrants, and from there they spread to
the colonies farther south. By 1725 thousands of German redemp-|
tloners and Scotch-Irish were pouring into the colony every year./
The search for unappropriated lands carried them into the interior,
where some of them bought while the rest "squatted," declaring
that "it was against the laws of God and nature that so much land
should lie idle while so many christians wanted it to work on and
to raise their bread."^^ Encountering the mountain ranges, the
later comers, each wave advancing beyond its predecessors, turned
southward, crossed Maryland, invaded Virginia on both sides of
the Blue Ridge, and occupied the piedmont of the Carolinas by the
middle of the century. Swelled in volume by streams entering by
way of Baltimore and the coast of Virginia and the Carolinas, this
German and Scoteh-Irish population with a minority of English
intermingled placed itself in possession of the belt of country be-
tween the fall line and the Alleghanies, from the Mohawk to the
Savannah, by the time of the outbreak of the French and Indian

•Turner, "Old Wmt," 196-196; Ballaffh, J. C. "The Land Syitem in tbe South." in
Amer. Hiet. Amu. Rsport for 1897, 110.

* Germani from the Rhine Valley had played a considerable part in the colonisation of
Pennsylvania in the early dajrs of Penn's experiment, but the similarity b e tw ee n their religious
Tiews and those of the Quakers, together with the broad tolerance of the proprietor's govern-
ment, had made for a ready assimilation. Faust, A. B., Germofi SUment in th§ UniUd Stoles,
I, tO-62.

^« IML, I. 78 et mq.

^^ Ballagh, "Land System in the South," 112 ; Tamer, "Old West," tl«.

COLONIAL ANTECEDENTS 18

War.^' Throughout this regrion the mean annual temperature ilB
about the same, owing to the increasing elevation as one goes south-
ward. Soil conditions are also similar, so that the whole belt con-
stitutes a single physiographic province suitable throughout for
grain farmhig and stock raising.^^ Here the settlers formed a
primitive agricultural society, whose isolated farmers cultivated
small tracts instead of plantations, aided by their sons and women
folk instead of slaves, with subsistence in view at first rather than
production for a market.^^

Of all the colonies those in New England felt these differenti-
ating influences least. Apart from a few Scotch-Irish settlers the
non-English immigration touched this section but slightly, and the
supervision of town planting by the theocratic governments car-
ried along the Puritan social organization with the expanding
population in a greater degree than was true of the coastal insti-
tutions of any of the colonies south of the Hudson.^^ Yet the regu-
lations which the Massachusetts Bay Company found necessary
in 1631, governing the admission of freemen with the right of vot-
ing, give evidence that from the very beginning of that colony
there were among the immigrants many discordant spirits whose
presence furnished the elements of social cleavage.^* As in the
case of Virginia, the story of the expansion of New England is the
story of the geographical segregation of these inharmonious ele-
ments. The exodus to the Connecticut Valley was the first f ruft of
dissatisfaction with the Massachusetts order. In this case, because
of the minor character of the differences, the migration merely di-
vided the Puritan population into parts which remained essentially
alike. But the religious controversies which led to the expulsion
of Williams and Hutchinson gave birth to a community on Narra-
gansett Bay of so different a type from those of Boston and Hart-
ford as to cause its exclusion from the New England Confedera-

^ Faust, Gtmum EUmmU, I, ehftiw. 6^; Hannm, C. A., 7A« Seoteh'IriBk, H, CO «i atq.;
GTMnc, 8. W., "Seoteh-Irish in Amsriea,*' in American Anti<iaarian Soeletj Proc4«dino9, X,
8S-70 ; KerelMval. S., A HUtory of tks VoOey of Virginia, 46-66 : Ford, H. J., The SeoioMritk
<N Amoriea, 878-400.

^* Merriam, Lt/« Zon€9 and Crop Zon— of th« United StatoB, United States Dept. of Acrl-
enltiire. Division of Biological Survey, B^XUtin No. 10, 20-24, 80-86.

^*For a fuller description of life in the back settlements, see Schaper, "Sectionalism,"
817 €t mq.: BasseU, "Regulators/' 144-148; Booeevdt, Th., Wimning of tko Wogt, I, 101-188;
Ambler, SocHowattmn, 18-16.

^"Ossood, Amerisaii Colonkt, 1, 429. Cf. regulation of parish organisation la Sovtli
CaioUna, Mow. 19.

«• md^ I. 168-166.

V i

14 WESTERN Ilf^UENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

tion.^^ Even with the more discordant elements driven beyond her
bounds, MasslujtMi^tts exhibited a movement parallel to that in
Virginia, by 'wliich the frontier became the goal of that part of
her people who found themselves to be out of adjustment with the
life of the older parts. In a general way the impelling forces be-
hind the movement are discernible. The relative difficulty of ob-
taining land, the disfranchisement of the man without property
after the Abolition of the religious test, and the privileged position
of the Congregational Church, alike invited the ambitious and ag-
I grieved to try their fortunes on a stage where the action was
freer.^* Especially was this true after the General Court, in the
second quarter of the eighteenth century, relaxed its supervision
over the establishment of new towns, and even offered lands for sale
to the highest bidder instead of restricting grants to groups of ap-
proved character, as in the earlier days. By these processes New
England, like the southern colonies, was slowly divided into two
parts, ''the one coastal, and dominated by commercial interests and
the established Congregational churches ; the other a primitive agri-
cultural area, democratic in principle, and with various sects.'' ^'

Antagonism was the natural result of the existence side by
side of two societies so diverse as those the formation of which has
been described.'® There were marked differences between the Puri-
tan commonwealths of New England and the ''Cavalier'' society

^^ Adminion of the Rhode Island settlements was Tefosed in 1644 and acain in 1648 un-
less thej would eonsent to annexation by Massachusetts or Pljmiouth. It would seem that the
fftound on which Maine was excluded was equally applicable to the settlements on Narragansett
Bay — ^"because they ran a different course from us both in their ministry and civil adminis-
tration." Ibid., 1, 899. Rhode Island was thus a part of the Massachusetts frontier, holding
much the same relation to the Bay Colony that early North Carolina held to Virginia. In the
matter of religious toleration Rhode Island remained essentially "frontier/' but in time it ds-
iwloped a commereiai aristocracy, while its political system imposed the usual disabilities upon
the masses, besides some which were not to be found elsewhere. In short, Rhode Island de-
veloped a social class corrsspondinir to the dominant class in other coast regions. But its demo-
cratie dement rsmained stronir and active, as is shown by the paper money legislation of the
Confederation. Dorr's Rebellion of 1842 was due to the determination of the people to endure
the rannants of the old aristocratic order no longer.

^* /frid., I, 464-466. The stmggks of commoners and non-eommoners over undivided town
lands seem to be connected with the planting of new towns on the frontier by the discontented.
Cf, Turner, "Old West," 191-192.

^•Ihid,, 194.

'* "In general this took these forms : contests be t w e en the property-holding class of the
eoast and the debtor class of the interior, where specie was lacking, and where paper money
and a readjustment of the basis of taxation were demanded; contests over defective or unjust
local government in the administration of taxes, fees, lands, and the eourts; eontests over un-
fair apportionment in the legislature, whereby the eoast was able to dominate, even when its
population was in the minority; contests to secure the complete separation of church and state;
and, later, contests over slavery, internal improvements, and party poUties in generaL" /Hd.,
281-222.

COLONIAL ANTECEDENTS 15

of Old Virginia and her neighbors ; and these differences have be-
come the commonplaces of historians. But it is doubtful whether
the contrast between the maritime and planting colonies is any
sharper than that which distinguished the seaboard from Maine
to Georgia from the interior along the whole frontier line. In Eng-
land Congregationalism and Episcopacy had represented polities
sufficiently diverse to cause civil war ; yet they had this in conmion
in America, that both embodied the principle of union of church
and state. In the interior, on the other hand, scores of sects flour-
ished side by side on a plane of equality, tolerating one another if
for no other reason than that they could not do otherwise, but
making conmion cause against the establishments.*^ Between the
Anglican and Congregational colonies moreover there was a posi-
tive economic bond, for planting and maritime commerce were
natural allies. The New England skippers found no inconsiderable
portion of their cargoes in the staples of the South, dependent as
the latter were upon the European market. The alliance of these
interests dates back at least to the Navigation Acts of the Restora-
tion era, and appears in many a political contest d(mjx to the period
of tariff controversy in the nineteenth century." iThg tendency of
both ship-owners and planters was to depend upon foreign sources
for supplies, devoting their energies to the production and market-
ing of the great staple crops. The joint interest of these coastal
groups was quite different from that of the interior population. As
the output of the farms increased beyond the needs of the occupants,
the tendency was to convert the surplus into forms which could be
readily marketed nearby, rather than to seek the foreign market
required by the large-scale operations of the planter. So the back-
country settlers became ''manufacturers" in the contemporary
sense of the word, supplying the coast towns with homespun cloth,
smoked meats, and other products of household industiy to such
an extent as to affect the carrying trade[\The imports of the in-
terior were slight, while in South Carolina, for illustration, the do-

'^ TIm ttrnssle for Mpaimtlon of ehnrch and 0tate lasted about half a etntoxTi besinnins
in Virsinia on the ere of the Bevohition and enfaninating in Conneetient in 1818. On Virsini*
see Jamce, C. F.. Documentary Hittory of the StruggU for R^Ugum* lAbortfi in VirgimkL The
etmcsle in Gonneetieut is an excellent illustration of the alliance of sects for the common
pvrpoee. There the Episcopalians, Baptists, and othets united in the Democratic party, demand
Inff a new constitution and complete equality of denominations. Johnston, Alexander, CoftmocH'
OKt, 862-855; Hart; Samuel, si at, eds., Conntetieut at a CoUmg and as a Stats, 105-119.

" C/. irotes on tariff biOs in 1820 and 1824, on wUch the reprssenUtites of the plant-
ing and commerdal raslons jdned in voting nay.

16 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTIGAL PARTIES

mestic supply of bread-stuffs and meat afforded by the opening
of the piedmont farms relieved the colony of dependence upon ex-
ternal trade with a consequent decline in its volume and injury
to the shipping interest.^'

The lack of sympathy between the coast and interior is well
shown by the history of currency legislation. The interior where
specie was scarce had much more need of a paper circulation on a /
credit basis than was felt by the more developed coast region, but *
the legislation of the latter showed little regard for the views and
needs of the frontier. During the French and Indian Wars the
legislatures provided for paper issues to be retired later. The con-
traction of the volume of the circulating medium which accom-
panied retirement was distasteful to the remote part of the popu-
lation, as it interfered with the course of trade and affected the
debtor class adversely.'^ Throughout the second half of the eigh-
teenth century, the pioneer belt was the region of paper money
agitation, and Shay's Rebellion is the classic illustration of the
explosive quality of the discontent engendered by the denial of re-
lief legislation.'*' To the distress which contraction caused in itself
was sometimes added injustice in the means employed in redeem-
ing the issues and in the collection of taxes. Thus in North Caro-
lina the wealthy planters who controlled law-making threw an
unfair burden in the retirement of the issues of 1760 and 1761 upon
the poor farmers by laying a poll tax for the purpose.** Other
taxes were payable in specie, which the back settlers could not ob-
tain without delays which enabled grasping officials to distrain
on property* and sell it for personal gain, through collusion with
friends.*^

The system of government everywhere was such as to keep the
interior democracies in subordination to the coastal minorities.
The settlement of the back country was welcomed by the coast as

'*ScIuiper, "Seetionalinn/* 819. Wherever the turphis prodoetioii of a ftirminir
became great enough to create a presiure for a foreign market, the agrienltaral interest eame
into a degree of harmony with the maritime. CJ. the support of the eonstltution hy the chief
areas of surplus production. The development of the market for food-stofb in the planting
areas created a similar bond between the farmer and the planter. Neither bond was as con-
stant as that which united the planter and ship-owner.

>«Bassett, "Regulators." 164-165.

'• Wildman, M. S., Mon^v InfiaJtUm im tfce UfiiUA 8iaU9» 47-M.

>• Bassett, "Begnlatoxs," 150, 152.

*T/ML, 151.

COLONIAL ANTECEDENTS 17

a protection against the Indians,'^ but as the population increased
those who were in possession of power were not inclined to risk
their vested interests by recognizing the right of the inland ma-
jority to laile.| The nearest approach to equality was to be found
in New England. Yet even there the inland population was made
up largely of those elements which had been unable to hold office
or even to vote in the communities from which they had come, and
fai colonies where under the system of town meetings it became
customary for a few influential men to hold a caucus to prearrange
matters for the mass of the voters,'* it would be surprising to find
full recognition of the equality of rights of the frontier communi-
ties. By 1776, at any rate, some of the frontier towns were com-
plaining of their grievances, as is shown by petitions from the
New Hampshire towns in the Connecticut River Valley objecting
to the lack of a fair system of representation, and to the property
qualifications required of members of the council.'® Farther south
the new settlements were much worse off. The Carolina planters
who had established their dominion east of the pine belt dared
not share power with the non-slaveholding population to the west-
ward. The same was true of the other planting colonies, and every-
where the fear of being taxed by the "Have-nots" was a bugbear
to the wealthy. In Pennsylvania the great influx of foreigners, un-
familiar with English speech and governmental institutions, threat-
ened to engulf the original stock.'^ The dominant classes therefore
took pains to perpetuate their control. In England the growth of
new centers of population and the decline of old ones unaccompanied
by reapportionment of representation in parliament, was producing
the glaring inequities of the "rotten borough" system, &nd playing
into the hands of the landed and mercantile aristocracy which com-
posed the governing class. The aristocracies of the New World
shaped their political affairs in accord with old-world habit, if not
in conscious imitation. The ease of acquiring land in the interior

'* C/. the Mawchnsettg laws forbidding inhabitants of frontier towns to abandon them
dnrias the early Indian wars. Turner, F. J., "The First Official Frontier of the Massachusetts
Bajr/' in Colonial Society of Mass. Publieations, XVII, 260» st §eq.

** Ostrogorski, M., Demoeraey and the Organization of Political Partisa, U, 8-4.

•• Libby, O. G., The Geographical Diatribution of the VoU of the Thirteen Statee on the
Federal Cdiwtitntum, 1787-8, 9.

*^ James Logan, the Governor of Pennsylvania, himself a Scotch-Irishman, exclaimed in
172S: "It looks as if Ireland were to send all her inhabitants hither; if they will continue
to eome, they will make themselves proprietors of the province." Quoted in Greene, "Scotch-
Irish,'' 47. Cf. Franklin's apprehensions concerning the German immigrants: Bigelow, John,
The CompUU Warke of Benjwmn FrankUn, II, 288-284, 296-299.

18 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

rendered ineffectual as a barrier against the frontier folk those
property qualifications on the right of suffrage and office holding
by which the mass of the population had from the beginning, in all
of the coloniies, been excluded from participation in government,
and control had been retained in the hands of an aristocracy of the
well-to-do.*^ Several new devices were therefore invented to in-
sure the continuation of minority rule as the center of population
moved westward. In Pennsylvania, where the county was the unit
of representation in the assembly (as was the case generally out-
side of New England) , the new communities were but tardily given
county organization and then allowed only from one to four repre-
sentatives each, while the old counties — Philadelphia, Bucks, and
Chester — the home of the "Quaker" aristocracy, enjoyed eight each.
To obtain this result it was necessary to fix the apportionment ar-
bitrarily, instead of basing it either on population or taxable
wealth. In 1760, on the basis of population, the city and the west-
em counties had fourteen members less than their proportion, as
compared with Philadelphia County; while on the basis of taxa-
tion Bucks and Chester had six members more than they should
have had and the city and western counties twelve less than their
due.'* Virginia safeguarded minority rule equally well by a some-
what different plan. Although her counties were quite uniformly
allowed two delegates each in the lower house, the new ones in the
West were made so large that the two members represented a much
more numerous constituency than did the delegates from the tide-
water counties.'^ Add to this the practice of filling county offices
by appointment of the governor and council, themselves holding
by royal appointment,''^ and it becomes evident that the political
influence of the people of the interior was very small in comparison
with their numbers. In South Carolina the western boundaries of
the parishes (the units of representation) were for a long time left

*' At the close of the colonial period a freehold <iaalifleation prevailed in seven colonies ;
in the other six personal property was an alternative qualification. Typical requirements were
a freehold of fifty acres or yielding an income of forty shillings per annum, or personal prop*
erty valued at forty or fifty pounds. McKinley, A. E., Th€ Suffrage Franckim in tfce Tkirtemi
BnglUh Colonie» in Amsriea, 480. In Massachusetts and Connecticut perhaps sixteen per cent,
of the population were qualified electors; in Virginia and Rhode Island, nine per cent.; in
New York City, eight per cent.; in rural Pennsylvania, eight per cent.; but in Philaddphlft ^ o
only two per cent. Ibid,, 487-488.

•• Lincoln, RevoUUionary Movement, 44-61. -*' *

•* Turner, "Old West," 224. • ^

•« "Queries from ye Lds of Trade to Sr Wm. Gooeh Govt of Virginia ft his Aniwert '/ }« rs

Abridged," in Virginia Magagins of Hi&tory, m. 114 ot 9§q. * '*«%

•tf

COLONIAL ANTECEDENTS 19

undetermined, and the inhabitants of the up-country were thus con-
structively represented by the members chosen on the coast.** When
they took the pains to present themselves at the polling places in
the eastern ends of the parishes, however, they were generally re-
fused the right to vote.'^ Provision was made in 1730 by the crown
for a group of new settlements in the middle portion of the colony,
among the inducements offered to settlers being parish organiza-
tion with representation whenever the settlement attained a popu-
lation of one hundred families. In fact, however, the dominant
class was able to delay parish organization until the people agreed
to support a parish church of the Anglican type, and thus repre-
sentation and the dominant social organization advanced pari
pcLSSu.^^ The settled portion of the middle region had been provided
for after this fashion before the Revolution, but the up-country
had no separate representation previous to the meeting of the
provincial congress of 1775. The demand for local government,
meantime, was met by extending the machinery of the central gov-
ernment through commissions appointed by the legislature, and,
finally, in 1769, by the creation of a few judicial districts each with
its appointed sheriff. All writs, however, originated in and were
returnable to the Charleston courts. Such as it was, this constituted
the system of local government in the back settlements down to
the Revolution.** Conditions in North Carolina were especially
grievous. In general her scheme of governing the western settle-
ments was like that of Virginia, but it was worse in operation be-
cause of the corruption of the county officials who exacted extor-
tionate fees, were suspected of collecting heavier taxes than were
warranted by the law, and undoubtedly failed to make honest re-
turns to the public treasury.*®

Delays and defects in the organization of local government in
the new settlements left the inhabitants without adequate govern-
ment protection against the acts of the lawless. Complaints to the
court at Charleston were of little avail against horse stealing in
the piedmont — a common crime in the days of disorder following
the French and Indian War. Owing to the large size of the conn-

s' schapcr, "Seetionalinn/' 886.

•T Ibid,, 886, 848.

•• Ibid,, 829.

•• /McL, 881, 888.

^* BttMMt, "RcffiUatoxB/' 148, 162-164. See also "Doeumento ooncerning tlie origin of Um
Becolatlon movement," in Amer, Hut. Rw„ XXI, 820-882.

20 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

ties, inhabitants of Virginia sometimes lived thirty or forty miles
from the parish church or county court house.^^ Conditions in
Pennsylvania were similar. For the payment of taxes, the transac-
tion of business connected with land titles, or the prosecution of
suits, long and difficult journeys were the customary fortune of the
people of the interior.

The population which found itself burdened with so many
disabilities was not of a type to accept an inferior status meekly.
The Calvinism of the Scotch-Irish Presbyterians and of many of
the German sects tended towards political equality, as had been
shown in earlier times. Even under the weight of a political sys-
tem which had the rigidity of many centuries' growth, the democ-
racy inherent in creeds which taught the equality of men before
God and the ecclesiastical supremacy of the organized group of
believers had produced an abortive "Commonwealth" in sevent^nth
century England. A long stride was taken towards modem democ-
racy when the Puritans transplanted their religion to New England,
where it enjoyed right of way unhampered by the established
polity of an old country.** But the "Bible Commonwealth'* of Mas-
sachusetts developed a rigidity all its own, which showed that it
was still akin to tiie old-world system, and democracy first worked
itself free from the incubus of European tradition upon the fron-
tier. Indeed, the frontier was the natural birthplace of democracyJ
The actual equality of men under primitive conditions of life in-
evitably begot the ideal of political equality. Like castaways upon
a desert island, the backwoodsmen forgot those artificial distinc-
tions which had no correspondence with the facts of their life.
While weary France was hearing the first faint prophecy of revo-
lution in the back-to-nature call of the philosophers of the ancien
rigime, the American frontier was making a reality of Rousseau's
dream.^' The new settlements hardly needed to be taught the
philosophy of the rights of man which was about to play so great
a part in revolutions on both sides of the Atlantic. During the con-
test with the mother country the united colonies not only adapted

*i Turner, "Old West," 224. Cf. eonditions in Sovth Carolina as prMented in tha peti-
tion of the Calhoons and others: Schaper, "SeeUonalism/' 885.

^' Borveaud, Charles, Th« Riae of Modern Dmnoeraey.

*• Roussean's Di§eour§ »ur les arU et Im seUneaa was published in 1749. It landed the
"state of nature" as the happiest state of man. It was this essay which Voltaire said made
him wish to go upon "all-fourB." The CofUrat Social, whieh followed after a doaen years, and
was the work whieh most influeneed the French Revolution, stressed the absotBte and inalienable
sovereignty of the people.

COLONIAL ANTECEDENTS 21

Locke's philosophy to their own purposes in the declaration of inde-
pendence, but the frontier offered its own elaboration of the Eng-
lishman's thought in the "squatter sovereignty" doctrine of Jeffer-
son: the free inhabitants of the British dominions who colonized
America "possessed a right which nature has given to all men, of
departing from the country in which chance, not choice, has placed
them ; of going in quest of new habitations, and of there establish-
ing new societies, under such laws and regulations as to them shall
seem most likely to promote public happiness."^^

Men of such ideals would not brook the unfair control of the
coast. And yet this control was in most respects merely nominal.
Although deprived of local government in the legal sense and al-
lowed but little participation in general legislation in their respec-
tive provinces, the frontiersmen none the less regulated the greater
part of the concerns of their everyday lives. This liberty and self-
reliance made them the more impatient at the shortcomings and in-
justices of the legal authorities. Bacon's Rebellion has already been
alluded to as an evidence of the early discontent of the Virginia
frontier, the trouble being started in that htetoric episode by
Bacon's taking matters into his own hands and proceeding against
the Indians without the commission of the authorities. After the
French and Indian War, the dissatisfaction of the interior found
expression in numerous petitions complaining of the lack of ade-
quate local government, of the remoteness of the courts and
churches, and of the inequities in the systems of taxation and rep-
resentation.^^ But, characteristically, the aggrieved men did not
await the slow and uncertain action of government in matters
which they could deal with themselves, and where the machinery of
government proved ineffectual to check lawlessness, as in South
Carolina, organized bands of "regulators" dealt summarily with
the offenders. Such initiative was mistaken by the eastern gentry
for mob violence, and served to heighten the mutual distrust of the

** J«ff«non, T., A Summary Vi«w of tk€ righU of BritiMh Amerieig, reprinted in AmerU
earn Hi&tory LeafUt, No. 11. Revised form in Ford. P. L., WriHng» of Thomaa J^ffermm, I, 427.

•

^■The South Carolinians repeatedly petitioned for local government and representation
be t w e en 1762 and 1770. Notable amons these petitions was one of 1768, signed by the Cal-
bonns and others, askinir for proper division of the parishes, for courts, schools, churches, and
the riffhts of British subjects. They complained that they were 200 miles from the parish
efanreh. The memorial was ref erred to a committee, which reported that three-fdurths of the
white population of the colony was in the back settlements, and recommended the organisation
of new parishes with r e pr e s entation. No action followed. Schaper, "Seetionalism," 886. In
1764 the Pennsylvania frontiersmen made similar demands, including an equitable adjustment
of apportfonment. Haana. SooteK'trUh, I, 68. For Virginia see Ambler, SocHowatttm, 4-6.

22 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

upland and tidewater.^* In North Carolina the regulation move-
ment took the form of an attack upon the abuses in the tax and fee
systems, and brought the democracy into a contest with the govern-
ing class which ended in armed confiict.^^ In Virginia the democ-
racy found its leaders in men of some social standing but of west-
em birth, under whom it began to undermine the foundations of

the aristocracy by its attacks upon the church establishment and
the system of primogeniture and entail.^^

2. The Revolutionary Period

Thus at the opening of the Revolutionary era a well-defined
contest was in progress between the coast and the interior, the for-
mer representing th^mmority who wished to maintain the status
quo in industry and govemmentjand the latter the cause of the
people. In its early stages this contest was a struggle of the back
settlers of each colony against the dominant class-^ series of iso-
lated contestsTVfor it was a time when intercolonial relations were
still slight. But the common characteristics of the frontier through-
out its extent and the similarity of the grievances complained of by
the frontiersmen everywhere were a prophecy of clgi^vage on a
continental scale in the days of national unification.£jhe Revolu-
tion, indeed, afforded occasion for the first interprovincial align-
ment — ^Whigs and Loyalists-ijbut the issues arising from British
relations served to obscure somewhat the workings of the older
antagonisms, although the revolutionary movement is itself a phase
of the contest which we are tracing.*® The essays written in de-
fence of colonial rights were filled with a philosophy of popular
government which was equally hostile to the British system of ad-
ministration and to the domination of the provincial aristocracies.
£jhe Whig philosophy fell in exactly with the ideals of the frontier
democracy]!] and the Revolution and the democratic movement be-

** Schap«r, "Sectionalism/' 884-886. It was the re8:ulation movement which led to the
division of the up-country into judicial districts. Abov€, 19.

«7Bassett» "Regulators."

«• Ambler, SeetionalUm, 6» 82-41 ; Hunt, in Amer. Hist. Amnl lUpart for 1901, I, 168-171 ;
James, Documentary Hist.

** To some extent the former antagonists made common cause in the Bevolution, yet
where popular leaders headed the movement against England, as in Pennsylvania, the aristo-
crats tended towards Toryism, while the reverse was true where the aristocrats led, as in North
Carolina; there many of the Regulators became Loyalists. These facts in themselves indicate
that the old antagonism cut deeper than the issue between the colonies and England.

THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD 28

came identified in no small measure.^^^^lThe frontier farmers found
allies in the hitherto disfranchised classes^n the coast towns, who
suddenly became of political weight through the frequent resort to
mass meetings and other extra-legal organs representing the whole
people.^^ \ The latitude of the Continental Congress in admitting
state delegates appointed by such irregular bodies^ and in recom-
mending the "assemblies and conventions" in states ''where no gov-
ernment sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs hath been
hitherto established, to adopt such government as shall, in the
opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the
happiness and safety of their constituents," gave aid and comfort
to tiie cause of democracy."tJ^ew leaders arose who relied upon
the people in carrying forward the patriot causej aristocrats ceased
to attend meetings where they were "sure to be outvoted by men of
the lowest order ;" while the Pendletons and Randolphs and Gallo-
ways doubted whether insurgent radicalism were not a graver
danger than British rule." In Pennsylvania the reluctance of the
moderates like Dickinson, Morris, and Wilson,) to resort to ex-
treme measures against England served^ throw control into the
hands of the radicals who led the Scotch-^rish and German democ-
racy of the inland counties and the Philadelphia proletariat, and
to deprive the moderates of influence in framing the first state
constitution? The result was a most democratic scheme of govern- W
ment, drawn up by the radicals with the support of solid delega-
tions from the western counties." In South Carolina the revolu-^
tionary movement was inaugurated in Charleston by means of

so "With the intense preaching of majority rule and the emphasis placed on the individual
.... the arguments which had heen used against English misrule were turned against minority
control and misgovemment .... and a colonial revolution accompanied and supported the
international movement." Lincoln, Revolutionary Movement, 18-14. What was true of Penn-
sylvania was true in a measure throughout the colonies.

'^ Beard treats the proletariat , of the towns as politically non-existent in the period of
the framing of the constitution. Eeonomie Interpretation of the Conetitution, 24-26. The fact
shows how the popular cause miscarried in the Revolution, for their influence was marked in
the earlier period. See Lincoln, Revolutionary Movement, 169-180 et paeeim; Schaper, "Sec-
tionalism/' 867; Becker, PolUieal Partiee, 276 et paeeim. In a contest for equal political
rights the working class of the towns was the natural ally of the farmer, but the dependent
position of the employes tended to tie them to their employers. Cf. the support of the consti-
tution by the Boston • mechanics, whose economic welfare was involved in the prosperity of
shipping. Bradford, A., Hietory of Maeeaehueette, III, 22.

•'Rcsohition of May 16, 1776. JoumaU of the Continental Congree^ (L. C. edn.), IV,
842, 868. Cf. resoliition of Nov. 4, 1776: "That if the Convention of South Carolina shaU find
it necessary to establish a form of government in that colony, it be recommended to that
Convention to call a fuU and free repreeentation of the people." [Italics mine.] /d., HI, 826.

** Becker, C. L., Beginninge of the American People, 248-246 ; Ambler, Seetionaliem, 17-27.

**Lineoln, RevohUionary Movement, Til et eeq.

24 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

mass meetings in which the popular element controlled. A gen-
eral committee chosen by the mass meeting summoned the Provin-
cial Congress of 1775, because it felt the need of the support of a
body representing the entire colony. In this body the back settle-
ments as such were for the first time allowed representation.**
In New York likewise and probably elsewhere the influence of the
unfranchised was considerable in the early stages of the Revolu-
tion, while extra-legal machinery was being made use of to perfect
the Whig organization."

^ But the promise of a great forward movement towards democ-
racy in government and equal rights for the inland population
was hardly fulfilled by the outcome of the Revolution. The forces
of conservatism were too strongly entrenched and too many of the
Whig leaders were conservatives. "The liberty for which they had
fought . . . was the sober, intelligent, fearless liberty of our Eng-
lish ancestors," not the rule of "King Numbers."" The advance
towards popular government which the period brought may be
measured by comparing the provisions of the state constitutions
adopted during the war with the arrangements obtaining in the
several provinces immediately preceding the struggle. The accept-
ance of democratic theory is notable. But bills of rights, declara-
tions that the people are sovereign, and expositions of the compact
theory do not hide the fact that the chief change in practice is the
substitution of the authority of the assembly for that of the crown,
while the assembly represents a constituency not much changed,
taking the country as a whole, by extensions of the franchise or
reforms in the apportionment of representation. For example, the
Virginia constitution of 1776 was a compromise in which the bill
of rights, drawn by Mason, the leader of the interior, represented
the frontier contribution. Its principles "were those which Henry
had instilled into the minds of the frontier people ; they were the
principles which had mastered the minds of Jefferson and Madi-
son." *® But in the working provisions of the instrument the con-
servatives triumphed. While the upper house became elective, the
right of suffrage in the election of members of both houses re-

's Schaper, "Sectionalism/' 867-869.

** Becker, PoUHeal PartieM, 276 et pauim,

*7 Lodge, H. C, Lift of Georgt Cabot, 421. "Families Uke the Otises who Joined the
patriot cause abandoned none of their conservative principles. They fonsht for independence
from Great Britain, not independence from government and social restraint." — ^Morison, S. B.,
Lift of Harrimm Gray Otit, I, 49.

■• Ambler, SteHonaUtm, 28.

THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD 26

mained as before, and there was no provision for uniformity in the'
size of the county units of representation, for reapportionment, for
extension of the suffrage, for election of local officials, or even for
amendment.'^* Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia, written a few
years later, pointed out that under the apportionment of 1780
nineteen thousand men living below the falls of the rivers ''give
law to upwards of thirty thousand living in" other parts of the
state, "and appoint all their chief officers, executive and judici-
ary." •^ In New Jersey the right to vote had been limited to free-
holders before the Revolution, while the new constitution granted
it to all inhabitants who were "worth fifty pounds proclamation
money." •* In South Carolina, where the recognition of the inte-
rior in the provincial congress of 1775 gave some promise of redress
of grievances, only forty members in a total of 184 were allowed to
the up-country, although it had the majority of the white popula-
tion; and the planters manipulated the elections so skilfully that
"influential gentlemen" of English blood were chosen in every in-
stance, no Scotch-Irish or German name appearing on the list of
delegates."' The temporary constitution of 1776 idlowed eighteen
additional members to the upland, but the suffrage requirement
remained unchanged, except for the additional qualification that
the requisite amount of property must be possessed debt-free. Two
years later the property restrictions were slightly reduced, and,
probably under the influence of current political philosophy, a
fair promise was given that a new apportionment should be made
periodically, "according to the particular and comparative strength
and taxable property of the different parts" — a promise the ful-
fillment of which was long delayed."'

The political philosophy of the Revolution is nowhere better
set forth than in the Massachusetts constitution of 1780: "The
body politic is formed by a voluntary Association of individuals:
it is a social compact, by which the whole people covenants with
each citizen, and each with the whole people, that all shall be gov-

■* Poors, B. P., Th€ F^d^nl «md StaU Con9tUution§p Colonial Chwrtorg, and othor Organic
Law of tko Unitod StaUo, U, 1910-1912; Ambler, SoetionaKsnit 80. Cf. the dcmocrmtie provi-
sions of Jefferson's draft eonstitntion of this yesr, eovering inheritance, land holdinir* suffrage,
apportionment, amendment of the eonstitntion, and religious liberty ; Ford. WriHng$ of Jofforoon,
n, 7. See discussion of this draft by FOrd in the SaHon^ for August 7, 1890, and by D. R.
Anderson in Atner. HitL Ro9., XXI, 760^764.

•• Ford, Writing$ of T. J., m, 228.

•^Art. IV. Poore, Conttitmtion*, n, 1811.

•> Schaptr, "SeetSonaUsm," 867-889.

•• /ML, 885, 887-889.

26 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

emed by certain laws for the common good." •* "The people alone
have an incontestible, unalienable, and indefeasible right to insti-
tute government, and to reform, alter, or totally change the same,
when theit protection, safety, prosperity, and happiness require
it."** Yet the clause covering suffrage restricts the right to vote
to owners of a freehold of the annual value of three pounds, or
other estate worth sixty pounds.** The New York constitution,
drafted by John Jay, "was a special adaptation of the provincial
government, with as few modifications as the circumstances re-
quired." *^ The preamble recited that "All power whatever [in the
state] hath reverted to the people thereof," from whom alone, ac-
cording to section one, authority is derived;** but the freehold
qualifications for voting and ofiice-holding were retained,*^ for it
was "a favorite maxim with Mr. Jay, that those who own the coun-
\ try ought to govern it." ^® There was no provision for amendment,

(and Jay congratulated himself that the conservatives had succeeded
in providing a "measurably centralized and measurably aristo-
cratic" government.^* Even in Pennsylvania, following the demo-
cratic triumph of 1776, the conservatives carried on a campaign
for constitutional revision so successfully that a modified consti-
tution was adopted in 1790 "after a decade of personal and party

** Preamble, Poore, Conatitution9, I. 966-967.

•• Part I, Art VH. Ihid,, I, 968.

•• Part n. Chap. I. See. 2, Art n; See. 8, Art IV. Ihid, The draft eonetitation of 1778
had been rejected by the voters in town meetinge chiefly because of the lack of a bill of rights
which should "describe the Natural Rights of Man as he inherits them from the Great Parents
of Nature, distinguishing those, the Controul of which he may part with to Society for Social
Benefits from those he cannot;" for lack of any mode of amendment; and for inequalities in
the apportionment of representation. iCf. grievances of back country of New England, ahov€t
14.) Gushing, H. A. History of the Transition from Provincial to CommonvfoalU^ GovommofU
in MoMoekuoottMt 216, 219 (in Columbia University Studies, VII). The best critique of the
draft of 1778 was the so-called "Essex Result," which set forth the principles of government
on which the constitution of 1780 was later based. It was an admirable statement of the
political philosophy of the Revolutionary period, yet it held that the law-making majority
should include those "who possess a major part of the property in the state." Ihid,, 228-224.
In framing the constitution of 1780, the draft, including the bill of rights, was made by John
Adams. In the committee of which he was a member he was supported by Bowdoin, Gushing,
Parsons, and others, but opposed at some points by "divers members .... who wished for
what was termed a more popular government" — ^probably a reference to Samuel Adams. Ihid.,
286, and /. n. On John Adams, see helow, 86, /. n. 108.

*^ Pellew, 6.. John Jay, 69.

•*Poore, ConetitHtions, U, 1882.

••Sec. VU; ihid,, 1884.

7« Jay, WlUiam, The Life of John Jay, I, 70.

^^ Becker, PoUtieal Partiee, 276, 276, st passim. The phrase is Beeker't.

THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD 27

struggles hardly equalled for intensity and bitterness in any
period of our national or local history." " .

In brief, in the contest between aristocracy and democracy J
the coast and the interior, in the Revolutionary period, the olq
order held its own. The peace with England rather intensified
than healed the domestic discord, by eliminating questions which
had confused the main issue, and the people of the interior con-
tinued their contest for equal rights under the government of the
United States. By 1784 tiie upland party in South Carolina was
pressing for a reapportionment as promised by the constitution of
1778. They succeeded in bringing about the meeting of a conven-
tion in which they urged the doctrines of Locke and the French
philosophers in support of the demand for equal representation;
but the low country was represented on the same basis as that
which prevailed in the existing legislature, and thus was able to
prevent any real reform in the constitution of 1790." Not until
1808, when the expansion of the plantation economy foreshadowed j
the extinction of the old sectionalism within the state, did the low/
country party agree to surrender control of the lower house to the
up-country, majority, now no longer dangerous.^* A solution was
not so easily reached in Virginia; in fact, the discordant eastern
and western portions of that state remained unequally yoked to-
gether until the Civil War. In New York, Massachusetts, and else- j
where, the advent of manhood suffrage was delayed until well along \
in the nineteenth century."

But the further history of sectional struggles within the
states does not concern us, for our purpose has been to show that
the two rival societies which had developed in the several colonies
formed the basis of the first party divisions on a continental scale.

3. Rise of the Federalist and Republican Parties

The period of the Confederation saw a renewal of the demand
for paper money issues. The small farmers had suffered greatly
from the war, and at its close found themselves a debtor class at
a time when the drainage of specie in payment of foreign trade

T' Lineoln, lUvoluUonarif Movwisnt, 287. See dwhinir* 247 et —q,, foot tkotm, tor txtraeti
from state eonstitations relative to compact theory, etc.

7« Schaper. "SeeUonaliam/' 869^79.

^^Ibid,, 407-487.

^* See sketeh of the proffress of constitutional revision hj states in McMastar, J. B.,
History of tks PoopU of tfce UniUd StaU9, V, 878-894.

28 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

balances caused sharp alterations in the value of money and the
burdens of debt. The paper money party was especially strong in
the interior, as usual, where specie was always scarce, and where
the people identified their creditors with the class which had so
long dominated in government — ^the coastal merchants, planters,
and money-lenders, with their friends the lawyers and judges.
Along with the c<mtest for p olitical rig hts, therefore, went a strug-
gle for relief law s, the denial of which embittered the farmer of
the Berkshires towards his oppressors as much as unjust appor-
tionment did his southern brother. The excesses of the paper mofiey
party were sporadic and it was without interstate organization,
but the outbreaks were symptoms of a popular disregard for prop-
erty n'ghts, which, in a time of relaxed respect for authority, due to
the war and the philosophy by which it was justified, was to the
conservatives one of the most alarming aspects of that critical

1 period.^' The prevalent "excess of democracy*' was one of the im-
portant factors, therefore, in shaping opinion in favor of a "more
perfect union;*' the movement fo r the congti tution wfta the lyork
( ^conservative ^re actionaries , "Their creed," wrote Henry Knox
to Washington, speaking of the Shays rebels, "is, that the property
of the United States has been protected from the confiscation of
Britain by the joint exertions of all; and therefore ought to be the
common property of all; and he that attempts opposition to this
creed, is an enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be swept from
off the face of the earth." "They are determined to annihilate all
debts, public and private, and have agrarian laws, which are easily
affected by the means of unfunded paper money, which shall be a
tender in aU cases whatever." ^^ At which Washington exclaimed :
"What stronger evidence can be given of the want of energy in our
government, than these disorders? If there is not power in it to
check them, what security has a man for life, liberty, or property?
.... The consequences of a lax or inefficient government are too
obvious to be dwelt upon. Thirteen sovereignties pulling against
each other, and all tugging at the federal head, will soon bring ruin
on the whole; whereas a liberal and energetic constitution, well
guarded and closely watehed to prevent encroachments, might re-
store us to that degree of respectability and consequence, to which

T* See the diKanion by McLaoffhUn, A. C, Tk* Conftd^rathn nmd Oe ConttituHanp
188-167.

TT Quoted by Waehlnston in letter to Madiacm, Nor. 6, 1788. Ford, W. C, WriHfugt of
Oforive WutkSngton, XI, 81.

RISE OF PARTIES 29

we had a fair claim and the brightest prospect of attaining.'^ '"
Washington desired a new government, moreover, in order that
the national character might be retrieved through just provisions
for the public creditors.

The paths which led from the Articles to the Constitution,
were doubtless several. There was, indeed, the influence of those
great and unselfish minds who regarded the fact that the honor and
safety of all were endangered by the weakness of the union; buf '
very potent also was the growing conviction of the ruling class thafl
the protection of comimerce, the payment of the public debt, and\
the enforcement of the obligation of contracts, in all of which its\
interests were peculiarly great, could be secured only by the estab- 1
lishment of a government vested with plenary power over com-
merce and revenue, and able, through limitations on the powers
of states, to impose checks upon the license of the radicals. '1 con-
ceive,'' said Fisher Ames, in the light of his experience in the Mas-
sachusetts ratifying convention, ''that the present Constitution
was dictated by commercial necessity more than any other |
cause.'' '* Hamilton attributed much to tiie influence of the holders )
of the public paper. 'The public creditors, who consisted of various
descriptions of men, a large proportion of them very meritorious
and very influential," he declared after the establishment of the
new government, "had had a considerable agency in promoting
the adoption of the new Constitution, for this peculiar reason,
among the many weighty reasons which were common to them as
citizens and proprietors, that it exhibited the prospect of a gov-
ernment able to do justice to their claims." ^ And of the conserva-
tive class in general he adds : "There was also another class of men, \
and a very weighty one, who had had great share in the establish- |
ment of the Constitution, who though not personally interested
in the debt, considered maxims of public credit as of the essence
of good government, as intimately connected by the analogy and
ssmipathy of principles with the security of property in general,
and as forming an inseparable portion of the great system of po-
litical order." •*

The convention which framed the Constitution was composed
almost wholly of friends of the movement, chosen by legislatures

** Quoted bsr Beard, C A., Eeanomie Origin§ of J*f!9raonia/ti Dwmoer^/e^, 7.
-ML, 6-e.

80 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

which represented property owners. The issue of a convention
had not been before the voters in the legislative elections, and the

I intelligence and influence of the promoters procured the selection
of delegates almost exclusively representative of the planting, mer-
cantile, professional, and other wealthy groups of the seaboard.^'

WNot one member represented in his immediate personal economic ^

iinterests the small farming or mechanic classes."®* Naturally a
^ /body so constituted provided for a national government similar to

/those which their class had already set up in the states. One would
not expect to And that in such a body any proposal was made to
give a share in the new government to portions of the i)opulation
not already enfranchised in the separate states. A few members,
notably Wilson and Madison, would have extended the functions
of the voters so far as to include the election of president and sen-
ators, as well as members of the lower house,®^ but the prevailing
sentiment favored limitations upon the mass of voters such as were
already in effect fii the states. The provisions for the election of
senators by state legislatures and of the president by an electoral
college are familiar illustrations of the aristocratic temper of the
fathers of the constitution. Even Mason, who as leader of the in-
terior democracy had framed the Virginia bill of rights a few
years before, joined in approval of these devices. He believed that
^'one important object in constituting the senate was to secure the
rights of property,'' and supported a term of six years and a prop-
erty qualification to give the members of the upper branch due
weight.*' "He conceiSred it would be as unnatural to refer the choice
of a proper character for Chief Magistrate to the people, as it
would, to refer a trial of colors to a blind man.'' •• Some of the
members considered popular choice even of the lower house as
/ too democratic. Thus Sherman insisted that ^'the people should
have as little to do as may be about the government immediately.

" Beard, EeoiMmie InUrprmttUion, 71-72. Cf. the contemporary interpretation of the
morement for the constitution, in letter of the French Minister Otto to Vergennes, Oct. 10,
1786 : Bancroft, G.. HUtory of tKs Formatiam of th€ Congtitution of the UniUd Seates, II, App.,
899-401; reprinted in Hart, A. B.. American Higtory.told by ConUmporwriM, III, 186-187.

"Beard, Eeonomie InUrprHation, 149.

'« Farrand, Max, JUeorde of the Federal Convention of 1787, I, 68, 164; n, 66, 111.

•• Ibid,, I, 428. Cf. liadiMn, 421-428.

■• Ibid,, n, 81.

RISE OF PARTIES 81

They want information and are constantly liable to be misled." •*
Gerry, Charles Pinckney, and others expressed similar views.**

This distrust of the people was not expressed with reference
to the disfranchised class, but to the farmers and other owners of
small properties who belonged to the voting class. The more lib-
eral members believed that the qualified electorate was a sufficient
safeguard of the public interest,** but many desired to impose
qualifications upon office holders as well. The convention voted in
favor of the principle but was unable to agree upon a statement of
the provision.*® However, the choice of senators by state legisla-
tures was felt to be an indirect guaranty of an upper house com-
posed of men of wealth, which was the general desire ;*^ while the
adoption of the electoral system provided assurance of conserva-
tive action in the choice of the executive.** In providing for a

•» /MA, I, 48.

^* Ihid,, I, 48, 187. Cf. Meretr, 206, 216. Antagonism to the affrmrUn class appears in
Pinekney's utterance: "An election of either hraneh by the people scattered as they are in
many States, particularly in S. Carolina was totally impracticable. He differed from gentle-
men who thought that a choice by the people wd. be a better guard agst. bad measures, than
by the Legislatures. A majority of the people in S. Carolina were notoriously for paper money
as a legal tender; the Legislature had refused to make it a legal tender. The reason was that
the latter had some sense of character."

** C/. Dickinson's objection to property qualifications for office holding : "The best de-
fence lay in the freeholders who werr to elect the Legislature. Whilst this Source should re-
main pure, the public interest would be safe It seemed improper that any man of merit

should be subjected to disabilities in a Republic where merit was understood to form the great
title to public trust, honors A rewards." Ihid,, 11, 128.

•0 On July 26 Mason moved "that the Committee of detail be instructed to receive a
clause requiring certain qualifications of landed property A citizenship in members of the Legis-
lature." /Md., n, 121. Mr. Pinckney seconded the motion. Mr. Pinckney and General Pinckney
moved to insert the words "Judiciary A Executive so as to extend the qualifications to those
departments which was agreed to nem con.'* Ibid,, II, 122. A discussion followed coneemins
the propriety of requiring landed property, and the word "landed" was stricken out by a
vote of ten states to one. 124. Mason's motion as amended was then carried. Ayes 8, noes 8.
126. The Committee encountered difficulties (249), and in Art. VI, Sec 2 of its report left
the whole matter with Congress: "The Legislature of the United States shall have authority
to establish such uniform qualifications of the members of each House, with regard to property
as to the said Legislature shall seem expedient." 179. This proved unsatisfactory to the ooi»*
vention, but efforts to improve upon it failed, and the whole section was lost by a vota of
8 to 7. 261.

*^ Cf., «. ff., Dickinson, ibid,, I, 150 ; Gerry. 162 ; Mason, 428.

*' Many thought that there should be specific provision to insure that Judges and execu-
tive should be men of property. Cf. note 90, motion of the Pinekney's. Mr. Pinckney thought
the president should possess an unencumbered estate of not less than one hundred thousand
dollars vahie, and each Judge not less than half as much, and moved that each official should be
required to swear that he possessed such an estate as might be provided in the constitution
for his ofltee. The motion was opposed by Ellsworth because of the impropriety of fixed and
uniform requirements, and by Franklin on the liberal ground that riches do not guarantee
character, and that the eonstitntion ought not to betray a great partiality to the rich. Ihid.,
U, 246-261. Which argument was the more effective cause of the lost of the motion can only
be conjec t u r ed.

82 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

''popular*' lower branch of the legislature, the usual limitations on
the suffrage were imposed indirectly by the provision that ''the
electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for
electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature/' **
Gouvemeur Morris voiced a comimon opinion in the convention when
he said that "property was the main object of society/' •* and it
would appear that even the provision for representation in the
lower house in proportion to population was in the minds of some
acceptable chiefly because population seemed to be the most con-
venient measure of the relative wealth of states.^' On this prin-
ciple of basing apportionment upon wealth rather than people an
influential minority wished to have a scheme adopted which would
give the original states a permanent preponderance over the new
states of the interior, after the model of the practice of the old

seaboard aristocracies.**

As in the state constitutions, however, members were will-
ing to grant some recognition to democratic theory, as appears in
the provision for ratification of the constitution in popular con-
ventions; that is, conventions representative of the voters. De-
claring that the legislatures had no power to ratify, Mason asked :
"Whither, then, must we resort?" and answered his own question
by saying : "To the people, with whom all i)ower remains that has

*• Constitution, Art I, See. 2. In discuBsins the report of the Committee of Detail. G.
Morris proposed a restrietion of the suffrage to freeholdeis. The fact that owners of other
kinds of property enjoyed the franchise in some states, and resard for the prerogative of states
in reffulating the suffrage, defeated the proposal. Ibid,, II. 201-206. Mason opposed the motion
on the ground that the predilection for the freehold quaUflcation was a British tradition. "We
an feel too strongly the remains of ancient prejudices, and view things too much through
a British MediunL .... Does no other kind of property but land evidence a common in-
terest in the proprietor?'* Ihid,, 208. Note the tendency of the western leader to desire an
American order.

•^Ibid,^ I. 6M.

** Cf, Mason's statement below, 48. See the discussion of the basis of apportionment on
July 12, especially statement of Wilson: "Lees umbrage would perhaps be taken agst. an ad-
mission of slaves into the Rule of re p re s entation, if it should be so expressed as to make them
indirectly only an ingredient in the rule, by saying that they should enter into the rule of tax-
ation: and as repres e ntation was to be acettrding to taxoHon [itaUes mine], the end would be
equally attained." Ibid., 1, 696. This suggestion paved the way for the "three-fifths compro-
mise;" i. «., population, including thr««-flfths of the slaves, was acoepted as the measure of
' the relative wealth and tax-paying ability of the states, and representation was to be allowed
in the lower bouse in proportion to wealth and tax contributions. This was in harmony with
the original proposal in the Virginia plan. Resolution 2: "The rights of suffrage in the
National Legislature ought to be proportioned to the Quotas of Contribution, or to the num-
ber of free inhabitants." Ibid., I, 20. With the addition of the slaves the eompromise met both
alternatives.

** See below, 46 et mq.

RISE OF PARTIES 88

not been given up in the constitutions derived from them." ®^ Madi-
son also held that only ratification by the people could give the new
system validity.®* But there is no ground for the view that by "the
people*' any member had in mind any one except the voters; and
the contention of Republican writers a few years later, based on
such recognition of the sovereignty of the people as has been men-
tioned, that the constitution was intended to be a democratic in-
strument of government, was a case of the loose application to that
document of terms which properly implied political doctrines very
different from those which it embodied.

It may now be perceived that the opening of the constitutional )
era found the train well laid for political divisions coinciding in i
the main with the old economic and geographical divergences. The i
friends of the constitution were the owners of public securities, of
shops and ships, of interest-bearing investments of all kinds, of
plantations and farms producing crops which depended upon com-
merce for a market, and of personalty in slaves. They dwelt mostly
near the seaboard, composed the class which had long dominated
politically, and still clung to aristocratic theories of government.
The vast majority of the antifederalists were small farmers, who
composed the bulk of the democratic debtor class, dwelt inland,
and, for both political and economic reasons, regarded the sea-
board aristocrats with jealousy and distrust. The contest over the
framing and adoption of the constitution was, then, an episode in
the conflict between the two opposing groups the formation of **
which we have traced, and the effect of its adoption was to secure
for the old governing class, on the scale of the nation (so long as
it could control the administration of the government) much the
same sort of dominance which it had so long enjoyed in the states.
Of the continuity of the Federalist and Republican parties with \
the old divisions little need be said. That they were not identical ^
— .• ^ "^

*^ Ihid,, U, 88. The practical problem of framiiur an inBtromeiit which would be likebr
to win the approving vote of constituent bodies in which the agrarian interest would posseii
considerable strength confronted the convention constantly, and tended to tone down the aris-
tocracy of its provisions. Cf. the necessity of making a second effort at constitution framing
in Massachusetts, largely for lack of "popular" features in the draft of 1778. Abov€, 26, /. n 66.
The sincerity of Adams, Mason, Madison, and others, in their profession of the compact theory and ^
belief in the sovereignty of the people is hardly to be doubted. Cf. the declaration of Adams:
"The riffht of the people to establish such a sovemment as they please, will ever be defended
by me, whether they choose wisely or foolishly." Letter to Francis Dana, Aug. 16, 1776,
quoted by Cnshlns, TrantlHon, 199. But it was the work of practical statesmanship to secure
the popular acceptance of instruments of sovemment which would also embody the views of
the eonservativea. At this the constitution makers of the period were astonishingly successfuL

•• Farnmd, R9eord$, H, 92-98, 476.

34 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

^ in every respect is readily conceded, but the political philosophy
: and practical programs of the leaders of the respective parties
;' were those of the seaboard interest on the one hand and the in-
i terior agrarian population on the other.**

i For our purpose, sufficient insight into Hamilton's phflosophy

of government is given by his speech in the constitutional conven-
tion on June 18. ''AH communities divide themselves/' he said,
I ''into the few and the many. The first are the rich and well bom,
- the other the mass of the people. The voice of the people has been
said to be the voice of God ; and however generally this maxim has
been quoted and believed, it is not true in fact The people are
turbulent and changing; they seldom judge or determine right.
Give therefore to the first class a distinct, permanent share in the
government. They will check the unsteadiness of the second, and
as they cannot receive any advantage by a change, they therefore
will ever maintain good government. Can a democratic assembly
who annually revolve in the mass of the people, be supposed steadily
to pursue the public good? Nothing but a permanent body can
check the imprudence of democracy." ^^^ While thus betraying his
lack of confidence in the people at large, Hamilton did not advocate
their exclusion from government and its monopolization by the
/ "rich and well bom." "Give all power to the many, they will op-
press the few. Give all power to the few, they will oppress the
many. Both, therefore, ought to have the power, that each may
defend itself against the other." ^^^ "In his private opinion ....
the British Government was the best in the world ; and he doubted
much whether anjrthing short ofut would do in Ameriba." "* While
entertaining no hope of the adoption of his ideas, he believed that
a proper government should provide for a senate and executive
holding during good behavior and chosen by the electoral system
instead of by the voters directly. His measures spoke even more
loudly than his words. As secretary of the treasury under Wash-

** Cf, Libby, Gworaphieal DUtrihutionp and Beard, Beomtmie InUrpretathn, The decree
of continuity between tbe parties of the eonstitational period and the friends and opponents
respectively of the constitution, is studied in Beard, OriginM, with perhaps undue emphasis on
the continuity. Beard also stresses the economic conflict and nesleets tbe 8«osraphical aspects
with which the present writer is especially concerned. For criticism of Beard's position see
review by Libby in the Miaduippi Vattay Higtorieol RwUw, m, 99. Libby minimises the
continuity. For fuller statement of Libby's view, see "A Sketch of the Early Political Parties
in the United SUtes," in QuafUrly Journal of the l^itiversity of North Dakota, TL, 205-242.

^^^ Farrand, Records, I, 299, el otq,

^«^ Ibid,, I, 282-298.

RISE OF PARTIES 86

ington, and the leading spirit in the administration, his whole
scheme of practical politics centered in his fiscal system, which
favored the moneyed interests and allied the government with the
financiers, merchants, manufacturers, and speculators. These were
an influential portion of the party which had established the con-
stitution, and Hamilton's creed embraced no hope of successful
government apart from their active support. They were the rich
and well bom whose influence was essential to check the unsteadi-
ness of the mass of the people. Under his guiding genius, there-
fore, the Federalist party became the party of the great majority
of the old ruling class, especially in the North.

Hamilton was eminently a practical rather than a philosophical
statesman. It was John Adams, his chief rival within the party,
who essayed the role of political philosopher. With wearisome
refinement of detail he worked out the theory which the Federalist
leaders agreed, with minor variations, in holding. Society invaria-'
bly divides into classes, of which the rich, well bom, and able con-
stitute a natural aristocracy. As the classes invariably contend for]
dominance, the desideratum in government is such a represeni
tion of classes as will establish a balance. As the aristocratic
element represents stability and the other classes the more tur-
bulent factor, the poor as well as the rich would be best off
under a system by which substantial control remained in the
hands of the propertied few. The benefits of order and se-
curity would tiien be diffused throughout the whole. "Give the]
property and liberty of the rich a security in the senate, against Ha
encroachments of the poor in a popular assembly," and erect ai
independent executive with a long term to mediate between them,|
with an independent judiciary, removable only by joint consent of
senate and assembly, to check both legislature and executive. The.
nearest approach to the ideal government Adams finds, like Ham-
ilton, in tlie English constitution. ''The English constitution £9 the
only one which has considered and provided for all cases that are
known to have generally, indeed to have always, happened in the
progress of every nation; it is, therefore, the only scientific gov-
ernment.'' The Federalists showed small faith that America would
succeed in improving greatly upon European models.^®'

^0* See Beard, Beonomie Origint, Chmp. 11. for a sketch of the po1itie«l eeonomy of John
Adams. A faDer study of Adams's opinions is made in Walsh, G. M., Tk€ PoU^eal ScUnce of
John Adam§. For Tiews of other Federalists and discussion of their ddyt to the thoosht id
Adams, ecpeeiaQjr in the period of tl^ Federal Convention, see Wd,, 804 wt seg.; also 286 ei. mq.

36 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

The unification of the Federalist party during the discussion
of Hamilton's financial system precipitated a like movement among
those who opposed his measures. These found their prophet and
organizer in Jefferson. If Hamilton incarnated the spirit of that
coastal order which derived its political creed from the Old World,
JeSgrson personified no less the spirit of that New World which
contemned European tradition and had faith in an American order,
teorn himself on the Virginian frontier, his philosophy of the state
[was permanently influenced by his boyhood environment. The ten-
dencies thus early imparted to his thought must have coincided
remarkably with the impressions received from his later studies in
political philosophy, and his residence in France during the early

and /. n. ContraBtins the views of Adftms and Hamilton Beard remarks: "The former feared
the rich ahnoet as much as the poor, believing that they were as prone to use the government
in spoliation as the latter. Hamilton does not seem to have regarded the rich as a danger to
the state. On the contrary, he viewed the rich and well bom as the safest depositaries of public
power, altbouffh he advocated the admission of the propertyless to a speaking voice in the
government. Adams did not view the conflict as a struggle between personalty and real prop-
erty owners but between the rich and poor, although in his cOassiftcation most of the farmers
and petty tradesmen were placed in the latter category. Hamilton was essentially the spokes-
man of the commercial and financial classes. Contrary to contemporary misrepresentation, it
would appear that Adams' property was in land rather than stock and bonds. In fact his
biographer sasrs that 'in Mr. Adams's vocabulary, the word property meant land. He had no
confidence in the permanence of anjrthing else.' Such a man was not temperamentally fitted
to become the leader of a party founded principally upon capitalistic as opposed to landed in-
terests. Hamilton believed that his fiscal and commercial policy was advantageous to the bene-
ficiaries and the nation at large; he wanted positive action in support of those policies, not
'mediation' between contending factions. Under the circumstances it is not surprising that
Adams had about as much sympathy for Jefferson as for Hamilton." Eeonomie Origins, 818-319.
In reducing the principle of cleavage between Federalists and Republicans to the struggle be-
tween personalty and real property. Beard makes the issue too simple, and overlooks the geo-
graphical distribution of interests. Wealth in personalty was practically confined to the coast,
hence the secret of the adhesion of one influential group to the Federalist party. But the party
included the landed aristocracy in New England throughout its existence, because their inter-
ests and ideals were those of the coastal order.

Adams held liberal views in the Revolutionary period (see abov€, 26, /. n. 66) which yielded
as time passed to those opinions which caused him to be regarded as an aristocrat. The equality
of man, the social compact, and the consent of the governed were dogmas which he held in com-
mon with other "fathers of the Revolution." His rather humble origin places him fairly among
the popular leaders of that era. His belief in restricting the suffrage to freeholders, joined
with his advocacy of measures to facilitate subdivision of land ownership, remind us of Jef-
ferson (below, 88). At the same time he aspired, before the Revolution, to become one of the
influential class which "had succeeded in bringing into existence distant imitations of the Eng-
lish type of society and government" (Walsh, 228) ; and while he insisted upon the right of
the people to adopt such government as they chose, whether good or bad, in the formation of
state constitutions he "hoped our people would be wise enough .... to preserve the Eng-
lish constitution in its spirit and subetanee, so far as the circumstances of this eountry re-
quired and would admit," omitting only the hereditary features which had not existed in
America and would not be tolerated. '(Ibid,) Besides a property qualification tor both electors
and elected, "higher for the latter, and .... rising in gradation with the importance of the
office," he desired a religious tsst confirming certain offices to Christians. (Ibid., 11). Al-
though his views became distinctly lais Uberal from about 1786 (iM., 2584169, S81 •t esq.),
his later opinions appear to have been the natpral devetopment of his early ones.

RISE OF PARTIES 87

days of the Revolution brought him into contact with theories
which confirmed his own conclusions concerning the conditions
which conduce to human welfare and happiness. Conclusions which
Rousseau and his compeers arrived at by dint of abstract reasoning,
Jefferson held as naturally as if he had breathed them in with the
air of the Virginia piedmont. It was fitting that the man who for-
mulated the philosophical justification of revolution which the west-
ern part of the British world hurled against the eastern in the
Declaration of Independence, should later become the leader of
the inland farming democracy in its contest with the American
heirs of British tradition. Jefferson's political creed was, indeed)^
the reflex of his philosophy of society.; He believed that a simpleiX
agricultural economy afforded the best basis for a free state, since |\
it fostered individualism and equality. Such a society America' ^
had done much to produce, and made possible in future, with its
''immensity of land courting the industry of the husbandman." A
complex industrialism with workshops and wage labor he wished
to discourage, as tending to destroy self-reliance and equality of
condition among men, and to introduce the class antagonisms which
had led to the oppression and debasement of the people in the 0\S<
World. Commerce he admitted in his order as the means of ex- \
changing the surplus of an agricultural country for the manu- /
factures of the overcrowded countries of Europe, and hence as a '
means of keeping manufactures with their corrupting ihfluenct
away from our shores. The ships of commerce, with their protecl
ing navies, he preferred to let the European nations supply. I]
such an Arcadian society the functions of government would be
at a minimum, the need of taxation slight, and individual freedom
and initiative at their best.^^*

The relation of this conception of society and government to
Jefferson's early surroundings and to the life of the class whose

!•« '*TliOM who labor in the earth are the ehoeen people of God, if ever He had a ehoaen
people, whoee breaate He haa made Hia peculiar deposit for lubatantial and genuine virtue. It
ia the foeua in which he keeps alive that sacred ftre, which otherwise might escape from the
faee of the earth. Corruption of morals in the mass of cultivators is a phenomenon of which
no as* nor nation has fumiahed an example. It is the mark set on those, who, not looking
np to heaven, to their own soil and industry, as does the husbandman, for their subsistence,
depend for it on casualties and caprice of customers. Dependence begets subservience and
venality, suffocates the germ of virtue, and prepares fit tools for the designs of ambition. This,
the natural progress and consequence of the arts, has sometimes perhaps been retarded by
accidental circumstances; but, generally speaking, the proportion which the aggregate of other
cl a i a c a of eitiaens bears in any State to that of its husbandmen, is the proportion of its un-
sound to its healthy parts, and is a good enough barometer whereby to meaaure ita degree of
eormptlon. While w« have land to labor, then, let us never wish to see oar eitiaenf oecupied

88 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

8pokesman he was, is obvious. Very appropriately he has been
called a ''backwoods statesman," for this set of theories, bom of
frontier conditions, affected his policies throughout his public
career.

While Jefferson thus identified the cause of good government
with the dominance of the agricultural class, as opposed to the
capitalistic interests which formed the nucleus of the Federalist
l>arty, his democracy was not without limitations. He declared in
1800 that he had always been in favor of a "general suffrage." *®'
It does not appear that he was ready to insist upon manhood suf-
^frage, however, for in the draft constitution prepared for the use
. of friends in the Virginia convention of 1776 he provided a small
i freehold qualification for the exercise of the franchise.*^' If the
j whole of his plan be considered, however, this qualification be-
comes almost equivalent to manhood suffrage, for, in harmony with
his faith in agriculture as the best foundation for a state, he would
have had estates granted to all males, from the public lands.^^^
/His theory of democracy did not embrace all orders of society, for
Ijie could not overcome his distrust of the working class of cities.
i.'His hope of an American order was bound up with the continued
I preponderance of agriculture, for he believed that "when we get
'piled upon one another in large cities, as in Europe, we shall be-
come corrupt as in Europe, and go to eating one another as they
(do there.'' ^^* Thus he appears not so much as the apostle of a
complete democracy, as he does the champion of an Arcadian form
of society as the one best calculated to promote the happiness of
mankind. Hence in contrast with Hamilton his program was

at a workbench, or twirling a diatalf. Carpenters, masoni, imitlu, are wanting in husbandry;
bat, for the general operations of manufacture, let our workshops remain in Europe. It is bet-
ter to carry provisions and materials to workmen there, than to bring them to the provisions
and materials, and with them their manners and principles. The loss by the transportation of
commodities across the Atlantic will be made up in happiness and permanence of government.
The mobs of great cities add Just so much to the support of pure government as sores do to
the strength of the human body." "Notes on Virginia," written in the winter of 1781-1782.
Ford, WritUtga of j€ifer9on, m. 2C8-26d.

To this description of the ideal economic basis for a free state may be added the state-
ment of the ideal of government given in the inaugural address of 1801: "A wise and frugal
government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise
free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the
month of labour the bread it has earned." /6id., Vin, 4. See Beard's summary of Jefferson's
views, in Origina, Chap. 14.

^••Ihid,, 461.

^^* See ahav€» 26, /. n, 69, and text of draft in Ford, Writings, H, 7.

^^o^See discussion in Beard, Beonomie Origint, 467-468, and Anderson, in Amar. HiH.
R9V„ XXI, 760-764.

^0* Uttmr to Maa^n, Dm. 20, 1787. Ford. WHHngt of Jaff^non. XV, 479.

RISE OF PARTIES 89

largely negative, or laissez faire, and he appears in national poli^
tics as the opponent of changes conceived in the i&terest of thej
capitalist class ; the preserver of the social and political stattis quo,
rather than as the leader of further democratic advance.^®'

While it is true that the Federalist and Republican parties
separated in the main along the old lines of cleavage, one notable
exception must be mentioned. As a class the planteEa.had con-|
stituted one of the groups of the dominant order which had joined
in the movement for the formation of a stronger government.
Within a few years, however, most of them had accepted the
leadership of Jefferson. The causes of this defection lie partly in
specific issues. Many planters, especially in Virginia, stood in]
somewhat the same relation to their British creditors that the in-i
terior farmers did to the merchants of the coast region. Desire\
to escape from their obligations has been charged as one cause of
their Whiggism during the Revolution, and fear that the claims
would be enforced by the federal courts may have been a factor
in the opposition which some of them showed to the new constitu-
tion."® Jay's treaty, with its provision for a joint commission to
adjudicate the debts due British merchants, was a further cause
of alienation."^ Hamilton's assumption scheme laid a burden upon I
Virginia, which had paid its debt, for the benefit chiefly of north- 1
em security holders ;"' and in most of the planting states lack oft
fluid capital deprived even the wealthy of opportunity of profit

lo* This if tmc dnrinff tlM Federmlist regime. HU program of ■oeial reform fell within
his conception of the sphere of state rather than federal action. His program of federal action
became more positive when he reached the presidency.

C/. Madison's reasons for Joining the opposition to Hamilton which developed Into the
Repablican party: *'I deserted Colonel Hamilton, or, rather, he deserted me; in a word, the
divergence between us took place from his wishing to ... . adminster the government into
what he thought it ought to be; while on my part, I endeavored to make it conform to the
constitution as understood by the convention that produced and recommended it, and particu-
larly by the sUte conventions that adopted it." Rives, Lift of MadUon, m, 177, quoted by
Gordy, J. P., Political Hittory of the UniUd State*, I, 140. In this desire of Madison, shared
by Jefferson, to hold the constitution to their conception of its original meaning we have the
origin of the Bepublican doctrine of strict construction.

^^^ Oliver Woleott, quoted by Beard, Sconamie Origint, 297.

^^^/Md., Chap. 10.

^^' The Republican view of the tendencies of Hamilton's measures can be summed up by
quoting a single sentence: "In an agricultural country like this .... to erect, and concentrate
and perpetuate a large monied interest, is a measure which your memorialists apprehend must
in the course of human events produce one or other of two evils, the prostration of agriculture
at the feet of eommereeb or a change in the present fbrm of federal government, fatal to the
ex ist e nce of Amerlcaa liberty." Reeohitions of the General Assembly of Virginia on the As-
sumption Act of 1790, reprinted in Ames, H. V., Stats DocmnonU on Fedtral Relatione, 6. C/.
diseaasion of Hamilton's ilseal system in Beard. Beonomie Origine, Chaps. 6, 6.

40 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

through subscribing for stock of the United States Bank.^" For
reasons of this nature, although many planters remained true to
the Federalist party as late as the election of 1800, there was a
pretty steady drift to the ranks of the opposition.^" Through com-
munity of opposition to measures which advanced the interest of a
class of fluid capital owners, located chiefly in the northern states,
the two classes of agriculturists which had been so long in conflict
/ in the southern states, came together in the national party known
[ as Jeff ersonian Republicanism. It must l)e recognized, too, that the
aristocratic faction, through the privileged position which it en-
joyed in the states, was able to dominate this alliance, so that south-
1 em republicanism became a party consisting largely of small f arm-
: ers led and represented by planters. This union was brought about
the more readily because of the absence of a positive democratic
j propagandism on Jefferson's part, which might have alienated the
^ planters.

»"/Wd„ 168.

ii« Phillips. "The South Carolina Federalists/' in Amer. Hiat. Rev., XIV, 629-548 ; 781-748.
srives some insight into the motives of the planters who adhered to the Federalist party durins
the nineties, as well as the motives of thoee who espoused Republicanism.

CHAPTER II

THE TRIUMPH OF THE PRINCIPLE OF
WESTERN EQUALITY

In the foregoing chapter an attempt has been made to show
that the first parties in our national history grew out of antago-
nisms in the region between the Alleghany Mountains and the At-
lantic Ocean, and that these antagonisms were to a considerable
degree geographical, the more aristocratic group occupying the
coast regions and the more democratic the interior. It has also
been shown that in the conflict of the two the coastal order held its
ground well. Indeed, it may be questioned whether, on the original
arena, the popular cause would ever have triumphed. The popula-
tlbn of the hinterland could hardly have gained sufficient weight to
break down the strongly entrenched peripheral social order. In the
southern states, in fact, throughout the slavery era, the plantation
system displayed the power to advance steadily at the expense of ^
the area of small farms.^ The back settlements could not have
saved their social order by seceding and establishing independent
communities, for want of an outlet save through the Atlantic ports.
If there had been no other way of escape, it seems that nothing
short of revolution could have prevented the independent farmers
from sinking in time to the level of European peasants. The ac-
quiescence in aristocratic leadership of the Republican party was
ominous. The division of national parties would probably have
been sharper along lines of latitude and less marked along those
of longitude. Such was the tendency shown when planters and
small farmers united in the Republican party. The fate of the
northern masses is not so easily conjectured. They showed less
tendency to accept the leadership of their former antagonists, and-
might have maintained themselves as an important political group
or parly.

But the fate of the farming democracy was not to be deter-
mined east of the AUeghanies. The geographical basis of parties

^ C/. advance of plantation ■Tstem to piedmont in Virginia and Carolinas : Ambler, 5«e-
Uanattam, 118; Sehaper, "Sectionalism/' 889 et mq. See also Phillips, in Amer. Hi§t, R€v.,
XI. 798-816, and Smades, MmnoHaU of a Sauthsm PlanUr, extracts in CaUender, Stltetiona from
tk§ Beommie HiHaty of tke UnUtd Statst, 841 «t mq.

42 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

was to be greatly changed during the first generation under the
constitution, with proportionally significant changes in their spirit
and purposes. When Jay and Adams triumphed over the unfriendly
diplomacy of Vergennes in the peace negotiatibns of 1782 and se-
cured the Mississippi boundary for the United States, they un-
wittingly prepared the overthrow of the political order to which
they were attached. A few years later the national domain was
doubled by the acquisition of the vast province of Louisiana. Into
the wilderness beyond the mountains the discontented poured again,
when conditions became unsatisfactory in their former homes, just
as the pioneers had come to the ''Old West" east of the mountains.
Here a type of society similar to that which first developed at the
eastern base of the Alleghanies struck its roots more deeply than
ever into the soil, and with its widened geographical basis in time
made its influence dominant in the nation.

This result could not have followed had not liberal principles
won one notable victory on the stage of action east of the moun-
tains. The oppressed might, indeed, have found freedom in the
western wilderness even under a foreign flag. Or, under pressure
of injustice, they might here have established independent com-
munities, as they could not do on the Atlantic slopes. But the de-

jtermination that the western communities should in due time be
formed into states which should be admitted into the Union on
terms of equality with the original states, decided in advance that

(western interests and western ideals should one day play the chief

/ part in shaping the policies of the government

The origin of the idea of new settlements with liberal political
rights goes well back into the colonial period. The probable neces-
sity of new governments in the West was beginning to be perceived
as early as the outbreak of the French and Indian War, the ex-
pected success in which would give the English control of the Ohio
Valley.* A provision, 'for which Franklin was chiefly responsible,
was therefore made in the Albany Plan of Intercolonial Union, vest-
ing in the general government the power to make new settlements
and to "make laws for regulating and governing" them "till the
crown shall think fit to form them into particular governments." '
Franklin's reflections upon the matter of new colonies led him to
conclude that liberal government would be one of the essential in-

• Alden, Q. H., N«w {TovtmnMnte 1F««t of ih€ AtUffkaulM 6«/or« IJiO,

• Bifftlow, W^rka of FrmiMkt, U, 8«8.

THE TRIUMPH OF EQUALITY 48

ducements to settlers to incur the hazards of the wilderness ; in his
own words, they would have to be allowed "extraordinary privi-
leges and liberties." * Indication of the nature of these extraordi-
nary privileges is found in his suggestion that they should include
the right of the settlers to choose their own governor, which sug-
gests colonies of the self-governing, or corporate, type, rather than
the royal type to which the crown was attempting in the eighteenth
century to reduce all of the colonial establishments/

The twenty years following the Albany Congress were filled
with projects for new colonies, and the discussions of the period
gave opportunity for the formation of a public opinion as to the
most suitable type of government for transmontane settlements/
The British ministry also grappled with the problem, and Lord
Hillsborough, the president of the Board of Trade, contended (de-
spite the purpose implied in the Proclamation of 1763) that new
colonies in the interior were undesirable because they would be too
remote to be of benefit to British trade, or to be held in due sub-
ordination to British authority/ Hillsborough's view thus virtually
recognised that the western pioneers would inevitably govern them-
selves in their own way, whatever forms might be imposed upon
them. Franklin as agent for the Vandalia Company, which was
seeking a grant in the West Virginia region, urged the necessity
of the new government, declaring that the tract asked for already
contained a population of 30,000 souls, who could not be governed
effectively from Williamsburg." This argument, based on the im-
practicability of remote governments, stressed one of the grievances
of the settlers which we have seen was the cause of complaints and
petitions from the back country of Pennsylvania and the Carolinas
in this same period;* and, with other considerations urged by
Franklin, won the Privy Council's approval of the Vandalia grant,
with a scheme of government similar to those of the existing royal
colonies.^® The outbreak of the Revolution, however, prevented the
consummation of the grant, and transferred the whole problem of
new western governments to Congress. The question next became

« IHd., n, 474.
>/UcL

• Ibid,, 12-48. Carter, C. S.. Great Britain and tkt lUinoia Country, 108-144..
^ Bigelow, Work9 of FrankUm, V, 4.

• /Md., V, 78, 74.

• A6eve» 21, /. m. 48.

^« Alden, New G^vammanU, 28-88.

44 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

involved in the dispute over the ownership of the western lands.
As soon as it became evident that the struggle with the mother
country would lead to a declaration of independence, the Virginia
legislature reasserted the claim, long dormant, to all territory east
of the Mississippi granted to that colony by the royal charter of
1609.^^ Other colonies revived similar claims. The validity of these
claims was challenged by the small states, under the leadership of
Maryland. The resolutions adopted by the legislature of the latter,
in October, 1776, give probably the first clear and authoritative
expression of what must have become, by that time, under the
influence of experience and the revolutionary philosophy, a com-
mon opinion as to the proper policy to be pursued in providing
for the government of settlements beyond the mountains — "such

lands ought to be parcelled out at proper times into convenient,

free and independent governments." "

t This was the beginning of the struggle which ended in the

land cessions of Virginia and the other "claimant" states. The
refusal of Maryland to ratify the Articles of Confederation unless
cessions were promised, ^^ the desire of land companies for confir-
mation by Congress of grants which the British Government had
been ready to make,^^ the necessity of concessions to secure the
alliance of Spain, ^^ the reluctance of the landless states to include
a demand for the West in the terms of peace unless the territory
were to be common property,^® and the desire of the western set-
tlers themselves for distinct governments," are the more important
factors in the complicated history of the cessions.

