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3S'S'^.'^3.
^
HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY
GERMAN PHILOSOPHICAL CLASSICS
ENGLISH READERS AND STUDENTS.
EDITED BT
GEORGE S. MORRIS.
LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS CONCERNING
THE HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
.sLJillBNIZ,^
NEW ESSAYS CONCERNING THE
HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
A CRITICAL EXPOSITION.
/
By JOHN DEWEY/ Ph.D.,
/
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF
MICHIGAN, AND PROFESSOR (K1.ECT) OF MENTAL AND
MORAL PHILOSOPHY IN THK UNIVERSITY
nv MTVNK80TA
CHICAGO:
SCOTT, FOBESMAN AND COMPANY
190S
V(/\:'i:y./.S3.5
IIAIVAIDC0UE6E IIMAIV
GIFT OF
RAIPN BAKTM FCHRY
JUN 8 1940
Copyright, 1888,
By S. C Griggs and Company.
PREFACE.
'T^HE purpose of the series of which the
■^ present volume is one, is not, as will be
seen l)y reference to the statement in the in-
itial volume, to sum up in toto the system
of any philosopher, but to give a "critical ex-
position" of some one masterpiece. In treat-
ing the " Nouveaux Essais " of Leibniz, I have
found myself obliged, at times, to violate the
. letter of this expressed intention, in order to
fulfil its spirit. The " Nouveaux Essais," in
spite of its being one of the two most extended
philosophical writings of Leibniz, is a compen-
dium of comments, rather than a connected
argument or exposition. It has all the sug-
gestiveness and richness of a note-book, but
with much also of its fragmentariness. I have
therefore b^en obliged to supplement my ^.c-
VI PREFACE.
count of it by constant references to the other
writings of Leibniz, and occasionally to take
considerable liberty with the order of the treat-
ment of topics. Upon the whole, this book
will be found, 1 hope, to be a faithful reflex
not only of Leibniz's thought, but also of hi»'
discussions in the ^' Nouveaux Essais."
In the main, the course of philosophic thought
since the tiniQ pf Leibniz has been such as
to render almost self-evident his limitations,
and to suggest needed corrections and ampli-
fications. Indeed, it is much easier for those
whose thoughts follow the turn that. Kant
has given modern thinking to appreciate the
defects of Leibniz than to realize his great-
ness. I have endeavored, therefore, in the body
of the work, to identify my thought with that
of Leibniz as much as possible, to assume
his standpoint and method, and, for the most
part, to confine express criticism upon his lim-
itations to the final chapter. In particular, I
have attempted to bring out the relations
of philosophy to the growing science of his
PREFACE. ^i
times, to state the doctrine of pre-established
harmony as h^ himself meant it, and to give
something like consistency and coherency to
his doctrine of material existence and of na-
ture. This last task seemed especially to re-
quire doing. I have also endeavoi^ed to keep
in mind, throughout, Leibniz's relations to
Locke, and to show the "Nouveaux Essais"
as typical of the distinction between charac-
teristic British and German thought.
JOHN DEWEY.
May, 1888.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTEK I.
' The Man.
PAGB
His Parents 1
His Early Education 2
His University Training at Leipsic 4
At Jena »: . 8
At the University of Altdorf 10
His Removal to Frankfurt 10
His Mission to Paris 11
Discovery of the Calculus '. . . . . 12
Librarian at Hanover . '. 13
His Activities * ... 14
His Philosophic Writings 15
His Ecclesiastic and Academic Projects ...... 17
His Later Years and Death 18
CHAPTER n.
Sources of his Philosophy.
Character of the Epoch into which Leibniz was born . 20
The Thought of the Unity of the World 23
The two Agencies which formed Leibniz's Philosophy . 24
The Cartesian Influences 26
Rationalistic Method 28
Mechanical Explanatiou of Nature ..,,... 30
X CONTENTS.
Application of Mathematics **. . . 32
Idea of Evolution 33
Interpretation of these Ideas 35
Idea of Activity or Entelechy 39
Idea of Rationality 40
Idea of Organism 42
CHAPTEE III.
The F&oblem and its Solution.
Unity of Leibniz's Thought 43
Relation of Universal and Individual . . . . j . . 44
Descartes' Treatment of this Question .... . . 46
Spinoza's Treatment of it .......... 48
Leibniz's Solution 50
All Unity is Spiritual 53
And Active 54
Is a Representative Individual 56
' Contrast of Monad and Atom 58
Pre-established Harmony reconciles Universal and In-
dividual .59
Meaning of this Doctrine 62
CHAPTER IV.
Locke and Leibniz. — Innate Ideas.
Necessity of Preliminary Account of Leibniz's Philosophy 66
Locke's Empiricism 67
Leibniz's Comments upon Locke 69
The Controversies of Leibniz 72
The Essay on the Human Undei^tanding ....'. 73
Locke's Denial of Innate Ideas 75
Depending upon
(1) His Mechanical Conception of Innate Ideas . 77
CONTENTS. xi
Leibiiiz undermines this by substituting an Organic
Conception 80
And upon
(it) His Mechanical Conception of Consciousness . 84
Leibuiz refutes this by his Theory of Unconscious
Intelligence 85
CHAPTER V.
Sensation and £xp£rience.
Importance of Doctrine regarding Sensation .... 87
The Two Elements of Locke's Notion of Sensatiou . . 89
Its Relation to the Object producing it; Primary and
Secondary Qualities 91
Locke criticized as to his Account
(1) Of the Production of Sensation 92
(2) Of its Function in Knowledge 95
The Meaning of Physical Causation 97
Bearing of this Doctrine upon Relation of Soul and Body 98
Criticism of Locke's Dualism 98
Leibniz's Monism 101
Summary of- Discussiou 103
Leibniz on the Relation of Sensations to Objects
occasioning them 105
Nature of Experience 106
Distinction of Empirical from Rational Knowledge . . 107
CHAPTER VI.
The Ihfulses and the Will.
The Doctrine of Will depends upon that of Intelligence 109
The Character of Impulse Ill
XU CONTENTS.
Of Desire . ; 112
Half-Puiiis and Pleasures ^ l\:\
The Outcome of Desire 115
Nature of Moral Action 117
Of Freedom 118
(1) Freedom as Contingency ......... 110
Limitation of this Principle 1-21
^ (2) Freedom as Spontaneity 12.5
This Principle is too Broad to be a Moral
Principle 125
(3) True Freedom is Rational Action .... 125
Our Lack of Freedom is due to our Sensuous Nature . .12^
Innate Practical Principles . . . 129
Moral Science is Demonstrative ...130
CHAPTER VII.
Matter and its Relation to Spirit.
Locke's Account of Matter and Allied Ideas the Foua-
dation of the Philosophy of Nature Characteristic of
British Empiricism . ... . ., 132
Space and Matter wholly Distinct Ideas . . . . . 134
Leibniz gives Matter a Metaphysical Basis .... 137
Ordinary Misunderstanding of Leibniz's Ideas of Matter 138
Matter is not composed of Monads . . 139
Matter is the Passive or Conditioned Side of Monads . 140
Passivity equals " Confused Representations," i. e. In-
complete Development of Reason 144
Matter is logically Necessary from Leibniz's Principles 145
Bearing of Discussion upon Doctrine of Pre-established
Harmony • • • 146
Summary . , ,...,,.. 14/
CONTENTS. Xlli
CHAPTER VIII.
Material Phenomena and their Reality.
What is the Connection between Matter as Metaphysi-
cal and as Physical ? '. . . 151
The Latter is the "Image" of the Former .... 151
I Leibniz's Reaction from Cartesian Theory 152
His Objections are (1) Physical and (2) Logical . . 153
(1) Motion is Source of Physical Qualities of Bodies . 155
Hence there are no Atoms . 158
Secondary Qualities as well as Primary depend upon
Motion 160
(2) What is the Subject to which the Quality of Exten-
sion belongs? 161
It is the Monad as Pasnive 162
Space and Time connect the Spiritual and the Sensible . 164
Distinction between Space and Time, and Extension
and Duration 166
Space and Time are Relations 167
Leibniz's Controversy with Clarke 168
Leibniz denies that Space and Time are Absolute . . 170
What is the Reality of Sensible Phenomena? .... 173
It consists
(1) In their Regularity . \H
(2) In their Dependence upon Intelligence and
Will 175
Leibniz and Berkeley 177
CHAPTER IX.
Some Fundamental Conceptions.
Locke's Account of Substance as Static . . . . .179
The Distinction between Reality and Phenomena . . 180
Leibniz's Conception of Substance as Dynamic . . . 181
XIV CONTJSKTS.
His Specific Crilicisms upon Locke ....... 182
The Categories of Identity and Difference Locke also
explains in a Mechaoical Way 183
Leibniz regards them as Internal and as Organic to
each other 184
Locke gives a Quantitative Notion of Infinity • . . 188
And lience makes our Idea of it purely Negative . . . 189
Leibniz denies that the True Notion of Infinity is Quan-
titative 189
He also denies Locke's Account of the Origin of the In-
definite 192
In (general, Locke has a Mechanical Idea, Leibniz a
Spiritual, of these Categories 193
CHAPTER X.
■Thb Nature and Extent op Knowledge.
Locke's Definition and Classification of Knowledge . . 196
Leibniz's Criticism 197
Leibniz, Berkeley, and Kant regarding Knowledge of
Objects 198
The Degrees of Knowledge, — Intuitive, Demonstrative,
and Seusitive 199
Locke's Contradictory Theories regarding the Origin of
Knowledge 202
Locke starts both with the Individual as given to Con-
sciousness and with the Unrelated Sensation . . . 204
Either Theory makes Relations or " Universals " Unreal 205
As to the Extent of Knowledge, that of Identity is Wide,
but Trifling 205
Tlu^t of Re^l Being includes God, Soul, and Matter, but
only as to their Existence 206
And «ven this at tlie Expense of contradicting his Defi-
nition of Knowledge 206
J CONTRNTS. XV
Knowledge of Co-existence is either Trifling or Impos-
sible . , 207
Leibniz rests upon DIstiuetionof ContingMit and Rational
Truth 209
Tlje Former may become the Latter, and is then Demon-
strative ......' 210
The Means of this Trausfonnatiou are Mathematics and
Classification 215
There are Two Principles, — One of Contradiction . .217
The Other of Sufficient Reason 218
The Latter leads us to God as the Supreme Intelligence
and the Final Condition of Contingent Fact . . . 219
The Four Stages of Knowledge 222
CHAPTER XI.
The Theology op Leibniz.
Leibniz's Three Arguments for the Existence of God . 224
The VaIuc of the Ontological 225
The Cosmological 226
The Teleological 220
The Attributes of God 227
The RehitioD of God to the World, his Creating Activity 228
Creation involves Wisdom and Goodness as well as Power 229
The Relation of God to Intelligent Spirits : they form a
. Moral Community 230
Leibmz as the Founder of Modem German Ethical Sys-
tems 231
Th^ End of Morality is Happiness^as Self-realization . 232
The Three Stages of Natural Right 234
The Basis of Both Leib»i//s Etiilcs and Political Philos-
ophy is Man's Relation to God 230
His Esthetics liave the Same Basis 237
Man's Spirit as Architectonic 2'N
XVI CONTENTS.
CHAPTEK XII.
Criticism and Conclusion.
Leibniz's Fundamental Contradiction is between his
Metliod and his Subject Matter 240
The Use which Leibniz makes of the Principle of Snffi-
cienl Reason reveals this Contradiction 242
The Contradiction is between the Ideas of Formal and
of Concrete Unity 243
From this Contradiction flow
( 1 ) The Contradiction in the Notion of Individuality 240
Which becomes purely Negative ..... 247
The Negative he interprets as merely Privative 249
(2) The Contradiction in his Conception of God has
the Same Source 250
He really lias Three Definitions of God . . 250
One results in Atomism, another in Pantheism 25 1
The Third in a Cojiception of the Organic Har-
mony of the Infinite and Finite . . . . 252
(3) The Contradiction between the Real and the
Ideal in the Monads has the Same Source . 2515
(4) As have also the Contradictions in the Treat-
ment of the Relations of Matter and Spirit 25 1-
(5) And finally, his Original Conti-adiction leads to
a Contradictory Treatment of Knowledge ,. 257
Summary as to the Positive Value of Leibniz .... 259
The Influence of Leibniz's Philosophy ..;... 261
Especially upon Kant 262
Kant claims to be the True Apologist for Leibniz^ » . 263
(1) As to the Doctrine of Sufficient Reason* and
Contradiction . . . . . *. . .' . .263
^ Which finds its Kantian Analogue in the Dis-
tinction between Analytic and •Synthetic
Judgment . 2(J6'
CONTKXTS.
^''I'ieli Kant f.. i ' ■ • • • ^J'iO
i^ndestaudiug and Sense •. . . ofiO
l*r";''* ^''*^^"'-- «f ^'- Under-'
•Conclusion *" *^^ ^^^^s o^ Reason ... 270
■'•••••.•... '272
LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS
CONCERNING
THE HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
CHAPTER I.
THE MAN.
** TTE who knows me only by my writings does
Xl not know me," said Leibniz. These words
— true, indeed, of every writer, but true of Leib-
niz in a way which gives a peculiar interest and
charm to his life — must be our excuse for pref-
acing what is to be said of his " New P^ssays con-
cei'ning the Human Understanding " with a brief
biographical sketch.
Gottfried Wilhehn Leibniz was born in Leipzig
June 21, 1646. JIjsi father^ who died when Leibniz
was only six years old, was a professor in the uni-
versity and a notary of considerable practice. From
him the future philosopher seems to have derived his
extraordinary industry and love of detail. Such ac-
counts as we have of him show no traces of the
wonderful intellectual genius of his son, but only a
diligent, plodding, faithful, and religious man, a
thoroughly conscientious husband, jurist, and pro-
fessor. Nor in the lines of physical heredity can
1
2 LEIBNIZ*S NEW ESSAYS.
we account for the unique career of Leibniz by his
mother's endowments. The fact, however, that she
was patient in all trial, living in peace with her neigh-
bors, anxious for unity and coocord with all people,
even with those not well disposed to her, throws great
light upon the fundamental trait of Leibniz's ethical
nature. As in so many cases, it is the inherited
moral characteristics which form the basis of the
intellectual nature. The love of unity which was a
moral trait in Leibniz's mother became in him the
hunger for a harmonious and unified mental world ;
the father's devotion to detail showed itself as the
desire for knowledge as minute and comprehensive
as it was inter-related.
Left without his father, he was by the advice of a
discerning friend allowed free access to the library.
Leibniz never ceased to count this one of the greatest
fortunes of his life. Writing in after years to a
friend, he says : —
'' When I lost my father, and was left with-
out any direction in my studies, I had the luck
to get at books in all languages, of all religions,
upon all sciences, and to read them without any
regular order, just as my own impulse led me.
From this I obtained the great advantage that I
was freed from ordinary prejudices, and introduced
to many things of which I should otherwise never
have thought."
In a philosophical essay, in which he describes
himself under the name of Gulielmus Pacidius, he
says: —
THE MAN. 3
-V."Wilhelm Friedlieb, a German by birth, who
lost his father in his early years, was led to
study through the innate tendency of his spirit;
and the freedom with which he moved about in
the sciences was equal to this innate impulse.
He buried himself, a boy eight years old, in a
library, staying there sometimes whole days, and,
hardly stammering Latin, he took up every book
which pleased his eyes. Opening and shutting them
without any choice, he sipped now here, now there,
lost himself in one, skipped over another, as the
clearness of expression or of content attracted him.
He seemed to be directed by the ToUe et lege of a
higher voice. As good fortune would have it, he
gave himself up to the ancients, in whom he at first
understood nothing, by degrees a little, finally all
that was really necessary, until he assumed not only
a certain coloring of their expression, but also of
their thought, — just as those who go about in the
sun, even while they are occupied with other things,
get sun-browned.'^
And he goes on to tell us that their influence
always remained with him. Their human, their
important, their comprehensive ideas, grasping the
whole of life in one image, together with their
clear, natural, and transparent mo^e of expression,
adapted precisely to their thoughts, seemed to him
to be in the greatest contrast with the writings of
moderns, without definiteness or order in expres-
sion, and without vitality or purpose in thought, —
*' written as if for another world." Thus Leibniz
4 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
learned two of the great lessons of his life, — to
seek always for clearness of diction and for per-
tinence and purpose of ideas.
Historians and poets first occupied him ; but when
in his school-life, a lad of twelve or thirteen years,
he came to the study of logic, he was greatly struck,
""he says, by the " ordering and analysis of thoughts
which he found there." He gave himself up to
making tables of categories and predicaments, an-
alyzing each book that he read into suitable topics,
and arranging these into classes and sub- classes.
We can imagine the astonishment of his playmates
as he burst upon them with a demand to classify
this or that idea, to find its appropriate predica-
ment. Thus he was led naturally to the philosophic
books in his father's library, — to Plato and to
Aristotle, to the Scholastics. kSuarez, in particular,
among the latter, he read ; and traces of his influ-
ences are to be found in the formulation of his own
philosophic system. At about this same time he
took great delight in the theological works with
which his father's library abounded, reading with
equal ease and pleasure the writings of the Lutherans
and of the Eeformed Church, of the Jesuits and
the Jansenists, of the Thomists "and the Arminians.
The result was, he tells us, that he was strengthened
in the Lutheran faith of his family, but, as we may
easily imagine from his after life, made tolerant of
all forms of faith.
In 1661 the boy Leibniz, fifteen years old, entered
the. University of Leipzig. If we glance back upon
THE MAN. _^ 5
his attainments, we find him tlioroughly at home in
Latin, having made good progress in Greek, ac-
quainted with the historians and poets of antiquity,
acquainted with the contemporary range of science,
except in mathematics and physics, deeply read
and interested in ancient and scholastic philosophy
I And in the current theological discussions. Of him-
'self he says : —
'•• Two things were of extraordinary aid to me*: in
the first place, I was self-taught ; and in the second,
as soon as I entered upon any science I sought for
something new, even though I did not as yet thor-
oughly understand the old. I thus gained two
things : I did not fill my mind with things empty and
to be unlearned afterwards, — things resting upon
the assertion of the teacher, and not upon reason ;
and secondly, I never rested till I got down to the
very roots of the science and reached its principles."
While there is always a temptation to force
the facts which we know of a man's early life,
so as to make them seem to account for what
appears in mature years, and to find symbolisms
and analogies which do not exist, we are not going
astray, I think, if we see foreshadowed in this
early education of Leibniz the two leading traits of
his later thought, — universality and individuality.
The range of Leibniz's investigations already marks
him as one who will be content with no fundamental
principle which does not mirror the universe. The
freedom with which he carried them on is testimony
to the fact that even at this age the idea of self-
6 LEIBNIZS NEW ESSAYS.
development, of individual growth from within, was
working upon him. In the fact, also, that he was
self-taught we find doubtless the reason that he
alone of the thinkers of this period did not have to
retrace his steps, to take a hostile attitude towards
the ideas into which he was educated, and to start
anew upon a foundation then first built. The de-
velopment of the thought of Leibniz is so gradual,
continuous, and constant that it may serve as a
model of the law by which the " monad" acts. Is
not his early acquaintance with ancient literature
and mediaeval philosophy the reason that he could
afterwards write that his philosophical system J' con-
nects Plato with Democritus, Aristotle with Des-
cartes, the Scholastics with the moderns, theology
and morals with reason " ?J And who can fail to see
in the impartiality, the comprehensiveness, of his
self-education the prophecy of the time when he can
write of his ideal that;" there are united in them, as
in a centre of perspective, the ideas of the Sceptics
in attributing to sensible things only a slight degree
of reality ; of the Pythagoreans and Platonists, tvho
reduce ail to harmonies, numbers, and ideas ; of
Parmenides and Plotinus, with their One and All i
of the Stoics, with their notion of necessity, com-
patible with the spontaneity of other schools ; of the
vital philosophy of the Cabalists, who find feeling
everywhere ; of the forms and entelechies of Aris-
totle and the Schoolmen, united with the mechanical
explanation of phenomena according to Democriti^e
and the moderns " ? '
THE MAN. 7
But we must hurry along over the succeeding
years of his life. In the university the study of
law was his principal occupation, as he had decided
to follow in the footsteps of his father. It cannot
be said that the character of the instruction or of
the instructors at Leipzig was such as to give much
nutriment or stimulus to a mind like that of Leib-
niz. He became acquainted there, however, with
the Italian philosophy of the sixteenth century, —
a philosophy which, as formulated by Cardanus
and Campanella, formed the transition from Scho-
lastic philosophy to the "mechanical" mode of
viewing the universe. He had h ere also. .his £rst
introduction to Descartes. The consequences of
the new vision opened to Leibniz must be told in his
own words : " I was but a child when I came to
know Aristotle ; even the Scholastics did not frighten
me ; and I in no way regret this now. Plato and
Plotinus gave me much delight, not to speak of
other philosophers of antiquity. Then I fell in
with the writings of modern philosophy, and I re-
call the time when, a boy of fifteen years, I went
walking in a little wood near Leipzig, the Rosenthal,
in order to consider whether I should hold to the
doctrine of substantial forms. Finally the mechan-
ical theory conquered, and thus I was led to the
study of the mathematical sciences."
To the study of the mathematical sciences !
Surely words of no mean import for either the fu-
ture of Leibniz or of mathematics. But his Leipzig
studies did not take him very far in this new direc-
8 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
tiou. Only the elements of Euclid were taught
there, and these by a lecturer of such confused style
that Leibniz seems alone to have understood them.
In Jena, however, where he went for a semester,
things were somewhat better. Weigel, a mathema-
tician of some fame, an astronomer, a jurist, and a
philosopher, taught there, and introduced Leibniz
into the lower forms of analysis. But the Thirty
Years' War had not left Germany in a state of high
culture, and in after years Leibniz lamented the
limitations of his early mathematical training, re-
marking that if he had spent his youth in Paris, he
would have enriched science earlier. By 1666 Leib-
niz had finished his university career, having in
previous years attained the degrees of l)achelor of
philosophy and master of philosophy. It is signifi-
cant that for the first he wrote a thesis upon the
principle of individuation, — the principle which in
later years became the basis of his philosophy.
This early essay, however, is rather an exhibition
of learning and of dexterity in handling logical
methods than a real anticipation of his after-
thought.
For his second degree, he wrote a thesis upon the
application of philosophic ideas to juridic proced-
ure, — considerations which never ceased to occupy
liim. At about the same time appeared his earliest
independent work, '' De Arte Combinatoria." From
i)is study of mathematics, and especially of alge-
braic methods, Leibniz had l)ecome convinced that
the source of all science is, — first, analysis ; second,
« ^ THE MAN. 9
symbolic representation of the fundamental con-
cepts, the symbolism avoiding the ambiguities and
vagueness of language : and thirdly, the synthesis
and interpretation of the symbols. It seemed to
Leibniz that it ought to be possible to tind the sim-
plest notions in all the sciences, to discover general
rules for calculating all their varieties of combina-
tion, and thus to attain the same certainty and
generality of result that characterize mathematics.
Leibniz never gave up this thought. Indeed, in
spirit his pliilosophy is but its application, with the
omission of symbols, on the side of the general no-
tions fundamental to all science. It was also the idea
of his age, — the idea that inspired Spinoza and the
Aufkldruvg^ the idea that inspired philosophical
thinking until Kant gave it its death-blow by
demonstrating the distinction between the methods
of philosophy and of mathematical and physical
science.
In 1666 Leibniz should have received his double
doctorate of philosoi)hy and of law ; but i)etty jeal-
ousies and personal fears prevented his presenting
himself for the examination. Disgusted with his
treatment, feeling that the ties that bound him to
Leipzig were severed by the recent death of his
mother, anxious to study mathematics further, and,
as he confesses, desiring, with the natural eager-
ness of youth, to see more of the world, he left
Leipzig forever, and entered upon his Wandcrjalire,
He was prepared to be no mean citizen of the world.
In his education he had t^one from the historians to
10 tEIBNlZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
the poets, from the poets to the philosophers and
the Scholastics, from them to the theologians and
Church Fathers, then to the jurists, to the mathema-
ticians, and then again to philosophy and to law.
He first directed his steps to the University of
Altdorf ; here he obtained his doctorate in law, and
was offered a professorship, which he declined, —
apparently because he felt that his time was not yet
come, and that wlien it should come, it would not
be in the narrow limits of a country village. From
Altdorf he went to Nurnberg ; here all that need
concern us is the fact that he joined a society of
alchemists {fraternUas roseoecrucis) , and was made
their secretary. Hereby he gained three things, —
a knowledge of chemistry ; an acquaintance with a
number of scientific men of different countries, with
whom, as secretary, he carried on correspondence ;
and the friendship of Boineburg, a diplomat of the
court of the Elector and Archbishop of Mainz.
TMs friendship was the means of his removing to
Frankfurt. Here, under the direction of the Elec-
tor, he engaged in remodelling Roman law so as to
adapt it for German use, in writing diplomatic
tracts, letters, and essays upon theological matters,
and in editing an edition of Nizolius, — a now for-
gotten philosophical writer. One of the most note-
worthy facts in connection with this edition is that
Leibniz pointed out the fitness of the German lan-
guage for philosophical uses, and urged its em-
ployment, — a memorable fact in connection with
me later development of German thought. Another
THE MAN. 11
important tract which he wrote was one urging the
alliance of all the German States for the purpose
of advancing theii* internal and common interests.
Here, as so often, Leibniz was almost two centuries
in advance of his times. But the chief thing in
connection with the stay of Leibniz at Mainz was
the cause for which he left it. Louis XIV. had
^broken up the Triple Alliance, and showed signs of
attacking Holland and the German Empire. It was
then proposed to him that it would be of greater
glory to himself and of greater advantage to France
that he should move against Tui*key and Egypt.
The mission of presenting these ideas to the great
king was intrusted to Leibniz, and in 1672 he went
to Paris.
The plan failed completely, — so completely that
rve need say no more about it. But the journey
\o Paris was none the less the turning-point in the
career of Leibniz. It brought him to the centre
of intellectual civilization, — to a centre compared
with which the highest attainments of disrupted
and disheartened Germany were comparative bar-
barism. Moliere was still alive, and Racine was at
the summit of his glory. Leibniz became acquainted
with Arnaud, a disciple of Descartes, who initiated
him into the motive and spirit of his master. Car-
tesianism as a system, with its scientific basis and
its speculative consequences, thus first became to
him an intellectual reality. And, perhaps most
important of all, he met Huygens, who became his
teacher and inspirer both in the higher forms of
J 2 ^ LKIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
mathematics and in their application to the inter-
.pretation and expression of physical phenomena.
His diplomatic mission took him also to London,
where the growing world of mathematical science
was opened yet wider to him. The name of Sir
Isaac Newton need only be giverf to show what this
meant. From this time one of the greatest glories
of Leibniz's life dates, — a glory, however, which
during his lifetime was embittered by envy and
unappreciation, and obscured by detraction and
malice, — the invention of the infinitesimal cal-
culus. It would be interesting, were this the place,
to trace the history of its discovery, — the gradual
steps which led to it, the physical facts as well as
mathematical theories which made it a necessity;
but it must suflice to mention that these were such
that the discovery of some general mode of ex-
))ressing and interpreting the newly discovered facts
of Nature was absolutely required for the further
advance of science, and that stei)s towards the intro-
duction of the fundi) mental ideas of the calculus
had already been taken, — notably by Keppler, by
Cavalieri, and ]>y Wallis. It would be interesting
to follow also the course of the controversy with
Newton, — a controversy which in its method of
conduct reflects no credit upon the names of either.
But this can l)e summed up ])y saying that it is now
generally admitted that absolute priority })elongs to
Newton, but that entire indei)endence and originality
characterize none the less the work of Leibniz, and
that the method of approacli and statement of the
THE MAN. 13
latter are the more philosophical and general, and,
to use the words of the judicious summary of Merz,
" Newton cared more for the results than the prin-
ciple, while Leibniz was in search of fundamental
principles, and anxious to arrive at simplifications
and generalizations."
' The death of Boineburg removed the especial rea-
sons for the return of Leibniz to Frankfurt, and in
1676 he accepted the position of librarian and pri-
vate councillor at the court of Hanover. It arouses
our interest and our questionings to know that on
his journey back he stopped at the Hague, and there
met face to face the other future great philosopher
of the time, Spinoza. But our questionings meet
no answer. At Hanover, the industries of Leibniz
were varied. An extract from one of his own let-
ters, though written at a somewhat later date, will
give the best outline of his activities.
"It is incredible how scattered and divided are
my occupations. I burrow through archives, inves-
tigate old writings, and collect unprinted manu-
scripts, with a view to throwing light on the history
of Brunswick. I also receive and write a countless
number of letters. I have so much that is new in
mathematics, so many thoughts in philosophy, so
many literary observations which I cannot get into
Bhape, that in the midst of my tasks I do not know
where to begin, and with Ovid am inclined to cry
out : ' My riches make me poor.' I should like to
give a description of my calculating-machine ; but
time fails. Above all else I desire to complete my
/4 Leibniz's new essays.
Dynamics, as I think that I have finally discovered
the true laws of material Nature, by whose means
problems about bodies which are out of reach of
rules now known may be solved. Friends* are
urging me to publish my Science of the Infinite,
containing the basis of my new analysis. I have
also on hand a new Characteristic, and many general
considerations about the art of discovery. But all
these works, the historical excepted, have to be
done at odd moments. Then at the court all sorts
of things are expected. I have to answer ques-
tions on points in international law ; on points
concerning the rights of the various princes in the
Empire: so far I have managed to keep out of
questions of private law. With all this I have had
to carry on negotiations with the bishops of Neustadt
and of Meaux [Bossuet], and with Pelisson and
others upon religious matters."
It is interesting to note how the philosophic spirit,
the instinct for unity and generality, showed itself
even in the least of Leibniz's tasks. The Duke of
Bninswick imposed upon Leibniz the task of draw-
ing up a genealogical table of his House. Under
Leibniz's hands this expanded into a history of the
House, and this in turn was the centre of an impor-
tant study of the German Empire. It was impossible
that the philosopher, according to whom every real
being reflected the whole of the universe from its
point of view, should have been able to treat even a
slight phase of local history without regarding it in
its relations to the history of the world. Similarly
THE MAN. 15
some miniBg operations in the Harz Mountains
called the attention of Leibniz to geological matters.
The result was a treatise called " Protogaa," in
which Leibniz gave a history of the development of
the earth. Not content with seeing in a Brunswick
mountain an epitome of the world's physical forma-
tion, it was his intention to make this an introduc-
tion to his political history as a sort of geographical
background and foundation. It is interesting to
note that the historical studies of Leibniz took him
on a three years* journey, from 1687 to 1690,
through the various courts of Europe, — a fact which
not only had considerable influence upon Leibniz
himself, but which enabled him to give stimulus to
scientific development in more ways and places than
one.
His philosophical career as an author begins for
the most part with his return to Hanover in 1690.
This lies outside of the scope of the present chapter,
but here is a convenient place to call attention to the
fact that for Leibniz the multitude of his other
duties was so great that his philosophical work was
the work "of odd moments." There is no syste-
matic exposition ; there are a vast number of letters,
of essays, of abstracts and memoranda published in
various scientific journals. His philosophy bears
not only in form, but in substance, traces of its hap-
hazard and desultory origin. Another point of
interest in this connection is the degree to which, in
form, at least, his philosophical writings bear the
impress of his cosmopolitan life. Leibniz had seen
16 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
tx>o much of the world, too much of coui*ts, for his
thoughts to take the rigid and unbending form of
geometrical exposition suited to the lonely student
of the Hague. Nor was the regular progression and
elucidation of ideas adapted to the later Germans,
almost without exception university professors,
suited to the man of affairs. There is everywhere
in Leibniz the attempt to adapt his modes of state-
ment, not only to the terminology, but even to the
ideas, of the one to whom they are addressed. There
is the desire to magnify points of agreement, to mini-
mize disagreements, characteristic of the courtier and
the diplomat. His comi>i*eheusiveness is not only
a comprehensiveness of thought, but of ways of ex-
position, due very largely, we must think, to his cos-
mopolitan education. The result has been to the
great detriment of Leibniz's influence as a syste
matic thinker, although it may be argued that it has
aided his indirect and suggestive influence, the ab-
sorption of his ideas l)y men of literature, by Goethe,
above all by Lessing, and his stimulating effect
upon science and philosophy. It is certain that the
attempt to systematize his thoughts, as was done by
Wolff, had for its result the disappearance of all
that was profound and thought-exciting.
If his philosophy thus reflects the manner of his
daily life, the occupations of the latter were informed
by the spirit of his philosophy. Two of the dearest
interests of Leibniz remain to be mentioned, — one,
the founding of academies ; the other, the reconciling
of religious organizations. The former testifies to
THE MAN. 17
his desire for comprehensiveness, unity, and organi-
zation of knowledge ; the latter to his desire for
practical unity, his dislike of all that is opposed and
isolated. His efforts in the religious direction were
twofold. The first was to end the theological and
political controversies of the time by the reunion of
the Protestant and Roman Catholic Churches. It
was a plan which did the greatest honor to the pacific
spirit of Leibniz, but it was predestined to failure.
Both sides made concessions, — more concessions
than we of to-day should believe possible. But the
one thing the Roman Catholic Church would not con-
cede was the one thing which the Protestant Church
demanded, — the notion of authority and hierarchy.
Indeed, it may be questioned whether the terms on
which Leibniy conceived of their reunion do not
point to the greatest weakness in his philosophy, —
the tendency to overlook oppositions and to resolve
all contradiction into differences of degree. Hardly
had this plan fallen through when Leibniz turned
to the project of a union of the Lutheran and Re-
formed branches of the Protestant Church. This
scheme was more hopeful, and while unrealized dur-
ing the life of our philosopher, was afterwards
accomplished.
It is noteworthy that even before Leibniz went to
Paris and to London he had conceived the idea of
a society of learned men for the investigation, the
system atization, and the publication of scientific
truth in all its varied forms, — a society which
should in breadth include the whole sphere of
18 Leibniz's new essays.
sciences, but should not treat them as so many iso-
lated disciplines, but as members of one system.
This idea was quickened when Leibniz saw the
degree in which it had already been realized in the
two great world-capitals. He never ceased to try to
introduce similar academies wherever he had influ-
ence. In 1700 his labors bore their fruit in one
instance. The Academy at Berlin was founded,
and Leibniz was its first, and indeed lif^-long,
president. But disappointment met him at Vienna,
Dresden, and St. Petersburg, where he proposed
similar societies.
Any sketch of Leibniz's life, however brief, would
be imperfect which did not mention the names at
least of two remarkable women, — remarkable in
themselves, and remarkable in their friendship
with Leibniz. These were Sophia, graiid-daughter
of James I. of England (and thus the link by
which the House of Brunswick finally came to
rule over Great Britain) and wife of the Duke of
Brunswick, and her daughter Sophia Charlotte,
wife of the first king of Prussia. The latter,
in particular, gave Leibniz every encouragement.
She was personally deeply interested in all theo-
logical and philosophical questions. Upon her
death-bed, in 1705, she is said to have told those
about her that they were not to mourn for her, as
she should now be able to satisfy her desire to
learn about things which Leibniz had never suf-
ficiently explained.
Her death marks the beginning of a period in
^IIE MAN. 19
Leibniz's life which it is not pleasant to dwell
upon. New rulers arose that knew not Leibniz.
It cannot be said that from this time till his death
in Hanover in 1716 Leibniz had much joy or sat-
isfaction. His best friends were dead; his po-
litical ambitions were disappointed ; he was sus-
pected of coldness and unfriendliness by the courts
both of Berlin and Hanover ; Paris and Vienna
were closed to him, so far as any wide influence
was concerned, by his rjeligious faith ; the con-
troversy with the friends of Newton still followed
him. He was a man of the most remarkable in-
tellectual gifts, of an energy which could be sat-
isfied only with wide fields of action ; and he found
himself shut in by narrow intrigue to a petty round
of courtly oflScialism. It is littlo wonder that the
following words fell from his lips : " Germany is
the only country in the world that does not know
how to recognize the fame of its children and to
make that fame immortal. It forgets itself ; it for-
gets its own, unless foreigners make it mindfnl of
its own treasures." A Scotch friend of Leibniz,
who happened to be in Hanover when he died, wrote
that Leibniz "was buried more like a robber than
what he really was, — the ornament of his country."
Such was the mortal end of the greatest intellectual
genius since Aristotle. But genius is not a matter
ta be bounded in life or in death by provincial
courts. Leibniz remains a foremost citizen in that
** Kingdom of Spirits " in whose formation he found
the meaning of the world.
20 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
CHAPTER II.
THE SOURCES OF HIS PHILOSOPHY.
I
WHAT is true of all men is true of phi-
losophers, and of Leibniz among them.
Speaking generally, what they are unconsciously
and funddmentally, they are through absorption of
their antecedents and surroundings. What they
are consciously and reflectively, they are through
their reaction upon the influence of heredity and
environment. But there is a spiritual line of de-
scent and a spiritual atmosphere ; and in speaking
of a philosopher, it is with this intellectual heredity
and environment, rather than with the physical,
that we are concerned. Leibniz was born into a
period of intellectual activity the most teeming
with ideas, the most fruitful in results, of any,
perhaps, since the age of Pericles. We pride «
ourselves justly upon the activity of our own cen-
tury, and in diffusion of intellectual action and
wide-spread application of ideas the age of Leibniz
could not compare with it. But ours is the age
of diffusion and application, while his was one of
fermentation and birth.
Such a period in its earlier days is apt to be
turbid and unsettled. There is more heat of fric-
tion than calm light. And such had been the cas«
THE SOURCES OF HIS PHILOSOPHY. 21
in the hundred years before Leibniz. But when he
arrived at intellectual maturity much of the crudity
had disappeared. The troubling of the waters of
thought had ceased ; they were becoming clarified.
Bacon, Hobbes, Descartes, each had crystallized •
something out of that seething and chaotic mass of
new ideas which had forced itself into European
consciousness. Men had been introduced into a
new world, and the natural result had been feelings
of strangeness, and the vagaries of intellectual
wanderings. But by the day of Leibniz the in-
tellectual bearings had been made out anew, the
new mental orientation had been secured.
The marks of this " new spiritual picture of the
universe" are everywhere to be seen in Leibniz.
His philosophy is the dawning consciousness of the
modern world. In it we see the very conception
and birth of the modern interpretation of the world.
The history of thought is one continuous testimony v
to the ease with which we become hardened to ideas
through custom. Ideas are constantly precipitating
themselves out of the realm of ideas into that of
ways of thinking and of viewing the universe. The
problem of one century is the axiom of another.
What one generation stakes its activity upon in-
vestigating is quietly taken for granted by the
next. And so the highest reach of intellectual
inspiration in the sixteenth century is to-day the
ordinary food of thought, accepted without an
inquiry as to its source, and almost without a sus-
picion that it has a recent historic origin. We have
"22 LEIBNIZ'S :ne\v essays.
to go to Bacon or to Leibniz to see the genesis and
growth of those ideas which to-day have become
materialized into axiomatic points of view and into
hard-and-fast categories of thought. In reading
Leibniz the idea comes over us in all its freshness
that there was a time when it was a discovery that
the world is a universe, made after one plan and
of one stuff. The ideas of inter-relation, of the.
harmony of law, of mutual dependence and cor-
respondence, were not always the assumed starting-
points of thought; they were once the crowning
discoveries of a philosophy aglow and almost in-
toxicated with the splendor of its far-reaching
generalizations. I take these examples of the unity
of the world, the continuity and interdependence of
all within it, because these are the ideas which come
to their conscious and delighted birth in the phi-
losophy of Leibniz. We do not put ourselves into
the right attitude for understanding his thought
until we remember that these ideas — the commonest
tools of our thinking — were once new and fresh,
and in their novelty and transforming strangeness
were the products of a philosophic interpretation
of experience. P^xcept in that later contemporary
of Leibniz, the young and enthusiastic Irish idealist,
Berkeley, I know bf no historic thinker in whom the
birth- throes (joyous, however) of a new conception
of the world are so evident as in Leibniz. But
while in Berkeley what we see is the young man
carried away and astounded by the grandeur and
simplicity of a *' new way of ideas" which he has
THE SOURCES OF HIS PHILOSOPHY. 23
discovered, what we see in Leibniz is the mature
man penett'ated throughout his being with an idea
which in its unity answers to the unity of the world,
and which in its complexity answers, tone to tone,
to the complex harmony of the world.
The familiarity of the ideas which we use hides
their grandeur from us. The unity of the world is
a matter of course with us ; the dependent order
of all within it a mere starting-point upon which
to base our investigations. But if we will put our-
selves in the position of Leibniz, and behold, not
the new planet, but the new universe, so one, so
linked together, swimming into our keii, we shall
feel something of the same exultant thrill that
Leibniz felt, — an exultation not indeed personal
in its nature, but which arises from the expansion
of the human mind face to face with an expanding
world. The spirit which is at the heart of the
philosophy of Leibniz is the spirit which speaks
in the following words : " Quin imo qui unam par-
tem materiae comprehenderet, idem comprehenderet
totum universum ob eandem ir^pLx^prp-iv quam dixi.
Mea principia talia sunt, ut vix a se invicem develli
possint. Qui unum bene novit, omnia novit." It
is a spirit which feels that the secret of the universe
has been rendered up to it, and which breathes
a buoyant optimism. And if we of the nineteenth
century have chosen to bewail the complexity of
the problem of life, and to run hither and thither
multiplying " insights" and points of view till this
enthusiastic confidence in reason seems to us the
24 LEIBNIZ'S XEW ESSAYS.
rashness of an ignorance which does not compre-
hend the problem, and the unity in which Leibniz
rested appears cold and abstract beside the mani-
fold richness of the world, we should not forget that
after all we have incorporated into oui* very mental
structure the fundamental thoughts of Leibniz, —
the thoughts of the rationality of the universe and
of the "reign of. law."
What was the origin of these ideas in the mind
of Leibniz ? What influences in*the philosophic suc-
cession of thinkers led him in this direction ? What
agencies acting in the intellectual world about him
shaped his ideal reproduction of reality? Two
causes above all others stand out with proniinence,
— one, the discoveries and principles of modern
physical science ; the otlier, that interpretation of
experience which centuries before had been formu-
lated by Aristotle. Leibniz has a double interest
for those of to-day who reverence science and- who
hold to the historical method. His philosophy was
an attempt to set in order the methods and prin-
ciples of that growing science of nature which even
then was transforming the emotional and mental
life of Europe ; and the attempt was guided every-
where by a profound and wide-reaching knowledge
of the history of philosophy. On the first point
Leibniz was certainly not alone. Bacon, Hobbes,
Descartes, Spinoza, each felt in his own way the
fructifying touch of the new-springing science, and
had attempted under its guidance to interpret the
facts of nature and of man. But Leibniz stood
THE SOURCES OF HIS PHILOSOPHY. 25
alone in his interest in the liistory of thought. He
stands alone indeed till he is greeted by his com-
peers of the nineteenth century. To Bacon pre-
vious philosophy — the .Greek, the scholastic — was
an " eidol of the theatre." The human mind must be
freed from its benumbing influence. To Descartes
it was useless rubbish to be cleared away, that we
might get a tabula rasa upon which to make a fresh
start. And shall Locke and the empirical English
school, or Reid and the Scotch school, or even Kant,
be the first to throw a stone at Bacon and Descartes ?
It was reserved to Leibniz, with a genius almost^
two centuries in advance of his times, to penetrate
the meaning of the previous development of re-
flective thought. It would be going beyond our
brief to claim that Leibniz was interested in this as
a historical movement, or that he specially concerned
himself with the genetic lines which connected the
various schools of thought. But we should come'
short of our duty to Leibniz if we did not recognize
his conscious and largely successful attempt to ap-
prehend the core of trftth in all systems, however
alien to his own, and to incorporate it into his
own thinking.
