Letters concerning the Spanish nation: written at Madrid during the years 1760 and 1761

':^';i-|'!'v''v!'-'i::

"'T;';!''';':!''';;''' iw^:

LETTERS

CONCERNING THE

SPANISH NATION:

Written at MADRID during the Years 1760 and 1761.

By the Rev. EDWARD CLARKE, M. A.

Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, and Redor of
Pepperharrowe, in the County of Surry.

pantos fayze-Sj tantos cojiumbres*

LONDON:

Print<;d for T. Becket and P. A. De Hondt, at Tally's Head
in the Strand. MDCCLXIII.

T O T H E

RIGHT HONOURABLE

GEORGE BRODRICK^

LORD VISCOUNT MIDLETON,

O F T H E

KINGDOM OF IRELAND;

THESE LETTERS CONCERNING

THE SPANISH NATION

ARE INSCRIBED^

WITH THE SINCEREST RESPECT

AND GRATITUDE,

BY HIS LORDSHIP'S

MOST OBLIGED,

AND OBEDIENT

HUMBLE SERVANT,

EDWARD CLARKE,

4C>l1..,i5

TABLE of CONTENTS.

^he Preface, page i

Historical Introduction, ix

Letter I, journey from London to Madrid, i

— — II. 'The State of Religion in Spain, - 9
— — — III. Part I. Of the Government of Spain, the
Cortesy or Parliamenty its Laws, Tribunals, Courts of

Judicature, 6cc. - - - 26

— — III. Part II. Councils ^ Halls ^ and Tribunals, 41

— IV. Part I. State of Literature^ Letters, and

Men of Learning in S^2.m, - - 49

IV. Part II. State of Phyfic, Poetry, &c. 55

IV. Part III. Catalogue of SpaniJJj Authors, 66

— V. State of Meofures and Weights, 90

— — VI. View of the Stage i - 102

— VII. Part I. Defcriptionofthe Bull-feafi, exhi-
bited on theprefent Kings public entry ^ July 15, 1760. 107
■ VII. Part II. Burial'— Grandees— Kings Pub-
lic Entry, - - - 1 1 6

— VIII. Part I. Defcription of the Convent of St.

Laurence, commonly called the 'Efcu.vhl, 1 00
VIII. Part II. Catalogue of the Latin, Greek,

and Hebrew Manufcripts in the Library of the Con-
vent of the Y^^qmu-A, - - [^^

IX. Defcription of the City ^Toledo, 173

X. Defcription of the City ^'Segovia, 179

Lette

R

TABLE OF CONTENTS,

Letter XI. Some Account of the Antiquities at Cor-
duba, Seville, Cadiz, Granada, Saguntum, Tarago-
iia, ^;/^ Barcelona, - page 20J

Xn. A Lijl of the Lafid and Sea Forces, in the

year 1760, ivith an EJiimate of their an?iual Expence.
— The Salaries of th^ great Officers.— -Pcnfions paid oiit
of the Finances.-— Of the Revenuesy - 211

XIIL A jhort View of the Commerce and Ma-

nifa£iiires ^ Spain, fo far as they relate to Great Bri-
tain, _ _ - 2.iJI

-.srt XIV. An Account of the Spa?iiJJj Moneys 26 0

— XV. The State of Agriculture^^ -• .. ^82

— XVI. To the Heveroid T>r. Kennicott, >(2;zr

cerning the Hebrew Manufcripts in Spain, 2^2-
XVII. Don Gregory Mayan'j Epiftk to C. C.

Pluer, on the prefent State of the Hebrew and Arabii?
Learning in Spain, - - £•99
XVIII. The fame to the late Sir Benjamin Keene,

containing a fult Account of the Complutenfan Poly"

glott, - - - 312

XIX. Of the Royal Family y and Court of

Spain, - ' - 322

XX. Journey from Madrid to Lifbon, and

thence ta London, - - 346

NEW

P R E F A

TH E compiler of the following papers having had the ho-
nour to attend his Excellency the right honourable George
William, Earl of Bristol, his Britannic Majefty's AmbalTador
Extraordinary, and Miniiler Plenipotentiary to the court of Ma-
drid, in quality of chaplain, for near two years ; he made it his
bulinefs, during his flay there, to colled: fuch informations, hints,
and materials relative to the prefent ftate of Spain, as might ei-
ther gratify the curiofity of his friends, or prove of fome utility
to the public in general.

For this hath ever appeared to him to be the true and proper
dciign of T^raveUingy to bring back fuch notices of foreign coun-
tries, as may corred: any prejudices and errors we have entertained
concerning them ; fuch as may improve our prefent opinions, and
contribute to form a juft idea of different nations. This employ-
ment may be more ufeful, though, perhaps, not fo flattering to
the imagination, as that of reading Virgil upon the banks of the
Mi?2cioy Horace upon the Anjidiis, or Homer upon the Scamander.
Writers of authentic accounts of countries, though beneath the
attention of elegant genius, and not rifmg to the higher claims of
tafte and i;/r/z/, may notwithftanding be more ferviceable to the
public, than the purchafer of a decayed liitiany the recoverer
of a ruily coin^ the copier of a defaced infer iption, or the defigner
of an old ruin.

It is, perhaps, to be wilhed, that the generality of our youag
travellers would give more of their attention this way; the fub-
\tOi is not exhaufted, and the objed: is of much greater mom^t,
than the dreffcs of one country, or the tunes #f another ; than

11

R E F A C E.

the vineyards of this province, or the kitchens of that. To ob-
fcrve the variation of manners, the force of cuftoms, the utility of
laws, or the effeds of climate, renders a much more effential fer-
vice to your country, than to fet a new fafliion, teach a new air,
or give a new didi.

The writer, apprehending that his ftay in Spai^ would have
been of much longer duration, had formed his original plan of a
much larger extent, than that which is now laid before the pu-
bhc : but as the war, which unfortunately broke out between the
two courts, prevented his profecuting that more extenfive defign,
the reader will, he hopes, charitably place this defed: to the ac-
count of that unforefcen event, and not to any want of intention
or induftry in the writer.

He is very fenfible of the many Imperfedlons and defedls of
this performance, and is convinced, that it flands in need of all
the apologies he is capable of making for it. The reader owes the
perufal of it not to the writer's own fentiment or opinion, but to
the determination of abler judges, who conceived, that with all its
errors it miglit be of ufe to the public, as relating to a country, the
accounts of which now extant among us are more apt to millead,
than to inform.

The following papers would have been much lefs fuperficial
and jejune, if the country, in which they v/ere colleded, had
been half fo cojnmunicatrce as that in which they are publillied. In
Spain, the want of that general education and knowledge, which
is fo univerfally diffufed throughout this ifland, renders the pro-
grefs of all enquiry very flaw and difficult : the referved temper
and genius of the Spaniards makes it ftill more embaraffed ; but
the caution they ufe, and the fufpicions they entertain with regard
to hcrtticks, efpccially priells, are generally fufficient to d^mp the
mod induftrious and inquilitive refearcher. Add to this that in-
vincible obfiacle to all free enquiry in catholic countries, the in-
quijition, and then i.t is apprehended that the reader will not won-
der, that he finds fo little entertainment and information in the
following letters.

But

R E F A C E.

iU

• But this is not all ; befides the difficulties a foreigner meets
with in the dominions of his catholic majefty, that of the language
is not the leafl. French and Italian are now become lo very
fiiHiionable and common among us, that mofl: of our young tra-
vellers fet out with the BoccaRomana^ and the accent of Blois.
But how few are there of us, that go out Spaniards ? that have
language enough to aik. Which is the way ? or. How many miles
are there to the next town ? This inconvenience will be lenfibly
felt by every enquiring mind. For want of Spaniflt, the compiler
of thefe papers ufed to endeavour to avail himfelf at firft of that
almoft univerfal tongue of mankind, the Latin : but in that, be-
iides the difference of pronunciation, he found a much worfe cir-
cumftance belonging to it : few of the monks or clergy underftood
any thing of it ; and ftill fewer were able to fpeak it. Their com-
mon anfwer was. No en tie?? do UJie ; No es Latino por aca, pero es
Latino por alia : that is, *' I do not underfland you, Sir : it is not
" the Latin of this here country, but of that there country."

Having fairly apprifed the reader of thofe imperfedlions which
he will find in this mifcellany, the writer hopes to be indulged in
fubmitting to him what may be modeflly faid in favour of the
performance.

The accounts which we have of Spain, may be reduced to
three forts \ the Romance, the Obfoktey and the Modern. With re-
gard to the firft, the author rejoices to fee that abfurd kind of
writing fo generally difregarded, that even the very names of the
celebrated romances of the lafl age are almoft as much forgot-
ten as thofe of their authors : Though it is to be feared, that the
wretched tribe of novel-writers, which have fucceeded, have done
greater mifchief. The too fublime Clelia and Pharamond
werecompofitions, perhaps, of lefs pernicious tendency, than fome
of our later printed poifons : the former might fill the mind with
improbable fidions, but the latter may inflame the heart with pro-
bable vice : the apprentice, or young mifs, may be lefs incited by
objects of impofiible imitation, fuch as the wandering knight in
black armour, or the rambling lady upon a milk-white palfrey,

a 2 than

IV

E F A C E.

than by the fiimiliar hiflory of thefeducer and the feduced, which
fill up moft of our modern novels; thefe are fubjeds of more pro-
bable, and, therefore, more dangerous, imitation.

But to return from this {hort digreflion : the r^w^;^ri*-accounts
of Spain have had this bad effecft upon us, that they have in a
manner infufed themfelves into our ideas of that country. The
manners of the moft inflexible people, and fuch the Spaniards are,
undergo fome alteration in every age; the mad exploits of chi-
valry, and the extravagant gallantries of the old Spaniards, are now
no more : the guittar and gauntlet are both thrown afide. The
more refined manners of Fkance paffed over the Pyrenees with
the houfe of Bourbon. Even the Spanifi language is now mak-
ing its laft ftruggles againft the more infinuating one of France >
and, if the court did not ftill retain that laudable cuftom of an-
fwering foreign amballadors in their own tongue, it would pro-
bably have fallen into great negled; before now. French politejfe
has given a new air to, and foftened the ferocious features of that
country : the muftacho has dropped from the lip, and the cloke
from the flioulders of their noblefle. Even the Inquijitors have
fince learned not only the politenefs, but humanity of that people,
and have left off roafting heretics alive : a cuftom, which, within
this century, has been pradlifed at Granada.

The next accounts which we have of Spain, may be called
Obfolete ; and fuch fhould be efteemed all thofe which have not
been publiflicd within this century. They are accounts, indeed,
which were once true, but are now no more a juft defcription of
the Spaniards, than an account of England in the time of Ed-
ward III. would be called now v fuch are The ladys travels into
Spain^ a book pirated from a French writer ; and many others.
The Deliccs d'E/pagne^ though a good book, is now quite anti-
quated ; even the dcfcriptions of places in it are become unlike,,
becaufe the face of a country will change with time, as well as
the manners of a people.

The third clafs of accounts mentioned above, are the Modern ;.
of this fort we have very little that is either tolerably correct or

2 aa-

PREFACE. T

authentic. Mr. Willoughby's Travels, though republished
in Harris's ColIe6lion, are of no moment j it is faid the bota-
nical, or natural hiftory part of it is good ; which, I fuppo^e,
made them appear together with Mr. Ray's. Mr. Ap Rice has
indeed lately publiflied A tour through Spain and FortugaU Lon^
don iy6oy in 8vo ; his view appears merely to have been that of
expofing the abfurd miracles of the Romifh church, which indeed
he has done eifedually : but, in other refpe(3:s, that book does
not feem to have been written by one who actually vifited the
places themfelves.

The laft thing, which I have to offer in favour of thefe letters,
is, that the reader may be affured, that the utmoft care was taken,
that the accounts fliould be had from the befl: hand poffible. The
account of the Spanijh Money was examined and approved by Dar-
CY and Jois, the great bankers at Madrid, and by the gentle-
men of the embaffy> The ftate of the Army^ Navy^ Finances,
and Civil Li fl of the Court, were tranfcribed from an original French
MS. of the greateft authority, which may be {tQ,n in the author's
pofleffion, and which is a curioflty of no fmall value. The title
of that French MS. which is a thin folio, runs thus, Bilaji General
des Finances de S. M. C. Don Carlos III. Roi d'EJpagnCj en 1760.

The writer has inferted nothing, which he apprehends to be
either ambiguous or falfe. And though he makes no doubt, but
there are miftakes, yet he is certain, that he hath done all that he
could to avoid them. He has made ufe of all the helps, living or
dead, which fell in his way. And as he believes he has availed
himfejf of mofl: of what is frinted w^qw this fubjed:; fo he is not
confcious of having omitted any hints, given him by his friends
and acquaintance, either in Spain or England.

But though he has confulted what others have written upon
this fub,je6l, it has been more with a view of avoiding their obier-
vations, than of making himfclf rich by their fpoils : For in this
matter he followed, as near as he could, that excellent inlhiidion,
v/hich Dr. Middleton hath given to fucceedirig writers, in his

a 3 admlrai)ic

n PREFACE,

admirable preface to the Life of Cicero. ' In writing hiftory,-

* as in travels, inftead of tranfcribing the relations of thofe who

* have trodden the fame ground before us, we (hould exhibit a

* feries of obfcrvations peculiar to ourfelves j fuch as the fads and

* places fuggelled to our own minds, from an attentive furvey of

* them, without regard to what any one elfe may have delivered
« about them : And though in a produ6tion of this kind, where
< the fame materials are common to all, many things muft necef-

* farily be faid, which had been obferved already by others; yet,

* if the author has any genius, there will be always enough of what

* is new, to diftinguilh it as an original work, and to give him a

* right to call it his own :' which, he flatters himfelf, will be al-
lowed to him in the following letters.

As to the form of Letters, in which this colledion appears, it
was owing to this clrcumftance; great part of it was fent to the
author's friends in England, in that drefs, from Madrid : and
when he came to review the whole, he faw no reafon why he
(hould alter it ; it is the eafieft and moft comprehenfive vehicle
of matter; it allows of more liberty than a ftiff and formal narra-
tive; it affords more relief to the reader, there being perpetual
breaks, where he may paufe at pleafure.

But there is one circumftance in this publication, which af-
fords the author no fmall fatisfadlion ; and that is the giving his
reader a frefh proof of the happinefs, which he enjoys in being
l>on2 a Briton ; of living in a country, where he poffelTes freedom
of fentiment and of action, liberty of confcience, and fecurity of
property, under the moft temperate climate, and the muft duly
poifed government in the whole world. A liberty that cannot
become licentious, becaufe bounded and circumfcribed, not by
the.arbitrary will of ONE, but by the wiidom of all, by the due
Timits of reafon, judice, equity, and law : Where the prince can
do no wrong, and where the people mufl: do right : Where the
lawlefs noble is no more privileged from the hand of juftice, than
the meaneil pcafant : Where the greateft miniller ftands account-
able to the public, and, if he betrays the interefls of his country,
cannot bid defiance to the jufl refentmcnts of the law.

Let

R E F A C E.

Vll

Let an Engliiliman go where he will, to Spain or Portu-
gal, to France or Italy ; let him travel over the whole globe,
he will find no conftitution comparable to that of Great Bri-
tain. Here is no political engine, no baftile, no inquifition, to
ftifle in a moment every fymptom of a free fpirit rifmg either in
church or ftate j no familiar, no alguazil to carry off each dange-
rous genius in arts or fcience, to thofe dark and bloody cells, from
whence there are

vefiigia nulla retrorfum.

The Monfieur is polite, ingenious, fubtle, and proud : but he
is a flave, and is ftarving ; his time, his purfe, and his arm are not
his own, but his monarch's. The Italian has neither freedom,
morals, nor religion. The Don is brave, religious, and very jea-
lous of his honour, when once engaged : yet oppreffion and pover-
ty are his portion under the fway of an arbitrary monarch. And
though he may boaft, that the fun never rifes or fets but within
the vaft limits of the Spanifli monarchy, yet he will never fee li-
berty, fcience, arts, manufadlures, and commerce flourish in them
with any vigour. The Fortugiiefe is equally a Have, ignorant, and
fuperftitious. The German is continually at v/ar, or repairing
the havock made by it. The Hollander, funk in floth, and the
love of money, is only acftive in commerce out of avarice. All
tliefe, weighed in the balance againfl Britain, in point of
happinefs and advantages, will be found light : Let it, therefore,
be coniidered as no illiberal end of this publication, to infpire the
reader with love of the Britifli conftitution.

The papers, which compofe the following Ilijlorical Introduce
tion, confill of three parts. The Jirjl contains jin extra^ from
the works of the Marquis de Mondecar, a noble, learned, and judi-
cious Spaniard, fliewing the rife and origin of the feveral kingdoms
into which Spain was divided, and whofe provincial divifions fub-
fifl to this day. T'htfecond'n AJJjort njieiv of the hijlory of Spain
from the death of Charles 11. to the prefcnt time : This period was
chofen, as being that of the accefiion of the EouRBON-family,
which forms a new jera, and is, in the hiftory of Spain, what the
revolution is in the hillory of England 3 our modern politics

hardly

Vlll

R E F A C E.

hardly looking fiiTther Back than the prefent fettlement in Spain,
and the partition of the Italian dominions, which enfued upon it.
The third part of this hiftorical introdudion is, A lift of Englijh
iwihajjadors, &c. at the court of Spain, with the treaties, &c. which
it was thought would be no unufeful appendix to the former.

To conclude : Should there be, among the more humane read-
ers, one who, in any remark, circumllance, or reflexion, may ima-
gine that I have heightened or exaggerated this account of the
irpanilli nation, or have been any where too fevere in my animad-
verfions ; have caricatured the features, or magnified the manners
of that people: he will, upon better information, difcover, that
THIS is by far the moll: favourable and candid account of Spain,
which is not written by a Spaniard. Thofe who will take the
pains to read what the Marflial Bassompiere, the Countefs
D'AuNOis, Father Labat, the Abbe Vayrac, Madame de
Villars, M. Desormeaux, Don Juan Alvarez de Colme-
nar, himfelf a Spaniard, and others have written upon this fub-
jed, will fee the difference between a fair, true, and impartial
account, and one didated by a heart overflowing with gall, and
penned with the ink of invedive. And yet, what is more remark-
able, their defcriptions were written by authors of the fame reli-
gions perfuafion with the Spaniards, by true and zealous catholics.
If mine has any merit to claim over their's, it is by Viewing, that
a proteftant has written a more favoui^ble account of a catholic
country, than catholics themfelves have publiflied. Truth and fadl
have been throughout the fole objects of my attention. I had
neither ill-nature to gratify, or fpleen to indulge : I abhor all na-
tional reflections, and defpife from my heart the little prejudices of
country, or cuAoni. Upon many accounts I love and revere the
Spaniards: I admire their virtues, and applaud their valour. All
nations and regions have their refpective merits. But, notwith-
ftanding, I have fleadily kept that jufl: rule in view,

Ne quid falsi dicere aufus, ne (juid veri rion aifus.

' Hiflo-

Hiftorlcal Introduction.

(^he remarks of the Marquis ^^Mondecar upon the Spa7iip hifio-
rians being judicious, new, and not commonly to be ??iet with, I
thought proper to give the reader the Jolioimng extracts from his
work.J

THE Roman empire in this country lafted fomething more
than 400 years after the commencement of the Chriflian
aera : but the Spanifli hiftory is conneded with the Roman for near
600, till that empire was utterly extind. The Goths entered
about the year 400. Himeric, with the Suevi and Alans, con-
quered Gal LI CIA, about the year 408. Thefe Suevi, who gave
name to Gallicia, fubdued Portugal about 464. Requi-
NA, the fon of Himeric, conquered Biscay, Andalusia, and
took SARAG09A and Tarragona in 488. Recaredo was
King of Spain in 587, and called a Cortes, at which prelates, as
well as fecular lords, aflifted, and granted aids to the crown. Af-
ter him came Witteric, to whom fucceeded Gundemar, in
610. In63i,SisENAND0 was chofe King, who called a Cortes
at Toledo.

The Moors entered Spain about the year 68c, confequently
the Gothic government did not laft 300 years. Tarif Abenzar-
c A came in 7 1 3 .

The three moft principal northern nations which came here,
were, the Vandals, from whom the province of Andalusia
received its name ^ thefe went afterwards into Africa: The
Suevi, who remained long in Gallicia -j and the Goths, who
conquered the whole country, and held it upwards of 200 years.
Th£ Goths polTefTed the whole continent of Spain, Maurita-
nia, Africa, and Gallia Gothica, or that part of France,

b which

X HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

which is now corruptly called Languedoc : but in their turn
thev gave place to the Moors or Arabs, whofe dominion cealed^
when Pelavo was eftabliflied in his throne. The Moors con-
quered all Spain, except thofe mountainous parts, whither fome bo-
dies of relblute chriliians fled for refuge. Thefe by degrees plan-
ned and concerted meafures to fliake off the Arabic yoke. The
firft ftand againft them was made by the mountaineers of As-
TUKiAS, who eleded King the Infant Don Pelayo, fwearing
the nobles over a lliield, and crying out, Real! Real! This
Pelayo was a Gothic prince by birth, fo that he in fome mea-
fure reftored again the Gothic monarchy. He recovered Gijon
and Leon ; and his fon got poffeflion of part of Portugal, and
all Gallicia. From this recovery of Leon came the race
of the kings of Oviedo and Leon. The boldnefs and fuccefs of
thefe chrillians alarming the Arabs, they attacked them in their
different il:rong-holds, in order to cut off their communications
one with another. But this produced a very different effedt from
what they expedted. The chriftiaas, to repel the danger that threat-
ncd them on every fide at the fame time, chcfe different heads in
different places, who being feparate one from the other in their
(Tovernments, defended their fubjeds independently of one ano-
ther. This neceffary refolution gave rife to the different kingdoms
in Spain. Such was their undoubted origin, tho' it is impoffible
to fay, at what cxad period each kingdom rofe, as there are no
antient monuments remaining fufficient to prove that point.

The firft kingdom or monarchy that arofe, after the Moorifh
invafion, was that, as we have faid, of Don Pelayo in the As-
TURiAs, an eledive monarchy : and ia proportion as the Aftu-
rian princes dillodged the pagans of thofe lands and territories that
lay nearefl to them, they changed the ftile of their titles ; being firft
called Kings of Asturias, then of Ovikdo, and laftly of Leon
and Gallicia, until they were incorporated with the Kings of
Castile, by the marriage of Queen Donna Sancha Isabella,
fifterof King Don Bermudo III. its laft prince, both of them de-
fcendants of King Don Alonzo V. who married the daughter of
Ferdinand the great, to whom fome give the title of Emperor,,
and who was firft King of Castile^

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XI

Of this long period, in which the chriftlan princes gained fuch
glorious fuccefles, and fingular vidories over the infidels, there
are fome fhort and obfcure accounts in the little chronicles of Don
AlonzoIII. King of Leon, furnamed the great y and of Alveda,
of Sampiro, and of Don Pelayo.

COUNTS and KINGS oi CASTILE,

AT the fame time with thefe Asturian Princes, arofe many
nobles, who figned their deeds and inllruments, with the ti-
tles of Counts or Princes, and, among others, thofe of Castile,
which ftate arrived at fovereignty in the time of the great Count
Fernan Gonzalez, by his heroic valour, glorious triumphs, and
extended power. The mofh diflinguifhed Prince of this houfe was
Don Sancho Garcia, whofe violent death was the caufe, why
this houfe united itfelf to the crown of Arr agon and Navarre,
by the marriage of the Princefs Donna Sanch a his fifter, with the
King Don Sancho Mayor, whofe fecond fon Don Fernando
raifed Castile into a kingdom. Castile afterwards became
an hereditary crown in his lineage, in preference to all the other
kingdoms, altho' inferior in origin to Arragon and Navarre.

The feries and chronology of the feveral counts is much con-
tefted between the Spanifh writers, Arredondo, Arevalo,San-
DovAL, and others : a difpute not worth our entering into, fmce
it is certain, that from the bravery, fuccefs, and power vv^ith which
Don Fernando extended his dominion, fo as to be ftiled firft kino-
of Castile, his kingdom became fo famous, that all the Moor-
ifli princes acknowledged him for their fovereign. His fon was
Don Alonzo VI. his grand-daughter was the Queen Donna Ur-
r AC A, with whom ended the barony of Navarre : the crown of
Castile falling back again into the houfe of the Counts of Bur-
gundy (who came from the Kings of Italy) by her marriage
with the Count Don Raymund, her firft hufband; from which
match came their fon the great Emperor Don Alonzo VII.

b 2 This

xti HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

This prince left bis eftates divided between his two Tons: To
Don Saxcho, the eldefl:, whofe great virtues and untimely death
gained him the name of the rcgvcttedj he left the kingdoms
of Castile, and part of Leon: And to Don Ferdinand, the
fecond, tlie reft of Leon, Gallicia, and Asturias. He took
upon himfelf the title of King of Spain, pretending that the pri-
mogeniture of the GoTiis, which was re-eftabli(lied inPELAVo,
had centered in himfelf.

Don Sanciio dying, he was fucceeded by Don Alonzo the
nobky one of the greateft princes of his time. It was he who gaiiied
the famous battle of the plains of Tolosa over theMooRs,deftroy-
ing 200,000 of them at one time -f*. He dying without ifTue-male,
the tv/o kingdoms of Castile and Toledo went to Donna Be-
RENGUELA, his eldeft daughter.

Although the royal barony of Burgundy ended in the Queen
Donna Berenguela, it returned and united with the kingdom
of Leon, Gallicia, and Asturias by the marriage of King Don
Alonzo, her uncle (who fucceeded in thofe kingdoms to King
Don Fernando, brother to King Don Alonzo the noble, her
grandfather) from which match came the King Sn. Fernando,
from whom defcended, without interruption, the Kings of Cas-
tile and Arragon, until united in Ferdinand and Isabella,
they relapfed into the auguft houfe of Austria, by the marriage
of the Queen Donna Juana, their eldeft daughter, to the Arch-
Duke Don Philip I. from which great union ^rung the Emperor
Charles V.

From this period downward, the Spanifh hiftory is very con-
nedledly written, and well known ; I fhall now therefore only
give a fummary view of it from the death of Charles IL to the
prefent time.

t Begging the Spanifli hiftorian's pardon, this number muft be exaggerated:
50,000 ilaiii is full enough for any hero.

A

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xiil
A CONCISE VIEW of

The history of SPAIN,

From the Death of CHARLES II.
To the Prefent Time.

AS Charles the fecond of Spain had no IfTue, England,
France, and Holland, formed, in 1699, the famous
treaty of partition, for dividing the dominions of the crown of
Spain, upon his death. Each party had, or, at leaft, pretended
to have, the common view, in this treaty, of preventing fuch a
vaft acceffion of power from paffing, either into the Houfe of Au-
stria, or that of Bourbon, already formidable enough of
themfelves. This ftep very fenfibly affedled the court of Spain :
Charles the fecond was fo much offended thereat, that, on his
death-bed, he figned a will, by which he bequeathed all his do-
minions to Philip Duke of Anjou, grandfon of Lewis XIV.
Though that Prince had before entered into the partition treaty,
yet, finding the fucceffion thus left to his family, he paid no re-
gard to any former engagements or renunciations, but on the i8th
of February, declared his grandfon, Philip, King of Spain, who
arrived at Madrid on" the 14th of April, 1701. This proceed-
ing immediately alarmed the maritime powers and the Empe-
ror ; the former were apprehenfive of Spanifli America's falling
into the hands of the French, and the latter, befides the inju-
ry he imagined dene to his own family, dreaded the too great in-
fluence of the power of the Houfe of Bourbon. A war en-
fuedj and Charles Arch-duke of Austria was foon after
fet up, in oppofition to Philip V. His claim was vigorouily
fupported by the maritime powers, and at firft favoured by ma-
ny of the grandees of Spain. In the third year of this war,
the King of Portugal and the Duke of Savoy joined like-
wife

XiV

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

wife in the alliance againft Philip; who, in the following
campaigns, was driven from his capital, by the fuccefs of the
allied forces, and almoft obliged to abandon Spain. In the end,
however, his party prevailed, and, at the peace of Utrecht in
1713, he was acknowledged as King of Spain by all the confe-
derates leagued againft him, except the Emperor. The allies then
contented thcmfelves with fuch limitations and reftridions, as
might keep the two monarchies of France and Spain difu-
nited, A treaty of partition may, indeed, be faid to have taken
place at the laft ; for Philip, by the articles of the peace, was
only left in poHciTion of Spain, its American colonies, and
fettlements in the East-Indies ; but the Spanifli dominions in
Italy, and the iflands of Sicily and Sardinia were dif-
membered from the monarchy, which had alfo loft the iiland of
Minorca and the fortrefs of Gibraltar, both of which places
were ceded to Great-Britain. The Duke of Savoy was put
in poffefTion of the ifland of Sicily, with the title of Kingj
and the Arch-duke Charles, who, two years before, had been
eleded Emperor of Germany, held Milan, Naples, and
Sardinia, and ftill kept up his claim to the whole Spanilh mo-
narchy.

Though Philip, by the peace concluded at Utrecht, was
left, by the allies, pofleflbr of the greateft and moft important
part of the Spanifli dominions, yet fome obftinate enemies ftill
remained to be reduced, before he could be faid to have fixed the
Spanifti crown fecurely upon his head. The inhabitants of Ca-
talonia refufed to acknowledge him, and, finding themfelves
abandoned by their allies, folicited the affiftance of the Grand
Signior, in hopes of eftablifhing themfelves into an independent
republic. Their blind obftinacy, however, ferved only to heighten
the milcries and calamities to which they had been greatly ex-
pofed during the whole courfe of the war. After a moft bloody
and ftubborn defence, they were entirely reduced by the King's
troops, when they were deprived of their antient privileges,
and their country was annexed to the crown of Castile, as a
conquered province.

The

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. x^

The redu6tIon of Catalonia reftored tranquillity to Spain,
which had been harafled for twelve years by a moft cruel and
bloody war. Philip, by that conqueft, finding himfelf quietly
feated upon the throne, began to turn his thoughts to the re-
union of the Italian dominions, which he had {een wrefted from
him with the utmoft regret. With a view to this re-union, his
firft wife being dead, he married Elizabeth Farnese, heirefs of
Parma, Pl acentia, and Tuscany ; which alHance afterwards
proved a fource of new diifenfions and wars among the Princes
of Europe ; and, to this day, ftill leaves an opening for bloody
contefts.

The match was firft propofed, and afterwards negotiated, by
the famous Abbe Alberoni, who, from being a fimple cu-
rate in the Parmesan, rofe, by a furprifing feries of fortunate
incidents, more than by any extraordinary talents, to be prime
minifter in Spain. Alberoni was the fon of a common gar-
dener. In the beginning of the war he had, by his forwardnefs
and addrefs, infinuated himfelf into the favour of Vendome,
the French General in Italy, who brought him with him to
France, and afterwards to Madrid, where, after the Duke's
death, he continued as agent for the affairs of Parma, and laid
hold of the opportunity of aggrandifing himfelf, by propoiing a
match that fuited with the views of the Spanifh court. The new
Queen, being a ftranger in Spain, was advifed in every thino-
by Alberoni, who, being proteded and countenanced by her,
boldly intermeddled in affairs of fliate, and foon acquired a great
degree of favour with the King. A few days after the celebra-
tion of the King's marriage with the Princefs of Parma, his
grandfather, Lewis XIV. died, and left his dominions to an
infant fucceffor. Though Philip had, before the conclufion of
the treaty of Utrecht, folemnly renounced, for himfelf, and
his heirs, all right to the fucceffion of the crown of France,
yet he was now ffrongly urged by Alberoni, to infiff upon the
regency of that kingdom, during the minority, as firff Prince of
the blood of France, and next in fucceffion to the prefent
monarch. This wild and imprudent counfel, if it had been fol-
lowed, would undoubtedly have involved Spain in a new war,
I which

XVI HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

which would have had no other objed:, than the meer point of
Jionour ; and, upon that confideration, and, perhaps, fome regard
to the oath, it was rejeded by the King. It proved, however,
extremely prejudicial to Spain, and, in the end, occafioned the
ruin of Albfroni ; for the Duke of Orleans, who had been
declared Regent by the Parliament of Paris, having received
intelligence of his defigns, conceived an implacable hatred
againft him; did his utmofl: to thwart all his projeds of govern-
ment ; and never ceafed perfecuting him till he faw him dif-
graced. This happened a very few years afterward, the Duke's
wilhes being feconded by Alberoni's own condud j for the
fame impetuous and intriguing fpirit, which had promoted his
grandeur, pudied him on to his downfal.

At this time, however, he was in the height of favour, and
continually urged the King, not to delay the renewing of the
war in Italy, againfl: the Emperor Charles, who gave
iuft foundation for a rupture, by ftill retaining the title of
King of Spain ; by creating Spanifh grandees ; by protecting
thofe who were difaffeded to Philip; and by punifliing thofe who
remained faithful to him, with the forfeiture of their eftates in
Flanders and Italy. The Queen, who was lately delivered
of a fon, had now got a great afcendency over her hufband, and
zealoufly fupporting Alberoni in all his proceedings, Philip,
out of complaifance to her, was eafily perfuaded to commit the
whole management of his affairs to him, and weakly fuffered
himfclf to be guided, in every thing, by his counfels. Albe-
roni, though not declared prime minifter, now aded as fuch,
with a moft defpotic authority, and caufed immenfe military pre-
parations to be carried on in the ports of Spain, with the de-
fign of attacking the dominions poffeffed by the E'mperor in
Italy. But, to deceive the Pope, from whom he had, for
fome time, been foliciting a Cardinal's hat, and who, he knew,
would be greatly offended with the renewal of the war in Ita-
ly, he, by private letters, profeffed his abhorrence of difturbing
the repofe of that country, and alledged, that the naval arma-
ments were defigned againft the Turks, who had attacked the

Venetian

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xvii

Venetian territories in Greece, and even ftruck a terror intoth^
Italians, by making a defcent upon their coafts.

The great naval preparations kept all Europe in fufpenfe, and
very much alarmed feveral ftates. The Emperor lufpeAed an at-
tack upon Naples and Milan ; the Duke of Savov feared an
invalion of Sicily, which illand, he knew, was not well afFetft-
ed to him ; and George I. of Great-Britain, was apprehen-
five, that the fleet was deligned to affift the Jacobites, who had
been defeated two years before in Scotland,

Alberoni having, at length, obtained from the Pope, not
only the dignity of Cardinal for himfelf, but alfo an indulgence
to raifc a fubfidy, for five years, upon the clergy in Spain and
Spanifh America, immediately took off the mailc, and ordered
the fleet to fail againft Sardinia, which ifland was reduced in
lefs than two months. The Emperor being, at this time, en-
gaged in a war againft the Turks in Hungary, had left but a
very few troops in his Italian dominions, not exped:ing to be at-
tacked by Philip in thofe parts, as both Princes had ftipulated
to obferve a neutrality, in regard to them. He had, indeed,
done fome things that might be deemed infradlions of that neu-
trality ; but the King of Spain not having made any formal
complaints of thefe, was now generally looked upon as the ag-
greflTor, by the invafion of Sardinia.

Accordingly the Pope>who nownever mentioned Alberoni's
name but with fome injurious epithet, by a public brief exprefl^ed
his refentment againft Philip, and he, in return, commanded the
nuntio to leave Spain. The King of Great-Britain and the
Regent of France ordered their ambafl^dors at Madrid, to
complain 'of the violation of the neutrality. They even fent
ambalTadors extraordinary to Spain, to prefs an accommodation
between the Emperor and Philip. Alberoni, however, reply-
ing, in a very haughty ftile, and continuing his military prepara-
tions with more vigour than ever, the powers who offered their
mediation entered into a league with the Emperor, which v/as
called the triple alliance; and King George fent a fleet of 26

c f!iips

xvili HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

fliips of the line into the Mediterranean, under the command
of Admiral Byng, who was ordered to maintain the neutrality of
Italy.

The Spanifli minifter vainly perfuaded himfelf, that no powers
but thofe' who were diredly attacked, would interfere in oppof-
ing his wild fchemes, which tended to difturb the fettled tran-
quillity of Europe ; and he leaft of all expected to fee an inti-
mate alliance betwixt the courts of Great-Britain and France.
His fuccefs againft Sardinia, which was but a trifling conqueft,
fo far blinded him, that he thought himfelf fufficient alone to op-
pofe three of the moft formidable powers of Europe united.
He ftill purfued his warlike preparations with the utmoft vigour,
which were greater than any fitted out by Spain, fince the time
of the famous Armada againft England. He confulted with
nobody ; and the Spanifli olHcers, of the greateft prudence and ex-
perience, who ventured to give their advice, were treated by him
with contempt and arrogance.

To counterbalance the power of the triple alliance, he vain-
ly attempted to embroil all Europe. He fent an envoy to Con-
stantinople, to excite Prince Ragotski to renew the war in
Hungary, where the Turks had agreed to a truce for four
years j he formed a confpiracy in Frat^ce, for depofing the
Regent, which ferved only to heighten the animofity of the
Duke of Orleans againft himfelf; he prcfled the Czar of Mus-
covy, to attack the Emperor's hereditary dominions ; and he of-
fered large fubfidies to Charles XII. of Sweden, if he would
invade Great-Britain.

During thefe negotiations, the Spanidi fleet, confifting of
26 Hnps of the line, befides frigates, failed from Barcelona,
having on board 30,000 of the beft troops of Spain, moft of
them veterans, who had been in all the aftions of the long
war of the fucceflion.

On the firft and fecond of July 1719, the army landed on Sicily,
and, in a few weeks, made themfelves mafters of a great part of

that

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xix

that ifland. The entire conquefl, in all probability, would very
foon have been compleatedj but the Spanifli iieet, en the 9th
of Auguft, being totally defeated by Admiral Byn<g, who took
and deflroycd 23 {hips of the line, their land army could no
longer receive any confiderable fupplies, while the Piedmontefe
garifons were daily reinforced by German troops from the king-
dom of Naples.

Notwithstanding the fatal blow the Spanifli marine had
received, Alberoni ilill thought himfelf able to cope with the
man}^ enemies his turbulent ambition had raifed againft Spain,
though he had exhaufted, not only the King's revenues, but
thofe of many private perfons. Being difappointed in his ex-
pedlations from Charles XII. who was killed, on the loth of
December, before Frederics-hall in Norway, he fent for
the pretender from Rome, and ordered 5000 men to be embark-
ed at the Groyne, with a view to invade both Scotland and
Ireland. Only about 1000 of thofe troops, however, landed
in Scotland, where they, and about 2000 Jacobites, who had
joined them, were quickly defeated and diiperfed. The refl,
after fuffering greatly by a ftorm, were obliged to return to
Spain. A few fhips, about the fame time, failed from Vigo to
the coafl; of Br it any, in hopes of raifing an infurredion in
that province, againfl the Duke of Orleans ; but this attempt
had no better fuccefs than the other.

Though Alberoni feemed to triumph in the beginning of
his enterprizes, yet he now began feverely to feel the fuperior
ftrength of the powers he had to contend with, which, indeed,
had been difcovered long before, almofl by every body but him-
felf. The Regent of France fent a powerful army againfl
Spain, under the command of the Duke of Berwick, who,
in three months, made himfelf mafler of the provinces of Gui-
PuscoA and Roussillon, with all their fortified places, and, at
Port-passage and Santogna, burnt feven fliips of war, and
materials for feven others, the lofs of the whole being com-
puted at near 800,000 1. and, a few months after, the Englidi
landed, with 4000 men, at Vigo, where, after making them-

e 2 felves

XX HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

fclves mafters of tlie town, they carried ofFHx fmall vefTels. Thefe
iiwafions, with the bad news from Sicily, where the Spaniards
had been obliged for feveral months to a6t on the defenfive, at length
opened the eyes of Philip, and induced him to hearken to the
reprefcntations of his confefibr d'AuBENTON, and the Marquis
Scot I, tlie minifter of Parma, who afflired him, that the
aUies would never agree to a peace, while Alberoni continued in
Spain.

Philip, alarmed with the bad fituatlon of his affliirs, had>,
for fome months, expreded great dillatisfadtion with Alberoni,
and now parted with him without regret. He ordered him to
leave Spain in three weeks, declared the Marquis de Bed mar
and the marquis de Grimaldo his firft minifters, and recalled
feveral noblemen, who, on various pretences, had been banifh-
ed, during the late adminiftration. Alberoni left SPAI^J
about the middle of December, and retired to Italy, where
he was fo perfecuted by the Pope, and even by Philip, that for
feveral years he was obliged to travel difguifed, and to conceal
the place of his refidence.

A FEW months after the retreat of Alberoni, Philip,
though very unwillingly, acceded to the triple alliance, by which
he encased himfelf to evacuate both Sicily and Sardinia.
The Spanifh troops accordingly abandoned thofe two illands the
enfuing fummer, the Emperor being put in polTellion of Sicily,
and the Duke of SvWoy of Sardinia. Soon after, a congrefs
was appointed to be held at Cam bray, to fettle all differences
among the contending parties, and treat of a final pacification.
While fome preliminary points were fettling, Philip lent the
Marquis de Leyde, with a confiderable fleet and army, to the
relief of Ceuta, which had been befieged for 26 years by the
Moors. The Spanifh troops, a few days after their arrival, to-
tally routed and difperfcd the Moors, and made themfelves maf-
ters of their entrenched camp, and all their artillery.

As the Duke of Orleans, fmce the difgrace of Alberoni,
had feemingly favoured the prctenfions of Spain, Philip the fol-
lowing

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxi

lowing year, at his folicitation, contraded a double alliance with
the branches of the houfe of Bourbon in France. The Infanta
of Spain, tho' then only three years of age, was fent to France
as future queen to Lewis XV., and two of the daughters of the
Duke of Orleans arrived in Spain, to be married to the Prince
of AsTURiAS and the Infant Don Carlos. The fucceffion of this
1 aft to the Dutchies of Parma and Tuscany feemed now to be
the chief objed; of the court of Spain. This point and many
others were to be fettled at Camera y ; but as the Emperor, who
had no inclination to gratify the Spaniards, purpofely delayed the
congrefs, Philip this year concluded a particular treaty with the
court of Great Britain, who having the aJJientOy or contradt of '
fupplying the Spanifh colonies with negroes, renewed, agreed to re-
ftore the fhips taken off Sicily.

Nothing memorable happened in Spain during the two fol-
lowing years; but in the beginning of the year after, 1724, Philip
aftonifhed all Europe, by publicly abdicating his crown in favour
of his eldefi: fon Don Lewis, Prince of Asturi as, who was then
in the feventeenth year of his age. Philip himfelf, tho' he had
not reached his fortieth year, had long been lick of regal grandeur.
From a weaknefs of body and mind, the leaft application to buii-
nefs had for fome years given him a difguft; his mind was conti-
nually filled with religious fcruples, which rendered him timorous
and indecifive in every thing , and he falfely imagined that a fcep-
tre was incompatible with a life of integrity.

The Spaniards exprefled great joy upon the acce/Tion of Lewis
L who was endeared to them, not only by being born among them,
but by his generofity, affability, and many other virtues. I'he pu-
blic joy, however, was foon turned into mourning, by the unexpec-
ted death of the King, who died of the fmall-pox, univerfally re-
greted, in the eighth month of his reign.

Upon the death of Lewis, Philip was perfuaded to refume
the reins of government, and the year following furprifed all the
powers of Europe, by concb. .ding a particular treaty with the
Emperor, upon which the different princes rtcalled their pleni-
potentiaries

xxu HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

potentiaries from Cambray, where they had trifled away three
years merely in feafting and entertainments. By the treaty of Vi-
enna, which was with the utmoft fccrecy negotiated by the fa-
mous Riper DA, Philip refigned all pretenfions to Naples,
Sicily, the Low-Countries, and the Milanese; Charles,
on the other hand, renounced all claim to Spain and the Indies,
and befides, promilcd to grant the invelliture of Parma and Tus-
cany to Don Carlos. Philip foon after entered into an offen-
five and defenfive alliance with the court of Vienna; to counter-
balance which, the courts of Great Britain, France and
Prussia concluded a mutual alliance at Hanover.

The fyftem of Europe bythefe treaties feemed again changed,
efpecially as Philip w^as at tliis time greatly irritated againft
France, on account'of their fending back the Infanta, and now
connedcd himfelf moll: clofely with the court of Vienna. The
bad underilanding betwixt Spain and France was foon followed
with a rupture betwixt that court and Great Britain.
Riper DA, by concluding the treaty of Vienna, rofe fo high
in Philip's favour, that he v/as created a Duke and Gran-
dee of Spain, and was entrulled with the departments of war, of
the marine, the finances, and the Indies. He enjoyed thofe ho-
nours and offices, however, only a few months ; for the different
regulations he propofed were lo difguftful to the lazy Spaniards,
that he was accufed of mal-adminiflration, and not only difgraced,
but perfecutcd. To fave himfclf, he took refuge in the houfe of
Mr. Stanhope, tlie Englifii ambaflador; but the court was fo ex™
afperated againft him, that they took him from thence by force,
and fent him prifoner to the caflle of Segovia. The English
An^.baffador, in icTentment for the breach of his privileges, pro-
teflcd againft their violence, and left Madrid.

The Emperor, who was offended with the oppofition he had
met with from Gkeat Britain, mi eftablifhing an Eaft-India
company at Ostend, fomented the differences betwixt this court
and::PAiN, and was fo fuccefsful at Madrid, that the year fol-
lowing, 1 727, in the end of February, the Spaniards laid fiege to Gi-r
4 braltar.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xxiii

BRALT AR. They foon found the enterprize, however, above their
flrength, and, after four months of open trenches, were obliged
to retire with difgrace. The bifliop of Frejus, afterwards fo well
known by the name of Cardinal Fleuri, v/as at this time labour-
ing to eflablifli a general pacification among the powers of Eu-
rope, and had prevailed on the Emperor and King of Great
Britain, and the States-General to agree with France in %n-
ing the preliminaries for a peace. The Spaniards, who wanted a fair
pretence to withdrav/ frCm Gibraltar, foon after acceded to
thefe preliminaries. A general congrefs being then appointed to
be held at Sojssons, PiiiLiP fent three plenipotentiaries thither,
and foon after fent an ambaffador for the firft time to Russia,
who concluded a treaty of commerce between the two nations.
As the negotiations at Soissons miCt with many interruptions, on
account of the various claims of the different princes who had fent
their plenipotentiaries thither, Philip, the following year, 1729,.
concluded a particular treaty at Seville, with Great Bkitain
and France, to which the States General afterwards acceded. By
this treaty Philip promifed nolonger to countenance the Ostend-
compciny; and the other powers, in return, engaged to guarantee the
fuccfclTicn of Don Carlos to the dutchies of Tuscany, Parma,,
and Placentia, and to affifc in introducing 6000 Spaniards in-
to thefe territories. 1 he Emperor, who could not bear the thoughts
of feeing Spanifli troops in Italy, was greatly offended with
this treaty, and endeavoured, by artifice, to render it inefi:ed:ual.
Accordingly, two years after, when the fuccefilon to Parma and
Placentia opened to Don Carlos by the death of the laftDuke
of the Farnefe family, the Emperor's troops took pofieffion of fe-
veral fortified places in thofe dukedoms, under pretence that the
widow of the late Duke had been left with child by him. Charles
however, feeing no way of fecuring thofe dutchies by negotiation,
and being fenfible that the cheat would foon be detected, agreed at
length to fuffer 6000 Spaniards to accompany Don Carlos into
Italy, and alfo engaged to fupprefs the OsTEND-company,
which had given fo much offence : Great Britain, on the
oiher h'jnd, promilirg to guarantee his dominions in Italy. Soon
after, an Eiiglidi fleet joined that of Spain, and conducted the

Infant

xxlv H I S T O R I C A L I N T R O D irC T I O N.

Infant Don Carlos to Leghorn, who quietly at length took pof-
feflion of Parma, which had been deftined to him as his inhe-
ritance ever fince his birth.

The fettlement of Don Carlos being accomphfhed, the court
of Spain turned their views to the recovery of Or an. An army
of 25,000 men was accordingly fent to Africa under the com-
mand of the Count de Montemar, v/ho totally defeated the
Moorifh army, and in lefs than a month made himfelf maftcr of
the place, tho' it was defended by a garrifon of 10,000 m.en.

The recovery of their African pofTefTions was far from fatlsfying
the ambition of the Spanii'h court ; who now eagerly embraced an
opportunity of breaking with the Emperor, and thereby extending
their dominions in Italy. The throne of Poland becoming va-
cant, by the death of the Eledor of Saxony, the greateft part of the
Poles eleded Stanislaus, who had formerly been their King;
but a few of the moft powerful chofe the new Eled:or of Saxon y,
and the fon of their late King, Stanislaus was fupported by
his fon-in-law, Lewis XV. of France, who, on this occalion,
entered into an offenfive and defenfive alliance with the Kings of
Spain and Sardinia. The Emperor Charles, and the Czarina
zcalouily efpoufed the caufe of the other competitor.

The war which enfued was very favourable to the Spaniards,
who, in one campaign, made an entire conqueft of the kingdom
of Na]m..].s. The year following, 1735, Don Carlos completed
the conqueil of Sicily, and was crowned as King of the Two
SicjLiiis in Palermo, the capital city of the ifland. The Em-
peror, in the mean time, being driven out of almoj^ all his pof-
feflions in Lomkardy and Tuscany, and being aifo unable to
oppoje the French armies on the Rhine, folicited the mediation of
the maritime powers, who by threatning to take part in the war,
prevailed on the contending parties to agree to a fufpenfionof arms
in the beginning of winter. As the Elcdor of Saxony was by this
time fecurely fixed upon the throne of Poland, and the interceffion
of tKe maritime powers cut off all hopes from the French and
Spaniards of enlarging their conqueils in Italy and Germany,

3 ^'^^y

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxv

they were obliged to continue the armiftice, and to negotiate a
peace.

The preliminary articles of the treaty which were fettled by
the courts of Vienna and Paris, being publlfhed in the begin-
ning of the year 17^6, were far from being fatisfadory to the
court of Spain, becaufe, tho' they were allowed to keep Naples
and Sicily, it was propofed they Ihould reilore Parma and Pla-
CENTiA to the Emperor, and renounce all claim to Tuscany.
The maritime powers, however, acqulefcing In the difpofition
that had been made, Spain was obliged to fubmit, and the year
following upon the death of John Gaston de Medicis, the
laft male defcendant of that Illuftrlous family, the Spanidi troops
evacuated Tuscany, which by the treaty then negotiating, was
given to the Duke of Lorrain and Bar, who in the beginning
of the preceding year had married the Arch-Dutchefs Maria-
Theresa, the heirefs of the family of Austria.

The peace, which had been negotiating near three years, was
at length concluded at Vienna in the month of November 1738.
By this treaty, Parma and Place ntia were ceded in full pro-
priety to the Emperor; and his fon-In-law was declared Duke of
Tuscany ; the Duke, in return, ceding his dutchies of Bar and
Lorrain, to the exiled King Stanislaus, upon whofe death
they were to be annexed to the crown of France. The fiefs
of the Fortonese and Vigevancsa were detached from the
Milanese in favour of the King of Sardinia, and Don Carlos
was left in poiTeflion of the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily,
with fome places on the coafl of Tuscan y.

The treaty of Vienna was hardly ratified, when Spain was-
threatened with a new war with Great Britain, on account
of the difputes, which, for fome time, had fubfifted between the
two courts, about the freedom of commerce in America. The
Britlfli court had, for fome years, made loud complaints of the pi-
racies and hofllllties committed in the American feas, by the Spa-
nifli guarda-coftas, who, on trifling and falie pretences, feizcd

d" the

xxvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

the Englifli fliips in their pafTage to their own colonies, and not
only made prize of them, hut treated their crews v/ith the greateft
inhumanity. The court of Spain, on the other hand, alleged,
that the Britifh merchants, in violation of folemn treaties, had, for
many years, carried on a clandeftine trade with the Spanifli colo-
nies in America, by which the commerce of Spain had been
greatly prejudiced; that Spain was, therefore, greatly interefied
in putting a ftop to fuch an illicit traffic, and that thofe who were
feized in carrying it on could not juftly complain of any injury.

Both nations infifted loudly on the injuries they had received ;
hut each evaded giving any fatisfadion as to thofe injuries which
their refpective fubjed:s had committed. The Spaniards, indeed,
amufed the Englifh with hopes of redrefs ; they fent orders to
their commanders in America to ceafe hoftilities ; yet they con-
nived at the breach of thofe orders ; and returned evafive anfwers
to all reprefentations that were made to them on that head. Their
prefumption was not fo much owing to a confidence in their own
llrength, as to their opinion of the paflivenefs of the Brithli mi-
niflrv, and their knowledge of the violent contentions between
the different parties in this illand.

It was certainly the interefl: of both parties to avoid coming
to extremities ; but the Spaniards not ading with fincerity, even in
their negotiations for a peaceable accommodation of all differen-
ces, and aiming by the famous convention concluded in the be-
ginning of the following year, to quiet the complaints, without
having the caufes of them fully dlfcuiled, the court of London
was at length provoked to iffue letters of reprlzals againfl: the
Spaniards, their veffels and effects. This ftep was foon followed
by declarations of war at London and Madrid, and both
nations began hoftilities with great animofity. The Spaniards at
firft made confiderable advantages by the capture of great num-
bers of Englifh fliips j but they were foon alarmed with the news
of the lofs of i-*ORTo Bello, which was taken in the beginning
of December 1739, by Admiral Vernon. About the fame time,
they fuffered very confidcrably by the ravages of the Barbary corfairs
8 on

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xxvii

•n their coafts, and were threatened with the lofs of their richeft
provinces in America, by a confpiracy formed by one Cordova,
who pretended to be defcended from the antient Incas of Peru.
The confpiracy however was happily difcovered before it took
effecft, and the author of it put to death.

The following year the Spaniards fent a fleet of i8 fhips of
the line to the West-Indies, with a defign, as it was fuppofed,
of attacking Jamaica. The French like wife, though they
ftill profelTed a neutrality, fent two fquadrons to the American
feas, to ad: defenlively in favour of the Spaniards, being bound
by treaty to guarantee their territories. The Englifli, in the
mean time, blind to their own internal ftrength, fuifered them-
felves moft abfurdly to be alarmed with the rumour of an inva-
fion from Spain, and negledled fending fuccours to Admiral
Vernon, who had bombarded Carthagena, and taken
Chagre, a town on the river of that name, the head of which
is but a few miles diftant from Panama, on the South Sea.

About the fame time. General Oglethorpe, Governor of
Georgia, attacked Fort St. Augustine, the capital of Spanifh
Florida j but, after lying fome weeks before the place, he was
obliged to withdraw, with lofs. In the end of October 1740, the
Englifli, at length, fent out a mofl powerful fleet, as a rein-
forcement to Admiral Vernon, who, the following year, in the
month of March, invefled Carthagena by fea and land, with
a fleet of 29 fliips of the line, and an army of about 12,000
men. The Spaniards, however, by the dilatorinefs of the
Englifli miniftry, having had leifure to reinforce the garrifon,
and the feafon of the year being very unfavourable to troops in
the field, the Englifli, after a fiege of fome weeks, were obliged
to retire, with the lofs of feveral thoufand men. The neijlect
of timeoufly fupporting Admiral Vernon was very fortunate for
Spain, for, if he had commanded but half that force the pre-
ceding year, v/hen he made the firfl: attack upon Cartha-
gena, he would, in all probability, have reduced that city as
well as Chagre -, and, as the paflage from this lafl: place to

d 2 Pa-

xxviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Panam \ is but very fliort, the land troops might alfo have re^
duced that town, which would have enabled them to co-ope-
rate with Commodore Anson, who had failed round Cape-
Horn, and this year began to ad ofFenfively againfl the Spanidi
iettlements on the South Sea.

The bad fuccefs of the Englifli arms in the West-Indies
occafioned great joy in Spain -, and Philip, as a reward for the
bravery of the Marquis de Eslaba, Governor of Cartha-
GENA, promoted him to the rank of Captain-general, and cre-
ated him Viceroy of Peru. Philip, fome months before, had
publifJTed a memorial, claiming the fucceffion of the hereditary
dominions of his rival Charles VI. who had died at Vienna
in the month of Odober, and was fucceeded by his eldeft daugh-
ter, Maria Theresa, who took the title of Queen of Hun-
gary. All that the Catholic King aimed at by this claim, was
the fecuring of Lombardy for his third fon, Don Philip,
which, he thought, would, at this time, be an cafy prize, as
the Queen of Hungary was unexpectedly attacked by the King
of Prussia, and alfoby the Eledior of Bavaria, v/ho was afliiled
by the Kings of France and Poland. However while the
fate of Carthagena depended, the Spaniards made not the
leaft efforts againft their new enemy; but, upon receiving the
news of the repulfe of the English, they allembled a body of
forces at Barcelona, which failed for Naples in the month
of November, under the command of the Duke de Monte-
mar. Thofe troops v/ere reinforced the following year 1742 from
Spain, and, being joined by the Neapolitans, formed an army
of about 60,000 men, Montemar then advanced through the
ccclefiaftical Hate as flir as the Bolognefe : but the King of Sar-
dinia declaring for the Queen of Hungary, and joining the
Auftrian army, the Spaniards were obliged to retreat, in the end
of fummer, to the kingdom of Naples, where, foon after their
arrival, tlicy loll: their Neapolitan allies, Don Ca!<los being
forced to agree to a neutrality, by an Englifh fquadron, which
threatened to bombard his capital. This was a great difap-
pointment to the Spaniards, for they depended upon being fu-
pcrior in I paly belbre the end of the campaign, as Don Phi-
lip,

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxlx

LIP, after marching through France at the head of 30,000
men, had now entered Savoy, and taken pofleffion of Cham-
berry. Philip expected to conquer this dutchy, while the
King of Sardinia was oppofing Montemarj but, to his
great furprize, the Piedmontefe, who had left purfuing Mon-
temar, quickly attacked him, and obliged him to retreat to
France.

The Spaniards, notwithftanding the bad fuccels of their arms,
were ftill bent upon purfuing their ambitious views in Italy,
where they fupported their armies at a great expence for feverai
campaigns, the detail of which is of no great importance. The
Count de Gages, and their other generals, inftead of having any
profpect of making conqueils in that country, found themfelves
every year obliged to flruggle with new obftaclesj and any flat-
tering fucceffes they met with were more than counterbalanced by
the advantages gained by their enemies. Their perfeverance in
the unfuccefsful war in Italy was chiefly owing to the Queen,
who having gained a great afcendancy over her hufband, prevailed
upon him to facriiice every thing to procure a fettlement for her
fon Philip ; and her views were feconded by the prime minifter,
the Marquis Ensenada, who having been firfl railed from an ob-
scure ftation, by the favour of the Count de Gages, was very ac-
tive and zealous in furnifhing him with fupplies, which, however,,
were feldom adequate to the neceflities of the army.

Fortunately for Spain, the attention of the Engiifli was
alfo drawn off to an unnational objedt, which exhauiled their reve-
nues, and prevented them from profecuting the war in America
with any vigour. King George, who had efpoufed the caufe
of the Queen of Hungary, not only affiited her by large fubli-
dies, but moft' imprudently tranfported his troops to Flanders,
and maintained a large army on the continent, at an imnienfe ex-
pence, Vv^hile naval armaments were almofl wholly neglecitcd. Be-
caufe one enterprizc in America had proved unfuccefsful, the
Englifli feemed to conclude, that it would be in vain to hope for
fuccefs in any other. Admiral Vernon, after his return from Cak-
thagena, made a defcent upon Cuba near St. Jago^ but the

troops-

XXX

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

troops, inflead of attacking that place, were iuffered to remain fe-
veral months inactive in their camp, where the greatell: part of
them were cut off by licknefs.

In the beginning of this year, a fmall reinforcement arriv-
ing at Jamaica, Admiral Vernon again failed for Porto
Bello, Gener:.lWENTwoRTH, who commanded the land troops,
propofing to crofs the ifthmus, and attack Panama: but when
they arrived at the Spanidi coall, it was agreed, that the enter-
prize was impradicable. They accordingly failed back to Ja-
MAiCr\, and in the end of the year returned to England. The
Spaniards at St. Augustine in the meantime had made an attempt
upon Georgia, with two frigates and 30 other veliels, on board
of which were 3000 land-forces: but General Oglethorpe
quickly obliged them to retire.

The following year, 1743, the Spaniards were fo intent upon
fupporting their arms in Italy, that they wholly omitted pro-
fecutiiig the war againfl England, unlefs by their privateers,
who made a great many prizes both in Europe and America.
The affairs of the empire in the mean time chiefly engrofled the
attention of the Englilh, who m.arched into Germany under the
command of the Earl of Stair; and after King Georgf. had
joined them, defeated the French at Dettingen on the 27th of
June. One of their fquadrons, under the command of Commo-
dore Knov.'Les, made an attack upon La Guira and Porto Ca-
vallo, two fortreffes on the north coafi of South-America ;
but were repulfed by the Spaniards with confiderable lofs.

7^ HE Spaniards were chiefly annoyed by the English fquadron
in the Mediterranean under Admiral Matthews, who greatly
' diflurbed their trade, and rendered it extremely diflicult for them
to fend fupplics to their armies in Italy. The following year,
«n the I ith of February, that admiral attacked the Spanilh and
French fleets united off Toulon ; this engagement was prevented
from becoming general, by the French declining to come into the
line, on one hand, and the backwardneis of admural Lestock on
the other; but the Spaniili iliip.s that engaged were defeated by

the

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxxi

the Englifh. The Spanidi fleet might have been attacked three
days after, at a great diladvantage; but a bad underdanding that
fubfifted between the EngHlli ^mirals prevented them from im-
proving the favourable opportunity.

From this time nothing verymemorablehappened relative to the
affairs of Spain, till the nth of July, 1746, when Philip died
at Madrid, in the 63d year of his age, and was fucceeded by the
only furviving fon of his firft marriage Don Ferdinand. By
his fecond Queen Elizabeth of Farnese, who is ftill alive,
Philip left three fons, Don Carlos, then King of the Two Si-
cilies. DonPniLiP at prefent Duke of Parma and Placen-
TiA, and Don Lewis, who was created archbidiop of Toled©
when an infant, but fmce has reiigned that benefice, and obtained
leave to quit the church. Three daughters by the fame Qiieen
likewife'furvivedhim, Mx^riaAnnaVictoria, at prefent Queen
of Portugal; Maria Theresa, married the year before to
Dauphin; and Maria Antonietta; Maria Theresa the
D auphinefs died in child-bed, a few days after her father.

Ferdinand VI. who was about 33 years of age, when he
afcended the throne, began his reign with feveral ads of popula-
rity. Among others, he affigned two days in the week to receive
in perfon the petitions and remonflrances of his fubjecfls. He
appointed the famous Don Joseph de Carvajal y Lancastre
his firfl minifter, and foon after publidied an edid, deciarino-, that
he would fulfil the engagements of his predecellbrs with his allies.
It might rather have been expeded at this time, that an altera-
tion would have taken place in the fyflem of the court of Spain;
for the war in Italy, which for five years had been very bur-
thenfome, and was plainly an unnational objed, was now very un-
fuccefsful; and the war with Great Britain feemed to have
no other confequence but to interrupt the Spaniili commerce, and
to heighten the price of Englifh commodities in Spain, where
they are always much wanted. The Spaniards, this'campaign,
had been tvv'ice defeated in Lombard y, with the lofs of upwards
of 20,000 men killed and prifoners, and had been forced by the
Auftrians to abandon Italy, and retire into Provence.

FtR-

xxxu

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

'Ferdinand, however, ftill continued the war, and imputing
the difgrace of ^fs arms to the mifcondud; of the Count de Gages,
recalled him, and gave the command to the Marquis de las Minas.
In the cud of the'year, indeed, he allowed the chamber of com-
merce to enter into a private treaty with the Englifh South-Sea
company, for fupplying the Spanifh America with negroes; but
he could not be prevailed upon by the King of Portugal to
agree to a icparate peace with Great Britain. His allies the
French, however, fufrering greatly the following year, 1747, by
the deftruftfon of their fleets, the ruin of their Commerce, and a
general famine, which induced them to folicit a congrefs, he alfo
i^ave his confent for a peace, as it was vain to expedl to continue
the war with any fuccefs, either in Italy or againll: Great Bri-
tain, after the French had laid down their arms.

Whether this was agreeable to the Queen Dowager is uncer-
tain ; but as Ihe had for feveral years interfered in the diredion of
itate-affairs, in behalf of her children, to the great prejudice of
the kingdom, and had treated him, when Prince of Asturias,
in a difrefpedful manner, and on many occaiions very defpitefully,
Ferdinand now ordered her to leave Madrid, and to refide ei-
ther at Toledo, or Valladolid, or Burgos, or Saragoca;
and he alfo gave orders, that her foii Don Lewis fliould retire to
his dioccfe.

Soon after, the plenipotentiaries began to aflemble at Aix la
Chapelle, the place appointed for the congrefs; and the fol-
lowing year, after they had agreed upon the preliminary articles,
a ceiTation of hoftilities was publiflied in the month of May. The
definitive treaty Vvas concluded on the 7th of October, and con-
tained twenty-four articles, of which the treaties of Westphalia,
Madrid, Nimeguen, Ryswick, Utrecht, Baden, London
and Vienna were declared the bafis. By this treaty the Queen
of Hungary ceded to the Infant Don Philip the duchies of
Parma, PLACENTiA,and Guastalla; but with this referve,
that if Philip fhould die without male iflue, or he or his pofte-
rity fliould fucceed to the throne of Spain or Sicily, thofe du-
chies fhould revert to the houfe of Austria. As the King of

Sar-
6

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxxHI

Sardinia had fome pretenfioiis to Placentia and the Pla-
CENTiNE, his ceffion v/as likewife neceflary, which he gave in
the ampleft manner ; on this condition, however, that the territo-
ry fhould again revert to him, if Philip ihould die without male
iflue, or his brother Don Carlos fucceed to the crown of Spain.
At this day, therefore, the treaty is plainly violated by Philip, in
regard to the King of Sardinia, tho' not in regard to the Emprefs
Queen; for though Don Philip has not fucceeded to the throne
of Naples, yet Don Carlos has fucceeded to the throne of Spain.
Thus the foundation of a new v/ar is already laid in Italy, as it is
not to be expeded, that the King of Sardinia will without ex-
preffinghis refentment luffer himfelf to be robbed of his right; and
perhaps the Emprefs Queen will alfo look upon herfelf as injured,
as the claufe of reverfion of thofe duchies was the fame, in the pre-
liminary articles, in regard to Austria as Sardinia. By other
articles of the definitive treaty, the King ofSARDiNiA, the Repub-
lic of Genoa, and the DukeofMoDENA were reinflated in their
former pofTefiions ; and the affiento, or contrail for negroes with
the Englifh merchants, was granted for four years, as an equiva-
lent for the fame number of years which had been interrupted by
the war.

But not the leaft mention was made in the treaty of the right
claimed by the SpaniHi guarda-coftas, of fearching foreign fliips
that approach their American colonies, nor of their privilege of
fifliing on the banks of Newfoundland, nor of their exclufive
right to the Bay of Campeachy, where the Engliflihad formed
fettlements before the year 1670. Thefe difputed points, which
had too precipitately hurried the Spanifli and Britifli nations into
a war, were now referred, with fome others of lefs confequence,
to be fettled amicably by commiilaries. If the national intereft
on both fides had been equitably confulted, the differences might
eafily have been adjuiled in that manner before the war ; but
each nation, from narrow views, had wanted folely to engrofs cer-
tain advimtages, which it claimed as peculiar to itfelf, tho' a mutual
communication of them would have been no detriment to either.

e The

xxxiv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

The peace of A'x-la-Chapelle feemed to have reftored tran-
quillity to Europe : Ferdinand, neverthelefs, ftill kept up all
his land-forces, and gave orders for augmenting his marine with the
utmoll diligence. The Marquis de Ensenada, who was now
prime-miniller, being fenfible of the great prejudice the Spanifh
commerce fuftained by the clandefline trade carried on by foreigners
with their colonies, gave orders for guarding the American coafts
more ll:ri^!tly tha-.i ever. Thefe orders being obeyed with the utmofl
vigilance, were not only difagreeable to the trading nations of Eu-
rope, but to the Spanifh colonics themfelves, who, the following
year, rofe in arms in the province of Car accas, obliged the Spa-
nilh troops to retire into the fort of La Guira, and declared
for a freedom of commerce. Upon the news of this infurredtion
1500 men were embarked at Cadiz, who, upon their arrival at
America, were fo fuccefsful as to quell the rebellion.

Ferdinand, in the mean time, applied his chief attention to
regulate the internal policy of his kingdom, and infpire his fub-
jcdts with a fpirit of indullry. He particularly aimed at promoting
and encouraging agriculture, the trueft fource of the riches of a
ftate polTeffing an extenfive territory; he granted charters for efta-
blilhing manufadlures of fine woollen cloth, and gave great encou-
raG;emL'nt to fome EngliHi fhip-carpenters and weavers, who had
been tempted to go and fettle in Spain; he ordered no lefs than
20,000 vagrants to be apprehended in the different provinces,
and to be employed in tillage and country improvements; and in
the end of fumnier, he opened the communication between the
two Castiles, by a fine road, forty-lix miles in length, on which
were no lefs than 283 aqueducts, and 7 bridges of fine architec-
ture, the whole being begun and liniflied in five months, under
the dire(ftion of the Marquis de Ensenada. The King was
enabled to profecute his defigns by the immenfc wealth which at
this time poured into Spain ; for as the Englifh, towards the end
of the war, bad adled with great vigour at fea, the colonifls waited
for a peace, before they would embark their treafure for Europe,
and it now arrived to a great amount, and likewife during the
two following years.

The

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xxxv

The Spanifh and Britifh commifTaries, in the mean time, v/ere
employed in negotiating the difputed points betwixt the two
courts, which were at length finally fettled by a treaty concluded
at Madrid on the 5th of October 1750. By this treaty the King
of Great Britain gave up his claim to the four remaining
years of the affiento-contrad:, and to all debts the King of Spain
owed to the Englifh company on that account, for an equivalent
of 1 00,000 1. fterl. His Catholic Majefty engaged to require fi-om
Britidifubjefts trading in his ports, no higher duties than they paid
in the time of Charles II. of Spain, and to allow the fame fub-
jecfts to take fait on the ifland of Tortuga. All former treaties
were confirmed, and the tvv^o princes promifed to abolidi all inno-
vations that appeared to have been introduced into the reciprocal
com^merce of both nations. Thefe innovations, however, not being
fpecified, it v/as the fame thing as if no mention had been mads
of them at all. Thus the mofl material differences being fuffered
to remain undecided, moft unhappily gave rife to another war ;
whereas, if the controverted claims had been clearly and candidly
difcuffed, and the differences fettled by a friendly communication
of mutual advantages, which no ways excluded precifion and dif-
tin(ftnefs as to the extent of thofe advantages, the two nations
might have lived in amity without interruption, and thereby
promoted each other's profperity. Tho' gold be the idol of
traders, yet it is far from always contributing to render a ffate
flourifhing and happy; and if the Englifli merchants ihall violate
treaties in fearch of it, it would be more for the honour and
intereft of this nation to punifh the offenders, than to enter into
a new war in their defence.

The remaining years of Ferdinand's reign, after the figning
of the treaty of Madrid, were very barren of events. The Eng-
lifh court were jealous of his attempts to introduce the woolen ma-
nufacfture in Spain, and reclaimed their workmen in that branch,
who had paffed over thither. New difputes likewife arofe betwixt
them, on account of the Eno-Iiili trafiickin^y with the Indians of
the Mofkito-{hore, who had never fubmitted to Spain, and claimed
to adl as a free nation. Ferdinand, at the fame time, had the
mortification to find it impoffible to introduce a fpirit of indLifi:ry
among his fubjeds, the favours and encouragements of the court

e 2 being

xxxvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

being like rain falling upon a fandy defait, where there was not
a feed or plant to be enlivened by it. In the year 1754, the mar-
quis de En SEN AD A was unexpectedly difgraced, and the depart-
ment of the Indies, one of the places he enjoyed, was conferred
on Don Richard Wall, fecretary of ftate for foreign affairs,
who had lately returned from an cmbaffy in England. About
two years after, a war breaking out betwixt Great Britain
and France, Fi rdinand declared, on that occafion, that he
would adhere to the ftridteft neutrality ; but he was far from ob-
ferving the neutrality he profefTed, and partially favoured France
in a great number of inftances.

His queen dying in the end of the year 1758, he was fo af-
feded with grief, that he entirely abandoned himfelf to gloom
and melancholy ; and negleding both exercife and food, threw
himfelf into a dangerous diftemper, which, after preying upon
him for feveral months, put a period to his life the year follow-
ing, on the icth of August. i\s Ferdinand left no iffue, he
was fucceeded by his brother, Don Carlos, King of the Two
Sicilies, who refigned that kingdom, and disjoined it from the
monarchy of Spain by a folemn deed, in favour of his third fon,
Don Ferdinand; fetting afide his eldeft fon on account of his
weaknefs of mind or idiocy, and referving his fecond fon for the
fucceffion of Spain. Don Carlos, or Charles, arrived in
Spain in the month of November, and foon after entered
Madrid in great pomp and ceremony.

It would neither be prudent nor decent in me to enlarge on
the traniactions of the prefent reign, thofe particularly relating
to Great-Britain, which are recent in every one's memory.
I fliall only obferve, that whoever will perufe the letters lately
laid before the parliament, relating to Spain, will plainly per-
ceive the candour of the court of Great-Britain, and the
ability of her minifters; and that the Spaniards artfully, and
with the greatefl injuftice, fought a rupture, for which they have
fince paid very dear, by being obliged to delift from their preten-
fions to a fidiery at Newfoundland, and likewife to cede to us
all Florida, and to allow us to cut logwood in the Bay of
Cam peachy.

2 ^/2

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

xxxvu

An account of the Ambajjadors, Minijiersy and Envoys, from the

Court of Great -Brit AiN to the Court of ?iV Km, from the

year itoo to the breaking out of the prefent war, with the titles

of the 'Treaties and Conventions during that period. The treaties

prior to that, fnay be found in the Corps Diplomat, tom, IV.

Kings of Great-
Britain and
Spain.

James I.
Philip III.

Ambafladors. Treaties; years.

Earl of Not-
tingham and Sir
Charles Corn-
WALLis, the lat-
ter left ambaflador,
1605.

Sir John Dig-
EY, ambaflador,
1 61 8. See Rujh-
worth.

Sir Walter
Aston, 1620.

Lord DiGBT,
ambafl'ador extraor-
<linary, 1621.

Auguil, 1604.

Where figned, and
hy whom.

LONDON,

Earl of Dorset.
Velasco, &c.

Philip IV.

Prince Charles,
Duke of Buck-
ingham, Earl of
Bristol, employ-
ed in negotiating
the Spanifh match,
which had been
then feven years in
agitation. N. B. See
an account of this
match at the end of
this lijl.

Sir Walter
Aston, ambafla-
dor, 1623.

April, 1622.

Concerning the
Palatinate, 1623.

Kings

xxxviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

AmbafTadors.

Kings of Great-
Britain and
Spain.

Charles I. of
Gr. Britain.

The Prote6^or.

Charles II. of
Gr. Britain,
during his exile.

Treaties; years. Where figned, and
by whom.

Sir Fran. Cot- Noveniber, i6jO.
TiNCTON, ambaf-
faJor.

Mr. Fanshaw,

rcfident.

Mr. Ascham,
envoy, killed in his
lodgings at Ma-
drid, by fome
Englifli cavaliers.

1643.
Cedulas grant-
ed to England,
March 1645. Sei
the Britijh Mer-
chantf V. iii.

May, 1653.

MADRID.

Cotti ngton.
CoLONA, De Ro-
sas, Philip.

A league, 1657

Lord Claren-
don.

Lord Cotting-

TON f .

Charles II. of
Gr. Britain, re-
(lored.

Sir Richard
Fanshaw,i662J.

* This was a league made between Charles II. of England, and the
Archduke Leopold, Governor of the Low Countries, which gave King
Charles liberty to refide at Brussels, with the promife of 6oco men, 6000 li-
vrcs penfion, and 3000 to the Duke of York. An amazing treaty to be made
by a poor and banifhed Monarch.

f They ftayed two years, but efFedcd nothing ; and were at lafl fent away, left
they fbould fee the pictures which formerly belonged to Charles I. of England,
and had been bought by the Spanifh ambafla.ior.

X He died at Madrid, 1666. The letters and papers relating to his em-
bafly were printed in o6lavo, London, 1702.

KInss

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

XXXIX

Kings of Great-
Britain and
Spain.

Charles II. of

^AIN.

Ambafladors. Treaties ; years.

Earl of Sand-
wich, 1665.

Sir William
GoDOLPHiN, am-
baflador in 1668 f.

James II. of None.
Gr. Britain.

Treaty of May
23, 1667 *.

Treaty of July
8, 1670. t

League of 1680;

Where figned, and
by whom.

M A D R ID.

Sandwich.
Nidhard.
D'Onata,
p£nneranda,

MADRID.
Penneranda.
godolphin.

WINDSOR.
D. Pedro de
ronquillo.
Sunderland,
Lord Hyde.
Jenkins,
godolphin.

William III. CountScHoNEN-

of Great-Bri- bergh, minifter

TAIN, from Great-Bri-

tain and the
States Gene-
ral, 1699. §

Kings

* This treaty was contrived by Sir Wi LLi am Godolphin, then fecretary of the
cmbafly, and has been the bafis of all the treaties fince.

f This gentleman continued at Madrid many years after his embafly expired,
and died there in 1696, leaving an eftatc of 80,000 pounds fterling. The heirs
were cheated out of the greateft part of it, which went to found the church of St.
George in Madrid. See Cole's Memcirs^ p. 20. He died a Roman Catholic.
During the Popifh plot, the houfe of Coinmons addrelTed the King to recal him, as
he was accufcd by Gates of being concerned in that plot ; but he did not chufe to
venture himfelf home,

X This is the American treaty, and the only one we have for fettling difputes
there. It chiefly relates to the freedom of our navinration to the Spanish Weft In-
dia-Main ; but is not confirmed by the treaty of i 750. That point remains ftill
unfettled.

§ His name was Belmont : he had been agent for the Prince of Orange he-
fore the Revolution, and was by no means acceptable to that court. From a let-
ter

xl HISTORICALINTRODUCTION.

Kings of Great- Ambaffadors. Treaties i years. Where figned, arJ

Britain and by whom.

Spain.

Alexander
Sta N HOP ii, envoy,
1699.*

Q^icen Anne of Earl of Peter-

Gr. Britain. borough, ambal-

Charles and lador extraordinary,

Philip, contend- 1706.

ers for the crown General Stan-

of Stain. hope, envoy ex-

traordinary, 1706.
Both to King
Charles of
Spain, f

Kin

2»

ter of his, to the Earl of Manchester, dated September 23, 1700, in which he
mentions a memorial he gave to the Spanifli minifters, both in the name of the
King his mafter, and of the States, I conclude that he a6lcd as Engliih minitler
after Mr. Stanhope left Madrid.

* He was ten years in Spain in a private character; but was foon recalled from
his public one, becaufe the court of Great-Britain had defired the Spanifli am-
baflador, the Marquis de Canales, to leave London, on account of an infolent
memorial delivered to the Lords Juftices, September, 1699.

f General Stanhope, taking advantage of the broken ftate of King Charles's
affairs, concluded with the Count d' Oropeza, Prince Lichtenstein, and the
Count de Cordova, Admiral of Arragon, his plenipotentiaries, a treaty of com-
merce, which, had that Prince gained pofl'efTion of the crown of Spain, would foon
have indemnified England for the expence we were at on his account. The
fubflance of the treaty was,

1. A fincere peace between the two crowns. 2. All treaties of friendfhip and
commerce renewed, and all royal cedulas and privileges formerly granted, particu-
larly thofe of Philip IV. confirmed by the treaty of May, 16C7. 3. All prifo-
rers on both fides (hall be fet at liberty, without ranfom. 4. All merchandize
brought into Spain by the fubjedls of (jREAT Britain, for which cuftom, under
the name of confumption, or other tolls, are ufually demanded, (hall not pay fuch
toll till fix months after unlading, or fale and delivery. 5. The fubjeiRs of Great
Britain may bring int9 Spain the produce of the dominions of Morocco, aid
fhall not pay greater duties than ufual. 6. Books of rate'^, containing an exact ac-
count of the cufioms agreed on, by the commifiioners from the Queen of Great
Britain and the King of Spain, fliall be adjufted and eftablifheJ within a year
after the figning of this treaty, and be published thro' all the Spaniih dominions ;
nor fhall the Britilh fubje'.'s be obliged to pay greater duties than what is therein
(ct down i and for all other goods nut meniio.icd in thofe tables, the rate of 7 per

cent.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xli

Kings of Great AmbafTadors. Treaties; years. Where figned, and

Britain and by whom.

Spain.

Queen Anne of Mr. Walpole,

Great Britain, in 1707, brought,

Charles and from Spain a trea-

Philip, contend- ty of commerce,

ers for the crown of probably that above

Spain. mentioned. Cde's

Mem. p. 472.

Kings

cent, fhall be demanded on the credit of the inftrument, declaring the charge and
prices of the merchandize and goods, which fhall be exhibited by the merchant or
fador, confirmed by witnefles on oath, 7. All prize goods, taken by the Queen's
(hips of war, or privateers, fhall be efteemed as goods the produce of Great Bri-
tain. 8. The Queen of Great Britain and the King of Spain fhall ratify
thefe articles within ten weeks.

To this treaty was annexed a fecret article, whereby it was agreed, that a com-
pany of commerce to the Indies fliould be formed, confifting of the fubjeds of
Great Britain and Spain, in the dominions of the crown of Spain in the
Indies. The forming of this company was referved till his Catholiclc Majefty
fhould be in pofleffion of the crown of Spain : but, in cafe unforefeen accidents
ftiould prevent the forming fijch company, his Catholic Mrjjefty obliged himfelf and
fuccefTors to grant to the Britifh fubjefls the fame privileges and liberty of a free trade
to the Indies, which the Spanifli iubje£^s enjoyed, a previous fecurity beino- (riven
for the payment of the royal duties. His Catholic A-lajefty likewife obliged himfelf,
that from the day of the general peace, to the day the faid company of commerce
(hould be formed, he would give licence to the Britifh fubjedts to fend to the Indies
annually ten fnips, of 300 tons each, provided that they pay all the royal duties, and
be regiftered in fuch port of Spa in as his Catholic Majefty fiiould appoint ; and aive
fccuriry to return from the Indies to the fame port of Spain, uithout touching
elfewbere. That his Catholic Majefty would likewife permit the faid ten (hips of
trade to be conveyed by Britifh fliips of war, provided the faid /hips of war do not
trade: And that he would not demand any indulto or donative on account of the faid
trade, contenting himfelf with the royal duties only. And the Queen of Great
Britain promifed, that the faid fhips of war fhould, in going to, and returning
irom the Indies, convoy the fhips of his Catholic Majefty : And his Catholic Ma-
jefty engaged never to permit the fubjeds of France to be concerned in the faid
company of commerce, nor in any wife to trade to the Indies.

After the figningof this treaty. King Charles was made fcnfible, that the con-
ceffions granted therein to the Englifli were fuch as would not eafily pafs with his
own fubje(5ts, fhould he ever be poflcfTed of the Spanish throne; and therefore it
was not wi'diout relu£lance, and merely in compliance with the neceflity of his af-
fairs, that he ratified the articles of it, on the 9th of January 1708, fix months after

xlii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Kings of Great
Britaim aud
Spain.

Queen Anne of
Great Bitain.

Charles and
Philip, contend-
ers for the crown
of Spain,

Ambafladors. Treaties; years.

Where figned, an^
by whom.

Mr. Craggs,
fecretiry in Spain
in 1708. Id. p. 544,

Duke of Ar-
GYLE, ambafTador,
plenipotentiary and
general in Spain,
1710,

Lord Lexing-
ton arrived at
Madrid, 1712,
to take Philip's
renounciation of
the fuccefiion of

Convention,
March 1713.

Affiento, 1 713*.

^ General Pacifica-
tion, July 17131.

MADRID.
Lexington,
Bedmar.

MADRID.

Lexington,

EiCALERA.

UTRECHT.
J. Bristol,
Duke D'OssuNA,

MONTELEON.

It was figned. The perfon who was entrufted to carry this treaty to London having
embarked at Barcelona, on board a fmall vell'el for Genoa! was unluckily taken
by a French frigate: the exprefs, as is ufual in fuch cafes, threw his difpatches
over-board; but they were taken up by feme divers, and tranfmitted to the Mar-
qu.s de ToRcy at Versailles, who took care to fend privately a copy of the treaty
to the States General, in order to excite their jealoufy of the Englifh, who were en-
deavounng by that tranfadtion to engrofs the trade to the West Indies. See
itndal s Lcntinuationcf Rapin^ Vol. 4 B. 26

mIvT^?, ""f^,(^°^ ^^''^^^ '" Spanifh fignifies a contraa) was to commence
May 1713 and end in 1743. Jt was a fource of iniquity, and a depofit in the
hands of the Spaniards for our good conduft, to feize on at pl^afure

TA^HaLMScA."^'""^^^'^^'^^^^^

Kin

RS

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xliii

Kings of Great
Britain and
Spain.

George I. of
GreatBritain,

Philip V, of
Spain.

AmbafTadors. Treaties j years.

Benson, lord
BiNGLEY, ambaf-
fador, 1 7 13.

Sir Paul Me-
thuen, O£lober
1714.

Where figned, and
by whom.

Mr. Craggs, Treaty, Decem-
Mr. BuBB, mi- beri7i5J.
nifters, December

Convention for
explaining the Af-
fiento, May 1716,

John Chet-
wynd, envoy ex-
traordinary, i7i7«

Will. Stan-
hope, envoy, 1 718.

Colonel Stan-
hope, minifter,
1720.

Treaty of 1 718*

Treaty,
1721 *.

June

MADRID,
Bedmar,
George Bubb:

MADRID,

Bedmar,
George Bubb.

HAGUE.

Lord Cadogan.
Marquis de Prie.

MADRID.

Stanhope.
Grimaldi.

X This treaty Is very fliort, contains little new, confirms the former, bift revokes
the three articles fo injurious to Great Britain, which were tacked to the
treaty of Utrecht, and called f'.v;)/«««/(jrv. Thefe were the III. V. and VIII,

f This fettkd the reftitution of the fliips taken by lord Torrington and Sir
George Walton in 1718. The Spaniards are perpetually obje6ling to us, the
injuftice and illegality of that meafure oi attacking their fleet in the time of profound
peace, and without any declaration of war ; but thofe who will take the trouble to
perufe Corbet's account of that matter, will find that Sir George Hing fent an
officer to the Spanifh minifter, to acquaint him with the defign and deftination of his
fleet; and that the minifter fent him word back, that he might go and execute
whatever commiffion the king his mafler had given him. See aifo, for the fame
purpofe, the numoirs of the Marquis St. Ph i L 1 p.

f 2. Kinjis

xllv

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Kings of Great
Britain and
Spain.

George II.
Philip V.

Ambafladors. Treaties j years.

Benj. Keenb,.
efq; (afterwards Sir
Benjam. Keene,
knight of the
Bath) was ap-
pointed his Maje-
fty's conful at Ma-
drid, Marchi724.

He was appoint-
ed his Majefly's
minifter plenipoten-
tiary to the King of
Spain, Aug. 1727.

Ben. Keene, A.
Sturt, Jos, God-
da RD, coinmifTa-
ries.

Convention,
May 1728.

Where figned, and.
by whom.

P A R D O.
Stanhope,
Keene,
M. de la Paz,
D. J. Patinho,

Col. Stanhope,
Lord Harring-
ton.

Treaties «f 1729
and 1731*.

Treaty of 1 7 31-

SEVILLE.
Stanhope.

VIENNA,
Duke of LiRiA,
Sir Thomas Ro-
binson.

Ben. Keenb,

envoy, 1733.

- He was appoint-
ed his Majefly's en-
voy extraordinary
to the King of
Portugal, May
1745.

• Thcfe (wo treaties related to the neutral garrifons in Italy, and were owing
to our being tired of the congrefs at Soiesons. The quadruple alliance ftipulated,
that Siiifi^ and not Spani/h troops, fliould be fent into Italy, to maintain Don
Carlos ; but the treaties of Seville changed it for Spaniih, and not Swifs troops.
That is to fay, the court of Spain carried its point.

Kinps

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. odr

[I'ngs of Great
Britain, and

Srain,.

AmbafTadors. Treaties j year*.

He was appoint-
ed his Majefty's
ambaflador extraor-
dinary and plenipo-
tentiary to the King
of OPAIN, Odo-

beri748*

Will. Finch,.
brother to the Earl -

of WiNCHELSEA,

envoy extraordina-f

ry> 1732.

Where figned, and-,
by whom.

F-ERDINANiyVL.

of Spain, .

Sir B.
died.

Keene

Convention of
3739*.

Treaty of 1 748 f.

Treaty of 1750 J.

P A R D O;

M.deViLL arias.
Sir Ben. Keene.

AIX LA CHA-
PELLE.

MADRID.
Ferd. Ensena-

DA.

Sir Ben. Keene.

* The Afliento fufpended at this time. The balance between England and
Spain was 96,000 pounds; but the fecret article took away 36,000 pounds. The
difference could not be adjufted, and the war bioke out.

t By the tenth article of the preliminaries, and the XVI. of this treaty, Eng-
land was to be paid 100,000 pounds reimburfement, and the right to the remain-
ing four years of the Affiento was fettled j but it was afterwards fold by a conven-
tion, and occafioned the treaty of 1750.

I In this the ioo,oco pounds were again fettled and agreed on, the expLinntorj ,
articles of the treaty of Utrecht again abolifhed, and the Affiento and the annual,
fliip given up. All former treaties confirmed.

xlvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

Kin^s of Great Ambafladors. Treaties; years. Where figned, and

B°RiTAiN and by whom.

^PAIN.

Charles III. of His Excellency

Spain. the right honourable

George TI. and George Wil-

George III. of LiAM, earl oFBri-

Great Britain, stol, ambaflador
extraordinary, and
minifter plenipoten-
tiary from his Bri-
TANic Majefty to
the court of Ma-
drid f.

An Account of the SPANISH MATCH.

HERE it may not be improper to give a fliort account of
that ftrange affair, the Spanipo Match ; becaufe the court
of Spain hath been frequently charged with the breaking off
that matter ; but in the following relation, extracted from Mr.
HowelFs Lettersy who was upon the fpot at that time, it will
appear probable that the fault lay on the other fide, and not at
Philip's, but King James's door.

In December 1622, Lord Digby and Sir Walter Aston
went out joint ambafHidors under the great feal of England,
efpecially commiffioned about the Spa?2iJ}j Match; Mr. Howell,
afterwards clerk of the council, foon followed their Excellencies ;
Mr. George Gage came likewife from Rome to Madrid, to
treat about it. The match was firft fet on foot by the Duke of
XiERMA, but was not fo warmly adopted by his fucceffor the
Count d'OLivAREz. Gondomar at this time left England,

f He arrived there, September 8th, 1758, and left that court, December 17th,
1761, without taking leave, becaufe his Catholic Majefty did not chufe to give an
explicit anfwer to the court of Great Britain, but only faid, Mny lien ejic^
(Vol weH, Sir) on which the rupture enfued.

re-

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xlvii

returned to Madrid, and brought with him Lord Digby's
f>atent, that made him Earl of Bristol. The bufinefs of the
match went on very brifkly for near four months, when, to the
furprize of the Earl of Bristol, who knew nothing of the mat-
ter and of every one elfe at Madrid, the Prince of V/ales, and
the Marquis of Buckingham, arrived on the latter end of
March 1622, at the Earl of Bristol's houfe, late in the even-
ing. The Prince went by the feigned name of Thomas Smith,

and the Marquis by that of Mr. John Smith. They were

attended by the Lords Carlisle, Holland, Rochfort,
Denbigh, the Knights Sir Francis Cottington, Sir Lewis
Dives, Sir John Vaughan of the Golden Grove, and his
fon, comptroller to the Prince, Sir Edmund Varney, Mr.
Washington page to the Prince, Mr. Porter, and others.

The arrival of the Prince of Wales in Madrid was like the
reft of his father's politics, and inftead of forwarding the match,
marred the whole bufmefs. The Spaniards having fuch a pledo-e
in their hands, rofe in their demands, and thought they had it in
their power to treat juft as they pleafed. Befides this, the Spa-
niih court took a difguft at Buckingham, and he and the Earl
of Bristol difagreed extremely about the condu6l of that bufi-
nefs. The nobility in Spain were very much averfe to this alli-
ance; the Bifhop of Segovia wrote againft ity but was banillied
from court for fo doing; the common people in Spain were
ftrongly for it. In England, the parHament and commons
would never confent to it.

Upon the arrival of the Prince, the court of Spain fent back
the difpenfation to the court of Rome, in order to be better mo-
delled. When the difpenfation was returned to Madrid, it came
back clogged with new claufes : the Pope required a caution to be
given for the performance of the articles : this made a dirhculty :
the King of Spain, however, offered to give the caution, but defired
to confult his divines upon it, who, after a tedious debate, o-ave
his Majefty permifTion. Upon this, the King of Spain and^the
Prince mutually fwore to, and ratified the articles of marriage ;
and the 8th of September following, 1623, was fixed for the
betrothing her to him. But foon after, Pojye Gregory, who was

•xlvlii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

a friend to tl:ie match, died, and Urbaii fucceeded ; whereupon
Tij I L!P declared, he could not proceed in the match unlefs thJ^
new Pope confirmed the difpenfation which was given by the
former. This created frefli delays; the Prince remonftrated
warmly, and infilled on the neceflity of his departure. The King
of Spain confented to his going, provided he would leave him
and Don Carlos proxies for the match : this was accordingly
agreed on : and thus the Prince, after feven months ftay, and a
fruitlefs errand, fet out for England in the month of Auguft
1623, without his Infanta. The Lord Rutland waited for
him at fea with the fleet, on board of which he embarked at
BiLBOA. The Infanta in particular, and the Spaniards in gene-
ral, were very much afflided at this Prince's returning without
her. The King of Spain and his two brothers accompanied him
as far as the Egcurial, and on the fpot v/here they parted Phi-
lip eredled a pillar, which remains to this day. The Prince, in
his paflage, very narrowly efcaped fhipwreck, Sir Sackville
Trevor having the honour of taking him up.

Notwithstanding this abrupt departure of the Prince, the
English at Madrid, and at home, were ftill perfuaded the
match would be efl'edied at lafb ; and not without good grounds -,
for the Infanta learned Englifh, took the title of the Princefs of
Wales ; the ladies and officers that were to go with her were
nam.ed. But there was one very extraordinary circumftance,
•which happened at this juncture : The Prince of Wales, juft
before he embarked, fent a letter to the two ambaffadors, de-
firing them, in cafe the ratification came from Rome, not to de-
liver the proxies he had left in their hands to the King of Spain,
till they had heard further orders from England. — But this
both the ambaffadors very v/iiely refufed to do, as the Prince
could not fufpend their commiffion from King Jam-es under the
great feal of England ; on the contrary, they both made extra-
ordinary preparations for the match, the Earl of Bristol laying
out 2400 pounds in: liveries only, upon that occafion. ' At length
the ratification came from Rome ; the marriage day was ap-
pointed; but juft a d;iy or two before it drew on, there came
four Englidi m.effengcrs to the Earl of Bristol, commanding
"him not to deliver the proxies till full f^tisfa(fliton was made ibr

4 ^'"^^

V*

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xlix

the furrender of the Palatinate. This flep of King James's put
an entire end to the bufinefs of the match. The Kine of Sp.mn
faid very truly, that the Palatinate was none of his to give j but
that he would fend ambafladors to recover it by treaty, or an
army to regain it by force ; and in proof of his fmcerity in thefe
promifeSj he offered to pledge his Contratation-houle at Sevh j.e,
and his Plate fleet. This not being thought fatisfactory, the
Earl of Bristol took his leave, when the King of Spain gave
him a ring off his own finger, and plate to the value of above
4000 pounds. This Earl of Bristol, by far the moft eminent
of the DiGBY family, was a very .extraordinary charad:er, and a
truly great man j he furprized the Spaniards with his virtues as
well as talents: the rewards and honours paid him by I hilip
were but equal to his deferts i for he even aftonifhed that Prince,
when he found, that, neither the bribes of one monarch, nor the
menaces of another,, could in the leaft fhake the fteady temper of
that ambaffador..

Thus ended the affair of the Spanifh match, that had been
near ten years in agitation. It is certain, that the breaking of it
off was the work of the Duke of Buckingham : whether he
did right or wrong will now perhaps be difficult to fay ; but I
am of opinion, that we could not have been fo much prejudiced
by having Maria of Spain for our Queen, as we were after-
wards by taking Henrietta of France. The women of the
Medicis line do not appear to me to have done the world much
good. As for the deferted Infanta, ihe married afterward to the
Emperor.

g LET-

E R II A T A,

In the Introdudion, p. 27. iox timeouJly,T^2A timely. Laft line,
for Campeachy, read Homduras. P. 221. 1. i. for E/Aven-
turarara, read L^ Aventurarara. lb. 1. 19. for £/ Venganza, read
La Venganza. P. 220. 1. 21. for £/ Nueva, read La Nueva.
P. 214. 1. 20. {ov BJiramadio-ay YQdi^ Ejlremadura. P. 208. 1. 16.
iov firuck, VQ:^dJiuck. P. 198. 1. 4. for i66i,read 1061. P. 188.
1. 12. for called themy read called him. Dele the Note at bottom.
P. 182. laft line but one, for Licinius Larius, read Lartius
LiciNius. P. 295. for Bager, read Bayer. P. 297. for
eimdemy read eandem. P. 300. for Chaldic, read Chaldee. lb. for
Clevard, read Clenard. lb. for Vergera, read Vergara. P. 303.
for Honoretes^ read Honoratus.

■&•

Journey from LONDON to MADRID.

I LEFT London, in company with tv/o other gentlemen, on
Saturday the loth of May,. 1760, fet fail from Falmouth
on the 20th, and arrived at Corunna on the 26th of the fame
month.

The harbour of Corunna prefents you with a fine profped
as you fail into it ; on your right are The Tower of Hercules,
the fort, and the town -, before you the fliipping ; all terminated
by an agreeable view of the country : On your left you fee Cape
Prior, the entrance of Ferroll, and a ridge of barren moun-
tains, with a large river running between them. Corunna is
well built and populous, but, like mod other Spanifh towns, has
an ofFenfive fmell. Their method of keeping the tiles faft, on
the roofs of houfes, is by laying loofe flones upon them. The
Spaniards, to my great mortification, have quitted that old drefs,
which looks fo well on our Engliih flage : The men wear a great
flapped hat, a cloke reaching down to their feet, and a fword,
generally carried under the arm : The women wear a fliort jacket
of one colour, a petticoat of another, and either a white or black
woolen veil. We flayed at Corunna a whole week, becaufe we
could not procure a vehicle to convey us to Madrid, nearer than
from Madrid itfelf : Nor could we travel on the flreip-ht road to
Astorga by any other convenient method, than riding on mules
or horfes, for Vv^e rejeded the Utter, as difagreeable and fatlo-uino-,
and no other carriage could pafs the mountains that way : V/e
wrote therefore to Madrid for a coach to meet us at Astorga,
which is about 150 miles from Corunna.

B The

2 JOUPvNEY FROM L O xN D O N

The Spaniards call the Tower of Hercules by a wrong
name : It is amazing, when the mfcript'wn ftill remains as an evi-
dence, that it was the Tower of Mars, that they fliould be fo
perverfe as to give it to Hercules. The words are :

MARTI. A V G.

S A C R.

C. S E V I U S. L V P V S.

ARCHITECTVS.

A. F. DANIENSTS.

LVSITANVS. EXVL.

It is very plain, that the Romajis intended this for a watch-houfe,
o^fpeculum, and the Spaniards ufe it as a light-houfe now.

The poorer fort, both men and women, at Corunna, wear
neither ihoes nor ftockings. We lodged at the bed inn j but all
inns throughout Spain afford miferable accommodations : It was
kept by an Irifliman named Obrien. We were well entertain-
ed by the Spanifh Governor Don Louis de Cordouva, and the
Englifh conful Mr. Jordan. The town is pretty, and fupplied
with water by an ^$'a^^Z('6'?. Our route from Corunna to As-
torga and Madrid was as follows :

ROUTE FROM CORUNNA to MADRID.

Leagues*

To Patansos, Firft day, — 3

jETERis, I Second day, "" ^

Vamonde, J ' — 2

Lugo, 7-ru:.^ ;i.„ — 4

i Third day, j|

Gall ego,

FUENFRIA, 7p^^^^,^ J - 4

Serrarias, i ^ — 5

Carried over, — 29

Brouglit

TO MADRID.

Brought over,
ViLiA Franca, 7 ^^

PONFERRADA, J •''

Ravanal, 7 c- .1 J

A [ Sixth day,

ASTORGA, J J*

Leagues, 46

From AsTORGA to Baneza,
To La Venta,
To Benevente,

To ViLLALPANDO,

To Villaprais,
ToVeja,

ToMedinadel Campo,
To Artiquenes,

To OVEJA,

To Labajos,

To ESPINAL,

To GUADARAMA»

To Las Rosas,
To Madrid,

J Seventh day,
^Eighth day,
{Ninth day,
j Tenth day,
(Eleventh day,
i Twelfth day,
I Thirteenth day.

Leagues 102

The extent of this Route is called 450 miles; but their com-
putation by leagues is very uncertain, like the miles in Corn-
wall, guefled at from one town to another. The only way to
know the true diftance in Spain is by your v/atch. The Spajiifi
league is computed equal to about three miles and three quarters
E?iglijh.

We fet out from Corunna the 3d of June, being honoured
with a difcharge of guns from the packets in the harbour. You
muft carry your provifions and bedding with you in Spain, as
you are not fure of finding them in all places. We feldom met
with any thing to eat upon the road, or a bed fit to lie upon.
After having paffed the fertile mountains of Gallicia, and the
barren rocks of Leon, we came to Astorga the &th of [une.

B 2 Here

4 JOURNEY FROM LONDON

Hire v.'e refted till the i ith, and then fat out in a clumfy coachj,
drawn by fix mules, with ropes inftcad of traces : This furprifed
me at iirft, but I found afterwards, that the grandees^ and people
of rank in Madrid, ufe ropes conftantly at the P;W(9 and Pro^
V2enadej places of airing fomevvhat refcnibling the old ring in
Hyde Park,

After palling over the immenfc plains of Old and New*
Castile, which fcem more like feas than plains, we arrived at
Madrid the i8th of June, being the 7th day from our leaving
AsTORGA. Though we travelled fo long a trad: of country,
we faw few cities or towns, that were confiderable for their ex-
tent, flrength, riches, manufactures, or inhabitants. Villa
Franca in Leon is extremely beautiful, and flands high; Pon-
FERRADA neat, anciently called intra fu^uios, becaufe it was be-
tween the rivers Sil and Boega, afterwards ftiled Pons Ferratus,
from its bridjre on the hard rock. Medino del Campo in
Castile is an agreeable fituation ; there is a large fquare in the
middle of it, and fome of the nobility refide there.

Lugo in Gallicia is a remarkable ancient city, furrounded
v/ith a moft fingular fortification -, as near as I could judge, a
fquare ; and at th:^ diftance of about twtry twenty feet a circular
baflion of thick and lofty walls : The city fortified on every fide
iii the fame manner, having rather a tremendous appearance, and
muft have been extremely ftiong, before the ufe of that villainous
faltpetre, as Shakespeare calls it. It fiands near the fource of
the MiNHOj the turnips here are faid to be fo large, as to
weigh fifty pounds each : But who can believe it ? Its ancient
name was Liicus Augujt'h and thence corruptly called Lugo.

The city of Astorga in Leon is fituated in a wide plain;
the miofi: remarkable thing in it is the CathedraU which is a noble
Gothic building ; a bajllicay confifting of fix pointed arches, fup-
ported by tall, light, neat pillars, in a good tafte ; the portal a.
large round arch, with a vafl; number of mouldings ; there are
fofr'ea cr eight fine altars, but the High Altar is exceedingly mag-
nificent i

T O M A D R I D. 5

nlficent ; it confifts of twenty compartments of marblc-fcuLp-
ture in alto relievo, the figures as large as life j the fubje(5t the hif-
tory of our Saviour ; at the fummit God the Father crowning
the Bleffed Virgin. The glory is well exprelTed ; for being cut
through the frame, and a lamp placed behind it, the light
iliews the rays. We happened to attend at the Vefpers ; the
mufc of the organ was fine ; the number of tapers, the rich-
nefs of altars, in fliort, the whole fcene was ftriking. This city
gives the title of Marquis to the family of Oforio, inferior to
few, either for antiquity or valour,

Benevente In Leon is encompafled by three rivers, and re-
markable for little more than giving the title of Earl to the fa-
mily of PiMENTEL. ViLLALPANDo is in a plcafing plain, has a
large fquare, and contains a palace of the Conjlable of Cajliky to
whom the town belongs. The only river we pafi^ed of note was
a branch of the Minho; a noble current, almoft as broad as the
Thames at Windfor, and to appearance deep ; finely wooded on
each fide, the trees larger and taller than you ufually meet with in
Spain. The place where we pafied it was called Hospital de
Efchemofo.

TuEjiorksnefts upon the tops of the churches^ with the birds
hovering over them, or jufl peeping out, are pleafing as youpafs.
It was fo in old Rome : ^\\Qjlorks built their nefts in great num-
bers on the fummits of their te-mpiesy as their poets often tell us.
— Thus Juvenal lays of the Temple of Concord:

Quaeque falutato crepitat Concordia nido.

It was cruel to kill fuch fecial birds as thefe ; and yet we find by
Horace, that the Epicures of his times could not keep their
knives from them; tliough it was an abfolute violation of hof-
pitality. Speaking of the luxurious difl:ies of thofc days, he
fays, their anceftors never eat tiirhots nor Jiorks ;

Tutus erat rhombus, tutoque ciconia fiido.

This bird is often mentioned in Scripture. In the Pfalms, — The
fir-trees are a dwelling for the fiork : And in Job, Who giveththe

flork

6 JOURNEY FROM LONDON

Jlork food? She buUdctb her 7iefi on high. It delights in the mofl
loftv Vituations. All the ncfls, which we faw, were in the high-
efl places the bird could find.

We pafied fome foreH s ; but the trees are dwarf and poor, not
rcfembling the timber of Great-Britain ; you will in vain look
for thofe (lately woods, which not only afford fuel, fhade, and
wealth to their ov/ners, but fend forth fleets, which give laws to
the ocean. Though I loft my watch on the top of one of the
hiMiefl mountains near the Zebreros, yet, by extraordinary good
fonune, it was found by the Marigatti, or mule-drivers, and car-
ried to'the Padre Abbad of Ze-breros, who fent it me in lefs
than a month.

The new Stone-causeway, which joins the two Cas-
tile s, and extends to Guadarama, is a moil magnificent
public work : It was done by an order of Ferdinand VI. the
late King, as appears by the following infcription on a pillar ered-
ed on the caufeway : Ferdinandus VI. Pater Patri^. Vi-

AM VtRIQUE CaSTELLITE SUPERATIS MoNTIBUS FECIT.

Ann. Salutis M DCC XLIX. Regni Sui IV. It is really a
noble road, and feems owing rather to the labour and adlivity of
a Roman, than to the flow induflry of a Spaniard,

Some parts of the Castiles are pleafant ; they are ill culti-
vated ; have no wood of any moment ; this makes fuel incredi-
bly dear in Madrid -, the expence of one Tingle fire there for the
winter has been knov/n to cofl fifty pounds -, an amazing article !
The charcoal confumed in their kitchens, and braziers, comes
chiefly from Gallapagar, at the diflance of 30 miles, which
is far 'enough in that country to make the carriage of it very ex-
penfive. The principal timber they ufe, is Jir, the growth of
the country J their houfes, churches, carriages, and furniture,
are chiefly of deal; there are fometimes no lefs than four-
teen large girders, in the cieling of a fmall apartment.
One would not imagine from this circumflance, that timber
was fcarce. As to the water in this country, I do not think
it in general good; that of Madrid is excellent, which is
plain by the court's being at much expence to have it conveyed

3 ^o

TOMADRID. J

to diflant places. There are two fine rivers in the Castiles,
the Tagus, and the Guadianaj as to the Mansanares,
which runs clofe by Madrid, it is but a poor flream, and falls
into the Xarama, about 6 leagues diftant from the Tagus. I
was told in London, that the fituation of Madrid was upon a
plain, but it is a great miflake : It is built upon a chain of little
hills, and, becaufe there are higher mountains round it^ at a dif-
tance, has been fuppofed to be in a plain.

The Spaniards ereft pillars at proper diftances upon the caufe-
ways, to dired: travellers during the fnows ; we faw feveral of
them in Leon, and other parts. The firfl comer to a SpcmiJJj
inn, be his rank what it may, has the firft choice of the accom-
modations J this occafions a fort of conteft between the travellers
in this country, who fhall get firil to the inn. It is a common
practice to fend a man on an hour or two before : We diftanced
one Don Joseph, a Bifcayner, in this way; finding that he was go-
ing to the fame Pofada, or inn, we detached our faithful Antonio,.
who, as fleet as an ^rab, ran over the mountains in bye-paths,
and arrived at the inn long before the Don and we came to it.
This conteft arifes from there being feldom more than one inn in
a village ; at which, if difappointed, you muft probably ride 8
or lo miles before you can find another, v/hich, at the end of
a long day's journey, and in the dark, would be fatiguing, and
perhaps dangerous.

Upon a review of the whole country from Corunna to Ma-
drid, one may fay, that Gallicia is a fine fertile province;
that fome parts of it are equal to many in England ; but as to
Leon, it is a naked, dreadful, barren rock, except where it is
covered with a few pitiful firs, or fhrubs, fuch as are about Be-
nevente and Villalpando, and except fome few plains after
you have palTcd Astorga. I turned round to take a view of
Leon from one of the higheft mountains, and was almofi: frio-ht-
ened at the fight ; a brown horror, as Mr. Pope expfefi<:s it,
was fpread over the whole ; fands, rocks, and crag:Ty precipices,
formed as favage a profped, as can be imagined. And yet this
country was probably once fought for j the inhabitants furely mud
find a charm in it unknown to us. In one of thefc villages we

found

8 JOURNEY FROM LONDON

found a fet Ox^ people, dreffbd in a whimfical manner, dancing to
rude mufic ; the whole appearance was entertaining and grotefque ;
the dance artlefs and odd j its natural limplicity fliewed the people
in their true charafter.

The road from Corunna to Madrid is certainly not fo bad,
as It is generally thought in England. The mountains of Gal-
LiciA are very paflable ; the only difficult parts which I faw, were
the deicent at La Fava, and about 12 miles, as you come out
of Serrarias. The mountains of Leon are rather difagreeable
than dangerous, and all the reft is eafy. Be it as it may, our
Englifli meffengers find no difficulty in it. The accommodations,
indeed, are miferable : I have faid you muft abfolutely carry your
provifions and bedding along with you ; and even then, unlefs
you can bear fatigue well, lye down in your clothes, eat eggs,
onions, andcheefcj unlefs you can fleep while your mules reil,
rife the moment you are called, and fet out early in the morn-
ing, before the heat comes on, you will fare ill as a traveller in
Spain. It is a good method to carry dried tongues with you, hard
eggs, not hams, for they will not keep, as we found by expe-
rience ; fome portable foup ; tea, fugar, and fpirituous liquors ;
not forgetting even pepper and fait ; and whenever you meet
with good bread, meat, fowls, or wine, always to buy them,
whether you want them or not, becaufe you know not what
to-morrow may produce. A knife, fork, and fpoon, are abfo-
lutely neceffary, for you will find none ; nor fliould you omit a
pair of fnuffcrs, a candleflick, and fome wax-candles. Take care
only not to carry any tobacco or rum ; for they are all contra-
band, and may occafion the detention, if not the feizure of your
baggage. Particularlv bring with you as few /^oo^s as poffible,
for the inquifitlon will feize them. My baggage was detained a
fortnight on account of my books; and the Earl of Bristol
was obliged to fpeak twice to General Wall, before he could
releafe the captives. Many of thefe circumflances feem trif.ingf
but they arc fo material, that thofe who happen to travel with-
out them in this country, will find, by dear-bought experience,
that all thefe trijles have their ufe, and if negleded,

Ha3 nuga3 feria ducent

In mala.

LETTER

LETTER II.

The STATE of RELIGION in Spain.

ITH regard to ancient religious rites or cufloms in this
country, there was probably in early times a great mix-
ture of all forts. The iirft accounts of Spain, that are clear and
authentic, are, I believe, thofe in Strabo and Livy. The face
of it then was certainly very favage and barbarous. It could have
no religious notions befides its own, but from Gaul, Italy,
or Afric, from the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Gauls,
or Romans : and what thofe were, are well knov/n.

Mariana tells us, that Chriftianity was firfl preached in Sa-
RAG09A by St. James, 42 years after Christ : and for this
he quotes Isidore, bifhop of Seville. With all due deference
to the authority, though epifcopal, I mufl: beg leave to deny the
fa(5t; for St. Luke fays exprefly, that St. James was killed at
Jerusalem. The Spaniards have likewife another tradition
concerning this apoftle ; which, though believed by themfelves,
will hardly find credit among Proteflants. It is, that St. James,
by birth a Spaniard, has been often feen armed in the air, going
before the van, and protecting the Spanish armies : Which
circumftance you may read in Boldonius, if you like it. Whe-
ther it be for thefe reafons, or others, I cannot fay, however this
fadt is certain, that San Jago, or St. James, hath from the ear-
lieft times been ever revered and worfhipped as the guardian, and
tutelar faint of Spain.

C What

lo STATE OF RELIGION

What innovations, or changes their rehgious worfhip under-
went from the firft planting of Chriftianity to the arrival of the
Goths, or the invafion of the Moors, would perhaps be im-
poflible to fay : That the Gothic princes embraced the Chrijiian
faith, is clear from many evidences ftill remaining, not in Spain
only, but in England and other countries: That the Moors
would never receive Chriftianity among them, appears but too-
plainly from the enmity that hath ever fubfifted between the two
people, from their final expulfion under Philip III. and the
odium with which they purfue them to this day.

That the Jews have always fubfifted here in fuch numbers
was probably owing to this circumftance : when Titus carried
back with him to Rome fo many thoufand captive Jews, the
fliattered remnants of that devoted people, and difperfed them
afterwards throughout the world ; as Spain lay convenient for
their paflage out of Italy, and being a wide and extended coun-
try, multitudes of them probably fled for an afylum there : Tho'
great numbers remained at Rome and in Italy, as appears by
the edids againfi: them afterwards, and by the religion of the
captives fpreading fo much among their conquerors : A circum-
flance which Rutilius has finely lamented ;

Atque utinam nunquam Judasa fubadta fuiffet

Pompeii bellis, impcrioque Titi.
Latins excifae gcntis contagia ferpunr,

Vid;orefque fuos natia vidla promit.

That the Jews had in fome parts of Spain, and at fbme pe-
riods, the free cxercifc of their religion, and wordiip, is an un-
doubted fa(^ : There is an Hebrew Temple ftill remaining at To-
ledo, which I have fcen, as a ftanding proof of it to this day.

What is of more moment to us is, as may be colle6led from
Dr. Geddes's feveral trads, that no weftern church has preferved
fo many, and fuch authentic monuments and records, as the Spa-
nish church hath down to the Vlllth century. It was antient-
ly exacflly the fame with the prefent church of England, had
the fame Nicene Creed, and appealed to the fame general coun-
cils :

I N S P A I N. II

clls : And their Prince, as well as ours, was defender of the faith
and head of the church. The Bifliop of Rome had no more au-
thority there, than any other prelate. The ^panifi Church had
no dependence on that fee till the Vlllth century. Till after the
Moorifld times, it had no image-worfhip -, no prayers addreffed to
faints, or angels j no purgatory ; it did not maintain {Q,vQVi facra-
ments ; it knew not tranfubftantiation, which certainly is of no
older date than the time of Pope Innocent III. in the Later an
council, held after the year 1200; by confequence the cup was
always given to the laity, and never refufed till after that dod^rine
prevailed in the beginning of the Xlllth century. There was
likewife no adoration of the hoft, no auricular confelfion. They
had no prayers then in an unknown language. The antient Go^
thic Liturgy, then in ufe, was called Mozarabic, or Mufarabic,
from thofe chriftians, who lived under the Moorifi government in
Spain. It was firfl: printed by Cardinal Ximenes. And there
is to this day, an annual Mozarabic mafs celebrated with great
pomp and folemnity, in the metropolitan church of Toledo, at
which the prefent King of Spain has affifted in perfon. Every-
one knows, that the term mafs came from the cuflom of difmif-
iing the people with the — Itc — miJJ'a eft.

As the Spanish Church certainly remained pure, uncorrupted,
and unpapiftical till towards the Vlllth century ; fo from that pe-
riod downwards, Paganifm artfully, and by almofl imperceptible
infinuations, gradually flole in, wearing that mafk or vizor, which
we now call Popery. Whatever triumphs Chriftianity may for-
merly have gained over the Gentile worfliip ; Paganifm, in all
catholic countries, is now entirely revenged ; ilie triumphed in
her turn from the moment fhe eftabliflied herfelf in the form of
Popery. Ct>ncealed under this drapery, (lie prefides in the very ta-
bernacle and fanduary of chriftians, and is worfhipped fitting be-
tween the horns of the altar. When you enter a Roman catholic,
apoflolic, papiftical, chriftian temple, at your firfl: view you fee
that all is Pagan. The late Dr. Middleton hath very learned-
ly, elegantly, and effecftually proved this point to demonftration.
But I never reliflied that ingenious performance fo much, as when
my own eyes bore teftimony to the truth of his obfervations. The

C 2 refem-

12 STATE OF RELIGION

refemblance is To ftriking between the ufe of the ancient Thura^^
and the modern Incenfe ; their afpergtlluniy lavacrumy &c. and the-
prefent holy water; the bleffing of horfes, and the ancient bene-
di<5tion of cattle ; the fame profufion of lamps and wax-lights y.
between the ancient votiva tabula, oivoc^yi^ocToc, and the modern}
votive limbs, offerings, and piftures : the multitude of fhrines,
crofles, and altars in the churches, roads, hills, and high places ;
and particularly oi images, which have often brought to my mind-
that fatirical joke of Petronius, who faid he never walked the-
ftreets, but he could much more eafily meet with a god than a
man.

Facilius eft deum, quam hominem invenire.

And I am fure, if you fpit out of a window in Spain, 'tis ten to
one but you fpit upon a faint. The Spanijh Flagellantes, by Py-
thagorean tranfmigration, are exa<5lly the old, felf-lafhing
priefts of Jove, or the Ajax Mastigophorus on an Athenian
flage : and are indeed a moft fhocking fpeclacle. The cuftom of
churches being permitted as fancStuaries for villains, prevailed at
Rome in the time of the Emperor Tiberius : For the fenate
very juflly exclaimed againft it. See Tacitus. Annal. III. Ces-
Tius's opinion wa&,

Neque quenquam in urbis templa perfugere, ut eo fubfidio-
ad flagitia utatur.

And yet, what a Roman Senator bluflied at, is fancftified by a.
Rom an- catholic Pope. The quires of churches in all popifli coun-
tries are a fort of religious fairs or markets, where people conti-
nually come and go in fucceiTion, and mafles are conftantly faid.
till twelve o'clock at noon, but not after. The mafs for the dead
is exadly copied from the parentation of the heathens. The drefs
of the officiating prieft has conftantly put me in mind of thofe
remarkable words :

Tanquam veftis ilia prophetica, quae licet vera ederet mira-
cula, operant! ornamentum potius quam adjumentum.
videretur *.

Mhe prefent King of Spain, while he was at Naples, fen t or-
ders to the officiating prielt on St. Januarius's day, that the

* Sec Tac:t;.$.

blood

I N S P A I N. 13

blood (liould be made to liquefy in fuch a precife number of mi-
nutes, for he would flay no longer. This is exadly the old quack
experiment mentioned by Horace, which he faw at Gnatia :.

Dum flamma fine thura liquefcere limine facro
Perfuadere cupit

There is one reafon why the Church of Rome ought not to
make fo free with the argument of miracles : becaufe if they
maintain theirs to be as genuine as thofe of the Apoilles, it will
be an eafy matter to prove thofe recorded of the Emperor Ves-
pasian (who is faid to have healed a withered hand, and reftored
the blind to fight) to be at lead of equal authority : A Ro?nati
hiftorian records the one, and a Roman catholic writer maintains
the other: Utri creditis, Qvi^ity.s\ This folly of theirs, inftead
of flrengthening their own caufe, tends evidently to weaken it,
and it faps the rotten foundations of poplfh policy. If the mif-
chief ended there, it would be well : but it tends alfo to fubvert
the great proofs of Chriftianity, and to afTift the gates of hell,
itiftead of oppofing them. The chara(fler of the prefent Papifts
is exacflly that which Tacitus hath given of the old Germans^.

De a(Ctis deorum credere, quam fcire.

The number of holy days enjoined by the Pope is become fo
exceflive, as to be a fcandalous encouragement to idlenefs. If it
was thought defpicable by the bufy minds of the Roman peo-
ple, to fee the Jews, from the inflitutions of Moses, give but
one day in feven to complete indolence, though for the caufe of
religion : If their ad:ive virtue abhorred to fee, as one of them
calls itj feptima qtueque lux quieti data ; what would he have faid,
had he leen fuch a number of days confecrated in his ov/n Rome
to the fame purpofe ? But this practice likewife had its birth in
Paganifm ; and made Cassius fay. in the reign of Nero, that if
they were to decree fuch a vaft number of feftival days, the gods
would take up the whole year in being thanked, eoqiie opart ere di-
vidi facros, et negotiofos dies, quels divina colerentur, et hutnatia 7ion
impedirent.

The

14 STATE OF RELIGION

The abfurdity of their Reliques is beyond meafure ridiculous;
fuch as the thigh of St. Lawrence, with the fkin burnt, and
marked with the prongs, which he was turned with on the grid-
iron. There are laid to be the heads of two thoufand martyred
viro-ins in the convent of our Lady of Atoche near Madrid,
where the Britifi ftandards, taken at the battle of Almanza,
dill remain.

It is certain, that their blind zeal in matters of religion has
deftroyed many fine remains of heathen learning, and claffic an-
tiquity : It flill continues the fame ravage under the diredion of
monks and inquifitors ; leaves are cancelled, prefaces torn, and
books prohibited, fecreted, or burnt, becaufe they are againfl the
Catholic faith. As they formerly thought the Bible would ap-
pear to more advantage, when the pagan poets were deftroyed j fo
they are flill of opinion, that popery will always appear beft,
when every evidence of its impofture is fuppreffed or fpirited away.
Thefe are lengths in which the zealots of the church of Rome
have certainly gone too far: And on the other hand Luther
himfelf, when he began the reformation, went too far in burning
the canon law. This fuperftitious zeal of theirs againfl Pagan
writers, and modern heretical authors, cannot be placed in a more
ridiculous light, than they have placed it themfelves in one of the
pidures, which I faw at the Escurial : where feveral angels
were flogging St. Jerom for the wicked delight he had taken in
reading the works of that vile heretic Marcus Tullius Ci-

cero.

As the feveral pagan gods v/ere multiplied by being worfliip-
ped as different deities, though in reality they were the fame : as
a Jupiter, an Hercules, &c. were fet up in almofh every
country : So where popery prevails, and particularly in Spain,
the BlelTed Virgin Mary, the mother of our Lord, is multiplied
into almofl: as many diftind; divinities, as there are feparate dif-
tridts -and places. Thus there is our Lady of Atocke, our Lady
of Alcala de Henares, our Lady of Toledo, &c. And the
little pidures or images of thefe are worn as Amulets by the
common people, who have as much faith in them, as the antients

had

I N S P A I N. ,5

had in a Tali/man y or Abraxas. I have (ttn. one of thefe lad, which
Prince Eugene himfelfwore, a flrange inftance of human weak-
nefs in one who rofe fo much above the common level, and made
fuch a fliining figure as a hero on the theatre of Europe. The
Spaniards have marvellous fuperftitions relating to the different
properties of thofe different Virgin Maries : If you pray to thisy
ihe is a good prefervative againfl thunder and lightning ; if you
pray to that, an admirable fpecific againfl: the cholic and rheuma-
tifm. But the Bleffed Virgin of Pilar, or our Lady of the Pil-
lar, Maria de Columna, in SARAG09A, is the moft capital
Virgin Mary, the greateft objedt of devotion in all Spain.