In order to procure the adoption of the Articles, which re-
mained ineffective so long as a single state ratification was lack-
ing. Congress repeatedly appealed to the claimant states for con-
cessions. In the most notable of these appeals Congress committed
itself to the policy of erecting new states in the western territory

i^Heninff, StatuUs, IX, 118, reprinted in Amer. Hitt LwfUt, No. 22, 2.
" Ibid., 8.

^* Adams, H. B.. "Maryland's Influence on the Land Cessions," in Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity StudxM, m, 7-64.

^* JoumaU of the Continental Congreaa (L. C. edn.), XV, 1068-1084.

^" PbiUips, P. C, The Weet in the Diptomaey of the American Revotutlon, 177-188.

^•Ibid,

^7 Turner, "Western SUte Making in the Revolutionary Era." in Amer, Bi&L Rev,, I,
70-87; 261-269.

THE TRIUMPH OP EQUALITY 45

with all the rights of the original states." Virginia made this
provision one of the conditions of her cession, and thus a guaran-
tee of equal rights for the new West became embodied in a com-
pact safeguarded by the obligations of good faith."

This recognition of the rights of the West is the chief fruit of f
the democratic doctrines of the Revolutionary era. Much as the
liberal ideals of the Puritans, though failing of realization in the
mother country, found their opportunity in the northern colonies,
the democracy of the Old West, though suppressed in the original
states, because of the dominant position of the aristocratic class, .
was to find a freer stage in the communities beyond the mountains.
The conservatives, moreover, who jealously guarded their favored
status in the old states notwithstanding the implications of the
revolutionary philosophy, were readier to give it free reign in the
proposed new jurisdictions. The turbulence and discontent of the
western portions of the old states lent practical force to the the-
oretical philosophy, and showed the impossibility of imposing un-
welcome restraints upon peoples still more remote. The memorials
of the inhabitants of the settlements in western Virginia (West
Virghiia and Kentucky) and North Carolina (Tennessee) spoke
eloquently if uncouthly of the westerners' belief in their right of
establishing governments to suit themselves.^® But one conclu-
sion was possible: the West would be either autonomous or inde-
pendent.

Nevertheless the acts of cession did not place the status of the
states-to-be beyond further controversy. The growth of the West
was contemplated with apprehension in some quarters. Titoothy
Pickering among others opposed the plans to extinguish the Indian
title to lands west of the Miami River, in 1785, on the ground that
they would be occupied by "lawless emigrants.'' " Both North and
South regarded with doubt the effect which the rise of new states
might have upon the balance of political power, and this appre-
hension was one reason for reducing the number of states pro-

^* "B§9oivd, That tb« .... lands .... shall .... be settled and formed into dis-
tinct icpubUean states, which shall become members of the federal union, and have the same
riffhts of sovereiirnty, freedom and independence, as the other states . . . . " Am. HiH. Leaf'
1st, No. 22, 8. Joumala of Cont, Cong., XVHI, 916.

^* Am, Hi§L LouftfU No. 22, 18.

<« Turner, "Western State Makins ;" Roosevelt, Winning of tAe TFest, H, 898-899 ; Alden,
"The State of FrankUn," in Am^, Higt. TUv„ Vm, 271-289.

'^Winsor, J., Th€ Wwtwani Movoment 270.

46 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

vided for in the Ordinance of 1784." While the committee of Con-
gress was drafting the Ordinance of 1785 for the sale of the ceded
lands, certain eastern gentlemen showed uneasiness as to ''the
consequences which may result from the new states taking their
position in the Confederacy," apparently wishing "that this event
may be delayed as long as possible." *■ The feeling of the western
people towards the East was no more cordial. Neglected by the
impotent Confederation Congress, and both bullied and cajoled by
the agents of Spain and Britain, the separation of the West from
the Union seemed inevitable. The clash of its interests with those
of the northern seaboard was revealed in the willingness of the
latter to sacrifice the navigation of the Mississippi for the promotion
of its own commercial relations wfth Spain, and many westerners
were ready to risk the adventure of independence.** Unprincipled
though he was, Wilkinson showed sagacity when he declared : "The
Atlantic states of America must sink as the western settlements
rise. Nature has interposed obstacles and established barriers be-
tween these regions which forbid their connection on principles of

reciprocal interests These local causes, irresistible in their

nature, must produce a secession of the western settlements from
the Atlantic states . . . ." **

The constitutional convention with its reactionary temper
brought the contest against the equality of the new states to a
head. The stress which was laid upon property interests as the
main reason for political society raised a presumption against the
equal rights of the poor western communities as members of the
Union, which found vigorous expression during the debate on the
basis of representation in the lower house.*' Gouvemeur Morris
alluded to the method by which the eastern part of his state (Penn-
sylvania) had kept power out of the hands of the western portion,
and advocated the adoption of a similar plan on a national scale.
"The lower part of the State had ye. power in the first instance.

They kept it in yr. own hands, and the country was ye. better for

. ^ • 'n ■^'S'^

•'Barrett, J. A., Evolution of tho Ordifume€ of 1787, 84, /. n. 8, 89, 40, and /. «. S.

'•Williun Grayson to Washinffton, April 16, 1786, quoted hj Bancroft, HitL of th§
Conti,, I, 426. Grayson was a member of the committee. Rufos JELng was the Massaehosetts
member and may be the subject of the aOosion, in yiew of the sentiments expressed by him in
the constitutional convention. See below, 47.

'« Roosevelt, Winning of tho Woet, m, 89-202.

'"Quoted by Turner, "The Diplomatic Contest for the Mivisslppi Valkr," in AttanUe
MontJUif, XCm, 679.

"Farrand, Max, "The Compromises of the Constitution," in Ainer. ffist. Rev., IX,
479 ei §$q.

THE TRIUMPH OP EQUALITY 47

it." *^ "The Busy haunts of men not the remote wilderness, was the
proper School of political Talents. If the Western people get the
power into their hands they will ruin the Atlantic interests. The
Back members are always most averse to the best measures."^

"Property was the main object of Society He thought the

rule of representation ought to be so fixed as to secure to the At-
lantic States a prevalence in the National Councils. The new States
will know less of the public interest than these, will have an inter-
est in many respects different, in particular will be little scrupu-
lous of involving the Community in wars the burdens & operations
of which would fall chiefly on the maritime States. Provision
ought therefore to be made to prevent the maritime States from
being hereafter outvoted by them. He thought this might be easily
done by irrevocably fixing the number of representatives which
the Atlantic States should respectively have, and the number which
each new State will have."*® In words which echo the sectional con-
flict in South Carolina, Rutledge maintained that "Property was
certainly the principal object of society. If numbers should be made
the rule of representation, the Atlantic States would be subjected
to the western.""® The conservatism of Massachusetts spoke
through King, Gorham, and Gerry. The first held that the "num-
ber of inhabitants was not the proper index of ability & wealth;
that property was the primary object of Society ; and that in fixing

a ratio this ought not to be excluded from the estimate [In

the West] 10 new votes may be added without a greater addition
of inhabitants than are represented by the single vote of Pena." '^
Gorham, supporting the. report from his committee of a plan for
representation in the first congress, suggested that "The Atlantic
States, having Government in their own hands, may take care of
their own interests, by dealing out the right of representation in
safe proportions to the Western States." " Gerry soon afterwards
moved that the representation of the new states should never ex-
ceed that of the old, and King seconded the motion." Butler "con-

'^Farrand, R^eorda, I, (88.

•• Ihid., t 588-884.

•• nid., I. 584.

•^nid., 1, 541. The Ordlaanee of 1784, not yH supenodod by that of 1787, pxvrfded
for tho admlMlon of «aeh iPHt«ni itato as looii as its population oqnalled that of tho loait
popuhwa of tha oriirinal ftatea, while the Articlcf of Confederation gare eaeh atate one Toia.

»IML. t 680.

••nuL, n, 8.

48 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

curred with those who thought some balance was necessary be-
tween the old and the new States. He contended strenuously that
property was the only just measure of representation/' '* While
Williamson thought that it would be necessary to return to the rule
of numbers in apportioning representation, he believed that the
"western States stood on a different footing" until their property
should be rated as high as that of the Atlantic states.^' Madison and
Mason, whose political careers in Virginia had stamped them as
moderate leaders of the western section, although advocates of con-
servative provisions in the federal instrument of government, proved
true to the cause of the West in this contest over equal rights. The
former, although generally in accord with Morris in the conven-
tion, upbraided him for his inconsistency in the matter of repre-
sentation. "At the same time that he recommended .... implicit
confidence to the Southern States in the Northern majority, he was
still more zealous in exhorting all to a jealousy of a western ma-
jority." "It must be imagined that he determined .... character
.... by the .... compass." ^® Mason's remarks showed that he
comprehended that the issue was beyond the power of the conven-
tion to settle by a constitutional provision. "If the Western States
are to be admitted into the Union, as they arise, they must ....
be treated as equals, and subjected to no degrading discriminations.
They will have the same pride, and other passions, which we have ;
and will either not unite with, or will speedily revolt from, the
Union, if they are not in all respects placed on an equal footing with

their brethren He did not know but that, in time, they would

be both more numerous and more wealthy, than their Atlantic
brethren Numbers of inhabitants, though not always a pre-
cise standard of wealth, was sufficiently so for every substantial
purpose." " More open in avowal of the right of the majority to
rule, and even more convincing in logic, was the argument of
Wilson: "The majority of the people, wherever found, ought in

•* /Wa., I, 642.

" Ibid,, I, 660.

** Ibid., I, 684. "The case of Pen*, bad been mentioned wbert it was admitted tbat tboae
wbo were possessed of tbe power in tbe oriarinal settlement* never admitted tbe new setUemnts.
to a due share of it England was a still more striking example. Tbe power there had lonff
been in tbe bands of tbe borousbs, of the minority; wbo had opposed St defeated every reform
which had been attempted. Virsa. was in a lesser decree another example. With regard to
the Western States, he was clear St firm in opinion that no anfavorable distinctions were ad-
missable either in point of justice or policy." Madison, Und,

•Ubid., I. 678-679.

THE TRIUMPH OF EQUALITY 49

all questions, to govern the minority. If the interior country should
acquire this majority, it will not only have the right, but will avail
itself of it, whether we will or no. This jealousy misled the policy

of Great Britain with regard to America Like consequences

will result on the part of the interior settlements, if like jealousy
and policy be pursued on ours He could not agree that prop-
erty was the sole or primary object of government and society*
The cultivation and improvement of the human mind was the
most noble object" *®

There is no way of determining whether the real inclination
of the majority in the convention was more toward the views of
Morris or of Wilson. It is quite conceivable that a conviction that
the West could not be kept in permanent subordination outweighed
the desires of members. At any rate, Gerry's motion was re-
jected by a vote of four states to five." But the matter was not
yet disposed of. The Committee of Detail, governed, one may sup-
pose, partly by the vote on Gerry's motion, and perhaps even more
by knowledge of the pledge of Congress made in 1780 and the
terms of the Virginia cession, reported a clause providing for the
admission of new states on terms of equality with the original
states.*® The opponents of equality were not yet beaten, however,
and secured the adoption of a substitute provision permitting Con-
gress to admit new states, and omitting the phrase concerning
equality. The acceptance of the substitute may indicate considerable
sympathy with the views of Morris and his group.*^ He, at any
rate, seems to have hoped that the phraseology adopted would
leave a doubt as to the right of new states to equal rank in the
Union, and so enable Congress, when admitting new members, to
impose terms in behalf of the vested interests of the original
states.*' Contemporaneously with the deliberations of the conven-

•• Ihid., t 606.

**/Mcl., n, 8. Cf. Sherman on Gerry's motion: "We axe proyidinff for our poeterity
. . . . who woald be as likely to be eitixens of new Western States, as of the old States. On
this eonsideration alone, we omrht to make no such discrimination." To which Gerrj replied:
"There was a rage for emigration from the Eastern States to the Western Country and he did
not wish those remaining behind to be at the mercy of the Emigrants. Besides foreigners
are resorting to that Country, and it is uncertain what turn things may take there." Ibid.

^•IHd., n, 188.

*^ Ihid., ^n, 454-4€6. The motion to substitute was made by Morris, and the portion
re far i-ed to was paartd netn. eon,

**In 1808 Aorria declared his belief that Congress might acquire territory to be bdd
in permanent depend e nce, but could not admit new states from such territory. "In wording
the third section of the fourth article," he says, "I went as far as dxemnstaneei would

60 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

tion, however, the Confederation Confirress was framing the Ordi-
nance of 1787, in which was renewed the pledge of ultimate state-
hood on equal terms with the old states, for the divisions of the
Northwest Territory. One of the early acts of Congress after the
adoption of the constitution was the repassage of this ordinance,
and almost at the same time the final cession of North Carolina
bound Congress to a similar policy in dealing with the Tennessee
area. Thus the cause of western liberty gained an impetus which
boded ill for any Atlantic groups which might oppose expansion
or whose interests should conflict with those of the new West in
the day of its power.

pennit to wtabliah the ezchision." Sparln, J., Lif€ of Gowmmtur MarriM, m, 192. It la not
clear that he believed in a similar power over ftatei erected within the original territory of the
Union,

CHAPTER III

THE DECLINE OF FEDERALISM

The perpetuation in the Federalist party of many of the old
views and policies of the coastal class foredoomed it to destruction
through the growth of the West, which meant the growth of the ,
agrarian interest and of the belief in the political equality of men. <
Federalism proved to be almost non-expansive, the new settle- j
ments being uncongenial soil for much that the party represented, j
and it became consciously opposed to western development. This '
opposition was foreshadowed, as our study should already have
made clear, even before the elements of Federalism coalesced into
a party. It was men who later on were members of that party who
showed apprehension of the consequences of admitting new states,
when that question was discussed in the Confederation congress
and in the constitutional convention.^ The leaders of Federalism
were discerning men, and suffered from no illusions concerning
the effects of the growth of the West. The character of the trans-
montane settlements when the constitution went into effect was
well calculated to arouse their apprehensions, for the Kentucky
and Tennessee frontiersmen came chiefly from that stock which
had so long challenged the claims of the tidewater section, and had
given birth to the American ideal of democracy. During the days /
when parties were forming on a national scale, the West tended
naturally towards Republicanism. It cast, indeed, a few votes in
favor of the constitution, but the test of Federalist policy soon
proved the real affinity of the pseudo-federalism of Kentucky and
Tennessee to be the party of Jefferson. The West found much
more to condenm than to praise in the measures of the new gov-
ernment. Hamilton's financial system was generally disliked and
the whisky tax was peculiarly odious. Even in those matters which
were designed to promote western interests the policy of the gov-

^See above, 46-49. All of the men quoted m oppoeins the eqiMlity of the wcftem
states eeted with the Federalist party during all or part of the last decade of the eentoiy.
C/. BeArd, Sconomie Origint, Chap. 2. The Tfews of Morrk and his sopportexs were the nat-
ural Tiews of the old seaboard govemins class both North and South, but the union of planten
and farmers in the Republican party in the South caused Federalism to stand out more and
more as the "eastern" party.

52 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

eminent did not conciliate. The ineffectiveness of the early efforts to
pacify the Indians and to secure the navigation of the Mississippi
and the surrender of the northwest posts persuaded the people that
the federal government was indifferent to their interests.' South
of the Ohio Federalism was never a force to be seriously reckoned
with ; the rare references to adherents of the party prove that it
was almost non-existent, and as time passed it lost rather than
gained in strength. The treaties of 1795 were made the text of
an exhortation of the region by Washington in his farewell ad-
dress, but whatever favorable disposition may have been excited
thus was more than counterbalanced soon after by the passage of
the Alien and Sedition Acts.' The Kentucky Resolutions of 1798
may be accepted as the public confirmation of the people of the
Southwest in the Republican creed.^

* The feelinff of the inhabitants of Kentocky on these mmtten is well deserfbefl In Me-
Bboy, tL M., Kentucky in the Nation'e Hietory, Chap. 7.

* "The inhabitants of our western eountry have lately had a useful lesson on this head ;
they have seen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratifleation by the
Senate^ of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout
the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated amons
tiiem of a policy in the general government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their
interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two
treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they
could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity.'* — ^Richard-
son, J. D., A CompUation of the Meetagee and Papers of the PretM/ente, I, S17. The reference
to the British treaty was unfortunate, as the people of the West did not consider it favorable
to them. See next note.

* There seem to have been a few admirers of Hamilton's poUdes in Tennessee in the
early nineties, and Genet's partisans, by their excesses, produced a mild reaction in Koitueky
favorable to the administration. Phelan, J., Tenneeeee, 241-242; Shaler, N., iTentweJky. 129.
Senator Marshall, of Kentucky, was one of the leaders of the Federalist group. He saw ad-
Vantages for the West in Jay's treaty and voted for its ratification, contributing, moreover, a
series of essays in vindication of the treaty to the Kentucky Gtuette during the winter of
1796-1796. But the vast preponderance of opinion remained unfavorable; MeEhoy, Kentudcy,
loe. eU, There were even two Federalists in the Lexington region who dared publicly to de-
fend the policy of the administration in passing the Alien and Sedition Acts. The local aspects
of this controversy are discussed, ibid.. Chap. 8. As late as the period of the Burr Conspiracy,
*% Mr. Wood, of Richmond. Virginia, was invited to Kentucky and made editor of The
Weetem World, a newspaper devoted to the interests of Federalism." — ^AmUer, C. H., Thomae
JiUehie, 88.

Naturally, some of the early western officials holding their positions by presidential
appointment were of the Federalist faith ; e. g.. Governor Blount, of the Territory South o^ the
Ohio River, and St. Clair, governor of the Northwest Territory, as well as minor ofllelak.
See belouf, 66, /. n. 16.

Michaux, returning from Tennessee in 1796, encountered one Mansko who may have
been a Federalist, as he was "a declared enemy of the French because, he said, they have
killed their King." Michaux would not accept his offer of supper, and was mortified because
the inclement weather obliged him to spend the night in the house. "But I slept on my Deelt
skin and paid for the Maixe he supplied me with." In 1802 Michaux dedates eotteemint Johil
Adams: "His memory Is not held in gieat veneration In Upper Caiolloa and Uit Wesfctam
States .... where iiobody durst confess himself publidy attadied to thi federU i^ftviy."— i>
Michaux, F. A., TruveU to the We&tward (in Thwaltes, R. G., Eorfr Weetthi fiwHH^ VELh •••

THE DECUNE OF FEDERAUSM 68

Meantime Federalism had shown its disposition towards the
admission of new states. The occasion was Tennessee's applica-
tion for statehood in 1796. The people of the ''Territory South of
the Ohio River/' as it was officially designated, acting under an
ordinance of the territorial legislature, without authorization of
Congress, had held a convention and adopted a constitution under
which they claimed recognition.^ Congress was pledged to grant
eventual statehood, not only by the resolution of 1780,® but by the
terms of North Carolina's cession which imposed the same con-
ditions stiplated by the Ordinance of 1787 for the Northwest Ter-
ritory. Not venturing to impugn these pledges openly, the Fed-
eralists professed friendship for the statehood aspirations of the
people of the territory, and confined their objections to insistence
upon safe precedent, since ''in a few years, other States would be
rising up in the Western wilderness, and claiming their right to
admission," and "it was of considerable moment to the United
States, that a proposition which admitted a new State to the equal
rights in one important branch of government in the affairs of the
nation should be seriously considered and grounded on clear con-
stitutional right." ^ They maintained that action by Congress must
precede the organization of a state government, and pointed out
that it was quite within the power of Congress, by dividing the
territory into two states, to "leave less than sixty thousand inhabi-
tants in either, and consequently deprive them of any claim what-
ever to admission into the Union at this time." ^ In reality, the
Federalists had no desire to increase the mmtiber of Republican
states, as such a division would ultimately have done, and sought
only the advantage which would accrue to their party through de-
lay. They believed the eagerness of their opponents to grant rec-
ognition to be due to the aid which the electoral vote of the new
state would give in the election of Jefferson,* and wished to delay

" Portioiis of ths following pas«s follow ckwely an earlier study hy the present writer
entitled "Federalism and the West/' in Turner Euay in American Hiatory, llt-185.

• AboiM, 46, /. «. 18.

^ Speech of WiUiam Smith, a South Carolina Federalict AnndU of Cangr^Bt, Fourth
Cootf.. 1 sees., ltOO-1804.
•Hid.

* '"No doubt this is hut one twiff of the electioneering eabal for Mr. Jefferson." Chauneej
Goodrich to OUver Woleott, Sr., quoted by Pbelan, reniieesM, 188. Jefferson called the Tennes-
see constitution the "least imperfect and the moet republican of the state constitutions." —
GaldweO, J. W., "J<4m Ball of Tennessee/' in Ammr. Hiat, Rw, TV, 662 «i sea. The course of
the FMeraUsts in oppoeinc the admission of the state "had the effect of eonilrmins her Re-
pabUeanism. The people were indignant on account of the oppoeition, and for many years
no piibUc man in Te nn swee dared to admit that he entertained FMeraUat prlneiples." IHd,

64 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

recognition long enough to deprive the Republicans of three elec-
toral votes in the presidential campaign then in progress. In the
Senate, Ruf us King presented a committee report which declared
Tennessee, for want of action by Congress, not yet entitled to ad-
mission.^" This report was adopted, and by a vote of 15 to 8 the
Senate passed a bill reported later from King's committee for
"laying out into one State the territory ceded by the State of North
Carolina." " Meantime, however, by a vote of 43 to 30, the House
took action in favor of immediate recognition, and in the end the
Senate passed the House bill.^^ On the whole, the Federalists went
as far as they could, in the Tennessee affair, to show their antip-
athy for new western states; their conduct was what one would
expect in the light of the antecedents of the party. They displayed
a willingness to prolong the territorial status which was in marked
contrast with the Republican view of it as a "degraded situation,"
lacking "a right essential to freemen — the right of being repre-
sented in Congress." "

South of the Ohio Federalism proved incapable of being
grafted upon a democratic stock. North of the river it was sub-
jected to a different kind of test. In that portion of the Northwest
Territory which became the State of Ohio, it failed to hold its
own as a colonizing force in competition with democracy of the
tjrpe which settled Kentucky and Tennessee. Yet the Federalists
were the first on the ground : the New England veterans who fol-
lowed Putnam to Marietta found themselves, in the period of nas-
cent parties, in sympathy with their eastern relatives." In the
settlements around Cincinnati, also, were many easterners who in-
clined to similar views, and the pioneers who came a little later
to the Western Reserve and eastern Michigan were from the
strongholds of Federalism. Arthur St. Clair, the territorial gov-

^^AnnaU, Fourth Conff., 1 test., 91-94.

11 /Wa., 97, 109.

1* It is difficult to ascertain positively the polities of the less prominent conffrestmoi of
that period, and vote analysis on party lines is of doubtful value because of incompleteness.
The House vote shows 17 Republicans for thie bill and only one against; Federalists, two for
and 12 asainst. AHhouffh less than half of those votinar are accounted for in this division, the
par^ alignment seems to be clear. The vote in the Senate was a tie, which was determined
favorably by the ballot of acting-president Livermore. The chagrin of the Federalists at Liver-
mors's action is manifest in the letter of Goodrich, cited above, note 9.

!• Madison. Ibid., 1808-1809.

1* New England looked rather coldly upon the Ohio Company's project of colonisation,
fearing a rapid drainage of population. "Nathan Dane favored it, in part because he hoped
that planting such a colony in the West might keep at Itast that part of it tro* to 'Eastern
poUtlca.' " Roosevelt, Winning of the TFest, m, 256-857.

THE DECUNE OF FEDERAUSM 66

emor, Winfhrop Sargent, the secretary, and Jacob Burnet, one of
the judges, supported Federalism.^° St. Clair entered the lists as
a pamphleteer in defence of the Adams administration.^* The
sentiment of these early days is suggested by the fact that the legis-
lature voted a complimentary address to President Adams in 1798
with but five dissenting voices." These five votes, however, were
ominous of approaching discord. Into the Cincinnati region and
the Virginia military district had been pouring a tide of southern
inmiigrants who were imbued with the feeling that the dependent
territorial status was a ^'degraded situation," and with charac-
teristic impatience at arbitrary power the leaders of this element
soon clashed with St. Clair. The result was the firm conviction
that they should never secure fair treatment under the territorial
regime, and a demand for early statehood as a means of obtain-
ing full self-government" St. Clair, true to his Federalist in-
stincts, distrusted the classes to whom he foresaw control would
fall in that event. To him they seemed an indigent and ignorant
people, ill qualified to form a government and constitution for
themselves, and too remote from the seat of government to feel a
wholesome respect for the federal power. 'Tixed political princi-
ples they have none Their government would most probably

be democratic in form and oligarchic in its execution, and more
troublesome and more opposed to the measures of the United States
than even Kentucky." " Observing the preponderance of southern-
ers among the newcomers in portions of the Territory, he fell back
upon the time-honored devices of ruling minorities, and proposed
to Timothy Pickering, the Secretary of State, a departure from the

^* Sarsent was of MaauehaMtts birth and a veteran of tho Revohition. Beeomlns inter-
ested in the Ohio Company of Aaeociatei, he acted as surveyor for the Company in 1786. Upon
the organisation of the Territory, he was appointed secretary, holding the oiBee nntil he was
made sovemor of the new Mississippi Territory, in 1798. His Federalism made him so unpopn-
lar with his Republican neighbors in Mississippi that Jefferson removed him. Thwaites, JForly
WmUth rroeels, IV, 828, /. m.

Burnet was a native of New Jersey, a Princeton graduate, and by profession a lawyer.
In explanation of his Federalist principles he tells us "He had more confidence in the men
who formed the Constitution than in their opponents, who had uniformly resisted its adoption
and opposed its measures." Burnet, J., N0U9 on ths Eatii/ Settlement of the Nortk-^eetem
Territont, 297-298.

^« Smith. W. H., SU Clair Papers, H, 442.

IT IHd., I, 218 : n, 484.

^* "We shall never have fair play while Arthur and his Knights of the Round Table sit at
the head." Extract from a letter of Judge Symmes, June 24, 1802, ibid., I, 241. In the same
letter Symmes says that one of his Cincinnati correspondents asserts that the papers there
print everything for the "Aristocrats" and only now and then a pSeee for the "Democrats.*

^•St Clair to Jam«i Boss, Dee., 1799. /UcL» H, 481-488.

»»

66 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

plan of division laid down in the Ordinance of 1787, ''in such a
manner as to make the upper or Eastern division surely Federal,
and form a counterpoise .... to those who are unfriendly to the
General Government." *® Upon reflection he abandoned this proj-
ect, perceiving that ''the eastern division is too thinly inhabited,
and the design would be too evident," and, as suggested in the
Tennessee debate, proposed a line which, while leaving each por-
tion "a sufficient number of inhabitants to continue in the present
[second territorial] stage of government," would keep them in a
colonial state for a good many years to come." '^ Although one of
the most violent of the Federalists in his antipathy towards the
West, Pickering, for some reason, instead of lending himself to
St. Clair's scheme, submitted the letter to William Henry Harri-
son, delegate to Congress from the Northwest Territory, on whose
recommendation a division was made (May, 1800) in accordance
with the Ordinance. Hoping to secure a reconsideration by Con-
gress, St. Clair's partisans next (November, 1801) carried through
the territorial legislature a boundary act assenting to a division
which would promote the governor's plan, and Fearing, Harrison's
successor as territorial delegate, was instructed to seek the ap-
proval of Congress. Meantime, the Jeffersonian regime had been
inaugurated at Washington, and St. Clair's opponents met the
issue by appealing to their friends at the national capital, not only
to reject the boundary act, but to take steps favorable to the ad-
mission of the state.

The quarrel of the Federalists and Republicans in Ohio, now
transferred to the larger arena of Congress, bade fair to become
a national party issue. It was predicted that Federalists would op-
pose admission, because the increase of western and southern
states accrued to the advantage of their opponents.^' On the other
hand, the Republicans were eager to add to their party strength
three electoral votes which might be needed in the contest of 1804.

*<>Thit tetter has been lost. St. CUdr ffi^es a ■ummary in hit oommnnieation to Bom,
cited above.

'^C/. tetter to Woodbridse: "I ventured to open to [Todd, of Tmmball County] my
opinion that .... many advantases would flow to the upper eastern division .... by pro-
posed lines .... Beinff settled entirely by the peopte from the eastward .... as they
would forever have the preponderancy over the other parts of that dtetriet, it would be in
their power to introduce those laws and customs, and fix them so as they could never be over-
Cfcf««m " [Italics mine]. Ibid., 648.S49.

** Md., J, S88, guotinff R. J. Meigs. Sr. : "The Federalists will oppose ft, because a mul-
tiplication of we ster n and southern States will multiply Republican Senatois.'

THE DECLINE OF FEDERALISM 67

Approval of the boundary act was decisively refused on January
27, 1802, only five votes being recorded in its favor ; and the next
day the first steps towards a statehood bill were taken under a
motion of the zealous Republican Giles of Virginia.^' In the de-
bate which ensued the expected Federalist opposition failed to ap-
pear. Roger Griswold, of Connecticut, was allowed, almost un-
supported, to voice the protest of the minority. In the Tennessee
debate, the Federalists held that an act of Congress must precede
the formation of a state government by the people of a territory ;
now Griswold maintained that the passage of an act giving the
assent of Congress to the formation of a constitution, upon the
petition of individuals, and contrary to the wish of the legislature
as implied in the boundary act, was an unwarranted interference
with the concerns of the people of the territory.'^ The Republicans
maintained, as in 1796, that territorial governments ''were arbi-
trary at best, and ought not to exist longer than they could with
propriety be dispensed with. They were opposed to the genius of
the people of this country The people resident in the Terri-
tory had emigrated from the different States in the Union, where
they had been in the habit of enjoying the benefits of a free form
of government; they no doubt looked forward to a very short
period, at which they might again enjoy the same as pointed out
by the Ordinance .... but if the doctrine now contended for in
opposition, shall prevail in this House, all their hopes are blasted,'*
for it was "not to be supposed that men who have power to nullify
every act of the people, will ever sanction one to put an end to their
own political existence." ^'^ In support of this contention the bound-
ary act of the territorial legislature was cited.

. •• AiMMlfp SevMith Cong., 1 teM., 466-6. 469.

>«/bict., 1104-1106. Goddard. abo of ConiMetieut, seeonded Oriawold'i Mvonmit. Ibid,,
1116.

MSpMch of R. WiUiaBM, of North CaioUna. IHd., 1107-1110. The Ordinanct of 1787
plodcod iho admisfion of the parte Into which it provided that the Northweet Territory ihould
be divided, whenever the population of any part reached 60,000. Ohio had not yet reached
thia poptdation, and the epeeeh of WilUama indicates the danger of delay involved In the
propoeal of the territorial lerlektare. Of eoone. If no change In boondariee were nuule, etate-
hood would aoon be due under the provieione of the Ordinance, and WiUiami's argument would
hardly be applicable.

Griswold's plea was not eonsietent with the Federalist contention of 1796. Then it was
asserted that the action of the territorial legislature should not be taken as conclusive evidence
of the wish of the people of Tennessee, since many were known to oppoee statehood; while
now Griswold maintained that the action of the legislature was the only evidence of the
se ntim s pta of the InhabltaBts of a territory which Congress should notice. In both cases the
aigunMBt was avldentlr ihaped by the ds^re to Nstrain the grewtft of an •dvene loitrsiL
The final vote on the Ohio statehood bill shows more clearly than the debate tlw ?i>*^sgn

68 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

The Ohio statehood bill as passed gave further offence to the
Federalists by separating what is now eastern Michigan from the
new state. This they believed to have been done from the fear
that that district, where Federalists were numerous, would, if in-
cluded, give a majority against statehood or carry the new state
into the Federalist column. While the matter was under considera-
tion in committee of the whole, Bayard objected to cutting off the
Michigan portion of the territory about to be admitted, after the
Inhabitants had been advanced to the self-governing stage. To this
Giles replied that the northern portion of the territory could not be
a permanent part of the new state, and that it would be unjust to
allow its inhabitants a voice in forming a constitution for the
people of the southern portion. By being attached to Indiana Terri-
tory, moreover, it would not revert to the first stage.'* The people
of Detroit and vicinity remonstrated against the action of Con-
gress, claiming the right to be included in the new state, but were
reconciled by the prospect of a territorial government seated at
Detroit, with offices to be distributed among local men.'^ It is sig-
nificant of the extent to which Federalism had invaded the West
that a gerrymander of this sort was necessary to insure Republi-
can ascendancy in the first state created in the old Northwest.

But the passage of the enabling act was the beginning of dis-
aster for the Ohio Federalists. Their delegates in the constitutional
convention were outnumbered nearly three to one.'® St. Clair was
dismissed by Jefferson with scant courtesy before the expiration
of his term, for criticising the action of Congress in a speech be-
fore the convention.'* The convention, true to the current creed of
democracy, and mindful of the conflicts with the late governor,

tare of the iasue. The vote of thoee whose polities have been ascerUined shows the Republicans
14 to 1 in favor of it, with 7 Federalisto opposed. Ibid., 1161-1162.

'•ibid,, 1120-1122. "The inhabiUnto of that part of the Territory with scarcely one
exception, were also decidedly opposed in politics to the party which had just possessed
themselves of the administration of the general government. They were also numerous.
. . . . |t was, therefore, almost certain, that if they were united with the oppoeers of the
proposed constitution, in the Southern part of the district, they would reject the law of Con-
gress, and prevent the formation of a State government. But if this should not be the case,
still they would become citizens of the new State, which, with the aid of their numbers and
influence, would most probably be placed in the ranks of opposition to the administration of
the general government, by the men then in power." Burnet, N0U9, SS7.

*nbid,

'■ An account of the convention, with source material, is given in Smith, St. Cktir Paptn,
I, Chap. 9 ; II, 686 «t seQ.

''Charges against St. Clair had been presented to the President by his enemies early
in the year 1802, but at that time Jelfenon had been satisfied by the defenoe offered, /bid.,
I, S44-SM; n, 892-601.

THE DECLINE OF FEDERALISM 59

framed a constitution which entrusted large powers to the legisla-
ture, but reduced the governor to a figurehead. In the first elec-
tion the Republicans carried even Marietta by a large majority,
most of the disheartened Federalists casting blank ballots in view
of the certainty of defeat.'^ The rout of the party by these occur-
rences was so complete that it soon ceased to act as a political
organization. Among the politicians of the early days were many
men from New England, and especially Connecticut, but they either
found that their Federalism barred the way to political preferment
in the social and political atmosphere of the West, or had im-
bibed the principles of democracy in their earlier homes. At all
events the politically ambitious, whether Virginian, New Yof ker,
Yankee, Scotch-Irishman, Irishman, or Englishman, was speedily
drawn into the party of democracy. All of these stocks were repre-
sented in the governor's chair within a quarter-century, but few
men who bore the party title of Federalist attained important of-
fice until about 1820, by which time that designation had lost all
real significance both East and West.^^

Yet the story of Ohio Federalism after 1803 is not one of
sudden disappearance, but of gradual decline and fusion with Re-
publicanism. Members of the party seem to have been active lo-
cally in those parts of the state where they were numerous or party
lines not too rigidly drawn.** But never did they put forward their
own candidate for the governorship. In 1809 an anonymous cor-
respondent of the Supporter asserted that "The federalists of Ohio
not being ignorant tiiat their opponents outnumber them, I think
I may say five to one, never have made any general effort against

■®The Fed«raliste eoniidered plans for rmllyinff their forces and makins a flffht for the
election of St. Clair, hot he refused to allow his name to be used* and apparently no other
name afforded even a llirhtinff chance of success, ibid., 1, 247.

•^Hockett, "Federalism and the West," in Turner Eumy, 128, /. n., ffives antecedents
of early Ohio politicians. Judce Burnet declared: "My political inlBuence and that of my asso-
ciates sank into a common sraye. We were proscribed, and as soon as the plan of our com-
petitors was consummated, we submitted to our destiny with good arrace and withdrew from
an participation." Burnet, Notee. Twenty years later Burnet was elevated to the supreme
bench by a Republican Icflrislature.

■'William McMillan ran as the party candidate for Congress in 1808, and received 1960
votes out of a total of 7618. (Randall A Ryan, History of Ohio, m, 146). In the presidential
campaign of 1804 the electoral ticket of the party polled 864 votes in the state. (Ibid,, 146).
Levin B^ a Federalist, was chosen one of the supreme court justices in 1807, by Joint baUot
of the two houses (Supporter, Aug. 11, 1810), and was afterwards for several years mayor of
ChiUieothe, where he made the address of welcome upon the occasion of Monroe's visit in
1817. (Ibid., Sept. 2, 1817.) George Nashee, also a Federalist, was a member of the town
eonneO of ChiUieotbe. Ubid^ Jan. 12, 1814). These instances are chosen at random.

60 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

their enemy/' '' Nevertheless they were not without influence in
gubernatorial elections. It is significant that in the contest be-
tween Return Jonathan Meigs, Jr., and Nathaniel Massie, in 1806-
1807, the former's majority was furnished by those portions of
northern and eastern Ohio where settlers from New England were
most numerous.'* Still more notable was the part taken by the
Federalists in the controversy which grew out of a decision ren-
dered by the supreme court in 1807, in which an act relating to
the jurisdiction of the justices of the peace was held to be uncon-
stltutional.^' Leading Republicans attacked the judges who ren-
dered this decision, one of them being a Federalist, Levin Belt,
much as Jefferson and his friends had attacked John Marshall for
his decision in the case of Marbury vs. Madison, and the Ohio
Democracy divided on the issue. It became a factor in the three-
sided contest of 1808, in which Huntington, Worthington, and
Kirker were candidates for governor. This question of the func-
tions of the judiciary involved the dogmas of Federalism as had
no other Issue arising in the politics of the state. One of their
writers explained: 'The federalists, lawyers and all, believe that
the courts possess the power of declaring the legislative acts un-
constitutional. They consider, that without this power in the judi-
ciary, a written constitution is of no real or essential value. —
Hence they cling to this principle as to the vital stream of life." »•
Their support was given to Huntington and he was elected.*' In

■■ Imim of Dec 16. The SupporUr was a Federalist newspaper, founded at CUUieotlM
in the autumn of 1808, but it does not appear to have been any part of its purpose to foster
bopes of partisan sueeess. Its comment on state politics is rare; it eeboes, bgr reprinting, the
strictures of the party papers to the eastward on the foreign policy of the administration.

•* Bfassie, D. M., Nathaniel MaswU, 98-94. After defeating Massie, Meiffs was adjudged
ineligible for lack of the residence qualification, having been absent from the state for a eofi*
siderable period within the four years preceding his election, and the vacancy was filled bf
Kirker as acting-governor. Meigs was of Connecticut birth. He was one of the set t lers of
Bfarietta, in 1788, where he practiced law. CongrMmonal Biographieal Directory, His poUtleal
conduct in early life was so moderate that he is variously described as a conservative Demo-
crat (Taylor, Ohio in CongretM, 40) and as "originally a Federalist and supporter of St. daii^
(Bfassie, N, Maatie^ 98, 94).

" An account of this decision may be found in Randall A Ryan, Hietory of OhiOt ni,
155 €i —q.

•• "A Federal Lawyer," in Supporter, Aug. 11, 1810.

■^ Samuel Huntington was the adopted heir of his uncle of the same name, the aigiMr
of the Declaration of Independence and governor of Connecticut. He came to YoungstowB*
Ohio, in 1801, and afterwards removed to Cleveland. While belonging to the moderate Repaid
licans, he had the confidence both of the Federalists and the extreme RepubUeans. St. CUr
appointed him lieutenant colonel of Trumbull County. He served as delegate to the state €Mi-
Btitutional convention, and was afterwards speaker, senator from Trumbull, and judge of tiM
state supreme court Whittlesey, Charles, Sarly Hietory of ClevtUind, 882-884.

THE DECLINB OF FEDERALISM 61

the campaiirn of 1810 the claim was made that their action had
controlled the result, and the friends of Worthington were warned
that ill treatment of the Federalists would again jeopardize his
election.** Some effort was made to rally the Federalists to the
support of Meigs, now again a candidate, and considerable insight
into political conditions is afforded by the arguments adduced in
his behalf.** Meigs was elected, and thus for the third time that
candidate succeeded whose moderation won the favor of the Fed-
eralist voters. To say, however, that they acted as a consistent
group would be to go too far. The editor of the Supporter doubt*
less spoke for many of the apathetic when he wrote : ''We conceive
that Federalists have no interest in the present rupture between
tile two parties styling themselves Republicans. Federalists have
nothing to expect from either — ^they have no hopes of emolument*^

no ambitious views to gratify Should federalists join the

ranks of either, they would reap nothing but discomfiture and dis-
grace. Under these impressions we have decided to remain neutral
during the present electioneering campaign." *^

The Federalist support of Meigs is, indeed, not so much evi-
dence of a tendency to maintain a distinct party holding the bal-
ance of power between the Republican factions, as of a tendency
to merge into Republicanism because all real differences of opinion
were dissolving. Even on the judiciary question a large part of the
Republicans were coming to the Federalist view, while the ap-
proximation of western Federalism to views held also by Republi-
cans is well shown by the words of the same writer who urged the
support of Meigs: ''You [Federalists] have been in the habit of
thinking there is no good among democrats, that the whole mass

••"A FkBdenl Lawyvr," in Supporter, eitcd above: "It wu the fadermliatt that mtOm
HUNTINGTON govemor; Irat the 'federml lawyen' never suppoeed or repreeented him to be a
IWemUttL .... They supported him, beeavue Gen. Worthinrton and his friends pineed the
eontrorersy upon sueh grounds as left them no attematlye. The same game seems Ukebr to he
ptayW over again, and I warn you in time to heware of a similar result."

** "FMeraliMB, you are not uninterested in the scenes passing in review. Your language
ii^ *Let the demoerats Ught it out among themselves.' .... Federalists eome forwaid.
.... Unite with moderste RepubUeans. Unite with all honest men in the deetion of Judge
Iftlgi. .... The destruetion of federslism is the whole burden of their song [Worthingten's
tvpportet*.] WiQ yon aid in the election of sueh a man? Win you sharpen a knife to eut
ytwr own throats? .... If you refuse to vote fbr Judge Meigs, you, in effect, do the same^
.... Turn out to a man and vote fbr Judge Meigs. He is the least evil of the two. He is a
modtoate BepubHean. His rival eharges him with being friendly to federalism.— We bdleve
he eoBMdtes them as men entitled to dvil usage and the rights of eitisens .... but we de*
dkn agate, that he Is no fedefaUst. Would to heaven he were, and not only he^. but an the
peddle of tlM amd.'*— Tlmethy Tiow^" "a humble meehaale." in SupporUr, Sep«. 22, ISlt.

*• ampp&Htr, June 2f, ISll.

62 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

of democracy is a polluted lump. Whereas, the great body of the
people, among them, are well meaning, patriotic citizens, and would
always do right were they rightly informed. It is some of their

leaders you ought to oppose The name I am not tenacious of.

Throw it away. Give us genuine federal principles. Let the consti-
tution be our polar star. Give us equal and righteous laws. Place
honest and able men in public offices. Let them be Americans, in
contradiction to Englishmen and Frenchmen. Let canals and roads
chequer this goodly land. Encourage commerce, but more particu-
larly domestic manufactures. These are federal principles. Pursue
these and we shall have another golden age." " These principles are
hardly distinguishable from those of western Republicans. They
make clear that by the era of the second British war the chief ob-
stacle to the amalgamation of parties in Ohio was prejudice.^'

The bit of Ohio history which we have traced shows that Fed-
eralism was carried westward by the migrating New England stock,
and that Republicanism prevailed in some frontier regions only
after a strujergle. Nevertheless, Federalism was not able to with-
stand frontier influences long even in those regions where the set*
tiers were exclusively of New England stock. This fact appears
from the study of the fate which befell it in middle and western

«i *<Timothy TroweU," in Supporter, Sept. 22, 1810.

*' In this rapproehtment of tb« two parties donbtleia lies the real explanation of the
infrequency of the Supporter's comment on state polities. It was absorbed by the contest in
progress to the eastward. But on the eve of the War of 1812 it ceased to echo the opposition
of New England Federalism to the policy of the administration. Instead the editor wrote,
on receipt of the news of the declaration of war: "It appears that congress have, at last, taken
a firm and decided stand — ^they have declared toar, and however we may differ in political
sentiments it now becomes the duty of every citizen to dins to his country and rise or fall
with it." (Issue of July 4, 1812). The persistence of the paper in its traditional faith is
shown by its comment on the success of the Federalists in Blaryland in the autumn of 1812,
after twelve years of Democratic rule, as affording "a happy presage of the returning good
sense of the people of the United States." (Issue of Oct. 24, 1812). A week later like news
from New Jersey elicited the remark "thus are the good old times returning." (Issue of
Oct. 81).

The Clintonian movement of 1812 found some support in Ohio. An electoral ticket
beaded by Calvin Pease, one of the judges who had joined in the decision setting aside the act
of legislation in 1807, was placed before the voters of the state, and one man on this ticket.
William W. Irwin, of Fairfield County, received 8801 votes. The vote for the Republican
electors varied from 6788 to 7420. {Supporter, Nov. 14, 1812). But it may be questioned
whether Clinton's support in Ohio was due to sympathy with the Peace Party movement, which
made bim the candidate of the commercial class of New England and New York, or to the
belief that he would prosecute the war with greater vigor than Madison. AHbougb some-
times regarded as the Federalist candidate in 1812, Clinton, in fact, received support from
Republicans also under the impulse of a variety of motives. See Hammond, J. D., Hietory of
Political Parties in the State of New York, I, 298 et eeq. Already, too, Clinton's fame as the
chief advocate of a canal connecting the lakes with the Hudson had won him friends in Ohio,
where public interest responded quickly to the project of a waterway to the Atlantie.

THE DEGUNE OF FEDERALISM 68

New York. In the period of ratification of the constitution, the
favorable vote in that state was cast by delegates from the com-
mercial regions of the lower Hudson ; the patroon aristocracy and
their tenants on the upper river, and the German population of
the Mohawk Valley were strongly opposed to tiie new plan of gov-
ernment. If New York had been among the first states to pass upon
the constitution, the antif ederalists would doubtless have prevailed,
but her geographical position made rejection impracticable in the
face of the action which the other states had taken before her con-
vention met But while the Federalist cause was strengthened
somewhat by this initial victory, and later aided by the use made
of the patronage within the state, they could hardly have prevailed
over the democracy led by George Clinton without the augmenta-
tion of voting strength which resulted from the inunigration of
New Englanders. To this inunigration chiefly must be attributed
the capture of the state by the Federalists in 1794. The influx of
New Englanders during the nineties affected most the very regions
which had been antifederal, and the frontiers. The opening of
cheap lands in New York drew swarms of farmers from Connecti-
cut and Massachusetts, while the establishment of new counties at-
tracted to tile county towns young lawyers and merchants of Fed-
eralist proclivities, whose political talents provided leadership for
the rural settlers.^* In the apportionment of 1791, the population of
the Western District entitled it to five of the twenty-four state
senators.^^ The rapid increase of freeholders, due chiefly to the
immigration from New England, necessitated a reapportionment
four years later, when, of the twenty additional senators for the
whole state, twelve fell to the Western District.** During the nine-
ties, this district was the most safely Federalist area in the state,
electing candidates of that party almost without opposition. By
1798, however. Republican gains gave warning of the early pass-
ing of Federalist control in the state at large, and in the election
of 1800, which restored the Republicans to power, the Federalists

«• *«Thie great influx of population from N«w England between 1790 and 1800 had ehansed

the political aspect of the county While the eastern population seated within Oneida

county, afanost unanimously acted with the federalist party, the immigration to Herkimer
seems to have been more equally balanced, althouirh a considerable majority of the popula-
tion which settled in this county adhered to their New England procUvities." "A repubUean
lawyer or a republican merchant was Mldom to be found in the country Tillases or at the
county seats in this part of the state."— Benton, N. S., A Hiatorif of HorMmtr Cawnti/, /«-
ehMng Oe Upp^r Mohawk VoXUy, 269-260.

«« Hammond, Pomoal PmrtU§, I, 62.

««/Ud.. 99.

64 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

were defeated even in the Western District, which now became as
regularly Republican as it had been Federalist^*

This change in the political complexion of western New York
points to the actual conversion of Federalist voters to Republican-
ism, and suggests that the Federalism of the New England-New
York frontiersman was conventional rather than vital. As always,
tile appeal of the wilderness was strongest with the younger and
less prosperous men — ^the very class least steeped in the orthodoxy
of their native communities. Transplanted from its original en-
vironment, Federalism of this type easily yielded to the strong
solvents of the frontier and blended with Republicanism. The ac-
tual process may be traced in some cases which seem typical. Dur-
ing the two or three years preceding 1800, there were in the as-
sembly eight or ten members who had been chosen as Federalists,
but who were beginning to lose faith in the tenets of that party and
to act with the Republicans.^^ Among them was Jedediah Peck, an
uneducated immigrant from Connecticut, who plied the trade of
surveyor in behalf of his fellows who during the nineties redeemed
Otsego County from the wilderness. "He would survey your farm
in the daytime, exhort and pray in your family at night, and talk
on polities the rest part of the time.''^® From the character of the
man chosen by the settlers to represent them in the councils of the
state some inference may be drawn as to the character of the con-
stituents. The Old World traditions of Federalism, which became
manifest in the legislation of 1798, alienated people of this type.
Peck circulated a petition for the repeal of the Sedition Law, and
for this Judge Cooper, the novelist's father, an ardent Federalist,
caused him to be arrested and taken, in the spring of 1800, two
hundred miles to New York for trial. The effect of such a spec*
tacle upon a population already disaffected, on the eve of a state
and national election, is easily imagined. ''A himdred missionaries
in the cause of democracy, stationed between New York and
Cooperstown, could not have done so much for the Republican
cause as this journey of Jedediah Peck from Otsego to the capital

** 1801 was an exeeptioa, the Federalists carryinc the disiriet because, as Wr«""u>TMll
says, of "some local cause with which we are at present unaegnainted. Perhaps the repnbUeaa
candidates, or some of them, were personally unpopular." IbidL, 164.

^UMd., ISS.

^•Ibid,, 124.

THE DECLINE OF FEDERAUSM 66

of the State/' ^* Meantime other influences had been working in
the same direction. Of a type similar to Peck was Obadiah Ger-
man, member from the neighboring county of Chenango.**^ To these
waverers Aaron Burr had been paying court, conscious that their
espousal of Republicanism would be an important factor in the
winning of the West. Falling in as it did witli the events narrated,
Burr's efforts were successful, and in the decisive campaign of
1800 these counties followed their converted leaders into tiie Re*
publican ranks.*^^ Herkimer, another of this group of western
counties, was won by similar means, disaffection caused by the
policies of the Adams administration coinciding with the coming
of a Republican lawyer sent to organize the democratic movement
In its new garb the Western District speedily became domi-
nant In state politics. In 1805, German was the recognized leader
of the Republicans in the assembly ;" in 1809 western New York
dictated the choice of United States senator, German being elected
over several prominent competitors.'^ In 1810 the gubernatorial
campaign was admittedly determined by the same section. In the
hope of carrying this stronghold of the enemy, the Federalists
nominated Jonas Piatt, a pioneer of Whitesborough, who had re-
tained his popularity in this part of the state in spite of the revo-
lution in political sentiment; but the Federalists failed to carry
the state, or even the Western District.** Never after 1796 did New

** Ihid^ 182. The petition was written by John Armstrong, author of the "Newbnn^
Addronet/' who was, until 1798, a Federalist. Alexander, D. S., Political Higtory of Now
York, 1, 89. Armatronff was elected to the United States Senate in 1800 almost unanimously.
Hammond thinks the Federalists supported him as the least objectionable Republican, as they
could not elect a Federalist. Hiat. of PoL Parties, 1, 154. The conversion of Ambroae Speneer,
who later became a famous "boss," dates from about this time, a conjectural cause beins that
he foresaw the decline of the Federalist party. Alexander, PoUt, Hiot,, 1, 87.

"* Hammond characterizes German as uneducated, but distinguished for strons and Tlg^
oxous Intellectual powers. Ihid., 276. >^ Ibid., 124, 184.

'* Benton, History of Horkimer County, 261-262. "An up-state writer frankly avowed
that Jefferson was the friend of the farmers and the enemy of the financiers. This partisan
puhUdst .... declared of the party leader: 'He has on all occasions shown himself the friend
and patron of agriculture. You then whose Uvea are devoted to agricultural pursuits cannot
■nxely appxx»ve of those who unjustly asperse his well-eamed reputation. Hear him on the
subject which must be nearest to your hearts, since it is most intimately connected with your
Interests.' Here the writer quoted at length from the Notes on Virginia the passages to the
effect that those who labor in the earth are God's chosen people and the mercantile and labors
ing dement of the towns the measure of a nation's decay."— Beard, Eeonomie Origins, 867.

••Hammond, PoL Parties, 1, 218.

•* Ihid., 276.

** Fbr onteome of Piatt's campaign see Hammond, PoL Parties, I, 279. Hammond cHea
the following explanation of the downfall of the Federalists: "They did not properly appreeU
ate the intelUgenee and good sense of the mass of the community. .... It was this unjust
estimate .... which earried them Into a eoune of reasoning and action which rwiiHed in
.... otter oferthrow." /Md» 162.

66 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

York cast a Federalist electoral vote,'* and the party gradually
sank to the position of a faction acting with one or other of the
Republican groups according to the dictates of local interest

The fate of Federalism on the Pennsylvania frontier is in
harmony with the conclusions reached from the study of Ohio and
New York. New England contributed largely to the settlement of a
belt of territory stretching across northern Pennsylvania from the
Delaware River to the Ohio line. Connecticut, especially, had been
interested in the lands of this region, to which she laid claim under
the terms of her charter from Charles II ; and notwithstanding the
adverse outcome of the controversy with Pennsylvania which re-
sulted, she made the largest contribution to the early settlement of
the counties on the upper Susquehanna. From the rest of New
England, sometimes by way of New York, came most of the immi-
grants who filled in the northern tier of counties, to Erie, in the
extreme northwest comer of the state." "Erie County became more
like New York than Pennsylvania." ^^ As in New York, the New
England stock brought witii it the traditional political faith. Lu-
zerne County (which included also the present Bradford, Susque-
hanna, Wyoming, and Lackawanna) was a "veritable hot-bed of
Federalism."** Scotch-Irish settlers were intermingled with the
New Englanders, however, and a detailed study is not needed to
reveal the fact that Federalism fought a losing fight.*^ In Erie
County, in 1807, Snyder, the Republican candidate for governor,
defeated James Ross, the Federalist, by a vote of 345 out of a
total of 589.'^ The early settlements near the forks of the Ohio

■*The vote for De Witt Clinton, in 1812, might be regarded m an exception to tbe
statonent in the text, einee Federalists helped the Clinton faction carry the etete. The decline
of the Federalist party in New York was steady until the period of international controversy
beginning with the embargo, when there was a partial recovery as in other stetes. In 1804
Hamilton's opposition to combination with the Burr faction led to the ill-fated quarrel and
duel in which he lost his life. Many Federaliste abandoned the party on this occasion, con-
sidering it ruined. Hamilton's death and Jay's retirement also left it without first rate leader^
ship. In 1806 most Federaliste supported Lewis against Clinton, but this campaign again led
many disgusted Federaliste to forswear the party from that time forth. The support of Fed-
eraliste gave Tompkins the victory over Lewis in 1807. Ibid., 209, 286, 246.

■^ Mathews, L. K., Expanaion of New England, 161-162.

■• Ibid.

"* Ibid. Also Huttory of Laekawanna, Luxeme, and Wyoming Countie*, 68.

*^ In 1807, Lycoming County gave 894 votes to the Republican candidate for the legia-
latare, and 441 to the Federalist. The Republican candidate for sheriff won a victory over his
opponent by the narrow margin of 702 to 694, but the Republican commissioner was elected
by a vote of 761, his rival polling only 688. — Meginness, OifUial Report of Proeeedinga of tha
Centennial Annivereary of Lycoming CoKiity, 24. Lycoming County in this early period in-
eluded the whole of north central Pennsylvania.

*^ Sanford, L. G., Bietory of Erie Comity, 97.

THE DECUNE OF FEDERALISM 67

were preponderantly Scotch-Irish and intensely democratic from
the beginning. Although beyond the mountains, they had, as part
of Pennsylvania, escaped the probationary period which accorded
so well with the Federalist idea of government for the western
settlements/^ In lieu of this, Hamilton sought to imbue them with
a proper regard for the power and authority of the federal govern-
ment by means of the excise law/* The Whiskey Rebellion followed,
and in the trial of its leaders a prominent part was taken by Judge
Alexander Addison, the "first law judge in Western Pennsylvania,"
and one of the few prominent Federalists of that region.** The
suppression of the insurrection undoubtedly inspired respect for
the government, as Hamilton planned it should, but it was little
calculated to win western votes for his party. As early as 1798»
therefore, there was no such thing as a Federalist party in West-
moreland County, although James Ross believed that a permanent,
sensible leader might have won a small following. A small group
of that party had maintained itself in Fayette County, but was
powerless in congressional elections for lack of support from
Westmoreland.** Four years later the enmity against Judge Addi-
son brought about his impeachment and removal. While his pri-
mary offence was doubtless his conduct during the Whiskey Rebel-
lion, his Federalist principles rendered him, it seems, "perhaps too
impatient in his temper,'' and "not sufficiently courteous to his
demagogical colleague,'' although there was no doubt as to his
learning or integrity.**

Another straw which shows which way the wind blew in
western Pennsylvania is the case of Major Isaac Craig. He was
one of the earliest citizens, of Pittsburg, a Federalist, and a man
of some note in the region. He had served during the Revolution,
and in 1780 had commanded at Pittsburg. From the time of

*' Referring to the two stages of territorial goremment provided for by tbe Ordinaiiee
of 1787.

**The whole history of the Whiskey Insurrection is an interesting chapter in the story
of the division between the seaboard and interior. Comments of tbe easterners are typical
of their attitude towards the interior. Fisher Ames, referring to the rebel manifesto, said that
these views "had tainted a vast extent of country beside Pennsylvania." (Winsor, Wettward
Movement, 486). Wolcott referred to the rebels as "the wild men of the back country," but
predicted that they would not have the perseverance to oppose the steady pressure of law and
must finally submit. (Ibid.) Cf. Washington's view that the rdbeUioa was the fruit of the
democratic societies.

•« Thwaites, Sarh/ WetUm TraveU, HI. 868, /. n.

•• Boss to St. Clair, July 6, 1798. St, Oair Papere, 11, 422-428. St Clair was Inqoiring
into the probability of success as a candidate for Congress.

•• Craiir, N. B., Higtory of PittsbwrgK 286-287.

68 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

Wayne's Indian campaigns he was in charge of the military stores
at Pittsburg until deprived of the office by Jefferson, in 1802»
because of his political views.®^ Thus through adverse public opinA
ion and administration influence Federalists lost their hold on offi-^
cial positions in the West. Yet, as in Ohio, some clung tenaciously
to the Federalist name in the face of defeat, and party feeling ran
high at times. Cuming, while on his tour through the region in
1807, was amazed at the bitterness shown. ''They nickname each
other Aristocrats and Democrata, and it is astonishing to what a

height tiieir mutual animosity is carried The most illiberal

opinions are adopted by eacli party, and it is sufficient with a
federalist that another man is a republican, to pronounce him ca-
pable of every crime, while the republican takes care not to allow the
federalist the smallest of the attributes of virtue.'* ** He adds that
their opinions ''are argued with more warmth and are productive of
more rancour and violence in Pittsburg than in any other part of
America." ••

The change in the political complexion of western New York
swung the twelve electoral votes of the state to Jefferson in 1800
and was a decisive factor in the election.^^ Yet narrow as was the
victory, an acute analyst of political forces and tendencies might
even then have read finis for Federalism in the light of its first
defeat. Many southern members of the party, assured of satisfac-
tory political adjustments at home, were sufficiently content with
Jefferson's policies in national affairs to become apathetic, lacking
an issue worth fighting for.^^ From this period Federalism re-
tained vitality nowhere except in New England, where it had al-
ways found its chief support.^' Even there Jefferson's measures
met with popular approval, as was shown by the result of the

*^ Thwaites, Early WMtem TraveU, TV, 96, /. n.

•■Cumintf, F., Tow to iho WtUm Country, in Thwaitot, Ewlnf WotUtm TruotU, IV»
70-72.

**/&{cL, 86. The editor of the tint edition of the Tour, a Piiksbars printer. Inwrte at
this point a note ezplkinins that Cuming visited Pittsburs at a time when party ftalinc wae
nnnsnalljr high, but that "at the present [1810] raneoor has subsided."

^« If Hamilton's proposal to choose electors by districts (Lodge, H. C, Worko of H aw fle om
Vm, 649 €t ssQ.) had been adopted and had saved five New York electors for Adams, he wonld
have defeated Jefferson by a vote of 70 to 68.

71 Phillips, "The South Carolina ITederalists," in Amtr, Bittt IUp^ XIV. 629-6a; 781-70.
traces the causes of the collapse of the state organisation which followed the ele cti o n of Jef-
ferson. The article is suggestive of the fate of the party dsewhere in the Sooth. Cf. Beard.
BconowUe Origint, Chap. 18.

7* "In New England. Federalism had always found its chief support : and there ak/om,
after the downfaD of the party in 1800, did it retain any real vitality." Lodgei. Catei, 418.

THE DECLINE OF FEDERALISM 09

election of 1804, in which he carried every state in that section
except CSonnecticut.^* Federalists might, indeed, have indulged
hope of recovering lost ground in the Atlantic states, but it was
plain that the growth of the West accrued to the benefit of the rival
party, and it was also plain that the West would continue to grow.
During the nineties Kentucky had sent two members to Congress ;
under the apportionment based on the census of 1800 she sent
six and enjoyed a doubled allotment of presidential electors. The
admission of Ohio added three more Republican electors, destined to
swell to eight under the next apportionment. That the fate of the
party was involved in this western growth was perceived by some
of its chief men.^^ 'In thirty years," wailed Timothy Pickering in
1804, ''the white population on the Western waters will equal that
of the thirteen States when they declared themselves independent
of Great Britain." ^^ As if the menace involved in the settlement
of the original western territory of the Union were not enough, the
acquisition of Louisiana added a vast new world certain to hold
Republican views and in time to swell the number of Republican
states. The obligation to grant statehood sooner or later to the
communities which arose within the original territory had ham-
pered the Federalists hitherto and forced them to be content with
dilatory tactics. No such pledges impeded the expression of their
views concerning the future of Louisiana. Although professing
skepticism as to the value of the province and objecting to the pur-
chase on the ground that it was not expedient, it was the belief
that the treaty involved the obligation to confer statehood that
filled them with alarm and caused their chief opposition to its rati-
fication.^* They did not deny the constitutionality of territorial

**Tbe Miittfhftttt kflrisUtnra abandoned the ehoiee of deeton by districts in 1804
and nbstitnted a sencral ticket, confident that the state would return a Federalist majority.
Bradford. HiMt. of Jfosi.. m, 87.

*« Cf. eS-66. above.

^"Letter to Bufua Kin^, March 4. Adams, Henry, N^w England F§dtraUmn, 862. Cf,
aetaal situation as described lelow, 88-84.

TS *'Onr party though with numerous exceptions, opposed it ; for one reason, that it eost
money the greater part of which we to the northward must pay, and it gains territory which
win. In their apprehension, by giving strength to the Southern representation, diminish the
Eastern inthwnce in our councils." — Gouvemeur Morris to R. L. Livingston, Not. 28, 1808:
Morris, A. C, The Diary and LHUrt of Oouvemour Morrit^ II, 444. Cf, speech of Tracy of
Conaeetient in Senate in which he declared that the relative strength which "admission gives
to a Southern and Western interest is contradictory to the principles of our original union."
AmmaU, Sighth Gong., 1 sees., 66. Ri^fns King and John Quincy Adams "agreed, and lamented
that one liwvltabla cctnsequenee of the annexation of Louisiana to the Union would be to

70 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

acquisitions, but combated the right of Congress to admit acquired
territories to statehood; insisting that they must be held as de-
pendent provinces."

Thus through the growth of the West the ruin of the Atlantic
interest, predicted by Morris in 1787, seemed drawing near; the

diminish the relative weight and influence of the northern section." Adams* New England
FederaUam, 148.

**They did not fear the measure of acquiring Louisiana per §e, but the supremacy of
Democracy, which was its meaning to them. They saw in it the assurance of a perpetuation
of Jefferson's power and of his maxims." — Lodse, Cabot, 486-486.

^^ See, e. o„ speech of Timothy Pickering : "He had never doubted the riffht of the
United States to acquire new territory, either by purchase or by conquest, and to sovem the
territory so acquired as a dependent province." But he denied that such territory could be
ffiven statehood by treaty, or Congress, or even an amendment, unless assented to by every
state. AnnaJUt Eighth Cong., 1 sees., 46. Griswold of Connecticut maintained likewise that
acquired territory could not be incorporated either by conquest or purchase, but "must re-
main in the condition of colonies and be governed accordingly." Ibid, Cf. view of G. Iftorris,
in letter to H. W. Livingston: "I alwajrs thought that, when we should acquire Canada and
Louisiana it would be proper to govern them as provinces, and aUow them no voice in our
councils." Sparks, J., Life of Gouvemeur Morrie» UI, 192.

Morris was ready to acquiesce in the purchase of Louisiana. "I like well your treaty
with France," he wrote to Livingston. Morris, Morris, II, 444. He had, indeed, felt grave
apprehensions lest Jefferson's laxity should permit France to take possession of it. "Si notre
administration permet aux Fran^ais de s'y nicher, on n'en sera quitte que par des guerres et
des convulsions affreuses. Nous avons actuellement le malheur d'dtre gouvem6 par I'esprit de
vertige que, dans le sitele ridicule oil nous sommes, on est convenu de nommer philosophe," he
wrote to M. Necker shortly before the purchase. Ibid., 488-484. He therefore regarded Liv-
ingston's treaty as having "saved" Jefferson's administration, and thought this was one rea-
son for the Federalist's dislike of it. Ibid,, 444. He anticipated some benefits even for New
England. "From the moment when the citizens of Louisiana were made members of our
Union, they became the natural and political allies of the Northern and Eastern States. We
have with them no competition of interest; on the contrary, our shipping and mercantile capi-
tal are essential to their wealth and prosperity, and equally indifferent is it to us whether
the produce of our skill and industry be vended to those who speak English or to those who
gabble the provincial dialects of France and Spain." Ibid., 464. Morris thus stands in con-
trast with the more extreme Federalists like Pickering, in foreseeing the possibility of ad-
vantageous economic relations with this new West, but he must have used the word "political"
in the above passage in a very loose sense, as he could hardly have anticipated a party alli^
anee between New England isnd Louisiana. One is tempted to conclude, upon the whole, that
Morris was trying to make the best of a situation which he thought rather bad, for on January
7, 1804, in a letter to Jonathan Dayton, while still expressing his approval of the cession, he
pointed out objectionable features of the treaty. Especially, he says, "the stipulation to admit
the inhabitants into our Union will. I believe, prove injurious to this country." Ibid., 468.
Only three days before writing to Livingston approving the treaty, he betrayed the temper of
the anti-expansionist in a letter to another correspondent: "I am very certain that I had it
not in contemplation to insert a decree de crescendo imperio in the Constitution of America,
without examining whether a limitation of territory be or be not essential to the preservation
of republican government. I am certain that the country between the Mississippi and the
Atlantic exceeds by far the limits which prudence would assign if, in effect, any limitation be
Inquired. .... I knew as well then as I do now that all North America must at length be
annexed to us — ^happy, indeed, if the lust of dominion stop there. It would therefore have been
perfectly Utopian to oppose a paper restriction to the violence of popular sentiment in a popu-
lar government." Ibid., 442.

Cf. views of King and Adams: "The alternative to acquisition of Louisiana was, —
Louisiana and the mouths of the Mississippi in the possession of France, under Napoleon Bona-
parte. The kMS of sectional influence, we hoped and believed, would be more than compen-
sated by the extension of national power and security." Adams. New England FedenUem, 148.

THE DECLINE OF FEDERAUSM 71

friends of commerce, of conservative government and good order
seemed destined to permanent subjection by the party of ''incon-
gruous materials, all tending to mischief." " Under these circum-
stances some of the ultra Federalists began to feel that the Union
had failed to secure their dearest interests, and to consider the
feasibility of a northern confederation.^* "The people of the East,"
wrote Pickering to George Cabot, "cannot reconcile their habits,
views, and interests with those of the South and West. The latter

are beginning to rule with a rod of iron I do not believe in

the practicability of a long-continued union. A northern confed-
eracy would unite congenial characters." ®^

But the desperate situation of the Federalists was not to be re-
lieved by secession. Separation might free them from the iron rod
of western and southern democracy, but could not protect them
from the rising democracy within New England itself. Only such
a reactionary policy as was impracticable could afford a remedy.
If Federalism could have turned back to the aristocratic regime
of colonial days — "if," as Cabot expressed it, "no man in New Eng-
land could vote for legislators who was not possessed in his own
right of two thousand dollars' value in land," then, as he added, it
might be possible to "do something better."'^ But Federalism
could not save itself either by secession or by turning back,"' and

''■ Hamihon's ehamcteriiation of the Republican party* in letter to Jay, 1800. Lodge,
Work» of HamiUon, Vin, 660.

^* Pickering was a leader of the Essex Junto, "composed chiefly of hard-headed mer-
chants and lawyers of Essex County, where mercantile and maritime interests were even
stronger than in Boston. Stephen Higginson, George Cabot, and Theophilus Parsons were its
earUcst leaders .... a few Boston Federalists, such as Fisher Ames, Timothy Bigelow, Christo-
pher Gore, and John Lowell, Jr., afterwards became identified with the group. This Essex
Junto, the ultra-conservative and ultranBectional wing of the party, refused all compromise
with democracy .... failed entirely to sympathise with the South and West, and, in short,
was blind to the fact that the world had moved forward since 1776 and 1789." Morison, OtU,
I, 48. C/. Morse, A. E., F^dtraUst Party in MauaehuaettM, IT, /. n. See above, 80, note 66,
for connection of the Essex leaders with constitution making in Massachusetts.

■« January 29, 1804. Adams, New England FederaUam, 339.

•^To Pickering, February 14, 1804. /bid., 846-349. Federalist control in the old sUtes
was doubUess prolonged by the emigration which drained off many who would have been Re-
publicans if tKey had remained. It has been estimated that Massachusetts alone lost 180,000
souls between 1800 and 1810, through the westward movement. Haight, in Milwaukee Sentinek
Nov. 26, 1900.

*' "I greatly fear that a separation would be no ronedy, because the source [of the

evils] is in the political theories of our country and in ourselves We are democratic

attogatker; and I hold democracy, in its natural operation, to be the oovemm€nt of the woret"
Cabot to Pickering, Feb. 14, 1804: Adams, New England FedcraUam, 346-849. Cf. the advice
of Hamilton: "Dismemberment of our empire will be a clear sacrifice of great positive advan-
tages, without any counterbalancing good; administering no relief to our real disease, which
is Deimocrwog: the poison of which by a subdivision will only be the more concentrated in
Meh part, and oooseaiMDtly the more virulent." /Md., 866. John Qoincy Adams and Rufus

72 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

nothing but the unpopular foreign policy pursued by the Republi-
cans themselves, after 1807, prevented the speedy dissolution which
the election of 1804 portended. The popular approval which Jef-
ferson had won in New England and New York by the moderate
measures of his first term, he lost again through the embargo.
The system of commercial restriction and the war which followed
fell with crushing weight upon the maritime class and all of its
dependents, driving many of the newly-made Republicans back to
the Federalist party as the means of voicing tiieir protest, and
galvanizing the dying party into the semblance of returning life
where there was no enduring source of vitality. The elections of
1807 had for the first time placed the Republicans in control of
both houses and the executive in Massachusetts, much to the sat*
isf action of the Washington government ; but the prompt reaction
due to the embargo restored Federalist power in the legislature
the next year."^ In New York also the Federalists made consid-
erable gains, but not enough to shake the dominance of the Re-
publicans."^ Even in Virginia, where also Federalism had shown
a marked decline since 1800, the party received an accession of
strength because of the effect of the restrictions on commerce. Not
only did the tidewater counties poll heavy anti-administration votes,
but portions of the piedmont and Shenandoah Valley, deprived of
their market for wheat, recurred to Federalism.** Monroe's friends,
the Quids, sought aid of the Federalists in their efforts to defeat
Madison as the successor to Jefferson's place and policies, and
joined forces with them in advocating the recharter of the First
United States Bank and in opposing the war and measures of prep-

Kiiis "considered a seyenince of the Union as a remedy more desperate than any possible dis-
ease." Ibid., 148.

Those wlio shared Pickerins't views were Griswold and Traey, of Conneetieiit, and
Phimer of New Hampshire. Other Federalists in Congress* for example, HiUhonse of Conneeti-
eut, sympathised to a decree. Pickering sounded Kins, Ames, Cabot, and Parsons, also, but
received no encouragement from the Massachusetts Federalists, even of the Essex Junto. Lodge,
Cabot, 4S8-489. For Plumer's views see Adams, New England Fed^raUtn, 144-146.

■•Bradford, Higt. of Mom., III. 99, 100: "The embargo law was so injurious to the
prosperity of the State .... that the people withdrew their confidence and support from can*
didates for public offices, who were friends to the embargo, and to the general policy and
measures of the national government." It was at this time that John Quincy Adams resigned
hia seat in the United States Senate, and was read out of the Federalist party, on aecount of
his support of the embargo.

•« Hammond, PoUtieal PartUt, I, 265.

•> Ambler, SsctumoZism, 87, 90. The Valley had been one of the few F^dezmUat mxmm in
the West in 1788. See also Ambler, Ritehia, 47, 48, 66, et passim.

The gains of the Federalists were not limited to the regions mentioned in the test Mmtf*
land was rseoire r ed in 1812, etc, ete.

THE DECLINE OF FEDERALISM 78

aration for it.^ The Quids disappeared as a distinct opposition
group after the restoration of harmony between their leader and
Madison, but the re-election of Virginia Federalists to Congress
during the war period suggests that many of them were less easily
reconciled than Monroe.^^ The leader of the Virginia Federalists
during these years was Daniel Sheffey, of Augusta County; and
through their representatives both in Congress and in the State
Assembly, the interior counties of Virginia showed an ''opposi-
tion to tiie War of 1812 excelled only by that of the New England
Federalists." "

These facts signify merely a temporary revival of Federalism
in some of the old centers. Strong undercurrents had already
undermined its foundations. With the adjustment of foreign rela-
tions interest would recur to questions of domestic development
and westward expansion, and the final collapse would come. In-
deed, even while the issues arising from our foreign difficulties
were uppermost, the antipathy of Federalism for the West was
strikingly manifested. One occasion was afforded by the bill for
the admission of the state of Louisiana, the first to be formed with-
in the territory purchased from France — the first fruit of that
policy which the Federalists had anticipated with so much dread
in 1803. The speech of Josiah Quincy, of Massachusetts, in the
House of Representatives, in opposition to this bill, has long been
famous for its open threat of secession in the event of the bill's
passage. The ground of objection, however, rather than the threat,
deserves our attention. ''The debates of that [convention] period,''
said he, ''will show that the effect of the slave votes, upon the po-
litical influence of this part of the country, and the anticipated
variation of the weight of power to the West, were subjects of
great jealousy to some of the best patriots in the Northern and
Eastern States. Suppose, then, that it had been distinctly fore-
seen, that, in addition to the effect of this weight, the whole popu-
lation of a world beyond the Mississippi was to be brought into tiiis
and the other branch of the Legislature, to form our laws, control
our rights, and decide our destiny. Sir, can it be pretended that
the patriots of that day would for one moment have listened to it?
They were not madmen It is impossible such a power could

•• Aabter. S^ethmaHmn, 88, 81, 88.

•T/M£, 88.

M|M^8t.

74 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

be granted. It was not for these men that our fathers fought. You
have no authority to throw the rights and liberties, and property
of this people, into a 'hotch pot' with the wild men on the Missouri,
nor with tiie mixed, though more respectable race of Anglo-His-
pano-Gallo Americans, who bask on the sands, in the mouth of the
Mississippi/' ^® Wheaton, of the same state, echoed in striking
language the arguments of 1803 against the constitutionality of ad-
mitting new states created from acquired territory. "Who can tell
where will be our ultimate bounds, or what number of States we
may have in the Union? • . . . Then what will become of the Old
United States, who first entered into the compact contained in the
Constitution, and for whose benefit alone that instrument was
made and executed. Instead of these new states being annexed to
us, we shall be annexed to them, lose our independence, and be-
come altogether subject to their control." ®® While New England
voiced the opposition most vigorously she was not left without
support from other sections. In fact, Sheffey spoke before either
Quincy or Wheaton, but in moderate terms, counselling delay. "He
was not, he said, directly hostile to the admission of this Territory
into the Union." But he asked "Would gentlemen favor this French
population at the expense of their own interests and rights [by
premature admission] ? . . . . Under the fostering hand of the Gen-
eral Government, let them become accustomed to our Government,
before those were permitted to govern themselves who had so
lately emerged from despotism." ^^ This was a mild course, but
the Republicans would have none of it As in previous debates
over the admission of states, they regarded territorial government
as odious because not free, and desired the briefest possible ap-
prenticeship.®^

The extravagant language of Quincy was not inaptly referred
to by Poindexter as "the ebullitions of political drunkenness," for
in their frenzy the New Englanders were blind to the simple fact

** Annals of Cong., Eleventh Cons.. 3 Bess., 687.

••/6uL, 49S-496.