Nothing could be more characteristic of Leibniz
than his saying, "I find that most systems arc
right in a good share of that which they advance,
but not so much in what they deny ; " or than this
other statement of his, " We must not hastily be-
lieve that which the mass of men, or even of authori-
ties, advance, but each must demand for himself the
20 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
proofs of the thesis sustained. Yet long research
generally convinces that the old and received opin-
ions are good, provided they be interpreted justly."
It is in the profound union in Leibniz of the prin-
ciples which these quotations image that his abiding
worth lies. Leibniz was interested in affirmations,
not in denials. He was interested in securing the
union of the modern method^ the spirit of original
research and independent judgment, with the con-
served results of previous thought. Leibniz was a
man .of his times ; that is to say, he was a scien-
tific man, — the contemporary, for example, of men
as different as Bernouilli, Swammerdam, Huygens,
and Newton, and was himself actively engstged in
the prosecution of mathematics, mechanics, geology,
comparative philology, and jurisprudence. But he
was also a man of Aristotle's times, — that is to say,
a philosopher, not satisfied until the facts, principles,
and methods of science had received an interpreta-
tion which should explain and unify them.
Leibniz's acquaintance with the higher forms of
mathematics was due, as we have seen, to his ac-
quaintance with Huygens. As he made the acquain-
tance of the latter at the same time that he made
the acquaintance of the followers of Descartes, it
is likely that he received his introduction to the
higher developments of the scientific interpretation
of nature and of the philosophic interpretation of
science at about the same time. For a while, then,
Leibniz was a Cartesian ; and he never ceased to
call the doctrine of Descartes the antechamber of
THE SOURCES OF HIS PHILOSOPHY. 27
truth. What were the ideas which he received from
Descartes? Fundamentally they were two, — one
about the method of truth, the other about the
substance of truth. He received the idea that the
method of philosophy consists in the analysis of any
complex group of ideas down to simple ideas which
shall be perfectly clear and distinct ; that all such
clear and distinct ideas are true, and may then be
used for the synthetic reconstruction of any body
of truth. Concerning the substance of philosophic
truth, he learned that nature is to be interpreted
mechanically, and that the instrument of this me-
chanical interpretation is mathematics. I have used
the term " received " in speaking of tlie relation of
Leibniz to these ideas. Yet long before this time
we might see him giving himself up to dreams about
a vast art of combination which should reduce all
the ideas concerned in any science to their simplest
elements, and then combine them to any degree of
complexity. We have already seen him giving us a
picture of a boy of fifteen gravely disputing with
himself whether he shall accept the doctrine of forms
and final causes, or of physical causes, and as grave-
ly deciding that he shall side with the " moderns ; "
and that boy was himself. In these facts we have
renewed confirmation of the truth that one mind
never receives from another anything excepting the
stimulus, the reflex, the development of ideas which
have already possessed it. But when Leibniz, with
his isolated and somewhat ill-digested thoughts,
came in contact with that systematized and con-
28 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
nected body of doctrines which the Cartesians
presented to him in Paris, his ideas were quick-
ened, and he felt the necessity — that final mark
of the philosophic mind — of putting them in
order.
About the method of Descartes, which Leibniz
adopted from him, or rather formulated for himself
under the influence of Descartes, not much need be
said. It was the method of Continental thought till
the time of Kant. It was the mother of the philo-
sophic systems of Descartes, Leibniz, and Spinoza.
It was equally the mother of the German Aujklarung
and the French eclair cissement. Its fundamental
idea is the thought upon which Rationalism every-
where bases itself. It says : Reduce everything to
simple notions. Get clearness ; get distinctness.
Analyze the complex. Shun the obscure. Dis-
cover axioms ; employ these axioms in connection
with tlie simple notions, and build up from them.
Whatever can be treated in this way is capable of
proof, and only this. Leibniz, I repeat, possessed
this method in common witli Descartes and Spinoza.
The certainty and demonstrativeness of mathematics
stood out in the clearest contrast to the uncertainty,
the obscurity, of all other knowledge. And to them,
as to all before the days of Kant, it seemed beyond
doubt that the method of mathematics consists in
the analysis of notions, and in their synthesis through
the medium of axioms, which are true because iden-
tical statements ; while the notions are true because
clear and distinct.
THE SOURCES OF HIS PHILOSOPHY. 29
And yet the method led Leibniz in a very different
direction. One of the fundamental doctrines, for
example, of Leibniz is the existence everywhere
of minute and obscure perceptions, — which are of
the gi^eatest importance, but of which we, at least,
can never have distinct consciousness. How is
vhis factor of his thought, which almost approaches
mysticism, to ])e reconciled with the statements just
made? It is found in the different application
which is made of the method. The object of Des-
cartes is the erection of a new structure of truth upon
a tabula rasa of all former doctrines. The object
of Leibniz is the hUerpretation of an old body oj
truth by a method which shall reveal it in its clearest
light. Descartes and Spinoza are ''rationalists"
both in their method and results. Leibniz is a
" rationalist " in his method ; but his application of
the method is everywhere controlled by historic con- ^,
siderations. It is, I think, impossible to over-
emphasize this fact. Descartes was profoundly
convinced that past thought had gone wrong, and
that its results were worthless. Leibniz was as
^profoundly convinced that its instincts had been
right, and that the general idea of the world which
it gave was correct. Leibniz would have given the
heartiest assent to Goethe's saying, '' Das Wahre
war schon Inngst gef unden." It was out of the ques-
tion, then, that he should use the new method in any
other than an interpreting way to bring out in a
connected system and unity the true meaning of the
subject-matter.
1,
30 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
So much of generality for the method of Leibnk.
The positive substance of doctrine which he devel-
oped under scientific influence affords matter for
more discussion. Of the three influences which
meet us here, two are still Cartesian; the third is
from the new science of biology, although not yet
answering to that name. These three influences are,
in order: the idea that nature is to be explained
mechanically ; that this is to be brought about
through the application of mathematics ; and, from
biology, the idea that all change is of the nature of
^ continuous growth or unfolding. Let us consider
each in this order.
What is meant by the mechanical explanation of
nature ? To answer a question thus baldly put, we
must recall the kind of explanations which had satis-
fied the scholastic men of science. They had been
explanations which, however true, Leibniz sa^^s, as
general principles, do not touch the details of the
matter. The explanations of natural facts had been
found in general principles, in substantial forces, iu
occult essences, in native faculties. Now, the first
contention of the founders of the modern scientific
movement was that such general considerations are
not verifiable, and that if they are, they are entirely
aside from the point, — they fail to explain any
given fact. Explanation must always consist in
discovering an immediate connection between some
fact and some co-existing or preceding fact. Ex-
planation does not consist in referring a fact to a
general power, it consists in referring it to an ante-
THE SOURCES OF HIS PHILOSOPHY. 31
cedent whose existence is its necessary condition.
It was not left till the times of Mr. Huxley to poke
fun at those who would explain some concrete pheno-
menon by reference to an abstract principle ending
in — ity. Leibniz has his word to say about those
who would account for the movements of a watch
by reference to a principle of horologity, and of
mill-stones by a fractive principle.
Mechanical explanation consists, accordingly, in
making out an actual connection between two exist-
ing facts. But this does not say very much. A
connection of what kind ? In the first place, a con-
nection of the same order as the facts observed.
If we are explaining corporeal phenomena, we must
find a corporeal link ; if we are explaining phenom-
ena of motion, we must find a connection of motion.
In one of his first philosophical works Leibniz, in
taking the mechanical position, states what he means
by it. In the "Confession of Nature against the
Atheists " he says that it must be confessed to those
who have revived the corpuscular theory of Democ-
ritus and Epicurus, to Galileo, Bacon, Gassendi,
Hobbes, and Descartes, that in explaining material
phenomena recourse is to be had neither to God nor
to any other incorporeal thing, form, or quality,
but that all things are to be explained from the
nature of matter and its qualities, especially from
their magnitude, figure 9 and motion. The physics
of Descartes, to which was especially due the spread
of mechanical notions, virtually postulated the prob-
lem: given a homogeneous quantity of matter,
'S'2 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
endowed only with extension and mobility, to ac-
count for all material phenomena. Leibniz accepts
this mechanical view without reserve.
.What has been said suggests the bearing of math-
ematics in this connection. Extension and mobility
may be treated by mathematics. It is indeed the
business of the geometer to give us an analysis of
figured space, to set before us all possible com-
binations which can arise, assuming extension only.
The higher analysis sets before us the results which
inevitably follow if we suppose a moving point or
any system of movements. Mathematics is thus
the essential tool for treating physical phenomena
as just defined. But it is more. The mechanical
explanation of Nature not only requires such a de-
velopment of mathematics as will make it applica-
ble to the interpretation of physical facts, but the
employment of mathematics is necessary for the
very discovery of these facts. Exact observation
was the necessity of the growing physical tscience ;
and exact observation means such as will answer
the question, IIoiv much? Knowledge of nature de-
pends upon our ability to meamre her processes, —
that is, to reduce distinctions of quality to those gf
quantity. The only assurance that we can finally
have that two facts are connected in such a way as
to fulfil the requirements of scientific research, is
that there is a complete quantitative connection •
between them, so that one can be regarded as the
other transformed. The advance of physical sci-
ence from the days of Copernicus to the present
THE SOURCES OF HIS PHILOSOPHY. 33
has consisted, therefore, on one hand, in a develop-
ment of mathematics which has made it possible to
apply it in greater and greater measure to the dis-
cussion and foi-mulation of the results of experi-
ment, and to deduce laws which, when interpreted
physically, will give new knowledge of fact ; and,
on the other, to multiply, sharpen, and make pre-
cise all sorts of devices by which the processes of
nature may be measured. Tlie explanation of na-
ture by natural processes ; the complete application
of mathematics to nature, — these are the twov
thoughts which, so far, we have seen to be funda-
mental to the development of the philosophy of
Leibniz.
The third factor, and that which brings Leibniz
nearer, perhaps, our own day than either of the oth-
ers, is the growth of physiological science. Swam-
merdam, Malpighi, Leewenhoek, — these are names
which occur and recur in the pages of Leibniz.
Indeed, he appears to be the first of that now long
line of modern philosophers to be profoundly influ-
enced by the conception of life and the categories
of organic growth. Descartes concerned himself
indeed with physiological problems, but it was only
with a view to applying mechanical principle. The-
idea of the vital unity of all organs of the body
might seem to- be attractive to one fille(^ with the
notion of the unity of all in God, and yfet Spinoza
shows no traces of the influence of/the organic
conception. Not until Kant's famou^^ definition of
organism do we see another philosopher moved by
34 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
\aii attempt to comprehend the categories of living
stracture.
• UBut it is the idea of organism, of life, which is
radical to the thought of Leibniz. I do not think,
however, that it can truly be said that he was led to
the idea simply from the state of physiological in-
vestigation at that time. Rather, he had already
learned to think of the world as organic through
and through, and found in the results of biology
confirmations, apt illustrations of a truth of which
he was already thoroughly convinced. His writings
show that there were two aspects of biological sci-
ence which especially interested him. One was the
simple fact of organism itself, — the fact of the va-
rious activities of different organs occurring in com-
plete harmony for one end. This presented three
notions very dear to the mind of Leibniz, or rather
> three moments of the same idea, — the factors of
activity, of unity brought about by co-ordinated
action, and of an end which reveals the meaning of
the activity and is the ideal expression of the unity.
The physiologists of that day were also occupied
with the problem of growth. The generalization
that all is developed ab ovo was just receiving uni-
versal attention. The question which thrust itself
upon science for solution was the mode by which ova,
apparently homogeneous in structure, developed
into the various forms of the organic kingdom.
The answer given was "evolution." But evo-
lution had not the meaning which the term has
to-day. By evolution was meant that the whole
THE SOURCES OF HIS PHILOSOPHY. 35
complex structure of man, for example, was vir-
tually contained in the germ, and that the apparent
phenomenon of growth was not the addition of any-
thing from without, but simply the unfolding and
magnifying of that already existing. It was the
doctrine which afterwards gave way to the epigen-
esis theory of Wolff, according to which growth is
not mere unfolding or unwrapping, but progressive
differentiation. The " evolution " theory was the
scientific theory of the times, however, and was
warmly espoused by Leibniz. To him, as we shall
see hereafter, it seemed to give a key which would
unlock one of the problems of the universe.
Such, then, were the three chief generalizations
which Leibniz found current, and which most deeply
affected him. But what use did he make of them?
He did not become a philosopher by letting them
lie dormant in his mind, nor by surrendering him-
self passively to them till he could mechanically
apply them everywhere. He was a philosopher
only in virtue of the active attitude which his mind
took towards them. He could not simply accept
them at their face-value ; he must ask after the
source of their value, the royal stamp of meaning
which made them a circulatory medium. That is to
say, he had to interpret these ideas, to see what
they mean, and what is the basis of their validity.
Not many men have been so conscious of just the
bearings of their own ideas and of their source as
was he. He often allows us a direct glimpse into
the method of his thinking, and nowhere more than
36 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
when he says : *' Those who give themselves up to
the details of science usually despise abstract and
general researches. Those who go into universal
principles rarely care for particular facts. But I
equally esteem both." Leibniz, in other words, was
equally interested in the application of scientific
principles to the explanation of the details of nat-
ural phenomena, and in the bearing and meaning of
the principles themselves, — a rare combination, in-
deed, but one, which existing, stamps the genuine
philosopher. Leibniz substantially repeats this idea
when he says: "Particular effects must be ex-
' plained mechanically ; but the general principles of
physics and mathematics depend upon metaphy-
sics." And again: " All occurs mechanically ; but
the mechanical principle is not to be explained from
material and mathematical considerations, but it
flows from a higher and a metaphysical source."
As a man of science, Leibniz might have stopped
short with the ideas of mechanical law, of the ap-
plication of mathematics, and of the continuity of
development. As a philosopher he could not.
There are some scientific men to whom it. always
seems a perversion of their principles to attempt to
carry them any beyond their application to. the de-
tails of the subject. They look on in a bewildered
and protesting attitude when there is suggested the
necessity of any further inquiry. Or perhaps they
dogmatically deny the possibility of any such inves-
tigation, and as dogmatically assume the sufficiency
of their principles for the decision of all possible
THE SOURCES OF HIS PHILOSOPHY. 37
problems. But bewildered fear and dogmatic as-
sertion are equally impotent to fix arbitrary limits
to human thought. Wherever there is a subject
that has meaning, there is a field which appeals to
mind, and the mind will not cease its endeavors till
it has made out what that meaning is, and has made
it out in its entirety. So the three principles already
spoken of were but the starting-points, the stepping-
stones of Leibniz's philosophic thought. While to ,
physical science they are solutions, to philosophy
they are problems ; and as such Leibniz recognized
them. What solution did he give?
So far as the principle of mechanical explanation
is concerned, the clew is given by considering the
factor upon which he laid most emphasis, namely,
motion. Descartes had said that the essence of the
physical world is extension. " Not so" replied
Leibniz ; ^' it is motion." These answers mark two
typical ways of regarding nature. According to
one, nature is something essentially rigid and static ;
whatever change in it occurs, is a change of form,
of arrangement, an external modification. Accord-
ing to. the other, nature is something essentially
dynamic and active. Change according to law is
its very essence. Form, arrangement are only the
results of this internal principle. And so to Leibniz,
extension and the spatial aspects of physical exis-
tence were only secondary, they were phenomenal.
The primary, the real fact was motion.
The considerations which led him to this conclu-
sion are simple enough. It is the fact already men-
38 -LEIBNIZ^S NEW ESSAYS.
tioned, that explanation always consists in reducing
phenomena to a law of motion which connects them.
Descartes himself had not succeeded in writing his
physics without everywhere using the conception of
motion. But motion cannot be got out of the idea
of extension. Geometry will not give us activity.
What is this, except virtually to admit the insuffi-
ciency of purely statical conceptions ? Leibniz found
himself confirmed in this position by the fact that
the more logical of the followers of Descartes had
recognized that motion is a supei-fluous intruder, if
extension be indeed the essence of matter, and there-
fore had been obliged to have recourse to the imme-
diate activity of God as the cause of all changes.
But this, as Leibniz said, was simply to give up
■ the very idea of mechanical explanation, and to
fall back into the purely general explanations of
scholasticism.
" This is not the place for a detailed exposition of
the ideas of Leibniz regarding matter, motion, and
extension. We need here only recognize that he
saw in motion the final reality of the physical uni-
verse. But what about motion? To many, perhaps
the majority, of minds to-day it seems useless or
absurd, or both, to ask any question al>out motion.
It is simply an ultimate /oc^, to which all other facts
are to be reduced. We are so familiar with it as a
solution of all physical problems that we are con-
fused, and fail to recognize it when it appears in
the guise of a problem. But, I repeat, philosophy
cannot stop with facts, however ultimate. It must
THE SOURCES OF HIS I'UILOSOPHY. 39
also know something about the meaning, the signifi-
cance, in short the ideal bearing, of facts. From
the point of view of philosophy, motion has a cer-
tain function in the economy of the universe ; it is^
as Aristotle saw, something ideal.
The name of Aristotle suggests the principles
which guided Leibniz in his interpretation of the
fact of motion. The thought of Aristotle moves
about the two poles of potentiality and actuality.
Potentiality is not mere capacity ; it is being in an
undeveloped, imperfect stage. Actuality is, as the_
word suggests, activity. Anything is potehtial in
so far as it does not manifest itself in action ; it is ^
actual so far as it does thus show forth its being.
Now, movement, or change in its most general sense,
is that by which the potential comes to the realiza-
tion of its nature, and functions as an activity.
Motion, then, is not an ultimate fact, but is subor-
dinate. It exists for an end. It is that by which
existence realizes its idea ; that is, its proper type
of action.
Now Leibniz does not formally build upon these '
distinctions ; and yet he is not very far removed
from Aristotle. Motion, he is never weary of re-
peating, means force, means energy, means activity.
To say that the essence of nature is motion, is to
say that the natural world finally introduces us to
the supremacy of action. Reality is activity. Suh-
stance c*est V action. That is the key-note and the
battle-cry of the Leibnizian philosophy. Motion is-
that by which being expresses its nature, fulfils its
40 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
, purpose, reveals its idea. In short, the specific
scientific conception of motion is by Leibniz trans-
formed into the philosophic conception of force, of
activity. In motion he sees evidence of the fact
that the universe is radically dynamic.
In the applicability of mathematics to the inter-
pretation of nature Leibniz finds witness to the
continuity and order of the world. We have be-
come so accustomed to the fact that mathematics
may be directly employed for the discussion and
formulation of physical investigations that we for-
get what is implied in it. It involves the huge as-
sumption that the world answers to reason ; so that
whatever the mind finds to be ideally true may be
taken for granted to be physically true also. But
in those days, when the correlation of the laws of
the world and the laws of mathematical reasoning
was a fresh discovery, this aspect of the case could
not be easily lost sight of.
In fact it was this correlation which filled the
Zeitgeist of the sixteenth century with the idea that
it had a new organ for the penetration of nature, a
new sense for learning its meaning. Descartes gives
the following as the origin of his philosophy : ' ' The
long chains of simple and easy reasons which geom-
eters employ, even in their most complex demon-
strations, made me fancy that all things which are
the objects of human knowledge are similarly inter-
dependent " To Leibniz also mathematics seemed
to give a clew to the order, the interdependence, the
harmonious relations, of the world.
THE SOURCES OF HIS PHILOSOPHY. 41
In this respect the feeling of Plato that God
geometrizes found an echoing response in Leibniz.
But the latter would hardly have expressed it in the
same way. He would have preferred to say that
God everywhere uses the infinitesimal calculus. In
the applicability of the calculus to the discussion
of physical facts, Leibniz saw two truths reflected,
— that everything that occurs has its reason, its
dependent connection upon something else, and that
all is continuous and without breaks. While the
formal principles of his logic are those of identity
and contradiction, his real principles are those of
suflScient reason and of continuity. Nature never
makes leaps ; everything in nature has a sufficient
reason why it is as it is : these are the philosophic
generalizations which Leibniz finds hidden in the
applicability of mathematics to physical science.
Reason finds itself everywhere expressed in na-
ture ; and the law of reason is unity in diversity,
continuity.
Let us say, in a word, that the con-elation between
the laws of mathematics and of physics is the evi-
dence of the rational character of nature. Nature
may be reduced to motions ; and motions can be
understood only as force, activity. But the laws
which connect motions are fundamentally mathe-
matical laws, — laws of reason. Hence force, ac-
tivity, can be understood only as rational, as
spiritual. Nature is thus seen to mean Activity,
and Activity is seen to mean Intelligence. Further-
more, as the fundamental law of intelligence is the
42 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
production of difference in unity, the primary law
of physical change must be the manifestation of this
unity in difference, — or, as Leibniz interpreted it,
continuity. In nature there are no breaks, neither
of quantity nor of quality nor of relationship. The
full force of this law we shall see later.
Such an idea can hardly be distinguished from
the idea of growth or develbpment; one passes
naturally into the other. Thus it is equally proper
to say that the third scientific influence, the concep-
tion of organism and growth, is dominant in the
Leibnizian thought, or that this is swallowed up
and absorbed in the grand idea of continuity. The
law of animal and vegetable life and the law of the
universe are identified. The substance of the uni-
verse is activity ; the law of the universe is inter-
dependence. What is this but to say that the
universe is an organic whole? Its activity is the
manifestation of Jife, — nay, it is life. The laws of
its activity reveal that continuity of development,
that harmony ot inter-relation, which are everywhere
the marks of life. The final and fundamental notion,
therefore, by which Leibniz interprets the laws of
physics and mathematics is that of Life. This is
his regnant category. It is " that higher and meta-
physical source " from which the very existence and
principles of mechanism flow. The. perpetual and
ubiquitous presence of motion reveals the pulsations
of Life ; the correlation, the rationality, o'f these
motions indicate the guiding presence of Life. This
idea is the alpha and omega of his philosophy.
THE rROBLEiM, AND ITS SOLUTION. 43
CHAPTER III.
THE PROBLEM, AND ITS SOLUTION.
LEIBNIZ, like every great man, absorbed into
himself the various thoughts of his time,
and in absorbing transformed them. He brought
into a focus of brilliancy the diffused lights of
truth shining here and there. He summed up in a
pregnant and comprehensive category the scattered
principles of his age. Yet we are not to suppose
that Leibniz considered these various ideas one by
one, and then patched them into an artificial unity
of thought. Philosophies are not manufactured
piecemeal out of isolated and fragmentary thoughts ;
they grow from a single root, absorbing from their
environment whatever of sustenance offers itself,
and maturing in one splendid fruit of spiritual
truth. It is convenient, indeed, to isolate various
phases of truth, and consider them as distinct
forces working to shape one final product, and as a
convenient artifice it is legitimate. But it answers
to no process actually occurring. Leibniz never
surrendered his personal unity, and out of some
one root-conception grew all his ideas. The prin-
ciples of his times were not separate forces acting
upon him, they were the foods of which he selected
44 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
and assimilated such as were fitted to nourish his
one great conception.
But it is more than a personal unity which holds
together the thinking of a philosopher. There is
the unity of the problem, which the philosopher
has always before him, and in which all particular
ideas find their unity. All else issues from this
and merges into it. The various influences which
we have seen affecting Leibniz, therefore, got their
effectiveness from the relation which he saw them
-bear to the final problem of all thought. This is
the inquiry after the unity of experience, if we
look at it from the side of the subject ; the unity
of reality, if we put it from the objective side.
Yet each age states this problem in its own way,
because it sees it in the light of some difficulty
which has recently arisen in consciousness. At
one time, the question is as to the relation of the
one to the many ; at another, of the relation of
the sensible to the intelligible world ; at another,
of the relation of the individual to the universal.
And this last seems to have been the way in which
it specifically presented itself to Leibniz. This
way of stating it was developed, though apparently
without adequate realization of its meaning, by
the philosophy of scholasticism. It stated the
problem as primarily a logical question, — the re-
lation of genera, of species, of individuals to each
other. And the school-boy, made after the stamp
of literary tradition, knows that there were two
parties among the Schoolmen, — the Realists, and
THE PROBLEM, AND ITS SOLUTION. 45
the l^ominalists ; one asserting, the other denying,
the objective reality of universals. To regard this
discussion as useless, is to utter the condemnation of
philosophy, and to relegate the foundation of sci-
ence to the realm of things not to be inquired into.
To say that it is an easy matter to decide, is to as-
sume the decision with equal ease of all the prob-
lems that have vexed the thought of humanity. To
us it seems easy because we have bodily incor-
porated into our thinking the results of both the
realistic and the nominalistic doctrines, without at-
tempting to reconcile them, or even being conscious
of the necessity of reconciliation. We assert in
one breath that the individual is alone real, and in
the next assert that only those forms of conscious-
ness which represent something in the universe are
to be termed knowledge. At one moment we say
that universals are creations of the individual mind,
and at the next pass on to talk of laws of nature,
or even of a reign of law. In other words, we have
learned to regard both the individual and the uni-
versal as real, and thus ignoring the problem, think
we have solved it.
But to Leibniz the problem presented itself neither
as a logical question, nor yet as one whose solution
might be taken for granted. On the contrary, it
was just this question : How shall we conceive the
individual to be related to the universe? which
seemed to him to be the nerve of the philosophic
problem, the question whose right answer would
solve the problems of religion, of morals, of the
46 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
basis of science, as well as of the nature of reality.
The importance of just this way of putting the
question had been rendered evident by the prede-
cessors and contemporaries of Leibniz, especially by
Descartes, Spinoza, and Locke. His more specific
relations to the last-named will occupy us hereafter ;
at present we must notice how the question stood
at the hands of Descartes and Spinoza.
Descartes had separated the individual from the
universal. His philosophy began and ended with
a dualism. I have just said that the problem of phi-
losophy is the unity of experience. Yet we find that
there have been thinkers, and those of the first rank,
who have left the matter without discovering any
ultimate unity, or rather who have made it the bur-
den of their contention that we cannot explain the
world without at least two disparate principles. But
if we continue to look at the matter in this historical
way, we shall see that this dualism has always been
treated by the successors of such a philosopher, not
as a solution, but as a deeper statement of the prob-
lem. It is the function of dualistic philosophies to
re-state the question in a new and more significant
way. There are times when the accepted unity of
thought is seen to be inadequate and superficial.
Men are thrashing old straw, and paying themselves
with ideas which have lost their freshnes's and their
timeliness. There then arises a philosopher who
goes deep, beyond the superficial unity, and who
discovers the untouched problem. His it is to assert
the true meaning of the question, which has been
THE PROBLEM, AND ITS SOLUTION. 47
unseen or evaded. The attitude of dualism is thus
always necessary, but never final. Its value is not
in any solution, but in the generality and depth of the
problem which it proposes, and which incites thought
to the discovery of a unity of equal depth and com-
. prehensiveness.
Except for Descartes, then, we should not be con-
scious of the gulf that yawns between the individual
mind and the universe in front of it. He presented
the opposition as between mind and matter. The
essence of the former is thought ; of the latter, ex-
tension. The conceptions are disparate and opposed.
No interaction is possible. His disciples, more
consistent than their master, called in a deus ex
raachina^ — the miraculous intervention of God, —
in order to account for the appearance of recipro-
cal action between the universe of matter and the
thinking individual. Thus they in substance ad-
mitted the relation between them to be scientifically
inexplicable, and had recourse to the supernatural.
The individual does not act upon the universe to
produce, destroy, or alter the. arrangement of any-
thing. But upon the occasion of his volition God
produces a corresponding material change. The
world does not act upon the soul of the individual
to produce thoughts or sensations. God, upon oc-
casion of the external affection, brings them into
being. With such thoroughness Descartes per-
formed his task of separation. Yet the introduction
of the deus ex macldna only complicated the prob-
lem ; It introduced a third factor where two were
48 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
already too many. What is the relation of God to
Mind and to Matter ? Is it simply a third somewhat,
equally distinct from both, or does it contain both
within itself?
Spinoza attempted to solve the problem in the
latter sense. He conceived God to be the one sub-
stance of the universe, possessing the two known
attributes of thought and matter. These attributes
are one in God ; indeed, he is their unity. This is
the sole legitimate outcome of the Cartesian prob-
lem stated as Descartes would have it stated. It
overcomes the absoluteness of the dualism by dis-
covering a common and fundamental unity, and at
the same time takes the subject out of the realm
of the miraculous. For the solution works both
ways. It affects the nature of God, as well as of
extension and thought. It presents him to us,
not as a supernatural being, but as the unity of
thought and extension. In knowing these as they
are, we know God as he is. Spinoza, in other
words, uses the conception of God in a different
way from the Cartesians. The latter had treated
him as the God of theology, — a being supernatu-
ral ; Spinoza uses the conception as a scientific
one, and speaks of Dens sive Natura,
Leibniz recognized the unphilosophic character
of the recourse to a deus ex machina as clearly as
Spinoza, and yet did not accept his solution. To
find out why he did not is the problem of the his-
torian of thought. The one cause which stands out
above all others is that in the unity of Spinoza all
THE PROBLEM, AND ITS SOLUTION. 49
difference, all distinction, is lost. All particular
existence^, whether things or persons, are modes of
extension and thought. Their apparent existence
is due to the imagination, which is the source of be-
lief in particular things. When considered as they
really are, — that is, by the understanding, — they
vanish. The one substance, with its two unchanging
attributes of thought and extension, alone remains.
If it is a philosophic error to give a solution which
permits of no unity, is it not equally a philosophic
eiTor to give one which denies difference? So it
seemed to Leibniz. The problem is to reconcile
difference in unity, not to swallow up difference in
a blank oneness, — to reconcile the individual with
the universe, not to absorb him.
The unsatisfactoriness of the solution appears
if we look at it from another side. Difference
implies change, while a unity in which all variety
is lost implies quiescence. Change is as much an
illusion of imagination to Spinoza as is variety.
The One Reality is permanent. How repugnant the
conception of a static universe was to Leibniz we
have already learned. Spinoza fails to satisfy
Leibniz, therefore, because he does not allow the
conceptions of individuality and of activity. He
presents a unity in which all distinction of indi-
viduals is lost, and in which there is no room for
change. But Spinoza certainly presented the prob-
lem more clearly to Leibniz, and revealed more
definitely the conditions of its solution. The search
is henceforth for a unity which shall avoid the irre-
4
50 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
solvable dualism of Descartes, and yet shall allow
free play to the principles of individuality and of
activity. There must be, in short, a universe to
which the individual beai's a real yet independent
relation. What is this unity ? The answer, in the
phraseology of Leibniz, is the monad. Spinoza
would be right, said Leibniz, were it not for the
existence of monads. I know there are some who
have done Leibniz the honor of supposing that this
is his way of saying, " Spinoza is wrong because
I am right ; " but I cannot help thinking that the
saying has a somewhat deeper meaning. What,
then, is the nature of the monad? The answer to
this question takes us back to the point where the
discussion of the question was left at the end of
chapter second. The nature of the monad is life.
The monad is the spiritual activity which lives in
absolute harmony with an infinite number of other
monads.
Let us first consider the reasons of Leibniz for
conceiving th3 principle of unity as spiritual. Pri-
marily it is because it is impossible to conceive of a *
unity which is material. In the sensible world there
is no unity. There are, indeed, aggregations, col-
lections, which seem like unities ; but the very fact
that these are aggregations shows that the unity is
factitious. It is the very nature of matter to be in-
finitely divisible : to say this is to deny the existence
of any true principle of unity. The world of nature
is the world of space and time ; and where in space
or time shall we find a unity where we may rest?
THE PROBLEM, AND ITS SOLUTION. 51
Every point in space, every moment in time, points
beyond itself. It refers to a totality of which it is
but a part, or, rather, a limitation. If we add re-
sistance, we are not better situated. We have to
think of something which resists ; and to this some-
thing we must attribute extension, — that is to say,
difference, plurality. Nor can we find any resistance
which is absolute and final. There may be a body
which is undivided, and which resists all energy now
acting upon it ; Ibut we cannot fram« an intelligible
idea of a body which is absolutely indivisible. To
do so is to think of a body out of all relation to exist-
ing forces, something absolutely isolated ; while the
forces of nature are always relative to one another.
That which resists does so in comparison with some
opposing energy. The absolutely indivisible, on
the other hand, would be that which could not be
brought into comparison with other forces ; it would
not have any of the attributes of force as we know
it. In a word, whatever exists in nature is relative
in space, in time, and in qualities to all else. It is
made what it is by virtue of the totality of its rela-
tions to the universe ; it has no ultimate principle of
self-subsistent unity in it.
'Nor do we fare better if we attempt to find '
unity in the world of nature as a whole. Nature
has its existence as a whole in space and time. In-
deed, it is only a way of expressing the totality of
phenomena of space and time. It is a mere aggre-
gate, a collection. Its very essence is plurality,
difference. It is divisible without limit, and each
52 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
of its divisions has as good a right to be called one
as the whole from which it is broken off. We shall
consider hereafter Leibniz's idea of infinity ; but it
is easy to see that he must deny any true infinity to
nature. An ultimate whole made up of parts is a
contradictory conception ; and the idea of a quanti-
tative infinite is equally so. Quantity means number,
measure, limitation. We may not be able to assign
number to the totality of occurrences in nature, nor
to measure her every event. This shows that nature
is indefinitely greater than any assignable quantity ;
but it does not remove her from the category of
quantity. As long as the world is conceived as
that existing in space and time, it is conceived as
that which has to be measured. As we saw in the
last chapter, the heart of the mechanical theory of
the world is in the application of mathematics to it.
Since quantity and mathematics are correlative terms,
the natural world cannot be conceived as infinite or
as an ultimate unity. <
In short, Leibniz urges and suggests in one form
and another those objections to the mechanical
theory of reality which later German philosophers
have made us so familiar with. The objections are
indeed varied in statement, but they all come to the
impossibility of finding any unity, any wholeness,
anything except plurality and partiality in that
which is externally conditioned, — as everything is
in nature.
But the reasons as thus stated are rather negative
than positive. They show why the ultimate unity
THE PROBLEM, AND ITS SOLUTION. 53
cannot be conceived as material, rather than why it
must be conceived as spiritual. The immediate evi-
dence of its spiritual nature Leibniz finds in the
perception of the one unity directly known to us, —
the " me," the conscious principle within, which re-
veals itself as an active force, and as truly one, since
not a spatial or temporal existence. And this evi-
dence he finds confirmed by the fact that whatever
unity material phenomena appear to have comes to
them through their perception by the soul. What-
ever the mind grasps in one act, is manifested as
one.
But it is not in any immediate certainty of fact
that Leibniz finds the best or completest demonstra-
tion of the spiritual nature of the ultimate unity.
This is found in the use which can be made of the
hypothesis. The truest witness to the spiritual
character of reality is found in the capacity of this
principle to comprehend and explain the facts of ex-
perience. With this conception the reason of things
can be ascertained, and light introduced into what
were otherwise a confused obscurity. And, indeed,
this is the only suflBcient proof of any doctrine. It
is not what comes before the formulation of a theory
which proves it ; it is not the facts which suggest
it, or the processes whicli lead up to it : it is what
comes after the formation of the theory, — the uses
that it can be put to ; the facts which it will render
significant. The whole philosophy of Leibniz in its
simplicity, width, and depth, is the real evidence of
the truth of his philosophical principle.
54 Leibniz's" xew essays.
The monad, then, is a spiintual unity ; it is individ-
ualized life. Unity, activity, individuality, are syn-
onymous terms in'the vocabulary of Leibniz. Every
unity is a true substance, containing within itself the
source and law of its own activity. It is that which
is internally determined to action. It is to be con-
ceived after the analogy of the soul. It is an indi-
visible unity, like " that particular something in us
which thinks, apperceives and wills, and distin-
guishes us in a way of its own from whatever else
thinks and wills." Against Descartes, therefore,
Leibniz stands for the principle of unity; against
Spinoza, he upholds the doctrine of individuality, of
diversity, of multiplicity. And the latter principle
is as important in his thought as the former. Indeed,
they are inseparable. The individual is the tnie
unity. There is an infinite number of these indi-
viduals, each distinct from every other. The law
of specification, of distinction, runs through the
universe. •Two beings cannot be alike. They are
not individualized merely by their different positions
in space or time ; duration and extension, on the
contrary, ai-e, as we have seen, principles of rela-
tivity, of connection. Monads are specified by an
internal principle. Their distinct individuality is
constituted by their distinct law of activity. Leibniz
will not have a philosophy of abstract unity, repre-
senting the universe as simple only, he will have a
philosophy equal to the diversity, the manifold wealth
of variety, in the universe. This is only to say that
he will be faithful to his fundamental notion^ — that
THE PROBLEM, AND ITS SOLUTION. 55
of Life. Life does not mean a simple unity like a
mathematical one, it means a unity which is the
harmony of the interplay of diverse organs, each
following its own law and having its own function.
When Leibniz says, God willed to have more monads
rather than fewer, the expression is indeed one of
naivete^ but the thought is one of unexplored depth.
It is the thought that Leibniz repeats when he says,
' ' Those who would reduce all things to modifications
of one universal substance do not have sufficient re-
gard to the order ^ the harmony of reality." Leibniz
applies here, as everywhere, the principle of continu-
ity, which is unity in and through diversity, hot the
X>rinciple of bare oneness. There is a kingdom of
monads, a realm truly infinite, composed of individ-
ual unities or activities in an absolute continuity.
Leibniz was one of the first, if not the first, to use
just the expression ''uniformity of nature;" but
even here he explains that it means ''uniform in
variety, one in principle, but varied in manifes-
tation." The world is to be as rich as possible.
This is simply to say that distinct individuality as
well as ultimate unity is a law of reality.
But has not Leibniz fallen into a perilous po-
sition? In avoiding the monotone of unity which
characterizes tlie thought of Spinoza, has lie not
fallen into a lawless variety of multiplicity, infinitely
less philosophic than even the dualism of Descartes,
since it has an infinity of ultimate principles instead
of only two? If Spinoza sacrificed the individual
to the universe, has not Leibniz, in his desire to
56 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
emphasize the individual, gone to the other extreme?
Apparently we are introduced to a universe that is
a mere aggregate of an infinite multiplicity of
realities, each independent of every other. Such
a universe would not be a universe. It would be
a chaos of disorder and conflict. We come, there-
fore, to a consideration of the relation between
these individual monads and the universe. We
have to discover what lifts the monads out of their
isolation and bestows upon them that stamp of uni-
versality which makes it possible for them to enter
into the coherent structure of reality : in a word,
what is the universal content which the monad in
its formal individuality bears and manifests?
The way in which the question has just been
stated suggests the Leibnizian answer. The mo-
nad, indeed, in its form is thoroughly individual,
having its own unique mode of activity ; . but its
content, that which this activity manifests, is not
peculiar to it as an individual, but is the substance
or law of the universe. It is the very nature of
the monad to be representative. Its activity con-
sists in picturing or reproducing those _relations
which make up the world of reality. In jl conscious
soul, the ability thus to represent the_world is
called ''perception," and thus Leib niz attributes,
perception to all the monads. This is not to be
understood as a conscious representatio n of reality
to itself (for this the term " appercep tion " is re-
served) , but it signifies that the very essence of the
monad is to produce states which are notTts' own
THE PROBLEM, AND ITS SOLUTION. 57
peculiar possessions, but which reflect the facts and
relations j>f the. universe. Leibniz never wearies
in finding new ways to express this purely repre-
sentative character of the monad. The monads are
little souls ;_ thej^&ye_m\rrors jof the world ; t hey
are c oncentrations of the u nive rse, each expressin g
it in its own way ; borrowings a term fro m scho -
lastic ism, they are ^^ substantial forms." They are
substantial , for they are indepe nden t unitie s ; they
are forms, because the term " form" expresses, in
Aristotelian pbraseol ogv, the type or law ol^omfi
class of phenomena. The monad is an individual,
but its whole content, its objectivity or reality, is
the summation of the universe which it represents.
It is individual, but whatever marks it as actual
is some reproduction of the world. His recon-
ciliation of the principles of individuality and
universality is contained in the following words:
[T" Each monad contains within itself an order
corresponding to that of the universe, — indeed, the
monads represent the universe in an infinity of
ways, all dififerent, and all true, thus multiplying
the universe as many times as is possible, approach-
ing the divine as near as may be, and giving the
world all the perfection of which it is capable.*'
The monad is individual, for it represents reality in
its own way, from its own point of view. It is
universal, for its whole content is the order of the
universe.
New light is thus thrown upon the former state-
ment that reality is activity, that the measure of
58 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
v^a being is the action which it puts forth. That
statement is purely formal. It leaves the kind of
activity and its law wholly undetermined. But
this relation of '' representativeness " which we have
discovered gives definiteness. It is the law of the
monad's action to mirror, to reflect, the universe ;
its changes follow each other so as to Iwing about
this reflection in the completest degree ix)ssible.
The monad is literally the many in the one ; it is
the answer to the inquiry of Greek philosophy.
The many are not present by way of participation
in some underlying essence, not yet as statically
possessed by the one, as attributes are sometimes
supposed to inhere in a substratum. The " many"
is the manifestation of the activity of the '' one."
The one and the many are related as form and
content in an organic unity, which is activity. The
essenc.e of a substance, says Leibniz, consists in
tliat regular tencloiicy of action by which its phe-
nomena follow one another in a certain order ; and
that order, as he repeatedly states, is the order in
which the universe itself is arranged.
The activity of a monad may be advantageously
compared to that of a supposed atom, granting, for
the sake of the illustration, that there is such a thiug.
Each is iu a state of change : the atom changes its
place, the monad its representation, and each in the
simplest and most uniform way that its conditions
permit. How, then, is there such a similarity, such
a monotony, in the change of an atom, and such
variety and complexity in the change of a monad?
THE PROBLEM, AND ITS SOLUTION. 59
It is because the atom has merely parts, or ex-
ternal variety, while the monad has an internal
variety. Multiplicity is organically wrought into
its very being. It has an essential relation to all
things in the universe ; and to say that this rela-
tion is essential^ is to gay that it is Qng..whiclLXon-
stitutes its very content, its being. Hence the cause
of the changes of the monad, of their variety and
complexity, is one with the cause of the richness,
the profusion, the regulated variety of change in the
universe itself. While we have employed a com-
parison with atoms, this very comparison may serve
to show us the impossibility of atoms as they are
generally defined by the physicist turned philosopher.
Atoms have no internal and essential relation to the
world ; they have no internal connection witli any
one thing in the world : and what is this but to say
that they do not enter anywhere into the structure
of the world ? By their very conception they are for-
ever aliens, banished from any share or lot in the
realm of reality. The idea which Leibniz never
lets go, the idea which he always accentuates, is,
then, the idea of an individual activity which in
its continual change manifests as its own internal
content and reality that reality and those hiws of,
connection which make up the world itself.
We are thus introduced naturally to the concep- ;
tion which plays so large a part in the Leibnizian
philosophy, that of pre-established harmony. This
term simply names the fact, which we see" to be
fundamental with Leibniz, — the fact that, while
60 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
the form of every monad is individuality, a unique
principle of action, its content is universal, the very
being and laws of the world. For we must now
notice more explicitly what has been wrapped up in
the idea all along. There is no direct influence of
monads upon each other. One cannot affect another
causally. There is no actual interaction of one upon
another. Expressed in that figurative language
which was ever natural to Leibniz, the monads have
no windows by which anything can get in or out.
This follows, of course, from the mutual inde-
pendence and individuality of the monads. They
are a true democracy, in which each citizen has sov-
ereignty. To admit external influences acting upon
them is to surrender their independence, to deny
their sovereignty. But we must remember the other
half. This democracy is not after the Platonic con-
ception of democracy, in which each does as it
pleases, and in which there is neither order nor
law, but the extremest assertion of individuality.