There cannot be rcmchjimony in the Church of Rome, becaufe
the Pope, or the King, difpofes of all church-preferments ; for
there can be no traffic fuppofed betv/een the inferior ecclefiaftics
and his Holinefs, or his Majefliy. Statutes of mortmain are highly
requifite and neceffary in this country. The prefent King of Spain
hath, it is faid, attempted fomething like them, by taxing all do-
nations to religious ufes ever fince the year 1730. Thefe were
anciently fuch a grievance in England, that it became a form
in fome wills : dentur^ ajjignentur, vendantur — exceptis Religiojis
& yudceis,

Philip V. in 171 6, obtained of the Pope an indulto for raif-
ing money upon the clergy. The Pope granted him one for five
years, that is to fay, a million and a half in the Indies, and a
million on the churches in Spain. It is a miftake to call this the
los milloncs, which is a different tax, as will appear in the account
of the Spanifli Revenue. This is Q2Xit6. fuhjidio.

The Crufade againfl; the followers of Waldo (a merchant of
Lyons) or th^ Albigenfesy in 11 60, gave birth probably to the
Inquisition. Pope Gregory IX. firfl devifed that horrid tri-
bunal, but Innocent IV. was the firft, who had abilities and
courage fufiiclent to bring it to a due maturity, and give it a jufl:
effablifhment. The form of it, and the number of its mem-
bers, differ greatly in different countries. * In Spain it was cfta-
bliihed chiefly by Cardinal Ximenks, who knew perfcdly \vd\
what political ufe could be made of It. Th^ Spaniards ffill fup-

* See more upon this article in the next LcttcN

c 4

i6 STATE OF RELIGION

port it, not fo much with an intention to burn Jews or Heretics,
as they do in Portugal, but to enjoy the benefit of one rehgion,
the want of fuch uniformity being, they apprehend, a great incon-
venience to other ftates. Monf. Voltaire indeed is of another
opinion 5 he tells us, that if there was but one religion in Eng-
land, the government would foon become defpotic; if there were
two, they would cut each others throats^ but as there are fo ma-
ny religions amongft us, things go on very quietly. To fpeak
however of the Inquifition in the mildeft terms, it is at beft but a
Roma/iy Tur^i/Jj, or an Arabian perfecution in a Chriflian drefs.
The inquifitors perhaps may fay, " We only perfecute in this
*' manner the very wcrft of heretics, fuch as Jews." It may be
anfwered, " And what have the Pagans done more ? thofe whom
** they perfecuted, they accounted heretics, and thefe very Jews
" did the fame thing." The Dominican will reply, *' But can you
" as a Chrijiian fpare and tolerate the perfecutors of Christ ?"
We anfwer, I think juftly. That w^e have no authority to pu-
nifli them; but we may tolerate their worfhip, or not, as we
think proper. Becaufe fome people, called Jews, crucified the
founder of our religion, Jesus Christ, above 1700 years ago, that
is no reafon why you fliould crucify all thofe who go under that
name at this day. Where is your warrant, your authority, your
commiffion delegated from the Almighty for this purpofe ? Is it
any where iaid, *' Go fortii, my difciples, v/ith fword and fire, tor-
ment, rack, and burn all thofe who will not embrace the Chri-
Aian faith ; or, what is much lefs, the Roman Catholic faith ?"
Though God himfelf may punifh the fins of the fathers on the
children to the third and fourth generation 3 thefe people are at
prefent at leaft the Jiftietb generation from the murderers of
Chrift. Thus you feem to me not only to fnatch the thun-
der of the Almighty out of his hands, but to dart it unwar-
rantably, and even launch the bolt much farther than He ever de-
clared he fliould do himfelf. Can the God of all mercy be de-
lighted with fo cruel a facrifice of human blood ? There is an
undoubted refemblance between a Spanish Inquisitor, and a
DiocLEsiAN, a Caled, or a Mustapha; you now a(fl the
part of the Pagan princes, as they formerly a(5lcd yours. Such a
tribunal, fliocking as it is to humanity, has nothing but falfe po-
litical ends to plead in its excufe : And where nature and religion.

iDufl
2

IN SPAIN.

^7

mull: be lacrlficed, fuch a policy h only worthy of a Mackia-
VEL, a XiMENES, or an Emperor of Jap AN. The principles of
toleration are founded in nature, reafon, humanity, juftice, and
true policy. If in a well civilized flate the majority are of one
religious perfuafion, the moft that you can lawfully do is, to lay
thofe who arc diflentient, under fuch reftridtions, as fliall prevent
their difturbing, or fubverting the civil or religious harmony of
that flate. This is all that appears to me allowable ; and of this
nature are the laws in England and Ireland againft the Papiils.
But when you come to molefl innocent fubje(5ls, to take from them
their poflefTions, to expofe them to tortures and cruel deaths, or drive
them to feek fettlements in other countries, you then exceed your
power, play the part of a Syracufan tyrant, and it becomes Per-
fecution ; like the expulfion of the Moors, or the revocation of
the edid of Nantz.

But after all, why are the Jews iingled out, as the woril of
heretics ? In one light they are the mofh pardonable. They arc
the only people, behdes the Chriftians, who have received the glo-
rious depoiit of a true, a divine revelation : They had theirs from
God himfelf ; we received ours from his Son : They are, no doubt,
in a dangerous and incorrigible flate of error, by not acknow-
ledging the true Messiah ; but we are not to be the punifliers
of that error : A very fevere part of that punidiment feems already
to have palTed upon them ; they have been deprived of their coun-
try and temple i their exiflence, as a nation, deflroyed ; they have
been fold, and carried captive into all lands ; driven as wretched
fugitives and vagabonds throughout the world : Let the intolerant
fpirit of bigots exclaim as loudly againfc them as it may, there is
not a Roman-catholic in the world but will join in the cry : which
very circumflance fliould awaken all the f.ifpicions of us Pro-
teftants. The next ftep from exciufion out of community, is
perfecution. But to a humane mind, confidering the fufferlngs
of thefe people, the moft natural conclufion- will probably be that,
which was made by the firft outlaw of the human race, at a time
when fociety or communion had not thofe fweets and advantages
v/hich they now enjoy. The conclufion meant is, Hhat their pu-
fiiJhmerU is greater than they can bear* I'he Spaniards have

D always

j8 state of religion

always found, that this violent way of making profelytes has had^
but indifferent fuccefs. It may make men temporize, diffemble,
or perhaps perjure themfelves. Fire and fword, famine and tor-
ture will never cure Jewifli blindnefs ; when miracles wrought by
a divine poWer have had no effed", what is to be hoped for from,
any human means ? Titus reafoned with them in this way much
more forcibly than any one, either before or fmce his time; the;
Sennacheries, and Nebuchadnezzars fell far iliort of him
in this method of ai'gument. But what was the confequence ?
They fought frill more defperately for their civil and religious li-
berties, and obflinately expired, as they ftill do in the inquifitor's-
flames, in the defence of their faith-

Upon the whole we may fafely fay, that the Roman -catholic
fyftems of inoralityy as treated by jefuitical cafuifts, are truly
I art de chicaner avec Dieu ; that their religion, as dreffed out with
the trappings of popery, difcovers in its folds the pagan wardrobe
from whence it was taken. From a view of it one cannot help'
coming at this obvious truth : That as the admiflion of all error is-
dangerous, it is moft fatally fo in matters of religion ; the avenues-
of which fliould therefore be guarded with the greater vigilance.
In other cafes the error is removable, or the remedy at worH; but
difficult : But here error is generally uneradicable, permanent, and-
the remedy impracticable. All attempts to alter what has once
been facred, are imagined to border fo near to facrilege or impi-
ety, that few in any age or country have had firmnefs and difcre-
tion enough to undertake the tafk. This is the great ftronghold .
of popery, and all other corrupt religions. For as the. Roman)
conful judiciouily faid upon a like occafion,,

Nihil enim in fpeciem fallacius eft, quam prava religio. Ubi
Deorum numen prcetenditur fceleribus, fubit animum timor,
ne fraudibus humanis vindicandis divini juris aliquid im^
miftum violemus. Livius, lib. xxxix. cap. i6.

Errors in learning commonly ferve for our amufement, as
abler men will fet them right ; errors in politics occafion at worft"
but temporary evils i but errors in religion are everlafting, too-

obilinate'

I N S P A I N. 19

obflliiate to be fubdued. Learned and political controverfies, tho'
often managed with much heat and rancour, produce generally-
new lights for the ufe of the public; but religious controverfy is
for the mofl part pernicious, and ferves only to poifon the minds
of men. When bigotry prompts, and enthuliafm inflames, and
the zealous fury once rifes, the worft of all plagues is then begun :
for, more human blood has been flied by this blind religious zeal,
than by the dagger of the aflaflin, the fword of juftice, or all the
artillery and implements of war.

From the firfl century, Spain had bishoprics, and was divided
into the provinces Carthaginienjis^ TarraconenfiSy Betica, Lufita-
nica, and Gallaica.

The firfl bifhops were, according to the Spanifh writers, dif-
ciples of St. James the Apoftle. The epifcopal government was
foriiewhat interrupted by the Moors, who ravaged part of the pe-
ninfula : but the Mauritanians in Andalusia were more inclined
to conquer Spain than to change its religion from the chriftian to
mahometanifm. By this ifieans, the kings of Oviedo and Leon,
together with the counts of Castile and the kings of Navarre,
having recovered ftrength to conquer the Saracens, re-eilablifh-
ed the bifhops who had retired, and founded feveral churches and
monafteries.

Spain had eleven archbifhoprics, and fifty-four bifhoprics, in-
cluding thofe of Portugal.

Da LIST

20

STATE OF RELIGION

LIST of the ARCHBISHOPRICS and BISHOP-
RICS oi SPAINy with their valuation.

I. TOLEDO, Archbifhop and Metropolitan.

His Eminence, Don Luis de Cordova, *
SUFFRAGANS,
Don Diego de Roxas,
Don Martin de Barcia,
Vacant,

Don Francilco Dias,
Don Fran. Benito Marin
Don Manuel Murillo
Vacant
Don Ifidro de CofHo,

1. Carthagena

2. CORDOUA

3. CuENfA

4. SiGUENZA

5. Jaen

6. Segovia

7. OSMA

8. Valladolid

L. 50,000

8000

6250
7500
5000
4250

2500

II. SEVILLE, Archbifhop, &c.

Don Francisco Solis de Cardona,

1. Malaga

2. Cadiz

3. Canaria

4. Ceuta

SUFFRAGANS.

Don Jofeph de Franquis Lafo,
Don Francifco Thomas del Valle,
Don Francifco Valentin Moran,
Don Jofeph de la Cuefta.

III. SANTIAGO. Archbifhop, &c.

1. Salamanca

2. TUY

3. AvILA

4. CORIA

5. Plasencia

6. ASTORGA

Don Batholome Rajoy y' Losada,
SUFFRAGANS.

Don Jofeph Zorila

Don Juan Manuel Caftannon,

Don Romualdo Velarde,

Don Juan Jofeph Garcia Alvaro,

Vacant,

Don Francifco Xavier Cabezon,

15,000

7500
2000

15,000

3000
20C0
2500
3250
6875
1875

* The valuation of tbefe preferments is taken from a Spanifh book lately publifli-
ed at Madrid: It makes the revenues of Toledo greater than the common efti-
mation of them : But I doubt if the account is exaggerated.

7. Zamora

IN SPAIN.

21

7. Z AMOR A Don Ifidro Cavanillas, 2500

8. OxENSE Don Francifco Auguftin de Euro, 1 500

9. Badajoz Don Manuel Perez Minago, 32 co

10. MoNDONNEDo Don Carlos de Riomol, i2co

11. Lugo Don Fr. Francifco Izquierdo, 1500

12. CiUDAD RoDRiGO Dou Jcfeph Viguezal, i2co

IV. GRANADA. Archbifliop, &c.

Don Pedro Antonio Barroet A, 621J0
SUFFRAGANS.

1. GuADfx Don Franc. Alexandre Bocanegra, jooo

2. Almeria Don Francifco Gafpar de Molina, 1125

V. BURGOS. Archbifliop, 5cc.

Don Onesimo Salamanca, ^7S^

SUFFRAGANS.

1. Pamplona Don Gafpar de Miranda, 3500

2. Calahorra Don Andres de Porras, -jooo

3. Palencia Don Andres de Buftamante, 2COo

4. Santander Don Franc. Xavier de Arriaza 1500

VI. TARRAGONA. Archbifliop, &c.

DouJayme de Cortada y' Bru', ^250
SUFFRAGANS.

1. Barcelona Don AlTenfio Sales, j rco

2. Gerona Don Manuel Antonio Palmera, 1250

3. Lerida Don Manuel Macias Pedrejon, 2000

4. ToRTosA Don Luis Garcia Mannero, 2 ceo

5. Vjq^tb Don Fr. Bartholome Sarmentero 750

6. Urgel Don Fr. Chathalan de Ocon, 1000

7. SoLSONA Don Fr. Jofeph de Mezquia, 625

VII. ZA-^

22 STATE OF RELIGION.

VII. ZARAGOZA. Archblfiiop, Sec.

Don Francisco de Anoa y Bas ta. 7|oo

SUFFRAGANS.

1. HuKscA Don Antonio Sanchez, I5P0

2. Barcastro Don Fr. Diego de Rivera, joco

3. Xaca Don Pafqual Lopez, 750

4. Tarazona Don Eftevan de Villanova, ^^75

5. Alcarracin Don Juan Navarro, loco

6. Teruel Don Fr. Rodriguez Chico, 2250

VIII. VALENCIA. Archbifliop, &c.

Don Andres Mayoral. '^I^IS^

SUFFRAGANS.

1. Sergove Don Fr. Bias de Arganda, 2000

2. Orihuela Vacant, 375^

3. Mallorca Don Lorenzo Defpuig, ^7S^

In AMERICA.

I, SANTO DOMINGO. Archbifliop.

Don Phelipe Ruiz de Ausmendi,

SUFFRAGANS.

1. Puerto Rico Don Pedro Martinez de Oneca.

2. Cuba Don Pedro Aguftin Morel.

3. Caracas Don Diego Diez Madronnero.

5 IL MEXi^

IN SPAIN.

^3

IL MEXICO. Archbifhop, &c.

Don Man. Rubio de Salinas.

SUFFRAGANS.

IV PUEBLA DE LOS An- -r* t-. •

GELEs ^°^ Domingo Alvarez de Abrea,

2. Oaxaca Don Ventura Blanco.

3. Mechoacan — Don Pedro Sanchez de Tagle,

4. Guadalaxara Don Francifco de Texada.

5. Yucatan Don Fr. Ignacio de Padilla,

6.. DuRANGo — • Don Pedro Tamaron.

ni. MANILA, Archbifliop, &c.

Don Manuel Antonio Roxo.

SUF FRAGANS.
T. Cebu' Vacant.

2. NuEVA Segovia - Don Juan de la Fuente.

3:. NuEVA Caceres •— Don Fr. Manuel de MatoSi

IV. GUATE MA L A. Archbifhop, 6cc.

Don Francisco de Figueredo.

SUFFRAGANS.
I.. Chiapa — . Don F. Jofeph Videlde Montezuma,
2.. Nicaragua Don Fr. Mato. Navia Bolano.

3. GoMAYAGUA — Don Diego Rodriguez Rivas,

V. LIMA. Archbifhop.
Don Diego del Gorro.

SUF FRAGANS.

I. Areqjtipa Don Jacinto Aquado / Chac6n.

^. Truxillo --~. Don Francifco de Luna Vidoria.

3. QiJ^ITOJ

24 STATE OF RELIGION

3. Quito ■ Don Juan Nieto Polo del Aqulla,

4. Cuzco ' Don Juan de Caflonneda.

5. GuAMANGA ■ Don Phelipc Manrique de Lara,

6. Panama — Don Man. Romani y' Carrillo,

7. Chile Don Man. de Alday.

8. CoNCEPCiON DE Chile Den Jofeph do Tore,

VI. C HA RC AS. Archbifliop.

Don Cayetano Marcellano' y' Agramont.

SUFFRAGANS.

1. N'^A" S^A* DE LA Paz Don Diego de Parada.

2. TucuivTAN Don Pedro de- Argadona,

3. S'^A- Cruz DE LA Sierra Don Fern. Perez de Oblltas.

4. Paraguay Don Manuel de la Torre.

5. Buenos Ayres ■ Don Jof. Ante Bafurco y Herrera,

VIL SANTA FE. Archbifliop.

Don Joseph Xavier de Arauz.

SUFFRAGANS.

1. PoPAYAN " Don Geronymo de Obregon.

2. Cartagena _ Don Manuel de Sofa y Betancur.

3. Santa Mart a - Don Nicolas Gil Martinez.

These were formerly in the nomination of the King, and after-
wards the Concordate. This is not tile cafe now. The Pope, the
King, and the Archbifhop of Toledo divide the' patronage. The
concordate was an old council or junto for that purpofe 5 but is
lately aboliflied.

The bifhoprics in Spain- have vejy iine revenues.- ,. The
biflibps always go in the following drefs ; A long robe, and a

purple

I N S P A I N. ^5

purple rochet. They generally carry a crucifix, wear a crofs up-
on their breads, and a ring.

The clergy of Spain who are not of any particular monaflic
order wear the regular drefs, confifting of a cafibck, and a hood
of flannel or filk. The caflbck has a cape ; and their hats arc
tucked up on both fnles. The ecclefiaftical eflates are very con-
fiderabie.

<^#*^#*^#*^=^*^**^**^*#^*#^#*^#*^**^*#^##^##^##^

LETTER IIL

Of the GOVERNMENT of SPAIN, the Cortes,
or Parliament, its Laws, Tribunals, Courts
of Judicature, &^c.

TH E government of Spain was, by its ancient conftitution,
a limited monarchy, of hereditary fucceilion, both in
males and females. The male line ended in Ferdinand, who
united Castile and Arragon, by marriage with Isabella of
Castile. That Princefs dying at Medina del Campo, in
1505, left iflue, I. John, who married Marge rite, daughter

E of

26 L A W S O F S P AT N.

of the Emperor Maximilian. 2. Isabella, married firft to
Prince Alphonzo, foil of John II. and afterwards to Emanuel
of Portugal. 3. Joan, who was afterwards Queen of Cas-
tile. 4. Mary, who married Emmanuel of Portugal.
5. Catherine, who marriisd Arthur Prince of Wales, and
afterwards PIenry VIII. of England.

Isabella appointed her heirs by will, the Princefs Donna
Juan A her third daughter, conjointly with her huihand the
Archduke Philip, of Burgundy, fon of the Emperor Maxi-
milian, who was firnamed Philippe le Flamand. In con-
fequence of this teftamentary difpofition, Philip claimed the
crown of Castile againft his father-in-law Ferdinand. This
difpute was however amicably adjuiled by an agreement in 1506,
that both parties (liould have equal power and authority. But
Philip dying that fame year, the power and crown of Spain
reverted entire into the hands of Ferdinand, who dying in
1 516, was fucceeded in the throne of Spain by his grandfon
Charles V. who was the fon of Philip by Donna Juana,
ftiled the Fool, who was the mother of two Emperors. And
thus the crown of Spain came into the houfe of Austria.
This monarchy was limited by its Corses, or Parliament, compo-
fed of rcprefentatives fent from the cities and towns, each of
which, according to the old Gothic plan, fent procurators,
or deputies, chofen by and out of the aldermen of their refpec-
tive cities. The eldeft member for Burgos always adled as
fpeaker of the houfe j though Toledo was a rival to Burgos
for -that privilege. In order to adjuft amicably their two claims,
the Kin;^ ufed to fiy on opening the feffion of the Cortes^ " I
*' will fpeak for Toledo, which will do what I order: But
"Jet Burgos fpeak fir/i -,' becaufe Burgos was anciently the
capital of Castile. .No a6l could pafs in this parliament by
majority of voices ; it required the unanimous aflcnt of all the mem-
berB. All its ads v/ere afterwards carried to the King to be con-
firmed. The members of. this parliament were always affembled
iw-xCortcSy by letters convocatory from the King and privy coun-
cil;

GOVERNMENT OF SPAIN. 27

cil.; and it was dilToIved by a notification from the prefident of
ihsit council. But notvvithftanding its diiTolution, a committee
of eight members ftill remained at court. This Cortes has rarely-
been called lince the year 1647, \vhen they gave Philip IV. the
millonest or general excife, and will probably never be affembled
any more, as their power is great, and they can call minifters fo
feverely to an account. The laft meeting of it that I know of,
was in May 171 3, when it affembled to receive the renunciation
of Philip V. to his rights upon the crown of France. This
affembly was antiently the keeper of the revenues of the crown.
But Charles V. and his minifters firft laid them alide, becaufe
they could get no money from them : And having obtained a grant
of the fale of the bull of the crufado from the Pope, they found
they could get money without the help of a Cortes, and fo took
their leave of an aflembly which few princes or minifters are fond
of feeing.

This antient Spanifh Cortes undoubtedly refembled our
English Parliament : For all the northern nations had originally
a like form of government, which was a Hmited monarchy, and
the legiflative authority v/as fo commixt in the King and the ef-
tateg, that no laws could be made, repealed, or fufpended, nor
any money raifed upon the fubjed:, but with their common con-
fent. But now this Cortes is laid afide; Spain is no longer a
mixed monarchy, but entirely abfolute j the whole government
being folely in the hands of the King and his minifters, and the
councils, which are altogether at their devotion. This change
from mixed to abfolute monarchy was occafioned by the timidity
of the commons of Castile, who having in their laft ftruggle
for expiring freedom, fupported for fome time a war againft the
crown, on a fmgle defeat deferted the noble caufe of liberty in the
moft abject manner. This war began in the year 1 520, and
lafted only two years: At v/hich time Char les V. carried his
point with a high hand, and told the Cvrtes, he would always
have the fupplies granted firft-, and then he would pafs the bills
they petitioned for, and not before \ to which they timidly fub-
mitted, and voted him four millions of ducats (about 4b'o,ooo/.'
ileriing) to be paid, in three years.

, E 2 Th.E'

tS PARLIAMENT OF SPAIN.

The writ antlently fent to each city, as a fummons to parlia-
ment, convened all the prelates, mailers of the military orders
of knighthood, earls, rich men, nobles, and procurators of the
cities and towns throughout the realm, in the following manner :
(take notice, that this is for Castile only, as Catalonia and
Arragon had a feparate Cortes.)

Members. Members. Members.

J'rom the City of ToRo 4 Truxillo 2

Burgos 8 Calahorra 2 Caneres 2

Toledo 5 Oviedo i Cadix 2

Leon 5 Xerez 2 Xeriz 4

Seville 3 Astorga i Bejar 3

CoRDUBA 3 RODRIGO I ViLLA ReAL 3

MURCIA 2 BaDAJOX I CuELLAR 3

Jaen 3 CoRiA 2 Tariff i

Abula 2 Guadalajara 2 Huete 2

Salamanca 8 Corunna i Andujar 2

Zamora 4 Medinadel Atienca 3

Segovia 2 Campo 2 Madrid 2

SoRiA 4 Cuenza 3 Alcaraz 2

VALLADOLID4 CaRMONA 2 St.SEBASTIAN2

Placentia 2 EzijA 2 Satiagun 2

BaEZA 3 VlTORIA 2 FUENTE Ru-

UbEDA 3 LoGRONNO I BIA I

This is copied from a writ inferted in Dr. Geddes's trails,
fent by Don Henry II. of Castile in 1390, and fummons 125
members to the Cortesy which was afterwards affembled in the
church of St. Salvador at Madrid. I am told, the oath,
which the Kings of Spain take at the Jtira on their acccffion, is
as follows : " I do promife and fwear to maintain, and to caufe to
*' be maintained, to all the nobles, prelates, churches, and mafters
" of the military orders ; and to all the cities, towns, and villages,
" all the fame privileges, grants, franchifes, exemptions, good
" ufiges and cuftoms, which they enjoyed in the reigns of my an-
" cellors, and in the fame manner."

Their Kings, according to the laws of Spain, are declared
of age, or out of their minority, on the completion of their four-
teenth

LAWS OF SPAIN.

29

teenth year. In regulating the fucceflion, after the death of
Charles If. a medium was obferved between the Salic law y and
the ufage of Castile; namely, that any w^z/^ heir, howfoever
diftant, Diould inherit before 2i female, who was to have no right
but after the extindion of every male-branch.

SPANISH LAW, TPvIBUNALS, and
COURTS OF JUSTICE.

THE Laws of Spain are compounded chiefly o£ the Rowan
civil law, the royal edids, and probably certain provincial
cudoms. Where they thought the Ro??ian law was not fufficiently
extenfive, they have made large additions of their own. Thefe
are called the Leyes de Fartidas ; and form at prefent a fyfleni
of modern Spanijhl-.'scKNy and have been publifhed by Blrni and
Cat ALA in fix volumes odlavo. The name Fartidas comes from
the divifion of them into chapters. As to what we call Common
Law in England, the Spaniards have no fuch thing; their
provincial cufloms have fome refemblance to it, but their laws
are Leges ScRiPTiE. Much, however, oi \he feudal 2x\A Got hie
conftitutions ftill remain : Thus the grandees have flill their vaf-
fals, and very extenfive powers over their perfons. The fi:udy of
the Spanifh lawyers confiils chiefly in that of their old Gothic
code, or the Fuero Jufgo, as they call it, which I apprehend to be
a more complete body of Gothic law than any thing of that fort
ever publiflied. It was compiled by Sijenardo a Gothic prince,
in 631, was printed in 1600. It would have been a very confi-
derable addition to Lindenbi'ogius'^ Gothic Code, who has omitted
the Gothic laws made in Spain. Then the Code of Don San-
CHo, in the year 1000; then the Fuero Royal o£ Alphonso X.
in the year 1255 : The Roman Codes ^ digcfis, pandeds, &;c. and
after thefe the Leyes de Fartidas, the Fraginatica, the royal cdids,
mandates, &c. Thofe v>'ho would know minutely and accu-
rately the ftate of the Spaniih law, (liould read Apparatus ^fu-
rls Fublici Hifpaijici: Fa lent ice, 2 vol. 8vo. and Sacra Fhemidis
JiifpanicdB^ 4to. '^ind, L'HiJloire du Droit Royal dEsPAG^E.

E 3 Thejr

30 SPANISH TRIBUNALS.

Their great court of civil law is divided into the two chance*
ries of Valladolid and Granada, which include the whole
kingdom. Tho' Arragon, Valentia, and Catalonia loft
their old privileges ; yet they ftill retain a court of chancery among
themfelves in audiences held in the capital of each of thofe king-
doms, whofe determinations are fubjecl only to the fupreme council
of Cast I LE. If it be a cafe of property, the fuit is commenced in
that chancery to which the plaintiff belongs, and then the affair
is referred to the Confejo Real y Supremo, at which the King may
order, if he pleafes, all the deputy-councils to affift. The deter-
mination here is not final, becaufe an appeal ftill lies to the Sala
de Mil y ^inientos I but that is final, and beyond it is no dernier
refort. The tribunals of Valladolid and Granada were
inftituted by Don Henry of Castile, enlarged by Don John
I. and put on their prefent footing by Ferdinand and Isabel-
la in 1499.

All other caufes go before the reipedlive courts to which they
belong, whether civil, criminal, or commercial, which are as
follow :

I . 'The Royal or fupreme Council ofCASTiLE,

This and the following council are frequently affembled as one,:
to determine appeals made from the chanceries of Valladolid
and Granada : And fometimes affairs of the police are referred
to them by the King.

II. The fecond Hall of Government.

The determinations of thefe are not final, but the ultimate appeal
lies to the following court.

III. The Hall of the Mil y pimentos.

So called, becaufe the parties muff firff depofite here one thoufand
five hundred doblas, (about 223/.) before the appeal can be
lodged, which is not a large fum, confidering law-expences.
This is nothing elfe but a committee of the fupreme council.

IV. The Hall of Jufiice.

This is a court for matters purely litigious, and is a part of the
fupreme council.

V. The

AND COURTS OF JUSTICE. 31

V. The Hall of the Province .

This is a court of matters chiefly relating to the police,

VI. T^he Fjfcal: the Office of the Attorney General for thi
"Royal Council.

VII. T^he Hall of the Alcaydes de la Cafa y Corte,

This hall was inftituted by Alphonzo X. to fuperintend the lodg-
ings for the court, and to provide them. As every houfc in
the kingdom was fubjed: to this inconvenience, the landlords of
lioufes made a compolition with the crown to get rid of this
grievance : and this compofition is faid to amount to 150,000
ducats per annum. This council was efcablifhed to preferve
this prerogative : and this court antiently found lodgings for all
foreign ambafladors, as may be iitQVi \xv Sir Richard Fan-
SHAw's account of his embafTy at the court of Madrid.

VIII. T^he Supreme Council of War.

This determines all caufes relating to the army ; excepting what
belongs to the council of the Indies.

IX. Council of the Inquiftion.

This confifts of an inquifitor-general ; of five counfellors, whereof
one muft alv/ays be a Dominican ; of a procurator -, two fecre-
taries of the chamber ; two fecretaries of the council -, an Al-
guazil-rL\2.yor ; a receiver ; two reporters^; two qualificators, and
confultors, and a legion of familiars j or Ipies.

The fupreme office of this Holy Trihinal, as they call it, is at
Madrid ; but there are alfo inferior holy tribunals, or inquili-
tionary offices, placed in the great cities almoft all over Spain.
Thefe are the great flate-curbs that hold the people in fuch an
implicit religious obedience, and preferve their boailed uniformity
of faith. *' Among you English," they cry, *' you have as ma-
** ny religions as diftrid:s ; but here all is undividedly Roman-
*' catholic." 'Tis true, we English are enemies to all perfecutive
principles; we breathe the fpirit of toleration and humanity, and
are unwilling to roafl: any man into Protcilantifm, or convince by
racks, inftead of Bibles. I remember 1 faw at Segovia the tra-
gic icotfteps of the inquifition, whicJi once was there, but is
4 nov/

32 SPANISH TRIBUNALS,

now removed, in the badges of 5C0 Jews, who had been burnt
in that fingle office only. The inquifitor Torqiiemada (according
to Madame D'aunois's account) in the time of Ferdinand and
Isabella, tried above 100,000 fouls, of which 6000 were burnt
in lefs than 14 years time.

This court w^as eredled in the Xlllth century, about the year
125 1. Pope Innocent IV. authorized the Dominicans as perpe-
tual inquiiltors : Clement IV. confirmed thefe powers, and en-
larged their privileges and tribunals in the year 1265. It was ef-
tabliflied in Castile under Ferdinand and Isabella, and in.
Portugal by John III. in the year 1557. In 1483 Ferdi-
nand obtained a bull to conftitute the inquifition in Arragon
and Valentia from Sixtus IV. who afterwards extended it all
over the catholic dominions.

This holy office ufed antiently to acknowledge only the power
of the Pope above it, and bad defiance to all other controul. It
raifed itfelf far above the authority of their Kings, who were of-
ten bridled, humbled, and even puniflied by it. It then was truly
formidable, when fupported by the united force of papal and royal
authority. Their auto de feSy or folemn a6ts of faith, ufed to be
exhibited commonly when their princes came of age, or at their
acceffion.

In the year 1724, there was^ printed in London in 12®. An
Account of the Trial and bufferings of Mr. Isaac Martin, ^i^ho
was put into the Inqiiijltioji in S^ain, for the fake of the Protejiajjt
Religion.

This man, a native of London, a member of the church of
England, kept a pofada^ or inn, at Malaga, and traded as a,
merchant with fuch captains of merchant-fhips as touched there,
taking their adventure, and giving them the produd: of the coun-
try In return, fuch as wine, fruit, oil, G?r. He came, with a wife
and four children, to fettle at Malaga in the year 1714, and ha-
ving ftayed th-^re four years, was accufed by a fet of Irifh papifts,
who envied his better fuccefs in trade, in the bifiiop's court, of
fuch crimes as they commonly charge Proteflants with ; fuch a&

his

TRIBUNAL OF THE INQUISITION, 33

his being a Jew, and an heretic, and having given too much fcm-
dal, by his difcourfe and adions, to the Malagans, in regard to rcH-
gion and matters of faith. This was fufHcient to accompUfli his
ruin, which was the end they aimed at. In the year 171 8, he was
taken up by order of the holy office, and conveyed to the inqui-
fition of Granada, from whence after eight months imprifon-
ment, and many vain attempts, by threats and hard ufage, to make
him turn catholic, he was releafed in the following manner : As
the man was an Englifh proteftant, redding there under the pro-
tedion of treaties fubfifting between the two crowns, his com-
mitment and detention were a manifefl violation of thofe treaties,
and of the law of nations : accordingly the Englifh Conful at Ma-
laga reprefented the cafe in a proper manner to the Englidi mi-
niller, and the minifter in confequence laid the affair before one
of the fecretaries of flate ; who immediately reprefented the mat-
ter to his majefty George I. who was gracioully pleafed to fend
a very fpirited remonftrance to Cardinal Alberoni, Philip V.'s
hrfl minifter, claiming his own fubjecfl, and infifting upon the
immediate releafe of the faid Isaac Martin from the prifon of
the inquifi-tion, and defiring that he might be fent back to Eng-
land. The cardinal, upon this, applied to the inquifitor-general
to know how the cafe ftood : This gentleman, whofe nan:ic was
Don Jacinto de ABRANA,fcnt to the inquifitors at Granada for
a true account of the cafe ; and then wrote a letter to the cardi-
nal, ftating the matter to him ; upon which the cardinal gave or-
ders for his releafe. The original letter, v/hich the inquifitor-ge-
neral wrote to cardinal Alberoni upon this fubje(ft, accidentally fell
into my hands : It is manifellly a letter written defigncdly to be
fhewn to the Englifli miQiftry, in order to judify the inquifition
in fo illegal and inhuman a procedure. There was, no doubt,
another private letter written by the lame inquifitor to the car-
dinal, flating the real injuftice and indefenfible circumftanccs of
this imprifonment ; otherwife had the account given in tliis pu-
blick letter been ftridly true, the poor man had never been releafed
at all. What the inquifitor in this letter fays, indeed, was true
enough, that feveral witncffes of Malaga had laid fuch charges
iigainft the faid Isaac Martin. But he conceals what was
equally true, that thefe witnefies were a fct of Irifli pnpills, who,

F out

'^4 TRIBUNAL of the INQUISITION.

out of envy to the man as a more fortunate trader, accufed him
before the inquijition : that thefe were not only envious witnefles,
but falfe witnefles, and had crouded into their charge many lies
and little truth. A religion muft be grounded upon very flimfy evi-
dence, that has recourfe to fuch wretched fliifts, to fuch low ar-
titices for its fupport. The interceffion of George I. did indeed
releafe this unhappy object -, but how was he releafed? He receiv-
ed, upon his enlargement, two hundred lafhes, was whipped and
pelted for three quarters of an hour through the flireets of Gra-
nada, ftripped and plundered of all his efteds, fent back to Ma-
laga, and then put aboard a fl:iip, with his wife and children,
to fhift for themfelves. — Upon a view of this cafe, I think one
cannot help faying, that the tender mercies of the inquifition are
cruel', and if this be the juftice of a chriftian country, let my
lot be thrown among barbarians. The letter, which the Inquifi-
tor-general wrote to cardinal Alberoni, upon this occafion, is an
original piece never before publiflied, and is as follows :

+

B,mm'intntiJJimo Senor, . Moft Eminent Sir.

Senor, Sir,

'UN ciimpJimiento del prezepfo JN obedience to the commands

de Viujlra Enuninencia acerca of your Eminence concern-

dela prifjion, que fe hlzo, por el ing the imprifonment, by order

Santo Ofjizio de la Inquijltmi de of the holy office of the inquifi-

Granada, de la perjona de Ifaac tion of Granada, of the perfon

Martin 'vewino de la ciiidad de of Ifaac Martin, inhabitant of

Malaga 'y Deho decir a Viiefira Malaga : I ought to inform your

Efnminencia, que ef.e ileo j'uete- Eminence, that that criminal

ftijicado en la hiqut/ition por nueve was proved in the inquifition by

teftigos, de que fe jaciaba de fer nine v/itnclles to have boafled,

ohfervante de la Ley de Moyjes; that he was an obferver of the

y que con efcandalo de muchos de- law of Mofes ; and to the fcan-

cia, cftabamos eiiganados los Ca~ dal of many he faid, that we Ca-

tholicos en la creencia de nucjira tholics were in an error in the

Jagrada Religion : y quejiendo ajji belief of our mc/l; holy religion :

6 And

TRIBUNAL OF the INQUISITlOxV.

:>:>

que miichos Tngkfes Profeftantes And altho' many Englifli Pro-
hac'ian reverencia al fantijjimo fa~ teftants did reverence to the
cramcntOy quando pajjaba por las mofh holy facrament, when it
calks, 6 entraban efi las ygkfias, pafTed along the ftreets, or when
no folo no la hazia ejie Reo, Jino they entered into the churches :
que vohia las efpaldas, y f err aba Yet this criminal did not only
las vent anas de Jus caj'as, quando not do this, but turned his back
pajjciba algiina ProceJ/ion, para upon it, and fliut the (butters of
que fus hijos y jamilia ?20 hizieffen his windows when any procef-
adoracion : ^le ha hablado con fion palTed by, in order that his
Catholicos malamente de elfu?nf?io children and family might not
Pontifice, y de las fantas Lna- worfliip the HofI:. And that he
genes i y articulos del Purgato- hath fpoken defamatory words
rio : T que baviendo embiado a to catholics of the Pope, of the
fus hijos a la efcuela, tiibo un dif~ holy images, and our articles of
gujio con el maejlro, por que los faith relating to purgatory. And
enfcnnaba a perjignarje.y las or- that having fent his children to
aciones ', y por ejio los faco de di- fchool, he was difguiled with
cha Efcuela : f que hofpedo a un the mafter, becaufe he taught
yudio que paffaba a Liorna, ha- them to crofs themfelves, and
viendo graves indlcios de que fe to fay prayers : And that for this
vino huyendo de Portugal, por te- reafon he took them from the
mor de quefeprendiejje aquellain- faid fchool : And that he lodged
quijition. a Jew in his houfe, who was

going to Leghorn, there being
ilrong proofs, that that Jew lied
from Portugal for fear of being
apprehended by the inquifition
of that kingdom.

CON ejia informazion fue With this information or-

mandado prender, y ejla confeffb ders were given by the Inquili-

en caji todos los cargos, negando tion for apprehending the per-

folo elfer fudio. T ejlando de- fon of the laid Ifaac Martin, and

terminado por los fagr ados canones he hath confelTed almoft all the

y leyes de ejios reynos, y por los articles of the charge againfl

capitulos de Pazes entre ejla y la him, but abfolutely denies his

corona de Ttigalaterra, que el being a Jew. It being however

F 2 de-

36 TRIBUNAL of the INQUISITION.

fanto officio pueda y deba proze- determined by the facred canons,
der contra los Tnglcfes que dieren and the laws of thefe kingdoms,
efcandalo en piinto de religion ; no and by the articles of our trea-
Jolo no ha contravenido en la prif- ties of peace between this crowu
Jion de ejie Rco a ello, fmo que el and that of England, that the
procedimiento es en fu conformi- holy office may and ought to
dady ohferbancia : For lo qual, proceed againft fuch Englifh-

men, as fay any thing fcandalous
in matters of religion : The ho-
ly office has not only not done
any thing contrary to the faid
canons, laws, and treaties of
peace, in the imprifonment of
this criminal, but tho, procedimus
is in conformity to them, and
obfervance of them. Where-
fore,

SXJPPLICO aVuep-aEjmnl- I supplicate your Emi-
nencia fe Jirva mandar refponder; nence to give for anfwer (to the
que el fanto officio prozede jufta y Engliffi minijlery I fuppofej that
lexitimamente. O como Vuejlra the holy office hath proceeded
Emminencia flier e fervido. lawfully and rightly in this mat-

ter : Or that your Eminence
hath been obeyed.

DIOS guarde a Vueftra Em- God preferve your Eminence

minencia los muchos anosy que many years, which I pray that

puede y lefupplico. Madrid, he may. Madrid, the 25th

y Abril 2^ de jyiS. of April, 1 7 1 & .

Emminentiffinio Scnory Mofl: eminent Sir,

Bcfo los ?nanos de Vueftra Em- I kifs your Eminence's hande,

minencia. Your moft truly

Su mas rendido Servidor and affed;ionately

Jacinto de Abraiia. Jaci?ito de Abrana.

Al Emmlncntiffimo Senor Cardenal A heron: . To his Eminence Caidifial AXhexoxvu

But

TRIBUNAL OF the INQUISITION. 37

But now, thank God, thefe fanguinary ads of faith fcem to
be growing out of vogue in Spain. There has not been, I am
told, an auto defe at Madrid for thefe twelve years ; which was
owing to this circumftance : A Jew, and his wife, and a daughter
of about thirteen years of age, being condemned to be burnt; while
the father and mother were burning, they fet the child loofe from
its fetters, and the priefts got round it, with a view of converting
it by the united force of their rhetoric, and the terrors of imme-
diately undergoing the fame cruel death. The child, after feem-
ing to liften a while to their oratory, gave a fudden fpring, and
vaulted into the midft of the fire ; giving a fliining example of
the force of early piety, of an heroic fortitude equal to that of the
moft refolute Roman, or the moil unihaken martyr.

The power of this tribunal is now declining very vifibly, and
feems haftening to its fall; for the prefent King of Spain has
taken a bolder ftep to humble the inquifition, than any of the Phi-
lips or Charles's who went before him. The inquifitor-ge-
neral having thought proper, laft year, to prohibit a liturgy which
the king had licenfed, without confulting his majefty about it;
the king, with a very proper fpirit, put the inquifitor under an ar-
reft, and immediately lent him, guarded with a file of grenadiers,
into exile, in a convent, at a great diftance from Madrid. So
determined and refolute a meafure as this, alarmed the whole body
of the clergy ; they moved heaven and earth to obtain the in qui-
fi tor's recal ; but for fome time their endeavours had no tK'^-d: :
The king was inflexible. The common people were taught by
their priefts to fay, that his Catholic Majefly was no good catho-
lic in his heart. At length, however, the king reilored the inqui-
fitor to his liberty : but in fuch a manner, as that prelate had no
reafon to triumph; for his majefiy, at the time of releaHng him,
pubiidied at Madrid the following edid:, which I fliall here give
in the original Spanifli, and fubjoin to it a tranllation.

TJAviendo confidcroJo q^' no jLlAvingconfidered that my re-

pucde fatisjdcer mi rcligiofo ligious zeal cannot fatisfy

Celo las Jinc^ros dcfeos q'- tcngo de the fincere deiire I prefer vc fpr

froteger en todus occafiones las dc~ protei5ting on all occafions either

5 the

401115

:>

8 TRIBUNALoF the IN QU I S I T I O N.

tcrminaTJ' dc Ja Santa Sedcy ni the determinations of the holy-

las del Tribunal de laTnquiJiz" de fee, or thofe of the inquifition

ejios Reynos en los graves, e im- of theie kingdoms in the ferious

prt antes ajjiwiptos, que ejian en- and important bufinefs com-

comendddos a fu ciudado, y que mitted to their care, and which

con tanto Cclo procura dejhnpen- is executed with fo much zeal

jzar, Ji antes que todos mis vafal- by that tribunal, unlefs I fhould

los no tengo previa notiz'' de las be acquainted with thofe fam.e

inifmas deternmiaz" y fmofe efla- determinations previous to any

blecen las mas feguras reglas para notice given of them to my vaf-

evitar antes de fu pronulgazicn fals, and unlefs the mofl fecure

todos riefgos de embarazo, e in- regulations fhould be eftabliflied

co?nben" he refuelto defpues de una for avoiding before the publica-

madura deliherazion, y confulta tion thereof every danger of em-

de mi Cofifejo, q' en adelante toda baraflment or inconvenience ; I

Bula, Breve, Refcripto, Exorta- have refolvcd after mature deli-

tiouy 0 Carta Pontijizia Jbbre beration, and with advice of my

qualquiera afjumpto que fea, que council, that henceforwards nei-

trate de efiabkcer Ley, Regla, u ther pontifical bulls, briefs, re-

obfervanzia gen^ que venga diri- fcripts, exliortations, nor letters

gida, y a fea en particular, 6 ge- upon any fubjed: whatfoever,

7ieral a los Tribunales, Juntas, treating to eflablifh a law, regu-

Arzpos, Obifpos, 6 Rr dados de lation, or general obfcrvance,

ejios Reynos^ no fe haya de publi- whether diredred in particular,

car, y obedezer^ Jin que primero or in general to the tribunals,

conjie baverla To vijio, y Exami- juntas, magi{l:racies,archbilhops,

nado, y q' el Nuncio App'^Ji vi- bifliops,or prelates of thefe king-

niefe dirigida por fu mano la haya doms, fliall be publiilied, or o-

pafada a las mias por la via re- beyed, unlefs it appears to have

fervada de EJlado -, que qualquier been firft feen, and examined by

Bula, 6 Breve de negozios entre Me ; and if ever they fliould be

partes, 6 perfonas particular' ya addrelled to the apoftolic nun-

fuere de gracia, 6 jtfliz^ fe pre- cio, he muft pafs them to my

fente, y examine en el Confejo de hands by the fecretary of ftate's

Cafilldfpueda verfe,fi defu ege- office: And that all bulls or

cuz" puede refultar algun perjuicio briefs for bufinefs between pri-

al Concordato, a las Leyes, hue- vate perfons or parties, whether

nos ufos, y coflumbres, y quiet ud they be of grace or juflice, fhall

be

TRIBUNAL OF the INQUISITION. 39

del ReynOi 6 perjuicio de terxerOy be prefented to, and examined

exceptuando iinicam^' de ejia pre- by the council of Caftile, in or-

fe?itaz" las difpe?jfas, y Breves, der to difcover, if any prejudice

queje expidefi por lafacra Fe?ii- can refult from its obfervance,

tenziaria para elfuero interno de either to the concordatum or to

la conzienz^ que el Tnq"' general the laws, good cudoms and prac-

no piiblique edidlo dlguno dlmana- tices, or to the tranquillity of the

do de Bulla, 6 Breve Pontifzio, kingdom, or to the prejudice of

Jinque fe le pafe de mi or den a efie any third perfon, excepting fole-

Jin,jupuefio que todos los ha de en- ly from this prefentation, the

tregar el iiuncio a mi perfona 6 a difpenfations and briefs difpatch-

mi primer fecretario del dejpacho ed by the holy penitenciary for

de ejiado, y que Ji perteneciefe a the internal forum of confcien-

prohibizion de libros, ohferve la ces : And that the inquifilor-

forma prevenido en el Auto acor- general fliall not publifh any

dado I \. tituloj^' lib. i^- ha- edid:, proceeding from any pon-

ziendolos examinar de nuebo, y tifical bull, or brief, unlefs it be

prohibiendolos Ji lo merecieren por tranfmitted to him by my order;

propia potejiad, y Jin injertar cl for they muil all be delivered by

Breve : ^e tatnpoco publiqi(e el the nuncio to my perfon, or to

Tnq**" geyieral ediilo alguno, 6 ex- my f.rfl: fecretary of Hate; and

purgatorio en la corte nij'uera de that if they belong to the pro-

ellajin dar me parte por el Jeer e- hibition of any books, the for-

tario del dejpacho de grazia y ju- mality mull be obferved., as ex-

Jiiz" 0 enjujalta cerca de mi per- prefied in the 14th Auto, tit. 7.

Jona por el de ejiado, y que fe le book I. caufing the books to be

haya rejpondido que lo conjiento, y examined again, and then, if
Jinahif que antes de condcnar el , they fliould deferve it,' prohi-

rnq"' general y el tribunal de la biting them by his own authority,

Tnrf" qualq" Hbro,6 papel.ciga las and without infertijig the brief:

dcjenfas, que quijieren hazer lo: And likewife that the inquifitor-

interefados citandolos para ello con- general ftiall not publiili in t'le

forme a las regies prefcriptas a la court, or out of it, any edicft, or

lyiqujiz" de Roma por cl Fapa expurgatory, without f^ril giving

Bcnedicio XIF. en la Conjlituzion notice thereof to me, by the fe-

App''' que empieza, {olic'it^ ac pro- cretary of diijpatch, of grace,and

vida. En Bucn Reiiro a 2j de juiLicc, or in his abfence, from

Nov. de 1761. my perfon, by the fecretary of

Hate ;

40 TRIBUNAL of the INQUISITION.

( jftate; nor without obtaining In

anfwer my confent : And finally,
that before any book or paper be
condemned by the inquifitor -ge-
neral, or by the tribunal of the
inquifition, they {hall hear the
defence that the concerned may
defire to make, citing them for
that purpofe, according to the
regulations prefcribed to the in-
quifition of Rome by Pope Be-
nedid XIV. in the Apoftolic
Confi:itution, which begins. Soli-
citaacproviddj 6cc. Buen Retiro,
the 27th November 1761.

X. The Royal Council of the Indies,
The Duke of Alva is chancellor of it. This is juridical only.

LETTER

LETTER III. PART IL

COUNCILS, HALLS, and TRIBUNALS.

XI. JxOyal Council of the Orders of Knighthood,

Inftituted for the regulation and government, and to preferve the
privileges of thofe orders, by Ferdinand the Catholic, in
1489. As thefe Spanifh orders feemnot to be very v^ell known
in England, I will now give fome account of them. They are,

1. The Order of the Golden Fleece.

2. Of St. James, or San Jago.

3. Of Alcantara.

4. Of Calatrava.

5. Of MONTESA.

6. Of THE Habit of Christ.

I. The Order of the Golden Fleece came originally from the houfe
of Burgundy. Fhilip the Goody Duke of Burgundy, infti-
tuted it in 1429. The collar of this order has a lamb hanging to
it, with this motto, Pretium ?ion vile laborum. The prefent mem-
bers of this order are as follow :

LIST of the KNIGHTS of the GOLDEN FLEECE;

as it food in the Tear 1760.

The KING, Chief and Sovereign cf the Order.
TheMARQUEz DE Grimaldo, Chancellor.
CoNDE DE Canillas, Rcgijicr.
D. Manuel Munoz y' Hestakte, King at Arras.

G KNIGHTS.

42 GOLDENFLEECE.

KNIGHTS,

1, Due DE NoiALLES, March 7, 1702.

2. CoNDE DEL MoNTijo, December 9, 1713.
->. Due DE Sully, December 31, 17 14.

4. Marquez DE Arienzo, March 16, 1719.

5. The Serene Duke of Parma, May 27, 1723.

6.' COMTE DE COIGNI, July 22, I734.

7. The Serene Infant Don Luis, Odober 24, 1735.

8. Duc^UE DE SoRA, Odober2i, ^736.

9. Don Miguel Reggio, December 18, 1737.

10. Marquez de las Minas, January 23, 1738.

11. Due DE Penthievre, April 27, 1738.

12. PRiNeE Albert of Poland, November 28, 1738.

13. The King OF pRANeE, March 13, 1739.

14. The Mofl Serene Dauphin, March 13, 1739.

15. CoNDE DE Jablonewski, January 2 o, 1740,

16. Elector of Bavaria, January 20, 1742.
37. Due DE Belleisle, April 5, 1742.

1 8. Due DE Lauraguais, June 19, 1745.
ig. DuQUE DE Alva, May 26, 1746.

20. CoMTE DE NoAiLLES, May 27, 1746,

21. DuQuE DE Medina CoELi, April 9, 1748.

22. Serene Prince of Asturias, January 3, 1749,

23. Duke CleM'ENT of Bavaria, June 11, 1749.

24. Marquez de laEnsenada, April 12, 1750.

25. Duque de Bejar, April 12, 1750.

26. Prince of Parma, February 2, 1751.

27. King of Naples, February 2, 1751.

28. Serene Infant Don Gabriel, June 9, 1752.

29. Serene Duke OF Orleans, June 9, 1752.

30. Prince Masseran, September 22, 1752.

31. Principe de San Nicandro, September 22, 1752.

32. Duque de Bournombile, December 18, 1753.

33. Marquez DE Villa Franca, December 18, 1753.

34. Duque de Medina-Sidonia, December 18, 1753.
2^. Serene Duke of Burgundy, March 27, 1754.

36. Constable Colonna, December 16, 1755.

37. Sc:

SAN JAGO, ALCANTARA, &c. 43

37. Serene Infant Don Antonio, January 16, J 756.

38. CoNDE DE Aranda, April 13, 1756.

39. Serene Infant Don Francisco, March u, 1757.

40. Marquez de Monte Alegre, September 5, 1758.

Created Jince, on the Rupture between England and Spain.
Due DE Choiseul.

CoNDE DE FUENTES, ^C,

The grand maflerlliip of this order was made hereditary in the
Kings of Spain, of the houfe of Auftria : confequently the pre-
fent King of Spain has no right to it. — The reil were'inilituted
to encourage a fpirit of cruzading.

II. T^Jje Order of San Jago, or St. Jamesy is divided into twelve
governments. It was inltituted in the twelfth century, and con-
firmed by Pope Alexander III. in the year 1175. ^^^ reve*
nues, arifmg from 87 commanderies, are computed at 230,000
ducats, (28,750 pounds.) Each knight is obliged, by his feudal
tenure, to furnifli the King yearly with 368 lances, to make war
againlf the infidels. They compound for this with the Kino-, and
pay a certain yearly fum.

III. The Order of Alcantara was called the noble -y becaufe, to
be a knight, you mull: prove your nobility for four generations
pail ; whereas the other orders required only a proof through two
defcents. The knights of Alcantara have 38 commanderies,
worth 200,000 ducats, (25,000 pounds.) Thefe furnifh only 138
lances to the King.

IV. The Order of Calatrava, inftituted in the twelfth century,
for the defence of that city againft the Moors in 1 158, and Pope
Alexander III. confirmed it. They have 54 commanderies,
worth 110,000 ducats revenue, (13,750 pounds.) They furnifli
300 lances to the King.

V. The Order of Montefa Is only worn in Valentia, and
was eftabliflied in i3i7. It has 9 commanderies.

The King of Spain is grand mallicr of thefe orders.

G 2 Be.

44 COUNCILS AND HALLS.

Besides thefe the prefent King of Spain has now introduced
the NeapoHtan order of St. Janu arius ; And has ordered that to
be worn in his court above the French order of the St. Efpn't, or

tiir.t of the Go/den Fleece.

XII. Royal Council of the Haztenda, or freqfury.

This is not properly the treafury, but rather a court of exchequer :
All the King's revenues are received by an annual treafurer,
who is generally a member of this body. This council was
inftituted by Philip III.

XIII. The Hall of the Millones.

Here are paid in the imports called Alcavalas and Millones, the
firft of which are the moft ancient revenues of the crown of
Spain, eftablifhed originally by the Moors. They were at firft
a fifth, afterwards a tenth part of the value on goods bought
or fold. They are now about i/\. per cent, and are exacted alfo
on private confumption, as if you kill your own meat, &c. you
pay the Alcavala. The Millones are a fort of general excife
given by the Cortes to Philip IV. in 1647, are theheavieft tax
in all Spain, and renewed every fix years.

XIV. The Hall of Jtijiice and Grace,

This is an office, through which all commiffions and grants of
the crown pafs.

XV. Tribunal of the Greater Chamber of Accompts.

I'his is a check upon the King's treafurers ; for the gentlemen
of this office audit all their accounts, and can rejed: any part of
them. It was eftablifhcd in 1574, by Philip 11.

XVI. General Cornmiffian of Crufade.

When Charles V. grew tired of alking money of his Cortes,
and was v/illing to free himfelf from their controul ; in order
to become abfolute, he had recourfe to other expedients of get-
ting money, and fet himfelf at work to find other fourccs, for

his

PAPALBULLS. 45

his royal revenues. With this view he petitioned Clement
VII. to grant him the profits arifing from the fale of thofe in-
dulgences, v^^hich are contained in the bull of the crufado. The
Pope very complaifantly granted the requeft ; and the contriv-
ance compleatly anfw^ered that prince's expedtation : For indul-
gences have always fold better in Spain, than in any other
country. There are four bulls granted by the fee of Rome to
Spain exclufively; thefe are,

I. The Bull of the Crufadoy which grants plenary indulgence to
all who {hall ferve perfonally for the fpace of one year in war
againft the infidels ; or if they fend foldiers to that fervice y or if
they contribute two rials of plate (about the value of an Englifli
fhilling) for that purpofe. In the Indies, where money was to
be had in greater plenty, the price of this bull was prodigious j it
has been fold for a pound of gold. Thofe that purchafe this bull
twice in one year, have a double indulgence or abfolution : For it
lafts only for the fpace of one year, fo that a new one muft be
bought annually by every individual. The next bull is,

II. The Bull for the Dead. This being bought for any dead
perfon, it enfures them abfolution from all fin, and fets them free
from purgatory.

III. The Bull of Compofition. This entitles the purchafers to a
right to any ftolen goods, or fuch efifedts as they may be unlaw-
fully pofielfed of; for by buying this indulgence, they compound
with the Pope for them. How much fhorter a procefs is this,
than our Englifh method of hearings in the King's Bench, or a
tedious chancery- fuit ! One twelve-penny indulgence adjudges the
property to the thief himfelf. This the Pope does by virtue of
his being fuprerne lord of all temporal, as well as fpiritual goods.

IV. The lafl is the Bull of Milk. This is an indulgence to eat
flefli, butter, cheefe, and eggs in Lent.

Thus you fee the bufinefs of this council, or general cotnmifjion
<f Crufadey is to diftribute thofe bulls 5 to raife a revenue to the

erowii>.

46 BOARDS AND JUNTA'S

crown, under a pretence of levying a tax for crufading: Its great
obje6l is the maintenance of Ceuta, for that is the fole fenurehy
which they hold the grant of thofe bulls : For were they to lofe
Ceuta, they would lofe all pretenfions to this tax, which would
revert to the fee of Rome. In this council all books of religion are
examined ; no breviary nor miffal can be printed without its li-
cence. It is the depofitary offlolen goods unowned. It was ereded
in the year 1525. All the King's fubjeds are obliged to buy the
indulgence belonging to the kill of the Crufado, to enable them
to o-o to confeflion, receive abfolution, and to communicate ; for
if they bring not this bull, the priefts will neither abfolve them,
nor give them the wafer. This very confiderable part of the crown
revenues was given in confequence of Cardinal Ximenes's expedi-
tion into Africa. All the benefices in Spain are taxed for the
crufade. Toledo alone pays 50,000 ducats yearly, (6250 pounds ;)
the contribution of the clergy is great, but of the laity ftill more :
Thefe bulls are faid to produce yearly, in Spain only, 1,200,000
ducats (above 57,000 /. ilerl.) and about double that fum in
America. Thofe who die without having bought them, die ex-
communicated.

XVII. Board of Works and Forrejis.

XVIII. Council of Commerce » Money, and Mines ', or a board
of trade.

XIX. Jimta de Facidtades y de Viudedades.

What the nature of this board is, I cannot fay, having made fe-
veral enquiries in vain about it : Tho' I am inclined to believe,
that it relates to cafes of property and perfonal eftates, and par-
ticularly widows jointures.

XX. Apojlolical Junta.
To appoint millionarics.

XXI. Junta of Tobacco.

To manage the farm of the tobacco.

XXII. Ju?2ta

TRIBUNALS AND ACADEMIES. 47

XXII. 'Junta of the Trovtjions.

This is a council of perfons of rank and property, who are obliged
to furnifh Madrid with bread and all other provilions at a fixt
price. It has the preference of the firfl: purchafe at all markets.

XXIII. Tribunal of the jirfi Phyjician.

Don Joseph Sunol, of the Council of his Majefty, and firft

Phylician of the Chamber, Prejtdent.
Don Miguel Barbon, of the Council of his Majefty, and his

Phylician of the Chamber, Vice-prejident,
Don Joseph Amar, Phyfician to his Majefty, and iiFft Phyfician,.
Don Andres Piquer, Phyfician of the Chamber of his Majefty,

and firft Phyfician.
Don Matthias de la Rubia, Ajjejjor.
Don Fr. Ant. de Vergara, Fifcal.
Don Fr. Xavier de Quesada, Secretary.

XXIV. Tribunal of the Nonciature^ or Concordate^

This related, among other articles, to the difpofal of ecckfiafiical
preferments. It was abolifhed by an agreement between the
courts of Rome and Spain, in 1753. ^

ACADEMIES ERECTED

In this Court under the Royal Protedion.
XXV. Royal Spanish Academy.

His Excellence the Duke of Alva, Dean of the Council

of State, DireBor.
Don Francisco de Angula, Secretary.

XXVI. Royal Academy of History.

D. Aug. de Mont, y Luyando, perpetual Director for his
Majefty, and Secretary of the Chamber of Grace and Juftice,
and Eftudo of Caftille.

D. EuG*

48 ACADEMIES.

D. EuG. DE Llaguno Amirola, Secretary*.

XXVII. Royal Academy of the Three Noble Arts,
Painting, Sculpture, Archite(5ture, with the Title of San
Fernando.

His Excellency D. Ricardo Wall, Protedor and Counfellor
of ':tate.

D. Tib. de Agirre, Vice Frotedior of the Council of the Or-
ders.

D. Ig. de Hermositta, Secretary.

XXVIII. Royal Academy of Physic at Madrid.

Don J. SuNOL, Counfellor of his Majefty, and his firft Phyfician,

perpetual Prejident for his Majefty.
Don a. Piq^er, Phyfician of his Majefty, Vice Prefdent, and

firft Phyfician.
Don J. de Ortega, Secretary,

* The Academy of Hiftory at Madrid was founded in 1713, by the Duke de
EsCALONA, who is Well known to the republic of letters. There is another Aca-
demy at Seville, chiefly relating to the Mathematics.

LETTER

[ 49 ]

LETTER IV.

State of Literature, Letters, and
Men of Learning in SPAIN.

IN regard to learning, and the belles lettres, Spain evidently
labours under two material difadvantages -, which are, the
want of a liberty of the prefs; and the being fubjedted to thecen-
fure of the inquifition. Jt is eafy to imagine how many valuable
works of wit, humour, fatire, and genius are entirely rendered
abortive for want of this liberty; and though it may be attended
with fome evils and inconveniencies, yet its advantages are evident,
from the many entertaining and ufeful produ<5lions, which in our
ifland fokly owed their birth to it : for, as one well faid, Is it not
better for the public, that a million of monfters (hould come into
the world, which are fure to die as foon as they are born, than
that one Hercules fhould be ftrangled in his cradle ? Let us bear
patiently with the infamous produ6lions of infidelity and faction,
as long as we can receive from the fame channel, the admirable
difcourfes of a Sherlock, or a Hare ; the political writings of
a BoLiNG BROKE, or a Bath, and the various mafterly and ele-
gant compofitions of a Lyttleton. What would have be-
come of the wit and buffoonery of Dr. Swift, the elegant obfer-
vationsof Mr. Addison, and the genteel humour of Sir Richard
Steele, if their free and unfhackledfpirits had been chained down
like thofeof the Spa?2iards? Where would have been thofe many
pleafing and inflrudlive writings which daily fprung up, thro' this
liberty, at different periods, in the many controverfial wars which

H we

CO STATE OF LITERATURE.

wc have had upon fubjeds of party, politics, learnino;, and even re-
ligion-? Woijld ftot all tbefe have been deftroyed in the bu4, if
we had feen, as Mr. Pope fays, under the throne of Ignorance or
Superflition,

Beneath her footftool Science groan in chains.
And Wit dread exile, penalties and pains.
There, foani'd, rebellious Logic, gagg'd and bound ;
There, ftrlpt, fair Rhet'ric languifli'd on the ground ?

It Is a matter of much more furprize to me, when t coniiJer
thlno-s in this light, to find that the Spaniards are advanced fo far
as they are in arts and fcience, than to wonder, that they are got
no farther. If we add to this the power and uncontrouied. li-
cence, which the Inquifitors or Dominicans have to cenlure all
works printed there, and if they pleafe, to chaftife and punifh the
authors, it would furely make a full apology for Spain in this
article. I know not well how many licences a book muft have
before it can actually pafs the prefs, but I think at leaf! three. It
is ufually read by as many cenfors, and is carefully cleanfed by
the Catholic fpunge, before it falls under the eye of the public.
The inquifition never grants any licence, referving to itfelf the
freedom of condemning or abfolving afterwards, as it may judge
expedient. The art of this management is apparent. The in-
dex of the Libri Frohibiti publi£hed by the holy office is now
increafed to two large volumes in folio; and a man muft fairly turn
over all that work, before he can well know what he dare read.
The ciaffics that I opened in the royal library at Madrid were
anathematized in the title with thefe words, Aiicior Damnatusy
and many whole prefatory difcourfes were crazed and blotted
out, becaufe, as the librarian told me, lis font centre notre re-
ligion. I have been told by a Spaniard, a friend of mine, that the
Dominican library, confifting only of books which they have feiz-
ed, and which of courfe are forbidden. Is one of the largefl; and
fineft in Madrid. I have heard many of them own, that the
prohibited books were generally the moft worth reading. One in
particular told me, that as Father Paul's hiftory of the council of
Trent was forbidden to be read any where upon earth, he took it
with him, and read it at fea. It is no uncommon thing here to fee

the

STATE OF LITERATURE. 51'

tlie works of our Locke, Newton and Bacon, thofe immortal
glories of human nature, fhut up in durance. But how fliould it
he otherwife, when, as Bayle tells us, in an extract from John
of Salisbury, that Pope Gregory VL not only baniihed ma-
thematics from the court, but burnt a library of heathen learning,
in order to give the Scripture more authority. Erasmus found
the weight of this milliione upon the neck of fcience almoft in-
fupportable at the time that he was making fuch noble efforts for
the revival of letters : And the ignorance and indolence of the
monks, which he fo much exclaims agalnfl; in thofe days, is very
little altered for the better in the prefent. Few of them, even
now, either underlland or talk the Latin tongue ; and fewer flill
are employed in ftudies of real or ufeful learning: they are chiefly
confined to the narrow limits of the fcholadic writers, the po-
lemic divines, and ThomalHc or Auguftin theology. 1 fpeak only
in general, for doubtlefs there are fome exceptions, fuch as a Flo-
REs, a Ponce, a Burriel, or a Feijo -, but thefe are rare, and
ihine, like lamps in fepulchres, amidft the numerous cells of
thofe ufelefs eccleliaftics. Great part of this dearth of fcholars is
certainly owing to the want of a due encouragement, a reftricflion
of the liberty of the prefs, and their fubje(S:ion to the yoke of
the inquilition. And how much they have fuffered from thefe
curbs may be eafily gathered from a few fads that have pafTed in
Spain only. Poor Miguel Cervantes, the inimitable author of
Don ^ixote, underwent many fevere fufferings in combating thofe
triple monfters, prejudice, ignorance, and fuperflition. The in-
comparable John de Mariana, whofe labours and fludies have
done fuch lailing honour to himfelf, and to his country, was con-
fined twenty years in prifon, and when he wrote his Hiftory, he
dared not to bring it down any nearer to his own times, for fear
of giving offence. And even within thefe two or three lafl years.
Dr. Is LA, who wrote that pretty fatire, Frey Gerundio, upon the
monks and preachers of thefe times, has been perfecuted and lilenced
by the inquifition for his impertinent wit.

Such being then the true flate of the cafe, we are certainly
much obliged to thofe wits and geniufes in Spain, who have had
firmnefs enough to break through all thefe obflacles, and have

H 2 pro-

52

STATE OF LITERATURE.

produced works, which have made their names the theme of their
own countryrncn, and refpecled and ell:eemed abroad. The Com-
r.LUTENSiAN iiiblc^' has undoubtedly been the beft monument to
the memory of Cardinal Ximenes, and would atone, if any
thing could atone, for the iliare which he had in eftablifhing the
inquifition. This certainly doubles the merit of fuch writers, who
have been fo hardy as to ftep forth in this country : fuch as, Cer-
vantes, CovARRUBiAS, Faxardo, Zurita, Cabrera, San-
DovAL, Mariana, Antonio Perez, Garcilasso de la Ve-
ga, Lopez de Vega, Carpio, Antonio de Guevara, Cal-
deroni. Ant. de Solis, Herrera, &c. It makes us regard in
a much higher light fuch men as Antonio Augustino, Vil-
LALPANDO, L. Ramirez de Frado, Sanctius, and others.

But in order to fet this point in a clearer view, I will now
make fome general remarks upon the prefent frate of Divinity,
Hiftory, Phyfic, and Poetry in this country, and then fubjoin a
lift and account of the mofl remarkable writers in each branch.

In regard to Divinity, it confifts much, as it formerly did, in
the ftudy of the fathers, councils, the decrees of the popes, and
their canons, and in fyftems of Thomaftic and Auguftine theology.
The knowlege of the learned languages, and explication of the
text of the facred writings, has very little to do with it. In this
track of criticifm they are almoft utter ftrangers ; and I cannot find
any thing of late years pubJifhed in this way : It is holy ground,
and therefore dangerous to be approached. In cafuiftry indeed
they are very well verfed, and this makes a conftant part of the
ftudies of their paftoral office : I fuppofe it is in fome meafure ne-
ceflary to fuch as muft be confeiTors ; but whether it is fo far re-
quifite, as to run into fuch obfcene difquifitions, as refine, and re-
duce finning to a fyftem, it will be difficult to perfuadeour divines.

* This was the firft Polyglct ever piintcd, and was done at the expence of the cardinal,
then archbiQiop of i clcdo. Jt was about four years in printing, from 1514 to 1517, but
not publifhed till 1520, when it came out in 6 volumei, including the Lexicon : Jt was
printed in four languages, the Hebrew, Chaldee, Greek, and Latin. This ferved as a mode!
to that of Mr. Walton, which is more ufeful and CAait, and to that of Mr, Le Jay, printed
'j^. Paris with many expenfive ornameiits.

But

STATE OF LITERATURE. 53

But that this kind of cafiiiftry is too infamoufly ftudied, appears
from the many tomes that have been publlflied in this country,
and particularly in that curious refearch oi Sanchez de Matrimonio.
When I fay the fathers, take notice I mean the Latin fathers -, for
as to the Greek, there are very few amongfl them, who are able
to undertake that tafk : for the ftudy of the learned languages is
here but at a low ebb ^ Hebrew feems to be rather the moll culti-
vated. It may not be improper to obferve, that I am told there is
a MS. of St. Augustine in the Bodleian library at Oxford, in which
there is a paffage allowing the clergy to marry ; which paiTage is
not extant in any Roman-catholic copy that was ever heard of.

The lawyers in this country get as much money as the practi-
tioners in other countries j and whatever may be faid of the flow-
nefs of our chancery fuits, the tedioufnefs of theirs will at leaft
equal them : A friend of mine, a great merchant at Cadiz, has
juft obtained a caufe at Madrid, after ;z/;/^ years attendance; and
I could mention fome others, which are at this time depending,
which probably will never be determined at all. Bribery ope-
rates too much in this country; and to do the Spaniards juftice,
they do not difown it. It appeared very plainly in the famous
caufe of the Anti gall 1 can privateer, in which the late Sir
Benjamin Keene took fuch patriotic and difmterefted pains -, and
in many others, which might be mentioned.

In Hiflory, the Spaniards have many valuable writers. The
detail of particular wars, as that of Granada, between Philip
IV. and the Moors, by Mendosa, faid to be a mafterly work;
the relation of the fucceilion-war, or partition of the Spanifh mo-
narchy, by San Felippe, &c. the ecclefiaflical hiftory of Spain
by Father Henry Flores, in fifteen volumes 4to. &c. the hi-
ftory of particular cities, fuch as 'Toledo, Seville^ &c. Their great
antiquarians are Florio Ocampo, Ambrosius Morales, Ma-
riana; Rec^jesendius for thofe of Portugal. But I can-
not find, that any writer of credit (for fome have attempted
it) has been yet bold enough to take up the thread of their gene-
ral hiftory, where Mariana left it off, that is to fay, with Fer-
dinand and Isabella (for the fupplement and continuator

Mi-

54 STATE OF LITERATURE.

MiNiANA I don't confider) and bring it down to tbefc times.
Perhaps they do not care to attempt it, for fear of offence ; and
another reafon may be, that the King has abfolutely forbid any
of his fubjed:s to write the hiftory of Charles V.; which, I
fuppofe, is owing to fome circiimilances relating to rehgion and
that prince, which might be too deUcate to touch upon. Tho'
it would be both a curious and ufeful tafk to trace the fecret
fprings and caufes that fet a prince of his active and aduil: com-
plexion upon fuch various and great enterprizes ; who made vaft
advances towards univerfal monarchy, and perhaps was nearer
to it than any other man ever was lince Alexander and C^-
SAR ; who was not contented to reign while living, but kit apo-
litical teflament for his fon's diredion after his death ; and, what
was more extraordinary, a teflament, which that fon religioully
obferved and copied from. What can be more aftonifhing, than
to fee this fame ad:ive and reftlefs fpirit, all at once, in a fit of dif-
guft, retire to the narrow ceil of a poor monk, and there amufe
himfelf with adting over the approaching fcene of his own death!
For this, however odd it may feem, was certainly done ; and tho'
alive, he had the fame preparations made, of proceflion, mourn-
ings, coffin, 6cc. as if he really was dead, and was at the fame time,
what no man ever was before, or will be probably again, the fub-
jedt, a6tor, and fpedlator, all at once, of his own funeral. Philip of
Macedon's fo much talked oiMeme7itoMori was poor to this. This
was a fight, which, I believe, few people's curiofity would not wifh
to have {^cn. But this was not all : tho' C^sar was his model,
tho' he conquered all things, he could not, like that Prince, con-
quer himfelf: for he foon repented that he ever had refigned the
world and his crown, and died at laft of chagrin, at the folly of
having done that aft, which he could never revoke.

LETTER

[ S5 ]

LETTER IV. PART II.
State of PHYSIC, POETRY, &>€.

IN Phyfic and Chirurgery this country is at lead: two centuries
behind the Englilh. But as thofe arts are much out of my pro-
vince, 1 fhall give what I have to offer upon them in the Vv^ords
of one of their moft eminent writers. There is fcarce any fludy
that takes in fuch a variety of knowledge as Phyfic doth, and
therefore it is no wonder, that the Spaniards, who are flow in
all things, have made fuch a fmall progrefs in this part of fci-
ence. But perhaps the people may be perfuaded that they have
lefs occafion for it ; where they believe that faints, miracles, and
charms, can cure the moft inveterate difeafes, there muft be much
lefs inclination to have recourfe to art. They may be willing to
leave the more feeble refources of meer human affillance to thofe,-
who are fo unhappy as to v^ant faith. Not but they have their
regular profelTors in this part of fcience. Dr. Sangrado's max-
ims flill prevail among them, notwithftanding they are fo finely
ridiculed by Monf Le Sage, in his Gil Blas. There cannot
be a more ftriking proof of their want of fkill, than the epide-
mical prevalence of the venereal difeafe all over this country;
tho' poflibly they may not defire to have it quite fubdued. Give
me leave to relate part of a converfitlon, which I had with a
chirurgeon upon that fubjedt. He was fent for by a nobleman
to cure him of that difliemper, who told his excellency, that if he
would follow fuch a regimen and diet, and regularly take what he
prefcribed, that he would cure him in a month's time entirely :
** Cure me entirely !" replied the nobleman ; " no not for the
<* world; I only want you, fir, to corredand Icffen it a little ; but
*« I would not be cured entirely upon any account: a little of it
♦* is the beft thing in nature for the health." — *' Sir," replied my

friciii.

^6 STATE OF PHYSIC.

friend, " if your excellence only wants palliativesy a Spanlfh chi-
** rurgeon will anfwer that purpofe as well as me : my bufmefs is to
«* cure, not to continue diflempers. — Good morning to your ex-
" cellence."

As to difpenfaries, and accounts of the Materia Medica, they
may have them, but I met with none. Botany is much ftudied
here, and is well underflood : And I am told that the provinces
of Gallicia and Valentia afford great plenty of very excel-
lent flirubs and plants.

Part of Father F e i j o o's Difcourfes upon PHYSIC.

'Tranjlatedfrom the Original Spa?jiJJj.

[The Phyficians he chiefly quote?, are, Michael ErMuiiER^ Georgius BACLiriusy
Thomas SroENHAMy Le FRAS^oiSy Don Martin Martinez.]

THE Spanifh phyficians follow thefyftem of Galen, and La-
zarus RivERius : It is from Galen they have taken the
pra(ftice of bleeding fo profufely. But fome of the Spaniards, fuch
as Martinez, have declared againft this practice, and would not
admit of it even in putrid fevers j and he faid, that the lancet had
killed more men, than ever were fhot by a train of artillery. Fe -
TOO feems to be of this opinion: he fays, he believes in fome cafes
it may be proper, but difficult to fay when -, that you cannot ju ige
of the goodnefs or badnefs of blood by any fymptoms, becaufe it
alters immediately on coming out of the veins; becaufe every in-
dividual's blood is different, and let it appear ever fo bad to the
dodor, the patient cannot live without it. It is for this reafon he
condemns all transfufion of blood from one patient to another, as
arrant nonfenfe: and afhrms that experiments upon blood confirm
this doarine. Our author is likewife no friend to purging, as he
fays it carries off the good as well as the bad, the nutricious as well
as the pernicious juices i and that it forces the excrements fome-
times thro' improper pafTages. As to faying, that it purges away

the

U P O N P H Y S I C. 57

the choley\ or the phlegm, that Is all imaginary j becauie purges carry
off all things indifcriminately ; and becaufe they give the different
colours to the voided excrements by their different tindlures : Epi-
thymy will give a black dye ; and it is well if this be the word of it :
Phyficians lliould take care left they kill their friends as well as
their enemies, as the Turks did at the fiege of Rhodes. In com-
mon cafes you fliould never purge ; never in the beginning of fe-
vers, except in cafes of turgency, and even then in the beginning
it is inexcufable, and in the end doubtful : It is an effort of nature i
leave Her to herfelf : for purges never affed; the morbid matter,
unlefs it happens to be in the prinice vice, and then there is no,
doubt of the ufefulnefs of purging. Thofe purges which gripe the
moft are the beft, becaufe the griping comes not from the purge,
but from the acid matter they put in motion. And as to vomits
and clyfters, by the authority of Sydenham, I rejed them in all
fevers. In fine, there is nothing certain in medicine. One phy-
fician admires one remedy, which another abhors. What has been
faid for and againft hellebore f for and againft antimony F With
thefe they q.i'q panaceas, with thofe poifons. What a rout has been
made about medicinal ftones ! the Sezoar-Rone and many others ?
Cordials are much the fame. Coftly medicines and exotics are juft
as futile; all, all a fable. One houfe-medicLne is worth them all.
A French phyfician I have read of ufed to give all his patients
coffee ', tho' I am perfuaded neither coffee nor tea are of any fer-
vice. The moft known fpecifics begin to be called in queftion ;
the ifark has many enemies ; and mercury begins to be declaimed
againft, though it certainly is the moft generous medicine in the
whole world. I appeal to experience. Engllfli falts are hurtful,
becaufe they purge too gently. Too much, too many medicines
certainly do a patient more hurt, than any other miftaken pradice.
All phyficians abufe remedies ; none obferve the crijis of diftem-
pers; they fhould never difturb nature : and to apply many medi-
cines, when nature is fighting with a diftemper, Is to weaken the
patient's force, when he moft wants it, and taking fide with the
difeafe, inftead of taking part with nature. As to Ignorant prac-
titioners, it is in vain to diffuade them from giving much phylic :
but if any phyfician of real knowledge does it for the fake of af-
iifting the apothecary, and of vending his medicines, the foul of

I that

5S Father FEIJOO's DISCOURSES

that phyficfan is in a much more deplorable ftate, than any pa-
tient's body. No view of retaining patients, no reafons of con-
venience, honour, or of being well with the apothecaries, fhould
induce them to this pracftice : as they will certainly be culpable
in the fight of G O D for whatever damage they may do their
patients.

As to phyfical or medicinal obfervatlons, there is great infin-
cerity in them, bccaufs a phyfician gives one cafe in which fuch
a prefcription fucceeded, and conceals two, in which it did not.
Every body knows the obfervations of Riveriits, which have gain-
ed great applaufe; and tho' they amount to 400, there is fcarce
one which is not defedive : It is very entertaining to fee the au-
thor boaft, that he cures a bilious cholic with four bleedings, and
four purges mixed up with affiftant emollients, anodynes, and
other remedies : A prefcription, which mufl; take up many days ;
whereas in the natural courfe of the diflemper it feldom lafls fo
long. To make ufeful obfervations requires great knowledge,
great lincerity, and great fagacity 3 and thefe qualities are not the
lot of every phyfician.

I KNOW not whether this difcourfe, which I am now publifh-
ing, will be agreeable to the gentlemen of the faculty, or not ; they
may be afraid, perhaps, if the world iliould grow out of conceit
with phyfiCy it may become out of conceit too with its profeffors,
and then fome would certainly be difcarded, who are now in vogue.
But they need never fear, they are fafe as to this point ; the world
will always remain juft as it has done. No genius was ever able
to turn the courfe of thofe impetuous rivers, prejudice, and cuflom.
How much have Quevedo in Spain, Petrarch in Italy, in
France firft Montaigne, and then ^oliere, declaimed
againft all phyficians and phyfic ? and with a great deal of truth.
Their vv'ritings are read, and celebrated. But things remain juft
as they were. I lliall content myfelf with perfuading fome few to
follow the beft means they can for the recovery of their liealth.
Some phyficians have fo much genero'is candor, as to own public-
ly the iniutiiciency of medicine, and the perplexity of their art:
And it is no wonder to fee thofe, whofe minds are not fo noble,

con-
R

UPON PHYSIC.

50

confiding in phyfic more than it deferves. Some dodors, out of
mere policy, conceal the weaknefs of their art; Baglivius was
one of thefe. But fays another ; ** It is very v/ell for phyficians
'' to confefs the impotency of phyfic to one another, becaufe they
*' are judges, and they know it. But there is no occafion to tell all
<« this to the vulgar, who believe always that a dodor knows much
" more, than he either does, or can know." But I fay on the con-
trary, that the common people would reap great benefit by fuch
acknowledgements, and the phylician receive no great damage :
becaufe if thefe poor people knev/ how little fecurity there was in
phyfic, and that there is fcarce a remedy v/hich is not dangerous ;
that even the greateft and moft knowing phyiicians comip.it various
blunders ; that many of thofe patients, Vv^ho recover, owe their re-
covery only to their natural flrength, and they owe to the phyfi-
cian the obligation of retarding that recovery : Did they know
thefe things, they would have much lefs recourfe to phyfic ; they
would preferve their entrails more entire, and would not fpend
that money in bottles of phyfic, which they v/anted for other ufes.
They would content themielves with taking fome flight things
in their habitual indifpofitions, which are born with them, and
which are infeparable from their confbitution, and which no phy-
fician in the world can cure, notwithftanding their boafted radical
cures, which are not to be found i?i rerum natiira. With this ma-
nagement many delicate ladies would ceafe to be troublefome to
their hufbands and families -, many men would be ufeful fervants
to the public, who are now rendered ufelefs by phylicking them-
felves. Thefe, and many other advantages, with the knowledge
of how little hope is to be repofed in phyfic, moved me to give
this advertifement to the public : and phyficians ought in con-
fcience to concur with me in undeceiving the public.

And indeed this would be no damage to the faculty themfclves ;
at leafl to the learned part of them, and who have acquired repu-
tations as fuch. For, to thefe, employinent and fees would never
be wanting. Becaufe the cafe would never happen, nor the mo-
tive for banifhing all phyficians out of the world, as they were
once from Rome. The fine lady would not always fend for the
QO(flor to feel her pulfe -, nor the imaginary madman, as in the

I 2 comedy

6o Father FEIJOO's DISCOUPvSES

comedy of Moliere, Hiriek v/hen nothing ails him; nor the
decrepit old fool imagine the apothecary's drugs can remove him
fome leagues from his grave. By this means the phyiicians would
have more time for ftudy, and reflexion upon their ftudies and
their experiments, as well as to affill: at anatomical difle(ftions.
The moft eminent of the p-ofellion would be at Icilure to write
books : by this means phyficians would become more learned, and
phyfic advance daily towards perfecftion, to which it wants many
a "-ood journey ftill. Phyfic is indeed recommended in Scripture,
but not the phyfic of thefe modern times ; when we are in really
imminent danger, I confefs it is prudent to have recourfe to it ;
and that, generally fpeaking, the quicknefs and immediate appli-
cation of the remedy is the moft important point. Opium, §luin-
quina^ vomits, and very adive medicines, may here be of great
fervice, becaufe they induce changes, which nature herfelf would
never produce. If I have expreffed myfelf too ftrongly in fome
places about the danger even of cures and phyfic ; it is becaufe
I would remove the prejudices of the vulgar, who will follow the
blind dictates of even the moft ignorant empyric : And I had ra-
ther incline them to the other extreme. In all that I have faid in
this difcourfe, I have faid it under the fhade of the moft illuf-
trious medicinal writers, and fupported by the greateft authori-
ties.

I CONCLUDE with exhorting all, who would choofe their phy-
iician, to choofe one with thefe qualities. Firjl, Let him be a
good Chriftian 3 becaufe knowing himfelf accountable to GOD
for all his fteps, he will take them more ferioufly and warily, and
will really apply himfelf to the ftudy of his profeffion. Th^fecond
is. That he be judicious, but of a cool, not warm temperament.
The thirdi That he fhould not be boaftful in ftiewing the power
and fafety of his art ; for thofe who are fuch, are either ignorant,
or difingenuous. Tht fourth is. That he follow no philofophic
fyftem of pradice, be addided to no one fet of rules, but guided
only by his own experience, and that of the beft writers. The
fifth is. That he be not a giver of many remedies, efpecially the
dangerous ones ; holding it as for certain, that all thofe, who write
and prefcribe much, are bad phyficians, altho' they know all that

has

U P O N P H Y S I C. 61

has been wrote about pbyfic. T\iq Jixth is. That he informs him-
lelf exad:ly of the fymptoms of diflempers, which are many, and
drawn from various fourccs. l"he generahty of phyficians, when
they have felt the pulfe, looked at the urine, peeped into the clofe-
ftool, inftantly call for pen, ink, and paper — io prefcribe. The
pulfe is a fymptom very obfcure, the urine very fallible : and one
cannot be certain of the diftemper and its caufes (except in a few
cafes, where they are vifible) without attending to the complex-
ion of many circumftances, both confequential and antecedent.
The fei:cnth is. That his fucceffes fliould in general anfwer his
prognoilications ; I fay, in general, becaufe always to do it, they
mufl be angels and not men ; for that circumftance will excufe
many others that preceded 3 and becaufe it is the only m.eans by
which the moft ignorant man can difcern, v^'ho is a phyfician of
jfkill, and who is an ignorant one : for the certainty of prognoili-
cation is a clear proof, that he knows the prefcnt flate of the dif-
temper -, becaufe by that only which is now, one can knov/ what
is to come. On the other hand, that which thefe prognoflicators
commonly fay, plainly Ihews they do not know one word of phyiic.
Some think the art of foretelling a feparate faculty from phyfic ;
and thus fome phyficians are celebrated for foretelling, others for
curing : But this is a miftake, for it is impoilible, that the cure
fhould be right, and the prognoftic wrong, and nnce verfd. In-
deed there is one difference, a phylician, who milTes of the cure
may be blamed, but one who fails in hiy^ prophcfy may be damned.
In a dangerous cafe, an ignorant phylician being called in, faid it .was
only a light crudity of the ftomach, which would go off the next
day. With this alfurance the people about the patient never fent
for the priefts : Soon after the man was feized with a delirium,
and died like a Pagan, or brute. The crime commonly attributed
to phyficians, is, killing the body 3 but, in this cafe, they kill the
foul.

Other phyficians, more cautious, and more artful, take the
oppofitefide; and whatfoever the diftemper is, they always fay it
is a very dangerous one ; they give out many orders, put the whole
family in a fright, offer their attendance, and their art. So that
if the patient dies, they are fure to praifc the fkill of the phyfician,

who

62 Father FEIJOO's DISCOURSES

who fald fo from the firft : If he Uves, then the ilvill of the phy-
fician is praifed, that he cured fo terrible a diforder, and God is
thanked that the patient fell into fuch good hands. One good
thing comes from this, that the fick never die without the facra-
ments. But one evil is, that the fright they are put into fome-
times increafes the diforder, and kills them. All thefe ways are
full of evil ; altho' the firfl is the greatefl; ; but however, gentle-
men, ye will find one day the angels, to vvhofe cuflody the fick
are committed, accufmg you before God, and placing thofe be-
fore you, who died thro' your fault, or your ignorance.

DISCOURSE VI.

Physicians know but little of healing the iick; they know
as little what ought to be the proper regimen for thofe in health ;
at leaft they can give no rules for eating and drinking. This pro-
portion, however abfurd it may appear to phyficians and others,
is proved by the evident variety of habits of body, to which is pre-
cifely commenfurate the variety of food, both in quality and quan-
tity. One kind of food is hurtful to one, that is good for another ;
a quantity that is great for one perfon is hurtful to another. The
proportion of the quantity and quality of food to the habit of each
individual can only be known by experience : This experience
every man has v/ithin himfelf ; and the phyiician can only know
it by the relation he receives. For I mull always tell the phyfician
hov/ much I have eaten and drank, as he cannot know wliat is
proper for me, unlefs I tell him firft what ails me, what fits well
in my fi.omach, what I digefi: well. Ihe emperor Tiberius
laughed at thofe, who confulted phyficians after they were thirty
years old; becaufe (he faid) at that age every one was able to tell
by experience, how to manage themfclves. And indeed he feems
to have been a flriking proof of the truth of his own maxim ; for
without being much concerned about his diet, or way of living, he
lived 78 years; and he probably had hved much longer, if Cali-
gula had permitted him : for altho' he was very weak, h's fac-
cefibr would not truft his death to the ftrength of any (if ale :
hiilciians agreeing, that CALiGfiLA helped on his death, altho'
they difter in the manner of its being done. However, this ma-
xim

U P O N P H Y S I C. 63

xlm of Tiberius, generally taken, is certainly true, at leaft with
regard to eating and drinking.

There is no eatable, which one can fay is abfolutely hurtful;
this is not my do6lrine, but that of Hippocrates, as he has
well proved it in his book De veteri 7nedlcina : for, as he fays, if it
was hurtful to one, it would be fo to all. Cheefe, for initance,
hurts not every one ; there are thofe who eat of it without the
leaft offence. If cheefe, which is fo earthy, bad of digeftion, and
hard, can be taken v/ithout hurt, what eatable can we lay is abfo-
lutely hurtful to ail ?

Quails and goats feed upon poifons, according to Pliny :
Venenis caprece ^ cothurnices pingiicfcunt, lib. X. c. 72. That
which kills other animals feeds them. Will you fay then, that
there is a greater diverfity of conftitutions among the different fpe-
cies of animals, than among individuals of the fame fpecies ? For
my own part I think there is a much greater among the human
fpecies. In the obfervations of Schenkius, he tells us of a man,
that eat an ounce of fcammony, which neither purged him little
or much. And in other medicinal authors we read of fome, who
were purged by the fmell of rofes. Is not this a fufficient diffe-
rence in conftitutions ? It is true, that in general there is no great
difference between the conftitutions of men. But there is always
fome, and that a very material one ; habits of body vary like faces;
in all fuch cafes as are obvious to our fenfes we cbfcrve fome dilTimi-
litude in all men. What can be more fimplc, than the found of
the voice ? And yet there is none like that of another's. Nay,
among thofe who have lived in the fame houfe or community to-
gether for many years, it never happens but one can diftinguifh
the voices of them, tho' you do not fee them. If this is the cale
in fo fimple a thing, how muft it be in the conftitution, which is
combined of fuch a variety of materials.

If our fenfes were more acute, in cafes where fome men appear
much alike, we fhould tind thetn very different. There are fome
brutes, which deceive us in the fame manner. We do not per-
ceive by fmell the effluvia of human bodies ; or if we do, we do

not

64 Father FElJOO's DISCOURSES, &c.

not diflijiguini one from the other. The dog perceives them, and
diftinguifhes them in all men : tho' he be at a great diftance, he
follows his mafter without feeing him, determining himfelf, tho*
he meets with many roads, by the fmell of the, effluvia, which he
linds as he walks : he hunts and choofes out among many others
the glov^e of his mafter, tho' he never faw it before : and what is
more, he recovers a ftone thrown by his mafler among others
thrown at the fame time by other hands, that little touch fufficing,
by which with his fubtile fmell he perceives a different odour
from that of the reft. This is a fufficient proof to convince you
of the difference of conftkutions, becaufe v/ithout a difference of
conffitutions there cannot be a difference in the effiuvia.

Not only the variety of conftitutions in men makes it impof-
fible to know what diet is proportionate to each ; but alfo the va-
riety which there is between meats of the fame fpecles. All wine
of grapes, for Inffance, is of the fame fpecles. Withal, one wine
is fweet, another is acid, another bitter -, one has on^ colour, ano-
ther fmells differently ; one is thinner, another is thicker : It is
the fame in meats; the fame in the fruits of all the plants, though
we do not perceive fo ffrongly in all this variety, upon account of
the imperfection of our fenfes. By this means it may happen, and
does continually happen, that altho' it be the fame individual, one
wine may be wholefome, another noxious. Meat fed in fome
lands is wholefome food, in others noxious. Add to this a point
of no fmall confideration, that the fame food, without diftindiion,
or perceivable diff^erence, may be found, by the fame individual,
wholefome at one period, and noxious at another, either through
the different feafons of the year, the different temperature of the
air, the diff^erence of country, or the difference of age. In ffne,
whatever change happens in the body, that ffiould be a rule to
vary more or lefs the diet in quantity, as well as quality.

Thus I have given fome of the celebrated Father Feijoo's
thoughts on phyfic, and could wiffi out of humanity for the fake of
the ^panifll nation, that their phyff clans were anfwerable to the
character and qualifications he requires. It is obvious enough how
Jittle he knows of that neceffary art.

In

POETRY, HUMOROUS WRITER?, etc. 6^

In Poetry they have many writers; fuch as D. Al. de Ercil-
LA, the Principe Esquilache, Ant. Lofraso, f. Rufo, Pi-
neda, FiGUEKOA, Ant", de Nebrixa, the two Vega's, Gar-
cilasso, and Lopez ; Calderoni, Barrios, Gongorra, and
others. But as to a complete lift of them, I have never been able
to find one; and am much lefs qualified to decide of their refpedive
merit. Lopez de Vega Carpio, as Voltaire tells us, comes
the neareft to our Shakespeare. He wrote ths yenifa/em Con-
quifiada^ tragedies, comedies, &c. One thing may be faidof the lit-
tle that 1 have i^^Vi of the Spanilh poetry ; that there is a won-
derful air of fimplicity in their common fongs, or fequedillas : That
in fome pieces which I read in the Caxofi de Sajirey or The taylors
drawer of JJjreds, there was much fentiment, as well as dignity :
vaft variety of meafure, all formed on the old Roman profody;
and in fome of them a pleafing air of romance: but grave, majeftic,
moral, penfive, like the people themfelves. Very few attempts to
wit or humour, and, I believe, none of drollery or buffoonery.
Many upon love, but all in the drapery of the chafte Venus ^ no
Erycina ?'idens, no Cormna, no loofe or debauched Euterpe among
that colledion of fongs of the Spanifi Nine,

As to fubje<5ls and writers of humour in profe, I know of none
among the old Spaniards, but Cervantes and Guevara ; the
moft celebrated work of the latter is, the El Diablo Coxtielo, or
as we fliould fay in Englifli, The Devil upon two Sticks, which Mr,
Le Sage modernized into a romance, that is very well known.
It is much to be wifhed, that Guevara's original was well tranf-
lated into Engliih, as we lliould find in it an infinity of old Spa-
nifi manners and cuftoms; and the names of all the then nobility
at full length ; moil of which titles and families fubfiil to this day.

K LETTER

LETTER IV. PART III.

CATALOGUE of SPANISH AUTHORS,

Spa7n/h Writers of History.

f^Ronka general de Efpana, par Amb. Morales^ 4 vol. 4to.

^ Alcala 1577

This writer was the great antiquarian, theCAMBDEN of Spain;
he has continued the work of Florio Ocampo. Sandoval,
by the particular command of Philip III. carried it down farther
to Alphonso VII. Morales wrote alfo,

Las Antiquidades de las Ciudades de B.fpana.

Compendia Hijhrial de las Cronicas de E/pa?2a,par EJlevan de
GaribaySi 4 vol. folio. Barcelona 1628

And Don jiian de Mariafia. Thefe two copied Morales

and Ocampo in great meafure. As Marianas Hijiory of Spain
feems to be fo much better known, than that of himieif, indulge
me in a few words about him. He was born atEBORA,nowTALA-
vera, in New Castile ; educated at Alcala de He:-, ares,
or the antient Complutum ; he lived at Toledo, and publifhed
the following works :

I. On the weights and meafures of the antients.

II. On the exchange of money.

III. A defence of the Vulgate.

IV. De Rege, & Regis Injiituiione. — This piece was burnt at
Rome and Paris, and was quoted to authorize Dr. Oates's
narrative in the Poplfli plot.

V. On the fcage.
VL His hiftojy.

lie

SPANISH WRITERS. ty

He was kept in prifon, by order from the Pope, twenty years, in
wiiich time he compoled his hiflory, as our Sir W. Raleigh did
in the Tower. He wrote it firft in Latin, and afterwards in Spa-
iiifli. But it went no lower than the end of Ferdinand and Isa-
bella's reign, about 1 516. He wrote, however, a fupplement
afterwards, down to 1621 j and he has had fince //6r^^ continuators,
Ferd. Camargo y Salccdo, to 1649 ^ -^^^- ^^r^^ de Soto, to 1669 ;
Fr. J. M. de Minianay to 1699. The iir/l Latin edition, Toktiy
1592, folio, is the befl, tho' it contains only twenty books. The
laft ten are printed in the edition, Moguntice 1605, Ato. The Spa-
nifh editions are, Madrid, 1608, 2 vol. folio; Toledo, folio, 1601 ;
Madrid, 1668, and 1670. There is alfo a i>ew edition, printed at
Amberes in 16 vol. i2mo. but very incorred: ; and one lately at
Madrid, in 3 vol. folio.

Hijioria General de Efpana, par Don Rodrigo Ximenes de Rada,
Hijloria del Rey d Efpana Don Phelippe 11. par Luis Cabrera,

folio. Madrid 1619

Hijioria del Rey Don Phelippe II. par Ant. de Herrera, 3 vol.

folio. Valladolid i6o6

Hijioria del Rey Don Phelippe III. par Gonzalez de Cefpedez,

folio. Barcelona 1634

Hijioria de la Rebellion, y Cajiigo de los Mori/cos del Reyno de
X Granada, par Luis de Mar mol, folio. Malaga 1609

Guerra de Granada, hecha por el Rey Don Felippe II. contra

los Morifcos, par Meyidofa, quarto. Lijhoa 1627

Hijioria de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V. par Priid.

de Sandoval, folio. Pampelona 16 14

Comment arios de la Guerra de 1700, par el Marqiiez de San
Felippe, 2 vol. quarto.

This book, which is extremely well wrote, has been tranflated
into French, and was publiflied at Amflerdam in 1756, in 4 vols.
1 2 mo. under the title of Memoir es pour Jervir a I'HiJloire dJEJ-
pagne, fans le Rcgne de Philippe V.

Hijioria de Efpana par Rafis, an Arab, written at Corduba in 976.

K 2 Con-

68 SPANISH WRITERS.

Continuacion de la Wfioria General de Efpana de ano 1 5 1 6
(where Mariana left ofFj a I'joo, par Medr ano, 3 vol.
folio. Madrid 1741

Volume lil:, Charles V. Volume 2d, Philip III. Volume 3d,
Philip IV. and Charles II. This is a new work, but I do
not fmd that it bears a very great charader. Some able men,
whom I confulted, lamented much their not having any good
hiflory of Spain carried down to the prefent times. This is fur-
prizing, as it will plainly appear from the face of this lift, that no
country in the world pofTelTes better materials from whence to
compile fuch a hiftory. Their chroniclers are numerous : fuch
as,

The Cronlcon of Flavius Dexter.

M. Maximus.

Eleca.

Braulion.

LuiTPRANDO.

Hugo Porta.

Julian.

St. Athanasius,

Gr. Beticus.

HUB^- HiSPALlS.
LiBERATUS OF GiRONA.

Illacii.

AbbS. Valclara.

L. Ramirez de Prado.

DE WULFILAS.

Crontca de "Efpana del Don Alonzo elSabio, folio. ValladoUd 1 604
Crank a de los Reyes Don Fernando y Ifabeh folio. Saragojjd 1567
Crontca Gotica de Saavedra.
Cronica de los Moros de Efpa?ia, par "Juan de Bleda, folio.

Valentia

Besides thefe, they have the annalifts of the feveral kingdoms
or provinces : thus,

Annales del Reyno de Efpana, in feveral volumes in folio.

de Catalonia, 2 vol. folio.

jinnaks

SPANISH WRITERS. 69

Annates de Valentia.

de Arragon, par Hyeronymo Zurita,

This writer is very well known to the learned world for his other
works : thefe annals of Arragon are very finely wrote.

Arragonenjium Reriim Commentariit par Hyeron de BlancaSy
fol i o . Ccvfar Augiijice ^5^3

Geographica & hifiorica Defcriptio Catalonice, par Petro de
Mar cay folio. ' Paris 1688

After thefe come the hiftories and antiquities of particular cities,
which are alfo very numerous : fuch as.

Las A?itiquedades de Madrid, par ^lintano.

Sevilla, par Rod. Caro, folio. Sevilla 1634
Salamanca, par Gonfalvo de Avila.
Granada, par Pedraza.
Defcription de la Ciudad de Toledo, par Fr. de Pifa, folio,

Toledo 1605

_ par Vergara^ folio.

— de Madrid.

del Monajierio de San Lorenzo del

Efcorial, par Fr. de los Santos, folio. Madrid 1681

This is the book which Mr. Thompson has tranllated into
Engllfh, and made fo magnificent an edition of lately in quarto.
It is to be wilbed, that the infcriptions in this work had been more
corredly copied ; they are often falfe Latin, imperfect, and make
a very unfcholar-like appearance.

Hijioria de la Ciudad de Segovia, par Don Diego de Colme-
narez, folio. Segovia 1637

Las Antiquedades de Cordova, par Pedro Dias de Rihas, 4to.

Cordova 1627

Mifcellaneous Books and Writers.

T As Obras del Padre Feijo, \ 3 vol. quarto.

This writer, who lives at Burgos, has juftly acquired a very
high degree of reputation : He has done more towards rightly

forming,

^o SPANISH WRITERS.

forming, r^nd enlarging the minds of his countrymen, than any
Spaniard before him. He declares war againfl: all their vulgar
prejudices, and popular errors ; has faid much freer things than
thofe, who write within the circle of the inquilition, very pru-
dently care to do j and, if the court had not proteded him, he
himlelf had felt the Dominican fcourge long ago.

Defcription Igkfmjlica del Reyno de Efpana, 3 vol. fol.
Ob?-as de'Don Bern. Aldreti/jive Explicatio Charadlerum an-

tlqiwrum, 2 vol. 4to.
Origincs Rhoriim Orhis, par Don Greg. Mayans y SifcaTi

2 vol. 4to.
Origincs Litt. Ant. Hifp. par Manuel de Sarramendi, 8vo.
Obras de Braganza de Ant. Rom. 5 vol. fol.
Concilia Max. Hi/panic ay 7 vol. fol.

Polygraphia Efpagnola, par Rodriguez, fol. Madrid 1738

Diario de los Literatos en Efpana, 7 vol. 8vo. Madrid 1748
Concilia Toletan, par Jorge Loyifa.
La Laya de Coronicas, par Alph. Martinez.
Efcritores del Reyno de Valentia, par Ximenes, 2 vol. fol. Valentia
Enfayo fibre las Medallas de Ejpana, par Don L. J. Velaf-

quezy 4to. Madrid J 75 2

Annales de la Nacion Efpagnol, par Don L. J. Vela/quezy

4to. Malaga 1759

De las Medallas de los Reyes Gotbicosy y Suecos en Efpana,

par Don L. J. Velafquez : cum ijiginti tabulis ceri inci-
fiSy 4to. Madrid IJ^Z

Noticia de los mas principales Hijloriadores de Efpana^ par el

Marquis de Mondecar, 4 vol. fol.
This is a very learned, ufeful, and judicious work,

Conquifta de Me>:ico et Peru, par Don Afit. de Soils y fol.
There is a very handfome copy of this book in bpanifli lately print-
ed at Barcelona.

Tfioria de los Incas de PerUy par Garcilajjo de la Vega.
Tier r era de Agricultura.
Ifioria de las IndiaSy par Herreray 6 vol. fol.
Qbras de Palamino fibre la Pintura, 2 vol, fol.

An

S P A N I S H W R I T E Pv S. 71

An Account of the Spaniih Paintings, by Palamino Ve-
lafco, and Francifco de los Santos ; reprinted in Spa-
niih by H. Woodfall, London 1746

Uno Pedazo de Lapiz, para dibujar de mejor quefe puede en^
contrar.

Hiftoria Latina Hifpania, par Sanchez.

Imprefas Politicas., par Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra.
This is a colieclion of political emblems ; it is not written by the
author of Don S>uixote, but by a much older writer of the fame
name. His works are in 3 vol. folio. ^

El Diablo Coxuelo, or the Lame Devil, par Ant, de GuC"
vara.
Mr. Le Sage's Devil upon Two Sticks, is taken from this work.

Coronifta de los Reyes Catholicosy por 1 500, par Gonzalo de^

Arcedond-Q.
Obras de Sspulvedo.
— de Villalpando.
—— de Bonaventura.

Cr it icon de Lorenzo Graziano^ 2 vol. 4to.
This celebrated writer was a native of Calatajud, or the an-
tient Bilbiiis. His writings are full of an abilrufe and fublirne po-
licy ; and, have been tranllated into French by the famous Monf
Amelot.

Hijioria del Famofo Predicador Frey Gerundio de Campazas,
4to. Madrid 1758

Or, The hilhry of the famous preacher. This is a fatire upon the
monks, written with much fpirit and wit. For a fpecimen of .the
high ridicule, and fatirical drollery employed in this work, take
the following extrad:. Chap. 8. book II. page 205. Frey Ge-
rundio preaches the anniverfary fermon in his convent, in the cha-
pel dedicated to St. Anne, on the feftival of that faint : in which
fermon there is the following paragraph : Fue Ana, como todosfi-
ben, madre de nuejtra Senora, y afirman graves authores, que la tuvo
veinte r7iefes en fu vientre : Hie menfis fextus eft ilii ; y anadcn
otros, que illoro : Plorans ploravit in no6lem : De donde inficro que
fue Maria Zahorri: et gratia ejus in me vacua non fait. Atienda,

' puesy

72 SPANISH W R I T E R S.

pues, el Rethorko al argiimento : Santa Ana fne tnadre de Maria :
Maria fuejfiadre de Chrijio : Luego Santa Ana cs Abiiela de la fan-
tijjima "Trinidad : Et trinitatem in u ait-item veneremur. Por ejj'o
fe cclcbra en efia fu Cafa^ Haec requies mea in fasciilum feculi. . . .
'which is in Englifh : " We all know, that Anne was the mother
*• of OLir Lady, and grave authors affirm, that ilie was twenty
*' months in geftation of her : others add, that fhe wept : from
*' whence I infer, that fhe was Mary Zahorri. Attend, logician,
** to the argument: Saint Anne was the mother of Mary ; Mary
'* was the mother of Chrift: therefore Saint Anne was the grand-
'* mother of the moil: holy Trinity. And therefore flie is cele-
** brated by this feftival in this her chapel."

There is no doubt but Dr. Is la, that Spanijlj Swifts who
wrote this fatire, had copied this from the real fermon of fome
Spanifli monk : the Latin citations are very much in their man-
ner. They were fo galled and irritated by the feverity and pro-
priety of this fine ridicule, that they foon got the inquifition to
forbid the falc of the book : It occafioned fome pamphlets at Ma-
drid in anfwer to it. The author intended a fecond part ; but
the perfecution becoming too ferious, he dropped his deiign.

In page 214. and the following, the provincial calls Frey Ge-
rimdio to an account for this fermon : *' Don't you fee. Sir," fays
the provincial, ^* that by faying, that Saint Anne is the grand-
** mother of the mod: holy Trinity, you advance one of the
*' moll: formal herefies poffible : Becaufe the Trinity is uncreate,
*' unproducible, eternal, and confequently can have neither mo-
*' ther nor grand- mother. By this you fee how ncceffary it is to
" fludy theology, in order to be a preacher ; for, had you pro-
*' perly fludied it, you had not advanced fuch herefies as this.
'* If you had put no more in yowr fianiil a than you ought, you had
** never drawn fuch a confequence : but only this. Therefore Saint
*' Anne is the Grandmother of Chrift. For Chrifl: is not the Tri-
" nity, but only the fecond perfon in it : thus Frey Gerimdio is a
** m.onk of the convent, but not the convent. It would be wretched
** reafoning to fay, Cecilia ReboUo was the mother of Catania Ce-
^' hollon ', Catania Ccholkn was the mother of Frey GerimdJo de

3 " ZoteSi

MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 73

** ZofeSy monk of the convent of the lower Colmenar, therefore Ce^
** cilia Rebollo was the grandmother of the convent."

This fpecimen will fuffice to {hew the turn of that fatire.

El Itinerario del Obifpo de Santo Domingo,

Los Dialogos del Antonio AuguJiinOj Obifpo de Tarragona,
fobre las Medallas, 4to. Madrid 1 744

This learned work is fufficiently known. The edition is a very
mean one, bad paper, full of errors, and the plates miferably en-
graved.

Hijioria del Convento de San Augujlino de Salamanca, par
Padre Emman. VidaU 2 vol. fol. Salamanca 1758

Hippocrates in Greek and Latin, with a Spaniih tranfla-
tion, by Dr. And. Piquer, ProfeiTor of Anatomy in Va-
lentia. Madrid 1758

Antient and Modern Phyiic, by the fame, 4to. ib. 1758

A Treatife on Fevers, founded on Obfervation and Me-
chanifm, by the fame, 4to. Valentia 1751

Moral Philofophy, for the uie of tlie Spanifli Youth, by

the fame, 8vo. Madrid 1757

Difcourfe on the Application of Philofophy to Matters

of Religion, by Dr. And. Piquer, 8vo. Madrid 1757

Bibliographia Critica, by Father Miguel de San Jofeph,

Billiop of Guadia.
Abridgment of Navigation, for the ufe of the Marine

Guards, by Don Jorge Juan, 4to. Cales 1757

Retorica 4e Don Qregorio Mayans y Si/car, 2 vol. 8vo.

Valentia
Moralis Philofophia, by the fame, 8vo. Valentia

Relation of the War in Valentia, and the Entrance of the
Allies and Auftrians into that Kingdom, by Jof. Emm.
Miniana, 8vo. Hague 1752

Th^re are many tracts of Spanifh lawyers, colle(5led by Don
Greg. Mayans y Sifcar, publilhed by Mr. Meerman,
the Syndic of Rotterdam, in his
Novus Tbefaurus Juris Canonici, 7 vol. foU

L De

74 MODERN SPANISH WRITERS

De Ant. Canonwn Cod. Ecckfia Hifp, WJi. Dijfertatioy per

Don Lopez de Barrera, 4to. Rome 1753"

The Hiflory of John Cardinal Carvacallo, dedicated to the

Prime Minifter in Portugal. ibid.. 1752

Elements of Arithmetic and Algebra, by Father Thomas

La Cerda, 2 vol. Barcelona 1758-

Curious and learned Fragments of modern Authors, with
Maxims of a general Critique, by Don Lewis Roche,

Port St. Mary's 1758>

Bfpa?ia Sagrada : or. The Hiftory of the feveral Diocefes
and Churches of Spain, by Father Henry Flores, an
Auguftine Monk, 15 vol. 4to. Madrid 1747-

Hiflory of the Queens of Spain, 2 vol. 4to. Madrid 1760.

A very poor performance.

A Compendium of Theology, by the fame, 5 vol. 4to..

The Miracles of Mother Mary of Ceo, tranllated from the
Portuguefe, by the fame, 2 vol. Madrid 1744;'-

Treatife of Virtue, by Father Francis, tranflated by the
fame, 2 vol. 410. Madrid

Hiilorical Key, by the fame, 4to. ibid. 1749

Medallas de las Colonias Romanas, y Municipios, &c. by the
fame, 2 vol. 4to. ibid. 1758

He has placed in this collection thofe which Vaillant, Mezzobar-
ba, and others have publiflied, but with the addition of many new
ones : he has added an explanation of each^ 58 plates, and a map
of the lite of the colonies. This is a good book ; it fhould have
been wrote in Latin; but that is a language with which Spanifh
monks are but little converfant* .

Origin of the Caftilian Poetry, 4to. Malaga 1754

Means of advancing the Belles Lettres, by Francis Xavier

de Idiaquez, 8vo. Villagarcia 1758

This writer is the eldefl fon of the late Duke of Granada, grandee

ef Spain.

Di[]h'iatio de Deo Endovellko, par Miguel Perez Paftor^
4to. Madrid

Phv-

MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 75

Phyfico-Medlcal DifTertatlons on Breathing, and of con-
veying Remedies into the Veins, by Ant. Jof. Rodri-
guez, 4to. Madrid 1760

A Critico-Medlcal DifTertatlon to introduce true Phyfic,

and banifli the falfe, by the fame, 6 vol. 4to. Madrid 1754

Theological Refledlions, Canonical and Medicinal, upon

Fafting, 4to. Madrid 1748

An Account of California, by Andrew Marc Burriel.

Palceogr aphid Hifpanicay by the fame, 4to. ibid. 1758

Of the Authority of the Laws of the Fiiero JufgOt \ix

famous Gothic Code, by the fame, 4to. Madrid __^ /

This is a very learned, judicious, mafterly, and ingenious wCiSi.--^
See the extradl from it, concerning the Spanifh meafures.

Tratado de la Ortographia Efpanolay par Juan Perez Cajlie^

y Artigiies, 8vo. Valencia 1727

Memorias Hift, de la Fundacion de la Univerjidad de Valeji^

cia, 4 to. Madrid 1730

H-iftoria grande real, par yofepb Gonzalez ibid, 1746

Hift or ia Civil de Efpana, de 1700 a 1733, par Manuel

Fernandez ibid, 1740

De los Derechos Nacional y Romano en Efpatta, par Don

Thomas Ferrandis, 410. ibid. IJA.J

Sobr e U710S Momimentos A?2tiqiios y ^to, . , Valencia 1736

AmbaJJcides du Marechal Bajfompiere en Ffpagne, 4 vol.

8vo. Cologne 1668

Voyage en Ffpagne, fait en 1655, 4to. Paris

The Lady's Travels is a tranflation from this book, a Ipurious work.
Voyage en Ffpagne, par Madatne la Comteffe D' Aiinois,i vol.

1 2 mo. Paris ib<^i

Voyages d' Ffpagne, par le Pcrc Labat.

UFtat prefent d Ffpagne, par l' Abbe Vayrac.

Lettres de Madame de Villars, Ambafjddrice en Ffpagne,

i2mo. An?lierdatn ij6i

Annales d' Ffpagne & de Portugal, par Don Juan Ah. de

Colmcnar, 2 vol. 410. ibid, 1741

L 2 ' L'Hif

76 MODERN SPANISH WRITERS.

VHiftoire dEfpagne, par M, Deformeaux, 5 vol. 12 mo.

Paris 1759
Memoir es fur le Commerce y & les Finances d'Efpagne, 2 voL

i2mo. Af?ift€rdam 176 1

Tour through Spain and Portugal, by Udal ap Rhys,

8vo. London 1760

Theory and Pradice of Commerce, by Don Geronymo

de Uftariz, 2 vol. 8vo. London 1761

Dr. Geddes's Tradts, 4 vol. 8vo. ib. 1709

Memorable Expuljion de los Morifcos de Efpana, 410.

Fampelona 1613^,
Jnfcriptiones Antiqua in Hifpanid reperta, per Ad. Occo-

nem, folio. ^ Heidelb. 1596^

Compendia de la Vida del Card. Xinie?ies, y del ojicio, y Miffa

Muzarabe^ par Eiigenio de RobleZy 4to. Toledo 1604

This Mojarabic Mafs is one of the greatefl curlofities in all Spain;,,
it is celebrated at Toledo. The prefent King of Spain heard i
fo much faid of it, that he afTifled at it in perfon.

De Regis Hifpanid Regnis & Opibus, par De Laety 8vo.

Liigdun i Batavorum J 6 1 9 .^

J/. And.Requefendii Antiquitates Lufitanica, 8vo.

Colonice Agripp. 1613.
I have fet down the titles of moft of the new books in Englilli, .
for the lu.Ke of the Englilh reader.

SPANISH POETS,

/^U EVE DO. The fame author who wrote thofe Vifions^.
^% which we have tranflated into Englifh.

Lopez de Vega Car pi o, v^ho wioX^ t\it J erufalem Conqui—
fiaday tragedies, comedies, &c.

Calderoni, the celebrated comic Poet. The great favourite of
the SpanilTi nation : they relifh little elfe upon the flage, but.
what he has wrote. See the article Stage, His works are in eight"

or nine volumes 410.

Don

MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 'jj,

IDbn Alonzo de Ercilla.

Gil Polo, Principe de EsquilachEc

Antonio Lofraso.

Juan Rufo.

Pineda.

FiGUEROA.

Antonio de Nebsixa.
Garcilasso de la Vega»
Don Miguel de Barrios*.
Gongorra, &;c,.

A LIST of Mockrn Spamjh LITERATI,
(Mofl: of them, I believe, now living.)

"E^ATHER Feijoo of Burgos..

Father Burriel, a great antiquarian^ in the imperial colkge^
©fjefuits at Madrid. .

Father Henry Flores, of the Augufline order^ jhiflorian, and*
medallift. .

— Flores, his brother, antiquarian.

Bar MIEN TO, a Benedidine, has fludied natural hiftory^,.

botany, and the languages.

— Ponce, a Francifcan, mafterof the oriental languages,

— Is LA, the author of Frey Gerundio.

Miguel Perez Pastor, antiquary and medallift.

Velasquez, antiquary.and medallift.

San Felippe (Marquis of) an officer, an envoy from the
court of Spain to Genoa.

Don Gregorio Mayans y Siscar, a gentleman who lives at
OHva nearValentia. and tho'63 years old,purfues his former ftudies
with a vigour beyond his years. He was bom atOliva in 1 699, and
made library keeper to Philip V. at Madrid, in 1733, which place

^S MODERN S*PANISH WRITERS.

he threw up in difguft, in 1740. He has the Teflimonia Enidho'
rum of the greatefl fcholars in mod parts of Europe in his favour.
He is commended by Luis Antonio Muratori, in his Suppleme?tt
to Gra:vius and Gronovhis, pubUfhed at Venice in 1740: by John
Burcard Menkenius, prelident of the univerfity of Leipfic, in the
Acla Lipjiaca : By Chrift. Aug. Heumannus, in his Fia ad iTiJlo-
riain Literariam : By Marc. Aug. Beyer, in his Memorlce Hijiori-
co-critlcc€ L'lbrorum Rariorum, Lipfia ^734 • ^7 Fred. Otto Men-
kenius, in his Notes to his father's Hfe : By Gottofrid Mafcou, au-
Hc counfellor to his late Majefty King George II. and profefTor
of law in the univerfity of Gottingen, in his Preface to Gravinas
Works : By J. Gott. Heineccius, counfellor to the King of PrufTia,
who publiihed Corj2. Van Bynkerjhoek : By Peter WefTeling, in his
Preface to the Epijiles of Don Man. Marti y Dean of Alicant, printed
at Amflerdam in quarto, 1738 : By the prefent Earl of Granville,
who .prefixed the life of Don Quixote, wrote by Don Gregorio
Mayans y Sifcp.r, to the noble impreflion he publiihed of that ro-
mance in 1738, in4to, and which he dedicated to the countefs of

Montijo, the Spanifh ambafTadrefs in London. His brother,

Don Antonio, lives with him, and purfues the fame ftudies. As
I was much obliged to this gentleman for .the favour of his cor-
refpondence, I could not refufe this little acknowledgement; •

Don Perez Bayer, canon and treafurer of the metropolitan
church of Toledo ; an univerfal fcholar, a great mafler of Hebrew
and the oriental languages. He was fent, in the late reign, by or-
der of the court, into Italy, to pick up MSS. and medals :' he has
a very fine cabinet of Roman medals in his own pofieffion, atid fe-
ven Hebrew MSS. which he has promifed to collate for the uie
of Dr. Kennicott. He has publifhed a very learned work, intitul-
ed, Damafiis & Laurentius Hifpanis vindicati, Romce, 4to. He has
written befides, Dijjertatio de Antiqiifjimo Hebrceoriim 'Tempioy To-
leti reperto y and, De Nummis Samaritanisy & qiii'-cocantur Medallas
Defconnocidas. Thefe two are not yet publiHied, but I believe the
latter will foon be printed. This gentleman is of the order of
the Jefuits, and very much efteemed by the court. As I have
received feveral very obliging letters and civilities from him, this
juflice is at leart due to his merit.

Padre Terreros.

Don Lopez de Burrera.

4 * Don

MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 79

Don Lewis Roche. Francis Xavier Idiac^jez, elded

fan of the late Duke of Granada. Antony Joseph Ro-
driguez. Pere Emmanuel Vidal. — Dr. Andrew Pic-

QjJER, profefTor of anatomy in Valentia. Antonio Cap-

devila, profelTor of phyfic in Valentia. Bifhop of Gua-

DiA. Don Vicentio Ximfnes. Jos. Emmanuel Mi-

niana, contlnuator of Mariana's hiflory.r Juan Perez Cas-

TiEL Y Artigues, Valcntian. — Joseph Gonzalez, hiftorian.
Manuel Fernandez, or Bellando, hiftorian. -Don Tho-
mas Ferrandio, hiftorian. -^ Don Jorge Juan, Don Ant.

DE Ulloa, mathematicians.

The Count Gazola, a very learned and fkilful judge of archi-
tecture, painting, and the elegant arts. He intends publiftiing
the ruins of the antient PoeJIum in Italy, fo famous for its
rofes. He is a lieutenant-general, chief engineer, and intendant of
his majefty's fabrics and buildings.

Michael Syri, a Syro-Maronite, perfect mafterof the Eaft-
earn languages, and chief librarian to his majefty at Madrid. He
has publifhed the firft volume of the catalogue of the Arabic MSS.
in the Efcurial. It is a very fine work in folio, well printed, and
contains large fpecimens of each MS. and an accurate account in
Latin.

The other librarian, whofe name I forgot, intends likewife to
publifti the catalogue of the Greek MSS. but it will be fome time'
before it will come out.

Of the UNIVERSITIES in SPAIN.

^ I 'HE Univeriities in Spain are very numerous; but it may
be eafily feen, from the preceding accoiint, that the ftate of
learning in them muft be at a very low ebb. I believe, among
them, that of Salamanca claims the precedence. There is very
little of the learned languages, the belles lettres, or indeed, of
true and found learning ftudied in them. To fay the truth, a good
political reafon might be affigned for this ; the ftudy of true and
found learning, if well purfued and cultivated, would let in too
much light : and how far that might be prejudicial to the inte-

L 4 refts

8o Of THE UNIVERSITIES.

refts of their religion, I cannot fay. The univerfity of Valem-
tia feems, at prefent, to have the fairefl claim to precedence in
point of learning; but that is owing folely to the example, direc-
tions, and inftrudlions of that eminent fcholar Don Gregorio
Mayans y Si scar. They are twenty-three in number.

One in Leon.

1. Salamanca, founded in 1200, by Alfonsus IX;

Six in the Castilles.

2. Palencia, , founded in 1200.
cj. Valladolid, ■ ■ in 1346.

4. SiGUENSA, in 1471, by C. Ximenes.

5. Toledo, >- in 1475.

6. AviLA, in 1445.

. TT f in 1498, by C. Ximenes ; next in rank to Sa.

7. AlCALA DE HeNARES, < t-i' ' /

LAMANCA.

Four in Andalusia.

8. Seville, founded in 1503.

9. Granada, ini53i.

10. Baesa, in 1533.

11. OssuNA, ■ in 1549.

I1U0 in Aragon.

12. Huesca, founded in 1354.

13. Saragossa, ■ ■ ■ — in 1474.

Three in Valentia.

14. Valentia, founded in 1470.

15. Gandia, in 1549*

16. Orihuela, — — — in 1555.

Three in Catalonia.

17. Lerida, founded in 1300.

18. ToRTOSA, in 1540.

19. Tarragona, by Philip II.

N. B. Philip V. in 1717, deprived thefe in Catalonia of their charters, and gave
them toCERBERA, a town in the fame province, which had declared for him.

One in Gallicia.

20. San Jago de Compostelia, founded in 1532.

One in Guipuscoa.

21. Onate, founded in 1543.

One in AsTURiAS.

22. OviEDo, founded in 1580.

One in Navarre.

33. Pampeluna, founded in 1608.

The rank of them are as follows. — Salamanca, Alcala, VallaDOLID, SevIIl*,

Saragossa, Valentia, Lerida.— —The reft are of no moment.