•^ Ibid., 484^86.

*' "He would treat these people as he would the people of evexy other Territory. They
were a part of the nation, and so ouffht to be considered. There ought to be no question as to

what stock they sprung from They had already served a sufficient apprenticeship to

the United States, but not under a free Government, for the Territorial governments were
not free. .... Wished to treat this Territory as well as the others and no better; he would
not treat one as a daughter and the other as a step-daughter. He was as willing now to
make Orleans a State as be had been to make Ohio a State." Speech of Nathaniel ICaeon.
Ibid., 484-486.

THE DECLINE OP FEDERAUSM 75

that much of the West would be peopled by emigrants from their
own section. This the speaker just quoted tried to bring to their
attention. "The people of the Eastern States will never give their /
assent to a dissolution of the Union. They are bound to the West-
em country by inseparable ties of nature and of interest The
hardy and adventurous sons of New England will, in a short time,
compose a large proportion of the population on the waters of the
Mississippi, and I undertake to assure the gentleman from Massa-
chusetts, that they will never return to 'break into his
house ....'" ®* But the Federalists would not be reassured, and
of the 36 nays in the final vote 26 at least may be traced to them.

Following this defeat on the floor Quincy declined re-election
to Congress, but entered the Massachusetts senate where he con-
tinued the agitation against expansion. In 1813 he drew up a re-
port accompanied by a series of resolutions, denouncing as uncon-
stitutional the admission of states created in territories not within
the original limits of the Union, and especially the admission of
Louisiana, and instructing the senators and requesting the repre-
sentatives of the state to use their utmost endeavors to obtain a
repeal of the act admitting her.^^ Thenceforth in the statements
of the grievances of New England against the general government,
commercial restrictions and the western policy are frequently
united. Thus, in the resolutions which the Massachusetts legisla-
ture passed early in 1814, on account of the embargo act of the
preceding December, occurs a recital of the woes of New England.
Referring to the memorials sent up by the towns throughout the
state, the report which precedes the resolutions says : "The people,
in their numerous memorials from all quarters of the common-

's/did., 569. The Massachusetts "blue bkxkis" were unable to persuade themselves that
their own western emigrants were people of worth. When the traveller Faux visited the
Federalist merchant Lyman, in Boston, in 1818, he records not only that "my host seems to
rsffrct that his freehold and other larse estates ffive to him no more power than that of the
humblest citizen," but that when the conversation turned to the plans of Birkbeck for an
English settlement in Illinois, Lyman exclaimed: "If Mr. Birkbeck and others must emigrate
why should they go into our wilderness, far from society, or at best mixing up with the
refuse of our population, with men of stained names, thieves, and insolvents, who go thither
to hide themselves; voluntary exiles, of whom society is well rid, because unable to endure
them." Faux, W., MemordbU Daya in America, in Thwaites, Early Weatem Travela, XI, 67.
Cf. View of Timothy Dwight, in his Travela, published a few years later— II, 468-468.

'*The people in the Atlantic states have not yet recovered from the horror, inspired by
the term 'backwoodsman.' This prejudice is particularly strong in New England, and is more
or less felt from Maine to Georgia."— Flint, Timothy, RacoUeetiona of tka Laat Tan Year a, 174.
(Published in 1826).

•« NUaa Ragi&Ur, IV, 286-287. Bcprinted in Ames, H. V., State I>oeiim«iite on FadsnU
lUhtionB, n, 26-81.

76 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

wealth, appear to despair of obtaining redress from that govern-
ment, which was established 'TO PROMOTE THE GENERAL
WELFARE/ They see that the voice of the New England States,
whose interests are common, is lost in the national Comicils, and
that the spirit of accommodation and regard for mutual safety and
advantage, which produced the constitution and governed its early
administration, have been sacrificed to the bitterness of party, and
to the aggrandizement of one section of the union, at the ex-
pense, of another ....** The fundamental cause of t^ese evils is
found in the growth of the West "They have seen a power grow
up in the southern and western sections of the Union, by the ad-
mission and multiplication of states, not contemplated by the par-
ties to the constitution, and not warranted by its principles; and
they foresee an almost indefinite progression in this system of
creation, which threatens eventually to reduce the voice of New
England, once powerful and effectual in the national councils, to
the feeble expression of colonial complaints, unattended to and
disregarded."®* The Hartford Convention, which brought this
chapter of dissent and protest to its close, did not fail to include
among its proposed amendments to the constitution one which was
designed to afford at least a partial remedy for this grievance, in
the provision that "No new State shall be admitted into the union
by Congress in virtue of the power granted by the Constitution,
without the concurrence of two-thirds of both Houses." That the
moderate party controlled the Convention may be inferred from
the mildness of this proposal in comparison with the demands of
the radicals who framed the previous utterances.

Thus in all of the clamor of disaffected New England during
the period of war there sounds this note of dislike and dread of
the growing West. The quieter tones were in accord. From 1812
to 1816 Pickering busied himself, as in 1804, in correspondence
with Federalist leaders as far south as Virginia, and seems to
have been in touch with kindred spirits.®^ Once more he suggested

•• Nilu R€oi*Ur, VI, 4^. Reprinted in Ames, StaU Doet,, U. 26-81.

** Adams, New England F^deraiism^ 406. A. C. Hanson wrote to Piekerins from Balti-
more: "I am rejoiced to see Qniney making such a noble stand in the House of Beprese nta -
tives. .... He ouffht to be supported, and no doubt will . . . ." Considerins the adminla-
tration's foreign policy "and the creation of so many new States, — ^I shall become heartily
siek of the Union. For my part, I say without rsser v e that t^ Union was Hang ago dh'
wohtod; and I never thought it criminal to compass a dismemberment of the States, ahhoodi
we have been educated in that belief. But I should prefer produdns such an eraiit bar gnlet
meam. I should like conyentions to be called in the seyeral States so dia p oeed, aad to pvo-
SMd with ciahnnesi and dignified firmness. .... I think, if the ousttion was bardy w tkr td

THE DECLINE OF FEDERALISM 77

secession as a remedy, although in guarded language. 'To my
ears there is no magic in the sound of Union. If the great objects
of union are utterly abandoned, — ^much more, if they are wantonly,
corruptly, and treacherously sacrificed by the Southern and West-
em States, — ^let the Union be severed. Such a severance presents
no terrors to me.'' *^ The desirability of secession, in the thought
of Pickering, lay, however, not so much in the fact that it would
rid the East of southern control, as that it would free it from the
pernicious connection with the West. It was the democratic West
which he abhorred; for the aristocratic Republicanism of the old
South he recognized the affinity of Federalism. He inclined to the
belief that the southern States, if separated from the North, would
seek a reunion, and that "the only permanent severance'' would
" be of the Western from the Atlantic States." •• This he thought
''would be a real blessing to the 'good old thirteen states,' as John
Randolph once called them." ** The British attack on New Orleans
aroused the hope that such a separation might be the fortunate
result of the war. In January, 1816, he wrote: "By taking and
holding New Orleans, and consequently commanding the whole

Western country, she will break the Union The Atlantic

States remaining united will in due time acquire a force sufficient
to guard them from insult and injury, but short of that which
would tempt ambition to involve tiiem in destructive wars with
children of our common ancestors. This view of things presents
an additional reason to repress solicitude, where it exists, among
any Atlantic citizens to recover New Orleans, should it fall into
the hands of the British. Domestic or internal motives have ex-
cited in many a willingness, and in some a wish, that the Western
States might go oS and leave the Atlantic States free from their
mischievous control, — a control every day becoming more power-
ful and dangerous." ^^

in N«w Bngland, tooM Stetw would dijop off from the UbIob Hko froH, rctUn rips. ....
Vinriala* with the other Soothcm StBtei. and all Looialana, and the Floridas ia her rear,
wonld then he left to fovem her black population ae the lists." IhUL, S82.

•"* To Edward Penninston, Jnly U» 1812. Ihid., S90.

••/Md.

•• Tb Geone Lo«an. July 4. 181S. /ML. 891.

^••Tb LoweO. /M^ 485-428. Piefcerins vaeillated somewhat in his opinions, hot the
ahove onotations seem to xepreeent thoee which dominated him most of the time. He saw ad-
iFantaces and disadvantaces both in union with the West and in separation. He feared separ»-
tioii would lea^ the old statss saddkd with the whole of the war debt and deprived of the
poUie hndi* wUeh would be eeiaed bar the states withhi which they Isj. Ibid^ 881. He did not
fear the phyrieal misht of the West, believing that a sinffle frigate eoaM bloekade the Mia*

78 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

At the date of this letter the war was over: the British had
been repulsed at New Orleans, and the treaty of peace was a
month old. The control of the United States over the Mississippi
Valley had been threatened for the last time, and the expansion
of the Republic was ensured. An unprecedented westward move-
ment of population followed the return of peace, and a half-dozen
states entered the Union within as many years. Such an increment
of western power would have destroyed Federalism had it survived
the war. But with the election of 1816 it ceased to maintain a na-
tional organization. Here and there in the old states groups of
men clung to the party name for many years.*®* Occasionally they
exerted some influence even in national politics. But even in its
old strongholds Federalism was making its last fight against the
reflux of the tide of democracy which had swept the West, and the
adoption by the northeastern states of new constitutions or amend-
ments granting manhood suffrage drove it from its last entrench-
ments and left its members no alternative except to join forces with
the new party movements of the twenties. The history of parties
for a decade following the war might detail the dissolution of the
fragments of Federalism in the several states. Such a study would
recount the activities in New England, the middle states, and even
in the upper South, which resulted in mixed delegations to Con-
gress, and discuss the attitude and influence of Federalists on the
measures of Congress during the period. The part played by them
in states where the dominant party was divided into factions might
be included to show how they sometimes elected a governor or con-

■issippi and brinff the inhabitants to terms by cutting them off from market. Ihid,, 800. He
also saw the possibilities for the New England canyinff trade in connection with the products
of the Mississippi Valley. Ihid., 407. The fear that the old Atlantic states would become in-
significant politically as new states were multiplied, clung to him, however, and was the
weiflrhtiest factor in determining his convictions. Ibid., 407. At the least he hoped the de-
mands of the Hartford Convention might result in restricted power in Congrsss to admit new
states. He saw in the severance of the Atlantic coast and Mississippi Valley, which might re-
sult from the success of the British campaign, a condition which would force the Atlantic
states into the close union which he believed desirable. "Should the severance .... take place,"
he wrote to Hillhouse, Dec. 16, 1814, "from that moment the necessity of Union among the
Atlantic states will strike every man who thinks, as forcibly as during our Revolution; and
the feebleness of the States south of the Potomac will urge them to cling to those of the
North, as the Connecticut vine to the tree which supports it. The terms of a new compact
will be adapted to this new sUte of things." Ibid., 418. Can it be that the New England
extremists desired to bring about secession through the Hartford Convention, as a means to
reunion with the South on better terms, and with the West excluded?

^^^E. g.. Federalists cast 16,000 of the 40,000 votes in the Maryland state elsetion of
1820. NiUa Reg%9ter, XIX, 111. In New Hampshiie a Federalist electoral ticket received 1600
votes in that year, the Republican electors polling about 9,000. New HnmpeMn Patriot, Jan-
uary, 1821.

THE DECLINE OF FEDERAUSM 79

trolled a legrislature. The influence of the undying hatred of the
Essex Junto toward John Adams upon the fortunes of his son is
typical of another class of data which might be collected. Of
broader interest would be the story of such contests as that by
which the Baptist-Methodist-Episcopalian alliance under the ban-
ner of Republicanism overturned the Congregationalist-Federalist
regime in Connecticut and established a more liberal constitution
in 1818. But to fix attention upon such details would be to follow
eddies instead of the main current, since Federalism as the na-
tional rival of Republicanism came to an end in 1816.

Prior to the election of 1816 it was felt that the outcome of
that campaign would decide the fate of the party. "If we cannot
make any impression upon the presidential election, this time, I
see no hope for the future," wrote T. Dwight to Rufus King in
February.*®* For such an impression success in New York was a
prerequisite, and as the best hope of carrying that state King was
nominated for governor and his acceptance urged by the most in-
fluential Federalists.*®* The efforts in New York had, however,
no other effect than to unite the Republicans who easily carried
the election. Thereupon King abandoned hope for the party, and
wrote to Gore of Massachusetts : "I presume that the failure will,
as I think it should, discourage the Federalists from maintaining
a fruitless struggle. It has probably become the real interest and
policy of the country, that the Democracy should pursue its own
natural course. Federalists of our age must be content with the
past." *®* To his son Edward he confided his conviction that "so
effectually prostrate is Federalism, that I have no kind of Expecta-
tion that [it] can be again in Favor." The only remaining course,
in his opinion, was to support the "least wicked Section of the
Republicans" in case of division among them.*®'

Already some correspondence had passed among the leaders
concerning the most suitable candidate for the presidency. R. Mor-
ris believed "that if Howard of Maryland were started against

Monroe, he would stand a tolerable chance Should James

Ross of Pennsylvania be held up also as Vice President, it would

^<^' Kins, C. R., Lif0 and Corre»pondenee of Rufu§ King, V, 602.

^®* J. R. Van Rwii— l»er wrote, Feb. 16: "I most lincerely believe the existenee of the
federal party in this State depends on the decision jon shall make." Others who wrote in
similar vein were James Kent, Jacob Morris, W. A. Duer, T. Dwight, T. J. Oakley, D. B.
Osden, S. Rensselaer, et oL Ibid., 60e.

^•* May 16, 1816. /bil, 6S6.

iM May 21. /Wd., 627.

80 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PABTIES

conduce to the Union of one Paiiy and contribute to distract the
other. Howard has good Sense, Honor, Courage, and Integrity.
Ross is a man of the highest order of Talents.'' ^^ King himself
seemed inclined to favor Ross.^®^ In view of the discouraging de-
feat in New York, however, no formal steps were taken to unite
upon a leader or to rally the party ; the few Federalist electors cast
their votes for King, and we may well accept his words quoted
above as a fitting close to the history of the party.

So perished Federalism. Its aristocratic temper, its identiflca^
tion with the moneyed and commercial class of the seaboard, were
the primary causes of its unfitness for expansion into regions where
society was of a primitive agricultural tyjfe. But the West and the
Northeast were not destined to permanent antagonism. By the mid-
twenties the older section had felt the influence of the democratic
spirit, the Northwest was entering a maturer stage marked by the
growth of towns as centers of trade and manufacturing, and im-
proved facilities for communication were drawing the two sections
together — all of which revealed a partial harmony of interest which
found political expression. How this came about, however, is the
story, not of the decline of Federalism, but of the rise of a new
party.

^o« March 16. Ibid,, VI. 16.
»•» Nov. 22. /Wd., S6.

CHAPTER IV
THE DISRUPTION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

1. The Era of Nationalism

The exit of the Federalist party left the Republicans in tri-
umphant possession of the field, but the Republican party of 1815
was far different from that of 1793 or 1798. Once firmly estab-
lished in power, Jefferson and his friends found their views of the
limits of federal authority greatly altered by their new situation.
The functions of government might well be reduced to the mini-
mum when performed by "aristocrats" but the raison (Tetre for
restrictions disappeared in large measure with the advent of the
party of the people. The Republicans took up the task of adminis-
tration in 1801 with a boldness which soon made their change of
temper evident even to the Federalists. "By downright demon-
stration/' wrote Gouvemeur Morris, "it is shown that the republi-
can party were not dissatisfied because the power of the Govern-
ment was too great, but because it was not in their hands." ^

The party which had been so transformed by possession of
power was now to be disrupted by the forces of a new era. The
usual characterization of the decade following the War of 1812
as an "era of good feeling" and personal politics but thinly veils
the truth that deep-seated forces were working a revolution in the
basis of parties. In later periods of party reorganization, the
cause of realignment is found in social and economic changes. The
rapidity of the nation's growth has brought forward new problems
with each generation, and each generation has accordingly seen a
reshaping of party lines. The dramatic history of the decade pre-
ceding the Civil War is the most striking example of this truth:
despite the earnest efforts of all those who foresaw the disruption
of the old parties if not of the Union, the slavery question then j
thrust itself irresistibly into politics, destroying the Whig organi- |
zation, dividing the Democracy, and giving birth to the Republican
party. Again, as the century drew to its close, the readjustment of
national life to the scale of the great continent which had been

^ T6 H. W. UringtlUm, Nor. 25, 1808. Morris, Marrig, TO, 448.

82 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

brought under the hand of man involved notable changes in na-
tional problems and in the spirit and program of parties, notwith-
standing the persistence of old party names.

The connection of the dissolution of the old Federalist and
Republican parties and the birth of the National Republican and
Democratic organizations with social and economic forces has been
less studied and is more difficult to trace. At later epochs new
tendencies were perceived and conscious efforts were made to
counteract them ; party discipline, highly developed since the Jack-
sonian epoch, has ever shown itself fearful of new issues. At the
earlier epoch, however, not only were party methods and machin-
ery less highly developed, but discipline was slight, and there was
less perception of the relations between parties as such and the
problems of the day. The decline of the old organizations after
1816 was at that time rather welcomed than deplored.' The belief
prevailed widely that parties were unnecessary and even undesira-
ble agencies in carrying on government, and while much was said
about sound principles, party loyalty was lightly esteemed and
sometimes even denounced as the spirit of faction.' A belief in the
permanence of non-party government is implied, too, in the various
proposals of the early twenties to amend the constitution in such
a way as to prevent the quadrennial choice of the President by the
House.^ But even while cherishing the belief that all might unite
in support of the principles of true republican government, men
were dividing into groups according to divergent interests, and,
through the operation of unperceived forces, were moving directly
towards the new party organizations of the later twenties.

The first parties, as we have seen, grew out of conditions as
they existed at the beginning of the national period. In the in-

' A typical comment of the period is the foUowins reference to Monroe's tour : *'ET«ry-
thinsT like party seems entirely forgotten — Federmlists and Democrats appear emulous who

shall render him most honor There is reason to believe that Mr. Monroe will be the

President of the United States, and not the President of a party; if so, he will command the
support and esteem of the wise and virtuous of all parties, and retire fnmi office amidst the
benedictions of a grateful and happy people." Wineheat€r GiuetU, quoted by Supporter, July
1. 1817.

' Perhaps the most famous expression of this kind is contained in Jackson's ktt«r to
Monroe, Nov. 12, 1816, just after the latter's election, in which he said: "Everythins depends
on the selection of your ministry. In every selection, party and party fedins should bt
avoided. Now is the time to exterminate that monster called party epirit .... the chief
maaristrate of a ffreat and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelinss . . . ." Par-
ton, James, Life of Andrew Jaekeon, II, 867 et aeq.

« Ames. H. V., Propoeed Amendmente to the ConetUution (in Amer. Hist Assn. Report
for 1896, ID, 106 et eeq.

THE ERA OF NATIONALISM 88

terval between the adoption of the constitution and the presidency
of Jackson an empire arose beyond the frontier of 1790 which ex-
ceeded the whole settled region of the former date in both popula-
tion and area. The inhabitants of the United States according to
the first census numbered somewhat less than four mfllions, of
which, by the most liberal estimate, the entire transmontane region
contained not more than two hundred and seventy-five thousand.'
Even under a regime of equal rights, this ratio of about one in fif-
teen would have been the measure of an almost negligible influence
in the affairs of the nation. But the next generation saw a great
change in the relative weight of the two sections separated by the
AUeghanies. By 1830 Kentucky and Tennessee boasted nearly one
million four hundred thousand people, the wilderness of western
New York had become the home of nearly half as many, and trans-
montane Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia contributed a like
number to the total population of the West Moreover, into the
old Northwest, into the Gulf Plains, and even into the acquired
territory beyond the Mississippi, had poured a flood of migration
which had peopled these vast spaces with two and a half millions
more. Thus it came to pass that the West of the Jacksonian era
contained more than five million inhabitants, exceeding by more
than one-fourth the population of the entire country at the epoch
of the first census, while the area settled after 1790 exceeded that
occupied before by two-thirds.^ As in population and extent, so in

* This estimate is reaehed as follows : Kentucky, 78,677 ; Tennessee^ 86,691 (Thirteenth
Census, Population, I, 80) ; to which must be added fisares for the population northwest of
the Ohio River, and in the western counties of some of the old states. The first census did
not include the Northwest Territory in the area of enumeration, but Governor St. Clair esti-
mated the inhabitants at 4,000 (Century of Population Growth, 64). Jedediah Morse's esti-
mate of 1792 was 7,820. (Cited ibid.) In New York, settlement had not yet passed the lake
region, the whole western end of the state bein^ embraced in Ontario County with about
1,000 inhabitants. (Twelfth Census, Population, I, 82. County maps of the states for 1790
are ffivcn in Century of Population Growth, 61-70.) The transaUeghany portions of Pennsyl-
vania, Maryland, and Virsinia contributed about 160.000 to the total — ^Virsinia counties now
eomposins West Virsinia, 66,878; Alleffheny, Washington, Fayette, Westmoreland, Bedford,
and Huntinston Counties, Pa., as bounded in 1790. 84,211; Allegany and Washington Coun-
ties, Maryland, 20,681. As some of the population of counties included was intramontane
rather than transmontane, the estimate of the text is senerous, even without makins allow-
ance for Northumberland County, Pa., which lay beyond the mountains in part, but for which
figures are not available. (Estimates based on statistics in Population volumes of Thirteenth
Census, and maps in Century of Population Growth). Pitkin, T., Statietieal View, 688, says:
"In 1790, the whole population of this country .... was only two hundred and thirty-seven
thousand and eighty-ftrar."

•Kentucky, 687,917; Tennessee, 681,904; New York eounties west of Syracuse. 626,462;
Pennsylvania counties west of Bedford, 884,891; Washington and Allegany Counties, Mary*
land, 86,877; eounties now composing West Virginia, 176,924. In Georgia, eounties created
west of the ftrontler of 1790 contained 281,612 persons in 1880. Adding the popnhttion of the

84 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

economic importance, the West of 1830 approached the whole United
States of 1790. The value of the exports of 1790 is fairly matched by
thatof the surplus produce of the West fortyyearslater, and the ton-
nage employed in export trade at the former epoch by that em-
ployed on the western waters at the latter/ Of course, this trans-
formation of the wilderness was partially counteAalanced by the
growth of the older region, which shows an increase in population
between 1790 and 1830 of about four millions. But the change in
relative weight is indicated by a sixfold increase in the ratio of
transmontane population to the total, and a corresponding move-
ment westward of the center of population and of economic and
political power. New states carved from what was wilderness when
Washington was inaugurated elected more than one-third of the
members of the House of Representatives under Jackson — ^more
than all of the South Atlantic States and nearly twice as many as
the whole of New England.^ The result was a disturbance of the
former relations of economic groups. The weight of the conuner-
cial, manufacturing, agrarian, and planting interests was altered,
and new adjustments, new combinations and alliances, necessitated.
Politically the results were new issues, new sectional antagonisms

northwcBtem, Bouthwestem* and transmiMiMippi itates and territoriet, the total for 18S0 is
6,172,682. Pitkin's estimate (1886) was "between four and five millions." Op. eiL, 688.

In 1790 the settled area (at least two inhabitants to the sonare mile) measured 288,986
square miles: in 1880, 682,717. Century of Population Growth, 64.

* Value of all goods exported from the United States for year endinir Sept. 80, 1790,
$20,206,166. American State Papere, Commerce and Navigationt I, 84. "We haiard nothinir
in estimating the whole surplus production of what we have called the western eountry, in 1884,
at from $28,000,000 to $80,000,000; being about fifty per cent, more than the whole exports
of the United SUtes in 1790." Pitkin, Stat, View, 684 et eeq. If the Gulf region and lower
Mississippi Valley were included in the estimate the total would be much larger.

Total tonnage, American and foreign, employed in export trade, 1789, 288,988. Ihid^ 862.
Total tonnage employed on western waters, 1884, about 230,000. /6id., 686.

' Representation in the House, compiled from Thirteenth Census, PoptUaUon, I, 87 :

Just before Just after

Apportionment Apportionment Apportionment
of 1790 of 1880 of 1880

New England 29 89 88

Middle SUtes 29 67 76

South Atlantic 46 60 60

West 8* 47 67

The relative decline of the old states is shown even more strikingly by the. loss aad
gain in the representation of individual states, as the ratio of representation rose. Thus
Massachusetts, represented by 14 members under the first apportionment, rose to 17 under that
of 1800, but fell to 18 in 1810 and to 12 in 1880. Connecticut likewise feU from 7 in 1790 to 6
in 1880. On the other hand, sUtes with a "West" within their bounds gained; Georgia's in-
crease was from 2 to 9; New York's from 10 to 40; Pennsylvania's, 18 to 28; Virginia's, 19
to 21. After 1880 even New York felt the drain of the newer West and lost l e p res entatl on
through the higher ratio, its delegation fklUng to 84, 88, and 81 at sucosaslve eensos periods.
^Kentucky 2, after 1792 ; Tennessee 1, after 1796.

THE ERA OF NATIONAUSM 85

and affinities, and finally new party groupings. As the develop-
ment of the West was a prime cause of the disturbance of the old
order and the source of many of the new issues, so its growth in po-
litical power made it a leading factor in determining the readjust-
ment.

With the close of the War of 1812 the energies of the United
States, for a quarter-century so largely concerned with European
relations, were released for the furtherance of domestic interests.
The reorganization of finances and the currency, and the attempt
to organize the nation's resources as a means of preparation against
the contingency of future war, were fruits of the conflict just
closed which were presently overshadowed by the problems arising
from the wonderful internal development of the country .• The
weight of these new problems fell upon that group of ''Young Re-
publicans" who had come forward with the war, and whose domi-
nance had been foreshadowed by their success in forcing a war
policy upon the pacifist president of the generation then passing
from active life; and under the lead of Clay, Calhoun, Grundy,
Cheves, and Porter this rising group approached its task over-
flowing with the spirit of a new nationalism which swept the coun-
try with the return of peace.

The experiences of the war period unmistakably taught the
need of a larger exercise of federal power. The evils of irre-
^deemable bank paper cried aloud for that remedy which had been
denied in 1811 when the Republicans refused to recharter the
United States Bank. The dependence of the country upon for-
eign sources of supply for manufactured goods of prime necessity,
at a time when the enemy's ships patrolled the paths of ocean com-
merce, was a convincing argument in favor of that protection which
Hamilton had advocated. The difficulty in handling troops and sup-
plies in the frontier campaigns, because of the want of military
roads, brought the question of internal improvements forward as
one of the most pressing problems of the new day.

* "What will Foa do for newt now that Napokon is vanquislied 7" Thomas Ritehie, editor
of the Richmond Enqftirer, asked himself in order to answer: "Have the Americans no water-
eoursea to clear? No canals to constmetT no roads to form? no bridges to erect? . . . . "
Ambler, Thonuu RiUhU, 68. Contemporarica had a vasue feelins that the dose of the war
would mark the besinnins of a new era in politics. ". . . . The sreat commotions of the
old world, the effects of which were felt in both periods [Federalist and Republican] of our
goivemmental history, have just ceased, and of course.' the next administration will be placed
in a situation, in many respects, unlike that pf all their prsdeeessors." Aidany l>a% AdvoMte,
quotad bar Supporter, Get 29, 1816.

86 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

By the logric of such events even the Old School leaders were
swept into the current of the new nationalism. In his ''Notes on
Virgrinia," in 1785, Jefferson had written : "For the general opera-
tions of manufacture, let our workshops remain in Europe. It is
better to carry provisions and materials to workmen there, than to
bring them to the provisions and materials, and with them their
manners and principles." ^^ But in 1816 he confessed to an altered
opinion. "We have experienced what we did not then believe, that
there exists both profligacy and power enough to exclude us from /
the field of interchange with other nations : that to be independent |
for the comforts of life we must fabricate them ourselves. We i
must now place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist. |
.... Shall we make our own comforts, or go without them, at the
will of a foreign nation ? He, therefore, who is now against do-
mestic manufacture, must be for reducing us either to dependence
on that foreign nation, or to be clothed in skins, and to live like wild
beasts in dens and caverns." ^^

President Madison's message of 1816, frankly admitting that
the doctrine of laissez faire was subject to exceptions, pled for such
an adjustment of the tariff as would make for economic prepared-
ness.^^ In the same message he called the attention of Congress to
the "great importance of establishing throughout our country the
roads and canals which can best be executed under the national
authority," urging not only the economic value but "the political
effect of these facilities for intercommunication in bringing and
binding more closely together the various parts of our extended
confederacy." A year later he recurred to the subject." Monroe,
like his two predecessors, favored encouragement of domestic man-
ufactures, declaring in his inaugural that "we ought not to depend
in the degree we have done on supplies from other countries. While
we are thus dependent the sudden event of war, unsought and
unexpected, can not fail to plunge us into the most serious diffi-
culties." "

^^ See above, 37» /. n. 104.

^^To Benjamin Austin, Ford. Writinga of Jefforaon, XIV. 889-898.

^' "In lerectinff the branches more especially entitled to the public patronage, a pref-
erence is obviously claimed by such as will relieve the United States from a dependence on
foreign supplies .... for articles necessary for the public defence or connected with the
primary wants of individuals." Richardson. MeuagoM of tKt Pretidsnta, I. 667.

^•Ibid,, 576.

"/wd., n, 8.

THE ERA OF NATIONALISM 87

In these utterances the veterans were but following: "with
caution and good heed" the new leaders upon whom had devolved
the real initiative. The preparedness program of the new school
was set forth by Clay in a speech in opposition to the reduction of
the direct tax imposed during the war. The unsatisfactory state
of our relations with foreign countries, he urged, was a warning
of the possibility of further wars which made it prudent to in-
crease tiie standing army and to augment the navy. As part of the
same system of national defence, he wished the construction of
roads and canals to unite the extremes of the country, and the
protection of manufactures, both to provide a source of supply for
our wants when commerce should be interrupted by hostilities,
and to create resources the taxation of which in war time would
replace the import duties." Clay's argument, vigorously seconded
by Calhoun, was several times reiterated during the discussion of
the tariff bill of 1816. "Whenever," said Calhoun, "we have the
misfortune to be involved in a war with a nation dominant on the
ocean .... the moneyed resources of the country to a great extent

must fail Commerce and agriculture, till lately almost the

only, still constitute the principal, sources of our wealth

They both depend on foreign markets Our commerce neither

is nor can be protected by the present means of the country. What,
then, are the effects of a war with a maritime power — ^with Eng-
land ? Our commerce annihilated, spreading individual misery and
producing national poverty; our agriculture cut off from its ac-
customed markets The failure of the wealth and resources of

the nation necessarily involved in the ruin of its finances and its

currency When our manufactures are grown to a certain

perfection, as they soon will be under the fostering care of Gov-
ernment, we will no longer experience these evils. The farmer
will find a ready market for his surplus produce; and, what is
almost of equal consequence, a certain and cheap supply of all his

wants The arm of Government will be nerved ; and taxes in

the hour of danger .... may be greatly increased To give

perfection to this state of things, it is necessary to add, as soon as
possible, a system of internal improvements, and at least such an
extension of our navy as will prevent the cutting off our coasting
trade." "

^* Work* of Cloy (Fcderml edition), VI. 8S-99. «ip. 98.
i< Gnlh, B. K.. Work* of Johm C. CoUumn, U, 164-168.

88 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTIGAL PARTIES

It is plain that the emphasis in these discussions is laid upon
the safety of the nation in time of war. The force of the tariff
argument was derived from the relation of economic independence
to national preparedness, and protectionism was fairly free in
this stage from the suspicion of seeking to favor the manufactur-
ing interest to the disadvantage of commerce or planting. Both of
the great leaders disavowed such motives. "It was the duty of
this country, as a means of defence, to encourage the domestic in-
dustry of the country I lay the claims of the manufacturers

entirely out of view," said Calhoun.^^ It may have seemed proba-
ble that commerce and agriculture would resume with peace sub-
stantially their ante-bellum status, and the patriotic appeal of the
nationalist argument explains the small part which sectionalism
played in the discussion of this tariff.^^ Calhoun's explanation of
his own attitude may be accepted as fairly typical of opinion in
the non-manufacturing districts: ''Coming, as he did, from the
South, having, in common with his immediate constituents, no in-
terest but in the cultivation of the soil, in selling its products high,
and buying cheap the wants and conveniences of life, no motive
could be attributed to him but such as were disinterested." " In-
cidentally there appeared during this debate, however, a view
which was soon to overshadow that which dominated in 1816. Cal-
houn had declared that ''When our manufactures are grown to a
certain perfection .... the farmer will find a ready market for
his surplus produce ; and .... a certain and cheap supply of all his

wants To give perfection to this state of things, it will be

necessary to add, as soon as possible, a system of internal im-
provements." In these words was foreshadowed a scheme of do-
mestic development which would stress national self-sufficiency
even more for the sake of economic prosperity than with the
thought of safety in war time. This ideal appears now and then
in the discussions, and was expounded with much force in the report
of a committee of Congress, early in 1816, which predicted the
beneficial results of protection in the following terms: "Different

^^ AnnaU, Fourteenth Conff., 1 weaa., 887.

^" See btlow, 117, for oppoeition to this bill.

^* AnnaU, Fourteenth Conir*t 1 leBs., 1829. With the views of Clay and Calbonn eon-
trast those of Inffham, of Pennsylvania, a member of the Ways and Means Committee, who
orsed that protection should not be confined to articles indispensable in time of war and of
first necessity in time of peace. Stanwood, E., Ameriean Tariff CofUrov^rgiM in tk€ Nine^
t§€nth Centtery, I, 148.

THE ERA OF NATIONALISM g9

sections of the union will, according to their position, the climate,
the population, the habits of the people, and the nature of the
soil, strike into that line of industry which is best adapted to their
interest and the good of the whole ; and active and free intercourse,
promoted and facilitated by roads and canals, will ensue. The
states that are most disposed to manufactures, as regular occupa-
tions, will draw from the agricultural states all the raw materials
which they want, and not an inconsiderable portion also of the
necessaries of life ; while the latter will, in addition to the benefits
which they at present enjoy, always command in peace or in war,
at moderate prices, every species of manufacture, that their wants
may require. Should they be inclined to manufacture for them-
selves, they can do so with success, because they have all the means
in their power to erect and to extend at pleasure manufacturing
establishments. Our wants being supplied by our own ingenuity
and industry, exportation of specie to pay for foreign manufactures
will cease." ^^

Here, then, is an adaptation of Adam Smith's theory of free
trade among nations in which the great sections of the Union take
the place of nations, and Smith's ideal world economy is replaced
by a theory of national self-sufficiency based upon the vastness and
diversity of resources of the different parts; the sections, bound
together by improved means of communication and transportation,
should become reciprocally dependent but collectively independent
of the rest of the world. This scheme of a national economy, des-
tined to become known as the "American System,'' soon sup-
planted the preparedness program of the New Republicans. The
phrase was due to Clay, with whose name the policy came to be
most closely associated. When Calhoun withdrew from the con-
gressional forum to accept the war portfolio in Monroe's cabinet,
Clay become the central figure in the group, and it was he who

*^ AnnaU, Fourteenth Coiiir.» 1 mbs., 1666 et mq. Cf, P. B. Porter's recoffnition of the
diviaion of the United States into eastern and western sections by the mountains, with the
agriculturists on the one side and the merchants and manufacturers on the other. This diver-
sity, which it had been asserted would lead to separation, he believed, miffht be made the
means of closer union: "It will be obviously for the interests of the interior States to ex*
chanse the srsat surplus products of their lands, and the raw materiab of manufactures, for
the merchandise and manufactured articles of the Eastern States, and on the other hand the
interests of the merchants and manufacturers of the Atlantic will be equally promoted by this
internal commerce; and it is by promotins this commerce by encouraffinir and facilitating this
Intercourse— it is by producing a mutual dependence of interests between these two srsat
sections, and by these means only, that the United States can ever be kept together." Annalt,
XkrvBth Cong., I and 8 wrn^ 1S88.

90 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITIGAL PARTIES

gathered together the hints and suggestions of lesser men, har-
monizing and systematizing them, and finally giving them their
clearest and most convincing form of expression. The depression
of all branches of industry during the early twenties, by centering
attention upon the need of remedial measures, did much to crystal-
lize the theory, which reached maturity about 1824.*^ "We have
shaped our industry, our navigation, and our commerce, in refer-
ence to an extraordinary war in Europe, and to foreign markets
which no longer exist," said Clay, in discussing the tariff bill of
1824.** "The consequence of the termination of the war of Europe
has been the resumption of European commerce, European navi-
gation, and the extension of European agriculture and European
industry in all its branches. Europe, therefore, has no longer oc-
casion, to anything like the same extent as that she had during her
wars, for American commerce, American navigation, the produce
of American industry." Continuing, he explained the relation of
the market for the surplus produce of all forms of labor to the
prosperity of society, and pointed out that the surplus produce of
the United States was increasing much more rapidly than the con-
suming power of Europe. Besides, it was the policy of European
states to reject the food products of America, in order to foster
their own agriculture ; receiving only those raw materials for their
factories which they could not produce. "A genuine American pol-
' icy," while cherishing the foreign market, would create also a home
market for the products of our agriculture "in all its varieties, of
planting, farming and grazing." "If we cannot sell, we cannot
buy." European manufactures cannot be had by the American
farmer who has nothing the foreigner will take in exchange. Nor,
since the planter cannot purchase the entire surplus of the farmer,
can his staple exports pay for the imports of both. The establish-
ment of manufactures would create a home market for the planter

'^ The prominence of the West in the asritation for increased protection, while the Act
of 1816 waa still in force, is noteworthy. In Pittsburg, one of the earliest centers of mann-
factures beyond the mountains, it was found that the depression from which her factories
suffered extended to the farmers, by curtailinff the local market for their surplus. McMaster.
HUtory of the People of the United Statee, IV, 844. The mutual dependence of farm and Vic-
tory was thus shown by an object lesson. Baldwin, of the Committee on Manufactures, who
reported the tariff bill of 1820, represented the Pittsburg district. In reporting the bill he triad
hard to meet the criticism of those who contended that protection favored particular inter-
ests at the expense of the nation as a whole. "If this bill .... cannot be supported on na-
tion principles, we are willing that it should fall, and that its fate shall be ouxa." Annalt,
Sixteenth Cons., 1 sees., II, 1916 et eeq.

M W9r1m Qf Cloy (Ftdnal edltioB), VJ, 264-294. C/. spMcb on bill «f 1820, <MU 219-227.

THE ERA OF NATIONALISM 91

and farmer, and a source of supply for their necessities by way of
exchange. 'The superiority of the home market results, first, from
its steadiness and comparative certainty at all times ; secondly, from
the creation of reciprocal interest; thirdly, from its greater se-
curity ; and, lastly, from an ultimate and not distant augmentation
of consumption (and consequently of comfort) from increased
quantity and reduced prices. But this home market, highly desir-
able as it is, can only be created and cherished by the protection of
our own legislation against the inevitable prostration of our in-
dustry which must ensue from the action of foreign policy and leg-
islation.'' "

2. Development op Economic Lipe and Thought

OP THE West

Although they spoke in terms of nationalism, the Republican
leaders voiced the demands of the rising western section of the
Union. Whether he led or followed, Clay's opinions especially, ex-
cept in the matter of the Second United States Bank,^^ show a re-
markable correspondence with western sentiment, ^uring the
years 1815 to 1830, the western movement, swelled by many favor-
ing influences, reached unprecedented volume. By 1815 the older
transalleghany settlements were already well out of the pioneer
stage, and the frontier line was advancing in form of a wedge the
point of which was rapidly ascending the Missouri, while the ir-
regular sides slanted back to the northeast and southeast, crossing
Illinois and Indiana well south of the center, and following roughly
the Tennessee boundary and the Oconee River on the South!) The
banks of the Mississippi bore scattered settlements, and the State
of Louisiana formed a kind of island of population lying in advance
of the main frontier. Within a few years after the signing of the
Peace of Ghent, the acquisition of Florida and(^ series of treaties
with the Indian tribes, now lacking the support of foreign influ-
ences, opened to white occupation vast tracts in the Northwest and
Southwest The land laws of 1820 and 1821 made easier than ever
before the acquisition of land by the poor pioneer, while the vast
extent of the frontier favored the squatter by diminishing the prob-
es Cf, natSonalim of th« ipMeh of Ifartindak of New York on this UU. Annalt, Biffh-
totnth Conff., 1 mm., I, 1681.
^ 8m Uhw, Itf, /. «. IS.

92 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITIGAL PARTIES

ability of government interference. The diversion of New Eng-
land agriculture from grain raising to wool-growing and dairying,
under stress of competition with the fresh lands of the West, dis-
placed a portion of the population which, not taking kindly to labor
in the rising factories, joined the westward-moving stream. The
culture of short-staple cotton, made profitable by the gin, was in-
vading the southern piedmont, displacing the small farm economy
and converting the farmer into a planter or driving him to the fron-
tier in Alabama or lUino^!}^

Prior to 1840, most of New England's contribution to this mi-
gration was absorbed by western New York, that portion of it
which reached the Northwestern states furnishing only a sprinkling
in the total population.^^ For several years after 1815, indeed, the
chief element in the settlement of both Northwest and Southwest
was supplied by that ''piedmontese" stock which had pioneered the
way into the transalleghany country a generation before, and which
now felt a new impulse in the push of the advancing plantation
system. The spread of this stock from its original western centers
and the addition of newcomers from its old seats bore fruit
before 1820 in the four new states of Indiana, Illinois, Mississippi,
and Alabama.^^ For a decade after the war, however, the Ohio
Valley was the heart of the West, and this region, where society
was in the making, was in this period coming rapidly to self -con-
sciousness, and was not backward in voicing the demand that its
interests be promptly and effectively provided for.

The significance of the rise of this new section has been indi-
cated by a recent writer in the statement that the ''improvement in
the economic condition of the West which set in about the time of
the second war with England, and which in a decade or two entirely
changed the relation of that region to the rest of the country,'' is
''the most important event in our economic history during the first
half of the nineteenth century." " Contemporaries were not un-
vT aware that the star of economic and political empire was passing
westward. The course of the Federalists for years is proof of thfc.

>* Turner, F. J., RUe of the New Weet, Chaps. 1-6.

'* Mathews, L. K., Expansion of New England.

'^ As late as 1860, one-third of the population of Indiana eonsisted of CaioUniaaa and
their children. Turner, F. J., "Dominant Forces in Western Life," in AOtmUe MonCMy,
LXXIX.

** Callender, G. S.. "Early Transportation and Banking Bntezprises," tn <}iMrt«f%
Journal of Seonamie$, XYU, 116 et mq.

DEVELOPMENT OP THE WEST 98

Excepting in New York, Pennsylvania, Maine, and Georgia, which
still included unsettled areas within their bounds, the population
of the coast states had come almost to a standstill, and the exodus
was so great as to cause grave concern to the authorities.'* In-
quiries were made under legislative authority, especially in the
South, to discover what could be done to counteract the attractions
of the West, and resulted in numerous schemes of internal im-
provements by states to facilitate the marketing of the produce
of the fnterior farms.'® Privately, far-sighted men were advising
the younger generation to "Go West." Even King, the last presi-
dential candidate of the Federalist party, held the opinion that
"Unless the navigation and commerce of the United States become
more extensive and prosperous, the Northern States will continue
to lose their hnportance, and, with this, their population and wealth
will be certain to suffer. If we are not to be commercial, but ag-
ricultural, and, if you please manufacturing, the Western country
ought, and will be, the favored region in which both will prosper." •*

The story of the economic development of the West during its
first half -century is an epitome of the history of the evolution of
modem industrial society. From the self-sufficing household it
advanced to a local economy, then to a provincial, and before the
mid-twenties was the advocate of a national economy.

The transalleghany pioneer had found himself cut off from the
rest of the world by stretches of unpeopled wilderness and moun-
tain. Thrown upon his own resources, his first productive efforts
were consumed in securing the rudest necessities of existence. The
scanty yield of his crude agriculture was supplemented by the use
of the rifle, and his manner of life sank almost to the level of that
of the savage. No division of labor was possible except within the
household, which constituted a self-sufficient economic unit Such
was the economy which moved westward with the frontier, but the
older settlements emerged from this primitive stage as the pro-

'*Tlie foOowins !• » typical press eommcnt of the period: "That alarming disease
denominated the Ohio ftvtr, (says a New-Hampshire paper) eontlnnes to rase in many parts
of New-Ensland, by which vast nmnbers are taken off. In Connecticut it has spread to such a
snrprisinff extent, that Gov. Wolcott, considers 'an Investigation of the causes which produee
it as by far the most important subject which can engage tlie attention of the legislature.'"
SupparUr, Aug. 12, 1817.

••NOm R9ffitUr, DC 149, 166.

*^To Gore, Nov. 6, 1816. King, IAf« of King, VI, 82-84. His forecast was probably a
faetor in the decision of his son Edward to settle in ChiUicothe, Ohio, where he began to prae-
tiee law at the close of the war.

94 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

duction of the farmer became more than sufficient for the require-
ments of his own family. An agricultural surplus meant the pos-
sibility of exchange by the farmer for the products of the labor of
others; it meant the possibility of distant commerce and of local
division of labor, and in a measure it resulted in both. Isolation
affected the West, however, much as commercial restrictions and
war did the old states ; or to vary the comparison, it was equivalent
to high duties on imported goods, (^e vast distances which sepa-
rated the new settlements from the markets of Europe and the At-
lantic coast, and the mountain barrier which interposed along the
direct routes to the East, made all intercourse with the rest of the
world so difficult that the West was compelled so far as possible to
manufacture for itself.'*

With this differentiation of economic activity, exchange began
between town and country, the farmer finding a home market in
supplying the needs of men of other occupations, and receiving in
his turn the products of the craftsman!) Thus the West entered
the second stage of its economic development The first manufac-
tures were, as the term literally implies, handicrafts, but the ap-
plication of power to machinery appeared early in the form of mills
for grinding wheat and com, driven by wind, water, or horse-
power, ^y the beginning of the War of 1812, factories were ris-
ing in the upper Ohio Valley. Even as early as 1809 Cincinnati
had two cotton mills, and at about that time a factory was erected
there for the production of cotton and woolen machinery .*• Within
a half-dozen years its output became considerable, and mills for
the manufacture of various fabrics, operated by steam power, were

*' E^rly obaerven found in the isolation of the West an omen of proaperitj. Harria,
who visited the West at the besinninir of the nineteenth century, commented: "So eireimi-
■taneed they will be provident of their nee of foreign articles, they will prevent their need of
many of them by settinff up various manufactures, the raw materials of which they so
abundanCly possess, and thus supply other places without needing or beinff able to reedve any
return but specie. The consequence will be that this interior country must every year become
more independent of other countries, more prosperous, and more happy." JawnuU of a T<mr
into the Territorif Northwewt of tibe AUeghany MountaiiM, 1808, in Thwaites, Soirkg WotUm
TraveU, Hi, 180.

The West, like the East, felt to some extent the impulse due to the artificial restrictions
on foreign commerce in the form of the embargo and non-intercourse acts, as may be seen
from the message of Governor Huntington, of Ohio, in 1810, directing attention to the ben^
fits of home manufactures: "The embarrassmentr imposed on our commerce by foreign na-
tions, has itie] turned the attention of the people in many of the states to domestle manu-
factures. Some establishments for that purpose have been conunenced in this state . . . ."
Message printed in Supporter, Dec 22, 1810.

•"Goodwin, F. P., "The Rise of Ifanufaetures in the Miami Goontry/' in Am^r. HUL
Rov., Xn, 768.

DEVELOPMENT OP THE WEST 96

built throughout the Va yey from Pittsburg and Steubenville to
Lexington and Cincinnati.'*^

Within a decade of tEe close of the war, the manufactures of
the region attained considerable proportions and variety, including
steam engines, agricultural implements, carriages and wagons,
milling machinery, hats, caps, cloth and clothing, hardware, nails,
copper, tinware, glass, pottery, brick and lime, soap and candles,
flour, leather, lumber, liquors, packed meats, linseed oil, paints and
cordage.'*'^ Large quantities of these products were marketed not
only in Ohio, Kentucky, and Indiana, but in the lower Mississippi
Valley,^* and engaged a considerable percentage of the population
in the more advanced communities.^^

This extension of the scope of western industry ushered in
what we have called the provincial era, covering roughly the de-
cade following the war. The contemporary expansion of the plan-
tation system in the South enlarged the market for the produce of
western farms, and gave the means with which to command goods
imported from quarters of the globe where the West sold nothing.
The western attitude towards industry and trade at the beginning
of this epoch is indicated by the opinion of one of Cincinnati's lead-
ing residents : 'To convert into manufacturers the hands engaged
in clearing and improving a new country, would be a miistaken

policy In the case in which a new country is contiguous to an

older, of dense population, which can exchange manufactures for
subsistence, it may even be advisable to defer manufacturing in
the former to a late period. But where a new country must trans-
port its surplus agricultural production to a great distance, and
import the necessary manufactures from shops equally remote, it
may be advisable to commence manufacturing much earlier. It
must not, however, attempt to convert its farmers into tradesmen.
They should be imported instead of their manufactures. The ranks
of agriculture would then remain entire; the simple process of

•*LippineoU. Imm, "Pioneer Industry in the West/' in Journal of Political Seonomy,
XVm, 269 9t 99Q. Gepbart. W. F., Trangportation a«i<i Indugtrial Devlopmgnt in tka MiddU
WsMt, 90-94.

M Ihid., and Goodwin, "Rise of IfanufactureB," 764.

-IIML, 762.

" The eensos of 1820 divided persons in gainful occupations into three classes : those
encased in sericulture, commeree, and manufactures. In the counties of the Miami VaDer the
pereen\ace of the industrial population encased in manufacturinc (probably ineludinc house-
hold as well as shop industries) Taried from eleven in Preble County to twenty-flve in Butler.
Ihid., 774.

96 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

barter at home be substituted for expensive and hazardous com-
mercial operations ; and the immigrating manufacturers with their
increase become an addition to the population/' '*

As early as 1810 Governor Huntington of Ohio had declared

in his message :'' The heavy charges attending the introduction

of foreign manufactures, so far into the interior, all point out the ex-
pediency of making every public, as well as private, exertion, to
establish, on a permanent foundation, such manufactures, at least,

as are of first necessity Manufactures would afford a market

for the productions of our soil, and enable us to do without the mer-
chandise of other countries " " "The enormous price which

everything of foreign growth or manufacture bears at the present
day must convince us that we cannot too soon commence our inde-
pendence of other nations by growing and manufacturing for our-
selves," wrote a newspaper contributor in 1814.**^ "If for the solid
products and labor of the country exported, and far beyond it, ar-
ticles of luxury and superfluity are introduced into the country, the

, necessary tendency is, to impoverish and weaken it What we

do manufacture is better generally than that which we import ....
and when we consider further that whatever is manufactured
among ourselves is free of the expense of duty and transportation,
it is our duty .... to examine our own resources and bring them
into action and use."*^ So wrote the Governor of Ohio in 1817.
He admits, indeed, that "if in our intercourse with other nations,
we could on our part give in exchange such articles as we can grow
or manufacture most advantageously, for such others as our own
comfort and circumstances may require, such a course of change
would operate beneficially." But he held that such is not the sit-
uation of the West, and concluded that "as far as circumstances will
permit, every community should rely on its own resources." The
evil of buying more than the exports from the western country paid
for, hinted at in this message, involved the additional evil of pay-
ment of trade balances in specie, much to the embarrassment of the
circulation in the West. To these economic motives favoring west-
em manufactures were joined at the close of the war patriotic con-
siderations derived from the British origin of most of the imported

•> Ibid,, 770, quoting Drmke, Natural and Statigtieal V%€W of CincinnaH, S.

** Printed in Supporter, Dec 22, 1810.

*^ WoaUm Spy, dted by Goodwin, "Rise of Mannfactnrea." (iMiie of Jannaxy 29.)

*^ Goy. Worthinvton. Message printed in Supporter, Dee. 9, 1817.

DEVELOPMENT OP THE WEST 97

goods. ''How shall we find a remedy for this ruinous British
trade, which .... drains us of our specie," became the cry, and
the Cincinnati writer who voiced it was ready with the answer:
''We can manufacture almost every article of British manufacture

that we drag over the mountains at such enormous expense

Put in operation in Cincinnati manufactures for woolen cloth, for
cotton cloth, for .... every article which .... can be manufac-
tured in Cincinnati. Let the money which we send over the moun-
tains be paid the manufacturers in Cincinnati." ^'

These expressions of opinion are evidence of the desire for an
economy adjusted to the stage of development which had been
reached by the provincial West. The inconvenience of intercourse
with the East created a desire for self-sufficiency, and local manu-
factures lessened the hardships of semi-isolation. The banking
and currency system conformed to the provincial situation. In
the West as elsewhere numerous state banks sprang up after the
refusal of Congress to recharter the United States Bank, in 1811,
and in view of the scarcity of specie, the nearest approach to a
sound currency possible was the issues of these banks, on the basis
of specie reserves. Lax as were the current laws regulating bank-
ing operations, there was a general appreciation of the importance
of maintaining a sufficient supply of specie to support the paper
of the banks, and bankers who endeavored to conduct their business
in good faith did not venture to issue paper in excess of two or
three times the amount of specie held in reserve. The states usual-
ly imposed some such restrictions upon the banking corporations
holding charters,^' but institutions of various descriptions circu-
lated notes without authority of government, and in practice the
test of the soundness of the issuing concern was pa3rment of its
notes in specie on demand.** Such a currency served fairly well,
on the whole, in transactions in the neighborhood of the issuing
banks, but the inconvenience and cost of exchange in distant trade
relations added to the other impediments in the way of such trade,
and to the reasons for confining trade within the western country.

«> Ck>odwin, "Rise of ManafaetuTw/' 769.

**S. g^ th« Ohio law of 1816 limited debts, inehidins notes, above deposits, to three
times the paid-in capital stock, of which one>ha]f at least most be specie.

*«C/. Hnntinston, C C, A Hist/ory of BaiMng and Cwrmaoy in Ohio h€for9 th^ aoU
War, t7, 66-66. Near the end of the war, specie payments were suspended by the western
banks, bat normal conditions, aceordinff to contemporary standards, were restored soon after
the war dosed and lasted for a short time. /Md., 62, 66.

98 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

The provincialism of the West was intensified, too, by the fact
that the governments of the new states were often interested in
the operations of the chartered banks and shared in their profits
under various plans.^'^

The attacks of western states on the branches of the Second
United States Bank resulted from this provincial attitude. The
branches were accorded a lukewarm welcome at first, because it
was believed that they would bring into the country large sums
in specie to provide the basis of their note issues. It was soon
rumored, however, that the capital of the branches consisted chiefly
of the notes of local banks, and that the specie for their operations
was obtained by presenting these notes for redemption. The con-
tinual presentation of local bank notes for payment in specie and
the remittance of it eastward in settlement of tea de accounts was
taken as proof that the Bank and its branchel^asja mechanism for
draining the interior states of their specie; the-t^ntraction of the
local bank circulation made necessary by the specie drain made it
more difficult to obtain accommodations and was believed to have
an adverse effect upon prices and trade conditions in general ; and
the lack of any profit in or control over the operations of the
branches by the state governments aroused a hostility which was
well-nigh universal, and led to the attempts of Ohio and Kentucky
to tax.*® Contemporary criticisms of the Bank remind us that the
Ohio Valley bore a relation to the seaboard in financial matters in
1818-1820 similar to that held by the ''back settlements'' in the
eighteenth century.*^ From this time can be traced, too, the be-
ginnings of a "hard money" sentiment in the Ohio Valley which
was to be a factor in the history of Jacksonian Democracy in the
thirties.*® Early in the twenties the West began to realize that
the bank was not the cause of the drainage of specie to the east-
ward, and to attribute it to the unfavorable course of trade. With

*■ The common rate of profit varied from 7 to 9 per cent., while states eonld borrow
at 6 and 6. Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, and Illinois at one time or other sold bonds and
invested the proceeds in bank stock. The Ohio le^islatare^ by an act of 1816, offered to extend
the charters of those banks which would transfer to the account of the state one share in
twenty-five of their stock. Callender, "Early Transportation and Banking Enterprises," 161;
Huntington, HUtory of Banking^ 46.

** Chinicotbe, where one of the branches was located, was a storm eenter in the
period of contest, and the story of the war on the bank can be followed to advantage in the
columns of the local papers, such as the SupporUr, beffinning about 1818. Of espedal inter-
est are the essays of "X. T.," running through the summer of that year. The questloii was
an issue in state politics that year and the next.

*^ Cf, communication of "Logan," in SupporUr, Sept. 16, 1818.

**Cf, eommunieations of "A Countryman," in Supporter, July 29 and Etept. S, 1818.

DEVELOPMENT OP THE WEST 99

this the opposition to the Bank ceased,**^ leaving, however, an after-
- math of ill-will that proved injurious to Clay in the campaign of
1824, and might have warned him against making re-charter the
issue in the election of 1832.°*^

But the hope of western self-sufficiency could not be made a
reality. During the handicraft stage the West did, indeed, to a
large extent import artisans instead of goods, supplying the equip-
ment for its primitive industries by the labor of immigrant smiths,
wheelwrights, carpenters, and tanners." But the abundalice of
cheap land was the lure which drew the great majority of the new-
comers, and despite the notable growth of manufacturing activity
it did not keep pace with the expansion of agriculture.*^^ Although
the needs of newcomers before their own lands became productive
added measurably at times of large immigration to the demand for
the agricultural surplus, at no time did the surplus find the local
market sufficient, and the desire for an adequate market made war
upon the ideal of self-sufficiency. In spite of the obstacle of dis-
tance, almost from the beginning the surplus flour, grain, tobacco,
and meat of Kentucky sought an outlet by way of the Mississippi
to the West Indies and Europe, and from an early date grain found
a way out also in the form of the easily transported whiskey. Cattle
and hogs, too, could be driven across the mountains, and this phase
of western commerce became of great volume." Up the river
came specie in payment for these exports, and notwithstanding the
heavy cost of transportation, over the rough mountain roads lum-

«• "Ton never would hear a word about the mismanaffement of the Bank of the U.

States, if it had not been for the exportation of specie The real pure, and nneon-

taminatcd source of the ruin that is involvihff our country, is the permission by government
of a trade that impoverishes the country, and a total neglect of manufactures. . . . ." "A
Friend to His Country," in National InteUioeneer» quoted by Supporter, April 7, 1819. Cf.
quotations from Pittshurg Gazette, in issues of December 9, 1818, and April 14, 1819. Gov-
ernor Brown, In his message of 1820, informed the legislature of Ohio that "money, rather
than security, will probably continue to be required in negotiations, till the pajrment [of debts
due to the eastward] shall be nearly completed." Then credit will revive and hoarded eoin bo
placed in circulation. Supporter, Dec. 14, 1820.

■<> See below, 186.

■^ By 1799, Cincinnati newspapers carried the cards of blacksmiths, millers, saddlers,
hatters, dyers, tanners, bakers, potters, gunsmiths, and cabinet-makers. Goodwin, "Rise of
Manufactures,** 761.

" "The attraction of the laboring class to the vacant territory .... is the great ob-
stacle to the spontaneous establishment of manufactures, and will bo overcome with most
difBculty wherever land is cheapest, and the ownership of it most attainable." Madison to
Clay, April 24, 1824. Worke of Clay (Federal edition), IV, 91.

'* Cattle were driven overland from Ohio to Baltimore as early as 1804. Gephart, rriaiia-
portation amd Induetrial Development, 86. By 1810, 40,000 bogs were driven annually from the
sUte to the east. /Md, 108, quoting JTOfronriM's Ohio Gaaetteer for 1818, Cf, Pitkin, 5Ca-
tisMeol View, WH e% eeq.

100 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

bering wagons carried many imports to fill the debit side of the trade
account. But(^e disadvantage under which the West carried on all
trade with distant parts even of the United States may be seen
from the cost of freight. To eastern Ohio the rates overland from
Philadelphia and Baltimore, and by way of the Mississippi from
New Orleans, were about the same, averaging nearly $7 per hun-
dred weight.^^ Such rates forbade the transportation of bulky ar-
ticles by land to the cities of the Atlantic coast Down river
freights were much lower, and yet at times prohibitive in view of
prices obtainable for produce in the New Orleans market"" The
obstacles to river navigation resulted in an alternate dearth and
glut of the market, attended by great fluctuations in prices and
misleading quotations. The bulk of the exports of the upper valley
regularly arrived at about the same time, with the spring rise of
the water, and often so depressed the market as to occasion loss to
the shippers."* Even these precarious trade opportunities were
accessible only to those whose farms lay near navigable streams,
for the cost of carrying grain over unimproved country roads con-
simfied its value in a short hauTT

The cost of transportation reduced the price of all western ex-
ports and Increased tiiat of all imports. The disadvantage of the
West in such exchange was reduced by contemporaries to the esti-
mate that it required four bushels of com to buy at Cincinnati
what one bushel would command at Philadelphia."*

Yet the abundance of the fruits of the soil seemed to mean
the power to command the wealth of the world if the natural im-

'^The foUowins are typical rates, eompiled by reeent secondary writer*:

Philadelphia and Baltimore to Lexington, 1802, $7 to $8.

New Orleans to Zanesville, 1818, $6.60.

New Orleans to Pittsbnrv, 1786-1816. $6.76.

New Orleans to Shawneetown, 1817, $4.60.

Shawneetown to Pittshnrr. $8.60.

New Orleans to Louisville, 1818, $6.26.

Philadelphia to Cincinnati, average $7 to $8.

" Lippinoott, "Pioneer Industry," ffives the rate from Shawneetown to New Orleans la
1817-1818 as $1.00 per cwt. In 1819 the rate of 26 cents per bushel on com from Vineenncs
to New Orleans absorbed all profit.

**The Supporter, issne of Jan. 18, 1819, quotes from a letter written at New Orl^ana:
"Flour very scarce and Is worth 16 and 20 dollars per barrel . . . ." The foOowinc May floor
was worth in the New Orleans market $6 to $6.60 per barrel IbidL, June 16, 1819.

'^ "About the year 1806, the usual price of carriage over the country roads was stated
to have been 60 cents for 100 pounds for every twenty miles. At this rate com, which before
1886 rarely sold for as much as 86 cents per bushel, would not stand the ezpenee of monrtag
twenty-five miles, even tho' it had been produced without cost. On the same basis, the area
in which wheat could be sold at a profit to the farmer was limited to a radius of from fifty to
seventy-five miles." Lippincott, "Pioneer Industry."

*> Goodwin, "Rise of Manufactures." 768.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE WEST 101

pediments to commerce could but be overcome. The one town of
Circleville, located near the head of navigation on the Scioto, sent
down the river in the year 1822 exports worth approximately one
hundred thousand dollars, and according to local opinion, the com-
munity could have supplied ten times the amount with proper facil-
ities for transportation/* Eleven years earlier the neighboring
town of Chillicothe sent off fifty loaded boats in the month of Feb-
ruary, occasioning the declaration that "If the rivers were im-
proved so that a market could be reached the supply of com, wheat,
cattle, hogs, and hemp which could be furnished by the region
would be enormous."*®

The conditions in these two towns are typical of those which
prevailed for many years in every surplus-producing area of the
maturer West The insufficient local market did not supply an
adequate incentive to stimulate the farmer to the maximum pro-
ductive effort, and indolence as well as poverty resulted. ''Not-
withstanding the great fertility of our soil," wrote Governor Worth-
ington of Ohio in his message of 1816, ''if the surplus produced
from it, beyond our own consumption, does not command a price
sufficient to reward the husbandman, the spring to industry is in
a great measure destroyed." *^

The obvious remedy seemed to be the improvement of trans-
portation facilities in order that western produce might cheaply
reach the distant market. "If we would raise the character of our
state by increasing industry, and our resources, it seems neces-
sary to improve the internal communications ; and to open a cheaper
way to market for the surplus produce of a large portion of our

** Gephart, TrwMpcrtatUm amd InduHrial Dtveiopm&nt, 108, quotins OKve Brandt
March 18, 1822.

••/Mi, 101.

•^Printed in Supporter, Dec. 10, 1816. C/. speech of P. B. Porter in Convrass, 1810:
"The ffieet evil, and it is a serious one indeed, under which the inhabitants of the western
country labor, arises from the want of a market. There is no place where the srsat staple arti-
cles for the use of civilised life can be produced in srsater abundance or with srsater ease,
and yet as respects most of the luxuries and many of the conveniences of life the people are
poor. They have no vent for their produce at home, and, beinir all agriculturists, they produce
alike the same article with the same facility; and such is the present difficulty and expense of
transporting their produce to an Atlantic port that little benefit is realised from that quar-
ter. The single circumstance of want of a market is already beginning to produce the meet
disastrous effect, not only on the industry, but on the morals of the inhabitants. Such is the
fertility of their land that one-half their time spent in labor is suiBeient to produce every
article which their farms are capable of yielding, in sufficient quantities for their own eon-
sumption* and there is nothing to incite them to produce more. They are, therefore, naturally
led to spend the other part of their time in idleness and dissipation." AnnaU, Eleventh Con«.,
1 and t sees., ItSB et sea- Similar views are to be found in western newspapers. See, «. g.,
"JuUus" to "Edwin," in Supporter, May 18, 1811.

102 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

fertile country," declared Governor Brown, Worthinjrton's suc-
cessor, in 1818.**

For the next few years it is doubtful if any single policy so
united sentiment in the Ohio Valley as the policy of internal im-
provements. It is the constant theme of editors, newspaper writ-
ers, legislators, and governors, who discuss it in all phases, local,
state, and national. The coming together of the diverse elements
of the Ohio population in opinion concerning the interests of the
western country is one of the best evidences of the real fusion of
Federalists and Republicans.** In the late twenties the National
Republicans and Democrats of Indiana were still in accord on the
questipn of internal improvements within the state.**

The western population contemplated the benefits to be de-
rivecTfrom access to the world's markets with an enthusiasm which
was for some time unchecked by any doubt of the power and readi-
ness of those markets to absorb all the produce it could offer. The
steamboat promised relief from the high freight charges on im-
ports brought by wagon, and its advent was hailed with deligh^
"The improvement of our barges and steamboats insure [sic] wit&
in two years the total supply by the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers of
many articles which are now wagoned from Baltimore and Phila-
delphia, and our exports will then be commensurate with our im-
ports. Our flour, pork, tobacco and whiskey will return in calicoes,
hardware, coffee, cotton, sugar, bartered for at New Orleans.
There was never such a prospect for improvement and trade at one
time on any portion of the globe as that which is now exhibited to
western America." *° These great expectations were doomed to
suffer a measure of disappointment. QThe steamboat did, indeed,
reduce the time required to bring freight from New Orleans to
Louisville from about three months to a week or eight days, with
a corresponding lowering of charges,** but the full realization of
its benefits was postponed for a time by the contests over the mo-

** Supporter, Dec. 28, 1818.

**See above, 61-62.

** Esarey, Hietory of Indiana, 804. Cf. interest of the seaboard in improving means of
eommunication with the interior for the sake of its trade. New York« Philadelphia, and Balti-
more became rivals in the race for the commerce of the Ohio Valley. Even Virginia had hopm
of competing with the northern states by connecting the James and Kanawha rivers. An
ardent advocate of this project was Thomas Ritchie, of the Richmond Snquifwr. Ambler,
Ritchie, 64-66.

*■ Gephart, Transportation and Induetrial Development, 79, qootinff Brownevitte Tele-
graph, Aug. 14, 1816.

*< Lippineott, "Pioneer Industry," Quoting EdwardaviUe Spectator of June 6, 1819, and
March 22, 1826.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE WEST 103

nopoly claimed by the inventors, and the abandonment of their claim
about 1818, although the number of steamers plying the Ohio and
Mississippi increased for a year or two, was followed by hard times
which prevented rapid expansion of the river trade^^

The project of a canal connecting the lakes and the Hudson
likewise aroused great interest in the Ohio Valley, but especially
in the northern half of Ohio. In 1812 the New York legislature ap-
pealed to Ohio and other western states for aid,^^ and in 1816 re-
newed the invitation to Ohio by means of a letter from DeWitt
Clinton to Governor Worthington, which the latter transmitted to
the Legislature with the recommendation that investigation be
made as to the practicability and expense of the scheme. If the
results of the investigation were satisfactory, he thought "it will
become the duty of the people of Ohio to give all the aid in their
power towards effecting an object in which they are so deeply in-
terested." ^^ Although Ohio did not join in the building of the Erie
canal, the prospect of the completion of the New York waterway
awakened interest in the construction of a connecting system be-
tween Lake Erie and the Ohio River, and started an agitation which
culminated in the undertaking of a state system in the late twen-
ties.^«

Thus, as in the case of the steamboat, realization of benefit
was postponed for some time, but meantime interest was main-
tained by the newspapers and by reports of the canal commissioners

*^ G«phart, Transportation and Induatrial Devalopmont, 74, 81.

•* Ihid., 110-111 ; PheUm, r«nneMM, 276 et mq.

**SMpport€r, Dee. 17» 1816.

''^McCleUand mnd Huntington, HUtory of the Ohio Canala. EnthnsUuim for an Ohio
system S|ft. by no means eonflned to the northern portion of Ohio, but extended to the river
towns. IThe Cincinnati Inquiwitor Advertiser for July 24, 1820, has a two-eolumn editorial on
the i^r^Rea of the Erie work, the certainty of success, the benefits to result, the elfects on
Ohio, and the desirability of canals eonnectins the lake and river. The article is noteworthy
because of the recognition that economic unity of Ohio and western New York would result.
Western New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia have much in common with the Ohio Valley
throughout the period. In the issue of August 8 is another editorial on the same lines, in
which occur the following words: "Should Ohio .... imitate [New York] .... we should
be able to send the immense surplus produce from nearly every part of our rich and fertile
territory to the city of New- York at less expense than we can now transport it to New-
Orleans, and be able to return with groceries and other heavy articles of common necessity
at one-third of the expense we are jiow compelled to pay for the transportation of the same
up the Mississippi and Ohio rivers . . . .'1

Soon after this an article appeared in the LonisviUe PubKe Advertiser, inspired by canal
editorials in the /iw»itttor, picturing in fflowins terms the benefits Ohio will derive from a
canal across the state. "In a few short years we calculate on seeing the extensive forests and
plains between the town of Delaware and the mouth of Sandusky, abounding with well cul-
tivated farms." "Instead of beins confined in their trade to a single port, they will be able to
sdeet a maricet." Quoted by InquiwHor, Aug. 22, 1820.

104 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

Betting forth the advantages expected. In the report for 1822, for
example, it was estimated that the cost of shipping flour by canal
to New York City would be $1.70 per barrel, whereas the rate to
the New Orleans market was $4.50. With flour worth $3.50 at Cin-
cinnati and $8 at New York, it was believed that the producer would
profit by a large part of the reduction in cost of transportation, and
that the output of Ohio fields would be increased many fold. Im-
ports, too, for the entire Ohio Valley, it was thought, would come
chiefly from New York by way of the canals.^^ But the delay in
the construction of canals thus left central Ohio in the mid-twenties
still without means of transporting its surplus to market, save in
the form of animals on the hoof. The lack of means of communi-
cation left the produce of abundant harvests to rot in the fields,
while the farmers lacked money sufficient to pay taxes.^^

This period of hope deferred was a period of conflicting as-
pirations for the West. While the desire for internal improve-
ments to promote the marketing of the surplus of the interior was a
virtual confession of the inadequacy of the home market, yet the
continued lack of easy means of transportation and the high price
of imported articles maintained the interest in local manufactures.
In truth 'the West was held back in the provincial stage of her de-
velopment by actual conditions, while aspiring to improvements
which would facilitate intercourse with other sections of the coun-
try and inaugurate the national economy.^' It was a period, more-

^^ Gephart, Trafuportation and InduBtrial Dtwlcpm^ni, 11$-114, Quoting Jaamal of the
House of Representatives, 1822. As a matter of fact, the Ohio canals proved to be feeders for
both the Erie canal and the Ohio-Mississippi route, and while the east-bound traflle srew
with relative rapidity, it was not until the railways united the Northwest and the eoast in the
fifties that the river trade felt severely the competition of the artificial routes. C/. iMd,, 118-119.
The interest which the Erie canal excited in the West was felt as far South as Tennsisee.
The request of New York that the legislature instruct the representatives of the state in Con-
gress to support measures favorable to the Erie project turned attention in the direction of
congressional action in the Southwest. Phelan, HUtory of Tennessse, 276 et 9eq.

^' Callender, "Early Transportation and Banking Enterprises," 128.

''^ Extreme emphasis was sometimes placed on the ideal of national self-suAeieney.
" . . . . From the vast extent of the dominion of the United States, the variety of climate^ soU
and produce, there can be no doubt but all the necessaries of life and many of the faiziirlee
may be procured without the assistance of any other country under heaven. .... We* think
[eommerce] .... should be [confined] to our own country." CineinnaH InquigUor Advmrtittr,
Feb. 12, 1828. "So long as Europe shall continue in the present state of slavery and deg-
radation, there is more danger of intercourse with its nations having a demoralising [tiia|i
good] effect upon our citiiens. When these U. States may be ripe for cutting off all inter-
course with foreign nations for commercial purposes, we may willingly and readily resign
all pretensions to their improvements in arts, sciences and literature — and be perfectly eon-
tented with such improvements as we are ourselves capable of making in those matters.

"Let us endeavor to turn our territory into a world for our own use. Let us make
it subservient to commercial purposes, by promoting inland navigation, eonstmeting bridgea.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE WEST 105

over, during which the views of the West were rapidly being shaped
by experience into harmony with the new nationalism. We have
seen how Governor Worthington, though a Republican of Virginia
stock, along with other leaders of western thought, repudiated the
laisaez faire principles of Jefferson, and advocated government
care for manufactures.^^ The problem of internal improvements
exerted a similar influence. In response to the appeal of New York
in 1812, the Ohio legislature passed a resolution in favor of con-
struction of the Erie canal by the federal government, as a means
of ^'rendering the produce of our country more valuable, the price
of foreign commodities cheaper," and the bonds of the union
flrmer.^^ The delay in inaugurating the work on the Ohio canal
system was due in part to the hesitation to entrust a task so closely
involving the public welfare to a private company.^^ Besides, it
was doubtful whether a private corporation would be able to finance
so vast an undertaking. This form of industrial organization,
while well known, had hitherto been employed chiefly in banking,
and the work of internal improvements required a far greater cap-
ital than had yet been brought together in any industry in this
country. Only public securities could command the confidence of
the owners of loanable capital, at home and abroad, for such sums.^^
For these reasons the preponderance of opinion favored the con-

and makins roadi by which internal intereoune may be facilitated." Ibid,, F«b. 15, 1828.
The antagonism between the western farmer and the merchant engaged in European ecmi-
meree Is emphasised still more in a third article in this series, in issue of Feb. 22, 1828.

^* See above, 96 ; ef. Gov. Huntington's views, (bid. Also see below^ 107.

''* Gephart, Trantportation and Industrial Developmsnt, 110-111.

T« bIHs for the incorporation of a canal company were considered by both hotises in
1818. Commenting on the senate bill a Columbus newspaper correspondent remarks: "There
is no man who has reflected on the incalculable advantage that would result to this, and the
adjoining states, by a canal uniting the waters of Lake Erie and the river Ohio, but must
ardently wish for the accomplishment of so great and beneficial a work — but whether the plan
of a private company, with power, exclusively, to navigate the canal, when made, be expedient,
is, to say the least, extremely doubtful — The plan of a canal .... forms an important link,
to my view, in the chain of our future prosperity, and should be entered upon with caution."
SnpporUr, Dee. 10, 1818.

The impolicy of private construction is urged later in the report of the state canal
ttnnmissioners : "Nothing can be more interesting to the whole community than the great navi-
gable highways through the State from the lakes to the Ohio River It does not con-
sist with the dignity, the interest, or the convenience of the State that a private company
.... should have the management and control of them. The evils of such management can-
not be fully foreseen, and therefore cannot be fully provided against A private com-
pany win look only to the best means for increasing their profits. The public eonvenienee
win be regarded only as it is subservient to their emolument." Report of 1826, quoted by Cal-
lander, "Early Transportation and Banking Enterprises," 166.

f^/5id., 181-162.

106 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

struction of the canals by the state/^ But even the state, in those
days of partially developed resources, hesitated to incur the neces-
sary financial obligations until it felt confident of federal aid in
the form of land grants.^®

A similar lesson was taught by the efforts to improve the navi-
gation of the Ohio by a canal at the rapids near Louisville, where
transshipment of cargoes was necessary^ except in the case of boats
of light draft or during high water. The delay and expense at this
point early aroused the interest of the adjacent population in canal
projects. State jealousies, however, prevented the co-operation
which might have brought success. About 1820 rival companies
were incorporated by the legislatures of Indiana and Kentucky,
for the construction of canals on opposite sides of the river. The in-
terest of Ohio was no less than that of either of these states, but be-
ing indirect in that the river did not touch her territory at the rap-
ids, she was at a loss what course to pursue, inclining to the view
that the great cost of the undertaking called for federal action."^

f * Cf. the opinion of an "Ohio Citizen/' in Supporter for Dee. 80, 1824 : "Great public
works, whether the fruit of individual or of national enterprise, have hitherto in all modem
states, been the result of the accumulation of redundant capitaL" After discussinff the success
of New York in buildinff the Erie canal when no great surplus of capital existed and inter-
est rates were hish, he concludes with the hope that Ohio may imitate her example. "This states
which for some years past, has made such noble and generous exertions in the same way has
now filled the whole public mind with the most ardent hopes that an undertaking on the same
colossal scale, and of the same permanent utility, will be accomplished by herself . . . ." The
Cincinnati inquisitor Advertiser for Aug. 29, reprinted an article from the New York States'
man on the prospect of an Ohio canal, which held that Ohio was abundantly able to undertake
the work. "She has people, enterprise, industry, and credit. The whole work would be within
herself — not a cent of capital carried beyond her borders, and all the ocpenditures, for an
undertaking that will hereafter render her rich, flourishing, and powerful, be made to her
own citisens."