What each sovereign citizen of the realm of reality
expresses is precisely law. Each is an embodiment
in its own way of the harmony, the order, of the
whole kingdom. Each is sovereign because it is
dynamic law, — law which is no longer abstract,
but has realized itself in life. Thus another way of
stating the doctrine of pre-established harmony is
the unity of freedom and necessity. Each monaid
is free because it is individual, because it follow^
the law of its own activity unhindered, unretarded,
by others ; it is self-determined. But it is self-
THE PROBI.EM, AND ITS SOLUTION. 61
determined to show forth the order, the harmony,
of the universe. There is nothing of caprice, of
peculiarity, in the content of the monad. It shows
forth order; it is organized by law; it reveals
the necessary connections which constitute the uni-
verse. The pre-established harmony is the unity of
the individual and the universe ; it is the organic
oneness of freedom and necessity.
We see still further what it means when we learn
that it is by this conception that Leibniz reconciles
the conceptions of physical and final causation.
There is no principle closer to the thought of Leibniz
than that of the equal presence and efficiency every-
where of both physical and final causes. Every fact
which occurs is susceptible of a mechanical and of
a rational explanation. It is necessarily connected
with preceding states, and it has a necessary end
which it is fulfilling. The complete meaning of this
principle will meet us hereafter ; at present we must
notice that it is one form of the doctrine of pre-
established harmony. All things have an end be-
cause they form parts of one system ; everything
that occurs looks forward to something else and
prepares the way for it, and yet it is itself mechani-
cally conditioned by its antecedents. This is only
another way of saying that there is complete har-
mony between all beings in the universe ; so that
each monad in fulfilling the law of its own existence
contributes to the immanent significance of the uni-
verse. The monads are co-ordinated in such a way
that they express a common idea. There is a plan
G2 LE1BNIZ*S NEW ESSAYS.
coinuiou to all, in which each has its own place.
All are making towards one goal, expressing one
purpose. The universe is an organism ; and Leib-
niz would have applied to it the words which Milne-
Edwards applied to the human organism, as I find
them quoted by Lewes : " In the organism every-
tliing seems to be calculated with one determined
result in view ; and the harmony of the parts does
not result from the influence which they exert upon
one another, but from their co-ordination under the
rule of a common force, a preconceived plan, a
pre-existent force.'' That is to say, the universe
is teleological, l)oth as a whole and in its parts;
for there is a common idea animating it and ex-
pressed by it ; it is mechanical, for this idea is
realized and manifested by the outworking of
forces.
It ought to be evident even from this imperfect
sketch that the Leibnizian theory of pre-established
harmony is not that utterly artificial and grotesque
doctrine which it is sometimes represented to be.
The phrase "pre-established harmony " is, strictly
speaking, tautologous. The term " pre-established "
is superfluous. It means " existent." There is no
real harmony which is not existent or pre-established.
An accidental harmony is a contradiction in terms.
It means a chaotic cosmos, an unordered order, a
lawless law, or whatever else is nonsensical.
Harmony, in short, means relation, means con-
nection, means subordination and co-ordination,
means adjustment, means a variety, which yet is
THE PROBLEM, AND ITS SOLUTION. 63
one. The Leibnizian doctriue is not a factitious
product of his imagination, nor is it a mechanical
scheme for reconciling a problem which has no exis-
tence outside of the bewildered brains of philoso-
phers. It is an expression of the fact that the
universe is one of order, of continuity, of unity ; it
is the accentuating of this doctrine so that the very
essence of reality is found in this ordered combina-
tion ; it is the special application of this principle
to the solution of many of the problems which '' the
mind of man is apt to run into/' — the questions of
the relation of the individual and the universal, of
freedoni and necessity, of the physical and ma-
terial, of the teleological and mechanical. We may
not be contented with the doctrine as he presents
it, we may think it to be rather a summary and
highly concentrated statement of the- problem than
its solution, or we may object to details in the carry-
ing out of the doctrine. But we cannot deny that
it is a genuine attempt to meet a genuine problem,
and that it contains some, if not all, of the factors
required for its adequate solution. To Leibniz must
remain the glory of being the thinker to seize upon
the perfect unity and order of the universe as its
essential characteristic, and of arranging his thoughts
with a view to discovering and expressing it.
We have but to notice one point more, and our
task is done so far as it serves to make plain the
standpoint from whicii Leibniz criticised Locke.
There is, we have seen, the greatest possible con-
tinuity and complexity in the realm of monads.
64 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
There is no break, quantitative nor qualitative. It
follows that the human soul has no gulf set between
it and what we call nature. It i6 only the highest,
that is to say the most active and the most repre- '
sentative, of all monads. It stands, indeed, at
the head of the scale, but not outside it. From
the monad which reveals its presence in that stone
which with blinded eyes we call dead, through that
which acts in the plant, in the animal, up to that of
man, there is no chasm, no interruption. Nay, man
himself is but one link in the chain of spiritual
beings which ends only in God. All monads are
souls ; the soul of man is a monad which represents
the universe more distinctly and adequately. The
law which is enfolded in the lower monads is de-
veloped in it and forms a part of its conscious
activity. The universe, which is confusedly mirrored
by the perception of the lower monad, is clearly
brought out in the conscious apperception of man.
The stone is representative of the whole world. An
all-knowing intelligence might read in it relations
to every other fact in the world, might see exem-
plified the past history of the world, and prefigured
the events to come. For the stone is not an isolated
existence, it is an inter-organic member of a system.
Change the slightest fact in the world, and in some
way it is affected. The law of the universe is one
of completed reciprocity, and this law must be
mirrored in every existence of the universe. In-
crease the activity, the representative power, until
it becomes turned back, as it were, upon itself,
THE PROBLEM, AND iTS SOLUTION. 65
until the monad not only is a mirror, but knows
itself as one, and you have man. The soul of man
is the world come to consciousness of itself. The
realm of monads in what we call the inorganic world
and the lower organic realm shows us the monad
let and hindered in its development. These realms
attempt to speak forth the law of their being, and
reveal the immanent presence of the universe ; but
they do not hear their own voice, their utterance is
only for others. In man the universe is manifested,
and is manifested to man himself.
66 LEIBNIZ'8 NEW ESSAYS.
CHAPTER IV.
LOCKE AND LEIBNIZ. — INNATE IDEAS.
THE reader, impatient of what may have seemed
an over-long introduction, has perhaps been
asking when he was to be brought to the subject
under consideration, — the relations of Leibniz to
Locke. But it has been impossible to come to this
question until we had formed for ourselves an out-
line of the philosophical position of Leibniz. No-
where in the " Nouveaux Essais" does Leibniz
give a connected and detailed exposition of his phi-
losophy, either as to his standpoint, his fundamental
principles, or his method.
Some preliminary view of his position is there-
fore a necessity. The demand for this preliminary
exposition becomes more urgent as we recognize
that Leibniz's remarks upon Locke are not a critique
of Locke from the standpoint of the latter, but are
the application of his own philosophical conclusions.
Criticism from within, an examination of a system
of thought with relation to the consistency and co-
herency of its results, the connection between these
results and the method professedly employed, inves-
tigation which depends not at all upon the position
of the critic, but occupies itself with the internal
relations of the system under discussion, — such
LOCKE AND LEIBNIZ. — INNATE IDEAS. 67
criticism is a product of the present century. What
we find in the " Nouveaux Essais " is a comparison
of the ideas of Locke with those of Leibniz himself,
a testing of the former by the latter as a standard,
their acceptance when they conform, their rejection
when they are opposed, their completion when they
are in partial harmony.
The value of this sort of criticism is likely to be
small and evanescent. If the system used as a
standard is meagre and narrow, if it is without
comprehensiveness and flexibility, it does not repay
after-examination. The fact that the " Nouveaux
Essais " of Leibniz have escaped the oblivion of the
philosophical criticism of his day is proof, if proof
still be needed, of the reasoned basis, the width of
grasp, the fertility of suggestion which characterize
the thought of Leibniz. But the fact that the criti-
cism is, after all, external and not internal has
made necessary the foregoing extended account of
his method and general results.
On the other hand, what of Locke? How about
him who is the recipient of the criticism? I assume
that no extended account of his ideas is here neces-
sary, and conceive myself to be justified in this
assumption by the fact that we are already better •
acquainted with Locke. This acquaintance, indeed,,
is not confined to those who have expressly studied
Locke. His thought is an inheritance into which
every English-speaking person at least is born.
Only he who does not think escapes* this inheritance.-
Locke did the work which be had to do so thoroughly
68 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
that every Englishman who will philosophize must
either build upon Locke's foundations, or, with con-
scious purpose, clear the ground before building for
himself. And it would be difficult to say that the
acceptance of Locke's views would influence one's
thought more than their rejection. This must not,
of course, be taken too literally. It may be that one
who is a lineal descendant of Locke in the spiritual
generations of thought would not state a single im-
portant truth as Locke stated it, or that those who
seek their method and results elsewhere have not
repudiated the thought of Locke as expressly be-
longing to him.
But the fundamental principles of empiricism : its
conception of intelligence as an individual pos-
session ; its idea of reality as something over
against and distinct from mind; its explanation
of knowledge as a process of action and reaction
between these separate things ; its account of our
inability to know things as they really are, — these
principles are congenital with our thinking. They
are so natural that we either accept them as axio-
matic, and accuse those who reject them of metaphys-
ical subtlety, or, staggered perchance by some of
their results, give them up with an effort. But it is
an effort, and a severe one ; and there is none of us
who can tell when some remnant of the conception
of intelligence as purely particular and finite will
catch him tripping. On the other hand^ we, realize
much better than those who have behind them a
Leibniz and a Kant, rather than a Locke and a Hume,
LOCKE AND LEIBNIZ. — INNATE IDEAS. 69
the meaning and the thorough -going necessity of the
universality of intelligence. Idealism must be in
some ways arbitrary and superficial to him who has
not had a pretty complete course of empiricism. ;
Leibniz seems to have been impressed with the
Essay on the Human Understanding at its first ap-
pearance. As early as 1696 we find him writing a
few pages of comment upon the book. Compared
with his later critique, these early " reflections " seem
colorless, and give the impression that Leibniz desired
to minimize his differences from Locke rather than
to set them forth in relief. Comparatively slight as
were his expressions of dissent, they appear to have
stung Locke when they reached him. Meantime
Locke's book was translated into French, and made
its way to a wider circle of readers. This seems to
have suggested to Leibniz the advisability of pur-
suing his comments somewhat further; and in the
summer of 1703 he produced the work which now
occupies us. A letter which Leibniz wrote at about
this time is worth quoting at large for the light which
it throws upon the man, as well as for suggesting
the chief points in which he differed from Locke.
Leibniz writes : —
" I have forgotten to tell you that my comments
upon the work of Locke are nearly done. As he
has spoken in a chapter of his second book about
freedom, he has given me an opportunity to dis-
cuss that ; and I hope that I ipay have done it in
such a way as will please you. Above all, I have
laid it upon myself to save the immateriality of the
70 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
soul, which Locke leaves doubtful. I justify also
the existence of innate ideas, and show that the soul
produces their ])erception out of itself. Axioms,
too, I approve, 'while Locke has a low opinion of
them. In contradiction to him, I show that the
individuality of man, through which he preserves
his identity, consists in the duration of the simple
or immaterial substance which animates him ; that
the soul is never without representations ; that there
is neither a vacuum nor atoms ; that matter, or the
passive principle, cannot be conscious, excepting
as God unites with it a conscious substance. We
disagree, indeed, in numerous other points, for I
find that he rates too low the noble pliilosophy of
the Platonic school (as Descartes did in part), and
substitutes opinions which degrade us, 'and which
may become hurtful to morals, though I am per-
suaded that Locke's intention was thoroughly good.
I have made these comments in leisure hours, when
I have been journeying or visiting, and could not
occupy myself with investigations requiring great
pains. The work has continued to grow under my
hands, for in almost every chapter, and to a greater
extent than I hid thought possible, I have found
matter for remark. You will be astonished when I
tell you that I have worked upon this as upon some-
thing which requires no great pains. But the fact
is, that I long ago established the general principles
of philosophic subjects in my mind in* a demon-
strative way, or pretty nearly so, and that they do
not require miic4i new consideration fx'om me,"
LOCKE AND LEIBNIZ. — INNATE IDEAS. 71
Leibniz goes on to add that he has put these
reflections in the form of a dialogue that they may
be more attractive ; has written them in the pop-
ular language, rather than in Latin, that they may
reach as wide a circle as the work of Locke ; and
that he hopes to publish them soon, as Locke is
already an old man, and he wishes to get them
before the public while Locke may still reply.
But unfortunately this last hope was destined to
remain unrealized. Before the work of revision
was accomplished, Locke died. Leibniz, in a letter
written in 1714, alludes to his controversy with
Locke as follows: " I do not like the thought of
publishing refutations of authors who are dead.
These should appear during their life, and be com-
municated to them." Then, referring to his earlier
comments, he says : " A few remarks escaped me,
I hardly know how, and were taken to England.
Mr. Locke, having seen them, spoke of them slight-
ingly in a letter to Molineux. I am not astonished
at it. We were somewhat too far apart in prin-
ciple, and that which I suggested seemed paradox-
ical to him." Leibniz, according to his conviction
here expressed, never published his " Nouveaux
Essais sur TEntendement Humain." Schaarschmidt
remarks that another reason may have restrained
him, in that he did not wish to carry on too many con-
troversies at once with the English people. He had
two on his hands then, — one with the Newtonians
regarding the infinitesimal calculus ; the other with
Bishop Clarke regarding the nature of God, of time
72 ' LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
and space, of freedom, and cognate subjects.
However, in 1765, almost fifty years after the
death of Leibniz, his critique upon Locke finally
appeared.
It is somewhat significant that one whose ten-
dency was conciliatory, who was eminently what
the Germans delight to call him, a "mediator,"
attempting to unite the varied truths which he found
scattered in opposed systems, should have had so
much of his work called forth by controversy.
Aside from the cases just mentioned, his other chief
work, the Theodicy, is, in form, a reply to Bayle.
Many of his minor pieces are replies to criticism or
are developments of his own thought with critical
reference to Descartes, Malebranche, and others.
But Leibniz has a somewhat different attitude
towards his British and towards his Continental
opponents. With the latter he was always in sym-
patliy, while they in turn gave whatever he uttered
a respectful hearing. Their mutual critiques begin
and end in compliments. But the Englishmen
found the thought of Leibniz "paradoxical" and
forced. It seemed to them wildly speculative, and
indeed arbitrary guess-work, without any special
reason for its production, and wholly unverifiable in
its results. Such has been the fate of much of the
best German thought since that time in the land of
the descendants of Newton and Locke. But Leib-
niz, on the other hand, felt as if he were dealing,
in philosophical matters at least, with foemen hardly
worthy of his steel. Locke, he says, had subtlety
LOCKE AND LEIBNIZ. — INNATE IDEAS. 73
and address, and a sort of svperficial metaphysics ;
but he was ignorant of the method of mathematics, —
that is to say, from the standpoint of Leibniz, of
the method of all science. We have already seen
that he thought the examination of a work which
had been the result of the continued labor of Locke
was a matter for the leisure hours of his courtly
visits. Indeed, he would undoubtedly have felt
about it what he actually expressed regarding his
controversy with Clarke, — that he engaged in it
* * Liidus et jocus, quia in philosophia
Omnia percepi atque animo mecum ante pei-egi. "
He regarded the English as superficial and without
grasp of principles, as they thought him over-deep
and over-theoretical.
From this knowledge of the external circum-
stances of the work of Leibniz and its relation to
Locke, it is necessary that we turn to its internal
content, to the thought of Leibniz as related to the
ideas of Locke. The Essay on the Human Under-
standing is, as the name implies, an account of the
nature of knowledge. Locke tells us that it origi-
nated in the fact that often, when he had been en-
gaged in discussions with his friends, they found
themselves landed in insoluble difficulties. This
occurred so frequently that it seemed probable that
they had been going at matters from the wrong side,
and that before they attempted to come to conclu-
sions about questions, they ought to examine the ca-
pacity of intelligence, and see whether it is fitted
74 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
to deal with siich questions. Locke, in a word, is
another evidence of that truth which lies at the
basis of all forms of philosophical thought, however
opposed they may be to one another, — the truth that
knowledge and reality are so organic to each other
that to come to any conclusion about one, we must
know something about the other. Reality equals
objects known or knowable, and knowledge equals
reality dissolved in ideas, — reality which has be-
come translucent through its meaning.
Locke's Essay is, then, an account of the origin,
nature, extent, and limitations of human knowledge.
Such is its subject-matter. What is its method?
Locke himself tells us that he uses the " plain his-
torical method.*' We do not have to resort to the
forcing of language to learn that this word " his-
torical " contains the key to his work. Every page
of the Essay is testimony to the fact that Locke
always proceeds by inquiring into the way and
circumstances by which knowledge of the subject
under consideration came into existence and into
the conditions by which it was developed. Origin
means with Locke, not logical dependence, but tem-
poral production ; development means temporal
succession. In the language of our day, Locke's
Essay is an attempt to settle ontological questions
by a psychological method. And as we have before
noticed, Leibniz meets him, not by inquiry into the
pertinence of the method or into the validity of
results so reached, but by the more direct way of
impugning his psychology, by substituting another
LOCKE AND LEIBNIZ. — INNATE IDEAS. 75
theory of the nature of mind and of the way in
which it works.
The questions with which the discussion begins
are as to the existence of innate ideas, and as to
whether the soul always thinks, — questions which
upon their face will lead the experienced reader of
to-day to heave a sigh* in memory of hours wasted
in barren dispute, and which will create a desire to
turn elsewhere for matter more solid and more
nutritive. But in this case, under the fonn which
the discussion takes at the hands of Leibniz, the
question which awaits answer under the meagre and
worn-out formula of " innate ideas " is the function
of intelligence in experience.
Locke denies, and denies with great vigor, the
existence of innate ideas. His motives in so doing
are practical and theoretical. He sees almost every
old idea, every, hereditary prejudice, every vested
interest of thought, defended on the ground that
it is an innate idea. Innate ideas were sacred, and
everything which could find no defence before
reason was an innate idea. Under such circum-
stances he takes as much interest in demolishing
them as Bacon took in the destruction of the
" eidols." But this is but a small portion of the
object of Locke. He is a thorough-going empiri-
cist; and the doctrine of innate ideas appears to
offer the greatest obstacle to the acceptance of the
truth that all the furnishing of the intellect comes
from experience. Locke's metaphors for the mind
are that it Is a blank tablet, an empty closet, an
76 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
unwritten book. The '' innate idea " is only a sen-
tence written by experience, but which, deified by a
certain school of philosophers, has come to be
regarded as eternally imprinted upon the soul.
Such, indeed, is Locke's understanding of the
nature of innate ideas. He conceives of them as
*' characters stamped^ as it were, upon the mind of
man, which the soul has received in its first being
and brings into the world with it ; " or they are
'' constant impressions which the souls of men
receive in their first beings." They are ''truths
imprinted upon the soul." Having this conception
of what is meant by " innate ideas," Locke sets
himself with great vigor, and, it must be confessed,
with equal success, to their annihilation.
His argument is somewhat diffuse and scattered,
but in substance it is as follows : Whatever is in
the mind, the mind must be conscious of. " To be
in the mind and not to be perceived, is all one as to
say that anything is and is not in the mind." If
there be anything in the mind which is innate, it
must be present to the consciousness of all, and, it
would seem, of all at all times, savages, infants,
and idiots incUided. And as it requires little phil-
osophical penetration to see that savages do not
ponder upon the -principle that whatever is, is ; that
infants do not dwell in their cradle upon the thought
of contradiction, or idiots ruminate upon that of
excluded middle, — it ought to be evident that such
truths cannot be innate. Indeed, we must admit,
with Locke, that probably few men ever come to
LOCKE AND LEIBKIZ. — INNATE IDEAS. 77
the explicit consciousness of such ideas, and that
these few are such as direct their miuds to the
matter with some pains. Locke's argument may be
summed up in his words: K these are not notions
naturally imprinted, how can they be innate ? And
if they are notions naturally im^jrinted, how can
they be unknown?
But since it may be said that these truths are in
the mind, but in such a way that it is only when
they are proposed that men assent to them, Locke
goes on to clinch his argument. If this be true, it
shows that the ideas are not innate ; for the same
thing is true of a large number of scientific truths,
those of mathematics and morals, as well as of
purely sensible facts, as that red is not blue, sweet
is not sour, etc., — truths and facts which no one
calls innate. , Or if it be said that they are in the
mind implicitly or potentially, Locke points out
that this means either nothing at all, or else that
the mind is capable of knowing them. If this is \
what is meant by innate ideas, then all ideas are :
innate ; for certainly it cannot be denied that the j
mind is capable of knowing all that it ever does
know, or, as Locke ingenuously remarks, " nobody
ever denied that the mind was capable of knowing /
several truths."
It is evident that the force of Locke's contention
against innate ideas rests upon a certain theory
regarding the nature of innate ideas and of the ,
relations of consciousness to intelligence. Besides
tills, there runs through his whole polemic the
78 Leibniz's new essays.
assertion that, after all, innate ideas are useless, as
experience, in the sense of impressions received
from without, and the formal action of intelligence
upon them, is adequate to doing all they are sup-
posed to do. It is hardly too much to say that the
nerve of Locke's argument is rather in this positive
assertion than in the negations which he brings
against this existence. Leibniz takes issue with
him on each of these three points. He has another
conception of the very nature of innate ideas ; he
denies Locke's opinions about consciousness; he
brings forward an opposed theory upon the relation
of experience to reason. This last point we shall
take up in a chapter by itself, as its importance ex-
tends far beyond the mere question as to the exist-
ence of ideas which may properly be called Innate.
The other two questions, as to the real character of
innate ideas and the relation of an idea^ to colsfious-
ness, afford material to occup(y us for the present.
The metaphor which Locke constantly uses is the
clew to his conception of innate ideas. They are
characters stamped or imprinted upon the mind,
they exist in the mind. The mind would be just
what it is, even if they had no existence. It would
not have quite so much " in " it, but its own nature
would not be changed. Innate ideas he conceiv es
as bearing a purely external relation t o mind. They
are not organic to it, nor necessary instrument s
through which it expresses itself ; .they are mec ham-
cally impressed upon it. But what the " intellec-
tual " school had meant by innate ideas was precisely
LOCKE AND LEIBNIZ. — INNATE IDEAS. 79
that the relation of ideas to intelligence is 7iot that of
passive holding or containing on the side of mind,
and of impressions or stamps on the side of the
ideas. Locke reads the fundamental category of
empiricism — mechanical relation, or external action !
— into the nature of innate ideas, and hence easily
infers their absurdity. But the object of the up-
holders of innate ideas had been precisely to deny
that this category was applicable to the whole of
intelligence. By an innate idea they meant an as-
sertion ^Jhaldynaralc relation _of intelligence and
some of^ its idea8_^ They meant to assert that intel-
ligence has a structure, which necessarily functions j
i n certa in ways^ While I^cke's highest conception i
of an innate idea was fRatTt must be something ready
made, dwelling in the mind prior to experience,
Leibniz everywhere asserts that it is a connection
and relation whTch forms the logical prius and th^
psychological basis of experience. He finds no
diflSculty in admitting all there is of positive truth in
■ Locke's doc trine ; namely, that we arenot conscious
of these Jnnate ideas until a period later thanthat in
which we are conscious of sensible facts, or, in many
cases, are not conscious of them at all. This prior-
ityln time of sensible experience to rational knowl-
edge, however, can become a reason for denying the
"innate" character of the latter only when we
suppose that they are two entirely different orders
of fact, one knowledge due ta experience, the other
knowledge alrea dy formed and existing in the mind
prior to " experience."
80 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
Leibniz's conception of the matter is brought out
when he says that it is indeed true that we be-
gin with particular experiences rather than with
general principles, but that the order of nature
is the reverse, for the ground, the basis of the par-
ticular truths is in the general ; the former being in
reality only instances of the latter../ General prin-
ciples, he says, enter into all our thoughts, and form
their soul and interconnection. They are as neces-
sary for thouglit as muscles and tendons are for
walking, although we may not be conscious of their
existence. This side of the teaching of Leibniz
consists, accordingly, in the assertion tliat " innate **
knowledge and knowledge derived from experience
are not two kinds of knowledge, but rather two
ways of considering it. If we consider it as it
comes to us, piecemeal and . fragmentary, a succes-
sion of particular instances, to be gathered up at a
future time into, general principles, and stated in a
rational form, it is seen as empirical. But, after all,
this is only a superficial and external way of looking
at it. If we examine into it we shall see that there
are contained in these transitory and particular ex-
periences certain truths more general and funda-
mental, which condition them, and at the same time
constitute their meaning.
If we inquire into the propriety of calling these
truths " innate," we find it is because they are na-
tive to intelligence, and are not acquisitions which
it makes. Indeed, it may be said that they are in-
telligence, so close and organic is their relation,
LOCKE AND LEIBNIZ. — INNATE IDEAS. 81
juSt as the muscles, the tendons, the skeleton, are
the body. Thus it is that Leibniz accepts the state-
ment. Nihil est in intellectu quod nonfaerit in sensu,
with the addition of the statement n/s/ ipse intellec-
tus. The doctrine of the existence of innate ideas
is thus shown to mean that intelligence exists with
a real content which counts for something in the
realm of experience. If we take intelligence and
examine into its structure and ascertain its modes
of expression, we find organically inherent in its
activity certain conceptions like unity, pow^er, sub-
stance, identity, etc., and these we call " innate."
An idea, in short, is no longer conceived as some-
thing existing in the mind or in consciousness ; it is
an activity of intelligence. An innate idea is a
necessary activity of intelligence ; that is, such
an activity as enters into the framework of all
experience.
Leibniz thus succeeds in avoiding two errors into
which philosophers whose general aims are much
like his have fallen. One is dividing a priori and
a posteriori trutlis from each other by a hard and
fixed line, so that we are conceived to have some
knowledge which comes wholly from experience,
while there is another which comes wholly from rea-
son. According to Leibniz, there is no thought so
abstract that it does not have its connection with a
sensible experience, or rather its embodiment in it.
And, on the other hand, there is no experience so
thoroughly sensuous that it does not bear in itself
traces of its origin in reason. ^'All our thoughts
82 Leibniz's new essays.
come from the depths of the soul," says Leibniz;
there are none that "come "to us from without.
The other error is the interpretation of the existence
of innate ideas or " intuitions " (as this school gen-
erally calls them) in a purely formal sense. They
are thus considered as truths contained in and some-
how expressed by intelligence^ but yet not so con-
nected with it that in knowing them we necessarily
know intelligence itself. They are considered rather
as arbitrary determinations of truths by a power
whose own nature is conceivably foreign to truth,
than as so many special developments of an activity
which may indifferently be called "intelligence" or
" truth." Leibniz, however, never fails to state that
an innate truth is, after all, but one form or aspect
of the activity of the mind in knowing.
In this way, by bringing to light a deeper and
richer conception of what in reality constitutes an
innate idea, Leibniz answers Locke. His reply is
indirect ; it consists rather in throwing a flood of
new light upon the matter discussed, than in a pon-
derous response and counter-attack. But when
Leibniz touches upon the conception of a tabtUa
rasa, of a mind which in itself is a mere blank, but
has the capacity for knowing, he assumes the offen-
sive. The idea of a bare capacity, a formal faculty,
of power which does not already involve some actual
content within itself, he repudiates as a relic of
scholasticism. What is the soul, which has nothing
until it gets it from without? The doctrine of a
vacuum, an emptiness which is real, is always absurd ;
LOCKE AND LEIBNIZ. — INNATE IDEAS. 83
and it is doubly so when to this vacuum is ascribed
powers of feeling and thinking, as Locke does. Ac-
cepting for the moment the metaphor of a tabula
rasa^ Leibniz asks where we shall find a tablet which
yet does not have some quality, and which is not a
co-operating cause, at least, in whatever eflPects are
produced upon it? The notion of a soul without
thought, an empty tablet of the soAl, he says, is one
of a thousand fictions of philosophers. He com-
pares it with the idea of '' space empty of matter,
absolute uniformity or homogeneity, perfect spheres
of the second element produced by primordial perfect
cubes, abstractions pure and simple, to which our
ignorance and inattention give birth, but of which
reality does not admit." If Locke admits then
(as he does) certain capacities inherent in the soul,
ke cannot mean the scholastic fiction of bare ca-
pacity or mere possibility ; he must mean " real
possibilities," — that is, capacities accompanied with
some actual tendency, an inclination, a disposition,
an aptitude, a preformation which determines our
soul in a certain direction, and which makes it ne-
cessary that the possibility becomes actual. And this
tendency, this actual inclination of intelligence in
one way rather than another, so that it is not a
matter of indifference to intelligence what it pro-
duces, is precisely what constitutes an innate idea.
So Leibniz feels certain that at bottom Locke must
agree with him in this matter if the latter is really in
earnest in rejecting the '* faculties" of the scholastics
and in wishing for a real explanation of knowledge.
84 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
But the argument of Locke rests upon yet another
basis. He founds his denial of innate ideas not
only upon a static conception of their ready made
existence ''in" the soul, but also upon an equally
mechanical conception of consciousness. "Nothing
can be in the mind which is not in consciousness."
This statemeilt appears axiomatic to Locke, and by
it he would settle the whole discussion. Regarding
it, Leibniz remarks that if Locke has such a preju-
clice as this, it is not surprising that he rejects innate
ideas. But consciousness and mental activity are
not thus, identical. To go no farther, the mere
empirical fact of memory is sufficient to show the
falsity of such an idea. Memory reveals that we
have an indefinite amount of knowledge of which
we are not always conscious. Rather than that
knowledge and consciousness are one, it is true
that actual consciousness only lays hold of an
infinitesimal fraction of knowledge. But Leibniz
does not rely upon the fact of memory alone. We
must constantly keep in mind that to Leibniz the
soul is not a form of being wholly separate from
nature, but is the culmination of the system of
reality. The reality is everywhere the monad, and
the soul is the monad with the power of feeling,
remembering, and connecting its ideas. The activ-
ities of the monad, those representative changes
which sum up and symbolize the universe, do not
cease when we reach the soul. They are continued.
If the soul has the power of attention, they are
potentially conscious. Such as the soul actually
LOCKE AND LEIBNIZ. — INNATE IDEAS. 85
attends to, thus giving them relief and making
them distinct, are actually conscious. But all of
them exist.
Thus it is that Leibniz not only denies the equiva-
lence of soul and consciousness, but asserts that I
the fundamental error of the psychology of the |
Cartesians (and here, at least, Locke is a Cartesian) 1
is in identifying them. He asserts that " uncon-
scious ideas " are of as great importance in psychol-
ogy as molecules are in physics. ' They are the link /
between unconscious nature and the conscious soul. I
Nothing happens all at once ; nature never makes
jumps.; these facts stated in the law of continuity
necessitate the existence of activities, which may
be called ideas, since they belong to the soul and
yet are not in consciousness.
When, therefore, Locke asks how an innate idea
can exist and the soul not be conscious of it, the
answer is at hand. The "innate idea" exists as
an activity of the soul by which it represents — that
is, expresses — some relation of the universe, al-
though we have not yet become conscious of what
is contained or enveloped in this activity. To be-
come conscious of the innate idea is to lift it from
the sphere of nature to the conscious life of spirit.
And thus it is, again, that Leibniz can asseil; that all
ideas whatever proceed from the depths of the soul.
It is because it is the very being of the soul as a
monad to reflect " from its point of view " the world.
In this way Leibniz brings the discussion regarding
innate ideas out of the plane of examination into a
80 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
matter of psychological fact into a consideration
of the essential nature of spirit. An innate idea
is now seen to be one of the relations by which the
soul reproduces some relation which constitutes the
universe of reality, and at the same time realizes its
own individual nature. It is one reflection from
that spiritual mirror, the soul. With this enlarged
and transformed conception of an idea apt to be so
meagre we may well leave the discussion. There
has been one mind at least to which the phrase
"innate ideas" meant sometliing worth contending
for, because it meant something real.
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE. 87
CHAPTEE V.
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE.
A CAREFUL study of the various theories which
have been held concerning sensation would
be of as much interest and importance as an in-
vestigation of any one point in the range of phi-
losophy. In the theory of a philosopher about
sensation we have the reflex of his fundamental
categdry and the clew to his further doctrine.
Sensation_jtanda_ on _Jthe.. border-line between the
world of nature and the realm of soul ; and every
advanc e in scienc ca^ every development of philos-
ophy, leaves its unpress jn a change in the theory
of se nsation. Apparently one of the simplest and
most superficial of questions, in reality it is one of
the most difficult and far-reaching. At first sight
it seems as if it were a. sufldcient account of sensa-
tion to say that an object affects the organ of sense,
and thus impresses upon the mind the quality which
it possesses. But this simple statement arouses a
thi'ong of further questions : How is it possible
that one substance, — matter, — should affect an-
other, — mind ? How can a causal relation exist
between them? Is the mind passive or active in
this impression? How can an object convey un-
changed to the mind a quality which it possesses ?
88 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
Or is the sensational quale itself a product of the
mind's activity? If so, what is the nature of the ob-
ject which excites the sensation ? As known, it is
only a icollection of sensuous qualities ; if these
are purely mental, what becomes of the object?
And if there is no object really there, what is it
that excites the sensation? Such questionings
might be continued almost indefinitely; but those
given are enough to show that an examination of
the nature and origin of sensation introduces us to
the problems of the relation of intelligence and the
world ; to the problem of the ultimate constitution
of an object which is set over against a subject
and which affects it ; and to the problem of the
nature of mind, which as thus affected from with-
out must be limited in its nature, but which as
bearer of the whole known universe must be in
some sen^e infinite. If we consider, not the mode
of production of sensation, but its relation to knowl-
edge, we find philosophical schools divided into two,
— Sensationalists, and Rationalists. If we inquire
into its functions, we find that the empiricist sees
in it convincing evidence of the fact that all knowl-
edge originates from a source extra mentem; that
the intellectual idealist finds in it evidence of the
gradual transition of nature into spirit; that the
ethical idealist, like Kant and Fichte, sees in it
the material of the phenomenal world, which is
necessary in its opposition to the rational sphere
in order that there may occur that conflict of pure
law and sensuous impulse which alone makes mo-
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE. 89
rality possible. We thus, realize that as we look
at the various aspects of sensation, we are taken
into the discussion of ontology, of the theory of
knowledge and of ethics.
Locke virtually recognizes the extreme importance
of the doctrine of sensation, and his second book
might almost be entitled " Concerning the Nature
and Products of Sensation." On the other hand,
one of the most characteristic and valuable portions
of the reply of Leibniz is in his development of
a theory of sensation which is thoroughly new,
except as we seek for its germs in its thoughts of
Plato and Aristotle. Acc ording to Locke, know l-
edge origin ates from two s o iirces, — sensatiop an d
reflection. Sen^atu)ns_are .^'.tbe impressions made
on our senses by outward objects thjitjare extrinsic
tothemind." V VKen th e mind ''comes to reflect
on its own operations about the^ ideas got by sen-
sation, and thereby stores itself with a new set of
ideas," jt..gfita ideas. of reflection.
If we leave out of account for the present the
ideas of reflection, we find that the ideas which come
through sensation have two main characteristics.
First, in having sensations, the mind is passive ;
its^parTis purely. Xficeptiye. The objects impress
themselves upon the mind, they obtrude into con-
sciousness, whether the mind will or not. There is
a purely external relation existing between sensa-
tion and the understanding. Jlhe ideas are offered
to the mind, and the understanding cannot refuse
to have them, cannot change them, blot them out,
V
00 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
nor create them, any more than a mirror can refuse,
alter, or obliterate the images wbich objects produce
in it. Sensation, in short, is a purely passive hav-
ing of ideas. Secondly, every sensation is gimpk.
Locke woul d say of sensati ons what Hume said of
all ideas j» — every distinct sensation is a separat e
existence. Every sensation is '_^|jncomp6undedj
containing nothing but one uniform appearance,
not being distinguishable into different ideas ."
Knowledge is hencefo rth a process o f compoun d-
ing, of repeating , com paring, and uniting -sensa-
tion. Man's understanding '' ly ach es no _ further
than to compound and divide the materials that
are made to his hand."
IthardW need be s aid that Locke has p-eat diffi -
culty in keeping up this t horoughly ['atomic theory y
of mind. It is a theory w hich makes all relations
external ; they are, as Locke afterwards says, " su-
perinduced" upon the facts. It makes it impos-
sible to account for any appearance of unity and
connection among ideas, and Locke quietly, and
without any consciousness of the contradiction in-
volved, introduces certain inherent relations into the
structure of the ideas when he comes to his construc-
tive work. '' Existence and unity are two ideas," he
says, ''that are suggested to the understanding by
every object without, and every idea within."
At other places he introduces the idea of quality
of a substance, effect of a cause, continued per-
manence or identity into a sensation, as necessary
constituents of it ; thus making a sensation a unity
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE. 91
*
of complex elements instead of an isolated bare
notion. How far he could have got on in his ac-
count of knowledge without this surreptitious qual-
ifying of a professedly simple existence, may be
seen by asking what would be the nature of a sen-
sation which did not possess existence and unity,
and 'Which was not conceived as the quality of a
thing or as the effect of an external reality.
This digression has been introduced at this point
because the next character of a sensation which
Locke discusses is its objective character, — its re-
lation to the object which produces it. T o discours e
of our_ideas_intfilligiblyt ^- says,, it will be con-
venient to distinguish them as they are ideas in our
minds and as they are modifications of matter in
flie bodies_ that cause them. In other words, h&
gives ujg all thought of considering ideas as simply
mental modifications, and finds it necessary to take
thenTTn their jrelations to objects.
Taking them in this way, he finds that they are
to be divided into two classes, of which one contains
those ideas that are copies and resemblances of
qualities in the objects, ideas "which are really in
the object, whether we take notice of them or no," —
in which case we have an idea of the thing as it is
in itself ; while the other class contains those which
are in no way resemblances of the objects which
produce them, "having no more similitude than
the idea of pain and of a sword." Thejbrmer. are^
EEH^-^^ qualities^ aud.are solidity, extensiou^jagure,
motion or rest, and number ; while the secondary
92 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
1^12^1 i tips ftrp junio rs, SDiells, and tastes. The form er
ideas are produced by jinpulse of the bodie sjthem-
selvesj wliich_simply eff ect a trans fe rence of thei r
qualities over into the mi nd ; wh ile the secoq(Ift.ry
qualities are arbitrarily annexed byjhe ^power of
God to the objects whlphjex^iltfi, them .
It will be noticed that there are two elements
which make the sensation of Locke what it is.
With reference to its production^ it is the effect
which one substance, matter, has upon another sub-_
stance, mind, which is unlike it in nature, and be-
tween which whatever relations exist, are thoroughly
incomprehensible, so that, indeed, their connections
with each other can be understood only by recourse
to a tertium quid,, an omnipotent power jyjiich can
arl)itrarily produce such collocations as^please it.
With reference to its function, it is the isolated
and " simple" (that is, non-relational) element out
of which all actual forms of knowledge are made by
composition and re-arrangement.
Leibniz, without entering into explicit criticism of
just these two points, develops his own theory with
^reference to them. ' To Leibniz, .rgj^Jj^^^^^^^^^^^s
' a system ; that is, it is of such a nature that its
vai'ious_portions have an es sential and not merel }^
external relation to one another. Sensation is of
course no exception. It is n ot a mere acciden t,
nor yet a supernatural yoking of things naturally
opposed. It has a meaning in that con nection of
things which constitute the universe. It contri-
butes to the significance of the world. It is one
f J
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE. 93
way in whic h those activities which make the real
express themselves , ^tjias its place or reason in
the totality of things, and this wTiether wejcqnsider
its origin or its poaiijoji wi th regard to knowled g e.
In a jword, while the characteristic gf Locke's theory /
is that he conceives sensation as^iiijextgrnal rela-
tion both .to reality, as mechanical ly produce d by
it, ^nd. ta knowlfcdgg^. ag bgiog^Ifler gly ope o f tlie
atomic elements which may enter into a compound,
Leibnizj'egards re ality as organi c to sensat ion, and
this in turn as organic to knowledge . We have^
here simply an illustration of the statement with
which we set out; namely, that the treatment of
sensation always reflects the fundamental philoso-
phical category of the p'hilosopher.
AH reality e xists in the for m of monads LJ no-
nadsjire «mii p] ^ »" ^^^^ " ^'^« ^hogg. r.^^j^Hl J " J" C^L"^" »
this acti on consists in representin g, a ccording to a
certain law of succession, the universe. Various
mo nads have various degrees of activity ; that is^
nf thfi pnwf^r nf rpflpotingr^bp ^orld. So much of
Leibniz's general philosophical attitude it is neces-
sary to recall, to understand what he means by
^^ sensation ..", The generic name which is applied
to this mirroring activity of the monads is "per-
ception," which, as Leibniz often says, is to be care-
fully distinguished from apperception^ which ij Jhe
representation become conscious. P ercept ion maj^
be defined, therefore, as the inclusion of the man y
nr mnlfjforrn^jio wnrhl of objppts) [ji XLUnitj (the
Simple substance) . It was the_great defect of pre-
94 Leibniz's new essays.
vio us phi losophy that it '^ co nsi dered onl y jpirits or
self-conscious beings as souls, ^' and had conse-
quently recognized only co nscious perceptions . It
had been o bl iged, therefore, to make an impassable
gulf between mind and^ matter, and se nsations were.
thus rendered inexplicable. But Leibniz finds his
function as a philosopher in showing that these prob-
lems, which seem insoluble, arise when we insist
upon erecting into actual separations or differences
of kind what really are only stages of develop-
ment or differences of degree. A sensation is not
an effect which one substance impresses upon
another because God pleased that it should, or
because of an incomprehensible incident^ in the
original constitution of tilings. It is a higher
development of that representative power which
belongs to every real being. ^'
Certain monads reach a state of development,
or manifestation of activity, which is characterized
by the possession of distinct organs. Such monads
may be called, in a pre-eminent sense, " souls," and
include all the higher animals as well as man. This
possession of differentiated organs finds its analogue
in the internal condition of the monad. What ap-
pears externally as an organ of sense appears
ideally as a conscious representative state which we
call '' sensation." '' When," Leibniz says, " thejno-
nad has its organs so developed tha t there is relief
and differentiation in the impressions re ceived, and
consequently in the i)erceptions which represent
them, we have feeling or sensation ; that is, a per-
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE. 95
ception ac companied by memo ry," to which at other
times he adds "attention." Life, he says, "is ^-
a perceptive principle; the soul is sen siti \^ lil!e. - ^
mind is rational sou l." And again he says in -^
substance that when the soul begins to have in-
terests, and to regard one representation as of more
value than others, it introduces relief into its per-
ceptions, and those which stand out are called
" sens ations ."
This origin of sensations as higher developments
of the representative activities of a monad condi-
tions their relation to further processes of knowl-
edge. The sensations are confused knowledge ;
they are ideas in their primitive and most undiffer-
entiated form. They constitute, as Leibniz some-
where says, the vertigo of the conscious life. In
every sentient organism multitudes of sensations
are constantly thronging in and overpowering its ,
distinct consciousness. The soul is so flooded
with ideas of everything in the world which has
any relation to its body that it has distinct ideas of
nothing. Higher knowledge, then, does not consist
in compounding these sensations; that would lit-
erally make confusion worse confounded. It con-
sists in introducing distinctness into the previously
confused sensations, — in finding out what they
meanj that is, in finding out their bearin^i what
they point to, and how they are related. Knowl-'
edge is not an external process performed upon the .
sensations, it is the development of their internal '
content.