3 Tkere

STATE OF LITERATURE IN SPAIN. Si

There are, however, in thefe univerfities, fome valuable books and
MSS. which the poffefTors themfelves make no great ufe of: fuch
as manufcripts of Priscian and Donatus, in Gothic charac-
ters, with Arabic notes; MSS. of Sallust, Seneca, and Ovid;
two Gothic Bibles, written before the invafion of the Moors, and
a very old Hebrew manufcript of the Bible : all at the city of
Toledo. A Gothic Bible at Alcala de Henares, where
there are the finefl: MSS. of the Hebrew Bible in the world. In
the Royal Library at Madrid there are of firft editions, Plau-
TU s, Fenefh's I /\.y 2; Livius, ad tertiumlibriwi tertiidecadisy 1485;,
Virgilius, Venetiis 14753 Odyssea Homeri, per Bern. Deme-
trium Milanenfemy Florentine 14883 Yl\LiYQ,Yi\\}%tF lor entice, 1520^
Idem, ^Idi, 1514.

[As the two following Latin Epijiles contain feveral particulars
relating to the Prefent State of Literature in Spain, efpecially
the latter, in which are fo many curious fadts and obfervations,
together with a lift of the works of his own countrymen, theVA-
lentian Writers, from the beginning of this century, I have
thought proper to infert them in this place. The literary hif-
tory of the two gentlemen, who wrote them, has been already
given to the reader. He will meet with fome uncommon words
and phrafes in them, but they are Plautince Ditliones, a book
which the Spaniards much delight in.]

+

FRANCISCUS PEREZIUS BAYERIUS

EDFARDO CLARKE,

s. P.

OUanquam mane a prandio, fummiim perendre matritum cc-
gitem, qua in urbe ut te pragfentem pra^fens alloquar fperare
mihi fas fit : nolui tamen perbrevem banc temporis ufuram negli-
gere, aut tecum interea parum oiJiciofus videri, qui me tuishuma^

M niflimis

82 STATE OF LITERATU R

niflimis Uteris provocafti. In iis quod me nihil tale merltum ef-
fufis laudibus cumulas, perbenigne mecum agere videris, qui fundi
mei fines anguftiafque probe intelligo. Totum igitur muneris ell
tui, a quo nihilominus laudari, pergratum mihi eft ac perjucun-
dum.

DissERTATiUNCUL AM deToletauo Hebrsorum Templo fum-
mis olim precibus extorquere a me voluit vir cl. Blaiius Ugoli-
nus, antiquitatum Hebrai'carurn colledor atque illuftrator, ut earn
thefauro fuo infereret, nee tamen obtinuit; nolui enim committere
ut vix exafciatum ac plane tumultuarium opus publici juris fieret,
id quod nunc etiam in caufa efl quo minus de eodem Hifpanis
aut exteris typis edendo ulterius cogitem : faltem donee eidem fu-
premam manum impofuero.

In Damaso & Laurentio Hifpaniae aflerendls, non ego pro ar-
bitrio, neque ut ingenium periclitarer, argumentum mihi felegi, fed
coacClus aliorum importunitate. Cum enim nihil ego minus quam
ea de re cogitarem, ac ne noffem quidem de utriufque patria litem
Hifpanis intentari, bonaque eofdem fide in ephemeridibus nofiris
inter divos patrios retuliflem, cum rifu & cachinnis exceptus fum
2l nonnullis Romanorum hypercriticis, quafi Romanam illorum pa-
triam, rem fcilicet lippis atque tonforibus notam, unus ego om-
nium ignorarem. Itaque coadlus cam provinciam fufcepi ; quod
tamen nolim ita intelligas, quafi me locatae in eo argumento operas
ufpiam poenituerit, aut pceniteat. Quamvis enim alia defmt omnia
in opufculo illo (quod ego non diffiteor) funt nihilominus aliqua
per occafionem explicata quibus, fi me mea non failunt, rei /ifur-
gica, atque hiftorifE ecclefiajiicce non parum lucis affulgere potefl;
praeterea univerfum opus pietatem in patriam ubique fpirat, deque
ea benemerendi ftudium, quod nemo unquam bonus reprehendit.
In eo autem an Vjjcrium alicubi nominaverim, non fatis memini:
tantum abeil ut ipfum, qua de re mihi fubirafceris, parvi fecerim.
(Pearfonum & Dodwellum, p. 19.) Dodvvellum merito fuo carpo,
quod & multi ante me prieliitere, alii quidem alio nomine, ego
quod mifere itis, excruciet, totufque in eo fit, ut coclites ipfos e
fedibjs deturbct fuis, et 'ix quern denique e fmcflorum martyrum
albo expungendum pro lubidine fibi perfuadet, geftit, erumpit
2 pra?

I N S P A I N. 83

pras gaudio, triumphumque putat palmarium. Egregiam vero lau-
dem! Itaque ut verbo abfolvam, Dodwelli in hac parte judicium
odi ac deteftor, dodlrinse nihil detradum volo. Menagium ibidem
dum genio ad facetias atque hilaritatem compofito nimis obefcun-
dat, faspiflime fcurram agit. Nihil eft in Coelo fordium. Valeat
Lucianus ! Sed de his plus fatis.

Hebraicos Veteris Teflamenti Codices, qui fcilicet aut totam
illud, aut Pentateuchum, aliofque facri Foederis libros continent
penes me habeo circiter vig'mti quinque, Erunt forfan nonnulli
laeculo duodecimo exarati, aut eo non multo recentiores ; unus
certe omnium ante ejufdem faeculi dimidium fcriptus eft : habet
enim in fine numeralem notam anni ab orbe condito 4904, quern
falutis anno i 144 refpondere optime nofti. De collatione ac va-
riantibus, quod ais, Toleti res eft ftipra quam dici poteft impedi-
ta y pauci enim ea in urbe ftint, qui Hebraicas litteras norint, nee
fine duorum minimum interventu negotium iftud peragi tuto poteft^

Domino Pitt, quanquam paullo quam oportuerat ferius fidem
tamen meam liberabo. Suftineat me interea quasfo & aliis impli-
citum, & ftimma qiioque adumbratorum inopia ibidem in hac ur-
be laborantem. De nummis plura coram Deo Optimo Maximo
defuper largiente, a quo tibi felicia omnia comprecor 5c faufta.

ToL E T I , pojlridie Idas Juniasy M. d c c . l x i .

M 2 E P I-

34 STATE OF LITERATURE

+

E P I S T O L A

Domini GREGORTI MAJANJSII,
GENEROSI VALENTIN I,

EDVARDO CLARKE

AMANDATA.

TV/TEUM Ingenium ad amicorum obfequium paratlfllmum facit,
ut illi de me multo prseclarius & fentiant, & loquantur,
quam ipfe mereor. Itaque li fidem adhibueris eorum teftimoniis,
ienties nimis magnifice de meo fludio literarum. Tu, vir pru-
dentiffime, fi decipi non vis, voluntatem meam pluris facito, quam
facultatem fatisfaciendi delideriis tuis. Ilia fponte fua foecundif-
fima eft -, haec, invito me, flerilis : prout nunc experior fane per-
dolenter. Vellem enim Sacrorum Bibliorum omnes Hebraicos co^
dices y qui latent in Hifpanias Bibliothecis, in poteftate mea ha-
bere, & publice exhibere, ut a viris dodtiflimis cum aliis codicibus
conferrantur, in commune Chriftianae Reipublicce bonum, fx, in-
crementum. Mihi enim in mentem venit illud Ifaias a Michea
repetituni : * Ibiint popuH multi, & dicent, Venit e (y defceiidamus ad
montem Domini^ & ad doinmn Dei yacob^ & docebit nos viasfiias, &
ambulahimiis in femitis ejus : quia de Sion exibit leXy G? verbum Do^
mini de lerufalem. Gloriorque ejus difcipulum efle, qui cum fit
Verbum internum, de fe profefTus eft : Ego palam locutus fum mun-
do : ego fcmper docui infynagoga^ & in temple, quo omnes yudcvi con-
"oeniiinty & in occulta locutus fum nihil. Quare Vetus illud Tefta-
mentum, quod ille coram omnibus revolvere 5c legere folitus fuit ;
itcmque Novum, quod ipfe juliit fcribi, & omnibus gentibus annun-
tlarii exiftimo minime occultari debcre; fed ibi proponendum, un-
de de piano re6te Icgi polfit. Sed cum libri facri Hebraica lingua
fcripti, in Hifpania legi dcfierint ob ejuslinguse inufum, atque hie

• Micah iv. 2.

inu-

I N S P A I N. Ss

inufus ortum habuerit a metu, & pollea ab ignorantia confirmatus
fit ; inde fadum eft, ut in privatis bibliothecis non fuperfint, & in
publicis religiofe cuftodiantur. Cum auteni Hifpani habemus
regem, qui fuperftitiofus non eft ; credo eum, modo petentis adiit
au6toritas, & prudentes cautiones adhibeantur, minime denegatu-
rum facrorum codicum ledlionem, collationem, defcriptionem, &
quidquid necefle fit ad divini verbi fententiam intelligendam.
Quod fi Rex Catholicus voluerit, crede mihi, impedimenta omnia
quae enumeras, nihil obftabunt. Verum, quod omittis, non eft le-
vis momenti, difRcultas inveniendi Hifpanos Hebraicae linguas bene
peritos. Et, ut exiftimo, haec eft cauffa difficilis aditus ad facros
codices ea lingua fcriptos.

Placuisse tibi epiftolam illam, quam in gratiam excellentif-
fimi viri Benjamini Keene fcripfi, vehementergaudeo. Vir fuit
ingenii dulciffimi, quique facile confequebatur quas volebat ob ftu-
dium & perfpicaciam morum hominum, humanitatem facile fefe
infinuantem, & liberalitatem. Frequentillime ille mecum de rebus
literariis agebat ; nam, ut erat rerum omnium curiofiffimus inda-
gator, optimos Hifpanias fcriptores nofcere fatagebat, & ftudiofe in
otiofis intervallis ledtitabat.

MiRARis Henricum Florezium de Nummis antlquis Hifpani- //^«r/Vw
cis Hifpana lingua fcripfifte. Ego mirarer multo magis, fi Latina^^'^^'^2;/«y,
fcripfifiet. Tunc enim neque exteris, neque popularibus fuis
placeret. Laudanda in eo viro diligentia, qua tot numifmata edi-
dit : quod perfacile fuit promittenti famam perpetuam commu-
nicantibus fecum antiqua numifmata. Antonius Auguftinus dili-^/;?/^;//",? yf«.
genter hoc ftudium inter noftrates coluit : clarus Vincentius ]O'0j'"'*^'
hannes Laftanofa, adamavit, oftentavitque : NobililTimus vir ^t-j}anofa.
trus Valerus Diazius, juftitia Arragonuni, adeo pra^clare calluit, n\.P^trus Vale-
eximias laudes confecutus fuerit a peritiffimo hujus literaturoe cen-^"^ lazius.
fore, Ezechlele Spanhemio prope finem dilfertationis non^ do pra3-
ftantia & ufu numifmatum antiquorum. Ex illlus magni viri lo-
cupletilfimo thefauro plufquam tria millia numifmatum obtinuit,
& hodie cuftodit clarus vir Ferdinandus de Velafco in auditorio .^. "^'"'"'"

lltCilCl,

duodecemvirorum Stlitibus judicandis in domo 6c urbe rcgia (Hif-
pani dicimus Alcaldes de Cafay Corte) patronus fifcalis : idemque

vir

26 STATE OF LITERATURE

plu/quam ioo\ir do^'iCCimus nacftus efl exejufdem Diazii bibliotheca plufquam
iibn clere ^entum libios de re nummaria agentes. NonnuUi alii in fuis ga-
En.manuei zophilaciis magnos habuerunt thefauros, fed abfconditos. Edidi
Martlnus. ggQ Emmanuelis Martini, Decani Lucentini, Epiftolas ad hoc ar-
cevtinus. " gumentum fpedlantes : noftratium animos excitavi ad hoc fludium
Gon%akcius excolendum. Clams vir Andreas Gonzalezius Barcia recudi juflit
Bauia. Antonii Auguftini immortale opus numifmatum, infcriptionum, &
aliarum antiquitatum. Eo vita fundto, agnatus illius, ejufdem no-
minis, praDtorii Granatenfis fenator, me adhortante illud edidit : &
ftatim innumeri oculi aperti, & incredibilis muhitudo eft inquiren-
tium antiqua numifmata, atque inde orta difficultas inveniendi ea.
Ego ibi fum, ubi rariffime reperiuntur : & ubi nemo verfatur in
hoc erudito ftudio. Perfaspe inter amicos divifi nummos antiquos,
quos obtinere potui. Romani, qui apud me manent, tui erint.

Scire cupis, qui libri manufcripti Graeci, aut Latini, vel hif-
toricorum, vel poetarum ; qui vctufti audtores inediti in Hifpania
fuperiint ? Catalogum Graecorum Latinorumque fcriptorum, qui
extant in regia Madridienli bibliotheca diligenter confecit, & edere
Johannes cogitat clarus vir "Johannes Iriartey bibliothecarius regius. Biblio-
Jnarte. theccE Scorialenfis varii indices evulgati. Sed quia rari funt, faci-
BMotheca lius eft ipllim bibliothecam adire, & in ea ipfos libros confulere,
ScoriaUnfis. {\ comes adjungaris alicui viro, qui audloritate vigeat apud biblio-
thecarium, aut illi monafterio prsefedum. An vero poffint fup-
pleri lacunar aliquae, Livii, Taciti, Diodori Siculi, Dionis Caffii,
aliorumque fimilium, res eft, quae fciri nequit, nifi ipli codices in-
fpiciantur. Crediderim vero niulta pofle fuppleri, & quamplari-
vni alia melius legi : nam thefauri Hifpanici nondum lunt efFofii.
Quanti vero lint, facile coUigere poteris, fi confideraveris, quam fe-
leds bibliothecae Scorialenfem formaverint. Magnus ille Alphon-
■* ^' ""■'^^ fus V. Aragonum Rex, qui literas ita amavit, ut iion dubitaverit
dicere, Maliefe omnium regnorwn fuorum (feptem autem potiebatur)
jaBiiram faccre, quam nnnimam doSirince^ adeoque docftos adamavit,
fovitque, uti Laurentiam Vallam, Antonium Panormitam, Bartlio-
lomajum Faccium, Georgium Trapezuntium, Johannem Aurif-
pam, Jovianum Pontanum : & Ubrum apertiim pro inligni habuit,
iignificans ftudlum fuum erga libros, quibus fuorum regnorum bi-
bliothecas implevit, ornavitque j priccipue fuam inftruxit raris,
,i)c antiquiilimis libris Graecis, Latinifque, qui poftea beneficio Fer-
dinand!

I N S P A I N. 87

dinandi duels Calabria ex teftamento pervenerunt ad Gundizalvum
Perezium, Carolo V. a manu, Homeri Odyireas interpretem Hif-
panuiri celeberrimum. lUi autem libri tefte Antonio Perezio ejus
filio tranilati etiam fuerunt in Bibliothecatn Scoriaknjem, quam
locupletarunt alice bibliothecas feled:iilimae eruditifTimorumvirorum:
veluti Didaci Furtati de Mendoza, lingua? Latina?, Grascse, & Ara--^'!^^^' ■^"''•
bicae peritiffimi; Antonii Aiigiifiini, ad miraculum eruditi ; Bene- jfiiofj, ^„-
diSfi Arice MoJitani in eruditis linguis verfatiflimi ; aliorumque uftini.
eximiorum virorum> quorum longa feries referri poiTet. Diligentia.^^'^^ *
itaque oculari opus eil ad fecretas illas opes infpiciendas, Atque hoc
velim confideres. Libri manu exarati, plurilque faciendi in Bibli-
otheca Scorialenfi^ aut funt Hifpani, aut Arabici, aut Latini, aut
Grasci. Hifpani nondum in ufum publicum derivati funt; Ara-
bici nunc incipiunt orbi literario innotefcere per Michaclem Cafiru
Conjecftare igitur quantum fperari poffit de Latinis, GrLccifque.

Pr^terea in Ilifpania fuifTe homines Latinve Gr^^ca?que lin-
guae peritiffimos, optimifque & exquilitiffimis libris inil:rud:os, ne-
mo negaverit, li meminerit Ferdinandi Nonnii Pintiani, Petri Jo--
hannis Nunnefti, aliorumque fimilium : quorum omnium libros
ab Hifpania exportatos ad exteras bibliothecas, & plures in ea non
manfilTe, difficulter crediderim. Remanent igitur adhuc plurimi
eorum, & fuperfunt alii in paucis, fed numercliffimis, & antiquis
bibliothecis, quae adhuc confervantur, h. a gryphibus cuflodiuntur.

Quant us vir lit clariffimus Johannes Taylorus, fama prs-
dicat, &abunde didici ab amicoejus ampliffimo Meermano. Quam-
obrem licet linguam Anglicam non intelligam, libenter a te acci-
piam Eleificnta Juris Civilis ab illo edita, ut meam inftruant bi-
bliothecam.

Scire cupis prascipua opera literaria, qus ab Hifpanis pu-
blica luce donata funt ab anno mdcc? Vaftam provinciam mihi
mandafli. Earn breviter percurram.

Valentini habemus duas bibliothecas, quarum audlores, vi-
delicet Jofephus Rodriguezius, monachus fodalicii Sancflilfimae Tri-
adis, & Vincentius Ximenes, prefbyter & dodor theologus, libera-
liffimi funt in conterraneorum laudibus. Priccipue vero Valentini ^^'4'^^'"^'
regni fcriptores, qui hoc noftro faeculo floruerunt, funt lii.

Tho-

tues ccni'

■iiendii'.m.

88 STATEOF LITERATURE

Mathema- Thomas Vincentius Tofca, prefbyter congregationis B. Philip-
pi Nevii, qui in Hifpanorum gratiam edidit Compendhun Mathe-
maticimi'y itemque Philofopbicumy fed hoc Latine fcriptum,cui ego
adjunxi inftitutiones morales.

Johannes Baptifta Corachan , cuj us eft ArithmetkalDemonfiratay
fasculo elapfo edita, & Mathefis Sacra a me evulgata.

JosFPHUS Emmanuel Miniana, monachus fodalicii Sandiffimse
Triadis, celebratifTimus ob Continuationein Hijlorice Jobannis Ma-
riance^ & Bellum Rufiiciim Valentinum,

Emmanuel Martinus, decanus Lucentinus, cujus elegantiffimas
Epijiokis proculdubio legifti.

HiACYNTHUs Segura, monachus Dominlcanus, cujus ^{i Nor-
te CriticOf id eft, Polus Criticus.

Paschasius Sala, praspofitus Valentinus, poft cujus mortem
in lucem prodiit Sacrum Veterum Hebrceorum Kalendarium.

NoBiLissiMUS vir, Georgius Johannes, qui {cnp{it Narrationem
Hijhricam Itineris Jul in Americam Meridionakm.

AuGusTiNus Saleiius, hujus regni hiftoricus, qui praeter alia
multa edidit Difj'ertationem de Ttirice Marmore nuper eff'qffo.

Scrittores Inter fcriptores Cathalanos numerandi funt, clarus vir Nar-
Cathalam. ciffus Felix, qui evulgavit Annaks Cathahnia, definentes in rebus
Anni mdccix.

Ri'be'ra!^^ Em MANUEL Marianus Ribera, monachus fodalicii B. Maris
Virginis de Mercede, qui praeter Regium Sacellum Barci?ionenfe,
editum anno 1698, evulgavit hoc faeculo librum de Regum Hif-
pania Patronatu in Regale & Militare Sodaliciiim Dowince Mercedis
Redemptionis Capti'voruin^ & Centuriam primam ejufdem Sodaliciiy in
quibus libris quamplurima leguntur ex: Barcinonenfi antiquiflimo
archio depromta.

JiitonlusBa- Clarus vir Antonius Baftero Roma; fecit publici juris Cruf-
-^ ^^°' cam Provincialemy opus eximium.

Jofsphm Fi- Ce L E B E R R I M u s vir Jofephus Fineftrefius edidit Jiirifprudentia^n
nejycjiuu Antejufiinianeamy PraleBiones Cervarien/eSf de Jure Dotium libros

3 quin-

I N S P A I N. ^

quinqiie, C^ Co?nmenfariiim in Hennogentanunu erudltlffima opera le-
galia. Idem brevi exhibebit Syllogen InfcripUonum Ro77janari{?7i,
qua: in Principatu Cathalaimice, njel extant, vel aliquando extiterunt.

Ejus frater. Jacobus Fineftrefius, monachus Ciflertienfis, edi-
dit Hijloriam Monafterii Populeti, e cujus tabulario produxit multa
fcitu dignillima.i

Matth^us Aymerich focletatis Jefu nuper in lucem piibli-
cam emifit Nomina & A6ia Epifcoporum Barcinone?iJium ; in cujus
operis fine legitur Syllabus Chronologico-Hiftoricus^ ab eruditifiimo
Jofepho Fineftrefio compofitus.

Ex reliquis Hifpanias provinciis, regnifque, multi viri hoc nof-
tro faeculo fcriptis fuis nobilitati funt, ut clarus Liidovicus Sala^
zarius, ob innumera genealogica fcripta celeberrimus.

Johannes Ferreras regiae bibliothecse Madridienfi prasfedius ohjohamtcs
Annales Hijioricos valde notus, in quibus illud utile eft, quod {cn^.'Feneras,
tores, quos fequitur, allegat.

Franciscus de Berganza, monachus Benedidlinus, qui in ^neFrafid/cus da
Antiquitatum Hifpanice, varia chronica Vetera edidit, et in Ferraras Berganza.

convidloy IJidori Pacenjis Chronicon.

Johannes Interian de Ayala, monachus fodalicii B. Mariae dey. /. de
Mercede, vulgavit Hiimaniores at que amamiores ad Mufas Exairfusj^y^^^-
itemque Pidlorem Chrijiianum eriiditiim.

Clarus vir Andreas Gonzalez de Barcia Antonii Leonis Pineli-^^^^'^^^
Bibliothecam Orientale?n & Occidentakm mirifice auxit, multos li- <'"^^^^'
bros ad hiftoriam Indiarum pertinentes recudi juffit, 6c Antonii Au~
gujiini Dialogos de Numifmatis, Infcriptionibus, & Antiqmtatibus, a
me jam commemoratos.

Clarus vir Jofephus Bermudez, de ^jure Regii Hofpicii icn^^\t.JBermud<:z,

Christophorus Rodriguez de Palceographia Hifpana. Rodriguez.

Johannes Gomez Bravo Catalogum Epifcopoj'um CordubenfiumGovuz

edidit. Bravo.

Prod I IT etiam in lucem BenediBi Aries Montani LeBio Chri-B. A. Mot^
Jiiana, interprete Petro de Valentia, eximius liber ad edifcendam^'^""^*
linguam Hifjpanam, fi conferatur cum DiBato Chrijliano ejufdem
audoris.

N Luce

90 STATE OF LITERATURE.

N. AntoniL Luce publica fruitur Nicolai Antonii Cenjiira WJioriarumfabu*
lojariim,

Marchio Pl E N A funt bonffi frugis Marchionis Mondexarenfis Opera ChrO'

Mondexar. y^Qi^gi^^^ : DiJJcrtationes Ecclefiafiicce repetitse editionis, ab aucftore

ipfo emendatae & auclae 3 6c AnimadverJ/ones in Hijhriam ^ohannts

Mariance,

Laurenthis Eques Mediolaiienfis, Laurentlus Bonivini, evulgavit Ideam No-

Bomvini. ^^ Hijioria Genet alls Anieric(2 Septentrionalisy in cujus fine legun-

tur prxclariflima opera hiftorica, qucE audlor poffidebat.

Bernarduscle Emmanuel Bernardus de Ribera fodalicii SandtiffimcE Trlados^
Ribera. ^^^^ volumina edidit Injiitutionum Philofop hie arum, 6c promifit duo-
decim.

Stephanus Stephanus Terreros, Societatis Jefu, evulgavit Falcsographiam
'j^m'^^'b^ ..Hifpananii cujus verus audor eft Andreas Marcus Burriel, ejufdem
rid, ' focietatis, qui pra^ter Hijioriam de Rebus Caliphornicis, edidit erudi-

tiflimum librum de Mquatione Fonder um & Menfuraruniy nomine

urbis Toleti.

PosTREMo Valentice renovantur varia opufcula, quibus Latinae.
Iingua3 cognitio iit facilior per interpretationes Hifpanas, cujuf-
modi funt tranflationes Hifpanicae aliquorum audlorum ex clajjicis,
ut feledtae Ciceronis Epiftola^, interprete Petro Simone Aprili, 6c
alia opera fimilia, quae ego dedi imprimenda. Omitto alios fcrip-
tores tibi notos, quorum judicium malo efle tuum, quam meum..

Habes epiftolam plenam fcftinationis. Diligentior ero, cum
tua intererit, Vir humaniffime. Vale.

O L I V iE , Pridie Calendas Septembres, Abuio m d c c l x i.

[Thofe readers, who do not underftand the Latin tongue, u^ill
have no reafon to regret, that there is no tranflation of thefe
epiftles annexed to themj fince the literary hiftory they contain,
and the lift of authors, v/ould afford them but very dry enter-
tainment.]

LETTER

LETTER V.

State of MEASURES and WEIGHTS,

THERE IS no part of the Bpamfi cufloms, of which it is fo
difficult to give any clear account, as thofe which relate
to their MeaJ'ures and Weights : for they retain in ufage to this day,
all the meafures and weights, which their feveral conquerors or
invaders have introduced at different periods.

Nothing can give one a flronger proof of the uncommercial
genius of this people, and of the little attention which they have
ever given to trade, than their miniftry's having permitted this
matter to reft upon the prefent footing. There is fcarce any thing
which is more ferviceable to the exigencies of commerce, or which
facilitates its courfe more, than an univerfal conformity between the
meafures and weights of the fame country. The Romans, tho*
far from being the moft trading nation in the world, yet perhaps
for fome ages the wifeft, paid always the moft minute attention
to this point, and even eftablifhed a commercial pou?id, for the
greater convenience of their trade.

The confuiion, which refults from this ftrange variety, may be
eafily conceived. In one province you will find MooriJJj meafures
and weights, in another Roman, in a third Gothic. The inquifition
hath had little influence in this matter, for of thefe they have made
an olio, and mixed Pagan, Mahometan, Jcwifti and Chriftian mea-
fures and pounds all together. Thus, in Seville you meet with

N 2 the

92 STATE OF MEASURES

the Loji, the Cahy, and the Ancyras in Cadiz, the Fanegue, or com-
meafure of two bulliels Enghrti; which are ^\2im\y MooriJJ? by the
barbarity of their names. In Castile you will find one pound;
in Andalusia another. In this city you will fee a pound of 16
ounces, in that one of 32, in another of 40, which is the butchers
pound in Segovia, or the libra carnicera, as Livy calls it : that
is to fay, thefe different cities make ufe of one pound, two pounds,
and two pounds and a half. But this is not the worft view of this
matter j for in meafures of the fame iiamcy you will find a mofl
unfvftematical variation in different places : Thus, for infl:ance,
the'mofl common meafure of length in Spain is the vara, or bar-,
this wants three inches of our Englifli yard, being exadly two
ffeet nine, or 33 inches long, if it be after the flandard of Bur-
gos, which was fixed by Philip II. in 1568: and Ferdinand
VI. by an edid: of February 14, J 751, ordered, that in all
things relating to war and the marine they fhould ufe the bar of
Castile. For till thefe later injundions, Spain followed in this
matter the regulations of Alphonsus the Wife, who fixed the
standard himfelf, and gave it to the City of Toledo; that is to
fay, he very politically endeavoured at fome uniformity in this
point, by reducing all the meafures and weights in his dominions
to the Roman flandard. Such is the flate of this matter in Ca-
stile; but when you leave thofe kingdoms, and get into the
other provinces, you will find the variations of this 'vara very con-
fiderable ; nay, even in Castile itfelf ; for the bars of Burgos,
Toledo, Avila, and Madrid are all different. The propor-
tion, however, between this meafure of Burgos and our Englifh
yard, is always as 100 Englifh yards = to 109 and 3 inches of
the Spanijh 'vara.

Our modern calculators have made the Roman foot much lefs
than our Englifh foot ; that is to fay, the pes Romanus, according
to them, is, in EngliH) meafure, 1 1 inches, and 604 decimal
parts of an inch, or almoft half an inch lefs : but I am flirongly
inclined to believe, that the Englifli and Roman foot were the
fame thing. For whoever will perufe the following account of
the Spanifh vara and league^ extracted from a work of the learned
Father Burriel, of the Imperial College of Jefuits at Madrid,

will

A N D W E I G H T S. 93

will perhaps find reafon to alter his fentiments in this point, and
will perceive this truth eftablifhed by his accurate reafonings upon
the Roman EJiadal ftill preferved at Toledo. For there beinc/
exactly the fame difference between the har of Toledo, and that
of Burgos, as there is between the bar of Burgos, and the Eng-
lifh yard : confequently, if the bar of Toledo was taken from the
Koman foot, the Englifh yard muft come from the fame fource.
The bar of Burgos was, as I faid, 33 inches, the bar of Toledo
36, the Englifli yard 36, confequently thefe two laft meafures are
the fame.

That the antfent foot of Toledo was the exa(5l Roman foot,
there can be no doubt; the Spaniih and Roman meafures, as well
as weights being, for many ages, even after the divifion of the em-
pire, the fame thing. The GothSj tho' they pulled down that
vaft fabric, had an amazing reverence for the wifdom of its builders;
they preferved with a religious care, not the names only, but the
exadt uniformity and correlpondence, which fubfifted between the
Roman weights, moneys, and meafures of all kinds, as Burriel.
hath proved from the authority of thofe two bifhops Idacius
and Isidore. And the Moors did in great meafure the fame
thing. You may fee, by one trivial inftance, how much the Ro-
man weights and 1 leafures prevailed in Spain in after times : the
ftyle-yard, which Is much ivv ufe among them at prefent, is called
JJno Romano to th::s day, and by no other name.

For liquid meafures the Castilians ufe the Agumbrey Y^hichy.
as appears by the name, is an Arabic meafure, and perhaps origi-
nally taken from the Omer of the Hebrews. The At^umbre con-
tains two quarts Englhh, or half a gallon. And the table of their
liquid meafure may ftand thus :

IDos Agumbres — 4 quarts i gallon >

JJn Agiimbre ■— 2 quarts i. gallon.

Medio Agiimbre — i quart i. gallon*

Una ^artillo i pint -[. gallon*

Ip

94 STATE OFMEASURES

If the quantity be greater, you then reckon by the Arrohat
which is Hkev/ife another Arabic meafure, and is exadly the quar-
ter of the hundred, or 25 pounds Enghdi weight : for four Ar-
robes make the ^intaU or 100 pounds weight. But here again
the Arroba is not the fame throughout all Spain ; for the pound
of Cadiz and Seville, and confequently the Arrobcy are much
larger than thofe of Castile. In Spain almofl every thing,
whether dry or liquid, is fold by the pound, by the avoirdupois
pound of 16 ounces, and confequently by the Arrobe: Thus wine,
oil, wood, coals, corn, bread, fait, 6cc. are fold by the pound, and
as many of thefe are ufually purchafed in large quantities, they are
generally fold by the Arrobe, I make no doubt, but the ufage of
the old Roman pound of 12 ounces avoirdupois, or 10 troy, pre-
vails ftill in fome parts of Spain, tho' I am not able to prove it ;
As the ftandard of the bar has been kept at BuRGos,fo the flandard
of the Arroba has been preferved at Toledo ; and corn hath been
regulated by the Fanegiie of Avila.

The gold and filver-fmiths weights are.

The ^ilafey or Carat, 4 grains.

A Tomin =: to 3 carats, 1 2 grains.

A Cajiillan z: to 8 tomins.

The Ounce =: to 6 caflillans and two tomins.

The Cajiillan is the gold weight of Spain, and is = to 14 rials

and 16 peniques.
The Mark = to 8 ounces.

The ftandard of the inark for filver has been kept at Burgos;
but the ftandard of the gold mark at Toledo.

This may fuffice for a fhort view of the CaJiUian meafures and
weights ', for he who would give an accurate account of all which
prevail in the feveral provinces of Spain, had need write 2. folio y
and not a letter. Thofe who would wiih to know with the great-
eft precifion the exacft length of the Cajiilian bar and league may
find it in the following extract taken from Father Burriel's
book Upon the Authority of the Laws of the Fue?^o Jufgo.

6 Of

AND DISTANCES. 95

Of Spaitifly Meafures and Diftances.

'tX/'E will now endeavour to fix the value of The Bar of Cajiik,
to determine the length of The SpaijiJJj League, and confe-
quently to difcufs a very important point of modern geography.

The bar Is that Spanifi meafure from whence are derived all
thofe which ferve as meafures of diftance : and as long as its va-
lue is not fixed, it will be very difficult to afcertain juflly the Ca-
Jlilian League. But this is only a part of the difficulty : it is not
fufficient to know what is the number oi feet that go to make a
bar : it is neceffary to fearch ftill farther, and find out what kind
of feet they are, that is to fay, whether they are Spa^iiJJj, or RojjiaTt
feet. Such is the quefiion now before us. We have already faid.
That Alphonsus the IV fe ordered all the cities and flates to make
their weights and meafures after the ftandard of thofe which he
had himfelf given to the city of Toledo. Philip II. found it
convenient to annul in part fo wife a decree, by ordering, in a de-
claration made 1568, that the bar of Burgos fliould be the univer-
fal bar of his monarchy. Toledo facrificed, without difficulty,
her pretenfions to the public good, which ought to refult from
fuch uniformity; and conformed at firfl to the will of the prince,
in fending to Burgos for a copy of her bar ; a copy, which To-
ledo has always preferved, and preferves to this day, with the
greateft care. If all the cities of Castile had fliewed the fame
vigilance as Toledo in the prefervation of their bar, it is certain^
that one fhould not fee that vafl; difference between them, which
is fo vifible at prefent. It was natural, that this change in the bar
fhould have an influence In the afcertainment of diftances, which
it has been applied to meafure ; and this perhaps is the fource of
fo many opinions which cladi among thofe who have wrote upon
the Length of the Spani/Jj- League, which of all the meafures is the
moil im^portant, and that which we have moft frequently a ne-
eeffity of knowing its real value ..

The

g6 STATE OF MEASURES

The Spanish writers make mention of three forts of leagues,
common, legaU and geographical. Philip II. ordained by a decree
of ^S^l'' ^^^^ ^^^ legal leagues fliould be common leagues, and
not legal leagues : it is difficult to comprehend the fenfe of this
decree. For if the co/?! mo n league is an arbitrary diftance, it would
not ferve as a rule in points where the property of individuals is
concerned, where it is neceflary to have a conflant and determined
meafure.

Ambrosius Morales and EsQUivEL eftabliflied it as a ma-
xim, that by a common league we ought to underftand a diftance
of 4000 paces, 20,000 feet, or 6666-i bars. And this fuppoling
after the refearches of Esquivel, that the antient Spanifh foot
was the third of the l>ar ofCaJiik, which was without doubt the
har of Burgos : But thofe refearches are pofterior to the decree of
1587; and the authority of thefe two writers cannot ferve to the
interpretation of a law of Philip II. By the confeffion of all
thofe who have come after them, there exifts no fuch thing in
Spain as common leagues of 4000 paces; nor can they any more
take for a common league, thole which the inhabitants of a province
fix by their eye, or travellers and couriers by the watch : Becaufe
this league might ferve at moft to fix the fpace of ground to a
traveller, but not to the furveyor, v/hen it is neceffary to mea-
fure the ground without roads, and in the mofl exadt manner.

The uncertainty is no lefs great as to the extent of the legal
league: Morales, who fpoke of it before the decree of 1587,
makes it 5000 bars, 3000 paces, 15,000 feet. Moya gives it
the fame extent in his Theoretical and PraBical Geometry, printed
in 1563, and their eflimations have been adopted by Cespedes
in the treatife of Hydrography, which he publiflied in 1606, by
order of Philip III. Pere Mariaux, and Don Garcia Gabel-
loro are of a different opinion j they make the legal league 5000
paces, or 25,000 feet.

By geometrical leagues we underfland thofe, feventeen of which
make a degree , but the exiftence of equal leagues has no foun-
dation in theory, nor obfervation ; and flrangers have adopted

them
6

STATE OF MEASURES, &c. 97

them without examination, upon the credit of fome Spanifh au-
thors, devoid of that inftrudion, which is neceflary in a matter fa
important as this.

From what we have faid, there refults a new problem, namely
to know, if it is poflible, how to fix the number of Spanifh leagues y
which compofe a degree. They cannot give a pofitive anfvver to
this queftion, without having firfl a fundamental point from
whence to deduce it. It is certain that we can know exad:ly
the value, or length of the Spanifh league, if one knew the num-
ber neceflary to a degree : and alfo one fhould know how many of
thefe leagues the degree contains, before one can be certain of the
value of each of them.

It is this laft method which Don Jorge Juan employed, when
he was reducing the number of French toifes into bars of Cas-
tile which a meridional degree contained, contiguous to the
equator, meafured by Meflrs. Go din, Bouguere, and La Con-
D AMINE, to whom v/as aflbciated, by order of the Spanifh court,
Don Antonio de Ulloa. The Spanifli geometrician, fupported
by the authority of many laws of the Partida, which he cites in
his work, fuppofes with Mo y a and Cespedes, that the Spanifh
league contains 3000 paces, 15,000 feet : and this fuppofition be-
comes a principle in his hands, to proceed to the redudion pro-
pofed.

Mr. Godin, before he fat out for Peru, had the attention to
provide himfelf with a copy of the toife of the Cbatekt at Paris,
which he drew with the greatefl exadnefs, in order to make uie
of it in the meafures which were the objed of his voyage.

When Jorge Juan returned into Spain, he carried with
him a copy of Mr. Godin's toife, which he took with all thofe
phyfico-mathematical precautions, which the defire of accuracy
prefcribed to him, and the importance of the work wliich he me-
ditated. After having compared this copy of the French toife,
at Madrid, with the bar which the council of Castile fent
him, he found, that the bar of Madrid contained 371 lines of

O the

98 STATE OF MEASURES, 6cc.

the French toife, and that the foot of the French toife was to the
bar of Madrid, as 144 to 371. The obfervations made upon
the equator gave 56,767 toifes to a meridional degree, and it was
eafy to Don Jorge Juan to reduce this number of toifes to
132,203 bars: in dividing the relation which he had fixed be-
tween the foot of the toife, and the bar of Madrid; or in di-
viding 132,203 bars, which the degree contains, by 500, which
is the number of bars that make a league, he found, that the
degree contained 26 Spanifh leagues and a half.

It appeared, however, that it was not till after this reducflion
by Don Jorge Juan, that they thought more ferioufly in Spain
of the difference which there is between the bars of Burgos,
AviLA, and that of Madrid, upon which this geometrician had
made his experiments. It was for this reafon the late King Fer-
dinand VI, ordered, in 1750, feveral mathematicians to pro-
ceed to a geometrical comparifon of thefe three bars. Don
Jorge Juan, who was one of thefe commiffaries, determined
with his colleagues, that fix Paris feet made feven Caflilian ; that
is to fay, that the French toife was exadtly 2I. bars Spanilh. His
majefty ordered that for the future, they fhould abide by this
decifion in all affliirs relating to war, and the marine.

You fee then the number of bars contained in a Sp2in[(h kagiie,
the number of Caftilian leagues which form a degree^ and the
number of feet of which the degree is compofed, determined and
fixed in adopting the calculation of Don Jorge Juan. It now
remains to determine the nature of thefe y^^^.

Don Jorge Juan thought, that the feet, of which men-
tion is made in the laws of the Partidasy were Caftilian feet, and
fuch is, as far as appears, the fentiment of Cespedes, Mora-
les, Moya, and the council of Castile itfelf.

However refpedlable thefe authorities may feem, Pere BuR-
RiEL thought he ought not to ftop there : he pretends, on the
contrary, that the feet mentioned in the laws of the Partidas^
and 15,000 of which make a Spanifh league, are Roman feet.

The

STATE OF MEASURES, 6cc.

99

The method by which he came to the demonflration of this pro-
portion, for we look upon it as demonftrated, is equally folid and
ingenious, and gives a new proof of his fagacity.

We will now enter into the difcuflion of his proofs, undertaking
with him things a little higher.

It is evident, that if we could know the length of the bar
which Alphonsus X. gave to Toledo, we fhould immediately
know the kind of foot, which He ufed, and which is fpoke of in
the laws of the Partidas, fmce from one unanimous confent the
foot hath always been the third of the bar. Then we fliould ob-
ferve, that when the reprefentatives of the ftates, held at Toledo
in 1436, wanted to take away from the meafures of that city the
prerogative of being univerfal models, they alledged, among other
reafons, that the bar of Toledo exceeded by an eighth that of Bur-
gos. The animofity of the deputies of Burgos was fo great, as
they were the leaders of the cabal, it might make us believe, that
this excefs was exaggerated, and that the bar of Toledo did not
furpafs that of Burgos but by a twelfth, and not an eighth. If
the ftates fixed this excefs at an eighth, it was, without doubt, be-
caufe in the divifions of the bar, one fees parts marked as eighths,
but no twelfths. By confequence, the bar of Toledo furpaffed
that of Burgos by three inches : and the foot of the bar given to
Toledo by Alphonsus X. was greater than that of Burgos by
one inch, which is the twelfth part. Befides, all the authors, who
have compared the Roman foot to the Spaniih foot, affure us, that
the Roman foot of the capital is one twelfth more in length, than
the foot of Castile. Therefore the antient foot of Toledo,
or that of the bar of Alphonsus X. was equal to the Roman
foot.

If Toledo ftill preferved its antient bar, it would be eafy to
bring experience to the fupport of this reafoning ; by confronting
this bar with that of Burgos : but fmce this bar cxifts no longer,
we will make ufe of a meafure v/hich was taken from it. The
meafure I mean is the antient EJiad^/ which one fiiil fees in the
archives of Toledo.

O 2 Thf,

100 STATE OF M E A S U R E S, &c.

The EJiadal ^•^((g^ commonly In Spain for a meafure of ele^'
ven feet; the antient EJiadal vj\\\ch. we fee at Toledo is exadly
ten feet ten inches : now I cannot be perfuaded, that the old Spa^
niards, whofe attention was fo extreme for every thing that re-
garded oeconomical government, fhould give to the EJiadaly to a
meafure which is fo frequently in ufc, the unequal number of
eleven feet, or the fradionary one of ten inches. It is much
more probable that they gave it the equal length of 8, i o, or 12
feet.

As the antient Eftadal of Toledo, which, as we have faid,
w;is taken from the bar of Alphonsus X. contains 10 feet,. la
inches, then, if the EJiadal oxx^t to be a meafure of 10 feet, the
antient exceeds the modern precifely one 12th 3 each foot of the
ancient EJhidal furpaffes alfo, by one twelfth, each foot of the mo-
dern : in fine, the bar of Alphonsus X. was one twelfth greater
than that of Castile. From whence we mufl conclude, that
the foot of that bar had the fame proportionate excefs beyond
the Caftilian foot, that the Roman foot had ; confequently the
laws of the Partidas fpeak of Roman feet, when they fix the pa-
ces and the feet of which a league is compofed. Therefore in
followirig thefe laws, the Spanifh league,, which contains 3003
paces of five feet each, contains 15,000 Roman feet, or 3250
Caftilian paces, or 16,250 feet of the bar of Burgos, meafured
by the copy of that bar, which Toledo keeps in its archives..

These reafons are without doubt very ftrong , but the follow-
in cr refledions give them ftill a new dep:ree of force. We can-
not doubt, but that the foot, which was in ufe in Spain during
the Roman government, was the common Roman foot : by con^.
fequence, if by the antient Spanifh foot they underftand that
which the Spaniards ufed during the firft: ages of the Chriftian
ara, it is certain it was the fame as the Roman. How could the
Romans, who took as much care of Spain as if they would make
it afecond Italy, how would they have permitted, that the Spa-
niards ihould be diftindt from the reft: of the world (which it had
conquered, and policed) in fo eftential a point, as that of weights
and meafurcs. The uniformity between the meafures of the Spa-
^ niards

STATE O FM E A S U R E S, 6cc. lai

niards and thofe of the Romans fubfifted after the divifion of the
Empire, which never faw any change in that article in its provin-
ces. This uniformit}^ fuftained itfelf even againft the invafion of
the barbarians, as appears from the authority of the Bifhop Ida-
CI us, who v/as witnefs and hiflorian of thefe invafions. This au-
thor^always reckons diftances by mi/Iiaria, which without doubt
he could never have done, if it had not been the ufage of the
fifteenth century, in which he wrote. The writings of St. Isi-
dore make us believe, that the Goths never touched the mea-
fures which the Spaniards had received from the Romans : be-
caufe one may prefume^ from the known accuracy of that faint,
that he could not have pafled over in filence alterations of this
nature, in the works which we have of his De Ponderibus & Men-
Juris: fo far from it, he marks always the diftances by the fame
names which the Romans gave them, and which they had introduced
into Spain, with the meafures which ferved to determine them.
Thefe reflections are fupported in the work of Father Burr i el,.
concerning The Authority of the Laws of the Fuero fufgo, which
he cites in great numbers, but always with a view to prove, that
almoft to the time of Alphonsus X. the weights and meafures of
the Romans continued to be ufed in Spain j and that they ftill
reckoned the diftances conformably to the manner which thefe
conquerors had introduced. Could then this learned prince, who
was an able and complete legillator, could he be ignorant, of
this continuation of the Reman weights and meafures ? And if
he knew it, as we ought to believe, conftdering the extent of his
knowledge, and the lights he had, which ftiine much more in
thofe of his works which exift in the obfcurity of our archives,
than in thofe which are printed : Could fuch a prince have re-
courfe to foreign meafures, when he determined and fettled thofe
which were to be ufed in his dominions, and of which he gave,
the originals to the city of Toledo ?

L E T T E R

LETTER VI.

VIEW OF THE STAGE.

Incohmi gravitate jo cum tentavit; eh quod
Ilkcebris erat, & grata novitate morandus
Spe5iator, fundlufque facris. Ho RAT. Art. Poet.

I AM induced to believe, that there is a refemblance between
the flage of Madrid at this time, and that of Rome, when
my author was defcribing it : that is, at a period after its infancy,
and before it had arrived at its full perfection in propriety of action,
fentiment, and tafte. For I cannot well compare Calderoni's
productions to thofe of Terence ; nor look upon any of the pre-
sent Spanifli aCtors, as equal in merit and genius to the Roman
Roscius, an ^sop, or an Englilh Garrick. And tho' I ven-
ture to give this opinion, it is the opinion of one, who is only
an eycy and not an tv/r-cenfor : For 1 pretend not to underftand
enough of the language to be able to judge as decifively as a French
critic, of the dramatic merit of Calderoni, or any of his poeti-
cal countrymen. But there certainly is a way of forming fome
judgement, tho' by other means ; facfts often fpeak as clearly as
words ', and actions and geftures, though iilent, are by no means
dumb: And I dare affirm, that General Johnson often under-
itood the little Carpenter, a Cherokee^ or the bloody Bear, though
he was not a great mafter of the elegancies and purity of the In -

dian

VIEW OF THE STAGE.

103

divt language. But farther; when a play has any degree of unity
in adlion, time, and place ; when the feveral fcenes, the charadters
lead on to, and terminate in one grand defign, or event i I will
venture to fay, if it be tolerably well adled, that tl foreigner ^ tho'
he does not underftand the language, will be able to tell you
what the general drift and defign of the play was : Let a Spaniard,
or Frenchman, who is ignorant of the Englifh tongue, be prefent
at the reprefentation ci Othello, hear, Richard, Ti'he'Jomyiey to hon-
don, or The Bold Stroke for a Wife, and I am certain he will give
ajuft account of all he faw : he will tell you, that 07ie murdered
his wife for jealoufy; that the other went mad for the ingratitude
of his daughters -, that confcious guilt filled the third, though no
coward fpirit, with all the horrors of remorfe.

When I went firft to the Spanifh comedy, it was the feafon
for adting the Autos, that is to fay, plays in fupport of the Ca-
tholic faith; for Auto de Fe is in their language an a5i of faith.
I found at my firfl entrance a good theatre, as to fize and Hiape,
but rather dirty, and ill lighted -, and what made it worfe was an
equal mixture of day-light and candles. The prompter ^ head ap-
peared thro' a little trap-door above the level of the ftage, and I
firfl took him for a ghoft, or devil, juft ready to afcend to thefe
upper regions : But I was foon undeceived, when he began to read
the play loud enough for the ad:ors and the boxes too, who were
near him. The j)/V was an odd fight, and made a motley, comical
appearance ; many {landing in their night-caps and cloaks ; offi-
cers and foldiers interfperfed among the dirtieft mob, feemed rather
flrange. That which anfwered to our two-flnlling- gallery , was
filled with women only, ail in the fame uniform, a dark petticoat,
and a white woollen veil. The fide and front-boxes were occu-
pied by people well drefled, and fome of the firfl fafhion.

When the play began, the acflors appeared much better attired,
that is, in richer clothes, than thofe in England; and thefe they
change perpetually, in order to let you fee the expenfive variety
of their wardrobe. After fome fcenes had pafTed, which were
tedious and infipid, there came on an interlude of humour and
drollery, defigned, I fuppofe, for the entertainment of the pit. One

2 of

tia4 VIEW OF THE STAGE.

-of thefe comedians appeared tempting, with a bag of money, a lady
who fung to him very prettily, and did not feem altogether averie
to grant him fome favours: in the mean while to my great furprizc
a man brought in three barbers blocks upon the ftage : after thefe

rthree faid barbers blocks were placed upon the llage, the fame
man returned and dreffed them firft in mens clothes^ and undrelTed

•them again, and then crefled them once more in womens clothes.
Now, Sir, to tell you the truth, it was for the fake of fuch fcenes
as thefe that I placed thofe lines of Horace at the head of this
account ; becaufe I am persuaded the author attempted this excel-
lent piece of humour, for the reafon there given, for the fake of

-his friends in the pit, and this without violating the decorum due

.to the national gravity of his countrymen.

However, I fhould not forget to tell you, that when thefe
-block ladies were properly attired, there came in three men, who
liad a fancy to tempt thefe three ladies likewife; but thSy were
inflexibly coy, and I think it was not long before their gallants dif-
<covered the miftake. But to quit this interlude, and return to the
play again : In procefs of time, and after fome fcenes had pafTed,
•which were long, tirefome, uninterefbing, and full of fuftian and
bombaft ; the grand fcene approached ; an adtor, dreffed in a
long purple robe, appeared in the charader of Jesus Christ,
or the Nitejiro Senor, as they call him; immediately he was blind-
folded, buffeted, fpit upon, bound, fcourged, crowned with thorns,
^nd compelled to bear his crofs, when he knelt down and cried,
■Padre jui! Padre 7m! '^^ My Father! my Father! why hail: thou for-
** faken me?" After this he placed himfelf againfh the wall, with his
hands extended, as if on the crofs, and there imitated the expiring
agonies of his dying Lord. And what think you, my friend, was the
conclufion of this awful and folemn fcene ? why, really, one every
way fuitable to the dignity and ferioufnefs of the occafion : one of
theadrrefles immediately unbound Chrifl:, diverted him of his crown
and fcarlet robes ; and when he had put on his wig and coat again,
he immediately joined the reft of the adors, and danced 2i Jcqu£^
Villas.

Speclatum admijjij rijiun tineatiSj amici ?

As

VIEW OF THE STAGE. ic^

As to the feqiic<:^illas, or dance, it is little better upon the Spanlfli
ftage, than gently walking round one another; tho' when danced
in its true fpirit, in private houfes, it much refembles the E?'igliJJ:>
Hay. After this one of the adtreifes, in a very long fpeech, ex-
plained the nature, end, and defign of xhtfacramciits ; you mufl:
know alfoj that the Spaniards admit a great number of foliloquies,
full of tirefome, and uninterefling declamation, into their plays.
In the lad fcene, Chrifl: appeared in a fliip triumphant; and thus
the play concluded. I forgot to tell you, that Chriil, before
his pafTion, preached to the four quarters of the world, in their
proper dreffes, upon the ftage: Europe and America heard him
gladly, and received the faith ; but AJia and Africa remained in-
corrigible.

Some time after I had feen this Auto (for, to fay the truth, my
curiolity was a little abated with regard to the Spaniili ftage, from
this fpecimen of it) I went to fee a regular comedy ; there were
two Engliili gentlemen in the box with me at the fame time. We
underftood very little of the defign of the firft a(5t ; we faw a king,
queen, an enchantrefs, and many other pretty, delightful fights :
but the interlude, with which that a6t concluded, is, I think, not
to be equalled either by Rome or Greece ; neither Farqjjhar,
Gibber, or any of our loweft farce- writers, have ever produced
any thing comparable to it. The fcene was intended for the in-
fide of a Spanijh Pofada (or i?m) in the night; there were three
feather-beds, and as many blankets brought upon the ftage ; the
queen and her maids of honour perfonated the miftrefs of the Po-
fada and her maids ; and accordingly fell to making the beds. Af-
ter this there came in fix men to lie there, who paid three quarts
a piece ; one of them being a mifer, had rolled up his money in
twenty or thirty pieces of paper. Then they undrefled before the
ladies, by pulling oft* fix or kvtn pair of breeches, and as many
coats and waiftcoats, and got into bed two by two : When behold,
the jeft was, to fee them all kick the clothes off one another, and
then fight, as the fpedlator is to fuppofe, in the dark. The ab-
furdlty of this fcene, and the incom>prehenfible ridiculoufnefs of it,
made us laugh immoderately. The fight of the feather-beds, the
men kicking and fprawling, the peals of applaufe, that echoed
through the houfe, were truly inconceivable ; tho', I believe, our

P neigh -

io6 VIEW OF THE STAGE.

neighbours in the next box thought we laughed at the wit and
humour of the author. It was a fcene that beggars all pofTible de-
fcription, and I defy any theatre in Europe, but that of Madrid^
to produce fuch another. Shuter's favourite Bt-^^^rj-^z^, v/ith
all its low ribaldry, is by no means a match for it. But to return
once more to the play: When this interlude was finifhed, there fuc-
ceeded fome other fcenes, between the king, queen, enchantrefs^
and the reft of the adiors ; fuch as five or fix of them drawing their
fvv'ords upon the enchantrefs all at once, who parries them with
her wand, and retires into her cell unhurt. They are furprifed to
find that their fwords made no impreffion, and fo put them up
into their fcabbards for a better occafion, crying, Muy grande ma-
ravilla ! that is, " It is a very great wonder !" At other times
the enchantrefs kills with one look, and makes alive with a fecond.
Once (he came in, fell down upon the flage, broke her nofe, got
up again, went out, and returned with a black patch. Then we
had another interlude, in which fome hufbands purfued their wives
in great anger, and with clubs fomething like Goliah's flaff, or a
weaver's beam, in order to beat their brains out; but, by the friendly
interpofition of fome kind neighbours, they were prevented from
that rude fpccies of divorce. In revenge for this infult, the wives in
the interlude that followed at the end of the next ad:, drefied them-
felves up like amazons, with arms and armour, and purfued their
hulbands, who in their turn now fubmitted to the conquerors. I re-
member nothing very remarkable that palled after this, excepting
that the enchantrefs renounces the devil, and all his works, and ia
conclufion embraces the catholic faith, and declares £he will ad-
here to that only.

This, I hope, will ferve at prefent for a fhort fketch of the
Spanifi Stage. Indeed, I had almoft forgot to tell you, that Te-
resa, one of the adrefies, was this winter imprifoned by the
King's order, for being too free of her charms to fome of the
grandees; it was faid flie would be condemned to the workhoufe
for life. However that be, flie remains in prifon flill, and, as
far as I can learn, is like to rem.ain fo for fome time longer.

Calderoni is at prefent, and has been the favourite author
upon their llage for fume years.

6 LET-

LETTER VIL PART I.

Dcfcription of the BULL-FEAST, exhibited in the
Plaqa Mayor at Madrid^ upon occafion of His Ca-
tholic Majefty's Public Entry into his Capital, on
July 15, 1760.

WE arrived at the balcony of the Englifh AmbafTador in the
Pla^a Mayor about half an hour after three in the after-
noon, and v/ere at once ftruck with the chearfullefl, gayeft fight
imaginable. The fquare, which is large, was thronged with people ;
the balconies all ornamented with different coloured lilks, and croud-
ed from the top to the bottom of the houfes ; the avenues to the
fquare were built up into balconies, and a fort of Hoping fcaffold-
ing was placed round for the common people, elevated above the
ground, or pit, if I may fo call it, about eight or nine feet, with
openings in proper places, and wooden doors.

First came in the coaches of the cavaliers, four in number, of
an antique and fingular make, with glaffes at the ends, and quite
open at the fides : The cavaliers were placed at the doors of their
coaches, from whence they bowed to the people, and the balco-
nies, as they paffed round the fquare 3 and they were accompanied
by their fponlbrs, the Dukes of Ossuna, ofBANos, of Arcos,

P 2 and

loS DESCRIPTION OF

and Mfdina C/eli. Before the royal family came a company
of halberdiers, after which the king's coaches in great ftate, I
beheve about {tvtw or eight in number, preceding his Caroffe ds
RefpeSl, which was extremely rich, with red and gold ornaments,
and beautiful painted pannels : Then a coach with fome of the
great officers, w^ho go always immediately before the king; next
came the King and Qu^een in a very fum.ptuous coach of blue,
with all the ornaments of mafiive filver, and the crown at the top^
the trappings of the horfes were likewife filver, v/ith large white
plumes. Thefe were followed by the coaches of the Prince of
AsTURiAs, the two infanta's, and Don Luis, with their atten-
dants.

Their Majeftles were placed oppofite to us, in a gilt balco-
ny, with a canopy and curtains of fcarlet and gold ; the queen on
tbit occafion taking the right hand. On the right hand of the
king's balcony were placed the refl of the royal family : and on
the left were ranged the gentlemen of the bed-chamber in a row^
all drelTed in a very fine uniform of blue and red, richly embroi-
dered with gold. The halberdiers marched from the king's bal-
cony, which was in the center on one fide, and forming themfelves
into two lines, fronting different ways, inftantly cleared the fquare
of the croud, who retired into the fcattolding, ereded for them round
it. Next the halberdiers formed themfelves in a line before the
fcaffold, under the king's balcony. Then appeared tiioo companies
of boysy drefied in an uniform with caps, and red taffeta jackets,
ranged againfi: the right and left hand fide of the fquare, who car-
rying buckets of water in their hands, watered the ffage as they
crofied over to the fide oppofite to them. This being performed,
the fix chief Alguazils of the town, mounted upon fine horfes,
covered with trappings, and drefi^ed in the old Spanifh habits,
black with flaflied fleeves, great white flowing wigs, and hats v/ith
plumes of different-coloured feathers, advanced tov/ards the king's
balcony, under which they were obliged to ffay the whole time,
to receive his orders.; except when they were frightened away by
the bulls, when they were obliged to ride for it, being abfolutely
unarmed and defencelefs.

Having

THE BULL-FEAST.

109

Having obtained the king's permiHion for the btiU-feafi, the
troops belonging to the knights entered upon the ftage in four
large companies, drefTed in liveries of Moorijh habits of filk,
richly and elegantly ornamented with lace and embroidery : Thefe
marched firft to make their bow to the king's balcony, and then
in proceffion round the fquare : and from the elegance, lingula-
rity, and variety of their uniforms, made one of the moft delightful
fcenes that can be conceived. After them, came the four knights,
habited in the old Spanifh drefs, with plumes in their hats, and
mounted upon the mofl beautiful horfes : each carried in his hand
a (lender lance, and was attended by two men on foot, dreffed in
light filk, of the colour of his livery, with a fort of cloaks or
mantles of the fame j thefe never forfake his fide, and are indeed
his principal defence. After the cavaliers had done their homage
to the King, their companies retired, and there remained with them
only, befides thofe who walked by their fide, a few dreffed with
mantles in the fame manner, who difperft themfelves over the
ftage. The cavaliers then difpofed themfelves for the encounter^
the firft placing himfelf oppofite to the door of the place where
the bulls are kept, the other at fome diftance behind him, and fo on.

The King then making ikit jfignal {ox the doors to be opened,
the bull appeared, to the found of martial mufic, and the loud ac-
clamations of the people : and feeing one of the attendants of the
firft cavalier fpreading his cloak before him, aimed diredly at him;,
but the man ealily evaded him, and gave his mafter an opportu-
nity of breaking his fpear in the bull's neck. In the fame manner
the bull was tempted to engage the other cavaliers, and always
with the fame fuccefs: till having received the honourable wounds
from their lances, he was encountered by the other m.en on foot :
who, after playing with him, with an incredible agility, as lono-
as they think proper, eafily put an end to him, by thrufling a
fword either into his neck or fide, which brings him to the ground;
and then they finifh him at once, by Jinking a dagger, or the point
of a fword, behind his horns into the fpine, which is always immediate
death^'. After this the bull is inftantly hurried off by mules, finely
adornedj and decked with trappings for the occafion.

* This was the way the NumiJians ufed to kill the elephants, when they becime unruly :.
fee Li,vy, lib. xxvii. cap. 49. The wo:ds are, EicUns corum /culfitim iu;^i ma.'Uo kalchant;

My-

no DESCRIPTION OF

My apprehenfions were at firft principally for the men on foot-,
but I foon perceived they were in no fort of danger : their cloaks
are a certain fecurity to them, as the bull always aims at it, and
they can therefore eafily evade the blow. Befides this, there are
fo many to affift each other, that they can always lead the bull
which way they pleafe, and even in the worft cafe they can pre-
fcrve themfelves by leaping into the fcafFold,as they frequently did.

The knights are In much more danger j their horfes being
too full of fire to be exactly directed; they cannot therefore fo well
evade the aim, and are liable every moment to be overthrown with
their horfes, if the attendants by their fide did not affiftthem. Two
beautiful horfes neverthelefs v/e faw gored ; one of which was
overthrov/n Vv'ith his rider, but fortunately the man efcaped any
mifchief from his fall. The courage of thefe horfes is fo great,
that they have been often known to advance towards the bull,
when their bowels were trailing upon the ground.

After the knights had fufficiently tired themfelves with thefe
exploits, the king gave them leave to retire and repofe. We had
then bulls let out (one at a time always) from another door, of a
more furious nature ; thefe were encountered entirely by the men
on foot, who were fo far from fearing their rage, that the whole
bufincfs was to irritate them more, by throwing upon their necks,
and other parts, little barbed darts, ornamented with bunches of
paper, like the Bacchanalian 'Thyafus, fome of which were filled
with gunpowder, and burft in the manner of a fquib or ferpent,
as foon as they were faffened to the bull. Nothing can be ima-
gined more tormenting than thefe darts, which flick about him,
and never lofe their hold. But the courage and amazing dex-
terity, with which they are thrown, takes off your attention from
the cruelty of it. Another method they have of diverting them-
felves with the fury of the bull, is by drefling up goat-Jkins,
blown up with wind, into figures, and placing them before him,
which makes a very ridiculous part of the entertainment. Many

id*, ubi favire btllua, i5 ruere in J..01 ccepe ant, magijier inter atircs pojitwn, il/o in arti.ulc, quo
jungitur capiti cei'vix (in the fpine) qucmto maxirno ptterat iflu adl;^chat. Ea celerrira 'via mor-
tis in tantee tno.'is bellud tn'venia e.ati »bi regendi fpetn "viajfent. Primvf^ue id Af.irubal tnjii-
tuerat.

Cf

THE B U L L-F E A S T. ju

of the bulls, however, would not attack them, and one of the
moft furious that did, fliewed more fear than in encountering his
mofl: fturdy antagonifts : fo great is their apprehenfion from an ob-
jedl that Aands lirm, and feems not to be difmayed at their ap-
proach. There is likewife another kind of a larger ipear, which
is held by a man obliquely, with the end in the ground, and the
point towards the door, where the bull comes out, who never fails to
run at it, with great danger to the man, as he is always thrown
down J but greater to the bull, who commonly receives the point
in his head or neck, and with fuch force, that we fiw a Ipear
broke fhort, that was much thicker than my arm. They alfo
baited one bull with dogs, which fhewed as much courage and
obftinate perfeverance as any of that breed in England. As
to the laws of this fpedlacle, and other circumftances relative to
the pmiBilios of the bull-feaft, I cannot pretend to explain them,
and imagine others, who have attempted it, have been obliged to-
take it moftly upon truft, nor do I think it very material.

This fpedtacle is certainly one of the fineft in the world, whe-
ther it is confidered merely as a coup d^ceil, or as an exertion of the
bravery and infinite agility of the performers. The Spaniards are
fo devoted to it, that even the women v/ould pawn their laft rag
to fee it ; and we were aflured, that fome of the balconies did
not cofi: lefs than a hundred piftoles for that afternoon. No-
thing can be imagined more crowded than the houfes, even to the
tops of their tiles -, and dearly enough they paid for their pleafure,
pent together in the hotteft fun, and with the mofi: fuffocating
heat that can be endured. Nor do I greatly wonder at them,
when I confider how much my own country, that is certainly as
humane as any nation, is bigotted to its cuftoms of bull-baiting,

cock-fighting, &c. 1 do not deny, that this is a remnant of

Moorip, or perhaps Roman barbarity ; and that it will not bear
the fpeculations of the clofet, or the compailionate feelin<>s of a
tender heart. But, after all, we mufl not fpeculate too nicely,-
left we fhould lofe the hardnefs of manhood in the foftcr fcnti-
ments of philofophy. There is a certain degree of ferocity requi-
fite in our natures; and which, as on the one hand it Ihould be re-
ftrained within proper bounds, that it may not degenerate into-

cru-

112 DESCRIPTION OF

cruelty ; Co, on the other, we muft not refine too much upon
it, for fear of finking into effeminacy. This cufiiom is far from
having cruelty for its objed; bravery and intrepidity, joined with
ability and fkill, are v/hat obtain the loudeft acclamations from
the people : it has all the good effeds of chivalry, in exciting the
minds of the fpeclators to great actions, without the horror that
prevailed in former times, of diflinguiihing bravery to the preju-
dice of our own fpecies. It teaches to defpife danger ; and that
the fureft way to overcome it, is to look it calmly and ftedfaftly in.
the face ; to afford a faithful and generous afliftance to thofe
eno-ao-ed with us in enterprizes of difficulty: And in fliort, tho*
it may not be flridly confonant to the laws of humanity and good
nature, it may yet be productive of great and glorious effeds; and
is certainly the mark of qualities, that do honour to any nation.

This ceremony of the bull-feafi in the Fla^a Mayor is never
exhibited, but upon the greateft occafions, fuch as the acceffion
or marriage of their kings, and is attended with a very great ex-
pence both to the king, as well as the city. There is a theatre
built jull: v/ithout the walls, on purpofe, where there are bull-feafhs
every fortnight -, and thefe to connoiffeurs in the art are infinitely
preferable to the others ; the bulls being more furious, and the
danger greater to the cavaliers. But that which I have defcribed,
would, I think, very fufficiently fatisfy my curiofity.

I HAVE fmce feen a bull-feaft in that amphitheatre, and found
little material difference in the manner of fighting, except that the
cavaliers, who rode better, and feemed more adroit, were not fb
clofely attended by the men on foot : and that they fometimes
ufed a long lance of ffrait, tough wood, with a fliort point, and
a knob of twiftcd cord, which hinders it from entering deep into
the wound. This they held tight to their fide, paffmg under their
arm-pit, and direded it with their hand. In this manner they
wait the bull's approach, and generally have ffrength enough to
keep him off from themffelves and their horfes, when he runs upon
it : tho' it is dangerous, the bull fometimes bearing down both
man and horfe. This was one of the ordinary fpedacles, and
therefore attended with little of the pomp which I had feen in the

Fhi^a

THE B U L L-F EAST. 113

Flaca Mayor. The building is eredled on the ancient plan, round,
vAih. rows of feats raifed above the area, for the common people ;
i.nii two rows of boxes, or large balconies, above them. It is not
only admirably contrived for the purpofe which it is built for, but
has a very ftriking appearance, from its fize and regularity. One
could not, however, help obferving ladies of the fi.ft quality in
the balconies, feafting, with thefe bloody fcenes, thofe eyes, which
were intended only to be exercifed in fofter cruelties. And among
the common people we even faw numbers of women with chil-
dren at their breafts.

I SHALL now take the liberty, as many are divided in their
opinions, whether the SpaniJJo bull-feafi be of Roman or Moorifi
origin, to give my fentiments upon that fubject. I remember
fome where, that Cicero, when he was obliged for the fake of
the argument, to declare whether he thought thofe bloody and fa-
vage exhibitions^ fo much coveted by his countrymen, were really
cruel and inhmnan, or not: in order to avoid fixing, by his opinion,
any reproach upon them, dextroufly eludes the queftion, and
with the addrefs of a cafuift gives this remarkable anfwer, Cru-
dele gladiatorura fpeBaciilum — hand Jcio^ ah itafit, A ilrange fen-
timent for a civiJized writer ! A diverfion, at the expence of hu-
manity, mufb be cruel -^ the pracftice was fit only for barbarians.
But to the point : to fay, that the Spanijlj Fie/ia de los Toros is
plainly an imitation of the Romans, becaufe they exhibited wild
beafls in their amphitheatres, is fpeaking very generally, and not
with any precifion : One might as well affert, that they copied it
from iho. Ajiaticsy for St. Paul fays, IQ-^'iaiofjcocxv'^x ej/'E(p£(rw. And
perhaps the Spaniards might as well own, as he did, that it pro-
mts them nothing. But if I can find this very Fiefia de los Toros,
the Spanifi bull-feajl, among the Roman cuftoms, I fuppofe nobody
will doubt from whence the Spaniards took it.

LivY tells us, per eos dies, quibus hcec ex Hifpanid nunciatajunt,.
ludi TAURiLiA per biduufnfaSli, religionis caufa.

Festus has very luckily preferved the firft inftitution of this
feaft. The Taurilia, according to him, were inftituted to the in-

Q. fer.

114 DESCRIPTION OF

fernal gods, for this reafon ; in the reign of Tarquinius Super-
Bus, when a mofl violent plague had feized all the women big
with child, they procured abortions by eating fome bulls flefh,
that was fold at the fhambles : upon this account thefe ludi were
inftituted, and were called taurilia, and they are celebrated in the
Flaminian Circus, that the infernal gods might not be called within
their walls.

Pursuant to their fuperftitious ritual, fo favage an inftitution
was rightly dedicated to the infernal gods : from this account of
it, it is proper that the Spajiifi women fliould bring their children
at the breaft, and thofe in the womb, as we fee they do, to this
fpe6tacle. But they 'commit a great impropriety in celebrating it
in the Placa Mayor. It fliould be without the walls. Livy fays,
that the /W/, which Fulvius gave juft after, were much more
fplendid, that is, I fuppofe, much more bloody and barbarous, for
he exhibited lions and panthers.

But the refemblance between the Romany and the Spanijh
T^aurilia appears ftill ftronger from other circumftances now re-
maining ; it is a cuftom for the Spa?iiJJj nobility themfelves to en-
gage the bulls, and none are permitted to fight as cavaliers, unlefs
they can prove their defcent to be noble. The true Spa?2iards are
all fond of the diverlion ; it is accounted honourable and heroic : it
recommends them to the fair, to their prince, and to their country j
and it is a {landing theme of honour among the people.

It was juft the fame at Rome; the nobility, the patricians,
voluntarily undertook a part in thefe encounters :

Liiftravitqiie fugd mediam gladiator arcnam,
Et Capitolinis gencrojior & Marcellis

And even the ladies were ambitious of appearing in the fame lifts.
M^vi A was a lady of quality, and yet we find fhe could ftep out
ofherfex, and enter the arena,

Tiifcum

Figat aprum, & 7iudd teneat "oenabula maimnd.

I I do

THE B U L L-F EAST. 1x5

I do not find, that the Spanifh ladies had ever any of this martial,
or rather mafculine fpirit. It is amazing how defirous the Romans
were of being killed, even injeft; fenators, patricians, and knights,
were at laft not aihamed to appear on thefe occafions. — I think I
have done fome honour to the Spa?2ifi nobility in thus placing them
on a footing with Rojiian fenators ; but flill be it remembered, that
thefe were not fenators of Rome, when Kom'e, Jurvived, as Cato
calls it, but when fhe was enflaved, and dilhonoured by the worfl
of emperors, I might indeed fay, by the worfb of men.

I AM furprized to find thefe taurUia omitted by Mr. Ken net t.

Q 2 LETTER

LETTER VII. PART II.

m

BUR lAL.^ G RANDEES KING's

PUBLIC ENTRY.

THE funeral rites of the rich in Spain are fplendid, as well
as decent ; they are folemnly interred with their befh fuit
of clothes, with hat, cloak, and fword.

JSfam vhis quis amor gladiij quce ciira fogave
Manfit, & hcec eadem remanct telhire repojiis.

And I am firmly perfuaded, that the old knights, condes, and
grandees of this kingdom were antiently buried, juft as we fee their
fculptured figures upon their tombs; armed cap-a-pee, and at all
points J jufl as if they h?.d been harneffed out for battle, with their
beaver, coat, cuirafs, the target, lance, fword, fpurs, and jack-
boots. And this fliews the great propriety of that famous joke of
old ScARRON, who, when he was receiving extreme un<5lion, told
the anointer, ** Pray, fn-, take care to greafe my boots well, for I
" am going a very long journey."

They commonly put a great deal of lime into the grave, in
order to haften the corruption of the body; at Naples I am told
they have a great hole, half filled with lime, into which they throw
all their dead, naked.

The late Queen of Spain, confort of the prefent King
Charles III. died September 27th, 1760, aged 35, after (lie

had

THE QUEEN'S DEATH, AND FUNERAL. 117

had reigned only one year and fourteen days. She was a daugh-
ter of the prefent King of Poland, and had fuffered greatly for
the diftrefles of her father, who has been driven from his elec:o-
rate by the King of Prussia : She had lived twenty years with
his prefent Majefly. She was in a bad ftate of health when he
came firfl into Spain, catched the meazles at SARAG09A, then
a cold : and afterwards was taken ill with a fever and flux at St.
Ildefonso, in September, and upon its increafe returned to
Madrid; when both thofe diforders ftill kept harraffing and
weakening her, till they at lafl ended in a delirium and mortifica-
tion. Every art of phyiic was ufed to fave her, and every Spa-
nijh faint invoked, but all in vain. They brought the i?}mge of
St. Isidro to her, and fome were fetched even from Toledo and
Alcala de Hfnares : But neither the interpofition of faints
or fubjeds could avail anything; tho' all the churches of Ma-
drid were crowded with people, offering up prayers for her re-
covery, fate was inexorable, and death relentlefs. The mmcio
came and gave her the laft papal benedidion, and by that means
conveyed to her the firll: notice of her approaching diilblution ;
Ihe received the fhock with fome furprize, but with much piety,
refignation, and refolution. Upon her obferving to the nuncio the
infignificance and emptinefs of all human grandeur ; and that it
was now of no advantage to her, that flie ever was a Queen — He
replied, " Your Majefty has certainly had much greater opportu-
" nities of doing good, and which have not been neglecfted.'*
She lingered a day or two after this, till the delirium came on,
•Attended with convulfions, and at length expired on the twenty-
feventh of September, about three o'clock in the afternoon.

Ceremonies of a ROYAL FUNERAL.

N the twenty-eighth, flie was laid in ftate in the cajjon.or great-
hall of the BuEN Retiko; (he lay upon a fpond covered
with gold tiffue, under a canopy of ftate : She was dreff d in a
plain cap, tied with a broad white fattin ribband, and with a

fmall

ii8 ROYAL FUNERAL.

fmall black egret over her forehead : On each fide the fpond were
fix large girandoles^ of Mexican filver, about four feet high, with
large tapers burning, and round the room were feveral altars with
gold and filver candlerticks. On the right hand fide of the fpond,
at the feet, knelt the dutchefs of Medina Sidonia, behind her
another lady of diflindiion, and then an exempt, and on each fide
fcood two purfuivants bearing the crown and fceptre. The ladies
were relieved every hour by others, fuch as the dutchefs of Bur-
NOMBiLF., the dutchefs of Arcos, &c. but the purfuivants were
obliged to remain the whole twenty-four hours — Thus lay the
Queen all that day and night ; on the twenty-ninth, fhe was car-
ried to the EscuRiAL in this manner: About itv^r\ o'clock in the
evening the proceffion began from the gate of the Buen Retiro
in this order : Firft came forty Carwelite-monks on horfe-back,
each with a torch in one hand, and the brtdle in the other ; then
as many Cordeliers, and laft of all the DGminicans, all with torches
in their hands : Then a body of the guards on horfeback, with-
out tapers, headed by the duke of Ver aguez, or duke of Ber-
wick. Thefe were followed by the facrift in his cope, bearing a
gold crucifix, at the head of the curates. Then the ftate-coach
with the Queen's body, followed by two carqjj'es de refpeB ; then
the duke of Alva ; behind him the inquilitor-general, with,
fome other people of diftincflion, fuch as the duke of Arcos, &c.
then followed another body of the guards, and lafl of all a fuite
of coaches. Thefe were obliged to travel in this manner all the
night, with their torches burning, which muit be a vaft ex-
pence ; it being eight leagues to the Escurial, and they pro-
pofed burying her Majcfty about eight o'clock the next morning.
The monks are paid for this journey, and they commonly fliare
the tiffue pall between them. And thus ended the folemnities of
this funeral, which I fliall conclude with the moral of our Eng-
lilh Poet :

A heap of duil: alone remains of Thee ;
'Tis all thou art, and all the Great fhall be.

G R A N,

GRANDEES.

TT is very difficult to make out a clear and exaO; lift of the gran-
dees of Spain, the Spaniards themfelves have publifhed no good
one : and there are very few, who can give you any juft infor-
mation. In the firft place, there is no fiiperiority and gradation
of title here, as there is in England. A duke is no more than
a marquis, a marquis no greater than an earl ; in fliort, all titles
are equal. And you will often fee the father an earl, and the fon
a duke ; juft the reverfe as with us. The great diftin(5lion an-
tiently confifted in being grandee of the firft, fecond, or third or-
der: but thefe diftin(ftions are now dropped j the king making them
all grandees of the firft clafs. Thefe three claffes were, i . Thofe v/ho
came into his majefty's prefence with their heads covered before
they fpoke to the king : 2. Thofe Vv^ho did not cover till they had
fpoke to his majefty, and the king had anfwered them : 3. Thofe
who did not cover, or put on the hat, 'till after they had withdrawn
to their place. If the king bids them be covered, without any
addition to the word aibridos, they are only grandees for life ; if
his majefty adds the title of any of their lands, the honour is here-
ditary. Indeed, with us in England, it ufed formerly to be a
cuftom for the peers to fit covered when the king went to the
houfe of lords^ till that polite parliament at queen Anne's accef-
fton dropped it, out of compliment to her majefty, becaufe they
thought it ungenteel to fit covered before a queen. All the titles
in Spain are feudal to this day. The crown gives them in the
firft inftance {tqq for the life of that perfon, or, as they call it, Li-
bres'des Lances; but ever after, as feofs of the crown, they pay
a yearly fum of money in lieu of their knights, or feudal fervice.
Befides thefe grandees, there are a great number of good, an-
tient families in this country, who from their antiquity have an
undoubted right to rank as grandees ; but as the crown has not
thought proper to cover them, as fuch, they have no rank : Thefe
are called Cafas aggraviadas, or injured hoiifes. The mark of dif-

tindtion.

120 LIST OF THE SPANISH GRANDEES.

tindHon, which thefe grandees conflantly keep up, and give to each
other with the greatefl exadtnefs, is the always addrefling one ano-
ther with the TU: whereas, when they fpeak to any other of in-
ferior rank, they ufe the Eccelknda, Vuejira Merced^ the Vof.a^ Vo-
fenoriai &c.

The following is the moil corredt lifl of the Spanid^ grandees,
which I could meet with.

w /^^^^^^/j\^^/|i*^/p^*i|\^*/|\**)ji**

LIST of the SPANISH GRANDEES, alphabetically, by
their 'Titles, with their Family -Names, ^c. &c.

A.

Abrantes

Duke

Aguilar

Earl

Altamira

Earl

Alva

Duke

Alcanizas
Albuqjjerque

Marquis
Duke

Amarante

Earl

Arco

Duke

Argete

Duke

Arion

Duke

Arissa
Arcos

Marquis
Duke

Aranda

Earl

ASTORGA

Atares

Marquis
Earl

Bangs

Duke

Bangs

Earl

B.

Don M. Carvajal.

Vic. OfTorio Mofcofo y

Gufman.
Ben. Mofcofo.
Fern. Sylva y Toledo (his
eldeft fon is Duke of

HUESCAR.)

Manuel Oforio.

Pedro de la Cueba (eldeil:

fon Ledesma.)
Fr. Gayofo.
Alp. Zayas.
L. Lafo de la Vega.
Ign. Pirnentel.
Joackim de Palafox.
Ponce de Leon.
Po. Abarca.
Infantado.
St. Jago Funes

Don A. Ponce de Leon.
J.de Mufcofo.

Ba-

SPANISH GRANDEES.

121

Balbaces

Bejar
Benevente

Beragua?

Bournombile

Marquis

Duke
Eaii

Duke

Duke

Castro-Piniano Duke
Cascahuelas, Earl

commonly called

the Count de

Fuentes*

Castel de LOS Marquis

Rios

Castellar Marquis

CiFUENTES Earl

Cam IN A Marquis

Corduba

CoRUNNA Earl

E.

Don J. de Efpinola (his cldefl:
fon is Duke of Sexto.)

J. de Zuniga.

Fr. de Pimenteh or, Duke
de Medina del Rio
Seco.

Sn. Jago Elluardo (pre-
tended Duke of BER-i

WICK.)

Fr. de Bournombile.

Don Eboli.

Joackim Pignatelll (they
married into the houfe
of GusMAN, and then
took that title Fuen-
tes Y GusMAN. The
eldefl fon Mora.)

Lucas Patinho.
Juan de Sylva.
Pedro de Cordova, or Co-
goUudo.

Manuel de Caflejori.

ESTEPA

Marquis Don Juan Centurion.

F.

Frias Duke

FuENCLARA Earl

Fernan-Nunez Earl

Jacciii Prince

iNFANTADa Duke

J-

Don B, de Velafco, conftable of
Caftile.
Ant. de Sylva.
Jof. de los Rios,

Don Regio.

This title at prefent in abey-
ance, but will come to the
Duke of Lerma.
R Ler-

122

SPANISH CRANDEES.

Lerma

LOSADA

Maceda

Malpica

Manzera

Masserano

Medina Coeli

MiNA

Miranda

MONTIJO
MoNTELLANO

Mondecar
Monte Leon

Onate

Ossuna

Paredes

Parsen

Peralada

Pio

POPULI

Priego

PuNo en Rostro

RiCLA

Duke
Duke

Earl

Marquis
Marquis
Prince

Duke

M.

Medina Sidonia Duke

Marquis

Earl

Earl

Duke

Marquis

Duke

Earl
Duke

Earl

Earl

Earl

Prince

Dutchefs

Earl

Earl

Earl

O.

P.

Don Jof. de Miranda*

Don Fr. Lanzos.

Jof. Pimentel.

Joack. Pimentel.

Fil Frefco, Prince of
Campo Florida.

Luis de Cordova (eldefl
fon CogoUudo or Ca-
mina ; the old family-
name was La Cerda.

Pedro de Gufman ElBue-
710. They had the name
of ELBuENOjfrom that
Gufman, who defended
Tariffa fo bravely in the
year 1292.

Gufman.

Antonio de Zuniga.

Ch. Portocarero.

Jof. de Solis.

N. de Mendofa.

— — Pignatelli.

Don Jof. de Gufman.
Pedro Giron.

Don Diego de Gufman.
Joack. de la Cerda.
Fer. de Bujados.
Regio.

Juan de Croix.
Fr. Xavier Arias.

R.

Don Amb. de Funes.

San

SPANISH GRANDEES.

i2S

San Estevan
San Juan
Salva Tierra
Santa Cruz
Sarria
Serbelloni

SiRUELA

Soto-Mayor
Tenebron

Duke

Marquis

Earl

Marquis

Marquis

Earl

Earl

Duke

Earl

T.

Don A. de Benavides.
Juan Pizarro.
Juan de Cordova.
Jof. de Sylva.
Nic. de Carvajal.

Fr. Balbi.

F. S. M. MaiTones yLIma.

Don Ger. de Montezuma. This
gentleman is a lineal de-
Icendant from the fa-
mous Prince Monte-
zuMA,andenjoysapen-
fion from the court of
Spain on that account.
Carracciolo.

Don Ph. Pacheco.
Ant. de Toledo.
Bart, de Mendoza.
Ant. Pacheco.

fin Abeyance) Zunlga.

^/» •(/!/• •yy •w* •\fl^ "jv» "w* '\/i/* 'sjy "yy* "VW "^Sf "V*'

Some OFFICERS ^^^jz// z^/^^ C o u r t ^/ S P A I N.

Kings HouJJjoId,

Torrecuso

Marquis

V and U.

Vedmar
Villa Franca
Villa Garcia

UzEDA

Villadarias

Marquis Do

Marquis

Marquis

Duke

Marquis

Villena

•w» 'ijB/* ^fv "w* 'W' '\fl/' '\fl/'

"W '^&'' 'v!^" '^'^ *JV "vv "v

Duke of Medina Coeli, Mafler of the Horfe.
Duke of Alva, Steward of the Houfliold.*

R 2

Duke

* The Duke of Alva, in December 1760, defired leave of his Majefty to refign
his employments, and retire from court: He pra}ed the Kingto continue his honours;
to which tlic Kins; replied, that he would not only continue his honours, but his ao-
pointmeni^ tec. The refignatlon of the chief great man in Spain made, as you will

iinapine,

124 COURT-OFFICERS, &c.

Duke de Lozada, Squire of the Body.
Don Pedro Stuart, firft Equerry.

Infant's Houfiold.
Duke de Montellano, Mayor Donio to Don Luis..

^eens HouJIjold.

Marquis de Monte All eg re, Firfl Steward.
Marquis Tripuzt, Second Steward.
Duke of Medina Sidonia, Mailer of the Horfe.
Marquis de Andia, Gentleman of the Horfe.

^een Dowagers Houfiold,

Don Pedro de Villa Real, Mayor Domo to the QJVlother*
Conde dc Banos, Mafter of the Horfe to the Queen Mother.

Duke de Be jar. Governor of the Prince and Infant.
Don Luis de Corduba, Card, and Archbifhop of Toledo.
Grand Patriarch, Don Bert, de Corduba, Son to the Duke oF
Medina Coeli.

L A D I E S ^ //6^ B E D - C H A M B E R to the late
Qj^een AM a LI a.

Marchionefs of Aytona.
Princefs Jacchi.
Marchionefs of Ares a.
Countefs of Ablitas.
Dutchefs of St. Estevan.
Marchionefs of Mina.
Princefs Masseran.
Dutchefs of Bournombile.
Dutchefs of Castro Piniano.

imagine, much noife at Madrid. The Duke of Alva has undoubtedly great parts-
and abili:ies j there are few, if any, of a capacity equal to his. The Marquis of
VIont-Allegre fucceedcd him. The Duke, to fay the truth, having been the
tirft man, manager, and dire61or during all the late reign, did not like to find him-
felf lefs confidercd in this, and therefore chofe to retire. It was not apprehended, that
his retirin? would at all afFecl A'lr. Wall. The Duke is hereditary chancellor of the
Indies, dcln of the couiKil of ftate, and dire^or of the academy, t^c,

Counteft

P U B L 1 C E N T R Y. 125

Countefs of Benevente.

Countefs of Fuen Clara.

Princefs Pio.

Marchionefs of Valderavano.

Countefs of Fuentes.

Countefs of Castro Piniano. ^

Dutchefs of PvIedina Sidonia.

Dutchefs of Arcos.

Dutchefs of Uzeda.

Dutchefs of Veragua.

LADIES^ ifi)^ BED-CHAMBER /i>//$i-
QJLJEEN MOTHER.

Dutchefs -Dowager of Medina Sidonia.
' Countefs of Siruela.

Marchionefs of Castel Rigs.
Countefs of Serbelloni.
Countefs of Banos.
Marchionefs of Baneza;
Countefs Priego.
Dutchefs of PopULi.
Marchionefs of Torrecuso.

Defcription of the King of Spai?7\ Public Entry into

Madrid^ July 13, 1760.

(I^ranfiatedfrom the Spatiip Gazette.)

SUNDAY the 13th being the day fixed by his Catholic Ma-
jefty for his public entry, the requifite preparations having
been all finiilied, fuch as triumphal arches ereCled in ditlerent
parts of the city ^y the fountains adorned, the tronts of the houfes

t Thefe triumphal arches, though they were very expenfive, yet few of them were
in a good tafte J the figures ill-grouped, and crouJed, the allegory i)ot very imclli-
gible^ and moit of them rather heavy.

covered

.4^6 KING OF S P A I N's

covered with paintings, hangings, looking-glafs, and fiirniti-Te, In
all the flreets, through which his majefly intended to pafs ,; the fil-
ver-fmiths, in particular, having ornamented their houfes in the ^
nature of a long fquare,, with four towers at each corner, all fet
off with plate and fome jew^els §. Things being thus prepared, at
four in the afternoon the .tv/o companies of Spaniili and Walloon
guards w^ere placed with their officers and colours, and the regi-
mental mufick, along t^e Carrier,

At fix o'clock, his Majefty, with the Queen and royal family,
came out of the back gate of the Retiro, in this order of procef-
fion-; \

1. The companies of halberdiers, with mufick.

2. Three fquadrons of horfe life-guards, Spanilh, Italian, and
Flemhh, with trumpets and kettle-drums.

3. Four gilded coaches of the king's ftables, with trumpets and
kettle-drums, in which were the Mayor Domos de Sema-
NA, who went before to St. Mary's Church.

4. Coach of the queen's officers, with the Marquis de Monte
Allegre, her firft fteward, the Duke of Medina Sido-
NiA, her mailer of the horfe, and the Marquis de Andia,
gentleman of the horfe.

5. The Mayor Domos de Seman a, In another coach.

6. Nine of the ladies of the bed-chamber in other coaches.

7. Nine coaches with four horfes, in which were the gentlemen
of the king's privy chamber.

8. A coach with eight horfes, richly harnefied, with four foot-
men and eight grooms walking on each lide.

9. A coach with eight horfes, equally rich, attended in the fame
manner, in which were the king's mafter of the horfe, the
Duke of Medina Coeli^ the Duke of Alva, fleward cf
the houiliold ; the Duke de luos ad A, fumilier dc corps, or

§ The ornaments of the houfes likewife were many of them immenfely expenfivc j
but in the worfl:, moft abfurd, and ridiculous tafle you can imagine: that of the
Marqtjis Di. niati was, I think, the mofc expenfively ill-dcfigned of any, with mot-
tos and devices in plenty.

3 fquife

PUBLIC ENTRY. 127

fquire of the body; the Principe de Mas ser and, captain
of the Italian company of life-guards ; and Don Pedro
Stuart, firfl equerry.

10. Twenty four of the King and Queen's footmen, and the
Ecuyers de Campo.

1 1 . The King's coach, of mafly filver, drawn by eight fine Nea-
politan horfes richly harnelTed, in which were the KING
and Q^ E E N, guarded by all the officers of the life-guard,
that were not otherwife Rationed, and twelve of the king's
pages in their liveries embroidered with gold, walking on
each fide.

12. A large body of life-guards, with their officer.

13. The Prince of Asturias, and the Infant Don Gabriel
in their coach, attended with guards.

14. The Infants Don Antonio Pasqual, and Don Fran-
cisco Xavier in theirs, with their guards.

15. The Princefs Donna Maria Joseph a, and Donna Ma-
ria Luis a, in another coach, with their guards.

16. The Infant Don Luis Antonio Jayme, in his coach>
with his guards *.

17. Ladies of honour in gilt coaches.

18. The Mayor Domos de SemanaXo his Majefty, in their coach.

19. Two battalions of foot, Spanifh and Walloon guards.

In this order of proceffion their Majefties came up to the firfl
triumphal arch, eredted at the entrance of that fine drQCt De^^/ca/a,
oppofite to which the Qu^een Mother was feated in a principal
balcony, belonging to the houfe of the Marquis de Tripuzi her
lirri; fteward ; the King and Queen made their refpeds to her, as
they pafTed, which fhe returned. Their majeflies then went to St.
Mary's Church.

The concourfe of people, both natives and foreigners, v^as im-
menfe in all the ftreets ; and the balconies were lined with people
of fafliion, in great variety of drefles, colours, and jewels.

* The Fiva Don Luis f was by much the loudefl and moil hearty of the people's
acclamations.

Their

128 KING OF S P A I N's

Their M.ijeflies being come to St. Mary's Church, his Emi-
nence the Cardir.ai-Archbifhcp of Toledo waited at the portico
in company with the flewards and gentlemen of the month, and
hcufliold, to preient the royal family, and the refl; with holy-water:
after which they heard the J'eDeum and Salve fung, with the band
and mufic of the royal chapd : Then taking a different route, they
found the houfes, arches, and fountains all illuminated, it being
now after fun-fet.

After their return to the Buen RetlrOy they faw the fire-works
prepared by the town, from their own balcony, which were exhi-
bited in the fmall Plaga de Peiota ||.

On the 14th, in the afternoon, there was a comedy reprefented
before their Majeflies, named the T^riumph of Hercules, after which
the fire- works were the fame as the night before.

On the 15th, their Majeflies went to fee tht hull-feaft, and
were much pleafed with the fpedacie, as no fatal misfortune hap-
pened to the cavaliers *. During thefe three days, tne houfes of
the gentry and others were illuminated.

On the Saturday the King attended at the Jjira, and took the
accuflomed oath. In the evening the trades-people of the town
havino- paffed before their majefties in mafquerade drcfles, one of
them made a fpeech, and fo retired. This evening concluded alfo
with fire-works and illuminations : and thus ended the folemnities
celebrated on occafion of the Public Entry of Don Carlos III.
King of Spain. ^

In my opinion, much the moft pleafing part of the fight was the
-mmenfe mob in the ftreets ; which being compofed of all reli-

jl Thefe fire- works were very poorly contrived, and went off extremely ill.

* It was no wonder that the cavaliers on this occafion came off fo well; for the
poor bulls had been kept almort fafiing for four days before, in order to lower their
cour3c;e : and this was donejeft thei^w^wand the Court fhould be fhockcd at the
fight of any tragical event, that might otherwife have happened. But fee the ac-
count of this article, p. 107, & feqq.

4 gious '

P U B L I C E N T R Y, 129

gious orders, of all kinds of lay, civil, and ecclefiaftical habits j in
{hovt, of all drefles in the world, and of both fexes, formed the mofl
motley fcene that fancy ever painted !

The theatre of the Buen Ref/ro is extremely pretty, and very
finely ornamented : It will always remain as a ftriking proof of
the genius, fancy, and invention of the celebrated Farinelli ;
who had no reafon to regret the leaving England, lince Spain
has made him ample amends : his apartments were the bed in the
whole palace of the Retiro, the fame that the Duke de Los ad a
has now -, and his levee was more crouded than the minifter's, or
King's. He retired with an immenfe fortune on the death of
Queen Barbara.

The Venetian Ambajfador made his public entry into Madrid,
on the 23d of July, in his Venetian black habit, on horfeback.
There were fome who preferred his entry to that of the King's ;
but his flate-coaches were miferably tarnifhed and ihabby.

LETTER

LETTER VIII.

Defcription of the Convent of St. Laurence,
commonly called the ESCURIAL.

THE EscuRiAL is a village In the kingdom of New-Cas-
tile, feven leagues to the north of Madrid, fo called
from the word efcoria, which fignifies the drofs of the iron mines,
which were there formerly, and therefore the proper name is E8k-

CORIAL.

This little village gives name to the palace of the Escurial,
which was built by Giovanni Baptista, by order of Philip
II. in the year 1563, as appears by this infcription :

D. O. M.

OPERI ADSPICIAT,

PHILIPPVS II.

H I S P A N. REX.

A FUND AMENTI S EREXIT

MDLXIII.

JOAN. BAPTISTA

ARCHITECTUS.

IX. K A L E N D. MAIL

The motive which engaged that prince in this religious work,
I fhall fpeak of hereafter ; for, as he had fo little piety himfelf
io mind Df a(5tion, one cannot but be furprized at his conceiving

2 fuch

T H E E S C U R I A L. 131

Tuch a defign. Such as it was however, it gave a frefli occafioii
of difguil; to the Spanilh parliament, or the Cortes ^ as they call
it, the general allembly of the flates, or repreientatives of the fe-
veral cities. For Philip having called a Cortes^ to ailc fupplies
for carrying on the war againil F ranee , the flates very freely voted
a large fubfidy of fome millions; v/hich the artful monarch, as foon
as he had once fecured in his own coffers, applied to the buildino-
of this convent. Tliis mifapplication of the public revenues fo
difgufted the Cortes^ that they met lefs frequently, and with more
reludtancc, being unwilling to be cajoled out of their money by
the tricks of defigning princes : and fucceeding monarchs, having
found out other ways of raifmg their fupplies, have rarely called
a Cortes fince that time, for a very political reafon, the fear of be-
coming lefs ahfolute.

Tkfre are two libraries in the Escurial, one upon the firil
floor, and the other upon the fecond: that upon the firft floor is
a fioe, long, arched room,- the cieling and the walls all painted
by Pellegrin y Pellegrini, [zMilanefej a difciple of Bua-
NOROTi, and Barthol. Carducho, a Florentine. This library
contains all the printed books, excepting iova^Jirfi editions^ which
are kept above, and paintings, and the ufual baubles lliewn to
ftrangers : fuch as moneys, medals, and cafls j a Jewidi fliekel ;
an iman, or calamite llone, or, as 1 fhould call it, a fnagnet, weigh-
ing feven pounds, which fupports an arrobe, or twenty-five pounds
weight. Here they fliew you an illuminated MS. of the Revela-
tions, in a fmall folio, fuppofed to be written by St. Amadeus :
a MS. in gold letters, of the four gofpels, in Latin, large folio,
upon vellum, written in the time of the Emperor Conrad, cal-
led the Golden Book of Eujihius Reterodamus. There are alfo fome
other curiofities, mentioned in the Fliftory of this Convent, by Pa-
dre Frey Francifco de los Santos, 4to. Madrid 1667, which I could
not obtain a fight of; fuch as, their oldefl MS. of St. Austin De
Baptifno Parvulorum, litter is majifcuUs Longohardicis ; a MS. of
the Gofpels, in the oldeft Greek letter, a book of St. Chryso-
stom's. Thefe I afked for feveral times, but was always told.
No puede verle, or, «* You cannot fee it:" But I believe they are
behind the altar in the facrifly, where I fuw a very fine illuminated

S 2 MifTal,

132 DESCRIPTION OF

MiiTal, and are made ufe of to decorate that altar, upon great fo-
lemnities, being finely bound. I fucceeded no better with regard
to a Greek Bible of the Emperor Catacuzenus, exad:ly agreeing
with the LXX. I all;ed after the famous drawings of men, wo-
men, animals, plants, &c. in feveral volumes folio, by Don Franc.
Hernandez of Toledo, taken foon after their firft difcovery of
America ; but the librarian told me, they were burnt in the fire
that made fo muchhavock in this library, on June 7, 1674, which
lafted 15 days.

But the other library, which is above flairs, contains all the
manufcripts, except the few above-mentioned, and is, I believe^
one of the nobleft collecflions this day in the whole world. There
are 1S24 volumes of Arabic MSS. only; Greek MSS. in profu-
fion, in folio and quarto, of immenfe antiquity, yet fair and le-
gible throughout. There are no lefs than three MSS. of DioJ'co-
7'idesy when it has been thought, that only one MS. of it exifted,
and that at Constantinople, as Busbeqjjius tells us. Here
are. parts of jL/i^, Dion Cajjuis, Dwdorus Si cuius, and others never
yet publiflied. If I remember right, I think there are 1 3 volumes
in folio MS. of Livy only. Then as to MS. copies of the New
Teflament, they are in great numbers, either containing the whole
or part. There are too fome new, unpubliflied claffical authors :
three Olynthic Orations of Detnofthenes ; four of the Philippics -,
Oratio ad Epijlolas Phililpiy O ratio de Republica ordinanda, ^p^f~
tola Philippi y Iliad in black ink, with a comment or fcholia by
TzETZES, in red ink, in the oppoiite column. I found there
MSS. of Terence y Juftin, Valerius Maximus -, of Horace and Virgil
many ; fome of Jwoenal, Catullus^ TibulluSy and Propertius^ Sueto-
nius, Sallujl: but, what I regretted much, none oi Tacitus. The
Greek tragedians, 6cc. in abundance, remarkably finely written,
particularly Arijhphanes in folio : fome of the moderns, fuch as
Aretinus de Bello Punico Primo : Idem de Bcllo Gotbico : Epijiolcs
ejujdem.

I COPIED a little Greek poem, at the head of v/hich was writ-
ten, Cartopbylacis Bulgaria duo Carfnina, quce infcripta funt llo^oq.

In priori dejcribit Mala Midieris mala; in pojieriori bona bona.

iV.

THE ESCURIAL.

33

N. B . S^pJs autem noverit, quis Cartophylax hie fiierit ; erat enim
ISIotiien Officii, f^epeque inter Libros hofce MSS. occurrunt Opera Jo-
annis Rediafeni, Cartophylacis Bulgarienjis . The poem itfelf is not
worth inferting here.

With regard to the MSS. of the New 'Tefiamenf -■, I was de-
termined to collate two or three of the mofl remarkable texts, to
fee how they flood. Having feen in England, how the famous
text, "Johannis Epijl. I. cap. V, ver. 7, 8. ftood in our Alexandrian
MS. I took down two of the oldeft MSS. of the Epiftles which I
could find in the Efcurial, and having a fmall Greek Teflament in
my pocket, I collated that text firft, inprefence of the auditor and
fome other gentlemen. It is remarkable, that both the MSS. fhould
concur word for word in this reading : "Ot< r^hg ei<-iv 01 [zoc^rvoSvTig'
TO 7n/£Viui06, ycoct TO vdcop, jcat to oci^a.' kcul 01 rosig sig to sv ii(riv ei tvjv jM.ap-
Tvptotv Tcov dvBou'TTuv Xufyt^joocvo^iVi JC. T. A. Onc of thcm TCad eXdlSo-
f/,sv, which, I think, has more force. I do not enter into the con-
troverfy whether this be the right, or the wrong reading j I Ihall
only add, that fuch I found it in two MSS. of a different charader,
and age, and which did not appear to be copies of each other. But
the curious reader, after having examined Dr. Mills's long note
on this verfe, and alfo the tedious comment of Mr. Wetstein,
may fee more in U?2e Diffh^tation Critique fur le Verfet feptieme du
Chapitre V. de la premiere Epitre de St. Jean, par M. Martin, a
Utrecht y ^Ji"jy i2mo.

As to the famous pafli^ge, ad Timotheiim, Epijl. I. c. iii. v. 16. all
the MSS. clearly read 0.-oV, or 92.

With regard to that in the beginning of St. John, it is out
of doubt 0£Of \v 0 Aoyog, and not ©-, or Qiv, as fome would have it..

There is in this library all the colledion of MSS. and printed
books, formerly belonging to the famous Cardinal Sirletus,
with the cardinal's notes in moll: of them : the very catalogue
itfelf of Cardinal Sirletus's colled:ion is a vaft curiofity. 1 he
book contains, firft, the original letters of the Duke D'Omva-
RES, and others, about fettling the purchafe of it. Then fallows

the-

134 DESCRIPTION OF

the catalogue of his Greek MSS. in Greek : the title runs thus,

X'ira, Sec. &c. After this follows a Latin catalogue of his Latin
-MSS. and printed books; at the end of which the cardinal's libra-
rian tells^tis, " Take notice, that there is no book here, of what
*' kind foever, in which his eminence hath not wrote with his
" own hand fome notes : adeo ut omnes audit & correcii ab ipfo vcre
** did poterlntJ'

In a very old Latin defcriptlon of the iilands of EuxRope, with
the maps, the writer, whofe name I could not find, mentions the
following cities in Great Britain, hondinuniy Neomagusy Petu-
ria, Otuana, Callagiim, Orria, Coi-ia : in Scotland, T^rlmontumy
Uzelhimy Kethigonuniy Cordch Linopibia ; which I leave for our an-
tiquaries to decypher. In the library below, I found Apthonii
UDO'ywcx,(r[Jicx,roi ; M. Btuti Epijiolce Gri-eco-Latinay and Phaleridis
Epiftolcey all bound together. Thofe of Brutus contained only epi-
ftles of his to the Pergamenians, with their anfwer ; to the Rho-
diisy Cois, Pafarais, Ccvjuiisy Lyciis, Damice, Cyzicenisy Smyrn^sisy
Mytclenfibusy Mylcjiisy 'Trallicmis Bythyniis, all Greek, per A. Com^
jnelimwjy 1597. One in Latin, Brutus CictToni Juo. The epiftles
of Phalaris were risp t» Ei^is-oXuQ Xuaoc}c]ri^^. Not thofe which
Boyle publiilied.

But to return to the manufcript library above flairs j it certainly
abounds with ineflimable riches too numerous to be defcribed.
But as to the catalogues of the principal Greek, Latin, and He-
brew MSS. I fliall give them at length at the end of this account.

All this wealth is depolited in the hands of a few illiterate
monks, poor Jeromitcs-, but they are full as jealous of thefe trea-
fures, as if they underflood their true value. It v/as with great
difficulty, and by the help of fome interefl, that I got any accefs
at all to thefe MSS. and when I had got accefs, if 1 wrote down
or collated any thing, it gave them fufpicions ; becaufe, fay they,
if you copy our MSS. the originals will then be worth nothing.
That is as much as to fay, that the originals will be of no value, if
they become of any ufe.

I DO

T H E E S C U R I A L. 135

I DO not doubt but there are many very valuable things amono-
the printed books, both below and above flairs -, Ibme I have feen,
but few of them ; fuch as Virgil^ in folio, whether a forgery, or
not, I cannot fay; date 1407. It appeared to me as a literary
phaenomenon; T^erence 1482; another Virgil^ large letter, with
fuperb illuminations. But the backs of the books below flairs are
all turned from you, befides being locked up, fo that no one but
the librarians themfelves can poffibly tell you what they are ; and
as they are fo wretchedly ignorant, their informations will avail
you but very little. They have had no man of learning among
them, fince the times of Arias Mont anus, who v/as indeed
a truly great man. There is a copy of his Bible, in feven or eight
volumes in folio, finely printed on vellum, with the Hebrew text,
Je ROM's verfion, the Vulgate, and the LXX.

It is much to be lam^ented, that this library is not in other
hands ; for then the world might ll:and fome chance of being be-
nefited by it. Michael Syri, a Syro-Maronite, one of the King's
librarians, has printed one volume of the Arabic catalogue , but
why it is not permitted to be fold, I cannot fay ; if it had, I had
fent it into England before now.

The principal things in this convent are, iirfi:, the Church,
which is a noble edifice in the infide -, its riches and paintings are
ineftimable ; but of thefe /jz^'/e'r, I fliall give a feparate catalogue
hereafter. The outfide, however, of this church, is the heavieft
building imaginable. The whole convent is truly a fort of quarry
above-ground. It has often put me in mind of thofe lines of Pvlr.'
Pope :

Greatnefs with Timon dwells in fuch a draught.
As brijTigs all Brobd:gnag before your thought.

I can difcover no flile of arcbitedure in it, though it is mofl pro-
bably of the Doric order. It is a large, confufed flupendous pile,
divided into a vafl number of fquare courts. The realbn of which
is Qwing to the follofvving circumftance.

Philip II.. the founder of this convent, made a vow, when he
gained the battle of St.QjJiNTiN, (againil the French in the fron-
tiers

136

DESCRIPTION OF

tiers ofPiCARDY, in 1557) fix years before, to build a convent
at the EscuRiAL for monks of the order of St. Jerom. This or-
der is unknown in France, and was aboliilied in Italy, becaufe
one of them attempted the Hfe of Charles Borromeo. He
preferred this order, becaufe he was obHged to cannonade a con-
vent of JercJiiites during the fiege of St. Quint in. He faid
to his confelTor during the battle, when the bullets flew about
pretty thick, " And how do you like this mulic ?" *' And it pleafe
*' your MajePiy," replied the monk, *' I do not like it at all."
*^ Nor I neither," faid the King; " and do not you think my fa^
*' ther was a very ftrange man, who could find any diverfion in
'* this kind of entertainment ?" The battle was gained on St.
Lawrence's day, on the loth of Auguft, wherefore he called the
convent after the name of that faint ; and as the holy father was
unhappily burnt upon a gridirofjy this prince has immortalized the
very manner of his martyrdom : for he has not only fluck grid-
irons, either of paint, wood, metal, or ftone, all over the convent,
but has built the very convent itl'elf in the form of a gridiron.
That part of the building, which is now the King's apartment,
is the handle of the gridiron ; and the reft being divided into a
great number of fquare courts, in this form ;

J

it doth not unaptly refemble a gridiron. Having now done with
the gridiron, I muft not forget another circumftance : As a proper
compliment was neceffary to be paid to St. Lawrence, another
was full as neceffary to be paid to St. Jerom : St. Jerom, it
feems, lived among the mountains, and therefore, tho' from the
lofty fite of this convent you command one of the moft extenfive
prolpeds, that you commonly meet with in Spain ; yet fo much
relpedl was to be paid to the memory of this faint, as to turn
6 the

T H E E S C U R I A L; 137

the great front of this convent and palace dirediJy from the pro-
fpeoi y fo that you fhould fee nothing at all but mountains, as
the faint himfelf had lived among them. They give another rea-
fon for this ; and fay, the chapel could not have flood due eafl:
and weft v^ithout it. Why not ? Was there any neceffity to make
the front of the convent and the church too, both to the fame
afped; ?

But high as the names of thefe two faints ftand here, the
name of the founder, Philip II. is ftill higher; fo that they re-
fped:, firft, the Fundador^ then St. Lawrence, and then St. Je-
ROM. . Their regard for their founder is indeed but a decent part
of gratitude ; for as he thought he Ihould atone for all his fins by
raifing this fabric, fo he fpared no expence to make it complete.
It coft Philip II. during his reign, 28,000,000 of ducats, which
is about 3,360,000 1. fterling. He lived here chiefiv the laft fif-
teen years of his life; and when he died, he ordered himfelf to be
brought out in his bed to the feet of the high altar, that he n:iight
die in fight of that, and thus he expired. The place where his bed
was placed, is fmce railed off, as facred ; and the late Queen Bar-
bara was the firft perfon who had courage enough to enter it,
fince it was fliut up after his death.

HowFvER, fome are ftill fo fuperftitious, as to believe even
now, that his unquiet and perturbed fpirit ftill nightly vifits his
favourite maniion, and ftalks horrid round the long arcades and
corridores of the Escurial : For a certain princefs, to my know-
ledge, gave orders, laft O^flober, that the guard iliould patrole
in the night round the cloyfters, to fee if Philip IPs ghoft really
walked there, or not.

The PE are in the lower library four very fine portraits of
Charli' s V. Philip II. PhilipIII. and Philip IV. In Charles
V. you fee from his face and attitude, in his air and manner, the
fpirit of a prince, who was born to lead armies to the fields of
conqueft, and to aim at nothing lefs than univerfal monarchy. In
Philip III. and IV. you difcern rather a pacific mien, inclining
fomev/hat to eftcminacy. But in Philip II. the painter has been

T , very

13S DESCRIPTION OF

very happily expreffive of his charadter ; cruelty, pride, hypocriiy-j,
malice, revenge, and a dark air of diffimulation, are all well aflem-
bled in the lines and colours of his countenance.

But however fond he was of this convent, as Ifaid before, he
did not live to finifli it : The Fantheon^ or the royal burial-chapel
for the Kings of Spain, their conforts, and their defcendants, tho'
begun by the founder, was not completed, but by Philip IV.
This edifice is fo lingular, it is no eafy matter to defcribe it, with-
out the help of drawing, fo as to give a jull idea of it.

Inscription on the Pantheon..

D. O. M.

Locus Sacer MortaTttatis Exuvus

Catholtcorum Regum,

A Rejiaiiratore Vitce, Ctijus Ara Max\

Aujiriaca Adhuc Pietate Subjacent,

Optata?n Diem ExpeBantium,

^Mfn Pojihiunam Scdcm Sibi Et Suis

Caroius Ccejarum Max. In Votis Habuit,

Philippus IL Regum Prudentijf. Elegit*

Philippus III. Vere Pius Inchoavit.

Philippus IIIL

dementia^ Confiantia, Religione Magnus

Auxit, Or?2avify Abfolvit,

Anno Dom. mdcliiii.

It is an Oclagon temple ; the ftaircafe that defcends to it, is all
fine marble, the walls, cielings, &c. being wainfcotted, if I may
fo term it, with marble, and the iniide alfo of the temple is very
richly ornamented in the fame manner. As I was going down the
flairs, my guide told me, '' Here, Sir, is the rotti?ig-place for the
** late Queen Am alia ; and thi?. Sir, is the rotting-place for the
" young princes :" and fo indeed they were 5 for the bodies are
depolited here till fuch time as the work of putrefa(5tion is pretty
well iiniflied, and the inoifenfive relicks are tranfported into the
Pantheon.

When.

T H E E S C U R 1 A L. r39

When this vault was iiniflied, Philip LV. gave the following
diredions for removing the bodies into it, by a mandate dated
Madrid, March 1654: where he fays, " You fliall place in it
" the Emperor Charles V. and Donna Isabel la his wife; Phi-
^* LIP II. and his queen Donna Anna; Philip III. and Donna
** Margaret a ; and the queen Donna Isabella, my dear and
'* much-loved wife. The firffc urn fliall be Charles V. the lafl
*' I defign for myfelf, whenever it fliali pleafe God to take me
** from this life."

It is impoffible you (hould underftand thefe diredions of Phi-
lip IV. without being told, that as this temple is in an odagoii
form, each iide contains three or four niches from top to bottom,
with two over the door-cafe, in all 26 : and thefe are filled up
with oblong urns, oy farcophagi : each having a brafs plate in the
center, with the name of the prince or princefs which it contains.
In this order :

Left-hand Jide. Right-hand Jide of the Altar,
Donna Isabella, Charles V's ivhich takes uj) one eighth of

Queen. the Roonu

Anna, Philip II's Qu, c^^^^^, y.

-Margareta, Philip ,x ^t

, ^ ' r Philip II.

Ill's Queen.

— III.

Isabella, Philip IV's ^f

^^Second left-hand. ^ Second right-hand.

Maria Adelaide, Philip V's ^harles iU

firft Queen. * J-uis 1,

Amalia, Charles Ill's Queen.

There is an urn defigned for Isabella of Parma 5 but fheis de-
termined not to lie there.

So that you fee, as there are but 26 niches in all, it is jufl
half- full. There are only fix kings, and (^wtn queens. The rea-

* Here is one Queen omitted ; none are placed here, but what have children*

T 2 foil

140 DESCRIPTION OF

fon of this is, becaufe, Philip V. is buried at San Ildefonso ;
as the queen-mother intends to be, whenever flie dies ; though
fhe'fays, " She had much rather not die at all," having an utter
averfion to that operation. But, I fear, Elizabeth of Parma
and Tltscany muft be contented to tread the fame gloomy paths
which all the Isabels and Katharines of ArragOxV trod be-
fore her. Ferdinand VI. and his Queen Barbara of Por-
tugal are buried at the new convent of the Sakfas in Madrid,
which they founded.

I remember being told by an Engliih earl, who travelled
into Spain a few years fince. That when he came to fee theP^«--
theon, he alked the guide, who fliewed to him this vault, how it
came to pafs, that he faw there fo few princes of the houfe of
Bourbon ? ** My lord," fays the man, *' the reafon is, that they
** are all afraid of the man with the great whifkers ;" meaning
Charles V. ** for," fays he, " if thofe princes of the houfe of-
** Bou.'iBON were to come here, they would never agree, and there
** would be fuch a dance of the dead, as would be heard as far as
*' Madrid."

But to be ferious, it is certainly a great pity, that the Spanish
kings and queens are not now all placed together, as this certainly
is a maufokum worthy of their reception, and in every refpedl fuit-
able to the grandeur of the Spanifh monarchy. I confefs, were I
King of Spain, I fliould make no fcruple of ordering it io, with-
out ever thinking, that I in the leafl difquieted thereby the repofe-
of their aflies.

id credis cineres curare fepultos ?

Or, as another fays,

— nee fentit damna fepulchri.

But before I take my leave of the Pantheon, which fhews you
by its very name the great and majeftic ideas which the Spaniards
entertain of their fovereigns ; lince this is not the burial-place of
their monarchs, but their Gods : I muft not omit one very extra-
ordinary anecdote, which is as follows.

When

THE E S C U R I A L. 141

When Philip IV. in 1654, as I faid before, removed the bo-
dies deiigned for this maufoleum from their antient fepulchres,,
with all the funeral pomp and folemnity poitible, nay, I might
add, conceivable : That they v/ere re-buried with the moil awful
fervices and fundions of mafs and burial imaginable, at which
Philip IV. affifled in perfon : and, in conclufion, a monk of the
order of St. Jerom, fpoke a funeral oration, with this remarkable
text, taken from the Prophet Ezekiel, chap, xxxvii. verfe 4.
O ye. dry bo?2Cs, hear the word of the Lord !

This oration, or funeral difcourfe, I had curiofity enough to
tranflate part of j and it is indeed the mofl. extraordinary funeral:
fennon I ever faw.

%' ^^ <o? <;? '^j? ^' ^^ '^ >'2f ?u?^' '-u.^ '-6? <u?^

Part of a FUNERAL O R A T I O N,^^i?^;2 upon^
removing the Bodies of the Kings and Queens of
Spain into the Vault at the ESCURIAL, iiz
1654.

r\ G REAT GOD ! where fhall the nnderflanding go that is
^^ not flruck with admiration ? What is this difcourfe. Sacred
Cathohc, Royal, and Auguft Majefty ! that fhall not be iinifhed
in the time ! What is this wonder that is found in the ftate of
men ! What is this fear, that keeps pace with the revolution of
years ? What is it ? Can the v/orid hope to fee fuch a theatre of^
Pvlajeflies ? Seven crowns, v/hich have not been joined together
in feventy ages ; who would ever have thought, that they could'
meet together to hear one fole orator ? What imagination could
fuggeft this aiTemblage of dead Kings, hearing a fermon, as well
as if they were alive ? Who has brought hither your Ccefarean
Majefties ? Monarchs great of the earth, great Monarchs in'

heaven 1.'

142 FUNERAL ORATION.

heaven ! Who has brought you hither ! But what do I afl^ ? That
God is God, and cannot fail in that, which he has fpoken — Let
us hear him with reverence.

" Soji of maU) prophecy concerning thefe bones, and fay unto
^^ them. Dry bones, hear the word of the Lord; T^ bus faith the
" Lord: Behold I loill open your tombs, and I will lead you out of
** your fepulchres, and I will bring you into the land of IfraeL''
EzEK. xxxvii. 4. Let us adore the fecrets of God ; a function fo
great, as this of to-day, requires that it fhould have been foretold
by prophefy in this 37th chapter of Ezekiel. OJja arida, " Dry
" boTies," this is the day to hear a fermon : Audit e "cerbum Domi-
ni: •** Hear the word of the Lord:'' That is to hear ? Perhaps the
voice of the living fhall break the filence of the dead ? Perhaps
thofe who die are not deaf till the found of the lafb trumpet ? In
7iovifhna tuba.

Perhaps — but fuppofe I do not fay perhaps; there are dead,
which in ending their lives do not enter into death -, there are
dead, which reft with a defire of life, and thefe hear as well as if
they were alive, but if there were fuch, how fhould our princes
die ? Afk the moft eminent cardinal of Bethlehem, Jerom ;
which great Falefiine dodor left in fome of his writings,
language and fpirit fufficient to form this difcourfe to the glory of
our moft potent Spanish Monarchs : It is all his, great Sir, be-
caufe all St. Jerom, all his religion, all his fons, and all his
fplendoi", and. all his exaltation is derived from your Cafareati
Majefty, and from the Caefars your anceftors. Of what death
did thofe die whom God made Potentates ? Aflc Jerom, and afk
him upon occafion of feeing Moses die. Of what grief? Of
what accident ? Of what infirmity ? Who will fay thus, Mor-
tuus ejl Moyfes jubente Domino ; " Mofes died becaufe the Lord coni-
*' manded'him; He died obedient'' The LXX tranflate it, Mortuus
ejl Moyfes per verbiim Domini ; *' God killed Mofes by his word." And
here we may explain the iirft Apocalypfe of St. John the Evange-
ILft. Admire and hear the Almighty, who fpeaks thus — lamAl-
^ha and Omega, thefrf and the lajl, the beginning and the ending ;

4 ^ but

FUNERAL ORATION. 143

but how fliarp a word is the ending ! And its force is to be fliarp,
becaufs with that comes out of the mouth a two-edged fword.
De ore ejus gladius utraqiie parte aciitus exibat. What different
things hath God faid by that mouth ! He breatheth into his nojlrils
the breath of life. With that breath and fpirit in the bread of Adam,
the mouth faid truly, / am the beginning, I am the beginning of
life. And what a fword was that which faid, / am the end, I
am the end, I cut the thread of life. How powerful is God !
What muft thofe Hps be, which fpeak Hfe, and fpeak death at the
fame time.

Die Moses, die now, now, nowj God kills thee with his
word -y expedl it ; a death which is caufed by the word, death is
hearing, becaufe it is death to hear God much. He it is, who
lived by the word, and dies by the word, fays Jerom to Fabiola.
For if he feems to have been governed by the fpirit of the word, he
could ceafe from that government by the word only. Princes, who
are made fuch by the hand of the Mofl High, fliall die by the
fame means which they lived ; they live by hearing God, and
when they die, the voice refts them being heard, they die and
hear. See here a fovereign auditory of dead bodies : O my moft •
auguil auditory ! Ye dry bones, hear the word of the Lord.

Hear thou Ccefarean Majejiy, German Charles, French
Charles, Italian Charles, African Charles, Indian
Charles, Spanish Charles, Charles mofl glorioully the
Fifth, hear, thou Ccefarean Majefty, the voice of a monk of the
order of St. Jerom, who will not think it flrange, becaufe he ex-
pired hearing our voices, and our fongs. Thus faith the Lord.
This is what God fays: Ecce ego aperiam tumulos veftros -, ** the
** day jlmll come, in which I will open your tombs \' and is not this
to-day ? It is plain : And I will lead you out of your fepulchres. And
is not this time come, in which from the obfcurity of your fepul-
chres ye are taken out into the light of the living ? Is it not now ?
Who doubts it ? £/. inducam vos in terrain Tfrael ; " And thence here
** yejloall come into a land like Ifrael:' And is not this now ? It is
certain.

144

FUNERAL ORATION.

But before we leave the fubjed:, that ye loft life, what ? Have
we not to give to the eternity of fame, a voice of praife, which
will fill the world. The text fays, Fill boviinis vaticinare de ojjibus
ijiis ', '■^ Man dhine concerning thofe bones before thee." And Je-
ROM explains it, that the bones of the juft were to be exalted and
praifed, as it were with the fplrit of prophets, and the fury of the
old fybils. Men call thofe dead deities : What grief ! To be com-
manded to exalt thofe with the prophetical fpirit, and to have only
mine own ? ^laji fpiritu vatttm. But let him ufe that which he
is able, and let it become fury, quaji furore. Let it be fury, be-
caufe it is boldnefs ; it Ihall be boldnefs, and let us begin with the
greateft man of men. There thou art, thou always conqueror,
and never conquered Charles ! there thou art gone. And God
leaves me to iay, that it is the honour of his Divine Majefty,
which is much honoured there.

The firil: angel grew proud ; that adtion has always been won-
dered at i of what could Lucifer be proud ? Of being very hand-
ibme ? No ; becaufe it is eafy to imagine, that God was hand-
fomer. Of much underftandin^ ? Much lefs : becaufe he muft own
that of God to be greater. Of much valour ? Softly, JJbi eras,
qiiando me laiidabunt aftra matnfma? faid God to Job. " Come
** hither, 'where ivaf thou, ivhcn the inorning far s fang praife to
''^ me? y^lra matutina — Jerom fays in his commentary upon this
pafTage : ** l^he 7norning fars are the angels infep arable from God,
** becaife they were fir fl called to fing his prafe." Which orifon of
that great world fweet and fonorous birds celebrated ; the angels
of God difpraifed themfelves founding his praifes ; and well. Do
we not know what they fung ? Ifaiah tells us, Holy, holy, holy
Lord God of Hoils. With thofe words broke forth the firlfc
morning of heaven and earth. Holy, holy, &c.. how v/ell it founds }
What is it to found well ? Does Lucifer fay, Lord God of the
Hofls of God r And my valour ? and my fpirit ? and my vivacity ?
Moreover I fav, I will afcend into heaven, I will be like the Mod
High.