^* McClelland A Huntington, History of the Ohio Canals, 86.

■oQephart, Transportation and Industrial Development, 107-110. "H" in the Cineinnati
Inquisitor Advertiser for Oct. 80, 1821, urged the need of federal activi^ in river improve-
ments in these words: "The immense benefit that would arise to the nation from an unob-
structed navigation of these two immense rivers of the Western country, the Ohio and Mis-
sissippi, is so palpable to every person acquainted with the geography of our country and with
the state of the population west of the Alleghany mountain [sie], that I should suppose the

subject worthy of the consideration of congress [The West] must now look to the

enlightened advocates of internal improvements in the national legislature for assistance." The
demand for federal action is coupled with a statement of western grievances in the comment
of "Dion" on "The Interests of the West," in the Liberty Hall and Cindnnati GazetU during
the simimer of 1819: "Let any person cast his eye on the map and trace the line formed by
the Apalachieola, and the Allegheny [Mountains], into Pennsylvania, and thence to lake Erie,
and he will see at once what proportions of country pay and what reeeive the national revenue
— On the one side are cities, harbors, roads, public works of every description, and an old,
well cultivated country; on the other, an immense wilderness, interspersed with a few infant,
tho' flourishing towns, but generally peopled by emigrants jret struggling with the hardships of
llxst settlements, felling the forests around them, building their rude cabins, toiling indus-
tiiously for subsistence, with no money to spare even for the eomforts of domcstie life, much
ItM for tboM pablie impxovemcnta so important to the prosperity of any oountry. From every

DEVELOPMENT OF THE WEST 107

Thus experience exerted a powerful influence upon the views of
the western people. Under the stress of poverty and the need of
improved communications the belief in the sufliciency of private
initiative, which Jefferson had made a part of the creed of the early
Republicans, gave way generally to a demand for government ac-
tion, and even the jealousy for state rights yielded to the necessity
of federal aid.®^

The breakdown of the ideal of western self-sufficiency and the
espousal of the "American System" came in the early twenties with
a larger knowledge of the state of the European markets. For
several years previously, however, local economic thinkers had been
perplexed by the excess of imports over exports, which they were
inclined to attribute to the speculative tendencies of importing
merchants and the lack of proper facilities for transporting the
produce of the West. Internal improvements and greater encour-
agement of exportation they thought to be the remedy.^^ Here and
there it began to be perceived that without selling the West could
not buy. "To enrich a country by trade, much more must be ex-
ported, than imported Neither ought we to deal with any

people, who will not barter for, or purchase our surplus produce
. . . ." ^ Hard times drove home the lesson that abundant pro-
duction does not mean prosperity in the absence of a market.
". . . . Produce never was greater in quantity and so low in value,"
declared the Columbus Gazette in 1820. "Oats and corn and hay
will not defray the labor of harvesting and bringing to market.
The best of pork was sold in market last Saturday for two cents
per pound. Land has fallen fifteen per cent in value . . . .""^
"It is alarming to reflect on the present condition of our state. The
country is overrun with produce, and destitute of a market," wrote
"Franklin" in the Muskingum Messenger. "We cannot obtain

comer of both these Mctions the public revenue is collected, and where is it distributed? ....
This we do expect, and have a riffht to claim, that some part of the revenue shall be employed
on public improvements among us . . . ."

SI "The pioneers were very anxious to have the national government open up the
streams and help build roads." — Esarey, Hiatory of /ndiano, 260.

•> "We are at this time able to produce from the soil, a surplua of provision ten times
greater than that which we could have spared ten years ago: if this is the fact, we ought at
this time to command tbe wealth of a foreign market, in the same ratio." "Let us unite in
giving encouragement to those who will undertake the transportation of domestic pro-
duce . . . ." "Socrates," in SupporUr, Aug. 6 and 12, 1818.

•* "A Farmer," in Supporter, June 9. 1819.

*« Quoted in Seioto Tokgraph, Oct. 12, 1820. C/. prices in Cincinnati market, as given
by the Inquititor AdvsrKssr May 29, 1821: Fkmr, $1.00 per cwt. Eggs 4c per doxen. Hams
4c per pound. Beef, ebolee pieces, 4e per pound; inferior pieces 2c. Butter 8c. Com meal,
bushel, 20c Lard 4e. Poik, ehoiee pltees, 8c; inferior pieoei 2e.

108 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

money for our commodities, so how are we to purchase the luxuries
or even the necessaries of life?"^" A favorite proposal was to
practice self-denial, " to purchase no foreign goods, and to abstain,
as far as possible, from the use of all articles which are not pro-
duced or manufactured" at home.®* "Every day we see merchants'
advertisements exhibiting the most costly and unnecessary articles ;
such however as have been and still are in general use. If you
purchase these articles, you must pay for them in specie money,

and where is this money to come from Every cent of good

money that falls into the hands of the merchants, is immediately
transported to the Atlantic states, and from thence shipped to for-
eign countries for more luxuries The sooner we abolish the

traffic in foreign goods, the sooner will the dark cloud which is now

lowering over our state be driven away " «^ The progress of

home manufactures was watched with great interest, and many a
calculation was made which showed, on paper, the substantial
profits to be realized from capital so invested. A writer in the
Philanthropist proved that fifty acres of hilly land, unsuitable for
grain raising, if used as pasture for merinos, could be made to
yield sixteen hundred dollars at prices paid for wool at the Steuben-
ville Woolen Factory and elsewhere. "The larger factories," he
urged, "must be looked to as the great engines for turning the bal-
ance of trade in our favor. The difficulties under which we labor
at present, are probably greater than was [sic] ever exi>erienced
in the United States before. The cause lies in the wrong applica-
tion of labor and money." ** Exhortations to use domestic manu-
factures were made on every hand. "Domestic manufactures, are
in every body's mouth — ^but not on every body's back. Less talk
and more action would look better. He that wears a suit of home-
spun, does more to encourage domestic manufactures than the whole

*• Quoted In Seioto TtUffrapK May 12. 1821.

••/Wd.

*T/6<d. Cf, article entitled "Our Soil." in PitUburg M^rewry, quoted by Seioto T^U-
graph, Aus. 26. 1821 : "Flour per bbL $1 ; whiskey 16 cents per gallon, good merchantable
pine boards 20 cents per 100 feet, sheep and calves one dollar per bead. .... One bushel and
a half of wheat will buy a pound of coffee, a barrel of flour will buy a pound of tea; 12 H
barrels will buy one yard of superfine broadcloth. Foreign goods are plenty, laid in on the best
terms. They are sold at a very moderate profit and very cheap. The merchant is very sorry
he has it not in his power to take produce in pajrment. He cannot remit it to Philadelphia;
but if the farmer will sell his flour, bacon and whiskey to somebody else, and procure the cash,
the goods can be had at almost first cost for specie and par money, but at a very small ad-
vance if paid in current paper. This is the condition of the western country. This is the
prospect of the farmer under our present system."

** Quoted by Seioto TeUgmpk, Feb. 12, 1821.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE WEST 109

herd of scribblers, who write so zealously on the subject," wrote
one zealous scribbler, who proposed the organization of clubs for
the purchase of the cloth output of local mills. This "would be of
more real advantage to society, than all the abuse that could in a
year be heaped on agents, brokers and merchants, by those who
wear their stuffs, and pay them exchanges, carriages and profits." ®^
"This looks like doing business," said the Supporter by way of
comment. "The purchaser will have the proud satisfaction of
Wearing the native product of his own country, and of doing more
towards establishing its real independence, than he could by killing

a myriad of its enemies It will be the only effecttuU way to

prevent our money travelling over the mountains for English cloths
— and will teach the storekeepers, through the medium of their
interests, that it will be better for them to sell domestic cloths

than none " »<>

"The proud satisfaction of Wearing native products" did not
prove to be an adequate motive to create a demand for the products
of the home manufacturer, and not all of the tirade against the
merchants who dealt in foreign goods served to drive them out of
business, as the advertisements in any contemporary newspaper
will show.*^ The lack of foreign demand continued to mean a
plethora of farm produce at low prices, while the fashion for for-
eign goods interfered with the growth of manufactures on a scale
sufficient to absorb the agricultural surplus. Then at last came the
conviction that the growth of agriculture had too far exceeded that
of manufactures, and that a more equal balance should be brought
about between them.*^ "For the interest of the farmer to be pro-

** Gr«€n§lmrgh Giu«tte, quoted by 8uv9orUr, Oet. 6, 1819.

••/Wd.

*^ Sueh Mhrmrtiacmenti as the following may be found in ahnott any paper in any Imim
of the period: "McCoy 4 Cnlbertwni .... have jnit re c e i ved an aiaortment of Spring and
Summer Goods, of which they are anxious to dispose Wholesale or BetaiL" Among the goods
are "fanpy Ginghams, Leghorn Bonnets, Tortoise Combs, French Prunella Shoes, Morocco shoes,
ribbons. Damask crape shawls. Real Merino shawls, silk umbrellas, figured ganse, painted
feather fans, superfine Russia drilling and Angola cassimere, for summer pantakwns," etc
SupporUr, May 8, 1820.

** Some of the plain people would have turned back to the days of the self-suAefcnt
household. Says "Dorothy Thrift" : "I want him [her husband] to raise flax and less rye. ....
[He] is in drt>t for this trash [India cottons], and his rye won't pay his debts, even if he
could raise ever so much. Year after year he wiB persist in this fatal practice; and every
year our stoek of sheep and cows diminishes, and we grow poorer and poorer; my girk are
idle for want of wool and flax." She compares this situation with that of her own girlhood,
when she and her sisters were busy daily with spinning the raw materials furnished by the
father, who "was delighted to see us clothed in the fktbrics of our own industry, and his
house furnished with substantial homespun in abundance. .... I win scold and fret to see
my girls idle* hardly decent in dress, my house furnished with eotton cobwebs and rags, and
an going to loss and ruin, for want of flax and wool, and wheels, mersly for want of mate-
rials. . . . ." Phmgh Boy, Quoted by SeieCe Ttkaraph, Oct. IS, 18S0.

110 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

moted, it is not only necessary to procure merchants to export his
produce, but it is also necessary to find a market where it can be
sold. In the present state of the world, the latter is the most diffi-
cult point to be gained. Plenty of merchants can be found, but only
few markets; consequently the surplus produce lies heavy on the
hands of the agriculturist " This writer argues that for-
eign countries receive only such of our exports as they must have,
and would pay for them if we took no goods in exchange. If, then,
we produced our own manufactures, the export trade would not
suffer, and a favorable balance would result. Referring to the for-
mer views of Jefferson, he continues, "The day is past when it was
prudent for America to have her work shops in Europe, and the
principal arguments in favor of that system are done away. *You
have neither capital nor knowledge sufficient to be your own manu-r
f acturers,' said the political economist of that day : 'you have mil-
lions of acres of fertile and productive land, and while your woods
continue to be uncultivated your business is agriculture, and you
have no business with manufacture which is only suitable for coun-
tries of dense population.' This reasoning would well apply pro-
vided our manufacturing shops were to be supplied with provisions
exclusively by us — ^but since we cannot obtain admission for our
produce in provisions into those shops, except in times of great
scarcity or famine — ^when they will not exchange with us their
manufactures for our com, our flour, and our pork — and since the
manufactures which we import far exceed the amount of such raw
material as we export, the balance must be paid in money, very
much to our disadvantage We have more land under culti-
vation than is necessary for the subsistence of our own citizens,
and more produce than we can find a market for in foreign coun-
tries. We have accumulated a capital greater than we can find
employment for either in agricultural or commercial pursuits — and

our population has at least doubled within twenty years Who

can say then .... that it is not full time for us to remove our work-
shops from Europe to America, and endeavor to do that for our-
selves which we have to pay other nations for doing for us. We
may boast of our liberty and independence in a political light, but
if we are independent of a British government, we are still depend-
ent on a British people — and that dependence must continue so
long as we suffer our workshops to remain in England.'' ••

_^ •^Cineinnati InQuintor Advertiser, April 2. 1822. Cf. article in Imh* of Jan. 27, 1828:
I "It appears pretty evident that there ia already too much land under enltiTation, wHnew tlM

DEVELOPMENT OF THE WEST 111

Such was the economic doctrine which sn^ipped the whole
Ohio Valley in the early twenties. Governors of states aided in its
dissemination. William Findlay, of Pennsylvania, in his message
of 1820, declared: "The limited demand for, and consequent low
prices of, our agricultural products in foreign markets, cannot fail
to suggest the necessity as well as the policy of promoting domes-
tic manufactures, which, if properly encouraged, would provide
a sufficient home market for all our surplus produce . . . ." •* Gov-
ernor Jonathan Jennings, of Indiana, anticipated the sentiment of
the Pennsylvania executive by a few days.®' Little by little the be-
lief in the necessity of home manufactures, and of the fostering
care of the government in order to obtain them, took hold of the
minds of the great majority of the people of the West**

price of its produee. What om can there be in cultivating land when its prodnee cannot find a
market? .... Does it not prove, to a moral certainty, that the time is arrived that they
[the people of the United States] should turn their attention to manufactures, when it evidently
appears that the produce of what land is already under cultivation cannot command a market
to advantage? Is it not plain to any unprejudiced person that when as much land Is under
cultivation as to reduce the profits of the husbandman to nearly nothing, when as much can
be produced in one year as can be disposed of in two, that the same effect must be produced
as if there was not another acre of land to cultivate. Is it not plain, we say, that something
ought to be done to find a market for this redundancy of produce, and to find emplojrment
for that portion of our population which must eventually be thrown out of emplojrment when
the sgriculturists relax in their exertions, a relaxation which is naturally to be expected when
they cannot have their produce taken off their hands? Yes, we say, now is the time for the
ranks of the manufacturer to increase. Agriculture has been pursued to its acme. The number
employed in it is disproportionate to that of the mechanical branch — and the true interest
of the whole community will be promoted by producing an equilibrium between them — the
want of employment, (to use the terms of the sensible writer before hinted at) has driven
mechanics into the wilds to make farmers of them — ^by which instead of customers have become
rivals to sgrieuHurists. And by this means the farming business is overdone

•« Seioto TeUgraph, Dec 21, 1820.

** ". . . . The surplus produce of the state, increasing in quantity and reduced in price,
has been greatly deficient in the amount of its proceeds, to meet the demands upon us which
have been created by the consumption of foreign objects of merchandise. .... To retrace these
errors, however fascinating, which national pride or false ambition may have produced; and
directing the future by a strict scrutiny of the past; by curtailing our consumption of foreign
articles, by the application of active industry, not Isn to domestic manufactures of every
description, than to the soil .... we may ere long be reinstated in our former independ-
ence. . . . ." ihid^ Dec 28.

** Light is cast on the process of education by the following extract : "A Farmer" writes
to the editor of the WeaUm HertMz "Being over the other day at the Squire's and happen*
ing to get into converuttion about the tariff and the support of domestic manufactures, both of
which I confess I was not disposed to encourage, on the ground that it would have a tendency
to interrupt our eoomiereial relations with England and would perhaps cause them to re-
taliate on us by throwing obstacles in our way, the squire informed me that there was a
regulation for some years past, which prevented our fiour and grain from entering their mar-
ket. Now Mr. Wilson, I want to make enquiry through the medium of your paper if any such
restriction does exist. (I think he called it a com law) . . . ." If correctly informed by the
"squire." the "Fanner" declares he will become a supporter of "all such measures as will
have a tendency to eonnteraet such restriction, and if we can not obtain a market abnMMl will
encourage the system which win afford a market at home" The editor eonflrms the "squire's"
infonnation, and asks: "Such being the case, the qocstion arises, Ooght we to receive the

112 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

When it was realized that Europe could not or would not re-
ceive the surplus products of western asrriculture, that fact was ac-
cepted as the explanation of the ''hard times/' and a new signifi-
cance was imparted to the old demand for a home market The in-
adequacy of the local western market had long been admitted by
implication, and with the new light in regard to the foreign demand
came new stress upon a domestic market as wide as the United
States. In the theory of a national economy which now replaced
the provincial economy in the contemplation of the West, internal
improvements held, of course, an essential place; but the protec-
tive tariff was relied upon as the means of redressing the balance
between agriculture and manufacturing, and by encouraging the
latter, of diverting a sufficient proportion of the population from
agriculture to render the two interests reciprocally supporting.*^

3. Divergence op West and South

Clay and Calhoun, with all their efforts to embrace nation-wide
interests in their thought, spoke as exponents of the West; that
is, their scheme of national policy fell in with the local interests of
the western section. Calhoun, representing a constituency in that
piedmont region from which so much of the western population
had sprung, and which was in 1816 still partly a region of farms ;
and Clay, from the state which was the first fruit of the trans-

products of any nation that will not take our product* in cxcbangt? Every ftemer can anawer
this Queetion." W€9t€m Heraid, April 10, 1824.

LaisatM faire arsruments are rare indeed but appear oecasionaUj. Witneit the follow-
ing: "American manufactures will flourish without any alterations of the present tariff, as far
M U it th€ gtnsral inUrest or lAe inttvtt or HAPPINESS of the sreat mass of our fallow
citisens that they should flourish." "I wish not to see the happy population of the New^
England states reduced to the level of a British weaving population. .... I wish not to see the
increased and overgrown population of cities and towns, which is the sure eauses [tieli <ti viee,
disease and poverty . . . ." The writer cites Jetferson's "Notes on Virginia," and adheres to the
former views of the author regardless of the change in the circumstances of the United States
and the western country. He also cites similar opinions held by FrankUn. Liberty HaO, quoted
by SupporUr, July 21 and 28, 1819.

*^ The intimate relation between western prosperity and the American system, and the
dependence of the West upon Federal action are illustrated by the complaint of the TFesfem
Htroid: "Unless the western country can prevail upon the government to promote means for
transporting its surplus agricultural produce to a certain and safe market, and unless their
manufactures be so protected as to be placed on a permanent footing, property will eoniinue
to depreciate, and poverty and misery will be our constant companions." Feb. 7, 1824.

"More foreign products has (tie) been imported than can be paid for. .... A few
years will be sufficient to correct the evil, the correction may be expedited or protracted as our
national legislature is wise or improvident, and as manufactures ars hastened or ddayed. The
doetrine that inculcates the propriety of letting commerce and manufactures find their own
level, and of, depending on themselves, is nonsense; manufactures never suceeeded in any
country without artificial aid . . . ." Supporttr, May 12, 1819, quoting Pkttikmw Chu€iU.

DIVERGENCE OP WEST AND SOUTH 118

montane misrration, derived their enthusiasm concerning the na-
tion's future from the very fact that it was developing so rapidly
in the West. "We are great, and rapidly — he was about to say fear-
fully — ^growing. This .... is our pride and danger — our weakness
and our strength .... Whatever impedes the intercourse of the
extremes with this, the centre of the Republic, weakens the Union.
.... Let us then .... bind the Republic together with a perfect
system of roads and canals.'' ®* Calhoun's advocacy of western
interests in this famous speech on the Bonus Bill was incidental to
his argument for national unity; but Clay soon afterwards spoke
avowedly as a western man, representing a new country which
needed means of communication as it did the breath of life, al-
though in almost the same breath he declared he spoke as a citizen
of the Union, looking forward to a great destiny, so closely were
the welfare of the West and of the nation associated in his think-
ing.*® In all of his advocacy of the American System, in fact. Clay
appears to the historian as the champion of the West, engaged in
an effort to persuade the other great sections into the belief that
their interests are in harmony with his great scheme of policy.*^
The reciprocal relation of the farmer and manufacturer was suf-
ficiently obvious, but in vain did he seek to reconcile the ship owner
and the planter to the idea of a national economy. The westward
movement in this period represented directly the progress of the
farming and planting interests. In the Southwest the planter

*' Annals, Fourteenth Cong., 2 less., 868.

••March 18, 1818. Works of Clay (Federal edition), VI. 116 ei §eq,

^•^ "I am aware that on two subjeete I have the misfortune to differ with many of my
Virginia frienda — internal improvements and home manufactures. My opinion has been
formed after much deliberation, and my best judgment yet teUs me that I am rishi. ....
I believe Virginia and the Southern States as much interested, directly or indirectly, as any
other parts of the Union in their encouragement. When the Government was first adopted
we had no interior. Our population was inclosed between the sea and the mountains which
run parallel to it. Since then the west part of srour State, the western parts of New York and
Pennsylvania, and all the Western States, have been settled. The wars of Europe have eon*
sumed all the surplus produce on both sides of the mountains. Those wars have terminated
and emigration has ceased. We find ourselves annually in possession of an immense surplus.
There is no market for it abroad ; there is none at home. If there were a foreign market, before
we, in the interior, could reach it, the intervening population would have supplied it. There
can be no foreign market adequate to the consumption of the vast and growing surplus of the
produce of our agriculture. We must, then, have a home market. Some of us must cultivate;
some fabricate. And we must have reasonable protection against the machinations of foreign
powers. On the sea-board you want a navy, fortifications, protection, foreign commerce. In the
interior we want internal improvements, home manufactures. You have what you want, and
object to our getting what we want. Should not the interests of both parties be provided for?

"It has appeared to me, in the administration of the general Government, to be a Just
principle to inonire what great interests bek>ng to each section of our country, and to promote
those interests, as fkr as practicable, consistently with the Constitation, having ahrayi an eye

114 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

pressed hard upon the heels of the pioneer farmer. Under the
stimulus of the growing demand of European factories for cot-
ton, "black belts" were forming everywhere in the alluvial lands
of the Gulf states by the mid-thirties. Capitalism as represented
by the plantation system outbid the small farmer at the land auc-
tions, or bought him out if already established, in either case send-
ing him onward to the new frontier or crowding him back into the
hills to swell the ranks of the "poor whites.""* Indirectly the
westward movement involved also the fortunes of the other two
great interests, maritime commerce and manufactures. The first
had suffered severely during the period of non-intercourse and war,
while the same events had stimulated domestic industry. In the
succeeding years ocean commerce continued to be affected adversely
by the forces which promoted manufactures. On the economic
side, in brief, the half-generation following the war of 1812 wit-
nessed a revolution in the relations of the great economic interests
and in the relations of the sections where their chief strength lay.
The farming interest, growing by leaps and bounds through the
rapid settlement especially of the Northwest, was growing in po-
litical power almost in the ratio of its territorial expansion. Much
the same was true of the planting interest in the Southwest Manu-
factures and ocean commerce, the one growing, the other declining,
the one capable of spreading over the Northwest the other localized
on the coast, held their futures subject in large measure to their
economic and political relations with the other interests.

I^he key to the national politics of the period 1816-1826 is to
be sought in the rivalries and shifting alliances of these interests
and of the sections where they centered. The "piedmontese" ex-
pansion of this era was a continuation of the movement which had

to the welfare of the whole. ABSuminff this prineiple» does any one doobt that If New York,
New Jersey, PennsylTsnia, Delaware, Maryland, and the Western States, eonstituted an inde-
pendent nation, it would immediately protect the important interests in question 7 And is It
not to be feared that if protection is not to be found for vital interests, from the existing
systems,, in great parts of the confederacy, those parts will ultimately seek to establish a sys*
tern that will afford the requisite protection? I would not, in the application of the principle
indicated, give to the peculiar interests of great sections ail the protection which they woukl
probably receive if thoee sections constituted separate and independent States. I would, however,
extend some protection, and measure it by balancing the countervailing interests, if there be
such, in other quarters of the Union. . . . ." Clay to Francis Brooke, Aug. 28, 1828. Work9, TV,
78 et 9eq,

^«^ Phillips, "Origin and Growth of the Southern Black Belts." C/. the typical ezperience
of Thomas Dabney, who removed from Virginia to Mississippi about 1886, where be aequlred a
plantation of four thousand acres by purchasing the land of half a dosen small fanneis. Gallsn*
der, Eean&mie Hittary, 642, quoting Smedes, M§moriai§ of a Soutk^m PVamUr.

DIVERGENCE OP WEST AND SOUTH 116

won the earlv West for Republicanism in its race with the Fed-,^^
eralist part^ Superficially it seemed to insure the continued domi-
nance of the triumphant party. On the side of party history, then,
the meaning of the period is to be sought in an answer to the
question, whether the Republican name and organization could
continue to hold together in fact the old party elements, now so
altered in their relations.

A divergent drift of the South and West, both professing the
Republican name, became apparent while Madison was still presi-
dent. With a regard for the letter of the constitution wortiiy of
the original traditions of the party, he vetoed the Bonus Bill, a
measure inspired in part by his own recommendation of the policy
of internal improvements.*®* Monroe, following in his footsteps,
announced to Congress in his first message his disbelief in their
right to promote such works without an amendment altering the
constitution."* To the leaders of the New School such literalism
seemed to make of the constitution itself a bar to the country's
progress. ''If we permit a low, sordid, selfish, and sectional spirit
to take possession of this House .... we will divide [disrupt the
Union]," cried Calhoun, not indeed in reply to Monroe's message,
but combatting a similar narrowness. The constitution ''ought to
be construed with plain, good sense," and the uniform sense of
Congress and the country had approved the power of appropriating
money for the improvement of the means of communication."*
Clay referred to the views of the administration group as a "water-
gruel regimen," an interpretation which would construe the Con-
stitution to a dead letter and reduce it to an inanimate skeleton.
The rule of construction, he urged, must not "forget the purposes
of the Constitution, and the duties you are called on to^ fulfill, that
of preserving the union being one of the greatest magnitude." Was
the Constitution, with its grant of power to establish post offices
and post roads and to regulate commerce between the states, made
for the Atlantic margin of the country only? "Every man who

^®* Richardaon, M^nag— of th» PruidtnU, I. 684. A hint of his eoiutitotional teniplM
WM contained in the meMace of 1816» but wm unheeded by Conffrees: "It is a happy reflection
that any defect of constitutional authority which may be encountered can be supplied in a mods
which the Constitution itself has providently pointed out." C/. Jefferson's recommendation in
messages of 1806 and 1808 (Ford, Writino* of Jtffwrmm, Vm, 498; X 224) ; and comments
on Madison's veto in contemporary correspondence (ibid., X, 80, 91, «e pat^m).

^•* Richardson, M— 90949. II, 18. C/. Madison to Monroe. Dec 27, 1817 ; Work9 of Modi'
9on (Conirress edition), m, 66-68.

^^AtmoU, FoortMnth Con«., 2 sees., 868 st seg.

116 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

looks at the Constitution in the spirit to entitle him to the charac-
ter of a statesman, must elevate his views to the height which this
nation is destined to reach in the rank of nations. We are not legis-
lating for this moment only, or for the present generation, or for
the present populated limits of the United States; but our acts
must embrace a wider scope, — ^reaching northwestward to the Pa-
cific, and southwardly to the river Del Norte. Imagine this extent
of territory covered with sixty, or seventy, or an hundred millions
of people. The powers which exist in this government now will
exist then ; and those which will exist then exist now." *®"

Believing that Congress possessed adequate powers under the
constitution as it stood. Clay and his supporters refused to jeo-
pardize the rights of the national legislature by referring them to
the hazard of an amendment which might not carry.^^

Thus differing with Monroe over what Clay regarded as fun-
damental, it is hardly necessary to refer the leadership of the op-
position, which presently fell to Clay, to personal pique over the
appointment of Adams instead of himself as secretary of state.
Indeed, the clash over constitutional construction between the Old
School presidents and the leaders of the New Republicanism was
the first appearance of a breach which was to become permanent,
and which was to widen until the party was hopelessly divided.
The vetoes by presidents on constitutional grounds of measures of
which they approved when judged on their intrinsic merits repre-
sented an attitude which was presently replaced by an opposition
to nationalizing measures per se, and which assumed the doctrine
of strict construction as a convenient weapon of defence.^^^ In

^^* AnnaU, Fifteenth Conff., 1 aeae., I. 1165 €t 99q. Cf. speech of Henry St. Georg«
Tucker, one of the New School Republicans from Virginia, ibid., 1116. On the negative side,
see speeches of Senator James Barbour, of Virginia, ibidL, Fourteenth Cong., 2 sess., 898 ; Fif-
teenth Cong., 1 sess., I, 1161 ; and proposed amendment, ibid., 21*22.

^0* WorkB of Clay, VI, 117. Cf. Tucker: "But why. it is asked, not amend the Consti-
tution 7 The answer is easy. Those who do not believe we possess the power, are right in
wishing an amendment. Those who believe we have it, would be wrong in referring it to the
States; and as the Committee were of this opinion, they could not recommend an amendment.
For, if an amendment be recommended, and should not be obtained, we should have sur^
rendered a power which we are bound to maintain if we think we possess it." Annala, Fif-
teenth Cong., 1 sess., I, 1119. For efforts to amend, see ibid,, 21-22 (Barbour) ; Seventeenth
Cong., 2 sess., 200 (Smith) ; Eighteenth Cong., 1 sess., I, 184 ee mq, (Van Buren).

^^"^ As late as 1824 Jefferson's objection to internal improvements was aeadcmie— -laek
of constitutional power. "I suppose," he wrote, "there is not a State, perhaps not a man in
the Union, who would not consent to add this to the powers of the general government." To
Edward Livingston, April 4, 1824. Ford, WrttingB of Jtfforton, Z, 800. Yet he was leady
(1826) to have the state legislature declare internal improvement kgislation null and void.
Ibid,, X, 869.

DIVERGENCE OP WEST AND SOUTH 117

other words, behind Presidents Madison and Monroe was the sea-
board South, which became the seat of a marked reaction against
the nationalism which dominated the country at the opening of the
era, the seat of a revived insistence upon sectional interests and
state rights. This reaction had its mainspring in antagonism to
the American System and the nationalism toward which the West
was so steadily tending.^®*

The cotton-raising region was hopelessly out of the range of
the benefits expected from the development of the home market.
In 1816 the argument for protection to develop home manufactures
of necessaries as a means of national defence won a measure of
acquiescence in the South. Lowndes, of South Carolina, as chair-

^^* In Vlrvinia Um reaction paraUeled the decline of the influence of the state in federal
affairs. The retirement of the Old School leaders save place for a sroup of joxLnger men who
broke with the New School led by Clay and Calhoun, and attacked their nationalising ten-
dencies. Judge Spencer Roane» of this group, became conspicuous for his criticism of the
decisions of the supreme court. (Articles signed "Algernon Sidney," in Riehmond Snouirtr,
March-Auffust, 1821. See comment of John Quincy Adams, in M^moirB, V, 864). P. P. Bar-
bour and John Tyler were of this party, and John Randolph acted with them. Their agitation
did much to revive and disseminate the old dogmas of strict construction and state rights.
Jefferson reverted to his former views in these years of controversy. Cf. Ambler, Ritchie, 78,
82-88. John Taylor contributed to the reaction by his writings on government. Of Canttrueiion
Conatrusd, published in 1820, Jefferson wrote: "It is the most logical retraction of our gov-
ernments to the original and true principles of the constitution creating them, which has ap-
peared since the adoption of that instrument." Washington, Worka of Jefferson, VH, 218. The
next year (1826) Jefferson proposed to Madison a protest by Virginia against the policy of
the administration in the matter of internal improvements, to be made in terms of the reso-
lutions of 1798. Ford, Writinge of Jeffereon, X, 869.

Madison did not foUow the reaction to its extreme. His views in this period are quite
consistent with his nationalism in the days of the formation of the constitution. See Worke
(Congress edition), m, 246, 826, 488; IV, 19, 210, 296, et passim, Monroe also took a middle
ground. C/. document accompanying his message of 1822, vetoing the Cum^rland Road BilL

The great decisions of the supreme court (notably Martin v. Hunter's Lessee, 1816; Mc-
Culloch V. Maryland, 1819; Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 1819; and Cohens v. Virginia, 1821),
under the dominance of the powerful mind of the former Federalist John Marshall, were in
such striking harmony with the constitutional views of the New School Republicans that Jef-
ferson referred to the latter as "pseudo-republicans but real federalists" (Washington, Writings
of Jefferson, VII, 278), and described the judiciary as the "subtle corps of sappers and miners
constantly working under ground to undermine the foundations of our confederated fabric
.... construing our constitution from a co-ordination of a general and special government
to a general and supreme one alone." Letter to Ritchie, Dec. 26, 1820, ibid., VII, 192. C/. 212,
228, 294. "The original objects of the federalists were, 1st, to warp our government more to
the form and principles of monarchy, and, 2d, to weaken the barriers of the State governments
as co-ordinate powers. In the flrst they have been so completely foiled by the universal spirit
of the nation, that they have abandoned the enterprise, shrunk from the odium of their old
appellation, taken to themselves a participation of ours, and under the pseudo-republican
mask, are now aiming at their second object, and strengthened by unsuspecting or apostate re-
cruits from our ranks, are advancing f^t towards an ascendancy." To Judge Johnson, June
12, 1828. Ibid., 298. Contrast Madison's views as shown by comment on McCulloch v. Maryland,
in letter to Judge Roane, Sept. 2, 1819 {Works, Congress edition. III, 148 et seq.) ; and on
Cohens v. Virginia, in letter to same. May 6, 1821 (ibid., 217 et sen.) See NiUe Register, TVU,
811 ; XX, 118 ; XXI, 404, for Virginia legislature on supreme court

118 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

man of the Ways and Means Committee, introduced the tariff bill
of that year, and it had no more ardent supporter in any section
than Calhoun. The South cast twenty-three votes in favor of the
bill. Two members of the South Carolina delegation besides
Lowndes and Calhoun supported it on its passage.^^* Yet these lost
their seats at the next election, and Calhoun was charged by resi-
dents of his district with having sacrificed his state to his presi-
dential aspirations."® In fact, the South cast thirty-four of the
fifty-four votes against the measure, the rest coming from the com-
mercial regions of the northern coast. John Randolph, refusing to
be persuaded by the arguments of the nationalists, insisted upon
presenting the case in its sectional aspects. "It eventuates in this :
whether you, as a planter will consent to be taxed, in order to hire
another man to go to work in a shoemaker's shop, or to set up a
spinning jenny. For my part I will not agree to it, even though
they should, by way of return, agree to be taxed to help us plant
tobacco ; much less will I agree to pay all, and receive nothing for
it. No, I will buy where I can get manufactures cheapest, I will not
agree to lay a duty on the cultivators of the soil to encourage ex-
otic manufactures; because, after all, we should only get much
worse things at a much higher price, and we, the cultivators of the
country, would in the end pay for all." "^ The case of the planter
could hardly be more concisely stated, and if he would not sacri-
fice himself for the good of the whole country, it was not to be
expected that he would become reconciled to the protective policy
when its aim ceased to be primarily associated with the national
defence. In relation to the market at home and abroad the posi-
tion of the planter was essentially different from that of the farmer.
He suffered from no such lack of market in Europe as that which
depressed grain farming. On the contrary, as the producer of a
raw material which could not be grown in Europe, nor ansrwhere so
advantageously as in the rich, cheap lands of the Gulf Plains, he
enjoyed the control of a monopolist over a commodity for which
the demand was increasing. While the countries of Europe, ad-
justing themselves to peace conditions after the downfall of Na-
poleon, were resuming cultivation and placing restrictions upon
the food supplies exported from the United States, they were wel-

^^* AnnaU, Fourteenth Cong., 1 seas., 1862.

iio Houston, D. F., CriHeal Study of NiUUAoatian i» South CaroU/ua, 6.

^^^ AnnaU, Fourteenth Cong., 1 leM., 687.

DIVERGENCE OF WEST AND SOUTH 119

coming southern cotton. Especially in England, manufacturing
methods, a generation ahead of continental processes, thanks to
the inventive genius of the eighteenth century and to the fostering
care of the government, were expanding the textile industry so
rapidly as to tax the productive capacity of the westward-moving
plantation area of the southern states. Under such conditions the
cotton region had but slight interest in the development of the
textile industry at home as it would add inconsiderably to a de-
mand already ample. On the contrary, the cost of manufactured
goods consumed by the staple states would be increased by the
tariff, whether imported or purchased from the domestic manufac-
turer. Nor was the prosperity of the cotton belt uniform. Al-
though increased production caused lower prices, the decline did
not seriously depress the grower on the newer lands, while many
of those who occupied the impoverished or less fertile soils of the
coast states found themselves on or below the economic margin.
On these the tariff laid a serious burden. Thus the South, while
agreed in its dislike of the tiariff , was divided in the degree of its
opposition, the chief antagonism springing from the seaboard.^^'

The growth of the opposition to the tariff may be traced by
means of memorials to Congress, resolutions of state legislatures
and other bodies, and speeches of southern members of Congress.
Beginning as an agitation against the proposed law of 1820, they
increased in number and vehemence until the climax was reached
in the attempt at nullification. In general, they elaborated the
economic argument which has been outlined, appealed to the the-
ory that government should not interfere with the natural course
of industry, especially where such interference favors one interest
at the expense of others, attacked the constitutionality of protec-
tion, and pointed out the dangerous political tendencies of federal
activity. A few examples drawn from the literature of opposition
will serve to illustrate the harmony of sentiment which prevailed
from Virginia to Georgia. A meeting at Petersburg, Virginia, in
1820, passed resolutions declaring: " . . . . The idea of coercing a
people to manufacture among themselves articles which they can

^^' The tituatioii of the tohaeco, rice, and tuflrmr planters should be differentiated from
that of the cotton planters, but in general they acted together, and further discrimination
would be an unnecessary refinement for the purposes of this study. For anti-tariff analysis of
the American System in the tobacco-growing district, see editorials of the Riekmond Snguirtr.
Other anti-tariff memorials are printed in AnnaU, Eighteenth Cong.» 1 sees., U, App^ S076
9t mq.

120 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

purchase abroad at a much lower price than they can produce
them at home, we conceive to be equally repu^rnant to justice, to

policy, and to the principles of the constitution The powers

necessary to execute such measures we consider as too despotic
to have been delegated by the American people to their Govern-
ment, and such as we cannot suspect our representatives of wishing
to assume, by the instrumentality of inference or construction." ^^*
The Roanoke Agricultural Society memorialized Congress asking
to be let alone. "Identity of feeling and interest is the cement of
our Union. Without it, the component parts of our confederacy
must hang too loosely together to withstand the jars to which it
must be exposed. That identity would be destroyed by a rigid sys-
tem of prohibitory duties. In the nature of man, it cannot be ex-
pected that the agricultural [planting] and commercial portions
of the Union could experience any other feeling than that of the
bitterest hatred towards the manufacturing interest, by whom
they would be burdened to the utmost of their power to bear ; they
would cease to feel as members of one great family.

"We have no favors to ask at the hands of Government. All
we require is, to be left to ourselves, and to our own resources.
As we desire not to interefere with others, we hope and trust not
to be interfered with." ^^*

In Congress Mr. Tatnall of Georgia spoke for the lower South.
"We do not complain upon slight occasion. No, sir, the Southern
States have never been querulous in their character. Whenever
the national benefit has been the object, they have freely yielded
up all that you have required But it is impossible the South-
em planter can ever afford to give you the price at which you offer
at present to furnish your goods. To compel him, therefore, to
buy at your market, is tyranny; and the taking advantage of his
necessities to exact from him a higher price than the value of the
article, is robbery ; and robbery of the most impudent kind ! . . . .
Are you prepared, by passing this infernal bill, to add to a poverty
which is already wearing one portion of our country to the bone,
for the purpose of supplying the appetites of a'few pampered na-
bobs? Such a policy is disgraceful to a free people. It is incon-

^^* tbidL, Sixteenth Cong., 2 scm., 1490.

^^* Dated Clarksville, Meeklenbuxv Co.. Va., Dee. 1, 1820. ibid., 1622. See petiUon alio
of delesatee of the United Airrieultural Societies of Prince George, SoBsex, Surrey, Petenhurs,
Brunswick, Dinwiddie, and lale of Wight Countiet, Va. ibid,, 1617.

DIVERGENCE OF WEST AND SOUTH 121

sistent with our institutions, and will be destructive of our happi-
ness. And is it thought that we will tamely submit to this treat-
ment? No, sir, we cannot. By Heaven, sir, we will not! . . . ." "'
A memorial of a meeting of citizens of Charleston set forth the
objections of South Carolinians as held in 1820. "The great plea
for taxation advanced in this case is, that domestic manufactures
will make us independent of foreign nations. This is certainly im-
portant in itself ; but, when advanced as a ground for forcing arti-
ficially the production of everything we want, the plea is every

way fallacious If, under a new system, the surplus labor of

an individual will procure for him but one-half of the articles of
consumption which he has hitherto been accustomed to receive for
the same labor, what compensation will it be to him to know that
this diminished supply was produced in his own country, or even
on his own farm? .... How much more simple and wise is it for
each nation to raise or manufacture those articles which are most
congenial to its soil and to the habit of the people, and exchange
its superfluous productions for the productions of other climates

and other conditions of society Neither should it be forgotten

how hostile to the general spirit of our Constitution is every sys-
tem of restriction, of monopoly, or particular privileges "

The impossibility of developing manufactures within the state is
then mentioned to explain why it must continue to devote itself
to planting, and the effects of the protective system upon the
planter are analyzed. "It is, therefore, peculiarly our interest that

our interchange with the world should be free It is equally

our interest that the articles we are compelled to consume should
be procured on the most advantageous terms." "• Four years later
a committee of Charleston citizens renewed the protest of 1820,
viewing with alarm the tendency towards a permanent system
of protectionism. The state was now feeling the strain of compe-
tition with the new cotton lands, with low prices prevailing in
the European market. While the former objections still held, the
former prosperity was gone. While the citizens of the State might
formerly have regarded protective measures, if not without dis-
approbation, at least without dismay, and have acquiesced with-
out much murmuring, certainly without violent resistance, matters
now stood very differently, owing to the glut of cotton in the

^i> Jan. SO. 182S. IhUL, Seventeenth Cong., 2 eeie., 766.
^^* !Wd., Sixteenth Cony., 2 leM., 1606.

122 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

European market and the low price. "It is manifest that the
extraordinary prosperity which South Carolina, in conmion wilh
the other Soutiiem States, enjoyed some years ago, is gone for-
ever, and it will require all the skill and industry of our agricul-
turists, in future, to maintain their place in the market, even at
the most reduced prices of produce/' They regarded the occasion
as so alarming as to call for an emphatic declaration that the pro-
posed tariff measure violated the spirit; of the constitution, and
proceeded to discuss the nature of the Union and the powers of
Congress under the constitution, at some length.^^^

In the declining price of cotton the West found reason to hope
that the South might make common cause in support of the Ameri-
can System, in order to create a home demand. ''Late occurrences
in the European market induce us to believe our plans will not be
so strenuously opposed in the southern section of our country,''
remarked a western paper in 1819. "The price of their produce
must continue to fall, and it will soon be their interest to encour-
age a consumption of the raw material at home " "* The two

great obstacles which prevented Congress from giving proper sup-
port to manufactures, according to Matthew Lyon, addressing the
KentiLcky Reporter, were the influence of the conmiercial region
on the northeast coast, and the low estimate placed by the South
on domestic manufactures. "The people [of the South] are afraid
if domestic manufactures were encouraged by prohibitive or pro-
tecting duties, they would have to give a cent or two a yard more
for cloth manufactured in New England .... than they now do
for cloth manufactured in Old England, and they would begrudge
it, although the New England cloth should be four cents a yard
the best — and although the time cannot be far distant when the
principal market for their cotton must be derived from Ameri-
can manufacture " "• Gloomy paragraphs in the southern

press contributed to this illusory hope. "Cotton, our staple article
of export," the MiUedgeville (Ga.) Journal is quoted as saying,
"is daily declining in price, and will, in a short time not be worth
the cultivation. The consumption of cotton manufactures has
already arrived at its utmost extent ; but the produ^ction of the ar-
ticle itself may be increased a thousand fold. This circumstance

^^T/bict., Eiffhtocnth Cong., 1 scm., App., U, S076.

^^* PitUhuro GaM€tU, quoted by 5«ppoit#r, Majr 12, 1819.

^^* Quoted by Suppartmr, Oet 6, 1819.

DIVERGENCE OF WEST AND SOUTH 123

will keep down our market generally . • • . but there is another cause
that will operate on the market of the southern states. The Eng-
lish are encouraging its cultivation in their East India colonies
judiciously and extensively. It is true it is not so good as ours,
but the manufacturers say it is good enough for their purposes.
Hence our trade in it will be destroyed just as certain as our indigo
trade was destroyed in the year 1779 by the same policy." "® "The
cotton planters of the southern states seem to have great antipathy
to domestic manufactures/' says the Cincinnati Inquisitor Adver-
tiser, ''lest their encouragement should operate against conmierce,
and thereby affront their customers the English. But we should
think that they ought to be the first that would encourage them,
in order to procure customers at home for their produce that is
now become a mere drug in the British market. We should sup-
pose that when upland cotton has been reduced to about 9 cents
per lb., after all tiie expense of freight and insurance — that they
might be among the first to call out for encouragement for domes-
tic manufactures in order to find customers for that redundancy

of cotton which has so powerfully operated to bring down the
»> 111

«. * . •

price.

The spread of cotton culture westward expanded the market
for the food products of the farms of the Northwest, and the grow-
ing intercourse between that section and the South fostered the
faith of the former in the practicability of the sectional reciprocity
aimed at by the American System.^'* But the South persisted in
its way of thinking. The milder tone of the more prosperous state
of Alabama, but at the same time the clear perception by the south-
erners of the sectional alignment on the tariff question, is shown by
the speech of Owen in the House of Representatives, on the bill of
1824 : ''He summed up the policy of the bill as amounting to this,
that the East and the West must co-operate, and the South must
submit and contribute. He reprobated this policy as not calculated

i«0 5etoto T^graph, July 7* 1821. C/. ttatemenU in lame article eoneeminff eonditioiifl
M set forth by the Montgomery RejmbKean,

1'^ January 27, 182S.

lis "xiie state of North Carolina, heretofore noted for the qoality and exeellenee of its
Pork, sent ehiefly to the Virginia markets, is now indebted for large supplies of this artiele to
Kentucky and Tennessee. The cultiTation of cotton in this state has produced this new order
of things." dneinnaH tnqmoitor Advortioer, Jan. IS, 1828, quoting North CwroUna Regittor.
Cf. Callender, "Early TransporUtion and Banking Enterprises," 126; also CaOender, Soonomio
Hittory, 2»0 ot mq.

124 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

for the benefit of the whole Union." "^ The territory adversely af-
fected was defined by Randolph in the course of this debate. ''Here
is a district of country extending from the Patapsco to the Gulf of
Mexico, from the Allegany [mountains] to the Atlantic, a dis-
trict which .... raised five-sixths of all the exports of this country
that are of home growth .... I bless God that, in this insulted,
oppressed, and outraged region, we are, as to our counsels in re-
gard to this measure, but as one man, that there exists on the sub-
ject but one feeling and one interest." ^** His further words show
the growing violence of the opposition. "We are proscribed, and
put to the ban ; and if we do not feel, and feeling do not act, we are
bastards to those fathers who achieved the Revolution ; then shall
we deserve to make our bricks without straw .... I do not stop
here, sir, to argue about the constitutionality of this bill .... I
have no faith in parchment .... I have faith in the power of that
Commonwealth, of which I am an unworthy son, in the power of
those Carolinas, and of that Georgia .... which went with us
through the valley of the shadow of death, in the war of our in-
dependence. . . ." "*

The southern seaboard developed likewise an opposition to the
other important feature of the American System, that is, the
policy of national aid to internal improvements. Before the spread
of the plantation system into the interior of the South Atlantic
states, considerable interest had been displayed in local roads and
canals to afford access for the farmers of the interior to the sea-
port towns. Before the close of the eighteenth century, the Santee
canal, by connecting Charleston with the river which gave the canal
its name, had shortened the distance between the inland farms and
the city, affording the one a readier market and the other cheaper
supplies. The Chesapeake and Ohio and James River Canal pro-
jects were likewise designed to tap the uplands and ultimately the
Ohio Valley."* But while Baltimore held its own with Philadel-
phia for a time, the southern states soon fell hopelessly behind the
northern in the competition for the trade of the transalleghany

^"AnnaU, Biffhtoentli Cong., 1 scm.. I. 1660.

^** Ihid., U, 2960.

^** tbid, A yrj tempermte criticism of Um protoctiye policy, from the viewpoint of the
Old School Republican* is made by Madison in a letter to Clay, dated April 24, 1824, written
in acknowledsment of a copy of the letter's speech on the tariff of 1824. Cited ofrove, M,
/. n. 62.

1'* PhilUps, U. B., TrtmnKMrtation in tk$ Bottom Cotton Bett, 16, 16.

DIVERGENCE OF WEST AND SOUTH 125

region. The higher mountains precluded all possibility of canal
connection, and not until the advent of the railroad were the con-
ditions north and south somewhat equalized. Meantime, with the
advance of staple growing in the interior interest even in the local
roads and canals declined in the eastern cotton belt. The market-
ing of cotton could be done when teams were idle, for the crop did
not suffer from long hauls over poor roads. The planters con-
sidered the loss of time less serious than the cost of toll on the turn-
pikes, and the roads constructed at an earlier date fell into disuse
during the twenties."^ . The western South showed more interest
in the proposals of national turnpikes and improvements in water
courses, and as late as 1824 Governor Troup of Georgia wrote to
President Monroe urging the claim of his state to a share of the
benefit under the survey act, and suggesting canals to connect the
Savannah with the Tennessee and the St. Marys with the Su-
wanee."® Tennessee was the scene of similar agitation.^** In
this matter as in the tariff question, the South was not wholly
united, but as the association of the two policies in the American
System became clear, the seaboard, lacking any positive interest
to enlist its support for the policy of improvements, placed both
equally under the ban of its disapprobation.

It is clear to the historian tiiat by 1824 the basis of the old
party system was gone. The Federalist organization, quitting the
field in 1816, had left the Republicans in undisputed possession.
But as the growth of the West had destroyed the one, so now it had
in turn destroyed the other. The Republicans retained, it is true,
the old party name and the semblance of an organization. But
the two geographical sections which shared the name were as wide-

ly zwet, 12.

i**Phmipt, U. B., G^ttrgia and State RightB, 114. The western portion of the tobacco
states showed considerable interest in improved means of communication with the coast. See
petition of Virginians asking co-operation of the federal government in the James River Canal
project, Nilea RegUter, Xm, 126. Politically this portion of Virginia, so lonff in conflict with
the tidewater, inclined strongly to affiliate with the Ohio Valley, as did also western Penn-
sylvania and New York. This fact gave Clay a real basis for expecting support in the cam-
paign of 1824. For the same reason Virginia was divided somewhat in its attiti&de towards
the Adams administration. Ambler. SeettonaUtnn, and Ritchie. As late as 1882, the LyneMmrg
Virginian^ discussinff "the constant migration to the ffreat West of our most substantial citi-
sens .... and the declension of our business," remarked: "It is idle to talk of the blasting
effects of the Tariff system. We suffer most from our failure to keep pace in buildinir inter-
nal improvements." Commons, John R., et at, A Daeumentary Hietory of American tn/duetricA
Soetety, 11, 196-197. The reactionary Virginian party opposed the federal policy of internal
improvements vehemently. See Ames, State Doenmente, 140-148.

1** See above, 108, /. n. 68 ; 104, /. n. 71.

126 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

ly separated as the poles in their views of national policy, in their
votes on specific measures, and in their interpretation of the con-
stitution."® They knew that they were at odds ; nothing remained
of the party, indeed, but the name."^ The decade following the
War of 1812 was, in short, a period of disintegration for both of
the old parties, during which their several elements, with the addi-
tion of the elements contributed by the growing West, were poured
into the melting pot to emerge in new forms and combinations.

1*0 Cf, Ambler. RxUhiB, 82-88.

iti "How long shall we be compelled to tuifer bjr that eontraeted view of oar public in-
terests, which .can embrace only the growth of cotton and tobacco, and the necessary means
to provide for these articles, a profitable foreign market, we pretend not to say." NoHoniU
jR«sm62iocm attd Ohio PoUtieal RtgitUr, March 4, 1828.

'*The question is not now whether this candidate or that is a democrat or a federalist,
but whether he is a friend or an opponent to domestic industry and internal improvements."
fFsstem Heratd, quoted in Sujnf<^t^» Aug. 2, 1828.

CHAPTER V
TENDENCIES TOWARDS REALIGNMENT OF PARTIES

The main task for which this study was undertaken has now
been completed ; that is, to show that both the Federalist and Re-
publican parties, based on conditions connected with the geo-
graphical development of the United States up to the beginning of
the constitutional period, were destroyed before 1825 in conse-
quence of the changes incident to further geographical develop-
ment. But the decade ending in 1825 was a period of party re-
formation as well as disintegration, and by the close of it the new
party alignment was becoming fairly distinct. We can not fitly end
our study, therefore, without a survey of the chief forces which
shaped the new parties.

It seemed for a time that the contest over the admission of
Missouri might lead to a new organization of parties on the basis
of the slavery issue.^ The opposition to the admission of the new
state sprang from two sources. The distrust of the West which
the Federalists had shown survived the party and, when the Miss-
ouri question arose, still appreciably affected portions of the East ;'
the growing dislike of slavery affected the whole Northwest as well
as the East, and tended to unite the Republicans of that region
with the former Federalists in common antagonism to the spread
of the institution.

Most prominent among the opponents of the new state was
Rufus King, at this time senator from New York. His speech of
February, 1819,* became the arsenal from which congressmen,

^Hoekett, H. a, ''Rnfas King and the MiaMnuri Compromite/* in Mi§90wri Hittarieal
JUvUw, U, 211-220.

* See abov€t 67, /. n. 6S ; 76, /. n. 98. The tone in which eutemen eommonly r e f e r red
to the people of the Weet ia indieafed by the foUowins: '*How do the wUd men of tk€ «OMi
reUth a treaty that .... doee not provide for the eztinetioil of the Indiana and the aaaomp-
tion of the 'appermoat' Canadaa?" Jamea Emott to Rufaa King. Feb. 19, 1816. King, Lift
of Kino, V, 472. [Italiea mine.]

"A gentleman of inteUigenee Informa ua, that a moat aingolar and audden change haa
taken place in the minda of the inhabitanta of oar citiea with reapeet to the weatem country
[becanae of the preaaure of hard timea, which tamed the thooghta of many towarda the Weat]
The name but lately waa aaaociated with everything diaagreeable and aneomfortable ; it waa
aaed in imrmrit9 for tike pwrpom of frigKUning ehUdron." [ItaUca mine.] SupporUr, May 12,
1819, qnoting PUUhurg Goaatta.

C/. the daaeription of the emigranta and their motivea, in Dwight'a TfWPolM, U, 468

•NOaa RogitUr, Dm. 4, 1819.

127

128 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

newspaper writers, and other agitators drew their arguments dur-
ing the whole contest. So marked was the effect of the movement
in uniting the Federalists and Republicans throughout the North
and West, and so central a figure was King, that many persons be-
lieved, with John Quincy Adams, that King had set on foot a con-
cert of measures which should form the basis of a new alignment
of parties.* This opinion was supported by the stress which King
placed upon the injustice of extending the political power of slav-
ery, which seemed to outweigh in his mind its moral evils. Slave
representation, he pointed out in his senate speech, already gave
the southern states twenty representatives and twenty presidential
electors more than their white population would entitle them to.
The constitutional provision for such representation was an an-
cient settlement which faith and honor were bound not to disturb.
But it was a settlement between the thirteen original states, and
its extension to the new states which Congress might now be willing
to admit would be unjust and odious. The states whose power
would be abridged could not be expected to consent to it. The right
of Congress to provide for the gradual abolition of slavery in Mis-
souri he found to be implied in the constitutional provision that
"Congress may admit new states."

The antecedents of King's views are easily recognized. In the
denunciation of the extension of southern power through the ad-
mission of new states in the West, we encounter again the old preju-
dice shown by Federalists in the constitutional convention, and at
the time of the Louisiana Purchase and of the admission of the
State of Louisiana. In the constitutional argument, too, we find
an attempt to give to that instrument an interpretation according
with the wishes of Gouvemeur Morris and his associates, of whom
King was one, when they framed the clause to which appeal was
now made.'^ Notwithstanding the well-nigh universal favor with
which the anti-Missouri program met for awhile in the North, the
country presently recognized the association of these doctrines
with Federalism. Nor did the fact that King had been a leader
of that party and the recipient of the last electoral votes which it
cast, serve as a disguise for this association. The Republicans
therefore grew suspicious, deeming the agitation a "federalist
movement, accruing to the benefit of that party," and believing

* Adams, Mmnoir^, VI, 629.

• See abov, 46-60, 69-71, 78-76.

REALIGNMENT OF PARTIES 129

that King hoped to organize a sectional party on anti-slavery prin-
ciples, under Federalist leadership, and strong enough to dominate
the Union/ That such was his conscious purpose is unproven and
unlikely, but the belief seems to have caused a defection of both ,
Republicans and Federalists from the anti-Missouri phalanx ;^ and |
the vote of northern members for the compromise may find its ex- ,
planation in this way. There is even evidence that President Mon-
roe was induced to forego his contemplated veto of the compromise
bill, at the risk of forfeiting the endorsement of Virginia for a sec-
ond term as president, by a conviction that the compromise would
defeat the machinations of King.^

Here, then, was a question, originating in the process of west-
ward expansion, which shows a new tendency — a tendency for the
Northwest to sever its alliance with the Old South and to form a
connection with that eastern section which had formerly been the
seat of antagonism to it. With the progress of the frontier, in ^
short, the Northeast was forgetting its earlier antipathy to the
Ohio Valley, and stretching out its hands to it in common hatred of r
the type of institution which was appearing beyond the limits of the
territory to which the Ordinance of 1787 applied.* South as well
as north of the river, besides, the course of western economic de-
velopment, which had brought it into conflict with the planting '
region, had given it affinity for the new industrialism of the North-
east. "The West," said the Western Herald in 1823, "has no in-
terest distinct from the interest of the grain growing and manu- ^
facturing states to the east.'' ^^ The stage was set for a political
revolution.

* Benton, Thomas H., Thirty Ytars^ View, I, 10. "Let Missouri continue her efforti |
.... and a reaction may be produced which will prostrate those Hartford Convention men
who now predominate in the north, and ffiye the victory to the friends of the union and to
the repubUeans of the Jefferaonian aehooL" [Italics mine.] St. Louie Enquirer, quoted in
NHe§ Regieter, XVm, 871 (Feb. 8. 1821).

T Gore to Kins, Jan. 28. 1820, King, Life of King, VI, 269.

* Congreeeional Globe, Thirtieth Conff., 2 sess., App., 68-67. See also Barbour Corre*
spondence, in William ft Mary College Quarterly, X, 6-24. Cf. Ambler, Ritchie, 78-79.

* "I shall not be at all surprised if the Mo. affr. shd. strew the seeds of a new state

of things agt. the next 4 yrs. after Mr. Monroe's next term " R. H. Goldsborough, a

MaryUnd Federalist, wrote to King, March 13, 1820. King, Life of King, VI, 807. "It does
appear to me that the country' has not so soon recovered from the Missouri question, and that
the Eastern States, if they find the South and West too strong, will be inclined to cry out
'No Slavery,' and by these means compel Ohio and the Western free states to abandon their
choice [Clay for president] and unite in this policy." Edward King to Rnfos King, Jan. 28,
1828. Ibid., 497^

^•Marvh 1.

;

130 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

The adoption of the Missouri Compromise practically removed
the slavery issue as a factor in the reshaping of parties, although
some echoes of it were heard during the campaign of 1824, leaving
the chief role in the readjustment of the political relations of sec-
tions to be played by economic questions. Only on the surface was
the campaign of 1824 a personal contest among men holding ''com-
mon Republican principles." The persistence of the old party
name has served to disguise the wide divergence in the views of the
candidates, and the colorless character of the statements made on
behalf of some of them has tended the same way. In reality such
statements usually emanated from the prudence which perceived
the antagonism of sectional interests and knew that clean-cut pro-
nouncements would destroy the chance of general support. It was
necessary, so far as possible, to make each candidate acceptable
everywhere, which really meant that the voters in each section
must be satisfied that the candidate was friendly to the intere3ts
of that section.

The period had arrived when the West was ready to assert
itself. Keenly conscious of its interests and its strength, it laid
claim to the highest office in the land, and to a determining influ-
ence in shaping the national policies. The growth of the West,
having proven the decisive factor in sapping the foundation of the
old parties, was now to assert an equally important influence on
the evolution of the new.

For a glimpse at the formative influence of the section in this
respect we cannot do better than to take Ohio. Ohio had attained
fourth place among the states of the Union, and was first in the
West. Having no candidate of its own, as did Kentucky and
Tennessee, its vote represents a more impartial judgment than that
of either of these ; while the newer states, just because they were
new, played a relatively unimportant part in this election. The
mixed character of the population of Ohio, moreover, which was
far more representative of the several older regions than was the
case in either of the neighboring states, made it a fair battle-
ground for all of the candidates, and gave its attitude toward their
respective claims unique significance."

^^ In colleetinff material on Ohio, I hava been aided by the work of itadents in my
graduate seminar. I am especially indebted to Mr. E. H. Boseboom, seholar in Amerieaa His-
tory in Ohio State University, 1916-1916, who made»> under my direction, a study of Ohio in the
Presidential Campaign of 1824, in connection with his candidacy, for the decree of M. A. This
study appears in Ohio Arehaeologieal and HUtorieal QuarUriy, XXVI, 16S-824.

REALIGNMENT OF PARTIES 181

In the early stages of the state campaign the slavery question
seemed likely to be again prominent." Sentiment in Ohio had been
practically united in opposition to the admission of Missouri as a
slave state, and to the end of the campaign many persons felt that
slavery should be regarded as the paramount issue. In general,
however, it was felt that the Missouri question should be considered
as settled, and many of those who had been most ardent in their
wish to prolong the fight against slavery yielded to the view that
economic interests should be ranked first." As to what were the eco-
nomic interests of the West there was no disagreement.^* It is
equally clear that the people regarded the election as an oppor-

^' C/. Charles Hammond'i expectation concerning the influence of the Missonri qaeetion:
"A new itate of parties must ffrow out of it. Give me a Northern President, whether John
Quincy Adams or De Witt Clinton, or anybody else, rather than that things should remain
as they are." Smith, W. H., Charlea Hammond and hU Rekttiona to Henry Clay and John
Q%iney Adam^, 82. See also letter of Edward King to his father: "If the Missouri question
should present itself, in the contest, Ohio probably would leave her favorite [Clay] and sup-
port Mr. Adams." November, 1822. King, Life of King, VI, 487.

1* "The ignis fatuus 'western interest,' is like to absorb every sound moral and political
consideration." Ohio Monitor, quoted by Delaware Patron, Sept. 16, 1828.

James Wilson, editor of the Western Herald and SteubenviUe Gas^tts, opposed Clay on
anti-slavery grounds until it became evident that the slavery issue was subordinate to economic
questions. Then he turned to Clay. Weetem Heraid, issues March 1 and 22, 1828, and April
24, 1824. Clay himself believed in February, 1824, that Ohio would vote for "no man residing
in a slave state but me, and they vote for me because of other and chiefly local considerations."
Letter to Francis Brooke. Colton, Life of Clay, IV, 86.

1* "It will be recollected that the promotion of domestic measures is the ground we as-
sume as the criterion of our choice. Those candidates who are unfavorable, or not known to
be favorable to these measures we throw out of the question. . . . ." Liberty HaU, Nov. 14, 1828.

"Sp far as we have been able to learn the sentiments of the editors of this state, we
believe, however they may differ on other subjects, that they pretty generally agree in this
one important point: — that we ought to support that man for the Presidency, other things
being equal, who will most effectually encourage domestic manufactures and internal improve-
ments." /bid., Jan. 6. 1824.

Friendliness to domestic industry and internal improvements "is a tine qua non — an
article of faith, to which every political aspirant must subscribe, before he can expect to be
honored with their [Ohio voters'] suffrages." Supporter, March 26, 1824.

"Mr. Clay will in all probability .... be the first choice of Ohio; but in case it shall
be found that he cannot become one of the three highest in votes, it will become our duty ....
to turn our attention to the candidate who shall come the next nearest to our standard in
point of qualification. This standard is — (1) Encouragement to domestic industry. (2) Inter-
nal improvements, by roads and canals. (8) Inflexible integrity." Western Herald, The
Herald had favored making slavery the chief issue. See above, /. n. 18.

In announcing the founding of a new paper. The Ohio Journal, the publishers disavow
any intention of establishing a party organ, but to "prevent misapprehension of our senti-
ments and of the course we intend to pursue [we] declare ourselves desirous of seeing a man
elected whose policy will cause us as a nation to be respected abroad and will foster at home
those two great main stays of a free and independent people— Domestic Manufactures and
Internal Improvements." Hamilton InteUigeneer and Advertiser, Aug. 16, 1824.

See similar announcement of the Western Statssman, in Suppartmr, Dee. 20, f824.

132 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

tunity to translate their economic views into political action.^^
Monroe's vetoes of measures which would have benefited the west-
em country led to insistence upon the election of an executive of
broader constitutional views and keener sympathy with the grow-
ing portion of the Union.^*

To the several candidates Ohio voters applied the two tests
mentioned, namely, attitude on the question of slavery and towards
the protective tariff and internal improvements which together
constituted the American System. Calhoun enjoyed a degree of
popularity because of his early record, although his fidelity to his
former views was brought under suspicion by the growing oppo-
sition of South Carolina to the tariff." At best, however, he was
hopelessly overshadowed, as an advocate of the American System,
by Clay, and from the moment that he lost the support of Pennsyl-
vania for the first place his cause was dead in Ohio. The chief
newspaper which had supported him transferred its influence to
Clay, because of his relation to the interests of the section," while
the friends of Jackson endorsed Calhoun for the vice presidency
on the ground of his friendliness to the tariff and internal improve-
ments." The liking for Calhoun in Ohio, in short, was due to the
belief that he favored the American System.

Crawford, with the support of the congressional caucus, rep-
resented the remnants of the democratic organization and depended
rather upon the appeal made by the ''regularity" of his candidacy
than upon an avowal of his principles. His record did not speak
unmistakably of his attitude on the questions of the day, as did
those of Calhoun and Clay, and it seemed likely that his views
accorded with those of the Old South where his strength centered.
These facts were sufficient to condemn him in Ohio, for the state

i> "We indulge a hope that the proeeedinss of the present eonffreat [in defeating the
tariff bill] will awaken a spirit of universal inquiry among the people, and produce sueh a
change in the federal administration as will insure to it that wisdom which can discern the
necessities of the country." National RepubKean and Ohio Political Be^rtster, March 4» 182S.

i« "There is a party of politicians at Washington, whose consciences are so tender, or
whose minds are so contracted, that no general sjrstem of internal improvements can be an-
ticipated, from the councils of the nation, until there is a radical change in the Executive
departments.^ tbid,, July 28, 1828.

^''Supporter, Feb. 26, 1824. At this time Calhoun's views were still fklrly consistent
with his earlier opinions. Cf. speech at Abbeville, May 27, 1826 ; NUm RtgiaUr, XXVm, 268.
Two years later his correspondence begins to betray the change which carried him into the
southern party and made him the chief of the nulliflers. See b€U>w, 148, /. n, 68.

^" Liberty HaU and Cincinnati Gasctta.

1* Address of the Jackson State Committee, September, 1824. HamHtan IntMg^near,
Sept. 27 and Oct. 4, 1824.

REALIGNMENT OF PARTIES 138

was resolved to support no candidate whose position with resrard
to western interests was uncertain. It is significant that the most
damaging charge brought against Clay was that he intended, at
the last, to throw his influence in favor of Crawford, which would
have meant the subordination of western interests to southern.*®

Both Calhoun and Crawford were unacceptable in Ohio, too, l/
because of their residence in the slave section. An added objection "
to both was their membership in Monroe's cabinet The West was \
growing impatient and alarmed at the practice of "'cabinet succes-
sion." V- Even more odious was the caucus system to which Craw- \
ford owed his nomination.** Never popular, and now discredited i
by the defection of nearly all congressmen but those who favored
Crawford, it had come to stand in western opinion for that type of
political manipulation which jeopardized the rule of the people.

It seemed for awhile that DeWitt Clinton would make a strong
showing in the state. He was popular both as an opponent of the
expansion of slavery and as the champion of the Erie canal and a
connecting system of internal improvements. He was the favorite
with many anti-slavery men in the regions where the New England
stock was numerously represented, and in the Cincinnati region,
where the friends of internal improvements were offended by Clay's
connection with the United States Bank.*^ The Clinton move-
ment collapsed for want of support in New York.

Adams fell heir to most of Clinton's following in the eastern ^
and northern portions of Ohio, where his opposition to slavery was i
sufficient to determine the choice of many of the descendants of
New England.** Where economic questions were considered up-
permost he suffered from a non-committal policy. His views, like
Crawford's, were not to be deduced with certainty from his public
record, and although friendly to the American System he believed
it possible to harmonize sectional interests, and made efforts to

'<> See frefefo, /. m. 42.

'^BeaolutionB of Clay Convention, July 16, 1824, published in C6lM,mhvL% Gcuette, July 22;
Addreee of Jackaon State Committee, published in HamHion InUUigenetr, Sept. 27 and Oct.
4, 1824.

" Cf. criticisms of the caucus, for example, in Columhtu Gdsette, Feb. 26, 1824 ; National
Republican, Feb. 27, 1824 ; Delaware Patron, March 4, 1824.

'* For example, Clinton was supported in the southwestern quarter by the National
RejmbUean, because of his leadership in internal improvements, and in the eastern portion by
the Western Herald, on anti-slavery grounds.

'* See files of leading Adams papers : Ohio Monitor, Delaware Patron, Most of the old
Federalists probably supported him, although, in meeting the charge that he was a Federalist
the Patron pointed out that the Federalist leaders — Judge Burnet, Enisha Whittlcaey, General
Beeehei^-were supportiiig Clay. Ivoea of October 7 and 21, 1824.

134 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

persuade Virginia that his policies would accord with the desires
of the people there. He succeeded in convincing "'many of the old
school .... that he was a true friend of the doctrines of 1798," *'
but his cautious statements in some degree defeated the purpose
for which they were made.*® In the West he made no statement;
it would have been difficult to satisfy the West of his devotion to
its interests and at the same time seem consistent An avowal of
friendship for western policies, however, coupled with his anti-
slavery principles, would have strengthened him in Ohio and might
conceivably have given him a plurality in the electoral college. The
addition of Ohio's sixteen votes would have given him the lead
over Jackson, and the "plurality doctrine," of which the latter's
friends made so much later, would have been unavailable for the
opposition." However, he refused even to allow his friends to
make an authoritative statement of his principles, thus losing the
support of an unknown, but certainly large, number of voters who
considered certainty of attitude towards western interests a sine
qtui non for their support.*^ This handicap allowed prejudice to

'* Ambler, Ritehist 89, commenting on Adams's Addreea in reply to General Smyth's pub-
lic statement of reasons why he would not support Adams for the presidency. Adams's address
is printed in Richmond Enqnirer, Jan. 4, 1828. Jefferson and a majority of the Old School
Republicans of Virginia preferred Adams to Jackson. Ambler, AttcKie, 98. See Adams, Memoira,
IV, 868. Also note statement of Adams to James Barbour, senator from Virginia, in the inters
val between the election and the House balloting (Dec. 22, 1824) : "I was satisfied with the
tariff as now established .... if the tariff should be found to bear hard upon the agricul-
tural and commercial interests, I should incline to an alleviation of it in their favor. As to
internal improvements .... since the Act of Congress establishing the Cumberland road, there
had been no constitutional question worth disputing about. . . ." Ibid., VI, 461. In this inter-
view Barbour assured Adams that he was the second choice of the Virginia delegation, and, he
believed, of the people of the state. Ibid,, 460.

'* On the Smyth incident Ritchie remarked editorially : "Is Mr. A. really a friend to the
limited interpretation of the constitution — does he stick to the doctrines of Virginia — ^is he
opposed to the Bank of the U. S. — ^to a general system of internal improvement? We cannot

make out from his addreto " Richmond Enquirer, quoted by Cineinnati Inquisitor Advsr-

tissr. Feb. 16, 1828.

'7 The Address of the Jackson State Committee, issued in September, 1824, predicted the
selection of Jackson by the House of Representatives because of "the general impression which
prevails, that that body would elect the candidate who had received the greatest number of
electoral votes, and not incur the responsibility and obloquy of selecting one less popular with
the people." Tlamilton InUUigencerp Sept. 27 and Oct. 4, 1824.

" Postmaster-General McLean's brother was on the Adams electoral" ticket in Ohio.
In response to an inquiry, Adams wrote a letter to the Postmaster expressing views favorable
to internal improvements. McLean's purpose in making the inquiry was to obtain an expres-
sion of Adams's opinion which his brother might use in the campaign, but Adams requested
that the letter be kept from the newspapers. Memoira, VI, 828. Despite the efforts of friends
to prove his position with insufficient evidence^ the opposition press continued to exploit the
fact that his views were doubtful Thus the Supporter brushes aside the charge of Socinianism
on the one hand and the praise of his talents and character on the other as irrelevant: "The
people of Ohio and of the middle states although ready to acknowledge his merits wiU not
support him for President until they shall have aseertained beyond the powibllity of a doobt

REALIGNMENT OF PARTIES 136

play havoc with his prospects. His personal character could not
offset his lack of satisfactory views and popular qualities; rather,
it contributed to the estimate of him as an aristocrat and former
Federalist — a New Englander, and by that token a natural enemy
of the West.** Like Calhoun and Crawford, he suffered also from I
the western dislike for the succession of cabinet members, the sue- ^
cession of the secretary of state being: resrarded as especially ob- i
noxious.

Clay appeared from the first to be thA logical candidate for t
Ohio to support. He was a western man, and more thoroughly
identified than any other with what the West regarded as its essen-
tial interests. On the tariff and internal improvement policies his
record left nothing to be desired, and in the last session of Con-
gress before the election his voice had been lifted more eloquently
than ever in behalf of western rights. The position of other can- ^
didates might be uncertain but not Clay's. Such considerations
governed the action of the legislative caucus which endorsed him
in January, 1823.^^ Against him the anti-slavery element urged a
friendliness for slavery, as shown by his conduct during the Mis-
souri contest,^^ while the antagonism to the United States Bank,
centering in the southwestern portion of the state, prevented him
from becoming at any time the favorite in that quarter." The most

that his sentiments on the srreat political questions which now affitate the country coincide
with their own." The sentiment of Congrress and the West is for internal improvements and a
president is wanted who will co-operate and not thwart their wishes. "We never can — we never
will countenance the pretensions of any man, however meritorious he may be in other respects,
whose sentiments on the questions at issue may be considered doubtfuL We will put nothing
to hazard." March 26, 1824. Cf. summary of irreconcilable claims made for Adams in issue
of Sept. 16. At the very close of the campaign the Supporter remarked: "It has been proved
beyond the possibility of a doubt that he always has been, and now is, decidedly hostile to in*
temal improvements and the protection of national industry." Issue of Oct. 81, 1824.

Similar objections were made in Indiana. The We§tem Sun for July 24 said: "The
chief objections to Adams are, 1 He is still at heart a Federalist, 2 He is opposed to a tariff
and to Internal Improvement, . .'. ." Quoted by Esarey, L., "The Organization of the Jack-
sonian Party in Indiana," in Mississippi Valley Historical Society Proceedinga for 1918-1914,
227-228.

"National RapubKean, Aug. 28 and Sept. 8. 10, and 29, 1824; Supporter, March 25,
April 29, June 24« Aug. 6, Sept. 9, Oct. 21, Nov. 4, etc., etc. ; Mod River Courant, quoted by
Colufnlme Gttxette, May 29, 1828 ; Hamilton Intettigeneer, July 26, 1824, quoting Boeton Stateeman.

•<> ColumbuM Gazette, Jan. 9, 1828.

•^ Ohio Monitor, Feb. 22, 1823. Weetem Herald, Mar. 22, 1828.

•* Clay had acted as attorney for the Cincinnati branch, and in that part of the state was
held responsible for its pressure on debtors to the point of foreckwure in many instances.
Hamilton inteOigeneer, Feb. 24, 1828; National RepubUean, Aug. 18 and 17, and Oct. 15 and
22, 1824. The charge was repeated elsewhere in the state {Ohio Monitor, March 1, 1828;
Weetem Herald, Mar. 22, 1823) but without serious consequences save where the bank's conduct
had aroused great feeling. Charles Hammond, Clay's manager/ had been chief coonael for the
state during the attempt to tax tha bxmnebsB.

** See abov€, 138.

•« National Republican, April 27, 1824. Webster, H. J., Hiatory of the Demoeratie Party
Organization in the Northweet, 8 et eeq.

'* Address issued by Jackson Corresponding Committee of Cincinnati and Hamilton
County, in National RejmbUean, Bfay 18, 1824 ; Address of Committee appointed by Jackson
State Convention, in Hamilton Intelligencer, Sept. 27 and Oct. 4, 1824.

**See, for example, articles in Hamilton InteUigeneer for Jan. 20, 24, April 18, 20, 27,
May 25, Oct. 4, et paeeim; Delaware Patron, Oct. 29, 1828.

" A typical plea for Jackson is that published in the Weatmoreland (Pa.) Republican,
After adverting to the need of simplicity in government and the dangerous tendencies of the
secretarial succession, it declares that the people desire a president "who would extend equal
and impartial protection and support to the three great national interests — who would foster
our resources, encourage domestic industry, promote internal improvements, and divested of
sectional prejudice or party feeling, labor for the public good alone. General Jackson, we be-
lieve, combines these requisites in his character, and in this faith we have united in support of
him." Quoted by Cincinnati Inquieitor Advertieer, Feb. 22, 1823.