96 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
It follows, therefore, that sensation is organic to
all forms of knowledge whatever. The monad,
which is pure activity, that which culminates the
scale of reality, has no confused ideas, and to it all
knowledge is eternally rational, having no sensible
traces about it. But every other monad, having its
activity limit3d, has 13eas which come to it at first
in a confused way, and which its activity afterwards
differentiates. Thus it is that Lfdhniz can agree so
heartily with the motto of the Sensationalist school,
— that there is nothing inthe intellect which was not
first in the sensory. But Leibniz uses this phrase
as Aristotle would have done, having in mind the
distinction between potentiality and actuality. In
posse^ sensation is all knowledge ; but only in posse.
And he, like Aristotle, interprets the relation between
potentiality and actuality as one of a difference of
activity. The potential is that w hi(^h he coTnefl real
tliroiigli a dynamic process. The actual is capacity
plus action. Sensation, in short, is spiritual activ-
ity in an undeveloped and hence partial and limited
condition. It is not, as Locke would have it, the
real factor in all knowledge.
The marks of sensation which Locke lays down,
— their passivity, their simplicity, their position
as the real element in knowledge, — Leibniz either
denies, therefore, or accepts in a sense different
from that of Locke. ' Strictly speakin g, se nsation
is an activity of the'' mind. There are no win-
dows thronojli which the soul receives impressions ?^^
Pur? passivity of any kind is a myth, as scholas-
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE. 97
ti c fiction. Sensation is developed from the soul
within 1 it is the, activ ity of reality made mani -
fes t to itse^ . It is a higher kind of action than
anything we find in minerals or in plants. Jf we^
look at sensation ideally, however, that is, according /
to the position which it holds in the system of I
knowledge, it is properly regarded as passive. It j
represents the limitation, the unrealized (that is, A
the no n-active) side of spiritual life.
" Efficient causality " is a term which has its right-
ful and legitimate use in physical science. Simply
from the scientific point of view we are correct
in speaking of objects as affecting the body, and
the body, through its nervous system, as affecting
the soul and producing sensations. But philos-
ophy does not jnerely use categories, it explains
them. And Leibniz contends that to explain the
category of causality in a mechanical sense, to
understand by it physical influence actually trans-
ferred from one thing to another, is to make the ^
idea inexplicable and irrational. The true meaning
of causality is ideal. It signifies the relative posi-
tions which the objects concerned have in the har-
monious system of reality. The body that is higher
in the scale impresses the other ; that is to say, it
dominates it or gives its law. There is no energy or
quality which passes physically from one to the other.
But one monad, as higher in the stage of devel-
opment than another, makes an ideal demand upon
that one. It places before the other its own more
real condition. The less-developed monad, since its
98 LEIBNIZ*S NEW ESSAYS.
whole activity consists in representing the universe
of reality, answers to this demand by developing
the corresponding quality in itself. The category
of harmonious or co-operative action is thus substi-
tuted for that of external and mechanical influence.
Physical causality when given a philosophiaJnter-
pretation means organic development. The reality
of a higher stage^is the^naore active : the m ore
active has a greater content in that Jt__miinu:a-tha
universe more fullyj^it manifests accord insfly mo re
of the law of the univer se, and hence has aujdeal
domination over that which is lower in the scale.
It^is actiiftlly (th at is, \ ^ ftfitivit y) lyhflt thfi Sitixox is
potentially. But as the entire._fixi8tence of the lat-
ter is in representing or setting^forth the relations
which make the world, its activity i s aroused to
a corresponding production. Hence t he former i s
called '* causcj," and thie latter " effect."
This introduces us to the relation of soul and
body, or, more generally stated, to the relation of
mind and matter. It is the theory of co-operation,
of liarmonious activity, which Leibniz substitutes
for the theory which Descartes had formulated, ac-
cording to which there are two opposed substances
which can affect each other only through the medium
of a deus ex inachina. Locke, on the other hand,
took the Cartesian principle for granted, and thus
enveloped himself in all the difficulties which sur-
round the question of "mind and matter." Locke
wavers between two positions, one of which is that
there are two unknown substances, — the soul and
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE. 99
the object in itself, — which, coming in contact, r
prodiice sensations ; while the other takes the hy-
pothetical attitude that there may be but one
substance, — matter, — and that God, out of the
plenitude of his omnipotence, has given matter a
capacity which does not naturally belong to it, — that
of producing sensations. / In either case, however,
the final recourse is to the arbitrary power of God.
There is no natural — that is, intrinsic and explicable
\ — connection between the sensation and that which
produces it. Sensation occupied the hard position
which the mechanical school of to-day still allots it.
It is that "inexplicable," "mysterious," "unac-
countable " link between the domains of matter and
niind of which no. rational account can be given,
but which is yet the source of all that we know
about matter, and the basis of all that is real in
the mind!
Leibniz, recognizing that reality is an organic
whole, — not two parts with a chasm between them, j
— says that "God does not arbitrarily give spb- !
stances whatever qualities may huppen, or that he \ : ' i
may arbitrarily determine, but only such as are nat- jp ' .
ural ; that is, such as are related to one another in an , ^
explicable way as modifications of the substance." v
Leibniz feels sure that to introduce the idea of tlie ^ '
inexplicable, the purely supernatural, into the natural
is to give up all the advantages which the modern me-
chanical theory had introduced, and to relapse into
the meaningless features of scholasticism. If the
" supernatural" — that is, the essentially inexplica-
100 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
ble — is introduced in this one ease, why should it
not be in others ; why should we not return outright
to the " fanatic philosophy which explains all facts
by simply attributing them to God immediately or
by way of miracle, or to the barbarian philosophy,
which explains phenomena by manufacturing, ad
hoc^ occult qualities or faculties, seemingly like lit-
tle demons or spirits capable of performing, with-
out ceremony, whatever is required, — as if watches
marked time by their horodeictic power, without
wheels, and mills ground grain, without grind-
stones, by their fractive power"? In fact, says
Leibniz, by introducing the inexplicable into our
explanations "we fall into something worse than
occult qualities, — we give up philosophy and rea-
son ; we open asylums for ignorance and laziness,
holding not only that there are qualities which we
do not understand (there are, indeed, too many
such) , but qualities which' the greatest intelligence,
if God gave it all the insight possible, could not'
understand, — that is, such as are in themselves with-
out rhyme or reason. And indeed it would be a
thing without rhyme or reason that God should
perform miracles in the ordinary course of nature."
And regarding the whole matter of introducing the
inconceivable and the inexplicable into science, he
says that '' while the conception of men is not the
measure of God's power, their capacity of concep-
tion is the measure of nature's power, since every-
thing occurring in the natural order is capable of
being understood by the created intelligence." Such
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE. 101
being the thought of Leibniz regarding the virtual
attempt to introduce in his day the unknowable into
philosophy, it is evident that he must reject, from
the root up, all theories of sensation which, like
Locke's, make it the product of the inexplicable
intercourse of two substances.
For this doctrine, then, Leibniz substitutes that
of an infinite number of substances, all of the same
kind, all active, all developing from within, all con-
spiring to the same end, but of various stages of
activity, or bearing various relations of complete-,
ness to the one end.
Indeed, one and the same monad has various
degrees of activity in itself ; that is, it represents
more or less distinctly the universe according to its
point of view. Its point of view requires of it, of
course, primarily, a representation of that which is
about it. Thus an infinity of states arises, each
corresponding to some one of the multitude of ob-
jects surrounding the monad. The soul has no con- .
trol, no mastery, over these states. It has to take i
them as they come ; with regard to them, the soul J
appears passive. It appears so because it does not f
as yet clearly distinguish them. It does not react
upon them and become conscious of their meaning
or thoroughly rational character. We shall after-
wards see that "matter" is, with Leibniz, simply
this passive or confused side of monads. It is the
monad so far as it has not brought to light the
rational activity which is immanent in it. At pres- j
ent we need only notice that the body is simply the I
102 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
part of matter or of passivity which limits the com-
plete activity of any monad. So Leibniz says, '' in
so far as the soul has perfection, it has distinct
thoughts, and God has accommodated the body to
the soul. So far as it is imperfect and its per-
ceptions are confused, God has accommodated the
soul to the body in such a way that the soul lets
itself be inclined by the passions, which are bom
from corporeal representations. It is by its con-
fused thoughts (sensations) that the soul represents
the bodies about it," just as, we may add, its dis-
tinct thoughts represent the monads or souls about
it, and, in the degree of their distinctness, God, the
monad which is purus actus.
Following the matter into more detail, we may
say that since God alone is pure energy, knowing
no limitation, God alone is pure spirit. Every
finite soul is joined to an organic body. '* I do not
admit," says Leibniz, " that there are souls entirely
separate from matter, nor created spirits detached
from body. . . . It is this body which the monad rep-'
resents most distinctly ; But since this body expresses
the entire universe by the connection of all matter
throughout it, the soul represents the entire universe
in representing the body which belongs to it most
particularly." But according to the principle of
continuity there must be in the least apparent por-
tion of matter still " a universe of creatures, of
souls, of entelechies. There is nothing sterile,
nothing dead in the universe. It is evident from
these considerations that every living body has a
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE. 103
dominant entelechy, which is the soul in that body, \
but that the members of this living body are again
full of other living beings and soiils," which, how-
ever, since not of so high a grade, that is, not
representing the universe so fully, appear to be
wholly material and subject to the "dominant'' en-
telechy ; namely, to the one which gives the law to
the others by expressing more adequately the idea
at which they only confusedly aim. Owing to the
constant change of activity, however, these particles
do not remain in constant subordination to the
same entelechy (that is, do not form parts of the
same body) , but pass on to higher or lower degrees
of " evolution," and have their places taken by others
undergoing similar processes of change. Thus '' all
bodies are in a peqjetual flux, like rivers, with parts
continually leaving aild entering in." Or, inter
preting this figurative language, each monad is coor-
tinually, in its process of development, giving_law
to new and less developed monads, which therefore
appear as its body. . The nature of matter in itself,
and of its phenomenal manifestation in the body,
are," however, subjects which find no explanation
here, and which will demand explanation in another
chapter.
We may sum up Leibniz's theory of sensation by
saying that it is a representative state developed by
the self-activity of the soul ; that in itself it is a
confused or " involved " grade of activity, and in
its relation to the world represents the confused or
passive aspects of existence ; that this limitation of
■}
104 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSA.YS.
the monad constitutes matter, and in its necessary
connection with the monad constitutes the body
which is always joined to the finite soul ; that to
this body are joined in all cases an immense num-
ber of monads, whose action is subordinate to that
of this dominant monad, and that it is the collec-
tion of these which constitute the visible animal
body. Thus if we look at sensation with regard to
- the monad which pos sesses it, it is a^raduct of the
c ^ body of the monad ; if we look at it w ith yftferenoe
, ^^ ^to other monads, it represents or reflects thei r pas-
sive or material side. This is evi dently ong aspect
again ~of the pre-established harmony^ — an aspect
^ • in which some of the narrower of Leibniz's critics
have seen the whole meaning_of the doctrine ex-
hausted. It is, howTver7 simply one of the many
forms in which the harmony, the union of spiritual
And mechanical, ideal and material, meets us. In
truth, while in other systems th^ fact of sensation
is a fact demanding some artificial mode of reconcil-
ing " mind " and ** matter," or is else to be accepted
as an inexplicable fact, in the system of Leibniz
it is itself evidence that the spiritual and the me-
chanical are not two opposed kinds of existence,
but are organically united. It is itself the manifes-
tation of the harmony of the ideal and the material,
not something which requires that a factitious theory
be invented for explaining their appearance of har-
mony. Sensation has within itself the ideal element,
for it is the manifestation, in its most undeveloped
form, of the spiritual meaning of the universe. It
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE. 105
has a mechanical element, for it expresses the limi-
tation, the passivity, of the monad.
" It is from this standpoint that Leibniz criticises
what Locke says about the relation of sensations
to the objects which produce them. Leibniz holds
that all our sensations have a definite and natural
connection with the qualities of objects, — the " sec-
ondary " as well as the " primary." They all rep-
resent certain properties of the object. 'Even the
pain which the thrust of a needle gives us, while it
does not resemble anything in the needle, does in
some way represent or resemble motions going on
in our body. This resemblance is not necessarily
one of exact form, but just as the ellipse, hyperbola,
and parabola are projections of the circle in the
sense that there is a natural and fixed law of con-
nection between them, so that every point of one
corresponds by a certain relation with every point
of the other, so the resemblance between the sensa-
tion and the quality of the object is always in the
• form of a fixed law of order, which, however un-
known to us it may now be, is capable of being..— J
found out. If we are to make any distinction be-
tween "secondary" and "primary" sensations, it
should be not that one presents qualities that are in
the objects, and the other affections which exist only
in us, but that the prima ry sensations (of numb er,
form, 8iz e^_^j;g, ) repre sent the quali tjf>^ in a- Jis-
tinct way, appealing to the rational activity o f
intelligence^ while the secondary represent the qual-
ities in a confusea way^'a way not going beyond
106 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS
t he effect upon the mind into relations, that is, mt o
distinct knowledge.
I This brings regularly before us the question of
the relation of sensations to knowledge. We have
seen enough already to know that Leibniz does not
believe that knowledge begins with the simple (that
is, unrelated), and then proceeds by a process of
compounding. The sensation is not simple to Leib-
niz, but thoroughly complex, involving confusedly
witliin itself all possible relations. As relations are
brought forth into distinct light out of this confusion,
I knowledge ends rather than begins with the simple.
I And again it is evident that Leibniz cannot believe
j that knowledge begins and ends in experience, in
I the sense in which both himself and Locke use tlie
I word ; namely, as meaning the combination and suc-
cession of impressions.
\ " Experience," as they use the term, consists in
sensations and their association, — " consecution " as
Leibniz calls it. Experience is the stage of knowl-
e'dge reached by animals, and in which the majority
of men remain, — and indeed all men in the greater
' part of their knowledge. Leibniz takes just the
same position regarding the larger part of our
knowledge which Hume takes regarding it all. It
consists simply in associations of such a nature that
when one part recurs there is a tendency to expect
the recurrence of the other member. It resembles
reason, but it is based on the accidental experience
of events in a consecutive order, and not on knowl-
edge of their causal connection. We all expect. the
■ i
P^.
J, ^
SENSATION AND EXPERIENCE. 107
sun to rise to-mon-ow ; but with all of us, excepting
the astronomer^ such expectation is purely '' empir-
ical/' being based on the images of past experiences
which recur. The astronomer, however, sees into
the grounds, that is, the reasons, of the expectation,
and hence his knowledge is rational.
Thus we have two gr ^dps^ ^f knnwIpHgrp^ — n^p ^jjv
pirical, consisting Qf_ knowledg e of facts ; the other
rational, being of the truths of rea son. The forme r
is cont inge nt and jparticular^thejatterjs necessary.
and_ univers al. Leibn iz insists, with a pertinacity
which reminds us of Kant, that ''experience" can
give instances or examples only, and that the fact that
anything has happened in a given way any number
of times in the past, can give no assurance that it
will continue to do so in the future. There is
nothing in the nature of the case which renders its
exact opposite impossible. But a rational truth is-
necessary, for its opposite is impossible, being. irra-
tional or meaningless. This may not always be
evident in the case of a complex rational truth ; but
if it be analyzed into simpler elements, as a geo-
metrical proposition into definitions, axioms, and
postulates, the absurdity of its opposite becomes
evident. Sensation, in ^ yonclusion, is the having ^ o f"
confused ideas, — ideas corresponding to matte r. '
Experience is the assocfation of TEese^oSTusM
ideas, and their association according to their ac-
cidental juxtaposition in the life of the soul. It
therefore is not only thoroughly sensible, but is
also phenomenal. Its content is sensations ; its form
108 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
' is contingent and particular consecution. Both f onn_
a nd fin ntent. accordingly, need to be rec o nstructed
if they are to be w orthy of the na me of science or
/ of know ledge . This is the position which LeiDnlz
assumes as gainst the empiricist, Locke. The de-
tails of this reconstruction, its method and result,
we must leave till we come in the course of the
argument again to the subject of knowledge.
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. 109
CHAPTER VL
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL.
LOCKE, after discussing the subject of innate
ideas in their relation to knowledge, goes on
to discuss their practical side, or connection with
will. We shall follow him in this as Leibniz does ;
but we shall consider in connection with this, Leib-
niz's general theory of will, which is developed
partially in this chapter, but more completely in his
critical remarks upon what Locke has to say of the
notion of " power." Since the theory of morals is
as closely connected with will as the theory of
knowledge is with the intellect, we shall supplement
this discussion with what Leibniz says upon the
ethical question, drawing our material somewhat
freely from his other writings.
The doctrine of will which Leibniz propounds is in
closest harmony with his conception of intelligence,
and this not merely in the way of empirical juxta-
position, but as the result of his fundamental prin-
ciples. If we recall what has been said concerning /
the monad, we shall remember that it is an activity, /
but an activity with a content. It is a force, but a/
force which mirrors the universe. The content,
that portion of reality which is reflected in the ac-
tion, is knowledge, or the idea ; the activity which
110 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ^ESSAYS.
briugs this about is will, or the volition. They are
related to each other as form and content. There
is, strictly speaking, no " state " of mind ; there is
only a tension, a pushing forward of mind. There
is no idea which is not a volition. Will is thus used,
in a very broad sense, as equivalent to action.
Since, however, the activity of .the monad is in no
case aimless, but has an end in view, the will is
not mere activity in general, it is action towards
some definite end. And since the end at which
the monad aims is always the development of an
idea, the reflection of some constituent of the uni-
verse, the will is always directed towards and deter-
mined by some idea of the intellect.
We have seen, however, that there are various
stashes in the reflecting power of the soul, or in the
realization of intellect. Taking only the broadest
division, there are perception and apperception;
that is, there are the conscious and the unconscious
mirroring of reality. We shall expect, then /to find
two corresi)onding stages of volition. Leibniz calls
these stages " appetition " and '' volition " in the nai-
rower sense. The constant tendency in every. monad
to go from one perception to another, — that is, the
following of the law of development, — constitutes
appetition. If joined to feeling, it constitutes in-
stinct. Since, again, there are two degrees of ap-
perc^eption, one of empirical, the other of r^-tional,
consciousness, we shall expect to find two grades of
volition proper, — one corresponding to action for
conscious particular ends ; the other for ends which
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. Ill
are proposed by reason, and are hence universal.
In this chapter we shall simply expand and illus-
trate these various propositions.
/Sensations, looked at not as to what they repre-
sent, but in themselves, are impulses. As such they
constitute the lowest stage of will. Impulsive ac-
tion then includes all such as occurs for an end
which is unknown, or at best but dimly felt. Such
action may be called blind, not in the sense that
it is without reason, but in the sense that reason is
not consciously present. We are not to think of
this instinctive action, however, as if it were found
simply in the animals. Much of human action is
also impulsive ; probably, indeed, an impulsive fac- i
tor is contained in our most rational willing. We
are never able to take complete account of the
agencies which are acting upon us. Along with the I
reasons of which we are conscious in choosing, there
are mingled faint memories of past experience, sub-
conscious solicitations of the present, dim expecta-
tions for the future. Such elements are decisive
factors far more than we realize.
Indeed, it is because of the extent to which such
unconscious influences bear upon us and move us
that there arises the idea of indifferent or unmoti-
vated choice. Were both motive and choice un-
conscious, the question as to whether choice were
antecedently determined would not arise ; and were
our motives and their results wholly in consciousness,
the solution of the question would be evident. But
when we are conscious of our choice, but are not
112 Leibniz's new essays.
conscious of our impulses and motives, we get the
impression that our choice is unmotived, and hence
come to believe in "indifferent freedom," — the
ability to choose as we will.
We shall shortly take up in more detail the
theory of Leibniz regarding the freedom of will;
and it is needful here to remark only that the con-
ception which makes it consist in ability to choose
without reason is in direct contradiction to his fun-
damental thought, — namely, that there can be no
activity which does not aim at some reflection of
the universe, by which, therefore, it is determined.
From the psychological point of view, it is interest-
ing also to notice how Leibniz's theory of uncon-
scious ideas enables him to dispose of the strongest
argument for indifferent choice, — that drawn from
the immediate " testimony" of consciousness.
Upon the origin and nature of desires Leibniz has
much more to say than about the impulses. His ac-
count of the transition from impulse to desire is based
upon the conception of unconscious ideas. Slight
and imperceptible impulses are working upon us all
the time. Indeed, they are a necessity; for the
actual state of a soul or monad at any time is, of
course, one of incompleteness. Our nature must
always work to free itself from its hindrances and
obtain its goal of complete development. But it
will not do this unless there is some stimulus, some
solicitation to induce it to overcome its limitation.
There is found accordingly in our every condition a
feeling of dissatisfaction, or, using Locke's word, of
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. 113
" uneasiness ; " and it is this which calls forth that
activity which brings about a nearer approach to the
soul's real good. But Leibniz differs from Locke in
saying that this feeling of uneasiness is not a dis-
tinct, or even in most cases a conscious, one. It is
not pain, although it differs from pain only in de-
gree. Uneasiness and pain are related to each other
as appetite for food is to hunger, — the first suffices
to stimulate us to satisfaction, but if the want is
not met, results in actual pain ; if met, these " half
pains " become tributary to pleasure itself. These
unconscious stimuli to action result in actions which
meet the want, and the aggregation of these satis-
factions results in pleasure. In Leibniz's own
words : —
'' If these elements of pain were themselves tnie
pains, we should always be in a state of misery, even in
pursuing the good. But since there is always going
on a summation of minute successes in overcoming
these states of uneasiness, and these put us more
and more at ease, there comes about a decided
pleasure, which often has greater value even than
the enjoyment of the good. ' Far, then, from regard-
ing this uneasiness as a thing incompatible with
happiness, I find that it is an essential condition of
our happiness. For this does not consist in per-
fect possession, which would make us insensible and
stupid, but in a constant progress towards greater
results, which must always be accompanied, accord-
ingly, by this element of desire or uneasiness."
And again he says that ' ' we enjoy all the advan-
8
114 LEIBNIZ*S NEW ESSAYS.
tages of pain without any of its inconveniences. If
tiie uneasiness should become too distinct, we should
be miserable in our awaiting the good which relieves
it r but as it is, there is a constant victory over these
half-pains, which we always find in desire, and this
gives us a quantity of half -pleasures, whose contin-
uance and summation (for they acquire force like a
moving body as it falls) result in a whole and true
pleasure." In shoit, there is indeed an element of
pain in all desire which stimulates us to action, and
therefore to higher development. But oi'dinarily
this element of pain is not present as such in con-
sciousness, but is absorbed in the pleasure which
.accompanies the realization of the higher gooil.
Thus Leibniz, accepting and emphasizing the very
same fact that served Schopenhauer as a psycho-
logical base of pessimism, uses it as a foundation-
stone of optimism.
> But desire, or the conscious tendency towards
something required as a good, accompanied by the
dim feeling of uneasiness at its absence, does not
yet constitute the complete act of volition. *' Sev-
eral impulses and inclinations meet in forming the
complete volition which is the result of their con-
flict." In the concrete act of will there are con-
tained impulses which push us towards some end
whose nature is not known ; there is desire both in
its inchoate stage, where pleasure and pain are not
in consciousness, and in its formed state, where the
pain and pleasure are definitely presented. Mixed
with these desires and impulses are images of past
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. 115
experiences which call up the feelings which were for-
merly attached to them, and thus there are aroused
indirectly additional impulses and desires. ' Out
of this complicated mass of impulses, desires, and
feelings, both original and reproduced, comes the
" dominant effort " which constitutes complete will.
But what governs the production of this prevailing
or dominant effort, which we may interpret as the
act of choice ? The answer is simple : the result of
the conflict of these various factors, the striking of
the balance, is the choice. Some desire emerges
from the confused -complex, and that desire is the
final determination of the will. This desire may
not in all cases be the strongest in itself, — that is,
the one whose satisfaction will allay the greatest
" uneasiness," for the others, taken together, may
outweigh it ; it may, so to speak, have a plurality,
but not a majority, of volitional forces on its side, —
and in this case a fusion of opposing factors may
defeat it. But in any event the result will be the
algebraic sum of the various desires and impulses.
It is not at all necessary, however, that the net )
outcome shall make itself apparent as a mechanical
equivalent of the forces at work. The soul, Leibniz
says, may use its skill in the formation of parties,
so as to make this or that side the victor. How is
this to be done, and still disallow the possibility of
arbitrary choice? This problem is solved through
action becoming deliberate. Deliberate action is
impossible unless the soul has formed the habit of
looking ahead and of arranging for modes of
116 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
action which do not present themselves as immediate
necessities. Only in this way can one look at the
matter impartially and coolly; "at the moment of
combat there is no time for discussion. Everything
which then occurs throws its full force on the
balance, and contributes to an outcome made up in
I the same way as in mechanics." The formation of
certain habits beforehand, therefore, is the secret
of translating impulsive action into the deliberate
sphere.
S Of these habits the simplest consists in thinking
only occasionally and incidentally of certain things.
Imagination is the mother of desire. If we do not
allow the imagination to dwell upon certain lines
of thought, the probability of such thoughts acquir-
ing sufficient force to become motives of weight is
small. A still more effective method of regulating
action is "to accustom ourselves to forming a
train of thoughts of which reason, and not chance
(that is, association), is the basis. We must get
out of the tumult of present impressions, beyond
our immediate surroundings, and ask: Die cur hicf
\ respice finem!'* In other words, we must cross-
question our impulses and desires, ' we must ask
whence they come, that we may see how valid are
the credentials which they offer. We must ask
whither they tend, that we may measure them, not .
by their immediate interest, but by their relation
to an end. The desires are not to be taken at their
face-value, but are to be weighed and compared.
Such a process will evidently result in arresting
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. 117
instantaneous action. There will be a pause be-
tween the presentation of the desires and the overt
act. During this pause it may well occur that the
examination to which the desires have been sub-
ject has awakened contrary desires. The thought
of the ignoble origin of a desire or of its repulsive,
though remote, result will bring into action desires
I of an opposed kind. Thus the soul regulates ac-
tion, not as if, however, it had any direct influence
over desires, but by its ability of bringing other
desires into the field. The will, in short, is not
opposed to desire, though rational desire may be
opposed to sensuous desire. "By various artifices,
then," Leibniz concludes, " we become masters of
ourselves, and can make ourselves think and do
that which we ought to will, and which reason or-
dains." Such is the summary of Leibniz's analysis
of the elements and mechanism of volition. There
was not much psychology existing at the time which
could aid him in such an acute and subtle account ;
only in Aristotle could he have found much help.
On the other hand, it has been so generally incor-
porated into current psychology that we may seem
to have wasted space in repeating truisms.
Of moral action, however, we have as yet heard
nothing. We have an account of a psychological
mechanism ; but for what ethical end does this work,
and by what method ? This question may best be
answered by turning in more detail to the question
of the " freedom of the will." Freedom in the
sense of arbitrary choice Leibniz wholly rejects, as
118 LEIBNIZ*S NEW ESSAYS.
we have seen. It is inconsistent with at least two
of his fundamental principles ; those, namely, of
sufficient reason, and of continuity. " Everything
that occurs must have a sufficient reason for its
occurrence." This oft-repeated dictum of Leibniz,
the Jogical way of stating the complete rationality
of experience, would be shattered into fragments
by collision with groundless choice. It conflicts
equally (indeed for the same reason) with the prin-
ciple of continuity. " The present is pregnant
with the future." " Nature never makes leaps."
*'An absolute equilibrium is a chimera." "The
soul is never wholly at rest." _ These are only va-
rious ways of saying that the notion of arbitrary
or unmotivated choice rests upon the assumption
that there is a complete break in the life of the
soul, so that it is possible for something to hap-
pen which bears no organic relation to anything
that precedes. The notion of a state of the soul
without motives, followed by the irruption of a
certain line of conduct, the notion of an equilibrium
broken by arbitrary choice, is simply the counterpart
of the idea of a vacuum. All that makes Leibniz
reject the latter conception makes it impossible for
him to accept the former.
This should not be interpreted to mean that
Leibniz denied the " freedom of the will." What
he denied is a notion of freedom which seemed to
him at once unverifiable, useless, and irrational.
There is a conception of freedom which Leibniz not
only accepts, but insists upon. Such a notion of
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. 119
freedom is indeed his ethical ideal. Its three traits
\are contingency, spontaneity, and rationality of
.J^ction. How action can be at the same tin^e
contingent and determined is perhaps difficult to
understand ; but Leibniz takes the position that it
is. His first step is to distinguish between phys-
ical, mathematical, metaphysical, and moral ne-
cessity. There are truths which are eternal, truths i
which are absolutely necessary, because their op-
posites involve contradiction. They cannot be
violated without involving us in absurdity. There
ai'e other truths which are '' positive," that is, or-
dained for good reason. These truths may be'
a priori^ or rational, and not merely empirical ; for
they have been chosen for -reasons of advantage.
God always chooses and ordains the best of a
number of possibilities ; but he does it, not because
the opposite is impossible, but because it is inferior.
Truths whose opposites 'are impossible have met-
aphysical and mathematical necessity. ' Positive
truths have moral necessity. The principle of
causation must be true ; the three interior angles
of a triangle m?/s^ be equal to two right angles.
But that God shall choose the better of two courses
is a moral necessity only. It involves no absolute
logical contradiction to conceive him choosing some
other way. Upon moral necessity depends the
physical. The particular laws of nature are ne-
cessary, not because their opposites are logically '
absurd, but because these laws are most in ac-
cordance with the general principles of good and
120 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSA.YS.
order, in agreement with which God chooses. Phys-
ical and moral action is therefore in all cases
contingent. (Contingency does not of itself, of
coarse, constitute freedom, but conjoined with the
characteristics of rationality and spontaneity, does
so.)
f Necessity, in short, is based upon, the principle
of logical contradiction ; contingency upon that of
sufficient reason. Since our actions are in no case
necessitated in such a way that their opposite is
self-contradictory, or, put positively, since our
actions are always determined by the choice of that
which seems best, our actions are contingent.
Occasionally Leibniz puts the matter in a much
simpler way, and one which brings out the essential
element more clearly than the foregoing distinc-
tion. Some facts are determined by the princi-
ple of physical causation; others by that of final
causation. Some, in other words, are necessary as
the mechanical outcome of their antecedents ; others
are necessary as involved in the reaching of a given
end. It is simply the Aristotelian distinction be-
• tween efficient and teleological causation. Human
1 action is determined, since it always has a motive
or reason ; it is contingent, because it springs from
this reason and not from its temporal antecedents.
It is, in short, determined, but it is also free.
It does not require much analysis, however, to
see that this distinction, in whatever way it be put,
really has no significance, except as it points to the
other marks of freedom, — spontaneity and rational-
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. 121
ity. As we shall see, Leibniz makes and can make
no absolute distinction between truths of reason
and truths of fact. The contingent and the neces-
sary are one at bottom. To us with our limited
intelligence it does indeed often appear as if no
contradiction were involved in the former, — as if,
for example, a man could turn either to right or left
without there being any logical contradiction in
either case ; but this is because of our defective
insight. An intelligence cognizant of the whole
matter could see that one action would contradict
some truth involved in the constitution of the uni-
verse. The source of the contingent and changing |
is in the necessary and eternal. Thus it is that /
although Leibniz at one time says that "neither
one's self nor any other spirit more enlightened
could demonstrate that the opposite of a given ac-
tion (like going out in preference to staying in)
involves contradiction," at another time he says
that " a perfect knowledge of all the circumstances,
internal and external, would enable any one to
foresee" the decision in a given case. If that be
so, any other action must be impossible ; that is,
according to Leibniz's invariable logic, imply
contradiction.
We get the same result if we consider the rela-
tion of final and efficient causes. It is only when
speaking in u very general way that Leibniz opposes
action as determined by precedent activities to that
directed towards the attainment of an end. He
does not really mean that some action is physical,
122 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
while other is teleological. He cannot suppose that
some •action has an antecedent cause, while other
has a purpose. The very essence of his thought is
that action is both mechanical and teleological; that
all action follows in a law of order from precedent
action, and th$it all fulfils a certain spiritual function.
The distinction i^ not, with Leibniz, one between two
kinds of action, but between two ways of looking
at every action. The desire to go rather than to
stay, has its etficient cause; the movements by
which the desire is executed, have their final cause.
Tlie truth of the matter seems to be that Leibniz in
his desire to guard against being thought a fatalist,
or one denying all freedom, uses tenns which are
compatible only with a freedom of indifference. So
in his statement that man*s action is free because.
" contingent," he seems actuated rather by a wish to
avoid the hateful term " necessity" than by consider-
ations strictly in harmony with his own principles.
Had he confined his use of the term " contingent,"
however, simply to re-stating the fact that human
action is spontaneous, no such apparent conti*adic-
tion would have presented itself. Human actions
may be called contingent, as physical actions are
not, because the latter always seem to be exter?
nally determined, while the former are internally
directed. Motions act from without ; motives from
within. The cause of the falling of a stone lies out-
side it ; the source of a desire which moves to action
is from the mind itself. We are thus introduced to
contingency as a. synonym of '' spontaneity."
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. 123
Kuno Fischer calls attention to the fact that
Spinoza and Leibniz both use the same sort of il-
lustration to show the non-arbitrary character of
human action, but the same illustration with a dif-
ference ; and in the difference he finds the dis-
tinction between the two philosophies. Spinoza
Isays.that a stone falling to the ground, if endowed
with consciousness, might imagine itself following
its own. will in falling. Leibniz says that a mag-
netic needle similarly endowed might imagine that
it turned towards the north simply because it wished.
Both examples are used to illustrate the folly of
relying upon the immediate "testimony" of con-
sciousness. But the example of Spinoza, is that of
an object, all whose movements are absolutely ne-
cessitated from without ; the exajnple of Leibniz is
that of an object whose activity, though following
law, and not caprice, is apparently initiated from
within. Of cpurse in reality the. movements of the
magnetic needle are just as much externally con-
ditioned as those of the stone ; but the appearance
of self-action in the latter case may serve at least
to exemplify what is meant by spontaneity as attri-
buted to human action.
It must be noticed at the outset that spontaneity
belongs to every simple substance. We have only
to recall the doctrine of monads. These suffer noth-
ing from without, all their activity is the expression,
is the unfolding, of their own law. "By nature,"
Leibniz says, " every simple substance has percep-
tions, and its individuality consists in the permanent
124 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
law which forms the succession of its perceptions,
that are born naturally one of another. Hence
it is not necessary for it to receive any physical
influence from without ; and therefore the soul has
in itself a perfect spontaneity in such a way that
its actions depend only upon God and itself." Or
if we put the matter in its connection with his
psychology rather than with his metaphysics, it is
true that our actions are determined by our mo-
tives ; but motives are not forces without the soul,
they are forces of the soul. In acting according
to motives the soul is simply acting according to
its own laws. A desire is not an impulsion from
an external cause ; it is the expression of an in-
ward tendency. To say that the soul acts from
the strongest desire is simply to say, from this
standpoint, that it manifests the most real part
of itself, not that it obeys a foreign force. Im-
pulses, desires, motives, are all psychical; they
admit of no description or explanation except in
their relation to the soul itself. Thus when Leibniz
compares, as he often does, motives to weights act-
ing upon a balance, we are to remember that the
balance is not to be conceived as the soul, and
the weights as energies outside it, but that this is
only a way of picturing what is going on within
the soul itself. The soul may be a mechanism, but
it is a self-directing and self-executing mechan-
ism. To say that human action is free because
it is spontaneous, is to say that it follows an
immanent principle, that it is independent of
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. 125
foreign influences, — in a word, that it is self-
determined.
But here again it seems as if Leibniz had stated
a principle altogether too wide to throw any light
upon the nature of moral freedom. Spontaneity is
no more an attribute of human activity than it is
of all real activity. Every monad, even the uncon-
scious, as truly follows its own law without inter-
ference from without as does man himself. If the
spontaneity of action constitutes its morality, we
are not in a condition to ascribe morality to man any
more than to any real thing. We are thus thrown
back again upon the conception of rationality as the
final and decisive trait of freedom- and of ethical con-
duct. Just as " contingency" gets a moral import
only in connection with conscious ends of action, so
"spontaneity" comes within the moral realm only
when conjoined to reason.
Why is th^re this close connection between reason
and freedom? The reader has only to recall what
was said of Leibniz's theory of causality to get a
glimpse into their unity. Causality is not a matter
of physical influence, but of affording the reason in
virtue of which some fact is what it is. This ap-
plies of course to the relation of the soul and the
body. " So far as the soul is perfect and has dis-
tinct ideas, God has accommodated the body to it ;
so far as the soul is imperfect and its ideas are con-
fused, God has accommodated the soul to the body.
In the former case the body always responds to the
demands of the soul ; in the latter the soul is moved
126 LEIBNIZ*S NEW ESSAYS.
by the passions which are born of the sensuous
ideas. Each is thought to act upon the other in the
measure of its perfection [that is, degree of activ-
ity], since God has adjusted one thing to another
accoi-ding to its perfection or imperfection. Activ-
ity and i)assivity are always reciprocal in created
things, because a portion of the reasons which serve
to. explain what goes on is in one substance, and
another portion in the other. This is what makes
us call one active, the other passive."
If we translate these ideas out of their somewhat
scholastic phraseology, the meaning is that the self-
activity of any substance is accurately measured by
the extent to which it contains the reasons for its
own actions ; and conversely, that it is dependent
or enslaved just so far as it has its reasons beyond
itself. Sensations, sensuous impulses, represent,
as we have seen before, the universe only in a con-
fused and inarticulate way. They are knowledge
which cannot give an account of itself. They rep-
resent, in short, that side of mind which may be
regarded as affected, or the limitation of mind, —
its want of activity. So far as the mind acts from
these sensations and the feelings which accompany
them, it is ideally determined from without ; it is a
captive to its own states ; it is in a condition of pas-
sivity. In all action, therefore, which occurs from
a sensuous basis, the soul is rightly regarded as
unfree.
On the other hand, just in the degree in which
distinctness is introduced into the sensations, so
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. 127
that they are not Bimply experienced as they come,
but are related to one another so that their reason
for existence, their spiritual meaning^, is ascertained,
just in that degree is the soul master of itself. In
Leibniz's own words: ''Distinct knowled«:e or in- ^
telligence has its place in the true use of reason,
while the senses furnish confused ideas. Hence we
can say that we are free from slavery just in the
degree that we act with distinct knowledge, but are
subject to our passions in just the degree that our
ideas are confused ; " that is, not really representa-
tive of things as they are. " Intelligence is the
soul of liberty."
This psychological explanation rests, of course,
upon the foundation principle of the Leibnizian
philosophy^ Spirit is the sole reality, and spirit
is activity. But there are various degrees of ac-
tivity, and each grade lower tha.n the purus actus
'may be rightfully regarded as in 'so far passive.
This relative passivity or unreality constitutes the
materisll and hence the sensuous world. One who
has not insight into truth, lives and acts in this
world of comparative unreality; he is in bondage
to it. From this condition of slavery only reason,
the understanding of things as they are, can lift
one. The rational man is free because he acts, in
the noble words of Spinoza, sub specie cetermtatis.
He acts in view of the eternal truth of things, — as
God himself would act.
God alone, it further follows, is wholly free. In
him alone are understanding and will wholly one.
128 Leibniz's new essays.
In him the true and the -good are one ; while every
created intelligence is subject in some degree to
sensuous affection, to passion. *^In us, besides
the judgment of the understanding, there is always
mixed some unreal idea of the sensation which
gives birth to passions and impulses, and these trav-
erse the judgment of the practical understanding."
I Freedom, in fine, is not a ready made garment with
which all men are clothed to do with as they will.
It is the ethical Ideal ; it is something to be attained ;
it is action in conformity with reason, or insight
into the spiritual nature of reality and into its laws ;
it is not the starting-point, it is the goal. Only
with a great price do men purchase such freedom.
It will be noticed at once that Leibniz comes very
close to Plato in his fundamental ethical ideas. The
unity of virtue and reason, of virtue and freedom, —
these are thoroughly Platoi^ic conceptions. To both
Plato and Leibniz reason is the ethical ideal because
it is the expression of, nay, rather, is the reality of
the universe ; while all else is, as Leibniz says,
*> imperfect or unreal, since it is not an activity, or,
as Plato says, a mixture of Being and Non-Being.
Again, to both man bears a similar relation to this
spiritual reality. In Plato's words, he participates
• in the Ideas ; in those of Leibniz he reflects, as a
mirror, the universe. To both, in a word, the
reality, the true-self of the individual, is the spiritual
universe of which it is an organic member. To
both, therefore, man obtains freedom or self-reali-
zation only as he realizes his larger and more com-
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. 129
prehensive identity with the Reason of the universe.
With both, knowledge is the good, ignorance is the
evil. No man is voluntarily bad, but only through
lack of knowledge of the true Good. Leibniz,
however, with a more developed psychology, supple-
ments Plato in the point where the latter had the
most difficulty, — the possibility of the feelings or'
of a love of pleasure overcoming knowledge of the
good. This possibility Plato was compelled to
deny, while Leibniz, by his subtle identifying of the
passions with lack of knowledge, or with confused
knowledge, can admit it. " It is an imperfection
of our freedom," says Leibniz, ''which causes us
to choose evil rather than good, — a greater evil
rather than the less, the less good rather than the
greater. This comes from the appearances of good
and evil which deceive us ; but God, who is perfect
knowledge, is always led to the true and to the best
good, that is, to the true and absolute good."
It only remains briefly to apply these conceptions
to some specific questions of moral actions. Locke
asks whether there are practical innate ideas, and
denies them, as he denies theoretical. Leibniz, m
replying, recognizes two kinds of " innate " prac-
tical principles, one of which is to be referred td"
the class of instincts, the other to that of maxlWs. *"
Primarily, and probably wholly in almost all m^W, '
moral truths take the rank of instincts alone. "All*
men aim at the Good ; it is impossible tb thinlc t)f '*
man wilfully seeking his own evil. The 'ineth(?ds, "
the means of reaching this Good, are implaiitSd" ?n^
130 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
"^men as instincts. These instincts, when brought to
the light of reason and examined, become maxims
of action ; they lose their particular and impulsLve
character, and become universal and deliberate prin-
ciples. ' Thus Leibniz is enabled to answer the va-
rious objections which are always brought against
any *' intuitive " theory of moral actions, — the va-
riability of men's moral beliefs and conduct in dif-
ferent countries and at different times. Common
instincts, but at first instincts only, are present in
I all men whenever and wherever they live. These
instincts may readily be *' resisted by men's pas-
sions, obscured by prejudice, and changed by cus-
tom." The moral instincts are always the basis of
moral action, but '* custom, tradition, education"
become mixed with them. . Even when so con-
founded, however, the instinct will generally pre-
vail, and custom is, upon the whole, on the side of
right rather than wrong, so that Leibniz thinks
there is a sense in which all men have one common
morality.
But these moral instincts, even when pure, are
not ethical science. This is innate, Leibniz says,|
only in the sense in which arithmetic is innate, —
it depends upon demonstrations which reason fur-
nishes. Leibniz does not, then, opposp intuitive and
demonstrative, as sometimes happens. Morality is
practically intuitive in the sense that all men tend to
aim at the Good, and have an instinctive feeling of
what makes towards the Good. It is theoretically
demonstrative, since it does not become a science
THE IMPULSES AND THE WILL. 131
untU Reason has an insight into the nature of the
Good, and ascertains the fixed laws which are tiibu.
tarj to it. Moral principles are not intuitive in
the sense that they are immediately discovered as ^
separate principles by some one power of the soul
called ^'^'conscience.*' Moral laws are intuitive, he
says, *' as the consequences of our own develop-
ment and our true well-being." Here we may. well
leave the matter. What is to be said in detaU of
I-eibniz*s ethics wUl find its congenial home in what
we have to say of his theology.
132. LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
CHAPTER VII.
MATTER AND ITS RELATION TO SPIRIT.
LOCKE'S account of innate ideas and of sensa-
tion is only preparatory to a discussion of the
ideas got by sensation. His explanation of the
mode of knowledge leads -up to an explanation of
the things known. He remains true to his funda-
mental idea that before we come to conclusions
about any matters we must * ' examine our own abil-
ity." He deals first with ideas got by the senses,
whether by some one or by their conjoint action.
Of these the ideas of solidity, of extension, and of
duration are of most concern to us. They form as
near an approach to a general philosophy of nature
as may be found anywhere in Locke. They are, too,
the germ from which grew the ideas of matter, of
space, and of time, which, however more compre-
hensive in scope and more amply worked out in
detail, characterize succeeding British thought, and
which are reproduced to-day by Mr. Spencer.
*' The idea of soliditywe r eceive by our touch>"
*' The ideas we get by more than one sense are of
space or extension, figure, rest, a nd motion ." These
sentences contain the brief statement of the chief
contention of the sensational school. Locke cer-
tainly was not conscious when he wrote them
MATTER AND ITS RELATION TO SPIRIT. 133
that they were the expression of ideas which should
resolve the world of matter and of space into a dis-
solving series of accidentally associated sensations ;
but such was none the less the case. When he
^2l^.ti *' Tf ff"y ^"^ ^«^^ mf wh^t snlidjt y js^ I send NJ^
him to his senses to inform him," he is prepa ring
the way for Berkeley, and for a denial o^alljealit^
be yond th e feelings of the m3ivI3uaijnind. When
he says th^^lfp^e £et tLFidea of sjmce both by sight
and touch," this statement, although appearing tru-
istic, is none tlie less* tlie source oT^the contention^
of Hu me that even geom etry contai ns no necessary "^
or universal elements, but is an account of sen-
sible appearances, relative, as are all matters of
sensation.
Lo cke's ideas may be aynopaized as follows! . It
is a sufficient account of solidity to say that it is go t
b y touch and that it ari ses from the resis tance found
in^odies to the entrance of any other body. ^jTt
is that which hinders the approach of two bodies^
when they are m oved tow ards o ne anothe r." If not.
i dentical with matter, it is at all events its most es-
sential property. " This^ j)f all "others seems "fhe
iHeaTmo'stllllimately connected with and essential to
bodj, so as no where else to be found or imagined,
but only in matter." It is, moreover, the source of
the other properties of matter. " Upon the. soiidity
of bodies depend their mutual impulse, resistance,
and protrusion." Solidity, again, " is so inseparable
an idea from body that upon that depends its. filling
of space, its contact, impulse, and communication
134 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
of motion upon impulse/' It is to be distinguished,
therefore, from hardness, for hardness is relative
and derived, various bodies having various degrees
of it; while solidity consists in utter exclusion of
other bodies from the space possessed by any one,
so that the hardest body has no more solidity than
the softest.
The close connection between solidity and matter
makes it not only possible, but necessary, to distin-
guish between matter and extension as against the
Cartesians, who had identified them. In particular
Locke notes three differences between these notions.
Extension includes neither solidity nor resistance;
its parts are inseparable from one another both really
and mentally, and are immovable ; while matter has
solidity, its parts are mutually separable, and may
be moved in space. From this distinction between
space and matter it follows, according to Locke,
that there is such a thing as a vacuum, or that
space is not necessarily a plenum of matter. Mat-
ter is that which fills space ; but it is entirely indif-
ferent to space whether or not it is filled. Space is
occupied by matter, but there is no essential rela-
tion between them. Solidity is the essence of mat-
ter ; emptiness is the characteristic of space. " The
idea of space is as distinct from that of solidity as
it is from that of scarlet color. It is true, solidity
cannot exist without extension, neither can scarlet
color exist without extension ; but this hinders not
that they are distinct ideas "
Thus there is fixed for us the id ea of space a s
MATTER AND ITS RELATION TO SPIRIT. 135
well as of matter. ' It is a distinct idea ; that is ,
absolute or independent in itself, havin p ; no intrinsic |t^
connection with phenomen a in spa>ce . Yet it is got . ., .
through the senses. How that can b^^^^ matter jof >'-''
sensation which is not only not material, but ha s v
no connection in its elf with matter^ T^ocke does -/' f
not ex plai^ He thinks it suflficient to say that_ _g€ j , ' '
see distan ce between bodies of different color just '
a s plainly as we see the colors . / S pace is, therefor e,
a purely imm ediate idea , containi ng no more org anic
relation to intelligence than it^as to o^ ects. We get
the notion of time as we do that of space, excepting
that it is the observation of internal states and not
of external objects which furnishes the material of
the idea. Time has two elements, —succession an d
duration. ^* Observing what p asses i n the min d,
how of our ideas there in train. some constantly
vanish, and others begin to aj)pearj^ we come by the
idea of succession, and by observ ing a dist ance in
the parts of this succession we ^et the idea of
duration." Whether, however, time is something
essentially empty, having no relation to the events
which fill it, as space is essentially empty, without
necessary connection with the objects which fill it,
is a question Locke does not consider. In fact, the
gist of his ideas upon this point is as follows : there
is actually an objective space or pure emptiness ;
employing our senses, we get the idea of this space.
There is actually an objective time ; employing re-
flection, we perceive it. There is not the slightest
attempt to form a philosophy of them, or to shoTf
136 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
their function in the construction of an intelligible
world, except in the one point of the absolute inde-
pendence of matter and space.
It cannot be said that Leibniz criticises the minor
points of Locke in such a way as to throw much
light upon them, or that he very fully expresses his
own ideas about them. ^ He contents himself with
declaring that while the senses may give instances
,of space, time, and matter, and may suggest to intel-
ligence the stimuli upon which intelligence realizes
these notions from itself, they cannot be the source
of these notions themselves ; finding the evidence of
this in the sciences of geometry, arithmetic, and pure
physics. For these sciences deal with the notions
of space, time, and matter, giving necessary and
demonstrative ideas concerning them, which the
senses can never legitimate. He further denies the
supposed absoluteness or independence of space,
matter, and motion. Admitting, indeed, the distinc-
tion between extension and matter, he denies that
this distinction suffices to prove the existence, or
even the possibility, of a vacuum, and ends with a
general reference to his doctrine of pre-established
harmony, as serving to explain these matters more
fully and more accurately.
Leibniz has, however, a complete philosophy of
nature. In his other writing, he explains the ideas
of matter and force in their dependence upon his
m.etaphysic, or doctrine of spiritual entelechies. The
task does not at first sight appear an easy one.
The reality, according to Leibniz, is purely spiritual,
MATTER AND ITS RELATION TO, SPIRIT. 137
does not exist in space nor time, and is a principle
of activity following its own law, — that of reflect-
ing the universe of spiritual relations. How from
this world of ideal, unextended, and non-temporal
dynamic realities we are to pass over to a material
world of extension, with its static existence in
space, and transitory passage in time, is a question
challenging the whole Leibnizian system. It is a
question, however, for which Leibniz himself has
provided an answer. We may not regard it as
adequate ; we may think that he has not truly
derived the material world from his spiritual prin-
ciples : but at all events he asked himself the
question, and gave an answer. We shall investi-
gate this answer by arranging what Leibniz has said
under the heads of : matter as a metaphysical prin-
ciple ; matter as a physical phenomenon ; and the
relation of phenomena to absolute reality, or of
the physical to the metaphysical. In connection
with the second head, particularly, we shall find it
necessary to discuss what Leibniz has said about
\^space, time, and motion.
' Wolff, who put the ideas of Leibniz into systematic
shape, did it at the expense of almost all their
significance. He took away the air of paradox, of
remoteness, that characterized Leibniz's thought,
and gave it a popular form. But its depth and sug-
gestiveness vanished in the process. Unfortunately,
Wolff's presentations of the philosophy of Leibniz
have been followed by others, to whom it seemed
a dull task to follow out the intricacies of a thought
138 LEIBNIZ'S NEW. ESSAYS.
nowhere systematically expressed. This has been
especially the case as concerns the Leibnizian
doctrine of matter. A superficial interpretatioa of
'-^^ertain passages in Leibniz has led to an abnost
/universal misunderstanding about it. Leibniz fre-
quently says that since matter is composite or
complex, it follows that there must be something
simple as its basis, and this simple something is
the monad. The misinterpretation just spoken of
consists in supposing that Leibniz meant that mat-
ter ais composite is made up of monads as simple ;
that the monad and matter are facts of the same
order, the latter being only an aggregate, or con-
tinued collection of the former. It interpreted the
conception of Leibniz in strict analogy with the
atomic theory of Lucretius, excepting that it granted
that the former taught that the ultimate atom, the
component of all complex forms of matter, has
position oniy, not extension, its essence consisting
in its exercise of force, not in its mere space oc-
cupancy. The monad was thus considered to be in
space, or at least conditioned by space relations,
as is a mathematical point, although not itself
spatial in the sense of being extended. Monad and
matter were thus represented as facts of the same
kind or genus, having their difference only in their
relative isolation or aggregation.
But Leibniz repudiated this idea, and that not
only by the spirit of his teaching, but in express
words. Monads ^' are not ingr edients or constit -
• uents of matter," he says, ' ' but only conditions of itj'
MATTER AND ITS RELATION TO SPIRIT. 139
" Monads can no more be said to be parts of bodi es,
or to come in contact with them, or to compose >JjLL>
them, than can souls or mathematical points." ^^
* VMonads per ge ha ve no situation releiJ;ly^J;Qjane
another. " An increase in the number of created
monads, he says again, if such a thing could be
supposed, would no more increase the amount of
matter in existence, than mathematical points added
to a line would increase its length. And again:
" There is no nearness or remoteness among mo-
nads ; to say that they are gathered in a point or
are scattered in space, is to employ mental fictions, '
in trying to imagine what can only he thought." The
italicized words give the clew to the whole dis-
cussion. To make monads of the same order as
corporeal phenomena, is to make them sensible, or
capable of being iinaged, or conditioned by space
and time, — three phrases which are strictly cor-
relative. But the monads can only be though t, —
that iSj t heir qualilie s^re ideal, not sensible ; they
can be realized_only^ by^jeaaoa*.. no t proj ecte d in
forms having spati al o utline and temporal ha b-
itation/ that is, in images. Monad s and material
things^ in.. other words, are facts of two distinct
orders ;. Ih ey a re related as the rational or sj^iritual^
and the j)hysical or sensible. Matter is no more
composed of monads than it is of thoughts or_of^
logical princigles. As Leibniz says over and over
again: Matter, space, time, motion are only phe-
nomena, although phenomena bene fundata, — phe-
nomena, that is, having their rational basis and
140 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
condition. The monads, on the other hand, are
not appearances, they are realities.
Having freed our minds from the supposition
that it is in any way possible to form an image or
picture of the monad ; having realized that it is
wholly false to suppose that monads occupy posi-
tion in space, and then by their continuity fill it,
and make extended matter, — we must attempt to
frame a coiTect theory of the nature of matter and
its relation to the monad. We shall do this only
as we realize that '* matter," so far as it has any
reality, or so far as it has any real fandamentum^
must be something ideal, or, in Leibniz's language,
" metaphysical." As he says over and over again,
the only realities fvff thf aiiKafon^oo ^vi. °|liritil1f^
units of a c tivity, to which the name ^* monad" i s
given. In the inquiry, then, after such reality as
matter may have, we must betake ourselves to this
unit of living energy.
Although every monad is active, it is not entirely
active. There is, as we have already seen, an
infinite scale of substances ; and since substance is
equivalent to activity, this is saying that there is
an infinite scale of activities. God alone is purus
actus ^ absolute energy, untouched by passivity or
receptivity. Every other being has th e element, of
incompleteness, of . iuadeq uacy ; it does not c om-
pletely represent the universe. In this passivity
consists its finitude, so that Leibniz says that not
even God himself could deprive monads ^oMt, for
this wQuld be to make them equal to himself. In
MATTER AND ITS RELATION TO SPIRIT. 141
this passivity, incompleteness, or finitude, consi sts
wh at we calljnatter. Leibniz says that he can un-
derstand what Plato meant when he called matter,
something essentially imperfect and transitory. Ev-
ery finite monad is a union of two principles, —
thoseof activity and of passivity . " I do not ad-
'mit," says Leibniz, "that there are souls existing
simply by themselves, or that there are created
spirits detached from all body. God alone is
above all matter, since he is its author ; creatures
freed from matter would be at the same time de-
tached from the universal connection of things, and,
as it were, deserters from the general order." And
again, " Beings have a nature which is both active
and passive ; that is^ material and immaterial."
And again, he says that every created monad re-
quires both an entelechy, or principle of activity,
and matter. '' Matter is essential to any entelech y.
and c an never be separated from it^ giu ce matter
C ompletes li^ ' in short, the term " monad "is eqiifva -
Tpnt tn t.hp. tpj»m ^^ entelechy" only when applied j o
God._ In every other monad, the entelechy, or en-
"ftrgv. iR bnt onft faot^r. " Mg^tfc.ezvJli: .primitixajiaar
sive power, completes the en t elechy^^ r primitive
afitiye p()wer. so th at it becomes a perfect substance,
ormonad." On the other hand, of course^ matter,
as the passive principle, is a mere potentiality; ^or
abstraction, considered in itself. It Js real only
in its union with_the active principle. Matter, he
says, " cannot exist without immaterial substances."
" To every particular portion of matter belongs a
142 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
particular form : that is, a souU a spirit /' To this
element of nfatter, considered as an abstraction, in
its distinction from soul, Leibniz, following the
scholastics, and ultimately Aristotle, gives the
name, " first" or " bare " matter. The same influ-
ence is seen in the fact that he opposes this element
' of matter to " form," or the active principle.
Our starting-point, therefore, for the considera-
tion of matter is the statement that it is receptivity,
the capacity for being affected, which always con-
stitutes matter. But what is meant by- " receptiv-
ity " ? To answer 'this question we must return to
what was said about the two activities of the monad,
— representation, or perception, and appetition, —
and to the difference between confused and distinct
ideas. The mona ^^ han apppfifi/^n ar^ f «»» qq 4f /laf^i*-
mines itself ff^m wif.hin tr^ oTian^P. gn far ^ it
follows an int ernal principle of energy . It is rep-
resentative an far asi it is dptprm^'^^^ froT Ti withou t,
so far as it receives i mpressions from the universe.
Yet we have^ lear ned to know that i n one sens e
everything occurs from the sponta neity of the
monad itself ; it receives no influenc e or influxus
from without; everything "comes from it s own
depths, or is appetition. Biit,"^oh the other hand,
all that which so comes forth is only"a mirrormg or
copying of the universe. The whole content of the
appetition is representation. Al though the monad
works spontaneously, it is none the less d etermine d
in its activities to prodace onlyT6flfe<5tions or images
of the^world. In this way appetition and represen-
MATTER AND ITS RELATION TO SPIRIT. 143
^tion appear to be identica l . The mona d is deter -
mine d from within, indeed, but it is d etermined to
exactly the same results as if wholly determined .
from w]thqiTtT Wh at ligh t, then, can be thrown from,
this distinction upon the nature of matterF
None, unless we follow LeiFniz somewhat farther.
If we do, we shall see that the soul is regarded as
appetitive, or self -active, so far as it has clear and
distinct ideas. Jf the monad reaches distinct cop -
sdousness, it has knowledge of self , — that js, of the
n ature of pure sp irit. — or, what ap;ain is equivalen t
to this, of the na ture^ of r eality as it univer sally is.
Such knowledge is knowledge of God, of substance,
of unity, of pure activity ,'and of all the^innate ideas
which elevate the confused perceptions of sense into
science. Distinct consciousness is therefore equiv-
alent to self-activity,, and this to recognition of God
and the universal. But i f knowledge is conf used, it
is not possible to see iFTn its relations^to self; it
cannot be an alyzed ; the rational or ideal element
in it |s concealed from view. In confused ideas ,
there toej_Jhe_goul appea rs to be pass ive ; being
passive, to be determined from_ without. This de-
termination from without is equivalent to that
which is" opposed to spirit or reasouj and hence ap-
pears as matter. Such is in^ outline the Leibnizian
pBiTosophy. ""^^
It thus is clear that merely stating that matter is
passivity in the monad is not the ultimate way of stat-
ing its nat ure . F or pa ssivity means in reality^ nothing
hut confused representations, — representations, that
*
%-
7r\ -se
144 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
is, whose significance is not perceive d. The true sig-
nificance of every representation is found in its rela-
tion to the ego, or pure self-acti vity which, through
its dependent relation upon God, the absolute self-
activity an d ego, prod.u ces t he rep resentation from
its own ideal being. So far as the soul doesji ot
have distinct recy gmtion^_of_rglatio n of all repre -
se ntations to self , i^^ fee ls them as coming from
without ; as f orei gn to spirit : in short, as matter .
Leibniz thus employs e xactly the same languag e
about lionTused ideas that he does about passivity ,
or matter . It is not possible that the monad should
have distinct consciousness of itself as a mirror of
the whole universe, he says, " for in that case every
entelechy would be God." Again, " the soul would
be God if it could enter at once and with distinct-
ness into everything occurring within it." But it is
necessary " that we should have passions which con-
sist in confused ideas, in which there is something
involuntary and unknown, and which represent the
body and constitute our imperfection." Again, he
speaks of matter as " the mixture (melange) of the
effects of the infinite environing us." In that expres-
sion is summed up his whole theory of matter. It is
a mixture ; it is, that is to say, confused, aggregated,
irresolvable into simple ideas. But it is a mixture
of " effects of the infinite about us ;" that is, it takes
its rise in the true, the real, the spiritual. It only
fails to represent this as it actually is. Matter, in
short, is a phenomenon depend ent upon inability to
realize the entire spiritual character of reality. It
MATTER. AND ITS RELATION TO SPIRIT. 145
is spirit apprehended in a confused, hesitatinp[, an d
passive manner.
II Is^none the less a necessary phenomenon, for.it
is involved in the idea of a continuous gradation of
monads, in the distinction between the infinite and
the finite, or, as Leibniz often prefers to put it,
between the " creator " and the " created.". There is
involved everywhere in the idea of Leibniz the con-
ception of subordination ; of a hierarchy of forms,
each of which receives the law of its action fi:pm the j^
next higher, and gives the law to the next lower. in.
We hav e previously co ns idered the element of pas- *'^
-sivity or receptivity as relating only to the monad ^
which manifests it. T lPis ev ident , ho wever, that
what is passive in one, implies something acti ve i n
another. What on e receives^ is what another gives.
The reciprocal influe nce of mona ds upon one another,
therefore, as harmonious members of one system,
f eqiiir es m atter . More strictly speakingj, this recip-
roc al influe nce is matter. To take a way all rec_ep-( '
tivity, all passivity, from monads would be to isolate
them from all relations with others ; it would be
deprive them of all power of affecting or being
fected by others. ' That is what Leibniz meant by
expression already quoted, that if monads had not
matter as an element in them, " they would be, as
it were, deserters from the general order." The
note of unity, of organic connection, which we found
to be the essence of the Leibnizian philosophy, abso-
lutely requires, therefore, matter, or passivity.
It must be remembered that this reciprocal in-
10
f'
A,
3late
)e to A
y the / V\
146 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
fluence is ideal. As Leibniz remarks, ** When it is
said that one monad is affected by another, this is
to be understood concernrngf its representcUion of the
other. For the Author of things has so accommo-
dated them to one another that one^is said to suffer
(or recei ve from the other\-jyhen its relative valug.
gives wav to th at of the other." Or again,^/the
;^ moflihcati^gg ot one monad are the ideal causes^
the modi fications of another monad, so far as there
appear in on e the reasons on account ^^ ^ll^^^ ^^^
hrnnpht. about in the beprjnniny ppnfoi'n tn^j|j|.^|jj^pQ
in another." 3 A nd most definitely of all ; >^ A/we a-
ture. .ig_^led ac tive so far as it has perfection ;
5 passive in so far as it is imperfect. One creature
(' is more perfect than anQ theFsoTar~as there is foun cL
\V/^^n it that which' serves t o render thp. rpofion. a priorL
,, \ for that o ccurring in the other ; and it is in this way
that it acts upon the other. ^
-rT^nVe are thus intro duced^, from a new point of
/ view ami in a more concrete way, to the conception
of pre-established harmony. The activity of one,
the energy which gives the law to the other and
makes it subordinate in the hierarchy of monads,
is conceived necessarily as spirit, as soul; that
which receives, which is rendered subordinate by
the activity of the other, is body. The pre-estab-
lished harmony is the fact that they are so related
that one can receive the law of its activity from the
' other. Leibniz is without doubt partially responsi-
ble for the ordinary misconception of his views
upon this point by reason of the illustration which he
■7
MATTER AND ITS RELATION TO SPIRIT. 147
was accustomed to use ; namely, of two clocks so
constructed that without any subsequent regulation
each always kept perfect time with the other, — as
much so as if there were some actual physical connec-
tion between them. This seems to put soul and body,
spirit and matter, as two co-ordinate substances, on
the same level, with such natural opposition between
them that some external harmony must arrange some
unity of action. In causing this common idea of his
theory of pre-established harmony, Leibniz has paid
the penalty for attempting to do what he often re-
proves in others, — imagining or presenting in sensi-
ble form what can only be thought. But his other
explanations show clearly enough that the pre-estab-
lished harmony expresses, not a relation between
two parallel substances, but a condition of depend-
ence of lower forms of activity upon the higher for
the law of their existence and activity, — in modern
terms, it expresses the fact that phenomena are
conditioned tipon noumena ; that material facts get
their significance and share of reality through their
relation to spirit. . . i
We may sum up what has been said about matter
as an element in the monad, or as a metaphysical
principle, as follows : The existence of matter is not
only not opposed to the fundamental ideas of Leib-
niz, but is a necessary deduction from them. It is
a necessity of the principle of continuity ; for this
requires an infinity of monads, alike indeed in the
universal law of their being, but unlike, each to
each, in the specific coloring or manifestation of this
\
148 LEIBNIZ*S NEW ESSAYS.
law. The principle of organic unity requires that
there be as many real beings as possible participat-
ing in and contributing to it. It is necessary, again,
in order that^there may be reciprocal influence or
connection among the monads. Were it not for
the material element in the monad, each .would be
a God; if each were thus infinite and absolute,
there would be so many principles wholly indepen-
dent and isolated. The principle of harmony would
be violated. So much for the necessity of the
material factor. As to its nature, it is a principl e
of passivity ; t hat is, of ideal receptivity, of conform -
ity to a Taw apparently not self-imposed, but exter -
hally lai^d down . This makes matter equivalent to
a phenomenon ; that is to say, to the having of con-
fused, imperfect, inadequate ideas. To. say that
matter is correlative to confused ideas is to say that
^there is no recognition of its relation to self or to
spirit. As Leibniz sometimes puts it, since there
is an infinity of beings in the universe, each one of
which exercises an ideal influence upon every other
one of the series, it is impossible that this other one
should realize their full meaning ; they appear only
as conf used ideas^ or as matter . To use language
which Leibniz indeed does not employ, but which
seems to convey his thought, the spirit^ not seeing
" them as they really .are, d o es not find itself in them .
But matter is thus not only the confused manifesta-
tion or phenomenon of spirit, it is also its potential-
ity. Passivity is always relative. It does not mean
complete lack of activity ; that, as Leibniz says, is
MATTER AND ITS KELATION TO SPIRIT. 149
nothingness, and matter is not a form of notHing-
ness. Leibniz even speaks of it as passive power:
That is to say, there is an undeveloped or incom-
plete activity in what appears as matter, and this
may be, — if we admit an infinity of time, — must be
developed. When developed it manifests itself as
it really is, as spirit. Confused ideas, as Leibniz
takes pains to state, are not a genus of ideas anti-
thetical to distinct; they differ only in degree or
grade. They are on their way to become distinct,,
or else they are distinct ideas which have fallen
back- into an " involved " state of being. Matter,
therefore, is not absolutely opposed to spiiit, — on
the one hand because it is the manifestation, the
phenomenon, of spirit; on the other, because it .is
the potentiality of spiiit, capable of sometime rea-
lizing the whole activity implied in it, but now
latent.
Thus it is that Leibniz says that everything is
" full" of souls or monads. What appears to be
lifeless is in reality like a pond full of fishes, like a
drop of water full of infusoria. Everything is* or-
ganic down to the last element. More truly, there
is no last element. There is a true infinity of
organic beings wrapped up in the slightest speck
of apparently lifeless matter. These illustrations,
like many others which Leibniz uses, are apt to
suggest that erroneous conception of the relation
of monads to spirit which we were obliged, in
Leibniz's name, to correct at the outset, — the idea,
namely, that matter is composed, in a spatial or
150 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
mechanical way, of monads. But after the forego-
ing explanations we can see that what Leibniz
means when he says that every portion of matter is
full of entelechies or souls, like a garden full of
plants, is that there is an absolute continuity of
spiritual principles, each having its ideal relation
with every other. There is no point of matter
which does not represent in a confused way the
entire universe. It is therefore as infinite in its
activities as the universe. In idea also it is capa-
ble of representing in distinct consciousness, or as
a development of its own self-activity, each of
these infinite activities.
In a word, every created or finite being may be
regarded as matter or as spirit, according as it is
accounted for by its external relations, as the rea-
sons for what happen in it are to be fpund elsewhere
than in its own explicit activity, or according as it
shows clearly in itself the reasons for its own modi-
fications, and also accounts for changes occurring in
other beings. The externally conditioned is mat-
ter ; the internally conditioned, the self-explanatory,
is self-active, or spirit. Since all external relations
are finally dependent on organic ; since the ultimate
source of all explanation must be that which is its
own reason ; since the ultimate source of all activity
must be that which is self-active, — the final reason
or source of matter is spirit.
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY. 151
CHAPTEE VIII.
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY.
WE have seen the necessity and nature of matter
as deductions from the fundamental prin-
ciples of Leibniz. We have seen that matter is
a phenomenon or manifestation of spirit in an im-
perfect and confused way. But why should it ap-
pear as moving, as extended, as resisting, as having
cohesion, with all the concrete qualities which always
mark it? Is there any connection between these
particular properties of matter as physical, and its
"metaphysical" or ideal character? These are the
questions which now occupy us. Stated more defi-
nitely, they take the following form : Is there any
essential connection between the properties of mat-
ter as a metaphysical element, and its properties as
a sensible fact of experience? Leibniz holds that
there is. He does not, indeed, explicitly take the
ground that we can deduce a priori all the charac-
teristics of matter as a fact of actual experience
from its rational notion, but he thinks we can find
a certain analogy between the two, that the sensible
qualities are images or reflexes of the spiritual quali-
ties, witnessing, so far as possible, to their origin in
pure energy.
152 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
i\ His position is as follows : that which in the
monad is activity or substantial, is, in sensible mat-
ter, motion. That which in the monad is lack of a
given activity, that which constitutes its subordinate
position in the hierarchy of monads, is, in the sphere
of material things, inertia. That which in the spir-
itual world is the individuality of 'monads, making
each forever ideally distinct from every other, is, in
the phenomenal realm, resistance or impenetrability.
The perfect continuity of monads in the mundus
intelUgihilis has also its counterpart in the mundus
sensibiUs in the diffusion or extension of physical
things.
Instead of following out this analogy directly, it
will rather be found convenient to take up Leibniz's
thought in its historical connection. We have
already alluded to the fact that he began as a Car-
tesian, and that one of the first ideas which repelled
him from that system of thought was the notion
that the essence of matter is extension. His earliest
philosophical writings, as he was gradually coming
to the thoughts which thereafter dominated him,
are upon this point. In general, his . conclusions
are as follows : If matter were extension, it would .
be incapable of passion or of action. . Solidity, too,
is' a notion entirely opposed to the conception of
mere extension. The idea of matter as extension
contradicts some of the known laws of motion. It
requires' that the quantity of niotion remain un-
changed whenever two bodies come in contact,
while as matter of fact it is the (Juantity of en-
MATKRIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY. lo3
ergy, that which the motion is capable of effecting,
that remains unchanged ; or, as he more often piits
the objection, the Cartesian notion of matter re-
quires that matter be wholly indifferent to motion,
that there be nothing in it which resists motion when
imparted. ^But, says Leibniz, there is something
Resisting, that to which Keppler gave the name
"inertia.'' It is not found to be true if one body
impacts upon another that the second moves without
diminishing the velocity or changing the direction
of the first. On the other hand, just in proportion
to the size of the second body, it resists and changes
the motion of the first, up to the point of causing
the first to rebound if small in comparison. And
when it was replied that the retardation- was due to
the fact that the force moving the first body had
now to be divided between two, Leibniz answered
that this was simply to give up the contention, and
besides the notion of extension to use that of force.
If extension were the essence of matter, it should be
possible to deduce all the properties of matter, or
at least to account for them all, from it. But since,
as just seen, this does not enable us to account for
any of them, since for any of its concrete qualities
we have to fall back on force, it is evident where
the true essence of matter is to be found.
Leibniz has another argumetit of a logical nature,
as those already referred to are of a physical:
"Those who claim that extension is a substance,
reverse the order of words as well as of thoughts.
Besides extension there must be a subject which is
154 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
extended; that is to say, something to which it
belongs to be repeated or continued. .For extension
is nothing but a repetition or continued multiplicflr
tion of that which is spread out, — it is a plurality, a
continuity, a co-existence of parts. Consequently,
extension does not suffice to explain the nature of
the repeated or manifold substance, of which the
notion is anterior to that of its repetition." Exten-
sion, in other words, is nothing substantial, it is
not something which can exist by itself ; it is only
a quality, a property, a mode of being. It is
always relative to something which has extension.
As Leibniz says elsewhere : " I insist that extension
is only an abstraction^ and requires something which
is extended. It presupposes some quality, some
attribute, some nature in a subject which is ex-
tended, diffused, or continued. Extension is a dif-
fusion of this quality. For example, in milk there is
an extension or diffusion of whiteness ; in the dia-
mond an extension or diffusion of hardness ; in
body in general a diffusion of antitypia or mate-
riality. There is accordingly in body something
anterior to extension."
From the physical side, therefore, we find it im-
possible to account for the concrete properties of
material phenomena from extension ; on the logical
we find that the idea of extension is always relative
to that which is extended. What is that which is
to be considered as the bearer of extension and the
source of physical qualities? We are led back to
the point at which we left the matter in the last
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY. 155
chapter. It is force, and force both passive and
active. Leibniz uses the term " matter" in at least
three senses : it is the metaphysical element of pas-
sive force in the monad; it is the monad itself
considered as, upon the whole, externally condi-
tioned or unconscious ; and it is the phenomenon
resulting from the aggregation of the monads in the
second sense. The first is naked matter, and is a
pure abstraction ; the second is the monad as mate-
rial, as opposed to the monad, as soul ; the third is
clothed, or second matter, or, concretely, body, cor-
pus. The first is unreal by itself; the second is
one phase of substance ; the third is not substantial,
but is a reality, though a phenomenal one. It is
from the substantial monad that we are to explain
the two things now demanding explanation, — that
element in bodies (matter in third sense) which
is the source of their physical properties, and that
which is the subject, the carrier, so to speak, of
extension.
That of which we are in search as the •source of the
physical qualities of bodies is i^aotion. This is not /
force, but its "image." It is force, says Leibniz,
that " is the real element in motion ; that is to say,
it is that element which out of the present state in-
duces a change in the future state." As force, in
other words, is the causal activity which effects the \
development of one " representation " of a monad out
of another, so motion, in the realm of phenomena,
is not only change, but change which is continuous
and progressive, each new position being dependent
156 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
upon the foregoing, and following' out of it abso-
lutely without break.
Motion, therefore, is the manifestation of the
ideal unity of substance, — a unity not of mere
static inherence, but of a continuous process of ac-
tivity. It is from this standpoint that Leibniz ac-
counts for the so-called transference of motion from
one body to another upon contact. The ordinary
view of this, which looks at it as if one body loses
the motion which another body gains, Leibniz
ridicules, saying that those who hold this view seem
to think that motion is a kind of thing, resembling,
perchance, salt dissolved in water, v ^e rig hWiew,
on the other hand, doed' away with all appearance of
mystery in the carrying over of motion from one
body to another, for it recognizes that continuity is
the very essence of motion, and that we do not
have two things and a third process, but that the
two bodies are phases or elements in one and the
same system of movement.
Starting from this idea of motion, then, Leibniz
is to account for the actual qualities of matter as
found in experience. These are the form, magni-
tude, cohesion, resistance, and the purely sensible
qualities of objects. " First '* matter, that is, ab-
stract matter, may be conceived, according to Leib-
niz, as perfectly homogeneous, a " subtle fluid /' in
his words, without any distinction of parts or of so-
lidity. But this is an abstract notion. It is what
matter would be without motion. Motion neces-
sarily differentiates this plenum of homogeneity, and
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY. 157
thus causes distinctions of figure (that is, l)ounda-
ries of parts) and varieties of cohesion, or the
varying solidity and fluidity of bodies. The latter
difference is indeed the ultimate one. / The prin ciple
of ^ontiiM iity or gradation, as applied to motion,
makes it necessary that motions should not be in
any two places of exactly the same energy. The
result is that the originlil fluid matter is everywhere
differently divided. Motion, entering into the uni-
form plenum, introduces distinction ; it causes so
much of the matter as is affected by a given move-
ment to collect together and form in appearance a
coherent body, as opposed to surrounding bodies
which are affected by different degrees of energy.
But even this is only approximate ; the same princi-
ple of continuity must be applied within any
apparently coherent body ; its parts, while, in rela-
tion to other bodies, they have the same amount of
motion, are in relation to one another differently
affected. There are no two having exactly the
same motion ; if they had, there would be no dis-
tinction between them ; and thus, according to the
pr incipl e of Leibniz, they would be the same.
It^follows at once from this that there is in the
universe no body of absolute hardness or solidity,
nor of entire softness or fluidity. A perfectly. solid
body would be one whose system of motions could
not be ^.ffected by any other system, — a body which
by motion had separated itself from motion, or be-
come absolute. This is evidently an idea which
contradicts itself, for the very essence of motion is
158 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
continuity or relation. /A body perfectly fluid, on
the other hand, would be one in which there was
no resistance offered to other motions, — a body, in
other words, in which there are no movements
that, entering into connection with one another,
form a relative opposition to other movements.
It would be a body isolated or out of relation with
the general system of motions, and hence an im-
possibility. There is no last term either of solidity
or of fluidity.
It equally follows as matter of course that there
is no indivisible particle of-aaatteTj — no atom.
The infinity of degrees of motion implies a corre-
sponding division of matter. As already said, it is
only in contrast with other relatively constant sys-
tems of motion that any body is of uniform motion ;
in reality there is everywhere throughout it variety
of movement, and hence complete divisibility, or
rather, complete division. If Leibniz were to em-
ploy the term " atom " at all, it could be only in the
sense of the modern dynamical theory (of which,
indeed, he is one of the originators), according to
which the atom is not defined by its spatial position
and outlines, but, by the range pf its effects , as the
centre of energies of infinite circumference. Correl-
ative to the non-existence of the atom is the non-
existence of the vacuum. The two imply each
other. The hard, limited, isolated body, having no
intrinsic relations with other bodies, must have room
to come into external relations with them. This
empty space, which is the theatre of such accidental
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY. 159
contacts as may happen, is the vacuum. But
if bodies are originally in connection^ with one
another, if they are in reality hut .differentiations
of varying degrees of motion within one system of
motion, then there is no necessity for the vacuum,
— nay, there is no place for it. The vacuum in this
case could mean only a break, a chasm, in the order
of nature. According to the theory of Leibniz,
'* bodies^". are bul the_ dynamic divisions of the one
energy that fills the universe ; their separateness is
not an independent possession of any one of them
or of all together, but is the result of relations to
the entire system. Their apparent isolation is only
by reason of their actual connections. To admit a
vacuum anywhere, would thus be to deny the relat-
edness of the parts separated by it. The theory of
the atom and the vacuum are the two phases of
the metaphysical assumption of an indefinite plu-
rality of independent separate realities. The the-
ory of Leibniz, resting as it does on the idea of
a perfect unity of interrelated members, must deny
both .at these.. aspects . 'Were we making an ex-
tended analysis of the opposed view, it would be
necessary to point out that it denies itself. For
it is only through the vacuum that the atoms are
isolated or independent, and the sole function of
the vacuum is to serve as the background of the
atoms. The atoms, are separated only in virtue of
their connection, and the vacuum is what it is —
piu-e emptiness — only on account of that which is
in it. In short, the theory is only an abstract and
160 LEIBNIZ*S NEW ESSAYS.
incomplete way of grasping the thought of relation
or mediated unity.
We have thus discovered that all motions con-
spire together, or form a system. But in their
V unity they do not cease to be motions, or variously
differentiated members. Through this differenti-
ation, or mutual reac]fcion of motions, there comes
about the appearance of boundaries, of separation.
From these boundaries or terminations arise the
form and size of bodies. From motion also proceeds
the cohesion of bodies, in the sense that each re-
lative system resists dissolution, or hangs together.
Says Leibniz, '* The motions, since they are con-
spiring, would be troubled by separation; and
accordingly this can be accomplished only by
violence and with resistance." Not only form, size,
and stability depend upon motion, but also the
sensible, the *' secondary " qualities. " It must
not be supposed that color, pain, sound, etc., are
arbitrary and without relation to their causes. It
is not God's way to act with so Uttle reason and
order. There is a kind of resemblance, not entire,
but of relation, of order. We say, for example,
* Light is in the fire,' since there are motions in the
fire which are imperceptible in their separation,
but which are sensible in their conjunction or con-
fusion ; and this is what is made known in the idea
of light." In other words, color, sound, etc., even
pain, ai*e still the perception of motion, but in a
confused way. We thus see how thoroughly Leibniz
carries back all the properties of bodies to motion.
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY. 161
To sum up, motion is the origin of the relative
solidity^ the divi^lbl^n^aB, tlr^fdrm, the 'size, th©^
cohesion, or~aetive resistance of bodies, and of their
properties as made known , to. us . in., immediate
sensation.
In all that has been said it has been implied that
extension is already in existence ; " first matter" is
supposed to fill all space, and motion to determine
it to take upon itself its actual concrete properties.
But this " first matter," when thus spoken of, l^as
a somewhat mythological sound, even if it be ad-
mitted that it is an abstraction. For how can an
abstraction be extended in space, and how can Jt
form, as it were, a background upon which. motion
displays itself? The idea of " first matter" in ^
relation to. extension evidently demands explana-
tion. In seeking this explanation^ we shall also
learn about that "subject" which Leibniz said
was necessarily presupposed in extension, , as a
concrete thing is required for a quality.
The! clew to the view of Leibniz upon , this point
may be derived, I think, from the following quo-
tations: —
*' If it were possible to see what makes extension,
that kind of extension which falls under our eyes
at present would vanish, .and our minds. would
perceive nothijig else than simple realities existing
in mutual externality to one another. It would be
as if we could distinguish the minute particles of
matter variously disposed from which a- painted
image is formed : if we could do it, the image, which
11
\
162 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
is nothing but a phenomenon, would vanish. . . .
If we think of two simple realities as both existing
at the same time, but distinct from one another, we
look at them as if they were outside of one another,
and hence conceive them as extended."
The monads are outside of one another, not
spatially, but ideally ; but this reciprocal distinction
from one another, if it is to appear in phe-
nomenal mode, must take the form of an image,
and the image is spatial. But if the monads were
pure activity, they would not take phenomenal form
or appear in an image. They would always be
thought just as they are, — unextended activities
realizing the spiritual essence of the universe. But
they are aot pure activity ; they are passive as welli
It is in virtue of this passive element that the ideal
externality takes upon itself phenomenal or sensible
form, and thus appears as spatial externality.
Leibniz, in a passage already quoted, refers to
the diffusion of materiality or antitypia. This word,
which is of frequent occurrence in the discussions
of Leibniz, he translates generally as "impenetra-
bility," sometimes as " passive resistance." It cor-
responds to the solidity' or resistance of which
Locke spoke as forming the essence ot matter.
Antitypia is the representation by a monad of the
passive element in- other monads. Leibniz sometimes
speaks as if all created monads had in themselves
antitypia, and hence extension ; but he noiore ac-
curately 'e^tpresses it by saying that they -need
{exigent) it. This is a technical term wbich h6
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REaLHY. ICS
elsewhere uses to express the relation of the posr
sible to the actual. The possible *' needs" the
actual, not in the sense that it necessarily requires
existence, but in the sense that when the actual
gives it existence, it is the logical basis of the
actual, — the actual, on the other hand, being its
real complement. The passivity of the monad is
therefore at once the logical basis and the possir
bility of the impenetrability of matter. It is ow-
ing to the passivity of the monad that it does not
adequately reflect (that it is not transparent to, so
to speak) the activities of other monads. In its
irresponslveness, it fails to mirror them in itself.
It may be said, therefore, to be impenetrable to
them. They in turn, so far as they are passive,
are impenetrable to it. Now the impenetrable is,
ex vi terminis^ that which excludes, and that which
excludes^ not in virtue of its active elastix3ity, but
in virtue of its mere inertia, its dead weight, as it
were, of resistance. But mutual exclusion of this
passive sort constitutes that which is extencjedv
Extension is the abstract quality of this , concrete
subject. Such, in effect, is the deduction which
Leibniz gives of body, or physical matter, from
matter as metaphysical ; of matter as sensible or
phenomenal, from matter as ideal or as- intelligible.
If we put together what has been s^iid, it is <jleaj*
that material phenomena (bodies, corpom, in Leib*-
niz's phrase) simply repeat in another sphere the
properties of the spiritual monad. There is a com-
plete parallelism between every property, each, to.
1
164 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
each, and this necessarily ; for every property of
** body " is in logical dependence upon, and a phe-
nomenalization of, some spiritual or ideal quality.
Motion is the source of all the dynamic qualities of
body, and motion is the reflection of Force, that
force which is Life. But this force in all finite forms
is conditioned by a passive, unreceptive, unrespon-
sive factor ; and this must also have its correlate in
*' body." This correlate is primarily impenetrability,
and secondarily extension. Thus it is that concrete
body always manifests motion, indeed, but upon a
background of extension, and against inertia. It
never has free play; had it an unrestrained field
of activity, extension would disappear, and spatial
motion would vanish into ideal energy. On the
other hand, were the essence of matter found in
resistance or impenetrability, it would be wholly
inert ; it would be a monotone of extension, without
variety of form or cohesion. As Leibniz puts it
with reference to Locke, " body " implies motion,
or impetuosity, resistance, and cohesion. Motion is
the active principle, resistance the passive ; while
cohesion, with its various grades of completeness,
which produce form, size, and solidity, is the result
of their union.
Leibniz, like Plato, has an intermediary between
the rational and the sensible ; and as Plato found
that it was mathematical relations that mediate
between the permanent and unified Ideas and the
i changing manifold objects, so Leibniz found that
the relations of space and time form the natural
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY. 165
transition from the sphere of monads to the world
of bodies. As Plato found that it was the possi-
bility of applying mathematical considerations to
the world of images that showed the participation
of Ideas in them, and constituted such reality as
they had, 'so Leibniz found that space and time
formed the element of order and regularity among
sense phenomena, and thus brought them into kin-
ship with the monads and made them subjects of
science. It is implied in what is here said that
Leibniz distinguished between space and time on
the one hand, and duration and extension on the
other. This distinction, which Leibniz draws re-
peatedly and with great care, has been generally
overlooked by his commentators. But it is evident
that this leaves Leibniz in a bad plight. Mathe-
matics, in its various forms, is the science of spatial
and temporal relations. But if these are identical
with the forms of duration and extension, they are
purely phenomenal and sensible. The science of
them, according to the Leibnizian distinction be-
tween the absolutely real and the phenomenally
real, would be then a science of the confused, the
imperfect, and the transitory ; in fact, no science at
all. But mathematics, on the contrary, is to Leib-
niz the type of demonstrative, conclusive science.