St. JeRom fays in his Hebrew traditions, that Lucifer bcing^
jnade pUcefedt of the camps of God, v^-as fcizeJ vvith fuch a mili-

* tajy

FUNERAL O H A 1' I O N.

H5

tary ardor, that he could not bear ev^n God the Lord of Hofcs.
Lucifer grew proud of his valour; he was the firft of the ccleftial
holl:s ; he was general of them; O ill-gotten employment L He
was loft by his much valour, which threw out many vain ho^ih
againfl: God, and that he could equal him in founding the voice of
war : Lor^ God of Hojis,

That befl gift of valour, which God has given to his crea-
tures, broke out into pride : / will afcend into heavefi. The molt
heroic fpirit of the warrior budded out into arrogance : •Iivillbe likf
the Moji High. The mofl brave impulle of the warrior appeared in
making a riotous war in all heaven — Michael fought icith the dra-
gon. O great Creator ! what could make a boafter ! and what
could prompt the proud ! O Lord God of Holh, from, that throne
divine, let thy fovercign Majefty behold this human tomb, now
redrefled from the wrongs of old. This potent arm was in
Charles : But what did it not do ? It made him monarch of
both worlds ; it made him a firm pillar of the church ; it made him
a cutting fword againfl herefy ; it made him a fliining light to in-
fidels ; it made him the terror, and the admiration of reb^-ls ; it
made him a general arbitrator of all empires ; it made him feared
by France, obeyed by Germany, acknov/ledged by Italy,
and revered by Europe; it made Asia tremble; it humbled
Africa ; it conquered America ; it caufed his valour and ibr-
tune to obtain more trophies and victories, than all monarchies
have counted ; it made at length a man, than whom, from the firit
of men, the world hath not {^^v\ one more valiant, more fortunate,
more a foldier, or more glorious.

Now alTc Curiofity, This warrior, in v/hom God eftccled fo
much, how did he meet God ? What mulf be the joy in heaven
to fee one man amend the fault, of an angel ?

Permit me here to paraphrafe the fecond vifion of Pathmos \
Vidi & audivi vocc}?i angcloriim mulfomm ; " There refounded the po-
*< pulous voice of many angels'' How many ? Millions of millions.
It ought to be a great thing, that cannot be contained in fo
many breails ! Which was poured out by fo many mouths ; it ap-

U pearh

146 FUNERAL ORATION.

pears to be a novelty ; it appears to be a myflery, if it is a myfte -
ry : God, who can clear it, does cleai*it ; behold it plain, and given
to be (ten ; Ecce ojiium apertum in ccclo : A gate opens in heaven t
beautiful appearance! St. John the Evangeliil: looks at this, and
fays — There is a throne: Ecce Jedcs pofita in cxlo. And well ?
Have they not reafon to rejoice, that God holds his throne ii>
heaven ? Who will fay fo ? Stay — Behold the Lamb ftanding in
the middle of the throne : On that throne, where there is a lamb,
iliall be God, and he fliall reign for ever with patience ; it is much
that there appears a lamb. Suppofe that a proceffion came from
the other part. -I fay more. Behold the lion of the tribe offudah
has conquered. That Lamb is alfo a Lion. Let it go ; a novelty
appears ; but God has both qualities, he is gentle, and he is vali-
ant. But further : There do not come from thence the words. Do
not attempt it, becaufe it is great. There walked four and twenty
feniors, and laid down their crowns before the throne : There go
Kings, if they are Kings, and quit their crowns. God blefs me !
Kings crowned, and their crowns laid afide ! yes, they lay them at
the feet of the Lion-Lamb j Jefus ! what a novelty ! and fo great,
fays Jerom, fo great, that it is only feen in heaven : but what
voices are thofe, which fpring from thence ? It is true, Zacha-
Ri AS writes in the third chapter it is true ; we read in the Revela-
tions of feniors linging a nev/ fong, new becaufe it was heard not
on earth, but in heaven ; T^hat potentates defpifed the crown of
power. One crown v/ell altogether in right, and nature, it is little
to drav/ it from theirs and to let it fall at the feet of God ? Is it
little ? Since when once it is feen in heaven, heaven is filled with
•applaufe and admiration.

May God preferve Augufl Charles in his glory!' thou hail
given to be {^tn among men that novelty, which the angels moft
celebrate. What front of the fons of Adam was better girded
than tliine ? What crown was enriched with fuch refplendent
ftones P Catholic, magnanimous, potent, jufl, pious, liberal,
amiable, feared, heroic, not to be vvithflood. Holy God ! from
whence came the lights of that Imperial diadem ? From whence ?
And the world beheld them, and the world beheld him quit the
,-crown, and renounce the greateft of ^U human pomp, with thefe

5 wordvS I

F U N E k A L ORATION.

H7

words : Tu Jo/us Dommus, tu folus Altijjlmus ; Thou only art the

. Loj'd, thou only art the moji High. 1 fay, that here broke forth

the voices o^ oMyerufakm triumphant, the voices of many angels.

It might be a novelty in heaven, as u^ell as earth, to fee a ma-
jefty, which almofh was not contained in the world, to fee him
contain himfelf in the narrow cell of a monk ? without afpiring,
but after death ; without any more life, than what fufficed to me-
ditate on a good death. This might be a ipeitacle of wonder to
the moft fortunate, to fee the moft triumphant Emperor celebrat-
ing the laft triumph of his life, and at the fame time the obfequies
of his death. This appears only to be a child of the imagination,
but it was real fad.

They ered;ed a tomb in the church of St. Justus, but with-
out apparatus, without pomp ; that he, who when alive was above
all, was willing to die no more than a mere man : The mafs for his
foul was celebrated with folemnity ; and there were two facrifices ;
one, that of the altar ; the other, that of his breaft : The time of the
Kefponfo came ; the mourning of the body. He entered the church
in mourning ; while he lived there was no entrance fo glorious as
that : He placed himfelf (who yet had vigour) in the front of the
tomb i he was the fole aftor of that theatre ; he was alive, and
reprefented one dead, with fo much propriety, that even he
thought himfelf, that he was dying j and it is certain, that from
that place he went and died : The monks fung, and wept ; they
efteemed him as their mafter, and even to think, that he was to
die, was a grief. And to think that he really was to die became
a torment. What a great thing was it to fee, that majeftic age of
Charles all attentive, with a taper in his hand, as if v/itli his
light he v/as contemplating the dark glooms of death ; he batlied
in tears his venerable cheeks, as one who died with underitand-
ing, and knew what it was to die, and underflood that there were
faults to be bewailed. He prayed the Divine Majeify for his foul,
never more happy ; fince, for this his fupplicatioii, God was giv-
ing him life at that time to enable him to make that prayer. TJie
requiefcam in pace was fung ; and lifting up his crying eyes to
iieaven, he faid aloud, Amen, And he was in fufpcnfe long

U 2 cnouglj

14^ FUNERAL ORAXrON.

enough to remain in a lively faith, that the Lord of the living and
the dead heard him. He turned himfelf to the prieft, and proftrat-
ing himfelf before him, he offered into his hands the lighted ta-
per, faying : I?2to thy ha/ids I commend f7iy fpirit. Into thofe
hands, which had compleated offering to the Eternal Father the-
unbloody facritice of his only Son, he placed his foul ; and from
thence he went to that bed, in. which he died a natural death*
&c. 6cc. &c.

T H E K I N G's OTHER PALACES.

But before I go on to the paintings and manufcripts, give me
leave to take this opportunity of defcribing briefly the reft of his
Catholic Majefty's palaces, that I may difpatch for once this ar-
ticle all together.

The Buen Retiro, or the old palace m Madrid, is not fo
good a royal manfion as St. Jam es's : a very indifferent quadrangle,
with gardens, which no one would mention here, as being any
thing extraordinary.

The Palatio Nuevo is indeed a very fine fabric in Madrid j
but then it has coft two millions fterl. of our money already. It
was begun in 1725, and is not finifhed, and has no gardens, or
opening round it as yet.

Thf palace of San Ildefonso is a very good one; the build-
ing not grand, nor in a good tafte ; but the gardens are magni-
ficent, and the fountains the fineft in Europe : The gardens are
(aid to have coft five millions fterling. During the building and
tinillnng of this palace, &c. in the years i73i» 32, 33, I have
httn told, that neither the army, navy, officers of the court, or
the ambaffadors abroad received any pay, tho' it was in time of war.
The ftatuary who made the fountains was never paid -, he died of
poverty and a 1)roken heart. The fame thing, it is faid, happened
to the man, who made the iron rails at Hampton Court for
King William ; Queen Anne did not choofe to pay the debt.
1 mention this circumftance as a fort of apology for Queen Isa-
bel's not remembering an artift employed by Philip.

This

THE KING OF SPAIN'S PALACES. 149

This palace Is about fixty miles from Madrid. When the
court goes thither, moft ambafladors, except the family ones, re-
fide at Segovia, about ten miles diftant : tho' his late Majcfty
thought that too far off.

The palace of the Sarsuelo, a few miles out of Madrid,
Is nothing but a hunting-box.

The palace of the Pardo, about eight miles out of Madrid,.
is likewife but an indifferent feat for an E?2g/r/h country-gentle-
man.

The palace of Aranjuez, about thirty miles diftant from Ma-
drid, is a very tolerable edifice 3 has one fine front; is agreeably
fituated in a pleafant vale upon the confluence of two rivers, the
Xdrama, and the Tagus. The air becomes very unhealthy, when
the heats begin. Though the gardens are only a dead flat, and
the walks plantations of trees in ftrait rows, yet there is fomething;
chearful and refrefhing in io cool and fhady a fpot. Here are
rows of very fine elms, tho' raifed and watered at an incredible
expence ; particularly in the Queen's Walk, or the Calie de la
reyjza^ which is as noble an avenue or vifla, as any to be found in
England.

The palace of the Casa del Campo is clofe to Madrid,
but an indifferent box, now quite negledied, and ufed only by the
king for fhooting.

The palace of the Rio Frio is a new building, not yet fini-
flied, within a few miles of Segovia : It was begun by the pre-
fent queen-dowager, about nine years ago, who never went to fee
it till laft year. She will probably leave it to the Infant Don Luis.

There are feveral other palaces, and royal maniions in different
parts of Spain, but moft of them are ruinous, orforfaken. The
Alcajj'ar cf Segovia, I have defcribed in another place; and the pa-
lace at Toledo was burnt by the allies in the fucceffion-war.
Since Madrid was made the capital, or ratlicr fince (to go back
tjd the true caufe) the kingdoms were united, thcfe fratcly edifices

6 moul-

150

LIST OF

mouldered away, and became almoft as forgotten as the vain mo-
narchs, who firil: raifed them to footh their pride. They now form
a fet of very fine remains, to gratify the curioiity or wrtu of mo-
dern travellers, particularly at Corduba, Seville, and Gra-
nada.

List of PICTURES in the Convent of
the E s c u R I A L.

LIBRARY.

Cleling and walls painted by Pellegrino and B, Carducho.
Painting of St. Ambrofe and St. Auguftine difputing. Mot*
to, A logtca Augufiini libera 7ios, domine !
Portraits of Charles V.
Philip II.
Philip III. par y. Pantoja de la Cruz, regiae majeftati

Camerariusj Pidtor.
Philip III.
Philip IV. por Diego Velafqiiez.

CHURCH.

Painted Cielings by Tjiica Giordano,

yuan. Fern. Muda.
Fred. Zucaro.
, Pellegrino y Pellegrini.

SACRISTY.

Over the door through which you enter.
Woman taken in adultery. Van Dyke.

Lower range on the right-hand Jide.

Chrifl in the garden (6 feet long, 5 broad) Titian*
Elizabeth and Mary. Raphael.

Vi-

rgin

THE PAINTINGS.

Virgin and child. Titian*

Chrifl wafhing the difciples feet. This piSlure
is J feet broad y and igfeet long: bought by
the Spanijh ambajjddor out of Charles I 's col-
leSiion ; as well as the next, which fold for
250/.

Madona y Bambino.

Chrift fcourged.

Ecce Homo.

Upper range on the right-hand fde.

H^

Tintorct,

Andrea del Sarto^
Luc a Cangiagio,
Titian,

Madona y Bambino.

Noli me tangere (8 feet long, 3 broad)

Jofeph and the infant.

Chrift bearing the crofs.

Magdalen.

Pharifees with the tribute-money.

AfTumption.

Sacrifice of Ifaac.

Altar-Piece,
Hoft elevated to Charles II.

Guido Rhenk

Corregio.

Paul Veronefe.

Sebaji. del Piombo^

Titian,

Id.

Hannibal Caraccu

Paul Veronefe,

Claudio Clslio.

On the left-hand fide ^ beginning from the altar.

Id,

Id,

Tintoret,

St. Margaret. Titian,

St. Sebaflian. Id,

Chrift taking the fathers out of limbo (8 feet

high, 4 broad)
Holy family, after their flight into Egypt.
Pvlagdalen (5 feet long, 3 broad)
Holy family, bought out of Charles Ys colkBion,

and fold for 2ooo\. This pi5lure was called Raphael,

the pearl of Philip IV.
Chrifl before Pilate. Titian,

St. Jerom. Van Dyke,

Chrift on the crofs. Titian.

Mary Magdalen before her repentance. Paiil Veronefe.

In

U'

LIST OF

In the S A L A S C A P I T U L A R E S.

FirJI Sa/a.

Holy family.

Converfion of St. Paul (lo feet long, i6 broad)

Centurion (9 feet long, 14 broad)

David's vidory over Goliah (10 feet long, 16

broad)
Heads of two apoflles.
St. Nicholas.
Holy family.
Woman in adultery.

Virgin and child.

Rubens.
Palma Vccchio.
Paul Veronefe.

Palma Vecchio,

Guido Rhent.

Rubens.
Van Dyke,
Leonardo Vincio,

Second Sak,

Dead Chriil. Raphael.

Efther and Ahafuerus ( i o feet high, 1 6 broad) Tintoret.

Jacob feeing Jofeph's bloody coat (fame fize Don Diego Velaf-

as the former) quez.

Chrift giving the keys to St. Peter (fix feet Giorgione de Cajiel

high, 8 broad) Franco.

Martyrdom of St. Sebaftian. Spagnolett.

Before the entrance of the kings apartment.

St. John and the lamb. Spagnolett.

St. Roque. Id.

St. Sebaflian. , Id,

St. Thomas. Id.
The heads of the Virgin and Child in bafib re-
lievo, cut out of porphyry.

Chrift dead. Spagnolett,

^fop. Id.

A philofopher. Id.

St. Andrew. Id.

Heraclitus. Id*

Democritus. Id,

Chrift dead in his father's bofom. Id,

Blind philofopher. Id>

St.,

LIST OF THE PICTURES. 153

St. Jerom penitent. Spagnolett.

Nativity. Luca Giordano.

St. Thomas convinced. /^.

In the Anti-Sacrijiia,

St. Peter and St. Paul. Spagnoleff.

St. John preaching. ' Paul Vero7iefe.

Prefentation in the temple. Id.

Flight into Egypt. Titian.

Lord's flipper. Rubens.

Apoftles heads. . j^" ^"^ ,

^ LJuan rernUndes^

Over the door upon thejiair-cafe into the church.
Chriil, St. John, Virgin Mary, and St. Anne. Raphael.

In afmall room near the Kings apartment.
Holy family. Raphael

This pi(fture is called Nuejlra fenora del los pifcayo, or, Our lady of
thejijjj. It is the finefl: in the whole colle(^lion, and of immenfe
value. The Virgin is feated with the infant in her lap ; Jofeph
flands by, holding a book. A boy prefents fome fiili in his handp
behind whom flands an angel. Ufari fays of it, in his life of
Raphael, that it was painted for a church at Naples. See The
hijiory of the Efcurial, page 224.

There are, in this convent, 51 flatues, 1622 paintings in oil^
10 cielings by Luca Giordano, with the battle of St. Qujntin, by
the fame hand.

Marriage of Cana Paid Veronefe:

This picture was certainly bought out of Charles I's colledion, but
where placed, I cannot fay.

Whether the pidures that came from England, were bought
by Don Lewis Mkndez de Haro, as the Spaniards fay, or by
Don Alonzo de Cardinas, as Lord Clarendon affirms, is a
controverjfy of no moment. The fad: is certain that wc have loft

X the

154 LIST OF THE PICTURES.

the piduresj and the fale of them in Cromwell was mean and
infamous. Lord Clarendon and Lord Cottington were
fent away from the Spanish court, left they fhould fee them. This
fufficiently fliows, that that court itfelf thought it to be a bafe
tranfadion.

There are many fine colleftions of paintings in Spain befides
this; the churches and convents abound with them. There is a
moft magnificent one at the pahice of Saic IldefOx\so ; where there
is Ukewife an amazing colledion of antique ftatues, of the Miijes,
Cleopatra, Venus Medici, and oi /Egyptian ^nd Roman Deities and Ri-
*ver-gods: fome at the Buen-Rttiro, fome at Aranjuez. Ma-
ny pidlures in thepofieflion of the Marquis Doniati, at Madrid:
Great numbers in the king's new palace in that city, which the fa-
mous painter Minx is juft come from Rome to decorate. Their
great painters, befides Spagnolett, have been Murillo, Don
Diego Velasquez, and Don FernandesMudo. The moft nu-
merous works of the firft are at Seville, where he died. The fe-
cond was a moft aftonifliing mafter of the art, great in defign and
exprefiion, as may be feen in that picfture of his in the Escuri al,.
where Joseph's bloody coat is brought to Jacob. The third was
chiefly a ceiling-painter, and worked in frefco. It feems to me to
be a great error, in imagining Italy to be the only fchool for
painters: Spain, if vifitedby fomeofourartifts, would, I amper-
fuaded, open new, aftoniftiing, and unexamined treafures to their
view. The fculptor would return back with improved models,
and the painter with a fancy enriched from the works of great maf-
ters, that have been little ftudied. And I recommend it to the
gentlemen patrons of t/je arts and fcicnces, as an objedl worthy
their attention, to fend fome perfon thither for that purpofe.

LETTER

LETTER VIII. PART II.

!

Catalogus MANUSCRIPTORUM LIBRORUM

in Bibliotheca Scorialensi CcEnobii Sandli Lau-
RE NT! I in Hifpanid.

A.

ACronis Comm. in Horatlum
Ada Apoft. & Epift. Can.

cum Gloffis
^milianus Codex
i^miiii Probi (five Corn. Nepotis)

cxcellentium Duciim Vitse, fol.
Idem, & ex Libro Cornelii deLati-

nis Hiftoricis Vita;
Annseus Seneca
^neas Sylvii, five Pii II. Vita
iEfopi Vita & Fabulae
Alberti Medici, de Medicina
Albi Tibulli Carmina & Vita, 410.
Quintus Curtius
Arrian^E Hiftoriae
Alphonfi Arr. Regis Hiftoria, cum

Privilegiis Regni
Alphonfi Regis Epiftolas
Apocalypfis Fr. Amada^i, mireillu-

minata & dep:6ta
Ambrofiii Moralis Mifccllanea
And. Alciati Left. Var.
Annotatioties in Ploratium & alios

audtorcs

Conflitutionum Gr^carum Codicis
Colledio, & Interpretatio, cum
Epitome Novell. Julian, per Ant.
Auguftinum

Idem de Notis

Idem de Notis Antiq. Cod. Decretal.

Apocalypfis S''* Johannis, cum Ex-
pofitione & pulchris Figuris

Apocalypfis Fr. Amadasi

Apollonii Conica
Elementa, lib. 4.

Arrag. Regni Legitima Succefllo

Archimedis Liber Secundus

Arriani Hifloria

Auli Gellii de No6libus Atticis

Aufonii Poemata

Ambrofii Moralis Annotationes

Excerpta quae-
dam de Concil. Toiet.

B.

Barcelonas Regni Confuetudines
Jura Catalonias
Privilcgia & Foedera
Conftit. Synod. Aragon.

X

Bi-

u6

CATALOGUS MSS. LAT.

Biblia vulg. edit.

vL.lg. cum Interpret. &■ GIofT.

VLllg.

vulg. diverfa ordinc difpofita
fol. .
fol.

a Genefi ufque ad San6l; Jo-
hannis Evangelium

a Proverbiis ufque ad Apocal.
Pfalt. Proverb. Ecclef. Cant*
Literis Longobardicis

Pfal. cumOffic.Defundorura
Pfalt. Literis Gothicis
Iterum
Iterum
Ecclefiaflicus

Propii. Minor.cumComment.
Novum Teftamentum.
EvangeliciE Liber Vitcc, litte-
ris aureis, juffu Henrici Conradi
Imp. f.

Pauli Ep. cum Comment.
A61. &Ep. Canono.cum'iGlof.
Ada, Ep, & Apocaiypfis
Apocalypfis, cum Comment.
Sz figuris, literis perandquis
Apdcalypfis cum Comment.
Apocalypfis, literis Gothicis
Blondi & Columellas Fragm. quced.
Boetii Hift. Ecclef. Belgarum, Teu-

tonumque
Bruti Epilt. per Renutium, Latine

C.
Canones A poll. Literis Gothicis
Cafliodori Opera
Catonis Diftica, & alia quacdam

ad Legem, Siquis pro eo,&c.
Catulli Poemata.
Conllitut. & Leges, per Petrum,Ar-

ragonum. Regem
C^iceronis Officia

Ciceronis O/ficia, cum Epitaph, a
XII viris compos.

Offic. de Amicitia, Senec-
tute, Paradox. &Somn. Scipionis

Iterum, cum Comn~jent.

de OfBciis Liber

Iterum, Liber III.

de Officio ad Q^Fratrenii

Epillolas Familia;es

Iterum, Lib. XXI.

Iterum

Iterum, Lib. XV'.

Epiftolas ad Atticum

Iterum

pro M. Marcello, Oratio
Oratio pro M. Marcello^.
Dejotaro, L-igario, & Philippica-
rum. Lib. IV.

Orationes pro Pompeioj.
Marcello, Ligario, Milone, Plan-
co, Sylla, Licinio, Archia, Dejo-
taro, Q^FIacco, Cluentio, Sextio,.
Murcna, M. Caelio, L. Cornelio,
in Vatinium, de Arufpicum Re-
fponfis, de Provinciis Confulari-
bus, pro L. Flacco, de Petitione
Confulatus, pro Rofcio, in L. Pi-
fonem, in Rullum, pro Leg. Ag-
rar. in Rutilium, pro C. Rabirio
ducC, & pro Cecina

pro Pompeio, Milone,
Planco, Sulla, Archia, Marcello,
Ligario, Dejotaro, de Reditu, &
alia ad Populum, in P. Clodium,
pro M. Caslio, in Vatinium, &c.
ut fupra.

pro Pompeio, Marcello,
Ligario, Dejotaro, Archia, Plan-
co, alia pridie quam iret in exi-
lium, pro Milone, in Vatinium,
|)ro fuo reditu, & Phiiippicarum
libri XIII.

pro Marcello, in Catalin,
& Catalinas in Ciceronem

Cice-

CATALOGUS MSS. LAT.

^S7

Ciceronis Orationes in L. Pifonem,
•pro Milone, Planco, Ligario Sul-
la, Flacco, Rofcio, Marcello^ de
Reditu ad Senatum, & alia ad Po-
pulum, pro Dejotaro, Archia,
Seftii in Salullium, & Saluftii in
Ciceronem

pro variis, ut fupra

Philippica
Ciceronis Parcitiones Oratoricse, ad
M. Brutum

de Partitione Artis Rhe-
toricze

Rhetorica ad Herennium,
& de Inventione

ad Heren. liber, & ad Q^
Fratrem

Academ. Quscft. & ad
Herenn. Rhetor.

Philippicarum Qli^e(1. lib,
XIV, & Fragmenta qu?edam

Orationes Verrin^e

De Inventione Rhetor».

In Catalinam

In Saluftium

Rhetorica

De Oratore

Ad Brutum

De Oratore Perfcflo libri
III. adQ^F.

Iterum

Iteriim

De Or.itore, cod, antiq.

Iterum ; ad Brutum ; To-
pica De Fato ; Acad. Qli;i2(1. ad
Herennium ; Rhetorica

De Claris Oratoribus

De Inventione

De Orat. gen; ad Brutum

de Oratione ad Qii. Frar.

De Oratoris OfFcio

Rhetoricorum lib. 11. ad

Herennium, de Natura Deorum
Vl. de Divinatione de Fato ; de
Officiis III.
Ciceronis Rhetoricorum IV.

Ad Herennium Rhetorica

Tufculanse QtieftionesIV.

Iterum

Iterum

Iterum

Iterum

De Divinatione

Tufculan^ Quxdiones

Philippicce

CaufaadRR. anteexiliunv
ad Verrem

De Legibus

Iterum, & Academica

De Partitione Orationis^

Fraormenta

Catalin. Orat.

Liber Hortenfius

De Natura Deorum

De Finibus

De Divinatione

De Fato

In Catalinam

Som. Scipionis

De Amicitia & Senefiuta

De Divinatione, lib. II.

Iterum

De Amicitia & Senefluts

Som. Scipionis

De Finibus

De Natura Deorum

Divinatione

Topica

De Fato

Acad. Qiis'ft,

De Senedute

De Amicitia

Paradoxa

Som. Scipionis

Paradoxa

«, Cicera-

158

CATALOGUS MSS. LAT.

Cicero de NaturaDeorum
Divinatione
De Fato
De Re Militari
Som. Scipionis
De Amicicia
Som. Scipionis
SenediLite
Paradoxa
Cindafiunthi &aliorum Regum Li-
ber Judiciorum, fol. Literis Go-
thicis, compa(5lus cum i^miliano
Cod ice
Claudiani Opera, 4to. in Memb.
Ejiifdem Opera aliquot
Conflituciones & Canon. Apofiol.
Cod.-x ^milianus, & Codex Confi-
liorum Virgilianus, Literis Gothi-
cis in Memb. fol. Tom. duo j. d.

I. 2.

CoIumelljE, Catonis, & Varronis de

Re Ruftica
Ingens Conciliorum Colledio, quam

non defcripfr
Concordantias Bibl. fol. in Memb.
Cratis Cynici Epiftol^, per J. An-

dream tradu'ft^, 4to. in Memb.
Crifpi Saluftii Opera
Dares Phrygius, fol. in Memb.
S. Cypriani Epiftols
Ingens Coiledtio Juris Pontificii, &

Canonici, quam non defcripfi
D.
Demofthenis Oratio ad Alexandrum

4to. in Memb.

Orat. pro Ctefiphone, L. Valla

Interprete, fol. in Memb.
Ejus Vita per Aretin. exPlutarcho
EiigeftiVtrterisTituIi, 8vo. in M.-m.
Diogenes Laertius, fol, in Memb.
Marcialis cum D. Calderini Comm.

In Ibim. Ovidii, & aliquot Cice-

ronis Epiflolas

iEI. Donat. Grammatica In Terent.
Hegefippi Hilt. lib. V. fol. in Memb.

E.
Epiftols & Ingens earum Farrago,

quas prudens prsterii
Eufebii Csefarienfis Hiftoria Ecclef.

in Memb.
Eutropii Hilt. Rom. 4to. in Memb.

F.
Frederici Imperatoris Teftamentum

et EpiftolfC, fol. in Memb.
Feilus Pompeius de Re Latina
Flavii Jofephi Opera
F. Vegetii Opera
Rogeri Baconis Traclatus Varii
Forum Judicum (hodie Fuero Ju/go)

Codex Gothicus, in Memb, ij. Z 2.
F. Aretini in Phalaridis Epiftolas

F. Petrarchas de Regibus Romanis,
Codex Ant. in Memb.

DeRem. utriufq; Fortunac
G.

G. Acoilas Comm. in Threnos, Je-
remise, in Ruth. & in 3'". Johan-
nis Epiftolam

Galeni in Hippocratis Aphorifmos,
ex Grsco Verlus, Codex aut. in
Memb.

Galli Poetas Carmina

Gennadius de Viris illuftrlbus, Lite-
ris Gothicis

G. Fulginas in Avicennam

Gothicae Leges, fol.

^j' V- 15- DeGothorum & Vandalo-
rum in Hifpania Ingreifu. V'ide
Ifidorum

Ingens Patrum Coll. quos prseterii
H.

Hypocratis Epiftolam, per R. Arcti-
num, Latine

Aphorifmat. 5c Progm.
Libri IV. in Memb,

Horacii FJacci Opera, Codex ?,ut in
Memb. Hcratii

C A T A L O G U S M S S. L A T.

'59

Horatii, cum Comm. Acronis

Iterum, 4to. in Mcmb.

Iterum, fol.

Iterum, cum Gloffi^
Horatii Fiacci Odarum, Lib. IV. in
Memb,

Serm. &Ep. 4to.in Memb.

Annotationes in Horatium
& alios, 8vo.
Homeri Iliados Lib. 4to. in Memb.

J.

Imperatorum R. R. Imagines
Indices Antiqui Manufcriptorum

Lat.Hifp.Graec. Arab. Heb. &c.

in Bibliotheca Scorialenfi, ex qui-

bus multi igne perierunt. ) J. i6,

17, 18, 19.
Index perantiquus Bib. Scorialenfi?,

Fol. ) N. 9, 10. I ij.K. 10.
Index Antiquus Grseco-Latinus Bib.

Vaticanas, fol. j, XI. 2.
Index BibliothecEe Card. Sirleti Gras-

co-Latinae, fpl. ) J. 15.
Flavii Jofephi Opera in Memb.
Ifidori Hifpalenfis Opera omnia
Ifidori Junioris Chronicon
Chronica Varia
Ifocrates L. Lippio Interprete, 4to.

in Memb.
Cicero de Nat. Deor. 4to. Memb.
JiCsefaris Comm. 4to. in Memb.

de Bello GallicO; 4to. in

Memb.
J. FirmiciM. Aftronom. 4to.Mem.
Lucii Flori Hiftoria
S- Julii Frontini Stratagem. 4to. &

fol. in Memb.

De Aouoedud.Urbip, 4to.
J. SolinideSicuOrbis,4to.inMemb.
Iterum
Iterum
de Origine & Nomine Ur-

bis RomsE, fol. in Memb.

Juftini Ep'tome Trogi Pompeis, in
4to. & folio
Iterum
Iterum
Jufliniani Codex fol. Memb.

Iterum
Juftiniani Partes
Partes
Juvenalis Satyra?, 4to. in Memb.
J. Coelii Hiftoria Atcilac, Hunno-
rum Kegis

Carmina
La6lantii Opera
Ladtantii Plinii Commentariis in

Statium Poetam
L. Valla de Elegantia Lingua; La-

tinas
L. Aretini de Bello Gothico
de Bello Punico
Hiftoria Florentise
Lucania Pharfalia, cum Notulis
Lucianus de Longoevis
Lucii Flori Epitome Hiftorias Titi
Livii, 4to. in in Memb.

De Bello Romanorum
Lucilii Libri 26 in 4to. periit in

Igne
Macrobii Saturnalia, 4to. in Memb.
Catonis, Columellae, & Varronis de

Re Ruftica
M. Tullii Ciceronis Opera
V. Martialis Epigramniata
Iterum
Iterum
Ficini Liber de Voluptate
Martianus Capella
Martialis Opera
Matt. Siculi contra Quintilianum

Imj reftiis eft
Mahometi Hiftoria
Nenius Marcellus

Oro-

i6o

CATALOGUS.MSS. LAT.

Orofander de Re Militari, 4to. in
Menib.

Idem de Optimo Imper.
Onuphrius Panviniui — de Bib. Va-

ticana
Oroliiis de Situ Orbis
Ovidii Metamorphofiis, 4to. & fol.
in Memb.

Jdcm, 4to. Memb.
Epiftola?, 4to, Memb.
De Arte Amandi, curn Com.
De Arte Amandi
De Remedio Amoris
ElegifE, 8vo. Memb.
Palladii de Agricultuia

Iter urn
5an6ti Pauli Epiftolse ad Senecam,
& Senecs ad Paulum, 4to. in
Memb.

Refponfio deChrifload
Claudinm CcEfarem
A, Perfii Satyn^
P. Criniti de i^oetis Launis, impref-

fiis eft
P. Pomp na'ii de Incarnationibus
Phalaridis Epiftolas
P. Cluverii Sicilia, 4to. Memb.
PhocE C-irammatica
Platonis Ep'rtolas qua^dam
Plinii Sen. Hiftoria, Memb.

Inn, Epiftolse
riutarchi Vit^.L. Aretino Interprete
Iterum
Iterum

Iterum *

Poggii Difputatiuncul^i^
Pomponius Lartus
Porphyrius de Nymph. Antro.
Grammatica Prifciani

De Arte Gram.
De Conflitutione
Prifciani Majoris Opera
Propertii Carmina

Profperi Aquitani Sententia dc D.

Auguftino
Prudentii Carmina
Fab. Quintiliani Opera omnia, 4to.

in Memb.
Q^Curtii Hift. 4to. Memb.
Rcnutii Arecini Verfio Epiftolarum
Hypocratis & Bruti, e Grseco
La tin a
Repertorium Legum ij. d. i.
Caii Saluftii Invcdtivain Ciceronem,
4to.

Catalinarum aKs^aXou
De Bello Jugurthino, Memb.
Iterum, in Memb. 4to.
Iterum & Catalina, 4to. '
De Bello Catalinae & Invediva
in Ciceronem, fol.

In Ciceronem, & Cicero in
Salluftium, fol.

De Conjuratione Catalin^E, &
Bello Jugurthino
Iterum, cum Inveft.
Jugurthinorum
Conj. Catilinas
Sapphus Epiitola ad Phaonem
Seneca Tragoedi::?, cum Comm.
Iterum
Iterum
Omnia utriufque Senece Opera
Servius in Virgilium, fol.
Front ini Stratagem ata
Card. Sirleti Bibliotheca
Solini Polytriftor.
Statii Thebais & Achilleis

Comm. in Statium
Strabonis Geographica, ex Verfione

Guarini, fol.
Suetonii Fr. Vitre 12 Cii^farum

Iterum, fol.
Sulpitii Scvcri HiHoria
P. Terentii Comoedias, 4to. M.
. Cum Comm. Donati

Varro

CATALOG us MSS. LAT.

i6i

"^drro de Lingua Latinac
Alb. Tibulli Carmina, 4to,

Iterutn
Titi Livii Decas, i ma fol. M.

Libri a XXXI. ulque ad
XL.

Decas II. fol. Memb.

Hid. Rom. & de Bello

Macedonico, fol. Memb.

Ejufd. Libri, X fol.

Hill. Rom. fol. Memb.

ALib.XXI.ufqueXXX.
perfedlum, fol. in Memb.

PrimiX. Libri, fol. Memb
A Lib, I. ufque ad XL.
caret 30. Pag. fol. Memb.

A Lib, I. ufque ad XII.
cum Additione infra 12. Memb*
fol.

Epitome

Iterum, cuni Lucre Floro
Trogi Pomp. Hiftoria, 4to.
Juftini Hiftoria, fol. Memb.
Epitome Hift. Juflini
Martialis Opera
Val. Maximus, 4to. Memb.
Iterum
Iterum

Iterum excerpta
Varro de Re Ruftica, folio

Iterum
Vaticanse Bibl. Index Grseco Lat«

folio
Fl. Vegetii Epitome
Virgilii Maronis Opera, folio in
Memb.

Iterum
Iterum
Virgilii Bucol. Georg. & ^neid.
Bucolica

Opera, cum Servio, fol. in
Memb.

Opera,cum Fig. fol. Memb J

Opera aliquot
Bucolica, & Vita Virgilii
ppera, fol. in Memb.
JEneis, & Vita, fol. in
Memb.
Vitruvii Arcbitedlura
Xenophontis Dialogus de Tyranno-
rum Vita, Aretino Interprete

Cyri ad Milites Oratio
Pancirolli Opera

Leges Wifogothorum, fol. Memb.
III. L. 12.

An Alphabetical Catalogue of GREEK MANU-
SCRIPTS, now e^ifting in the Library of the
Convent of the E s c u r i a l.

A.

A Bamonis Refp. ad Ep. Porphy-
'*^ rii

Aduarii Methodi medendi
JEliani, Rhecoris, de Re M.Ktari,
cum Figuri^ in Membrana

iEliani de inftruendis aciebus

De Var. Hid. Libris XIV.
De Animalibus

.ffilii Alcxamerii de Partibus, cum

Tralliano
JE((.hy\i UcTuoi'Ti'; cum %9hio7i
Y iElii

62

CATALOGUS MSS. GRiEC.

lEYn Amydeni MedicinjE rtr^xQitXcg

De Arce Medendi
Alcinoi de Doflrina Platonis Liber
Alexandri Aphrodifei in Analytica
Ariftotelis

In Ariftotelem de Repre-
hendendis Sophiftis

Nat. Problemata
Fragmenta ex iifdem
De Temperamento & In-
cremento.

Tralliani, de Affedibus
De Diebus Criticis
De Auribus
Canonum & Co ciliorum Colledio,
fada julTu Itnpcratoris Joannis
Comncni, i Volumen deeft. ij.

^ 3-
Alyfii I^^goge in Muficam
Ammonii, Herm, in Porphyrium
De Interpretatione
Inejufdem Metaphyfica
Methodus conftruendi Af-
trolabia
Anaftafii, Epifcopi Antiochenfis,
Colleclio Divinorum Decretorum
Andreze, Arch Epifcopi Cretenfis
deXXX Argenteis, & venditio-
ne Chrilli. Sandlae Liturgire In-
terpret.
Andronici contra Platonem ad Befa-

rionem
Andronici, Peripatetici, de Anima,

De Miris Aurificiis.
Aphthonius Sophifta de Arte Rhe-

torica
ApoHoiiori, Athenienfis Grammat.

de obfidcndis Civitatibus
Apollonii Perg;^i Comicoruni Libri

tres
Apollonii Rhodii Alexand. Argo-
nai]ticorum. Liber Primus, cum
JCoAtcr? incerti.

Apollonii Rhodii deDidionum Paf-
fionibus, IV. ^23.

Grammatici Li-
bri Tres, iij. V. 9,
De Conftrudione
Partlum Libri, IV. iv.^ A.
Appiani Alex. Romans Hirt. Li-
bri V.
Apfini de Prosmiis
Arati ^xi:/df.<.£ux, trSv t^oKioi?, -^ V» av-

Archetaii, Philofophi, de Divina
Chemia Vcrfibus lambicis

Archimcdis Opp. cum Commenta-
riis Eutochii

Aretcci Cappadocls cie Morbis

Ariftarchi de Sole & Luna

Arilleas ad Philocratcm de LXX
Interp. Vide inBibliochec^ pria-
cipio, iij. A. 6.

Arillidis Quiintiliani de MufiCa, Li-
bri tres

RhetorisSermones varii,XX.
Tluvx^rivxiKog y^ Movu^ix eb-j.

De Urbano & Simplici
Sermone
Ariilophanis TlXiiT(^, y^ N£^£A«j, t^
BxTPx^^olf c-'ov o^oXioTg

BxT^xxo^i iterum
Ariftotelis Stagirits Opera omnii,
cum uberrimo eorum numero ;
Quse, cum ifta Philofjphia diu
exoleverit, non defcripfi
Arilloxeni Harmonic. Lib. III.
Afclepii, Phil. Tralliani

In Arithmetica Nicoma-
chi

In Ariftotelis Metaphyfica
Divi Athanafii, Archiepifcopi, A-

lexandrini Opera
Athen:cus de Machinis Bellicis
Avicenns de Urinis Tradatus opt.

Au-

CATALOGUS MSS. G R JE C,

Aurolyci Sphjerica
Ada Conciliorum, ViJe infra Jus
Canonicum, fol. 130.

B.

Barlaam & Joafaph Hift. per Joan.

Monachum, vide Nomen
Divi Bafiiii Archiepifcopi Casfare^,
feu iTiagni Opera

Monachi Opera
Patritii hx,viao{x^o(.
Befafionis, NiceniEpifc.Card Opera

B I B L I A.

A I. Cap. TsHtTiui, ad XXII. Cap.

B«(rtA£a;y.
BcciT. UaoxXtTT. Ec-$^(z;. E<&£^. To^iag.
laSt^. MarM. Codex Imp. Catacuze-
ni inMembrana
Pfiiterium d>ii(pxXov.
Pfalmi Lingua Armenica
Fragmentuni h'zechiclis, Danielis,

& Maccabaeorum
Evangeiia cum Can. Eufebii, Sc Pic-
turis, cum A(5lis Apoftolorum &
Epiftolis Pauli

cum iifd. Can. & Epift;
cum iifdem
cum Textu folo
Litteris Majufculis, ate-
9aA(^, >f^ aVsAEji^, in Membranis
per Annum, notaantiqua,
in Membrana
Ada Apoftolorum, cum GlofTis ano-
nymi, in Membr.

Et Epiftoln^, in Memb.
EtApocalypfiSjCumScho-
liis mnrg. in Memb.
Acta Apoft. & cum Argumentis
Epiftolse Paulli in Membr.

omnes, exceptis ad Roma-
nes, Cor. I. Codex mutilus
EpirtoljE aliquot Pauli, & Apoca-
iypfis, cum Gloffis in Membr.

Epiftolas diftribut^ per Sabbata to-

tius Anni, in Membr.
Apocalypfis in Membr.
Bitonis Fabrics Bellicae, alter fimills
Boethii Sev. Conlblat. lib. V. cum

Verfione Grnsca Max. Mon. Pla-

nudis, & FraEfatione

C.

Q^ Calabri Paralipomena Homeri,

Lib. XIV.
CI. Ptol. Conftr. Math. Lib. XIII.
Geog. Enarr. Lib. VIII.
Apotelefmatum ad Syrurn,
Lib. IV,

Harmonicorum, Lib. I.
idem, cum Comm. Porph.
TfT^a^t^A©^, aliaque rullius mo-
menti
Clementis Romani Prrccepta
Conftantini Imp. Porphyro-Genne-
tse, & aliorum Impp. Novella
M. Imp. Vita
de eadem Eufebius
Epiftolas ad Plebem C:
Ecclefise Alexandrinas cum Atha-
nafio

ExplicatioLiterarum quas
in ejufdem Sepulcro Marmoreo
inventas funr,per GenadiumScho-
larium. Vide Nomen.

Lafcaris deVcrbis, Lib. If.
Cofma2 Ind. Pleufti in Proph. Dav.
Cyrilli Archiep. Alexomenis Coll.
Di6lionum, SS. iij. Y. 16.

Lexicon ejufdem per Anton.
Philolbphum, iij. V. 8.
Ejufdem in Genefin
De Retributione Judasorum
Expofitio in Amos, Jo-lem,
Malachiam, Sophoniam, Abdiam,
Jonam, & Aggeum

In IV. Proph. mai. in Memb.
y 2 Jn

i64

CATALOGUS MSS. GRJEC.

In Efaiam

Acclamatio ad Imp. Theodo-
fium
Cyrilli, Archicpifcopi Hierolbl. Ca-
techefes

Epiftola ad Regem Conftan-
tium, de Crucc in Ccelo vifa

Controverfia adverfus Julia-
num & Theodofium
Conftantini Mana.Ti^ Synopfis chro-
nica a Ron.a condita ad Nicepho-
rum Boioni^tum
D.
Demetrli Phalerel de Interpretatione
Avicenii Epirroema, five
Confecratio
Democr'iti Phyfica & Myftica
DemoHhenis Ath. Rhet. Oratio

de Foedere Alexandrine,
de Rhodiorum Libertate
Fragmentum

Adverfus Timochratem,
cum Argumento
Orationes

Orationes X.cum Argum.
Orationes XIX, cum Ar-
gum. Libanii, & quorund.Schol.
Didymi Alexandrini de Marmoribus

& omni genere Lignorum
Diodori Siculi Hift. Bibliothecas Li-
bri XV. demptis VI, VII, VIII,
IX, X
DionisCaflii, Nic. Epitome Rom.
Hift. quam in comp. redegit Jo-
annes Xiphilinus, Imperia XXV.
Csefarum, a Pomp. M. ufque ad
Alexandrum Mameas filium com-
ple6lens

Hift. Rom. de Capite ^y
ufque ad 58, hiatus eft

Prufii Chryfoftomi Rhe-
toricas Exercitationes

7

Dionyfii Afri Alexandri in Lyco-

phronem. Vide Nomen.
Dioi.yfii Halif at-naiTci Methodus Pa-
negyricuru.n

Orbis Defcriptio
Probkmara Rhe orica
De V. D:ale(5tis Tradatus
De Thucydidis Proprietat.
Dionvfii Areopag. de divinis Nomi-
nib iS

De coelefti & ecclefiaftica
Theologia
Dionyfii E.piftol£eVari2e,cum %oKioTf

in Membr.
B. Dionyfii, Archiepifc. Alexandr.
ad Bafilidem Epifcopum, de di-
verlis Capitibus, &c.
Dionyfiii Cerinthii Afr. Orbis De-
fcriptio, & de XII. ventis cum
Alexandrino
Eadem
Dionyfii Thr. exotemata Grammat.
Diophantis Alexandri Arithmeticae,
Lib. VIII.

lidem cum Exp. Maximi
Planudis
Diofcoridis Opera Vxi^aAajis

E.
Emm. Bryenii Harmonicorum, Li-

bri III.
Emm. Calecas de Fide Catholica
Emm. HeleboliCarmina,cum Mof-

chopulo
Emm. Imp. Palsologi Oratio fune-
bris proFratre fuo Theodoro Por-
phyrogenneta
Emm. Mofchopuli Diifliones Atti-
ca^, cum Addic. Marg.

Schsdia, iv. fl. 5.
Comment, inlnventionem
quadratorum numerorum
Emm. Philof. Ephefini Carmina var.

Emna.

CATALOGUS MSS. GRJEC.

>65

Emm. Raulii EpiftolT tres, ad Ang,
C(i!othctam,rimm.Metrochitam,
Imp. Joannem Cantacuzenum

Ephefiiis in Cenfur Arifto^elicas So-
philtarum, & in eafdem Proleg.

Ephraim Syri Vita

Herodiani de Regno Marci, Libri
XIX

De Figurls

Erotiani Lexicon Hippocratis ad
Andromachim

Evagrii Hiftoria Ecclefiaftica

Ex Evagrio capita varia

De Sermonis Difcrimine capi-
ta LI V

Euclidis Geomet. Elemcntorlim Lib.
XIII. in Memb.

Liber primus

Sectio regulge de Mufica &
Ifagoge harmonica

Catoptica, Phasnomena,D£e-
omena

Eunapii Sophift. & Philofoph. Vit^

Euphrafini Magiri Narratio

Euripidis Hecuba, Andromache,
Medea, Oreftes, Pha^niflae, &
Hyppolitus

Hecuba, cum GIofTis

Eufebii Pamphylii Expofitio in Ifa-
iam Prophetam

De Ecclefiaftica Hiftoria Libri duo,
a£la fub Conftantino Imp. XXX
ann. compledens. De ejufdem
Conftantini Vita Libri V.

De Martyribus, qui Ca^farejE Palef-
tinas fub Diocletiano & Maximl-
ano pafli funt, Gr^ce & Latine,
Vincentio Marinerio Interprete

Euftathii Parembolita Ifmenio

Euthymii Monachi Zigabeni Car-
mi na

in Prophetam Davidem

Euthymii Panoplia Crthodoxas Pi-
dei in Memb.

Eucochii Afcalonitae Comm. in Ar-
chimedem de Sphaera, &c.
G.

Galeni Opera

Gaudentii H^-'monica Introduflio

Gennadii Expofitio Literarum,qu?e
inventse funt in Sepulcro Marmo-
reo Conftantini M. in queis agi-
tur de principio & fine Imperii
Ifinaelis, & de Famigerato &
eledo Imperatore

Georgii Choniatis '£^£A>»)'vKr/x0', ceu
Graeca Explicatio Aniidotorum
ex Perfia importatorum. Et Sy-
nopfis accuratifTima de Urinis ex-
pofita ex Perfarum medendi Arte

Georgii Codini de Palatio Conftan-
tinopolitano

Georgii Monachi Byzantinas Eccle-
fise Chronicon in Membr.

Georgii Pachinreras Romana^ Hift.
Libri XII.

Georgii Preft^. Cef. Hift. Concilii
Niceni, &quas Partes egerit Con-
ftantinus Imperator

Georgii Trapezuntii Ifagoge in Pto-
lomasum

in Platonem

contra Grsecos ad Joan,

Greg. Nazianzeni Opera omnia

Greg. Thaumaturgi Opera

Greg. Nyfieni Opera

Greg. Papas Epift. ad Leonem Ifau-
ricum

Greg. Mon. Comp. Philofophias

Greg. Palaman Arch. ThelT. Apolo-
gia adverfus Impios

Greg. Epilcopi Tauromenije Sicillas
Homilise

Germani Patr. Conft. de V. S.

H.

a66

CATALOGUS MSS. G R JE C.

H.

Heliodorl Phil, ad Im|:^.Theodof]um
Heracliti Eph Pont. Dcfenfio Horn.
Hermins Ph. in Platonis <i?a.i^oov c^o'Aia

& Phi'.of. Irrifio
Hermogenis Rhecorica cum %o?,ioi;

& ejus Vita in Membr.
Heronis Alexandrini

de Re Militari
Varia de Geometria
de Menfuris
Definitioncs vocum
XaocGaAifwj ConftruftioSc
Proport'o

Hefiodi Opera & Dies, cum %oxCo^i
Procli Piatonici Diadochi

QsoyouKx, (^ui/ ^oAk/K, »t, t. A.

Hefychii Prefb. Hicroibi. Sermo
Hieroclis Phil, Comm. in Pythag.

Diaa
Hierothei Philof. Carmina lambica
Plippocratis Cei ! hyficorum Prin.

oc(po^iQlj.'jC)/ Sed:. VI.

Ilspi ocvrrvioi

De Vidus Ratione
De Ptifana cum Expofi-
tione Galeni
Hippolyti Thebani Cronicon
Hippolyti Epifcopi Rom. de Con-

fummatione S^culi
Homeri Ilias cum %oAjok in Memb.
llias, cum Paraphrafi
Tzetzis

Ilias iterum
OdyflTcia

"hoi^.oi.yj.ix
Honorii Imp. Epift. ad Arcadium
Herm. Sozomcni Ecclefiaft. Hilh
Lib. IX.

I.

Jamblici Chalcedonenfis de Pytha-

goreorum Seda, Liber 4tus.

Idem, & Introdudio A-

rithmetica Nicomachi
Ichnilatis Fabul^ & Sententis
J. Archi. Their, de Refurredione

Chrifti
J. Argyropoli Solutiones dubiorum
J. Bechii Patr. ConH; de Unione

Ecclefiarum
J. Cantacuzeni Imp. Byz. Paraph.

in Ethica Ariftot.
J. Cantacuzeni Im,p. Byz. Paraphra-

fis

In Ethica Aridotelis
J. Cantacuzeni adverfus Legem Sa-

racenorum Apolog. 4.

Adverfus Mahume-

dam, Libri IV.
D. J. Chryfoftomi Opera
D. J. Climaci Liber Afceticus in

Memb.

Idem, cum ^oAiorj
D. J. Damafceni Opera
J. Damafceni Medici Remedia in

Memb.

Idem, de Vacuis Me-

dicamentorum
J. Diacoiii Epiftol^ Duse
J. Geometry Carmina
J: Gram. Alex. Philoponi Com. in

Arillot. &c. &c. &c.
J. MetropolitPe Expofitio in Tabi-

1ns mignas Feftorum, cum pul-

chris Figuris

Encomia.
Joannis Monachi Sermo
Joannis Mofchi occurfus
joannii Pcdiafeni, Varia
Joannis Ph. Itali Synopfis Vocum

Porphyrii

Joannis

CATALOGUS MSS. G R M C.

167

Joanr.ls SicLili Doropatris di6li Ex-
pofitio in Hermogenem de Inven-
tione

In Aphthonii -rr^oyvij.-

Joan n is Stobasi hxoydii^ ,^ cliro<p'¥.y-

[~*,X-iX H. T. A.

Libri duo in Mem-
bran a
Joannis Tzetzis Paraphrafis in Ilia-
* da

In HeHodum

o/oXitx, £ig Ottttiocvov

In Lycophronem
J. Xiphilini Epitome Dionis
J. Zonaras Chronicon a Sulla ufque
ad Alexium

Exp. Canonum Anaftafi-
orum
Argyni Momchi Chronicon ab An-
no 6976 Creationis Mundi
Is Tzetzse Exp. in Lycophronem
Ifidori Epiilols

llbcratis Oratio ad Demonicum
FJ. Jofephi Judaicas Antt. cum ejuf-

dem Vita
Judininni Imp. Novelise
Juliani Csefaris de ^lio Imp.ad Sal-
luftinum

Oratlones duas
Orationes & Epi(lol?E
Nic. Chalcocondyli Hill. Turc. uf-
que ad Mahomet, Libri X.
L.
Lconis Imp. Conftitutiones Bellicas
Ecology Digeflorumi & No-
vell arum
LibaniiSoph. f^cvu-hx^ pro Imp,
Juliano, &c.
Epi;lolri?
i .ibanii Epiftola ad Proconfulcm
Montium,qui ab ipfo poIUilavtrat

lit fcriberet D-moflhenis Vitam,
et omnium Orationum ejus Ar-
gumenta

Epiftolas ad Bafilium
Orationes

Trailatus & Epidolse
lidem
EpiftolcE
Luciani Philop. Opufcula
Lycophronis Alexandra, cum Scho-

liis Tzetzis
Libanius & Ariftides ad Achillam

M.
Macroblus in Somnium Scipionis
Marccllinus in Genefim
M. Planufiis exp.
Max. Tyrii Soph. Serm. XL.
Michaelis Italiot^ Procon. Chron.
Mich. Pfelli in Platonem de anima

N.
Nemefius de Hom. Natura
Nicandri Grtplocxx & dxxs^i.ipxfu.oi'nx
Nicephori Imp. Novellas : potiu3-

Phocse
Nicolai Damafceni Hiftoria
Joannes Anuochenus
Georgius Monachus
Diodorus Siculus
Dionyfius Halicarnafleus, &c.
Nonni Dionyfiaca, Lib. XXIV.

Infcriptiones, ex iifdem, Lib,
XLVIII.

O.
Olympiadori Philof. Alex. o^oXia in'
Platonis Gorgiam, Alcibiadtm,
& Pha^donern

Iterum in Phedonem
Crrefandri Platonic! de Re Milirari
Oppiani Libri de Aucupio, forte

Hor, Apollinis Hieroglyph, ^gvp-
tiaca ex Lingua, TEgyptiaca G-e-
ca verfa per quendam Philippuni

Orphsi

i68

CATALOGUS MSS. GRJEC,

Orphei Argonautica
Ovidii Epinote Gr^C2e Verfe, per
\ Max. Monachnm
P.
Palladii Epi ex Brackmanum

Hiftoria de IndixGentibus
Palladii Sophitlas Scholins in Hippo-
crate m

Palchi oiTroTeXitrtAXTX

Pantaleonis Narratio Miraculorum
Pantaleonis Prefb. Byz. Oratio
Pappi Alex. Colledanea Geome-

trica
Patritii Sacerdotis Homerocentra ab

Eudoxia Imp. difpofita
Pauli ^ginetse de Menfuris & pon-
deribus Pharmacorum
Medicinje Artis Libri
Signa Medicinalia in Scripturls
In Materiam Medicam .
De fuccedaneis Galeni
De Febribus
P. Alexandrini de Domus Domi-

nio
Pelagii Philofophi de Chemia
Petri & Paulli Apoftoloryim 7r^«H«»5
Petri Epifcopi Alexandri Canones
Petri Patriarch. Antioch. prasfcrip-

tum
Phalaridis Epiftolas, cxxxix. ad di-

verfos
Philonis Judsei Opera
Fl. Philoftrati in Apollonium Ty-
aneum, Sermones VIII.

Vit:E Sophidarum
Phocyjlidis Trxcxivi<ni<;
Photii Bibliothcca

Eadem
Nomocanon in Titulis XfV, cum

exp. Zonarre
Sclera qujedam ex Photii Bib"ic)thc-
ca de Grammatica ex Proclo cum
Nonio

A6la Synodi ConH-.

Epiftolas XL VIII. ad diverfos

Platonis Eutyphron.

Alcibiad s cum Proclo
Idem & Cratylus
Phasdon, cum ^oAjcKQlym-
piadori

Idem, & Philebus, & Gor-
giaF, cum XXVIII. Dialogis
Phjedon & Gorgias
Gorgias, Alcibiades, & Ph^-
don

Cratylus
Tim^Eus
Parmenides
Platonis Theologia
Opera fere omnia, praeter
Libros de Legibus, & aliquot
Dialogos
Plotini Ph. ivyioihi mutilas
Plutarchi Vitae Parallelse
Alexander
Sertonius

Eumene?, &c. &c.
Parallelae iterum
De Animas Generat.
Opufcula aliquot
Polyaeni Stratagemata, Lib. VIIL
Idem Opus, & Pontes, Stag-
na, &c. &c,
Polybii de Rebus Publicis, & Po-

tcntatibus
Porphyrii Qiiinque Voces
Ifagoge
De Virtutibus
De Abftinentia ab ani-
mahtibus

In Harmonica Ptolomcei
Vita Platonis
Procii P rrix Conft. de Traditione

Div'inai Liturgias
Procii, L itii Ph. %6Kix in Opera &
Dies Hefiodi

Procii

CATALOGUS MSS. GR^C.

169

Procli in Platonis Alcibiadcm, &

Cratylum
Procli in Alcibiadem
Timasum
Parmenidem
Theologiam

In eandem IV. Exemplaria
Procopii Belli Gothici Libri duo

Ejufdem Libri IV. Epifto-
IseV.
Pyndari Olympia, cum %oKiQi<;

R.
Rhodionis Lex Nautica

S.
Somnium Scipionis, cum Macrobii
Expofitione, & Max. Planudis
Verfione GrjEca
S. Harmenopuli de Verborum con-
ftru6t, & Lexicon, cum Add.
Marg. IV. a 5.
Sexti Empirici adverfus Mathema'
ticos

Idem
Sybillina Oracula
Simplicius in Ariftoteleni
Cardinalis Sirleti Index fuas Biblio-
thecffi Grseca?, cum variis diver-
forum EpiQolis
Socratis Ecclef. Hiftoria Lib. VIL
de apparentibus diffcrentiis
quarundam Obferv. Ecclefiaft.
Sophoclis ' Aia? M(xr»>'o>of^

Ejus Vita

A»af Wa,^iyo(po^(^

Sophoclis 'EAjxI^a cum %oAior?
eadem
'Oi^^^ns<; Tu^avv^ CUm %*'

Stephani Byzantini de urbibus & Po-

pulis
Strabonis Geogr. Lib. XVII.
Suidss Lexicon, Semiuft. tamen Ic-
gibile, Charaderibus nitidifiimis
Synefii Epiftol^ CXLVI. cum
Gloflis

Epiftol^XIV.
Ad Diofcourum in Lib. Dc-
mocriti

Oratio ad Andronicum

T.

Themiftii Explorator, five Philo-

fophus
Theocryti Idyllia, cum Scholiis
Theodoreti Opera
Theodori Abucaras Opufcula
Theodori Gaz£e Grammacic^e, Li-
bri IV.

Idem

De Profodiis
Theodori Prodromus in Mofchopu-;
Ji Grammar.

Theodofii Grammatica
Theonis Alex. Grammat. Spec.
Theonis Smyrnaei Mathematica^
Theonis Soph. 'rr^oyvixvsi<T[Aocra, fr\r4^

Theophanes contra Judasos
Theophyladi Opera
Theophyli deMedica Artevaria
Theophrafti Charaderes
Thomae Aquinatis Opera
Xenophontis Aax£(^a»^»»wp UoyireU

Uxoris fuse & Filiorum Vitaa
Ypficles Arraphoricus
Theoricus Smyrnaso
Zozymi Commentaria

De Aquis Lib. III.

Z Zozymi

lyo C A T A L G G U S M S S. G R ^ C.

Zozymi Thebvini, Liber Myfticus
''Eiri'y^xy-y.xTcc in Ariftotelem
Platonem
Agathonem
Euripidem
Ariftophanem
Varis Epirtolas
Poematas Varia
Epiftol^ XV.

VitasImp.aGallieno ufque ad Theo-
philum

Conftantini Maximi
Conftantii
Hermogenis
De Legatis Romanorum ad Genti-
les, Tomi duo
DeMenfuris dz Ponderlbusin Mem-

brana
CatalogusHerbarum, cum variis de

Re Medica
Colledanea ex Hippocrate
Galeno
Oribafio
Ruffo
Paullo
Alexandro
Philomeno
Archigene
Afclepiade
^tio

Ifaac, & aliis
Diofcoride

Jus Civile.

Lexicon Legis, & de Menfuris et
Pond.

Rom. Di(5l. in Lege
Synopfis Bafilicorum •

Novel J arum Leonis
De Legibus ufeq. ad C. Annos
Bafilicor. Lib. VIII.

Leges Juftiniani colleflse

Per Leonem

Conftantinum

Bafilium
Hexabiblos
CoUedio Conftitutionum

Novellarum, cum Paratit-
li-, & novelUs
Seleda ex IX. Libris Imp.
Novell. Fragmenta

Jus Canonicum.

Ada Synodi CEcumeniani

eadem

Ferrarienfis

Sexts Conftant.
A6la Odav. Synod. Conftant.

Non. Syn. Conft.
Conftitut. varijE Cone. Confi:.
A6la Synodi Nicseni

III.Ephefini contra Neftoiluni

IV. Chalcedonen.

Collefiio Par^emiarum, ex Suida &
aliis.^per TarrhjEum, & Didy mum
Poemata
Pythagorica Di<5ti

Sacra Biblia, cum ejus Par-
tibus.

A I mo Genefcos ad 20 Cap. Libri

II. Rrgum
Regum Libri Quatuor Paralyp,

Efdras, Efther, Tobias, Judith,

Maccab.
Pfalterium aJt/fpaAo^

Armeniacum
Fragg Ezeck. Dan. & Maccab.
Evang.IV. cum Can. Eufeb. & Pic-

turis
Epiftolje Pauli & Ada App.
Evangelia >iXT inccuTtv, cum Piila>

ris IV.

C A T A L O G U S M S S, H E B R.

171

IV. Evangel, fine Principio, cum

PidiLiris
IV. Evangel, fine Principio, aut Fi-
ne, fed Litteris Majufculis

In Membr. iij.4'. 5- 6. 7.
iv. X. 21. fcripta an. 522
Paulli Epiflola in Memb.

Omnes duntaxat ad Rom.
& Corinth.

Aliquot & Apocalypfis

antiqua Nota in Membrana

Ada & Epiftols in Memb.
cum GlofTis in Memb,
Et Apocalyp. cum Scholiis
Marg. in Memb. cum Argum.
caret Fine

Paulli, cum Arg.

Apocalypfis, in Memb.

Nov. Teftament. fine Apocalyp.

Efdras, Efther, Tobias, Judith Mac-
cab.

Quasdam Traditiones SS. ex Heb-
raic© in Gr^cum Verf^, mon-
Itrantes Qi-iinam fuerinc SS. In-
terpretes, & quo tempore

Hebrew Manufcripts in the
E feu rial.

R. D. Kimchi in Pfalterium

Threnos
Ecc!efiafi:en
Efther
Efdras
Daniel
Nehemiah
In Ifaiam
Ofl'eam
Johelem
Amos
Abdiam
Mi eke am

Habacuck, & alios Prophe-
tas minores

In xxvi priora Capita Efaij^
Fr. de Zamora Verfore iij. R'. 8.

DiLlionarium Arab. Charad. Heb-
raicis, ij. R. 7.

Abcrnzohar Liber Medicinal

Avicenae Canon.

Biblia Sacra, cum Notis & pundlis,
tom. 3. in Memb.

cum Pundis in Memb.
Pars cum Pundis

Genefis cum Latina interlineali Pe-
tro Ciruelo Interprete. (There is
another copy of this book in the
church-library at Segovia.)

Liber Radicum in Memb. L 2. S.

Comment, in Leviticum

in Deuteronomium
in Pfalmos, cura B. Arias
Montani, ex antiquo Romano Co -
dice defcriptum

De obfervandis X. Prsceptis

M. Gerundenfis Glofl^s in Job

Hymni pro Diebus Feftis

Comm. in Job, cum Salomone

Liber contra Jud^eos

Liber didus, Secunda Domus Ora*
tionis

Liber IX. Fundamentorum Religi-
onis Chriftianse, Opus Filii Ar-
thur, Difcipuli S. Jacobi Apoftoli
Sermone Syro impreffus

Pfalterium

Job

Proverbia

Ruth

Cant. Canticorum

Ecclefiaftes

Threni

Efther

Daniel

Efdras

Paralipomena j

Expofitio Hebdom. Danielis, &c.
Z 2 Elift.

In eodem
Codice.

172

CATALOGUS MSS. HEBR.

Hid. Imperii Nabucodonofor Regis

& fequentium Regum
Galenus de Medicam. fimplicibus
J. Forali Expofuio Parabolarum

Evangeiicarum
R. Jonae Porr^c Poenitentium

Opus Impreflbs cum Salo-
mone
si. U:\i2c Matrani in Jofuam
Judices
Ifaiam
Ezekielem
PfalmoSjProph.
De Jure Civili Opus,de Damno,No-
cumento, & de Reftitutione, fol.
in Memb.
Matthias Nifchari Expofuio Alpha-

betica Pfalmorum
De Mcdica Materia ex Galeno, &
Diofcoride excerpta quasdam,
Opus Anonymi

De eadem Liber

R. Moyfis Chimchy Liber Gram*
Hebraicsc

On Kelos, 4to. in Memb.

R, Salamonis Filii, Moyfis, MalgU'
rii, Domus Dei, Liber fic appel-
latus, in quo traftatur de Caufa,
ob quam Moyfes tegebat fuam
facie m Velo : Et quare Tabular
Legis fcriptje erant in utroque
Latere i & alia fecreta Legis Ra-
binorum, &aliorum his fimiliuni
in Fol. in Membr.

Commentaria in Danielem, Prover-
bia, Cantica, Ruth, & Threnos.
in Pentateuchum
in Leviticum
in Numeros

R. Salmonis Liber de Medicamer.-
tis, fol.

Targum Onkelos, 4to. in Metob^

LETTER

LETTER IX^

Defcription of the City of T O L E D O.

WE arrived at the city of Toledo, from Aranjuez, where-
the court then was. May 12, 1761. We travelled in a
coach drawn by fix mules, and were conduced by the Arrieros,
or carriers, as is ufual : For you muft know, that the nobility and
gentry of Spain only ufe poftilions, or drivers, in the cities and
great towns; and when they take a journey, tho' they go in their
own coaches, they generally have hired mules, and two drivers,,
one fitting between the two fore- wheels, upon the bed of the car-
riage, and the other generally running along-fide of the mules :
which, as the two laft only are reined, or rather roped, run on
with the coach with their heads pointing four or five different ways.
This is but a trifling circumflance, yet even the mereft trifles may
fometimes ferve io fhew the turn and genius of a people. We
found the road to Toledo good for travelleps, the country about
it but indifferent, tolerably tilled, and planted with olive-trees :
We paffed almoft the whole way upon the banks of the Tagus,
which are not by any means fuch as would furnifh a poet with
fine landfkips, or beautiful images. But the river runs through a
rude and wild wafle : the windings of it near the city of Toledo-.
are beautiful; and where the river paffcs between the rocks on
which the city is built, and thofe adjoining, with the bridge and'
gate of the city, all together form fuch a view, as the wild ima-
gination of the extravagant Salvator Rosa would have de-

lighted iii>

Tu%.

174 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY

The Cathedral is certainly equal in riches to the grandeur of
the fee, but not in fabric; which is of th::. modern Gothic, not
remarkably large, rich in carving, but the building neither light,
nor of a good tafte : the cicling of the facrifty is painted by Luc a
Giordano, and is indeed une, entire, and well-preferved. There
are fome valuable pidures, one particularly of Titian: the cuf-
todia, jewels, pearls, and precious ftones, are inconceivable, as well
as ineilimable: altars with fteps to them of maify filver, gilt j the
figures of the four quarters of the world, each drefled with the
precious flones peculiar to its own quarter, and fitting on globes
of two feet diameter, the globe refting on a pedeflal, and that
on a bafe ; the figure, globe, pedeflal, and bafe being all toge-
ther about ten feet high : all thefe, of mafiy filver, were the gift
of Charles II's Queen, who furvived him; not to mention a
filagree brazier, fome chefls, and a multitude of vefiTels, candle -
fticks, lamps, fhrines, &c. &c. of filver likewife. Marble and
granite in profufion. What plunder Nebuchadnezzar took
away firfr, or Titus at the lafi:, from the temple at Jerusa-
lem, I know not ; but I am fure there is enough here. The re-
venues of this archbifliopric are well known to be the greateft of
the ecclefiaflical Ibrt in Spain, and are, as well as I can learn,
above '50,000 pounds a year. But the prefent archbiihop has not
himfelf the whole revenue; for fince the refignation of the Infant
Don Luis, the Infant has referved to himfelf the yearly appoint-
ment of 60,000 ducats, or about 7400 1. flerling. This prelate
likewife ranks very high as a civil or ftate-ofhcer, being primate,
chancellor of Castile, and privy-counfellor. Mr. Ap-Rice,
I remember, mentions there being 10,000 weavers in fiik and cloth
in that city only : but, to fay the truth, that gentleman's accounts,
with regard to this country, are very erroneous ; and as to the ma-
nufactures of Spain in general, they are all now in a declining
condition. — But give me leave here to make one remark upon the
wealth that is fo ufelefly locked up in the feveral churches of
thefe kingdoms; thole dormant riches, which a miftaken piety
has fo abfurdly fet apart forever ; which anfwer no rational pur-
pofe, and which neither ferve to the glory of Cod, nor the good
of man : Mr. Macanas, vAio had been Plenipotentiary at Bre-
pa, propoled to Philip V's minifters fome plans for making this
3 jftag-

O F T O L E D O. 175

ftagnate wealth circulate a little, and become of fome ufe ; but
the propofals were not accepted by the court; and this man had
the fate fo common to genius in this country : His parts raifed
him envy and enemies at court, and in the end he was banifhed
entirely, and confined to Corunna, where he died. His Political
Tejiament is a great curiofity ; but I could never get light of it.
And lince his time another gentleman deligns laying fome propofals
of the fame fort and tendency before the prefent miniffers. Thefe
may poifibly meet with a more favourable reception : for as the
prefent King has juft now had fpirit enough to confine the inqui-
fitor-general, and banifh him to a great diflance j a bolder fbroke
than any of his predeceifors ever dared to attempt 1 he certainly
need not fear to put any meafures in execution, which he judges
to be expedient. — ^ — But to return to Toledo.

The Alcajjar, or Palace, built by Charles V. as fome fay^
or, as others, by the Archduke Charles, is a noble building;
though it is now almofl: a ruin, being burnt by the Allies and
Auftrian party, in the partition or fucceffion-war, left it fhould
fall into the hands of Philip V. Who would ever conceive, that
this very Philip fhould have afterwards defired an alliance with
the burner of his own palace, and the competitor for his throne ?
It was fuch a counfel as no one but a Ripperda could fu":P-eft,

CO '

or indeed execute : yet fuch was the Vienna- Trfc?// / But I for-
get Toledo. The manufadory {or /words is juft revived there,
and their goodnefs is folely owing to the confluence of the Xa-
rama and theTAGus : for thofe two rivers have been tried fepa-
rately, by way of experiment, by the King's order, and their dif-
united waters will not give that trempe. This manufactory is all
worked by Englifli tools, which came into the hands of the Spa-
niards very oddly: The ftory, as I was told it, runs thus ; — About
twenty years ago, a fet of Englifli workmen came upon contradf to
Toledo, to make fuch works, or engines, as were neceflary for
throwing the water of the river up the rock into the town : for
at prefent it is brought by aifes, each afs carrying fix earthen
pitchers burthen, as indeed is the general cuftom throughout Spain :
Thefe Englifh contradors brought with them all forts of Englifli
inftruments and tools neceffary for fuch a work, and fome very

large

17*6 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY

large iron pipes. The undertaking certainly was difficult ; but fo-
reigners profeffing and endeavouring to execute fuch a work, as the
Spaniards owned tliemfelves unequal to ; and then thefe being
E?2glip:i Heretics, all thefe circumftances foon raifed the envy and
jealoufy of the people : In {liort, from their oppofition, and their
endeavours to counterad: every ftep the Englifh undertook, the
v/hole projed: and defign came to nothing. But here my ftory
begins to grow dark; for the concluiion is, that thefe EngHfli all
died, and as there was no heir to claim their efFedts, they were
kept as goods without an owner ; and what remains of thefe tools
and effeds are now in the hands of the King of Spain, and em-
ployed in the old, but juft- revived Sword-Fabric of Toledo.

But give me leave here to make one or two remarks.-

The effedts and goods of thefe unfortunate contradors amounted
at leaft to above loool. What! were they and their fervants all
fo abfolutely fwept away,_ that no one fliould remain as heir, clai-
mer, or inheritor of thefe eftedts ? Had they no friends, or even
relations left in England? Was there no refident, or ambaffa-
dor then in Spain, to apply to for the removal of thefe goods, or
at lead for the fale of them ? All thefe circumftances feem to me
jfo improbable, that I am at a lofs what to fay, or what to conjec-
ture : And the whole, I think, that can be faid, is, that it is really
a very bUnd ftory.

But to return to Toledo; the city, like that of Segovia, is
built upon a rocky mountain ; but you muft remember at the fame
time that it was built by the Goths or the Moors. I take parti-
cular notice of this circumftance for two reafons; firft, becaufe it
is evident, that a principle of fear, and felf-defence, drove thofe
people into fuch marvellous fituations: And fecondly, Becaufe a
Spaniard w^ould never have been induftrious enough to have carried
fo much weighty and bulky materials up fo high, and into fuch
impregnable and almoft inacceilible ftrongholds. For you can nei-
ther get in or out of thofe cities, without paffing a defcent or af-
cent of imnienfe length, and all in zigzags, jufl like lines of cir-
cumvallation. The gates and portcullis's, like ibme of the Saxon

:^ I have

O F T O L E D O. 177

I have CeQn 111 England, or Norman, never face the ftreet, but
are all in oblique pofitions. The ftreets of Toledo are remark-
ably narrow, but thofe of Segovia much broader, and the walls-
of immenfe height, with turrets all round.

There is indeed one very great curiofity at Toledo, not yet
mentioned, which is an on'gma/ Hebrew Temple, and it certainly is
a fine remain; but here, to my forrow, the piety of the Spaniard
in converting this temple from Judaifm to Chriiliianity, or rather
to Popery, has taken away much matter of entertainment to the
antiquarians. The antient divifions, or cancelled, were all taken
down ; \\\Q fanBum fanclorum, and even the tabernacle itfelf was
here literally done away. There was likewife above a feparate tri-
bune for the women, as I remember there had been at St. Cross
at Winchester 3 and the walls, which are covered with the
fineft Hebrew chara<5lers in the world, I believe ; written all over
with the Pfahns in Hebrew ; thefe the good Spaniard had very
zealoufly plaiftered over with untempered mortar. (Whether or
no this temple will furnidi arguments for or againft Eifliop Hare
or Dr. LowTH j whether it will determine any thing relating to
the metre, the points, the vowels ; or whether it will fupport any
Hufchinfonian nonfenfe -, all thefe things mufl be left to another
time, and in the interim 1 fhall go on with my tale.)

There were now no longer any traces or appearance of aught
that ever had been yewifi, as much as if Titus, or the Inquifitor-
General had been vifitors; and fo this temple flood for many years:
There was nothing but a vague and vulgar tradition remaining,
to prove that it ever had been Jewifli, and was now wearing the
San-Bemto. But fortunately for the antiquarians, a canon and trca-
furer of the church of Toledo, whofe name is Don Perez Ba-
yer, being a man of parts and learning, and having a particular
turn for Hebrev/, as one would think indeed from his name :
This gentleman, I fay, happily obferving, that h\ fome places
where the plaifter had fallen off, Hebrew letters might be traced,
he had fpirit enough inflantly to fet about the difplaiflering the
infide*of the temple, and has fince very accurately and carefully
copied the whole intg a book, taken drawings and a fedion of the

A a build-

178 DESCRIPTION OF TOLEDO.

building, and explained all with a learned and elegant difTertation;
This book, you muft know, he cannot well publidi in Spain ;
Spanlfli writers lie under difagreeable reftraints in that particular.
Ugolinus, the great colledor of Hebrew antiquities, would fain
have begged it of him, but he refufed : I offered to publifh it in
England for him, if he would let me ; but he faid he had not
iinifhed it, and would at leaft put the lafl hand to it, before he
ever thought of printing.

There are, I am told, near the city of Toledo, fome remains
of a Clrcits and Amphitheatre , which are Roman, but at prefent
one may almoft fay,

ctiam h(V periere rumce.

As I had but an indifferent Ciceroniy thefe I did not fee. Nor,
which I am forry for, the very curious library which belongs to
the cathedral, replete with invaluable treafures. But as one frankly
owned to me, they do not much care to fhew their library, and
lefs to print a catalogue of what it contains ; lefl they (hould dif-
clofe how rich they are : politically apprehending, perhaps not
without reafon, that if others were let into the fecret, they might
pofTibly like to have a greater fhare in thofe treafures, than would
be agreeable.

There is alfo an hofpital for the French difeafe only, which
will eafily tell you the prevalence and malignance of that diftem-
per in this country. This is more owing to their want of neatnefs,
and their ignorance in phyfic and chirurgery, than to any oth»r
caufe. I remember the King^ phyficlan told me, that it had been
obferved, that patients infedfed with this difeafe, if they came from
a colder climate, were eafily cured here ; but if they went from
hence infected into a colder climate, that they feldom or ever
could be cured. There is an hofpital alfo io': foundlings , where
the children feem to be well taken care of.

I DO not remember any thing more worth obferving with re-
gard to Toledo, than that they had hung on the wall of one of
their convents a vafl number of fetters, which were taken when
they releafed fome chridian captives from the Moors. The fetters
are indeed monftrouOy large, and of inhuman weight : fuch is
Eaftern cruelty! They were taken at the conqueftofGR anada.

LETTER

LETTER X.

Defcription of the City of SEGOVIA.

AVING jufl given a defcription of Toledo, I fhall now
give an account of Segovia, for though the two cities are
at fuch a diftance from each other, they have fome refemblance in
common, and may ferve as companions, like two pid:ures, to each
other.

The fite of the city has fomething of a very martial air, built
upon a high rude rock ; by which means moft of the entrances
to it are fteep, and difagreeable, efpecially as you are obliged to
make feveral zigzag- windings before you can gain thefummit : It
is entirely furrounded with a lofty old Moorifh wall, with battle-
ments and turrets, in the ftile of the fortifications of thofe days ;
which indeed were almofl impregnable. There are feveral Ro"
man infer iptions in the walls ; fome too high ever to be read,
others turned wrong fide upwards, others defaced, and fome with
the infcription turned inwards : For as the Moor s confidered thefe
only as meer ftones to build with, it is no wonder to find them
in fuch ftrange pofitions. I copied one or two of them of no
moment, but however they ferve me as proofs to make out one
point, which I fliall fpeak to hereafter. On the cajlle or palace-
iijde of the town is a deep, natural fofs, formed by two contiguous
ridges of mountain ; on the northern fide a fmall river runs at the
foot of the rock ; which ferves to little other ufe, but to turn a
large paper-mill, where they make great quantities of an ordinary

A a 2 coarfe

i8o DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY

coarfe paper. The next advantage they draw from this river, is
the wailiing thcmfelves and their linen ; which lafl is performed
in Spain in the following manner, however it may furprize a good
English honfewife. The women carry all their linen down in
great bundles to the fide of this river -, and having chofe a good
fmooth ftone, or fometim^es a piece of wood, they kneel down,
wet the linen, and then wring it and foap it; and then beat it upon
the flone or wood, till they have got the dirt out of it. And this
is all the operation -, the chief inconvenience of which is, that the
linen is apt to.be beat to pieces, otherv/ife it is clean enough. Iro?i-
ing is, I believe, but httle ufed in this country; plaiting never; and
the folding or fmoothing the linen is mofl commonly done by the
hand, or what we call the mangle, or calendar. In France, I
am told, the linen is wafhed in the fame manner, as may be it^vi
on the banks of their rivers, and on thofe of the Seine at Paris,
where the water is fo muddy and yellow, as to leave a bad tinge
upon the linen. I am informed by a friend, that at St. Malo and
other fea-ports in Britanny and Normandy, the women take
the opportunity of the tide's going out, to wafli their linen in the
fea-water left in the cavities or bafons in the rocks ; when having
foaked, foaped and wafhed it, they lay it on the rock, and beat
it with a kind of wooden battledore, which commonly pinks it
full of holes.

But as to the river's being of much ufe to the city, by fup-
plying it with water for all the domefiic purpofes of life : This
you will eafily imagine could not be the cafe, from the extreme
height of the mountain ; and, becaufe they mufl conftantly have
brouo-ht it up with affes, as they do at Toledo. It was this in-
convenience, and the defire of fupplying the city more efFedu-
dly, that gave rife to one of the noblefl works, to one of the moft
mao-nificent fabrics of that fort pofTibly in the whole world : You
will naturally guefs, I mean. The Aqukduct.

The extent of this Aquedu^ is faid to be about three miles;
at the eaflern entrance of the town it begins with fmall arches

gradually

O F S E G O V I A. iSi

gradually encreafing, and rifing, till it expands into a double row
of arches and pillars, and has then the noblefl effed: you can pof~
fibly conceive : Some of the firfl: arches are a little more pointed
than the refl (which are fairly circular) tho' not enough, I think,
to be really called pointed arches. The people have built fo many
houfes round this Aquedudi, it would grieve any true Antiqua-
rian to the heart; fmce you are hindered from having fo full and
complete a view of it, as a whole, which every curious fpeclator
would wifh : The ftone-pipes too, or duds of water, fixed to
the fides of it in fome places, deface it much, and look rather
like props •■, but they are certainly of the fame age v/ith the reft.
With regard to the height, and other meafures'of this Fabric, I
was forced to take them myfelf : for as to the people, they nei-
ther know nor care how high it is, or how broad. Thus it fares
with objedts, which we fee every day. Let them be ever fo noble,
or excellent, when they become familiar, they are negleded :
It is the novelty that ftrikes, and not the excellence. This is not
peculiar to thefe people, but is the cafe of all : let an Englifliman
never have i^tw the fea before, and I will warrant for his admira-
tion and furprize ; though if you dSk a peafant about it near
Brighthelmstone, he will tell you, " He don't fee any thing
** very extraordinary in it." — Upon enquiring about the AqueduSf,
fome faid it was io8 feet high, and that the number of arches was
150; others 144 feet, and 177 arches. The reafon of this difference
is, that as the arches mufl be of unequal heights, to maintain a
kvelj they have meafured from different ffations : This indeed ac-
counts for the difference of the meafures, but not for the number
of the arches : How that happened I cannot fay. The following
meafures I can anfwer for, fince I took them upon the fpot with
my own hands. Its greatefl height is exadly 10 1 feet y mid i inch -,
for I took the meafure from the higheft trace of flone.

The breadth of the front of the pillars, 6 feet, 2 inches;

The depth of them, 1 1 i^^t, 3 inches ;

The width of the arches, 1 2 it^i, 7 inches, and one quarter.

As to the number of the arches, we counted them, and wc
could reckon only 1 18 to the city- wall from the firfl vihblc arch ;

and

i82 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY

and feven more arches within the wails ; in all 125 : But then,
where the arches were double, that is, placed one over another,
we did not count thofe, as two arches, but as fingle : Becaufe in
conveying an idea of this AqueduB to one who had never feen it,
we judged, that a ftranger v/ould always form his notion of the
length of this Aqiieduci by the number of arches continued in
length. Again, as to the meafures, except that of the height,
they are only true with regard to that particular part, arch, or pil-
lar, which I meafured at that time : For I meafured feveral others
fnice, and find their dimenfions differ widely from one another,
fothat there is no one general proportion, which runs through the
whole ilrud:ure. The reafon of which I take to be, that where
they were obliged to make the Aquedii5i higher, in order to pre-
ferve the level ; that there they were obliged to enlarge the propor-
tions, and increafed the bafe in proportion to the height of the
pillar ; and confequently contracted the arches, in order to make
the building more ftable. It feems to be built without any cement,
and the ftones are about three feet long, and two feet thick ; all
roughly hewn, and with the edges rounded, not iharp. Why the
Spanish writers chufe to call this the Brid^j of Segovia, and
not the AqtieduB, is a folecifm I cannot accoant for : But this is
the language of Mariana, Pineda, and many others. A
Spaniard being afked, why he called it The Puente de Sego-
via, anfwered, becaife it was a bridge -y for though it was not in-
deed a bridge for people to walk over, yet it was a brfdge for wa-
ter to go over. And perhaps this may be their reafon, though it
certainly is a very odd one. Old Spanifli writers call it Puente
Seca, which is ftranger ftill ; for fure no one can fay with any
propriety, that an Aquedu(5t is a Dry Bridge,

Having now given a defcription of this truly magnificent ftruc-
ture ; the next enquiry is, who was the author ? and whe?t it
was built ? I think, there are but three or four opinions about it.
Mariana, according to his ufual modefty, is in fufpenfe ; and
doubts whether it is to be attributed to the Emperor Trajan, or
to LiciNius Larius, who was prstor in Spain, under Ves-
pasian, and a friend of Pliny the elder. Father Henry

Flores,

OF SEGOVIA. 183

Flores, who is vain enough hhnfelf, and willing in all things to
gratify the vanity of his countrymen, attributes it to the Goths,
who, as they lived here once, were for that time a fort of Spani-
ards : CoLMENARES, the Writer of the hiftory of Segovia,
goes many lengths indeed ; and in order to make his native city,
Segovia, as old as poffible, tells us at once, that the aqueduct was
built by PIercules. Hercules certainly did great wonders 5
but I believe built few aquedu6ls : and if it mufl be the work of
fome ftrong man, he might as well have called in Sampson. As
to the Goths, tho' it is certain they raifed very noble fabrics
wherever they went, and, as it were, built themfelves into fame 5
yet I cannot give them this aquedud:, for many reafons. The Co"
thic JiriiSiurcs in general appear to me to have this character; that
though they are for the moit part noble by their being fo very
large, yet they are generally clumfy and heavy, and the old Gothic
particularly fo : You fcldom fee any thing light, elegant, or of a
good tafte, except in the modern Gothic^ all which circumilances are
remarkably confpicuous ifi this AqiieduB . The Gothic indeed will
laft for ages, and fo will the Romcuu without one half of their hea-
vy ftability. I am therefore, upon the whole, inclined to think this
aquedu(fl: undoubtedly jRi?/;w;r''-. For though J grant to Colmena-
RESj that there is nothing now viiible upon the aqueduct itfelf, no
remains of an infer ipt ion y no traces left to decide this queftlon ^
let the order too, if he will have it fo, be either Doric, Ionic, Co-
rinthian, or Compofite : And tho' it be true, that the Romans, when
they executed fuch great works as thefe, generally took fufficient
care to fecure their title to it, and their name upon it : Yet all
thefe argum.ents and objec^lions do not weigh with nie: I am v/here
I was J I think it Roman. There is fomething in the grandeur of
the Roman works, that fiill fpeaks for them, though their ufual
witneiTes fliould happen to be loft : a greatnefs, that no other na-
tion has attempted, or ever been able to equal. There is no in«
fcription rcmaming now, ncr is there much appearance, that there

* The firft 13 arches are certainly Roman; the 36 next in fequence are clearly of
another flile, of a much inferior workmajifhip, and have been repaired by the Spa-
niards or Golbi : for the ftiie will agree with either. But at the 49th arch the Roman
majler-hand appears again j the fame form of ftone, large, round-e Iged, and exaiSlly
in the fame talte with the 13 firft arches.

ever

i84 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY

ever was one: What then ? Is this negative a fufficient proof that
there never was one ? The Roman infcriptions fo frequent about
the walls of this town fufficiently fliew their footfleps at Segovia,
to this day : there might have been an infcription, but now de-
faced or deftroyed by ignorance, fuperilition, time, and the turbu-
lence of the age, when Spain fucceflively received fo many maf-
ters. Thefe infcriptions are flill legible to this day: SEXTO* LlC*
MIL* near the gate of St. Juan. Another is

M-

IVN

^•

TI

ETIS

CAES

N(

^T

Ar

*4.' i ' -i

LV

• S- T-

• T

•L-

Another near the gate of San Andres, thus ;

P VBLIC lO

I V V E N A L I

IVVENALIS

CoLMENARES upon this fays, that Juvenal was not born at
Ar^jiNUM, but Segovia 5 for how could Martial, who was
a Spaniard^ otherwife call him Jiiveiiali meo ?

After having given fome account why I think it a Roman
work, I fhall now fearch after the Author, The reafon why it
has been afcribcd to the Emperor Trajan, is, becaufe that prince
has left fo many noble monuments of his own erecting in Spain,
particularly in EsTREMADUR A and Andalusia; that, forfooth,
every Roman work that the Spaniards find any where, muft imme-
diately be afcribed to Trajan ! This, indeed, is natural; for the
Spaniards ftill revere his memory, and they have a very remarkable
proverb, which fays, Felicidad de Augti/io, y Bondad de Trajano :
that is, The happincjs of Aiigiifiusy and the goodiiefs ofTrajafi. But
J have one objection to its being the work of that great emperor :

that

SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 185

he was a native of Italica^ or Old Seville, by birth an Anda-
lufian : and I cannot help thinking, that if he had intended a
work of fo much expence and magnificence in Spain, he would
never have given the benefit of it to the inhabitants of Old Cas-
tile. But here I am fenfible, that I am unawares drawn into
a controverfy, and Ihall prefently raife all the Caftilians to a man
againft me. For it feems thefe gentlemen v/ill have it, that the
Emperor Trajan was an 'EJiremaduran by birth, and not an
Aiidalujian. Well then, let us weigh the authorities on both fides,
and fee how that matter flands. Ximenes, and other compilers
of the Hijioria general de Efpa?ia, Marineus Siculus, Pedro
DE Medina, Juan Sedeno, and others fay, that Trajan was
born at PEDRA9A de Estremadura, or Pedraca de i.a Si-
erra, fo called, becaufe it joined to the mountains, and to diflin-
guifh it from that in the plains, v/hich was likewife called Ita-
lic a. To this they add the conftant tradition of this Eftremadu-
rian village, which fays to this day, that Trajan was born there,
and they ihew travellers the fite of the houfe he was born in : and
they give this as another proof, that the villagers fay, his mother
was OREjANAjOrOREjANiLLA, which was Tomauized afterwards
into AuRELiANA. To all this they join the blunders of the par-
tial ZoziMUS, eAe^s Tov Icrov euurco su rv cx,^^7i Qso^ocrioi>, tvj yevecrei
*E(r7ruv'^ h ts-oXh, Kokx r^g TaKiyiiccg, and the dreams of fome Spa-
nifli bifhop. This is one fide of the quertion, and is at the fame
time afpecimen of Spanish learning. Now on the other fide. Dion
Cassius, Ammianus Marcellinus, Aurelius Victor, and
EuTROPius all afiirm, that the Emperor Trajan was a native
oi xkiQ Andalufianltalica, or Old Seville. Amm. Aiarc. Tbeo-'
dofiiis Hifpanus ItaliccE DhiTrajani Civkatis. The words of Vic-
tor are to much the fame purpofe. It is clear, however, I think,
that Theodosius was no Eftremadurian, whatever Trajan
might be; and as to Zozimus, he makes him a poor Gallician.
All the remark I fhall make upon this controverfy is, that Tra-
jan's being an Efiiremadurian would fuit well enough with the
public v/orks he raifed in that province, but it v/ill not bring him
fo far as Segovia into Old Castile.

Upon the whole, then, I am induced to think, that this aque-
dud was the work of LiciniusLarius, the Prastor under Vkspa-

B b sian :

i86 SEGOVIAN A Q^U E D U C T.

SI AN : for Trajan had need have been a mafter-builder all his
life-time, if we afcribe every thing to hini. But then it is faid,
that if LiciNius Larius built the aqueducfl, that his friend Pli-
ny would certainly have mentioned it. I do not think this a cer-
tain objedionj a probable one, I own, it is. But be that as it will,
it is as certain, that there is an Infcription extant in Ambrosius
Morales, the famous old Spanifli antiquarian, which is publi-
Hied by Adolphus Occo, and fhews, 'That Liicinius Larius rc'
ally did build the AqucduSi of Segovia. They may fay, perhaps,
that this infcription is a falfe one: It may be fo, for ought I know
to the contrary, as I have never been able to fee Morales, or
Occo's book, or to copy the infcription *. I fhall now take my
leave of the aquedu6t, adding only, that I am told the cement is
lead, and tliat the key-ftones are tied with iron; and that between
the two highefl arches, or the Afoguejo, as they call it, there are
two niches remaining, which plainly contained formerly the fi:a-
tues of the emperor and the lieutenant, or praetor, under whom
this aqueduct was ereded: but now they are very pioufly filled
up vvith the ftatues of thofe, who might pofhbly work miracles,
but 1 am fure never brought water in fo noble a manner to any
city in this world -, I mean two faints.

* You will find it in Don G. Mayans's Latin Epiftle, annexed to this acco^jnt.

Ad

SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T, 187

Ad Cl. Patrem

HEN RICUM FLOREZIUM,

HISPANIiE SANCT^ SCRIPTOREM,

Ab Opinione fua & 'Judicio de Aqucedudlu Segovievji. diffhitiens

Poeta.

"pTraniidum moles cefferCy Segovia pontem
•*• Ducendis veteri numine jaSlat aquis :
Trajanus fuerit, fueritve Lichikis autor\

Hand fua Lticifero lympba jubente fiiiit :
Nee tamen Alcidi dederi??i, Maurove, Getijve,

Hoc tantiim Hifpano njtx licet ejfe decus :
Ma5le animi F l o R e z e ! fed hcec vioiiimeiita per or be fit

NoJi nifi Cafarece fic pofuere jnanus,

Tranflation of Father Henry Flore z*s Account
of the A au E D u c T of S E G O V I A.

(Taken from his Efpana Sagrada, FoL VIII. J

* OEGOVIA is one of the moft antlent cities of Spain, not

* '^ fo much as appears by the name, and the mention which

* hiflorians and geographers make of it, as by the remarkable mo-

* nument of the AqiiediiB, which fhews fuch notable antiquity,

* that it is not eafy to determine its origin precifely. Some afcribe

* it to Hercules, others to the Emperor Trajan, and ftill na

* inconfiderable part of the common people judge it to have been

* built by the devil.

* This very variety of opinions is a proof, that we know no-

* thing certain about it. As for afcribing it to Hercules, we

Bb2 < do

i83 & E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T,

« do not difcover any other foundation, than the knowledge, that
« a fbatue of" Hercules was foi-merly placed in the niche, where

* nov/ is the image of St. Sebastian : no ftrefs ought to be laid

* upon this fad, which only proves, that in the times of paganifm
« the antient Spaniards might dedicate that work to the memory
' of Hercules.

* As to what relates to Trajan, it is very difficult to acknow-
' led?e him for the author, becaufe there is no trace left of a Ro-
< man infcription on it, and that in a work of fuch great length,
« andfo well preferved^ v/e knowing, on the other hand, the tafte

* which prevailed in the works of that emperor, vis. to leave his
« name perpetuated upon them. Confequently one called them

* yerba parietaria\. And on the bridge of x-^lcantar a in Spain,

* confifting of fix arches, they placed divers infcriptions, in which

* his name is repeated in each. Befides, not having any account of

* the Romans being concerned in the aquedud: of Segovia, we

* have no grounds to afcribe it to Trajan, or to any other em-

* peror,unlefs it be thought fufficient to produce other works of the

* fame age, which have a fimilar ftile. But they differ either in the

* m.anner of joining the ftones together ; or it will be difficult to

* contradid that which the Romans have faid of thefe, and other

* very antient works, fuch as the Pyramids of ^gypt -, concern-

* ing which Colmenares writes, c. i. § 1 1. oi The biftary of Se-

* govm, that they very much refembled the fabric of this aquedudt,

* according to the defcriptions which they have given of the work-:
' manfhip of them, of the greatnefs of the hev/n ftones, and un-

* hewn ftones. Colmenares too adds no bad remark, that the

* ilile or order of architecture of the Segovian aquedud: is different

* from that ufed by the Romans, fince it is neither of the Doric,

* Ionic, Corinthian, Tufcan, or Compofite orders, but of fome other
' not known; infomuch that we have fome grounds not to ac-

* knowledge it for a Roman w^ork, but of a much older date.

* Or this argument drawn from the ftile of the architedurc, the
' public has not been able to judge, infomuch as no one lias been

* bold enough to engrave it. Colmenakes v/as deterred by the

11 It ihould be verta farittaria j that is, fahbras jaredanas^ or -wall-wcrd!.

* greatnef§.

SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 189

* greatnefs of the attempt, as he exprelTes it in the place I have
' quoted. The celebrated Father Montfaucon in the IV,

* Tome, P. ii. Ch. 10. of his Antiqidte expUquce, complained, that

* he was not able to procure a defign of it : But afterwards in ths
' IV. Tome of the Supplement ^ page 102, he fays that M. Le Gen-

* DRE, furgeon to his CathoHc Majefry, fent it him, with a defcrip-

* tion of it in Spanifli, of which that father availed himfelf. But
' the defign which was fent to Father Montfaucon conlifled on-

* ly of X.Q]\ arches, without any meafure or fcale, without the due
' proportion between the arches, omitting the under-cornifhes of

* the pillars, and failing in the proportion of the upper arches with

* the lower, without regulating it to the form of the dye of the
' pedeHal, nor to the lower line, which is not right in more than'

* the three central arches : and he adds, in the upper part of the
' pillar, which is in the middle of the greateft height, an head of a

* woman between two flowers, v^ith this infcription at the bottom,

* ^ CABEZA DE ESTREMADVRA; which is not fo, becaufe

* upon the canal, through which the water runs, that figure is not

* to be feen.

* We here give the whole delineation of it with exa6lnefs, by

* means of Don Juan Saenz dk Buruaga, an Alcala de He-
' NARES Do(5tor, of the greater college of San Ildefonso, Ma-

* glilrate of the holy church of Segovia ; of whom I availed my-
' felf, by reafon of the friendfliip we contracted at the unlverfity of

* Alcala, and he took that buiinefs fo much to his own account,

* that in a little time after I had applied to him, he favoured me
' with the utmoft difpatch ; having alTociated to himfelf, for this
'■ end, a perfon very able and knowing, who is architect of that holy

* church, and is called Don Domingo Gamones, whofe name is

* ■'//orthy to be perpetuated, for having given us that which no other

* has done, without feeking any other interefl, but that of fervinp^

* the public : and although we know not the name of the linl ar-

* chited, we know that of the firft v/ho ever attempted to draw

* this fabric.

* This great aquedudt is called a bridge vulgarly, its intention

* being contrary to the ufe of fuch like fabrics : for whereas they

* Or, The Head nf Ejlreniadura.

* are

190 S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T.

^ are dcfio-ned to give paffage to people over the waters, this is
' to condaa: the v/aters over the people, leaving free paffage below.

* The water comes by means of fome arches of ftone. which fuftaiii
' a canal formed of the fame ftones in conformity to its pailage.
' That as in all other bridges, people walk upon a pavement laid

* upon the fuperficies of the convex part of the arches ; and as in
' thofe the ground and the parapet walls ferve for the cover and

* lecuritv of the paiTengers: hi this, both the one and the other are

* def]<^ned for the courfe only, and the direction of the waters.

< The motive for fo great an undertaking was, that feeing on
< one hand, that in the fite of the city, nature afforded a foil very
' well difpofed to build a town, and very fuitable to the genius of

* the antient inhabitants : That it had the due elevation which
' they wanted, for the ventilation of the air ; and alfo that it was
' able to refift any invafion. They reduced the fite to a great rock,

* or mountain fufficlently fcarped, and able to contain a city not
' very large, but fortified by nature, which raifcd the ground above

* fome plains, watered by different ftreams, which flow from the

* Cumbra Capitana (the name which Pliny gives to fome bran-

* ches of the Id u bed a, called to this day Puerto de la Fon-friay*

* y de Giiadarrama.) Towards the north runs the river Eresma,
« which fprings from fome fountains on the other fide of the faid

* pafs in the mountains, and goes by Coca to fall into the Duero.

* Some will have it, that the Eresma is the Areva, of which

* Pliny affirms, that the name came from the region of the Are~

* vaci. But we have nothing to add to the propofal againfl what

* is faid of the Arevaci in tom. V. The Marquis of Monde jar,

* concerned in fome things very ftra^nge about Segovia, in the II.

* tome of his Dijjertations, p. 218, thinks, that Areva is a little

* river, which falls into the Duero near the antient ATz^;;/^;?/'/*^,
' called at prefent Tera. But that cannot be the cafe, confidering

* that the fpring of the Duero, and the fame Nianantia were the
' Fekndones of Pliny. And for the fame reafon, the river that

* Or, 1'he Port of Fon-Fria^and of Guadaraina. — This is a pafs in the mountains;
^1! fuch Pajfci being called by the Spaniards Portu

6 * waters

SEGOVIAN A QJU E D U C T. 191

* waters Numantia mufl: be of the fame country. Befides which,

* it is fo very fliort in its courfe, and fo little known, that it could
*^ not give a name to fo famous a people.

* By the plain to the fouth of Segovia there runs another

* (liort flream, called by the peafants Clamoresy which joins the

* Eresma at the Wefk point of the city, where the Al9Assar
< ftands.

' Notwithstanding the flreams which run by the vallies

* of the city, the ancients defired, that there fliould be no want

* of water to the inhabitants within the walls, neverthelefs that the

* earth was not commodious for fountains, on account of its height

* and drynefs: With this view, they undertook the giant-like work,

* to convey a river within the city, conquering by art the impedi-
' ments which nature had oppofed to it, by reafon of the height

* and depth of the ground: although the architect plainly {hewed,

* that he was mailer of a greater height, if it had been neceffary,

* fmce he made the water pafs above the walls and roofs of

* the houfes.

* The fource of this aqueducft Is a little river, called Rio Frio,,

* which rifes at the fklrts of the pafs in the mountains, and is that

* which comes to the city, taking from its flock as much water,

* as would fill a dud: that would contain a human body : It is re-

* ceived in an arch of flone at the diflance of 500 paces from the

* city : and from thence it begins to run in the channel of the

* aquedud, which does not require more elevation than 54. bars,

* that is, 17 feet. By little and little the height increafes, as it

* comes to deeper ground, but without requiring more than one

* range of arches, until the water has paffed over 65 arches, where

* the arches have a height of 39 feet, clofe to the convent of San

* Fran ci so.. There they begin to wind from the eafl to the well,.

* requiring two ranges of arches, one arch being put upon the otlier.
' That being the loweil part of the valley wliich is the little fquarc,

* now called AzoGUEjo.

* In that part the aquedud is 102 feet high, the channeLjen-
' tering by the battlem.ents of the wajls, vvith an extreme elevation.

* from

192

SEGOVIAN A (XJJ E D U C T,

* from the ground to the top of the arch. The aquedudl goes

< through the middle of the city, from the eaft to the weft, with
' an arched du6t fo large, that a man might v/alk in it : And from

* thence it goes dividing itfelf into the public fountains, and the
« cifterns of convents and private houfes.

< This fabric confifts of 16 i arches. The materials are hewn
ftones of a bluifh granate, placed one upon the other, without
any coherence of bitumen, lime, or mortar, which equals the
joints, becaufe the ftones unite one with another, faftening them-
felves in their fquare form 3 fo that the whole number of the
ftones of which this aquedud confifts, might be counted, accord-
ing to the art and correfpondence with which they are placed.
^.ouk at them, fays Colmenares, and they feem to be cemented
by lead, and that the key-ftones of the arches were barred by iron,

as they tell us of the temple of Serapis in Alexandria.
The pillars are eight feet in front, and eleven broad. It being
moft aftoniftiing, that this fabric ftiould laft to the end of fo
many ages, fuch as we fee it, without giving way to the weight
of the water upon it, or to the rains, the floods, the wars : for
it not only appears, that nations have revered it, but even time,
which does not ufe to refpedt other wonders of the world.

« Upon the top of the three pillars of thegreateft height there

* is a bafe common to the three uppermoft. And in that of the

* middlemoft there are on each fide two niches, where were the
' ftatues of Hercules, as Colmenares fays he found in manu-

* fcripts, which in his time were above 200 years old, that is be-
' fore the middle of the XVth century, in which then exifted thefe

* monuments. At prefent they are the images of our Lady of San

* Sebastian, becaufe that part belongs to the diftrid of the pa-

* rifti of that faint, and they were placed there March 21, 1520,

* by the care of a citizen, an aftayer of the mint, as Colmena-

* RES tells us, in his hiftory of that year.

* Besides this teftimony, v/hich is the moft authentic of the an-

* tiquity of the city, there is mention made of it in Lucius Flo rus,

* Vv'^lifere he is relating the war of Sertorius, lib. 3. ch. 22. where

< he lays, tbat the Herculean lieutenants of Sertorius were defeated

c * near

SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 193

* near Segoviciy without adding any more interefling particulars.

* His apud Segoviam opprejis, 6cc. This was about the year 675

* of the foundation of Rome, in which Pompey came againft

* Sertorius, following Gr^vius's chronology upon Florus, which

* anfwers in our way of reckoning to the 79th year before Chrift,

* taking the vulgar ssra for an epoch.

* Pliny, in telling us who the feveral people were, who form-

* ed the affembly of Clunia, fays, that one were the people of

* Segovia among the Arevaci. Harduin, in the notes to c.

* iii. lib. 3. of that authof, will not have it to be the Segovia
' fituated between Valladolid and Madrid (of which we are
' now ipeaking) but another fmall town, placed by Ptolemy in the

* fune lite with Numanti a : Non ea efl, quce inter VaUifoletum &
' Madritum nobis Segovia dicitur : fed altera ejujdem nonmiis urbecula,

* quce fub eddem fere coeli parte at que ipfa Nwnantiay eodemquefitu a

* Ftolomeo collocatiir. But if one denies this, it would be very

* difficult for any one to prove it : for we may juft as well fay,

* that Pliny means the city of which we are fpeaking, and not

* that defigned by Hardouin, for he owns that to be an urbecula,

* And it is more natural, that Pliny fhould mention that which

* was the moll great and famous (in cafe tnere were two of the

* fame name among the Arevaci) and not the leafl illuftrious, to-

* tally omitting the greateft.

* I SAID in cafe there were two in the Arevaci , becaufe neither

* Pliny, Ptolemy, or Antonine mention more than one in

* that territory : And as there were no more than one, we ought

* not to fay, that Pliny and Ptolemy mentioned the leall: illu-

* ftrious, and omitted the moft famous mentioned by Anto-

* nine. It is clear that Ptolemy places Segubia in a fite that

* does not fquare with Segovia, about 42 degrees of latitude,
'and 1 3 i of longitude. But it is as certain, that if you take his lite

' In reference to the dired; diftance, which there is between that
' and Numanti A, it will be one of the many errors of his tables;
' becaufe they place Segubia and Numanti a in 13A degrees of

* longitude/

The

194

DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY

The /\lcacar, or Royal Palace, Is the next objed: here of ^^_j
note ; it is plain by the AL in the iirfl lyllable of this word, that tflj
it is an Arabic appellation ; for it is the Arabic article, which ^B^
they call Solar : And the tradition of the town fays, it was a place
of refidence for fome of the Moorijh princes. I know not what
truth there may be in It, but I cannot help attempting an etymolo-
gy, efpeclally when the 9Cca{ion feems fo fair. Thus Caefar, Ka«rap,
Moorifn Cayzar, Alc A9AR. The front of this building Is about ^^mk
fifty feet long; there are two conic, or fugar loaf-turrets, at each ^
wing ; and the fa9ade is adorned with feveral diminutive turrets ■

in the fame tafte and llyle : Above the {killing or fpan-roof of this
firfl front there rifes another I'killing roof adorned with turrets in
the fame ftyle : And between the wings, in the middle rifes a lof-
ty fquare, brick tower, furrounded with fmall circular turrets end-
ino- in a confole. Along the front of the firfl: building runs a neat,
fmall open gallery, juft under the corniih. The whole of the fa-
bric appears clearly to be in the old Moorijljjlyle ; the governor told
me the middle tower was Roman^ but I fliould doubt it much -, it
feems to be of the fame age and building with the reil of the fa-
bric ; the windows of the fame form and tafte --, and there is a
trace of fmall beads, that girts it, jufl as in the front and the wings ;
It is certainly all Moorifi, and is indeed extremely pretty, and light,
and pleafes me more than almofi: any building I ever faw. The
whole, except the middle tower, is covered with a blue flate, or
fhlngles, I cannot fay which. You go to it from a fort of court,
or place, over a fmall bridge -, for there is a deep fofs, that furrounds
one part of it, and the other fides are defended by lleep precipices,
as it ftands upon a rock. Having pafl^ed the bridge you enter a
cloyfi:er, where there is a court within, and a fountain. From the
cloyfter you enter a large room prettily cieled, a fort of feivant's hall.
After that you come into a flate-room, with a rich gilt deling,
carving of ftucco upon the walls, and Dutch tiling round the room
at the bottom. This brings you to a fecond apartment of much
the fame tafte, but a much richer deling ; then you enter a mag-
nificent room called the Sala de los Reyes, or, The hall of their Kings;
and vv^ith reafon, for It really Is full of Kings. The wooden or
waxen images of nineteen Kings of Castile, fix of Leon, two

of

O F S E G O V I A. 19^

of AsTURiAS, and fixteen of OviEDo,are all placed over your head,
about the middle of the wall, round the room, v/ith their Queens,
and four counts, or dukes placed under them. Among them is the
fiim.ous CiD, or Don Rod. Diaz de Bivar, of whom fuch v/on-
ders have been-recorded : Cjd, in Arabic, is commander, or gene-
ral j he lived about 1055, in the reign of Ferdinand of Leon.
This room is indeed an odd fight, and if one was to be there
late at night, with a fingle taper, it would afford matter for a
warm imagination to be very bufy. From thence you pafs into
a fmall chapel, where there is a fingle painting over the altar with
this infcription, Bartolome Carduccio Florent. faclebat,
1600. Beyond this is a fmall room with odd pieces cf fculpture
of dogs and hares, and other animals, and pretty carving in Fref-
co, or Stucco. Round this room, as well as the reft, runs an in-
fcription in very old Gothic characters , but I am fure of no mo-
ment J for in the next room, where the letters were likewife Go-
thic, but not quite fo old fafhioned, I could read them with no
great difficulty : And they proved to be nothing elfe, but prayers,
and pious fentences : Thus, LAUDAM TE IN SECOLA SE-
COLORUM. MAYERDE MEMENTO ME. ORA PRO
NOBIS. Udal ap Rhys has given a very falfe account of this
place : He fays there are fixteen rooms hung with fine tapeftry,
and that there are many pidures, with other circumftances,
which have not one word of truth in them. — Philip II. in 1590,
caufed thofe dates and accounts, which are affixed to the feet of
each prince in the Sala de los Reyes, to be put up ; it is the beft
chronology they have of them.

Having now given fome account of this fingular fabric; in-
dulge me in a word or two about the age of it. The governor
fiid the rooms we law were five hundred years old ; this is no-
thing ; it would only throw the date of this building as flir back
as the I 3th century, or about i 260. I have feen a grant of Al-
PHONso in the year 1 160, which mentions this ALCA9AR. Is it
not very ftrange, that the writer of the Hijiory «?/" Segovia
fhDuld take no particular notice of this remarkable ftiudure :
Wz only fays, that when in y^^ the Moors attacked Sego-
via, and took it, the Segovians put the ALCA9AR, the houfe

C c 2 . of

196 DESCRIPTION OF THE

of Hercules, and the tower of St. Juan in a good poflure of
defence. This period of the eighth century feems to me to fuit
better with the name and appearance of the building, and to
place it in a much more Moorifid age ; though it may poffibly be
ftill older. There is one pointed arch of a door-way in this build-
ing, which is now ftopped up ; it feems of the fame age with the
reft j but as it may have been an after- work, as it is not an effen-
tial part, what ftrefs is to be laid upon it, I cannot fay. Here are
two ftrange old cannon, or pipes, canones they call them. And
the doors of the offices are marked thus : Bodeca, Fofigo ^ that is,
the cellar f the pajj'age.

f^ ^;

This is the famous Tower or Cajlle i?/' Segovia, fo celebrated
in Monfieur Le Sage's Gil Bias,'' and other romances ; the antient
receptacle of ftate-prifoners : It was here that political Qu^ixote
the duke of Ripperda was confined ^ and it was from hence he-
efcaped. There is another large prifon in the middle of the city,
but that is only for the reception of common felons, and is a mo-
dern building The very fame man that was governor, when Rip- A
PERDA was confined there, is ftill alive, and the prefent governor : *\\
By his account it was the maid, not the daughter, that gave the
duke his liberty -, for his daughter is m.arried to an Andalusian
gentleman, and lives there : He fays, that the room in which
Ripperda was confined had but one door to it, and had two
eentinels placed at it ; at the door of the next room two centinels
more; and without the guard du corps. How he efcaped, he fays
he cannot guefs; but that the Duke's fervant faid his mafter was
very ill ; that another fervant took his mafter's place in bed, and
counterfeited a fick perfon ; that he the governor knew nothing
of his efcape, till nine days after he was gone, and then they dif-
covered the fraud. It is plain from all this relation, that the court
had a mind to let Ripperda efcape; that the governor had or-
ders to connive at it ; though the means and contrivance were
probably the duke's invention : that the court did not care for
the expence of keeping him in prifon, and had no inclination to
take away his life. When he found, that orders were given for
feizing him in the year 1726, he fled to the houle of Mr. Stan-
hope, the then Englijh amballador. His lordlhip was at that

time

ALCASSAR, AND CATHEDRAL. 197

time not at home ; and it is inconceivable what difficulty he had
at his return, to get Ripper da out of the houfe : He was at lad
taken out by force by the King of Spain's order. This, how-
ever, trifling as it was, occafioned a mifunderilanding between the
Courts of Spain and Great Britain. Mr. Stanhope cer-
tainly did right; he withdrew from Madrid, to fliew his refent-
ment, and to aflert the juft rights and privileges of his charac-
ter: for otherwife no prudent ambaOador would have rifed the
embroiling himfelf with his court for the fake of prote(5ting fuch
a fcoundrel. He was originally an envoy from the ftates of Hol-
land, afterwards minifler to the court of Spain, being a crea-
ture of Cardinal Alberoni's, and was fent to negotiate the fa-
mous Vienna treaty. To conclude, he betrayed his truft, made
the grand tour of all religions ; fled from one court, could obtain
protection from no other, could find no afylum in Europe ; And
after having been fucceffively Protefliant, Papill, Pagan, Jew,
Turk, Infidel, and Heretic, weary of apoflracies, he died at laft a
Mahometan among the ftates of Barbary.

The next object of note here is the cathedral, which is
indeed a noble fl:rudure; it is of the Gothic ftyle of archifcsc-
ture, and rather of the bed kind of it ; there are two quires, as
it were furrounded by a moft ample BaJUica, which is lined on
the wall-fide with a vafl; variety of fine altars, and rich ihrines :
The painted glafs is good, and gives the dim, religious light.
They told me it was built 1525, fee The Hiji. of Segovia, ch. 39.
Thefacrifl:y is a fine room, and contains fome pictures. The ar-
ches of this building are all round. There is an old cloyfler ad-
joining to the cathedral, where there is a monument of a bidiop
of this fee, and his epitaph in good Latin, well-cut. There
are fome hundreds of vefl:ments hung, up here ; the badges of fo
many unhappy Jews, who had the misfortune to be burnt, be-
caufe they did not believe all that the inquifitor did: This tribunal,
or the Holy Office as they call it, was at Segovia at that time,
but has been fince removed. There are too in this cloyfler, the
remains of fad fuperftitious paintings on the wall. In the chap-
ter-room is a fine pidure of a Madonna and Bambino, by
Spagnoletj alfo the flory of Aurelian and Zenobia, in

good

i(^S DESCRIPTION OF THE ^

^ood tapeftry. In the library is a MS. verfion of the Penta-
teuch, from the iff ^r^ic, Chaldeey 2indi Greek into Latin, dated
l6co. It is intitled Verfio Pent ateuchi per Ciruelum Darocenfem,

There Is a grant of Queen Urr AC a's in this cathedral in 1661,
which mentions the Alcazar^ and the Pons Cafiellanus, or bridge
of the Alcazar. It concludes thus — " iVhofoever Jhall violate this
*^ grant, let them be ever banifiedfrom God's threfiold, and be eter-^
*' nally tormented with D at u am and Abiram, whom the earth
''' /wallowed, be damned with the traitor Judas, and fay a thoufand
''pounds of iinallayed gold (auri obryzi) to the bijljop"

There are feveral fine churches here befides the cathedral ;
that of St. Milano is very old ; built by Gonzalo Feliz in
r. 923. See Hijlory of Segovia, p. 83; I found an infcription on the
wall : L : DCCC : AI : XXX : X : HQL >\ . ^ : fj. Q^ AR.
ROI: S. K. c . 2. There is another infcription on the other wall,
on which there was MIL. I. CCC. XL. I. which I read 1341.
The arches of this church are all round and large; the columns
large and lofty, with carved capitals, containing many figures both
of men and animals. Some with beautiful foliage; the lliafts were
round and plain ; and placed upon fquare bafes, extremely large :
At the entrance is a fort o^ Arcade with beautifjl, fmall columns
of black marble, and the pillars joined one to another, with a
fort of fpiral or ferpentine line, what the heralds, I think, call
wavy.

The church of St. Sebastian is a good room, not very
large, the roof modern, built in 169-9. There is a fmall nave ad-
joining, feparated by three elliptical arches, the mofl: ugly, difpro-
portioned things you can imagine. What date they are of I know
not ; but certainly they are Gothic. There are two pillars remain-
ing at the portal, as old as the MooriJJj times.

The church of St. Francis is a fine Ir.rge room, with a moft

beautiful organ ; large and lofty arches, mof^ of them round,

but one or two pointed; the roof modern. On the left-hand

is a fmall chapel with the oldeft Gothic, or Saxon carved work ;

4 the

CHURCHES IN SEGOVIA. 199

th^ roof of it contains large beads, or mouldings : they projected
7 or 8 inches from the roof, and the arch over the door-way was
compofc^d of beads or tracery of ftone in the fame mally tafte.

The church of St. Martini is a very old fabric, built before
1 140. See Hiji. of Segovia. At the weft-end of it is the mofl lof-
ty, round Moorijh arch lever faw, with a multitude of decreafing
mouldings one within another -, there is a pretty large arcade with
very neat fmall columns of black marble.

The church of St. Augustin is a modern building, but a
fine room, the arches rounds fome few good pidures, and a
handfome facrifty.

The church of St. Dominic is a noble Gothic flrudure,
built about 1406; beneath the cornifh under the roof of the
outfide, all round the church, are cut in ftone thefe words, in
old characters, of what age I know not, but in this form T. I
fhall write it for the fake of difpatch in the common characters
TANTO-MONTA. The meaning of which is— When by the
marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella the kingdoms were
united, they made^ this old Spanip proverb— T'^;zz'(j monta, 77ionta
tanto Ifabella como Fernando— T\\.2X is to fay, Ifabel is as good as
Ferdinand, and Ferdinand as Ifabel. The only remark I fliall
make is, that hence comes our Englip word tantamount. The in-
fide is now modernized, the arches are round, a little more than
300 years old.

The church of St. John the Baptist is faid here to be
the oldef in the city, built in 923. See HiJi. of Seg. p. 83. It con-
fifls of three naves, all large round arches of the oldeft Gothic ; and
may be confidered as one long room. Here is the tomb of the
knights, vv^ho took Madrid in 932; and here the archives of
the city are kept in a handfome cheft ; the date of which is 1686.
The chief knight was Fernan Garcia de la Torre; his
tomb flili remains in this church, which was formerly called from
thence the church of the knights. The ftatues of both thefe knights
are placed over a gate in Madrid, the print of which is in the hif-

tory

20O DESCRIPTION OF THE

tory of Segovia. It Is a pretty church, as well as a very old one ;
there are feveral pidures, but I believe none valuable ; fonie good
Spani/Jj C2irv'mg. Since the date of the taking Madrid by the
knights, buried here, 13932; confequently /'i'^ ^^/;z/c'</^r<:/6 at the
weft-end of this church ; the odd cornifli compofed of heads of
animals j the capitals of the pillars carved with animal, and hu-
man figures i and the fmall, long, narrow lights, or windows, of
this church, are all older than the tenth century : And confequent-
ly the poi?ited arch was ufed in this country, long before we had it
in England, which was not till 1216.

The little church of St. Paul contains fome remains of an
extreme old building on the outfide, but is quite modern within.
Over an old pointed arch I found this date, the infcription of a
tomb I. y. CCC. LXXII. that is, 1372 --, for the Spaniards always
write their cypher to exprefs a thoufand in that way, why I know
not. At the great altar is a pidlure of St. Paul falling from his
horfe in his way to Damascus. No traces of any other old arch
here, but the roof is vaulted.

A Church near the Pla^a Mayor, date found in it 1569.
The WJi. of Segovia mentions the churches of St. Coloma and
St. Memes, or St. Lucia, built in 923 ; but I know nothing of
them. It is remarkable that there are more churches, convents,
and pariflies here, than at Madrid.

The town, upon the whole, has a ftrange appearance; the
buildings look wild, and odd, raifed fometlmes upon the uneven
and craggy parts of the rock without levelling it. Here are all
forts and ftyles of architedure ; Roman, Gothic, Moorifiy Saxon,
and Spanijk.

The PLA9A Mayor is a very tolerable, irregular fquare ; but
the buildings round it are in the old SpaniJJd ftyle, and look mife-
rably. Though wood here is very dear, and fcarce, and cracks
with the force of the fun ; yet the fronts of mofl of them are all
wood, all fir, and fuch miferable, thin, ruinous, paper-buildings,
you would be furprized at.

9 The

SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 199

The town-houfe is a good modera building. The Mint
here, or Ingenmny as they call it, was founded by Philip II. in

Segovia has produced fome writers of note ; among thefe
the names of Villalpando, Sepulved/\, Bonaventura,
and CovARRUviAS are the moft eminent.

There is a large Chth-ManufaBure here; they fold. In the
year 1759, 7,400 pieces of cloth of 30, 60, and 80 bars in
length. They have likewife a Linen and a Paper manufa(fture.
The Blankets of this city are perhaps the finefl in the world :
But they are dear.

the follow i*^g is
An EPISTLE from Don Gregorio Mayans,

Con faming his Sentiments about the AQUEDUCT.

QUID QUID ego ad te fcripfero, a benevolentiflimo animo pro-
^ ficifci exiftimare debes. Ego vero pofteaquam tuum conii-
lium aperuifti mihi explicatius, laudo illud, & in nobiliffimo argu-
mento vellete exercere ingenii tui facultates, vehementer probo.

Lib enter legi epigramma tuum de Aquaedudu Segovienli,
ad Henricum Florezium. Et, fi meam fententiam fcire cupis, ab
illo ego valde diffentio. Incipit TraBatum vigefimmn fecundum,
aiens, Segoviam efj'e iinam ex antiquijjimis Hi/panics urbibus ^ non ob id
folwn quod nomen ejus indicate ^ commemorationes hiJioricorian^<3 geo-
graphorunii verum etiam ob infigne monumentmn Aqu^duvtus^ qui an^
tiquitatem adeo notabilem defignat, ut non facile Jit ejus originem ajj'erere.
C^bus verbis falfa veris permifcentur, rerum idcis confufis, qua*
breviter dillinguam.

D d Ln

200 >S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T.

