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Full text of "Letters concerning the Spanish nation: written at Madrid during the years 1760 and 1761"



':^';i-|'!'v''v!'-'i:: 



"'T;';!''';':!''';;''' iw^: 



LETTERS 



CONCERNING THE 



SPANISH NATION: 



Written at MADRID during the Years 1760 and 1761. 



By the Rev. EDWARD CLARKE, M. A. 

Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, and Redor of 
Pepperharrowe, in the County of Surry. 



pantos fayze-Sj tantos cojiumbres* 




LONDON: 

Print<;d for T. Becket and P. A. De Hondt, at Tally's Head 
in the Strand. MDCCLXIII. 










T O T H E 

RIGHT HONOURABLE 

GEORGE BRODRICK^ 

LORD VISCOUNT MIDLETON, 

O F T H E 

KINGDOM OF IRELAND; 

THESE LETTERS CONCERNING 

THE SPANISH NATION 

ARE INSCRIBED^ 

WITH THE SINCEREST RESPECT 

AND GRATITUDE, 

BY HIS LORDSHIP'S 

MOST OBLIGED, 

AND OBEDIENT 

HUMBLE SERVANT, 

EDWARD CLARKE, 



4C>l1..,i5 



TABLE of CONTENTS. 



^he Preface, page i 

Historical Introduction, ix 

Letter I, journey from London to Madrid, i 

— — II. 'The State of Religion in Spain, - 9 
— — — III. Part I. Of the Government of Spain, the 
Cortesy or Parliamenty its Laws, Tribunals, Courts of 

Judicature, 6cc. - - - 26 

— — III. Part II. Councils ^ Halls ^ and Tribunals, 41 

— IV. Part I. State of Literature^ Letters, and 

Men of Learning in S^2.m, - - 49 

IV. Part II. State of Phyfic, Poetry, &c. 55 

IV. Part III. Catalogue of SpaniJJj Authors, 66 

— V. State of Meofures and Weights, 90 

— — VI. View of the Stage i - 102 

— VII. Part I. Defcriptionofthe Bull-feafi, exhi- 
bited on theprefent Kings public entry ^ July 15, 1760. 107 
■ VII. Part II. Burial'— Grandees— Kings Pub- 
lic Entry, - - - 1 1 6 

— VIII. Part I. Defcription of the Convent of St. 

Laurence, commonly called the 'Efcu.vhl, 1 00 
VIII. Part II. Catalogue of the Latin, Greek, 



and Hebrew Manufcripts in the Library of the Con- 
vent of the Y^^qmu-A, - - [^^ 

IX. Defcription of the City ^Toledo, 173 

X. Defcription of the City ^'Segovia, 179 



Lette 



R 



TABLE OF CONTENTS, 

Letter XI. Some Account of the Antiquities at Cor- 
duba, Seville, Cadiz, Granada, Saguntum, Tarago- 
iia, ^;/^ Barcelona, - page 20J 

Xn. A Lijl of the Lafid and Sea Forces, in the 

year 1760, ivith an EJiimate of their an?iual Expence. 
— The Salaries of th^ great Officers.— -Pcnfions paid oiit 
of the Finances.-— Of the Revenuesy - 211 

XIIL A jhort View of the Commerce and Ma- 

nifa£iiires ^ Spain, fo far as they relate to Great Bri- 
tain, _ _ - 2.iJI 

-.srt XIV. An Account of the Spa?iiJJj Moneys 26 

— XV. The State of Agriculture^^ -• .. ^82 

— XVI. To the Heveroid T>r. Kennicott, >(2;zr 

cerning the Hebrew Manufcripts in Spain, 2^2- 
XVII. Don Gregory Mayan'j Epiftk to C. C. 



Pluer, on the prefent State of the Hebrew and Arabii? 
Learning in Spain, - - £•99 
XVIII. The fame to the late Sir Benjamin Keene, 



containing a fult Account of the Complutenfan Poly" 

glott, - - - 312 

XIX. Of the Royal Family y and Court of 

Spain, - ' - 322 

XX. Journey from Madrid to Lifbon, and 



thence ta London, - - 346 



NEW 



P R E F A 



TH E compiler of the following papers having had the ho- 
nour to attend his Excellency the right honourable George 
William, Earl of Bristol, his Britannic Majefty's AmbalTador 
Extraordinary, and Miniiler Plenipotentiary to the court of Ma- 
drid, in quality of chaplain, for near two years ; he made it his 
bulinefs, during his flay there, to colled: fuch informations, hints, 
and materials relative to the prefent ftate of Spain, as might ei- 
ther gratify the curiofity of his friends, or prove of fome utility 
to the public in general. 

For this hath ever appeared to him to be the true and proper 
dciign of T^raveUingy to bring back fuch notices of foreign coun- 
tries, as may corred: any prejudices and errors we have entertained 
concerning them ; fuch as may improve our prefent opinions, and 
contribute to form a juft idea of different nations. This employ- 
ment may be more ufeful, though, perhaps, not fo flattering to 
the imagination, as that of reading Virgil upon the banks of the 
Mi?2cioy Horace upon the Anjidiis, or Homer upon the Scamander. 
Writers of authentic accounts of countries, though beneath the 
attention of elegant genius, and not rifmg to the higher claims of 
tafte and i;/r/z/, may notwithftanding be more ferviceable to the 
public, than the purchafer of a decayed liitiany the recoverer 
of a ruily coin^ the copier of a defaced infer iption, or the defigner 
of an old ruin. 

It is, perhaps, to be wilhed, that the generality of our youag 
travellers would give more of their attention this way; the fub- 
\tOi is not exhaufted, and the objed: is of much greater mom^t, 
than the dreffcs of one country, or the tunes #f another ; than 



11 



R E F A C E. 



the vineyards of this province, or the kitchens of that. To ob- 
fcrve the variation of manners, the force of cuftoms, the utility of 
laws, or the effeds of climate, renders a much more effential fer- 
vice to your country, than to fet a new fafliion, teach a new air, 
or give a new didi. 

The writer, apprehending that his ftay in Spai^ would have 
been of much longer duration, had formed his original plan of a 
much larger extent, than that which is now laid before the pu- 
bhc : but as the war, which unfortunately broke out between the 
two courts, prevented his profecuting that more extenfive defign, 
the reader will, he hopes, charitably place this defed: to the ac- 
count of that unforefcen event, and not to any want of intention 
or induftry in the writer. 

He is very fenfible of the many Imperfedlons and defedls of 
this performance, and is convinced, that it flands in need of all 
the apologies he is capable of making for it. The reader owes the 
perufal of it not to the writer's own fentiment or opinion, but to 
the determination of abler judges, who conceived, that with all its 
errors it miglit be of ufe to the public, as relating to a country, the 
accounts of which now extant among us are more apt to millead, 
than to inform. 

The following papers would have been much lefs fuperficial 
and jejune, if the country, in which they v/ere colleded, had 
been half fo cojnmunicatrce as that in which they are publillied. In 
Spain, the want of that general education and knowledge, which 
is fo univerfally diffufed throughout this ifland, renders the pro- 
grefs of all enquiry very flaw and difficult : the referved temper 
and genius of the Spaniards makes it ftill more embaraffed ; but 
the caution they ufe, and the fufpicions they entertain with regard 
to hcrtticks, efpccially priells, are generally fufficient to d^mp the 
mod induftrious and inquilitive refearcher. Add to this that in- 
vincible obfiacle to all free enquiry in catholic countries, the in- 
quijition, and then i.t is apprehended that the reader will not won- 
der, that he finds fo little entertainment and information in the 
following letters. 

But 



R E F A C E. 



iU 



• But this is not all ; befides the difficulties a foreigner meets 
with in the dominions of his catholic majefty, that of the language 
is not the leafl. French and Italian are now become lo very 
fiiHiionable and common among us, that mofl: of our young tra- 
vellers fet out with the BoccaRomana^ and the accent of Blois. 
But how few are there of us, that go out Spaniards ? that have 
language enough to aik. Which is the way ? or. How many miles 
are there to the next town ? This inconvenience will be lenfibly 
felt by every enquiring mind. For want of Spaniflt, the compiler 
of thefe papers ufed to endeavour to avail himfelf at firft of that 
almoft univerfal tongue of mankind, the Latin : but in that, be- 
iides the difference of pronunciation, he found a much worfe cir- 
cumftance belonging to it : few of the monks or clergy underftood 
any thing of it ; and ftill fewer were able to fpeak it. Their com- 
mon anfwer was. No en tie?? do UJie ; No es Latino por aca, pero es 
Latino por alia : that is, *' I do not underfland you, Sir : it is not 
" the Latin of this here country, but of that there country." 

Having fairly apprifed the reader of thofe imperfedlions which 
he will find in this mifcellany, the writer hopes to be indulged in 
fubmitting to him what may be modeflly faid in favour of the 
performance. 

The accounts which we have of Spain, may be reduced to 
three forts \ the Romance, the Obfoktey and the Modern. With re- 
gard to the firft, the author rejoices to fee that abfurd kind of 
writing fo generally difregarded, that even the very names of the 
celebrated romances of the lafl age are almoft as much forgot- 
ten as thofe of their authors : Though it is to be feared, that the 
wretched tribe of novel-writers, which have fucceeded, have done 
greater mifchief. The too fublime Clelia and Pharamond 
werecompofitions, perhaps, of lefs pernicious tendency, than fome 
of our later printed poifons : the former might fill the mind with 
improbable fidions, but the latter may inflame the heart with pro- 
bable vice : the apprentice, or young mifs, may be lefs incited by 
objects of impofiible imitation, fuch as the wandering knight in 
black armour, or the rambling lady upon a milk-white palfrey, 

a 2 than 



IV 



E F A C E. 



than by the fiimiliar hiflory of thefeducer and the feduced, which 
fill up moft of our modern novels; thefe are fubjeds of more pro- 
bable, and, therefore, more dangerous, imitation. 

But to return from this {hort digreflion : the r^w^;^ri*-accounts 
of Spain have had this bad effecft upon us, that they have in a 
manner infufed themfelves into our ideas of that country. The 
manners of the moft inflexible people, and fuch the Spaniards are, 
undergo fome alteration in every age; the mad exploits of chi- 
valry, and the extravagant gallantries of the old Spaniards, are now 
no more : the guittar and gauntlet are both thrown afide. The 
more refined manners of Fkance paffed over the Pyrenees with 
the houfe of Bourbon. Even the Spanifi language is now mak- 
ing its laft ftruggles againft the more infinuating one of France > 
and, if the court did not ftill retain that laudable cuftom of an- 
fwering foreign amballadors in their own tongue, it would pro- 
bably have fallen into great negled; before now. French politejfe 
has given a new air to, and foftened the ferocious features of that 
country : the muftacho has dropped from the lip, and the cloke 
from the flioulders of their noblefle. Even the Inquijitors have 
fince learned not only the politenefs, but humanity of that people, 
and have left off roafting heretics alive : a cuftom, which, within 
this century, has been pradlifed at Granada. 

The next accounts which we have of Spain, may be called 
Obfolete ; and fuch fhould be efteemed all thofe which have not 
been publiflicd within this century. They are accounts, indeed, 
which were once true, but are now no more a juft defcription of 
the Spaniards, than an account of England in the time of Ed- 
ward III. would be called now v fuch are The ladys travels into 
Spain^ a book pirated from a French writer ; and many others. 
The Deliccs d'E/pagne^ though a good book, is now quite anti- 
quated ; even the dcfcriptions of places in it are become unlike,, 
becaufe the face of a country will change with time, as well as 
the manners of a people. 

The third clafs of accounts mentioned above, are the Modern ;. 
of this fort we have very little that is either tolerably correct or 

2 aa- 



PREFACE. T 

authentic. Mr. Willoughby's Travels, though republished 
in Harris's ColIe6lion, are of no moment j it is faid the bota- 
nical, or natural hiftory part of it is good ; which, I fuppo^e, 
made them appear together with Mr. Ray's. Mr. Ap Rice has 
indeed lately publiflied A tour through Spain and FortugaU Lon^ 
don iy6oy in 8vo ; his view appears merely to have been that of 
expofing the abfurd miracles of the Romifh church, which indeed 
he has done eifedually : but, in other refpe(3:s, that book does 
not feem to have been written by one who actually vifited the 
places themfelves. 

The laft thing, which I have to offer in favour of thefe letters, 
is, that the reader may be affured, that the utmoft care was taken, 
that the accounts fliould be had from the befl: hand poffible. The 
account of the Spanijh Money was examined and approved by Dar- 
CY and Jois, the great bankers at Madrid, and by the gentle- 
men of the embaffy> The ftate of the Army^ Navy^ Finances, 
and Civil Li fl of the Court, were tranfcribed from an original French 
MS. of the greateft authority, which may be {tQ,n in the author's 
pofleffion, and which is a curioflty of no fmall value. The title 
of that French MS. which is a thin folio, runs thus, Bilaji General 
des Finances de S. M. C. Don Carlos III. Roi d'EJpagnCj en 1760. 

The writer has inferted nothing, which he apprehends to be 
either ambiguous or falfe. And though he makes no doubt, but 
there are miftakes, yet he is certain, that he hath done all that he 
could to avoid them. He has made ufe of all the helps, living or 
dead, which fell in his way. And as he believes he has availed 
himfejf of mofl: of what is frinted w^qw this fubjed:; fo he is not 
confcious of having omitted any hints, given him by his friends 
and acquaintance, either in Spain or England. 

But though he has confulted what others have written upon 
this fub,je6l, it has been more with a view of avoiding their obier- 
vations, than of making himfclf rich by their fpoils : For in this 
matter he followed, as near as he could, that excellent inlhiidion, 
v/hich Dr. Middleton hath given to fucceedirig writers, in his 

a 3 admlrai)ic 



n PREFACE, 

admirable preface to the Life of Cicero. ' In writing hiftory,- 

* as in travels, inftead of tranfcribing the relations of thofe who 

* have trodden the fame ground before us, we (hould exhibit a 

* feries of obfcrvations peculiar to ourfelves j fuch as the fads and 

* places fuggelled to our own minds, from an attentive furvey of 

* them, without regard to what any one elfe may have delivered 
« about them : And though in a produ6tion of this kind, where 
< the fame materials are common to all, many things muft necef- 

* farily be faid, which had been obferved already by others; yet, 

* if the author has any genius, there will be always enough of what 

* is new, to diftinguilh it as an original work, and to give him a 

* right to call it his own :' which, he flatters himfelf, will be al- 
lowed to him in the following letters. 

As to the form of Letters, in which this colledion appears, it 
was owing to this clrcumftance; great part of it was fent to the 
author's friends in England, in that drefs, from Madrid : and 
when he came to review the whole, he faw no reafon why he 
(hould alter it ; it is the eafieft and moft comprehenfive vehicle 
of matter; it allows of more liberty than a ftiff and formal narra- 
tive; it affords more relief to the reader, there being perpetual 
breaks, where he may paufe at pleafure. 

But there is one circumftance in this publication, which af- 
fords the author no fmall fatisfadlion ; and that is the giving his 
reader a frefh proof of the happinefs, which he enjoys in being 
l>on2 a Briton ; of living in a country, where he poffelTes freedom 
of fentiment and of action, liberty of confcience, and fecurity of 
property, under the moft temperate climate, and the muft duly 
poifed government in the whole world. A liberty that cannot 
become licentious, becaufe bounded and circumfcribed, not by 
the.arbitrary will of ONE, but by the wiidom of all, by the due 
Timits of reafon, judice, equity, and law : Where the prince can 
do no wrong, and where the people mufl: do right : Where the 
lawlefs noble is no more privileged from the hand of juftice, than 
the meaneil pcafant : Where the greateft miniller ftands account- 
able to the public, and, if he betrays the interefls of his country, 
cannot bid defiance to the jufl refentmcnts of the law. 

Let 



R E F A C E. 



Vll 



Let an Engliiliman go where he will, to Spain or Portu- 
gal, to France or Italy ; let him travel over the whole globe, 
he will find no conftitution comparable to that of Great Bri- 
tain. Here is no political engine, no baftile, no inquifition, to 
ftifle in a moment every fymptom of a free fpirit rifmg either in 
church or ftate j no familiar, no alguazil to carry off each dange- 
rous genius in arts or fcience, to thofe dark and bloody cells, from 
whence there are 

vefiigia nulla retrorfum. 



The Monfieur is polite, ingenious, fubtle, and proud : but he 
is a flave, and is ftarving ; his time, his purfe, and his arm are not 
his own, but his monarch's. The Italian has neither freedom, 
morals, nor religion. The Don is brave, religious, and very jea- 
lous of his honour, when once engaged : yet oppreffion and pover- 
ty are his portion under the fway of an arbitrary monarch. And 
though he may boaft, that the fun never rifes or fets but within 
the vaft limits of the Spanifli monarchy, yet he will never fee li- 
berty, fcience, arts, manufadlures, and commerce flourish in them 
with any vigour. The Fortugiiefe is equally a Have, ignorant, and 
fuperftitious. The German is continually at v/ar, or repairing 
the havock made by it. The Hollander, funk in floth, and the 
love of money, is only acftive in commerce out of avarice. All 
tliefe, weighed in the balance againfl Britain, in point of 
happinefs and advantages, will be found light : Let it, therefore, 
be coniidered as no illiberal end of this publication, to infpire the 
reader with love of the Britifli conftitution. 

The papers, which compofe the following Ilijlorical Introduce 
tion, confill of three parts. The Jirjl contains jin extra^ from 
the works of the Marquis de Mondecar, a noble, learned, and judi- 
cious Spaniard, fliewing the rife and origin of the feveral kingdoms 
into which Spain was divided, and whofe provincial divifions fub- 
fifl to this day. T'htfecond'n AJJjort njieiv of the hijlory of Spain 
from the death of Charles 11. to the prefcnt time : This period was 
chofen, as being that of the accefiion of the EouRBON-family, 
which forms a new jera, and is, in the hiftory of Spain, what the 
revolution is in the hillory of England 3 our modern politics 

hardly 



Vlll 



R E F A C E. 



hardly looking fiiTther Back than the prefent fettlement in Spain, 
and the partition of the Italian dominions, which enfued upon it. 
The third part of this hiftorical introdudion is, A lift of Englijh 
iwihajjadors, &c. at the court of Spain, with the treaties, &c. which 
it was thought would be no unufeful appendix to the former. 

To conclude : Should there be, among the more humane read- 
ers, one who, in any remark, circumllance, or reflexion, may ima- 
gine that I have heightened or exaggerated this account of the 
irpanilli nation, or have been any where too fevere in my animad- 
verfions ; have caricatured the features, or magnified the manners 
of that people: he will, upon better information, difcover, that 
THIS is by far the moll: favourable and candid account of Spain, 
which is not written by a Spaniard. Thofe who will take the 
pains to read what the Marflial Bassompiere, the Countefs 
D'AuNOis, Father Labat, the Abbe Vayrac, Madame de 
Villars, M. Desormeaux, Don Juan Alvarez de Colme- 
nar, himfelf a Spaniard, and others have written upon this fub- 
jed, will fee the difference between a fair, true, and impartial 
account, and one didated by a heart overflowing with gall, and 
penned with the ink of invedive. And yet, what is more remark- 
able, their defcriptions were written by authors of the fame reli- 
gions perfuafion with the Spaniards, by true and zealous catholics. 
If mine has any merit to claim over their's, it is by Viewing, that 
a proteftant has written a more favoui^ble account of a catholic 
country, than catholics themfelves have publiflied. Truth and fadl 
have been throughout the fole objects of my attention. I had 
neither ill-nature to gratify, or fpleen to indulge : I abhor all na- 
tional reflections, and defpife from my heart the little prejudices of 
country, or cuAoni. Upon many accounts I love and revere the 
Spaniards: I admire their virtues, and applaud their valour. All 
nations and regions have their refpective merits. But, notwith- 
ftanding, I have fleadily kept that jufl: rule in view, 

Ne quid falsi dicere aufus, ne (juid veri rion aifus. 

' Hiflo- 



Hiftorlcal Introduction. 



(^he remarks of the Marquis ^^Mondecar upon the Spa7iip hifio- 
rians being judicious, new, and not commonly to be ??iet with, I 
thought proper to give the reader the Jolioimng extracts from his 
work.J 

THE Roman empire in this country lafted fomething more 
than 400 years after the commencement of the Chriflian 
aera : but the Spanifli hiftory is conneded with the Roman for near 
600, till that empire was utterly extind. The Goths entered 
about the year 400. Himeric, with the Suevi and Alans, con- 
quered Gal LI CIA, about the year 408. Thefe Suevi, who gave 
name to Gallicia, fubdued Portugal about 464. Requi- 
NA, the fon of Himeric, conquered Biscay, Andalusia, and 
took SARAG09A and Tarragona in 488. Recaredo was 
King of Spain in 587, and called a Cortes, at which prelates, as 
well as fecular lords, aflifted, and granted aids to the crown. Af- 
ter him came Witteric, to whom fucceeded Gundemar, in 
610. In63i,SisENAND0 was chofe King, who called a Cortes 
at Toledo. 

The Moors entered Spain about the year 68c, confequently 
the Gothic government did not laft 300 years. Tarif Abenzar- 
c A came in 7 1 3 . 

The three moft principal northern nations which came here, 
were, the Vandals, from whom the province of Andalusia 
received its name ^ thefe went afterwards into Africa: The 
Suevi, who remained long in Gallicia -j and the Goths, who 
conquered the whole country, and held it upwards of 200 years. 
Th£ Goths polTefTed the whole continent of Spain, Maurita- 
nia, Africa, and Gallia Gothica, or that part of France, 

b which 



X HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

which is now corruptly called Languedoc : but in their turn 
thev gave place to the Moors or Arabs, whofe dominion cealed^ 
when Pelavo was eftabliflied in his throne. The Moors con- 
quered all Spain, except thofe mountainous parts, whither fome bo- 
dies of relblute chriliians fled for refuge. Thefe by degrees plan- 
ned and concerted meafures to fliake off the Arabic yoke. The 
firft ftand againft them was made by the mountaineers of As- 
TUKiAS, who eleded King the Infant Don Pelayo, fwearing 
the nobles over a lliield, and crying out, Real! Real! This 
Pelayo was a Gothic prince by birth, fo that he in fome mea- 
fure reftored again the Gothic monarchy. He recovered Gijon 
and Leon ; and his fon got poffeflion of part of Portugal, and 
all Gallicia. From this recovery of Leon came the race 
of the kings of Oviedo and Leon. The boldnefs and fuccefs of 
thefe chrillians alarming the Arabs, they attacked them in their 
different il:rong-holds, in order to cut off their communications 
one with another. But this produced a very different effedt from 
what they expedted. The chriftiaas, to repel the danger that threat- 
ncd them on every fide at the fame time, chcfe different heads in 
different places, who being feparate one from the other in their 
(Tovernments, defended their fubjeds independently of one ano- 
ther. This neceffary refolution gave rife to the different kingdoms 
in Spain. Such was their undoubted origin, tho' it is impoffible 
to fay, at what cxad period each kingdom rofe, as there are no 
antient monuments remaining fufficient to prove that point. 

The firft kingdom or monarchy that arofe, after the Moorifh 
invafion, was that, as we have faid, of Don Pelayo in the As- 
TURiAs, an eledive monarchy : and ia proportion as the Aftu- 
rian princes dillodged the pagans of thofe lands and territories that 
lay nearefl to them, they changed the ftile of their titles ; being firft 
called Kings of Asturias, then of Ovikdo, and laftly of Leon 
and Gallicia, until they were incorporated with the Kings of 
Castile, by the marriage of Queen Donna Sancha Isabella, 
fifterof King Don Bermudo III. its laft prince, both of them de- 
fcendants of King Don Alonzo V. who married the daughter of 
Ferdinand the great, to whom fome give the title of Emperor,, 
and who was firft King of Castile^ 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 



XI 



Of this long period, in which the chriftlan princes gained fuch 
glorious fuccefles, and fingular vidories over the infidels, there 
are fome fhort and obfcure accounts in the little chronicles of Don 
AlonzoIII. King of Leon, furnamed the great y and of Alveda, 
of Sampiro, and of Don Pelayo. 



COUNTS and KINGS oi CASTILE, 

AT the fame time with thefe Asturian Princes, arofe many 
nobles, who figned their deeds and inllruments, with the ti- 
tles of Counts or Princes, and, among others, thofe of Castile, 
which ftate arrived at fovereignty in the time of the great Count 
Fernan Gonzalez, by his heroic valour, glorious triumphs, and 
extended power. The mofh diflinguifhed Prince of this houfe was 
Don Sancho Garcia, whofe violent death was the caufe, why 
this houfe united itfelf to the crown of Arr agon and Navarre, 
by the marriage of the Princefs Donna Sanch a his fifter, with the 
King Don Sancho Mayor, whofe fecond fon Don Fernando 
raifed Castile into a kingdom. Castile afterwards became 
an hereditary crown in his lineage, in preference to all the other 
kingdoms, altho' inferior in origin to Arragon and Navarre. 

The feries and chronology of the feveral counts is much con- 
tefted between the Spanifh writers, Arredondo, Arevalo,San- 
DovAL, and others : a difpute not worth our entering into, fmce 
it is certain, that from the bravery, fuccefs, and power vv^ith which 
Don Fernando extended his dominion, fo as to be ftiled firft kino- 
of Castile, his kingdom became fo famous, that all the Moor- 
ifli princes acknowledged him for their fovereign. His fon was 
Don Alonzo VI. his grand-daughter was the Queen Donna Ur- 
r AC A, with whom ended the barony of Navarre : the crown of 
Castile falling back again into the houfe of the Counts of Bur- 
gundy (who came from the Kings of Italy) by her marriage 
with the Count Don Raymund, her firft hufband; from which 
match came their fon the great Emperor Don Alonzo VII. 

b 2 This 



xti HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

This prince left bis eftates divided between his two Tons: To 
Don Saxcho, the eldefl:, whofe great virtues and untimely death 
gained him the name of the rcgvcttedj he left the kingdoms 
of Castile, and part of Leon: And to Don Ferdinand, the 
fecond, tlie reft of Leon, Gallicia, and Asturias. He took 
upon himfelf the title of King of Spain, pretending that the pri- 
mogeniture of the GoTiis, which was re-eftabli(lied inPELAVo, 
had centered in himfelf. 

Don Sanciio dying, he was fucceeded by Don Alonzo the 
nobky one of the greateft princes of his time. It was he who gaiiied 
the famous battle of the plains of Tolosa over theMooRs,deftroy- 
ing 200,000 of them at one time -f*. He dying without ifTue-male, 
the tv/o kingdoms of Castile and Toledo went to Donna Be- 
RENGUELA, his eldeft daughter. 

Although the royal barony of Burgundy ended in the Queen 
Donna Berenguela, it returned and united with the kingdom 
of Leon, Gallicia, and Asturias by the marriage of King Don 
Alonzo, her uncle (who fucceeded in thofe kingdoms to King 
Don Fernando, brother to King Don Alonzo the noble, her 
grandfather) from which match came the King Sn. Fernando, 
from whom defcended, without interruption, the Kings of Cas- 
tile and Arragon, until united in Ferdinand and Isabella, 
they relapfed into the auguft houfe of Austria, by the marriage 
of the Queen Donna Juana, their eldeft daughter, to the Arch- 
Duke Don Philip I. from which great union ^rung the Emperor 
Charles V. 

From this period downward, the Spanifh hiftory is very con- 
nedledly written, and well known ; I fhall now therefore only 
give a fummary view of it from the death of Charles IL to the 
prefent time. 

t Begging the Spanifli hiftorian's pardon, this number muft be exaggerated: 
50,000 ilaiii is full enough for any hero. 



A 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xiil 
A CONCISE VIEW of 

The history of SPAIN, 

From the Death of CHARLES II. 
To the Prefent Time. 

AS Charles the fecond of Spain had no IfTue, England, 
France, and Holland, formed, in 1699, the famous 
treaty of partition, for dividing the dominions of the crown of 
Spain, upon his death. Each party had, or, at leaft, pretended 
to have, the common view, in this treaty, of preventing fuch a 
vaft acceffion of power from paffing, either into the Houfe of Au- 
stria, or that of Bourbon, already formidable enough of 
themfelves. This ftep very fenfibly affedled the court of Spain : 
Charles the fecond was fo much offended thereat, that, on his 
death-bed, he figned a will, by which he bequeathed all his do- 
minions to Philip Duke of Anjou, grandfon of Lewis XIV. 
Though that Prince had before entered into the partition treaty, 
yet, finding the fucceffion thus left to his family, he paid no re- 
gard to any former engagements or renunciations, but on the i8th 
of February, declared his grandfon, Philip, King of Spain, who 
arrived at Madrid on" the 14th of April, 1701. This proceed- 
ing immediately alarmed the maritime powers and the Empe- 
ror ; the former were apprehenfive of Spanifli America's falling 
into the hands of the French, and the latter, befides the inju- 
ry he imagined dene to his own family, dreaded the too great in- 
fluence of the power of the Houfe of Bourbon. A war en- 
fuedj and Charles Arch-duke of Austria was foon after 
fet up, in oppofition to Philip V. His claim was vigorouily 
fupported by the maritime powers, and at firft favoured by ma- 
ny of the grandees of Spain. In the third year of this war, 
the King of Portugal and the Duke of Savoy joined like- 
wife 



XiV 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 



wife in the alliance againft Philip; who, in the following 
campaigns, was driven from his capital, by the fuccefs of the 
allied forces, and almoft obliged to abandon Spain. In the end, 
however, his party prevailed, and, at the peace of Utrecht in 
1713, he was acknowledged as King of Spain by all the confe- 
derates leagued againft him, except the Emperor. The allies then 
contented thcmfelves with fuch limitations and reftridions, as 
might keep the two monarchies of France and Spain difu- 
nited, A treaty of partition may, indeed, be faid to have taken 
place at the laft ; for Philip, by the articles of the peace, was 
only left in poHciTion of Spain, its American colonies, and 
fettlements in the East-Indies ; but the Spanifli dominions in 
Italy, and the iflands of Sicily and Sardinia were dif- 
membered from the monarchy, which had alfo loft the iiland of 
Minorca and the fortrefs of Gibraltar, both of which places 
were ceded to Great-Britain. The Duke of Savoy was put 
in poffefTion of the ifland of Sicily, with the title of Kingj 
and the Arch-duke Charles, who, two years before, had been 
eleded Emperor of Germany, held Milan, Naples, and 
Sardinia, and ftill kept up his claim to the whole Spanilh mo- 
narchy. 

Though Philip, by the peace concluded at Utrecht, was 
left, by the allies, pofleflbr of the greateft and moft important 
part of the Spanifli dominions, yet fome obftinate enemies ftill 
remained to be reduced, before he could be faid to have fixed the 
Spanifti crown fecurely upon his head. The inhabitants of Ca- 
talonia refufed to acknowledge him, and, finding themfelves 
abandoned by their allies, folicited the affiftance of the Grand 
Signior, in hopes of eftablifhing themfelves into an independent 
republic. Their blind obftinacy, however, ferved only to heighten 
the milcries and calamities to which they had been greatly ex- 
pofed during the whole courfe of the war. After a moft bloody 
and ftubborn defence, they were entirely reduced by the King's 
troops, when they were deprived of their antient privileges, 
and their country was annexed to the crown of Castile, as a 
conquered province. 

The 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. x^ 

The redu6tIon of Catalonia reftored tranquillity to Spain, 
which had been harafled for twelve years by a moft cruel and 
bloody war. Philip, by that conqueft, finding himfelf quietly 
feated upon the throne, began to turn his thoughts to the re- 
union of the Italian dominions, which he had {een wrefted from 
him with the utmoft regret. With a view to this re-union, his 
firft wife being dead, he married Elizabeth Farnese, heirefs of 
Parma, Pl acentia, and Tuscany ; which alHance afterwards 
proved a fource of new diifenfions and wars among the Princes 
of Europe ; and, to this day, ftill leaves an opening for bloody 
contefts. 

The match was firft propofed, and afterwards negotiated, by 
the famous Abbe Alberoni, who, from being a fimple cu- 
rate in the Parmesan, rofe, by a furprifing feries of fortunate 
incidents, more than by any extraordinary talents, to be prime 
minifter in Spain. Alberoni was the fon of a common gar- 
dener. In the beginning of the war he had, by his forwardnefs 
and addrefs, infinuated himfelf into the favour of Vendome, 
the French General in Italy, who brought him with him to 
France, and afterwards to Madrid, where, after the Duke's 
death, he continued as agent for the affairs of Parma, and laid 
hold of the opportunity of aggrandifing himfelf, by propoiing a 
match that fuited with the views of the Spanifh court. The new 
Queen, being a ftranger in Spain, was advifed in every thino- 
by Alberoni, who, being proteded and countenanced by her, 
boldly intermeddled in affairs of fliate, and foon acquired a great 
degree of favour with the King. A few days after the celebra- 
tion of the King's marriage with the Princefs of Parma, his 
grandfather, Lewis XIV. died, and left his dominions to an 
infant fucceffor. Though Philip had, before the conclufion of 
the treaty of Utrecht, folemnly renounced, for himfelf, and 
his heirs, all right to the fucceffion of the crown of France, 
yet he was now ffrongly urged by Alberoni, to infiff upon the 
regency of that kingdom, during the minority, as firff Prince of 
the blood of France, and next in fucceffion to the prefent 
monarch. This wild and imprudent counfel, if it had been fol- 
lowed, would undoubtedly have involved Spain in a new war, 
I which 



XVI HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

which would have had no other objed:, than the meer point of 
Jionour ; and, upon that confideration, and, perhaps, fome regard 
to the oath, it was rejeded by the King. It proved, however, 
extremely prejudicial to Spain, and, in the end, occafioned the 
ruin of Albfroni ; for the Duke of Orleans, who had been 
declared Regent by the Parliament of Paris, having received 
intelligence of his defigns, conceived an implacable hatred 
againft him; did his utmofl: to thwart all his projeds of govern- 
ment ; and never ceafed perfecuting him till he faw him dif- 
graced. This happened a very few years afterward, the Duke's 
wilhes being feconded by Alberoni's own condud j for the 
fame impetuous and intriguing fpirit, which had promoted his 
grandeur, pudied him on to his downfal. 

At this time, however, he was in the height of favour, and 
continually urged the King, not to delay the renewing of the 
war in Italy, againfl: the Emperor Charles, who gave 
iuft foundation for a rupture, by ftill retaining the title of 
King of Spain ; by creating Spanifh grandees ; by protecting 
thofe who were difaffeded to Philip; and by punifliing thofe who 
remained faithful to him, with the forfeiture of their eftates in 
Flanders and Italy. The Queen, who was lately delivered 
of a fon, had now got a great afcendency over her hufband, and 
zealoufly fupporting Alberoni in all his proceedings, Philip, 
out of complaifance to her, was eafily perfuaded to commit the 
whole management of his affairs to him, and weakly fuffered 
himfclf to be guided, in every thing, by his counfels. Albe- 
roni, though not declared prime minifter, now aded as fuch, 
with a moft defpotic authority, and caufed immenfe military pre- 
parations to be carried on in the ports of Spain, with the de- 
fign of attacking the dominions poffeffed by the E'mperor in 
Italy. But, to deceive the Pope, from whom he had, for 
fome time, been foliciting a Cardinal's hat, and who, he knew, 
would be greatly offended with the renewal of the war in Ita- 
ly, he, by private letters, profeffed his abhorrence of difturbing 
the repofe of that country, and alledged, that the naval arma- 
ments were defigned againft the Turks, who had attacked the 

Venetian 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xvii 

Venetian territories in Greece, and even ftruck a terror intoth^ 
Italians, by making a defcent upon their coafts. 

The great naval preparations kept all Europe in fufpenfe, and 
very much alarmed feveral ftates. The Emperor lufpeAed an at- 
tack upon Naples and Milan ; the Duke of Savov feared an 
invalion of Sicily, which illand, he knew, was not well afFetft- 
ed to him ; and George I. of Great-Britain, was apprehen- 
five, that the fleet was deligned to affift the Jacobites, who had 
been defeated two years before in Scotland, 

Alberoni having, at length, obtained from the Pope, not 
only the dignity of Cardinal for himfelf, but alfo an indulgence 
to raifc a fubfidy, for five years, upon the clergy in Spain and 
Spanifh America, immediately took off the mailc, and ordered 
the fleet to fail againft Sardinia, which ifland was reduced in 
lefs than two months. The Emperor being, at this time, en- 
gaged in a war againft the Turks in Hungary, had left but a 
very few troops in his Italian dominions, not exped:ing to be at- 
tacked by Philip in thofe parts, as both Princes had ftipulated 
to obferve a neutrality, in regard to them. He had, indeed, 
done fome things that might be deemed infradlions of that neu- 
trality ; but the King of Spain not having made any formal 
complaints of thefe, was now generally looked upon as the ag- 
greflTor, by the invafion of Sardinia. 

Accordingly the Pope>who nownever mentioned Alberoni's 
name but with fome injurious epithet, by a public brief exprefl^ed 
his refentment againft Philip, and he, in return, commanded the 
nuntio to leave Spain. The King of Great-Britain and the 
Regent of France ordered their ambafl^dors at Madrid, to 
complain 'of the violation of the neutrality. They even fent 
ambalTadors extraordinary to Spain, to prefs an accommodation 
between the Emperor and Philip. Alberoni, however, reply- 
ing, in a very haughty ftile, and continuing his military prepara- 
tions with more vigour than ever, the powers who offered their 
mediation entered into a league with the Emperor, which v/as 
called the triple alliance; and King George fent a fleet of 26 

c f!iips 



xvili HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

fliips of the line into the Mediterranean, under the command 
of Admiral Byng, who was ordered to maintain the neutrality of 
Italy. 

The Spanifli minifter vainly perfuaded himfelf, that no powers 
but thofe' who were diredly attacked, would interfere in oppof- 
ing his wild fchemes, which tended to difturb the fettled tran- 
quillity of Europe ; and he leaft of all expected to fee an inti- 
mate alliance betwixt the courts of Great-Britain and France. 
His fuccefs againft Sardinia, which was but a trifling conqueft, 
fo far blinded him, that he thought himfelf fufficient alone to op- 
pofe three of the moft formidable powers of Europe united. 
He ftill purfued his warlike preparations with the utmoft vigour, 
which were greater than any fitted out by Spain, fince the time 
of the famous Armada againft England. He confulted with 
nobody ; and the Spanifli olHcers, of the greateft prudence and ex- 
perience, who ventured to give their advice, were treated by him 
with contempt and arrogance. 

To counterbalance the power of the triple alliance, he vain- 
ly attempted to embroil all Europe. He fent an envoy to Con- 
stantinople, to excite Prince Ragotski to renew the war in 
Hungary, where the Turks had agreed to a truce for four 
years j he formed a confpiracy in Frat^ce, for depofing the 
Regent, which ferved only to heighten the animofity of the 
Duke of Orleans againft himfelf; he prcfled the Czar of Mus- 
covy, to attack the Emperor's hereditary dominions ; and he of- 
fered large fubfidies to Charles XII. of Sweden, if he would 
invade Great-Britain. 

During thefe negotiations, the Spanidi fleet, confifting of 
26 Hnps of the line, befides frigates, failed from Barcelona, 
having on board 30,000 of the beft troops of Spain, moft of 
them veterans, who had been in all the aftions of the long 
war of the fucceflion. 

On the firft and fecond of July 1719, the army landed on Sicily, 
and, in a few weeks, made themfelves mafters of a great part of 

that 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xix 

that ifland. The entire conquefl, in all probability, would very 
foon have been compleatedj but the Spanifli iieet, en the 9th 
of Auguft, being totally defeated by Admiral Byn<g, who took 
and deflroycd 23 {hips of the line, their land army could no 
longer receive any confiderable fupplies, while the Piedmontefe 
garifons were daily reinforced by German troops from the king- 
dom of Naples. 

Notwithstanding the fatal blow the Spanifli marine had 
received, Alberoni ilill thought himfelf able to cope with the 
man}^ enemies his turbulent ambition had raifed againft Spain, 
though he had exhaufted, not only the King's revenues, but 
thofe of many private perfons. Being difappointed in his ex- 
pedlations from Charles XII. who was killed, on the loth of 
December, before Frederics-hall in Norway, he fent for 
the pretender from Rome, and ordered 5000 men to be embark- 
ed at the Groyne, with a view to invade both Scotland and 
Ireland. Only about 1000 of thofe troops, however, landed 
in Scotland, where they, and about 2000 Jacobites, who had 
joined them, were quickly defeated and diiperfed. The refl, 
after fuffering greatly by a ftorm, were obliged to return to 
Spain. A few fhips, about the fame time, failed from Vigo to 
the coafl; of Br it any, in hopes of raifing an infurredion in 
that province, againfl the Duke of Orleans ; but this attempt 
had no better fuccefs than the other. 

Though Alberoni feemed to triumph in the beginning of 
his enterprizes, yet he now began feverely to feel the fuperior 
ftrength of the powers he had to contend with, which, indeed, 
had been difcovered long before, almofl by every body but him- 
felf. The Regent of France fent a powerful army againfl 
Spain, under the command of the Duke of Berwick, who, 
in three months, made himfelf mafler of the provinces of Gui- 
PuscoA and Roussillon, with all their fortified places, and, at 
Port-passage and Santogna, burnt feven fliips of war, and 
materials for feven others, the lofs of the whole being com- 
puted at near 800,000 1. and, a few months after, the Englidi 
landed, with 4000 men, at Vigo, where, after making them- 

e 2 felves 



XX HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

fclves mafters of tlie town, they carried ofFHx fmall vefTels. Thefe 
iiwafions, with the bad news from Sicily, where the Spaniards 
had been obliged for feveral months to a6t on the defenfive, at length 
opened the eyes of Philip, and induced him to hearken to the 
reprefcntations of his confefibr d'AuBENTON, and the Marquis 
Scot I, tlie minifter of Parma, who afflired him, that the 
aUies would never agree to a peace, while Alberoni continued in 
Spain. 

Philip, alarmed with the bad fituatlon of his affliirs, had>, 
for fome months, expreded great dillatisfadtion with Alberoni, 
and now parted with him without regret. He ordered him to 
leave Spain in three weeks, declared the Marquis de Bed mar 
and the marquis de Grimaldo his firft minifters, and recalled 
feveral noblemen, who, on various pretences, had been banifh- 
ed, during the late adminiftration. Alberoni left SPAI^J 
about the middle of December, and retired to Italy, where 
he was fo perfecuted by the Pope, and even by Philip, that for 
feveral years he was obliged to travel difguifed, and to conceal 
the place of his refidence. 

A FEW months after the retreat of Alberoni, Philip, 
though very unwillingly, acceded to the triple alliance, by which 
he encased himfelf to evacuate both Sicily and Sardinia. 
The Spanifh troops accordingly abandoned thofe two illands the 
enfuing fummer, the Emperor being put in polTellion of Sicily, 
and the Duke of SvWoy of Sardinia. Soon after, a congrefs 
was appointed to be held at Cam bray, to fettle all differences 
among the contending parties, and treat of a final pacification. 
While fome preliminary points were fettling, Philip lent the 
Marquis de Leyde, with a confiderable fleet and army, to the 
relief of Ceuta, which had been befieged for 26 years by the 
Moors. The Spanifh troops, a few days after their arrival, to- 
tally routed and difperfcd the Moors, and made themfelves maf- 
ters of their entrenched camp, and all their artillery. 

As the Duke of Orleans, fmce the difgrace of Alberoni, 
had feemingly favoured the prctenfions of Spain, Philip the fol- 
lowing 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxi 

lowing year, at his folicitation, contraded a double alliance with 
the branches of the houfe of Bourbon in France. The Infanta 
of Spain, tho' then only three years of age, was fent to France 
as future queen to Lewis XV., and two of the daughters of the 
Duke of Orleans arrived in Spain, to be married to the Prince 
of AsTURiAS and the Infant Don Carlos. The fucceffion of this 
1 aft to the Dutchies of Parma and Tuscany feemed now to be 
the chief objed; of the court of Spain. This point and many 
others were to be fettled at Camera y ; but as the Emperor, who 
had no inclination to gratify the Spaniards, purpofely delayed the 
congrefs, Philip this year concluded a particular treaty with the 
court of Great Britain, who having the aJJientOy or contradt of ' 
fupplying the Spanifh colonies with negroes, renewed, agreed to re- 
ftore the fhips taken off Sicily. 

Nothing memorable happened in Spain during the two fol- 
lowing years; but in the beginning of the year after, 1724, Philip 
aftonifhed all Europe, by publicly abdicating his crown in favour 
of his eldefi: fon Don Lewis, Prince of Asturi as, who was then 
in the feventeenth year of his age. Philip himfelf, tho' he had 
not reached his fortieth year, had long been lick of regal grandeur. 
From a weaknefs of body and mind, the leaft application to buii- 
nefs had for fome years given him a difguft; his mind was conti- 
nually filled with religious fcruples, which rendered him timorous 
and indecifive in every thing , and he falfely imagined that a fcep- 
tre was incompatible with a life of integrity. 

The Spaniards exprefled great joy upon the acce/Tion of Lewis 
L who was endeared to them, not only by being born among them, 
but by his generofity, affability, and many other virtues. I'he pu- 
blic joy, however, was foon turned into mourning, by the unexpec- 
ted death of the King, who died of the fmall-pox, univerfally re- 
greted, in the eighth month of his reign. 

Upon the death of Lewis, Philip was perfuaded to refume 
the reins of government, and the year following furprifed all the 
powers of Europe, by concb. .ding a particular treaty with the 
Emperor, upon which the different princes rtcalled their pleni- 
potentiaries 



xxu HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

potentiaries from Cambray, where they had trifled away three 
years merely in feafting and entertainments. By the treaty of Vi- 
enna, which was with the utmoft fccrecy negotiated by the fa- 
mous Riper DA, Philip refigned all pretenfions to Naples, 
Sicily, the Low-Countries, and the Milanese; Charles, 
on the other hand, renounced all claim to Spain and the Indies, 
and befides, promilcd to grant the invelliture of Parma and Tus- 
cany to Don Carlos. Philip foon after entered into an offen- 
five and defenfive alliance with the court of Vienna; to counter- 
balance which, the courts of Great Britain, France and 
Prussia concluded a mutual alliance at Hanover. 

The fyftem of Europe bythefe treaties feemed again changed, 
efpecially as Philip w^as at tliis time greatly irritated againft 
France, on account'of their fending back the Infanta, and now 
connedcd himfelf moll: clofely with the court of Vienna. The 
bad underilanding betwixt Spain and France was foon followed 
with a rupture betwixt that court and Great Britain. 
Riper DA, by concluding the treaty of Vienna, rofe fo high 
in Philip's favour, that he v/as created a Duke and Gran- 
dee of Spain, and was entrulled with the departments of war, of 
the marine, the finances, and the Indies. He enjoyed thofe ho- 
nours and offices, however, only a few months ; for the different 
regulations he propofed were lo difguftful to the lazy Spaniards, 
that he was accufed of mal-adminiflration, and not only difgraced, 
but perfecutcd. To fave himfclf, he took refuge in the houfe of 
Mr. Stanhope, tlie Englifii ambaflador; but the court was fo ex™ 
afperated againft him, that they took him from thence by force, 
and fent him prifoner to the caflle of Segovia. The English 
An^.baffador, in icTentment for the breach of his privileges, pro- 
teflcd againft their violence, and left Madrid. 

The Emperor, who was offended with the oppofition he had 
met with from Gkeat Britain, mi eftablifhing an Eaft-India 
company at Ostend, fomented the differences betwixt this court 
and::PAiN, and was fo fuccefsful at Madrid, that the year fol- 
lowing, 1 727, in the end of February, the Spaniards laid fiege to Gi-r 
4 braltar. 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xxiii 

BRALT AR. They foon found the enterprize, however, above their 
flrength, and, after four months of open trenches, were obliged 
to retire with difgrace. The bifliop of Frejus, afterwards fo well 
known by the name of Cardinal Fleuri, v/as at this time labour- 
ing to eflablifli a general pacification among the powers of Eu- 
rope, and had prevailed on the Emperor and King of Great 
Britain, and the States-General to agree with France in %n- 
ing the preliminaries for a peace. The Spaniards, who wanted a fair 
pretence to withdrav/ frCm Gibraltar, foon after acceded to 
thefe preliminaries. A general congrefs being then appointed to 
be held at Sojssons, PiiiLiP fent three plenipotentiaries thither, 
and foon after fent an ambaffador for the firft time to Russia, 
who concluded a treaty of commerce between the two nations. 
As the negotiations at Soissons miCt with many interruptions, on 
account of the various claims of the different princes who had fent 
their plenipotentiaries thither, Philip, the following year, 1729,. 
concluded a particular treaty at Seville, with Great Bkitain 
and France, to which the States General afterwards acceded. By 
this treaty Philip promifed nolonger to countenance the Ostend- 
compciny; and the other powers, in return, engaged to guarantee the 
fuccfclTicn of Don Carlos to the dutchies of Tuscany, Parma,, 
and Placentia, and to affifc in introducing 6000 Spaniards in- 
to thefe territories. 1 he Emperor, who could not bear the thoughts 
of feeing Spanifli troops in Italy, was greatly offended with 
this treaty, and endeavoured, by artifice, to render it inefi:ed:ual. 
Accordingly, two years after, when the fuccefilon to Parma and 
Placentia opened to Don Carlos by the death of the laftDuke 
of the Farnefe family, the Emperor's troops took pofieffion of fe- 
veral fortified places in thofe dukedoms, under pretence that the 
widow of the late Duke had been left with child by him. Charles 
however, feeing no way of fecuring thofe dutchies by negotiation, 
and being fenfible that the cheat would foon be detected, agreed at 
length to fuffer 6000 Spaniards to accompany Don Carlos into 
Italy, and alfo engaged to fupprefs the OsTEND-company, 
which had given fo much offence : Great Britain, on the 
oiher h'jnd, promilirg to guarantee his dominions in Italy. Soon 
after, an Eiiglidi fleet joined that of Spain, and conducted the 

Infant 



xxlv H I S T O R I C A L I N T R O D irC T I O N. 

Infant Don Carlos to Leghorn, who quietly at length took pof- 
feflion of Parma, which had been deftined to him as his inhe- 
ritance ever fince his birth. 

The fettlement of Don Carlos being accomphfhed, the court 
of Spain turned their views to the recovery of Or an. An army 
of 25,000 men was accordingly fent to Africa under the com- 
mand of the Count de Montemar, v/ho totally defeated the 
Moorifh army, and in lefs than a month made himfelf maftcr of 
the place, tho' it was defended by a garrifon of 10,000 m.en. 

The recovery of their African pofTefTions was far from fatlsfying 
the ambition of the Spanii'h court ; who now eagerly embraced an 
opportunity of breaking with the Emperor, and thereby extending 
their dominions in Italy. The throne of Poland becoming va- 
cant, by the death of the Eledor of Saxony, the greateft part of the 
Poles eleded Stanislaus, who had formerly been their King; 
but a few of the moft powerful chofe the new Eled:or of Saxon y, 
and the fon of their late King, Stanislaus was fupported by 
his fon-in-law, Lewis XV. of France, who, on this occalion, 
entered into an offenfive and defenfive alliance with the Kings of 
Spain and Sardinia. The Emperor Charles, and the Czarina 
zcalouily efpoufed the caufe of the other competitor. 

The war which enfued was very favourable to the Spaniards, 
who, in one campaign, made an entire conqueft of the kingdom 
of Na]m..].s. The year following, 1735, Don Carlos completed 
the conqueil of Sicily, and was crowned as King of the Two 
SicjLiiis in Palermo, the capital city of the ifland. The Em- 
peror, in the mean time, being driven out of almoj^ all his pof- 
feflions in Lomkardy and Tuscany, and being aifo unable to 
oppoje the French armies on the Rhine, folicited the mediation of 
the maritime powers, who by threatning to take part in the war, 
prevailed on the contending parties to agree to a fufpenfionof arms 
in the beginning of winter. As the Elcdor of Saxony was by this 
time fecurely fixed upon the throne of Poland, and the interceffion 
of tKe maritime powers cut off all hopes from the French and 
Spaniards of enlarging their conqueils in Italy and Germany, 

3 ^'^^y 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxv 

they were obliged to continue the armiftice, and to negotiate a 
peace. 

The preliminary articles of the treaty which were fettled by 
the courts of Vienna and Paris, being publlfhed in the begin- 
ning of the year 17^6, were far from being fatisfadory to the 
court of Spain, becaufe, tho' they were allowed to keep Naples 
and Sicily, it was propofed they Ihould reilore Parma and Pla- 
CENTiA to the Emperor, and renounce all claim to Tuscany. 
The maritime powers, however, acqulefcing In the difpofition 
that had been made, Spain was obliged to fubmit, and the year 
following upon the death of John Gaston de Medicis, the 
laft male defcendant of that Illuftrlous family, the Spanidi troops 
evacuated Tuscany, which by the treaty then negotiating, was 
given to the Duke of Lorrain and Bar, who in the beginning 
of the preceding year had married the Arch-Dutchefs Maria- 
Theresa, the heirefs of the family of Austria. 

The peace, which had been negotiating near three years, was 
at length concluded at Vienna in the month of November 1738. 
By this treaty, Parma and Place ntia were ceded in full pro- 
priety to the Emperor; and his fon-In-law was declared Duke of 
Tuscany ; the Duke, in return, ceding his dutchies of Bar and 
Lorrain, to the exiled King Stanislaus, upon whofe death 
they were to be annexed to the crown of France. The fiefs 
of the Fortonese and Vigevancsa were detached from the 
Milanese in favour of the King of Sardinia, and Don Carlos 
was left in poiTeflion of the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, 
with fome places on the coafl of Tuscan y. 

The treaty of Vienna was hardly ratified, when Spain was- 
threatened with a new war with Great Britain, on account 
of the difputes, which, for fome time, had fubfifted between the 
two courts, about the freedom of commerce in America. The 
Britlfli court had, for fome years, made loud complaints of the pi- 
racies and hofllllties committed in the American feas, by the Spa- 
nifli guarda-coftas, who, on trifling and falie pretences, feizcd 

d" the 



xxvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

the Englifli fliips in their pafTage to their own colonies, and not 
only made prize of them, hut treated their crews v/ith the greateft 
inhumanity. The court of Spain, on the other hand, alleged, 
that the Britifh merchants, in violation of folemn treaties, had, for 
many years, carried on a clandeftine trade with the Spanifli colo- 
nies in America, by which the commerce of Spain had been 
greatly prejudiced; that Spain was, therefore, greatly interefied 
in putting a ftop to fuch an illicit traffic, and that thofe who were 
feized in carrying it on could not juftly complain of any injury. 

Both nations infifted loudly on the injuries they had received ; 
hut each evaded giving any fatisfadion as to thofe injuries which 
their refpective fubjed:s had committed. The Spaniards, indeed, 
amufed the Englifh with hopes of redrefs ; they fent orders to 
their commanders in America to ceafe hoftilities ; yet they con- 
nived at the breach of thofe orders ; and returned evafive anfwers 
to all reprefentations that were made to them on that head. Their 
prefumption was not fo much owing to a confidence in their own 
llrength, as to their opinion of the paflivenefs of the Brithli mi- 
niflrv, and their knowledge of the violent contentions between 
the different parties in this illand. 

It was certainly the interefl: of both parties to avoid coming 
to extremities ; but the Spaniards not ading with fincerity, even in 
their negotiations for a peaceable accommodation of all differen- 
ces, and aiming by the famous convention concluded in the be- 
ginning of the following year, to quiet the complaints, without 
having the caufes of them fully dlfcuiled, the court of London 
was at length provoked to iffue letters of reprlzals againfl: the 
Spaniards, their veffels and effects. This ftep was foon followed 
by declarations of war at London and Madrid, and both 
nations began hoftilities with great animofity. The Spaniards at 
firft made confiderable advantages by the capture of great num- 
bers of Englifh fliips j but they were foon alarmed with the news 
of the lofs of i-*ORTo Bello, which was taken in the beginning 
of December 1739, by Admiral Vernon. About the fame time, 
they fuffered very confidcrably by the ravages of the Barbary corfairs 
8 on 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xxvii 

•n their coafts, and were threatened with the lofs of their richeft 
provinces in America, by a confpiracy formed by one Cordova, 
who pretended to be defcended from the antient Incas of Peru. 
The confpiracy however was happily difcovered before it took 
effecft, and the author of it put to death. 

The following year the Spaniards fent a fleet of i8 fhips of 
the line to the West-Indies, with a defign, as it was fuppofed, 
of attacking Jamaica. The French like wife, though they 
ftill profelTed a neutrality, fent two fquadrons to the American 
feas, to ad: defenlively in favour of the Spaniards, being bound 
by treaty to guarantee their territories. The Englifli, in the 
mean time, blind to their own internal ftrength, fuifered them- 
felves moft abfurdly to be alarmed with the rumour of an inva- 
fion from Spain, and negledled fending fuccours to Admiral 
Vernon, who had bombarded Carthagena, and taken 
Chagre, a town on the river of that name, the head of which 
is but a few miles diftant from Panama, on the South Sea. 

About the fame time. General Oglethorpe, Governor of 
Georgia, attacked Fort St. Augustine, the capital of Spanifh 
Florida j but, after lying fome weeks before the place, he was 
obliged to withdraw, with lofs. In the end of October 1740, the 
Englifli, at length, fent out a mofl powerful fleet, as a rein- 
forcement to Admiral Vernon, who, the following year, in the 
month of March, invefled Carthagena by fea and land, with 
a fleet of 29 fliips of the line, and an army of about 12,000 
men. The Spaniards, however, by the dilatorinefs of the 
Englifli miniftry, having had leifure to reinforce the garrifon, 
and the feafon of the year being very unfavourable to troops in 
the field, the Englifli, after a fiege of fome weeks, were obliged 
to retire, with the lofs of feveral thoufand men. The neijlect 
of timeoufly fupporting Admiral Vernon was very fortunate for 
Spain, for, if he had commanded but half that force the pre- 
ceding year, v/hen he made the firfl: attack upon Cartha- 
gena, he would, in all probability, have reduced that city as 
well as Chagre -, and, as the paflage from this lafl: place to 

d 2 Pa- 



xxviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

Panam \ is but very fliort, the land troops might alfo have re^ 
duced that town, which would have enabled them to co-ope- 
rate with Commodore Anson, who had failed round Cape- 
Horn, and this year began to ad ofFenfively againfl the Spanidi 
iettlements on the South Sea. 

The bad fuccefs of the Englifli arms in the West-Indies 
occafioned great joy in Spain -, and Philip, as a reward for the 
bravery of the Marquis de Eslaba, Governor of Cartha- 
GENA, promoted him to the rank of Captain-general, and cre- 
ated him Viceroy of Peru. Philip, fome months before, had 
publifJTed a memorial, claiming the fucceffion of the hereditary 
dominions of his rival Charles VI. who had died at Vienna 
in the month of Odober, and was fucceeded by his eldeft daugh- 
ter, Maria Theresa, who took the title of Queen of Hun- 
gary. All that the Catholic King aimed at by this claim, was 
the fecuring of Lombardy for his third fon, Don Philip, 
which, he thought, would, at this time, be an cafy prize, as 
the Queen of Hungary was unexpectedly attacked by the King 
of Prussia, and alfoby the Eledior of Bavaria, v/ho was afliiled 
by the Kings of France and Poland. However while the 
fate of Carthagena depended, the Spaniards made not the 
leaft efforts againft their new enemy; but, upon receiving the 
news of the repulfe of the English, they allembled a body of 
forces at Barcelona, which failed for Naples in the month 
of November, under the command of the Duke de Monte- 
mar. Thofe troops v/ere reinforced the following year 1742 from 
Spain, and, being joined by the Neapolitans, formed an army 
of about 60,000 men, Montemar then advanced through the 
ccclefiaftical Hate as flir as the Bolognefe : but the King of Sar- 
dinia declaring for the Queen of Hungary, and joining the 
Auftrian army, the Spaniards were obliged to retreat, in the end 
of fummer, to the kingdom of Naples, where, foon after their 
arrival, tlicy loll: their Neapolitan allies, Don Ca!<los being 
forced to agree to a neutrality, by an Englifh fquadron, which 
threatened to bombard his capital. This was a great difap- 
pointment to the Spaniards, for they depended upon being fu- 
pcrior in I paly belbre the end of the campaign, as Don Phi- 
lip, 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxlx 

LIP, after marching through France at the head of 30,000 
men, had now entered Savoy, and taken pofleffion of Cham- 
berry. Philip expected to conquer this dutchy, while the 
King of Sardinia was oppofing Montemarj but, to his 
great furprize, the Piedmontefe, who had left purfuing Mon- 
temar, quickly attacked him, and obliged him to retreat to 
France. 

The Spaniards, notwithftanding the bad fuccels of their arms, 
were ftill bent upon purfuing their ambitious views in Italy, 
where they fupported their armies at a great expence for feverai 
campaigns, the detail of which is of no great importance. The 
Count de Gages, and their other generals, inftead of having any 
profpect of making conqueils in that country, found themfelves 
every year obliged to flruggle with new obftaclesj and any flat- 
tering fucceffes they met with were more than counterbalanced by 
the advantages gained by their enemies. Their perfeverance in 
the unfuccefsful war in Italy was chiefly owing to the Queen, 
who having gained a great afcendancy over her hufband, prevailed 
upon him to facriiice every thing to procure a fettlement for her 
fon Philip ; and her views were feconded by the prime minifter, 
the Marquis Ensenada, who having been firfl railed from an ob- 
scure ftation, by the favour of the Count de Gages, was very ac- 
tive and zealous in furnifhing him with fupplies, which, however,, 
were feldom adequate to the neceflities of the army. 

Fortunately for Spain, the attention of the Engiifli was 
alfo drawn off to an unnational objedt, which exhauiled their reve- 
nues, and prevented them from profecuting the war in America 
with any vigour. King George, who had efpoufed the caufe 
of the Queen of Hungary, not only affiited her by large fubli- 
dies, but moft' imprudently tranfported his troops to Flanders, 
and maintained a large army on the continent, at an imnienfe ex- 
pence, Vv^hile naval armaments were almofl wholly neglecitcd. Be- 
caufe one enterprizc in America had proved unfuccefsful, the 
Englifli feemed to conclude, that it would be in vain to hope for 
fuccefs in any other. Admiral Vernon, after his return from Cak- 
thagena, made a defcent upon Cuba near St. Jago^ but the 

troops- 



XXX 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 



troops, inflead of attacking that place, were iuffered to remain fe- 
veral months inactive in their camp, where the greatell: part of 
them were cut off by licknefs. 

In the beginning of this year, a fmall reinforcement arriv- 
ing at Jamaica, Admiral Vernon again failed for Porto 
Bello, Gener:.lWENTwoRTH, who commanded the land troops, 
propofing to crofs the ifthmus, and attack Panama: but when 
they arrived at the Spanidi coall, it was agreed, that the enter- 
prize was impradicable. They accordingly failed back to Ja- 
MAiCr\, and in the end of the year returned to England. The 
Spaniards at St. Augustine in the meantime had made an attempt 
upon Georgia, with two frigates and 30 other veliels, on board 
of which were 3000 land-forces: but General Oglethorpe 
quickly obliged them to retire. 

The following year, 1743, the Spaniards were fo intent upon 
fupporting their arms in Italy, that they wholly omitted pro- 
fecutiiig the war againfl England, unlefs by their privateers, 
who made a great many prizes both in Europe and America. 
The affairs of the empire in the mean time chiefly engrofled the 
attention of the Englilh, who m.arched into Germany under the 
command of the Earl of Stair; and after King Georgf. had 
joined them, defeated the French at Dettingen on the 27th of 
June. One of their fquadrons, under the command of Commo- 
dore Knov.'Les, made an attack upon La Guira and Porto Ca- 
vallo, two fortreffes on the north coafi of South-America ; 
but were repulfed by the Spaniards with confiderable lofs. 

7^ HE Spaniards were chiefly annoyed by the English fquadron 
in the Mediterranean under Admiral Matthews, who greatly 
' diflurbed their trade, and rendered it extremely diflicult for them 
to fend fupplics to their armies in Italy. The following year, 
«n the I ith of February, that admiral attacked the Spanilh and 
French fleets united off Toulon ; this engagement was prevented 
from becoming general, by the French declining to come into the 
line, on one hand, and the backwardneis of admural Lestock on 
the other; but the Spaniili iliip.s that engaged were defeated by 

the 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxxi 

the Englifh. The Spanidi fleet might have been attacked three 
days after, at a great diladvantage; but a bad underdanding that 
fubfifted between the EngHlli ^mirals prevented them from im- 
proving the favourable opportunity. 

From this time nothing verymemorablehappened relative to the 
affairs of Spain, till the nth of July, 1746, when Philip died 
at Madrid, in the 63d year of his age, and was fucceeded by the 
only furviving fon of his firft marriage Don Ferdinand. By 
his fecond Queen Elizabeth of Farnese, who is ftill alive, 
Philip left three fons, Don Carlos, then King of the Two Si- 
cilies. DonPniLiP at prefent Duke of Parma and Placen- 
TiA, and Don Lewis, who was created archbidiop of Toled© 
when an infant, but fmce has reiigned that benefice, and obtained 
leave to quit the church. Three daughters by the fame Qiieen 
likewife'furvivedhim, Mx^riaAnnaVictoria, at prefent Queen 
of Portugal; Maria Theresa, married the year before to 
Dauphin; and Maria Antonietta; Maria Theresa the 
D auphinefs died in child-bed, a few days after her father. 

Ferdinand VI. who was about 33 years of age, when he 
afcended the throne, began his reign with feveral ads of popula- 
rity. Among others, he affigned two days in the week to receive 
in perfon the petitions and remonflrances of his fubjecfls. He 
appointed the famous Don Joseph de Carvajal y Lancastre 
his firfl minifter, and foon after publidied an edid, deciarino-, that 
he would fulfil the engagements of his predecellbrs with his allies. 
It might rather have been expeded at this time, that an altera- 
tion would have taken place in the fyflem of the court of Spain; 
for the war in Italy, which for five years had been very bur- 
thenfome, and was plainly an unnational objed, was now very un- 
fuccefsful; and the war with Great Britain feemed to have 
no other confequence but to interrupt the Spaniili commerce, and 
to heighten the price of Englifh commodities in Spain, where 
they are always much wanted. The Spaniards, this'campaign, 
had been tvv'ice defeated in Lombard y, with the lofs of upwards 
of 20,000 men killed and prifoners, and had been forced by the 
Auftrians to abandon Italy, and retire into Provence. 

FtR- 



xxxu 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 



'Ferdinand, however, ftill continued the war, and imputing 
the difgrace of ^fs arms to the mifcondud; of the Count de Gages, 
recalled him, and gave the command to the Marquis de las Minas. 
In the cud of the'year, indeed, he allowed the chamber of com- 
merce to enter into a private treaty with the Englifh South-Sea 
company, for fupplying the Spanifh America with negroes; but 
he could not be prevailed upon by the King of Portugal to 
agree to a icparate peace with Great Britain. His allies the 
French, however, fufrering greatly the following year, 1747, by 
the deftruftfon of their fleets, the ruin of their Commerce, and a 
general famine, which induced them to folicit a congrefs, he alfo 
i^ave his confent for a peace, as it was vain to expedl to continue 
the war with any fuccefs, either in Italy or againll: Great Bri- 
tain, after the French had laid down their arms. 

Whether this was agreeable to the Queen Dowager is uncer- 
tain ; but as Ihe had for feveral years interfered in the diredion of 
itate-affairs, in behalf of her children, to the great prejudice of 
the kingdom, and had treated him, when Prince of Asturias, 
in a difrefpedful manner, and on many occaiions very defpitefully, 
Ferdinand now ordered her to leave Madrid, and to refide ei- 
ther at Toledo, or Valladolid, or Burgos, or Saragoca; 
and he alfo gave orders, that her foii Don Lewis fliould retire to 
his dioccfe. 

Soon after, the plenipotentiaries began to aflemble at Aix la 
Chapelle, the place appointed for the congrefs; and the fol- 
lowing year, after they had agreed upon the preliminary articles, 
a ceiTation of hoftilities was publiflied in the month of May. The 
definitive treaty Vvas concluded on the 7th of October, and con- 
tained twenty-four articles, of which the treaties of Westphalia, 
Madrid, Nimeguen, Ryswick, Utrecht, Baden, London 
and Vienna were declared the bafis. By this treaty the Queen 
of Hungary ceded to the Infant Don Philip the duchies of 
Parma, PLACENTiA,and Guastalla; but with this referve, 
that if Philip fhould die without male iflue, or he or his pofte- 
rity fliould fucceed to the throne of Spain or Sicily, thofe du- 
chies fhould revert to the houfe of Austria. As the King of 

Sar- 
6 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xxxHI 

Sardinia had fome pretenfioiis to Placentia and the Pla- 
CENTiNE, his ceffion v/as likewife neceflary, which he gave in 
the ampleft manner ; on this condition, however, that the territo- 
ry fhould again revert to him, if Philip ihould die without male 
iflue, or his brother Don Carlos fucceed to the crown of Spain. 
At this day, therefore, the treaty is plainly violated by Philip, in 
regard to the King of Sardinia, tho' not in regard to the Emprefs 
Queen; for though Don Philip has not fucceeded to the throne 
of Naples, yet Don Carlos has fucceeded to the throne of Spain. 
Thus the foundation of a new v/ar is already laid in Italy, as it is 
not to be expeded, that the King of Sardinia will without ex- 
preffinghis refentment luffer himfelf to be robbed of his right; and 
perhaps the Emprefs Queen will alfo look upon herfelf as injured, 
as the claufe of reverfion of thofe duchies was the fame, in the pre- 
liminary articles, in regard to Austria as Sardinia. By other 
articles of the definitive treaty, the King ofSARDiNiA, the Repub- 
lic of Genoa, and the DukeofMoDENA were reinflated in their 
former pofTefiions ; and the affiento, or contrail for negroes with 
the Englifh merchants, was granted for four years, as an equiva- 
lent for the fame number of years which had been interrupted by 
the war. 

But not the leaft mention was made in the treaty of the right 
claimed by the SpaniHi guarda-coftas, of fearching foreign fliips 
that approach their American colonies, nor of their privilege of 
fifliing on the banks of Newfoundland, nor of their exclufive 
right to the Bay of Campeachy, where the Engliflihad formed 
fettlements before the year 1670. Thefe difputed points, which 
had too precipitately hurried the Spanifli and Britifli nations into 
a war, were now referred, with fome others of lefs confequence, 
to be fettled amicably by commiilaries. If the national intereft 
on both fides had been equitably confulted, the differences might 
eafily have been adjuiled in that manner before the war ; but 
each nation, from narrow views, had wanted folely to engrofs cer- 
tain advimtages, which it claimed as peculiar to itfelf, tho' a mutual 
communication of them would have been no detriment to either. 

e The 



xxxiv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

The peace of A'x-la-Chapelle feemed to have reftored tran- 
quillity to Europe : Ferdinand, neverthelefs, ftill kept up all 
his land-forces, and gave orders for augmenting his marine with the 
utmoll diligence. The Marquis de Ensenada, who was now 
prime-miniller, being fenfible of the great prejudice the Spanifh 
commerce fuftained by the clandefline trade carried on by foreigners 
with their colonies, gave orders for guarding the American coafts 
more ll:ri^!tly tha-.i ever. Thefe orders being obeyed with the utmofl 
vigilance, were not only difagreeable to the trading nations of Eu- 
rope, but to the Spanifh colonics themfelves, who, the following 
year, rofe in arms in the province of Car accas, obliged the Spa- 
nilh troops to retire into the fort of La Guira, and declared 
for a freedom of commerce. Upon the news of this infurredtion 
1500 men were embarked at Cadiz, who, upon their arrival at 
America, were fo fuccefsful as to quell the rebellion. 

Ferdinand, in the mean time, applied his chief attention to 
regulate the internal policy of his kingdom, and infpire his fub- 
jcdts with a fpirit of indullry. He particularly aimed at promoting 
and encouraging agriculture, the trueft fource of the riches of a 
ftate polTeffing an extenfive territory; he granted charters for efta- 
blilhing manufadlures of fine woollen cloth, and gave great encou- 
raG;emL'nt to fome EngliHi fhip-carpenters and weavers, who had 
been tempted to go and fettle in Spain; he ordered no lefs than 
20,000 vagrants to be apprehended in the different provinces, 
and to be employed in tillage and country improvements; and in 
the end of fumnier, he opened the communication between the 
two Castiles, by a fine road, forty-lix miles in length, on which 
were no lefs than 283 aqueducts, and 7 bridges of fine architec- 
ture, the whole being begun and liniflied in five months, under 
the dire(ftion of the Marquis de Ensenada. The King was 
enabled to profecute his defigns by the immenfc wealth which at 
this time poured into Spain ; for as the Englifh, towards the end 
of the war, bad adled with great vigour at fea, the colonifls waited 
for a peace, before they would embark their treafure for Europe, 
and it now arrived to a great amount, and likewife during the 
two following years. 

The 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xxxv 

The Spanifh and Britifh commifTaries, in the mean time, v/ere 
employed in negotiating the difputed points betwixt the two 
courts, which were at length finally fettled by a treaty concluded 
at Madrid on the 5th of October 1750. By this treaty the King 
of Great Britain gave up his claim to the four remaining 
years of the affiento-contrad:, and to all debts the King of Spain 
owed to the Englifh company on that account, for an equivalent 
of 1 00,000 1. fterl. His Catholic Majefty engaged to require fi-om 
Britidifubjefts trading in his ports, no higher duties than they paid 
in the time of Charles II. of Spain, and to allow the fame fub- 
jecfts to take fait on the ifland of Tortuga. All former treaties 
were confirmed, and the tvv^o princes promifed to abolidi all inno- 
vations that appeared to have been introduced into the reciprocal 
com^merce of both nations. Thefe innovations, however, not being 
fpecified, it v/as the fame thing as if no mention had been mads 
of them at all. Thus the mofl material differences being fuffered 
to remain undecided, moft unhappily gave rife to another war ; 
whereas, if the controverted claims had been clearly and candidly 
difcuffed, and the differences fettled by a friendly communication 
of mutual advantages, which no ways excluded precifion and dif- 
tin(ftnefs as to the extent of thofe advantages, the two nations 
might have lived in amity without interruption, and thereby 
promoted each other's profperity. Tho' gold be the idol of 
traders, yet it is far from always contributing to render a ffate 
flourifhing and happy; and if the Englifli merchants ihall violate 
treaties in fearch of it, it would be more for the honour and 
intereft of this nation to punifh the offenders, than to enter into 
a new war in their defence. 

The remaining years of Ferdinand's reign, after the figning 
of the treaty of Madrid, were very barren of events. The Eng- 
lifh court were jealous of his attempts to introduce the woolen ma- 
nufacfture in Spain, and reclaimed their workmen in that branch, 
who had paffed over thither. New difputes likewife arofe betwixt 
them, on account of the Eno-Iiili trafiickin^y with the Indians of 
the Mofkito-{hore, who had never fubmitted to Spain, and claimed 
to adl as a free nation. Ferdinand, at the fame time, had the 
mortification to find it impoffible to introduce a fpirit of indLifi:ry 
among his fubjeds, the favours and encouragements of the court 

e 2 being 



xxxvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

being like rain falling upon a fandy defait, where there was not 
a feed or plant to be enlivened by it. In the year 1754, the mar- 
quis de En SEN AD A was unexpectedly difgraced, and the depart- 
ment of the Indies, one of the places he enjoyed, was conferred 
on Don Richard Wall, fecretary of ftate for foreign affairs, 
who had lately returned from an cmbaffy in England. About 
two years after, a war breaking out betwixt Great Britain 
and France, Fi rdinand declared, on that occafion, that he 
would adhere to the ftridteft neutrality ; but he was far from ob- 
ferving the neutrality he profefTed, and partially favoured France 
in a great number of inftances. 

His queen dying in the end of the year 1758, he was fo af- 
feded with grief, that he entirely abandoned himfelf to gloom 
and melancholy ; and negleding both exercife and food, threw 
himfelf into a dangerous diftemper, which, after preying upon 
him for feveral months, put a period to his life the year follow- 
ing, on the icth of August. i\s Ferdinand left no iffue, he 
was fucceeded by his brother, Don Carlos, King of the Two 
Sicilies, who refigned that kingdom, and disjoined it from the 
monarchy of Spain by a folemn deed, in favour of his third fon, 
Don Ferdinand; fetting afide his eldeft fon on account of his 
weaknefs of mind or idiocy, and referving his fecond fon for the 
fucceffion of Spain. Don Carlos, or Charles, arrived in 
Spain in the month of November, and foon after entered 
Madrid in great pomp and ceremony. 

It would neither be prudent nor decent in me to enlarge on 
the traniactions of the prefent reign, thofe particularly relating 
to Great-Britain, which are recent in every one's memory. 
I fliall only obferve, that whoever will perufe the letters lately 
laid before the parliament, relating to Spain, will plainly per- 
ceive the candour of the court of Great-Britain, and the 
ability of her minifters; and that the Spaniards artfully, and 
with the greatefl injuftice, fought a rupture, for which they have 
fince paid very dear, by being obliged to delift from their preten- 
fions to a fidiery at Newfoundland, and likewife to cede to us 
all Florida, and to allow us to cut logwood in the Bay of 
Cam peachy. 

2 ^/2 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 



xxxvu 



An account of the Ambajjadors, Minijiersy and Envoys, from the 

Court of Great -Brit AiN to the Court of ?iV Km, from the 

year itoo to the breaking out of the prefent war, with the titles 

of the 'Treaties and Conventions during that period. The treaties 

prior to that, fnay be found in the Corps Diplomat, tom, IV. 



Kings of Great- 
Britain and 
Spain. 

James I. 
Philip III. 



Ambafladors. Treaties; years. 



Earl of Not- 
tingham and Sir 
Charles Corn- 
WALLis, the lat- 
ter left ambaflador, 
1605. 

Sir John Dig- 
EY, ambaflador, 
1 61 8. See Rujh- 
worth. 

Sir Walter 
Aston, 1620. 

Lord DiGBT, 
ambafl'ador extraor- 
<linary, 1621. 



Auguil, 1604. 



Where figned, and 
hy whom. 

LONDON, 

Earl of Dorset. 
Velasco, &c. 



Philip IV. 



Prince Charles, 
Duke of Buck- 
ingham, Earl of 
Bristol, employ- 
ed in negotiating 
the Spanifh match, 
which had been 
then feven years in 
agitation. N. B. See 
an account of this 
match at the end of 
this lijl. 

Sir Walter 
Aston, ambafla- 
dor, 1623. 



April, 1622. 



Concerning the 
Palatinate, 1623. 



Kings 



xxxviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

AmbafTadors. 



Kings of Great- 
Britain and 
Spain. 

Charles I. of 
Gr. Britain. 



The Prote6^or. 



Charles II. of 
Gr. Britain, 
during his exile. 



Treaties; years. Where figned, and 
by whom. 



Sir Fran. Cot- Noveniber, i6jO. 
TiNCTON, ambaf- 
faJor. 



Mr. Fanshaw, 

rcfident. 



Mr. Ascham, 
envoy, killed in his 
lodgings at Ma- 
drid, by fome 
Englifli cavaliers. 



1643. 
Cedulas grant- 
ed to England, 
March 1645. Sei 
the Britijh Mer- 
chantf V. iii. 

May, 1653. 



MADRID. 

Cotti ngton. 
CoLONA, De Ro- 
sas, Philip. 



A league, 1657 



Lord Claren- 
don. 

Lord Cotting- 

TON f . 



Charles II. of 
Gr. Britain, re- 
(lored. 



Sir Richard 
Fanshaw,i662J. 



* This was a league made between Charles II. of England, and the 
Archduke Leopold, Governor of the Low Countries, which gave King 
Charles liberty to refide at Brussels, with the promife of 6oco men, 6000 li- 
vrcs penfion, and 3000 to the Duke of York. An amazing treaty to be made 
by a poor and banifhed Monarch. 

f They ftayed two years, but efFedcd nothing ; and were at lafl fent away, left 
they fbould fee the pictures which formerly belonged to Charles I. of England, 
and had been bought by the Spanifh ambafla.ior. 

X He died at Madrid, 1666. The letters and papers relating to his em- 
bafly were printed in o6lavo, London, 1702. 



KInss 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 



XXXIX 



Kings of Great- 
Britain and 
Spain. 

Charles II. of 

^AIN. 



Ambafladors. Treaties ; years. 



Earl of Sand- 
wich, 1665. 



Sir William 
GoDOLPHiN, am- 
baflador in 1668 f. 



James II. of None. 
Gr. Britain. 



Treaty of May 
23, 1667 *. 



Treaty of July 
8, 1670. t 



League of 1680; 



Where figned, and 
by whom. 

M A D R ID. 

Sandwich. 
Nidhard. 
D'Onata, 
p£nneranda, 

MADRID. 
Penneranda. 
godolphin. 

WINDSOR. 
D. Pedro de 
ronquillo. 
Sunderland, 
Lord Hyde. 
Jenkins, 
godolphin. 



William III. CountScHoNEN- 

of Great-Bri- bergh, minifter 

TAIN, from Great-Bri- 

tain and the 
States Gene- 
ral, 1699. § 

Kings 

* This treaty was contrived by Sir Wi LLi am Godolphin, then fecretary of the 
cmbafly, and has been the bafis of all the treaties fince. 

f This gentleman continued at Madrid many years after his embafly expired, 
and died there in 1696, leaving an eftatc of 80,000 pounds fterling. The heirs 
were cheated out of the greateft part of it, which went to found the church of St. 
George in Madrid. See Cole's Memcirs^ p. 20. He died a Roman Catholic. 
During the Popifh plot, the houfe of Coinmons addrelTed the King to recal him, as 
he was accufcd by Gates of being concerned in that plot ; but he did not chufe to 
venture himfelf home, 

X This is the American treaty, and the only one we have for fettling difputes 
there. It chiefly relates to the freedom of our navinration to the Spanish Weft In- 
dia-Main ; but is not confirmed by the treaty of i 750. That point remains ftill 
unfettled. 

§ His name was Belmont : he had been agent for the Prince of Orange he- 
fore the Revolution, and was by no means acceptable to that court. From a let- 
ter 



xl HISTORICALINTRODUCTION. 

Kings of Great- Ambaffadors. Treaties i years. Where figned, arJ 

Britain and by whom. 

Spain. 

Alexander 
Sta N HOP ii, envoy, 
1699.* 

Q^icen Anne of Earl of Peter- 

Gr. Britain. borough, ambal- 

Charles and lador extraordinary, 

Philip, contend- 1706. 

ers for the crown General Stan- 

of Stain. hope, envoy ex- 

traordinary, 1706. 
Both to King 
Charles of 
Spain, f 



Kin 



2» 



ter of his, to the Earl of Manchester, dated September 23, 1700, in which he 
mentions a memorial he gave to the Spanifli minifters, both in the name of the 
King his mafter, and of the States, I conclude that he a6lcd as Engliih minitler 
after Mr. Stanhope left Madrid. 

* He was ten years in Spain in a private character; but was foon recalled from 
his public one, becaufe the court of Great-Britain had defired the Spanifli am- 
baflador, the Marquis de Canales, to leave London, on account of an infolent 
memorial delivered to the Lords Juftices, September, 1699. 

f General Stanhope, taking advantage of the broken ftate of King Charles's 
affairs, concluded with the Count d' Oropeza, Prince Lichtenstein, and the 
Count de Cordova, Admiral of Arragon, his plenipotentiaries, a treaty of com- 
merce, which, had that Prince gained pofl'efTion of the crown of Spain, would foon 
have indemnified England for the expence we were at on his account. The 
fubflance of the treaty was, 

1. A fincere peace between the two crowns. 2. All treaties of friendfhip and 
commerce renewed, and all royal cedulas and privileges formerly granted, particu- 
larly thofe of Philip IV. confirmed by the treaty of May, 16C7. 3. All prifo- 
rers on both fides (hall be fet at liberty, without ranfom. 4. All merchandize 
brought into Spain by the fubjedls of (jREAT Britain, for which cuftom, under 
the name of confumption, or other tolls, are ufually demanded, (hall not pay fuch 
toll till fix months after unlading, or fale and delivery. 5. The fubjeiRs of Great 
Britain may bring int9 Spain the produce of the dominions of Morocco, aid 
fhall not pay greater duties than ufual. 6. Books of rate'^, containing an exact ac- 
count of the cufioms agreed on, by the commifiioners from the Queen of Great 
Britain and the King of Spain, fliall be adjufted and eftablifheJ within a year 
after the figning of this treaty, and be published thro' all the Spaniih dominions ; 
nor fhall the Britilh fubje'.'s be obliged to pay greater duties than what is therein 
(ct down i and for all other goods nut meniio.icd in thofe tables, the rate of 7 per 

cent. 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xli 

Kings of Great AmbafTadors. Treaties; years. Where figned, and 

Britain and by whom. 

Spain. 

Queen Anne of Mr. Walpole, 

Great Britain, in 1707, brought, 

Charles and from Spain a trea- 

Philip, contend- ty of commerce, 

ers for the crown of probably that above 

Spain. mentioned. Cde's 



Mem. p. 472. 



Kings 



cent, fhall be demanded on the credit of the inftrument, declaring the charge and 
prices of the merchandize and goods, which fhall be exhibited by the merchant or 
fador, confirmed by witnefles on oath, 7. All prize goods, taken by the Queen's 
(hips of war, or privateers, fhall be efteemed as goods the produce of Great Bri- 
tain. 8. The Queen of Great Britain and the King of Spain fhall ratify 
thefe articles within ten weeks. 

To this treaty was annexed a fecret article, whereby it was agreed, that a com- 
pany of commerce to the Indies fliould be formed, confifting of the fubjeds of 
Great Britain and Spain, in the dominions of the crown of Spain in the 
Indies. The forming of this company was referved till his Catholiclc Majefty 
fhould be in pofleffion of the crown of Spain : but, in cafe unforefeen accidents 
ftiould prevent the forming fijch company, his Catholic Mrjjefty obliged himfelf and 
fuccefTors to grant to the Britifh fubjefls the fame privileges and liberty of a free trade 
to the Indies, which the Spanifli iubje£^s enjoyed, a previous fecurity beino- (riven 
for the payment of the royal duties. His Catholic A-lajefty likewife obliged himfelf, 
that from the day of the general peace, to the day the faid company of commerce 
(hould be formed, he would give licence to the Britifh fubjedts to fend to the Indies 
annually ten fnips, of 300 tons each, provided that they pay all the royal duties, and 
be regiftered in fuch port of Spa in as his Catholic Majefty fiiould appoint ; and aive 
fccuriry to return from the Indies to the fame port of Spain, uithout touching 
elfewbere. That his Catholic Majefty would likewife permit the faid ten (hips of 
trade to be conveyed by Britifh fliips of war, provided the faid /hips of war do not 
trade: And that he would not demand any indulto or donative on account of the faid 
trade, contenting himfelf with the royal duties only. And the Queen of Great 
Britain promifed, that the faid fhips of war fhould, in going to, and returning 
irom the Indies, convoy the fhips of his Catholic Majefty : And his Catholic Ma- 
jefty engaged never to permit the fubjeds of France to be concerned in the faid 
company of commerce, nor in any wife to trade to the Indies. 

After the figningof this treaty. King Charles was made fcnfible, that the con- 
ceffions granted therein to the Englifli were fuch as would not eafily pafs with his 
own fubje(5ts, fhould he ever be poflcfTed of the Spanish throne; and therefore it 
was not wi'diout relu£lance, and merely in compliance with the neceflity of his af- 
fairs, that he ratified the articles of it, on the 9th of January 1708, fix months after 



xlii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 



Kings of Great 
Britaim aud 
Spain. 

Queen Anne of 
Great Bitain. 

Charles and 
Philip, contend- 
ers for the crown 
of Spain, 



Ambafladors. Treaties; years. 



Where figned, an^ 
by whom. 



Mr. Craggs, 
fecretiry in Spain 
in 1708. Id. p. 544, 

Duke of Ar- 
GYLE, ambafTador, 
plenipotentiary and 
general in Spain, 
1710, 

Lord Lexing- 
ton arrived at 
Madrid, 1712, 
to take Philip's 
renounciation of 
the fuccefiion of 



Convention, 
March 1713. 



Affiento, 1 713*. 



^ General Pacifica- 
tion, July 17131. 



MADRID. 
Lexington, 
Bedmar. 

MADRID. 

Lexington, 

EiCALERA. 

UTRECHT. 
J. Bristol, 
Duke D'OssuNA, 

MONTELEON. 



It was figned. The perfon who was entrufted to carry this treaty to London having 
embarked at Barcelona, on board a fmall vell'el for Genoa! was unluckily taken 
by a French frigate: the exprefs, as is ufual in fuch cafes, threw his difpatches 
over-board; but they were taken up by feme divers, and tranfmitted to the Mar- 
qu.s de ToRcy at Versailles, who took care to fend privately a copy of the treaty 
to the States General, in order to excite their jealoufy of the Englifh, who were en- 
deavounng by that tranfadtion to engrofs the trade to the West Indies. See 
itndal s Lcntinuationcf Rapin^ Vol. 4 B. 26 

mIvT^?, ""f^,(^°^ ^^''^^^ '" Spanifh fignifies a contraa) was to commence 
May 1713 and end in 1743. Jt was a fource of iniquity, and a depofit in the 
hands of the Spaniards for our good conduft, to feize on at pl^afure 

TA^HaLMScA."^'""^^^'^^'^^^^^ 



Kin 



RS 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xliii 



Kings of Great 
Britain and 
Spain. 

George I. of 
GreatBritain, 

Philip V, of 
Spain. 



AmbafTadors. Treaties j years. 



Benson, lord 
BiNGLEY, ambaf- 
fador, 1 7 13. 

Sir Paul Me- 
thuen, O£lober 
1714. 



Where figned, and 
by whom. 



Mr. Craggs, Treaty, Decem- 
Mr. BuBB, mi- beri7i5J. 
nifters, December 

Convention for 
explaining the Af- 
fiento, May 1716, 



John Chet- 
wynd, envoy ex- 
traordinary, i7i7« 

Will. Stan- 
hope, envoy, 1 718. 

Colonel Stan- 
hope, minifter, 
1720. 



Treaty of 1 718* 



Treaty, 
1721 *. 



June 



MADRID, 
Bedmar, 
George Bubb: 



MADRID, 

Bedmar, 
George Bubb. 



HAGUE. 

Lord Cadogan. 
Marquis de Prie. 

MADRID. 

Stanhope. 
Grimaldi. 



X This treaty Is very fliort, contains little new, confirms the former, bift revokes 
the three articles fo injurious to Great Britain, which were tacked to the 
treaty of Utrecht, and called f'.v;)/«««/(jrv. Thefe were the III. V. and VIII, 

f This fettkd the reftitution of the fliips taken by lord Torrington and Sir 
George Walton in 1718. The Spaniards are perpetually obje6ling to us, the 
injuftice and illegality of that meafure oi attacking their fleet in the time of profound 
peace, and without any declaration of war ; but thofe who will take the trouble to 
perufe Corbet's account of that matter, will find that Sir George Hing fent an 
officer to the Spanifh minifter, to acquaint him with the defign and deftination of his 
fleet; and that the minifter fent him word back, that he might go and execute 
whatever commiffion the king his mafler had given him. See aifo, for the fame 
purpofe, the numoirs of the Marquis St. Ph i L 1 p. 

f 2. Kinjis 



xllv 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 



Kings of Great 
Britain and 
Spain. 



George II. 
Philip V. 



Ambafladors. Treaties j years. 



Benj. Keenb,. 
efq; (afterwards Sir 
Benjam. Keene, 
knight of the 
Bath) was ap- 
pointed his Maje- 
fty's conful at Ma- 
drid, Marchi724. 

He was appoint- 
ed his Majefly's 
minifter plenipoten- 
tiary to the King of 
Spain, Aug. 1727. 



Ben. Keene, A. 
Sturt, Jos, God- 
da RD, coinmifTa- 
ries. 



Convention, 
May 1728. 



Where figned, and. 
by whom. 



P A R D O. 
Stanhope, 
Keene, 
M. de la Paz, 
D. J. Patinho, 



Col. Stanhope, 
Lord Harring- 
ton. 



Treaties «f 1729 
and 1731*. 

Treaty of 1 7 31- 



SEVILLE. 
Stanhope. 

VIENNA, 
Duke of LiRiA, 
Sir Thomas Ro- 
binson. 



Ben. Keenb, 

envoy, 1733. 

- He was appoint- 
ed his Majefly's en- 
voy extraordinary 
to the King of 
Portugal, May 
1745. 

• Thcfe (wo treaties related to the neutral garrifons in Italy, and were owing 
to our being tired of the congrefs at Soiesons. The quadruple alliance ftipulated, 
that Siiifi^ and not Spani/h troops, fliould be fent into Italy, to maintain Don 
Carlos ; but the treaties of Seville changed it for Spaniih, and not Swifs troops. 
That is to fay, the court of Spain carried its point. 



Kinps 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. odr 



[I'ngs of Great 
Britain, and 

Srain,. 



AmbafTadors. Treaties j year*. 



He was appoint- 
ed his Majefty's 
ambaflador extraor- 
dinary and plenipo- 
tentiary to the King 
of OPAIN, Odo- 

beri748* 



Will. Finch,. 
brother to the Earl - 

of WiNCHELSEA, 

envoy extraordina-f 

ry> 1732. 



Where figned, and-, 
by whom. 



F-ERDINANiyVL. 

of Spain, . 



Sir B. 
died. 



Keene 



Convention of 
3739*. 

Treaty of 1 748 f. 

Treaty of 1750 J. 



P A R D O; 

M.deViLL arias. 
Sir Ben. Keene. 

AIX LA CHA- 
PELLE. 

MADRID. 
Ferd. Ensena- 

DA. 

Sir Ben. Keene. 



* The Afliento fufpended at this time. The balance between England and 
Spain was 96,000 pounds; but the fecret article took away 36,000 pounds. The 
difference could not be adjufted, and the war bioke out. 

t By the tenth article of the preliminaries, and the XVI. of this treaty, Eng- 
land was to be paid 100,000 pounds reimburfement, and the right to the remain- 
ing four years of the Affiento was fettled j but it was afterwards fold by a conven- 
tion, and occafioned the treaty of 1750. 

I In this the ioo,oco pounds were again fettled and agreed on, the expLinntorj , 
articles of the treaty of Utrecht again abolifhed, and the Affiento and the annual, 
fliip given up. All former treaties confirmed. 



xlvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

Kin^s of Great Ambafladors. Treaties; years. Where figned, and 

B°RiTAiN and by whom. 

^PAIN. 

Charles III. of His Excellency 

Spain. the right honourable 

George TI. and George Wil- 

George III. of LiAM, earl oFBri- 

Great Britain, stol, ambaflador 
extraordinary, and 
minifter plenipoten- 
tiary from his Bri- 
TANic Majefty to 
the court of Ma- 
drid f. 



An Account of the SPANISH MATCH. 

HERE it may not be improper to give a fliort account of 
that ftrange affair, the Spanipo Match ; becaufe the court 
of Spain hath been frequently charged with the breaking off 
that matter ; but in the following relation, extracted from Mr. 
HowelFs Lettersy who was upon the fpot at that time, it will 
appear probable that the fault lay on the other fide, and not at 
Philip's, but King James's door. 

In December 1622, Lord Digby and Sir Walter Aston 
went out joint ambafHidors under the great feal of England, 
efpecially commiffioned about the Spa?2iJ}j Match; Mr. Howell, 
afterwards clerk of the council, foon followed their Excellencies ; 
Mr. George Gage came likewife from Rome to Madrid, to 
treat about it. The match was firft fet on foot by the Duke of 
XiERMA, but was not fo warmly adopted by his fucceffor the 
Count d'OLivAREz. Gondomar at this time left England, 

f He arrived there, September 8th, 1758, and left that court, December 17th, 
1761, without taking leave, becaufe his Catholic Majefty did not chufe to give an 
explicit anfwer to the court of Great Britain, but only faid, Mny lien ejic^ 
(Vol weH, Sir) on which the rupture enfued. 

re- 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xlvii 

returned to Madrid, and brought with him Lord Digby's 
f>atent, that made him Earl of Bristol. The bufinefs of the 
match went on very brifkly for near four months, when, to the 
furprize of the Earl of Bristol, who knew nothing of the mat- 
ter and of every one elfe at Madrid, the Prince of V/ales, and 
the Marquis of Buckingham, arrived on the latter end of 
March 1622, at the Earl of Bristol's houfe, late in the even- 
ing. The Prince went by the feigned name of Thomas Smith, 

and the Marquis by that of Mr. John Smith. They were 

attended by the Lords Carlisle, Holland, Rochfort, 
Denbigh, the Knights Sir Francis Cottington, Sir Lewis 
Dives, Sir John Vaughan of the Golden Grove, and his 
fon, comptroller to the Prince, Sir Edmund Varney, Mr. 
Washington page to the Prince, Mr. Porter, and others. 

The arrival of the Prince of Wales in Madrid was like the 
reft of his father's politics, and inftead of forwarding the match, 
marred the whole bufmefs. The Spaniards having fuch a pledo-e 
in their hands, rofe in their demands, and thought they had it in 
their power to treat juft as they pleafed. Befides this, the Spa- 
niih court took a difguft at Buckingham, and he and the Earl 
of Bristol difagreed extremely about the condu6l of that bufi- 
nefs. The nobility in Spain were very much averfe to this alli- 
ance; the Bifhop of Segovia wrote againft ity but was banillied 
from court for fo doing; the common people in Spain were 
ftrongly for it. In England, the parHament and commons 
would never confent to it. 

Upon the arrival of the Prince, the court of Spain fent back 
the difpenfation to the court of Rome, in order to be better mo- 
delled. When the difpenfation was returned to Madrid, it came 
back clogged with new claufes : the Pope required a caution to be 
given for the performance of the articles : this made a dirhculty : 
the King of Spain, however, offered to give the caution, but defired 
to confult his divines upon it, who, after a tedious debate, o-ave 
his Majefty permifTion. Upon this, the King of Spain and^the 
Prince mutually fwore to, and ratified the articles of marriage ; 
and the 8th of September following, 1623, was fixed for the 
betrothing her to him. But foon after, Pojye Gregory, who was 



•xlvlii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

a friend to tl:ie match, died, and Urbaii fucceeded ; whereupon 
Tij I L!P declared, he could not proceed in the match unlefs thJ^ 
new Pope confirmed the difpenfation which was given by the 
former. This created frefli delays; the Prince remonftrated 
warmly, and infilled on the neceflity of his departure. The King 
of Spain confented to his going, provided he would leave him 
and Don Carlos proxies for the match : this was accordingly 
agreed on : and thus the Prince, after feven months ftay, and a 
fruitlefs errand, fet out for England in the month of Auguft 
1623, without his Infanta. The Lord Rutland waited for 
him at fea with the fleet, on board of which he embarked at 
BiLBOA. The Infanta in particular, and the Spaniards in gene- 
ral, were very much afflided at this Prince's returning without 
her. The King of Spain and his two brothers accompanied him 
as far as the Egcurial, and on the fpot v/here they parted Phi- 
lip eredled a pillar, which remains to this day. The Prince, in 
his paflage, very narrowly efcaped fhipwreck, Sir Sackville 
Trevor having the honour of taking him up. 

Notwithstanding this abrupt departure of the Prince, the 
English at Madrid, and at home, were ftill perfuaded the 
match would be efl'edied at lafb ; and not without good grounds -, 
for the Infanta learned Englifh, took the title of the Princefs of 
Wales ; the ladies and officers that were to go with her were 
nam.ed. But there was one very extraordinary circumftance, 
•which happened at this juncture : The Prince of Wales, juft 
before he embarked, fent a letter to the two ambaffadors, de- 
firing them, in cafe the ratification came from Rome, not to de- 
liver the proxies he had left in their hands to the King of Spain, 
till they had heard further orders from England. — But this 
both the ambaffadors very v/iiely refufed to do, as the Prince 
could not fufpend their commiffion from King Jam-es under the 
great feal of England ; on the contrary, they both made extra- 
ordinary preparations for the match, the Earl of Bristol laying 
out 2400 pounds in: liveries only, upon that occafion. ' At length 
the ratification came from Rome ; the marriage day was ap- 
pointed; but juft a d;iy or two before it drew on, there came 
four Englidi m.effengcrs to the Earl of Bristol, commanding 
"him not to deliver the proxies till full f^tisfa(fliton was made ibr 

4 ^'"^^ 



V* 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, xlix 

the furrender of the Palatinate. This flep of King James's put 
an entire end to the bufinefs of the match. The Kine of Sp.mn 
faid very truly, that the Palatinate was none of his to give j but 
that he would fend ambafladors to recover it by treaty, or an 
army to regain it by force ; and in proof of his fmcerity in thefe 
promifeSj he offered to pledge his Contratation-houle at Sevh j.e, 
and his Plate fleet. This not being thought fatisfactory, the 
Earl of Bristol took his leave, when the King of Spain gave 
him a ring off his own finger, and plate to the value of above 
4000 pounds. This Earl of Bristol, by far the moft eminent 
of the DiGBY family, was a very .extraordinary charad:er, and a 
truly great man j he furprized the Spaniards with his virtues as 
well as talents: the rewards and honours paid him by I hilip 
were but equal to his deferts i for he even aftonifhed that Prince, 
when he found, that, neither the bribes of one monarch, nor the 
menaces of another,, could in the leaft fhake the fteady temper of 
that ambaffador.. 

Thus ended the affair of the Spanifh match, that had been 
near ten years in agitation. It is certain, that the breaking of it 
off was the work of the Duke of Buckingham : whether he 
did right or wrong will now perhaps be difficult to fay ; but I 
am of opinion, that we could not have been fo much prejudiced 
by having Maria of Spain for our Queen, as we were after- 
wards by taking Henrietta of France. The women of the 
Medicis line do not appear to me to have done the world much 
good. As for the deferted Infanta, ihe married afterward to the 
Emperor. 



g LET- 



E R II A T A, 

In the Introdudion, p. 27. iox timeouJly,T^2A timely. Laft line, 
for Campeachy, read Homduras. P. 221. 1. i. for E/Aven- 
turarara, read L^ Aventurarara. lb. 1. 19. for £/ Venganza, read 
La Venganza. P. 220. 1. 21. for £/ Nueva, read La Nueva. 
P. 214. 1. 20. {ov BJiramadio-ay YQdi^ Ejlremadura. P. 208. 1. 16. 
iov firuck, VQ:^dJiuck. P. 198. 1. 4. for i66i,read 1061. P. 188. 
1. 12. for called themy read called him. Dele the Note at bottom. 
P. 182. laft line but one, for Licinius Larius, read Lartius 
LiciNius. P. 295. for Bager, read Bayer. P. 297. for 
eimdemy read eandem. P. 300. for Chaldic, read Chaldee. lb. for 
Clevard, read Clenard. lb. for Vergera, read Vergara. P. 303. 
for Honoretes^ read Honoratus. 



■&• 



Journey from LONDON to MADRID. 



I LEFT London, in company with tv/o other gentlemen, on 
Saturday the loth of May,. 1760, fet fail from Falmouth 
on the 20th, and arrived at Corunna on the 26th of the fame 
month. 

The harbour of Corunna prefents you with a fine profped 
as you fail into it ; on your right are The Tower of Hercules, 
the fort, and the town -, before you the fliipping ; all terminated 
by an agreeable view of the country : On your left you fee Cape 
Prior, the entrance of Ferroll, and a ridge of barren moun- 
tains, with a large river running between them. Corunna is 
well built and populous, but, like mod other Spanifh towns, has 
an ofFenfive fmell. Their method of keeping the tiles faft, on 
the roofs of houfes, is by laying loofe flones upon them. The 
Spaniards, to my great mortification, have quitted that old drefs, 
which looks fo well on our Engliih flage : The men wear a great 
flapped hat, a cloke reaching down to their feet, and a fword, 
generally carried under the arm : The women wear a fliort jacket 
of one colour, a petticoat of another, and either a white or black 
woolen veil. We flayed at Corunna a whole week, becaufe we 
could not procure a vehicle to convey us to Madrid, nearer than 
from Madrid itfelf : Nor could we travel on the flreip-ht road to 
Astorga by any other convenient method, than riding on mules 
or horfes, for Vv^e rejeded the Utter, as difagreeable and fatlo-uino-, 
and no other carriage could pafs the mountains that way : V/e 
wrote therefore to Madrid for a coach to meet us at Astorga, 
which is about 150 miles from Corunna. 

B The 



2 JOUPvNEY FROM L O xN D O N 

The Spaniards call the Tower of Hercules by a wrong 
name : It is amazing, when the mfcript'wn ftill remains as an evi- 
dence, that it was the Tower of Mars, that they fliould be fo 
perverfe as to give it to Hercules. The words are : 

MARTI. A V G. 

S A C R. 

C. S E V I U S. L V P V S. 

ARCHITECTVS. 

A. F. DANIENSTS. 

LVSITANVS. EXVL. 

It is very plain, that the Romajis intended this for a watch-houfe, 
o^fpeculum, and the Spaniards ufe it as a light-houfe now. 

The poorer fort, both men and women, at Corunna, wear 
neither ihoes nor ftockings. We lodged at the bed inn j but all 
inns throughout Spain afford miferable accommodations : It was 
kept by an Irifliman named Obrien. We were well entertain- 
ed by the Spanifh Governor Don Louis de Cordouva, and the 
Englifh conful Mr. Jordan. The town is pretty, and fupplied 
with water by an ^$'a^^Z('6'?. Our route from Corunna to As- 
torga and Madrid was as follows : 



ROUTE FROM CORUNNA to MADRID. 

Leagues* 

To Patansos, Firft day, — 3 

jETERis, I Second day, "" ^ 

Vamonde, J ' — 2 

Lugo, 7-ru:.^ ;i.„ — 4 



i Third day, j| 



Gall ego, 

FUENFRIA, 7p^^^^,^ J - 4 

Serrarias, i ^ — 5 

Carried over, — 29 

Brouglit 



TO MADRID. 



Brought over, 
ViLiA Franca, 7 ^^ 

PONFERRADA, J •'' 

Ravanal, 7 c- .1 J 

A [ Sixth day, 

ASTORGA, J J* 




Leagues, 46 



From AsTORGA to Baneza, 
To La Venta, 
To Benevente, 

To ViLLALPANDO, 

To Villaprais, 
ToVeja, 

ToMedinadel Campo, 
To Artiquenes, 

To OVEJA, 

To Labajos, 

To ESPINAL, 

To GUADARAMA» 

To Las Rosas, 
To Madrid, 



J Seventh day, 
^Eighth day, 
{Ninth day, 
j Tenth day, 
(Eleventh day, 
i Twelfth day, 
I Thirteenth day. 



Leagues 102 

The extent of this Route is called 450 miles; but their com- 
putation by leagues is very uncertain, like the miles in Corn- 
wall, guefled at from one town to another. The only way to 
know the true diftance in Spain is by your v/atch. The Spajiifi 
league is computed equal to about three miles and three quarters 
E?iglijh. 

We fet out from Corunna the 3d of June, being honoured 
with a difcharge of guns from the packets in the harbour. You 
muft carry your provifions and bedding with you in Spain, as 
you are not fure of finding them in all places. We feldom met 
with any thing to eat upon the road, or a bed fit to lie upon. 
After having paffed the fertile mountains of Gallicia, and the 
barren rocks of Leon, we came to Astorga the &th of [une. 

B 2 Here 



4 JOURNEY FROM LONDON 

Hire v.'e refted till the i ith, and then fat out in a clumfy coachj, 
drawn by fix mules, with ropes inftcad of traces : This furprifed 
me at iirft, but I found afterwards, that the grandees^ and people 
of rank in Madrid, ufe ropes conftantly at the P;W(9 and Pro^ 
V2enadej places of airing fomevvhat refcnibling the old ring in 
Hyde Park, 

After palling over the immenfc plains of Old and New* 
Castile, which fcem more like feas than plains, we arrived at 
Madrid the i8th of June, being the 7th day from our leaving 
AsTORGA. Though we travelled fo long a trad: of country, 
we faw few cities or towns, that were confiderable for their ex- 
tent, flrength, riches, manufactures, or inhabitants. Villa 
Franca in Leon is extremely beautiful, and flands high; Pon- 
FERRADA neat, anciently called intra fu^uios, becaufe it was be- 
tween the rivers Sil and Boega, afterwards ftiled Pons Ferratus, 
from its bridjre on the hard rock. Medino del Campo in 
Castile is an agreeable fituation ; there is a large fquare in the 
middle of it, and fome of the nobility refide there. 

Lugo in Gallicia is a remarkable ancient city, furrounded 
v/ith a moft fingular fortification -, as near as I could judge, a 
fquare ; and at th:^ diftance of about twtry twenty feet a circular 
baflion of thick and lofty walls : The city fortified on every fide 
iii the fame manner, having rather a tremendous appearance, and 
muft have been extremely ftiong, before the ufe of that villainous 
faltpetre, as Shakespeare calls it. It fiands near the fource of 
the MiNHOj the turnips here are faid to be fo large, as to 
weigh fifty pounds each : But who can believe it ? Its ancient 
name was Liicus Augujt'h and thence corruptly called Lugo. 

The city of Astorga in Leon is fituated in a wide plain; 
the miofi: remarkable thing in it is the CathedraU which is a noble 
Gothic building ; a bajllicay confifting of fix pointed arches, fup- 
ported by tall, light, neat pillars, in a good tafte ; the portal a. 
large round arch, with a vafl; number of mouldings ; there are 
fofr'ea cr eight fine altars, but the High Altar is exceedingly mag- 
nificent i 



T O M A D R I D. 5 

nlficent ; it confifts of twenty compartments of marblc-fcuLp- 
ture in alto relievo, the figures as large as life j the fubje(5t the hif- 
tory of our Saviour ; at the fummit God the Father crowning 
the Bleffed Virgin. The glory is well exprelTed ; for being cut 
through the frame, and a lamp placed behind it, the light 
iliews the rays. We happened to attend at the Vefpers ; the 
mufc of the organ was fine ; the number of tapers, the rich- 
nefs of altars, in fliort, the whole fcene was ftriking. This city 
gives the title of Marquis to the family of Oforio, inferior to 
few, either for antiquity or valour, 

Benevente In Leon is encompafled by three rivers, and re- 
markable for little more than giving the title of Earl to the fa- 
mily of PiMENTEL. ViLLALPANDo is in a plcafing plain, has a 
large fquare, and contains a palace of the Conjlable of Cajliky to 
whom the town belongs. The only river we pafi^ed of note was 
a branch of the Minho; a noble current, almoft as broad as the 
Thames at Windfor, and to appearance deep ; finely wooded on 
each fide, the trees larger and taller than you ufually meet with in 
Spain. The place where we pafied it was called Hospital de 
Efchemofo. 

TuEjiorksnefts upon the tops of the churches^ with the birds 
hovering over them, or jufl peeping out, are pleafing as youpafs. 
It was fo in old Rome : ^\\Qjlorks built their nefts in great num- 
bers on the fummits of their te-mpiesy as their poets often tell us. 
— Thus Juvenal lays of the Temple of Concord: 

Quaeque falutato crepitat Concordia nido. 

It was cruel to kill fuch fecial birds as thefe ; and yet we find by 
Horace, that the Epicures of his times could not keep their 
knives from them; tliough it was an abfolute violation of hof- 
pitality. Speaking of the luxurious difl:ies of thofc days, he 
fays, their anceftors never eat tiirhots nor Jiorks ; 

Tutus erat rhombus, tutoque ciconia fiido. 

This bird is often mentioned in Scripture. In the Pfalms, — The 
fir-trees are a dwelling for the fiork : And in Job, Who giveththe 

flork 



6 JOURNEY FROM LONDON 

Jlork food? She buUdctb her 7iefi on high. It delights in the mofl 
loftv Vituations. All the ncfls, which we faw, were in the high- 
efl places the bird could find. 

We pafied fome foreH s ; but the trees are dwarf and poor, not 
rcfembling the timber of Great-Britain ; you will in vain look 
for thofe (lately woods, which not only afford fuel, fhade, and 
wealth to their ov/ners, but fend forth fleets, which give laws to 
the ocean. Though I loft my watch on the top of one of the 
hiMiefl mountains near the Zebreros, yet, by extraordinary good 
fonune, it was found by the Marigatti, or mule-drivers, and car- 
ried to'the Padre Abbad of Ze-breros, who fent it me in lefs 
than a month. 

The new Stone-causeway, which joins the two Cas- 
tile s, and extends to Guadarama, is a moil magnificent 
public work : It was done by an order of Ferdinand VI. the 
late King, as appears by the following infcription on a pillar ered- 
ed on the caufeway : Ferdinandus VI. Pater Patri^. Vi- 

AM VtRIQUE CaSTELLITE SUPERATIS MoNTIBUS FECIT. 

Ann. Salutis M DCC XLIX. Regni Sui IV. It is really a 
noble road, and feems owing rather to the labour and adlivity of 
a Roman, than to the flow induflry of a Spaniard, 

Some parts of the Castiles are pleafant ; they are ill culti- 
vated ; have no wood of any moment ; this makes fuel incredi- 
bly dear in Madrid -, the expence of one Tingle fire there for the 
winter has been knov/n to cofl fifty pounds -, an amazing article ! 
The charcoal confumed in their kitchens, and braziers, comes 
chiefly from Gallapagar, at the diflance of 30 miles, which 
is far 'enough in that country to make the carriage of it very ex- 
penfive. The principal timber they ufe, is Jir, the growth of 
the country J their houfes, churches, carriages, and furniture, 
are chiefly of deal; there are fometimes no lefs than four- 
teen large girders, in the cieling of a fmall apartment. 
One would not imagine from this circumflance, that timber 
was fcarce. As to the water in this country, I do not think 
it in general good; that of Madrid is excellent, which is 
plain by the court's being at much expence to have it conveyed 

3 ^o 



TOMADRID. J 

to diflant places. There are two fine rivers in the Castiles, 
the Tagus, and the Guadianaj as to the Mansanares, 
which runs clofe by Madrid, it is but a poor flream, and falls 
into the Xarama, about 6 leagues diftant from the Tagus. I 
was told in London, that the fituation of Madrid was upon a 
plain, but it is a great miflake : It is built upon a chain of little 
hills, and, becaufe there are higher mountains round it^ at a dif- 
tance, has been fuppofed to be in a plain. 

The Spaniards ereft pillars at proper diftances upon the caufe- 
ways, to dired: travellers during the fnows ; we faw feveral of 
them in Leon, and other parts. The firfl comer to a SpcmiJJj 
inn, be his rank what it may, has the firft choice of the accom- 
modations J this occafions a fort of conteft between the travellers 
in this country, who fhall get firil to the inn. It is a common 
practice to fend a man on an hour or two before : We diftanced 
one Don Joseph, a Bifcayner, in this way; finding that he was go- 
ing to the fame Pofada, or inn, we detached our faithful Antonio,. 
who, as fleet as an ^rab, ran over the mountains in bye-paths, 
and arrived at the inn long before the Don and we came to it. 
This conteft arifes from there being feldom more than one inn in 
a village ; at which, if difappointed, you muft probably ride 8 
or lo miles before you can find another, v/hich, at the end of 
a long day's journey, and in the dark, would be fatiguing, and 
perhaps dangerous. 

Upon a review of the whole country from Corunna to Ma- 
drid, one may fay, that Gallicia is a fine fertile province; 
that fome parts of it are equal to many in England ; but as to 
Leon, it is a naked, dreadful, barren rock, except where it is 
covered with a few pitiful firs, or fhrubs, fuch as are about Be- 
nevente and Villalpando, and except fome few plains after 
you have palTcd Astorga. I turned round to take a view of 
Leon from one of the higheft mountains, and was almofi: frio-ht- 
ened at the fight ; a brown horror, as Mr. Pope expfefi<:s it, 
was fpread over the whole ; fands, rocks, and crag:Ty precipices, 
formed as favage a profped, as can be imagined. And yet this 
country was probably once fought for j the inhabitants furely mud 
find a charm in it unknown to us. In one of thefc villages we 

found 



8 JOURNEY FROM LONDON 

found a fet Ox^ people, dreffbd in a whimfical manner, dancing to 
rude mufic ; the whole appearance was entertaining and grotefque ; 
the dance artlefs and odd j its natural limplicity fliewed the people 
in their true charafter. 

The road from Corunna to Madrid is certainly not fo bad, 
as It is generally thought in England. The mountains of Gal- 
LiciA are very paflable ; the only difficult parts which I faw, were 
the deicent at La Fava, and about 12 miles, as you come out 
of Serrarias. The mountains of Leon are rather difagreeable 
than dangerous, and all the reft is eafy. Be it as it may, our 
Englifli meffengers find no difficulty in it. The accommodations, 
indeed, are miferable : I have faid you muft abfolutely carry your 
provifions and bedding along with you ; and even then, unlefs 
you can bear fatigue well, lye down in your clothes, eat eggs, 
onions, andcheefcj unlefs you can fleep while your mules reil, 
rife the moment you are called, and fet out early in the morn- 
ing, before the heat comes on, you will fare ill as a traveller in 
Spain. It is a good method to carry dried tongues with you, hard 
eggs, not hams, for they will not keep, as we found by expe- 
rience ; fome portable foup ; tea, fugar, and fpirituous liquors ; 
not forgetting even pepper and fait ; and whenever you meet 
with good bread, meat, fowls, or wine, always to buy them, 
whether you want them or not, becaufe you know not what 
to-morrow may produce. A knife, fork, and fpoon, are abfo- 
lutely neceffary, for you will find none ; nor fliould you omit a 
pair of fnuffcrs, a candleflick, and fome wax-candles. Take care 
only not to carry any tobacco or rum ; for they are all contra- 
band, and may occafion the detention, if not the feizure of your 
baggage. Particularlv bring with you as few /^oo^s as poffible, 
for the inquifitlon will feize them. My baggage was detained a 
fortnight on account of my books; and the Earl of Bristol 
was obliged to fpeak twice to General Wall, before he could 
releafe the captives. Many of thefe circumflances feem trif.ingf 
but they arc fo material, that thofe who happen to travel with- 
out them in this country, will find, by dear-bought experience, 
that all thefe trijles have their ufe, and if negleded, 

Ha3 nuga3 feria ducent 

In mala. 

LETTER 




LETTER II. 



The STATE of RELIGION in Spain. 



ITH regard to ancient religious rites or cufloms in this 
country, there was probably in early times a great mix- 
ture of all forts. The iirft accounts of Spain, that are clear and 
authentic, are, I believe, thofe in Strabo and Livy. The face 
of it then was certainly very favage and barbarous. It could have 
no religious notions befides its own, but from Gaul, Italy, 
or Afric, from the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Gauls, 
or Romans : and what thofe were, are well knov/n. 

Mariana tells us, that Chriftianity was firfl preached in Sa- 
RAG09A by St. James, 42 years after Christ : and for this 
he quotes Isidore, bifhop of Seville. With all due deference 
to the authority, though epifcopal, I mufl: beg leave to deny the 
fa(5t; for St. Luke fays exprefly, that St. James was killed at 
Jerusalem. The Spaniards have likewife another tradition 
concerning this apoftle ; which, though believed by themfelves, 
will hardly find credit among Proteflants. It is, that St. James, 
by birth a Spaniard, has been often feen armed in the air, going 
before the van, and protecting the Spanish armies : Which 
circumftance you may read in Boldonius, if you like it. Whe- 
ther it be for thefe reafons, or others, I cannot fay, however this 
fadt is certain, that San Jago, or St. James, hath from the ear- 
lieft times been ever revered and worfhipped as the guardian, and 
tutelar faint of Spain. 

C What 



lo STATE OF RELIGION 

What innovations, or changes their rehgious worfhip under- 
went from the firft planting of Chriftianity to the arrival of the 
Goths, or the invafion of the Moors, would perhaps be im- 
poflible to fay : That the Gothic princes embraced the Chrijiian 
faith, is clear from many evidences ftill remaining, not in Spain 
only, but in England and other countries: That the Moors 
would never receive Chriftianity among them, appears but too- 
plainly from the enmity that hath ever fubfifted between the two 
people, from their final expulfion under Philip III. and the 
odium with which they purfue them to this day. 

That the Jews have always fubfifted here in fuch numbers 
was probably owing to this circumftance : when Titus carried 
back with him to Rome fo many thoufand captive Jews, the 
fliattered remnants of that devoted people, and difperfed them 
afterwards throughout the world ; as Spain lay convenient for 
their paflage out of Italy, and being a wide and extended coun- 
try, multitudes of them probably fled for an afylum there : Tho' 
great numbers remained at Rome and in Italy, as appears by 
the edids againfi: them afterwards, and by the religion of the 
captives fpreading fo much among their conquerors : A circum- 
flance which Rutilius has finely lamented ; 

Atque utinam nunquam Judasa fubadta fuiffet 

Pompeii bellis, impcrioque Titi. 
Latins excifae gcntis contagia ferpunr, 

Vid;orefque fuos natia vidla promit. 

That the Jews had in fome parts of Spain, and at fbme pe- 
riods, the free cxercifc of their religion, and wordiip, is an un- 
doubted fa(^ : There is an Hebrew Temple ftill remaining at To- 
ledo, which I have fcen, as a ftanding proof of it to this day. 

What is of more moment to us is, as may be colle6led from 
Dr. Geddes's feveral trads, that no weftern church has preferved 
fo many, and fuch authentic monuments and records, as the Spa- 
nish church hath down to the Vlllth century. It was antient- 
ly exacflly the fame with the prefent church of England, had 
the fame Nicene Creed, and appealed to the fame general coun- 
cils : 



I N S P A I N. II 

clls : And their Prince, as well as ours, was defender of the faith 
and head of the church. The Bifliop of Rome had no more au- 
thority there, than any other prelate. The ^panifi Church had 
no dependence on that fee till the Vlllth century. Till after the 
Moorifld times, it had no image-worfhip -, no prayers addreffed to 
faints, or angels j no purgatory ; it did not maintain {Q,vQVi facra- 
ments ; it knew not tranfubftantiation, which certainly is of no 
older date than the time of Pope Innocent III. in the Later an 
council, held after the year 1200; by confequence the cup was 
always given to the laity, and never refufed till after that dod^rine 
prevailed in the beginning of the Xlllth century. There was 
likewife no adoration of the hoft, no auricular confelfion. They 
had no prayers then in an unknown language. The antient Go^ 
thic Liturgy, then in ufe, was called Mozarabic, or Mufarabic, 
from thofe chriftians, who lived under the Moorifi government in 
Spain. It was firfl: printed by Cardinal Ximenes. And there 
is to this day, an annual Mozarabic mafs celebrated with great 
pomp and folemnity, in the metropolitan church of Toledo, at 
which the prefent King of Spain has affifted in perfon. Every- 
one knows, that the term mafs came from the cuflom of difmif- 
iing the people with the — Itc — miJJ'a eft. 

As the Spanish Church certainly remained pure, uncorrupted, 
and unpapiftical till towards the Vlllth century ; fo from that pe- 
riod downwards, Paganifm artfully, and by almofl imperceptible 
infinuations, gradually flole in, wearing that mafk or vizor, which 
we now call Popery. Whatever triumphs Chriftianity may for- 
merly have gained over the Gentile worfliip ; Paganifm, in all 
catholic countries, is now entirely revenged ; ilie triumphed in 
her turn from the moment fhe eftabliflied herfelf in the form of 
Popery. Ct>ncealed under this drapery, (lie prefides in the very ta- 
bernacle and fanduary of chriftians, and is worfhipped fitting be- 
tween the horns of the altar. When you enter a Roman catholic, 
apoflolic, papiftical, chriftian temple, at your firfl: view you fee 
that all is Pagan. The late Dr. Middleton hath very learned- 
ly, elegantly, and effecftually proved this point to demonftration. 
But I never reliflied that ingenious performance fo much, as when 
my own eyes bore teftimony to the truth of his obfervations. The 

C 2 refem- 



12 STATE OF RELIGION 

refemblance is To ftriking between the ufe of the ancient Thura^^ 
and the modern Incenfe ; their afpergtlluniy lavacrumy &c. and the- 
prefent holy water; the bleffing of horfes, and the ancient bene- 
di<5tion of cattle ; the fame profufion of lamps and wax-lights y. 
between the ancient votiva tabula, oivoc^yi^ocToc, and the modern} 
votive limbs, offerings, and piftures : the multitude of fhrines, 
crofles, and altars in the churches, roads, hills, and high places ; 
and particularly oi images, which have often brought to my mind- 
that fatirical joke of Petronius, who faid he never walked the- 
ftreets, but he could much more eafily meet with a god than a 
man. 

Facilius eft deum, quam hominem invenire. 

And I am fure, if you fpit out of a window in Spain, 'tis ten to 
one but you fpit upon a faint. The Spanijh Flagellantes, by Py- 
thagorean tranfmigration, are exa<5lly the old, felf-lafhing 
priefts of Jove, or the Ajax Mastigophorus on an Athenian 
flage : and are indeed a moft fhocking fpeclacle. The cuftom of 
churches being permitted as fancStuaries for villains, prevailed at 
Rome in the time of the Emperor Tiberius : For the fenate 
very juflly exclaimed againft it. See Tacitus. Annal. III. Ces- 
Tius's opinion wa&, 

Neque quenquam in urbis templa perfugere, ut eo fubfidio- 
ad flagitia utatur. 

And yet, what a Roman Senator bluflied at, is fancftified by a. 
Rom an- catholic Pope. The quires of churches in all popifli coun- 
tries are a fort of religious fairs or markets, where people conti- 
nually come and go in fucceiTion, and mafles are conftantly faid. 
till twelve o'clock at noon, but not after. The mafs for the dead 
is exadly copied from the parentation of the heathens. The drefs 
of the officiating prieft has conftantly put me in mind of thofe 
remarkable words : 

Tanquam veftis ilia prophetica, quae licet vera ederet mira- 
cula, operant! ornamentum potius quam adjumentum. 
videretur *. 

Mhe prefent King of Spain, while he was at Naples, fen t or- 
ders to the officiating prielt on St. Januarius's day, that the 

* Sec Tac:t;.$. 

blood 



I N S P A I N. 13 

blood (liould be made to liquefy in fuch a precife number of mi- 
nutes, for he would flay no longer. This is exadly the old quack 
experiment mentioned by Horace, which he faw at Gnatia :. 

Dum flamma fine thura liquefcere limine facro 
Perfuadere cupit 

There is one reafon why the Church of Rome ought not to 
make fo free with the argument of miracles : becaufe if they 
maintain theirs to be as genuine as thofe of the Apoilles, it will 
be an eafy matter to prove thofe recorded of the Emperor Ves- 
pasian (who is faid to have healed a withered hand, and reftored 
the blind to fight) to be at lead of equal authority : A Ro?nati 
hiftorian records the one, and a Roman catholic writer maintains 
the other: Utri creditis, Qvi^ity.s\ This folly of theirs, inftead 
of flrengthening their own caufe, tends evidently to weaken it, 
and it faps the rotten foundations of poplfh policy. If the mif- 
chief ended there, it would be well : but it tends alfo to fubvert 
the great proofs of Chriftianity, and to afTift the gates of hell, 
itiftead of oppofing them. The chara(fler of the prefent Papifts 
is exacflly that which Tacitus hath given of the old Germans^. 

De a(Ctis deorum credere, quam fcire. 

The number of holy days enjoined by the Pope is become fo 
exceflive, as to be a fcandalous encouragement to idlenefs. If it 
was thought defpicable by the bufy minds of the Roman peo- 
ple, to fee the Jews, from the inflitutions of Moses, give but 
one day in feven to complete indolence, though for the caufe of 
religion : If their ad:ive virtue abhorred to fee, as one of them 
calls itj feptima qtueque lux quieti data ; what would he have faid, 
had he leen fuch a number of days confecrated in his ov/n Rome 
to the fame purpofe ? But this practice likewife had its birth in 
Paganifm ; and made Cassius fay. in the reign of Nero, that if 
they were to decree fuch a vaft number of feftival days, the gods 
would take up the whole year in being thanked, eoqiie opart ere di- 
vidi facros, et negotiofos dies, quels divina colerentur, et hutnatia 7ion 
impedirent. 

The 



14 STATE OF RELIGION 

The abfurdity of their Reliques is beyond meafure ridiculous; 
fuch as the thigh of St. Lawrence, with the fkin burnt, and 
marked with the prongs, which he was turned with on the grid- 
iron. There are laid to be the heads of two thoufand martyred 
viro-ins in the convent of our Lady of Atoche near Madrid, 
where the Britifi ftandards, taken at the battle of Almanza, 
dill remain. 