Space and time are, in his own words, "innate ideas," •
and the entire science of them is the drawing out of the
content of these innate — that is, rational, distinct,
and eternal — ideas. But extension and duration are
sensible experiences ; not rational, but phenomenal 5
\
166 . LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
not distinct, but confused ; not eternal, but evanes-
. cent. We may be sure that this contradiction would
not.escape Leibniz, although it has many of his critics
and historians.
: It is true, however, that he occasionally uses the
: ' terms as synonymous ; bat this where the distinction
between thetn has no bearing on the argument in
hand, and where the context determines in what
• sense the term is used. The distinction which he
actually makes, and to which he keeps when space
and time are the subject of discussion, is that ex-
tension and duration are qualities or predicates of
objects And events, while space and time are rela-
? tions, or orders of existence. Extension and dura-
tion are,' as he says, the immensity^ the mass, the
: continuation, the repetition, of some underlying
subject. But space and time are the measure of the
mass, the rule or law of the continuation, the order
or mode of the repetition. Thus immediately after
the passage already quoted, in which he says that
extension in body is the diffusion of materiality,
just as whiteness is the diffusion of a property of
milk, he goes on to say " that extension is to space
as duration to time. Duration and extension are
attributes of things ; but space and time are to be
considered, as it were, outside of things, and as
serving to measure them." Still more definitely he
says r '' Many confound the immensity -or extent
of things with the space by means of which this
extent is definedr Space is not the extension of
body, any mpfe than duration is its time. Things
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REA^LITY. 167
keep their extension, not always their space. Ev-
erything has its own extent and duration; but it
does not have a time of its own, nor keep for its
own a space." Or, as he expresses the latter idea
elsewhere, space is like number, in the sense that
it is indifferent to spatial things, just as number is
lindifferent to res numerata. Just as the number
five is not a quality or possession of any object, or
. group of objects, but expresses an order or relation
■ among them, so a given space is not the, property
of a thing, but expresses the order of its parts to
one another. But extension, on the; other hand, is
a property of the given objects. While Extension,
therefore, must always belong to some a6tufil thing,
space, as a relation, is as applicable to possible
- things as to actual existences ; so that Leibniz
sometimes says that time and space " express pos-
: sibilities." They are that which makes it possible
for a definite and coherent order of experiences
to exist. They determine existence in some of
its relations, and as such are logically prior to any
given forms of existence ; while extent and duration
are always qualities of some given fonn of existence,
and hence logically derivative. Since time and
. space " characterize possibilities " as well as actual-
ities, it follows as a matter of course " that they are
of the nature of eternal truths, which relate equally
to the possible and to the existing." Being an eter-
nal truth, space must have its place in that; which is
simply the active unity of all eternal truths, — the
mind of God. " Its truth and reality jare based.
168 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
upon God. It is an order whose sonrce is God."
Since God is punis cu^tasj he is the immediate, i\iQ
efficient source only of that which partakes in some
degree of his own nature, or is rational ; and here
is another clear point of distinction between space
and extension, between time and duration.
But we must ask more in detail regarding their
nature. Admitting that they are relations, ideal and
prior to particular experiences, the question must be
asked, What sort of relations are they ; how are they
connected with the purely spiritual on one hand, and
with the phenomenal on the other ? Leibniz's most
extended answers to these questions are given in his
controversy with Clarke. The latter took much the
same position regarding the nature of space (though
not, indeed, concerning the origin of its idea) as Locke,
and the arguments which Leibniz uses against hun
he might also have used, for the most part, against
Locke. Locke and Clarke both conceived of space
and time as wholly without intrinsic relation to ob-
jects and events. It is especially against this po-
sition that Leibniz argues, holding that space and
time are simply orders or relations of objects and
events, that space exists only where objects are ex-
isting, and that it is the order of their co-existence,
or of their possible co-existence ; while time exists
only as events are occurring, and is the relation of
their successipn. Clarke, on the other hand, speaks
of the universe of objects as bounded by and mov-
ing about in an empty space, and says that time
existed before God created the finite world, so that
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY. 1C9
the world came into a time already there to receive
its on -goings, just as it fell into a space already
there to receive its co-existences.
To get at the ideas of Leibniz, therefore, we can-
not do better than follow the course of this discus-
sion. He begins by saying that both space and
time are purely relative, one being the order of co-
existences, the other of successions. Space charac-
terizes in terms of possibility an order of things
existing at the same time, so far as they exist in
mutual relations (ensemble)^ without regard to their
special modes of existence. As to the alternate
doctrine that space is a substance, or something ab-
solute, it contradicts the principle of sufficient reason.
Were space something absolutely uniform, without
things placed in it, there would be no difference be-
tween one part and another, and it would be a mat-
ter of utter indifference to God why he gave bodies
certain positions in space rather than others ; simi-
larly it would be a matter of indifference why he
created the world when he did, if time were some-
thing independent of events. In other words, the
supposed absoluteness of space and time would
render the action of God wholly without reason,
capricious, and at haphazard. Similarly, it contra-
dicts the principle of " indiscernibles," by which
Leibniz means the principle of specification, or dis-
tinction. According to him, to suppose two things
exactly alike, is simply to imagine the same thing
twice. Absolute uniformity, wholly undifferen-
tiated, is a fiction impossible to realize in thought.
170 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
" Space considered without objects has nothing in
it to determine it ; it is accordingly nothing actual.
The parts of space must be detennined and dis-
tinguished by the objects which are in them."
Finally, were space and time absolutely real things
in themselves, they would be independent of God,
and even limitations upon him. "They would be
more substantial than substances. God would not
be able to change or destroy them: They would be
immutable and eternal in every part. Thus there
would be an infinity of eternal things (these parts)
independent of God.*' They would limit God be-
cause he would be obliged to exist i/i them. Only
by existing through this independent time would he
be eternal ; only by extending through tliis inde-
pendent space would he be omnipresent. Space
and time thus become gods themselves.
When Clarke declares that by the absoluteness
of space and time he does not mean that they are
themselves substances, but only properties, attri-
butes of substance, Leibniz advances the same
ai'guments in different fonn. If space were the
property of the things that are in space, it would
belong now to one substance, now to another, and
when empty of all material substance, even to an
immaterial substance, perhaps to God. " Truly a
strange attribute which is handed about from
one thing to another. Substances thus leave their
accidents as if they were old clothes, and other
substances put them on." Since these finite spaces
are iu infinite space, and the latter is ao attribute
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY. 171
of God, it must be that an attribute of -God is
composed of parts, some of tbem empty, some full,
some round, some square. So, too, .wbatever is
in time would belp make one of tbe. attributes of
Godi " Truly a strange God," says Leibniz, "this ^
Deity of parts " {ce Dieu d, parties) . Clarke's reply
to this was that space and time are attributes of
God and of God alone, not of things in space and
time," — that, indeed, strictly speaking, there are no
parts in Bpaee or in time ; they are absolutely one.
This was virtually to give up the whole matter. It
was to deny the existence of finite spaces and times,
and to resolve them into an indefinite attribute of
God. Such a view, as Leibniz points out, not only
is contrary to experience, but affords no- aid in
determining the actual concrete forms and situations
of bodies, and durations and successions of events.
The absolute space and time, having ho parts, are
wholly out of relations to these concrete existences.
The latter require, therefore, a space and a time
that are relations or orders. Clarke's hypothesis
is, as Leibniz says, wholly without use or function,
and requires a theory like that of Leibniz to account
for the actually determinate forms of experience.
In his last reply Clarke shifts his ground again,
and says that space and time are effects of God's
existence; "they are the necessary results of his
existence." " His existence is the cause of space
and time." The death of Leibniz prevented any
further reply. It is not hard to imagine, however,
that in a general way his reply would have been to
172 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
ask how space and time are at once attributes essen-
tial and necessary to God, as constituting his im-
mensity and eternity, and effects dependent upon
his existence. To take this latter position, indeed,
seems to abandon the position that they are ab-
solute, and to admit that, like the rest of God*s
creation, they are relative and finite.
So much for Leibniz's polemic. Its meaning is
that space and time have significance only with
reference to things and events, that they are the
intellectual, the ideal side of these objects and
occurrences, being the relations which give them
order and unity. A space which is not the space
of objects, which is not space in and through ob-
jects, is an inanity ; it is not spirit, it is not matter ;
it is not a relation of either. It is nothingness
magnified to infinity, and then erected into existence.
And all for nothing ; for it does not enable us to
account for a single concrete fact of experience.
For this we must have recourse to relations and
orders of existence. Space is therefore to be
defined as the order which makes it possible for
objects to have situation ; time as that which makes
it possible for events to have dating, — not as if
they were actually prior to them, and although
nothings in themselves, yet capable of giving con-
crete determination to things, but as actually the
relations themselves, and as ideally necessary for
the coherent experience of co-existent objects and
of connected events. As Leibniz puts it epi-
grammatically : "Space is the order of possible
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY. 173
constants; time the order of inconstant possibilr
ities."
We have finished the exposition of the views
of Leibniz about matter and material facts. One
question, however, remains to be discussed, — a
question which Leibniz's contemporary critics would
not allow him to pass over in silence, even had he
been so disposed. What is the reality of matter,
of motion, of space, and of time? Since they are,
as Leibniz says, only phenomena, not absolute
realities, what distinguishes them from dreams,
from illusions? What distinguishes sensible phe-
nomena from capricious fantasies, and gives them
reality?
Leibniz begins his answer by pointing out that j
the mere fact that bodies are phenomena does not
make them unreal. To say that anything is phe-
nomenal is to say that it is sensible; but ''.the
senses make no declaration regarding metaphysical
matters " such as truth and reality. . The senses, iif
a word, only inform U9 that the experiences are there
for the senses, that they are sensible. What is the
ultimate nature of the sensible or the phenomenal,
what is their reality, is a question wholly outside
the province of sense. The questions of ultimate
nature, of reality, are questions of metaphysics, and
hence are to be decided by the reason, not by the
senses. And Leibniz goes on to say that the truth-
fulnei^ of the senses, since it concerns only the
sensible, consists in the reciprocal agreement of
sensible facts, and in that we are not deceived in
174 • Leibniz's new essays
reasoning from one to another. An isolated sense-
experience could not be said to be either true or
false, real or illusory. It would be true that it was
experienced, and that is all that could be said about
it. But since our experiences are not thus separated,
but have a certain order, there arises what we may
j call sensible reality and illusion. When the order
between two facts. remains the same "in different
times and places and in the experience of different
men," we call these facts real. If, however, our
experience cannot be repeated by ourselves or by
other men when the same conditions (that is, con-
• nections) are present, it is ifnreal, or false. It is
" thus " the relation of phenomena which guarantees
truth of fact regarding sensible objects." Con-
stancy, regularity, justify us in ascribing reality;
chaotic change and lack of orderly connection are
a sign of unreality. Even our dreams have a
reality ; for they have their connections and place
I in experience. If we understood their connections
we should even be able to explain their apparent
lack of connection with the rest of experience.
Leibniz: thinks that both the Academicians and
Sceptics and their opponents erred in attempting
to find gi'eater reality i\i sensible things than that
of regular phenomena. Since our observations
and judgments upon sensible phenomena are of
such a nature that we can predict future phenomena
and prepare for them, we have all the reality in
them that can be had or asked for. Even if it be
granted possible (as it must be on this basis) that,
MATERIAL PItENOMENA AND 'THEIR: REALITY. 175
metaphysically speaking, sense-experience is only
a conneieted dream, it yet has a sufficient reality ;
for we are not deceived in the measures taken
with reference to phenomena, provided that we act
on the ground of their observed harmonies and
relations, i Thus while we are obliged to admit that
'our se'nses inform us that there are hard, passive,
extended, indivis:ible things, not perfectly contin-
uous and not intellectual in their nature, and we
know on metaphysical grounds that this information
is not correct, we cannot say that our senses deceive
us, for sense makes no statements regarding such^
matters. It is our reason that errs if it takes the
information that the senses give as if it were a ^
declaration of r.eason itself. Sensible things have
all the reality necessary for this range of experience,
— practical^ — such regularity of co-existence and se-
quence as allows us to act without being led astray.
But if we regard senses-phenomena not merely in
their connection with . one another, but in their
dependence upon the absolute realities, we have
still better justification for their icomparative reality,
lliese phenomena are consequences of necessary
and eternal truths. One endowed with a perfect
knowledge of such truths would be able to deduce,
a jsriori, the phenomena fiom them. The reality
of sensible phenomena thus consists not merely in
their connection with one another, but in the fact
that they are connected as the laws of the intelli-
gible world require. They follow not. only rules of
co-existence and sequence ; but these rules may be
176 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
brought under general laws of motion, which in tarn
may be deduced from geometrical principles. These
latter, however, are a priori; they are truths which
L . are groimded in the very intelligence of God. The
I sensible has its basis in the ideal. To state the
same fact in another way, all sensible phenom-
ena occur in time and space ; or rather, time
and space are the orders, the relations, of phe-
nomena occurring and existing. But, as we have
just seen, time and space are ideal. A relation, as
Leibniz points out, being neither attribute nor ac-
cident, cannot be in the things which it relates, as
their possession. In his own words, it cannot he
conceived as if it had one leg in one object, the
/ other leg in the other. A relation is not a material
L bond, running through or cementing objects ; it is
\ ideal, existing in the mind. And while it is true
that space and time are the relations of objects .?ind
events, it is. also true that if all objects and events
were annihilated, space and time would continue
to have their ideal existence in the intelligence of
God as the eternal conditions of phenomena. They
thus form the links between absolute reality and the
reality of sensible existence. The principle of suf-
ficient reason forms another link. It may be re-
called that in discussing Leibniz's theory of volition
we found that the will of God in relation to the
sensible world is always determined by the choice
of the better ; that in this consists the . controlling
reason and regulative principle of all that occurs
and exists. Thus for every fact in the sensible
MATERIAL PHENOMENA AND THEIR REALITY. 177
world there is connection with '^metaphysical," or
'absolute, reality, not only through the medium of
the intellectual relations of time and space, but
through the dynamic intermediary of the divine will
acting in accordance with the divine reasoily Sen-
sible facts have, then, a reality, but a -dependent
one. There would be no contradiction involved if
they were not what they actually are.
We may sum up the matter by saying that the
reality of sensible phenomena consists in the con-
stancy of the mutual order in which they exist, and
in the dependence of this order upon the divine In-
telligence and Will. In this respect, at least,
Leibniz resembles the young Irish idealist, Berkeley,
who only seven years after Leibniz wrote the " New
Essays" composed- his "Principles of Human
Knowledge," urging that the immediate reality of
sense- phenomena consists in their "steadiness,
order, and coherence," "in a constant uniform
working," and that this "gives us a foresight
which enables us to regulate oui* actions for the
benefit of life." It was Berkeley also who wrote
that their ultimate reality consists in their being
ideas of a Divine Spirit. This was six years
before the death of Leibniz. Yet it does not
appear that Berkeley knew of Leibniz, and the only
allusion to Berkeley which I have found in the
writings of Leibniz shows that Leibniz knew only of
that caricature of his views which has always been
current, — that Berkeley was one who denied the
existence of any external world. What he writes
12
178 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
is as follows: "As for liim in Ireland who qaes-
tions the reality of ' bod.ies,' be seems neither to
offer what is rational, nor sufficiently to explain his
own ideas. I suspect tliat he is one of those men
who are desirous of making themselves known
through paradoxes/'
SOME FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS. 179
CHAPTER IX.
SOME FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS.
THE fundamental category of Locke, as of all
who take simply a mechanica.! view of ex-
perience, is that of substance. He had good reason
to be surprised when the Bishop of Worcester ob-
jected that Locke wished '' to discard substance out
of the world." How can that be so-, Locke asks,
when I say that '' our idea of body is an extended
solid substance, and our idea of soul is of a sub-
stance that thinks." And he adds, '' Nay, as long
as there is any simple idea or sensible quality left,
according to my way of arguing, substance cannot
be discarded." Everything that. really exists, is,
according to Locke, substance. But substance to
Locke, as again to all who interpret the universe
after sensible categories, is unknowable. For such
categories allow only of external relations; they
admit only of static existence. Substance, in this
way of looking at it, must be distinct from its qual-
ities, and must be simply the existing substratum in
which they inhere.
^Locke's account, of the way in which we get the
idea, and of its nature, is as follows: "All the
ideas of all the sensible qualities of a cherry come
180 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
into my mind by sensation. The ideas of these
qualities and actions, or powers, are perceived by
the mind to be by themselves inconsistent with ex-
istence. They cannot subsist of themselves. Hence
the mind perceives their necessary connection with
inherence, or with being supported." Correlative
to the idea of being supported is, of course, the
idea of the support. But this idea " is not repre-
sented to the mind by any clear and distinct idea ;
the obscure and vague, indistinct idea of thing or
something, is all that is left." Or yet more simply,
" Taking notice that a certain number of simple ideas
go together, and not imagining how these simple
ideas can subsist by themselves, we accustom our-
selves to suppose some substratum wherein they do
subsist, and from which they do result." Hence
the only idea we have of it is of something which
underlies known qualities. It is their " supposed,
but unknown, support."
If we translate these expressions into the ideas of
to-day, we see that they are equivalent to the view
of the world which is given us by scientific catego-
ries when these categories are regarded not merely
as scientific, but also as philosophic ; that is, ca-
pable of interpreting and expressing the ultimate
nature of experience. This modern view uses the
words " things-in-themselves " (or absolute realities)
and " phenomena." It says that we know nothing of
existence as it is in itself, but only of its phenom-
ena. Mind, matter, objects, are all substances, all
equally substances, and all have their unknown
SOME FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS. 181
essence and their phenomenal appearance. Such
a distinction between the known and the unknown
can rest, it is evident, only upon a separation be-
tween reality and phenomena similar to that which
Locke makes between substance and qualities. In
knowing the latter, we know nothing of the former.
Although the latter are called " phenomena," they do
not really manifest the substantial reality ; they con-
ceal it. This absolute distinction between substance
and quality, between reality and phenomenon, rests,
in turn, upon the hypothesis that reality is mere
existence ; that is, it is something which is, and that
ia all. It is a substratum ; it lies under, in a passive
way, qualities ; it is (literally) substance ; it simply
stands, inactively, und«r phenomena. It may, by
possibility, have actions ; but it has them. Activi-
ties are qualities which, like all qualities, are in
external relation to the substance. Being, in other
words, is the primary notion, and "being" means
something essentially passive and merely enduring,
accidentally and secondarily something acting.
Here, as elsewhere, Locke is the father of the
mechanical philosophy of to-day.
We have already learned how completely Leibniz
reverses this way of regarding reality. According
to Locke, reality essentially is ; and in its being
there is no ground of revelation of itself. It then
acts ; but these actions, " powers, or qualities," since
not flowing from the very being of substance, give no
glimpse into its true nature. According to Leibniz,
reality acts, and therefore is. Its being is conditioned
182 . LEIBNIZ'S N5;W ESSAYS.
itpou its activity. It' is not first there, and secondly
acts ; but its " being there " is its activity. Since its
very substance is activity, it is impossible that it
should not manifest its true nature. Its every activity
is a revelation of itself. It cannot hide itself as a
passive subsistence behind qualities or phenomena.
It must break forth into them. / On the other hand,
since the qualities are not something which merely
inhere in an underlying support, but are the various
forms or modes of the activity which constitutes
reality, they necessarily .reveal it. They are its
revelations. There is here no need to dwell further
on the original dynamic nature of substance ; what
was said in the way of general exposition suflSces.
It is only in its relations to Locke's view as just
laid down that it now concerns us.
In the first place, Leibniz points out that quali-
ties are *' abstract," while substance is '' concrete."
The qualities, from the very fact that they have no
self-subsistence, are only relations, while the sub-
stance, as that of which they are qualities, or from
which they are abstractions, is concrete. It is, Leib-
niz says, to invert the true order to take qualities or
abstract terms as the best known and most easily
comprehended, and " concretes " as unknown, and
as having the most difficulty about them. "It is
abstractions which give birth to almost all our diflS-
culties," and Locke's error here is that he begins
with abstractions, and takes them to be most open
to intelligence. Locke's second error is separating
so completely substance and attribute. "After
SOME FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS. 183
having distinguished," says Leibniz, ''two things
in substance, the attributes or predicates, and the
common subject of these predicates, it is not to be
wondered at that we cannot conceive anything in
particular in the subject. This result is necessarj^,
since we have separated all the attributes in which
there is anything definite to be conceived. Hence
to demand anything more than a mere unknown
somewhat in the subject, is to contradict the suppo-
sition which was made in making the abstraction
and in conceiving separately the subject and its quali-
ties or accidents." ' We are indeed ignorant of a
subject from which abstraction has been made of all
defining and characteristic qualities ; " but this igno-
rance results from our demanding a sort of knowl-
edge of which the object does not permit." In short,
it is a credit to our knowledge, not an aspersion
upon it, that we cannot know that which* is thor-
oughly unreal, — a substance deprived of all attri-
butes. This is, indeed, a remark which is applicable
to the supposed unknowableness of pure Being, or
Absolute Being, when it is defined as the absence of
all relations (as is done, for example, by Mr. Spencer^
to-day) .
Closely connected with the notion of substance
are the categories of identity and diversity. These
relations are of course to Locke thoroughly ex-
ternal. It is "relation of time and place which
always determines identity." " That that had one
beginning is the same thing ; and that which had a
different beginning in time and place from that, is
184 LEIBlrtz'S NEW ESSAY&
not the same, bat diverse." It is therefore easy
to discover the principle of individaation. It ^' is
existence itself, which determines a being of any
sort to a particular time and place, incommunicable
to two beings of the same kind." He applies this
notion to organic being, including man, and to the
personal identity of man. The identity of an oigan-
ism, vegetable, brute, or human, is its continuoas
organization ; 'Mt is the participation of the same
continued life, by constantly fleeting particles of
matter in succession vitally united to the same or-
ganized body." Personal identity is constituted by
a similar continuity of consciousness. ^^ It being
the same consciousness that makes a man be him-
self to himself, personal identity depends on that
only." It *' consists not in the identity of sub-
stance, but in the identity of consciousness." It
will be noticed that Locke uses the notion of identity
which he has already established to explain organic
and personal unity. It is the ^^ same continued
life," '' identity of consciousness," that constitute
them. We are, hence, introduced to no new prin-
ciple. Identity is even in personality a matter of
temporal and spatial relations.
, In the general account of the system" of Leibniz
it was pointed out that it is characteristic of his
thought to regard identity and distinction as internal
principles, and as necessarily implied in each other.
We need not go over that ground again, but simply
see how he states his position with reference to what
is quoted from Locke. These are his words : ** Be-
SOME FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS. 185
sides the difference of place and time there is always
necessary an internal principle [or law] of distinc-
tion, so that while there may be several things of the
same species, there are no two things exactly alike.
Thus, although time and place (that is, relations to^
the external) aid us in distinguishing things, things
do not cease to' be distinguished in themselves.
The essence of identity and diversity does not con-
sist in time and place, although it is true that di-
versity of things is accompanied with that of time
and place, since they carry along with them different
impressions upon the thing ; " that is, they expose the
thing to different surroundings. But in reality "it
is things which diversify times and places from one
another, for in themselves these are perfectly similai', ^
not being substances or complete realities."
The principle of individuation follows, of course, '^
from this. '* If two individuals were perfectly
similar and equal, that is, indistinguishable in
themselves, there would be no principle of individ-
uation ; there would not be two individuals." Thus
Leibniz states his important principle of the ''iden-
tity of indiscernibles," the principle that where there
is not some internal differentiating principle which
specifies the existence in this or that definite way,
there is no individual. Leibniz here states, in effect, ^^
the principle of organic unity, the notion that con-
crete imity is a unity 0/ differences, not from them.
It is the principle which allows him at once to accept
and transform the thought of Spinoza that all quali-
fication or determination is negation. Spinoza, in *
186 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
m
Bpite of his intellectual greatness, conceived of dis-
tinction or determination as external, and hence as
external negation. But since oltimate reality £ul-
mits of no external negation, it must be without dis-
tinction, an all-inclusive one. But to Leibniz the
negation is internal ; it is determination of its own
being into the greatest possible riches. '' Things
that are conceived as absolutely uniform and con-
taining no variety are pure abstractions." *' Things
indistinguishable in themselves, and capable of being
distinguished only by external characteristics without
internal foundation, are contrary to the most impor-
tant principles of reason. The' truth is that every
being is capable of change [or differentiation], and
is itself actually changed in such a way that in
^itself it differs from every other."
/ As to organic bodies, so far as they are bodies, or
corporeal, they are one and identical only in appear-
ance. *' They are not the same an instant. . . .
Bodies are in constant flux." " They are like a river
which is always changing its water, or like the ship
of Theseus which the Athenian^ are constantly re-
l)iiiring." Such unity as they really possess is like
nil uuity, — ideal or spiritual. "They remain the
Hiiine individual by virtue of that same soul or spirit
which constitutes the ' P2go ' in those individuals who
think." '' P^xcept for the soul, there is neither the
same life nor any vital union." As to. personal
identity, Leibniz distinguishes between " physical
or real" identity and "moral." In neither case,
however, is it a unity which excludes plurality, an
SOME FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS. 187
identity which does not comprehend diversity.
*' Every spirit has," he says, "traces of all the
impressions which it has ever experienced, and even
presentiments of all that ever will happen. But
these feelings are generally too minute to be distin-
guished and brought into consciousness, though they
may be sometime developed. This continuity and
connection of perceptions makes up the real identity
of the "individual, while apperceptions (that which
is consciously apprehended of past experiences)
constitute the moral identity and make manifest
the real identity." We have had occasion before to
allude to the part played in the Leibnizian philos-
ophy by " minute perceptions " or *' imconscioys
ideas." Of tjiem he says, relative to the present
point, that '* insensible perceptions mark and even
constitute the sameness of the individual, which- is
characterized by the residua preserved from its pre-
ceding states, as they form its connection with its
present state. '^ If these connections are ''apper-
ceived" or brought into distinct consciousness,
there is moral identity as well. As he expresses
it in one place: "The self {soi) is real and phys-
ical identity ; the appearance of self, accompanied
with truth, is personal identity." But the essential
point in either case is that the identity is not that
of a substance underlying modifications, nor of a
consciousness which merely accompanies all mental
states, but is the connection, the active continuity,
or — in Kant's word — the synthesis, of all particular
forms of the mental life. The self is not the most
188 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
abstract unity of experience, it is the most organic.
What Leibniz says of his monads generally is espe-
cially true of the higher monads, — homan souls.
*' They vary, up to infinity itself, with the greatest
abundance, order, and beauty imaginable." Not a
mathematical point, but life, is the type of Leibniz's
conception of identity.
In the order in which Locke takes up his topics
(and in which Leibniz fellows him) we have omitted
one subject, which, however, aiay find its natural
place in the present connection, — ihe subject of
infinity. In Locke's conception, the infinite is only
a ceaseless extension or multiplication of the finite.
He considers the topic immediately after the discus-
sions of space, time, and number, and with good
logic from his standpoint ; for " finite and infinite,"
he says, are " looked upon by the mind as the modes
of quantity^ and are attributed, in their first desig-
nation, only to those things which have parts and
are capable of increase and diminution." This is
true even of the application of the term *' infinite " to
God, so far as concerns the attributes of duration
and ubiquity ; and as applied to his other attributes
the term is figurative, signifying that they are in-
comprehensible and inexhaustible. Such being the
idea of the infinite, it is attained as follows : There
is no difficulty, says Locke, as to the way in
which we come by the idea of the finite. Every
obvious portion of extension and period of succes-
sion which affects us is bounded. If we take one
of these periods or portions, we find that we can
SOME FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS. 189
double it, or " otherwise multiply it," as often as we
wish, and that there is no reason to stop, nor are we
one jot nearer the end at any point of the multi-
plication than when we set out. " By repeating ad
often as we will any idea of space, we get the idea
of infinity ; by being able to repeat the idea of any
length of duration, we come by the idea of eter-
nity." There is a difference, then, between the
ideas of the infinity of space, time, and number,
and of an infinite space, time, and number. The
former idea we have ; it is the idea that we can
continue without end the process of multiplication
or progression. The latter we have not ; it would
be the idea of having completed the infinite multi-
plication, it would be the result of the never-ending
progression. And this is evidently a contradiction
in terms. To sum the matter up, the term '' infinite "
always relates to the notion of quantity. Quantity
is that which is essentially capable of increase or
decrease. There is then an infinity of quantity;
there is no quantity which is the absolute limit to
quantity. Such a quantity would be incapable of
increase, and hence contradictory to quantity. But
an actual infinite quantity (whether of space, time,
or number) would be one than which there could
be no greater ; and hence the impossibility of our
having a positive idea of an actual or completed
infinite.
Leibniz's reply consists simply in carrying out
this same thought somewhat further. It is granted '
that the idea of an infinite quantity of any kind is
190 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
absurd and self -contradictory. But what does this
prove, except that the notions of quantity and in-
finity are incompatible with each other, that they
contradict each other? Hence, instead of the infi-
nite being a mode of quantity, it must be conceived
as essentially distinct from and even opposed to
quantity. Locke's argument is virtually a redtictio
ad absurdum of the notion that the infinite is capa-
ble of paints. In the few pages of comment which
Leibniz in 1696 wrote upon Locke, this topic of the
infinite is one of the few touched upon. His words
upon that occasion were as follows ; *' I agree with
Mr. Locke that, properly speaking, there is no space,
time, nor number which is infinite ; and that it is
only true that however great be a space, a time, or a
number, there is always another which is still greater,
and this without end ; and that, therefore^ the infi-
nite is not to be found in a whole made up of parts.
But it does not cease to exist : it is found in the
absolute, which is without parts, and of which com-
pound things [phenomena in space and time, or
facts which may be numbered] are only limitations.
The positive infinite being nothing else than the
absolute, it may be said that there is, in this sense,
a positive idea of the infinite, and that it is anterior
^to the idea of the finite." In other words, while
the infinite is to Locke an indefinite extension
of the finite-, which alone is positively '' given,"
to Leibniz the infinite is the positive and real, and
the finite is only in and by it. The finite is the
negative.
SOME FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS. 191
Leibniz amplifies this thought upon other occa-
sions, as in his present more extended examination.
"There is no infinite number, line, or quantity, if
they are taken as true wholes." '' We deceive our-
selves in trying to imagine an absolute space which
should be an infinite whole, composed of parts.
There is none such. It is an idea which implies
contradiction j/ and all these ' infinites ' and ' infini-
tesimals ' are of use only in geometry, as imaginary
roots are in algebra." That which is ordinarily
called the infinite, that is, the quantitative infinite,
is in reality only the indefinite. " We involve
ourselves in diflSculty when we talk about a series
of numbers extending to infinity ; we imagine a last
term, an infinite number, or one infinitely little. But
these are only fictions. All number is finite and
assignable [that is, of a certain definite quantity] ;
every line is the same. ' Infinites ' and ' infinites-
imals ' signify only quantities which can be taken
as large' or as small as one wishes, simply for the
purpose of showing that there is no error which can
be assigned. Or we are to understand by the in-
Vinitely little, the state of vanishing or com^lencing
of a quantum after the analogy of a quantum already
formed." On the other hand, the true infinite " is
not an aggregate, nor a whole of parts ; it is not
clothed with magnitude, nor does it consist in num-
ber. . . . The Absolute alone, the indivisible infi-
nite, has true unity, — I mean God." And as he
sums up the matter: ''The infinite, consisting of
parts, is neither one nor a whole; it cannot be
192 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
brought und^r any notion of the mind except that
of quantity. Only the infinite without parts is
one, and this is not a whole [of parts] : this infi-
nite is God."
It cannot be admitted, however, that Locke has
given a correct account of the origin of the notion
of the quantitative infinite, or — to speak philosophi-
^ cally, aqd not after the use of terms convenient in
mathematics — the indefinite. According to him, its
origin is the mere empii'ical repeating of a sensuous
datum of time and space. According to Leibniz,
this repetition, however long continued, can give
no idea . beyond itself ; it can never generate the
idea that the process of repetition may be continued
without a limit. Here, as elsewhere, he objects that
experience cannot guarantee notions beyond the
limits of experience. Locke's process of repetition
could tell us that a number had been extended up
to a given point ; not that it could be extended with-
out limit. The source of this latter idea must be
found, therefore, where we find the origin of all
extra-empirical notions, — in reason. *' Its origin is
the same as that of universal and necessary truths."
It is not the empirical process of multiplying, but the
fact that the same reason for multiplying always ex-
ists, that originates and guarantees the idea. "Take
a straight line and prolong it in such a way that it is
double the first. It is evident that the second, being
perfectly similar to the first, can be itself doubled ;
and we have a third, which in turn is similar to the
preceding. The same reason always being present,
SOME FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS. 193
it is not possible that the process should ever be
brought to a stop. Thus the line can be prolonged
* to infinity.' Therefore the idea of 'infinity' comes
from the consideration of the identity of relation or
of reason."
The considerations which we have grouped to-
gether in this chapter serve to show the fundamental
philosophical difference between Locke and Leibniz.
Although, taken in detail, they are self-explanatory,
a few words may be permitted upon their unity and
ultimate bearing. It is characteristic of Locke that
he uses the same principle of explanation with ref-
erence to the conceptions of substance, identity
and diversity, and infinity, and that this principle
is that of spatial and temporal relation. Infinity
is conceived as quantitative, as the successive ad-
dition of times and spaces ; identity and diversity
are oneness and difference of existence as deter-
mined by space and time ; substance is the under-
lying static substratum of qualities, and, as such,
is considered after the analogy of things exi&ting in
space and through time. It must not be forgotten
that Locke believed as thoroughly as Leibniz in the
substantial existence of the world, of the human
soul, and of God; in the objective continuity of
the world, and th^ personal identity of man, and in
the true infinity of God. Whatever negative or scep-
tical inferences may have afterwards been drawn
from Locke's premises were neither drawn nor
dreamed of by him. His purpose was in essence
one with that of Leibniz.
X3
194 Leibniz's new essays.
But the contention of Leibniz is that when sub-
stance, identity, and infinity are conceived of by me-
chanical categories, or measured by the sensible
standard of space and time, they lose then* meaning
and their validity. According to Iiim such notions
are spiritual in their nature, and to be spiritually
conceived of. " Spiritual," however, does not mean
opposed to the sensible ; it does not mean something
to be known by a peculiar kind of intuition unlike
our knowledge of anything else. It means t^e
active and organic basis of the sensible, its signifi-
cance and ideal purpose. It is known by knowing
the sensible or mechanical as it really is ; that is, as
it is completely, as a concretum, in Leibniz's phrase.
Leibniz saw clearly that to make the infinite some-
thing at one end of the finite, as its mere exter-
nal limit, or something miraculously intercalated
into the finite, was to deprive it of meaning, and,
by making it unknowable, to open the way for its
denial. To make identity consist in the removal of
all diversity (as must be done if it be thought after
the manner of external relations), is to reduce it
to nothing, — as Hume, indeed, afterwards showed.
Substance, which is merely a support behind quali-
ties, is unknowable, and hence unverifiable. While,
then, the aim of both Locke and Leibniz as regards
these categories was the same, Leibniz saw what
Locke did not, — that to interpret them after the
manner of existence in space and time, to regard
them (in Leibniz's terminology) as mathemiatical,
and not as metaphysical, is to defeat that aim. The
SOME FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS. 195
sole way to justify them, and in justifying them to
give relative validity to the sensible and phenom-
enal, is to demonstrate tlxeir spiritual and dynamic
nature, to show them as conditioning space and
time, and not as conditioned by them.
196 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
CHAPTER X.
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE.
THE third book of Locke's Essay is upon words
and language ; and in the order of treatment
this would be the next topic for discussion. But
much of what is said* in this connection both by
Locke and by Leibniz is philological, rhetorical, and
grammatical in character, and although not with-
out interest in itself, is yet without any especial
bearing upon the philosophical points in controversy.
The only topics in this book demanding our atten-
tion are general and particular terms; but these
fall most naturally into the discussion of general
and particular knowledge. In fact, it is not the
terms which Locke actually discusses, but the ideas
for which the terms stand. We pass on accordingly,
without further ceremony, to the fourth book, which
is concerning knowledge in general. Locke defines
knowledge as "nothing but the perception of the
connection and agreement, or disagreement and re-
pugnancy, of any of our ideas." These agreements
or disagreements may be reduced to four sorts, —
Identity, or diversity ; Relation ; Co-existence, or
necessary connection ; Real existence. The state-
ment of identity and diversity is implied in all
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 197
knowledge whatsoever. By them "the mind clearly
and infallibly perceives each idea to agree with itself
and be what it is, and all distinct ideas to disagree ;
i, e., the one not to be the other." The agreement of
relation is such knowledge as the mind derives from
the comparison of its ideas. It includes mathemat-
ical knowledge. The connection of co-existence
^" belongs particularly to substances." Locke's ex-
ample is that " gold is fixed," — by which we under-
stand that the idea of fixedness goes along with that
group of ideas which we call gold. All statements
of fact coming under the natural sciences would fall
into this class. The fourth sort is " that of actual
and real existence agreeing to any idea."
Leibniz's criticism upon these statements of
Locke is brief and to the point. He admits Locke's
definition of knowledge, qualifying it, however, by
the statement that in much of our knowledge, per-
haps in all that is merely empirical, we do not know
the reason and connection of things and hence can-
not be said to perceive the agreement or disagree-
ment of ideas, but only to feel it confusedly. His .
most important remark, however, is to the effect \
that relation is not a special kind of knowledge, but ;
that all Locke's four kinds are varieties of relation.
Locke's " connection" of ideas which makes knowl-
edge is nothing but relation. And there are two
kinds of relation, — those of " comparison " and of
*' concourse." That of comparison states the iden-
tity or distinction of ideas, either in whole or in part.
That of concourse contains Locke's two classes of
198
co-existence and existence. '' When we say that a
thing really exists, this existence is the predicate,
— that is to say, a notion connected with the idea
which is the subject ; and there is connection be-
tween these two notions. The existence of an
object of an idea may be considered as the con-
course of this object with me. Hence comparison,
which marks identity or divei*sity, and concourse of
an object with jne (or with the ego) are the only
forms of knowledge."
Leibniz leaves the matter here ; but he only
needed to develop what is contained in this state-
ment to anticipate Berkeley and Kant in some of
the most important of their discoveries. The con-
tradiction which lies concealed in Locke's account is
between his definition of knowledge in general, and
knowledge of real existence in particular. One
is the agreement or disagreement of ideas; the
other is the agreement of an idea with an object.
Berkeley's work, in its simplest form, was to re-
move this inconsistency. He saw clearly that the
"object" was an intruder here. If knowledge
lies in the connection of ideas^ it is impossible to
get outside the ideas to find an object with which
they agree. Either that object is entirely unknown,
or it is an idea. It is impossible, therefore,' to find
the knowledge of reality in the comparison of an
idea with an object. It must be in some property
of the ideas themselves.
Kant developed more fully the nature of this
property, which constitutes the "objectivity" of
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 199
our ideas. It is their connection with one another
according to certain necessary forms of perception
and rules of conception. In other words, the reality
of ideas lies in their being connected by the neces-
sary and hence universal relations of synthetic
intelligence, or, as Kant often states it, in their
agreement with the conditions of self-consciousness.
It is not, I believe, unduly stretching either the letter
or the spirit of Leibniz to find in that " concourse of
the object with the ego " which makes its reality, the
analogue of this doctrine of Kant ; it is at all events
the recognition of the fact that reality is not to
be found in the relating of ideas to unknown
things, but in their relation to self-conscious in-
telligence. The points of similarity between Kant
and Leibniz do not end here. Leibniz's two re-
lations of "comparison" and "concourse" are
certainly the congeners of Kant's "analytic" and
" synthetic" judgments. But Leibniz, as we shall
see hereafter, trusts too thoroughly to the merely
formal relations of identity and contradiction to
permit him such a development of these two kinds
of relation as renders Kant's treatment of them
epoch-making.
The discussion then advances to the subject of
degrees of knowledge, of which Locke recognizes
three, — intuitive, demonstrative, and sensitive. In-^
tuitive knowledge is immediate knowledge, — rec-
ognition of likeness or difference without the
intervention of a third idea; it is the most
certain and clear of all knowledge. In demonstra-
200 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
'J
live knowledge the agreement or disagreement j
cannot be perceived directly, because the ideas can- ,
not be put together so as to show it. Hence the j
mind has recoui-se to intermediaries. "And this I
is what we call reasoning." Demonstrative rests
on intuitive knowledge, because each intermediate '
idea used must be immediately perceived to be like I
or unlike its neighboring idea, or it would itself '
need intermediates for its proof. Besides these two
degrees of knowledge there is " another perception
of the mind employed about the particular existence
of finite things without us, which, going beyond
bare probability, and yet not reaching perfectly to
either of the foregoing degrees of certainty, passes
under the name of knowledge."
Leibniz's comments are again brief. The prim-
itive truths which are known by intuition are to be
divided into two classes, — truths of reason and of
fact. The primitive truths of reason are necessary,
and may be called identical, because they seem
only to repeat the same thing, without teaching us
anything. A is A. A is not non-A. Such prop-
ositions are not frivolous or useless, because the
conclusions of logic are demonstrated by means of
identical propositions, and many of those of ge-
ometry by the principle of contradiction. All the
intuitive truths of reason may be said to be made
known through the ' ' immediation " of ideas. The
intuitive truths of fact, on the other hand, are con-
tingent and are made known through the. '' immedi-
ation" of feeling. In this latter class come such
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 201
truths as the Cartesian, " I think, therefore I am.*'
Neither class can be proved by anything more
certain.
Demonstration is defined by Leibniz as by Locke.
The former recognizes, however, two sorts, — ana-
lytic and synthetic.' Synthesis goes from the simple
to the complex. There are many cases, however,
where this is not applicable ; where it would be a
task " equal to drinking up the sea to attempt to
make all the necessary combinations. Here the
method of exclusions should be employed, cutting
off many of the useless combinations." If this
cannot be done, then it is analysis which gives the
clew into the labyrinth. He is also of the opinion
that besides demonstration, giving certainty, there
should be admitted an art of calculating prob-
abilities, — the lack of which is, he says, a great
defect in our present logic, and which would be
more useful than a large part of our demonstrative
sciences. 'As to sensitive knowledge, he agrees
with Locke that there is such a thing as real knowl-
edge of objects without us, and that this variety
does not have the same metaphysical certainty as
the other two ; but he disagrees regarding its cri-
terion. According to* Locke, the criterion is simply
the greater degree of vividness and force that sen-
sations have as compared with imaginations, and
the actual pleasures or pains which accompany
them. Leibniz points out that this criterion, which
in -reality is purely emotional, is of no great value,
and states the principle of the reality of sensible
202 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
phenomena which we have already given, repeating
that it is found in the fx^nne<Aion of phenomena, and
that *^ this connection is verified by means of the
troths of reason, just as the phenomena of optics
are explained by geometry."
The discussion regarding "primitive truths,"
axioms, and maxims, as well as the distinction
between truths of fact and of reason, has its most
important bearing in Locke's next chapter. This
chapter has for its title the "Extent of Human
Knowledge," and in connection with the sixth
chapter, upon universal propositions, and with the
seventh, upon axioms, really contains the gist of
the treatment of knowledge. It is here also that
are to be considered chapters three and six of
book third, having respectively as their titles,
"Of General Terms," and "Of the Names of
Substances."