"Jackson was considered a 'good tariff and Internal Improvement man' in all three of
his campaigns in Indiana. Any intimation that he was not sound on both of these issues would
have been resented by his Indiana friends." — Esarey, "The Organization of the Jaeksonian
Party in Indiana," loc. eit,

Cf. Address of Hamilton County Committee, which declared that "ill-founded constitu-
tional scruples" had intervened to prevent appropriations for national purposes. Also Address
of the State Committee, which deplored Clay's candidacy as dividing those holding the same
sentiments as to a national policy, and declared Jackson's "views of public policy, as to inter-
nal improvements and protection to domestic manufactures, eminently qualify him for the chief
seat in our national councils."

Cf. Jackson himself, in letter to CoL George Wilson, April 17, 1824: *'It is well known
that I am in favor of the general principle of the [tariff] bill," etc. Parton, Life of Jaekeon,
m, 42. See also the letter to L. H. Coleman, April 26, 1824: "Where has the American
farmer a market for his surplus product? Except for cotton, he has neither a foreign nor a
home market. Does not this clearly prove, when there is no market either at home or abroad,
that there is too much labor employed in agriculture, and that the channels of labor should be
multiplied? Common sense points out at once the remedy. Draw frtmi agriculture this abundant
labor; employ it in mechanism and manufactures, thereby creating a home market for your
bread stuffs, and distributing labor to the most profltable aceount, and benefits to the eountry
will result. In short, sir, we have been too k>ng lul^eet to tho policy of British mcrehants.

136 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITIGAL PARTIES

damaging attack upon him, however, was the charge already al- \J
luded to, that he was in secret favorable to the success of the can-
didate who represented the southern interest.**

Jackson's campaign in Ohio was late in developing but made
rapid progress.*^ It found its basis in the growing antipathy to
the machine politics qf the time, as embodied, in the popular esti-
mate, in caucus nominations and succession of cabinet members,
and to aristocratic control of the Federal Government as repre-
sented by the traditional regard for birth, social standing, and
special training as essentials for the filling of public office.*^ Jack-
son's personal qualities made him immensely popular, and were
believed to be a guarantee of reform of these practices.** But it )
is perfectly clear that notwithstanding all this, he could not have ^
commanded any considerable support had it not been believed that
he was "sound" in his views on western policies.*^ His orthodoxy

REALIGNMEliT OF PARTIES 187

in this regard was taken for granted, and the attacks upon him
were based on his unfitness for the presidential office.*^

The friends of both Clay and Jackson deplored the division ^
of support between two western candidates. Each group trfjgred
that the division endangered the influence of the West in the elec-
tion and charged the other with the blame. Jackson's friends urged /
the withdrawal of Clay, but there was at no time any hope of a r
union of the two groups.'* It was also perceived that the cause /
of the West could triumph only through union with the Northeast .
or South. A union with the Northeast could be effected, however,
only by accepting an eastern candidate \^ while southern votes for ^
a western man could be had, if at all, only at the price of subordi-v
nation of western interests.^^ The friends of both Crawford and

It is time we should beeome a little more AmerMonuwil, and, instead of feeding the paupexa
and laborers of England, feed onr own, or elM| in a short time, by foUowins our present
policy, we shall all be rendered paupers ourselra. . . . ." /frid., 84 «t tea*

The Hamaxon inteUig9ne€r, June 29, and NatiantU RspuhHcan, Auff. 24, 1824, contain
typical articles designed to prove Jackson's friendliness to western interests. An occasional
doubt appears, «. g.. Liberty HaU questioned the sincerity of his protectionism in view of the
fact that his strength was so ffreat in the South (April 27, 1824), and was sure that the Ameri-
can System had a thousand better friends. Quoted in Supporter, Aug. 12, 1824.

•* Liberty HaU, Sept. 2, 14, 21, 24, Oct. 1, 1824; Supporter, Feb. 26, Oct. 21, 1824.
See below, 189, /. n. 48. The situation in Indiana was similar, in a general way, although
beins still in the pioneer stase, Jackson's foUowins was proportionately stronger. "The S3rm-
pathies of the pioneers were for the rouffh and runred Jackson. It was known that Jackson
opposed the banks, and, on that ground, received the support of sreat numbers of financially
embarrassed settlers who attributed the scarcity of money to the manipulation of bankers.
.... The business men and the well-to-do farmers usually favored Clay on account of his

position on the tariff and internal improvements Adams stood well with the lawyers

and other professional men and was the favorite among the Quakers and other settlers on the
Whitewater " — Esarey, HtMtory of Indiana, 250 et eeq.

** Address of the Jackson State Committee, U>e. eit, ; Resolutions of Clay Convention ;
Cincinnati Inquintor Advertiser, Feb. 7, 28, Bfarch 8, Sept. 11.

40 «*The eastern and northern states from the important part they took in achieving our
independence and establishing the form of gov't under which we Uve, 4k frmn which we derive
such incalculable benefits, have an undoubted right to be a little tenacious of the honor of
furnishing the next President; and courtesy 4k reciprocity of benefite should induce the other
wetions to accord to them that honor, provided the candidate offered possesses e<iual qualifica-
tions with the other competitors." Delaware Patron, March 18, 1824. The Patron favored Adams.

*^ "If a western interest is intended to effect the election of a president, as is proposed
by all who spcak of the feasibility of electing a western president, it must include all the
southern states, and one or more of the middle states, and if a western candidate is elected
by such votes he must be governed by their policy." Ohio Monitor, Feb. 16, 1828. Like the
Delaware Patron, the Monitor favored Adams.

Clay indulged a hope of winning the support of Virginia, his native state, and visited
friends there in 1822 to promote his candidacy. Ambler, Ritchie, 87-90. His cordial reception
encouraged his hope, but at times he perceived its vanity. See correspondence with Francis
Brooke, especially letter of August 28, 1828, quoted above, 118, /. n, 100. The conehislon of
this letter, as to his own prospects in Virginia, is gloomy: "You will oppose my election, I
suppose, in Virginia. I have no right to complain." And he perceives clearly the reasons why
he cannot expect the desired support. "You will impose me because I think that the interests
of aU parts of the Union sboold be taken cart of; in other words, that the intcrsits of the

188 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

Clinton sousrht to promote coalitions in behalf of their candidates.
So far as Crawford's hopes are concerned, they were impossible
of realization because of the incompatibility of the sectional in-
terests concerned, and the overtures of his friends were rejected
without hesitation.^^ The Clintonians pled with more reason that v,
Ohio should join with the Northeast in support of their candidate \J
rather than a western man, upon the basis of common opposition
to slavery expansion and common desire for internal improvements
and protection/' As later events proved, there was an excellent
basis for a union of the Ohio Valley and those eastern states which
favored the American System, in support of Adams. But none of
the schemes for coalition made any headway. In default of com- 1
mon support of a candidate for the presidency, the next best step
in the direction of new sectional alliances was to support candi-
dates of different sections for the presidential and vice-presidential
offices. From this angle, the acceptance of Calhoun as the candi-
date for the second place by the western friends of Jackson is sig-V
nificant. While it did not at the time mark a personal alliance of 1/
the two men, it foreshadowed it, and the union of their followers ^
in opposition to the administration during the term of Adams.
Similarly, the Clay men, although refusing to forsake their favorite
at the suggestion of the friends of either of the northern candi-
dates, resorted to the strategy of bidding for the support of the
Northeast by nominating Sanford, of New York, for the second

interior, on the two subjects mentioned, as well as that of the maritime coast, ouffht to be
provided for." In a later letter to Brooke, however (Feb. 28, 1824), be argues that the caocua
nomination has destroyed Crawford, that Virginia will have to choose between Jackson and
himself, and ur^es a demonstration in his favor. Colton, Lt/e of Clay, IV, 86 et seq. A few
days later be suggests that any appeal to the people in bis behalf should be "temperate and
conciliatory." To Brooke, March 6, 1824. Ibid,, 88.

** The desire of Crawford's friends to win support for him in the West (Ambler,
RiteKU, 94 et «e«.) was the source of the chanre of coalition with Clay. (See abovt, 208, 210).
Clay's opponents used it quite effectively, asserting that to support Clay meant eventually to
aid Crawford. Delaware Patron, Aug. 6, 1828, June 24, July 16, and Sept. 15, 1824; NatiofuU
Republican, March 80, April 2, 16, June 1. 22, and Aug. 18, 1824. Clay gave the proposal no
countenance, unless we can so construe his suggestion to Brooke, March 6, 1824, that his friends
at Richmond should not clash with those of Crawford. Colton, Life of Clay, IV, 88. He insisted
that the vote of the northwestern states would go for Adams as their second choice. To Brooke,
Feb. 28, 1824. Ibid., IV, 86. The mutual friends of Clay and Crawford, in Virginia, sought to
force a vice-presidential nomination upon the former. Said one: "As to consulting Mr. Clay
it is injudicious. Let him not be consulted, and the force of circumstances must urge him
into an acquiescence. .... When New York elects electors favorable to Mr. Crawford her
Legislature ought to nominate Mr. Clay as vice-president." Ambler, RHehi; 94 et eeq. Clay's
friends took great pains to deny the charge of coalition with Crawford. Cdnmbue Gasette, Jan.
22, 1824: National Republican^ April 2, 1824; Supporter, April 15 and Sept. 80, 1824. The
whole incident affords interesting collateral evidence of the incompatibility of their teetions.

«• Notional RnnMican, S«pt. 19. 1828.

REALIGNMENT OF PARTIES 139

place.^^ The Adams group made an attempt of the same kind by
advocating in Ohio and elsewhere for a time the nomination of
Jackson as the New Englander's running mate.*' All of these de-
vices are significant as indications of the tendencies to realignment,^
but none of them were practically effective in securing intersect
tional co-operation to a sufficient extent to determine the election.
The continuation of the four leading candidates in the field to the
end of the contest insured, as was foreseen, a resort to the House
of Representatives for the final choice.** In this campaign the race /
for the electoral vote served as an elimination event, to be followed
by coalitions of the kind which could not occur before the election.
The way was thus cleared for the union of the West and Northeasf^
which had been advocated in vain before the election. The interval ^
between the election and the balloting of the House was the period f
in which these coalitions took form, and they were shaped by the \
same forces which we have found at work during the campaign.
It was inevitable that the influence of the eliminated candidate
should be a prime factor in determining the final result.

The motives of Clay in deciding to support Adams rather than
either of the other candidates are no longer a mystery. They are
in entire accord with his long-established views. Agreeable as
Crawford was to him as a man, his policies, even if the unfortunate
stroke of paralysis had not cast doubt upon his physical capacity
for office, were such that Clay could not possibly have supported
him.*^ As to Jackson, however satisfactory his views with re-
gard to public policies. Clay's conviction of his personal unfitness
is not to be doubted.*® Adams, on the other hand, although never

** Report of Clay Convention, at Cohunbos, in Columbus GaxetU, July 22, 1824.

«■ Adams, Jf«>notr«, VI, 263 ; Dtlawm Patron, April 8, 1824.

^* Clay's chance of coming before the House depended largely upon his ability to command
electoral votes in the South. But although his western friends endeavored to make it appear that
his candidacy was based on broad national grounds (C/. Address of Clay Convention at Columbus),
he failed in the South as Crawford failed in the West, and for the same reason, viz., that each
represented the interests of his own section, and they were irreconcilable. In western Pennsyl-
vania and New York, where sentiment was in harmony with Clay's policies, it was made to
accrue to the benefit of other candidates.

April 26, 1823, the Wettem Hsrald remarked that all of the candidates were sectional,
and sectional influences would prevail in the House election.

«7 Clay to Hammond, Oct., 1824 (Smith, Hammond, 87) ; to F. P. Blair, Jan. 8, 1826
{Works of Clay, Federal edition, IV, 109 «t —q.)',U> Francis Brooke, Jan. 28, 1826 (ibid., IV,
111.)

*' See letters to Blair and Brooke, cited in preceding note ; also to Rutgers, June 4,
1827, ibid, 168. C/. Hammond: "It is their [Clay's friends'] sincere and honest conviction
that he does not poomsi tht political intelligence and judicial information indispensable in a

14a WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POUTICAL PARTIES

in cordial relations with Clay, was respected for his ability and
known by him to be in sympathy with the American System.** Be-
sides, Clay and his friends believed that Adams }vas the second \^
choice of the West.^^® In fact, instead of determining: the western
delegations in their choice, Clay seems to have followed rather than
led; and in supporting Adams the West was pursuing its true
economic interest."^^

The union of forces foreshadowed by the aid of Clay's friends
in electing Adams was carried towards its consummation by the \
appointment of Clay as secretary of state, and the final result was

president." Cinein'nati InQuiHtor AdvertUer, Sept. 11, 1824. For Hmmmond's more intimate
opinion see Smith, Hammond, 86. See also John C. Wright to Ephrmim Cutler, in Catkr, Life
of CutUr, 186.

** "He wished me, as far as I misrht think proper, to satisfy him with resard to some
principles of ffreat public importance." Adams's record of interview with Clay on Jan. 9,
1826. Memoirt, Vl, 464.

'<* The Supporter declared, July 8, that Clay's rumored withdrawal, if it took plaee,
would ffive Ohio to Adams. See letter of Hammond (sisrned "L.") in Cineinnati Inguieitor
Advertieer, Sept. 11, 1824: He believed Clay's withdrawal would ffive Ohio, Indiana, New York,
and New Jersey to Adams. The drift of Clay's friends towards Adams became noticeable aa
toon as the result of the fail election was known. The caustic comment of the Jackson press
really bears witness to a natural preference for Adams: "It is really amusins to observe with
what facility some of the chief men of the Clay party in Ohio, men who have pretended to be
the champions of a liberal and enlightened policy for the protection of Domestic Manufactures,
can veer about, as interest or ambition may dictate, and become the humble supporters of a man
notoriously opposed to 'domestic measures.' " National RepubHcanp Dec 28, 1824. In the issue
for Bfarch 4, 1826, the Republican refers to Clay as the "Arnold of the West." The Clay men
who supported Adams were better informed than their critics as to his real views. Clay wrote
to Blair (letUr cited above, 189. /. n. 47) : "What has ffreat weight with me is the decided
preference which a majority of the delegation from Ohio has for him over General Jackson.'*
In the House election ten of the Ohio delegation voted for Adams, two for Jackson and two for
Crawford. Clay's reasons for his course are summed up in his Addreea to hie Conetituente:
NiUe Regieter, XXVIII, 71 et eeq. Clay had declared Adams to be the second choice of the
Northwest in February, 1824. Letter to Brooke, cited above, 189, /. n. 47.

'^ Cf. letters of members of the Ohio delegation, published in the Addreea of Henry Clay
to the PubUe, Appendix, 80-61, for statements showing that Adams's support was due to the
recognition of the community of interest between the West and the Northeast, and suspicion
of Jackson because of his personal limitations and the support given him in the South. See also
letter of W. Creighton, of ChiUicothe, Ohio, approving of Clay's union with Adams, on the
assumption "that Mr. A. will pursue a liberal policy, and embrace within its scope the great
leading policy that you have been advocating." Colton, Life of Clay, IV, 118. Similar motives
influenced members of the delegations of other western states. See letter of David Trimble, of
Kentucky, to the editor of the Mount Sterling Spy: ". . . . My own opinion was founded on
the facts as I knew them to exist, and upon considerations referable to the general inter'
eete of the union, and of the weetem etatee ae a part of it. Apart frmn personal feeling, it

was as clear a case as I ever had before me " Quoted in NUea Regietor, XXVIII, 69. C/.

letUr of Francis Johnson To the Public, March 7, 1826, NUee Regieter, XXVIII, 26 ; Bient, of
Louisiana, to the editor of the Attahapae Oasette, ibid,, 184 ; and numerous others, Und,, 208
et eeq. Gaxlay, one of the two Ohio representatives who voted for Jackson, said that he
talked with three other Ohio members, two of whom said that it would not do to vote for
Jackson, as he was the enemy of internal improvements; the third was ready to risk violatlnv
the wishes of his constituents.

(

REAUGNMENT OF PARTIES 141

the National Republican party, the platform of which was the
American System.

The Democratic party grew out of the opposition. It must be
recalled that the Republican party had from the beginning em-
braced antagonistic elements in the coastal aristocracy of planters
and the farming democracy of the back settlements. Although the
planter pressed close after the pioneer farmer in the Gulf region,
we have seen that down to 1825 the movement of population to the
west of the AUeghanies was predominantly a migration of the
democratic stock of the piedmont. It was this element of the Re-
publican party which had colonized the Ohio Valley, and ten yeafB
after the close of the War of 1812 the transalleghany region was
still in large measure the child of that Old West of the eighteenth
century which had challenged the political supremacy of the coast.
The sweep of this pioneer stock into Indiana, Illinois, Mississippi,
and Alabama carried into practice the democratic ideals for which
they had struggled in their old homes, for although white man-
hood suffrage did not invariably prevail, the basis of apportionment
was white population, even in the new slave states. Thus expand-
ing democracy won on its new field the cause for which it had
fought in vain in the old states.'^

The growth of the number of new states, democratically gov-
erned and enjoying equal rights in the Union, foretold the early
triumph of democratic principles in national politics. One might
expect to find the western democracy turning upon the planting
class. But suffrage and apportionment continued to be matters
under state control, and the contest within the original states went
on unaffected by the growth of the West save as the attraction of
the lands and more liberal institutions there resulted in concessions
to prevent migration. It was only in the national arena that the
West could exercise its political power. The breach between South
and West, in short, took place on economic grounds, and that por-
tion of the West which placed economic interests first followed Clay
into the coalition with Adams which formed the National Repub-

M By 1820, aU of the ttoUt in the Northwett (except Ohio) and MitMnri, had established
manhood suffrage for whites. In the Southwest the same rule held except in Louisiana and Mis-
sissippi : in the former voters must be taxpayers or purchasers of public lands ; in the latter en-
rollment in the militia or payment of taxes were altematiyes. In Tennessee even free nesroes
voted until 1824. Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Maryland, and South Carolina had adopted
white manhood suffrage by 1820.

142 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

lican party." The democratic impulses of the West tended, how-
ever, in quite another direction. The aristocratic practices preva^
lent heretofore in the national administration were equally odious
whether pursued by the northern or southern representatives of the
coastal oligarchy; yet of the two old coastal parties it was
the Republicans who had steadfastly upheld the equal political
rights of the people in the new western communities, while the
Northeast was historically associated with jealousy of popular
ideals of government. The circumstances under which the Na-
tional Republican party was bom unfortunately gave offense to
these sentiments, and enabled the friends of Jackson to promote
his cause in the name of popular rule. The efforts which his group
had made during the campaign to arouse the people against the
methods of the politicians were redoubled when the House disre-
garded the indication of the popular choice afforded by the plurality
for Jackson in the electoral college, because, as they charged, of a
corrupt bargain between Adams and Clay, by which the latter re-
ceived the appointment as secretary of state in return for his sup-
port." The "defeat of the will of the people" by this "corrupt pro-

** The earlier writers were inclined to see in the National Republican party a revival
of Federalism. Thus Parton says of the Adams administration: "Federalism supposed to be
dead, was living, rampant, and sittinsr in the seat of power." Lt/« of Jackson, HI, 89. Aceord-
inff to Benton, the election of Jackson was a "triumph .... of the democracy over the fed-
eralists, then called national republicans For altbouffh Mr. Adams had received eonfl-

dence and office from Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, and had classed with the democratic party
durinflr the fusion of parties in the 'era of good feeling,' ytt he had previously been federal;
and in the re-establishment of old party lines which began to take place after the election of

Mr. Adams .... his affinities, and policy, became those of his former party " Thirii/

Yeavi^ View, I, 111-112. Such a statement ignores the new force in the establishment of party
lines, i. e., the West. The phenomenon under observation was not the "re-establishment oi old
party lines," as Jefferson perceived at the time. A letter written by him relative to the Clay-
Adams coalition bears witness to this and to his disappointment at the revolution in the
relations of the sections: "I fear with you all the evils, which the present lowering aspect of

our political horiron so ominously portends And what is still less expected was that

my favorite western country was to be made the instrument of that change. I have ever and
fondly cherished the interests of that country, relying upon it as a barrier against the degm-
eracy of public opinion from our original and free principles. But the bait of local inter-
ests .... has deeosred them from their kindred attachments to alliances aUen to them **

To Ritchie, quoted in Ambler, Ritchie, 102-108. Cf. letter to W. F. Gordon, Jan. 1, 1826; Ford,
Writinga of Jefferaon, X, 868. Jefferson's grief over the West's apostasy was somewhat un-
necessary, inasmuch as National Republicanism, instead of rejecting popular principles of
government as Federalism had done, united Federalist nationalism with Republican confldence
in the people. Such, indeed, was the happy implication of the party name.

** Cf. effect in Virginia of the rumor that Clay had agreed to support Adams in the
House in return for the appointment: "The good people are run mad here about the presi-
dential election. I was with some of our great men at Dr. Brockenbrough's the other night
and found them all universally denouncing Clay and Adams. They .... said that they woaU
take Jackson and any body now in preference to Adams." Betsy Coles to Andrew StoveDSon,
quoted by Ambler, Ritchie, 99. Ritchie now "turned the guns prepared for Jaekeon upon AdaaM."
Ibid. See also 106-107, 112-118.

REALIGNMENT OF PARTIES 148

cedure, and the necessity of electing Jackson to vindicate the right
of the people to rule, were the arguments employed with greatest
effect by the managers of the campaign which brought Jackson to
the White House. It was exactly calculated to rally the western
population and the newly enfranchised classes in the old states.^'
The rule of intriguing politicians in the nation's capital became the
object of attack much as aristocratic domination had been attacked
by the interior democracy of the original states."

But this does not afford a complete explanation of the triumph
of the "Old Hero." The planters felt no enthusiasm for popular
government such as inspired all this acclamation and yet they con-
tinued in alliance with the democratic element of the West and
formed the second factor in the Jacksonian Democracy in the period
of its inception, as they had done in the Jeff ersonian Republicanism.
The explanation lies in their opposition to the economic policy
of the Adams administration. The inaugural address and first
message of the new president revealed that the South had nothing
to expect from the National Republicans,'^ and gave the basis for
renewed union with a part of the West in common opposition to
the party in power.'® In their disregard of the policies which Jack-

BB "The election of John Q. Adams by the House of RepresentatiTes welded the dissatis-
fled democrats of Indiana into the Jacksonian Democratic Party. There was a fierceness in their
resentment of the treatment of Jackson which was little short of warlike. They referred to
the election of Adams as 'the theft of the presidency.' All believed that Clay had sold his
influence to Adams for the appointment as Secretary of State, a bargain and sale of the soy-
emment which they thought far more dangerous than Burr's Conspiracy." — Esarey» History
of Indiana, 298.

"* "The election of General Jackson was a triumph of democratic principle, and the
assertion of the people's right to sovem themselyes. That principle had been violated in the
presidential election in the House of Representatives in the session of 1824-'25 ; and the sanc-
tion, or rebuke, of that violation was a leading question in the whole canvass." Benton,
Thirty Year^ Visw, I, 111.

■^ Adams, ATemotrs, VH, 106. "The declaration of prineiplea [in the inaugural address]
which would give so much power to the government, and the danger of which had Just been
so fully set forth by Mr. Monroe in his veto message on the Cumberland road bill, alarmed
the old republicans, and gave a new ground of opposition to Mr. Adams' administration, in

addition to the strong one growing out of the election in the House of Representatives

This new ground of opposition was greatly strengthened at the delivery of the first annual
message. . . . ." Benton, Thirty Ytar^ Vietff, I, 54.

** The renewal of the alliance between the planters and the western democracy was de»
liberately engineered by the political managers. C/. letter of Van Buren, dated Jan. 18, 1827,
outlining the plan for such an alliance between "the planters of the South and the plain Re-
publicans of the North," Quoted by Ambler, Ritehi%, 107.

C/. J. C. Calhoun to his son, Aug. 26, 1827, in which he bases his opposition to the
administration on the ground of the corrupt means by which it came to power, and the mis-
taken policy "of arraying the great geographical interests of the union against one another," —
that is, by the advocacy of the American System. Jameson, J. F., CwrfwpondMnc^ of John C.
CaUumn, 249-260. Cf. Benton, Thirty Yoartf Vi^w, i; 111. This letter of Calhoun's is one of

144 WESTERN INFLUENCES ON POLITICAL PARTIES

son would pursue when president, however, the southerners by
aidinsr in his election, prepared to step from the frying pan to the
fire. The natural antipathy of the planters towards the political
self-assertion of the people, the measures of the new government,
and the autocratic temper of Jackson as chief magistrate, combined
to hasten a further readjustment of party groups, in which the
breach between South and West was widened by the defection from
the Democracy of that southern faction which, as State Rights
Whigs, entered into mismated union with the National Repub-
licans."

the earliest evidences of the change of attitude which he was making. As late as May, 182S, ha
had reafBrmed his earlier views. See above, 182, /. n. 17.

Crawford did not accept the bargain charge as true, bat wrote to Clay, Feb. 4, 1828,
criticising Adams's coarse as president: "The whole of his first message to Congress is re*
plete with doctrines which I hold to be unconstitutionaL" Even this, "althoagh exceptionable,"
woald not have driven Georgia under the banner of Jackson, Crawford thought, had it not been
for Adams's Indian policy. Colton, Life of ClaVp IV, 191. Clay replied: "Truth compels me
to say that I have heartily approved of the leading measures of his administration, not except-
ing those which relate to Georgia." Ibid., 192.

••See Phillips, U. B., "The Southern Whigs," in Turner Eeaayt in Ameriean Higtory,
208-229.

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150 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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INDEX

Adams, John, part in framing Iftaasachnaetta
conBtitution of 1780, 26, note; on right of
people to establish government, 8S, note;
philosophy of government, 86, and note; in
peace negotiations of 1782, 42.

Adams, John Quincy, on acquisition of Louisi-
ana, 100, note; 102, note; interpretation of
Missouri contest, 128; presidential candidate
in 1824, 181, note ; 188-186 ; second choice of
Northwest, 188 and note; 189-140; coalition
with Clay, 140-142; planters alienated hy
policies as president, 148.

Addison, Alexander, Judge in western Penn-
sylvania, 67.

Agrarian interest. See AgrieuUur*, and Farm-

Agriculture, development in "back country"
east of Allegbanies, 12-18; sale of surplus
produce, 16 ; basis of republican government,
87; Jefferson's views on, 48-60; effect of
growth of West, 84; European restrictions
on American, 90; home market for, 87, 88,
90-91, 99; decline in New England, 92; sig-
nificance of surplus production in West, 94;
outstrips manufacturing in West, 99, 109-
111, 118, note; problem of market for west-
em surplus, 99-102, 109-111 ; need of trans-
portation facilities, 100-104; harmony of
agricultural and manufacturing interests,
118.

Alien and Sedition Acts, effect on West, 62;
on New York, 64.

American System, foreshadowed, 88 ; devefeped,
88-91 ; supplants preparedness program, 89 ;
espoused by West, 107-112; Clay on. 89-91.
118, note; opposition of South, 117-126; up-
held by Ohio in campaign of 1824, 181, and
note; 182, 186, and note; Adams's views on,
188-184; Jackson's views on, 186, note;
platform of National Republican party, 141.

Ames, Fisher, on reasons for adoption of con-
stitution, 29; on Whiskey Rebellion, 67,
note; member of Essex Junto, 71, note; at-
titude on secession of New England, 104,
note.

Aristocracy, origin, 10-12; dominance in gov-
ernment of colonies, 16-20; loss of ground
during Revolution, 28-24; control in fram-
ing state constitutions, 24-27; influence on
federal Constitution, 29-88; Federalist Party
affected, 88-86; 66, note; 80.

"Back country," settlement, 12-14; grievanees,
14-19; characteristics, 20-22; petitions for
redress, 21 ; influence during Revolution* 22-
24 ; struggle for rights after Revolution, 27 ;
impossibility of secession, 4L

Bacon's Rebellion, 10.

Banks and banking, in West, 97-99.

Barbour, Philip P., old school Republican, 117,
note.

Burnet, Jacob, judge in Northwest Territory,
a Federalist, 66; on separation of Michigan
from Ohio. 68, note; on decline of Federal-
ism in Ohio, 69, note; elected state Judge,
69, note.

Burr, Aaron, influence over wavering Federal-
ists of western New York, 66.

Byrd, William, interest in Virginia frontier, 10.

Cabot, George, on cure for democracy, 71 ;
member of Essex Junto, 71, note; dislike
of democracy, 71, note; attitude on seces-
sion of New England, 72, note.

Calhoun, John C, leader of "Young Repub-
licanism," 86 ; preparedness program of
1816, 87-88: on home market, 88; speaks
for West, 112-118; on Bonus Bill, 118; lib-
eral constructionist, 116; presidential candi-
date in 1824, 182; vice-presidential candi-
date, 182, 188.

Canals. See Internal Imj^rovemenU,

Capitalism, representation in federal conven-
tion, 29, 80; favorable to adoption of Con-
stitution. 88, 86 ; a basis of Federalist party,
86, 80.

•

Clay, Henry, leader of "Young Republican-
ism," 86; preparedness program of 1816,
87-88; develops American System, 88-91;
voices demands of West, 112-118 ; injured by
friendship for United Stotes Bank. 99, 186;
liberal constructionist, 116-116; reasons for
opposition to Monroe, 116; presidential can-
didate in 1824, 181, note: 185-189: hope of
support of Virginia, 187, note; reasons for
supporting Adams in House election, 189-
140 ; appointment as Secretary of State, 140 ;
bargain charge, 142.

Clinton, DeWitt, supported in Ohio in 1812,
62, note; in New York, 66, note; asks aid

161

152

INDEX

of Ohio for Erie eanal. lOS ; presidentUd
candidate in 1824. 181, note; 188; attempts
at coalition favorable to, 188.

Commerce, alliance with plantins, 16; be-
tween interior and coast, 16-16; a basis of
Federalism. 88, 80; Jefferson's view of, 87;
favored by Ohio Federalist, 62; restrictions
on, 72 ; growth of western, 84 ; e£Fect of
western development on maritime, 84, 92-
98, 114 : between transaUeshany region and
coast, 89, and note r 99 ; importance of west-
em, after 1816, 92 ; between town and coun-
try. 94 ; South as marlcet for West, 96, 128 ;
high freight rates to West. 100, and note;
need of internal improvements to promote,
100-104.

Connecticut, settlement, 18; emigration from
to Pennsylvania, 66 ; constitution of 1818, 79.

Constitution, movement for influenced by ex-
cesses of Confederation period, 27-29 ; due to
conservative reaction. 29-80 ; make-up of fed-
eral convention, 80; aristocracy of provi-
sions, 80-88; recognition of democratic the-
ory, 82-88; divisions on ratification perpetu-
ate former alignment of social classes. 88. 84.

Constitutions, character of state constitutions
of the Revohitionary period. 24-26.

Crawford. William H.. presidential candidate
in 1824. 182-188; attempt at coalition with
Clay. 187-188.

Currency. See Money.

Democracy, origin in interior, 10-14 ; strength-
ened by Revolutionary philoeophy, 22; alli-
ance with proletariat of towns, 28; prog-
ress during Revolution, 28-24 ; miscarriage
of movement. 24-27 ; struggle for relief legis-
lation during Confederation, 27-28; influence
on movement for constitution. 28-29; recog-
nition of democratic theory in Constitution.
82-88: carried beyond Alleghanies. 42. 61.
92. 141 ; only practicable plan of govern-
ment in West. 48. 44. 46. 48-49; influence
of New York frontier. 64 ; of western Penn-
sylvania, 66-68 ; departure of West from Jef-
fersonian democracy, 106, 110; triumph of
donocratic ideab of government in new
states, 141 ; national triimiph foreshadowed.
141 ; reasons for friendliness of western de-
mocracy for old South. 142-148; Jacksonian
movement, 148-144.

Democratic party (Jacksonian), perpetuates al-
liance of farmers and planters, 141-148 ; de-
fection of southerners, 144.

Dickinson, John, a moderate during Revohi-
tion, 28; objects to property oualifieations
for federal oiBces, 81» note.

Election, presidential, of 1796. 68, 64 ; of 1800,
66, 68; of 1804, 66, 69; of 1808, 72-78; of
1812. 62, note; 66, and note; of 1816, 79
€t —q.: of 1824. 127-140.

Ellsworth, Oliver, opposes freehold qnaliftca-
tion for federal oflloe, 81. note.

Embargo, influence on Federalist party in
New York. 66, note; in Massachusetts. 72;
in Virginia, 72; prok>ng8 life of Fsderalist
party. 72.

Era of Good Feeling, character of. 81-82.

Erie CanaL See InUmal improv^menU.

Essex Junto, influence on framing of Massa-
chusetts constitution of 1780. 26. note; mem-
bers and views, 71. note; opposes secession
of New England, 72. note.

Farmers, competition with planters for lands.
10. 41. 92. 114 ; union with planters in Jef-
fersonian Republican party. 89-40. 41.

Fearing. Paul, delegate of Northwest Terri-
tory in Consrress, 66.

Federalist party, continuity with colonial aris-
tocracy, 88 ; political philoeophy. 84, 86 ;
foredoomed by growth of West, 61 ; never a
force south of Ohio River. 61-62 ; Federal-
ist office-holders in West, 62. note; 64-66;
attitude towards admission of Tennessee,
68-64 ; in Ohio, 64-62 ; opposition to admis-
sion of Ohio as state. 66-68 ; decline in Ohio,
68-62 ; influence in Ohio elections, 69-61 ; fu-
sion in Ohio with Republicans. 61-62 ; success
in New York due to immigration from New
England. 68 ; conversion of New York Fed-
eralists to Republicanism. 64-66 ; decline of
party in New York. 66-66; decline in Penn-
sylvania. 66-68; portent of election of 1800.
68; loss of support in South. 68; growth of
West unfavorable. 69; opposition to acquisi-
tion of Louisiana. 69-70 ; secession scheme of
1804. 70-71; influence of embargo and com-
mercial restriction. 72-78; opposition to ad-
mission of state of Louisiana, 78-76 ; growth
of West a grievance in period of War of
1812. 75-77; disintegration after War of
1812. 78-80; campaign of 1816. 79-80; rea-
sons for downfall. 80; opposition to admis-
sion of Missouri. 127-129; supposed efforto
to revive party. 128-129; relation to Na-
tional Republican party. 142. note; prejudice
against West expressed. 67, note; 76, note;
127» note.

Findlay, William, governor of Pennsylvania, on
protection of manufaetozci and a hoine
market. 111.

INDEX

168

Frmnklin, Benjamin, oppoMt freehold qualifi-
cation for federal oAee, 81, note; Tiewa eon-
eeminff government of colonies in West, 42-
48; agent of VandaUa Company, 48; views
cited by western writer, 112, note.

Freight rates, to west. 100, and note; in
West, 100, note; effect of canals on, 104.

Frontier. See "BmIb Countrw," and W§H.

German, Obadiah, New York assemliljman, 66 ;
United States senator, 66.

Germans, on early frontier, 12 «t 9eq.

Gerry, Eldridge, distrust of people, 81; oppo-
sition to equal rights of western states, in
federal convention, 47.

Giles, William B., motion for admission of
Ohio, 67; justifies separation of Michigan
from Ohio, 68.

Gorham, Nathaniel, opposition to equal rights
of western states, in federal convention, 47.

Griswold, Roger, speech on admission of Ohio,
67 ; on government of acquired territory, 70,
note: favors secession of New England, 72,
note.

Hamilton, Alexander, on reasons for adoption
of Constitution, 29; philosophy of govern-
ment, 84-86 ; death, 66, note ; attitude toward
western Pennsylvania, 67; proposal concern-
ing choice of New York electors, 68, note;
opposes secession scheme, 71, note.

Hanson, A. C, Maryland Federalist, on seces-
sion, 76, note.

Harrison, William Henry, recommends divi-
sion of Northwest Territory, 66.

Hartford Convention, 76.

Henry, Patrick, leader of frontier democracy
of Virginia during Revolution, 24.

Hillsborough, Lord, views concerning new eol-
onies in West, 48.

Home market, Calhoun on, 87 ; Pittsburg an
object lesson, 90, note; result of rise of
towns in West, 94 ; Governor Huntington of
Ohio on, 96; relation to protective tariff,
107-112; Clay, on, 118, note; South out of
range of benefit, 117-126.

Huntington, Samuel, candidate for governor of
Ohio, 60 ; on manufactures, 96.

Internal improvements, desired in West, 62,
100-104; Issson of War of 1612, 86; favovad

bar Madison in messages, 86 ; derired by Clay,
87, 118 ; by Porter, 89, note ; state schemes of
to counteract westward movement, 98 ; Erie
canal, 108, 106; Ohio canal system, 108-104;
Louisville canal, 106 ; place in Ameriean Sys-
tem, 112; history of, in South, 124-126;
issue in campaign of 1824, 182.

Jaekson, Andrew, on extermination of party
spirit, 82, note; presidential candidate in
1824, 186-187; reasons for triumph in 1828,
141-148.

Jay, John, drafts New York constitution, 26;
aristocratic views, 26; in peace negotiations
of 1782, 42; retirement, 66, note.

Jefferson, Thomas, "Squatter soverdgnty*' doc-
trine, 21 ; leader of frontier democracy of
Virginia during Revolution, 24 ; comment on
minority rule in Virginia, 1780, 26; draft
constitution for Virginia, 26, note; political
philoeophy, 86-89; nationalism of, in 1816,
86 ; views repudiated by West, 106, 110 ; cited
by western writer, 112, note; on internal
improvements, 116, note; reactionary, 117,
note; on sectional realignment in 1826, 142,

Jennings, Jonathan, governor of Indiana, on
protection of manufactures and home mar-
ket, 111.

Kentucky, democracy of pioneers, 61 ; ten-
dencies towards Jeffersonian Republica nism,
61; vote on Constitution, 61; effect of Fed-
eralist measures, 61-62; Resolutions of 1798,
62.

King, Rufus, wishes admission of new states
delayed, 46, and note; opposition to equal
rights of western states, in federal conven-
tion, 47; on admission of Tennessee, 64; on
acquisition of Lo\iisiana, 70, note; 72, note;
opposes secession of New EiUgland, 72, note;
nominated for governor of New York by
Federalists, 1816, 79; defeated, 79; view of
party outkwk, 79; receives Federalist elec-
toral votes in 1816, 80; fdiesees importance
of West, 98; leadership in opposition to ad-
mission of Missouri as stote, 127-129.

Kirker, Thomas, candidate for governor of
Ohio, 60.

Knox, Henry, on Shays' Rebellion, 28.

Land, law of 1786, 46 ; of 1820 and 1821, 91 ;
attraction of, for immigrants to West, 99,
and note.

Loeki^ John, inflnsnce of poUtieal philosophy
ot 21, 27.

154

INDEX

LouiaUiuu contest over admission of state of »
7t-7C

Louisiana, pnrehase, contest over, 69-70.

Lowndss, William, member of Congrms from
South Carolina, introduces tariff bill of 1816,
1X1.

Macon, Nathaniel, on admission of Louisi-
ana as stete, 74, note.

Madison, James, leader of frontier democracy
of Virginia during Revolution, 24; favors
popular election of president and senators,
80; upholds compact theory, 88; reasons for
opposing Hamilton's policies, 89, note; up-
holds equality of righte of western stetee,
in federal convention, 48; on admission of
Tennessee, 64; opposed for presidency by
alliance of Quids and Federalists, 72; na-
tionalism of, in 1816, 86 ; believes cheap land
an impediment to manufactures, 99, note:
vetoes Bonus Bill, 116; rsactionary ten*
dencies, 117, note.

Manufactures, beginnings in "back country,"
16; Jefferson's dislike of, 87, and note; de-
sired by Ohio Federaliste, 62; effect of
growth of West, 84 ; lesson of War of 1812.
86 ; favored by Jefferson, Madison, and Mon-
roe, 86; favored by Clay and Calhoun, 87;
place in American System, 90 ; stimulated by
isolation of West, 94. and note; growth of
western. 94-96; Governor Huntington, of
Ohio, on. 96 ; desiro of West for. 96-97, 108-
109 ; measures of West to promote. 108-112 ;
Clay on relations of manufactures and agri-
culture. 118. and note: issue in campaign of
1824. 181-182.

Marshall. John, decisions as chief Justice. 117.
note.

Mason. George, leader of frontier democracy
of Virginia during Revolution. 24; views
Senate as bulwark of property righte. 80;
oppoees popular choice of president. 80; fa-
vors freehold qualification for members of
Congress, 81. note: opposes freehold quali-
fication for voters, 82. note; upholds com-
pact theory. 82; upholds equality of righte
of western stetes. in federal convention, 48.

Massachusette. social cleavage and expansion.
18-14; constitution of 1780. 26; political ef-
fect of emigration to West, 71. note ; political
effect of embargo. 72; oppoeition to new
stetes, 76-76.

Massie, Nathaniel, candidate for governor of
Ohio, 60.

Meigs, Return Jonathan, Jr., candidate tat
governor of Ohio, 60-61.

Michigan, separation from Ohio, 68.

Missouri, contest over admission as stete, 127-
180; oppoeition to admission associated with
Federalism, 128-129; compromise, 129-180.

Money and currency, legislation in eolonlal
period, 16; demand of pioneers for paper
money, 16, 27-28; lesson of War of 1812,
86; effect of trade upon, in West, 96-99;
syst«n of West, 97-98; United Stetes Bank
in West, 98-99.

Monroe, James, friends seek aid of Federal-
iste against Madison in contest fbr prssl-
dential nomination, 1808, 72; nationalism of,
in 1816, 86; strict constructionist, 116; re-
actionary views, 117, and note; relation to
Missouri compromise, 129; policies dIsUked
in West, 182, and note.

Morris, Gouvemeur, aristocratic views, 82, and
note: opposition to equality of righte of
western stetes, in federal convention, 46-47,
49, and note: on acquisition of Louisiana,
70, and note; on government of acquired
territory. 70, note; on temper of Republi-
cans after 1800, 81.

National economy. See Amerieaii System.

National Republican party, platform, 141;
based on alliance of Northeast and West,
141': not a revival of Federalism, 142, note.

Nationalism of period foUowing War of 1812,
86-88. 91 ; tendencies of West towards, 104-
107 ; reaction of South against, 116-117.

New School Republicans. See JUpubHcan swHy*

New York, social stratification In cotonlal, 11;
German immigration, 12; Revolutionary
movement, 24; constitution, 26; strongth of
antifederalism. 68; triumph of Federalism,
1794, 68; immigration from New England.
68; reversion to Republicanism, 68-66: de-
cline of Federalism. 66. and note: decisive
weight in election of 1800. 68; faihiro of
Federaliste to carry In 1816, 79.

North Carolina, early sectionalism, 11: settle-
ment of piedmont. 12 ; grievances of Interior,
16: government of Interior, 19; Regulation
movement, 22; cession of western lands, 60,
68.

Northwest Territory, Federalism and Repub-
licanism In, 64, €t 99Q.; contest over di-
vision of, 66-66.

INDEX

156

Ohio, early Mttlen Federmlists, 64; immiffm-
tion of Republieans, 66 : contest over admls-
■ion M stete, 66-67; eonstitiitioiial eonven-
tion, 68-69 : party history, 69-62 ; ofeetlon of
1806-1807, 60; contxov«ny over riffht of
eourt to hold sets void, 60; fosioB of par-
ties. 61-62, 102; growth of manufaetarss,
94-96; exports, 99, note; 101; intnest in
Erie canal, lOS, 106 ; state canal system, 108-
104; economic unity with Northeast, 108,
note; 188; 140; in campaign of 1824-1826,
180-189; criticism of Monroe, 182; attitode
toward presidential candidates in campaign
of 1824: Calhoun, 182; Crawford, 182-188;
CUnton, 188 ; Adams, 188-186 ; Clay, 186-186 ;
Jackson, 186-187; attempte at coalitions.
187-189.

Otto, Louis Guillanme, minister of France, on
xeasons for framing Constitution, 80, note.

Owen, G. W., member of Congrsss from Ala-
bama, on tariff of 1824, 188.

Parties, political, contrast between European
and American, 9; origin in America, 9;
Whigs and Loyalista in Revolution, 22; per-
petuation of old divisions in Federalist and
Republican parties, 88-84 ; causes of periodic
lealignment in United Stotas, 81; obscurity
of forces affecting, in "era of good feeling."
82; change in geographical basis, 1790-1880,
82-86; lealignment during decade following
War of 1812, 127-144. See FsderoKst party,
DmnoenUie partw: National JUpubHcan par'
ty: RejmhHean party.

iblyman, 64;

Peck. Jedediah, New York
arrest and trial, 64-66.

Pennsylvania, immigration, 12, 66; system of
apportionment, 18 ; Revolutionary movement,
28; constitution, 26; Federalism in, 66-68;
democracy of western, 67 ; bitterness of par-
ty feelings, 68.

Pickering. Timothy, fears West will be set-
tled by lawless men. 46; action on proposed
gerrymander of the Northwest Territory,
66; on growth of West, 69; on government
of acquired territory, 70, note; on a north-
em confederacy, 71 ; renews suggestion of a
northern confederacy. 76-77; sympathy with
South, 77; dislike of West, 77, and note.

Piedmont stock, migration to West, 92.

Pinckney, Charles, distrust of people, 81; fa-
vors freehold quaUfleation for federal office,
81, and note.

Planting interest, competition with farming
interest for lands, 10, 41, 92, 114; ally of

New England commercial interest, 16, 77;
political dominance ot planters in colonial era,
17-19; Republicanism of planters, 89-40, 68;
effect of growth of West upon, 84, 114; re-
lations of, to American System, 90-91, 117-
126; expansion of, 92, 114; trade relations
with Northwest, 96, 128, and note; contrast
of prosperity in old and new regions, 119;
support of Jadkson in 1828, 148-144.

Piatt, Jonas. Federalist candidate for governor
of New York. 66.

lion of New Eng-

Phimer. WilUam, favors
land, 72, note.

Poindexter, George, on admission of Louisi-
ana as stete, 74-76.

Porter. Peter B., leader of "Young Republi-
canism." 86; on internal improvements, 89,
note; on need of market for produce of
West, 162, note.

Preparedness, economic, in 1816, 87-88; over-
shadowed by American System, 88-89.

Prices, In West, 107, note; 108. note; antici-
pated effect of canals on, 104.

Quincy. Josiah. on admission of Louisiana as
stete, 78-74; leader of anti-expansion agita-
tion in Iftassachusette, 76.

Randolph, John, Virginia reactionary, 117.
note; on tariff of 1816, 118; on teriff of
1824, 124.

Regulators, 21, 22.

Religious controversies, in Iftassachusette, 18;
be tw een interior and coast, 16 ; in Connecti-
cut, 16, note; 79.

Republican party, continuity with democracy
of back country, 88-84; political phikMophy
of, 86-89; abeorption of planters, 89-40;
view of Hamilton's financial system, 89-40;
tendencies of West towards, 61-62; attitude
on admission of Tennessee. 64; beginnings
in Ohio, 66; on admission of Ohio, 66-68;
triumph in Ohio, 68-69; vicissitudes in New
York, 68-66; strength in Pennsylvania, 66-
68; gains foUowing election of 1800, 68-69;
injured by embargo, 72; on admission of
Louisiana as stete, 74-76; change in temper
after 1800, 81 ; New School, or "Young" Re-
publicans, 86, 116; disruption by divergence
of South and West, 116-126; tendency in
Northwest to unite with Federalism, 61-62,
102, 128-129 ; sectional divisions in campaign
of 1824, 180-141.

Rhode lalaad, setasBMnt, 18.

166

INDEX

Ritchie, Tbomai, editor of Richmond SnouirT,
on new intereets after War of 1812, 86, note :
on Adams's reply to General Smythe, 184,
note.

Boane, Speneer, old lehool BepuUican, 117,
note.

Bom, Jamee, Federalist of western Pennsyl-
vania, 66, 67, 96; mentioned as Federalist
▼iee-prssidential candidate in 1816, 79.

Boosseau, Jean Jacques, philosophy, 20, and
note; inflnence in South Carolina, 27.

BuUedire, John, opposition to equal riffhts of
western states, in federal convention, 47.

St. Clair, Arthur, governor of Northwest Ter-
ritory; a Federalist, 64-66; distrust of set-
tlers in Ohio, 66 ; proiKwal of serrymander of
Northwest Territory, 66-66; removed by Jef-
fenon, 68.

Sanford, Nathan, of New York, vice-presiden-
tial candidate in 1824, 188.

Sargent, Winthrop, secretary of Northwest
Territory, a Federalist, 66.

Scotch-Irish, in Pennsylvania. 12; migration,
12; democracy, 20, 66, 67.

Sectionalism, in vote on ratification of Con-
stitution, 88; readjustment involved in
growth of West, 84-86, 114-116; in debate
on toriff of 1816, 88, 117-118 ; basis of Ameri-
can System, 88-89; in Clay's views, 91, 112-
118 ; key to politics of period 1816-1826, 114-
116 : divergence of South and West, i;6-126 ;
revival of, 1816-1826, 116, et aeq.; tendencies
to alliance of West and Northeast, 129, 188-
141; divides Bepublican party in campaign
of 1824, 180 ; divides South and West in 1824,
187-188, and notes ; 141.

Shays' BebeUion, 16, 28.

Sheffey, Daniel, Virginia Federalist leader, 78 ;
on admission of Louisiana as state, 74.

Sherman, Boger, distrust of people, 80-81.

Slavery, issue in Missouri contest, 127-129;
issue in Ohio in campaign of 1824, 181, and
notes; 182; 188-184; 186.

Smith, William, South Carolina Federalist, on
admission of Tenneisee, 68.

Specie. See Money,

Social stratification, in South Carolina, 11; in
New YoTk, 11-12.

Social variation, general, 9-10, 12 ; in Virginia,
10-11; in North Carolina, 11; in New Eng-
land, 18-14; in New York, 12; foreshadows
national party cleavage, 22.

South, attitode on tariff of 1816, 88, 117-118;
maricet for produce of West, 96, 128, and
note; opposition to American System, 117-
126 ; unites with democratic portion of West
in support of Jaekson in 1828, 141-148.

South Carolina, social stratification, 11 ; settle-
ment of piedmont, 12 ; trade of interior with
coast, 16-16; government of interior, 18-19;
Bevolutionary movement, 28^4 ; eonstlta-
tions, 26, 27.

Squatters, 10, note; 12, 91.

Steamboat, in western commerce, 102-108.

Supporter, Federalist newspaper of Chillicothe,
Ohio, 60, note; quoted on inactivity of Ohio
Federalists, 69, 61.

Surplus, agricultural, Mle of in eoh>nial times,
16; significance in economic evolution of
West, 98, St. eeq.

Tariff, protective, favored by Hadison and
Monroe, 86; Clay and Calhoun on tariff of
1816, 87-88; Baldwin on tariff of 1820, 90,
note ; Clay on tariff of 1824, 90-91 ; attitude
of West, 90, note; growth of western senti-
ment favoring, 107-112 ; opposition of South,
117-124; memorials and speeches against,
119-124; hopes of West concerning south-
ern opinion on, 122-128; issue in campaign
of 1824, 181-182, and notes; views of candi-
dates on, 182-187.

Tatnall, Edward F., member of Congress from
Georgia, on toriff of 1824, 120.

Tennessee, democracy of pioneers, 61 ; vote on
Constitution, 61; tendencies towards Jeffer-
sonian Bepublicanism, 61; effect of Federal-
ist measures, 61-62, and notes; contest for
stotehood, 68-64.

Tracy, tTriah, on acquisition of Louisiana, 69,
note: favors secession of New England, 72,
note.

Taytor, John, old school Bepublican, 117, note.

Tyler, John, old school Bepublican, 117, note.

United Stotes Bank. See Bank* and Banking.

Virginia, early sectionalism, 10-11 ; government
of interior, 18; democratic movement, 22;
constitution of 1776, 24-26; on assumption,
89, and note ; cession of wes t e r n lands, 46.

INDEX

167

Washington, George, on Shagn' BebdUon, 28-
29 : appeal to West in Farewell Address, 62,
and note.

West, "Old West," 42 ; beginnings beyond AUe-
gbanies, 42 ; origin of political rights of, 42-
46; provisions of Albany Plan concerning,
42; Franlclin's views concerning government
of colonies in, 42-48; projects of new colo-
nies, 1764-1774, 48; dispute over ownership
of lands, 44-46; Maryland's demand for free
government in, 44; equal rights promised,
44-46; apprehensions of East concerning in-
fluence of, 46-48, 69-71, 78-77, 98; prejudice
against East, 46; opposition to equal rights
for, in federal convention, 46-49; pledge of
equal statehood in Ordinance of 1787, 60 ; by
Congress, 44, 60; destruction of Federalism
involved in growth of, 61, 69-70, 78; growth
of, in political power, 69, 84; in population,
88; in economic importance, 84; sentiment
on tariff, 90, note; demands voiced by Clay,
112-118; development of, 1816-1826, 91-98;
account of economic evolution of, 98-112 ;
growth of manufactures in, 94-96; views of,
on industry, 96-97 ; banking system of, 97-98 ;
attacks on United Stotes Bank, 98-99 ; South
as market for surplus of, 96, 128, and note;
agricultural development of, 99-101 ; impedi-
ments to trade, 99-100; demand for internal
improvements, 101-104; departure from Jef-
fersonian democracy, and tendency towards
nationalism, 104-107, 112; efforts to encour-
age "home" industry, 107-112; hope of fa-
vorable view in South on toriff, 122-128;
tendency towards alliance with Northeast,
129, 188, 189-141; self-assertion in campaign
of 1824, 180; agreement on issues of cam-
paign, 181, and note; opposition to Monroe,

182, and notes; part in presidential cam-
paign of 1824, 180-140; economic interests
irreconcilable with those of South, 187-188;
divided in support of National Republican
and Jacksonian Democratie parties, 1828,
141-148.

Wheaton, Laban, member of Congress from
Massachusetts, on admission of Louisiana as
sUte^ 74.

Whigs, of Revolution, contest with Loyalists
obscures older antagonism of coast and In-
terior, 22; philosophy reinforces democratic
movement, 22.

WhUkey Rebellion, 87.

Wilkinson, James, predicts separation of East
and West, 46.

Williams, R., on admission of Ohio, 67, note.

Williamson, Hugh, opposition to equality of
rights of western states, in federal conven-
tion, 48.

Wilson, James, moderate in Revolution, 28;
favors popular election of president and sen-
ators, 80; on count of slaves for basis of
representation in Congress, 82, note ; upholds
equality of rights of western states, in fed-
eral convention, 48-49.

Wokiott, Oliver, on Whiskey Rebellion, 67,
note.

Worthington, Thomas, candidate for governor
of Ohio, 60; on maufactures, 96, 106; on
need of market for western produce, 101;
on Erie canal, 108.

^FC

The Ohio State University Bulletin

Volume XXIV APRIL 1, 1920 Number 28

CONTRIBUTIONS IN HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE NUMBER 5

The Loyalists of
Pennsylvania

WILBUR H. SIEBERT

Professor in
The Ohio State University

PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY AT COLUMBUS

Entered as Meond-daM matter Norember 17, 19W, at the poet-offfee at CohmilMis,

Ohio, under Aet of Congreii, July !•, 1894.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

THE LOYALISTS ON THE UPPER OHIO

FACB

Dunmore, Ck>nnolIy, and Loyalism at Fort Pitt 9

Ck>nnolly'8 Plot 10

The Loyalists Plan to Captare Red Stone Old Fort 18

Flight of the Loyalist Leaders from Pittsburgh, March 28, 1778 14

Loyalist Associations and the Plot of 1779-1781 16

Where the Refugees from the Upper Ohio Settled after the War 17

CHAPTER II

THE LOYAUSTS OF NORTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA.

The Loyalists on the Upper Delaware and Upper Susquehanna Rivers. . . 19

Exodus of Loyalists from the Susquehanna to Fort Niagara, 1777-1778 19

The Escort of Tory Parties from the Upper Valleys to Niagara 20

Where These Loyalists Settled 21

CHAPTER III

THE REPRESSION OF LOYALISTS AND NEUTRALS IN
SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA

Political Sentiment in Philadelphia and Its Neighborhood in 1776 22

Operations of the Committee of Safety, 1775-1776 28

Activities of the Committee of Bucks County, July 21, 1776, to August

12, 1776 26

Effect of the Election of April, 1776, in Philadelphia 27

Tory Clubs in the City 27

The Constitutional Convention of Pennsylvania, July, 1776, and Later. . 28

Effect of Howe's Invasion of New Jersey, November and December, 1776 29

Continued Disaffection in Berks County and in Philadelphia, 1777 81

The Test Acts ot April 1 and June 13, 1777 32

Pernstence at Loyalism in Philadelphia and the Neighhoring Region,

August, 1777 84

Effects of Howe's Expedition to Philadelphia, August 25, 1777, and Later 36

Arrest of the Proprietary and Crown OfScials, July 31, 1777, to Octo-

her 1, 1777 37

CHAPTER IV

THE BRITISH INVASION OP SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA,

AUGUST 26, 1777, to JUNE 18, 1778

The Loyalist Accessions of the British Army 38

The Conduct of Philadelphians at the Approach of Howe's Army 39

The Forming of Loyalist Regiments 40

Philadelphia's Tory Administration 43

The Battle of Germantown 46

Philadelphia as an Asylum for Loyalist Refugees 46

Intercourse between the City and Its Environs 47

Festivities in Philadelphia during the "Tory Supremacy" 60

The Evacuation of the City by the British and Many Loyalists 62

Their Retreat across New Jersey, June 17 to July 6, 1778 63

The Loyalist Regiments in Camp 64

Damage to Philadelphia and Germantown by the British Occupation 64

CHAPTER V

WHIG REPRISALS UPON LOYALISTS DURING AND AFTER THE
BRITISH OCCUPATION OF PHILADELPHIA

Operations of the Council of Safety, October 13, 1777 66

Appropriating the College in Philadelphia and the Estates of Refugees,

January 2, 1778, to April 27, 1781 67

Disabilities of Non- jurors under the Act of April 1, 1778 69

Phases in the Hstory and Endowment of the University of Pennsylvania,

February, 1779, to December, 1791 60

Adjustment of the Claims of the Proprietaries, February, 1778, to 1791. . 62

CHAPTER VI

THE PURCHASE OF THE INDIAN TRACT ON LAKE ERIE

Acquisition of the Tract and Its Opening to White Settlers, September

25, 1783, to February 23, 1787 06

Transfer to Pennsylvania of the United States Government's Title,

September 4, 1788, to March 4, 1789 06

CHAPTER VII

THE SURVIVAL OF LOYAUSM AFTER THE DEPARTURE OF

THE BRITISH FROM THE STATE

Benedict Arnold as Commandant of Philadelphia, June 19, 1778, to

mid^uly, 1780 68

Prosecution of Inimical Persons, 1779 68

The Problem of Ridding Philadelphia of the Wives of Loyalist Refugees,

1779 to 1782 72

Action of Continental Army Officers in the City against the Disaffected,

April 6, 1780 76

Philadelphia under Martial Law, June 9, 1780 76

Illicit Trade between Philadelphia and New York, 1779-1780 78

The Tory Plot to Carry Off the Secret Journals of Congress, Novem-
ber, 1781 79

Continuance of the Illicit Traffic between Philadelphia and New York,

1782 80

Attempts to Suppress Loyalist Depredations in Southeastern Pennsyl-
vania, 1782-1783 80

Opposition to the Return of Loyalists under the Terms of the Treaty

of 1783 81

CHAPTER VIII

THE PARDON OF ATTAINTED LOYALISTS BY THE SUPREME

EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, 1780-1790

Applications, Suspensions, and Full Pardons 83

Joseph Galloway's Petition 86

Loyalists in Philadelphia after the Peace 86

Efforts to Abolish the Test Laws, 1784 87

The Test Act of March 4, 1786 89

The Repeal of the Test Acts, March 13, 1789 90

A Curious Instance of the Revival of the Old Animosities 90

CHAPTER IX

THE SALE OF FORFEITED ESTATES

The Confiscation and Sale of Loyalist Estates, October, 1777, to April 12,

1779 92

The Period of Sales, April, 1779, to December, 1790 92

The Use of Confiscated Estates for the Endowment of the University and

for Other Purposes 94

Excejytional Cases of Confiscation 94

CHAPTER X

THE EMIGRATION OP PENNSYLVANIA LOYALISTS

I. FUOHTS TO Enouind:

Early Departures from Philadelphia and New York 96

Provision for the Large Number of Refugees in New York after

the British Evacuation of Philadelphia 98

Departures from New York to London in 1788 98

II. The Migration to Nova Sootia:

Many Families from Pennsylvania Settle at Shelburne, Nova Scotia 100
The Founding of Gusnsborough, Nova Scotia, Spring of 1784 101

III. The Migration to New Brunswick:

The Early History of Pennfield, July, 1783, June, 1803 101

The Resolution of Philadelphia Citizens against the Return of

Refugees 103

Letter of the Officers of Loyalist Regiments at New York to Sir

Guy Carleton, March 14, 1783 108

Departure of the Loyalist Regiments to St. John River, September

16, 1783 104

The Drawing of Regimental Tracts and Town Lots 106

Locations of the Following Regiments Containing Pennsylvanians:

The New Jersey Volunteers 106

The Royal Guides and Pioneers 108

The Queen's Rangers 108

The Pennsylvania Loyalists 109

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Stnrkar, William 13., Tha Now Jor—y VoVamiaora (LoyaUtta) in tho RavoUuionnry War.
(Pamphlet)

Official Records and Laws

Amariemn Archivoa, 4th Series. IV. V, VI; 6th Series. I, II. m.

Chartara, Statntoa, and By-Law of tho Univorgity [of Pennsylvania]. Rerised. Mareh, 18X6.

(Pamphlet.)
"Claims of American Lojalbts." In Tha Ponmayloania Maaaaima of Hiatory amd Biography^

XV.
Colonial Rooorda of Pon X. XI. XH. Xin. XIV. XV. XVL
BxaminMtiion of Joooph GaUoway, Eaq,, Lata Spoakor of tho Hon— of Atoomhly of PonnaylJ

vatitia, boforo tho Houoe of Commono, in a Committoo on tho Amorieam Papara. With

Explanatory Notoo. 2d ed. London. 1780.
Godfrey. Carloa E.. "Muster Soils of Three Troops of Loyalist Lisht Dragoons Raised in Penn-
sylvania, 1777-1778." In 3*^ PeiMwylvania Magaaino of Hiatory and Biography, XXXIV,

No. 188.
Jeamal •/ Congroao, new ed.. IX.
Joumalo of tho Houoo of Roprooontativoo of tho Commonwtalth of Ponnoylvania^ Novembei^

28. 1776. to October. 1781-1782.
Lawo of Ponnoylvamkh U* III.

Medical Dopartmont of tho Univoroity of Ponnoylvania, Oct., 1844. (Pamphlet)
"Minates of the Committee of Safety of Bucks Oranty. Pa.. 1774-1776." In Tha Ponnoyhania

Magaaino of Hiatory and Biography, XV. No. 8.
Minates of tho ConneU of Safety of tho StaU of Now Joraoy, 1777-1778, (Jersey City. 1872.)
Minmtoo of tho Supromo Exoeutivo Conncil of Ponnoylvania, from Ito Organiaation to tha Tor-

mination of tho Rovolution, March h 1777, to Doeombor MO, 1790. Six vols.
Raport an tha Amorieam, Manuoeripto in tho Royal Inatitution of Groat Britain, I, II, IIL IV.
Soeond Raport of tha Bureau of Arehiveo for tho Provineo of Ontario, 1904, Parts I and II.
Stiitutea at Lar^c of Ponnoylvania, IX. XII. XTV.

Third Report of tha Bureau of Arehiveo for the Province of Ontario, 1906.
Winslow. Muster Master General Edward, Muoter RoUo of the [Loyalist] Provincial Corpa.

(UnpubUshed.)
Griffin, BHAiography of American Hiatorical SocUtiea. 2d ed.. 1907.

General and Miscellaneous Works

• • . •

A Century of Population Growth in tho United StaUe, 1790-1900,

Drake, Francis S., Dictionary of American Biography.

Gontloman'o Magaaino, August. 1778.

Medical ITepartment of the Univoroity of Ponnoylvania. Issued by the Medical Professors of the
Univeisity of Pennsylvania. (Philadelphia, October. 1844.) (Pamphlet)

New Jeroey Arehiveo, Second Scries, II, III.

Raymond. Rev. W. O., "Lojalists in Arms." In CoUoetiana of the Now Brunowiek Hiotarieal
Society, No. 6.

Sargent Winthrop, ed.. Loyal Veroee of Jooeph Stanobury und Dr. Jonathan OdelL

Sidbert, Wilbor H., Flight of Amorieam LoyaUato to the Britioh Idea. (Pamphlet) "The Dis-
persion of the American l^orfes." In Tha Miooiooippi Valley Hiatorical Review, I.

CHAPTER I

THE LOYALISTS ON THE UPPER OHIO

Toryism or Loyalism became active among the frontiersmen of
western Pennsylvania before it did in other parts of the Colony.
This activity was evoked in the early seventeen seventies by Lord
Dunmore's attempt to settle the boimdary dispute between Virginia
and Pennsylvania by taking forcible possession of Fort Pitt. Dim-
more's agent in effecting this enterprise was Dr. John Connolly,
captain commandant of the militia in the region concerned, who
with about 80 of his men seized the fort at the end of January,
1774, changed its name to Fort Dunmore, organized the surround-
ing district into a new county, and thus supplanted or usurped the
authority of Pennsylvania on the upper Ohio. The new order of
things found many supporters among the old residents of Pitts-
burgh, those who resisted being severely dealt with by the com-
mandant, while the neighboring Indians were subjected to depre-
dations by Connolly and his adherents. Stirred thus to acts of
retaliation, the savages were not restored to a state of submission
until Dunmore had conducted the militia of the frontier counties
on an expedition against them, which received the sounding appel-
lation of Dunmore's War.

The clash of authority between the new regime and the old
at Fort Dunmore is illustrated by a proclamation issued by Con-
nolly at the end of this year. In this manifesto the commandant
said that he was informed that certain persons in the region round-
about, who were called collectors, were apparently authorized to
conmiit various deeds of violence, including the breaking open of
doors, cupboards, etc., in order to extort money from the inhabi-
tants under the name of taxes. He therefore apprised his Majesty's
subjects that there could be no authority legally vested in anybody
to perform such acts "at this juncture," that such measures were
unwarrantable as abuses of public liberty, and that all persons
had an undoubted natural, as well as lawful, right to repel them.
The proclamation closed by directing the people to apprehend any-
one attempting the seizure of their effects, in consequence of such

10 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

imaginary authority, in order that he might be dealt with accord-
ing to law.^

In June, 1775, Connolly held an Indian council at the fort in
pursuance of the progranmie of his patron, the governor of Vir-
ginia, to win the redmen for the King, and he tells us in his Nar-
rative that he "had the happiness" of doing so. He also relates
how he brought together a group of his friends — "most of them
either officers in the militia, or magistrates of the county'' (of
West Augusta) — ^who entered into a secret agreement to assist in
restoring constitutional government, if he could procure the nec-
essary authority to raise men. It is clear, therefore, that Connolly
and his adherents were determined to prepare for armed resist-
ance to the revolutionary party, which had assumed control of
the colonial government.

As a precautionary measure, which Dunmore deemed needful
on account of the numerous friends of the American cause on the
upper Ohio, the conunandant disbanded the garrison of Fort Dun-
more in the early days of July, and on the 20th of that month set
out for Virginia to submit his plans for future operations to the
official he was serving. Arrived at Norfolk, where Dunmore was
already a refugee on board a British man-of-war, Connolly spent
two weeks completing his arrangements, and then proceeded to
Boston to lay them before General Gage. In brief, his plan was
to secure the cooperation of the whites and Indians from the royal
post at Detroit and the garrison from Fort Gage on the Illinois in
an expedition against the upper Ohio, where he would enlist a
battalion of Loyalists and some independent companies, besides
gaining the active support of the neighboring Indians. With the
force thus collected, he would seize or, if necessary, destroy forts
Pitt and Fincastle, and form a junction with Lord Dunmore at
Alexandria, thus severing the Southern Colonies from the North-
em and assuring the success of the royal cause in the South. That
the Indian villages might be prepared for his coming. Loyalist
traders went among them to represent to them that the American
''Long Knives'' were no less enemies of the tribesmen than of the
King. This part of Connolly's plot was the first to be thwarted,
for the Conunittee of Correspondence of West Augusta County
brought about a conference in September and October, 1776, at
Pittsburgh between the tribes from the Ohio, upper Allegheny,

i Cohn, R^eordt •/ P«^ X, 288.

THE LOYALISTS ON THE UPPER OHIO 11

and the neighborhood of Detroit and the commissioners of Con-
gress, which terminated in a treaty of peace and neutrality.'

But other unforeseen contingencies were to arise to the com-
plete undoing of the plot. Connolly returned to Virginia after a
prolonged stay in Boston, received a commission as lieutenant
colonel commandant from Dunmore, and in company with two
Loyalists, Allen Cameron and Dr. John Ferdinand Dalziel Smyth,
set out for Detroit, November 13. Smyth was to be appointed sur-
geon and Cameron a lieutenant in the battalion — ^the Loyal For-
esters — ^to be raised by their companion. A week later the trio was
arrested a few miles north of Hagerstown, and a few days there-
after a copy of Connolly's "proposals'' was discovered in his pos-
session, whereupon Congress was asked what should be done with
the prisoners. That body ordered that they be escorted to Phila-
delphia under guard. On the night of December 28, Dr. Smyth
escaped from the jail at Fredericktown with letters to Connolly's
wife and the Tory, Alexander McKee, at Pittsburgh, as also to
military officers at Kaskasia and Detroit. The latter were urged
to "push down the Mississippi and join Lord Dunmore." After a
perilous journey of 300 miles, the undaunted messenger was cap-
tured by a party from Fort Pitt, January 12, 1776, with Con-
nolly's letters still on his person. He was then conveyed to Phila-
delphia, or as he picturesquely expresses it, he was "dragged in
triumph 700 miles, bound hands and feet, to the Congress." Mean-
time, Connolly and Cameron had been conducted to the same desti-
nation and were brought before the Committee of Safety, Janu-
ary 29, but were remanded to jail to remain until further orders
as persons "inimical to the liberties of America." In the follow-
ing December Cameron and Smyth planned to escape from their
confinement by a rope made of blankets. Smyth appears to have
succeeded at this time, or soon after, for he came in with Lieuten-
ant James Murray and 61 recruits very soon after Howe's expedi-
tion landed at the head of the Elk River, August 25, 1777, and
was given a captain's commission in the Queen's Rangers a month
later. In representing his own services at the close of the war,
Smyth with characteristic exaggeration claimed to have raised a
corps of 185 men at his own expense, in addition to others in such
numbers that his recruits composed the greater part of the Rang-
ers. Cameron, however, had tiie misfortune of breaking both his
ankles by a fall of fifty feet, when he attempted to descend by

12 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

means of the improvised rope; but he recovered sufficiently to
undertake the voyage to England in the winter of 1778, the Brit-
ish being then in possession of Philadelphia. In the fall of 1776
Connolly was released on account of failing health, and was per-
mitted to reside on his parole at the house of his brother-in-law,
James Ewing, on the Susquehanna River. Suspicions soon arising
concerning his conduct, Connolly was remanded to jail, but was
again allowed to retire to Ewing's plantation, April 2, 1777, after
furnishing a bond of £4,000 for his good behavior and prom-
ising not to depart more than five miles from the plantation.
A little more than six months later Congress ordered its trouble-
some prisoner of war confined in the jail at Yorktown, where it
was then sitting, on the ground that he was not acting consist-
ently with his parole and was believed to be the prospective in-
strument in a barbarous war with which the frontier was being
threatened. He was kept in confinement until in November, 1779,
when he was sent to Germantown on parole, and on July 4, 1780,
was allowed to go to New York, under pledge of doing or saying
nothing injurious to the United States and of conducting himself
as a prisoner of war should do. Nevertheless, he promptly sub-
mitted plans to Sir Henry Clinton for employing provincial troops
and Indian auxiliaries in attacking the frontier outposts, seizing
Pittsburgh, fortifying the Alleghenies, and otherwise promoting
the royal cause in that region. By April 3, 1781, the only progress
Connolly appears to have made towards realizing these ambitious
projects was in enlisting 58 Loyal Foresters; and when Clinton
proposed to commission him lieutenant colonel commandant in
the Queen's Rangers, he accepted the commission and sailed with
that corps for Yorktown, Va. On his arrival at Yorktown, Con-
nolly was appointed by Comwallis to the command of the Vir-
ginia and North Carolina Loyalists, with a detachment of the
York Volunteers, and was sent to protect the inhabitants of the
peninsula formed by the James River and Chesapeake Bay. Late
in September he was again taken prisoner, but after Comwallis's
surrender was permitted by the governor of Virginia to return to
Philadelphia, where he arrived, December 12th. At the end of the
same month Connolly was brought before the Supreme Executive
Council of Pennsylvania, on the charge of having violated his pa-
role in Virginia, and was committed to the common jail, inasmuch
as his going at large would be "dangerous to the public welfare

THE LOYALISTS ON THE UPPER OHIO 13

and safety." With him was incarcerated one of his Loyal Forest-
ers, James Lewis, who attended him as a servant. Connolly re-
mained in prison until March 1, 1782, when through the efforts
of friends he was permitted to withdraw to New York, on condi-
tion of his going to England. This condition he fulfilled ''when the
fleet sailed." In his Narrative Colonel Connolly tells us that the
recruits he had raised in Virginia, together with the olBcers he
had warranted for his intended regiment, shared the fate of Com-
wallis's army at Yorktown, and that those recruits (Loyal For-
esters) who had remained at New York, "as soon as the war be-
came merely defensive, were drafted into another corps." The
misfortunes of Connolly and his intimates served to block, not once
but several times, a plot that American historians agree was the
most formidable Tory enterprise ever concocted against the back
country during the entire revolutionary period, and one which,
if successful, might have produced grave consequences for the
American cause in general.'

There were, however, other Tory enterprises besides Con-
nolly's, which aimed at the reduction of the country on the upper
Ohio. One of these was revealed late in August, 1777, to Colonel
Thomas Gaddis of Westmoreland County, Pa., who in turn
warned Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Brown at Redstone Old Fort
on the Monongahela that the local Tories had associated for the
purpose of cutting off the other inhabitants. While Brown kept
guard over his powder magazine and sent word to the patriots to
be ''upon their watch," Gaddis and Colonel Zackwell Morgan of
Monongalia County, Va., at once led out the militia, together with
some unenlisted men^ in search of the Loyalists; and by August
29, Colonel Morgan was able to report that he had already cap-
tured numbers of associators, who confessed that they were in
league with certain leading men at Fort Pitt and were awaiting
a concerted attack by a force of British, French, and Indians on
that post, which was then to be surrendered with but little oppo-
sition. Some of those involved in this plot fled to the mountains.
Among these was Henry Maggee of the Perth Valley in Cumber-
land County, who resorted with thirty others to the fastnesses of
the Alleghenies. Some years later Maggee made an affidavit that.

>Si«bert, "The Tories of the Upper Ohio" in Bisn. Rtpart, Areh, amd HiBt., W, Va,,
1911-1914, 41: Pa, Mao, of Hwt. and Biog., Apr., 1889. 154-166; Oet., 1889, 281-286; Colon.
RoeordM of Pa,, X, 461, 470; XI. 196; XIII, 160, 168. Papara road hoforo tho LaneaoUr Co.
Hiot. Soe„ VII, No. 6, 126; See, Rep,, Bur. of Arehivoa, OnL, Pt. IL 1144-1146; Bev. W. O.
Raymond'e Me. Notes from the Moeter Rolk of the Provincial Corps; Am. Areh.p 4th Ser.,
IV, 88, 104, 112, 166. 479, 608, 698, 617; V, 1119, 1121. 1122; VI, 488, 484. 486.

14 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

in conjunction with his friends, he had induced 431 men to sign
for enlistment in Butler's Rangers, whose headquarters were at
Fort Niagara, but that these recruits were obliged to disperse
when one of their number turned informer. Maggee first went to
Philadelphia and in 1778 to Nova Scotia. It is not unlikely that
William Pickard and his two sons of Westmoreland County signed
Maggee's agreement, for we find them joining Butler's Rangers in
1777. Alexander Robertson, an Indian trader, who was one of
those caught planning to destroy the powder magazine on the upper
Ohio, also fled in the same year.*

The closing scene in the conspiracy of 1777 was enacted at
Pittsburgh, March 28, 1778, when Captain Alexander McKee, Mat-
thew Elliott, Simon Girty, Robert Surphlitt, John Higgins, and
McKee's two negroes made their escape. Captain McKee was the
deputy superintendent of Indian Affairs at Fort Pitt, Surphlitt
was his cousin, and Higgins appears to have been one of his serv-
ants. Simon Girty had long acted as interpreter for the Six Na-
tions. During a considerable time both McKee and Girty had been
regarded as suspicious characters and, after an investigation into
the alarming situation on the Western frontier by a commission
appointed by Congress, these two men and one other had been
placed under arrest for a brief period in the autumn of 1777. In
Matthew Elliott, who was an Indian trader, the little party of
fugitives had a guide who knew the route to Detroit. The trail
followed by these Loyalists led through what is now southern
Ohio, by way of Coshocton and Old Chillicothe on the west bank
of the Scioto River (the site of the present village of Westfall)
and thence through the Wyandot towns on the Sandusky River to
their destination. At the Shawnee village of Old Chillicothe Mc-
Kee and his followers found James Girty, whom they persuaded to
join them later at Detroit. Shortly after their arrival at this Brit-
ish post. Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton appointed McKee
deputy agent for Indian Affairs, Elliott captain in the Indian
Department, and Simon Girty interpreter and agent in the secret
service. Thus, these men were afforded full opportunity to insti-
gate and take a leading part in operations against the frontier

•ThwaitM and K«nonr, Frontier Dtftnm on th* Uppor Ohio, X, 14. 21-24, St-42, 46.
61-68, 64-68, 70, 142-146, 184-187. 260; Jour, of Cong. (n«w cd.), IX. 881, 942-044, 1018; 5«e.
Rop. Bur, of ArehivoM, Ont. (1904), Pt. I, 687 ; Pt. U. 968, 964; Pt. I, 160.