It is certain, that their blind zeal in matters of religion has 
deftroyed many fine remains of heathen learning, and claffic an- 
tiquity : It flill continues the fame ravage under the diredion of 
monks and inquifitors ; leaves are cancelled, prefaces torn, and 
books prohibited, fecreted, or burnt, becaufe they are againfl the 
Catholic faith. As they formerly thought the Bible would ap- 
pear to more advantage, when the pagan poets were deftroyed j fo 
they are flill of opinion, that popery will always appear beft, 
when every evidence of its impofture is fuppreffed or fpirited away. 
Thefe are lengths in which the zealots of the church of Rome 
have certainly gone too far: And on the other hand Luther 
himfelf, when he began the reformation, went too far in burning 
the canon law. This fuperftitious zeal of theirs againfl Pagan 
writers, and modern heretical authors, cannot be placed in a more 
ridiculous light, than they have placed it themfelves in one of the 
pidures, which I faw at the Escurial : where feveral angels 
were flogging St. Jerom for the wicked delight he had taken in 
reading the works of that vile heretic Marcus Tullius Ci- 



cero. 



As the feveral pagan gods v/ere multiplied by being worfliip- 
ped as different deities, though in reality they were the fame : as 
a Jupiter, an Hercules, &c. were fet up in almofh every 
country : So where popery prevails, and particularly in Spain, 
the BlelTed Virgin Mary, the mother of our Lord, is multiplied 
into almofl: as many diftind; divinities, as there are feparate dif- 
tridts -and places. Thus there is our Lady of Atocke, our Lady 
of Alcala de Henares, our Lady of Toledo, &c. And the 
little pidures or images of thefe are worn as Amulets by the 
common people, who have as much faith in them, as the antients 

had 



I N S P A I N. ,5 

had in a Tali/man y or Abraxas. I have (ttn. one of thefe lad, which 
Prince Eugene himfelfwore, a flrange inftance of human weak- 
nefs in one who rofe fo much above the common level, and made 
fuch a fliining figure as a hero on the theatre of Europe. The 
Spaniards have marvellous fuperftitions relating to the different 
properties of thofe different Virgin Maries : If you pray to thisy 
ihe is a good prefervative againfl thunder and lightning ; if you 
pray to that, an admirable fpecific againfl: the cholic and rheuma- 
tifm. But the Bleffed Virgin of Pilar, or our Lady of the Pil- 
lar, Maria de Columna, in SARAG09A, is the moft capital 
Virgin Mary, the greateft objedt of devotion in all Spain. 

There cannot be rcmchjimony in the Church of Rome, becaufe 
the Pope, or the King, difpofes of all church-preferments ; for 
there can be no traffic fuppofed betv/een the inferior ecclefiaftics 
and his Holinefs, or his Majefliy. Statutes of mortmain are highly 
requifite and neceffary in this country. The prefent King of Spain 
hath, it is faid, attempted fomething like them, by taxing all do- 
nations to religious ufes ever fince the year 1730. Thefe were 
anciently fuch a grievance in England, that it became a form 
in fome wills : dentur^ ajjignentur, vendantur — exceptis Religiojis 
& yudceis, 

Philip V. in 171 6, obtained of the Pope an indulto for raif- 
ing money upon the clergy. The Pope granted him one for five 
years, that is to fay, a million and a half in the Indies, and a 
million on the churches in Spain. It is a miftake to call this the 
los milloncs, which is a different tax, as will appear in the account 
of the Spanifli Revenue. This is Q2Xit6. fuhjidio. 

The Crufade againfl; the followers of Waldo (a merchant of 
Lyons) or th^ Albigenfesy in 11 60, gave birth probably to the 
Inquisition. Pope Gregory IX. firfl devifed that horrid tri- 
bunal, but Innocent IV. was the firft, who had abilities and 
courage fufiiclent to bring it to a due maturity, and give it a jufl: 
effablifhment. The form of it, and the number of its mem- 
bers, differ greatly in different countries. * In Spain it was cfta- 
bliihed chiefly by Cardinal Ximenks, who knew perfcdly \vd\ 
what political ufe could be made of It. Th^ Spaniards ffill fup- 

* See more upon this article in the next LcttcN 

c 4 



i6 STATE OF RELIGION 

port it, not fo much with an intention to burn Jews or Heretics, 
as they do in Portugal, but to enjoy the benefit of one rehgion, 
the want of fuch uniformity being, they apprehend, a great incon- 
venience to other ftates. Monf. Voltaire indeed is of another 
opinion 5 he tells us, that if there was but one religion in Eng- 
land, the government would foon become defpotic; if there were 
two, they would cut each others throats^ but as there are fo ma- 
ny religions amongft us, things go on very quietly. To fpeak 
however of the Inquifition in the mildeft terms, it is at beft but a 
Roma/iy Tur^i/Jj, or an Arabian perfecution in a Chriflian drefs. 
The inquifitors perhaps may fay, " We only perfecute in this 
*' manner the very wcrft of heretics, fuch as Jews." It may be 
anfwered, " And what have the Pagans done more ? thofe whom 
** they perfecuted, they accounted heretics, and thefe very Jews 
" did the fame thing." The Dominican will reply, *' But can you 
" as a Chrijiian fpare and tolerate the perfecutors of Christ ?" 
We anfwer, I think juftly. That w^e have no authority to pu- 
nifli them; but we may tolerate their worfhip, or not, as we 
think proper. Becaufe fome people, called Jews, crucified the 
founder of our religion, Jesus Christ, above 1700 years ago, that 
is no reafon why you fliould crucify all thofe who go under that 
name at this day. Where is your warrant, your authority, your 
commiffion delegated from the Almighty for this purpofe ? Is it 
any where iaid, *' Go fortii, my difciples, v/ith fword and fire, tor- 
ment, rack, and burn all thofe who will not embrace the Chri- 
Aian faith ; or, what is much lefs, the Roman Catholic faith ?" 
Though God himfelf may punifh the fins of the fathers on the 
children to the third and fourth generation 3 thefe people are at 
prefent at leaft the Jiftietb generation from the murderers of 
Chrift. Thus you feem to me not only to fnatch the thun- 
der of the Almighty out of his hands, but to dart it unwar- 
rantably, and even launch the bolt much farther than He ever de- 
clared he fliould do himfelf. Can the God of all mercy be de- 
lighted with fo cruel a facrifice of human blood ? There is an 
undoubted refemblance between a Spanish Inquisitor, and a 
DiocLEsiAN, a Caled, or a Mustapha; you now a(fl the 
part of the Pagan princes, as they formerly a(5lcd yours. Such a 
tribunal, fliocking as it is to humanity, has nothing but falfe po- 
litical ends to plead in its excufe : And where nature and religion. 

iDufl 
2 



IN SPAIN. 



^7 



mull: be lacrlficed, fuch a policy h only worthy of a Mackia- 
VEL, a XiMENES, or an Emperor of Jap AN. The principles of 
toleration are founded in nature, reafon, humanity, juftice, and 
true policy. If in a well civilized flate the majority are of one 
religious perfuafion, the moft that you can lawfully do is, to lay 
thofe who arc diflentient, under fuch reftridtions, as fliall prevent 
their difturbing, or fubverting the civil or religious harmony of 
that flate. This is all that appears to me allowable ; and of this 
nature are the laws in England and Ireland againft the Papiils. 
But when you come to molefl innocent fubje(5ls, to take from them 
their poflefTions, to expofe them to tortures and cruel deaths, or drive 
them to feek fettlements in other countries, you then exceed your 
power, play the part of a Syracufan tyrant, and it becomes Per- 
fecution ; like the expulfion of the Moors, or the revocation of 
the edid of Nantz. 

But after all, why are the Jews iingled out, as the woril of 
heretics ? In one light they are the mofh pardonable. They arc 
the only people, behdes the Chriftians, who have received the glo- 
rious depoiit of a true, a divine revelation : They had theirs from 
God himfelf ; we received ours from his Son : They are, no doubt, 
in a dangerous and incorrigible flate of error, by not acknow- 
ledging the true Messiah ; but we are not to be the punifliers 
of that error : A very fevere part of that punidiment feems already 
to have palTed upon them ; they have been deprived of their coun- 
try and temple i their exiflence, as a nation, deflroyed ; they have 
been fold, and carried captive into all lands ; driven as wretched 
fugitives and vagabonds throughout the world : Let the intolerant 
fpirit of bigots exclaim as loudly againfc them as it may, there is 
not a Roman-catholic in the world but will join in the cry : which 
very circumflance fliould awaken all the f.ifpicions of us Pro- 
teftants. The next ftep from exciufion out of community, is 
perfecution. But to a humane mind, confidering the fufferlngs 
of thefe people, the moft natural conclufion- will probably be that, 
which was made by the firft outlaw of the human race, at a time 
when fociety or communion had not thofe fweets and advantages 
v/hich they now enjoy. The conclufion meant is, Hhat their pu- 
fiiJhmerU is greater than they can bear* I'he Spaniards have 

D always 



j8 state of religion 

always found, that this violent way of making profelytes has had^ 
but indifferent fuccefs. It may make men temporize, diffemble, 
or perhaps perjure themfelves. Fire and fword, famine and tor- 
ture will never cure Jewifli blindnefs ; when miracles wrought by 
a divine poWer have had no effed", what is to be hoped for from, 
any human means ? Titus reafoned with them in this way much 
more forcibly than any one, either before or fmce his time; the; 
Sennacheries, and Nebuchadnezzars fell far iliort of him 
in this method of ai'gument. But what was the confequence ? 
They fought frill more defperately for their civil and religious li- 
berties, and obflinately expired, as they ftill do in the inquifitor's- 
flames, in the defence of their faith- 

Upon the whole we may fafely fay, that the Roman -catholic 
fyftems of inoralityy as treated by jefuitical cafuifts, are truly 
I art de chicaner avec Dieu ; that their religion, as dreffed out with 
the trappings of popery, difcovers in its folds the pagan wardrobe 
from whence it was taken. From a view of it one cannot help' 
coming at this obvious truth : That as the admiflion of all error is- 
dangerous, it is moft fatally fo in matters of religion ; the avenues- 
of which fliould therefore be guarded with the greater vigilance. 
In other cafes the error is removable, or the remedy at worH; but 
difficult : But here error is generally uneradicable, permanent, and- 
the remedy impracticable. All attempts to alter what has once 
been facred, are imagined to border fo near to facrilege or impi- 
ety, that few in any age or country have had firmnefs and difcre- 
tion enough to undertake the tafk. This is the great ftronghold . 
of popery, and all other corrupt religions. For as the. Roman) 
conful judiciouily faid upon a like occafion,, 

Nihil enim in fpeciem fallacius eft, quam prava religio. Ubi 
Deorum numen prcetenditur fceleribus, fubit animum timor, 
ne fraudibus humanis vindicandis divini juris aliquid im^ 
miftum violemus. Livius, lib. xxxix. cap. i6. 

Errors in learning commonly ferve for our amufement, as 
abler men will fet them right ; errors in politics occafion at worft" 
but temporary evils i but errors in religion are everlafting, too- 

obilinate' 



I N S P A I N. 19 

obflliiate to be fubdued. Learned and political controverfies, tho' 
often managed with much heat and rancour, produce generally- 
new lights for the ufe of the public; but religious controverfy is 
for the mofl part pernicious, and ferves only to poifon the minds 
of men. When bigotry prompts, and enthuliafm inflames, and 
the zealous fury once rifes, the worft of all plagues is then begun : 
for, more human blood has been flied by this blind religious zeal, 
than by the dagger of the aflaflin, the fword of juftice, or all the 
artillery and implements of war. 

From the firfl century, Spain had bishoprics, and was divided 
into the provinces Carthaginienjis^ TarraconenfiSy Betica, Lufita- 
nica, and Gallaica. 

The firfl bifhops were, according to the Spanifh writers, dif- 
ciples of St. James the Apoftle. The epifcopal government was 
foriiewhat interrupted by the Moors, who ravaged part of the pe- 
ninfula : but the Mauritanians in Andalusia were more inclined 
to conquer Spain than to change its religion from the chriftian to 
mahometanifm. By this ifieans, the kings of Oviedo and Leon, 
together with the counts of Castile and the kings of Navarre, 
having recovered ftrength to conquer the Saracens, re-eilablifh- 
ed the bifhops who had retired, and founded feveral churches and 
monafteries. 

Spain had eleven archbifhoprics, and fifty-four bifhoprics, in- 
cluding thofe of Portugal. 



Da LIST 



20 



STATE OF RELIGION 



LIST of the ARCHBISHOPRICS and BISHOP- 
RICS oi SPAINy with their valuation. 

I. TOLEDO, Archbifhop and Metropolitan. 



His Eminence, Don Luis de Cordova, * 
SUFFRAGANS, 
Don Diego de Roxas, 
Don Martin de Barcia, 
Vacant, 

Don Francilco Dias, 
Don Fran. Benito Marin 
Don Manuel Murillo 
Vacant 
Don Ifidro de CofHo, 



1. Carthagena 

2. CORDOUA 

3. CuENfA 

4. SiGUENZA 

5. Jaen 

6. Segovia 

7. OSMA 

8. Valladolid 



L. 50,000 

8000 

6250 
7500 
5000 
4250 

2500 



II. SEVILLE, Archbifhop, &c. 



Don Francisco Solis de Cardona, 



1. Malaga 

2. Cadiz 

3. Canaria 

4. Ceuta 



SUFFRAGANS. 

Don Jofeph de Franquis Lafo, 
Don Francifco Thomas del Valle, 
Don Francifco Valentin Moran, 
Don Jofeph de la Cuefta. 



III. SANTIAGO. Archbifhop, &c. 



1. Salamanca 

2. TUY 

3. AvILA 

4. CORIA 

5. Plasencia 



6. ASTORGA 



Don Batholome Rajoy y' Losada, 
SUFFRAGANS. 

Don Jofeph Zorila 

Don Juan Manuel Caftannon, 

Don Romualdo Velarde, 

Don Juan Jofeph Garcia Alvaro, 

Vacant, 

Don Francifco Xavier Cabezon, 



15,000 



7500 
2000 



15,000 



3000 
20C0 
2500 
3250 
6875 
1875 



* The valuation of tbefe preferments is taken from a Spanifh book lately publifli- 
ed at Madrid: It makes the revenues of Toledo greater than the common efti- 
mation of them : But I doubt if the account is exaggerated. 

7. Zamora 



IN SPAIN. 



21 



7. Z AMOR A Don Ifidro Cavanillas, 2500 

8. OxENSE Don Francifco Auguftin de Euro, 1 500 

9. Badajoz Don Manuel Perez Minago, 32 co 

10. MoNDONNEDo Don Carlos de Riomol, i2co 

11. Lugo Don Fr. Francifco Izquierdo, 1500 

12. CiUDAD RoDRiGO Dou Jcfeph Viguezal, i2co 

IV. GRANADA. Archbifliop, &c. 

Don Pedro Antonio Barroet A, 621J0 
SUFFRAGANS. 

1. GuADfx Don Franc. Alexandre Bocanegra, jooo 

2. Almeria Don Francifco Gafpar de Molina, 1125 

V. BURGOS. Archbifliop, 5cc. 

Don Onesimo Salamanca, ^7S^ 

SUFFRAGANS. 

1. Pamplona Don Gafpar de Miranda, 3500 

2. Calahorra Don Andres de Porras, -jooo 

3. Palencia Don Andres de Buftamante, 2COo 

4. Santander Don Franc. Xavier de Arriaza 1500 

VI. TARRAGONA. Archbifliop, &c. 

DouJayme de Cortada y' Bru', ^250 
SUFFRAGANS. 

1. Barcelona Don AlTenfio Sales, j rco 

2. Gerona Don Manuel Antonio Palmera, 1250 

3. Lerida Don Manuel Macias Pedrejon, 2000 

4. ToRTosA Don Luis Garcia Mannero, 2 ceo 

5. Vjq^tb Don Fr. Bartholome Sarmentero 750 

6. Urgel Don Fr. Chathalan de Ocon, 1000 

7. SoLSONA Don Fr. Jofeph de Mezquia, 625 

VII. ZA-^ 



22 STATE OF RELIGION. 

VII. ZARAGOZA. Archblfiiop, Sec. 

Don Francisco de Anoa y Bas ta. 7|oo 

SUFFRAGANS. 

1. HuKscA Don Antonio Sanchez, I5P0 

2. Barcastro Don Fr. Diego de Rivera, joco 

3. Xaca Don Pafqual Lopez, 750 

4. Tarazona Don Eftevan de Villanova, ^^75 

5. Alcarracin Don Juan Navarro, loco 

6. Teruel Don Fr. Rodriguez Chico, 2250 

VIII. VALENCIA. Archbifliop, &c. 

Don Andres Mayoral. '^I^IS^ 

SUFFRAGANS. 

1. Sergove Don Fr. Bias de Arganda, 2000 

2. Orihuela Vacant, 375^ 

3. Mallorca Don Lorenzo Defpuig, ^7S^ 

In AMERICA. 

I, SANTO DOMINGO. Archbifliop. 

Don Phelipe Ruiz de Ausmendi, 

SUFFRAGANS. 

1. Puerto Rico Don Pedro Martinez de Oneca. 

2. Cuba Don Pedro Aguftin Morel. 

3. Caracas Don Diego Diez Madronnero. 

5 IL MEXi^ 



IN SPAIN. 



^3 



IL MEXICO. Archbifhop, &c. 

Don Man. Rubio de Salinas. 

SUFFRAGANS. 

IV PUEBLA DE LOS An- -r* t-. • 

GELEs ^°^ Domingo Alvarez de Abrea, 

2. Oaxaca Don Ventura Blanco. 

3. Mechoacan — Don Pedro Sanchez de Tagle, 

4. Guadalaxara Don Francifco de Texada. 

5. Yucatan Don Fr. Ignacio de Padilla, 

6.. DuRANGo — • Don Pedro Tamaron. 

ni. MANILA, Archbifliop, &c. 

Don Manuel Antonio Roxo. 

SUF FRAGANS. 
T. Cebu' Vacant. 

2. NuEVA Segovia - Don Juan de la Fuente. 

3:. NuEVA Caceres •— Don Fr. Manuel de MatoSi 

IV. GUATE MA L A. Archbifhop, 6cc. 

Don Francisco de Figueredo. 

SUFFRAGANS. 
I.. Chiapa — . Don F. Jofeph Videlde Montezuma, 
2.. Nicaragua Don Fr. Mato. Navia Bolano. 

3. GoMAYAGUA — Don Diego Rodriguez Rivas, 

V. LIMA. Archbifhop. 
Don Diego del Gorro. 

SUF FRAGANS. 

I. Areqjtipa Don Jacinto Aquado / Chac6n. 

^. Truxillo --~. Don Francifco de Luna Vidoria. 

3. QiJ^ITOJ 



24 STATE OF RELIGION 

3. Quito ■ Don Juan Nieto Polo del Aqulla, 

4. Cuzco ' Don Juan de Caflonneda. 

5. GuAMANGA ■ Don Phelipc Manrique de Lara, 

6. Panama — Don Man. Romani y' Carrillo, 

7. Chile Don Man. de Alday. 

8. CoNCEPCiON DE Chile Den Jofeph do Tore, 

VI. C HA RC AS. Archbifliop. 

Don Cayetano Marcellano' y' Agramont. 

SUFFRAGANS. 

1. N'^A" S^A* DE LA Paz Don Diego de Parada. 

2. TucuivTAN Don Pedro de- Argadona, 

3. S'^A- Cruz DE LA Sierra Don Fern. Perez de Oblltas. 

4. Paraguay Don Manuel de la Torre. 

5. Buenos Ayres ■ Don Jof. Ante Bafurco y Herrera, 

VIL SANTA FE. Archbifliop. 

Don Joseph Xavier de Arauz. 

SUFFRAGANS. 

1. PoPAYAN " Don Geronymo de Obregon. 

2. Cartagena _ Don Manuel de Sofa y Betancur. 

3. Santa Mart a - Don Nicolas Gil Martinez. 

These were formerly in the nomination of the King, and after- 
wards the Concordate. This is not tile cafe now. The Pope, the 
King, and the Archbifhop of Toledo divide the' patronage. The 
concordate was an old council or junto for that purpofe 5 but is 
lately aboliflied. 

The bifhoprics in Spain- have vejy iine revenues.- ,. The 
biflibps always go in the following drefs ; A long robe, and a 

purple 



I N S P A I N. ^5 

purple rochet. They generally carry a crucifix, wear a crofs up- 
on their breads, and a ring. 

The clergy of Spain who are not of any particular monaflic 
order wear the regular drefs, confifting of a cafibck, and a hood 
of flannel or filk. The caflbck has a cape ; and their hats arc 
tucked up on both fnles. The ecclefiaftical eflates are very con- 
fiderabie. 



<^#*^#*^#*^=^*^**^**^*#^*#^#*^#*^**^*#^##^##^##^ 



LETTER IIL 

Of the GOVERNMENT of SPAIN, the Cortes, 
or Parliament, its Laws, Tribunals, Courts 
of Judicature, &^c. 



TH E government of Spain was, by its ancient conftitution, 
a limited monarchy, of hereditary fucceilion, both in 
males and females. The male line ended in Ferdinand, who 
united Castile and Arragon, by marriage with Isabella of 
Castile. That Princefs dying at Medina del Campo, in 
1505, left iflue, I. John, who married Marge rite, daughter 

E of 



26 L A W S O F S P AT N. 

of the Emperor Maximilian. 2. Isabella, married firft to 
Prince Alphonzo, foil of John II. and afterwards to Emanuel 
of Portugal. 3. Joan, who was afterwards Queen of Cas- 
tile. 4. Mary, who married Emmanuel of Portugal. 
5. Catherine, who marriisd Arthur Prince of Wales, and 
afterwards PIenry VIII. of England. 

Isabella appointed her heirs by will, the Princefs Donna 
Juan A her third daughter, conjointly with her huihand the 
Archduke Philip, of Burgundy, fon of the Emperor Maxi- 
milian, who was firnamed Philippe le Flamand. In con- 
fequence of this teftamentary difpofition, Philip claimed the 
crown of Castile againft his father-in-law Ferdinand. This 
difpute was however amicably adjuiled by an agreement in 1506, 
that both parties (liould have equal power and authority. But 
Philip dying that fame year, the power and crown of Spain 
reverted entire into the hands of Ferdinand, who dying in 
1 516, was fucceeded in the throne of Spain by his grandfon 
Charles V. who was the fon of Philip by Donna Juana, 
ftiled the Fool, who was the mother of two Emperors. And 
thus the crown of Spain came into the houfe of Austria. 
This monarchy was limited by its Corses, or Parliament, compo- 
fed of rcprefentatives fent from the cities and towns, each of 
which, according to the old Gothic plan, fent procurators, 
or deputies, chofen by and out of the aldermen of their refpec- 
tive cities. The eldeft member for Burgos always adled as 
fpeaker of the houfe j though Toledo was a rival to Burgos 
for -that privilege. In order to adjuft amicably their two claims, 
the Kin;^ ufed to fiy on opening the feffion of the Cortes^ " I 
*' will fpeak for Toledo, which will do what I order: But 
"Jet Burgos fpeak fir/i -,' becaufe Burgos was anciently the 
capital of Castile. .No a6l could pafs in this parliament by 
majority of voices ; it required the unanimous aflcnt of all the mem- 
berB. All its ads v/ere afterwards carried to the King to be con- 
firmed. The members of. this parliament were always affembled 
iw-xCortcSy by letters convocatory from the King and privy coun- 
cil; 



GOVERNMENT OF SPAIN. 27 

cil.; and it was dilToIved by a notification from the prefident of 
ihsit council. But notvvithftanding its diiTolution, a committee 
of eight members ftill remained at court. This Cortes has rarely- 
been called lince the year 1647, \vhen they gave Philip IV. the 
millonest or general excife, and will probably never be affembled 
any more, as their power is great, and they can call minifters fo 
feverely to an account. The laft meeting of it that I know of, 
was in May 171 3, when it affembled to receive the renunciation 
of Philip V. to his rights upon the crown of France. This 
affembly was antiently the keeper of the revenues of the crown. 
But Charles V. and his minifters firft laid them alide, becaufe 
they could get no money from them : And having obtained a grant 
of the fale of the bull of the crufado from the Pope, they found 
they could get money without the help of a Cortes, and fo took 
their leave of an aflembly which few princes or minifters are fond 
of feeing. 

This antient Spanifh Cortes undoubtedly refembled our 
English Parliament : For all the northern nations had originally 
a like form of government, which was a Hmited monarchy, and 
the legiflative authority v/as fo commixt in the King and the ef- 
tateg, that no laws could be made, repealed, or fufpended, nor 
any money raifed upon the fubjed:, but with their common con- 
fent. But now this Cortes is laid afide; Spain is no longer a 
mixed monarchy, but entirely abfolute j the whole government 
being folely in the hands of the King and his minifters, and the 
councils, which are altogether at their devotion. This change 
from mixed to abfolute monarchy was occafioned by the timidity 
of the commons of Castile, who having in their laft ftruggle 
for expiring freedom, fupported for fome time a war againft the 
crown, on a fmgle defeat deferted the noble caufe of liberty in the 
moft abject manner. This war began in the year 1 520, and 
lafted only two years: At v/hich time Char les V. carried his 
point with a high hand, and told the Cvrtes, he would always 
have the fupplies granted firft-, and then he would pafs the bills 
they petitioned for, and not before \ to which they timidly fub- 
mitted, and voted him four millions of ducats (about 4b'o,ooo/.' 
ileriing) to be paid, in three years. 

, E 2 Th.E' 



tS PARLIAMENT OF SPAIN. 

The writ antlently fent to each city, as a fummons to parlia- 
ment, convened all the prelates, mailers of the military orders 
of knighthood, earls, rich men, nobles, and procurators of the 
cities and towns throughout the realm, in the following manner : 
(take notice, that this is for Castile only, as Catalonia and 
Arragon had a feparate Cortes.) 

Members. Members. Members. 

J'rom the City of ToRo 4 Truxillo 2 

Burgos 8 Calahorra 2 Caneres 2 

Toledo 5 Oviedo i Cadix 2 

Leon 5 Xerez 2 Xeriz 4 

Seville 3 Astorga i Bejar 3 

CoRDUBA 3 RODRIGO I ViLLA ReAL 3 

MURCIA 2 BaDAJOX I CuELLAR 3 

Jaen 3 CoRiA 2 Tariff i 

Abula 2 Guadalajara 2 Huete 2 

Salamanca 8 Corunna i Andujar 2 

Zamora 4 Medinadel Atienca 3 

Segovia 2 Campo 2 Madrid 2 

SoRiA 4 Cuenza 3 Alcaraz 2 

VALLADOLID4 CaRMONA 2 St.SEBASTIAN2 

Placentia 2 EzijA 2 Satiagun 2 

BaEZA 3 VlTORIA 2 FUENTE Ru- 

UbEDA 3 LoGRONNO I BIA I 

This is copied from a writ inferted in Dr. Geddes's trails, 
fent by Don Henry II. of Castile in 1390, and fummons 125 
members to the Cortesy which was afterwards affembled in the 
church of St. Salvador at Madrid. I am told, the oath, 
which the Kings of Spain take at the Jtira on their acccffion, is 
as follows : " I do promife and fwear to maintain, and to caufe to 
*' be maintained, to all the nobles, prelates, churches, and mafters 
" of the military orders ; and to all the cities, towns, and villages, 
" all the fame privileges, grants, franchifes, exemptions, good 
" ufiges and cuftoms, which they enjoyed in the reigns of my an- 
" cellors, and in the fame manner." 

Their Kings, according to the laws of Spain, are declared 
of age, or out of their minority, on the completion of their four- 
teenth 



LAWS OF SPAIN. 



29 



teenth year. In regulating the fucceflion, after the death of 
Charles If. a medium was obferved between the Salic law y and 
the ufage of Castile; namely, that any w^z/^ heir, howfoever 
diftant, Diould inherit before 2i female, who was to have no right 
but after the extindion of every male-branch. 

SPANISH LAW, TPvIBUNALS, and 
COURTS OF JUSTICE. 

THE Laws of Spain are compounded chiefly o£ the Rowan 
civil law, the royal edids, and probably certain provincial 
cudoms. Where they thought the Ro??ian law was not fufficiently 
extenfive, they have made large additions of their own. Thefe 
are called the Leyes de Fartidas ; and form at prefent a fyfleni 
of modern Spanijhl-.'scKNy and have been publifhed by Blrni and 
Cat ALA in fix volumes odlavo. The name Fartidas comes from 
the divifion of them into chapters. As to what we call Common 
Law in England, the Spaniards have no fuch thing; their 
provincial cufloms have fome refemblance to it, but their laws 
are Leges ScRiPTiE. Much, however, oi \he feudal 2x\A Got hie 
conftitutions ftill remain : Thus the grandees have flill their vaf- 
fals, and very extenfive powers over their perfons. The fi:udy of 
the Spanifh lawyers confiils chiefly in that of their old Gothic 
code, or the Fuero Jufgo, as they call it, which I apprehend to be 
a more complete body of Gothic law than any thing of that fort 
ever publiflied. It was compiled by Sijenardo a Gothic prince, 
in 631, was printed in 1600. It would have been a very confi- 
derable addition to Lindenbi'ogius'^ Gothic Code, who has omitted 
the Gothic laws made in Spain. Then the Code of Don San- 
CHo, in the year 1000; then the Fuero Royal o£ Alphonso X. 
in the year 1255 : The Roman Codes ^ digcfis, pandeds, &;c. and 
after thefe the Leyes de Fartidas, the Fraginatica, the royal cdids, 
mandates, &c. Thofe v>'ho would know minutely and accu- 
rately the ftate of the Spaniih law, (liould read Apparatus ^fu- 
rls Fublici Hifpaijici: Fa lent ice, 2 vol. 8vo. and Sacra Fhemidis 
JiifpanicdB^ 4to. '^ind, L'HiJloire du Droit Royal dEsPAG^E. 

E 3 Thejr 



30 SPANISH TRIBUNALS. 

Their great court of civil law is divided into the two chance* 
ries of Valladolid and Granada, which include the whole 
kingdom. Tho' Arragon, Valentia, and Catalonia loft 
their old privileges ; yet they ftill retain a court of chancery among 
themfelves in audiences held in the capital of each of thofe king- 
doms, whofe determinations are fubjecl only to the fupreme council 
of Cast I LE. If it be a cafe of property, the fuit is commenced in 
that chancery to which the plaintiff belongs, and then the affair 
is referred to the Confejo Real y Supremo, at which the King may 
order, if he pleafes, all the deputy-councils to affift. The deter- 
mination here is not final, becaufe an appeal ftill lies to the Sala 
de Mil y ^inientos I but that is final, and beyond it is no dernier 
refort. The tribunals of Valladolid and Granada were 
inftituted by Don Henry of Castile, enlarged by Don John 
I. and put on their prefent footing by Ferdinand and Isabel- 
la in 1499. 

All other caufes go before the reipedlive courts to which they 
belong, whether civil, criminal, or commercial, which are as 
follow : 

I . 'The Royal or fupreme Council ofCASTiLE, 

This and the following council are frequently affembled as one,: 
to determine appeals made from the chanceries of Valladolid 
and Granada : And fometimes affairs of the police are referred 
to them by the King. 

II. The fecond Hall of Government. 

The determinations of thefe are not final, but the ultimate appeal 
lies to the following court. 

III. The Hall of the Mil y pimentos. 

So called, becaufe the parties muff firff depofite here one thoufand 
five hundred doblas, (about 223/.) before the appeal can be 
lodged, which is not a large fum, confidering law-expences. 
This is nothing elfe but a committee of the fupreme council. 

IV. The Hall of Jufiice. 

This is a court for matters purely litigious, and is a part of the 
fupreme council. 

V. The 



AND COURTS OF JUSTICE. 31 

V. The Hall of the Province . 

This is a court of matters chiefly relating to the police, 

VI. T^he Fjfcal: the Office of the Attorney General for thi 
"Royal Council. 

VII. T^he Hall of the Alcaydes de la Cafa y Corte, 

This hall was inftituted by Alphonzo X. to fuperintend the lodg- 
ings for the court, and to provide them. As every houfc in 
the kingdom was fubjed: to this inconvenience, the landlords of 
lioufes made a compolition with the crown to get rid of this 
grievance : and this compofition is faid to amount to 150,000 
ducats per annum. This council was efcablifhed to preferve 
this prerogative : and this court antiently found lodgings for all 
foreign ambafladors, as may be iitQVi \xv Sir Richard Fan- 
SHAw's account of his embafTy at the court of Madrid. 

VIII. T^he Supreme Council of War. 

This determines all caufes relating to the army ; excepting what 
belongs to the council of the Indies. 

IX. Council of the Inquiftion. 

This confifts of an inquifitor-general ; of five counfellors, whereof 
one muft alv/ays be a Dominican ; of a procurator -, two fecre- 
taries of the chamber ; two fecretaries of the council -, an Al- 
guazil-rL\2.yor ; a receiver ; two reporters^; two qualificators, and 
confultors, and a legion of familiars j or Ipies. 

The fupreme office of this Holy Trihinal, as they call it, is at 
Madrid ; but there are alfo inferior holy tribunals, or inquili- 
tionary offices, placed in the great cities almoft all over Spain. 
Thefe are the great flate-curbs that hold the people in fuch an 
implicit religious obedience, and preferve their boailed uniformity 
of faith. *' Among you English," they cry, *' you have as ma- 
** ny religions as diftrid:s ; but here all is undividedly Roman- 
*' catholic." 'Tis true, we English are enemies to all perfecutive 
principles; we breathe the fpirit of toleration and humanity, and 
are unwilling to roafl: any man into Protcilantifm, or convince by 
racks, inftead of Bibles. I remember 1 faw at Segovia the tra- 
gic icotfteps of the inquifition, whicJi once was there, but is 
4 nov/ 



32 SPANISH TRIBUNALS, 

now removed, in the badges of 5C0 Jews, who had been burnt 
in that fingle office only. The inquifitor Torqiiemada (according 
to Madame D'aunois's account) in the time of Ferdinand and 
Isabella, tried above 100,000 fouls, of which 6000 were burnt 
in lefs than 14 years time. 

This court w^as eredled in the Xlllth century, about the year 
125 1. Pope Innocent IV. authorized the Dominicans as perpe- 
tual inquiiltors : Clement IV. confirmed thefe powers, and en- 
larged their privileges and tribunals in the year 1265. It was ef- 
tabliflied in Castile under Ferdinand and Isabella, and in. 
Portugal by John III. in the year 1557. In 1483 Ferdi- 
nand obtained a bull to conftitute the inquifition in Arragon 
and Valentia from Sixtus IV. who afterwards extended it all 
over the catholic dominions. 

This holy office ufed antiently to acknowledge only the power 
of the Pope above it, and bad defiance to all other controul. It 
raifed itfelf far above the authority of their Kings, who were of- 
ten bridled, humbled, and even puniflied by it. It then was truly 
formidable, when fupported by the united force of papal and royal 
authority. Their auto de feSy or folemn a6ts of faith, ufed to be 
exhibited commonly when their princes came of age, or at their 
acceffion. 

In the year 1724, there was^ printed in London in 12®. An 
Account of the Trial and bufferings of Mr. Isaac Martin, ^i^ho 
was put into the Inqiiijltioji in S^ain, for the fake of the Protejiajjt 
Religion. 

This man, a native of London, a member of the church of 
England, kept a pofada^ or inn, at Malaga, and traded as a, 
merchant with fuch captains of merchant-fhips as touched there, 
taking their adventure, and giving them the produd: of the coun- 
try In return, fuch as wine, fruit, oil, G?r. He came, with a wife 
and four children, to fettle at Malaga in the year 1714, and ha- 
ving ftayed th-^re four years, was accufed by a fet of Irifh papifts, 
who envied his better fuccefs in trade, in the bifiiop's court, of 
fuch crimes as they commonly charge Proteflants with ; fuch a& 

his 



TRIBUNAL OF THE INQUISITION, 33 

his being a Jew, and an heretic, and having given too much fcm- 
dal, by his difcourfe and adions, to the Malagans, in regard to rcH- 
gion and matters of faith. This was fufHcient to accompUfli his 
ruin, which was the end they aimed at. In the year 171 8, he was 
taken up by order of the holy office, and conveyed to the inqui- 
fition of Granada, from whence after eight months imprifon- 
ment, and many vain attempts, by threats and hard ufage, to make 
him turn catholic, he was releafed in the following manner : As 
the man was an Englifh proteftant, redding there under the pro- 
tedion of treaties fubfifting between the two crowns, his com- 
mitment and detention were a manifefl violation of thofe treaties, 
and of the law of nations : accordingly the Englifh Conful at Ma- 
laga reprefented the cafe in a proper manner to the Englidi mi- 
niller, and the minifter in confequence laid the affair before one 
of the fecretaries of flate ; who immediately reprefented the mat- 
ter to his majefty George I. who was gracioully pleafed to fend 
a very fpirited remonftrance to Cardinal Alberoni, Philip V.'s 
hrfl minifter, claiming his own fubjecfl, and infifting upon the 
immediate releafe of the faid Isaac Martin from the prifon of 
the inquifi-tion, and defiring that he might be fent back to Eng- 
land. The cardinal, upon this, applied to the inquifitor-general 
to know how the cafe ftood : This gentleman, whofe nan:ic was 
Don Jacinto de ABRANA,fcnt to the inquifitors at Granada for 
a true account of the cafe ; and then wrote a letter to the cardi- 
nal, ftating the matter to him ; upon which the cardinal gave or- 
ders for his releafe. The original letter, v/hich the inquifitor-ge- 
neral wrote to cardinal Alberoni upon this fubje(ft, accidentally fell 
into my hands : It is manifellly a letter written defigncdly to be 
fhewn to the Englifli miQiftry, in order to judify the inquifition 
in fo illegal and inhuman a procedure. There was, no doubt, 
another private letter written by the lame inquifitor to the car- 
dinal, flating the real injuftice and indefenfible circumftanccs of 
this imprifonment ; otherwife had the account given in tliis pu- 
blick letter been ftridly true, the poor man had never been releafed 
at all. What the inquifitor in this letter fays, indeed, was true 
enough, that feveral witncffes of Malaga had laid fuch charges 
iigainft the faid Isaac Martin. But he conceals what was 
equally true, that thefe witnefies were a fct of Irifli pnpills, who, 

F out 



'^4 TRIBUNAL of the INQUISITION. 

out of envy to the man as a more fortunate trader, accufed him 
before the inquijition : that thefe were not only envious witnefles, 
but falfe witnefles, and had crouded into their charge many lies 
and little truth. A religion muft be grounded upon very flimfy evi- 
dence, that has recourfe to fuch wretched fliifts, to fuch low ar- 
titices for its fupport. The interceffion of George I. did indeed 
releafe this unhappy object -, but how was he releafed? He receiv- 
ed, upon his enlargement, two hundred lafhes, was whipped and 
pelted for three quarters of an hour through the flireets of Gra- 
nada, ftripped and plundered of all his efteds, fent back to Ma- 
laga, and then put aboard a fl:iip, with his wife and children, 
to fhift for themfelves. — Upon a view of this cafe, I think one 
cannot help faying, that the tender mercies of the inquifition are 
cruel', and if this be the juftice of a chriftian country, let my 
lot be thrown among barbarians. The letter, which the Inquifi- 
tor-general wrote to cardinal Alberoni, upon this occafion, is an 
original piece never before publiflied, and is as follows : 

+ 

B,mm'intntiJJimo Senor, . Moft Eminent Sir. 

Senor, Sir, 

'UN ciimpJimiento del prezepfo JN obedience to the commands 

de Viujlra Enuninencia acerca of your Eminence concern- 

dela prifjion, que fe hlzo, por el ing the imprifonment, by order 

Santo Ofjizio de la Inquijltmi de of the holy office of the inquifi- 

Granada, de la perjona de Ifaac tion of Granada, of the perfon 

Martin 'vewino de la ciiidad de of Ifaac Martin, inhabitant of 

Malaga 'y Deho decir a Viiefira Malaga : I ought to inform your 

Efnminencia, que ef.e ileo j'uete- Eminence, that that criminal 

ftijicado en la hiqut/ition por nueve was proved in the inquifition by 

teftigos, de que fe jaciaba de fer nine v/itnclles to have boafled, 

ohfervante de la Ley de Moyjes; that he was an obferver of the 

y que con efcandalo de muchos de- law of Mofes ; and to the fcan- 

cia, cftabamos eiiganados los Ca~ dal of many he faid, that we Ca- 

tholicos en la creencia de nucjira tholics were in an error in the 

Jagrada Religion : y quejiendo ajji belief of our mc/l; holy religion : 

6 And 



TRIBUNAL OF the INQUISITlOxV. 



:>:> 



que miichos Tngkfes Profeftantes And altho' many Englifli Pro- 
hac'ian reverencia al fantijjimo fa~ teftants did reverence to the 
cramcntOy quando pajjaba por las mofh holy facrament, when it 
calks, 6 entraban efi las ygkfias, pafTed along the ftreets, or when 
no folo no la hazia ejie Reo, Jino they entered into the churches : 
que vohia las efpaldas, y f err aba Yet this criminal did not only 
las vent anas de Jus caj'as, quando not do this, but turned his back 
pajjciba algiina ProceJ/ion, para upon it, and fliut the (butters of 
que fus hijos y jamilia ?20 hizieffen his windows when any procef- 
adoracion : ^le ha hablado con fion palTed by, in order that his 
Catholicos malamente de elfu?nf?io children and family might not 
Pontifice, y de las fantas Lna- worfliip the HofI:. And that he 
genes i y articulos del Purgato- hath fpoken defamatory words 
rio : T que baviendo embiado a to catholics of the Pope, of the 
fus hijos a la efcuela, tiibo un dif~ holy images, and our articles of 
gujio con el maejlro, por que los faith relating to purgatory. And 
enfcnnaba a perjignarje.y las or- that having fent his children to 
aciones ', y por ejio los faco de di- fchool, he was difguiled with 
cha Efcuela : f que hofpedo a un the mafter, becaufe he taught 
yudio que paffaba a Liorna, ha- them to crofs themfelves, and 
viendo graves indlcios de que fe to fay prayers : And that for this 
vino huyendo de Portugal, por te- reafon he took them from the 
mor de quefeprendiejje aquellain- faid fchool : And that he lodged 
quijition. a Jew in his houfe, who was 

going to Leghorn, there being 
ilrong proofs, that that Jew lied 
from Portugal for fear of being 
apprehended by the inquifition 
of that kingdom. 

CON ejia informazion fue With this information or- 

mandado prender, y ejla confeffb ders were given by the Inquili- 

en caji todos los cargos, negando tion for apprehending the per- 

folo elfer fudio. T ejlando de- fon of the laid Ifaac Martin, and 

terminado por los fagr ados canones he hath confelTed almoft all the 

y leyes de ejios reynos, y por los articles of the charge againfl 

capitulos de Pazes entre ejla y la him, but abfolutely denies his 

corona de Ttigalaterra, que el being a Jew. It being however 

F 2 de- 



36 TRIBUNAL of the INQUISITION. 

fanto officio pueda y deba proze- determined by the facred canons, 
der contra los Tnglcfes que dieren and the laws of thefe kingdoms, 
efcandalo en piinto de religion ; no and by the articles of our trea- 
Jolo no ha contravenido en la prif- ties of peace between this crowu 
Jion de ejie Rco a ello, fmo que el and that of England, that the 
procedimiento es en fu conformi- holy office may and ought to 
dady ohferbancia : For lo qual, proceed againft fuch Englifh- 

men, as fay any thing fcandalous 
in matters of religion : The ho- 
ly office has not only not done 
any thing contrary to the faid 
canons, laws, and treaties of 
peace, in the imprifonment of 
this criminal, but tho, procedimus 
is in conformity to them, and 
obfervance of them. Where- 
fore, 

SXJPPLICO aVuep-aEjmnl- I supplicate your Emi- 
nencia fe Jirva mandar refponder; nence to give for anfwer (to the 
que el fanto officio prozede jufta y Engliffi minijlery I fuppofej that 
lexitimamente. O como Vuejlra the holy office hath proceeded 
Emminencia flier e fervido. lawfully and rightly in this mat- 

ter : Or that your Eminence 
hath been obeyed. 

DIOS guarde a Vueftra Em- God preferve your Eminence 

minencia los muchos anosy que many years, which I pray that 

puede y lefupplico. Madrid, he may. Madrid, the 25th 

y Abril 2^ de jyiS. of April, 1 7 1 & . 

Emminentiffinio Scnory Mofl: eminent Sir, 

Bcfo los ?nanos de Vueftra Em- I kifs your Eminence's hande, 

minencia. Your moft truly 

Su mas rendido Servidor and affed;ionately 

Jacinto de Abraiia. Jaci?ito de Abrana. 

Al Emmlncntiffimo Senor Cardenal A heron: . To his Eminence Caidifial AXhexoxvu 

But 



TRIBUNAL OF the INQUISITION. 37 

But now, thank God, thefe fanguinary ads of faith fcem to 
be growing out of vogue in Spain. There has not been, I am 
told, an auto defe at Madrid for thefe twelve years ; which was 
owing to this circumftance : A Jew, and his wife, and a daughter 
of about thirteen years of age, being condemned to be burnt; while 
the father and mother were burning, they fet the child loofe from 
its fetters, and the priefts got round it, with a view of converting 
it by the united force of their rhetoric, and the terrors of imme- 
diately undergoing the fame cruel death. The child, after feem- 
ing to liften a while to their oratory, gave a fudden fpring, and 
vaulted into the midft of the fire ; giving a fliining example of 
the force of early piety, of an heroic fortitude equal to that of the 
moft refolute Roman, or the moil unihaken martyr. 

The power of this tribunal is now declining very vifibly, and 
feems haftening to its fall; for the prefent King of Spain has 
taken a bolder ftep to humble the inquifition, than any of the Phi- 
lips or Charles's who went before him. The inquifitor-ge- 
neral having thought proper, laft year, to prohibit a liturgy which 
the king had licenfed, without confulting his majefty about it; 
the king, with a very proper fpirit, put the inquifitor under an ar- 
reft, and immediately lent him, guarded with a file of grenadiers, 
into exile, in a convent, at a great diftance from Madrid. So 
determined and refolute a meafure as this, alarmed the whole body 
of the clergy ; they moved heaven and earth to obtain the in qui- 
fi tor's recal ; but for fome time their endeavours had no tK'^-d: : 
The king was inflexible. The common people were taught by 
their priefts to fay, that his Catholic Majefly was no good catho- 
lic in his heart. At length, however, the king reilored the inqui- 
fitor to his liberty : but in fuch a manner, as that prelate had no 
reafon to triumph; for his majefiy, at the time of releaHng him, 
pubiidied at Madrid the following edid:, which I fliall here give 
in the original Spanifli, and fubjoin to it a tranllation. 

TJAviendo confidcroJo q^' no jLlAvingconfidered that my re- 

pucde fatisjdcer mi rcligiofo ligious zeal cannot fatisfy 

Celo las Jinc^ros dcfeos q'- tcngo de the fincere deiire I prefer vc fpr 

froteger en todus occafiones las dc~ protei5ting on all occafions either 

5 the 



401115 



:> 



8 TRIBUNALoF the IN QU I S I T I O N. 

tcrminaTJ' dc Ja Santa Sedcy ni the determinations of the holy- 

las del Tribunal de laTnquiJiz" de fee, or thofe of the inquifition 

ejios Reynos en los graves, e im- of theie kingdoms in the ferious 

prt antes ajjiwiptos, que ejian en- and important bufinefs com- 

comendddos a fu ciudado, y que mitted to their care, and which 

con tanto Cclo procura dejhnpen- is executed with fo much zeal 

jzar, Ji antes que todos mis vafal- by that tribunal, unlefs I fhould 

los no tengo previa notiz'' de las be acquainted with thofe fam.e 

inifmas deternmiaz" y fmofe efla- determinations previous to any 

blecen las mas feguras reglas para notice given of them to my vaf- 

evitar antes de fu pronulgazicn fals, and unlefs the mofl fecure 

todos riefgos de embarazo, e in- regulations fhould be eftabliflied 

co?nben" he refuelto defpues de una for avoiding before the publica- 

madura deliherazion, y confulta tion thereof every danger of em- 

de mi Cofifejo, q' en adelante toda baraflment or inconvenience ; I 

Bula, Breve, Refcripto, Exorta- have refolvcd after mature deli- 

tiouy Carta Pontijizia Jbbre beration, and with advice of my 

qualquiera afjumpto que fea, que council, that henceforwards nei- 

trate de efiabkcer Ley, Regla, u ther pontifical bulls, briefs, re- 

obfervanzia gen^ que venga diri- fcripts, exliortations, nor letters 

gida, y a fea en particular, 6 ge- upon any fubjed: whatfoever, 

7ieral a los Tribunales, Juntas, treating to eflablifh a law, regu- 

Arzpos, Obifpos, 6 Rr dados de lation, or general obfcrvance, 

ejios Reynos^ no fe haya de publi- whether diredred in particular, 

car, y obedezer^ Jin que primero or in general to the tribunals, 

conjie baverla To vijio, y Exami- juntas, magi{l:racies,archbilhops, 

nado, y q' el Nuncio App'^Ji vi- bifliops,or prelates of thefe king- 

niefe dirigida por fu mano la haya doms, fliall be publiilied, or o- 

pafada a las mias por la via re- beyed, unlefs it appears to have 

fervada de EJlado -, que qualquier been firft feen, and examined by 

Bula, 6 Breve de negozios entre Me ; and if ever they fliould be 

partes, 6 perfonas particular' ya addrelled to the apoftolic nun- 

fuere de gracia, 6 jtfliz^ fe pre- cio, he muft pafs them to my 

fente, y examine en el Confejo de hands by the fecretary of ftate's 

Cafilldfpueda verfe,fi defu ege- office: And that all bulls or 

cuz" puede refultar algun perjuicio briefs for bufinefs between pri- 

al Concordato, a las Leyes, hue- vate perfons or parties, whether 

nos ufos, y coflumbres, y quiet ud they be of grace or juflice, fhall 

be 



TRIBUNAL OF the INQUISITION. 39 

del ReynOi 6 perjuicio de terxerOy be prefented to, and examined 

exceptuando iinicam^' de ejia pre- by the council of Caftile, in or- 

fe?itaz" las difpe?jfas, y Breves, der to difcover, if any prejudice 

queje expidefi por lafacra Fe?ii- can refult from its obfervance, 

tenziaria para elfuero interno de either to the concordatum or to 

la conzienz^ que el Tnq"' general the laws, good cudoms and prac- 

no piiblique edidlo dlguno dlmana- tices, or to the tranquillity of the 

do de Bulla, 6 Breve Pontifzio, kingdom, or to the prejudice of 

Jinque fe le pafe de mi or den a efie any third perfon, excepting fole- 

Jin,jupuefio que todos los ha de en- ly from this prefentation, the 

tregar el iiuncio a mi perfona 6 a difpenfations and briefs difpatch- 

mi primer fecretario del dejpacho ed by the holy penitenciary for 

de ejiado, y que Ji perteneciefe a the internal forum of confcien- 

prohibizion de libros, ohferve la ces : And that the inquifilor- 

forma prevenido en el Auto acor- general fliall not publifh any 

dado I \. tituloj^' lib. i^- ha- edid:, proceeding from any pon- 

ziendolos examinar de nuebo, y tifical bull, or brief, unlefs it be 

prohibiendolos Ji lo merecieren por tranfmitted to him by my order; 

propia potejiad, y Jin injertar cl for they muil all be delivered by 

Breve : ^e tatnpoco publiqi(e el the nuncio to my perfon, or to 

Tnq**" geyieral ediilo alguno, 6 ex- my f.rfl: fecretary of Hate; and 

purgatorio en la corte nij'uera de that if they belong to the pro- 

ellajin dar me parte por el Jeer e- hibition of any books, the for- 

tario del dejpacho de grazia y ju- mality mull be obferved., as ex- 

Jiiz" enjujalta cerca de mi per- prefied in the 14th Auto, tit. 7. 

Jona por el de ejiado, y que fe le book I. caufing the books to be 

haya rejpondido que lo conjiento, y examined again, and then, if 
Jinahif que antes de condcnar el , they fliould deferve it,' prohi- 

rnq"' general y el tribunal de la biting them by his own authority, 

Tnrf" qualq" Hbro,6 papel.ciga las and without infertijig the brief: 

dcjenfas, que quijieren hazer lo: And likewife that the inquifitor- 

interefados citandolos para ello con- general ftiall not publiili in t'le 

forme a las regies prefcriptas a la court, or out of it, any edicft, or 

lyiqujiz" de Roma por cl Fapa expurgatory, without f^ril giving 

Bcnedicio XIF. en la Conjlituzion notice thereof to me, by the fe- 

App''' que empieza, {olic'it^ ac pro- cretary of diijpatch, of grace,and 

vida. En Bucn Reiiro a 2j de juiLicc, or in his abfence, from 

Nov. de 1761. my perfon, by the fecretary of 

Hate ; 



40 TRIBUNAL of the INQUISITION. 

( jftate; nor without obtaining In 

anfwer my confent : And finally, 
that before any book or paper be 
condemned by the inquifitor -ge- 
neral, or by the tribunal of the 
inquifition, they {hall hear the 
defence that the concerned may 
defire to make, citing them for 
that purpofe, according to the 
regulations prefcribed to the in- 
quifition of Rome by Pope Be- 
nedid XIV. in the Apoftolic 
Confi:itution, which begins. Soli- 
citaacproviddj 6cc. Buen Retiro, 
the 27th November 1761. 



X. The Royal Council of the Indies, 
The Duke of Alva is chancellor of it. This is juridical only. 



LETTER 



LETTER III. PART IL 

COUNCILS, HALLS, and TRIBUNALS. 

XI. JxOyal Council of the Orders of Knighthood, 

Inftituted for the regulation and government, and to preferve the 
privileges of thofe orders, by Ferdinand the Catholic, in 
1489. As thefe Spanifh orders feemnot to be very v^ell known 
in England, I will now give fome account of them. They are, 

1. The Order of the Golden Fleece. 

2. Of St. James, or San Jago. 

3. Of Alcantara. 

4. Of Calatrava. 

5. Of MONTESA. 

6. Of THE Habit of Christ. 

I. The Order of the Golden Fleece came originally from the houfe 
of Burgundy. Fhilip the Goody Duke of Burgundy, infti- 
tuted it in 1429. The collar of this order has a lamb hanging to 
it, with this motto, Pretium ?ion vile laborum. The prefent mem- 
bers of this order are as follow : 

LIST of the KNIGHTS of the GOLDEN FLEECE; 

as it food in the Tear 1760. 

The KING, Chief and Sovereign cf the Order. 
TheMARQUEz DE Grimaldo, Chancellor. 
CoNDE DE Canillas, Rcgijicr. 
D. Manuel Munoz y' Hestakte, King at Arras. 

G KNIGHTS. 



42 GOLDENFLEECE. 

KNIGHTS, 

1, Due DE NoiALLES, March 7, 1702. 

2. CoNDE DEL MoNTijo, December 9, 1713. 
->. Due DE Sully, December 31, 17 14. 

4. Marquez DE Arienzo, March 16, 1719. 

5. The Serene Duke of Parma, May 27, 1723. 

6.' COMTE DE COIGNI, July 22, I734. 

7. The Serene Infant Don Luis, Odober 24, 1735. 

8. Duc^UE DE SoRA, Odober2i, ^736. 

9. Don Miguel Reggio, December 18, 1737. 

10. Marquez de las Minas, January 23, 1738. 

11. Due DE Penthievre, April 27, 1738. 

12. PRiNeE Albert of Poland, November 28, 1738. 

13. The King OF pRANeE, March 13, 1739. 

14. The Mofl Serene Dauphin, March 13, 1739. 

15. CoNDE DE Jablonewski, January 2 o, 1740, 

16. Elector of Bavaria, January 20, 1742. 
37. Due DE Belleisle, April 5, 1742. 

1 8. Due DE Lauraguais, June 19, 1745. 
ig. DuQUE DE Alva, May 26, 1746. 

20. CoMTE DE NoAiLLES, May 27, 1746, 

21. DuQuE DE Medina CoELi, April 9, 1748. 

22. Serene Prince of Asturias, January 3, 1749, 

23. Duke CleM'ENT of Bavaria, June 11, 1749. 

24. Marquez de laEnsenada, April 12, 1750. 

25. Duque de Bejar, April 12, 1750. 

26. Prince of Parma, February 2, 1751. 

27. King of Naples, February 2, 1751. 

28. Serene Infant Don Gabriel, June 9, 1752. 

29. Serene Duke OF Orleans, June 9, 1752. 

30. Prince Masseran, September 22, 1752. 

31. Principe de San Nicandro, September 22, 1752. 

32. Duque de Bournombile, December 18, 1753. 

33. Marquez DE Villa Franca, December 18, 1753. 

34. Duque de Medina-Sidonia, December 18, 1753. 
2^. Serene Duke of Burgundy, March 27, 1754. 

36. Constable Colonna, December 16, 1755. 

37. Sc: 



SAN JAGO, ALCANTARA, &c. 43 

37. Serene Infant Don Antonio, January 16, J 756. 

38. CoNDE DE Aranda, April 13, 1756. 

39. Serene Infant Don Francisco, March u, 1757. 

40. Marquez de Monte Alegre, September 5, 1758. 

Created Jince, on the Rupture between England and Spain. 
Due DE Choiseul. 

CoNDE DE FUENTES, ^C, 

The grand maflerlliip of this order was made hereditary in the 
Kings of Spain, of the houfe of Auftria : confequently the pre- 
fent King of Spain has no right to it. — The reil were'inilituted 
to encourage a fpirit of cruzading. 

II. T^Jje Order of San Jago, or St. Jamesy is divided into twelve 
governments. It was inltituted in the twelfth century, and con- 
firmed by Pope Alexander III. in the year 1175. ^^^ reve* 
nues, arifmg from 87 commanderies, are computed at 230,000 
ducats, (28,750 pounds.) Each knight is obliged, by his feudal 
tenure, to furnifli the King yearly with 368 lances, to make war 
againlf the infidels. They compound for this with the Kino-, and 
pay a certain yearly fum. 

III. The Order of Alcantara was called the noble -y becaufe, to 
be a knight, you mull: prove your nobility for four generations 
pail ; whereas the other orders required only a proof through two 
defcents. The knights of Alcantara have 38 commanderies, 
worth 200,000 ducats, (25,000 pounds.) Thefe furnifh only 138 
lances to the King. 

IV. The Order of Calatrava, inftituted in the twelfth century, 
for the defence of that city againft the Moors in 1 158, and Pope 
Alexander III. confirmed it. They have 54 commanderies, 
worth 110,000 ducats revenue, (13,750 pounds.) They furnifli 
300 lances to the King. 

V. The Order of Montefa Is only worn in Valentia, and 
was eftabliflied in i3i7. It has 9 commanderies. 

The King of Spain is grand mallicr of thefe orders. 

G 2 Be. 



44 COUNCILS AND HALLS. 

Besides thefe the prefent King of Spain has now introduced 
the NeapoHtan order of St. Janu arius ; And has ordered that to 
be worn in his court above the French order of the St. Efpn't, or 



tiir.t of the Go/den Fleece. 



XII. Royal Council of the Haztenda, or freqfury. 

This is not properly the treafury, but rather a court of exchequer : 
All the King's revenues are received by an annual treafurer, 
who is generally a member of this body. This council was 
inftituted by Philip III. 

XIII. The Hall of the Millones. 

Here are paid in the imports called Alcavalas and Millones, the 
firft of which are the moft ancient revenues of the crown of 
Spain, eftablifhed originally by the Moors. They were at firft 
a fifth, afterwards a tenth part of the value on goods bought 
or fold. They are now about i/\. per cent, and are exacted alfo 
on private confumption, as if you kill your own meat, &c. you 
pay the Alcavala. The Millones are a fort of general excife 
given by the Cortes to Philip IV. in 1647, are theheavieft tax 
in all Spain, and renewed every fix years. 

XIV. The Hall of Jtijiice and Grace, 

This is an office, through which all commiffions and grants of 
the crown pafs. 

XV. Tribunal of the Greater Chamber of Accompts. 

I'his is a check upon the King's treafurers ; for the gentlemen 
of this office audit all their accounts, and can rejed: any part of 
them. It was eftablifhcd in 1574, by Philip 11. 

XVI. General Cornmiffian of Crufade. 

When Charles V. grew tired of alking money of his Cortes, 
and was v/illing to free himfelf from their controul ; in order 
to become abfolute, he had recourfe to other expedients of get- 
ting money, and fet himfelf at work to find other fourccs, for 

his 



PAPALBULLS. 45 

his royal revenues. With this view he petitioned Clement 
VII. to grant him the profits arifing from the fale of thofe in- 
dulgences, v^^hich are contained in the bull of the crufado. The 
Pope very complaifantly granted the requeft ; and the contriv- 
ance compleatly anfw^ered that prince's expedtation : For indul- 
gences have always fold better in Spain, than in any other 
country. There are four bulls granted by the fee of Rome to 
Spain exclufively; thefe are, 

I. The Bull of the Crufadoy which grants plenary indulgence to 
all who {hall ferve perfonally for the fpace of one year in war 
againft the infidels ; or if they fend foldiers to that fervice y or if 
they contribute two rials of plate (about the value of an Englifli 
fhilling) for that purpofe. In the Indies, where money was to 
be had in greater plenty, the price of this bull was prodigious j it 
has been fold for a pound of gold. Thofe that purchafe this bull 
twice in one year, have a double indulgence or abfolution : For it 
lafts only for the fpace of one year, fo that a new one muft be 
bought annually by every individual. The next bull is, 

II. The Bull for the Dead. This being bought for any dead 
perfon, it enfures them abfolution from all fin, and fets them free 
from purgatory. 

III. The Bull of Compofition. This entitles the purchafers to a 
right to any ftolen goods, or fuch efifedts as they may be unlaw- 
fully pofielfed of; for by buying this indulgence, they compound 
with the Pope for them. How much fhorter a procefs is this, 
than our Englifh method of hearings in the King's Bench, or a 
tedious chancery- fuit ! One twelve-penny indulgence adjudges the 
property to the thief himfelf. This the Pope does by virtue of 
his being fuprerne lord of all temporal, as well as fpiritual goods. 

IV. The lafl is the Bull of Milk. This is an indulgence to eat 
flefli, butter, cheefe, and eggs in Lent. 

Thus you fee the bufinefs of this council, or general cotnmifjion 
<f Crufadey is to diftribute thofe bulls 5 to raife a revenue to the 

erowii>. 



46 BOARDS AND JUNTA'S 

crown, under a pretence of levying a tax for crufading: Its great 
obje6l is the maintenance of Ceuta, for that is the fole fenurehy 
which they hold the grant of thofe bulls : For were they to lofe 
Ceuta, they would lofe all pretenfions to this tax, which would 
revert to the fee of Rome. In this council all books of religion are 
examined ; no breviary nor miffal can be printed without its li- 
cence. It is the depofitary offlolen goods unowned. It was ereded 
in the year 1525. All the King's fubjeds are obliged to buy the 
indulgence belonging to the kill of the Crufado, to enable them 
to o-o to confeflion, receive abfolution, and to communicate ; for 
if they bring not this bull, the priefts will neither abfolve them, 
nor give them the wafer. This very confiderable part of the crown 
revenues was given in confequence of Cardinal Ximenes's expedi- 
tion into Africa. All the benefices in Spain are taxed for the 
crufade. Toledo alone pays 50,000 ducats yearly, (6250 pounds ;) 
the contribution of the clergy is great, but of the laity ftill more : 
Thefe bulls are faid to produce yearly, in Spain only, 1,200,000 
ducats (above 57,000 /. ilerl.) and about double that fum in 
America. Thofe who die without having bought them, die ex- 
communicated. 

XVII. Board of Works and Forrejis. 

XVIII. Council of Commerce » Money, and Mines ', or a board 
of trade. 

XIX. Jimta de Facidtades y de Viudedades. 

What the nature of this board is, I cannot fay, having made fe- 
veral enquiries in vain about it : Tho' I am inclined to believe, 
that it relates to cafes of property and perfonal eftates, and par- 
ticularly widows jointures. 

XX. Apojlolical Junta. 
To appoint millionarics. 

XXI. Junta of Tobacco. 

To manage the farm of the tobacco. 

XXII. Ju?2ta 



TRIBUNALS AND ACADEMIES. 47 

XXII. 'Junta of the Trovtjions. 

This is a council of perfons of rank and property, who are obliged 
to furnifh Madrid with bread and all other provilions at a fixt 
price. It has the preference of the firfl: purchafe at all markets. 

XXIII. Tribunal of the jirfi Phyjician. 

Don Joseph Sunol, of the Council of his Majefty, and firft 

Phylician of the Chamber, Prejtdent. 
Don Miguel Barbon, of the Council of his Majefty, and his 

Phylician of the Chamber, Vice-prejident, 
Don Joseph Amar, Phyfician to his Majefty, and iiFft Phyfician,. 
Don Andres Piquer, Phyfician of the Chamber of his Majefty, 

and firft Phyfician. 
Don Matthias de la Rubia, Ajjejjor. 
Don Fr. Ant. de Vergara, Fifcal. 
Don Fr. Xavier de Quesada, Secretary. 

XXIV. Tribunal of the Nonciature^ or Concordate^ 

This related, among other articles, to the difpofal of ecckfiafiical 
preferments. It was abolifhed by an agreement between the 
courts of Rome and Spain, in 1753. ^ 

ACADEMIES ERECTED 

In this Court under the Royal Protedion. 
XXV. Royal Spanish Academy. 

His Excellence the Duke of Alva, Dean of the Council 

of State, DireBor. 
Don Francisco de Angula, Secretary. 

XXVI. Royal Academy of History. 

D. Aug. de Mont, y Luyando, perpetual Director for his 
Majefty, and Secretary of the Chamber of Grace and Juftice, 
and Eftudo of Caftille. 

D. EuG* 



48 ACADEMIES. 

D. EuG. DE Llaguno Amirola, Secretary*. 

XXVII. Royal Academy of the Three Noble Arts, 
Painting, Sculpture, Archite(5ture, with the Title of San 
Fernando. 

His Excellency D. Ricardo Wall, Protedor and Counfellor 
of ':tate. 

D. Tib. de Agirre, Vice Frotedior of the Council of the Or- 
ders. 

D. Ig. de Hermositta, Secretary. 

XXVIII. Royal Academy of Physic at Madrid. 

Don J. SuNOL, Counfellor of his Majefty, and his firft Phyfician, 

perpetual Prejident for his Majefty. 
Don a. Piq^er, Phyfician of his Majefty, Vice Prefdent, and 

firft Phyfician. 
Don J. de Ortega, Secretary, 

* The Academy of Hiftory at Madrid was founded in 1713, by the Duke de 
EsCALONA, who is Well known to the republic of letters. There is another Aca- 
demy at Seville, chiefly relating to the Mathematics. 



LETTER 



[ 49 ] 



LETTER IV. 

State of Literature, Letters, and 
Men of Learning in SPAIN. 



IN regard to learning, and the belles lettres, Spain evidently 
labours under two material difadvantages -, which are, the 
want of a liberty of the prefs; and the being fubjedted to thecen- 
fure of the inquifition. Jt is eafy to imagine how many valuable 
works of wit, humour, fatire, and genius are entirely rendered 
abortive for want of this liberty; and though it may be attended 
with fome evils and inconveniencies, yet its advantages are evident, 
from the many entertaining and ufeful produ<5lions, which in our 
ifland fokly owed their birth to it : for, as one well faid, Is it not 
better for the public, that a million of monfters (hould come into 
the world, which are fure to die as foon as they are born, than 
that one Hercules fhould be ftrangled in his cradle ? Let us bear 
patiently with the infamous produ6lions of infidelity and faction, 
as long as we can receive from the fame channel, the admirable 
difcourfes of a Sherlock, or a Hare ; the political writings of 
a BoLiNG BROKE, or a Bath, and the various mafterly and ele- 
gant compofitions of a Lyttleton. What would have be- 
come of the wit and buffoonery of Dr. Swift, the elegant obfer- 
vationsof Mr. Addison, and the genteel humour of Sir Richard 
Steele, if their free and unfhackledfpirits had been chained down 
like thofeof the Spa?2iards? Where would have been thofe many 
pleafing and inflrudlive writings which daily fprung up, thro' this 
liberty, at different periods, in the many controverfial wars which 

H we 



CO STATE OF LITERATURE. 

wc have had upon fubjeds of party, politics, learnino;, and even re- 
ligion-? Woijld ftot all tbefe have been deftroyed in the bu4, if 
we had feen, as Mr. Pope fays, under the throne of Ignorance or 
Superflition, 

Beneath her footftool Science groan in chains. 
And Wit dread exile, penalties and pains. 
There, foani'd, rebellious Logic, gagg'd and bound ; 
There, ftrlpt, fair Rhet'ric languifli'd on the ground ? 

It Is a matter of much more furprize to me, when t coniiJer 
thlno-s in this light, to find that the Spaniards are advanced fo far 
as they are in arts and fcience, than to wonder, that they are got 
no farther. If we add to this the power and uncontrouied. li- 
cence, which the Inquifitors or Dominicans have to cenlure all 
works printed there, and if they pleafe, to chaftife and punifh the 
authors, it would furely make a full apology for Spain in this 
article. I know not well how many licences a book muft have 
before it can actually pafs the prefs, but I think at leaf! three. It 
is ufually read by as many cenfors, and is carefully cleanfed by 
the Catholic fpunge, before it falls under the eye of the public. 
The inquifition never grants any licence, referving to itfelf the 
freedom of condemning or abfolving afterwards, as it may judge 
expedient. The art of this management is apparent. The in- 
dex of the Libri Frohibiti publi£hed by the holy office is now 
increafed to two large volumes in folio; and a man muft fairly turn 
over all that work, before he can well know what he dare read. 
The ciaffics that I opened in the royal library at Madrid were 
anathematized in the title with thefe words, Aiicior Damnatusy 
and many whole prefatory difcourfes were crazed and blotted 
out, becaufe, as the librarian told me, lis font centre notre re- 
ligion. I have been told by a Spaniard, a friend of mine, that the 
Dominican library, confifting only of books which they have feiz- 
ed, and which of courfe are forbidden. Is one of the largefl; and 
fineft in Madrid. I have heard many of them own, that the 
prohibited books were generally the moft worth reading. One in 
particular told me, that as Father Paul's hiftory of the council of 
Trent was forbidden to be read any where upon earth, he took it 
with him, and read it at fea. It is no uncommon thing here to fee 

the 



STATE OF LITERATURE. 51' 

tlie works of our Locke, Newton and Bacon, thofe immortal 
glories of human nature, fhut up in durance. But how fliould it 
he otherwife, when, as Bayle tells us, in an extract from John 
of Salisbury, that Pope Gregory VL not only baniihed ma- 
thematics from the court, but burnt a library of heathen learning, 
in order to give the Scripture more authority. Erasmus found 
the weight of this milliione upon the neck of fcience almoft in- 
fupportable at the time that he was making fuch noble efforts for 
the revival of letters : And the ignorance and indolence of the 
monks, which he fo much exclaims agalnfl; in thofe days, is very 
little altered for the better in the prefent. Few of them, even 
now, either underlland or talk the Latin tongue ; and fewer flill 
are employed in ftudies of real or ufeful learning: they are chiefly 
confined to the narrow limits of the fcholadic writers, the po- 
lemic divines, and ThomalHc or Auguftin theology. 1 fpeak only 
in general, for doubtlefs there are fome exceptions, fuch as a Flo- 
REs, a Ponce, a Burriel, or a Feijo -, but thefe are rare, and 
ihine, like lamps in fepulchres, amidft the numerous cells of 
thofe ufelefs eccleliaftics. Great part of this dearth of fcholars is 
certainly owing to the want of a due encouragement, a reftricflion 
of the liberty of the prefs, and their fubje(S:ion to the yoke of 
the inquilition. And how much they have fuffered from thefe 
curbs may be eafily gathered from a few fads that have pafTed in 
Spain only. Poor Miguel Cervantes, the inimitable author of 
Don ^ixote, underwent many fevere fufferings in combating thofe 
triple monfters, prejudice, ignorance, and fuperflition. The in- 
comparable John de Mariana, whofe labours and fludies have 
done fuch lailing honour to himfelf, and to his country, was con- 
fined twenty years in prifon, and when he wrote his Hiftory, he 
dared not to bring it down any nearer to his own times, for fear 
of giving offence. And even within thefe two or three lafl years. 
Dr. Is LA, who wrote that pretty fatire, Frey Gerundio, upon the 
monks and preachers of thefe times, has been perfecuted and lilenced 
by the inquifition for his impertinent wit. 

Such being then the true flate of the cafe, we are certainly 
much obliged to thofe wits and geniufes in Spain, who have had 
firmnefs enough to break through all thefe obflacles, and have 

H 2 pro- 



52 



STATE OF LITERATURE. 



produced works, which have made their names the theme of their 
own countryrncn, and refpecled and ell:eemed abroad. The Com- 
r.LUTENSiAN iiiblc^' has undoubtedly been the beft monument to 
the memory of Cardinal Ximenes, and would atone, if any 
thing could atone, for the iliare which he had in eftablifhing the 
inquifition. This certainly doubles the merit of fuch writers, who 
have been fo hardy as to ftep forth in this country : fuch as, Cer- 
vantes, CovARRUBiAS, Faxardo, Zurita, Cabrera, San- 
DovAL, Mariana, Antonio Perez, Garcilasso de la Ve- 
ga, Lopez de Vega, Carpio, Antonio de Guevara, Cal- 
deroni. Ant. de Solis, Herrera, &c. It makes us regard in 
a much higher light fuch men as Antonio Augustino, Vil- 
LALPANDO, L. Ramirez de Frado, Sanctius, and others. 

But in order to fet this point in a clearer view, I will now 
make fome general remarks upon the prefent frate of Divinity, 
Hiftory, Phyfic, and Poetry in this country, and then fubjoin a 
lift and account of the mofl remarkable writers in each branch. 

In regard to Divinity, it confifts much, as it formerly did, in 
the ftudy of the fathers, councils, the decrees of the popes, and 
their canons, and in fyftems of Thomaftic and Auguftine theology. 
The knowlege of the learned languages, and explication of the 
text of the facred writings, has very little to do with it. In this 
track of criticifm they are almoft utter ftrangers ; and I cannot find 
any thing of late years pubJifhed in this way : It is holy ground, 
and therefore dangerous to be approached. In cafuiftry indeed 
they are very well verfed, and this makes a conftant part of the 
ftudies of their paftoral office : I fuppofe it is in fome meafure ne- 
ceflary to fuch as muft be confeiTors ; but whether it is fo far re- 
quifite, as to run into fuch obfcene difquifitions, as refine, and re- 
duce finning to a fyftem, it will be difficult to perfuadeour divines. 

* This was the firft Polyglct ever piintcd, and was done at the expence of the cardinal, 
then archbiQiop of i clcdo. Jt was about four years in printing, from 1514 to 1517, but 
not publifhed till 1520, when it came out in 6 volumei, including the Lexicon : Jt was 
printed in four languages, the Hebrew, Chaldee, Greek, and Latin. This ferved as a mode! 
to that of Mr. Walton, which is more ufeful and CAait, and to that of Mr, Le Jay, printed 
'j^. Paris with many expenfive ornameiits. 

But 



STATE OF LITERATURE. 53 

But that this kind of cafiiiftry is too infamoufly ftudied, appears 
from the many tomes that have been publlflied in this country, 
and particularly in that curious refearch oi Sanchez de Matrimonio. 
When I fay the fathers, take notice I mean the Latin fathers -, for 
as to the Greek, there are very few amongfl them, who are able 
to undertake that tafk : for the ftudy of the learned languages is 
here but at a low ebb ^ Hebrew feems to be rather the moll culti- 
vated. It may not be improper to obferve, that I am told there is 
a MS. of St. Augustine in the Bodleian library at Oxford, in which 
there is a paffage allowing the clergy to marry ; which paiTage is 
not extant in any Roman-catholic copy that was ever heard of. 

The lawyers in this country get as much money as the practi- 
tioners in other countries j and whatever may be faid of the flow- 
nefs of our chancery fuits, the tedioufnefs of theirs will at leaft 
equal them : A friend of mine, a great merchant at Cadiz, has 
juft obtained a caufe at Madrid, after ;z/;/^ years attendance; and 
I could mention fome others, which are at this time depending, 
which probably will never be determined at all. Bribery ope- 
rates too much in this country; and to do the Spaniards juftice, 
they do not difown it. It appeared very plainly in the famous 
caufe of the Anti gall 1 can privateer, in which the late Sir 
Benjamin Keene took fuch patriotic and difmterefted pains -, and 
in many others, which might be mentioned. 

In Hiflory, the Spaniards have many valuable writers. The 
detail of particular wars, as that of Granada, between Philip 
IV. and the Moors, by Mendosa, faid to be a mafterly work; 
the relation of the fucceilion-war, or partition of the Spanifh mo- 
narchy, by San Felippe, &c. the ecclefiaflical hiftory of Spain 
by Father Henry Flores, in fifteen volumes 4to. &c. the hi- 
ftory of particular cities, fuch as 'Toledo, Seville^ &c. Their great 
antiquarians are Florio Ocampo, Ambrosius Morales, Ma- 
riana; Rec^jesendius for thofe of Portugal. But I can- 
not find, that any writer of credit (for fome have attempted 
it) has been yet bold enough to take up the thread of their gene- 
ral hiftory, where Mariana left it off, that is to fay, with Fer- 
dinand and Isabella (for the fupplement and continuator 

Mi- 



54 STATE OF LITERATURE. 

MiNiANA I don't confider) and bring it down to tbefc times. 
Perhaps they do not care to attempt it, for fear of offence ; and 
another reafon may be, that the King has abfolutely forbid any 
of his fubjed:s to write the hiftory of Charles V.; which, I 
fuppofe, is owing to fome circiimilances relating to rehgion and 
that prince, which might be too deUcate to touch upon. Tho' 
it would be both a curious and ufeful tafk to trace the fecret 
fprings and caufes that fet a prince of his active and aduil: com- 
plexion upon fuch various and great enterprizes ; who made vaft 
advances towards univerfal monarchy, and perhaps was nearer 
to it than any other man ever was lince Alexander and C^- 
SAR ; who was not contented to reign while living, but kit apo- 
litical teflament for his fon's diredion after his death ; and, what 
was more extraordinary, a teflament, which that fon religioully 
obferved and copied from. What can be more aftonifhing, than 
to fee this fame ad:ive and reftlefs fpirit, all at once, in a fit of dif- 
guft, retire to the narrow ceil of a poor monk, and there amufe 
himfelf with adting over the approaching fcene of his own death! 
For this, however odd it may feem, was certainly done ; and tho' 
alive, he had the fame preparations made, of proceflion, mourn- 
ings, coffin, 6cc. as if he really was dead, and was at the fame time, 
what no man ever was before, or will be probably again, the fub- 
jedt, a6tor, and fpedlator, all at once, of his own funeral. Philip of 
Macedon's fo much talked oiMeme7itoMori was poor to this. This 
was a fight, which, I believe, few people's curiofity would not wifh 
to have {^cn. But this was not all : tho' C^sar was his model, 
tho' he conquered all things, he could not, like that Prince, con- 
quer himfelf: for he foon repented that he ever had refigned the 
world and his crown, and died at laft of chagrin, at the folly of 
having done that aft, which he could never revoke. 



LETTER 



[ S5 ] 



LETTER IV. PART II. 
State of PHYSIC, POETRY, &>€. 



IN Phyfic and Chirurgery this country is at lead: two centuries 
behind the Englilh. But as thofe arts are much out of my pro- 
vince, 1 fhall give what I have to offer upon them in the Vv^ords 
of one of their moft eminent writers. There is fcarce any fludy 
that takes in fuch a variety of knowledge as Phyfic doth, and 
therefore it is no wonder, that the Spaniards, who are flow in 
all things, have made fuch a fmall progrefs in this part of fci- 
ence. But perhaps the people may be perfuaded that they have 
lefs occafion for it ; where they believe that faints, miracles, and 
charms, can cure the moft inveterate difeafes, there muft be much 
lefs inclination to have recourfe to art. They may be willing to 
leave the more feeble refources of meer human affillance to thofe,- 
who are fo unhappy as to v^ant faith. Not but they have their 
regular profelTors in this part of fcience. Dr. Sangrado's max- 
ims flill prevail among them, notwithftanding they are fo finely 
ridiculed by Monf Le Sage, in his Gil Blas. There cannot 
be a more ftriking proof of their want of fkill, than the epide- 
mical prevalence of the venereal difeafe all over this country; 
tho' poflibly they may not defire to have it quite fubdued. Give 
me leave to relate part of a converfitlon, which I had with a 
chirurgeon upon that fubjedt. He was fent for by a nobleman 
to cure him of that difliemper, who told his excellency, that if he 
would follow fuch a regimen and diet, and regularly take what he 
prefcribed, that he would cure him in a month's time entirely : 
** Cure me entirely !" replied the nobleman ; " no not for the 
<* world; I only want you, fir, to corredand Icffen it a little ; but 
*« I would not be cured entirely upon any account: a little of it 
♦* is the beft thing in nature for the health." — *' Sir," replied my 

friciii. 



^6 STATE OF PHYSIC. 

friend, " if your excellence only wants palliativesy a Spanlfh chi- 
** rurgeon will anfwer that purpofe as well as me : my bufmefs is to 
«* cure, not to continue diflempers. — Good morning to your ex- 
" cellence." 

As to difpenfaries, and accounts of the Materia Medica, they 
may have them, but I met with none. Botany is much ftudied 
here, and is well underflood : And I am told that the provinces 
of Gallicia and Valentia afford great plenty of very excel- 
lent flirubs and plants. 

Part of Father F e i j o o's Difcourfes upon PHYSIC. 

'Tranjlatedfrom the Original Spa?jiJJj. 

[The Phyficians he chiefly quote?, are, Michael ErMuiiER^ Georgius BACLiriusy 
Thomas SroENHAMy Le FRAS^oiSy Don Martin Martinez.] 

THE Spanifh phyficians follow thefyftem of Galen, and La- 
zarus RivERius : It is from Galen they have taken the 
pra(ftice of bleeding fo profufely. But fome of the Spaniards, fuch 
as Martinez, have declared againft this practice, and would not 
admit of it even in putrid fevers j and he faid, that the lancet had 
killed more men, than ever were fhot by a train of artillery. Fe - 
TOO feems to be of this opinion: he fays, he believes in fome cafes 
it may be proper, but difficult to fay when -, that you cannot ju ige 
of the goodnefs or badnefs of blood by any fymptoms, becaufe it 
alters immediately on coming out of the veins; becaufe every in- 
dividual's blood is different, and let it appear ever fo bad to the 
dodor, the patient cannot live without it. It is for this reafon he 
condemns all transfufion of blood from one patient to another, as 
arrant nonfenfe: and afhrms that experiments upon blood confirm 
this doarine. Our author is likewife no friend to purging, as he 
fays it carries off the good as well as the bad, the nutricious as well 
as the pernicious juices i and that it forces the excrements fome- 
times thro' improper pafTages. As to faying, that it purges away 

the 



U P O N P H Y S I C. 57 

the choley\ or the phlegm, that Is all imaginary j becauie purges carry 
off all things indifcriminately ; and becaufe they give the different 
colours to the voided excrements by their different tindlures : Epi- 
thymy will give a black dye ; and it is well if this be the word of it : 
Phyficians lliould take care left they kill their friends as well as 
their enemies, as the Turks did at the fiege of Rhodes. In com- 
mon cafes you fliould never purge ; never in the beginning of fe- 
vers, except in cafes of turgency, and even then in the beginning 
it is inexcufable, and in the end doubtful : It is an effort of nature i 
leave Her to herfelf : for purges never affed; the morbid matter, 
unlefs it happens to be in the prinice vice, and then there is no, 
doubt of the ufefulnefs of purging. Thofe purges which gripe the 
moft are the beft, becaufe the griping comes not from the purge, 
but from the acid matter they put in motion. And as to vomits 
and clyfters, by the authority of Sydenham, I rejed them in all 
fevers. In fine, there is nothing certain in medicine. One phy- 
fician admires one remedy, which another abhors. What has been 
faid for and againft hellebore f for and againft antimony F With 
thefe they q.i'q panaceas, with thofe poifons. What a rout has been 
made about medicinal ftones ! the Sezoar-Rone and many others ? 
Cordials are much the fame. Coftly medicines and exotics are juft 
as futile; all, all a fable. One houfe-medicLne is worth them all. 
A French phyfician I have read of ufed to give all his patients 
coffee ', tho' I am perfuaded neither coffee nor tea are of any fer- 
vice. The moft known fpecifics begin to be called in queftion ; 
the ifark has many enemies ; and mercury begins to be declaimed 
againft, though it certainly is the moft generous medicine in the 
whole world. I appeal to experience. Engllfli falts are hurtful, 
becaufe they purge too gently. Too much, too many medicines 
certainly do a patient more hurt, than any other miftaken pradice. 
All phyficians abufe remedies ; none obferve the crijis of diftem- 
pers; they fhould never difturb nature : and to apply many medi- 
cines, when nature is fighting with a diftemper, Is to weaken the 
patient's force, when he moft wants it, and taking fide with the 
difeafe, inftead of taking part with nature. As to Ignorant prac- 
titioners, it is in vain to diffuade them from giving much phylic : 
but if any phyfician of real knowledge does it for the fake of af- 
iifting the apothecary, and of vending his medicines, the foul of 

I that 



5S Father FEIJOO's DISCOURSES 

that phyficfan is in a much more deplorable ftate, than any pa- 
tient's body. No view of retaining patients, no reafons of con- 
venience, honour, or of being well with the apothecaries, fhould 
induce them to this pracftice : as they will certainly be culpable 
in the fight of G O D for whatever damage they may do their 
patients. 

As to phyfical or medicinal obfervatlons, there is great infin- 
cerity in them, bccaufs a phyfician gives one cafe in which fuch 
a prefcription fucceeded, and conceals two, in which it did not. 
Every body knows the obfervations of Riveriits, which have gain- 
ed great applaufe; and tho' they amount to 400, there is fcarce 
one which is not defedive : It is very entertaining to fee the au- 
thor boaft, that he cures a bilious cholic with four bleedings, and 
four purges mixed up with affiftant emollients, anodynes, and 
other remedies : A prefcription, which mufl; take up many days ; 
whereas in the natural courfe of the diflemper it feldom lafls fo 
long. To make ufeful obfervations requires great knowledge, 
great lincerity, and great fagacity 3 and thefe qualities are not the 
lot of every phyfician. 

I KNOW not whether this difcourfe, which I am now publifh- 
ing, will be agreeable to the gentlemen of the faculty, or not ; they 
may be afraid, perhaps, if the world iliould grow out of conceit 
with phyfiCy it may become out of conceit too with its profeffors, 
and then fome would certainly be difcarded, who are now in vogue. 
But they need never fear, they are fafe as to this point ; the world 
will always remain juft as it has done. No genius was ever able 
to turn the courfe of thofe impetuous rivers, prejudice, and cuflom. 
How much have Quevedo in Spain, Petrarch in Italy, in 
France firft Montaigne, and then ^oliere, declaimed 
againft all phyficians and phyfic ? and with a great deal of truth. 
Their vv'ritings are read, and celebrated. But things remain juft 
as they were. I lliall content myfelf with perfuading fome few to 
follow the beft means they can for the recovery of their liealth. 
Some phyficians have fo much genero'is candor, as to own public- 
ly the iniutiiciency of medicine, and the perplexity of their art: 
And it is no wonder to fee thofe, whofe minds are not fo noble, 

con- 
R 



UPON PHYSIC. 



50 



confiding in phyfic more than it deferves. Some dodors, out of 
mere policy, conceal the weaknefs of their art; Baglivius was 
one of thefe. But fays another ; ** It is very v/ell for phyficians 
'' to confefs the impotency of phyfic to one another, becaufe they 
*' are judges, and they know it. But there is no occafion to tell all 
<« this to the vulgar, who believe always that a dodor knows much 
" more, than he either does, or can know." But I fay on the con- 
trary, that the common people would reap great benefit by fuch 
acknowledgements, and the phylician receive no great damage : 
becaufe if thefe poor people knev/ how little fecurity there was in 
phyfic, and that there is fcarce a remedy v/hich is not dangerous ; 
that even the greateft and moft knowing phyiicians comip.it various 
blunders ; that many of thofe patients, Vv^ho recover, owe their re- 
covery only to their natural flrength, and they owe to the phyfi- 
cian the obligation of retarding that recovery : Did they know 
thefe things, they would have much lefs recourfe to phyfic ; they 
would preferve their entrails more entire, and would not fpend 
that money in bottles of phyfic, which they v/anted for other ufes. 
They would content themielves with taking fome flight things 
in their habitual indifpofitions, which are born with them, and 
which are infeparable from their confbitution, and which no phy- 
fician in the world can cure, notwithftanding their boafted radical 
cures, which are not to be found i?i rerum natiira. With this ma- 
nagement many delicate ladies would ceafe to be troublefome to 
their hufbands and families -, many men would be ufeful fervants 
to the public, who are now rendered ufelefs by phylicking them- 
felves. Thefe, and many other advantages, with the knowledge 
of how little hope is to be repofed in phyfic, moved me to give 
this advertifement to the public : and phyficians ought in con- 
fcience to concur with me in undeceiving the public. 

And indeed this would be no damage to the faculty themfclves ; 
at leafl to the learned part of them, and who have acquired repu- 
tations as fuch. For, to thefe, employinent and fees would never 
be wanting. Becaufe the cafe would never happen, nor the mo- 
tive for banifhing all phyficians out of the world, as they were 
once from Rome. The fine lady would not always fend for the 
QO(flor to feel her pulfe -, nor the imaginary madman, as in the 

I 2 comedy 



6o Father FEIJOO's DISCOUPvSES 

comedy of Moliere, Hiriek v/hen nothing ails him; nor the 
decrepit old fool imagine the apothecary's drugs can remove him 
fome leagues from his grave. By this means the phyiicians would 
have more time for ftudy, and reflexion upon their ftudies and 
their experiments, as well as to affill: at anatomical difle(ftions. 
The moft eminent of the p-ofellion would be at Icilure to write 
books : by this means phyficians would become more learned, and 
phyfic advance daily towards perfecftion, to which it wants many 
a "-ood journey ftill. Phyfic is indeed recommended in Scripture, 
but not the phyfic of thefe modern times ; when we are in really 
imminent danger, I confefs it is prudent to have recourfe to it ; 
and that, generally fpeaking, the quicknefs and immediate appli- 
cation of the remedy is the moft important point. Opium, §luin- 
quina^ vomits, and very adive medicines, may here be of great 
fervice, becaufe they induce changes, which nature herfelf would 
never produce. If I have expreffed myfelf too ftrongly in fome 
places about the danger even of cures and phyfic ; it is becaufe 
I would remove the prejudices of the vulgar, who will follow the 
blind dictates of even the moft ignorant empyric : And I had ra- 
ther incline them to the other extreme. In all that I have faid in 
this difcourfe, I have faid it under the fhade of the moft illuf- 
trious medicinal writers, and fupported by the greateft authori- 
ties. 

I CONCLUDE with exhorting all, who would choofe their phy- 
iician, to choofe one with thefe qualities. Firjl, Let him be a 
good Chriftian 3 becaufe knowing himfelf accountable to GOD 
for all his fteps, he will take them more ferioufly and warily, and 
will really apply himfelf to the ftudy of his profeffion. Th^fecond 
is. That he be judicious, but of a cool, not warm temperament. 
The thirdi That he fhould not be boaftful in ftiewing the power 
and fafety of his art ; for thofe who are fuch, are either ignorant, 
or difingenuous. Tht fourth is. That he follow no philofophic 
fyftem of pradice, be addided to no one fet of rules, but guided 
only by his own experience, and that of the beft writers. The 
fifth is. That he be not a giver of many remedies, efpecially the 
dangerous ones ; holding it as for certain, that all thofe, who write 
and prefcribe much, are bad phyficians, altho' they know all that 

has 



U P O N P H Y S I C. 61 

has been wrote about pbyfic. T\iq Jixth is. That he informs him- 
lelf exad:ly of the fymptoms of diflempers, which are many, and 
drawn from various fourccs. l"he generahty of phyficians, when 
they have felt the pulfe, looked at the urine, peeped into the clofe- 
ftool, inftantly call for pen, ink, and paper — io prefcribe. The 
pulfe is a fymptom very obfcure, the urine very fallible : and one 
cannot be certain of the diftemper and its caufes (except in a few 
cafes, where they are vifible) without attending to the complex- 
ion of many circumftances, both confequential and antecedent. 
The fei:cnth is. That his fucceffes fliould in general anfwer his 
prognoilications ; I fay, in general, becaufe always to do it, they 
mufl be angels and not men ; for that circumftance will excufe 
many others that preceded 3 and becaufe it is the only m.eans by 
which the moft ignorant man can difcern, v^'ho is a phyfician of 
jfkill, and who is an ignorant one : for the certainty of prognoili- 
cation is a clear proof, that he knows the prefcnt flate of the dif- 
temper -, becaufe by that only which is now, one can knov/ what 
is to come. On the other hand, that which thefe prognoflicators 
commonly fay, plainly Ihews they do not know one word of phyiic. 
Some think the art of foretelling a feparate faculty from phyfic ; 
and thus fome phyficians are celebrated for foretelling, others for 
curing : But this is a miftake, for it is impoilible, that the cure 
fhould be right, and the prognoftic wrong, and nnce verfd. In- 
deed there is one difference, a phylician, who milTes of the cure 
may be blamed, but one who fails in hiy^ prophcfy may be damned. 
In a dangerous cafe, an ignorant phylician being called in, faid it .was 
only a light crudity of the ftomach, which would go off the next 
day. With this alfurance the people about the patient never fent 
for the priefts : Soon after the man was feized with a delirium, 
and died like a Pagan, or brute. The crime commonly attributed 
to phyficians, is, killing the body 3 but, in this cafe, they kill the 
foul. 

Other phyficians, more cautious, and more artful, take the 
oppofitefide; and whatfoever the diftemper is, they always fay it 
is a very dangerous one ; they give out many orders, put the whole 
family in a fright, offer their attendance, and their art. So that 
if the patient dies, they are fure to praifc the fkill of the phyfician, 

who 



62 Father FEIJOO's DISCOURSES 

who fald fo from the firft : If he Uves, then the ilvill of the phy- 
fician is praifed, that he cured fo terrible a diforder, and God is 
thanked that the patient fell into fuch good hands. One good 
thing comes from this, that the fick never die without the facra- 
ments. But one evil is, that the fright they are put into fome- 
times increafes the diforder, and kills them. All thefe ways are 
full of evil ; altho' the firfl is the greatefl; ; but however, gentle- 
men, ye will find one day the angels, to vvhofe cuflody the fick 
are committed, accufmg you before God, and placing thofe be- 
fore you, who died thro' your fault, or your ignorance. 

DISCOURSE VI. 

Physicians know but little of healing the iick; they know 
as little what ought to be the proper regimen for thofe in health ; 
at leaft they can give no rules for eating and drinking. This pro- 
portion, however abfurd it may appear to phyficians and others, 
is proved by the evident variety of habits of body, to which is pre- 
cifely commenfurate the variety of food, both in quality and quan- 
tity. One kind of food is hurtful to one, that is good for another ; 
a quantity that is great for one perfon is hurtful to another. The 
proportion of the quantity and quality of food to the habit of each 
individual can only be known by experience : This experience 
every man has v/ithin himfelf ; and the phyiician can only know 
it by the relation he receives. For I mull always tell the phyfician 
hov/ much I have eaten and drank, as he cannot know wliat is 
proper for me, unlefs I tell him firft what ails me, what fits well 
in my fi.omach, what I digefi: well. Ihe emperor Tiberius 
laughed at thofe, who confulted phyficians after they were thirty 
years old; becaufe (he faid) at that age every one was able to tell 
by experience, how to manage themfclves. And indeed he feems 
to have been a flriking proof of the truth of his own maxim ; for 
without being much concerned about his diet, or way of living, he 
lived 78 years; and he probably had hved much longer, if Cali- 
gula had permitted him : for altho' he was very weak, h's fac- 
cefibr would not truft his death to the ftrength of any (if ale : 
hiilciians agreeing, that CALiGfiLA helped on his death, altho' 
they difter in the manner of its being done. However, this ma- 
xim 



U P O N P H Y S I C. 63 

xlm of Tiberius, generally taken, is certainly true, at leaft with 
regard to eating and drinking. 

There is no eatable, which one can fay is abfolutely hurtful; 
this is not my do6lrine, but that of Hippocrates, as he has 
well proved it in his book De veteri 7nedlcina : for, as he fays, if it 
was hurtful to one, it would be fo to all. Cheefe, for initance, 
hurts not every one ; there are thofe who eat of it without the 
leaft offence. If cheefe, which is fo earthy, bad of digeftion, and 
hard, can be taken v/ithout hurt, what eatable can we lay is abfo- 
lutely hurtful to ail ? 

Quails and goats feed upon poifons, according to Pliny : 
Venenis caprece ^ cothurnices pingiicfcunt, lib. X. c. 72. That 
which kills other animals feeds them. Will you fay then, that 
there is a greater diverfity of conftitutions among the different fpe- 
cies of animals, than among individuals of the fame fpecies ? For 
my own part I think there is a much greater among the human 
fpecies. In the obfervations of Schenkius, he tells us of a man, 
that eat an ounce of fcammony, which neither purged him little 
or much. And in other medicinal authors we read of fome, who 
were purged by the fmell of rofes. Is not this a fufficient diffe- 
rence in conftitutions ? It is true, that in general there is no great 
difference between the conftitutions of men. But there is always 
fome, and that a very material one ; habits of body vary like faces; 
in all fuch cafes as are obvious to our fenfes we cbfcrve fome dilTimi- 
litude in all men. What can be more fimplc, than the found of 
the voice ? And yet there is none like that of another's. Nay, 
among thofe who have lived in the fame houfe or community to- 
gether for many years, it never happens but one can diftinguifh 
the voices of them, tho' you do not fee them. If this is the cale 
in fo fimple a thing, how muft it be in the conftitution, which is 
combined of fuch a variety of materials. 

If our fenfes were more acute, in cafes where fome men appear 
much alike, we fhould tind thetn very different. There are fome 
brutes, which deceive us in the fame manner. We do not per- 
ceive by fmell the effluvia of human bodies ; or if we do, we do 

not 



64 Father FElJOO's DISCOURSES, &c. 

not diflijiguini one from the other. The dog perceives them, and 
diftinguifhes them in all men : tho' he be at a great diftance, he 
follows his mafter without feeing him, determining himfelf, tho* 
he meets with many roads, by the fmell of the, effluvia, which he 
linds as he walks : he hunts and choofes out among many others 
the glov^e of his mafter, tho' he never faw it before : and what is 
more, he recovers a ftone thrown by his mafler among others 
thrown at the fame time by other hands, that little touch fufficing, 
by which with his fubtile fmell he perceives a different odour 
from that of the reft. This is a fufficient proof to convince you 
of the difference of conftkutions, becaufe v/ithout a difference of 
conffitutions there cannot be a difference in the effiuvia. 

Not only the variety of conftitutions in men makes it impof- 
fible to know what diet is proportionate to each ; but alfo the va- 
riety which there is between meats of the fame fpecles. All wine 
of grapes, for Inffance, is of the fame fpecles. Withal, one wine 
is fweet, another is acid, another bitter -, one has on^ colour, ano- 
ther fmells differently ; one is thinner, another is thicker : It is 
the fame in meats; the fame in the fruits of all the plants, though 
we do not perceive fo ffrongly in all this variety, upon account of 
the imperfection of our fenfes. By this means it may happen, and 
does continually happen, that altho' it be the fame individual, one 
wine may be wholefome, another noxious. Meat fed in fome 
lands is wholefome food, in others noxious. Add to this a point 
of no fmall confideration, that the fame food, without diftindiion, 
or perceivable diff^erence, may be found, by the fame individual, 
wholefome at one period, and noxious at another, either through 
the different feafons of the year, the different temperature of the 
air, the diff^erence of country, or the difference of age. In ffne, 
whatever change happens in the body, that ffiould be a rule to 
vary more or lefs the diet in quantity, as well as quality. 



Thus I have given fome of the celebrated Father Feijoo's 
thoughts on phyfic, and could wiffi out of humanity for the fake of 
the ^panifll nation, that their phyff clans were anfwerable to the 
character and qualifications he requires. It is obvious enough how 
Jittle he knows of that neceffary art. 

In 



POETRY, HUMOROUS WRITER?, etc. 6^ 

In Poetry they have many writers; fuch as D. Al. de Ercil- 
LA, the Principe Esquilache, Ant. Lofraso, f. Rufo, Pi- 
neda, FiGUEKOA, Ant", de Nebrixa, the two Vega's, Gar- 
cilasso, and Lopez ; Calderoni, Barrios, Gongorra, and 
others. But as to a complete lift of them, I have never been able 
to find one; and am much lefs qualified to decide of their refpedive 
merit. Lopez de Vega Carpio, as Voltaire tells us, comes 
the neareft to our Shakespeare. He wrote ths yenifa/em Con- 
quifiada^ tragedies, comedies, &c. One thing may be faidof the lit- 
tle that 1 have i^^Vi of the Spanilh poetry ; that there is a won- 
derful air of fimplicity in their common fongs, or fequedillas : That 
in fome pieces which I read in the Caxofi de Sajirey or The taylors 
drawer of JJjreds, there was much fentiment, as well as dignity : 
vaft variety of meafure, all formed on the old Roman profody; 
and in fome of them a pleafing air of romance: but grave, majeftic, 
moral, penfive, like the people themfelves. Very few attempts to 
wit or humour, and, I believe, none of drollery or buffoonery. 
Many upon love, but all in the drapery of the chafte Venus ^ no 
Erycina ?'idens, no Cormna, no loofe or debauched Euterpe among 
that colledion of fongs of the Spanifi Nine, 

As to fubje<5ls and writers of humour in profe, I know of none 
among the old Spaniards, but Cervantes and Guevara ; the 
moft celebrated work of the latter is, the El Diablo Coxtielo, or 
as we fliould fay in Englifli, The Devil upon two Sticks, which Mr, 
Le Sage modernized into a romance, that is very well known. 
It is much to be wifhed, that Guevara's original was well tranf- 
lated into Engliih, as we lliould find in it an infinity of old Spa- 
nifi manners and cuftoms; and the names of all the then nobility 
at full length ; moil of which titles and families fubfiil to this day. 



K LETTER 



LETTER IV. PART III. 

CATALOGUE of SPANISH AUTHORS, 



Spa7n/h Writers of History. 

f^Ronka general de Efpana, par Amb. Morales^ 4 vol. 4to. 

^ Alcala 1577 

This writer was the great antiquarian, theCAMBDEN of Spain; 
he has continued the work of Florio Ocampo. Sandoval, 
by the particular command of Philip III. carried it down farther 
to Alphonso VII. Morales wrote alfo, 

Las Antiquidades de las Ciudades de B.fpana. 

Compendia Hijhrial de las Cronicas de E/pa?2a,par EJlevan de 
GaribaySi 4 vol. folio. Barcelona 1628 

And Don jiian de Mariafia. Thefe two copied Morales 

and Ocampo in great meafure. As Marianas Hijiory of Spain 
feems to be fo much better known, than that of himieif, indulge 
me in a few words about him. He was born atEBORA,nowTALA- 
vera, in New Castile ; educated at Alcala de He:-, ares, 
or the antient Complutum ; he lived at Toledo, and publifhed 
the following works : 

I. On the weights and meafures of the antients. 

II. On the exchange of money. 

III. A defence of the Vulgate. 

IV. De Rege, & Regis Injiituiione. — This piece was burnt at 
Rome and Paris, and was quoted to authorize Dr. Oates's 
narrative in the Poplfli plot. 

V. On the fcage. 
VL His hiftojy. 

lie 



SPANISH WRITERS. ty 

He was kept in prifon, by order from the Pope, twenty years, in 
wiiich time he compoled his hiflory, as our Sir W. Raleigh did 
in the Tower. He wrote it firft in Latin, and afterwards in Spa- 
iiifli. But it went no lower than the end of Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella's reign, about 1 516. He wrote, however, a fupplement 
afterwards, down to 1621 j and he has had fince //6r^^ continuators, 
Ferd. Camargo y Salccdo, to 1649 ^ -^^^- ^^r^^ de Soto, to 1669 ; 
Fr. J. M. de Minianay to 1699. The iir/l Latin edition, Toktiy 
1592, folio, is the befl, tho' it contains only twenty books. The 
laft ten are printed in the edition, Moguntice 1605, Ato. The Spa- 
nifh editions are, Madrid, 1608, 2 vol. folio; Toledo, folio, 1601 ; 
Madrid, 1668, and 1670. There is alfo a i>ew edition, printed at 
Amberes in 16 vol. i2mo. but very incorred: ; and one lately at 
Madrid, in 3 vol. folio. 

Hijioria General de Efpana, par Don Rodrigo Ximenes de Rada, 
Hijloria del Rey d Efpana Don Phelippe 11. par Luis Cabrera, 

folio. Madrid 1619 

Hijioria del Rey Don Phelippe II. par Ant. de Herrera, 3 vol. 

folio. Valladolid i6o6 

Hijioria del Rey Don Phelippe III. par Gonzalez de Cefpedez, 

folio. Barcelona 1634 

Hijioria de la Rebellion, y Cajiigo de los Mori/cos del Reyno de 
X Granada, par Luis de Mar mol, folio. Malaga 1609 

Guerra de Granada, hecha por el Rey Don Felippe II. contra 

los Morifcos, par Meyidofa, quarto. Lijhoa 1627 

Hijioria de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V. par Priid. 

de Sandoval, folio. Pampelona 16 14 

Comment arios de la Guerra de 1700, par el Marqiiez de San 
Felippe, 2 vol. quarto. 

This book, which is extremely well wrote, has been tranflated 
into French, and was publiflied at Amflerdam in 1756, in 4 vols. 
1 2 mo. under the title of Memoir es pour Jervir a I'HiJloire dJEJ- 
pagne, fans le Rcgne de Philippe V. 

Hijioria de Efpana par Rafis, an Arab, written at Corduba in 976. 

K 2 Con- 



68 SPANISH WRITERS. 

Continuacion de la Wfioria General de Efpana de ano 1 5 1 6 
(where Mariana left ofFj a I'joo, par Medr ano, 3 vol. 
folio. Madrid 1741 

Volume lil:, Charles V. Volume 2d, Philip III. Volume 3d, 
Philip IV. and Charles II. This is a new work, but I do 
not fmd that it bears a very great charader. Some able men, 
whom I confulted, lamented much their not having any good 
hiflory of Spain carried down to the prefent times. This is fur- 
prizing, as it will plainly appear from the face of this lift, that no 
country in the world pofTelTes better materials from whence to 
compile fuch a hiftory. Their chroniclers are numerous : fuch 
as, 

The Cronlcon of Flavius Dexter. 

M. Maximus. 

Eleca. 

Braulion. 

LuiTPRANDO. 

Hugo Porta. 

Julian. 

St. Athanasius, 

Gr. Beticus. 

HUB^- HiSPALlS. 
LiBERATUS OF GiRONA. 

Illacii. 

AbbS. Valclara. 

L. Ramirez de Prado. 

DE WULFILAS. 

Crontca de "Efpana del Don Alonzo elSabio, folio. ValladoUd 1 604 
Crank a de los Reyes Don Fernando y Ifabeh folio. Saragojjd 1567 
Crontca Gotica de Saavedra. 
Cronica de los Moros de Efpa?ia, par "Juan de Bleda, folio. 

Valentia 

Besides thefe, they have the annalifts of the feveral kingdoms 
or provinces : thus, 

Annales del Reyno de Efpana, in feveral volumes in folio. 

de Catalonia, 2 vol. folio. 

jinnaks 



SPANISH WRITERS. 69 

Annates de Valentia. 

de Arragon, par Hyeronymo Zurita, 

This writer is very well known to the learned world for his other 
works : thefe annals of Arragon are very finely wrote. 

Arragonenjium Reriim Commentariit par Hyeron de BlancaSy 
fol i o . Ccvfar Augiijice ^5^3 

Geographica & hifiorica Defcriptio Catalonice, par Petro de 
Mar cay folio. ' Paris 1688 

After thefe come the hiftories and antiquities of particular cities, 
which are alfo very numerous : fuch as. 

Las A?itiquedades de Madrid, par ^lintano. 

Sevilla, par Rod. Caro, folio. Sevilla 1634 
Salamanca, par Gonfalvo de Avila. 
Granada, par Pedraza. 
Defcription de la Ciudad de Toledo, par Fr. de Pifa, folio, 

Toledo 1605 

_ par Vergara^ folio. 

— de Madrid. 

del Monajierio de San Lorenzo del 



Efcorial, par Fr. de los Santos, folio. Madrid 1681 

This is the book which Mr. Thompson has tranllated into 
Engllfh, and made fo magnificent an edition of lately in quarto. 
It is to be wilbed, that the infcriptions in this work had been more 
corredly copied ; they are often falfe Latin, imperfect, and make 
a very unfcholar-like appearance. 

Hijioria de la Ciudad de Segovia, par Don Diego de Colme- 
narez, folio. Segovia 1637 

Las Antiquedades de Cordova, par Pedro Dias de Rihas, 4to. 

Cordova 1627 

Mifcellaneous Books and Writers. 

T As Obras del Padre Feijo, \ 3 vol. quarto. 

This writer, who lives at Burgos, has juftly acquired a very 
high degree of reputation : He has done more towards rightly 

forming, 



^o SPANISH WRITERS. 



forming, r^nd enlarging the minds of his countrymen, than any 
Spaniard before him. He declares war againfl: all their vulgar 
prejudices, and popular errors ; has faid much freer things than 
thofe, who write within the circle of the inquilition, very pru- 
dently care to do j and, if the court had not proteded him, he 
himlelf had felt the Dominican fcourge long ago. 

Defcription Igkfmjlica del Reyno de Efpana, 3 vol. fol. 
Ob?-as de'Don Bern. Aldreti/jive Explicatio Charadlerum an- 

tlqiwrum, 2 vol. 4to. 
Origincs Rhoriim Orhis, par Don Greg. Mayans y SifcaTi 

2 vol. 4to. 
Origincs Litt. Ant. Hifp. par Manuel de Sarramendi, 8vo. 
Obras de Braganza de Ant. Rom. 5 vol. fol. 
Concilia Max. Hi/panic ay 7 vol. fol. 

Polygraphia Efpagnola, par Rodriguez, fol. Madrid 1738 

Diario de los Literatos en Efpana, 7 vol. 8vo. Madrid 1748 
Concilia Toletan, par Jorge Loyifa. 
La Laya de Coronicas, par Alph. Martinez. 
Efcritores del Reyno de Valentia, par Ximenes, 2 vol. fol. Valentia 
Enfayo fibre las Medallas de Ejpana, par Don L. J. Velaf- 

quezy 4to. Madrid J 75 2 

Annales de la Nacion Efpagnol, par Don L. J. Vela/quezy 

4to. Malaga 1759 

De las Medallas de los Reyes Gotbicosy y Suecos en Efpana, 

par Don L. J. Velafquez : cum ijiginti tabulis ceri inci- 
fiSy 4to. Madrid IJ^Z 

Noticia de los mas principales Hijloriadores de Efpana^ par el 

Marquis de Mondecar, 4 vol. fol. 
This is a very learned, ufeful, and judicious work, 

Conquifta de Me>:ico et Peru, par Don Afit. de Soils y fol. 
There is a very handfome copy of this book in bpanifli lately print- 
ed at Barcelona. 

Tfioria de los Incas de PerUy par Garcilajjo de la Vega. 
Tier r era de Agricultura. 
Ifioria de las IndiaSy par Herreray 6 vol. fol. 
Qbras de Palamino fibre la Pintura, 2 vol, fol. 

An 



S P A N I S H W R I T E Pv S. 71 

An Account of the Spaniih Paintings, by Palamino Ve- 
lafco, and Francifco de los Santos ; reprinted in Spa- 
niih by H. Woodfall, London 1746 

Uno Pedazo de Lapiz, para dibujar de mejor quefe puede en^ 
contrar. 

Hiftoria Latina Hifpania, par Sanchez. 

Imprefas Politicas., par Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. 
This is a colieclion of political emblems ; it is not written by the 
author of Don S>uixote, but by a much older writer of the fame 
name. His works are in 3 vol. folio. ^ 

El Diablo Coxuelo, or the Lame Devil, par Ant, de GuC" 
vara. 
Mr. Le Sage's Devil upon Two Sticks, is taken from this work. 

Coronifta de los Reyes Catholicosy por 1 500, par Gonzalo de^ 

Arcedond-Q. 
Obras de Sspulvedo. 
— de Villalpando. 
—— de Bonaventura. 

Cr it icon de Lorenzo Graziano^ 2 vol. 4to. 
This celebrated writer was a native of Calatajud, or the an- 
tient Bilbiiis. His writings are full of an abilrufe and fublirne po- 
licy ; and, have been tranllated into French by the famous Monf 
Amelot. 

Hijioria del Famofo Predicador Frey Gerundio de Campazas, 
4to. Madrid 1758 

Or, The hilhry of the famous preacher. This is a fatire upon the 
monks, written with much fpirit and wit. For a fpecimen of .the 
high ridicule, and fatirical drollery employed in this work, take 
the following extrad:. Chap. 8. book II. page 205. Frey Ge- 
rundio preaches the anniverfary fermon in his convent, in the cha- 
pel dedicated to St. Anne, on the feftival of that faint : in which 
fermon there is the following paragraph : Fue Ana, como todosfi- 
ben, madre de nuejtra Senora, y afirman graves authores, que la tuvo 
veinte r7iefes en fu vientre : Hie menfis fextus eft ilii ; y anadcn 
otros, que illoro : Plorans ploravit in no6lem : De donde inficro que 
fue Maria Zahorri: et gratia ejus in me vacua non fait. Atienda, 

' puesy 



72 SPANISH W R I T E R S. 

pues, el Rethorko al argiimento : Santa Ana fne tnadre de Maria : 
Maria fuejfiadre de Chrijio : Luego Santa Ana cs Abiiela de la fan- 
tijjima "Trinidad : Et trinitatem in u ait-item veneremur. Por ejj'o 
fe cclcbra en efia fu Cafa^ Haec requies mea in fasciilum feculi. . . . 
'which is in Englifh : " We all know, that Anne was the mother 
*• of OLir Lady, and grave authors affirm, that ilie was twenty 
*' months in geftation of her : others add, that fhe wept : from 
*' whence I infer, that fhe was Mary Zahorri. Attend, logician, 
** to the argument: Saint Anne was the mother of Mary ; Mary 
'* was the mother of Chrift: therefore Saint Anne was the grand- 
'* mother of the moil: holy Trinity. And therefore flie is cele- 
** brated by this feftival in this her chapel." 

There is no doubt but Dr. Is la, that Spanijlj Swifts who 
wrote this fatire, had copied this from the real fermon of fome 
Spanifli monk : the Latin citations are very much in their man- 
ner. They were fo galled and irritated by the feverity and pro- 
priety of this fine ridicule, that they foon got the inquifition to 
forbid the falc of the book : It occafioned fome pamphlets at Ma- 
drid in anfwer to it. The author intended a fecond part ; but 
the perfecution becoming too ferious, he dropped his deiign. 

In page 214. and the following, the provincial calls Frey Ge- 
rimdio to an account for this fermon : *' Don't you fee. Sir," fays 
the provincial, ^* that by faying, that Saint Anne is the grand- 
** mother of the mod: holy Trinity, you advance one of the 
*' moll: formal herefies poffible : Becaufe the Trinity is uncreate, 
*' unproducible, eternal, and confequently can have neither mo- 
*' ther nor grand- mother. By this you fee how ncceffary it is to 
" fludy theology, in order to be a preacher ; for, had you pro- 
*' perly fludied it, you had not advanced fuch herefies as this. 
'* If you had put no more in yowr fianiil a than you ought, you had 
** never drawn fuch a confequence : but only this. Therefore Saint 
*' Anne is the Grandmother of Chrift. For Chrifl: is not the Tri- 
" nity, but only the fecond perfon in it : thus Frey Gerimdio is a 
** m.onk of the convent, but not the convent. It would be wretched 
** reafoning to fay, Cecilia ReboUo was the mother of Catania Ce- 
^' hollon ', Catania Ccholkn was the mother of Frey GerimdJo de 

3 " ZoteSi 



MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 73 

** ZofeSy monk of the convent of the lower Colmenar, therefore Ce^ 
** cilia Rebollo was the grandmother of the convent." 

This fpecimen will fuffice to {hew the turn of that fatire. 

El Itinerario del Obifpo de Santo Domingo, 

Los Dialogos del Antonio AuguJiinOj Obifpo de Tarragona, 
fobre las Medallas, 4to. Madrid 1 744 

This learned work is fufficiently known. The edition is a very 
mean one, bad paper, full of errors, and the plates miferably en- 
graved. 

Hijioria del Convento de San Augujlino de Salamanca, par 
Padre Emman. VidaU 2 vol. fol. Salamanca 1758 

Hippocrates in Greek and Latin, with a Spaniih tranfla- 
tion, by Dr. And. Piquer, ProfeiTor of Anatomy in Va- 
lentia. Madrid 1758 

Antient and Modern Phyiic, by the fame, 4to. ib. 1758 

A Treatife on Fevers, founded on Obfervation and Me- 
chanifm, by the fame, 4to. Valentia 1751 

Moral Philofophy, for the uie of tlie Spanifli Youth, by 

the fame, 8vo. Madrid 1757 

Difcourfe on the Application of Philofophy to Matters 

of Religion, by Dr. And. Piquer, 8vo. Madrid 1757 

Bibliographia Critica, by Father Miguel de San Jofeph, 

Billiop of Guadia. 
Abridgment of Navigation, for the ufe of the Marine 

Guards, by Don Jorge Juan, 4to. Cales 1757 

Retorica 4e Don Qregorio Mayans y Si/car, 2 vol. 8vo. 

Valentia 
Moralis Philofophia, by the fame, 8vo. Valentia 

Relation of the War in Valentia, and the Entrance of the 
Allies and Auftrians into that Kingdom, by Jof. Emm. 
Miniana, 8vo. Hague 1752 

Th^re are many tracts of Spanifh lawyers, colle(5led by Don 
Greg. Mayans y Sifcar, publilhed by Mr. Meerman, 
the Syndic of Rotterdam, in his 
Novus Tbefaurus Juris Canonici, 7 vol. foU 

L De 



74 MODERN SPANISH WRITERS 

De Ant. Canonwn Cod. Ecckfia Hifp, WJi. Dijfertatioy per 

Don Lopez de Barrera, 4to. Rome 1753" 

The Hiflory of John Cardinal Carvacallo, dedicated to the 

Prime Minifter in Portugal. ibid.. 1752 

Elements of Arithmetic and Algebra, by Father Thomas 

La Cerda, 2 vol. Barcelona 1758- 

Curious and learned Fragments of modern Authors, with 
Maxims of a general Critique, by Don Lewis Roche, 

Port St. Mary's 1758> 

Bfpa?ia Sagrada : or. The Hiftory of the feveral Diocefes 
and Churches of Spain, by Father Henry Flores, an 
Auguftine Monk, 15 vol. 4to. Madrid 1747- 

Hiflory of the Queens of Spain, 2 vol. 4to. Madrid 1760. 

A very poor performance. 

A Compendium of Theology, by the fame, 5 vol. 4to.. 

The Miracles of Mother Mary of Ceo, tranllated from the 
Portuguefe, by the fame, 2 vol. Madrid 1744;'- 

Treatife of Virtue, by Father Francis, tranflated by the 
fame, 2 vol. 410. Madrid 

Hiilorical Key, by the fame, 4to. ibid. 1749 

Medallas de las Colonias Romanas, y Municipios, &c. by the 
fame, 2 vol. 4to. ibid. 1758 

He has placed in this collection thofe which Vaillant, Mezzobar- 
ba, and others have publiflied, but with the addition of many new 
ones : he has added an explanation of each^ 58 plates, and a map 
of the lite of the colonies. This is a good book ; it fhould have 
been wrote in Latin; but that is a language with which Spanifh 
monks are but little converfant* . 

Origin of the Caftilian Poetry, 4to. Malaga 1754 

Means of advancing the Belles Lettres, by Francis Xavier 

de Idiaquez, 8vo. Villagarcia 1758 

This writer is the eldefl fon of the late Duke of Granada, grandee 

ef Spain. 

Di[]h'iatio de Deo Endovellko, par Miguel Perez Paftor^ 
4to. Madrid 

Phv- 



MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 75 

Phyfico-Medlcal DifTertatlons on Breathing, and of con- 
veying Remedies into the Veins, by Ant. Jof. Rodri- 
guez, 4to. Madrid 1760 

A Critico-Medlcal DifTertatlon to introduce true Phyfic, 

and banifli the falfe, by the fame, 6 vol. 4to. Madrid 1754 

Theological Refledlions, Canonical and Medicinal, upon 

Fafting, 4to. Madrid 1748 

An Account of California, by Andrew Marc Burriel. 

Palceogr aphid Hifpanicay by the fame, 4to. ibid. 1758 

Of the Authority of the Laws of the Fiiero JufgOt \ix 

famous Gothic Code, by the fame, 4to. Madrid __^ / 

This is a very learned, judicious, mafterly, and ingenious wCiSi.--^ 
See the extradl from it, concerning the Spanifh meafures. 

Tratado de la Ortographia Efpanolay par Juan Perez Cajlie^ 

y Artigiies, 8vo. Valencia 1727 

Memorias Hift, de la Fundacion de la Univerjidad de Valeji^ 

cia, 4 to. Madrid 1730 

H-iftoria grande real, par yofepb Gonzalez ibid, 1746 

Hift or ia Civil de Efpana, de 1700 a 1733, par Manuel 

Fernandez ibid, 1740 

De los Derechos Nacional y Romano en Efpatta, par Don 

Thomas Ferrandis, 410. ibid. IJA.J 

Sobr e U710S Momimentos A?2tiqiios y ^to, . , Valencia 1736 

AmbaJJcides du Marechal Bajfompiere en Ffpagne, 4 vol. 

8vo. Cologne 1668 

Voyage en Ffpagne, fait en 1655, 4to. Paris 

The Lady's Travels is a tranflation from this book, a Ipurious work. 
Voyage en Ffpagne, par Madatne la Comteffe D' Aiinois,i vol. 

1 2 mo. Paris ib<^i 

Voyages d' Ffpagne, par le Pcrc Labat. 

UFtat prefent d Ffpagne, par l' Abbe Vayrac. 

Lettres de Madame de Villars, Ambafjddrice en Ffpagne, 

i2mo. An?lierdatn ij6i 

Annales d' Ffpagne & de Portugal, par Don Juan Ah. de 

Colmcnar, 2 vol. 410. ibid, 1741 

L 2 ' L'Hif 



76 MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 

VHiftoire dEfpagne, par M, Deformeaux, 5 vol. 12 mo. 

Paris 1759 
Memoir es fur le Commerce y & les Finances d'Efpagne, 2 voL 

i2mo. Af?ift€rdam 176 1 

Tour through Spain and Portugal, by Udal ap Rhys, 

8vo. London 1760 

Theory and Pradice of Commerce, by Don Geronymo 

de Uftariz, 2 vol. 8vo. London 1761 

Dr. Geddes's Tradts, 4 vol. 8vo. ib. 1709 

Memorable Expuljion de los Morifcos de Efpana, 410. 

Fampelona 1613^, 
Jnfcriptiones Antiqua in Hifpanid reperta, per Ad. Occo- 

nem, folio. ^ Heidelb. 1596^ 

Compendia de la Vida del Card. Xinie?ies, y del ojicio, y Miffa 

Muzarabe^ par Eiigenio de RobleZy 4to. Toledo 1604 

This Mojarabic Mafs is one of the greatefl curlofities in all Spain;,, 
it is celebrated at Toledo. The prefent King of Spain heard i 
fo much faid of it, that he afTifled at it in perfon. 

De Regis Hifpanid Regnis & Opibus, par De Laety 8vo. 

Liigdun i Batavorum J 6 1 9 .^ 

J/. And.Requefendii Antiquitates Lufitanica, 8vo. 

Colonice Agripp. 1613. 
I have fet down the titles of moft of the new books in Englilli, . 
for the lu.Ke of the Englilh reader. 

SPANISH POETS, 

/^U EVE DO. The fame author who wrote thofe Vifions^. 
^% which we have tranflated into Englifh. 

Lopez de Vega Car pi o, v^ho wioX^ t\it J erufalem Conqui— 
fiaday tragedies, comedies, &c. 

Calderoni, the celebrated comic Poet. The great favourite of 
the SpanilTi nation : they relifh little elfe upon the flage, but. 
what he has wrote. See the article Stage, His works are in eight" 

or nine volumes 410. 

Don 



MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 'jj, 

IDbn Alonzo de Ercilla. 

Gil Polo, Principe de EsquilachEc 

Antonio Lofraso. 

Juan Rufo. 

Pineda. 

FiGUEROA. 

Antonio de Nebsixa. 
Garcilasso de la Vega» 
Don Miguel de Barrios*. 
Gongorra, &;c,. 

A LIST of Mockrn Spamjh LITERATI, 
(Mofl: of them, I believe, now living.) 

"E^ATHER Feijoo of Burgos.. 

Father Burriel, a great antiquarian^ in the imperial colkge^ 
©fjefuits at Madrid. . 

Father Henry Flores, of the Augufline order^ jhiflorian, and* 
medallift. . 

— Flores, his brother, antiquarian. 

Bar MIEN TO, a Benedidine, has fludied natural hiftory^,. 



botany, and the languages. 

— Ponce, a Francifcan, mafterof the oriental languages, 

— Is LA, the author of Frey Gerundio. 

Miguel Perez Pastor, antiquary and medallift. 

Velasquez, antiquary.and medallift. 

San Felippe (Marquis of) an officer, an envoy from the 
court of Spain to Genoa. 

Don Gregorio Mayans y Siscar, a gentleman who lives at 
OHva nearValentia. and tho'63 years old,purfues his former ftudies 
with a vigour beyond his years. He was bom atOliva in 1 699, and 
made library keeper to Philip V. at Madrid, in 1733, which place 



^S MODERN S*PANISH WRITERS. 

he threw up in difguft, in 1740. He has the Teflimonia Enidho' 
rum of the greatefl fcholars in mod parts of Europe in his favour. 
He is commended by Luis Antonio Muratori, in his Suppleme?tt 
to Gra:vius and Gronovhis, pubUfhed at Venice in 1740: by John 
Burcard Menkenius, prelident of the univerfity of Leipfic, in the 
Acla Lipjiaca : By Chrift. Aug. Heumannus, in his Fia ad iTiJlo- 
riain Literariam : By Marc. Aug. Beyer, in his Memorlce Hijiori- 
co-critlcc€ L'lbrorum Rariorum, Lipfia ^734 • ^7 Fred. Otto Men- 
kenius, in his Notes to his father's Hfe : By Gottofrid Mafcou, au- 
Hc counfellor to his late Majefty King George II. and profefTor 
of law in the univerfity of Gottingen, in his Preface to Gravinas 
Works : By J. Gott. Heineccius, counfellor to the King of PrufTia, 
who publiihed Corj2. Van Bynkerjhoek : By Peter WefTeling, in his 
Preface to the Epijiles of Don Man. Marti y Dean of Alicant, printed 
at Amflerdam in quarto, 1738 : By the prefent Earl of Granville, 
who .prefixed the life of Don Quixote, wrote by Don Gregorio 
Mayans y Sifcp.r, to the noble impreflion he publiihed of that ro- 
mance in 1738, in4to, and which he dedicated to the countefs of 

Montijo, the Spanifh ambafTadrefs in London. His brother, 

Don Antonio, lives with him, and purfues the fame ftudies. As 
I was much obliged to this gentleman for .the favour of his cor- 
refpondence, I could not refufe this little acknowledgement; • 

Don Perez Bayer, canon and treafurer of the metropolitan 
church of Toledo ; an univerfal fcholar, a great mafler of Hebrew 
and the oriental languages. He was fent, in the late reign, by or- 
der of the court, into Italy, to pick up MSS. and medals :' he has 
a very fine cabinet of Roman medals in his own pofieffion, atid fe- 
ven Hebrew MSS. which he has promifed to collate for the uie 
of Dr. Kennicott. He has publifhed a very learned work, intitul- 
ed, Damafiis & Laurentius Hifpanis vindicati, Romce, 4to. He has 
written befides, Dijjertatio de Antiqiifjimo Hebrceoriim 'Tempioy To- 
leti reperto y and, De Nummis Samaritanisy & qiii'-cocantur Medallas 
Defconnocidas. Thefe two are not yet publiHied, but I believe the 
latter will foon be printed. This gentleman is of the order of 
the Jefuits, and very much efteemed by the court. As I have 
received feveral very obliging letters and civilities from him, this 
juflice is at leart due to his merit. 