In eo quod ait de nominis Indicio, fubobfcure alladit ad ridicu-
lam Ruderici Ximenii, Archiepifcopi Toletani, notationem, qui
X/^. I. cap 7. de Hifpano loquens, ita fcripfit. Chkatein juxta
jiicrum Dorii adificavit in loco fuhjeSlo promontorioy quod Cob ia dicitiir,
^ quia fecus Cobiam fita^ Secobia nunciipatiir : qu?e nominis notatio
fapponit in Hifpania Latinae linguce ulum, antequam aliquis Ro-
manus in earn adveniiTet; immo antequam efTet ipfa lingua. Se-
<^ovi£e mentio apud hifloricos & geographos, adeo recens eft, ut
ex illorum teftimoniis ejus antiquitas deduci nequeat. Antiquiora
enim hifloricorum teftimonia funt A. Hirtii, & L. Flori, quorum
hie Lib. II. cap. 22. Segoviae, ut puto, Arevacoriim, meminit
a^ens de bello Sertoriano: ille llbro De bello Alexandrino, ca.p. ^y.
mentionem fecit Segoviae fitae ad Silicenfe flumen. Ex geographis
autem nemo antiquior Ptolemaeo Segoviae meminit. Eum vide Lib..
II. cap. 6. Quod fi. mentionem apud aummos addere vis, cum poft
extindum Caligulam nulli nummi imperiales in Hifpaniarum co-
loniis & municipiis percuffi fuerint, ut rei nummarise peritiffimus-
Emmanuel Martinus Vaillantium fecutus docuit, Epiji. Lib. III..
epifi 1 1 . nulla probatio antiquitatis deduci poteft, nifi ex nummo
illo fingulari, quem Rudericus Carus affirmavit fe poffidere, Antiq.
Hiftal Lib. III. cap, 50. & prasterea nummus ilie ad Segoviam
Arevacornm non pertinet : utpote in eo pons defignatur,. non.aquae-
dudus: pons fcilicet ad tranfeundum Silicenfe flumen, quod eft.
in B^etica, etfi quale fit, ignoretur. Fortius igitur antiquitatis ur-
bis Scgovias argumentum ab aquaedudus fabrica vult ducere Flo-
rezius^ nulla vero ratione allegata: nam in eo quod art. 3. ejuf-
dem capitis ait, archite6luram non efte Romanam, adverfarios ha-
bet ocuiatos teftes anonymum au6lorem Dialogi Linguarum j quem
ego edidi in Originibus linguce Hifpanicc^, Tom.Yi. pag. 165, atque
clariffimos viros Laurentium Padillam in Antiquit. Hi/pan. cap. 3.
& Marchionem Mondexarenfem, Dijjertat. Ecclefiaft. Tomo I. df//'.
1. cap. -;. §. 7. & in Noticiis Gemalogicis Gentis Segovice, editis na-
mine Johannis Roman & Cardenas,, cap. 4. pag. 20..

ViDEAMUS tamen inter quas opiniones fluduet Florezius. Ejus
verba de aquacdudu loquentis, funt hsc : Aliqiii (ejus originem)
referunt ad Herculem-, alii ad Imperatorem TCrajamim -, & non exigua
vulgi pars judicatfuiffe Diabolifabricam. Et coatinuo fubjungit, ip-

Jam

*

SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 201

fam opiniomim varietatcm probare, nihil ejje certum. Si nihil Igitur
certum eft, curSegoviae antiquitatem ab aquxdudus fabrica colligit,
fttque banc probationem cacteris omnibus anteponit ?

Opinio vulgi afTerentis diabolum fuifTe ftrudiorem aquacduc*
tus, omnino defpicienda eft. Prior ilia tribuens Herculi illud
opus, ridicula : ejufque originem detexit Didacus Colmenares in
Hijhria Scgovice, cap. i, §. 2/ fubjunxitque multos alios hi-
ftoricos, quos ibi recenfet, lecutos fuiife Rudericum Ximenium,
qui Lib, I. cap. 7, fcrlpfit, Hifpanum ab Hercule Hifpani^E prae-
fecflum aquffidudlum ilium conftruxiffe. QucC opinio ceque falfa
eft ac praecedens. Verum hoc obiter noto, nomen hoc, Hifpa-
nufUy idem efte atque Hifpaliim : nam n facile convertitur in /. Sic
Meftalas didi a Meflana devidta, 6c qui in Cornelia gente dicuntur
Hifpali, fyllaba penultima produdla, Hifpani didi a Diodoro Sicu-
io in Exccrptis, licut etiam ab Appiano in Libyco, adnotante Hen-
rico Valelio, pag. 59. Re vera autem Hifpanus fuit amnis, ut
£gregie probatur eleganti Trogi Pompeii teftimonio, quod apud
Juftinum legitur. Lib. XLIV. cap. i . lie fe habens : Hanc vetercs
ab Hibero amne primiun Hiberiam, pojiea ad Hifpnno Hifpaniam cog-
nominaverunt, quod teftimonium prae oculis habebat B. liidorus,
cum 'Etymol. Lib. IX. cap. 2* dixit : Hifpani ab Hibero amne pri-
mum Hiberii pojiea ab Hijpalo Hifpani cogjioniinati funt . Ex quibus
conftat Hifpanum amnem eundem elfe ac Hifpalum, a quo urbs
Hifpal nomen accepit, aut vice verfa.

Sed primum illud veriftmilius eft, cum flumina foleant ellc an-
tiquiora urbibus juxta e'a fitis. Novum autem non eft amnium
nomina confi6tis regibus applicari folere, uti failum vidcmus in
Frcefatione aftuta B. Ifidori Chronico Mundi, in Hifpania illufrata,
'Tomo IV. pag. 41. Variis igitur Ba^tis nominibus hoc adjunge cce-
teris illuftrius, quia & urbi celeberrimce, 6c univerfa? HilpanicC no-
men dedit.

Extribus igitur opinionibus aFlorezio commemoratis,una fuper-
pft,qua} in examen adducidebct,anaqua:dudus fcilicet ab Inipcratore
Trajano a^difcari juftlis lit, aut ejus tempore conftrucJftus, quod ad
ejus antiquitatem comprobandam idem eft. Qlkc opinio digniftima

D d 2 eft.

202 S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T.

eft, ut in cam inquiramus, qiioniam pro fe habet infcriptionem :
qua? fi vera fit, lis efl finita ; fm confiAa, iidio ejus probari debet,
ne aliud aflerentibus obftet. Verum Florezius, qui eodem Traci,
XXII. cap. I. num. 13. allegavit nonnulias infcriptiones, fciens
prudeiifque infcriptionem, de qua loquor, filentio prsteriit, ne (i
earn probaret, opinionem immodicas antiquitatis, quam ipfe tenet,
abjicere cogeretur; aut, fi improbaret, rationes ficftionis reddere
deberet, quas hiftorici, pr-^cedentes eum, omiferunt. Videamus
autem quid fentiendum fit. Valdefius apud aud:orem Dialogi de-
Linguis ait, in Segovienfi aqusedudu fuo tempore fupereile non-
nulias literas, ex quibus conftabat Romanos ilium ftruxifTe. Paullo
poftea nullam infcriptionem invenire potuit clarus vir Laurentius
Padilla, ut ipfe memorat in A?2tiquit. Hi/pan. fol. 13. pag. 2. Am-
brofius Morales, Lib'. IX. cap. 22. fol. 273. pag. 2. confirmat in
fuperiore parte illius aedificii fuo tempore fuperelTe indicia littera-
rum, nullas vero extare. Refert autem diditari fuifTe lapidem
infcriptum hoc modo ;

LARTIUS. LICI
NIVS. CVM. GV
BERNASSET. HIS
PANIAM. HVNC
AQVAEDVCTVM
IVSSIT. AEDIFI
CARI.

DefcripUt hunc titulum Occo,pag. 29. n. ^. Sc ex eo, ut folet, licet
e Morali dicat, Gruterus, pag. 1 80. ?2. 4. Subjungit autem Mora-
les, jieminem memoria tenere, fe vidiffe illas litteras, neque audivifje
fuiffe. Et ego (inquit) pro certo habeo, titulum ^ qui ibifuit, nonfu-
ijfe etimy quern hie pofui : nam neque ftiliuny neque ullum faporem habet
tnfcrlptionis Romance. Alii dicunt, litteras^ qua ibifuerunt, indicaffe
cedificium illud fa^lumfuife impenfa multorum populorwn, inter quos
nominabantur Carpetaniy & Vaca^i. Hocf5lio efty ^ njalde incon^
fderata\ nam cum efet cedificium in utiUtatcmfmgularem unius iirbis,
non debebant contribuere aliipopuli, utifaciebant in pontibus ad tranf
eundos anines, qui pontes toti provincice erant utiles. Hue ufque Mo-
rales, judiciofe, uti folet.

5 Quod

SEGOVIAN A QJLJ E D U C T. 203

Quod vero attlnet ad Infcriptionem, ea proculdubio confida
eft. Nam, fi vei-a ellet, Lartius Licinius prasnonien fuum non omi-
fifTet. Et cum Frator primum tefte Plinio, Lib. XIX. cap. 2.
ac deinde Legatus, in quo munere obiit, fuerit, ut idem refert.
Lib. i\. cap. 2. nullo modo omififlet munus, quo ipfe funge-
batur, li vivens aqua^dudtum aediiicari juffifTet : & fi ex ejus tefta-
mento fadlus fuilTet, Plinius, qui fcripfit poft ejus mortem procul-
dubio id commemorafTet : Plinius, inquam, fenior, qui poft Lar-
tii Licinii mortem fcripfit : de quo duas res memorabiles refert,
nimirum, Lib. XIX. cap.\\2\\Q. Lartio Licinio, prcefare viro, jura
reddenti in Hifpania Carthagine, paucis hinc annis fcimus accidi/Je, ut
inordenti tuber., undeprehenjlts intus denarius primos deiites ijifie^teret :
alteram Lib. XXXI. cap. 2. quae inter varias obfervationes referri
debet. In Cantabria {\\\<^\t)fontes Tamaraci in augur io habentur,
Tres funt, ononis pedibus diji antes. Li unum aheum coeunt vajlo
amne. Singulis fic cant ur duo decies die bus aliqua?2do vicies, citra )uf-
picionem idlam aquc^y cum fit vicinus illisfomjine intermijjione largus.
Mirum ejiy non proftuere cos aufptcari volentibus.ficut proxime Lartio
Licinio legato pofi prteturam pofifeptem dies accidit. Quis igitur du-
bitabit, Plinium, qui Lib. III. cap. 2. mentionem fecit Segovia,
nullo modo filentio proEteriturum adeo magnificum opus amici fui,
qui tanti faciebat, fua eledla, ut de iis loquens Plinius junior. Lib.
HI. epift. 5. ita fcripferit. Referebat ipfe (Plinius fenior) potuij/e
fe, cum procurarct in Hifpania, vender e hos commenfarios Lariio Li^
cinio, quadringentis millibus nummum: & tunc aliquajito pauciores
erant. Praeterea locutio ilia, cvM gvbernasset hispaniam,
infolens eft, & inaudita in hujufmodi titulis: & minime conveni-
ens pr^tori aut legato : & multo minus ei, qui uti admonui, in
ipfo legationis tempore obiit. Ex falfa igitur infcriptione nullum
argumentum defumi poteft.

Nunc vellem fcire, quo vultu legeris, quod ipfe Florezius (tii-
tit, nu?n. 3. dificile fore impugnare dicentem Romanos architeSiuram
didicijje ab hujufmodi cperibus. Nimirum fupponit, aqua^duftus ar-
chitedturam antiquiorem efle R^omana. Si hoc verum elTet, qua
fronte Vitruvius, C. Caefaris & Augufti architedus, Lib. II. cap. i.
ita fcripfit. Ad hunc die?n nationlbus extcris ex his rebus adificia
confiituuntur, ut in Gallia, Hifpania, Lufitania, Jlquitania, fcandu-
lis robujleis^ aut frame nt is. Plinius, Lib. XXXV. cap. 14. refc-

rens

204 S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T.

rens Hifpanorum aedificia, fic ait ; ^id! non in Africa^ Hifpania"
que ex terra parieteSy quos appellant formaceos, (quoniamin forma cir**
cumdatis utrinqiie duabiis tabiilisj inferciuntur verms, qiidm mjlruun-
turj ^cevis durante incorrupti imbribuSy vent is, ignibiis, cmnique ce*
mento firmiores f SpeBa etiani nunc fpecidas Jiannibalis Hifpania,
terrenajque turres.jugis inonttinn impojitas. Adde B. ifidorum. Lib.
XV. cap. 9. Plinii verba defcribentem, & Palladium, Lib. I. cap.
34. Vides quomodo ardificaretur in Hiipania, Poenis dominanti-
bus. Vidifti jam & oculis tuis contirmafti, aqua^dudus Segovien-
lis architeduram efle Romanam. Ergo cum videatur non fuilTe
Plinii hiftoria antiquior, non multo pofteriorem ea fuilTe creden-
dum eft. Fulcit banc conjeduram, Plinium, & fcriptores eo anti-
qulores, non meminilTe Segoviac, ut urbis ampliffimas. Oportet
autem magnam urbem fuilTe, quas fumptus fufficeret ad aedifican-
dum aqua?du6lum longiflimum & fumtuofiillmum in fuorum civium
ufum, ita firmum atque magnihcum, ut duratione, integritate, at-
que magnificentia vincat omnia antiquitatis monumenta, qucE ho-
die fuperiunt, infervitque ufui, cui deilinatus fuit : quod permi-
rum efl.

Si vero a me fcire cupis, quid exiflimem de ipfius urbis antiqui-
tate, ego itajudico. Antiqua^ civitates, quae originem fuam non
debent Romanis, ut Emerita Augufta : ne que Grscis, ut Rhoda,
Emporiae, Arthemifium aut Dianium, Alone (hodie Guardamar) 5
neque Poenis, ut Carthago Nova j neque Phcenicibus, ut Cartalias,
Cartima, Carteja, Gaddir; earn debent prifcis Hifpanis, inter quas
Segovia numerari debet : nam exteri, qui ante Romanes in Hif-
paniam venerunt, negotiatores erant, ideoque colonias fuas fla-
biliebant in ora maritima, a qua longe diftat Segovia,' quae cum in-
ter Arevacorum urbes nominetur a Piinio & aliis, inter Hifpanas an-
tiquiores civitates adnumerari debet. Cupio ut iudicio tuo mcam
tententiam connrmes, aat nieliora me doceas. Dcus Optimus Ma-
ximus Tibi propitius fit, ut enixe oro.

OLiviE, quint 0 Jdus Novembres, Anno mdcclxi.

* As odd as this pafiage of Pliny may appear to the Reader, it is right : and
he delcribes their manner of building in Spain' to this very day ; — they place two
planks on each fide, and then throw in thiir mortar and bricks all together, which
the fun afterwards hardens to a wall.

LETTER

LETTER XI.

Some Account of the Antiquities at Cor dub a, Se-
ville, Cadiz, Granada, Saguntum, Tar-
ragona, and Barcelona.

THE city of Cor DUB a is finely fituated on the banks of
the Guadalq^hvir, in a wide plain. The ftreets are nar-
row, not unlike thole of Toledo. The Mosque is a large,
fquare building, nineteen naves running from north to fouth,
feparated by foiall beautiful columns of black marble, jafper, ala-
bafler, &c, fbme with fine Corinthian capitals, taken out of the
old temple of Janus August'J?, as appears by the following In-
fcription, on a pillar of green marble, which in Mariana's time
Hood in the Francifcan convent there.

IMP. CAESAR. Divr.

F. AVGUSTVS. cos,

VIIK TRIB. POTEST.

XXI. PONT. MAX. A.

BAETE. ET. lANO.

AVGVSTO. AD.

OCEANVM.

CXXI.

GONSTANTIAE.

AETERNITATI

Q^E. AVGVST.

/'T/Vc' Maj-ianam, L. III. C xxiv. P, 129./

Thi^

2c6 A N T I QJU ITIES at CORDUBA.

This muft have been a noble Roman road, for it reached from
Salamanca to Cadiz, pafTing through Merida and Seville,
to the diftance of above three hundred miles. The latter part of
it, from CoRDUBA through EzijA to the fea, was finiflied in
the eleventh confulate of Augustus, as appears by another iri'
fcription, relating to the fame road, which I fhall now give you.
See Mariana, p. 49. Udal ap Rhys, p. 122.

IMP. CAES. DIVI. F. AVGVSTVS. PONT.

MAX.

cos. XI. TRIBVNIC. POTEST. X.

IMP. viir.

GRBE. MARI. ET. TERRA. PACATO.

TEMPLO.

lANI. CLVSO. ET. REP. P. R. OPTIMIS.

LEGIBVS.

ET. SANCTISSIMIS. INSTITVTIS.

REFORMATA.

VIAM. SVPERIOREM. COS. TEMPORE.

INCHOATAM.

ET. MULTIS. LOCIS. INTERMISSAM. PRO.

DIGNITATE.

IMPERII. P. R. LATIOREM. LONGIOREM

QUE.

GADEIS. USQ^ PERDUXIT.

This road was afterwards repaired by the Emperor HadrtaN, as
is plain from a third infcrl^tion found in its neighbourhood.

IMP. CAESAR.
DIVI. TRAIANI. PAR-
THICI. F. DIVI. NER.
VAE. NEPOS. TRAIA-

NUS. HADRIANVS.

AUG. PONTIF. MAX.

TRIB. POT. V. COS.

III. RESTITVIT.

But to return to the Mosque j the columns in the church would
have a beautiful efFed, if they were not interrupted with crofs-

walls.

A N T I QJJ I T I E S A T C O R D U B A, &c. 207

walls, altars, and the choir, and the prefbytery, which is built in the
middle. The arches round and re-entering ; the coving and roof
modern. The re-entering arch was probably firll: taken from the
crefcentj or Mahomet an- dtvice.

There are many Roman infcriptions at Co u dub a, in the pof-
feflion of a private perfon ; chiefly fepulchraly but no names of
note in them ; tho' there are fome of families, that had received
their freedom. The whole will be foon fully explained by Pa-
dre RuANo, a Jefuit, who intends publifhing the antiquities of
this church and city. From Corduba the road leads you to
the city of Seville.

Seville ftands in an immenfe plain, on the GuADALQj^riviR,
having a bridge of boats acrofs the river; it is a city of great ex-
tent, and I am not fure whether it does not contain as many in-
habitants as Madrid. The flreets are worfe than thofe of To-
ledo, but the houfes are clean, built round a fquare-court, with
green lattices i and £haded from the fun by a ca?ivafs on the top.

The cathedral oi Sev 11.1.^ is an extreme fine Gothic ftrud:ure,
raifed on noble pointed arches, and adorned with good painted
glafs-windows. It confiils oi five naves, but the whole is fpoilt
by the fcreen of the choir, which intercepts your view to a
magnificent altar, and a miraculous virgin at the eaft end. Be-
fore that altar is a farcophagus of filver, within Vvdiich b^es the
body of Fernando Santo. There is much plate oelonging to
this church ; one whole altar and frontifpiece of plate, and a
moft beautiful filver ciijiodia. They have a pleafiiig oval room
for a chaptcr-houfe ; bcfides there is a tower about 44 feet fquare,
and upwards of 1^0 feet high, built by the Moors in the year
1000, with turrets, and a cupola added by the Chriftians, which
makes it altogether about 300 feet to the top of the image upon
the cupola. The afcent of the tov/er is fo eafy, that there are
no fleps, and an horfe might eafily afcend to the top. In the
convents are many capital ^/^wr^j- by Murillo. In a convent of
Jeromites, upon the river, is a glorious ilatue of aSV. jfero/n, in
clay J and from the turrets one has a lovclv prorpe(ft of the plain,

E c the

2o8 ANTKiUITIE S at SEVILLE and CADIZ.

the river, and the city. Seville Is watered by a Roman aqtie-
diiciy extending from Carmona to the city, the diftance of twenty
Engliili miles. There are two fine, large Corinthimi pillar s,
taken from a temple of Diana, on which they have placed the
llatues of Julius C/ESAR and Hercules. In the houfe of the
Duke of Medina C^li, are fome i^o/;M;z pillars, ftatues, and
iafcriptions. The walls of Seville are all Roman,

At Cadiz there are fome fine pictures of Murillo, parti-
cularly an altar-piece, from whence he fell, and lofl his life.
There are great Roman remains and infcriptions in the high
church, and bits of columns every where fcrving as threfliholds
and pofts. In the corner of one houfe they have ftuck into the
wall, the remains of a confular toga, and have added to it an
head, painted red and white, and a green laurel crown. In one
.convent there is 2ifarcophagus, with curious marble bas-reliefs : it
is now a ciftern, and the good fathers have firuck two brafs-
cocks into the bellies of two water-nymphs, who are hencefor-
ward condemned to a perpetual diabetes. They difcovered lately
a beautiful column, which to prevent trouble and expence, the^
buried carefully again. The place is plainly a mount, made up
of ruins, fo that they can hardly ftir the ground, but the rub-
biili turns up fomething curious.

There are fome Roman infcriptions at Medina Sidonia -,
but you would be moil delighted with the city of Granada:
It flands at the foot of a moft noble ridge of barren mountains
and rocks, which ftretch round on each fide, in fuch a manner
as to embrace a lovely plain, which is varied with plantations,
gardens, and villages : had it but a river, like the Guadalquivir,
nothing could exceed it, unlefs it were an Englifli profped: of
the Thames from Cliffden, or the Trent from Clifton.

The Al-hambra, at Granada, is built on a high hill,
which overlooks the city and the valley, containing many grand
apartn^ients, all in the Moorish ftyle, with alcoves, domes,
founvains, Arabic infcriptions^ &c. &c. befides which there is a
part built by Charles V. but not finifhed. The front is hand-
2 fome

ANTIQUITIES AT SAG U N T U M. 209

fome for this country, and the apartments are built round a very
beautiful, circular court, with 32 tine marble columns below,
and as many in a gallery above. Not far from it, there is a de-
licious garden of the ?vIooRisH Kings, called the Gniiiala-
RiFFEE, with all kinds of trees, flouriiliing upon a Iteep hang-
ing rock, and as much water as fupplies numberiefs jette-d'eaiixs,
and fountains. The rides round the city are charming.

There is at Saguntum a fquare teirflated pavement^ with
Bacchus upon a tyger in the middle ; a border on the fides, and
flowers iffuing in fcrolls from the four corners. There are alfo
the almofl entire remains of a Roman amphitheatre^ built under
the caftle, upon the fide of a rocky mountain, and commanding
a view of a mofl fertile country, bounded by the fea. — This theatre ^
together with fome infcriptions, are defcribed in Marti, the dean
of AHcanfs epiftles, lately pubhfhed in 4to. by Mr. V/esseling,
and, if I miftake not, the building is fuppofed to have contained
14,000 people. It is certainly a mofl noble fpecimen.

At Tarragona there are a multitude of Roman infcriptiom,
moft of them to be found in the Annals of Catalonia. Not far
from thence, in the road to Barcelona, you pafs under a very
handfome triumphal arch, ered:cd by the family of the Licinii,
adorned with fluted Corinthian pillars, and a pediment, with
dentiles, like the Ionic order. The infcription on the frieze, on
one fide, is quite effaced ; on the other the letters are more vifible,
and contain the following :— EX TESTAMENTO L. LICINII.
On the other fide was F. SERG. SVRAE CONSECRATVM.
(See Anto. Augufl. dialog. IV. p. 142. — a dos Leguas de Tar-
ragona, &c. &c.)

A LITTLE way on one fide the road, fomewhat farther on, is tlie
Torre de los Scipiones, or more properly, the tomb of the Sci-
pios : being the bafe of an ohelifk, or pyramid, eredted to their
memory, with a figure on each fide in the Roman habit; thefe
are by fome judged to exprefs the two SciPios, by others two
weeping flaves.

E c ;', I s

210 ANT IQJLJ ITIES at BARCELONA.

In Barcelona there is hardly any thing curious, except an
old mezzo -rcki'vo of a Hon hunting, with different figures, men,
horfes, dogs, &c. This is now converted into a ciftern, and ftands
in the court of one of the canons. Upon a wall by it are two
beautiful heads in profile^ very well preferved ; one reprefenting
Julius C^sar with the laurel crown ; the other with an orna-
mented helmet. There are fome i^\N family infer ipt ions. The city
is large, but the ftreets are dark and narrow, with as much in-
dullry in them, as if the people were not Spaniards. The for-
tifications, tho' expenfive, are injudicious.

I cannot conclude this account without prefenting my reader,
now I am upon the fubjed: of Roman antiquities remaining in
Spain, with the mod remarkable genuine Roman infcription
written in '•oerfe, and ftill to be feen in a temple near the bridge of
Alcantara in Estrfmadura: the architedt Lager, wha
built both the bridge and the temple, was a good poet, as well
as builder, tho' his affurance in both arts is fcarce to be equal-
led.

Imp. Nervae Trajano Caefari
Augi'ifto, Germanico, Dacico facrum.

Templum in rupe Tagi Superis et Caefare plenum,

Ars ubi materia vincitur ipfa fua;
Quis, quali dederit voto, fortafTe requiret

Cunque viatorum, quos nova fama juvat -,
Pontem perpetui manfurum in fscula mundi

Fecit divina nobilis arte Lager ;
Ingentem vafta pontem qui mole peregit,

i^acra litaturo fecit honore Lager ;
Qui pontem fecit Lacer, et nova templa dicavit.

Scilicet et Superis munera fola libant ;
Idem Roinuleis templum cum Carfare Divis

Conflituit : Felix utraque caufa facri.

C. Julius Lacer H. S. T- et
Dedicavit amico Curio Luconi
Igacditano.

See Bleaus Atlas, and Mr, Ap-Rice, p. ii6.

I LETTER

LETTER XII.

A List of the Land Forces of His Moft Catholic Ma-
jesty, CHARLES III. King of SPAIN, in the year 1760.

Regiments of Infantry.

Spaniard*.

Tlie Spanifli Guards

The Walloon Guards

The Queen's Regiment

The Regiment of Caftile

of Lombardjr

of Galicia

of Savoy

of the Crown

of Afrfca

of Zamora

of Soria

of Cordova

of Portugal

of Guadalajara:

of Seville

of Granad'a

of Viifloria

of Lifhon

of Spain

of Toledo

of Majorca

of Burgos

of Murca

of Leon

of Cantabria

of Allurias

ofCeuta, Itationed

of Navarre

of Artillery

of Arragon

of Marines

of Oran, llationcd

Total of the Spaniards ■

Years.

703
703

?35

537
537
537
537
553
580

531

5jO

657

657

657

658
660
C60

C6z

634
^^34

703
703

703
705
710
711
711
733

Uniform.

Blue and Red
Blue and Red
Blue and Red
White and Yellow
White and Red
White and Red
White and Blue
White and Blue
White and Blue
White and Red
White and Red
\^'hite and Red
White and Red
White and Red
White and Blue
White and Green
White and Red
White and Red
V^'hite and Green
White and Blue
White and Red
White and Red
White and Blue
White and Red
White and Blue
V- hite and Red
Vv^hite and Red
White and Red
Blue and Red
White and Red
Blue and Red
White and Green

Bs. Men.

6 '.

;i8o

6

ii8o

2

166

2

166

2

166

^

166

2

166

2

1166

2

166

2 1

166

2

166

2

166

2

r66

2

166

2

1166

2

166

'y

166

2

1 66

2

166

^

166

2

1166

2

1166

2

166

2

166

2

166

2

i65

2

380

2

166

2 1

380

2 1

166

8 i

):6o

2 1

380

8 46

876

Regin

cn,»

212

A List of the Spanish

Regiments of Infantry.

Italians.

A Regiment of Neapolitans
of Milan

Total of Italians

Short Walloons.

Regiment of Flanders
of Brabant
of BrufTels

Total of the Walloons •-

Irifh.

Years,

1552
1704

Land Forces.

Uniform.

Bt.

Mcj^.

White and Red

2

1060

White and Blue

2

1060

2IZ0

1536

White and Blue

2

1060

1713

White and Blue

2

1060

'734-

White and Blue

2

io3o

3180

The Regiment of Ireland
of Ibernia
of Uifter

1638

1703
1703

White and Blue
Red and Green
Red and Blue

z

2
2

1060
1060
1060

Total of Irilh

6

3180

Swifs.

The Regiment of Buch

of Senballar
of Young Red

ng

Red and Blue
Blue and Red
Blue and Yellow

2
2

2

1480
1480
1480

Total of the Swifs

4440

Regiments of Militia.

The Regiment of Jaen

White and Blue j

700

of Badajos

White and Red

700

of Seville

White and Red

700

of Burgos

White and Red

700

of Lugo

White and Yellow

I 700

of Granada

White and Green

700

ofLeon

White and Green

7C0

of Oviedo

White and Blue

t 700

of Cordova

White and Green

1 700

of Murcia

White and Red

r 700

of Trujillo

White and Blue

1 700

of Xerez

White and Red

1 700

of Carmona

White and Green

700

of Niebla

White and Yellow ]

700

of Ezija

White and Blue 1

700

of Ciudad Rodrigo

White and B'ue ]

700

of Placentia

White and Red i

700

of Logrogne

White and Green ]

700

of Siguenza

White and Green i

700

of Toro

White and Yellow

700

Carried over 2c
I

14000
Ugiments

A List of the Spanish Land Forces.

213

Regiments of Militia.

The Regiment of Soria

of Santandero
of Orenfe
of St. Jago
of Pontevedra
of Tuy
of Batanzos
of Antequera
of Malaga
of Guadiz
of Ronda
of Alp uj arras
of Bujalance

T«(al of the Militia

Regiments of Invalids.

The Regiment of Caftile

of Andalufia
of Galicia
of Valencia

Total of the Invalids — -

Veari.

Uniform.

Br
White
White
White
White
White
White
White
White
White
White
White
White
White

ought over
anfl Blue
and Blue
and Yellow
and Red
and Blue
and Red
and Green
and Red
and Green
and Yellow
and Yellow
and Blue
and Yellow

White and Red
White and Blue
White and Yellow
White and Green

Bs.

Men.

20 i/j.,000
700
700
700
700
700
700
700
700

00

700
700
700
700

33 23,100

1200
1200
1200
1200

Regiments of Horfe.
The Queens Regiment
The Regiment of the Prince

of Milan

of Bourbon

of the Orders

of Farnefe

of Alcantara

of Eftremadura

of Barcelona

of Malta

of Brabant

of Flandres

of Algarve

of Andiluflfe

of Calatrava

of Granada

©f Seville

of St. Jago

of Montefa

of the Coall of G ranada

of Carabiniers

of Body Guards

Total of the Horfe — —

1703
1703

1640
1640
i6u
1656
1656
1653
1670
1683

'635
1701

1703
1703
1703
1703

1703

1706

1735
1732

1703

Red and Blue
Blue and Red
White and Red
White and Red
Blue and Red
Blue and Red
White and Red
White and Red
White and Blue
White and Blue
White and Blue
White and Blue
White and Blue
White and Blue
White and Red
White and Red
White and Blue
Blue and Red
White and Blue
Blue and Yellow
Blue and Red
Blue and Red

2

24s

2

245

2

24s

2

245

2

245

2

245

2

245

a

245

2

24s

2

245

2

245

2

24s

2

245

2

24s

2

245

2

245

2

24s

2

245

2

24?

2

600

3

460

3

399

6

61 14

Reg

ments

214

A List of the

Spanish

Land Forc e s.

Regiments of Dragoons.

Years,

Uniform.

Bf.

Men.

The Queen's Regiment

I73S

Red and Blue

2

256

The Regiment of Belgia

1674

Yellow and Red

2

256

of Battavia

1684

Yellow and Red

2

256

of Pavia

1683

Yellow and Red

2

256

of Frifa

1703

Yellow and Red

2

256

of Saguntiim

1703

Yellow and Green

2

256

of Edinburgh

1707

Yellow and Blue

2

256

of Numantia

1707

Yellow and Blue

2

256

of Lufitania

1703

Yellow and Blue

2

2;6

of Merida

'735

Yellow and Blue

2

256

20

2560

Total of the Dragoons

Independant Companies,
The Crofs Bow-men of Baeza
The Citizens of Ceuta
The Fufileers of Jetares
The Garrifons of Ceuta
ofMelille, Pegnon, Aluzemas,?

Penifcola 5

of Oran

The Gunners of Eftramadura

Ditto of Oran and Ceuta

The Miners and Workmen of Oran 1

and Ceuta 3

Ditto of Lanifa
Madrid, Bon Ventura

Oran, Mogataces

Total of the Independant Companies — —

Sum total, 98,375 Men.

By an ordonnance of his Majefty, dated 1741, which was the refult of a grand council
of the Sword, the order and rank of the regiments of Infantry, Horfe and Dragoons, was
declared to be the fame that is obferved in this Table, referving always to each of them
their right in fo far as they can offer new proofs.

Befides the above troops, his Catholic Majefty has for the guard of his Royal Perfon,
a body of 150 Halberdiers, who are alfo employed to fupply vacant ofHces.

White and Green
Blue and Red
Blue and Red
Blue and Red

I
I
I
I

200
150

80

2 GO

Blue and Red

2

400

Blue and Red
Blue and Red
Blue and Red

I

I
2

400
100
200

Blue and Red

2

H5

Blue and Red
Blue and Red

CIn the Turkifli

I manner

I
I

I

30
50

so

'5

2005

^«

[ 2^5 ]

An ejiimafe of the annual expence oftheljh'^'D Forces in thefer^
vice of his Catholic Majesty.

The General Ellablifliment of the Army.

TO 6 Captains-General, looo crowns vellon
per month each, is annually
16 Lieutenant-Generals employed, 750

crowns vel'on per month each, is annually
25 other Lieutenant-Generals, not employed,

375 crowns per month each, is annually
21 Major-generals, employed, 500 crowns

per month each, is per annum
20 other Major-Generals, not employed, 250

crowns per month each, is annually
30 Brigadiers, 200 crowns per month each,

is annually
61 Brigadiers, not employed, 137^ crowns

per month each, is per annum . -

11 Majors of Brigade, ico crowns per month

each, is annually
a Quarter- M after- General, annually
a Quarter-Mafter-General of the Cavalry,

annually - - ,

a Major-General of Dragoons, annually
a Controler, or Intendant,
16 Commiflliri^s of War, 150 crowns each

per month, is per annum
a Quarter-Mafter-General, annually
his two aftiftants, 35 crowns per month

each, is annually
a Captain of the Guides, annually
his Lieutenant, annually

carried over

F f

/. J", d^

8,000
1.6,000

14,000

6,666 13 4

8,000

11,183 6 8

1,466 13 4
266 13 4

266 13 4
266 13 4
200

3,200
100

93 6 8

100

66 13 4

^7r:>'7(:> 13 4
brought*

133

6

8

332

4

53

6

8

133

6

8

266

13

4

200

133

6

8

89,228

^7

4

2i6 An Account of the Land and Sea Force j

/. J. d,
brought over 87,376 13 4
To 20 Guides on horfcback, annually - 200

the Prevot of the army, annually - 200

his two Lieutenants, 'j^ crowns per month

each, annually - - 200

2 Exempts, 50 crowns each, per month, is

annually
33 Archers, annually
a Clerk, annually
the Chaplain -Major, annually
the firil Phyfician, annually
the Surgeon-Major, annually
the Apothecary, annually

An efiimate of the expence of the Infantry, exclufive of the Body
Guards, the Walloon Guards, the Swfs, the Regiment of ArtiU
lery, and Invalids,

/. s, d.

To 38 Colonels of 38 regiments of Infantry, 1324-

Vellon crowns per month each, is annually 6713 6 8
38 Lieutenant-Colonels, 80 crowns per

month each, is annually - 4053 6 8

38 Majors, 65 crowns per month each, is

annually - - 3293 6 8

38 Aids or Affiftants, 30 crowns per month

each, per annum - - 1520

38 Chaplains, 17J- crowns per month each,

is per annum - - 886 13 4

38 Surgeons, 15 crowns per month each,

is annually - - 760

38 Drum-Majors, 5 crowns per month each,

is annually - - 253 6 8

carried over 17,480 o o
I brought

and Revenues of SPAIN.

brought over
38 Commandants of fecond battalions, ^y

crowns per month each, is per annum -
38 Aids of fecond battahons, 30 crowns per

month each, is per annum
38 Chaplains of fecond battalions, 17.1 crowns

per month each, is annually
38 Surgeons of fecond battalions, 15 crowns

per month each, is per annum
456 Captains of Infantry, 57- crowns per

month each, is annually
456 Lieutenants, 22-i crowns per month

each, is per annum
456 Enfigns, 15 crowns per month each, is

per annum
912 ferjeants, annually
912 Firft Corporals, annually
1368 Second Corporals, per annum
380 Drummers, per annum
17,784 foldiers, annually
2964 Grenadeers, annually
152 Carabineers, per annum
25,460 pairs of ihoes, annually, at 2s. 2d.

per pair, is -

25,460 pairs of flockings, at i^'^'^' F^^'

pair, is _ - _

25,460 hats, at IS. 6.1 <^. each, is
25,460 fliirts, with 50,920 rollers, at 3 s.

each, is - - -

11,400 coats, waiftcoats, and breeches, at

i/. 1 1 J", i-^-d. each fuit, is
5472 mufkets, with their bayonets, at i/.

8 J", each, is
5472 belts, with their fwords, is
5472 cartridge-boxes, is -

217

/. s. d.

17,480 o o

2888

1520

886

13

y6Q

34,656

13,680

9120
6091

435^
5.221

1266

iS
6

^3

13

3
8

6

50,911

11^313

652

I

1 1

^3

1 1
10

3391

^3

4

1410
1980

4

5

3819

^7^7^S

1 2V

2

7650
2221

16
8

8

^Z17

13

carried over 200,318 18 9
F f 2 brou{rht

2iS An Account of the Land and Sea Forces

/. s. d.
brought over 200,318 18 9
To 5472 Drums, with their braces, is - 1824

25,460 rations, which the King pays every
day to this body of Infantry, at three _
farthings each ration - - 29,200

Sum total 231,342 18 9

As it would be too tedious to fpecify the parti-
cular articles of the other corps, I fhall only
o-ive the total expence of each of them ; and
after that (hall fum up the whole expence of
the land army in 1760.

The expence of the body of Horfe Guards, con-

fifting of 480 rnen - - ^(>>S?>S ^3 ^

expence of the regiment of Spanifli Foot

Guards, of 5856 men - - 99>528 6

regiment of Walloon Guards, of 5856

men _ - - 97,939 6

expence of 20 regiments of cavalry 220,349

expence of ten regiments of Dragoons - 116,354 10
expence of a regiment of Carabineers - 39063 18
expence of the three Swifs regiments - 66,240

regiment of Artillery, and offices belong-
ing to that department - 35*736
four regiments of Invalids - - 12,670 10
The firft article of the General Eflabli{hment 89,228 17 4
The fecond article of the main body of In-

* fantry - - 231,342 18 9

The total expence of the Land Army of 1760 1,035,488 19 7

REMARKS.

and Revenues of SPAIN.

219

REMARKS.

The expence of the 23,000 militia is here not reckoned, as
that corps receives no pay but when it is upon duty, in which
cafe it is paid in the fame manner as the other regiments.

The independant companies in the Cathohc King's fervice are
paid at the expence of the cities which they garrifon -, and on that
confideration the inhabitants enjoy certain privileges and exemp-
tions : but a royal edi6t of the year 1752 ordains, that as oft as
thofe companies fliall take the field, or march to any other place,
in the King's fervice, they fhall be entertained at his expence.

A List of the Naval Forces of his Catholic Majesty
CHARLES m. King of SPAIN, in the year 1760.

SHIPS of the LINE,

El Phenix
El Atronador
El St. Philipe

* La Reyna
El Conftante

* El Tigie
** La Afia
El Fernando
La Galicia

* El Infante
La Princefa
El Septreniion
La Africa

El Oriente
El Eolo

* El Aquilon
El Soterbio
El Serio

* * El Neptuno
El Brilliante

El Magnanimo
La Galiarda

* El Vincedor

O

o

o

^E, 47.

3

CO

p

0
3

n

f»

r

70 1

749

12

120

750

70 I

743

12

120

750

70 1

745

12

120

750

70 1

744

12

120

750

70 1

75 s

12

120

750

70 1

747

12

120

750

70 ]

75»

12

120

750

70 1

75'

12

120

750

70 ]

75'

12

120

750

70 ]

750

12

I20

750

70 1

75'

12

120

750

70

[751

12

120

750

70

1752

12

120

750

70

«753

12

120

750

70

•753

12

120

750

70

'754

12

120

750

70

'754

12

120

750

70

1754

12

120

750

70

1754

12

120

750

70

1753

12

120

750

70

>75 +

12

120

750

70

1754

12

120

7S^

70

1755

12

120

750

Carried over.

1610

7^6

2760

EIG

17250
uerrero

220 An Account of the Land and Sea Forces

SHIPS of the LINE, 47.

El Guerrero

* El Soberano
El Gloriofo
El Heftor

El Firmo
El Achilles
•El Terrible
La Athalanta
El Poderofo
El Arrogante
El Hercules
El Dichofo
El Triumphante
El Monarcha
El Diligente
El Fuerte

* * La Europa

* La America
El Dragon

El Tridente

El NuevaEfpana

La Caftelia

* El San Genaro

* Ei San Antonio

Brought over

n

<

0

K

0

e

ta

f5

3

3

3
3

5'

0

0

10

276

2760

17250

70 1

759

12

120

750

70 1

755

12

120

750

70

755

12

120

750

70 ]

755

12

120

750

70 ]

[754

12

120

750

70 1

754

12

120

750

70 ]

755

12

120

750

70 ]

754

12

120

750

70 1

754

12

120

750

70 ]

754

12

120

750

70 1

755

12

120

750

70 1

756

12

120

750

70 1

756

12

I20

750

70 ]

756

12

120

750

70 i

756

12

120

750

60 1

727

10

ICO

600

60 I

734

10

100

600

60.

1736

10

100

600

60

1739

10

100

600

60

1748

10

100

60a

60

'754

10

100

6o<d

60

'753

10

100

600

60

1762

10

100

600

60

1762

10

100

600

The total.

3200

546 5460 33900

PACKST-BOATS, 4,

* El Marte
El Diligente
El Jupiter
El Mercurio

The total.

16

1753

4

30

250

16

»753

4

30

250

16

1751

4

30

230

16

1747

4

30

200

64

16

120

930

BO ME VESSELS, 7.

ElVulcano
El Sterope
El Bronto
El Piracmoa
El Rev
El Bucno
El Relampago.

The total.

3

1728

2

20

I JO

8

1743

2

20

150

8

1733

2

20

ISO

8

1743

2

20

150

8

1721

2

20

ISO

8

1730

3

20

150

8

1743

2

20

ISO

—

— -

-— —

d

H

140

1050

XEBECS,

and R E V E N U E s of SPAIN.

221

XEBECS, 14.

El Aventiirara
El Cazador
El Volante
El Garcota
El Galgo
El Liebre
El Gavila«
El Majorquino
El Gitano
El Valenciano
El Catalano
El Ivifenco
Another
Another

The total.

O

30
18

18

18
16
16
16
16

14
22

22

22
22

264

0

1

S

«

1758

6

50

400

1750

4

30

240

1750

4

30

240

1750

4

30

240

1750

4

3<>

240

1750

4

30

240

1753

4

30

24a

1744

4

30

240

»753

4

30

240

»754

4

30

240

1754

6

40

300

^754

6

40

300

»754

6

40

300

I7S4

6

40

300

66 480 3760

FRIGATES, 21.

La Efparanza
El Bizarro
El Flor
La Emeralda

* El Venganza
El Liebre

La Induftria
La Ventura
La Venus
La Pallas
La Junoti
La Aftrea
La Hermoza
La Vitoria
La Galga
La Dorada
La Perla
La Aquila
La Flecha
La Reyna

* La Thetis

SO

'736

8

60

460

50 1

^757

8

60

460

30 1

7^7

6

50

400

30 ]

'753

6

SO

400

30 1

755

6

50

400

26 ]

755

4

40

360

26 1

755

4

40

360

26 1

755

4

40

360

26 I

755

4

40

360

26 ]

755

4

40

360

26

755

4

40

360

26 1

753

4

40

360

24 I

754

4

40

360

24 1

751

4

40

360

22

[752

4

40

560

22 1

753

4

40

360

22 1

'753

4

40

360

22

'753

4

40

360

22 ]

'753

4

40

360

22

'755

4

40

36a

The total,

552

94 870 7520

222 An Account of the Lani> and Sea Forces

A General Summary of the NAVAL FORCES.

Ships cf the Liae ■ ■ ■ ' ■« » '■ ' ■ — ■ " 47

Xebecs ■ ■ ■ ' ' 14

Packet-boats '■ ' 4

Bomb V^cflels • ' 7

Guns ■ • 4°'^

Gunners •' ■ • - ' 7'-

Marines -' ^870

Ciew -^ — — 4S»96o

At Cadiz there is eftabliftied an academy of marine guards, who are maintained
there to the number of 150, at the expence of the finances of his Catholic Majefty.

The marines who are embarked on board the whole navy are drawn from the ma-
rine recriment, comprehended in the lift of the land forces in the Royal fervice of hi;. Ca-
tholic Majefly. For this reafon, they ought not to be reckoucd to belong to this g-ne-
ral fummary. The fame ought to be remarked in regard to the marine gunners, who
are drawn from the regiment of artillery, likewife included in the fame lift of land
forces.

In the docks of Gua^nizo, Ferrol, and Carthagena, they are building four
other fhips of the line, five frigates, and fome other fhips of war, which may be ready
for the fea the enfuing year 1761.

N. B. The Ihips marked * were taken by us at the Havanna, befides two others
on the ftocks, not finifhed. Thofe with this mark * * were fuak in the mouth of the
harbour.

An

T

[ 223 ]

An Estimate of the Expence of the Naval Forces.
The Particulars of the Expence of 47 Ships of the Line.

i. s. . d.

O the Governor-general of the navy annual-
ly, - - _ - - 2000 o o

7 Lieutenant-generals of marine, 450 crow^ns

vellon each, per month, is per annum - 4200 o o

6 Admirals, 225 crowns per month, each,

is annually - - - - 1800 o o

5 of them, when embarked, by way of gra-
tification, during the campaign, - - 666 13 4

47 Captains of Ihips, 100 crowns per

month each, is annually _ , - 6450 o o

32 who are cruifing, as a gratification, - 4000 o o

47 Lieutenants of fhips, j^ crowns per

month each, is annually - - - 4837100

32 who are cruifing, as a gratification, - 768 o o

47 Enfigns of fliips, 30 crowns per month

each, annually - - - - 193 500

32 who ferve on a cruife, as a gratification, 768 o o

140 Marine-guards officers, annually, - 2240 o o

The fame, by way of gratification, - - 1803 8 9

5 Intendants of the marine, 60 crowns per

month each, is per annum, *• - 400 o o

The fame, by way of gratification, - - 146 13 4

32 Clerks of fhips, 40 crowns per month

each, is annually - _ - - 1506 13 4

The fame, by way of gratification, - - 188 17 6

47 Mafters of the rigging, 30 crowns per

month each, is per annum - - ^935 o o

3 Chaplains majors, 50 crowns per month

each, is annually - - - 200 o o

47 other Chaplains, 30 crowns per month

each, is per annum - - ^935°°

Carried over, 37,780 16 ^
G g To

224 E S T I M A T E of the E X P E N C E of

/. J. d:

Brought over, 37,780 16 3
To 47 iirfl Surgeons, 30 crowns per month each,

annually - _ - _

47 other Surgeons, 25 crowns per month

each, is annually _ _ _

47 iirfl Pilots, 30 crowns per month each, is

annually - _ _

47 fecond Pilots, 25 crowns per month each,

annually - - -

47 third Pilots, 15 crowns per month each,

is per annum - - _

47 firft Mafter-gunners, 25 crowns per

month each, is annually
47 other Mafter-gunners, 15 crowns per

month, is per annum,
47 firft Mates, 30 crowns per month each,

is per annum - -

47 fecond Mates, 25 crowns per month

each, is annually
45 other Mafter-gunners, 20 crowns per

month each, is per annum
270 Gunners, 9 crowns each per month, is

per annum - - - -

7000 Sailors, ^1- piajires, or 15 fhillings per

month each, is annually
8250 Boys, 44- vellcn crowns each, per

month, is annually - - -

71 50 Swobbers, 3 crowns each per month,

is per annum - - - 28,600 o o

70 Sergeants, 9 crowns per month each, is

annually - - - - 83300

3770 Marines of the fame fleet, annually, J 8,303 o o

The Purfer-general, for 9,577,600 rations,

which they furnifti every year for the fub-

fiftence of 26,240 men, of which the ma-

1935

0

0

1612

10

0

1935

0

0

I6I2

10

0

967

10

0

I6I2

10

0

967

10

0

1935

0

0

I6I2

10

0

1260

0

0

3233

6

8

68,250

0

0

49,500

0

0

Carried over, 221,950 2 11

lines

thcNAVAiFoRCEsof S P A I N. 225

/. /. do

Brought over, 221,950 2 11
rines and crew of the faid fleet are com-
pofed, - - - 225,355 4 6

To 47 Carpenters of fliips, 30 crowns per month

each, is annually - - 1,887 15 o

An annual expence of 173 fhort cwt. of gun-
powder, 53 ditto of balls, and 31 ditto of
match, at the rate of 3 1. 6 s. 8 d. the cwt. of
powder, 10 s. 6 d. the balls, and i 1. 3 s. the,
match, - - - - 633 6 S

For extraordinary careenings and repairs, - ii,i8q o o

The whole expence of 47 Ships of the Line, 46 1,0 1 5 9 i

The expence of 2 1 frigates, - - 117,851 o o

The expence of 14 xebecs, - ~ 75»093 4^

Of 7 bomb veflels, - - - 22,483 i^ q

Of 4 packet boats> - - - „ 18,992 o o

The whole expence of the fleet, 695,435 6 7

The Expence of the Marine Departments. -

To 3 Intendants of the 3 departments of the

marine, 450 crowns each per month, per

annum, - _ _ ^

6 CommifFaries, 150 crowns vellon per month

each, annually - - _

3 Great Treafurers, 180 crowns per month

each, is per annum
3 Treafurers, 200 crowns per month each,

is annually - -

30 Major, or firfl officers, 60 crowns per

»month each, per annum

Carried over, 7320 o o
G^ 2 T«

iSco

0

0

1200

0

0

720

0

0

800

0

0

2800

0

0

226 ExPENCE of the Marine Departments.

/. s. £
Brought over, 7320 o o
To 40 fecond Officers, 40 crowns per month

each, annually, - - - 313368

43 Supernumeraries, 18 crowns per month

each, is per annum - - - 1511 o o

92 Clerks, employed at tlie arfenals, 21

crowns per month each, is per annum - 633 6 8^
Others, maintained at the boards, according

to their pay, annually - - 622 4 5;,

The Officers who enrol on the books, or

Clerks of the check, by way of gratifica-
tion, - - - 918 6 a
46 Clerks of the book office, 50 crowns per

month each, per annum, - 1 1 15 11 o

3 Chiefs of ditto, 60 crowns per month

each, annually - - 400 o o

3 Porters of the chamber of accounts, 18

crowns per month each, is per annum, - 72 o o

The Mafter-builder at Cadiz, annually 304 3 o

The Mafter-builder at Ferrol, annually 304 3 o

The Mafter-builder at Carthagena, an-
nually - - -^ 608 6 8'
16 Draughtfmen, • defigned as Affiftants to

the Builders, 20 Crow^ns per Month each,

is annually - - 426 13 4

3 naval ^tore keepers, 60 crowns per month

each, is annually - 671 o o

The Tribunals of the Marine..

To 3 Marine Auditors of war, 100 vellon

crowns a-month each, per annum. - 400 o o

3 Secretaries of the marine, 60 crowns per
. month each, annually - 240 o a

12 Alguazils of the marine, 15. crov/ns per

month each, per annum, - - 192 o o

Carried over, 18,871 14 9
3 To

Salaries of the Great Officers. 227

/. X. d.

Brought over, 18,871 14 9

To 3 Porters, 25 crowns per month each, is loo o o

For Extraordinaries, annually - - ^ 54 1 3 4

The fum of the marine department and tribunals, 19,1 2(6 8 i
The whole expence of the fleet, - 695,435 ^ 7

The expence of the whole marine, - - 7Hj56i^4 B

The falaries of the members of the great offices, and tribunals^
are as follows.

The Council of State. .

/. X. d.

To the Dean of the council annually - 1466 13 4

3 other Miniflers, ditto, - 4400 o o

The Secretary, per annum, - 444 9 o

The firft Porter, - - 40 o c

The fecond Porter, - - 22 4 c

For extraordinaries annually, that is, paper, ink,

pens, refrefhments, and for furniihing the

apartments in fummer and winter, 488 17 10

Secretaries of State, and of univerfal
diipatches.

To the Secretary of State, and of univerfal dif-

patch.
The Secretary of State, and of the difpatch

of Favour,
The Secretary of State, and of the difpatch

of Favour and Juftice,
The Secretary of State, and of the dilpatch

of the^marine,
The Secretary of State, and of the difpatch of

the Finances, #^

Carried over, 13,528 17 ii

To

1333

6

8

^IZZ

6

8

1333

6

8

^333

6

8

^333

6

8

I48I

0

0

I I 00

0

0

2640

0

0

880

0

0

^9Z

6

0

183

6

0

1294

9

0

228 Salaries of tlic

/. s, d.

Brought over, 13,528 17 n

To 5 firfl: Officers, 202 vellon ducats per month

eaeh, is annually - -

5 fecond Officers, 150 ducats per month

each, is annually
30 other Officers, 60 ducats per month each,

per annum,
20 Supernumeraries, 30 cicats per month

each, is per annum
5 firft Porters, 30 ducats per month each, is

annually
5 fecond Porters, 25 ducats per month each,
is per annum
For cxtraordinaries annually.

Royal and Supreme Council of his Majefty.

The firft Hall of Government.

To the Prefident annually, - - 133368

7 other Commiffioners, 200 ducats per
month each, is per annum.

The Fifcal, annually

The Secretary, annually

The firfl: Porter,

The fecond Porter,
For extraordinaries, - - 266 13 4

The Second Hall of Government.

"This Hall confifts of 4 Commiffioners, a Secre-
tary, 2 Porters j and the whole expences of
it, extraordinaries included, - ^95^^

The Hall of Mil y Qu_^inientas.

This Hall confifts of 5 Commiffioners, a Secre-

333

6
6

8
8

244
66

9
13

0
4

44

9

4

Carried over, 27,694 3 u

tary.

GreatOfficers of SPAIN. 229

/. s, d*

Brought over, 27,694 311
fcary, and other officers; and the whole ex-

pences of it, extraordinaries included, are 2133 6 S

The Hall of the Province,

This Hall confifts of 4 Commiffioners, a Gover-
nor, the Judges of the feveral Provinces, a Fif-
cal, three Secretaries, and other officers; and
the expence of the vi^hole is - 6826 13 4

The Hall of the Grand Prevots of the
Houie and Court.

This con lifts of a Governor, two other Commif-
fioners, aFifcal, Secretary, and other officers ;
the expence of the whole being - 2283 6 8

The Hall of Justice

Confifls of 3 Commiffioners, a Fifcal, a Secreta-
ry, and Porter; the expence is - 141,1 11 o

The Grand Council of War

Confifts of 6 Commiffioners, a Fifcal, an Affief-

for, a Secretary, &c. the expence is A^^S ^^ °

The Grand Council of the Inquisition. .

To the Inquifitor general, annually,
7 other Tnquilitors, annually,
. The Fifcal
The Secretary of the chamber.
The Alguazil major.

Carried over, 48,-.
4

489

0

0

2566

13

4

333

6

8

?>n.

6

8

166

■?>

4

^"- '

7

• 0

230

A L A R I E S of the

Brought over.
To 2 Inquifitors of the council, 200 ducats per
month each, is per annum
The iirfl: Porter,
The Porter of the Tribunal,
For extraordinaries,

The Grand Council of the Indies.

To the great Chancellor of the Indies,

17 other Commiffioners, 200 ducats per

month each, is per annum,
The Fifcal refpefting Peru,
The Fifcal refpeding New Spain,
The Secretary refpeSing Peru,
The Secretary refpe6ling New Spain,
The Lieutenant of the Chancellor,
2 Porters,
Extraordinaries,

The Grand Council of Military
Orders

Confifls of a Prefident, 8 other Commiffioners,
a Fifcal, a Secretary, a great Treafurer, Trea-
furer, Alguazil, Procurator-general of the or-
der of St. James, feveral other officers of that
order, and two Porters ^ the expence of the
whole, with extraordinaries, being

The Councils of the Finances.

I. The Hall of Government^

To 15 Commiffioners, 200 ducats each per
month, is per annum.

/.

s^.

I

48,353

12

7

533

6

8

66

13

4

122

4

5

477

'7

0

489

4400

I

4986

13

4

333

6

8

333

6

8

333

6

8

333

6

8

400

0

0

III

0

0

888 17 10,

5910 ,0 o

Carried over, 68,072 11 10

To

Great Officers of SPAIN. 231

/. s, d.

Brought over, 68,072 n 10
To the grand Treafurer-general of the Chamber

of Valuations, - - ^S"? 6 8

To the grand Treafurer-general of the Diftribu-

tion, - " 333 <3 8

A Fifcal, Secretary, two Porters, and extraordi-

naries. are - - 1064 9 o

The Hall of the Millones

Confiils of 8 Commiffioners, a Secretary, Fifcal,
2 Porters j the expence of the whole, includ-
ing extraordinaries, is - - '^^J'i- o o

The Hall of Justice

Confifts of 6 Commiffioners, and officers as

above J the expence, with extraordinaries, is 2066 13 4

The Tribunal of the Greater Cham-
ber of ACCOMPTS.

14 Commiffiioners, and officers as above ^ the

expence, including extraordinaries, 4468 6 i

The General Commiffion of Crusade.

A Commiffiary, 2 Affieffiors, a great Treafurer,
and other officers, as above ; the expence of
the whole, including extraordinaries, " 1866 13 4

The EoARD of Works and Forests.

•7 Commiffioners, a Judge of the Wood by Com-
mifficn, and other officers, as above; the ex-
pence of which, with extraordinaries, is ^999 o ^

Carried over, 82,975 6 11
H h The

2^2 Salaries of the

/. s. d.
Brought over^ ^2,975 6 u

The Council of Commerce, Money,.
and Mines

Confifts of a Prefident, 12 other Commiiiioners,
and officers as above 5 the expence of the
whole, including extraordinaries, being 2771 o a

The PwOYAL Junta de Facultades.

3 Commiffioners, a Secretary, and 2 Porters ;

the expence, with extraordinaries, - 949 a O

The Royal Apostolic Assembly.

6 CommifTioners, and officers as above ; the ex-
pence, with extraordinaries, being - - 141 3 6 8

The Royal Junta of Tobago.

A Prefident, 7 Commiffioners, 4 Fifcals, a Se-
cretary, and two Porters; the expence, in-
cluding extraordinaries, - 2969 o o

The Royal Junta of Provisions.

7 Commiffioners, and officers as above ; the ex-
pence, with extraordinaries, - 1621 0 c

The Royal Assembly of the Single
Contribution.

5 Commiffioners, and officers as above ; the ex-
pence, including extraordinaries, - 1444 6 8

Cariied over, 94*143 o 3

The

Great Officers of SPAIN. 233

Brought over, 94,143 o 3

The Tribunal of Physic.

A Prefident, Vice-prefident, firfl Phyficlan, Af-
feffor, Fifcal, Secretary, and 2 Porters j the
expence, including extraordinaries, - looi o #

Commissioners, and others employed in
the Provincial Tribunals.

The Royal Chancery of Valladolid

Confifts of a Prefident, 16 Commiflioners, 4
Prevots, a Judge, 4 other Prevo ts, 2 Fifcals,
a Secretary, 2 Porters ; and the expences, with
flKtraordinaries, are - 5262 5 5

The Royal Chancery of Grenada

Confifts of a Prefident, 16 other Commiflioners,
8 Prevots, 2 Fifcals, an Alguazil major, and
2 Porters; and, with the extraordinaries, is 4851 o •

The Grand Council of Navarre

Is compofed of a Viceroy, and Captain-general
of Navarre, of a Regent, 6 other Commif-
iioners, and a Fifcal, - 2420 o •

The Hall of ^RAnd Prevots

Coniyis of 4 Prevots, - ^7^1^^

Carried over, 108,210 12 4
H k 2 The

2-^4 S A L A R 1 E 5 of the

Brought over, 108,210 12 4
The Tribunal of the Chamber of

ACCOMPTS

Confifts of 5 Commiflioners, a Patrimonial of the
Kingdom, a Treafurer, 3 Secretaries, and 4
Porters; and, with extraordinaries, is 1887 11 o^

The Audiences.

The Royal Audience of Corunna.

A Governor, a Regent, 7 other Commiffioner*,
a Fifcal, Secretary, and two Porters ; the ex-
pence, including extraordinaries, is 3121 o o

The Royal Audience of Seville.

A Regent, 8 CommiiTioners, 4 Prevots, and
other officers, as above j the expences, with
the extraordinaries, are - ^fS^l ^ ^

The Royal Audience of Oviedo.

A Regent^ 4 grand Prevots, an Alguazil major,
and other officers, as above; the expence, in-
cluding extraordinaries, - - ; 755 II o

The Royal Audience of the Canaries,

A Governor, or Commandant-general, a R.e-
gent, 3 other Commiffioners, and other offi-
cers, as above ; the expence, with extraordi-
nurier., is - -257100

Carried over, 120,279 i o

The

Great Officers of S P A I N.

235

/. s. J,
Brought over, 120,279 i o

The Royal Audience of Commerce
to the Indies, at Cadiz.

A Prefideht, 4 Commiflloners, a Fifcal, Great
Treafurer, a Depofitary, a Comptroller, a Se-
cretary, and 2 Porters ; the expence, with ex-
traordinaries, - - 330io<^

The Royal Audience of Arragon,

A Governor, or Captain-general, a General-corrir-
mandant, a Regent, 8 other Commiffioners,
4 Judges, two Fifcals, an Alguazil major, a
Secretary, and two Porters; the expence,
with extraordinaries, being - 444^ 13 5

The Royal Audience of Valencia.

A Governor, or Captain-general, a Regent, 8
other Commiffioners, 4 Criminal Commiffion-
ers, 2 Fifcals, an Alguazil, Secretary, and
2 Porters -, the expences, including the. extra-
ordinaries, are - - 4024 9 o

The Royal Audience of Cataloiha.

A Governor, or Captain-general, a Regent,
10 other Commiffioners, 6 Criminal Judges,
2 Fifcals, a Secretary, 2 Porters ; the expen-
ces, including extraordinaries, are - ■4^^7 ^^ ^

The Royal Audience of Majorca.

A Governor, or Captain-general, a Regent, 5 other
Commiffioners, a Secretary, Fifcal, and 2 Port-
ers j the expences, with extraordinaries 2796 13 4

Carried over, 1-^0,665 12 9

The

2^6 Pensions paid out of the Finances

/. s, d.
Brought over, 139,665 12 9

The Governors, Seneschals, and Inten-
DANTS of the Kingdom, are 139 in number.

The amount of all their falaries is - 30,327 6 8

The Presidio's, or Garrisoned Forts,

Firil: of Oran, confifting of a General Com-
mandant, a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor,
Major, two Aid Majors, Captains Intendant,
Secretary, and other Officers

The expence of the Convents there

The expence of the Hofpital

The Caftle of Santa Cruz
Caftle of St. Philip
Caftle of St. Gregory
Caflle of St. Andero

Rozalcazar

Almarzaquivir ^

Ceuta *«

The Hofpital

Pegnon

To the above muft be added Melilla, Alu-

zeinas, and the Arfenals of Carthagena 124,428

2,825

0

0

410

13

4

921

0

0

366

13

4

366

13

4

366

13

4

366

13

4

394

9

0

14^954

9

0

3,211

3

0

11,879

4

0

5,920

0

0

336,403 II I

Pensions paid out of the Finances of his Catholic

Majesty.

/. s, d.
To the Queen Mother ^ - - 100,000 o o

Carried over, 100,000 o o
3 To

of hl3 Catholic M a j e s t ir.

To t1i€ Infant Don Philip (probably now dif-

continued.) - ^ «

the Infant Don Lewis
two Miniflers of State, retired
two Widows of General Officers
feveral Perfons employed in the Royal Service,

by way of gratification during their life -
other Widows _ _ ,

two fuperannuated Confeffors
Alms fixed by his Majefty annually
To the Great Treafurer of the Chamber of

Penfions - - _

the Officer Major
the fecond Officer -

the Officer of the Books
other Officers _ - _

four Officers charged with the correipon-

dence of the Kingdom - -•

ten Clerks board-wages
a Treafurer, annually
an Intendant
a Porter of the Chamber
Extraordinaries annually
An annual payment of three per cent, of arrears

of the Finances - - 6,889

The King's Library^

An annual affignment made by his Majefly for

literary affiemblies
To the firft Librarian

four fecond Librarians

an Literpreter of Oriental Languages

fix Clerks annually

Carried over, 205,472 12 2

To

iT.

237

/.

s.

d.

;oo,ooo

0

0

33>333

6

S

50,000

0

0

2,666

13

4

266

^3

4

5,666

13

4

844

9

0

266

13

4

1000

0

0

244

9

0

166

13

4

Sg

0

0

66

13

4

S3 3

6

8

400

0

0

j66

13

4

139

0

0

222

5

5

44

9

0

222

4

5

^>555

II

0

333

6

8

3^^

2

2

II I

2

2

J33

6

8

233 Pensions paid cut of the Finances

If. a.

L

Brought over, 205,472 12 2

To tiiree Porters - - 83 6 8

Extraordinaries - - 1 8 1 7 1 1

The Academies of the King.

To the fupport of the Academy of the Spanifli

Language - - . 444 ^ G

Do. ofHiftory ,- - 666 13 4

Do. of Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture Ij333 6 %

Do. of Mathematics at Cadiz - i,'888 17 10

Do. of Mathematics at Barcelona ^>444 9 ^

The Palace and Royal Family.

To the Squire of the Body
the Majordomo Major
the firft Equerry
the fecond Equerry
the firfl Equerry of the Camp
the fecond Equerry of the Camp

333

333
167

- 167

III

6
6
6

0
0
2

g
8
%
0
0
2

the firft Equerry of the Queen
the fecond

167
III

0

0

0

0

four Gentlemen of the Chamber of his Ma-

jefty pecuUarly
fix Qjjhers of the Table

444

9
13

0
0

four Wardrobe Keepers
four Fhyficians

444
1,778

9
0

0
0

two Surgeons

two Apothecaries

the Houfehold of the Pages

b6(i

333
2,100

^3
6

0

4
8

0

the Patriarch

1,1 r r

2

0

two Confcllbr^

889

0

0

Carried over,

22 f,<JOQ

1 1

2

To

of his C A T H o j: 1 C M A J E s- T r.

Brought over.
To the Curate of the Pakce

thirty-tv/o Honorary Priefts

the annual expence of the Sacrifly, and of
the Fabrick of the Chapel
For the fubfiftence of the Band of Mufick for

the Chapel
Gratuities to AmbaiTadors and other Miniflers

reliding at foreign Courts
To the Camarera Major, or firft Lady of the
Bed-Chamber

four Camariftas

thirty-nine Ladies befides

800 other Domeflics
The anuaf expence of the Kitchen by contrail
The annual expence of the Paftery-Cook
Ditto of the Side- Board
Ditto of the Bake-Houfe
Ditto of the Wardrobe

Ditto of the two Stables of the King and Queen
To fmall articles of Houfe-keeping at the Palace

two Taylors

two Goldfmiths annually

four Painters of the King's Chamber
The annual expence of Counterpanes
Ditto of Tapeftry and Furniture
The wages of the Grooms of the Stable
To four Valets dc Chambre, Perruquiers
Coal, oil, wax-lights, wood, &c. annually

The Apothecary's Office*

To the Apothecary - - 333 ^ 8

a fecond Apothecary - 1 1 1, 2 2

different perfons employed in that department ^^^ 11 3

' r.

2;

?9

/.

X.

d.

221,509

7

II

i>033

6

8

3'555

II

0

3,666

13

4

1,089

0

0

11,144

9

0

333

6

8

266

13

4

1,266

13

4

39,111

2

2

4>444

9

0

1^433

6

8

333

6

8

333

6

8

333

6

8

39,722

4

8

2,100

0

0

544

9

0

666

13

4

^^333

6

8

777

15

0

555

1 1

0

H>^55

II

0

666

J3

4

3^3^^

^3

4

I i

Carried ever, 355,242 16 3

The

240 Pensions paid out of the Finances, &c.

/.

355^242

Brought over,

The annual cxpence of the Shop

The Bota:<;ic Gardens of the King.

To the firfl Botanift annually
the fecond

the people employed in cultivating the fame
gardens

BuEN Retiro.

To the firfl Gnrdener annually

four other Gardeners

extraordinaries for cultivation and planting

the firft Gardener for fiowers

four other Gardeners

extraordinaries
For the maintenance of the houfe where the
Lion, Tygers, Eagle, and other animals
are kept
To an Affiftant - ^

the fubfiflence of the faid animals

2.444

200
66

16 3
9 o

o o
13 4

44 9 o

66

44
66

66

44
88

88

33

644

J3
9

13

13

9

4

o

4

4
o

17 10

17 10

6 8

A R A N J U E Z»

To the Governor of Aranjuez
the Keeper of the Magazipxe
the Guard Major
fifty-four other Guards
four Gardeners
ten fupernumerary Gardeners
fix Keepers of the Palace
extraordinaries

"

366 13 4,
^33 6 8

-

100 0 0

-

1,100 0 0

..

533 (> B
333 6 8

*

200 0 0

-

3,500 0 0

Carried- over.

365,409 10 3

PARDa.

Annual Produce of Tobacco, &c. 341

/. s. d.
Brought over, 365,409 10 3

P AR D O.

For fupporting the woods and gardens at tlie

Pardo annually - 2,100 o o

San Ildephonso.

For fupporting the Gardens of San Ilde-
phonso annually - 2,666 13 4

The EscuRiAL.
For fupporting the Gardens of the Efcurial 83q o o

Casa del Campo.
For the fupport of the Cafa del Campo annually 14,622 4 8

The Annual Produce of Tobacco in each Province.

In the Canaries
Madrid
Burgos
Valladolid

SoRIA

CORUNNA

the Four Cities
Segovia

AviLA

Toledo

guadalaxara

385,687

8

3

each Province.

/.

J-.

d.

- ^7>2^^

13

4

' ^^7^^S'^

0

0

- 82,222

4

9

- 137,666

13

4

- ^hS'^S

II

0

- 34. m

2

2

- 3 2,222

4

5

- 26,811

2

2

- 10,125

1 1

0

- 12,127

^5

7

- ^9^777

'5

4

Carried over, 483,108 13 i
I i 2 In

242. Annual Produce of the P.o s T-O f f 1 cr

IaCuEN9A

Talavera »-

Mancha —

Salamanca.

estremadura

Galicia

asturias

Seville

Cordova

Jaen

Cadiz

Granada

Malaga, and the Garrlfons

Murcia

Arragon

Catalonia -

Valencia

Majorca *

Navarre r

I ■

s. d

Brought

over, 483,108

13 I

- 12,388

17 10

-

- 14,444.

8 lo-

- 33^465

1 1 0

- 24,783

6 8

- 87,666

13 4

-

- 51,111

2 2

- 39>333

6 8

-

- 34,222

4 5

- 25,222

4 5

-

- 28,839

0 0

- 37^902

4 5

-

- 37'52o

0 0

- 37'944

S 10

23,220

0 0

-

- 37>445

1 1 0

- 39^924

8 10

»

- 36,444

8 10

- 12,195

II 0

a*

- 24,640

0 0

1,221,820

0 6

The Annual Produce of the PasT-GFFiCE in. every Province,

La Mancha
Madrid
Galicia
asturias

VaLLADO/LID

Zamora

Seville

Granada

/.

S.

d.

-

9>555

11

0

-

140,077

15

7

-

8,-)9J.

8

10

-

10,088

'7

lO

-

5>9'7

15

7

-

1,322

4

5

10,666

13

4

*•

-^

9,766

^3

4

Carried

over,

195,889

19

II

Cordova.

m the Spanish P r o v t n c e s* 24.

CORDOVA

Jaen

SoRIA

Segovia
Biscay

GuiPUSCOA

Alava

Arragon

Valencia

Catalonia

Majorca

Burgos

Toledo

Leon

Salamanca

A VILA

Palencia

ToRO

Canaries
Badajoz

MuRCIA

GuADALAXARA

CUENZA

/.

-f. d.

Brought

over,

195^^89

19 II

-

8,888

17 10

-

-

4.777

'5 7

-

1,944

13 4

-

1,100

0 0

-

-

i7'777

i5 6

-

1 1,966

'3 4

-

-

^^^55^

li 0

-

12,348

17 10

--

-

21,177

17 10

-

16,700

0 0

—

-

8.451

2 2

-

9>393

6 8

•*

-

10,314

8 10

-

961

2 2

-

^^>333

6 8

—

753

6 8

—

555

ir 0

■*

-

411

2 3

-

9,638

17 10

-

-

4.488

17 10

-

7v77

15 0

-

588

17 10

—

-

766

J3 4

368,562

10 s

The Annual Produce of the Provincial Farms, or Mil-

LONES, by Provinces.

/. s. d.

La Mancha - - 22,888 17 10

Madrid . - - 45.500 o o

Galicia - - 45,222 4 5

AsTUKiAs • - « 22,822 4 5

Carried over> 136,43 \ 6 8

Valla-

244 AnpAial Produce of the G e n e r A l Farms

/. s. d.
Brought over, 136,433 6 8

Valladolid - - 45'3-7 ^5 ^

Zamora - - 22,-55 li o

Seville ^ - - 34*58^ \y 10

Granada - - 24,657 : c 5

Cordova - ^ - 27,080 o o

Jaen - - ll^'^SS ij^ ^

SoRiA - - - 45'444 S i^

Segovia - - 45'333 ^ ^

Biscay - - 22,975 ii o

Alava - - 47>o66 13 4

GuiPuscoA - - 49^^11 2 2

Aragon - - 70,004 8 10

Valencia - - 68,':^90 o o

Catalonia - - 66,786 13 4

Majorca - - 35>343 ^ ^

Burgos -. ' - '^Zull ^5 5

Toledo -; - 22,888 17 10

Leon » - 23,500 o o

Salamanca - 22,888 17 10

AviLA - - 23,477 15 7

PaLENCIA - - 4^'222 4 5

ToRo ^ - 50,888 17 10

Canaries - - 1-8,262 4 5

Badajoz • - 45*333 ^ ^

Murcia * - SS^"^'^^ 17 i^

Guadalaxara - 5^'333 ^ ^

CUEN^A ' - 34^222 4 f

1,310,888 17 2

The Annual Produce of the General Farms in each Province.

/. s. d.
Madrid - - ' - 150,000 o o

Galicia - - 182,222 4 5

Carried over, 332,222 4 5
n Asturias

in the Spanish Provinces,

/.

asturias
Valladolid

Z AM OR A

Seville
Granada
Cordova
Jaen

S-ORIA

Segovia

Biscay

Alava

GuiPUSCOA

Aragon,

Valencia

Catalonia

Majorca

Burgos

Toledo

Leon

Salamanca

AVILA

Palencia

TORO

Canaries
Badajoz

MURCIA

Guadalajara

CUENZA

LaMancha

Brought over, 332,222

- 108,888

- 110,000

- 54^444

- Sl^lll

- 91,111

- 70,000

- 52,222

- 24,444

- 42,222

- 48,888

- 4?, 222

- 40,066
-•217,933

- 230,262

- 2215I30

- 54,222

- - 38,288

- 4o»M4

- - 21,222

- 29,111

- 15,888

- 21,666

- 21,777

7 9^^777

- 47,8?^8

- 110,177

" 32.435

- 39,377

- 235,811

s.

4

17
o

8

15
2

o

4
8

4

17

4

13
6

4
o

4

^7

8

4
2

17
^3
15
J5

^7

15
II

15
2

245

./.

5
10

o

10

6

2

o

5

10

5
10

5

4
8

5
o

5

10

10

5
2

lb

4

7

7
10

7
o

7
2

2,530,627 15 3

^ Ge.

[ 246 ]

A General Recapitulation of the receiving and ijfuing of

the FINANCES.

The Annual Revenue.

/. s.

d.

1,221,820 0

6

368,562 10

*

BY the produce of Tobacco
Ditto of the Pofl-Office
Ditto of the Provincial Farms, under which

are included all kind of taxes that are paid

upon the follow^ing {\jl kinds of vivres :

bread, oil, v^ine, fat, flefh meat, foap ;

which taxes are renewed every fix years;

and under this head is alfo comprehended

the Alcavalas, and other rights and taxes 1,3 10,888 ij 2
Ditto of the General Farms, in which are in-
cluded, befides the cuftoms, the duties on

wool, the admiralties, rights of fanity, cards,

mercuries, brandy, lead, gun-pov/der, 6cc. 2,530,627 15 3

Total of the Revenue 5,43 1*899 3 4

The Annual E x p e n c e .

For the fubfiftence of the Land Army of

91,311 men, including the general officers /. /. d.

of Artillery - - 1,035,488 19 7

Ditto of the Naval Forces, confiiling of 45,810

men, in pay - - 714,561 6 7

Ditto of the Tribunals at Madrid, and

through the whole kingdom, with the fa-

laries of the Seneichals, Governors, and In-

tendants, in all 1800 men, in adual pay 169,992 19 5

Pitto of the Garrifons, 7158 men - 166,410 11 8

Carried over, 2,086,453 17

For

Ofthe SPANISH REVENUES, 247

/. s. d.

Brought over, 2,086,453 17 3

For the fiibfiflence of 23,300 men, employed

in the farms of Tobacco - 317,402 4 ^

Ditto of 18,000 men, employed in the Pofl-

Office - - _ S^>?)^^ 9 °

Ditto of 1 1,500 men, employed in the Pro-
vincial farms - - 53,240 00

Ditto of 19,000 men, employed m the Ge-
neral Farms - - 64,458 17 10

Penfions paid out ofthe Finances - 21 1,352 12 7

The expence of the Palace and Royal Family 174,334 5 8

Total of the Annual Expence, 2,957,610 6 9

The Recapitulation.

The Annual Revenue - - 5,431,899 3 4

The Annual Expence - - 2,957,610 6 9

Remains free 2,474,288 16 7

REMARKS.

The General Far fns are the cuftoms, the fale of tobacco, fait,
lead, and quick-filver,; the port; office; licences to velTels which
trade to America -, flamped paper; and fome other particulars,
fpecified at full length in Ustaritz. The greateft number of
the taxes called general, fuch as tobacco, fait, and the cuftoms,
are under the management of a board for the King's behalf, and
increafe daily fince they have been fo regulated. The revenue
from tobacco in particular, has increafed annually a million of
crov^^ns vellon, oriii,ifil. fterling, fince 1739, that the ma-
nagement V7as regulated according to the plan drawn up by Don
Martin de Loynaz, That Admini'drator-General gave fecu-
rity for the augmentation, which he propofed, but was freed
from all obligation at the end of one year, when he proved, that
the fales had amounted to eleven millions of rials more than
ufual. He increafed the tax upon the beft forts of tobacco ten
rials, and in the lame degree leliened the tax upon the worft,
which are purchafed by the common people. The clergy, as

K k weU

248 Of the SPANISH REVENUES.

well as the othsr members of the flate, are fabje6l to the genera!
taxes, becauie they are looked upon as rights of regality or fo-
vereignty. They pay befides, the taxes of the Crufado, Subfidio,
and Efcufado, valued at 155^555^- ftefling-

The farm of the Provincial Taxes refpedls only the twenty-two
provinces of the crown of Castille, and includes feveral bran-
ches, ill, The tax of Alcavala, eftabliflied in 1341. This is
ten per cent, upon every thing fold or exchanged, even upon land
revenues, and all kinds of rents, with an augmentation of four
additional taxes of one per cent, impofed each, fucceffively in
1639, 1642^ 1656, 1664.

Upon fales at firft hand, the farmer of the Revenues requires
only ten per cent, but upon fales in retail, fourteen per cent, is
required. The regulation however does not appear to be uni-
form, fmce, according to Ustaritz, there is not more than
between fix or feven per cent, colleded by this tax. Later writers
neverthelefs eftimate this tax as I have done. After all, as the
tax is repeated upon each fale, we may reafonably conclude,
that every thing has at ieaft paid the whole tax once, notvvith-
ftanding any abatement in the valuation. The clergy are not
fubjed to this tax in their fales; on the contrary, they are al-
lowed a difcount in valuing the produce of their lands, or upon
thofe things which are defigned for their own confumption;
and when they again fell that produce, they have the advantage
of the reft of the King's fubjedls in the proportion of the whole
tax. Thofe of the clergy, who have no lands, or who buy
in retail, pay the tax, as it is included in the price of the com-
modity.

The fecond branch is the tax called Millones, with the addi-
tional taxes, known under the name of the n(iw imports. This
tax began in 1590, when a fervice or fubfidy of eight millions
.of ducats was granted to Philip II. by the States of Castile.
In 160 1 the fame States granted an annual fervice of four mil-
lions of ducats during the courfe of fix years. It was called the
fervice of twenty-four millions, and the neceffities of the mo-
narchy have obliged it to be continued ever fmce. Of thefe

twenty-

Of the SPANISH REVENUES.

249

twenty-four millions, four and one half were laid upon the price
of fait, and the payment of the remainder was laid upon the
price of wine, vinegar, oil, and butchers meat. The liquid
meafure called an arrobe, is compofed of eight parts, named
azumbres. One of thefe eights belongs to the King, and the
proprietor is obliged to pay it according to tlie valuation of the
itv^n remaining parts, including even the advance of price, by
reafon of this excife ; by which means the arrobe fold under the
name of eight axumbresy really contains only feven, and its fub-
divifions are in the fame proportion. Thefe taxes are farmed at
892,8881. flerling.

There are alfo other taxes that may be included under the ge-
neral title of provincial taxes, fuch as the tax upon brandy, upon
foap, upon fnow, upon cards, and other fmall articles. Thefe
taxes are farmed at 91,2441. fterling.

Almost all the taxes of Spain, we may obferve, are laid
upon things confumed by the people, in the manner of a general
excife ; and thofe included under the name of provincial taxes,
in a more particular manner affed: the neceffary and daily con-
fumption of all ranks of men. In Spain the general outcry,
and the groans of the people, have been excited by thefe pro-
vincial taxes. At prefent the miniftry are labouring to make
fome reformation upon them, and they are only continued till
fomething better can be eflabliflied in their place.

Don Miguel de Zabala, in a m.em.orial prefented to Phi-
lip V. in 1734, demonftrates, that though the provincial taxes,
on the lowefl computation, amount to feventy-Jix millions of rials
njellon^ and though there is reafon to think that fum is railed upon
the people, yet only feven millions come into the King's ex-
chequer.

The fur OS are perpetual rights of propriety, or in other words,
penfions which the King pays to his fubjeds out of his own fi-
nances, by a temporal favour, by the endowment of fome foun-
dation, or for the reward of merit and fervices. Sometimes the

K k 2 Juros

k^o Of the SPANISH REVENUES.

Juros mean a dedudlion of three per cent, from all the King's
finances.

The Media Annata, which is the fame as our Firjl Fruits is a-
tax of one half of the firil years revenue, paid on every new fuc-
ceffion to any ecclefiaflical dignity or benefice. All lucrative or
honourable employments, held from the King during life, arc
fubjed to this tax.

Besides the above-mentioned revenues, a general view of which
(exclufive of the "Juros ^nd Media Atmata) I have given in the Re-
capitulation-, Spain likewifc receives others that are very confi-
derable from the Indies. The amount of thefe per annum is about.
900,000/. flerling, confequently there is faid to remain free an-
nually in the royal treafury, about 3,373,288/. flerling.

LETTER

[ 25 < ]

LETTER XIII.

A fhort View of the Commerce and ManufaBures of
Spain, fo far as they relate to Great Britain.

I HAVE been informed from good authority, that our trade
with Old and New Spain is full one third lefs than it was
about forty years ago -, and that the balance and exchange, be-
tween Spain and Great Britain, are every day more and
more turning againft the later kingdom. The caufes of this de-
creafe are indeed not at all difficult to be difcovered or accounted
for. Part of it is owing to the extreme avarice and extortion of
our own merchants, who, not contented with moderate profits,
have kept up the prices of their goods beyond their juil: pro-
portion, and thereby opened a door for the French and Dutch to
underfell us at the Spanifh markets. Another reafon is, that the
price of labour in thole two countries, is confiderably lower than
in our own, which enables them likewife to afford their goods to
the Spaniards at a much cheaper rate than we can do. A third
reafon is, the alteration introduced during the Spanifh war in Queen
Anne's time, when the French crept into that trade, and de-
prived us of a greater (hare of it than we fhall probably be ever
able Xo recover. A fourth reafon may be, the progrefs which the
Spaniards themfelves have made in fome branches of manufac-
ture; for the encouragement which the Kings of the Houfe of
Bourbon have given to manufactures and arts, has excited fome
few Spaniards to apply themfelves to induflry and trade. For
feveral years pafl, the miniflry in Spain have endeavoured, by
means of foreign workmen, to fet on foot various manufadures;

A " and

252 VIEW OF THE COMMERCE and

and the great attention they have given to that objec!!, has not
been ahogether without effed:. But at prefent, by a ftrange in-
fatuation, the minifter to whofe department the care of the ma-
nufadures belongs, not only neglefts, but difcourages them -,
and they confequently decline very faft.

The flat& of trade between Great Britain and Spain, in
the time of Joshua Gee, was as follows. Our Exports to Spain
were, i . Broad cloths. 2. Druggets. 3. Callimancoes. 4. Bays.
5. Stuffs. 6. Leather. 7. Baccalao, or falt'ed fi'ih. 8. Tin.
9. Lead. 10. Corn. Our returns from Spain were in, i. Wines.
2. Oil. 3. Fruits. 4. Wool. 5. Indigo. 6. Logwood.
7. Cochineal. 8. Materials for dying. Mr. Gee has taken no
notice ofJ//k in this account, and for a good reafon ; for the ex-
portation of it from Spain was not permitted till 1760, and then
limited to the ports of Barcelona, Alicant, and Cartha-
GENA, from the i6th of November to the 1 6th of May every
vear, there being no exportation allowed during the other fix
months, that the manufadijrers may have leifure to take care
of their fabrics.

We ufed about that period to take off at leafl two thirds of
all the produce of Spain, which m.ade our m.anufadiures an eafy
purchafe to the Spaniards, who neverthelefs paid us a very con-
liderable balance in bullion.

Since the acceiTion of the Houfe of Bourbon, this balance
in our favour has been daily declining. For many years paft we
have ceafed to be confidered as the favoured iiation ^ and France
now fliares a great part of the gold and filver of the SpaniOi
Weft-Indies, in return for her filk, her linen, and other manu-
factures introduced into Spain.

The infamous peace of Utrecht was hardly figned, when
we began to feel the effects oi 2. prediledlmiy which the Spaniards
difcovered towards the French nation ; fo that a Family Coni"
paSi, if things be juftly confidered, will appear no novelty. This
will be evident enough from the following curious extracts from

8 the

MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 253

the letters offeveral Englifli gentlemen, relating to that point :

Mr. PouLDON, the Ene'llHi Conful at the Canaries, in a

letter dated from Teneriff, the 2 2d of March 1715, and ad-
dreiled to Sir Paul Methuen, then minifler at Madrid,
fays, " Since the fufpenfion of arms, the fubjects of his Britan-
** nic Majefty, in the Canaries, have been continually oppref-
" fed. The bifhop of Geronda had publifhed an order in the
" name of the King, in virtue of vv^hich order all Britifh veffels
" were to pay only the ordinary duties ; but fince the arrival of
*' the new General, this order is explained in a new manner.
*' They exclude from being comprehended in it all kinds ofmer-
** chandize, which, as they pretend, are not properly Engllrti
** manufadlures, although tranfported by and in Englilli veifels.
** In confequence of this explanation of the order, the fubjed:s
** of his Majefly have paid lately, upwards of 3000 pounds
** iterling."

The following are the words of Mr. Keen, our conful at
Alicant, in a letter to Mr. Stanhope at Madrid. " By
*' an exprefs order of the court, publiihed here by the governor
<* of Valencia, all foreigners are obliged in lieu of the Alca-
" valas and Millones, to pay a duty named quartalsy which
" amounts to 14 per cent, and is to begin v/ith the year 17 14,
" for merchandize, on which the duties have already been- paid,
*' at the rate of i 5 per cent, fo that we muil at prefent pay 29
** per cent, for the entry of all kinds of merchandize. Belides
*' the exorbitancy of thefe duties, this proceeding is attended
** with another inconvenience; for the fadiors have already regu-
" lated their accounts with the merchants, on the footing of 15
" per cent. Moreover, thofe who refufe to pay thefe duties,
" are expofed to be quartered upon by foldiers, and to give them
" fo much per day till fuch time as the duties be paid. Thefe
^' are unheard of demands, which were never before made upon
" any fubje(5ts of Great Britain, who never paid more than
" 7-1 per cent, under the reign of Charles II. the laft prince
*' of the Auflrian line."

Sir

254 VIEV/ OF THE COMMERCE and

Sir Martin Westcomb, and conful Russel, in aletter to '^
Sir Paul Methuen, at Madrid, dated the 22dof May 171 5,
exprefs themfelves thus : *' The alteration they have made in re-
*' gard to the duties which were paid in the reign of Charles
*' II, has interrupted our trade, and will infallibly ruin it. Don
*' Juan Antonio Zavalos has caufed an order to be pub-
*' lifhed, by which all the fa/ours granted to our merchants,
*' and conflantly enjoyed by them, are revoked; fo that for the
** future all merchandize muPc pay all the duties of entry and ex-
** port, according to the valuation of the tariffs, which in fome
" kinds of merchandize will amount to 25 ^er cent, and in
*^ others even to 28."

The rigorous and opprefTive impofitions, complained of in
thefe letters, v/ere not only contrary to feveral txcaties, made and
concluded between Great Britain and Spai.'I, but alfo to the
engagements of Lewis XIV. v^ho, in the name of Spain, and
in quality of plenipotentiary of his Grandfon, previous to the fuf-
penlion of arms, promifed to the Engiifh,

" Fi r^t, That all the advantages, rights, and privileges, which
** the Spaniards had granted, or might in time to come grant to
*' the French, or to ih.Q in oji fa'uoiired natiofi, Ihould be granted
** to the fubjedts of Great Britain.

** Secondly, That all merchandize of the growth and ma-
*' nufad:ure of Great Britain, that fhould be fent to the In-
*' DIES from the ports of Spain, fhould be exeinpt from the
'* duties of entry and export in Spain, and from thofe of entry
** in the Indies. And that thefe conditions and thefe promifes
" fhould be extended in the treaty of peace, in the moli ample
** and convenient manner."

Lewis and Philip had hardly gained their ends, by thefe
promifes, than they took off the mafk, and interpreted them,
as it belt fuited their ov/n advantage , for even before the peace
between the two Crowns was entirely fettled, Lord Lexington
wrote home to the following purpofe : " Affairs are not here

** upon

M A N U F A-C T U R E S of S P A I N. 255

^* upon the fame footing "Ofi v/hlch they v/ere before the Aifpen-

" fion of arms ; for the King has told me in exprefs terms. We

" know that peace is as necelTary to you as to u?^ and that you

*' will not break with us for trifles."

The chief of the ^r<?^^7>i-; inentioned above as infringed upon
by Phiop, and which relates to the general Rate of commerce
between Great Britain and Spain, is that of 1667 : for the
treaty of 1670 chiefly refped:s America. It was regulated by
the treaty of 1667, that the trading fubjed:s of either crown-
£hould reciprocally pay no higher iiiipofts and duties, than the
inhabitants of the places themfelves, where the goods were bought
or freighted, ufually paid ; that they Ihould enjoy the fame pri-
vileges as the natural fubjeds of each country enjoyed ; that it
fhould not be lawful in either kingdom, under any pretence what-
ever, to detain the traders in the ports or harbours, or after their
departure to foe at law their facftors or merchants, on account of
any merchandize put on board their velTels ; that EngliHi vefTels
arriving in the ports of Spain, or others, fubjed to the domi-
nion of that crown, fliOuld be exempted from all vifit or fearch of
officers of contraband merchandize; that any Ihips belonging
either to Spain or England, might, if it fuited their conveni-
ence, land part of their cargo, in any road, and proceed to fea
with the remainder, without giving any account to the cuflom-
houfe J and that, in return for merchandize fold, the payments
fhould not; be made /;/ copper moncyy or in any other fpecie, but
what the merchants fliould ad:uany agree for. There is no oc-
cafion to mention any more articles of this famous treaty, fince
from thofe already given, it is fufficiently evident, that the trade
was fettled upon a footing ^. very advantageous to both parties:
and I cannot help wifhing, that each nation faw fo clearly their
mutual intereft in the obfervance of every article of this treaty, as
might tempt them to form, upon the fame principles, fuch a fo-
lid Commercial CompaB, as {hould never be diflblved.

Notwithstanding the arts of French infinuatlon, our
traffic with Spain is very confiderable, and chiefly in tlie fol-
lowing articles. We export to that country large quantities

LI ' of

z^^y VIEW OF THE COMMERCE and

of dried and ialtcd fifli, called by \htm b cicalas -j likewife broad
cloths, and woolkn Huffs of various kinds to a great amount ;
lilk fluffs, cutlery ware, warlike and naval ffores, particularly
cables and apchors ; alfo watches, wrought brafs, and prince's
metal, toys, mathematical inftruments, cabinet work, particu-
larly of mahogony, wrought and unwrought tin, leather, lead,
corn, dry and falted meat, cattle, butter, cheefe, beer, hats, linen,
vitriol, pepper, rice, and other produds of our American Colo-
nies j and, if we attended to it, we might fupply them with great
quantities of timber from thofe Colonies, as the Spaniards, tho'
they have in fome parts fine woods of excellent oak, yet from
their inexpertnefs in felling trees, and want of roads, are in a
manner entirely deprived of the ufe of them.

From Spain we receive the following articles: Wints, oil,
vinegar, fruits of various kinds, viz. olives, raifms of the fun,
raifins dryed v/ith afhes, called by them pajjas de lexia 3 raiiins
from Almunegar, a city on the coall of Andalusia, famous
for that produce ; chefnuts, almonds, figs, citrons, lemons, oran-
ges, cocao-nuts, Spanilli pepper, pomegranates, fine wool, indi-
go, cochineal, materials for dying, kali, or barillia, and fofa, for
the making of foap and glafs, chiefly from Alicant ; quickfilver^
fome wrought filks, particularly from Vale ntia ; and of late
raw lilk, balfam of Peru, vanillas, cake-chocolate of Guajaca,
falfaparilla, falted fea-brizzle, faltpetre, fait from Cadiz, fait
from Port St. Mary's, woollen counterpanes, and a remark-
able fine fort of blankets from Segovia, iron from Biscay,
ivvord blades, particularly from Toledo, gun and piftol barrels
from GuiPuscoA and Barcelona, vermilion, borax, hams,
fnuff from Seville and the Havannah, foap, formerly a con-
fiderable article, but as we now make it ourfelves, only a trifle,
tho' there is Hill much of it annually run into. Scotland i and
fever al roots and drugs of the growths of SPAiNi and- America v^
employed in medicine^

I HAVE not fpecified the logivsod as an article oi importation
from Spaiisi i for however it may have been fuch formerly, we
may now hope to fuppry ourfelves with it ; as it appears by the

6 XVL

MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 257

XVI. article of the prelect Preliminaries of Peace, that we have
at length happily obtained the free and unmolefted liberty of cut-
ting it in the Bay of Honduras, on condition of demolilliino-
all our fortifications eredled there, and in other parts of Spanifli
America. But I could wifli, that the liberty of cutting it had
alfo been extended in exprefs terms to the Bay of Campeachy.
Thofe who know the value of this article, will receive great
pleafure on feeing it now v/ell fettled ; for v/hatever our preten-
fions were, we certainly had but a very difputable title to this
important branch of trade ; and this will even appear from the
perufal of the memorial of the Board of Trade, laid before his
Majefty George I. and drawn up exprefsly to prove that claim.

The Spanifh trade to South America is carried on by an-
nual fliips, ufually divided into three clafTes, the Flota, the Regi-
fter Ships, and Galleons ; of which the follov/ing is the moit
accurate account I could meet with.

The Flota is a fleet confifling of three men of war, and four-
teen or fifteen merchant fhips, from 400 to icoo tuns burthen ;
they are loaded almofb with every fort of goods which Europe
produces for export 3 all forts of woollens, linens, filks, velvets,
laces, glafs, paper, and cutler^; all forts of wrought iron, wat-
ches, clocks, quickfilver for the ufe of their miners, horfe-fur-
niture, flioes, flockings, books, pictures, military ftores, wines,
fruits, &c. fo that all the trading parts of Europe are highly in-
terefted in the cargo of this fleet. Spain itfelf fends out little
more than the wine and fruit ; this, with the freight, and com-
miffions to the merchant, and the duty to the King, is almofl all
the advantage, which that kingdom derives from her commerce
with the Indies. This fleet is fitted out at Cadiz, and bound
to La Vera Cruz : they are not permitted to break bulk on
any account, till they arrive there. When all the goods arc
landed and difpofed of at La Vera Cruz, the fleet takes in the
plate, precious flones, cochineal, indigo, cocao, tobacco, fugar,
and hides, which are the returns for Old Spain. From La
Vera Cruz they fail to the Havanna in the Ifland of Cuba,
which is the place of their rendezvous, where they meet the

L 1 2 GdUeon^.

258 VIEW OF THE C O M M E P. C E AND

Galleons. Thefe are another fleet, which carry on all the trade of
Tkrra Firma, by Carthagena, and of Peru, by Panama
and PoRTOBELLO, in the fame manner as the Flota ferves for
the trade of New Spain. When the Flota arrives at the Hav an-
na h, and joins the Galleons and Regiller fliips, which affembie at
the fame port from all quarters, fome of the cleaneft and belt
failing veflels are difpatched to Old Spain with advice of the
contents of thefe feveral fieetSy as well as with treafure and goods
of their own, that the court may judge what ifidulto, or duty,
is proper to be laid on them, and what convoy is necefTary for
tlieir fafety.

Register y/jz/jx are fen t out by merchants at Cadiz or Se-
ville, when they judge that goods mufl be wanted at any cer-
tain port in the West-Indies. The courfe is, to petition the
council of the Indies for licence to fend a fhip of 300 tuns bur-
then, or under, to that port : they pay for this licence 40,000,
or 50,000 dollars, befldes prefents to the officers, in proportion
to the connivance neceflary to their deiign. For tho' the licence
runs only to -^ro tons at moft, the veflel fitted out is feldom lefs
than .600. This fnip and cargo are regiftered at the pretended
burthen. It is required too, that a certilicate be brought from
die King'}-: of}icer at the port to which the regifter Hup is bound,
tliat llie does not exceed the fize at which flie is regiitered ; all
this pafles of courfe. Thefe are what they call Regijier fiips, and
by thefe the trade of Spaniih America has been carried on
principally for fome years paft : which practice has been thought
as much to the prejudice of their trade, as it is contrary to all
their former maxims for carrying it on.

La Vera Cruz is fituated on the fouth-weil: part of the
Gulph of Mexico, and to the fouth-eaft of that city.

The fleet which is called the Galleons^ conflfts of eight men
of war of 500 tons each, defigned principally to fupply Piru
with military lloress but in reality laden, not only with thofe,
but with every other kind of merchandize on a private account,
fo as to be in too weak a condition either to defend themfelves,

or

MANUFACTURES o f S P A I N. 259

or protect others. Under the convoy of thefe are twelve fail of
merchant (hips, not inferior to the Galleons in burthen. This
fleet of the Galleons is regulated in much the fame manner with
the FlotUy and is defllned for the exclujive commerce of Terra
Fir MA, and the South-Sea, as the Flota is for that of
Mexico.

As foon as this Galleon fleet arrives at Carthagena, expref-
fes are difpatched to Portobello, and to all the adjacent
towns, but particularly to Panama, that they may get read v
all the treaiure which is depofited there, to meet the Galleon*
at Portobello j at which place all the perfons concerned in
the various branches of this extenlive trade, afl^emble. There is
no part of the world where bulinefs of fuch great importance is
negotiated in fo ihort a time^ for in a fortnight the fair is over.
During the fair, heaps of wedges and ingots of fllver are thrown
about upon the wharfs, as things of no value. The dilJDlay of
gold, filver, and precious ftones on one hand, and of the various
and rare workmanfhip of the feveral ingenious fabrics of Europe
on the other, are truly aftonilhing^

Carthagena is fituated on the moft northern point of Ter-
ra Firma : Portobello and Panama are on the oppofite
fides of the Ifthmus of Darien; the fii-fl: on the north-eall fide,
and the other on the fouth-weft.

The whole trade between the East Indies and Spanidi
America, is carried on by one great Galleon, which arrives at
AcAPULCO from the Philippine iflands, on the coaft of Chi-
na, in the month of December. They fee no other land in
their whole voyage of 3000 leagues, which they perform in five
months, than the Little Ladrones. The (hip is laden with
all the rich commodities of the Eafl, as cloves, pepper, cinna-
mon, nutmegs, mace, china, japan wares, callicoes plain and
painted, mullins of every fort, filks, precious flioncs, rich drugs,
and gold duft. At the lame time the rich fliip from Lima

2f comes--

26o VIEW OF THE COMMERCE and

comes in, and is not computed to bring lefs than two millions of
pieces of eight in filver, (450,000 1. Sterl.) Several other fliips,
from the different parts of Chili and Peru, meet upon the
fame occafion ; and befides the traffic for the Philippine com-
modities, this caufes a very large dealing for every thing which
thofe countries have to exchange with one another, as well as
for the purchafe of all forts of European goods. The fair
at AcAPULCo lafts fometimes for thirty days. As foon as the
goods are difpofed of, the galleon prepares to fet out on her
voyage to the Philippines with her returns, chiefly in filver,
but with fomc European goods too, and fome other commodi-
ties of America. I fpeak here, as though there were but one
veffel on the trade with the Philippines; and in fad there is
only nominally one trading veffel, the galleon itfelf, of about
1200 tons; but another attends her commonly as a fort of con-
voy, which generally carries fuch a quantity of goods, as in great
meafure difables her from performing that office. The galleon
has often above loco people on board, either intereffed in the
cargo, or merely paffengers ; and there is no trade in which fo
large profits are made ; the captain of the veffel, the pilots, the
mates, and even the common failors, making, in one voyage,
what in their feveral ranks may be confidered as eafy fortunes.
It is faid by the writer of Lord Anson's voyage, that the Jefuits
have the profits of this fliip to fupport their miffions.

This commerce to fo vaft a value, though carried on dire(5lly be-
tween different parts of the King of Spain's own dominions, en-
riches them in proportion but very little; the far greater part of
every thing which comes from the Philippines, being the pro-
duce, or fabric of other countries. The Spaniards add none of the
artificial value of labour to any thing. The Chinefe are largely in-
tereffed in this cargo; and it is to them they are indebted for the ma-
nufaduring fuch of their plate, as is wrought into any better fa-
fhion than rude in^^ots, or inelegant coins. When this Acapulco
Fair is over, the town is comparatively deferted ; however, it re-
mains for the whole year the moff confiderable port in Mexico
lV)r the trade with Peru and Chili, which is not very great.

The

MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 261

The Eaft-India goods brought here are carried on trucks to
Mexico, from whence what exceeds their own confumption is
fent by land-carriage to La Vera Cruz, to pafs over to Ter-
ra FiRMA, to the iflands, and fome even to Old Spain, tho-'
in no great quantity.

AcAPULCo lies two hundred miles fouth of Mexico, on the
South Sea. Mexico, though no port, nor communicating
with the fea by any navigable river, has a prodigious commerce,
and is itfelf the center of all the trade that is carried on between
America and Europe, on one hand, and between America
and the East Indies on the other; for here the principal mer-
chants refide, the greateft part of the bufinefs is negociated, and
the goods that pafs from Acapulco to La Vera Cruz, or
from La Vera Cruz to Acapulco, for the nfe of the Philip-
pines, and in a great meafure for the ufe of Peru and Lima,
all pafs through this city, and employ an incredible number of
horfcs and mules in the carriage r Hither all the gold and filver is
fent to be coined ; here the king's fifth is depoiited ; and here
is wrought all that immenfe quantity of uteniils, and ornaments
in plate, which is every year fent into Europe. Every thing
here has the greateft air of magnificence and wealth. The fliops
glitter on all fides with the expofure of gold, filver, and jewels,
and furprize yet more by the work of the imagination upon the
treafures which fill great chefcs piled up to the cielings, whilll
they wait the time of being fent to Old Spain.

The trade between Spain and her colonies in America,.
which has been jufl defcribed, is the moft confiderable part of
their external commerce, and the great fupport of their navy ;
for, till our late breach with France, very few of their flii'ps
navigated into foreign parts ; and the chief fource that fup-
plied the balance of their trade with otlier nations, arofe from
this branch. Their /Wt'nz^r/ traffic is by no means p»roportionate
to the numbers of their people, the natural advantages of tlicir
fituation and climate, the abundance of raw materials which the
country produces, and their Indies fipply them with j eipecially
when we refledt on the many years cf peace which they have en-
joyed.

^62 V I E W o F T H E C O M M E R C E and

joyed, and that commerce was ntver fo much confidered by the ie-
Veral European flates, as it is in the preicnt age.

The Q^reat error of the Spanish poHcy feems to be this; they
never fuI^Hciently attended to the truth of the following political
maxim, That induftry, manual labour, and the arts, are more be-
neficial, and truer fources of wealth to a flate, than the richeft
mines of gold and filver. Dazzled with the fpoils of America,
they turned their whole attention to feize the exclullve poiTeiiion
of thofe feeming riches; they negled:ed agriculture and manufac-
tures, and contradled a contempt for the mechanic, and even li-
beral arts ; in confequence of which, the country becoming daily
lefs populous, their maritime and military ftrength foon declined.
Of late years the Spanifh minidry hath been fully fenfible of this
fatal miftake, and hath endeavoured to raife a fpirit of induftry
among the people, by promoting the eftablifliment of manufac-
tures, in various parts of the kingdom : But though they have
tempted the people, by exemption from taxes, and many other
privileges, yet the progrefs they have made is not fo confiderable
as might have been expected.

Their moil remarkable manufaflures are the following; the
woollen fabrics are carried on at Segovia, where they made, in
the year 1759, 7,400 pieces of cloth, of 30, 60, and 80 bars in
length; alfo at ValdemorOy Giiadalajaray Saragofa, Agulada, and
Ba?'celona. The woollen manufadiures owe much of their pre-
fent eftablifliment, as Ustaritz tells us, to the care and encou-
rao-ement of the Dcjke de Ripfrda, who had the diredlion of
them in the year 1724. The old filk manufadtures are chiefly in
Afidalujia, Valencia, and Mwcia. Thofe in Catalonia are more
modern. The principal one of all is at Talavera de la Reyna, in
Nf. w Castile, for the richeft gold and filver tiifues. At Ma-
drid there is alfo a manufidure of tifllies, luteftrings, and other
flight filks. There is a manufadure of linen at Corunna., faid to
fjpply the King's table; another of linen at Segovia. At Madrid
is lately let up a manufa6lure of porcelain, in the gardens of the
King's palace of the Retiro, wrought by Artificers brought from
Saxony. There is like wife in tnat city a new manufacture of

good

MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 26^

good tapeftry, and of cards, as the fineft cards of all, which are
made at Barcelona, are there prohibited. The fabric of glafs is at
St. lldefonjoy that of fwords is at 'Toledoy and thofe of iron in
Bifcay y that of paper at Segovia. The pottery fabrics are very
numerous and excellent, particularly that of Talavera de la Reyna,
The looms of filk, wool, and linen, in all the kingdoms, are
fai'd to be 20,000 ; but whether that account be exadt, I cannot
prefupie to fay.

That their manufadlures are not now more confiderable, is
not Jolely owing to their indolence, and the other caufes above-
mentioned, but likewife to the oppreffive fpirit of that fuperfti-
tion v/hich reigns there, under the malk of religion. This will
be evident from the following extrad: of a memorial, prefented
by Emmanuel de Lira, firft fecretary of ftate to Charles II.
which breathes fuch a fpirit of patriotifm and toleration, that I
perfuade myfelf it will be very acceptable to the reader. De Li-
ra having, in his memorial, propofed the eftabllfliment of a ge-
neral company of commerce, in which all foreigners that pleafed
fl:iould be allowed to be fharers, adds,

" There Is only one obftacle on our fide, that can prevent
the efl:ablifl:iment of the company. It is, I confefs, great, but
neverthelefs very eafy to be furmounted, efpecially by your maje-
fty, when you are once informed, that the removing of that ob-
ftacle would be a means of remedying feveral abufes introduced
among us, and alfo of preventing the daily profanation of our
moft facred myfteries. This obftacle arifcs from the law eftablifh-
ed in thefe kingdoms, and from the decrees and edidls of the
holy tribunal of the Inquifition, againft the Jews, and ao-alnft
herefy !

<* I KNOW, Sir, that it is the greateft glory of Spain, that it
is the only nation which keeps itfelf pure in the faith of the Ca-
tholic, Apoftolic, and Roman church; it is this which o-lves
your Majefty the juft title of Catholic Monarch, which you fo
worthily poftefs. I likewife know, that there is not a more holy,
nor a more falutary inftitution than that of the holy tribunal ; bu?

Mm X

264 VIEWoftmeCOMMERCEand

I fliall endeavour to make it appear, that by granting the liberty of
commerce to heretics, and even to Jews, no prejudice could
from thence refult to Spain, nor to the glorious title of Catholic
King, nor to the laws and prerogatives of the Inquifitlon.

*' My reputation is unfullied, and 1 flatter myfelf that nobody
will fufpcdt me, as to my foundnefs in the Catholic Faith. I am
evidently a zealous and true Catholic, by prefuming to propofe to
your Majefty to grant liberty of confcience in thefe your king-
doms, as fuch a liberty would prevent a great many profanations
that are daily committed.

" Is it not a trutii. Sir, that ^11 the prifons of the Inquifition
throughout all Spain are filled with Jews and heretics, who
have profaned our liicramcnts, by receiving them as though they
had been zealous and devout Catholics ! Is it not likewife a
truth, that an infinite number of others keep themfelves conceal-
ed among us, and participate of thofe facraments unworthily,
and by v^^ay of derifion. Such a thing never happens in countries
where liberty of confcience is allowed to all. The greedinefs
of foreigners after our wealth gets the better of their apprehen-
fions of divine or human punifhments.

*' We might grant to the nations trading to Cadiz, or Se-
ville, or any other place where this company fliould be efta-
blifhed, the free exercife of their religion for them alone, in the
fame manner as the Dutch, and many Proteilant States and Princes,
have allowed it to the Roman Catholics in their dominions,
namely, not an open toleration. Thus foreigners, interefted in,
and members of the company, and their clerks and domeflics,
would have this advantage, which would render their abode in
Spain very agreeable ; foreign merchants who traded hither would
be fatisfied, and we fhould deliver ourfelves from thofe enemies of
our myfleries, who keep themfelves concealed among us, and
remove them from our temples and our altars ; for as it is intereft
that infpires them with the courage to furmount all apprehen-
lions and dangers, the fame intereft would draw them to that
place, where they might in full fecurity follow their fuperftitions.

I *' The

MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 265

^^ The example of the church of Rome for thefe feveral ages
paft may inform us, that it is not contrary to religion to tolerate
a worfhip quite oppofite to ours ; for it has given a fynagogue to
the Jews, and it alfo allows the Greeks to worfliip according to
their liturgy-, without thereby forfeiting the name, or the fove-
reign title of being the immoveable feat of our religion. This
example has been followed by the Grand Duke of Tuscany, at
Leghorn, and by feveral other Princes in Chriftendom.

*« The Englifh merchants, notwithftanding their diverlity of
religion, have the liberty of trading in our ports, iince the treaty
concluded by the Conftable of Castile, and the minifters of
James I. King of Great Britain.

** YouRMajefty's father, of glorious memoiy, granted the fame
thing to the Dutch, and even engaged, by the treaty of Mun-
ster, to furnifh them with a convenient and honourable place
for a burial ground.

" Thus, the moil difficult flep is already furmounted. As to
other points, juil precautions might eafily be taken to prevent
the venom of herefy from infeding the heart of Spaniards."

M m 2 LET-

[ 266 ]

LETT

R XIV.

An Account of the Spanish Money.

Pecuniam prohant 'veterem, et diu not am.

Tacitus de Mor. Qer,

^'^HE Spanish Money is in itfelf not eafy to be imderftood,
efpecially by thofe who are not merchants. The Spaniards
make up moll of their accompts, and form their calculations
chiefly in thefe two Species, the Real de Vellon, and the Ma-

RAVEDI,

The Maravedi is the loweft of the denominations of their
copper money, and in this the Kings accoinpts are kept ; confe-
quently the revenues of Spain, and the wealth brought from
Peru and Mexico, are annually computed by an integer of cop-
per, that is three times lefs than our farthing.

The Real de Vellon is the fmallefl: piece of thtiv Jiher
money, the ninetieth part of the pound Sterling, and equals our
two-pence- halfpenny i and two thirds of a farthing.

But though it be the moil ufual way in Spain to compute by
the Maravedi and the Real de Vellon^ yet there are feveral other
methods of calculation ftill in force. Thus, penlions from the
court, payments of the army, navy, &c. are fet down in the re-
gifter of the Spanifli finances, in Efciidos and Ducadosy (or cop-
per

An account of, Sec. 267

per crowns and ducats) reduced to Reals Vcllon. Some accompts
of merchants, and of private perfons, are likewife kept in this
way ; but few things are bought and fold there, but by the for-
mer computation of Maravedis and Reals. There are, befides,
provi?2cial ways of calculation, and denominations of money pe-
culiar to them, flill fublifting, being the remains of the ufages
of the old kingdoms.

But our Englifli merchants traffic chiefly in Pieces of l^ghf,
and compute ufually by the Piajire, or old difufed Piece of Eight,
coniifting of fifteen Reals and two Maravedis : or, if they reckon
by PijJoIes, they mean the Pijlole of fixty Reals, the co?nmon Pi-
ftole, not the gold one of feventy-five, and ten Maravedis, other-
wife" called the Doblon effeSiivo de Oro.

In the office oi T)echnal Rents, as they call them, that is to fay
'J'ythesy belonging to the archbifliop of Toledo, accompts are
{lill kept in the obfolete denomination of Dinerosy ten of which
make a Maravedi. There are no lefs than fifty clerks in this of-
fice ; and well there may : think only how 'uohuninoiis accompts
muft be for above 30,000 pounds a-year, that are kept in a deno-
mination, the value of which is more than thirty times lefs than
our farthing !

The different monies, and w^ays of reckoning, ftill fubfifting
in the provincesy make it neceffary, that every province fhould
have a feparate office in Madrid for its own convenience: and
though they live in the fame ilreet, the clerks of one office know
no more of the procefs of accompting in the other ^ than a Chinefe
or Laplander would do.

In the Real Hacienda, or Royal treafury, accompts ars
kept only in Millions of Maravedis.

But all the offices in Spain, whether ecclefiaftical or fecular,
compute by fome of the following denominations ; either by
Dinercs, Cornados, Blancos, Crowns, or Ducats : but thefe are

antiquated

268 A N A C C O U N T o F

antiquated diviiions, thofe of the Maravedi and Real being mofl
in ufe.

These fmall denominations, which the Spaniards love to
compute by, muft, as you will ealily imagine, render their ac-
compts very like themfelves, flow, tedious, and elaborate; but
then they have this advantage, that they make their accomptants
moil minutely exad:. An error is much more eafily detedied,
where the fum is divided into fuch a number of equal parts, and
perhaps miofraSfions infinitely nice.

Of their loweft denomination, called a Maravediy three and
one fifth make an Englifh farthing. Thirty-four Maravedh go,
to a Real de Vellon, and ninety Reals Vellon are equal to the
Pound Sterling.

Their money writers make mention of Mar avedis of plate \
but thefe, though they might exifl formerly, are now no more in

being.

The different exigencies of government, and the various expe-
dients to fupport expenfive projeds of ambition, under the pre-
ceeding reigns, have occafioned more alterations in the value
and in the currency of the Spanifh money, than in that of any
other nation in the world, I beheve; particularly from the year
1642 to 1688, and during the confufion and necefiities of the
fucceffion war. In Philip IV. 's time, in 1642, things were in
fuch confufion, that the Piece of Eight in Auguft pafTed for
twelve Reals, the Doblon for forty-five j in Odober the Piece of
Eight went at twenty-five Reals, and the Doblon at eighty-nine ;
in December the Piece of Eight was at twenty-four Reals, and
the Doblon at eighty-feven.

The Prefident Ourry, who was fo diftinguifhed for his great
abilities, was three times fent for from France by Philip V. to
re-eftablifh the difordered finances of the Spanifh monarchy.

As

THE S PANISH MONEY. 269

As the Spanifh money hath been fcarce ever recalled, there
hath arifen a confufed multitude of imaginary fpecies of coin.
They committed a great error, in not making, upon the union
of the feveral kingdoms, one general coiriy folely current throughout
the whole penlnjula. All thefe circumftances plainly {hew how
little the genius and difpofition of this people is turned to trade.
What could be more uncommercial ^ than a money flandard perpe-
tually fluctuating, and there being one fort of coin in Castile,
another in Catalonia, a third in Arragon, and fo on ?

The Mints of Spain were formerly many, namely, that of
Madrid, Seville, Segovia, Cuenza in New Castile, of
Saragossa, Barcelona, and Valencia. Of thefe the two
firft only, I believe, are now remaining. It is faid there 2.VQfour
American mints, that of Lima, Potosi, Mexico, andGuA-,

TIMALA.

In order to give the reader the cleareft idea of this matter, I
will firft begin with the Spanifh copper money, then go on to the
Jilver, and clofe the account with the gold,

I. Of the Spanish Copper Money.

The Spanifh Copper Money is, for the moft part, a very con-
temptible fort of coin ; fome of it ftamped without either form or
regularity ; and what is even ftruck in a fet dye, is far inferior to
the worft of our halfpence.

Their Copper Monies are only four.

1. The Maravedi, 34 — to the Real Vellon.

2. The Ochavo, —i Maravedis, 17 — to the Real Vellon.

3. The Quarto, zi 4 Maravedis, Si. = to the Real Vellon.

4. The Piezade dos Quartos, = 8 Maravedis, 4I — equal to the
Real Vellon.

In 17 1 8, Philip V. ordered they fhould coin milled Money
of pure Copper, making out of each pound 51 Quartos, 102
Ochavos, and 204 Maravedis.

There

270 An account of

Theke is mention made of Maravedis in a grant of tlie fite of
the cathedral of Segovia, by Alphonsus, in the year 1160,
v/here they are called, as the grant is in Latin, Morabct'mi, which
plainly fliev/s, that the coin itfelf, as well as the word Maranjcdi,
is Arabic, though Covarruvias thought it was Gothic. See
Colmenares Hift. Segov. p. iio. For, the word Maravedi is a
corruption from Almorircedi. They dropped the Ah and called
this little Copper Money Moravediy now vulgarly flikd Maravedi,
The Englifh took only their calculation-cyphers from the Arabs-,
hut the Spaniards took the Arabic numerals, and their manner of
computation likewife.

Small denominations, and minute diviiions of money, were
'iw all countries at firft probably ovv'ing to the great fcarcity of fpe-
cie. But, however fmall the Maravedis may appear to us, being
34 to the Real Vellon, thofe who are acquainted with the Roman
writers will remember, that the Latiji Teruncius was very near
as fmall a denomination, being -^.^ of our Farthing.

The Computation, indeed, hy Reals Vellon, is almoft the fam&
as the Roman by Sejfertii. /. s. d,

A Roman- Sefiertius was worth - - 002
The Real de Vellon, - - - 002 4 and l.

What can be well nearer ? Does not this fimilitude almoft induce
one to think, that the original of this computation of Reals Vellon
came from Rome ? and though the Maravedi is Arabic, the
Real is Roman. So far is very certain, that the gold Efcudo was
for many ages called the Aureus, and was current under that
name down to the time of Don Fernando,

The mofh ancient Spanifli money was made in imitation of
the Punic. As the Carthaginians had been abfolute mafters of
Spain, it is no v/onder the Spaniards fliould copy from their
models. This ancient money had charaSlers ftamped upon it,
-which no one has been able to explain to this day, and therefore
they are called Medallas Desconoscidas. Antoiio Augujlino^
the learned archbidiop of 'Tarragona, has taken infinite pains to

3 make

THE SPANISH MONEY. ^.yi

make them outj fee Patin's L'Hift. des Med. p. 103. Jou-
BERT, Science des Med. Inft. 7.

The Spanifh Copper Money is more like the firft rude monies
of a barbarous people, than the coin of a great and civilized na-
tion. They have often feen the Roman money for ages paft ; vaft
quantities of it are every day ploughed up, and brought to fale.
It is much they fhould never have attempted the imitation of the
'Roman Brafs Coinsy though they might defpair, perhaps, of exe-
cuting their Denarii^ or their Aurii, But there has been al-
ways fomething in the genius of thefe people averfe to improve-
ments.

Strabo fays, that the Spanifli Silver yionty confifled of very
thin pieces, or laminae, which had been three times refined in the
fire. This mufl; have been pure indeed, but wretched coin,
ftamped, and without any alloy -y confequently their Iron or
Brafs Money moft probably was much more rude and barbarous,
fuch as C^sAR fays our Britifh anceftors made ufe of in his time.
The ^latros of Philip V. are the beft that I have i^tn of the
Spanifh Copper Money.

One reafon, they fay, why their Copper Money is fo bafe a
Coin, is eafy to be affigned. When the expenlive projeds of
ambition, in the preceding reigns, had at different times redu-
ced the Spanifh finances exceeding low, it had been fometimes an
expedient to coin vaffc quantities of Copper Money : the confe-
quence of this is, that there is now in Spain at leafl ten times
' more Copper Specie than the circulation requires ; and at length
it hath become fuch a burden, that merchants will rather allow
one and a half per cent, diicount, than receive payments in cop-
per. This hath produced another effect, for as the^ quantity is fo
great as to be circulated in large bags, marked, of fo much in
tale, the miniftry of Spain is afraid of calling in this Copper
Specie to the mint, for its value to be reiffued in Silver, as they
imagine the flate would be a great lofer by the deficiency. This
is Spanifh policy ; but, for my own part, I cannot fee why this

N n evil

2f 2 A N A C C O U N T o F

evil might not eafily be remedied ; for, if the government would'
but confent to lay out the fmall fum of 20,000 /. Sterling ia
buying them up, they might fupprefs 20 millions of thefe
Copper denominations, and the convenience thereby arifmg to
the internal traffic of the kingdom v/ould much more than coun>-
terbalance the lofs. The Spanifli minidry are at prefent much
embarralTed with this grievance. The expedient they now talk
of to get rid of the greatefl part of it, is to colled: it in facks,
and fliip it off for the ufe of their colonies in America. In the
provinces, almofl: all payments are made in Copper, which ren/-
ders commercial tranfadtions there very, troublefome,

2. Of the Spanish Silver Money.

These are, (r.) The Real de Vellon,.. — to 34 Maravedls.
(2.) The Real de Plata, = to 2 Reals Vellon. (3 ) The Pefeta
Corriente, — to 4 Reals Vellon. (4.) The Medio Real de Plata
Colunario, — to i Real Vellon and -i, (5.) The Real de Plata
Colunario, — to 2 Reals Vellon and 2.. (6.) The Real de a Dos
Colunario, = to 5 Reals Vellon. (7.) The Medio Pefo, — to
10 Reals Vellon. (8.) The S ego via n, or Mexican Piece of
Eight, or Dollar, or Pefo, — to 20 Reals Vellon ; but if it hap-
pen to be ftruck at Seville in the year 1718, its value is no more
than 1 6 Reals Vellon, and the half of this Pefo no more than 8
Reals Vellon.

So that you fee the Spaniards have eight denominations of their
effedlive Silver Specie ; but they have likewife fome i?naginary di-
vifions, like that of our Englifi Found, — Such are the Jive follow-
ing.

1. The Efcudo de Vellon, or copper, commercial, nominal
Crown, rr to 10 Reals Vellon.

2. The Ducado de Vellon, or nominal Copper Ducat, 11
Reals and i Maravedi 3 ufed chiefly in computing marriage Por-
tions,

THE SPANISH MONEY. 273

tlons, contrads, fines, and court penfions, and in rating all eccle*
iiaflical revenues.

3. The computed Dollar, or old Piece of Eight, commonly
called THE Piastre, of fifteen Reals Vellon, and two Mara-
vedis. N. B. In commercial computations, where no particular
ipecies is mentioned, you muft reckon by this Piajire,

4. The Ducado de Plata Nueva = to fixteen Reals Vellon,
and feventeen Maravedis.

5. The Ducado de Plata doble = to twenty Reals Vellon, and
twenty-five Maravedis, and -i-i of a Maraveii.

In regard to their effeSiive filver fpecie, in i .-^ firfl place ob-
ferve, that it has no imprefs of any royal head ; that whenever
it has a fhield, or coat of arms on it, it is coined in Old Spain,
if it be ftruck before the year 1733 j the American filver money
flruck before that period, having only the crofs and the nwnerals.
But fince the year 1733, the American filver money has been the
fame with that of Old Spain.

The Real de Vellon is the fmallefl; piece of their filver coin;
obferve only, that though it be of Silver^ yet it is called Vellon
Money, that is Copper Money : the reafon is, that it was origi-
nally a Copper coin, but when they came afterwards to ftrike it
in Silver, they fi:ill retauied the old name. The effed: of this
hath been, that when merchants fay Vellon Money, they mean
Bilvjer, and now call the Copper Cobre, or Calderilla.