THE LOYALISTS ON THE UPPER OHIO 15

which they had left but recently.* That there were other acces-
sions at Detroit of Loyalists from Pittsburgh during this period
appears probable from the statement of Brigadier General Edward
Hand, who wrote from the latter post, April 24, 1778, to General
Horatio Gates, complaining that since the 18th of the preceding
January forty men had deserted from his small garrison, including
fourteen who had disappeared on the night of April 23d, taking
with them a party of the country people. Hand added that he had
detached four officers and forty men in pursuit. One of the forty
deserters to whom Hand referred was Henry Butler, who arrived
at Kaskasia on the Mississippi near the close of the preceding
February. James Girty made his appearance at Detroit in August,
1778, and was at once appointed interpreter for the Shawnee.
Nearly a year later George Girty came in. He had been a prisoner
for twelve months at New Orleans, whence he had journeyed by
a long and arduous path through the Indian country. He also was
made an interpreter in the Indian Department at Detroit.'

The numerous flights from Pittsburgh and its vicinity since
the days of Dunmore's War had removed those Loyalists best qual-
ified to lead in regaining control of the upper Ohio for the Crown.
Connolly, McKee, and the others had thenceforth to labor under
the great disadvantage of forming their plots and attempting their
expeditions at long range against a foe that was familiar with
their purposes and methods, and that was ever alert to thwart
them. There was still, however, a considerable body of Tories on
the upper Ohio, despite the desertions of March and April, 1778,
from Fort Pitt. With the spread of the rumor in the early part
of 1779 that the Loyalists and Indians at Detroit were preparing
to penetrate to Pittsburgh, Hugh Kelly of Maryland betook him-
self to the neighboring Red Stone settlement and enlisted 176 men ;
while his associate, James Fleming of Frederick County, Va.,
raised 76 recruits at Kittanning. According to the formal state-
ment that was submitted by Fleming and Kelly to the authorities
in London toward the end of the Revolution, the work of organiz-
ing the Loyalists was extended by them into the adjacent portions
of Maryland and Virginia, through the agency of Adam Graves,

« ThwaitM and K«nonr, Frontier Dtftnae on the Upper Ohio, 249-266, 260, n. 14 ; HeekO'
wMer'B Na/rraiive, 182; Thwaites and K«nonr, Bev, on the Upper Ohio, 74. 76; 8oe. Rep^
Bnr, of Arehioot, Ont„ (1904). Pt. H. 986. 987. 988. 1082. 1282.

•ThwaitM and Kdloss. Frontier Dtfenee on ^te Upper Ohio, 247. 278, 279, 288. 284,
n., 98; 8oe. Rep., Bur, of Arohivee, (1904). Pt. II. 988. 1284.

16 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

John George Graves, and Nicholas Andrews, all of Maryland, with
the result that up to June, 1781, nearly 1,300 volunteers were
bound by oath to serve at call in a corps which they proposed to
name the Maryland Royal Retaliators. Curiously enough, our in-
formants nowhere intimate that they had received commissions
authorizing them to embody these men; and since the enlistment
of the proposed corps never got beyond the provisional stage —
according to their own admission — we can find no record of it in
the Muster Rolls of the Loyalist, or Provincial, Regiments. Ac^
cording to the plan of campaign, as developed by the sunmier of
1781, General Johnson was to operate with a large force in the
neighborhood of Pittsburgh, and Colonel Connolly was to return
from the region north of the James River and assist Johnson.
Large numbers of British prisoners confined in Winchester, Stras-
burg, Leesburg, Sharpsburg, Fort Frederick, and Fredericktown,
Va., were to be released; the Tories of Somerset and Worcester
counties on the Eastern Shore of Maryland were to be aided,
should their petition meet with favor, by an expedition to be sent
by General Leslie from Portsmouth, Va., to the Chesapeake, and
the sea coast was to be molested by the privateers of the Associ-
ated Loyalists sent out from New York.

This extended plan, as it happened, broke down at two points :
the appeal of the Eastern Shore Tories to General Leslie was inter-
cepted; and the papers revealing the project and names of the
Loyalist leaders of Frederick County were delivered by mistake
to an American officer in Fredericktown, with the result — ac-
cording to Kelly and Fleming's account — ^that 170 of their associ-
ates were at once arrested. Of these, Adam and John George
Graves, Nicholas Andrews, and four others were tried before a
special court, July 25, 1781, and found guilty of high treason.
Three of the seven were executed at Fredericktown; Andrews,
the two Graves brothers, and Fleming managed in some manner
to escape to Comwallis at Yorktown, whence they were fortunate
enough to find their way to New York after the surrender, which
occurred on October 19, 1781. At New York they found Kelly, who
had preceded them thither. Meanwhile, the General Court at An-
napolis rendered the judgment of outlawry against about 100 lead-
ing Loyalists, some of whom were from Baltimore County, and at
later periods against about 80 others from various localities in

THE LOYAUSTS ON THE UPPER OHIO 17

Maryland, including Frederick, Charles, Kent, Montgomery, Som-
erset, and Worcester counties/

With the exception of several of the leaders, it is impossible
to trace the fugitives from the upper Ohio to the localities where
they settled after the return of peace. Hugh Kelly was in Halifax
in December, 1785, where he made representations of his losses
before one of the British Commissioners on Loyalist Claims; and
it is probable that one or more of his intimates and some of his
followers were also in Nova Scotia. Alexander McKee, Simon
Girty, and a few of the Loyalists who had taken refuge at Fort
Detroit secured deeds from the Ottawa Indians to Colchester and
Gosfield townships on the shore of Lake Erie east of the Detroit
River, and opened them to settlement. The transfer of ''The Two
Connected Townships'' thus effected was irregular, and had to be
rectified by a reconveyance of the districts from the Indians to the
Canadian Government. In 1788 the two townships were laid out
in one hundred and nine lots, and during the next five years the
settlers who had previously entered the tract were confirmed in
the possession of their properties. Thus, arose "The New Settle-
ment,'' which began about five miles east of the Detroit River and
extended for a distance three times as great along the lake front
to the eastward. Some of those who drew lots in the two town-
ships did not locate there, going instead to the River Thames,
where the soil was of a better quality; while others, to the num-
ber of a hundred or more, became discouraged on account of the
long delays in obtaining provisions and tools from the govern-
ment, and returned to the United States. The region next to the
Detroit River remained for a time unsettled, partly because of its
marshy character and partly on account of doubtful claims. *In
January, 1793, however, John Graves Simcoe, formerly colonel of
the Queen's Rangers, one of the Loyalist Corps, and now lieuten-
ant governor of Ontario, took action, along with his council, by
which this tract was constituted the township of Maiden and was
granted to Alexander McKee, Matthew Elliott, and Captain Wil-
liam Caldwell. The settlers who had already made improvements in
the new township were secured in their holdings at the same time.

*R*p. o« Aim. Mm. m Roy, IntL of GU Brit,, Uh <• 46. 47; I. 20; IV, 241; 5«e.
Rop„ Hut. of ArehivoM, OnU (1904). Pt. I, 66, M; Seharf, BioL of Md., U, 8M-6M; SielMrt,
"TlM Toriet of tiM Upper Ohio" in Bion, Rep^ Arehipf and Hiot^ W, V*.. (1911-1914), 46. 46.

18 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

Captain Caldwell, it may be added, was one of Colonel John But-
ler's Rangers from Fort Niagara/

*5m. lUp., Bur. of ArckifH9, Ont. (1004). Pt I. 66; Third JUp^ Bwr. of Arekhm»
OnL (1006), 222, 228; Siebcrt. "The DispenSoii of tbc American Tories." in the Mim, Valley
BitL Jtev.. I. ISO, 100.

CHAPTER II

THE LOYALISTS OF NORTHEASTERN

PENNSYLVANIA

There was a considerable Loyalist element among the early
settlers on the upper Delaware and upper Susquehanna rivers
in northeastern Pennsylvania. This was especially true of the
Germans of the Susquehanna, among whom the proportion of Loy-
alists was larger, so far as our scanty evidence indicates, than
among their neighbors of the English and Irish nationalities.
Various things suggest that the strife between the Whigs and
Tories of Tryon County, New York, which centered at Johnstown
in the lower Mohawk Valley and resulted in the flight of the John-
sons to Canada in August, 1776, was not without effect beyond the
southern boundary of the Province. One of the refugees from
Johnstown was John Butler, who was sent by the Canadian au-
thorities to Fort Niagara in the following November. Other Loy-
alists also made their way to this British outpost, including John
Depue, who arrived during the winter of 1776-77, bringing let-
ters from seventy of his neighbors on the Susquehanna proposing
to enlist as rangers under Butler's command. This seems to have
been the first suggestion of the formation of a corps of armed
frontiersmen and raiders at Niagara ; although it was not the first
time that Butler had held communication with these persons, for
he had already invited them to come to the fort Among the earli-
est of the group to enter the ranks of the new regiment were Depue
himslf , Frederick Auger and his two sons, and Hendrick Windron.
Mr. Windron relates that he was accompanied on his journey from
the Susquehanna to Niagara by his wife and children and several
other families of Loyalists.^

In the spring of 1777, not long after the Pennsylvania As-
sembly had passed an act defining treason and misprision of trea-
son, Philip Bender and the Loyalists of his settlement made the
long and arduous journey of several hundred miles to Fort Ni-
agara. Others who testify that they went in the same year are

^SteUrt. "Tbt LojmUtts and Sfat Nation Indians in the Niacara Paninanla*' in IVmm.
Aoy. 5o0. Cam^ IX (1016), 80, 81. and raferaneea there siTen.

20 THE LOTAUSTS OF PENNSTLVANIA

William Pickard and his two sons, Casper Hover and his tiiree
sons* Abraham Wartman, Conrad Sills, Henry Lyman, William
Vanderlip, and George Kentner, all of whom enlisted in the Rang-
ers. It is very probable that some of these were members of the
party with which Philip Bender went, and that the fathers of
families were accompanied not merely by their older sons but also
by their wives and younger children. We learn of but one recruit
from the Susquehanna in St. Leger's expedition, namely, Philip
Buck, who joined it at Fort Stanwix, although there may have
been others. In 1778 the movement to Niagara continued with
the flight of John Wintermute, Thomas Millard and his three sons,
Edward Turner and his father, evidently with other families, and
Michael Thomas.

This exodus from the Susquehanna country had not been left
to run its own course, but had been stimulated by the recruiting
operations of Depue and the Mohawk chieftain, Joseph Brant, af-
ter the defeat of St. Leger. These activities are explained by the
fact that Butler did not receive permission to organize his corps
until after the catastrophe at Fort Stanwix. They were not con-
fined, however, to the upper Susquehanna, nor to the autumn of
1777 ; for early in the following year Brant invaded the valley of
the upper Delaware and gathered in sixty or seventy of the in-
habitants of that region, while at the time of his descent on Wy-
oming in the following summer, Butler gained an accession of
forty more Delaware Valley Loyalists. From the fort at Wyom-
ing he released a party of adherents of the Crown, which took
the Indian trail through the forest to Oswego, and, embarking
thence in row boats, reached Niagara after spending nine days on
the waters of Lake Ontario. Doubtless, the other refugees pur-
sued much the same route, or accompanied their rescuers on the
march back to Fort Niagara. By 1779 the Tory population of the
upper Susquehanna appears to have largely vanished, for we have
the record of only one flight from this region in the year just
named, that of Isaac Dobson. As Dobson had been imprisoned,
he was prevented from leaving earlier.^

Numbers of these Loyalists from northeastern Pennsylvania
enlisted in the Rangers, as we have observed above ; and not a few
of them served under Colonel Butler throughout the Revolutionary

'Siebert, "Tbt Lojmlists and Sfat Nation Indtam in the Niacara Paninrala" In IVmm.
Roy. 8oe. Cmn^ IX (1015), 82-86. and rafcreneat than yirtn.

LOYALISTS OF NORTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA 21

War. Probably most of them received grants of land in the Ni-
agara Peninsula at the close of the contest, as did the men of But-
ler's corps in general and the warriors of the Six NaGons, who had
made Fort Niagara their base of operations since the fall of 1777.
A few of the Pennsylvanians, however, soon drifted to other lo-
calities ; and individuals among them were to be found living a few
years after the war at Fort Erie, at Detroit, on the Bay of Quints,
in the Fourth and Fifth townships on the north side of the St
Lawrence River, and at Montreal. In 1787 John Depue was a resi-
dent at Fort Erie.*

•Soe. B€p^ Bur. of AreMoM, Ont., (1904). Pt I, Ml, 480; Pt. II. MS. MS. •TO, 97t. •Ti.
•75. ••!. SSi. •••. 991, 1001. lOOS. IStS. 1S6S: Tnm9, Roy. Soe. (km.^ TL (1015). ••. ff.. 117. ff.

CHAPTER m

THE REPRESSION OF THE LOYALISTS AND NEUTRALS

IN SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA

In the early months of 1776 the division of sentiment in Penn-
sylvania over the question of resistance to the Crown was already
manifest. The Convention of provincial delegates, which was then
in session, approved of open resistance; and Philadelphians sus-
pected of loyal proclivities were being silenced or driven out almost
daily by means of advertisements, handbills, or personal warnings
which, if unheeded, were followed in extreme cases by the ap-
plication of tar and feathers. At the same time, the Meeting for
Sufferings of Pennsylvania and New Jersey Quakers issued a testi-
mony against usurpation of authority and against insurrections,
conspiracies, and illegal assemblies, this last expression being ob-
viously intended to include the provincial conventions and the Con-
tinental Congress itself. It would be a mistake, however, to sup-
pose that the Meeting for Sufferings voiced the convictions of all
members of the dominant sect in Pennsylvania ; for many of them
quietly gave financial support to the Revolution, and some deviated
from the principle of non-resistance to the extent of joining the
association for defending with arms the lives, liberty, and property
of the people, entering military organizations, and signing the test
that was later prescribed by Congress and the State.^

The news from Lexington, which was received in Philadel-
phia five days after the battle, seems to have produced a marked
effect upon the "Tory class" there, according to the Diary or Re-
membrancer of Christopher Marshall, a Quaker patriot of the city,
who noted on May 7 that "Their language is quite softened, and
many of them have so far renounced their former sentiments as
that they have taken up arms, and are joined in the association;
nay even many of the stiff Quakers, and some of those who drew
up the Testimony are ashamed of their proceedings.'' It was, in-
deed, soon after this that a number of young Friends formed a
company of light infantry in the American interest, which was

^ Scharf and Wwtcott, Hi&t of PhUa., I, 298» 2M. 296» n. 1.

REPRESSION IN SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA

under the command of Sheriff Joseph Cowperthwait, and was
called the ^^Quaker Blues." Not inconsistent with Marshall's state-
ment regarding the changed conduct of the Philadelphia Loyalists
were the observations of Judge Samuel Curwen, a fugitive Tory
from Salem, Mass., who spent the week of May 6-12 in the Quaker
City. In his search for lodgings, Curwen became convinced that
the place was pervaded with ^'congressional principles" to such a
degree that no man there dared express a doubt concerning the
feasibility of the projects of Congress, and that the inhabitants
were displeased with New Englanders for making the town their
haven of refuge. These views and the advice of his friend Judge
Joseph Lee, a lukewarm Tory of Cambridge, Mass., who was lead-
ing the life of a recluse in Philadelphia, induced Mr. Curwen to re-
embark, this time for London, Eng., where he arrived on July S.'
Meantime, in keeping with the suggestion of Benjamin Frank-
lin, a Committee of Safety supplanted the Conmiittee of Corre-
spondence on June 30, being given discretionary powers by the
Pennsylvania Assembly. In employing these powers it dealt more
severely with suspected and inimical persons than its predecessor
had done. The new committee required well-known or self -acknowl-
edged Loyalists, like Amos Wickersham, Mordecai Levy, John Ber-
gen, and Thomas Loosley, to confess and recant their errors ; and
it was soon ordered by Congress to prevent the departure of all
persons who were likely to do injury to the American cause. On
August 12, the committee compelled Terence McDermot, ^'a vol-
unteer*' in the King's army, and two officers, who were on their way
to join the British forces in Boston, to sign an agreement not to
bear arms against the United Colonies for one year or until ex-
changed; after which they were conveyed to Washington's camp
at Cambridge, Mass. Isaac Hunt, who was defending a suit for
the replevin of some forbidden goods for the avowed Loyalist,
William Conn, was summoned before the Committee of Inspection ;
but on refusing to discontinue the suit or apologize, he was carted
through the streets behind a drum and fife playing the Rogue's
March. The procession stopped before the home of Dr. John
Kearsley, Jr., an uncompromising Tory, who became so furious at
the spectacle that he snapped his pistol at the crowd. Mr. Hunt

> Scluurf and Wwteott. Hi§t. •/ PhOa., I. 800. 801 ; Diuom, td., Sxtraett from tk* Dimry
0f ChriBtophmr MmrwMU: Sargmt, td.. Loyai V«rMt •/ Jm. StofMbwry mud Dr. Jvnaihm^ OML,
ISt; Cunriii. Jmi-imI tmd iMUr*, 2»-80, 487.

24 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

appears to have seized this opportunity to ask the pardon of his
persecutors, who released him and mounted Kearsley upon the cart
in his place. Hunt soon after fled to England; and although his
substitute was let go without an apology, which he refused to give,
he was apprehended, together with several others, early in Octo-
ber, on the evidence of certain intercepted letters, which showed
that he was endeavoring to bring about an invasion of Pennsyl-
vania by the British troops, besides engaging in other inimical
practices. After trial by the Committee of Safety Kearsley was
sent to York as a prisoner and died there during the war. The
largest group of Loyalists that the committee ordered imprisoned
during this year was brought in at the end of October from the
New Jersey shore. It comprised Captain Duncan Campbell, Lieu-
tenant James S. Symes, and twenty-three privates of the Royal
Highland Emigrants, a corps but recently formed, who were
stranded while on their voyage from Boston to New York, were
captured, and brought before the committee in Philadelphia. They
were incarcerated in the jail and workhouse, the first prisoners of
war to be confined in the Quaker City during the Revolution.'

Regardless of the suspicions already existing, and certain to
be increased, concerning their neutrality, the Quakers, Menonists,
and Dunkards or German Baptists, who enjoyed certain exemp-
tions at the hands of Congress, memorialized the Pennsylvania
Assembly at this time in opposition to the general order for the
enrollment of the militia. Thereupon, the Committee of Safety
marched to the State House, carrying a remonstrance against the
Quaker address, which was declared to present an aspect unfriendly
to the liberties of America and destructive of society and govern-
ment. The remonstrance further alleged that ^'these gentlemen
want to withdraw their persons and their fortunes from the serv-
ice of the country at a time when their country stands most in
need of them.'' The association also sent in a remonstrance, de-
nouncing leniency to the lukewarm as nothing less than a fatal mis-
take. At length, in November, the Assembly went on record by
making defensive service compulsory and ''taxing all non-asso-
ciators £2 108 above the regular assessment." This action, along
with other developments of the time, only served to embolden the

• Celofi. B§eard» of P^ X, 280. 802, 842, 848, 889, 860, 867. 872, 878, 880. 886, 886^ 410;
Raymond, ed., WUalow Pap^ra, 42. n. ; Rsp. an Am, Mm, in tk» Aoy. Intit, of O, BriL^ U, 79 ;
Beharf and Wtatcott, Hi&t. of PJUIa^ I, 206, 808.

REPRESSION IN SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA 26

Quakers, for their Yearly Meeting published a testimony, which
was adopted January 20, 1776, advising the members of the so-
ciety to stand firm in their allegiance and unite against every de-
sign of independence. Not content with testimonies and memorials,
Quaker merchants and traders, as well as a few others, were in
some instances required to apologize for breaches of the regulations
established by the Committee of Inspection relating to the admis-
sion and prices of commodities, especially of foodstuffs; while in
other instances they were denounced as enemies and excluded from
all trade or intercourse with the other inhabitants, because they
refused to accept Continental currency/

Besides these local offenders who were dealt with by the two
committees, there were others from distant parts of the Province
or from other Colonies who had been captured and sent to Con-
gress for adequate punishment, and were handed over by that
body to the Committee of Safety for examination and sentence or
for iicarceration, as the case might be. Of such were some of the
Tory prisoners who were transferred from the old prison to the
new one in Philadelphia in January, 1776, including the notorious
Dr. Jdhn Connolly and his two confederates. Dr. John Ferdinand
Dalziel Smyth of Maryland and Allen Cameron of the Cherokee
country^, besides Colonel Moses Kirkland of South Carolina, who
had been taken on his voyage to Boston ; General Donald McDonald,
chief if the North Carolina Tories ; Colonel Allen McDonald, and
"twenty-five more of their set." In the following May, Colonel Kirk-
land vas enabled to escape by the aid of several local Loyalists, in-
cludinr Arthur Thomas and his sons, who were constrained to flee
when I mob attacked their house. Mr. Thomas tells us that he
avoided seizure by taking his departure in the night, that he re-
mained in concealment for several weeks, but was caught in July
and imprisoned. He also says that he succeeded in getting away to
New Yo-k in the following September. A year later, however, Mr.
Thomas returned to Philadelphia, on learning that the British
army hid taken possession of the city. Arthur Thomas, Jr., was
also cautht and imprisoned. Besides the Thomases, other Tories,
either si^ly or in small groups, were brought before the Commit-
tee of S^ety during the year 1776, thirty-three of these being se-
cured in^Iew York in October.*
1

« Sduutand Westeott, Higt of PhOa,, I, 802. 806.

• IMa.,t06. 826: id tUp., Bur, of Arckiv€9, Ont, (1004), Pt. t 618: Colon, R^eorda of Pa^
X, 461. 466. ^9, 4Td. 472. 477. 486. 602, 616. 618» 688, 661. 662. 676. 781. 766. 778.

26 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

Meanwhile, the outspoken Loylists of other communities in
the State were being looked after by their local committees of
safety. Thus, for example, on July 21, 1776, John Huff, Thomas
Meredith, and Thomas Smith were reported to the committee of
Bucks County as having uttered expressions derogatory to the
American cause. Huff at once appeared before the committee, ac-
knowledged the charge, and made such concessions as were deemed
a sufficient atonement The accusations against the other two men
were referred to a sub-committee for investigation, and on August
21, Meredith's written apology was read, accepted, and ordered
published. In it the writer not only repented of what he had done,
but also ^'voluntarily" renounced his former principles and prom-
ised henceforth to render his conduct unexceptionable to his coun-
trymen by strictly adhering to the measures of Congress. Thomas
Smith of Upper Makefield was much less submissive than his of-
fending bretiiren. At first he denied most of what was alleged
against him ; but the conunittee, refusing to be satisfied with this,
proceeded to examine several witnesses, as well as the defendant
himself, and then ordered the statement published that Mr. Smith
had declared in substance, 'That the Measures of Congress had al-
ready enslaved America and done more Damage than all the Acts
of Parliament ever intended to lay upon us, that the whole was
nothing but a scheme of a parcel of hot-headed Presbyterians and
that he believed the Devil was at the bottom of the whole ; that the
taking up Arms was the most scandalous thing a man coUd be
guilty of and more heinous than an hundred of the grossest of ences
against the moral law, etc., etc., etc.'' Together with these opinions
of the accused, the conunittee's sentence was also to be puHished,
namely, that "the said Thomas Smith be considered as an Enemy
of the Rights of British America, and that all persons bieak off
every kind of dealing with him until he shall make proper satis-
faction to this Committee for his conduct.'' Before this case ap-
peared in the press, Thomas Smith expressed his penitence and re-
morse and presented a satisfactory recantation in writinf to the
committee. Other instances, in which, however, submisaon was
always promptly made, are scattered through the minute of the
committee until July, 1776. From the first of that month mtil the
12th of August, when the records come to an abrupt coidusion,
the last four meetings of the committee dealt with a f e^ offences
committed by Loyalists against the resolutions passed by the As-

REPRESSION IN SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA 27

sembly early in the preceding April, which provided for the dia-
arming of disaffected persons and non-associators and the supply-
ing of the confiscated arms to such Continental troops as should
be raised in the Colony.*

Towards the end of April, 1776, the election for members of
the General Assembly was held. The result of the canvass in Phila-
delphia, which had been preceded by much excitement, was of es-
pecial significance. By a combination of the local Tories and Mod-
erates, or as Christopher Marshall summed up the elements of the
coalition, ''the Quakers, papists, church, Allen family, with all the
proprietary party," the Whigs were beaten. In reality, however,
as was soon to appear, the Tories and their friends had overreached
themselves. The patriots were now more than ever determined to
overthrow the charter and the proprietary government, and to
establish in its place a government founded on majority rule. In-
dependence was already recognized by the opposing parties to be
the definite object of the war.^

With the development of these conditions in Philadelphia, some
of the influential conservatives turned from public affairs in the
city in order to seek retirement in outlying villages. Others of no
political prominence, but whose minds were equally filled with
fears, removed with their families to places that promised greater
personal security than did the capital. Thus, early in May, 1776,
Thomas Bartow, a merchant of Philadelphia, took his wife and five
children to Bethlehem, where he made his home for the next three
years. Of the four sons of Chief Justice William Allen — brothers-
in-law of Governor John Penn — James withdrew with his small
family to Allentown in Northampton County, June 16 ; John and
his family went about the same time to Union Iron Works in
Hunterdon County, N. J. ; Andrew retired soon after to his place
at Neshaminy, and William, returning from Ticonderoga shortly
after the Declaration of Independence, resigned his commission
as lieutenant-colonel of militia."

But most of the Tory residents continued in Philadelphia and,
as they had held their political meetings before the election, so now
they held congratulatory and convivial sessions. At the end of
May, the Committee of Safety received confidential information

• Pa, Mag, of Hi§t. and Biog,, XV» 268» 266-270» 278, 276. 277, 279-281, 288, 28«, 286.
289. 290.

T Scharf and Wwteott, HtMU of F^Om I. 811.

• Pa, Mag. of Hiat. and Biog^ Jan., 1889, 888 ; JaKj, 1888, 187, 190 191 ; Am, Arckn 6tli
Btr., m, 1280. 1281, 1877. 1897. 1484.

28 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

according to Marshall's Diary, of not less than four different Tory
clubs that were meeting frequently, one at the Widow Ball's in
Lombard Street, another at the sign of the Pennsylvania Farmer,
the third at Jones's beer house on the dock, and the fourth at the
sign of the King's Arms. The impartation of this piece of informa-
tion led to the immediate appointment of a Committee of Secrecy,
including Mr. Marshall and seven others, to examine all inimical
and suspected persons of whom the committee might learn. The
labors of the new committee resulted in a number of arrests and
imprisonments, among those committeed being James Prescott,
William Smith, Joseph Stansbury (the Tory poet), David Shoe-
maker, and others.*

Early in June, 1776, the Committee of Inspection was engaged
in correspondence with the local committees of safety for the pur-
pose of having them send some of their members to the Provincial
Conference, which was to meet in Philadelphia on the 18th to ar-
range for the election of members to a Constitutional Convention.
On July 8 this election was held, and later in the same month the
Convention met to frame a constitution for Pennsylvania. Under
the guiding hand of its president, Benjamin Franklin, the Con-
vention supplanted the General Assembly, which finally passed out
of existence on September 26. On July 19 it passed an ordinance
requiring the commanding officers of the militia to appraise and
take over such arms as the non-associators in their respective dis-
tricts had failed to deliver up according to the earlier resolutions
of Congress and the Provincial Assembly, and to arm the associ-
ators with the weapons thus secured.. During the early days of
September the Convention passed two ordinances that were in-
tended to limit the dangerous activities of the Loyalists. The first
of these declared that every person owing allegiance to the State
who, after the publication of the present decree, should levy war
against the Commonwealth or give aid to the enemy, either within
the State or elsewhere, and be convicted thereof, should be ad-
judged guilty of high treason and should forfeit his lands, tene-
ments, goods, and chattels, besides being imprisoned for any term
not exceeding the duration of the war. The second ordinance pro-
vided that any person within the State, who should endeavor by
writing or speaking to obstruct the measures of the United States

* Sargent, ed.. Loyal Vtm* of Jo: StWMbury and Dr. Jonathan OdeU, 117, 122 ; Duan«^
ed., Sxtraett from tK€ Diary of Ckrigtoph^ MarthaU, 80, 81.

REPRESSION IN SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA 29

in defense of freedom, should, on the production of proper proof,
give security for his good behavior, or stand committed until the
security was forthcoming, or he was otherwise legally discharged.
If, however, the offender was considered to be too dangerous for
release by bail, the justice was to associate with himself two other
justices of the neighborhood, and they together were to fix the
term of imprisonment, provided it did not extend beyond the end
of the war. The Convention also deposed Governor John Penn,
and ignored the proprietary government Meanwhile, it had elected
a Council of Safety on July 22, thus dissolving the Committee of
Safety ; but it did not disturb the Committee of Inspection for the
present The Council of Safety continued to exercise its functions
until March 4, 1777, when the Supreme Executive Council, which
was provided for in the constitution, assumed control.^®

There was, then, to be no respite for the Tories and suspected
persons in Pennsylvania; and in truth the Tories did not conduct
themselves in such a way, after the adoption of the Declaration of
Independence by Congress, as to conciliate the revolutionary party.
They exposed themselves to the danger of arrest and were incar-
cerated daily. Furthermore, their position was made the more diffi-
cult by the action of the new Assembly, which proceeded on Febru-
ary 11, 1777, to supply somewhat fuller definitions of treason and
misprision of treason than the Constitutional Convention had done
in the preceding September. In the middle of July numbers of
Whig associators were sent into New Jersey to help defend that
region against the anticipated British invasion. It was not how-
ever, until the beginning of November that Howe began his march
into the Jerseys, signalizing the event by a proclamation of am-
nesty to individuals, which he repeated at Trenton on November
30. These proclamations, with the gloomy outlook for the Ameri-
can cause, are said to have induced some 3,000 Jersey farmers to
swear allegiance to the Crown ; but their effect reached beyond the
domain of the invaded Province. Thus, for example, in October,
Gilbert Hicks of Bucks County fled to Shrewsbury, N. J., and in
the following month to Trenton; but after Rahl's defeat at the
latter place, January 2, 1777, he took refuge among some Tory
families, until it was safe for him to enter Philadelphia. Shortly
after RahFs defeat, the Council of Safety adopted a resolution de-

^* Pa. Mag, of HUL and Biog., XV, 279 ; Statut— at Large of Pa., IX, 11-12, 18-19 ; Law
of Pa,, n. 144-147 ; Scharf and Westeott, Hiat of PhUa., I, 816, 822, 828.

80 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

daring that every person who was so devoid of honor, virtue, and
love of his country as to refuse his assistance '^at this time of emi-
nent public danger*' might be suspected of designs inimical to the
freedom of America, and that where such designs were very ap-
parent from the conduct of individuals, they ought to be confined
during the absence of the militia. The officers of the State were
directed to act accordingly, reserving appeals to the Council. It
was the enforcement of this resolution tiiat caused what James
Allen called in his Diary a persecution of the Tories, when — ^to use
his own words — "houses were broken open, people imprisoned with-
out any color of authority by private persons, and as was said a
list of 200 disaffected persons [was] made out, who were to be
seized, and imprisoned and sent off to North Carolina." In this list
the Aliens were reported to be included. Under such an apprehen-
sion, Andrew and William joined their brother John at Union Iron
Works, and the three brothers were not long in deciding to claim
the protection of Howe's army at Trenton. Thence, they proceeded
to New York City, leaving their families behind them. Many more
influential citizens are said to have gone over to the enemy at this
time. One of these was Joseph Galloway, the talented, wealthy,
and prominent lawyer of Philadelphia who, after being visited by
mobs that threatened him with a coat of tar and feathers and even
with hanging, loaded some valuables into a wagon, quitted his
country home at Trevose, and in company with several other nota-
ble Loyalists, made his way to the British camp at New Brunswick,
N. J. James Allen, who had been bringing suspicion on himself
by entertaining British officers at Allentown and in other ways,
was arrested on December 19 by an armed guard, which took him
before the Council of Safety at Philadelphia, where he pledged his
honor ''not to say or do anjrthing injurious to the Cause of Amer-
ica.'' After remaining in and about the city for several days and
noting that the place ''seemed almost deserted and resembled a
Sunday in service time," he returned to Allentown. The cause of
this deserted appearance in the town was, of course, the fear that
Howe would cross the Delaware and take possession of Philadel-
phia. About the only people who had not surrendered to the intense
excitement of the hour and driven away with their household goods
in such vehicles as could be had to places of refuge were some of
the Tories and the Quakers. In the latter part of December, the
Society of Friends had indeed issued their usual testimony urging

REPRESSION IN SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA 81

the faithful to exercise a patient spirit and Christian fortitude in
refusing to submit "to the arbitrary injunctions and ordinances of
men who assume to themselves the power of compelling others,
either in person or by assistance, to aid in carrying on war/'"

The imprisonment of Joseph Stansbury and others of his fel-
low-townsmen at the instigation of the Committee of Secrecy had
occurred under such circumstances that the Council of Saf e^ ap-
pointed a committee of its own members to inquire into the causes
of their commitment, with a view to determining the justice of dis-
charging them in case they would declare their allegiance to the
State in writing. This action does not seem to have resulted in the
inmiediate release of those concerned.

Meantime, there had been much desertion among the militia,
and when many of the principal men in Colonel Hunter's battalion
of Berks County refused going to join Washington's army in Jan-
uary, 1777, the Council ordered the colonel to send the ringleaders
among the disaffected to Philadelphia for discipline. That there was
also widespread disaffection among the Philadelphians themselves
appears from various sources, personal and official. James Allen
says that Congress itself complained of this disloyalty, although, as
he remarks, the people of the city had been favored with most of
its official appointments and with its presence from the beginning.
A notable instance of the thing complained of came to light in the
early spring of 1777 through the detection of James Molesworth's
attempt to bribe pilots to navigate Lord Howe's vessels from New
York to Philadelphia. Molesworth, who had been for several years
clerk to the mayor of the city, turned out to be a British spy and
was hanged on the common on March 31. Five others, who were
implicated in this business, made their escape. Others suspected
persons and Tories were severely dealt with, among these being
Major Richard V. Stockton of the New Jersey Volunteers, ^'the
famous land pilot" to the King's troops, who had been surprised
and taken prisoner on February 18, with about three score privates,
all of whom were sent to Philadelphia for confinement Several
Delaware Tories, however, were released on giving security.^'

^^ Staimtf at Larga of Pa^ IX, 46-47 ; Scharf and WMteott. HUL of PhUa^ h SSe, Z29,
886 ; Cokm, Reeorda of Pa^ XI, 88, 48. 94 : Pa. Mag, of Hi§t. and Biog., July, 1886, 188-196 ;
Oet^ 1886. 880. 288. 286. 287; Doc, 1902. 482. 488; fil Rop., Bar. of ArekiooB, Ont. (1904).
Pt I. 94 ; Am. Areh. 6th 8«r.. m. 1484.

I' Scharf and Wwteott. HiH. of PhOa,, I. 889 ; SaUne, Lo^aUtU of tko Am. Rov., II. 886.

82 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

The difficulty of finding quarters for the new levies continually
pouring into Philadelphia after the battles of Trenton and Prince-
ton led to an order billeting them on the non-associators, greatly
to the dismay of the local Tories. Another measure that proved
more generally disturbing to this class of people was the militia
bill passed by the Assembly, June 13, 1777, for the purpose of pro-
viding troops in place of the associators. It required all white male
inhabitants of the State above the age of eighteen years, except
those in the extreme western counties, to take the oath of allegi-
ance to Pennsylvania before July 1, 1777, to promise to do nothing
to the prejudice of independence, and to expose all conspiracies and
treasons that might come within their knowledge. Persons failing
to take this oath were declared to be incapable of holding office,
serving on juries, suing for debts, transferring real estate, and
were liable to be disarmed by the county lieutenants and their dep-
uties, as also to be arrested if traveling outside of their respective
cities or counties without a pass.^' James Allen reports that but
few of his neighbors in the County of Northampton subscribed to
the oath of allegiance and that they seldom ventured from home
because they ran ''a risk of being stopt." Some of the leading men
of the Moravian congregation at Bethlehem in this county were
Tories. Thus, the Reverend George Kribel was compelled to serve
a brief term in Easton jail in August, because he refused to abjure
the King according to the specific requirements of the militia bill ;
and John Francis Oberlin was required to resign the custody of
the church store after serving as its keeper for many years, be-
cause he hotly remarked that he "had sufficient rope in his store
to hang all Congress." At the time of the active search for Loyal-
ists in the preceding December, word was brought to Bethlehem
that the place had been represented to the American army as a
nest of Tories and that General Lee had boasted that ''in a few
hours he would make an end of Bethlehem." However, the Moravi-
ans explained their own position in a petition to Congress declar-
ing that since the outbreak of the conflict they had been continu-
ally disturbed for not associating in the use of arms, or acting
against their principles in regard to war. They complained that
some of them had been imprisoned on account of the test contained
in the law of April 1st, that all their able-bodied men above the
military age had been heavily fined, and that they found them-

^' SUiuUB a( Lmrg* of P#., IX 110-114.

REPRESSION IN SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA 88

selves subject to outlawry and exile without any inquiry into their
behavior, althousrh they resrarded themselves as accountable to the
magistrates. They insisted that they willingly helped to bear the
public burdens and that they were ready to furnish reasonable as-
surance that they would not act against Pennsylvania or any other
State, but that they humbly thought themselves entitled to the
privileges which had brought them to America, notwithstanding
the change in the form of government. These privileges they had
not forfeited by any word or act against the new government, they
said. At the same time, if the test was to be applied, they must be
ruined and their creditors wronged, for it was contrary to their
conscience to take the prescribed oath. They would with the &elp
of God act honestly, not fearing the consequences. It may be re-
marked that as the Moravians had suffered under the militia law
of April 1st, they viewed with dismay the enactment of a supple-
mentary measure by the Assembly on June 13, prescribing a new
test of allegiance, a measure justified in the eyes of the patriots
by the renewed prospect of Howe's advance against Philadelphia
The law of June 13, while it re-enacted most of the provisions of
that of the preceding 1st of April, required justices of the peace as
the administering officers of the new oath of abjuration of the King
and of allegiance to Pennsylvania as an independent State to trans-
mit to the recorders of thier respective counties by October 1 of
each year the names of those sworn during the preceding twelve
months. Every person above the age of eighteen years who traveled
out of the county or city in which he usually resided was to carry a
certificate of his allegiance, or be liable to arrest on suspicion and
to examination by the nearest justice, who was to tender the oath,
which the suspect must take or suffer imprisonment until he would
consent to subscribe. The law said that this clause was necessary,
in order to prevent the dissemination of discord by persons travel-
ing from one locality to another, and because ''this state is already
become (and likely to be more so) an asylum for refugees flying
from the just resentment of their fellow citizens in other states.''
It therefore required all newcomers from other Commonwealths
to apply at once to the nearest justice for the administering of the
oath under the same penalty as was provided in the case of those
going from place to place within the State.^* It was doubtless on

i« Pa. Mag. of Hitt. and Biog., Oet., 1886» 287 : Seharf and Westeott, HitU of PhOa,, I.
S41 ; Jan.» 1889, 401, 896, 886, 886 ; Laws of Pa., U, 164 : StatuUa at Largo of Pa., IX, 110-114.

84 THE LOYAUSTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

account of these laws that 160 recruits set out from the city for
Staten Island to join the New Jersey Volunteers, a Loyalist corps
under the command of Brigadier General Ck>rtlandt Skinner, which
had its headquarters there. The parly was intercepted, however,
near Bawnbrook in the Jerseys, and 60 were taken, including Peter
Snider and his brother Elias. The leaders, John Mea and James
Stiff, were executed; and the others appear to have been impris-
oned for longer or shorter periods, Elias being confined for eighteen
months and Peter for six. The two brothers were released on con-
dition that they would serve in the Ck>ntinental army. Peter did so
for three months and then, after hiding out for thirty days, es-
caped within the lines of Howe's army, now in possession of Phila-
delphia. Elias secured a furlough on account of sickness, spent a
twelvemonth in the woods to avoid recapture, and finally pushed
on to Staten Island.^'^

On Sunday, August 24, 1777, Washington at the head of the
main body of the Continental army marched through Philadelphia
on his way to Wilmington, Del., to meet the British. If, as has
been asserted, it was the desire of the commander in chief to im-
press the Tories, Quakers, and other disaffected persons, he
seems to have succeeded at least in part, for according to Allen's
Diary, many of the townspeople now voluntarily swore allegiance
to the new government. Nevertheless, according to Sub-lieutenant
John Lacey, who later became a brigadier general in the American
service, a formidable number of Tories still existed in the City and
County of Philadelphia, as well as in his own County of Bucks.
Lacey maintains that a radical change took place in the political
sentiments of his neighbors and acquaintances of Bucks after the
affair at Trenton, that thereafter they began to manifest ''a sullen,
vindictive and malignant spirit" which led them to utter threats
and menaces when in congenial company, to give secret information
to the British, and to attempt dissuading the Whigs from enlisting
in the American army and militia. He finds it difficult to decide
which party was the more numerous in his county; and although
he had been a Quaker himself, he charges that a great part of the
disaffected made a plea of conscience in refusing to bear arms,
thus affording a local preponderance in favor of the Revolution.
Otherwise they did everything they could do, he insists, by encour-

"fd Rep., Bur. of ArehiveB, OnU (1904), Pt. I, 270.

REPRESSION IN SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA 86

agins: the youth to join the British and by actually sending many
of them into the ranks of the enemy.^*

On August 25th, the day of the landing of the British at the
head of Chesapeake Bay on their way to Philadelphia, Congress
adopted two resolutions obviously intended as precautionary
measures. One of these requested the executive authorities of
Pennsylvania and Maryland to cause all notoriously disaffected
persons within their respective States to be forthwith ap-
prehended, disarmed, and secured, until they might be
released without injury to the conmion cause. The other
reconmiended to the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsyl-
vania to have the houses of all inhabitants of Philadelphia
searched for firearms, swords, and bayonets which, if found, should
be paid for at an appraised value and turned over to any of the
State militia needing them. Three days after the adoption of these
resolutions. Congress, finding symptoms of disaffection among
the Quakers of Philadelphia and fearing communication with
the enemy and other injurious acts by the disaffected ones,
earnestly recommended to the Supreme Executive Council
to secure Joshua . Fisher and his two sons, Thomas and
Samuel, Abel and John James, Israel and James Pember-
ton, Henry Drinker, Samuel Pleasants, and Thomas Wharton,
Sr. The Council at once responded to these measures by directing
the commanding officer of each regiment of the city militia to ap-
point searching parties for the various wards, and by asking the
assistance of David Rittenhouse, the treasurer of state, and three
military officers in preparing a list of persons dangerous to the
Commonwealth, with a view to their arrest and the seizure of any
papers of a political nature in their possession, including the records
of the Meeting of Sufferings of the Society of Friends, for trans-
mission to Congress. The list, which was drawn up on August 31,
contained the names of thirty-one individuals, besides those sup-
plied by Congress. James Allen, who knew many of the desig-
nated persons intimately, characterized them as ''principal Inhabi-
tants of Philadelphia, chiefly Quakers"; and Robert Proud, the
Tory school-master, who also enjoyed the friendship or acquaint-
ance of many of the proscribed, said that they were "mostly
Friends," several of whom were "Persons of the first Rank, For-

i« Scharf and Westeott, HUU of Phila., I. 848 ; Pa. Mag. of HiH, and Btog,, Oei., 1886.
286; Apr.. 1902, 101, 104.

86 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSTLVANL4

tune and Esteem, both in the City and in the Society/' As he was
writin^r to his brother, he added that he had had great reason to
fear for his own safety, ''having not only been obnoxious to the
Incendiaries and Usurpers, but also particularly pointed out and
threatened by them, more than many others," but that he had es-
caped molestation by living "in a very private and retired Way,
even like a Person dead amidst the Confusions," and communing
more with his books than with persons. Among those named
in the list were the Reverend William Smith, D.D., provost of
the college ; the Reverend Thomas Coombs, rector of Christ Church ;
Samuel Shoemaker ; William Drewitt Smith, druggist ; Miers Fish-
er and John Hunt, lawyers; Joseph Fox, late barrack-master;
Thomas Ashton, merchant, and Thomas Pike, dancing master/^

The committee, which had prepared this list, also named the
persons who were to make the arrests. These persons were in-
structed to apprehend some of the proscribed at once, but to spare
the others the mortification of arrest, if they would promise to re-
main in their homes subject to the order of the Council and would
do nothing injurious to the United States. A fourth of the number
gave the required promise and were released on parole; one had
already taken the oath of allegiance, and another did so; the rest
were imprisoned in the Masonic Lodge, as the jails were full, ex-
cept two or three who could not be found. For some unknown rea-
son, no returns were made in the cases of Joshua Fisher and Pro-
vost William Smith. Before any of the prisoners were sent into ex-
ile in Virginia, one of their number was released on bail, another
was ordered to Connecticut, and a third gave his parole to return
to New York. On September 11th, twenty-two finally set out under
escort of the City Guard on their way to Winchester, where most
of them remained until April 19, 1778, when they were released to
return to their homes. However, two had died during the previous
month, namely, Thomas Gilpin and John Hunt, and two others had
made their escape. One of these was Thomas Pike, the dancing
master, who was never heard of again, and the other was William
Drewitt Smith, who ''rode out to take the air," as his associates
supposed, on December 8, 1777, but did not return, preferring to
seek protection within the British lines at Philadelphia. Two
others, namely, the Reverend Thomas Coombs and Phineas Bond,

17 Colon, R9cord§ of Pa., XI, 264, 267, 279, 288. 284, 286-290, 296, 800, 809 ; Gilpin, ExUu
in Va.: Pa. Mag. of HUt, and Biog., Jan., 1910, 68.

REPRESSION IN SOUTHEASTERN PENNSYLVANIA 87

had been earlier set free in order to embark at a Virgrinia port for
the West Indies, the former beins: bound for the island of St.
Eustatius.^"

Althoufirh the proprietary £:overnment had been in abeyance
ever since Franklin and the Provincial Convention had assumed
control of affairs in the summer of 1776, the officials under the for-
mer dispensation had not been taken into custody ; but on July 31,
1777, Congress passed a resolution that it was expedient that the
late proprietary and Crown office-holders and all other disaffected
persons in and near Philadelphia be arrested. This resolution, like
the recent recommendations emanating from the same source for
the seizure of Loyalists, was comprehensive in its scope. Neverthe-
less, the Supreme Executive Council set to work issuing warrants
for the apprehension of Governor John Penn, Benjamin Chew, who
had been a member of Penn's Council and chief justice; James
Tilghman, also a member of the Provincial Council ; Jared Inger-
soU, judge of admiralty; Dr. George Drummond, custom-house
officer, and other lesser officials. Penn and Chew were paroled to
remain within six miles of their residences ; IngersoU was ordered
sent to Winchester, Va., on parole ; Tilghman was not to cross the
Delaware or depart six miles from it, and the others were con-
fined to their own houses or put in prison. But the Supreme Execu-
tive Council was anxious to be relieved of its responsibility for the
safe-keeping of Chief Justice Chew and Governor Penn, and there-
fore requested Congress to remove the distinguished prisoners
from the State. That body complied promptly, and a military escort
conducted the deposed officials to Fredericksburg, Va. By October
1st, however, according to James Allen, they were transferred to
Union Iron Works in New Jersey ; and there Mr. Allen visited them
early in February, 1778, receiving on the day after his arrival the
news of the death at Philadelphia of his brother John, which had
occurred on the second of the month."

!• Gilpin. ExiUB in Va.; Scharf and Westcott, HUt, of Phiia., I. 844, 846, 846.
1* Pa. Mag, of Hiat. and Biog., Oct.. 1886, 288. 292 : Jan. 1886, 448 ; Scharf and Westcott,
HUt. of PhQa., I, 848, 846.

CHAPTER IV

THE BRITISH INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA
AUGUST 25, 1777, TO JUNE 18, 1778

Andrew and William, brothers of James Allen, were with
Howe and his army of 17,000 men when they disembarked, August
25 and 26, 1777, at the head of the Elk River. So also was Joseph
Galloway, who had come as adviser to the British commander in
chief. The region in which the disembarkation was effected was
full of Loyalists, and from the first Howe was supplied with ample
intelligence. The presence of these troublesome foes did not escape
the attention of Washington, for on August 27th, he mentioned
them in a letter addressed from Wilmington to the president of
Congress. Among the troops that accompanied Howe were two
Tory organizations, the Queen's Rangers and a detachment of the
Royal Guides and Pioneers, both of which, especially the former,
were to receive many recruits from among the local inhabitants
and refugees during the expedition. Indeed, Tories began to come
in from the time of the landing, including Dr. John Watson of
New Castle, Del., and Hugh McNeal from near Bedford, Pa. The
latter has left an affidavit that he made his appearance after be-
ing imprisoned for aiding young men in their flight to the army.
The British commander encouraged this movement by issuing a
proclamation, August 31st, offering protection to such inhabitants
as would present themselves and swear allegiance to the Crown
within the next sixty days. Refugees continued to come in, although
we have no means of knowing in what numbers. From a few indi-
vidual testimonies we learn that among those who joined the royal
force on its march northward were men from Chester County and
from Philadelphia. Thus, Captain Alexander McDonald, a Phila-
delphian, came in with several Loyalists at Wilmington, and en-
tered immediately — ^according to his own statement — on the task
of raising recruits. Curtis Lewis of Chester County joined at Ken-
nett Square, and probably then or soon after Gideon Vernon also

THE BRITISH INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA 89

of Chester County, and Philip Marchington, a merchant of Phila-
delphia.^

In the middle of September, the Supreme Executive Council
received information that the public stores at York, Lancaster,
Carlisle, and elsewhere had been destroyed, that men were to be
levied in support of the royal cause, and that James Rankin of
Manchester, William Willis of Newberry, John Ferree and Daniel
Shelly of Lancaster County, and others were concerned in these
hostile enterprises. Already Shelly was in custody; and as he of-
fered to tell what he knew against his accomplices he was prom-
ised pardon, provided he would divulge enough to convict them.
Nine others, who were being held on charges of disaffection, main-
tained their innocence, and were granted their release on the con-
dition of appearing, if wanted, and abstaining from anything likely
to injure tiie American cause.'

Congress and the Assembly stayed in Philadelphia until Sep-
tember 18th, when both bodies adjourned to meet in Lancaster.
The Supreme Executive Council did not leave until the 23d of the
same month. For several weeks, according to Robert Proud, the
revolutionary party had been busy stripping the city of its church
bells, supply of lead, and much else that might be useful to the en-
emy or to the Continental forces. About 4,000 head of cattle were
collected from the meadows and from Hog Island by the commit-
tee entrusted with that duty and driven away, after which the
meadow banks were cut and the pastures inundated. Blankets,
clothing, and shoes were exacted from the citizens in spite of Tory
protests; magazines and supplies were removed, and the money
and papers of the loan office and the records of the State were car-
ried to Easton.'

Meantime, the patriots and their families had followed the
Council and the legislative bodies into retirement, leaving the
Quakers and Loyalists behind. But not all of the patriots or Whigs
had departed, as we learn from several sources. On September
26th, one day before Lord Comwallis entered Philadelphia at the
head of 1,600 British and Hessian Grenadiers, Mrs. Henry Drinker

^Scharf mnd Weitcott. Hiat. of PhUc, I, 847; 2d Rap., Bur, of ArehivM, Ont, (1904),
Pt. I, 268, 296» 494, 611 ; Pt. n, 900. 1162 ; WaaMngton Papors, 1, 178 ; Am. ITm. in tht Boy,
Inwt. of Gt. BrU., I, 182.

' Colon. Raeorda of Pa., XI. 807, 808.

•Seharf and Westeott. Hift. of Phil»n I. 848, 849, 860; Pa. Mag. of Hut, and Biog.,
Jan., 1910, 72.

40 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

wrote in her Journal : "Most of our warm people have gone off*' ;
and Christopher Marshall tells us on what he considered reliable
authority that on the same day four or five hundred Tories pa-
raded out to Germantown (where the main army under General
Howe first encamped) and, retumin£r» "triumphed through the
streets all night/' sending to prison such persons as they regarded
to be friends of the rebellious States, including "the parson, Jacob
Duch^/' The number imprisoned amounted to "some hundreds/'
Mrs. Drinker records ; although there were other Whigs remaining
in the city who were not molested, probably through the friendship
of Galloway and the Aliens. These refugees from Philadelphia,
together with other citizens of the town, arrived with Comwallis
"to the great relief of the inhabitants" who, Robert Morton's Diary
avers, had "too long suffered the yoke of arbitrary power," and
who testified their approbation of the coming of the troops "by
loudest acclamations of joy." Whatever the joy of some may have
been, there were numerous others whose feelings impelled them
to withdraw from the city even after its occupation. On October
1, James Allen observed that some of the inhabitants of Philadel-
phia were coming up to settle at Allentown and that the road from
Easton to Reading was then "the most travelled in America." *

That Howe profited by the assistance of local Tories in the
course of his advance from the head of the Elk to Germantown
can scarcely be doubted. Thus, in the early hours of September 21,
when he was ready to cross the Schuylkill while General Anthony
Wajoie with 1,600 men and four guns was bivouacking in his rear,
with a view to detaining him until help should arrive, it was the
intelligence brought in by Loyalists that enabled the British com-
mander in chief to surprise and cut off Wajoie's men and so cross
over without interruption. With the encamping of the invading
host at Germantown and Philadelphia a few days later, both places
became centers of attraction for adherents of the Crown from the
surrounding region, and also from remoter parts of the country.
On September 28th Howe issued a proclamation from his head-
quarters at Germantown, promising protection and security to all
coming in and conducting themselves in accordance with his proc-
lamation of a month earlier. Then, on October 8th, he announced

« Pa. Mag, of HUt. and Biog^ Oct., 1889. 298 ; Oct., 1886» 298, 294 ; Diutne, ed., BxtraeU
from ths Diary of ChrUtopfur Mar$haU, 182 ; Sargent, ed.. Loyal VerweB of Jowepk Stantbury
ani Dr. Jonathan Od^U, 140 ; Seharf and Weitcott, HiaU of PhOa^ I. 860.

THE BRITISH INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA 4m.

free pardon to all deserters who would voluntarily surrender before
December 1st ; and at the same time he published another proclama-
tion in which he predicted the early suppression of the unnatural
rebellion, and offered the inhabitants an opportunity to ''cooperate
in relieving: themselves from the miseries attendant on tyranny and
anarchy, and in restoring peace and good order with just and law-
ful authority/' A bounty of fifty acres of vacant land for each
private and of two hundred acres for each non-commissioned of-
ficer was promised to those who would enlist in the Provincial
corps for two years or during the war. The Queen's Rangers were
with the main army at Germantown, occupying the extreme right
of the encampment, and probably the Royal Guides and Pioneers
were near by; but on October 12th and 14th, respectively, Howe
had the satisfaction of approving lists of officers for two additional
Tory regiments, namely, the first battalion of the Pennsylvania
Loyalists and the Roman Catholic Volunteers. Alfred Clifton was
the commanding officer of the latter and William Allen of the for-
mer. Meantime, Tories were arriving at Germantown, including
John Parrock and Alexander Kidd from Philadelphia, James Oram
from the country near by, and Walter Willet from Bucks County.
On October 19th Howe and his command transferred their camp
to the Quaker City, and five days thereafter he designated the
staff for the first battalion of the Maryland Loyalists at the instance
of James Chalmers, its lieutenant colonel, who had previously been
a .resident of Philadelphia. On November 7th he did the same for
the Philadelphia Light Dragoons, which was to consist of two
companies with Richard Hovenden and Jacob James as captains.
By November 26th, the Pennsylvania Loyalists numbered 146 men
and the Maryland Loyalists 133. The first muster of the Roman
Catholic Volunteers was taken on December 14th, and showed 62
men, but this number was nearly trebled during the next ten days
(i.e., it reached 176 men on December 24th) . Hovenden raised his
troop of Dragoons in Philadelphia during November and Decem-
ber ; while James recruited his troop in Chester County in the fol-
lowing January, the maximum number of the combined troops
amounting to 109 men. The Bucks County Light Dragoons were
recruited by Captain Thomas Sandford in Bucks County in the fall
of 1777, and were commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Watson
through the following winter and spring, while Sandford was a
prisoner with the Americans. Its maximum enrollment was 55

42 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

men. In May, 1778, these three troops were organized into a squad-
ron under Watson's command. During the time that the Bucks
County corps was forming, Lieutenant Colonel John Van Dyke of
Somerset County, N. J., was raising the West Jersey Volunteers
in the southern counties of that Province. In January, 1778, he
had 186 infantrymen, and during the course of the next four months
he added 157 cavalrymen. Colonel Lord Rawdon, who had come to
Philadelphia with the British, was enlisting the Volunteers of Ire-
land in tiie early part of May, and probably had 300 recruits before
the city was evacuated. We should not overlook the accessions to
the New Jersey Volunteers, Queen's Rangers, and the Royal Guides
and Pioneers during this period of Tory enlistments: at least a
few men joined the Guides and Pioneers, and about 225, if not
more, were enrolled in the Rangers, including Captain John Ferdi-
nand Dalziel Smyth and Lieutenant James Murray, with their 61
recruits. Smyth's commission as "an additional captain of the
Rangers" was dated September 6, 1777. Many of tiie men who
entered the ranks of this corps at the time of which we are speak-
ing were refugees from Virginia and other Southern Colonies.
It will be recalled that a number of recruits from Philadelphia
joined the New Jersey Volunteers at Staten Island about the time
the test was being applied in 1777. It was less than three months
later, or when Comwallis and his division entered Philadelphia,
that the first and second battalions of this corps arrived tiiere.
Many volunteers at once enrolled themselves in the companies of
Captains Thomas Colden and Norman McLeod; while two new
companies were organized during November and December, 1777,
one by Captain Donald Campbell and the other, which consisted
of Cumberland men, by Captain Richard Cajrford.

If now we attempt to figure the number of enlistments gained
by the British from tiie invaded region, we get a total of between
1,700 and 1,800 men, a number that would be reduced to about
1,400, if we exclude the West Jersey Volunteers, who were not re-
cruited in eastern Pennsylvania. Doubtless, this number should
be still further reduced on account of accessions gained by detach-
ments during raids into New Jersey. These figures do not agree
with those of Joseph Galloway, who confines his to the enlistments
secured in Philadelphia. In his testimony before Parliament, Gal-
loway stated that there were within the lines at Philadelphia, when
Howe occupied the city, 4,481 males capable of bearing arms, of

THE BRITISH INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA 48

whom a fourth were Quakers. His fourth is a generous one, how-
ever, leaving a remainder of 3,000. Of these, he says, Howe got
only 974 men in all, who were chiefly deserters on account of the
unpopularity of the Loyalists authorized to recruit Galloway
added that during Howe's occupation 2,300 deserters came in from
the Continental army and were registered and qualified, besides
700 or 800 more, who never reported. Galloway's characterization
of the men whom Howe commissioned to raise Provincial com-
panies and battalions was certainly unjust: they were influential,
but the British commander in chief lacked the power of infusing
his subordinates with the proper military spirit General Howe
achieved great personal popularity among his men, but he achieved
little else. Galloway was himself the chosen adviser of Howe, and
as the virtual governor of Philadelphia during the occupation was
active and serviceable in many ways; and yet he, like his chief,
brought nothing of consequence to pass, not even good order in
the city.*

After the occupation of Philadelphia, one of Mr. Galloway's
first duties appears to have been to number all the inhabitants, in
order to distinguish the loyal from the disaffected. In connection
with the quartering of troops, he was able to show consideration
for his old friends, even if he was not disposed to ''lessen the dis-
tress of old enemies." He secured horses for the army, procured
intelligence of the movements of the enemy through the agency of
about eighty spies, rendered the capture of Mud Island Fort more
speedy by the erection of some batteries, compiled a chart of all the
roads in the vicinity of Philadelphia, and was assigned to adminis-
ter the oaths of allegiance to inhabitants under Howe's proclama-
tion. As this last named task was beyond his time and strength,
Mr. Galloway had Enoch Story commissioned to perform it, and
then had to ask for a day or two's extension of time beyond the two
months originally announced, on account of the numbers crowding
in on Mr. Story late in October. On December 4th, Mr. Galloway

• Scharf and Westcott, HiaU of Phiia^ h 849. 860, 862, 864, 860 : Pa. Mag. of Hitt. and
Biog.» Oct., 1886, 291; Oct., 1889, 298; Jan., 1886, 429; Jan., 1910, 1; Md Rop., Bur. of Ar-
ehivM, Ont. (1904), Pt. I. 669, 684; n, 886, 741; Am. Mes. in the Roy. In§t. of Gt. Brit., I,
186, 188, 189. 148, 160; Rev. W. O. Raymond's Ms. Notes from the Muster Rolls of CoL Ed-
ward Winslow; Stryker, N. J. (Loyalist) VoU. in the Rev. Wair (pamphlet), 12; Sabine,
Loyaliate of tA« Am. Rev., II, 878; Siebert, "Refusee LoyalisU of Conn." in Trans. Roy. Soc,
of Can^ Ser. Ill, VoL X (1916), 82. 88; Scott, John Gravee Simeoe, 24; Read, Life and Timee
of Governor Simeoe, 27 ; Rep. on Am. Met. in the Roy. Inet. of GL Brit., I, 284 ; III, 170 ;
IV. 474.

44 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

was appointed superintendent general of the police in the city and
its environs and superintendent of imports and exports. He thus
became the civil srovemor of Philadelphia, bein^r vested with the
administration of municipal affairs under the direction of General
Howe. Mr. Story and Andrew Smith served as deputy officials of
the port and Samuel Shoemaker, John Potts, and Daniel Coxe as
magistrates of the police. Mr. Coxe was a noted refugee from New
Jersey and had served in the King's.Council of that Colony. Messrs.
Potts and Shoemaker were well-known Philadelphians and former
office-holders. Howe also appointed George Roberts, James Rejoi-
olds, James Sparks, and Joseph Stansbury for the city, together
with John Hart for Southwark, and Francis Jeyes for the North-
em Liberties, to be commissioners for selecting and supervising
the night-watch, which numbered one hundred men in the city and
ten each in the Northern Liberties and Southwark. Mr. Stans-
bury was a writer of Tory songs and verses and was later named
as manager of a lottery for the relief of the poor. The preservation
of peace and order was a difficult task, which subjected Mr. Gal-
loway and the magistrates of the police to "extraordinary trouble
and attention to business.'' These officials were therefore granted
£25 sterling every quarter, in addition to their respective salaries.
As Howe summarized the amounts paid to Mr. Galloway, they com-
prised an initial salary of £200 a year, £300 a year more as police
magistrate, with 68 per diem for his clerk, and 208 per diem as su-
perintendent of the port, or a total of £770 a year. Other local
Loyalists rendered various other services. Thus, for example,
George Harding of Philadelphia was employed in disarming those
who were disaffected to the Crown and in finding proper locations
for the troops. He was also authorized, along with twenty other
men, to apprehend spies in the Continental service. Abraham
Carlisle, another resident, was given oversight of the entrances
to the city, with the power to issue passports. John Parrock, also
of Philadelphia, supplied lumber from his wharves for the army
quarters and for the navy. William Caldwell of Union Township
was one of Galloway's secret service men, as well as a guide for
several detachments of the troops. Joseph Murell rendered similar
services. Gideon Vernon of Chester County carried dispatches for

THE BRITISH INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA 45

General Howe and made observations among the enemsr's forces,
and Henry Hugh Ferguson was commissary of prisoners/

It fell to Mr. Galloway, among his numerous duties, to regulate
the markets, including the terms of buying and selling. Permits
were required for dealers selling more than a bushel of salt or a
hogshead of molasses to individual buyers, and this was also true
in the case of those handling drugs in quantity. The purchaser of
rum and spirits must buy from the importer only, but not more
than a hogshead nor less than ten gallons at a time. Tavern licenses
were also issued by Galloway, who granted permits to many refu-
gee Loyalists to reopen deserted inns. As a swarm of strangers and
fugitive Philadelphians arrived with the new regime, not a few
seized the earliest opportunity of opening places for trade, includ-
ing many shops and stores formerly kept by Whigs who were now
absent. Christopher Marshall at Lancaster heard that there were
about 120 new stores in Philadelphia, one kept by an Englishmen,
another by an Irishman, ''the remainder being 118 Scotchmen or
Tories from Virginia." Joseph Stansbury became a dealer in china,
William Drewitt Smith reopened his drug store after his return
from Winchester, "James McDowell took Gilbert Barclay's store
on Second Street, Bird's London Store supplanted Mrs. Devine's,
George Leybum ensconced himself in Francis Tilghman's store,
William Robb sold merchandise where William Redwood had served
his customers, Ninian Mangles took Thomas Gilpin's place, John
Brander, Isaac Cox's, [and] Thomas Blane succeeded to Mease and
Caldwell." These and other tradesmen of the city preferred solid
coin in place of paper money under the new regulations, and so fur-
nished Joseph Stansbury with a topic for one of his rhymed sat-
ires, in which he represented that the shop-keepers rejected the
notes because they were issued against lands and mortgages held
by the rebels, but that nevertheless many of the friends of govern-
ment in town —

"Sold each half -joe for twelve pounds Congress trash,
Which purchased six pounds of this legal cash;
Whereby they have, if you will bar the bubble,
Instead of losing, made their money double."

•Pa, Mag. of Higt. and Biog,, D«e., 1902, 486. 486; Jan., 1886, 488; Seharf and W«ti-
eotU HUt, of PhiUL, I, 860; td Rop„ Bvtr, of Arehioeg, Ont, (1904), Pt. I, 109, 112, 129, 160.
166, 222, 260, 269, 296, 498, 617. 664, 669, 684 ; II, 741, 827. 886 : Sabine, LoyaligU of tho Am. Rov..
I, 296, 889, 421 ; U, 112, 199. 801, 826 : Rep. on Am, Mm. in tko Roy, Inat, of Gt, Brit,, I. 146,
160, 201, 218. 277, 864.

46 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

Among these friends of government were several publishers of
Tory newspapers. Until Howe's arrival in Philadelphia, Benja-
min Towne's Pennsylvania Evening Post had been Whig in poli-
tics. Then, it abruptly became Tory, only to change back again
with the return of the Americans. James Humphreys revived the
Pennsylvania Ledger during the British and Loyalist supremacy,
using the royal arms for the heading of his paper ; and the Penn^
sylvania Gazette also sought the patronage of the military and ref-
ugee populace during the same period. These last two publications
suspended about May 23, 1778.^

The Tories in Philadelphia were panic-stricken by the battle
of Germantown, which was fought October 5, 1777 ; and some of
them moved out of the city, though probably not for long. As the
wounded were brought into Philadelphia for care in numerous im-
provised hospitals, the resident Quakers could not avoid seeing
more or less of the cruelties of actual warfare ; and two days after
the battle they sent a deputation to Howe and thence to Washing-
ton with testimonies on the ungodliness of war. In their communi-
cation to the latter, they made use of the opportunity to assert the
innocence of themselves and of their Society of imputations cast
upon them ; to explain that the aim of their body was to seek only
for peace and righteousness in the world, with equal love to all
men, and to intimate their desire for Washington's aid in behalf
of their brethren still in exile at Winchester, Va. The raising of
this last question inclined the American commander in chief to
send his callers to Lancaster to lay their request respecting the ex-
iles before the Supreme Executive Council and Congress; but as
they timidly withdrew their suggestion, he relieved their minds by
inviting them to dinner and ordering them, as one of his officers
expressed it, "only to do pennance a few days at Pott's-grove." *

From the time the British first entered Philadelphia, Septem-
ber 26, 1777, until they left it, June 17, 1778, or during a period of
eight and a half months, fugitives were coming in singly and in
groups, as opportunity offered, from the neighboring country, in-
cluding all the counties of eastern Pennsylvania from Northamp-
ton and Bucks on the north to Lancaster and York on the west of
the metropolis. They came in also in considerable numbers from

f Scharf and Weatcott. Hiat, of Phiia., h 869, 866, 867, 888 : Sabine, LoyaUats of the Am,

Rav., II. 860; I, 664. 666.

• Scharf and Westcott. Hiat. of Phila,, I, 869.

THE BRITISH INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA 47

Virginia, Maryland, and especially from New Jersey. James Allen,
who sent his family into tiie city in January, 1778, and followed
with his sister, Mrs. John Penn, on February 13, noted in his
Diary after his arrival that the town was filled with refugees from
the country, and that the Tories of many localities in Bucks County
and in New Jersey had risen against severe persecution and
brought in their oppressors as prisoners. In neighborhoods where
the number of Loyalists was too small to accomplish such feats of
valor, the approach of a detachment of British troops or of a res-
cue party from the seat of the army had to be awaited. An appeal
for succor from a group of Jerseymen was responded to by twenty
West Jersey refugees, who crossed to the east side of the Delaware
from Philadelphia, had a skirmish with a band of watchful Ameri-
cans at the mouth of Mantua Creek, and returned with their res-
cued friends, February 3d. At the end of this month, it was re-
ported in the Pennsylvania Evening Post that large numbers of
Jerseymen had joined a detachment of the army since its arrival in
their vicinity. The Pennsylvania Ledger of March 18th declared
that there was not a day on which "great numbers'' of Loyalists
were not flocking to the city, being "driven by the most obdurate
and merciless tyranny from all that is dear and valuable in life.'' An
item of May 11th in Allen's Diary stated that the "persecutions in
the country were very great, that those who refused to subscribe
to the test in the various Provinces were treated as enemies and
suffered confiscation of their estates, and that Philadelphia was
swarming with refugees."*

While, as we have already seen, a few of these unfortunate
people had sufficient resources still at command to enable them to
engage in business, and others received official positions in the city
to which salaries were attached, the great majority of the refugees
must have been under the necessity of depending on the army or the
city authorities for their housing and support. It will be shown
farther on that those Loyalists who were embodied in regiments
were employed in patrolling the country roads so as to enable
farmers and gardeners to reach the city market with their produce,
and that they also secured quantities of booty through foraging
and plundering expeditions; but in view of the pressing needs of
the raiders themselves and of the regular troops, it may be doubted

•Po. Mag. of Hiat. and Biog,, Jan.. 1886, 481, 486; N. J, Arehivet, 2d Ser., II. 86, 66,
81. 126, 127.

48 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

whether or not any of these extra supplies ever reached those ref-
ugees who were too impoverished to supply their own wants
through the ordinary channels of trade. According to the census
that Howe had taken shortly after his entry into Philadelphia, the
population amounted to a little more than 23,700, of which the fe-
males numbered 13,403, not to mention the children, of whom
there were certainly many, although we get no figures concerning
them. We can thus see that the proportion of dependents was
extremely large, and we know that it was being constantly in-
creased by the arrival of distressed Loyalists. It is easy to under-
stand, therefore, why in the winter of 1777-78, Howe sanctioned
the collection of contributions for the support of the almshouse,
thirty-two collectors being appointed for the purpose; why as
spring approached the commander in chief exhorted the Loyalists
in one of his proclamations ''to exert themselves in raising vege-
tables" and other things for the use of the soldiers and inhabitants,
and why in April he authorized a lottery, which was placed under
the management of Stephen Shewell, James Craig, Reynold Keene,
Joseph Stansbury, and twelve others. This lottery produced
£1,012 10s for the benefit of the poor in the city.'"" But the best
efforts of the Loyalists to supply garden and farm produce for
the army and the multitude of refugees within the lines
were quite inadequate to relieve a situation which James
Allen, writing on June 8, vividly described in the following words :
"For 7 months Gen Washington with an army not exceeding 7 or
8000 men has lain at Valley Forge 20 miles from here, unmolested ;
while Sr W. Howe with more than double his number & the best
troops in the world, has been shut up in Philada, where the markets
are extravagantly high, & parties of the enemy all round the
city within a mile or two robbing the market people. Consequently
the distress of the citizens and particularly the Refugees has been
very great."

During the winter and spring of 1777 and 1778, the Phila-
delphia Light Dragoons had been cooperating with the Queen's
Rangers in securing the country and facilitating the inhabitants in
bringing their produce into Philadelphia. The Rangers, with Re-
doubt No. 1 at Kensington as their headquarters, patrolled the
roads above, particularly the Frankf ord road, to enable the Bucks
County farmers to drive into town with the products of their farms

i<» Scharf and Westcott, HUU of PhOa,, I, 867. 878.

THE BRITISH INVASION OP PENNSYLVANIA 49

and dairies. The market people, however, were prevented by the
Americans from coming down below Frankford, and their light
horse made frequent sallies on the Rangers' quarters at Kensing-
ton. In December or January the withdrawal by Brigadier Gen-
eral Lacey of some of his Pennsylvania militia from the posts they
had been occupjring in the Delaware-Schuylkill peninsula enabled
the patrolling Tory regiments to forage and ravage at will. On
February 14th, Hovenden's troop of Philadelphia Light Dragoons
went up the Bristol road, and Captain Evan Thomas with his Bucks
County Volunteers took the Bustleton road. On their return they
brought back most of the officials of Bucks County. During the
same month they made other forays into the County of Bucks, as the
result of which they captured a number of Continental soldiers, a
quantity of cloth greatly needed by Washington's army at Valley
Forge, and a drove of 180 cattle. About a month later the Queen's
Rangers, the New Jersey Volunteers, and other troops to the num-
ber of about 1,500 men engaged in foraging exi)editions into New
Jersey and Cumberland County, Pa. When, at length, the Pennsyl-
vania militia under Brigadier GenerarLacey was strengthened, tiie
farmers of Bucks County found it more difficult to reach the Phila-
delphia market. Many of them were captured, and some were con-
demned by court-martial to be hanged. Later, those caught con-
veying produce to the British were deprived of their teams and
laden wagons, and were in many cases subjected to a flogging.
Lacey's operations were now so successful in cutting off supplies
from the city that on May 1, 1778, the Queen's Rangers, the Phila-
delphia Light Dragoons, and other regiments were dispatched to
destroy the energetic officer and his command. Taken by surprise,
twenty-six of the Americans were killed, and some of the prisoners
and wounded were put to death in brutal ways by their Tory cap-
tors." 11 t
The civil authorities, as well as the military, sought to sup-
press the intercourse between Philadelphia and the outside world
during the period of the British occupation of the city. On October
12, 1777, a new "supplement" to the test act of four months earlier
was passed, because the latter had not been found satisfactory in
actual experience. The supplement was framed to stop the passing
from county to county of male white non- jurors and Loyalists, and

" Pa, Maa. of HisU and Biog,» Jan., 1886, 488 ; Scharf and Weatcott, HUt. of PhUa,, I.
860. 861. 866, 878. 874. 876.

50 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

especially of those coming out of Philadelphia, which was now in
the possession of the British. The age limit of those who were
ordered to subscribe to the oath or affirmation was now reduced
from eighteen to sixteen years, and justices of the peace were em-
powered not only to exact the oath, but also to require such further
security as they might think necessary in individual cases. Im-
prisonment without bail was the alternative, the end of the sen-
tence depending on the willingness of the suspect to subscribe and
furnish the extra security. The final section of the law made it pos-
sible for one or more sworn accusers to have persons who avoided
traveling about brought before a justice on suspicion of unfriendli-
ness to the independence of the United States, in order that the
test might be applied to him. This measure was to go into opera-
tion three days after its enactment. The new Council of Safety
(October 21 to December 6, 1777) and after it the Supreme Execu-
tive Council in their sessions at Lancaster tried and sentenced many
offenders on the charge of supplying the royal troops with provi-
sions, or of prosecuting an illicit trade with them. The usual pen-
alty inflicted was one month's imprisonment at hard labor, although
in certain instances the term of incarceration was lengthened to
that of the war, and occasionally fifty or one hundred lashes were
added for some special reason, such as the passing of counterfeit
Continental currency by the culprit. As some of those carrying
on the forbidden trade lived on the east side of the Delaware River,
the civil authorities of New Jersey also employed repressive meas-
ures. The General Assembly of that State passed a bill which was
intended to prevent all communication between the parties con-
cerned ; but since the act was not well enforced, the magistrates of
Burlington County, N. J., announced their determination on Febru-
ary 16, 1778, to execute it in the most rigorous manner. On the
same date, the governor of New Jersey, William Livingston, recom-
mended the enactment of a bill authorizing the militia, or any
other persons, to seize all effects suspected of being carried to or
from the enemy, the seized goods to be appropriated to those tak-
ing them, in case the persons thus dispossessed should be found
guilty by legal process."

These efforts to terminate the intercourse between Philadel-
phia and the outside world served in considerable measure to in-
crease the distress already existing among the refugees

^* LawB of Pa., H. 169 ; N. J. ArehweB, 2d. Ser., U, 66, 67, 87.