Padre Terreros. 

Don Lopez de Burrera. 

4 * Don 



MODERN SPANISH WRITERS. 79 

Don Lewis Roche. Francis Xavier Idiac^jez, elded 

fan of the late Duke of Granada. Antony Joseph Ro- 
driguez. Pere Emmanuel Vidal. — Dr. Andrew Pic- 

QjJER, profefTor of anatomy in Valentia. Antonio Cap- 

devila, profelTor of phyfic in Valentia. Bifhop of Gua- 

DiA. Don Vicentio Ximfnes. Jos. Emmanuel Mi- 

niana, contlnuator of Mariana's hiflory.r Juan Perez Cas- 

TiEL Y Artigues, Valcntian. — Joseph Gonzalez, hiftorian. 
Manuel Fernandez, or Bellando, hiftorian. -Don Tho- 
mas Ferrandio, hiftorian. -^ Don Jorge Juan, Don Ant. 

DE Ulloa, mathematicians. 

The Count Gazola, a very learned and fkilful judge of archi- 
tecture, painting, and the elegant arts. He intends publiftiing 
the ruins of the antient PoeJIum in Italy, fo famous for its 
rofes. He is a lieutenant-general, chief engineer, and intendant of 
his majefty's fabrics and buildings. 

Michael Syri, a Syro-Maronite, perfect mafterof the Eaft- 
earn languages, and chief librarian to his majefty at Madrid. He 
has publifhed the firft volume of the catalogue of the Arabic MSS. 
in the Efcurial. It is a very fine work in folio, well printed, and 
contains large fpecimens of each MS. and an accurate account in 
Latin. 

The other librarian, whofe name I forgot, intends likewife to 
publifti the catalogue of the Greek MSS. but it will be fome time' 
before it will come out. 



Of the UNIVERSITIES in SPAIN. 

^ I 'HE Univeriities in Spain are very numerous; but it may 
be eafily feen, from the preceding accoiint, that the ftate of 
learning in them muft be at a very low ebb. I believe, among 
them, that of Salamanca claims the precedence. There is very 
little of the learned languages, the belles lettres, or indeed, of 
true and found learning ftudied in them. To fay the truth, a good 
political reafon might be affigned for this ; the ftudy of true and 
found learning, if well purfued and cultivated, would let in too 
much light : and how far that might be prejudicial to the inte- 

L 4 refts 



8o Of THE UNIVERSITIES. 

refts of their religion, I cannot fay. The univerfity of Valem- 
tia feems, at prefent, to have the fairefl claim to precedence in 
point of learning; but that is owing folely to the example, direc- 
tions, and inftrudlions of that eminent fcholar Don Gregorio 
Mayans y Si scar. They are twenty-three in number. 

One in Leon. 

1. Salamanca, founded in 1200, by Alfonsus IX; 

Six in the Castilles. 

2. Palencia, , founded in 1200. 
cj. Valladolid, ■ ■ in 1346. 

4. SiGUENSA, in 1471, by C. Ximenes. 

5. Toledo, >- in 1475. 

6. AviLA, in 1445. 

. TT f in 1498, by C. Ximenes ; next in rank to Sa. 

7. AlCALA DE HeNARES, < t-i' ' / 



LAMANCA. 



Four in Andalusia. 



8. Seville, founded in 1503. 

9. Granada, ini53i. 

10. Baesa, in 1533. 

11. OssuNA, ■ in 1549. 

I1U0 in Aragon. 

12. Huesca, founded in 1354. 

13. Saragossa, ■ ■ ■ — in 1474. 

Three in Valentia. 

14. Valentia, founded in 1470. 

15. Gandia, in 1549* 

16. Orihuela, — — — in 1555. 

Three in Catalonia. 

17. Lerida, founded in 1300. 

18. ToRTOSA, in 1540. 

19. Tarragona, by Philip II. 

N. B. Philip V. in 1717, deprived thefe in Catalonia of their charters, and gave 
them toCERBERA, a town in the fame province, which had declared for him. 

One in Gallicia. 

20. San Jago de Compostelia, founded in 1532. 

One in Guipuscoa. 

21. Onate, founded in 1543. 

One in AsTURiAS. 

22. OviEDo, founded in 1580. 

One in Navarre. 

33. Pampeluna, founded in 1608. 

The rank of them are as follows. — Salamanca, Alcala, VallaDOLID, SevIIl*, 

Saragossa, Valentia, Lerida.— —The reft are of no moment. 

3 Tkere 



STATE OF LITERATURE IN SPAIN. Si 

There are, however, in thefe univerfities, fome valuable books and 
MSS. which the poffefTors themfelves make no great ufe of: fuch 
as manufcripts of Priscian and Donatus, in Gothic charac- 
ters, with Arabic notes; MSS. of Sallust, Seneca, and Ovid; 
two Gothic Bibles, written before the invafion of the Moors, and 
a very old Hebrew manufcript of the Bible : all at the city of 
Toledo. A Gothic Bible at Alcala de Henares, where 
there are the finefl: MSS. of the Hebrew Bible in the world. In 
the Royal Library at Madrid there are of firft editions, Plau- 
TU s, Fenefh's I /\.y 2; Livius, ad tertiumlibriwi tertiidecadisy 1485;, 
Virgilius, Venetiis 14753 Odyssea Homeri, per Bern. Deme- 
trium Milanenfemy Florentine 14883 Yl\LiYQ,Yi\\}%tF lor entice, 1520^ 
Idem, ^Idi, 1514. 

[As the two following Latin Epijiles contain feveral particulars 
relating to the Prefent State of Literature in Spain, efpecially 
the latter, in which are fo many curious fadts and obfervations, 
together with a lift of the works of his own countrymen, theVA- 
lentian Writers, from the beginning of this century, I have 
thought proper to infert them in this place. The literary hif- 
tory of the two gentlemen, who wrote them, has been already 
given to the reader. He will meet with fome uncommon words 
and phrafes in them, but they are Plautince Ditliones, a book 
which the Spaniards much delight in.] 

+ 

FRANCISCUS PEREZIUS BAYERIUS 

EDFARDO CLARKE, 

s. P. 

OUanquam mane a prandio, fummiim perendre matritum cc- 
gitem, qua in urbe ut te pragfentem pra^fens alloquar fperare 
mihi fas fit : nolui tamen perbrevem banc temporis ufuram negli- 
gere, aut tecum interea parum oiJiciofus videri, qui me tuishuma^ 

M niflimis 



82 STATE OF LITERATU R 

niflimis Uteris provocafti. In iis quod me nihil tale merltum ef- 
fufis laudibus cumulas, perbenigne mecum agere videris, qui fundi 
mei fines anguftiafque probe intelligo. Totum igitur muneris ell 
tui, a quo nihilominus laudari, pergratum mihi eft ac perjucun- 
dum. 

DissERTATiUNCUL AM deToletauo Hebrsorum Templo fum- 
mis olim precibus extorquere a me voluit vir cl. Blaiius Ugoli- 
nus, antiquitatum Hebrai'carurn colledor atque illuftrator, ut earn 
thefauro fuo infereret, nee tamen obtinuit; nolui enim committere 
ut vix exafciatum ac plane tumultuarium opus publici juris fieret, 
id quod nunc etiam in caufa efl quo minus de eodem Hifpanis 
aut exteris typis edendo ulterius cogitem : faltem donee eidem fu- 
premam manum impofuero. 

In Damaso & Laurentio Hifpaniae aflerendls, non ego pro ar- 
bitrio, neque ut ingenium periclitarer, argumentum mihi felegi, fed 
coacClus aliorum importunitate. Cum enim nihil ego minus quam 
ea de re cogitarem, ac ne noffem quidem de utriufque patria litem 
Hifpanis intentari, bonaque eofdem fide in ephemeridibus nofiris 
inter divos patrios retuliflem, cum rifu & cachinnis exceptus fum 
2l nonnullis Romanorum hypercriticis, quafi Romanam illorum pa- 
triam, rem fcilicet lippis atque tonforibus notam, unus ego om- 
nium ignorarem. Itaque coadlus cam provinciam fufcepi ; quod 
tamen nolim ita intelligas, quafi me locatae in eo argumento operas 
ufpiam poenituerit, aut pceniteat. Quamvis enim alia defmt omnia 
in opufculo illo (quod ego non diffiteor) funt nihilominus aliqua 
per occafionem explicata quibus, fi me mea non failunt, rei /ifur- 
gica, atque hiftorifE ecclefiajiicce non parum lucis affulgere potefl; 
praeterea univerfum opus pietatem in patriam ubique fpirat, deque 
ea benemerendi ftudium, quod nemo unquam bonus reprehendit. 
In eo autem an Vjjcrium alicubi nominaverim, non fatis memini: 
tantum abeil ut ipfum, qua de re mihi fubirafceris, parvi fecerim. 
(Pearfonum & Dodwellum, p. 19.) Dodvvellum merito fuo carpo, 
quod & multi ante me prieliitere, alii quidem alio nomine, ego 
quod mifere itis, excruciet, totufque in eo fit, ut coclites ipfos e 
fedibjs deturbct fuis, et 'ix quern denique e fmcflorum martyrum 
albo expungendum pro lubidine fibi perfuadet, geftit, erumpit 
2 pra? 



I N S P A I N. 83 

pras gaudio, triumphumque putat palmarium. Egregiam vero lau- 
dem! Itaque ut verbo abfolvam, Dodwelli in hac parte judicium 
odi ac deteftor, dodlrinse nihil detradum volo. Menagium ibidem 
dum genio ad facetias atque hilaritatem compofito nimis obefcun- 
dat, faspiflime fcurram agit. Nihil eft in Coelo fordium. Valeat 
Lucianus ! Sed de his plus fatis. 

Hebraicos Veteris Teflamenti Codices, qui fcilicet aut totam 
illud, aut Pentateuchum, aliofque facri Foederis libros continent 
penes me habeo circiter vig'mti quinque, Erunt forfan nonnulli 
laeculo duodecimo exarati, aut eo non multo recentiores ; unus 
certe omnium ante ejufdem faeculi dimidium fcriptus eft : habet 
enim in fine numeralem notam anni ab orbe condito 4904, quern 
falutis anno i 144 refpondere optime nofti. De collatione ac va- 
riantibus, quod ais, Toleti res eft ftipra quam dici poteft impedi- 
ta y pauci enim ea in urbe ftint, qui Hebraicas litteras norint, nee 
fine duorum minimum interventu negotium iftud peragi tuto poteft^ 

Domino Pitt, quanquam paullo quam oportuerat ferius fidem 
tamen meam liberabo. Suftineat me interea quasfo & aliis impli- 
citum, & ftimma qiioque adumbratorum inopia ibidem in hac ur- 
be laborantem. De nummis plura coram Deo Optimo Maximo 
defuper largiente, a quo tibi felicia omnia comprecor 5c faufta. 

ToL E T I , pojlridie Idas Juniasy M. d c c . l x i . 



M 2 E P I- 



34 STATE OF LITERATURE 



+ 

E P I S T O L A 

Domini GREGORTI MAJANJSII, 
GENEROSI VALENTIN I, 

EDVARDO CLARKE 

AMANDATA. 

TV/TEUM Ingenium ad amicorum obfequium paratlfllmum facit, 
ut illi de me multo prseclarius & fentiant, & loquantur, 
quam ipfe mereor. Itaque li fidem adhibueris eorum teftimoniis, 
ienties nimis magnifice de meo fludio literarum. Tu, vir pru- 
dentiffime, fi decipi non vis, voluntatem meam pluris facito, quam 
facultatem fatisfaciendi delideriis tuis. Ilia fponte fua foecundif- 
fima eft -, haec, invito me, flerilis : prout nunc experior fane per- 
dolenter. Vellem enim Sacrorum Bibliorum omnes Hebraicos co^ 
dices y qui latent in Hifpanias Bibliothecis, in poteftate mea ha- 
bere, & publice exhibere, ut a viris dodtiflimis cum aliis codicibus 
conferrantur, in commune Chriftianae Reipublicce bonum, fx, in- 
crementum. Mihi enim in mentem venit illud Ifaias a Michea 
repetituni : * Ibiint popuH multi, & dicent, Venit e (y defceiidamus ad 
montem Domini^ & ad doinmn Dei yacob^ & docebit nos viasfiias, & 
ambulahimiis in femitis ejus : quia de Sion exibit leXy G? verbum Do^ 
mini de lerufalem. Gloriorque ejus difcipulum efle, qui cum fit 
Verbum internum, de fe profefTus eft : Ego palam locutus fum mun- 
do : ego fcmper docui infynagoga^ & in temple, quo omnes yudcvi con- 
"oeniiinty & in occulta locutus fum nihil. Quare Vetus illud Tefta- 
mentum, quod ille coram omnibus revolvere 5c legere folitus fuit ; 
itcmque Novum, quod ipfe juliit fcribi, & omnibus gentibus annun- 
tlarii exiftimo minime occultari debcre; fed ibi proponendum, un- 
de de piano re6te Icgi polfit. Sed cum libri facri Hebraica lingua 
fcripti, in Hifpania legi dcfierint ob ejuslinguse inufum, atque hie 

• Micah iv. 2. 

inu- 



I N S P A I N. Ss 

inufus ortum habuerit a metu, & pollea ab ignorantia confirmatus 
fit ; inde fadum eft, ut in privatis bibliothecis non fuperfint, & in 
publicis religiofe cuftodiantur. Cum auteni Hifpani habemus 
regem, qui fuperftitiofus non eft ; credo eum, modo petentis adiit 
au6toritas, & prudentes cautiones adhibeantur, minime denegatu- 
rum facrorum codicum ledlionem, collationem, defcriptionem, & 
quidquid necefle fit ad divini verbi fententiam intelligendam. 
Quod fi Rex Catholicus voluerit, crede mihi, impedimenta omnia 
quae enumeras, nihil obftabunt. Verum, quod omittis, non eft le- 
vis momenti, difRcultas inveniendi Hifpanos Hebraicae linguas bene 
peritos. Et, ut exiftimo, haec eft cauffa difficilis aditus ad facros 
codices ea lingua fcriptos. 

Placuisse tibi epiftolam illam, quam in gratiam excellentif- 
fimi viri Benjamini Keene fcripfi, vehementergaudeo. Vir fuit 
ingenii dulciffimi, quique facile confequebatur quas volebat ob ftu- 
dium & perfpicaciam morum hominum, humanitatem facile fefe 
infinuantem, & liberalitatem. Frequentillime ille mecum de rebus 
literariis agebat ; nam, ut erat rerum omnium curiofiffimus inda- 
gator, optimos Hifpanias fcriptores nofcere fatagebat, & ftudiofe in 
otiofis intervallis ledtitabat. 

MiRARis Henricum Florezium de Nummis antlquis Hifpani- //^«r/Vw 
cis Hifpana lingua fcripfifte. Ego mirarer multo magis, fi Latina^^'^^'^2;/«y, 
fcripfifiet. Tunc enim neque exteris, neque popularibus fuis 
placeret. Laudanda in eo viro diligentia, qua tot numifmata edi- 
dit : quod perfacile fuit promittenti famam perpetuam commu- 
nicantibus fecum antiqua numifmata. Antonius Auguftinus dili-^/;?/^;//",? yf«. 
genter hoc ftudium inter noftrates coluit : clarus Vincentius ]O'0j'"'*^' 
hannes Laftanofa, adamavit, oftentavitque : NobililTimus vir ^t-j}anofa. 
trus Valerus Diazius, juftitia Arragonuni, adeo pra^clare calluit, n\.P^trus Vale- 
eximias laudes confecutus fuerit a peritiffimo hujus literaturoe cen-^"^ lazius. 
fore, Ezechlele Spanhemio prope finem dilfertationis non^ do pra3- 
ftantia & ufu numifmatum antiquorum. Ex illlus magni viri lo- 
cupletilfimo thefauro plufquam tria millia numifmatum obtinuit, 
& hodie cuftodit clarus vir Ferdinandus de Velafco in auditorio .^. "^'"'"'" 

lltCilCl, 

duodecemvirorum Stlitibus judicandis in domo 6c urbe rcgia (Hif- 
pani dicimus Alcaldes de Cafay Corte) patronus fifcalis : idemque 

vir 



26 STATE OF LITERATURE 

plu/quam ioo\ir do^'iCCimus nacftus efl exejufdem Diazii bibliotheca plufquam 
iibn clere ^entum libios de re nummaria agentes. NonnuUi alii in fuis ga- 
En.manuei zophilaciis magnos habuerunt thefauros, fed abfconditos. Edidi 
Martlnus. ggQ Emmanuelis Martini, Decani Lucentini, Epiftolas ad hoc ar- 
cevtinus. " gumentum fpedlantes : noftratium animos excitavi ad hoc fludium 
Gon%akcius excolendum. Clams vir Andreas Gonzalezius Barcia recudi juflit 
Bauia. Antonii Auguftini immortale opus numifmatum, infcriptionum, & 
aliarum antiquitatum. Eo vita fundto, agnatus illius, ejufdem no- 
minis, praDtorii Granatenfis fenator, me adhortante illud edidit : & 
ftatim innumeri oculi aperti, & incredibilis muhitudo eft inquiren- 
tium antiqua numifmata, atque inde orta difficultas inveniendi ea. 
Ego ibi fum, ubi rariffime reperiuntur : & ubi nemo verfatur in 
hoc erudito ftudio. Perfaspe inter amicos divifi nummos antiquos, 
quos obtinere potui. Romani, qui apud me manent, tui erint. 

Scire cupis, qui libri manufcripti Graeci, aut Latini, vel hif- 
toricorum, vel poetarum ; qui vctufti audtores inediti in Hifpania 
fuperiint ? Catalogum Graecorum Latinorumque fcriptorum, qui 
extant in regia Madridienli bibliotheca diligenter confecit, & edere 
Johannes cogitat clarus vir "Johannes Iriartey bibliothecarius regius. Biblio- 
Jnarte. theccE Scorialenfis varii indices evulgati. Sed quia rari funt, faci- 
BMotheca lius eft ipllim bibliothecam adire, & in ea ipfos libros confulere, 
ScoriaUnfis. {\ comes adjungaris alicui viro, qui audloritate vigeat apud biblio- 
thecarium, aut illi monafterio prsefedum. An vero poffint fup- 
pleri lacunar aliquae, Livii, Taciti, Diodori Siculi, Dionis Caffii, 
aliorumque fimilium, res eft, quae fciri nequit, nifi ipli codices in- 
fpiciantur. Crediderim vero niulta pofle fuppleri, & quamplari- 
vni alia melius legi : nam thefauri Hifpanici nondum lunt efFofii. 
Quanti vero lint, facile coUigere poteris, fi confideraveris, quam fe- 
leds bibliothecae Scorialenfem formaverint. Magnus ille Alphon- 
■* ^' ""■'^^ fus V. Aragonum Rex, qui literas ita amavit, ut iion dubitaverit 
dicere, Maliefe omnium regnorwn fuorum (feptem autem potiebatur) 
jaBiiram faccre, quam nnnimam doSirince^ adeoque docftos adamavit, 
fovitque, uti Laurentiam Vallam, Antonium Panormitam, Bartlio- 
lomajum Faccium, Georgium Trapezuntium, Johannem Aurif- 
pam, Jovianum Pontanum : & Ubrum apertiim pro inligni habuit, 
iignificans ftudlum fuum erga libros, quibus fuorum regnorum bi- 
bliothecas implevit, ornavitque j priccipue fuam inftruxit raris, 
,i)c antiquiilimis libris Graecis, Latinifque, qui poftea beneficio Fer- 
dinand! 



I N S P A I N. 87 

dinandi duels Calabria ex teftamento pervenerunt ad Gundizalvum 
Perezium, Carolo V. a manu, Homeri Odyireas interpretem Hif- 
panuiri celeberrimum. lUi autem libri tefte Antonio Perezio ejus 
filio tranilati etiam fuerunt in Bibliothecatn Scoriaknjem, quam 
locupletarunt alice bibliothecas feled:iilimae eruditifTimorumvirorum: 
veluti Didaci Furtati de Mendoza, lingua? Latina?, Grascse, & Ara--^'!^^^' ■^"''• 
bicae peritiffimi; Antonii Aiigiifiini, ad miraculum eruditi ; Bene- jfiiofj, ^„- 
diSfi Arice MoJitani in eruditis linguis verfatiflimi ; aliorumque uftini. 
eximiorum virorum> quorum longa feries referri poiTet. Diligentia.^^'^^ * 
itaque oculari opus eil ad fecretas illas opes infpiciendas, Atque hoc 
velim confideres. Libri manu exarati, plurilque faciendi in Bibli- 
otheca Scorialenfi^ aut funt Hifpani, aut Arabici, aut Latini, aut 
Grasci. Hifpani nondum in ufum publicum derivati funt; Ara- 
bici nunc incipiunt orbi literario innotefcere per Michaclem Cafiru 
Conjecftare igitur quantum fperari poffit de Latinis, GrLccifque. 

Pr^terea in Ilifpania fuifTe homines Latinve Gr^^ca?que lin- 
guae peritiffimos, optimifque & exquilitiffimis libris inil:rud:os, ne- 
mo negaverit, li meminerit Ferdinandi Nonnii Pintiani, Petri Jo-- 
hannis Nunnefti, aliorumque fimilium : quorum omnium libros 
ab Hifpania exportatos ad exteras bibliothecas, & plures in ea non 
manfilTe, difficulter crediderim. Remanent igitur adhuc plurimi 
eorum, & fuperfunt alii in paucis, fed numercliffimis, & antiquis 
bibliothecis, quae adhuc confervantur, h. a gryphibus cuflodiuntur. 

Quant us vir lit clariffimus Johannes Taylorus, fama prs- 
dicat, &abunde didici ab amicoejus ampliffimo Meermano. Quam- 
obrem licet linguam Anglicam non intelligam, libenter a te acci- 
piam Eleificnta Juris Civilis ab illo edita, ut meam inftruant bi- 
bliothecam. 

Scire cupis prascipua opera literaria, qus ab Hifpanis pu- 
blica luce donata funt ab anno mdcc? Vaftam provinciam mihi 
mandafli. Earn breviter percurram. 

Valentini habemus duas bibliothecas, quarum audlores, vi- 
delicet Jofephus Rodriguezius, monachus fodalicii Sancflilfimae Tri- 
adis, & Vincentius Ximenes, prefbyter & dodor theologus, libera- 
liffimi funt in conterraneorum laudibus. Priccipue vero Valentini ^^'4'^^'"^' 
regni fcriptores, qui hoc noftro faeculo floruerunt, funt lii. 

Tho- 



tues ccni' 

■iiendii'.m. 



88 STATEOF LITERATURE 

Mathema- Thomas Vincentius Tofca, prefbyter congregationis B. Philip- 
pi Nevii, qui in Hifpanorum gratiam edidit Compendhun Mathe- 
maticimi'y itemque Philofopbicumy fed hoc Latine fcriptum,cui ego 
adjunxi inftitutiones morales. 

Johannes Baptifta Corachan , cuj us eft ArithmetkalDemonfiratay 
fasculo elapfo edita, & Mathefis Sacra a me evulgata. 

JosFPHUS Emmanuel Miniana, monachus fodalicii Sandiffimse 
Triadis, celebratifTimus ob Continuationein Hijlorice Jobannis Ma- 
riance^ & Bellum Rufiiciim Valentinum, 

Emmanuel Martinus, decanus Lucentinus, cujus elegantiffimas 
Epijiokis proculdubio legifti. 

HiACYNTHUs Segura, monachus Dominlcanus, cujus ^{i Nor- 
te CriticOf id eft, Polus Criticus. 

Paschasius Sala, praspofitus Valentinus, poft cujus mortem 
in lucem prodiit Sacrum Veterum Hebrceorum Kalendarium. 

NoBiLissiMUS vir, Georgius Johannes, qui {cnp{it Narrationem 
Hijhricam Itineris Jul in Americam Meridionakm. 

AuGusTiNus Saleiius, hujus regni hiftoricus, qui praeter alia 
multa edidit Difj'ertationem de Ttirice Marmore nuper eff'qffo. 

Scrittores Inter fcriptores Cathalanos numerandi funt, clarus vir Nar- 
Cathalam. ciffus Felix, qui evulgavit Annaks Cathahnia, definentes in rebus 
Anni mdccix. 

Ri'be'ra!^^ Em MANUEL Marianus Ribera, monachus fodalicii B. Maris 
Virginis de Mercede, qui praeter Regium Sacellum Barci?ionenfe, 
editum anno 1698, evulgavit hoc faeculo librum de Regum Hif- 
pania Patronatu in Regale & Militare Sodaliciiim Dowince Mercedis 
Redemptionis Capti'voruin^ & Centuriam primam ejufdem Sodaliciiy in 
quibus libris quamplurima leguntur ex: Barcinonenfi antiquiflimo 
archio depromta. 

JiitonlusBa- Clarus vir Antonius Baftero Roma; fecit publici juris Cruf- 
-^ ^^°' cam Provincialemy opus eximium. 

Jofsphm Fi- Ce L E B E R R I M u s vir Jofephus Fineftrefius edidit Jiirifprudentia^n 
nejycjiuu Antejufiinianeamy PraleBiones Cervarien/eSf de Jure Dotium libros 

3 quin- 



I N S P A I N. ^ 

quinqiie, C^ Co?nmenfariiim in Hennogentanunu erudltlffima opera le- 
galia. Idem brevi exhibebit Syllogen InfcripUonum Ro77janari{?7i, 
qua: in Principatu Cathalaimice, njel extant, vel aliquando extiterunt. 

Ejus frater. Jacobus Fineftrefius, monachus Ciflertienfis, edi- 
dit Hijloriam Monafterii Populeti, e cujus tabulario produxit multa 
fcitu dignillima.i 

Matth^us Aymerich focletatis Jefu nuper in lucem piibli- 
cam emifit Nomina & A6ia Epifcoporum Barcinone?iJium ; in cujus 
operis fine legitur Syllabus Chronologico-Hiftoricus^ ab eruditifiimo 
Jofepho Fineftrefio compofitus. 

Ex reliquis Hifpanias provinciis, regnifque, multi viri hoc nof- 
tro faeculo fcriptis fuis nobilitati funt, ut clarus Liidovicus Sala^ 
zarius, ob innumera genealogica fcripta celeberrimus. 

Johannes Ferreras regiae bibliothecse Madridienfi prasfedius ohjohamtcs 
Annales Hijioricos valde notus, in quibus illud utile eft, quod {cn^.'Feneras, 
tores, quos fequitur, allegat. 

Franciscus de Berganza, monachus Benedidlinus, qui in ^neFrafid/cus da 
Antiquitatum Hifpanice, varia chronica Vetera edidit, et in Ferraras Berganza. 

convidloy IJidori Pacenjis Chronicon. 

Johannes Interian de Ayala, monachus fodalicii B. Mariae dey. /. de 
Mercede, vulgavit Hiimaniores at que amamiores ad Mufas Exairfusj^y^^^- 
itemque Pidlorem Chrijiianum eriiditiim. 

Clarus vir Andreas Gonzalez de Barcia Antonii Leonis Pineli-^^^^'^^^ 
Bibliothecam Orientale?n & Occidentakm mirifice auxit, multos li- <'"^^^^' 
bros ad hiftoriam Indiarum pertinentes recudi juffit, 6c Antonii Au~ 
gujiini Dialogos de Numifmatis, Infcriptionibus, & Antiqmtatibus, a 
me jam commemoratos. 

Clarus vir Jofephus Bermudez, de ^jure Regii Hofpicii icn^^\t.JBermud<:z, 

Christophorus Rodriguez de Palceographia Hifpana. Rodriguez. 

Johannes Gomez Bravo Catalogum Epifcopoj'um CordubenfiumGovuz 

edidit. Bravo. 

Prod I IT etiam in lucem BenediBi Aries Montani LeBio Chri-B. A. Mot^ 
Jiiana, interprete Petro de Valentia, eximius liber ad edifcendam^'^""^* 
linguam Hifjpanam, fi conferatur cum DiBato Chrijliano ejufdem 
audoris. 

N Luce 



90 STATE OF LITERATURE. 

N. AntoniL Luce publica fruitur Nicolai Antonii Cenjiira WJioriarumfabu* 
lojariim, 

Marchio Pl E N A funt bonffi frugis Marchionis Mondexarenfis Opera ChrO' 

Mondexar. y^Qi^gi^^^ : DiJJcrtationes Ecclefiafiicce repetitse editionis, ab aucftore 

ipfo emendatae & auclae 3 6c AnimadverJ/ones in Hijhriam ^ohannts 

Mariance, 

Laurenthis Eques Mediolaiienfis, Laurentlus Bonivini, evulgavit Ideam No- 

Bomvini. ^^ Hijioria Genet alls Anieric(2 Septentrionalisy in cujus fine legun- 

tur prxclariflima opera hiftorica, qucE audlor poffidebat. 

Bernarduscle Emmanuel Bernardus de Ribera fodalicii SandtiffimcE Trlados^ 
Ribera. ^^^^ volumina edidit Injiitutionum Philofop hie arum, 6c promifit duo- 
decim. 

Stephanus Stephanus Terreros, Societatis Jefu, evulgavit Falcsographiam 
'j^m'^^'b^ ..Hifpananii cujus verus audor eft Andreas Marcus Burriel, ejufdem 
rid, ' focietatis, qui pra^ter Hijioriam de Rebus Caliphornicis, edidit erudi- 

tiflimum librum de Mquatione Fonder um & Menfuraruniy nomine 

urbis Toleti. 

PosTREMo Valentice renovantur varia opufcula, quibus Latinae. 
Iingua3 cognitio iit facilior per interpretationes Hifpanas, cujuf- 
modi funt tranflationes Hifpanicae aliquorum audlorum ex clajjicis, 
ut feledtae Ciceronis Epiftola^, interprete Petro Simone Aprili, 6c 
alia opera fimilia, quae ego dedi imprimenda. Omitto alios fcrip- 
tores tibi notos, quorum judicium malo efle tuum, quam meum.. 

Habes epiftolam plenam fcftinationis. Diligentior ero, cum 
tua intererit, Vir humaniffime. Vale. 

O L I V iE , Pridie Calendas Septembres, Abuio m d c c l x i. 

[Thofe readers, who do not underftand the Latin tongue, u^ill 
have no reafon to regret, that there is no tranflation of thefe 
epiftles annexed to themj fince the literary hiftory they contain, 
and the lift of authors, v/ould afford them but very dry enter- 
tainment.] 



LETTER 



LETTER V. 



State of MEASURES and WEIGHTS, 



THERE IS no part of the Bpamfi cufloms, of which it is fo 
difficult to give any clear account, as thofe which relate 
to their MeaJ'ures and Weights : for they retain in ufage to this day, 
all the meafures and weights, which their feveral conquerors or 
invaders have introduced at different periods. 

Nothing can give one a flronger proof of the uncommercial 
genius of this people, and of the little attention which they have 
ever given to trade, than their miniftry's having permitted this 
matter to reft upon the prefent footing. There is fcarce any thing 
which is more ferviceable to the exigencies of commerce, or which 
facilitates its courfe more, than an univerfal conformity between the 
meafures and weights of the fame country. The Romans, tho* 
far from being the moft trading nation in the world, yet perhaps 
for fome ages the wifeft, paid always the moft minute attention 
to this point, and even eftablifhed a commercial pou?id, for the 
greater convenience of their trade. 

The confuiion, which refults from this ftrange variety, may be 
eafily conceived. In one province you will find MooriJJj meafures 
and weights, in another Roman, in a third Gothic. The inquifition 
hath had little influence in this matter, for of thefe they have made 
an olio, and mixed Pagan, Mahometan, Jcwifti and Chriftian mea- 
fures and pounds all together. Thus, in Seville you meet with 

N 2 the 



92 STATE OF MEASURES 

the Loji, the Cahy, and the Ancyras in Cadiz, the Fanegue, or com- 
meafure of two bulliels Enghrti; which are ^\2im\y MooriJJ? by the 
barbarity of their names. In Castile you will find one pound; 
in Andalusia another. In this city you will fee a pound of 16 
ounces, in that one of 32, in another of 40, which is the butchers 
pound in Segovia, or the libra carnicera, as Livy calls it : that 
is to fay, thefe different cities make ufe of one pound, two pounds, 
and two pounds and a half. But this is not the worft view of this 
matter j for in meafures of the fame iiamcy you will find a mofl 
unfvftematical variation in different places : Thus, for infl:ance, 
the'mofl common meafure of length in Spain is the vara, or bar-, 
this wants three inches of our Englifli yard, being exadly two 
ffeet nine, or 33 inches long, if it be after the flandard of Bur- 
gos, which was fixed by Philip II. in 1568: and Ferdinand 
VI. by an edid: of February 14, J 751, ordered, that in all 
things relating to war and the marine they fhould ufe the bar of 
Castile. For till thefe later injundions, Spain followed in this 
matter the regulations of Alphonsus the Wife, who fixed the 
standard himfelf, and gave it to the City of Toledo; that is to 
fay, he very politically endeavoured at fome uniformity in this 
point, by reducing all the meafures and weights in his dominions 
to the Roman flandard. Such is the flate of this matter in Ca- 
stile; but when you leave thofe kingdoms, and get into the 
other provinces, you will find the variations of this 'vara very con- 
fiderable ; nay, even in Castile itfelf ; for the bars of Burgos, 
Toledo, Avila, and Madrid are all different. The propor- 
tion, however, between this meafure of Burgos and our Englifh 
yard, is always as 100 Englifh yards = to 109 and 3 inches of 
the Spanijh 'vara. 

Our modern calculators have made the Roman foot much lefs 
than our Englifh foot ; that is to fay, the pes Romanus, according 
to them, is, in EngliH) meafure, 1 1 inches, and 604 decimal 
parts of an inch, or almoft half an inch lefs : but I am flirongly 
inclined to believe, that the Englifli and Roman foot were the 
fame thing. For whoever will perufe the following account of 
the Spanifh vara and league^ extracted from a work of the learned 
Father Burriel, of the Imperial College of Jefuits at Madrid, 

will 



A N D W E I G H T S. 93 

will perhaps find reafon to alter his fentiments in this point, and 
will perceive this truth eftablifhed by his accurate reafonings upon 
the Roman EJiadal ftill preferved at Toledo. For there beinc/ 
exactly the fame difference between the har of Toledo, and that 
of Burgos, as there is between the bar of Burgos, and the Eng- 
lifh yard : confequently, if the bar of Toledo was taken from the 
Koman foot, the Englifh yard muft come from the fame fource. 
The bar of Burgos was, as I faid, 33 inches, the bar of Toledo 
36, the Englifli yard 36, confequently thefe two laft meafures are 
the fame. 

That the antfent foot of Toledo was the exa(5l Roman foot, 
there can be no doubt; the Spaniih and Roman meafures, as well 
as weights being, for many ages, even after the divifion of the em- 
pire, the fame thing. The GothSj tho' they pulled down that 
vaft fabric, had an amazing reverence for the wifdom of its builders; 
they preferved with a religious care, not the names only, but the 
exadt uniformity and correlpondence, which fubfifted between the 
Roman weights, moneys, and meafures of all kinds, as Burriel. 
hath proved from the authority of thofe two bifhops Idacius 
and Isidore. And the Moors did in great meafure the fame 
thing. You may fee, by one trivial inftance, how much the Ro- 
man weights and 1 leafures prevailed in Spain in after times : the 
ftyle-yard, which Is much ivv ufe among them at prefent, is called 
JJno Romano to th::s day, and by no other name. 

For liquid meafures the Castilians ufe the Agumbrey Y^hichy. 
as appears by the name, is an Arabic meafure, and perhaps origi- 
nally taken from the Omer of the Hebrews. The At^umbre con- 
tains two quarts Englhh, or half a gallon. And the table of their 
liquid meafure may ftand thus : 

IDos Agumbres — 4 quarts i gallon > 

JJn Agiimbre ■— 2 quarts i. gallon. 

Medio Agiimbre — i quart i. gallon* 

Una ^artillo i pint -[. gallon* 

Ip 



94 STATE OFMEASURES 

If the quantity be greater, you then reckon by the Arrohat 
which is Hkev/ife another Arabic meafure, and is exadly the quar- 
ter of the hundred, or 25 pounds Enghdi weight : for four Ar- 
robes make the ^intaU or 100 pounds weight. But here again 
the Arroba is not the fame throughout all Spain ; for the pound 
of Cadiz and Seville, and confequently the Arrobcy are much 
larger than thofe of Castile. In Spain almofl every thing, 
whether dry or liquid, is fold by the pound, by the avoirdupois 
pound of 16 ounces, and confequently by the Arrobe: Thus wine, 
oil, wood, coals, corn, bread, fait, 6cc. are fold by the pound, and 
as many of thefe are ufually purchafed in large quantities, they are 
generally fold by the Arrobe, I make no doubt, but the ufage of 
the old Roman pound of 12 ounces avoirdupois, or 10 troy, pre- 
vails ftill in fome parts of Spain, tho' I am not able to prove it ; 
As the ftandard of the bar has been kept at BuRGos,fo the flandard 
of the Arroba has been preferved at Toledo ; and corn hath been 
regulated by the Fanegiie of Avila. 

The gold and filver-fmiths weights are. 

The ^ilafey or Carat, 4 grains. 

A Tomin =: to 3 carats, 1 2 grains. 

A Cajiillan z: to 8 tomins. 

The Ounce =: to 6 caflillans and two tomins. 

The Cajiillan is the gold weight of Spain, and is = to 14 rials 

and 16 peniques. 
The Mark = to 8 ounces. 

The ftandard of the inark for filver has been kept at Burgos; 
but the ftandard of the gold mark at Toledo. 

This may fuffice for a fhort view of the CaJiUian meafures and 
weights ', for he who would give an accurate account of all which 
prevail in the feveral provinces of Spain, had need write 2. folio y 
and not a letter. Thofe who would wiih to know with the great- 
eft precifion the exacft length of the Cajiilian bar and league may 
find it in the following extract taken from Father Burriel's 
book Upon the Authority of the Laws of the Fue?^o Jufgo. 

6 Of 



AND DISTANCES. 95 



Of Spaitifly Meafures and Diftances. 

'tX/'E will now endeavour to fix the value of The Bar of Cajiik, 
to determine the length of The SpaijiJJj League, and confe- 
quently to difcufs a very important point of modern geography. 

The bar Is that Spanifi meafure from whence are derived all 
thofe which ferve as meafures of diftance : and as long as its va- 
lue is not fixed, it will be very difficult to afcertain juflly the Ca- 
Jlilian League. But this is only a part of the difficulty : it is not 
fufficient to know what is the number oi feet that go to make a 
bar : it is neceffary to fearch ftill farther, and find out what kind 
of feet they are, that is to fay, whether they are Spa^iiJJj, or RojjiaTt 
feet. Such is the quefiion now before us. We have already faid. 
That Alphonsus the IV fe ordered all the cities and flates to make 
their weights and meafures after the ftandard of thofe which he 
had himfelf given to the city of Toledo. Philip II. found it 
convenient to annul in part fo wife a decree, by ordering, in a de- 
claration made 1568, that the bar of Burgos fliould be the univer- 
fal bar of his monarchy. Toledo facrificed, without difficulty, 
her pretenfions to the public good, which ought to refult from 
fuch uniformity; and conformed at firfl to the will of the prince, 
in fending to Burgos for a copy of her bar ; a copy, which To- 
ledo has always preferved, and preferves to this day, with the 
greateft care. If all the cities of Castile had fliewed the fame 
vigilance as Toledo in the prefervation of their bar, it is certain^ 
that one fhould not fee that vafl; difference between them, which 
is fo vifible at prefent. It was natural, that this change in the bar 
fhould have an influence In the afcertainment of diftances, which 
it has been applied to meafure ; and this perhaps is the fource of 
fo many opinions which cladi among thofe who have wrote upon 
the Length of the Spani/Jj- League, which of all the meafures is the 
moil im^portant, and that which we have moft frequently a ne- 
eeffity of knowing its real value .. 

The 



g6 STATE OF MEASURES 

The Spanish writers make mention of three forts of leagues, 
common, legaU and geographical. Philip II. ordained by a decree 
of ^S^l'' ^^^^ ^^^ legal leagues fliould be common leagues, and 
not legal leagues : it is difficult to comprehend the fenfe of this 
decree. For if the co/?! mo n league is an arbitrary diftance, it would 
not ferve as a rule in points where the property of individuals is 
concerned, where it is neceflary to have a conflant and determined 
meafure. 

Ambrosius Morales and EsQUivEL eftabliflied it as a ma- 
xim, that by a common league we ought to underftand a diftance 
of 4000 paces, 20,000 feet, or 6666-i bars. And this fuppoling 
after the refearches of Esquivel, that the antient Spanifh foot 
was the third of the l>ar ofCaJiik, which was without doubt the 
har of Burgos : But thofe refearches are pofterior to the decree of 
1587; and the authority of thefe two writers cannot ferve to the 
interpretation of a law of Philip II. By the confeffion of all 
thofe who have come after them, there exifts no fuch thing in 
Spain as common leagues of 4000 paces; nor can they any more 
take for a common league, thole which the inhabitants of a province 
fix by their eye, or travellers and couriers by the watch : Becaufe 
this league might ferve at moft to fix the fpace of ground to a 
traveller, but not to the furveyor, v/hen it is neceffary to mea- 
fure the ground without roads, and in the mofl exadt manner. 

The uncertainty is no lefs great as to the extent of the legal 
league: Morales, who fpoke of it before the decree of 1587, 
makes it 5000 bars, 3000 paces, 15,000 feet. Moya gives it 
the fame extent in his Theoretical and PraBical Geometry, printed 
in 1563, and their eflimations have been adopted by Cespedes 
in the treatife of Hydrography, which he publiflied in 1606, by 
order of Philip III. Pere Mariaux, and Don Garcia Gabel- 
loro are of a different opinion j they make the legal league 5000 
paces, or 25,000 feet. 

By geometrical leagues we underfland thofe, feventeen of which 
make a degree , but the exiftence of equal leagues has no foun- 
dation in theory, nor obfervation ; and flrangers have adopted 

them 
6 



STATE OF MEASURES, &c. 97 

them without examination, upon the credit of fome Spanifh au- 
thors, devoid of that inftrudion, which is neceflary in a matter fa 
important as this. 

From what we have faid, there refults a new problem, namely 
to know, if it is poflible, how to fix the number of Spanifh leagues y 
which compofe a degree. They cannot give a pofitive anfvver to 
this queftion, without having firfl a fundamental point from 
whence to deduce it. It is certain that we can know exad:ly 
the value, or length of the Spanifh league, if one knew the num- 
ber neceflary to a degree : and alfo one fhould know how many of 
thefe leagues the degree contains, before one can be certain of the 
value of each of them. 

It is this laft method which Don Jorge Juan employed, when 
he was reducing the number of French toifes into bars of Cas- 
tile which a meridional degree contained, contiguous to the 
equator, meafured by Meflrs. Go din, Bouguere, and La Con- 
D AMINE, to whom v/as aflbciated, by order of the Spanifh court, 
Don Antonio de Ulloa. The Spanifli geometrician, fupported 
by the authority of many laws of the Partida, which he cites in 
his work, fuppofes with Mo y a and Cespedes, that the Spanifh 
league contains 3000 paces, 15,000 feet : and this fuppofition be- 
comes a principle in his hands, to proceed to the redudion pro- 
pofed. 

Mr. Godin, before he fat out for Peru, had the attention to 
provide himfelf with a copy of the toife of the Cbatekt at Paris, 
which he drew with the greatefl exadnefs, in order to make uie 
of it in the meafures which were the objed of his voyage. 

When Jorge Juan returned into Spain, he carried with 
him a copy of Mr. Godin's toife, which he took with all thofe 
phyfico-mathematical precautions, which the defire of accuracy 
prefcribed to him, and the importance of the work wliich he me- 
ditated. After having compared this copy of the French toife, 
at Madrid, with the bar which the council of Castile fent 
him, he found, that the bar of Madrid contained 371 lines of 

O the 



98 STATE OF MEASURES, 6cc. 

the French toife, and that the foot of the French toife was to the 
bar of Madrid, as 144 to 371. The obfervations made upon 
the equator gave 56,767 toifes to a meridional degree, and it was 
eafy to Don Jorge Juan to reduce this number of toifes to 
132,203 bars: in dividing the relation which he had fixed be- 
tween the foot of the toife, and the bar of Madrid; or in di- 
viding 132,203 bars, which the degree contains, by 500, which 
is the number of bars that make a league, he found, that the 
degree contained 26 Spanifh leagues and a half. 

It appeared, however, that it was not till after this reducflion 
by Don Jorge Juan, that they thought more ferioufly in Spain 
of the difference which there is between the bars of Burgos, 
AviLA, and that of Madrid, upon which this geometrician had 
made his experiments. It was for this reafon the late King Fer- 
dinand VI, ordered, in 1750, feveral mathematicians to pro- 
ceed to a geometrical comparifon of thefe three bars. Don 
Jorge Juan, who was one of thefe commiffaries, determined 
with his colleagues, that fix Paris feet made feven Caflilian ; that 
is to fay, that the French toife was exadtly 2I. bars Spanilh. His 
majefty ordered that for the future, they fhould abide by this 
decifion in all affliirs relating to war, and the marine. 

You fee then the number of bars contained in a Sp2in[(h kagiie, 
the number of Caftilian leagues which form a degree^ and the 
number of feet of which the degree is compofed, determined and 
fixed in adopting the calculation of Don Jorge Juan. It now 
remains to determine the nature of thefe y^^^. 

Don Jorge Juan thought, that the feet, of which men- 
tion is made in the laws of the Partidasy were Caftilian feet, and 
fuch is, as far as appears, the fentiment of Cespedes, Mora- 
les, Moya, and the council of Castile itfelf. 

However refpedlable thefe authorities may feem, Pere BuR- 
RiEL thought he ought not to ftop there : he pretends, on the 
contrary, that the feet mentioned in the laws of the Partidas^ 
and 15,000 of which make a Spanifh league, are Roman feet. 

The 



STATE OF MEASURES, 6cc. 



99 



The method by which he came to the demonflration of this pro- 
portion, for we look upon it as demonftrated, is equally folid and 
ingenious, and gives a new proof of his fagacity. 

We will now enter into the difcuflion of his proofs, undertaking 
with him things a little higher. 

It is evident, that if we could know the length of the bar 
which Alphonsus X. gave to Toledo, we fhould immediately 
know the kind of foot, which He ufed, and which is fpoke of in 
the laws of the Partidas, fmce from one unanimous confent the 
foot hath always been the third of the bar. Then we fliould ob- 
ferve, that when the reprefentatives of the ftates, held at Toledo 
in 1436, wanted to take away from the meafures of that city the 
prerogative of being univerfal models, they alledged, among other 
reafons, that the bar of Toledo exceeded by an eighth that of Bur- 
gos. The animofity of the deputies of Burgos was fo great, as 
they were the leaders of the cabal, it might make us believe, that 
this excefs was exaggerated, and that the bar of Toledo did not 
furpafs that of Burgos but by a twelfth, and not an eighth. If 
the ftates fixed this excefs at an eighth, it was, without doubt, be- 
caufe in the divifions of the bar, one fees parts marked as eighths, 
but no twelfths. By confequence, the bar of Toledo furpaffed 
that of Burgos by three inches : and the foot of the bar given to 
Toledo by Alphonsus X. was greater than that of Burgos by 
one inch, which is the twelfth part. Befides, all the authors, who 
have compared the Roman foot to the Spaniih foot, affure us, that 
the Roman foot of the capital is one twelfth more in length, than 
the foot of Castile. Therefore the antient foot of Toledo, 
or that of the bar of Alphonsus X. was equal to the Roman 
foot. 

If Toledo ftill preferved its antient bar, it would be eafy to 
bring experience to the fupport of this reafoning ; by confronting 
this bar with that of Burgos : but fmce this bar cxifts no longer, 
we will make ufe of a meafure v/hich was taken from it. The 
meafure I mean is the antient EJiad^/ which one fiiil fees in the 
archives of Toledo. 

O 2 Thf, 



100 STATE OF M E A S U R E S, &c. 

The EJiadal ^•^((g^ commonly In Spain for a meafure of ele^' 
ven feet; the antient EJiadal vj\\\ch. we fee at Toledo is exadly 
ten feet ten inches : now I cannot be perfuaded, that the old Spa^ 
niards, whofe attention was fo extreme for every thing that re- 
garded oeconomical government, fhould give to the EJiadaly to a 
meafure which is fo frequently in ufc, the unequal number of 
eleven feet, or the fradionary one of ten inches. It is much 
more probable that they gave it the equal length of 8, i o, or 12 
feet. 

As the antient Eftadal of Toledo, which, as we have faid, 
w;is taken from the bar of Alphonsus X. contains 10 feet,. la 
inches, then, if the EJiadal oxx^t to be a meafure of 10 feet, the 
antient exceeds the modern precifely one 12th 3 each foot of the 
ancient EJhidal furpaffes alfo, by one twelfth, each foot of the mo- 
dern : in fine, the bar of Alphonsus X. was one twelfth greater 
than that of Castile. From whence we mufl conclude, that 
the foot of that bar had the fame proportionate excefs beyond 
the Caftilian foot, that the Roman foot had ; confequently the 
laws of the Partidas fpeak of Roman feet, when they fix the pa- 
ces and the feet of which a league is compofed. Therefore in 
followirig thefe laws, the Spanifh league,, which contains 3003 
paces of five feet each, contains 15,000 Roman feet, or 3250 
Caftilian paces, or 16,250 feet of the bar of Burgos, meafured 
by the copy of that bar, which Toledo keeps in its archives.. 

These reafons are without doubt very ftrong , but the follow- 
in cr refledions give them ftill a new dep:ree of force. We can- 
not doubt, but that the foot, which was in ufe in Spain during 
the Roman government, was the common Roman foot : by con^. 
fequence, if by the antient Spanifh foot they underftand that 
which the Spaniards ufed during the firft: ages of the Chriftian 
ara, it is certain it was the fame as the Roman. How could the 
Romans, who took as much care of Spain as if they would make 
it afecond Italy, how would they have permitted, that the Spa- 
niards ihould be diftindt from the reft: of the world (which it had 
conquered, and policed) in fo eftential a point, as that of weights 
and meafurcs. The uniformity between the meafures of the Spa- 
^ niards 



STATE O FM E A S U R E S, 6cc. lai 

niards and thofe of the Romans fubfifted after the divifion of the 
Empire, which never faw any change in that article in its provin- 
ces. This uniformit}^ fuftained itfelf even againft the invafion of 
the barbarians, as appears from the authority of the Bifhop Ida- 
CI us, who v/as witnefs and hiflorian of thefe invafions. This au- 
thor^always reckons diftances by mi/Iiaria, which without doubt 
he could never have done, if it had not been the ufage of the 
fifteenth century, in which he wrote. The writings of St. Isi- 
dore make us believe, that the Goths never touched the mea- 
fures which the Spaniards had received from the Romans : be- 
caufe one may prefume^ from the known accuracy of that faint, 
that he could not have pafled over in filence alterations of this 
nature, in the works which we have of his De Ponderibus & Men- 
Juris: fo far from it, he marks always the diftances by the fame 
names which the Romans gave them, and which they had introduced 
into Spain, with the meafures which ferved to determine them. 
Thefe reflections are fupported in the work of Father Burr i el,. 
concerning The Authority of the Laws of the Fuero fufgo, which 
he cites in great numbers, but always with a view to prove, that 
almoft to the time of Alphonsus X. the weights and meafures of 
the Romans continued to be ufed in Spain j and that they ftill 
reckoned the diftances conformably to the manner which thefe 
conquerors had introduced. Could then this learned prince, who 
was an able and complete legillator, could he be ignorant, of 
this continuation of the Reman weights and meafures ? And if 
he knew it, as we ought to believe, conftdering the extent of his 
knowledge, and the lights he had, which ftiine much more in 
thofe of his works which exift in the obfcurity of our archives, 
than in thofe which are printed : Could fuch a prince have re- 
courfe to foreign meafures, when he determined and fettled thofe 
which were to be ufed in his dominions, and of which he gave, 
the originals to the city of Toledo ? 



L E T T E R 



LETTER VI. 



VIEW OF THE STAGE. 



Incohmi gravitate jo cum tentavit; eh quod 
Ilkcebris erat, & grata novitate morandus 
Spe5iator, fundlufque facris. Ho RAT. Art. Poet. 



I AM induced to believe, that there is a refemblance between 
the flage of Madrid at this time, and that of Rome, when 
my author was defcribing it : that is, at a period after its infancy, 
and before it had arrived at its full perfection in propriety of action, 
fentiment, and tafte. For I cannot well compare Calderoni's 
productions to thofe of Terence ; nor look upon any of the pre- 
sent Spanifli aCtors, as equal in merit and genius to the Roman 
Roscius, an ^sop, or an Englilh Garrick. And tho' I ven- 
ture to give this opinion, it is the opinion of one, who is only 
an eycy and not an tv/r-cenfor : For 1 pretend not to underftand 
enough of the language to be able to judge as decifively as a French 
critic, of the dramatic merit of Calderoni, or any of his poeti- 
cal countrymen. But there certainly is a way of forming fome 
judgement, tho' by other means ; facfts often fpeak as clearly as 
words ', and actions and geftures, though iilent, are by no means 
dumb: And I dare affirm, that General Johnson often under- 
itood the little Carpenter, a Cherokee^ or the bloody Bear, though 
he was not a great mafter of the elegancies and purity of the In - 

dian 



VIEW OF THE STAGE. 



103 



divt language. But farther; when a play has any degree of unity 
in adlion, time, and place ; when the feveral fcenes, the charadters 
lead on to, and terminate in one grand defign, or event i I will 
venture to fay, if it be tolerably well adled, that tl foreigner ^ tho' 
he does not underftand the language, will be able to tell you 
what the general drift and defign of the play was : Let a Spaniard, 
or Frenchman, who is ignorant of the Englifh tongue, be prefent 
at the reprefentation ci Othello, hear, Richard, Ti'he'Jomyiey to hon- 
don, or The Bold Stroke for a Wife, and I am certain he will give 
ajuft account of all he faw : he will tell you, that 07ie murdered 
his wife for jealoufy; that the other went mad for the ingratitude 
of his daughters -, that confcious guilt filled the third, though no 
coward fpirit, with all the horrors of remorfe. 

When I went firft to the Spanifh comedy, it was the feafon 
for adting the Autos, that is to fay, plays in fupport of the Ca- 
tholic faith; for Auto de Fe is in their language an a5i of faith. 
I found at my firfl entrance a good theatre, as to fize and Hiape, 
but rather dirty, and ill lighted -, and what made it worfe was an 
equal mixture of day-light and candles. The prompter ^ head ap- 
peared thro' a little trap-door above the level of the ftage, and I 
firfl took him for a ghoft, or devil, juft ready to afcend to thefe 
upper regions : But I was foon undeceived, when he began to read 
the play loud enough for the ad:ors and the boxes too, who were 
near him. The j)/V was an odd fight, and made a motley, comical 
appearance ; many {landing in their night-caps and cloaks ; offi- 
cers and foldiers interfperfed among the dirtieft mob, feemed rather 
flrange. That which anfwered to our two-flnlling- gallery , was 
filled with women only, ail in the fame uniform, a dark petticoat, 
and a white woollen veil. The fide and front-boxes were occu- 
pied by people well drefled, and fome of the firfl fafhion. 

When the play began, the acflors appeared much better attired, 
that is, in richer clothes, than thofe in England; and thefe they 
change perpetually, in order to let you fee the expenfive variety 
of their wardrobe. After fome fcenes had pafTed, which were 
tedious and infipid, there came on an interlude of humour and 
drollery, defigned, I fuppofe, for the entertainment of the pit. One 

2 of 



tia4 VIEW OF THE STAGE. 

-of thefe comedians appeared tempting, with a bag of money, a lady 
who fung to him very prettily, and did not feem altogether averie 
to grant him fome favours: in the mean while to my great furprizc 
a man brought in three barbers blocks upon the ftage : after thefe 

rthree faid barbers blocks were placed upon the llage, the fame 
man returned and dreffed them firft in mens clothes^ and undrelTed 

•them again, and then crefled them once more in womens clothes. 
Now, Sir, to tell you the truth, it was for the fake of fuch fcenes 
as thefe that I placed thofe lines of Horace at the head of this 
account ; becaufe I am persuaded the author attempted this excel- 
lent piece of humour, for the reafon there given, for the fake of 

-his friends in the pit, and this without violating the decorum due 

.to the national gravity of his countrymen. 

However, I fhould not forget to tell you, that when thefe 
-block ladies were properly attired, there came in three men, who 
liad a fancy to tempt thefe three ladies likewife; but thSy were 
inflexibly coy, and I think it was not long before their gallants dif- 
<covered the miftake. But to quit this interlude, and return to the 
play again : In procefs of time, and after fome fcenes had pafTed, 
•which were long, tirefome, uninterefbing, and full of fuftian and 
bombaft ; the grand fcene approached ; an adtor, dreffed in a 
long purple robe, appeared in the charader of Jesus Christ, 
or the Nitejiro Senor, as they call him; immediately he was blind- 
folded, buffeted, fpit upon, bound, fcourged, crowned with thorns, 
^nd compelled to bear his crofs, when he knelt down and cried, 
■Padre jui! Padre 7m! '^^ My Father! my Father! why hail: thou for- 
** faken me?" After this he placed himfelf againfh the wall, with his 
hands extended, as if on the crofs, and there imitated the expiring 
agonies of his dying Lord. And what think you, my friend, was the 
conclufion of this awful and folemn fcene ? why, really, one every 
way fuitable to the dignity and ferioufnefs of the occafion : one of 
theadrrefles immediately unbound Chrifl:, diverted him of his crown 
and fcarlet robes ; and when he had put on his wig and coat again, 
he immediately joined the reft of the adors, and danced 2i Jcqu£^ 
Villas. 

Speclatum admijjij rijiun tineatiSj amici ? 

As 



VIEW OF THE STAGE. ic^ 

As to the feqiic<:^illas, or dance, it is little better upon the Spanlfli 
ftage, than gently walking round one another; tho' when danced 
in its true fpirit, in private houfes, it much refembles the E?'igliJJ:> 
Hay. After this one of the adtreifes, in a very long fpeech, ex- 
plained the nature, end, and defign of xhtfacramciits ; you mufl: 
know alfoj that the Spaniards admit a great number of foliloquies, 
full of tirefome, and uninterefling declamation, into their plays. 
In the lad fcene, Chrifl: appeared in a fliip triumphant; and thus 
the play concluded. I forgot to tell you, that Chriil, before 
his pafTion, preached to the four quarters of the world, in their 
proper dreffes, upon the ftage: Europe and America heard him 
gladly, and received the faith ; but AJia and Africa remained in- 
corrigible. 

Some time after I had feen this Auto (for, to fay the truth, my 
curiolity was a little abated with regard to the Spaniili ftage, from 
this fpecimen of it) I went to fee a regular comedy ; there were 
two Engliili gentlemen in the box with me at the fame time. We 
underftood very little of the defign of the firft a(5t ; we faw a king, 
queen, an enchantrefs, and many other pretty, delightful fights : 
but the interlude, with which that a6t concluded, is, I think, not 
to be equalled either by Rome or Greece ; neither Farqjjhar, 
Gibber, or any of our loweft farce- writers, have ever produced 
any thing comparable to it. The fcene was intended for the in- 
fide of a Spanijh Pofada (or i?m) in the night; there were three 
feather-beds, and as many blankets brought upon the ftage ; the 
queen and her maids of honour perfonated the miftrefs of the Po- 
fada and her maids ; and accordingly fell to making the beds. Af- 
ter this there came in fix men to lie there, who paid three quarts 
a piece ; one of them being a mifer, had rolled up his money in 
twenty or thirty pieces of paper. Then they undrefled before the 
ladies, by pulling oft* fix or kvtn pair of breeches, and as many 
coats and waiftcoats, and got into bed two by two : When behold, 
the jeft was, to fee them all kick the clothes off one another, and 
then fight, as the fpedlator is to fuppofe, in the dark. The ab- 
furdlty of this fcene, and the incom>prehenfible ridiculoufnefs of it, 
made us laugh immoderately. The fight of the feather-beds, the 
men kicking and fprawling, the peals of applaufe, that echoed 
through the houfe, were truly inconceivable ; tho', I believe, our 

P neigh - 



io6 VIEW OF THE STAGE. 

neighbours in the next box thought we laughed at the wit and 
humour of the author. It was a fcene that beggars all pofTible de- 
fcription, and I defy any theatre in Europe, but that of Madrid^ 
to produce fuch another. Shuter's favourite Bt-^^^rj-^z^, v/ith 
all its low ribaldry, is by no means a match for it. But to return 
once more to the play: When this interlude was finifhed, there fuc- 
ceeded fome other fcenes, between the king, queen, enchantrefs^ 
and the reft of the adiors ; fuch as five or fix of them drawing their 
fvv'ords upon the enchantrefs all at once, who parries them with 
her wand, and retires into her cell unhurt. They are furprifed to 
find that their fwords made no impreffion, and fo put them up 
into their fcabbards for a better occafion, crying, Muy grande ma- 
ravilla ! that is, " It is a very great wonder !" At other times 
the enchantrefs kills with one look, and makes alive with a fecond. 
Once (he came in, fell down upon the flage, broke her nofe, got 
up again, went out, and returned with a black patch. Then we 
had another interlude, in which fome hufbands purfued their wives 
in great anger, and with clubs fomething like Goliah's flaff, or a 
weaver's beam, in order to beat their brains out; but, by the friendly 
interpofition of fome kind neighbours, they were prevented from 
that rude fpccies of divorce. In revenge for this infult, the wives in 
the interlude that followed at the end of the next ad:, drefied them- 
felves up like amazons, with arms and armour, and purfued their 
hulbands, who in their turn now fubmitted to the conquerors. I re- 
member nothing very remarkable that palled after this, excepting 
that the enchantrefs renounces the devil, and all his works, and ia 
conclufion embraces the catholic faith, and declares £he will ad- 
here to that only. 

This, I hope, will ferve at prefent for a fhort fketch of the 
Spanifi Stage. Indeed, I had almoft forgot to tell you, that Te- 
resa, one of the adrefies, was this winter imprifoned by the 
King's order, for being too free of her charms to fome of the 
grandees; it was faid flie would be condemned to the workhoufe 
for life. However that be, flie remains in prifon flill, and, as 
far as I can learn, is like to rem.ain fo for fome time longer. 

Calderoni is at prefent, and has been the favourite author 
upon their llage for fume years. 

6 LET- 



LETTER VIL PART I. 



Dcfcription of the BULL-FEAST, exhibited in the 
Plaqa Mayor at Madrid^ upon occafion of His Ca- 
tholic Majefty's Public Entry into his Capital, on 
July 15, 1760. 



WE arrived at the balcony of the Englifh AmbafTador in the 
Pla^a Mayor about half an hour after three in the after- 
noon, and v/ere at once ftruck with the chearfullefl, gayeft fight 
imaginable. The fquare, which is large, was thronged with people ; 
the balconies all ornamented with different coloured lilks, and croud- 
ed from the top to the bottom of the houfes ; the avenues to the 
fquare were built up into balconies, and a fort of Hoping fcaffold- 
ing was placed round for the common people, elevated above the 
ground, or pit, if I may fo call it, about eight or nine feet, with 
openings in proper places, and wooden doors. 

First came in the coaches of the cavaliers, four in number, of 
an antique and fingular make, with glaffes at the ends, and quite 
open at the fides : The cavaliers were placed at the doors of their 
coaches, from whence they bowed to the people, and the balco- 
nies, as they paffed round the fquare 3 and they were accompanied 
by their fponlbrs, the Dukes of Ossuna, ofBANos, of Arcos, 

P 2 and 



loS DESCRIPTION OF 

and Mfdina C/eli. Before the royal family came a company 
of halberdiers, after which the king's coaches in great ftate, I 
beheve about {tvtw or eight in number, preceding his Caroffe ds 
RefpeSl, which was extremely rich, with red and gold ornaments, 
and beautiful painted pannels : Then a coach with fome of the 
great officers, w^ho go always immediately before the king; next 
came the King and Qu^een in a very fum.ptuous coach of blue, 
with all the ornaments of mafiive filver, and the crown at the top^ 
the trappings of the horfes were likewife filver, v/ith large white 
plumes. Thefe were followed by the coaches of the Prince of 
AsTURiAs, the two infanta's, and Don Luis, with their atten- 
dants. 

Their Majeftles were placed oppofite to us, in a gilt balco- 
ny, with a canopy and curtains of fcarlet and gold ; the queen on 
tbit occafion taking the right hand. On the right hand of the 
king's balcony were placed the refl of the royal family : and on 
the left were ranged the gentlemen of the bed-chamber in a row^ 
all drelTed in a very fine uniform of blue and red, richly embroi- 
dered with gold. The halberdiers marched from the king's bal- 
cony, which was in the center on one fide, and forming themfelves 
into two lines, fronting different ways, inftantly cleared the fquare 
of the croud, who retired into the fcattolding, ereded for them round 
it. Next the halberdiers formed themfelves in a line before the 
fcaffold, under the king's balcony. Then appeared tiioo companies 
of boysy drefied in an uniform with caps, and red taffeta jackets, 
ranged againfi: the right and left hand fide of the fquare, who car- 
rying buckets of water in their hands, watered the ffage as they 
crofied over to the fide oppofite to them. This being performed, 
the fix chief Alguazils of the town, mounted upon fine horfes, 
covered with trappings, and drefi^ed in the old Spanifh habits, 
black with flaflied fleeves, great white flowing wigs, and hats v/ith 
plumes of different-coloured feathers, advanced tov/ards the king's 
balcony, under which they were obliged to ffay the whole time, 
to receive his orders.; except when they were frightened away by 
the bulls, when they were obliged to ride for it, being abfolutely 
unarmed and defencelefs. 

Having 



THE BULL-FEAST. 



109 



Having obtained the king's permiHion for the btiU-feafi, the 
troops belonging to the knights entered upon the ftage in four 
large companies, drefTed in liveries of Moorijh habits of filk, 
richly and elegantly ornamented with lace and embroidery : Thefe 
marched firft to make their bow to the king's balcony, and then 
in proceffion round the fquare : and from the elegance, lingula- 
rity, and variety of their uniforms, made one of the moft delightful 
fcenes that can be conceived. After them, came the four knights, 
habited in the old Spanifh drefs, with plumes in their hats, and 
mounted upon the mofl beautiful horfes : each carried in his hand 
a (lender lance, and was attended by two men on foot, dreffed in 
light filk, of the colour of his livery, with a fort of cloaks or 
mantles of the fame j thefe never forfake his fide, and are indeed 
his principal defence. After the cavaliers had done their homage 
to the King, their companies retired, and there remained with them 
only, befides thofe who walked by their fide, a few dreffed with 
mantles in the fame manner, who difperft themfelves over the 
ftage. The cavaliers then difpofed themfelves for the encounter^ 
the firft placing himfelf oppofite to the door of the place where 
the bulls are kept, the other at fome diftance behind him, and fo on. 

The King then making ikit jfignal {ox the doors to be opened, 
the bull appeared, to the found of martial mufic, and the loud ac- 
clamations of the people : and feeing one of the attendants of the 
firft cavalier fpreading his cloak before him, aimed diredly at him;, 
but the man ealily evaded him, and gave his mafter an opportu- 
nity of breaking his fpear in the bull's neck. In the fame manner 
the bull was tempted to engage the other cavaliers, and always 
with the fame fuccefs: till having received the honourable wounds 
from their lances, he was encountered by the other m.en on foot : 
who, after playing with him, with an incredible agility, as lono- 
as they think proper, eafily put an end to him, by thrufling a 
fword either into his neck or fide, which brings him to the ground; 
and then they finifh him at once, by Jinking a dagger, or the point 
of a fword, behind his horns into the fpine, which is always immediate 
death^'. After this the bull is inftantly hurried off by mules, finely 
adornedj and decked with trappings for the occafion. 

* This was the way the NumiJians ufed to kill the elephants, when they becime unruly :. 
fee Li,vy, lib. xxvii. cap. 49. The wo:ds are, EicUns corum /culfitim iu;^i ma.'Uo kalchant; 

My- 



no DESCRIPTION OF 

My apprehenfions were at firft principally for the men on foot-, 
but I foon perceived they were in no fort of danger : their cloaks 
are a certain fecurity to them, as the bull always aims at it, and 
they can therefore eafily evade the blow. Befides this, there are 
fo many to affift each other, that they can always lead the bull 
which way they pleafe, and even in the worft cafe they can pre- 
fcrve themfelves by leaping into the fcafFold,as they frequently did. 

The knights are In much more danger j their horfes being 
too full of fire to be exactly directed; they cannot therefore fo well 
evade the aim, and are liable every moment to be overthrown with 
their horfes, if the attendants by their fide did not affiftthem. Two 
beautiful horfes neverthelefs v/e faw gored ; one of which was 
overthrov/n Vv'ith his rider, but fortunately the man efcaped any 
mifchief from his fall. The courage of thefe horfes is fo great, 
that they have been often known to advance towards the bull, 
when their bowels were trailing upon the ground. 

After the knights had fufficiently tired themfelves with thefe 
exploits, the king gave them leave to retire and repofe. We had 
then bulls let out (one at a time always) from another door, of a 
more furious nature ; thefe were encountered entirely by the men 
on foot, who were fo far from fearing their rage, that the whole 
bufincfs was to irritate them more, by throwing upon their necks, 
and other parts, little barbed darts, ornamented with bunches of 
paper, like the Bacchanalian 'Thyafus, fome of which were filled 
with gunpowder, and burft in the manner of a fquib or ferpent, 
as foon as they were faffened to the bull. Nothing can be ima- 
gined more tormenting than thefe darts, which flick about him, 
and never lofe their hold. But the courage and amazing dex- 
terity, with which they are thrown, takes off your attention from 
the cruelty of it. Another method they have of diverting them- 
felves with the fury of the bull, is by drefling up goat-Jkins, 
blown up with wind, into figures, and placing them before him, 
which makes a very ridiculous part of the entertainment. Many 

id*, ubi favire btllua, i5 ruere in J..01 ccepe ant, magijier inter atircs pojitwn, il/o in arti.ulc, quo 
jungitur capiti cei'vix (in the fpine) qucmto maxirno ptterat iflu adl;^chat. Ea celerrira 'via mor- 
tis in tantee tno.'is bellud tn'venia e.ati »bi regendi fpetn "viajfent. Primvf^ue id Af.irubal tnjii- 
tuerat. 

Cf 



THE B U L L-F E A S T. ju 

of the bulls, however, would not attack them, and one of the 
moft furious that did, fliewed more fear than in encountering his 
mofl: fturdy antagonifts : fo great is their apprehenfion from an ob- 
jedl that Aands lirm, and feems not to be difmayed at their ap- 
proach. There is likewife another kind of a larger ipear, which 
is held by a man obliquely, with the end in the ground, and the 
point towards the door, where the bull comes out, who never fails to 
run at it, with great danger to the man, as he is always thrown 
down J but greater to the bull, who commonly receives the point 
in his head or neck, and with fuch force, that we fiw a Ipear 
broke fhort, that was much thicker than my arm. They alfo 
baited one bull with dogs, which fhewed as much courage and 
obftinate perfeverance as any of that breed in England. As 
to the laws of this fpedlacle, and other circumftances relative to 
the pmiBilios of the bull-feaft, I cannot pretend to explain them, 
and imagine others, who have attempted it, have been obliged to- 
take it moftly upon truft, nor do I think it very material. 

This fpedtacle is certainly one of the fineft in the world, whe- 
ther it is confidered merely as a coup d^ceil, or as an exertion of the 
bravery and infinite agility of the performers. The Spaniards are 
fo devoted to it, that even the women v/ould pawn their laft rag 
to fee it ; and we were aflured, that fome of the balconies did 
not cofi: lefs than a hundred piftoles for that afternoon. No- 
thing can be imagined more crowded than the houfes, even to the 
tops of their tiles -, and dearly enough they paid for their pleafure, 
pent together in the hotteft fun, and with the mofi: fuffocating 
heat that can be endured. Nor do I greatly wonder at them, 
when I confider how much my own country, that is certainly as 
humane as any nation, is bigotted to its cuftoms of bull-baiting, 

cock-fighting, &c. 1 do not deny, that this is a remnant of 

Moorip, or perhaps Roman barbarity ; and that it will not bear 
the fpeculations of the clofet, or the compailionate feelin<>s of a 
tender heart. But, after all, we mufl not fpeculate too nicely,- 
left we fhould lofe the hardnefs of manhood in the foftcr fcnti- 
ments of philofophy. There is a certain degree of ferocity requi- 
fite in our natures; and which, as on the one hand it Ihould be re- 
ftrained within proper bounds, that it may not degenerate into- 

cru- 



112 DESCRIPTION OF 

cruelty ; Co, on the other, we muft not refine too much upon 
it, for fear of finking into effeminacy. This cufiiom is far from 
having cruelty for its objed; bravery and intrepidity, joined with 
ability and fkill, are v/hat obtain the loudeft acclamations from 
the people : it has all the good effeds of chivalry, in exciting the 
minds of the fpeclators to great actions, without the horror that 
prevailed in former times, of diflinguiihing bravery to the preju- 
dice of our own fpecies. It teaches to defpife danger ; and that 
the fureft way to overcome it, is to look it calmly and ftedfaftly in. 
the face ; to afford a faithful and generous afliftance to thofe 
eno-ao-ed with us in enterprizes of difficulty: And in fliort, tho* 
it may not be flridly confonant to the laws of humanity and good 
nature, it may yet be productive of great and glorious effeds; and 
is certainly the mark of qualities, that do honour to any nation. 

This ceremony of the bull-feafi in the Fla^a Mayor is never 
exhibited, but upon the greateft occafions, fuch as the acceffion 
or marriage of their kings, and is attended with a very great ex- 
pence both to the king, as well as the city. There is a theatre 
built jull: v/ithout the walls, on purpofe, where there are bull-feafhs 
every fortnight -, and thefe to connoiffeurs in the art are infinitely 
preferable to the others ; the bulls being more furious, and the 
danger greater to the cavaliers. But that which I have defcribed, 
would, I think, very fufficiently fatisfy my curiofity. 

I HAVE fmce feen a bull-feaft in that amphitheatre, and found 
little material difference in the manner of fighting, except that the 
cavaliers, who rode better, and feemed more adroit, were not fb 
clofely attended by the men on foot : and that they fometimes 
ufed a long lance of ffrait, tough wood, with a fliort point, and 
a knob of twiftcd cord, which hinders it from entering deep into 
the wound. This they held tight to their fide, paffmg under their 
arm-pit, and direded it with their hand. In this manner they 
wait the bull's approach, and generally have ffrength enough to 
keep him off from themffelves and their horfes, when he runs upon 
it : tho' it is dangerous, the bull fometimes bearing down both 
man and horfe. This was one of the ordinary fpedacles, and 
therefore attended with little of the pomp which I had feen in the 

Fhi^a 



THE B U L L-F EAST. 113 

Flaca Mayor. The building is eredled on the ancient plan, round, 
vAih. rows of feats raifed above the area, for the common people ; 
i.nii two rows of boxes, or large balconies, above them. It is not 
only admirably contrived for the purpofe which it is built for, but 
has a very ftriking appearance, from its fize and regularity. One 
could not, however, help obferving ladies of the fi.ft quality in 
the balconies, feafting, with thefe bloody fcenes, thofe eyes, which 
were intended only to be exercifed in fofter cruelties. And among 
the common people we even faw numbers of women with chil- 
dren at their breafts. 



I SHALL now take the liberty, as many are divided in their 
opinions, whether the SpaniJJo bull-feafi be of Roman or Moorifi 
origin, to give my fentiments upon that fubject. I remember 
fome where, that Cicero, when he was obliged for the fake of 
the argument, to declare whether he thought thofe bloody and fa- 
vage exhibitions^ fo much coveted by his countrymen, were really 
cruel and inhmnan, or not: in order to avoid fixing, by his opinion, 
any reproach upon them, dextroufly eludes the queftion, and 
with the addrefs of a cafuift gives this remarkable anfwer, Cru- 
dele gladiatorura fpeBaciilum — hand Jcio^ ah itafit, A ilrange fen- 
timent for a civiJized writer ! A diverfion, at the expence of hu- 
manity, mufb be cruel -^ the pracftice was fit only for barbarians. 
But to the point : to fay, that the Spanijlj Fie/ia de los Toros is 
plainly an imitation of the Romans, becaufe they exhibited wild 
beafls in their amphitheatres, is fpeaking very generally, and not 
with any precifion : One might as well affert, that they copied it 
from iho. Ajiaticsy for St. Paul fays, IQ-^'iaiofjcocxv'^x ej/'E(p£(rw. And 
perhaps the Spaniards might as well own, as he did, that it pro- 
mts them nothing. But if I can find this very Fiefia de los Toros, 
the Spanifi bull-feajl, among the Roman cuftoms, I fuppofe nobody 
will doubt from whence the Spaniards took it. 

LivY tells us, per eos dies, quibus hcec ex Hifpanid nunciatajunt,. 
ludi TAURiLiA per biduufnfaSli, religionis caufa. 

Festus has very luckily preferved the firft inftitution of this 
feaft. The Taurilia, according to him, were inftituted to the in- 

Q. fer. 



114 DESCRIPTION OF 

fernal gods, for this reafon ; in the reign of Tarquinius Super- 
Bus, when a mofl violent plague had feized all the women big 
with child, they procured abortions by eating fome bulls flefh, 
that was fold at the fhambles : upon this account thefe ludi were 
inftituted, and were called taurilia, and they are celebrated in the 
Flaminian Circus, that the infernal gods might not be called within 
their walls. 

Pursuant to their fuperftitious ritual, fo favage an inftitution 
was rightly dedicated to the infernal gods : from this account of 
it, it is proper that the Spajiifi women fliould bring their children 
at the breaft, and thofe in the womb, as we fee they do, to this 
fpe6tacle. But they 'commit a great impropriety in celebrating it 
in the Placa Mayor. It fliould be without the walls. Livy fays, 
that the /W/, which Fulvius gave juft after, were much more 
fplendid, that is, I fuppofe, much more bloody and barbarous, for 
he exhibited lions and panthers. 

But the refemblance between the Romany and the Spanijh 
T^aurilia appears ftill ftronger from other circumftances now re- 
maining ; it is a cuftom for the Spa?iiJJj nobility themfelves to en- 
gage the bulls, and none are permitted to fight as cavaliers, unlefs 
they can prove their defcent to be noble. The true Spa?2iards are 
all fond of the diverlion ; it is accounted honourable and heroic : it 
recommends them to the fair, to their prince, and to their country j 
and it is a {landing theme of honour among the people. 

It was juft the fame at Rome; the nobility, the patricians, 
voluntarily undertook a part in thefe encounters : 

Liiftravitqiie fugd mediam gladiator arcnam, 
Et Capitolinis gencrojior & Marcellis 

And even the ladies were ambitious of appearing in the fame lifts. 
M^vi A was a lady of quality, and yet we find fhe could ftep out 
ofherfex, and enter the arena, 

Tiifcum 

Figat aprum, & 7iudd teneat "oenabula maimnd. 

I I do 



THE B U L L-F EAST. 1x5 

I do not find, that the Spanifh ladies had ever any of this martial, 
or rather mafculine fpirit. It is amazing how defirous the Romans 
were of being killed, even injeft; fenators, patricians, and knights, 
were at laft not aihamed to appear on thefe occafions. — I think I 
have done fome honour to the Spa?2ifi nobility in thus placing them 
on a footing with Rojiian fenators ; but flill be it remembered, that 
thefe were not fenators of Rome, when Kom'e, Jurvived, as Cato 
calls it, but when fhe was enflaved, and dilhonoured by the worfl 
of emperors, I might indeed fay, by the worfb of men. 

I AM furprized to find thefe taurUia omitted by Mr. Ken net t. 



Q 2 LETTER 



LETTER VII. PART II. 

m 

BUR lAL.^ G RANDEES KING's 

PUBLIC ENTRY. 



THE funeral rites of the rich in Spain are fplendid, as well 
as decent ; they are folemnly interred with their befh fuit 
of clothes, with hat, cloak, and fword. 

JSfam vhis quis amor gladiij quce ciira fogave 
Manfit, & hcec eadem remanct telhire repojiis. 

And I am firmly perfuaded, that the old knights, condes, and 
grandees of this kingdom were antiently buried, juft as we fee their 
fculptured figures upon their tombs; armed cap-a-pee, and at all 
points J jufl as if they h?.d been harneffed out for battle, with their 
beaver, coat, cuirafs, the target, lance, fword, fpurs, and jack- 
boots. And this fliews the great propriety of that famous joke of 
old ScARRON, who, when he was receiving extreme un<5lion, told 
the anointer, ** Pray, fn-, take care to greafe my boots well, for I 
" am going a very long journey." 

They commonly put a great deal of lime into the grave, in 
order to haften the corruption of the body; at Naples I am told 
they have a great hole, half filled with lime, into which they throw 
all their dead, naked. 

The late Queen of Spain, confort of the prefent King 
Charles III. died September 27th, 1760, aged 35, after (lie 

had 



THE QUEEN'S DEATH, AND FUNERAL. 117 

had reigned only one year and fourteen days. She was a daugh- 
ter of the prefent King of Poland, and had fuffered greatly for 
the diftrefles of her father, who has been driven from his elec:o- 
rate by the King of Prussia : She had lived twenty years with 
his prefent Majefly. She was in a bad ftate of health when he 
came firfl into Spain, catched the meazles at SARAG09A, then 
a cold : and afterwards was taken ill with a fever and flux at St. 
Ildefonso, in September, and upon its increafe returned to 
Madrid; when both thofe diforders ftill kept harraffing and 
weakening her, till they at lafl ended in a delirium and mortifica- 
tion. Every art of phyiic was ufed to fave her, and every Spa- 
nijh faint invoked, but all in vain. They brought the i?}mge of 
St. Isidro to her, and fome were fetched even from Toledo and 
Alcala de Hfnares : But neither the interpofition of faints 
or fubjeds could avail anything; tho' all the churches of Ma- 
drid were crowded with people, offering up prayers for her re- 
covery, fate was inexorable, and death relentlefs. The mmcio 
came and gave her the laft papal benedidion, and by that means 
conveyed to her the firll: notice of her approaching diilblution ; 
Ihe received the fhock with fome furprize, but with much piety, 
refignation, and refolution. Upon her obferving to the nuncio the 
infignificance and emptinefs of all human grandeur ; and that it 
was now of no advantage to her, that flie ever was a Queen — He 
replied, " Your Majefty has certainly had much greater opportu- 
" nities of doing good, and which have not been neglecfted.'* 
She lingered a day or two after this, till the delirium came on, 
•Attended with convulfions, and at length expired on the twenty- 
feventh of September, about three o'clock in the afternoon. 

Ceremonies of a ROYAL FUNERAL. 

N the twenty-eighth, flie was laid in ftate in the cajjon.or great- 
hall of the BuEN Retiko; (he lay upon a fpond covered 
with gold tiffue, under a canopy of ftate : She was dreff d in a 
plain cap, tied with a broad white fattin ribband, and with a 

fmall 



ii8 ROYAL FUNERAL. 

fmall black egret over her forehead : On each fide the fpond were 
fix large girandoles^ of Mexican filver, about four feet high, with 
large tapers burning, and round the room were feveral altars with 
gold and filver candlerticks. On the right hand fide of the fpond, 
at the feet, knelt the dutchefs of Medina Sidonia, behind her 
another lady of diflindiion, and then an exempt, and on each fide 
fcood two purfuivants bearing the crown and fceptre. The ladies 
were relieved every hour by others, fuch as the dutchefs of Bur- 
NOMBiLF., the dutchefs of Arcos, &c. but the purfuivants were 
obliged to remain the whole twenty-four hours — Thus lay the 
Queen all that day and night ; on the twenty-ninth, fhe was car- 
ried to the EscuRiAL in this manner: About itv^r\ o'clock in the 
evening the proceffion began from the gate of the Buen Retiro 
in this order : Firft came forty Carwelite-monks on horfe-back, 
each with a torch in one hand, and the brtdle in the other ; then 
as many Cordeliers, and laft of all the DGminicans, all with torches 
in their hands : Then a body of the guards on horfeback, with- 
out tapers, headed by the duke of Ver aguez, or duke of Ber- 
wick. Thefe were followed by the facrift in his cope, bearing a 
gold crucifix, at the head of the curates. Then the ftate-coach 
with the Queen's body, followed by two carqjj'es de refpeB ; then 
the duke of Alva ; behind him the inquilitor-general, with, 
fome other people of diftincflion, fuch as the duke of Arcos, &c. 
then followed another body of the guards, and lafl of all a fuite 
of coaches. Thefe were obliged to travel in this manner all the 
night, with their torches burning, which muit be a vaft ex- 
pence ; it being eight leagues to the Escurial, and they pro- 
pofed burying her Majcfty about eight o'clock the next morning. 
The monks are paid for this journey, and they commonly fliare 
the tiffue pall between them. And thus ended the folemnities of 
this funeral, which I fliall conclude with the moral of our Eng- 
lilh Poet : 

A heap of duil: alone remains of Thee ; 
'Tis all thou art, and all the Great fhall be. 



G R A N, 



GRANDEES. 

TT is very difficult to make out a clear and exaO; lift of the gran- 
dees of Spain, the Spaniards themfelves have publifhed no good 
one : and there are very few, who can give you any juft infor- 
mation. In the firft place, there is no fiiperiority and gradation 
of title here, as there is in England. A duke is no more than 
a marquis, a marquis no greater than an earl ; in fliort, all titles 
are equal. And you will often fee the father an earl, and the fon 
a duke ; juft the reverfe as with us. The great diftin(5lion an- 
tiently confifted in being grandee of the firft, fecond, or third or- 
der: but thefe diftin(ftions are now dropped j the king making them 
all grandees of the firft clafs. Thefe three claffes were, i . Thofe v/ho 
came into his majefty's prefence with their heads covered before 
they fpoke to the king : 2. Thofe Vv^ho did not cover till they had 
fpoke to his majefty, and the king had anfwered them : 3. Thofe 
who did not cover, or put on the hat, 'till after they had withdrawn 
to their place. If the king bids them be covered, without any 
addition to the word aibridos, they are only grandees for life ; if 
his majefty adds the title of any of their lands, the honour is here- 
ditary. Indeed, with us in England, it ufed formerly to be a 
cuftom for the peers to fit covered when the king went to the 
houfe of lords^ till that polite parliament at queen Anne's accef- 
fton dropped it, out of compliment to her majefty, becaufe they 
thought it ungenteel to fit covered before a queen. All the titles 
in Spain are feudal to this day. The crown gives them in the 
firft inftance {tqq for the life of that perfon, or, as they call it, Li- 
bres'des Lances; but ever after, as feofs of the crown, they pay 
a yearly fum of money in lieu of their knights, or feudal fervice. 
Befides thefe grandees, there are a great number of good, an- 
tient families in this country, who from their antiquity have an 
undoubted right to rank as grandees ; but as the crown has not 
thought proper to cover them, as fuch, they have no rank : Thefe 
are called Cafas aggraviadas, or injured hoiifes. The mark of dif- 

tindtion. 



120 LIST OF THE SPANISH GRANDEES. 

tindHon, which thefe grandees conflantly keep up, and give to each 
other with the greatefl exadtnefs, is the always addrefling one ano- 
ther with the TU: whereas, when they fpeak to any other of in- 
ferior rank, they ufe the Eccelknda, Vuejira Merced^ the Vof.a^ Vo- 
fenoriai &c. 

The following is the moil corredt lifl of the Spanid^ grandees, 
which I could meet with. 



w /^^^^^^/j\^^/|i*^/p^*i|\^*/|\**)ji** 



LIST of the SPANISH GRANDEES, alphabetically, by 
their 'Titles, with their Family -Names, ^c. &c. 



A. 



Abrantes 


Duke 


Aguilar 


Earl 


Altamira 


Earl 


Alva 


Duke 


Alcanizas 
Albuqjjerque 


Marquis 
Duke 


Amarante 


Earl 


Arco 


Duke 


Argete 


Duke 


Arion 


Duke 


Arissa 
Arcos 


Marquis 
Duke 


Aranda 


Earl 


ASTORGA 

Atares 


Marquis 
Earl 


Bangs 


Duke 


Bangs 


Earl 



B. 



Don M. Carvajal. 

Vic. OfTorio Mofcofo y 

Gufman. 
Ben. Mofcofo. 
Fern. Sylva y Toledo (his 
eldeft fon is Duke of 

HUESCAR.) 

Manuel Oforio. 

Pedro de la Cueba (eldeil: 

fon Ledesma.) 
Fr. Gayofo. 
Alp. Zayas. 
L. Lafo de la Vega. 
Ign. Pirnentel. 
Joackim de Palafox. 
Ponce de Leon. 
Po. Abarca. 
Infantado. 
St. Jago Funes 



Don A. Ponce de Leon. 
J.de Mufcofo. 



Ba- 



SPANISH GRANDEES. 



121 



Balbaces 

Bejar 
Benevente 



Beragua? 



Bournombile 



Marquis 

Duke 
Eaii 



Duke 



Duke 



Castro-Piniano Duke 
Cascahuelas, Earl 

commonly called 

the Count de 

Fuentes* 



Castel de LOS Marquis 

Rios 

Castellar Marquis 

CiFUENTES Earl 

Cam IN A Marquis 

Corduba 

CoRUNNA Earl 



E. 



Don J. de Efpinola (his cldefl: 
fon is Duke of Sexto.) 

J. de Zuniga. 

Fr. de Pimenteh or, Duke 
de Medina del Rio 
Seco. 

Sn. Jago Elluardo (pre- 
tended Duke of BER-i 

WICK.) 

Fr. de Bournombile. 

Don Eboli. 

Joackim Pignatelll (they 
married into the houfe 
of GusMAN, and then 
took that title Fuen- 
tes Y GusMAN. The 
eldefl fon Mora.) 



Lucas Patinho. 
Juan de Sylva. 
Pedro de Cordova, or Co- 
goUudo. 

Manuel de Caflejori. 



ESTEPA 



Marquis Don Juan Centurion. 



F. 



Frias Duke 

FuENCLARA Earl 

Fernan-Nunez Earl 

Jacciii Prince 

iNFANTADa Duke 



J- 



Don B, de Velafco, conftable of 
Caftile. 
Ant. de Sylva. 
Jof. de los Rios, 



Don Regio. 

This title at prefent in abey- 
ance, but will come to the 
Duke of Lerma. 
R Ler- 



122 



SPANISH CRANDEES. 



Lerma 

LOSADA 

Maceda 

Malpica 

Manzera 

Masserano 

Medina Coeli 



MiNA 

Miranda 

MONTIJO 
MoNTELLANO 

Mondecar 
Monte Leon 

Onate 

Ossuna 

Paredes 

Parsen 

Peralada 

Pio 

POPULI 

Priego 

PuNo en Rostro 

RiCLA 



Duke 
Duke 

Earl 

Marquis 
Marquis 
Prince 

Duke 



M. 



Medina Sidonia Duke 



Marquis 

Earl 

Earl 

Duke 

Marquis 

Duke 

Earl 
Duke 

Earl 

Earl 

Earl 

Prince 

Dutchefs 

Earl 

Earl 

Earl 



O. 



P. 



Don Jof. de Miranda* 

Don Fr. Lanzos. 

Jof. Pimentel. 

Joack. Pimentel. 

Fil Frefco, Prince of 
Campo Florida. 

Luis de Cordova (eldefl 
fon CogoUudo or Ca- 
mina ; the old family- 
name was La Cerda. 

Pedro de Gufman ElBue- 
710. They had the name 
of ELBuENOjfrom that 
Gufman, who defended 
Tariffa fo bravely in the 
year 1292. 

Gufman. 

Antonio de Zuniga. 

Ch. Portocarero. 

Jof. de Solis. 

N. de Mendofa. 

— — Pignatelli. 

Don Jof. de Gufman. 
Pedro Giron. 

Don Diego de Gufman. 
Joack. de la Cerda. 
Fer. de Bujados. 
Regio. 

Juan de Croix. 
Fr. Xavier Arias. 



R. 



Don Amb. de Funes. 



San 



SPANISH GRANDEES. 



i2S 



San Estevan 
San Juan 
Salva Tierra 
Santa Cruz 
Sarria 
Serbelloni 

SiRUELA 

Soto-Mayor 
Tenebron 



Duke 

Marquis 

Earl 

Marquis 

Marquis 

Earl 

Earl 

Duke 

Earl 



T. 



Don A. de Benavides. 
Juan Pizarro. 
Juan de Cordova. 
Jof. de Sylva. 
Nic. de Carvajal. 

Fr. Balbi. 

F. S. M. MaiTones yLIma. 

Don Ger. de Montezuma. This 
gentleman is a lineal de- 
Icendant from the fa- 
mous Prince Monte- 
zuMA,andenjoysapen- 
fion from the court of 
Spain on that account. 
Carracciolo. 



Don Ph. Pacheco. 
Ant. de Toledo. 
Bart, de Mendoza. 
Ant. Pacheco. 

fin Abeyance) Zunlga. 

^/» •(/!/• •yy •w* •\fl^ "jv» "w* '\/i/* 'sjy "yy* "VW "^Sf "V*' 

Some OFFICERS ^^^jz// z^/^^ C o u r t ^/ S P A I N. 

Kings HouJJjoId, 



Torrecuso 


Marquis 




V and U. 


Vedmar 
Villa Franca 
Villa Garcia 

UzEDA 

Villadarias 


Marquis Do 

Marquis 

Marquis 

Duke 

Marquis 


Villena 




•w» 'ijB/* ^fv "w* 'W' '\fl/' '\fl/' 


"W '^&'' 'v!^" '^'^ *JV "vv "v 



Duke of Medina Coeli, Mafler of the Horfe. 
Duke of Alva, Steward of the Houfliold.* 

R 2 



Duke 



* The Duke of Alva, in December 1760, defired leave of his Majefty to refign 
his employments, and retire from court: He pra}ed the Kingto continue his honours; 
to which tlic Kins; replied, that he would not only continue his honours, but his ao- 
pointmeni^ tec. The refignatlon of the chief great man in Spain made, as you will 

iinapine, 



124 COURT-OFFICERS, &c. 

Duke de Lozada, Squire of the Body. 
Don Pedro Stuart, firft Equerry. 

Infant's Houfiold. 
Duke de Montellano, Mayor Donio to Don Luis.. 

^eens HouJIjold. 

Marquis de Monte All eg re, Firfl Steward. 
Marquis Tripuzt, Second Steward. 
Duke of Medina Sidonia, Mailer of the Horfe. 
Marquis de Andia, Gentleman of the Horfe. 

^een Dowagers Houfiold, 

Don Pedro de Villa Real, Mayor Domo to the QJVlother* 
Conde dc Banos, Mafter of the Horfe to the Queen Mother. 

Duke de Be jar. Governor of the Prince and Infant. 
Don Luis de Corduba, Card, and Archbifhop of Toledo. 
Grand Patriarch, Don Bert, de Corduba, Son to the Duke oF 
Medina Coeli. 

L A D I E S ^ //6^ B E D - C H A M B E R to the late 
Qj^een AM a LI a. 

Marchionefs of Aytona. 
Princefs Jacchi. 
Marchionefs of Ares a. 
Countefs of Ablitas. 
Dutchefs of St. Estevan. 
Marchionefs of Mina. 
Princefs Masseran. 
Dutchefs of Bournombile. 
Dutchefs of Castro Piniano. 

imagine, much noife at Madrid. The Duke of Alva has undoubtedly great parts- 
and abili:ies j there are few, if any, of a capacity equal to his. The Marquis of 
VIont-Allegre fucceedcd him. The Duke, to fay the truth, having been the 
tirft man, manager, and dire61or during all the late reign, did not like to find him- 
felf lefs confidercd in this, and therefore chofe to retire. It was not apprehended, that 
his retirin? would at all afFecl A'lr. Wall. The Duke is hereditary chancellor of the 
Indies, dcln of the couiKil of ftate, and dire^or of the academy, t^c, 

Counteft 



P U B L 1 C E N T R Y. 125 

Countefs of Benevente. 

Countefs of Fuen Clara. 

Princefs Pio. 

Marchionefs of Valderavano. 

Countefs of Fuentes. 

Countefs of Castro Piniano. ^ 

Dutchefs of PvIedina Sidonia. 

Dutchefs of Arcos. 

Dutchefs of Uzeda. 

Dutchefs of Veragua. 

LADIES^ ifi)^ BED-CHAMBER /i>//$i- 
QJLJEEN MOTHER. 

Dutchefs -Dowager of Medina Sidonia. 
' Countefs of Siruela. 

Marchionefs of Castel Rigs. 
Countefs of Serbelloni. 
Countefs of Banos. 
Marchionefs of Baneza; 
Countefs Priego. 
Dutchefs of PopULi. 
Marchionefs of Torrecuso. 

Defcription of the King of Spai?7\ Public Entry into 

Madrid^ July 13, 1760. 

(I^ranfiatedfrom the Spatiip Gazette.) 

SUNDAY the 13th being the day fixed by his Catholic Ma- 
jefty for his public entry, the requifite preparations having 
been all finiilied, fuch as triumphal arches ereCled in ditlerent 
parts of the city ^y the fountains adorned, the tronts of the houfes 

t Thefe triumphal arches, though they were very expenfive, yet few of them were 
in a good tafte J the figures ill-grouped, and crouJed, the allegory i)ot very imclli- 
gible^ and moit of them rather heavy. 

covered 



.4^6 KING OF S P A I N's 

covered with paintings, hangings, looking-glafs, and fiirniti-Te, In 
all the flreets, through which his majefly intended to pafs ,; the fil- 
ver-fmiths, in particular, having ornamented their houfes in the ^ 
nature of a long fquare,, with four towers at each corner, all fet 
off with plate and fome jew^els §. Things being thus prepared, at 
four in the afternoon the .tv/o companies of Spaniili and Walloon 
guards w^ere placed with their officers and colours, and the regi- 
mental mufick, along t^e Carrier, 

At fix o'clock, his Majefty, with the Queen and royal family, 
came out of the back gate of the Retiro, in this order of procef- 
fion-; \ 

1. The companies of halberdiers, with mufick. 

2. Three fquadrons of horfe life-guards, Spanilh, Italian, and 
Flemhh, with trumpets and kettle-drums. 

3. Four gilded coaches of the king's ftables, with trumpets and 
kettle-drums, in which were the Mayor Domos de Sema- 
NA, who went before to St. Mary's Church. 

4. Coach of the queen's officers, with the Marquis de Monte 
Allegre, her firft fteward, the Duke of Medina Sido- 
NiA, her mailer of the horfe, and the Marquis de Andia, 
gentleman of the horfe. 

5. The Mayor Domos de Seman a, In another coach. 

6. Nine of the ladies of the bed-chamber in other coaches. 

7. Nine coaches with four horfes, in which were the gentlemen 
of the king's privy chamber. 

8. A coach with eight horfes, richly harnefied, with four foot- 
men and eight grooms walking on each lide. 

9. A coach with eight horfes, equally rich, attended in the fame 
manner, in which were the king's mafter of the horfe, the 
Duke of Medina Coeli^ the Duke of Alva, fleward cf 
the houiliold ; the Duke de luos ad A, fumilier dc corps, or 

§ The ornaments of the houfes likewife were many of them immenfely expenfivc j 
but in the worfl:, moft abfurd, and ridiculous tafle you can imagine: that of the 
Marqtjis Di. niati was, I think, the mofc expenfively ill-dcfigned of any, with mot- 
tos and devices in plenty. 

3 fquife 



PUBLIC ENTRY. 127 

fquire of the body; the Principe de Mas ser and, captain 
of the Italian company of life-guards ; and Don Pedro 
Stuart, firfl equerry. 

10. Twenty four of the King and Queen's footmen, and the 
Ecuyers de Campo. 

1 1 . The King's coach, of mafly filver, drawn by eight fine Nea- 
politan horfes richly harnelTed, in which were the KING 
and Q^ E E N, guarded by all the officers of the life-guard, 
that were not otherwife Rationed, and twelve of the king's 
pages in their liveries embroidered with gold, walking on 
each fide. 

12. A large body of life-guards, with their officer. 

13. The Prince of Asturias, and the Infant Don Gabriel 
in their coach, attended with guards. 

14. The Infants Don Antonio Pasqual, and Don Fran- 
cisco Xavier in theirs, with their guards. 

15. The Princefs Donna Maria Joseph a, and Donna Ma- 
ria Luis a, in another coach, with their guards. 

16. The Infant Don Luis Antonio Jayme, in his coach> 
with his guards *. 

17. Ladies of honour in gilt coaches. 

18. The Mayor Domos de SemanaXo his Majefty, in their coach. 

19. Two battalions of foot, Spanifh and Walloon guards. 

In this order of proceffion their Majefties came up to the firfl 
triumphal arch, eredted at the entrance of that fine drQCt De^^/ca/a, 
oppofite to which the Qu^een Mother was feated in a principal 
balcony, belonging to the houfe of the Marquis de Tripuzi her 
lirri; fteward ; the King and Queen made their refpeds to her, as 
they pafTed, which fhe returned. Their majeflies then went to St. 
Mary's Church. 

The concourfe of people, both natives and foreigners, v^as im- 
menfe in all the ftreets ; and the balconies were lined with people 
of fafliion, in great variety of drefles, colours, and jewels. 

* The Fiva Don Luis f was by much the loudefl and moil hearty of the people's 
acclamations. 

Their 



128 KING OF S P A I N's 

Their M.ijeflies being come to St. Mary's Church, his Emi- 
nence the Cardir.ai-Archbifhcp of Toledo waited at the portico 
in company with the flewards and gentlemen of the month, and 
hcufliold, to preient the royal family, and the refl; with holy-water: 
after which they heard the J'eDeum and Salve fung, with the band 
and mufic of the royal chapd : Then taking a different route, they 
found the houfes, arches, and fountains all illuminated, it being 
now after fun-fet. 

After their return to the Buen RetlrOy they faw the fire-works 
prepared by the town, from their own balcony, which were exhi- 
bited in the fmall Plaga de Peiota ||. 

On the 14th, in the afternoon, there was a comedy reprefented 
before their Majeflies, named the T^riumph of Hercules, after which 
the fire- works were the fame as the night before. 

On the 15th, their Majeflies went to fee tht hull-feaft, and 
were much pleafed with the fpedacie, as no fatal misfortune hap- 
pened to the cavaliers *. During thefe three days, tne houfes of 
the gentry and others were illuminated. 

On the Saturday the King attended at the Jjira, and took the 
accuflomed oath. In the evening the trades-people of the town 
havino- paffed before their majefties in mafquerade drcfles, one of 
them made a fpeech, and fo retired. This evening concluded alfo 
with fire-works and illuminations : and thus ended the folemnities 
celebrated on occafion of the Public Entry of Don Carlos III. 
King of Spain. ^ 

In my opinion, much the moft pleafing part of the fight was the 
-mmenfe mob in the ftreets ; which being compofed of all reli- 

jl Thefe fire- works were very poorly contrived, and went off extremely ill. 

* It was no wonder that the cavaliers on this occafion came off fo well; for the 
poor bulls had been kept almort fafiing for four days before, in order to lower their 
cour3c;e : and this was donejeft thei^w^wand the Court fhould be fhockcd at the 
fight of any tragical event, that might otherwife have happened. But fee the ac- 
count of this article, p. 107, & feqq. 

4 gious ' 



P U B L I C E N T R Y, 129 

gious orders, of all kinds of lay, civil, and ecclefiaftical habits j in 
{hovt, of all drefles in the world, and of both fexes, formed the mofl 
motley fcene that fancy ever painted ! 

The theatre of the Buen Ref/ro is extremely pretty, and very 
finely ornamented : It will always remain as a ftriking proof of 
the genius, fancy, and invention of the celebrated Farinelli ; 
who had no reafon to regret the leaving England, lince Spain 
has made him ample amends : his apartments were the bed in the 
whole palace of the Retiro, the fame that the Duke de Los ad a 
has now -, and his levee was more crouded than the minifter's, or 
King's. He retired with an immenfe fortune on the death of 
Queen Barbara. 

The Venetian Ambajfador made his public entry into Madrid, 
on the 23d of July, in his Venetian black habit, on horfeback. 
There were fome who preferred his entry to that of the King's ; 
but his flate-coaches were miferably tarnifhed and ihabby. 



LETTER 



LETTER VIII. 



Defcription of the Convent of St. Laurence, 
commonly called the ESCURIAL. 



THE EscuRiAL is a village In the kingdom of New-Cas- 
tile, feven leagues to the north of Madrid, fo called 
from the word efcoria, which fignifies the drofs of the iron mines, 
which were there formerly, and therefore the proper name is E8k- 

CORIAL. 

This little village gives name to the palace of the Escurial, 
which was built by Giovanni Baptista, by order of Philip 
II. in the year 1563, as appears by this infcription : 

D. O. M. 

OPERI ADSPICIAT, 

PHILIPPVS II. 

H I S P A N. REX. 

A FUND AMENTI S EREXIT 

MDLXIII. 

JOAN. BAPTISTA 

ARCHITECTUS. 

IX. K A L E N D. MAIL 

The motive which engaged that prince in this religious work, 
I fhall fpeak of hereafter ; for, as he had fo little piety himfelf 
io mind Df a(5tion, one cannot but be furprized at his conceiving 

2 fuch 



T H E E S C U R I A L. 131 

Tuch a defign. Such as it was however, it gave a frefli occafioii 
of difguil; to the Spanilh parliament, or the Cortes ^ as they call 
it, the general allembly of the flates, or repreientatives of the fe- 
veral cities. For Philip having called a Cortes^ to ailc fupplies 
for carrying on the war againil F ranee , the flates very freely voted 
a large fubfidy of fome millions; v/hich the artful monarch, as foon 
as he had once fecured in his own coffers, applied to the buildino- 
of this convent. Tliis mifapplication of the public revenues fo 
difgufted the Cortes^ that they met lefs frequently, and with more 
reludtancc, being unwilling to be cajoled out of their money by 
the tricks of defigning princes : and fucceeding monarchs, having 
found out other ways of raifmg their fupplies, have rarely called 
a Cortes fince that time, for a very political reafon, the fear of be- 
coming lefs ahfolute. 

Tkfre are two libraries in the Escurial, one upon the firil 
floor, and the other upon the fecond: that upon the firft floor is 
a fioe, long, arched room,- the cieling and the walls all painted 
by Pellegrin y Pellegrini, [zMilanefej a difciple of Bua- 
NOROTi, and Barthol. Carducho, a Florentine. This library 
contains all the printed books, excepting iova^Jirfi editions^ which 
are kept above, and paintings, and the ufual baubles lliewn to 
ftrangers : fuch as moneys, medals, and cafls j a Jewidi fliekel ; 
an iman, or calamite llone, or, as 1 fhould call it, a fnagnet, weigh- 
ing feven pounds, which fupports an arrobe, or twenty-five pounds 
weight. Here they fliew you an illuminated MS. of the Revela- 
tions, in a fmall folio, fuppofed to be written by St. Amadeus : 
a MS. in gold letters, of the four gofpels, in Latin, large folio, 
upon vellum, written in the time of the Emperor Conrad, cal- 
led the Golden Book of Eujihius Reterodamus. There are alfo fome 
other curiofities, mentioned in the Fliftory of this Convent, by Pa- 
dre Frey Francifco de los Santos, 4to. Madrid 1667, which I could 
not obtain a fight of; fuch as, their oldefl MS. of St. Austin De 
Baptifno Parvulorum, litter is majifcuUs Longohardicis ; a MS. of 
the Gofpels, in the oldeft Greek letter, a book of St. Chryso- 
stom's. Thefe I afked for feveral times, but was always told. 
No puede verle, or, «* You cannot fee it:" But I believe they are 
behind the altar in the facrifly, where I fuw a very fine illuminated 

S 2 MifTal, 



132 DESCRIPTION OF 

MiiTal, and are made ufe of to decorate that altar, upon great fo- 
lemnities, being finely bound. I fucceeded no better with regard 
to a Greek Bible of the Emperor Catacuzenus, exad:ly agreeing 
with the LXX. I all;ed after the famous drawings of men, wo- 
men, animals, plants, &c. in feveral volumes folio, by Don Franc. 
Hernandez of Toledo, taken foon after their firft difcovery of 
America ; but the librarian told me, they were burnt in the fire 
that made fo muchhavock in this library, on June 7, 1674, which 
lafted 15 days. 

But the other library, which is above flairs, contains all the 
manufcripts, except the few above-mentioned, and is, I believe^ 
one of the nobleft collecflions this day in the whole world. There 
are 1S24 volumes of Arabic MSS. only; Greek MSS. in profu- 
fion, in folio and quarto, of immenfe antiquity, yet fair and le- 
gible throughout. There are no lefs than three MSS. of DioJ'co- 
7'idesy when it has been thought, that only one MS. of it exifted, 
and that at Constantinople, as Busbeqjjius tells us. Here 
are. parts of jL/i^, Dion Cajjuis, Dwdorus Si cuius, and others never 
yet publiflied. If I remember right, I think there are 1 3 volumes 
in folio MS. of Livy only. Then as to MS. copies of the New 
Teflament, they are in great numbers, either containing the whole 
or part. There are too fome new, unpubliflied claffical authors : 
three Olynthic Orations of Detnofthenes ; four of the Philippics -, 
Oratio ad Epijlolas Phililpiy O ratio de Republica ordinanda, ^p^f~ 
tola Philippi y Iliad in black ink, with a comment or fcholia by 
TzETZES, in red ink, in the oppoiite column. I found there 
MSS. of Terence y Juftin, Valerius Maximus -, of Horace and Virgil 
many ; fome of Jwoenal, Catullus^ TibulluSy and Propertius^ Sueto- 
nius, Sallujl: but, what I regretted much, none oi Tacitus. The 
Greek tragedians, 6cc. in abundance, remarkably finely written, 
particularly Arijhphanes in folio : fome of the moderns, fuch as 
Aretinus de Bello Punico Primo : Idem de Bcllo Gotbico : Epijiolcs 
ejujdem. 

I COPIED a little Greek poem, at the head of v/hich was writ- 
ten, Cartopbylacis Bulgaria duo Carfnina, quce infcripta funt llo^oq. 

In priori dejcribit Mala Midieris mala; in pojieriori bona bona. 

iV. 



THE ESCURIAL. 



33 



N. B . S^pJs autem noverit, quis Cartophylax hie fiierit ; erat enim 
ISIotiien Officii, f^epeque inter Libros hofce MSS. occurrunt Opera Jo- 
annis Rediafeni, Cartophylacis Bulgarienjis . The poem itfelf is not 
worth inferting here. 

With regard to the MSS. of the New 'Tefiamenf -■, I was de- 
termined to collate two or three of the mofl remarkable texts, to 
fee how they flood. Having feen in England, how the famous 
text, "Johannis Epijl. I. cap. V, ver. 7, 8. ftood in our Alexandrian 
MS. I took down two of the oldeft MSS. of the Epiftles which I 
could find in the Efcurial, and having a fmall Greek Teflament in 
my pocket, I collated that text firft, inprefence of the auditor and 
fome other gentlemen. It is remarkable, that both the MSS. fhould 
concur word for word in this reading : "Ot< r^hg ei<-iv 01 [zoc^rvoSvTig' 
TO 7n/£Viui06, ycoct TO vdcop, jcat to oci^a.' kcul 01 rosig sig to sv ii(riv ei tvjv jM.ap- 
Tvptotv Tcov dvBou'TTuv Xufyt^joocvo^iVi JC. T. A. Onc of thcm TCad eXdlSo- 
f/,sv, which, I think, has more force. I do not enter into the con- 
troverfy whether this be the right, or the wrong reading j I Ihall 
only add, that fuch I found it in two MSS. of a different charader, 
and age, and which did not appear to be copies of each other. But 
the curious reader, after having examined Dr. Mills's long note 
on this verfe, and alfo the tedious comment of Mr. Wetstein, 
may fee more in U?2e Diffh^tation Critique fur le Verfet feptieme du 
Chapitre V. de la premiere Epitre de St. Jean, par M. Martin, a 
Utrecht y ^Ji"jy i2mo. 

As to the famous pafli^ge, ad Timotheiim, Epijl. I. c. iii. v. 16. all 
the MSS. clearly read 0.-oV, or 92. 

With regard to that in the beginning of St. John, it is out 
of doubt 0£Of \v Aoyog, and not ©-, or Qiv, as fome would have it.. 

There is in this library all the colledion of MSS. and printed 
books, formerly belonging to the famous Cardinal Sirletus, 
with the cardinal's notes in moll: of them : the very catalogue 
itfelf of Cardinal Sirletus's colled:ion is a vaft curiofity. 1 he 
book contains, firft, the original letters of the Duke D'Omva- 
RES, and others, about fettling the purchafe of it. Then fallows 

the- 



134 DESCRIPTION OF 

the catalogue of his Greek MSS. in Greek : the title runs thus, 

X'ira, Sec. &c. After this follows a Latin catalogue of his Latin 
-MSS. and printed books; at the end of which the cardinal's libra- 
rian tells^tis, " Take notice, that there is no book here, of what 
*' kind foever, in which his eminence hath not wrote with his 
" own hand fome notes : adeo ut omnes audit & correcii ab ipfo vcre 
** did poterlntJ' 

In a very old Latin defcriptlon of the iilands of EuxRope, with 
the maps, the writer, whofe name I could not find, mentions the 
following cities in Great Britain, hondinuniy Neomagusy Petu- 
ria, Otuana, Callagiim, Orria, Coi-ia : in Scotland, T^rlmontumy 
Uzelhimy Kethigonuniy Cordch Linopibia ; which I leave for our an- 
tiquaries to decypher. In the library below, I found Apthonii 
UDO'ywcx,(r[Jicx,roi ; M. Btuti Epijiolce Gri-eco-Latinay and Phaleridis 
Epiftolcey all bound together. Thofe of Brutus contained only epi- 
ftles of his to the Pergamenians, with their anfwer ; to the Rho- 
diisy Cois, Pafarais, Ccvjuiisy Lyciis, Damice, Cyzicenisy Smyrn^sisy 
Mytclenfibusy Mylcjiisy 'Trallicmis Bythyniis, all Greek, per A. Com^ 
jnelimwjy 1597. One in Latin, Brutus CictToni Juo. The epiftles 
of Phalaris were risp t» Ei^is-oXuQ Xuaoc}c]ri^^. Not thofe which 
Boyle publiilied. 

But to return to the manufcript library above flairs j it certainly 
abounds with ineflimable riches too numerous to be defcribed. 
But as to the catalogues of the principal Greek, Latin, and He- 
brew MSS. I fliall give them at length at the end of this account. 

All this wealth is depolited in the hands of a few illiterate 
monks, poor Jeromitcs-, but they are full as jealous of thefe trea- 
fures, as if they underflood their true value. It v/as with great 
difficulty, and by the help of fome interefl, that I got any accefs 
at all to thefe MSS. and when I had got accefs, if 1 wrote down 
or collated any thing, it gave them fufpicions ; becaufe, fay they, 
if you copy our MSS. the originals will then be worth nothing. 
That is as much as to fay, that the originals will be of no value, if 
they become of any ufe. 

I DO 



T H E E S C U R I A L. 135 

I DO not doubt but there are many very valuable things amono- 
the printed books, both below and above flairs -, Ibme I have feen, 
but few of them ; fuch as Virgil^ in folio, whether a forgery, or 
not, I cannot fay; date 1407. It appeared to me as a literary 
phaenomenon; T^erence 1482; another Virgil^ large letter, with 
fuperb illuminations. But the backs of the books below flairs are 
all turned from you, befides being locked up, fo that no one but 
the librarians themfelves can poffibly tell you what they are ; and 
as they are fo wretchedly ignorant, their informations will avail 
you but very little. They have had no man of learning among 
them, fince the times of Arias Mont anus, who v/as indeed 
a truly great man. There is a copy of his Bible, in feven or eight 
volumes in folio, finely printed on vellum, with the Hebrew text, 
Je ROM's verfion, the Vulgate, and the LXX. 

It is much to be lam^ented, that this library is not in other 
hands ; for then the world might ll:and fome chance of being be- 
nefited by it. Michael Syri, a Syro-Maronite, one of the King's 
librarians, has printed one volume of the Arabic catalogue , but 
why it is not permitted to be fold, I cannot fay ; if it had, I had 
fent it into England before now. 

The principal things in this convent are, iirfi:, the Church, 
which is a noble edifice in the infide -, its riches and paintings are 
ineftimable ; but of thefe /jz^'/e'r, I fliall give a feparate catalogue 
hereafter. The outfide, however, of this church, is the heavieft 
building imaginable. The whole convent is truly a fort of quarry 
above-ground. It has often put me in mind of thofe lines of Pvlr.' 
Pope : 

Greatnefs with Timon dwells in fuch a draught. 
As brijTigs all Brobd:gnag before your thought. 

I can difcover no flile of arcbitedure in it, though it is mofl pro- 
bably of the Doric order. It is a large, confufed flupendous pile, 
divided into a vafl number of fquare courts. The realbn of which 
is Qwing to the follofvving circumftance. 

Philip II.. the founder of this convent, made a vow, when he 
gained the battle of St.QjJiNTiN, (againil the French in the fron- 
tiers 



136 



DESCRIPTION OF 



tiers ofPiCARDY, in 1557) fix years before, to build a convent 
at the EscuRiAL for monks of the order of St. Jerom. This or- 
der is unknown in France, and was aboliilied in Italy, becaufe 
one of them attempted the Hfe of Charles Borromeo. He 
preferred this order, becaufe he was obHged to cannonade a con- 
vent of JercJiiites during the fiege of St. Quint in. He faid 
to his confelTor during the battle, when the bullets flew about 
pretty thick, " And how do you like this mulic ?" *' And it pleafe 
*' your MajePiy," replied the monk, *' I do not like it at all." 
*^ Nor I neither," faid the King; " and do not you think my fa^ 
*' ther was a very ftrange man, who could find any diverfion in 
'* this kind of entertainment ?" The battle was gained on St. 
Lawrence's day, on the loth of Auguft, wherefore he called the 
convent after the name of that faint ; and as the holy father was 
unhappily burnt upon a gridirofjy this prince has immortalized the 
very manner of his martyrdom : for he has not only fluck grid- 
irons, either of paint, wood, metal, or ftone, all over the convent, 
but has built the very convent itl'elf in the form of a gridiron. 
That part of the building, which is now the King's apartment, 
is the handle of the gridiron ; and the reft being divided into a 
great number of fquare courts, in this form ; 



















































J 













it doth not unaptly refemble a gridiron. Having now done with 
the gridiron, I muft not forget another circumftance : As a proper 
compliment was neceffary to be paid to St. Lawrence, another 
was full as neceffary to be paid to St. Jerom : St. Jerom, it 
feems, lived among the mountains, and therefore, tho' from the 
lofty fite of this convent you command one of the moft extenfive 
prolpeds, that you commonly meet with in Spain ; yet fo much 
relpedl was to be paid to the memory of this faint, as to turn 
6 the 



T H E E S C U R I A L; 137 

the great front of this convent and palace dirediJy from the pro- 
fpeoi y fo that you fhould fee nothing at all but mountains, as 
the faint himfelf had lived among them. They give another rea- 
fon for this ; and fay, the chapel could not have flood due eafl: 
and weft v^ithout it. Why not ? Was there any neceffity to make 
the front of the convent and the church too, both to the fame 
afped; ? 

But high as the names of thefe two faints ftand here, the 
name of the founder, Philip II. is ftill higher; fo that they re- 
fped:, firft, the Fundador^ then St. Lawrence, and then St. Je- 
ROM. . Their regard for their founder is indeed but a decent part 
of gratitude ; for as he thought he Ihould atone for all his fins by 
raifing this fabric, fo he fpared no expence to make it complete. 
It coft Philip II. during his reign, 28,000,000 of ducats, which 
is about 3,360,000 1. fterling. He lived here chiefiv the laft fif- 
teen years of his life; and when he died, he ordered himfelf to be 
brought out in his bed to the feet of the high altar, that he n:iight 
die in fight of that, and thus he expired. The place where his bed 
was placed, is fmce railed off, as facred ; and the late Queen Bar- 
bara was the firft perfon who had courage enough to enter it, 
fince it was fliut up after his death. 

HowFvER, fome are ftill fo fuperftitious, as to believe even 
now, that his unquiet and perturbed fpirit ftill nightly vifits his 
favourite maniion, and ftalks horrid round the long arcades and 
corridores of the Escurial : For a certain princefs, to my know- 
ledge, gave orders, laft O^flober, that the guard iliould patrole 
in the night round the cloyfters, to fee if Philip IPs ghoft really 
walked there, or not. 

The PE are in the lower library four very fine portraits of 
Charli' s V. Philip II. PhilipIII. and Philip IV. In Charles 
V. you fee from his face and attitude, in his air and manner, the 
fpirit of a prince, who was born to lead armies to the fields of 
conqueft, and to aim at nothing lefs than univerfal monarchy. In 
Philip III. and IV. you difcern rather a pacific mien, inclining 
fomev/hat to eftcminacy. But in Philip II. the painter has been 

T , very 



13S DESCRIPTION OF 

very happily expreffive of his charadter ; cruelty, pride, hypocriiy-j, 
malice, revenge, and a dark air of diffimulation, are all well aflem- 
bled in the lines and colours of his countenance. 

But however fond he was of this convent, as Ifaid before, he 
did not live to finifli it : The Fantheon^ or the royal burial-chapel 
for the Kings of Spain, their conforts, and their defcendants, tho' 
begun by the founder, was not completed, but by Philip IV. 
This edifice is fo lingular, it is no eafy matter to defcribe it, with- 
out the help of drawing, fo as to give a jull idea of it. 

Inscription on the Pantheon.. 

D. O. M. 

Locus Sacer MortaTttatis Exuvus 

Catholtcorum Regum, 

A Rejiaiiratore Vitce, Ctijus Ara Max\ 

Aujiriaca Adhuc Pietate Subjacent, 

Optata?n Diem ExpeBantium, 

^Mfn Pojihiunam Scdcm Sibi Et Suis 

Caroius Ccejarum Max. In Votis Habuit, 

Philippus IL Regum Prudentijf. Elegit* 

Philippus III. Vere Pius Inchoavit. 

Philippus IIIL 

dementia^ Confiantia, Religione Magnus 

Auxit, Or?2avify Abfolvit, 

Anno Dom. mdcliiii. 

It is an Oclagon temple ; the ftaircafe that defcends to it, is all 
fine marble, the walls, cielings, &c. being wainfcotted, if I may 
fo term it, with marble, and the iniide alfo of the temple is very 
richly ornamented in the fame manner. As I was going down the 
flairs, my guide told me, '' Here, Sir, is the rotti?ig-place for the 
** late Queen Am alia ; and thi?. Sir, is the rotting-place for the 
" young princes :" and fo indeed they were 5 for the bodies are 
depolited here till fuch time as the work of putrefa(5tion is pretty 
well iiniflied, and the inoifenfive relicks are tranfported into the 
Pantheon. 

When. 



T H E E S C U R 1 A L. r39 

When this vault was iiniflied, Philip LV. gave the following 
diredions for removing the bodies into it, by a mandate dated 
Madrid, March 1654: where he fays, " You fliall place in it 
" the Emperor Charles V. and Donna Isabel la his wife; Phi- 
^* LIP II. and his queen Donna Anna; Philip III. and Donna 
** Margaret a ; and the queen Donna Isabella, my dear and 
'* much-loved wife. The firffc urn fliall be Charles V. the lafl 
*' I defign for myfelf, whenever it fliali pleafe God to take me 
** from this life." 

It is impoffible you (hould underftand thefe diredions of Phi- 
lip IV. without being told, that as this temple is in an odagoii 
form, each iide contains three or four niches from top to bottom, 
with two over the door-cafe, in all 26 : and thefe are filled up 
with oblong urns, oy farcophagi : each having a brafs plate in the 
center, with the name of the prince or princefs which it contains. 
In this order : 

Left-hand Jide. Right-hand Jide of the Altar, 
Donna Isabella, Charles V's ivhich takes uj) one eighth of 

Queen. the Roonu 

Anna, Philip II's Qu, c^^^^^, y. 



-Margareta, Philip ,x ^t 

, ^ ' r Philip II. 



Ill's Queen. 



— III. 



Isabella, Philip IV's ^f 

^^Second left-hand. ^ Second right-hand. 

Maria Adelaide, Philip V's ^harles iU 

firft Queen. * J-uis 1, 

Amalia, Charles Ill's Queen. 

There is an urn defigned for Isabella of Parma 5 but fheis de- 
termined not to lie there. 

So that you fee, as there are but 26 niches in all, it is jufl 
half- full. There are only fix kings, and (^wtn queens. The rea- 

* Here is one Queen omitted ; none are placed here, but what have children* 

T 2 foil 



140 DESCRIPTION OF 

fon of this is, becaufe, Philip V. is buried at San Ildefonso ; 
as the queen-mother intends to be, whenever flie dies ; though 
fhe'fays, " She had much rather not die at all," having an utter 
averfion to that operation. But, I fear, Elizabeth of Parma 
and Tltscany muft be contented to tread the fame gloomy paths 
which all the Isabels and Katharines of ArragOxV trod be- 
fore her. Ferdinand VI. and his Queen Barbara of Por- 
tugal are buried at the new convent of the Sakfas in Madrid, 
which they founded. 

I remember being told by an Engliih earl, who travelled 
into Spain a few years fince. That when he came to fee theP^«-- 
theon, he alked the guide, who fliewed to him this vault, how it 
came to pafs, that he faw there fo few princes of the houfe of 
Bourbon ? ** My lord," fays the man, *' the reafon is, that they 
** are all afraid of the man with the great whifkers ;" meaning 
Charles V. ** for," fays he, " if thofe princes of the houfe of- 
** Bou.'iBON were to come here, they would never agree, and there 
** would be fuch a dance of the dead, as would be heard as far as 
*' Madrid." 

But to be ferious, it is certainly a great pity, that the Spanish 
kings and queens are not now all placed together, as this certainly 
is a maufokum worthy of their reception, and in every refpedl fuit- 
able to the grandeur of the Spanifh monarchy. I confefs, were I 
King of Spain, I fliould make no fcruple of ordering it io, with- 
out ever thinking, that I in the leafl difquieted thereby the repofe- 
of their aflies. 

id credis cineres curare fepultos ? 

Or, as another fays, 

— nee fentit damna fepulchri. 

But before I take my leave of the Pantheon, which fhews you 
by its very name the great and majeftic ideas which the Spaniards 
entertain of their fovereigns ; lince this is not the burial-place of 
their monarchs, but their Gods : I muft not omit one very extra- 
ordinary anecdote, which is as follows. 

When 



THE E S C U R I A L. 141 

When Philip IV. in 1654, as I faid before, removed the bo- 
dies deiigned for this maufoleum from their antient fepulchres,, 
with all the funeral pomp and folemnity poitible, nay, I might 
add, conceivable : That they v/ere re-buried with the moil awful 
fervices and fundions of mafs and burial imaginable, at which 
Philip IV. affifled in perfon : and, in conclufion, a monk of the 
order of St. Jerom, fpoke a funeral oration, with this remarkable 
text, taken from the Prophet Ezekiel, chap, xxxvii. verfe 4. 
O ye. dry bo?2Cs, hear the word of the Lord ! 

This oration, or funeral difcourfe, I had curiofity enough to 
tranflate part of j and it is indeed the mofl. extraordinary funeral: 
fennon I ever faw. 