The Pefo Duro, Gourdo, Dollar, or famous Spanijh piece of
Eight, is now tolerably well known in England j there are four
forts of thefe Dollars y two fquare, one of Lima, and one of
Seville; two of the round fort, one with pillars, and one with-
out pillars. There have been no fquare Do] lars coined fince the
year 1733. Philip V. then ordered that t hey fiiould fiirike only
the round and milled. The Dollars of Ferdinand VI. have
the arms of Castile and Leon on a fhield quarterly j the arms

N n

OT

274 A N A C C G tU N T o P

of France on an efcutcheon of pretence under a regal crown.

The legend FERDND. VI. D. G. HISPAN. ET IND.

REX.

On the reverfe — two globes under a regal coronet, between
two pillars, with coronets inftead of capitals, labelled with the
motto PLVS VLTRA. Legend, VTRAQVE VNVM. Thefe
are called Colunario, becaufe of the pillars ; they weigh exadly
one ounce of filver, and their proportion between the filver and
gold, is exadlly as 15 = i ; fifteen of thefe being equal to the
Doblon de a Ocho, which is alfo exa6tly an ounce of Gold. —
When the exchange of this piece is at fifty-two pence, the Eng-
lish gain four per cent.

As Silver has been fcarcer In England than Goldy thefe
Dollars have been imported there with great advantage, while
the fmall SpaniQi Gold Crown, of exacflly the fame value^ hath
paffed unnoticed. The price given for them by the Bank of
England having been from five fhillings, to five and four-
pence per ounce : and of late, till the taking of the Hermione,
fo high as 5 J-. 8 d. and 51. \o d.

The meaning of the name 'Piece of Eight, was originally owing,
to its value j it was a Real, or Dollar, of eight Reals of plate
currency. But there being now three diftindt pieces of Eight,,
ftill in ufe, this hath bred fome confufion : the reafon of this va-
riety is however eafily to be accounted for. The old Piece of

Eight was, as 1 faid, originally in value eight Reals of Plate ;
this by currency in time loft fomething, almoft half a Real oF
Plate, and went at laft for fifteen Reals Vellon, and two Mara-
vedis. But when they came to coin better fpecie, to make this
Dollar a more valuable, and fairer coin, they added the value of
two Reals of Plate to it, which brought it to its modern ftand-
ard, namely twenty Reals Vellon. — Yet ftill, as many of the
old pieces of Eight ftill remained, the merchants were fo bigot-
ted to their old calculation of fifteen Reals, and two Maravedies,
that they ftill kept up that computation, and it remains even
BOW, though the pieces themfelves are now no more, and is

what

THE SPANISH MONEY.

^7^

what they call reckoning by the Fiajlre. This accounts for two
©f the Pieces of Eight, that of twenty Reals, and the imaginary
Piaftre.

The exchange of the Piajire is now at par, or forty pence.
The third Piece of Eight is that of Seville, of the year 171 8,
and was flruck upon the old principle of eight Reals of plate cur-
rency, or fixteen Vellon, which it now goes for : but thefe are
rare, and do not often occur. But remember, that the three
Reals de a Ocho, or Pieces of Eight, are that imaginary one of
fifteen Reals Vellon, and two Maravedies, of fixteen Reals Vel-
lon of Seville, and the modern one of twenty Reals Vellon.

In the year 1726, Philip ordered, that old Silver Pieces of
Eight fhould pafs for Nine Reals of Provincial plate, and one
half, that is for nineteen Reals Vellon, one lefs than the prefent
currency. At this time there was a general recall of the fmal-
ler filver monies to the Mint.

In the year 1728, Philip ordered a junta to regulate the mints
and monies, which ordained that the Reals a S'^. and a 4^^.
fhould be round and milled at the edges, and of lixty-eight
Reals of Plate the mark : that the old Real de a Ocho fhould pafs
thenceforward for ten Reals of Plate, that is twenty Vellon -,.
and the Real a Quatro for five Reals of Plate ; the mark for
eighty Reals ; the ounce for ten Reals of Plate, or twenty Vel-
lon, and fo on.

Of the Spanish Gold Money.

There were anciently only four Spanifh Gold coins, and thefe-
divided by a very fair and goodly proportion ; the Doblon of
eight, the 4, the i-, the i- ; exadlly the equal and dired divilions
of an ounce of Gold -, fnice that they have added a _!: and their
Gold Money flands thus :

I. The Efcudito de Oro, or little Gold Crown = to twenty.
Reals Vellon.

2-,. The

ty(i AnACCOUNTop

2. The Efcudo de Oro, or large Gold Crown, equal to thirty-
£ii\z\\ Heals, and twenty-two Maravedis.

3. The Doblon de a Cinco, or Gold Piflole, =? to feventy-^
£ve Reals, and ten Maravedis.

4. The Doblon de a Quatro, or double Gold Piftolc, = to
150 Reals, and twenty Maravedis.

(J. The Doblon de a Ocho, or Gold piece of Eight, or four
Gold Piftoles, = to 301 Reals, and fix Maravedis.

The Spaniards have alfo two imaginary fpecies in the Gold,
the Dobla de OrOy or Double Ducat, = to fourteen Reals, and
nine Maravedis — and is ufed only by phyficians and chymifts—
and the commercial nominal Pijiok of fixty Reals Vellon.

The Doblon of Eight was originally worth eight Half Fiji oles^
and thence took its name — £/ Doblon de a Ocho Efcudos. It is
at prefent but one Real more in value, becaufe feventy-five mul-
tiplied by four, makes 300; but its currency is 301 Reals, and
fix Maravedis. Obferve, that there are no pillars upon any of
the Spanirti Gold Money.

In the year 1728, Philip ordered, that the Doblon de a Ocho
Ihould pafs for fixteen old Pieces of Eight, or twenty Provincial
Dollars j the Doblon a Quatro for eight of thofe Pefos ; the Dob-
lon a Dos for four; the Efcudo for two, or twenty Reals of
Plate.

There are three forts of the Gold Doblon a Ocho. (i.) The
American, or of Lima, fquare, with the crofs, and the nu-
meral. (2 ) With the headof the Prince, as legend, PHILIP V.

"D. G. HISPAN. ET. IND. REX. Reverfe, arms of the

King, with this motto : TIMOR DOMINI INITIUM SAPI-
ENTI^. (3.) The third fort has no imprefs of the Prince,
but has the arms of the King under a regal crov/n, legend,

PHILIP,

THE SPANISH MONEY.

277

PHILIP. V. DET. GRATIA. On the reverfe, a crofs, with
this motto : HISPANIARVM. REX.

Having now concluded the account of the Spanifli money,
I fliail refer the reader to the following Table, which will fhow
at one view, the reduction of all the fpecies of it into Englifh
money j and it is hoped the Table will be found both new and
accurate*

A TABLE, fiewing the Value o/' Spanish Coim*.
in English Money,

3^Is\

^ellon* -

Maravedis. 1

I
2

4

f

2St

i

34

»i

42|

2

68

^\

85

3

102

4

136

5

J 70

6

204

7

238

8

272

9

306

10

.

340

II

374

II and

I Maravedis,

J2

408

»3

442

H

476

14 and

9 Maravedis,

^S

510

3

5

7
8

10
I

4
6

10
I

f.

3
I

2

2f

Maravedl.
Ochavo.

Quarto.

Two Quartos.

^4 5 Real de Vellon, or Half Real do
^^\ Plata.

2 The Pillar'd Half Real of Plate.

I J Real de Plata, or Real of Silver.

The pillar'd Real of Plate.

2| The Real de a Dos, or curr Pefeta^i
i-f The pillar'd Real de a Dos.

9 1 1 The Seville Half Dollar.

■ The Real de a Quatro, or Medio
Pefo, (i. e. Half Piece of Eight.)
The nominal Efcudo Vellon is
of the fame value. Nine of thefe
make a Pound Sterling.

1 1 cThe nominal Ducado de Vellon,
^ \ or Copper Ducat,

The nominal Doblo de OxOy or

Gold double,.

Real

278

Reals Vellon.

1 5 and 2 Maravedis,

16 . .
i6and 1 7 H^akvidis,

18
»9

20

10 and 25^5 -Maravcdis,
21

22

23
24

26

27
28

29
30

3»
32
53
34
35
3f^
37
37 and 22 Maravedis,

38

39

40

41

42

43
4 +
45
46

47
48

49
SO
SI

52

53
54
55
5<^
57
58

An account of

Maravedis. 1. s. d. f.

544

578
^12
646

68a

7'4

748

782
816
«50

384
918
•952
9.^6
1020
J054
10S8
1122
fi 56
1 1 90
1224
1258

12C2
1326
1360

1394
1428
1462
1496

1530

1564

1598

16:52

1666.

1790

1734
1763
1802
1836
1870
1904

1938
1972
2C0J

4
4
4
5
5
5
5
6
6
6
6
6

7
7
7

7

10
I

4
6

2

5

8

10
I

4
6

, C The old Piece cf Eight, or Piaftr*
"* ( nominal.
2| The Seville Dollar.

C The Ducado de Plata Naeva, or
\ nominal Ducat of new plate.

2j
It

"1

Real de a Ocho, Pefo Gourde, or
Piece of Eight ; the little Gold
Crown is of the fame value.

The Ducato de Plata Dobic,

< The Efcudo de Oro, or large
^ ^ Gold Crown.
5 1}

8

10

2t

9

I

'i

9

4

9

6

2?

9

9

'}

10

10

2

2^-

10

5

>'

10

8

10

10

2|

II

1

l^

I i

4

1 1

6

2|

1 1

9

^\

12

12

2

A

i 2

5

•'3

12

8

12

10

2|

»3

1

»1

Reals

THE SPANISH MONEY.

275^

Reals Vellon.

Maravedis

I.

s.

d

f.

60

2040

0

13

4

0

61

2074

0

13

6

2|

62

2108

0

•3

9

'1

63

2142

0

H

0

0

64

2176

0

H

2

2|

65

2210

0

H

5

4

66

2244

0

14

8

0

67

2278

0

H

10

2|

68

23:2

0

15

I

H

69

2336

0

IS

4

0

70

2370

0

'S

6

2y

71

2404

0

15

9

It

72

2438

0

16

0

0

73

2472

0

16

2

2?

74

2506

0

16

5

It

75

2540

0

16

8

0

75 and 10 Maravedis,

0

16

8

2

y6

2574

0

16

10

2|

77

2608

0

17

I

It

78

2642

0

17

4

0

79

2676

0

J7

6

2f

80

2710

0

17

9

It

8i

2744

0

18

0

0

82

2778

0

18

2

2?-

83

2812

0

18

S

IT

84

2846

0

18

8

0

8.-

28S0

0

18

10

2|

86

2914

0

19

I

I|

87

2948

0

19

4.

0

§8

2982

0

J9

6

2f

89

3016

0

19

9

»•

90

3040

I

0

0

0

150 and 2a Maravedis,

I

13

5

2

180

2

0

0

0

270

3

0

0

0

301 and 6 Maravedie,

3

6

11

0

360

4

0

0

0

45c

5

0

0

0

540

6

0

0

0

630

7

0

0

0

720

8

0

0

0

810

9

0

0

0

900

la

0

0

0

990

II

0

0

0

1080

12

0

0

0

1 170

13

0

0

0

126c

H

0

0

0

1350

»5

0

0

0

1440

16

0

0

0

1530

17

0

0

0

1620

18

0

0

0

1710

16

0

0

0

lisOO

20

0
0 0

0

0

The nominal or common Piflole.

The Doublon of Gold.

The Doublon de a Quatro of Gold.

The Doublon de a Ocho of Gold.

Reals

sSo

An account op

Reals VeUoiv,

1890
1980
2070
2160
22;o
2340
2430
2520
2610
2700
2290
2880
2970
3060

3240
3-3 30
3420

3510

3600
3690
3780
387a
3960
4050
4140
4230
4320
4410
4500
4590
4680

4770
4S60
4950

5040

5130
52^

53to

5400

d.

21

0

0

22

0

0

23

0

0

24

0

0

2S

0

0

26

0

0

27

0

0

28

0

0

29

0

0

30

0

0

31

0

0

32

0

0

33

0

0

3+

0

0

35

0

0

36

0

0

37

0

0

38

0

0

39

0

0

40

0

0

41

0

0

42

0

0

43

0

0

44

0

0

"^^

0

0

46

0

0

47

0

0

48

0

0

49

0

0

50

0

0

51

0

0

52

0

0

53

0

0

54

0

0

55

0

0

5^

0

0

57

0

0

58

0

0

59

0

0

60

0

0

Reals Vellon.

5490

5q8o

5670

5760

5850

5940

6030

6120

6210

6300

6390

6480

6570

6660

6750

6840

6950

7020

71 10

7200

7290

7380

7470
7560
7650

774^
7830
7920
8010

8 1 03

8193
8280

8370
8460

85JO

8640

8730
8820
8910
9000

d.

61

0

0

62

0

0

63

0

0

64

0

0

65

0

0

65

0

0

67

0

0

68

0

0

69

0

0

70

0

0

71

0

0

72

0

0

73

0

G

7+

0

0

75

0

0

76

0

0

77

0

0

7S

0

0

79

0

0

80

0

0

81

0

0

82

0

0

83

0

0

84

0

0

8>-

0

0

86

0

0

87

0

0

88

0

3

89

0

0

90

0

0

91

0

0

92

0

0

95

0

0

9+

0

0

9;

0

0

96

0

0

97

0

0

98

0

0

99

0

0

ICO

0

0

A TABLE o/'English a?2d Portugal Money,

reduced to Spanish Computation,

ti

Sixpence

Shilling

Half a Crown

A Crown

Half a Pound Sjcr.

I.

s.

d.

R

. V.

Mar

0

0

6

2

8|

0
0

I

2

0
6

4
II

'7

84

0

5

0

22

»7

0

lO

0

45

0

Half

THE SPANISHMONEY.

281

Hair a Guinea

A Pound Ster.

A Guinea

Moidcre

A Pound end a Half

* A Six and Thirty

A Three Pound Twelve

s.

d.

0 10

6

I 0

0

I I

0

I 7

0

I 10

0

1 16

0

3 12

0

R. V.

Mar.

47
90

8i

0

94

121

17

17

162

0
0

324

0

* N. B. Six and Thirties, or Portugal Pieces, exchange in this country at great
lofs: They will give atCoRUNNA only 152^ or at molt 156 Reals j at Madrid Something

more. The par is 162 Reals*

O O 2

L E T TJB R

t «82 ]

LETTER XV.

The State of Agriculture.

THE Soil of Spain is naturally dry, and is rendered ftill more
fo, by reafon of the great heats, which parch up the fprings
and brooks, and by the want of rain to refresh the earth at pro-
per feafons. Of this a remarkable infcance happened about five
years ago, when it had not rained in Castile for nineteen
months together.

The general furface of the country, if you except the two
Castiles, is uneven, fcarped, and mountainous. — It has been
doubted by the Abbe de*VERAY, and others, whether there
ever were ^ny mines of filver in Spain, becaufe the Spaniards at
prefent work none : but this prefumption has been ill founded^
I am told, that it is a ftanding maxim of Spanifli policy, not
to work any of their mines in Europe, as long as thofe of
America will fupply them. It is a certain fa6t, that there are
m2LnyJiIver mines difperfed throughout Spain, and at Guadal-
canal in Andalusia in particular. — Englifime?! hsLve gone over
there, and have examined the very ore, and have found it fo pro-
mifing, that fome have been fanguine enough to offer to contract

* But a modern writer has well confuted this opinion.— His words are, " La
prJUence Efpagnole, qui ne fonge pas tant au prefent, qu'elle na penfe auffi al'
avenir, ne veut pas qu'on y touche, tandis que ceiles des Indes auront dequoi four-
nir. Je trouve quec'eft fagemcnt fait a eux.

for

The state of AGRICULTURE. 2B3

for the working of the mines. Bat fuppofe the moderns had not
examined into this point, would not the teilimony of the ^;z-
€"/>;2^j- have been ftrong enough to prove it? Polybius, Stra-
Bo, and LivY, all affirm it. Cato impofed a tax upon the
filver and iron mines, among the Vergistani : See Livv,
Lib. 34.

Notwithstanding the inconvenience arifing from the
dry nefs of the foil, and the want of rain, yet, if the inhabitants
were induftrious, and applied themfelves with afliduity to the cul-
tivation of their lands, a general abundance might prevail, which
is far from being the cafe at prefent, for in many places there is
often great fcarcity of bread.

The genius of the people is doubtlefs naturally averfe to toll
and labour. Give a Spaniard but his cloak, hat, and fword, his
wine and his bread, and he cares not how little he works. An-
other great obfl:ru(5lion to Agriculture is the immenfe number of
lazy ecclefiajiics in thefe kingdoms, and the perpetual fucceilion of
holidays allowed by the church, which deprive the flate of one
third of the labour, that it ought to receive from its fubjeds.
To thefe let me add, the thinnefs of its population j Spain in ge-
neral, and Granada in particular, have never recovered that fa-
tal blow of the expuljion of the Moors j the effeds of which are
felt ftill more, by the addition of civil and religious celibacy.
When Philip, on one hand, banifhed to the amount of 800,000
induftrious infidels, from a principle of religion, he ought, on
the other hand, from a principle of policy, to have fet open
the gates of every nunnery and convent in his dominions. I have
heard the number of thefe ufelefs, fequeflered males and females,
thefe dead limbs of the body politic, computed at no lefs tlian
200,000 ; but I believe the calculation much exaggerated.

Besides the bad confequences arif.ng from religious celibacy,
their thin population is in part owing to the flcrility of their fe-
males ; and above all, to the vaft emigrations of their people to
America.

To

2^4 The STATE of

To remedy thefe defedls, the mlniniiy, in Philip Ill's and
Philip iV.'s time, oitered vaft premiums to promote marriage
nnd agriculture. But their imprudent fchemes of pohcy in other
inftances have rendered thcfe patriot laws almoft ineffecflual.

Another unfavourable circumflance to agriculture is, there
being no exportation of corn allovi^ed in Spain from one province
to another, except for the King's ufe, the exigencies of the fleet,
army, and fuch occafions. In confequence of this bad policy,
they are obliged to fend to Barbary and Africa, or to
England for corn 3 for, it is morally impoffible but the harveft
mufl fail annually in fome one province or other, and then that
province muft be fupplied from abroad. Indeed, the tranfporta--
tion of it to any great diftance is almofl: impracticable ; for their
large rivers being left in their natural fbate, are not navigable.

For my own part, I am perfuaded, that they look upon all
fuch improvements, in fome meafure, as Jinful. What fhall we
{•scj flip erjlit ion will not perfuade men to, when we read the fol-
lowing curious deliberation of a council of flate, in the reign
of Charles II. ?• — When a company of I>iitch contrad:ors of-
fered that Prince, to make the Tag us navigable to Lisbon, at
their own expence, provided they were allowed a toll, for a cer-
tain number of years, upon fuch goods as were fent by water-
carriage that v/ay : for they intended to render the Manfanares
navigable from Madrid to where it falls into the 'Tagiis. — The
Council of Castile having long deliberated upon that propofal,.
made at lafl this remarkable determination : ** That if it had
** pleafed God, that thefe two rivers fhould have been navigable,
" he would not have wanted human affiftance to have made them
'* fuch : but, as he has not done it, it is plain he did not think it
** proper that it fhould be done. To attempt it, therefore, would
** be to violate the decrees of his providence, and to amend the
*' imperfedlions which he deflgnedly left in his works."

But befides this defedt in their rivers, they have opened very
fcv/ roads for carriages ; in many placos there being fcarce

6 room

A G Pv I C U L T U R E in SPAIN. 285

room even for a mule to pafs by. Another difadvantage to no-rl-
culture is, that where the land happens to be let to a tenant,
which is not often the cafe, th^ fale of the ejlate voids the leaji' -,
from whence comes their Spanifli proverb, Fenta depazc renta.
— T!he fale frees yoii from reiit. This is fo directly contrary to our
Jaw, and the equity of the thing, that the difcouragement to the
farmer need not be infifted on.

The military fpirit of thefe people, which has always pre-
vailed, has no doubt given them a contempt for agriculture.
Whoever travels over Spain, will be grieved to fee fuch vail
tracks of line land, turned to io little advantage; great part of it
not tilled, and that which is, done in fo carelefs and llovenly a
manner, as to produce a flarved crop of corn, ev^en in fpots
where they might command the mofl abundant harve/l. Their
corn is ufually choaked up with flones, filth, and weeds of every
kind. There cannot be a Wronger proof given of the fertility of the
foil in Spain, than its producing fo much as it doth, when -^om
conlider how little labour they bellow upon it. When they
plow, they fcarce do more than jull fcratch the furface of thz
ground with a flight furrow ; after the firll: plowing, they let the
earth lie for a few days, and then they fow, the IVbeat m Sep-
tember, and the Barley in February : when this is done, they
feldom ufe the Harrow, but plow it ov^er again, in order to cover
the feed. Thus it fcands till June or July, at which time they
cut it down. The Barley is rarely bound in llieafs, and the
Wheat not always. Neither, however, are carried into Barns ;
but they lay it down on fome clean dry hillock, and then their
mules come with a drag, and tread or beat out the corn ; it is a
fliorter method than our threfloing. The winnowing there i%
done ftill eafier, by only throwing the corn up into the air.

Such is the general indolence of the inhabitants of this coun-
try, that many of them will neither reap nor gather m their own
corn. I lliould except, however, the indullrious Gallicians,
who, with great numbers out of France, from Auvergne
and Languedoc, annually travel over all Spain, to be its huf-
bandmen,

TWE

286 The STATE or

The corn, when cut down, ufually lies expofed upon fomc
dry high ground for a month or fix weeks : as it muft therefore
be watched by night, they build fmall huts to lodge in. Thefe
places being mofc commonly in the neighbourhood of great
towns, it is the evening diverlion of the Spaniards, at this feafon,
to walk out to thefe Erasy (or Area^) as they call them, to form
parties there j fome fitting, others playing on the guittar, others
linging and dancing Sequediilas or Vimdiingos. During the heats,
the cool air of thofe rifmg grounds is pleafant, and the fcene
odd enough. They frequently ftay out late at thefe entertain-
ments. The ladies of fafliion at Madrid fometimes partake of
them.

Strange as this manner of treading out the corn upon the
ground, and in the duft, may appear to us, yet I do not find that
it receives any damage from this practice; for it is all of the
hard fort, and their flour is fine and white, not inferior to any in
England. This method of treading out the corn is, however,
undoubtedly not lefs ancient than the time of Moses, as may be
feen in Scripture. When the corn is thus trodden out, they
carry it into the public granary, from whence it is difpenfed to
the people, by particular magiftrates, a board being appointed
for that purpofe : this they call 'Junta de los Abajlos.

Little elfe is fown in Spain, but Wheat, Barley, and Rye; to
the mules they ufually give chopped Jiraw, and thefe animals will
undergo amazing fatigue, upon fuch poor food. The Spanifh horfe
are likewife commonly fed with chopped flraw, and it gives
them the finefl coat imaginable ; but when they are upon hard
fervice, they give them Barley ; the richer fort, indeed, give
their mules barley. The Spaniards make little ufe of oats, tho'
there are fome few fields of it to be met with.

When I fpeak of the Spanifh Agriculture, I mean the general
flate of it in Spain; for fome parts of the country are certainly
much more tilled and improved than others; which muft be the cafe
in all countries : thus, for inftance, when you pafs the Sierra
More N A, or that craggy faw of mountains, by which you enter

into

%

AGRICULTURE in SPAIN. 287

into Andalusit^, the fcene Is agreeably changed, the country
chearfuller, all tilled to corn, or planted with olives ; the villages
neat and clean ; but even here induftry is wanting ; no inclofures,
no trees, but vines and olives.

From Corduba to Seville you pafs over a ruder country,
lefs cultivated, and abounding in olives, and fome vineyards.
The country, however, about Granada, Murcia, Valen-
cia, and Barcelona, has been of late years very nobly culti-
vated and improved : in that latter city, in particular, there is fo
much induftry, that you would be apt to think the people were
not Spaniards. In the environs, alfo, of the two former cities, the
country is one continued garden, abounding with all forts of me-
lons, gourds, pimentos, and garden herbs, interfperfed with
plats of corn, maize, rice, hemp, &c. all growing under the iliade
of mulberry-trees, which cover the whole country : they have
peas, cauliflowers, fallads, beans, &c. frefli from their gar-
dens, without the help of an hot-houfe, in the middle of our
winter.

With regard to the other provinces ; in Biscay they attend
chiefly to their Iron manufactures, and fo of courfe pay lefs regard
to agriculture. Asturias is all mountainous and woodv, ex-
cepting where they have laid the forefts wafte for the fupply of
their navy. I fay hi^^ them wajie, becaufe, through their unfldl-
fulnefs in cutting and felling the timber, and a carelefs prodigality
in the manner of doing It, they have cut down as much of the
noblefl wood, to build a few men of war, as would have ferved
the Spanifh navy for fome years. A gentleman, who lately tra-
velled that way, afllired me, that the Asturias, in this re-
fped, had more the appearance of a plundered province, than of
a country in the hands of its own mailers.

The two Castiles are miferably cultivated; Leon worfe ;
but fome parts of Gallic i a are fine; and though their atten-
tion to, and ikill in agriculture, is by no means equal to that of
the fouthern provinces of Spain, yet it has no mean appear-
ance.

1^ p One

288 The S T A T E o f

One of the late minlfters tried to introduce the EngliJI: ftyle of
ao-riculture into Spain, within thefe few years: and fent for
ploughs, harrows, and other implements and tools of hufbandry
from London. But when he came to teach his Cajiilian pea-
fiu:its, the ufe and application of thefe ruftic arms, they had no
lefs averfion to them, than the Spanifh troops have now to the
Pruffian military exercife. They tried to work with them, but in
vain. The Don will as foon quit his fkin, as his habits and pre-
judices. So they laid the tools down very quietly, and told the
minifter, *' Que no fe puede trabajar con inftrum.entos femijantes
" a los Ynglefes — T^hat it was impojjible to work with fiich tools as
" the EngUfir

With regard to Climate^ the Spaniards certainly breathe the
purefl air, well fuited to fuch conftitutions as are not fubjed to
cholics, particularly to what is called the dry cholic. It is too thin
and fubtle to agree with confumptive difpolitions -, but to fuch
whofe conflitutions are found, and unimpaired by hereditary or
acquired diftempers, there are few better climates in the world.
In Gallicia the air is more impregnated with vapours and
moifture ; but in general, there is neither mift nor cloud, and you
have the moft ferene azure fky conftantly over your head, that
can be imagined.

In winter, the cold is not of fo freezing a nature as in Eng-
land, nor does it numb the extremities in the fame manner 5
but it is of a more piercing and fubtle kind ; wherefore great
care muft be taken at thofe feafons to guard well the breall: and
lungs. Fire is as much wanted at Madrid, in the midfl: of
winter, as in London, and yet they ufe braziers in general, and
but few chimneys. In June, July, Augull:, and part of Septem-
ber, the heats are very oppreffive ; during the hours of heat, to
be ftill, with as little light in the room as poffible, is the only
way to be tolerably cool. Great care ought to be taken in regard
to the water all over Spain, particularly at Segovia, and
Aranjuez j for in thofe places, if drank without proper cau-
tion, it will have the moil: fatal efFeds. The furefl; prefervative
is to boil it, or to put an hot iron into it, before you drink it. The

water.

AGRICULTURE in SPAIN. 289

water, Indeed, of Madrid, is excellent, particularly that of the
fountain of the Recoletos, The court of Spain have given it
the ftrongefl recommendation poffible, for they have fent water
from Madrid even to Don Carlos and Don Philip, as far
as Italy.

You may find fome Trees in Spain not very common in other
countries. The olive tree, green oak, and mulberry tree, abound
there; you will meet with vaft forrefts of ^r and cork -, of which
latter they make ftools and benches, and apply it to many other
domeflic ufes. There are fine woods of oak in Estremadura
and AsTURiAS; fome few palms and cedars are likewife found.
Then as to Fruits, there are figs, pomegranates, oranges, le-
mons, citrons, dates, capers, walnuts, chefnuts, piilacho-nuts,
raifins, grapes, peaches, nectarines, apricots, plums of all forts,
pears, apples, mulberries, ftrawberries, currants, but, I believe,
no goofeberries.

Gardening, except in the neighbourhood of Barcelona
and Valentia, and fome other places on the Mediterra-
nean coaft, is entirely negled:ed in this country. They have
not even the idea of gentlemens country feats, with gardens
about them, after the Engli(h manner, except at the King's pa^
laces, or fome grandee's old cafcle. Yet, notwithfianding, their
lettuce, fallads, afparagus, cellery, cabbage, ipinnage, endive,
garden herbs, onions, garlick, carrots, turnips, melons, cucum-
bers, artichokes, &c. are good. — The honey of Spain, where
there is fo much wild thyme, is equal to that of Hybla.

Vineyards abound every where ; for they make neither beer,
nor cyder ; rum is prohibited, and their brandy is a wretched fpirit,
diftilled from anijeed. Foreign vv^ines are very difficult to be had
there at any price, except in the Jea-ports i even the fine wines
of their own grov/th are by no means cheap, or eafy to be pro-
cured. What wine is fold of foreign growth, is chiefly fome
poor Claret, or wretched Fronfmiac. 1 he wines that are native
are remarkably ftrong ; they are prefiTed out in the ancient man-
ner, fo often mentioned in Scripture, by the feet ; when thus

P p 2 trodden

290 The state of

troden out, they are immediately put into hog /kins, fevved up,
and pitched on the infide : the pitch is apt to give them a deeper
tint, and a very rank tafle ; this the connoifTeurs call tafting of
the Borracho. There are many fine wines in Spain, the very
names of which I know not : thofe that have fallen in my way
are the following, i. Mountain. 2. Xeres, or what we call
Sherry^ a town near Cadiz. :. Faxarete, both dry, and
fweet. 4. Malaga^ in that country, what the Spaniards call
Don Pedro Ximenes, from the name of a famous vintner ia
that city. 5. Mahajia, in Catalonia, what we call M^j//??/)'.
6. Tinta de Rota, or what we call Tent. 7. Peralta. 8. Mon-
tilla. 9. Guarnachay in Catalonia, 10. Foiitcarral. 11.
Mo/cat el. 12. Ribadavian. 13. Maravella. 14. Seges. 15.
Mancha. This laft is the wine of Don Qu^[xote's country : it
is of the red grape, and what is chiefly drank, mixed with water,
by the court and gentry at Madrid.

The Spanifh horfe were always famous \ thofe of Andalusia
are the moil beautiful, thofe of Asturias the ftrongeft : the
befl mules are the Cajiilian, particularly thofe of La Mancha .
but both horfes and mules are very dear in this country j
fifty or lixty pounds for a mule is no extraordinary price. All
travelling, carriage, &c- is generally performed' by mules, not
horfes. In many places, where the mules go with fafety, an
horfe would fcarce fland.

There are great plenty of oxen and cov/s, though the Spa-
niards make no butter^ oZ/fupplying its place. They make like-
wife very little ufe 0I cows milky goats milk being only to be had,
even at Madrid. They have black cattle in great abundance,
and large flocks of {heep. All thefe are ufually poor and lean,
for vv'ant of pafture, though the flefh is not without its relifh, and
the meat is certainly more iubftantial, more nutritious, than what
is killed in England.

They have immenfe droves of fwine, particularly about Ta-
LAVERADE LA Regna. As thefe are fed with chefnuts, the
pork is of a mod exc][uifite flavour. I'oultry in general, except

the.-

AGRICULTURE in SPAIN. 291

the turkies, are in this country lean and dry. There are great
quantities of game of all forts, hares, partridges, &c. but nei-
ther fat nor well flavoured. The venifon is good, but inferior to
our own. Rabbits breed and multiply aftonifliingly in Spain,
and are very good food ^ they were fo great a nuifance, in the
time of Augustus, that the Roman foldiers were obliged to de-
flroy them, as Strabo tells us. This made Catullus call
Spain Cuniculofa Celtiberia. And Bochart fays, that the name
of Spain came from the Phcenician Spanijiam, which fignifies
the land of rabbits.

Fish is fcarce ever (ten in the interior parts of the country;
and what does come there is ufually brought in /now. They
have great multitudes of craw-filh at Madrid. — But their chief
fupply of fifh is fent them by the Englifh from Newfound-
land, t\\Q fait Jijh, or what they call the Bacalao. The
Spaniards themfelves indeed, near Calls, fait no inconliderable
quantity of the Thunnus, or 'Ton-fifh ; and very excellent it is ;
though this is no new pradlice, but as old as the Roman times ;
for the Elder Pliny tells us, ** Optima autem omnium in
" Europa funt Gaditana Salfamenta*''

L E T-

[ 292 ]

LETTER XVI.

'To the Reverend Dr. Kennicott, &c. &c.

TO thofe, Sir, who, like you, are great proficients in the
Hebrew and eaftern languages, there are perhaps few-
countries in the world that would afford them more pleafure
than this of Spain, could they but have free accefs to all the
oriental manufcripts it is known to contain.

You need not be informed, that when the empire of the
Moors flourifhed here, they had univerfities of note, at a time
when all the Chriftian world, and the reft of Spain in particu-
lar, was buried in the moft difgraceful ignorance. The Chrifli-
ans themfelves made no difficulty of going to ftudy in thofe femi-
naries, to learn aftronomy and philofophy.

This country was the refidence of thofe learned Arabs, Avi-
CENA, AvERROES, Almanzor, and Messahallah. It was
here thofe able Jews wrote their comments, the Rabbins Aben
Ezra, Moses Ben-Maymon, A. Zacuth, Benjamin, Mo-
ses KiMCHi, and his fons David and Joseph; with others,
whofe names and works are fo humoroufly defcribed in that
beautiful poem, your Oxford Aublio Davifiana.

But though there certainly are great colledions of Hebrew,
and other On'e?2taI MSS. remaining in Spain, )^et let me intreat
you, Sir, not to raife your expedations too high, or fanguinely

I to

LETTER TO Dr. KENNICOTT.

293

to imagine, that you can derive any great acce/lions to your jtew
Edition of the Bible, from this part of the world. Not that I am
without hope of obtaining fome valuable collations for your ufe
hereafter : but that mufl be the work of much time and applica-
tion : patience and perfeverance are moil elTentially neceffary ia
all your tranfadions with a Spaniard.

You no doubt are v/elf aware, that thofe who glean after fucli
men as Ximenes, Montanus, and Pere Houbigeant, in
this country, cannot exped: to find much left, which they have
not collated. But ftill I am perfuaded, from knowing the genius
of thefe people, that a fkilful and diligent enquirer would dif-
cover fome Hebrew MSS. which tjiefe great men never faw : fome
have doubtlefs been brought hither iince their time, and fome
probably efcaped their fearch.

But, in order that you may fee the flate of this matter more
compleatly, I fend you inclofed two Letters, tranllated from the
original, written by a very learned and intelligent Spaniard. The
jirji will give you a full view of the ftate of the Hebrew and Ara-
bic learning in this country; and i\\Q fecond contains a mofl exad:
account of the Comphitenjian Polygktt.

Having ufed my utmofi: endeavours to procure you fome col-
lations of fuch ancient Hebrew MSS. of the Bible, as I could eet
intelligence of in Spain, it is but reafonable, that I fhould give
you. Sir, as fatisfad:ory an account as I can of the fteps I took for
that purpofe.

There are hut two principal obftacles to your procuring the
<7(:'/Z:z^/^y^ of the Hebrew MSS. in Spain : thefe are, the abfolute
neceffity of his Catholic Majefty's permiffion ; and the difficulty
of finding perfons of ability, learning, leifure, and what is more,
humility fufficient for fuch a work : for, fliould you find out an
ecclefiaftic able enough to go through this dry tafk, he may pof-
fibly have too much pride to receive your pay 3 and then, what
motive have you left to engage him with ?

But

294

LETTER TO Dr. KENNICOTT.

But how difcouraging foever thefe obftacles may appear, yet
notwithftanding, if there breaks out no war, and I have the op-
portunity of another year's flay in this country, I am perfuaded I
fliall have the fatisfac^ion of being inftrumental in removing them
in great meafure.

Upon receiving advices from England in regard to your un-
dertaking, I immediately wrote to fome of the Spanifli literati up-
on that fubjcdt, and among others to Don Fr. Perez Bagar,
a canon and treafurer of the church of Toledo : he fent me
word, that he had by him between * twenty and thirty Hebrew
MSS. of the Bible, written poflibly in the Xllth century, or not
much later; and that there was one in particular, dated 1 144.
This account of his, however, proved erroneous ; for he told me
afterwards, that he had only eight MSS. by him of the Hebrew
Bible, with another in the church library : for, not having fuffi-
ciently examined the reft, he found that feveral, which he ima-
gined to have contained the text, v/ere only Rabbinical com-
ments.

In obedience to my directions from England, I informed the
Earl of Bristol of the nature, ftate, and utility of your under-
taking, and endeavoured to induce him to move in it : but his
Lordfliip replied, that he could not ; that his office was only po-
liticaU and that he had nothing to do with what was foreign to
his commiffion.

Upon this I wrote to England, advifing an application to be
made to the Count De Fuentes, in order to obtain his Catholic
Majefly's permiffion, that the Hebrew MSS. of the Bible in
Spain might be collated for your work. That Count's chap-
lain called upon me foon after at Segovia, and allured me,
that the Count De Fuentes had promifed to procure an applica-
tion from the Romiili college of Cardinals to the King of Spain,
for the Englifn to have the fame permiffion here, which they
had in the Vatican, This I have heard no more of fince ; and
to tell you the truth, I did not believe at that time.

• See above, p. 83.

LETTER TO Dr. K E N N I C O T T. 29.*;

You will fee in my -f catalogue of the Escurial MSS. what
there is in that place. While I was there, I had the good fortune to
meet with the Count Gazola, one of his Catholic Majefty's great
favourites, a Lieutenant-general, and his principal Engineer. He
having afked me, if I hadfucceeded in obtaining accefs to the He-
brew and other MSS. in Spain ? I replied, that I had feen thofe
of the Escurial, in a very curfory manner, but none elfe; that
as to fuch an accefs as I wanted, for the purpofes oi coUatiGny I de-
fpaired of ever feeing that point accompHfhed. He replied, ** Cou-
" rage, mon ami, a mon retour a Madrid, je vous fcrois cette
" grace moi meme." This I looked upon as a moft favour-
able incident ; and accordingly, when I returned to Madrid, I
drew up the inclofed Latin epilHe to Count Gazola, ftating the
nature of your propofals, and defiring his affiftance in obtaining
the King's permiffion.

After this, I faw Bager at Madrid, who came to defire
me to fend to England for fome books, which would be necef-
fary to him in finifliing a work he had almoft compleated, en-
titled an Explanation of the Samaritan coins, to which will be
added an account of the Spanifh coins, called defconnocidas . At
this interview we made a mutual agreement; I undertook to pro-
cure the books, provided he would collate and fend me the varioui
readings of thofe nine MSS. at Toledo. So that you have no-
thing more to do. Sir, than to write a letter to him in form, re-
queuing the collation of thofe MSS. for your work, in order that
he might lay that letter before the chapter of Toledo, to obtain
their permiffion.

P. S. Since my return to England, I have little more to add.
Sir, to this account. When I faw the Honourable Mr. Hay at
Lisbon, he very warmly cfpoufed the caufe of your undertaking;
and was fo obliging as to offer to keep fuch a literary correfpon-
dence open during the war, if neceffary. But as we have now
the profpedl of peace before us, we are under no reftraints of that
fort; and whenever you would have any correfpondence m Spain

f See above, Letter VIIJ, p. 155.

^-^q renewed

296 O F T H E C O L L A T I O N

renewed upon this fubje<fl, pleafe to let me know your commands,,
•and I fliall very readily obey them.

Epistola

Ad Excellentiflimum Comitem De Gazola, &c. Sec.
de Collatione Hebraicorum Maiiufcriptorum Veteris
Teftamenti.

CU M nos Britanni, Comes Excellentiffime, orbi litterato nu-
perrime enunciavimus, nos hodie novam fufcepifTe fandti et
antiquiiiimi iflius Foederis editionem, magni Cardinalis Ximenis
quafi claffico et exemplo accenfi : ita et in eundem finem rationes
publice propofuimus, et e prelo edidimus, coUationem manufcrip-
torum facri textus Hebraici folummodo fpedlantes.

Incredibile eft didtu quo ardore et benevolentia tantum opus
ab omnibus fere noftrorum hominum ordinibus ftatim excipieba-
tur. Academias, Oxonia, Cantabrigia, Dublinia fuffragia fua
perquam libenter detulerunt; nee votis tantum inanibus profe-
eut'cE funt, fed auro et argento oblatis liberaliter adjuvarunt. Idem
dicendum eft de Archiepifcopis, Epifcopis, Decanis et Capitulis,
Collegiis, et ut ne fingulos memorem de permultis non minus
propter religionem et dodtrinam eorum infignibus, quam per ftem-
mata et faftos majorum.

Quam PR I MUM igitur, Comes Excellentiffime, incoeptum et
confilium hoc divulgari coepit, tantus ardor et caeteros BritannoS
apud exteras regiones aliofque populos peregrinantes corripuit, ut
confeftim manufcriptos codices Hebraicos ubique delitefcentes ex-
quirerent, eruerent, et felici quadam indagine aucuparent.

At ne exteri quidcm, ne eorum glori^e et laudi detraham, tan-
to operi, tam latK et univerfas utilitatis in rempublicam, in gene-

I ris

OF HEBREW MANUSCRIPTS. 297

ris humani commodum et ornamentam excogitate, ne ipfl exteri
pro fuis viribus, pro fua humanitate nobis defuerunt; Prascipue
Roms, Florentiae, Bononi^, Mediolano, Genuss, Venetiis, By-
zantii.

In urbe vero Roma, ubi artes et litterae humaniores tanta olim
ubertate fioruerunt, nee hodie defertae funt, primi ordinis nobiles,
et etlam ecclefiss Catholicas Romance principes, fuum operi auxi-
lium et patrocinium humaniter et urbane pnieftiterunt. Eminen-
tiffimus Cardinalis Fajponei liberam collationis licentiam a fiimmo
et S. S. Pontiiice obtinuit, et Vatican! fores confeftim patefecit :
hodieque omnes in celeberrima ilia Bibliotheca Hebraici rnanu-
fcripti per Anglorum manus accuratiffime excutiuntiir in ipfo pala-
tio, et dum vivus aderat, fub Eminentiffimi Cardinalis aufpiciis
et du(ftu.

. Sed quorfum omnis tendit base oratio me roges forfan Comes
humaniiSime ? Aperiam fhatim, fi modo mihi veftram expetenti
veniam earn clementer dederis. Tendit, vir dodtiffime, ut eundeni
Angli in Hifpaniis indulgentiam inveniant, quam a fandiffimo
Papa, et celliffimo Cardinalium Collegio Rom^ obtinuerunt :
Teque, Comes Excellentiffime, patriae meas nomine oro et ob^
teftor, ut eandem nobis veniam et collationis licentiam in bis ter-
ris patefacias, quam ubique alias terrarum or bis habuimus.

Fremant licet Monachorum coenobia, et clament Sacri Officii
fubfellia, tamen cum liberum patria3 meae fpiritum et animum
mecum afportaverim, tibi Comes Litteratiffime liberrime dicam
quod fentio : quanquam enim nos Chrifliani in diverfa ierimus
momenta tidei, tamen eandem i^mho Jidem profitemur, ad eafdem
facras fcriptiiras provocamus : iEque et communiter amborum
intereft cofdem ex quibus haurimus fontes puros putofque confer-
vare. Qiiis etenim vel fanus vel fobrius malit earn illam ignoran-
tiam, eofque errores, qui ex ofcitantia librariorym libros facros
invaferint, de feculo ad feculum perpetuare, a generatione in gc-
nerationem confecrandos tradere ? Eam quam hodie licentiam
Romcz Britannis Papa praDflitit, Matrito ccrte non detradurus erit.
Sed in eo non moranuir,

^^q 2 Regis

2y8 Collation of II n brew M a n u s c r i p t s.

Regis taatummodo licentia et aucloritas noilr^e califs', noftras
quseftioni expetitur. Quis autcni adeo fidens inventus erit, qui hanc
caufam et quaellionem humiliime per Miniflros fuos ad Regeni
Catholicum deferat ? Excellentiffinius Legatus nofler Britannicus
rei politics folum invigilat, nequc his curis alienis vel tangi vel
impedii-i poflit. Si de me dicerem, qui tantuni vile quoddam lit-
teratorum noflrorum in hac quieftione inflrumentum fim, et tan-
quam exilis patriae mex vox, hasc me nunquam aufurum fufcep-
turumve non ditliteor.

Sin autem patronumaliquem invenero, qualem te Comes Ex-
cellentiffime, fab cujus umbra protegar ; et ut verum dicam prae-
ftantiorem potioremve nee velim, nee potuerim : Quippe tu, qui
architedluras et pingendi artes praecipuo quodam amore femper
fovifti ; ita cceteras fcientias, et litteras humaniores publicis ftudiis,
publica benevolentia adeo profecutus fis, ut parum fciam ad cujus
Patrocinium vel Mufas vel Gratiae potius confugerent ; fub tali
^gide, fub hac Minerva, caufam hanc et partes mihi honorifice
delatas me non deferturum fateor, et quoad potuerim executurum.

Vale, Vir dodliffime, et te D. O. M. per multos annos fofpi-
tern fervet, et fi mea ulteriora vota fit fas adjungere.

Sit tibi ^l^ Poestan^ gloria prima rofae.

f He is publifhing the Ruins of the Ancient Poestum.

LET-

[ 299 ]

LETTER XVir.

An EPISTLE to Charles Christopher Pluer, charge
des h.^2iixt% from the Court of Denmark to that o/' Mad rid,
written originally in Latin by i)(?;z Gregory Mayans, and
containing the prefent State of the Hebrew and Arabic
Learning in Spain, and where the principal MSS. in thofe
Branches are to be found.

THE Arabic and Hebrew languages have always greatly
flourifhed in Spain ; nor is this extraordinary, for the He-
brew contains the Scriptures, and has interpreters, though
for the moft part very trifling, yet highly fkilful in that lan-
guage.— Add to this, that the wealth of Spain ever attradled the
avarice of the Jev/s, whofe numbers increafed fo much, that
their fons were even admitted to holy orders, until they were for-
bid by fome ftatutes, particularly that of Toledo, in 1547. This
flatute became neceifary, for there were found in one fingle town,
of the diocefe of Toledo, fourteen clergy, all Jews but one 3
and in many other places a limilar difcovery was made of their in-
creafe. — There is no doubt, but that thefe Jews not only ftudied
and improved their own language, the Hebrew; but even the
moft learned Christians learnt eagerly that language, in order
to convert the Jews, efpecially after the Ccimcil held at Vienna^
in the year 131 1, as we may gather from thtfrji Clementine,
title De Magijiris^ where it was ordained, that in the L^niverfl-
ties of Paris, Oxford, Bologna, and Salamanca, which

were

3C0 The PRESENT State of the HEBREW

were then the moft famed Univerfities, the Hebrew, Arabic, and
Chaldic tongues fliould be taught.

This was done with fo much fpirit at Salamanca, that
from thence, as from the Trojan Horfe, mere Princes went
forth ; men who underftood all the Oriental 'Tongues incom-
parably well. Neverthelefs in the time of Ferdinandus
NoMus, the parent of Greek learning in this country, Chaldee
and Arabic profelfors were wanting at Salamanca, as you may
fee in N. Cleuard's Epiflles, p. 235.

As to the Hebrew^ it is well known what hatred and averfion
hath always fubfifted between the Jews and us Catholics j
from whence it happened, that this hatred, which fliould have
been confined only to the perfidy of that people, hath been ab-
furdly exerted againft the innocent Hebrew tongue itfelf, and its
learned Profeflbrs.

How much prejudice the ftudy of the Hebrew created againft
Anto. of Lebrixa, a man of moft eminent learning, you may
learn from his Apologiay which is a fcarce book; you may fee
fome extracSts of it in my Specimen of a Library, p. 33. Tha
Letters of Lewis Vives will alfo tell you the ill treatment
John Verger a, and other eminent Hebraeans, met with here
on account of their knowledge of the Hebrew. Read the com-
plaints only of B. A. Mont anus upon this fubjedt, in his Com-
7nentary de Varia Hebr. Lib. Scrip tione et LeBione^ where he is
treating of the difcordance or agreement of different verlioos.

Wherefore, although Cardinal Ximenes firfl fet the ex-
ample, and roufed the minds of the Spaniards to the ftudy of the
Eaftern Languages, and particularly of the Hebrew, yet as pa-
trons and rewards for it failed after his death, and the prejudice
ran againft it, that moft ufeful ftudy began to be looked upon as
a mark of infamy.

Upon this account, in the beginning of the feventeenth cen-
tury, it was warmly difputcd among the Spaniards, whether or

no

and ARABIC L E A R N IN G in S P A I N. 301

no the Rabbinical Writings ought to be read at all : This queftion
was warmly debated and fully explained by John Mariana, \xv
his Defence of the Vulgate -y there he tells us, ch. 26, that fcarce
thirty fcholars could be found in all Spain, to whom the Kab-
Innical Writers could be of any ufe ; and he adds, that his coun-
trymen were not then fo much addid:ed to the dry ftudy of the
Languages, as to ftand in need of prohibitions, but rather of in-
citements. It is remarkable too, to obferve what he v/rote in his
trad; De Rebus Societatis, ch. 6.

The fame Mariana, being confulted by the Inquifitor Ge-
neral concerning the Rabbinical Writers, anfwered, that he
thought that the Thalmud, with its GlolTes, ought to be for-
bidden to be read, as it had been already forbidden ; and that
Rabbi Men ahem, a Recanate upon the Pentateuch^ ought to be
prohibited alfo ; and likev/ife the book Zohar, v/ritten by Si-
meon Ben-Jochai, which book the Jews vulgarly imagine was
written before the time of Christ. Mariana adds, that he
believes, that there are many other Rabbinical Writings which he
had never feen or heard of, the reading of which ought not to
be permitted even to the learned: And he then gives us a lift of
fuch Rabbinical Writings, as wife men might read with the per-
miifion of the Inquifition.

Wherefore when the readin^^ of the Rabbinical Writings v,'2.'s.
thus forbidden, it is no wonder that their MSB. difappeared fo

totally, as not to be found in private libraries Nay even the

printed Rabbinical Works were not to be had in the Bookfellers
fhops : In fo much, that only a few of them are to be {zqx\ in the
Librarv of the EscuRiAL, in that of the church of Toledo, and.
in that of the College of San Ildephon'so at Alc.^^la de He-
nares.

There are hov/ever in fome of our Univeriities the profef-
fors chairs flill remaining, in order to fulifill nominally the acade-
mic conftitutions. In my time I remember two inftances, when
a ProfeiTor's chair in one of them was to be filled up, that not
one of three candidates was able to read a chapter of the Hebrew

Bible

302 The p R £ 3 !• N T S T A T E of the H E B R E W

Bible off hand. And yet, in the Univerfities of Salamanca,
and Va LENT I A, we have pubUc Profeffors of iJ(?/^r^w ; but thefc
have no pupils ; for how can that be learnt which is not taught.

This therefore is the true Hate of the cafe, the fludy of

Hebrew in Spain was revived by Ximenes, and died with the
difciples of the great Montanus.

As to the Arabic language in this country, I will be fome-
what more diffufp upon that fubjed:, becaufe there are more mo-
numents and MSS. of it remaining, but which remain fo, as to
be almofl hidden treafures. The Moors extended their Arabic
langua2;e in proportion as they enlarged their conquefts in Spain,
as you may fee in Aldreti's Origin of the Cajiilia?i Language ^
chap. 2 2.

It is no wonder therefore, that there were many in Spain
who were not only ambitious of glory in arms, but in letters i
efpecially during the fierce contentions of fo many petty rival
Kings, and in a country the moft fruitful of great geniufes. The
Arabs in Spain chiefly (ludied Philofophy, Mathematicks, and
Phyfick : In the fir/i^ principally Logic and Mctaphyfics ; in the
fecond. Arithmetic and Geometry; in the third. Botany and
Chemiftry.

Abu-Nazar, Al-Phatah, a native of Hispalis, or Se-
ville, who wrote about the State of Learning in Spain, has
told us how many, and what great men among thefe Arabs, have
left works behind them in that language.

Ebn Alkhalib Mahomad, Ben Abdallah left likewife,
in four large folio volumes, an Arabico-Spanifi-Bibliothequey con-
taining the livesof the feveral Caliphs, Generals, Philofophers, Poets,
and learned women, among the Arabs, who lived in Spain. Thefe
two laft mentioned excellent works, are both of them ftill exit-
ing in the Library of the Escurial. See to this purpofe, Nic.
Antonii Bibliothec, Hi/pan. num. 8, 9. the Preface to which
work is a very learned performance.

Among

and ARABIC LEARNING in SPAIN. ^o-,

Among the Kings of Spain, Alpiionsus the Wise is al-
mofl the only one who had any regard for the Arabic language :
By his order Abraham Abenzohar tranflated out of Arabic
into the Spanifli, PIazalqui's book of Jiidicial AJirology \ And
Judas, the fon of Musce, tranflated the entire book of Halt,
the fon of Abenrageb, upon the fame fubjed:, which was af-
terwards tranflated into Latin by ^gidius de Tebaldis. Be-
sides, Judas, the fon of Rabbi Moses Hacken, a canon of
Toledo, tranflated into Latin, by the order of Alphonsus,
the Aftronomical Works of Avicena, from the Arabic : And
the fame Prince ordered the book, concerning all kinds of Aftro-
labes and their ufe, concerning the number and diftances of the
ftars, to be tranflated from the Chaldee into the Spanish tongue.
This book that great man Honoretes Johannes ordered to be
tranfcribed from the Library at Algal a de Hen ares, and to
be depolited in that of the Escuri al.

The Univerfity of Salamanca contributed greatly to the
increafe of Arabic learning; for in that Univerfity there were
eminent Profeflbrs of Phyfic, who ftudied and followed the {yi-
terns of the Arabs : For the Arabs firfl: raifed that neceflary art
into repute in Europe, when it was fallen to a very low ebb.
Thefe men firfl introduced the true prad:ice of their art, by unit-
ing the knowledge of the caufes of diflempers, with the prudent
application of the properefl remedies.

But when things were come to that pafs, that the Chrijliajis
began to apprehend that the Moors would fubdue their conquerors
in their turn, they took all the precautions to be fecure againft
them, which fear naturally infpires. This was done many ways.
It only belongs to my prefent fubje<5t to fay, that the ufe of the
Arabic tongue was forbidden to the Moors of Granada, as
Per din ADO Valor tells us in that eloquent fpeech, in which
he complains with great addrefs, of the perfecutions of his coun-
trymen. See Did. Hurt, de Mendoza, in his Hift, of the War of
Granada, Book i. Se<5l, 7.

R r At

304 The PRESENT State of the HEBREW

At ValExNTIA Hkewife, in the year 1568, were publidieJ
the Constitutions of the Archbilliop of Valentia, the Bi-
Ihop of Segorve, the BiPxiop of Dertosa, the Bifhop of Ori-
HUCLA, the CommiiTary General for Profelytes, the Inquifitorof
Valentia, the Count de Benavente, Viceroy and Captain-
General of Valentia: And by thefe Conftitutions it was or-
dered, that whenever the IVloors fliould make a Willy it fliould
be written in the Valentian or Caftihan tongues ; if it was made
in any other language, it fhould be void and of no force. Be-
fides this, Lewis Bert rand, a man of a very fevere difpofi-
tion, writing in 1579 to John P.iber a, Patriarch of Ant ioch,
and a man of the higheft prudence; Bert rand, fpeaking of
the beft method of converting the Moors to Chriftianity, fays,
that the Arabic tongue ought to be prohibited in the kingdom
of Valentia, as it had before been in the kingdom of Gra-
nada : For fays he, the women and children continue in their
unbelief, only becaufe they do not underftand the fermons of our
Spanifli Monks and ConfelTors. See the Letter at the end of the
Life of John Ribera, printed, Rome, 1734, a?jd written by John
Ximenez.

But it is certain, that other men of great piety and difcretion,
were of a different opinion in this matter. Fernando Tala-
vera, Archbifhop of Granada, as we are told by Fr. Ber.
DE Pedraza, part iv. c. 10. of his Hift. of Granada, feri-
ouily faid, That he would very willingly lofe both his eyes, pro-
vided he could be fuch a mafter of Arabic, as to teach and preach
the word of God with fKill : And he advifed the parochial priefls
to learn that language, in order to inftrudt the Moors. See Jof
de Siguenza, Part. iii. of the Hiji of the Jeromites, c. 34. The
Archbifhop too perfuaded Peter de Alcala, a Francifcan, to
compofe an Arabic Vocabulary, from which moft excellent book
you can only learn the Arabifms in our language. Concerning
the fcarcity of this book, fee Antiquit. HiJ'p. pr. Bern, Aldreti,
Lib, I. f. 10. and my Origenes,

Besides, Martin Perez de Ayala, Archbifhop of Valentia,
a man of uncommon learning end rare piety, in order to inflrudl

new

and ARABIC LEARNING in SPAIN. 305

new converts to Chrillianlty in Valentia, ordered to be printed,
in I 566, InftitLitcs of the Chriflian Religion in the Arabic
and CaJtiUan languages ; in two columns, one in the common,
the other in the Italic charad:er, that prieils, who were ignorant
of the Arabic, might know how to pronounce the Arabic words.
Obferve only, what a general ignorance of the Arabic prevailed
in Spain at that time. That the Spaniili clergy knew as little
of it in the beginning of the feventeenth century, appears from
the teftimony of James Bled a, in his Moo?~iJlj Chronicle of Spain,
page 84. In the time of Rodrigo Caro, who publilhed the
Antiquities of Seville in 1634, there was no one there who
underflood the Arabic tongue, as he tells us, Book I. chap. 23.

When there were difcovered fome plates at Granada, with
Infcriptions on them, in the year 1595, Pedro de Castro,
Archbifhop of Seville, when he came to that See, invited thi-
ther Thomas Erpenius, who was reviving the Arabic learning
at that time: His deiign was, that Erpenius fliould have inter-
preted thofe plates ; but he would not accept of the invitation,
as John Vossius tells us in his panegyric on the death of that
great man.

From fuch a total ignorance of the Arabic tongue, you may
eafily conjedture the contempt it lay under at that period. The
Chriftians always burnt, in thofe days, whatever they found written
in that language. If you look into the Scaligeranay page 30 and
144, you will find fome account of this matter, given upon the
authority of B. A. Montanus, who fays, that the Arabic MSS.
burnt in thofe days, in the feveral branches of learning, fuch as
Philofophy, Divinity, Phyfic, and Mathematics, were then va-
lued at above 100,000 crowns. The Moors fearing this, care-
fully hid their Arabic MSS. in the cavities of walls, or other ob-
fcure places.

The Mamifcripf 'Burners feemed to have been pofTefTed with'
the fame fpirit, as Omar, the Saracen Caliph, who burnt the
Alexandrian Library. /St'^ Albupharajus, in his Hi ft or y of the
Saracenic Dynafties, page 181, and Po cock's Tranllation, p. 119.

R r 2 Thelc

3c6 The present State of the HEBREW

Thefe Book-burning Bigots £cem to have imitated the example
of John Zumaraga, the firfl Biihop of Mexico, who com-
manded every body to burn all the Indian Hijiories they could
meet v^ith, becaufe he thought all the fymbolic figures in thofe
Indian MSS. were idols, ^t'^ Jean Turrecremata's Hijl, of
the Indian Monarchy y Book III. chap. 6.

The Moors, as I faid before, carefully hid their MSS. in the
cavities of walls, or other obfcure places. By this means fome of
them now and then appear, which have been found in the ruins
of old houfes. This hath very often happened in my time, and
particularly at Biigarray which is a little town in Valentia,
where, about twenty-fix years ago, were found fome Arabic
MSS. covered over with fpartum, a Spanifli plant, to preferve them
from the wet; and the whole was concealed by layers of bricks.
Two of thefe MSS. 1 fent elegantly bound to John V. King of
Portugal : Another 1 have by me, damaged by the wet, and
wanting the beginning and ending, but I will fend it to David
Michael, if he pleafes, to fhew him how willing I am to oblige
him.

In the year 1754* in a little town belonging to the Bifhopric
of Albarracin, a large city in Arragon, they found in
the cavity of a v/all, upon ftone fhelves, above 144 volumes of
Arabic MSS. That thefe might be preferved, I defired Don
Francisco Ravago, the King's ConfelTor, to acquaint his Ma-
jefty with the difcovery. The King immediately ordered them
to be fent for; and that part of them which could be found, has
been taken care of. The common people in Spain imagine,
that thefe Arabic MSS. contain fome fecret verfes, and that they
are a fort of Magic Charm, by the help of which you may dif-
cover hidden treafure ; therefore, whenever they find thefe MSS.
they hide them, and fet a great value upon them. Whenever
they try the virtue of this charm, they always get a Moor^ who
can read the Arabic, and who pretends to milk a goat with a
fteve. This cuftom the Spaniards learnt from the Moors, as you
may fee in John Leo's Defcripfion ^Africa, Book III.

A. You

and ARABIC LEARNING in SPAIN. 307

You fee that the Chnllians in Spain ceafed to fpeak the Ara-
bic tongue, when they began to govern the Moors and hold them
under fubjedion : The Moors were then forbid the ufe of their
own language, fo that in the end, the Arabic tongue became in
this country a dead language. See Aldreti's Origin of the Caf-
tilian 'Tongue , Book I. chap. 13.

Many of the Arabic MSS. were burnt j and many were tranf-
ported out of Spain into Africa. Three thoufand Arabic MSS,
were carried thither by one AmbaiTador only, who came from
Algiers to the Court of Madrid. See John Leo's Defcrip-
tion of Africa, Book IV. p. 523.

Add to all this, the want of Arabic types in the Printin^-houfes
in Spain, as you may fee in the royal licence prefixed'' to Al-
dreti's Spamfi Antiquities, and that in a time too, when I may
fay, without any injury to the prefent, that there was more found
learning ftudied than there is now. Befides, we have no Arabic
ProfeiTor in any of our Univerfities. You cannot find, I do not
fay an Arabic MS. but not even an Arabic printed book, in any
of our bookfellers fhops : In no private library that I know of, is
there an Arabic MS. to be feen. Nor do I remember to have
read of any in the printed catalogues of our moft celebrated Spa-
nljh Libraries y fuch a& thofe of Don Ant. Augustino, Don
Gabriel Sora, Lorenzo Ramirez de Prado, the Marque?

MONTALEGRE, EmMANUEL PaNTOJA, AnDRES GoNZALEZ

Barcia, all which 1 have by me. The only perfon in Spain
in my memory, who had any confiderable number of books in
the Eaftern Languages, was Don Lucas Cortez : His library
was, after his death, fold by auction for a trifle.

But to fay the truth, nothing fo much prejudiced the fludy
of the Arabic and the Eaftern Languages in this country, as that
pride with v/hich gentlemen of the court have always treated the
Profeflbrs of thofe tongues.. Rodrigo Gomez, of the houfe of
Sylva, when fomebody was praifed in his company for his great
fkiil in languages, afked if the man underftood the Cajiilian
tongue hkevvife ? Yes he does, replied the other. Vei-y well,

fays

3oS Tlie PRESENT State of the HEBREW

fays Gomez, that's enough ; it is the only language we fpeak at
court; and as for all the reft, they are not worth puzzling one's
head about them. And yet for all this, there are a great num-
ber of Hebrew and Arabic MSS. in the Esc c; rial Library.
For the moft learned men in Spain, out of compliment to
Philip II. prefented him with the beft and rareft books, to
adorn that colle6lion. But that I may confine myfelf to fuck
books only as belong to my fubjed, Did. Hurtado de Men-
do z a left his books by will to Philip II. which books were
carried into the Escurial Library in 1575, as Jos. de Siguen-
ZA tells us, in his Hijiory of the Jeromite brotherhood. Book III.
page 3. who fiys, that there were among them many Greek,
Arabic, and Latin MSS. There were of Arabic alone, in this
ieo-acy of Mendoza's, about 400, relating to fcience and hifto-
ry, as Mendoza himfelf fays, in a letter of his to Jerom Su-
i^iTA, which you may read in The progrefs of Hijiory in the king-
dom of Arragon, publified by Don Did. Jos. Dormer.

But here let me take notice of three miftakes made by James
Augustus de Thou, or him who wrote the Thtiana. It is
there faid, that Didaco Mendoza wrote the Hijiory of the
Indies, whereas Antonio de Mendoza wrote it. He con-
founds Didaco with Fernando Mendoza, the laft of whom
died mad; for Didaco died by the amputation of a leg, as An-
tonio Perez tells us. Laftly, De Thou fays, that the

Spaniards are wont to die mad, which is a notorious falfhood.

B. A. MoNTANUs gave alfo to the Escurial Library many
MSS. in Hebrew, Arabic, and Greek, as Siguenza tells us.
I pafs over others, who gave fine Oriental MSS. to the fame Li-
brary. Befides, Lewis Faxardo, who was High Admiral to
Philip III. took from the Turks, in one engagement, 3000
Arabic MSS. which were all placed in the Escurial, as Fr.
De Los Santos tells you in the hiftory of that Convent.

But, to the Irreparable lofs of the republic of Letters, the great-
eft part of the Oriental MSS. and particularly the Arabic, were
burnt in the year 1674, as Nic Antonio tells you in the pre-
face

and ARABIC LEARNING in SPAIN. ;^09

face to his SpaniJJ? Bihliofheqiie. The fire began June the 7th,
and lailed fifteen fucceffive days, as Los Santos relates. Fax-
AT^Do's MSS. were all burnt, except the Alcoran^ and fome few
others.

Yet flill a great number of Oriental MSS. and particularly
Arabic, remain there. And to fpeak of the Arabic only, there
are in the Escurial Library above 200 Arabic Grammarians,
many more Rhetoricians, Orators, Poets, ^c. Michael Ca-
FiRi, a Syrian, the Royal Librarian, hath printed a catalogue of
thefe, of which only the firil volume Is published. The title of
it Is, Specimen BiBLioTHECi^ Regi^, Arabico-Hispan^,
EscoRiALENsis ; the firll flieet of which I now fend you, w^hicli
I received from the King s Confeflbr. When this work comes
out, the republic of Letters will know what vafi: treafures lie hid
in that monallery. So that the words of MafterLEo, related by
Ant. Perez, will feem almoft prophetic; who faid, that
*« the Escurial colledlion of books would beconie hereafter a
" noble monument of royal magnificence; but that it would not
<* be a library, but a fepulchre."

Many learned men have complained loudly of this buryino-,
books alive, if I may be allowed the expreflion. Mariana, in
his trad: de Rege et Regis injiitutioney Lib. Ill, Cap. 9. fays,
" The Escurial Library is built over the Vefiibuluniy in length
** 185 feet, and 30 feet broad : it contains many Greek MSS.
** moil of them of a venerable antiquity, which were brought
** from all parts of Europe in great abundance. Thefe trea-
** fures, which are more valuable than gold, deferve to have a
*' freer accefs of the learned, to infped and examine them. For,
«* what advantage can be derived to the public from fuch captives
** as thefe, imprifoned as it were by royal authority V

I pafs over the complaints of ethers. Monfieur Bautru,
when became Into Spain, and had feen the Escurial Library,
went to the King, and talked with his Majefty about It ; and
faid, among other things, that the Librarian of the Escurial
was a very fit man to be entrufted with fuch a royal treafurc.

Why

3 10 The PRESENT S T A T E of the HEBREW

Why Co ? fays the King. Becaiife, replied Bautru, as it is
plain he has flole none of the books, you may be fure he will
never diminifh your Majefty's treafure.

The colle6ling- thofe books together, was, in one refpedt,
very providential ; for, where would they have been now, if they
had not been preferved there ? They are of no great ufe indeed,
becaufe the cuftody of them is given to a fet of illiterate monks,
who, as Dean Marti faid, envy others what they make no
ufe of themfelves. John Baptist Car dona, Bifhop of Der-
TOSA, when he wrote to Philip II. concerning this library, ad-
vifed him '^ to chufe a Librarian for it, who was well fkilled in
** the Latin and Greek tongues, and who fliould know tho-
** roughly the claflical writers ; for, as to the Hebrew and Ori-
*' ental tongues, your Majelly may eafily procure Rabbiiis fov that
" purpofe. There are now at Rome fome Rabbins, who are
*^ converted to Chriftianity, men of piety and learning, fuch as
** Andrew, Jullius, and Paullus, men of note there. Your
*' Majefty mull like wife fend for a Persian, and a Turk, and
** fo on for each foreign language. — There is now living one
" Stephanus, brought up in Solyman's court, and a great
^' favourite of his. This man, who commanded two gallies,
** was taken in an engagement at fea, and is now fupported by a
" penfion from the king at Naples. He would be a very proper
" perfon, and would certainly be of more ufe to your Majefly,
*' than to the King of Naples, for his lingular knowledge of

** Turkifli affairs." No one would certainly fay, that the

Escurial Library was of no ufe in the time of Montanus,
who was Librarian there. But fuch men as he are ftill wanting,
to make that colled:ion truly ufeful.

The Hebrew and Arabkyi^^. in Spain are written either on
Parchment, or on Paper ; the antiquity of which latter you may
gather from an Inftrument, flill preferved in the Chamber of
Royal Archives at Barcelona. This inftrument was drawn in
1 178, and, frcm the nearnefs of the two periods, I conjedure,
that this fine Spanifli writing-paper was made at the famous Ste-

tabis.

and ARABIC LEARNING m SPAIN. ^ri

TABis, afterwards called Xativa, and now San Philippe*.
The Geographus NuBiENsis, who wrote about the year 1 1 5.0,
or perhaps a" little before, fiys, " S.^ tab is is a mofl: beautiful
** city, and its environs are fo delightful, as to be made a pro-
** verb of; they make their paper of a moft incomparable fine-

*' nefs."- It is no wonder this city (hould be fo celebrated for

its Paper Fabric^ for Catullus has taken notice of its fine
handkerchiefs, the Sudaria Scetaba, as he calls them : And Pli-
ny tells us. Lino ^(Ztabi tertia i?i Europa dab at ur p alma. SiLius
Italicus too, and Gratian, have fung itspraifes»

From MSS. the tranfition to Medals \^ very eafy. Count Mi-
GAzzi, now Archbifliop of Vienna, when he was at Madrid,
AmbafTador to the court of Spain, obtained, by my means, 320
Silver Coins, i i Brafs Coins, and one Gold Coin, all of them
Arabic monies, flruck in Spain, and in good prefervation : The
interpretation of thefe, if publiflied, would be a new thing, and
highly acceptable to the learned.

You will not be permitted to collate any of our MSS. without
the King's leave. We have, befides, no Spaniard able enough
to afilft DxiviD Clemens in collating an Oriental MSS. but Ca-
SIR I, and he has no leifure for it.

From Oliva, in Valentia, December 23d, 175B.

* This city, which is fo often mentioned by the Roman poets and writers, was
in Valencia, and flood on the banks of the river Xucar : It was very finely built,
and the fituation of it was delightful. Unfortunately it declared, in the year 1706,
for the Arch-duke Charles. The year following, the Count D'Asfeldt be-
fieged and took ir, and put all the inhabitants to the fword that bore armsj few
efcaped but women and children. The citadel capitulated foon after, where they
made 8co Englifh prifoners of war. Philip ordered the city to be razed and level-
led with the ground, and, on the fpot where it flood, they ereiied a column, with
this infcription — " Here was once a city named Xativa, which, as a

PUNISHMENT FOR ITS TREASON, AND ITS REVOLT AGAINST ITS KiNG AND

Country, has been levelled even to the ground. In the year 1707,
they rebuilt, by Philip's order, a new city on the fanne fpot, and it is now called
San Philippe.

S f LET-

[ 3'2 ]

LETTER XVIII.

A^i Epistle ivritten by Don Gregorio Mayans, to the late
Sir Benjamin Keene, containing a full Account of the

COMPLUTENSIAN PoLYGLOTT, ^C. ^C,

MAY it pleafe your Excellency! You having hinted to
me, that you defired fome information concerning the
Complutensian Bible, and thofe MSS. which the learned
editors of that work made ufe of, if they were any where now in
being, I fhall endeavour to give your Excellency all the intelli-
gence on that point in my power.

Don Alvaro Gomez, who wrote the Life of Cardinal Xi-

menes, fays, * ** That Ximenes, fearing led the facred myfte-

' ries of our religion fliould fuffer fome detriment, from the

* Scriptures being ill underflood, began moil timely to be appre-
' henlive, left the Spaniards Ihould become entire ftrangers, and

* totally unacquainted with the books of the Old and New
'■ Testament."

-f- Don Antonio de Lebrixa tells us, in the preface to his
Apologiay how defpifed and negleded the knowledge of the
learned languages was at that time, and how little the profelTors of
them were efteemed. This ftate of ignorance continued to the

* Book II. p. 36, 38.

t /'. e, Antonius Nebrissensis.

days

Account of the Complutensian Polyglott* •^i-^

days of Mont anus, and Mariana *, and I wifh it did not con-
tinue now.

Gomez adds,- " That Ximenes, therefore, (in imitation of
** the great Or IG EN, who with amazing diligence put together
" all the tranflations of the Bible then extant, and united them
" in thofe famed Hexapla) ordered an edition of the Bible to
" be fet on foot, to remedy this evil. In that edition, the books
'^ of the Old Teftamott are divided into three columns. In the
" iirft column is placed the Hcbre--jj, in the middle the Vulgate,
" in the third the LXX. and its tranflation. At the bottom of
" the page is placed the Chaldee Faraphrafcy with its Latin tranf-

" lation. But the New Tejiament has the moft correal Greek

" text pofTible, with the Vulgate. In the laft volume is added a
*' didionary of Hebrew words and phrafes, admired by the fkil-
*' ful in that language. This addition was much wanted in fome
" Bibles, through the carelefnefs of thofe who kept them, and
** was a great detriment to the reader. This undertaking of
*' Cardinal Ximenes was highly laborious, magnificent, and
*^great; it not only required a man of his eminence, but of his
" abilities likewife, to furmount all the difficulties which at-
" tended fuch a work : He therefore fent for men of letters,
" well ikilled in the Greek and Latin languages, to affift him.
" Thefe were, firft, Demetrius Cretensis, by birth a
" Greek, whom Aubertus Mir aeus tells us -f-, Ximenes had
** fent for out of Italy, by offering a large premium. Second-
*' ly, Anto. of Lebrixa : It was owing to this man's fole ad-
*' vice, that Ximenes undertook an edition of that Complutenjian
'* Bible, as Anto. tells us in his Apologia, which is a very valu-
" able work. In that you will fee the envy and ill will which
'* this great reviver of Spanifli learning experienced, for his en-
** deavours to make it flourilh in the univerfity of Salamanca.
*' In the beginning of his book, he thus addrelTes the Cardinal.

*' May it pleafe your Eminence ! I rim in doubt, whether my
*' genius did not owe me a grudge, when it prompted me to

* See B. A. Mont, on Josua, and Mariana's Defence of the Vulgate, Chap. 8:
?.6. kV. t Scriptor. Sasculi XVI, Cap. 45. P. "140.

S f 2 ** think

^14- A C C O U N T o p T H E

" think of nothing, but what was difficult, to attempt only
'< great enterprifes, to pubUfh nothing but what occalioned
** me much hatred and ill-will. Had I given my time to vifiting
♦< my friends j had I fpent my night watchings in fable and poe-
<« tical fidion ; had I read or wrote hiftory ; had I flattered the
** living or the dead; I might have had the united applaufe of all
" the Spains : But now, becaufe I labour after the meat which
** does not perilh, and, as Jerom fays, trace out on earth that
« knowledge which only abideth in Heaven ; becaufe I am thus
*« employed, I am called impious, facrilegious, a falfe Catholic,
<* and I am in fome danger of being fummoned in chains to plead
** my caufe before the Inquifition as an heretic : there will not
" be wanting an accufer; there are thofe who are ready and wil-

" ling enough. So that I may apply to myfelf very juftly thofe

** words of EccLESiASTEs, He that increafeth knowledge in-
«* creafeth trouble. — If, Sir, it is the duty of a legiflator to re-
*' ward the wife and good, and to punifli the wicked and hereti-
*« cal fubjed, — What are you doing, great Cardinal, in that go-
<* vernment, where, (^c"

I omit the reft, becaufe I dare not tranfcribe it. This great
man, therefore, was one of the chief compilers of the Complu-
tenfian Bible.

Gomez adds, " That Ximenes fent likewife for * Lopez^
** AsTUNiCA, or De ZuxNiGA, as we Spaniards write it; he
" fent alfo for Fernandus Pinfianus, whofe Spanifh name is
** Fernando Nunez DE GusM an, a native, of Valladolid,
" which is vulgarly called Pintia. How eminent this man
** was for his knov/ledge in the Latin and Greek tongues, may-
** be feen in Justus Lipsius, A. Schottus, N. Antonius,
" and many others -f-." But whereas Gomez tells us, that Pin-
TiANus's works were in every one's hands in his time, it was not-
io in 1580.

* See Critic! SS. Tom. ix. p. 2. col. 3552. A. Schotti Hlfp. Bibl. Tom. ilL
p, 584. t De Thou, Lib. xi. p. 401. L. xxi. p. 727.

Gomezl

hi

COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOTT. 315

Gomez adds, ** That Ximenes fent for thefe men, who were
" eminent Greek and Latin profeflbrs, and whofe works were in
" every one's hands; and for Alphonslfs, a Phyfician at Alca-
" LA deHenares, * Paulus Coronellus, Alphonsus Za-
" mora -f-, all eminent Hebra;ans. Thefe had been public pro-
*' felTors of that language in their fchools, but having afterwards
** taken holy orders, they were very properly fent for by Cardi-
" nal Ximenes, to execute fo great a work, which would require
*' their virtue, their learning, and their perfeverance. With
" thefe men the Cardinal confulted about the plan ; promifed to
" fupport them moil liberally with money ; and invited them fe-
'* parately to undertake the work, by giving them large prefents.
" Above all, the Cardinal recommended to them the utmoft dif-
*' patch. Left, fays he, as all human things are uncertain, you
" fhould lofe fo willing a patron to this work, or I fliould lofe
*< fuch able affiftants, whofe company, and Vv'hofe labours, I va-
" lue more than the Archbifliopric of Toledo. — This fpeech o£
'^ the Cardinal's had its efFed, and thefe learned men never ceafed
" their labours till they had iiniflied the work. They iirfl: fent
** for all the MSS. of both Teftaments, which could be pro-
" cured, in order to fix the pureft new text, to amend the errors
*' of the old, to fettle the true reading of doubtful pafiages, and
*' to explain the obfcure."

The greatefl: part of thefe MSS. particularly of the Old Tefta-
ment, were fetched from the Jewifh fynagogues, and principally
from thofe of Toledo and Maqueda. Thefe were eafily to be
come at, becaufe the Jev/s had been driven out of Spain ten years
before, in 492. Thefe MSS. were afterwards chained dovvn to
the flielves in the college of San. Ildephonso, at Alcala de
Henar- s, by the order of the Cardinal, and yet, notwith-
ilanding that caution, many of them were afterwards ftolen.

Gomez adds, ** But the moft ufeful colledion of MSS. to Xi-
" menes, was that of the Vatican. Library^ which were of a.
** mofi venerable antiquity."

* See CoLMENAREs Hift. Segov. p, 707V

\ This man did the 6th volume of the Folys^lott-

Thj&

3i6 A C C O U N T OF THE

This appears plainly by a letter of the Cardinal's to Leo X.
prefixed to the Pentateuch ; '* For," fays he, '' we can fairly
' teftify to your Holinefs, that our greateft care has confided in
' employing the moft able linguifts, and in procuring the mofl
' ancient and mofl: correct MSS. from all quarters. With incre-
' dible pains we colledled an amazing multitude of Hebrew,
' Greek, and Latin MSS. It was to your Holinefs that we
' owed the Greek MSS. for you very politely fent us the moft
' ancient MSS. of the Old and New Teftament from that Apo-
' ftolic library, and which were of the greateft ufe to us in this

' work." The fame Cardinal, in his preface to the reader,

fays, " With regard to the Greek part of Scripture, you mufl
know, that we did not take any vulgar or common MSS. for
to fix our text, but the mofl: ancient and moft correft, which
Pope Leo X. fent me from the Vatican; MSS. of fuch inte-
grity, that if you cannot credit thefe, you can credit none.—
To thefe we have added not a fev/, partly tranfcribed from
that moft correct MS. of Bessar.ion, fent me by the fenate of
Venice, and partly procured by me at vaft labour and ex-
pence.

'* We have alfo compared Jerom's Latin verfion with many

'' MSS. of the greateft antiquity, particularly with thofe in the

** public library of my univerfity at Algal a de Henarez,

*' which are in Gothic charaSlers^ and were written above 800

" years ago, and with fuch amazing exad:neis, that you cannot

•' difcover the omifiion of a tittle throughout ; yet fome of the

" proper names, which were wrong fpelt, by a miftake of the

" copyift, we let remain defignedly as they were."

Besides the Vatican and Venetian library, Miraeus tells us,
they made ufe too of the Medicean.

Gomez adds, '* Thefe Vatican MSS. were fent to the Cardinal
*' by Pope Leo X. who admiring the magnificent f'pirit of Xi-
*' MENEs, conceived the greateft opinion of him; and that Pope
*' fent to him afterwards for his advice in matters of high import-
*' ance to the Romifh church, though the Cardinal was then in

" Africa.

COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOTT. 317

** Africa. The verlion of the Seventy was done partly by

'* Complutenfian fcholars, partly by Demetrius, Pintianus,
*' and AsTUNiCA ; and was fo happily executed, that nothing
" was omitted in the verfion, of the force of thofe Grscifms,
** which are fo frequent in the Seventy.

" Among the learned men called together upon this occafion,
*' was John Vergara, who had the Books of Wifdom for his
** lot. Pie reftored the text of them in many places, as he has
*' often faid himfelf ; and when very old, he ufed to wiili for
" nothing fo much at his leifare, as to publifli fome fchoiia on
" EccLEsiASTicus j but his ill health prevented that defign.'*

This John Vergara was afterwards a canon of Toledo s
he not only tranflated the Books of Wifdom from the Seventy in-
to Latin, but added a comment likewife *. — Yet this great man
was afterwards thrown into the Inquifition^ in April 1534, by Al-
PHONSUs Manricus, Inquilitor General, as L. Vives tells
Erasmus, in one of his -f- Epiflles : But Vergara got happily
out of that prifon again, and lived to 1558.

Gomez adds, — " They were employed in this v/ork from the

** year 1502, more or lefs, fifteen years,: that one may almoft

" fay, that the Cardinal's life, and the edition of this work, end-

*' ed at the fame period. — It would take rne up too much time

*' to give a minute detail of the labour and trouble thofe Editors

«' went through, in comparing and examining the MSS. while

" Ximenes in the mean v/hile had perpetual avocations with the

*^ affairs of date."

The Complutenfian Bible was begun in 1502, and began to
be printed jufl ten years afterv/ards, in 1512 : It was finilhed in
1517. This was the very year in which Ximenes died. —

Gomez adds, — *' V/ith regard to the whole cxpence of this
** edition of the Complutenfian Folyglott, you m.uil know firfl,

* SccDn Thou, Lib. xxi. c. 11. t Tom. II. p. 676.

*' that

3i8 ACCOUNT OF THE

*• that only feven Hebrew MSS. which are now at Alcala

" DE Henares, were bought by Alphonsus ZAMaRA, Ptx>-

*' fefibr of Hebrew, in different countries, at a no lefs funi than

" § 4000 crowns, as was heard from his own mouth/'

List of Hebrew Manuscripts now preferved at Alcala

DE Henares.

r. Hebrew Bible, written in the ninth century.

2. Ditto, written in the twelfth century.

3. One volume of the Hebrew Bible, no date.

4. Hebrew Pentateuch, no date.

5. Two volumes of a Chaldee Bible.

List of Greek Manuscripts there.

1. Greek Bible, modern characfter.

2. Greek Pfalter, very old character.

Latin Manuscripts there.

1. Bible, in Gothic charafters, almofl: 1000 years old,

2. Bible, almofl as old, as appears by the charad:er.

3. Bible in two volumes, twelfth century.

4. St. Paul's Epiftles, with a glofs.

5. The New Teftament, with' notes.

Gomez adds, ** To fay nothing of the Greek and the La-

" tin MSS. the former of which came from Rome ; the latter

" from foreign countries, and from the feveral Libraries in

*' Spain y particularly thofe in Gothic characters, which are

*' above 800 years old, were brought to Alcala de Henares

" at a vaft expence. Then, if you reckon the wages of the

" type-founders and amanuenfes, the rewards given to the learn-

** ed Editors, the fums paid to meflengers and agents, and

** other fervants ; all this together will make the whole expence

** above * 50,000 crowns; which I have heard the oldeil: peo-

" pie fay was the fum."

§ He means the Half Pi.lole 5 it is almofl 2000 1. ^|*'

■* Above 20,coo 1. flerling.

But

COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOTT. 319

But as Benedictus Arias Montanus publifhed our Royal
edition of the Bible, and made ufe of Ibme Complutenfian MSS.
which the Cardinal's editors could not do, it will not be im-
proper here to give fome account of that very great man.

Montanus was born at Fre gen a l de la Sierra; Sierra
lignifies in Spanifli a ridge of mountains, and therefore he was
called Montanus ; this village being under the jurifdicftion of
the city of His pal is, he therefore calls himfelf Hifpalenfis,
Montanus was the firil: perfon who obtained a lawrel crown in
the Univerfity of Salamanca in the year 1552. He V7as a
man of the greateft probity, ftrongeft talents, and uncommon
judgement; could write with a maiferly llyle, either in profe or
verfe, and had amazing lldll in languages : He was a mafter of
the Greek, Lntiri, Hebrew ^ Syriac, Chaldee, Arabic, Frenchy
Dutch, Englifi, and Teutonic languages. Montanus fays him-
felf, in his comment on Ifaiah, that he knew thirteen languages.
Befides this, he was a good poet, as well as a great fcholar, and
blended the Belles Lettres with his feverer ftudies. It was very
fortunate therefore for Spain, that when the copies of the Com-

plutenlian Bible began to be fo fcarce (For there never were

more printed of that edition than 600 volumes, that is, as I
underftand it, about 100 copies ^ as appears by comparing the
Letters of Leo X. to the Bidiop of Avila, and the Arch-
deacon of Corduba. It was the printing fo fmall a number,
that has made the book fo fcarce,) that it poflefTed fuch a
man as Montanus, who in conjun<5lion with Plantin
the printer, could ftir up the mind of Philip II. to a greater
work than that of the Complutenfian Bible, though not fo ex-
penfive. For Philip II. though he loved fame, was very cove-*
tous of his money; yet he confented to this work in 157H, and
fent Montanus into Holland with orders to re-print the
Complutensian Bible, with improvements. For Monta-
nus had made ufe oi Jeveji Hebrew MSS. which Ximenes pro-
cured from Venice, but could not make ufe of himfelf : And
Montanus had likewife a MSS. Latin Verfion of the Chaldee
Paraphrafe.

T t Bur

320 A C C O U N T o F T H i-

But this undertaking procured Montanus many enemies ; fo
that he was twice cited before the Pope at Rome to plead his
caufe againft a charge of Herefy. His chief enemies were
* Leo DE Castro, a canon of Valladolid, Rhetoric ProfeiTor
in Salamanca ; and, what I am forry to lay, John de Mari-
ana, otherwife a great man; who out of envy to his learning,
or his intereft with Philip II. accufed him to the Inqiiijitor Ge-
neral'y and has left many marks of fpleen againft Montanus,
in his Defence of the Vulgate,

From the accufations laid to his charge before the Pope, Mon-
tanus eafily cleared himfelf in an Apologia, or defence of
himfelf, wrote on that occafion, as Colomesius tells us. This
was written in Spanifh ; and when the Englifh about that time
made a defcent at Cadiz, they found this work there, and car-
ried it into England, and depofited it in the Bodleian Library,
and preferved it as the greateft curiofity.

This is the fame work which I deiired your Excellence
fome time ago to procure for me out of England, and which
you told me could not be found at Oxford. I ftill hope it will

be found fome time or other.- Montanus died in his own

houfe at Campo Florido, in the year 1598, and the feventy-
hrft of his age.

List of Manuscripts in the Cathedral Library at Toledo.

1. Latin Bible, in G6'/'y6/V letter, upon parchment, large folio,
written in 1026.

2. Latin Bible, beginning with Joshua, and ending in the
feventy- eighth Psalm, in folio, large parchoient, and Gothic letter.

3. Latin Bible, beginning with the fecond book of Macca-
SEES, then follows all the New Testament, and that is fol-
lowed by Tobias i folio, large parchment, old character.

* See De Thcu, Lib. cxx. c. 18.

There

COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOTT. 321

There are five Latin Bibles in all, one of them containing the

third and fourth book of Exodus. Thefe are all written in

the thirteenth century, and on parchment.

4. Bible in Latin, with an interpretation of fome Hebrew
words, written on parchment, in the thirteenth century.

5. Bible in Latin, written on parchment, in the thirteenth
century.

6. Hebrew Bible, containing all the Pentateuch, and the por-
tions of the Pfalms and Prophets appointed for each Sabbath -, the
Canticles, Ecclefiaftes, Lamentations, Eflher, and Ruth; writ-
ten in the fquare Hebrew character, with the points or vowels 5
and with the Scholia of the Rabbins, on parchment,

Oliva, June 1754,

T t 2 LET-

[ 322 I

LETT E R XIX.

Of the Royal- Family and Court ^ Spain. Of the pre-
fent Genius, Character, and Manners of that Nation.
T^keir Humours, Diversions, and Language.

■^ON CARLOS III. by the ftile of his Catholic Majefty,
/ King of Spain, was born in Madrid the 20th of January
3716. He was proclaimed King of Naples May 15th, and
King of Sicily Augafl: 30th, 1734; entered Spain the loth
of Auguft 1759, and was proclaimed King in Madrid, on the
i!th of September following The Kings of Spain are never
crowned: inftead of it, they make a public entry into Madrid,-
with great expence, pomp, and magnificence, which pleafes the
people much more, as they have an uncommon paffion for fliews
and pageantry. The prefent Monarch made his public entry
July the 13th, 1760; for an account of v/hich, fee Letter VIL
p. 125. When he landed at Barcelona, the Catalans ftiled
him Carlos TercerOy el verdaderoy or Charles the third, the
true Prince, to difcinguifh him from the former Charles IIL
the Auftrian Archdu'.e, who was afterwards Emperor. The
Spaniards had at that time fo few failors, that they had great diffi-
culty in manning the fleet which brought him over. In comings

from Barcelona to Madr d, he drove fo fail as to make great
deftrudion of the mules and horfes that attended him. It is no
\mcommon thing for the guards that . ttcnd the Royal Family in this
CQuatry, whea they travel^ to break a leg, an arm, or a neck ; and

wKea

n
<\:-

Of the royal FAMILY.

6^1

when this happens, his Majefly fays, Murio enfu officio^ be died in
his duty. A Mahometan, who made fome ftay at Naples, hap-
pening to fee the prefent King of Spain driving in this Jehu
tafte, faid to a friend — ■■ — " Sir, is it any wonder that we Turks
** think you Chriftians quite mad ?" — Though his Catholic Ma-
jefly is now in his forty-fixth year, yet fliooting is ftill his ruling
paffion : He is the greateft Nimrod oihis time^ he facrifices every
thing to this favourite pleafure ; he was difgufted at his public
entry, becaufe it hindered him of four days fport. He fl:ayed
/y6r^^ days at Toledo, and killedyfA: wild mountain-cats, which,
as I was well informed by thofe who had calculated the expence
of that expedition, coil: him exadly loool, a cat. He is fo eager
at this diverfion, that when the days are fhort, he often fhoots by
torch-light J an improvement which our Englifli fportfmen are net
arrived at. He is in his perfon tall, round iliouldered, big
boned, of a dark brown complexion, fmall eyed, and has a very
large prominent Roman nofe. From this defcriptlon, it is eafily
feen that he is very plain. — His drefs is as plain as poflible.,
too homely for a Prince ; he commonly wears a plain cloth frock,
a leather waiftcoat, leather breeches, boots, (always made in
London) a large pair of tanned gloves, and ufually carries a gun
upon his fhoulder, and is attended by fervants, carrying guns,
powder, fliot, water, wine, victuals, cloaths, &c. and frequently

dead game, fuch as wolves, hares, rooks, gulls, &c. &c. He

rifes at kvtn in the morning, opens his own fliutters, writes what
letters and difpatches he has to do, and then fets out, let it rain
or fhine, for the chace, or r^iihQv Jhooti?2g, for he never hunts as
we do in England. It is his Catholic Majefly's conftant maxim,
that rain breaks no bones, and for this reafon it never flops or fuf-
pends any thing he is engaged in, to the no fmall mortifica-
tion of his attendants. Vxh fuitc cw thefe occalions comn:ionly

confiils of the Infant Don Lewis, the great otiicer in waiting,
ufually the Duke de Lozada, the Bcdy-Guards, and three
or four coaches and fix, with wh'ch there is always a chlrurgson,
in cafe of any accident. He returns from this diverfion befora
noon, and dines regularly at eleven- of the clock, and always in
public, attended by the foreign minifbers, and other people oT
di{lini.tion about the Court. He ufually eats of fix diing^i, drinks

324 Of the ROY A L F A M I L Y.

three times, and is not long at table. After dinner he fets

out to Ihcot ai^ain, and feldom returns till dark, or after.
Then he hears his own Minifters of State for an hour, or afllfts
at the Defpacho, as they call it ; after that he fits with the Queen
Mother in her apartment, and goes to bed between nine and

ten. And this is the general and conftant round of his Ma-

jeftv's life. Ke goes in February or March every year, to the
palace of the Fardo ; in April to Aranjuez; returns in June
to Madrid; fets out at the end of July for San Ildephonso;
o-oes in Odober to the Escurial, and from thence, in Novem-
ber, to Madrid. He fometimes fiflies for variety, raid at other
times has what they call a general Battida, which is the fetting
five or fix hundred men to drive all the game they can meet, for
manv miles round, into toils of great extent ; and then the King
and Don Lewis, (attended by the whole Court, ladies as well
as orentlemen,) go and kill it. This makes great havock among
the^ oame, and is a very expenfive diverfion The foreign Am-
bafladors always attend on thefe occafions.

Having defcribed his perfon, and way of life, I will now en-
deavour to give fome idea of his temper, genius, and of the ab-

folute power with which he reigns. It has been imagined that

he is a very weak prince, and of little or no underftanding : It is
a ^reat miflake. — He has fome parts, but is mulifh and obftinate
to" the laft degree -, and by being conftantly flattered, he imagines
that he has more underftanding than he really polTeftes. He is
referved beyond the common referve of Princes, has no confi-
dent, and communicates his will only by his orders to put it in-
to execution. — He -.in neither be led nor driven ; all muft come
from hirnielf. Tl:."i"e things to which he has applied, he is a
very compleat maftcrof: He talks Italian, French, and Spanifh
fluently. He is an exceeding good turner y and has turned a mul-
titude of things in the wooden-ware way. He looks minutely

into moft circum.ftances. He has made with his own hands,

every part of a foldier's drefs, in order to be a judge of the true

expence of their uniforms. He told the foreign Minifters one

day, that he had made a pair of Oioes, Not indeed, fays he, very

f^ood (hoes, but fuch as might be walked in.- ^He fhoots at a

A mark

Op the royal F A iM I L Y. 325

mark with the greatefl accuracy ; and I have often lamented, that
he has not been prefented with Pate?it-Jhot bv our Miniftry : I am
not clear, that he would not have given up the Logwood trade for
it. — To fhew with what defpotic fway he rules, it fliould be con-
fidered, that he allows no Miniftcr to remonftrate or argue with
him. — He removed the Duke of Alva from Court, who had
been the firfh Minifter during all the late reign, and was very po-
pular in the nation. — Though to fave appearances, Alva made
a formal refignation in the month of December 1760. He ba-
nifhed the Dukes of Arcos and Ossuna from Madrid, on ac-
count of their amours with the Adrefles, and put an Adtrefs con-
cerned in the common prifon 3 he arrefted and banifhed the In-
QuisiTOR General, and fent him prifoner to a convent. He
engaged in the prefent war with England, contrary to the fen-
timcnts of his Minifters, and in direcft oppofition to the voice of

the whole nation. He married June 19th, 1739, Maria,

Amalia, Christina, daughter of Augustus III. King of
Poland, and Eledor of Saxony ; Hie was bornNovember 24th,
1724, and died at Madrid September 27th, 1760. — ^— -I will
now give fome account of her.

The late Queen Amalia was a remarkably tall woman, with
large bones and features, rather of a mafculine appearance ; had
no pretcnfions to beauty j but then what flie wanted in charms,
was amply made up in fpirit : The Poh'JJj te?}?per was but too vi-
fible in the Spanijh Queen. It has been obferved of late, and I
think with fome truth, that the Sovereign Ladies of the Nokth
have moft of them been poil'eiTed of uncommon portions of this
fpirit: The late Emprefs of Russia, the prefent, and Maria
Theresa, have been quoted as examples of it. Elowfar this may
be the eft e 61 qx climate, I cannot fay. Amalia, Vv^hocame from
Poland, had certainly much prefence, fire, and ilrength of
mind i (he refembled, in fome refpe(Sl:s, our Queen Elizabeth ;
for as that Princefs, when ruiiied in debate, would fometimes
cxprefs her royal refentment, by flriking her Minift^s with her
own hands ; fb the late Queen Amalia would fometimes rrive
her Ladies' of the Bedchamber a box on the ear. She was entire-
ly governed by the Dutcbtfs of CASTRgpiNiANo, a Neapolitan,

one

326 Of the R O Y A L F A M I L Y.

one o? her Ca.mareras, who had gained a moil: unaccountable
alcendant over her. It was obferved, that the Queen's fplrit, and
the rapacious difpofition of her Conjidantey though they have
often put his Majefly's temper to the trial, yet never could dif-
compofe that phlegmatic ferenlty fo infeparable from his mind.
He always preferved on fuch occafions, that refped: and civility
which is due to her fex. She had ifTue by his Catholic Majefty,
fix fons and tvi^o daughters.

1. Philip Antony, Duke of Calabria, difqualified for
the fucceihon, born June 14th, 1747.

2. Charles Antony, Prince of AsTURiAs, born in Naples,
November 12th, 1748.

3. Ferdinand Antony, King of Naples and Sicily, born
January 12 th, 175 1.

4. Gabriel Antonio, Infant of Spain, born in Naples*
May nth, 1752.

5. Antonio Pasqital, Jnflint of Spain, born in Naples, y
December 31^? 1755-

6. Francisco Xavier, Infant of Spain, born in Naples,
February 17th, 1757.

I. Maria Josepha, Infanta of Spain, born in Naples,
July 1 6th, 1744.

1. Maria LuisA, Infanta of Spain, born in Naples, No-
vember 24th, 1745.

Philip V. who died July nth, 1746, had four fons by his
firfl wife, Maria, Louisa Gabrielle, daughter of the Duke of
Savoy : Lewis I. Don Philip, and Don Philip Pedro Gabri-
elle, who both died young, and Ferdinand VI. Lewis
died in 1724, after having reigned i^Ntn months j Ferdinand
died aged forty-fix, Auguft loth, 1759, after having reigned
twelve years and fome months. — By his fecond wife, Elizabeth
of Parma, Philip had ilTue,

* I. Charles

Of the royal FAMILY, 327

1. Charles in. the prefent King of Spain.

2. Don Philip, who died young.

3. Don Philip, Infant of Spain, Grand Prior of Castilf.,
Duke of Parma, Placencia, and Guastalla, horn March
15th, 1720, married to Louisa Elizabeth of France, in
1739, by whom he has one fon and tv/o daughters.

4. Don Lewis Antonio Jayme, Infant of Spain, born July
25th, 1727; at prefent not married.

5. Maria Anna Victoria, the prefent Queen of Portu-
gal, born March 3 ifl:, 171 8, and married March 3 i ft, 1732.

6. Maria Theresa, married in 1745 to the Dauphin of
France, and died in childbed July 22d, 17-16.

7. Maria Antonia Fernanda, born the 17th of Novem--^
ber, T729, married to the prefent Duke of Savoy.

Elizabeth Farnese, the prefent Queen Dowager of Spain,
was born Odober 25th, 1692. Her hiftory is extremely well
known in Europe ; (lie has had no fhare in government or po-
litical matters, fince Philip's death, whofe memory fhe pays fo
much regard to, as to cry once every year on the day he died.
On the acceffion of Ferdinand, flie was baniihed to the oalace
of San Ildephonso, where flie remained with her fon the Infant
Don Lewis, till his prefent Majefty's acceffion -, who very dutifully
recalled her to Court, but, to her great regret, would never admit
her to the Dejpacho. As a De Medicis by blood, fhe inherited the
parts, fpirit, and ambition of that family : Two of her fons /he
made Sovereign Princes ; her filent plans at the Efciirial fre-
quently threw all Europe into convulfions, efpecially when car-
ried into execution by the intriguing and bold hand of her favou-
rite Alberoni, and the knight errantry of Riperda. She

formed many fpirited, though unfuccefsful fchemes, to make her
third Jon a tJ?ird Sovereign; and was at one time very near fuc-
ceeding, by the marriage of Don Lewis with the Princefs of

Br A SI L. She is of a middle ftature, dark complexion, has

great fpirit in her countenance. Before fhe reached Madrid, in
the route from Parma, when fhe came to be married to Phi-
lip, and before fhe had fecn the King, who went as far as Gua-

U u DA-

328 Of THE ROYAL FAMILY.

DALAXARA to meet her, ftie gave a rpecimen of what flie would

be when a real Queen, which was truly a coup d eclat. The

Princefs ofUrJins had been for fome time the reigning favourite
in Spain i fhe had acquired fuch an afcendant over Philip and
his firft Queen, that ilie abfolutely governed all. When Albe-
RONi, on her death, propofed the match of the Duke of Parma's
niece to Philip V. it was even by the order of the Princefs of
Ursins, that Alberoni v/rote to found the Court of Parma
on that fubjed:. Nay, the Princefs of Ursins did more, fhe even
went herfeif to meet the new Queen, as far as the confines of
Arragon and Navarre -, who in return for thefe civilities, or-
dered the officer on guard to arreft that Princefs by force, and
carry her out of Spain into France; which order was imme-
diately executed. The politick Italian Princefs knew very well
that Spain was too narrow to hold her, and any other lady wha
dared to be a favourite of Philip's at the fame time — And there-
fore thought the fhorteft procefs was to get rid of her at once.
When you have made your ufe of the ladder by which you rife,,
the fureft way in found policy is to kick it down. — Moft others
would have attempted this, after they had been well feated in a
throne ; but few would have had fpirit enough to have given fuch
an order, in their very firft fteps and paflage to it, and without
even the knowledge or confent of that very Prince, whofe fa-
vourite flie banifhed, and whofe future Queen (he was defigned
to be.

A.NOTHER inftance of this Lady's genius may be the following:
It is well known that Philip V. refigned his Crown to his fon
Lewis L who dying within the year, Philip, at the infligation.
of this Queen, refumed the fcepter again. But afterwards grow-
ing, as every body has heard, out of his fenfes, in one of his fits,
he fent a full refignation of his Crown and Government, with-
out the knowledge of this Lady, to the Council of Castile :
And when he thought the act irrevocable, he told Elizabeth:
Farnese of it, and added, ** Je vous ai trompe, Madame ! J'ai en-
" voie hier ma refignation de la Coronne d'Efpagne au Concile de
«■< Caftiile." This, as you will eafily imagine, fufficiently alarm-
ed her Majefty : — But however flie had the prefence of mind in-
ftantly to fend to the prefident of that Council for the refignation ^

nor

Op the royal FAMILY.

3^9

nor had flie only authority to command, but influence enough
to be obeyed, for he fent it her immediately.

While the late King Ferdinand was Prince of Asturias,
upon fome difguft, flie fent a meffage to Farinelli never to go
and iing or play any more in the Prince's or Princefles apartment.
For the late Queen Barbara was not only very fond of, but
an excellent judge oi tnufick. But Farinelli's anfwer does im-
mortal honour to that Mujician. " Go, fays he, and tell the
*' Queen, that I owe the greateft obligations to the Prince and
** Princefs of Asturias ; and unlefs I receive fuch an order from
** her Majefty's own mouth, or the King's, I will never obey it."

Though {he is now feventy years old, (lie keeps the fame hours
that Philip did, and turns night into day. When (he gives au-
dience, {lie is held up by two fupporters, being unable to ftand
long ; and though almoft blind, ftill retains her ancient {pirit and
vivacity. Her ambition will probably never expire but with her
breath : And whenever fhe dies, I am perfuaded her laft words
to the King will be, ** Remember Tuscany yc>r Don Luis."

Don Lewis Antonio Jayme, the King's brother, feems to
be of a very different mold, without either his father's military
genius, or his mother's ambition ; of a pacific and quiet temper.
He took a very early averfion to the Crofier, though made almoft as
foon as born, a Baby-Cardinal, and an Infant-Archbifhop, for the
two {ees of Toledo and Seville. Upon quitting however thole
dignities in the church, he referved to himfelf about 7,400/. per
annum^ out of the former, and about 5000/. out of the latter.
He feems to have much more inclination for a gun than for a
fceptre, and {pends moft of his time in field fports : He has a
ftrong turn for mechanics^ and when not employed in {hooting, is
bufied in making watches and mathematical inflruments. He has
fome tafte for ?nedals ; and the monks he has employed have made
for him no inconfiderable colle(5lion of thofe antiquities.

The Prince of Asturias is a lively youth, and has begun his
triumphs with great joy, over fome fparrows {liot by his own

U u 2 hand.

330 Of the SPANISH M I N I S T R Y.

hand. Mariana tells us, B. 18. ch. 7. that this title of Prince
of AsTURiA£, was given in imitation of our title of Prince of
Wales.

Ferdinand, King of Naples, gives fair promifes of being
one day a very fpirited Monarch. He put on Majefty the mo-
ment his father embarked for Spain, with as much dignity and
eafe, as if his plaything had always been a fceptre.

The Princeffes Josepha and Luis a, are both marriageable j
fo that time will now foon difcover whether they will add any
new ilrength to the Family Compact.

I cannot quit the Court ^ Spain, without obferving the little
pains it takes to be popular. They pay fcarce any court to the
Grandees of the kingdom. They exprefs publickly their diflike
of the country, and are always preferring Naples to it. They
employ foreigners preferably to natives, in polls at home, and
embaffies abroad. Can any circumftance more compleatly fliew
the defpottjni of that Monarchy ?

The Mmijiry, or thofe who compofe their Council of State,
which anfwers to our Privy Council, are

1. The Duke of Alva ; a difcarded, though an honeft, old,
and faithful Minifler.

2. The Marquez de Villaras, formerly known by the name
of Sebastian de la Qu^adra.

3. The Marquez de Sal as, abfent.

4. The Prince Yacchi, abfent.

5. Don Ricardo Wall.

6. Don Alpho. Clem, de Arosteqiji.

7. Don Pedro Gordillo.

N. B. All thefe, as fuch, have the title o? Excellency.

Theiji

tS

i

Of the SPANISH MINISTRY. 331

Tyleik Secretaries of Statey ^^nCiUniverfal Difpatchesy are,

1. General Wall, firfl Secretary of State, Difpatch, and of
War.

2. The Marquez Del Campo de Villar, Secretary of State,
and of the Difpatch of Grace and Juflice.

3. Don Julian de Arriaga, Secretary of State, and of the
Difpatch of the Marine and Indies.

4. The Marquez Squilacci, Secretaiy of State, and of the
Difpatch of the Treafury, Superintendant-general of the Copper,
and its diftribution.

Of all thefe. General Wall, and the Marquez Sq^iilacci,
are the only t'lvo minijiers, in our itni^Q of that expreilion ; the
former Jirji Secretary of State, and the latter^;^ Lord of the Trea-
fury. Spain has, for many years paft, been under the diredlion
offordgn Mlnlfiers. 'Whether this hath been owing to want of
capacity in the natives, or difinclination in the Sovereign, I will
not take upon me to fay ^ fuch as it is, the native nobility lament
it, as a great calamity. In looking back for above a century paft, I
jind the minifters employed to be nearly half natives and half fo-
reigners. Thus, the Conde Duke D'Olivares was a Spaniard, of
the houfe of Medina Sidonia, Don Luis de Haro was his ne-
phew, Emanuel de Lira a Spaniard, Alberoni an Italian
Riperda a Dutchman, the Marquez De Bed^mar a Spaniard,
the Marquis De Grimaldo an Italian, the Marquez De Ense-
nada a Spaniard, known by the name of Cenon de Somode-
villa, Don Joseph Carvajal a Spaniard, Mr. Wall an
Irifhman, and the Marquis De Squilacci a Neapolitan.

It is well known, that Mr. Wall raifed himfelf to that emi-
nent ftation, which he now enjoys, by means which are ufaallv the
ruin of mojffc others, I mean gallantry and gaming. Not but that
his parts and merit are otherv/ife very confpicuous. The Mar-
quise fort I take to confift in his abilities as a Fi?ia?2cier^ his un-
derftanding thoroughly Ways and Means, as we call it, and the
making very ample provifion for the crc^n. He has put the
^^ King

332 Of the SPANISH MINISTRY.

King upon fome ufeful projeds, and upon others feemingly as
detrimental. Paving and cleaning the flreets of the Capital,
and making new roads, were works worthy of a minifter ; his
edi(5ls againfl old hats and old cloaks, of no moment ; his negli-
gence in bringing robbers and murderers to juftice, certainly cul-
pable ', his eftabli(hing a new manufacture of Rappe^ ill executed,
and ill dropped fo foon after it was fet on foot ; you rarely find a
minifter a good tobacconifl i and by his difcouraging the manu-
fadiures fo entirely, he feems to me to fliew, that he does not un-
derftand the true interefts of Spain. As Superintendant of the
Copper, I fuppofe he will take fome fteps towards removing that
grievance -f. The beft thing, in my opinion, to be done with it,
is to recal it, and give it to the owners of the Anti-Gallican Vri-
vateer.

The Marquis De Ensenada, it is to be hoped, will never
have influence enough, to be employed as a Mmijhr again. He
is the mofl: fworn and implacable enemy the BritiQi nation hath
in Spain, both from prejudice and principle. He wears on a
Gala^ or court day, more diamonds, crofles, orders, ribbands,
fillets, ^c. than any Spanifli grandee ; fo that, like Sinon in the
Mneidy he feems a * vidlim fled from facrifice. His fall was
chiefly owing to the intrigues of that able and great Miniflier, the
late Sir Benjamin Keene ; a circumfliance, which, if I can
have my wifli, fliall one day be laid more fully before the public.
The Marquis was recalled to court, upon the prefent King's ac-
ceflion, by means of the Dutchefs of Cajiropiniano \ he is ftill as
ambitious as ever ; and if intrigue and gold can make him fo,
will be a minifter again.

The two oldejly as well as the richeji families in Spain, are
thofe of Medina Celi, and Medina Sidonia; the former
take their title from a town in Old Castile, near the river
Xalon : they were made Earls by Henry II. of Castile, in
1368; Dukes by Ferdinand and Isabella, in 1491. The
old family-name was LA CeRDA; it is now Cordova. Eli-

t See the Account of the Money, Letter XIV.
* Vittaeque Deum, quas Hoji'ia gefli.

I ZABETH

Of the greatest FAMILIES. 333

2iABETH DE LA Cerda, hcirefs of that family, married Moses
Bernard, Earl of Bearne and Foix. Their eftate is fuitable
to the nobility of their blood, being above 80,000 pounds fter-
ling per annum. They have certainly a good title to the crown
of Spain, as being of the blood royaU and defcended from, its an-
cient monarchs. The laft Duke of the Cerda line was Don
Luis FRAN901S de la Cerda, who was Viceroy of Naples,
from 1692 to 1706, Counfellor of State, and firft minifter, in
1709, and Governor of the Prince of Asturias: his Dutchefs
had alfo a penfion from Philip of 4000 piftoles^^r annum. But,
notwithftanding thefe numerous marks of royal favour, this
gentleman entered into a confpiracy againft Philip, and held a
correfpondence v/ith the Arch-duke Charles. The Marquis of
Astorga, who was alfo in the plot, difcovering this on his
death-bed, this Duke was arrefted by Philip's order, as he was
coming to council, conducted firil to Pampeluna, and after-
wards to Fontarabia, where he died.

The family of Medina Sidonia are fo called from a town in
Andalusia. They were made Dukes in 1445. Their name is
Gusman El Bueno j their eftate is above 6o,ooo pounds per
annum ; but neither this eflate nor the former affords to its pof-
feffor any thing like that annual income; for, being both charged.
with heavy incumbrances, they are, for the moft part, parcelled
out into fmali mortgages, the rents of which the mortgagee re-
ceives, till the fum due to him is entirely paid. Thefe two duke-
doms did, for many years, belong to the fame family, the Gu s-
MANS; whether they do now or not, I cannot fay. Though
they had great connections with the Austrian family, yet
during the Succeffion- war, the then Duke of Medina Sidonia
adhered inviolably t© Philip's intereil, and followed his ftandard
to the laft.

As the Captain of the La Reyna, who fo bravely defended
theMoRRo Caflle, at the Havanah, when taken by the Eng-
li{h in J 762, has been much talked of lately, it may not be unac-
ceptable to fay fomewhat of that family.

' Thx

-34 CHARACTER of the P E O P L E.

The Velasco family have been for ages Conflables of Cas-
tile, the higheft poft anciently in that kingdom, being Gejiera-
ItJ/imos oi 2l\\ its forces; but it is now only a bare title, yet one of
o-reat honour and efteem, like the old Justiciary of Arragon.
They were made Dukes of Frias in 149 1, and Earls of Haro
in 1430, and Earls of Castel Nuevo, and MarquiiTes of Ver-
langa. This office of Conjiable of Cajlik was inftituted in 1382,
by. JOHN I. of Castile. This honour is not hereditary in the
family of the Velascos, though, having defcended in it from
father to fon for many generations, it has very naturally been
thought lb.

The Spaniards have In general an olive complecflion, are of a
middle fliature, rather lean, but well made ; they have fine eyes,
gloffy black hair, and a fmall well fliaped head.-^-Their cloaths
are ufually of a very dark colour, and their cloaks almoil black.
This fliews the natural gravity of the people. This is the general
drefs of the common fort j for the court, and perfons of fafhion,
have moft of them adopted the French drefs and modes.

As their^natural air is gravity, fo tliey have confequently great
coldnefs and referve in their deportment ; they are therefore very
uncommunicative to all, and particularly to Ifrangers. But when
once you are become acquainted with them, and have contracted
an intimacy, there are not more focial, more friendly, or more
converfible beings in the world. When they have once profefTed
it, none are more faithful friends. — They are a people of the
higheft notions of honour, even to excefs, which is a iHli viiible ef-
fed: of their antientlove o^ Chivalry, and was the animating fpirit
of that enthufiafm. They have great probity and integrity of prin-
ciple. As they perfevere witli much fidelity and zeal in their
friendHiips, you will naturally expedl to find them warm, relent-
lefs, and implacable in their refentments.

They are generous, liberal, magnificent, and charitable ; reli-
gious without dlfpute, but devout to the greateft excefies of fu-
perftition. What elfe could induce them to kifs the hands of
their Priejls, and the garments of their Monks F

If

CHARACTER of the PEOPLE. 235

If they have any predominant fault, it is, perhaps, that of
being rather ioo high minded -y hence they have entertained, at dif-
ferent periods, the mofh extravagant conceits ; fuch as, that the
fun only rofe and fet in their dominions ; that their language was
the only tongue fit to addrefs the Almighty with ; that they were
the peculiar favourites of heaven, infomuch that when the arms of
Proteftants have prevailed over theirs, they have been ready to
call God himfelf ^7z Heretic. They formerly thought, that wif-
dom, glory, power, riches and dominion, were their fole mono-
poly ; but the experience of two or three centuries paft has con-
tributed to fhew the fondnefs of all thefe delufions. The open
and avowed attempts of its Austrian Princes, grafping at uni-
verfal monarchy ^ the fecret and more concealed ambition of the
Bourbon line, with all their plans of refined policy, have been,
as Shakespear calls it, like the bafelefs fabric of a viilon. It
has been owing to thefe lofty conceits, that they are ftill pofiefTed
with the higheft notions of nobility, family and blood. The
mountaineer of AsTURiAS, though a peafant, will plume himfelf
as much upon his genealogy and ^^ictxit^ as the firft grandee;
and the Cajlilian^ with his Coat-armour, looks upon the Gallician
with fovereign contempt.

Nothing can fliew ih.Q fang froid oi the Spaniards more
ftrongly than the following circumllance, which, though it hath
been often related, is perhaps not known to every reader. In.
the war that enfued between Spain and Portugal, upon the
revolution in favour of the Duke of Braganza, the Portuguefe
plundered the village of Traiguerosy and left a centinel in it,
while the troops pafTed on. — The centinel, to amufe the time,
played on his guitar, which happened to be out of tune. A
Spaniard belonging to this plundered village, offended with the
diffonance of the foldier's mufic, came to the centinel, and civilly
begg'd him to lend him the guitar ; which being done, he tuned
it, and returned it to the Portuguefe, with this fliort fpeech —
Now Sir, it is in tunej — Aora Jia templada.

The profeflion-of arms is their chief delight ; to this darllno-
palTion, commerce, manufactures, and agriculture have been al-

X X ways

336 CHARACTER of the PEOPLE.

ways facrificed. It never appeared more evident than in the Sue-
cejjion ivar ; the peafant voluntarily forfook the plough, and rart
to the Auftrian or the Bourbon ftandard. There v/as no occafion>
for an haranguing ferjeant, or for an officer and a prefs- warrant,
to call him to the field of ad:ion. A la guerra, a la guerra, was
all the cry.

It has been imagined, from the events of the prefent war, that
the Spanifh are not good troops ; but it is a great miilake ; there
are no foldiers in the whole world that are braver than the Spanijh.
Thofe who fay otherwife only Ihew their ignorance of hifliory.
They have had the Dukes of Berwick and Bitonto, the
Counts De Gage and Schomberg, the Prince of Hesse, the
Marquis De Las Minas, the Generals Stanhope, Peter-
borough, and Starembergh, the eye-witnefles of their
bravery. That they make but an indifferent military figure at
prefent, is no juft argument againft them; long peace, long dif-
ufe, and bad generals, will entirely damp the martial fpirit of
any people. Let them only be difciplined, and led on by his
PrtiJJian Majefty, and I will anfwer for their doing as much exe-
cution as any troops in Europe, and particularly the cavalry.
They bear all hardfhips with the moil unremitting patience, and
can endure heat, cold, and even hunger, with fome degree of
chearfulnefs. They have courage and conftancy fufficient for the
moft hazardous undertakings \ and though naturally flow, yet
when once put in adion, purfue their object with great warmth
and perfeverance.

Bigotry has been very prejudicial to the Spaniards, not only
in religion, but in the arts and fciences, and has grealy retarded
their advancement in learning. — It is impoffible that thofe who
are too blindly attached to the opinions of the Antients^ fliould
make any great figure among the Moderns. Aristotle, Duns
Scotus, and Thomas Aquinas, were a triumvirate more dan-
gerous to the freedom of the mind, than thofe of ancient Rome
to its liberties. And it had certainly been much more ferviceable
to our own univerfities, if, inflead of expelling and burning the

2 works

CHARACTER of the PEOPLE. 3^7

works of Locke, they had at that time fet all Aristotle and
Plato on fire.

This bigotry, in favour of the Antients, appears no where
more flrongly, than in their pracflice of phylic. Thoufands have
died in Spain by following the prefcriptions of Galen and Hip-
pocrates, who might have lived many years, had they had an
equal faith in Sydenham and Boerh aave.

To politics the Spaniards have a natural inclination; they un-
derftand and fludy the political interefts of their country very
thoroughly j even the mod: common peafants will fometimes
make reflexions on public affairs, that would be not unworthy of
a fenator in the Cortes,

To give an idea of a Spanijh Ufiiverjity, it will be fufficient to
defcribe that of Salamanca ; the reft being all fimilar, only in-
ferior.

It confifts of 24 profelTors, who have 1000 ducats t2ich per an-
num. It has a fmall library, the books of which are all chained.
There are 1 2 Divinity ProfeiTors, four for the morning, and four
for the afternoon. There are other Sub-profefTors Hkewife, who
have only 500 vellon crowns per anjium. There is a ProfeiTor of
the dodrine of DuRANDus, and one for that of Scotus. This
laft feems moft requifite, for Erasmus was nine years in under-
ftanding the Preface only. Befides the ftipendiary Profeflbrs,
there are others paid by the fcholars 3 Cardinal Ximenes was
originally fo low, as to have been one of thefe. There is alfo
the fame number of ProfefTors for the Civil and Canon Law,
Phyfic, Philofophy, and Mathematics ; as for Divinity, all thefe
are under the dired:ion of an annual Prefident. Next to him, is
the School-majier, who is always a canon of Salamanca, and
anfwers to our Vice-chancellor. Thefe two officers have 8000 du-
cats each per annum. The revenues of this Univerfity are faid to

be 90,000 ducats per annum. It formerly had 7000 fcholars ;

but that number has been confiderably lefTened this many an age :
however, one of their fchools is ftill large enough to hold 2000

X X 2 people.

33

8

The language.

people. The fcholars all wear much the fame drefs as the eccle-
liaftics, have all the Tonfurey and the Bonnet^ for hats are forbid-
den. There are in Salamanca 24 colleges ; but no fcholar can
remain in them longer than leven years. The Bridge of flone
at Salamanca, thrown over the river Tormes> is a moil: noble
Roman work.

As to the Language of Spain, there are two different tongues
fpoken in it, the Bifcayan, and the Romance^ or SpaniHi. The
Bifcayan was moft probably the language of the ancient Span-
iards y iuft as the mofl ancient Britifid tongue is ftill preferved in
our illand, in the mountains of Wales, and the Erfe in thofe of
Scotland. The Romance is plainly, from its name, a corrup-
tion of the Latin ; this is now called Cxijiilian. — The Spaniards
confound the B with the V, and the C with the Q, and fo did
their mafters the Romans; thus, they ufed BENERI for VE-
NERI, BIXIT for VIXIT, PEQUNJAM for PECUNIAM.—
The Spaniards love the D final, fo did the Romans ; as pr^dad,
altod, marid, for praeda, alto, mari. In Spanifh this is almoft uni-
verfal ; as Verdad, Liberdad, Jubentud, for Veritas, Libertas, Ju-
ventus, 6cc. In many inftances the Latin and Spanifh agree word
for word, and the Caftilian often writes the language of the Bas

Empirey without defigning it. Indeed I am perfuaded, that

more light might be gathered from the SpafiifJj tongue, towards
difcovering what the Roman language was, during thefecond Fu*
nic wary than from any other quarter.

There is a great limilarit}^ between many of the Englidi and
Spanifh W(5r^j ; in fuch a cafe, let others decide which is the
lender, and Vv'hich the borrower. Thus, Cafacay a Caffbck ;
MuchOyMucby Raj as y Rags y Carpay 2, Carpe -, Capa'^Cape-y Gol-
foy a Gulph ; Fait ay Fault y Carga, Charge ; a Roppery from Ar-
rcpar to cloath warm j to vampy from Avampiery SpatterdaOies -,
Ar'cahuZy Harqucbujs -, CorJwainers, from the French Corduan-
niersy becaufe the finefl leather at that time came from Cordova,
orCoRDUBA; Tabardy a Cloak, from Tavardoy which lignifies
the fame ; hence comes our millaken Englifh fign of the Talbot,
for a Dogy when it ought to be, as it was originally, a Tabard,

or

The I.ANGUAGE.

339

or Cloak. Lord Bacon fays, that as one inftance of the copia

of the Spanifh language, we have no word fo expreffive, as their
Defeiivoltura, and Defpejar ; though I doubt the truth of that
remark. That it dehghts in long words, the Ampiillas and Sef-
qiiipedalia ijerbdy is very certain ; Defpavilladeras is rather too
long for fo common a word as S.riuff'ers. There are many words,
fuch as, AbandanamieyitOy and others, of ifMtn fyllables and up-
wards. As there is fomething pompons and magnificent in the
length of its words, and the found of them, fo there is alfo a pe-
culiarity in the turn and manner of their phrafes and exprefTions.
We fay, the King and ^leefij their expreflion is, the Catholic Kings,
los R.eyes Catholicos, meaning the fame thing. His Britan-
nic Majefty figns George Rex^ the Catholic Monarch, / the King.
We fay. Long may you live, they fay. May you live. Sir, a thou-
fa7id years and more. They ufe the wf;?//ri? very frequently, tho',
to give the Lie in Englifh, or the menterie in French, would be
reckoned an affront. They never ufe the word cuerno, or cor-
^zW;?, without begging pardon firft of thofe they fpeak to; the
Italians, I am told, do the fame. Don Juan de Jaurequi has
tranflated Lucan into Spanidi verfcj though I have taken fome
pains, I never could procure the book; Brebeuf's French tranf-
lation of that poet has been always thought Lucano ipfo Lucanius.
What then mud be the effecft of Lucan s rant, who was by birth a
Spaniard, when heightened with all the pomp, found, and bom-
baft fo natural to the Spanifh language ? The Spaniards have an
infinity of Proverbs ; fome political, fuch as. Con todo el mundo
guerra, y paz con Tngalatcrra ; that is. War with all the ivoj~ld,
and peace ivith England. Some of them are very ftrange, as,
Mas quiero, que fe niueran feys Duques, que morirme yo.—-I had

rather fix Dukes JJjould die, than die myj'elf. \Jn a/no coxo, nn

hombre roco, y el deinonio, todo el mifmo. — A lame afs, a red-haired
man, and the devil, are all the fame thing.