THE BRITISH INVASION OP PENNSYLVANIA 51

and inhabitants of the city, already greatly aggravated, it
may be added, by the exorbitant prices of provisions and merchan-
dise prevailing there. Notwithstanding these unfortunate condi-
tions, however, there was no dearth of festivities among the men
of the camps and the social set in the metropolis during the Tory
supremacy. When oflf duty the soldiers gave themselves up to
amusements. The officers formed themselves into dining clubs,
among which was the ''Loyal Association Club"; they also held
cricket matches, and patronized a cock-pit where mains were
fought for a hundred guineas. Weekly balls from the end of Jan-
uary to that of April afforded ample opportunity for the young
ladies of the Tory set to establish social relations with the mili-
tary gentlemen in town. The old South Street Theatre witnessed
a series of plays, in some of which the officers took part. Howe
paid the price of all this unwarranted gaiety, as well as of his
supineness in martial affairs, by being supplanted in his
command. On May 7, Sir Henry Clinton landed at Billingsport^
and the next day he arrived in Philadelphia. Before Howe
embarked for England, he was complimented by a regatta
on the Delaware and a pageant of knights, squires, and
ladies on the beautiful grounds of the Wharton mansion
at Walnut Grove. This combined celebration, which was
planned and chiefly managed by Major John Andr6, and was widely
heralded as the Meschianza, occurred. May 18th, and was par-
ticipated in by many of the Loyalist belles of the city. The day
ended with a grand ball, which lasted until after sunrise the next
morning. This concluding event, however, was disturbed by an
attack on the abatis north of town by Captain McLane and a de-
tachment of Americans. About the same time, Howe learned that
Lafayette and 2,500 of the enemy had crossed the Schuylkill and
encamped some distance below Marston's Ford. He, therefore,
craved the distinction of closing his term of service with the cap-*
ture of Lafayette and his force. Although he and Clinton led out
11,000 men in the effort to attain this object, the French general
and his men succeeded in recrossing the river, with but a slight
loss at the ford. Having thus failed to redeem his military reputa-
tion, General Howe relinquished the command of the army to
Clinton, and sailed for England, May 24, 1778."

^s Scharf and Westeott. Hiat. of PhiJa., h 871-382 : GentUman'g Magasine, Auv.. 1778.

02 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

On the same day the new commander in chief held a council
of war, which decided in favor of evacuating the city ; and this de-
cision seems to have been communicated to a meeting of ''gentle-
men, merchants, and citizens'' that took place at the British Tav-
ern. The local historian, Westcott, says ^at notice had been pre-
viously given that all deserters from the American army who
wished to go to England would be sent, and that ''many availed
themselves of the privilege.'* Probably, the news of the intended
evacuation did not come as an entire surprise to the community,
for Mrs. Drinker recorded in her JoumcUy under date of May 23d,
that preparations for the departure were being made by "many
of the inhabitants." On June 8d three regiments crossed the Dela-
ware and encamped near Cooper's Ferry and Gloucester. Two
days later Captain Johann Heinrichs of the Hessian Jager Corps,
who was then at the Neck near the city> wrote to his brother that
"about one thousand royally inclined families" in Philadelphia
were "willing to leave hearth and home and with their chattels go
with the army." A few days later still the British Peace Commis-
sioners arrived in the city; and one of them. Lord Carlisle, wrote
that he found eversrthing in confusion, "the army upon the point
of leaving town, and about three thousand of the miserable inhabi-
tants embarked on board our ships, to convey them from a place
where they thought they would receive no mercy from those who
will take possession after us." In a letter of June 15th to the
colonial secretary in London, the Commissioners stated that they
had found the greater part of those who had put themselves under
the King's protection either retiring on board ships in the Dela-
ware River, or endeavoring to effect their reconciliation with Con-
gress by hastening to take the oath of allegiance to the Confed-
erated States of America within the allotted time, in order to save
their property from confiscation and themselves from "the violent
resentment of an exulting and unrestrained enemy." As the time
for taking the oath of allegiance had* already been extended to June
1, 1778, it is highly improbable that additional days of grace were
granted to those seeking to make amends for such obvious rea-
sons. Nevertheless, a good many whose past conduct identified
them as undesirable citizens in the eyes of the Whigs chose to re-
main, as did also the wives and children of some undoubted Loyal-
ists who left with the troops, or had taken their departure earlier.
In these closing days of the British occupation, Mrs. Drinker re-

THE BRITISH INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA Ml

cords the parting calls of Enoch Story and Richard Wain, and re-
marks that Samuel Shoemaker and many other inhabitants had
gone on board the vessels. Clinton's intention had been to send
his troops back to New York by sea, as they had come ; but instead
he filled the waiting fleet with Tory families and ordered his army
to take up the line of march across the Jerseys.^^

The van of the army withdrew from Philadelphia, June 17th,
the main body following on the next day. With the retiring troops
marched the Loyalist regiments which had been formed during the
British occupation of the city, as well as those which had come as
part of the invading host Since many of the local refugees at-
tempted to carry with them more or less of their possessions, and
in some cases the appropriated property of absent Whigs, they im-
peded the movements of the troops; and according to an item in
the Pennsylvania Evening Post of June 20th, some of the fugitives,
along with other prisoners, were captured by a pursuing body of
American light horse. By the time AUentown, N. J., was reached,
the Queen's Rangers had been joined by many new refugees, who
supplied the guides needed for the remainder of the march. Near
Monmouth Court House strong detachments of the American army,
which had been sent forward by Washington, attacked the British,
June 28th, killing over 250 officers and men and wounding many
more, including Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe and Captain Stephen-
son of the Rangers. While Clinton's force was experiencing these
difficulties, the British fleet was reported in Philadelphia to have
lost several transports to the enemy, on one of which were five ref-
ugee families with their effects. From Monmouth the Queen's
Rangers led the way to Sandy Hook, where on July 5th the em-
barkation of the troops for the brief passage to New York began.
They left behind them in New Jersey at least two Tory battalions,
namely, the Volunteers of Ireland and the West Jersey Regiment
At the close of August, 1778, the former corps was stationed at
Six Mile Hill, a few miles to the southeast of New Brunswick, while
the latter was then at Sandy Hook. Towards the end of the follow-
ing February the Volunteers of Ireland were at New York, with a
strength of 509 men. At least two companies of the West Jersey

i« Scharf and Westcott, Hiat. of PhUa., 1, 888, 884 ; Pa. Mag. of Hiat. and Biog^ Oct.,
1889, 807; XXII (1898), 146.

64 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

Regiment, if not the entire corps, had by this time been incor-
porated with the New Jersey Volunteers on Staten Island.^'

After Clinton's army landed at New York City the various
Loyalist regiments, which had accompanied it, were distributed
among the British posts of the neighborhood. Thus, by July 15,
1778, the Queen's Rangers were encamped at King's Bridge, where
they were soon joined by the Philadelphia Light Dragoons and the
Bucks County Light Dragoons, the three together numbering 448
men at the end of August The Pennsylvania Loyalists had been
sent at the same time to New Utrecht, L. I., near Brooklyn ; while
the Roman Catholic Volunteers and the Maryland Loyalists had
been assigned to Flushing Fly, a few miles to the northeast. Of the
three corps last named the August muster showed that the first
had 188 men, the second 331, and the third 171. At the close of
February, 1779, the Volunteers of Ireland, with a strength of 509
men, were at New York, and the Royal Guides and Pioneers, num-
bering 173 men, were also there and thereabouts.^^

During the British occupation of Philadelphia the town suf-
fered from spoliation and destruction of property to such an ex-
tent that, when the Americans returned to it, they found it in a
wretched condition. Nor was this havoc confined to the estates
of the absent Whigs. Robert Morton, the Loyalist, says in his
Diary that the British set fire to "the Fairhill mansion house, Jona-
than Mifflin's, and many others, amounting to eleven, besides out-
houses, bams, etc.," on November 22d. All these were the build-
ings of Loyalists, and were only part of the structures similarly
dealt with in the same neighborhood, where eighteen other homes
were deliberately burned, the reason assigned — ^according to Mor-
ton — ^being that the Americans had been shooting at the British
pickets from these houses. Mrs. Deborah Logan, who witnessed
this incendiarism, "counted seventeen fires" from the roof of her
mother's house on Chestnut Street. Pierre Du Simitiere, a resi-
dent of Philadelphia during this period, wrote that it would be in
vain to attempt to^give an account of the devastation committed
by those in possession indiscriminately on Whig and Tory prop-

^" Siebert, The Flight of the Am. Loyaliate to the Brit. Isles (pamphlet), 8. 9, and the
references there siven : Scott, John Graves Simeoe, 22 ; Reed, The Life and Times of Simcoe,
29 ; N. J. Archives, 2d Ser., II, 268, 264, 267, 269, 272-276, 285-291, 296 ; Simeoe's Journal, 62
passim; Ms. Muster Rolls of Col. Edward Winslow (in possession of the N. B. Hist. Soe., St.
John, N. B.)

^*Rev. W. O. Raymond's Ms. Notes from CoL Edward Winslow's Mnster Rolls.

THE BRITISH INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA 65

erty in the environs of the city. He added that ''the persecution
that numbers of worthy citizens underwent from the malice of the
Tories ; the tyranny of the police on all those they supposed to be
the friends of the liberties of America; all these would fill a vol-
ume." Entries in Christopher Marshall's Remembrancer from June
23d to June 26th, inclusive, confirm these earlier testimonies : they
speak of the houses ruined and destroyed within a mile or two of
the city and of "the desolation with the dirt, filth, stench, and flies
in and about the town'' as scarcely credible. Marshall writes that
he was struck with wonder and amazement at the ''scenes of malice
and wanton cruelty," but that his late dwelling-house was not so
bad as many others, although it was "quite gone," its roof, doors,
windows, etc., being "either destroyed or carried away entirely."
It was not until 1782 that an appraisement was made of all these
damages, in accordance with an act of the General Assembly. It
then appeared that the loss sustained by the inhabitants of Phila-
delphia amounted to £187,280 5s. According to this appraisement,
forty-six persons suffered damages exceeding one thousand pounds,
the losses of eight of these ranging from £3,000 up to £5,622. As
Germantown had suffered during the early days of the occupation,
having been the headquarters of the main army under Howe and
the scene of a battle, it was included in the appraisment. Its claims
numbered 137, although some of its losses were not included in
this list"

^"f StatuUB at Large of Pa., IX, 146-151; LawB of Pa., II. 889; Scharf and Westeott,
Hi§t. of Phila,, I. 867, 884, 886.

CHAPTER V

WHIG REPRISALS UPON SOME OF THE LOYALISTS
DURING AND AFTER THE BRITISH OCCUPATION

OF PHILADELPHIA

It was not until more than a fortnight after the British had
occupied Philadelphia, and only a few days after Howe had offered
bounties of land to such Loyalists as would enlist, that a new Coun-
cil of Safety was constituted by an act of the General Assembly,
October 13, 1777. This new council, which comprised the mem-
bers of the Supreme Executive Council and nine other gentlemen,
was vested with full power to provide for the preservation of the
Conmionwealth by such ordinances as it deemed necessary, and to
punish capitally or otherwise all persons guilty of transgressing
these ordinances or the laws of the State previously enacted. This
part of the new law was directed against those considered to be
inimical to the conmion cause of liberty. Another section authorized
the seizure of provisions and other necessaries for the American
army and the inhabitants of the State. The duration of these pow-
ers was limited, however, to the end of the next meeting of the As-
sembly. On October 21st the Council of Safety began to operate
under this measure by ordaining the collection of arms and accou-
trements and shoes and stockings from such inhabitants of Chester
County as had failed to take the oaths of allegiance and abjuration
required by a law of February 11th in the same year. At the same
time it passed an ordinance naming commissioners for the City of
Philadelphia and the eleven counties of the State, who were to seize
the personal estates and effects of all inhabitants then or in the fu-
ture guilty of abandoning their families or habitations and joining
the King's army, or resorting to any place in its possession within
the Commonwealth and supplying the royal troops with provisions,
intelligence, or other aid. The commissioners were to make an in-
ventory of the property seized, dispose of the perishable part, and
keep safely the money and goods taken, subject to future disposi-
tion by the Legislature. The Council justified its action by declaring
that divers persons had renounced their allegiance to the State and,

WHIG REPRISALS UPON LOYALISTS 57

wickedly joining themselves to the enemy, had afforded assistance
thereto in various ways, and it further declared that it was re-
pugnant to the practice of all nations to protect and preserve the
property of their avowed foes.^

An ordinance passed a little later authorized the collection of
sums from delinquents, of whom there were many in the State, who
were indebted to the public treasury for advances paid to their
substitutes in the militia, the collection being enforcible by the
distress and sale of the goods and chattels of such as refused or
neglected to pay. This regulation was soon followed by another
requiring the seizure of arms and accoutrements, blankets, and
other supplies for the American army from all inhabitants who
had not yet taken the oaths of allegiance and abjuration. On Decem-
ber 6th the powers granted to the Council of Safety were termi-
nated by proclamation of the Supreme Executive Council, these
powers having been in force less than two months.'

In the early months of the following year the Assembly at
Lancaster supplemented the confiscatory measures of the Council
of Safety by legislation which was directed against the college in
Philadelphia and against persons associating with the enemy.
Among such persons were several trustees of the college, while the
name of the Reverend William Smith, D.D., the provost of the in-
stitution, had been included in a list of individuals considered to be
dangerous to the State, which had been drawn up in the previous
September. Since, therefore, the college had come to be generally
regarded as a Tory institution and was, moreover, in the enemy's
hands, the Assembly passed an act, January 2, 1778, by whch the
authority of the trustees of the college and academy was suspended
for a limited time. An act for "the attainder of divers Traitors"
was also passed (March 6), which provided that if certain persons
failed to appear by a specified date (April 20th), their estates
would become vested in the Commonwealth. Those designated were
Joseph Galloway, Andrew Allen and his brothers John and Wil-
liam, the Reverend Jacob Duch6, and Samuel Shoemaker, all of
Philadelphia; John Potts of Philadelphia County, James Rankin
of York, Gilbert Hicks of Bucks, Nathaniel Vernon of Chester,
Christian Foutz of Lancaster, and Reynold Keene and John Biddle
of Berks. Provision was made for the discovery and seizure of the

i Col. Reeorda of Pa., XI. 826. 826. 828. 829.
*ibid„ 882. 888. 889. 868.

68 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

estates of these persons, as also for the attainting of other indi-
viduals adhering to the enemy. Indeed, the act declared that all
subjects and inhabitants of the State who should at any time during
the war voluntarily serve the King, either by land or sea in an of-
ficial or private capacity, would ipso facto become attainted of high
treason, and debtors of traitors were ordered to pay their obliga-
tions to the Supreme Executive Council, instead of to the proscribed.
In accordance with this law, eight different proclamations were
issued by the Council against persons designated as traitors during
a period which included the years from 1778 to 1781. The number
of those thus published were thirteen in the first proclamation
(March 6th, 1778), fifty-seven in the second (May 8th), seventy-
five in the third (May 21st), two hundred in the fourth (June
15th), and sixty-two in the fifth (October 30th), or a total of 407
during the year 1778. The proclamation of June 22, 1779, named
thirty ; that of October 3, 1780, ten ; that of March 20, 1781, fif-
teen ; and the last, which was dated April 27, 1781, designated one
only. Thus, the number of persons announced as traitors in the
entire series of proclamations for being reported as having joined
the British was only 453, of which 109 were former inhabitants
of Philadelphia, seventy-six of Philadelphia County, seventy-seven
of Bucks, eighty-seven of Chester, nine of York, thirty-five of
Northampton, four of Bedford, three of Trenton, N. J., and one
each of the States of Maryland and New York. As this total was
not more than ten percent of the number of Loyalists who left
Philadelphia at the evacuation, not to mention the numerous ref-
ugees whom we know to have fled from the State during the pre-
ceding years, it will be seen that the Council of Safety might have
been far more drastic than it was in applying the penalties of at-
tainder and forfeiture of property to the adherents of the Crown.*
Among these attainted men all classes were represented:
there were numbers of laborers, yeomen, and husbandmen; there
were many also who had been engaged in shop-keeping and in a va-
riety of trades ; among the merchants we find Enoch and Thomas
Story, Abel James, John and Charmless Hart, Matthias Aspden,
Malcolm Ross, David Sproat, Oswald Eve, and Robert White ; John
Bray and Hugh Lindon were school-masters ; among the attorneys

s Colon. ReeordB of Pa., XI. 488^86. 604, 606. 612^18. 687 ; Xn. 27. 496. 666. 710 ; Law
of Pa., U. 166-176 ; Scharf and WeBtcott. HUt. of Phiia., I, 877.

WHIG REPRISALS UPON LOYAUSTS 69

were Charles Stedman, Jr., Abel Evans, and Christian Hook; at
least two prominent physicians were proscribed, namely, Anthony
Yeldall and Andrew DeNormandie; William Drewitt Smith and
Christian Voght, the latter of the Borough of Lancaster, were
druggists ; there were a few who were designated as ''gentlemen,"
for example, Ross Curry, Alfred and William Clifton, John Kears-
ley, Jr., and John Young of Graeme Park; then there were some
who had held high rank in civil and military circles, such as Joseph
Galloway and Andrew Allen, ''late members of the Congress of the
thirteen United Colonies,'' the Reverend Jacob Duch6^ the first
chaplain of Congress ; John Biddle, collector of excise for the County
of Berks and deputy quarter master general of the American army ;
Christian Foutz, lieutenant colonel of militia in Chester County,
and Benedict Arnold, major general in the army of the United
States ; and finally there were numerous officials of minor rank, in-
cluding Joseph Swanwick and John Bartlett of the Custom House
of Philadelphia ; John Smith, ganger of the port of the city ; Sam-
uel Carrigues, Sr., clerk of the market ; William Austen, keeper of
the New Jersey ferry ; Abraham Iredell, surveyor ; Nathaniel Ver-
non, sheriff of Chester County; Samuel Biles, sheriff of Bucks
County ; Robert Land, justice of the peace of Northampton County,
and Samuel Shoemaker, alderman of Philadelphia.

On April 1, 1778, the Assembly had passed a law "for the Fur-
ther Security of the Government," which extended the time for
subscribing to the test to June 1st. Any male white inhabitant of
eighteen years of age or older who failed to comply was to be
incapable of bringing any legal action, serving as a guardian, ex-
ecutor, or administrator, receiving a legacy, or making a will, be-
sides being subject to double taxes. Non-jurors might be impris-
oned for three months, or they might be fined £10 or less and re-
quired to leave the State within thirty days, besides forfeiting their
goods and chattels to the Commonwealth and their lands and tene-
ments to the persons entitled by law to inherit them. As many
individuals had been entering Philadelphia on various pretexts since
its occupation by the British army, permits issuable by Congress,
the Executive Council, or General Washington were to be required.
The failure to observe this requirement laid the delinquent liable
to a fine of £50 or less and imprisonment during the court's pleas-
ure. The disabilities imposed upon non- jurors by the present law
and the test acts of 1777 were to last for life. Office-holders under

60 THE LOTAUSTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

the proprietary government who did not renounce their allegiance
to the Crown before June 1, 1778, or within ten days after return-
ing to the State, were to have the privilege of selling their estates
within ninety days, under permission from the Supreme Executive
C!ouncil, and departing, or be deemed enemies and compelled to for-
feit their goods and chattels, lands and tenements. Finally, all
trustees, provosts, rectors, professors, and tutors of any college or
academy, all school-masters, merchants, traders, lawyers, doctors,
druggists, notaries, and clerks who did not submit to the test would
thereby be disabled from following their vocations and, on convic-
tion of disregarding this injunction, might be fined as much as
£600. The object of this last section of the new test law was to
enable the Supreme Executive Council to deal with the officers of
the College, Academy, and Charitable School of the City of Phila-
delphia.^

It was not, however, until in February, 1779, that a resolution
was adopted appointing a committee to investigate the early his-
tory, the purposes, and the condition of the college. In consonance
with the wishes of the trustees. Provost Smith submitted a written
defense of the course and conduct of the trustees and other officers,
but without the desired effect ; for on the 27th of the following No-
vember a law was passed by which the proprietary charters of the
College, Academy, and Charitable School were ''amended'' and the
provost and all others connected with these institutions were re-
moved. The name of the college was changed to "The University
of the State of Pennsylvania," and the rights and property hitherto
vested in the trustees were transferred to a new board appointed
by the Assembly, which also authorized the Supreme Executive
Council to reserve a sufficient number of estates confiscated from
attainted Loyalists, but as yet unsold, to endow the reorganized es-
tablishment with an annual income not to exceed £1,500. During
the next few years the university was vested with sixty such es-
tates. The annual rent charges which these properties would pro-
duce were carefully computed in bushels of wheat and totaled not
far from 1,550 bushels. The estates thus appropriated for the uni-
versity were scattered through five counties, twenty-one of them
being in the City of Philadelphia, twenty-one others in the county
of the same name, seven each in Berks and Chester counties, three
in Bucks, and one in Lancaster. Five of the properties in Berks

• StatuUB at Lwrgt of Pa., IX, 149-161 ; Scharf and Westcott, Hitt, of Phila., 1, 877.

WHIG REPRISALS UPON LOTAUSTS 61

County had belonged to Andrew Allen, and eight of those in Phila-
delphia had been held by John Parrock. Only two of the other es-
tates had belonged to a single owner at the time of their confisca-
tion. In addition to these sixty properties, the trustees, with the
concurrence of the Supreme Executive Ck>uncil, purchased fifteen
other confiscated real estates at the public sales, all but three of
these being in the City of Philadelphia. They also bought fifteen
''rent charges, together with all the estate, interest and claim of
the Commonwealth'' in and to the lots and lands in the city from
which these rentals emanated. Eleven of these last purchases had
belonged to John Parrock and the other four to Samuel Shoemaker.
Thus, by the purchase of the trustees and by the action of the
Council, the university secured a total of ninety confiscated proper-
ties, of which forty-eight were located in Philadelphia and twenty-
four in the county of the same name. As the income of these prop-
erties did not amount as yet to more than a yearly value of £1,881
5^ 7^(2, computing wheat at the rate of ten shillings per bushel,
the Legislature proceeded on September 22, 1785, to enact that the
''several confiscated estates, lands, tenements and heriditaments
and rent charges" be fully and absolutely vested in and confirmed
to the University of the State of Pennsylvania.*'*

Meantime, Thomas Mifilin and nine other trustees of the old
college presented a memorial to the Council of Censors proposing
to restore the original corporation. The committee to which this
memorial was referred reported in favor of the action requested.
The matter was also brought to the attention of the Assembly
by a letter from the former provost, Dr. Smith, and the committee
named to consider the question reported that the college had never
forfeited its rights nor committed any offense against the laws.
The committee, therefore, recommended a resolution for adoption
repealing the act of November 27, 1779, by which the property and
rights of the college had been transferred to the board named by
the Assembly.

In accordance with these recommendations, the Assembly by
a vote of twenty-eight yeas to twenty-five nays enacted a law,
March 6, 1789, in the preamble of which the admission was frankly
made that the corporation, trustees, professors, and other officers
of the old college and its subsidiary schools had been deprived of
their charters, franchises, and estates without trial by jury or

• Law» of Pa., II. 228-229, 268; lU. 118-121, 802-806.

62 . THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

proof of forfeiture. The new law therefore repealed such parts of
the act of November 27, 1779, as concerned the ancient corpora-
tion, its charters, and its former rights, and provided for the rein-
statement of the trustees and the restoration of the faculty to all
of the rights, emoluments, and estates which they had formerly held
and enjoyed, except such rents and profits as had been received by
the board of the university before March 2, 1789, such sums as had
already been paid out in the discharge of just debts and contracts,
and such bonds and mortgages as had been transferred, cancelled,
or paid by it. The trustees of the university were, however, to be
accountable to the trustees of the college for the value of these
mortgages and bonds. Inasmuch as the unrepealed sections of the
law of 1779 left the university still intact and in possession of the
confiscated estates with which it had been endowed, the effect of
the act of 1789 was to make the college and the university separate
institutions.*

For the next seven years the two institutions, both located in
Philadelphia, sustained the relation of rivals in the educational
field. Then, their respective boards addressed petitions to the As-
sembly, in which they set forth that they had agreed to certain
terms of union in the desire that the two might be combined by
legislative action. Accordingly, an act was passed, September 30,
1791, which provided that the name of the resulting institution
should be "The University of Pennsylvania," the location remain-
ing in the city; it also provided that the existing boards of trus-
tees should elect twelve persons from among their own members
on or before December 1st, who, with the governor of the State,
should constitute a new board. This body was to have control of all
funds, was to support a charity school for boys and another for
girls, and was to choose the faculties in arts and medicine for the
new university from each constituent institution equally. By this
highly commendable action, the way was cleared for the future
growth and usefulness of the University of Pennsylvania.^

Notwithstanding the fact that Governor John Penn had been
deposed and the proprietary rigime superseded since the summer
of 1776, the Penns were left in a state of uncertainty for more than
three years as to the settlement of their claims. In February, 1778,
shortly after the Assembly had passed the act of attainder and

• Laws of Pa,, III. 802-806 ; Scharf and Westeott, HUt. of Phila., I. 886. 886.
^ StatuUM at Lara§ of Pa., XIV. 184-187.

WHIG REPRISALS UPON LOYALISTS 63

confiscation against Loyalists adhering to the enemy, it took up
this highly important question. Governor Penn was notified at
this time, and chose counsel to represent the family interests.
Still, no action was taken until November 27, 1779, when after
several days spent in discussion of the subject, the Assembly
passed a law in which the proprietary charter was construed as an
instrument ''containing a public trust for the benefit of those who
should settle in the State of Pennsylvania, coupled with a particu-
lar interest accruing to ... . William Penn and his heirs, but in
its very nature and essence subject and subordinate to the great
and general purposes of society sanctioned in the said grant." The
law further declared that the claims of the proprietaries to the
whole of the soil bestowed by the charter, and likewise to the quit
rents and purchase money for grants since made by them, were
no longer consistent with the safety, liberty, and happiness of the
inhabitants, who had rescued themselves and their possessions
from the tyranny of Great Britain, and were then defending them-
selves from the inroads of the savages ; and it asserted that effec-
tive measures were demanded by the great expenses of the war
and by the daily emigration of "multitudes of inhabitants" to
neighboring States, where lands were being located and settled.
Accordingly, the new law decreed that the interest, title, and claim
which the proprietaries possessed in the soil of the late Province on
July 4, 1776, together with the royalties, lordships, and all other
hereditaments authorized by the charter, were henceforth vested
in the Commonwealth, and subject to division, appropriation, and
conveyance, in accordance with such laws as might be later enacted.
Exception was made, however, of the rights appertaining to other
persons than the proprietaries, by virtue of any deeds, warrants, or
surveys of grants derived from the Penns, and filed in the Land
Office before the Declaration of Independence. That is to say, the
law confirmed both the legal and equitable rights of such persons.
To the proprietaries themselves it secured their private estates
and inheritances, besides such manors or "proprietary tenths" as
had been surveyed and reserved in the Land Office by July 4, 1776,
and in addition the quit rents and other rents belonging to them.
It was further provided that commissioners should be appointed
to constitute a Board of Property, with power to collect all papers,
records, maps, and surveys in the possession of the propietaries or
their agents respecting the lands within the State, and with power

64 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

also to grant patents, confirm titles, appoint surveyors and other
officers, and receive money arising from the sale of lands not as
yet surveyed or located.*

In compensation for the proprietary rights of which the Penns
were deprived by the above provisions, and in ''remebrance of the
enterprising spirit'' of the founder of the State and ''of the expecta-
tions and dependence of his descendants,'' the law awarded the
sum of £130,000 sterling to the devisees and legatees of Thomas
Penn, in such proportions as should thereafter be fixed by the Leg-
islature. Although a section of the law provided that no part of
the sum stipulated should be paid within less than one year after
the termination of the war, it was not until February 9, 1785, that
an act was passed authorizing the immediate payment of £15,000
as the first annual instalment. This amount had not been fully
paid, however, at the end of March, 1787. Meanwhile, interest
was accruing on the residue of the debt. Hence, at this time
(March 28th), it was enacted that the State treasurer pay the re-
spective balances still due on the first instalment to John Penn,
the elder, and John Penn, the younger, together with interest at
six percent per annum from September 3, 1784, and the Supreme
Executive Council was ordered to issue warrants on the treasurer
forthwith for the discharge of the second and third instalments
of £16,000 each, with interest from the dates of their maturity,
respectively. Warrants or orders for what appear to have been the
fourth and fifth instalments, although designated the fifth in-
stalment in the Records, were issued on March 20, 1789, when
the elder Penn received £7,600 and the younger Penn received
£22,600. The sixth instalment, which amounted to £26,812 108,
was ordered paid a year later. Thus, by the spring of 1790,
the Penns were in possession of £100,000 out of the compensation
granted them by the State. On April 9, 1791, the Legislature made
provision for the appropriation of a sufiicient amount of six percent
stock created by the State's subscription to a United States loan
to discharge the last two instalments, and empowered the gov-
ernor — ^the Executive Council had been supplanted by a single
executive— to draw the warrants on the State treasurer for all ar-
rearages of principal and interest, whenever the Penns or their
agents should apply for the pa3mient of the debt still due them.'

• LaiCB of Pa., II, 280-284 ; Scharf and Westcott, HUt. of PhUa., I, 406, 407.

• Lauft of Pa^ m. 200 ; StatutM at Largt of Pa,, XII, 481-486 : XIV. 81-86.

WHIG REPRISALS UPON LOYALISTS 65

The claim made by the proprietaries on the British government
for the losses and sufferings sustained by them in consequence of
the Revolution amounted to £944,817 sterling. This was reduced
after prolonged investigation by the Commissioners on Loyalists'
Claims to £500,000, and that estimate was recommended to Parlia-
ment for settlement On the suggestion of Mr. Pitt, however, that
body departed in this instance from its practice of granting a stip-
ulated sum as in the claims of other adherents of the Crown: it
passed an act in 1790 by which an annuity of £3,000 was granted
to John Penn, the son of the elder branch, and an annuity of
£1,000 to John Penn, the son of the younger branch of the family.
Sabine remarks that ''the Penn estate was by far the largest that
was forfeited in America, and perhaps that was ever sequestered
during any civil war in either hemisphere" ; but he also calls at-
tention to the fact that the large sum which they received from
Pennsylvania, together with their annuities from Parliament, the
immense estate which they retained in the Conunonwealth founded
by their ancestor, and the offices subsequently conferred on them
probably placed them "in a condition quite as independent as that
which they enjoyed previous to the Revolution." Certain it is that
the Penns remained the largest landed proprietors in Pennsyl-
vania, by reason of their manors and other real estate, together
with the ground rents and quit rents which they derived there-
from.**

i« Sabine. LoualisU of tK4 Am. Rmf.» H. 162. 168 : Colon, tUoords of Pa^ XVI. 4. St. 800.
806; Bcharf and Westeott, Higi, of PhSIa,, I. 407.

CHAPTER VI

THE PURCHASE OF THE INDIAN TRACT ON LAKE ERIE

Berides the public domain which the revolutionary government
of Pennsylvania took from the proprietaries and the numerous pri-
vate estates which it confiscated from the attainted Loyalists, a
large triangular tract of territory fronting on Lake Erie was ac-
quired from the Six Nation Indians by purchase, notwithstanding
the fact that they had allied themselves with the British early in
the war, had made Fort Niagara their headquarters, and had en-
gaged in many expeditions with Butler's Rangers against the
frontier settlements. The first definite action looking to the pur-
chase of the tract in question was taken by the Assembly, Septem-
ber 25, 1783, when a resolution was adopted by that body authoriz-
ing the appointment of purchasing commissioners. These commis-
sioners seem not to have been named by the Executive Council un-
til late in February, 1784, and on December 4tfi the Council was
able to report that the purchase had lately been made. The lands
thus secured were offered for sale to white settlers at a price which
proved to be too high to attract many buyers ; and the Council sug-
gested to the Assembly in a message of February 23, 1787, that
the price be lowered, since only eight warrants had been issued
for lots within the purchased tract during the past six months.^

On September 4, 1788, Congress passed an act by which the
United States government relinquished and transferred to the State
of Pennsylvania its right, title, and claim to the tract on Lake Erie.
As a meeting of the Northern and Western tribes was soon to be
held at Muskingum to make a treaty with the Continental commis-
sioners, the State Assembly took action on September 13th, em-
powering the Council to appoint two commissioners to secure from
the forthcoming council a conveyance of its rights in the purchased
tract, as the Western tribes had acknowledged claims therein. Ac-
cordingly, General Richard Butler and General John Gibson were
named as the agents of the Commonwealth to attend the approach-
ing council. The instructions, which were framed for their guid-

« Cclon, R^oordt of Pa^ XIV, 4fi. 271. 278 : XV, 167.

PURCHASE OF THE INDIAN TRACT ON LAKE ERIE 67

ance, informed the new commissioners that the State was already
"vested with both right of jurisdiction and soil," but that the pur-
chase of the claims of the natives, which they were to effect, was
agreeable "to the constant usage of Pennsylvania," and that they
were to exercise their discretion whether to conunence the busi-
ness with the Indians at present, or postpone it until a more fa-
vorable time, according to the temper in which they might find the
tribes. Evidently the Indians manifested a friendly disposition,
for on March 4, 1789, the Council sent to the Legislature the report
of the commissioners that the transaction had been satisfactorily
completed, together with an Indian deed of cession covering the
tract.'

• Ccion. R^oordt of Pa^ XV. 581. 600 ; XVI. 86. 87. 180.

CHAPTER VII

THE SURVIVAL OF LOYALISM IN PHILADELPHIA AND

ELSEWHERE IN PENNSYLVANIA AFTER THE

DEPARTURE OF THE BRITISH

On the day of the evacuation of Philadelphia, June 18, 1778,
Captain Allen McLane and his Maryland troopers followed the
British as they retreated into the Neck and captured Captain
Thomas Sandford of the Bucks County Light Dragoons and Fred-
erick Varnum, keeper of the prison under Galloway. On the next
day the American forces re-entered Philadelphia, and Major Gen-
eral Benedict Arnold was made commandant of the city. Arnold at
once issued a proclamation calling attention to the resolution of
Congress of June 4th, which requested Washington to see that
order was preserved in the town and to prevent the removal or
sale of the King's goods that remained in the possession of the
people. Persons having a supply of certain articles, including all
kinds of provisions beyond family need, were to make return to the
town major. A large quantity of salt and other supplies were dis-
covered and seized under this order. Severe punishment was to be
meted out to any found concealing British officers or soldiers or de-
serters from the Continental army. On June 20th, the city and its
markets were declared open, and on the 25th and 26th, Congress
and the Supreme Executive Council, respectively, began their ses-
sions in the city.

The returning inhabitants had many complaints to make con-
cerning the damage or removal of their property by the depart-
ing host, one giving notice that "Joseph Fox, a noted traitor, had
seized and taken away four tons of blistered steel, and all the 'ap-
paratus belonging to the steel furnace," which he had sold in the
city; while another reported the removal of a printing press and
its belongings, which were carted away in the King's wagons by
James Robertson, the Tory printer of the Pennsylvania Gazette.
In August, Arnold had a court-martial held for the trial of George
Spangler and Frederick Vemer on the charge of being spies in the
British employ. The former was hanged the same month ; but the

SURVIVAL OF LOYAUSM AFTER BRITISH WITHDRAW 69

latter was kept in prison until he was finally exchanged. As many
other Loyalists remained in Philadelphia, the Whigs preferred
charges before Chief Justice Thomas McKean against some of these
for aiding the British army, formed an association, afterwards
called ''the Patriotic Society/' with the object of "disclosing and
bringing to justice all Tories within their knowledge/' and commit-
ted an attack on the house of Peter Deshong, who escaped injury
by surrendering to the authorities as a proclaimed traitor. In Sep-
tember Deshong, together with several others accused of treason,
was tried and acquitted ; but Abraham Carlisle of Philadelphia and
John Roberts of Lower Marion, two Quakers well along in years,
were convicted and, despite the appeals of some members of their
juries and of numerous Whigs for conunutation of sentence, were
executed. Many other prosecutions followed during the months of
November and December.^

Meanwhile, General Arnold was occup3ring the mansion of Rich-
ard Penn, living in great extravagance, associating chiefly with
Tory families, and getting into trouble through his gross venality.
Already in December, 1778, it was being rumored among his ac-
quaintances that Arnold would be discharged from his post, ''be-
ing thought a pert Tory," and soon after that he was behaving
''with lenity" towards tihis class of Philadelphians. In the latter
part of March the commandant bought a handsome country es-
tate at Mount Pleasant, which a purchasing agent of General Wash-
ington says he paid for by appropriating to his own use $60,000
which the agent left to his order for the liquidation of bills for
army stores and clothing. At length, Arnold's corruption and dis-
play became so scandalous that the Supreme Executive Council
formulated a series of charges against him, which he evaded by
leaving the city. By direction of Congress a court-martial
was held to try Arnold, but not until in January, 1780.
Being convicted on the minor charge of making private use of the
army wagons, he was sentenced to receive a reprimand from the
conmiander in chief. He was exasperated by this verdict, and in
the following spring he began his traitorous correspondence with
General Clinton. In mid-summer he was appointed commander of
the fortress of West Point, "the gateway of the Hudson Valley/'
at his own request by Washington. The arrangements for the sur-
render of this important post to the British were completed at

i Seharf and W<iteott, Hi§U of PhSia^ I. 889. 886. 887. 884.

70 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

Arnold's secret conference with Major John AndrS at Stony Point
on a dark night in September ; but AndrS was captured immediately
afterward near Tarrytown. A letter unsuspectingly sent by Col-
onel Jameson informed Arnold of the British officer's arrest, and
he fled on horseback to the river, where he boarded the enemy's
sloop of war Vulture under a flag of truce. By October 8th, he was
at tiie head of the American Liegion, a corps of Loyalists newly
organized by him in New York, which then numbered only 76
troopers. This was the command he got as part of the price of his
perfidy; but he also received £6,000 sterling. On October 2d,
Arnold's estate at Mount Pleasant was confiscated by the Supreme
Executive Council. It was subsequently sold to pay off a mortgage.
On October 27th, the Council ordered his Loyalist bride, who was
a daughter of Chief Justice Edward Shippen of Philadelphia, to
leave the State within two weeks.^

A widespread fear of Torjdsm continued to prevail in Phila-
delphia after the re-occupation of the city by the Americans. Dur-
ing 1779 a number of supposed British S3mipathizers were prose-
cuted on various charges ; but most of them were acquitted, and a
few were discharged because witnesses failed to appear against
them, although they were required to give security for their good
behavior. Of the few convicted, Samuel R. Fisher, a Quaker, was
sentenced to jail for having sent information to the enemy at New
York; George Hardy, who was to suffer capital punishment for
having helped to disarm citizens of Southwark, was reprieved with
the rope around his neck until after the session of l^e next As-
sembly ; Joseph Pritchard was found guilty of misprision of trea-
son and laid under the penalty of losing his property and being im-
prisoned during the war, and William Cassedy, alioLS Thompson,
was sentenced to death for high treason.'

That the community was not disposed to relax its vigilance
in regard to the Loyalists is shown also by certain events occurring
in the spring of this year. Thus, at the end of March, the Assembly
passed a law empowering the officers of the militia to disarm non-
jurors within their respective districts against whom sworn in-
formation should be given before a justice, permission being
granted to the officers to remove cannon and all . other warlike

'Scharf and Westcott, HUt. of PhUa^ I, 889-898; Rev. W. O. Raymond's Mi. Notes on
CoL Bdward Winslow's Muster Rolls.

• Scharf and Westcott, Hitt. of Phila., h 400.

SURVIVAL OP LOYALISM AFTER BRITISH WITHDRAW 71

weapons from buildings belonging to the suspects. In May a pub-
lic meeting was held to take measures for ascertaining whether
inimical persons still remained in the city. Its action resulted in
the appointment of a committee to hear evidence against any who
might be accused of unfriendliness to the United States. As the
proceedings of this committee did not meet with popular approval,
the companies of militia formed a committee of their own, which
on October 4th arrested several citizens and took them to a tavern
on the common, where 200 of the militia also assembled. This body
then marched to the house of James Wilson, Esq., a lawyer who
had defended certain Tories accused of treason, taking with them
two cannon and a number of Quakers and Tories whom they had ar-
rested. Anticipating an attack, Mr. Wilson and his friends were
prepared to resist. Before the mob in the street was finally dis-
persed, an affray occurred in which some persons were injured
and three were killed. Twenty-seven of the attacking militiamen
were seized and incarcerated, but were admitted to bail the next
day. On October 6th the Supreme Executive Council issued a proc-
lamation calling on the other rioters and the inmates of Wilson's
house to surrender themselves, pending a judicial inquiry, and
some of the latter did so. The Council attributed this tumult to the
"undue countenance and encouragement" shown to disaffected per-
sons by ''men of rank and character in other respects," as also to the
frequent disregard of the laws and public authority of the State.
Those who gave themselves up in obedience to the Council's proc-
lamation were bound over in large sums for their appearance at
the next session of the Court of Oyer and Terminer. David Sole-
bury Franks, the conunissary of British prisoners, who was in-
volved in this affair and had surrendered himself along with the
others, was ordered to depart the State but delayed until Novem-
ber 22d, when Joseph Reed, the president of the Council, informed
him that he was expected to set out on his journey the next day
without further indulgence. As for the others involved in this af-
fair, neither the militia nor Wilson's friends were prosecuted, the
Assembly passing an act of amnesty in their behalf on March 13,
1780.*

Meanwhile, on August 11, 1779, the Supreme Executive Coun-
cil asked the chief justice of the State for his opinion regarding

« Statute at Largt of Pa.» IX. 846-S48 ; Colon. Reecrdt of Pa., XU, 121, 180, 187-189, 14fi,
162; Scharf and WestcoU, Hist, of Phila., I, 401-408; Sabine, LoyaUtU of tko Am. JSov., II,
444, 446 : Law9 of Pa., II, 267.

72 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

the status of certain Pennsylvania Loyalists, who had been cap-
tured at sea while engaged in a privateering enterprise and were
already confined in the State prison. The chief justice replied that
such of the prisoners as had not owed allegiance since February
11, 1777 (when the law defining treason and misprision of treason
was enacted by the Assembly) , were to be deemed prisoners of war,
while any others might be proceeded against as traitors under the
act of September 8, 1778, establishing a Court of Admiralty. On
September 14, 1779, the Council directed the chief justice to ob-
tain the facts in regard to the prisoners in question and submit
them, together with his advice. What that official reported does
not appear ; but it was of such a tenor that the Council ordered the
commissary of prisoners not to exchange his privateering charges
without the further order of the board. On October 1st the As-
sembly passed a further supplement to the test laws because, as the
supplement stated, many persons had omitted to subscribe to them
probably "from disaffection to our late glorious revolution." In
order, however, to afford all an opportunity to subscribe, the time
for taking the test was extended to December 1st for the inhabi-
tants of Cumberland, Bedford, Northumberland, and Westmore-
land counties, thirty-five days being allowed for l^e inhabitants of
Lancaster, York, Berks, and Northampton counties, and twenty-
days only for the non- jurors of the City and County of Philadel-
phia, as also for those of Bucks and Chester counties. Persons
refusing to take advantage of these arrangements were declared to
be forever incapable of electing or being elected to office, serving
on juries, or keeping schools, and to be forever deprived of the
privileges and benefits of citizenship. This measure was followed
within a few days by one authorizing the Council and the justices
of the Supreme Court to order the arrest of suspects and to in-
crease the fines of persons neglecting their militia duty.'

The enactment of such laws indicate that the authorities still
had many Loyalists to deal with. The popular resentment against
this class of inhabitants had vented itself upon the male sex ; and
with but few exceptions the action of the Supreme Executive Coun-
cil and the other bodies that were entrusted with the promotion
of the cause of liberty had been diected against members of the
same sex. But in June, 1779, the grand jury had made a present-

• Colon. R^eordM of Pflk. Xn. 71. 74« 108. 112; Statute at Largt of PtL, IX. 277-28t. 404-
407: Lmw9 0f Pa,, U, 219.

SURVIVAL OF LOYAUSM AFTER BRITISH WITHDRAW 78

ment to the effect that the wives of British emissaries had not de-
parted and were keeping up an injurious correspondence with the
enemies of the country, supplying them with intelligence and
propagating the most poisonous falsehoods. This action appears
to have produced no marked effect in causing the wives of absent
Loyalists to follow their husbands into exile, so far as of9cial rec-
ords show. During the entire year of 1779 the Council issued
scarcely more than a score of passports to such persons. One of
these was granted to Mrs. Jacob DuchS and her children; but on
July 1st another pass was issued to the same family to return on
account of Mrs. Duchy's ill-health. Under date of February 4, 1780,
an entry appears in the minutes of the Council that Elizabeth
Fegan, the wife of an attainted traitor, was still lingering in Phila-
delphia, after having been accorded permission to go to New York,
and that if she should be found within the State ten days from
date, she was to be arrested and confined in the conmion jail. The
record shows that a few passes in the usual form, that is, on con-
dition that the applicant should not return or must obtain the
Council's consent before doing so, were granted during this month.
It was not until March 7th of this year that the Council reached the
conclusion that the grand jury had reached nine months before,
being constrained thereto no doubt by the discovery in an inter-
cepted journal that Mrs. Samuel Shoemaker, whose husband was
with the enemy, had been assisting prisoners and other persons
inimical to the American cause to pass secretly to New York. At
the same time the power to pardon persons under sentence of death
for treason was vested by legislative act in the Executive Council,
on condition that such persons would depart to foreign lands and
not return to the United States. The Council now decided to pub-
lish notice that passports would be granted before April IStii to
Loyalist wives to go within the British lines to their respective
husbands, and that their neglect of proceeding thither would ren-
der it necessary to take further measures for the purpose. Only
two women seem to have responded to this action, one of these be-
ing Mrs. Shoemaker, who did not secure her pass until April 16th,
and had the courage to ask to be allowed to return within a year,
but was subjected to the condition of obtaining the Council's con-
sent. On June 6th the Council announced that public notice would
be given to the wives and children of such persons as had joined the
enemy, requiring their departure from the State within ten days,

74 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

and that protection would then be withdrawn from any remaining,
who would become liable to prosecution as enemies of the State. A
second clause of this order added that anyone carrying letters to or
from New York or other places in the possession of the British
would be subject to legal action, unless the letters had been in-
spected and properly endorsed by a member of the Council, or of
the Continental Board of War, or by the commissary of prisoners ;
and it was recommended that offenders be taken before a justice of
the peace for commitment until the further order of the Council.
On June 13th passports were issued to seven women under the
terms of the new order, and on June 16th to ten more. The ten
days specified in the resolution had now elapsed; but during the
next thirty days the Council had to enforce its decree by directing
that several wives, who had failed to depart, should be put in the
workhouse, until they should give security to leave the State and
not return again. During October several more women were sent
to join their husbands, including Mrs. Esther Yeldall, the wife of
Dr. Anthony Yeldall, who was required to take her five children
with her and furnish bond in the sum of $20,000 not to return to
any of the States during the war. Permission was granted during
the same month to William Hamilton to sail for St. Eustatia and to
Thomas Mendenhall to proceed to Ireland by way of New York.
On December 18th Joseph Stansbury and his family were offered
the privilege of going within the British lines. Mr. Stansbury had
been included in the proclamation of attainder published on June
15, 1778. In 1780 he was arrested and imprisoned in Philadelphia
on the charge of engaging in illicit trade with the enemy, but in
December was allowed to remove with his family and effects to
New York, on condition that he would "use his utmost endeavors"
to have two American prisoners on Long Island returned. On De-
cember 21st his request for his books and papers was granted by
the Supreme Executive Council; and on the 8th of the following
month a passport was issued to Mrs. Stansbury, her six children,
and her maid servant. We hear nothing more of this exiled family
until February 21, 1781, when they were together in New York
City and were put in the way of drawing rations from the British
commissary department. From May 1 to the end of June, 1782,
Mr. Stansbury was employed in the secret service. In June of the
following year he retired with his family to Moorestown, N. J.,
where he had hired a house, but was at once arrested under a war-

SURVIVAL OF LOYALISM AFTER BRITISH WITHDRAW 76

rant from Governor Livingston and ordered to return to New
York. Here on August 9th he was supplied with a letter of recom-
mendation from General Sir Guy Carleton to Governor John Parr,
inasmuch as he was about to sail with his household for Nova
Scotia.®

During 1781 a few passports were granted to women to go to
New York, on condition of not returning during the war, and one
on the same condition to Margaret Maguire, whose destination was
Charlestown (S. C.?). But with the advent of the next year a
marked change in the character of the passports is to be noted.
Although numbers of passports continued to be issued during the
remainder of the war, a large proportion of them name other des-
tinations than New York, and even those which name that me-
tropolis provide for the return of the applicant This is not in-
variably true, for several exceptions occur during the fall, winter,
and spring of 1782-83 ; and a group of four within this period des-
ignate Newburyport, while denying the right to return. In Febru-
ary, 1783, one applicant is permitted and another refused the
privilege of going to Nova Scotia ; and on April 17th the Honorable
John Penn, his wife, and attendants are authorized to proceed to
New York. If the Councirs formula "not to return" or "not to re-
turn during the war" be taken as a criterion of the Royalist at-
tachments of those to whom it was applied, over ninety such were
supplied with passports during the period of eighteen months from
the beginning of September, 1778, to the end of July, 1783. Of
these ninety or more, thirteen were men; the others were women
with a few children. In most cases the destination was New York ;
but four passports were issued for Newburyport ; two for Halifax,
one for Nova Scotia, one for Charlestown, one for St. Eustatia, one
for Ireland, one for Germany, and two for Europe.

Not only the wives of Loyalists who had joined the enemy
proved particularly troublesome during the early months of 1780 ;
but the Quakers also, both in the City and County of Philadelphia,
proved to be a disturbing element by declining to furnish informa-
tion in regard to the amount of their property for the purposes of
taxation, although such concealment rendered them liable to a four-
fold assessment. Then, too, the resident Loyalists were so active

•Colon. Roeordo of Pa., XI, 4S. 618, 671, 642. 649, 678, 768; XU, 11, 21, 24, 29, 86, 44,
61, 68, 69, 79, 81, 101, 120. 248, 268. 266. 267. 270. 271. 800. 862, 877. poMim; XIII. 17, 21.
80. 69. poMim; Rep. on Am. Mu. in the Roy. Intt. of Gt. BriL, II, 248 ; III, 86 : IV. 216, 269;
Lauf9 of Pa., II, 268. 264.

n THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

in intrigues of various kinds that the principal Continental oflScers
in Philadelphia, headed by General Anthony Wayne, published an
address on April 6th declaring their "fixed and unalterable reso-
lution to curb the spirit of insolence and audacity, manifested by
the deluded and disaffected'' by refusing to associate or communi-
cate with anyone who had exhibited "an inimical disposition, or
even lukewammess to the independence of America," or with any-
one who might give countenance to such persons, "however respect-
able his character or dignified his office." They said further that
they would regard any military officers who should contravene the
object of their declaration as a proper subject for contempt Among
those who were manifesting their inimical disposition at this time
were several persons taken up for aiding British prisoners and
other enemies of the State to escape. One of those arrested was Dr.
William Cooper of Philadelphia, who had concealed a Lioyalist for
some time and had then procured him a doctor's place on board an
armed ship. As Dr. Cooper chose to depart rather than give security
for his good behavior in the future, he was granted two months in
which to prepare. John Kugler, his wife Susanna, and Abraham
Harvey, who were examined by the Council on the charge of help-
ing prisoners and others to flee to New York, Mrs. Kugler being
also charged with harboring spies, were sentenced to jail. The
same punishment was visited upon James Scott and Henry Lane,
two former inhabitants of Philadelphia, who had recently returned
to the city/

With so much active Toiyism abroad at a time when the out-
look for the American cause was peculiarly discouraging, the Su-
preme Executive Council decided on June 6th in favor of discrim-
inating between the friends of independence and the non- jurors
in exacting supplies to meet the pressing needs of the army.
Three days later the Council proclaimed martial law in Phila-
delphia and announced the establishment of an Office of En-
quiry to be conducted by commissioners for the arrest of all suspi-
cious characters and to take such other measures as the public
safety might require, on the ground that the admission of stnmgers
into the city without examination was enabling the enemy to send in
spies and emissaries, distribute counterfeit money, and employ
other means to defeat the public welfare. All civil and military of-

T SchArf and Wcstcott. Hitt, of PhUa,, I, 408, 410 ; Colon. Roeifrdt of Pa., lOl, 27t SOI*
807. 880, 880, 842.

SURVIVAL OP LOYAUSM AFTER BRITISH WITHDRAW 77

ficers and other faithful inhabitants of the Commonwealth were
therefore required to assist the Board of Enquiry in its operations.
Horses belonging to Quakers and Loyalists were seized for the use
of the army ; the houses of persons suspected of disloyally to Amer-
ica were searched for arms and, in order to facilitate the collec-
tion of provisions, an embargo was laid on all outward-bound ves-
sels, except those in the service of France. The inmfiediate occasion
of these rigorous measures is to be found in a sudden invasion of
New Jersey by the British,*

A committee of Friends presented a memorial to the Assembly
of 1780, complaining of laws detrimental to their liberties and privi-
leges and explaining that they were restrained by divine ordinances
from complying with "tests and declarations to either party*' en-
gaged in actual war. The memorial also stated that members of the
society had suffered abuse and that some of them had been subjected
to oppression by public officials, especially in the enforcement of
the militia law. The committee of the Assembly, to which this com-
munication was referred, formulated a series of questions designed
to call forth from the Quakers an expression of their sentiments
towards the State, and received a reply thereto which the commit-
tee characterized as "an evasion of the questions proposed.'' As
the Assembly paid no further attention to the matter, the Quakers
soon adopted an address in vindication of their political course.*

The Tories, however, were not treated with such leniency by
the Executive Council, which admitted to surely, imprisoned, or
sent within the enemy's lines suspicious persons; sentenced sev-
eral to be hanged who were charged with enlisting in the British
service, and was responsible for the execution of David Dawson
of Chester on December 26th for visiting Philadelphia while in
Howe's possession. Phineas Paxton, an inn-keeper of Bucks
County, who was tried on the same date with Dawson (June 27th)
for aiding in the escape of British prisoners, was forbidden to
keep a tavern any longer, required to furnish a bond of £30,000,
or more, and was committed to prison until he should comply with
these conditions. The next two cases, which arose nearly a fort-
night after Paxton's, gave the Council the opportunity of exercising
its power of pardon, newly bestowed by act of the General Assem-

• CoUm, RteordB of Pa., Xn, 272. 801. 807. 880. 889. 842. 888, 884 ; Seluurf and Wtiteott»
Hi§t. of PhUa., I. 410. 411.

• Scharf and Westeott. Higt. of PhUa^ h 411.

78 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

biy, and apparently first employed in behalf of Edward Greswold
(''Grizzle'') and John Wilson, two youthful deserters from Captain
Jacob James's troop of Philadelphia Light Dragoons, who had re-
turned, like others who had enlisted under Howe's proclamation,
surrendered themselves, and received sentence of death. Later,
however, they were fully restored to their former standing as ac-
ceptable citizens of the State.

In November it was discovered that a number of inhabitants
of Philadelphia, together with certain persons in New Jersey and
New York City, were carrsdng on trade with refugees in the latter
place. Lumber was shipped in vessels sailing from Philadelphia
with two sets of clearance papers. On arriving at New York the
lumber was sold, and the goods purchased with the proceeds were
sent to Shrewsbury, N. J., and then were secretly conveyed to Phila-
delphia. That such trade had been going on for some time ap-
pears from a statement published in the New Jersey Gazette of
Trenton, under date of January 20, 1779. This statement declared
that on January 2d a certain Joseph Castle had been apprehended
at Mansfield on his way to the enemy in New York, via Shrewsbury,
without any passport, and was conmiitted to jail in Burlington;
that Castle had a number of letters from Tories in Philadelphia to
their friends in New York, some of which showed that a constant
correspondence was maintained and traffic carried on between re-
fugees in New York and disaffected persons in New Jersey and
Pennsylvania, chiefly by way of Shrewsbury where, as a matter of
fact, a considerable number of Tories resided. The statement
closed with an admonition to magistrates and others to examine
suspicious persons traveling to and from Shrewsbury. Notwith-
standing this public warning, the Supreme Executive Council did
not apprehend some of the participants in it until late in November,
1780, when eleven of these culprits were given a hearing. A few of
them were sent to New Jersey for trial ; several more were released
on bail, and the others were imprisoned. Among those arrested
were Joseph Stansbury, who was allowed to go to New York with
his family, as we have already seen ; Joshua Bunting of Chester-
field, N. J., who kept the stage-house where the agents of the traders
stopped, and James Steelman, John Shaw, and William Black, cap-
tains of vessels engaged in the trade. The discovery of this long-
continued conspiracy resulted in the forming of a ''Whig Asso-
ciation," for the purpose of suppressing all intercourse with Loy-

SURVIVAL OF LOYAUSM AFTER BRITISH WITHDRAW 79

alists and suspected persons, and many military officers served on
the executive conmiittee of the new orsranization/''

Meantime, considerable damasre was being inflicted on the
commerce of the city by the operations of Tory privateers in Dela-
ware Bay and River, despite the efforts to prevent it by sending
out several pilot boats, a Continental packet, and one of the State
galleys."

Notwithstanding the Council's unremitting measures in re-
gard to returned and absent Loyalists, that body found its authority
over such persons jeopardized by petitions and resolutions ad-
dressed to the Assembly, which it claimed were calculated to re-
scind its decisions. It therefore sent a message to the House,
March 27, 1781, in which it denied any desire on its part to re-
strict the liberty and liberality of the Assembly in the way of spe-
cial legislation to annul executive proceedings, but ventured to
suggest that such legislation necessarily tended to "lessen the
weight of the Council,'' disturb the harmony of government, and
would "eventually injure the real interests of the State." It urged
that a better way would be to repeal laws openly and explicitly if
they were too severe, or reduce the powers of the Council if they
were too extensive; and it concluded by asking for a conference
with the House. We can only surmise that the result qf this con-
ference was in keeping with the views of the Supreme Executive
Council, for its authority does not seem to have been materially
lessened."

In November of this year a plot to steal away the secret jour-
nals and other papers of Congress was discovered. The execution of
this plot, which had been concocted by Benedict Arnold, was un-
dertaken by Lieutenant James Moody of the first battalion. New
Jersey Volunteers, one of the most daring Loyalists in the King's
service, together with his brother, John Moody, and Lawrence
Marr. These men had an accomplice in Addison, an Englishman,
who was an assistant to the secretary of Congress. While waiting
concealed in a house on the Delaware, Lieutenant Moody acci-
dentally learned that his ally had betrayed the plot ; that his asso-
ciates were already taken, and that a party of soldiers had crossed
the river in search of him. Managing to escape up the Delaware

^^ Colon. RoeordB of Pa^ Xn. 401. 419 ; Seharf and Wetteott, HitL of PhiUt., I, 412. 418 :
N. J. Arehivea, 2d Ser., m. 88. 84. 89. 94. 868.

11 Scharf and Weeteott. HiH. of Phila., J, 418.
^ Colon, RoeordB of Pa,, XII, 676.

so THE LOYAUSTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

in a small boat, he succeeded in reaching the British lines after a
week's time. His brother was hanged on the Philadelphia common
before the end of the month ; but Lawrence Marr was respited and
afterwards released.^*

The arrest of the Loyalists engaged in the illicit trafl9c with
New York City, which was effected at about the same time that
John Moody was executed, did not suffice to put an end to the in-
tercourse between New York and Philadelphia. That intercourse
continued, indeed, during the year 1782, being carried on by means
of wagons with false bottoms and sides, in which 800 pounds of
goods could be stowed away. Articles for shipment were also
placed in kegs, which were then hidden in barrels of cider and thus
carried to their destination. By a law passed in September ** 'for
the more effectual suppression of intercourse and commerce with
the enemies of America' British goods were declared contraband
and liable to forfeiture, while the importer was punishable with
three months' imprisonment.""

For some time small groups of Pennsylvania Loyalists had
been carrying on predatory warfare in the southeastern part of
the State. These bands of "robbers," which were well mounted,
conmiitted their depredations with such boldness and success that
both the Supreme Executive Council and the Legislature were
moved to take action against them. On July 17, 1782, the Council,
having received information that Thomas Bulla, Stephen Ander-
son, and John Jackson, three inhabitants of Chester County who
had been attainted, were writing letters to various citizens, threat-
ening to bum their houses and effects, issued a proclamation of-
fering a reward of £60 in specie for the arrest and imprisonment
of Bulla and of £20 each for the incarceration of the other two.
Some months later Gideon Vernon, another attainted Loyalist^ re-
turned to Chester County and was harbored by John Briggs, who
was sentenced to pay a fine of £60 and suffer imprisonment for a
season. On June 3, 1783, however, the Council decided— on peti-
tion from Briggs — to remit his term in jail, on condition that he
furnish security for the payment of his fine, in addition to the fees
and costs of the prosecution and for his good behavior during the
next three years. The names of Vernon and Bulla, together with

^^Namtiv of Jam— Moody: Sabin«, LoyaUgU of tho Am, Rov., H, 48, 9B, 97; Lawa
of Pa,, n, 879; Scharf and WettcoU, HiH, of PhUa,, h 419.
^« Ibid^ 424.

SURVIVAL OF LOYALISM AFTER BRITISH WITHDRAW 81

those of the notorious Doane brothers of Bucks County and eleven
others, appear in a proclamation of the Council, dated September
13, 1783, which quotes a special act of the Assembly authorizing
their speedy arrest and punishment as persons who have been
duly attainted with complicity in these crimes. As the act offered
a reward of £300 each for the delivery of the offenders to the sher-
iff of any county in the Commonwealth, and also a reward of £50
for the discovery of any one who had aided or comforted them, or
had received booty stolen by them with the knowledge that it had
been stolen, the Council ordered all judges, justices, sheriffs, and
constables to make diligent search for the offenders and their abet-
tors. This order and the liberal rewards offered were efficacious, at
least in so far as the Doanes were concerned ; although Israel Doane
had already been captured and put in jail in the previous February.
A petition, which he addressed to the Council for release, on account
of the destitute condition of his family and his own sufferings, was
dismissed. In September, 1783, Joseph Doane, the father of Israel
and his brothers, was in the Bedford County jail. In October, 1784,
Aaron Doane was under sentence of death at Philadelphia, but
was pardoned by the Council in the following March. Abraham'
and Mahlon, two other brothers who were mentioned in the procla-
mation, paid the full penalty for their depredations: they were
hanged in Philadelphia. Moses Doane was shot and killed by his
captor after a desperate encounter. Joseph Doane, Jr., while on
one of his raids, was severely wounded and taken prisoner, but es-
caped from jail and crossed into New Jersey. There he lived under
an assumed name for nearly a year, without giving up his former
emplo3mient. At length he fled to Canada. Sabine tells us that "sev-
eral years after the peace, he returned to Pennsylvania — 'a poor,
degraded, broken-down, old man' — to claim a legacy of about £40,
which he was allowed to recover, and to depart."^*

When the contents of the preliminary treaty of peace became
known at the end of the revolutionary struggle, the more violent
Vl^igs were much dissatisfied with the provisions according Loyal-
ists the right to go to any part of the United States and remain
there for twelve months, while forbidding their persecution or the
future confiscation of their property. On May 29, 1783, the militia
gathered at the State House and adopted resolutions against per-

^" Colon. Records of Pa., XIII, 888. 690, 687-690 ; Sabine* LovdliMU of tkt Am. Rsv., I.
881-888.

82 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

mission being granted to Tory refugees to return, or remain among
Americans who had been faithful to their country; announcing
the militia's determination to use all means at command to prevent
them from doing so, and expressing a readiness to join with others
in sending instructions to their representatives in the Assembly.
The resolutions further declared that persons "harboring or enter-
taining those enemies of the country ought to feel the highest dis-
pleasure of the citizens/' and called for a town meeting to decide
on the method of instructing representatives and such other meas-
ures as might appear necessary, and for the appointment of a com-
mittee to carry the purpose of the assemblage into effect.

Accordingly, a general meeting of citizens was held at the
State House, June 14th, and resolutions of the same general tenor
as those adopted by the earlier meeting were agreed to, but with
an added clause pledging those present to use every method "to
expel with infamy" those refugees who had presumed, or should
in future presume, to return, while authorizing a conmiittee to pub-
lish their names in the city papers and see to the execution of the
resolutions. The meeting asserted its decided conviction that "the
restoration of estates forfeited by law" was "incompatible with the
peace, the safety, and the dignity of the commonwealth." After
the committee had served peremptory notice on a few returned
Loyalists, earnest remonstrances were made against its action,
which was criticized as being repugnant to the treaty of peace ; but
no attention was paid to them by the committee.^'

In truth, more compassion was shown to attainted Loyalists
by the Supreme Executive Council than was manifested to these un-
fortunate refugees by a committee whose only powers were derived
from an unauthorized mass meeting.

^« Scharf and Wettcott. HiH. of PhUa., I, 427, 428.

CHAPTER VIII

THE PARDON OF ATTAINTED LOYALISTS BY THE
SUPREME EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, 1780-1790

As we have already noted, attainted Loyalists were first par-
doned by the Council in July, 1780. The clemency exercised in be-
half of Frederick Buzzard, February 13, 1784, was of lesser degree,
for he had been convicted in Chester County of nothing worse than
aiding British prisoners to escape, and had been fined therefor. A
third of the amount imposed having been already paid by Mr. Buz-
zard or his friends, the Council relented on appeal and remitted the
remainder. During the next five years the names of eight attainted
persons appear in the minutes of the Council as those of applicants
for the mercy and forgiveness of that body. In the case of the first
two of these persons the action taken was to suspend the attainder
until the next session of the General Assembly. In the case of the
next five petitioners, full personal pardon was granted, but this
does not appear to have carried with it the restoration of confis-
cated property in a single instance. In the last case contained in
our list leave to withdraw the petition was granted, the Council
being averse to considering the applicant's claim for a pardon.

Taking up these cases in their order, we shall consider
their special features. The first petition in our series was
one signed by various inhabitants of Philadelphia in behalf
of Matthias Aspden, a fonder merchant of the city, who had
abandoned a business that brought him a profit of £2,000 annually,
gone to New York, and sailed in 1776 for Corunna, Spain, on his
way to London. Nine years later Mr. Aspden had returned, and
his friends had undertaken to secure a pardon for him, although
he is said to have hastened back to England on finding that his
life was in peril. The petition in his behalf was first read in Coun-
cil, November 14, 1785 ; but it was not acted upon until January
19th of the following year, when Mr. Aspden was reprieved until
the next session of the Assembly. In April, 1786, this latter body
seems to have granted him a full pardon. However, he did not re-
cover his house, wharf, and warehouses in Philadelphia, which had

84 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

been confiscated by the State, April 1, 1781, and which were given
to the university. Despite his pardon, Mr. Aspden did not remain
in America; in 1802 he was in France; in J.804 he was traveling
in Italy ; in 1815 he was at New York, and in July, 1817, he left
Philadelphia for England by way of Canada. He died in London,
August 9, 1824, leaving a will which Sabine says gave rise to the
most extraordinary suit ever instituted under the confiscation
acts of the Revolution. It was not finally decided until in 1848,
when his American heirs secured a decree in the United States Cir-
cuit Court that gave them property valued at more than $600,000.
This decree was sustained by the Supreme Court against the ap-
peal of the English claimants.^ John Potts who, like Matthias
Aspden, was granted a reprieve until the Assembly should have a
chance to act on his case, was, as we already know, one of Sir Wil-
liam Howe's magistrates of the police at Philadelphia, having
served earlier as a judge of the Court of Common Pleas. After re-
tiring to New York he had been attainted in 1779, and at the peace
he probably went to Nova Scotia as a refugee settler. His appli-
cation for a pardon was favorably considered by the Council on
May 26, 1786.»

Of the group of five Loyalists whose requests were fully ac-
corded, it may be remarked in general that none of them was as
prominent or influential as either of the two who had received at
the hands of the Council only suspension of sentence. Moreover,
the first of the five, Thomas Gordon, put forward the claim that he
was under lawful age at the time of his attainder, and he asked
only that the Council would institute process in the Supreme Court
of the State to determine the validity of its sentence in view of the
fact alleged. Gordon's petition was finally granted, November 26,
1787, after the lapse of seven and a half months from the time of
its presentation." The second petitioner in this group was Robert
Cunard of Norristown, Montgomery County, who, like hundreds of
his fellow-Pennsylvanians, had joined the British army in 1777.
His application was read and concurred in, June 1, 1789. While
there was nothing unusual about the career of Mr. Cunard, he left
descendants in the persons of his grandsons, the offspring of his
son Abraham, a merchant at Halifax, who later became widely

^ Coion. Reearda of Pa,, XIV» 84. 678» 626 ; Sabin0, L&yalittt of tk* Am, Rmf,, I. 186-190.
' Colon, RoeordB of Pa,, XV, 26 ; Sabine, Z^oyalitU of tho Am, Rev,, II. 108.
• Colon. Record* of Pa,, XV. 177, 888.

THE PARDON OP ATTAINTED LOYAUSTS 86

known as the Brothers Cunard, the founders of the Royal Mail
Steamship Line.^ The third applicant in this group was John Wil-
son of Bucks County, who submitted reasons in his petition why he
should be granted a pardon in so far as respected his person only.
On hearing this document read, the Council voted ''that the said
John Wilson be and he is hereby pardoned/'* A similar action was
taken, February 6, 1790, in favor of the fourth petitioner in our
list, namely, Arthur Thomas of Philadelphia, who represented that
he had "behaved himself peaceably" since his attainder and that
he was desirous of returning to Pennsylvania. The fact that Mr.
Thomas was recommended to the mercy of the Council by a num-
ber of respectable citizens seems to have carried weight with the
board, whose secretary not only mentions the recommendation in
the records, but also notes that the resolution granting pardon was
adopted unanimously. This petitioner, however, did not remain at
Philadelphia permanently. In May, 1786, he was living in Wilming-
ton, Del.* The last member of this group was John Rankin, who
settled at the conclusion of the war in the Quaker colony at Penn-
field, N. B., the lands of which he helped to select, being one of the
three agents sent from New York City by an association of Penn-
sylvania Quakers for the purpose. The vicissitudes which this col-
ony passed through in 1787 and the years just following served
to disperse many of the settlers at Pennfield, among them being
John Rankin, whose petition must have expressed a deep desire of
his heart, when he asked to be restored to the rights of citizenship
in Pennsylvania. The Council acceded to his prayer on March 9,
1790.^

Thus far the Supreme Executive Council had not failed to give
a favorable answer to the petitions for pardon that had been sub-
mitted to it by relenting or disappointed Loyalists. Finally, how-
ever, came the most surprising petition of all, that of the former
arch Tory of Pennsylvania, Joseph Galloway, who, after his re-
tirement to England, had stood forth as the irrepressible cham-
pion of American Loyalism in his Criticisms of the campaigns in
the Middle Colonies, in his elaborate discussion of the provisions
relating to the Loyalists in the treaty of peace, in his manifold

« Colon, ReeardB of Pa., XVI, 107 ; Sabine. LoyaUtU of th€ Am. Rw., I, 846.

• Colon, Roeords of Pa,, XVI, 116.

• Colon. RocordB of Pa., XVI. 278; td Rop., Bur. of Arehiv4a, Ont., (1904). Pt. I, 6I9.
^ Vid9 po9t, p. 102 ; Colon. Reeorda of Pa., XVI. 297.

86 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

services as agent for his fellow-sufferers, and in his correspondence
with many Loyalists who continued in America. So far as one can
judge from the entry in the Council's minutes, Mr. Galloway's pe-
tition, which was presented by his attorney, Thomas Clifford, was
terse and formal, contenting itself with "stating the attainder of
the said Galloway of high treason, and praying that Council would
be pleased to grant him a pardon of the said offense." It was read
the second time on May 18, 1790, "when on motion of the Vice
President [George Ross, Esq.], seconded by Mr. [Richard] Will-
ing, it was Resolved, That Mr. Clifford have leave to withdraw the
said petition." Technically, then, Mr. Galloway's application was
not refused: it was withdrawn, and its author remained in Eng-
land until the time of his death in 1803.®

It was probably sometime after this action that a proposal was
offered in Council to bestow a general pardon upon such as still
rested under the State's proscription. But by a vote of Decem-
ber 3, 1790, the "further consideration" of this motion was post-
poned until the 7th of the same montii, and when that date ar-
rived the consideration of the motion was again postponed. It is
more than possible that the recollection of Mr. Galloway's petition
was enough to dampen any generous impulses the Council may
have felt towards granting amnesty to the mass of offenders who
were as yet unpardoned, and that it still preferred to deal indi-
vidually with such cases as might arise from time to time.

Notwithstanding the popular resentment against Loyalists re-
turning to or remaining in Philadelphia after the peace, many did
nevertheless remain, and some did return, besides those who took
the precaution to provide themselves with pardons. Of those who
continued to reside in Philadelphia Edward Shippen, LL. D., is a
notable instance. As we have already seen, his daughter was ex-
pelled from the State as the wife of Benedict Arnold, after the
latter's treason. Mr. Shippen, however, was not only permitted to
remain, but was elevated to the chief justiceship in 1799. This ap-
pointment was held by him until his death in 1806. Another of those
who found it possible to see the Revolution through without with-
drawing from the city was the quaint teacher of Greek and Latin
in the Friends' Academy, Robert Proud. He is described as having

• Cdon. R0eard9 of Pa., XYl, 868; Pa. Mag. of Hitt. and Biog., Vol. XXVI (Dtc 1902),
488; Smbine, Loyalitta of th4 Am, Rtv,, I, 464-466.

THE PARDON OP ATTAINTED LOYAUSTS 87

worn a curled gray wig and a half-cocked hat above a Roman nose
and a "most impending brow f and his letters to his brother show
him to have possessed "high Tory feelings." He is best remembered
by his History of Pennsylvania, a work in two volumes, which was
published in 1797 and 1798. He died in 1813, at the age of eighty-
five years. Christopher Sauer, Jr., the Tory printer of Germantown
who left with the British at the evacuation of Philadelphia, came
back later and died near the city in August, 1784. John Parrock,
who had formerly been a resident of the Quaker City, returned from
New York when the British troops and their thousands of Tory
adherents left there in 1783 ; and although he bore the stigma of
attainder and his property had been confiscated, he remained until
March, 1786, when he proceeded to Halifax. The fact that Chief
Justice Benjamin Chew was sent into temporary exile for refusing
to sign a parole in 1777 did not prevent his entering the State again
after passing through that disagreeable experience, nor did it pre-
vent his being appointed president of the High Court of Errors and
Appeals in 1790. He continued to serve in this capacity until the
tribunal over which he presided was abolished in 1806, which was
only four years before his death. Governor John Penn, who was Mr.
Chew's associate in exile, was supplied with passports to New York
for Mrs. Penn, himself, and their attendants on April 17, 1783.
Whether they were on their way to England at this time does not
appear, although it is probable that they were. If so, Mr. Penn
returned later ; for he died in Bucks County in 1796. The Reverend
Jacob Duch6, who spent the years of his banishment in England,
recrossed the ocean in 1790 and appeared in Philadelphia shattered
in health, although he survived until 1798.'

During 1784 the General Assembly was more or less occupied
in considering proposals to abolish the "test laws." A petition for
their repeal was presented in March, but was laid on the table by
a vote of thirty-seven to twenty-seven. A resolution introduced in
September stated that numbers of young men, who had arrived at
eighteen years of age since the passage of the law^ii, had not taken
the oaths of allegiance, and were thus being deprived of their citi-
zenship. It called for a law to remedy this condition of affairs, and
was supported by a petition from non- jurors for admission to
political and civic rights. In the course of the discussion that fol-

• Sabine. LoyaKaU of tK4 Am. R€V.» U, 612. 202, 626. 168 ; I. 207. 266 ; Md Rop., Bwr, of
ArehivM, OnU (1904). Pt. I. 660 ; CoUm, Rteord* of Po., Xm. 661.

88 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

lowed a resolution was offered in favor of denying the privilege
of holding salaried office to citizens who had voluntarily joined
the British army, or been convicted of aiding or abetting the King.
Tliis resolution was adopted by a vote of forty-six to four. On Sep-
tember 26th a new proposal came up for passage. This was that
the test laws be so amended as to entitle all white male inhabitants
who had not subscribed, to take the oath under the act of June 13,
1777, and thus become free citizens, but that no person should be
eligible to office until he had also taken the oath prescribed in the
act of December 5, 1778. This measure was carried by a vote of
twenty-nine yeas to twenty-two nays. Three days later the speaker
cast the deciding vote in favor of a motion to take up a bill entitled
"A further Supplement to the Test Laws," and nineteen members
left the Assembly, which was thus deprived of its quorum. The
seceders justified their conduct by declaring in an address to the
public that improper methods had been employed to force the bill
through and insisting that those who had not participated in the
toils and sufferings of the Revolution should not share in its ben-
efits. The speaker of the Assembly and otiier advocates of the re-
vision of the test acts urged in reply that legislation for the relief
of non-jurors was necessary, both in order to enfranchise
those who had been too young to subscribe to the test act of 1779
and the older men who had been unoffending neutrals during the
war and had paid their full proportion of its expense. They esti-
mated that nearly one-half of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania had
been deprived of the rights of citizenship by the law of 1779, and
added that there could be no danger of any abuse by extending the
law since, under its provisions, no person who had joined the British
army or had been convicted of aiding and abetting the King was
eligible to office.