%' ^^ <o? <;? '^j? ^' ^^ '^ >'2f ?u?^' '-u.^ '-6? <u?^ 

Part of a FUNERAL O R A T I O N,^^i?^;2 upon^ 
removing the Bodies of the Kings and Queens of 
Spain into the Vault at the ESCURIAL, iiz 
1654. 

r\ G REAT GOD ! where fhall the nnderflanding go that is 
^^ not flruck with admiration ? What is this difcourfe. Sacred 
Cathohc, Royal, and Auguft Majefty ! that fhall not be iinifhed 
in the time ! What is this wonder that is found in the ftate of 
men ! What is this fear, that keeps pace with the revolution of 
years ? What is it ? Can the v/orid hope to fee fuch a theatre of^ 
Pvlajeflies ? Seven crowns, v/hich have not been joined together 
in feventy ages ; who would ever have thought, that they could' 
meet together to hear one fole orator ? What imagination could 
fuggeft this aiTemblage of dead Kings, hearing a fermon, as well 
as if they were alive ? Who has brought hither your Ccefarean 
Majefties ? Monarchs great of the earth, great Monarchs in' 

heaven 1.' 



142 FUNERAL ORATION. 

heaven ! Who has brought you hither ! But what do I afl^ ? That 
God is God, and cannot fail in that, which he has fpoken — Let 
us hear him with reverence. 

" Soji of maU) prophecy concerning thefe bones, and fay unto 
^^ them. Dry bones, hear the word of the Lord; T^ bus faith the 
" Lord: Behold I loill open your tombs, and I will lead you out of 
** your fepulchres, and I will bring you into the land of IfraeL'' 
EzEK. xxxvii. 4. Let us adore the fecrets of God ; a function fo 
great, as this of to-day, requires that it fhould have been foretold 
by prophefy in this 37th chapter of Ezekiel. OJja arida, " Dry 
" boTies," this is the day to hear a fermon : Audit e "cerbum Domi- 
ni : •** Hear the word of the Lord:'' That is to hear ? Perhaps the 
voice of the living fhall break the filence of the dead ? Perhaps 
thofe who die are not deaf till the found of the lafb trumpet ? In 
7iovifhna tuba. 

Perhaps — but fuppofe I do not fay perhaps; there are dead, 
which in ending their lives do not enter into death -, there are 
dead, which reft with a defire of life, and thefe hear as well as if 
they were alive, but if there were fuch, how fhould our princes 
die ? Afk the moft eminent cardinal of Bethlehem, Jerom ; 
which great Falefiine dodor left in fome of his writings, 
language and fpirit fufficient to form this difcourfe to the glory of 
our moft potent Spanish Monarchs : It is all his, great Sir, be- 
caufe all St. Jerom, all his religion, all his fons, and all his 
fplendoi", and. all his exaltation is derived from your Cafareati 
Majefty, and from the Caefars your anceftors. Of what death 
did thofe die whom God made Potentates ? Aflc Jerom, and afk 
him upon occafion of feeing Moses die. Of what grief? Of 
what accident ? Of what infirmity ? Who will fay thus, Mor- 
tuus ejl Moyfes jubente Domino ; " Mofes died becaufe the Lord coni- 
*' manded'him; He died obedient'' The LXX tranflate it, Mortuus 
ejl Moyfes per verbiim Domini ; *' God killed Mofes by his word." And 
here we may explain the iirft Apocalypfe of St. John the Evange- 
ILft. Admire and hear the Almighty, who fpeaks thus — lamAl- 
^ha and Omega, thefrf and the lajl, the beginning and the ending ; 

4 ^ but 



FUNERAL ORATION. 143 

but how fliarp a word is the ending ! And its force is to be fliarp, 
becaufs with that comes out of the mouth a two-edged fword. 
De ore ejus gladius utraqiie parte aciitus exibat. What different 
things hath God faid by that mouth ! He breatheth into his nojlrils 
the breath of life. With that breath and fpirit in the bread of Adam, 
the mouth faid truly, / am the beginning, I am the beginning of 
life. And what a fword was that which faid, / am the end, I 
am the end, I cut the thread of life. How powerful is God ! 
What muft thofe Hps be, which fpeak Hfe, and fpeak death at the 
fame time. 

Die Moses, die now, now, nowj God kills thee with his 
word -y expedl it ; a death which is caufed by the word, death is 
hearing, becaufe it is death to hear God much. He it is, who 
lived by the word, and dies by the word, fays Jerom to Fabiola. 
For if he feems to have been governed by the fpirit of the word, he 
could ceafe from that government by the word only. Princes, who 
are made fuch by the hand of the Mofl High, fliall die by the 
fame means which they lived ; they live by hearing God, and 
when they die, the voice refts them being heard, they die and 
hear. See here a fovereign auditory of dead bodies : O my moft • 
auguil auditory ! Ye dry bones, hear the word of the Lord. 

Hear thou Ccefarean Majejiy, German Charles, French 
Charles, Italian Charles, African Charles, Indian 
Charles, Spanish Charles, Charles mofl glorioully the 
Fifth, hear, thou Ccefarean Majefty, the voice of a monk of the 
order of St. Jerom, who will not think it flrange, becaufe he ex- 
pired hearing our voices, and our fongs. Thus faith the Lord. 
This is what God fays: Ecce ego aperiam tumulos veftros -, ** the 
** day jlmll come, in which I will open your tombs \' and is not this 
to-day ? It is plain : And I will lead you out of your fepulchres. And 
is not this time come, in which from the obfcurity of your fepul- 
chres ye are taken out into the light of the living ? Is it not now ? 
Who doubts it ? £/. inducam vos in terrain Tfrael ; " And thence here 
** yejloall come into a land like Ifrael:' And is not this now ? It is 
certain. 



144 



FUNERAL ORATION. 



But before we leave the fubjed:, that ye loft life, what ? Have 
we not to give to the eternity of fame, a voice of praife, which 
will fill the world. The text fays, Fill boviinis vaticinare de ojjibus 
ijiis ', '■^ Man dhine concerning thofe bones before thee." And Je- 
ROM explains it, that the bones of the juft were to be exalted and 
praifed, as it were with the fplrit of prophets, and the fury of the 
old fybils. Men call thofe dead deities : What grief ! To be com- 
manded to exalt thofe with the prophetical fpirit, and to have only 
mine own ? ^laji fpiritu vatttm. But let him ufe that which he 
is able, and let it become fury, quaji furore. Let it be fury, be- 
caufe it is boldnefs ; it Ihall be boldnefs, and let us begin with the 
greateft man of men. There thou art, thou always conqueror, 
and never conquered Charles ! there thou art gone. And God 
leaves me to iay, that it is the honour of his Divine Majefty, 
which is much honoured there. 

The firil: angel grew proud ; that adtion has always been won- 
dered at i of what could Lucifer be proud ? Of being very hand- 
ibme ? No ; becaufe it is eafy to imagine, that God was hand- 
fomer. Of much underftandin^ ? Much lefs : becaufe he muft own 
that of God to be greater. Of much valour ? Softly, JJbi eras, 
qiiando me laiidabunt aftra matnfma? faid God to Job. " Come 
** hither, 'where ivaf thou, ivhcn the inorning far s fang praife to 
''^ me? y^lra matutina — Jerom fays in his commentary upon this 
pafTage : ** l^he 7norning fars are the angels infep arable from God, 
** becaife they were fir fl called to fing his prafe." Which orifon of 
that great world fweet and fonorous birds celebrated ; the angels 
of God difpraifed themfelves founding his praifes ; and well. Do 
we not know what they fung ? Ifaiah tells us, Holy, holy, holy 
Lord God of Hoils. With thofe words broke forth the firlfc 
morning of heaven and earth. Holy, holy, &c.. how v/ell it founds } 
What is it to found well ? Does Lucifer fay, Lord God of the 
Hofls of God r And my valour ? and my fpirit ? and my vivacity ? 
Moreover I fav, I will afcend into heaven, I will be like the Mod 
High. 

St. JeRom fays in his Hebrew traditions, that Lucifer bcing^ 
jnade pUcefedt of the camps of God, v^-as fcizeJ vvith fuch a mili- 

* tajy 



FUNERAL O H A 1' I O N. 



H5 



tary ardor, that he could not bear ev^n God the Lord of Hofcs. 
Lucifer grew proud of his valour; he was the firft of the ccleftial 
holl:s ; he was general of them; O ill-gotten employment L He 
was loft by his much valour, which threw out many vain ho^ih 
againfl: God, and that he could equal him in founding the voice of 
war : Lor^ God of Hojis, 

That befl gift of valour, which God has given to his crea- 
tures, broke out into pride : / will afcend into heavefi. The molt 
heroic fpirit of the warrior budded out into arrogance : •Iivillbe likf 
the Moji High. The mofl brave impulle of the warrior appeared in 
making a riotous war in all heaven — Michael fought icith the dra- 
gon. O great Creator ! what could make a boafter ! and what 
could prompt the proud ! O Lord God of Holh, from, that throne 
divine, let thy fovercign Majefty behold this human tomb, now 
redrefled from the wrongs of old. This potent arm was in 
Charles : But what did it not do ? It made him monarch of 
both worlds ; it made him a firm pillar of the church ; it made him 
a cutting fword againfl herefy ; it made him a fliining light to in- 
fidels ; it made him the terror, and the admiration of reb^-ls ; it 
made him a general arbitrator of all empires ; it made him feared 
by France, obeyed by Germany, acknov/ledged by Italy, 
and revered by Europe; it made Asia tremble; it humbled 
Africa ; it conquered America ; it caufed his valour and ibr- 
tune to obtain more trophies and victories, than all monarchies 
have counted ; it made at length a man, than whom, from the firit 
of men, the world hath not {^^v\ one more valiant, more fortunate, 
more a foldier, or more glorious. 

Now alTc Curiofity, This warrior, in v/hom God eftccled fo 
much, how did he meet God ? What mulf be the joy in heaven 
to fee one man amend the fault, of an angel ? 

Permit me here to paraphrafe the fecond vifion of Pathmos \ 
Vidi & audivi vocc}?i angcloriim mulfomm ; " There refounded the po- 
*< pulous voice of many angels'' How many ? Millions of millions. 
It ought to be a great thing, that cannot be contained in fo 
many breails ! Which was poured out by fo many mouths ; it ap- 

U pearh 



146 FUNERAL ORATION. 

pears to be a novelty ; it appears to be a myflery, if it is a myfte - 
ry : God, who can clear it, does cleai*it ; behold it plain, and given 
to be (ten ; Ecce ojiium apertum in ccclo : A gate opens in heaven t 
beautiful appearance! St. John the Evangeliil: looks at this, and 
fays — There is a throne: Ecce Jedcs pofita in cxlo. And well ? 
Have they not reafon to rejoice, that God holds his throne ii> 
heaven ? Who will fay fo ? Stay — Behold the Lamb ftanding in 
the middle of the throne : On that throne, where there is a lamb, 
iliall be God, and he fliall reign for ever with patience ; it is much 
that there appears a lamb. Suppofe that a proceffion came from 
the other part. -I fay more. Behold the lion of the tribe offudah 
has conquered. That Lamb is alfo a Lion. Let it go ; a novelty 
appears ; but God has both qualities, he is gentle, and he is vali- 
ant. But further : There do not come from thence the words. Do 
not attempt it, becaufe it is great. There walked four and twenty 
feniors, and laid down their crowns before the throne : There go 
Kings, if they are Kings, and quit their crowns. God blefs me ! 
Kings crowned, and their crowns laid afide ! yes, they lay them at 
the feet of the Lion-Lamb j Jefus ! what a novelty ! and fo great, 
fays Jerom, fo great, that it is only feen in heaven : but what 
voices are thofe, which fpring from thence ? It is true, Zacha- 
Ri AS writes in the third chapter it is true ; we read in the Revela- 
tions of feniors linging a nev/ fong, new becaufe it was heard not 
on earth, but in heaven ; T^hat potentates defpifed the crown of 
power. One crown v/ell altogether in right, and nature, it is little 
to drav/ it from theirs and to let it fall at the feet of God ? Is it 
little ? Since when once it is feen in heaven, heaven is filled with 
•applaufe and admiration. 

May God preferve Augufl Charles in his glory!' thou hail 
given to be {^tn among men that novelty, which the angels moft 
celebrate. What front of the fons of Adam was better girded 
than tliine ? What crown was enriched with fuch refplendent 
ftones P Catholic, magnanimous, potent, jufl, pious, liberal, 
amiable, feared, heroic, not to be vvithflood. Holy God ! from 
whence came the lights of that Imperial diadem ? From whence ? 
And the world beheld them, and the world beheld him quit the 
,-crown, and renounce the greateft of ^U human pomp, with thefe 

5 wordvS I 



F U N E k A L ORATION. 



H7 



words : Tu Jo/us Dommus, tu folus Altijjlmus ; Thou only art the 

. Loj'd, thou only art the moji High. 1 fay, that here broke forth 

the voices o^ oMyerufakm triumphant, the voices of many angels. 

It might be a novelty in heaven, as u^ell as earth, to fee a ma- 
jefty, which almofh was not contained in the world, to fee him 
contain himfelf in the narrow cell of a monk ? without afpiring, 
but after death ; without any more life, than what fufficed to me- 
ditate on a good death. This might be a ipeitacle of wonder to 
the moft fortunate, to fee the moft triumphant Emperor celebrat- 
ing the laft triumph of his life, and at the fame time the obfequies 
of his death. This appears only to be a child of the imagination, 
but it was real fad. 

They ered;ed a tomb in the church of St. Justus, but with- 
out apparatus, without pomp ; that he, who when alive was above 
all, was willing to die no more than a mere man : The mafs for his 
foul was celebrated with folemnity ; and there were two facrifices ; 
one, that of the altar ; the other, that of his breaft : The time of the 
Kefponfo came ; the mourning of the body. He entered the church 
in mourning ; while he lived there was no entrance fo glorious as 
that : He placed himfelf (who yet had vigour) in the front of the 
tomb i he was the fole aftor of that theatre ; he was alive, and 
reprefented one dead, with fo much propriety, that even he 
thought himfelf, that he was dying j and it is certain, that from 
that place he went and died : The monks fung, and wept ; they 
efteemed him as their mafter, and even to think, that he was to 
die, was a grief. And to think that he really was to die became 
a torment. What a great thing was it to fee, that majeftic age of 
Charles all attentive, with a taper in his hand, as if v/itli his 
light he v/as contemplating the dark glooms of death ; he batlied 
in tears his venerable cheeks, as one who died with underitand- 
ing, and knew what it was to die, and underflood that there were 
faults to be bewailed. He prayed the Divine Majeify for his foul, 
never more happy ; fince, for this his fupplicatioii, God was giv- 
ing him life at that time to enable him to make that prayer. TJie 
requiefcam in pace was fung ; and lifting up his crying eyes to 
iieaven, he faid aloud, Amen, And he was in fufpcnfe long 

U 2 cnouglj 



14^ FUNERAL ORAXrON. 

enough to remain in a lively faith, that the Lord of the living and 
the dead heard him. He turned himfelf to the prieft, and proftrat- 
ing himfelf before him, he offered into his hands the lighted ta- 
per, faying : I?2to thy ha/ids I commend f7iy fpirit. Into thofe 
hands, which had compleated offering to the Eternal Father the- 
unbloody facritice of his only Son, he placed his foul ; and from 
thence he went to that bed, in. which he died a natural death* 
&c. 6cc. &c. 



T H E K I N G's OTHER PALACES. 

But before I go on to the paintings and manufcripts, give me 
leave to take this opportunity of defcribing briefly the reft of his 
Catholic Majefty's palaces, that I may difpatch for once this ar- 
ticle all together. 

The Buen Retiro, or the old palace m Madrid, is not fo 
good a royal manfion as St. Jam es's : a very indifferent quadrangle, 
with gardens, which no one would mention here, as being any 
thing extraordinary. 

The Palatio Nuevo is indeed a very fine fabric in Madrid j 
but then it has coft two millions fterl. of our money already. It 
was begun in 1725, and is not finifhed, and has no gardens, or 
opening round it as yet. 

Thf palace of San Ildefonso is a very good one; the build- 
ing not grand, nor in a good tafte ; but the gardens are magni- 
ficent, and the fountains the fineft in Europe : The gardens are 
(aid to have coft five millions fterling. During the building and 
tinillnng of this palace, &c. in the years i73i» 32, 33, I have 
httn told, that neither the army, navy, officers of the court, or 
the ambaffadors abroad received any pay, tho' it was in time of war. 
The ftatuary who made the fountains was never paid -, he died of 
poverty and a 1)roken heart. The fame thing, it is faid, happened 
to the man, who made the iron rails at Hampton Court for 
King William ; Queen Anne did not choofe to pay the debt. 
1 mention this circumftance as a fort of apology for Queen Isa- 
bel's not remembering an artift employed by Philip. 

This 



THE KING OF SPAIN'S PALACES. 149 

This palace Is about fixty miles from Madrid. When the 
court goes thither, moft ambafladors, except the family ones, re- 
fide at Segovia, about ten miles diftant : tho' his late Majcfty 
thought that too far off. 

The palace of the Sarsuelo, a few miles out of Madrid, 
Is nothing but a hunting-box. 

The palace of the Pardo, about eight miles out of Madrid,. 
is likewife but an indifferent feat for an E?2g/r/h country-gentle- 
man. 

The palace of Aranjuez, about thirty miles diftant from Ma- 
drid, is a very tolerable edifice 3 has one fine front; is agreeably 
fituated in a pleafant vale upon the confluence of two rivers, the 
Xdrama, and the Tagus. The air becomes very unhealthy, when 
the heats begin. Though the gardens are only a dead flat, and 
the walks plantations of trees in ftrait rows, yet there is fomething; 
chearful and refrefhing in io cool and fhady a fpot. Here are 
rows of very fine elms, tho' raifed and watered at an incredible 
expence ; particularly in the Queen's Walk, or the Calie de la 
reyjza^ which is as noble an avenue or vifla, as any to be found in 
England. 

The palace of the Casa del Campo is clofe to Madrid, 
but an indifferent box, now quite negledied, and ufed only by the 
king for fhooting. 

The palace of the Rio Frio is a new building, not yet fini- 
flied, within a few miles of Segovia : It was begun by the pre- 
fent queen-dowager, about nine years ago, who never went to fee 
it till laft year. She will probably leave it to the Infant Don Luis. 

There are feveral other palaces, and royal maniions in different 
parts of Spain, but moft of them are ruinous, orforfaken. The 
Alcajj'ar cf Segovia, I have defcribed in another place; and the pa- 
lace at Toledo was burnt by the allies in the fucceffion-war. 
Since Madrid was made the capital, or ratlicr fince (to go back 
tjd the true caufe) the kingdoms were united, thcfe fratcly edifices 

6 moul- 



150 



LIST OF 



mouldered away, and became almoft as forgotten as the vain mo- 
narchs, who firil: raifed them to footh their pride. They now form 
a fet of very fine remains, to gratify the curioiity or wrtu of mo- 
dern travellers, particularly at Corduba, Seville, and Gra- 
nada. 

List of PICTURES in the Convent of 
the E s c u R I A L. 



LIBRARY. 

Cleling and walls painted by Pellegrino and B, Carducho. 
Painting of St. Ambrofe and St. Auguftine difputing. Mot* 
to, A logtca Augufiini libera 7ios, domine ! 
Portraits of Charles V. 
Philip II. 
Philip III. par y. Pantoja de la Cruz, regiae majeftati 

Camerariusj Pidtor. 
Philip III. 
Philip IV. por Diego Velafqiiez. 

CHURCH. 

Painted Cielings by Tjiica Giordano, 

yuan. Fern. Muda. 
Fred. Zucaro. 
, Pellegrino y Pellegrini. 

SACRISTY. 

Over the door through which you enter. 
Woman taken in adultery. Van Dyke. 

Lower range on the right-hand Jide. 

Chrifl in the garden (6 feet long, 5 broad) Titian* 
Elizabeth and Mary. Raphael. 



Vi- 



rgin 



THE PAINTINGS. 

Virgin and child. Titian* 

Chrifl wafhing the difciples feet. This piSlure 
is J feet broad y and igfeet long: bought by 
the Spanijh ambajjddor out of Charles I 's col- 
leSiion ; as well as the next, which fold for 
250/. 

Madona y Bambino. 

Chrift fcourged. 

Ecce Homo. 

Upper range on the right-hand fde. 



H^ 



Tintorct, 



Andrea del Sarto^ 
Luc a Cangiagio, 
Titian, 



Madona y Bambino. 

Noli me tangere (8 feet long, 3 broad) 

Jofeph and the infant. 

Chrift bearing the crofs. 

Magdalen. 

Pharifees with the tribute-money. 

AfTumption. 

Sacrifice of Ifaac. 

Altar-Piece, 
Hoft elevated to Charles II. 



Guido Rhenk 

Corregio. 

Paul Veronefe. 

Sebaji. del Piombo^ 

Titian, 

Id. 

Hannibal Caraccu 

Paul Veronefe, 

Claudio Clslio. 



On the left-hand fide ^ beginning from the altar. 



Id, 

Id, 

Tintoret, 



St. Margaret. Titian, 

St. Sebaflian. Id, 

Chrift taking the fathers out of limbo (8 feet 

high, 4 broad) 
Holy family, after their flight into Egypt. 
Pvlagdalen (5 feet long, 3 broad) 
Holy family, bought out of Charles Ys colkBion, 

and fold for 2ooo\. This pi5lure was called Raphael, 

the pearl of Philip IV. 
Chrifl before Pilate. Titian, 

St. Jerom. Van Dyke, 

Chrift on the crofs. Titian. 

Mary Magdalen before her repentance. Paiil Veronefe. 



In 



U' 



LIST OF 



In the S A L A S C A P I T U L A R E S. 

FirJI Sa/a. 



Holy family. 

Converfion of St. Paul (lo feet long, i6 broad) 

Centurion (9 feet long, 14 broad) 

David's vidory over Goliah (10 feet long, 16 

broad) 
Heads of two apoflles. 
St. Nicholas. 
Holy family. 
Woman in adultery. 



Virgin and child. 



Rubens. 
Palma Vccchio. 
Paul Veronefe. 

Palma Vecchio, 

Guido Rhent. 

Rubens. 
Van Dyke, 
Leonardo Vincio, 



Second Sak, 



Dead Chriil. Raphael. 

Efther and Ahafuerus ( i o feet high, 1 6 broad) Tintoret. 

Jacob feeing Jofeph's bloody coat (fame fize Don Diego Velaf- 

as the former) quez. 

Chrift giving the keys to St. Peter (fix feet Giorgione de Cajiel 

high, 8 broad) Franco. 

Martyrdom of St. Sebaftian. Spagnolett. 

Before the entrance of the kings apartment. 

St. John and the lamb. Spagnolett. 

St. Roque. Id. 

St. Sebaflian. , Id, 

St. Thomas. Id. 
The heads of the Virgin and Child in bafib re- 
lievo, cut out of porphyry. 

Chrift dead. Spagnolett, 

^fop. Id. 

A philofopher. Id. 

St. Andrew. Id. 

Heraclitus. Id* 

Democritus. Id, 

Chrift dead in his father's bofom. Id, 

Blind philofopher. Id> 

St., 



LIST OF THE PICTURES. 153 

St. Jerom penitent. Spagnolett. 

Nativity. Luca Giordano. 

St. Thomas convinced. /^. 

In the Anti-Sacrijiia, 

St. Peter and St. Paul. Spagnoleff. 

St. John preaching. ' Paul Vero7iefe. 

Prefentation in the temple. Id. 

Flight into Egypt. Titian. 

Lord's flipper. Rubens. 

Apoftles heads. . j^" ^"^ , 

^ LJuan rernUndes^ 

Over the door upon thejiair-cafe into the church. 
Chriil, St. John, Virgin Mary, and St. Anne. Raphael. 

In afmall room near the Kings apartment. 
Holy family. Raphael 

This pi(fture is called Nuejlra fenora del los pifcayo, or, Our lady of 
thejijjj. It is the finefl: in the whole colle(^lion, and of immenfe 
value. The Virgin is feated with the infant in her lap ; Jofeph 
flands by, holding a book. A boy prefents fome fiili in his handp 
behind whom flands an angel. Ufari fays of it, in his life of 
Raphael, that it was painted for a church at Naples. See The 
hijiory of the Efcurial, page 224. 

There are, in this convent, 51 flatues, 1622 paintings in oil^ 
10 cielings by Luca Giordano, with the battle of St. Qujntin, by 
the fame hand. 

Marriage of Cana Paid Veronefe: 

This picture was certainly bought out of Charles I's colledion, but 
where placed, I cannot fay. 

Whether the pidures that came from England, were bought 
by Don Lewis Mkndez de Haro, as the Spaniards fay, or by 
Don Alonzo de Cardinas, as Lord Clarendon affirms, is a 
controverjfy of no moment. The fad: is certain that wc have loft 

X the 



154 LIST OF THE PICTURES. 

the piduresj and the fale of them in Cromwell was mean and 
infamous. Lord Clarendon and Lord Cottington were 
fent away from the Spanish court, left they fhould fee them. This 
fufficiently fliows, that that court itfelf thought it to be a bafe 
tranfadion. 

There are many fine colleftions of paintings in Spain befides 
this; the churches and convents abound with them. There is a 
moft magnificent one at the pahice of Saic IldefOx\so ; where there 
is Ukewife an amazing colledion of antique ftatues, of the Miijes, 
Cleopatra, Venus Medici, and oi /Egyptian ^nd Roman Deities and Ri- 
*ver-gods: fome at the Buen-Rttiro, fome at Aranjuez. Ma- 
ny pidlures in thepofieflion of the Marquis Doniati, at Madrid: 
Great numbers in the king's new palace in that city, which the fa- 
mous painter Minx is juft come from Rome to decorate. Their 
great painters, befides Spagnolett, have been Murillo, Don 
Diego Velasquez, and Don FernandesMudo. The moft nu- 
merous works of the firft are at Seville, where he died. The fe- 
cond was a moft aftonifliing mafter of the art, great in defign and 
exprefiion, as may be feen in that picfture of his in the Escuri al,. 
where Joseph's bloody coat is brought to Jacob. The third was 
chiefly a ceiling-painter, and worked in frefco. It feems to me to 
be a great error, in imagining Italy to be the only fchool for 
painters: Spain, if vifitedby fomeofourartifts, would, I amper- 
fuaded, open new, aftoniftiing, and unexamined treafures to their 
view. The fculptor would return back with improved models, 
and the painter with a fancy enriched from the works of great maf- 
ters, that have been little ftudied. And I recommend it to the 
gentlemen patrons of t/je arts and fcicnces, as an objedl worthy 
their attention, to fend fome perfon thither for that purpofe. 



LETTER 



LETTER VIII. PART II. 

! 

Catalogus MANUSCRIPTORUM LIBRORUM 

in Bibliotheca Scorialensi CcEnobii Sandli Lau- 
RE NT! I in Hifpanid. 



A. 

ACronis Comm. in Horatlum 
Ada Apoft. & Epift. Can. 

cum Gloffis 
^milianus Codex 
i^miiii Probi (five Corn. Nepotis) 

cxcellentium Duciim Vitse, fol. 
Idem, & ex Libro Cornelii deLati- 

nis Hiftoricis Vita; 
Annseus Seneca 
^neas Sylvii, five Pii II. Vita 
iEfopi Vita & Fabulae 
Alberti Medici, de Medicina 
Albi Tibulli Carmina & Vita, 410. 
Quintus Curtius 
Arrian^E Hiftoriae 
Alphonfi Arr. Regis Hiftoria, cum 

Privilegiis Regni 
Alphonfi Regis Epiftolas 
Apocalypfis Fr. Amada^i, mireillu- 

minata & dep:6ta 
Ambrofiii Moralis Mifccllanea 
And. Alciati Left. Var. 
Annotatioties in Ploratium & alios 

audtorcs 



Conflitutionum Gr^carum Codicis 
Colledio, & Interpretatio, cum 
Epitome Novell. Julian, per Ant. 
Auguftinum 

Idem de Notis 

Idem de Notis Antiq. Cod. Decretal. 

Apocalypfis S''* Johannis, cum Ex- 
pofitione & pulchris Figuris 

Apocalypfis Fr. Amadasi 

Apollonii Conica 
Elementa, lib. 4. 

Arrag. Regni Legitima Succefllo 

Archimedis Liber Secundus 

Arriani Hifloria 

Auli Gellii de No6libus Atticis 

Aufonii Poemata 

Ambrofii Moralis Annotationes 

Excerpta quae- 
dam de Concil. Toiet. 

B. 

Barcelonas Regni Confuetudines 
Jura Catalonias 
Privilcgia & Foedera 
Conftit. Synod. Aragon. 



X 



Bi- 



u6 



CATALOGUS MSS. LAT. 



Biblia vulg. edit. 

vL.lg. cum Interpret. &■ GIofT. 

VLllg. 

vulg. diverfa ordinc difpofita 
fol. . 
fol. 

a Genefi ufque ad San6l; Jo- 
hannis Evangelium 

a Proverbiis ufque ad Apocal. 
Pfalt. Proverb. Ecclef. Cant* 
Literis Longobardicis 

Pfal. cumOffic.Defundorura 
Pfalt. Literis Gothicis 
Iterum 
Iterum 
Ecclefiaflicus 

Propii. Minor.cumComment. 
Novum Teftamentum. 
EvangeliciE Liber Vitcc, litte- 
ris aureis, juffu Henrici Conradi 
Imp. f. 

Pauli Ep. cum Comment. 
A61. &Ep. Canono.cum'iGlof. 
Ada, Ep, & Apocaiypfis 
Apocalypfis, cum Comment. 
Sz figuris, literis perandquis 
Apdcalypfis cum Comment. 
Apocalypfis, literis Gothicis 
Blondi & Columellas Fragm. quced. 
Boetii Hift. Ecclef. Belgarum, Teu- 

tonumque 
Bruti Epilt. per Renutium, Latine 

C. 
Canones A poll. Literis Gothicis 
Cafliodori Opera 
Catonis Diftica, & alia quacdam 

ad Legem, Siquis pro eo,&c. 
Catulli Poemata. 
Conllitut. & Leges, per Petrum,Ar- 

ragonum. Regem 
C^iceronis Officia 

Ciceronis O/ficia, cum Epitaph, a 
XII viris compos. 



Offic. de Amicitia, Senec- 
tute, Paradox. &Somn. Scipionis 

Iterum, cum Comn~jent. 

de OfBciis Liber 

Iterum, Liber III. 

de Officio ad Q^Fratrenii 

Epillolas Familia;es 

Iterum, Lib. XXI. 

Iterum 

Iterum, Lib. XV'. 

Epiftolas ad Atticum 

Iterum 

pro M. Marcello, Oratio 
Oratio pro M. Marcello^. 
Dejotaro, L-igario, & Philippica- 
rum. Lib. IV. 

Orationes pro Pompeioj. 
Marcello, Ligario, Milone, Plan- 
co, Sylla, Licinio, Archia, Dejo- 
taro, Q^FIacco, Cluentio, Sextio,. 
Murcna, M. Caelio, L. Cornelio, 
in Vatinium, de Arufpicum Re- 
fponfis, de Provinciis Confulari- 
bus, pro L. Flacco, de Petitione 
Confulatus, pro Rofcio, in L. Pi- 
fonem, in Rullum, pro Leg. Ag- 
rar. in Rutilium, pro C. Rabirio 
ducC, & pro Cecina 

pro Pompeio, Milone, 
Planco, Sulla, Archia, Marcello, 
Ligario, Dejotaro, de Reditu, & 
alia ad Populum, in P. Clodium, 
pro M. Caslio, in Vatinium, &c. 
ut fupra. 

pro Pompeio, Marcello, 
Ligario, Dejotaro, Archia, Plan- 
co, alia pridie quam iret in exi- 
lium, pro Milone, in Vatinium, 
|)ro fuo reditu, & Phiiippicarum 
libri XIII. 

pro Marcello, in Catalin, 
& Catalinas in Ciceronem 

Cice- 



CATALOGUS MSS. LAT. 



^S7 



Ciceronis Orationes in L. Pifonem, 
•pro Milone, Planco, Ligario Sul- 
la, Flacco, Rofcio, Marcello^ de 
Reditu ad Senatum, & alia ad Po- 
pulum, pro Dejotaro, Archia, 
Seftii in Salullium, & Saluftii in 
Ciceronem 

pro variis, ut fupra 

Philippica 
Ciceronis Parcitiones Oratoricse, ad 
M. Brutum 

de Partitione Artis Rhe- 
toricze 

Rhetorica ad Herennium, 
& de Inventione 

ad Heren. liber, & ad Q^ 
Fratrem 

Academ. Quscft. & ad 
Herenn. Rhetor. 

Philippicarum Qli^e(1. lib, 
XIV, & Fragmenta qu?edam 

Orationes Verrin^e 

De Inventione Rhetor». 

In Catalinam 

In Saluftium 

Rhetorica 

De Oratore 

Ad Brutum 

De Oratore Perfcflo libri 
III. adQ^F. 

Iterum 

Iteriim 

De Or.itore, cod, antiq. 

Iterum ; ad Brutum ; To- 
pica De Fato ; Acad. Qli;i2(1. ad 
Herennium ; Rhetorica 

De Claris Oratoribus 

De Inventione 

De Orat. gen; ad Brutum 

de Oratione ad Qii. Frar. 

De Oratoris OfFcio 

Rhetoricorum lib. 11. ad 



Herennium, de Natura Deorum 
Vl. de Divinatione de Fato ; de 
Officiis III. 
Ciceronis Rhetoricorum IV. 

Ad Herennium Rhetorica 

Tufculanse QtieftionesIV. 

Iterum 

Iterum 

Iterum 

Iterum 

De Divinatione 

Tufculan^ Quxdiones 

Philippicce 

CaufaadRR. anteexiliunv 
ad Verrem 

De Legibus 

Iterum, & Academica 

De Partitione Orationis^ 

Fraormenta 

Catalin. Orat. 

Liber Hortenfius 

De Natura Deorum 

De Finibus 

De Divinatione 

De Fato 

In Catalinam 

Som. Scipionis 

De Amicitia & Senefiuta 

De Divinatione, lib. II. 

Iterum 

De Amicitia & Senefluts 

Som. Scipionis 

De Finibus 

De Natura Deorum 

Divinatione 

Topica 

De Fato 

Acad. Qiis'ft, 

De Senedute 

De Amicitia 

Paradoxa 

Som. Scipionis 

Paradoxa 

«, Cicera- 



158 



CATALOGUS MSS. LAT. 



Cicero de NaturaDeorum 
Divinatione 
De Fato 
De Re Militari 
Som. Scipionis 
De Amicicia 
Som. Scipionis 
SenediLite 
Paradoxa 
Cindafiunthi &aliorum Regum Li- 
ber Judiciorum, fol. Literis Go- 
thicis, compa(5lus cum i^miliano 
Cod ice 
Claudiani Opera, 4to. in Memb. 
Ejiifdem Opera aliquot 
Conflituciones & Canon. Apofiol. 
Cod.-x ^milianus, & Codex Confi- 
liorum Virgilianus, Literis Gothi- 
cis in Memb. fol. Tom. duo j. d. 

I. 2. 

CoIumelljE, Catonis, & Varronis de 

Re Ruftica 
Ingens Conciliorum Colledio, quam 

non defcripfr 
Concordantias Bibl. fol. in Memb. 
Cratis Cynici Epiftol^, per J. An- 

dream tradu'ft^, 4to. in Memb. 
Crifpi Saluftii Opera 
Dares Phrygius, fol. in Memb. 
S. Cypriani Epiftols 
Ingens Coiledtio Juris Pontificii, & 

Canonici, quam non defcripfi 
D. 
Demofthenis Oratio ad Alexandrum 

4to. in Memb. 

Orat. pro Ctefiphone, L. Valla 

Interprete, fol. in Memb. 
Ejus Vita per Aretin. exPlutarcho 
EiigeftiVtrterisTituIi, 8vo. in M.-m. 
Diogenes Laertius, fol, in Memb. 
Marcialis cum D. Calderini Comm. 

In Ibim. Ovidii, & aliquot Cice- 

ronis Epiflolas 



iEI. Donat. Grammatica In Terent. 
Hegefippi Hilt. lib. V. fol. in Memb. 

E. 
Epiftols & Ingens earum Farrago, 

quas prudens prsterii 
Eufebii Csefarienfis Hiftoria Ecclef. 

in Memb. 
Eutropii Hilt. Rom. 4to. in Memb. 

F. 
Frederici Imperatoris Teftamentum 

et EpiftolfC, fol. in Memb. 
Feilus Pompeius de Re Latina 
Flavii Jofephi Opera 
F. Vegetii Opera 
Rogeri Baconis Traclatus Varii 
Forum Judicum (hodie Fuero Ju/go) 

Codex Gothicus, in Memb, ij. Z 2. 
F. Aretini in Phalaridis Epiftolas 

F. Petrarchas de Regibus Romanis, 
Codex Ant. in Memb. 

DeRem. utriufq; Fortunac 
G. 

G. Acoilas Comm. in Threnos, Je- 
remise, in Ruth. & in 3'". Johan- 
nis Epiftolam 

Galeni in Hippocratis Aphorifmos, 
ex Grsco Verlus, Codex aut. in 
Memb. 

Galli Poetas Carmina 

Gennadius de Viris illuftrlbus, Lite- 
ris Gothicis 

G. Fulginas in Avicennam 

Gothicae Leges, fol. 

^j' V- 15- DeGothorum & Vandalo- 
rum in Hifpania Ingreifu. V'ide 
Ifidorum 

Ingens Patrum Coll. quos prseterii 
H. 

Hypocratis Epiftolam, per R. Arcti- 
num, Latine 

Aphorifmat. 5c Progm. 
Libri IV. in Memb, 

Horacii FJacci Opera, Codex ?,ut in 
Memb. Hcratii 



C A T A L O G U S M S S. L A T. 



'59 



Horatii, cum Comm. Acronis 

Iterum, 4to. in Mcmb. 

Iterum, fol. 

Iterum, cum Gloffi^ 
Horatii Fiacci Odarum, Lib. IV. in 
Memb, 

Serm. &Ep. 4to.in Memb. 

Annotationes in Horatium 
& alios, 8vo. 
Homeri Iliados Lib. 4to. in Memb. 

J. 

Imperatorum R. R. Imagines 
Indices Antiqui Manufcriptorum 

Lat.Hifp.Graec. Arab. Heb. &c. 

in Bibliotheca Scorialenfi, ex qui- 

bus multi igne perierunt. ) J. i6, 

17, 18, 19. 
Index perantiquus Bib. Scorialenfi?, 

Fol. ) N. 9, 10. I ij.K. 10. 
Index Antiquus Grseco-Latinus Bib. 

Vaticanas, fol. j, XI. 2. 
Index BibliothecEe Card. Sirleti Gras- 

co-Latinae, fpl. ) J. 15. 
Flavii Jofephi Opera in Memb. 
Ifidori Hifpalenfis Opera omnia 
Ifidori Junioris Chronicon 
Chronica Varia 
Ifocrates L. Lippio Interprete, 4to. 

in Memb. 
Cicero de Nat. Deor. 4to. Memb. 
JiCsefaris Comm. 4to. in Memb. 

de Bello GallicO; 4to. in 

Memb. 
J. FirmiciM. Aftronom. 4to.Mem. 
Lucii Flori Hiftoria 
S- Julii Frontini Stratagem. 4to. & 

fol. in Memb. 

De Aouoedud.Urbip, 4to. 
J. SolinideSicuOrbis,4to.inMemb. 
Iterum 
Iterum 
de Origine & Nomine Ur- 

bis RomsE, fol. in Memb. 



Juftini Ep'tome Trogi Pompeis, in 
4to. & folio 
Iterum 
Iterum 
Jufliniani Codex fol. Memb. 

Iterum 
Juftiniani Partes 
Partes 
Juvenalis Satyra?, 4to. in Memb. 
J. Coelii Hiftoria Atcilac, Hunno- 
rum Kegis 

Carmina 
La6lantii Opera 
Ladtantii Plinii Commentariis in 

Statium Poetam 
L. Valla de Elegantia Lingua; La- 

tinas 
L. Aretini de Bello Gothico 
de Bello Punico 
Hiftoria Florentise 
Lucania Pharfalia, cum Notulis 
Lucianus de Longoevis 
Lucii Flori Epitome Hiftorias Titi 
Livii, 4to. in in Memb. 

De Bello Romanorum 
Lucilii Libri 26 in 4to. periit in 

Igne 
Macrobii Saturnalia, 4to. in Memb. 
Catonis, Columellae, & Varronis de 

Re Ruftica 
M. Tullii Ciceronis Opera 
V. Martialis Epigramniata 
Iterum 
Iterum 
Ficini Liber de Voluptate 
Martianus Capella 
Martialis Opera 
Matt. Siculi contra Quintilianum 

Imj reftiis eft 
Mahometi Hiftoria 
Nenius Marcellus 

Oro- 



i6o 



CATALOGUS.MSS. LAT. 



Orofander de Re Militari, 4to. in 
Menib. 

Idem de Optimo Imper. 
Onuphrius Panviniui — de Bib. Va- 

ticana 
Oroliiis de Situ Orbis 
Ovidii Metamorphofiis, 4to. & fol. 
in Memb. 

Jdcm, 4to. Memb. 
Epiftola?, 4to, Memb. 
De Arte Amandi, curn Com. 
De Arte Amandi 
De Remedio Amoris 
ElegifE, 8vo. Memb. 
Palladii de Agricultuia 

Iter urn 
5an6ti Pauli Epiftolse ad Senecam, 
& Senecs ad Paulum, 4to. in 
Memb. 

Refponfio deChrifload 
Claudinm CcEfarem 
A, Perfii Satyn^ 
P. Criniti de i^oetis Launis, impref- 

fiis eft 
P. Pomp na'ii de Incarnationibus 
Phalaridis Epiftolas 
P. Cluverii Sicilia, 4to. Memb. 
PhocE C-irammatica 
Platonis Ep'rtolas qua^dam 
Plinii Sen. Hiftoria, Memb. 

Inn, Epiftolse 
riutarchi Vit^.L. Aretino Interprete 
Iterum 
Iterum 

Iterum * 

Poggii Difputatiuncul^i^ 
Pomponius Lartus 
Porphyrius de Nymph. Antro. 
Grammatica Prifciani 

De Arte Gram. 
De Conflitutione 
Prifciani Majoris Opera 
Propertii Carmina 



Profperi Aquitani Sententia dc D. 

Auguftino 
Prudentii Carmina 
Fab. Quintiliani Opera omnia, 4to. 

in Memb. 
Q^Curtii Hift. 4to. Memb. 
Rcnutii Arecini Verfio Epiftolarum 
Hypocratis & Bruti, e Grseco 
La tin a 
Repertorium Legum ij. d. i. 
Caii Saluftii Invcdtivain Ciceronem, 
4to. 

Catalinarum aKs^aXou 
De Bello Jugurthino, Memb. 
Iterum, in Memb. 4to. 
Iterum & Catalina, 4to. ' 
De Bello Catalinae & Invediva 
in Ciceronem, fol. 

In Ciceronem, & Cicero in 
Salluftium, fol. 

De Conjuratione Catalin^E, & 
Bello Jugurthino 
Iterum, cum Inveft. 
Jugurthinorum 
Conj. Catilinas 
Sapphus Epiitola ad Phaonem 
Seneca Tragoedi::?, cum Comm. 
Iterum 
Iterum 
Omnia utriufque Senece Opera 
Servius in Virgilium, fol. 
Front ini Stratagem ata 
Card. Sirleti Bibliotheca 
Solini Polytriftor. 
Statii Thebais & Achilleis 

Comm. in Statium 
Strabonis Geographica, ex Verfione 

Guarini, fol. 
Suetonii Fr. Vitre 12 Cii^farum 

Iterum, fol. 
Sulpitii Scvcri HiHoria 
P. Terentii Comoedias, 4to. M. 
. Cum Comm. Donati 

Varro 



CATALOG us MSS. LAT. 



i6i 



"^drro de Lingua Latinac 
Alb. Tibulli Carmina, 4to, 

Iterutn 
Titi Livii Decas, i ma fol. M. 

Libri a XXXI. ulque ad 
XL. 

Decas II. fol. Memb. 

Hid. Rom. & de Bello 

Macedonico, fol. Memb. 

Ejufd. Libri, X fol. 

Hill. Rom. fol. Memb. 

ALib.XXI.ufqueXXX. 
perfedlum, fol. in Memb. 

PrimiX. Libri, fol. Memb 
A Lib, I. ufque ad XL. 
caret 30. Pag. fol. Memb. 

A Lib, I. ufque ad XII. 
cum Additione infra 12. Memb* 
fol. 

Epitome 

Iterum, cuni Lucre Floro 
Trogi Pomp. Hiftoria, 4to. 
Juftini Hiftoria, fol. Memb. 
Epitome Hift. Juflini 
Martialis Opera 
Val. Maximus, 4to. Memb. 
Iterum 
Iterum 



Iterum excerpta 
Varro de Re Ruftica, folio 

Iterum 
Vaticanse Bibl. Index Grseco Lat« 

folio 
Fl. Vegetii Epitome 
Virgilii Maronis Opera, folio in 
Memb. 

Iterum 
Iterum 
Virgilii Bucol. Georg. & ^neid. 
Bucolica 

Opera, cum Servio, fol. in 
Memb. 

Opera,cum Fig. fol. Memb J 

Opera aliquot 
Bucolica, & Vita Virgilii 
ppera, fol. in Memb. 
JEneis, & Vita, fol. in 
Memb. 
Vitruvii Arcbitedlura 
Xenophontis Dialogus de Tyranno- 
rum Vita, Aretino Interprete 

Cyri ad Milites Oratio 
Pancirolli Opera 

Leges Wifogothorum, fol. Memb. 
III. L. 12. 



An Alphabetical Catalogue of GREEK MANU- 
SCRIPTS, now e^ifting in the Library of the 
Convent of the E s c u r i a l. 



A. 



A Bamonis Refp. ad Ep. Porphy- 
'*^ rii 

Aduarii Methodi medendi 
JEliani, Rhecoris, de Re M.Ktari, 
cum Figuri^ in Membrana 



iEliani de inftruendis aciebus 

De Var. Hid. Libris XIV. 
De Animalibus 

.ffilii Alcxamerii de Partibus, cum 

Tralliano 
JE((.hy\i UcTuoi'Ti'; cum %9hio7i 
Y iElii 



62 



CATALOGUS MSS. GRiEC. 



lEYn Amydeni MedicinjE rtr^xQitXcg 

De Arce Medendi 
Alcinoi de Doflrina Platonis Liber 
Alexandri Aphrodifei in Analytica 
Ariftotelis 

In Ariftotelem de Repre- 
hendendis Sophiftis 

Nat. Problemata 
Fragmenta ex iifdem 
De Temperamento & In- 
cremento. 

Tralliani, de Affedibus 
De Diebus Criticis 
De Auribus 
Canonum & Co ciliorum Colledio, 
fada julTu Itnpcratoris Joannis 
Comncni, i Volumen deeft. ij. 

^ 3- 
Alyfii I^^goge in Muficam 
Ammonii, Herm, in Porphyrium 
De Interpretatione 
Inejufdem Metaphyfica 
Methodus conftruendi Af- 
trolabia 
Anaftafii, Epifcopi Antiochenfis, 
Colleclio Divinorum Decretorum 
Andreze, Arch Epifcopi Cretenfis 
deXXX Argenteis, & venditio- 
ne Chrilli. Sandlae Liturgire In- 
terpret. 
Andronici contra Platonem ad Befa- 

rionem 
Andronici, Peripatetici, de Anima, 

De Miris Aurificiis. 
Aphthonius Sophifta de Arte Rhe- 

torica 
ApoHoiiori, Athenienfis Grammat. 

de obfidcndis Civitatibus 
Apollonii Perg;^i Comicoruni Libri 

tres 
Apollonii Rhodii Alexand. Argo- 
nai]ticorum. Liber Primus, cum 
JCoAtcr? incerti. 



Apollonii Rhodii deDidionum Paf- 
fionibus, IV. ^23. 

Grammatici Li- 
bri Tres, iij. V. 9, 
De Conftrudione 
Partlum Libri, IV. iv.^ A. 
Appiani Alex. Romans Hirt. Li- 
bri V. 
Apfini de Prosmiis 
Arati ^xi:/df.<.£ux, trSv t^oKioi?, -^ V» av- 

Archetaii, Philofophi, de Divina 
Chemia Vcrfibus lambicis 

Archimcdis Opp. cum Commenta- 
riis Eutochii 

Aretcci Cappadocls cie Morbis 

Ariftarchi de Sole & Luna 

Arilleas ad Philocratcm de LXX 
Interp. Vide inBibliochec^ pria- 
cipio, iij. A. 6. 

Arillidis Quiintiliani de MufiCa, Li- 
bri tres 

RhetorisSermones varii,XX. 
Tluvx^rivxiKog y^ Movu^ix eb-j. 

De Urbano & Simplici 
Sermone 
Ariilophanis TlXiiT(^, y^ N£^£A«j, t^ 
BxTPx^^olf c-'ov o^oXioTg 

BxT^xxo^i iterum 
Ariftotelis Stagirits Opera omnii, 
cum uberrimo eorum numero ; 
Quse, cum ifta Philofjphia diu 
exoleverit, non defcripfi 
Arilloxeni Harmonic. Lib. III. 
Afclepii, Phil. Tralliani 

In Arithmetica Nicoma- 
chi 

In Ariftotelis Metaphyfica 
Divi Athanafii, Archiepifcopi, A- 

lexandrini Opera 
Athen:cus de Machinis Bellicis 
Avicenns de Urinis Tradatus opt. 

Au- 



CATALOGUS MSS. G R JE C, 



Aurolyci Sphjerica 
Ada Conciliorum, ViJe infra Jus 
Canonicum, fol. 130. 

B. 

Barlaam & Joafaph Hift. per Joan. 

Monachum, vide Nomen 
Divi Bafiiii Archiepifcopi Casfare^, 
feu iTiagni Opera 

Monachi Opera 
Patritii hx,viao{x^o(. 
Befafionis, NiceniEpifc.Card Opera 

B I B L I A. 

A I. Cap. TsHtTiui, ad XXII. Cap. 

B«(rtA£a;y. 
BcciT. UaoxXtTT. Ec-$^(z;. E<&£^. To^iag. 
laSt^. MarM. Codex Imp. Catacuze- 
ni inMembrana 
Pfiiterium d>ii(pxXov. 
Pfalmi Lingua Armenica 
Fragmentuni h'zechiclis, Danielis, 

& Maccabaeorum 
Evangeiia cum Can. Eufebii, Sc Pic- 
turis, cum A(5lis Apoftolorum & 
Epiftolis Pauli 

cum iifd. Can. & Epift; 
cum iifdem 
cum Textu folo 
Litteris Majufculis, ate- 
9aA(^, >f^ aVsAEji^, in Membranis 
per Annum, notaantiqua, 
in Membrana 
Ada Apoftolorum, cum GlofTis ano- 
nymi, in Membr. 

Et Epiftoln^, in Memb. 
EtApocalypfiSjCumScho- 
liis mnrg. in Memb. 
Acta Apoft. & cum Argumentis 
Epiftolse Paulli in Membr. 

omnes, exceptis ad Roma- 
nes, Cor. I. Codex mutilus 
EpirtoljE aliquot Pauli, & Apoca- 
iypfis, cum Gloffis in Membr. 



Epiftolas diftribut^ per Sabbata to- 

tius Anni, in Membr. 
Apocalypfis in Membr. 
Bitonis Fabrics Bellicae, alter fimills 
Boethii Sev. Conlblat. lib. V. cum 

Verfione Grnsca Max. Mon. Pla- 

nudis, & FraEfatione 

C. 

Q^ Calabri Paralipomena Homeri, 

Lib. XIV. 
CI. Ptol. Conftr. Math. Lib. XIII. 
Geog. Enarr. Lib. VIII. 
Apotelefmatum ad Syrurn, 
Lib. IV, 

Harmonicorum, Lib. I. 
idem, cum Comm. Porph. 
TfT^a^t^A©^, aliaque rullius mo- 
menti 
Clementis Romani Prrccepta 
Conftantini Imp. Porphyro-Genne- 
tse, & aliorum Impp. Novella 
M. Imp. Vita 
de eadem Eufebius 
Epiftolas ad Plebem C: 
Ecclefise Alexandrinas cum Atha- 
nafio 

ExplicatioLiterarum quas 
in ejufdem Sepulcro Marmoreo 
inventas funr,per GenadiumScho- 
larium. Vide Nomen. 

Lafcaris deVcrbis, Lib. If. 
Cofma2 Ind. Pleufti in Proph. Dav. 
Cyrilli Archiep. Alexomenis Coll. 
Di6lionum, SS. iij. Y. 16. 

Lexicon ejufdem per Anton. 
Philolbphum, iij. V. 8. 
Ejufdem in Genefin 
De Retributione Judasorum 
Expofitio in Amos, Jo-lem, 
Malachiam, Sophoniam, Abdiam, 
Jonam, & Aggeum 

In IV. Proph. mai. in Memb. 
y 2 Jn 



i64 



CATALOGUS MSS. GRJEC. 



In Efaiam 

Acclamatio ad Imp. Theodo- 
fium 
Cyrilli, Archicpifcopi Hierolbl. Ca- 
techefes 

Epiftola ad Regem Conftan- 
tium, de Crucc in Ccelo vifa 

Controverfia adverfus Julia- 
num & Theodofium 
Conftantini Mana.Ti^ Synopfis chro- 
nica a Ron.a condita ad Nicepho- 
rum Boioni^tum 
D. 
Demetrli Phalerel de Interpretatione 
Avicenii Epirroema, five 
Confecratio 
Democr'iti Phyfica & Myftica 
DemoHhenis Ath. Rhet. Oratio 

de Foedere Alexandrine, 
de Rhodiorum Libertate 
Fragmentum 

Adverfus Timochratem, 
cum Argumento 
Orationes 

Orationes X.cum Argum. 
Orationes XIX, cum Ar- 
gum. Libanii, & quorund.Schol. 
Didymi Alexandrini de Marmoribus 

& omni genere Lignorum 
Diodori Siculi Hift. Bibliothecas Li- 
bri XV. demptis VI, VII, VIII, 
IX, X 
DionisCaflii, Nic. Epitome Rom. 
Hift. quam in comp. redegit Jo- 
annes Xiphilinus, Imperia XXV. 
Csefarum, a Pomp. M. ufque ad 
Alexandrum Mameas filium com- 
ple6lens 

Hift. Rom. de Capite ^y 
ufque ad 58, hiatus eft 

Prufii Chryfoftomi Rhe- 
toricas Exercitationes 

7 



Dionyfii Afri Alexandri in Lyco- 

phronem. Vide Nomen. 
Dioi.yfii Halif at-naiTci Methodus Pa- 
negyricuru.n 

Orbis Defcriptio 
Probkmara Rhe orica 
De V. D:ale(5tis Tradatus 
De Thucydidis Proprietat. 
Dionvfii Areopag. de divinis Nomi- 
nib iS 

De coelefti & ecclefiaftica 
Theologia 
Dionyfii E.piftol£eVari2e,cum %oKioTf 

in Membr. 
B. Dionyfii, Archiepifc. Alexandr. 
ad Bafilidem Epifcopum, de di- 
verlis Capitibus, &c. 
Dionyfiii Cerinthii Afr. Orbis De- 
fcriptio, & de XII. ventis cum 
Alexandrino 
Eadem 
Dionyfii Thr. exotemata Grammat. 
Diophantis Alexandri Arithmeticae, 
Lib. VIII. 

lidem cum Exp. Maximi 
Planudis 
Diofcoridis Opera Vxi^aAajis 

E. 
Emm. Bryenii Harmonicorum, Li- 

bri III. 
Emm. Calecas de Fide Catholica 
Emm. HeleboliCarmina,cum Mof- 

chopulo 
Emm. Imp. Palsologi Oratio fune- 
bris proFratre fuo Theodoro Por- 
phyrogenneta 
Emm. Mofchopuli Diifliones Atti- 
ca^, cum Addic. Marg. 

Schsdia, iv. fl. 5. 
Comment, inlnventionem 
quadratorum numerorum 
Emm. Philof. Ephefini Carmina var. 

Emna. 



CATALOGUS MSS. GRJEC. 



>65 



Emm. Raulii EpiftolT tres, ad Ang, 
C(i!othctam,rimm.Metrochitam, 
Imp. Joannem Cantacuzenum 

Ephefiiis in Cenfur Arifto^elicas So- 
philtarum, & in eafdem Proleg. 

Ephraim Syri Vita 

Herodiani de Regno Marci, Libri 
XIX 

De Figurls 

Erotiani Lexicon Hippocratis ad 
Andromachim 

Evagrii Hiftoria Ecclefiaftica 

Ex Evagrio capita varia 

De Sermonis Difcrimine capi- 
ta LI V 

Euclidis Geomet. Elemcntorlim Lib. 
XIII. in Memb. 

Liber primus 

Sectio regulge de Mufica & 
Ifagoge harmonica 

Catoptica, Phasnomena,D£e- 
omena 

Eunapii Sophift. & Philofoph. Vit^ 

Euphrafini Magiri Narratio 

Euripidis Hecuba, Andromache, 
Medea, Oreftes, Pha^niflae, & 
Hyppolitus 

Hecuba, cum GIofTis 

Eufebii Pamphylii Expofitio in Ifa- 
iam Prophetam 

De Ecclefiaftica Hiftoria Libri duo, 
a£la fub Conftantino Imp. XXX 
ann. compledens. De ejufdem 
Conftantini Vita Libri V. 

De Martyribus, qui Ca^farejE Palef- 
tinas fub Diocletiano & Maximl- 
ano pafli funt, Gr^ce & Latine, 
Vincentio Marinerio Interprete 

Euftathii Parembolita Ifmenio 

Euthymii Monachi Zigabeni Car- 
mi na 

in Prophetam Davidem 



Euthymii Panoplia Crthodoxas Pi- 
dei in Memb. 

Eucochii Afcalonitae Comm. in Ar- 
chimedem de Sphaera, &c. 
G. 

Galeni Opera 

Gaudentii H^-'monica Introduflio 

Gennadii Expofitio Literarum,qu?e 
inventse funt in Sepulcro Marmo- 
reo Conftantini M. in queis agi- 
tur de principio & fine Imperii 
Ifinaelis, & de Famigerato & 
eledo Imperatore 

Georgii Choniatis '£^£A>»)'vKr/x0', ceu 
Graeca Explicatio Aniidotorum 
ex Perfia importatorum. Et Sy- 
nopfis accuratifTima de Urinis ex- 
pofita ex Perfarum medendi Arte 

Georgii Codini de Palatio Conftan- 
tinopolitano 

Georgii Monachi Byzantinas Eccle- 
fise Chronicon in Membr. 

Georgii Pachinreras Romana^ Hift. 
Libri XII. 

Georgii Preft^. Cef. Hift. Concilii 
Niceni, &quas Partes egerit Con- 
ftantinus Imperator 

Georgii Trapezuntii Ifagoge in Pto- 
lomasum 

in Platonem 

contra Grsecos ad Joan, 

Greg. Nazianzeni Opera omnia 

Greg. Thaumaturgi Opera 

Greg. Nyfieni Opera 

Greg. Papas Epift. ad Leonem Ifau- 
ricum 

Greg. Mon. Comp. Philofophias 

Greg. Palaman Arch. ThelT. Apolo- 
gia adverfus Impios 

Greg. Epilcopi Tauromenije Sicillas 
Homilise 

Germani Patr. Conft. de V. S. 

H. 



a66 



CATALOGUS MSS. G R JE C. 



H. 

Heliodorl Phil, ad Im|:^.Theodof]um 
Heracliti Eph Pont. Dcfenfio Horn. 
Hermins Ph. in Platonis <i?a.i^oov c^o'Aia 

& Phi'.of. Irrifio 
Hermogenis Rhecorica cum %o?,ioi; 

& ejus Vita in Membr. 
Heronis Alexandrini 

de Re Militari 
Varia de Geometria 
de Menfuris 
Definitioncs vocum 
XaocGaAifwj ConftruftioSc 
Proport'o 

Hefiodi Opera & Dies, cum %oxCo^i 
Procli Piatonici Diadochi 

QsoyouKx, (^ui/ ^oAk/K, »t, t. A. 

Hefychii Prefb. Hicroibi. Sermo 
Hieroclis Phil, Comm. in Pythag. 

Diaa 
Hierothei Philof. Carmina lambica 
Plippocratis Cei ! hyficorum Prin. 

oc(po^iQlj.'jC)/ Sed:. VI. 

Ilspi ocvrrvioi 

De Vidus Ratione 
De Ptifana cum Expofi- 
tione Galeni 
Hippolyti Thebani Cronicon 
Hippolyti Epifcopi Rom. de Con- 

fummatione S^culi 
Homeri Ilias cum %oAjok in Memb. 
llias, cum Paraphrafi 
Tzetzis 

Ilias iterum 
OdyflTcia 

"hoi^.oi.yj.ix 
Honorii Imp. Epift. ad Arcadium 
Herm. Sozomcni Ecclefiaft. Hilh 
Lib. IX. 



I. 

Jamblici Chalcedonenfis de Pytha- 

goreorum Seda, Liber 4tus. 

Idem, & Introdudio A- 

rithmetica Nicomachi 
Ichnilatis Fabul^ & Sententis 
J. Archi. Their, de Refurredione 

Chrifti 
J. Argyropoli Solutiones dubiorum 
J. Bechii Patr. ConH; de Unione 

Ecclefiarum 
J. Cantacuzeni Imp. Byz. Paraph. 

in Ethica Ariftot. 
J. Cantacuzeni Im,p. Byz. Paraphra- 

fis 

In Ethica Aridotelis 
J. Cantacuzeni adverfus Legem Sa- 

racenorum Apolog. 4. 

Adverfus Mahume- 

dam, Libri IV. 
D. J. Chryfoftomi Opera 
D. J. Climaci Liber Afceticus in 

Memb. 

Idem, cum ^oAiorj 
D. J. Damafceni Opera 
J. Damafceni Medici Remedia in 

Memb. 

Idem, de Vacuis Me- 

dicamentorum 
J. Diacoiii Epiftol^ Duse 
J. Geometry Carmina 
J: Gram. Alex. Philoponi Com. in 

Arillot. &c. &c. &c. 
J. MetropolitPe Expofitio in Tabi- 

1ns mignas Feftorum, cum pul- 

chris Figuris 

Encomia. 
Joannis Monachi Sermo 
Joannis Mofchi occurfus 
joannii Pcdiafeni, Varia 
Joannis Ph. Itali Synopfis Vocum 

Porphyrii 

Joannis 



CATALOGUS MSS. G R M C. 



167 



Joanr.ls SicLili Doropatris di6li Ex- 
pofitio in Hermogenem de Inven- 
tione 

In Aphthonii -rr^oyvij.- 

Joan n is Stobasi hxoydii^ ,^ cliro<p'¥.y- 

[~*,X-iX H. T. A. 

Libri duo in Mem- 
bran a 
Joannis Tzetzis Paraphrafis in Ilia- 
* da 

In HeHodum 

o/oXitx, £ig Ottttiocvov 

In Lycophronem 
J. Xiphilini Epitome Dionis 
J. Zonaras Chronicon a Sulla ufque 
ad Alexium 

Exp. Canonum Anaftafi- 
orum 
Argyni Momchi Chronicon ab An- 
no 6976 Creationis Mundi 
Is Tzetzse Exp. in Lycophronem 
Ifidori Epiilols 

llbcratis Oratio ad Demonicum 
FJ. Jofephi Judaicas Antt. cum ejuf- 

dem Vita 
Judininni Imp. Novelise 
Juliani Csefaris de ^lio Imp.ad Sal- 
luftinum 

Oratlones duas 
Orationes & Epi(lol?E 
Nic. Chalcocondyli Hill. Turc. uf- 
que ad Mahomet, Libri X. 
L. 
Lconis Imp. Conftitutiones Bellicas 
Ecology Digeflorumi & No- 
vell arum 
LibaniiSoph. f^cvu-hx^ pro Imp, 
Juliano, &c. 
Epi;lolri? 
i .ibanii Epiftola ad Proconfulcm 
Montium,qui ab ipfo poIUilavtrat 



lit fcriberet D-moflhenis Vitam, 
et omnium Orationum ejus Ar- 
gumenta 

Epiftolas ad Bafilium 
Orationes 

Trailatus & Epidolse 
lidem 
EpiftolcE 
Luciani Philop. Opufcula 
Lycophronis Alexandra, cum Scho- 

liis Tzetzis 
Libanius & Ariftides ad Achillam 

M. 
Macroblus in Somnium Scipionis 
Marccllinus in Genefim 
M. Planufiis exp. 
Max. Tyrii Soph. Serm. XL. 
Michaelis Italiot^ Procon. Chron. 
Mich. Pfelli in Platonem de anima 

N. 
Nemefius de Hom. Natura 
Nicandri Grtplocxx & dxxs^i.ipxfu.oi'nx 
Nicephori Imp. Novellas : potiu3- 

Phocse 
Nicolai Damafceni Hiftoria 
Joannes Anuochenus 
Georgius Monachus 
Diodorus Siculus 
Dionyfius Halicarnafleus, &c. 
Nonni Dionyfiaca, Lib. XXIV. 

Infcriptiones, ex iifdem, Lib, 
XLVIII. 

O. 
Olympiadori Philof. Alex. o^oXia in' 
Platonis Gorgiam, Alcibiadtm, 
& Pha^donern 

Iterum in Phedonem 
Crrefandri Platonic! de Re Milirari 
Oppiani Libri de Aucupio, forte 

Hor, Apollinis Hieroglyph, ^gvp- 
tiaca ex Lingua, TEgyptiaca G-e- 
ca verfa per quendam Philippuni 

Orphsi 



i68 



CATALOGUS MSS. GRJEC, 



Orphei Argonautica 
Ovidii Epinote Gr^C2e Verfe, per 
\ Max. Monachnm 
P. 
Palladii Epi ex Brackmanum 

Hiftoria de IndixGentibus 
Palladii Sophitlas Scholins in Hippo- 
crate m 

Palchi oiTroTeXitrtAXTX 

Pantaleonis Narratio Miraculorum 
Pantaleonis Prefb. Byz. Oratio 
Pappi Alex. Colledanea Geome- 

trica 
Patritii Sacerdotis Homerocentra ab 

Eudoxia Imp. difpofita 
Pauli ^ginetse de Menfuris & pon- 
deribus Pharmacorum 
Medicinje Artis Libri 
Signa Medicinalia in Scripturls 
In Materiam Medicam . 
De fuccedaneis Galeni 
De Febribus 
P. Alexandrini de Domus Domi- 

nio 
Pelagii Philofophi de Chemia 
Petri & Paulli Apoftoloryim 7r^«H«»5 
Petri Epifcopi Alexandri Canones 
Petri Patriarch. Antioch. prasfcrip- 

tum 
Phalaridis Epiftolas, cxxxix. ad di- 

verfos 
Philonis Judsei Opera 
Fl. Philoftrati in Apollonium Ty- 
aneum, Sermones VIII. 

Vit:E Sophidarum 
Phocyjlidis Trxcxivi<ni<; 
Photii Bibliothcca 

Eadem 
Nomocanon in Titulis XfV, cum 

exp. Zonarre 
Sclera qujedam ex Photii Bib"ic)thc- 
ca de Grammatica ex Proclo cum 
Nonio 



A6la Synodi ConH-. 

Epiftolas XL VIII. ad diverfos 

Platonis Eutyphron. 

Alcibiad s cum Proclo 
Idem & Cratylus 
Phasdon, cum ^oAjcKQlym- 
piadori 

Idem, & Philebus, & Gor- 
giaF, cum XXVIII. Dialogis 
Phjedon & Gorgias 
Gorgias, Alcibiades, & Ph^- 
don 

Cratylus 
Tim^Eus 
Parmenides 
Platonis Theologia 
Opera fere omnia, praeter 
Libros de Legibus, & aliquot 
Dialogos 
Plotini Ph. ivyioihi mutilas 
Plutarchi Vitae Parallelse 
Alexander 
Sertonius 

Eumene?, &c. &c. 
Parallelae iterum 
De Animas Generat. 
Opufcula aliquot 
Polyaeni Stratagemata, Lib. VIIL 
Idem Opus, & Pontes, Stag- 
na, &c. &c, 
Polybii de Rebus Publicis, & Po- 

tcntatibus 
Porphyrii Qiiinque Voces 
Ifagoge 
De Virtutibus 
De Abftinentia ab ani- 
mahtibus 

In Harmonica Ptolomcei 
Vita Platonis 
Procii P rrix Conft. de Traditione 

Div'inai Liturgias 
Procii, L itii Ph. %6Kix in Opera & 
Dies Hefiodi 

Procii 



CATALOGUS MSS. GR^C. 



169 



Procli in Platonis Alcibiadcm, & 

Cratylum 
Procli in Alcibiadem 
Timasum 
Parmenidem 
Theologiam 

In eandem IV. Exemplaria 
Procopii Belli Gothici Libri duo 

Ejufdem Libri IV. Epifto- 
IseV. 
Pyndari Olympia, cum %oKiQi<; 

R. 
Rhodionis Lex Nautica 

S. 
Somnium Scipionis, cum Macrobii 
Expofitione, & Max. Planudis 
Verfione GrjEca 
S. Harmenopuli de Verborum con- 
ftru6t, & Lexicon, cum Add. 
Marg. IV. a 5. 
Sexti Empirici adverfus Mathema' 
ticos 

Idem 
Sybillina Oracula 
Simplicius in Ariftoteleni 
Cardinalis Sirleti Index fuas Biblio- 
thecffi Grseca?, cum variis diver- 
forum EpiQolis 
Socratis Ecclef. Hiftoria Lib. VIL 
de apparentibus diffcrentiis 
quarundam Obferv. Ecclefiaft. 
Sophoclis ' Aia? M(xr»>'o>of^ 

Ejus Vita 

A»af Wa,^iyo(po^(^ 

Sophoclis 'EAjxI^a cum %oAior? 
eadem 
'Oi^^^ns<; Tu^avv^ CUm %*' 



Stephani Byzantini de urbibus & Po- 

pulis 
Strabonis Geogr. Lib. XVII. 
Suidss Lexicon, Semiuft. tamen Ic- 
gibile, Charaderibus nitidifiimis 
Synefii Epiftol^ CXLVI. cum 
Gloflis 

Epiftol^XIV. 
Ad Diofcourum in Lib. Dc- 
mocriti 

Oratio ad Andronicum 

T. 

Themiftii Explorator, five Philo- 

fophus 
Theocryti Idyllia, cum Scholiis 
Theodoreti Opera 
Theodori Abucaras Opufcula 
Theodori Gaz£e Grammacic^e, Li- 
bri IV. 

Idem 

De Profodiis 
Theodori Prodromus in Mofchopu-; 
Ji Grammar. 

Theodofii Grammatica 
Theonis Alex. Grammat. Spec. 
Theonis Smyrnaei Mathematica^ 
Theonis Soph. 'rr^oyvixvsi<T[Aocra, fr\r4^ 

Theophanes contra Judasos 
Theophyladi Opera 
Theophyli deMedica Artevaria 
Theophrafti Charaderes 
Thomae Aquinatis Opera 
Xenophontis Aax£(^a»^»»wp UoyireU 

Uxoris fuse & Filiorum Vitaa 
Ypficles Arraphoricus 
Theoricus Smyrnaso 
Zozymi Commentaria 

De Aquis Lib. III. 

Z Zozymi 



lyo C A T A L G G U S M S S. G R ^ C. 



Zozymi Thebvini, Liber Myfticus 
''Eiri'y^xy-y.xTcc in Ariftotelem 
Platonem 
Agathonem 
Euripidem 
Ariftophanem 
Varis Epirtolas 
Poematas Varia 
Epiftol^ XV. 

VitasImp.aGallieno ufque ad Theo- 
philum 

Conftantini Maximi 
Conftantii 
Hermogenis 
De Legatis Romanorum ad Genti- 
les, Tomi duo 
DeMenfuris dz Ponderlbusin Mem- 

brana 
CatalogusHerbarum, cum variis de 

Re Medica 
Colledanea ex Hippocrate 
Galeno 
Oribafio 
Ruffo 
Paullo 
Alexandro 
Philomeno 
Archigene 
Afclepiade 
^tio 

Ifaac, & aliis 
Diofcoride 



Jus Civile. 



Lexicon Legis, & de Menfuris et 
Pond. 

Rom. Di(5l. in Lege 
Synopfis Bafilicorum • 

Novel J arum Leonis 
De Legibus ufeq. ad C. Annos 
Bafilicor. Lib. VIII. 



Leges Juftiniani colleflse 

Per Leonem 

Conftantinum 

Bafilium 
Hexabiblos 
CoUedio Conftitutionum 

Novellarum, cum Paratit- 
li-, & novelUs 
Seleda ex IX. Libris Imp. 
Novell. Fragmenta 

Jus Canonicum. 

Ada Synodi CEcumeniani 

eadem 

Ferrarienfis 

Sexts Conftant. 
A6la Odav. Synod. Conftant. 

Non. Syn. Conft. 
Conftitut. varijE Cone. Confi:. 
A6la Synodi Nicseni 

III.Ephefini contra Neftoiluni 

IV. Chalcedonen. 

Collefiio Par^emiarum, ex Suida & 
aliis.^per TarrhjEum, & Didy mum 
Poemata 
Pythagorica Di<5ti 

Sacra Biblia, cum ejus Par- 
tibus. 

A I mo Genefcos ad 20 Cap. Libri 

II. Rrgum 
Regum Libri Quatuor Paralyp, 

Efdras, Efther, Tobias, Judith, 

Maccab. 
Pfalterium aJt/fpaAo^ 

Armeniacum 
Fragg Ezeck. Dan. & Maccab. 
Evang.IV. cum Can. Eufeb. & Pic- 

turis 
Epiftolje Pauli & Ada App. 
Evangelia >iXT inccuTtv, cum Piila> 

ris IV. 



C A T A L O G U S M S S, H E B R. 



171 



IV. Evangel, fine Principio, cum 

PidiLiris 
IV. Evangel, fine Principio, aut Fi- 
ne, fed Litteris Majufculis 

In Membr. iij.4'. 5- 6. 7. 
iv. X. 21. fcripta an. 522 
Paulli Epiflola in Memb. 

Omnes duntaxat ad Rom. 
& Corinth. 

Aliquot & Apocalypfis 

antiqua Nota in Membrana 

Ada & Epiftols in Memb. 
cum GlofTis in Memb, 
Et Apocalyp. cum Scholiis 
Marg. in Memb. cum Argum. 
caret Fine 

Paulli, cum Arg. 

Apocalypfis, in Memb. 

Nov. Teftament. fine Apocalyp. 

Efdras, Efther, Tobias, Judith Mac- 
cab. 

Quasdam Traditiones SS. ex Heb- 
raic© in Gr^cum Verf^, mon- 
Itrantes Qi-iinam fuerinc SS. In- 
terpretes, & quo tempore 

Hebrew Manufcripts in the 
E feu rial. 

R. D. Kimchi in Pfalterium 

Threnos 
Ecc!efiafi:en 
Efther 
Efdras 
Daniel 
Nehemiah 
In Ifaiam 
Ofl'eam 
Johelem 
Amos 
Abdiam 
Mi eke am 

Habacuck, & alios Prophe- 
tas minores 



In xxvi priora Capita Efaij^ 
Fr. de Zamora Verfore iij. R'. 8. 

DiLlionarium Arab. Charad. Heb- 
raicis, ij. R. 7. 

Abcrnzohar Liber Medicinal 

Avicenae Canon. 

Biblia Sacra, cum Notis & pundlis, 
tom. 3. in Memb. 

cum Pundis in Memb. 
Pars cum Pundis 

Genefis cum Latina interlineali Pe- 
tro Ciruelo Interprete. (There is 
another copy of this book in the 
church-library at Segovia.) 

Liber Radicum in Memb. L 2. S. 

Comment, in Leviticum 

in Deuteronomium 
in Pfalmos, cura B. Arias 
Montani, ex antiquo Romano Co - 
dice defcriptum 

De obfervandis X. Prsceptis 

M. Gerundenfis Glofl^s in Job 

Hymni pro Diebus Feftis 

Comm. in Job, cum Salomone 

Liber contra Jud^eos 

Liber didus, Secunda Domus Ora* 
tionis 

Liber IX. Fundamentorum Religi- 
onis Chriftianse, Opus Filii Ar- 
thur, Difcipuli S. Jacobi Apoftoli 
Sermone Syro impreffus 

Pfalterium 

Job 

Proverbia 

Ruth 

Cant. Canticorum 

Ecclefiaftes 

Threni 

Efther 

Daniel 

Efdras 

Paralipomena j 

Expofitio Hebdom. Danielis, &c. 
Z 2 Elift. 



In eodem 
Codice. 



172 



CATALOGUS MSS. HEBR. 



Hid. Imperii Nabucodonofor Regis 

& fequentium Regum 
Galenus de Medicam. fimplicibus 
J. Forali Expofuio Parabolarum 

Evangeiicarum 
R. Jonae Porr^c Poenitentium 

Opus Impreflbs cum Salo- 
mone 
si. U:\i2c Matrani in Jofuam 
Judices 
Ifaiam 
Ezekielem 
PfalmoSjProph. 
De Jure Civili Opus,de Damno,No- 
cumento, & de Reftitutione, fol. 
in Memb. 
Matthias Nifchari Expofuio Alpha- 

betica Pfalmorum 
De Mcdica Materia ex Galeno, & 
Diofcoride excerpta quasdam, 
Opus Anonymi 



De eadem Liber 

R. Moyfis Chimchy Liber Gram* 
Hebraicsc 

On Kelos, 4to. in Memb. 

R, Salamonis Filii, Moyfis, MalgU' 
rii, Domus Dei, Liber fic appel- 
latus, in quo traftatur de Caufa, 
ob quam Moyfes tegebat fuam 
facie m Velo : Et quare Tabular 
Legis fcriptje erant in utroque 
Latere i & alia fecreta Legis Ra- 
binorum, &aliorum his fimiliuni 
in Fol. in Membr. 

Commentaria in Danielem, Prover- 
bia, Cantica, Ruth, & Threnos. 
in Pentateuchum 
in Leviticum 
in Numeros 

R. Salmonis Liber de Medicamer.- 
tis, fol. 

Targum Onkelos, 4to. in Metob^ 



LETTER 



LETTER IX^ 



Defcription of the City of T O L E D O. 



WE arrived at the city of Toledo, from Aranjuez, where- 
the court then was. May 12, 1761. We travelled in a 
coach drawn by fix mules, and were conduced by the Arrieros, 
or carriers, as is ufual : For you muft know, that the nobility and 
gentry of Spain only ufe poftilions, or drivers, in the cities and 
great towns; and when they take a journey, tho' they go in their 
own coaches, they generally have hired mules, and two drivers,, 
one fitting between the two fore- wheels, upon the bed of the car- 
riage, and the other generally running along-fide of the mules : 
which, as the two laft only are reined, or rather roped, run on 
with the coach with their heads pointing four or five different ways. 
This is but a trifling circumflance, yet even the mereft trifles may 
fometimes ferve io fhew the turn and genius of a people. We 
found the road to Toledo good for travelleps, the country about 
it but indifferent, tolerably tilled, and planted with olive-trees : 
We paffed almoft the whole way upon the banks of the Tagus, 
which are not by any means fuch as would furnifh a poet with 
fine landfkips, or beautiful images. But the river runs through a 
rude and wild wafle : the windings of it near the city of Toledo-. 
are beautiful; and where the river paffcs between the rocks on 
which the city is built, and thofe adjoining, with the bridge and' 
gate of the city, all together form fuch a view, as the wild ima- 
gination of the extravagant Salvator Rosa would have de- 



lighted iii> 



Tu%. 



174 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY 

The Cathedral is certainly equal in riches to the grandeur of 
the fee, but not in fabric; which is of th::. modern Gothic, not 
remarkably large, rich in carving, but the building neither light, 
nor of a good tafte : the cicling of the facrifty is painted by Luc a 
Giordano, and is indeed une, entire, and well-preferved. There 
are fome valuable pidures, one particularly of Titian: the cuf- 
todia, jewels, pearls, and precious ftones, are inconceivable, as well 
as ineilimable: altars with fteps to them of maify filver, gilt j the 
figures of the four quarters of the world, each drefled with the 
precious flones peculiar to its own quarter, and fitting on globes 
of two feet diameter, the globe refting on a pedeflal, and that 
on a bafe ; the figure, globe, pedeflal, and bafe being all toge- 
ther about ten feet high : all thefe, of mafiy filver, were the gift 
of Charles II's Queen, who furvived him; not to mention a 
filagree brazier, fome chefls, and a multitude of vefiTels, candle - 
fticks, lamps, fhrines, &c. &c. of filver likewife. Marble and 
granite in profufion. What plunder Nebuchadnezzar took 
away firfr, or Titus at the lafi:, from the temple at Jerusa- 
lem, I know not ; but I am fure there is enough here. The re- 
venues of this archbifliopric are well known to be the greateft of 
the ecclefiaflical Ibrt in Spain, and are, as well as I can learn, 
above '50,000 pounds a year. But the prefent archbiihop has not 
himfelf the whole revenue; for fince the refignation of the Infant 
Don Luis, the Infant has referved to himfelf the yearly appoint- 
ment of 60,000 ducats, or about 7400 1. flerling. This prelate 
likewife ranks very high as a civil or ftate-ofhcer, being primate, 
chancellor of Castile, and privy-counfellor. Mr. Ap-Rice, 
I remember, mentions there being 10,000 weavers in fiik and cloth 
in that city only : but, to fay the truth, that gentleman's accounts, 
with regard to this country, are very erroneous ; and as to the ma- 
nufactures of Spain in general, they are all now in a declining 
condition. — But give me leave here to make one remark upon the 
wealth that is fo ufelefly locked up in the feveral churches of 
thefe kingdoms; thole dormant riches, which a miftaken piety 
has fo abfurdly fet apart forever ; which anfwer no rational pur- 
pofe, and which neither ferve to the glory of Cod, nor the good 
of man : Mr. Macanas, vAio had been Plenipotentiary at Bre- 
pa, propoled to Philip V's minifters fome plans for making this 
3 jftag- 



O F T O L E D O. 175 

ftagnate wealth circulate a little, and become of fome ufe ; but 
the propofals were not accepted by the court; and this man had 
the fate fo common to genius in this country : His parts raifed 
him envy and enemies at court, and in the end he was banifhed 
entirely, and confined to Corunna, where he died. His Political 
Tejiament is a great curiofity ; but I could never get light of it. 
And lince his time another gentleman deligns laying fome propofals 
of the fame fort and tendency before the prefent miniffers. Thefe 
may poifibly meet with a more favourable reception : for as the 
prefent King has juft now had fpirit enough to confine the inqui- 
fitor-general, and banifh him to a great diflance j a bolder fbroke 
than any of his predeceifors ever dared to attempt 1 he certainly 
need not fear to put any meafures in execution, which he judges 
to be expedient. — ^ — But to return to Toledo. 

The Alcajjar, or Palace, built by Charles V. as fome fay^ 
or, as others, by the Archduke Charles, is a noble building; 
though it is now almofl: a ruin, being burnt by the Allies and 
Auftrian party, in the partition or fucceffion-war, left it fhould 
fall into the hands of Philip V. Who would ever conceive, that 
this very Philip fhould have afterwards defired an alliance with 
the burner of his own palace, and the competitor for his throne ? 
It was fuch a counfel as no one but a Ripperda could fu":P-eft, 

CO ' 

or indeed execute : yet fuch was the Vienna- Trfc?// / But I for- 
get Toledo. The manufadory {or /words is juft revived there, 
and their goodnefs is folely owing to the confluence of the Xa- 
rama and theTAGus : for thofe two rivers have been tried fepa- 
rately, by way of experiment, by the King's order, and their dif- 
united waters will not give that trempe. This manufactory is all 
worked by Englifli tools, which came into the hands of the Spa- 
niards very oddly: The ftory, as I was told it, runs thus ; — About 
twenty years ago, a fet of Englifli workmen came upon contradf to 
Toledo, to make fuch works, or engines, as were neceflary for 
throwing the water of the river up the rock into the town : for 
at prefent it is brought by aifes, each afs carrying fix earthen 
pitchers burthen, as indeed is the general cuftom throughout Spain : 
Thefe Englifh contradors brought with them all forts of Englifli 
inftruments and tools neceffary for fuch a work, and fome very 

large 



17*6 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY 

large iron pipes. The undertaking certainly was difficult ; but fo- 
reigners profeffing and endeavouring to execute fuch a work, as the 
Spaniards owned tliemfelves unequal to ; and then thefe being 
E?2glip:i Heretics, all thefe circumftances foon raifed the envy and 
jealoufy of the people : In {liort, from their oppofition, and their 
endeavours to counterad: every ftep the Englifh undertook, the 
v/hole projed: and defign came to nothing. But here my ftory 
begins to grow dark; for the concluiion is, that thefe EngHfli all 
died, and as there was no heir to claim their efFedts, they were 
kept as goods without an owner ; and what remains of thefe tools 
and effeds are now in the hands of the King of Spain, and em- 
ployed in the old, but juft- revived Sword-Fabric of Toledo. 

But give me leave here to make one or two remarks.- 



The effedts and goods of thefe unfortunate contradors amounted 
at leaft to above loool. What! were they and their fervants all 
fo abfolutely fwept away,_ that no one fliould remain as heir, clai- 
mer, or inheritor of thefe eftedts ? Had they no friends, or even 
relations left in England? Was there no refident, or ambaffa- 
dor then in Spain, to apply to for the removal of thefe goods, or 
at lead for the fale of them ? All thefe circumftances feem to me 
jfo improbable, that I am at a lofs what to fay, or what to conjec- 
ture : And the whole, I think, that can be faid, is, that it is really 
a very bUnd ftory. 

But to return to Toledo; the city, like that of Segovia, is 
built upon a rocky mountain ; but you muft remember at the fame 
time that it was built by the Goths or the Moors. I take parti- 
cular notice of this circumftance for two reafons; firft, becaufe it 
is evident, that a principle of fear, and felf-defence, drove thofe 
people into fuch marvellous fituations: And fecondly, Becaufe a 
Spaniard w^ould never have been induftrious enough to have carried 
fo much weighty and bulky materials up fo high, and into fuch 
impregnable and almoft inacceilible ftrongholds. For you can nei- 
ther get in or out of thofe cities, without paffing a defcent or af- 
cent of imnienfe length, and all in zigzags, jufl like lines of cir- 
cumvallation. The gates and portcullis's, like ibme of the Saxon 

:^ I have 



O F T O L E D O. 177 

I have CeQn 111 England, or Norman, never face the ftreet, but 
are all in oblique pofitions. The ftreets of Toledo are remark- 
ably narrow, but thofe of Segovia much broader, and the walls- 
of immenfe height, with turrets all round. 

There is indeed one very great curiofity at Toledo, not yet 
mentioned, which is an on'gma/ Hebrew Temple, and it certainly is 
a fine remain; but here, to my forrow, the piety of the Spaniard 
in converting this temple from Judaifm to Chriiliianity, or rather 
to Popery, has taken away much matter of entertainment to the 
antiquarians. The antient divifions, or cancelled, were all taken 
down ; \\\Q fanBum fanclorum, and even the tabernacle itfelf was 
here literally done away. There was likewife above a feparate tri- 
bune for the women, as I remember there had been at St. Cross 
at Winchester 3 and the walls, which are covered with the 
fineft Hebrew chara<5lers in the world, I believe ; written all over 
with the Pfahns in Hebrew ; thefe the good Spaniard had very 
zealoufly plaiftered over with untempered mortar. (Whether or 
no this temple will furnidi arguments for or againft Eifliop Hare 
or Dr. LowTH j whether it will determine any thing relating to 
the metre, the points, the vowels ; or whether it will fupport any 
Hufchinfonian nonfenfe -, all thefe things mufl be left to another 
time, and in the interim 1 fhall go on with my tale.) 

There were now no longer any traces or appearance of aught 
that ever had been yewifi, as much as if Titus, or the Inquifitor- 
General had been vifitors; and fo this temple flood for many years: 
There was nothing but a vague and vulgar tradition remaining, 
to prove that it ever had been Jewifli, and was now wearing the 
San-Bemto. But fortunately for the antiquarians, a canon and trca- 
furer of the church of Toledo, whofe name is Don Perez Ba- 
yer, being a man of parts and learning, and having a particular 
turn for Hebrev/, as one would think indeed from his name : 
This gentleman, I fay, happily obferving, that h\ fome places 
where the plaifter had fallen off, Hebrew letters might be traced, 
he had fpirit enough inflantly to fet about the difplaiflering the 
infide*of the temple, and has fince very accurately and carefully 
copied the whole intg a book, taken drawings and a fedion of the 

A a build- 



178 DESCRIPTION OF TOLEDO. 

building, and explained all with a learned and elegant difTertation; 
This book, you muft know, he cannot well publidi in Spain ; 
Spanlfli writers lie under difagreeable reftraints in that particular. 
Ugolinus, the great colledor of Hebrew antiquities, would fain 
have begged it of him, but he refufed : I offered to publifh it in 
England for him, if he would let me ; but he faid he had not 
iinifhed it, and would at leaft put the lafl hand to it, before he 
ever thought of printing. 

There are, I am told, near the city of Toledo, fome remains 
of a Clrcits and Amphitheatre , which are Roman, but at prefent 
one may almoft fay, 

ctiam h(V periere rumce. 

As I had but an indifferent Ciceroniy thefe I did not fee. Nor, 
which I am forry for, the very curious library which belongs to 
the cathedral, replete with invaluable treafures. But as one frankly 
owned to me, they do not much care to fhew their library, and 
lefs to print a catalogue of what it contains ; lefl they (hould dif- 
clofe how rich they are : politically apprehending, perhaps not 
without reafon, that if others were let into the fecret, they might 
pofTibly like to have a greater fhare in thofe treafures, than would 
be agreeable. 

There is alfo an hofpital for the French difeafe only, which 
will eafily tell you the prevalence and malignance of that diftem- 
per in this country. This is more owing to their want of neatnefs, 
and their ignorance in phyfic and chirurgery, than to any oth»r 
caufe. I remember the King^ phyficlan told me, that it had been 
obferved, that patients infedfed with this difeafe, if they came from 
a colder climate, were eafily cured here ; but if they went from 
hence infected into a colder climate, that they feldom or ever 
could be cured. There is an hofpital alfo io': foundlings , where 
the children feem to be well taken care of. 

I DO not remember any thing more worth obferving with re- 
gard to Toledo, than that they had hung on the wall of one of 
their convents a vafl number of fetters, which were taken when 
they releafed fome chridian captives from the Moors. The fetters 
are indeed monftrouOy large, and of inhuman weight : fuch is 
Eaftern cruelty! They were taken at the conqueftofGR anada. 

LETTER 




LETTER X. 



Defcription of the City of SEGOVIA. 



AVING jufl given a defcription of Toledo, I fhall now 
give an account of Segovia, for though the two cities are 
at fuch a diftance from each other, they have fome refemblance in 
common, and may ferve as companions, like two pid:ures, to each 
other. 

The fite of the city has fomething of a very martial air, built 
upon a high rude rock ; by which means moft of the entrances 
to it are fteep, and difagreeable, efpecially as you are obliged to 
make feveral zigzag- windings before you can gain thefummit : It 
is entirely furrounded with a lofty old Moorifh wall, with battle- 
ments and turrets, in the ftile of the fortifications of thofe days ; 
which indeed were almofl impregnable. There are feveral Ro" 
man infer iptions in the walls ; fome too high ever to be read, 
others turned wrong fide upwards, others defaced, and fome with 
the infcription turned inwards : For as the Moor s confidered thefe 
only as meer ftones to build with, it is no wonder to find them 
in fuch ftrange pofitions. I copied one or two of them of no 
moment, but however they ferve me as proofs to make out one 
point, which I fliall fpeak to hereafter. On the cajlle or palace- 
iijde of the town is a deep, natural fofs, formed by two contiguous 
ridges of mountain ; on the northern fide a fmall river runs at the 
foot of the rock ; which ferves to little other ufe, but to turn a 
large paper-mill, where they make great quantities of an ordinary 

A a 2 coarfe 



i8o DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY 

coarfe paper. The next advantage they draw from this river, is 
the wailiing thcmfelves and their linen ; which lafl is performed 
in Spain in the following manner, however it may furprize a good 
English honfewife. The women carry all their linen down in 
great bundles to the fide of this river -, and having chofe a good 
fmooth ftone, or fometim^es a piece of wood, they kneel down, 
wet the linen, and then wring it and foap it; and then beat it upon 
the flone or wood, till they have got the dirt out of it. And this 
is all the operation -, the chief inconvenience of which is, that the 
linen is apt to.be beat to pieces, otherv/ife it is clean enough. Iro?i- 
ing is, I believe, but httle ufed in this country; plaiting never; and 
the folding or fmoothing the linen is mofl commonly done by the 
hand, or what we call the mangle, or calendar. In France, I 
am told, the linen is wafhed in the fame manner, as may be it^vi 
on the banks of their rivers, and on thofe of the Seine at Paris, 
where the water is fo muddy and yellow, as to leave a bad tinge 
upon the linen. I am informed by a friend, that at St. Malo and 
other fea-ports in Britanny and Normandy, the women take 
the opportunity of the tide's going out, to wafli their linen in the 
fea-water left in the cavities or bafons in the rocks ; when having 
foaked, foaped and wafhed it, they lay it on the rock, and beat 
it with a kind of wooden battledore, which commonly pinks it 
full of holes. 

But as to the river's being of much ufe to the city, by fup- 
plying it with water for all the domefiic purpofes of life : This 
you will eafily imagine could not be the cafe, from the extreme 
height of the mountain ; and, becaufe they mufl conftantly have 
brouo-ht it up with affes, as they do at Toledo. It was this in- 
convenience, and the defire of fupplying the city more efFedu- 
dly, that gave rife to one of the noblefl works, to one of the moft 
mao-nificent fabrics of that fort pofTibly in the whole world : You 
will naturally guefs, I mean. The Aqukduct. 

The extent of this Aquedu^ is faid to be about three miles; 
at the eaflern entrance of the town it begins with fmall arches 

gradually 



O F S E G O V I A. iSi 

gradually encreafing, and rifing, till it expands into a double row 
of arches and pillars, and has then the noblefl effed: you can pof~ 
fibly conceive : Some of the firfl: arches are a little more pointed 
than the refl (which are fairly circular) tho' not enough, I think, 
to be really called pointed arches. The people have built fo many 
houfes round this Aquedudi, it would grieve any true Antiqua- 
rian to the heart; fmce you are hindered from having fo full and 
complete a view of it, as a whole, which every curious fpeclator 
would wifh : The ftone-pipes too, or duds of water, fixed to 
the fides of it in fome places, deface it much, and look rather 
like props •■, but they are certainly of the fame age v/ith the reft. 
With regard to the height, and other meafures'of this Fabric, I 
was forced to take them myfelf : for as to the people, they nei- 
ther know nor care how high it is, or how broad. Thus it fares 
with objedts, which we fee every day. Let them be ever fo noble, 
or excellent, when they become familiar, they are negleded : 
It is the novelty that ftrikes, and not the excellence. This is not 
peculiar to thefe people, but is the cafe of all : let an Englifliman 
never have i^tw the fea before, and I will warrant for his admira- 
tion and furprize ; though if you dSk a peafant about it near 
Brighthelmstone, he will tell you, " He don't fee any thing 
** very extraordinary in it." — Upon enquiring about the AqueduSf, 
fome faid it was io8 feet high, and that the number of arches was 
150; others 144 feet, and 177 arches. The reafon of this difference 
is, that as the arches mufl be of unequal heights, to maintain a 
kvelj they have meafured from different ffations : This indeed ac- 
counts for the difference of the meafures, but not for the number 
of the arches : How that happened I cannot fay. The following 
meafures I can anfwer for, fince I took them upon the fpot with 
my own hands. Its greatefl height is exadly 10 1 feet y mid i inch -, 
for I took the meafure from the higheft trace of flone. 

The breadth of the front of the pillars, 6 feet, 2 inches; 

The depth of them, 1 1 i^^t, 3 inches ; 

The width of the arches, 1 2 it^i, 7 inches, and one quarter. 

As to the number of the arches, we counted them, and wc 
could reckon only 1 18 to the city- wall from the firfl vihblc arch ; 

and 



i82 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY 

and feven more arches within the wails ; in all 125 : But then, 
where the arches were double, that is, placed one over another, 
we did not count thofe, as two arches, but as fingle : Becaufe in 
conveying an idea of this AqueduB to one who had never feen it, 
we judged, that a ftranger v/ould always form his notion of the 
length of this Aqiieduci by the number of arches continued in 
length. Again, as to the meafures, except that of the height, 
they are only true with regard to that particular part, arch, or pil- 
lar, which I meafured at that time : For I meafured feveral others 
fnice, and find their dimenfions differ widely from one another, 
fothat there is no one general proportion, which runs through the 
whole ilrud:ure. The reafon of which I take to be, that where 
they were obliged to make the Aquedii5i higher, in order to pre- 
ferve the level ; that there they were obliged to enlarge the propor- 
tions, and increafed the bafe in proportion to the height of the 
pillar ; and confequently contracted the arches, in order to make 
the building more ftable. It feems to be built without any cement, 
and the ftones are about three feet long, and two feet thick ; all 
roughly hewn, and with the edges rounded, not iharp. Why the 
Spanish writers chufe to call this the Brid^j of Segovia, and 
not the AqtieduB, is a folecifm I cannot accoant for : But this is 
the language of Mariana, Pineda, and many others. A 
Spaniard being afked, why he called it The Puente de Sego- 
via, anfwered, becaife it was a bridge -y for though it was not in- 
deed a bridge for people to walk over, yet it was a brfdge for wa- 
ter to go over. And perhaps this may be their reafon, though it 
certainly is a very odd one. Old Spanifli writers call it Puente 
Seca, which is ftranger ftill ; for fure no one can fay with any 
propriety, that an Aquedu(5t is a Dry Bridge, 

Having now given a defcription of this truly magnificent ftruc- 
ture ; the next enquiry is, who was the author ? and whe?t it 
was built ? I think, there are but three or four opinions about it. 
Mariana, according to his ufual modefty, is in fufpenfe ; and 
doubts whether it is to be attributed to the Emperor Trajan, or 
to LiciNius Larius, who was prstor in Spain, under Ves- 
pasian, and a friend of Pliny the elder. Father Henry 

Flores, 



OF SEGOVIA. 183 

Flores, who is vain enough hhnfelf, and willing in all things to 
gratify the vanity of his countrymen, attributes it to the Goths, 
who, as they lived here once, were for that time a fort of Spani- 
ards : CoLMENARES, the Writer of the hiftory of Segovia, 
goes many lengths indeed ; and in order to make his native city, 
Segovia, as old as poffible, tells us at once, that the aqueduct was 
built by PIercules. Hercules certainly did great wonders 5 
but I believe built few aquedu6ls : and if it mufl be the work of 
fome ftrong man, he might as well have called in Sampson. As 
to the Goths, tho' it is certain they raifed very noble fabrics 
wherever they went, and, as it were, built themfelves into fame 5 
yet I cannot give them this aquedud:, for many reafons. The Co" 
thic JiriiSiurcs in general appear to me to have this character; that 
though they are for the moit part noble by their being fo very 
large, yet they are generally clumfy and heavy, and the old Gothic 
particularly fo : You fcldom fee any thing light, elegant, or of a 
good tafte, except in the modern Gothic^ all which circumilances are 
remarkably confpicuous ifi this AqiieduB . The Gothic indeed will 
laft for ages, and fo will the Romcuu without one half of their hea- 
vy ftability. I am therefore, upon the whole, inclined to think this 
aquedu(fl: undoubtedly jRi?/;w;r''-. For though J grant to Colmena- 
RESj that there is nothing now viiible upon the aqueduct itfelf, no 
remains of an infer ipt ion y no traces left to decide this queftlon ^ 
let the order too, if he will have it fo, be either Doric, Ionic, Co- 
rinthian, or Compofite : And tho' it be true, that the Romans, when 
they executed fuch great works as thefe, generally took fufficient 
care to fecure their title to it, and their name upon it : Yet all 
thefe argum.ents and objec^lions do not weigh with nie: I am v/here 
I was J I think it Roman. There is fomething in the grandeur of 
the Roman works, that fiill fpeaks for them, though their ufual 
witneiTes fliould happen to be loft : a greatnefs, that no other na- 
tion has attempted, or ever been able to equal. There is no in« 
fcription rcmaming now, ncr is there much appearance, that there 

* The firft 13 arches are certainly Roman; the 36 next in fequence are clearly of 
another flile, of a much inferior workmajifhip, and have been repaired by the Spa- 
niards or Golbi : for the ftiie will agree with either. But at the 49th arch the Roman 
majler-hand appears again j the fame form of ftone, large, round-e Iged, and exaiSlly 
in the fame talte with the 13 firft arches. 

ever 



i84 DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY 

ever was one: What then ? Is this negative a fufficient proof that 
there never was one ? The Roman infcriptions fo frequent about 
the walls of this town fufficiently fliew their footfleps at Segovia, 
to this day : there might have been an infcription, but now de- 
faced or deftroyed by ignorance, fuperilition, time, and the turbu- 
lence of the age, when Spain fucceflively received fo many maf- 
ters. Thefe infcriptions are flill legible to this day: SEXTO* LlC* 
MIL* near the gate of St. Juan. Another is 



M- 


IVN 


^• 


TI 




ETIS 


CAES 


N( 


^T 


Ar 


*4.' i ' -i 


LV 


• S- T- 


• T 


•L- 



Another near the gate of San Andres, thus ; 

P VBLIC lO 

I V V E N A L I 

IVVENALIS 

CoLMENARES upon this fays, that Juvenal was not born at 
Ar^jiNUM, but Segovia 5 for how could Martial, who was 
a Spaniard^ otherwife call him Jiiveiiali meo ? 

After having given fome account why I think it a Roman 
work, I fhall now fearch after the Author, The reafon why it 
has been afcribcd to the Emperor Trajan, is, becaufe that prince 
has left fo many noble monuments of his own erecting in Spain, 
particularly in EsTREMADUR A and Andalusia; that, forfooth, 
every Roman work that the Spaniards find any where, muft imme- 
diately be afcribed to Trajan ! This, indeed, is natural; for the 
Spaniards ftill revere his memory, and they have a very remarkable 
proverb, which fays, Felicidad de Augti/io, y Bondad de Trajano : 
that is, The happincjs of Aiigiifiusy and the goodiiefs ofTrajafi. But 
J have one objection to its being the work of that great emperor : 

that 



SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 185 

he was a native of Italica^ or Old Seville, by birth an Anda- 
lufian : and I cannot help thinking, that if he had intended a 
work of fo much expence and magnificence in Spain, he would 
never have given the benefit of it to the inhabitants of Old Cas- 
tile. But here I am fenfible, that I am unawares drawn into 
a controverfy, and Ihall prefently raife all the Caftilians to a man 
againft me. For it feems thefe gentlemen v/ill have it, that the 
Emperor Trajan was an 'EJiremaduran by birth, and not an 
Aiidalujian. Well then, let us weigh the authorities on both fides, 
and fee how that matter flands. Ximenes, and other compilers 
of the Hijioria general de Efpa?ia, Marineus Siculus, Pedro 
DE Medina, Juan Sedeno, and others fay, that Trajan was 
born at PEDRA9A de Estremadura, or Pedraca de i.a Si- 
erra, fo called, becaufe it joined to the mountains, and to diflin- 
guifh it from that in the plains, v/hich was likewife called Ita- 
lic a. To this they add the conftant tradition of this Eftremadu- 
rian village, which fays to this day, that Trajan was born there, 
and they ihew travellers the fite of the houfe he was born in : and 
they give this as another proof, that the villagers fay, his mother 
was OREjANAjOrOREjANiLLA, which was Tomauized afterwards 
into AuRELiANA. To all this they join the blunders of the par- 
tial ZoziMUS, eAe^s Tov Icrov euurco su rv cx,^^7i Qso^ocrioi>, tvj yevecrei 
*E(r7ruv'^ h ts-oXh, Kokx r^g TaKiyiiccg, and the dreams of fome Spa- 
nifli bifhop. This is one fide of the quertion, and is at the fame 
time afpecimen of Spanish learning. Now on the other fide. Dion 
Cassius, Ammianus Marcellinus, Aurelius Victor, and 
EuTROPius all afiirm, that the Emperor Trajan was a native 
oi xkiQ Andalufianltalica, or Old Seville. Amm. Aiarc. Tbeo-' 
dofiiis Hifpanus ItaliccE DhiTrajani Civkatis. The words of Vic- 
tor are to much the fame purpofe. It is clear, however, I think, 
that Theodosius was no Eftremadurian, whatever Trajan 
might be; and as to Zozimus, he makes him a poor Gallician. 
All the remark I fhall make upon this controverfy is, that Tra- 
jan's being an Efiiremadurian would fuit well enough with the 
public v/orks he raifed in that province, but it v/ill not bring him 
fo far as Segovia into Old Castile. 

Upon the whole, then, I am induced to think, that this aque- 
dud was the work of LiciniusLarius, the Prastor under Vkspa- 

B b sian : 



i86 SEGOVIAN A Q^U E D U C T. 

SI AN : for Trajan had need have been a mafter-builder all his 
life-time, if we afcribe every thing to hini. But then it is faid, 
that if LiciNius Larius built the aqueducfl, that his friend Pli- 
ny would certainly have mentioned it. I do not think this a cer- 
tain objedionj a probable one, I own, it is. But be that as it will, 
it is as certain, that there is an Infcription extant in Ambrosius 
Morales, the famous old Spanifli antiquarian, which is publi- 
Hied by Adolphus Occo, and fhews, 'That Liicinius Larius rc' 
ally did build the AqucduSi of Segovia. They may fay, perhaps, 
that this infcription is a falfe one: It may be fo, for ought I know 
to the contrary, as I have never been able to fee Morales, or 
Occo's book, or to copy the infcription *. I fhall now take my 
leave of the aquedu6t, adding only, that I am told the cement is 
lead, and tliat the key-ftones are tied with iron; and that between 
the two highefl arches, or the Afoguejo, as they call it, there are 
two niches remaining, which plainly contained formerly the fi:a- 
tues of the emperor and the lieutenant, or praetor, under whom 
this aqueduct was ereded: but now they are very pioufly filled 
up vvith the ftatues of thofe, who might pofhbly work miracles, 
but 1 am fure never brought water in fo noble a manner to any 
city in this world -, I mean two faints. 

* You will find it in Don G. Mayans's Latin Epiftle, annexed to this acco^jnt. 



Ad 



SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T, 187 



Ad Cl. Patrem 

HEN RICUM FLOREZIUM, 

HISPANIiE SANCT^ SCRIPTOREM, 

Ab Opinione fua & 'Judicio de Aqucedudlu Segovievji. diffhitiens 

Poeta. 

"pTraniidum moles cefferCy Segovia pontem 
•*• Ducendis veteri numine jaSlat aquis : 
Trajanus fuerit, fueritve Lichikis autor\ 

Hand fua Lticifero lympba jubente fiiiit : 
Nee tamen Alcidi dederi??i, Maurove, Getijve, 

Hoc tantiim Hifpano njtx licet ejfe decus : 
Ma5le animi F l o R e z e ! fed hcec vioiiimeiita per or be fit 

NoJi nifi Cafarece fic pofuere jnanus, 

Tranflation of Father Henry Flore z*s Account 
of the A au E D u c T of S E G O V I A. 

(Taken from his Efpana Sagrada, FoL VIII. J 

* OEGOVIA is one of the moft antlent cities of Spain, not 

* '^ fo much as appears by the name, and the mention which 

* hiflorians and geographers make of it, as by the remarkable mo- 

* nument of the AqiiediiB, which fhews fuch notable antiquity, 

* that it is not eafy to determine its origin precifely. Some afcribe 

* it to Hercules, others to the Emperor Trajan, and ftill na 

* inconfiderable part of the common people judge it to have been 

* built by the devil. 

* This very variety of opinions is a proof, that we know no- 

* thing certain about it. As for afcribing it to Hercules, we 

Bb2 < do 



i83 & E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T, 

« do not difcover any other foundation, than the knowledge, that 
« a fbatue of" Hercules was foi-merly placed in the niche, where 

* nov/ is the image of St. Sebastian : no ftrefs ought to be laid 

* upon this fad, which only proves, that in the times of paganifm 
« the antient Spaniards might dedicate that work to the memory 
' of Hercules. 

* As to what relates to Trajan, it is very difficult to acknow- 
' led?e him for the author, becaufe there is no trace left of a Ro- 
< man infcription on it, and that in a work of fuch great length, 
« andfo well preferved^ v/e knowing, on the other hand, the tafte 

* which prevailed in the works of that emperor, vis. to leave his 
« name perpetuated upon them. Confequently one called them 

* yerba parietaria\. And on the bridge of x-^lcantar a in Spain, 

* confifting of fix arches, they placed divers infcriptions, in which 

* his name is repeated in each. Befides, not having any account of 

* the Romans being concerned in the aquedud: of Segovia, we 

* have no grounds to afcribe it to Trajan, or to any other em- 

* peror,unlefs it be thought fufficient to produce other works of the 

* fame age, which have a fimilar ftile. But they differ either in the 

* m.anner of joining the ftones together ; or it will be difficult to 

* contradid that which the Romans have faid of thefe, and other 

* very antient works, fuch as the Pyramids of ^gypt -, concern- 

* ing which Colmenares writes, c. i. § 1 1. oi The biftary of Se- 

* govm, that they very much refembled the fabric of this aquedudt, 

* according to the defcriptions which they have given of the work-: 
' manfhip of them, of the greatnefs of the hev/n ftones, and un- 

* hewn ftones. Colmenares too adds no bad remark, that the 

* ilile or order of architecture of the Segovian aquedud: is different 

* from that ufed by the Romans, fince it is neither of the Doric, 

* Ionic, Corinthian, Tufcan, or Compofite orders, but of fome other 
' not known; infomuch that we have fome grounds not to ac- 

* knowledge it for a Roman w^ork, but of a much older date. 

* Or this argument drawn from the ftile of the architedurc, the 
' public has not been able to judge, infomuch as no one lias been 

* bold enough to engrave it. Colmenakes v/as deterred by the 

11 It ihould be verta farittaria j that is, fahbras jaredanas^ or -wall-wcrd!. 

* greatnef§. 



SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 189 

* greatnefs of the attempt, as he exprelTes it in the place I have 
' quoted. The celebrated Father Montfaucon in the IV, 

* Tome, P. ii. Ch. 10. of his Antiqidte expUquce, complained, that 

* he was not able to procure a defign of it : But afterwards in ths 
' IV. Tome of the Supplement ^ page 102, he fays that M. Le Gen- 

* DRE, furgeon to his CathoHc Majefry, fent it him, with a defcrip- 

* tion of it in Spanifli, of which that father availed himfelf. But 
' the defign which was fent to Father Montfaucon conlifled on- 

* ly of X.Q]\ arches, without any meafure or fcale, without the due 
' proportion between the arches, omitting the under-cornifhes of 

* the pillars, and failing in the proportion of the upper arches with 

* the lower, without regulating it to the form of the dye of the 
' pedeHal, nor to the lower line, which is not right in more than' 

* the three central arches : and he adds, in the upper part of the 
' pillar, which is in the middle of the greateft height, an head of a 

* woman between two flowers, v^ith this infcription at the bottom, 

* ^ CABEZA DE ESTREMADVRA; which is not fo, becaufe 

* upon the canal, through which the water runs, that figure is not 

* to be feen. 

* We here give the whole delineation of it with exa6lnefs, by 

* means of Don Juan Saenz dk Buruaga, an Alcala de He- 
' NARES Do(5tor, of the greater college of San Ildefonso, Ma- 

* glilrate of the holy church of Segovia ; of whom I availed my- 
' felf, by reafon of the friendfliip we contracted at the unlverfity of 

* Alcala, and he took that buiinefs fo much to his own account, 

* that in a little time after I had applied to him, he favoured me 
' with the utmoft difpatch ; having alTociated to himfelf, for this 
'■ end, a perfon very able and knowing, who is architect of that holy 

* church, and is called Don Domingo Gamones, whofe name is 

* ■'//orthy to be perpetuated, for having given us that which no other 

* has done, without feeking any other interefl, but that of fervinp^ 

* the public : and although we know not the name of the linl ar- 

* chited, we know that of the firft v/ho ever attempted to draw 

* this fabric. 

* This great aquedudt is called a bridge vulgarly, its intention 

* being contrary to the ufe of fuch like fabrics : for whereas they 

* Or, The Head nf Ejlreniadura. 

* are 



190 S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T. 

^ are dcfio-ned to give paffage to people over the waters, this is 
' to condaa: the v/aters over the people, leaving free paffage below. 

* The water comes by means of fome arches of ftone. which fuftaiii 
' a canal formed of the fame ftones in conformity to its pailage. 
' That as in all other bridges, people walk upon a pavement laid 

* upon the fuperficies of the convex part of the arches ; and as in 
' thofe the ground and the parapet walls ferve for the cover and 

* lecuritv of the paiTengers: hi this, both the one and the other are 

* def]<^ned for the courfe only, and the direction of the waters. 

< The motive for fo great an undertaking was, that feeing on 
< one hand, that in the fite of the city, nature afforded a foil very 
' well difpofed to build a town, and very fuitable to the genius of 

* the antient inhabitants : That it had the due elevation which 
' they wanted, for the ventilation of the air ; and alfo that it was 
' able to refift any invafion. They reduced the fite to a great rock, 

* or mountain fufficlently fcarped, and able to contain a city not 
' very large, but fortified by nature, which raifcd the ground above 

* fome plains, watered by different ftreams, which flow from the 

* Cumbra Capitana (the name which Pliny gives to fome bran- 

* ches of the Id u bed a, called to this day Puerto de la Fon-friay* 

* y de Giiadarrama.) Towards the north runs the river Eresma, 
« which fprings from fome fountains on the other fide of the faid 

* pafs in the mountains, and goes by Coca to fall into the Duero. 

* Some will have it, that the Eresma is the Areva, of which 

* Pliny affirms, that the name came from the region of the Are~ 

* vaci. But we have nothing to add to the propofal againfl what 

* is faid of the Arevaci in tom. V. The Marquis of Monde jar, 

* concerned in fome things very ftra^nge about Segovia, in the II. 

* tome of his Dijjertations, p. 218, thinks, that Areva is a little 

* river, which falls into the Duero near the antient ATz^;;/^;?/'/*^, 
' called at prefent Tera. But that cannot be the cafe, confidering 

* that the fpring of the Duero, and the fame Nianantia were the 
' Fekndones of Pliny. And for the fame reafon, the river that 

* Or, 1'he Port of Fon-Fria^and of Guadaraina. — This is a pafs in the mountains; 
^1! fuch Pajfci being called by the Spaniards Portu 

6 * waters 



SEGOVIAN A QJU E D U C T. 191 

* waters Numantia mufl: be of the fame country. Befides which, 

* it is fo very fliort in its courfe, and fo little known, that it could 
*^ not give a name to fo famous a people. 

* By the plain to the fouth of Segovia there runs another 

* (liort flream, called by the peafants Clamoresy which joins the 

* Eresma at the Wefk point of the city, where the Al9Assar 
< ftands. 

' Notwithstanding the flreams which run by the vallies 

* of the city, the ancients defired, that there fliould be no want 

* of water to the inhabitants within the walls, neverthelefs that the 

* earth was not commodious for fountains, on account of its height 

* and drynefs: With this view, they undertook the giant-like work, 

* to convey a river within the city, conquering by art the impedi- 
' ments which nature had oppofed to it, by reafon of the height 

* and depth of the ground: although the architect plainly {hewed, 

* that he was mailer of a greater height, if it had been neceffary, 

* fmce he made the water pafs above the walls and roofs of 

* the houfes. 

* The fource of this aqueducft Is a little river, called Rio Frio,, 

* which rifes at the fklrts of the pafs in the mountains, and is that 

* which comes to the city, taking from its flock as much water, 

* as would fill a dud: that would contain a human body : It is re- 

* ceived in an arch of flone at the diflance of 500 paces from the 

* city : and from thence it begins to run in the channel of the 

* aquedud, which does not require more elevation than 54. bars, 

* that is, 17 feet. By little and little the height increafes, as it 

* comes to deeper ground, but without requiring more than one 

* range of arches, until the water has paffed over 65 arches, where 

* the arches have a height of 39 feet, clofe to the convent of San 

* Fran ci so.. There they begin to wind from the eafl to the well,. 

* requiring two ranges of arches, one arch being put upon the otlier. 
' That being the loweil part of the valley wliich is the little fquarc, 

* now called AzoGUEjo. 

* In that part the aquedud is 102 feet high, the channeLjen- 
' tering by the battlem.ents of the wajls, vvith an extreme elevation. 

* from 



192 



SEGOVIAN A (XJJ E D U C T, 



* from the ground to the top of the arch. The aquedudl goes 

< through the middle of the city, from the eaft to the weft, with 
' an arched du6t fo large, that a man might v/alk in it : And from 

* thence it goes dividing itfelf into the public fountains, and the 
« cifterns of convents and private houfes. 

< This fabric confifts of 16 i arches. The materials are hewn 
ftones of a bluifh granate, placed one upon the other, without 
any coherence of bitumen, lime, or mortar, which equals the 
joints, becaufe the ftones unite one with another, faftening them- 
felves in their fquare form 3 fo that the whole number of the 
ftones of which this aquedud confifts, might be counted, accord- 
ing to the art and correfpondence with which they are placed. 
^.ouk at them, fays Colmenares, and they feem to be cemented 
by lead, and that the key-ftones of the arches were barred by iron, 

as they tell us of the temple of Serapis in Alexandria. 
The pillars are eight feet in front, and eleven broad. It being 
moft aftoniftiing, that this fabric ftiould laft to the end of fo 
many ages, fuch as we fee it, without giving way to the weight 
of the water upon it, or to the rains, the floods, the wars : for 
it not only appears, that nations have revered it, but even time, 
which does not ufe to refpedt other wonders of the world. 

« Upon the top of the three pillars of thegreateft height there 

* is a bafe common to the three uppermoft. And in that of the 

* middlemoft there are on each fide two niches, where were the 
' ftatues of Hercules, as Colmenares fays he found in manu- 

* fcripts, which in his time were above 200 years old, that is be- 
' fore the middle of the XVth century, in which then exifted thefe 

* monuments. At prefent they are the images of our Lady of San 

* Sebastian, becaufe that part belongs to the diftrid of the pa- 

* rifti of that faint, and they were placed there March 21, 1520, 

* by the care of a citizen, an aftayer of the mint, as Colmena- 

* RES tells us, in his hiftory of that year. 

* Besides this teftimony, v/hich is the moft authentic of the an- 

* tiquity of the city, there is mention made of it in Lucius Flo rus, 

* Vv'^lifere he is relating the war of Sertorius, lib. 3. ch. 22. where 

< he lays, tbat the Herculean lieutenants of Sertorius were defeated 

c * near 



SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 193 

* near Segoviciy without adding any more interefling particulars. 

* His apud Segoviam opprejis, 6cc. This was about the year 675 

* of the foundation of Rome, in which Pompey came againft 

* Sertorius, following Gr^vius's chronology upon Florus, which 

* anfwers in our way of reckoning to the 79th year before Chrift, 

* taking the vulgar ssra for an epoch. 

* Pliny, in telling us who the feveral people were, who form- 

* ed the affembly of Clunia, fays, that one were the people of 

* Segovia among the Arevaci. Harduin, in the notes to c. 

* iii. lib. 3. of that authof, will not have it to be the Segovia 
' fituated between Valladolid and Madrid (of which we are 
' now ipeaking) but another fmall town, placed by Ptolemy in the 

* fune lite with Numanti a : Non ea efl, quce inter VaUifoletum & 
' Madritum nobis Segovia dicitur : fed altera ejujdem nonmiis urbecula, 

* quce fub eddem fere coeli parte at que ipfa Nwnantiay eodemquefitu a 

* Ftolomeo collocatiir. But if one denies this, it would be very 

* difficult for any one to prove it : for we may juft as well fay, 

* that Pliny means the city of which we are fpeaking, and not 

* that defigned by Hardouin, for he owns that to be an urbecula, 

* And it is more natural, that Pliny fhould mention that which 

* was the moll great and famous (in cafe tnere were two of the 

* fame name among the Arevaci) and not the leafl illuftrious, to- 

* tally omitting the greateft. 

* I SAID in cafe there were two in the Arevaci , becaufe neither 

* Pliny, Ptolemy, or Antonine mention more than one in 

* that territory : And as there were no more than one, we ought 

* not to fay, that Pliny and Ptolemy mentioned the leall: illu- 

* ftrious, and omitted the moft famous mentioned by Anto- 

* nine. It is clear that Ptolemy places Segubia in a fite that 

* does not fquare with Segovia, about 42 degrees of latitude, 
'and 1 3 i of longitude. But it is as certain, that if you take his lite 

' In reference to the dired; diftance, which there is between that 
' and Numanti A, it will be one of the many errors of his tables; 
' becaufe they place Segubia and Numanti a in 13A degrees of 



* longitude/ 



The 



194 



DESCRIPTION OF THE CITY 



The /\lcacar, or Royal Palace, Is the next objed: here of ^^_j 
note ; it is plain by the AL in the iirfl lyllable of this word, that tflj 
it is an Arabic appellation ; for it is the Arabic article, which ^B^ 
they call Solar : And the tradition of the town fays, it was a place 
of refidence for fome of the Moorijh princes. I know not what 
truth there may be in It, but I cannot help attempting an etymolo- 
gy, efpeclally when the 9Cca{ion feems fo fair. Thus Caefar, Ka«rap, 
Moorifn Cayzar, Alc A9AR. The front of this building Is about ^^mk 
fifty feet long; there are two conic, or fugar loaf-turrets, at each ^ 
wing ; and the fa9ade is adorned with feveral diminutive turrets ■ 

in the fame tafte and llyle : Above the {killing or fpan-roof of this 
firfl front there rifes another I'killing roof adorned with turrets in 
the fame ftyle : And between the wings, in the middle rifes a lof- 
ty fquare, brick tower, furrounded with fmall circular turrets end- 
ino- in a confole. Along the front of the firfl: building runs a neat, 
fmall open gallery, juft under the corniih. The whole of the fa- 
bric appears clearly to be in the old Moorijljjlyle ; the governor told 
me the middle tower was Roman^ but I fliould doubt it much -, it 
feems to be of the fame age and building with the reil of the fa- 
bric ; the windows of the fame form and tafte --, and there is a 
trace of fmall beads, that girts it, jufl as in the front and the wings ; 
It is certainly all Moorifi, and is indeed extremely pretty, and light, 
and pleafes me more than almofi: any building I ever faw. The 
whole, except the middle tower, is covered with a blue flate, or 
fhlngles, I cannot fay which. You go to it from a fort of court, 
or place, over a fmall bridge -, for there is a deep fofs, that furrounds 
one part of it, and the other fides are defended by lleep precipices, 
as it ftands upon a rock. Having pafl^ed the bridge you enter a 
cloyfi:er, where there is a court within, and a fountain. From the 
cloyfter you enter a large room prettily cieled, a fort of feivant's hall. 
After that you come into a flate-room, with a rich gilt deling, 
carving of ftucco upon the walls, and Dutch tiling round the room 
at the bottom. This brings you to a fecond apartment of much 
the fame tafte, but a much richer deling ; then you enter a mag- 
nificent room called the Sala de los Reyes, or, The hall of their Kings; 
and vv^ith reafon, for It really Is full of Kings. The wooden or 
waxen images of nineteen Kings of Castile, fix of Leon, two 

of 



O F S E G O V I A. 19^ 

of AsTURiAS, and fixteen of OviEDo,are all placed over your head, 
about the middle of the wall, round the room, v/ith their Queens, 
and four counts, or dukes placed under them. Among them is the 
fiim.ous CiD, or Don Rod. Diaz de Bivar, of whom fuch v/on- 
ders have been-recorded : Cjd, in Arabic, is commander, or gene- 
ral j he lived about 1055, in the reign of Ferdinand of Leon. 
This room is indeed an odd fight, and if one was to be there 
late at night, with a fingle taper, it would afford matter for a 
warm imagination to be very bufy. From thence you pafs into 
a fmall chapel, where there is a fingle painting over the altar with 
this infcription, Bartolome Carduccio Florent. faclebat, 
1600. Beyond this is a fmall room with odd pieces cf fculpture 
of dogs and hares, and other animals, and pretty carving in Fref- 
co, or Stucco. Round this room, as well as the reft, runs an in- 
fcription in very old Gothic characters , but I am fure of no mo- 
ment J for in the next room, where the letters were likewife Go- 
thic, but not quite fo old fafhioned, I could read them with no 
great difficulty : And they proved to be nothing elfe, but prayers, 
and pious fentences : Thus, LAUDAM TE IN SECOLA SE- 
COLORUM. MAYERDE MEMENTO ME. ORA PRO 
NOBIS. Udal ap Rhys has given a very falfe account of this 
place : He fays there are fixteen rooms hung with fine tapeftry, 
and that there are many pidures, with other circumftances, 
which have not one word of truth in them. — Philip II. in 1590, 
caufed thofe dates and accounts, which are affixed to the feet of 
each prince in the Sala de los Reyes, to be put up ; it is the beft 
chronology they have of them. 

Having now given fome account of this fingular fabric; in- 
dulge me in a word or two about the age of it. The governor 
fiid the rooms we law were five hundred years old ; this is no- 
thing ; it would only throw the date of this building as flir back 
as the I 3th century, or about i 260. I have feen a grant of Al- 
PHONso in the year 1 160, which mentions this ALCA9AR. Is it 
not very ftrange, that the writer of the Hijiory «?/" Segovia 
fhDuld take no particular notice of this remarkable ftiudure : 
Wz only fays, that when in y^^ the Moors attacked Sego- 
via, and took it, the Segovians put the ALCA9AR, the houfe 

C c 2 . of 



196 DESCRIPTION OF THE 

of Hercules, and the tower of St. Juan in a good poflure of 
defence. This period of the eighth century feems to me to fuit 
better with the name and appearance of the building, and to 
place it in a much more Moorifid age ; though it may poffibly be 
ftill older. There is one pointed arch of a door-way in this build- 
ing, which is now ftopped up ; it feems of the fame age with the 
reft j but as it may have been an after- work, as it is not an effen- 
tial part, what ftrefs is to be laid upon it, I cannot fay. Here are 
two ftrange old cannon, or pipes, canones they call them. And 
the doors of the offices are marked thus : Bodeca, Fofigo ^ that is, 
the cellar f the pajj'age. 

f^ ^; 

This is the famous Tower or Cajlle i?/' Segovia, fo celebrated 
in Monfieur Le Sage's Gil Bias,'' and other romances ; the antient 
receptacle of ftate-prifoners : It was here that political Qu^ixote 
the duke of Ripperda was confined ^ and it was from hence he- 
efcaped. There is another large prifon in the middle of the city, 
but that is only for the reception of common felons, and is a mo- 
dern building The very fame man that was governor, when Rip- A 
PERDA was confined there, is ftill alive, and the prefent governor : *\\ 
By his account it was the maid, not the daughter, that gave the 
duke his liberty -, for his daughter is m.arried to an Andalusian 
gentleman, and lives there : He fays, that the room in which 
Ripperda was confined had but one door to it, and had two 
eentinels placed at it ; at the door of the next room two centinels 
more; and without the guard du corps. How he efcaped, he fays 
he cannot guefs; but that the Duke's fervant faid his mafter was 
very ill ; that another fervant took his mafter's place in bed, and 
counterfeited a fick perfon ; that he the governor knew nothing 
of his efcape, till nine days after he was gone, and then they dif- 
covered the fraud. It is plain from all this relation, that the court 
had a mind to let Ripperda efcape; that the governor had or- 
ders to connive at it ; though the means and contrivance were 
probably the duke's invention : that the court did not care for 
the expence of keeping him in prifon, and had no inclination to 
take away his life. When he found, that orders were given for 
feizing him in the year 1726, he fled to the houle of Mr. Stan- 
hope, the then Englijh amballador. His lordlhip was at that 

time 



ALCASSAR, AND CATHEDRAL. 197 

time not at home ; and it is inconceivable what difficulty he had 
at his return, to get Ripper da out of the houfe : He was at lad 
taken out by force by the King of Spain's order. This, how- 
ever, trifling as it was, occafioned a mifunderilanding between the 
Courts of Spain and Great Britain. Mr. Stanhope cer- 
tainly did right; he withdrew from Madrid, to fliew his refent- 
ment, and to aflert the juft rights and privileges of his charac- 
ter: for otherwife no prudent ambaOador would have rifed the 
embroiling himfelf with his court for the fake of prote(5ting fuch 
a fcoundrel. He was originally an envoy from the ftates of Hol- 
land, afterwards minifler to the court of Spain, being a crea- 
ture of Cardinal Alberoni's, and was fent to negotiate the fa- 
mous Vienna treaty. To conclude, he betrayed his truft, made 
the grand tour of all religions ; fled from one court, could obtain 
protection from no other, could find no afylum in Europe ; And 
after having been fucceffively Protefliant, Papill, Pagan, Jew, 
Turk, Infidel, and Heretic, weary of apoflracies, he died at laft a 
Mahometan among the ftates of Barbary. 