The military turn of the Spaniards appears in mofl: of their di-
verfions, and even, in the very terms and language which they ufe
at Cards : Hombre in Spanifh fignifies a man, from whence
comes what we call Ombre-, the four principal cards are called
Matadores, or Murderers, becaufe they win all others. Spadillo is

tha

340

The language.

the little /word, or the ace of Spades, as we very properly call it ;
for Spada in Spanidi is a fwordy and they are fo painted on their
cards. Ba/io is properly the ace of clubs, becaufe it fignifies a
club. Piinto is any point, of the fpear fuppofe. What we call
Mantl is in Spanifli Malillia ; the deuce of the black fuits, or the
feven of the red. The Sin prender was going to war without
taking a King for an ally.

For thofe who have curiolity this way, it may not be dif-
pleafing to fee a fpecimen of the three languages fpoken in their
Peninfiila, as the Spaniards call it ; of the Cajiiliany the Bifcayan,
and the Portuguefe.

Castilian.

Padre nueftro, que
eftas en los cielos :
Sanftificado fea tu
nombre ; venga tu
Reino, Sea hecha tu
voluntad, afs en la ti-
erra, come en el ci-
elo : El pan nueftro
de cada dia danofle
oy. Y perdonanos
nueftras offenfas, afii
commo nofotros per-
donamos a los que nos
oiS^enden. Y no nos
meras en tentacion,
mas libra nos de mal.
Amen.

BiSCAYAN.

Gure aita ceni etan
aicena ; fandtifica be-
di hire icena ; ether
bedi hire refuma ;
eguin bedi hire voron-
datea, ceruan begala
turrean ere. Gure egu-
neco oguia igue egun.
Eta quitta ietza que
gure, corrac, nola
gus gorduney, quit-
tazen baitrarega. Eta
ezgaitzala far eraci
tentationetan, baina
ddura gaitzac gaich-
totic.

Portuguese.

Padre noflb, que ftas
nos ceos. San<5lificado
feiaofeunome. Ventra
a nos o teu Reino. Seia
ferta a tua volundade,
afll nos cielo, ceos,
come na terra. O pao
nolTo de cada dia da-
no to oje nefto dia,
Et perdoanos as nof-
fas devidas, afll come
nos perdoamos a nos
noffos devidores. Et
nao nos dexes cahir
en tentafao, mas li-
bra nos de mal.

The difference of thefe three tongues is vifible to the eye; the
firft alnioft Latin, word for word ; the fecond barbarous, and
the third a fad corruption of Latin and French.

Thf. Spaniards frequently breakfail: as well as fup in bed;
their breakfaft is u(\i2i\\y oi Chocolate, Tea being very feldom
drank by them. They drink little wine. Their dinner is gene-
rally

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 341

rally a Pocheroy or beef, mutton, veal, pork, and bacon, greens,
&c. all boiled together. If it be a richer, or more expenfive
mixture of meats and delicacies, it is then fliled an Olla podrida,
or what we call an Olio. Temperance in eating and drinking is
doubtlefs one of their virtues ; you may fee it in their proverbs ;
Unas azeitunas, una Jalada, y ravanillosy fon comida de los cava!--
leros', that is, Olives, fallad, and radijhesy are food for a gentleman.
They are great devourers of garlick; they feldom change the
knife and fork, but eat every thing with the fame individual
weapon ; delicacy, in many inftances I could give, not being
their character.

The tafle iox gallantry 2,x\^ dancing ^vtv2i\\s in Spain univer-
fally ; they are the two ruling paffions of the country. Jealoufy,
ever fince the acceffion of the houfe of Bourbon, has flept in
peace. It is obfervable, that in proportion as manners become
more civilized, that furious paffion always lofes its force. Dan-
cing is fo much their favourite entertainment, that their graveil
matrons never think themfelves excluded by age from this diver-
fion. You may fee the grandmother, mother, and daughter, all
in the fame country dance : the Englifli, on the contrary, give
dancing to youth, and leave cards to age. The two moft favour-
ite and univerfal Spanifti dances are the Sequedillas and the Fun-
dungo: the firil is fomething like our Hay ; the fecond is a very
ancient dance, and though originally Roman, yet the Spaniards
have mixed fomewhat of the Moorijh along with it: they are
exceffively fond of it ; it is danced by the firft of the nobility, as
well as by the common people. I /hall not attempt a defcription
of it, as I am fure your Englilh ladies of fafhion would not fend
to Madrid for a FuNDUNGo-mafter, to teach it their daughters,-
nor indeed could I defcribe it altogether decently : let it fuffice to
fay, that it is exadly the fame with the Pantomime dance of Leda
among the Romans.

Most of the Spaniards take i\\Q.ii-feJioy or fleep after dinner >
mafs in the morning, dinner at noon, and the evening's airing
generally finilh the round of their day. Though it is the etiquette
of the country for the men and womea to wear in the ftreet,

and

34'

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

and at mafs, all the fame drefs, yet the ladies in private viiits wear
as much variety of drefs, and of a much richer fort, thafi thofe in
England J but to a people of gallantry, the advantage of all
wearing the fame uniform in public, is eafy to be conceived.
The married ladies in Spain have each their profefTed lover, juft as
the Italian ladies have their cicijbeo. Their evening's airing is in-
fipid to the laft degree; you fee nothing but a ftring of coaches
following one another, filled with people of fafliion: Here a Duke
and his confefTorj there a couple of fmart young Abbes tete a
tete y here a whole family grouped together, juil; like a Dutch
pidure, hufoand and wife, children and fervants, wet nurfes and

dry altogether. When they take their airing on gala, or court

days, all their footmen are then drelled in laced liveries, with
plumes of feathers in their hats. — The number of fervants kept
by the Grandees, and people of the firft faihion, is immoderate ;

they have often put me in mind of thofe words of Tacitus

familiarum numerum, et nationes , ioT the legionary Jh"-o ants at Rome
began at laft to be almoft an equal burthen with the legionary
troops. Some of the Spanifh grandees retain to the number
of 3 or 400 domefticks -, the Engliih Ambaflador here, in
compliance with the tafte of the country, keeps near 100. As
they go with four mules ufually, they have consequently two driv-
ers, or poftilions ; generallyy^JZiT, and fometimesy/x footmen be-
hind their coaches, befides an helper to take ofF a pair of mules,
when they enter Madrid, as they are not permitted to drive
with more than four there. In the hot weather they take out
the fides and backs of their coaches, for the fake of the air.
They ukfechm chairs but very little, and when they do, they
have always two footmen, who go on each fide the hindmoft chair-
man, in order to hold them up, left they fliould fall; and two of
each fide the fedan, and two who follow behind with lanthorns,
though it be in the middle of the day : That is to fay, they have
p-cnerallv 7wie fervants with a coach, and ten with a fedan, be-
fides thofe who go before.-

The town of Madrid, for as it is not an Ep if copal fee, I
think we cannot call it a city, is built on fome little hills in the
neighbourhood of a very indifferent fiream called the Mansa-

NARES;

DESCRIPTION OF MADRID. 343

NARES; which occarioned much wit, when Philip II. built
that great bridge over it, called the Puente de Segovia : Some
faid the Kmg Jhould fell the bridge to buy a river, &c.

Charles V. having recovered here of a quartan ague, firft
made this a royal reiidence ; but how injudicioufly, needs not to
be remarked. The capital of fo great and extended a kingdom,
ought doubtlefs to be at Seville ; where, by means of the port,
all the conveniencies and necejffaries of life, and every article of
foreign commerce might be had with eafe. But the expence of
removing the tribunals and the King's palaces, will probably now
prevent any delign of making that city a new capital.

Madrid is furrounded with very lofty mountains, whofe fum-
mits are always covered v^i^fnow. It has no fortifications to de-
fend it; it has no ditch, but is environed by a mud n.vall. Its
gates, according to the tafte of that country, have their locks upon
the outfide. There are very few good ftreets, except thofe of the
Calle Mayor, the Calle d'Atocha, the Calle Alcala, and the Calk
Ancha : The reft are long, narrow, and extremely dirty. The
only good fquare is the Plafa Mayor, which is large and regular
enough ; but there being balconies to every window, it takes off
much of its beauty.

The houfes in Madrid are mofl of them brick, with dry
walls, lime being there very dear and fcarce ; fione is ftill more
expenfive, becaufe it muft be brought from fix or fevcn leagues
diftance. Houfe rent is at an exorbitant price ; but that is not
all, furniture is fcarce to be had, without paying extravagantly
for it ', and if you would have glafs windows to your houfe, you

muft put them there yourfelf, for you will not find them. •

The houfes in general are wretchedly ill-built, for you will fel-
dom fee any two walls upon the fquare : They are laid out chiefly
for fliow, convenience being little confidered : Thus you will pafs
through ufually two or three large apartments of no ufe, in or-
der to come at a fmall room at the end, where the family fit.
This is the general flate of the houfes there j not but there are
fome very magnificent palaces, built chiefly by Viceroys, returned

Y y from

344 DESCRIPTION of MADRID.

from their governments, and by the principal Grandees : Thefe
have courts, and partes cochersy though the others have not.
The houfe which the late Sir Benjamin Keene lived in, near
the convent of the Maravillas, was of this forti large, mag-
nificent, and expenfive : It was built by one of the defendants
of the famous Cortes ; though it had been half burnt down, it
would contain two or three hundred people with eafe : The Earl
of Bristol hired it on his predeceflbr's death; and it is fmce
taken by the Prince Catholico. The houfes in general look
more like prifons, than the habitations of people at their liberty ;
the windows, befides having a balcony, being grated with iron
bars, particularly the lower range, and fometimes all the reft. A
fingle family is not the fole tenant of an houfe, as is ufually the
cafe in England ; they are generally inhabited by many fepa-
rate famiHes, who notwithftanding are for the moll: part perfed:
llrangers to each other. Thofe who can afford it, have a diftindt
apartment for fummer and winter. Foreigners are very much
diftreffed for lodgings in Madrid -, there being only one tolerable
inuy the Font AN A d'Oro; and the Spaniards are not fond of
taking any flrangers into their houfes, efpecially if they are not
Catholics. There is no fuch thing as a taijern or coffee-houfe in
the town ; they have only ono^fiews paper, v/hich is the Madrid
Gazette : Their places of diverfion are the amphitheatre y built
for the exhibition of the Bull Feajiy and the two theatres of La
Cruz, and del Principe. The noife made by the itinerant
bodies of pfahn- fingers in the ftreets, or the Rosario's, as they
call them, is very dilagreeable in the evening -, the frequent pro-
ceffions, particularly thofe of the Host, troublefome ; at Eafter
efpecially, when the fight of thofe bloody difciplinants, the Fla-
gellantes, is extremely iliocking.

Next to the King's palaces, one of the heft buildings that I
can recolledl in Madrid, is the Imperial College ofjefuits, which
is indeed a very noble ftruilure. There is no paiimg the ftreets
there comn::odiouily without a vehicle ; for as they pradice the
Scotchy or Edinburgh cuflomy of manuring the ilreets by night,
thev would be too offerJive to your feet, as well as your nofe,
without a chariot by day. Upon the lite of the old pa lace y where

Francis

DESCRIPTION OF MADRID. 345

Francis I. was kept prifoner, built by Charles V. but de-
ilroyed, is now ereded what they call the New Palace^ on the
fouth fide of the town. The Cafa del Campo was built I believe,
by Philip III. as an afylum for his miftrelTes. The Buen Re-
tiro was built by the Conde Duke D'Olivares, in Philip IV's.

time. Some of the Convents are fine, particularly that oi Ato-

chcy or our Lady of the Bufi : In the church belonging to it,
they fing their Te Deum upon victories and other public occafions.
The convent of the Sale/as is likewife a new and noble ftrudure.
There is an order of Canojiejfes in Madrid, which they call
"Ladies of St. James. The Monafteries 2indL Nunneries in all Spain,
were computed by one of their writers in 1623, at 2,141, and
the number of religious of either fex, fhut up in them, at 44,915,
which is doubtlefs a very moderate calculation.

L E T^

[ 346 }

T T E R XX.

JOURNEY from MADRID to LISBON,

December the 17 th, 1762.

AS his Catholic Majefty did not think proper to give the
Earl of Brijiol any anfwer, in relation to the queftion put
to him hy the Court of Great Britain, we, who ail held our-
felves in readinefs for an abrupt departure, made the necefTary
difpofitions for an immediate return to England : accordingly
the requifite Pafsports being obtained, Stanier Port en, Efq;
the Englijh Conjid- general at Madrid, led tlie way, and fet out, on
the 1 6th of December, on his route for Portugal. We fhould
have been obliged to return that way, becaufe the war prevented
our going through France, and the road to Corunna being
not practicable for a coach, unlefs we had made a very wide de-
tour, and taken the road to San Jago de Compos tell a. — But
his Britannic Majeiliy fixed that route, by ordering that a (hip
(the Portlai%d Man of War, the worthy Captain Richard
Hughes Commander) fhould fail direcftly for Lisbon, and bring

home the Englifh AmbafTador, and his retinue. The Conful

having gone the day before, in order to prepare the way for the
Ambaffddort procure him the beft accommodations, and to give
notice of his coming : His Excellency fet out on the 17th of
December, without taking leave of the Court of Spain.

As

JOURNEY TO LISBON. 347

As the whole nation were averfe to a war with England, the
Spaniards beheld the Ambassador's departure with the utmoft
regret; it being their opinion, as well as the conftant maxim of
Patinho, Con todo el mundo guerra, y paz con Ynglaterra,
War with all the worlds but peace with England. Some faid, Es
for nuejiros peccaos -, and others, Es una golpe politico ; that is. It
is for our ftns ', and, // is a political Jiroke -, that is to fay, the
court's doing, not a national war.

Though the AmbafTador returned, without having taken leave
of the Court, yet he received, on his departure, all the honours
and civilities which were due to his rank and charad:er. Gene-
ral Wall fent orders to all the Governors, and Commandants of
€very city or town the AmbalTador was to pafs through, that
they fhould fhew him all the accuftomed honours and refpedts due
to the Ambaflador of Great Britain. — Accordingly, at every
place, the Governor waited on his Excellency^ at his arrival, with
a polite Spanifh compliment ; the foldiers were drawn up under
arms, the drums beating, colours flying, and the canon on the
ramparts fired at his departure.

We were to travel Jixty-tbree leagues before we could get out
of Spain, and pafs the Guadiana at Badajos, which is the
laft frontier city towards Portugal; and then we had twenty -
nine leagues remaining to Aldea Gallega, a little village on
the fouth fide of the Tag us, where we were to pafs that river to
come at Lisbon. This will appear much clearer from the fol-
lowing route.

Route yri?;;^ Madrid to Lisbon.

Leagues.
Firfl Day, Nabal Carnero, 5

Second Day, Casa Rubios, 2
Nobes, 4

Third Day, Sta. Olaya, 2
Talavera de LA Reyna, 7

Carried over, 20
3 Brought

34S

JOURNEY TO LISBON.

Fourth Day,
Fifth Day,

Sixth Day,

Seventh Day,

Eighth Day,

Ninth Day,

Leagues.

Brought over, 20

La Calzada, 6

Nabal Moral, 4

Almaras, 3

Jaraysejo, 4

Truxillo, 4

La Cruz del Puerto, 3

MlAJADAS, 3

San Pedro, 5

Merida, 2

Lob on, 4

Talaveruela, 3

Badajos, 2

So far in S p a i N.

63

Tenth Day, Elvas, 3

Eleventh Day, Estremos, 6

Twelfth Day, Venta del Duque, 3
Arroyolos, 3

Thu-teenth Day, Mostremos, 3
VentasNuevas, 4

Fourteenth Day, Aldea Gallega, 7

Thefe lafl in Portugal, - 29

Total, 92

We were to pafs two thirds of this way in an enemy's country,
and the remainder in a dreary, barren, rocky foil, fomewhat, in-
deed, more fertile than Spain, but very little better in its ac-
commodations. Befides this, the feafon of the year, which is
ever unfavourable to travellers, was moft particularly fo to us at
this junfture, as it rained almofl that whole fortnight without
interniiflion ; iofomuch, that fome of the rivers were fo increafed>

2 as

J O U R N E Y TO L I S B O N. 349

as to prevent a pafTage ; which happened to thofe who condu(5ted
the baggage -waggons, which were retarded fome days by the
floods. — Add to this, the rigour of the feafon, and the cold, the
ftormy winds to be naturally expecfted in that part of the year ;
and, at thofe feafons, the reftlefs toiling of the Bay of Biscay.
All which circumftances frequently put me in mind of thofe
remarkable words of Scripture, And pray that your fiight be not hi
the wmter.

The firft place worth your notice in this route, is the town of
Talavera de la Reyna, in the kingdom of New Castile,
on the banks of the Tagus. It is the greatefl: nianufailure of
filver and gold iilks, perhaps in the whole country. The late
King Ferdinand protedied and encouraged it much ; but it is
now iinking, as mofl of the reft of their mdnufacSlures are, under
the uncommercial afpetfl of the minifter Squilacci. There is
likewife a curious manufacture of earthen ware. Its ancient
name was Talabriga. It was called De la Reyna, becaufc
it belonged to Queen Mary, wife of Alonzo XII.

There is one hill, of a long, winding, and difficult afcent,
before you come to Jaraysejo; it is dangerous in fome parts;
it employed us almoft a whole morning to furmount it ; and one
^^gg^g^"'^^^ggo" ^^^^ down fome part of the precipice, but was
got up again entire. There is likewife a very dangerous pafs of a
mountain, about two leagues before you come to Truxillo :
Your coach muft here be drav/n up by oxen, and fupported by
men, otherwife it is impoffible to get it over the mountain. —
Truxillo is a city in the province of Estremadura, ftanding
on a hill, on the top whereof is a caJHc, the country about it
fruitful. — It was founded by Julius C^sar, and after him
called TuRRis Julia, hence corruptly Truxillo.

The next place of note is Merida, the capital city of the
province of Estremadura, built on the banks of the Guadi-
ANA, over which there is a moft noble bridge, the work of that
great Emperor, as well as Builder, Trajan. There are here
ilill to be fjen many fine remains of RQ?na?7 antiqjiity : In the

market-

750 JOURNEY TO LISBON.

market-place is a large column, built entirely of mfcription and-
fepiiJchral ^oTi^^y crowned on the top with an antique ftatue j the
Walls for the moft part Roman-, there are fome remains of an Am-
phithcatrey Aquediibly Circus, &c, all Roman. It was built hj
Augustus, given by him to veteran troops, and called Eme-
raTA Augusta, whence corruptly Merida.

Four leagues farther, on the banks of the fame river, {lands
LoBON, where there h 2. Cajile. It was an tiently called Z^ytZ'^-^,,
in Greek, fignifying a wolf, which its prefent Spanifh name does
likewife.

The lafl city in Estremadura, on the frontiers of Portu-
gal, is Badajoz, well fortified, has a fine bridge, a caftle,.
and was anciently called Pax Augusta; whence its prefent

name. Here we took our lafl adieu of Spain ; and were not a

little pleafed to find ourfelves on Portuguefe ground the next
morning, at Elvas ; where the AmbafTador flayed all day,
thouo-h it was only three leagues to it, in order to forward a mef-
fenc^er to England, and fend his difpatches to the Honourable
Mr. Hay, his Britannic Majefly's Minifler Plenipotentiary at the
court of Lisbon. — Elvas is a city in the province of Alentejo
in Portugal. Being the frontier to Spain, it is the beft for-
tified place the Portuguefe have : It is alfo a Bijhopric. There is a
t^ood cathedral, with a moft elegant chapter-room. The Dean,
v/ho was a very polite ecclefiaftic, was fo obliging as to jGhew it
us himfelf.

Six leagues farther, you come to Estremos, another fortified
place, about two leagues from Villa-Vizosa ; there is a caftle
on the hill. — The fituation is beautiful, and the town has a
clean, neat, pleafing appearance -, it is remarkable for a fine ma-
nufactory of earthen ware.— -It is moft memorable for a vidory
obtained by the Portuguefe, under the command of Count
ScHOMBERG, in 1 663, over the Caftilians, whofe general wa«
Don John of Austria, in their laft invafion of that kingdom.
They found in that Prince's cafket, after the battle, very com-
plete lifts of the Spanifh army, artillery, and ofFenfive munitions

of

a

DES CR IPTION OF LISB ON. 35,

of war. — The court of Lisbon, diverted at this incident, bad
their Secretary of State write at the bottom of one of thefe lifts.
We certify y that the above lifi is very exadiy having found it after
the defeat of Don ] on a ^Z' Austria, near JS/?;t/;;5j, ^th June

1663. The diftance of time between their laft and the prefent

invafion being only one year fliort of a century.

The next place of note is Arroyolos, (landing on an emi-
nence, with a good fort to it ; it gives the title of Earl to the fa-
mily of Castro.

The 31ft of December we arrived at Aldea Gall eg a.
Here our difperfed parties united again with the greatefl joy, hav-
ing the beautiful profpe<5t of that fine river the Tagijs before
us, which is no lefs than twelve miles broad at that place, and
which we were to pafs at fix o'clock the next morning, becaufe
of the tide. And here we were glad to reft from all our fa-
tigues J fome of us having fuffered very much from the length
and labour of the journey.

We arrived at Lisbon about eight o'clock the next morning;
where the Honourable Mr. Hay received the Ambaftador, and
his retinue, and conduded them to his own houfe.

The city of Lisbon, built, like old Rome, on feveral little
hills, is one of the fineft views from the water, that can poffibly
be imagined ; as you approach nearer to it, the tragical effeds,
the havock of that dreadful earthquake, cannot but touch every
beholder with fentiments of pain. After landing, we pafted
through fome ftreets, near a mile In length, where the houfe?
were all fallen on each fide, and lay in that undiftinguiflied heap
of ruin, into which they funk at the firft convulftve Ihocks. Not
that the reader is to imagine, that the greateft part of that fine
city fell on that fatal morning 3 fo far from it, that I believe not
above one fourth part of it was deftroyed : for it prevailed more in
one particular quarter, than the reft ; and there the defolation
was almoft univerfal, fcarce an houfe or building that was not
thrown down. In the other parts of the city, fome fmgle ill-

Z z 3 conditioned.

352

DESCRIPTION OF LISBON.

conditioned, or ruinous buildings fell, but the refh flood. — And
there is fcarce a ftreet but you will fee fhores and props fixed to
the buildings on each fide, to prevent their falling even now -,
they having fuffered fo much from the fliocks they had received.

Confidering how much time has elapfed fmce the earthquake,

very little has been rebuilt in proportion. — They have built a
Cuftom-houfe, an Arfenal, a Theatre, and fome few other '
buildings. All agree, that the fire occafioned infinitely more ha-
vock than the earthquake. Thoufands of the inhabitants, unhap-
pily, in the firH: confufion of their fear, taking the ill judged flep
of thronging into the churches ; the doors of which being fome-
times fliut by the violence of the crowd, and fometimes locked
by miflake, when the fire feized the roofs of thofe buildings,
thefe unhappy fufferers were moft of them deflroyed ; fome by
Iheets of lead, that poured like a molten deluge upon their heads;
others maflied by the fall of the roofs, and the refl burnt alive.
One's imagination can fcarce form a fcene of confufion, horror,

and death, more dreadful than this. After the fhocks were

over, the fire continued burning for many weeks; and it is
thou^^ht, was one principal caufe of their efcaping the plague, as

the putrefaction of the bodies was by that means much lefs.

The calculation of the number that perifhed, as they kept no re-
p-ifters, muft be in great meafure conjeSiural', but that thoufands
and ten thoufands were deflroyed, there is no doubt. The morn-
ing on which it happened was mofl remarkably ferene and plea-
fant, particularly about lo o'clock, and in one quarter more, all was

involved in this dreadful fcene of terror and deftrudion. As

tills event produced many changes, thofs among the commercial
parts of the city were not the leafl remarkable One, who
vefterday was at the eve of a bankruptcy, found himfelf to-day
with his books cleared -y and hundreds, who lived in eafe and af-
fluence, as foon as they had recovered from their firft panic and
difmay, faw want and poverty flare them in the face.

The calamities of Portugal in general, and thofe .of the
city of Lisbon in particular, within the fpace of fo few years,

cannot, I think, be paralleled in all hiftory. An earth-

-guake, a iire, a famine, an affafTination-plot againfl their Prince,

executions

DESCRIPTION OF LISBON. 353

^executions upon executions, the fcafFolds and wheels for torture
reeking with the noble/l blood ; imprifonment after imprifon-
ment, of the greatefl and moft diftinguiflied perfonages ; the ex-
pulfion of a chief order of ecclefiaftics, the invafion of their king«
dom by a powerful, flronger, and exafperated nation ; the nu-
merous troops of the enemy laying wafle their (.c.ritory, bringing
fire and fvvord with them, and rolling, like diflant thunder, to-
wards the gates of their capital ; their Prince ready almoil to fave

himfelf by flight. The Spanifli miniftry had already decreed

■the doom of Portugal, and nothing was to be heard at the
KfciiriaU but " Delenda eft Carthago." Carthaginian^ perhaps,
or Jewilli ftory, may poflibly afford a fcene fomething like this,
but, for the fhortnefs of the period, not fo big with events,
though in their final deftrudiion fuperior. From that, indeed,
under the hand of providence, the national humanity and genero-
fity of Great Britain has preferved the Portuguefe : And it
remains now to be feen, in future treaties, how that people will
exprefs their gratitude.

Those who are able to fearch deeper into human affairs, may
affign the caufes of fuch a wonderful chain of events : for my
own part, I cannot afcribe all this to fo fmgidar a caiife as that
which a Spaniard hath done, in a famous pamphlet, printed
lately at Madrid, and which the Baro7i de Wajjhiaer fent me
this fummer. It is entitled a Spanijlo prophecy , and endeavours to
fhew, that all thefe calamities have befallen the Portuguefe,
Iblely becaufe of their conned:ion with the heretic Engliih. The
great Ruler and Governor of the World undoubtedly ad:s by uni-
verfal laws, regarding the whole fyftem, and cannot, without
biafphemy, be confidered in the light of ^z Partizan. The reft of
the pamphlet tends to Hiew, that his Catholic Majefty carried
his arms into Portugal, folejy to give them liberty, and i^x.
them free from Englifh tyranny.

Some of the Churches, the Arfenal, the Theatre, and above
all, the Aquedutft at Lisbon, deferve the attention of every tra-
veller; the center arch, for its height, being one of the nobleft,
perhaps, in Europe. One thing is remarkable, that during the
earthquake this buikiing flood the attack, though it received fo

much

:54

DESCRIPTION OF LISBON.

much fliock, as that many of the key-ftones fell feveral inches,
and hang now only becaufe a fmall part of the bafe of the key-
ftone was catched by the center's clofnig again.

The Theatre is an elegant building, and judicioufly difpofed ;
their adors excel in the mute Pantomime i they played the Maef-
tro di Schola incomparably well ; the fcenes had fentiment, cha-
radter, connection with one another, and carried on the general
defign. Though the fcenery and machines of our theatres are ad-
mirable, yet our Pantomime farces feem to have little or no mean-
ing. Nor do I much wonder at it; Mr. Garrick, who is cer-
tainly the greateft ador that ever trod the ftage, muft be too warm
an admirer of Shakefpeare and Nature, to have any reli(h for thefe
extravagancies, and therefore cannot ftoop to give much of his at-
tention to them.

The flreets of Lisbon are cleaner than thofe of Madrid,
but difagreeable, from the continual afcents and defcents you are
obliged to make. Moft of the houfes have the Jaloufiey or lat-
tice. The women, though more beautiful, are not fo much
feen in public as the Spanifit and their head-drefs is much pret-
tier. There are few fires in chimneys in the rooms at Lisbon;
the want of them is fupplied by wearing a cloak conftantly in
the houfe, or perhaps by a brazier ; though the cold is fometimes
very piercing. ^

The view of the Tagus, from thofe windows of the town
whicli command it, is remarkably pleafing : The Bean-cods, or
fmall boats, which fail with any wind or tide, and are conti-
nually paffmg; the river crowded v/ith fliipping of all nations;
the coming in of a Bahia or Brafil fleet ; the opening of the river
towards the bar, with the caftle of Bellem on the right, the
King's palace, and the caftle of ^t. "JuHan^ on the left ; all toge-
ther form a fine and agreeable view. The pafTage of the bar is
fometimes very dangerous, either in coming in or going out of the
river, by the bank of fand which is thrown up by the winds and
fea. XVe paft it, however, with no difficulty, on the 19th of
January, landed at Falmouth on the 28th, and arrived in Lon-
don the 5th of February, 1762.

FINIS,

A

JOURNAL

FROM

GRAND CAIRO to MOUNT SINAI

ANDBACKAGAIN.

Tranflated from a M a n u s c r i p r,

Written by the Prefetto of Egypt in company with
the Miffionaries de f7'opaga7ida fde at Grand Cairo.

To which are added

Some REMARKS

O N T H E

ORIGIN OFHIEROGLYPHICS

AND THE

Mythology of the ancient Heathens.

By the Right Reverend

ROBERT Lord Bifhop of Clog her.

Dedicated to

The Society of Antiquaries, London.

LONDON,

I'nntcd by and for William B o w v e r. MDCC LIU,

C^3

T O T H E

Society of Antiquaries^

LONDON.

Gentlemen",.

EING poffeffed of the original Journal from
Gra7id Cairo to Mount Sinai^ mentioned by my
worthy friend [a] Dr. Pococke in his Travels
through the EafI: ; which was written by the Prefettt)
oi Egypt J who fet out from the Convent de propagan-
da Jide 2i\i Grand Cairo ^ A. D. 1722, I think proper to
communicate to you a tranilation of it ; in hopes of exci-
ting you, who are now eredied into a Society of Antiqua-
ries, to make fome enquiry into thofe ancient cha-
radicrs, which, as we learn from it, are difcovered in
great numbers in the Wildernefs of Si?iai at a place well
known by the name of Gebel el Mokatab^ or the Writ-
ten mountains^ which are fo particularly defcribed
in this Journal, that it is impoffible for an inquifitive
traveller to be at a lofs in his fearches after them. By
carefully copying a good quantity of thefe letters, I
ihould apprehend that the ancient Hebrew charader
which is now loft, may be recovered.

\a\ Pococke's Trav. Vol i. p. 147.

I DO

[2]

1 DO not aippofe fuch a copy of them, as would
'be fuflicient for the end propofed, could be taken by
any trav eller in the time ordinarily allowed for a jour-
ney between Cairo and Mount Sinai j but I imagine, if a
perfon w^as fent on purpofe to live for fome time at
Tor on die coafl: of the Red-Sea^ he might make fuch
an acquaintance with the Arabs living near the Writ-
ten ^ncuntains^ by the civility of his behaviour, and
by frequently making them fmall prefents, that It would
be no great difficulty in fix months, or thereabouts, to
attain the defired end.

As this will require a good capacity and induftryin
the perfon employed, and likewife muft be attended
with fome expence ; I do not know whom to apply to
more properly than to your honourable Society to look
out for a fuitable perfon to be employed on this errand.
As to the expence, I am willing to bear any proportion
of it which you fhall think proper, in order to havx this
defign thoroughly effected.

An exact

I 3 1
A N E X A C T

JOURNAL

FROM

CAIRO to MOUNT SINAI,

Begun the Firft of September, 1711.

Sept, I. A LL our companions having aiTembled at my
l-\ houfe, viz. Choga Abrahim MofTaad, Jacob Uha-
-^ -*- bez Abdelaziz, merchants ; alfo Monf. Beraoue,
the fon of a French merchant, and three brothers, James of
Bohemia^ miffionary de propaganda Jidcy Ellas of Aleppo, of the
Society of Jefus, and Charles, of the Francifcan order, fuperior
of the Capuchins ; about three o* clock in the afternoon, after
a brotherly embrace,* and having taken leave of all the reft of
my domeftics and friends, v^e w^ent to the convent of the
monks of Mount Sinai that dwell here at Cairo , immediately
going from whence, we arrived at the famous gate called Babel
Naafer [a] j where we made fome ftay to take an accurate view
of that ancient and magnificent piece of building. And in the
mean time the whole caravan being alTembled we departed un-
der the condu<5t of one of the Surbaffi, and being accompanied
by feveral orientals who were friends to the Cairo merchants,
we directed our courfe due Eaft> among thofe ruins and ancient
monuments which remain of \b'\ the city of the Sun, as is moft
probable, which are now every where interfperfed with Turkifli

\a-\ Or Baab el Naafar, See 061. i6. [i] Alias Heliopdis.

B fepulchres.

4 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

fepulchres. And after a journey of a good half hour from the
gate of the city, we arrived at a place called [c] JJkalt Elbakaar,
to which the aforementioned buildings, towers, or other ruins,
extend j which time has for the mofl part confumed. In this
place the monks of Mount Sinai have an ancient houfe, former-
ly fufficiently large and famous, and built of cut flione ; but ua-
lefs it be foon repaired by the forementioned monks, it will add
to the number of its neighbouring ruins. Here we ftaid all
night with our camels, and other beads, being tolerably well
accommodated ; and only incommoded by the noify fonnets of
our Eaflern friends, who, according to the cuftom of the coun-
try, defigned thefe their unharmonious vociferations as a com-
pliment.

Sept. 2. At break of day we all arofe, and having loaded our
fifty camels (for of that number our caravan confifted) we took
leave of our Cairo friends, and about five in the morning departed
from this place, fome on horfes, fome on camels, and fome on
dromedaries j but I for curiofity, as well as conveniency fake,
made myfelf be carried after the manner of the Turks in a Mohie,
but fitting after our own faflilon ; two of which feats are fixed
on a camel hanging down on either lide, carrying two perfons ;
which kind of carriage, when perfons are accuflomed to it, is
convenient enough. But Mr. Beraoue unfortunately chofe a fine
horfe, which as he was not able to manage, would have broke
his neck, if he had not foon difmounted, and changed it for a
camel.

And purfuing our journey after a good hour we pafTed through
a place called by the inhabitants Sibel alem, the part of which
that remains to the right hand of the road, is very agreeable, con-
iifling of a tower or mofch furrounded with trees, which af-
forded a pleafant profped;, with ripe dates hanging down from
them.

[c] Or Ukah el Bahaar. See Oa. 15;

Afteb.

TO MOUNT SINAI. 5

After three quarters of an hour we paiTed by another place
called Matharca, which lay on the left hand of the road, and is
very pleafantly fituated in the midft of trees j and in this place
the learned for the mofl part agree formerly flood the [</] city
of the Sun. Of whofe antiquities there is nothing now remaining
but one obelifk, which is fixty fix feet high, and has each fide,
which is feven feet eight inches broad, engraved all over with
hieroglyphical characters, and ftands about half an Italian mile
beyond the village. This obeliik flands upright, but there is
another near it, of the fame magnitude, which lies upon the
ground.

Continuing our rout for an hour and a quarter we pafTed by
another village called El Marge, which lies on the right hand of
the road, and like thofe before mentioned, was furrounded with
palm trees. And after another hour, that is, about nine o' clock,
we came to a place called Chanke, where having pitched our
tents, we refrefhed ourfelves, after having fuffered much from
the burning heat of the fun. Here the inhabitants of the place,
who are called Bedwij2s, live in tents after the manner of the
Arabians. It was piteous to behold the poverty of thofe habita-
tions under a poor tent, I might indeed fay under a black piece
of coarfe canvas, fubdivided into three apartments j in the mofl
retired part of which the women have their habitation • in the
middle fome of the men and women live promlfcuoufly ; and in
the outermofl are kept all the beafls and cattle of the field, the
cocks and hens, and goats. Which feemed to me to be a lively
reprefentatlon of the manner of habitation pracfllfed by the an-
cient patriarchs Abraham, Ifaac, and Jacob, etc.

Sept. 3. After three o' clock in the afternoon we departed
from this place, and after an hour's journey we loft fight of that
chain of [^] mountains, which we faw towards the fouth, at a

[^] Qiisere how does this agree with what he faid in his laft day's journey ?
[^-J PolTibly it was Ibmewherc hereabouts that Mofcs turned to go and encamp

B 2 great

6 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

great diftance from us. And a little after we faw towards the
north feveral hills of fand, appearing not unlike our hills in Italy
when covered with fnow, and which continued in view for three
hours, but at length when it was late in the evening we loft fight
of thefe alfo ; but, as I am told, they reach all the way to Da^
miata. Here then we refted ourfelves at about a quarter after
eight, remaining all night in the open air j not far from another
caravan, which was more numerous than ours, and had flopped
in this very place, though it had fet out before us.

^ept. 4. Early in the morning about half an hour after four
we departed from hence, diredling our journey always either due
eaft, or eaft-north-eaft, through a number of little hills that
were interfperfed here and there j till we flopped about half an
hour after ten, in an agreeable fpot of ground, adorned with a
beautiful verdure, where when we had dined we departed from
thence about one in the afternoon. And about five came to a
parcel of ragged mountains called Huhebi, fituated towards the
fouth, and after we had continued our rout for three hours we
refted about eight o' clock.

Sept. 5. Having rifen at midnight along with the moon, we
departed from this place about half an hour after one 5 and mak-
ing our way over hills, as the day appeared, we perceived we
were got over the mountains, and were upon the defcent, which
declined very gently and gradually. At three quarters after itwcn
we pafTed by Hagiriity on the left-hand of which are two places
where there is water that is barely tolerable for men to drink,
but full good enough for the camels. The Arabs often take
pofTefHon of thefe places in the time of war.

Soon after we had palTed by this place, flill continuing on
the defcent, we difcovered the Red-fea, and fome fhips in port,

before Etham., when according to the obfervation of Pharaoh he feemed to be
hitangled in the land^ or in that ridge of mountains which lay towards the fouth.
See Exod. xiii. 20. xiv. 2, 3. and Sliaw's Trav. p, 345,

two

I

TOMOUNTSINAT. 7

two of which were then adlually departing towards Gidda j and
having palled by much fuch another place as Hagirut called Bi-
rel Suefs, where there is good water for camels, we came at
length fafe and found about three quarters after ten in the morn-
ing to Suez. Where, having left the gate of the city upon our
right-hand, we pitched our tents on the outfide of the walls on
the fea (hore, with the city to the fouth of us, and the fea to the
north-eaft 3 and remained under our tents during the heat of the
day.

The city of Suefs is fmall and infignificant, and its walls half in
ruins, with three fmall turrets or mofchs, fituated in 29 degrees
50 minutes of north latitude, at the extremity of the Red-fea,
having the fea to the eafl:, and the port to the fouth, which is
furrounded on the eafl: lide by an illand, and in which there
were then ten fhips that were preparing to fet fail by the iirfl op-
portunity, but whofe companies at prefent compofed the greateft
part of the inhabitants of that city. And when they are gone,
then the remainder of the inhabitants return towards Cairo
and leave only one or two perfons behind to guard the
place ; and all this on account of the great fcarcity of water and
vi(5luals, for nothing will grow thereabouts 5 and there is no
water nearer than fix or feven hours journey towards the north-
eaft ', to bring which the camels fet out about four o* clock in the
afternoon, and having arrived about midnight, as foon as they
have filled their vefTels, they return, and generally arrive again at
Suefs about eight o' clock in the morning, felling one fmall vef-
fel of water for three or four medinas [/], and the larger veflels for
eight or ten medinas , according to the demand made for it.

Not far from our tents there was a little hill, or rather a (^en-
tie rifing ground j where were the ruins of fome ancient build-
ings, which they fay are the remains of fome famous city. There
are alfo on this hill two cannon which lie on the ground, and
[/J A medina is i d, -J- Englifh money,

which

S A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

which upon viewing narrowly I perceived were call by the
Turks, becaufe upon the lefTer of them were Arabic cha-
raders wherein the year was mentioned when they were made,
which, upon computation, I found to be about one hundred and
ninety-feven years ago. The lefs was ten feet long, and
its bore about feven inches and three quarters French mea-
fure wide ; the larger, of a more ordinary kiiui of workman-
lliip, was near twice as long, being nineteen feet long, and
its bore feven inches and a half wide. There were alfo feveral
other cannons lying in the city made of brafs, but caft with more
Ikill than thofe before mentioned.

Sept. 6. We fet out from this place early in the morning, and
to avoid going a great way about, round the northern point of
this arm of the Red-fea, we went by boat from this part of
u4frica to that part of Afia, which lies diredly over againft it,
at the diftance of one quarter of an Italian mile ; and while we
were in our pafTage, we adlually met fome fliips going to Suefs
to purchafe the water, which, as I mentioned before, was
brought thither to be fold on camels backs from the mountains.

And now having pafTed the Red-fea, the heat of the fun be-
ing exceflively great, we again loaded our camels, and departed
from our landing place about eleven o' clock, and after a jour-
ney of three hours to the eaft-fouth-eaft, leaving fome [/*] moun-
tains at a great diftance towards our left-hand, and having the
Red-fea on our right, we refled about two o' clock near certain
fountains called Ai?i el mufa, or the fountains of Mofes, fituated
among little hills, which I went to, and found the water toler-
ably good, but with a little faltnefs j and no fooner does it rife
out of the bowels of the earth, but it is lofl again in the fand, or,
as I may fay, is in the day time inftantly ablbrbed by the burn-
ing and thirfty fand, but at night it feems to flow further than it

[/] The mountains and caftle of Seclur or Shiir, See Gen, xv. i8. and Po-
cock's Trav. p. 139,

does

TO MOUNT SINAI. 9

does by day, as may be feen by the traces it leaves behind. But
I beheve, if the place was cleanfed (for it is very full of dirt and
mud) the water would be fweeter, and that there would be a
larger current j for there are three fprings which run not far from
each other, into which the Arabs permit the camels to enter
when they drink.

From thefe fountains may be plainly feen a wonderful [g]
aperture in the mountains on the other fide of the Red-fea^ thro*
and from which the children of Ifrael entered into the Red-fea^
when Pharoah and his hoft were drowned. Which aperture is
fituated from thefe fountains of Mofes weft-fouth-weft, and the
breadth of the fea hereabouts, where the children of Ifrael palled
it, is about four or five hours journey. But from Suefs hy land
to thefe fountains would be feven or eight hours journey.

The place where we then were is called Sedur, where we
refted ourfelves till fun-fet. At lafl, about a quarter after fix we
fet forward on our journey, going in the dark through the defert
of Sedur J wandering here and there out of our road ; till we
ftopped about midnight to take a little reft upon a fmall hill of
fand, where they fay there are abundance of ferpents, but, thanks
to God, we received no harm.

Sept. 7. About three quarters after fix in the morning wc
again began our travels, journeying through the defert of Vardan
[^', flill moving more and more from the Red-fea. In this de-
fert we flopped to refrefli ourfelves, about three quarters after
ten, at about three leagues diflance from the Red-fea. And af-
ter.dinner (here I was very much out of order) we again fet for-
ward about three quarters after three o' clock, travelling thro'

{g] Called by Mofes Piha-hirothj or the mouth, or opening of Hiroth, Exod
ativ. 2. and by the Greeks Clyfma. Philoji. lib. iii. cap. 6.
[/:»] Or Ouardan. Pocock's Trav, p. 139.

the

10 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

the plains in exceffive hot weather, till eight at night, when we
refted.

Sept. 8. From this place we departed about three o* clock in
the morning, making our way over feveral hills and vales, which
brought us towards the mountain Gebel Hamam el [/] Faran,
And about feven o' clock we found feveral trees, and fome ver-
dant fpots of earth in the midft of the barren fand. And there
came from the mountains a moft delightful breeze, which fen-
libly refi-elhed my bowels -, fo that I was fuprizingly reflored to
my health.

At length we entered into an exceeding pleafant and agreeable
wood at the foot of the aforefaid mountain of Hamam el Faratiy
and refted ourfelves at three quarters after eight in a place called
Garofidu ; which is a fmall, but moft delightful valley, full of
certain trees with which it is beautified, and which emit a moft
agreeable odour, not unlike the fmell of the baliam of Peru,
There are alfo in this place many palm trees, and in the bottom
of the vale is a rivulet that comes from the aforementioned
mountain, the water of which is tolerably good, and in fufhcient
plenty, but is however not free from being fomewhat bitter, tho'
it is very clear. After it has run through this valley for fome
hours towards the weft, it then empties itfelf into the Red-fea,
Many think this to be the place mentioned Exod. xv. 23. where
it is faid of the Ifraelites, that when they came to Marah, they

[/] In this journal of Ofl. 8. thefe mountains are defcribed under the charac-
ter of the mountains of Hamam el Pharaone^ or the baths of Pharao j which I
fuppofe to be a miflake in the people of the country, who not knowing why thefe
baths fhould be called the baths of Faratiy or rather Poran, have given them the
name oi the baths of Pharao. But in the times of Mofes this whole country was
known by the name of the wildernefs of Paran, Gen, xxi. 21. Num. x. 12. xii.
16. xiii. 3. 26. I Sam. xxv. i. ^whence Mount Sinai v/SlStMoctWqq. Mount Paran^
Drut. xxxii. 2. Hab. iii. 3. and therefore probably thefe baths were originally the
baths of Pcran. See Pocock's Trav. p. 139.

could

TO MOUNT SINAI. n

could not drink of the waters of Mar ah y for they were bitter : till
the Lord fiewed unto Mofes a tree^ which when he had caji into
the waters J the waters were made fweet.

Sept. g. We departed from this delicious place at one o'
clock after midnight; but behold, fcarce were we got out of the
valley, when our guides found that two of their camels were
miffing, which had been ftolen by fome thieves during the night
time. And therefore they flopped the caravan, till they went in
fearch of their loft camels ; but not being able to hear any tidings
of them, we proceeded on our journey all that night and the
next day till a quarter after eleven, without fuffering any great
inconveniencies from the hills and vales we pafTed over, up-
on which we met with feveral green tufts, and prickly trees, call-
ed in Arabic Chafe/n, though on either hand of us our road was
bounded with huge and rugged mountains. And having taken
a moderate dinner under one of thefe mountains of marble, we
departed from thence at three quarters after three ; and continu-
ing our journey ftill in a fandy, but tolerably even road, thouo-h
between hills and mountains on every fide, we came, towards the
fetting of the fun, to a large and fpacious plain, which had a
gentle afcent up to it, but was itfelf environed by mountains :
After we had paffed this, we came about nine o' clock at night
by an eafy defcent to a valley called Nefoj which was about a
league diftant from an Arab village of the fame name, where
Was a fpring of exceeding good and delightful water.

SeJ)t. 10. Having pitched our tents, we remained here in
order to provide ourfelves with water, till four o' clock in the
evening ; at which time we again fet forward on our journey, and
as foon as we had pafted the aforementioned valley we began to
rife over hills and mountains by a tolerably eafy afcent, till hav-
ing as it were overcome the mountain, we refted at a place call-
ed Chamil,

C Sept.

12 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

Sept. II. In the morning at a quarter after five we departed
from this place, and through a rugged road, in which there lay
a great many blocks of marble, with great difficulty we got up
a very high mountain. In this road, on each hand of us, were
exceeding high mountains, of the mofc beautiful granates of va-
rious colours, but chiefly red. At length, about three quarters
after eleven we reached the fummit of the mountain, or rather
of the mountains, but with great difficulty, and from this place M

we were able to difcover Mount St. Chatherine. And from thence,
defcending by a tolerably eafy road, we came to a valley in a
plain, where, at a place called JS/ Bar ah, we ftopped at three
quarters after one j and having made a fhort meal under a tree,
we fet forward again about two o' clock j going up the
mountain, by a road neither very fteep nor rugged, which
when we had gotten the better of, we began to defcend again by
a tolerably open road to a valley between two exceeding high
mountains of marble. And as foon as we had arrived at this
valley, v/hich was about fun-fet, we immediately turned our
courfe to the left ; where we alfo came to another valley, befet
with high mountains on either fide, and having got to the top of
the hill we refted ourfelves, at a place called Marahj about
half an hour after feven, where we fiaid all night, greatly
diftrefiTed with the ffiarpnefs and fevere coldnefs of the air.
From this place to Mount S'mai the road is tolerably even and
pleafant, with mountains of granate marble on either fide.

Sept. 12. Having rifen a little after midnight, we departed
from this place about half an hour after two, and going thro' a
fandy road, which lay in a valley between mountains, we came
about fun-rife to a moft pleafant and agreeable place called Ba~
rak^ where was a very delightful wood, which appeared the
more charming, becaufe hitherto our road had lain only over
rocks, and hills, and mountains, the very fight of which alone
was fufficient to terrify the traveller. And having amufed our-
felves

TO MOUNT SINAI. 13

felves for the fpace of an hour with the delightfuhiefs of this
wood, we again proceeded on our journey, which led us t'vviH:-
ing and twining between rugged mountains, fometimes eaflward,
fometimes northward, and fometimes fouthward, tho' we never
were out of our way. And about eight o' clock we came to a
rock, which {lands byitfelf, where the Turks fay the prophet
Mahomet refted himfelfj and where, when he attempted to fit
down, the rock yielded under him like the fofteft wax, and
formed itfelf into the fliape of a feat for him. There ap-
pears indeed a little hollow in the ftone, which may have given
rife to this tradition, and on that account the Turks approach
the place with great reverence, flroaking the flone with the
palms of their hands, and kiffing it with their lips.

And now continuing our journey towards Mount Sinai, in or-
der to go the bed road, we took a great circuit towards the left-
hand, though there is another ihorter and more dired: road -, yet
becaufe there are fome deep afcents and defcents in it, our guides
chofe the left-hand road, though the longer, as being better for
the camels. And about three quarters after nine, as we were
paffing by a mofch, where a certain Shiech Saleh was buried, who
is held by the Turks in great veneration, feveral of our guides
and palTengers went thither to receive a benedidion j and that the
camels and the reft of the beafts might be partakers of it, they
brought from thence a fmall quantity of fand with which \X\v^
fprinkled them.

At length, about mid-day we difcovered fome fquare build-
ings in the neighbourhood of Mount Sinai^ which, as I was in-
formed, the Arabs made ufe of as repoiitories for their corn : and
on the other fide, upon the left-hand, we difcovered the garden
belonging to the convent full of trees, which Is fituated juil: at
the foot of Mount Sinai, And going in a fouth-weft dlredion,
when we came jufl over-againft the aforefaid garden, we faw an-
other vale lie open to the fouth-eafl, in the middle of which, at

C 2 the

14 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

the diftance of half an hour, ftands the convent of the holy
Mount Sinai j to which all of us, partly out of devotion, and
partly becaufe of the difficulty of the road, afcended on foot
between two exceeding high mountains, that to the north
eaft called Mount [k] St. Be/ii?i, and the other to the right
called Horeb or Chord. In the middle between thefe two'
mountains is fituated the convent of Mount Sinai in twenty-eight
degrees of north latitude : being built in an oblong figure, with
only one great door, which directly faces the north-weft, and
looks into that vale through which we came. And this wall of
the convent towards the north weft as well as that to the fouth
eaft are equally two hundred and four feet long of French ipea-
fure. And the other two, one of which faces the fouth weft,,
and the other the north eaft, are each two hundred forty five
feet long, being for the moft part built of fquare ftones fix feet
and one thiird broad, but are of an unequal height, according to
the inequality of the foundation. I meafured the corner which
looks towards the weft, and it was forty five feet high.

And forafmuch as the great door is always walled up, to pre-
vent the incurfions of the Arabs, immediately after the entrance
of a new archbiftiop, which happened this very year, every other
perfon who is defircus of going into the convent muft be drawn
up with a rope to a great window thirty feet high from
the ground in that part of the wall which looks to the north
eaft. And when one is got into the convent, there is nothing of
curiofity to be feen, all the buildings and edifices, efpecially
thofe which concern the friars or the religious, and the lefs cha-
pels, being built of rude bricks in great confufion and irregula-
rity, without either fymmetry or order, making here and there
crooked and dark paflages with feveral afccnts and defcents^ only
the building of the great church of the Transfiguration of our Sa-
viour Jefus Chrift may be confidered as worthy our obfervation,

{k^ Qi 5/. Epijieine. Pocock's Trav. vol. i. p. 143, 147.

which

TOMOUNTSINAI. 15

which they fay was built by the emperor Juftinian ^ in length
eighty feet, and in breadth fifty three ; which breadth 13
diminished by a wall on either fide at nine feet diftance from
the outward wall, for the conveniency of chapels which are
made^ in it, as I fhall hereafter mention ; fo that there re-
mains only thirty five feet in the clear. In this great ifle arc
three rows of pillars forming three naves, and the pavement is
finely adorned with variety of figures in different kinds of marble.-
But the great altar is, after the cuftom of the Greeks, en-
tirely gilt.

The prefbytery is of an oval figure both within and without;
being adorned with Mofaic work, in which is reprefented the
ti-ansfiguration of our Saviour Jefus Chrift j and on the outfide
is the ftatue of the emperor Juflinian, who was the founder of
the church. Before the prefbytery are four candlefticks, two
of which are very magnificent, being^ fix feet high, and made
of brafs richly ornamented ; and of the like workmanfhip there
are two more hanging down in the middle of the church, which
are capable of holding feveral candles. There are befides many
lamps hanging up and down in the church, fome of filver, and
fome of gold ; the mofl remarkable of which are thofe that
hang in the prelbytery, which are for the moft part all of gold :
but that which hangs in the great altar is alfo fet with jewels.

Next to this church of the Transfiguration is the little
church of the [/] Biijh, which ftands on the place where our
Lord appeared unto Mofes in a flame of fire out of the bufli, as
is defcribed Exod. iii. 2. and is fituated immediately adjoinino-
to the wall of the prelbytery ; this chapel is ten feet broad
and feventeen feet long ; the pavement of it adorned with the
fame kind of work as that of the church j and the walls

[/] Tt is from this piece of hiftory that this part oi Mount Honb is called
Mount Sinaii the Hebrew for a Bu^ being Sgne,

with

i6 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

with porcellain, and there are in it feveral lamps both of
<yold and filver. This chapel, they fay, was built by queen
Helena, and the place where the bufh grew is fuppofed to be
diredly under the altar, and is covered with plates of filver ;
over which ftand two large candlefticks made of filver eight feet
high. On the other fide of this chapel are two other chapels,
that to the fouth is called the chapel of the Seventy Martyrs,
and that to the north is the chapel of St. James.

When you come into the great church, there are on the fouth
fide three chapels ; the firft of St. John the Evangelift, the fe-
cond of St. Simon the Stylite, and the third of the Saints Cofma
and Damianus. And on the other fide tov/ards the north, there
are alfo three more, viz. firft of St. Andipe, fecondly of the
Saints Conftantine and Helena, and the third of St. Mariana.
This whole church is covered with lead.

Besides this church and thefe chapels, there are feventeen
other little churches or chapels fituated here and there in the
convent: i. that of St. Peter and St. Paul, which is tolerably
large and roomy } 2. St. George ; 3. St. Stephen ; 4'. St. Michael
the archangel -, 5. St. Bafil, Gregory, and Chryfoftome ; 6. De-
metrius the martyr; 7. St. Nicholas; 8. St. Mofes and Aaron ;
9. St. Sergius Wachus ; 10. St. John Baptift ; 11. St. Anthony
the abbot; 12. of the five martyrs Euftratius, Euxendius, Bar-
barius, Oreftus, and Eugenius ; 13. St. John the Evangelift ;
14. St. Katharine; 15 and 16. are two epifcopal chapels ; 17.
is the garden where the friars are buried. And befides all thefe
chapels there is one mofch with a turret for the Turks, which
ftands near the weftern door of the great church, for the
prefervation of which, they fay, they have feveral immunities
granted them under the hand of the prophet Mahomet. Befide
this there is nothing in the convent remarkable.

There

TO MOUNT SINAI. 17

There is no record when this convent was built, except what
remains on a flone over the great door, the infcription on wliich
is in Arabic charaders, (o ancient that none of us could read
them except the year opv, which denotes 526. This ftone,
according to the tradition of the fathers of the convent, firfl ftood
over the chapel of the Bufli, and was placed there by St, He-
lena J but, after the great church, and the walls of the convent
were built, this flone was moved out of its ancient place, and
fixed in the wall where it now Hands. But in my opinion, this
hlftory is without foundation, becaufe St. Helena lived in the
fourth century, whereas the aforementioned inlcriptlon belongs
to the fixth century ; I rather therefore think that this ftone was
engraved and fixed up by the order of Juftinian, who was the
founder of the convent.

When we firft came into the convent, we were received by the
fathers and brothers of the convent with the greatefl affed:ion and
regard, and efpecially by the archbifhop Jaanikius, who was the
fuperior and prefident of the place ; and who gave us a very ele-
gant fupper ; and affigned us very convenient apartments, con-
fining of five chambers, in a part of the convent that was newly
built : and alfo for our better accommodation indulged us with
the liberty of going when we pleafed into the garden, which is
not permitted even to the monks. And we having there pitched
a tent, dined and fupped every day therein while we flaid.

The aforefaid garden is fituated on the outfide of the walls of
the convent to the north weft j to which there is a pafiage under
ground from the convent, with iron gates to it. This garden is
fufiiciently fpacious, and very well fupplied with good water,
vHth Vv'iiich it is daily watered, and by that means produces
great quantities of all forts of plants and herbs and trees 5 fuch
as almonds, apples, peaches, olives, figs, pomegranates, pears,
and in particular moft delicious grapes both red and white and
as this month happened to be the feafon for ripe grapes, as well
I as

1 8 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

as many other fruits, we gave a loofe to our appetites j and
the air of the place being exceeding fine and wholefome, we in-
dulged our palates with great freedom and luxury.

The temperature of the air feemed to me as moderate as if I
had been in one of the mofl: temperate climates of France in the
month of September ; the heat of the day not being exceflive,
nor the night air infufferably cold. However, I cannot but
think, that the heat of this place in fummer, as well as the cold
in winter, muft be almoft infupportable, fmce, during the win-
ter feafon, the fnow falls here in great abundance.

Sept, iT^, This day being Holy Sunday, we were invited to
attend at church, as we ufually did on other days ; where the
archbifliop himfelf officiated, and fang the mafs cloathed in his
pontificalibus, with the reft of the minifters that attended him
in very fumptuous apparel, wearing on his head a fort of impe-
rial crown made in filver, of exquifite workmanfhip : which
when ended, we went to dinner in the common refe(5tory of the
convent, with the archbifliop and the reft of the monks, who
fed only upon one difli ; and when we had done, ftanding upon
our feet, and taking each of us a moderate piece of bread, all
cut from one loaf, we then drank alfo all out of one cup, the
archbiftiop beginning firft 3 and when all had drunk, then we
broke up, and departed 3 which ceremony is obferved as a mark
of mutual love and charity.

Sept. 15. At two in the afternoon we went out of the con-
vent to fee the holy places thereabouts j and as foon as we got
out we began to afcend the mountain, which is made tole-
rably convenient by the means of ftone fteps cut in the moun-
tain up to Mount Sinai, to the number of fifteen thouiand. The
way to it is directly fouthward : and after an afcent of a
fmall half hour we came to a moft delicious fountain of cold
.water, that fprlngs diredly out of the rock, formed here

into

TO MOUNT SINAI. ig

into a kind of grotto, of which the Greeks tell many won-
derful ftories j but as they feem to me to be without foundation,
I think it more advileable not to repeat them.

Going on further for another half hour we cam.e to a fmall
church or chapel, dedicated to the blefTed virgin Mary ; and go-
ing from hence along the fteps, we came to a narrow part of
the road which was adorned with a gate ^ where, they lay, many
confeffionary priefts ufed formerly to fit, who heard the con-
feffions of the pilgrims that came to vifit thefe places, and were
not permitted to proceed any further, till they had obtained re-
miflion of their fins ; fo that being made clean by the participa-
tion of this facrament, they might proceed to obtain a benedic-
tion from the Lord, and mercy from God our Saviour, repeating
as they went the third verfe of the xxiv^'^ Pfalm, Whojlmll afcend
into the hill cf the Lordf and who Jhall Jla?id in his holy place f
Even he that hath clean handsy and a pure hearty etc.

As foon as we had pafTed the gate w^e faw on our rio-ht hand
a very high mountain towards the wefl, being almofl perpendi-
cular over us : towards the fummit of which there grew, as it
were in defpite of nature, a beautiful green tree, which appeared
as if it grew out of a wall. And at about the didance of an-
other quarter of an hour, we came to another gate, which when
we had pafTed, we entered into a beautiful plain, where there
are two delightful cyprefs trees, and two olive trees, near to a
well of fweet water, which, as they fay, is only a colledion of
water that is made by the winter fnows and rains. And to this
part of Mount Horeb it was that Elias the prophet fled from the
face of Jezebel, as is mentioned i Kings xix. 9. where it is faid
that when he arrived at the Mount of God, he came thither to a
cave J and lodged there -y which cave exiils to this very day, and
is fituated at the foot of Mount Sinai, and is now inclofed in a
church that is built of red and white granate marble; the en-
trance into which is from the weft. The dimenfions of this

D cave

20 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

cave are in length five feet, in depth four feet, and in height
four and a half: which when we had vifited we returned to the
well, and lodged all night under the olive trees. This plain
where we lay was entirely furrounded with mountains, which
formed tv/o valleys, one of them extending itfelf to the fouth
fouth weft, and leading directly to the convent of the forty mar-
tyrs i the other ftretching to the north weft* ^1

Sept. 1 6. Early in the morning before break of day we be-
gan to afcend the holy Mount Sinai from the aforefaid church of
St. Elias, and found the afcent to be very fharp, fo that unlefs
the aforementioned Heps had been made in the hill, by laying
broad ftones one upon another, we fhould have found the afcent
to be exceeding difficult, it being much more fteep than the af-
cent of the preceding day. The courfe of our road lay diredly
towards the fouth 5 and after an afcent of three quarters of an
hour we were fliewed the place, a little out of the road to the
left hand, where the Mahometans fay that Mahomet, together
with his camel, w^as taken up by the angel Gabriel into heaven^
and that this camel was of fuch a fize, that it ftood with one of
its feet at Mecca, another at Damafcus, a third at Cairo, and
the fourth on Mount Sinai ^ where ftill remains the mark
made by the impreffion of his foot in the very marble rock ;
which however the Greek monks acknowledge was made by
themselves to gain the more efteem from the Turks towards this
holy mountain, if not on account of its own fandity, and the
wondeiful works performed there by God, yet at leafl on ac-
count of this miraculous imprcfiion of the camel's foot. Which
accordingly hath prevailed on all Mahometans to treat this place
with the higheft regard.

At length after a fmall quarter of an hour we arrived on the
holy Mount Sinai \ and as foon as we had got on the plain,
which is on the top of it, we immediately faw a church and a
Torkifh mofch. Formerly indeed there was a large church built

upon.

TO MOUNT SINAI. 21

upon this place, which almon: covered and occupied as it were
the whole plain j but this was deftroyed by the Turks, who
left one part towards the north for the ufe of the Chriftians,
and referved the other towards the fouth for the ufe of the Ma-
hometans.

Before you come to the church of the Chrlllians there is a
cave in the rock adjoining to it, into which there is a very nar-
row entrance. In this place, the tradition is, that Mofes faw
the glory of the Lord, as mentioned Exod. xxxiii. 21. Aiid
the Lordfaidy Behold there is a place by 7?ie, and thou ftmlt Jland
upon a rock j and it pall co7ne to pafs while my glory pajfeth by,
that I will put thee in a clift of the rock ; and I will cover thee
with mine hand while I pafs by ; and I will take away mine handy
and thou Jhalt fee my back parts ; but my face pall not be fcen.
And accordingly it is faid by common tradition, that it was in
this clift of the rock that Mofes was lijd by the Lord ; where
Mofes neverthelefs, that he might have a better view of the
forementloned glory, having raifed his head and body on high,
left his entire figure imprefled in the marble rock, to perpetuate
the memory of this miracle. So that in the lower part of the
rock there remains the impreilion as if it had been in m.elted wax,
of his [w] knees and both his hands, and in the upper part the
imprefllon of his back and one half of his face.

And going further on this plain we entered into the church
that is contiguous to this rock juft mentioned, which church is
fubdivided into two chapels, in the larger the Greeks per-
form divine fervice, and in the other the Roman catholics ;
and in this place they fay it was that Mofes received the two ta-
bles of teflimony, as mentioned Exod. xxxi. 18. And the "Lord
gave Mofes in Mount Sinai two tables of teflimony y tables of ft one y

{ni] Quaere, Might not the fame chizzels that engraved the imprefilon of the

foot of Mahomet's camel, have engraved thofe alfo of the knees and hands of
Mofes? etc.

D 2 writte}^.

22 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

-written with the finger of God. But on the other fide of the
mount, as I fald, towards the fouth fouth weft ftands the Turk-
ifh mofch, built in the form of an oblong, in which are hanged
up feveral velTels filled with myrrh, and other oblations which
are cuflomary with the Turks, who hold this place in the high-
eft veneration ; and I believe this mofch may be about feventy
paces diftant from the Chriftian church, the fuperficies of this
plain on the top of Mount Sinai not being very large.

Under the Eaftern part of this mofch there is another cave,
greater than that of St. Elias, in which they fay Mofes com-
monly dwelt when he was upon the top of this holy mount 5.
the door of which cave looks towards the valley which extends
itfelf towards the fouth weft. And in this valley ftands Rephi-
dim, of which there is mention made Exod. xvii. i. where the
Ifraelites murmured for want of water. From this mountain
there is a fair profpe(^l of Mount St. Catharine, lying towards the
fouth weft, and of the Red-fea towards the fouth and weft. And
after we had each of us performed our devotions, we immedi-
ately defcended again towards the well on Mozint Horeb, from
whence we laft came.

And after we had dined we departed from thence at eleven
o* clock through the valley which extends itfelf towards the
north weft, which condud:ed us as it were in a circle towards
the fouth ; and in this journey we met with feveral places that
were formerly inhabited, as alfo with fome churches, the moft
remarkable of which is that of St. Pantaleon ; over which, to-
wards the fummit of the mountain, on the left hand towards the
fouth eaft, there is a cave, in which two kings fons fpent their
lives in performing rigid penances. And a little further from
this church we began to defcend a very fteep mountain for a
whole hour ; and when we came into the valley, we found
a convent which is called the Convent of the forty martyrs.

Thet

TO MOUNT SINAI, 23

The Convent of the forty martyrs is fituated in the midil: of
a vale, having Mount Si?iai on the eaft and Mcuni St. Catherine 5
on the wtii. But before I had entered the convent, two Arabs
came up to me, and faluted me very amicably, and after they had
Hghted their match from my pipe, they departed j. v/aiting at fome
diftance for the arrival of a monk that was our guide, who had
flaid behind with the reil of our companions, for I had come
hither alone, having outwalked the refl : but upon their arrival
the two Arabs flopped the refl of the company, and threatened
to fire among them, if they did not deliver up the monk who
was their conductor, and oblige him to come out from among
them J which when it was done, they took him and bound
him, and carried him off to the neighbouring mountains ; fay-
ing to the reft, '' Depart in peace, for we have no ill will to
you, but have a reckoning to make up with this rafcal of a
monkj" who followed them without attempting to refift.

This affair gave my companions a great deal of concern; for
though they feemed able to have fet the monk at liberty, yet
they well knew that if thofe two Arabs had made any noife, they
would upon the leaft notice have had an hundred more come to
their affiftance. For when two young Greeks, who were well
armed, were going, contrary to the opinion of the reft, to the relief
of the monk, the Arabs began immediately to fire at us ; xx^ow
which we all retired inftantly towards the convent, and left the
monk in their hands, with whom they foon made up their
reckoning, and paid him in. ftripes the account which they had
to make up v/ith the convent, of which he was the interpreter,
and procurator.

The Convent of the forty martyrs has a fmall church, and'
but very indifferent accommodations for lodging ; only tlie gar-
den is large and hand fome, and well ftored with all kinds of
fruit, and is furrounded as it were with a wood of olive trees..
There is likewife a refervoir of good rain-water, and a imall

5 %i"g.

24 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

fpring of frtfli water, that runs through it from the mountains,
which v/aters the garden and all the adjacent valley.

Sept. 17. Early this morning thofe of our company who
were heal and ftrong departed to go up the mountain of St. Ca-
tharine^ but I, with about half the company, ftaid behind in the
cunvent. The hiflory of which journey is as follows : As foon
as they were departed out of the convent, they began their jour-
ney towards the fouth weft, and after half an hour they began
to afcend a very rough mountain, and difficult of afcent ; for as
there were no Heps formed upon ti, but the whole way was co-
vered with fmall trundling ftones, thefe gave way under the feet.
In this road there is an abundance of curious ftones, and pend-
ent rocks on either fide, that are wonderfully marked by na-
ture with the mod: beautiful veins, which flioot forth in the re-
femblance of trees, whofe branches are fo very minute, and yet
fo very exadt, that art could not poffibly come up to it. And
of thefe they brought back with them a good quantity.

After an hour's travel they came to the water called T^he wa-
ter of the partridges^ where this moft delightful fpring breaks
forth out of fome rude marble rocks, which are of a black co-
lour. This fountain, the Greeks fay, broke out miraculoufly
when the body of St. Catharine was carried from this mountain
to the great convent, where her relicks are preferved to this day 3
at which time the bearers of her corpfe being ready to perifli
with thirft, the partridges which attended her funeral from the
fummit of the mountain, conduced them to this place, and dif-
•covered the fountain unto them.

From this water, after three quarters of an hour, our travel-
lers came to a plain from whence they were able to difcover the
fummit of Mount St. Cathari?ie 3 and after they had walked in
this plain for a good half hour, they began again to afcend the
mountain, the greatefl difficulty of which is towards the top.

So

TO MOUNT SINAL 25

So that the whole time of travelling from the convent of the
forty martyrs to Mount St. Catharitie may be looked upon to be
about three hours.

On the fummit of this mountain there is a fmall plain, on
which, according to the tradition of the Greeks, was brought
and depofited by angels from Alexandria, the body of St. Ca-
tharine the virgin and martyr, who fuffered under the emperor
Maximin y and there remains ftill to be feen the mark of the
place where her corpfe was depofited, as you look towards Mount'
Sinaiy which flands to the north eaft, at about four hours dif-
tance. The length of this [w] impreffion is feven feet in black
and white marble granate, with a little mixture both of red and
yellow fpots. And about a year ago the monks built a fmall
chapel over this tomb, {qwqxi feet eight inches broad, ten feet
long, and fix feet high.

From this mountain, which overlooks all the reil, there i&-
an exceeding fine and extenfive profpecft. Moimt Sinai ^ as I faid-
before, lies towards the north eafl, the Red-fea to the wefl, as
as alfo TcT, a place fituated on the Red-fea, at two days jour-
ney diflance from hence. To the fouth appears tliat extended
arm of the Red-fea, which is called the Elanic giilpl\ upon
which the famous port of Elana formerly ftood.

Sept. 18. We departed from this convent of the forty mar-
tyrs at a quarter after feven, through that vale which extends
itfelf diredly towards the north wefl, and defcending from the
garden of the convent for a quarter of an hour, we can^e, as it
were, through a wood of olive trees to the church and cave of
St. Onuphrius, in which he fpent a devout life for fortv vears.
Which when we had vifited, and had gone for another quarter

[k] Qusere. Might not the fame workmen that engraved the imprclFion of the
foot.of Mahomet's camel, have- engraved this alfo?

26 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

of an hour through the aforefaid valley we came to the ftone
which is called by the Greeks the ftone of the Fountains j which
Mofes ftruck [o] twice with his rod, as is defcribed Num. xx. 1 1,
where it is laid, yi/id Mofes lift up his hand^ and with his rod he
fmote the rock twice ; and the water came out abundantly.

Which aforementioned [/?] ftone or folitary rock is about twelve
feet high, and about eight or ten feet broad, though it is not

[o] N. B. Here our traveller is miftaken in his quotation out of the Scrip-
tures, for this is not the ftone which Mofes ftruck twice, as mentioned Numb.
XX. II. but the rock in the vzUey of ^ephlclim, where the children of Ifrael
fought the Amalekites, before they arrived at Mount Sinai, as mentioned Exod.
xvii. 7. whereas that ftone which Mofes ftruck twice, as mentioned Numb. xx.
II. is that ftone which will be fpoken of hereafter in this Journal, under the
tranfa£lions of Odiober 2.

[p'\ N. B. The Devil tempted our Saviour by quoting texts of Scripture j and
as he hath continued ever fmce to endeavour by pious frauds to deceive, if poflible,
the A ery c\cSt, he therefore exciteth men, of fometimes good intentions, to forge
falfe miracles, to invalidate by that means, as far as lies in his power, thofe which
were performed by our Saviour and his apoftles. One flagrant inftance of which
anong many, are thofe curfed and hellilh frauds pra6tifed by the Grecian monks
of Mount Sinai, in graving impreflions in the rock of the foot of Mahomet's
camel, and of the body of St. Catharine and of Mofes ; which would take off
from the evidence which this wonderful rock of Meribah daily gives of the truth
of the Mofaical hiftory, if it was poftible for the Devil to effe<5t it. But as the
marks in that ftone are of fuch a nature as that human art is not capable of imi-
tating them, the finger of God Iheweth its own handy-work in the fupernatural
filllires, which are broken deep into the folid granate, in fuch a manner as not
polTibly to have been eff"e6ted by human art. To convince the reader of which,
I fhall here give him a copy of the defcription of this remarkable ftone, as I find
it in the Travels of Dr. Shaw and Dr. Pocock.

The defcription of this rock, as given us by my friend Dr. Shaw, is as fol-
lows : "• Afti-T we had defcended with no fmall difHculty down the weftern fide
" of this mountain, we cam.e into the other plain that is formed by it j which
" is R'phidiin, Exod. xvii, i. Here we ftill fee that extraordinary antiquity
*' the rock of Mtribah, Exod. xvii. 6. which hath continued down to this day
** without the leaft- injury from time or accidents. It is a block of granate
«* marble, about four yards fquare, lying tottering as it were and loofe in the

all

TOMOUNTSINAL 27

all of one equal breadth j it is a granate marble of a kind of
brick-colour, compofed of red and white fpots which are both
duiky in their kind ; and ftands by itielf in the aforementioned
valley as if it had grown out of the earth, on the right hand of
the road towards the north eafl:, whereon there remains to
this day the lively impreffion of the miracle then wrought : for
there are ftill to be ken. the places whence the water gufhed

*' middle of the valley, and feems to have formerly belonged to Mount Sinai^

" which hangs in a variety of precipices all over this plain. The waters which

*' guJJ)cd out, and the Jiream which flowed withal^ Plal. vii. 8, 21, have hollowed

«' acrofs one corner of this rock a channel about two inches deep and twenty wide,

*' appearing to be cruftated all over, like the infide of a tea-kettle that hath

<« been long in ufe. Befides feveral mofly productions that are ftill preferved

« by the dew, we fee all over this channel a great number of holes, fome of

«« them four or five inches deep, and one or two in diameter, the lively and de-

«* monftrable tokens of their having been formerly fo many fountains. It like-

<« wife may be further obferved, that art or chance could by no means be

" concerned in the contrivance : For every circumftance points out to us a

« miracle, and in the fame manner with the rent in the rock of Mount CaU

<« vary at Jerufalem, never fails to produce a religious furprize in all who fee
« it."

The account which my worthy friend Dr. Pococke gives of it is this. « Here
« they fhew the rock which, they fay, Mofes ftruck and the waters flowed
t' out, when God told him he would ftand before him upon the rock of Horeb
" which was afterwards called Majfah and Meribah ; it is on the foot of
« Mount Serick, and is a red granate ftone fifteen feet long, ten wide, and
« about twelve high. On both fides of it, towards the fouth end, and at the
" top of the ftone, for about the breadth of eight inches, it is difcoloured as by
" the running of water ; and all down this part on both fides, and at the top,
<« are a fort of openings or mouths, fome of which refemble the lion's mouth,
« that is fometimes cut in ftone fpouts, but appear not to be the work of a
« tool. There are about twelve on each fide, and within every one is an hori-
" zontal crack, and in fome alfo a crack perpendicularly down. There is alfo a
« crack from one of the mouths next the hill, that extends two or three feet
" towards the north, and all round the fouth end. The Arabs call this ftone
«' the Stone of Mofes,'*

E out.

28 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

out, fix openings towards the fouth weft, and fix others towards
the north eaft, and in thofe places where the water flowed,
the clefts are ftill to be feen in the rock, as it were with
lips.

Which when he had attentively obferved we proceeded on
our journey, going diredlly forward towards the north- weft 3 and
after a journey of a fmall half hoar reached the end of the afore-
faid valley. Where we found a great plain, into which ano-
ther valley opens itfelf, and extends towards the north eaft.
In this great plain towards the fouth weft, on a moderate rifing,
is fituated the garden of the convent of Friars, which is guarded
by the Arabs, and has a fmall ftream of fweet water running
conftantly through it, and with which it is fupplied -, and in the
faid garden are nine very ftately cedars, of which two exceed
the reft in height, and are of a prodigious fizej befides many
other trees, fuch as apples, pears, vines, etc. The little Church
of St. Peter and St. Paul ftands in the bottom of the garden, as
alfo a fmall building belonging to the convent, which is inha-
bited by the Arabs who watch the garden.

In this great plain, which is on the outfide of the garden,
and which extends itfelf, as I obferved before, towards the north
eaft, that [q] tranfadtion is faid to have happened which is de-
fcribed Num. xvi.32. concerning the rebellion of Corah, Dathan,
and Ablram, wdien the earth opened her mouth, and fwallowed
up them and their families. This plain or vale is pretty near of
one equal breadth, through which when we had travelled from

[f ] Here our traveller and. his informers are again millaken in the hiftory of
the tranfadions of the Ifraclites ; for the rebellion of Corah, Dathan, and Abl-
ram did not happen while Mofes was upon Amount Sinai, or in the neighbour-
hood of it. Nor till the Ifraelites had arrived at the foot of Mount Hor, which
is quite at the other end of this promontory, and had refufed to go and take
poflefTion of the land of Canaan after the return of the fpies from thence, as
mentioned Numb. xiv. i, &c,

the

m

TO MOUNT SINAI. 29

the garden of the convent about a fmall half hour, we came to
a place where the Greeks fliewed us in thegranate marble, which
is of a brick-duft colour, (as moft of the neighbouring moun-
tains are) a hole or cavity, where, they fay, Aaron caft the head
of the golden calf, as is defer ibed Exod. xxxii. 4. when the
people gave him the golden ear-rings which were in their ears,
and he received them at their hand^ andfajhioned it with a graving
tooU and ajter he made it a golden calf. And ver. 24. Aaron is
reprefented as excufinghimfelf, faying, And Ifaid unto them^ Who-
mever hath any gold^ let him break it off; fo they gave it me : then
I caji it into the fire, and there came out this calf. This cavity
is indeed formed in fuch a manner as to afford fome fmall re-
femblance to the head of a calf, having marks in it fomcthing
like horns, and being in length about two feet and a half, in
breadth two feet, and in depih two. At the bottom of it
is earth or fand, which feemed to me to be about three feet deep ;
but I cannot be pofitive as to that, fince we neither had time
nor opportunity for extrad:lng it out of the cavity, or model as the
Greeks pretend it to be j much lefs could we difcover any im-
preflions of a nofe or mouth, or of ears or eyes ; wherefore, as
the holy Scriptures fpeak of the formation of a whole calf, and
not of an head only, there feems to me to be a good deal of
reafon for rejeding this piece of tradition. The Greeks how-
ever, to impofe the more upon the ignorant, fay, that though it
rains ever fo much, no water is feen to lye in this hole ; they
perlift in this declaration, and alledge in proof of it [r] quotations
out of the fathers, tho' Pere Claud Sicard fays that laft year he

[r] Quotations out of the fathers for proof of a matter of fail produced by
perfons who live upon the fpot, fecm to be an odd kind of argument. And the
introdudlion of Pere Sicard's opinion in oppofition to this declaration of the
Greeks, feems quite as odd ; for they do not aflert that fnovv wont lie there,
but only that rain will not, which father Sicard's alTertiou does not coji-
tradidl,

E 2 found

30 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

found ibme fnow adually lying in the cavity, and that it was
quite filled with it j whence it is reafonable to believe, that
the caufe why the rain doth not lie in it, is owing to fome hole
at the bottom of the cavity, which emits it as faft as it enters and
has pafled through the fand. But that in this place or here-
abouts the Ifraelites worfhiped the golden calf is fomewhat pro-
bable, inafmuch as there are fome rocks here twelve or fifteen
feet high, upon which when the golden calf was fet up, it might
eafily be feen and adored by all the people who were fituated in
this wide and extenfive vale 3 and further, becaufe this place
likewife anfwers and is fituated directly overagainft another vale
to the eaftward, by which, they fay, Mofes defcended from
Mount Sinai-, when he brought with him the tables of teftimo-
ny, where, they fay, it was that he broke them, when he came
to the foot of the mountain.

Going on our journey through this fame valley, we came in a
quarter of an hour from this place noted for the head to that
garden, which we firil: faw, when we came to thefe parts j here
we found a fpring of frefli water, and much fruit. And now hav-
ing altered our rout towards the fouth eaft, at about the diftance
of a gun-fhot from the garden, they (hewed us a flone about
two feet high from the ground, on which are engraved fome
unknown charaders, which however, they fay, were engraved
by Jeremiah the prophet in honour of Mofes and Aaron who
were buried there. But this is what I give no credit to, fince
I find it written of the \_s\ burial place of Mofes, Deut. xxxiv. 6.
But no man knoweth of his fepulchre unto this day. At length
in a fmall half hour from hence we arrived at the convent

[^] As to the burial place of Aaron it is pofitively faid that he died and was bu-
ried upon Mount tLr, at the further end of this promontory from Mount Sinai.
See Numb. xx. 28. xxxiii. 38. Deut. xxxii. 50. And Mofes died on the top
ofPifgah in the land of Moab, over againft Jericho, Deut. xxxiv. i, 5.

of

TO MOUNT SINAI. 31

of Mount Sinai, making this day from the convent of the Forty
martyrs hither a journey of two hours and a quarter. And having
finifhed our progrefs, we faw every thing that was to be (t^tw
here with the greateft fatisfadlion.

Sept, 19. The Greeks celebrated the fcail of the blefTed vir-
gin Mary. And the archbifhop again officiated, cloathed in his
pojttijicalibus'j and when mafs was done, we were, as ufual, con-
cluded to the refedory, where, before dinner, we had our feet
wafhed by fome of the monks, while the reft chanted their devo-
tions during the operation. And as foon as the wailiing was over,
every one according to his inclination and abilities gave for the
ufe of the convent either one or two chcqulns. As for the reft
of the time, while we ftaid there, nothing remarkable hap-
pened.

O^. I. On this day we opened a cheft, kept on the rif^ht
hand of the prefbytery, in which are preferved the relicks of St,
Catharine 3 and the principal parts they brought forth to fhew
us, were the fkuU and left hand of this faint, having the flefh and
fkin on it, but quite dried up, and covered with beautiful rings.
After we had been favoured with this fight we were permitted
to depart; taking leave therefore of the arch-bifhop, and
the reft of the monks, we came out of the convent about noon,,
amidft the noify clamours of the Arabs, by the fame way that
we entered. When we arrived at the place of 'the head, wc
flopped, and, having pitched our tents, were forced to continue
there the remainder of that day whether we would or not. Af-
ter a great deal of buftle, we at length made our contradt with
the Arabs, to carry us back a better road by lor than that which
we came ; Accordingly,

06i, 2. We departed about two o'clock in the morning, and
taking the fame rout by which we came, we refted after three
hours and a quarter's travelling, and flopped in a place where

was

y^y

32 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

was good water, at no great diftance from the [f] ftone of Ma-
homet, and after we had laid in our provifion of water we de-
parted about eleven o'clock. And in about half an hour we
again pafTed by the ftone, where, as I faid, Mahomet feated
himfelf J and in another hour we entered the [u] Ihady wood
before mentioned. About three o'clock we pafTed by a large
[x] rock on our left hand, in which, as in that other rock
which Mofes ftruck with his rod, appear from the bottom to the
top openings where water hath gufhed out. Which when we
had pafled by, we flopped in an open plain, where we flaid all
night.

O^. 3. About three quarters after three in the morning we
departed from this place, and at four o'clock, being about day
break, we turned out of the road by which we firfl came, and
leaving the valley leading to Marah on the right hand, we en-
tered into a large vale between very rude mountains, commonly
called Gebel Faran^ our courfe then pointing towards the north

[/] See page, 13. Sept. 12.

[w] This place is called Barak, fee Sept. 12. p. 13.

[*•] This is a very remarkable paflage, it being the only place, that, in any
book of travels, I have ever met with the mention of this fecond ftone which
Mofes ilruck, though it is manifeft from the Scriptures, that he ftruck two diffe-
rent ftonc§, and at very different times. And as this is in a retired part of the
wildernefs, it is a wonderful confirmation of the veracity of the Mofaical hifto-
ry, for which reafon, independent of all curiofity, I fhould think it worth while,
to employ fome perfon to go thither, who fhould be very particular in his de-
fcription of it. The firft ftone which Mofes ftruck, is mentioned in the xviiih
chapter of Exodus, to have been in the valley of Rephidim, and before the arri-
val of the Ifraelites at Mount Shiai. Whereas the fecond which Mofes ftruck
nvice before the waters guftied out, is mentioned in the xxth chapter of Numbers
as being in the wildei-nefs of Kadcjh\ after the death of Miriam, and not long
before the death of Aaron. So that there was about 38 years diftance between
the one tranfa£lion and the other.

wefl.

TO MOUNT SINAI. 33

^^^e^:. And pafling through this vale by a tolerably eafy de-
fcent, we found it adorn'd widi trees and dates on both fides of
us, here and there interfperfed with the habitations of Arabs,
and full of birds, which entertained us very agreeably with their
charming notes. About three quarters after eight we pafild by
a place on a mountain upon our right hand, called Kabegin^
which was entirely deftroyed, nothing remaining of it but the
ruins. And after a journey of another half hour we came to
another ruined place, called [y] Faran, about a quarter after
nine, fituated likewife on our right hand. This was formerly
a large city containing many convents of the Greeks : For it was
an epifcopal city, under the jurifdia:ion o^ Mount Sinai -, and
formerly had the famous Theodorus for its bifliop, who wrote
againfh the Monothelites. But at prefent nothing remains but
heaps of the ruins of this famous city. Here we were oblio-ed
to flop on account of the difputes between the Arabs.

In this place no one is fuftered to put pen to paper, by
reafon of a tradition they have, that here was formerly a [z]
river, and that when an European was going to write down a
defcription of it, out of indignation it funk under ground and

[>•] This fhould be written Paran. Which place was famous in hiftory {'3
long ago as in the days of Abraham ; the four kings who took his nephew Lot
prifoncr, having, firft in their paflage round the Dead Tea, Smote the Horites in
their Mount Seir^ or Mount Hor, unto El-Paran, which is ly the wildernefs.
And from whence this wildernefs is frequently called the Wildernefs of Paran,
See note in page, 1 0. Sept. 8.

[2] This tradition is very remarkable. For as the author defcribes his jour-
ney from the fecond rock of Mofes towards this place to have been through a
vale by a tolerably eafy dejccnt^ it is poffible that this tradition may have arifen
from the water which flowed out of this rock, and formed a river, which, as St.
Paul defcribes it\ followed thein during their abode in that part of the wildernefs
but probably dried up foon after their departure.

a 1 Cor. X. 4.

has

34 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

has dilappeared ever fince. We departed from hence foon af-
ter three, and after three quarters of an hour we again ftopped
at a place called Magai\ where we found good water, with
which we plentifully fupplied ourfelves.

05i. 4. We departed from hence about three quarters after
four In the morning, and continuing our journey by a pretty
fharp defcent, got out at length from among themonftrous moun-
tains of Gcbel Faratty and came to a large plain, furrounded how-
ever with high hills, at the foot of one of which we repofed
ourfelves under our tents at about half an hour after ten. Thele
hills are called Gebel el Mokataby that is, the written mountaim :
For as foon as we had parted from the mountaim of Faran
we paiTed by feveral others for an hour together, engraved with
ancient unknown characters, which were cut into the hard
marble rock fo high as to be in fome places at twelve or fourteen
feet diftance from the ground : and though we had in our com-
pany perfons, who were acquainted with the Arabick, Greek,
Hebrew, Syriack, Coptic, Latin, Armenian, Turkifh, Englifh,
lUyrican, German, and Bohemian, languages, yet none of them
had any knowledge of thefe charaders j which have neverthe-
lefs been cut into the hard rock with the greateft induflry, in a
place where there is neither water, nor any thing to be gotten
to eat. It is probable therefore thefe unknown \_a] charaders
contain fome very fecret myflerles, and that they were engraved
either by the Chaldseans, or fome other perfons long before the
coming of Chrifl. In this place where we this day refled there

\_a'] The learned allow that the ancient Hebrew charaifter, having been dif-
ufed during the Babylonifh captivity, is loft, and that it is the Chaldee chara-
<Eler which we now ufe inftead of it. The probability is therefore, that thefe
chara6lers are the ancient Hebrew charaftcr, which the Ifraelites having learned
to write, at the time of the giving the law from Mount Simi, diverted them-
felves with pradifmg it on thefe mountains during their forty years abode in
the wildernefs.

1 are

TOMOUNTSINAI. 3^

are two roads, one leading through a valley to Tcr, and ftretch-
ing diredlly weftward ; the other road towards the north weft,
leading dired:Iy to Suefs. Here the Arabs refufing to carry us all
according to our agreement to Tor^ a violent buftle arofe, till at
length it vv^as concluded we fhould go diredly to Suefs, paffing
by the baths of PharaOy of which by and by. Thus fubmitting,
whether we would or not, to the determination of the Arabs,
the day following being

OB. 5. We departed at half an hour after fix, and by that road
which leads north weft, proceeded towards the baths oi Pbarao y
and continuing our journey through thefe mountains, which,
they fay, are alfo written with unknown characters like the
others, we flopped at half an hour after nine in a plain totally
furrounded with mountains. After dinner we went to a neigh-
bouring valley which lay wefl-ward called Megena, where is a
grotto cut with infinite labour in the rnarble rock, the entrance in-
to which, is, by the injury of time and weather, for the moft part
obflruded by great ftones ; and even the cave itfelf almofl half
filled with fand. Being obliged to ufe the help of candles and other
lights, on our entrance we came immediately to a great hall,
fupported on every fide by rude unfinifiied pillars. This grotto
we could perceive reached a great deal further, but on account of
the exccflive heats, we declined exploring it on, and we found
that the further we went, the more the pafiJage was obflruded
with fand. At length w^e concluded tliat this cave was built
for a [b] burial place to the Egyptians. But the inhabitants of
the place, as well as the Arabs, fay, that a certain Schiech,
called Abuzelime, dwells in it, who drinks coffee continually
brought from Mecca by birds, and pounded in mortars by an-

\b'] This fuppofition is in my opinion a little extravagant, confiderinf the
great diftance this place is from Egypt. But I fee no reafon why it may not
have been made by the Ifi>aelites during their abode in the wiidernefs, for feme
jfublick ufe or other.

F gels J

36 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

gels ; with many other fuch like fables, which I do not thinft
worth while to enumerate.

051, 6. We departed from hence at three quarters after four,
and having reached the top of a mountain by an eafy afcent, about
three quarters after feven we difcovered the Red-fea lying to the
weft. We all however, travelled down ori. foot, the defcent
being pretty fharp y and a little afterwards came to a plain, where
we proceeded on flreight forward between the hills j and at ten
o'clock, coming out from among the mountains towards the north
weft, we approached to the fea ftiore j and continuing our jour-
ney till half an hour after eleven we then ftopped, and refted
ourfelves in a plain at about an hours diftance from the fea j this
we did on account of fome frefti water we found here, of which
we laid in a good quantity againft our enfuing journey over the
next mountains, at an hour's diftance from us toward the eaft.

OB. J. Here we remained till after mid day, and about two
o'clock fet forward keeping upon the fea ftiore -, till about fun^
fet we again left the fea, and arrived betv^een the mountains by
a tolerably eafy afcent, after we had pafled the mountain called
Gebel el Scheita?j, that is, the mountain of the Devil. Which as-
it is f^ntirely of a black colour gives foundation for the Arabs to
report, that the devil fometimes dreffed his viduals under it,
by the fmoak of which it acquired that blacknefs. They relate
alfo another fabulous hiftory about a head eredted on high to-
wards the entrance into the mountains, upon the left hand of
the road j being a very large ftone, fuppofed to have been the
head of a fea captain, whofe name was Baube, which was cut
off by the Arabs, and put on the fummit of that mountain where
it now remains, and that in one night's time it was turned into
ftone, and they fay, ftiould any one throw it down from the
place where it is fixt, it would by next day be reftored to its
fjtuation. But thefe are only the fables of the Arabs. Proceed-
ing on by the dufk of the evening in the forementioned valley,

I till

TO MOUNT SINAI. 37

|ill three quarters after fix, as it was full of trees, we reded there
that night.

05i. 8. We departed from hence about fun-rife, and after a
journey of three hours flopped, on account of a difpute with the
' Arabs, whether we Ihould go or not to the baths of Pharao.
And after a quarter of an hour we again fet forv/ard, ftill de-
fcending a moderate hill, till we came to a place where two
roads meet, one leading diredlly to Suefs^ and the other on the
left hand to the baths of Pharao. Here a terrible diffenfion
arofe, and the utmoll confufion, fome taking the rout towards
Suefs, and others going towards the baths of Pharao ; till at
length, after a dreadful conteft thofe returned who had departed
for Suefs, and all went on together by the valley which leads to
the baths of Pharao.

After a journey of two hours we got clear of the mountains,
and came near the fea which lay to the weft of us j and conti-
nuing our road towards the fea coaft, after a journey of one hour
we flopped. Then changing our rout to the left, we travelled
fouthwards upon the fea fhore, and came with our dromedaries
to the baths oi Pharao, which are about three quarters of an
hour from the high road. Where being arrived we confidered
the place very accurately. It is at the foot of an exceeding high
mountain, flretching from eaft to weft till it terminates on the
fea at about the diftance of a ftone's caft from it; and in this in-
termediate fpace the aforementioned mineral waters break forth,
and bubble up, making three diftindl ftreams, which run into
the fea, and are fo hot that a man can hardly bear his hand or
foot in them. Thefe waters have a fait and fulphureous tafte,
and leave a yellow tinge behind on the place from whence they
ifTue, but are otherwife in themfelves very clear and pellucid.
At length we came to the fountain head where are two caves or
hollows in the mountain which diminish irregularly ; that towards
the left, being the largeft, forms itfelf, as it were into a cham-

F 2 ber.

38 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

ber, into which when any perfon enters it raifes as wonderful %.
fweat as if he was in a very hot bath. Hither many fick per-
fons refort, and by fweating for forty days fuccefiively, and
regular dietj and drinking the mineral water, recover their
health.

The water is often fent for to CairOy by thofe that cannot
conveniently come to the fountain, and frequently drunk at home
with good fuccefs. The inhabitants of the place fay, that if you
put four eggs into any of the baths, three of them will be boiled,
and the fourth will difappear. But this I give no credit to, un-
lefs I had feen the experiment. They are called [r] Hamatn el
Fharaoney that is, the baths of Pbarao-, becaufe poflibly it
might formerly have been frequented by Pharao. Whence
alfo the adjoining fea which is three or four leagues broad is cal-
led Berke el Pharaone^ or the lake of Pharao. And as it is a
good flation for cafling anchor in, a fhip happened at this very
time to be riding here at anchor waiting for a favourable wind to
carry her to Gidda.

Having taken a careful view of this bath and the places
about it, we departed to join the reft of our caravan : and over-
took it late at night, lituated on the fea (hore in the valley of
[^] Gorondu where the rivulet beforementioned empties itfelf in-
to the fea j and is here both bitter and fait, and very difagreea-
ble to the tafte. We fpent in this place a very uneafy night on
account of the high wind, which drove the fand in great quanti-
ties upon us, and incommoded us very much,

Oci. 9. About fun-rife we departed, and in our courfe along
the fea ihore were ftill much difturbed by the high wind. Af-

[f] Hence poiTibly hot baths in England are called hummums. See alfo the note
p. 12, Sept. 8.

[^] See Sept. 8. p. 10.

TO MOUNT SINAL 39

tei? a journey of fix hours, having left all the mountains, wc
travelled over feveral little hills and rifing grounds, and reded
in a place where were feveral tufts of green ^fs -, and after we
had refrefhed ourfelves with a moderate dinner, we travelled on
again for four hours and a half, till it was pretty late in the night j
and two hours before we flopped, pafied a place near the fea
where was a ilream of excellent fweet water.

OB. 10. That we might get beyond Suefs we departed from.
hence foon after mid-night, but after a journey of two hours it
was fo dark that we were forced to flop whether we would or
not, for fear of the camels falling. And at half an hour after
four, it being dawn of day, we fet forward again, and in fevea
hours came to the wells of Mofes, called [f] Ai?i el Mufa,
Immediately upon our arrival there, all we who were on horfe-
back purfued our journey,, and rode on before, to provide a fliip
to carry us all to the other fide of the gulph. After we had
taken fome refl, the caravan came up to us about five o'clock y
by which time the fliip being got ready, we went aboard with
all our concerns, and, when landed, lodged ourfelves in our for-
mer \J] camp on the outfide of the city of Suefs. Here we found
only two fhips which were to fail ia two days time.

0£i, II. We remained in our tents at 6*?^^, being vifited by
the chriflians of th« place, who alfo entertained us with an ele-
gant fupper.

OB. 12. This whole day we faw thofe Arabs pafling by
who are the moft inveterate enemies to the Arabs of Mount Si77ai.,
And left we fhould encounter them on the road, we ftaid on
purpofe till the following day.

OB, 13. And now imagining that all the Arabs, who were
at enmity with us were gone by, we departed from Suefs ; antl

[^] See Sept. 6, p. 8. \f] See Sept. 5. p. 6.

after

40 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO

after a journey of a good hour flopped at [g] Bir el Suefs, before
defcribed, and after a moderate dinner there, we again fet for-
ward, and when we were not far diftant from [^] Agirut^ we
perceived a caravan of our enemies juft over againft us, which
we all thought had pafTed by long ago ; fo that though they were
going another road at the diflance from us of a gun-fliot, yet ne-
verthelefs our Arabs prepared themfelves for battle, alighting
from their camels, and marching on foot armed with lances,
fwords and guns ; while four of the chief of them galloping their
horfes between the enemy's caravan and ours, attempted, by in-
fulting them in this bravading manner, [/] to provoke them to
an engagement. For though the camels of our enemy's caravan
were much more numerous than ours, yet we were ftronger in
the number of armed men, fo that they durft not attack us, but
haftened their pace to pafs by us ; and it was not unpleafant to
behold thofe that were in the rear galloping after the reft for fear
we fhould take them prifoners. When they were gone, we
foon after turned towards the road along which our enemies came,
which was upon our right hand, and having pafTed Agirut upon
our left hand, of which we have [k] already fpoken, we conti-
nued our courfe between hills and rifing grounds, interfperfed
here and there with tufts of green herbs, on which the camels
fed, being about fix Italian miles diftant from the road which
we pafTed in our former journey. At length we flopped when
we were come three hours and a half from Agirut and feven
hours and an half from Suefs, and when we were within fight
of the mountains of [/] Huhehi which were about a good league
diflant from us towards the north.

0£f, 14. At half an hour after four in the morning we
departed again from this place, and about fun-rife faw feven

Ig'] See Sept. 5. p. 8.

[A] See Sept. 5. ibid. [/'] Or at Icaft to fhew tliey were not afraid of them.

"[^] See Sept. 5. p. 6. [I] See Sept. 4. p. 6.

animals

TO MOUNT SINAI. 41

animals called Gafell, and a good many hares feeding on the
aforementioned green tufts. And having paiTed by the moun-
tain Huhebi, at, as I faid, about a league's diftance, we flopped
at half an hour after eleven, and at one o'clock after dinner we
again fet forward on our journey, and travelled till half an hour
after five, when we flopped near a little hill.

OB. 1 5. We proceeded on our journey this morning at about
half an hour after five, travelling as before between hills and rifins:
grounds, and refted ourfelves at half an hour after nine. And
having quitted the road that leads by the village of [;;?] Chankcy
we purfued our journey diredtly towards Cairo. For which
place we fet forward at half an hour after one, leaving thofe \}i\
fandy hills on our right hand through which we pafied in our
former journey. And a little before fun-fet we mounted up a
little hill called Daher el Homar, that is the affes back, from
whence we got a view of the fituation of Gz/r^, at four hours
and a half diilance from us ; and profecuting our journey be-
tween tv^ilight and the light of the moon, we at length came
about nine o'clock to the laft flage called [0] Ukalt el Babaar,
where our friends were gathered together expecting our arri-
val. They received us very affedionately with finging, and ex-
ultations, and embraces 5 and according to the cullom of the
orientals, fpcnding the night in noify clamours, and clapping
their hands.

OSi. 16. This day we entered the city in good health by
the port of Baalf el Naafar, and I arrived at my own houfe,
thanks be to God, who brought me thither fafe from all mif-
chief.

[m] See Sept. 2» p. 4. [«] See Sept. 3. 'p. 5. [<?] See Sept. i. p. 3.

AND

42 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc.

N D, Gentlemen, when the perfon whom you
think proper to employ is gotten fo far as
Mou7it S'mai^ I think it would be advifeable to en-
gage him to take a view of that whole promontory.
And in particular to go and vilit Sharme which [ci\
Dr. Pococke fays is about a day and a halfs journey
fouth eaft from Mount Sinai '^ and from whence the
Monks of Mount Sinai are chiefly fupplied with fifli.
Which I fuppofe to be the place where Jethro the
prince of Midian lived whofe daughter Zipporah was
married to Mofes. Becaufe it is manifefl that Jethro
lived at about that diftance from Mount Sinai. For it
is faid in the book of Exodus, when Mofes was return-
ing to Egypt by command from God, and was bringing
his wife and children along with him, that when he
was arrived at the iirft [^] ftage from the habitation of
his father in law Jethro, he there was met by the an-
gel of the Lord, who obliged him to fend his wife and
children [c] back again. After which he purfued his
journey and met his brother Aaron at [<^j Mount
Horeb,

And probably it was from this fituatlon near the fea
fliore, that the family of Jethro were called [e] Ke-
lt itcs. The word ken in Hebrew flgnifies a neji^ a

[a] Poc. Trav. p. 137. [b'] Exod. iv. 24. [c] Exod. xviii. 2.
[d] Exod. iv. 27. [e'\ Judg. i. i6. iv. 11, 17.

hole

Plate I.

^^,

1^^

Plate JI.

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 43

hole, or cave ; and therefore Balaam, when he was
bleffing the Ifraelites, and looked upon the Kenites
who were among them, took up his parable and faid,
Strong is thy dwelling place ^ and thou puttejl /'/^ nest in
a rock. Num. xxiv. 20.

He {hould likewiTe vifit [/] Dizahal?^ which is
mentioned Deut. i. i. and which is to this day called M
Dzahab or Meenah el Dzahab^ which literally fio-ni-
fies the port of gold; and is probably the fame place
with Ezio72geber mentioned Numb, xxxiii. ^S* and
Deut. ii. 8. as alfo i Kings ix. 26. and 2 Chron. viii. 17.
as that port in the Red-fea from whence Solomon
fent his iliips to bring gold from Ophir, And poffi-
bly in crofling over the promontory from thence to-
wards Egypt ^ he may find out fome traces of the city
of Kadejhy mentioned Num. xx. 1 6. and in number-
lefs other places, from whence that whole wildernefs
was denominated the wildernefs of KadeJ/j, Which
city was originally called En-Mifipat^ that is, the
fountain or feat of judgment, Gen. xiv. 7. as beino-
probably the chief city of the territory and the place
where the courts of judicature were held. The flxino-
of the fituation of which place would give great li^ht
into the hiftorical part of the travels of the children of
Ifrael during the time of their forty years wandering in
the wildernefs of KadeJIj.

[f] In the Hebrew it is, Zahah or Dzchah, as it fliould have been
tr^flated.

[^] Shaw's Trav. p. 356.

G On

44 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

On his return to Egypt he might be defired to make"
a particular enquiry into the fituation of Memphis ;
which though it is fixed by Sir Ifaac Nev/ton and Dr.
Shaw and others to have been at Geeza on the weftern
banks of the Nile^ juft over againft Grand Cairo ; yet,
according to Herodotus, muft ha\'e been a good deal
higher up the river on the fouth eaft corner of the lake.
Mcerisy or Birque of Charo7i as it is now called [^].
Dr. Pococke hath indeed placed it a little higher up
the river than Geeza^ that is, between Moka?mn and
Metraheny. But in my hum.ble opinion it muft have
been ftill higher up and nearer to the lake Mceris^ as I.
think will fufficiently appear from quoting the defcri-
ption given of it by Herodotus.

Who fays, *' that the priefl:s informed him, that
^^ Menes, who was the firft king of Egypt ^ by throw-
^^ ing up a rampart above Memphis^ of about loo [/*]»
*' ftades in length ftretching towards the fouth, dried-
*' up that pait of the Niky which to his time had paf-
*' fed by the foot of the mountain of fand in Lihya^
'' and caufed the water to run from a certain angle:
*^ through the hills by a new channel. That this
*' channel was diligently preferved in his time; and
^^- annually repaired by the Periians \ becaufe if the.

SJj\ Poc. Trav. p. 40.

[i] A ftade is an Egyptian meafure equal to 200' fathom or 400-
^ards. So that allowing 2000 yards to a mile, this rampart was
r^venty miles long,

" river

ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHlCS,&c. 45
^ river fliould at any time break through the bank, the
' whole city would probably be drowned. They add,
' fays he, that the fame Menes, after he had diverted
^ the courfe of the water, built the city, which to
' this day is called Memphis^ within the ancient bed
' of the river. And indeed this place is fituated in
' one of the narrowed: ftreights of Egypt. That, on
* the fiorth a7td weji Jide^ he caufed a lake to be made
' without the walls from the river, which pafTes on
' the eaftern part : and founded the magnificent and
' memorable temple of Vulcan in the fame city."
Thus far Herodotus. Menes, though he is here men-
tioned by Herodotus as the firft king of Egypt ^ was
very far from being fuch, as I have fhewed in the
introdudlion to that treatife publifhed a fev/ years ago
entitled The chronology of the Hebrew bible vtjjdicated ^c.
but which fiiould have been entitled Obfervatmts 072 the
Pentateuch of Mofes^ whe?^ei72 the chronology &c. He was
indeed the firft king of Memphis^ and feems to have
transferred the feat of empire from Thebes to Memphis.
For Diodorus pofitively fays, that Memphis was not
built till eight generations after the building of Thebes -y
and that the rife of Mei?iphis was the downfall of
Thebes,

However as Menes is here mentioned to have built
Memphis^ and at the fame time to have caufed a lake
to be made on the north and weft fide of the walls
of it, in my opinion nothing can be plainer than
that, according to this defcription, the fituation of

G 2 Memphis

46 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, Sec.

Memphis muft liave been on the fouth eaft corner of
the lake [Ji] Mcsns, and that this city ftood between
the lake of the river 7V/7^, which ran upon the eaftern
fide of it.

[/] Strabo fpeaking of Memphis fays in one place
that it was in the neighbourhood of the Pyramids,
and in another place that Memphis was [;/^] forty ftades
diftant from the Pyramids. But he does not fay whe-
ther to the north or fouth of them, and therefore this,
as [;;] Do6lor Shaw alledges, may pro^e the fituation
of Memphis to have been where Geeza is now. But
this difficulty is cleared up by \o\ Pliny, v/ho wrote not
long after Strabo, and poiitively fays that the Pyramids -
are fituated between Memphis and the Delta, Whence-
it follows of confequence^-tha.tikf/?/;2^fe was fituated to
the fouth of the Pyramids,.

And. what adds greatly to the flrength of what I
Have here advanced is the opinion of a very accurate
and judicious writer, v/ho was feveral times upon the
fpot, and joins with me in my fentiments herein. The
perfon I mean is Monfieur Maillet, who was fixteen.
years conful for the French nation, and was more than
once as high up in Egypt as the lake Mceris, And in.

[li] This lake is called the lake Maris, becaufe thougli.it was begun>
>y Menes it was finilhed by Moeris.

[/] Strabo, 1. xvii. [m] Or eight miles,

fft] Shaw's Trav. p. 34.0. [o] Plin. nat. Hift, L xxxvi. c. 16.

Jiis

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, Sec. 47

Kis feventh letter he declares pojGitively, that there
are at prefent fiich ruins to be feen on the borders of
the lake Mceris at the fouthcrn entrance into the Plain
of ??tummiesj as are inconteftable proofs that fome-
where hereabouts miift have been the lituation of that
capital of the Egj^ptian empire. He fa^ys moreover,,
that at the bottom of the lake there are to this day to
be feen the ruins of pillars, obelifks, and buildino-s, when
the overflov^ings of the Nile are not confiderable
enough to replenifli the lake with water ; which hap-
pened twice during the lixteen years of his confulate ;
but particularly in the year 1697, when thefurface of
this lake was five or fix cubits lower than ufual, and
gave the fpedators, to their great furprize, an oppor-
tunity of feeing the ruins of a vaft city at the bottom
of this immenfe refervoir-

Which agrees fb exactly with the account given by
Herodotus of the fituation of Memphis^ that it is al-
moft impoffible to be deceived in it. For he fays, that
Menes, by throwing up a rampart above Memphis of
^bovit a 100 ftades in length, ftretching towards the
fouth dried up that part of the Nile which to his (Me-
nes') time had pafled by the foot of the mountain of
fand in Libya, That this rampart was diligently pre-
ferved in his (Herodotus') time, and annually repaired
by the Perfians ; becaufe if the river fhould at any
time break through the bank, the whole city would
probably be drowned. Which we find by experience
iiath accordingly happened to a great part of that vafl

<^ity,

48 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c.

city, either by the negHgence of the inhabitants, or
the wilful defigns of their enemies. And indeed ic is
no othervvife to be accounted for, how it fhould come
to pafs that the iituation of this great city fliould at
prefent be difputable ; and that there fhould be fo
few remains left above ground, even of the ruins of fo
immenfe a city, in a country remarkably famous for
the happy difpofition of its climate in the prefervation
of its antiquities.

There is alio a remarkable circumftance attending
the lake Mceris^ which fhews the fituation of this city
of Memphis to have been originally, as it is defcribed
by Herodotus, fouthward of the Pyramids and the plain
of Mummies^ or the burial place of the Egyptians.
Which circumftance occurs to me from the name given
to this lake, even to this day by the Arabians, and
that is the Birqm or lake of Charon. Becaufe as it is
acknowledged, that the plain of Mummies^ or burying
place of the ancient Egyptians, lies to the north of the
lake Mcerisy therefore in order for the corpfes of the
Egyptians to be brought by boat to this burial place,
it is necefiary they fhould come fomewhere from the
fouth. And as Memphis lay, according to Herodo-
tus, on the fouth call: corner of the lake Mce?^isy
therefore it is more than probable that it was the
cuftom of tranfporting the corpfes of the ancient
inhabitants of Memphis in Charon's ferry boat from
Memphis to the plai?2 of Mumf/iies^ which firft gave oc-*
cafion to this denomination being given to that lake,

as

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 49

as well as to the inventions of the Grecian poets with
regard to a great part of the heathen mythology,, as is
pofitively aflerted by Diodorus Siculus, who mentions
it as an Egyptian cuftom of ancient date for perfons to
be appointed at every ones interment to examine theii*
pafl: lives : " And that before the body was buried, tlic
*' relations of the deceafed gave notice both to ih^ judges,
*' and the friends of the deceafed, of the day appointed
*^ for the interment, faying, that fuch a one, naming the
'' deceafed by his name, is about topafs the lake. Then
" the judges, to the number of forty, iGitting in a place
*^ prepared for them in the form of a femicircle on the
'^ other fide of the lake, the corps was brought over ta
*' them in a boat conducted by a perfon, who in the
'' Egyptian tongue was called Charon ; but before the
*' corpfe was fuffered to be put into its coffin, every one
" was perinitted to accufe the dead perfon. And if
^' he was found to have lived a wicked life, the judges
*' gave fentence that he fhould not be allowed to be
*' buried. But if no accufer appeared, or the accufer
" was convicted of falfehood, then the friends of tlie
^' deceafed made a funeral oration in his favour, and
^' put the corpfe into its cofEn, and carried it to the
^' place of interment ; but thofe who were condemned
*' to be unworthy of fepulture, either on account of
" crimes or debts ,^ were carried home again by their
" friends, and prohibited from being put even into a
^' cofKn*. Which cuftom, fays he, Orpheus having
■** ohferved, he from thence framed the fables of the

**^ infer--

50 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

'' infernal Deities." And in the following chapter he
particularly mentions Memphis as the place from whence
Orpheus borrowed the fcene of the lake Acheriifta^ and
the Elyiian fields : For, fays he, " there are about
' Memphis delightful fields and lakes filled with
' aromatick r'eeds ; ^and in this place it is that the
' Egyptians for the moft part bury their dead. And
* it is thefe corpfes which are brought over the lake
' Acherujia to the burying place of the Egyptians, and
' are there depofited, that gave rife to all thofe fidions
' which the Grecians have raifed concerning the in-
^ fernal Deities." Where it is to be obferved, that
thefe aromatick reeds ^ with which this lake and the ad-
joining lands abound, are in the original called 'A^s-
^ws/^, AcheroeSy and therefore it is probable that this lake
was from thence denominated ' Ay^p^ato^, "Kipriy the*
Acherufian lake^ which alfo fliews the abfurdity of all
thofe derivations of the word Achero7ty that are to be
found in the Greek Lexicons. And probably thefe
Acheroes are the fame with thofe fweet fcented reeds ^ or
kanes as they are called in the Hebrew, which are men-
tioned Exod. XXX. 23. and Jer. vi. 20. that were made
life of by the Ifraelites in the compofition of their per-
fumes ; and are fpoken of as being brought I'rom a far
country.

This however is manifeft from what is before faid,
that the lake Moeris or the Acherufta7i lake or the
Btrque of Cha?vny bordered on the city of Memphis

and

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 51

and lay between that city and xk^ plain of mum7nies^
or the burying place of the Egyptians.

As to the time when this practice was firft inftitut-
cd, Diodorus feems to be of opinion, that it was intro-
duced by Menes, a prince, as he fays, of great wif-
dom and virtue, and who &ft taught the Egyptians to
worfhip the Gods. And as Herodotus mentions Me-
nes to be the perfon who founded Memphis^ it is not
improbable that he might at the fame time have been
the author of this cuftom. Certain it is, that the
Egyptians from the moft early times paid a great ve-
neration to fepulchral rites, as is manifeft from the hi-
ftory of Jacob, and the fkill the Egyptians fhewed,
and the expence they were then at, in burying their
dead. The denial therefore of thefe rites, being look-
ed upon by them as a grievous punifhment, might,
as it probably was, be eafily made ufe of by Menes as
a wife piece of ftate policy.

But as to the time when this cuftoiH was firfl left ofF
or intermitted in Egjp ^ythat does not fo positively appear ;
and therefore we mufc have recourfe to conjedures. It
is plain from Diodorus, that it was in practice in the time
of Orpheus, who being an Argonaut lived one gene-
ration before the war of Troy; and probably continued
till the time of Cheops king oi Egypt ^ who lived two ge-
nerations after the Trojan war. For the war of Troy
■happened when [/>] Proteus reigned in Memphis^ and
Thonis was governor under him of the Canopic moutli

[/>] Herod. 1. ii. Horn. Odyfl I. iv.

H of

52 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c,

of the Nile: Proteus was fucceeded by Rampfinitus^
and Rampfinitus by Cheops. Now Herodotus fays,
tJiat the prkfts told him, that to the reign of Ramp-
finitus juftice and good order were preferved in Egypt ^
and that the kingdom flourifhed in plenty ; but that
Cheops, who fucceeded, was a moft flagitious tyrant.
For after he had fhut up all the temples, and forbid-
den the public facrifices, he opprefled the Egyptians with
hard labour &c.

Now if we fuppofe thefe forty judges to have beerf
priefts, as^, according to the fuppofltion of \_q'] Mri
Warburton, it is more than probable they were j and
that they had ftretched their authority by degrees fo^
far beyond its original inftitution as to render it necef-
fary for the prince to interpofe and to aboliflithis court
of judicature m Memphis \ there will tlien be a ready-
folution for all thofe abufes and invedives with which>
the memory of Cheops was loaded by the priefts. -

And that this was really the caie, is very likely, be-
caufe Herodotus fays, that Cheops fpent ten years in'
building a bridge five ftades (or a mile) in length, or
fixty feet broad, and ■ in the higheft part forty eight
feet in altitude. Herodotus does not fay where thisr
bridge was built, but as Herodotus mentions that Me—
lies, when he built Memphis^ caufed a lake to^ be made

["^] See the ingenious diflertation of Mr. Warburton on the fixth
book of Virgil's ./^neid, in the firfl vol. of his Divine legation of-

ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHlCS,6cc. 53

on the north and weft fide without the walls from the
river, which pafTed on the eaftern part, it is plain that
Memphis was furrounded on three fides by water.
And as the Plain of the mummies undoubtedly lay
northward of the lake, the inhabitants of Memphis
were obliged to pafs this lake of Charon in order to bu-
ry their dead. I fuppofe therefore it was over this
part of the lake, which feparated Memphis from the
Plain of mmmniesj that Cheops built his bridge when
he demolifiied the court of inquifition which was held by
the priefts ; and by that means rendered Charon's ferry
boat entirely ufelefs. For I think it is hardly pofiible
for a bridge in that early age of the world to have
been built over the main ftream of the JVile ; confi-
dering the violence of its inundations, and therefore I
fuppofe that part of the Acherufan lake which lay
northward oi Memphis to have been only a fort of canal^
contrived for the better carrying off the inundations of
the Nile out of this lake, over which Cheops built
this bridge for the convenience of the inhabitants of
Memphis,

These however are .only conjedures, and indeed all
authors that have ever written concerning the early ages
of the kingdom of Egypt complain of the want of ma-
vterials [r]. Sir Ifaac Newton obferves that all the hi-
ftories of the fevxral kingdoms of the world mayjuftly

[r] Newt. Chron. p. 7.

H 2 he

54 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

be looked upon as fabulous, till about fourfcore or ail^
hundred years before, the. practice of Uterary v/riting in
thofe feveral countries; and as tliere is no account of
any tranfadlions in Egypt which can be depended up-
on till about that period of time before the reign of
Sefoftris ; fo I conclude of courfe, that the art of lite-
rary writing was not known in Egypt till about that
time. For Herodotus, who is the only prophane author
v/ho can with any certainty be relied on with regard
to ancient Egypt j goes no further back than the tranf—
lation of the Egyptian empire to Memphis- by Menes, ,
about three generations before Sefoftris. And fays
that^ before that time, the priefts informed him that
Egypt- was governed by the Gods. And it may be
taken for granted that> . when any nation or people are
referred to the Gods for their hiftory, the people of
that nation were at that, time ignorant of the art of li--
terary writing.

When the art of literary writing firft began I can- -
not fay politr/ely, but certain it is that we have not
the leaft traces of it before the time of Mofes, But af-
ter the delivery of the law upon Mount Sinai ^.2ixA.
the If"aelites were [j] ordered to write fome of the
words of thi; law on the pofts of their doors, and on
their gates, every one who had the. leaft genius would
endeavour to leam and pradice the art of literary wrir
ting. And accordingly we find, from the aforemen—

[j} Deut. vi. 9. II, 20.

tioned:'

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICSr,&c. 55

tioned journal, that in the wildernefs of Kadep?^ where
foon after the giving of the law the children of Ifrael
wandered for forty years, there are whole mountains
which are. engraved with inexpreffible labour, with,
characters at prefent unknown, but wliich, there is
great reafon to: fufpe6t, were the ancient Hebrew cha-
raders, which being loft by difafe during the Baby-
lonifh captivity, were fuppHed by the Chaldee chara—
clcrs in their fteadv

And as [/] Jofhua was ordered to write the words ^
of the law upon large ftones or^ Mount Ebal^ as foon^
as he had pafled over "Jordan^ which, he. accordingly
did, Uterary writing muft from thence become tolera-
bly well known to the Canaanites as well as the Ifra-
elites. Hence it was that Cadmus who was a Canaa-
nite,. or, as Herodotus aflerts, a Tyrian, . which is the
fame thing, might alfo learn the art of literary writingj
lince it was not till fome years after the paflage over
"Jordan that Jofhua was able to difpoffefs the Canaa--
nites, and drive them out of the land by a total over-^
throw of their forces \u\ at the waters ofMerom^ where
the Lord delwered them i?ito the hand of Ifrael^ ^uoho
Jmote them y and chafed them unto great Sidon\. From,
which place,, or from Tyre^ it probably was that Cad- •
mus with the reft: of their defeated companions took
ftiipping,. and fled into Greece ^ and carried with them
the ant of literary writing,. And hence it is that the

[/] Dent, xjdii. 7. Jofli...viii. 30. [«] JoIH. xi. 'jy^i.

Phoeni—

56 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc

Phoenicians are faid by Lucan to have been the inven-
tors of literary ^vriting.

Phcenices primi^ famcejtcredimusy auji
Manfuram rudihus vocem Jignare Jiguris,

Luc, 1. iii.

For that the Cadmonites were one of thofe colonies
which were difpoffeffed of their habitations by Jofhua
is plain from hence ; becaufe they are particularly fpe-
cified in the promife made by God to Abraham when
he made a covenant with him to give him the land
of Canaa7i for a pofTefiion, faying, [at] unto thy feed
have I given this land^ from the river of Egypt to the
great river y the river Euphrates. The Kenites^ and the
KenezziteSy and the iZ ad mon it es^ and the Hithites,

DiODORUs [j^'] accordingly fays, that Cadmus, who
was the head of this tribe brought the art of literary
writing from Phoenicia into Greece^ wherefore thofe let-
ters, fays he, are called Phoenician. And in another
[z] place, he fays^ that Cadmus came to Rhodes^ and
brought with him the Phoenician lettters. Where was
found an ancient vafe with this infcription, that Rhodes
was about to be deftroyed by ferpents : That is, by
the Hevites, who were his countrymen and accompa-
nied Cadmus from Phoenicia into Greece y the word
Heva in Hebrew fignifying diferpent,

[x'] Gen. XV. i8, 19. [j] Diod. 1. ii. c. 5.

[2] Diod. 1. V. c, 13.

And

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 57

And indeed if we confider the whole ftory of Cad-
mus, as related by the Grecian hiftorians, whofe
wife's name is faid to be Hermione, and that he raifed
foldiers by fowing of ferpents teeth, it will add a
ftrong confirmation to this opinion, that Cadmus was'
one of thofe Phoenicians, who were driven out of Ca-
fiaan by Jofhua, when he purfi.ied' them to great Si^
den. For when Jofhua numbered the hofts, which,
came out againft him to battle in the land of Canaan^
he reckons up amongft them, \a\ the Hevile under
Hermon. And now let us but (uppofe, that Cadmus,
the head of the Cadmonites, was married to the daugh-
ter of his unfortunate neighbour and ally the king
of Hermo?i^ whofe fubje6ls were called Hevites ; and
who being driven from their country by Jofliua were
forced to fly into Greece^ and' there is an eafy folution
of this mythological ftory of the Grecian Cadmus.
For as the denomination or name, which was given to
the daughter of the king of Hermony might probably
be Hermione, and as the word Hevite, which was the
appellation of thcfubjedls of the king of Hermonj de-
notes in 'H.^YQWyOnefprung from aferpent; to the Greci-
ans made ufe of the double iignification of this word to-
graft upon it their fable of Cadmus the hufband of Her-
mione having raifed foldiers by fowing of ferpents teeth.

We have therefore no reafon to rely upon any of
the hiftories. which relate even to Greece before this
period,, that is above fourfcore years before the intro-

\a] Jolh. xi. ^

dudtior^.