This question became one of the issues in the election,
which was held in October, and the voters in the City and
County of Philadelphia, as probably also in other parts of the
State, chose candidates for the Assembly who were opposed to the
extension of the rights of citizenship to the non-jurors. In Decem-
ber General Anthony Wayne led in the struggle to amend the test
laws, adducing as his chief argument that they were depriving of
representation many inhabitants who were, nevertheless, subject
to taxation, but his amendment was postponed; and a subsequent
motion to instruct a committee to report a bill revising the test

THE PABDON OF ATTAINTED LOYAUSTS 89

laws was lost by a vote of eleven ayes to forty-seven nays. Similar
efforts during 1786 also ended in failure, although, according to
a local historian, the law of 1779 operated with such severity in
certain districts of the State that "the number of free men who
were entitled to all privileges of citizenship was not sufficient to
administer the local government."^®

Despite this serious condition of affairs, a new test act was
passed, March 4, 1786, because — in the words of the act itself —
"many of the inhabitants" had failed to subscribe to one or another
of the oaths contained in the earlier acts within the times specified,
thereby depriving themselves of the privileges of citizenship, and
also because it was thought that not a few of the non- jurors would
now be willing to testify to their allegiance, since independence
was an established fact. It was therefore enacted that non- jurors
might take a new test before a justice of the peace of the district
in which they lived. The subscribers had to swear or affirm that they
renounced all allegiance to King George III., his heirs and succes-
sors, that they would bear true faith to Pennsylvania as a free
State, and that they had never voluntarily joined or assisted the
King, his generals, fleets or armies, or their adherents. Another
section of the law declared that no benefit from its provisions should
extend to any person attainted of high treason, nor to any one who
had "joined, assisted, or countenanced the savages in their depre-
dations." Obviously, this last clause was aimed at that body of
Pennsylvanians who had fled during the war to Fort Niagara and
Detroit from the Susquehanna and upper Delaware valleys and
from Pittsburgh, respectively, and had thereafter cooperated with
the Indians in raids against the frontiers. But the new law,
although it was enacted three years after the end of the Revolution,
failed likewise to show any leniency to the much larger number of
Loyalists who, under the stress of circumstances, including per-
secutions, had sought safety within the enemy's lines, not to speak
of those who had enlisted in the royal service. It should be noted
that Robert Morris had sought to mitigate the severity of the law
by offering two motions, one to strike out certain words describing
the new oath as one of "abjuration," and the other to omit the
clause in regard to aid rendered to the King, or his generals, fleets,
and armies ; but both of these motions were lost. The law, there-
fore, as passed, left no loophole by which unrelenting Loyalists,

^« Scharf and Wetteott, Hitt, of PhiUt,, I, 4S6-486, 4S9. 440.

90 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

whether still within the State or desiring to return to it, might
become citizens.^^

The test law of March 4, 1786, remained in force a little over
a year, when it was at length amended, March 29, 1787, about in
conformity with the ideas of Robert Morris by the substitution of
an oath that was doubtless far less objectionable to the Loyalists.
The explanation offered for this action was that the abjuration of
the King was no longer effectual, since he had formally renounced
the allegiance of the inhabitants of the United States, that many
useful citizens were disqualified by their scruples against taking
the test as it stood, and that it was impolitic to deprive the com-
munity of their allegiance. Henceforth, therefore, the subscriber
would only be required to swear to his allegiance to Pennsylvania
as an independent State and to abstain from doing anything injur-
ious to the freedom thereof. Those consenting to subscribe to this
simple oath were declared free citizens."

It was not, however, until March 13, 1789, that the Assembly
reached the point where it was prepared to annul the entire series
of test acts, including even that mentioned in the preceding para-
graph. All these laws were now declared to be repealed and all
non-jurors to be restored to citizenship."

That the animosities between Whigs and Tories were still
capable of revival was shown later in the same year in connection
with the opposition arising between factions in two Scotch Presby-
terian congregations of Philadelphia over the question whether
the Associate Presbytery of Pennsylvania should remain subject
to the Synod of Edinburgh. One of these factions besought the
Assembly for a law annulling this relationship in so far as it con-
cerned the holding of the local church property. The other or Tory
faction was opposed to such a measure. Nevertheless, a law was
enacted in September, which canceled the declaration of trust be-
tween the local presbytery and the parent synod to the extent of
releasing the former from subjection to a foreign jurisdiction.
As the opposing faction comprised men of influence in
Philadelphia, it had been able to delay the passage of the law for
several months ; and even after the measure had been enacted by a
proportionate vote of three to one, this faction attempted in Novem-

^^ Statut49 at Large of Pa.» XII, 178-181.

" ibid., 478-476.

^« Ibid,, XUI, 222-224.

THE PAKDON OF ATTAINTED LOYALISTS 91

ber to induce the Leerislature to repeal the act, although without
success. While the question at issue was strictly sectarian in
character, its political implications aroused general interest and dis-
cussion in the city."

^« Scharf and Wetteott, HUt, of PhiU,, I. 442.

CHAPTER IX

THE SALE OF FORFEITED ESTATES

Since the close of October, 1777, the estates of those who had
s:one within the British lines had been subject to confiscation by
the commissioners of the various counties appointed for the pur-
pose, and some estates had been seized. A resfister of these was
kept by the secretary of the Supreme Executive Council, who was
at length ordered by that body, April 12, 1779, to give notice that
the realties of thirty-seven persons who were named and of others
not named would be "speedily sold by public auction or vendue."
Of those whose names were given, fourteen had been citizens
of Philadelphia, including Joseph Galloway, Andrew Allen, William
Allen, Jr., Jacob Duch6, Samuel Shoemaker, and John Young,
gentleman ; six had been inhabitants of the County of Philadelphia,
including John Potts of Pottsgrove, Christopher Sauer, a printer of
Germantown, and Henry Hugh Ferguson, Esq., of Graeme Park,
late commissary of prisoners for General Howe; three of Bucks
and Lancaster counties, respectively ; four of Chester County ; two
of York County; one of Northampton County; two of Trenton,
N. J., namely, Peter Campbell, gentleman, and Isaac Allen, attor-
ney at law, and Andrew Elliott, Esq., of New York City.^

During August and September, 1779, the Council found it
necessary to postpone certain sales until after the next session of
the Supreme Court of the State, in order that particular claims or
liens upon the properties in question, or certain petitions relating
thereto, might be passed upon. The first deed was issued under
date of August 5th of the year just named. Early in the following
March the Council adopted a resolution that the agents for confis-
cated estates proceed to the sale of all estates held by attainted
persons by less than fee simple title, whether through right of
marriage or otherwise, since such estates were proving burdensome
to the State. Eight days later (L e., on March 18th,) the Council
appointed a standing committee from among its own members to
fix the exact times of sales and of pa3mient previous to the signing

^ Ante, pp. 16, 92 ; Colon. ReeortU of Pa., XI. 746.

THE SALE OF FORFEITED ESTATES 98

of any deed, because purchasers had been taking advantage of the
depreciation of money by neglecting to comply with the conditions
of sale, namely, to pay one-fourth of the purchase money in ten
days, and the remainder in one month from the time of the sale
''to the great injury of the State, and the embarrassment of the
sales."'

During the nine months since sales of the confiscated estates
had begun, they had not been numerous : from August 6 to Novem-
ber 29, 1779, inclusive, there had been but ten -sales, three being
of properties in Philadelphia, four in the county of the same name,
one in the County of Chester, and two in the County of Northamp-
ton. Results during the first four months of 1780 were but little
better, there being only twelve sales during this interval, namely,
two of estates in Philadelphia, seven in the County of Philadel-
phia, and one each in the counties of Chester, Bucks, and Lan-
caster. The Council was not satisfied with this showing, especially
in the two Philadelphia districts, where it looked as though cer-
tain marketable properties were being held back. On May 8, 1780,
this dissatisfaction manifested itself in the form of instructions
to the agents for the City and County of Philadelphia to proceed
to the sale of all forfeited estates within their respective districts,
giving due notice thereof according to law. Four days thereafter
this order was extended to all the counties, any former order of
the Council to the contrary notwithstanding. Sales then continued
without official interruption until November 11th, when they were
suspended by action of the Council until further notice. However,
deeds were again being issued to purchasers at the end of another
fortnight. On February 21, 1781, all agents were requested to ren-
der a full return of all forfeited estates within their several coun-
ties, the names of attainted persons, their real property, the names
of purchasers, and the prices at which sales had been made. Eight
and a half months later a supplementary report was called for con-
cerning all forfeited estates remaining unsold and the interest held
therein, whether in fee simple or otherwise, by the persons who
had forfeited them. The only return recorded in the minutes of the
Council under this request appears to have been that of Robert
Smith, agent for the City of Philadelphia, who reported but three
properties in his district. Sales were still in progress as late as
December, 1790, up to which time properties of seventy-five per-

' Colon. R€eord§ of Pa^ XII. 78, 76, 77, 80, 82. 108. 278. 281.

94 THE LOYAUSTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

sons had been disposed of, and 136 or more deeds had been issued.
The names of the attainted owners appearing most frequently in
the records of sales listed in the Council's minutes are. those
of Andrew Allen, Joseph Galloway, Samuel Shoemake, Christopher
Sauer, Alexander Bartram, John Parrock, and John Rankin.*

A nimiber of the confiscated estates, however, are not listed
in the records of sales, for they were appropriated, as we have al-
ready seen, to serve as sources of endowment for the University
of Pennsylvania. Two properties were similarly appropriated to
be used as residences of State officials : thus, the house and lots of
Joseph Galloway at the southeast comer of Sixth and Market
streets were taken over by act of March 18, 1779, for the benefit
of the president of the Supreme Executive Council, while the large
mansion of the Reverend Jacob DuchS at the northeast comer of
Third and Pine streets became the domicile of Chief Justice Mc-
Kean. Later the property of Mr. Galloway ceased to be occupied
and fell rapidly into a state of decay. By act of April 6, 1786,
therefore, the Legislature ordered the Executive Council to adver-
tise it for sale.^

In this connection certain cases of confiscation may be men-
tioned on account of their exceptional character. Proceedings
against the estate of Raymond Keen, who presented himself be-
fore the chief justice within the time specified and was discharged
from prosecution, were declared null and void on his petition to
the Assembly. The special act relating to Keen's case restored to
him such of his lands and tenements, rights, and credits as had
not been sold by the Commissioners for the Sale of Forfeited Es-
tates. The estate of Henry Hugh Ferguson was transferred by
legislative authorization of April 2, 1781, to his wife, Elizabeth
Ferguson. A preliminary statement is needed to make clear the
case of Thomas Gordon. Gordon was a minor in 1778, when he
was placed by his mother on board a British vessel in the port of
Philadelphia, against his own inclination. As he was still absent
from the country on August 5, 1779, by which time he should have
presented himself for trial under a proclamation of attainder, his
estate was confiscated. Later he returned to Philadelphia and ap-
plied to the Assembly for the restoration of his property, and his

» Colon. RoeardB of Pa,» Xn. 841« S47, 689. 6S4; Xm. 106. 141; XIV, 66, 667, 666; XV, 4,
14. 48. 186. 198. 280. 468. 648; XVI. 288. 299. 809. 820. 887. 890. 422.

^Law§ of Pa., II, 204; 286; Seharf and Wcftcott, Hitt, of PMIa.^ I, 896, n. t.

THE SALE OF FORFEITED ESTATES 95

petition was granted by act of March 29, 1788. It was afterwards
discovered, however, that the commissioners had disposed of his
estate; and on September 27, 1791, the Assembly directed the
comptroller general to give Gordon a certificate for the money re-
ceived by the State on account of the sale of his property, including
interest at the rate of six percent from the date of sale.*

* Imw of Pa,, n. 216, 217, 287 : Sabine. LoyalitU of ths Am, Rov,. I. 697 ; 8taitiU9 «t
Lmrgo of Pa,, XIII. 67. 68; XIV. 140. 141.

CHAPTER X

THE EMIGRATION OF PENNSYLVANIA LOYALISTS

I. Flights to England

The first Loyalists so far as known to leave Philadelphia for
England were Richard Penn and Judge Samuel Curwen, both of
whom took their departure in 1775. The latter remained in the
mother country until the end of July, 1784, when he sailed for
Boston, Mass., where he arrived on the 25th of the following Sep-
tember. He spent the remainder of his days in his native land. Mr.
Penn had been governor of Pennsylvania from 1771 to 1773, and
had then served as a member of the Council and as a naval officer
of the Colony under his brother, Governor John Penn ; but on re-
turning to England, he was entrusted with the second petition
of Congress to the King. He died in Britain in 1811. It was re-
ported that the Reverend Jacob DuchS sailed from Philadelphia in
December, 1777. As he had acted for three months as chaplain to
the first Continental Congress, he seems to have felt the need of
conciliating his ecclesiastical superiors in England. In the spring
of 1780 he was followed across the water by his wife and children,
who sailed from New York. Mr. Duch6 returned to Philadelphia
in 1790, after an exile of twelve years. He died eight years later.
The fugitive governor of New Hampshire, John Wentworth, stopped
at the Quaker City early in 1778 on his way to London, where he
arrived — according to Governor Hutchinson's Diary — on March
13th, after a passage of twenty-four days. A week later Mr. Hut-
chinson records that he received a call from his fellow-exile who,
we may add, had been granted an annual allowance of £500 twelve
months before by the Lords of the Treasury. When General Howe
left Philadelphia on his homeward voyage about the middle of
May, 1778, it was stated in one of the newspapers that he was
accompanied by some of the refugees. This was probably true. At
any rate, there were a few Pennsylvanians in London in July, 1779,
at which time they signed an address to the King. Among them
were Thomas Bank, Peter Biggs, Charles Eddy of Philadelphia,
Jabez Maud Fisher, William Harris, and John Johnson. Joseph

FLIGHTS TO ENGLAND 97

Galloway sailed from New York for England with his only daugh-
ter in October, 1778, from which time he was paid, like Governor
Wentworth, £500 per annum from the Treasury.* In London he
told Governor Hutchinson, whose acquaintance he made early in
the following December, that all Pennsylvania and New Jersey
would have returned to their allegiance if the British army had
not moved from Philadelphia, that they would still do so under a
proper prosecution of the war, the past conduct of which he sweep-
ingly condemned, and he expressed the opinion that the Middle
Colonies were tired of the contest. On another occasion he men-
tioned to Hutchinson his having applied to General Howe, as soon
as he had heard that Philadelphia was to be evacuated, to leam
what was to become of the magistrates of the city, and said that
Howe had advised them to make terms with General Washington
under a flag of truce, but that Clinton had assured them that Amer-
ica would be vanquished and that their salaries should be continued
to them. Galloway sought to convince the British authorities that
less than one-fifth of his fellow-countrjonen favored the Revolu-
tion, which had been strengthened by disarming and intimidating
the Loyalists, that under adequate protection and assistance most
of the people would openly support the royal government, and that
more efficient measures would soon reduce America. In June, 1779,
the House of Conmions instituted an investigation into the Ameri-
can war, Mr. Galloway serving as one of the most important wit-
nesses. His testimony was so damaging and dealt so severely with
the operations of the commanding officers in America that the in-
vestigation was dropped. But Mr. Galloway continued the agita-
tion through pamphlets and letters, the object of which was to
convince the English people and government that the subjugation
of America was not only feasible, but was also necessary for the
maintenance of the British power in the world. When peace was
made, another pamphlet was published by the distinguished refu-
gee from Philadelphia, in which he examined unsparingly that
clause in the treaty which related to the Loyalists. As agent for
this class of war sufferers, he rendered valuable service, his daugh-
ter declaring that ''for twenty years his morning room was often

^Curwcn't J&um«l amd LvtUrt, 414. 416; Sabine, Loyali»t< of ths Am, Rov,, U, IM;
I, 890 ; P<u Mag, of Hist, and Biog., II. 68-78 ; Dvary and Lettera of Tho§. HuUhinaon, II. 192,
194; Rop. on Am, Mt», in ths Roy, Inat of Ot, Brit„ I. 94: AT. J, Areh„ 2d Ser., II. 220;
Sabine. LoyaUgU n. 164. 860. 888; I, 464; td Rep., Bur. of AreJ^ Ont, (1904). n. 1169

98 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

crowded, and seldom empty of Americans who received from him
his best services in their own affairs." Mr. Galloway died at Wat-
ford, Herts, England, August 29, 1803, in his seventy-first year.*

It would be interesting to know something of the arrival of the
several thousands of refugees from Philadelphia at New York, and
what public provision was made for them in a city to which large
numbers of such people had been resorting since the summer of
1776, when the British took possession of Staten and Long islands
and of the neighboring metropolis. That special accommodations
were necessary appears from the statement of David Mathews,
the mayor of New York, who reported, August 25, 1783, that after
the evacuation of Philadelphia and the second great fire in New
York he was directed by General Clinton to proceed according to
earlier orders for the purpose of providing for the distressed ref u-
geees, namely, ''to grant, without fee or reward, permission to erect
temporary habitations on the vacant lots of persons residing with-
out the lines," Mr. Mathews adding that ''the lots were held by the
erectors of the tenements only during pleasure."*

Among those Pennsylvanians who, like Galloway, withdrew
to England from New York were some who, together with many of
their f ellow-countr3anen from other States, waited until the evacua-
tion of the metropolis was near at hand before doing so. A few
among these were, on petition to the Treasury Board in London,
granted financial support in substantial amounts. Thus, Samuel
Shoemaker, Daniel Coxe, and John Potts, the former magistrates
of police at Philadelphia, were given £200 a year each a little more
than a year after their arrival in New York; and Arodi Thayer,
who had been tide surveyor at Philadelphia, had his salary con-
tinued at the rate of £80 per annum. Inasmuch as the commander
in chief was constantly being petitioned by Loyalist families in the
city for relief in one form or another, especially from the spring
of 1779 on to the fall of 1783, he constituted a committee or board
consisting of Mr. Shoemaker, Colonel Beverley Robinson of New
Jersey, and Robert Alexander of Maryland; and on October 2,
1782, he ordered "that all memorials cognizable by the Board which
assembles at Mr. Shoemaker's may be sent there and proceeded on
without a reference from Head Quarters." It was added that the

* Diary and LttUtB of Thonuu Hutehinmm, U, 226, 269 ; Pa, Mag, of Hifi. and Biog^
XXVI. 488, 489.

■ Rep, on Am. ATm. in ths Roy, Inst, of Ot. Brit., TV, 808.

FLIGHTS TO ENGLAND 99

people were to be sent there with their memorials. At the end of
this year the quarterly allowances from September 30th which the
Board recommended for various refugees totaled £1,076, or £1,410
New York currency. Not only did Mr. Shoemaker serve as a mem-
ber of this board of relief, but he also interceded with the British
admiral in behalf of Whig prisoners and was successful in having
numbers of them liberated and sent home. At length, in August,
1783, he sailed for England with his son Edward. Before doing
so, however, he sent word to the vice-president of the Council of
Pennsylvania, that he would cheerfully surrender the papers re-
lating to Philadelphia that were in his possession to any person
authorized to receive them. While in London he was often con-
sulted by the Commissioners appointed to settle the claims advanced
by Loyalists for the losses they had suffered.^ If memorials and
letters of recommendation from the commander in chief. Sir Guy
Carleton, are an indication, not a few Pennsylvanians were prepar-
ing to follow Mr. Shoemaker to London in the autumn of 1783.
Among these persons were Messrs. Potts and Coxe, who
received letters of recommendation to Lord North bearing
the date of November 13th. Another Tory who had been
prominent in the life of Philadelphia, and who crossed the Atlantic
after the peace, was James Humphreys, Jr., the former publisher
of the Pennsylvania Ledger. However, he soon proceeded to Shel-
bume, N. S., but returned to Philadelphia in 1797, where he en-
gaged in the printing and book publishing business until his death
in February, 1810. His fellow-townsman, Isaac Hunt, who, after
being carted through the streets of the Quaker City by a mob, fled
to the West Indies and took church orders there, removed later to
England and became a tutor in the family of the Duke of Chandos.
Mr. Hunt was the brother-in-law of the artist, Benjamin West,
and the father of James Henry Leigh Hunt, who died in 1869, af-
ter winning renown as a poet and miscellaneous writer. The dis-
tinguished Philadelphia physician, Phineas Bond, who was one of
the founders of the University of Pennsylvania and a professor in
that institution, also appears to have retired to the mother country
for a few years; but in 1786 he was appointed British consul for
the Middle States. After some hesitation on the part of Congress,

'•1

*R€p, on Am, Mu. M Of Roy. ln9U of Gt, Brit., U, 1; m, 126, 169, 186, 148, 221,
294. 422: Sabine, LouaUtU of ths Am, Rw., II. 801.

100 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

he was received in his official capacity and continued as consul for
many years/

XL The Migration to Nova Scotia

Aside from this notable group of Pennsylvanians and tem-
porary residents at Philadelphia who went to England, and for the
most part remained there, a considerable nimiber settled in Nova
Scotia. Of these, many families found homes in the new Loyalist
city of Shelbume. Sabine in his Loyalists of the American Revo-
lution gives the names of more than four score men from Penn-
sylvania, most of whom received town lots there by grant of the
government, on which they settled with their families. These
grantees included some successful merchants, chiefly from Phila^
delphia, who had sustained larger or smaller financial losses as the
result of the war : as, for example, Alexander Bertram, whose for-
feiture was estimated at £6,000; William Briggs, who is said to
have suffered to the extent of £3,000 ; Henry Guest, whose loss was
placed at £1,000, and others, who had been injured in lesser
amounts. Other men of prominence who took up their abodes at
Shelbume were James Allen of Philadelphia, with his family of
four persons; John Boyd, a surgeon from the Quaker City, and
Benjamin Booth, one of its merchants, who acted as secretary of
the loyal refugees in New York City in 1778. Lieutenant Colonel
Abraham Van Buskirk with three other officers and a few privates
of the 3d battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers settled in Shel-
bume, after leaving New York for that destination at the end of
September, 1783. Colonel Van Buskirk was soon elected mayor of
the town.* That many of these men remained in affluent circum-
stances, despite their losses, is indicated by the fact that they did
not leave their servants behind in removing to Nova Scotia. Other
places, such as Halifax, Annapolis, Digby, Rawdon, Granville,
Argyle, and Ship Harbor, appear to have made but slight gains
in population from Pennsylvania. Among those who located in
Halifax was Dr. James Boggs, who had been a member of the med-
ical staff of the royal army during the Revolution, and was for
many years after 1783 surgeon of the forces at the Nova Scotian
capital. John Parrock returned from New York to Philadelphia

• R«p. on Am, Mm. in th4 Roy. /iwt. of Gi. BrU„ TV, 464, 485, US, 446, 470 ; SaUiiic
LoyaUtU of ths Am, Rev., I. 664. 666. 686 ; II, 472, 478. 482-486. 488, poMim.

• Rop, on Am, Mto. in tho Roy, intt. of Gt. Brit,, IV, 876, 878 : Sabitte, LoyaUaU of thm
Am. Rwh I. 886; n, 878; n, 482, 488.

THE MIGRATION TO NEW BRUNSWICK 101

at the close of the war, but in March, 1786, sailed for Halifax with
the purpose of engaging in the whaling business/

Of the Tory regiments which had been formed in or near
Philadelphia parts of two are known to have located in Nova
Scotia, namely, the Philadelphia Light Dragoons and the British
Legion. The Legion had been organized under General Sir Henry
Clinton's orders by Colonels Lord Cathcart and Bannister Tarleton
in May and June, 1778; and in the winter of 1781 it appears to
have absorbed the Philadelphia Light Dragoons. At the close of
April, 1782, the iiegion was stationed at New Utrecht near Brook-
lyn, L. I. It then numbered 471 men, of whom more than two-
thirds were cavalry. At the end of September, 1783, about eighty
of these men were still at Brookl3m, the rest having embarked
earlier in the same month with Major George Hanger for Halifax.
Port Mouton in Queen's County, N. S., was allotted to the British
Legion, and a number of houses were at once erected there ; but on
the discovery in the following spring that the soil was barren and
stony, the settlers began preparations for removal. They were in-
terrupted, however, by an accidental fire, which destroyed the town
and reduced them to the verge of starvation. The authorities at
Halifax promptly despatched a vessel laden with provisions, thus
averting the tiireatened famine. Most of the members of this dis-
banded corps removed at once to Chedabucto Bay at the eastern
end of Nova Scotia, where they founded the town of Guysborough.*

in. The Migration to New Brunswick

Although Nova Scotia proper must have received at the evac-
uation of New York City and the neighboring islands in
the fall of 1783 at least 800 former residents of Pennsylvania,
the Province of New Brunswick (which was created in 1784)
probably gained the larger share of these people ; for most, if not
all, of the Loyalist regiments which contained Pennsylvanians were
disbanded and given crown lands in New Brunswick; and one
large association of Pennsylvania Quakers settled together at Penn-
field on the north shore of the Bay of Fundy. Sabine, who had the
use of the original agreement among the founders of Pennfield,
asserts that it was formulated in 1782. Presumably, it was under

f Sm. Rn>u Bw. of ArehiffM, Ont, (1904), Pt. I, 129. 196, 196, 617, 618, 669, 687, 664, 666,
680.

•R§p. on Am. M—. in tho Roy. In§t. of Gt Brit., IV, 849, 867, 876; Halilrarton, HiH.
of Nova Scotia, U, la, 149.

102 THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

this agreement that a meetinc: of Quakers was held at the house of
Joshua Knight, 36 Chatham Street, New York City, on
July 6, 1783, in order to decide some matters of importance in con-
nection with their plans. At this meeting Samuel Fairlamb, John
Rankin, and George Brown were appointed agents to locate lands
for the association and to transact any business incident to the oc-
cupation of these lands. The agents soon submitted a memorial to
Sir Guy Carleton asking the privilege of seeking lands for about
sixty families on the River St. John, or elsewhere in that region
where suitable ungranted lands might be had; and Carleton for-
warded this docimient under date of August 9th to Governor John
Parr at Halifax. The site selected was at Beaver Harbor, which
lies north of the island of Grand Manan ; and by October the new
settlement was already in existence. One hundred and forty-nine
lots were included in the original grant That incoming settlers
rapidly joined the colony is shown by the statement of a writer
who, shortly after its foundation, estimated the number of its in-
habitants at 800. According to an old plan in the British Museum,
there were ''fifteen streets and 960 lots in the town proper, with
large tracts laid out in farm and garden lots beyond.'' The County
of Charlotte, in which Pennfield was situated, was established June
4, 1786 ; and the Parish of Pennfield was erected in the following
year. It was agreed to build a small meeting house, July 7, 1786,
on ground allotted for that purpose. We are told that a fire devas-
tated the town in 1787, which must have greatly increased • the
distress and want among the pioneers at Pennfield. About the time
of the fire, however, partial relief was afforded through the efforts
of two Quaker gentlemen from Philadelphia who had visited
Beaver Harbor a twelvemonth before, and on their return home
had raised a subscription with which they bought and shipped 240
barrels of flour and Indian meal, together with some other neces-
saries, to be distributed among their destitute brethren. Possibly
through the instrumentality of the same gentlemen donations were
also received from persons in England during the winter of 1788-
89. Whatever recovery Pennfield made from its first con-
flagration was wiped out by a forest fire in 1790, which left but one
dwelling house standing. According to a recent writer, "a few of
the inhabitants, including the family of Joshua Knight, remained
or came back to rebuild their dwellings at or near the old sites'' ;
but some of the settlers removed to Pennfield Ridge, others to

THE MIGRATION TO NEW BRUNSWICK 108

Mace's Bay, and still others went elsewhere. In June, 1803, the
population of the Parish of Pennfield, which continued to consist
of Quakers principally, numbered only fifty-four. This little com-
munity occupied a good tract of land and lived chiefly by farming,
although it sustained two saw-mills and had recently launched two
vessels of 250 tons burden each.*

We may now turn to the settling of the enlisted men from
Pennsylvania, together with their families, in New Brunswick. Af-
ter the cessation of hostilities the City of Philadelphia, which had
been the scene of so much recruiting among the Tory residents and
refugees during the British occupation, adopted the following reso-
lution : 'That the people of this town will at all times, as they have
ever done, to the utmost of their power oppose every enemy to the
just rights and liberties of mankind : That after so wicked a con-
spiracy against those rights and liberties by certain ingrates, most
of them natives of these States, and who have been refugees and
declared traitors to their country, it is the opinion of this town
that they ought never to be suffered to return, but be excluded from
having lot or portion among us. And the Committee of Corre-
spondence is hereby requested to write to the several towns in this
Commonwealth and desire them to come into the same or similar
resolves if they shall think fit." The determination by the victori-
ous party to exclude the Loyalists illustrated by the above resolu-
tion, although it was not consistently enforced even in Philadelphia,
was prevalent throughout most of the States, and was recognized
by the officers of the Loyalist regiments at New York.

These officers therefore submitted their case to Sir Guy Carle-
ton in a letter dated March 14, 1783, saying that whatever stipula-
tions might be made at the peace for the restoration of the prop-
erty of the Loyalists and for their return home, yet, should the
American States be severed from the British Empire, it would be
impossible for those who had borne the King's arms to re-
main in the country. They maintained that the personal ani-
mosities arising from civil dissensions had been so heightened by
the blood shed in the contest that the opposing parties could never
be reconciled. They spoke of the personal sacrifices made by the

• Sabine, LoyaUtU of tks Am, Rov,, I, 607 ; CotL N. B. Hitt, Soe^ No. 4, 78-80 ; Rop. on
Am. Mas. in tks Ray. Inst, of Gt, Brit., IV, 269, 270; Winslow Papers, 490; Vxoom, Courior
Ssriss, LXXII; Ganonff, Monograph of the Origins of the Settlements in N. B., 144, 168.

For amne of the PennBylvania Qoaken who settled at Pennfleld, see Sabine's Loyalists
of the Am. Rev., H, 614, 616, 626, 648, 660, 668, 669, 670, 679, 682, 688, 691, 692, 698, 697, 698.

104 THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

Loyalists ; of the anxiety they felt for the future of their wives and
children ; of the fidelity of the troops ; and of the great number of
men incapacitated by wounds, many of them with families who
had seen better days. They therefore asked for grants of land
in some of the royal American provinces and for assistance in
forming settlements, in order that they and their children might
enjoy the boon of British government. They also requested pen-
sions for such non-commissioned officers and men as had been
disabled by wounds and for the widows and orphans of deceased
oflSicers and soldiers, besides permanent rank and half -pay for the
oflSicers on the reduction of their regiments. This letter was
signed by the commanders of fourteen provincial regiments ; and its
requests were all eventually complied with."

Indeed, steps were taken within a month after the presenta-
tion of the letter looking to the location of the lands asked for by
the oflSicers, when several of the petitioners were themselves ap-
pointed agents to go to Nova Scotia for this purpose. These agents
were Lieutenant Colonels Edward Winslow, Isaac Allen, Stephen
DeLancey, and Major Thomas Barclay, who spent the spring and
summer of 1783 in exploring the River St. John from St. Ann's
Point (Fredericton) for about 100 miles upwards, completing their
work and returning before the end of July. Winslow tiien secured
authority at Halifax to lay out blocks of land for the several regi-
ments, in keeping with the suggestions of Sir Guy Carleton that
the allotments should be by corps and as near to each other as pos-
sible, with the oflSicers' lands interspersed among those of the men
so that the settlers might be united and ready for defense in case
of an attack on the colony. These blocks were afterwards known
as "the twelve mile tracts."

In August, 1783, the royal instructions relative to the dis-
posal of the troops at New York arrived ; and on September 12th
Carleton ordered Lieutenant Colonel Richard Hewlett of the 3d bat-
talion of DeLancey's Brigade to assume command of the principal
British American regiments, which had already embarked nine
days before at Brookl3m, having been encamped during
the summer at Newtown, L. I., Hewlett was to accompany these
troops, already considerably depleted through losses and depar-
tures with and without formal discharge, to the River St. John,
and take the proper measures to get them promptly to the locations

!• Bajmond, Tkt Riv«r 8i, Jofcn. 6S1-6S8.

THE MIGRATION TO NEW BRUNSWICK KN^

assigned for their settlement They sailed with a quantity of nec-
essary stores on the 16th, and on the day following, Brigadier Gen-
eral H. E. Fox and his military secretary, Edward Winslow, left
for St. John to inspect the lands up the river and arrange for the
reception of the regiments. According to the figures of the com-
missary general's office at New York, about 4,000 persons con-
nected with the Loyalist regiments sailed for the St. John up to
October 12th. Not less than 6,000 had embarked for the same des-
tination earlier in the same year, and a small number went after
the departure of the regiments, which arrived on September 27tfa.
Three days later they disembarked and encamped above the Falls ;
and by October 13th they were disbanded for the most part, and
were going up the river as fast as the scarcity of small craft on
which they had to depend for conveyance would admit In Decem-
ber the last of the transports from New York arrived, bringing a
supply of clothing and provisions, in addition to her passengers,
who were chiefly women and children.^^

Soon after their coming, the regiments drew for their
blocks of reserved land, which were shown and numbered on a
plan of the river prepared by the surveyor general of Nova Scotia ;
but as yet lots had not been surveyed for individual settlers. The
tracts drawn by several of the regiments were too remote for their
liking; the season was already far advanced, and the difficulty of
transport was great Hence, many of the disbanded officers and
soldiers preferred to spend the winter at the mouth of the river,
and not a few of them drew lots in the Lower Cove district of Parr-
town (St. John), which was laid out for the refugees in December,
1783. Both those who remained here and those who pushed on up
the river, except a few of the latter who found shelter in the houses
of the old inhabitants, were compelled to endure the severities of
a bitter season in rude huts or in canvas tents thatched with spruce
boughs and banked with snow. Needless to say, the women and
children suffered most, and numbers of them did not survive
through the winter. Among the Pennsylvanians, who were grantees
of Parrtown, were Joseph Canby, John Chubb of Philadelphia, and
Ross Currie, a lieutenant of the Pennsylvania Loyalists, who re-
ceived half pay and became one of the first practitioners of law in
the new community; while Robert Stackhouse of Mount Bethel,

^^Stebcrt, "Tht B«fagcc Lojalitts of ConMcticat" in Tnm9, Raif. St. •/ Cw^mim, Iflt^
89. 90; Raymond, Th€ Rivtr St. John, 686, ff.; WvmIow Pmpwa, 181-188, 141.

106 THE LOYAUSTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

Pa., was a grantee of Carleton, another Loyalist town which sprang
up on the west side of the river. Abraham Iredell, who had lived
near Philadelphia and had been deputy surveyor in Northampton
and Northumberland counties, Pa., settled in Parrtown, where
he enjoyed half pay as a lieutenant of the Royal Guides and Pio-
neers, while serving as deputy surveyor of New Brunswick. Chris-
topher Sauer, 3d., a printer of Germantown, began the publication
of the Royal Gazette in Parrtown and was deputy post master of the
Province in 1792, but returned to the States seven years later and
died at Baltimore, Md., in July, 1799.'*

It will be remembered that the principal corps in which Penn-
sylvanians enlisted were the Pennsylvania Loyalists, the Queen's
Rangers, the Royal Guides and Pioneers, the New Jersey Vol-
unteers, and the Philadelphia Light Dragoons. Most of the men
of these organizations, except the last ones, had come to New
Brunswick with Colonel Hewlett ; and it remains for us to note the
locations taken up by these regiments after their disbandment and
some other items concerning them. The 1st and 3d battalions of
the New Jersey Volunteers were among the Loyalist corps that
preferred to remain at Parrtown and await new allotments of
land, rather than ascend the river to the distant tracts at first as-
signed to them. Meantime, many of the men of the 3d battalion
boarded schooners with their families for the winding and tedious
voyage of nine or ten days to St. Ann's Point. As six inches of
snow fell on November 2d, or about three weeks after their ar-
rival, not a few were caught by the cold weather without other
shelter than their tents. Some, to be sure, had managed to erect
rude huts for their protection, or to be received into the cabins
of earlier settlers along the river ; but others took their tents into
the depths of the forest and there set them up, where game and
firewood abounded, and a poor kind of shelter was afforded by the
thick woods. Nevertheless, the sufferings of these exiles were
intense, and ''the loyal Provincials' Burial Ground" at Salamanca
was frequented by mourners, although the dead were not infre-
quently buried near the snow-banked tents of the living. When
mild weather came the refugees made good use of their axes and
saws in felling trees for the erection of log houses, which were

itBajmond, "Eurly Dayi of Woodstock" in Thm DitpaUh of Woodttoek, N. B., Dm. ft.
1906; See, Rep., Arehivee of Ont., 1904, I, 198, 209, 287, 200; Sabine, LotfoUeU of the Am,
Bem^ U, 828; Jack. St, John: Prim Eamv, 66.

THE MIGRATION TO NEW BRUNSWICK 107

roofed with bark and lighted by small glass windows, while the
fireplaces and chimneys were built of stone cemented with yellow
clay. Among the houses erected at this time was that of Colonel
Hewlett, who had lost his stores, tools, baggage, and other property
to the value of £200 in the wreck of the Martha, one of the tranch
ports which had brought the Loyalist regiments to New Bruns-
wick. Spring came none too soon in this Northern wilderness, for
the people at Salamanca were already running short of provisions ;
but they were now able to supply themselves with pigeons, part-
ridges, moose, fish, and edible roots, and to supplement their scanty
supply of vegetable food by the discovery of large patches of beans,
which had been planted by earlier inhabitants of the region, prob-
ably by the French.^' A few members of the 3d battalion, as
already noted on a preceding page, went from New York to Shel-
bume, N. S., and settled there.^^

There was evidently a considerable number of the men of the
3d New Jersey Volunteers still at Parrtown as late as January 17,
1786, when Captain Samuel Ryerson of this battalion memorial-
ized Governor Thomas Carleton in behalf of his waiting comrades
for lands in the unoccupied parts of Prince William Parish and of
a reserve of 4,000 acres below the Pokiok, on account as he af-
firmed of the distance and sterility of soil of Block No. 12, which
they had originally drawn. However, Ryerson's petition was not
then complied with, although both the memorialists and the men
of the 1st New Jersey Volunteers, who had drawn Block No. 14,
eventually obtained more convenient locations in the counties of
York, Sunbury, and Queens. The 2d New Jersey Volunteers got
settled without the disheartening delays experienced by its sister
battalions, for it fell heir to one of the desirable tracts, namely,
Block No. 2, which became the Parish of Kingsdear in 1786, and
lies only about twenty miles above Fredericton. It contained
38,460 acres on the south side of the River St. John, and was
granted under date of July 14, 1784, to Lieutenant Colonel Isaac
Allen and 143 others of his battalion. Another grant of 14,060
acres on the headwaters of the Kennebecasis was made to Colonel
Allen and 94 others in the same month and year. In 1799 the first
mentioned grant to Allen and his men was canceled in chancery,

&• Raamiond. Th4 Btv«r 8U John, 648-6S0.

l^iUp. on ths Am, M»9. in ths Roy. IngL of Gi. Brit^ IV, S76, S76: SiibliM. LeysMfto
of ths Am. Rov., U, 876. 8m anU p. 101.

108 THE LOTAUSTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

and a new and much smaller grant at Mactaquac on the north bank
of the St. John was assigned him and others.^*

Two days after the Loyalist troops arrived at the mouth of the
River St. John a small party of the Royal Guides and Pioneers
came ashore, September 29, 1783, one day in advance of the gen-
eral disembarkation. Presumably these men proceeded on their way
up to St Ann's Point on the 30th, for Colonel Hewlett wrote to
Sir Guy Carleton at the time to that effect They must therefore
have shared in the hardships of the following winter. The rest of
the Guides and Pioneers, except the company of Black Pioneers
which embarked at New York in October, 1783, for Annapolis in
Nova Scotia, remained at Parrtown. They drew Block No. 3 pn the
north side of St John River above the Keswick, the mouth of which
lay within their district They took possession of their block in
1784, being joined later by other Loyalists ; but it appears that their
grant was not issued until November 7, 1787, and that it included
what were known as Crock's Point and Burgosme's Ferry. Some
of the men of this corps also settled in Queensbury Parish along
with the Queen's Rangers. Concerning the Black Pioneers, who
had been attached to the corps of the Guides and Pioneers, Sir Guy
Carleton's instructions to Brigadier General H. E. Fox were that
Grovemor Parr should be asked to grant them a town lot and about
twenty acres in the vicinage, in case they settled near a town like
Shelbume, but that they be given a hundred acres in case they
settled in the country as farmers.^* The obvious intention of these
instructions was that each member of the company should receive
the amount of land mentioned.

On April 15, 1783, Major R. Armstrong, in the absence of
Lieutenant Colonel John Graves Simcoe, commander of the Queen's
Rangers, who had returned to England, authorized Colonel Edward
Winslow to locate lands and obtain grants for the 575 persons then
connected with the corps, of whom 305 were privates, sixty women,
and seventy children. During the interval of five months that
elapsed before the Rangers sailed with the other regiments for
New Brunswick, their numerical strength seems to have declined

!• Baymond, "Early Dayi of Woodstock" in TK9 Ditpateh of WoodtUeK N. B.. Doe. i.
19, 26, 1906; Ganonff, Monograph of HiHorie Site§ in the Provineo of N. B^ S40; Gaiionff,
Monograph of th€ Origin* of th* S9ttl9nunU in N, B„ 14S, S41, S4S.

itBaymond, Window Paporg, 1S7 ; BopoH on Atn, Mat. in tho Jloy. InaL of OU Brit^
IV, MO, 49, 90, 420; Baymond, "Early Daya of Woodstock" in Tho DiapaUh of Woodotook,
N. B„ Doe. 6, 1906 ; Ganons, Monograph of tho Origino of tko SotUomonU im N, B., 112, 162 ;
Canons, Monograph on Hiotoric Sit— im tho Provineo of N, B„ 649.

THE MIGRATION TO NEW BRUNSWICK 109

markedly. At Parrtown some of the Rangers drew lots and thus
became grantees of the place ; but the large majority, that is, more
than two-thirds of those for whom Major Armstrong had requested
grants, settled together on Block No. 5, or the Parish of Queens-
bury, on the north side of the River St John. James Brown and
sixty-six other Queen's Rangers received a grant of 17,674 acres
in Queensbury as late as January 30, 1787.^'

The corps of the Pennsylvania Loyalists, which numbered 171
men at the end of the year 1778, when it was sent with other troops
to Pensacola to assist in the defense of West Florida against the
Spaniards, had no more than sixty-eight men at the time of its re-
turn to New York in June, 1782. Between this date and the sum-
mer of 1784 nearly half of this number had scattered, for Thomas
ICnox, who took a census of the regiments on the River St John
during that summer, found but thirty-six men, fourteen women,
eight children, and five servants belonging to the corps occupying
their lands in Block No. 7, across the river from Woodstock. The
presence of these settlers led to the establishment of the Parish of
Northampton in 1786. On August 17th of the following year, Wil-
liam Bums and other Pennsylvania Loyalists received a grant of
lands within the original blodc. The Parish of Southampton, which
was also settled by members of the corps and their descendants,
was not created until 1833. But not all of the men of the Penn-
sylvania Loyalists who came to New Brunswick settled in these
parishes. The Reverend Doctor W. O. Raymond tells us that they
were to be found at various places within the Province.^*

^^ Siebcrt, "The Bcfagc* LojaUsti of Coaneetient," in Tram9. Roy. 5m. CdM., 1916, M. 91 :
a«r. W. O. Bajmond's Notes on Winslow'fl Muster RoDs (nnpublished) ; Baarmond, "Earlj
Days of Woodstock" in Th€ Diapntch of Woodttoek, N. B.. Jan. 2S, 1907 ; Bajmond, TKo Rimor
St. John, 646; Ganons, Monograph of Hiotorie SiUa in tko Provineo of N. B., 941.

^* Siebcrt "Tho LoyaUsto in West Florida and the Natebes District" in the Miss. Valley
Hi9L Rev., n. Harcb. 1916, 479. 481 ; Raymond, Notes on Winskm's Muster BoDs (nnpnbUshed) ;
Raymond, Wintlow Papers, 216. 216; Ganons, Ifeno^ap^ of tko Origins of tko So ttl omon U <»
N, B., 166, 179; Ganons. Monoaraph of Higtorio SiUo in tko Provineo of N. B., 949; CoH,
N, B. HiH. 8oe., No. 9 (1904), 209.

INDEX

ACADEMY in Philadelphia, 60; Fricndi. 86.

AccaiiioM of Loyalisti to British Armj,
S8-42 ; at Detroit, 14, 16.

Alexander, Robert, 98.

Admirality, court of, 72.

Allegheny Moantaint, 12.

Allegheny River, 10.

Allesianee to Pennsylvania, 56; to the Kins
sworn by New Jersey farmers, 29; new test
of, 8S ; failure to take oath of, 67 ; time ex-
tended for takins oath of, 69.

AUen. Andrew, 27. 80, 88, 67, 69, 61, 92, 94.

AUen, James, 27, 80, 81, 82, 86, 87, 40, 47, 48,
100.

Allen, John, 27, 80, 87, 67.

Allen. Chief Jnstiee William, 27.

Allen. Lt Col. WUliam, Jr., first battalion,
Pennsylvania Loyalists, 80, 88, 40, 41, 67.

Allen, Lt. Col. Isaae, of tiie seeond battalion.
New Jersey Vohinteers (Loyalist), 92, 104.
107.

Allentown (Pa.), 27, 80, 40.

American Le^rion (Loyalist), 70.

Amnesty, proclaimed by Gen. Sir William
Howe, 29; act of, 71.

Andr4, Maj. John, 70.

Andrews, Nicholas, 16.

Annapolis (N. S.), 100, 108.

Annuities for Loyalists, 96, 97, 98.

Anderson, Stephen. 80.

Armstrong, Maj., 109.

Arnold, Gen. Benedict, 69, 68, 69; organises
the American Legion (Loyalist), 70; plots
to steal Journals of Congress, 79.

Argyle (N. S.), 100.

Arrest of Dr. John Connolly and others, 11 ;
of 170 Loyalists, 16; of Governor John
Penn, 29: of the disaffected ordered, 86; of
speeifled persons, 86, 87 ; of proprietary and
Crown ofBcials, 87 ; of friends of rebellion,
40 ; of militiamen, 71 ; of Joseph Stansbury,
74.

Aspden, Matthias, 68, 88. 84.

Assembly of Pennsylvania, defines treason,
19; gives powers to Committee of Safety,
28; memorial to, 24; election of members
of, 27; supplanted. 28; new, 29; adjourns
to Lancaster, 80; Loyalist estates at dis-
position of, 66; further security provided
for by, 69 ; endows University, 61 ; restores
the college, 62; settles claims of Penn fam-
ily, 68; purchases Indian tract, 66; dis-
arms non-Jurors. 70; passes act of amnesty,
71 ; passes supplement to test laws, 72 ; me-
morial from Quakers to, 77; petitions to.
79; seeks arrest of certain Loyalists, 80;
urged to oppose return of refugees, 82;

grants a pardon, 88; eonsiders rspsal
test laws, 87, 88 ; repeals test acts, 90 :
with Presbyterian question, 90, 91;
with Loyalist property, 94, 96.

AtUinder of traitors, 67, 68, 86.

Auger, Frederick, 19.

Austen, William, 69.

BALL, Widow. 28.

Bank, Thomas, 96.

Barclay. Gilbert. 46.

Barclay, Maj. Thomas, of the Loyal AnMriean
Regiment, 104.

Bartlett, John, 69.

Bartow. Thomas, 27.

Bartram, Alexander, 94.

Beaver Harbor (N. B.), 102.

Bedford County, (Pa.), 68, 72.

Bender, PhUip, 19. 20.

Bergen, John, 28.

Berks County (Pa.), 81, 72.

Bartram, Alexander, 100.

Bethlehem (Pa.), 82.

Biddle, John, 67, 69.

Biles, Samuel, 69.

Black Pioneers (Loyalist), 108.

Blane, Thomas. 46.

Board of Property, 68.

Boggs, Dr. James, 100.

Bond, Phineas, 99.

Boston (Mass.), 11, 28. 24.

Boyd, John, 100.

Brander, John, 46.

Brant, Joseph, Mohawk chief, 20.

Bray, John, 58.

Briggs, John. 80.

BHggs. William. 100.

Brtish Army, expected attack by contingent
of. 18; Washington and his army go to
meet, 84; landing of, 85; invasion of
Pennsylvania by, 88-66 ; accessions to, 88-48 ;
proclamations by commander of, 40, 41;
punishment for supplying produce to, 49;
evacuation of Philadelphia by, 68; Loyal-
ists proclaimed as joining the, 68; proseeu-
tion of sympathisers with, 70; House of
Commons investigates conduct of, 97.

British Legion (Loyalist), 101.

Brown, George, 102.

Brown, James, 1(^.

Brown, Lt. CoL Thomas, 18.

Bucks County (Pa.), 26, 29. 41. 46, 4$, 49,
68. 72. 92, 98.

Bucks County Volunteers (American), 49.

Bulla, Thomas, 80.

Burgoyne's Ferry (N. B.), 108.

Burlington County (N. J.), 60.

Ill

112

THE LOYALISTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

Bvnw, William, 109.

Butler, HciuT, 16.

Butler, Col. John, of Butler's Ruiffcri, 18.

19. 20, M.
Batler, Gen. Rieluurd, M.
Butler's Ruwen (Lojulist), 14, 18, 28.
Buntinff, Joehua, 78.
Buaiurd, Frederick, 88.

CALDWELL, Capt WiUiam, 17, 18.

Caldwell. WUliam. 44.

Cambridge (Mass.), 28.

Cameron, Allen. 11, 26.

Campbell, Capt Donald, of the New Jersey
Volanteers, 42.

Campbell. Capt. Dunean, of the Royal High-
land Emigrants. 24.

Campbell. Peter, 02.

Canby, Joseph, 106.

Carleton (N. B.), 106.

Carleton, Gen. Sir Guy, 76. 90. 102. 108, 104,
108.

Carlisle (Pa.), 89.

Carlisle, Abraham. 44. 60.

Carrigues, Samuel, 8r., 60.

Caasedy. alioa Thompson. WiUiaa, 70.

Castle, Joseph, 78.

Catheart. CoL Lord, 101.

Cayford. Capt. Richard, of the New Jersey
Volunteers, 42.

Censors, Council of, 61.

Chalmers, Lt. Col. James, of the Maryland
Loyalists. 41.

Charitable school in Philadelphia, 60.

Chark>tte County (N. B.). 102.

Charter of William Penn "construed." 68. 64.

Chedabucto Bay (N. S.), 101.

Chesapeake Bay, 12. 86.

Chester County (Pa). 88, 41, 44, 66, 68. 92. 98.

Chew, Benjamin, chief Justice of Pennsyl-
vania, 87, 87.

Chubb, John, 106.

Clifford, Thomas, 86.

Clifton, Lt. Col. Alfred, of the Roman Cath-
olic Volunteers, 41. 60.

Clifton. William. 69.

Clinton, Gen. Sir Henry, takes command at
Philadelphia. 61; sends Loyalist families to
New York, 68; in correspondence with
Benedict Arnold, 69; permits refugees to
build on vacant lots in New York, 98; or-
ders formation of British Legion, 101.

Colchester Township (Ont). 17.

Colden, Capt. Thomas, of the New Jersey
Volunteers, 42.

CoUege in Philadelphia. 67. 60.

Colonies. Southern, 10, 42.

Committee of Correspondenee (Pa.), 28. 108.
West AugusU County (Va.). 10.

Committee of Inspection. Philadelphia, 28. 26.
28.

Committee of Safety. Philadelphia, 11. 28. 24,
26, 28; other committees, 24, 28.

Committee of Secrecy, Philadelphia, 28, 81.

Conflseation of Loyalist property, 66, 67, 84,
92.

Conn, William, 28.

Connolly, Dr. John. Lt Col. of the Loyal For^
esters and in the Queen's Rangers, 9-18, 16,
16, 26.

Constitutional Convention (Pa.). 28.

Continental army, deserters from. 48; new
levies Join. 82; provisions for. 66; arms
and supplies for, 67 ; goes to meet British,
84; lights battle of Monmouth Court House,
68.

Continental Board of War, 74.

Continental Congress, commissioners of, 11 ;
mentioned, 12; views of the projects of. 28;
Tory opinion of its measures. 26; action
against non-associators. 28; complains of
disloyalty. 81 ; petition to. 82 ; resolution of.
86; recommends arrests, 86; adjourns to
Lancaster, 89; Quakers sent to, 46; per-
mits to be issued by. 69; relinquishes claim
to Indian tract 66 ; directs that order be
maintained in Philadelphia. 68; orders
court-martial of Benedict Arnold. 69; Tory
plot to steal Journals of. 79; Rev. Jacob
Duch^ first chaplain of, 96.

(Toombs, Rev. Thomas. 86.

Cooper. Dr. William. 76.

Comwallis. Lord, 86.

Coshocton (O.). 14.

Council of Censors. 61.

Council of Safety (Pa.), chosen. 29; deeidsa
to confine suspects, 29; James Allen before.
80; offenders sentenced by, 60; its powers
terminated, 67; deals with adherents of
Crown, 68.

Court-martial, 68, 60.

Cowperthwait, Joseph, sheriff. 28.

Cox, Isaac. 46.

Coxe. Daniel. 44. 08. 99.

Craig. James. 48.

Crock's Point (N. B.). 108.

Crown officials arrested. 87.

Cumberland County (Pa.). 18. 42, 40. 72.

Cunard. Robert 84.

Currency, counterfeit 60. 76.

Currie. Ross. 69. 106.

Curwen. Judge Samuel. 28, 96.

DAWSON. David, 77.
Declaration of Independence. 29. 68.
DeLancey. Lt Col. Stephen, of the first bat-
talion. New Jersey Volunteers. 104.
Delaware. 81. 88.
Delaware River. 19. 20. 60. 80.
Di^ormandie. Andrew. 60.
Depue. John, of Butler's Bang«n, 19. 80, 81.
Deserters, 41.

INDEX

118

DwhoBS, Peter, 69.

Dcrtbiatioiu of Loyaliati. 17. 24. 7i. 81. 88.

84. 87. 96-109.
Detroit (Mich). 10. 11. 14. 18, 17. 89.
Detroit Riyer. 17.
Disb7 (N. S.). 100.
DiMbUitice, 82. 69. 61. 88. 89. 90.
DoAiie. Aaron. 81.
Do«ne, Abraham, 81.
Doane, Joeepb, Sr. and Jr., 81.
Doane, Mablon, 81.
Doane, Moeca. 81.
Dobeon, Isaae, 20.
Drinker. Henry, 86.
Drinker. Mn. Henry. 89. 62.
Dnunmond, Dr. George. 87.
Diicb4. Her. Jacob. 67, 69, 87, 92, 90.
Diicb4, Mr*. Jacob, 78.
Dunkards, 24.
DnSimitiere, Pierre, 64.
Donmore, Lord, governor of Virginia, 10, 11.
Dnnmore. Fort (Pa.), aee Pitt, Fort and

Pittsburgh.
Danmore's War, 9, 16.

EASTON (Pa.), 89. 40.

Eddy. Charlce, 96.

Eve. Oswald. 68.

Election of April, 1776, 87.

Elk River (W. Va.), 11.

Elliott, Andrew. 92.

Elliott, Matthew. 14, 17.

Embarkation of Loyalist regiments for River

8t John. 106.
Emigration of Loyalists. 12. 17, 21. 28, 87, 74,

76, 88, 84. 86. 87, 96-109.
England, 12, 18, 28, 24. 62. 96-100.
Erie. Fort (N. Y.). 21.
Escape of Loyalists, fhmi Pittsburgh, 14;

fhmi the Snsqnehanna country, 20.
Estates of refugees, to be seised, 66; eonfls-

eation of. 67. 84; sale ot 92-96.
Europe, 76.
Evans. Abel, 69.
Ewing, James, 12.
Bxeentions of Tories, 16, 68. 69. 77. 78, 81.

FAIRLAMB, Samuel, 102.
Fegan, Mrs. Elisabeth, 78.
Ferguson, Henry Hugh, 46, 1^ 94.
Ferree, John, 89.
FestivHics in Philadelphia, 61.
Fincastie. Fort (Pa.). 10.
Fisher. Jabes Maud. 96.
Fisher, Joshua. 86.
Fisher. Samuel. 86.
Fisher. Thomas. 86.
Fleet. British. 68.
Fleming. James. 16, 16.
Flushing Fly (L. L). 64.
FoK, Brig. Gen. H. B.. of the second bat-
talion. British Grenadiers. 106. 108.

Fox, Joseph. 86, 68.

Fourth and Fifth Townships (Ont). 21.

Fonts. Christian. 67, 69.

Franklin, Benjamin. 28.

Franks, David Solesbury, 71.

Frederick County (Va.), 87.

Frederiektown (Va.), 11.

Friends, see Quakers.

Friends' Academy in Philadelphia, 86.

GADDIS, Col. Thomas, 18.

Gagcw Thomas, governor of Massachusetts
and commander of British army, 10.

(xalloway, Joseph, Joins Howe in New Jer-
sey, 80 ; accompanies British to Philadelphia.
40; on enlistments, 42; census of Phila-
delphia by, 42: adviser to Howe, 48; oth«
duties of, 44, 46; conflscation of estate,
67, 69; pardon refused to, 86, 86; sale of
estate of, 92, 94; sails for England, 97;
services to fellow refugees, 97; death of,
98.

Gates, (Sen. Horatio, 16.

Gibson, Hon. John. 66.

(George HI.. 10, 68. 89.

Germantown (Pa.). 12. 40; battle of. 46; dam-
aged by British. 66; sale of estate of in-
habitant of. 92.

Gilpin, Thomas, 46.

Girty, (*eorge, 16, 17.

Girty, James, 14, 16.

Girty, Simon. 14.

(lordon, Thomas, 84, 94.

(aosfleld Township (Ont.), 17.

GranviUe (N. S.), 100.

Graves, Adam, 16.

Graves, John (Seorge, 16.

Greswold ("Grisile"), Edward. 78.

Guest, Henry, 100.

Gkiysborough (N. S.), 101.

HAGERSTOWN (Md.), 11.

Halifax (N. S.), 17, 76, 84, 87, 100, 101.

Hamilton. Henry, licut. governor of Detroit,
14.

Hamilton. WUliam. 74.

Hand. Brig. (Sen. Edward, 16.

Hanger, MaJ. (Seorge, 44.

Harding, (Seorge, 44.

Hardy, George. 70.

Harris, William, 96.

Hart, Charmless, 68.

Hart, John. 44, 68.

Harvey, Abraham, 76.

Heinrichs, Capt Johann, 62.

Hessians, 89. 62.

Hewlett. Lt. CoL Richard, of the third bat-
talion. DeLancey's Brigade (Loyalist). 104.
106, 107.

Hicks, Gilbert, 29. 67.

Higgins. John, 14.

114

THE LOYALISTS OP PENNSYLVANIA

History of Pennsylv^ia, by Robert Proad, 87.

Bog Uland (Pa.), 89.

Hovenden, Capt Richard, of the Philadelphia
Liffht Dragoona, 41, 49.

Hover, Casper. 20.

Howe. Gen. Sir William, expedition to Phil-
adelphia. 11. 88. 40. 42, 48. 4$; invasion of
New Jersey. 29; comparison of strength
of Washington and, 48; embarks for Eng-
land, 61 ; accompanied by Loyalists, 96 ;
advises Loyalists to make terms with
Washington, 97.

Huff. John. 26.

Humphreys. James, Jr., 99.

Hnnt. Isaac. 28. 24, 99.

Hunt, James Henry Leigh, 99.

Hunt, John, 86.

Hunterdon County (N. J.), 27.

Hutchinson, Thomas, governor of Massachu-
setts, quoted, 96, 97.

ILLICIT trade, 78. 80.

Indians, 9; councils of, 10; as auxiliaries, 12;
Ohio villages of, 14 ; at Detroit 18 ; OtUwa,
17; purchase of tract of, 66, 67; raids of,
89.

IngersoU, Jared, 87.

Inimical persons, 71, 78. 76.

Iredell, Abraham, 69, 106.

Ireland, 74. 76.

JACKSON. John, 80.
James, Abel, 86, 68.
James, Capt. Jacob, of the Philadelphia Light

Dragoons, 41, 78.
James River (Va.), 12, 16.
Johnson, Gen., 16.
Johnson, John, 96.
Johnston, Tryon County, (N. Y.), 19.

KASKASIA (ni.), 11, 16.

Kearsley, Dr. John, Jr., 28, 24, 69.

Keen. Raymond. 94.

Keene. Reynold. 48. 67.

Kelly. Hugh. 16. 16, 17.

Kennebecasis River (N. B.), 107.

Kensington (Pa.). 48, 49.

Kentner. George, 20.

Kidd, Alexander, 41.

King's Bridge (N. Y.), 64.

Kingsdear Parish (N. B.), 107.

Kirkland, Col. Moses, of the South Carolina

Rangers (Loyalist), 26.
Knight, Joshua, 102.
Knox, Thomas, 109.
Kribel, Rev. George, 82.
Kugler. John. 76.
Kugler, Susanna, 76.

LACEY, Sub-lieut. later Brig. Gen. John, 84,

49.
Lafayette, (Sen., 61.

Lancaster (Pa.), 89.

Laneastcr County (Pa.), it, 41, 71, M^ M.

Land, Robert, 69.

Land bounties for Loyalist refogM*. it, 41.
66, 101-109.

Land Office (Pa.). 68.

Lane, Henry, 76.

Lee, Gen. Charles, 62.

Lee, Joseph, 28.

Legislature, see Assembly.

Leslie, Gen., 16.

Levy, Mordecai, 28.

Lewis, Curtis, 88.

Lewis, James, 18.

Lexington, battle of, 8i.

Leybum, George, 46.

Lindon, Hugh. 68.

Livingston, William, g o v ernor of New Jtr-
sey, 60, 76.

Logan. Deborah, 64.

London (Bng.), 28.

Long Island (N. Y.), 74, 98, 104.

Loosley, Thomas, 28.

Losses of Loyalists, 64, 100.

Loyal Association Club, 61.

Loyal Foresters (Tory corps), 12, 18.

Loyalists, on the upper Ohio, 18, 14; at Do-
troit. 16, 16; in northeastern Pennsylvania,
19: in Niagara peninsula, 21: in PhJIadal-
phia, 28; from New Jersey, 24; of Bueha
County, (Pa.), 26; in election of April, 1776,
27; clubs of, 28, 61; activities of, 88; eon-
duct of, after July 4, 1776, 29; persecution
of, 80 ; released on bond, 81 ; Moravian, 8i ;
influenced by Washington's army, 84; ar-
rest of prominent, 87; join British, 88; re-
main in Philadelphia, 89; flock within Brit-
ish lines, 40; form regiments, 41-48; as
civil officials, 44; open shops, 46; dependant
condition of many, 47, 48; patrol roads, 47:
ordered to raise produce, 48; passing In and
out of city, 49; distress of, 60; several
thousands leave with the British, 68; suffer
losses, 64; University endowed witik estates
of, 60; many remain after evacuation of
Philadelphia, 69, 72; eviction of wivaa
of, 78; opposition to prescnea of, 76,
81, 82; pardoned, 77, 78; subjected to teat
act in 1786, 89; sale of estates of, 98-9i;
arrive at New York, 98; settle in England,
Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, 96-109.

Loyalist regiments:
American Legion, 70;
British Legion, 101;
Bucks County Light Dragoons, 41, 4i, 14,

68;
Butler's Rangers, 14, 18, 19, 20;
Loyal Foresters, 12, 18;
Maryland Royal Retliators (in preetti of

formation), 16;
Maryland Loyalists, 41, 64:

INDEX

115

N«w J«Mj yohmlMn. th 4S. 4», 106. 107 :
N«w York VohmtMn. It;
Penmylvmnia Loyalisti, 41, M. 106. 109:
Philadelphia Liffht Dragoont. 41. 48. 46. 54.

78. 101. 106;
QoMD's Ranffcn. 11. 17. 41. 4S, 48. 49. IS.

64. 106. 108. 109;
Roman Catholk VolnatMn. 41. 64;
Royal GnidM and Voluntaan. 41. 64;
Vohmtcen of Inland. 4S. 68. 64 ;
West Jcnej Volontam. 48. 68.

MeDONALD. CoL Allen. 86.

McDonald. Capt. Alexander, 88.

McDonald. Gen. Donald, of the North Caro-
lina Hishiandere (Loyalisti). 26.

McLeod. Capt. Norman, 42.

Maryland Royal Retaliators. 16.

Matthews. MaJ. David. 98.

Mendenhall, Thomas, 74.

Menonists, 24.

MMehiamMO, 61.

Mifflin, Thomas, 61.

MUitia, 9, 10. 81. 82. 70. 71. 72. 81. 82.

Militia biU. 82. 88.

MiUard. Thonas, 61.

Mississippi River, 11.

Mob violence, 71.

Mohawk vaUey (N. Y.), 19.

Molesworth. JasMS. 81.

Monmouth Court House (N. J.), battle of. 68.

Mononsalia County (Va.), 18.

Montreal (Ont.). 21.

Moody. Lieut. Jamm. of the first battalion.
New Jersey Vohinteers. 79.

Moody. John, 79. 80.

Moravians, 82.

Morgan, Col. Zaekwell, 18.

Moorestown (N. J.). 74.

Morris, Robert, 40; quoted, 64.

Morton, Robert. 40; quoted, 64.

Morell. Joseph. 44.

Morray. Lieut. James, of the Queen's Rangers,
11. 42.

Muskingum (O.). 66.

NEW BRUNSWICK, provinee of. migration
of Loyalists to, 101-109.

New Bnglanders, resorting to Philadelphia, 28.

New Jersey. Loyalists from. 24. 44, 47 ; Whig
associators sent into. 29; Loyalists flee into.
80 ; prisoners from. 81 ; Loyalist corps raised
in, 42; foraging expedition into. 49; inter-
course between Philadelphia and, 65; in-
vaded by British. 29. 77.

Newburyport (Mass.), 75.

Nww Jer§ey GazetU, 78.

New Jersey Volunteers (Loyalist), 81. 42, 49,
106. 107.

Newspapers (Loyalist) in Philadelphia. 46.
47. 58. 68. 99.

Newton (L. L). 104.

New Utrecht (L. L). 64. lOL

New York City. Dr. Connolly goes to. 12;
refugees in. 16; enlisted men on ti»eir way
to. 24; Loyalist escapes to. 26; Volunteers
of Ireland in, 68; letters to and from. 74;
illicit trade with. 78; sale of estate of in-
habitant of. 92; board of relief in. 98. 99;
vacant lots for refugees in. 98; evacuation
of. 100. 101. 106.

New York State, 19. 68.

New York Volunteers (Loyalist). 12.

Niagara. Fort (N. Y.). 14. 18. 19. 20. 66. 89.

Niagara p«iinsula. Loyalists in. 21.

Non-associators. 27. 28, 82.

Non-jurors. 49. 67. 69. 70. 76. 87. 88. 89.

Norfolk, (Va.). 10.

Northampton County (Pa.), 27. 82. 46. 68. 72.
92.

Northampton Parish (N. B.). 109.

North Carolina. 12. 26. 80. 92. 98.

Northumberland County (Pa.). 72.

Nova Scotia, province of, 14. 17, 76, 84, 100,
101.

OBERLIN, John Francis. 82.

OfBce of Enquiry. 76.

Ohio, escape of Loyalists through, 14.

Ohio River. 10. 18. 16.

Old ChiUicothe (O.). 14.

Ontario. Lake. 20.

Oram. James. 41.

Ordinances. 28. 29. 66, 67.

Oswego (N. Y.). 20.

Ottawa Indians (Ont.). 17.

Oyer and Terminer, court of. 71.

PARDON of Loyalists. 77. 78. 88-91.

Parliament. Joseph Galloway's testimony be-
fore. 42.

Parr, John, governor of Nova Scotia. 75. 102.
108.

Parrtown (St John. N. B.). 106. 106. 108.
109.

Passports. 74, 76.

Patriotic Society of Philadelphia. 69.

Paxton. Phineas. 77.

Peace commissioners, 62.

Pemberton, Israel. 86.

Pemberton. James, 85.

Penn, John, governor of Pennsylvania, 28;
deposed, 29, 62 ; paroled. 87 ; claims of, 68-
66 : goes to New York, 76. 87 ; mentioned,
06.

Penn. Mrs. John. 47. 87.

Penn, Richard. 69, 96.

Penn, Thomas, 64.

Pennfleld (N. B.), 86. 101-108.

Pennsylvania, see contents.

Pennsylvania Loyalists (Tory corps). 41, 64,
106. 109.

116

THE LOYAUSTS OF PENNSYLVANIA

Pennsylvania Evening Pott, 46, 47, 68.
Penneifivania GaMetU, 46, 68.
Pennstfivania Ledger, 46, 47, 99.
Pentaeoia (W. Fla.). 109.
Pensions asked for Loyalists, 104.
Persecutions of Loyalists, 22. 28, 80, 47; of
Moravians, 82, 88; of eitisens of Philadel-
phia, 66.
Philadelphia, British in possession of. 12;
persecutions in, 22; Loyalists in, 28-26, 27,
84, 48, 46, 62, 70; the Aliens leave, 27;
Tory dubs in, 27; fears British invasion,
80; Howe's expedition to, 86-40; officials
arrested, 87 ; stripped of its lead, etc, 89 ;
Tory administration in, 48; Tory enlist-
ments in, 42, 68; asylum for Loyalists, 46;
intercourse with, 48-60; festivities in, 61;
British and Loyalists evacuate, 62, 68, 68;
damages to, 64, 66, 68; Gen. Benedict Ar-
nold commandant of, 68; Toryism in. 70;
disapproves abolition of test laws, 88; sale
of Loyalist estates in, 92, 98; magistrates
of, 98; settlers at Shelbume (N. S.), 100;
regiments locate in Nova Scotia, 101 ;
visitors at Pennfleld, 102; opposes return of
Loyalists, 108 ; mentioned, 106.

Philadelphia County (Pa.), 24.

Philadelphia Liffht Dragoons (Loyalist), 41,
48. 49, 64. 78, 101, 106.

Pickard, WUliam, 14, 20.

Pike, Thomas, 86.

Pitt, Fort (Pa.), 9, 10, 16.

PitUburgh (Pa.), 10, 14, 16, 16, 89.

Pitt, William. 66.

Pleasants, Samuel, 86.

Plots, Tory. 10, 11. 18, 16, 79.

Port Mouton (N. S.), 101.

PotU, John, 44, 67, 84, 92, 98, 99.

Pottsffrove (Pa.), 46, 92.

Prince William Parish (N. B.), 107.

Pritchard, Joseph, 70.

Privateers, 79.

Proclamations, 9, 29. 88, 40, 41, 48, 68, 68, 78,
80, 81.

Proprietary officials, ignored, 29 ; arrest of, 87.

Proud. Robert, 86, 89, 86.

Provincials' Burial Ground at Salamanca
(N. B.), 107.

"QUAKER Blues." 28.

Quakers, meetings for sufferings of, 22; me-
morial of, 24; testimony of yearly meeting
of, 26 : in eleetion of April, 1776. 27 ; re-
main in Philadelphia, 80, 86, 89, 48;
changed attitude of, 84; testimonies against
war. 46 ; a disturbing element. 76 ; seixnre
of horses of, 77 ; settle at Pennfleld (N. B.),
86, 101-108.

Queens County (N. B.), 107.

Queens County (N. S.). 101.

Queensbnry Parish (N. B.), 108, 109.

Queen's Rangers (Loyalist), 11. 17, 41, 42. 48,

49, 64, 78, 101, 106, 108, 109.
Quint6, Bay of, 81.

RANKIN, James, 89. 67.

Rankin, John, 86, 94, 102.

Raymond, Rev. W. O., 109.

Rawdon, CoL Lord, of tiie Volunteers of Ire-
land, 42.

Rawdon (N. S.), 100.

Reading (Pa.), 40.

Redstone Old Fort (Pa.), 18, 16.

Redwood, William, 46.

Reed, Joseph, 71.

Reprisals upon the Loyalists, 66-67.

Repression of Loyalists in southeastern Penn-
sylvania, 88-64.

Reynolds, James, 44.

Rittenhouse, David, 86.

Robb, WUliam. 46.

Roberts, George, 44.

Roberts. John, 86, 94. 102.

Robertson, Alexander, 14.

Robertson, James, 68.

Robinson, CoL Beverly, of the Loyal Amcrieaa
Regiment and of the Royal Guides and Pio-
neers, 98.

Roes, George, 86.

Ross. Malcolm. 68.

Royal GazetU (Parrtown. N. B.), 106.

Royal Guides and Pioneers (Loyalist), 41, 42.
64, 106, 108.

Royal Highland Emigrants (Loyalist). 24.

Ryerson, Capt. Samuel, of the third battalion.
New Jersey Volunteers (Loyalist), 107.

ST. ANN'S Point (Fredericton, N. B.), 106.

108.
St EusUtia, island of, 74, 76.
St. John (N. B.), see Parrtown.
St. John River (N. B.), 102, 104, 106-109.
St. Lawrence River, 21.
St. Leger's expedition, 20.
Sabine, Lorenso, LoyalieU of tke Amerietm

Revolution, quoted. 66. 100, 101.
Sale of forfeited Tory esUtes, 92-96.
Salem (Mass), 28.
Sandford, Capt. Thomas, of the Bucks County

Light Dragoons, 41, 68.
Sauer, Christopher, Jr., 87, 92, 94 ; 8d.. 106.
Scioto River (O.), 14.
Schuylkill River (Pa.), 40, 61.
Scotch Presbyterian congregations, 90.
Scotchmen in Philadelphia, 46.
Scott, James, 76.

SetUements (Loyalist), 17, 20, 21, 96-109.
Shaw, John, 78.

Shelbume (N. S.), 99, 100, 107.
Shelley. Daniel, 89.
Shewell, Stephen, 48.
Ship Harbor (N. S.), 100.

INDEX

117

Sbippm. Edward, ehtef jwtlM «f PflBBOFl-
▼ania, 70, M.

ghocmaker. Samual, t6, 44» IS, 57. 59, 92. 94.

Shoemaker, Mn. Samuel. 79.

Shrewsbury (N. J.), 29. 78.

Simeoe. Lt. CoL John Gravca. of the Queen's
Bankers. 17, 68. 198.

Skinner. Brig. Gen. Gortlandt. of the New
Jersey Volunteers (Loyalist), 84.

Smith. Andrew. 48.

Smith. John, 69.

Smith. Thomas. 26.

Smith. Her. WiUiam. DJ>.. 86. 67. 61.

Smyth. Dr. J. F. D.. 11. 26 ; captain in Queen's
Bangers. 11. 42.

Somerset County (Md.). 16.

Snider. Elias. 84.

Snider. Peter. 84.

Southampton Parish (N. B.). 109.

South Carolina, 26.

South Street Theatre^ Philad^hia. 61.

Spangler, George, 68.

Sparks, James. 44.

Sproat. DaTid, 68.

Staekhouse, Bobert, 106.

Stansbury. Joseph. 81. 44. 46. a. 74. 78.

Stanwix, Fort (N. Y.). 20.

Staten Island (N. T.). 84. 42. 68. 64. 98.

Stedman. Charles. Jr.. 69.

Steelman, James, 78.

Stephenson, Capt., of the Queen's Bangers. 68.

Stiff, James, 84.

Stockton, Mai. B. V., of the New Jersey Vol-
unteers (Loyalist). 81.

Story. Enoch. 48. 44. 68. 68.

Story. Thomas, 68.

Sunbury County (N. B.). 107.

Supreme Court, 72, 92.

Supreme Executive Council, 29, 86. 87, 89. 46.
60. 66. 67. 68. 69. 60, 61, 66, 67. 68. 69. 70,
71. 72, 78, 74, 76. 77. 79. 80. 82. 84. 86. 92.
98. 94.

Surphlitt Bobert, 14.

Susquehanna Biver. 12. 19. 20. 89.

Swanwick. Joseph, 69.

Symes, Lieut James S., of the Boyal High-
land Emigrants, 24.

TABLETON, Lt. CoL Bannister, of the British

Legion (Loyalist), 101.
Test acts, 82, 88, 49. 60, 69, 72, 87, 88. 89. 90.
Thayer. Arodi. 98.
Thomas, Arthur, 26. 86.
Thomas. Capt. Evan, 49.
Thomas, Michael, 20.
Tilghman, Francis. 46.
Tiighman. James. 87.
Traitors, found guilty as, 16; attainder of.

67 ; debtors of, 68 ; proclamation of. 68.
Treason act. 19, 29, 82.
Trenton (N. J.), 29, 80. 84. 68. 92.

Tryon County (N. T.). 19.
Turner. Edward, 20.

UNION Iron Works (N. J.). 27. 80. 87.
University of Pennsylvania, 60-62. 99.
Upper Makefleld (Pa.). 26.

VAN BUSKIBK. Lt. CoL Abraham. 100.

Vanderlip, WiUiam. 20.

Van Dyke, Lt Col. John, of the West Jersey

Volunteers, 42.
Vamum. Frederick, 68.
Vemer, Frederick, 68.
Vernon, Gideon, 88, 44, 80.
Vernon, Nathaniel. 67, 69.
Virginia, 9. 10, 11, 12, 18, 16. 16, 42, 46, 47.
Voi^t, Christian, 69.

Vohmteers of Ireland (Loyalist). 42. 68. 64.
VuUwr0, ship-of-war, 70.

WALN, Bichard, 68.

Wartman, Abraham, 20.

Washington. (3en. George, 84, 40, 48, 68, 69.

Watson, Lt CoL. of the Bucks County Light
Dragoons. 41.

Watson, Dr. John, 88.

Wayne, Gen. Anthony, 40, 76, 88.

Wentworth, John, governor of New Hamp-
shire, 96.

West Augusta County (Va.), 10.

West Florida, 109.

West Indies. 99.

West Jersey Volunteers (Loyalist). 42. 68.

West Point (N. Y.). 69.

Wharton. Thomas, 86.

"Whig Association," 78.

Whigs, in strife with Tories in Tryon (bounty.
(N. Y.). 19: in Philadelphia after arrival of
the British, 64 ; object to preliminary peace,
81; as prisoners in New York. 99.

White, Bobert 68.

Wickersham, Amos, 28.

Willet Walter, 41.

WiUing. Bichard, 86.

WUlis. WUliam, 89.

Wilmington (Del.), 84, 88.

Wilson. James. Esq., 71.

Wilson, John, 78. 86.

Winchester (Va.), 87, 46.

Windron, Hendrik, 19.

Winslow, Lt CoL Edward. 104. 108.

Wintermute, John, 20.

Wives of Loyalists exiled, 78-76.

Worcester County (Md.), 16.

YELDALL, Dr. Anthony, 69, 74.
York (Pa.). 89.

York County (Pa.), 46, 68. 72, 92.
Yorktown (Va.). 12, 18, 16.
Young, John. 69. 92.

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