The next object of note here is the cathedral, which is 
indeed a noble fl:rudure; it is of the Gothic ftyle of archifcsc- 
ture, and rather of the bed kind of it ; there are two quires, as 
it were furrounded by a moft ample BaJUica, which is lined on 
the wall-fide with a vafl; variety of fine altars, and rich ihrines : 
The painted glafs is good, and gives the dim, religious light. 
They told me it was built 1525, fee The Hiji. of Segovia, ch. 39. 
Thefacrifl:y is a fine room, and contains fome pictures. The ar- 
ches of this building are all round. There is an old cloyfler ad- 
joining to the cathedral, where there is a monument of a bidiop 
of this fee, and his epitaph in good Latin, well-cut. There 
are fome hundreds of vefl:ments hung, up here ; the badges of fo 
many unhappy Jews, who had the misfortune to be burnt, be- 
caufe they did not believe all that the inquifitor did: This tribunal, 
or the Holy Office as they call it, was at Segovia at that time, 
but has been fince removed. There are too in this cloyfler, the 
remains of fad fuperftitious paintings on the wall. In the chap- 
ter-room is a fine pidure of a Madonna and Bambino, by 
Spagnoletj alfo the flory of Aurelian and Zenobia, in 

good 



i(^S DESCRIPTION OF THE ^ 

^ood tapeftry. In the library is a MS. verfion of the Penta- 
teuch, from the iff ^r^ic, Chaldeey 2indi Greek into Latin, dated 
l6co. It is intitled Verfio Pent ateuchi per Ciruelum Darocenfem, 

There Is a grant of Queen Urr AC a's in this cathedral in 1661, 
which mentions the Alcazar^ and the Pons Cafiellanus, or bridge 
of the Alcazar. It concludes thus — " iVhofoever Jhall violate this 
*^ grant, let them be ever banifiedfrom God's threfiold, and be eter-^ 
*' nally tormented with D at u am and Abiram, whom the earth 
''' /wallowed, be damned with the traitor Judas, and fay a thoufand 
''pounds of iinallayed gold (auri obryzi) to the bijljop" 

There are feveral fine churches here befides the cathedral ; 
that of St. Milano is very old ; built by Gonzalo Feliz in 
r. 923. See Hijlory of Segovia, p. 83; I found an infcription on the 
wall : L : DCCC : AI : XXX : X : HQL >\ . ^ : fj. Q^ AR. 
ROI: S. K. c . 2. There is another infcription on the other wall, 
on which there was MIL. I. CCC. XL. I. which I read 1341. 
The arches of this church are all round and large; the columns 
large and lofty, with carved capitals, containing many figures both 
of men and animals. Some with beautiful foliage; the lliafts were 
round and plain ; and placed upon fquare bafes, extremely large : 
At the entrance is a fort o^ Arcade with beautifjl, fmall columns 
of black marble, and the pillars joined one to another, with a 
fort of fpiral or ferpentine line, what the heralds, I think, call 
wavy. 

The church of St. Sebastian is a good room, not very 
large, the roof modern, built in 169-9. There is a fmall nave ad- 
joining, feparated by three elliptical arches, the mofl: ugly, difpro- 
portioned things you can imagine. What date they are of I know 
not ; but certainly they are Gothic. There are two pillars remain- 
ing at the portal, as old as the MooriJJj times. 

The church of St. Francis is a fine Ir.rge room, with a moft 

beautiful organ ; large and lofty arches, mof^ of them round, 

but one or two pointed; the roof modern. On the left-hand 

is a fmall chapel with the oldeft Gothic, or Saxon carved work ; 

4 the 



CHURCHES IN SEGOVIA. 199 

th^ roof of it contains large beads, or mouldings : they projected 
7 or 8 inches from the roof, and the arch over the door-way was 
compofc^d of beads or tracery of ftone in the fame mally tafte. 

The church of St. Martini is a very old fabric, built before 
1 140. See Hiji. of Segovia. At the weft-end of it is the mofl lof- 
ty, round Moorijh arch lever faw, with a multitude of decreafing 
mouldings one within another -, there is a pretty large arcade with 
very neat fmall columns of black marble. 

The church of St. Augustin is a modern building, but a 
fine room, the arches rounds fome few good pidures, and a 
handfome facrifty. 

The church of St. Dominic is a noble Gothic flrudure, 
built about 1406; beneath the cornifh under the roof of the 
outfide, all round the church, are cut in ftone thefe words, in 
old characters, of what age I know not, but in this form T. I 
fhall write it for the fake of difpatch in the common characters 
TANTO-MONTA. The meaning of which is— When by the 
marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella the kingdoms were 
united, they made^ this old Spanip proverb— T'^;zz'(j monta, 77ionta 
tanto Ifabella como Fernando— T\\.2X is to fay, Ifabel is as good as 
Ferdinand, and Ferdinand as Ifabel. The only remark I fliall 
make is, that hence comes our Englip word tantamount. The in- 
fide is now modernized, the arches are round, a little more than 
300 years old. 

The church of St. John the Baptist is faid here to be 
the oldef in the city, built in 923. See HiJi. of Seg. p. 83. It con- 
fifls of three naves, all large round arches of the oldeft Gothic ; and 
may be confidered as one long room. Here is the tomb of the 
knights, vv^ho took Madrid in 932; and here the archives of 
the city are kept in a handfome cheft ; the date of which is 1686. 
The chief knight was Fernan Garcia de la Torre; his 
tomb flili remains in this church, which was formerly called from 
thence the church of the knights. The ftatues of both thefe knights 
are placed over a gate in Madrid, the print of which is in the hif- 

tory 



20O DESCRIPTION OF THE 

tory of Segovia. It Is a pretty church, as well as a very old one ; 
there are feveral pidures, but I believe none valuable ; fonie good 
Spani/Jj C2irv'mg. Since the date of the taking Madrid by the 
knights, buried here, 13932; confequently /'i'^ ^^/;z/c'</^r<:/6 at the 
weft-end of this church ; the odd cornifli compofed of heads of 
animals j the capitals of the pillars carved with animal, and hu- 
man figures i and the fmall, long, narrow lights, or windows, of 
this church, are all older than the tenth century : And confequent- 
ly the poi?ited arch was ufed in this country, long before we had it 
in England, which was not till 1216. 

The little church of St. Paul contains fome remains of an 
extreme old building on the outfide, but is quite modern within. 
Over an old pointed arch I found this date, the infcription of a 
tomb I. y. CCC. LXXII. that is, 1372 --, for the Spaniards always 
write their cypher to exprefs a thoufand in that way, why I know 
not. At the great altar is a pidlure of St. Paul falling from his 
horfe in his way to Damascus. No traces of any other old arch 
here, but the roof is vaulted. 

A Church near the Pla^a Mayor, date found in it 1569. 
The WJi. of Segovia mentions the churches of St. Coloma and 
St. Memes, or St. Lucia, built in 923 ; but I know nothing of 
them. It is remarkable that there are more churches, convents, 
and pariflies here, than at Madrid. 

The town, upon the whole, has a ftrange appearance; the 
buildings look wild, and odd, raifed fometlmes upon the uneven 
and craggy parts of the rock without levelling it. Here are all 
forts and ftyles of architedure ; Roman, Gothic, Moorifiy Saxon, 
and Spanijk. 

The PLA9A Mayor is a very tolerable, irregular fquare ; but 
the buildings round it are in the old SpaniJJd ftyle, and look mife- 
rably. Though wood here is very dear, and fcarce, and cracks 
with the force of the fun ; yet the fronts of mofl of them are all 
wood, all fir, and fuch miferable, thin, ruinous, paper-buildings, 
you would be furprized at. 

9 The 



SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 199 

The town-houfe is a good modera building. The Mint 
here, or Ingenmny as they call it, was founded by Philip II. in 

Segovia has produced fome writers of note ; among thefe 
the names of Villalpando, Sepulved/\, Bonaventura, 
and CovARRUviAS are the moft eminent. 

There is a large Chth-ManufaBure here; they fold. In the 
year 1759, 7,400 pieces of cloth of 30, 60, and 80 bars in 
length. They have likewife a Linen and a Paper manufa(fture. 
The Blankets of this city are perhaps the finefl in the world : 
But they are dear. 



the follow i*^g is 
An EPISTLE from Don Gregorio Mayans, 

Con faming his Sentiments about the AQUEDUCT. 

QUID QUID ego ad te fcripfero, a benevolentiflimo animo pro- 
^ ficifci exiftimare debes. Ego vero pofteaquam tuum conii- 
lium aperuifti mihi explicatius, laudo illud, & in nobiliffimo argu- 
mento vellete exercere ingenii tui facultates, vehementer probo. 

Lib enter legi epigramma tuum de Aquaedudu Segovienli, 
ad Henricum Florezium. Et, fi meam fententiam fcire cupis, ab 
illo ego valde diffentio. Incipit TraBatum vigefimmn fecundum, 
aiens, Segoviam efj'e iinam ex antiquijjimis Hi/panics urbibus ^ non ob id 
folwn quod nomen ejus indicate ^ commemorationes hiJioricorian^<3 geo- 
graphorunii verum etiam ob infigne monumentmn Aqu^duvtus^ qui an^ 
tiquitatem adeo notabilem defignat, ut non facile Jit ejus originem ajj'erere. 
C^bus verbis falfa veris permifcentur, rerum idcis confufis, qua* 
breviter dillinguam. 

D d Ln 



200 >S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T. 

In eo quod ait de nominis Indicio, fubobfcure alladit ad ridicu- 
lam Ruderici Ximenii, Archiepifcopi Toletani, notationem, qui 
X/^. I. cap 7. de Hifpano loquens, ita fcripfit. Chkatein juxta 
jiicrum Dorii adificavit in loco fuhjeSlo promontorioy quod Cob ia dicitiir, 
^ quia fecus Cobiam fita^ Secobia nunciipatiir : qu?e nominis notatio 
fapponit in Hifpania Latinae linguce ulum, antequam aliquis Ro- 
manus in earn adveniiTet; immo antequam efTet ipfa lingua. Se- 
<^ovi£e mentio apud hifloricos & geographos, adeo recens eft, ut 
ex illorum teftimoniis ejus antiquitas deduci nequeat. Antiquiora 
enim hifloricorum teftimonia funt A. Hirtii, & L. Flori, quorum 
hie Lib. II. cap. 22. Segoviae, ut puto, Arevacoriim, meminit 
a^ens de bello Sertoriano: ille llbro De bello Alexandrino, ca.p. ^y. 
mentionem fecit Segoviae fitae ad Silicenfe flumen. Ex geographis 
autem nemo antiquior Ptolemaeo Segoviae meminit. Eum vide Lib.. 
II. cap. 6. Quod fi. mentionem apud aummos addere vis, cum poft 
extindum Caligulam nulli nummi imperiales in Hifpaniarum co- 
loniis & municipiis percuffi fuerint, ut rei nummarise peritiffimus- 
Emmanuel Martinus Vaillantium fecutus docuit, Epiji. Lib. III.. 
epifi 1 1 . nulla probatio antiquitatis deduci poteft, nifi ex nummo 
illo fingulari, quem Rudericus Carus affirmavit fe poffidere, Antiq. 
Hiftal Lib. III. cap, 50. & prasterea nummus ilie ad Segoviam 
Arevacornm non pertinet : utpote in eo pons defignatur,. non.aquae- 
dudus: pons fcilicet ad tranfeundum Silicenfe flumen, quod eft. 
in B^etica, etfi quale fit, ignoretur. Fortius igitur antiquitatis ur- 
bis Scgovias argumentum ab aquaedudus fabrica vult ducere Flo- 
rezius^ nulla vero ratione allegata: nam in eo quod art. 3. ejuf- 
dem capitis ait, archite6luram non efte Romanam, adverfarios ha- 
bet ocuiatos teftes anonymum au6lorem Dialogi Linguarum j quem 
ego edidi in Originibus linguce Hifpanicc^, Tom.Yi. pag. 165, atque 
clariffimos viros Laurentium Padillam in Antiquit. Hi/pan. cap. 3. 
& Marchionem Mondexarenfem, Dijjertat. Ecclefiaft. Tomo I. df//'. 
1. cap. -;. §. 7. & in Noticiis Gemalogicis Gentis Segovice, editis na- 
mine Johannis Roman & Cardenas,, cap. 4. pag. 20.. 

ViDEAMUS tamen inter quas opiniones fluduet Florezius. Ejus 
verba de aquacdudu loquentis, funt hsc : Aliqiii (ejus originem) 
referunt ad Herculem-, alii ad Imperatorem TCrajamim -, & non exigua 
vulgi pars judicatfuiffe Diabolifabricam. Et coatinuo fubjungit, ip- 

Jam 

* 



SEGOVIAN A QJJ E D U C T. 201 

fam opiniomim varietatcm probare, nihil ejje certum. Si nihil Igitur 
certum eft, curSegoviae antiquitatem ab aquxdudus fabrica colligit, 
fttque banc probationem cacteris omnibus anteponit ? 

Opinio vulgi afTerentis diabolum fuifTe ftrudiorem aquacduc* 
tus, omnino defpicienda eft. Prior ilia tribuens Herculi illud 
opus, ridicula : ejufque originem detexit Didacus Colmenares in 
Hijhria Scgovice, cap. i, §. 2/ fubjunxitque multos alios hi- 
ftoricos, quos ibi recenfet, lecutos fuiife Rudericum Ximenium, 
qui Lib, I. cap. 7, fcrlpfit, Hifpanum ab Hercule Hifpani^E prae- 
fecflum aquffidudlum ilium conftruxiffe. QucC opinio ceque falfa 
eft ac praecedens. Verum hoc obiter noto, nomen hoc, Hifpa- 
nufUy idem efte atque Hifpaliim : nam n facile convertitur in /. Sic 
Meftalas didi a Meflana devidta, 6c qui in Cornelia gente dicuntur 
Hifpali, fyllaba penultima produdla, Hifpani didi a Diodoro Sicu- 
io in Exccrptis, licut etiam ab Appiano in Libyco, adnotante Hen- 
rico Valelio, pag. 59. Re vera autem Hifpanus fuit amnis, ut 
£gregie probatur eleganti Trogi Pompeii teftimonio, quod apud 
Juftinum legitur. Lib. XLIV. cap. i . lie fe habens : Hanc vetercs 
ab Hibero amne primiun Hiberiam, pojiea ad Hifpnno Hifpaniam cog- 
nominaverunt, quod teftimonium prae oculis habebat B. liidorus, 
cum 'Etymol. Lib. IX. cap. 2* dixit : Hifpani ab Hibero amne pri- 
mum Hiberii pojiea ab Hijpalo Hifpani cogjioniinati funt . Ex quibus 
conftat Hifpanum amnem eundem elfe ac Hifpalum, a quo urbs 
Hifpal nomen accepit, aut vice verfa. 

Sed primum illud veriftmilius eft, cum flumina foleant ellc an- 
tiquiora urbibus juxta e'a fitis. Novum autem non eft amnium 
nomina confi6tis regibus applicari folere, uti failum vidcmus in 
Frcefatione aftuta B. Ifidori Chronico Mundi, in Hifpania illufrata, 
'Tomo IV. pag. 41. Variis igitur Ba^tis nominibus hoc adjunge cce- 
teris illuftrius, quia & urbi celeberrimce, 6c univerfa? HilpanicC no- 
men dedit. 

Extribus igitur opinionibus aFlorezio commemoratis,una fuper- 
pft,qua} in examen adducidebct,anaqua:dudus fcilicet ab Inipcratore 
Trajano a^difcari juftlis lit, aut ejus tempore conftrucJftus, quod ad 
ejus antiquitatem comprobandam idem eft. Qlkc opinio digniftima 

D d 2 eft. 



202 S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T. 

eft, ut in cam inquiramus, qiioniam pro fe habet infcriptionem : 
qua? fi vera fit, lis efl finita ; fm confiAa, iidio ejus probari debet, 
ne aliud aflerentibus obftet. Verum Florezius, qui eodem Traci, 
XXII. cap. I. num. 13. allegavit nonnulias infcriptiones, fciens 
prudeiifque infcriptionem, de qua loquor, filentio prsteriit, ne (i 
earn probaret, opinionem immodicas antiquitatis, quam ipfe tenet, 
abjicere cogeretur; aut, fi improbaret, rationes ficftionis reddere 
deberet, quas hiftorici, pr-^cedentes eum, omiferunt. Videamus 
autem quid fentiendum fit. Valdefius apud aud:orem Dialogi de- 
Linguis ait, in Segovienfi aqusedudu fuo tempore fupereile non- 
nulias literas, ex quibus conftabat Romanos ilium ftruxifTe. Paullo 
poftea nullam infcriptionem invenire potuit clarus vir Laurentius 
Padilla, ut ipfe memorat in A?2tiquit. Hi/pan. fol. 13. pag. 2. Am- 
brofius Morales, Lib'. IX. cap. 22. fol. 273. pag. 2. confirmat in 
fuperiore parte illius aedificii fuo tempore fuperelTe indicia littera- 
rum, nullas vero extare. Refert autem diditari fuifTe lapidem 
infcriptum hoc modo ; 

LARTIUS. LICI 
NIVS. CVM. GV 
BERNASSET. HIS 
PANIAM. HVNC 
AQVAEDVCTVM 
IVSSIT. AEDIFI 
CARI. 

DefcripUt hunc titulum Occo,pag. 29. n. ^. Sc ex eo, ut folet, licet 
e Morali dicat, Gruterus, pag. 1 80. ?2. 4. Subjungit autem Mora- 
les, jieminem memoria tenere, fe vidiffe illas litteras, neque audivifje 
fuiffe. Et ego (inquit) pro certo habeo, titulum ^ qui ibifuit, nonfu- 
ijfe etimy quern hie pofui : nam neque ftiliuny neque ullum faporem habet 
tnfcrlptionis Romance. Alii dicunt, litteras^ qua ibifuerunt, indicaffe 
cedificium illud fa^lumfuife impenfa multorum populorwn, inter quos 
nominabantur Carpetaniy & Vaca^i. Hocf5lio efty ^ njalde incon^ 
fderata\ nam cum efet cedificium in utiUtatcmfmgularem unius iirbis, 
non debebant contribuere aliipopuli, utifaciebant in pontibus ad tranf 
eundos anines, qui pontes toti provincice erant utiles. Hue ufque Mo- 
rales, judiciofe, uti folet. 

5 Quod 



SEGOVIAN A QJLJ E D U C T. 203 

Quod vero attlnet ad Infcriptionem, ea proculdubio confida 
eft. Nam, fi vei-a ellet, Lartius Licinius prasnonien fuum non omi- 
fifTet. Et cum Frator primum tefte Plinio, Lib. XIX. cap. 2. 
ac deinde Legatus, in quo munere obiit, fuerit, ut idem refert. 
Lib. i\. cap. 2. nullo modo omififlet munus, quo ipfe funge- 
batur, li vivens aqua^dudtum aediiicari juffifTet : & fi ex ejus tefta- 
mento fadlus fuilTet, Plinius, qui fcripfit poft ejus mortem procul- 
dubio id commemorafTet : Plinius, inquam, fenior, qui poft Lar- 
tii Licinii mortem fcripfit : de quo duas res memorabiles refert, 
nimirum, Lib. XIX. cap.\\2\\Q. Lartio Licinio, prcefare viro, jura 
reddenti in Hifpania Carthagine, paucis hinc annis fcimus accidi/Je, ut 
inordenti tuber., undeprehenjlts intus denarius primos deiites ijifie^teret : 
alteram Lib. XXXI. cap. 2. quae inter varias obfervationes referri 
debet. In Cantabria {\\\<^\t)fontes Tamaraci in augur io habentur, 
Tres funt, ononis pedibus diji antes. Li unum aheum coeunt vajlo 
amne. Singulis fic cant ur duo decies die bus aliqua?2do vicies, citra )uf- 
picionem idlam aquc^y cum fit vicinus illisfomjine intermijjione largus. 
Mirum ejiy non proftuere cos aufptcari volentibus.ficut proxime Lartio 
Licinio legato pofi prteturam pofifeptem dies accidit. Quis igitur du- 
bitabit, Plinium, qui Lib. III. cap. 2. mentionem fecit Segovia, 
nullo modo filentio proEteriturum adeo magnificum opus amici fui, 
qui tanti faciebat, fua eledla, ut de iis loquens Plinius junior. Lib. 
HI. epift. 5. ita fcripferit. Referebat ipfe (Plinius fenior) potuij/e 
fe, cum procurarct in Hifpania, vender e hos commenfarios Lariio Li^ 
cinio, quadringentis millibus nummum: & tunc aliquajito pauciores 
erant. Praeterea locutio ilia, cvM gvbernasset hispaniam, 
infolens eft, & inaudita in hujufmodi titulis: & minime conveni- 
ens pr^tori aut legato : & multo minus ei, qui uti admonui, in 
ipfo legationis tempore obiit. Ex falfa igitur infcriptione nullum 
argumentum defumi poteft. 

Nunc vellem fcire, quo vultu legeris, quod ipfe Florezius (tii- 
tit, nu?n. 3. dificile fore impugnare dicentem Romanos architeSiuram 
didicijje ab hujufmodi cperibus. Nimirum fupponit, aqua^duftus ar- 
chitedturam antiquiorem efle R^omana. Si hoc verum elTet, qua 
fronte Vitruvius, C. Caefaris & Augufti architedus, Lib. II. cap. i. 
ita fcripfit. Ad hunc die?n nationlbus extcris ex his rebus adificia 
confiituuntur, ut in Gallia, Hifpania, Lufitania, Jlquitania, fcandu- 
lis robujleis^ aut frame nt is. Plinius, Lib. XXXV. cap. 14. refc- 



rens 



204 S E G O V I A N A QJJ E D U C T. 

rens Hifpanorum aedificia, fic ait ; ^id! non in Africa^ Hifpania" 
que ex terra parieteSy quos appellant formaceos, (quoniamin forma cir** 
cumdatis utrinqiie duabiis tabiilisj inferciuntur verms, qiidm mjlruun- 
turj ^cevis durante incorrupti imbribuSy vent is, ignibiis, cmnique ce* 
mento firmiores f SpeBa etiani nunc fpecidas Jiannibalis Hifpania, 
terrenajque turres.jugis inonttinn impojitas. Adde B. ifidorum. Lib. 
XV. cap. 9. Plinii verba defcribentem, & Palladium, Lib. I. cap. 
34. Vides quomodo ardificaretur in Hiipania, Poenis dominanti- 
bus. Vidifti jam & oculis tuis contirmafti, aqua^dudus Segovien- 
lis architeduram efle Romanam. Ergo cum videatur non fuilTe 
Plinii hiftoria antiquior, non multo pofteriorem ea fuilTe creden- 
dum eft. Fulcit banc conjeduram, Plinium, & fcriptores eo anti- 
qulores, non meminilTe Segoviac, ut urbis ampliffimas. Oportet 
autem magnam urbem fuilTe, quas fumptus fufficeret ad aedifican- 
dum aqua?du6lum longiflimum & fumtuofiillmum in fuorum civium 
ufum, ita firmum atque magnihcum, ut duratione, integritate, at- 
que magnificentia vincat omnia antiquitatis monumenta, qucE ho- 
die fuperiunt, infervitque ufui, cui deilinatus fuit : quod permi- 
rum efl. 

Si vero a me fcire cupis, quid exiflimem de ipfius urbis antiqui- 
tate, ego itajudico. Antiqua^ civitates, quae originem fuam non 
debent Romanis, ut Emerita Augufta : ne que Grscis, ut Rhoda, 
Emporiae, Arthemifium aut Dianium, Alone (hodie Guardamar) 5 
neque Poenis, ut Carthago Nova j neque Phcenicibus, ut Cartalias, 
Cartima, Carteja, Gaddir; earn debent prifcis Hifpanis, inter quas 
Segovia numerari debet : nam exteri, qui ante Romanes in Hif- 
paniam venerunt, negotiatores erant, ideoque colonias fuas fla- 
biliebant in ora maritima, a qua longe diftat Segovia,' quae cum in- 
ter Arevacorum urbes nominetur a Piinio & aliis, inter Hifpanas an- 
tiquiores civitates adnumerari debet. Cupio ut iudicio tuo mcam 
tententiam connrmes, aat nieliora me doceas. Dcus Optimus Ma- 
ximus Tibi propitius fit, ut enixe oro. 

OLiviE, quint Jdus Novembres, Anno mdcclxi. 

* As odd as this pafiage of Pliny may appear to the Reader, it is right : and 
he delcribes their manner of building in Spain' to this very day ; — they place two 
planks on each fide, and then throw in thiir mortar and bricks all together, which 
the fun afterwards hardens to a wall. 

LETTER 



LETTER XI. 



Some Account of the Antiquities at Cor dub a, Se- 
ville, Cadiz, Granada, Saguntum, Tar- 
ragona, and Barcelona. 



THE city of Cor DUB a is finely fituated on the banks of 
the Guadalq^hvir, in a wide plain. The ftreets are nar- 
row, not unlike thole of Toledo. The Mosque is a large, 
fquare building, nineteen naves running from north to fouth, 
feparated by foiall beautiful columns of black marble, jafper, ala- 
bafler, &c, fbme with fine Corinthian capitals, taken out of the 
old temple of Janus August'J?, as appears by the following In- 
fcription, on a pillar of green marble, which in Mariana's time 
Hood in the Francifcan convent there. 

IMP. CAESAR. Divr. 

F. AVGUSTVS. cos, 

VIIK TRIB. POTEST. 

XXI. PONT. MAX. A. 

BAETE. ET. lANO. 

AVGVSTO. AD. 

OCEANVM. 

CXXI. 

GONSTANTIAE. 

AETERNITATI 

Q^E. AVGVST. 

/'T/Vc' Maj-ianam, L. III. C xxiv. P, 129./ 

Thi^ 



2c6 A N T I QJU ITIES at CORDUBA. 

This muft have been a noble Roman road, for it reached from 
Salamanca to Cadiz, pafTing through Merida and Seville, 
to the diftance of above three hundred miles. The latter part of 
it, from CoRDUBA through EzijA to the fea, was finiflied in 
the eleventh confulate of Augustus, as appears by another iri' 
fcription, relating to the fame road, which I fhall now give you. 
See Mariana, p. 49. Udal ap Rhys, p. 122. 

IMP. CAES. DIVI. F. AVGVSTVS. PONT. 

MAX. 

cos. XI. TRIBVNIC. POTEST. X. 

IMP. viir. 

GRBE. MARI. ET. TERRA. PACATO. 

TEMPLO. 

lANI. CLVSO. ET. REP. P. R. OPTIMIS. 

LEGIBVS. 

ET. SANCTISSIMIS. INSTITVTIS. 

REFORMATA. 

VIAM. SVPERIOREM. COS. TEMPORE. 

INCHOATAM. 

ET. MULTIS. LOCIS. INTERMISSAM. PRO. 

DIGNITATE. 

IMPERII. P. R. LATIOREM. LONGIOREM 

QUE. 

GADEIS. USQ^ PERDUXIT. 

This road was afterwards repaired by the Emperor HadrtaN, as 
is plain from a third infcrl^tion found in its neighbourhood. 

IMP. CAESAR. 
DIVI. TRAIANI. PAR- 
THICI. F. DIVI. NER. 
VAE. NEPOS. TRAIA- 

NUS. HADRIANVS. 

AUG. PONTIF. MAX. 

TRIB. POT. V. COS. 

III. RESTITVIT. 

But to return to the Mosque j the columns in the church would 
have a beautiful efFed, if they were not interrupted with crofs- 

walls. 



A N T I QJJ I T I E S A T C O R D U B A, &c. 207 

walls, altars, and the choir, and the prefbytery, which is built in the 
middle. The arches round and re-entering ; the coving and roof 
modern. The re-entering arch was probably firll: taken from the 
crefcentj or Mahomet an- dtvice. 

There are many Roman infcriptions at Co u dub a, in the pof- 
feflion of a private perfon ; chiefly fepulchraly but no names of 
note in them ; tho' there are fome of families, that had received 
their freedom. The whole will be foon fully explained by Pa- 
dre RuANo, a Jefuit, who intends publifhing the antiquities of 
this church and city. From Corduba the road leads you to 
the city of Seville. 

Seville ftands in an immenfe plain, on the GuADALQj^riviR, 
having a bridge of boats acrofs the river; it is a city of great ex- 
tent, and I am not fure whether it does not contain as many in- 
habitants as Madrid. The flreets are worfe than thofe of To- 
ledo, but the houfes are clean, built round a fquare-court, with 
green lattices i and £haded from the fun by a ca?ivafs on the top. 

The cathedral oi Sev 11.1.^ is an extreme fine Gothic ftrud:ure, 
raifed on noble pointed arches, and adorned with good painted 
glafs-windows. It confiils oi five naves, but the whole is fpoilt 
by the fcreen of the choir, which intercepts your view to a 
magnificent altar, and a miraculous virgin at the eaft end. Be- 
fore that altar is a farcophagus of filver, within Vvdiich b^es the 
body of Fernando Santo. There is much plate oelonging to 
this church ; one whole altar and frontifpiece of plate, and a 
moft beautiful filver ciijiodia. They have a pleafiiig oval room 
for a chaptcr-houfe ; bcfides there is a tower about 44 feet fquare, 
and upwards of 1^0 feet high, built by the Moors in the year 
1000, with turrets, and a cupola added by the Chriftians, which 
makes it altogether about 300 feet to the top of the image upon 
the cupola. The afcent of the tov/er is fo eafy, that there are 
no fleps, and an horfe might eafily afcend to the top. In the 
convents are many capital ^/^wr^j- by Murillo. In a convent of 
Jeromites, upon the river, is a glorious ilatue of aSV. jfero/n, in 
clay J and from the turrets one has a lovclv prorpe(ft of the plain, 

E c the 



2o8 ANTKiUITIE S at SEVILLE and CADIZ. 

the river, and the city. Seville Is watered by a Roman aqtie- 
diiciy extending from Carmona to the city, the diftance of twenty 
Engliili miles. There are two fine, large Corinthimi pillar s, 
taken from a temple of Diana, on which they have placed the 
llatues of Julius C/ESAR and Hercules. In the houfe of the 
Duke of Medina C^li, are fome i^o/;M;z pillars, ftatues, and 
iafcriptions. The walls of Seville are all Roman, 

At Cadiz there are fome fine pictures of Murillo, parti- 
cularly an altar-piece, from whence he fell, and lofl his life. 
There are great Roman remains and infcriptions in the high 
church, and bits of columns every where fcrving as threfliholds 
and pofts. In the corner of one houfe they have ftuck into the 
wall, the remains of a confular toga, and have added to it an 
head, painted red and white, and a green laurel crown. In one 
.convent there is 2ifarcophagus, with curious marble bas-reliefs : it 
is now a ciftern, and the good fathers have firuck two brafs- 
cocks into the bellies of two water-nymphs, who are hencefor- 
ward condemned to a perpetual diabetes. They difcovered lately 
a beautiful column, which to prevent trouble and expence, the^ 
buried carefully again. The place is plainly a mount, made up 
of ruins, fo that they can hardly ftir the ground, but the rub- 
biili turns up fomething curious. 

There are fome Roman infcriptions at Medina Sidonia -, 
but you would be moil delighted with the city of Granada: 
It flands at the foot of a moft noble ridge of barren mountains 
and rocks, which ftretch round on each fide, in fuch a manner 
as to embrace a lovely plain, which is varied with plantations, 
gardens, and villages : had it but a river, like the Guadalquivir, 
nothing could exceed it, unlefs it were an Englifli profped: of 
the Thames from Cliffden, or the Trent from Clifton. 

The Al-hambra, at Granada, is built on a high hill, 
which overlooks the city and the valley, containing many grand 
apartn^ients, all in the Moorish ftyle, with alcoves, domes, 
founvains, Arabic infcriptions^ &c. &c. befides which there is a 
part built by Charles V. but not finifhed. The front is hand- 
2 fome 



ANTIQUITIES AT SAG U N T U M. 209 

fome for this country, and the apartments are built round a very 
beautiful, circular court, with 32 tine marble columns below, 
and as many in a gallery above. Not far from it, there is a de- 
licious garden of the ?vIooRisH Kings, called the Gniiiala- 
RiFFEE, with all kinds of trees, flouriiliing upon a Iteep hang- 
ing rock, and as much water as fupplies numberiefs jette-d'eaiixs, 
and fountains. The rides round the city are charming. 

There is at Saguntum a fquare teirflated pavement^ with 
Bacchus upon a tyger in the middle ; a border on the fides, and 
flowers iffuing in fcrolls from the four corners. There are alfo 
the almofl entire remains of a Roman amphitheatre^ built under 
the caftle, upon the fide of a rocky mountain, and commanding 
a view of a mofl fertile country, bounded by the fea. — This theatre ^ 
together with fome infcriptions, are defcribed in Marti, the dean 
of AHcanfs epiftles, lately pubhfhed in 4to. by Mr. V/esseling, 
and, if I miftake not, the building is fuppofed to have contained 
14,000 people. It is certainly a mofl noble fpecimen. 

At Tarragona there are a multitude of Roman infcriptiom, 
moft of them to be found in the Annals of Catalonia. Not far 
from thence, in the road to Barcelona, you pafs under a very 
handfome triumphal arch, ered:cd by the family of the Licinii, 
adorned with fluted Corinthian pillars, and a pediment, with 
dentiles, like the Ionic order. The infcription on the frieze, on 
one fide, is quite effaced ; on the other the letters are more vifible, 
and contain the following :— EX TESTAMENTO L. LICINII. 
On the other fide was F. SERG. SVRAE CONSECRATVM. 
(See Anto. Augufl. dialog. IV. p. 142. — a dos Leguas de Tar- 
ragona, &c. &c.) 

A LITTLE way on one fide the road, fomewhat farther on, is tlie 
Torre de los Scipiones, or more properly, the tomb of the Sci- 
pios : being the bafe of an ohelifk, or pyramid, eredted to their 
memory, with a figure on each fide in the Roman habit; thefe 
are by fome judged to exprefs the two SciPios, by others two 
weeping flaves. 

E c ;', I s 



210 ANT IQJLJ ITIES at BARCELONA. 

In Barcelona there is hardly any thing curious, except an 
old mezzo -rcki'vo of a Hon hunting, with different figures, men, 
horfes, dogs, &c. This is now converted into a ciftern, and ftands 
in the court of one of the canons. Upon a wall by it are two 
beautiful heads in profile^ very well preferved ; one reprefenting 
Julius C^sar with the laurel crown ; the other with an orna- 
mented helmet. There are fome i^\N family infer ipt ions. The city 
is large, but the ftreets are dark and narrow, with as much in- 
dullry in them, as if the people were not Spaniards. The for- 
tifications, tho' expenfive, are injudicious. 

I cannot conclude this account without prefenting my reader, 
now I am upon the fubjed: of Roman antiquities remaining in 
Spain, with the mod remarkable genuine Roman infcription 
written in '•oerfe, and ftill to be feen in a temple near the bridge of 
Alcantara in Estrfmadura: the architedt Lager, wha 
built both the bridge and the temple, was a good poet, as well 
as builder, tho' his affurance in both arts is fcarce to be equal- 
led. 

Imp. Nervae Trajano Caefari 
Augi'ifto, Germanico, Dacico facrum. 

Templum in rupe Tagi Superis et Caefare plenum, 

Ars ubi materia vincitur ipfa fua; 
Quis, quali dederit voto, fortafTe requiret 

Cunque viatorum, quos nova fama juvat -, 
Pontem perpetui manfurum in fscula mundi 

Fecit divina nobilis arte Lager ; 
Ingentem vafta pontem qui mole peregit, 

i^acra litaturo fecit honore Lager ; 
Qui pontem fecit Lacer, et nova templa dicavit. 

Scilicet et Superis munera fola libant ; 
Idem Roinuleis templum cum Carfare Divis 

Conflituit : Felix utraque caufa facri. 

C. Julius Lacer H. S. T- et 
Dedicavit amico Curio Luconi 
Igacditano. 

See Bleaus Atlas, and Mr, Ap-Rice, p. ii6. 

I LETTER 



LETTER XII. 



A List of the Land Forces of His Moft Catholic Ma- 
jesty, CHARLES III. King of SPAIN, in the year 1760. 



Regiments of Infantry. 

Spaniard*. 

Tlie Spanifli Guards 

The Walloon Guards 

The Queen's Regiment 

The Regiment of Caftile 

of Lombardjr 

of Galicia 

of Savoy 

of the Crown 

of Afrfca 

of Zamora 

of Soria 

of Cordova 

of Portugal 

of Guadalajara: 

of Seville 

of Granad'a 

of Viifloria 

of Lifhon 

of Spain 

of Toledo 

of Majorca 

of Burgos 

of Murca 

of Leon 

of Cantabria 

of Allurias 

ofCeuta, Itationed 

of Navarre 

of Artillery 

of Arragon 

of Marines 

of Oran, llationcd 

Total of the Spaniards ■ 



Years. 



703 
703 

?35 

537 
537 
537 
537 
553 
580 

531 

5jO 

657 

657 

657 

658 
660 
C60 

C6z 

634 
^^34 

703 
703 

703 
705 
710 
711 
711 
733 



Uniform. 



Blue and Red 
Blue and Red 
Blue and Red 
White and Yellow 
White and Red 
White and Red 
White and Blue 
White and Blue 
White and Blue 
White and Red 
White and Red 
\^'hite and Red 
White and Red 
White and Red 
White and Blue 
White and Green 
White and Red 
White and Red 
V^'hite and Green 
White and Blue 
White and Red 
White and Red 
White and Blue 
White and Red 
White and Blue 
V- hite and Red 
Vv^hite and Red 
White and Red 
Blue and Red 
White and Red 
Blue and Red 
White and Green 



Bs. Men. 



6 '. 


;i8o 


6 


ii8o 


2 


166 


2 


166 


2 


166 


^ 


166 


2 


166 


2 


1166 


2 


166 


2 1 


166 


2 


166 


2 


166 


2 


r66 


2 


166 


2 


1166 


2 


166 


'y 


166 


2 


1 66 


2 


166 


^ 


166 


2 


1166 


2 


1166 


2 


166 


2 


166 


2 


166 


2 


i65 


2 


380 


2 


166 


2 1 


380 


2 1 


166 


8 i 


):6o 


2 1 


380 


8 46 


876 


Regin 


cn,» 



212 



A List of the Spanish 



Regiments of Infantry. 

Italians. 

A Regiment of Neapolitans 
of Milan 

Total of Italians 

Short Walloons. 

Regiment of Flanders 
of Brabant 
of BrufTels 

Total of the Walloons •- 

Irifh. 



Years, 



1552 
1704 



Land Forces. 




Uniform. 


Bt. 


Mcj^. 


White and Red 


2 


1060 


White and Blue 


2 


1060 



2IZ0 



1536 


White and Blue 


2 


1060 


1713 


White and Blue 


2 


1060 


'734- 


White and Blue 


2 


io3o 



3180 



The Regiment of Ireland 
of Ibernia 
of Uifter 




1638 

1703 
1703 


White and Blue 
Red and Green 
Red and Blue 


z 

2 
2 


1060 
1060 
1060 


Total of Irilh 








6 


3180 


Swifs. 












The Regiment of Buch 

of Senballar 
of Young Red 


ng 




Red and Blue 
Blue and Red 
Blue and Yellow 


2 
2 

2 


1480 
1480 
1480 



Total of the Swifs 



4440 



Regiments of Militia. 






The Regiment of Jaen 


White and Blue j 


700 


of Badajos 


White and Red 


700 


of Seville 


White and Red 


700 


of Burgos 


White and Red 


700 


of Lugo 


White and Yellow 


I 700 


of Granada 


White and Green 


700 


ofLeon 


White and Green 


7C0 


of Oviedo 


White and Blue 


t 700 


of Cordova 


White and Green 


1 700 


of Murcia 


White and Red 


r 700 


of Trujillo 


White and Blue 


1 700 


of Xerez 


White and Red 


1 700 


of Carmona 


White and Green 


700 


of Niebla 


White and Yellow ] 


700 


of Ezija 


White and Blue 1 


700 


of Ciudad Rodrigo 


White and B'ue ] 


700 


of Placentia 


White and Red i 


700 


of Logrogne 


White and Green ] 


700 


of Siguenza 


White and Green i 


700 


of Toro 


White and Yellow 


700 




Carried over 2c 
I 


14000 
Ugiments 



A List of the Spanish Land Forces. 



213 



Regiments of Militia. 

The Regiment of Soria 

of Santandero 
of Orenfe 
of St. Jago 
of Pontevedra 
of Tuy 
of Batanzos 
of Antequera 
of Malaga 
of Guadiz 
of Ronda 
of Alp uj arras 
of Bujalance 

T«(al of the Militia 

Regiments of Invalids. 

The Regiment of Caftile 

of Andalufia 
of Galicia 
of Valencia 

Total of the Invalids — - 



Veari. 



Uniform. 



Br 
White 
White 
White 
White 
White 
White 
White 
White 
White 
White 
White 
White 
White 



ought over 
anfl Blue 
and Blue 
and Yellow 
and Red 
and Blue 
and Red 
and Green 
and Red 
and Green 
and Yellow 
and Yellow 
and Blue 
and Yellow 



White and Red 
White and Blue 
White and Yellow 
White and Green 



Bs. 



Men. 



20 i/j.,000 
700 
700 
700 
700 
700 
700 
700 
700 



00 



700 
700 
700 
700 



33 23,100 



1200 
1200 
1200 
1200 






Regiments of Horfe. 
The Queens Regiment 
The Regiment of the Prince 

of Milan 

of Bourbon 

of the Orders 

of Farnefe 

of Alcantara 

of Eftremadura 

of Barcelona 

of Malta 

of Brabant 

of Flandres 

of Algarve 

of Andiluflfe 

of Calatrava 

of Granada 

©f Seville 

of St. Jago 

of Montefa 

of the Coall of G ranada 

of Carabiniers 

of Body Guards 

Total of the Horfe — — 



1703 
1703 

1640 
1640 
i6u 
1656 
1656 
1653 
1670 
1683 

'635 
1701 

1703 
1703 
1703 
1703 

1703 

1706 

1735 
1732 

1703 



Red and Blue 
Blue and Red 
White and Red 
White and Red 
Blue and Red 
Blue and Red 
White and Red 
White and Red 
White and Blue 
White and Blue 
White and Blue 
White and Blue 
White and Blue 
White and Blue 
White and Red 
White and Red 
White and Blue 
Blue and Red 
White and Blue 
Blue and Yellow 
Blue and Red 
Blue and Red 



2 


24s 


2 


245 


2 


24s 


2 


245 


2 


245 


2 


245 


2 


245 


a 


245 


2 


24s 


2 


245 


2 


245 


2 


24s 


2 


245 


2 


24s 


2 


245 


2 


245 


2 


24s 


2 


245 


2 


24? 


2 


600 


3 


460 


3 


399 


6 


61 14 


Reg 


ments 



214 



A List of the 


Spanish 


Land Forc e s. 




Regiments of Dragoons. 


Years, 


Uniform. 


Bf. 


Men. 


The Queen's Regiment 


I73S 


Red and Blue 


2 


256 


The Regiment of Belgia 


1674 


Yellow and Red 


2 


256 


of Battavia 


1684 


Yellow and Red 


2 


256 


of Pavia 


1683 


Yellow and Red 


2 


256 


of Frifa 


1703 


Yellow and Red 


2 


256 


of Saguntiim 


1703 


Yellow and Green 


2 


256 


of Edinburgh 


1707 


Yellow and Blue 


2 


256 


of Numantia 


1707 


Yellow and Blue 


2 


256 


of Lufitania 


1703 


Yellow and Blue 


2 


2;6 


of Merida 


'735 


Yellow and Blue 


2 


256 



20 



2560 



Total of the Dragoons 

Independant Companies, 
The Crofs Bow-men of Baeza 
The Citizens of Ceuta 
The Fufileers of Jetares 
The Garrifons of Ceuta 
ofMelille, Pegnon, Aluzemas,? 

Penifcola 5 

of Oran 

The Gunners of Eftramadura 

Ditto of Oran and Ceuta 

The Miners and Workmen of Oran 1 

and Ceuta 3 

Ditto of Lanifa 
Madrid, Bon Ventura 

Oran, Mogataces 

Total of the Independant Companies — — 

Sum total, 98,375 Men. 

By an ordonnance of his Majefty, dated 1741, which was the refult of a grand council 
of the Sword, the order and rank of the regiments of Infantry, Horfe and Dragoons, was 
declared to be the fame that is obferved in this Table, referving always to each of them 
their right in fo far as they can offer new proofs. 

Befides the above troops, his Catholic Majefty has for the guard of his Royal Perfon, 
a body of 150 Halberdiers, who are alfo employed to fupply vacant ofHces. 



White and Green 
Blue and Red 
Blue and Red 
Blue and Red 


I 
I 
I 
I 


200 
150 

80 

2 GO 


Blue and Red 


2 


400 


Blue and Red 
Blue and Red 
Blue and Red 


I 

I 
2 


400 
100 
200 


Blue and Red 


2 


H5 


Blue and Red 
Blue and Red 

CIn the Turkifli 

I manner 


I 
I 

I 


30 
50 

so 





'5 


2005 



^« 



[ 2^5 ] 



An ejiimafe of the annual expence oftheljh'^'D Forces in thefer^ 
vice of his Catholic Majesty. 



The General Ellablifliment of the Army. 



TO 6 Captains-General, looo crowns vellon 
per month each, is annually 
16 Lieutenant-Generals employed, 750 

crowns vel'on per month each, is annually 
25 other Lieutenant-Generals, not employed, 

375 crowns per month each, is annually 
21 Major-generals, employed, 500 crowns 

per month each, is per annum 
20 other Major-Generals, not employed, 250 

crowns per month each, is annually 
30 Brigadiers, 200 crowns per month each, 

is annually 
61 Brigadiers, not employed, 137^ crowns 

per month each, is per annum . - 

11 Majors of Brigade, ico crowns per month 

each, is annually 
a Quarter- M after- General, annually 
a Quarter-Mafter-General of the Cavalry, 

annually - - , 

a Major-General of Dragoons, annually 
a Controler, or Intendant, 
16 Commiflliri^s of War, 150 crowns each 

per month, is per annum 
a Quarter-Mafter-General, annually 
his two aftiftants, 35 crowns per month 

each, is annually 
a Captain of the Guides, annually 
his Lieutenant, annually 



carried over 



F f 



/. J", d^ 

8,000 
1.6,000 

14,000 

6,666 13 4 

8,000 

11,183 6 8 

1,466 13 4 
266 13 4 

266 13 4 
266 13 4 
200 

3,200 
100 

93 6 8 

100 

66 13 4 

^7r:>'7(:> 13 4 
brought* 



133 


6 


8 


332 


4 




53 


6 


8 


133 


6 


8 


266 


13 


4 


200 






133 


6 


8 


89,228 


^7 


4 



2i6 An Account of the Land and Sea Force j 

/. J. d, 
brought over 87,376 13 4 
To 20 Guides on horfcback, annually - 200 

the Prevot of the army, annually - 200 

his two Lieutenants, 'j^ crowns per month 

each, annually - - 200 

2 Exempts, 50 crowns each, per month, is 

annually 
33 Archers, annually 
a Clerk, annually 
the Chaplain -Major, annually 
the firil Phyfician, annually 
the Surgeon-Major, annually 
the Apothecary, annually 



An efiimate of the expence of the Infantry, exclufive of the Body 
Guards, the Walloon Guards, the Swfs, the Regiment of ArtiU 
lery, and Invalids, 

/. s, d. 

To 38 Colonels of 38 regiments of Infantry, 1324- 

Vellon crowns per month each, is annually 6713 6 8 
38 Lieutenant-Colonels, 80 crowns per 

month each, is annually - 4053 6 8 

38 Majors, 65 crowns per month each, is 

annually - - 3293 6 8 

38 Aids or Affiftants, 30 crowns per month 

each, per annum - - 1520 

38 Chaplains, 17J- crowns per month each, 

is per annum - - 886 13 4 

38 Surgeons, 15 crowns per month each, 

is annually - - 760 

38 Drum-Majors, 5 crowns per month each, 

is annually - - 253 6 8 

carried over 17,480 o o 
I brought 



and Revenues of SPAIN. 



brought over 
38 Commandants of fecond battalions, ^y 

crowns per month each, is per annum - 
38 Aids of fecond battahons, 30 crowns per 

month each, is per annum 
38 Chaplains of fecond battalions, 17.1 crowns 

per month each, is annually 
38 Surgeons of fecond battalions, 15 crowns 

per month each, is per annum 
456 Captains of Infantry, 57- crowns per 

month each, is annually 
456 Lieutenants, 22-i crowns per month 

each, is per annum 
456 Enfigns, 15 crowns per month each, is 

per annum 
912 ferjeants, annually 
912 Firft Corporals, annually 
1368 Second Corporals, per annum 
380 Drummers, per annum 
17,784 foldiers, annually 
2964 Grenadeers, annually 
152 Carabineers, per annum 
25,460 pairs of ihoes, annually, at 2s. 2d. 

per pair, is - 

25,460 pairs of flockings, at i^'^'^' F^^' 

pair, is _ - _ 

25,460 hats, at IS. 6.1 <^. each, is 
25,460 fliirts, with 50,920 rollers, at 3 s. 

each, is - - - 

11,400 coats, waiftcoats, and breeches, at 

i/. 1 1 J", i-^-d. each fuit, is 
5472 mufkets, with their bayonets, at i/. 

8 J", each, is 
5472 belts, with their fwords, is 
5472 cartridge-boxes, is - 



217 

/. s. d. 

17,480 o o 

2888 



1520 






886 


13 




y6Q 






34,656 






13,680 






9120 
6091 

435^ 
5.221 

1266 


iS 
6 

^3 

13 


3 
8 

6 


50,911 

11^313 

652 


I 

1 1 

^3 


1 1 
10 


3391 


^3 


4 


1410 
1980 


4 


5 


3819 






^7^7^S 


1 2V 


2 


7650 
2221 


16 
8 


8 


^Z17 


13 





carried over 200,318 18 9 
F f 2 brou{rht 



2iS An Account of the Land and Sea Forces 

/. s. d. 
brought over 200,318 18 9 
To 5472 Drums, with their braces, is - 1824 

25,460 rations, which the King pays every 
day to this body of Infantry, at three _ 
farthings each ration - - 29,200 

Sum total 231,342 18 9 



As it would be too tedious to fpecify the parti- 
cular articles of the other corps, I fhall only 
o-ive the total expence of each of them ; and 
after that (hall fum up the whole expence of 
the land army in 1760. 

The expence of the body of Horfe Guards, con- 

fifting of 480 rnen - - ^(>>S?>S ^3 ^ 

expence of the regiment of Spanifli Foot 

Guards, of 5856 men - - 99>528 6 

regiment of Walloon Guards, of 5856 

men _ - - 97,939 6 

expence of 20 regiments of cavalry 220,349 

expence of ten regiments of Dragoons - 116,354 10 
expence of a regiment of Carabineers - 39063 18 
expence of the three Swifs regiments - 66,240 

regiment of Artillery, and offices belong- 
ing to that department - 35*736 
four regiments of Invalids - - 12,670 10 
The firft article of the General Eflabli{hment 89,228 17 4 
The fecond article of the main body of In- 

* fantry - - 231,342 18 9 

The total expence of the Land Army of 1760 1,035,488 19 7 

REMARKS. 



and Revenues of SPAIN. 



219 



REMARKS. 

The expence of the 23,000 militia is here not reckoned, as 
that corps receives no pay but when it is upon duty, in which 
cafe it is paid in the fame manner as the other regiments. 

The independant companies in the Cathohc King's fervice are 
paid at the expence of the cities which they garrifon -, and on that 
confideration the inhabitants enjoy certain privileges and exemp- 
tions : but a royal edi6t of the year 1752 ordains, that as oft as 
thofe companies fliall take the field, or march to any other place, 
in the King's fervice, they fhall be entertained at his expence. 



A List of the Naval Forces of his Catholic Majesty 
CHARLES m. King of SPAIN, in the year 1760. 



SHIPS of the LINE, 



El Phenix 
El Atronador 
El St. Philipe 

* La Reyna 
El Conftante 

* El Tigie 
** La Afia 
El Fernando 
La Galicia 

* El Infante 
La Princefa 
El Septreniion 
La Africa 

El Oriente 
El Eolo 

* El Aquilon 
El Soterbio 
El Serio 

* * El Neptuno 
El Brilliante 

El Magnanimo 
La Galiarda 

* El Vincedor 



O 



o 



o 



^E, 47. 


3 

CO 


p 



3 












n 


f» 


r 




70 1 


749 


12 


120 


750 




70 I 


743 


12 


120 


750 




70 1 


745 


12 


120 


750 




70 1 


744 


12 


120 


750 




70 1 


75 s 


12 


120 


750 




70 1 


747 


12 


120 


750 




70 ] 


75» 


12 


120 


750 




70 1 


75' 


12 


120 


750 




70 ] 


75' 


12 


120 


750 




70 ] 


750 


12 


I20 


750 




70 1 


75' 


12 


120 


750 




70 


[751 


12 


120 


750 




70 


1752 


12 


120 


750 




70 


«753 


12 


120 


750 




70 


•753 


12 


120 


750 




70 


'754 


12 


120 


750 




70 


'754 


12 


120 


750 




70 


1754 


12 


120 


750 




70 


1754 


12 


120 


750 




70 


1753 


12 


120 


750 




70 


>75 + 


12 


120 


750 




70 


1754 


12 


120 


7S^ 




70 


1755 


12 


120 


750 


Carried over. 


1610 




7^6 


2760 

EIG 


17250 
uerrero 



220 An Account of the Land and Sea Forces 



SHIPS of the LINE, 47. 



El Guerrero 

* El Soberano 
El Gloriofo 
El Heftor 

El Firmo 
El Achilles 
•El Terrible 
La Athalanta 
El Poderofo 
El Arrogante 
El Hercules 
El Dichofo 
El Triumphante 
El Monarcha 
El Diligente 
El Fuerte 

* * La Europa 

* La America 
El Dragon 

El Tridente 

El NuevaEfpana 

La Caftelia 

* El San Genaro 

* Ei San Antonio 



Brought over 



n 


< 





K 









e 


ta 


f5 


3 


3 


3 
3 


5' 
















10 




276 


2760 


17250 


70 1 


759 


12 


120 


750 


70 1 


755 


12 


120 


750 


70 


755 


12 


120 


750 


70 ] 


755 


12 


120 


750 


70 ] 


[754 


12 


120 


750 


70 1 


754 


12 


120 


750 


70 ] 


755 


12 


120 


750 


70 ] 


754 


12 


120 


750 


70 1 


754 


12 


120 


750 


70 ] 


754 


12 


120 


750 


70 1 


755 


12 


120 


750 


70 1 


756 


12 


120 


750 


70 1 


756 


12 


I20 


750 


70 ] 


756 


12 


120 


750 


70 i 


756 


12 


120 


750 


60 1 


727 


10 


ICO 


600 


60 I 


734 


10 


100 


600 


60. 


1736 


10 


100 


600 


60 


1739 


10 


100 


600 


60 


1748 


10 


100 


60a 


60 


'754 


10 


100 


6o<d 


60 


'753 


10 


100 


600 


60 


1762 


10 


100 


600 


60 


1762 


10 


100 


600 



The total. 



3200 



546 5460 33900 



PACKST-BOATS, 4, 



* El Marte 
El Diligente 
El Jupiter 
El Mercurio 



The total. 



16 


1753 


4 


30 


250 


16 


»753 


4 


30 


250 


16 


1751 


4 


30 


230 


16 


1747 


4 


30 


200 



64 



16 



120 



930 



BO ME VESSELS, 7. 



ElVulcano 
El Sterope 
El Bronto 
El Piracmoa 
El Rev 
El Bucno 
El Relampago. 



The total. 



3 


1728 


2 


20 


I JO 


8 


1743 


2 


20 


150 


8 


1733 


2 


20 


ISO 


8 


1743 


2 


20 


150 


8 


1721 


2 


20 


ISO 


8 


1730 


3 


20 


150 


8 


1743 


2 


20 


ISO 


— 




— - 


-— — 




d 




H 


140 


1050 








XEBECS, 



and R E V E N U E s of SPAIN. 



221 



XEBECS, 14. 



El Aventiirara 
El Cazador 
El Volante 
El Garcota 
El Galgo 
El Liebre 
El Gavila« 
El Majorquino 
El Gitano 
El Valenciano 
El Catalano 
El Ivifenco 
Another 
Another 



The total. 



O 



30 
18 

18 

18 
16 
16 
16 
16 

14 
22 

22 

22 
22 

264 








1 






S 


« 




1758 


6 


50 


400 


1750 


4 


30 


240 


1750 


4 


30 


240 


1750 


4 


30 


240 


1750 


4 


3<> 


240 


1750 


4 


30 


240 


1753 


4 


30 


24a 


1744 


4 


30 


240 


»753 


4 


30 


240 


»754 


4 


30 


240 


1754 


6 


40 


300 


^754 


6 


40 


300 


»754 


6 


40 


300 


I7S4 


6 


40 


300 



66 480 3760 



FRIGATES, 21. 



La Efparanza 
El Bizarro 
El Flor 
La Emeralda 

* El Venganza 
El Liebre 

La Induftria 
La Ventura 
La Venus 
La Pallas 
La Junoti 
La Aftrea 
La Hermoza 
La Vitoria 
La Galga 
La Dorada 
La Perla 
La Aquila 
La Flecha 
La Reyna 

* La Thetis 



SO 


'736 


8 


60 


460 


50 1 


^757 


8 


60 


460 


30 1 


7^7 


6 


50 


400 


30 ] 


'753 


6 


SO 


400 


30 1 


755 


6 


50 


400 


26 ] 


755 


4 


40 


360 


26 1 


755 


4 


40 


360 


26 1 


755 


4 


40 


360 


26 I 


755 


4 


40 


360 


26 ] 


755 


4 


40 


360 


26 


755 


4 


40 


360 


26 1 


753 


4 


40 


360 


24 I 


754 


4 


40 


360 


24 1 


751 


4 


40 


360 


22 


[752 


4 


40 


560 


22 1 


753 


4 


40 


360 


22 1 


'753 


4 


40 


360 


22 


'753 


4 


40 


360 


22 ] 


'753 


4 


40 


360 


22 


'755 


4 


40 


36a 



The total, 



552 



94 870 7520 



222 An Account of the Lani> and Sea Forces 



A General Summary of the NAVAL FORCES. 



Ships cf the Liae ■ ■ ■ ' ■« » '■ ' ■ — ■ " 47 

Xebecs ■ ■ ■ ' ' 14 

Packet-boats '■ ' 4 

Bomb V^cflels • ' 7 

Guns ■ • 4°'^ 

Gunners •' ■ • - ' 7'- 

Marines - ' ^870 

Ciew -^ — — 4S»96o 



At Cadiz there is eftabliftied an academy of marine guards, who are maintained 
there to the number of 150, at the expence of the finances of his Catholic Majefty. 



The marines who are embarked on board the whole navy are drawn from the ma- 
rine recriment, comprehended in the lift of the land forces in the Royal fervice of hi;. Ca- 
tholic Majefly. For this reafon, they ought not to be reckoucd to belong to this g-ne- 
ral fummary. The fame ought to be remarked in regard to the marine gunners, who 
are drawn from the regiment of artillery, likewife included in the fame lift of land 
forces. 

In the docks of Gua^nizo, Ferrol, and Carthagena, they are building four 
other fhips of the line, five frigates, and fome other fhips of war, which may be ready 
for the fea the enfuing year 1761. 

N. B. The Ihips marked * were taken by us at the Havanna, befides two others 
on the ftocks, not finifhed. Thofe with this mark * * were fuak in the mouth of the 
harbour. 



An 



T 



[ 223 ] 

An Estimate of the Expence of the Naval Forces. 
The Particulars of the Expence of 47 Ships of the Line. 

i. s. . d. 

O the Governor-general of the navy annual- 
ly, - - _ - - 2000 o o 

7 Lieutenant-generals of marine, 450 crow^ns 

vellon each, per month, is per annum - 4200 o o 

6 Admirals, 225 crowns per month, each, 

is annually - - - - 1800 o o 

5 of them, when embarked, by way of gra- 
tification, during the campaign, - - 666 13 4 

47 Captains of Ihips, 100 crowns per 

month each, is annually _ , - 6450 o o 

32 who are cruifing, as a gratification, - 4000 o o 

47 Lieutenants of fhips, j^ crowns per 

month each, is annually - - - 4837100 

32 who are cruifing, as a gratification, - 768 o o 

47 Enfigns of fliips, 30 crowns per month 

each, annually - - - - 193 500 

32 who ferve on a cruife, as a gratification, 768 o o 

140 Marine-guards officers, annually, - 2240 o o 

The fame, by way of gratification, - - 1803 8 9 

5 Intendants of the marine, 60 crowns per 

month each, is per annum, *• - 400 o o 

The fame, by way of gratification, - - 146 13 4 

32 Clerks of fhips, 40 crowns per month 

each, is annually - _ - - 1506 13 4 

The fame, by way of gratification, - - 188 17 6 

47 Mafters of the rigging, 30 crowns per 

month each, is per annum - - ^935 o o 

3 Chaplains majors, 50 crowns per month 

each, is annually - - - 200 o o 

47 other Chaplains, 30 crowns per month 

each, is per annum - - ^935°° 

Carried over, 37,780 16 ^ 
G g To 



224 E S T I M A T E of the E X P E N C E of 

/. J. d: 

Brought over, 37,780 16 3 
To 47 iirfl Surgeons, 30 crowns per month each, 

annually - _ - _ 

47 other Surgeons, 25 crowns per month 

each, is annually _ _ _ 

47 iirfl Pilots, 30 crowns per month each, is 

annually - _ _ 

47 fecond Pilots, 25 crowns per month each, 

annually - - - 

47 third Pilots, 15 crowns per month each, 

is per annum - - _ 

47 firft Mafter-gunners, 25 crowns per 

month each, is annually 
47 other Mafter-gunners, 15 crowns per 

month, is per annum, 
47 firft Mates, 30 crowns per month each, 

is per annum - - 

47 fecond Mates, 25 crowns per month 

each, is annually 
45 other Mafter-gunners, 20 crowns per 

month each, is per annum 
270 Gunners, 9 crowns each per month, is 

per annum - - - - 

7000 Sailors, ^1- piajires, or 15 fhillings per 

month each, is annually 
8250 Boys, 44- vellcn crowns each, per 

month, is annually - - - 

71 50 Swobbers, 3 crowns each per month, 

is per annum - - - 28,600 o o 

70 Sergeants, 9 crowns per month each, is 

annually - - - - 83300 

3770 Marines of the fame fleet, annually, J 8,303 o o 

The Purfer-general, for 9,577,600 rations, 

which they furnifti every year for the fub- 

fiftence of 26,240 men, of which the ma- 



1935 








1612 


10 





1935 








I6I2 


10 





967 


10 





I6I2 


10 





967 


10 





1935 








I6I2 


10 





1260 








3233 


6 


8 


68,250 








49,500 









Carried over, 221,950 2 11 

lines 



thcNAVAiFoRCEsof S P A I N. 225 

/. /. do 

Brought over, 221,950 2 11 
rines and crew of the faid fleet are com- 
pofed, - - - 225,355 4 6 

To 47 Carpenters of fliips, 30 crowns per month 

each, is annually - - 1,887 15 o 

An annual expence of 173 fhort cwt. of gun- 
powder, 53 ditto of balls, and 31 ditto of 
match, at the rate of 3 1. 6 s. 8 d. the cwt. of 
powder, 10 s. 6 d. the balls, and i 1. 3 s. the, 
match, - - - - 633 6 S 

For extraordinary careenings and repairs, - ii,i8q o o 

The whole expence of 47 Ships of the Line, 46 1,0 1 5 9 i 

The expence of 2 1 frigates, - - 117,851 o o 

The expence of 14 xebecs, - ~ 75»093 4^ 

Of 7 bomb veflels, - - - 22,483 i^ q 

Of 4 packet boats> - - - „ 18,992 o o 

The whole expence of the fleet, 695,435 6 7 

The Expence of the Marine Departments. - 

To 3 Intendants of the 3 departments of the 

marine, 450 crowns each per month, per 

annum, - _ _ ^ 

6 CommifFaries, 150 crowns vellon per month 

each, annually - - _ 

3 Great Treafurers, 180 crowns per month 

each, is per annum 
3 Treafurers, 200 crowns per month each, 

is annually - - 

30 Major, or firfl officers, 60 crowns per 

»month each, per annum 

Carried over, 7320 o o 
G^ 2 T« 



iSco 








1200 








720 








800 








2800 









226 ExPENCE of the Marine Departments. 

/. s. £ 
Brought over, 7320 o o 
To 40 fecond Officers, 40 crowns per month 

each, annually, - - - 313368 

43 Supernumeraries, 18 crowns per month 

each, is per annum - - - 1511 o o 

92 Clerks, employed at tlie arfenals, 21 

crowns per month each, is per annum - 633 6 8^ 
Others, maintained at the boards, according 

to their pay, annually - - 622 4 5;, 

The Officers who enrol on the books, or 

Clerks of the check, by way of gratifica- 
tion, - - - 918 6 a 
46 Clerks of the book office, 50 crowns per 

month each, per annum, - 1 1 15 11 o 

3 Chiefs of ditto, 60 crowns per month 

each, annually - - 400 o o 

3 Porters of the chamber of accounts, 18 

crowns per month each, is per annum, - 72 o o 

The Mafter-builder at Cadiz, annually 304 3 o 

The Mafter-builder at Ferrol, annually 304 3 o 

The Mafter-builder at Carthagena, an- 
nually - - -^ 608 6 8' 
16 Draughtfmen, • defigned as Affiftants to 

the Builders, 20 Crow^ns per Month each, 

is annually - - 426 13 4 

3 naval ^tore keepers, 60 crowns per month 

each, is annually - 671 o o 

The Tribunals of the Marine.. 

To 3 Marine Auditors of war, 100 vellon 

crowns a-month each, per annum. - 400 o o 

3 Secretaries of the marine, 60 crowns per 
. month each, annually - 240 o a 

12 Alguazils of the marine, 15. crov/ns per 

month each, per annum, - - 192 o o 

Carried over, 18,871 14 9 
3 To 



Salaries of the Great Officers. 227 

/. X. d. 

Brought over, 18,871 14 9 

To 3 Porters, 25 crowns per month each, is loo o o 

For Extraordinaries, annually - - ^ 54 1 3 4 

The fum of the marine department and tribunals, 19,1 2(6 8 i 
The whole expence of the fleet, - 695,435 ^ 7 

The expence of the whole marine, - - 7Hj56i^4 B 

The falaries of the members of the great offices, and tribunals^ 
are as follows. 

The Council of State. . 

/. X. d. 

To the Dean of the council annually - 1466 13 4 

3 other Miniflers, ditto, - 4400 o o 

The Secretary, per annum, - 444 9 o 

The firft Porter, - - 40 o c 

The fecond Porter, - - 22 4 c 

For extraordinaries annually, that is, paper, ink, 

pens, refrefhments, and for furniihing the 

apartments in fummer and winter, 488 17 10 

Secretaries of State, and of univerfal 
diipatches. 

To the Secretary of State, and of univerfal dif- 

patch. 
The Secretary of State, and of the difpatch 

of Favour, 
The Secretary of State, and of the difpatch 

of Favour and Juftice, 
The Secretary of State, and of the dilpatch 

of the^marine, 
The Secretary of State, and of the difpatch of 

the Finances, #^ 

Carried over, 13,528 17 ii 

To 



1333 


6 


8 


^IZZ 


6 


8 


1333 


6 


8 


^333 


6 


8 


^333 


6 


8 



I48I 








I I 00 








2640 








880 








^9Z 


6 





183 


6 





1294 


9 






228 Salaries of tlic 

/. s, d. 

Brought over, 13,528 17 n 

To 5 firfl: Officers, 202 vellon ducats per month 

eaeh, is annually - - 

5 fecond Officers, 150 ducats per month 

each, is annually 
30 other Officers, 60 ducats per month each, 

per annum, 
20 Supernumeraries, 30 cicats per month 

each, is per annum 
5 firft Porters, 30 ducats per month each, is 

annually 
5 fecond Porters, 25 ducats per month each, 
is per annum 
For cxtraordinaries annually. 

Royal and Supreme Council of his Majefty. 

The firft Hall of Government. 

To the Prefident annually, - - 133368 

7 other Commiffioners, 200 ducats per 
month each, is per annum. 

The Fifcal, annually 

The Secretary, annually 

The firfl: Porter, 

The fecond Porter, 
For extraordinaries, - - 266 13 4 

The Second Hall of Government. 

"This Hall confifts of 4 Commiffioners, a Secre- 
tary, 2 Porters j and the whole expences of 
it, extraordinaries included, - ^95^^ 

The Hall of Mil y Qu_^inientas. 

This Hall confifts of 5 Commiffioners, a Secre- 



333 


6 
6 


8 
8 


244 
66 


9 
13 



4 


44 


9 


4 



Carried over, 27,694 3 u 

tary. 



GreatOfficers of SPAIN. 229 

/. s, d* 

Brought over, 27,694 311 
fcary, and other officers; and the whole ex- 

pences of it, extraordinaries included, are 2133 6 S 

The Hall of the Province, 

This Hall confifts of 4 Commiffioners, a Gover- 
nor, the Judges of the feveral Provinces, a Fif- 
cal, three Secretaries, and other officers; and 
the expence of the vi^hole is - 6826 13 4 

The Hall of the Grand Prevots of the 
Houie and Court. 

This con lifts of a Governor, two other Commif- 
fioners, aFifcal, Secretary, and other officers ; 
the expence of the whole being - 2283 6 8 

The Hall of Justice 

Confifls of 3 Commiffioners, a Fifcal, a Secreta- 
ry, and Porter; the expence is - 141,1 11 o 

The Grand Council of War 

Confifts of 6 Commiffioners, a Fifcal, an Affief- 

for, a Secretary, &c. the expence is A^^S ^^ ° 

The Grand Council of the Inquisition. . 

To the Inquifitor general, annually, 
7 other Tnquilitors, annually, 
. The Fifcal 
The Secretary of the chamber. 
The Alguazil major. 

Carried over, 48,-. 
4 



489 








2566 


13 


4 


333 


6 


8 


?>n. 


6 


8 


166 


■?> 


4 


^"- ' 




7 

• 



230 



A L A R I E S of the 



Brought over. 
To 2 Inquifitors of the council, 200 ducats per 
month each, is per annum 
The iirfl: Porter, 
The Porter of the Tribunal, 
For extraordinaries, 

The Grand Council of the Indies. 

To the great Chancellor of the Indies, 

17 other Commiffioners, 200 ducats per 

month each, is per annum, 
The Fifcal refpefting Peru, 
The Fifcal refpeding New Spain, 
The Secretary refpeSing Peru, 
The Secretary refpe6ling New Spain, 
The Lieutenant of the Chancellor, 
2 Porters, 
Extraordinaries, 

The Grand Council of Military 
Orders 

Confifls of a Prefident, 8 other Commiffioners, 
a Fifcal, a Secretary, a great Treafurer, Trea- 
furer, Alguazil, Procurator-general of the or- 
der of St. James, feveral other officers of that 
order, and two Porters ^ the expence of the 
whole, with extraordinaries, being 

The Councils of the Finances. 

I. The Hall of Government^ 

To 15 Commiffioners, 200 ducats each per 
month, is per annum. 



/. 


s^. 


I 


48,353 


12 


7 


533 


6 


8 


66 


13 


4 


122 


4 


5 


477 


'7 






489 



4400 



I 



4986 


13 


4 


333 


6 


8 


333 


6 


8 


333 


6 


8 


333 


6 


8 


400 








III 









888 17 10, 



5910 ,0 o 



Carried over, 68,072 11 10 

To 



Great Officers of SPAIN. 231 

/. s, d. 

Brought over, 68,072 n 10 
To the grand Treafurer-general of the Chamber 

of Valuations, - - ^S"? 6 8 

To the grand Treafurer-general of the Diftribu- 

tion, - " 333 <3 8 

A Fifcal, Secretary, two Porters, and extraordi- 

naries. are - - 1064 9 o 

The Hall of the Millones 

Confiils of 8 Commiffioners, a Secretary, Fifcal, 
2 Porters j the expence of the whole, includ- 
ing extraordinaries, is - - '^^J'i- o o 

The Hall of Justice 

Confifts of 6 Commiffioners, and officers as 

above J the expence, with extraordinaries, is 2066 13 4 

The Tribunal of the Greater Cham- 
ber of ACCOMPTS. 

14 Commiffiioners, and officers as above ^ the 

expence, including extraordinaries, 4468 6 i 

The General Commiffion of Crusade. 

A Commiffiary, 2 Affieffiors, a great Treafurer, 
and other officers, as above ; the expence of 
the whole, including extraordinaries, " 1866 13 4 

The EoARD of Works and Forests. 

•7 Commiffioners, a Judge of the Wood by Com- 
mifficn, and other officers, as above; the ex- 
pence of which, with extraordinaries, is ^999 o ^ 



Carried over, 82,975 6 11 
H h The 



2^2 Salaries of the 

/. s. d. 
Brought over^ ^2,975 6 u 

The Council of Commerce, Money,. 
and Mines 

Confifts of a Prefident, 12 other Commiiiioners, 
and officers as above 5 the expence of the 
whole, including extraordinaries, being 2771 o a 

The PwOYAL Junta de Facultades. 

3 Commiffioners, a Secretary, and 2 Porters ; 

the expence, with extraordinaries, - 949 a O 

The Royal Apostolic Assembly. 

6 CommifTioners, and officers as above ; the ex- 
pence, with extraordinaries, being - - 141 3 6 8 

The Royal Junta of Tobago. 

A Prefident, 7 Commiffioners, 4 Fifcals, a Se- 
cretary, and two Porters; the expence, in- 
cluding extraordinaries, - 2969 o o 

The Royal Junta of Provisions. 

7 Commiffioners, and officers as above ; the ex- 
pence, with extraordinaries, - 1621 c 

The Royal Assembly of the Single 
Contribution. 

5 Commiffioners, and officers as above ; the ex- 
pence, including extraordinaries, - 1444 6 8 

Cariied over, 94*143 o 3 

The 



Great Officers of SPAIN. 233 

Brought over, 94,143 o 3 

The Tribunal of Physic. 

A Prefident, Vice-prefident, firfl Phyficlan, Af- 
feffor, Fifcal, Secretary, and 2 Porters j the 
expence, including extraordinaries, - looi o # 

Commissioners, and others employed in 
the Provincial Tribunals. 

The Royal Chancery of Valladolid 

Confifts of a Prefident, 16 Commiflioners, 4 
Prevots, a Judge, 4 other Prevo ts, 2 Fifcals, 
a Secretary, 2 Porters ; and the expences, with 
flKtraordinaries, are - 5262 5 5 

The Royal Chancery of Grenada 

Confifts of a Prefident, 16 other Commiflioners, 
8 Prevots, 2 Fifcals, an Alguazil major, and 
2 Porters; and, with the extraordinaries, is 4851 o • 

The Grand Council of Navarre 

Is compofed of a Viceroy, and Captain-general 
of Navarre, of a Regent, 6 other Commif- 
iioners, and a Fifcal, - 2420 o • 

The Hall of ^RAnd Prevots 

Coniyis of 4 Prevots, - ^7^1^^ 

Carried over, 108,210 12 4 
H k 2 The 



2-^4 S A L A R 1 E 5 of the 

Brought over, 108,210 12 4 
The Tribunal of the Chamber of 

ACCOMPTS 

Confifts of 5 Commiflioners, a Patrimonial of the 
Kingdom, a Treafurer, 3 Secretaries, and 4 
Porters; and, with extraordinaries, is 1887 11 o^ 

The Audiences. 

The Royal Audience of Corunna. 

A Governor, a Regent, 7 other Commiffioner*, 
a Fifcal, Secretary, and two Porters ; the ex- 
pence, including extraordinaries, is 3121 o o 

The Royal Audience of Seville. 

A Regent, 8 CommiiTioners, 4 Prevots, and 
other officers, as above j the expences, with 
the extraordinaries, are - ^fS^l ^ ^ 

The Royal Audience of Oviedo. 

A Regent^ 4 grand Prevots, an Alguazil major, 
and other officers, as above; the expence, in- 
cluding extraordinaries, - - ; 755 II o 

The Royal Audience of the Canaries, 

A Governor, or Commandant-general, a R.e- 
gent, 3 other Commiffioners, and other offi- 
cers, as above ; the expence, with extraordi- 
nurier., is - -257100 

Carried over, 120,279 i o 

The 



Great Officers of S P A I N. 



235 



/. s. J, 
Brought over, 120,279 i o 

The Royal Audience of Commerce 
to the Indies, at Cadiz. 

A Prefideht, 4 Commiflloners, a Fifcal, Great 
Treafurer, a Depofitary, a Comptroller, a Se- 
cretary, and 2 Porters ; the expence, with ex- 
traordinaries, - - 330io<^ 

The Royal Audience of Arragon, 

A Governor, or Captain-general, a General-corrir- 
mandant, a Regent, 8 other Commiffioners, 
4 Judges, two Fifcals, an Alguazil major, a 
Secretary, and two Porters; the expence, 
with extraordinaries, being - 444^ 13 5 

The Royal Audience of Valencia. 

A Governor, or Captain-general, a Regent, 8 
other Commiffioners, 4 Criminal Commiffion- 
ers, 2 Fifcals, an Alguazil, Secretary, and 
2 Porters -, the expences, including the. extra- 
ordinaries, are - - 4024 9 o 

The Royal Audience of Cataloiha. 

A Governor, or Captain-general, a Regent, 
10 other Commiffioners, 6 Criminal Judges, 
2 Fifcals, a Secretary, 2 Porters ; the expen- 
ces, including extraordinaries, are - ■4^^7 ^^ ^ 

The Royal Audience of Majorca. 

A Governor, or Captain-general, a Regent, 5 other 
Commiffioners, a Secretary, Fifcal, and 2 Port- 
ers j the expences, with extraordinaries 2796 13 4 

Carried over, 1-^0,665 12 9 

The 



2^6 Pensions paid out of the Finances 

/. s, d. 
Brought over, 139,665 12 9 

The Governors, Seneschals, and Inten- 
DANTS of the Kingdom, are 139 in number. 

The amount of all their falaries is - 30,327 6 8 

The Presidio's, or Garrisoned Forts, 

Firil: of Oran, confifting of a General Com- 
mandant, a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, 
Major, two Aid Majors, Captains Intendant, 
Secretary, and other Officers 

The expence of the Convents there 

The expence of the Hofpital 

The Caftle of Santa Cruz 
Caftle of St. Philip 
Caftle of St. Gregory 
Caflle of St. Andero 

Rozalcazar 

Almarzaquivir ^ 

Ceuta *« 

The Hofpital 

Pegnon 

To the above muft be added Melilla, Alu- 

zeinas, and the Arfenals of Carthagena 124,428 



2,825 








410 


13 


4 


921 








366 


13 


4 


366 


13 


4 


366 


13 


4 


366 


13 


4 


394 


9 





14^954 


9 





3,211 


3 





11,879 


4 





5,920 









336,403 II I 



Pensions paid out of the Finances of his Catholic 

Majesty. 

/. s, d. 
To the Queen Mother ^ - - 100,000 o o 

Carried over, 100,000 o o 
3 To 



of hl3 Catholic M a j e s t ir. 



To t1i€ Infant Don Philip (probably now dif- 

continued.) - ^ « 

the Infant Don Lewis 
two Miniflers of State, retired 
two Widows of General Officers 
feveral Perfons employed in the Royal Service, 

by way of gratification during their life - 
other Widows _ _ , 

two fuperannuated Confeffors 
Alms fixed by his Majefty annually 
To the Great Treafurer of the Chamber of 

Penfions - - _ 

the Officer Major 
the fecond Officer - 

the Officer of the Books 
other Officers _ - _ 

four Officers charged with the correipon- 

dence of the Kingdom - -• 

ten Clerks board-wages 
a Treafurer, annually 
an Intendant 
a Porter of the Chamber 
Extraordinaries annually 
An annual payment of three per cent, of arrears 

of the Finances - - 6,889 

The King's Library^ 

An annual affignment made by his Majefly for 

literary affiemblies 
To the firft Librarian 

four fecond Librarians 

an Literpreter of Oriental Languages 

fix Clerks annually 

Carried over, 205,472 12 2 

To 



iT. 


237 


/. 


s. 


d. 


;oo,ooo 








33>333 


6 


S 


50,000 








2,666 


13 


4 


266 


^3 


4 


5,666 


13 


4 


844 


9 





266 


13 


4 


1000 








244 


9 





166 


13 


4 


Sg 








66 


13 


4 


S3 3 


6 


8 


400 








j66 


13 


4 


139 








222 


5 


5 


44 


9 





222 


4 


5 



^>555 


II 





333 


6 


8 


3^^ 


2 


2 


II I 


2 


2 


J33 


6 


8 



233 Pensions paid cut of the Finances 



If. a. 



L 

Brought over, 205,472 12 2 

To tiiree Porters - - 83 6 8 

Extraordinaries - - 1 8 1 7 1 1 

The Academies of the King. 

To the fupport of the Academy of the Spanifli 

Language - - . 444 ^ G 

Do. ofHiftory ,- - 666 13 4 

Do. of Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture Ij333 6 % 

Do. of Mathematics at Cadiz - i,'888 17 10 

Do. of Mathematics at Barcelona ^>444 9 ^ 

The Palace and Royal Family. 



To the Squire of the Body 
the Majordomo Major 
the firft Equerry 
the fecond Equerry 
the firfl Equerry of the Camp 
the fecond Equerry of the Camp 


333 

333 
167 

- 167 

III 


6 
6 
6 



2 


g 
8 
% 


2 


the firft Equerry of the Queen 
the fecond 


167 
III 












four Gentlemen of the Chamber of his Ma- 








jefty pecuUarly 
fix Qjjhers of the Table 


444 


9 
13 






four Wardrobe Keepers 
four Fhyficians 


444 
1,778 


9 







two Surgeons 

two Apothecaries 

the Houfehold of the Pages 


b6(i 

333 
2,100 


^3 
6 




4 
8 




the Patriarch 


1,1 r r 


2 





two Confcllbr^ 


889 








Carried over, 


22 f,<JOQ 




1 1 


2 




To 



of his C A T H o j: 1 C M A J E s- T r. 

Brought over. 
To the Curate of the Pakce 

thirty-tv/o Honorary Priefts 

the annual expence of the Sacrifly, and of 
the Fabrick of the Chapel 
For the fubfiftence of the Band of Mufick for 

the Chapel 
Gratuities to AmbaiTadors and other Miniflers 

reliding at foreign Courts 
To the Camarera Major, or firft Lady of the 
Bed-Chamber 

four Camariftas 

thirty-nine Ladies befides 

800 other Domeflics 
The anuaf expence of the Kitchen by contrail 
The annual expence of the Paftery-Cook 
Ditto of the Side- Board 
Ditto of the Bake-Houfe 
Ditto of the Wardrobe 

Ditto of the two Stables of the King and Queen 
To fmall articles of Houfe-keeping at the Palace 

two Taylors 

two Goldfmiths annually 

four Painters of the King's Chamber 
The annual expence of Counterpanes 
Ditto of Tapeftry and Furniture 
The wages of the Grooms of the Stable 
To four Valets dc Chambre, Perruquiers 
Coal, oil, wax-lights, wood, &c. annually 

The Apothecary's Office* 

To the Apothecary - - 333 ^ 8 

a fecond Apothecary - 1 1 1, 2 2 

different perfons employed in that department ^^^ 11 3 



' r. 


2; 


?9 


/. 


X. 


d. 


221,509 


7 


II 


i>033 


6 


8 


3'555 


II 





3,666 


13 


4 


1,089 








11,144 


9 





333 


6 


8 


266 


13 


4 


1,266 


13 


4 


39,111 


2 


2 


4>444 


9 





1^433 


6 


8 


333 


6 


8 


333 


6 


8 


333 


6 


8 


39,722 


4 


8 


2,100 








544 


9 





666 


13 


4 


^^333 


6 


8 


777 


15 





555 


1 1 





H>^55 


II 





666 


J3 


4 


3^3^^ 


^3 


4 



I i 



Carried ever, 355,242 16 3 

The 



240 Pensions paid out of the Finances, &c. 

/. 

355^242 



Brought over, 



The annual cxpence of the Shop 

The Bota:<;ic Gardens of the King. 

To the firfl Botanift annually 
the fecond 

the people employed in cultivating the fame 
gardens 

BuEN Retiro. 

To the firfl Gnrdener annually 

four other Gardeners 

extraordinaries for cultivation and planting 

the firft Gardener for fiowers 

four other Gardeners 

extraordinaries 
For the maintenance of the houfe where the 
Lion, Tygers, Eagle, and other animals 
are kept 
To an Affiftant - ^ 

the fubfiflence of the faid animals 



2.444 



200 
66 



16 3 
9 o 



o o 
13 4 



44 9 o 



66 

44 
66 

66 

44 
88 



88 

33 

644 



J3 
9 

13 

13 

9 



4 

o 

4 

4 
o 



17 10 



17 10 

6 8 



A R A N J U E Z» 

To the Governor of Aranjuez 
the Keeper of the Magazipxe 
the Guard Major 
fifty-four other Guards 
four Gardeners 
ten fupernumerary Gardeners 
fix Keepers of the Palace 
extraordinaries 



" 


366 13 4, 
^33 6 8 


- 


100 


- 


1,100 


.. 


533 (> B 
333 6 8 


* 


200 


- 


3,500 


Carried- over. 


365,409 10 3 




PARDa. 



Annual Produce of Tobacco, &c. 341 

/. s. d. 
Brought over, 365,409 10 3 

P AR D O. 

For fupporting the woods and gardens at tlie 

Pardo annually - 2,100 o o 

San Ildephonso. 

For fupporting the Gardens of San Ilde- 
phonso annually - 2,666 13 4 

The EscuRiAL. 
For fupporting the Gardens of the Efcurial 83q o o 

Casa del Campo. 
For the fupport of the Cafa del Campo annually 14,622 4 8 



The Annual Produce of Tobacco in each Province. 



In the Canaries 
Madrid 
Burgos 
Valladolid 

SoRIA 

CORUNNA 

the Four Cities 
Segovia 

AviLA 

Toledo 

guadalaxara 



385,687 


8 


3 


each Province. 




/. 


J-. 


d. 


- ^7>2^^ 


13 


4 


' ^^7^^S'^ 








- 82,222 


4 


9 


- 137,666 


13 


4 


- ^hS'^S 


II 





- 34. m 


2 


2 


- 3 2,222 


4 


5 


- 26,811 


2 


2 


- 10,125 


1 1 





- 12,127 


^5 


7 


- ^9^777 


'5 


4 



Carried over, 483,108 13 i 
I i 2 In 



242. Annual Produce of the P.o s T-O f f 1 cr 



IaCuEN9A 

Talavera »- 

Mancha — 

Salamanca. 

estremadura 

Galicia 

asturias 

Seville 

Cordova 

Jaen 

Cadiz 

Granada 

Malaga, and the Garrlfons 

Murcia 

Arragon 

Catalonia - 

Valencia 

Majorca * 

Navarre r 





I ■ 


s. d 


Brought 


over, 483,108 


13 I 




- 12,388 


17 10 


- 


- 14,444. 


8 lo- 




- 33^465 


1 1 




- 24,783 


6 8 




- 87,666 


13 4 


- 


- 51,111 


2 2 




- 39>333 


6 8 


- 


- 34,222 


4 5 




- 25,222 


4 5 


- 


- 28,839 







- 37^902 


4 5 


- 


- 37'52o 







- 37'944 


S 10 




23,220 





- 


- 37>445 


1 1 




- 39^924 


8 10 


» 


- 36,444 


8 10 




- 12,195 


II 


a* 


- 24,640 







1,221,820 


6 



The Annual Produce of the PasT-GFFiCE in. every Province, 



La Mancha 
Madrid 
Galicia 
asturias 

VaLLADO/LID 

Zamora 

Seville 

Granada 







/. 


S. 


d. 




- 


9>555 


11 







- 


140,077 


15 


7 




- 


8,-)9J. 


8 


10 




- 


10,088 


'7 


lO 




- 


5>9'7 


15 


7 




- 


1,322 


4 


5 






10,666 


13 


4 


*• 


-^ 


9,766 


^3 


4 


Carried 


over, 


195,889 


19 


II 






Cordova. 



m the Spanish P r o v t n c e s* 24. 



CORDOVA 

Jaen 

SoRIA 

Segovia 
Biscay 

GuiPUSCOA 

Alava 

Arragon 

Valencia 

Catalonia 

Majorca 

Burgos 

Toledo 

Leon 

Salamanca 

A VILA 

Palencia 

ToRO 

Canaries 
Badajoz 

MuRCIA 

GuADALAXARA 

CUENZA 







/. 


-f. d. 


Brought 


over, 


195^^89 


19 II 




- 


8,888 


17 10 


- 


- 


4.777 


'5 7 




- 


1,944 


13 4 




- 


1,100 





- 


- 


i7'777 


i5 6 




- 


1 1,966 


'3 4 


- 


- 


^^^55^ 


li 




- 


12,348 


17 10 


-- 


- 


21,177 


17 10 




- 


16,700 





— 


- 


8.451 


2 2 




- 


9>393 


6 8 


•* 


- 


10,314 


8 10 




- 


961 


2 2 




- 


^^>333 


6 8 




— 


753 


6 8 




— 


555 


ir 


■* 


- 


411 


2 3 




- 


9,638 


17 10 


- 


- 


4.488 


17 10 




- 


7v77 


15 




- 


588 


17 10 


— 


- 


766 


J3 4 






368,562 


10 s 



The Annual Produce of the Provincial Farms, or Mil- 

LONES, by Provinces. 

/. s. d. 

La Mancha - - 22,888 17 10 

Madrid . - - 45.500 o o 

Galicia - - 45,222 4 5 

AsTUKiAs • - « 22,822 4 5 

Carried over> 136,43 \ 6 8 

Valla- 



244 AnpAial Produce of the G e n e r A l Farms 

/. s. d. 
Brought over, 136,433 6 8 

Valladolid - - 45'3-7 ^5 ^ 

Zamora - - 22,-55 li o 

Seville ^ - - 34*58^ \y 10 

Granada - - 24,657 : c 5 

Cordova - ^ - 27,080 o o 

Jaen - - ll^'^SS ij^ ^ 

SoRiA - - - 45'444 S i^ 

Segovia - - 45'333 ^ ^ 

Biscay - - 22,975 ii o 

Alava - - 47>o66 13 4 

GuiPuscoA - - 49^^11 2 2 

Aragon - - 70,004 8 10 

Valencia - - 68,':^90 o o 

Catalonia - - 66,786 13 4 

Majorca - - 35>343 ^ ^ 

Burgos -. ' - '^Zull ^5 5 

Toledo -; - 22,888 17 10 

Leon » - 23,500 o o 

Salamanca - 22,888 17 10 

AviLA - - 23,477 15 7 

PaLENCIA - - 4^'222 4 5 

ToRo ^ - 50,888 17 10 

Canaries - - 1-8,262 4 5 

Badajoz • - 45*333 ^ ^ 

Murcia * - SS^"^'^^ 17 i^ 

Guadalaxara - 5^'333 ^ ^ 

CUEN^A ' - 34^222 4 f 

1,310,888 17 2 

The Annual Produce of the General Farms in each Province. 

/. s. d. 
Madrid - - ' - 150,000 o o 

Galicia - - 182,222 4 5 

Carried over, 332,222 4 5 
n Asturias 



in the Spanish Provinces, 



/. 



asturias 
Valladolid 

Z AM OR A 

Seville 
Granada 
Cordova 
Jaen 

S-ORIA 

Segovia 

Biscay 

Alava 

GuiPUSCOA 

Aragon, 

Valencia 

Catalonia 

Majorca 

Burgos 

Toledo 

Leon 

Salamanca 

AVILA 

Palencia 

TORO 

Canaries 
Badajoz 

MURCIA 

Guadalajara 

CUENZA 

LaMancha 



Brought over, 332,222 

- 108,888 

- 110,000 

- 54^444 

- Sl^lll 

- 91,111 

- 70,000 

- 52,222 

- 24,444 

- 42,222 

- 48,888 

- 4?, 222 

- 40,066 
-•217,933 

- 230,262 

- 2215I30 

- 54,222 

- - 38,288 

- 4o»M4 

- - 21,222 

- 29,111 

- 15,888 

- 21,666 

- 21,777 

7 9^^777 

- 47,8?^8 

- 110,177 

" 32.435 

- 39,377 

- 235,811 



s. 

4 

17 
o 

8 

15 
2 

o 

4 
8 



4 

17 

4 

13 
6 

4 
o 

4 

^7 

8 

4 
2 

17 
^3 
15 
J5 

^7 

15 
II 

15 
2 



245 

./. 

5 
10 

o 

10 

6 

2 

o 

5 

10 

5 
10 

5 



4 
8 

5 
o 

5 

10 

10 

5 
2 

lb 

4 

7 

7 
10 

7 
o 

7 
2 



2,530,627 15 3 



^ Ge. 



[ 246 ] 



A General Recapitulation of the receiving and ijfuing of 

the FINANCES. 

The Annual Revenue. 



/. s. 


d. 


1,221,820 


6 


368,562 10 


* 



BY the produce of Tobacco 
Ditto of the Pofl-Office 
Ditto of the Provincial Farms, under which 

are included all kind of taxes that are paid 

upon the follow^ing {\jl kinds of vivres : 

bread, oil, v^ine, fat, flefh meat, foap ; 

which taxes are renewed every fix years; 

and under this head is alfo comprehended 

the Alcavalas, and other rights and taxes 1,3 10,888 ij 2 
Ditto of the General Farms, in which are in- 
cluded, befides the cuftoms, the duties on 

wool, the admiralties, rights of fanity, cards, 

mercuries, brandy, lead, gun-pov/der, 6cc. 2,530,627 15 3 

Total of the Revenue 5,43 1*899 3 4 



The Annual E x p e n c e . 

For the fubfiftence of the Land Army of 

91,311 men, including the general officers /. /. d. 

of Artillery - - 1,035,488 19 7 

Ditto of the Naval Forces, confiiling of 45,810 

men, in pay - - 714,561 6 7 

Ditto of the Tribunals at Madrid, and 

through the whole kingdom, with the fa- 

laries of the Seneichals, Governors, and In- 

tendants, in all 1800 men, in adual pay 169,992 19 5 

Pitto of the Garrifons, 7158 men - 166,410 11 8 



Carried over, 2,086,453 17 



For 



Ofthe SPANISH REVENUES, 247 

/. s. d. 

Brought over, 2,086,453 17 3 

For the fiibfiflence of 23,300 men, employed 

in the farms of Tobacco - 317,402 4 ^ 

Ditto of 18,000 men, employed in the Pofl- 

Office - - _ S^>?)^^ 9 ° 

Ditto of 1 1,500 men, employed in the Pro- 
vincial farms - - 53,240 00 

Ditto of 19,000 men, employed m the Ge- 
neral Farms - - 64,458 17 10 

Penfions paid out ofthe Finances - 21 1,352 12 7 

The expence of the Palace and Royal Family 174,334 5 8 

Total of the Annual Expence, 2,957,610 6 9 

The Recapitulation. 

The Annual Revenue - - 5,431,899 3 4 

The Annual Expence - - 2,957,610 6 9 

Remains free 2,474,288 16 7 

REMARKS. 

The General Far fns are the cuftoms, the fale of tobacco, fait, 
lead, and quick-filver,; the port; office; licences to velTels which 
trade to America -, flamped paper; and fome other particulars, 
fpecified at full length in Ustaritz. The greateft number of 
the taxes called general, fuch as tobacco, fait, and the cuftoms, 
are under the management of a board for the King's behalf, and 
increafe daily fince they have been fo regulated. The revenue 
from tobacco in particular, has increafed annually a million of 
crov^^ns vellon, oriii,ifil. fterling, fince 1739, that the ma- 
nagement V7as regulated according to the plan drawn up by Don 
Martin de Loynaz, That Admini'drator-General gave fecu- 
rity for the augmentation, which he propofed, but was freed 
from all obligation at the end of one year, when he proved, that 
the fales had amounted to eleven millions of rials more than 
ufual. He increafed the tax upon the beft forts of tobacco ten 
rials, and in the lame degree leliened the tax upon the worft, 
which are purchafed by the common people. The clergy, as 

K k weU 



248 Of the SPANISH REVENUES. 

well as the othsr members of the flate, are fabje6l to the genera! 
taxes, becauie they are looked upon as rights of regality or fo- 
vereignty. They pay befides, the taxes of the Crufado, Subfidio, 
and Efcufado, valued at 155^555^- ftefling- 

The farm of the Provincial Taxes refpedls only the twenty-two 
provinces of the crown of Castille, and includes feveral bran- 
ches, ill, The tax of Alcavala, eftabliflied in 1341. This is 
ten per cent, upon every thing fold or exchanged, even upon land 
revenues, and all kinds of rents, with an augmentation of four 
additional taxes of one per cent, impofed each, fucceffively in 
1639, 1642^ 1656, 1664. 

Upon fales at firft hand, the farmer of the Revenues requires 
only ten per cent, but upon fales in retail, fourteen per cent, is 
required. The regulation however does not appear to be uni- 
form, fmce, according to Ustaritz, there is not more than 
between fix or feven per cent, colleded by this tax. Later writers 
neverthelefs eftimate this tax as I have done. After all, as the 
tax is repeated upon each fale, we may reafonably conclude, 
that every thing has at ieaft paid the whole tax once, notvvith- 
ftanding any abatement in the valuation. The clergy are not 
fubjed to this tax in their fales; on the contrary, they are al- 
lowed a difcount in valuing the produce of their lands, or upon 
thofe things which are defigned for their own confumption; 
and when they again fell that produce, they have the advantage 
of the reft of the King's fubjedls in the proportion of the whole 
tax. Thofe of the clergy, who have no lands, or who buy 
in retail, pay the tax, as it is included in the price of the com- 
modity. 

The fecond branch is the tax called Millones, with the addi- 
tional taxes, known under the name of the n(iw imports. This 
tax began in 1590, when a fervice or fubfidy of eight millions 
.of ducats was granted to Philip II. by the States of Castile. 
In 160 1 the fame States granted an annual fervice of four mil- 
lions of ducats during the courfe of fix years. It was called the 
fervice of twenty-four millions, and the neceffities of the mo- 
narchy have obliged it to be continued ever fmce. Of thefe 

twenty- 



Of the SPANISH REVENUES. 



249 



twenty-four millions, four and one half were laid upon the price 
of fait, and the payment of the remainder was laid upon the 
price of wine, vinegar, oil, and butchers meat. The liquid 
meafure called an arrobe, is compofed of eight parts, named 
azumbres. One of thefe eights belongs to the King, and the 
proprietor is obliged to pay it according to tlie valuation of the 
itv^n remaining parts, including even the advance of price, by 
reafon of this excife ; by which means the arrobe fold under the 
name of eight axumbresy really contains only feven, and its fub- 
divifions are in the fame proportion. Thefe taxes are farmed at 
892,8881. flerling. 

There are alfo other taxes that may be included under the ge- 
neral title of provincial taxes, fuch as the tax upon brandy, upon 
foap, upon fnow, upon cards, and other fmall articles. Thefe 
taxes are farmed at 91,2441. fterling. 

Almost all the taxes of Spain, we may obferve, are laid 
upon things confumed by the people, in the manner of a general 
excife ; and thofe included under the name of provincial taxes, 
in a more particular manner affed: the neceffary and daily con- 
fumption of all ranks of men. In Spain the general outcry, 
and the groans of the people, have been excited by thefe pro- 
vincial taxes. At prefent the miniftry are labouring to make 
fome reformation upon them, and they are only continued till 
fomething better can be eflabliflied in their place. 

Don Miguel de Zabala, in a m.em.orial prefented to Phi- 
lip V. in 1734, demonftrates, that though the provincial taxes, 
on the lowefl computation, amount to feventy-Jix millions of rials 
njellon^ and though there is reafon to think that fum is railed upon 
the people, yet only feven millions come into the King's ex- 
chequer. 

The fur OS are perpetual rights of propriety, or in other words, 
penfions which the King pays to his fubjeds out of his own fi- 
nances, by a temporal favour, by the endowment of fome foun- 
dation, or for the reward of merit and fervices. Sometimes the 

K k 2 Juros 



k^o Of the SPANISH REVENUES. 

Juros mean a dedudlion of three per cent, from all the King's 
finances. 

The Media Annata, which is the fame as our Firjl Fruits is a- 
tax of one half of the firil years revenue, paid on every new fuc- 
ceffion to any ecclefiaflical dignity or benefice. All lucrative or 
honourable employments, held from the King during life, arc 
fubjed to this tax. 

Besides the above-mentioned revenues, a general view of which 
(exclufive of the "Juros ^nd Media Atmata) I have given in the Re- 
capitulation-, Spain likewifc receives others that are very confi- 
derable from the Indies. The amount of thefe per annum is about. 
900,000/. flerling, confequently there is faid to remain free an- 
nually in the royal treafury, about 3,373,288/. flerling. 



LETTER 



[ 25 < ] 



LETTER XIII. 

A fhort View of the Commerce and ManufaBures of 
Spain, fo far as they relate to Great Britain. 

I HAVE been informed from good authority, that our trade 
with Old and New Spain is full one third lefs than it was 
about forty years ago -, and that the balance and exchange, be- 
tween Spain and Great Britain, are every day more and 
more turning againft the later kingdom. The caufes of this de- 
creafe are indeed not at all difficult to be difcovered or accounted 
for. Part of it is owing to the extreme avarice and extortion of 
our own merchants, who, not contented with moderate profits, 
have kept up the prices of their goods beyond their juil: pro- 
portion, and thereby opened a door for the French and Dutch to 
underfell us at the Spanifh markets. Another reafon is, that the 
price of labour in thole two countries, is confiderably lower than 
in our own, which enables them likewife to afford their goods to 
the Spaniards at a much cheaper rate than we can do. A third 
reafon is, the alteration introduced during the Spanifh war in Queen 
Anne's time, when the French crept into that trade, and de- 
prived us of a greater (hare of it than we fhall probably be ever 
able Xo recover. A fourth reafon may be, the progrefs which the 
Spaniards themfelves have made in fome branches of manufac- 
ture; for the encouragement which the Kings of the Houfe of 
Bourbon have given to manufactures and arts, has excited fome 
few Spaniards to apply themfelves to induflry and trade. For 
feveral years pafl, the miniflry in Spain have endeavoured, by 
means of foreign workmen, to fet on foot various manufadures; 

A " and 



252 VIEW OF THE COMMERCE and 

and the great attention they have given to that objec!!, has not 
been ahogether without effed:. But at prefent, by a ftrange in- 
fatuation, the minifter to whofe department the care of the ma- 
nufadures belongs, not only neglefts, but difcourages them -, 
and they confequently decline very faft. 

The flat& of trade between Great Britain and Spain, in 
the time of Joshua Gee, was as follows. Our Exports to Spain 
were, i . Broad cloths. 2. Druggets. 3. Callimancoes. 4. Bays. 
5. Stuffs. 6. Leather. 7. Baccalao, or falt'ed fi'ih. 8. Tin. 
9. Lead. 10. Corn. Our returns from Spain were in, i. Wines. 
2. Oil. 3. Fruits. 4. Wool. 5. Indigo. 6. Logwood. 
7. Cochineal. 8. Materials for dying. Mr. Gee has taken no 
notice ofJ//k in this account, and for a good reafon ; for the ex- 
portation of it from Spain was not permitted till 1760, and then 
limited to the ports of Barcelona, Alicant, and Cartha- 
GENA, from the i6th of November to the 1 6th of May every 
vear, there being no exportation allowed during the other fix 
months, that the manufadijrers may have leifure to take care 
of their fabrics. 

We ufed about that period to take off at leafl two thirds of 
all the produce of Spain, which m.ade our m.anufadiures an eafy 
purchafe to the Spaniards, who neverthelefs paid us a very con- 
liderable balance in bullion. 

Since the acceiTion of the Houfe of Bourbon, this balance 
in our favour has been daily declining. For many years paft we 
have ceafed to be confidered as the favoured iiation ^ and France 
now fliares a great part of the gold and filver of the SpaniOi 
Weft-Indies, in return for her filk, her linen, and other manu- 
factures introduced into Spain. 

The infamous peace of Utrecht was hardly figned, when 
we began to feel the effects oi 2. prediledlmiy which the Spaniards 
difcovered towards the French nation ; fo that a Family Coni" 
paSi, if things be juftly confidered, will appear no novelty. This 
will be evident enough from the following curious extracts from 

8 the 



MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 253 

the letters offeveral Englifli gentlemen, relating to that point : 

Mr. PouLDON, the Ene'llHi Conful at the Canaries, in a 

letter dated from Teneriff, the 2 2d of March 1715, and ad- 
dreiled to Sir Paul Methuen, then minifler at Madrid, 
fays, " Since the fufpenfion of arms, the fubjects of his Britan- 
** nic Majefty, in the Canaries, have been continually oppref- 
" fed. The bifhop of Geronda had publifhed an order in the 
" name of the King, in virtue of vv^hich order all Britifh veffels 
" were to pay only the ordinary duties ; but fince the arrival of 
*' the new General, this order is explained in a new manner. 
*' They exclude from being comprehended in it all kinds ofmer- 
** chandize, which, as they pretend, are not properly Engllrti 
** manufadlures, although tranfported by and in Englilli veifels. 
** In confequence of this explanation of the order, the fubjed:s 
** of his Majefly have paid lately, upwards of 3000 pounds 
** iterling." 

The following are the words of Mr. Keen, our conful at 
Alicant, in a letter to Mr. Stanhope at Madrid. " By 
*' an exprefs order of the court, publiihed here by the governor 
<* of Valencia, all foreigners are obliged in lieu of the Alca- 
" valas and Millones, to pay a duty named quartalsy which 
" amounts to 14 per cent, and is to begin v/ith the year 17 14, 
" for merchandize, on which the duties have already been- paid, 
*' at the rate of i 5 per cent, fo that we muil at prefent pay 29 
** per cent, for the entry of all kinds of merchandize. Belides 
*' the exorbitancy of thefe duties, this proceeding is attended 
** with another inconvenience; for the fadiors have already regu- 
" lated their accounts with the merchants, on the footing of 15 
" per cent. Moreover, thofe who refufe to pay thefe duties, 
" are expofed to be quartered upon by foldiers, and to give them 
" fo much per day till fuch time as the duties be paid. Thefe 
^' are unheard of demands, which were never before made upon 
" any fubje(5ts of Great Britain, who never paid more than 
" 7-1 per cent, under the reign of Charles II. the laft prince 
*' of the Auflrian line." 

Sir 



254 VIEV/ OF THE COMMERCE and 

Sir Martin Westcomb, and conful Russel, in aletter to '^ 
Sir Paul Methuen, at Madrid, dated the 22dof May 171 5, 
exprefs themfelves thus : *' The alteration they have made in re- 
*' gard to the duties which were paid in the reign of Charles 
*' II, has interrupted our trade, and will infallibly ruin it. Don 
*' Juan Antonio Zavalos has caufed an order to be pub- 
*' lifhed, by which all the fa/ours granted to our merchants, 
*' and conflantly enjoyed by them, are revoked; fo that for the 
** future all merchandize muPc pay all the duties of entry and ex- 
** port, according to the valuation of the tariffs, which in fome 
" kinds of merchandize will amount to 25 ^er cent, and in 
*^ others even to 28." 

The rigorous and opprefTive impofitions, complained of in 
thefe letters, v/ere not only contrary to feveral txcaties, made and 
concluded between Great Britain and Spai.'I, but alfo to the 
engagements of Lewis XIV. v^ho, in the name of Spain, and 
in quality of plenipotentiary of his Grandfon, previous to the fuf- 
penlion of arms, promifed to the Engiifh, 

" Fi r^t, That all the advantages, rights, and privileges, which 
** the Spaniards had granted, or might in time to come grant to 
*' the French, or to ih.Q in oji fa'uoiired natiofi, Ihould be granted 
** to the fubjedts of Great Britain. 

** Secondly, That all merchandize of the growth and ma- 
*' nufad:ure of Great Britain, that fhould be fent to the In- 
*' DIES from the ports of Spain, fhould be exeinpt from the 
'* duties of entry and export in Spain, and from thofe of entry 
** in the Indies. And that thefe conditions and thefe promifes 
" fhould be extended in the treaty of peace, in the moli ample 
** and convenient manner." 

Lewis and Philip had hardly gained their ends, by thefe 
promifes, than they took off the mafk, and interpreted them, 
as it belt fuited their ov/n advantage , for even before the peace 
between the two Crowns was entirely fettled, Lord Lexington 
wrote home to the following purpofe : " Affairs are not here 

** upon 



M A N U F A-C T U R E S of S P A I N. 255 

^* upon the fame footing "Ofi v/hlch they v/ere before the Aifpen- 

" fion of arms ; for the King has told me in exprefs terms. We 

" know that peace is as necelTary to you as to u?^ and that you 

*' will not break with us for trifles." 

The chief of the ^r<?^^7>i-; inentioned above as infringed upon 
by Phiop, and which relates to the general Rate of commerce 
between Great Britain and Spain, is that of 1667 : for the 
treaty of 1670 chiefly refped:s America. It was regulated by 
the treaty of 1667, that the trading fubjed:s of either crown- 
£hould reciprocally pay no higher iiiipofts and duties, than the 
inhabitants of the places themfelves, where the goods were bought 
or freighted, ufually paid ; that they Ihould enjoy the fame pri- 
vileges as the natural fubjeds of each country enjoyed ; that it 
fhould not be lawful in either kingdom, under any pretence what- 
ever, to detain the traders in the ports or harbours, or after their 
departure to foe at law their facftors or merchants, on account of 
any merchandize put on board their velTels ; that EngliHi vefTels 
arriving in the ports of Spain, or others, fubjed to the domi- 
nion of that crown, fliOuld be exempted from all vifit or fearch of 
officers of contraband merchandize; that any Ihips belonging 
either to Spain or England, might, if it fuited their conveni- 
ence, land part of their cargo, in any road, and proceed to fea 
with the remainder, without giving any account to the cuflom- 
houfe J and that, in return for merchandize fold, the payments 
fhould not; be made /;/ copper moncyy or in any other fpecie, but 
what the merchants fliould ad:uany agree for. There is no oc- 
cafion to mention any more articles of this famous treaty, fince 
from thofe already given, it is fufficiently evident, that the trade 
was fettled upon a footing ^. very advantageous to both parties: 
and I cannot help wifhing, that each nation faw fo clearly their 
mutual intereft in the obfervance of every article of this treaty, as 
might tempt them to form, upon the fame principles, fuch a fo- 
lid Commercial CompaB, as {hould never be diflblved. 

Notwithstanding the arts of French infinuatlon, our 
traffic with Spain is very confiderable, and chiefly in tlie fol- 
lowing articles. We export to that country large quantities 

LI ' of 



z^^y VIEW OF THE COMMERCE and 

of dried and ialtcd fifli, called by \htm b cicalas -j likewife broad 
cloths, and woolkn Huffs of various kinds to a great amount ; 
lilk fluffs, cutlery ware, warlike and naval ffores, particularly 
cables and apchors ; alfo watches, wrought brafs, and prince's 
metal, toys, mathematical inftruments, cabinet work, particu- 
larly of mahogony, wrought and unwrought tin, leather, lead, 
corn, dry and falted meat, cattle, butter, cheefe, beer, hats, linen, 
vitriol, pepper, rice, and other produds of our American Colo- 
nies j and, if we attended to it, we might fupply them with great 
quantities of timber from thofe Colonies, as the Spaniards, tho' 
they have in fome parts fine woods of excellent oak, yet from 
their inexpertnefs in felling trees, and want of roads, are in a 
manner entirely deprived of the ufe of them. 

From Spain we receive the following articles: Wints, oil, 
vinegar, fruits of various kinds, viz. olives, raifms of the fun, 
raifins dryed v/ith afhes, called by them pajjas de lexia 3 raiiins 
from Almunegar, a city on the coall of Andalusia, famous 
for that produce ; chefnuts, almonds, figs, citrons, lemons, oran- 
ges, cocao-nuts, Spanilli pepper, pomegranates, fine wool, indi- 
go, cochineal, materials for dying, kali, or barillia, and fofa, for 
the making of foap and glafs, chiefly from Alicant ; quickfilver^ 
fome wrought filks, particularly from Vale ntia ; and of late 
raw lilk, balfam of Peru, vanillas, cake-chocolate of Guajaca, 
falfaparilla, falted fea-brizzle, faltpetre, fait from Cadiz, fait 
from Port St. Mary's, woollen counterpanes, and a remark- 
able fine fort of blankets from Segovia, iron from Biscay, 
ivvord blades, particularly from Toledo, gun and piftol barrels 
from GuiPuscoA and Barcelona, vermilion, borax, hams, 
fnuff from Seville and the Havannah, foap, formerly a con- 
fiderable article, but as we now make it ourfelves, only a trifle, 
tho' there is Hill much of it annually run into. Scotland i and 
fever al roots and drugs of the growths of SPAiNi and- America v^ 
employed in medicine^ 

I HAVE not fpecified the logivsod as an article oi importation 
from Spaiisi i for however it may have been fuch formerly, we 
may now hope to fuppry ourfelves with it ; as it appears by the 

6 XVL 



MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 257 

XVI. article of the prelect Preliminaries of Peace, that we have 
at length happily obtained the free and unmolefted liberty of cut- 
ting it in the Bay of Honduras, on condition of demolilliino- 
all our fortifications eredled there, and in other parts of Spanifli 
America. But I could wifli, that the liberty of cutting it had 
alfo been extended in exprefs terms to the Bay of Campeachy. 
Thofe who know the value of this article, will receive great 
pleafure on feeing it now v/ell fettled ; for v/hatever our preten- 
fions were, we certainly had but a very difputable title to this 
important branch of trade ; and this will even appear from the 
perufal of the memorial of the Board of Trade, laid before his 
Majefty George I. and drawn up exprefsly to prove that claim. 

The Spanifh trade to South America is carried on by an- 
nual fliips, ufually divided into three clafTes, the Flota, the Regi- 
fter Ships, and Galleons ; of which the follov/ing is the moit 
accurate account I could meet with. 

The Flota is a fleet confifling of three men of war, and four- 
teen or fifteen merchant fhips, from 400 to icoo tuns burthen ; 
they are loaded almofb with every fort of goods which Europe 
produces for export 3 all forts of woollens, linens, filks, velvets, 
laces, glafs, paper, and cutler^; all forts of wrought iron, wat- 
ches, clocks, quickfilver for the ufe of their miners, horfe-fur- 
niture, flioes, flockings, books, pictures, military ftores, wines, 
fruits, &c. fo that all the trading parts of Europe are highly in- 
terefted in the cargo of this fleet. Spain itfelf fends out little 
more than the wine and fruit ; this, with the freight, and com- 
miffions to the merchant, and the duty to the King, is almofl all 
the advantage, which that kingdom derives from her commerce 
with the Indies. This fleet is fitted out at Cadiz, and bound 
to La Vera Cruz : they are not permitted to break bulk on 
any account, till they arrive there. When all the goods arc 
landed and difpofed of at La Vera Cruz, the fleet takes in the 
plate, precious flones, cochineal, indigo, cocao, tobacco, fugar, 
and hides, which are the returns for Old Spain. From La 
Vera Cruz they fail to the Havanna in the Ifland of Cuba, 
which is the place of their rendezvous, where they meet the 

L 1 2 GdUeon^. 



258 VIEW OF THE C O M M E P. C E AND 

Galleons. Thefe are another fleet, which carry on all the trade of 
Tkrra Firma, by Carthagena, and of Peru, by Panama 
and PoRTOBELLO, in the fame manner as the Flota ferves for 
the trade of New Spain. When the Flota arrives at the Hav an- 
na h, and joins the Galleons and Regiller fliips, which affembie at 
the fame port from all quarters, fome of the cleaneft and belt 
failing veflels are difpatched to Old Spain with advice of the 
contents of thefe feveral fieetSy as well as with treafure and goods 
of their own, that the court may judge what ifidulto, or duty, 
is proper to be laid on them, and what convoy is necefTary for 
tlieir fafety. 

Register y/jz/jx are fen t out by merchants at Cadiz or Se- 
ville, when they judge that goods mufl be wanted at any cer- 
tain port in the West-Indies. The courfe is, to petition the 
council of the Indies for licence to fend a fhip of 300 tuns bur- 
then, or under, to that port : they pay for this licence 40,000, 
or 50,000 dollars, befldes prefents to the officers, in proportion 
to the connivance neceflary to their deiign. For tho' the licence 
runs only to -^ro tons at moft, the veflel fitted out is feldom lefs 
than .600. This fnip and cargo are regiftered at the pretended 
burthen. It is required too, that a certilicate be brought from 
die King'}-: of}icer at the port to which the regifter Hup is bound, 
tliat llie does not exceed the fize at which flie is regiitered ; all 
this pafles of courfe. Thefe are what they call Regijier fiips, and 
by thefe the trade of Spaniih America has been carried on 
principally for fome years paft : which practice has been thought 
as much to the prejudice of their trade, as it is contrary to all 
their former maxims for carrying it on. 

La Vera Cruz is fituated on the fouth-weil: part of the 
Gulph of Mexico, and to the fouth-eaft of that city. 

The fleet which is called the Galleons^ conflfts of eight men 
of war of 500 tons each, defigned principally to fupply Piru 
with military lloress but in reality laden, not only with thofe, 
but with every other kind of merchandize on a private account, 
fo as to be in too weak a condition either to defend themfelves, 

or 



MANUFACTURES o f S P A I N. 259 

or protect others. Under the convoy of thefe are twelve fail of 
merchant (hips, not inferior to the Galleons in burthen. This 
fleet of the Galleons is regulated in much the fame manner with 
the FlotUy and is defllned for the exclujive commerce of Terra 
Fir MA, and the South-Sea, as the Flota is for that of 
Mexico. 

As foon as this Galleon fleet arrives at Carthagena, expref- 
fes are difpatched to Portobello, and to all the adjacent 
towns, but particularly to Panama, that they may get read v 
all the treaiure which is depofited there, to meet the Galleon* 
at Portobello j at which place all the perfons concerned in 
the various branches of this extenlive trade, afl^emble. There is 
no part of the world where bulinefs of fuch great importance is 
negotiated in fo ihort a time^ for in a fortnight the fair is over. 
During the fair, heaps of wedges and ingots of fllver are thrown 
about upon the wharfs, as things of no value. The dilJDlay of 
gold, filver, and precious ftones on one hand, and of the various 
and rare workmanfhip of the feveral ingenious fabrics of Europe 
on the other, are truly aftonilhing^ 

Carthagena is fituated on the moft northern point of Ter- 
ra Firma : Portobello and Panama are on the oppofite 
fides of the Ifthmus of Darien; the fii-fl: on the north-eall fide, 
and the other on the fouth-weft. 

The whole trade between the East Indies and Spanidi 
America, is carried on by one great Galleon, which arrives at 
AcAPULCO from the Philippine iflands, on the coaft of Chi- 
na, in the month of December. They fee no other land in 
their whole voyage of 3000 leagues, which they perform in five 
months, than the Little Ladrones. The (hip is laden with 
all the rich commodities of the Eafl, as cloves, pepper, cinna- 
mon, nutmegs, mace, china, japan wares, callicoes plain and 
painted, mullins of every fort, filks, precious flioncs, rich drugs, 
and gold duft. At the lame time the rich fliip from Lima 

2f comes-- 



26o VIEW OF THE COMMERCE and 

comes in, and is not computed to bring lefs than two millions of 
pieces of eight in filver, (450,000 1. Sterl.) Several other fliips, 
from the different parts of Chili and Peru, meet upon the 
fame occafion ; and befides the traffic for the Philippine com- 
modities, this caufes a very large dealing for every thing which 
thofe countries have to exchange with one another, as well as 
for the purchafe of all forts of European goods. The fair 
at AcAPULCo lafts fometimes for thirty days. As foon as the 
goods are difpofed of, the galleon prepares to fet out on her 
voyage to the Philippines with her returns, chiefly in filver, 
but with fomc European goods too, and fome other commodi- 
ties of America. I fpeak here, as though there were but one 
veffel on the trade with the Philippines; and in fad there is 
only nominally one trading veffel, the galleon itfelf, of about 
1200 tons; but another attends her commonly as a fort of con- 
voy, which generally carries fuch a quantity of goods, as in great 
meafure difables her from performing that office. The galleon 
has often above loco people on board, either intereffed in the 
cargo, or merely paffengers ; and there is no trade in which fo 
large profits are made ; the captain of the veffel, the pilots, the 
mates, and even the common failors, making, in one voyage, 
what in their feveral ranks may be confidered as eafy fortunes. 
It is faid by the writer of Lord Anson's voyage, that the Jefuits 
have the profits of this fliip to fupport their miffions. 

This commerce to fo vaft a value, though carried on dire(5lly be- 
tween different parts of the King of Spain's own dominions, en- 
riches them in proportion but very little; the far greater part of 
every thing which comes from the Philippines, being the pro- 
duce, or fabric of other countries. The Spaniards add none of the 
artificial value of labour to any thing. The Chinefe are largely in- 
tereffed in this cargo; and it is to them they are indebted for the ma- 
nufaduring fuch of their plate, as is wrought into any better fa- 
fhion than rude in^^ots, or inelegant coins. When this Acapulco 
Fair is over, the town is comparatively deferted ; however, it re- 
mains for the whole year the moff confiderable port in Mexico 
lV)r the trade with Peru and Chili, which is not very great. 

The 



MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 261 

The Eaft-India goods brought here are carried on trucks to 
Mexico, from whence what exceeds their own confumption is 
fent by land-carriage to La Vera Cruz, to pafs over to Ter- 
ra FiRMA, to the iflands, and fome even to Old Spain, tho-' 
in no great quantity. 

AcAPULCo lies two hundred miles fouth of Mexico, on the 
South Sea. Mexico, though no port, nor communicating 
with the fea by any navigable river, has a prodigious commerce, 
and is itfelf the center of all the trade that is carried on between 
America and Europe, on one hand, and between America 
and the East Indies on the other; for here the principal mer- 
chants refide, the greateft part of the bufinefs is negociated, and 
the goods that pafs from Acapulco to La Vera Cruz, or 
from La Vera Cruz to Acapulco, for the nfe of the Philip- 
pines, and in a great meafure for the ufe of Peru and Lima, 
all pafs through this city, and employ an incredible number of 
horfcs and mules in the carriage r Hither all the gold and filver is 
fent to be coined ; here the king's fifth is depoiited ; and here 
is wrought all that immenfe quantity of uteniils, and ornaments 
in plate, which is every year fent into Europe. Every thing 
here has the greateft air of magnificence and wealth. The fliops 
glitter on all fides with the expofure of gold, filver, and jewels, 
and furprize yet more by the work of the imagination upon the 
treafures which fill great chefcs piled up to the cielings, whilll 
they wait the time of being fent to Old Spain. 

The trade between Spain and her colonies in America,. 
which has been jufl defcribed, is the moft confiderable part of 
their external commerce, and the great fupport of their navy ; 
for, till our late breach with France, very few of their flii'ps 
navigated into foreign parts ; and the chief fource that fup- 
plied the balance of their trade with otlier nations, arofe from 
this branch. Their /Wt'nz^r/ traffic is by no means p»roportionate 
to the numbers of their people, the natural advantages of tlicir 
fituation and climate, the abundance of raw materials which the 
country produces, and their Indies fipply them with j eipecially 
when we refledt on the many years cf peace which they have en- 
joyed. 



^62 V I E W o F T H E C O M M E R C E and 

joyed, and that commerce was ntver fo much confidered by the ie- 
Veral European flates, as it is in the preicnt age. 

The Q^reat error of the Spanish poHcy feems to be this; they 
never fuI^Hciently attended to the truth of the following political 
maxim, That induftry, manual labour, and the arts, are more be- 
neficial, and truer fources of wealth to a flate, than the richeft 
mines of gold and filver. Dazzled with the fpoils of America, 
they turned their whole attention to feize the exclullve poiTeiiion 
of thofe feeming riches; they negled:ed agriculture and manufac- 
tures, and contradled a contempt for the mechanic, and even li- 
beral arts ; in confequence of which, the country becoming daily 
lefs populous, their maritime and military ftrength foon declined. 
Of late years the Spanifh minidry hath been fully fenfible of this 
fatal miftake, and hath endeavoured to raife a fpirit of induftry 
among the people, by promoting the eftablifliment of manufac- 
tures, in various parts of the kingdom : But though they have 
tempted the people, by exemption from taxes, and many other 
privileges, yet the progrefs they have made is not fo confiderable 
as might have been expected. 

Their moil remarkable manufaflures are the following; the 
woollen fabrics are carried on at Segovia, where they made, in 
the year 1759, 7,400 pieces of cloth, of 30, 60, and 80 bars in 
length; alfo at ValdemorOy Giiadalajaray Saragofa, Agulada, and 
Ba?'celona. The woollen manufadiures owe much of their pre- 
fent eftablifliment, as Ustaritz tells us, to the care and encou- 
rao-ement of the Dcjke de Ripfrda, who had the diredlion of 
them in the year 1724. The old filk manufadtures are chiefly in 
Afidalujia, Valencia, and Mwcia. Thofe in Catalonia are more 
modern. The principal one of all is at Talavera de la Reyna, in 
Nf. w Castile, for the richeft gold and filver tiifues. At Ma- 
drid there is alfo a manufidure of tifllies, luteftrings, and other 
flight filks. There is a manufadure of linen at Corunna., faid to 
fjpply the King's table; another of linen at Segovia. At Madrid 
is lately let up a manufa6lure of porcelain, in the gardens of the 
King's palace of the Retiro, wrought by Artificers brought from 
Saxony. There is like wife in tnat city a new manufacture of 

good 



MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 26^ 

good tapeftry, and of cards, as the fineft cards of all, which are 
made at Barcelona, are there prohibited. The fabric of glafs is at 
St. lldefonjoy that of fwords is at 'Toledoy and thofe of iron in 
Bifcay y that of paper at Segovia. The pottery fabrics are very 
numerous and excellent, particularly that of Talavera de la Reyna, 
The looms of filk, wool, and linen, in all the kingdoms, are 
fai'd to be 20,000 ; but whether that account be exadt, I cannot 
prefupie to fay. 

That their manufadlures are not now more confiderable, is 
not Jolely owing to their indolence, and the other caufes above- 
mentioned, but likewife to the oppreffive fpirit of that fuperfti- 
tion v/hich reigns there, under the malk of religion. This will 
be evident from the following extrad: of a memorial, prefented 
by Emmanuel de Lira, firft fecretary of ftate to Charles II. 
which breathes fuch a fpirit of patriotifm and toleration, that I 
perfuade myfelf it will be very acceptable to the reader. De Li- 
ra having, in his memorial, propofed the eftabllfliment of a ge- 
neral company of commerce, in which all foreigners that pleafed 
fl:iould be allowed to be fharers, adds, 

" There Is only one obftacle on our fide, that can prevent 
the efl:ablifl:iment of the company. It is, I confefs, great, but 
neverthelefs very eafy to be furmounted, efpecially by your maje- 
fty, when you are once informed, that the removing of that ob- 
ftacle would be a means of remedying feveral abufes introduced 
among us, and alfo of preventing the daily profanation of our 
moft facred myfteries. This obftacle arifcs from the law eftablifh- 
ed in thefe kingdoms, and from the decrees and edidls of the 
holy tribunal of the Inquifition, againft the Jews, and ao-alnft 
herefy ! 

<* I KNOW, Sir, that it is the greateft glory of Spain, that it 
is the only nation which keeps itfelf pure in the faith of the Ca- 
tholic, Apoftolic, and Roman church; it is this which o-lves 
your Majefty the juft title of Catholic Monarch, which you fo 
worthily poftefs. I likewife know, that there is not a more holy, 
nor a more falutary inftitution than that of the holy tribunal ; bu? 