58 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHrCS, &c.

duclion of letters among them by Cadmus ; but much
lefs to rely upon any of the traditionary reports rela-
ting to Egypt ^ as the art of licerary writing does not
feem to have been introdiiLcd there fo foon as into

Greece,

And though it appears that the art of literary wri-
ting was known in Egypt in the time of Sefoftris [^J,
from the infcriptions which he left behind him in the
lands he had conquered ; yet is it more than probable,
that the knowledge of this art was entirely confined
to the priefthood, whence it is that Herodotus, calls
thofe charaders, in which the infcriptions of Sefoftris
were written, the facred letters of Egypt,

It may then be afked, how comes it that we have
fo little knowledge of the affairs of Egypt even from
the times of Sefoftris ? The reafon of it is, that the
few records which were in Egypt were deftroyed by
Cambyfes about an hundred years before the time of
Herodotus ; and yet in this fhort time, as Sir Ifaac
Newton obferves, " the priefts oi Egypt had fo mag-
" nified their antiquities before the days of Herodo-
" tus, as to tell him that from Menes to Moeris there
" were three hundred and thirty kings, whofe reigns
" took up as many ages, that is, eleven thoufand
" years, and had filled up the interval with feigned
** names who had done nothing/' That is, who had
performed no memorable adtion, except it be the filly

[}?] Herodotus, 1. ii.

2 ftory

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 5(j

ftory of Nitocris, the only woman among them, and
indeed the only woman who is mentioned to have
reigned in Egypt, For as that empire was not here-
ditary, but eledive, they never chofe queens for the
head of their empire, but always chofe their kings
either out of the priefthood or out of the army.

We have therefore ftill lefs reafon to depend upon
the reports of later writers than Herodotus with regard
to Egypt^ fuch as Manetho and Eratofthenes, when
they mention any tranfadions preceding the times of
Sefoftris, who, being the Shefac mentioned in the
Scriptures, was contemporary with Rehoboam king of
Judah^ about A. M. 2973. For when we confider the
natural fondnefs and vanity of all mankind to derive
themfelves from early antiquity, and recoiled that
there were in feveral parts of Egypt feveral contempo-
rary princes exifting at the fame time, we muft be
feniible that it was an eafy matter for any of the priefts,
who feem to have been the only hiftorians of thofe
days in Egypt^ to carry down the antiquity of Egypt
to many thoufands of generations, only by reckoning
the names of the contemporary princes, as beino- fo
many fucceflbrs to each other. And indeed it is no
eafy matter for any hiftorian in general to avoid falling
into this error, if he hath no written accounts, but merely
tlie tradition of the country to depend upon. Which
is the only excufe that can be alledged in favour of Di-
odorus, who is generally in the wrong whenever he dif-
fers from Herodotus \ the lift of imaginary kings being

I greatly

6o ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

greatly encreafed by the priefts between the days ot
Herodotus and Diodorus ; for, as Sir Ifaac Newton ob-
ferves, after Cambyfes carried away the records of Egypt y
the priefts were daily feigning new kings.

[<:] Herodotus, when fpeaking of thofe Grecians
who had helped to fet Pfammitichus upon the throne
oi Egypt ^ fays that " the lonians and Carians conti-
" nued for a long time to inhabit thofe parts which
" lie near the fea, below the city o{ BubaJI is ^ in the
'' Peleufi an branch of the river Nile\ till, in fucceeding
^' times, Amafis king oi Egypt caufed them to aban-
" don their habitations, and fettle at Memphis^ to de-
" fend him againft the Egyptians. But from the time
" of their eftablifliment, fays he, they had fo conftant a
'' communication with the Grecians, that one may
" juftly fay, we certainly know all things that pafled
" in Egypt lince the reign of Pfammitichus to our
" age." Now Pfammitichus the father of Pharao
Necho, who is often mentioned in the Scriptures, died,
according to Dr. Prideaux, in the twenty fourth year
of Joliah king of Jiidah^ after a reign of fifty four
years, that is, about A.M. 3331. of the Jul. period.
4097. and 617 years before Chrift.

In our enquiries therefore into the hiftory, or wor-
ihip of ancient Egypt ^ we ought careiully to diftinguifh
between the cuftoms of the ancient aborigines Egyp-

\c\ Diod. 1. ii.

tians^

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 6i

tians, and of thofe Egyptians who were afterwards
born from a mixture of Grecian or Phoenician ancef-
tors. For want of which diftinclion Diodorus and
from him the great Sir Ifaac Newton have been ftrange-
ly misled, and have confounded the hiftory of E^ypt
with the mythological fables of Greece,

V/e have already feen, that it was the fituation of
Memphis and the cuflom of the Egyptians in burying
their dead, by carrying them to the Plain of mumrfiies
in Charon's ferry boat crofs the Acherufmn lake, which
firft gave origin to the Grecian iidion of the Elyfian
fields, v/ith the infernal judges Minos, Rhadaman-
thus, and ^Eacus &c. And Herodotus is very pofitive
that it was Hefiod and Homer, who lived but about
400 years before him, that firft regulated the fyftem
of the Grecian theology, afilgned names to the feveral
gods and allotted them their feveral employments.
Mr. Shuckford has however undertaken to give us their
real hiftory ; and in the firft volume of his ConneEiioii
fuppofes from Syncellus and Manetho, that the eight de-
migods, and fifteen heroes of the Egyptian dynafties be-
fore Menes, were real perfons living in Egypt before
the flood. For \_d\ fays he, Manetho rightly conje-
ftures them to be antediluvians. But, if they were
fuch, how Manetho or any one elfe could come by
their hiftory is a fecret he has not let us into. And
thefe eight demigods, he fays from Diodorus, were Sol,

[^] Shuckf. Con. vol. i. p. 21.

I 2 Satur-

62 ORIGIN OF FIIEROGLYPHICS, Sec.

Saturnus, Rhea, [upiter, Juno, Vulcanus, Vefta and
Mercurius. Whereas Herodotus declares that Juno
and Vefta were names utterly unknown in Egypt,
And in the third vol. of his Co?27ieBion Mr. Shuckford
gives us the memoirs of the life of Jupiter, and fup-
pofeth him to have lived in Gi^eece from about the time
of Mofes to within three or four centuries of the Tro-
jan war. The principal fcene of his activity he feems
to place about feven or eight generations before the
war of 7r^, and gives him a moft numerous progeny.
And becaufe moft of the kingdoms in Gf^eece derived
the origin of their ftate at about the diftance of feven
or eight generations of defcent from Jupiter, he there-
fore concludes that Jupiter lived about the time of
Mofes. Whereas the true conclufion to be deduced
from thence is this, not that Jupiter lived, but that
the ufe of letters was not known in Greece till about
feven or eight generations of defcent before the war of
Troy^ about which time Mofes lived and a little after
which Cadmus hrft introduced them into G7^eece. For
[e\ Cadmus was father to Polydorus, the father of
Labdacus, the father of Laius, the father of OEdipus,
the father of Polynices, the father of Thyrfander who
was one of the warriors at the ftege of Troy, And ac-
cordingly [y^] Diodorus obferves, that Semele, the
daughter of Cadmus, was the laft of mortals with
whom Jupiter had any intrigues; fo that it is to

[f] Apollod. 1. iii. [/] Diod. 1. iv. c. 2.

be

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 63

be prefumed that, as before that time, when the Gre-
cians were at a lofs for the genealogy of their kings or
princes, they fathered them upon Jupiter, fo now the
introdudion of letters put an end to his amours. And
therefore it is more than probable, that there never w^as
any fuch real perfon in Greece as Jupiter, any more
than there were fuch real perfons in Phcenicia oxAffyria
or Egypt as Cronus, Uranus, or Tellus. Whereas [^-]
Mr. Shuckford colle6ls from Diodorus and Apollodorus,
that Cronus was the fon of Uranus, and that from
Uranus and Tythsea, or Tellus, were alfo born the Cen-
timani and the Cyclops, whom their father Uranus
fent to inhabit the land of Tartarus : What or where
that country was, which was thus named, he fays,
may be difficult to determine, but gravely concludes
he fhould imagine it to be no part ol Crete.

Now if we look into the defcription of Cronus,
which is given by Sanchoniatho, it will plainly convince
us, that the reprefentation was not taken from any real
perfon, but the defign of it was only to give us a fymbo-
iical defcription oiTime^ as the name properly imports.
For he is defcribed with four eyes, two before and two
behind, two of which were always fhut, and two
were always open ; to denote that Time has a reference
to what is part as well as to what is to come ; and
that Time is always upon the watch, even when it
feems to be at reft. He was alfo delineated with four

\£\ Shruckf. Con. vol. i. p. 204. vol. ii. p. 300.

I wings

64 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

wings, two of which were ftretched out as in the adion
of flight, and two were con trailed as in repofe, to
denote that Time, even when feemingly ftationed,
pafl'eth on, and when flying is yet feemingly ftation-
ed. Cronus is Hkewife by Sanchoniatho faid to have
difpatched his fon with his own hand, and to have
cut off the head of his own daughter &c. Which is
only a metaphorical account of Time's deftroying his
own produce. For thus [i»] Cicero fpeaking of the real
opinion which the ancients had of Cronus, faith,
Satiijvmm autem eum ejje volue?'unt^ qui curfimi et con-
verjionem fpatiorum ac te7nporum conWteret^ qui deus
Greece id ipfum nomen habet : K^ovog e7n?n dicitur^ qui
ejl idem X^ovo^y id ejf, Spatium temporis, Satunius
autem ejl appellatuSy quod Jaturetur a?i7iis, Exfe e7iim
7iatos co77i77teJfeJingiturfolituSj quia C07ifu77iit cztas te77ipo-
ru77t fpatia^ a7inifque prceteritis infaturabiliter expletur,

[/] Mr. Shuckford alfo gives us an hiftory of the
court of Jupiter upon earth, and fuppofes Neptune and
Pluto to be his brothers, Juno his wife, Vefta and
Ceres his fifters ; Vulcan, Mars, Apollo, Diana, Mer-
cury, Venus, and Minerva his children ; and imagines
them all to have been deified after their death, on ac-
count of their having fo wifely eftabliflied the govern-
ment of Crete. But I cannot conceive how he will be
able to reconcile this with the eight demigods of Mane-

\h'\ Cicero De nat. Deor. 1. ii. 25. [i] Shuckf. Con. vol. iii.

thoj

ORIGIN OF FIIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 65

tho, among whom are Jupiter, Juno, Vulcan, Veftaand
Mercury, fuppofed by him to have reigned in Egypt
before the flood; and who, he pofltively aflerts in
[y^] another place, certainly lived before the food. And
[/] again fpeaking of the fame deities, he fays, the truth
is they were their antediluvia?2 ancefors.

Whereas the truth is, they were their poftdiluvian
anceftors, fome of which were of Egyptian, and fome
of Phcenician, and fome of Grecian origin. The two
latter were they who introduced into Egypt the
cuftom of worfhiping Gods in the form and figure of
men. As appears manifeftly even from the famous god
Vulcan, to whom a temple was ereded by Menes in
Memphis, For it appears from the very form of the
ftatue, as defcribed by Herodotus, that this was one
of the Dii Patceci of the Ph(rnicians, being, as he
lays, like thofe Phoenician figures which are placed in
the prows of their ihips, and called n^rawo;, not
exceeding the figure of a pigmy. And in another
place he fays, that that quarter of the city oi Memphis-y
where the temple of Vulcan flood, was inhabited by
Phoenicians from lyre ; and that all that region was
called the Tyrian camp. Herodotus mentions alfo a
temple built to Perfeus in the city of Chemis in the
province oi Thebes^ but at the fame time fays, that gym-
naftic exercifes were there inftituted entirely agreeing
with thofe ufed in Greece ^ which plainly fhews the

[k] Shuckf. Con. voL ii. p. 286. [/] Id. ibid. p. 288.

origin

66 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc.

origin of that temple and woriliip to have been Gre-
cian.

Whence it appears, in conlidering the antiquities
of Egypt J how neceffary it is to diftinguifli between the
cuftoms and infcriptions and deities of the original
Egyptians, that is, of tliofe who were the aborigines of
the country, and thofe cuftoms, infcriptions, or dei-
ties, which were introduced afterwards by the Phoe-
nicians or Grecians, who came in latter ages to inha-
bit there ; though they are all equally called Egyp-
tian. Otherwife w^e fliall not be able to reconcile
many feeming difficulties, as well in Herodotus as in.
latter writers. Thus for inftance [ni'\ Herodotus af-
firms that the cuftom of predidling future events was
derived from the Egyptians. And the account he
gives of it is this : That the priefts of the Theban
Jupiter told him, that two priefteffes were carried out
of that country by certain Phoenicians, who afterwards,
as they were informed, fold one in Libya^ and the other
in Greece^ from which priefteiles the people of thofe
countries learned the art of divination. Whereas
when he is defcribing the cuftoms of the aborigines
Egyptians, he pofitively fays [n\ that no woman
may be a prieft of any god or goddefs; Men only be'mg
employed in that office.

Whence it is manifeft, that thofe prieftefles who
officiated at Thebes in Egypt m^uft have been born from

[w] Herod. J. ii. [»] Id. ibid.

Phoeni-

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 67

Phoenician parents, and muft have been employed in
fome Phoenician temple in that city which was dedica-
ted to fome Phoenician, but not truly Egyptian, deity.
In Hke manner, when [0] Herodotus fays, that the names
of almoft all the Grecian gods were originally derived
from the Egyptians, and fpeaks of Hercules, Mars,
Bacchus, &c. as being ancient Egyptian deities, we
are not to underftand them as being the deities belong-
ing to the ancient aborigines Egyptians, but only thofe
latter Egyptians who were fprung from a mixed breed
of Grecians or Phoenicians that had come to live in
Egypt* Becaufe, fpeaking of the aborigines Ec-yp-
tians, [/>] Herodotus pofitively lays, xh^tthey 77evcr paiJ
divine honours to heroes.

The idols belonging to the aborigines Egyptians
were birds, and beafts, and fifh, and plants &c. which
the Phoenicians and Grecians, when they came to in-
habit Egypt ^ improved by adding a man's head or body
to the head or body of a beaft, or a bird, or the tail
of a fifh ; and from thence formed thofe motly deities
which were in latter times worfhiped by the Egyp-
tians.

Of which kind v/as the famous Dagon of the Phoe-
nicians, mjcntioned i Sam. v. 3, 4. Where it is ob-
ferved that When the Philijlii^es brought the ark into the
houfe of Dagon, behold^ Dagon was fallen upon his
face to the earthy before the ark of the Lo?xl ^ and they

[0] Id. ibid. [p1 Herod. 1. ii.

K iooh

68 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c,

took Dagon, and Jet hbn in his place again, Andwherf
they arofe early an the f narrow imrningy beholdy Dagon-
was fallen upon his face to the g?'0U72d before the ark of
the Lord. And the head of D agon j and both the pabns
of Ms hands^ "were cut off upon the threfljold^ only the
/hmip of T>.\GOK was left to him. Which ftump majr
be coiijechired to ha\'e been in the fhape of a filhes
tail, becaufe the Hebrew word imports as much, be-
ing derived from the :il Dag^ Pifcisy a fiih, and be-
caule there is no mention made of his feet. And
what confirms this remark is, that Cicero takes notice
that the Syrians worfliiped a fifh} for fays he, in.
his third book De natura Deorumj Pifcem Syri vene-
ra7itur ;, oinne fere genus befliarum j^gyptii confecrave—
runt. Which deity was alfo probably the fame with
that mentioned by \(j\ Diodorus, who calls it Dercetis,.
which he fays had the face of a. man, but the reft of
the body was a fifli; and that this idol was worfliip-
ed at Afcalon in Syria ; and it is to be remarked, that
Afcalon W2is in that part of Sjria^. which was inhabited
by the PhiUftines.

The Grecians were a people of a lively imagination,,
and readily took any traditionary hint, that was given
them by the Egyptians, and improved it into a regu-
lar fable ; of which there is a remarkable inftance in
the ftory which is told by Diodorus and Plutarch of
the birth of the five gods, when '^ Rhea being with

[/] Diod. 1. ii. c. 2.

^ child

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 69

" child by Saturn was difcovered by the Sun, who,
" upon finding out her bafenefs, laid a curfe upon her,
" that Ihe Ihould not be delivered in any month or
^^ year: that Mercury being in love with the goddefs
" lay with her alfo; and then play'd at dice with the
" Moon, and won from her the feventy fecond part of
" each day, and made up of thefe winnings five days,
" which he added to the year, making the year to con-
" fift of 365 days, which before confifled of 360 days
" only ; and that in thefe days Rhea brought forth
^' five children, Ofiris, Orus, Typho, Ifis, andNepthe.'*

It is a difpute between Mr. Warburton and Mr.
Shuckford whether thefe five perfonages were deified
before the invention of this mythological ftory ; they
both agree indeed that this flory could not have been
invented before the addition was made of the five days
to the vear; which they both likewife allow to have
been about A. M. 2665, a little after the death of Jo-
fhua : But which, according to [r] Sir Ifaac Newton,
is much more truly computed to have been about
<' 137 years before the «ra of NabanafTar began, in
" the year of the Julian period 3830, or 96 years
" after the death of Solomon," which correfponds
with A. M. 3066. But Mr. Shuckford fuppofes this
fable invented in order to celebrate the deification of
thefe five deities : Whereas [j-] Mr. Warburton much

[r] Newt. Chron. p. 8i. [s] Div. Leg. vol. ii. parti.

p. 189.

K 2 moJ*e

70 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc,

more reafonably fuppofes this fable invented to cele-
brate the addition of the five days to the year.

Th ALES, who flourifhed about A. M. 3336, was the
[/] firft that corrected the Greek year, and endea-
\oured to fettle the Grecian year according to the com-
putation of 365 days which he had learned in Egypt,
If we therefore fuppofe that he brought over with
liim the names of thefe five gods from Egypt into
Greece'^ it is probable that this fable was invented in
Greece to celebrate the addition of the five days
then made to the year, when it was firft publifh-
ed in Greece^ and that the author took the advantage
of the names of five new Gods which Thales had alfb
lately brought out oi Egypt,

But \ii\ Mr. Shuckford fays. Had Ofiris^ OruSj
Typho^ Ifis and Nepthe beeii ejleemed deities before this
additio7ml length of the year was apprehended y we fbotdd
720t have had this^ but fo/ne ether fabidous account of their
birth tranfmitted to us. And have wx not other fabu-
lous accounts of their birth? As for example, is not
Orus much more univerfally faid to be the fon of Ofi-
ris, than his brother ? And is not Nepthe or Venus
faid to be born or produced out of the foam of the
fea ? Whereas it is more than probable, her real hiftory
was, that fhe came by fea into Greece^ and that no one
there was acquainted with her parentage, it being ufual

[/] Dier. Laer. in vita Thaletis.. \ti\ Shuckf. Con. vol. ii.

p. 284.

for

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc. 71

for women, when they became proftitutes, to quit
their own home and friends, and to go into a fc-
reign country in queft of a Hvelyhood, where they
would be no fhanie to their relations. And hence it
is, that at the time of the Judges and of Solomon a
proftitute in IJraelw2iS generally diftinguiflied by the
name of [.v] the Jli-ange woman. Thus Jephtlia is
Judg. xi. I. called th^fon of a harlot^ and in the fol-
lowing verfe th,^ Jon of a firange woman^ as terms equi-
valent the one to the other. In hke manner at Atheiis^
in the time of Terence, a Jlrange woman and a ha?--
ht were convertible terms, and therefore Chremes
to heighten the crime of Pamphilus fays,, [j^] pro uxo7^e
habere hanc peregrinam I So Thais, in the Eunuch [^r],
having been aifured by Parmeno that he could contain
any fecret he heard, provided it was a truth ) but if
it was not, out it would fly ; begins her narrative by
faying, her mother was a native of SamoSj but took
up her refldence at Rhodes. He with a fneer replies.
This will keep. Intimating that by her defertino; ha*
country, we might judge of her profeffion.

And indeed the v/hole hiftory of the heathen Gods
as worfliiped in human fhapes, whether Grecian or
Egyptian, feems to me to be entirely owing to the in-
ventive faculty of the Greeks, who laid hold of any
remarkable event, or traditionary hint, to found their
fables upon, and by the help of a fruitful genius,

[x] See I Kings xi. 3. Prov. ii. 16. &c [y] Ter. Andria,

A6t i. Sc. i. 119. [z] Ad. i. Sc. ii.

2 fome-

72 ORTGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,8cc.

fometimes mixing allegorical truths, and fometimes
traditional matters of fad, with their imaginary
fidlions, have thereby Rirnifhed us with that mytholo-
gical hiftory of the heathen Gods which is come to our
hands. And as Egypt was the country which in the
€arly days of G?^eece was famous for learning, and to
which of confequence the ancient Grecian bards tra-
velled for improvement, many of the hiflorical tradi-
tions and mythological ftories of their Gods, were ori-
ginally brought by the Greeks from hence.

We have already feen that Orpheus brought from
thence the whole foundation of the hiftory of the Ely-
iian fields ; and Tzetzes the fcholiaft is of opinion that
the conteft of Jupiter with the giants, as it is beauti-
fully related in the true fpirit of poetry by Hefiod, is
only an allegory borrowed from fome conflid of the
elements one with another^ and therefore owes its
origin to fome tradition concerning the deluge, which
tradition feems alfo to have been borrowed from the
Egyptians ; becaufe it was immediately after this con-
flict, according to Hefiod, that the reign of Jupiter
is faid to have begun ; that is, the reign of Ham the
fon of Noah who was undoubtedly the firft king in
Egypt after the flood, and from whom that region was
rcallcd the land of Ham,

For fays Hefiod, as foon as the gods had gained the
victory over the Titans, then they proclaimed Jupiter.
And as it was not till after this vidory that, according

to

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. ^^

to Henod^ he either begat Minerva, or the Graces, or
Proferpina, or the Mufes, or Apollo, &c. fo is it re-
markable, that Ham, though an hundred years of age
at the time of the flood, is not faid to liave had any
children till after tliat event ; and that fonie of the
tranfaclions of Jupiter owe their origin to the traditio-
nary hiftories of the life of Ham is, I think, beyond
all doubt \ of which the very names of ZsOc and of
Jupiter, which is but a Latin contradtion of the Greek
words Zevg-TtocTYi^y feem to me to be afuflicieut, and
very extraordinary proof. For as the word ^am or
eham in Hebrew flgnilies ^ot, fo the Greek word ZsO^
is manifeftly derived from the Greek verb ZsojferveOy
which fignifles to he hot. And therefore even amonor
the Greeks Jupiter is fometimes diftinguifhed by the
name of Jupiter Amnion, which is as nuicli as ta fay,
the Ham Jupiter ; for that Ammon and Ham were
®nly different names, fignificant of one and the
fame perfon^ appears by comparing Deut. xiv. 5. and
I Chron. iv. 40. with Deut. ii. 20. where ihofe ;:»er-
fons, who are called the fans of Ham in one place, are
sailed Ammonites in the other,.

Which Jupiter Ammon was reprefentcd by die
Greeks under the figure of a man with a ram's head,
©r at leaft with ram's horns upon his^ head j a
further proof of this Jupiter being of Eg\^ptian ex-
traction. For as I obferved before, from Herodotus,
and Straba ancL Cicero^, tloat the aborigines Egyptians

never:

74 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

never worfliiped any liuman figures, but had in their
temples the images of birds, or beafts, or fifties, or
plants ; fo, on the other hand, the Greeks and Romans
ridiculed this worftiip of beafts, though they wor-
ftiiped the images of men. When therefore the Gre-
cians borrowed any of their gods from the Egyptians,
they by degrees transformed them into half man and
half beaft, and laftly into an entire man, only with fome
fmall diftinguift-ing mark of the beaft, fuch as that of
the horn &c. ftill remaining behind.

It feems indeed very odd, that fo learned and fen^
fible a people as the Egyptians could run into fo abfurd
a cuftom as that of worfliiping the brutal part of the
creation. The fun, the moon, and the ftars leem natu-
rally to ftrike us with fomething venerable in their ap-
pearance ; but the worfliip of the Egyptians was not
only confined to thatfpecies of beafts whicli were either
beautii"ul in themfelves, or beneficial to mankind, but
was laviftied away on thofe alfo which were dreadful
to the afped; and prejudicial to mankind ; as the hip-
popotamus, the crocodile, the ferpent, &c. Which
ftiews tliat conje6lure mentioned by Diodorus and Sir
Ifaac Newton, that the worfhip of beafts took its rife
from their ufe to mankind, to be without foundation.
Nor can it have arifen from that other conjecture, men-
tioned alio by Diodorus, of the firft heroes wearing
thefe imao-es as enfi.o;ns in their armies, or crefts on
xieir helmets, when they went out to battle ; under

the

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 75

the imaginary influence of which when they had fuc-
ceeded in their enterprizes, they then deifled them ;
for had this been the reafon, then none but the fiercer
and more noble part of the brute creation would have
been deified, and not the timorous and the fearful, fuch
as the ichneumon, the fheep, and the hen ; fince I do
not apprehend, that any warrior would ever choofe to
wear fuch creatures as a creft on his helmet, or c^siy
them for an enfign ; at leaft not till after they had
been deified. And yet Herodotus obferves, that,
though Egypt abounds with variety of beafls, all of
them, both wild and tame, are accounted fa-
cred.

Herodotus when treating upon this fubjedl feems
to {peak very warily, as if he was afraid to give ofience
to the priefthood ; and makes an apology for not in-
forming the reader, with the reafons of this reverence
paid by the Egyptians to thefe beaftly objects of their
worfhip, and fays, [z] " But if I fhould take upon me
" to give the reafons of this opinion, I muft enter into
'' a long difcourfe of divine things, which I avoid with
*' allpoflible care, having hitherto faid nothing of that
" kind, unlefs in a tranfitory manner, and compelled
" by the force of neceflity".

However \_a] Diodorus, Ovid, and Lucian are Jcis
fqueamifh; for they all tell us the current tradition

1%] Herod. 1. ii. [a] Diod. 1. i. Ovid. Met. 1, v. Fab, 5.

L of

76 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c;

of their days, which was, that, in the wars be-
tween the gods and giants, the former for fafety fled
into Eg}'pt^ where they aiTiimed the bodies of beafls
and birds, which they ever afterwards retained, and
were accoixlingly reverenced upon this account. The
origin of which, fable, it is manifeft, was of later date
than the time of Heliod, becaufe he takes no notice
of it; for notwithftanding all the force and fury of
the giants, which he fo beautifully defcribesj.he makes
the gods all along fuccefsful, and at length, totally
overcoming the giants, to caft them into Tartarus,
This fiction therefore feems to have been invented by
fome Grecian poet, as a kind of apology for the brute
worfhip of the Egyptians, many ages after it had been
publicly eftabHflied. And therefore this kind of wor-
ship is only to be accounted for in the manner whick
[^] Strabo does, by afTerting that the Egyptian temples
had no images in them, that is, none of human form ;
but only the image of fome animal, which emble-
matically reprefented the objed: of their worfhip.

Mr. Warburton [c] fays, that hieroglyphics were
the great fource of the moft abominable idolatries and
fuperftitions. In accounting for which he fays, " for
" thefe characters being become, in a proper fenfe,
^^ facred^ it difpofed the more fuperftitions to engrave,
'* them on gems, and wear them as amulets and.

\h'] Strabo 1. xviL [^] Div. Leg. vol. ii. p. i. p. 140, 153.

" charms>

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 79

^'charms. But this magical ahuk kerns not to have
^' been much earHer than the eftabHfhed worfliip of
^' the god Serapis; which happened under the Pto^
" lemie's."

Sir Isaac Newton [</] fpeaking of the time of
Cambyfes faith, '^ In thofe days the writing of the
Thebans and j^lthiopians was in hieroglyphics ^ and
this way of writing feems to liave fpread into the
lower Egypl before the days of Mofes : for thence
came the worfhip of their gods in the various fhapes
of birds, beafts, and fifhes, forbidden in the fecond
commandment. Now this emblematical way of
v/riting gave occafion to the Thebans and i^thio-
pians, who in the days of Samuel, David, Solo-
mon, and Rehoboam, conquered Egypt and the
nations round about, and ercdled a great empire,
to reprefent and lignify their conquering kings and
princes, not by writing down their names, but by
making various hieroglyphical figures ; as by paint«
ing Amnion with ram's horns, to fignify a king
who conquered Lihya^ a country abounding with
fheep ; his father Amofis with a fcythe, to fignify
that king who conquered the lower Egypt ^ acoun^
try abounding with corn ; his fon Ofiris by an ox,
becaufe he taught the conquered nations to plow
with oxen ; Bacchus with bull's horns, for the fame

Ifl Newt. Chron. p. 225.

L 2 *' reafoii ;

78 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c,

" reafon *, and with grapes, becaufe he taught the na~
*' tions to plant vines ; and upon a tiger, becaufe he
" fubdued hidia'y Orus thefon of Ofiris with a harp,
" to fignify the prince who was eminently {killed on
'« that inPtrument ; Jupiter upon an eagle, to fignify
^' the fublimity of his dominion, and with a thunder-
" bolt, to reprefent him a warrior; Venus in a chariot
" drawn by doves, to reprefent her amorous and luft-
" ful ; Neptune with a trident, to fignify the command-
^' er of a fleet, compofed of three fquadrons ; ^Egas-
'' on a giant with 50 heads and an hundred hands, to
" fio-nify Neptune with his men in a fhip of 50 oars;
" Thoth with a dog's head, and wings at his cap and
*' feet, and a caduceus writhed about with two fer-
*' pents, to fignify a man of craft, and an embaflador
" who reconciled two contending nations ; Pan with
" a pipe and the legs of a goat, to fignify a man de-
'' lio-hted with piping and dancing ; and Hercules
" with pillars and a club, becaufe Sefoftris fet uppil-
" lars in all his conquefts, and fought againft the Li-
*' byans \vith clubs. — Now from this hieroglyphical
" way of writing it came to pafs, that, upon the divi-
*' fion of Egypt into nomes by Sefoftris, the great
" men of the kingdom, to whom the nomes were de-
" dicated,were reprefented in their fepulchres or temples
'^ of the nomes, by various hieroglyphics ; as by aa
" ox>i a cat^ a dog^ a cebus^ a goat ^ a lion^ a fcarabceusj
'' an ichneumon^ a crocodile^ an hippopotamus^ an oxyrin-
" diis^ an ibis^ a cronz^^ a hawk^ a leek -^ and were wor-

2 " Ihiped

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 79

" fhiped by the nomes in the fhapes of thefe crea-
" tures."

I cannot fay that both or either of thefe authors are
entirely in the wrong about what they aflert, further
than that they are not early enough in the date of the
origin of the iuperftitious pradices mentioned by them.
Mr. Warburton refers the date of the magical ufe of
amulets and charms to the age of the Ptolemies ; about
which time, though the magical ufe of amulets mio-ht
have encreafed and grown more general than former ^
ly ; yet it feems to me to have been practiced in the
much earlier ages of the world.

Certain it is, that the art of divination and magi-
cal inventions of many kinds were practiced in Eo-ypt
and the land of Canaan^ not only in the [ /] times
of Mofes, but long before. About the age of Jo-
feph, there feems to have been public [^] profef-
fors of the art magic which were fent for by Pha-
raoh to interpret his dream. It is alfo more than pro-
bable that, even fo far back as the days of Jacob, the
Teraphim which Rachael ftole from her father Laban,
were little [F\ images, which were made ufe of for ma-
gical purpofes.

[/] See Deut. xviii. lo. [g] See Gen. xli,. 8.

[h] See difiertation on this fubjcdl in the bifhop o^ Clogher* s x^cx*
tife entitled the Chron. of the Hebrew Bible vindicated p. 157, &c.

Anb

8o ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, Sec,

And with regard to amulets and charms, it feems
manifeft that thofe ear-rings belonging to the Sheche-
mites, which Jacob buried along with their [t]Jirange
godsy tmder the oak which was at Shechem^ were of that
kind; there being no other reafon to be affigned why
they were buried there along with the ftrange gods,
but their having been dedicated to idolatrous ufes.
And therefore they feem to have been in the nature
of xhokfrojttletSy which the heathens wore between their
eyesy with certain words engraved upon them for magi-
cal purpofes. And probably coniifted of two ear-
rings united together by a broad plate of gold, which
croffed over the forehead. Becaufe, when Abra-
ham's fen^ant, who was fent to look for a wdfe for his
fon Ifaac, found Rebecca, it is faid that \}i\ he took
an ear-ri7ig of half a fhekel weighty a7id two bracelets
for her hands of tenfhekels weight of gold :i a7id he put
the ear-ring on her face^ and the bracelets on her hands.
Where it is to be obferved, that the ear-ring is not fpo-
ken of as being two feparate ornaments, as the brace-
lets were, but as one continued ornament, and there-
fore it is not faid that he put them in her ears, but
that be put it on her face ; the two jewels that were to
adorn her ears being united together by a plate of gold
which croffed over her face, and ferved as af'ontlet
between her eyes,

p] Gen. XXXV. 2, 3. [k] Ctn> xxiv. 22. 47.

It

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 8i

It feems therefore to be on account of this pradlice
of amulets and charms which were eneraved on ear-
rings and bracelets, that the children of Ifrael^ inftead
of thofe charms which were worn by the idolaters for
the averting of evil, were ordered to take the words of
the law of God, [/J and bi?id them for a Jtg7i npo7i their
hands ^ a?td as frontlets between their ejeSy and to write
them on the pojis of the houfe^ and on the gates. Whence
alfo it is probable that the heathen idolaters iifed alfo
to write fome words, or engrave fome charadters by
way of char7nsy on the pofts of their houfes and on
their gates, as well as on their frontlets and brace-
lets.

As to Sir Ifaac Newton's obfervation of the introdu-
^ion of the worfhip of brutes from hiercglyphics, I
camiot but agree with him that the hieroglyphical
method of fculpture feems to have been pradlifed m.
the lower Egypt before the days of Mofes ^ and that
from thence came the worfhip of their gods in the va-
rious fhapes of birds, and beafts, and fifhes, forbidden
in the fecond commandment. But as to the caufe af-
figned by him for painting Amnion witli ram's,
horns, to fignify the king w^ho conquered Lihya^ a
country abounding with fheep ; and the reft of the
imaginary explanation of the emblems, under wliich.
the heathen deities were reprefented, as before
quoted, I can by no means agree with him. Be*

[/] See Dent. vi. 9. Ifai, Ivii. 7, 8.

caufe

82 ORIGIN OF FIIEROGLYPHICS,&c.

caiife I do not think that he has fufficiently diftin-
guifhed between the idols of the aborigines Egyptians
who never worfhiped any images in human form, but
only fome beaft or fifli or plant that was their emblem
or reprefentativc, and thofe latter Egyptians who wor-
fhiped tlie motly deities of part human, and part a
brutal form ; wliich latter cuftom may have been in-
troduced about the time of Pfammetichus, when the
Grecians were firft encouraged to fettle in any num-
bers in Egypty but the former cuftom was much
earlier.

Herodotus fays, that Neptune in particular was
not fo much as known to the ancient Egyptians ; and
the very name of Pan, though Herodotus allows him
to be Egyptian and ftyles him the moft ancient of
all the gods, betrays its origin to be Grecian, being
fo called from the Greek word Uolv which fignifies all^
■ becaufe he was by the Greeks efteemed to be the god
of all nature.

But what has contributed to confound this affair
very much is, that one and the fame perfon has been
reprefented under very different emblems, or hierogly-
phical charadlers. For thus, upon enquiry, we fhall
find, that Ham having been worfhiped in Egypt under
the two hieroglyphical characters of a ram and a goat,
gave origin to the tv/o Grecian deities of Jupiter Am-
inon and Pan.

For

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 83

For let us only fuppofc Cham or Ham, which is the
fame word in the Hebrew, to be dead, and that ibme
of his pofterity wanted an hicroglyphical mark by
which to notify and diftinguiih the tombftone or pil-
lar that was ereded over his grave. The word chain
in Hebrew fignifies hot^ which being an adjedtive can-
not well be reprefented by a fymbol ; it was there-
fore neceffary to look out for fome fubftantive or
other by which that charaderiftical heat^ for which
Cham was remarkable, might be expreifed. Berofus
takes notice that Cham was called Cham-eJTemm^ the
word ejjenua fignifying immodeji and impudent : How
then could this luftful heat of Cham's be ftron^^er re-
prefented than under the fymbol of a ram and a goat ?
That Jupiter Ammon was worfhiped in Egypt under
the fymbol of a ram is beyond all controverfy : and
that Jupiter Ammon was the fame perfon with Cham
is manifeft not only from the fame fignificancy of the
words Ammon and Cham ; but alfo from the Latin
and Grecian names of Jupiter and Zsu^, which, as hath
been before noted, fignify the fame with Cham, that
is, hot»

As to the fymbol of a goat^ this may eafily be fhew-
cd to have been one of the fymbolical marks by which
Cham was reprefented, and under which he was wor-
fhiped. For Berofus obferves, that the city of Chemis
in the upper Egypt was built in honour of Cham : and
Diodorus fays pofitively that the city of Chemis was

M built

84 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

built in honour of the god Pan : therefore Pan and Cham
muft be the fame perfon. Herodotus obferves that Pan
was the oldeft of ail the Egyptian gods ; and who could
be older than Cham the father of Egypt F He like-
wife fays that the word Mendes in the Egyptian Ian-
poiage equally fignifies Pan and a goat. From all
which put together it appears that this Pan the oldeft
of the gods, in honour of whom the city Chemis was
built, was Cham ; and that he was worfhiped under the
figure and character of a goat.

But what is moft remarkable is this. That,
when Mofes is upbraiding the children of IJrael with
being guilty of idolatry in Egypt j he upbraids them
in particular with the worfhip oi goats ^ as it is in the
[m\ original, though we tranflate it devils ; but the
word in the Hebrew is laffeirim^ which literally Signi-
fies goats. And yet thefe goats^ thefe diabolical idols,
which the Ifraelites worfhiped, are in other places cal-
led chammonim or the reprefentatives of Cham.. Thus
Lev% xxvi. 30. 2 Chron. xxxiv. 4, 7. Ifai. xvii. 8.
Ezech. vi. 4, 6. what we render in our translation
images are in the original called chammonim ; which
fhould be translated Afnmons, And in one of thofe
images, which are reprefented in the tabula IJiaca^ we
find the figure of an animal compounded of the parts
of a goat and a fheep, and in particular carrying both
the horn's of a ram and a goat upon his head, which

[w] Lev. xvii. 7. Deut. xxxii. 17.

proves

ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 85

proves that the ram and goat were both made ufe of as
the reprefentatives of one and the fame perfon. See
the figure in plate i. fig. i.

And if we purfue this fubjed:, we fhall find, tliat,
as the worfhip of Ham gave origin to the worfhip of
Jupiter Ammon and the god Pan among the Greci-
ans, fo Caphtor one of the grandfons of Noah gave rife
to the worfhip of Jupiter Calius, as well as to the wor-
fhip of Dionyfius, or the elder Bacchus, of the ancient
Greeks. And on the other hand, that the remarkable
tranfadions of the famous Mifor the fonof Ham, of Pha-
rao, Cenchres, and Caphtor, have probably been colle6t-
ed together to make up the one imaginary charader of
Ofiris.

To fet this affair therefore in a proper light, I fliall
make an enquiry into the particular hiftory of thefe
perfons, and fhall endeavour to £hew who they were,
and what were the particular ad:ions which gave occa-
fion to their deification.

The ingenious and learned Mr. War burton hath
fhewed, from the nature of things as well as the pra-
ctice of nations, that the art of hieroglyphical writing
was the firft kind of writing that was ever invented.
And Eafebius remarks that the firft temples were built
over or near the burial places of eminent perfons.
Which burial places were in ancient times diftin-
guiihed by a pillar or tall ftone ereded on one end
over the place of their burial for a fepulcliral monu-

M 2 ment.

S6 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c.

ment, as appears from the pillar that was ereded by
"facob on the burial place of Rebecca, as mentioned
Gen. XXXV. 20. And hence I fuppofe came the origin
of Obelifks in Egjff^ which as it abounded with fine
quai-ries, gave the Egyptians an opportimity of pitch-
ing ftones of the largeft fize over the burial places oi
eminent perfons.

And now let us fuppofe any of the firft planters of
one of the Egj^ptian colonies to have died, over \\^hofe
burial place it was thought proper a pillar of
ftone fliould be ereded as a memorial; and let us
confider how the memory of the particular perfon here
interred could be prelerved before the art of literary
writing was invented ; and I believe none can be de-
vifed lb natural or fo rational as the engraving fome
hieroglyphical mark on the fepulchral ftone which
was fignificative either of his name or fome qualifica-
tion, or diftinguifliing part of his charader. As for
example, let us fuppofe that Caphtor, the head of the
family of the Caphtorim, had a fepulchral (iont erect-
ed to his memory, what more appofite or fignifica-
tive emblem could pofilbly be engraved on it than
a pomeg7'anatey which in Hebrew was called Caph-
tor ? Since the very image of the fruit called to
mind the name of the perfon underneath interred.
And, upon enquiry,, it will appear more than proba-
ble that this happened to be the real matter of fad^
which gave occafion in fubfequent ages to the wor-
a ihip

ORIGrN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc. ^j

Hiip of Jupiter Cafius as well as of Dionyfiua the
elder.

Caphtor, from whom came the [n] Caphtorim, is
ill the hiftory of Mofes reprefented as being the fon of
Gafhal the father of the Cafhluhim, who was the fon
of Mifor the fon of Ham, Which Caphtor feems to
have come along with his great grandfather Ham into
Egypt ^ becaufe he is mentioned by Mofes in the tenth
chapter of Genelis before he fpeaks of the confufion
of tongues and the difperfion which followed from
it at Babel, the chapter ending thus, Thefe are the
fajnilies of the fo7ts of Noah ^ after their generations y in
their 7iatio?is\ and by thefe were the nations divided in
the earth after the flood. And hence it is that Mofes
frequently mentions the name of the Family or Nation
a5 defcending from a nation, rather than the name of
the Parent of the family or nation; as when :he fays,
that Mizraim begat Ludim and Anamim and. Lehabimy
&c. rather than fay that Mifor begat Lud^ and Anam-
and Laab^ &c. becaufe Lud, and Anam, and Laab,
might have died without leaving a family or nation be-
hind themw

Now the firfl: Egyptian warrior that we meet any
account of in real hiftory, who extended his conquefts
beyond the boundaries oi Egypt ^ was this [<?] Caphtor,
who with his brethren the Philiftim difpolfelTed the.

[n\ Gen. x. 14. [o] Deut. ii. 23.

Avira.

88 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c.

Avim of that part of the land of Canaan^ which was
afterwards called Philiftia : for we find the Philiflines
peaceably fettled there, when Abraham made a cove-
nant with Abimelech, as mentioned Gen. xx. 2.

And now if we can but fhew that this Caphtor
lived on Moimt Cafius^ and was deified after his death ;
and that Jupiter Cafius was worfhiped on Moimt Ca-
fms with the emblematical figure of a pomegranate in
his hand, which in Hebrew is called Caphtor, I think
there will be no reafon to doubt that the Jupiter Ca-
fius of the Greeks took his origin from the famous
Caphtor oi Egypt.

The habitation of Caphtor is defcribed by the pro-
phet \_p] Jeremiah under the appellation of the ijle of
Caphtor. And in ancient times places bordering on
the fea, efpecially promontories and head-lands, were
called [a] isles. Thus the territory of Pelops' mGreece
was by the Greeks called UzXo'koq N^cjo^, that is, the
island of Pelops^ or Peloponmfus^ though it is really
not an island, but only much furrounded by the
fea : hence alfo the Thracia?i and Tau7'ic Cherfonefiy
&c. &a

The fituation of the country of Caphtor will ac-
cordingly be found to have been on the fea coaft, be-
tween Phoenicia and Egypt ^ for Caphtor was brother

£/>] Jer. xlvii. 4. [^] See Gen. x. 5.

to

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 89

to [r] Peles the father of the PhlHftim, in honour of
whom the city of Peletifium was fo called, which flood
in that part of Egypt where the moft eaftern branch of
the Nile empties itfelf into the fea. And that the
fituation of thefe two brothers was in that part of
Egypt is alfo plain from the quarrel that foon happen-
ed between them and their neighbours the Avim, who
were fettled in that part of Phoenicia which bordered
upon Egypt, For fays Mofes, \j\ The Avim which dwelt
in Hazerim even ufito Azzah^ the Caphtorim which came
forth out of Caphtor de/iroyed them^ and dwelt in their
Jiead. Which vi6lory, though it is here entirely attri-
buted to the Caphtorim, yet was the joint effort both
of the Philiftim and Caphtorim^ y this country beino-,
from Peles and his progeny the Philiftim, called in af-
ter ages the land of the Philiftim or Philiflines. For
as Peles was the elder brother of the two, and there-
fore probably had the more numerous progeny, this
country feems to have been principally peopled by him,
and the conqueft to have gone under his name; the
land of the Avim being from the fons of Peles called
from the time of this conqueft the land of the Phili-
flines ; though Caphtor, according to the account given
us of this affair by Mofes, as before quoted, feems to
have been the principal perfon concerned in the heroi-
cal part of this tranfadlion.

[r] Gen. x. 14. \J\ Deut. iii 2 2-

The,

90 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

The prophet Amos [/], fpeakiiig of this circumftance,
in the name of God, faith, Have not I brought up Israel
outof^Gwr} and the Philistines yr^?/;^ Caphtor?
And v/hy does the prophet fay that God brought the
PhiUftines from Caphtor and not from Peleuftum^ but
becaufe the habitation of Caphtor was nearer to
the land of the Avim than Peleujium was, and Peles
muft therefore have paft through the land of Caphtor
to get at the Avim ? A fituation agreeing exadlly with
that of Mou?2t Cajius^ which being bounded on the
north by the Mediterranean fea^ into w^hich according
to \u'\ Strabo it projected confrderably, and on the
weft by the Sirhonk lake^ might very properly in thofc
days, have been called, as it is by the prophet Jere-
miah, the ijle of Caphtor.

And that this was the true fituation oi Mount Ca~
Jiusy is plain from the very name, as well as from the
defcriptions given of it by Herodotus, Jofephus, Strabo
and Pliny, as being near Peleujium bordering on the
Sirhonic lake^ and being the boundary between Egypt
and Syria. Thus [x] Jofephus fpeaking of Titus's
journey from Alexandria to Jerufalem fays, that being

[/] Amos, ix. 7.

\u\ Callus mons aggerlbus arenarum fimilis, et in Mare -procur-
rens^ ipfe aquarum inops. In eo Pompeii Magni coj"pus jacet, et Jovis
Cafii templum eft. Strabo 1. xvi. p, 523.

M Jof.de Bel. Jud. 1. iv.

arrived

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 91

arrived at Thmuis^ he went on /Lore, walking en foot,
and lodged all night at a fmall city called Ta7m ; his
fecond ftation was Heracleopolis ; and his third Pe-
lufiwn ; when he had refreilied his army at that place for
two days, on the third he crofled the mouths of the
Nile at Pelujium, He then proceeded one ftation over
the defert, and pitched his camp at the temple of Ju-
piter Cafius, and the next day at OJlracine, Now \y\
Strabo fays, that the temple of Jupiter Cafius was on
Mount Cafius. And \_z\ Herodotus, that Mouitt Cafncs
ftretches into the fea near the Si7^bo7iic lake ; and that
it is the boundary between Egypt and Syria, In
which he is fupported by Pliny [^] who faies, that Mox
Idumcea incipit et Palceflina ab emerfu Sirbonis lacus.

And indeed it is from this circumftance of its being
a boundary between thefe two countries, that the very
name of Cafius is derived 3 being borrowed from the
Hebrew word ^l^p cat fit ox cafit^ which fignifies a boun-
dary^ and that derived from the radical word |^S'p to di-
vide^ from whence the fubftantive f p figniiies an end^
in which fenfe it is often ufed in the Old Teftament. So
that this Situation of Mount Cafius^ as being tJiat part
of Egypt v/hich bordered on Palefiline^ feems to agree
exa6lly with the place of the habitation of the famous
Caphtor.

We are now to fhew that this Caphtor was deified

[y] Strabo 1. xvi. p. 523. [2] Herod. 1. ii c. 6. 1. iii. c, 5.
[rt] Plin. Nat. Hill. 1. v. c. 13.

N after

92 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &:c.

after his death. And this is eafily done from the hif-
tory oi Naaman the Syrian, as mentioned 2 Kings v. 1 8 .
who faid to EUfha the prophet, In this tbbig the Lord
pardon thy J ervcwt^ thaty n'hen my majier goeth into the
koufe of B.wiMO'H toii'orJJjip there ^ and he leajieth 07i my
hand J and I bow 7ny J elf in the houfe of Kimmon, when I
hew my f elf in the hoife i?/' Rimmon, the Lord pardon thy
fervant in this thing. Whence it appears that there was
inch a deity as thegodRimmon. Now Rimmon in the
Syriac or Chaldee, which anciently was the fame lan-
guage though now they are different, fignifies the fame
thing vvith Caphtor in Hebrew, viz. a pomegranate. So
that the god Rimmon was really and truly the fame
perfon with the god Caphtor. And hence it alfo came
to pafs, from the fame deity being worfhiped in thefe
two different places, that that mountain in i^r/^, where
this Rimmon or Jupiter Cafius was worfhiped, wa?
alfo called Mount Cafius y in honour of the place from
whence his worfhip was transferred from Egypt into
Syria. It was upon Mount Cafius in Syria Antiochena
that Trajan, [^] in his progrefs againft the Parthians,
made an offering to Jupiter Callus, on which account
this temple of Jupiter Cafius is reprefented on feveralof
his coins, as well as on feveral of the fubfequent empe-
rors [^]. The deity is defcribed by a mountain in the
middle of the temple, to denote his being a mountain-de-

\a\ See. Triftan Comment. Hift. des Emp. Vol. i. p. 425.
. \b'\ See Plate, il. fig. 4.

ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,8cc. 93

ity, with this infcription, CEAETKEHN. D. CT-
PI AC [c]. i. e. Seleucienfrim Pierice Syrice^ in order to
diftinguilh this temple from that in Egypt. And this
is alfo the reafon why I produced fo many Quotations ,
out of Jofephus, Strabo, Herodotus, and Phny, to
prove the original Moimt Cafnis with the temple of Ju-
piter Cafius on it to have been fituated near Eo-ypt^
w^hence alfo it appears that the Syrian Jupiter Cafius
was borrowed from thence.

It being thus proved that the famous Caphtor was
deified in Syria at the time of the prophet Eliiha by
the name of Rimmon, and at the time of Trajan bv
the name of Jupiter Cafius, nothing remains but to
fhew, that the ZETC KACIOC of the Greeks, or
Jupiter Cafius of the Romans, was worfiiiped on the
original Mount Cajius^ bordering on Egypt and Pa-
lejiine^ in the figure of a man holding a pomegranate
in his hand, which in Hebrew is called Caphtor^ and in
Syriac Rhnmo7i, And this fufiiciently appears from
Achilles Tatius, who exprefly aflerts that, being at
Pelufium he met with an image (^/^ Jupiter Casius in
the form of a young man with a Poaie gran ate /;; his
handy whichy fays he, contains a 77iyflery, But thij
myftery denotes no more, than that Caphtor in Hebrew

\c\ So Patin reprefents it, and Vaillant and Hardouin on Pliny read
it. But Mr Maflbn, who had feen the coin, faies it is nEIPIAc, ^^ in
Mfs. this Seleufia of Syria is often ftyled. Bibliodi. Literaria, Lond.
1722. 4to. Num. iii. p. 45, 46.

N fignifying

94 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

Hgnifying a pomegranate, this fruit was put in his
hand as an hieroglyphical mark to diftinguifli the
perfon deified.

It is manifeft that the Egyptians woriTiiped plants,
for which they were ridiculed by the wits of Greece
and Rome :

^luihus nafcu7ttur i7i hortis
Numi7ta,

fays the Poet. When therefore the Greeks came
into this country, who never worfhiped either beafts
or plants, and found a ftone or an altar dedicated
to fome god with the hieroglyphical mark, as, fuppofe,
of a pomegranate on it, they immediately eredled the
ftatue of a man in its ftead, and gave him the emblem
of the pomegranate to hold in his hand ; of which
there is a [<r/] medal extant in the collection of the
Elector Palatine, on one fide of which is reprefented a
man v/ith a pomegranate in his hand, and on the
reverfe this rnctto ZETC KACIOC. See plate I. fig. 2.

And as Caphtor was the original perfon from whence
the Jupiter Cafius of the ancients was borrowed, fo is it
alfo more than probable that he gave rife to the wor-
ship of the elder Dionyfus, as Efficiently appears
from the very word Dionyfus, which both in Arabic
and Greek fignifies the lord or god oi Nyfa, For, ac-

[d^ See Rcland'a Palelline, vol. ii. p. 934.

cording

ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 95

cording to Monfieur Formont, Dio in Arabic fignifies
lord'^ and therefore Dionyfus properly fignifies, ac-
cording to that interpretation, the lord of Nyfa, And
in Greek the word Aloe figniiies the fame as the word
Dkjus among the Latins, that is, a divmeperfon^ and fo
by way of eminence is put for Jupiter ; and therefore
Dionyfus is plainly, according to this interpretation,
derived from a composition of the two words bUoQ and
Nl'(7^C, i. e the god of Nyfa,

Now if we can but prove tliis town oi Nyfa^ oF
which Dionylius was lirft the lord, and then the god,,
to have been fituated on Mount Cafras^ I think there
will be no need of any further proof that this Dionyiius
or god of Nyfa^ and Jupiter Caiius, and Caphtor were
all one and the fame perfon. Eufebius fays that Nyfa
was a town in Arabia^ fituated between the Nile and
Phoenicia \ which agrees exadlly with the Htuation
of Mount Cafusj for as that was undoubtedly the boun-
dary between Egypt and Phoenicia^ as hath been alrea-
dy fhewn, fo was it alfo the boundary where thefe two
countries bordered on Arabia^ and is therefore frequent-
ly by the geographers faid to belong to Arabia. Thus
\e\ Pomponius Mela fays, when fpeaking of Arabia^
Arabia^ nife qua Cafio monte attollitur^ pla7ia etferilis.
And again, fpeaking of the Sinus Arabicus^ he fays, [yj
Init penitus introrfufque : dum ^gyplujnpem et ?nontem:

[/l Pomp. Mel. i. c. 10. [/] Id. 1. iii. c. S.

ArahiiB-

.g6 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

Arabic^ Cafmm atmgit. And {g\ Diodorus quotes
Homer for laying in his Hymns, that Nyfa was built
on the toD of an healthful mountain in Arabia^ not
far from Eg-ji'//, but diPcant from P/6^;^/a<^, or, which is
the fime thing, more diftant from Phce^tkia than Egypt ;
which agrees exadly with the fituation of Mou7it Cafi-
us\ the Sirbo7iic lake^ as well as a large tra6l of an un-
inhabitable defert, lying between Mount Cafius and
the habitable parts of Phoe7ikia^ which defert, though
in reality it belonged to Phoe7ikia^ Homer, I fuppofe,
reckoned as belonging to Arabia^ as it is manifeft
Pomponius Mela imagined Mount Cafius did.

It is further to be obferved that the appellation of
Nyfa feems to have been borrowed from this high and
elevated fituation of the town, the Hebrew word nt^'i
Nafa in Niphal and Pihel, that is, when it is founded
Nyfa^ {ignifying, according to BuXtorf, fuftulit^ extu-
litfe^ fublatus eji^ elatus. And accordingly Virgil, in
his defcription of it, fays,

Liber agens celso Nyfce de vertke tigres.

JEn. vi. 805.

And if Caphtor, who was manifeftly of a warlike
genius, did at his firfl: fettlement in thofe parts em-
ploy himfelf in hunting and killing wild beafts, as it
is more than probable he did, a warlike genius in
thofe days, like [f] Nimrod, fhewing itfelf in early

TfI Diod. 1. V. c. 2* [h] Gen. x. 8, 9.

Ufe,

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 9^

life, by hunting wild hearts, this may have glvx^n
Gccafion to thofe traditionary hiftories of this Diony-
fus or lord of Nyfa having conquered lions, tio-ersj
&c. And his having conquered the Avim, the fame
of which fpread as far as Syria Antiochena with fa
much eclat as to occa,lion divine worfhip to be
there paid to him, was a fufficient foundation for the
Greeks to raife the report of his having conquered A-
diay every place which was much eaftward of Greece
being by the poets called India, Thus Virgil, fpeak-
ing of tlie Nile^ calls upper Egypt and Mthiopia by the
name of Indiay

Ufque color atis amnis devexus ab Lidis,

Georg. iv. 293.
And in another place, ipeaking of the Parthians, he
ikys,

Imbellem avertis Romanis arcibus Indum,

Georg. ii. 172.

And hence it is that Nyfa is faid by fome of the an-
cients to have been fituated in India, As for exam-
ple, Philoftratus fpeaking oi Nyfa fays, that it was a
mountain in India ^ where was a temple dedicated to
Bacchus.

As to the tradition of this Dionyfus liaving been
thefirft that planted tlie vine, I cannot find any well
grounded foundation to fupport it. The hiftory of the
ancient heathen gods hath been fo ftrangely confound-
ed,.

.^8 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

ed, and their tranfadions have been fo blended one
with another, that it is ahnoft impoffible at this dift-
ance of time to unravel them. Thus, for inftance,
Diodorus fays that Ofiris was fometimes taken for Se-
rapis, Bacchus, Pluto, Amnion, Jupiter, and Pan ;
and that Ifis was the fame with Ceres, Thefmophora,
Luna, Juno &c. And Plutarch [J] hath two differtati-
ons to prove, that Bacchus and Oliris were both the
fame perfon, from the iimilitude of the rites in their
worfliip ; the ivy being called in the Egyptian lan-
guage Ci)e?20 SiriSy i. e. the plant of Ofiris. He fays
however, in another place, that this part of the cha-
racSler of Ofiris with relation to the culture of the
vine was in after ages by miftake applied to Bacchus.
I ihould therefore be inclined to imagine, as the cha-
racters of thefe tw^o perfons were very different,
Dionyfus or Bacchus being a martial hero, and
Ofiris a \K\ peaceable prince, cultivating and im-
proving his country by the arts of hufbandry, and
■political government, that this miftake arofe from
fome ftatuary god-maker, who not knowing how to
account for the pomegranate in the hand of our young
Dionyfus, inferted a bunch of grapes inftead of it,
as beino- the more ornamental, as well as the more
valuable fruit of the two ; and that the mythologifts,
who were alfo the poets of the age, readily came into
the exchange, as being more agreeable to their own

[/■] Plut. de Ifid. & Ofir. feft. '2^c^. and fed. 27, 30, -2^^,
\k'\ Diod. 1. i. c. 2.

4 natural

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc. 99
natural difpofition, as well as the better fubjea: for
poetry.

As therefore it is manifefl; from Strabo, that, before
the Grecians introduced tlie vvorfhip of human figures
into Egypt, the Aborigines Egyptians had no images
in their temples, that is, none of human form, but
only the images of fome animal or plant, which repre-
fented the objed of their worfhip ; how can wc more na-
turally account lor the origin of this cuftom, than by
fuppofing fuch animal or plant to have been engraved
on the tomb or fepulchral monument of fome eminent
perfons as an hieroglyphical mark fignificant of the
name or character of the perfon underneath interred
and that, from this and fome other fimilar occafions,
the worfhip of plants and animals came to be firft
pradifed in Egypt?

For befides animals and plants we alfo find repre-
fented on the obeHfks and ancient religious monuments
of the Egyptians, feveral inftruments of hu(bandry,
which we may reafonably fuppofe were firft engraved
as hieroglyphical marks on the tomb-ftones of their
inventors, to perpetuate their memory to pofterity;
which the Grecians, when they came into Egypt y pla-
ced in the hands of fuch human figures as by tradition
they had learned were the authors or inventors of them.
Thus, for example, we find the figures of Ofiris and
Ifis always reprefented holding fome inftrument or
other of hufbandry. For, as to the Crt4x anfata^ which

O hath

ICO ORIGINOF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc.

hath fo much puzzled the learned world, and has
occafioned Kircherto fpend a long chapter in fumming
up the various opinions concerning it, who has, with
a greatwafte of Rabbinical and Arabic learning, endea-
voured to prove it contains a myftical fummary of all
aftronomical and theological learning, both pagan and
chriftian, it is, after all, no more than a fetting ftick
for planting roots and larger feeds ; as may appear from
the figure of Ofiris, plate I. fig. 3. which is copied
from the Tab. Ifiaca. The circle at the top, which
has been conje6lured to be an emblem of the world,
being no more than the handle to hold it by, to ena-
ble the perfon that ufes it to thruft the lower end into
the ground ; and the part which forms the crofs un-
derneath, being only a contrivance to prevent the
other part from running too far into the earth, as
it would be apt to do in the fertile foil of Egypt y efpe-
cially after it had been moiftened by the overflowings
of the Nile.^ which was the ufual time for fowing or
planting. The reaping hook and flail cannot eafily
be miftaken. But two inftruments Ifis generally car-
ries in her hand, which have not yet been explained ;
one feems only to be a knife for weeding corn, and the
other a fimple inftrument made ufe of to this day by
the country people both in England and lrela7idy in
twifting ropes of hay, forfeveral purpofes in hu{handry,
as may eafily be perceived only by cafting an eye on
fig. 4. plate I. and fig. 6. plate II. This might have
'ferved in Egypt for twifting either fedge or the bark

of

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc. lox

of the palm tree, the common materials there for
making ropes.

The hiftory of Ofiris and Ifis, as related by Berofus
andDiodorus, feems manifeftly compounded of various
tranfa6lions, which were performed in different parts
of the world, in very diftant ages, and by very differ-
ent perfons. The hiftory of the warHke exploits and
conquefts of Oiiris feem to have been borrowed from
the traditions relating to Caphtor ; as the plantino- of
the vine, which is attributed to Dionyfus, or Caphtor,
feems to have been taken from the traditionary hiftory
of Ofiris. For that the adlions of thefe two contem-
porary princes have been much confounded in hiftory
may be proved from a multitude of quotations out of
the ancients.

Nor did the authors of the liiftoryof Ofiris ftick to
contemporary tranfadlions, but have manifeftly mixed
the hiftory of fome fads which happened in much la-
ter ages of the world, even as low down as the times
of Mofes, with the hiftory of the invention of thofe
arts of hufbandry which muft have been difcovered in
a much more early age ; and therefore could not
poffibly have happened in the life of one and the fame
perfon. As for example, the art of plowing and
fowing corn could not poffibly have been the inven-
tion of folate an age as the reign of that Pharaoh or E-
gyptian king, who was drowned in the Red-fea in pur-
suit of Mofes and the Ifraelites ; and yet it is manifeft,

O 2 almoft

102 ORlGlNOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c.

almofi: to a demonftration, that the hiftory of the
deftrudion of Ofiris by Typhon, and of the lamenta-
tions of Ifis forthe lofs of her hufband Ofiris, whofe
body fhe could not find, becaufe it was thrown into
the fea, niuft liave been borrowed from the aforemen-
tioned tranfadlion.

Of which opinion the tradition mentioned by [/]
Tacitus, that it was in the reign of Ills, the wife of
Ofiris, that a multitude of Jews Itit Egypt and were
conducted into a neighbouring country, under the com-
mand of Hierofolymus and Judasus, is a ftrong corro-r
boration, whkh ftory, by adding to it fome of the re-
markable traditions belonging to their ancient worthies^
andmeir of renown, was in after ages wrought up in-r
to the fabulous hiftory of Ofiris. For [fTt] Plutarch
acknowledges, that Typho,. the enemy of Oliris, . was
fometimes taken for an emblem of the fea; and indeed
the v^iy origin of the word, being derived from the
Greek word Tv(po[xoc^, futno^ to foam and rage^ feems .
to confirm it. And what is very remarkable, Plutarch
obferves, that this Typlio, whenever he was reprefent-
ed by an image, was always painted red. Now it is
impofiible to give any other reafon why this emblem
of the lea, into which the body of Ofiris is faid to be
thrown, fiiouldbe painted red, . but becaufe the name
of the fea in which Ofiris was drov/ned, was the fea of
Edom, which word fignifies red, and from thence

£/] Tacit. Hi(V. 1. V. [w] Pint, de Ifid. & Ofir. Tea. 41.

that

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc. 103.

that fea has ever fince been vulgarly called the Red-fea,

And yet from one part of the character given by
\_?i\ Diodorus of Ifis and Ofiris, that they were great
encouragers and improvers of the civil arts of hufban-
dry, and firft taught the inhabitants oi Egypt how to
plow and fow, &c. thefe perfons mufi: have lived in
a much earlier age of the world than thatof Mofes.
Hence Tibullus fays,

Primus aratra manufolerti fecit Ofiris^-.

Et teneratn ferro follicitavit humum.
Primus inexpertcz commijtt femina term^

Pomaque nonnotis legit ab arbor i bus.
Hie docuit tenerampalis adjungere vite^n^ ■

Et viridem dura ccederefalce comam.

Which arts are fo neceflary to the fupport of human
life, that it is impoffible the cultivation of them could
have been deferred to fo late an age of the world as
the days of Mofes. And therefore we ought to fuppofe
that the real perfons, from whom this part of the
charader of Ofiris and his wife Ifis hath been borrowed,
were fonae of the firft inhabitants of Egypt after tlie
flood ; upon whofe fepulchral tom_b-fl:ones the Greci--
ans having found the feveral inftruments of hufbandry
engraved, which they had either invented or impro\'-
ed, ereded the ftatue of an human figure for their dei-r
fication, and as a diftinguifhing mark by ^vhich thefe

[w] Diod. 1. i. c. 2.

deities

104 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc,
deities might be known from others, placed the in-
ftruments of huftrandry in their hands which had be-
fore been graved on their obeUfks, or in their temples ;
and as among the reftOliris might have had the figure
of a bull engraved on his pillar, as one of the hiero-
glyphical marks which were intended to denote his
having taught the Egyptians the art of plowing ; and
as Ifis might have the figure of a cow engraved, among
others, on her fepulchral pillar, to denote her care and
attendance ^t the dairy, hence poffibly thefe two ani-
mals might in time come to be reckoned facred in E-
gypt ; and when the Grecians, who never worfhiped
beafts, came thither, they would of courfe ered: ftatues
to thofe deities (of whom the bull and the cow were
the reprefentatives) in the fhape of human figures, but
with the head of a bull or a cow, to denote the deities
to which thefe imaginary figures belonged \o\.

And if we ate inclined to enquire who that perfon
was, among the defcehdants of Ham, from whence
this charader of Ofiris was borrowed, we fhall find it
was probably Mizraim, the fecond fon of Ham as
mentioned Gen. x. 6. whofe proper name was Mizor,
the plural number of which truly denotes the people or
nations defcended from him, rather than the head of
the family itfelf, as hath been before noted, the ter-
mination im in Hebrew being the noted termination of

[o] See plate II. fig. 5. reprefenting Ifis with a cow's head, the royal
plume, and Orus on her lap.

4 the

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 105

t]i€ mafculine gender in the plural number. And
accordingly the Egyptians are univerfally, through the
whole Pentateuch, called by the name of Dnva Miz-
raim, as being the defcendants of Mizor, or Mifor, as
he is called by Sanchoniatho, who fays tliat the bro-
ther of Sedec, or Canaan, w^as called M/uw^. For it is
remarkable, tliat the Hebrew Tfade was differently
pronounced by different nations ; the Greeks generally
converting it into a /, and the Phoenicians into an s.
Thus, for example, the city of Tj're, whofe ancient
and proper name was in Zor or Tfor^ was by the
Greeks called 2^r, and thence Tyre^ but by the Phoeni-
cians it was called Sor^ and now Stir to this day. In
like manner the city of \V*i Zoan^ or Tfoan^ was by the
Grecian pronunciation changed into Taan^ and thence
intoT^^w; whereas the Phoenicians pronounced it
Soariy as it is at prefent written in the Samaritan Pen-
tateuch, Num. xiii. 23. And therefore Sanchonia-
tho, who was a Phoenician, pronounced the Hebrew-
word nvo Mizor or Mitfor^ Miaw^y. Mifor.

How Mifor came to be called Oliris is not fo eafy
to be accounted for. Sir Ifaac [/>] Newton obferves,
that " Plutarch tells us, the fyllable 0 put before the
^^^ word Sirishy the Greeks, made it fcarce intelligible
^" to the Egyptians. " Which is a very uncommon
miftake in that great and generally corre6t author.

[^] Newt, Chron. p. 219

For

io6 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc,

For [y] Plutarch, on the contrary, fays, that the fy lia-
ble 0 was added by the Egyptians. His words are,

^sipiov \)(p *EAX)^j/wv ?.iyov]e;, el /^ ztccp' hlyvi^ioi; yj tc^o-
^ici; 73 ap^ps Tsvouoc zrenoiriKsv dy.(piyvoB7a^oci. That is,
There are Jome who 77ta7iifejily ajjert that OsiKi^ is the
fame-wit h the Sun, and that he was called Sirius by the
Greeks, tho the addition of the article by the Egyptia?js
made [the origin of] the na?7te to be doubted of .

And indeed it is not to be wondered that the E-
gyptians fliould prefix the letter 0 to the word Siris,
when the Greeks had once introduced that name to be
applied to the fun, fince by that addition they made
an Egyptian word of it, fignifying 7nany eyed, which
was no improper epithet tor the fun. For fays [r]
Plutarch, fpeaking in another place of Osiris, the
Tta^ne itf elf denotes m2iny eyed, as we are toldbyfojne, who
would derive it from the words Os and Iri, which words
in the Egyptian language have that import.

The name it fecms, according to Plutarch, by
which the deity, afterwards called Ofiris, was origi-
nally known in Greece, was 2f if /o;, who fuppofes that
name to belong to the fun. This alfo muft have been
a ficStion, or miftake, of the later Greeks. For Xii^ioQ

[y] Plut. de Ifid. & Ofir. fed. 52.

\t\ Plut. de Ifid. & Ofir. fea. 10, ,

being

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc. 107

being an adjedive, muft be conneded with fome fub-
ftantive ; which was probably the vv^ord 'Ar/?V. But
Heiiod, w^ho wrote many ages before Phitarch, men-
tions the dog-ftar by the name o( :^eioio; 'Ari]?, and
not the fun ; from whence we fee how much the E-
gyptian deities were blended and confounded together
by the Greeks, towards the latter ages of the Grecian
empire.

But the true name, by which this god v/as orirri-
nally diflinguifhed in Phoe7tkia^ before it was changed
into Ofiris by the Egyptians, or into Siris, or Ss/^;:; by
the Greeks, feems to have been Ifiris \_s\ v^liom Sanclio-
niatho mentions as being brother to Chna the firft
Phoenician. Now Chna the firft Phoenician was ma-^
nifeftly Canaan, which name oi\vy2 as it is in the He-
brew, may be read either Canaan, or Cnaan, and was
therefore by the Greeks called Xm, Chna. This Cna-
an, or Chna, was the youngeft fon of Ham, who witli
his defcendants firft peopled Phce?iicia^ and from him
that country was called the land of Cama?i, or
Cnaan»

In another part of the fame chapter Sanchoniatho
iays, that Mifor, and Sedec, which fignifies ////?, were
brothers, and that Mifor had a fon named Taautus,
who was the firft inventor of the elements of writino-.
Now it is more than probable, that this Sedec was ali(>

[j] "Ut^iq ff.k\<^ii Xveim TT^wm ^oIviko^. Eufeb. Prrpp. F,v. 1. i. lo

ic8 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

the fame perfon with Chna, or Canaan, the brother of
Ifiris, and that he was the very perfon who received,
tithes from Abraham, under the title of [/] Melchi-
fedec, v/hich is as much as to fay King Scdec, or, as St.
Paul explains it, the Kmg of Right eot/fjtcfs, a title he
might have acquired on account of his regular dif-
tribution of juftice, being the father, and confcquently
prince, of the whole country. For if Canaan, the
youngeft fon of Ham, be but fjppofed equally long U-
ved with Arphaxad the fon of Sem, as he was of an
equal diflance in defcent from Noah ; Canaan might
have been alive feveral years after this congrefs of Mel-
chizedec with Abraham. This Melchizedec or Mel-
chi Sedech, or, according to the Kteral writing of the
Hebrew, Melchi Tfadec, is faid by St. [u] Paul, to be
without father^ and without mother \ a circumftance,
very well agreeing with the account given of Chna by
Sanchoniatho, who, being the iirft that inhabited and
planted Phoenicia, is faid to be without father and
without mother^ becaufe his parents not living with
him, were unknown in that country. Thus [w] Se-
neca, fpeaking of two of the ancient Kings of Rome^
fays, that Servius had no mother, and Ancus no father ;
which he aftervv^ards explains by faying, that it was
not knov/n who was the father of Ancus. And hence
alfo Horace fays,

[/] See Chron.. Heb. Bible vindicated, p. lOO. [li] Heb. vil. 3.
fwl Sencc. Epifl. viii.

Per-

ORIGIN OF H IE ROGLYPHICS,&c. 109

Perfuades hoc tibi vere^
A7tte potejiatem TulU atque ig?2obile regman^
Mulios fcepe vivos nullis majoricus ortos
Et vixijje probos^ amp lis et homribus aiiElos,

Hor, Serm. Li. Sat. 6*

All v/hich put together is an additional proof that
Ofiris, or Ifiris, the brother of Chna, was the fame
perfon with Mifor, the brother of Sedec.

Having thus difcovered Jupiter Ammon and Pan.
in the perfon of Ham; and Jupiter Cafius andDionv-
fus \yD\ in the perfon of Caphtor, the great grandfon'of
Ham ; and of Oiiris in the perfon of Mifor ; let us now
try if we can difcover who this Taautus was, who be-
ing the fon of Mifor is here faid by Sanchoniatho to be
the firft difcovererof the art of writing, [.v] Sancho-
niatho likewife fays, that this Taautus was the fame
perfon, whom the Egyptians call Thyoth, the Alex-
andrians: Thoth, and the Greeks Hermes. He like-
wife \j] obferves, that this Taautus meditated very
much on the nature of dragons and ferpents, and that
in after ages the Phoenicians and Egyptians on that
account attributed a kind of divinity to thcfc animals*

Now according to Mofes, Mifor or Mizor the fa-
ther of the Mizraim had no lefs than [z] il\ fons and

[w] The editions of Plutarch write Dionyfius ; but Spanhcini has
proved from coins that the true name is Dionyfus, Num. Diil". vii. ed.
fol. which is hkewifc more agreeable to tlic etymology above givea
ot it, p. 94, 95.

[x] Eufeb. Pr«p. Ev. 1. i. c. 9. [j] Id. ibul. c. xo.

[-JGen.x. 13.

3 two

>

310 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHI CS,Scc

two grandfons, before he departed with his father Ham
from the plains of Shmaar^ to mxarch. towards E^ypt
on the difperfion at Babel \ which were thefe : Lud,
the father of the Ludim or Lndians ; Anam, the father
of the Anamim ; Laab, the father of the Lehabim,
Lubim, or Libyans ; Neph, or Nephat, the father of
the Naphtuhim; Pathros, the father of the Pathrufim ;
and CaHial, the father of the Cafhkihim ; who had alfo
two fons, Peles the father of the Philiftim, and Caph-
tor, the father of the Caphtorim.

\_a\ Mr. Shuckford fays, that the Egyptians gene-
rally afcribe all their fciences to Pathros, v/hom they
called Thyoth. In proof of which he quotes Jambli-
chiis De myfleriis JEgypticrujn, But I cannot find that
Tamblichus, in his whole treatifeZ)^ myflerm^ once men-
tions the name of Pathros. \h'\ He fpeaks indeed of
Hermes having written twenty thoufand volumes, or,
as Men^teus fays, 36525 volumes, and begins his
treatife with faying that the Egyptian writers think-
inp- Hermes was the inventor of arts and fciences,
afcribed all thefe books to Hermes, v/ho was reputed
the god of wifdom and eloquence : That Pythagoras,
Plato, Democritus, Eudoxus, and many others went
to vifit the Egyptian priefts : That Pythagoras and
Plato learned their philofophy from the pillars of Mer-
cury in Egypt ; which pillars, fays he, are fullof learn-
in<r. But he no where explains who this Hermes was.

r^] Shucli. Con. B. iv. p. 216. \l^\ Jamb, de Deo etDels.

> ■ Mh

ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. lu

Mr. Shuckford fays alfo, that Pathros, whom he
calls " Pathrufim, is imagined to ha\^e firft invented
" the ufe of letters, but Naphtuhim is faid to have
" learnt both them, and feveral other ufe ful arts from
'^ him, and to have inftru6ted his people in them.
'' He (that is, as I fuppofe, Naphtuhim) is faid to have
■" been the author of the architedlure of thefe ages,
'^ and to have had fome ufeful knowledge in phyiic
"and anatomy. The Egyptians do in general afcribe
'^ all their faiences to the other brother ; but it is eafy
"' to conceive how this might happen, Pathrufim,
'^ whom they called Thyoth, being a perfon fo extra-
" ordinary, that it might be difficult for any other
'' name befides his to obtain any coniiderable fharc of
'' reputation in the age he lived m\

And in proof of this Mr. Shuckford quotes Syncel-
lus and Sir John Marfiiam ; but unfortunately neither
Syncellus nor Marfham fay one word about Naphtu-
him, that I could find, [c] Syncellus, in his third dv-
nafty, mentions one Toforthrus the fucceflbroFNeche-
rophes, whom he fays the Egyptians called /Efciila-
pius, on account of his fkill in medicines, and that he
found out alfo the art ofchifelling flones, and took*
much pains in improving the art of engraving letters.
[^] Marfham indeed endeavours to prove tliis Tofor-
thrus to be a brother of Tlioth's ; becaufe, accordino:'
to the Grecian mythology, both Hermes and iEfcu-

[c] Synccl. p. s^' Ed. Par. [d] Marlli. p. 39.

P 2 lapius

112 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c.

iEfculapius are laid to be the fons of Jupiter. But in
this he contradids an authority, which at other times
he reUes much upon, viz. Sanchoniatho, who [e^
exprefly fays that j^ilfculapius was the fon of Sedcc,
who was brother to Mifor, and therefore Thoth and
j^fculapius could at beft be but coufin-germans.

So that I am afraid Toforthrus cannot eafily be
proved to be the fame perfon with Naph or Naphtu-
him, the fon of Mifor ; though Mr Shuckford feems to
have hit by chance on the real perfon to whom the
original character, not only of ^fculapius, but the god
Thoth truly belongs. And that is Naph or Neph the
father of the Naphtuhim, as will appear more plainly
when we come to compare fome circumftances, not
fele6led out of mythological writers, but from true
hiftorians, who relate matters of fad, and not imagi-
nary fables.

If therefore we firfl: confult the books of Mofes, we
fhall find that Ham the fon of Noah, immediately af-
ter the confulion at Babel^ came with his two fons Mi-
zor and Canaan (which laft was alfo called, Sedec, or
the juft) to take poffeffion of thofe territories which
from them have fince been called the lands of Canaauy
and the lands of Mizor or Mizraim ; and having left
his younger fon Canaan with his eleven grandfons iji

[e] Eufeb. Praep. 1. i. c. lo.

poffeffion

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 113

poffeiTion of the land of Cana.m [/j from the e?uenng
in of Hamath even U7tto Gaza; he then proceeded
with his fon Mizor and his children to take poffeffion
of the land of Egypt \ and having fettled his grandfon
Caflial with his two great-grand-children Peles and
Caphtor at the entrance into Egypt^ where tliey built
Pelufiiim in honour of Peles and poffeffed themfeh^es
of \_g\ the Ifands of Caphtor^ he advanced further up
into Egypt with his fon Mizor, and fettled him at Zoan
in the land of Mtzramt^ as it is called in the Scriptures,
or in the Mefj^cean region, as it is called by Jofephus ;
Grand Cairo ^ which ftands nearly in the place where
Zoan did formerly, being called by the Arabians to
this day [h\ Al-Mejfer.

Then Ham went ftill further up into Egypt^ and
pofleffed himfelf of that part which from him was na-
med [/] Chamia^ now inhabited by the Copts, who
are ftyled in the Language of the coimtry Chami to this
day. In v/hich territory the city of [.^ Chamys^ or
[/] No-AmJ7ion^ as it is called by the prophet Ezekicl
(which litterally {ignifies the city or habitation of [;;;]
Anunon) was built in honour of him. From whence

[/] Num. xxxiv, 9. Jofh, xili. 5. [^] Jcr. xlvii. 4.

[i6] Shaw's Trav. p. 340.

[i] Though Cham is in EngHlli, for the foftncfs of pronunciation
written Ham^ yet die true name is Chmn^ as it is always written both
in Hebrew and Greek. [/:] Berofus. [/] Ezek. xxx. 14.

\r)%\ That Cham and Ammon denote the fame perfon appears from
comparing Gen. xiv. 5. and i Chron. iv. 40. with Deut. ii. 10.

his

114 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &r..

his {on [;?] Pathros ftill went higher up and built the
city of PathroSy but where that was lituated I cannot
pofitively determine.

Neph, or Naph, or Nephat, the Father of theNaph-
tuhim, advanced ftill further up the river, and proceed-
ed as far as Syency on the uttermoft fouthern borders
of Eo-ypty and fettled fomev/here thereabouts, Vv^hence
that region was from him called Napata^ where queen
Candace afterwards reigned, according to \o\ Strabo.

LuD went ftill higher, and poflefled himfelf of
Ethiopia properly fo called, from whom came the
Ludim or Lydians, mentioned by the prophets Ifaialr
and Jeremiah, as being famous [/?] for handling and
be?iding the hem ; and of whom \_q] Herodotus tells
this remarkable ftory, that, when Cambyfes had con-
quered Egypt.^ and had thoughts of mv^idrng j^thiopia^
he fent fome fpies before him, who, under pretence of
carrying prefents to the King, might privately enquire
into'the ftrength and condition of the kingdom. When
they were arrived at court, and had made their prefents,
the king of Mthiopia faid to them, " it was not from
*' any conftderation of my friendfhip that the king of
<' Perfia fent you to me with thefe prefents; neither
^' have you fpoken the truth; but are come into my
" kingdom as fpies. If Cambyfes was an honeftmanj

. [«] Ifai. xi. II. Jer. iv. 41. {o] Strabo, 1. xvii.

[/)] Ifaj. Ixvi. 19. Jer. xlvi. 9. [^] Herod. 1. iii.

^'he

ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 115

" he would defire no more than his own; and not en-
** deavour to reduce a people under fervitude who
" have never done him any injury. However give
" him this bow from me, and let him know that the
king oi j^thiopia advifes the king of Perjia to make
war againft the Ethiopians, when the Perlians fhall
be able thus eafily to draw fo ftrong a bow ; and in
the mean time to thank the gods, that they never
infpired the ^Ethiopians with a defire of extending
their dominions beyond their own country". When
he had faid this, he loofed the ftring, and delivered
the bow to the ambaffadors*

Laab crofled over the Nile^ and poffefied himfelf of
that part of Africa^ v/hich from his pofterity the Le-
habim or Lubim, mentioned 2 Chron. xii. 3. xvi. 8.
was called Libya, Where [r] Anam went is not fo
certain; but poflibly he may have croiled over the ri-
ver Nile with his brother Laab, the people of that
country being called by the prophet [s] Ezekiel/a
mi?tgled people, \

Now of all the fons of Mizor, viz. Lud, Anam,
Laab, Neph, Pathros, and Cafiial, I can find no ti-a-
ces in real hiftory which any way refemble the charac-
ter of Taautus or Thoth, except it be Neph or Nephat

[r] I cannot conceive the reafon why Mr. Shiickford fo confidently
affirms Anam to be the Curudes of Syncellus, wlio luccccdcd Menes in
in the government of the Mcftrse an, region. Shuckf. Connedt. p. 21O.
Synccli. p. 91. Far. ed. [5] Ezek. xxx. 5.

Q. the

ii6 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c.

the father of the Naphtuhim, who fettled about Sye7te^
on the borders between Egypt and j^thiopia. So that
we mi^ft liave recourfe to Neph the fourth fon of Mi-
zor to find out in him, if we can, this god Thoth.

Now if we look into Plutarch, we fhall fee that
the inhabitants of the T'hehais in upper Egypt were a-
lone of all the Egyptians free from taxes towards fup-
porting the facred animals, becaufe they worfhiped
only the god Cneph ; whom I fuppofe to be the fame
with Neph, as Ham was indifferently called Cham or
Ham. And \t\ Eufebius fays from Philo-Byblius,
that that idol under the figure of a ferpent with the
head of a hawk, which the Phoenicians called Agatho-
d^emon or the good Daemon, the i^gyptians called
Cneph.

And what proves this Cneph or Neph not to have
been an imaginary idol, but a real man, who had
been deified by fome of his admirers for his great en-
dowments, is that \ii\ Eufebius likewife fays the
Egyptians worfliiped the god Cneph under the image
of a king with a girdle about his wafte and a fceptre
in his hand, and an egg coming out of his mouth;
v/hich egg was looked upon as an emblem of the world.
And \yo\ Strabo fays that there was in an ifland adjoin-
ing to Syene the temple and Nilometre of the god

\t\ Eufeb. Praep. I. i, c. lo, [«] Eufeb. Prasp. I. iii. c ii.

\lv\ Strabo, p, 8 1 7.'

3 Cneph;

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 117

Cneph ; whom, according to the Greek termination
of the word, he calls Cnuphis. Which Nilometre, or
machine for meafuring the increafe of the Nile^ fliews
that this god Cneph, Cnuphis, or Neph, had been
fome remarkable perfon li\ing near Syene^ who had
been famous for the ufe of charadleriftic marks in hii
obfervations on the rife of the Nile, For, fays Strabo,
" this Nilometre was a canal cut out of one entire ftone
*' in the bank of the Nile^ in which were engraven
** feveral Hnes to denote the different cncreafes of the
** Nile ; to which were alfo added feveral charadlcriflic
'' marks to denote upon certain days the future
^^ encreafe of the Nile : by obferving which, perfons
*^ of fkill were capable of forming certain prefages of
^^ the enfuing feafon ; and to prognofticate, whether it
'* was likely to be fruitful or otherwife".

Now that this god Cnuphis or Cneph was the fame
with the god Taautus or Thoth appears from hence;
That it is univerfally acknowledged the god Thoth
was the fame deity which was alfo called Anubis. And
that Anubis and Cnuphis v/ere the fame perfon feems
to be maniieft not only from the fimilitude of the
vt^ordsj but alfo becaufe it aj:)pears, from feveral of the
Abraxas, 01* Egyptian Talifmans coUcclcd by [.v]
Montfaucon, that Anubis was originally written Cnu-
pliis or Cnubis, for on feveral of thofe Abraxas,
i/l e:e a ferpcnt is reprefcnted with a lion's head, 0:1

y [.w] Mont. An:. Tom. ii.Tar, ii. p. 361.

0^2 the

ii8 ORIGINOF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc.

the reverfe is the word XNOTBIC [jv] Cnubis or Cnu-
phis, on others XNOTMIC Cnumis, and upon ano-
ther both XNOTMIC and plain ANOTEIC Anubis.
See the figures i. 2. 3. in Plate ii.

And what confirms this opinion is the great variety
of emblematical figures under which tlie gods Cnuph
and Thoth were charaderized ; all which feem plainly
to have taken their origin fi-om the Kilometre of the god
Cnuphis near Syene, For fince, as [z] Strabo exprefly
fays, the Egyptian temples had no images in them,
that is none of human form ; but only thofe of fome
animal, fubftituted to denote the objedl of their wor-
fhip; hence it was, that the various emblematical
characters made ufe of by Cneph in his Nilometre fur-
nifhed thofe perfons, who out of regard to his memory
were fond of worfhiping him as a god after his death,
with a variety of emblematical reprefentations under
which he might be adored. As for example, that of
a ferpent with a lion's head, of a ferpent with a hawk's
head, or that of a dog.

As to that famous emblem of a dog, under which
this god Cnuphis, or, as Virgil calls him [a], Latrator
Aniibis^ was worfhiped, it is certain, that the brilli-
ant ftar, which is known among aftronomers by the

[jy] The Greek y, when turn'd into Latin, was always changed int/^
anU.

[2] Strabo, I. xvii. [^] Virgil, ^n. I. viii. ver. 6^%.

name

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 119

name of the Dog-Star, and is one of the brighteft in
the whole firmament, becomes vifible mE^ypt in the
month of July, about the time of year when it is a-
greed by all writers, the Nile generally begins to over-
flow its banks. This ftar is therefore called by Hefiod
Ssipio^ 'Ar%, i. e. Sihoris After, the ftar of the river
Sihor or the Nile ; Sihor being the name by which the
river Nile was known in early times, as appears from
Jofli. xiii. 3. and Jerem. ii. 18. which name was.
probably given it on account of the dark colour of its
waters at the time of its inundations, being derived
from the Hebrew verb nn:r Shacha?^^ ?iiger fuit^ dent-
gratus ejl ^wh^ncQ alfo it was called by the Greeks MsA^c
And hence Virgil fpeaking of this river fays,

Et viridem j^gyptum nigra fcecundat arena^
where Servius in his notes remarks, ?ia?}t a?itea NUl.
Melo dicebatur. And therefore this iymbol of a doo-
might have been made ufe of by Neph in his Nilome-
tre as a chara6teriftic mark to denote the rife of this
ftar, which gave them warning to prepare their
grounds for being flooded by the Nile. Whence pro-
bably it obtained the name of the dog-ftar ; and NepJi
might himfelf in after ages be worfhiped under tliis
fymbcl, and thence alfo obtain the name of Taautus
or \h'\ Taaut, i. e. the dog.

And as the dog might ferve for an hieroglyphical
mark in the Nilometre to denote the rife of that ftar,

c»

us

\h'] Hift.duCid.

aiuf

120 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS,&c.

and the time ^vhen the Nth fhould begin to overflow
its banks, it is probable Cneph had different marks to
denote the different degrees of its encreafe both before
and afterwards. And as when the Nile hath once o-
verflowed its banks, it drives all the ferpents before it
out of their lurking places ; fo the hawks at the fam.e
feafon annually return into Egypt in queft of their
prey. For [c] Eufebius obferves, that thefe birds are
very ufeful in Egyptm deftroying the ferpents, which
he calls Keod^rxi Ceraft;r, and v/ere fo [d^ named from
feveral iflands of that name near Syene abounding
with thefe animals. And [e] Plutarch fays, that at
•HermopoUs thei-e was an im^age of Typho reprefented by
an hippopotamus, (a known emblem of the rife of
the Nile) on which was a hawk fighting with a
Terpent. From the importance therefore of the perio-
dical return of this bird, Cnuphis in his Nilometre may
have made ufe of a compound mark of an hawk and a
ferpent to denote a particular degree of the increafe of
the Nile^ and might therefore after his death have
been worfl.iced under the emblematical charader of a
ferpent with the head of a hawk. And hence alfo
probably arofe the tradition mentioned by Sanchonia-
tho, that Taautus, or the gcd Thoth, is faid to have
meditated veiy much en the nature of dragons and fer-
pents ; and that in after times the Phanicians and E-

\c\ Eufeb. Pra?p. Evang. ]. i'. c. i.
{d] .St"ph. Thciaur. [^J Dc Ifid et Ofir.

gyptiaas

ORIGIN OFKIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 121

gyptians on that account attributed a kind of di\'inity
to thefe animals.

For the fame reafon this god Ntpli might alfo have
been worfhiped under the iymbol of a ferpent with a
lion's head, becaufe in the month of July the fun en-
ters into the conftellation of the Hon, and therefore
Cnuphis or Anubis or Neph might have apphed this
device of a ferpent with a Hon's head, as another fym-
bol or hieroglyphical mark to denote the ferpcnts quit-
ting their holes, in confequence of the due increafe of
the Nile at the time v/hen the fun enters into the fign
of the Hon,

As to that reprefentation of the god Cneph which is
mentioned by [/] Eufebius, in the fimihtude of an hu-
man fhape v/ith an egg com.ing out of his mouth, which
egg was looked upon as an emblem of the world ; Jo-
fephus informs us from Manetho, that although the
Phoenicians, Greeks, and Romans worihiped the ima-
ges of men, yet they held the worfhip of brutes in
great abhorrence. From hence as thefe got footing in E~
gypt^ the Egyptian deities began to change their forms,
and by a gradual traniition and transformation, from
beaft to half beafi: and half man, came at laft ta be
worfhiped entirely in a human fliape : To this we mufi;
afcribe the original of thofe motly deities Pan and the
Satyrs: And hence the god Cnuphis or Anubis, from

[/] Eufeb. Pra^p. 1. vii, c. ii.

the

122 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS,&c,

the lisnre of a doo- under which emblem he was wor-
Ihiped by the aborigines Egyptians, was worlhiped by
the Egyptio-Phoenicians in the fhape of a man with a
dog's head Qo-], and by the Phoenicians and Grecians
who Hved out of Egj'pl in the entire figure of a man.
And to difiinguifli him from their other deities, they
reprefcnted Jiim either with an egg in his mouth,
which was an emblem defigned to denote his being
the author of fertility ; or elfe with naked and ere<5t
genitals, to denote the fame prolifick quality. For
[i>] Plutarch gives tliis as the rcafon why the [/] Phal-
lus was carried about in the Pammilian ceremonies ; be-
caufc it was the emblem of fertility and generation.
And [y^J Diodorus exprefly fays, that " not only the
*' Ec;yptians, but many other people alfopaid a facred
*' regard to the parts of generation, as the inftruments
'* of the produdlion of animals. That the priefts al-
" fo, when they take upon them their fundion in E-
^' gypt^ are fii'ft initiated to the god Priapus. That for
" the fame reafon Pan and the Satyrs are worfhiped:
" and that feveral fet up their images in temples, to
^' denote their generative properties". For this reafon
undoubtedly it was that the gods Hermes and Priapus
wxre imaged among the Greeks and Romans in fo
fhameful an attitude.

f_^l See Plate ii. fig. 7. from a coin of the emperor Julian.
[6] Plut. de Ifid. and Ofir. [/] The Phallus was an image

of the human parts of generation.

[y^l Diod. 1. i. c. 4. fee Eufcb. Prrep. 1. ii. c. 2.

That

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 12-

That Hermes or Thoth was reprefented in this
manner by the Greeks, is teftified by Paufanias in his
Eliaca;andby Herodotus in his Euterpe, that tlie
people of ^^Z'^;/j learned from the Pelafgians fo to re-
prefent Hermes. Of the fame kind therefore I take
that god to have been, which was worfliiped by the
[/] Moabites and Midianites, under the name of Baal-
Peor, which words literally fignify the naked or fiame-
lefsgod. And therefore the prophet [^m"] Hofea obferves
of the IfraeUtes, that they went to Baal Peor, andfepa-
rated themfehes unto that shame. And Saint Paul,
fpeaking of this defedlion of the Ifraehtes, fays [_7z\
neither let us commit fornication^ as feme of them co7jimit~
ted^ and fell in one day three and twenty thoufand. And
for this reafonit probably was, that God gave particu-
lar directions, upon the conqueft of the Moabites and
Midianites, for deftroying every \o] adult male and e-
very woman who had known man; that women or even
men, who had fo far loft their fhame and their mo-
defty as to worfhip fuch a deity, might not further
fpread their abominations in the camp of Ifrael,

It is obferved by \_p] Herodotus, thatMelampus was
the firft who introduced the worfhip of the phallus
into Greece^ and that Melampus was inftru6i:ed by Cad-
mus. It is therefore more than probable that Cad-
mus, who was a Canaanite, might have been taught this

£/] Num. XXV. 3, 5, 18. Deut. iv. 3. [w] Hof. ix. 10.

\n\ I Cor. X. 8. {o\ Num. xxxi. 17. [;>] Herod. 1. ii.

R objed

124 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS,&c.

objed of worfhip by his neighbours the Moabites
and Midianites ; and that this was one reafon why God
was pleafed to give fuch ftricSt orders to the children
of IJrael^ when they got poffeflion of the land of Ca-
naan^ to difpoffefs the Canaanites, and not fo much as
to permit them to dwell among them, but to [j-]
fmite them J and utterly to dejlroy the?n and to make 7io-
covenant "with them : and to drive out all the i?7habitant5
of the land from before thenty a?td to deflroy all their
piBureSy and all their molten images y a?id io pbick dawn
all their high places*

Why the name Hermes was in after ages given by
the Grecians to the god Cneph, is eafily accounted
for ; if we do but confider the importance of his ob-
fervations by his Nilometre. As Neph, the father of
the Naphtuhim, was only a great grandfon of Noah,
and as Selah, who was at the fame diftance of defcent
from Noah, lived to the age of 443 years, and to the
474th year after the flood ; he m^ay very well be
fuppofed to live near three hundred years after his
arrival in Egypt : during which time it is reafonable to
believe, he was conflantly improving his Nilometre,
and adding to it various hieroglyphical marks of its
ufe. And from the number of obfervations, which
he had an opportunity of making in fuch a length of
time, it might not be difficult for him to form fuch a
judgment of the encreafe of the Nile^ as to know fome
weeks before hand, when it would begin to rife ; and

[j] Deut. vii. 2. xii. 3. Num. xxxiii. 51. &:c.

after

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 125

after it had rifen for fome time, whether it would ex-
ceed its ufual bounds, or whether it would flop fhort
of them, and not reach its common height. By fore-
telling which events he might eafily get the reputation
of being a prophet; or, in the language of the vulgar,
a conjurer. And by being reprefented under this clia-
radler to the Grecians, who came to vifit Egypt^ he
might thence obtain from them the name of [r] Her-
mes, which fignifies, the interpreter of the will of the
gods.

So that this title of Hermes Trismegiftus, which
Sanchoniatho fays, was given by the Grecians to the
god Taautus, may very well be fuppofed to have ta-
ken its origin from the Kilometre of the god Cneph.
To this alfo might be owing the tradition of his ha-
ving invented letters, becaufe he was the firfl: who de-
vifed thofe fymbolical charadiers which afterwards went
under the name of Hieroglyphics. For [j] Diodo-
rus obferves that the art of hieroglyphical writing was
firft brought from JEthiopia into Egypt, And certain
it is, x}iV2iX.Napata^ or the country oi Neph^ is that part
oi ^Ethiopia which borders xx'pon Egypt, Which alfo
may have laid the foundation of all thofe compliments
paid to Hermes by the Grecian and Roman poets, on
his being the founder and patron of polite arts and
fciences.

[r] 'Atto T?? £/>ju>jv«<p{f, i. c. ah interpretatione. Vide Virg. ^n. iv. 355,
cum notis Servii in locum. [s] Diod. 1. iii. c. i,

R 2 EUSEBIUS

126 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICSAc.

r^] EusEBius obferves that, befides all the various
chambers in which this deity has been already repre-
fentedj the god Cneph was alfo pidtured in the form of
a king, with a girdle about his wafte, a fceptre in his
hand, and a plume of feathers on his head. This Utbcov
BacriA£/ov, or royal plume, confifted of two large fea-
thers placed eredl on his head ; fome inftances of
which are to be feen in the Tabulas Ifiac^e. (See Plate
ii. £g. 5.) The Greeks by converting thefe feathers
into wings, and changing his fceptre ornamented v/ith
ferpents, which were the emblem of the god Cneph,
into a caduceus, furnifhed their god Hermes with a
new character, and made him the mefTenger, as well as
the interpreter, of the gods.

[u] DioDORUS fays that Hermes not only found out
letters, but was alfo fkilled in medicine and harmony,
and invented the ten ftringed lyre. Hence alfo it ap-
pears that from the hiftory of the Egyptian Cneph, the
Grecians borrowed the charader of their god Apollo.
Under which character w^hen he was admitted back
again into the Egyptian theology, he obtained the
name of Orus, from the Hebrew word nij^ Ore^ which
figniiied lig/jt. For [w] Herodotus and Diodorus and
Plutarch all agree, that the Orus of the Egyptians was
the Apollo of the Greeks.

[/] Eufeb. Praep. 1. iii. c. 11. [u] Diod. I. i.

[w] Herod. 1. ii. Diod. 1. i. c. 2. Plut. de Ifid et Ofir.

Nov/

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 127

Now this will enable us to account for that fymbo-
lical reprefentation given us by [x] Montfaucon, of a
dog holding between his paws the lyre of Apollo, and
the caduceus of Mercury [jj/]. Which, he fays, i-s
one of thofe aenigmas he will not attempt to explain.
Eut the device was deiigned only to ihew that the
author of it thought Orus, Anubis, and Hermes the
fame deity. For as the lyre was the undoubted fym-
bol of Orus or Apollo, and the caduceus of Hermes
or Mercury, fo was the dog the known emblem of
Anubis or Thoth. Whence, I apprehend, it is ma-
nifeft that Neph, Anubis, Thoth, Hermes, and O-
rus, were originally all one and the fame perfon, that
is, the fifth fon of Ofiris, Ifiris, or Mizor, who was
the fon of Ham, the third fon of Noah ; who being
the laft of the long Hved men that came with Ham
into Egypt y is therefore faid to have been the [^J lafl of
the gods that reigned in Egypt,

For if we fuppofe Neph or Orus to have lived as
long as Salah, who was of the fame diftance of defcent
from Noah, that is, his great-grand-fon, then he
would have lived 433 years, and to the 47 2d year af-
ter the flood j and would have been contemporary

[x] Canis qiiidem ille, qui lyram Apollinis, Mercuriique caduccum
cuftodit, inter asnigmatica fchemata cenferi piito, quorum intcrpreta'
;ionem ne tentare quidem aufim. Mont. Ant. Suppl. torn. i. 1. iii. p. loo.

{y^ See Plate ii. fig. 8. [z\ Herod. 1. ii.

with

128 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS, &c,

with Efau and Jacob, when theUfeofman was reduc-
ed to the term of 140 or 150 years at the furtheft;
in comparifon of which the hfe of Neph or Orus muft
have been looked upon as a godhke one.

Upon the whole, it is manifeft tliat though the
•Grecians borrowed their deities originally from E-
gypt^ yet by the wrong pronunciation of their names,
the mifapplication of their quahties, and attributes,
and by the mythological hiftories which they after-
wards invented, they gave great occafion to theconfa-
fion which hath fmce enfued. The great number of
hieroglyphical marks found on the fepulchral monu-
ments of eminent perfons, which were either expref-
iive of their names, their qualifications, or their in-
ventions, contributed to the fame purpofe; as thefe
marks, from the veneration of the perfons to whom
they belonged, came in after ages to be held facred,
and in procefs of time to be worfhiped.

For when the worfhip of the one God was once de-
parted from, fuperftition would naturally look out for
numberlefs local and tutelar deities to fupplythe place
of infinite power. Hence it was the Egyptians gather-
ed all thefe facred characters together, and for fear of
•difobliging any one deity, made their collection as
large as pofiible. For though particular deities
mip-ht in particular places have an extraordinary
degree of adoration paid to their moft noted
-charadleriftic reprefentation, yet the obelifk or temple
I eredled

ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 129

eredied to them, was all over infcribed with the
reft of thofe characters whicli were held facred ; as
is vifible to this day on the walls and pillars of the E-
gyptian temples. And that this was the original ufe
which was made of the great number of hieroglyphic
marks now found in thofe places of devotion as well as
on the obelifks, and that they were not an hiftorical ac-
count of the Ufe and adions of any one particular per-
fon, is plain from that fpecies of idolatry which the
prophet [a] Ezekiel imputes to the Jews, when he
defcribes one of their Cryptas, of which fort there are
many now remaining in E^pL And he f aid unto me^
Go in and behold the wicked abominatious ^ that they do here :
Jo I we72t in and f aw : A?id behold^ every for ?n of creeping
things^ and abominable beaflsy and all the idols of the.
houfe of Ifrael^ pourtrayed upon the walls rou?2d about,
Then he f aid unto me^ So?t of mmiy haft thou fee?i what the
ancie7tts of the houfe of Ifrael do in the darky every man
in the chamber of his imagery?

Where it is to be obferved, that the walls of thefe
chambers of their imagery were pourtrayed round a-
bout with every for^n of creepi?2g things^ and abominable
beafls \ which fhews that this fuperftition was borrow-
ed from Egypt ^ and that the Ifraelites had added to it
all the idols of the houfe of Ifrael :y the ceremonials of it
were performed in the dark^ as in. the Egyptian
Cryptae, which are fo called for that woxy reafon, be-

[«] Ezek. viii. 9. — 12.

cauie

I30 ORIGINOF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

caufe they were dark, being derived from the Greek
word x^vnl(K^y ahfcondo. So that every one of the
Cryptse was a fort of Pantheon, which held a col-
ledionof the emblems of all their gods, and had all
their facred characters colleded together ; at leaft as
many as the Crypt^e could conveniently contain.

I COULD alfo wifli that the perfon whom you think
proper to fend abroad would attempt to go into Ahyf-
fmia^ and vifit, if poffible, the fource of the Nile \
which, I think, he might do by gentle degrees, if he
could contrive to live for fome time at or about Syene^
on the borders between Egypt and Mthiopta, V/hile
he is there, he may try if he can find any traces of
the Kilometre of Neph, as defcribed by Strabo. And
by making fmall excurfions at firft, and cultivating an
acquaintance with fome of the mercantile travellers go-
ing; in and out of j^thiopia^ I fhould think it not im-
poflible for him to meet with fome good natured per-
fon who would ferve him both as an interpreter and
guide.

But, Gentlemen, after all, though I have put
thefe remarks together, that the perfon whom you em-
ploy may be excited and enabled by the help of them
and fuch other obfervations as his own good fenfe
fhall didate, to diftinguifh thefeveral a^ras of the anti-
quities which he may meet with in and about Egypt ;
not only with regard to the hieroglyphical marks, in

which

ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPIIICS,&c. 131

which when he finds any human figures intermixed, he
may be aflured they are are neitlicr purely Egyptian
nor of the earheft antiquity ; but aHb with regard
to thofe buildings, pillars or arches, which he may
meet with in his travels, the feveral seras of which I
think it would not be difficult for a curious obferver
to difcover ; yet I muft own that the principal objedl
I have in view is an exad defcription of the fecond
ftone of Mofes, and a copy of tliofe unknown cha- '
raders which are to be found on the Mountains of
Mocatab or the Writtot 7mimtains in tlie promontory
of Mount Sinai. If thefe infcriptions are real letters
and words, though in a charadler at prefent loft an4 un-
known, an alphabet may eafily be formed from them,
and the meaning of the words themfelves probably
difcovered. And then who knows what may be the
event ?

The books of Mofes, with regard to early antiqui-
ty, are a light that Jhineth i?! a dark place : And indeed
wonderful is the light which darts forth from them,
whenever the enquirer crofieth it in his Icarches into
the early ages of the world. Befides, as the truth of
the Chriftian religion depends upon the veracity of the
Jewifh hiftory, as delivered by Mofes, any thing which
may ferve to corroborate or enlighten that hiftory muft
be of fervice to the Chriftian revelation. And there-
fore as I look upon thofe two ftones in the promontory
of Mount Sinai ^ one of which has lain fo many thou-
fand years unnoticed by any traveller of confcqucnce,

S to

132 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c.

to be an atteftation of the truth of the books of Mofes
litterally written by the finger of God, I do not con-
fider this propofal b arely as a matter of curiofity, but
as an enquiry which may be of great and real fervice to
rehgion ; and on that account hope you will look with
the more favourable eye on this addrefs from,

Gentlemen,

Your moft obedient

humble fervant

Robert Clogher

I N D E X of Texts

Gen. X. 5. p. 88.
X. 6. p. 104.
xiv. 7. p. 43.
xiv. 5. p. 113,
XV. 18. p. 8. 56.
xxiv. 22. 47. p. 80.
XXXV. 2. 3. p. 80.
xli. 8. p. 79.

Exodus iii. 2 p. 15.
iv. 24. p. 42.
27. ibid,
xiii. 20. p. 5.
xiv. 2, 3. p. 5. 9.
XV. 23. p. 10.
xvi. 32. p. 28.
xvii. 32. p. 32.

6, 7. p. 26.
xxiv. 20. p. 43.
xxxi, 18. ibid,
xxxiii, 21. p. 21.

Leviticus, xxvi. 30. p. 84.

Numbers xiv. i. p. 28.
XX. II. p. 26.

16. p. 43.

xxiv. 9. p. 113.

XXV. 3, 5, 18. p. 123.

xxxi. 17. p. 123.
xxxiii. 35. p. 43.
xxxiii. 51. p. 124.

Deuteron. i. i. p. 43.
ii. 8. p. 43.
20. p. 113.
23. p. 89.
iv. 3. p. 123.
vi. 9. p. 81.
vii. 2. p. 124.
xii. 3. p. 124.
xiv. 5.p. 73.
xxiii. 7. p. 5S-
xxxii. 2. p. 10.

Jolhua viii. 30. p. S5'

of Scripture illuftrated.

Jofhua xi. 3. p. 57.

xi. 7. 8. p. 55.
xiii. 3. p. 1 19.
5. p. 113.
Judges i. 16. p. 42.

iv. II. 17. p. 42.
xi. I. p. 71.
I Sam. V. 3, 4. p. f:-.

1 Kings ix. 26. p. 43.

xi. 3. p. 71.
xix. 9. p. 19,

2 Kings V. 18. p. 92.

1 Chron. iv. 40. p. 113.

2 Chron. viii. 17, p. 43.

xii. 3. p. 115..
xvi. 8. ibid,
xxxiv. 4. 7. p. 84.
Pfal. vii. 8. p. 21. 27.

Prov. ii. 16. p. 71.

Ifa. xi. II. p. 114.
xvii. 8. p. 84.
Ivii. 7. 8. p. 81.
Ixvi. 19. p. 114.

Jerem. ii. 18. p. 119.
iv. 41. p. 114.
xlvi. 9. p. 1 14.
xlvii. 4. p. 88.

Ezek. vi. 4. 6. p. 84.

viii. 9 — 12. p. 129.
XXX. V. p. 115.
14. p. 113.

Hof. ix. 10. p. 123.

Amos ix. 7. p. 90:

Habak. iii. 3. p. 10.

I Cor. X. 4. p. ^^.

8. p. 123.
Heb. vii. 3. 108. INDEX

[ 134 ]

I N D E X of the Places and principal Matters.

A cH.'^RUSiA, Avhencc called, p. 50.
l\ AyruioPiA, by whom peopled,

I 14.. the inhabitants I'amous for the

life of the bow, ibid.
JgiriJ or Hagirut, 6. 40.
Ainel iVJufa^ ^- 59-
iEGYPTi axs, fee Egyptians.
Ammok, fee Ham.
An u BIS otherwife called Cnuphis or

Cnubis, 117. Whence worfhipcd

under the emblem of a dog, 118.

Whence, of a forpent with a lion's

head, 118, 119. 121, 122. Whence

with an egg in his mouth, 121, 122.

And under the emblem of a phallus,

122.
Apollo of the Grecians the fame

withOrus of the Egyptians, 126.
Avbn conquered, and made part of the

cotmtry of the Philiftim. 8y.

Baal the God of the Moabites, what
the name fignificd, and how he was
reprefented, 123.

Bakcl Naafcr, 3-

Barob, I?" 32-

Bedwins, 5-

Berke el Pharaom, or lake of Pharaoh,

3«-
M. St. EejVm or St. Ep'ijlcme^ 14.

Bird 6' ?/(/}, 7*

Bhqiie or lake of Charon, 48.

Cadmonites difpoflefled of their
country by Jofhua, 56.

Cadmus brought letters from Ca-
naan into Greece^ 55. 62. 123.
Whence the fable formed of his raifmg
foldiers by fowing ferpcnts teeth, 57.

Canaan^ the land whence io called,
1C7. 112. Why the Canaanitcs
particularly ordered to be driven out
cf their country, 1 24.

C A p H T o R , one of the grandfons ei
Noah, the fame with Jup/itcr Cafius,
85. and Dionyfus, 87. 04. the firfl
who extended his conquefts beyond
Eg)pt^ 88. Brother to Ptles the fa-
ther of the Philiftim, 89. Wor-
fhiped after death by the name of
Rimmon among the Syrians, 92, 93.
Whence reprefented with a pome-
granate in his hand, 95. Conlbund-
ed with Ofiris, 101.

Grand Cairo ^ 41. called Al-Mejfer
from Mifraim, 1 13.

Cafiusy mount, its fituation, 90, ^i.
I wo of that name, one in Egypty
the other hi Syria, 92. The mean-
ing of the word, 91.

M. St. Catharine, 12. 22^

C ha mi I J II.

Chanken, 5. 4I-,

Charms ufed before the time of Mo-
fes, 80.

Charon's ferry boat, whence the fa-
ble, 49.

Chemis in Upper Egypt, named from
Cham, 83.

Cheops, when he reigned, 51,

Convent oi t\\Q XL. martyrs, 23. Of
mount Sinai, 27. 31.

Copts whence fo called, 113.

Cronus of Sanchoniatho no real per-
fon, but a fymbolical defcription of
time, 63,

Crux ansata of Ofiris, what it fig-
nificd, 99.

Crypt iE of the Egyptians called fo
from the ceremonies being perfor-
med in them in the dark, 129.

Cnf.ph of Plutarch the fame witli
Neph the great grandfon of Noah,^
1 1 6. Called likewife Cnuphis and A-

nubis, 117.

Whence in after ages
ftyled

INDEX.

ftyled Hermes by the Grecians, 123,
J 24. He, Anubis, I'hoth, Her-
mes, and Orus the fame, 127.
Whence faid to be the laft of the gods
who reigned in Egypt., 127. Re-
picfented with a plume of feathers
and fceptre, which were converted
by the Greeks into wings and a ca-
duceus, 126.

Dagon, an idol framed probably of
a human head and fiflies tail, 67, 68.

Dahar el Hamar^ or Afl'es back, 4 1 .

Devils, ill tranflatcd in our bibles for
goats, 84.

DioDORUs SicuLUs not to be depend-
ed on, when he differs from He-
rodotus, 59.

I>iONYsus the elder, the fame with
Caphtor and Jupiter Cafius, 94.
The meaning of the name, ibid.
Whence the vine facred to him,

5,8.

Dl'z.ahah or D%ahaby 43,

Ear-ring hov/worn by Rebecca on
the face, p. 80.

Egyptians their manner of exami-
ning into the paft lives of thofe whodi-
ed, 49. Art of literary writing when
in ufe among them, 54. Leis early
than in Greece^ 58. At firft known
only to their priefts, ibid. Their
hiflory not to be depended on fo ear-
ly as Sefoftris, 59. Nor till the time
of Pfammitichus, 60. Hcro-wor-
{hip introduced among them by Phoe-
nicians and Grecians, 65. 67. Their
temples faid to be without images
how to be underftood, 76. Wor-
fhip of plants artd animals occafioncd
by their hieroglyphics, 5)9. No
prieftefles among them originally,
66. When their year made to con-
fift of ;65 days, 69.

Elanic gulph, 25.

^^S

Ehfitnfelds, whence the table of them
. 'To^e, 49. 72.

Eziongeber ikt fame with Dizahab, 43.

Fa ran fee Paran.

Frontlets, a fort of amulets ufed
by the Heathens, 80. Jewifh,
with fentences of the Law, worn in
oppofition to them, 81.

Garondii or Goro?idu valley, 10. ^6.

Gcbi'l Hamam el Far an ^ originally baths
oiParauy jo. 32, 33, 31.

GtbdelAlokatah or Written mountains,
34. 55. 130.

Gehel el Scheitan^ or mountain of the
devil, -^Cu

Geczay 46.

Gidda, 78^

Goat, whence the fymbol of the god
Pan or Cham, 83.

Gods Heathln, their hiilcry and
pedigree given by Mr. Shuckford ijl
founded, 6 i — 65. Many of them
not real perfons, but fymbolical re-
prefentations, 63. Worfhiped un-
der human forms by Phoenicians and
Egyptians, 65. 67. Multiplied by
being worfhiped under different em-
blems, 82. The hiftory of tb em con-
founds one with the other, 98, lOIr

107.

Grecians, when they mixed with
Egyptians, 60, 61. Introduced the
worfhip of gods in human ihape, 68.

72.

Ham, Jupiter Ammen of the ancients,
72. Various gods formed by the
Grecians from his being reprefcnted
under different emblems by the E-
gyptians, 82. was the fame with
Pan, 84. reprefcnted under the fym-
bols of a ram and a goat, ibid. The
import of the name, 8:;. from him
and his family different parts oiEt^ypt
dene^minatcd.

136

I N

nominated, 113. His true name
Cham, ibid.

Hamam el Pharaone^ or baths of Pha-
raoh, 10, 38.

Hebrew Character, loft in the
Babylonifh captivity, ftill prefervcd
probably on the Writtcyi jnountalns
in thewildernefsof Kadejh, \. 3^. 55.

Heliopolis^ 3. 5.

Hevites, fubjedtsof the king of Her-
man, whence fo called, 57.

HiF.ROGLVPHics, the fource of hea-
then idolatry, 76. 81. By what
Iteps they became fo, 86. 99. 128,
Invented by Cneph, called afterwards
Hermes, and placed on his Nilome-
tre, 125. carried from /Ethiopia
into Egypt, ibid. Th; fe now vifi-
ble on Egyptian obelifks and temples
are the fymbols of particular deities,
not hiftorical writing, 129.

Hor, mount, 28.

M. Horeh, 15. 19. 22.

M. of Huhehi, 6. 40

HuMMU>Js, whence derived, 38.

Idolatry, fee Worship.

India, every place eaftward of Greece
comprehended under it, 97.

Isles, the word applied to promonto-
ries, 88.

Is IS, two inftruments which fhe gene-
rally carries in her hand, explained,

100.

Jupiter, the fame with Ham, 72,

73- IIS-

His confli£t with the gi-

ants on what founded, 72. Cafius,
whence that name, 85. 87. Repre-
fented on a coin of Trajan's, 92.

Kadejl, 43. The Written mountains
there, 55-

Ka begin, ^2.

Kemtes, whence the word derived,

4?.

KiRCHER, his fruitlefs labours to ex-
plain the Crux anfuta m the han^

D E X.

ofOfiris, 100.

Libya, by whom peopled, and whence
called, 115.

Literary writing, no traces of it
before Mofes, 54. 62. Not known
in Egypt till the reign of Sefoftris,
ibid. Brought by Cadmus from Ca~
naan into Greece, 55.62. 123.

Lydia or Ludim whence called, 114.

34'

79-

Magai,

Magical arts before Mofes,

Alar ah, waters of, ir.

El Marge, ^.

Matharca, ih.

Marsh AM, Sir John, miftaken in
fuppofmg Toforthrus to be. the bro-
ther of 'I'hoth, III, 112.

Megena valley, 35.

Melchisedek the fame with Chna
or Canaan the youngeft fon of Ham,

107.

Memphis, where fituated, a matter of
enquiry, 44 — 46. Founded by Me-
nes, 51

En MiJJjpat, 4^.

Misor, the fecond fon of Ham, the
fame with Ofiris, 104, 109. The
land of Mifraim denominated from
him, 113. Moabites and Midia-
nites, their god Baal-peor why
ordered by God to be deftroyed,

123

Mcerh lake, 44. whence named, 46.
"W'hy called the Birque or Lake of
Charon, 48.

Mokanan, 44.

Montfaucon's fymbolical aenigma
folved, 127.

Mofes, wells of, 10, 39.

Mountains, written, 34, 55. A
propofal to copy the infcriptions on
them, I. 130.

Moses, the fiflures ftill vifible in the
rock which he ftruck, when the
w.iters flowed, 26. And in the o-

ther

I N

ther rock, which he twice flruck,
unobferved before by all travellers,
32. His account of the overthrow
of Pharaoh, in the Red fta ^ici'er-
ved in the hiftory of the dcflruciiufi
of Ofiris by Typhon, 102. And
is confirmed by Tacitus, ibid.

Napata m E^.ypt whence its Name,

114.

Naph, fee Cneph.

A>/ff, 1 1 .

No-AMMON, whence f) called, 113.

Newton, Sir Ifaac, confountls the hii-
tory of Egypt with the mythological
fables oi Greece^ 61, he. His opi-
nion of the time when five day;
were added to the year, 69. does not
diftinguifh between the worfliip of
the original Egyptians and that of the
Egyptians mixed with Grecians,
whofe deities were a compound
of man and beaft, 78. Aliftakcs
Plutarch concerning the etymolo-
gy of Ofirisj 105.
NiLOMETRE how formed, and by
whom, 117. various emblems cut
on it, under which Cneph was after-
wards worfhiped, 118 — 12.1. 125.
l>^yfa fituated on Mount Cafius^ 95.
the etymology of the name, 96.

Or us, of the Egyptians the Apollo of
the Grecians, 26.

Osiris, a compound of feveral cha-
ra<5ters, 84. lOi. The fame with
Bacchus, according to Plutarch, 89.
The adlions of Caphtor attributed
to him, 1 01 The hiftory of his death
borrowed from the overthrow of
Plutarch, 102. Reprefented always
with fome inftruments of hufbandry
in his hand, 99. Which are ex-
plained, ibid. His character as the
improver of agriculture taken from
Mizor and Mifra m, k 4. Deno-
ted the Sun, 106. The Egyptian
etymology of the word, ibid. The
true name originally liiris, 107.

D E X, Joy

The brother of Canaan and the fume
with Mifor, 109.

9-

Ouaracm or I'm dan defeit

Pan the eldcft of the Egyntian gods,
but th- name borrowed JromGrmvr,
82. 84. 7 lie fame with Cham,
and why repiefented b) a goal, ibid.

Pa KAN corrupdy civlled Fu:an and El
Pharaone^ 10. 33. The tradition
of a river flowing theie owing tj
Mofes's llrikinj waicr out of a ru,.;:,
33. Hot baths there, 58.

Pataici dii, of wlioni Vulcan v/as
one, introduced among the Egyi -
tians by the. Phoenicians, 65^

Pathros, grandf(;n of Ham diffe-
rent from Thoth, no. Bui t a city
called from his name, u -.

Pih'fnim, whence its name, 89. 113.

Pharaoh's Laths corruptly called {o^

37> 38-
Phallus worfhiped by feveral j;a-
tions under different denommations,
122, 123. By whom introduced in-
to Greece^ 12^.
PSAMMITICHUS K. of Eg)pt cocval
with Jofia K. of Judah^ introduced
Grecians among the Egyptians, 60,

6i.

Red Sea ^ 8. 22^

Rephidbn vallej'^, 22.

Rhodes whence threatned to be deftrov-

ed by ferpents, r 6.

RiMMON 2 Kings V. 18. the fame

with the god Caphtor, 92.

Sanchoniatho, his account of Cro-
nus not the hiftory of a real perfon,

C^

M Ser'ick^ 2-.

Serpents, whence a kind of dlviniiy
attributed to them by the Egyptians,
1 21. Whence placed in the caduce-
us of Hermes, 126.

Sesostris the Shefliac of the Scrip-
tures, ^v

Shuckford, Mr. in vain attempts

fo

tsS

INDEX.

to give a real hiftory of the heathen
gods and Egyptian dynalHcs before
Menes, 6i — 64. His account of
the fable of the birth of Rhea's five
children not probable, 69. mift-a-
ken iiiallcdging the authority of Jam-
blichus for Palhros being the Hime
with Thoyth, no. AndofSyncel-
lus and Sir J. Marftiam for Tofor-
thrus being the fame with Naphtu-
him, III, 112. And in making
the Curudcs ofSynccllus, the fame
with An am grandfon of Ham, 115.

Shur or Sedur, 9. 22.

Sibel ahm, 4 1 .

Sihor, the A'vZf fo -called, and whence,

119.

Mount Svmi, 4. 13, 14. 18. "Why
part of Mount Horeh is called Mount
Sinai ^ 15.

Btone of the fountain, or Stone of Mo-
fes, 26.

St R A BO, how to be underflood when
he faies the Egyptian temoles had no

76.

Suez or Suefs city,

7. 35. 39. 40.

Tacitus confirms the Mofaical ac-
count of the Jews coming out of ^-
gypt, 102.

Teraphim, what, 79.

Thoth or Taautus, not the Pa
thros of Sanchoniatho, no. but
the fame with Naph or Neph grand-
fon of Ham, and father of the Naph-
tuhim, 112. 116. called likewife
Anubis or Cnuphis, 117.

Tor, 25. 31. 35.

Typho, the ftory of him an allegory
oftheRed-Sea, 102. worfhiped under
theemblemof an hippopotamus, 120.

Farden defert, 9.

Ukcilt el Bahaar, 4- 4t.

VuLCAX, one of the Dii Patai'ci, and
a temple erected to him at Memphis^

65.

TFaters of Marah^ 1 1 1 . of the Par-
tridges, 24.

War BURTON, Mr. places the addition
of five days to the Egyptian year pro-
bably too early, 69. and the ufe of
amulets, too late, 79. has juftly
proved hieroglyphical writing to be
the mofl ancient, 85.

Women ftrangers, who left their coun-
try, of ill fame, 71,

Worship of dead men deified, by
whom introduced, 65 — 67. Of hu-
man figures, no part originally of
Egyptian idolatry, 67. 71. 76. Of
deities compounded of man and beaft
owing to Grecian fuperftition joined
to Egyptian, 73, 74. 78. Whence
of timorous beafts, 74 7<5. Of the
fame god under different emblems
occafioned a multiplicity of gods,
82. 126, 127.

WelU of Mofes, 10. 39.

Year, when made to confifl of 365
days in Egypt, 69. when in Greece,

70.

FINIS.

ERRATA.

Page 12. Line 9. ioxCbathcrim xta.^ Catharine.
1 7. penult, after white add a colon.

60. I o. for P.leufian read Pelujiati.

90. 17. ior PeUuJlum xttidi Pelujium.

'09. 16, dele likewife.

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