To understand Locke's views upon the extent
and limitations of our knowledge, it is necessary
to recur to his theory of its origin. If we compare
what he says about the origin of ideas from sen-
sations with what he says about the development
of general knowledge from particular, we shall find
that Locke unconsciously puts side by side two
different, and even contradictory, theories upon this
point. In the view already given when treating
of sensation, knowledge originates from the com-
bination, the addition, of the simple ideas furnished
us by our senses. It begins with the «(imple, the
unrelated, and advances to the complex. But ac-
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 203
cording to the doctrine which he propounds in
treating of* general terms, knowledge begins with
the individual, which is already qualified by definite
relations, and hence complex, and proceeds, by
abstracting some of these qualities, towards the
simple. Or, in Locke's own language, " ideas be-
come general by separating from them the cir-
cumstances of time and place and any other ideas
that may determine them to this and that particular .
existence." And, still more definitely, he says
that general ideas are framed by "leaving out of
the complex idea of individuals that which i^ pe-
culiar to each, and retaining only what is common
to them all." From this it follows that " general
and universal belong not to the real existence of
things, but are the inventions and creatures of the
understanding." " When we quit particulars, the
generals that rest are only creatures of our own
making. . . . The signification they have is nothing
but a relation that by the mind of man is added
to them." And in language which reminds us of
Kant, but with very different bearing, he says that
relations are the workmanship of the understanding.
The abstract idea of what is common to all the
members of the class constitutes " nominal es-
sence." This nominal essence, not being a par-
ticular existence in nature, but the '' workmanship
of the understanding," is to be carefully distin-
guished from the real essence, " which is the being
of anything whereby it is what it is." This real
essence is evidently equivalent to the unknown
204 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
I
"substance" of which we have heard before. "It I
is the real, internal, and iin known constitution of
things." In simple or unrelated ideas and in modes
the real and the nominal essence is the same; and
hence whatever is (J^monstrated of one is demon-
strated of the other. But as to substance it is differ-
ent, the one being natural, the other artificial. The
nominal essence always relates to sorts, or classes,
and is a pattern or standard by which we classify
objects. In the individual there is nothing es-
sential, in this sense. " Particular beings, con-
sidered barely in themselves, will be found to have
all their qualities equally essential to them, or,
which is more, nothing at all." As for the " real
essence" which things have, " we only suppose its
being without precisely knowing what it is."
Locke here presents us with the confusion which,
in one form or another, is alwa^^s found in empiri-
cism, and which indeed is essential to it. Locke,
like the ordinary empiricist, has no doubt of the
existence of real things. His starting-point is the
existence of two substances, mind and matter;
while, further, there is a great number of sub-
stances of each kind. Each mind and every sep-
arate portion of matter is a distinct substance.
This supposed deliverance of common sense Locke
never called into question. Working on this line,
all knowledge will consist in abstraction from the
ready-made things presented to us in perception,
" in leaving out from the complex idea of individ-
uals" something belonging to them. But on the
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF. KNOWLEDGE. 205
other hand, Locke never doubts that knowledge be-
gins with sensation, and that, therefore, the process
of knowledge is one of adding simple, unrelated
elements. The two theories are absolutely opposed
to each other, and yet one and the same philosoph-
ical inference may be drawn from each; namely,
'that only the particular is real, and that the uni-
versal (or relations) is an artificial product, manu-
factured in one case by abstraction from the real
individual, in the other by compounding the real
sensation.
The result is, that when he comes to a discussion
of the extent of knowledge, he admits knowledge of
self, of God, and of " things," only by a denial of
his very definition of knowledge, while knowledge
of other conceptions, like those of mathematics, is
not knowledge of reality, but only of ideas which
we ourselves frame. All knowledge, that is to say,
is obtained only either by contradicting his own
fundamental notion, or by placing it in relations
which are confessedly artificial and superinduced.
It is to this point that we come.
The proposition which is fundamental to the dis-
cussion is that we have knowledge only where we
perceive the agreemeirt or disagreement of ideas.
Locke then takes up each of his four classes of con-
nection, in order to ascertain the extent of knowl-
edge in it. Our knowledge of " identity and diversity
extends as far as our ideas," because we intuitively
perceive every idea to be " what it is, and different
from any other." Locke afterwards states, however,
206 LEIBNIZ*S NEW ESSAYS.
that all purely identical propositions are " trifling,"
that is, they contain no instruction ; they teach us
nothing. Thus the first class of relations cannot
be said to be of much avail. If we consider the
fourth kind of knowledge, that of real existence,
we have an intuitive knowledge of self, a demon-
strative knowledge of God, and a sensitive knowl-
edge of other things. /But sensitive knowledge, it
must be noted, " does not extend beyond the objects
actually present to our senses. " It can hardly be said,
therefore, to assure us of the existence of objects at
all. It only tells us what experiences are being at
the time undergone. Furthermore, knowledge of all
three (God, self, and matter), since of real being,
and not of relations between ideas, contradicts his
definition of knowledge. But perhaps we shall find
knowledge more extended in the other classes. And
indeed Locke tells us that knowledge of relations
is the "largest field of our knowledge." It in-
cludes morals and mathematics ; but it is to be
noticed that, according to Locke, in both of these
branches our demonstrations are not regarding facts,
but regarding either " modes " framed by ourselves,
or relations that are the creatures of our minds, —
"extraneous and superinduced" upon the facts, as
he says. He thus anticipates in substance, though
not in phraseology, Hume's distinction between
"matters of fact" and "connections of ideas," in
the latter of which we may have knowledge, but
not going beyond the combinations that we our-
selves make.
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 207
This leaves one class, that of co-existence, to be
examined. Here, if anywhere, must knowledge, wor-
thy of being termed scientific, be found. This class,
it will be remembered, comprehends our knowledge
concerning substances. But this extends, according
to Locke, " a very little way." The idea of a sub-
stance is a complex of various " simple ideas united
in one subject and co-existing together." When
we would know anything further concerning a sub-
stance, we only inquire what other simple ideas,
besides those already united, co-exist with them.
Since there is no necessary connection, however,
among these simple ideas, since each is, by its verj^
simplicity, essentially distinct from every other, or,
as we have already learned, since nothing is essen-
tial to an individual, we can never be sure that any
idea really co-exists with others. Or, as Locke
says, in physical matters we " can go no further
than particular experience informs us of We
can have no certain knowledge of universal truths
concerning natural bodies." And again, " univereal
propositions of whose truth and falsehood we have
certain knowledge concern not existence ; " while,
on the other hand, " particular atfirmations are only
concerning existence, declaring only the accidental
union or separation of ideas in things existing."
This particular knowledge, it must be recalled, is,
in turn, only sensitive, and thus extends not beyond
the time when the sensation is had.
We are not surprised then at learning from Locke
that regarding bodies "we are not capable of
208 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
scientific knowledge." " Natural philosophy is not
capable of being made a science ; " or, as Locke else-
where states it, knowledge regarding the nominal
essence is "trifling" (Kant's analytic judgment);
regarding the real essence is impossible. For ex-
ample, when we say that all gold is fusible, this
means either simply that fusibility is one of the
ideas which we combine to get the general idea of
gold, so that in making the given judgment we only
expand our own notion ; or it means that the ''real"
substance gold is always fusible. But this is a state-
ment we have no right to make, and for two reasons :
we do not know what the real substance gold is ; and
even if we did, we should not know that fusibility
always co-exists with it. The summary of the whole
matter is that "general certainty is to be found only
in our ideas. Whenever we go to seek it else-
where, in experiment or observations without us, our
knowledge goes not beyond particulars. "
It has been necessary to give an account of
Locke's views at this length because it is in his dis-
cussion of the limitations and extent of knowledge
that his theory culminates. While not working out
his sensationalism as consistently as did Hume, he
yet reduces knowledge to that of the existence of
God and ourselves (whose natures, however, are
unknown) , and to a knowledge of mathematical and
moral relations, which, however, concerns only " the
habitudes and relations of abstract ideas." We
have now to see by what means Leibniz finds a
wider sphere for certain and general knowledge by
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 209
his theory of intellectualism than Locke can by his
sensationalism.
Leibniz's theory .of knowledge rests upon a dis-
tinction between truths of fact, which are a posteriori
and contingent, and truths of reason, which are a
priori and necessary. In discussing his views re-
garding experience, we learned that, according to
him, all judgments which are empirical are also par-
ticular, not allowing any inference beyond the given
cases experienced. Experience gives only instances,
not principles. If we postpone for the present the
discussions of ti-uths of reason, by admitting that
they may properly be said to be at once certain and
universal, the question arises how in matters, of fact
there can be any knowledge beyond that which
Locke admits ; and the answer is, that so far as
the mere existence and occurrence of these facts is
concerned, there is neither demonstrative nor gen-
eral knowledge. But the intelligence of man does
not stop with the isolated fact ; it proceeds to in-
quire into its cause, to ascertain its conditions, and
thus to see into, not merely its actual existence,
but its possibility. In Leibniz's language : " The
real existence of things that are not necessary
is a point of fact or history ; but the knowledge
of possibilities or necessities (the necessary being
that whose opposite is not possible) constitutes de-
monstrative science.". In other words, it is the
principle of causality, which makes us see a fact not
as a mere fact, but as a dependent consequence ;
which elevates knowledge, otherwise contingent and
14
210 Leibniz's new essays.
particular, into the realm of the nniversal and
apodictic. Underlying all "accidental union" is
the real synthesis of causation.
If we follow the discussion as it centres about the
terms " nominal" and " real," it stands as follows:
Leibniz objects to the use of the term " essence" in
this connection, but is willing to accept that of "defi-
nition ; " for, as he says, a substance can have but
one essence, while there may be several definitions,
which, however, all express the same essence. The
essence is the possibility of that which is under con-
sideration ; the definition is the statement of that
which is supposed to be possible. ' The " nominal"
definition, however, while it implies this possibility,
does not expressly aflSrm it, — that is to say, it may
always be doubted whether the nominal definition
has any possibility (or reality) corresponding to it
until experience comes to our aid and makes us
know it a posteriori. A "real " definition, on the
other hand, makes us know a priori the reality of
the thing defined by showing us the mode of its
production, " by exhibiting its cause or generation."
Even our knowledge of facts of experience cannot
be said, therefore, to be arbitrary, for we do not
combine ideas just as we please, but "our combina-
tions may be justified by reason which shows them
to be possible, or by experience which shows them
to be actual, and consequently also possible.** To
take Locke's example about gold, " the essence of
gold is that which constitutes it and gives it its
sensible qualities, and these qualities, so far as they
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 211
enable us to recognize it, constitute its nominal
essence, while a real and causal definition would
enable us to explain the contexture or internal dis-
position. The nominal definition, however, is also
real in one sense, — not in itself, indeed, since it does
not enable us to know a priori the possibility or pro-
duction of the body, but empirically real."
It is evident from these quotatioril^ that what Leib-
niz understands by '' possibility " is the condition or
cause of a given fact ; and that, while Locke distin-
guishes between particular, accidental and demon-
strative, general knowledge as two opposed kinds,
concerned with two distinct and mutually exclusive
spheres, with Leibniz they are distinctions in the
aspect of the same sphere of fact. In reality there
is no combination of qualities accidental, as Locke
thought that by far the greater part were ; in every
empirical fact there is a cause or condition involved
that is invariable, and that constitutes the reason
of the fact. The " accidental" is only in the rela-
tion of our ideas to objects, not in the objects
themselves. There may be accidental mental as-
sociations ; there are no accidental relations. In
empirical, or a posteriori^ knowledge, so-called, the
reason is there, but is not known. A priori knowl-
edge, the real definition, disco veis and explicitly
states this reason. Contingent knowledge is there-
fore potentially rational ; demonstrative knowledge
is the actual development of the reasons implicitly
contained in experience.
We may with advantage connect this discussion
212 LEIBXIZ'S XEW ESSAYS.
with the fundamental doctrine of Locke and Leibniz
regarding intelligence and reality. To Locke, as we
have seen, knowledge is essentially a matter of re-
lations or connections ; bat relations are '' snperin-
daced " and ^* extraneous " as regards the facts.
Every act of knowledge constitutes, therefore, in
some way a departure from the reality to be known.
Knowledge and* fact are, by their very definition,
opposed to one another. But in Leibniz's view in-
telligence, or reason, enters into the constitution of
reality ; indeed, it is reality. The relations which
are the " creatures of the understanding " are, there-
fore, not foreign to the material to be known, but are
organic to it, forming its content. The process,
then, in which the mind perceives the connections
or relations of ideas or objects, is simply the pro-
cess by which the mind comes to the consciousness
of the real nature of these objects, not a process of
*' superinducing " unreal ideas upon them. The diffi-
culty of Locke is the difficulty of every theory of
knowledge that does not admit an organic unity of
the knowing mind and the known universe. The
theory is obliged to admit that all knowledge is in tlie
form of relations which have their source in intelli-
gence. But being tied to the view that reality is
distinct from intelligence, it is obliged to draw the
conclusion that these relations are not to be found
in actual existence, and hence that all knowledge,
whatever else it may be, is unreal in the sense that
it does not and cannot conform to actual fact. But,
in the theory of Leibniz, the process of relating
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 213
which is the. essence of knowledge is only the rea-
lization on the part of the individual mind of the
relations or reasons that eternally constitute re-
ality. Since reality is, and is what it is, through
intelligence, whatever relations intelligence rightly
perceives are not "extraneous" to reality, but are"
its " essence." As Leibniz says, " Truth consists in
the relations between the objects of our ideas. This
does not depend upon language, but is common to
us with God, so that when God manifests a truth to
us, we acquire what is already in his understanding.
For although there is an infinite difference between
his ideas and ours as to their perfection and extent,
yet it is always true that as to the same relation
they are identical. And it is in this relation that
truth exists." To this may be added another state-
ment, which throws still further light on this point :
" Ideas are eternally in God, and are in us before
we perceive them."
We have now to consider somewhat more in detail
the means by which the transformation of empirical
into rational knowledge is carried on. Leibniz
points out that the difficulty concerning scientific
knowledge of sensible facts is not lack of data, but,
in a certain sense, superfluity of data. It is not
that we perceive no connections among objects, but
that we perceive many which we cannot reduce to
one another. " Our experiences," says Leibniz,
" are simple only in appearance, for they are al-
ways accompanied by circumstances connected with
them, although these relations are not understood by
214 J Leibniz's sew essays.
us. Tliese circumstances furnish material capable
of explanation and analysis. There is thus a sort
of pl eonas m in our perceptions of sensible objects
and qualities, since we have more than one idea of
the same object. Gold can be nominally defined in
vmany ways. Such definitions are only provisional "
This is to say, empirical knowledge Will become ra-
tional when it is ix)8sible to view any subject-mat-
ter as a unity, instead of a multiplicity of varied
aspects. And on this same subject he says, in an-
otlier connection : " A great number of experiences
cau furnish us data more than sufficient for scientific
knowledge, provided only we have the ait of using
these data." The aim of science is therefore, to
discover the dynauiic unity which makes a whole
of what appears to be a mere mass of accidentally
connected circumstances. This unity of relations is
the individual.
It is thus evident that to Leibniz the individual is
not the beginning of knowledge, but its goal. The
individual is the organic, the dynamic unity of the
variety of phases or notions presented us in sense-
expeiieuce. Individuality is not " simplicity " in the
yense of Locke ; that is, separation from all relations.
It is complete connection of all relations. " It is im-
possible for lis to have [complete] knowledge of indi-
viduals, and to tind the means of determining exactly
the individuality of anything ; for in individuality all
circumstances are combined. Individuality envelops
the infinite. Only so far as we know the infinite do
we know the individual, on account of the influence
THE NATUKE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 215
(if this word be correctly understood) that all
things in the universe exercise upon one another."
Leibniz, in short, remains true to his conception of
the monad as the ultimate reality ; for the monad,
though an individual, yet has the universe as its con-
tent. We shall be able, therefore, to render our
sensible experiences rational just in the degree in
which we can discover the underlying relations and
dependencies which make them members of one
individual.
For the process of transformation Leibniz relies
especially upon two methods, — those of mathematics
and of classification. Of the former he here says but
little ; but the entire progress of physical science
since the time of Leibniz has been the justificsttion
of that little. In the passage already quoted re-
garding the need of method for using our sensible
data, he goes on to say that the " infinitesimal
analysis has given us the means of allying physics
and geometry, and that dynamics has furnished us
with the key to the general laws of nature." It is
certainly competent testimony to the truth of Leib-
niz's fundamental principles that he foresaw also
the course which the development of biological
science would take. 'No classification based upon
resemblances, says Leibniz in effect, can be re-
garded as wholly arbitrary, since resemblances are
found in nature also. The only question is whether
our classification is based upon superficial or funda-
mental identities ; the superficial resemblances being
such as are external, or the effects of some common
216 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
cause, while the fundamental resemblances are such
as are the cause of whatever other similarities are
found. " It can be said that whatever we compare
or distinguish with truth, nature differentiates, or
makes agree, also ; but that nature has differences
and identities which are better than ours, which we
do not know. . . . TJie more we discover the genera-
tion of species^ and the more we follow in our classi-
fications the conditions that are required for their
production, the nearer we approach the natural
order." Oiir classifications, then, so far as they
depend upon what is conditioned, are imperfect and
provisional, although they cannot be said to be false
(since " while nature may give us those more com-
plete and convenient, it will not give the lie to those
we have already") ; while so far as they rest upon
what is causal and conditioning, they are true, gen-
eral, and necessary. In thus insisting that classifi-
cation should be genetic, Leibniz anticipated the
great service which the theory of evolution has
done for biological science in enabling science to
form classes which are " natural ; " that is, based on
identity of origin.
Leibniz culminates his discussion of classification
as a method of translating the empirical into the ra-
tional, by pointing out that it rests upon the law of
continuity ; and that this law contains two factors, —
one equivalent to the axiom of the Realists, that na-
ture is nowhere empty ; the other, to that of the Nom-
inalists, that nature does nothing uselessly. " One
of these principles seems to make nature a prodigal^
\
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 217
the other a miser ; and yet both are true if properly
understood," says Leibpiz. " Nature is like a good
manager, sparing where it is necessary, in order to
be magnificent. It is magnificent in its effects, and
economical in the causes used to produce them."
In other words, classification becomes science when
it presents us with both unity and difference. The
principle of unity is that of nature as a miser and
economical ; that of differentiation is the principle
of nature as prodigal and magnificent. The thor-
oughly differentiated unity is nature as self-specify-
ing, or as an organic, not an abstract, unity.
The gist of the whole matter is, then, that ex-
perience presents us with an infinity of ideas, which
may appear at first sight arbitrary and accidental,
in their connections. This appearance, however, is
not the fact. These ideas are the effects of certain
causes ; and in ascertaining these conditions, we
reduce the apparently unrelated variety of experi-
ences to underlying unities, and these unities, like
all real unities or simple beings, are spiritual and
rational in nature. Leibniz's ordinary way of stating
this is that the principle of trutjis of fact is that of
sufficient reason. This principle Leibniz always
treats as distinguished from that of identity (and
contradiction) as the ruling category of truths of
reason. And we shall follow him in discussing the
two together.
" Our reasonings are based on two leading prin-
ciples, — that of contradiction, in virtiie of which
we judge false all which contains contradiction,
218 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
and trae that which is opposed or contradictorj to
that which is false ; and that of sufficient reason,
in virtue of which we jadge that no fact is true or
actual, no proposition veritable, unless there is a
sufficient reason why it is as it is, and not otherwise,
although these reasons afie generally unknown to us.
Thus there are two sorts of truths, — those of reason,
and those of fact. The truths of reason are neces-
sary, apd their opposites impossible ; while those of
fact are contingent, and their opposites possible.
When a truth is necessary, its reason can be dis-
covered . by analysis, resolving it into ideas and
truths that are simpler, until the primitive truths
are arrived at. It is thus that the mathematicians
proceed in reducing by analysis the theorems of
speculation and the canons of practice into deGni-
tions, axioms, and postulates. Thus they come to
simple ideas whose definition cannot be given;,
primitive truths that cannot be proved, and which
do not need it, since they are identical propositions,
whose opposite contains a manifest contradiction."
" But in contingent truths — those of fact — the
sufficient reason must be found ; namely, in the suc-
cession of things which fill the created universe, — for
otherwise the analysis into particular reasons would
go into detail without limit, by reason of the im-
mense variety of natural things, and of the infinite
divisibility of bodies. There are an infinity of
figures and of past and present movements which
enter into the efficient cause of my present writing,
and there are an infinity of minute inclinations and
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 219
dispositions of my soul which enter into its final
cause. And since all this detail contains only other
contingent and particular antecedents, each of which
has need of a similar analysis to account for it, we
really make no progress by this analysis ; and it is
'necessary that the final or sufficient reason be out-
side the endless succession or series of contingent
particulars, that it consist in a necessary being, in
which this series of changes is contained only emi-
nenter, as in its source. This necessary being and
source is what we call God."
In other words, the tracing of empirical facts to
their causes and conditions does not, after all, render
them wholly rational. The series of causes is end-
less. Every condition is in turn conditioned. We
are not so much solving the problem of the reason
of a given fact, as we are stating the problem in
©tiher terms as we go on in this series. Every solu-
tion offers itself again as a problem, and this end-
y lessly. If these truths of fact, then, are to be
/rendered wholly rational, it must be in something
which lies outside of the series considered as a
series ; that is, something which is not an ante-
cedent of any one of the "series, but is equally related
to each and to all as their ground and source.
This, considered as an argument for the existence
of God, we shall deal with hereafter ; now we are
concerned only with its bearing upon the relation
of experience to the universality and necessity of
knowledge. According to this, the ultimate mean-
ing of facts is found in their relation to the divine
220 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
intelligence ; for Leibniz is emphatic in insisting
that the relation of God to experience is not one of
bare will to creatures produced by this will (as Des-
cartes had supposed) , but of a will governed wholly
by Intelligence. As Leibniz states it in another
connection, not only matters of fact, but mathe-
matical truths, have the same final basis in the divine
understanding. ^
'' Such truths, strictly speaking, are only condi-
tional, and say that in case their subject existed
they would be found such and such. But if it is
again asked in what consists this conditional con-
nection in which there is necessary reality, the reply
is that it is in the relation of ideas. And by the fur-
ther question. Where would be the ideas if no spmt
existed ; and what would then become of the founda-
tion of the certainty of such truths? — we are brought
to the final foundation of truths ; namely, that su-
preme and universal spirit, which must exist, and
whose understanding is, in reality, the region of the
eternal truths. And in order that it may not be
thought that it is not necessary to have recourse to
this region, we must consider that these necessary
truths contain the determining reason and regulative
principle of existence, and, in a word, of the laws
of the universe. Thus these necessary truths, being
anterior to the existences of contingent beings, must
in turn be based upon the existence of a necessary
substance."
It is because facts are not mere facts, in short, but
are the manifestation of a " determining reason and
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. ,221
regulative principle " which finds its home in uni-
versal intelligence, that knowledge of them can
become necessary and general.
The general nature of truths of reason and of
their ruling principle, identity and contradiction, has
already been given in the quotation regarding the
principle of sufficient reason. It is Leibniz's con-
tention that only in truths whose opposite is seen to
involve self-contradiction can we have absolute cer-
tainty, and that it is through connection with such
eternal truths that the certainty of our other knowl-
edge rests. It is thus evident why Leibniz insists,
as against Locke, upon the great importance of
axioms and maxims. They are important, not
merely in themselves, but as the sole and indis-
pensable bases of scientific truth regarding all mat-
ters. Leibniz at times, it is true, speaks as if
demonstrative and contingent truths were of them-
selves, in principle, distinct, and even opposed. But
he also corrects himself by showing that contingency
is rather a subjective limitation than an objective
quality. We, indeed, do not see that the truth " I
exist," for example, is necessary, because we can-
not see how its opposite involves contradiction.
But " God sees how the two terms ' I' and * exist'
are connected ; that is, why I exist." So far as we
can see facts, then, from the standpoint of the
divine intelligence, so far, it would appear, our
knowledge is necessary.
Since these axioms, maxims, or first truths are
" innate," we are in a condition to complete (for
222. Leibniz's new essays.
the first time) the discussion of innate ideas. These
ideas constitute, as we have learned, the essential
content of the divine intelligence, and of ours so far
as we liave realized our identity with God's under-
standing. The highest form of knowledge, there-
fore, is self -consciousness. This bears the same
relation to necessary truths that the latter bear to
experience. '' Knowledge of necessary and eternal
truths," says Leibniz, "distinguishes us from simple
animals, and makes us have reason and science, ek-
rating us to the knoicledge of ourselves. We are thus
developed to self -consciousness ; and in being con-
scious of ourselves we are conscious of being, of
substance, of the simple, of the spiritual, of God."
And again he says that" those that know necessary
truths are rational spirits, capable of self -conscious-
ness, of recognizing what is termed Ego, substance,
and monad. Thus they are rendered capable of
demonstrative knowledge." "We are innate to
ourselves ; and since we are beings, being is innate
to us, for knowledge of it is implicit in that which
we have of ourselves."
Knowledge, in fine, may be regarded as an ascend-
ing series of four terms. The first is constituted by
sensations associated together in such a way that a
relation of, antecedence and consequence exists be-
tween them. This is " experience." The second
stage comes into existence when we connect these
experiences, not by mere relations of " consecution,"
but by their conditions, by the principle of causality,
and especially by that of sufficient reason, which
THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF KNOWLEDGE. 223
connects them with the supreme intelligence, God.
This stage is science. /The third is knowledge of
the axioms and necessary truths in and of them-
selves, not merely as involved in science. / The
fourth is self -consciousness, the knowledge of intel-
ligence, in its intimate and universal nature, by
which we know God, the mind, and all real sub-
stance. In the order of time the stage of experience
is first, and that of self-consciousness last. But in
the lowest stage there are involved the others. The
progress of knowledge consists in the development
or unfolding of this unplicit content, till intelligence,
spirit, activity, is clearly revealed as the source and
condition of all.
224 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
CHAPTER XL
THE THEOLOGY OF LEIBNIZ.
ONE of the chapters concerning knowledge is
entitled, '' The Knowledge that we have of
God." This introduces us to the theology of Leib-
niz and indirectly to the completion of those ethical
doctrines already outlined in the chapter on will.
Leibniz employs three arguments to prove the ex-
istence of God : that of God as the sufficient reason
of the world (substantially the cosmological proof) ;
of God as the source of the pre-established harmony
(an extension of the teleological proof) ; and the
ontological. The latter he accepts as it came from
the hands of Descartes, but insists that it requires
an added argument before it ranks as anything
more than presumptive proof. The Anselmic-
Cartesian argument, as stated by Leibniz, is as
follows : " God is defined as the greatest, or most
perfect, of beings, or as a being of supreme gran-
deur and perfection. But in the notion of a perfect
being, existence must be included, since it is some-
thing more to exist than not to exist. Or existence
is a perfection, and hence must belong to the most
perfect being ; otherwise some perfection would be
lacking, which is contrary to the definition." Or
THE THEOLOGY OF LEIBNIZ. 225
as Descartes sometimes puts it, in the notion of
anything like a tree, a mountain, a triangle, con-
tingency is contained. We may conceive such an
object to exist or not, as we like. ^ There is no
necessity involved in our thought. But we cannot
think of a perfect being except as existing. It
does not rest with the decision of our thinking
whether or not to include existence in this notion.
We must necessarily think existence as soon as we
think such a being.
Leibniz takes a middle position, he says, between
those who consider this a demonstrative argument,
and those who regard it as a mere paralogism. It
is pre-supposed by this argument that the notion
of a Supreme Being is possible, or that it does not
involve contradiction. This pre-supposition is to
be proved. First, it is well to simplify the argu-
ment itself. The Cartesian definition may be re-
duced to this : " God is a being in whom existence
and essence are one. From this definition it fol-
lows as a corollary that such a being, if possible,
exists. For the essence of a thing being just that
which constitutes its possibility, it is evident that
to exist by its essence is the same as to exist by its
possibility. Being in itself, then, or God, may be
most simply defined as the Being who must exist if
he is possible."
There are two ways of proving this last clause
(namely, that he is possible) the direct and the in-
direct. The indirect is employed against those who
assert that from mere notions, ideas, definitions or
X6
226 Leibniz's new kssays.
possible essences, it is not jx)ssible to infer actual
existence. Such persons simply deny the possibility
of being in itself. But if being-in-itself, or abso-
lute being, is impossible, being-by-another, or rel-
ative, is also impossible; for there is no "other"
upon which it may depend. Nothing, in this case,
could exist. Or if necessary being is not possible,
there is no being possible. Put in another way,
God is as necessary for ijossibility as for actual
existence. If there is possibility of anything, there
is God. This leads up to the direct proof ; for it
follows that, if there be a possibility of God, —
.tlie Being in whom existence and essence are one,
—he exists. "God alone has such a position that
existence is necessary, if possible. But since there
can be nothing opposed to the possibility of a
being without limit, — a l^eing therefore without
negations and without contradiction, — this is suffi-
cient to prove a priori the existence of God." In
short, God being pure affirmation, pure self^identity,
the idea of his Being cannot include contradiction,
and hence is possible, — and since possible, ne-
cessary. Of tliis conception of God as the purely
self -identical, -without negation, we shall have
something to say in the next chapter.
The cosmological proof is, as we have already
seen, that every cause in the world being at the
same time an effect, it cannot be the sufficient reason
of anything. The whole series is contingent, and
requires a ground not prior to, but beyond, the
series. The only sufficient reason of anything is
THE THEOLOGY OF LEIBNIZ. 227
that which is also the sufficient reason of itself, —
absolute being. The teleological argument Leibniz
invariably, I believe, presents in connection with
the idea of pre-established harmony. "If the
substances of experience," runs the argument,
"had not received their being, both active and
passive, from one universal supreme cause, they
would be independent of one another, and hence
would not exhibit that order, harmony, and beauty
which we notice in nature. This argument pos-
sesses only moral certainty which becomes demon-
strative by the new kind of harmony wbtch I have
introduced, — pre-established harmony. Since each
substance expresses in its own way that which
occurs beyond it, and can have no influence on.
other particular beings, it is necessary that each
substancie, before developing these phenomena
from the depth of its own being, must have re-
ceived this nature (this internal ground of ex-
ternal phenomena) from a universal cause from
whom all beings depend, and which effects that one
be perfectly in accord with and corresponding to
every other. This cannot occur except through
a being of infinite knowledge and power."
Having determined the existence of God, Leibniz
states his attributes. These may be reduced to
three. He is perfect in power, in wisdom, and in
goodness. "Perfection is nothing other than the
whole of positive reality separated from tbe limits
and bounds of things. Where there ai-^ no limits,
as in God, perfection is iabsoliitely infinite." 'mn
228 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
Grod exists power ^ which is the source of all Tcnowl-
edge J — which comprehends the realm of ideas, down
to its minutest detail, — and will^ which directs all
creations and changes according to the principle
of the best." Or as he expands it at another time :
"The supreme cause must be intelligent, for the
existing world being contingent, and an infinity of
other worlds being equally possible, it is necessary
that the cause of the world take into consideration
all these possible worlds in order to decide upon
one. Now this relation of a substance to simple
ideas must be the relation of understanding to its
ideas, while deciding upon one is the act of will in
choosing. Finally it is the- power of this substance
which executes the volition. Power has its end in
being ; Wisdom, or understanding, in truth ; and will
in good. Thus the cause must be absolutely per-
fect in power, wisdom, and goodness. His under-
standing is the source of essences, and his will the
origin of existences."
This brings us to the relation of God to the
world, or to an account of the creating activity of
God. This may be considered to be metaphys-j
ically, logically, or morally necessary. To say
that it is metaphysically necessary is to say that
it is the result of the divine essence, that it would
imply a contradiction of the very being of God for
the world not to be and not to be as it is. In short,
the world becomes a mere emanation of power,
since, as we have just learned, power and being are
correlative. But this leaves out of account the
THE THEOLOGY OF LEIBNIZ. 229
divine understanding. Not all possible worlds
emanate from God's being, but there is recognition
of them and of their relations to one another.
Were the world to proceed from the divine under-
standing alone, however, it would be logically ne-
cessary, — that is, it would bear the same relation to
his understanding that necessary truths do. Its
opposite would imply contradiction, not indeed of
the being of God, but of his understanding. But
the will of God plays the all-important part of
choosing among the alternative worlds presented
by reason, each of which is logically possible. One
of these worlds, although standing on the same
intellectual plane as the others, is morally better, —
that is, it involves greater happiness and perfection
to the creatures constituting it. God is guided
then by the idea of the better (and this is the best
possible) world. His will is not arbitrary in cre-
ating : it does not work by a fiat of brute power.
But neither is it fatalistic : it does not work by
compulsory necessity. It is both free and neces-
sary ; free, for it is guided by naught excepting
God's bwn recognition of an end ; necessary, for
God, being God, cannot morally act otherwise than
by the principle of the better, — and this in con-
tingent matters is the best. Hence the optimism
of Leibniz, to which here no further allusion cdn be
made.
Since the best is precisely God himself, it is evi-
dent that the created world will have, as far as
possible^ his perfections. It would thus be possible
230 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
to deduce from this conception of God and his
relation to the world all those characteristics of the
Leibnizian monadology which we formerly arrived
at analytically. God is individual, but with an
infinite' comprehensiveness. Each substance re-
peaits these properties of the supreme substance.
There is an infinity of such substances, in order
that' the world may as perfectly as possible mirror
the infinity of God. Each, so far as in it lies, re-
. fleets the activity of God; for activity is the
very essence of perfection. And thus we might go
through with the entire list of the properties of the
monad.
To complete the present discussion, however,, it
is enough to notice that intelligence and will must
be found in every creature, and that thus we ac-
count for the ** appetition " and the •' perception"
that characterize even the lowest monad. The
scale pf monads, however, would not be as complete
as possible unless there were beings in whom ap-
petition became volition, and perception, self-con-
scious intelligence. Such monads will stand in
quite other relation to God than the blind impulse-
governed substances. " Spirits," says Leibniz,
'' are capable of entering into community with God,
and God is related to them not only as an inventor
to his machine (as he is to other creatures) but as
a piince to his subjects, or, better, as a father to his
children. This society of spirits constitutes the
city of God, — the most perfect state under the
most perfect monarch. This city of God, this
THE THEOLOGY OF LEIBNIZ. 231
truly cosmopolitan monarchy, is a moral world
within the natural. Among all the works of God
it is the most sublime and divine. In it consists
the true glory of God, for there would be no glory
of God unless his greatness and goodness were
known and admired by spirits ; and in his relation
to this society, God for the fir§t time reveals his
goodness, while he manifests everywhere his power .
and wisdom. And as previously we demonstrated
a perfect harmony between the two realms of nature,
— those of efficient and final causes, — so must we
here declare harmony between the physical realm
of nature and the moral realm of grace,- — that is,
between God as the architect of the mechanical
world-structure, and God as the monarch of the
world of spirits." God fulfils his creation, in other
words, in a realm of spirits, and fulfils it because
here there are beings who do not merely reflect him
but who enter into relations of companionship with
him, forming a community. This community of
spirits with one another and with God is the moral
world, and we are thus brought again to the ethics
of Leibniz.
It has been frequently pointed out that Leibniz
was the first to give ethics the form which it has
since kept in German philosophy, — the division into
Natur-recht and Natur-moral, These terms are diffi-
cult to give in English, but the latter corresponds to
what is ordinarily called " moral philosophy," while
the former is political philosophy so far as that has
an ethic9.1 bearing. Or the latter may be said to
232 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
treat of the moral ideal and of the moral motive and
of duty in themselves, while the former deals with
the social, the public, and in a certain sense the
external, aspects of morality.
PuflFendorf undoubtedly suggested this division to
Leibniz by his classification of duties as external
and internal, — the first comprehending natural and
civil law, the second moral theology. But Puffen-
dorf confined the former to purely external acts,
excluding motives and intentions, and the latter to
divine revelation. Both are "positive," and in
some sort arbitrary, — one resting merely on the fact
. that certain institutions obtain, the other on the
fact that God has made certain declarations. To
Leibniz, on the other hand, the will of God is in no
sense the source of moral truths. The will of God
does not create truth, but carries into effect the
eternal truths of the divine understanding. Moral
truths are like those of mathematics. And again,
there is no such thing as purely external morality :
it always contains an inner content, of which the
external act is only the manifestation. Leibniz
may thus be said to have made two discoveries, or
rather re-discoveries : one, that there is a science ot\
morals, independent of law, custom, and positive
right; the other, that the basis of both ''natural"
and '' positive " morals is not the mere will of God,
but is reason with its content of eternal truths.
In morals the end is happiness, the means wis-
dom. Happiness is defined, not as an occurrence,
but as a condition, or state of being. " It is the con-
THE THEOLOGY OF LEIBNIZ. . 233
dition of permanent joy. This does npt mean that
the joy is actually felt every moment, but that one
is in the condition to enjoy whenever he thinks of
it, and that, in the interval, joyfulness arises from
Ms activity and being." Pleasure, however, is not a
state, but a feeling. It is the feeling of perfection,
whether in ourselves or in anything else. It does
not follow that we perceive intellectually either in
what the perfection of the pleasant thing consists
or in what way it develops perfection within us. It
is enough that it be realized in feeling, so as to give
us pleasure. Perfection is defined " as increase of
being. As sickness is, as it were, a lowering and a
falling off from health, so perfection is something
which mounts above health. It manifests itself in
power to act ; for all substance consists in a certain
power, and the greater the power the higher and
freer the substance. But power increases in the
degree that the many manifests itself from one and
in one, while the one rules many from itself and
transforms them into self. But unity in plurality
is nothing else than harmony ; and from this comes
order or proportion, from which proceeds beauty,
and beauty awakens love. Thus it becomes evident
how happiness, pleasure, love, perfection, substance,
power, freedom, harmony, proportion, and beauty
are bound up in one another."
From this condensed sketch, taken from Leibniz
himself, the main features of his ethical doctrine
clearly appear. When we were studying freedom
we saw that it was not so much a starting-point
234 LEIBNtZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
of the will as its goal and ideal. AVe saw also
that true freedom is dependent upon knowledge,
upon recognition of the eternal and universal.
What we have here is a statement of that doctrine
, jn terms of feeling and of will instead of knowledge.
The end of man is stated to be happiness, hut the
notion of happiness is developed in such a way that
it is seen to be equivalent to the Aristotelian notiou
of self-realization ; " it is development of substance,
and substance is activity." It is the union of pne and
the many ; and the one, according to the invariable
doctrine of Leibniz, is the spiritual element, and tlie
many is the real content which gives meaning to this
rational unity. Happiness thus means perfection,
and perfection a completely universalized individual.
The motive toward the moral life is elsewhere stated
to be love ; and love is defined as interest in per-
fection, and hence culminates in love of God, the
only absolute perfection. It also has its source
in God, as the origin of perfection ; so that Leibniz
says, Whoso loves God, loves all. '
Natural right, as distinguished from morals, is
based upon the notion of justice, this being the
outward manifestation of wisdom, or knowledge, —
appreciation of the relation of actions to happiness.
The definitions given by Leibniz are as follows:
Just and unjust are what are useful or hannful to
the public, — that is, to the community of spirits.
This community includes first God, then humanity,
then the state. These are so subordinated that, in
cases of collision of duty, God, the universe of
THE THEOLOGY OF LEIBNIZ. 235
relations, comes before the profit of humanity, and
this before the state. At another time Leibniz de-
fines justice as social virtue, and says that there are
as many kinds of "right" as there are kinds of-
natural communities in which happiness is an end
of action. A natural community is defined as one
which rests upon desire and the i^ower of satisfying
it, and includes three varieties, — domestic, civil,
and ecclesiastic. " Right" is defined as that which
sustains and develops any natural community. It
is, in other words, the will for happiness united with
insight into what makes happiness.
Corresponding to the three forms of the social
organism (as we should now call the " natural com-
munity"), are the three kinds of jns, — jus strictum^ '
equity, and piety. Each of these has its correspond-
ing prescript. That of jus strictum is to injure no
one ; of equity, to render to each his own ; and of
piety, to make the ethical law the law of conduct.
Jus strictum includes the right of war and peace.
The right of peace exists between individuals till
one breaks it. The right of war exists between men
and things. The victory of person over thing is
prcyperty. Things thus come to possess the right
of the person to whom they belong as against every
other person ; that is, in the right of the person to
himself as against the attacks of another (the right
to peace) is included a right to his property. Jus
strictum is, of course, in all cases, enforceable by
civil law and the compulsory force which accom-
panies it. Equity, however, reaches beyond this to
236 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
obligation in cases where there is no right of com-
pulsion. Its law is, Be of aid to all, but to esuih
according to his merits and his claims. Finally
comes piety. The other two stages are limited.
The lowest is negative, it wards off harm ; the sec-
ond aims after happiness, but only within the limits
of earthly existence. That we should ourselves bear
misery, even the greatest, for the sake of others,
and should subject the whole of this existence to
something higher, cannot be proved excepting as
we regard the society, or community, of our spirits
with God. Justice with relation to God compre-
hends all virtues. Everything that is, is from God ;
and hence the law of all conduct is to use every-
thing according to its place in the idea of God, ac-
cording to its function in the universal harmony.
It thus not only complements the other two kinds
of justice but is the source of their inner ethical
worth. " Strict justice " may conflict with equity.
But God effects that what is of use to the public
well-being — that is, to the universe and to human-
ity — shall be of use also to the individual. Thus
from the standpoint of God the moral is advanta-
geous, and the immoral hurtful. Kant's indebted-
ness to Leibniz will at once appear to one initiated
into the philosophy of the former.
. Leibniz never worked out either his ethics or his
political philosophy in detail ; but it is evident that
they both take their origin and find their scope in
the fact of man's relationship to God, that they
are both, in fact, accounts of the methods of
\
THE THEOLOGY OF LEIBNIZ. 237
realizing a universal but not a merely formal
har^aony. For harmony is not, with Leibniz, an
external arrangement, but is the very soul of being.
Perfect harmony, or adaptation to the universe of \
relations, is the end of the individual, and man is
informed of his progress toward this end by an inner
sentiment of pleasure.
It may be added that Leibniz's aesthetic theory,
so far as developed, rests upon the same basis as his
ethical, — namely, upon membership in the "city
of God," or community of spiritual beings. This
is implied, indeed, in a passage already quoted,
where he states the close connection of beauty with
harmony and perfection. The feeling of beauty is
the recognition in feeling of an order, proportion,
and harmony which are not yet intellectually de-
scried. Leibniz illustrates by music, the dance,
and architecture. This feeling of the harmonious
also becomes an impulse to produce. As perception
of beauty may be regarded as unexplained, or con-
fused, perception of truth, so creation of beauty may
be considered as undeveloped will. It is action on
its way to perfect freedom, for freedom is simply
activity with explicit recognition of harmony.