Mm X 



264 VIEWoftmeCOMMERCEand 

I fliall endeavour to make it appear, that by granting the liberty of 
commerce to heretics, and even to Jews, no prejudice could 
from thence refult to Spain, nor to the glorious title of Catholic 
King, nor to the laws and prerogatives of the Inquifitlon. 

*' My reputation is unfullied, and 1 flatter myfelf that nobody 
will fufpcdt me, as to my foundnefs in the Catholic Faith. I am 
evidently a zealous and true Catholic, by prefuming to propofe to 
your Majefty to grant liberty of confcience in thefe your king- 
doms, as fuch a liberty would prevent a great many profanations 
that are daily committed. 

" Is it not a trutii. Sir, that ^11 the prifons of the Inquifition 
throughout all Spain are filled with Jews and heretics, who 
have profaned our liicramcnts, by receiving them as though they 
had been zealous and devout Catholics ! Is it not likewife a 
truth, that an infinite number of others keep themfelves conceal- 
ed among us, and participate of thofe facraments unworthily, 
and by v^^ay of derifion. Such a thing never happens in countries 
where liberty of confcience is allowed to all. The greedinefs 
of foreigners after our wealth gets the better of their apprehen- 
fions of divine or human punifhments. 

*' We might grant to the nations trading to Cadiz, or Se- 
ville, or any other place where this company fliould be efta- 
blifhed, the free exercife of their religion for them alone, in the 
fame manner as the Dutch, and many Proteilant States and Princes, 
have allowed it to the Roman Catholics in their dominions, 
namely, not an open toleration. Thus foreigners, interefted in, 
and members of the company, and their clerks and domeflics, 
would have this advantage, which would render their abode in 
Spain very agreeable ; foreign merchants who traded hither would 
be fatisfied, and we fhould deliver ourfelves from thofe enemies of 
our myfleries, who keep themfelves concealed among us, and 
remove them from our temples and our altars ; for as it is intereft 
that infpires them with the courage to furmount all apprehen- 
lions and dangers, the fame intereft would draw them to that 
place, where they might in full fecurity follow their fuperftitions. 

I *' The 



MANUFACTURES of SPAIN. 265 

^^ The example of the church of Rome for thefe feveral ages 
paft may inform us, that it is not contrary to religion to tolerate 
a worfhip quite oppofite to ours ; for it has given a fynagogue to 
the Jews, and it alfo allows the Greeks to worfliip according to 
their liturgy-, without thereby forfeiting the name, or the fove- 
reign title of being the immoveable feat of our religion. This 
example has been followed by the Grand Duke of Tuscany, at 
Leghorn, and by feveral other Princes in Chriftendom. 

*« The Englifh merchants, notwithftanding their diverlity of 
religion, have the liberty of trading in our ports, iince the treaty 
concluded by the Conftable of Castile, and the minifters of 
James I. King of Great Britain. 

** YouRMajefty's father, of glorious memoiy, granted the fame 
thing to the Dutch, and even engaged, by the treaty of Mun- 
ster, to furnifh them with a convenient and honourable place 
for a burial ground. 

" Thus, the moil difficult flep is already furmounted. As to 
other points, juil precautions might eafily be taken to prevent 
the venom of herefy from infeding the heart of Spaniards." 



M m 2 LET- 



[ 266 ] 



LETT 



R XIV. 



An Account of the Spanish Money. 

Pecuniam prohant 'veterem, et diu not am. 

Tacitus de Mor. Qer, 



^'^HE Spanish Money is in itfelf not eafy to be imderftood, 
efpecially by thofe who are not merchants. The Spaniards 
make up moll of their accompts, and form their calculations 
chiefly in thefe two Species, the Real de Vellon, and the Ma- 

RAVEDI, 

The Maravedi is the loweft of the denominations of their 
copper money, and in this the Kings accoinpts are kept ; confe- 
quently the revenues of Spain, and the wealth brought from 
Peru and Mexico, are annually computed by an integer of cop- 
per, that is three times lefs than our farthing. 

The Real de Vellon is the fmallefl: piece of thtiv Jiher 
money, the ninetieth part of the pound Sterling, and equals our 
two-pence- halfpenny i and two thirds of a farthing. 

But though it be the moil ufual way in Spain to compute by 
the Maravedi and the Real de Vellon^ yet there are feveral other 
methods of calculation ftill in force. Thus, penlions from the 
court, payments of the army, navy, &c. are fet down in the re- 
gifter of the Spanifli finances, in Efciidos and Ducadosy (or cop- 
per 



An account of, Sec. 267 

per crowns and ducats) reduced to Reals Vcllon. Some accompts 
of merchants, and of private perfons, are likewife kept in this 
way ; but few things are bought and fold there, but by the for- 
mer computation of Maravedis and Reals. There are, befides, 
provi?2cial ways of calculation, and denominations of money pe- 
culiar to them, flill fublifting, being the remains of the ufages 
of the old kingdoms. 

But our Englifli merchants traffic chiefly in Pieces of l^ghf, 
and compute ufually by the Piajire, or old difufed Piece of Eight, 
coniifting of fifteen Reals and two Maravedis : or, if they reckon 
by PijJoIes, they mean the Pijlole of fixty Reals, the co?nmon Pi- 
ftole, not the gold one of feventy-five, and ten Maravedis, other- 
wife" called the Doblon effeSiivo de Oro. 

In the office oi T)echnal Rents, as they call them, that is to fay 
'J'ythesy belonging to the archbifliop of Toledo, accompts are 
{lill kept in the obfolete denomination of Dinerosy ten of which 
make a Maravedi. There are no lefs than fifty clerks in this of- 
fice ; and well there may : think only how 'uohuninoiis accompts 
muft be for above 30,000 pounds a-year, that are kept in a deno- 
mination, the value of which is more than thirty times lefs than 
our farthing ! 

The different monies, and w^ays of reckoning, ftill fubfifting 
in the provincesy make it neceffary, that every province fhould 
have a feparate office in Madrid for its own convenience: and 
though they live in the fame ilreet, the clerks of one office know 
no more of the procefs of accompting in the other ^ than a Chinefe 
or Laplander would do. 

In the Real Hacienda, or Royal treafury, accompts ars 
kept only in Millions of Maravedis. 

But all the offices in Spain, whether ecclefiaftical or fecular, 
compute by fome of the following denominations ; either by 
Dinercs, Cornados, Blancos, Crowns, or Ducats : but thefe are 

antiquated 



268 A N A C C O U N T o F 

antiquated diviiions, thofe of the Maravedi and Real being mofl 
in ufe. 

These fmall denominations, which the Spaniards love to 
compute by, muft, as you will ealily imagine, render their ac- 
compts very like themfelves, flow, tedious, and elaborate; but 
then they have this advantage, that they make their accomptants 
moil minutely exad:. An error is much more eafily detedied, 
where the fum is divided into fuch a number of equal parts, and 
perhaps miofraSfions infinitely nice. 

Of their loweft denomination, called a Maravediy three and 
one fifth make an Englifh farthing. Thirty-four Maravedh go, 
to a Real de Vellon, and ninety Reals Vellon are equal to the 
Pound Sterling. 

Their money writers make mention of Mar avedis of plate \ 
but thefe, though they might exifl formerly, are now no more in 

being. 

The different exigencies of government, and the various expe- 
dients to fupport expenfive projeds of ambition, under the pre- 
ceeding reigns, have occafioned more alterations in the value 
and in the currency of the Spanifh money, than in that of any 
other nation in the world, I beheve; particularly from the year 
1642 to 1688, and during the confufion and necefiities of the 
fucceffion war. In Philip IV. 's time, in 1642, things were in 
fuch confufion, that the Piece of Eight in Auguft pafTed for 
twelve Reals, the Doblon for forty-five j in Odober the Piece of 
Eight went at twenty-five Reals, and the Doblon at eighty-nine ; 
in December the Piece of Eight was at twenty-four Reals, and 
the Doblon at eighty-feven. 

The Prefident Ourry, who was fo diftinguifhed for his great 
abilities, was three times fent for from France by Philip V. to 
re-eftablifh the difordered finances of the Spanifh monarchy. 

As 



THE S PANISH MONEY. 269 

As the Spanifh money hath been fcarce ever recalled, there 
hath arifen a confufed multitude of imaginary fpecies of coin. 
They committed a great error, in not making, upon the union 
of the feveral kingdoms, one general coiriy folely current throughout 
the whole penlnjula. All thefe circumftances plainly {hew how 
little the genius and difpofition of this people is turned to trade. 
What could be more uncommercial ^ than a money flandard perpe- 
tually fluctuating, and there being one fort of coin in Castile, 
another in Catalonia, a third in Arragon, and fo on ? 

The Mints of Spain were formerly many, namely, that of 
Madrid, Seville, Segovia, Cuenza in New Castile, of 
Saragossa, Barcelona, and Valencia. Of thefe the two 
firft only, I believe, are now remaining. It is faid there 2.VQfour 
American mints, that of Lima, Potosi, Mexico, andGuA-, 

TIMALA. 

In order to give the reader the cleareft idea of this matter, I 
will firft begin with the Spanifh copper money, then go on to the 
Jilver, and clofe the account with the gold, 

I. Of the Spanish Copper Money. 

The Spanifh Copper Money is, for the moft part, a very con- 
temptible fort of coin ; fome of it ftamped without either form or 
regularity ; and what is even ftruck in a fet dye, is far inferior to 
the worft of our halfpence. 

Their Copper Monies are only four. 

1. The Maravedi, 34 — to the Real Vellon. 

2. The Ochavo, —i Maravedis, 17 — to the Real Vellon. 

3. The Quarto, zi 4 Maravedis, Si. = to the Real Vellon. 

4. The Piezade dos Quartos, = 8 Maravedis, 4I — equal to the 
Real Vellon. 

In 17 1 8, Philip V. ordered they fhould coin milled Money 
of pure Copper, making out of each pound 51 Quartos, 102 
Ochavos, and 204 Maravedis. 

There 



270 An account of 

Theke is mention made of Maravedis in a grant of tlie fite of 
the cathedral of Segovia, by Alphonsus, in the year 1160, 
v/here they are called, as the grant is in Latin, Morabct'mi, which 
plainly fliev/s, that the coin itfelf, as well as the word Maranjcdi, 
is Arabic, though Covarruvias thought it was Gothic. See 
Colmenares Hift. Segov. p. iio. For, the word Maravedi is a 
corruption from Almorircedi. They dropped the Ah and called 
this little Copper Money Moravediy now vulgarly flikd Maravedi, 
The Englifh took only their calculation-cyphers from the Arabs-, 
hut the Spaniards took the Arabic numerals, and their manner of 
computation likewife. 

Small denominations, and minute diviiions of money, were 
'iw all countries at firft probably ovv'ing to the great fcarcity of fpe- 
cie. But, however fmall the Maravedis may appear to us, being 
34 to the Real Vellon, thofe who are acquainted with the Roman 
writers will remember, that the Latiji Teruncius was very near 
as fmall a denomination, being -^.^ of our Farthing. 

The Computation, indeed, hy Reals Vellon, is almoft the fam& 
as the Roman by Sejfertii. /. s. d, 

A Roman- Sefiertius was worth - - 002 
The Real de Vellon, - - - 002 4 and l. 

What can be well nearer ? Does not this fimilitude almoft induce 
one to think, that the original of this computation of Reals Vellon 
came from Rome ? and though the Maravedi is Arabic, the 
Real is Roman. So far is very certain, that the gold Efcudo was 
for many ages called the Aureus, and was current under that 
name down to the time of Don Fernando, 

The mofh ancient Spanifli money was made in imitation of 
the Punic. As the Carthaginians had been abfolute mafters of 
Spain, it is no v/onder the Spaniards fliould copy from their 
models. This ancient money had charaSlers ftamped upon it, 
-which no one has been able to explain to this day, and therefore 
they are called Medallas Desconoscidas. Antoiio Augujlino^ 
the learned archbidiop of 'Tarragona, has taken infinite pains to 

3 make 



THE SPANISH MONEY. ^.yi 

make them outj fee Patin's L'Hift. des Med. p. 103. Jou- 
BERT, Science des Med. Inft. 7. 

The Spanifh Copper Money is more like the firft rude monies 
of a barbarous people, than the coin of a great and civilized na- 
tion. They have often feen the Roman money for ages paft ; vaft 
quantities of it are every day ploughed up, and brought to fale. 
It is much they fhould never have attempted the imitation of the 
'Roman Brafs Coinsy though they might defpair, perhaps, of exe- 
cuting their Denarii^ or their Aurii, But there has been al- 
ways fomething in the genius of thefe people averfe to improve- 
ments. 

Strabo fays, that the Spanifli Silver yionty confifled of very 
thin pieces, or laminae, which had been three times refined in the 
fire. This mufl; have been pure indeed, but wretched coin, 
ftamped, and without any alloy -y confequently their Iron or 
Brafs Money moft probably was much more rude and barbarous, 
fuch as C^sAR fays our Britifh anceftors made ufe of in his time. 
The ^latros of Philip V. are the beft that I have i^tn of the 
Spanifh Copper Money. 

One reafon, they fay, why their Copper Money is fo bafe a 
Coin, is eafy to be affigned. When the expenlive projeds of 
ambition, in the preceding reigns, had at different times redu- 
ced the Spanifh finances exceeding low, it had been fometimes an 
expedient to coin vaffc quantities of Copper Money : the confe- 
quence of this is, that there is now in Spain at leafl ten times 
' more Copper Specie than the circulation requires ; and at length 
it hath become fuch a burden, that merchants will rather allow 
one and a half per cent, diicount, than receive payments in cop- 
per. This hath produced another effect, for as the^ quantity is fo 
great as to be circulated in large bags, marked, of fo much in 
tale, the miniftry of Spain is afraid of calling in this Copper 
Specie to the mint, for its value to be reiffued in Silver, as they 
imagine the flate would be a great lofer by the deficiency. This 
is Spanifh policy ; but, for my own part, I cannot fee why this 

N n evil 



2f 2 A N A C C O U N T o F 

evil might not eafily be remedied ; for, if the government would' 
but confent to lay out the fmall fum of 20,000 /. Sterling ia 
buying them up, they might fupprefs 20 millions of thefe 
Copper denominations, and the convenience thereby arifmg to 
the internal traffic of the kingdom v/ould much more than coun>- 
terbalance the lofs. The Spanifli minidry are at prefent much 
embarralTed with this grievance. The expedient they now talk 
of to get rid of the greatefl part of it, is to colled: it in facks, 
and fliip it off for the ufe of their colonies in America. In the 
provinces, almofl: all payments are made in Copper, which ren/- 
ders commercial tranfadtions there very, troublefome, 

2. Of the Spanish Silver Money. 

These are, (r.) The Real de Vellon,.. — to 34 Maravedls. 
(2.) The Real de Plata, = to 2 Reals Vellon. (3 ) The Pefeta 
Corriente, — to 4 Reals Vellon. (4.) The Medio Real de Plata 
Colunario, — to i Real Vellon and -i, (5.) The Real de Plata 
Colunario, — to 2 Reals Vellon and 2.. (6.) The Real de a Dos 
Colunario, = to 5 Reals Vellon. (7.) The Medio Pefo, — to 
10 Reals Vellon. (8.) The S ego via n, or Mexican Piece of 
Eight, or Dollar, or Pefo, — to 20 Reals Vellon ; but if it hap- 
pen to be ftruck at Seville in the year 1718, its value is no more 
than 1 6 Reals Vellon, and the half of this Pefo no more than 8 
Reals Vellon. 

So that you fee the Spaniards have eight denominations of their 
effedlive Silver Specie ; but they have likewife fome i?naginary di- 
vifions, like that of our Englifi Found, — Such are the Jive follow- 
ing. 

1. The Efcudo de Vellon, or copper, commercial, nominal 
Crown, rr to 10 Reals Vellon. 

2. The Ducado de Vellon, or nominal Copper Ducat, 11 
Reals and i Maravedi 3 ufed chiefly in computing marriage Por- 
tions, 



THE SPANISH MONEY. 273 

tlons, contrads, fines, and court penfions, and in rating all eccle* 
iiaflical revenues. 

3. The computed Dollar, or old Piece of Eight, commonly 
called THE Piastre, of fifteen Reals Vellon, and two Mara- 
vedis. N. B. In commercial computations, where no particular 
ipecies is mentioned, you muft reckon by this Piajire, 

4. The Ducado de Plata Nueva = to fixteen Reals Vellon, 
and feventeen Maravedis. 

5. The Ducado de Plata doble = to twenty Reals Vellon, and 
twenty-five Maravedis, and -i-i of a Maraveii. 

In regard to their effeSiive filver fpecie, in i .-^ firfl place ob- 
ferve, that it has no imprefs of any royal head ; that whenever 
it has a fhield, or coat of arms on it, it is coined in Old Spain, 
if it be ftruck before the year 1733 j the American filver money 
flruck before that period, having only the crofs and the nwnerals. 
But fince the year 1733, the American filver money has been the 
fame with that of Old Spain. 

The Real de Vellon is the fmallefl; piece of their filver coin; 
obferve only, that though it be of Silver^ yet it is called Vellon 
Money, that is Copper Money : the reafon is, that it was origi- 
nally a Copper coin, but when they came afterwards to ftrike it 
in Silver, they fi:ill retauied the old name. The effed: of this 
hath been, that when merchants fay Vellon Money, they mean 
Bilvjer, and now call the Copper Cobre, or Calderilla. 

The Pefo Duro, Gourdo, Dollar, or famous Spanijh piece of 
Eight, is now tolerably well known in England j there are four 
forts of thefe Dollars y two fquare, one of Lima, and one of 
Seville; two of the round fort, one with pillars, and one with- 
out pillars. There have been no fquare Do] lars coined fince the 
year 1733. Philip V. then ordered that t hey fiiould fiirike only 
the round and milled. The Dollars of Ferdinand VI. have 
the arms of Castile and Leon on a fhield quarterly j the arms 



N n 



OT 



274 A N A C C G tU N T o P 

of France on an efcutcheon of pretence under a regal crown. 

The legend FERDND. VI. D. G. HISPAN. ET IND. 

REX. 

On the reverfe — two globes under a regal coronet, between 
two pillars, with coronets inftead of capitals, labelled with the 
motto PLVS VLTRA. Legend, VTRAQVE VNVM. Thefe 
are called Colunario, becaufe of the pillars ; they weigh exadly 
one ounce of filver, and their proportion between the filver and 
gold, is exadlly as 15 = i ; fifteen of thefe being equal to the 
Doblon de a Ocho, which is alfo exa6tly an ounce of Gold. — 
When the exchange of this piece is at fifty-two pence, the Eng- 
lish gain four per cent. 

As Silver has been fcarcer In England than Goldy thefe 
Dollars have been imported there with great advantage, while 
the fmall SpaniQi Gold Crown, of exacflly the fame value^ hath 
paffed unnoticed. The price given for them by the Bank of 
England having been from five fhillings, to five and four- 
pence per ounce : and of late, till the taking of the Hermione, 
fo high as 5 J-. 8 d. and 51. \o d. 

The meaning of the name 'Piece of Eight, was originally owing, 
to its value j it was a Real, or Dollar, of eight Reals of plate 
currency. But there being now three diftindt pieces of Eight,, 
ftill in ufe, this hath bred fome confufion : the reafon of this va- 
riety is however eafily to be accounted for. The old Piece of 

Eight was, as 1 faid, originally in value eight Reals of Plate ; 
this by currency in time loft fomething, almoft half a Real oF 
Plate, and went at laft for fifteen Reals Vellon, and two Mara- 
vedis. But when they came to coin better fpecie, to make this 
Dollar a more valuable, and fairer coin, they added the value of 
two Reals of Plate to it, which brought it to its modern ftand- 
ard, namely twenty Reals Vellon. — Yet ftill, as many of the 
old pieces of Eight ftill remained, the merchants were fo bigot- 
ted to their old calculation of fifteen Reals, and two Maravedies, 
that they ftill kept up that computation, and it remains even 
BOW, though the pieces themfelves are now no more, and is 

what 



THE SPANISH MONEY. 



^7^ 



what they call reckoning by the Fiajlre. This accounts for two 
©f the Pieces of Eight, that of twenty Reals, and the imaginary 
Piaftre. 

The exchange of the Piajire is now at par, or forty pence. 
The third Piece of Eight is that of Seville, of the year 171 8, 
and was flruck upon the old principle of eight Reals of plate cur- 
rency, or fixteen Vellon, which it now goes for : but thefe are 
rare, and do not often occur. But remember, that the three 
Reals de a Ocho, or Pieces of Eight, are that imaginary one of 
fifteen Reals Vellon, and two Maravedies, of fixteen Reals Vel- 
lon of Seville, and the modern one of twenty Reals Vellon. 

In the year 1726, Philip ordered, that old Silver Pieces of 
Eight fhould pafs for Nine Reals of Provincial plate, and one 
half, that is for nineteen Reals Vellon, one lefs than the prefent 
currency. At this time there was a general recall of the fmal- 
ler filver monies to the Mint. 

In the year 1728, Philip ordered a junta to regulate the mints 
and monies, which ordained that the Reals a S'^. and a 4^^. 
fhould be round and milled at the edges, and of lixty-eight 
Reals of Plate the mark : that the old Real de a Ocho fhould pafs 
thenceforward for ten Reals of Plate, that is twenty Vellon -,. 
and the Real a Quatro for five Reals of Plate ; the mark for 
eighty Reals ; the ounce for ten Reals of Plate, or twenty Vel- 
lon, and fo on. 

Of the Spanish Gold Money. 

There were anciently only four Spanifh Gold coins, and thefe- 
divided by a very fair and goodly proportion ; the Doblon of 
eight, the 4, the i-, the i- ; exadlly the equal and dired divilions 
of an ounce of Gold -, fnice that they have added a _!: and their 
Gold Money flands thus : 

I. The Efcudito de Oro, or little Gold Crown = to twenty. 
Reals Vellon. 

2-,. The 



ty(i AnACCOUNTop 

2. The Efcudo de Oro, or large Gold Crown, equal to thirty- 
£ii\z\\ Heals, and twenty-two Maravedis. 

3. The Doblon de a Cinco, or Gold Piflole, =? to feventy-^ 
£ve Reals, and ten Maravedis. 

4. The Doblon de a Quatro, or double Gold Piftolc, = to 
150 Reals, and twenty Maravedis. 

(J. The Doblon de a Ocho, or Gold piece of Eight, or four 
Gold Piftoles, = to 301 Reals, and fix Maravedis. 

The Spaniards have alfo two imaginary fpecies in the Gold, 
the Dobla de OrOy or Double Ducat, = to fourteen Reals, and 
nine Maravedis — and is ufed only by phyficians and chymifts— 
and the commercial nominal Pijiok of fixty Reals Vellon. 

The Doblon of Eight was originally worth eight Half Fiji oles^ 
and thence took its name — £/ Doblon de a Ocho Efcudos. It is 
at prefent but one Real more in value, becaufe feventy-five mul- 
tiplied by four, makes 300; but its currency is 301 Reals, and 
fix Maravedis. Obferve, that there are no pillars upon any of 
the Spanirti Gold Money. 

In the year 1728, Philip ordered, that the Doblon de a Ocho 
Ihould pafs for fixteen old Pieces of Eight, or twenty Provincial 
Dollars j the Doblon a Quatro for eight of thofe Pefos ; the Dob- 
lon a Dos for four; the Efcudo for two, or twenty Reals of 
Plate. 

There are three forts of the Gold Doblon a Ocho. (i.) The 
American, or of Lima, fquare, with the crofs, and the nu- 
meral. (2 ) With the headof the Prince, as legend, PHILIP V. 

"D. G. HISPAN. ET. IND. REX. Reverfe, arms of the 

King, with this motto : TIMOR DOMINI INITIUM SAPI- 
ENTI^. (3.) The third fort has no imprefs of the Prince, 
but has the arms of the King under a regal crov/n, legend, 

PHILIP, 



THE SPANISH MONEY. 



277 



PHILIP. V. DET. GRATIA. On the reverfe, a crofs, with 
this motto : HISPANIARVM. REX. 

Having now concluded the account of the Spanifli money, 
I fliail refer the reader to the following Table, which will fhow 
at one view, the reduction of all the fpecies of it into Englifh 
money j and it is hoped the Table will be found both new and 
accurate* 



A TABLE, fiewing the Value o/' Spanish Coim*. 
in English Money, 



3^Is\ 


^ellon* - 


Maravedis. 1 

I 
2 

4 

f 

2St 


i 




34 


»i 




42| 


2 




68 


^\ 




85 


3 




102 


4 




136 


5 




J 70 


6 




204 


7 




238 


8 




272 


9 




306 


10 


. 


340 


II 




374 


II and 


I Maravedis, 




J2 




408 


»3 




442 


H 




476 


14 and 


9 Maravedis, 




^S 




510 



3 

5 

7 
8 

10 
I 

4 
6 



10 
I 



f. 



3 
I 

2 

2f 



Maravedl. 
Ochavo. 

Quarto. 

Two Quartos. 



^4 5 Real de Vellon, or Half Real do 
^^\ Plata. 

2 The Pillar'd Half Real of Plate. 

I J Real de Plata, or Real of Silver. 

The pillar'd Real of Plate. 

2| The Real de a Dos, or curr Pefeta^i 
i-f The pillar'd Real de a Dos. 



9 1 1 The Seville Half Dollar. 

■ The Real de a Quatro, or Medio 
Pefo, (i. e. Half Piece of Eight.) 
The nominal Efcudo Vellon is 
of the fame value. Nine of thefe 
make a Pound Sterling. 

1 1 cThe nominal Ducado de Vellon, 
^ \ or Copper Ducat, 



The nominal Doblo de OxOy or 

Gold double,. 

Real 



278 

Reals Vellon. 

1 5 and 2 Maravedis, 

16 . . 
i6and 1 7 H^akvidis, 

18 
»9 

20 



10 and 25^5 -Maravcdis, 
21 

22 

23 
24 

26 

27 
28 

29 
30 

3» 
32 
53 
34 
35 
3f^ 
37 
37 and 22 Maravedis, 

38 

39 

40 

41 

42 

43 
4 + 
45 
46 

47 
48 

49 
SO 
SI 

52 

53 
54 
55 
5<^ 
57 
58 



An account of 

Maravedis. 1. s. d. f. 



544 



578 
^12 
646 

68a 



7'4 

748 

782 
816 
«50 

384 
918 
•952 
9.^6 
1020 
J054 
10S8 
1122 
fi 56 
1 1 90 
1224 
1258 



12C2 
1326 
1360 

1394 
1428 
1462 
1496 

1530 

1564 

1598 

16:52 

1666. 

1790 

1734 
1763 
1802 
1836 
1870 
1904 

1938 
1972 
2C0J 



4 
4 
4 
5 
5 
5 
5 
6 
6 
6 
6 
6 

7 
7 
7 

7 



10 
I 

4 
6 



2 

5 

8 

10 
I 

4 
6 



, C The old Piece cf Eight, or Piaftr* 
"* ( nominal. 
2| The Seville Dollar. 

C The Ducado de Plata Naeva, or 
\ nominal Ducat of new plate. 



2j 
It 



"1 



Real de a Ocho, Pefo Gourde, or 
Piece of Eight ; the little Gold 
Crown is of the fame value. 

The Ducato de Plata Dobic, 



< The Efcudo de Oro, or large 
^ ^ Gold Crown. 
5 1} 



8 


10 


2t 


9 


I 


'i 


9 


4 




9 


6 


2? 


9 


9 


'} 


10 






10 


2 


2^- 


10 


5 


>' 


10 


8 




10 


10 


2| 


II 


1 


l^ 


I i 


4 




1 1 


6 


2| 


1 1 


9 


^\ 


12 






12 


2 


A 


i 2 


5 


•'3 


12 


8 




12 


10 


2| 


»3 


1 


»1 



Reals 



THE SPANISH MONEY. 



275^ 



Reals Vellon. 


Maravedis 


I. 


s. 


d 


f. 


60 


2040 





13 


4 





61 


2074 





13 


6 


2| 


62 


2108 





•3 


9 


'1 


63 


2142 





H 








64 


2176 





H 


2 


2| 


65 


2210 





H 


5 


4 


66 


2244 





14 


8 





67 


2278 





H 


10 


2| 


68 


23:2 





15 


I 


H 


69 


2336 





IS 


4 





70 


2370 





'S 


6 


2y 


71 


2404 





15 


9 


It 


72 


2438 





16 








73 


2472 





16 


2 


2? 


74 


2506 





16 


5 


It 


75 


2540 





16 


8 





75 and 10 Maravedis, 







16 


8 


2 


y6 


2574 





16 


10 


2| 


77 


2608 





17 


I 


It 


78 


2642 





17 


4 





79 


2676 





J7 


6 


2f 


80 


2710 





17 


9 


It 


8i 


2744 





18 








82 


2778 





18 


2 


2?- 


83 


2812 





18 


S 


IT 


84 


2846 





18 


8 





8.- 


28S0 





18 


10 


2| 


86 


2914 





19 


I 


I| 


87 


2948 





19 


4. 





§8 


2982 





J9 


6 


2f 


89 


3016 





19 


9 


»• 


90 


3040 


I 











150 and 2a Maravedis, 




I 


13 


5 


2 


180 




2 











270 




3 











301 and 6 Maravedie, 




3 


6 


11 





360 




4 











45c 




5 











540 




6 











630 




7 











720 




8 











810 




9 











900 




la 











990 




II 











1080 




12 











1 170 




13 











126c 




H 











1350 




»5 











1440 




16 











1530 




17 











1620 




18 











1710 




16 











lisOO 




20 













The nominal or common Piflole. 



The Doublon of Gold. 



The Doublon de a Quatro of Gold. 



The Doublon de a Ocho of Gold. 



Reals 



sSo 



An account op 



Reals VeUoiv, 

1890 
1980 
2070 
2160 
22;o 
2340 
2430 
2520 
2610 
2700 
2290 
2880 
2970 
3060 

3240 
3-3 30 
3420 

3510 

3600 
3690 
3780 
387a 
3960 
4050 
4140 
4230 
4320 
4410 
4500 
4590 
4680 

4770 
4S60 
4950 

5040 

5130 
52^ 

53to 

5400 



d. 



21 








22 








23 








24 








2S 








26 








27 








28 








29 








30 








31 








32 








33 








3+ 








35 








36 








37 








38 








39 








40 








41 








42 








43 








44 








"^^ 








46 








47 








48 








49 








50 








51 








52 








53 








54 








55 








5^ 








57 








58 








59 








60 









Reals Vellon. 

5490 

5q8o 

5670 

5760 

5850 

5940 

6030 

6120 

6210 

6300 

6390 

6480 

6570 

6660 

6750 

6840 

6950 

7020 

71 10 

7200 

7290 

7380 

7470 
7560 
7650 

774^ 
7830 
7920 
8010 

8 1 03 

8193 
8280 

8370 
8460 

85JO 

8640 

8730 
8820 
8910 
9000 



d. 



61 








62 








63 








64 








65 








65 








67 








68 








69 








70 








71 








72 








73 





G 


7+ 








75 








76 








77 








7S 








79 








80 








81 








82 








83 








84 








8>- 








86 








87 








88 





3 


89 








90 








91 








92 








95 








9+ 








9; 








96 








97 








98 








99 








ICO 









A TABLE o/'English a?2d Portugal Money, 

reduced to Spanish Computation, 



ti 

Sixpence 

Shilling 

Half a Crown 

A Crown 

Half a Pound Sjcr. 



I. 


s. 


d. 


R 


. V. 


Mar 








6 




2 


8| 






I 

2 



6 




4 
II 


'7 

84 





5 







22 


»7 





lO 







45 






Half 



THE SPANISHMONEY. 



281 



Hair a Guinea 

A Pound Ster. 

A Guinea 

Moidcre 

A Pound end a Half 

* A Six and Thirty 

A Three Pound Twelve 



s. 


d. 


10 


6 


I 





I I 





I 7 





I 10 





1 16 





3 12 






R. V. 



Mar. 



47 
90 


8i 




94 

121 


17 

17 


162 






324 






* N. B. Six and Thirties, or Portugal Pieces, exchange in this country at great 
lofs: They will give atCoRUNNA only 152^ or at molt 156 Reals j at Madrid Something 



more. The par is 162 Reals* 



O O 2 



L E T TJB R 



t «82 ] 



LETTER XV. 



The State of Agriculture. 

THE Soil of Spain is naturally dry, and is rendered ftill more 
fo, by reafon of the great heats, which parch up the fprings 
and brooks, and by the want of rain to refresh the earth at pro- 
per feafons. Of this a remarkable infcance happened about five 
years ago, when it had not rained in Castile for nineteen 
months together. 

The general furface of the country, if you except the two 
Castiles, is uneven, fcarped, and mountainous. — It has been 
doubted by the Abbe de*VERAY, and others, whether there 
ever were ^ny mines of filver in Spain, becaufe the Spaniards at 
prefent work none : but this prefumption has been ill founded^ 
I am told, that it is a ftanding maxim of Spanifli policy, not 
to work any of their mines in Europe, as long as thofe of 
America will fupply them. It is a certain fa6t, that there are 
m2LnyJiIver mines difperfed throughout Spain, and at Guadal- 
canal in Andalusia in particular. — Englifime?! hsLve gone over 
there, and have examined the very ore, and have found it fo pro- 
mifing, that fome have been fanguine enough to offer to contract 

* But a modern writer has well confuted this opinion.— His words are, " La 
prJUence Efpagnole, qui ne fonge pas tant au prefent, qu'elle na penfe auffi al' 
avenir, ne veut pas qu'on y touche, tandis que ceiles des Indes auront dequoi four- 
nir. Je trouve quec'eft fagemcnt fait a eux. 

for 



The state of AGRICULTURE. 2B3 

for the working of the mines. Bat fuppofe the moderns had not 
examined into this point, would not the teilimony of the ^;z- 
€"/>;2^j- have been ftrong enough to prove it? Polybius, Stra- 
Bo, and LivY, all affirm it. Cato impofed a tax upon the 
filver and iron mines, among the Vergistani : See Livv, 
Lib. 34. 

Notwithstanding the inconvenience arifing from the 
dry nefs of the foil, and the want of rain, yet, if the inhabitants 
were induftrious, and applied themfelves with afliduity to the cul- 
tivation of their lands, a general abundance might prevail, which 
is far from being the cafe at prefent, for in many places there is 
often great fcarcity of bread. 

The genius of the people is doubtlefs naturally averfe to toll 
and labour. Give a Spaniard but his cloak, hat, and fword, his 
wine and his bread, and he cares not how little he works. An- 
other great obfl:ru(5lion to Agriculture is the immenfe number of 
lazy ecclefiajiics in thefe kingdoms, and the perpetual fucceilion of 
holidays allowed by the church, which deprive the flate of one 
third of the labour, that it ought to receive from its fubjeds. 
To thefe let me add, the thinnefs of its population j Spain in ge- 
neral, and Granada in particular, have never recovered that fa- 
tal blow of the expuljion of the Moors j the effeds of which are 
felt ftill more, by the addition of civil and religious celibacy. 
When Philip, on one hand, banifhed to the amount of 800,000 
induftrious infidels, from a principle of religion, he ought, on 
the other hand, from a principle of policy, to have fet open 
the gates of every nunnery and convent in his dominions. I have 
heard the number of thefe ufelefs, fequeflered males and females, 
thefe dead limbs of the body politic, computed at no lefs tlian 
200,000 ; but I believe the calculation much exaggerated. 

Besides the bad confequences arif.ng from religious celibacy, 
their thin population is in part owing to the flcrility of their fe- 
males ; and above all, to the vaft emigrations of their people to 
America. 

To 



2^4 The STATE of 

To remedy thefe defedls, the mlniniiy, in Philip Ill's and 
Philip iV.'s time, oitered vaft premiums to promote marriage 
nnd agriculture. But their imprudent fchemes of pohcy in other 
inftances have rendered thcfe patriot laws almoft ineffecflual. 

Another unfavourable circumflance to agriculture is, there 
being no exportation of corn allovi^ed in Spain from one province 
to another, except for the King's ufe, the exigencies of the fleet, 
army, and fuch occafions. In confequence of this bad policy, 
they are obliged to fend to Barbary and Africa, or to 
England for corn 3 for, it is morally impoffible but the harveft 
mufl fail annually in fome one province or other, and then that 
province muft be fupplied from abroad. Indeed, the tranfporta-- 
tion of it to any great diftance is almofl: impracticable ; for their 
large rivers being left in their natural fbate, are not navigable. 

For my own part, I am perfuaded, that they look upon all 
fuch improvements, in fome meafure, as Jinful. What fhall we 
{•scj flip erjlit ion will not perfuade men to, when we read the fol- 
lowing curious deliberation of a council of flate, in the reign 
of Charles II. ?• — When a company of I>iitch contrad:ors of- 
fered that Prince, to make the Tag us navigable to Lisbon, at 
their own expence, provided they were allowed a toll, for a cer- 
tain number of years, upon fuch goods as were fent by water- 
carriage that v/ay : for they intended to render the Manfanares 
navigable from Madrid to where it falls into the 'Tagiis. — The 
Council of Castile having long deliberated upon that propofal,. 
made at lafl this remarkable determination : ** That if it had 
** pleafed God, that thefe two rivers fhould have been navigable, 
" he would not have wanted human affiftance to have made them 
'* fuch : but, as he has not done it, it is plain he did not think it 
** proper that it fhould be done. To attempt it, therefore, would 
** be to violate the decrees of his providence, and to amend the 
*' imperfedlions which he deflgnedly left in his works." 

But befides this defedt in their rivers, they have opened very 
fcv/ roads for carriages ; in many placos there being fcarce 

6 room 



A G Pv I C U L T U R E in SPAIN. 285 

room even for a mule to pafs by. Another difadvantage to no-rl- 
culture is, that where the land happens to be let to a tenant, 
which is not often the cafe, th^ fale of the ejlate voids the leaji' -, 
from whence comes their Spanifli proverb, Fenta depazc renta. 
— T!he fale frees yoii from reiit. This is fo directly contrary to our 
Jaw, and the equity of the thing, that the difcouragement to the 
farmer need not be infifted on. 

The military fpirit of thefe people, which has always pre- 
vailed, has no doubt given them a contempt for agriculture. 
Whoever travels over Spain, will be grieved to fee fuch vail 
tracks of line land, turned to io little advantage; great part of it 
not tilled, and that which is, done in fo carelefs and llovenly a 
manner, as to produce a flarved crop of corn, ev^en in fpots 
where they might command the mofl abundant harve/l. Their 
corn is ufually choaked up with flones, filth, and weeds of every 
kind. There cannot be a Wronger proof given of the fertility of the 
foil in Spain, than its producing fo much as it doth, when -^om 
conlider how little labour they bellow upon it. When they 
plow, they fcarce do more than jull fcratch the furface of thz 
ground with a flight furrow ; after the firll: plowing, they let the 
earth lie for a few days, and then they fow, the IVbeat m Sep- 
tember, and the Barley in February : when this is done, they 
feldom ufe the Harrow, but plow it ov^er again, in order to cover 
the feed. Thus it fcands till June or July, at which time they 
cut it down. The Barley is rarely bound in llieafs, and the 
Wheat not always. Neither, however, are carried into Barns ; 
but they lay it down on fome clean dry hillock, and then their 
mules come with a drag, and tread or beat out the corn ; it is a 
fliorter method than our threfloing. The winnowing there i% 
done ftill eafier, by only throwing the corn up into the air. 

Such is the general indolence of the inhabitants of this coun- 
try, that many of them will neither reap nor gather m their own 
corn. I lliould except, however, the indullrious Gallicians, 
who, with great numbers out of France, from Auvergne 
and Languedoc, annually travel over all Spain, to be its huf- 
bandmen, 

TWE 



286 The STATE or 

The corn, when cut down, ufually lies expofed upon fomc 
dry high ground for a month or fix weeks : as it muft therefore 
be watched by night, they build fmall huts to lodge in. Thefe 
places being mofc commonly in the neighbourhood of great 
towns, it is the evening diverlion of the Spaniards, at this feafon, 
to walk out to thefe Erasy (or Area^) as they call them, to form 
parties there j fome fitting, others playing on the guittar, others 
linging and dancing Sequediilas or Vimdiingos. During the heats, 
the cool air of thofe rifmg grounds is pleafant, and the fcene 
odd enough. They frequently ftay out late at thefe entertain- 
ments. The ladies of fafliion at Madrid fometimes partake of 
them. 

Strange as this manner of treading out the corn upon the 
ground, and in the duft, may appear to us, yet I do not find that 
it receives any damage from this practice; for it is all of the 
hard fort, and their flour is fine and white, not inferior to any in 
England. This method of treading out the corn is, however, 
undoubtedly not lefs ancient than the time of Moses, as may be 
feen in Scripture. When the corn is thus trodden out, they 
carry it into the public granary, from whence it is difpenfed to 
the people, by particular magiftrates, a board being appointed 
for that purpofe : this they call 'Junta de los Abajlos. 

Little elfe is fown in Spain, but Wheat, Barley, and Rye; to 
the mules they ufually give chopped Jiraw, and thefe animals will 
undergo amazing fatigue, upon fuch poor food. The Spanifh horfe 
are likewife commonly fed with chopped flraw, and it gives 
them the finefl coat imaginable ; but when they are upon hard 
fervice, they give them Barley ; the richer fort, indeed, give 
their mules barley. The Spaniards make little ufe of oats, tho' 
there are fome few fields of it to be met with. 

When I fpeak of the Spanifh Agriculture, I mean the general 
flate of it in Spain; for fome parts of the country are certainly 
much more tilled and improved than others; which muft be the cafe 
in all countries : thus, for inftance, when you pafs the Sierra 
More N A, or that craggy faw of mountains, by which you enter 

into 



% 



AGRICULTURE in SPAIN. 287 

into Andalusit^, the fcene Is agreeably changed, the country 
chearfuller, all tilled to corn, or planted with olives ; the villages 
neat and clean ; but even here induftry is wanting ; no inclofures, 
no trees, but vines and olives. 

From Corduba to Seville you pafs over a ruder country, 
lefs cultivated, and abounding in olives, and fome vineyards. 
The country, however, about Granada, Murcia, Valen- 
cia, and Barcelona, has been of late years very nobly culti- 
vated and improved : in that latter city, in particular, there is fo 
much induftry, that you would be apt to think the people were 
not Spaniards. In the environs, alfo, of the two former cities, the 
country is one continued garden, abounding with all forts of me- 
lons, gourds, pimentos, and garden herbs, interfperfed with 
plats of corn, maize, rice, hemp, &c. all growing under the iliade 
of mulberry-trees, which cover the whole country : they have 
peas, cauliflowers, fallads, beans, &c. frefli from their gar- 
dens, without the help of an hot-houfe, in the middle of our 
winter. 

With regard to the other provinces ; in Biscay they attend 
chiefly to their Iron manufactures, and fo of courfe pay lefs regard 
to agriculture. Asturias is all mountainous and woodv, ex- 
cepting where they have laid the forefts wafte for the fupply of 
their navy. I fay hi^^ them wajie, becaufe, through their unfldl- 
fulnefs in cutting and felling the timber, and a carelefs prodigality 
in the manner of doing It, they have cut down as much of the 
noblefl wood, to build a few men of war, as would have ferved 
the Spanifh navy for fome years. A gentleman, who lately tra- 
velled that way, afllired me, that the Asturias, in this re- 
fped, had more the appearance of a plundered province, than of 
a country in the hands of its own mailers. 

The two Castiles are miferably cultivated; Leon worfe ; 
but fome parts of Gallic i a are fine; and though their atten- 
tion to, and ikill in agriculture, is by no means equal to that of 
the fouthern provinces of Spain, yet it has no mean appear- 
ance. 

1^ p One 



288 The S T A T E o f 

One of the late minlfters tried to introduce the EngliJI: ftyle of 
ao-riculture into Spain, within thefe few years: and fent for 
ploughs, harrows, and other implements and tools of hufbandry 
from London. But when he came to teach his Cajiilian pea- 
fiu:its, the ufe and application of thefe ruftic arms, they had no 
lefs averfion to them, than the Spanifh troops have now to the 
Pruffian military exercife. They tried to work with them, but in 
vain. The Don will as foon quit his fkin, as his habits and pre- 
judices. So they laid the tools down very quietly, and told the 
minifter, *' Que no fe puede trabajar con inftrum.entos femijantes 
" a los Ynglefes — T^hat it was impojjible to work with fiich tools as 
" the EngUfir 

With regard to Climate^ the Spaniards certainly breathe the 
purefl air, well fuited to fuch conftitutions as are not fubjed to 
cholics, particularly to what is called the dry cholic. It is too thin 
and fubtle to agree with confumptive difpolitions -, but to fuch 
whofe conflitutions are found, and unimpaired by hereditary or 
acquired diftempers, there are few better climates in the world. 
In Gallicia the air is more impregnated with vapours and 
moifture ; but in general, there is neither mift nor cloud, and you 
have the moft ferene azure fky conftantly over your head, that 
can be imagined. 

In winter, the cold is not of fo freezing a nature as in Eng- 
land, nor does it numb the extremities in the fame manner 5 
but it is of a more piercing and fubtle kind ; wherefore great 
care muft be taken at thofe feafons to guard well the breall: and 
lungs. Fire is as much wanted at Madrid, in the midfl: of 
winter, as in London, and yet they ufe braziers in general, and 
but few chimneys. In June, July, Augull:, and part of Septem- 
ber, the heats are very oppreffive ; during the hours of heat, to 
be ftill, with as little light in the room as poffible, is the only 
way to be tolerably cool. Great care ought to be taken in regard 
to the water all over Spain, particularly at Segovia, and 
Aranjuez j for in thofe places, if drank without proper cau- 
tion, it will have the moil: fatal efFeds. The furefl; prefervative 
is to boil it, or to put an hot iron into it, before you drink it. The 

water. 



AGRICULTURE in SPAIN. 289 

water, Indeed, of Madrid, is excellent, particularly that of the 
fountain of the Recoletos, The court of Spain have given it 
the ftrongefl recommendation poffible, for they have fent water 
from Madrid even to Don Carlos and Don Philip, as far 
as Italy. 

You may find fome Trees in Spain not very common in other 
countries. The olive tree, green oak, and mulberry tree, abound 
there; you will meet with vaft forrefts of ^r and cork -, of which 
latter they make ftools and benches, and apply it to many other 
domeflic ufes. There are fine woods of oak in Estremadura 
and AsTURiAS; fome few palms and cedars are likewife found. 
Then as to Fruits, there are figs, pomegranates, oranges, le- 
mons, citrons, dates, capers, walnuts, chefnuts, piilacho-nuts, 
raifins, grapes, peaches, nectarines, apricots, plums of all forts, 
pears, apples, mulberries, ftrawberries, currants, but, I believe, 
no goofeberries. 

Gardening, except in the neighbourhood of Barcelona 
and Valentia, and fome other places on the Mediterra- 
nean coaft, is entirely negled:ed in this country. They have 
not even the idea of gentlemens country feats, with gardens 
about them, after the Engli(h manner, except at the King's pa^ 
laces, or fome grandee's old cafcle. Yet, notwithfianding, their 
lettuce, fallads, afparagus, cellery, cabbage, ipinnage, endive, 
garden herbs, onions, garlick, carrots, turnips, melons, cucum- 
bers, artichokes, &c. are good. — The honey of Spain, where 
there is fo much wild thyme, is equal to that of Hybla. 

Vineyards abound every where ; for they make neither beer, 
nor cyder ; rum is prohibited, and their brandy is a wretched fpirit, 
diftilled from anijeed. Foreign vv^ines are very difficult to be had 
there at any price, except in the Jea-ports i even the fine wines 
of their own grov/th are by no means cheap, or eafy to be pro- 
cured. What wine is fold of foreign growth, is chiefly fome 
poor Claret, or wretched Fronfmiac. 1 he wines that are native 
are remarkably ftrong ; they are prefiTed out in the ancient man- 
ner, fo often mentioned in Scripture, by the feet ; when thus 

P p 2 trodden 



290 The state of 

troden out, they are immediately put into hog /kins, fevved up, 
and pitched on the infide : the pitch is apt to give them a deeper 
tint, and a very rank tafle ; this the connoifTeurs call tafting of 
the Borracho. There are many fine wines in Spain, the very 
names of which I know not : thofe that have fallen in my way 
are the following, i. Mountain. 2. Xeres, or what we call 
Sherry^ a town near Cadiz. :. Faxarete, both dry, and 
fweet. 4. Malaga^ in that country, what the Spaniards call 
Don Pedro Ximenes, from the name of a famous vintner ia 
that city. 5. Mahajia, in Catalonia, what we call M^j//??/)'. 
6. Tinta de Rota, or what we call Tent. 7. Peralta. 8. Mon- 
tilla. 9. Guarnachay in Catalonia, 10. Foiitcarral. 11. 
Mo/cat el. 12. Ribadavian. 13. Maravella. 14. Seges. 15. 
Mancha. This laft is the wine of Don Qu^[xote's country : it 
is of the red grape, and what is chiefly drank, mixed with water, 
by the court and gentry at Madrid. 

The Spanifh horfe were always famous \ thofe of Andalusia 
are the moil beautiful, thofe of Asturias the ftrongeft : the 
befl mules are the Cajiilian, particularly thofe of La Mancha . 
but both horfes and mules are very dear in this country j 
fifty or lixty pounds for a mule is no extraordinary price. All 
travelling, carriage, &c- is generally performed' by mules, not 
horfes. In many places, where the mules go with fafety, an 
horfe would fcarce fland. 

There are great plenty of oxen and cov/s, though the Spa- 
niards make no butter^ oZ/fupplying its place. They make like- 
wife very little ufe 0I cows milky goats milk being only to be had, 
even at Madrid. They have black cattle in great abundance, 
and large flocks of {heep. All thefe are ufually poor and lean, 
for vv'ant of pafture, though the flefh is not without its relifh, and 
the meat is certainly more iubftantial, more nutritious, than what 
is killed in England. 

They have immenfe droves of fwine, particularly about Ta- 
LAVERADE LA Regna. As thefe are fed with chefnuts, the 
pork is of a mod exc][uifite flavour. I'oultry in general, except 

the.- 



AGRICULTURE in SPAIN. 291 

the turkies, are in this country lean and dry. There are great 
quantities of game of all forts, hares, partridges, &c. but nei- 
ther fat nor well flavoured. The venifon is good, but inferior to 
our own. Rabbits breed and multiply aftonifliingly in Spain, 
and are very good food ^ they were fo great a nuifance, in the 
time of Augustus, that the Roman foldiers were obliged to de- 
flroy them, as Strabo tells us. This made Catullus call 
Spain Cuniculofa Celtiberia. And Bochart fays, that the name 
of Spain came from the Phcenician Spanijiam, which fignifies 
the land of rabbits. 

Fish is fcarce ever (ten in the interior parts of the country; 
and what does come there is ufually brought in /now. They 
have great multitudes of craw-filh at Madrid. — But their chief 
fupply of fifh is fent them by the Englifh from Newfound- 
land, t\\Q fait Jijh, or what they call the Bacalao. The 
Spaniards themfelves indeed, near Calls, fait no inconliderable 
quantity of the Thunnus, or 'Ton-fifh ; and very excellent it is ; 
though this is no new pradlice, but as old as the Roman times ; 
for the Elder Pliny tells us, ** Optima autem omnium in 
" Europa funt Gaditana Salfamenta*'' 



L E T- 



[ 292 ] 



LETTER XVI. 



'To the Reverend Dr. Kennicott, &c. &c. 

TO thofe, Sir, who, like you, are great proficients in the 
Hebrew and eaftern languages, there are perhaps few- 
countries in the world that would afford them more pleafure 
than this of Spain, could they but have free accefs to all the 
oriental manufcripts it is known to contain. 

You need not be informed, that when the empire of the 
Moors flourifhed here, they had univerfities of note, at a time 
when all the Chriftian world, and the reft of Spain in particu- 
lar, was buried in the moft difgraceful ignorance. The Chrifli- 
ans themfelves made no difficulty of going to ftudy in thofe femi- 
naries, to learn aftronomy and philofophy. 

This country was the refidence of thofe learned Arabs, Avi- 
CENA, AvERROES, Almanzor, and Messahallah. It was 
here thofe able Jews wrote their comments, the Rabbins Aben 
Ezra, Moses Ben-Maymon, A. Zacuth, Benjamin, Mo- 
ses KiMCHi, and his fons David and Joseph; with others, 
whofe names and works are fo humoroufly defcribed in that 
beautiful poem, your Oxford Aublio Davifiana. 

But though there certainly are great colledions of Hebrew, 
and other On'e?2taI MSS. remaining in Spain, )^et let me intreat 
you, Sir, not to raife your expedations too high, or fanguinely 

I to 



LETTER TO Dr. KENNICOTT. 



293 



to imagine, that you can derive any great acce/lions to your jtew 
Edition of the Bible, from this part of the world. Not that I am 
without hope of obtaining fome valuable collations for your ufe 
hereafter : but that mufl be the work of much time and applica- 
tion : patience and perfeverance are moil elTentially neceffary ia 
all your tranfadions with a Spaniard. 

You no doubt are v/elf aware, that thofe who glean after fucli 
men as Ximenes, Montanus, and Pere Houbigeant, in 
this country, cannot exped: to find much left, which they have 
not collated. But ftill I am perfuaded, from knowing the genius 
of thefe people, that a fkilful and diligent enquirer would dif- 
cover fome Hebrew MSS. which tjiefe great men never faw : fome 
have doubtlefs been brought hither iince their time, and fome 
probably efcaped their fearch. 

But, in order that you may fee the flate of this matter more 
compleatly, I fend you inclofed two Letters, tranllated from the 
original, written by a very learned and intelligent Spaniard. The 
jirji will give you a full view of the ftate of the Hebrew and Ara- 
bic learning in this country; and i\\Q fecond contains a mofl exad: 
account of the Comphitenjian Polygktt. 

Having ufed my utmofi: endeavours to procure you fome col- 
lations of fuch ancient Hebrew MSS. of the Bible, as I could eet 
intelligence of in Spain, it is but reafonable, that I fhould give 
you. Sir, as fatisfad:ory an account as I can of the fteps I took for 
that purpofe. 

There are hut two principal obftacles to your procuring the 
<7(:'/Z:z^/^y^ of the Hebrew MSS. in Spain : thefe are, the abfolute 
neceffity of his Catholic Majefty's permiffion ; and the difficulty 
of finding perfons of ability, learning, leifure, and what is more, 
humility fufficient for fuch a work : for, fliould you find out an 
ecclefiaftic able enough to go through this dry tafk, he may pof- 
fibly have too much pride to receive your pay 3 and then, what 
motive have you left to engage him with ? 

But 



294 



LETTER TO Dr. KENNICOTT. 



But how difcouraging foever thefe obftacles may appear, yet 
notwithftanding, if there breaks out no war, and I have the op- 
portunity of another year's flay in this country, I am perfuaded I 
fliall have the fatisfac^ion of being inftrumental in removing them 
in great meafure. 

Upon receiving advices from England in regard to your un- 
dertaking, I immediately wrote to fome of the Spanifli literati up- 
on that fubjcdt, and among others to Don Fr. Perez Bagar, 
a canon and treafurer of the church of Toledo : he fent me 
word, that he had by him between * twenty and thirty Hebrew 
MSS. of the Bible, written poflibly in the Xllth century, or not 
much later; and that there was one in particular, dated 1 144. 
This account of his, however, proved erroneous ; for he told me 
afterwards, that he had only eight MSS. by him of the Hebrew 
Bible, with another in the church library : for, not having fuffi- 
ciently examined the reft, he found that feveral, which he ima- 
gined to have contained the text, v/ere only Rabbinical com- 
ments. 

In obedience to my directions from England, I informed the 
Earl of Bristol of the nature, ftate, and utility of your under- 
taking, and endeavoured to induce him to move in it : but his 
Lordfliip replied, that he could not ; that his office was only po- 
liticaU and that he had nothing to do with what was foreign to 
his commiffion. 

Upon this I wrote to England, advifing an application to be 
made to the Count De Fuentes, in order to obtain his Catholic 
Majefly's permiffion, that the Hebrew MSS. of the Bible in 
Spain might be collated for your work. That Count's chap- 
lain called upon me foon after at Segovia, and allured me, 
that the Count De Fuentes had promifed to procure an applica- 
tion from the Romiili college of Cardinals to the King of Spain, 
for the Englifn to have the fame permiffion here, which they 
had in the Vatican, This I have heard no more of fince ; and 
to tell you the truth, I did not believe at that time. 

• See above, p. 83. 



LETTER TO Dr. K E N N I C O T T. 29.*; 

You will fee in my -f catalogue of the Escurial MSS. what 
there is in that place. While I was there, I had the good fortune to 
meet with the Count Gazola, one of his Catholic Majefty's great 
favourites, a Lieutenant-general, and his principal Engineer. He 
having afked me, if I hadfucceeded in obtaining accefs to the He- 
brew and other MSS. in Spain ? I replied, that I had feen thofe 
of the Escurial, in a very curfory manner, but none elfe; that 
as to fuch an accefs as I wanted, for the purpofes oi coUatiGny I de- 
fpaired of ever feeing that point accompHfhed. He replied, ** Cou- 
" rage, mon ami, a mon retour a Madrid, je vous fcrois cette 
" grace moi meme." This I looked upon as a moft favour- 
able incident ; and accordingly, when I returned to Madrid, I 
drew up the inclofed Latin epilHe to Count Gazola, ftating the 
nature of your propofals, and defiring his affiftance in obtaining 
the King's permiffion. 

After this, I faw Bager at Madrid, who came to defire 
me to fend to England for fome books, which would be necef- 
fary to him in finifliing a work he had almoft compleated, en- 
titled an Explanation of the Samaritan coins, to which will be 
added an account of the Spanifh coins, called defconnocidas . At 
this interview we made a mutual agreement; I undertook to pro- 
cure the books, provided he would collate and fend me the varioui 
readings of thofe nine MSS. at Toledo. So that you have no- 
thing more to do. Sir, than to write a letter to him in form, re- 
queuing the collation of thofe MSS. for your work, in order that 
he might lay that letter before the chapter of Toledo, to obtain 
their permiffion. 

P. S. Since my return to England, I have little more to add. 
Sir, to this account. When I faw the Honourable Mr. Hay at 
Lisbon, he very warmly cfpoufed the caufe of your undertaking; 
and was fo obliging as to offer to keep fuch a literary correfpon- 
dence open during the war, if neceffary. But as we have now 
the profpedl of peace before us, we are under no reftraints of that 
fort; and whenever you would have any correfpondence m Spain 

f See above, Letter VIIJ, p. 155. 

^-^q renewed 



296 O F T H E C O L L A T I O N 

renewed upon this fubje<fl, pleafe to let me know your commands,, 
•and I fliall very readily obey them. 

Epistola 

Ad Excellentiflimum Comitem De Gazola, &c. Sec. 
de Collatione Hebraicorum Maiiufcriptorum Veteris 
Teftamenti. 

CU M nos Britanni, Comes Excellentiffime, orbi litterato nu- 
perrime enunciavimus, nos hodie novam fufcepifTe fandti et 
antiquiiiimi iflius Foederis editionem, magni Cardinalis Ximenis 
quafi claffico et exemplo accenfi : ita et in eundem finem rationes 
publice propofuimus, et e prelo edidimus, coUationem manufcrip- 
torum facri textus Hebraici folummodo fpedlantes. 

Incredibile eft didtu quo ardore et benevolentia tantum opus 
ab omnibus fere noftrorum hominum ordinibus ftatim excipieba- 
tur. Academias, Oxonia, Cantabrigia, Dublinia fuffragia fua 
perquam libenter detulerunt; nee votis tantum inanibus profe- 
eut'cE funt, fed auro et argento oblatis liberaliter adjuvarunt. Idem 
dicendum eft de Archiepifcopis, Epifcopis, Decanis et Capitulis, 
Collegiis, et ut ne fingulos memorem de permultis non minus 
propter religionem et dodtrinam eorum infignibus, quam per ftem- 
mata et faftos majorum. 

Quam PR I MUM igitur, Comes Excellentiffime, incoeptum et 
confilium hoc divulgari coepit, tantus ardor et caeteros BritannoS 
apud exteras regiones aliofque populos peregrinantes corripuit, ut 
confeftim manufcriptos codices Hebraicos ubique delitefcentes ex- 
quirerent, eruerent, et felici quadam indagine aucuparent. 

At ne exteri quidcm, ne eorum glori^e et laudi detraham, tan- 
to operi, tam latK et univerfas utilitatis in rempublicam, in gene- 

I ris 



OF HEBREW MANUSCRIPTS. 297 

ris humani commodum et ornamentam excogitate, ne ipfl exteri 
pro fuis viribus, pro fua humanitate nobis defuerunt; Prascipue 
Roms, Florentiae, Bononi^, Mediolano, Genuss, Venetiis, By- 
zantii. 

In urbe vero Roma, ubi artes et litterae humaniores tanta olim 
ubertate fioruerunt, nee hodie defertae funt, primi ordinis nobiles, 
et etlam ecclefiss Catholicas Romance principes, fuum operi auxi- 
lium et patrocinium humaniter et urbane pnieftiterunt. Eminen- 
tiffimus Cardinalis Fajponei liberam collationis licentiam a fiimmo 
et S. S. Pontiiice obtinuit, et Vatican! fores confeftim patefecit : 
hodieque omnes in celeberrima ilia Bibliotheca Hebraici rnanu- 
fcripti per Anglorum manus accuratiffime excutiuntiir in ipfo pala- 
tio, et dum vivus aderat, fub Eminentiffimi Cardinalis aufpiciis 
et du(ftu. 

. Sed quorfum omnis tendit base oratio me roges forfan Comes 
humaniiSime ? Aperiam fhatim, fi modo mihi veftram expetenti 
veniam earn clementer dederis. Tendit, vir dodtiffime, ut eundeni 
Angli in Hifpaniis indulgentiam inveniant, quam a fandiffimo 
Papa, et celliffimo Cardinalium Collegio Rom^ obtinuerunt : 
Teque, Comes Excellentiffime, patriae meas nomine oro et ob^ 
teftor, ut eandem nobis veniam et collationis licentiam in bis ter- 
ris patefacias, quam ubique alias terrarum or bis habuimus. 

Fremant licet Monachorum coenobia, et clament Sacri Officii 
fubfellia, tamen cum liberum patria3 meae fpiritum et animum 
mecum afportaverim, tibi Comes Litteratiffime liberrime dicam 
quod fentio : quanquam enim nos Chrifliani in diverfa ierimus 
momenta tidei, tamen eandem i^mho Jidem profitemur, ad eafdem 
facras fcriptiiras provocamus : iEque et communiter amborum 
intereft cofdem ex quibus haurimus fontes puros putofque confer- 
vare. Qiiis etenim vel fanus vel fobrius malit earn illam ignoran- 
tiam, eofque errores, qui ex ofcitantia librariorym libros facros 
invaferint, de feculo ad feculum perpetuare, a generatione in gc- 
nerationem confecrandos tradere ? Eam quam hodie licentiam 
Romcz Britannis Papa praDflitit, Matrito ccrte non detradurus erit. 
Sed in eo non moranuir, 

^^q 2 Regis 



2y8 Collation of II n brew M a n u s c r i p t s. 

Regis taatummodo licentia et aucloritas noilr^e califs', noftras 
quseftioni expetitur. Quis autcni adeo fidens inventus erit, qui hanc 
caufam et quaellionem humiliime per Miniflros fuos ad Regeni 
Catholicum deferat ? Excellentiffinius Legatus nofler Britannicus 
rei politics folum invigilat, nequc his curis alienis vel tangi vel 
impedii-i poflit. Si de me dicerem, qui tantuni vile quoddam lit- 
teratorum noflrorum in hac quieftione inflrumentum fim, et tan- 
quam exilis patriae mex vox, hasc me nunquam aufurum fufcep- 
turumve non ditliteor. 

Sin autem patronumaliquem invenero, qualem te Comes Ex- 
cellentiffime, fab cujus umbra protegar ; et ut verum dicam prae- 
ftantiorem potioremve nee velim, nee potuerim : Quippe tu, qui 
architedluras et pingendi artes praecipuo quodam amore femper 
fovifti ; ita cceteras fcientias, et litteras humaniores publicis ftudiis, 
publica benevolentia adeo profecutus fis, ut parum fciam ad cujus 
Patrocinium vel Mufas vel Gratiae potius confugerent ; fub tali 
^gide, fub hac Minerva, caufam hanc et partes mihi honorifice 
delatas me non deferturum fateor, et quoad potuerim executurum. 

Vale, Vir dodliffime, et te D. O. M. per multos annos fofpi- 
tern fervet, et fi mea ulteriora vota fit fas adjungere. 

Sit tibi ^l^ Poestan^ gloria prima rofae. 

f He is publifhing the Ruins of the Ancient Poestum. 



LET- 



[ 299 ] 



LETTER XVir. 



An EPISTLE to Charles Christopher Pluer, charge 
des h.^2iixt% from the Court of Denmark to that o/' Mad rid, 
written originally in Latin by i)(?;z Gregory Mayans, and 
containing the prefent State of the Hebrew and Arabic 
Learning in Spain, and where the principal MSS. in thofe 
Branches are to be found. 



THE Arabic and Hebrew languages have always greatly 
flourifhed in Spain ; nor is this extraordinary, for the He- 
brew contains the Scriptures, and has interpreters, though 
for the moft part very trifling, yet highly fkilful in that lan- 
guage. — Add to this, that the wealth of Spain ever attradled the 
avarice of the Jev/s, whofe numbers increafed fo much, that 
their fons were even admitted to holy orders, until they were for- 
bid by fome ftatutes, particularly that of Toledo, in 1547. This 
flatute became neceifary, for there were found in one fingle town, 
of the diocefe of Toledo, fourteen clergy, all Jews but one 3 
and in many other places a limilar difcovery was made of their in- 
creafe. — There is no doubt, but that thefe Jews not only ftudied 
and improved their own language, the Hebrew; but even the 
moft learned Christians learnt eagerly that language, in order 
to convert the Jews, efpecially after the Ccimcil held at Vienna^ 
in the year 131 1, as we may gather from thtfrji Clementine, 
title De Magijiris^ where it was ordained, that in the L^niverfl- 
ties of Paris, Oxford, Bologna, and Salamanca, which 

were 



3C0 The PRESENT State of the HEBREW 

were then the moft famed Univerfities, the Hebrew, Arabic, and 
Chaldic tongues fliould be taught. 

This was done with fo much fpirit at Salamanca, that 
from thence, as from the Trojan Horfe, mere Princes went 
forth ; men who underftood all the Oriental 'Tongues incom- 
parably well. Neverthelefs in the time of Ferdinandus 
NoMus, the parent of Greek learning in this country, Chaldee 
and Arabic profelfors were wanting at Salamanca, as you may 
fee in N. Cleuard's Epiflles, p. 235. 

As to the Hebrew^ it is well known what hatred and averfion 
hath always fubfifted between the Jews and us Catholics j 
from whence it happened, that this hatred, which fliould have 
been confined only to the perfidy of that people, hath been ab- 
furdly exerted againft the innocent Hebrew tongue itfelf, and its 
learned Profeflbrs. 

How much prejudice the ftudy of the Hebrew created againft 
Anto. of Lebrixa, a man of moft eminent learning, you may 
learn from his Apologiay which is a fcarce book; you may fee 
fome extracSts of it in my Specimen of a Library, p. 33. Tha 
Letters of Lewis Vives will alfo tell you the ill treatment 
John Verger a, and other eminent Hebraeans, met with here 
on account of their knowledge of the Hebrew. Read the com- 
plaints only of B. A. Mont anus upon this fubjedt, in his Com- 
7nentary de Varia Hebr. Lib. Scrip tione et LeBione^ where he is 
treating of the difcordance or agreement of different verlioos. 

Wherefore, although Cardinal Ximenes firfl fet the ex- 
ample, and roufed the minds of the Spaniards to the ftudy of the 
Eaftern Languages, and particularly of the Hebrew, yet as pa- 
trons and rewards for it failed after his death, and the prejudice 
ran againft it, that moft ufeful ftudy began to be looked upon as 
a mark of infamy. 

Upon this account, in the beginning of the feventeenth cen- 
tury, it was warmly difputcd among the Spaniards, whether or 

no 



and ARABIC L E A R N IN G in S P A I N. 301 

no the Rabbinical Writings ought to be read at all : This queftion 
was warmly debated and fully explained by John Mariana, \xv 
his Defence of the Vulgate -y there he tells us, ch. 26, that fcarce 
thirty fcholars could be found in all Spain, to whom the Kab- 
Innical Writers could be of any ufe ; and he adds, that his coun- 
trymen were not then fo much addid:ed to the dry ftudy of the 
Languages, as to ftand in need of prohibitions, but rather of in- 
citements. It is remarkable too, to obferve what he v/rote in his 
trad; De Rebus Societatis, ch. 6. 

The fame Mariana, being confulted by the Inquifitor Ge- 
neral concerning the Rabbinical Writers, anfwered, that he 
thought that the Thalmud, with its GlolTes, ought to be for- 
bidden to be read, as it had been already forbidden ; and that 
Rabbi Men ahem, a Recanate upon the Pentateuch^ ought to be 
prohibited alfo ; and likev/ife the book Zohar, v/ritten by Si- 
meon Ben-Jochai, which book the Jews vulgarly imagine was 
written before the time of Christ. Mariana adds, that he 
believes, that there are many other Rabbinical Writings which he 
had never feen or heard of, the reading of which ought not to 
be permitted even to the learned: And he then gives us a lift of 
fuch Rabbinical Writings, as wife men might read with the per- 
miifion of the Inquifition. 

Wherefore when the readin^^ of the Rabbinical Writings v,'2.'s. 
thus forbidden, it is no wonder that their MSB. difappeared fo 

totally, as not to be found in private libraries Nay even the 

printed Rabbinical Works were not to be had in the Bookfellers 
fhops : In fo much, that only a few of them are to be {zqx\ in the 
Librarv of the EscuRiAL, in that of the church of Toledo, and. 
in that of the College of San Ildephon'so at Alc.^^la de He- 
nares. 

There are hov/ever in fome of our Univeriities the profef- 
fors chairs flill remaining, in order to fulifill nominally the acade- 
mic conftitutions. In my time I remember two inftances, when 
a ProfeiTor's chair in one of them was to be filled up, that not 
one of three candidates was able to read a chapter of the Hebrew 

Bible 



302 The p R £ 3 !• N T S T A T E of the H E B R E W 

Bible off hand. And yet, in the Univerfities of Salamanca, 
and Va LENT I A, we have pubUc Profeffors of iJ(?/^r^w ; but thefc 
have no pupils ; for how can that be learnt which is not taught. 

This therefore is the true Hate of the cafe, the fludy of 

Hebrew in Spain was revived by Ximenes, and died with the 
difciples of the great Montanus. 

As to the Arabic language in this country, I will be fome- 
what more diffufp upon that fubjed:, becaufe there are more mo- 
numents and MSS. of it remaining, but which remain fo, as to 
be almofl hidden treafures. The Moors extended their Arabic 
langua2;e in proportion as they enlarged their conquefts in Spain, 
as you may fee in Aldreti's Origin of the Cajiilia?i Language ^ 
chap. 2 2. 

It is no wonder therefore, that there were many in Spain 
who were not only ambitious of glory in arms, but in letters i 
efpecially during the fierce contentions of fo many petty rival 
Kings, and in a country the moft fruitful of great geniufes. The 
Arabs in Spain chiefly (ludied Philofophy, Mathematicks, and 
Phyfick : In the fir/i^ principally Logic and Mctaphyfics ; in the 
fecond. Arithmetic and Geometry; in the third. Botany and 
Chemiftry. 

Abu-Nazar, Al-Phatah, a native of Hispalis, or Se- 
ville, who wrote about the State of Learning in Spain, has 
told us how many, and what great men among thefe Arabs, have 
left works behind them in that language. 

Ebn Alkhalib Mahomad, Ben Abdallah left likewife, 
in four large folio volumes, an Arabico-Spanifi-Bibliothequey con- 
taining the livesof the feveral Caliphs, Generals, Philofophers, Poets, 
and learned women, among the Arabs, who lived in Spain. Thefe 
two laft mentioned excellent works, are both of them ftill exit- 
ing in the Library of the Escurial. See to this purpofe, Nic. 
Antonii Bibliothec, Hi/pan. num. 8, 9. the Preface to which 
work is a very learned performance. 

Among 



and ARABIC LEARNING in SPAIN. ^o-, 

Among the Kings of Spain, Alpiionsus the Wise is al- 
mofl the only one who had any regard for the Arabic language : 
By his order Abraham Abenzohar tranflated out of Arabic 
into the Spanifli, PIazalqui's book of Jiidicial AJirology \ And 
Judas, the fon of Musce, tranflated the entire book of Halt, 
the fon of Abenrageb, upon the fame fubjed:, which was af- 
terwards tranflated into Latin by ^gidius de Tebaldis. Be- 
sides, Judas, the fon of Rabbi Moses Hacken, a canon of 
Toledo, tranflated into Latin, by the order of Alphonsus, 
the Aftronomical Works of Avicena, from the Arabic : And 
the fame Prince ordered the book, concerning all kinds of Aftro- 
labes and their ufe, concerning the number and diftances of the 
ftars, to be tranflated from the Chaldee into the Spanish tongue. 
This book that great man Honoretes Johannes ordered to be 
tranfcribed from the Library at Algal a de Hen ares, and to 
be depolited in that of the Escuri al. 

The Univerfity of Salamanca contributed greatly to the 
increafe of Arabic learning; for in that Univerfity there were 
eminent Profeflbrs of Phyfic, who ftudied and followed the {yi- 
terns of the Arabs : For the Arabs firfl: raifed that neceflary art 
into repute in Europe, when it was fallen to a very low ebb. 
Thefe men firfl introduced the true prad:ice of their art, by unit- 
ing the knowledge of the caufes of diflempers, with the prudent 
application of the properefl remedies. 

But when things were come to that pafs, that the Chrijliajis 
began to apprehend that the Moors would fubdue their conquerors 
in their turn, they took all the precautions to be fecure againft 
them, which fear naturally infpires. This was done many ways. 
It only belongs to my prefent fubje<5t to fay, that the ufe of the 
Arabic tongue was forbidden to the Moors of Granada, as 
Per din ADO Valor tells us in that eloquent fpeech, in which 
he complains with great addrefs, of the perfecutions of his coun- 
trymen. See Did. Hurt, de Mendoza, in his Hift, of the War of 
Granada, Book i. Se<5l, 7. 

R r At 



304 The PRESENT State of the HEBREW 

At ValExNTIA Hkewife, in the year 1568, were publidieJ 
the Constitutions of the Archbilliop of Valentia, the Bi- 
Ihop of Segorve, the BiPxiop of Dertosa, the Bifhop of Ori- 
HUCLA, the CommiiTary General for Profelytes, the Inquifitorof 
Valentia, the Count de Benavente, Viceroy and Captain- 
General of Valentia: And by thefe Conftitutions it was or- 
dered, that whenever the IVloors fliould make a Willy it fliould 
be written in the Valentian or Caftihan tongues ; if it was made 
in any other language, it fhould be void and of no force. Be- 
fides this, Lewis Bert rand, a man of a very fevere difpofi- 
tion, writing in 1579 to John P.iber a, Patriarch of Ant ioch, 
and a man of the higheft prudence; Bert rand, fpeaking of 
the beft method of converting the Moors to Chriftianity, fays, 
that the Arabic tongue ought to be prohibited in the kingdom 
of Valentia, as it had before been in the kingdom of Gra- 
nada : For fays he, the women and children continue in their 
unbelief, only becaufe they do not underftand the fermons of our 
Spanifli Monks and ConfelTors. See the Letter at the end of the 
Life of John Ribera, printed, Rome, 1734, a?jd written by John 
Ximenez. 

But it is certain, that other men of great piety and difcretion, 
were of a different opinion in this matter. Fernando Tala- 
vera, Archbifhop of Granada, as we are told by Fr. Ber. 
DE Pedraza, part iv. c. 10. of his Hift. of Granada, feri- 
ouily faid, That he would very willingly lofe both his eyes, pro- 
vided he could be fuch a mafter of Arabic, as to teach and preach 
the word of God with fKill : And he advifed the parochial priefls 
to learn that language, in order to inftrudt the Moors. See Jof 
de Siguenza, Part. iii. of the Hiji of the Jeromites, c. 34. The 
Archbifhop too perfuaded Peter de Alcala, a Francifcan, to 
compofe an Arabic Vocabulary, from which moft excellent book 
you can only learn the Arabifms in our language. Concerning 
the fcarcity of this book, fee Antiquit. HiJ'p. pr. Bern, Aldreti, 
Lib, I. f. 10. and my Origenes, 

Besides, Martin Perez de Ayala, Archbifhop of Valentia, 
a man of uncommon learning end rare piety, in order to inflrudl 

new 



and ARABIC LEARNING in SPAIN. 305 

new converts to Chrillianlty in Valentia, ordered to be printed, 
in I 566, InftitLitcs of the Chriflian Religion in the Arabic 
and CaJtiUan languages ; in two columns, one in the common, 
the other in the Italic charad:er, that prieils, who were ignorant 
of the Arabic, might know how to pronounce the Arabic words. 
Obferve only, what a general ignorance of the Arabic prevailed 
in Spain at that time. That the Spaniili clergy knew as little 
of it in the beginning of the feventeenth century, appears from 
the teftimony of James Bled a, in his Moo?~iJlj Chronicle of Spain, 
page 84. In the time of Rodrigo Caro, who publilhed the 
Antiquities of Seville in 1634, there was no one there who 
underflood the Arabic tongue, as he tells us, Book I. chap. 23. 

When there were difcovered fome plates at Granada, with 
Infcriptions on them, in the year 1595, Pedro de Castro, 
Archbifhop of Seville, when he came to that See, invited thi- 
ther Thomas Erpenius, who was reviving the Arabic learning 
at that time: His deiign was, that Erpenius fliould have inter- 
preted thofe plates ; but he would not accept of the invitation, 
as John Vossius tells us in his panegyric on the death of that 
great man. 

From fuch a total ignorance of the Arabic tongue, you may 
eafily conjedture the contempt it lay under at that period. The 
Chriftians always burnt, in thofe days, whatever they found written 
in that language. If you look into the Scaligeranay page 30 and 
144, you will find fome account of this matter, given upon the 
authority of B. A. Montanus, who fays, that the Arabic MSS. 
burnt in thofe days, in the feveral branches of learning, fuch as 
Philofophy, Divinity, Phyfic, and Mathematics, were then va- 
lued at above 100,000 crowns. The Moors fearing this, care- 
fully hid their Arabic MSS. in the cavities of walls, or other ob- 
fcure places. 

The Mamifcripf 'Burners feemed to have been pofTefTed with' 
the fame fpirit, as Omar, the Saracen Caliph, who burnt the 
Alexandrian Library. /St'^ Albupharajus, in his Hi ft or y of the 
Saracenic Dynafties, page 181, and Po cock's Tranllation, p. 119. 

R r 2 Thelc 



3c6 The present State of the HEBREW 

Thefe Book-burning Bigots £cem to have imitated the example 
of John Zumaraga, the firfl Biihop of Mexico, who com- 
manded every body to burn all the Indian Hijiories they could 
meet v^ith, becaufe he thought all the fymbolic figures in thofe 
Indian MSS. were idols, ^t'^ Jean Turrecremata's Hijl, of 
the Indian Monarchy y Book III. chap. 6. 

The Moors, as I faid before, carefully hid their MSS. in the 
cavities of walls, or other obfcure places. By this means fome of 
them now and then appear, which have been found in the ruins 
of old houfes. This hath very often happened in my time, and 
particularly at Biigarray which is a little town in Valentia, 
where, about twenty-fix years ago, were found fome Arabic 
MSS. covered over with fpartum, a Spanifli plant, to preferve them 
from the wet; and the whole was concealed by layers of bricks. 
Two of thefe MSS. 1 fent elegantly bound to John V. King of 
Portugal : Another 1 have by me, damaged by the wet, and 
wanting the beginning and ending, but I will fend it to David 
Michael, if he pleafes, to fhew him how willing I am to oblige 
him. 

In the year 1754* in a little town belonging to the Bifhopric 
of Albarracin, a large city in Arragon, they found in 
the cavity of a v/all, upon ftone fhelves, above 144 volumes of 
Arabic MSS. That thefe might be preferved, I defired Don 
Francisco Ravago, the King's ConfelTor, to acquaint his Ma- 
jefty with the difcovery. The King immediately ordered them 
to be fent for; and that part of them which could be found, has 
been taken care of. The common people in Spain imagine, 
that thefe Arabic MSS. contain fome fecret verfes, and that they 
are a fort of Magic Charm, by the help of which you may dif- 
cover hidden treafure ; therefore, whenever they find thefe MSS. 
they hide them, and fet a great value upon them. Whenever 
they try the virtue of this charm, they always get a Moor^ who 
can read the Arabic, and who pretends to milk a goat with a 
fteve. This cuftom the Spaniards learnt from the Moors, as you 
may fee in John Leo's Defcripfion ^Africa, Book III. 

A. You 



and ARABIC LEARNING in SPAIN. 307 

You fee that the Chnllians in Spain ceafed to fpeak the Ara- 
bic tongue, when they began to govern the Moors and hold them 
under fubjedion : The Moors were then forbid the ufe of their 
own language, fo that in the end, the Arabic tongue became in 
this country a dead language. See Aldreti's Origin of the Caf- 
tilian 'Tongue , Book I. chap. 13. 

Many of the Arabic MSS. were burnt j and many were tranf- 
ported out of Spain into Africa. Three thoufand Arabic MSS, 
were carried thither by one AmbaiTador only, who came from 
Algiers to the Court of Madrid. See John Leo's Defcrip- 
tion of Africa, Book IV. p. 523. 

Add to all this, the want of Arabic types in the Printin^-houfes 
in Spain, as you may fee in the royal licence prefixed'' to Al- 
dreti's Spamfi Antiquities, and that in a time too, when I may 
fay, without any injury to the prefent, that there was more found 
learning ftudied than there is now. Befides, we have no Arabic 
ProfeiTor in any of our Univerfities. You cannot find, I do not 
fay an Arabic MS. but not even an Arabic printed book, in any 
of our bookfellers fhops : In no private library that I know of, is 
there an Arabic MS. to be feen. Nor do I remember to have 
read of any in the printed catalogues of our moft celebrated Spa- 
nljh Libraries y fuch a& thofe of Don Ant. Augustino, Don 
Gabriel Sora, Lorenzo Ramirez de Prado, the Marque? 

MONTALEGRE, EmMANUEL PaNTOJA, AnDRES GoNZALEZ 

Barcia, all which 1 have by me. The only perfon in Spain 
in my memory, who had any confiderable number of books in 
the Eaftern Languages, was Don Lucas Cortez : His library 
was, after his death, fold by auction for a trifle. 

But to fay the truth, nothing fo much prejudiced the fludy 
of the Arabic and the Eaftern Languages in this country, as that 
pride with v/hich gentlemen of the court have always treated the 
Profeflbrs of thofe tongues.. Rodrigo Gomez, of the houfe of 
Sylva, when fomebody was praifed in his company for his great 
fkiil in languages, afked if the man underftood the Cajiilian 
tongue hkevvife ? Yes he does, replied the other. Vei-y well, 

fays 



3oS Tlie PRESENT State of the HEBREW 

fays Gomez, that's enough ; it is the only language we fpeak at 
court; and as for all the reft, they are not worth puzzling one's 
head about them. And yet for all this, there are a great num- 
ber of Hebrew and Arabic MSS. in the Esc c; rial Library. 
For the moft learned men in Spain, out of compliment to 
Philip II. prefented him with the beft and rareft books, to 
adorn that colle6lion. But that I may confine myfelf to fuck 
books only as belong to my fubjed, Did. Hurtado de Men- 
do z a left his books by will to Philip II. which books were 
carried into the Escurial Library in 1575, as Jos. de Siguen- 
ZA tells us, in his Hijiory of the Jeromite brotherhood. Book III. 
page 3. who fiys, that there were among them many Greek, 
Arabic, and Latin MSS. There were of Arabic alone, in this 
ieo-acy of Mendoza's, about 400, relating to fcience and hifto- 
ry, as Mendoza himfelf fays, in a letter of his to Jerom Su- 
i^iTA, which you may read in The progrefs of Hijiory in the king- 
dom of Arragon, publified by Don Did. Jos. Dormer. 

But here let me take notice of three miftakes made by James 
Augustus de Thou, or him who wrote the Thtiana. It is 
there faid, that Didaco Mendoza wrote the Hijiory of the 
Indies, whereas Antonio de Mendoza wrote it. He con- 
founds Didaco with Fernando Mendoza, the laft of whom 
died mad; for Didaco died by the amputation of a leg, as An- 
tonio Perez tells us. Laftly, De Thou fays, that the 

Spaniards are wont to die mad, which is a notorious falfhood. 

B. A. MoNTANUs gave alfo to the Escurial Library many 
MSS. in Hebrew, Arabic, and Greek, as Siguenza tells us. 
I pafs over others, who gave fine Oriental MSS. to the fame Li- 
brary. Befides, Lewis Faxardo, who was High Admiral to 
Philip III. took from the Turks, in one engagement, 3000 
Arabic MSS. which were all placed in the Escurial, as Fr. 
De Los Santos tells you in the hiftory of that Convent. 

But, to the Irreparable lofs of the republic of Letters, the great- 
eft part of the Oriental MSS. and particularly the Arabic, were 
burnt in the year 1674, as Nic Antonio tells you in the pre- 
face 



and ARABIC LEARNING in SPAIN. ;^09 

face to his SpaniJJ? Bihliofheqiie. The fire began June the 7th, 
and lailed fifteen fucceffive days, as Los Santos relates. Fax- 
AT^Do's MSS. were all burnt, except the Alcoran^ and fome few 
others. 

Yet flill a great number of Oriental MSS. and particularly 
Arabic, remain there. And to fpeak of the Arabic only, there 
are in the Escurial Library above 200 Arabic Grammarians, 
many more Rhetoricians, Orators, Poets, ^c. Michael Ca- 
FiRi, a Syrian, the Royal Librarian, hath printed a catalogue of 
thefe, of which only the firil volume Is published. The title of 
it Is, Specimen BiBLioTHECi^ Regi^, Arabico-Hispan^, 
EscoRiALENsis ; the firll flieet of which I now fend you, w^hicli 
I received from the King s Confeflbr. When this work comes 
out, the republic of Letters will know what vafi: treafures lie hid 
in that monallery. So that the words of MafterLEo, related by 
Ant. Perez, will feem almoft prophetic; who faid, that 
*« the Escurial colledlion of books would beconie hereafter a 
" noble monument of royal magnificence; but that it would not 
<* be a library, but a fepulchre." 

Many learned men have complained loudly of this buryino-, 
books alive, if I may be allowed the expreflion. Mariana, in 
his trad: de Rege et Regis injiitutioney Lib. Ill, Cap. 9. fays, 
" The Escurial Library is built over the Vefiibuluniy in length 
** 185 feet, and 30 feet broad : it contains many Greek MSS. 
** moil of them of a venerable antiquity, which were brought 
** from all parts of Europe in great abundance. Thefe trea- 
** fures, which are more valuable than gold, deferve to have a 
*' freer accefs of the learned, to infped and examine them. For, 
«* what advantage can be derived to the public from fuch captives 
** as thefe, imprifoned as it were by royal authority V 

I pafs over the complaints of ethers. Monfieur Bautru, 
when became Into Spain, and had feen the Escurial Library, 
went to the King, and talked with his Majefty about It ; and 
faid, among other things, that the Librarian of the Escurial 
was a very fit man to be entrufted with fuch a royal treafurc. 

Why 



3 10 The PRESENT S T A T E of the HEBREW 

Why Co ? fays the King. Becaiife, replied Bautru, as it is 
plain he has flole none of the books, you may be fure he will 
never diminifh your Majefty's treafure. 

The colle6ling- thofe books together, was, in one refpedt, 
very providential ; for, where would they have been now, if they 
had not been preferved there ? They are of no great ufe indeed, 
becaufe the cuftody of them is given to a fet of illiterate monks, 
who, as Dean Marti faid, envy others what they make no 
ufe of themfelves. John Baptist Car dona, Bifhop of Der- 
TOSA, when he wrote to Philip II. concerning this library, ad- 
vifed him '^ to chufe a Librarian for it, who was well fkilled in 
** the Latin and Greek tongues, and who fliould know tho- 
** roughly the claflical writers ; for, as to the Hebrew and Ori- 
*' ental tongues, your Majelly may eafily procure Rabbiiis fov that 
" purpofe. There are now at Rome fome Rabbins, who are 
*^ converted to Chriftianity, men of piety and learning, fuch as 
** Andrew, Jullius, and Paullus, men of note there. Your 
*' Majefty mull like wife fend for a Persian, and a Turk, and 
** fo on for each foreign language. — There is now living one 
" Stephanus, brought up in Solyman's court, and a great 
^' favourite of his. This man, who commanded two gallies, 
** was taken in an engagement at fea, and is now fupported by a 
" penfion from the king at Naples. He would be a very proper 
" perfon, and would certainly be of more ufe to your Majefly, 
*' than to the King of Naples, for his lingular knowledge of 

** Turkifli affairs." No one would certainly fay, that the 

Escurial Library was of no ufe in the time of Montanus, 
who was Librarian there. But fuch men as he are ftill wanting, 
to make that colled:ion truly ufeful. 

The Hebrew and Arabkyi^^. in Spain are written either on 
Parchment, or on Paper ; the antiquity of which latter you may 
gather from an Inftrument, flill preferved in the Chamber of 
Royal Archives at Barcelona. This inftrument was drawn in 
1 178, and, frcm the nearnefs of the two periods, I conjedure, 
that this fine Spanifli writing-paper was made at the famous Ste- 

tabis. 



and ARABIC LEARNING m SPAIN. ^ri 

TABis, afterwards called Xativa, and now San Philippe*. 
The Geographus NuBiENsis, who wrote about the year 1 1 5.0, 
or perhaps a" little before, fiys, " S.^ tab is is a mofl: beautiful 
** city, and its environs are fo delightful, as to be made a pro- 
** verb of; they make their paper of a moft incomparable fine- 

*' nefs."- It is no wonder this city (hould be fo celebrated for 

its Paper Fabric^ for Catullus has taken notice of its fine 
handkerchiefs, the Sudaria Scetaba, as he calls them : And Pli- 
ny tells us. Lino ^(Ztabi tertia i?i Europa dab at ur p alma. SiLius 
Italicus too, and Gratian, have fung itspraifes» 

From MSS. the tranfition to Medals \^ very eafy. Count Mi- 
GAzzi, now Archbifliop of Vienna, when he was at Madrid, 
AmbafTador to the court of Spain, obtained, by my means, 320 
Silver Coins, i i Brafs Coins, and one Gold Coin, all of them 
Arabic monies, flruck in Spain, and in good prefervation : The 
interpretation of thefe, if publiflied, would be a new thing, and 
highly acceptable to the learned. 

You will not be permitted to collate any of our MSS. without 
the King's leave. We have, befides, no Spaniard able enough 
to afilft DxiviD Clemens in collating an Oriental MSS. but Ca- 
SIR I, and he has no leifure for it. 

From Oliva, in Valentia, December 23d, 175B. 

* This city, which is fo often mentioned by the Roman poets and writers, was 
in Valencia, and flood on the banks of the river Xucar : It was very finely built, 
and the fituation of it was delightful. Unfortunately it declared, in the year 1706, 
for the Arch-duke Charles. The year following, the Count D'Asfeldt be- 
fieged and took ir, and put all the inhabitants to the fword that bore armsj few 
efcaped but women and children. The citadel capitulated foon after, where they 
made 8co Englifh prifoners of war. Philip ordered the city to be razed and level- 
led with the ground, and, on the fpot where it flood, they ereiied a column, with 
this infcription — " Here was once a city named Xativa, which, as a 

PUNISHMENT FOR ITS TREASON, AND ITS REVOLT AGAINST ITS KiNG AND 

Country, has been levelled even to the ground. In the year 1707, 
they rebuilt, by Philip's order, a new city on the fanne fpot, and it is now called 
San Philippe. 

S f LET- 



[ 3'2 ] 



LETTER XVIII. 



A^i Epistle ivritten by Don Gregorio Mayans, to the late 
Sir Benjamin Keene, containing a full Account of the 

COMPLUTENSIAN PoLYGLOTT, ^C. ^C, 



MAY it pleafe your Excellency! You having hinted to 
me, that you defired fome information concerning the 
Complutensian Bible, and thofe MSS. which the learned 
editors of that work made ufe of, if they were any where now in 
being, I fhall endeavour to give your Excellency all the intelli- 
gence on that point in my power. 

Don Alvaro Gomez, who wrote the Life of Cardinal Xi- 

menes, fays, * ** That Ximenes, fearing led the facred myfte- 

' ries of our religion fliould fuffer fome detriment, from the 

* Scriptures being ill underflood, began moil timely to be appre- 
' henlive, left the Spaniards Ihould become entire ftrangers, and 

* totally unacquainted with the books of the Old and New 
'■ Testament." 

-f- Don Antonio de Lebrixa tells us, in the preface to his 
Apologiay how defpifed and negleded the knowledge of the 
learned languages was at that time, and how little the profelTors of 
them were efteemed. This ftate of ignorance continued to the 



* Book II. p. 36, 38. 



t /'. e, Antonius Nebrissensis. 



days 



Account of the Complutensian Polyglott* •^i-^ 

days of Mont anus, and Mariana *, and I wifh it did not con- 
tinue now. 

Gomez adds,- " That Ximenes, therefore, (in imitation of 
** the great Or IG EN, who with amazing diligence put together 
" all the tranflations of the Bible then extant, and united them 
" in thofe famed Hexapla) ordered an edition of the Bible to 
" be fet on foot, to remedy this evil. In that edition, the books 
'^ of the Old Teftamott are divided into three columns. In the 
" iirft column is placed the Hcbre--jj, in the middle the Vulgate, 
" in the third the LXX. and its tranflation. At the bottom of 
" the page is placed the Chaldee Faraphrafcy with its Latin tranf- 

" lation. But the New Tejiament has the moft correal Greek 

" text pofTible, with the Vulgate. In the laft volume is added a 
*' didionary of Hebrew words and phrafes, admired by the fkil- 
*' ful in that language. This addition was much wanted in fome 
" Bibles, through the carelefnefs of thofe who kept them, and 
** was a great detriment to the reader. This undertaking of 
*' Cardinal Ximenes was highly laborious, magnificent, and 
*^great; it not only required a man of his eminence, but of his 
" abilities likewife, to furmount all the difficulties which at- 
" tended fuch a work : He therefore fent for men of letters, 
" well ikilled in the Greek and Latin languages, to affift him. 
" Thefe were, firft, Demetrius Cretensis, by birth a 
" Greek, whom Aubertus Mir aeus tells us -f-, Ximenes had 
** fent for out of Italy, by offering a large premium. Second- 
*' ly, Anto. of Lebrixa : It was owing to this man's fole ad- 
*' vice, that Ximenes undertook an edition of that Complutenjian 
'* Bible, as Anto. tells us in his Apologia, which is a very valu- 
" able work. In that you will fee the envy and ill will which 
'* this great reviver of Spanifli learning experienced, for his en- 
** deavours to make it flourilh in the univerfity of Salamanca. 
*' In the beginning of his book, he thus addrelTes the Cardinal. 

*' May it pleafe your Eminence ! I rim in doubt, whether my 
*' genius did not owe me a grudge, when it prompted me to 

* See B. A. Mont, on Josua, and Mariana's Defence of the Vulgate, Chap. 8: 
?.6. kV. t Scriptor. Sasculi XVI, Cap. 45. P. "140. 

S f 2 ** think 



^14- A C C O U N T o p T H E 

" think of nothing, but what was difficult, to attempt only 
'< great enterprifes, to pubUfh nothing but what occalioned 
** me much hatred and ill-will. Had I given my time to vifiting 
♦< my friends j had I fpent my night watchings in fable and poe- 
<« tical fidion ; had I read or wrote hiftory ; had I flattered the 
** living or the dead; I might have had the united applaufe of all 
" the Spains : But now, becaufe I labour after the meat which 
** does not perilh, and, as Jerom fays, trace out on earth that 
« knowledge which only abideth in Heaven ; becaufe I am thus 
*« employed, I am called impious, facrilegious, a falfe Catholic, 
<* and I am in fome danger of being fummoned in chains to plead 
** my caufe before the Inquifition as an heretic : there will not 
" be wanting an accufer; there are thofe who are ready and wil- 

" ling enough. So that I may apply to myfelf very juftly thofe 

** words of EccLESiASTEs, He that increafeth knowledge in- 
«* creafeth trouble. — If, Sir, it is the duty of a legiflator to re- 
*' ward the wife and good, and to punifli the wicked and hereti- 
*« cal fubjed, — What are you doing, great Cardinal, in that go- 
<* vernment, where, (^c" 

I omit the reft, becaufe I dare not tranfcribe it. This great 
man, therefore, was one of the chief compilers of the Complu- 
tenfian Bible. 

Gomez adds, " That Ximenes fent likewife for * Lopez^ 
** AsTUNiCA, or De ZuxNiGA, as we Spaniards write it; he 
" fent alfo for Fernandus Pinfianus, whofe Spanifh name is 
** Fernando Nunez DE GusM an, a native, of Valladolid, 
" which is vulgarly called Pintia. How eminent this man 
** was for his knov/ledge in the Latin and Greek tongues, may- 
** be feen in Justus Lipsius, A. Schottus, N. Antonius, 
" and many others -f-." But whereas Gomez tells us, that Pin- 
TiANus's works were in every one's hands in his time, it was not- 
io in 1580. 

* See Critic! SS. Tom. ix. p. 2. col. 3552. A. Schotti Hlfp. Bibl. Tom. ilL 
p, 584. t De Thou, Lib. xi. p. 401. L. xxi. p. 727. 

Gomezl 



hi 



COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOTT. 315 

Gomez adds, ** That Ximenes fent for thefe men, who were 
" eminent Greek and Latin profeflbrs, and whofe works were in 
" every one's hands; and for Alphonslfs, a Phyfician at Alca- 
" LA deHenares, * Paulus Coronellus, Alphonsus Za- 
" mora -f-, all eminent Hebra;ans. Thefe had been public pro- 
*' felTors of that language in their fchools, but having afterwards 
** taken holy orders, they were very properly fent for by Cardi- 
" nal Ximenes, to execute fo great a work, which would require 
*' their virtue, their learning, and their perfeverance. With 
" thefe men the Cardinal confulted about the plan ; promifed to 
" fupport them moil liberally with money ; and invited them fe- 
'* parately to undertake the work, by giving them large prefents. 
" Above all, the Cardinal recommended to them the utmoft dif- 
*' patch. Left, fays he, as all human things are uncertain, you 
" fhould lofe fo willing a patron to this work, or I fliould lofe 
*< fuch able affiftants, whofe company, and Vv'hofe labours, I va- 
" lue more than the Archbifliopric of Toledo. — This fpeech o£ 
'^ the Cardinal's had its efFed, and thefe learned men never ceafed 
" their labours till they had iiniflied the work. They iirfl: fent 
** for all the MSS. of both Teftaments, which could be pro- 
" cured, in order to fix the pureft new text, to amend the errors 
*' of the old, to fettle the true reading of doubtful pafiages, and 
*' to explain the obfcure." 

The greatefl: part of thefe MSS. particularly of the Old Tefta- 
ment, were fetched from the Jewifh fynagogues, and principally 
from thofe of Toledo and Maqueda. Thefe were eafily to be 
come at, becaufe the Jev/s had been driven out of Spain ten years 
before, in 492. Thefe MSS. were afterwards chained dovvn to 
the flielves in the college of San. Ildephonso, at Alcala de 
Henar- s, by the order of the Cardinal, and yet, notwith- 
ilanding that caution, many of them were afterwards ftolen. 

Gomez adds, ** But the moft ufeful colledion of MSS. to Xi- 
" menes, was that of the Vatican. Library^ which were of a. 
** mofi venerable antiquity." 

* See CoLMENAREs Hift. Segov. p, 707V 

\ This man did the 6th volume of the Folys^lott- 

Thj& 



3i6 A C C O U N T OF THE 

This appears plainly by a letter of the Cardinal's to Leo X. 
prefixed to the Pentateuch ; '* For," fays he, '' we can fairly 
' teftify to your Holinefs, that our greateft care has confided in 
' employing the moft able linguifts, and in procuring the mofl 
' ancient and mofl: correct MSS. from all quarters. With incre- 
' dible pains we colledled an amazing multitude of Hebrew, 
' Greek, and Latin MSS. It was to your Holinefs that we 
' owed the Greek MSS. for you very politely fent us the moft 
' ancient MSS. of the Old and New Teftament from that Apo- 
' ftolic library, and which were of the greateft ufe to us in this 

' work." The fame Cardinal, in his preface to the reader, 

fays, " With regard to the Greek part of Scripture, you mufl 
know, that we did not take any vulgar or common MSS. for 
to fix our text, but the mofl: ancient and moft correft, which 
Pope Leo X. fent me from the Vatican; MSS. of fuch inte- 
grity, that if you cannot credit thefe, you can credit none.— 
To thefe we have added not a fev/, partly tranfcribed from 
that moft correct MS. of Bessar.ion, fent me by the fenate of 
Venice, and partly procured by me at vaft labour and ex- 
pence. 



'* We have alfo compared Jerom's Latin verfion with many 

'' MSS. of the greateft antiquity, particularly with thofe in the 

** public library of my univerfity at Algal a de Henarez, 

*' which are in Gothic charaSlers^ and were written above 800 

" years ago, and with fuch amazing exad:neis, that you cannot 

•' difcover the omifiion of a tittle throughout ; yet fome of the 

" proper names, which were wrong fpelt, by a miftake of the 

" copyift, we let remain defignedly as they were." 

Besides the Vatican and Venetian library, Miraeus tells us, 
they made ufe too of the Medicean. 

Gomez adds, '* Thefe Vatican MSS. were fent to the Cardinal 
*' by Pope Leo X. who admiring the magnificent f'pirit of Xi- 
*' MENEs, conceived the greateft opinion of him; and that Pope 
*' fent to him afterwards for his advice in matters of high import- 
*' ance to the Romifh church, though the Cardinal was then in 

" Africa. 



COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOTT. 317 

** Africa. The verlion of the Seventy was done partly by 

'* Complutenfian fcholars, partly by Demetrius, Pintianus, 
*' and AsTUNiCA ; and was fo happily executed, that nothing 
" was omitted in the verfion, of the force of thofe Grscifms, 
** which are fo frequent in the Seventy. 

" Among the learned men called together upon this occafion, 
*' was John Vergara, who had the Books of Wifdom for his 
** lot. Pie reftored the text of them in many places, as he has 
*' often faid himfelf ; and when very old, he ufed to wiili for 
" nothing fo much at his leifare, as to publifli fome fchoiia on 
" EccLEsiASTicus j but his ill health prevented that defign.'* 

This John Vergara was afterwards a canon of Toledo s 
he not only tranflated the Books of Wifdom from the Seventy in- 
to Latin, but added a comment likewife *. — Yet this great man 
was afterwards thrown into the Inquifition^ in April 1534, by Al- 
PHONSUs Manricus, Inquilitor General, as L. Vives tells 
Erasmus, in one of his -f- Epiflles : But Vergara got happily 
out of that prifon again, and lived to 1558. 

Gomez adds, — " They were employed in this v/ork from the 

** year 1502, more or lefs, fifteen years,: that one may almoft 

" fay, that the Cardinal's life, and the edition of this work, end- 

*' ed at the fame period. — It would take rne up too much time 

*' to give a minute detail of the labour and trouble thofe Editors 

«' went through, in comparing and examining the MSS. while 

" Ximenes in the mean v/hile had perpetual avocations with the 

*^ affairs of date." 



The Complutenfian Bible was begun in 1502, and began to 
be printed jufl ten years afterv/ards, in 1512 : It was finilhed in 
1517. This was the very year in which Ximenes died. — 

Gomez adds, — *' V/ith regard to the whole cxpence of this 
** edition of the Complutenfian Folyglott, you m.uil know firfl, 

* SccDn Thou, Lib. xxi. c. 11. t Tom. II. p. 676. 

*' that 



3i8 ACCOUNT OF THE 

*• that only feven Hebrew MSS. which are now at Alcala 

" DE Henares, were bought by Alphonsus ZAMaRA, Ptx>- 

*' fefibr of Hebrew, in different countries, at a no lefs funi than 

" § 4000 crowns, as was heard from his own mouth/' 

List of Hebrew Manuscripts now preferved at Alcala 

DE Henares. 

r. Hebrew Bible, written in the ninth century. 

2. Ditto, written in the twelfth century. 

3. One volume of the Hebrew Bible, no date. 

4. Hebrew Pentateuch, no date. 

5. Two volumes of a Chaldee Bible. 

List of Greek Manuscripts there. 

1. Greek Bible, modern characfter. 

2. Greek Pfalter, very old character. 

Latin Manuscripts there. 

1. Bible, in Gothic charafters, almofl: 1000 years old, 

2. Bible, almofl as old, as appears by the charad:er. 

3. Bible in two volumes, twelfth century. 

4. St. Paul's Epiftles, with a glofs. 

5. The New Teftament, with' notes. 

Gomez adds, ** To fay nothing of the Greek and the La- 

" tin MSS. the former of which came from Rome ; the latter 

" from foreign countries, and from the feveral Libraries in 

*' Spain y particularly thofe in Gothic characters, which are 

*' above 800 years old, were brought to Alcala de Henares 

" at a vaft expence. Then, if you reckon the wages of the 

" type-founders and amanuenfes, the rewards given to the learn- 

** ed Editors, the fums paid to meflengers and agents, and 

** other fervants ; all this together will make the whole expence 

** above * 50,000 crowns; which I have heard the oldeil: peo- 

" pie fay was the fum." 

§ He means the Half Pi.lole 5 it is almofl 2000 1. ^|*' 

■* Above 20,coo 1. flerling. 

But 



COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOTT. 319 

But as Benedictus Arias Montanus publifhed our Royal 
edition of the Bible, and made ufe of Ibme Complutenfian MSS. 
which the Cardinal's editors could not do, it will not be im- 
proper here to give fome account of that very great man. 

Montanus was born at Fre gen a l de la Sierra; Sierra 
lignifies in Spanifli a ridge of mountains, and therefore he was 
called Montanus ; this village being under the jurifdicftion of 
the city of His pal is, he therefore calls himfelf Hifpalenfis, 
Montanus was the firil: perfon who obtained a lawrel crown in 
the Univerfity of Salamanca in the year 1552. He V7as a 
man of the greateft probity, ftrongeft talents, and uncommon 
judgement; could write with a maiferly llyle, either in profe or 
verfe, and had amazing lldll in languages : He was a mafter of 
the Greek, Lntiri, Hebrew ^ Syriac, Chaldee, Arabic, Frenchy 
Dutch, Englifi, and Teutonic languages. Montanus fays him- 
felf, in his comment on Ifaiah, that he knew thirteen languages. 
Befides this, he was a good poet, as well as a great fcholar, and 
blended the Belles Lettres with his feverer ftudies. It was very 
fortunate therefore for Spain, that when the copies of the Com- 

plutenlian Bible began to be fo fcarce (For there never were 

more printed of that edition than 600 volumes, that is, as I 
underftand it, about 100 copies ^ as appears by comparing the 
Letters of Leo X. to the Bidiop of Avila, and the Arch- 
deacon of Corduba. It was the printing fo fmall a number, 
that has made the book fo fcarce,) that it poflefTed fuch a 
man as Montanus, who in conjun<5lion with Plantin 
the printer, could ftir up the mind of Philip II. to a greater 
work than that of the Complutenfian Bible, though not fo ex- 
penfive. For Philip II. though he loved fame, was very cove-* 
tous of his money; yet he confented to this work in 157H, and 
fent Montanus into Holland with orders to re-print the 
Complutensian Bible, with improvements. For Monta- 
nus had made ufe oi Jeveji Hebrew MSS. which Ximenes pro- 
cured from Venice, but could not make ufe of himfelf : And 
Montanus had likewife a MSS. Latin Verfion of the Chaldee 
Paraphrafe. 

T t Bur 



320 A C C O U N T o F T H i- 

But this undertaking procured Montanus many enemies ; fo 
that he was twice cited before the Pope at Rome to plead his 
caufe againft a charge of Herefy. His chief enemies were 
* Leo DE Castro, a canon of Valladolid, Rhetoric ProfeiTor 
in Salamanca ; and, what I am forry to lay, John de Mari- 
ana, otherwife a great man; who out of envy to his learning, 
or his intereft with Philip II. accufed him to the Inqiiijitor Ge- 
neral'y and has left many marks of fpleen againft Montanus, 
in his Defence of the Vulgate, 

From the accufations laid to his charge before the Pope, Mon- 
tanus eafily cleared himfelf in an Apologia, or defence of 
himfelf, wrote on that occafion, as Colomesius tells us. This 
was written in Spanifh ; and when the Englifh about that time 
made a defcent at Cadiz, they found this work there, and car- 
ried it into England, and depofited it in the Bodleian Library, 
and preferved it as the greateft curiofity. 

This is the fame work which I deiired your Excellence 
fome time ago to procure for me out of England, and which 
you told me could not be found at Oxford. I ftill hope it will 

be found fome time or other.- Montanus died in his own 

houfe at Campo Florido, in the year 1598, and the feventy- 
hrft of his age. 

List of Manuscripts in the Cathedral Library at Toledo. 

1. Latin Bible, in G6'/'y6/V letter, upon parchment, large folio, 
written in 1026. 

2. Latin Bible, beginning with Joshua, and ending in the 
feventy- eighth Psalm, in folio, large parchoient, and Gothic letter. 

3. Latin Bible, beginning with the fecond book of Macca- 
SEES, then follows all the New Testament, and that is fol- 
lowed by Tobias i folio, large parchment, old character. 

* See De Thcu, Lib. cxx. c. 18. 

There 



COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOTT. 321 

There are five Latin Bibles in all, one of them containing the 

third and fourth book of Exodus. Thefe are all written in 

the thirteenth century, and on parchment. 

4. Bible in Latin, with an interpretation of fome Hebrew 
words, written on parchment, in the thirteenth century. 

5. Bible in Latin, written on parchment, in the thirteenth 
century. 

6. Hebrew Bible, containing all the Pentateuch, and the por- 
tions of the Pfalms and Prophets appointed for each Sabbath -, the 
Canticles, Ecclefiaftes, Lamentations, Eflher, and Ruth; writ- 
ten in the fquare Hebrew character, with the points or vowels 5 
and with the Scholia of the Rabbins, on parchment, 

Oliva, June 1754, 



T t 2 LET- 



[ 322 I 



LETT E R XIX. 



Of the Royal- Family and Court ^ Spain. Of the pre- 
fent Genius, Character, and Manners of that Nation. 
T^keir Humours, Diversions, and Language. 



■^ON CARLOS III. by the ftile of his Catholic Majefty, 
/ King of Spain, was born in Madrid the 20th of January 
3716. He was proclaimed King of Naples May 15th, and 
King of Sicily Augafl: 30th, 1734; entered Spain the loth 
of Auguft 1759, and was proclaimed King in Madrid, on the 
i!th of September following The Kings of Spain are never 
crowned: inftead of it, they make a public entry into Madrid,- 
with great expence, pomp, and magnificence, which pleafes the 
people much more, as they have an uncommon paffion for fliews 
and pageantry. The prefent Monarch made his public entry 
July the 13th, 1760; for an account of v/hich, fee Letter VIL 
p. 125. When he landed at Barcelona, the Catalans ftiled 
him Carlos TercerOy el verdaderoy or Charles the third, the 
true Prince, to difcinguifh him from the former Charles IIL 
the Auftrian Archdu'.e, who was afterwards Emperor. The 
Spaniards had at that time fo few failors, that they had great diffi- 
culty in manning the fleet which brought him over. In comings 

from Barcelona to Madr d, he drove fo fail as to make great 
deftrudion of the mules and horfes that attended him. It is no 
\mcommon thing for the guards that . ttcnd the Royal Family in this 
CQuatry, whea they travel^ to break a leg, an arm, or a neck ; and 

wKea 



n 
<\:- 



Of the royal FAMILY. 



6^1 



when this happens, his Majefly fays, Murio enfu officio^ be died in 
his duty. A Mahometan, who made fome ftay at Naples, hap- 
pening to fee the prefent King of Spain driving in this Jehu 
tafte, faid to a friend — ■■ — " Sir, is it any wonder that we Turks 
** think you Chriftians quite mad ?" — Though his Catholic Ma- 
jefly is now in his forty-fixth year, yet fliooting is ftill his ruling 
paffion : He is the greateft Nimrod oihis time^ he facrifices every 
thing to this favourite pleafure ; he was difgufted at his public 
entry, becaufe it hindered him of four days fport. He fl:ayed 
/y6r^^ days at Toledo, and killedyfA: wild mountain-cats, which, 
as I was well informed by thofe who had calculated the expence 
of that expedition, coil: him exadly loool, a cat. He is fo eager 
at this diverfion, that when the days are fhort, he often fhoots by 
torch-light J an improvement which our Englifli fportfmen are net 
arrived at. He is in his perfon tall, round iliouldered, big 
boned, of a dark brown complexion, fmall eyed, and has a very 
large prominent Roman nofe. From this defcriptlon, it is eafily 
feen that he is very plain. — His drefs is as plain as poflible., 
too homely for a Prince ; he commonly wears a plain cloth frock, 
a leather waiftcoat, leather breeches, boots, (always made in 
London) a large pair of tanned gloves, and ufually carries a gun 
upon his fhoulder, and is attended by fervants, carrying guns, 
powder, fliot, water, wine, victuals, cloaths, &c. and frequently 

dead game, fuch as wolves, hares, rooks, gulls, &c. &c. He 

rifes at kvtn in the morning, opens his own fliutters, writes what 
letters and difpatches he has to do, and then fets out, let it rain 
or fhine, for the chace, or r^iihQv Jhooti?2g, for he never hunts as 
we do in England. It is his Catholic Majefly's conftant maxim, 
that rain breaks no bones, and for this reafon it never flops or fuf- 
pends any thing he is engaged in, to the no fmall mortifica- 
tion of his attendants. Vxh fuitc cw thefe occalions comn:ionly 

confiils of the Infant Don Lewis, the great otiicer in waiting, 
ufually the Duke de Lozada, the Bcdy-Guards, and three 
or four coaches and fix, with wh'ch there is always a chlrurgson, 
in cafe of any accident. He returns from this diverfion befora 
noon, and dines regularly at eleven- of the clock, and always in 
public, attended by the foreign minifbers, and other people oT 
di{lini.tion about the Court. He ufually eats of fix diing^i, drinks 



324 Of the ROY A L F A M I L Y. 

three times, and is not long at table. After dinner he fets 

out to Ihcot ai^ain, and feldom returns till dark, or after. 
Then he hears his own Minifters of State for an hour, or afllfts 
at the Defpacho, as they call it ; after that he fits with the Queen 
Mother in her apartment, and goes to bed between nine and 

ten. And this is the general and conftant round of his Ma- 

jeftv's life. Ke goes in February or March every year, to the 
palace of the Fardo ; in April to Aranjuez; returns in June 
to Madrid; fets out at the end of July for San Ildephonso; 
o-oes in Odober to the Escurial, and from thence, in Novem- 
ber, to Madrid. He fometimes fiflies for variety, raid at other 
times has what they call a general Battida, which is the fetting 
five or fix hundred men to drive all the game they can meet, for 
manv miles round, into toils of great extent ; and then the King 
and Don Lewis, (attended by the whole Court, ladies as well 
as orentlemen,) go and kill it. This makes great havock among 
the^ oame, and is a very expenfive diverfion The foreign Am- 
bafladors always attend on thefe occafions. 

Having defcribed his perfon, and way of life, I will now en- 
deavour to give fome idea of his temper, genius, and of the ab- 

folute power with which he reigns. It has been imagined that 

he is a very weak prince, and of little or no underftanding : It is 
a ^reat miflake. — He has fome parts, but is mulifh and obftinate 
to" the laft degree -, and by being conftantly flattered, he imagines 
that he has more underftanding than he really polTeftes. He is 
referved beyond the common referve of Princes, has no confi- 
dent, and communicates his will only by his orders to put it in- 
to execution. — He -.in neither be led nor driven ; all muft come 
from hirnielf. Tl:."i"e things to which he has applied, he is a 
very compleat maftcrof: He talks Italian, French, and Spanifh 
fluently. He is an exceeding good turner y and has turned a mul- 
titude of things in the wooden-ware way. He looks minutely 

into moft circum.ftances. He has made with his own hands, 

every part of a foldier's drefs, in order to be a judge of the true 

expence of their uniforms. He told the foreign Minifters one 

day, that he had made a pair of Oioes, Not indeed, fays he, very 

f^ood (hoes, but fuch as might be walked in.- ^He fhoots at a 

A mark 



Op the royal F A iM I L Y. 325 

mark with the greatefl accuracy ; and I have often lamented, that 
he has not been prefented with Pate?it-Jhot bv our Miniftry : I am 
not clear, that he would not have given up the Logwood trade for 
it. — To fhew with what defpotic fway he rules, it fliould be con- 
fidered, that he allows no Miniftcr to remonftrate or argue with 
him. — He removed the Duke of Alva from Court, who had 
been the firfh Minifter during all the late reign, and was very po- 
pular in the nation. — Though to fave appearances, Alva made 
a formal refignation in the month of December 1760. He ba- 
nifhed the Dukes of Arcos and Ossuna from Madrid, on ac- 
count of their amours with the Adrefles, and put an Adtrefs con- 
cerned in the common prifon 3 he arrefted and banifhed the In- 
QuisiTOR General, and fent him prifoner to a convent. He 
engaged in the prefent war with England, contrary to the fen- 
timcnts of his Minifters, and in direcft oppofition to the voice of 

the whole nation. He married June 19th, 1739, Maria, 

Amalia, Christina, daughter of Augustus III. King of 
Poland, and Eledor of Saxony ; Hie was bornNovember 24th, 
1724, and died at Madrid September 27th, 1760. — ^— -I will 
now give fome account of her. 

The late Queen Amalia was a remarkably tall woman, with 
large bones and features, rather of a mafculine appearance ; had 
no pretcnfions to beauty j but then what flie wanted in charms, 
was amply made up in fpirit : The Poh'JJj te?}?per was but too vi- 
fible in the Spanijh Queen. It has been obferved of late, and I 
think with fome truth, that the Sovereign Ladies of the Nokth 
have moft of them been poil'eiTed of uncommon portions of this 
fpirit: The late Emprefs of Russia, the prefent, and Maria 
Theresa, have been quoted as examples of it. Elowfar this may 
be the eft e 61 qx climate, I cannot fay. Amalia, Vv^hocame from 
Poland, had certainly much prefence, fire, and ilrength of 
mind i (he refembled, in fome refpe(Sl:s, our Queen Elizabeth ; 
for as that Princefs, when ruiiied in debate, would fometimes 
cxprefs her royal refentment, by flriking her Minift^s with her 
own hands ; fb the late Queen Amalia would fometimes rrive 
her Ladies' of the Bedchamber a box on the ear. She was entire- 
ly governed by the Dutcbtfs of CASTRgpiNiANo, a Neapolitan, 

one 



326 Of the R O Y A L F A M I L Y. 

one o? her Ca.mareras, who had gained a moil: unaccountable 
alcendant over her. It was obferved, that the Queen's fplrit, and 
the rapacious difpofition of her Conjidantey though they have 
often put his Majefly's temper to the trial, yet never could dif- 
compofe that phlegmatic ferenlty fo infeparable from his mind. 
He always preferved on fuch occafions, that refped: and civility 
which is due to her fex. She had ifTue by his Catholic Majefty, 
fix fons and tvi^o daughters. 

1. Philip Antony, Duke of Calabria, difqualified for 
the fucceihon, born June 14th, 1747. 

2. Charles Antony, Prince of AsTURiAs, born in Naples, 
November 12th, 1748. 

3. Ferdinand Antony, King of Naples and Sicily, born 
January 12 th, 175 1. 

4. Gabriel Antonio, Infant of Spain, born in Naples* 
May nth, 1752. 

5. Antonio Pasqital, Jnflint of Spain, born in Naples, y 
December 31^? 1755- 

6. Francisco Xavier, Infant of Spain, born in Naples, 
February 17th, 1757. 

I. Maria Josepha, Infanta of Spain, born in Naples, 
July 1 6th, 1744. 

1. Maria LuisA, Infanta of Spain, born in Naples, No- 
vember 24th, 1745. 

Philip V. who died July nth, 1746, had four fons by his 
firfl wife, Maria, Louisa Gabrielle, daughter of the Duke of 
Savoy : Lewis I. Don Philip, and Don Philip Pedro Gabri- 
elle, who both died young, and Ferdinand VI. Lewis 
died in 1724, after having reigned i^Ntn months j Ferdinand 
died aged forty-fix, Auguft loth, 1759, after having reigned 
twelve years and fome months. — By his fecond wife, Elizabeth 
of Parma, Philip had ilTue, 

* I. Charles 



Of the royal FAMILY, 327 

1. Charles in. the prefent King of Spain. 

2. Don Philip, who died young. 

3. Don Philip, Infant of Spain, Grand Prior of Castilf., 
Duke of Parma, Placencia, and Guastalla, horn March 
15th, 1720, married to Louisa Elizabeth of France, in 
1739, by whom he has one fon and tv/o daughters. 

4. Don Lewis Antonio Jayme, Infant of Spain, born July 
25th, 1727; at prefent not married. 

5. Maria Anna Victoria, the prefent Queen of Portu- 
gal, born March 3 ifl:, 171 8, and married March 3 i ft, 1732. 

6. Maria Theresa, married in 1745 to the Dauphin of 
France, and died in childbed July 22d, 17-16. 

7. Maria Antonia Fernanda, born the 17th of Novem--^ 
ber, T729, married to the prefent Duke of Savoy. 

Elizabeth Farnese, the prefent Queen Dowager of Spain, 
was born Odober 25th, 1692. Her hiftory is extremely well 
known in Europe ; (lie has had no fhare in government or po- 
litical matters, fince Philip's death, whofe memory fhe pays fo 
much regard to, as to cry once every year on the day he died. 
On the acceffion of Ferdinand, flie was baniihed to the oalace 
of San Ildephonso, where flie remained with her fon the Infant 
Don Lewis, till his prefent Majefty's acceffion -, who very dutifully 
recalled her to Court, but, to her great regret, would never admit 
her to the Dejpacho. As a De Medicis by blood, fhe inherited the 
parts, fpirit, and ambition of that family : Two of her fons /he 
made Sovereign Princes ; her filent plans at the Efciirial fre- 
quently threw all Europe into convulfions, efpecially when car- 
ried into execution by the intriguing and bold hand of her favou- 
rite Alberoni, and the knight errantry of Riperda. She 

formed many fpirited, though unfuccefsful fchemes, to make her 
third Jon a tJ?ird Sovereign; and was at one time very near fuc- 
ceeding, by the marriage of Don Lewis with the Princefs of 

Br A SI L. She is of a middle ftature, dark complexion, has 

great fpirit in her countenance. Before fhe reached Madrid, in 
the route from Parma, when fhe came to be married to Phi- 
lip, and before fhe had fecn the King, who went as far as Gua- 

U u DA- 



328 Of THE ROYAL FAMILY. 

DALAXARA to meet her, ftie gave a rpecimen of what flie would 

be when a real Queen, which was truly a coup d eclat. The 

Princefs ofUrJins had been for fome time the reigning favourite 
in Spain i fhe had acquired fuch an afcendant over Philip and 
his firft Queen, that ilie abfolutely governed all. When Albe- 
RONi, on her death, propofed the match of the Duke of Parma's 
niece to Philip V. it was even by the order of the Princefs of 
Ursins, that Alberoni v/rote to found the Court of Parma 
on that fubjed:. Nay, the Princefs of Ursins did more, fhe even 
went herfeif to meet the new Queen, as far as the confines of 
Arragon and Navarre -, who in return for thefe civilities, or- 
dered the officer on guard to arreft that Princefs by force, and 
carry her out of Spain into France; which order was imme- 
diately executed. The politick Italian Princefs knew very well 
that Spain was too narrow to hold her, and any other lady wha 
dared to be a favourite of Philip's at the fame time — And there- 
fore thought the fhorteft procefs was to get rid of her at once. 
When you have made your ufe of the ladder by which you rife,, 
the fureft way in found policy is to kick it down. — Moft others 
would have attempted this, after they had been well feated in a 
throne ; but few would have had fpirit enough to have given fuch 
an order, in their very firft fteps and paflage to it, and without 
even the knowledge or confent of that very Prince, whofe fa- 
vourite flie banifhed, and whofe future Queen (he was defigned 
to be. 

A.NOTHER inftance of this Lady's genius may be the following: 
It is well known that Philip V. refigned his Crown to his fon 
Lewis L who dying within the year, Philip, at the infligation. 
of this Queen, refumed the fcepter again. But afterwards grow- 
ing, as every body has heard, out of his fenfes, in one of his fits, 
he fent a full refignation of his Crown and Government, with- 
out the knowledge of this Lady, to the Council of Castile : 
And when he thought the act irrevocable, he told Elizabeth: 
Farnese of it, and added, ** Je vous ai trompe, Madame ! J'ai en- 
" voie hier ma refignation de la Coronne d'Efpagne au Concile de 
«■< Caftiile." This, as you will eafily imagine, fufficiently alarm- 
ed her Majefty : — But however flie had the prefence of mind in- 
ftantly to fend to the prefident of that Council for the refignation ^ 

nor 



Op the royal FAMILY. 



3^9 



nor had flie only authority to command, but influence enough 
to be obeyed, for he fent it her immediately. 

While the late King Ferdinand was Prince of Asturias, 
upon fome difguft, flie fent a meffage to Farinelli never to go 
and iing or play any more in the Prince's or Princefles apartment. 
For the late Queen Barbara was not only very fond of, but 
an excellent judge oi tnufick. But Farinelli's anfwer does im- 
mortal honour to that Mujician. " Go, fays he, and tell the 
*' Queen, that I owe the greateft obligations to the Prince and 
** Princefs of Asturias ; and unlefs I receive fuch an order from 
** her Majefty's own mouth, or the King's, I will never obey it." 

Though {he is now feventy years old, (lie keeps the fame hours 
that Philip did, and turns night into day. When (he gives au- 
dience, {lie is held up by two fupporters, being unable to ftand 
long ; and though almoft blind, ftill retains her ancient {pirit and 
vivacity. Her ambition will probably never expire but with her 
breath : And whenever fhe dies, I am perfuaded her laft words 
to the King will be, ** Remember Tuscany yc>r Don Luis." 

Don Lewis Antonio Jayme, the King's brother, feems to 
be of a very different mold, without either his father's military 
genius, or his mother's ambition ; of a pacific and quiet temper. 
He took a very early averfion to the Crofier, though made almoft as 
foon as born, a Baby-Cardinal, and an Infant-Archbifhop, for the 
two {ees of Toledo and Seville. Upon quitting however thole 
dignities in the church, he referved to himfelf about 7,400/. per 
annum^ out of the former, and about 5000/. out of the latter. 
He feems to have much more inclination for a gun than for a 
fceptre, and {pends moft of his time in field fports : He has a 
ftrong turn for mechanics^ and when not employed in {hooting, is 
bufied in making watches and mathematical inflruments. He has 
fome tafte for ?nedals ; and the monks he has employed have made 
for him no inconfiderable colle(5lion of thofe antiquities. 

The Prince of Asturias is a lively youth, and has begun his 
triumphs with great joy, over fome fparrows {liot by his own 

U u 2 hand. 



330 Of the SPANISH M I N I S T R Y. 

hand. Mariana tells us, B. 18. ch. 7. that this title of Prince 
of AsTURiA£, was given in imitation of our title of Prince of 
Wales. 

Ferdinand, King of Naples, gives fair promifes of being 
one day a very fpirited Monarch. He put on Majefty the mo- 
ment his father embarked for Spain, with as much dignity and 
eafe, as if his plaything had always been a fceptre. 

The Princeffes Josepha and Luis a, are both marriageable j 
fo that time will now foon difcover whether they will add any 
new ilrength to the Family Compact. 

I cannot quit the Court ^ Spain, without obferving the little 
pains it takes to be popular. They pay fcarce any court to the 
Grandees of the kingdom. They exprefs publickly their diflike 
of the country, and are always preferring Naples to it. They 
employ foreigners preferably to natives, in polls at home, and 
embaffies abroad. Can any circumftance more compleatly fliew 
the defpottjni of that Monarchy ? 

The Mmijiry, or thofe who compofe their Council of State, 
which anfwers to our Privy Council, are 

1. The Duke of Alva ; a difcarded, though an honeft, old, 
and faithful Minifler. 

2. The Marquez de Villaras, formerly known by the name 
of Sebastian de la Qu^adra. 

3. The Marquez de Sal as, abfent. 

4. The Prince Yacchi, abfent. 

5. Don Ricardo Wall. 

6. Don Alpho. Clem, de Arosteqiji. 

7. Don Pedro Gordillo. 

N. B. All thefe, as fuch, have the title o? Excellency. 

Theiji 



tS 



i 



Of the SPANISH MINISTRY. 331 

Tyleik Secretaries of Statey ^^nCiUniverfal Difpatchesy are, 

1. General Wall, firfl Secretary of State, Difpatch, and of 
War. 

2. The Marquez Del Campo de Villar, Secretary of State, 
and of the Difpatch of Grace and Juflice. 

3. Don Julian de Arriaga, Secretary of State, and of the 
Difpatch of the Marine and Indies. 

4. The Marquez Squilacci, Secretaiy of State, and of the 
Difpatch of the Treafury, Superintendant-general of the Copper, 
and its diftribution. 

Of all thefe. General Wall, and the Marquez Sq^iilacci, 
are the only t'lvo minijiers, in our itni^Q of that expreilion ; the 
former Jirji Secretary of State, and the latter^;^ Lord of the Trea- 
fury. Spain has, for many years paft, been under the diredlion 
offordgn Mlnlfiers. 'Whether this hath been owing to want of 
capacity in the natives, or difinclination in the Sovereign, I will 
not take upon me to fay ^ fuch as it is, the native nobility lament 
it, as a great calamity. In looking back for above a century paft, I 
jind the minifters employed to be nearly half natives and half fo- 
reigners. Thus, the Conde Duke D'Olivares was a Spaniard, of 
the houfe of Medina Sidonia, Don Luis de Haro was his ne- 
phew, Emanuel de Lira a Spaniard, Alberoni an Italian 
Riperda a Dutchman, the Marquez De Bed^mar a Spaniard, 
the Marquis De Grimaldo an Italian, the Marquez De Ense- 
nada a Spaniard, known by the name of Cenon de Somode- 
villa, Don Joseph Carvajal a Spaniard, Mr. Wall an 
Irifhman, and the Marquis De Squilacci a Neapolitan. 

It is well known, that Mr. Wall raifed himfelf to that emi- 
nent ftation, which he now enjoys, by means which are ufaallv the 
ruin of mojffc others, I mean gallantry and gaming. Not but that 
his parts and merit are otherv/ife very confpicuous. The Mar- 
quise fort I take to confift in his abilities as a Fi?ia?2cier^ his un- 
derftanding thoroughly Ways and Means, as we call it, and the 
making very ample provifion for the crc^n. He has put the 
^^ King 



332 Of the SPANISH MINISTRY. 

King upon fome ufeful projeds, and upon others feemingly as 
detrimental. Paving and cleaning the flreets of the Capital, 
and making new roads, were works worthy of a minifter ; his 
edi(5ls againfl old hats and old cloaks, of no moment ; his negli- 
gence in bringing robbers and murderers to juftice, certainly cul- 
pable ', his eftabli(hing a new manufacture of Rappe^ ill executed, 
and ill dropped fo foon after it was fet on foot ; you rarely find a 
minifter a good tobacconifl i and by his difcouraging the manu- 
fadiures fo entirely, he feems to me to fliew, that he does not un- 
derftand the true interefts of Spain. As Superintendant of the 
Copper, I fuppofe he will take fome fteps towards removing that 
grievance -f. The beft thing, in my opinion, to be done with it, 
is to recal it, and give it to the owners of the Anti-Gallican Vri- 
vateer. 

The Marquis De Ensenada, it is to be hoped, will never 
have influence enough, to be employed as a Mmijhr again. He 
is the mofl: fworn and implacable enemy the BritiQi nation hath 
in Spain, both from prejudice and principle. He wears on a 
Gala^ or court day, more diamonds, crofles, orders, ribbands, 
fillets, ^c. than any Spanifli grandee ; fo that, like Sinon in the 
Mneidy he feems a * vidlim fled from facrifice. His fall was 
chiefly owing to the intrigues of that able and great Miniflier, the 
late Sir Benjamin Keene ; a circumfliance, which, if I can 
have my wifli, fliall one day be laid more fully before the public. 
The Marquis was recalled to court, upon the prefent King's ac- 
ceflion, by means of the Dutchefs of Cajiropiniano \ he is ftill as 
ambitious as ever ; and if intrigue and gold can make him fo, 
will be a minifter again. 

The two oldejly as well as the richeji families in Spain, are 
thofe of Medina Celi, and Medina Sidonia; the former 
take their title from a town in Old Castile, near the river 
Xalon : they were made Earls by Henry II. of Castile, in 
1368; Dukes by Ferdinand and Isabella, in 1491. The 
old family-name was LA CeRDA; it is now Cordova. Eli- 

t See the Account of the Money, Letter XIV. 
* Vittaeque Deum, quas Hoji'ia gefli. 

I ZABETH 






Of the greatest FAMILIES. 333 

2iABETH DE LA Cerda, hcirefs of that family, married Moses 
Bernard, Earl of Bearne and Foix. Their eftate is fuitable 
to the nobility of their blood, being above 80,000 pounds fter- 
ling per annum. They have certainly a good title to the crown 
of Spain, as being of the blood royaU and defcended from, its an- 
cient monarchs. The laft Duke of the Cerda line was Don 
Luis FRAN901S de la Cerda, who was Viceroy of Naples, 
from 1692 to 1706, Counfellor of State, and firft minifter, in 
1709, and Governor of the Prince of Asturias: his Dutchefs 
had alfo a penfion from Philip of 4000 piftoles^^r annum. But, 
notwithftanding thefe numerous marks of royal favour, this 
gentleman entered into a confpiracy againft Philip, and held a 
correfpondence v/ith the Arch-duke Charles. The Marquis of 
Astorga, who was alfo in the plot, difcovering this on his 
death-bed, this Duke was arrefted by Philip's order, as he was 
coming to council, conducted firil to Pampeluna, and after- 
wards to Fontarabia, where he died. 

The family of Medina Sidonia are fo called from a town in 
Andalusia. They were made Dukes in 1445. Their name is 
Gusman El Bueno j their eftate is above 6o,ooo pounds per 
annum ; but neither this eflate nor the former affords to its pof- 
feffor any thing like that annual income; for, being both charged. 
with heavy incumbrances, they are, for the moft part, parcelled 
out into fmali mortgages, the rents of which the mortgagee re- 
ceives, till the fum due to him is entirely paid. Thefe two duke- 
doms did, for many years, belong to the fame family, the Gu s- 
MANS; whether they do now or not, I cannot fay. Though 
they had great connections with the Austrian family, yet 
during the Succeffion- war, the then Duke of Medina Sidonia 
adhered inviolably t© Philip's intereil, and followed his ftandard 
to the laft. 

As the Captain of the La Reyna, who fo bravely defended 
theMoRRo Caflle, at the Havanah, when taken by the Eng- 
li{h in J 762, has been much talked of lately, it may not be unac- 
ceptable to fay fomewhat of that family. 

' Thx 



-34 CHARACTER of the P E O P L E. 

The Velasco family have been for ages Conflables of Cas- 
tile, the higheft poft anciently in that kingdom, being Gejiera- 
ItJ/imos oi 2l\\ its forces; but it is now only a bare title, yet one of 
o-reat honour and efteem, like the old Justiciary of Arragon. 
They were made Dukes of Frias in 149 1, and Earls of Haro 
in 1430, and Earls of Castel Nuevo, and MarquiiTes of Ver- 
langa. This office of Conjiable of Cajlik was inftituted in 1382, 
by. JOHN I. of Castile. This honour is not hereditary in the 
family of the Velascos, though, having defcended in it from 
father to fon for many generations, it has very naturally been 
thought lb. 

The Spaniards have In general an olive complecflion, are of a 
middle fliature, rather lean, but well made ; they have fine eyes, 
gloffy black hair, and a fmall well fliaped head.-^-Their cloaths 
are ufually of a very dark colour, and their cloaks almoil black. 
This fliews the natural gravity of the people. This is the general 
drefs of the common fort j for the court, and perfons of fafhion, 
have moft of them adopted the French drefs and modes. 

As their^natural air is gravity, fo tliey have confequently great 
coldnefs and referve in their deportment ; they are therefore very 
uncommunicative to all, and particularly to Ifrangers. But when 
once you are become acquainted with them, and have contracted 
an intimacy, there are not more focial, more friendly, or more 
converfible beings in the world. When they have once profefTed 
it, none are more faithful friends. — They are a people of the 
higheft notions of honour, even to excefs, which is a iHli viiible ef- 
fed: of their antientlove o^ Chivalry, and was the animating fpirit 
of that enthufiafm. They have great probity and integrity of prin- 
ciple. As they perfevere witli much fidelity and zeal in their 
friendHiips, you will naturally expedl to find them warm, relent- 
lefs, and implacable in their refentments. 

They are generous, liberal, magnificent, and charitable ; reli- 
gious without dlfpute, but devout to the greateft excefies of fu- 
perftition. What elfe could induce them to kifs the hands of 
their Priejls, and the garments of their Monks F 

If 



CHARACTER of the PEOPLE. 235 

If they have any predominant fault, it is, perhaps, that of 
being rather ioo high minded -y hence they have entertained, at dif- 
ferent periods, the mofh extravagant conceits ; fuch as, that the 
fun only rofe and fet in their dominions ; that their language was 
the only tongue fit to addrefs the Almighty with ; that they were 
the peculiar favourites of heaven, infomuch that when the arms of 
Proteftants have prevailed over theirs, they have been ready to 
call God himfelf ^7z Heretic. They formerly thought, that wif- 
dom, glory, power, riches and dominion, were their fole mono- 
poly ; but the experience of two or three centuries paft has con- 
tributed to fhew the fondnefs of all thefe delufions. The open 
and avowed attempts of its Austrian Princes, grafping at uni- 
verfal monarchy ^ the fecret and more concealed ambition of the 
Bourbon line, with all their plans of refined policy, have been, 
as Shakespear calls it, like the bafelefs fabric of a viilon. It 
has been owing to thefe lofty conceits, that they are ftill pofiefTed 
with the higheft notions of nobility, family and blood. The 
mountaineer of AsTURiAS, though a peafant, will plume himfelf 
as much upon his genealogy and ^^ictxit^ as the firft grandee; 
and the Cajlilian^ with his Coat-armour, looks upon the Gallician 
with fovereign contempt. 

Nothing can fliew ih.Q fang froid oi the Spaniards more 
ftrongly than the following circumllance, which, though it hath 
been often related, is perhaps not known to every reader. In. 
the war that enfued between Spain and Portugal, upon the 
revolution in favour of the Duke of Braganza, the Portuguefe 
plundered the village of Traiguerosy and left a centinel in it, 
while the troops pafTed on. — The centinel, to amufe the time, 
played on his guitar, which happened to be out of tune. A 
Spaniard belonging to this plundered village, offended with the 
diffonance of the foldier's mufic, came to the centinel, and civilly 
begg'd him to lend him the guitar ; which being done, he tuned 
it, and returned it to the Portuguefe, with this fliort fpeech — 
Now Sir, it is in tunej — Aora Jia templada. 

The profeflion-of arms is their chief delight ; to this darllno- 
palTion, commerce, manufactures, and agriculture have been al- 

X X ways 



336 CHARACTER of the PEOPLE. 

ways facrificed. It never appeared more evident than in the Sue- 
cejjion ivar ; the peafant voluntarily forfook the plough, and rart 
to the Auftrian or the Bourbon ftandard. There v/as no occafion> 
for an haranguing ferjeant, or for an officer and a prefs- warrant, 
to call him to the field of ad:ion. A la guerra, a la guerra, was 
all the cry. 

It has been imagined, from the events of the prefent war, that 
the Spanifh are not good troops ; but it is a great miilake ; there 
are no foldiers in the whole world that are braver than the Spanijh. 
Thofe who fay otherwife only Ihew their ignorance of hifliory. 
They have had the Dukes of Berwick and Bitonto, the 
Counts De Gage and Schomberg, the Prince of Hesse, the 
Marquis De Las Minas, the Generals Stanhope, Peter- 
borough, and Starembergh, the eye-witnefles of their 
bravery. That they make but an indifferent military figure at 
prefent, is no juft argument againft them; long peace, long dif- 
ufe, and bad generals, will entirely damp the martial fpirit of 
any people. Let them only be difciplined, and led on by his 
PrtiJJian Majefty, and I will anfwer for their doing as much exe- 
cution as any troops in Europe, and particularly the cavalry. 
They bear all hardfhips with the moil unremitting patience, and 
can endure heat, cold, and even hunger, with fome degree of 
chearfulnefs. They have courage and conftancy fufficient for the 
moft hazardous undertakings \ and though naturally flow, yet 
when once put in adion, purfue their object with great warmth 
and perfeverance. 

Bigotry has been very prejudicial to the Spaniards, not only 
in religion, but in the arts and fciences, and has grealy retarded 
their advancement in learning. — It is impoffible that thofe who 
are too blindly attached to the opinions of the Antients^ fliould 
make any great figure among the Moderns. Aristotle, Duns 
Scotus, and Thomas Aquinas, were a triumvirate more dan- 
gerous to the freedom of the mind, than thofe of ancient Rome 
to its liberties. And it had certainly been much more ferviceable 
to our own univerfities, if, inflead of expelling and burning the 

2 works 



CHARACTER of the PEOPLE. 3^7 

works of Locke, they had at that time fet all Aristotle and 
Plato on fire. 

This bigotry, in favour of the Antients, appears no where 
more flrongly, than in their pracflice of phylic. Thoufands have 
died in Spain by following the prefcriptions of Galen and Hip- 
pocrates, who might have lived many years, had they had an 
equal faith in Sydenham and Boerh aave. 

To politics the Spaniards have a natural inclination; they un- 
derftand and fludy the political interefts of their country very 
thoroughly j even the mod: common peafants will fometimes 
make reflexions on public affairs, that would be not unworthy of 
a fenator in the Cortes, 

To give an idea of a Spanijh Ufiiverjity, it will be fufficient to 
defcribe that of Salamanca ; the reft being all fimilar, only in- 
ferior. 

It confifts of 24 profelTors, who have 1000 ducats t2ich per an- 
num. It has a fmall library, the books of which are all chained. 
There are 1 2 Divinity ProfeiTors, four for the morning, and four 
for the afternoon. There are other Sub-profefTors Hkewife, who 
have only 500 vellon crowns per anjium. There is a ProfeiTor of 
the dodrine of DuRANDus, and one for that of Scotus. This 
laft feems moft requifite, for Erasmus was nine years in under- 
ftanding the Preface only. Befides the ftipendiary Profeflbrs, 
there are others paid by the fcholars 3 Cardinal Ximenes was 
originally fo low, as to have been one of thefe. There is alfo 
the fame number of ProfefTors for the Civil and Canon Law, 
Phyfic, Philofophy, and Mathematics ; as for Divinity, all thefe 
are under the dired:ion of an annual Prefident. Next to him, is 
the School-majier, who is always a canon of Salamanca, and 
anfwers to our Vice-chancellor. Thefe two officers have 8000 du- 
cats each per annum. The revenues of this Univerfity are faid to 

be 90,000 ducats per annum. It formerly had 7000 fcholars ; 

but that number has been confiderably lefTened this many an age : 
however, one of their fchools is ftill large enough to hold 2000 

X X 2 people. 



33 



8 



The language. 



people. The fcholars all wear much the fame drefs as the eccle- 
liaftics, have all the Tonfurey and the Bonnet^ for hats are forbid- 
den. There are in Salamanca 24 colleges ; but no fcholar can 
remain in them longer than leven years. The Bridge of flone 
at Salamanca, thrown over the river Tormes> is a moil: noble 
Roman work. 

As to the Language of Spain, there are two different tongues 
fpoken in it, the Bifcayan, and the Romance^ or SpaniHi. The 
Bifcayan was moft probably the language of the ancient Span- 
iards y iuft as the mofl ancient Britifid tongue is ftill preferved in 
our illand, in the mountains of Wales, and the Erfe in thofe of 
Scotland. The Romance is plainly, from its name, a corrup- 
tion of the Latin ; this is now called Cxijiilian. — The Spaniards 
confound the B with the V, and the C with the Q, and fo did 
their mafters the Romans; thus, they ufed BENERI for VE- 
NERI, BIXIT for VIXIT, PEQUNJAM for PECUNIAM.— 
The Spaniards love the D final, fo did the Romans ; as pr^dad, 
altod, marid, for praeda, alto, mari. In Spanifh this is almoft uni- 
verfal ; as Verdad, Liberdad, Jubentud, for Veritas, Libertas, Ju- 
ventus, 6cc. In many inftances the Latin and Spanifh agree word 
for word, and the Caftilian often writes the language of the Bas 

Empirey without defigning it. Indeed I am perfuaded, that 

more light might be gathered from the SpafiifJj tongue, towards 
difcovering what the Roman language was, during thefecond Fu* 
nic wary than from any other quarter. 

There is a great limilarit}^ between many of the Englidi and 
Spanifh W(5r^j ; in fuch a cafe, let others decide which is the 
lender, and Vv'hich the borrower. Thus, Cafacay a Caffbck ; 
MuchOyMucby Raj as y Rags y Carpay 2, Carpe -, Capa'^Cape-y Gol- 
foy a Gulph ; Fait ay Fault y Carga, Charge ; a Roppery from Ar- 
rcpar to cloath warm j to vampy from Avampiery SpatterdaOies -, 
Ar'cahuZy Harqucbujs -, CorJwainers, from the French Corduan- 
niersy becaufe the finefl leather at that time came from Cordova, 
orCoRDUBA; Tabardy a Cloak, from Tavardoy which lignifies 
the fame ; hence comes our millaken Englifh fign of the Talbot, 
for a Dogy when it ought to be, as it was originally, a Tabard, 

or 



The I.ANGUAGE. 



339 



or Cloak. Lord Bacon fays, that as one inftance of the copia 

of the Spanifh language, we have no word fo expreffive, as their 
Defeiivoltura, and Defpejar ; though I doubt the truth of that 
remark. That it dehghts in long words, the Ampiillas and Sef- 
qiiipedalia ijerbdy is very certain ; Defpavilladeras is rather too 
long for fo common a word as S.riuff'ers. There are many words, 
fuch as, AbandanamieyitOy and others, of ifMtn fyllables and up- 
wards. As there is fomething pompons and magnificent in the 
length of its words, and the found of them, fo there is alfo a pe- 
culiarity in the turn and manner of their phrafes and exprefTions. 
We fay, the King and ^leefij their expreflion is, the Catholic Kings, 
los R.eyes Catholicos, meaning the fame thing. His Britan- 
nic Majefty figns George Rex^ the Catholic Monarch, / the King. 
We fay. Long may you live, they fay. May you live. Sir, a thou- 
fa7id years and more. They ufe the wf;?//ri? very frequently, tho', 
to give the Lie in Englifh, or the menterie in French, would be 
reckoned an affront. They never ufe the word cuerno, or cor- 
^zW;?, without begging pardon firft of thofe they fpeak to; the 
Italians, I am told, do the fame. Don Juan de Jaurequi has 
tranflated Lucan into Spanidi verfcj though I have taken fome 
pains, I never could procure the book; Brebeuf's French tranf- 
lation of that poet has been always thought Lucano ipfo Lucanius. 
What then mud be the effecft of Lucan s rant, who was by birth a 
Spaniard, when heightened with all the pomp, found, and bom- 
baft fo natural to the Spanifh language ? The Spaniards have an 
infinity of Proverbs ; fome political, fuch as. Con todo el mundo 
guerra, y paz con Tngalatcrra ; that is. War with all the ivoj~ld, 
and peace ivith England. Some of them are very ftrange, as, 
Mas quiero, que fe niueran feys Duques, que morirme yo.—-I had 

rather fix Dukes JJjould die, than die myj'elf. \Jn a/no coxo, nn 

hombre roco, y el deinonio, todo el mifmo. — A lame afs, a red-haired 
man, and the devil, are all the fame thing. 

The military turn of the Spaniards appears in mofl: of their di- 
verfions, and even, in the very terms and language which they ufe 
at Cards : Hombre in Spanifh fignifies a man, from whence 
comes what we call Ombre-, the four principal cards are called 
Matadores, or Murderers, becaufe they win all others. Spadillo is 

tha 



340 



The language. 



the little /word, or the ace of Spades, as we very properly call it ; 
for Spada in Spanidi is a fwordy and they are fo painted on their 
cards. Ba/io is properly the ace of clubs, becaufe it fignifies a 
club. Piinto is any point, of the fpear fuppofe. What we call 
Mantl is in Spanifli Malillia ; the deuce of the black fuits, or the 
feven of the red. The Sin prender was going to war without 
taking a King for an ally. 

For thofe who have curiolity this way, it may not be dif- 
pleafing to fee a fpecimen of the three languages fpoken in their 
Peninfiila, as the Spaniards call it ; of the Cajiiliany the Bifcayan, 
and the Portuguefe. 



Castilian. 

Padre nueftro, que 
eftas en los cielos : 
Sanftificado fea tu 
nombre ; venga tu 
Reino, Sea hecha tu 
voluntad, afs en la ti- 
erra, come en el ci- 
elo : El pan nueftro 
de cada dia danofle 
oy. Y perdonanos 
nueftras offenfas, afii 
commo nofotros per- 
donamos a los que nos 
oiS^enden. Y no nos 
meras en tentacion, 
mas libra nos de mal. 
Amen. 



BiSCAYAN. 

Gure aita ceni etan 
aicena ; fandtifica be- 
di hire icena ; ether 
bedi hire refuma ; 
eguin bedi hire voron- 
datea, ceruan begala 
turrean ere. Gure egu- 
neco oguia igue egun. 
Eta quitta ietza que 
gure, corrac, nola 
gus gorduney, quit- 
tazen baitrarega. Eta 
ezgaitzala far eraci 
tentationetan, baina 
ddura gaitzac gaich- 
totic. 



Portuguese. 

Padre noflb, que ftas 
nos ceos. San<5lificado 
feiaofeunome. Ventra 
a nos o teu Reino. Seia 
ferta a tua volundade, 
afll nos cielo, ceos, 
come na terra. O pao 
nolTo de cada dia da- 
no to oje nefto dia, 
Et perdoanos as nof- 
fas devidas, afll come 
nos perdoamos a nos 
noffos devidores. Et 
nao nos dexes cahir 
en tentafao, mas li- 
bra nos de mal. 



The difference of thefe three tongues is vifible to the eye; the 
firft alnioft Latin, word for word ; the fecond barbarous, and 
the third a fad corruption of Latin and French. 

Thf. Spaniards frequently breakfail: as well as fup in bed; 
their breakfaft is u(\i2i\\y oi Chocolate, Tea being very feldom 
drank by them. They drink little wine. Their dinner is gene- 
rally 



MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 341 

rally a Pocheroy or beef, mutton, veal, pork, and bacon, greens, 
&c. all boiled together. If it be a richer, or more expenfive 
mixture of meats and delicacies, it is then fliled an Olla podrida, 
or what we call an Olio. Temperance in eating and drinking is 
doubtlefs one of their virtues ; you may fee it in their proverbs ; 
Unas azeitunas, una Jalada, y ravanillosy fon comida de los cava!-- 
leros', that is, Olives, fallad, and radijhesy are food for a gentleman. 
They are great devourers of garlick; they feldom change the 
knife and fork, but eat every thing with the fame individual 
weapon ; delicacy, in many inftances I could give, not being 
their character. 

The tafle iox gallantry 2,x\^ dancing ^vtv2i\\s in Spain univer- 
fally ; they are the two ruling paffions of the country. Jealoufy, 
ever fince the acceffion of the houfe of Bourbon, has flept in 
peace. It is obfervable, that in proportion as manners become 
more civilized, that furious paffion always lofes its force. Dan- 
cing is fo much their favourite entertainment, that their graveil 
matrons never think themfelves excluded by age from this diver- 
fion. You may fee the grandmother, mother, and daughter, all 
in the fame country dance : the Englifli, on the contrary, give 
dancing to youth, and leave cards to age. The two moft favour- 
ite and univerfal Spanifti dances are the Sequedillas and the Fun- 
dungo: the firil is fomething like our Hay ; the fecond is a very 
ancient dance, and though originally Roman, yet the Spaniards 
have mixed fomewhat of the Moorijh along with it: they are 
exceffively fond of it ; it is danced by the firft of the nobility, as 
well as by the common people. I /hall not attempt a defcription 
of it, as I am fure your Englilh ladies of fafhion would not fend 
to Madrid for a FuNDUNGo-mafter, to teach it their daughters,- 
nor indeed could I defcribe it altogether decently : let it fuffice to 
fay, that it is exadly the fame with the Pantomime dance of Leda 
among the Romans. 

Most of the Spaniards take i\\Q.ii-feJioy or fleep after dinner > 
mafs in the morning, dinner at noon, and the evening's airing 
generally finilh the round of their day. Though it is the etiquette 
of the country for the men and womea to wear in the ftreet, 

and 



34' 



MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 



and at mafs, all the fame drefs, yet the ladies in private viiits wear 
as much variety of drefs, and of a much richer fort, thafi thofe in 
England J but to a people of gallantry, the advantage of all 
wearing the fame uniform in public, is eafy to be conceived. 
The married ladies in Spain have each their profefTed lover, juft as 
the Italian ladies have their cicijbeo. Their evening's airing is in- 
fipid to the laft degree; you fee nothing but a ftring of coaches 
following one another, filled with people of fafliion: Here a Duke 
and his confefTorj there a couple of fmart young Abbes tete a 
tete y here a whole family grouped together, juil; like a Dutch 
pidure, hufoand and wife, children and fervants, wet nurfes and 

dry altogether. When they take their airing on gala, or court 

days, all their footmen are then drelled in laced liveries, with 
plumes of feathers in their hats. — The number of fervants kept 
by the Grandees, and people of the firft faihion, is immoderate ; 

they have often put me in mind of thofe words of Tacitus 

familiarum numerum, et nationes , ioT the legionary Jh"-o ants at Rome 
began at laft to be almoft an equal burthen with the legionary 
troops. Some of the Spanifh grandees retain to the number 
of 3 or 400 domefticks -, the Engliih Ambaflador here, in 
compliance with the tafte of the country, keeps near 100. As 
they go with four mules ufually, they have consequently two driv- 
ers, or poftilions ; generallyy^JZiT, and fometimesy/x footmen be- 
hind their coaches, befides an helper to take ofF a pair of mules, 
when they enter Madrid, as they are not permitted to drive 
with more than four there. In the hot weather they take out 
the fides and backs of their coaches, for the fake of the air. 
They ukfechm chairs but very little, and when they do, they 
have always two footmen, who go on each fide the hindmoft chair- 
man, in order to hold them up, left they fliould fall; and two of 
each fide the fedan, and two who follow behind with lanthorns, 
though it be in the middle of the day : That is to fay, they have 
p-cnerallv 7wie fervants with a coach, and ten with a fedan, be- 
fides thofe who go before.- 



The town of Madrid, for as it is not an Ep if copal fee, I 
think we cannot call it a city, is built on fome little hills in the 
neighbourhood of a very indifferent fiream called the Mansa- 

NARES; 



DESCRIPTION OF MADRID. 343 

NARES; which occarioned much wit, when Philip II. built 
that great bridge over it, called the Puente de Segovia : Some 
faid the Kmg Jhould fell the bridge to buy a river, &c. 

Charles V. having recovered here of a quartan ague, firft 
made this a royal reiidence ; but how injudicioufly, needs not to 
be remarked. The capital of fo great and extended a kingdom, 
ought doubtlefs to be at Seville ; where, by means of the port, 
all the conveniencies and necejffaries of life, and every article of 
foreign commerce might be had with eafe. But the expence of 
removing the tribunals and the King's palaces, will probably now 
prevent any delign of making that city a new capital. 

Madrid is furrounded with very lofty mountains, whofe fum- 
mits are always covered v^i^fnow. It has no fortifications to de- 
fend it; it has no ditch, but is environed by a mud n.vall. Its 
gates, according to the tafte of that country, have their locks upon 
the outfide. There are very few good ftreets, except thofe of the 
Calle Mayor, the Calle d'Atocha, the Calle Alcala, and the Calk 
Ancha : The reft are long, narrow, and extremely dirty. The 
only good fquare is the Plafa Mayor, which is large and regular 
enough ; but there being balconies to every window, it takes off 
much of its beauty. 

The houfes in Madrid are mofl of them brick, with dry 
walls, lime being there very dear and fcarce ; fione is ftill more 
expenfive, becaufe it muft be brought from fix or fevcn leagues 
diftance. Houfe rent is at an exorbitant price ; but that is not 
all, furniture is fcarce to be had, without paying extravagantly 
for it ', and if you would have glafs windows to your houfe, you 

muft put them there yourfelf, for you will not find them. • 

The houfes in general are wretchedly ill-built, for you will fel- 
dom fee any two walls upon the fquare : They are laid out chiefly 
for fliow, convenience being little confidered : Thus you will pafs 
through ufually two or three large apartments of no ufe, in or- 
der to come at a fmall room at the end, where the family fit. 
This is the general flate of the houfes there j not but there are 
fome very magnificent palaces, built chiefly by Viceroys, returned 

Y y from 



344 DESCRIPTION of MADRID. 

from their governments, and by the principal Grandees : Thefe 
have courts, and partes cochersy though the others have not. 
The houfe which the late Sir Benjamin Keene lived in, near 
the convent of the Maravillas, was of this forti large, mag- 
nificent, and expenfive : It was built by one of the defendants 
of the famous Cortes ; though it had been half burnt down, it 
would contain two or three hundred people with eafe : The Earl 
of Bristol hired it on his predeceflbr's death; and it is fmce 
taken by the Prince Catholico. The houfes in general look 
more like prifons, than the habitations of people at their liberty ; 
the windows, befides having a balcony, being grated with iron 
bars, particularly the lower range, and fometimes all the reft. A 
fingle family is not the fole tenant of an houfe, as is ufually the 
cafe in England ; they are generally inhabited by many fepa- 
rate famiHes, who notwithftanding are for the moll: part perfed: 
llrangers to each other. Thofe who can afford it, have a diftindt 
apartment for fummer and winter. Foreigners are very much 
diftreffed for lodgings in Madrid -, there being only one tolerable 
inuy the Font AN A d'Oro; and the Spaniards are not fond of 
taking any flrangers into their houfes, efpecially if they are not 
Catholics. There is no fuch thing as a taijern or coffee-houfe in 
the town ; they have only ono^fiews paper, v/hich is the Madrid 
Gazette : Their places of diverfion are the amphitheatre y built 
for the exhibition of the Bull Feajiy and the two theatres of La 
Cruz, and del Principe. The noife made by the itinerant 
bodies of pfahn- fingers in the ftreets, or the Rosario's, as they 
call them, is very dilagreeable in the evening -, the frequent pro- 
ceffions, particularly thofe of the Host, troublefome ; at Eafter 
efpecially, when the fight of thofe bloody difciplinants, the Fla- 
gellantes, is extremely iliocking. 

Next to the King's palaces, one of the heft buildings that I 
can recolledl in Madrid, is the Imperial College ofjefuits, which 
is indeed a very noble ftruilure. There is no paiimg the ftreets 
there comn::odiouily without a vehicle ; for as they pradice the 
Scotchy or Edinburgh cuflomy of manuring the ilreets by night, 
thev would be too offerJive to your feet, as well as your nofe, 
without a chariot by day. Upon the lite of the old pa lace y where 

Francis 



DESCRIPTION OF MADRID. 345 

Francis I. was kept prifoner, built by Charles V. but de- 
ilroyed, is now ereded what they call the New Palace^ on the 
fouth fide of the town. The Cafa del Campo was built I believe, 
by Philip III. as an afylum for his miftrelTes. The Buen Re- 
tiro was built by the Conde Duke D'Olivares, in Philip IV's. 

time. Some of the Convents are fine, particularly that oi Ato- 

chcy or our Lady of the Bufi : In the church belonging to it, 
they fing their Te Deum upon victories and other public occafions. 
The convent of the Sale/as is likewife a new and noble ftrudure. 
There is an order of Canojiejfes in Madrid, which they call 
"Ladies of St. James. The Monafteries 2indL Nunneries in all Spain, 
were computed by one of their writers in 1623, at 2,141, and 
the number of religious of either fex, fhut up in them, at 44,915, 
which is doubtlefs a very moderate calculation. 



L E T^ 



[ 346 } 



T T E R XX. 



JOURNEY from MADRID to LISBON, 

December the 17 th, 1762. 



AS his Catholic Majefty did not think proper to give the 
Earl of Brijiol any anfwer, in relation to the queftion put 
to him hy the Court of Great Britain, we, who ail held our- 
felves in readinefs for an abrupt departure, made the necefTary 
difpofitions for an immediate return to England : accordingly 
the requifite Pafsports being obtained, Stanier Port en, Efq; 
the Englijh Conjid- general at Madrid, led tlie way, and fet out, on 
the 1 6th of December, on his route for Portugal. We fhould 
have been obliged to return that way, becaufe the war prevented 
our going through France, and the road to Corunna being 
not practicable for a coach, unlefs we had made a very wide de- 
tour, and taken the road to San Jago de Compos tell a. — But 
his Britannic Majeiliy fixed that route, by ordering that a (hip 
(the Portlai%d Man of War, the worthy Captain Richard 
Hughes Commander) fhould fail direcftly for Lisbon, and bring 

home the Englifh AmbafTador, and his retinue. The Conful 

having gone the day before, in order to prepare the way for the 
Ambaffddort procure him the beft accommodations, and to give 
notice of his coming : His Excellency fet out on the 17th of 
December, without taking leave of the Court of Spain. 

As 



JOURNEY TO LISBON. 347 

As the whole nation were averfe to a war with England, the 
Spaniards beheld the Ambassador's departure with the utmoft 
regret; it being their opinion, as well as the conftant maxim of 
Patinho, Con todo el mundo guerra, y paz con Ynglaterra, 
War with all the worlds but peace with England. Some faid, Es 
for nuejiros peccaos -, and others, Es una golpe politico ; that is. It 
is for our ftns ', and, // is a political Jiroke -, that is to fay, the 
court's doing, not a national war. 

Though the AmbafTador returned, without having taken leave 
of the Court, yet he received, on his departure, all the honours 
and civilities which were due to his rank and charad:er. Gene- 
ral Wall fent orders to all the Governors, and Commandants of 
€very city or town the AmbalTador was to pafs through, that 
they fhould fhew him all the accuftomed honours and refpedts due 
to the Ambaflador of Great Britain. — Accordingly, at every 
place, the Governor waited on his Excellency^ at his arrival, with 
a polite Spanifh compliment ; the foldiers were drawn up under 
arms, the drums beating, colours flying, and the canon on the 
ramparts fired at his departure. 

We were to travel Jixty-tbree leagues before we could get out 
of Spain, and pafs the Guadiana at Badajos, which is the 
laft frontier city towards Portugal; and then we had twenty - 
nine leagues remaining to Aldea Gallega, a little village on 
the fouth fide of the Tag us, where we were to pafs that river to 
come at Lisbon. This will appear much clearer from the fol- 
lowing route. 

Route yri?;;^ Madrid to Lisbon. 

Leagues. 
Firfl Day, Nabal Carnero, 5 

Second Day, Casa Rubios, 2 
Nobes, 4 

Third Day, Sta. Olaya, 2 
Talavera de LA Reyna, 7 

Carried over, 20 
3 Brought 



34S 



JOURNEY TO LISBON. 



Fourth Day, 
Fifth Day, 

Sixth Day, 

Seventh Day, 

Eighth Day, 

Ninth Day, 



Leagues. 

Brought over, 20 

La Calzada, 6 

Nabal Moral, 4 

Almaras, 3 

Jaraysejo, 4 

Truxillo, 4 

La Cruz del Puerto, 3 

MlAJADAS, 3 

San Pedro, 5 

Merida, 2 

Lob on, 4 

Talaveruela, 3 

Badajos, 2 



So far in S p a i N. 



63 



Tenth Day, Elvas, 3 

Eleventh Day, Estremos, 6 

Twelfth Day, Venta del Duque, 3 
Arroyolos, 3 

Thu-teenth Day, Mostremos, 3 
VentasNuevas, 4 

Fourteenth Day, Aldea Gallega, 7 

Thefe lafl in Portugal, - 29 

Total, 92 

We were to pafs two thirds of this way in an enemy's country, 
and the remainder in a dreary, barren, rocky foil, fomewhat, in- 
deed, more fertile than Spain, but very little better in its ac- 
commodations. Befides this, the feafon of the year, which is 
ever unfavourable to travellers, was moft particularly fo to us at 
this junfture, as it rained almofl that whole fortnight without 
interniiflion ; iofomuch, that fome of the rivers were fo increafed> 

2 as 



J O U R N E Y TO L I S B O N. 349 

as to prevent a pafTage ; which happened to thofe who condu(5ted 
the baggage -waggons, which were retarded fome days by the 
floods. — Add to this, the rigour of the feafon, and the cold, the 
ftormy winds to be naturally expecfted in that part of the year ; 
and, at thofe feafons, the reftlefs toiling of the Bay of Biscay. 
All which circumftances frequently put me in mind of thofe 
remarkable words of Scripture, And pray that your fiight be not hi 
the wmter. 

The firft place worth your notice in this route, is the town of 
Talavera de la Reyna, in the kingdom of New Castile, 
on the banks of the Tagus. It is the greatefl: nianufailure of 
filver and gold iilks, perhaps in the whole country. The late 
King Ferdinand protedied and encouraged it much ; but it is 
now iinking, as mofl of the reft of their mdnufacSlures are, under 
the uncommercial afpetfl of the minifter Squilacci. There is 
likewife a curious manufacture of earthen ware. Its ancient 
name was Talabriga. It was called De la Reyna, becaufc 
it belonged to Queen Mary, wife of Alonzo XII. 

There is one hill, of a long, winding, and difficult afcent, 
before you come to Jaraysejo; it is dangerous in fome parts; 
it employed us almoft a whole morning to furmount it ; and one 
^^gg^g^"'^^^ggo" ^^^^ down fome part of the precipice, but was 
got up again entire. There is likewife a very dangerous pafs of a 
mountain, about two leagues before you come to Truxillo : 
Your coach muft here be drav/n up by oxen, and fupported by 
men, otherwife it is impoffible to get it over the mountain. — 
Truxillo is a city in the province of Estremadura, ftanding 
on a hill, on the top whereof is a caJHc, the country about it 
fruitful. — It was founded by Julius C^sar, and after him 
called TuRRis Julia, hence corruptly Truxillo. 

The next place of note is Merida, the capital city of the 
province of Estremadura, built on the banks of the Guadi- 
ANA, over which there is a moft noble bridge, the work of that 
great Emperor, as well as Builder, Trajan. There are here 
ilill to be fjen many fine remains of RQ?na?7 antiqjiity : In the 

market- 



750 JOURNEY TO LISBON. 

market-place is a large column, built entirely of mfcription and- 
fepiiJchral ^oTi^^y crowned on the top with an antique ftatue j the 
Walls for the moft part Roman-, there are fome remains of an Am- 
phithcatrey Aquediibly Circus, &c, all Roman. It was built hj 
Augustus, given by him to veteran troops, and called Eme- 
raTA Augusta, whence corruptly Merida. 

Four leagues farther, on the banks of the fame river, {lands 
LoBON, where there h 2. Cajile. It was an tiently called Z^ytZ'^-^,, 
in Greek, fignifying a wolf, which its prefent Spanifh name does 
likewife. 

The lafl city in Estremadura, on the frontiers of Portu- 
gal, is Badajoz, well fortified, has a fine bridge, a caftle,. 
and was anciently called Pax Augusta; whence its prefent 

name. Here we took our lafl adieu of Spain ; and were not a 

little pleafed to find ourfelves on Portuguefe ground the next 
morning, at Elvas ; where the AmbafTador flayed all day, 
thouo-h it was only three leagues to it, in order to forward a mef- 
fenc^er to England, and fend his difpatches to the Honourable 
Mr. Hay, his Britannic Majefly's Minifler Plenipotentiary at the 
court of Lisbon. — Elvas is a city in the province of Alentejo 
in Portugal. Being the frontier to Spain, it is the beft for- 
tified place the Portuguefe have : It is alfo a Bijhopric. There is a 
t^ood cathedral, with a moft elegant chapter-room. The Dean, 
v/ho was a very polite ecclefiaftic, was fo obliging as to jGhew it 
us himfelf. 

Six leagues farther, you come to Estremos, another fortified 
place, about two leagues from Villa-Vizosa ; there is a caftle 
on the hill. — The fituation is beautiful, and the town has a 
clean, neat, pleafing appearance -, it is remarkable for a fine ma- 
nufactory of earthen ware.— -It is moft memorable for a vidory 
obtained by the Portuguefe, under the command of Count 
ScHOMBERG, in 1 663, over the Caftilians, whofe general wa« 
Don John of Austria, in their laft invafion of that kingdom. 
They found in that Prince's cafket, after the battle, very com- 
plete lifts of the Spanifh army, artillery, and ofFenfive munitions 

of 



a 



DES CR IPTION OF LISB ON. 35, 

of war. — The court of Lisbon, diverted at this incident, bad 
their Secretary of State write at the bottom of one of thefe lifts. 
We certify y that the above lifi is very exadiy having found it after 
the defeat of Don ] on a ^Z' Austria, near JS/?;t/;;5j, ^th June 

1663. The diftance of time between their laft and the prefent 

invafion being only one year fliort of a century. 

The next place of note is Arroyolos, (landing on an emi- 
nence, with a good fort to it ; it gives the title of Earl to the fa- 
mily of Castro. 

The 31ft of December we arrived at Aldea Gall eg a. 
Here our difperfed parties united again with the greatefl joy, hav- 
ing the beautiful profpe<5t of that fine river the Tagijs before 
us, which is no lefs than twelve miles broad at that place, and 
which we were to pafs at fix o'clock the next morning, becaufe 
of the tide. And here we were glad to reft from all our fa- 
tigues J fome of us having fuffered very much from the length 
and labour of the journey. 

We arrived at Lisbon about eight o'clock the next morning; 
where the Honourable Mr. Hay received the Ambaftador, and 
his retinue, and conduded them to his own houfe. 

The city of Lisbon, built, like old Rome, on feveral little 
hills, is one of the fineft views from the water, that can poffibly 
be imagined ; as you approach nearer to it, the tragical effeds, 
the havock of that dreadful earthquake, cannot but touch every 
beholder with fentiments of pain. After landing, we pafted 
through fome ftreets, near a mile In length, where the houfe? 
were all fallen on each fide, and lay in that undiftinguiflied heap 
of ruin, into which they funk at the firft convulftve Ihocks. Not 
that the reader is to imagine, that the greateft part of that fine 
city fell on that fatal morning 3 fo far from it, that I believe not 
above one fourth part of it was deftroyed : for it prevailed more in 
one particular quarter, than the reft ; and there the defolation 
was almoft univerfal, fcarce an houfe or building that was not 
thrown down. In the other parts of the city, fome fmgle ill- 

Z z 3 conditioned. 



352 



DESCRIPTION OF LISBON. 



conditioned, or ruinous buildings fell, but the refh flood. — And 
there is fcarce a ftreet but you will fee fhores and props fixed to 
the buildings on each fide, to prevent their falling even now -, 
they having fuffered fo much from the fliocks they had received. 

Confidering how much time has elapfed fmce the earthquake, 

very little has been rebuilt in proportion. — They have built a 
Cuftom-houfe, an Arfenal, a Theatre, and fome few other ' 
buildings. All agree, that the fire occafioned infinitely more ha- 
vock than the earthquake. Thoufands of the inhabitants, unhap- 
pily, in the firH: confufion of their fear, taking the ill judged flep 
of thronging into the churches ; the doors of which being fome- 
times fliut by the violence of the crowd, and fometimes locked 
by miflake, when the fire feized the roofs of thofe buildings, 
thefe unhappy fufferers were moft of them deflroyed ; fome by 
Iheets of lead, that poured like a molten deluge upon their heads; 
others maflied by the fall of the roofs, and the refl burnt alive. 
One's imagination can fcarce form a fcene of confufion, horror, 

and death, more dreadful than this. After the fhocks were 

over, the fire continued burning for many weeks; and it is 
thou^^ht, was one principal caufe of their efcaping the plague, as 

the putrefaction of the bodies was by that means much lefs. 

The calculation of the number that perifhed, as they kept no re- 
p-ifters, muft be in great meafure conjeSiural', but that thoufands 
and ten thoufands were deflroyed, there is no doubt. The morn- 
ing on which it happened was mofl remarkably ferene and plea- 
fant, particularly about lo o'clock, and in one quarter more, all was 

involved in this dreadful fcene of terror and deftrudion. As 

tills event produced many changes, thofs among the commercial 
parts of the city were not the leafl remarkable One, who 
vefterday was at the eve of a bankruptcy, found himfelf to-day 
with his books cleared -y and hundreds, who lived in eafe and af- 
fluence, as foon as they had recovered from their firft panic and 
difmay, faw want and poverty flare them in the face. 

The calamities of Portugal in general, and thofe .of the 
city of Lisbon in particular, within the fpace of fo few years, 

cannot, I think, be paralleled in all hiftory. An earth- 

-guake, a iire, a famine, an affafTination-plot againfl their Prince, 

executions 



DESCRIPTION OF LISBON. 353 

^executions upon executions, the fcafFolds and wheels for torture 
reeking with the noble/l blood ; imprifonment after imprifon- 
ment, of the greatefl and moft diftinguiflied perfonages ; the ex- 
pulfion of a chief order of ecclefiaftics, the invafion of their king« 
dom by a powerful, flronger, and exafperated nation ; the nu- 
merous troops of the enemy laying wafle their (.c.ritory, bringing 
fire and fvvord with them, and rolling, like diflant thunder, to- 
wards the gates of their capital ; their Prince ready almoil to fave 

himfelf by flight. The Spanifli miniftry had already decreed 

■the doom of Portugal, and nothing was to be heard at the 
KfciiriaU but " Delenda eft Carthago." Carthaginian^ perhaps, 
or Jewilli ftory, may poflibly afford a fcene fomething like this, 
but, for the fhortnefs of the period, not fo big with events, 
though in their final deftrudiion fuperior. From that, indeed, 
under the hand of providence, the national humanity and genero- 
fity of Great Britain has preferved the Portuguefe : And it 
remains now to be feen, in future treaties, how that people will 
exprefs their gratitude. 

Those who are able to fearch deeper into human affairs, may 
affign the caufes of fuch a wonderful chain of events : for my 
own part, I cannot afcribe all this to fo fmgidar a caiife as that 
which a Spaniard hath done, in a famous pamphlet, printed 
lately at Madrid, and which the Baro7i de Wajjhiaer fent me 
this fummer. It is entitled a Spanijlo prophecy , and endeavours to 
fhew, that all thefe calamities have befallen the Portuguefe, 
Iblely becaufe of their conned:ion with the heretic Engliih. The 
great Ruler and Governor of the World undoubtedly ad:s by uni- 
verfal laws, regarding the whole fyftem, and cannot, without 
biafphemy, be confidered in the light of ^z Partizan. The reft of 
the pamphlet tends to Hiew, that his Catholic Majefty carried 
his arms into Portugal, folejy to give them liberty, and i^x. 
them free from Englifh tyranny. 

Some of the Churches, the Arfenal, the Theatre, and above 
all, the Aquedutft at Lisbon, deferve the attention of every tra- 
veller; the center arch, for its height, being one of the nobleft, 
perhaps, in Europe. One thing is remarkable, that during the 
earthquake this buikiing flood the attack, though it received fo 

much 



:54 



DESCRIPTION OF LISBON. 



much fliock, as that many of the key-ftones fell feveral inches, 
and hang now only becaufe a fmall part of the bafe of the key- 
ftone was catched by the center's clofnig again. 

The Theatre is an elegant building, and judicioufly difpofed ; 
their adors excel in the mute Pantomime i they played the Maef- 
tro di Schola incomparably well ; the fcenes had fentiment, cha- 
radter, connection with one another, and carried on the general 
defign. Though the fcenery and machines of our theatres are ad- 
mirable, yet our Pantomime farces feem to have little or no mean- 
ing. Nor do I much wonder at it; Mr. Garrick, who is cer- 
tainly the greateft ador that ever trod the ftage, muft be too warm 
an admirer of Shakefpeare and Nature, to have any reli(h for thefe 
extravagancies, and therefore cannot ftoop to give much of his at- 
tention to them. 

The flreets of Lisbon are cleaner than thofe of Madrid, 
but difagreeable, from the continual afcents and defcents you are 
obliged to make. Moft of the houfes have the Jaloufiey or lat- 
tice. The women, though more beautiful, are not fo much 
feen in public as the Spanifit and their head-drefs is much pret- 
tier. There are few fires in chimneys in the rooms at Lisbon; 
the want of them is fupplied by wearing a cloak conftantly in 
the houfe, or perhaps by a brazier ; though the cold is fometimes 
very piercing. ^ 

The view of the Tagus, from thofe windows of the town 
whicli command it, is remarkably pleafing : The Bean-cods, or 
fmall boats, which fail with any wind or tide, and are conti- 
nually paffmg; the river crowded v/ith fliipping of all nations; 
the coming in of a Bahia or Brafil fleet ; the opening of the river 
towards the bar, with the caftle of Bellem on the right, the 
King's palace, and the caftle of ^t. "JuHan^ on the left ; all toge- 
ther form a fine and agreeable view. The pafTage of the bar is 
fometimes very dangerous, either in coming in or going out of the 
river, by the bank of fand which is thrown up by the winds and 
fea. XVe paft it, however, with no difficulty, on the 19th of 
January, landed at Falmouth on the 28th, and arrived in Lon- 
don the 5th of February, 1762. 

FINIS, 



A 

JOURNAL 

FROM 

GRAND CAIRO to MOUNT SINAI 

ANDBACKAGAIN. 

Tranflated from a M a n u s c r i p r, 

Written by the Prefetto of Egypt in company with 
the Miffionaries de f7'opaga7ida fde at Grand Cairo. 

To which are added 

Some REMARKS 

O N T H E 

ORIGIN OFHIEROGLYPHICS 

AND THE 

Mythology of the ancient Heathens. 

By the Right Reverend 

ROBERT Lord Bifhop of Clog her. 

Dedicated to 

The Society of Antiquaries, London. 



LONDON, 

I'nntcd by and for William B o w v e r. MDCC LIU, 




C^3 

T O T H E 

Society of Antiquaries^ 

LONDON. 

Gentlemen",. 

EING poffeffed of the original Journal from 
Gra7id Cairo to Mount Sinai^ mentioned by my 
worthy friend [a] Dr. Pococke in his Travels 
through the EafI: ; which was written by the Prefettt) 
oi Egypt J who fet out from the Convent de propagan- 
da Jide 2i\i Grand Cairo ^ A. D. 1722, I think proper to 
communicate to you a tranilation of it ; in hopes of exci- 
ting you, who are now eredied into a Society of Antiqua- 
ries, to make fome enquiry into thofe ancient cha- 
radicrs, which, as we learn from it, are difcovered in 
great numbers in the Wildernefs of Si?iai at a place well 
known by the name of Gebel el Mokatab^ or the Writ- 
ten mountains^ which are fo particularly defcribed 
in this Journal, that it is impoffible for an inquifitive 
traveller to be at a lofs in his fearches after them. By 
carefully copying a good quantity of thefe letters, I 
ihould apprehend that the ancient Hebrew charader 
which is now loft, may be recovered. 

\a\ Pococke's Trav. Vol i. p. 147. 

I DO 



[2] 

1 DO not aippofe fuch a copy of them, as would 
'be fuflicient for the end propofed, could be taken by 
any trav eller in the time ordinarily allowed for a jour- 
ney between Cairo and Mount Sinai j but I imagine, if a 
perfon w^as fent on purpofe to live for fome time at 
Tor on die coafl: of the Red-Sea^ he might make fuch 
an acquaintance with the Arabs living near the Writ- 
ten ^ncuntains^ by the civility of his behaviour, and 
by frequently making them fmall prefents, that It would 
be no great difficulty in fix months, or thereabouts, to 
attain the defired end. 

As this will require a good capacity and induftryin 
the perfon employed, and likewife muft be attended 
with fome expence ; I do not know whom to apply to 
more properly than to your honourable Society to look 
out for a fuitable perfon to be employed on this errand. 
As to the expence, I am willing to bear any proportion 
of it which you fhall think proper, in order to havx this 
defign thoroughly effected. 



An exact 



I 3 1 
A N E X A C T 

JOURNAL 

FROM 

CAIRO to MOUNT SINAI, 

Begun the Firft of September, 1711. 



Sept, I. A LL our companions having aiTembled at my 
l-\ houfe, viz. Choga Abrahim MofTaad, Jacob Uha- 
-^ -*- bez Abdelaziz, merchants ; alfo Monf. Beraoue, 
the fon of a French merchant, and three brothers, James of 
Bohemia^ miffionary de propaganda Jidcy Ellas of Aleppo, of the 
Society of Jefus, and Charles, of the Francifcan order, fuperior 
of the Capuchins ; about three o* clock in the afternoon, after 
a brotherly embrace,* and having taken leave of all the reft of 
my domeftics and friends, v^e w^ent to the convent of the 
monks of Mount Sinai that dwell here at Cairo , immediately 
going from whence, we arrived at the famous gate called Babel 
Naafer [a] j where we made fome ftay to take an accurate view 
of that ancient and magnificent piece of building. And in the 
mean time the whole caravan being alTembled we departed un- 
der the condu<5t of one of the Surbaffi, and being accompanied 
by feveral orientals who were friends to the Cairo merchants, 
we directed our courfe due Eaft> among thofe ruins and ancient 
monuments which remain of \b'\ the city of the Sun, as is moft 
probable, which are now every where interfperfed with Turkifli 

\a-\ Or Baab el Naafar, See 061. i6. [i] Alias Heliopdis. 

B fepulchres. 



4 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

fepulchres. And after a journey of a good half hour from the 
gate of the city, we arrived at a place called [c] JJkalt Elbakaar, 
to which the aforementioned buildings, towers, or other ruins, 
extend j which time has for the mofl part confumed. In this 
place the monks of Mount Sinai have an ancient houfe, former- 
ly fufficiently large and famous, and built of cut flione ; but ua- 
lefs it be foon repaired by the forementioned monks, it will add 
to the number of its neighbouring ruins. Here we ftaid all 
night with our camels, and other beads, being tolerably well 
accommodated ; and only incommoded by the noify fonnets of 
our Eaflern friends, who, according to the cuftom of the coun- 
try, defigned thefe their unharmonious vociferations as a com- 
pliment. 

Sept. 2. At break of day we all arofe, and having loaded our 
fifty camels (for of that number our caravan confifted) we took 
leave of our Cairo friends, and about five in the morning departed 
from this place, fome on horfes, fome on camels, and fome on 
dromedaries j but I for curiofity, as well as conveniency fake, 
made myfelf be carried after the manner of the Turks in a Mohie, 
but fitting after our own faflilon ; two of which feats are fixed 
on a camel hanging down on either lide, carrying two perfons ; 
which kind of carriage, when perfons are accuflomed to it, is 
convenient enough. But Mr. Beraoue unfortunately chofe a fine 
horfe, which as he was not able to manage, would have broke 
his neck, if he had not foon difmounted, and changed it for a 
camel. 

And purfuing our journey after a good hour we pafTed through 
a place called by the inhabitants Sibel alem, the part of which 
that remains to the right hand of the road, is very agreeable, con- 
iifling of a tower or mofch furrounded with trees, which af- 
forded a pleafant profped;, with ripe dates hanging down from 
them. 

[c] Or Ukah el Bahaar. See Oa. 15; 

Afteb. 



TO MOUNT SINAI. 5 

After three quarters of an hour we paiTed by another place 
called Matharca, which lay on the left hand of the road, and is 
very pleafantly fituated in the midft of trees j and in this place 
the learned for the mofl part agree formerly flood the [</] city 
of the Sun. Of whofe antiquities there is nothing now remaining 
but one obelifk, which is fixty fix feet high, and has each fide, 
which is feven feet eight inches broad, engraved all over with 
hieroglyphical characters, and ftands about half an Italian mile 
beyond the village. This obeliik flands upright, but there is 
another near it, of the fame magnitude, which lies upon the 
ground. 

Continuing our rout for an hour and a quarter we pafTed by 
another village called El Marge, which lies on the right hand of 
the road, and like thofe before mentioned, was furrounded with 
palm trees. And after another hour, that is, about nine o' clock, 
we came to a place called Chanke, where having pitched our 
tents, we refrefhed ourfelves, after having fuffered much from 
the burning heat of the fun. Here the inhabitants of the place, 
who are called Bedwij2s, live in tents after the manner of the 
Arabians. It was piteous to behold the poverty of thofe habita- 
tions under a poor tent, I might indeed fay under a black piece 
of coarfe canvas, fubdivided into three apartments j in the mofl 
retired part of which the women have their habitation • in the 
middle fome of the men and women live promlfcuoufly ; and in 
the outermofl are kept all the beafls and cattle of the field, the 
cocks and hens, and goats. Which feemed to me to be a lively 
reprefentatlon of the manner of habitation pracfllfed by the an- 
cient patriarchs Abraham, Ifaac, and Jacob, etc. 

Sept. 3. After three o' clock in the afternoon we departed 
from this place, and after an hour's journey we loft fight of that 
chain of [^] mountains, which we faw towards the fouth, at a 

[^] Qiisere how does this agree with what he faid in his laft day's journey ? 
[^-J PolTibly it was Ibmewherc hereabouts that Mofcs turned to go and encamp 

B 2 great 



6 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

great diftance from us. And a little after we faw towards the 
north feveral hills of fand, appearing not unlike our hills in Italy 
when covered with fnow, and which continued in view for three 
hours, but at length when it was late in the evening we loft fight 
of thefe alfo ; but, as I am told, they reach all the way to Da^ 
miata. Here then we refted ourfelves at about a quarter after 
eight, remaining all night in the open air j not far from another 
caravan, which was more numerous than ours, and had flopped 
in this very place, though it had fet out before us. 

^ept. 4. Early in the morning about half an hour after four 
we departed from hence, diredling our journey always either due 
eaft, or eaft-north-eaft, through a number of little hills that 
were interfperfed here and there j till we flopped about half an 
hour after ten, in an agreeable fpot of ground, adorned with a 
beautiful verdure, where when we had dined we departed from 
thence about one in the afternoon. And about five came to a 
parcel of ragged mountains called Huhebi, fituated towards the 
fouth, and after we had continued our rout for three hours we 
refted about eight o' clock. 

Sept. 5. Having rifen at midnight along with the moon, we 
departed from this place about half an hour after one 5 and mak- 
ing our way over hills, as the day appeared, we perceived we 
were got over the mountains, and were upon the defcent, which 
declined very gently and gradually. At three quarters after itwcn 
we pafTed by Hagiriity on the left-hand of which are two places 
where there is water that is barely tolerable for men to drink, 
but full good enough for the camels. The Arabs often take 
pofTefHon of thefe places in the time of war. 

Soon after we had palTed by this place, flill continuing on 
the defcent, we difcovered the Red-fea, and fome fhips in port, 

before Etham., when according to the obfervation of Pharaoh he feemed to be 
hitangled in the land^ or in that ridge of mountains which lay towards the fouth. 
See Exod. xiii. 20. xiv. 2, 3. and Sliaw's Trav. p, 345, 

two 



I 



TOMOUNTSINAT. 7 

two of which were then adlually departing towards Gidda j and 
having palled by much fuch another place as Hagirut called Bi- 
rel Suefs, where there is good water for camels, we came at 
length fafe and found about three quarters after ten in the morn- 
ing to Suez. Where, having left the gate of the city upon our 
right-hand, we pitched our tents on the outfide of the walls on 
the fea (hore, with the city to the fouth of us, and the fea to the 
north-eaft 3 and remained under our tents during the heat of the 
day. 

The city of Suefs is fmall and infignificant, and its walls half in 
ruins, with three fmall turrets or mofchs, fituated in 29 degrees 
50 minutes of north latitude, at the extremity of the Red-fea, 
having the fea to the eafl:, and the port to the fouth, which is 
furrounded on the eafl: lide by an illand, and in which there 
were then ten fhips that were preparing to fet fail by the iirfl op- 
portunity, but whofe companies at prefent compofed the greateft 
part of the inhabitants of that city. And when they are gone, 
then the remainder of the inhabitants return towards Cairo 
and leave only one or two perfons behind to guard the 
place ; and all this on account of the great fcarcity of water and 
vi(5luals, for nothing will grow thereabouts 5 and there is no 
water nearer than fix or feven hours journey towards the north- 
eaft ', to bring which the camels fet out about four o* clock in the 
afternoon, and having arrived about midnight, as foon as they 
have filled their vefTels, they return, and generally arrive again at 
Suefs about eight o' clock in the morning, felling one fmall vef- 
fel of water for three or four medinas [/], and the larger veflels for 
eight or ten medinas , according to the demand made for it. 

Not far from our tents there was a little hill, or rather a (^en- 
tie rifing ground j where were the ruins of fome ancient build- 
ings, which they fay are the remains of fome famous city. There 
are alfo on this hill two cannon which lie on the ground, and 
[/J A medina is i d, -J- Englifh money, 

which 



S A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

which upon viewing narrowly I perceived were call by the 
Turks, becaufe upon the lefTer of them were Arabic cha- 
raders wherein the year was mentioned when they were made, 
which, upon computation, I found to be about one hundred and 
ninety-feven years ago. The lefs was ten feet long, and 
its bore about feven inches and three quarters French mea- 
fure wide ; the larger, of a more ordinary kiiui of workman- 
lliip, was near twice as long, being nineteen feet long, and 
its bore feven inches and a half wide. There were alfo feveral 
other cannons lying in the city made of brafs, but caft with more 
Ikill than thofe before mentioned. 

Sept. 6. We fet out from this place early in the morning, and 
to avoid going a great way about, round the northern point of 
this arm of the Red-fea, we went by boat from this part of 
u4frica to that part of Afia, which lies diredly over againft it, 
at the diftance of one quarter of an Italian mile ; and while we 
were in our pafTage, we adlually met fome fliips going to Suefs 
to purchafe the water, which, as I mentioned before, was 
brought thither to be fold on camels backs from the mountains. 

And now having pafTed the Red-fea, the heat of the fun be- 
ing exceflively great, we again loaded our camels, and departed 
from our landing place about eleven o' clock, and after a jour- 
ney of three hours to the eaft-fouth-eaft, leaving fome [/*] moun- 
tains at a great diftance towards our left-hand, and having the 
Red-fea on our right, we refled about two o' clock near certain 
fountains called Ai?i el mufa, or the fountains of Mofes, fituated 
among little hills, which I went to, and found the water toler- 
ably good, but with a little faltnefs j and no fooner does it rife 
out of the bowels of the earth, but it is lofl again in the fand, or, 
as I may fay, is in the day time inftantly ablbrbed by the burn- 
ing and thirfty fand, but at night it feems to flow further than it 

[/] The mountains and caftle of Seclur or Shiir, See Gen, xv. i8. and Po- 
cock's Trav. p. 139, 

does 



TO MOUNT SINAI. 9 

does by day, as may be feen by the traces it leaves behind. But 
I beheve, if the place was cleanfed (for it is very full of dirt and 
mud) the water would be fweeter, and that there would be a 
larger current j for there are three fprings which run not far from 
each other, into which the Arabs permit the camels to enter 
when they drink. 

From thefe fountains may be plainly feen a wonderful [g] 
aperture in the mountains on the other fide of the Red-fea^ thro* 
and from which the children of Ifrael entered into the Red-fea^ 
when Pharoah and his hoft were drowned. Which aperture is 
fituated from thefe fountains of Mofes weft-fouth-weft, and the 
breadth of the fea hereabouts, where the children of Ifrael palled 
it, is about four or five hours journey. But from Suefs hy land 
to thefe fountains would be feven or eight hours journey. 

The place where we then were is called Sedur, where we 
refted ourfelves till fun-fet. At lafl, about a quarter after fix we 
fet forward on our journey, going in the dark through the defert 
of Sedur J wandering here and there out of our road ; till we 
ftopped about midnight to take a little reft upon a fmall hill of 
fand, where they fay there are abundance of ferpents, but, thanks 
to God, we received no harm. 

Sept. 7. About three quarters after fix in the morning wc 
again began our travels, journeying through the defert of Vardan 
[^', flill moving more and more from the Red-fea. In this de- 
fert we flopped to refrefli ourfelves, about three quarters after 
ten, at about three leagues diflance from the Red-fea. And af- 
ter. dinner (here I was very much out of order) we again fet for- 
ward about three quarters after three o' clock, travelling thro' 

{g] Called by Mofes Piha-hirothj or the mouth, or opening of Hiroth, Exod 
ativ. 2. and by the Greeks Clyfma. Philoji. lib. iii. cap. 6. 
[/:»] Or Ouardan. Pocock's Trav, p. 139. 

the 



10 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

the plains in exceffive hot weather, till eight at night, when we 
refted. 

Sept. 8. From this place we departed about three o* clock in 
the morning, making our way over feveral hills and vales, which 
brought us towards the mountain Gebel Hamam el [/] Faran, 
And about feven o' clock we found feveral trees, and fome ver- 
dant fpots of earth in the midft of the barren fand. And there 
came from the mountains a moft delightful breeze, which fen- 
libly refi-elhed my bowels -, fo that I was fuprizingly reflored to 
my health. 

At length we entered into an exceeding pleafant and agreeable 
wood at the foot of the aforefaid mountain of Hamam el Faratiy 
and refted ourfelves at three quarters after eight in a place called 
Garofidu ; which is a fmall, but moft delightful valley, full of 
certain trees with which it is beautified, and which emit a moft 
agreeable odour, not unlike the fmell of the baliam of Peru, 
There are alfo in this place many palm trees, and in the bottom 
of the vale is a rivulet that comes from the aforementioned 
mountain, the water of which is tolerably good, and in fufhcient 
plenty, but is however not free from being fomewhat bitter, tho' 
it is very clear. After it has run through this valley for fome 
hours towards the weft, it then empties itfelf into the Red-fea, 
Many think this to be the place mentioned Exod. xv. 23. where 
it is faid of the Ifraelites, that when they came to Marah, they 

[/] In this journal of Ofl. 8. thefe mountains are defcribed under the charac- 
ter of the mountains of Hamam el Pharaone^ or the baths of Pharao j which I 
fuppofe to be a miflake in the people of the country, who not knowing why thefe 
baths fhould be called the baths of Faratiy or rather Poran, have given them the 
name oi the baths of Pharao. But in the times of Mofes this whole country was 
known by the name of the wildernefs of Paran, Gen, xxi. 21. Num. x. 12. xii. 
16. xiii. 3. 26. I Sam. xxv. i. ^whence Mount Sinai v/SlStMoctWqq. Mount Paran^ 
Drut. xxxii. 2. Hab. iii. 3. and therefore probably thefe baths were originally the 
baths of Pcran. See Pocock's Trav. p. 139. 

could 



TO MOUNT SINAI. n 

could not drink of the waters of Mar ah y for they were bitter : till 
the Lord fiewed unto Mofes a tree^ which when he had caji into 
the waters J the waters were made fweet. 

Sept. g. We departed from this delicious place at one o' 
clock after midnight; but behold, fcarce were we got out of the 
valley, when our guides found that two of their camels were 
miffing, which had been ftolen by fome thieves during the night 
time. And therefore they flopped the caravan, till they went in 
fearch of their loft camels ; but not being able to hear any tidings 
of them, we proceeded on our journey all that night and the 
next day till a quarter after eleven, without fuffering any great 
inconveniencies from the hills and vales we pafTed over, up- 
on which we met with feveral green tufts, and prickly trees, call- 
ed in Arabic Chafe/n, though on either hand of us our road was 
bounded with huge and rugged mountains. And having taken 
a moderate dinner under one of thefe mountains of marble, we 
departed from thence at three quarters after three ; and continu- 
ing our journey ftill in a fandy, but tolerably even road, thouo-h 
between hills and mountains on every fide, we came, towards the 
fetting of the fun, to a large and fpacious plain, which had a 
gentle afcent up to it, but was itfelf environed by mountains : 
After we had paffed this, we came about nine o' clock at night 
by an eafy defcent to a valley called Nefoj which was about a 
league diftant from an Arab village of the fame name, where 
Was a fpring of exceeding good and delightful water. 

SeJ)t. 10. Having pitched our tents, we remained here in 
order to provide ourfelves with water, till four o' clock in the 
evening ; at which time we again fet forward on our journey, and 
as foon as we had pafted the aforementioned valley we began to 
rife over hills and mountains by a tolerably eafy afcent, till hav- 
ing as it were overcome the mountain, we refted at a place call- 
ed Chamil, 

C Sept. 



12 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

Sept. II. In the morning at a quarter after five we departed 
from this place, and through a rugged road, in which there lay 
a great many blocks of marble, with great difficulty we got up 
a very high mountain. In this road, on each hand of us, were 
exceeding high mountains, of the mofc beautiful granates of va- 
rious colours, but chiefly red. At length, about three quarters 
after eleven we reached the fummit of the mountain, or rather 
of the mountains, but with great difficulty, and from this place M 

we were able to difcover Mount St. Chatherine. And from thence, 
defcending by a tolerably eafy road, we came to a valley in a 
plain, where, at a place called JS/ Bar ah, we ftopped at three 
quarters after one j and having made a fhort meal under a tree, 
we fet forward again about two o' clock j going up the 
mountain, by a road neither very fteep nor rugged, which 
when we had gotten the better of, we began to defcend again by 
a tolerably open road to a valley between two exceeding high 
mountains of marble. And as foon as we had arrived at this 
valley, v/hich was about fun-fet, we immediately turned our 
courfe to the left ; where we alfo came to another valley, befet 
with high mountains on either fide, and having got to the top of 
the hill we refted ourfelves, at a place called Marahj about 
half an hour after feven, where we fiaid all night, greatly 
diftrefiTed with the ffiarpnefs and fevere coldnefs of the air. 
From this place to Mount S'mai the road is tolerably even and 
pleafant, with mountains of granate marble on either fide. 

Sept. 12. Having rifen a little after midnight, we departed 
from this place about half an hour after two, and going thro' a 
fandy road, which lay in a valley between mountains, we came 
about fun-rife to a moft pleafant and agreeable place called Ba~ 
rak^ where was a very delightful wood, which appeared the 
more charming, becaufe hitherto our road had lain only over 
rocks, and hills, and mountains, the very fight of which alone 
was fufficient to terrify the traveller. And having amufed our- 
felves 



TO MOUNT SINAI. 13 

felves for the fpace of an hour with the delightfuhiefs of this 
wood, we again proceeded on our journey, which led us t'vviH:- 
ing and twining between rugged mountains, fometimes eaflward, 
fometimes northward, and fometimes fouthward, tho' we never 
were out of our way. And about eight o' clock we came to a 
rock, which {lands byitfelf, where the Turks fay the prophet 
Mahomet refted himfelfj and where, when he attempted to fit 
down, the rock yielded under him like the fofteft wax, and 
formed itfelf into the fliape of a feat for him. There ap- 
pears indeed a little hollow in the ftone, which may have given 
rife to this tradition, and on that account the Turks approach 
the place with great reverence, flroaking the flone with the 
palms of their hands, and kiffing it with their lips. 

And now continuing our journey towards Mount Sinai, in or- 
der to go the bed road, we took a great circuit towards the left- 
hand, though there is another ihorter and more dired: road -, yet 
becaufe there are fome deep afcents and defcents in it, our guides 
chofe the left-hand road, though the longer, as being better for 
the camels. And about three quarters after nine, as we were 
paffing by a mofch, where a certain Shiech Saleh was buried, who 
is held by the Turks in great veneration, feveral of our guides 
and palTengers went thither to receive a benedidion j and that the 
camels and the reft of the beafts might be partakers of it, they 
brought from thence a fmall quantity of fand with which \X\v^ 
fprinkled them. 

At length, about mid-day we difcovered fome fquare build- 
ings in the neighbourhood of Mount Sinai^ which, as I was in- 
formed, the Arabs made ufe of as repoiitories for their corn : and 
on the other fide, upon the left-hand, we difcovered the garden 
belonging to the convent full of trees, which Is fituated juil: at 
the foot of Mount Sinai, And going in a fouth-weft dlredion, 
when we came jufl over-againft the aforefaid garden, we faw an- 
other vale lie open to the fouth-eafl, in the middle of which, at 

C 2 the 



14 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

the diftance of half an hour, ftands the convent of the holy 
Mount Sinai j to which all of us, partly out of devotion, and 
partly becaufe of the difficulty of the road, afcended on foot 
between two exceeding high mountains, that to the north 
eaft called Mount [k] St. Be/ii?i, and the other to the right 
called Horeb or Chord. In the middle between thefe two' 
mountains is fituated the convent of Mount Sinai in twenty-eight 
degrees of north latitude : being built in an oblong figure, with 
only one great door, which directly faces the north-weft, and 
looks into that vale through which we came. And this wall of 
the convent towards the north weft as well as that to the fouth 
eaft are equally two hundred and four feet long of French ipea- 
fure. And the other two, one of which faces the fouth weft,, 
and the other the north eaft, are each two hundred forty five 
feet long, being for the moft part built of fquare ftones fix feet 
and one thiird broad, but are of an unequal height, according to 
the inequality of the foundation. I meafured the corner which 
looks towards the weft, and it was forty five feet high. 

And forafmuch as the great door is always walled up, to pre- 
vent the incurfions of the Arabs, immediately after the entrance 
of a new archbiftiop, which happened this very year, every other 
perfon who is defircus of going into the convent muft be drawn 
up with a rope to a great window thirty feet high from 
the ground in that part of the wall which looks to the north 
eaft. And when one is got into the convent, there is nothing of 
curiofity to be feen, all the buildings and edifices, efpecially 
thofe which concern the friars or the religious, and the lefs cha- 
pels, being built of rude bricks in great confufion and irregula- 
rity, without either fymmetry or order, making here and there 
crooked and dark paflages with feveral afccnts and defcents^ only 
the building of the great church of the Transfiguration of our Sa- 
viour Jefus Chrift may be confidered as worthy our obfervation, 

{k^ Qi 5/. Epijieine. Pocock's Trav. vol. i. p. 143, 147. 

which 



TOMOUNTSINAI. 15 

which they fay was built by the emperor Juftinian ^ in length 
eighty feet, and in breadth fifty three ; which breadth 13 
diminished by a wall on either fide at nine feet diftance from 
the outward wall, for the conveniency of chapels which are 
made^ in it, as I fhall hereafter mention ; fo that there re- 
mains only thirty five feet in the clear. In this great ifle arc 
three rows of pillars forming three naves, and the pavement is 
finely adorned with variety of figures in different kinds of marble.- 
But the great altar is, after the cuftom of the Greeks, en- 
tirely gilt. 

The prefbytery is of an oval figure both within and without; 
being adorned with Mofaic work, in which is reprefented the 
ti-ansfiguration of our Saviour Jefus Chrift j and on the outfide 
is the ftatue of the emperor Juflinian, who was the founder of 
the church. Before the prefbytery are four candlefticks, two 
of which are very magnificent, being^ fix feet high, and made 
of brafs richly ornamented ; and of the like workmanfhip there 
are two more hanging down in the middle of the church, which 
are capable of holding feveral candles. There are befides many 
lamps hanging up and down in the church, fome of filver, and 
fome of gold ; the mofl remarkable of which are thofe that 
hang in the prelbytery, which are for the moft part all of gold : 
but that which hangs in the great altar is alfo fet with jewels. 

Next to this church of the Transfiguration is the little 
church of the [/] Biijh, which ftands on the place where our 
Lord appeared unto Mofes in a flame of fire out of the bufli, as 
is defcribed Exod. iii. 2. and is fituated immediately adjoinino- 
to the wall of the prelbytery ; this chapel is ten feet broad 
and feventeen feet long ; the pavement of it adorned with the 
fame kind of work as that of the church j and the walls 

[/] Tt is from this piece of hiftory that this part oi Mount Honb is called 
Mount Sinaii the Hebrew for a Bu^ being Sgne, 

with 



i6 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

with porcellain, and there are in it feveral lamps both of 
<yold and filver. This chapel, they fay, was built by queen 
Helena, and the place where the bufh grew is fuppofed to be 
diredly under the altar, and is covered with plates of filver ; 
over which ftand two large candlefticks made of filver eight feet 
high. On the other fide of this chapel are two other chapels, 
that to the fouth is called the chapel of the Seventy Martyrs, 
and that to the north is the chapel of St. James. 

When you come into the great church, there are on the fouth 
fide three chapels ; the firft of St. John the Evangelift, the fe- 
cond of St. Simon the Stylite, and the third of the Saints Cofma 
and Damianus. And on the other fide tov/ards the north, there 
are alfo three more, viz. firft of St. Andipe, fecondly of the 
Saints Conftantine and Helena, and the third of St. Mariana. 
This whole church is covered with lead. 

Besides this church and thefe chapels, there are feventeen 
other little churches or chapels fituated here and there in the 
convent: i. that of St. Peter and St. Paul, which is tolerably 
large and roomy } 2. St. George ; 3. St. Stephen ; 4'. St. Michael 
the archangel -, 5. St. Bafil, Gregory, and Chryfoftome ; 6. De- 
metrius the martyr; 7. St. Nicholas; 8. St. Mofes and Aaron ; 
9. St. Sergius Wachus ; 10. St. John Baptift ; 11. St. Anthony 
the abbot; 12. of the five martyrs Euftratius, Euxendius, Bar- 
barius, Oreftus, and Eugenius ; 13. St. John the Evangelift ; 
14. St. Katharine; 15 and 16. are two epifcopal chapels ; 17. 
is the garden where the friars are buried. And befides all thefe 
chapels there is one mofch with a turret for the Turks, which 
ftands near the weftern door of the great church, for the 
prefervation of which, they fay, they have feveral immunities 
granted them under the hand of the prophet Mahomet. Befide 
this there is nothing in the convent remarkable. 

There 



TO MOUNT SINAI. 17 

There is no record when this convent was built, except what 
remains on a flone over the great door, the infcription on wliich 
is in Arabic charaders, (o ancient that none of us could read 
them except the year opv, which denotes 526. This ftone, 
according to the tradition of the fathers of the convent, firfl ftood 
over the chapel of the Bufli, and was placed there by St, He- 
lena J but, after the great church, and the walls of the convent 
were built, this flone was moved out of its ancient place, and 
fixed in the wall where it now Hands. But in my opinion, this 
hlftory is without foundation, becaufe St. Helena lived in the 
fourth century, whereas the aforementioned inlcriptlon belongs 
to the fixth century ; I rather therefore think that this ftone was 
engraved and fixed up by the order of Juftinian, who was the 
founder of the convent. 

When we firft came into the convent, we were received by the 
fathers and brothers of the convent with the greatefl affed:ion and 
regard, and efpecially by the archbifhop Jaanikius, who was the 
fuperior and prefident of the place ; and who gave us a very ele- 
gant fupper ; and affigned us very convenient apartments, con- 
fining of five chambers, in a part of the convent that was newly 
built : and alfo for our better accommodation indulged us with 
the liberty of going when we pleafed into the garden, which is 
not permitted even to the monks. And we having there pitched 
a tent, dined and fupped every day therein while we flaid. 

The aforefaid garden is fituated on the outfide of the walls of 
the convent to the north weft j to which there is a pafiage under 
ground from the convent, with iron gates to it. This garden is 
fufiiciently fpacious, and very well fupplied with good water, 
vHth Vv'iiich it is daily watered, and by that means produces 
great quantities of all forts of plants and herbs and trees 5 fuch 
as almonds, apples, peaches, olives, figs, pomegranates, pears, 
and in particular moft delicious grapes both red and white and 
as this month happened to be the feafon for ripe grapes, as well 
I as 



1 8 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

as many other fruits, we gave a loofe to our appetites j and 
the air of the place being exceeding fine and wholefome, we in- 
dulged our palates with great freedom and luxury. 

The temperature of the air feemed to me as moderate as if I 
had been in one of the mofl: temperate climates of France in the 
month of September ; the heat of the day not being exceflive, 
nor the night air infufferably cold. However, I cannot but 
think, that the heat of this place in fummer, as well as the cold 
in winter, muft be almoft infupportable, fmce, during the win- 
ter feafon, the fnow falls here in great abundance. 

Sept, iT^, This day being Holy Sunday, we were invited to 
attend at church, as we ufually did on other days ; where the 
archbifliop himfelf officiated, and fang the mafs cloathed in his 
pontificalibus, with the reft of the minifters that attended him 
in very fumptuous apparel, wearing on his head a fort of impe- 
rial crown made in filver, of exquifite workmanfhip : which 
when ended, we went to dinner in the common refe(5tory of the 
convent, with the archbifliop and the reft of the monks, who 
fed only upon one difli ; and when we had done, ftanding upon 
our feet, and taking each of us a moderate piece of bread, all 
cut from one loaf, we then drank alfo all out of one cup, the 
archbiftiop beginning firft 3 and when all had drunk, then we 
broke up, and departed 3 which ceremony is obferved as a mark 
of mutual love and charity. 

Sept. 15. At two in the afternoon we went out of the con- 
vent to fee the holy places thereabouts j and as foon as we got 
out we began to afcend the mountain, which is made tole- 
rably convenient by the means of ftone fteps cut in the moun- 
tain up to Mount Sinai, to the number of fifteen thouiand. The 
way to it is directly fouthward : and after an afcent of a 
fmall half hour we came to a moft delicious fountain of cold 
.water, that fprlngs diredly out of the rock, formed here 

into 



TO MOUNT SINAI. ig 

into a kind of grotto, of which the Greeks tell many won- 
derful ftories j but as they feem to me to be without foundation, 
I think it more advileable not to repeat them. 

Going on further for another half hour we cam.e to a fmall 
church or chapel, dedicated to the blefTed virgin Mary ; and go- 
ing from hence along the fteps, we came to a narrow part of 
the road which was adorned with a gate ^ where, they lay, many 
confeffionary priefts ufed formerly to fit, who heard the con- 
feffions of the pilgrims that came to vifit thefe places, and were 
not permitted to proceed any further, till they had obtained re- 
miflion of their fins ; fo that being made clean by the participa- 
tion of this facrament, they might proceed to obtain a benedic- 
tion from the Lord, and mercy from God our Saviour, repeating 
as they went the third verfe of the xxiv^'^ Pfalm, Whojlmll afcend 
into the hill cf the Lordf and who Jhall Jla?id in his holy place f 
Even he that hath clean handsy and a pure hearty etc. 

As foon as we had pafTed the gate w^e faw on our rio-ht hand 
a very high mountain towards the wefl, being almofl perpendi- 
cular over us : towards the fummit of which there grew, as it 
were in defpite of nature, a beautiful green tree, which appeared 
as if it grew out of a wall. And at about the didance of an- 
other quarter of an hour, we came to another gate, which when 
we had pafTed, we entered into a beautiful plain, where there 
are two delightful cyprefs trees, and two olive trees, near to a 
well of fweet water, which, as they fay, is only a colledion of 
water that is made by the winter fnows and rains. And to this 
part of Mount Horeb it was that Elias the prophet fled from the 
face of Jezebel, as is mentioned i Kings xix. 9. where it is faid 
that when he arrived at the Mount of God, he came thither to a 
cave J and lodged there -y which cave exiils to this very day, and 
is fituated at the foot of Mount Sinai, and is now inclofed in a 
church that is built of red and white granate marble; the en- 
trance into which is from the weft. The dimenfions of this 

D cave 



20 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

cave are in length five feet, in depth four feet, and in height 
four and a half: which when we had vifited we returned to the 
well, and lodged all night under the olive trees. This plain 
where we lay was entirely furrounded with mountains, which 
formed tv/o valleys, one of them extending itfelf to the fouth 
fouth weft, and leading directly to the convent of the forty mar- 
tyrs i the other ftretching to the north weft* ^1 

Sept. 1 6. Early in the morning before break of day we be- 
gan to afcend the holy Mount Sinai from the aforefaid church of 
St. Elias, and found the afcent to be very fharp, fo that unlefs 
the aforementioned Heps had been made in the hill, by laying 
broad ftones one upon another, we fhould have found the afcent 
to be exceeding difficult, it being much more fteep than the af- 
cent of the preceding day. The courfe of our road lay diredly 
towards the fouth 5 and after an afcent of three quarters of an 
hour we were fliewed the place, a little out of the road to the 
left hand, where the Mahometans fay that Mahomet, together 
with his camel, w^as taken up by the angel Gabriel into heaven^ 
and that this camel was of fuch a fize, that it ftood with one of 
its feet at Mecca, another at Damafcus, a third at Cairo, and 
the fourth on Mount Sinai ^ where ftill remains the mark 
made by the impreffion of his foot in the very marble rock ; 
which however the Greek monks acknowledge was made by 
themselves to gain the more efteem from the Turks towards this 
holy mountain, if not on account of its own fandity, and the 
wondeiful works performed there by God, yet at leafl on ac- 
count of this miraculous imprcfiion of the camel's foot. Which 
accordingly hath prevailed on all Mahometans to treat this place 
with the higheft regard. 

At length after a fmall quarter of an hour we arrived on the 
holy Mount Sinai \ and as foon as we had got on the plain, 
which is on the top of it, we immediately faw a church and a 
Torkifh mofch. Formerly indeed there was a large church built 

upon. 



TO MOUNT SINAI. 21 

upon this place, which almon: covered and occupied as it were 
the whole plain j but this was deftroyed by the Turks, who 
left one part towards the north for the ufe of the Chriftians, 
and referved the other towards the fouth for the ufe of the Ma- 
hometans. 

Before you come to the church of the Chrlllians there is a 
cave in the rock adjoining to it, into which there is a very nar- 
row entrance. In this place, the tradition is, that Mofes faw 
the glory of the Lord, as mentioned Exod. xxxiii. 21. Aiid 
the Lordfaidy Behold there is a place by 7?ie, and thou ftmlt Jland 
upon a rock j and it pall co7ne to pafs while my glory pajfeth by, 
that I will put thee in a clift of the rock ; and I will cover thee 
with mine hand while I pafs by ; and I will take away mine handy 
and thou Jhalt fee my back parts ; but my face pall not be fcen. 
And accordingly it is faid by common tradition, that it was in 
this clift of the rock that Mofes was lijd by the Lord ; where 
Mofes neverthelefs, that he might have a better view of the 
forementloned glory, having raifed his head and body on high, 
left his entire figure imprefled in the marble rock, to perpetuate 
the memory of this miracle. So that in the lower part of the 
rock there remains the impreilion as if it had been in m.elted wax, 
of his [w] knees and both his hands, and in the upper part the 
imprefllon of his back and one half of his face. 

And going further on this plain we entered into the church 
that is contiguous to this rock juft mentioned, which church is 
fubdivided into two chapels, in the larger the Greeks per- 
form divine fervice, and in the other the Roman catholics ; 
and in this place they fay it was that Mofes received the two ta- 
bles of teflimony, as mentioned Exod. xxxi. 18. And the "Lord 
gave Mofes in Mount Sinai two tables of teflimony y tables of ft one y 

{ni] Quaere, Might not the fame chizzels that engraved the imprefilon of the 

foot of Mahomet's camel, have engraved thofe alfo of the knees and hands of 
Mofes? etc. 

D 2 writte}^. 



22 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

-written with the finger of God. But on the other fide of the 
mount, as I fald, towards the fouth fouth weft ftands the Turk- 
ifh mofch, built in the form of an oblong, in which are hanged 
up feveral velTels filled with myrrh, and other oblations which 
are cuflomary with the Turks, who hold this place in the high- 
eft veneration ; and I believe this mofch may be about feventy 
paces diftant from the Chriftian church, the fuperficies of this 
plain on the top of Mount Sinai not being very large. 

Under the Eaftern part of this mofch there is another cave, 
greater than that of St. Elias, in which they fay Mofes com- 
monly dwelt when he was upon the top of this holy mount 5. 
the door of which cave looks towards the valley which extends 
itfelf towards the fouth weft. And in this valley ftands Rephi- 
dim, of which there is mention made Exod. xvii. i. where the 
Ifraelites murmured for want of water. From this mountain 
there is a fair profpe(^l of Mount St. Catharine, lying towards the 
fouth weft, and of the Red-fea towards the fouth and weft. And 
after we had each of us performed our devotions, we immedi- 
ately defcended again towards the well on Mozint Horeb, from 
whence we laft came. 

And after we had dined we departed from thence at eleven 
o* clock through the valley which extends itfelf towards the 
north weft, which condud:ed us as it were in a circle towards 
the fouth ; and in this journey we met with feveral places that 
were formerly inhabited, as alfo with fome churches, the moft 
remarkable of which is that of St. Pantaleon ; over which, to- 
wards the fummit of the mountain, on the left hand towards the 
fouth eaft, there is a cave, in which two kings fons fpent their 
lives in performing rigid penances. And a little further from 
this church we began to defcend a very fteep mountain for a 
whole hour ; and when we came into the valley, we found 
a convent which is called the Convent of the forty martyrs. 

Thet 



TO MOUNT SINAI, 23 

The Convent of the forty martyrs is fituated in the midil: of 
a vale, having Mount Si?iai on the eaft and Mcuni St. Catherine 5 
on the wtii. But before I had entered the convent, two Arabs 
came up to me, and faluted me very amicably, and after they had 
Hghted their match from my pipe, they departed j. v/aiting at fome 
diftance for the arrival of a monk that was our guide, who had 
flaid behind with the reil of our companions, for I had come 
hither alone, having outwalked the refl : but upon their arrival 
the two Arabs flopped the refl of the company, and threatened 
to fire among them, if they did not deliver up the monk who 
was their conductor, and oblige him to come out from among 
them J which when it was done, they took him and bound 
him, and carried him off to the neighbouring mountains ; fay- 
ing to the reft, '' Depart in peace, for we have no ill will to 
you, but have a reckoning to make up with this rafcal of a 
monkj" who followed them without attempting to refift. 

This affair gave my companions a great deal of concern; for 
though they feemed able to have fet the monk at liberty, yet 
they well knew that if thofe two Arabs had made any noife, they 
would upon the leaft notice have had an hundred more come to 
their affiftance. For when two young Greeks, who were well 
armed, were going, contrary to the opinion of the reft, to the relief 
of the monk, the Arabs began immediately to fire at us ; xx^ow 
which we all retired inftantly towards the convent, and left the 
monk in their hands, with whom they foon made up their 
reckoning, and paid him in. ftripes the account which they had 
to make up v/ith the convent, of which he was the interpreter, 
and procurator. 

The Convent of the forty martyrs has a fmall church, and' 
but very indifferent accommodations for lodging ; only tlie gar- 
den is large and hand fome, and well ftored with all kinds of 
fruit, and is furrounded as it were with a wood of olive trees.. 
There is likewife a refervoir of good rain-water, and a imall 

5 %i"g. 



24 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

fpring of frtfli water, that runs through it from the mountains, 
which v/aters the garden and all the adjacent valley. 

Sept. 17. Early this morning thofe of our company who 
were heal and ftrong departed to go up the mountain of St. Ca- 
tharine^ but I, with about half the company, ftaid behind in the 
cunvent. The hiflory of which journey is as follows : As foon 
as they were departed out of the convent, they began their jour- 
ney towards the fouth weft, and after half an hour they began 
to afcend a very rough mountain, and difficult of afcent ; for as 
there were no Heps formed upon ti, but the whole way was co- 
vered with fmall trundling ftones, thefe gave way under the feet. 
In this road there is an abundance of curious ftones, and pend- 
ent rocks on either fide, that are wonderfully marked by na- 
ture with the mod: beautiful veins, which flioot forth in the re- 
femblance of trees, whofe branches are fo very minute, and yet 
fo very exadt, that art could not poffibly come up to it. And 
of thefe they brought back with them a good quantity. 

After an hour's travel they came to the water called T^he wa- 
ter of the partridges^ where this moft delightful fpring breaks 
forth out of fome rude marble rocks, which are of a black co- 
lour. This fountain, the Greeks fay, broke out miraculoufly 
when the body of St. Catharine was carried from this mountain 
to the great convent, where her relicks are preferved to this day 3 
at which time the bearers of her corpfe being ready to perifli 
with thirft, the partridges which attended her funeral from the 
fummit of the mountain, conduced them to this place, and dif- 
•covered the fountain unto them. 

From this water, after three quarters of an hour, our travel- 
lers came to a plain from whence they were able to difcover the 
fummit of Mount St. Cathari?ie 3 and after they had walked in 
this plain for a good half hour, they began again to afcend the 
mountain, the greatefl difficulty of which is towards the top. 

So 



TO MOUNT SINAL 25 

So that the whole time of travelling from the convent of the 
forty martyrs to Mount St. Catharitie may be looked upon to be 
about three hours. 

On the fummit of this mountain there is a fmall plain, on 
which, according to the tradition of the Greeks, was brought 
and depofited by angels from Alexandria, the body of St. Ca- 
tharine the virgin and martyr, who fuffered under the emperor 
Maximin y and there remains ftill to be feen the mark of the 
place where her corpfe was depofited, as you look towards Mount' 
Sinaiy which flands to the north eaft, at about four hours dif- 
tance. The length of this [w] impreffion is feven feet in black 
and white marble granate, with a little mixture both of red and 
yellow fpots. And about a year ago the monks built a fmall 
chapel over this tomb, {qwqxi feet eight inches broad, ten feet 
long, and fix feet high. 

From this mountain, which overlooks all the reil, there i&- 
an exceeding fine and extenfive profpecft. Moimt Sinai ^ as I faid- 
before, lies towards the north eafl, the Red-fea to the wefl, as 
as alfo TcT, a place fituated on the Red-fea, at two days jour- 
ney diflance from hence. To the fouth appears tliat extended 
arm of the Red-fea, which is called the Elanic giilpl\ upon 
which the famous port of Elana formerly ftood. 

Sept. 18. We departed from this convent of the forty mar- 
tyrs at a quarter after feven, through that vale which extends 
itfelf diredly towards the north wefl, and defcending from the 
garden of the convent for a quarter of an hour, we can^e, as it 
were, through a wood of olive trees to the church and cave of 
St. Onuphrius, in which he fpent a devout life for fortv vears. 
Which when we had vifited, and had gone for another quarter 

[k] Qusere. Might not the fame workmen that engraved the imprclFion of the 
foot.of Mahomet's camel, have- engraved this alfo? 



26 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

of an hour through the aforefaid valley we came to the ftone 
which is called by the Greeks the ftone of the Fountains j which 
Mofes ftruck [o] twice with his rod, as is defcribed Num. xx. 1 1, 
where it is laid, yi/id Mofes lift up his hand^ and with his rod he 
fmote the rock twice ; and the water came out abundantly. 

Which aforementioned [/?] ftone or folitary rock is about twelve 
feet high, and about eight or ten feet broad, though it is not 

[o] N. B. Here our traveller is miftaken in his quotation out of the Scrip- 
tures, for this is not the ftone which Mofes ftruck twice, as mentioned Numb. 
XX. II. but the rock in the vzUey of ^ephlclim, where the children of Ifrael 
fought the Amalekites, before they arrived at Mount Sinai, as mentioned Exod. 
xvii. 7. whereas that ftone which Mofes ftruck twice, as mentioned Numb. xx. 
II. is that ftone which will be fpoken of hereafter in this Journal, under the 
tranfa£lions of Odiober 2. 

[p'\ N. B. The Devil tempted our Saviour by quoting texts of Scripture j and 
as he hath continued ever fmce to endeavour by pious frauds to deceive, if poflible, 
the A ery c\cSt, he therefore exciteth men, of fometimes good intentions, to forge 
falfe miracles, to invalidate by that means, as far as lies in his power, thofe which 
were performed by our Saviour and his apoftles. One flagrant inftance of which 
anong many, are thofe curfed and hellilh frauds pra6tifed by the Grecian monks 
of Mount Sinai, in graving impreflions in the rock of the foot of Mahomet's 
camel, and of the body of St. Catharine and of Mofes ; which would take off 
from the evidence which this wonderful rock of Meribah daily gives of the truth 
of the Mofaical hiftory, if it was poftible for the Devil to effe<5t it. But as the 
marks in that ftone are of fuch a nature as that human art is not capable of imi- 
tating them, the finger of God Iheweth its own handy-work in the fupernatural 
filllires, which are broken deep into the folid granate, in fuch a manner as not 
polTibly to have been eff"e6ted by human art. To convince the reader of which, 
I fhall here give him a copy of the defcription of this remarkable ftone, as I find 
it in the Travels of Dr. Shaw and Dr. Pocock. 

The defcription of this rock, as given us by my friend Dr. Shaw, is as fol- 
lows : "• Afti-T we had defcended with no fmall difHculty down the weftern fide 
" of this mountain, we cam.e into the other plain that is formed by it j which 
" is R'phidiin, Exod. xvii, i. Here we ftill fee that extraordinary antiquity 
*' the rock of Mtribah, Exod. xvii. 6. which hath continued down to this day 
** without the leaft- injury from time or accidents. It is a block of granate 
«* marble, about four yards fquare, lying tottering as it were and loofe in the 

all 



TOMOUNTSINAL 27 

all of one equal breadth j it is a granate marble of a kind of 
brick-colour, compofed of red and white fpots which are both 
duiky in their kind ; and ftands by itielf in the aforementioned 
valley as if it had grown out of the earth, on the right hand of 
the road towards the north eafl:, whereon there remains to 
this day the lively impreffion of the miracle then wrought : for 
there are ftill to be ken. the places whence the water gufhed 

*' middle of the valley, and feems to have formerly belonged to Mount Sinai^ 

" which hangs in a variety of precipices all over this plain. The waters which 

*' guJJ)cd out, and the Jiream which flowed withal^ Plal. vii. 8, 21, have hollowed 

«' acrofs one corner of this rock a channel about two inches deep and twenty wide, 

*' appearing to be cruftated all over, like the infide of a tea-kettle that hath 

<« been long in ufe. Befides feveral mofly productions that are ftill preferved 

« by the dew, we fee all over this channel a great number of holes, fome of 

«« them four or five inches deep, and one or two in diameter, the lively and de- 

«* monftrable tokens of their having been formerly fo many fountains. It like- 

<« wife may be further obferved, that art or chance could by no means be 

" concerned in the contrivance : For every circumftance points out to us a 

« miracle, and in the fame manner with the rent in the rock of Mount CaU 

<« vary at Jerufalem, never fails to produce a religious furprize in all who fee 
« it." 

The account which my worthy friend Dr. Pococke gives of it is this. « Here 
« they fhew the rock which, they fay, Mofes ftruck and the waters flowed 
t' out, when God told him he would ftand before him upon the rock of Horeb 
" which was afterwards called Majfah and Meribah ; it is on the foot of 
« Mount Serick, and is a red granate ftone fifteen feet long, ten wide, and 
« about twelve high. On both fides of it, towards the fouth end, and at the 
" top of the ftone, for about the breadth of eight inches, it is difcoloured as by 
" the running of water ; and all down this part on both fides, and at the top, 
<« are a fort of openings or mouths, fome of which refemble the lion's mouth, 
« that is fometimes cut in ftone fpouts, but appear not to be the work of a 
« tool. There are about twelve on each fide, and within every one is an hori- 
" zontal crack, and in fome alfo a crack perpendicularly down. There is alfo a 
« crack from one of the mouths next the hill, that extends two or three feet 
" towards the north, and all round the fouth end. The Arabs call this ftone 
«' the Stone of Mofes,'* 

E out. 



28 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

out, fix openings towards the fouth weft, and fix others towards 
the north eaft, and in thofe places where the water flowed, 
the clefts are ftill to be feen in the rock, as it were with 
lips. 

Which when he had attentively obferved we proceeded on 
our journey, going diredlly forward towards the north- weft 3 and 
after a journey of a fmall half hoar reached the end of the afore- 
faid valley. Where we found a great plain, into which ano- 
ther valley opens itfelf, and extends towards the north eaft. 
In this great plain towards the fouth weft, on a moderate rifing, 
is fituated the garden of the convent of Friars, which is guarded 
by the Arabs, and has a fmall ftream of fweet water running 
conftantly through it, and with which it is fupplied -, and in the 
faid garden are nine very ftately cedars, of which two exceed 
the reft in height, and are of a prodigious fizej befides many 
other trees, fuch as apples, pears, vines, etc. The little Church 
of St. Peter and St. Paul ftands in the bottom of the garden, as 
alfo a fmall building belonging to the convent, which is inha- 
bited by the Arabs who watch the garden. 

In this great plain, which is on the outfide of the garden, 
and which extends itfelf, as I obferved before, towards the north 
eaft, that [q] tranfadtion is faid to have happened which is de- 
fcribed Num. xvi.32. concerning the rebellion of Corah, Dathan, 
and Ablram, wdien the earth opened her mouth, and fwallowed 
up them and their families. This plain or vale is pretty near of 
one equal breadth, through which when we had travelled from 

[f ] Here our traveller and. his informers are again millaken in the hiftory of 
the tranfadions of the Ifraclites ; for the rebellion of Corah, Dathan, and Abl- 
ram did not happen while Mofes was upon Amount Sinai, or in the neighbour- 
hood of it. Nor till the Ifraelites had arrived at the foot of Mount Hor, which 
is quite at the other end of this promontory, and had refufed to go and take 
poflefTion of the land of Canaan after the return of the fpies from thence, as 
mentioned Numb. xiv. i, &c, 

the 



m 



TO MOUNT SINAI. 29 

the garden of the convent about a fmall half hour, we came to 
a place where the Greeks fliewed us in thegranate marble, which 
is of a brick-duft colour, (as moft of the neighbouring moun- 
tains are) a hole or cavity, where, they fay, Aaron caft the head 
of the golden calf, as is defer ibed Exod. xxxii. 4. when the 
people gave him the golden ear-rings which were in their ears, 
and he received them at their hand^ andfajhioned it with a graving 
tooU and ajter he made it a golden calf. And ver. 24. Aaron is 
reprefented as excufinghimfelf, faying, And Ifaid unto them^ Who- 
mever hath any gold^ let him break it off; fo they gave it me : then 
I caji it into the fire, and there came out this calf. This cavity 
is indeed formed in fuch a manner as to afford fome fmall re- 
femblance to the head of a calf, having marks in it fomcthing 
like horns, and being in length about two feet and a half, in 
breadth two feet, and in depih two. At the bottom of it 
is earth or fand, which feemed to me to be about three feet deep ; 
but I cannot be pofitive as to that, fince we neither had time 
nor opportunity for extrad:lng it out of the cavity, or model as the 
Greeks pretend it to be j much lefs could we difcover any im- 
preflions of a nofe or mouth, or of ears or eyes ; wherefore, as 
the holy Scriptures fpeak of the formation of a whole calf, and 
not of an head only, there feems to me to be a good deal of 
reafon for rejeding this piece of tradition. The Greeks how- 
ever, to impofe the more upon the ignorant, fay, that though it 
rains ever fo much, no water is feen to lye in this hole ; they 
perlift in this declaration, and alledge in proof of it [r] quotations 
out of the fathers, tho' Pere Claud Sicard fays that laft year he 

[r] Quotations out of the fathers for proof of a matter of fail produced by 
perfons who live upon the fpot, fecm to be an odd kind of argument. And the 
introdudlion of Pere Sicard's opinion in oppofition to this declaration of the 
Greeks, feems quite as odd ; for they do not aflert that fnovv wont lie there, 
but only that rain will not, which father Sicard's alTertiou does not coji- 
tradidl, 

E 2 found 



30 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

found ibme fnow adually lying in the cavity, and that it was 
quite filled with it j whence it is reafonable to believe, that 
the caufe why the rain doth not lie in it, is owing to fome hole 
at the bottom of the cavity, which emits it as faft as it enters and 
has pafled through the fand. But that in this place or here- 
abouts the Ifraelites worfhiped the golden calf is fomewhat pro- 
bable, inafmuch as there are fome rocks here twelve or fifteen 
feet high, upon which when the golden calf was fet up, it might 
eafily be feen and adored by all the people who were fituated in 
this wide and extenfive vale 3 and further, becaufe this place 
likewife anfwers and is fituated directly overagainft another vale 
to the eaftward, by which, they fay, Mofes defcended from 
Mount Sinai-, when he brought with him the tables of teftimo- 
ny, where, they fay, it was that he broke them, when he came 
to the foot of the mountain. 

Going on our journey through this fame valley, we came in a 
quarter of an hour from this place noted for the head to that 
garden, which we firil: faw, when we came to thefe parts j here 
we found a fpring of frefli water, and much fruit. And now hav- 
ing altered our rout towards the fouth eaft, at about the diftance 
of a gun-fhot from the garden, they (hewed us a flone about 
two feet high from the ground, on which are engraved fome 
unknown charaders, which however, they fay, were engraved 
by Jeremiah the prophet in honour of Mofes and Aaron who 
were buried there. But this is what I give no credit to, fince 
I find it written of the \_s\ burial place of Mofes, Deut. xxxiv. 6. 
But no man knoweth of his fepulchre unto this day. At length 
in a fmall half hour from hence we arrived at the convent 

[^] As to the burial place of Aaron it is pofitively faid that he died and was bu- 
ried upon Mount tLr, at the further end of this promontory from Mount Sinai. 
See Numb. xx. 28. xxxiii. 38. Deut. xxxii. 50. And Mofes died on the top 
ofPifgah in the land of Moab, over againft Jericho, Deut. xxxiv. i, 5. 

of 



TO MOUNT SINAI. 31 

of Mount Sinai, making this day from the convent of the Forty 
martyrs hither a journey of two hours and a quarter. And having 
finifhed our progrefs, we faw every thing that was to be (t^tw 
here with the greateft fatisfadlion. 

Sept, 19. The Greeks celebrated the fcail of the blefTed vir- 
gin Mary. And the archbifhop again officiated, cloathed in his 
pojttijicalibus'j and when mafs was done, we were, as ufual, con- 
cluded to the refedory, where, before dinner, we had our feet 
wafhed by fome of the monks, while the reft chanted their devo- 
tions during the operation. And as foon as the wailiing was over, 
every one according to his inclination and abilities gave for the 
ufe of the convent either one or two chcqulns. As for the reft 
of the time, while we ftaid there, nothing remarkable hap- 
pened. 

O^. I. On this day we opened a cheft, kept on the rif^ht 
hand of the prefbytery, in which are preferved the relicks of St, 
Catharine 3 and the principal parts they brought forth to fhew 
us, were the fkuU and left hand of this faint, having the flefh and 
fkin on it, but quite dried up, and covered with beautiful rings. 
After we had been favoured with this fight we were permitted 
to depart; taking leave therefore of the arch-bifhop, and 
the reft of the monks, we came out of the convent about noon,, 
amidft the noify clamours of the Arabs, by the fame way that 
we entered. When we arrived at the place of 'the head, wc 
flopped, and, having pitched our tents, were forced to continue 
there the remainder of that day whether we would or not. Af- 
ter a great deal of buftle, we at length made our contradt with 
the Arabs, to carry us back a better road by lor than that which 
we came ; Accordingly, 

06i, 2. We departed about two o'clock in the morning, and 
taking the fame rout by which we came, we refted after three 
hours and a quarter's travelling, and flopped in a place where 

was 



y^y 



32 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

was good water, at no great diftance from the [f] ftone of Ma- 
homet, and after we had laid in our provifion of water we de- 
parted about eleven o'clock. And in about half an hour we 
again pafTed by the ftone, where, as I faid, Mahomet feated 
himfelf J and in another hour we entered the [u] Ihady wood 
before mentioned. About three o'clock we pafTed by a large 
[x] rock on our left hand, in which, as in that other rock 
which Mofes ftruck with his rod, appear from the bottom to the 
top openings where water hath gufhed out. Which when we 
had pafled by, we flopped in an open plain, where we flaid all 
night. 

O^. 3. About three quarters after three in the morning we 
departed from this place, and at four o'clock, being about day 
break, we turned out of the road by which we firfl came, and 
leaving the valley leading to Marah on the right hand, we en- 
tered into a large vale between very rude mountains, commonly 
called Gebel Faran^ our courfe then pointing towards the north 

[/] See page, 13. Sept. 12. 

[w] This place is called Barak, fee Sept. 12. p. 13. 

[*•] This is a very remarkable paflage, it being the only place, that, in any 
book of travels, I have ever met with the mention of this fecond ftone which 
Mofes ilruck, though it is manifeft from the Scriptures, that he ftruck two diffe- 
rent ftonc§, and at very different times. And as this is in a retired part of the 
wildernefs, it is a wonderful confirmation of the veracity of the Mofaical hifto- 
ry, for which reafon, independent of all curiofity, I fhould think it worth while, 
to employ fome perfon to go thither, who fhould be very particular in his de- 
fcription of it. The firft ftone which Mofes ftruck, is mentioned in the xviiih 
chapter of Exodus, to have been in the valley of Rephidim, and before the arri- 
val of the Ifraelites at Mount Shiai. Whereas the fecond which Mofes ftruck 
nvice before the waters guftied out, is mentioned in the xxth chapter of Numbers 
as being in the wildei-nefs of Kadcjh\ after the death of Miriam, and not long 
before the death of Aaron. So that there was about 38 years diftance between 
the one tranfa£lion and the other. 

wefl. 



TO MOUNT SINAI. 33 

^^^e^:. And pafling through this vale by a tolerably eafy de- 
fcent, we found it adorn'd widi trees and dates on both fides of 
us, here and there interfperfed with the habitations of Arabs, 
and full of birds, which entertained us very agreeably with their 
charming notes. About three quarters after eight we pafild by 
a place on a mountain upon our right hand, called Kabegin^ 
which was entirely deftroyed, nothing remaining of it but the 
ruins. And after a journey of another half hour we came to 
another ruined place, called [y] Faran, about a quarter after 
nine, fituated likewife on our right hand. This was formerly 
a large city containing many convents of the Greeks : For it was 
an epifcopal city, under the jurifdia:ion o^ Mount Sinai -, and 
formerly had the famous Theodorus for its bifliop, who wrote 
againfh the Monothelites. But at prefent nothing remains but 
heaps of the ruins of this famous city. Here we were oblio-ed 
to flop on account of the difputes between the Arabs. 

In this place no one is fuftered to put pen to paper, by 
reafon of a tradition they have, that here was formerly a [z] 
river, and that when an European was going to write down a 
defcription of it, out of indignation it funk under ground and 

[>•] This fhould be written Paran. Which place was famous in hiftory {'3 
long ago as in the days of Abraham ; the four kings who took his nephew Lot 
prifoncr, having, firft in their paflage round the Dead Tea, Smote the Horites in 
their Mount Seir^ or Mount Hor, unto El-Paran, which is ly the wildernefs. 
And from whence this wildernefs is frequently called the Wildernefs of Paran, 
See note in page, 1 0. Sept. 8. 

[2] This tradition is very remarkable. For as the author defcribes his jour- 
ney from the fecond rock of Mofes towards this place to have been through a 
vale by a tolerably eafy dejccnt^ it is poffible that this tradition may have arifen 
from the water which flowed out of this rock, and formed a river, which, as St. 
Paul defcribes it\ followed thein during their abode in that part of the wildernefs 
but probably dried up foon after their departure. 

a 1 Cor. X. 4. 

has 



34 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

has dilappeared ever fince. We departed from hence foon af- 
ter three, and after three quarters of an hour we again ftopped 
at a place called Magai\ where we found good water, with 
which we plentifully fupplied ourfelves. 

05i. 4. We departed from hence about three quarters after 
four In the morning, and continuing our journey by a pretty 
fharp defcent, got out at length from among themonftrous moun- 
tains of Gcbel Faratty and came to a large plain, furrounded how- 
ever with high hills, at the foot of one of which we repofed 
ourfelves under our tents at about half an hour after ten. Thele 
hills are called Gebel el Mokataby that is, the written mountaim : 
For as foon as we had parted from the mountaim of Faran 
we paiTed by feveral others for an hour together, engraved with 
ancient unknown characters, which were cut into the hard 
marble rock fo high as to be in fome places at twelve or fourteen 
feet diftance from the ground : and though we had in our com- 
pany perfons, who were acquainted with the Arabick, Greek, 
Hebrew, Syriack, Coptic, Latin, Armenian, Turkifh, Englifh, 
lUyrican, German, and Bohemian, languages, yet none of them 
had any knowledge of thefe charaders j which have neverthe- 
lefs been cut into the hard rock with the greateft induflry, in a 
place where there is neither water, nor any thing to be gotten 
to eat. It is probable therefore thefe unknown \_a] charaders 
contain fome very fecret myflerles, and that they were engraved 
either by the Chaldseans, or fome other perfons long before the 
coming of Chrifl. In this place where we this day refled there 

\_a'] The learned allow that the ancient Hebrew charaifter, having been dif- 
ufed during the Babylonifh captivity, is loft, and that it is the Chaldee chara- 
<Eler which we now ufe inftead of it. The probability is therefore, that thefe 
chara6lers are the ancient Hebrew charaftcr, which the Ifraelites having learned 
to write, at the time of the giving the law from Mount Simi, diverted them- 
felves with pradifmg it on thefe mountains during their forty years abode in 
the wildernefs. 

1 are 



TOMOUNTSINAI. 3^ 

are two roads, one leading through a valley to Tcr, and ftretch- 
ing diredlly weftward ; the other road towards the north weft, 
leading dired:Iy to Suefs. Here the Arabs refufing to carry us all 
according to our agreement to Tor^ a violent buftle arofe, till at 
length it vv^as concluded we fhould go diredly to Suefs, paffing 
by the baths of PharaOy of which by and by. Thus fubmitting, 
whether we would or not, to the determination of the Arabs, 
the day following being 

OB. 5. We departed at half an hour after fix, and by that road 
which leads north weft, proceeded towards the baths oi Pbarao y 
and continuing our journey through thefe mountains, which, 
they fay, are alfo written with unknown characters like the 
others, we flopped at half an hour after nine in a plain totally 
furrounded with mountains. After dinner we went to a neigh- 
bouring valley which lay wefl-ward called Megena, where is a 
grotto cut with infinite labour in the rnarble rock, the entrance in- 
to which, is, by the injury of time and weather, for the moft part 
obflruded by great ftones ; and even the cave itfelf almofl half 
filled with fand. Being obliged to ufe the help of candles and other 
lights, on our entrance we came immediately to a great hall, 
fupported on every fide by rude unfinifiied pillars. This grotto 
we could perceive reached a great deal further, but on account of 
the exccflive heats, we declined exploring it on, and we found 
that the further we went, the more the pafiJage was obflruded 
with fand. At length w^e concluded tliat this cave was built 
for a [b] burial place to the Egyptians. But the inhabitants of 
the place, as well as the Arabs, fay, that a certain Schiech, 
called Abuzelime, dwells in it, who drinks coffee continually 
brought from Mecca by birds, and pounded in mortars by an- 

\b'] This fuppofition is in my opinion a little extravagant, confiderinf the 
great diftance this place is from Egypt. But I fee no reafon why it may not 
have been made by the Ifi>aelites during their abode in the wiidernefs, for feme 
jfublick ufe or other. 

F gels J 



36 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

gels ; with many other fuch like fables, which I do not thinft 
worth while to enumerate. 

051, 6. We departed from hence at three quarters after four, 
and having reached the top of a mountain by an eafy afcent, about 
three quarters after feven we difcovered the Red-fea lying to the 
weft. We all however, travelled down ori. foot, the defcent 
being pretty fharp y and a little afterwards came to a plain, where 
we proceeded on flreight forward between the hills j and at ten 
o'clock, coming out from among the mountains towards the north 
weft, we approached to the fea ftiore j and continuing our jour- 
ney till half an hour after eleven we then ftopped, and refted 
ourfelves in a plain at about an hours diftance from the fea j this 
we did on account of fome frefti water we found here, of which 
we laid in a good quantity againft our enfuing journey over the 
next mountains, at an hour's diftance from us toward the eaft. 

OB. J. Here we remained till after mid day, and about two 
o'clock fet forward keeping upon the fea ftiore -, till about fun^ 
fet we again left the fea, and arrived betv^een the mountains by 
a tolerably eafy afcent, after we had pafled the mountain called 
Gebel el Scheita?j, that is, the mountain of the Devil. Which as- 
it is f^ntirely of a black colour gives foundation for the Arabs to 
report, that the devil fometimes dreffed his viduals under it, 
by the fmoak of which it acquired that blacknefs. They relate 
alfo another fabulous hiftory about a head eredted on high to- 
wards the entrance into the mountains, upon the left hand of 
the road j being a very large ftone, fuppofed to have been the 
head of a fea captain, whofe name was Baube, which was cut 
off by the Arabs, and put on the fummit of that mountain where 
it now remains, and that in one night's time it was turned into 
ftone, and they fay, ftiould any one throw it down from the 
place where it is fixt, it would by next day be reftored to its 
fjtuation. But thefe are only the fables of the Arabs. Proceed- 
ing on by the dufk of the evening in the forementioned valley, 

I till 



TO MOUNT SINAI. 37 

|ill three quarters after fix, as it was full of trees, we reded there 
that night. 

05i. 8. We departed from hence about fun-rife, and after a 
journey of three hours flopped, on account of a difpute with the 
' Arabs, whether we Ihould go or not to the baths of Pharao. 
And after a quarter of an hour we again fet forv/ard, ftill de- 
fcending a moderate hill, till we came to a place where two 
roads meet, one leading diredlly to Suefs^ and the other on the 
left hand to the baths of Pharao. Here a terrible diffenfion 
arofe, and the utmoll confufion, fome taking the rout towards 
Suefs, and others going towards the baths of Pharao ; till at 
length, after a dreadful conteft thofe returned who had departed 
for Suefs, and all went on together by the valley which leads to 
the baths of Pharao. 

After a journey of two hours we got clear of the mountains, 
and came near the fea which lay to the weft of us j and conti- 
nuing our road towards the fea coaft, after a journey of one hour 
we flopped. Then changing our rout to the left, we travelled 
fouthwards upon the fea fhore, and came with our dromedaries 
to the baths oi Pharao, which are about three quarters of an 
hour from the high road. Where being arrived we confidered 
the place very accurately. It is at the foot of an exceeding high 
mountain, flretching from eaft to weft till it terminates on the 
fea at about the diftance of a ftone's caft from it; and in this in- 
termediate fpace the aforementioned mineral waters break forth, 
and bubble up, making three diftindl ftreams, which run into 
the fea, and are fo hot that a man can hardly bear his hand or 
foot in them. Thefe waters have a fait and fulphureous tafte, 
and leave a yellow tinge behind on the place from whence they 
ifTue, but are otherwife in themfelves very clear and pellucid. 
At length we came to the fountain head where are two caves or 
hollows in the mountain which diminish irregularly ; that towards 
the left, being the largeft, forms itfelf, as it were into a cham- 

F 2 ber. 



38 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

ber, into which when any perfon enters it raifes as wonderful %. 
fweat as if he was in a very hot bath. Hither many fick per- 
fons refort, and by fweating for forty days fuccefiively, and 
regular dietj and drinking the mineral water, recover their 
health. 

The water is often fent for to CairOy by thofe that cannot 
conveniently come to the fountain, and frequently drunk at home 
with good fuccefs. The inhabitants of the place fay, that if you 
put four eggs into any of the baths, three of them will be boiled, 
and the fourth will difappear. But this I give no credit to, un- 
lefs I had feen the experiment. They are called [r] Hamatn el 
Fharaoney that is, the baths of Pbarao-, becaufe poflibly it 
might formerly have been frequented by Pharao. Whence 
alfo the adjoining fea which is three or four leagues broad is cal- 
led Berke el Pharaone^ or the lake of Pharao. And as it is a 
good flation for cafling anchor in, a fhip happened at this very 
time to be riding here at anchor waiting for a favourable wind to 
carry her to Gidda. 

Having taken a careful view of this bath and the places 
about it, we departed to join the reft of our caravan : and over- 
took it late at night, lituated on the fea (hore in the valley of 
[^] Gorondu where the rivulet beforementioned empties itfelf in- 
to the fea j and is here both bitter and fait, and very difagreea- 
ble to the tafte. We fpent in this place a very uneafy night on 
account of the high wind, which drove the fand in great quanti- 
ties upon us, and incommoded us very much, 

Oci. 9. About fun-rife we departed, and in our courfe along 
the fea ihore were ftill much difturbed by the high wind. Af- 

[f] Hence poiTibly hot baths in England are called hummums. See alfo the note 
p. 12, Sept. 8. 

[^] See Sept. 8. p. 10. 



TO MOUNT SINAL 39 

tei? a journey of fix hours, having left all the mountains, wc 
travelled over feveral little hills and rifing grounds, and reded 
in a place where were feveral tufts of green ^fs -, and after we 
had refrefhed ourfelves with a moderate dinner, we travelled on 
again for four hours and a half, till it was pretty late in the night j 
and two hours before we flopped, pafied a place near the fea 
where was a ilream of excellent fweet water. 

OB. 10. That we might get beyond Suefs we departed from. 
hence foon after mid-night, but after a journey of two hours it 
was fo dark that we were forced to flop whether we would or 
not, for fear of the camels falling. And at half an hour after 
four, it being dawn of day, we fet forward again, and in fevea 
hours came to the wells of Mofes, called [f] Ai?i el Mufa, 
Immediately upon our arrival there, all we who were on horfe- 
back purfued our journey,, and rode on before, to provide a fliip 
to carry us all to the other fide of the gulph. After we had 
taken fome refl, the caravan came up to us about five o'clock y 
by which time the fliip being got ready, we went aboard with 
all our concerns, and, when landed, lodged ourfelves in our for- 
mer \J] camp on the outfide of the city of Suefs. Here we found 
only two fhips which were to fail ia two days time. 

0£i, II. We remained in our tents at 6*?^^, being vifited by 
the chriflians of th« place, who alfo entertained us with an ele- 
gant fupper. 

OB. 12. This whole day we faw thofe Arabs pafling by 
who are the moft inveterate enemies to the Arabs of Mount Si77ai., 
And left we fhould encounter them on the road, we ftaid on 
purpofe till the following day. 

OB, 13. And now imagining that all the Arabs, who were 
at enmity with us were gone by, we departed from Suefs ; antl 

[^] See Sept. 6, p. 8. \f] See Sept. 5. p. 6. 

after 



40 A JOURNAL FROM CAIRO 

after a journey of a good hour flopped at [g] Bir el Suefs, before 
defcribed, and after a moderate dinner there, we again fet for- 
ward, and when we were not far diftant from [^] Agirut^ we 
perceived a caravan of our enemies juft over againft us, which 
we all thought had pafTed by long ago ; fo that though they were 
going another road at the diflance from us of a gun-fliot, yet ne- 
verthelefs our Arabs prepared themfelves for battle, alighting 
from their camels, and marching on foot armed with lances, 
fwords and guns ; while four of the chief of them galloping their 
horfes between the enemy's caravan and ours, attempted, by in- 
fulting them in this bravading manner, [/] to provoke them to 
an engagement. For though the camels of our enemy's caravan 
were much more numerous than ours, yet we were ftronger in 
the number of armed men, fo that they durft not attack us, but 
haftened their pace to pafs by us ; and it was not unpleafant to 
behold thofe that were in the rear galloping after the reft for fear 
we fhould take them prifoners. When they were gone, we 
foon after turned towards the road along which our enemies came, 
which was upon our right hand, and having pafTed Agirut upon 
our left hand, of which we have [k] already fpoken, we conti- 
nued our courfe between hills and rifing grounds, interfperfed 
here and there with tufts of green herbs, on which the camels 
fed, being about fix Italian miles diftant from the road which 
we pafTed in our former journey. At length we flopped when 
we were come three hours and a half from Agirut and feven 
hours and an half from Suefs, and when we were within fight 
of the mountains of [/] Huhehi which were about a good league 
diflant from us towards the north. 

0£f, 14. At half an hour after four in the morning we 
departed again from this place, and about fun-rife faw feven 

Ig'] See Sept. 5. p. 8. 

[A] See Sept. 5. ibid. [/'] Or at Icaft to fhew tliey were not afraid of them. 

"[^] See Sept. 5. p. 6. [I] See Sept. 4. p. 6. 

animals 



TO MOUNT SINAI. 41 

animals called Gafell, and a good many hares feeding on the 
aforementioned green tufts. And having paiTed by the moun- 
tain Huhebi, at, as I faid, about a league's diftance, we flopped 
at half an hour after eleven, and at one o'clock after dinner we 
again fet forward on our journey, and travelled till half an hour 
after five, when we flopped near a little hill. 

OB. 1 5. We proceeded on our journey this morning at about 
half an hour after five, travelling as before between hills and rifins: 
grounds, and refted ourfelves at half an hour after nine. And 
having quitted the road that leads by the village of [;;?] Chankcy 
we purfued our journey diredtly towards Cairo. For which 
place we fet forward at half an hour after one, leaving thofe \}i\ 
fandy hills on our right hand through which we pafied in our 
former journey. And a little before fun-fet we mounted up a 
little hill called Daher el Homar, that is the affes back, from 
whence we got a view of the fituation of Gz/r^, at four hours 
and a half diilance from us ; and profecuting our journey be- 
tween tv^ilight and the light of the moon, we at length came 
about nine o'clock to the laft flage called [0] Ukalt el Babaar, 
where our friends were gathered together expecting our arri- 
val. They received us very affedionately with finging, and ex- 
ultations, and embraces 5 and according to the cullom of the 
orientals, fpcnding the night in noify clamours, and clapping 
their hands. 

OSi. 16. This day we entered the city in good health by 
the port of Baalf el Naafar, and I arrived at my own houfe, 
thanks be to God, who brought me thither fafe from all mif- 
chief. 

[m] See Sept. 2» p. 4. [«] See Sept. 3. 'p. 5. [<?] See Sept. i. p. 3. 

AND 




42 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc. 



N D, Gentlemen, when the perfon whom you 
think proper to employ is gotten fo far as 
Mou7it S'mai^ I think it would be advifeable to en- 
gage him to take a view of that whole promontory. 
And in particular to go and vilit Sharme which [ci\ 
Dr. Pococke fays is about a day and a halfs journey 
fouth eaft from Mount Sinai '^ and from whence the 
Monks of Mount Sinai are chiefly fupplied with fifli. 
Which I fuppofe to be the place where Jethro the 
prince of Midian lived whofe daughter Zipporah was 
married to Mofes. Becaufe it is manifefl that Jethro 
lived at about that diftance from Mount Sinai. For it 
is faid in the book of Exodus, when Mofes was return- 
ing to Egypt by command from God, and was bringing 
his wife and children along with him, that when he 
was arrived at the iirft [^] ftage from the habitation of 
his father in law Jethro, he there was met by the an- 
gel of the Lord, who obliged him to fend his wife and 
children [c] back again. After which he purfued his 
journey and met his brother Aaron at [<^j Mount 
Horeb, 

And probably it was from this fituatlon near the fea 
fliore, that the family of Jethro were called [e] Ke- 
lt itcs. The word ken in Hebrew flgnifies a neji^ a 

[a] Poc. Trav. p. 137. [b'] Exod. iv. 24. [c] Exod. xviii. 2. 
[d] Exod. iv. 27. [e'\ Judg. i. i6. iv. 11, 17. 

hole 



Plate I. 






^^, 



1^^ 




Plate JI. 




ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 43 

hole, or cave ; and therefore Balaam, when he was 
bleffing the Ifraelites, and looked upon the Kenites 
who were among them, took up his parable and faid, 
Strong is thy dwelling place ^ and thou puttejl /'/^ nest in 
a rock. Num. xxiv. 20. 

He {hould likewiTe vifit [/] Dizahal?^ which is 
mentioned Deut. i. i. and which is to this day called M 
Dzahab or Meenah el Dzahab^ which literally fio-ni- 
fies the port of gold; and is probably the fame place 
with Ezio72geber mentioned Numb, xxxiii. ^S* and 
Deut. ii. 8. as alfo i Kings ix. 26. and 2 Chron. viii. 17. 
as that port in the Red-fea from whence Solomon 
fent his iliips to bring gold from Ophir, And poffi- 
bly in crofling over the promontory from thence to- 
wards Egypt ^ he may find out fome traces of the city 
of Kadejhy mentioned Num. xx. 1 6. and in number- 
lefs other places, from whence that whole wildernefs 
was denominated the wildernefs of KadeJ/j, Which 
city was originally called En-Mifipat^ that is, the 
fountain or feat of judgment, Gen. xiv. 7. as beino- 
probably the chief city of the territory and the place 
where the courts of judicature were held. The flxino- 
of the fituation of which place would give great li^ht 
into the hiftorical part of the travels of the children of 
Ifrael during the time of their forty years wandering in 
the wildernefs of KadeJIj. 