We cannot do better than quote the conclusion of
the matter from Leibniz'sl" Principles of Nature
and of Grace," although, in part, it repeats what
we have already learned. " There is something
more in the rational soul, or spirit, than there is in
the monad or even in the simple soul. Spirit is
not only a mirror of the universe of creatures, but
238 LEIBNIZ\s NEW ESSAYS.
is also an image of the divine being. Spirit not
only has a perception of the works of God, but is
also capable of producing something which resem-
I bles them, though on a small scale. To say nothing
of dreams, in wliich we invent without trouble and
without volition things upon which we must reflect a
long time in order to discover in our waking state,—
to say nothing of .this, our soul is architectonic in
voluntary actions ; and, in discovering the sciences
in accordance with which God has regulated all
things {pondere, mensura, numero)^ it imitates in
its department and in its own world of activity
that which God does in the macrocosm. This is
the reason why spirits, entering through reason and
eternal truths into a kind of society with God, are
members of the city of God, — that is, of the most
l)erfect state, formed and governed by the best of
mouarchs, in which there is no crime without punish-
ment, and no good action without reward, and where
there is as much of virtue and of happiness as may
possibly exist. And this occurs not through a dis-
turbance of nature, as if God's dealing with souls
were in violation of mechanical laws, but by the
very order of natural things, on account of the
eternal, pre-established harmony between the king-
doms of nature and grace, l>etween God as monarch
and God as architect, since nature leads up to
grace, and grace makes nature perfect in making
use of it."
No better sentences could be found with which to
conclude this analysis of Leibniz. They a-esound
THE THEOLOGY OF LEIBNIZ. 239
not only with the grandeur and wide scope charac-
teristic of his thought, but they contain his essen-
tial idea, his pre-eminent ''note," — that of the
harmony of the natural and the supernatural, the
mechanical and the organic. The mechanical is to
I.eibniz what the word signifies ; it is the mstru-
mental^ and this in the full meaning of the term.
Nature is instrumental in that it performs a func-
tion, realizes a purpose, and instrumental in the
sense that without it spirit, the organic, is an empty
dream. The spiritual, on the other hand, is the
meaning, the idea of nature. It perfects it, in that
it makes it instrumental to itself, and thus renders
it not the passive panorama of inere material force,
but the manifestation of living spirit.
210 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
CHAPTER XII.
CRITICISM AND CONCLUSION.
IN the exposition now completed we have in gen-
eral taken for granted the truth and coherency
of Leibniz's fundamental ideas, and have contented
ourselves with an account of the principles and
notions that flow from these ideas. The time has
come for retracing our steps, and for inquuing
whether the assumed premises can be thus unques-
tioningly adopted. This final chapter, therefore,
we shall devote to criticism of the basis of Leibniz's
philosophy, not attempting to test it by a compar-
ison with other systems, but by inquiring into its
internal coherency, and by a brief account of the
ways in which his successors, or at least one of
them, endeavored to make right the points in which
he appeared to fail.
The fundamental contradiction in Leibniz is to be
found, I believe, between the method which he
adopted — without inquiry into its validity and scope
— and the subject-matter, or perhaps better the atti-
tude, to which he attempted to apply this method ;
between, that is to say, the scholastic formal logic
on the one hand and the idea of inter-relation de-
rived from the development of scientific thought, on
CEITICISM AND CONCLUSION. 241
the other. Leibniz never thought of investigating
the formal logic bequeathed by scholasticism, with
a view to determining its adequacy as philosophic
method. He adopted, as we have seen, the prin-
ciples of identity and contradiction as sole prin-
ciples of the only perfect knowledge. The type of
knowledge is that which can be reduced to a series
of identical propositions, whose opposite is seen to
be impossible, because self-contradictory. Only
knowledge in this form can be said to be demon-
strative and necessary. As against Locke he justi-
fied the syllogistic method of the schoolmen as the
typical method of all rational truth.
On the other hand, Leibniz, as we saw in the
earlier chapters, had learned positively from the
growth of science, negatively from the failures of
Descartes and Spinoza, to look upon the universe
as a unity of inter-related members, — as an organic
unity, not a mere self-identical onenes's. Failing to
see the cause of the failures of Descartes and Spi-
noza in precisely their adoption of the logic of
identity and contradiction as ultimate, he attempted
to reconcile this method with the conception of
organic activity. The result is constant conflict
between the method and content of his philosophy,
between its letter and its spirit. The contradiction
is a twofold one. The unity of the content of his
philosophy, the conception of organism or harmony,
is a unity which essentially involves difference. The
unity of his method is a formal identity which ex-
cludes it. The unity, whose discovery constitutes
242 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
Leibniz's great glory as a philosopher, is a unity of
activity, a dynamic process. ■ The unity of formal
logic is exclusive of any mediation or process, and
is essentially rigid and lifeless. The result is that
Leibniz is constantly wavering (in logical result,
not of course in spirit) between two opposed eiTors,
one of which is, in reality^, not different from Spi-
nozisra, in that it regards all distinction as only
phenomenal and unreal, while the other is akin to
atomism, in that attempting to avoid the doctiine
of the all-inclusive one, it does so only by supposmg
a multitude of unrelated units, teimed monads.
And thus the harmony, which in Leibniz's intention
is the very content of reality, comes to be, in effect,
an external arrangement between the one and the
many, the unity and the distinction, in themselves
incapable of real relations. Such were the results
of Leibniz's failure, in Kantian language, to criticise
his categories, in Hegelian language, to develop a
logic, — the results of his assuming, without exam-
ination, the validity of formal logic as. a method of
truth.
80 thoroughly is Leibniz imbued with the belief
in its validity, that the very conception, that of
sufficient reason, which should have been the means
of saving him from his contradictions, is used in
such a way as to plunge him deeper into them.
The principle of sufficient reason may indeed be
used as purely formal and external, — as equivalent
to the notion that everything, no matter what, has
some explanation. Thus employed, it simply de-
CRITICISM AND COXCLUiilOX. .243
Clares that everything has a reason, without in the
least determining the what of that reason, — . its con-
tent. This is what we mean by calling it formal.
But this is not the way in which Leibniz conceives
of it. According to him, it is not a principle of
the external connection of one finite, or phenomenal,
fact with another. It is a principle in the light of
which the whole phenomenal world is to be viewed,
declaring that its ground and meaning are to be
found in reason, in self-conscious intelligence. As
we have seen, k is equivalent, in Leibniz's case, to
the notion that we have no complete nor necessary
knowledge of the world of scientific fact until
we have referred it to a conditioning " Supreme
Spirit."
Looked at in this way, we see that the unity
which Leibniz is positively employing is an organic
unity, a unity of intelligence involving organic refer-
ence to the known world. But such a conception of
sufl3cient reason leaves no place for the final validity
of identity and non-contradiction; and therefore
Leibniz, when dealing with his method, and not, as
in the passages referred to, with his subject-matter,
cannot leave the matter thus. To do so indeed
would have involved a complete reconstruction of
his philosophy, necessitating a derivation of all the
categories employed from intelligence itself (that is,
from the suflacient or conditioning reason). But the
bondage to scholastic method is so great that Leib-
niz can see no way but to measure intelligence by
the ready-made principk of identity, and thus vir-
244 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
tually (though not in purpose) to explain away the
very principle of suiBcient reason. In Leibniz's
words: "Contingent truths require an infinite
analysis which only God can carry out. Whence
by him alone are they known a priori and demon-
stratively. For although the reason can always be
found for some occurring state in a prior state, this
reason again requires a reason, and we never arrive
in the series to the ultimate reason. But this pro-
gresaus ad infinitum takes (in us) the place of a
sufficient reason, which can be found only outside
the series in God, on whom all its members, prior
and posterior depend, rather than upon one another.
Whatever truths therefore, is incapable of analysis,
and cannot be demonstrated from its own reasons ^ but
has its vltimaie reason and certainty only from the
divine mind, is not necessary. Everything that we
call truths of fact come under this head, and this is
the root' of their contingency."
The sentences before Jhe one italicized repeat
what we have learned before, and seem to convey
the idea that the phenomenal world is that which
does not account for itself, because not itself a self-
determining reason, and which gets its ultimate ex-
planation and ground in a self-sufficient reason, —
God. But notice the turn given to the thought with
the word " therefore." Therefore all truth incapable
of analysis, — that is, of reduction to identical prop-
ositions, whose opposite is impossible because self-
contradictory, -^ all truth whose meaning depends
upon not its bare identity, but upon its relation
CRITICISM AND CONCLUSION. 245
to the very content of all intelligence, is not ne-
cessary, but contingent. Leibniz here distinctly
opposes identical truths as necessary, to truth con-
nected with reason as contingent. Synthetic refer-
ence to the very structure of intelligence is thus
made, not the ground of truth, but a blot upon its
completeness and necessity. Perfect truth, it is im-
plied in the argument, is self-identical, known by
mere analysis of itself, and needs no reference to an
organism of reason. The reference, therefore, to a
principle of sufficient reason is simply a concession
to the fragmentary and imperfect condition of all
knowledge. Truth in itself is self-identical; but
appearing to us only confusedly, we employ the
idea of sufficient reason as a makeshift, by which
we refer, in a mass, all that we cannot thus reduce
to identical propositions, to an intelligence, or to a
DexLS ex machina which can so reduce it. This is
the lame and impotent conclusion.
Leibniz's fundamental meaning is, no doubt, a
coiTect one. He means that contingency of fact is
not real, but apparent ; that it exists only because
of our inability to penetrate the reason which would
enable us completely to account for the facts under
consideration. He means that if we could under-
stand, sub specie aeternitatis, from the standpoint
of universal intelligence, we should see every fact
as necessary, as resulting from an intrinsic reason.
But so thoroughly is he fettered by the scholastic
method — that is, the method of formal logic — that
he can conceive of this immanent and intrinsic
246 LEIBNIZ'S XKW ESSAYS.
reason which makes every fact a truth — that is,
self-evident in its necessity — only as an analytic,
self-contained identity. And herein lies his con-
tradiction : his method obliges liim to conceive of
ultimate intelligence as purely formal, simply as
that which does not contradict itself, while the atti-
tude of his thought and its concrete subject-matter
compel him to think of intelligence as possessing
a content, as the organic unity of a system of
relations.
From this contradiction flow the other contradic-
tions of Leibniz, which we are now prepared to ex-
amine in more detail. For his ideas are so much
greater than his method that in almost every point
there seems to be contradiction. His ideas per se
mean one thing, and his ideas as interpreted by his
method another. Take his doctrine of individuality,
for instance. To some it has appeared that the
great defect of the Leibnizian philosophy is its in-
dividualism. Such conceive him simply to have
carried out in his monadism the doctrine of the in-
dividual isolated from the universe to its logical
conclusions, and thereby to have rendered it absurd.
In a certain sense, the charge is true. The monad,
according to the oft-repeated statement, has no inter-
course with the rest of the universe. It really ex-
cludes all else. It acts as if nothing but itself and
God were in existence. That is to say, the monad,
being the self- identical, must shut out all intrinsic
or real relations with other substances. Such rela-
tions would involve a differentiating principle for
CRITICISM AND CONCLUSION. 247
which Leibniz's logic has no place. Each monad
is, therefore, an isolated universe. But such a re-
sult has no value for Leibniz. He endeavors to
correct it by the thought that each monad idealbj
includes the whole universe by mirroring it. And
then to reconcile the real exclusion and the ideal in-
clusion, he falls back on a Dens ex machina who
arranges a harmony between them, foreign to the
intrinsic nature of each. Leibniz's individualism,
it is claimed, thus makes of his philosophy a syn-
thesis, or rather a juxtaposition, of mutually con-
tradictory positions, eacli of which appears true
only as long as we do not attempt to think it to-
gether with the other.
There is, no doubt, truth in this representation.
But a more significant way of stating the matter is,
I think, that Leibniz's defect- is not in his individ-
ualism, but in the defect of his conception of the
individual. His individualism is more apparent
than real. It is a negative principle, and negative
in the sense of ^privative. The individuality of the
monad is due to its incompleteness, to its imperfec-
tions. It is really matter which makes monads
mutually impenetrable or exclusive ; it is matter
which distinguishes them from Goil, and thus from
one another. Without the material element they
would be lost in an undistinguished identity with
God, the supreme substance. But matter, it must
be remembered, is passivity ; and since activity is
reality, or substance, matter is unsubstantial and
unreal. The same results from a consideration of
248 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
knowledge. Matter is always correlative to con-
fused ideas. With the clearing up of knowledge,
with making it rational, matter must disappear, so
that to God, who is wholly reason, it must entirely
, vanish. But this view varies only in words from
that of Spinoza, to whom it is the imagination, as
distinguished from the intellect, that is the source
of particular and finite objects. I
It is perhaps in his TheodMe^ in the treatment
of the problem of evil, that his implicit Spinozism,
or denial of individuality, comes out most clearly.
That evil is negative, or privative, and consists in
the finitude of the creature, is the result of the dis-
cussion. What is this except to assert the unreality,
the merely privative character, of the finite, and to
resolve all into God? To take one instance out
of many : he compares inertia to the original limi-
tation of creatures, and says that as inertia is the
obstacle to the complete mobility of bodies, so pri-
vation, or lack, constitutes the essence of the imper-
fection, or evil, of creatures. His metaphor is of
boats in the current of a river, where the heavier
one goes more slowly, owing to inertia. The force
of the current, which is the same to ally and which
is positive, suffering no diminution, is comparable
to the activity of God, which also is perfect and
positive. As the current is the positive source of
all the movements of the bodies, and is in no way
responsible for the retardation of some boats, so
God is the source only of activities, — the perfec-
tions of his creatures. " As the inertia of the boat
CRITICISM AND CONCLUSION. 249
is the cause of its slowness, so the limitations of its
receptivity are the cause of the defects found in the
action of creatures." Individuality is thus reduced
to 4iiere limitation ; and the unlimited, the real which
includes all reality, is God. We are thus placed in
a double difficulty. This notion of an all-inclusive
one contradicts the reality of mutually exclusive
monads ; and we have besides the characteristic diffi-
culty of Spinoza, — how, on the basis of this unlimit-
ed, self -identical substance, to account for even the
appearance of finitude, plurality and individuality.
Leibniz's fundamental defect may thus be said to be
that, while he realized, as no one before him had done,
the importance of the conception of the negative^
he was yet unable to grasp the significance of the
negative, was led to interpret it as merely privative
or defective, and thus, finally, to surrender the very
idea. Had not his method, his presupposition
regarding analytic identity, bound him so com-
pletely in its toils, his clear perception that it was
the negative element that differentiated God from
the universe, intelligence from matter, might have
' brought him to a general anticipation not only of
Kant, but of Hegel. But instead of transforming
his method by this conception of negation, he al-
lowed his assumed (/. e., dogmatic) method to evac-
uate his conception of its significance. It was
Hegel who was really sufficiently in earnest with
the idea to read it into the very notion of intelli-
gence as a constituent organic element, not as a^
mere outward and formal limitation.
250 LEIBXIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
We liave already referred to the saying of Leibniz
that the nioDad acts as if nothing existed but God
and itself. The same idea is sometimes expressed
by saying that God alone is the immediate or direct
object of the monad. Both expressions mean that,
while the monad excludes all other monads, such is
not the case in its relation to God, but that it has
an organic relation with him. We cannot keep
from asking whether there is not another aspect
of tlie contradiction here. How is it possible for
the monad so to escape from its isolation that it
can have communication with God more than with
other substances? Or if it can have communica-
tion with God, why cannot it equally bear real
relations of community with other monads? And
the answer is fo^nd in Leibniz's contradictory con^-
ceptions of God. Of these conceptions thefe are
at least three. When Leibniz is emphasizing his
monadic theory, with its aspects of individuality
and exclusion, (iod is conceived as the highest
monad, as one in the series of monads, differing
from the others only in the degree of its activity.
He is the '* monad of monads " ; the most complete,"
active, and individualized of all. But it is evident
that in this sense there can be no more intercourse
between (iod and a monad than there is between
one monad and another. Indeed, since God is
purus actus without any passivity, it may be said
that there is, if possible, less communication in this
case than in tlie others. He is, as Leibniz says, what
a monad without matter would be, '^ a deserter from
CRITICISM AND CONCLUSION. 251
the general order." He is the acme of isolation.
This, of course, is the extreme development of the
" individual" side of Leibniz's doctrine, resulting in
a most pronounced atomism. Leibniz seems dimly
conscious of this difficulty, and thus by the side of
this notion of (iod he puts another. According to
it, God is the source of all monads. The monads
are not created by a choice of the best of all possible
worlds, as his official theology teaches, but are the
radiations of his divinity. Writing to Bayle, Leib-
niz expresses himself as follows : ' ' The nature of
substance consists in an active force of definite char-
acter, from which phenomena proceed in orderly
succession. This force was originally received by,
and is indeed preserved to, every substance by the
creator of all things, from whom all actual forces
or perfections emanate bj a sort of continual crea-
tion,** And in his Monadology he says: All *'the
created or derived monads are the productions of
God, and are born, as it were, by the contimtal fal-
gurations of the divinity from instant to instant,
bounded by the receptivity of the creature to which
it is essential to be limited." What has become of
the doctrine of monads (although the word is re-
tained) it would be difficult to say. There is cer-
tainly no individual distinction now between the
created monads and God, and it is impossible to see
why there should be individual distinctions between
the various created monads. They appear to be all
alike, as modes of the one comprehensive substance.
Here we have the universal, or '' identity, " side of
252 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
Leibniz's philosophy pushed to its logical outcome,
— the doctrine of pantheism.
His third doctrine of God is really a unity of the
two previous. It is the doctrine that God is the
harmony of the monads, — neither one among them
nor one made up of them, but their organic unity.
This doctrine is nowhere expressly stated in words
(unless it be when he says that " God alone con-
stitutes the relation and community of substances ") ,
but it runs through his whole system. According
to this, God is the pre-established harmony. This
conception, like that of harmony, may have either
a mechanical interpretation (according to which God
is the artificial, external point of contact of intelli-
gence and reality, in themselves opposed) or an or-
ganic meaning, according to which God is the unity
of intelligence and reality. On this interpretation
a^.one does the saying that God is the only imme-
diate object of the monads have sense. It simply
states that the apparent dualism between intelli-
gence -and its object which is found in the world
is overcome in God ; that the distinction between
them is not the ultimate fact, but exists in and for
the sake of a unity which transcends the differ-
ence. According to this view, the opposition be-
tween ideal inclusion and real exclusion vanishes.
God is the harmony of the real and ideal, not a
mere arrangement for bringing them to an under-
standing with one another. Individuality and
universality are no longer opposed conceptions,
needing a tertium quid to relate them, but are
CRITICISM AND CONCLUSION. 253
organic factors of reality, and this, at the same .
time, is intelligence.
But admitting this conception as stating the im-
plicit intention of Leibniz, the relation of monads to
one another is wholly different from that which
Leibniz gives. And to this point we now come.
/If in God, the absolute, the real and the ideal are
one, it is impossible that in substances, which have
their being and significance only in relation to God,
or this unity, the real and the ideal should be so
wholly separated as Leibniz conceives.
Leibniz's conception relative to this is, as we have
seen, that there is no physical injluxus, or commer-
cium^ of monads, but ideal consensus. Really each
shuts out every other ; ideally^ or representatively,
it includes every other. His positive thought in the
matter is that a complete knowledge of any portion ^
of the universe would involve a perfect knowledge •'
of the whole, so organic is the structure of the uni-
verse. Each monad sums up the past history of the
world, and is big with its future. This is the con-
ception of inter-relation; the conception of all in
one, and one as a member, not a part of a whole.
It is the conception which Leibniz brought to birth,
the conception of the thorough unity of the world.
In this notion there is no denial of community of
relation; it is rather the culmination of relation.
There is no isolation. But according to his pre-
supposed logic, individuality can mean only identity
excluding distinction, — identity without intrinsic re-
lation, and, as Leibniz is bound at all hazards to save
2r)4 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
the notion of individuality, he is obliged to think
of this inter-relation as only ideal, as the result of
a predetermined tendency given at its creation to
the self-identical monad by God. But of course
Leibniz does not escape the contradiction between
identity and distinction, between individuality and
universality, by this means. He only transfers it
to another realm. In the relation of the monad to
God the diversity of its content, the real or universal
element, is harmonized with the identity of its law»
its ideal or individual factor. But if these elements
do not conflict here, why should they in the relation
of the monads to one another? Either there is
already an immanent hai-mony between the indi-
vidual and universal, and no external arrangement
is needed to bring it about', or there is no such
harmony, and therefore no relation possible be-
tween God and the individual monad. One side
of the Leibnizian philosophy renders the other side
impossible.
Another consequence of Leibniz's treatment of
the negative as merely limitative is that he can find
no distinction, excepting of degree, between nature
and spirit. Such a conception is undoubtedly in
advance of the Cartesian dualism, which regards
them as opposed realms without any relation ; but
it may be questioned whether it is as adequate a
view as that wjiich regards them as distinct realms
on account of relation. At all events, it leads to
confusion in Leibniz's treatment of both material
objects and self-conscious personalities. In the.
CRITICISM AND CONCLUSION". 255
former case his method of escape is a metaphor, —
that objects apparently material are full of souls, or
spirits. This may mean that the material is merely
material only when considered in implicit abstrac-
tion from the intelligence which conditions it, that
the material, in truth, is constituted by some of the
relations which in their completeness make up
intelligence. This at least bears a consistent mean-
ing. But it is not monadism ; it is not the doctrine
that matter differs from spirit only in degree : it is
the doctrine that they differ in kind, as the con-
ditioned from the conditioning. At times, however,
Leibniz attempts to carry out his monadism literally^
and the result is that he conceives matter as being
itself endowed, in some unexplained way, with
souls, or since this implies a dualism between mat-
ter and soul, of being made up, composed, of souls.
But as he is obliged to explain that this composition
is not spatial, or physical, but only ideal, this doc-
trine tends to resolve itself into the former. And
thus we end where we began, — with a metaphor.
On the other hand, there is a wavering treatment
of the nature of spirit. At times it is treated as
precisely on a level in kind with the monads that
' ' compose " matter, differing only in the greater
degree of its activity. But at other times it is
certainly represented as standing on another plane.
" The difference bet vveen those monads which express
the world with consciousness and those which ex-
press it unintelligently is as great as the difference
between a mirror and one who sees." If Leibniz
256 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYR
means what he seems to imply by these words, it
is plainly asserted that only the spiritual being is
worthy of being called a monad, or individual, at all,
and that material being is simply a dependent mani-
festation of spirit. Again he says : " Not all en-
telechies are, like our soul, images of God, — being
made as members of a society or state of which he is
chief, — but all are images of the universe.** In this
distinction between self-conscious beings as images
of God and unconscious monads as images of the
universe there is again implied a difference of kind.
That something is the image of the universe need
mean only that it cannot be explained without its
relations to the universe. To say that something
is the image of God, must mean that it is itself
spiritual and self-conscious. God alone is reason
and activity. He alone has his reality in himself.
Self-conscious beings, since members of a commu-
nity with him, must participate in this reality in a
way different in kind from those things which, at
most, are only substances or objects, not subjects.
Nor do the difficulties cease here. If matter be
conceived, not as implied in the relations by which
reason is realized in constituting the universe, but as
itself differing from reason only in degree, it is
impossible to account for its existence. Why should
a less degree of perfection exist than is necessary?
AVhy should not the perfect activity, God, complete
the universe in himself? Leibniz's answer that an
infinity of monads multiplies his existence so far as
possible, may hold indeed of other spirits, who mirror
CRITICISM AND COifCLUSION, 257
aiia and live in one divine society, but is utterly in-
applicable to those which fail to image him. Their
existence, as material, is merely privative; it is
merely the absence of the activity found in conscious
spirit. How can this deprivation, this limitation,
increase in any way the harmony and perfection of
the universe? Leibniz's theory of the negative, in
fine, compels him to put nature and spirit on the
same level, as differing only in degree. This, so
far from giving nature a reality, results in its being
swallowed up in spirit, not as necessarily distinct
from it and yet one with it, but as absorbed in it,
since the apparent difference is only privative. Nor
does the theory insure the reality of spirit. This,
since one in kind with matter, is swallowed up
along with it in the one substance, which is pos-
itive and self -identical, — in effect, the Dens sive
Natura of Spinoza.
We have to see that this contradiction on the side
of existence has its correlate on the side of knowl-
edge, and our examination of this fundamental de-
ficiency in Leibniz is ended. Sensation is on the
side of intelligence what matter is on the side of
reality. It is confused knowledge, as matter is
imperfect activity or reality. Knowledge is perfect
only when it is seen to be necessary, and by " neces-
sary " is meant that whose opposite is impossible, or
involves contradiction. In spite, therefore, of Leib-
niz's thorough conviction that " matters of fact " —
the subject-matter of physical science — are not ar-
bitrary, he is yet obliged finally to agree with Locke
258 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
that there is no certlliaty to be found in such knowl-
edge, either as a whole or in any of its details. The
element of sensatictn, of confused knowledge, cannot
be eliminated. Hence it must alwa^^s be open to any
one to object that it is only on account of this im-
perfect factor of our knowledge that there appeai-s
to be a physical world at .all, that tlie external
world is an illusion produced by our sensations.
And Leibniz himself, while claiming that the world
of fact, as opposed to the realm of relations,
possesses practical reality, is obliged to admit that
metaphysically it may be only an orderly dream.
The fact is that Leibniz unconsciously moves in
the same circle, with relation to sensation and the
material world, that confines Spinoza .with regard
to imagination and particular multiple existences.
Spinoza explains the latter from that imperfection
of our intelligence which leads us to imagine rather
than to think. But he accounts for the existence
of imagination, when he comes to ti'eat that, as
due to the plurality of particular things. So Leil>-
niz, when an account of the existence of matter
is demanded of him, refers to confused knowledge
as its source, while in turn he explains the latter,
or sensation, from the material element which sets
bounds to the activity of spirit. Leibniz seems
indeed, to advance upon Spinoza in admitting the
reality of the negative factor in differentiating the
purely self -identical, but he gives up what he
has thus gained by interpreting the negation as
passivity, or mere deprivation.
CKITKJISM AND CONCLUSIO:>'. 259
To sum np, it may be doubted wliotlier we have
more to learu from Leibniz's successes or from his
faihires. Leibniz's positive significance for us is
in his clear recognition of the problems of modern
philosoi)hy, and in his perception of the isolated
elements of their solution. His ^negative signifi-
cance is in- iiis clinging to a method which allowed
liim only to juxtapose these elements without form-
ing of them a true synthesis. There are a number
of sides from which we may state Leibniz's realiza-
tion of the problem. Perhaps that which distin-
guishes Leibniz most clearly from Locke is their re-
spective treatments of the relation of the physical
to the spiritual, or, as the question presented itself
mainly to them, of the " natural" to the "super-
natural." To. Locke the supernatural was strictly
miraculous ; it was, from our standpoint, mere
power, or will. It might indeec^ be rational, but
this reason was incapable of being apprehended by
• us. Its distinction from the finite was so great
that it could be conceived only as something pre-
ceding and succeeding the finite in time, and mean-
while as intercalating itself arbitrarily here and
there into the finite ; as, for example, in the re-
lation of soul and body, in the production of
sensation, etc. In a word, Locke thought that
the ends of philosophy, and with it of religion
and morals, could be attained only by a complete
separation of the " natural" and the '' supernatural."
Leibniz, on the other hand, conceived the aim of
philosophy to l)e the demonstration of their har-
260 LEIBNIZ'S NEy ESSAYS.
mony. This is evidenced by his treia,tment of the
relations of the infinite and finite, of uiatter and
spirit, of mechanical and final causation. And lie
found the sought-for harmony in the fact tluit tlie
spiritual is the reason, purpose, and function of
the natural. The oft-quoted words of Lotze ex-
press the thouglk of Leibniz : '* The mechanical
is unbounded in range, but is subordinate in value."
We cannot find some things that occur physically,
and others that occur siipernaturally ; everytliing
that occurs has its sufficient mechanical antecedents,
but all that occurs has its significance, its purpose,
in something that does not occur, but that eternally
is — Reason. The raeclianical and the spiritual are
not realms which here and thei*e come into out-
ward contact. They are related as the conditioned
and the conditioning. That, and not the idea of an
artificial )}iodns vivendi^ is the true meaning of the
pre-established harmony .
In other words, Leibniz's great significance for us
is the fact that, although he accepted in good faitli,
and indeed as himself a master ui its methods, the
results and principles of physical science, he re-
mained a teleological idealist of the type of Aris-
totle. But I liave not used the right words. It
was not in spite of his acceptance of the scien-
tific view of the world that he retained his faith in
the primacy of purpose and reason. On the con-
trary, he was an idealist because of his science,
because only by the idea of an all-conditioning
spiritual activity could he account for and make
CRITICISM AND CONCLUSION. 261
v«Ud scientific conceptions; he was a teleologist,
because natural processes, with then- suuiming up
in the notion of causality, were meauiugless except
as manifesting an immanent purpose.
There are other more technical ways of stating
the bearing of Leibniz's work. We may say that
he realized that the problem of philosophy con-
sisted in giving due \Tilue to the notions of indi-
viduality and universality, of identity and diffei*ence,
or of the real and the ideal. In developing these
ideas, however, we should only be repeating what has
already .been said, and so we may leave the matter
here. On the negative side we need only recall what
was said a few pages back regarding the incom-
patibility of Leibniz's method — the scholastic for-
mal logic — with the content of his philosophy. The
attempt to find a formal criterion of truth was
hopeless ; it was worse than fruitless, for it led lo
such an interpretation of concrete trutlis as to
deprive them of their significance and as to land
Leibniz in involved contradictions.
To write a complete account of the influence of
Leibniz's philosophy would be too large a task for
these pages. If we were to include under tliis
head all the ramifications of thought to which
Leibniz stimulated, directly and ftndirectl}^, either
by stating^ truths which some one worked out or
by stating errors which incited some one to new
points of view, we should have to sketch German
philosophy since his time, — and not only tiie pro-
fessional philosophy, but those wide aspects of
262 LEIByiZ's NEW ESSAYS.
thought wliich were reflected in Herder, Lessmg,
and Goethe. It is enough to consider him as the
forerunner of Kant. It has become so customary to
represent Kant as working wholly on the problem
which Hume presented, that his great indebtedness
to Leibniz is overlooked. Because Hume aroused
Kant from his dogmatic slumbers, it is supposed
that Kant threw off the entii-e influence of the
Leibnizian thought as vain dreams of his sleep.
Such a representation is one-sided. It is truer to
state that Hume challenged Kant to discover the
method by which he could justify the results of
Leibniz. In this process, the results, no doubt,
took on a new form : results are always relative
to method; but Kant never lost sight of the re-
sultjs. In the main, he accepted the larger feat-
ures of tlie Leibnizian conclusions, and, taught by
Hume of the insutticiency of the method that .Leib-
niz followed, searched for a method which should
guarantee them.
This aspect of Kant appears more fully in his
lesser and somewhat controversial* writings than iu
his classic works : and this, no doubt, is one reason
that his indebtedness is so often overlooked. His
close relation to Leibniz appears most definitely in
his brochure entitlfed ^' Concerning a Discovery which
renders Unnecessary all Critique of Pure Reason."
A Woliiian, Eberhard by name, had " made the dis-
covery " (to use Kant's words) " that the Leibnizian
philosophy contained ji critique of reason just as
well as the "modern, and accordingly contained
CRITICISM AND CONCLUSION. 263
everything that is true in the latter, and much else
in addition." In his reply to this writing, Kant
takes the position that those who claimed to be
Leibnizians simply repeated the words of Leibniz
without penetrating into his spirit, and . that con-
sequently they misrepresented him on every impor-
tant point. He, Kant, on the other hand, making
no claim to use the terminology of Leibniz, was his
true continuator, since he had only changed the
doctrine of the latter so as to make it conform
to the true intent of Leibniz, by removing its self-
contradictions. He closes: '''The Critique of
Pure Reason' may be regarded as the real apol-
ogy for Leibniz, even against his own professed
followers."
Kant, in particular, names three points in which
he is the true follower of Leibniz. The professed
disciples of the latter insisted that the law of
sufficient reason was an objective law, a law of
nature. But, says Kant, it is so notorious, so self-
evident, that no one can make a new discovery
through this principle, that Leibniz can have meant
it only as subjective. " For what does it mean to
say that over and above the principle of contra-
diction another principle must be employed? It
means this : that, according to the principle of cour
tradlction, only that can be known which is already
contained in the notion of the object ; if anything
more is to be known, it must be sought through the
use of a special principle, distinct from that of
contradiction. Since this last kind of knowledge
264 LEIBNIZ*S NEW ESSAYS.
is that of synthetic principles, Leibniz means just
this: besides the principle of contradiction, or that
of analytic judgments, there must be another, that
of sufficient reason, for synthetic judgments. He
thus pointed ou^, in a new and remarkable manner,
that certain investigations in metaphysics were still
to be made." In other words, Kant, by his dis-
tinction of analytic and synthetic judgments, with
their respective principles and spheres, carried out
the idea of Leibniz regai-ding the principles of
contradiction and sufficient reason w
The second point concerns the relation of monads
to material bodies. Eberhard, like the other pro-
fessed Leibnizians, interpreted Leibniz ias saying
that corporeal bodies, as composite, are actually
made up out of monads, as simple. Kant, on the
other hand, saw clearly that Leibniz was not think-
ing of a relation of composition, but of condition;
*' He did not mean the material world, but the sub-
strate, the intellectual world which lies in the idea
of reason, and in which everything must be thought
as consisting of. simple substances." Eberhard's
process, he says, is to begin with sense-phenomena,
to find a simple element' as a part of the seiise-
perceptions, and then to present this simple element
as if it were spiritual and equivalent to the monad
of Leibniz. Kant claims to follow the thought of
Leibniz in regarding the simple not as an element
in the sensuous, but as something super-sensuous^
the ground of the sensuous. Leibniz's mistake was
that, not having worked out clearly the respective
. CRITieiSM AND CONCLUSION. 265
limits of the principles of identity and of sufficient
reason, he supposed that we had a direct intellec-
tual intuition of this super-sensuous, when in reality
it is iinkiiowable^
The third group of statements concerns the
principle of pre-established harmony. "Is it pos-
sible;" a^ks KWnt, '" th^t Leibniz meant by tliis
doctrine to assert the mere coincidence of two sub-
stances wholly independent of each other by nature,
and incapable thi-bitgh their own force of being
brought into' 'community?" .''And his answer is
that what Leibtitz really implied was not a harmoiiy
between iiidep^ndeiit things, biit a harmony between
modes of knowing, between ^ehse oh the! one hand
and und^ystahdirig oti the other. The * ' Critique ■ of
Pure Realson" caVried the discussion farther ' l»y
pointing but its git)unds ; namely, that? without the
unity o^ sense and understanding, no experience
would be' i)DS8ible. Why there should be this har-
mony, ivhy'we should have experience, this question
it is impossible to answer, says Kant, — adding that
Leibniz confessed as much when he called it a
" pre-established " harmony, thus not explaining it,
but only referring it to a highest cause. That
Leibniz really means a harmony witliin intelligence,
not a harmony of things by themselves, is made
more clear, according to Kant, from the fact that
it is applied also to the relation between the king-
dom of nature and of grace, of final and of efficieiit
causes. "Here the harmony is clearly not between'
two independently existing external things, but be-
266 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
tween wbat flows from our notions of nature {Na-
turbegriffe) and of freedom {Freiheitsbegriffe) ; that
is, between two distinct powers and principles
within M«, — an agreement which can be explained
only through the idea of an intelligent cause of the
world.
If we review these points in succession, the in-
fluence of Leibniz upon Kant becomes more marked.
As to the first one, it is well known that Kant's
philosophy is based, upon, and revolves within, the
distinction of analytic and synthetic judgments ; and
this distinction Kant clearly refers to the Leibnizian
distinction between the principles of contradiction
and of sufficient reason, or of identity and differ-
entiation. It is not meant that Kant came to this
thought through the definitions of Leibniz ; on the
contrary, Kant himself refere it to Hume's dis-
tinction between matters of fact and relations of
ideas. But when Kant had once generalized the
thought of Hume, it fell at once, as into ready
prepared moulds, into the categ^ories of Leibniz.
He never escapes from the Leibnizian distinction.
In his working of it out consists his greatness as
the founder of modern thought; from his accept-
ance of it as ultimate result his contradictions.
That is to say, Kant did not merely receive the
vague idea of sufficient reason : he so connected it
with what he learned from Hume that he trans-
formed it into the idea of synthesis, and f)roceeded
to work out the conception of synthesis in the
various notions of the understanding, or categories,
CRITICISM AND CONCLUSION. 267
as applicable to the material of sense.. What
Leibniz bequeathed him was the undefined - idea
that knowledge of matters of fact rests upon the
principle of sufficient reason. What Kant did with
this inheritance was to identify the wholly vague
idea of sufficient reason with the notion that every
fact of experience rests upon necessary synthetic^
connection, — that is, connection according tonotions
of understanding with other facts, — and to deter-
mine, so far as he could, the various forms of syn-
thesis, or of sufficient reason. With Leibniz the
principle remained essentially infertile, because it
was the mere notion of the ultimate reference of
experience to understanding. In the hands of
Kant it became the instrument of revolutioniz-
ing philosophy, because Kant showed the articu-
late members of understanding by which experience
is constituted, and described them in the act of
constituting.
So much for his working out of the thought. But
on the other hand, Kant never transcended the ab-
soluteness of the distinction between the principles
of synthesis and analysis, of sufficient reason and
contradiction. The result was that he regarded the
synthetic principle as the principle only of our knowl-
edge, while perfect knowledge he still considered to
follow the law of identity, of mere analysis. He
worked out the factor of negation, of differentiation,
contained in the notion of synthesis, but limited it
to synthesis upon .material of sense, presupposing
that there is another kind of knowledge, not limited
268 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
to sense, not depending ii|k>u the synthetic prin-
ciple, but resting uix)n the principle of contradic-
^ tion, or analysis, and that this kind is the type, the
norm, of the only perfect knowledge. • In other
words, while admitting the synthetic principle of
diflferentiation as a necessary element within our
knowledge, he held that on account of this element
our knowledge is limited to the phenomenal realm.
Leibniz's error was in supposing that the pure prin-
ciples of the logical understanding, resting on con-
tradiction, could give us knowledge of the noumenal
world ; liis truth was in supposing that only by such
prineiplesi could they be known. Thus, in sub-
stance, Kant. . Like Leibniz, in short, he failed to
transcend the absoluteness of the value of the scho-
lastic method ; but he so worked out aaother and
synthetic method, — the development of the idea of
sufficient reason, — that he made it necessary for
his successors to transcend it.
The second point concerns the relations of the
sensuous and the super- sensuous. Here, besides
setting right the ordinary misconception of Leibniz,
Kant did nothing but render him consistent wkh
himself. Leibniz attempted to prove the existence
of God, as we have seen, by the principles both of
sufficient reason and contradiction. . Kant denies the
validity of the proof by either method.' God is the
sufficient cause, or reason, of the contingent sense
world. But since Leibniz admits that this contin-
gent world may, after all, ])e but a dream, how shall
wfe rise from it to the notion of God? It is net
curnciSM and coNCLrsiON. 269
our dreams that demonstrate to us the existeuce of
reality. Or, again, sense-knowledge is confused
knowledge. How shall this knowledge, b}^ hypoth-
esis imperfect, guarantee to us the existence of a
perfect being? On the other hand, since the syn-
thetic principle, or that of sufficient reason, is ne-
cessary to give us knowledge of matters of fact, the
principle of contradiction, while it may give us a
consistent and even necessary notion of a supreme
being, cannot give this notion reality. Leibniz,
while admitting, with regard to all other matters
of fact, that the principles of formal logic can give
no unconditional knowledge, yet supposes that,
witfi regard to the one unconditional reality, they
are amply sufficient. Kant but renders him self-
consistent on this point.
It is, however, with regard to the doctrine of
pre-established harmony that Kant's large measure
of indebtedness to Leibniz is most apt to be over-
looked. Kant's claim that Leibniz himself meant
the doctrine in a subjective sense (that is, of a
harmony between powers in our own intelligence)
rather than objective (or between things out of
relation to intelligence) seems, at first sight, to go
far beyond the mark. However, when we recall
that to Leibniz the sense world is only the confused
side of rational thought, there is more truth in Kant's
saying than appe.irA at this first sight. The har-
mony is between sense and reason. But it may at
least be said without qualification that Kant only
translated into subjective terms, terms of intelli-
270 LEIBNIZ'S NEW ESSAYS.
^ence, what appears in Leibniz as objective. This
is not the place to go into the details of Kant's con-
ception of the relation of the material to the psy-
chical, of the lx>dy and the soul. We may state,
however, in his own woixis, that "the question is
no longer as to the possibility of the association
of the soul with other known and foreign substanitcs
outside it, but as to the connection of the presenta-
tions of inner sense with the modifications of our ex-
ternal sensibility." It is a question, in short, of the
harmony of two modes of our own presentation, not
of the harmony of two independent things. And
Kant not only thus deals with the fact of harmony,
but he admits, as its possible source, just what Leib-
niz claims to be its actual source ; namely, some one
underlying reality, which Leibniz calls the monad,
but to which Kant gives no name. " I can well
suppose," says Kant, "that the substance to which
through external sense extension is attributed, is
also the subject of the presentations given to us by
its inner sense: thus tkojt which in one respect is
called material being iconld be in another respect
thinking being.'*
Kant treats similarly the problem of the relations
of physical and final causes, of necessity and free-
dom. Here, as in the case just mentioned, his main
problem is to discover their harmony. His solution,
again, is in the union, in our intelligence, of the un-
derstanding — as the source of the notions which
"make nature" — with the ideas of that reason
which gives a " categorical imperative." The cause
CRITICISM AND CONCLUSIOX. ^ 271
of the possibility of this harmony between nature and
freedom, between the sense world and the rational,
he finds in a being, God, whose sole function in the ^
Kantian philosophy may be said to be to " pre-estab-
lish '* it. I cannot believe that Kant, in postulating
the problems of philosophy as the harmony of sense
and understanding, of nature and freedom, and in
liuding this harmony where he did, was not profound-
ly influenced, consciously as well as unconsciously,
by Leibniz. In fact, I do not think that we can
understand the nature either of Kant's immense con-
tributions to modern thought or of his inconsisten-
cies, until we have traced them to their source in the
Leibnizian philosophy, — admitting, on the other
hand, that we cannot understand why Kant should
have found necessary a new way of approach to
the results of Leibniz, until we recognize to the
full his indebtedness to Hume. It was, indeed,
Hume that awoke him to his endeavors, but it was
Leibniz who set before him the goal of these en-
deavors. That the goal should appear somewhat
transformed, when approached from a new point of
view, was to be expected. But alas ! the challenge
from Hume did not wholly awaken Kant. He still
accepted without question the validity of the scho-
lastic method, — the analytic principle of identity as
the type of perfect knowledge, — although denying
its sufficiency for human intelligence. Leibniz sug-
gested, and suggested richly, the synthetic, the neg-
ative aspect of thought ; Kant worked it out as a
necessary, law of our knowledge ; it was left to his
272 LEIBXIZ*S NEW KS8AYS.
successors to work it out as a factor in the law of
(Ul knowledge.
It would be a grievous blunder to suppose that
this iiual chapter annihilates the earlier ones ; that
tlie failure of Leibniz as to method, though a fail-
ure in a fundamental point, cancelled his splendid
achievements. Such thoughts as that substance is
activity ; that its process is measured by its end, its
idea ; that the univei-se is an inter-related unit ; the
thoughts of organism, of continuity, of uniformity
of law, — introduced and treated as Leibniz treated
them, — are imperishable. They are merabens of the
growing consciousness, on the part of intelligence, of
its own nature. There are but three or four names
in the history of thought which can be placed by the
side of Leibniz's in respect to the open largeness, the
unexhausted fertility, of such thoughts. But it is
not enough for intelligence to 4iave great thoughts
nor even true thoughts. It is testimony to the sin-
cerity and earnestness of intelligence that it cannot
take even such thoughts as those of Leibniz on trust.
It must know them ; it must have a method adequate
to their demonstration. And in a broad sense, the
work of Kant and of his successors was the discov-
ery of a method which should justify the objective
idealism of Leibniz, and which in its history has
more than fulfilled this task.
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