[f] In the Hebrew it is, Zahah or Dzchah, as it fliould have been 
tr^flated. 

[^] Shaw's Trav. p. 356. 

G On 



44 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

On his return to Egypt he might be defired to make" 
a particular enquiry into the fituation of Memphis ; 
which though it is fixed by Sir Ifaac Nev/ton and Dr. 
Shaw and others to have been at Geeza on the weftern 
banks of the Nile^ juft over againft Grand Cairo ; yet, 
according to Herodotus, muft ha\'e been a good deal 
higher up the river on the fouth eaft corner of the lake. 
Mcerisy or Birque of Charo7i as it is now called [^]. 
Dr. Pococke hath indeed placed it a little higher up 
the river than Geeza^ that is, between Moka?mn and 
Metraheny. But in my hum.ble opinion it muft have 
been ftill higher up and nearer to the lake Mceris^ as I. 
think will fufficiently appear from quoting the defcri- 
ption given of it by Herodotus. 

Who fays, *' that the priefl:s informed him, that 
^^ Menes, who was the firft king of Egypt ^ by throw- 
^^ ing up a rampart above Memphis^ of about loo [/*]» 
*' ftades in length ftretching towards the fouth, dried- 
*' up that pait of the Niky which to his time had paf- 
*' fed by the foot of the mountain of fand in Lihya^ 
'' and caufed the water to run from a certain angle: 
*^ through the hills by a new channel. That this 
*' channel was diligently preferved in his time; and 
^^- annually repaired by the Periians \ becaufe if the. 

SJj\ Poc. Trav. p. 40. 

[i] A ftade is an Egyptian meafure equal to 200' fathom or 400- 
^ards. So that allowing 2000 yards to a mile, this rampart was 
r^venty miles long, 

" river 



ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHlCS,&c. 45 
^ river fliould at any time break through the bank, the 
' whole city would probably be drowned. They add, 
' fays he, that the fame Menes, after he had diverted 
^ the courfe of the water, built the city, which to 
' this day is called Memphis^ within the ancient bed 
' of the river. And indeed this place is fituated in 
' one of the narrowed: ftreights of Egypt. That, on 
* the fiorth a7td weji Jide^ he caufed a lake to be made 
' without the walls from the river, which pafTes on 
' the eaftern part : and founded the magnificent and 
' memorable temple of Vulcan in the fame city." 
Thus far Herodotus. Menes, though he is here men- 
tioned by Herodotus as the firft king of Egypt ^ was 
very far from being fuch, as I have fhewed in the 
introdudlion to that treatife publifhed a fev/ years ago 
entitled The chronology of the Hebrew bible vtjjdicated ^c. 
but which fiiould have been entitled Obfervatmts 072 the 
Pentateuch of Mofes^ whe?^ei72 the chronology &c. He was 
indeed the firft king of Memphis^ and feems to have 
transferred the feat of empire from Thebes to Memphis. 
For Diodorus pofitively fays, that Memphis was not 
built till eight generations after the building of Thebes -y 
and that the rife of Mei?iphis was the downfall of 
Thebes, 

However as Menes is here mentioned to have built 
Memphis^ and at the fame time to have caufed a lake 
to be made on the north and weft fide of the walls 
of it, in my opinion nothing can be plainer than 
that, according to this defcription, the fituation of 

G 2 Memphis 



46 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, Sec. 

Memphis muft liave been on the fouth eaft corner of 
the lake [Ji] Mcsns, and that this city ftood between 
the lake of the river 7V/7^, which ran upon the eaftern 
fide of it. 

[/] Strabo fpeaking of Memphis fays in one place 
that it was in the neighbourhood of the Pyramids, 
and in another place that Memphis was [;/^] forty ftades 
diftant from the Pyramids. But he does not fay whe- 
ther to the north or fouth of them, and therefore this, 
as [;;] Do6lor Shaw alledges, may pro^e the fituation 
of Memphis to have been where Geeza is now. But 
this difficulty is cleared up by \o\ Pliny, v/ho wrote not 
long after Strabo, and poiitively fays that the Pyramids - 
are fituated between Memphis and the Delta, Whence- 
it follows of confequence^-tha.tikf/?/;2^fe was fituated to 
the fouth of the Pyramids,. 

And. what adds greatly to the flrength of what I 
Have here advanced is the opinion of a very accurate 
and judicious writer, v/ho was feveral times upon the 
fpot, and joins with me in my fentiments herein. The 
perfon I mean is Monfieur Maillet, who was fixteen. 
years conful for the French nation, and was more than 
once as high up in Egypt as the lake Mceris, And in. 

[li] This lake is called the lake Maris, becaufe thougli.it was begun> 
>y Menes it was finilhed by Moeris. 

[/] Strabo, 1. xvii. [m] Or eight miles, 

fft] Shaw's Trav. p. 34.0. [o] Plin. nat. Hift, L xxxvi. c. 16. 

Jiis 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, Sec. 47 

Kis feventh letter he declares pojGitively, that there 
are at prefent fiich ruins to be feen on the borders of 
the lake Mceris at the fouthcrn entrance into the Plain 
of ??tummiesj as are inconteftable proofs that fome- 
where hereabouts miift have been the lituation of that 
capital of the Egj^ptian empire. He fa^ys moreover,, 
that at the bottom of the lake there are to this day to 
be feen the ruins of pillars, obelifks, and buildino-s, when 
the overflov^ings of the Nile are not confiderable 
enough to replenifli the lake with water ; which hap- 
pened twice during the lixteen years of his confulate ; 
but particularly in the year 1697, when thefurface of 
this lake was five or fix cubits lower than ufual, and 
gave the fpedators, to their great furprize, an oppor- 
tunity of feeing the ruins of a vaft city at the bottom 
of this immenfe refervoir- 

Which agrees fb exactly with the account given by 
Herodotus of the fituation of Memphis^ that it is al- 
moft impoffible to be deceived in it. For he fays, that 
Menes, by throwing up a rampart above Memphis of 
^bovit a 100 ftades in length, ftretching towards the 
fouth dried up that part of the Nile which to his (Me- 
nes') time had pafled by the foot of the mountain of 
fand in Libya, That this rampart was diligently pre- 
ferved in his (Herodotus') time, and annually repaired 
by the Perfians ; becaufe if the river fhould at any 
time break through the bank, the whole city would 
probably be drowned. Which we find by experience 
iiath accordingly happened to a great part of that vafl 

<^ity, 



48 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 

city, either by the negHgence of the inhabitants, or 
the wilful defigns of their enemies. And indeed ic is 
no othervvife to be accounted for, how it fhould come 
to pafs that the iituation of this great city fliould at 
prefent be difputable ; and that there fhould be fo 
few remains left above ground, even of the ruins of fo 
immenfe a city, in a country remarkably famous for 
the happy difpofition of its climate in the prefervation 
of its antiquities. 

There is alio a remarkable circumftance attending 
the lake Mceris^ which fhews the fituation of this city 
of Memphis to have been originally, as it is defcribed 
by Herodotus, fouthward of the Pyramids and the plain 
of Mummies^ or the burial place of the Egyptians. 
Which circumftance occurs to me from the name given 
to this lake, even to this day by the Arabians, and 
that is the Birqm or lake of Charon. Becaufe as it is 
acknowledged, that the plain of Mummies^ or burying 
place of the ancient Egyptians, lies to the north of the 
lake Mcerisy therefore in order for the corpfes of the 
Egyptians to be brought by boat to this burial place, 
it is necefiary they fhould come fomewhere from the 
fouth. And as Memphis lay, according to Herodo- 
tus, on the fouth call: corner of the lake Mce?^isy 
therefore it is more than probable that it was the 
cuftom of tranfporting the corpfes of the ancient 
inhabitants of Memphis in Charon's ferry boat from 
Memphis to the plai?2 of Mumf/iies^ which firft gave oc-* 
cafion to this denomination being given to that lake, 

as 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 49 

as well as to the inventions of the Grecian poets with 
regard to a great part of the heathen mythology,, as is 
pofitively aflerted by Diodorus Siculus, who mentions 
it as an Egyptian cuftom of ancient date for perfons to 
be appointed at every ones interment to examine theii* 
pafl: lives : " And that before the body was buried, tlic 
*' relations of the deceafed gave notice both to ih^ judges, 
*' and the friends of the deceafed, of the day appointed 
*^ for the interment, faying, that fuch a one, naming the 
'' deceafed by his name, is about topafs the lake. Then 
" the judges, to the number of forty, iGitting in a place 
*^ prepared for them in the form of a femicircle on the 
'^ other fide of the lake, the corps was brought over ta 
*' them in a boat conducted by a perfon, who in the 
'' Egyptian tongue was called Charon ; but before the 
*' corpfe was fuffered to be put into its coffin, every one 
" was perinitted to accufe the dead perfon. And if 
^' he was found to have lived a wicked life, the judges 
*' gave fentence that he fhould not be allowed to be 
*' buried. But if no accufer appeared, or the accufer 
" was convicted of falfehood, then the friends of tlie 
^' deceafed made a funeral oration in his favour, and 
^' put the corpfe into its cofEn, and carried it to the 
^' place of interment ; but thofe who were condemned 
*' to be unworthy of fepulture, either on account of 
" crimes or debts ,^ were carried home again by their 
" friends, and prohibited from being put even into a 
^' cofKn*. Which cuftom, fays he, Orpheus having 
■** ohferved, he from thence framed the fables of the 

**^ infer-- 



50 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

'' infernal Deities." And in the following chapter he 
particularly mentions Memphis as the place from whence 
Orpheus borrowed the fcene of the lake Acheriifta^ and 
the Elyiian fields : For, fays he, " there are about 
' Memphis delightful fields and lakes filled with 
' aromatick r'eeds ; ^and in this place it is that the 
' Egyptians for the moft part bury their dead. And 
* it is thefe corpfes which are brought over the lake 
' Acherujia to the burying place of the Egyptians, and 
' are there depofited, that gave rife to all thofe fidions 
' which the Grecians have raifed concerning the in- 
^ fernal Deities." Where it is to be obferved, that 
thefe aromatick reeds ^ with which this lake and the ad- 
joining lands abound, are in the original called 'A^s- 
^ws/^, AcheroeSy and therefore it is probable that this lake 
was from thence denominated ' Ay^p^ato^, "Kipriy the* 
Acherufian lake^ which alfo fliews the abfurdity of all 
thofe derivations of the word Achero7ty that are to be 
found in the Greek Lexicons. And probably thefe 
Acheroes are the fame with thofe fweet fcented reeds ^ or 
kanes as they are called in the Hebrew, which are men- 
tioned Exod. XXX. 23. and Jer. vi. 20. that were made 
life of by the Ifraelites in the compofition of their per- 
fumes ; and are fpoken of as being brought I'rom a far 
country. 

This however is manifeft from what is before faid, 
that the lake Moeris or the Acherufta7i lake or the 
Btrque of Cha?vny bordered on the city of Memphis 

and 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 51 

and lay between that city and xk^ plain of mum7nies^ 
or the burying place of the Egyptians. 

As to the time when this practice was firft inftitut- 
cd, Diodorus feems to be of opinion, that it was intro- 
duced by Menes, a prince, as he fays, of great wif- 
dom and virtue, and who &ft taught the Egyptians to 
worfhip the Gods. And as Herodotus mentions Me- 
nes to be the perfon who founded Memphis^ it is not 
improbable that he might at the fame time have been 
the author of this cuftom. Certain it is, that the 
Egyptians from the moft early times paid a great ve- 
neration to fepulchral rites, as is manifeft from the hi- 
ftory of Jacob, and the fkill the Egyptians fhewed, 
and the expence they were then at, in burying their 
dead. The denial therefore of thefe rites, being look- 
ed upon by them as a grievous punifhment, might, 
as it probably was, be eafily made ufe of by Menes as 
a wife piece of ftate policy. 

But as to the time when this cuftoiH was firfl left ofF 
or intermitted in Egjp ^ythat does not fo positively appear ; 
and therefore we mufc have recourfe to conjedures. It 
is plain from Diodorus, that it was in practice in the time 
of Orpheus, who being an Argonaut lived one gene- 
ration before the war of Troy; and probably continued 
till the time of Cheops king oi Egypt ^ who lived two ge- 
nerations after the Trojan war. For the war of Troy 
■happened when [/>] Proteus reigned in Memphis^ and 
Thonis was governor under him of the Canopic moutli 

[/>] Herod. 1. ii. Horn. Odyfl I. iv. 

H of 



52 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c, 

of the Nile: Proteus was fucceeded by Rampfinitus^ 
and Rampfinitus by Cheops. Now Herodotus fays, 
tJiat the prkfts told him, that to the reign of Ramp- 
finitus juftice and good order were preferved in Egypt ^ 
and that the kingdom flourifhed in plenty ; but that 
Cheops, who fucceeded, was a moft flagitious tyrant. 
For after he had fhut up all the temples, and forbid- 
den the public facrifices, he opprefled the Egyptians with 
hard labour &c. 

Now if we fuppofe thefe forty judges to have beerf 
priefts, as^, according to the fuppofltion of \_q'] Mri 
Warburton, it is more than probable they were j and 
that they had ftretched their authority by degrees fo^ 
far beyond its original inftitution as to render it necef- 
fary for the prince to interpofe and to aboliflithis court 
of judicature m Memphis \ there will tlien be a ready- 
folution for all thofe abufes and invedives with which> 
the memory of Cheops was loaded by the priefts. - 

And that this was really the caie, is very likely, be- 
caufe Herodotus fays, that Cheops fpent ten years in' 
building a bridge five ftades (or a mile) in length, or 
fixty feet broad, and ■ in the higheft part forty eight 
feet in altitude. Herodotus does not fay where thisr 
bridge was built, but as Herodotus mentions that Me— 
lies, when he built Memphis^ caufed a lake to^ be made 

["^] See the ingenious diflertation of Mr. Warburton on the fixth 
book of Virgil's ./^neid, in the firfl vol. of his Divine legation of- 



ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHlCS,6cc. 53 

on the north and weft fide without the walls from the 
river, which pafTed on the eaftern part, it is plain that 
Memphis was furrounded on three fides by water. 
And as the Plain of the mummies undoubtedly lay 
northward of the lake, the inhabitants of Memphis 
were obliged to pafs this lake of Charon in order to bu- 
ry their dead. I fuppofe therefore it was over this 
part of the lake, which feparated Memphis from the 
Plain of mmmniesj that Cheops built his bridge when 
he demolifiied the court of inquifition which was held by 
the priefts ; and by that means rendered Charon's ferry 
boat entirely ufelefs. For I think it is hardly pofiible 
for a bridge in that early age of the world to have 
been built over the main ftream of the JVile ; confi- 
dering the violence of its inundations, and therefore I 
fuppofe that part of the Acherufan lake which lay 
northward oi Memphis to have been only a fort of canal^ 
contrived for the better carrying off the inundations of 
the Nile out of this lake, over which Cheops built 
this bridge for the convenience of the inhabitants of 
Memphis, 

These however are .only conjedures, and indeed all 
authors that have ever written concerning the early ages 
of the kingdom of Egypt complain of the want of ma- 
vterials [r]. Sir Ifaac Newton obferves that all the hi- 
ftories of the fevxral kingdoms of the world mayjuftly 

[r] Newt. Chron. p. 7. 

H 2 he 



54 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

be looked upon as fabulous, till about fourfcore or ail^ 
hundred years before, the. practice of Uterary v/riting in 
thofe feveral countries; and as tliere is no account of 
any tranfadlions in Egypt which can be depended up- 
on till about that period of time before the reign of 
Sefoftris ; fo I conclude of courfe, that the art of lite- 
rary writing was not known in Egypt till about that 
time. For Herodotus, who is the only prophane author 
v/ho can with any certainty be relied on with regard 
to ancient Egypt j goes no further back than the tranf— 
lation of the Egyptian empire to Memphis- by Menes, , 
about three generations before Sefoftris. And fays 
that^ before that time, the priefts informed him that 
Egypt- was governed by the Gods. And it may be 
taken for granted that> . when any nation or people are 
referred to the Gods for their hiftory, the people of 
that nation were at that, time ignorant of the art of li-- 
terary writing. 

When the art of literary writing firft began I can- - 
not fay politr/ely, but certain it is that we have not 
the leaft traces of it before the time of Mofes, But af- 
ter the delivery of the law upon Mount Sinai ^.2ixA. 
the If"aelites were [j] ordered to write fome of the 
words of thi; law on the pofts of their doors, and on 
their gates, every one who had the. leaft genius would 
endeavour to leam and pradice the art of literary wrir 
ting. And accordingly we find, from the aforemen— 

[j} Deut. vi. 9. II, 20. 

tioned:' 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICSr,&c. 55 

tioned journal, that in the wildernefs of Kadep?^ where 
foon after the giving of the law the children of Ifrael 
wandered for forty years, there are whole mountains 
which are. engraved with inexpreffible labour, with, 
characters at prefent unknown, but wliich, there is 
great reafon to: fufpe6t, were the ancient Hebrew cha- 
raders, which being loft by difafe during the Baby- 
lonifh captivity, were fuppHed by the Chaldee chara— 
clcrs in their fteadv 

And as [/] Jofhua was ordered to write the words ^ 
of the law upon large ftones or^ Mount Ebal^ as foon^ 
as he had pafled over "Jordan^ which, he. accordingly 
did, Uterary writing muft from thence become tolera- 
bly well known to the Canaanites as well as the Ifra- 
elites. Hence it was that Cadmus who was a Canaa- 
nite,. or, as Herodotus aflerts, a Tyrian, . which is the 
fame thing, might alfo learn the art of literary writingj 
lince it was not till fome years after the paflage over 
"Jordan that Jofhua was able to difpoffefs the Canaa-- 
nites, and drive them out of the land by a total over-^ 
throw of their forces \u\ at the waters ofMerom^ where 
the Lord delwered them i?ito the hand of Ifrael^ ^uoho 
Jmote them y and chafed them unto great Sidon\. From, 
which place,, or from Tyre^ it probably was that Cad- • 
mus with the reft: of their defeated companions took 
ftiipping,. and fled into Greece ^ and carried with them 
the ant of literary writing,. And hence it is that the 

[/] Dent, xjdii. 7. Jofli...viii. 30. [«] JoIH. xi. 'jy^i. 

Phoeni— 



56 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc 

Phoenicians are faid by Lucan to have been the inven- 
tors of literary ^vriting. 

Phcenices primi^ famcejtcredimusy auji 
Manfuram rudihus vocem Jignare Jiguris, 

Luc, 1. iii. 

For that the Cadmonites were one of thofe colonies 
which were difpoffeffed of their habitations by Jofhua 
is plain from hence ; becaufe they are particularly fpe- 
cified in the promife made by God to Abraham when 
he made a covenant with him to give him the land 
of Canaa7i for a pofTefiion, faying, [at] unto thy feed 
have I given this land^ from the river of Egypt to the 
great river y the river Euphrates. The Kenites^ and the 
KenezziteSy and the iZ ad mon it es^ and the Hithites, 

DiODORUs [j^'] accordingly fays, that Cadmus, who 
was the head of this tribe brought the art of literary 
writing from Phoenicia into Greece^ wherefore thofe let- 
ters, fays he, are called Phoenician. And in another 
[z] place, he fays^ that Cadmus came to Rhodes^ and 
brought with him the Phoenician lettters. Where was 
found an ancient vafe with this infcription, that Rhodes 
was about to be deftroyed by ferpents : That is, by 
the Hevites, who were his countrymen and accompa- 
nied Cadmus from Phoenicia into Greece y the word 
Heva in Hebrew fignifying diferpent, 

[x'] Gen. XV. i8, 19. [j] Diod. 1. ii. c. 5. 

[2] Diod. 1. V. c, 13. 

And 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 57 

And indeed if we confider the whole ftory of Cad- 
mus, as related by the Grecian hiftorians, whofe 
wife's name is faid to be Hermione, and that he raifed 
foldiers by fowing of ferpents teeth, it will add a 
ftrong confirmation to this opinion, that Cadmus was' 
one of thofe Phoenicians, who were driven out of Ca- 
fiaan by Jofhua, when he purfi.ied' them to great Si^ 
den. For when Jofhua numbered the hofts, which, 
came out againft him to battle in the land of Canaan^ 
he reckons up amongft them, \a\ the Hevile under 
Hermon. And now let us but (uppofe, that Cadmus, 
the head of the Cadmonites, was married to the daugh- 
ter of his unfortunate neighbour and ally the king 
of Hermo?i^ whofe fubje6ls were called Hevites ; and 
who being driven from their country by Jofliua were 
forced to fly into Greece^ and' there is an eafy folution 
of this mythological ftory of the Grecian Cadmus. 
For as the denomination or name, which was given to 
the daughter of the king of Hermony might probably 
be Hermione, and as the word Hevite, which was the 
appellation of thcfubjedls of the king of Hermonj de- 
notes in 'H.^YQWyOnefprung from aferpent; to the Greci- 
ans made ufe of the double iignification of this word to- 
graft upon it their fable of Cadmus the hufband of Her- 
mione having raifed foldiers by fowing of ferpents teeth. 

We have therefore no reafon to rely upon any of 
the hiftories. which relate even to Greece before this 
period,, that is above fourfcore years before the intro- 

\a] Jolh. xi. ^ 

dudtior^. 



58 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHrCS, &c. 

duclion of letters among them by Cadmus ; but much 
lefs to rely upon any of the traditionary reports rela- 
ting to Egypt ^ as the art of licerary writing does not 
feem to have been introdiiLcd there fo foon as into 

Greece, 

And though it appears that the art of literary wri- 
ting was known in Egypt in the time of Sefoftris [^J, 
from the infcriptions which he left behind him in the 
lands he had conquered ; yet is it more than probable, 
that the knowledge of this art was entirely confined 
to the priefthood, whence it is that Herodotus, calls 
thofe charaders, in which the infcriptions of Sefoftris 
were written, the facred letters of Egypt, 

It may then be afked, how comes it that we have 
fo little knowledge of the affairs of Egypt even from 
the times of Sefoftris ? The reafon of it is, that the 
few records which were in Egypt were deftroyed by 
Cambyfes about an hundred years before the time of 
Herodotus ; and yet in this fhort time, as Sir Ifaac 
Newton obferves, " the priefts oi Egypt had fo mag- 
" nified their antiquities before the days of Herodo- 
" tus, as to tell him that from Menes to Moeris there 
" were three hundred and thirty kings, whofe reigns 
" took up as many ages, that is, eleven thoufand 
" years, and had filled up the interval with feigned 
** names who had done nothing/' That is, who had 
performed no memorable adtion, except it be the filly 

[}?] Herodotus, 1. ii. 

2 ftory 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 5(j 

ftory of Nitocris, the only woman among them, and 
indeed the only woman who is mentioned to have 
reigned in Egypt, For as that empire was not here- 
ditary, but eledive, they never chofe queens for the 
head of their empire, but always chofe their kings 
either out of the priefthood or out of the army. 

We have therefore ftill lefs reafon to depend upon 
the reports of later writers than Herodotus with regard 
to Egypt^ fuch as Manetho and Eratofthenes, when 
they mention any tranfadions preceding the times of 
Sefoftris, who, being the Shefac mentioned in the 
Scriptures, was contemporary with Rehoboam king of 
Judah^ about A. M. 2973. For when we confider the 
natural fondnefs and vanity of all mankind to derive 
themfelves from early antiquity, and recoiled that 
there were in feveral parts of Egypt feveral contempo- 
rary princes exifting at the fame time, we muft be 
feniible that it was an eafy matter for any of the priefts, 
who feem to have been the only hiftorians of thofe 
days in Egypt^ to carry down the antiquity of Egypt 
to many thoufands of generations, only by reckoning 
the names of the contemporary princes, as beino- fo 
many fucceflbrs to each other. And indeed it is no 
eafy matter for any hiftorian in general to avoid falling 
into this error, if he hath no written accounts, but merely 
tlie tradition of the country to depend upon. Which 
is the only excufe that can be alledged in favour of Di- 
odorus, who is generally in the wrong whenever he dif- 
fers from Herodotus \ the lift of imaginary kings being 

I greatly 



6o ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

greatly encreafed by the priefts between the days ot 
Herodotus and Diodorus ; for, as Sir Ifaac Newton ob- 
ferves, after Cambyfes carried away the records of Egypt y 
the priefts were daily feigning new kings. 

[<:] Herodotus, when fpeaking of thofe Grecians 
who had helped to fet Pfammitichus upon the throne 
oi Egypt ^ fays that " the lonians and Carians conti- 
" nued for a long time to inhabit thofe parts which 
" lie near the fea, below the city o{ BubaJI is ^ in the 
'' Peleufi an branch of the river Nile\ till, in fucceeding 
^' times, Amafis king oi Egypt caufed them to aban- 
" don their habitations, and fettle at Memphis^ to de- 
" fend him againft the Egyptians. But from the time 
" of their eftablifliment, fays he, they had fo conftant a 
'' communication with the Grecians, that one may 
" juftly fay, we certainly know all things that pafled 
" in Egypt lince the reign of Pfammitichus to our 
" age." Now Pfammitichus the father of Pharao 
Necho, who is often mentioned in the Scriptures, died, 
according to Dr. Prideaux, in the twenty fourth year 
of Joliah king of Jiidah^ after a reign of fifty four 
years, that is, about A.M. 3331. of the Jul. period. 
4097. and 617 years before Chrift. 

In our enquiries therefore into the hiftory, or wor- 
ihip of ancient Egypt ^ we ought careiully to diftinguifh 
between the cuftoms of the ancient aborigines Egyp- 

\c\ Diod. 1. ii. 

tians^ 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 6i 

tians, and of thofe Egyptians who were afterwards 
born from a mixture of Grecian or Phoenician ancef- 
tors. For want of which diftinclion Diodorus and 
from him the great Sir Ifaac Newton have been ftrange- 
ly misled, and have confounded the hiftory of E^ypt 
with the mythological fables of Greece, 

V/e have already feen, that it was the fituation of 
Memphis and the cuflom of the Egyptians in burying 
their dead, by carrying them to the Plain of mumrfiies 
in Charon's ferry boat crofs the Acherufmn lake, which 
firft gave origin to the Grecian iidion of the Elyfian 
fields, v/ith the infernal judges Minos, Rhadaman- 
thus, and ^Eacus &c. And Herodotus is very pofitive 
that it was Hefiod and Homer, who lived but about 
400 years before him, that firft regulated the fyftem 
of the Grecian theology, afilgned names to the feveral 
gods and allotted them their feveral employments. 
Mr. Shuckford has however undertaken to give us their 
real hiftory ; and in the firft volume of his ConneEiioii 
fuppofes from Syncellus and Manetho, that the eight de- 
migods, and fifteen heroes of the Egyptian dynafties be- 
fore Menes, were real perfons living in Egypt before 
the flood. For \_d\ fays he, Manetho rightly conje- 
ftures them to be antediluvians. But, if they were 
fuch, how Manetho or any one elfe could come by 
their hiftory is a fecret he has not let us into. And 
thefe eight demigods, he fays from Diodorus, were Sol, 

[^] Shuckf. Con. vol. i. p. 21. 

I 2 Satur- 



62 ORIGIN OF FIIEROGLYPHICS, Sec. 

Saturnus, Rhea, [upiter, Juno, Vulcanus, Vefta and 
Mercurius. Whereas Herodotus declares that Juno 
and Vefta were names utterly unknown in Egypt, 
And in the third vol. of his Co?27ieBion Mr. Shuckford 
gives us the memoirs of the life of Jupiter, and fup- 
pofeth him to have lived in Gi^eece from about the time 
of Mofes to within three or four centuries of the Tro- 
jan war. The principal fcene of his activity he feems 
to place about feven or eight generations before the 
war of 7r^, and gives him a moft numerous progeny. 
And becaufe moft of the kingdoms in Gf^eece derived 
the origin of their ftate at about the diftance of feven 
or eight generations of defcent from Jupiter, he there- 
fore concludes that Jupiter lived about the time of 
Mofes. Whereas the true conclufion to be deduced 
from thence is this, not that Jupiter lived, but that 
the ufe of letters was not known in Greece till about 
feven or eight generations of defcent before the war of 
Troy^ about which time Mofes lived and a little after 
which Cadmus hrft introduced them into G7^eece. For 
[e\ Cadmus was father to Polydorus, the father of 
Labdacus, the father of Laius, the father of OEdipus, 
the father of Polynices, the father of Thyrfander who 
was one of the warriors at the ftege of Troy, And ac- 
cordingly [y^] Diodorus obferves, that Semele, the 
daughter of Cadmus, was the laft of mortals with 
whom Jupiter had any intrigues; fo that it is to 

[f] Apollod. 1. iii. [/] Diod. 1. iv. c. 2. 

be 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 63 

be prefumed that, as before that time, when the Gre- 
cians were at a lofs for the genealogy of their kings or 
princes, they fathered them upon Jupiter, fo now the 
introdudion of letters put an end to his amours. And 
therefore it is more than probable, that there never w^as 
any fuch real perfon in Greece as Jupiter, any more 
than there were fuch real perfons in Phcenicia oxAffyria 
or Egypt as Cronus, Uranus, or Tellus. Whereas [^-] 
Mr. Shuckford colle6ls from Diodorus and Apollodorus, 
that Cronus was the fon of Uranus, and that from 
Uranus and Tythsea, or Tellus, were alfo born the Cen- 
timani and the Cyclops, whom their father Uranus 
fent to inhabit the land of Tartarus : What or where 
that country was, which was thus named, he fays, 
may be difficult to determine, but gravely concludes 
he fhould imagine it to be no part ol Crete. 

Now if we look into the defcription of Cronus, 
which is given by Sanchoniatho, it will plainly convince 
us, that the reprefentation was not taken from any real 
perfon, but the defign of it was only to give us a fymbo- 
iical defcription oiTime^ as the name properly imports. 
For he is defcribed with four eyes, two before and two 
behind, two of which were always fhut, and two 
were always open ; to denote that Time has a reference 
to what is part as well as to what is to come ; and 
that Time is always upon the watch, even when it 
feems to be at reft. He was alfo delineated with four 

\£\ Shruckf. Con. vol. i. p. 204. vol. ii. p. 300. 

I wings 



64 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

wings, two of which were ftretched out as in the adion 
of flight, and two were con trailed as in repofe, to 
denote that Time, even when feemingly ftationed, 
pafl'eth on, and when flying is yet feemingly ftation- 
ed. Cronus is Hkewife by Sanchoniatho faid to have 
difpatched his fon with his own hand, and to have 
cut off the head of his own daughter &c. Which is 
only a metaphorical account of Time's deftroying his 
own produce. For thus [i»] Cicero fpeaking of the real 
opinion which the ancients had of Cronus, faith, 
Satiijvmm autem eum ejje volue?'unt^ qui curfimi et con- 
verjionem fpatiorum ac te7nporum conWteret^ qui deus 
Greece id ipfum nomen habet : K^ovog e7n?n dicitur^ qui 
ejl idem X^ovo^y id ejf, Spatium temporis, Satunius 
autem ejl appellatuSy quod Jaturetur a?i7iis, Exfe e7iim 
7iatos co77i77teJfeJingiturfolituSj quia C07ifu77iit cztas te77ipo- 
ru77t fpatia^ a7inifque prceteritis infaturabiliter expletur, 

[/] Mr. Shuckford alfo gives us an hiftory of the 
court of Jupiter upon earth, and fuppofes Neptune and 
Pluto to be his brothers, Juno his wife, Vefta and 
Ceres his fifters ; Vulcan, Mars, Apollo, Diana, Mer- 
cury, Venus, and Minerva his children ; and imagines 
them all to have been deified after their death, on ac- 
count of their having fo wifely eftabliflied the govern- 
ment of Crete. But I cannot conceive how he will be 
able to reconcile this with the eight demigods of Mane- 

\h'\ Cicero De nat. Deor. 1. ii. 25. [i] Shuckf. Con. vol. iii. 

thoj 



ORIGIN OF FIIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 65 

tho, among whom are Jupiter, Juno, Vulcan, Veftaand 
Mercury, fuppofed by him to have reigned in Egypt 
before the flood; and who, he pofltively aflerts in 
[y^] another place, certainly lived before the food. And 
[/] again fpeaking of the fame deities, he fays, the truth 
is they were their antediluvia?2 ancefors. 

Whereas the truth is, they were their poftdiluvian 
anceftors, fome of which were of Egyptian, and fome 
of Phcenician, and fome of Grecian origin. The two 
latter were they who introduced into Egypt the 
cuftom of worfhiping Gods in the form and figure of 
men. As appears manifeftly even from the famous god 
Vulcan, to whom a temple was ereded by Menes in 
Memphis, For it appears from the very form of the 
ftatue, as defcribed by Herodotus, that this was one 
of the Dii Patceci of the Ph(rnicians, being, as he 
lays, like thofe Phoenician figures which are placed in 
the prows of their ihips, and called n^rawo;, not 
exceeding the figure of a pigmy. And in another 
place he fays, that that quarter of the city oi Memphis-y 
where the temple of Vulcan flood, was inhabited by 
Phoenicians from lyre ; and that all that region was 
called the Tyrian camp. Herodotus mentions alfo a 
temple built to Perfeus in the city of Chemis in the 
province oi Thebes^ but at the fame time fays, that gym- 
naftic exercifes were there inftituted entirely agreeing 
with thofe ufed in Greece ^ which plainly fhews the 



[k] Shuckf. Con. voL ii. p. 286. [/] Id. ibid. p. 288. 



origin 



66 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc. 

origin of that temple and woriliip to have been Gre- 
cian. 

Whence it appears, in conlidering the antiquities 
of Egypt J how neceffary it is to diftinguifli between the 
cuftoms and infcriptions and deities of the original 
Egyptians, that is, of tliofe who were the aborigines of 
the country, and thofe cuftoms, infcriptions, or dei- 
ties, which were introduced afterwards by the Phoe- 
nicians or Grecians, who came in latter ages to inha- 
bit there ; though they are all equally called Egyp- 
tian. Otherwife w^e fliall not be able to reconcile 
many feeming difficulties, as well in Herodotus as in. 
latter writers. Thus for inftance [ni'\ Herodotus af- 
firms that the cuftom of predidling future events was 
derived from the Egyptians. And the account he 
gives of it is this : That the priefts of the Theban 
Jupiter told him, that two priefteffes were carried out 
of that country by certain Phoenicians, who afterwards, 
as they were informed, fold one in Libya^ and the other 
in Greece^ from which priefteiles the people of thofe 
countries learned the art of divination. Whereas 
when he is defcribing the cuftoms of the aborigines 
Egyptians, he pofitively fays [n\ that no woman 
may be a prieft of any god or goddefs; Men only be'mg 
employed in that office. 

Whence it is manifeft, that thofe prieftefles who 
officiated at Thebes in Egypt m^uft have been born from 

[w] Herod. J. ii. [»] Id. ibid. 

Phoeni- 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 67 

Phoenician parents, and muft have been employed in 
fome Phoenician temple in that city which was dedica- 
ted to fome Phoenician, but not truly Egyptian, deity. 
In Hke manner, when [0] Herodotus fays, that the names 
of almoft all the Grecian gods were originally derived 
from the Egyptians, and fpeaks of Hercules, Mars, 
Bacchus, &c. as being ancient Egyptian deities, we 
are not to underftand them as being the deities belong- 
ing to the ancient aborigines Egyptians, but only thofe 
latter Egyptians who were fprung from a mixed breed 
of Grecians or Phoenicians that had come to live in 
Egypt* Becaufe, fpeaking of the aborigines Ec-yp- 
tians, [/>] Herodotus pofitively lays, xh^tthey 77evcr paiJ 
divine honours to heroes. 

The idols belonging to the aborigines Egyptians 
were birds, and beafts, and fifh, and plants &c. which 
the Phoenicians and Grecians, when they came to in- 
habit Egypt ^ improved by adding a man's head or body 
to the head or body of a beaft, or a bird, or the tail 
of a fifh ; and from thence formed thofe motly deities 
which were in latter times worfhiped by the Egyp- 
tians. 

Of which kind v/as the famous Dagon of the Phoe- 
nicians, mjcntioned i Sam. v. 3, 4. Where it is ob- 
ferved that When the Philijlii^es brought the ark into the 
houfe of Dagon, behold^ Dagon was fallen upon his 
face to the earthy before the ark of the Lo?xl ^ and they 

[0] Id. ibid. [p1 Herod. 1. ii. 

K iooh 



68 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c, 

took Dagon, and Jet hbn in his place again, Andwherf 
they arofe early an the f narrow imrningy beholdy Dagon- 
was fallen upon his face to the g?'0U72d before the ark of 
the Lord. And the head of D agon j and both the pabns 
of Ms hands^ "were cut off upon the threfljold^ only the 
/hmip of T>.\GOK was left to him. Which ftump majr 
be coiijechired to ha\'e been in the fhape of a filhes 
tail, becaufe the Hebrew word imports as much, be- 
ing derived from the :il Dag^ Pifcisy a fiih, and be- 
caule there is no mention made of his feet. And 
what confirms this remark is, that Cicero takes notice 
that the Syrians worfliiped a fifh} for fays he, in. 
his third book De natura Deorumj Pifcem Syri vene- 
ra7itur ;, oinne fere genus befliarum j^gyptii confecrave— 
runt. Which deity was alfo probably the fame with 
that mentioned by \(j\ Diodorus, who calls it Dercetis,. 
which he fays had the face of a. man, but the reft of 
the body was a fifli; and that this idol was worfliip- 
ed at Afcalon in Syria ; and it is to be remarked, that 
Afcalon W2is in that part of Sjria^. which was inhabited 
by the PhiUftines. 

The Grecians were a people of a lively imagination,, 
and readily took any traditionary hint, that was given 
them by the Egyptians, and improved it into a regu- 
lar fable ; of which there is a remarkable inftance in 
the ftory which is told by Diodorus and Plutarch of 
the birth of the five gods, when '^ Rhea being with 

[/] Diod. 1. ii. c. 2. 

^ child 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 69 

" child by Saturn was difcovered by the Sun, who, 
" upon finding out her bafenefs, laid a curfe upon her, 
" that Ihe Ihould not be delivered in any month or 
^^ year: that Mercury being in love with the goddefs 
" lay with her alfo; and then play'd at dice with the 
" Moon, and won from her the feventy fecond part of 
" each day, and made up of thefe winnings five days, 
" which he added to the year, making the year to con- 
" fift of 365 days, which before confifled of 360 days 
" only ; and that in thefe days Rhea brought forth 
^' five children, Ofiris, Orus, Typho, Ifis, andNepthe.'* 

It is a difpute between Mr. Warburton and Mr. 
Shuckford whether thefe five perfonages were deified 
before the invention of this mythological ftory ; they 
both agree indeed that this flory could not have been 
invented before the addition was made of the five days 
to the vear; which they both likewife allow to have 
been about A. M. 2665, a little after the death of Jo- 
fhua : But which, according to [r] Sir Ifaac Newton, 
is much more truly computed to have been about 
<' 137 years before the «ra of NabanafTar began, in 
" the year of the Julian period 3830, or 96 years 
" after the death of Solomon," which correfponds 
with A. M. 3066. But Mr. Shuckford fuppofes this 
fable invented in order to celebrate the deification of 
thefe five deities : Whereas [j-] Mr. Warburton much 

[r] Newt. Chron. p. 8i. [s] Div. Leg. vol. ii. parti. 

p. 189. 

K 2 moJ*e 



70 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc, 

more reafonably fuppofes this fable invented to cele- 
brate the addition of the five days to the year. 

Th ALES, who flourifhed about A. M. 3336, was the 
[/] firft that corrected the Greek year, and endea- 
\oured to fettle the Grecian year according to the com- 
putation of 365 days which he had learned in Egypt, 
If we therefore fuppofe that he brought over with 
liim the names of thefe five gods from Egypt into 
Greece'^ it is probable that this fable was invented in 
Greece to celebrate the addition of the five days 
then made to the year, when it was firft publifh- 
ed in Greece^ and that the author took the advantage 
of the names of five new Gods which Thales had alfb 
lately brought out oi Egypt, 

But \ii\ Mr. Shuckford fays. Had Ofiris^ OruSj 
Typho^ Ifis and Nepthe beeii ejleemed deities before this 
additio7ml length of the year was apprehended y we fbotdd 
720t have had this^ but fo/ne ether fabidous account of their 
birth tranfmitted to us. And have wx not other fabu- 
lous accounts of their birth? As for example, is not 
Orus much more univerfally faid to be the fon of Ofi- 
ris, than his brother ? And is not Nepthe or Venus 
faid to be born or produced out of the foam of the 
fea ? Whereas it is more than probable, her real hiftory 
was, that fhe came by fea into Greece^ and that no one 
there was acquainted with her parentage, it being ufual 

[/] Dier. Laer. in vita Thaletis.. \ti\ Shuckf. Con. vol. ii. 

p. 284. 

for 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc. 71 

for women, when they became proftitutes, to quit 
their own home and friends, and to go into a fc- 
reign country in queft of a Hvelyhood, where they 
would be no fhanie to their relations. And hence it 
is, that at the time of the Judges and of Solomon a 
proftitute in IJraelw2iS generally diftinguiflied by the 
name of [.v] the Jli-ange woman. Thus Jephtlia is 
Judg. xi. I. called th^fon of a harlot^ and in the fol- 
lowing verfe th,^ Jon of a firange woman^ as terms equi- 
valent the one to the other. In hke manner at Atheiis^ 
in the time of Terence, a Jlrange woman and a ha?-- 
ht were convertible terms, and therefore Chremes 
to heighten the crime of Pamphilus fays,, [j^] pro uxo7^e 
habere hanc peregrinam I So Thais, in the Eunuch [^r], 
having been aifured by Parmeno that he could contain 
any fecret he heard, provided it was a truth ) but if 
it was not, out it would fly ; begins her narrative by 
faying, her mother was a native of SamoSj but took 
up her refldence at Rhodes. He with a fneer replies. 
This will keep. Intimating that by her defertino; ha* 
country, we might judge of her profeffion. 

And indeed the v/hole hiftory of the heathen Gods 
as worfliiped in human fhapes, whether Grecian or 
Egyptian, feems to me to be entirely owing to the in- 
ventive faculty of the Greeks, who laid hold of any 
remarkable event, or traditionary hint, to found their 
fables upon, and by the help of a fruitful genius, 

[x] See I Kings xi. 3. Prov. ii. 16. &c [y] Ter. Andria, 

A6t i. Sc. i. 119. [z] Ad. i. Sc. ii. 

2 fome- 



72 ORTGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,8cc. 

fometimes mixing allegorical truths, and fometimes 
traditional matters of fad, with their imaginary 
fidlions, have thereby Rirnifhed us with that mytholo- 
gical hiftory of the heathen Gods which is come to our 
hands. And as Egypt was the country which in the 
€arly days of G?^eece was famous for learning, and to 
which of confequence the ancient Grecian bards tra- 
velled for improvement, many of the hiflorical tradi- 
tions and mythological ftories of their Gods, were ori- 
ginally brought by the Greeks from hence. 

We have already feen that Orpheus brought from 
thence the whole foundation of the hiftory of the Ely- 
iian fields ; and Tzetzes the fcholiaft is of opinion that 
the conteft of Jupiter with the giants, as it is beauti- 
fully related in the true fpirit of poetry by Hefiod, is 
only an allegory borrowed from fome conflid of the 
elements one with another^ and therefore owes its 
origin to fome tradition concerning the deluge, which 
tradition feems alfo to have been borrowed from the 
Egyptians ; becaufe it was immediately after this con- 
flict, according to Hefiod, that the reign of Jupiter 
is faid to have begun ; that is, the reign of Ham the 
fon of Noah who was undoubtedly the firft king in 
Egypt after the flood, and from whom that region was 
rcallcd the land of Ham, 

For fays Hefiod, as foon as the gods had gained the 
victory over the Titans, then they proclaimed Jupiter. 
And as it was not till after this vidory that, according 

to 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. ^^ 

to Henod^ he either begat Minerva, or the Graces, or 
Proferpina, or the Mufes, or Apollo, &c. fo is it re- 
markable, that Ham, though an hundred years of age 
at the time of the flood, is not faid to liave had any 
children till after tliat event ; and that fonie of the 
tranfaclions of Jupiter owe their origin to the traditio- 
nary hiftories of the life of Ham is, I think, beyond 
all doubt \ of which the very names of ZsOc and of 
Jupiter, which is but a Latin contradtion of the Greek 
words Zevg-TtocTYi^y feem to me to be afuflicieut, and 
very extraordinary proof. For as the word ^am or 
eham in Hebrew flgnilies ^ot, fo the Greek word ZsO^ 
is manifeftly derived from the Greek verb ZsojferveOy 
which fignifles to he hot. And therefore even amonor 
the Greeks Jupiter is fometimes diftinguifhed by the 
name of Jupiter Amnion, which is as nuicli as ta fay, 
the Ham Jupiter ; for that Ammon and Ham were 
®nly different names, fignificant of one and the 
fame perfon^ appears by comparing Deut. xiv. 5. and 
I Chron. iv. 40. with Deut. ii. 20. where ihofe ;:»er- 
fons, who are called the fans of Ham in one place, are 
sailed Ammonites in the other,. 

Which Jupiter Ammon was reprefentcd by die 
Greeks under the figure of a man with a ram's head, 
©r at leaft with ram's horns upon his^ head j a 
further proof of this Jupiter being of Eg\^ptian ex- 
traction. For as I obferved before, from Herodotus, 
and Straba ancL Cicero^, tloat the aborigines Egyptians 

never: 



74 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

never worfliiped any liuman figures, but had in their 
temples the images of birds, or beafts, or fifties, or 
plants ; fo, on the other hand, the Greeks and Romans 
ridiculed this worftiip of beafts, though they wor- 
ftiiped the images of men. When therefore the Gre- 
cians borrowed any of their gods from the Egyptians, 
they by degrees transformed them into half man and 
half beaft, and laftly into an entire man, only with fome 
fmall diftinguift-ing mark of the beaft, fuch as that of 
the horn &c. ftill remaining behind. 

It feems indeed very odd, that fo learned and fen^ 
fible a people as the Egyptians could run into fo abfurd 
a cuftom as that of worfliiping the brutal part of the 
creation. The fun, the moon, and the ftars leem natu- 
rally to ftrike us with fomething venerable in their ap- 
pearance ; but the worfliip of the Egyptians was not 
only confined to thatfpecies of beafts whicli were either 
beautii"ul in themfelves, or beneficial to mankind, but 
was laviftied away on thofe alfo which were dreadful 
to the afped; and prejudicial to mankind ; as the hip- 
popotamus, the crocodile, the ferpent, &c. Which 
ftiews tliat conje6lure mentioned by Diodorus and Sir 
Ifaac Newton, that the worfhip of beafts took its rife 
from their ufe to mankind, to be without foundation. 
Nor can it have arifen from that other conjecture, men- 
tioned alio by Diodorus, of the firft heroes wearing 
thefe imao-es as enfi.o;ns in their armies, or crefts on 
xieir helmets, when they went out to battle ; under 

the 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 75 

the imaginary influence of which when they had fuc- 
ceeded in their enterprizes, they then deifled them ; 
for had this been the reafon, then none but the fiercer 
and more noble part of the brute creation would have 
been deified, and not the timorous and the fearful, fuch 
as the ichneumon, the fheep, and the hen ; fince I do 
not apprehend, that any warrior would ever choofe to 
wear fuch creatures as a creft on his helmet, or c^siy 
them for an enfign ; at leaft not till after they had 
been deified. And yet Herodotus obferves, that, 
though Egypt abounds with variety of beafls, all of 
them, both wild and tame, are accounted fa- 
cred. 

Herodotus when treating upon this fubjedl feems 
to {peak very warily, as if he was afraid to give ofience 
to the priefthood ; and makes an apology for not in- 
forming the reader, with the reafons of this reverence 
paid by the Egyptians to thefe beaftly objects of their 
worfhip, and fays, [z] " But if I fhould take upon me 
" to give the reafons of this opinion, I muft enter into 
'' a long difcourfe of divine things, which I avoid with 
*' allpoflible care, having hitherto faid nothing of that 
" kind, unlefs in a tranfitory manner, and compelled 
" by the force of neceflity". 

However \_a] Diodorus, Ovid, and Lucian are Jcis 
fqueamifh; for they all tell us the current tradition 

1%] Herod. 1. ii. [a] Diod. 1. i. Ovid. Met. 1, v. Fab, 5. 

L of 



76 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c; 

of their days, which was, that, in the wars be- 
tween the gods and giants, the former for fafety fled 
into Eg}'pt^ where they aiTiimed the bodies of beafls 
and birds, which they ever afterwards retained, and 
were accoixlingly reverenced upon this account. The 
origin of which, fable, it is manifeft, was of later date 
than the time of Heliod, becaufe he takes no notice 
of it; for notwithftanding all the force and fury of 
the giants, which he fo beautifully defcribesj.he makes 
the gods all along fuccefsful, and at length, totally 
overcoming the giants, to caft them into Tartarus, 
This fiction therefore feems to have been invented by 
fome Grecian poet, as a kind of apology for the brute 
worfhip of the Egyptians, many ages after it had been 
publicly eftabHflied. And therefore this kind of wor- 
ship is only to be accounted for in the manner whick 
[^] Strabo does, by afTerting that the Egyptian temples 
had no images in them, that is, none of human form ; 
but only the image of fome animal, which emble- 
matically reprefented the objed: of their worfhip. 

Mr. Warburton [c] fays, that hieroglyphics were 
the great fource of the moft abominable idolatries and 
fuperftitions. In accounting for which he fays, " for 
" thefe characters being become, in a proper fenfe, 
^^ facred^ it difpofed the more fuperftitions to engrave, 
'* them on gems, and wear them as amulets and. 

\h'] Strabo 1. xviL [^] Div. Leg. vol. ii. p. i. p. 140, 153. 

" charms> 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 79 

^'charms. But this magical ahuk kerns not to have 
^' been much earHer than the eftabHfhed worfliip of 
^' the god Serapis; which happened under the Pto^ 
" lemie's." 

Sir Isaac Newton [</] fpeaking of the time of 
Cambyfes faith, '^ In thofe days the writing of the 
Thebans and j^lthiopians was in hieroglyphics ^ and 
this way of writing feems to liave fpread into the 
lower Egypl before the days of Mofes : for thence 
came the worfhip of their gods in the various fhapes 
of birds, beafts, and fifhes, forbidden in the fecond 
commandment. Now this emblematical way of 
v/riting gave occafion to the Thebans and i^thio- 
pians, who in the days of Samuel, David, Solo- 
mon, and Rehoboam, conquered Egypt and the 
nations round about, and ercdled a great empire, 
to reprefent and lignify their conquering kings and 
princes, not by writing down their names, but by 
making various hieroglyphical figures ; as by paint« 
ing Amnion with ram's horns, to fignify a king 
who conquered Lihya^ a country abounding with 
fheep ; his father Amofis with a fcythe, to fignify 
that king who conquered the lower Egypt ^ acoun^ 
try abounding with corn ; his fon Ofiris by an ox, 
becaufe he taught the conquered nations to plow 
with oxen ; Bacchus with bull's horns, for the fame 

Ifl Newt. Chron. p. 225. 

L 2 *' reafoii ; 



78 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c, 

" reafon *, and with grapes, becaufe he taught the na~ 
*' tions to plant vines ; and upon a tiger, becaufe he 
" fubdued hidia'y Orus thefon of Ofiris with a harp, 
" to fignify the prince who was eminently {killed on 
'« that inPtrument ; Jupiter upon an eagle, to fignify 
^' the fublimity of his dominion, and with a thunder- 
" bolt, to reprefent him a warrior; Venus in a chariot 
" drawn by doves, to reprefent her amorous and luft- 
" ful ; Neptune with a trident, to fignify the command- 
^' er of a fleet, compofed of three fquadrons ; ^Egas- 
'' on a giant with 50 heads and an hundred hands, to 
" fio-nify Neptune with his men in a fhip of 50 oars; 
" Thoth with a dog's head, and wings at his cap and 
*' feet, and a caduceus writhed about with two fer- 
*' pents, to fignify a man of craft, and an embaflador 
" who reconciled two contending nations ; Pan with 
" a pipe and the legs of a goat, to fignify a man de- 
'' lio-hted with piping and dancing ; and Hercules 
" with pillars and a club, becaufe Sefoftris fet uppil- 
" lars in all his conquefts, and fought againft the Li- 
*' byans \vith clubs. — Now from this hieroglyphical 
" way of writing it came to pafs, that, upon the divi- 
*' fion of Egypt into nomes by Sefoftris, the great 
" men of the kingdom, to whom the nomes were de- 
" dicated,were reprefented in their fepulchres or temples 
'^ of the nomes, by various hieroglyphics ; as by aa 
" ox>i a cat^ a dog^ a cebus^ a goat ^ a lion^ a fcarabceusj 
'' an ichneumon^ a crocodile^ an hippopotamus^ an oxyrin- 
" diis^ an ibis^ a cronz^^ a hawk^ a leek -^ and were wor- 

2 " Ihiped 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 79 

" fhiped by the nomes in the fhapes of thefe crea- 
" tures." 

I cannot fay that both or either of thefe authors are 
entirely in the wrong about what they aflert, further 
than that they are not early enough in the date of the 
origin of the iuperftitious pradices mentioned by them. 
Mr. Warburton refers the date of the magical ufe of 
amulets and charms to the age of the Ptolemies ; about 
which time, though the magical ufe of amulets mio-ht 
have encreafed and grown more general than former ^ 
ly ; yet it feems to me to have been practiced in the 
much earlier ages of the world. 

Certain it is, that the art of divination and magi- 
cal inventions of many kinds were practiced in Eo-ypt 
and the land of Canaan^ not only in the [ /] times 
of Mofes, but long before. About the age of Jo- 
feph, there feems to have been public [^] profef- 
fors of the art magic which were fent for by Pha- 
raoh to interpret his dream. It is alfo more than pro- 
bable that, even fo far back as the days of Jacob, the 
Teraphim which Rachael ftole from her father Laban, 
were little [F\ images, which were made ufe of for ma- 
gical purpofes. 

[/] See Deut. xviii. lo. [g] See Gen. xli,. 8. 

[h] See difiertation on this fubjcdl in the bifhop o^ Clogher* s x^cx* 
tife entitled the Chron. of the Hebrew Bible vindicated p. 157, &c. 

Anb 



8o ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, Sec, 

And with regard to amulets and charms, it feems 
manifeft that thofe ear-rings belonging to the Sheche- 
mites, which Jacob buried along with their [t]Jirange 
godsy tmder the oak which was at Shechem^ were of that 
kind; there being no other reafon to be affigned why 
they were buried there along with the ftrange gods, 
but their having been dedicated to idolatrous ufes. 
And therefore they feem to have been in the nature 
of xhokfrojttletSy which the heathens wore between their 
eyesy with certain words engraved upon them for magi- 
cal purpofes. And probably coniifted of two ear- 
rings united together by a broad plate of gold, which 
croffed over the forehead. Becaufe, when Abra- 
ham's fen^ant, who was fent to look for a wdfe for his 
fon Ifaac, found Rebecca, it is faid that \}i\ he took 
an ear-ri7ig of half a fhekel weighty a7id two bracelets 
for her hands of tenfhekels weight of gold :i a7id he put 
the ear-ring on her face^ and the bracelets on her hands. 
Where it is to be obferved, that the ear-ring is not fpo- 
ken of as being two feparate ornaments, as the brace- 
lets were, but as one continued ornament, and there- 
fore it is not faid that he put them in her ears, but 
that be put it on her face ; the two jewels that were to 
adorn her ears being united together by a plate of gold 
which croffed over her face, and ferved as af'ontlet 
between her eyes, 

p] Gen. XXXV. 2, 3. [k] Ctn> xxiv. 22. 47. 

It 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 8i 

It feems therefore to be on account of this pradlice 
of amulets and charms which were eneraved on ear- 
rings and bracelets, that the children of Ifrael^ inftead 
of thofe charms which were worn by the idolaters for 
the averting of evil, were ordered to take the words of 
the law of God, [/J and bi?id them for a Jtg7i npo7i their 
hands ^ a?td as frontlets between their ejeSy and to write 
them on the pojis of the houfe^ and on the gates. Whence 
alfo it is probable that the heathen idolaters iifed alfo 
to write fome words, or engrave fome charadters by 
way of char7nsy on the pofts of their houfes and on 
their gates, as well as on their frontlets and brace- 
lets. 

As to Sir Ifaac Newton's obfervation of the introdu- 
^ion of the worfhip of brutes from hiercglyphics, I 
camiot but agree with him that the hieroglyphical 
method of fculpture feems to have been pradlifed m. 
the lower Egypt before the days of Mofes ^ and that 
from thence came the worfhip of their gods in the va- 
rious fhapes of birds, and beafts, and fifhes, forbidden 
in the fecond commandment. But as to the caufe af- 
figned by him for painting Amnion witli ram's, 
horns, to fignify the king w^ho conquered Lihya^ a 
country abounding with fheep ; and the reft of the 
imaginary explanation of the emblems, under wliich. 
the heathen deities were reprefented, as before 
quoted, I can by no means agree with him. Be* 

[/] See Dent. vi. 9. Ifai, Ivii. 7, 8. 

caufe 



82 ORIGIN OF FIIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 

caiife I do not think that he has fufficiently diftin- 
guifhed between the idols of the aborigines Egyptians 
who never worfhiped any images in human form, but 
only fome beaft or fifli or plant that was their emblem 
or reprefentativc, and thofe latter Egyptians who wor- 
fhiped tlie motly deities of part human, and part a 
brutal form ; wliich latter cuftom may have been in- 
troduced about the time of Pfammetichus, when the 
Grecians were firft encouraged to fettle in any num- 
bers in Egypty but the former cuftom was much 
earlier. 

Herodotus fays, that Neptune in particular was 
not fo much as known to the ancient Egyptians ; and 
the very name of Pan, though Herodotus allows him 
to be Egyptian and ftyles him the moft ancient of 
all the gods, betrays its origin to be Grecian, being 
fo called from the Greek word Uolv which fignifies all^ 
■ becaufe he was by the Greeks efteemed to be the god 
of all nature. 

But what has contributed to confound this affair 
very much is, that one and the fame perfon has been 
reprefented under very different emblems, or hierogly- 
phical charadlers. For thus, upon enquiry, we fhall 
find, that Ham having been worfhiped in Egypt under 
the two hieroglyphical characters of a ram and a goat, 
gave origin to the tv/o Grecian deities of Jupiter Am- 
inon and Pan. 

For 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 83 

For let us only fuppofc Cham or Ham, which is the 
fame word in the Hebrew, to be dead, and that ibme 
of his pofterity wanted an hicroglyphical mark by 
which to notify and diftinguiih the tombftone or pil- 
lar that was ereded over his grave. The word chain 
in Hebrew fignifies hot^ which being an adjedtive can- 
not well be reprefented by a fymbol ; it was there- 
fore neceffary to look out for fome fubftantive or 
other by which that charaderiftical heat^ for which 
Cham was remarkable, might be expreifed. Berofus 
takes notice that Cham was called Cham-eJTemm^ the 
word ejjenua fignifying immodeji and impudent : How 
then could this luftful heat of Cham's be ftron^^er re- 
prefented than under the fymbol of a ram and a goat ? 
That Jupiter Ammon was worfhiped in Egypt under 
the fymbol of a ram is beyond all controverfy : and 
that Jupiter Ammon was the fame perfon with Cham 
is manifeft not only from the fame fignificancy of the 
words Ammon and Cham ; but alfo from the Latin 
and Grecian names of Jupiter and Zsu^, which, as hath 
been before noted, fignify the fame with Cham, that 
is, hot» 

As to the fymbol of a goat^ this may eafily be fhew- 
cd to have been one of the fymbolical marks by which 
Cham was reprefented, and under which he was wor- 
fhiped. For Berofus obferves, that the city of Chemis 
in the upper Egypt was built in honour of Cham : and 
Diodorus fays pofitively that the city of Chemis was 

M built 



84 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

built in honour of the god Pan : therefore Pan and Cham 
muft be the fame perfon. Herodotus obferves that Pan 
was the oldeft of ail the Egyptian gods ; and who could 
be older than Cham the father of Egypt F He like- 
wife fays that the word Mendes in the Egyptian Ian- 
poiage equally fignifies Pan and a goat. From all 
which put together it appears that this Pan the oldeft 
of the gods, in honour of whom the city Chemis was 
built, was Cham ; and that he was worfhiped under the 
figure and character of a goat. 

But what is moft remarkable is this. That, 
when Mofes is upbraiding the children of IJrael with 
being guilty of idolatry in Egypt j he upbraids them 
in particular with the worfhip oi goats ^ as it is in the 
[m\ original, though we tranflate it devils ; but the 
word in the Hebrew is laffeirim^ which literally Signi- 
fies goats. And yet thefe goats^ thefe diabolical idols, 
which the Ifraelites worfhiped, are in other places cal- 
led chammonim or the reprefentatives of Cham.. Thus 
Lev% xxvi. 30. 2 Chron. xxxiv. 4, 7. Ifai. xvii. 8. 
Ezech. vi. 4, 6. what we render in our translation 
images are in the original called chammonim ; which 
fhould be translated Afnmons, And in one of thofe 
images, which are reprefented in the tabula IJiaca^ we 
find the figure of an animal compounded of the parts 
of a goat and a fheep, and in particular carrying both 
the horn's of a ram and a goat upon his head, which 



[w] Lev. xvii. 7. Deut. xxxii. 17. 



proves 



ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 85 

proves that the ram and goat were both made ufe of as 
the reprefentatives of one and the fame perfon. See 
the figure in plate i. fig. i. 

And if we purfue this fubjed:, we fhall find, tliat, 
as the worfhip of Ham gave origin to the worfhip of 
Jupiter Ammon and the god Pan among the Greci- 
ans, fo Caphtor one of the grandfons of Noah gave rife 
to the worfhip of Jupiter Calius, as well as to the wor- 
fhip of Dionyfius, or the elder Bacchus, of the ancient 
Greeks. And on the other hand, that the remarkable 
tranfadions of the famous Mifor the fonof Ham, of Pha- 
rao, Cenchres, and Caphtor, have probably been colle6t- 
ed together to make up the one imaginary charader of 
Ofiris. 

To fet this affair therefore in a proper light, I fliall 
make an enquiry into the particular hiftory of thefe 
perfons, and fhall endeavour to £hew who they were, 
and what were the particular ad:ions which gave occa- 
fion to their deification. 

The ingenious and learned Mr. War burton hath 
fhewed, from the nature of things as well as the pra- 
ctice of nations, that the art of hieroglyphical writing 
was the firft kind of writing that was ever invented. 
And Eafebius remarks that the firft temples were built 
over or near the burial places of eminent perfons. 
Which burial places were in ancient times diftin- 
guiihed by a pillar or tall ftone ereded on one end 
over the place of their burial for a fepulcliral monu- 

M 2 ment. 



S6 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 

ment, as appears from the pillar that was ereded by 
"facob on the burial place of Rebecca, as mentioned 
Gen. XXXV. 20. And hence I fuppofe came the origin 
of Obelifks in Egjff^ which as it abounded with fine 
quai-ries, gave the Egyptians an opportimity of pitch- 
ing ftones of the largeft fize over the burial places oi 
eminent perfons. 

And now let us fuppofe any of the firft planters of 
one of the Egj^ptian colonies to have died, over \\^hofe 
burial place it was thought proper a pillar of 
ftone fliould be ereded as a memorial; and let us 
confider how the memory of the particular perfon here 
interred could be prelerved before the art of literary 
writing was invented ; and I believe none can be de- 
vifed lb natural or fo rational as the engraving fome 
hieroglyphical mark on the fepulchral ftone which 
was fignificative either of his name or fome qualifica- 
tion, or diftinguifliing part of his charader. As for 
example, let us fuppofe that Caphtor, the head of the 
family of the Caphtorim, had a fepulchral (iont erect- 
ed to his memory, what more appofite or fignifica- 
tive emblem could pofilbly be engraved on it than 
a pomeg7'anatey which in Hebrew was called Caph- 
tor ? Since the very image of the fruit called to 
mind the name of the perfon underneath interred. 
And, upon enquiry,, it will appear more than proba- 
ble that this happened to be the real matter of fad^ 
which gave occafion in fubfequent ages to the wor- 
a ihip 



ORIGrN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc. ^j 

Hiip of Jupiter Cafius as well as of Dionyfiua the 
elder. 

Caphtor, from whom came the [n] Caphtorim, is 
ill the hiftory of Mofes reprefented as being the fon of 
Gafhal the father of the Cafhluhim, who was the fon 
of Mifor the fon of Ham, Which Caphtor feems to 
have come along with his great grandfather Ham into 
Egypt ^ becaufe he is mentioned by Mofes in the tenth 
chapter of Genelis before he fpeaks of the confufion 
of tongues and the difperfion which followed from 
it at Babel, the chapter ending thus, Thefe are the 
fajnilies of the fo7ts of Noah ^ after their generations y in 
their 7iatio?is\ and by thefe were the nations divided in 
the earth after the flood. And hence it is that Mofes 
frequently mentions the name of the Family or Nation 
a5 defcending from a nation, rather than the name of 
the Parent of the family or nation; as when :he fays, 
that Mizraim begat Ludim and Anamim and. Lehabimy 
&c. rather than fay that Mifor begat Lud^ and Anam- 
and Laab^ &c. becaufe Lud, and Anam, and Laab, 
might have died without leaving a family or nation be- 
hind themw 

Now the firfl: Egyptian warrior that we meet any 
account of in real hiftory, who extended his conquefts 
beyond the boundaries oi Egypt ^ was this [<?] Caphtor, 
who with his brethren the Philiftim difpolfelTed the. 

[n\ Gen. x. 14. [o] Deut. ii. 23. 

Avira. 



88 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 

Avim of that part of the land of Canaan^ which was 
afterwards called Philiftia : for we find the Philiflines 
peaceably fettled there, when Abraham made a cove- 
nant with Abimelech, as mentioned Gen. xx. 2. 

And now if we can but fhew that this Caphtor 
lived on Moimt Cafius^ and was deified after his death ; 
and that Jupiter Cafius was worfhiped on Moimt Ca- 
fms with the emblematical figure of a pomegranate in 
his hand, which in Hebrew is called Caphtor, I think 
there will be no reafon to doubt that the Jupiter Ca- 
fius of the Greeks took his origin from the famous 
Caphtor oi Egypt. 

The habitation of Caphtor is defcribed by the pro- 
phet \_p] Jeremiah under the appellation of the ijle of 
Caphtor. And in ancient times places bordering on 
the fea, efpecially promontories and head-lands, were 
called [a] isles. Thus the territory of Pelops' mGreece 
was by the Greeks called UzXo'koq N^cjo^, that is, the 
island of Pelops^ or Peloponmfus^ though it is really 
not an island, but only much furrounded by the 
fea : hence alfo the Thracia?i and Tau7'ic Cherfonefiy 
&c. &a 

The fituation of the country of Caphtor will ac- 
cordingly be found to have been on the fea coaft, be- 
tween Phoenicia and Egypt ^ for Caphtor was brother 

£/>] Jer. xlvii. 4. [^] See Gen. x. 5. 

to 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 89 

to [r] Peles the father of the PhlHftim, in honour of 
whom the city of Peletifium was fo called, which flood 
in that part of Egypt where the moft eaftern branch of 
the Nile empties itfelf into the fea. And that the 
fituation of thefe two brothers was in that part of 
Egypt is alfo plain from the quarrel that foon happen- 
ed between them and their neighbours the Avim, who 
were fettled in that part of Phoenicia which bordered 
upon Egypt, For fays Mofes, \j\ The Avim which dwelt 
in Hazerim even ufito Azzah^ the Caphtorim which came 
forth out of Caphtor de/iroyed them^ and dwelt in their 
Jiead. Which vi6lory, though it is here entirely attri- 
buted to the Caphtorim, yet was the joint effort both 
of the Philiftim and Caphtorim^ y this country beino-, 
from Peles and his progeny the Philiftim, called in af- 
ter ages the land of the Philiftim or Philiflines. For 
as Peles was the elder brother of the two, and there- 
fore probably had the more numerous progeny, this 
country feems to have been principally peopled by him, 
and the conqueft to have gone under his name; the 
land of the Avim being from the fons of Peles called 
from the time of this conqueft the land of the Phili- 
flines ; though Caphtor, according to the account given 
us of this affair by Mofes, as before quoted, feems to 
have been the principal perfon concerned in the heroi- 
cal part of this tranfadlion. 

[r] Gen. x. 14. \J\ Deut. iii 2 2- 

The, 



90 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

The prophet Amos [/], fpeakiiig of this circumftance, 
in the name of God, faith, Have not I brought up Israel 
outof^Gwr} and the Philistines yr^?/;^ Caphtor? 
And v/hy does the prophet fay that God brought the 
PhiUftines from Caphtor and not from Peleuftum^ but 
becaufe the habitation of Caphtor was nearer to 
the land of the Avim than Peleujium was, and Peles 
muft therefore have paft through the land of Caphtor 
to get at the Avim ? A fituation agreeing exadlly with 
that of Mou?2t Cajius^ which being bounded on the 
north by the Mediterranean fea^ into w^hich according 
to \u'\ Strabo it projected confrderably, and on the 
weft by the Sirhonk lake^ might very properly in thofc 
days, have been called, as it is by the prophet Jere- 
miah, the ijle of Caphtor. 

And that this was the true fituation oi Mount Ca~ 
Jiusy is plain from the very name, as well as from the 
defcriptions given of it by Herodotus, Jofephus, Strabo 
and Pliny, as being near Peleujium bordering on the 
Sirhonic lake^ and being the boundary between Egypt 
and Syria. Thus [x] Jofephus fpeaking of Titus's 
journey from Alexandria to Jerufalem fays, that being 

[/] Amos, ix. 7. 

\u\ Callus mons aggerlbus arenarum fimilis, et in Mare -procur- 
rens^ ipfe aquarum inops. In eo Pompeii Magni coj"pus jacet, et Jovis 
Cafii templum eft. Strabo 1. xvi. p, 523. 

M Jof.de Bel. Jud. 1. iv. 

arrived 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 91 

arrived at Thmuis^ he went on /Lore, walking en foot, 
and lodged all night at a fmall city called Ta7m ; his 
fecond ftation was Heracleopolis ; and his third Pe- 
lufiwn ; when he had refreilied his army at that place for 
two days, on the third he crofled the mouths of the 
Nile at Pelujium, He then proceeded one ftation over 
the defert, and pitched his camp at the temple of Ju- 
piter Cafius, and the next day at OJlracine, Now \y\ 
Strabo fays, that the temple of Jupiter Cafius was on 
Mount Cafius. And \_z\ Herodotus, that Mouitt Cafncs 
ftretches into the fea near the Si7^bo7iic lake ; and that 
it is the boundary between Egypt and Syria, In 
which he is fupported by Pliny [^] who faies, that Mox 
Idumcea incipit et Palceflina ab emerfu Sirbonis lacus. 

And indeed it is from this circumftance of its being 
a boundary between thefe two countries, that the very 
name of Cafius is derived 3 being borrowed from the 
Hebrew word ^l^p cat fit ox cafit^ which fignifies a boun- 
dary^ and that derived from the radical word |^S'p to di- 
vide^ from whence the fubftantive f p figniiies an end^ 
in which fenfe it is often ufed in the Old Teftament. So 
that this Situation of Mount Cafius^ as being tJiat part 
of Egypt v/hich bordered on Palefiline^ feems to agree 
exa6lly with the place of the habitation of the famous 
Caphtor. 

We are now to fhew that this Caphtor was deified 

[y] Strabo 1. xvi. p. 523. [2] Herod. 1. ii c. 6. 1. iii. c, 5. 
[rt] Plin. Nat. Hill. 1. v. c. 13. 

N after 



92 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &:c. 

after his death. And this is eafily done from the hif- 
tory oi Naaman the Syrian, as mentioned 2 Kings v. 1 8 . 
who faid to EUfha the prophet, In this tbbig the Lord 
pardon thy J ervcwt^ thaty n'hen my majier goeth into the 
koufe of B.wiMO'H toii'orJJjip there ^ and he leajieth 07i my 
hand J and I bow 7ny J elf in the houfe of Kimmon, when I 
hew my f elf in the hoife i?/' Rimmon, the Lord pardon thy 
fervant in this thing. Whence it appears that there was 
inch a deity as thegodRimmon. Now Rimmon in the 
Syriac or Chaldee, which anciently was the fame lan- 
guage though now they are different, fignifies the fame 
thing vvith Caphtor in Hebrew, viz. a pomegranate. So 
that the god Rimmon was really and truly the fame 
perfon with the god Caphtor. And hence it alfo came 
to pafs, from the fame deity being worfhiped in thefe 
two different places, that that mountain in i^r/^, where 
this Rimmon or Jupiter Cafius was worfhiped, wa? 
alfo called Mount Cafius y in honour of the place from 
whence his worfhip was transferred from Egypt into 
Syria. It was upon Mount Cafius in Syria Antiochena 
that Trajan, [^] in his progrefs againft the Parthians, 
made an offering to Jupiter Callus, on which account 
this temple of Jupiter Cafius is reprefented on feveralof 
his coins, as well as on feveral of the fubfequent empe- 
rors [^]. The deity is defcribed by a mountain in the 
middle of the temple, to denote his being a mountain-de- 

\a\ See. Triftan Comment. Hift. des Emp. Vol. i. p. 425. 
. \b'\ See Plate, il. fig. 4. 



ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,8cc. 93 

ity, with this infcription, CEAETKEHN. D. CT- 
PI AC [c]. i. e. Seleucienfrim Pierice Syrice^ in order to 
diftinguilh this temple from that in Egypt. And this 
is alfo the reafon why I produced fo many Quotations , 
out of Jofephus, Strabo, Herodotus, and Phny, to 
prove the original Moimt Cafnis with the temple of Ju- 
piter Cafius on it to have been fituated near Eo-ypt^ 
w^hence alfo it appears that the Syrian Jupiter Cafius 
was borrowed from thence. 

It being thus proved that the famous Caphtor was 
deified in Syria at the time of the prophet Eliiha by 
the name of Rimmon, and at the time of Trajan bv 
the name of Jupiter Cafius, nothing remains but to 
fhew, that the ZETC KACIOC of the Greeks, or 
Jupiter Cafius of the Romans, was worfiiiped on the 
original Mount Cajius^ bordering on Egypt and Pa- 
lejiine^ in the figure of a man holding a pomegranate 
in his hand, which in Hebrew is called Caphtor^ and in 
Syriac Rhnmo7i, And this fufiiciently appears from 
Achilles Tatius, who exprefly aflerts that, being at 
Pelufium he met with an image (^/^ Jupiter Casius in 
the form of a young man with a Poaie gran ate /;; his 
handy whichy fays he, contains a 77iyflery, But thij 
myftery denotes no more, than that Caphtor in Hebrew 

\c\ So Patin reprefents it, and Vaillant and Hardouin on Pliny read 
it. But Mr Maflbn, who had feen the coin, faies it is nEIPIAc, ^^ in 
Mfs. this Seleufia of Syria is often ftyled. Bibliodi. Literaria, Lond. 
1722. 4to. Num. iii. p. 45, 46. 

N fignifying 



94 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

Hgnifying a pomegranate, this fruit was put in his 
hand as an hieroglyphical mark to diftinguifli the 
perfon deified. 

It is manifeft that the Egyptians woriTiiped plants, 
for which they were ridiculed by the wits of Greece 
and Rome : 

^luihus nafcu7ttur i7i hortis 
Numi7ta, 

fays the Poet. When therefore the Greeks came 
into this country, who never worfhiped either beafts 
or plants, and found a ftone or an altar dedicated 
to fome god with the hieroglyphical mark, as, fuppofe, 
of a pomegranate on it, they immediately eredled the 
ftatue of a man in its ftead, and gave him the emblem 
of the pomegranate to hold in his hand ; of which 
there is a [<r/] medal extant in the collection of the 
Elector Palatine, on one fide of which is reprefented a 
man v/ith a pomegranate in his hand, and on the 
reverfe this rnctto ZETC KACIOC. See plate I. fig. 2. 

And as Caphtor was the original perfon from whence 
the Jupiter Cafius of the ancients was borrowed, fo is it 
alfo more than probable that he gave rife to the wor- 
ship of the elder Dionyfus, as Efficiently appears 
from the very word Dionyfus, which both in Arabic 
and Greek fignifies the lord or god oi Nyfa, For, ac- 

[d^ See Rcland'a Palelline, vol. ii. p. 934. 

cording 



ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 95 

cording to Monfieur Formont, Dio in Arabic fignifies 
lord'^ and therefore Dionyfus properly fignifies, ac- 
cording to that interpretation, the lord of Nyfa, And 
in Greek the word Aloe figniiies the fame as the word 
Dkjus among the Latins, that is, a divmeperfon^ and fo 
by way of eminence is put for Jupiter ; and therefore 
Dionyfus is plainly, according to this interpretation, 
derived from a composition of the two words bUoQ and 
Nl'(7^C, i. e the god of Nyfa, 

Now if we can but prove tliis town oi Nyfa^ oF 
which Dionylius was lirft the lord, and then the god,, 
to have been fituated on Mount Cafras^ I think there 
will be no need of any further proof that this Dionyiius 
or god of Nyfa^ and Jupiter Caiius, and Caphtor were 
all one and the fame perfon. Eufebius fays that Nyfa 
was a town in Arabia^ fituated between the Nile and 
Phoenicia \ which agrees exadlly with the Htuation 
of Mount Cafusj for as that was undoubtedly the boun- 
dary between Egypt and Phoenicia^ as hath been alrea- 
dy fhewn, fo was it alfo the boundary where thefe two 
countries bordered on Arabia^ and is therefore frequent- 
ly by the geographers faid to belong to Arabia. Thus 
\e\ Pomponius Mela fays, when fpeaking of Arabia^ 
Arabia^ nife qua Cafio monte attollitur^ pla7ia etferilis. 
And again, fpeaking of the Sinus Arabicus^ he fays, [yj 
Init penitus introrfufque : dum ^gyplujnpem et ?nontem: 

[/l Pomp. Mel. i. c. 10. [/] Id. 1. iii. c. S. 

ArahiiB- 



.g6 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

Arabic^ Cafmm atmgit. And {g\ Diodorus quotes 
Homer for laying in his Hymns, that Nyfa was built 
on the toD of an healthful mountain in Arabia^ not 
far from Eg-ji'//, but diPcant from P/6^;^/a<^, or, which is 
the fime thing, more diftant from Phce^tkia than Egypt ; 
which agrees exadly with the fituation of Mou7it Cafi- 
us\ the Sirbo7iic lake^ as well as a large tra6l of an un- 
inhabitable defert, lying between Mount Cafius and 
the habitable parts of Phoe7ikia^ which defert, though 
in reality it belonged to Phoe7ikia^ Homer, I fuppofe, 
reckoned as belonging to Arabia^ as it is manifeft 
Pomponius Mela imagined Mount Cafius did. 

It is further to be obferved that the appellation of 
Nyfa feems to have been borrowed from this high and 
elevated fituation of the town, the Hebrew word nt^'i 
Nafa in Niphal and Pihel, that is, when it is founded 
Nyfa^ {ignifying, according to BuXtorf, fuftulit^ extu- 
litfe^ fublatus eji^ elatus. And accordingly Virgil, in 
his defcription of it, fays, 

Liber agens celso Nyfce de vertke tigres. 

JEn. vi. 805. 

And if Caphtor, who was manifeftly of a warlike 
genius, did at his firfl: fettlement in thofe parts em- 
ploy himfelf in hunting and killing wild beafts, as it 
is more than probable he did, a warlike genius in 
thofe days, like [f] Nimrod, fhewing itfelf in early 

TfI Diod. 1. V. c. 2* [h] Gen. x. 8, 9. 

Ufe, 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 9^ 

life, by hunting wild hearts, this may have glvx^n 
Gccafion to thofe traditionary hiftories of this Diony- 
fus or lord of Nyfa having conquered lions, tio-ersj 
&c. And his having conquered the Avim, the fame 
of which fpread as far as Syria Antiochena with fa 
much eclat as to occa,lion divine worfhip to be 
there paid to him, was a fufficient foundation for the 
Greeks to raife the report of his having conquered A- 
diay every place which was much eaftward of Greece 
being by the poets called India, Thus Virgil, fpeak- 
ing of tlie Nile^ calls upper Egypt and Mthiopia by the 
name of Indiay 

Ufque color atis amnis devexus ab Lidis, 

Georg. iv. 293. 
And in another place, ipeaking of the Parthians, he 
ikys, 

Imbellem avertis Romanis arcibus Indum, 

Georg. ii. 172. 

And hence it is that Nyfa is faid by fome of the an- 
cients to have been fituated in India, As for exam- 
ple, Philoftratus fpeaking oi Nyfa fays, that it was a 
mountain in India ^ where was a temple dedicated to 
Bacchus. 

As to the tradition of this Dionyfus liaving been 
thefirft that planted tlie vine, I cannot find any well 
grounded foundation to fupport it. The hiftory of the 
ancient heathen gods hath been fo ftrangely confound- 
ed,. 



.^8 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

ed, and their tranfadions have been fo blended one 
with another, that it is ahnoft impoffible at this dift- 
ance of time to unravel them. Thus, for inftance, 
Diodorus fays that Ofiris was fometimes taken for Se- 
rapis, Bacchus, Pluto, Amnion, Jupiter, and Pan ; 
and that Ifis was the fame with Ceres, Thefmophora, 
Luna, Juno &c. And Plutarch [J] hath two differtati- 
ons to prove, that Bacchus and Oliris were both the 
fame perfon, from the iimilitude of the rites in their 
worfliip ; the ivy being called in the Egyptian lan- 
guage Ci)e?20 SiriSy i. e. the plant of Ofiris. He fays 
however, in another place, that this part of the cha- 
racSler of Ofiris with relation to the culture of the 
vine was in after ages by miftake applied to Bacchus. 
I ihould therefore be inclined to imagine, as the cha- 
racters of thefe tw^o perfons were very different, 
Dionyfus or Bacchus being a martial hero, and 
Ofiris a \K\ peaceable prince, cultivating and im- 
proving his country by the arts of hufbandry, and 
■political government, that this miftake arofe from 
fome ftatuary god-maker, who not knowing how to 
account for the pomegranate in the hand of our young 
Dionyfus, inferted a bunch of grapes inftead of it, 
as beino- the more ornamental, as well as the more 
valuable fruit of the two ; and that the mythologifts, 
who were alfo the poets of the age, readily came into 
the exchange, as being more agreeable to their own 

[/■] Plut. de Ifid. & Ofir. feft. '2^c^. and fed. 27, 30, -2^^, 
\k'\ Diod. 1. i. c. 2. 

4 natural 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc. 99 
natural difpofition, as well as the better fubjea: for 
poetry. 

As therefore it is manifefl; from Strabo, that, before 
the Grecians introduced tlie vvorfhip of human figures 
into Egypt, the Aborigines Egyptians had no images 
in their temples, that is, none of human form, but 
only the images of fome animal or plant, which repre- 
fented the objed of their worfhip ; how can wc more na- 
turally account lor the origin of this cuftom, than by 
fuppofing fuch animal or plant to have been engraved 
on the tomb or fepulchral monument of fome eminent 
perfons as an hieroglyphical mark fignificant of the 
name or character of the perfon underneath interred 
and that, from this and fome other fimilar occafions, 
the worfhip of plants and animals came to be firft 
pradifed in Egypt? 

For befides animals and plants we alfo find repre- 
fented on the obeHfks and ancient religious monuments 
of the Egyptians, feveral inftruments of hu(bandry, 
which we may reafonably fuppofe were firft engraved 
as hieroglyphical marks on the tomb-ftones of their 
inventors, to perpetuate their memory to pofterity; 
which the Grecians, when they came into Egypt y pla- 
ced in the hands of fuch human figures as by tradition 
they had learned were the authors or inventors of them. 
Thus, for example, we find the figures of Ofiris and 
Ifis always reprefented holding fome inftrument or 
other of hufbandry. For, as to the Crt4x anfata^ which 

O hath 



ICO ORIGINOF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc. 

hath fo much puzzled the learned world, and has 
occafioned Kircherto fpend a long chapter in fumming 
up the various opinions concerning it, who has, with 
a greatwafte of Rabbinical and Arabic learning, endea- 
voured to prove it contains a myftical fummary of all 
aftronomical and theological learning, both pagan and 
chriftian, it is, after all, no more than a fetting ftick 
for planting roots and larger feeds ; as may appear from 
the figure of Ofiris, plate I. fig. 3. which is copied 
from the Tab. Ifiaca. The circle at the top, which 
has been conje6lured to be an emblem of the world, 
being no more than the handle to hold it by, to ena- 
ble the perfon that ufes it to thruft the lower end into 
the ground ; and the part which forms the crofs un- 
derneath, being only a contrivance to prevent the 
other part from running too far into the earth, as 
it would be apt to do in the fertile foil of Egypt y efpe- 
cially after it had been moiftened by the overflowings 
of the Nile.^ which was the ufual time for fowing or 
planting. The reaping hook and flail cannot eafily 
be miftaken. But two inftruments Ifis generally car- 
ries in her hand, which have not yet been explained ; 
one feems only to be a knife for weeding corn, and the 
other a fimple inftrument made ufe of to this day by 
the country people both in England and lrela7idy in 
twifting ropes of hay, forfeveral purpofes in hu{handry, 
as may eafily be perceived only by cafting an eye on 
fig. 4. plate I. and fig. 6. plate II. This might have 
'ferved in Egypt for twifting either fedge or the bark 

of 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc. lox 

of the palm tree, the common materials there for 
making ropes. 

The hiftory of Ofiris and Ifis, as related by Berofus 
andDiodorus, feems manifeftly compounded of various 
tranfa6lions, which were performed in different parts 
of the world, in very diftant ages, and by very differ- 
ent perfons. The hiftory of the warHke exploits and 
conquefts of Oiiris feem to have been borrowed from 
the traditions relating to Caphtor ; as the plantino- of 
the vine, which is attributed to Dionyfus, or Caphtor, 
feems to have been taken from the traditionary hiftory 
of Ofiris. For that the adlions of thefe two contem- 
porary princes have been much confounded in hiftory 
may be proved from a multitude of quotations out of 
the ancients. 

Nor did the authors of the liiftoryof Ofiris ftick to 
contemporary tranfadlions, but have manifeftly mixed 
the hiftory of fome fads which happened in much la- 
ter ages of the world, even as low down as the times 
of Mofes, with the hiftory of the invention of thofe 
arts of hufbandry which muft have been difcovered in 
a much more early age ; and therefore could not 
poffibly have happened in the life of one and the fame 
perfon. As for example, the art of plowing and 
fowing corn could not poffibly have been the inven- 
tion of folate an age as the reign of that Pharaoh or E- 
gyptian king, who was drowned in the Red-fea in pur- 
suit of Mofes and the Ifraelites ; and yet it is manifeft, 

O 2 almoft 



102 ORlGlNOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 

almofi: to a demonftration, that the hiftory of the 
deftrudion of Ofiris by Typhon, and of the lamenta- 
tions of Ifis forthe lofs of her hufband Ofiris, whofe 
body fhe could not find, becaufe it was thrown into 
the fea, niuft liave been borrowed from the aforemen- 
tioned tranfadlion. 

Of which opinion the tradition mentioned by [/] 
Tacitus, that it was in the reign of Ills, the wife of 
Ofiris, that a multitude of Jews Itit Egypt and were 
conducted into a neighbouring country, under the com- 
mand of Hierofolymus and Judasus, is a ftrong corro-r 
boration, whkh ftory, by adding to it fome of the re- 
markable traditions belonging to their ancient worthies^ 
andmeir of renown, was in after ages wrought up in-r 
to the fabulous hiftory of Ofiris. For [fTt] Plutarch 
acknowledges, that Typho,. the enemy of Oliris, . was 
fometimes taken for an emblem of the fea; and indeed 
the v^iy origin of the word, being derived from the 
Greek word Tv(po[xoc^, futno^ to foam and rage^ feems . 
to confirm it. And what is very remarkable, Plutarch 
obferves, that this Typlio, whenever he was reprefent- 
ed by an image, was always painted red. Now it is 
impofiible to give any other reafon why this emblem 
of the lea, into which the body of Ofiris is faid to be 
thrown, fiiouldbe painted red, . but becaufe the name 
of the fea in which Ofiris was drov/ned, was the fea of 
Edom, which word fignifies red, and from thence 

£/] Tacit. Hi(V. 1. V. [w] Pint, de Ifid. & Ofir. Tea. 41. 

that 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc. 103. 

that fea has ever fince been vulgarly called the Red-fea, 

And yet from one part of the character given by 
\_?i\ Diodorus of Ifis and Ofiris, that they were great 
encouragers and improvers of the civil arts of hufban- 
dry, and firft taught the inhabitants oi Egypt how to 
plow and fow, &c. thefe perfons mufi: have lived in 
a much earlier age of the world than thatof Mofes. 
Hence Tibullus fays, 

Primus aratra manufolerti fecit Ofiris^-. 

Et teneratn ferro follicitavit humum. 
Primus inexpertcz commijtt femina term^ 

Pomaque nonnotis legit ab arbor i bus. 
Hie docuit tenerampalis adjungere vite^n^ ■ 

Et viridem dura ccederefalce comam. 

Which arts are fo neceflary to the fupport of human 
life, that it is impoffible the cultivation of them could 
have been deferred to fo late an age of the world as 
the days of Mofes. And therefore we ought to fuppofe 
that the real perfons, from whom this part of the 
charader of Ofiris and his wife Ifis hath been borrowed, 
were fonae of the firft inhabitants of Egypt after tlie 
flood ; upon whofe fepulchral tom_b-fl:ones the Greci-- 
ans having found the feveral inftruments of hufbandry 
engraved, which they had either invented or impro\'- 
ed, ereded the ftatue of an human figure for their dei-r 
fication, and as a diftinguifhing mark by ^vhich thefe 

[w] Diod. 1. i. c. 2. 

deities 



104 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc, 
deities might be known from others, placed the in- 
ftruments of huftrandry in their hands which had be- 
fore been graved on their obeUfks, or in their temples ; 
and as among the reftOliris might have had the figure 
of a bull engraved on his pillar, as one of the hiero- 
glyphical marks which were intended to denote his 
having taught the Egyptians the art of plowing ; and 
as Ifis might have the figure of a cow engraved, among 
others, on her fepulchral pillar, to denote her care and 
attendance ^t the dairy, hence poffibly thefe two ani- 
mals might in time come to be reckoned facred in E- 
gypt ; and when the Grecians, who never worfhiped 
beafts, came thither, they would of courfe ered: ftatues 
to thofe deities (of whom the bull and the cow were 
the reprefentatives) in the fhape of human figures, but 
with the head of a bull or a cow, to denote the deities 
to which thefe imaginary figures belonged \o\. 

And if we ate inclined to enquire who that perfon 
was, among the defcehdants of Ham, from whence 
this charader of Ofiris was borrowed, we fhall find it 
was probably Mizraim, the fecond fon of Ham as 
mentioned Gen. x. 6. whofe proper name was Mizor, 
the plural number of which truly denotes the people or 
nations defcended from him, rather than the head of 
the family itfelf, as hath been before noted, the ter- 
mination im in Hebrew being the noted termination of 

[o] See plate II. fig. 5. reprefenting Ifis with a cow's head, the royal 
plume, and Orus on her lap. 

4 the 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 105 

t]i€ mafculine gender in the plural number. And 
accordingly the Egyptians are univerfally, through the 
whole Pentateuch, called by the name of Dnva Miz- 
raim, as being the defcendants of Mizor, or Mifor, as 
he is called by Sanchoniatho, who fays tliat the bro- 
ther of Sedec, or Canaan, w^as called M/uw^. For it is 
remarkable, tliat the Hebrew Tfade was differently 
pronounced by different nations ; the Greeks generally 
converting it into a /, and the Phoenicians into an s. 
Thus, for example, the city of Tj're, whofe ancient 
and proper name was in Zor or Tfor^ was by the 
Greeks called 2^r, and thence Tyre^ but by the Phoeni- 
cians it was called Sor^ and now Stir to this day. In 
like manner the city of \V*i Zoan^ or Tfoan^ was by the 
Grecian pronunciation changed into Taan^ and thence 
intoT^^w; whereas the Phoenicians pronounced it 
Soariy as it is at prefent written in the Samaritan Pen- 
tateuch, Num. xiii. 23. And therefore Sanchonia- 
tho, who was a Phoenician, pronounced the Hebrew- 
word nvo Mizor or Mitfor^ Miaw^y. Mifor. 

How Mifor came to be called Oliris is not fo eafy 
to be accounted for. Sir Ifaac [/>] Newton obferves, 
that " Plutarch tells us, the fyllable put before the 
^^^ word Sirishy the Greeks, made it fcarce intelligible 
^" to the Egyptians. " Which is a very uncommon 
miftake in that great and generally corre6t author. 

[^] Newt, Chron. p. 219 

For 



io6 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc, 

For [y] Plutarch, on the contrary, fays, that the fy lia- 
ble was added by the Egyptians. His words are, 

^sipiov \)(p *EAX)^j/wv ?.iyov]e;, el /^ ztccp' hlyvi^ioi; yj tc^o- 
^ici; 73 ap^ps Tsvouoc zrenoiriKsv dy.(piyvoB7a^oci. That is, 
There are Jome who 77ta7iifejily ajjert that OsiKi^ is the 
fame-wit h the Sun, and that he was called Sirius by the 
Greeks, tho the addition of the article by the Egyptia?js 
made [the origin of] the na?7te to be doubted of . 

And indeed it is not to be wondered that the E- 
gyptians fliould prefix the letter to the word Siris, 
when the Greeks had once introduced that name to be 
applied to the fun, fince by that addition they made 
an Egyptian word of it, fignifying 7nany eyed, which 
was no improper epithet tor the fun. For fays [r] 
Plutarch, fpeaking in another place of Osiris, the 
Tta^ne itf elf denotes m2iny eyed, as we are toldbyfojne, who 
would derive it from the words Os and Iri, which words 
in the Egyptian language have that import. 

The name it fecms, according to Plutarch, by 
which the deity, afterwards called Ofiris, was origi- 
nally known in Greece, was 2f if /o;, who fuppofes that 
name to belong to the fun. This alfo muft have been 
a ficStion, or miftake, of the later Greeks. For Xii^ioQ 

[y] Plut. de Ifid. & Ofir. fed. 52. 

\t\ Plut. de Ifid. & Ofir. fea. 10, , 

being 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, 8cc. 107 

being an adjedive, muft be conneded with fome fub- 
ftantive ; which was probably the vv^ord 'Ar/?V. But 
Heiiod, w^ho wrote many ages before Phitarch, men- 
tions the dog-ftar by the name o( :^eioio; 'Ari]?, and 
not the fun ; from whence we fee how much the E- 
gyptian deities were blended and confounded together 
by the Greeks, towards the latter ages of the Grecian 
empire. 

But the true name, by which this god v/as orirri- 
nally diflinguifhed in Phoe7tkia^ before it was changed 
into Ofiris by the Egyptians, or into Siris, or Ss/^;:; by 
the Greeks, feems to have been Ifiris \_s\ v^liom Sanclio- 
niatho mentions as being brother to Chna the firft 
Phoenician. Now Chna the firft Phoenician was ma-^ 
nifeftly Canaan, which name oi\vy2 as it is in the He- 
brew, may be read either Canaan, or Cnaan, and was 
therefore by the Greeks called Xm, Chna. This Cna- 
an, or Chna, was the youngeft fon of Ham, who witli 
his defcendants firft peopled Phce?iicia^ and from him 
that country was called the land of Cama?i, or 
Cnaan» 

In another part of the fame chapter Sanchoniatho 
iays, that Mifor, and Sedec, which fignifies ////?, were 
brothers, and that Mifor had a fon named Taautus, 
who was the firft inventor of the elements of writino-. 
Now it is more than probable, that this Sedec was ali(> 



[j] "Ut^iq ff.k\<^ii Xveim TT^wm ^oIviko^. Eufeb. Prrpp. F,v. 1. i. lo 



ic8 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

the fame perfon with Chna, or Canaan, the brother of 
Ifiris, and that he was the very perfon who received, 
tithes from Abraham, under the title of [/] Melchi- 
fedec, v/hich is as much as to fay King Scdec, or, as St. 
Paul explains it, the Kmg of Right eot/fjtcfs, a title he 
might have acquired on account of his regular dif- 
tribution of juftice, being the father, and confcquently 
prince, of the whole country. For if Canaan, the 
youngeft fon of Ham, be but fjppofed equally long U- 
ved with Arphaxad the fon of Sem, as he was of an 
equal diflance in defcent from Noah ; Canaan might 
have been alive feveral years after this congrefs of Mel- 
chizedec with Abraham. This Melchizedec or Mel- 
chi Sedech, or, according to the Kteral writing of the 
Hebrew, Melchi Tfadec, is faid by St. [u] Paul, to be 
without father^ and without mother \ a circumftance, 
very well agreeing with the account given of Chna by 
Sanchoniatho, who, being the iirft that inhabited and 
planted Phoenicia, is faid to be without father and 
without mother^ becaufe his parents not living with 
him, were unknown in that country. Thus [w] Se- 
neca, fpeaking of two of the ancient Kings of Rome^ 
fays, that Servius had no mother, and Ancus no father ; 
which he aftervv^ards explains by faying, that it was 
not knov/n who was the father of Ancus. And hence 
alfo Horace fays, 

[/] See Chron.. Heb. Bible vindicated, p. lOO. [li] Heb. vil. 3. 
fwl Sencc. Epifl. viii. 

Per- 



ORIGIN OF H IE ROGLYPHICS,&c. 109 

Perfuades hoc tibi vere^ 
A7tte potejiatem TulU atque ig?2obile regman^ 
Mulios fcepe vivos nullis majoricus ortos 
Et vixijje probos^ amp lis et homribus aiiElos, 

Hor, Serm. Li. Sat. 6* 

All v/hich put together is an additional proof that 
Ofiris, or Ifiris, the brother of Chna, was the fame 
perfon with Mifor, the brother of Sedec. 

Having thus difcovered Jupiter Ammon and Pan. 
in the perfon of Ham; and Jupiter Cafius andDionv- 
fus \yD\ in the perfon of Caphtor, the great grandfon'of 
Ham ; and of Oiiris in the perfon of Mifor ; let us now 
try if we can difcover who this Taautus was, who be- 
ing the fon of Mifor is here faid by Sanchoniatho to be 
the firft difcovererof the art of writing, [.v] Sancho- 
niatho likewife fays, that this Taautus was the fame 
perfon, whom the Egyptians call Thyoth, the Alex- 
andrians: Thoth, and the Greeks Hermes. He like- 
wife \j] obferves, that this Taautus meditated very 
much on the nature of dragons and ferpents, and that 
in after ages the Phoenicians and Egyptians on that 
account attributed a kind of divinity to thcfc animals* 

Now according to Mofes, Mifor or Mizor the fa- 
ther of the Mizraim had no lefs than [z] il\ fons and 

[w] The editions of Plutarch write Dionyfius ; but Spanhcini has 
proved from coins that the true name is Dionyfus, Num. Diil". vii. ed. 
fol. which is hkewifc more agreeable to tlic etymology above givea 
ot it, p. 94, 95. 

[x] Eufeb. Pr«p. Ev. 1. i. c. 9. [j] Id. ibul. c. xo. 

[-JGen.x. 13. 

3 two 



> 



310 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHI CS,Scc 

two grandfons, before he departed with his father Ham 
from the plains of Shmaar^ to mxarch. towards E^ypt 
on the difperfion at Babel \ which were thefe : Lud, 
the father of the Ludim or Lndians ; Anam, the father 
of the Anamim ; Laab, the father of the Lehabim, 
Lubim, or Libyans ; Neph, or Nephat, the father of 
the Naphtuhim; Pathros, the father of the Pathrufim ; 
and CaHial, the father of the Cafhkihim ; who had alfo 
two fons, Peles the father of the Philiftim, and Caph- 
tor, the father of the Caphtorim. 

\_a\ Mr. Shuckford fays, that the Egyptians gene- 
rally afcribe all their fciences to Pathros, v/hom they 
called Thyoth. In proof of which he quotes Jambli- 
chiis De myfleriis JEgypticrujn, But I cannot find that 
Tamblichus, in his whole treatifeZ)^ myflerm^ once men- 
tions the name of Pathros. \h'\ He fpeaks indeed of 
Hermes having written twenty thoufand volumes, or, 
as Men^teus fays, 36525 volumes, and begins his 
treatife with faying that the Egyptian writers think- 
inp- Hermes was the inventor of arts and fciences, 
afcribed all thefe books to Hermes, v/ho was reputed 
the god of wifdom and eloquence : That Pythagoras, 
Plato, Democritus, Eudoxus, and many others went 
to vifit the Egyptian priefts : That Pythagoras and 
Plato learned their philofophy from the pillars of Mer- 
cury in Egypt ; which pillars, fays he, are fullof learn- 
in<r. But he no where explains who this Hermes was. 

r^] Shucli. Con. B. iv. p. 216. \l^\ Jamb, de Deo etDels. 

> ■ Mh 



ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. lu 

Mr. Shuckford fays alfo, that Pathros, whom he 
calls " Pathrufim, is imagined to ha\^e firft invented 
" the ufe of letters, but Naphtuhim is faid to have 
" learnt both them, and feveral other ufe ful arts from 
'^ him, and to have inftru6ted his people in them. 
'' He (that is, as I fuppofe, Naphtuhim) is faid to have 
■" been the author of the architedlure of thefe ages, 
'^ and to have had fome ufeful knowledge in phyiic 
"and anatomy. The Egyptians do in general afcribe 
'^ all their faiences to the other brother ; but it is eafy 
"' to conceive how this might happen, Pathrufim, 
'^ whom they called Thyoth, being a perfon fo extra- 
" ordinary, that it might be difficult for any other 
'' name befides his to obtain any coniiderable fharc of 
'' reputation in the age he lived m\ 

And in proof of this Mr. Shuckford quotes Syncel- 
lus and Sir John Marfiiam ; but unfortunately neither 
Syncellus nor Marfham fay one word about Naphtu- 
him, that I could find, [c] Syncellus, in his third dv- 
nafty, mentions one Toforthrus the fucceflbroFNeche- 
rophes, whom he fays the Egyptians called /Efciila- 
pius, on account of his fkill in medicines, and that he 
found out alfo the art ofchifelling flones, and took* 
much pains in improving the art of engraving letters. 
[^] Marfham indeed endeavours to prove tliis Tofor- 
thrus to be a brother of Tlioth's ; becaufe, accordino:' 
to the Grecian mythology, both Hermes and iEfcu- 

[c] Synccl. p. s^' Ed. Par. [d] Marlli. p. 39. 

P 2 lapius 



112 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 

iEfculapius are laid to be the fons of Jupiter. But in 
this he contradids an authority, which at other times 
he reUes much upon, viz. Sanchoniatho, who [e^ 
exprefly fays that j^ilfculapius was the fon of Sedcc, 
who was brother to Mifor, and therefore Thoth and 
j^fculapius could at beft be but coufin-germans. 

So that I am afraid Toforthrus cannot eafily be 
proved to be the fame perfon with Naph or Naphtu- 
him, the fon of Mifor ; though Mr Shuckford feems to 
have hit by chance on the real perfon to whom the 
original character, not only of ^fculapius, but the god 
Thoth truly belongs. And that is Naph or Neph the 
father of the Naphtuhim, as will appear more plainly 
when we come to compare fome circumftances, not 
fele6led out of mythological writers, but from true 
hiftorians, who relate matters of fad, and not imagi- 
nary fables. 

If therefore we firfl: confult the books of Mofes, we 
fhall find that Ham the fon of Noah, immediately af- 
ter the confulion at Babel^ came with his two fons Mi- 
zor and Canaan (which laft was alfo called, Sedec, or 
the juft) to take poffeffion of thofe territories which 
from them have fince been called the lands of Canaauy 
and the lands of Mizor or Mizraim ; and having left 
his younger fon Canaan with his eleven grandfons iji 

[e] Eufeb. Praep. 1. i. c. lo. 

poffeffion 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 113 

poffeiTion of the land of Cana.m [/j from the e?uenng 
in of Hamath even U7tto Gaza; he then proceeded 
with his fon Mizor and his children to take poffeffion 
of the land of Egypt \ and having fettled his grandfon 
Caflial with his two great-grand-children Peles and 
Caphtor at the entrance into Egypt^ where tliey built 
Pelufiiim in honour of Peles and poffeffed themfeh^es 
of \_g\ the Ifands of Caphtor^ he advanced further up 
into Egypt with his fon Mizor, and fettled him at Zoan 
in the land of Mtzramt^ as it is called in the Scriptures, 
or in the Mefj^cean region, as it is called by Jofephus ; 
Grand Cairo ^ which ftands nearly in the place where 
Zoan did formerly, being called by the Arabians to 
this day [h\ Al-Mejfer. 

Then Ham went ftill further up into Egypt^ and 
pofleffed himfelf of that part which from him was na- 
med [/] Chamia^ now inhabited by the Copts, who 
are ftyled in the Language of the coimtry Chami to this 
day. In v/hich territory the city of [.^ Chamys^ or 
[/] No-AmJ7ion^ as it is called by the prophet Ezekicl 
(which litterally {ignifies the city or habitation of [;;;] 
Anunon) was built in honour of him. From whence 

[/] Num. xxxiv, 9. Jofh, xili. 5. [^] Jcr. xlvii. 4. 

[i6] Shaw's Trav. p. 340. 

[i] Though Cham is in EngHlli, for the foftncfs of pronunciation 
written Ham^ yet die true name is Chmn^ as it is always written both 
in Hebrew and Greek. [/:] Berofus. [/] Ezek. xxx. 14. 

\r)%\ That Cham and Ammon denote the fame perfon appears from 
comparing Gen. xiv. 5. and i Chron. iv. 40. with Deut. ii. 10. 

his 



114 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &r.. 

his {on [;?] Pathros ftill went higher up and built the 
city of PathroSy but where that was lituated I cannot 
pofitively determine. 

Neph, or Naph, or Nephat, the Father of theNaph- 
tuhim, advanced ftill further up the river, and proceed- 
ed as far as Syency on the uttermoft fouthern borders 
of Eo-ypty and fettled fomev/here thereabouts, Vv^hence 
that region was from him called Napata^ where queen 
Candace afterwards reigned, according to \o\ Strabo. 

LuD went ftill higher, and poflefled himfelf of 
Ethiopia properly fo called, from whom came the 
Ludim or Lydians, mentioned by the prophets Ifaialr 
and Jeremiah, as being famous [/?] for handling and 
be?iding the hem ; and of whom \_q] Herodotus tells 
this remarkable ftory, that, when Cambyfes had con- 
quered Egypt.^ and had thoughts of mv^idrng j^thiopia^ 
he fent fome fpies before him, who, under pretence of 
carrying prefents to the King, might privately enquire 
into'the ftrength and condition of the kingdom. When 
they were arrived at court, and had made their prefents, 
the king of Mthiopia faid to them, " it was not from 
*' any conftderation of my friendfhip that the king of 
<' Perfia fent you to me with thefe prefents; neither 
^' have you fpoken the truth; but are come into my 
" kingdom as fpies. If Cambyfes was an honeftmanj 

. [«] Ifai. xi. II. Jer. iv. 41. {o] Strabo, 1. xvii. 

[/)] Ifaj. Ixvi. 19. Jer. xlvi. 9. [^] Herod. 1. iii. 

^'he 






ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 115 

" he would defire no more than his own; and not en- 
** deavour to reduce a people under fervitude who 
" have never done him any injury. However give 
" him this bow from me, and let him know that the 
king oi j^thiopia advifes the king of Perjia to make 
war againft the Ethiopians, when the Perlians fhall 
be able thus eafily to draw fo ftrong a bow ; and in 
the mean time to thank the gods, that they never 
infpired the ^Ethiopians with a defire of extending 
their dominions beyond their own country". When 
he had faid this, he loofed the ftring, and delivered 
the bow to the ambaffadors* 

Laab crofled over the Nile^ and poffefied himfelf of 
that part of Africa^ v/hich from his pofterity the Le- 
habim or Lubim, mentioned 2 Chron. xii. 3. xvi. 8. 
was called Libya, Where [r] Anam went is not fo 
certain; but poflibly he may have croiled over the ri- 
ver Nile with his brother Laab, the people of that 
country being called by the prophet [s] Ezekiel/a 
mi?tgled people, \ 

Now of all the fons of Mizor, viz. Lud, Anam, 
Laab, Neph, Pathros, and Cafiial, I can find no ti-a- 
ces in real hiftory which any way refemble the charac- 
ter of Taautus or Thoth, except it be Neph or Nephat 






[r] I cannot conceive the reafon why Mr. Shiickford fo confidently 
affirms Anam to be the Curudes of Syncellus, wlio luccccdcd Menes in 
in the government of the Mcftrse an, region. Shuckf. Connedt. p. 21O. 
Synccli. p. 91. Far. ed. [5] Ezek. xxx. 5. 

Q. the 



ii6 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 

the father of the Naphtuhim, who fettled about Sye7te^ 
on the borders between Egypt and j^thiopia. So that 
we mi^ft liave recourfe to Neph the fourth fon of Mi- 
zor to find out in him, if we can, this god Thoth. 

Now if we look into Plutarch, we fhall fee that 
the inhabitants of the T'hehais in upper Egypt were a- 
lone of all the Egyptians free from taxes towards fup- 
porting the facred animals, becaufe they worfhiped 
only the god Cneph ; whom I fuppofe to be the fame 
with Neph, as Ham was indifferently called Cham or 
Ham. And \t\ Eufebius fays from Philo-Byblius, 
that that idol under the figure of a ferpent with the 
head of a hawk, which the Phoenicians called Agatho- 
d^emon or the good Daemon, the i^gyptians called 
Cneph. 

And what proves this Cneph or Neph not to have 
been an imaginary idol, but a real man, who had 
been deified by fome of his admirers for his great en- 
dowments, is that \ii\ Eufebius likewife fays the 
Egyptians worfliiped the god Cneph under the image 
of a king with a girdle about his wafte and a fceptre 
in his hand, and an egg coming out of his mouth; 
v/hich egg was looked upon as an emblem of the world. 
And \yo\ Strabo fays that there was in an ifland adjoin- 
ing to Syene the temple and Nilometre of the god 

\t\ Eufeb. Praep. I. i, c. lo, [«] Eufeb. Prasp. I. iii. c ii. 

\lv\ Strabo, p, 8 1 7.' 

3 Cneph; 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 117 

Cneph ; whom, according to the Greek termination 
of the word, he calls Cnuphis. Which Nilometre, or 
machine for meafuring the increafe of the Nile^ fliews 
that this god Cneph, Cnuphis, or Neph, had been 
fome remarkable perfon li\ing near Syene^ who had 
been famous for the ufe of charadleriftic marks in hii 
obfervations on the rife of the Nile, For, fays Strabo, 
" this Nilometre was a canal cut out of one entire ftone 
*' in the bank of the Nile^ in which were engraven 
** feveral Hnes to denote the different cncreafes of the 
** Nile ; to which were alfo added feveral charadlcriflic 
'' marks to denote upon certain days the future 
^^ encreafe of the Nile : by obferving which, perfons 
*^ of fkill were capable of forming certain prefages of 
^^ the enfuing feafon ; and to prognofticate, whether it 
'* was likely to be fruitful or otherwife". 

Now that this god Cnuphis or Cneph was the fame 
with the god Taautus or Thoth appears from hence; 
That it is univerfally acknowledged the god Thoth 
was the fame deity which was alfo called Anubis. And 
that Anubis and Cnuphis v/ere the fame perfon feems 
to be maniieft not only from the fimilitude of the 
vt^ordsj but alfo becaufe it aj:)pears, from feveral of the 
Abraxas, 01* Egyptian Talifmans coUcclcd by [.v] 
Montfaucon, that Anubis was originally written Cnu- 
pliis or Cnubis, for on feveral of thofe Abraxas, 
i/l e:e a ferpcnt is reprefcnted with a lion's head, 0:1 

y [.w] Mont. An:. Tom. ii.Tar, ii. p. 361. 

0^2 the 



ii8 ORIGINOF HIEROGLYPHICS, 6cc. 

the reverfe is the word XNOTBIC [jv] Cnubis or Cnu- 
phis, on others XNOTMIC Cnumis, and upon ano- 
ther both XNOTMIC and plain ANOTEIC Anubis. 
See the figures i. 2. 3. in Plate ii. 

And what confirms this opinion is the great variety 
of emblematical figures under which tlie gods Cnuph 
and Thoth were charaderized ; all which feem plainly 
to have taken their origin fi-om the Kilometre of the god 
Cnuphis near Syene, For fince, as [z] Strabo exprefly 
fays, the Egyptian temples had no images in them, 
that is none of human form ; but only thofe of fome 
animal, fubftituted to denote the objedl of their wor- 
fhip; hence it was, that the various emblematical 
characters made ufe of by Cneph in his Nilometre fur- 
nifhed thofe perfons, who out of regard to his memory 
were fond of worfhiping him as a god after his death, 
with a variety of emblematical reprefentations under 
which he might be adored. As for example, that of 
a ferpent with a lion's head, of a ferpent with a hawk's 
head, or that of a dog. 

As to that famous emblem of a dog, under which 
this god Cnuphis, or, as Virgil calls him [a], Latrator 
Aniibis^ was worfhiped, it is certain, that the brilli- 
ant ftar, which is known among aftronomers by the 

[jy] The Greek y, when turn'd into Latin, was always changed int/^ 
anU. 

[2] Strabo, I. xvii. [^] Virgil, ^n. I. viii. ver. 6^%. 

name 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 119 

name of the Dog-Star, and is one of the brighteft in 
the whole firmament, becomes vifible mE^ypt in the 
month of July, about the time of year when it is a- 
greed by all writers, the Nile generally begins to over- 
flow its banks. This ftar is therefore called by Hefiod 
Ssipio^ 'Ar%, i. e. Sihoris After, the ftar of the river 
Sihor or the Nile ; Sihor being the name by which the 
river Nile was known in early times, as appears from 
Jofli. xiii. 3. and Jerem. ii. 18. which name was. 
probably given it on account of the dark colour of its 
waters at the time of its inundations, being derived 
from the Hebrew verb nn:r Shacha?^^ ?iiger fuit^ dent- 
gratus ejl ^wh^ncQ alfo it was called by the Greeks MsA^c 
And hence Virgil fpeaking of this river fays, 

Et viridem j^gyptum nigra fcecundat arena^ 
where Servius in his notes remarks, ?ia?}t a?itea NUl. 
Melo dicebatur. And therefore this iymbol of a doo- 
might have been made ufe of by Neph in his Nilome- 
tre as a chara6teriftic mark to denote the rife of this 
ftar, which gave them warning to prepare their 
grounds for being flooded by the Nile. Whence pro- 
bably it obtained the name of the dog-ftar ; and NepJi 
might himfelf in after ages be worfhiped under tliis 
fymbcl, and thence alfo obtain the name of Taautus 
or \h'\ Taaut, i. e. the dog. 

And as the dog might ferve for an hieroglyphical 
mark in the Nilometre to denote the rife of that ftar, 



c» 



us 



\h'] Hift.duCid. 



aiuf 



120 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 

and the time ^vhen the Nth fhould begin to overflow 
its banks, it is probable Cneph had different marks to 
denote the different degrees of its encreafe both before 
and afterwards. And as when the Nile hath once o- 
verflowed its banks, it drives all the ferpents before it 
out of their lurking places ; fo the hawks at the fam.e 
feafon annually return into Egypt in queft of their 
prey. For [c] Eufebius obferves, that thefe birds are 
very ufeful in Egyptm deftroying the ferpents, which 
he calls Keod^rxi Ceraft;r, and v/ere fo [d^ named from 
feveral iflands of that name near Syene abounding 
with thefe animals. And [e] Plutarch fays, that at 
•HermopoUs thei-e was an im^age of Typho reprefented by 
an hippopotamus, (a known emblem of the rife of 
the Nile) on which was a hawk fighting with a 
Terpent. From the importance therefore of the perio- 
dical return of this bird, Cnuphis in his Nilometre may 
have made ufe of a compound mark of an hawk and a 
ferpent to denote a particular degree of the increafe of 
the Nile^ and might therefore after his death have 
been worfl.iced under the emblematical charader of a 
ferpent with the head of a hawk. And hence alfo 
probably arofe the tradition mentioned by Sanchonia- 
tho, that Taautus, or the gcd Thoth, is faid to have 
meditated veiy much en the nature of dragons and fer- 
pents ; and that in after times the Phanicians and E- 

\c\ Eufeb. Pra?p. Evang. ]. i'. c. i. 
{d] .St"ph. Thciaur. [^J Dc Ifid et Ofir. 

gyptiaas 



ORIGIN OFKIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 121 

gyptians on that account attributed a kind of di\'inity 
to thefe animals. 

For the fame reafon this god Ntpli might alfo have 
been worfhiped under the iymbol of a ferpent with a 
lion's head, becaufe in the month of July the fun en- 
ters into the conftellation of the Hon, and therefore 
Cnuphis or Anubis or Neph might have apphed this 
device of a ferpent with a Hon's head, as another fym- 
bol or hieroglyphical mark to denote the ferpcnts quit- 
ting their holes, in confequence of the due increafe of 
the Nile at the time v/hen the fun enters into the fign 
of the Hon, 

As to that reprefentation of the god Cneph which is 
mentioned by [/] Eufebius, in the fimihtude of an hu- 
man fhape v/ith an egg com.ing out of his mouth, which 
egg was looked upon as an emblem of the world ; Jo- 
fephus informs us from Manetho, that although the 
Phoenicians, Greeks, and Romans worihiped the ima- 
ges of men, yet they held the worfhip of brutes in 
great abhorrence. From hence as thefe got footing in E~ 
gypt^ the Egyptian deities began to change their forms, 
and by a gradual traniition and transformation, from 
beaft to half beafi: and half man, came at laft ta be 
worfhiped entirely in a human fliape : To this we mufi; 
afcribe the original of thofe motly deities Pan and the 
Satyrs: And hence the god Cnuphis or Anubis, from 

[/] Eufeb. Pra^p. 1. vii, c. ii. 

the 



122 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS,&c, 

the lisnre of a doo- under which emblem he was wor- 
Ihiped by the aborigines Egyptians, was worlhiped by 
the Egyptio-Phoenicians in the fhape of a man with a 
dog's head Qo-], and by the Phoenicians and Grecians 
who Hved out of Egj'pl in the entire figure of a man. 
And to difiinguifli him from their other deities, they 
reprefcnted Jiim either with an egg in his mouth, 
which was an emblem defigned to denote his being 
the author of fertility ; or elfe with naked and ere<5t 
genitals, to denote the fame prolifick quality. For 
[i>] Plutarch gives tliis as the rcafon why the [/] Phal- 
lus was carried about in the Pammilian ceremonies ; be- 
caufc it was the emblem of fertility and generation. 
And [y^J Diodorus exprefly fays, that " not only the 
*' Ec;yptians, but many other people alfopaid a facred 
*' regard to the parts of generation, as the inftruments 
'* of the produdlion of animals. That the priefts al- 
" fo, when they take upon them their fundion in E- 
^' gypt^ are fii'ft initiated to the god Priapus. That for 
" the fame reafon Pan and the Satyrs are worfhiped: 
" and that feveral fet up their images in temples, to 
^' denote their generative properties". For this reafon 
undoubtedly it was that the gods Hermes and Priapus 
wxre imaged among the Greeks and Romans in fo 
fhameful an attitude. 



f_^l See Plate ii. fig. 7. from a coin of the emperor Julian. 
[6] Plut. de Ifid. and Ofir. [/] The Phallus was an image 

of the human parts of generation. 

[y^l Diod. 1. i. c. 4. fee Eufcb. Prrep. 1. ii. c. 2. 

That 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 12- 

That Hermes or Thoth was reprefented in this 
manner by the Greeks, is teftified by Paufanias in his 
Eliaca;andby Herodotus in his Euterpe, that tlie 
people of ^^Z'^;/j learned from the Pelafgians fo to re- 
prefent Hermes. Of the fame kind therefore I take 
that god to have been, which was worfliiped by the 
[/] Moabites and Midianites, under the name of Baal- 
Peor, which words literally fignify the naked or fiame- 
lefsgod. And therefore the prophet [^m"] Hofea obferves 
of the IfraeUtes, that they went to Baal Peor, andfepa- 
rated themfehes unto that shame. And Saint Paul, 
fpeaking of this defedlion of the Ifraehtes, fays [_7z\ 
neither let us commit fornication^ as feme of them co7jimit~ 
ted^ and fell in one day three and twenty thoufand. And 
for this reafonit probably was, that God gave particu- 
lar directions, upon the conqueft of the Moabites and 
Midianites, for deftroying every \o] adult male and e- 
very woman who had known man; that women or even 
men, who had fo far loft their fhame and their mo- 
defty as to worfhip fuch a deity, might not further 
fpread their abominations in the camp of Ifrael, 

It is obferved by \_p] Herodotus, thatMelampus was 
the firft who introduced the worfhip of the phallus 
into Greece^ and that Melampus was inftru6i:ed by Cad- 
mus. It is therefore more than probable that Cad- 
mus, who was a Canaanite, might have been taught this 

£/] Num. XXV. 3, 5, 18. Deut. iv. 3. [w] Hof. ix. 10. 

\n\ I Cor. X. 8. {o\ Num. xxxi. 17. [;>] Herod. 1. ii. 

R objed 



124 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS,&c. 

objed of worfhip by his neighbours the Moabites 
and Midianites ; and that this was one reafon why God 
was pleafed to give fuch ftricSt orders to the children 
of IJrael^ when they got poffeflion of the land of Ca- 
naan^ to difpoffefs the Canaanites, and not fo much as 
to permit them to dwell among them, but to [j-] 
fmite them J and utterly to dejlroy the?n and to make 7io- 
covenant "with them : and to drive out all the i?7habitant5 
of the land from before thenty a?td to deflroy all their 
piBureSy and all their molten images y a?id io pbick dawn 
all their high places* 

Why the name Hermes was in after ages given by 
the Grecians to the god Cneph, is eafily accounted 
for ; if we do but confider the importance of his ob- 
fervations by his Nilometre. As Neph, the father of 
the Naphtuhim, was only a great grandfon of Noah, 
and as Selah, who was at the fame diftance of defcent 
from Noah, lived to the age of 443 years, and to the 
474th year after the flood ; he m^ay very well be 
fuppofed to live near three hundred years after his 
arrival in Egypt : during which time it is reafonable to 
believe, he was conflantly improving his Nilometre, 
and adding to it various hieroglyphical marks of its 
ufe. And from the number of obfervations, which 
he had an opportunity of making in fuch a length of 
time, it might not be difficult for him to form fuch a 
judgment of the encreafe of the Nile^ as to know fome 
weeks before hand, when it would begin to rife ; and 

[j] Deut. vii. 2. xii. 3. Num. xxxiii. 51. &:c. 

after 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 125 

after it had rifen for fome time, whether it would ex- 
ceed its ufual bounds, or whether it would flop fhort 
of them, and not reach its common height. By fore- 
telling which events he might eafily get the reputation 
of being a prophet; or, in the language of the vulgar, 
a conjurer. And by being reprefented under this clia- 
radler to the Grecians, who came to vifit Egypt^ he 
might thence obtain from them the name of [r] Her- 
mes, which fignifies, the interpreter of the will of the 
gods. 

So that this title of Hermes Trismegiftus, which 
Sanchoniatho fays, was given by the Grecians to the 
god Taautus, may very well be fuppofed to have ta- 
ken its origin from the Kilometre of the god Cneph. 
To this alfo might be owing the tradition of his ha- 
ving invented letters, becaufe he was the firfl: who de- 
vifed thofe fymbolical charadiers which afterwards went 
under the name of Hieroglyphics. For [j] Diodo- 
rus obferves that the art of hieroglyphical writing was 
firft brought from JEthiopia into Egypt, And certain 
it is, x}iV2iX.Napata^ or the country oi Neph^ is that part 
oi ^Ethiopia which borders xx'pon Egypt, Which alfo 
may have laid the foundation of all thofe compliments 
paid to Hermes by the Grecian and Roman poets, on 
his being the founder and patron of polite arts and 
fciences. 

[r] 'Atto T?? £/>ju>jv«<p{f, i. c. ah interpretatione. Vide Virg. ^n. iv. 355, 
cum notis Servii in locum. [s] Diod. 1. iii. c. i, 

R 2 EUSEBIUS 



126 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICSAc. 

r^] EusEBius obferves that, befides all the various 
chambers in which this deity has been already repre- 
fentedj the god Cneph was alfo pidtured in the form of 
a king, with a girdle about his wafte, a fceptre in his 
hand, and a plume of feathers on his head. This Utbcov 
BacriA£/ov, or royal plume, confifted of two large fea- 
thers placed eredl on his head ; fome inftances of 
which are to be feen in the Tabulas Ifiac^e. (See Plate 
ii. £g. 5.) The Greeks by converting thefe feathers 
into wings, and changing his fceptre ornamented v/ith 
ferpents, which were the emblem of the god Cneph, 
into a caduceus, furnifhed their god Hermes with a 
new character, and made him the mefTenger, as well as 
the interpreter, of the gods. 

[u] DioDORUS fays that Hermes not only found out 
letters, but was alfo fkilled in medicine and harmony, 
and invented the ten ftringed lyre. Hence alfo it ap- 
pears that from the hiftory of the Egyptian Cneph, the 
Grecians borrowed the charader of their god Apollo. 
Under which character w^hen he was admitted back 
again into the Egyptian theology, he obtained the 
name of Orus, from the Hebrew word nij^ Ore^ which 
figniiied lig/jt. For [w] Herodotus and Diodorus and 
Plutarch all agree, that the Orus of the Egyptians was 
the Apollo of the Greeks. 

[/] Eufeb. Praep. 1. iii. c. 11. [u] Diod. I. i. 

[w] Herod. 1. ii. Diod. 1. i. c. 2. Plut. de Ifid et Ofir. 

Nov/ 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 127 

Now this will enable us to account for that fymbo- 
lical reprefentation given us by [x] Montfaucon, of a 
dog holding between his paws the lyre of Apollo, and 
the caduceus of Mercury [jj/]. Which, he fays, i-s 
one of thofe aenigmas he will not attempt to explain. 
Eut the device was deiigned only to ihew that the 
author of it thought Orus, Anubis, and Hermes the 
fame deity. For as the lyre was the undoubted fym- 
bol of Orus or Apollo, and the caduceus of Hermes 
or Mercury, fo was the dog the known emblem of 
Anubis or Thoth. Whence, I apprehend, it is ma- 
nifeft that Neph, Anubis, Thoth, Hermes, and O- 
rus, were originally all one and the fame perfon, that 
is, the fifth fon of Ofiris, Ifiris, or Mizor, who was 
the fon of Ham, the third fon of Noah ; who being 
the laft of the long Hved men that came with Ham 
into Egypt y is therefore faid to have been the [^J lafl of 
the gods that reigned in Egypt, 

For if we fuppofe Neph or Orus to have lived as 
long as Salah, who was of the fame diftance of defcent 
from Noah, that is, his great-grand-fon, then he 
would have lived 433 years, and to the 47 2d year af- 
ter the flood j and would have been contemporary 

[x] Canis qiiidem ille, qui lyram Apollinis, Mercuriique caduccum 
cuftodit, inter asnigmatica fchemata cenferi piito, quorum intcrpreta' 
;ionem ne tentare quidem aufim. Mont. Ant. Suppl. torn. i. 1. iii. p. loo. 

{y^ See Plate ii. fig. 8. [z\ Herod. 1. ii. 

with 



128 ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPHICS, &c, 

with Efau and Jacob, when theUfeofman was reduc- 
ed to the term of 140 or 150 years at the furtheft; 
in comparifon of which the hfe of Neph or Orus muft 
have been looked upon as a godhke one. 

Upon the whole, it is manifeft tliat though the 
•Grecians borrowed their deities originally from E- 
gypt^ yet by the wrong pronunciation of their names, 
the mifapplication of their quahties, and attributes, 
and by the mythological hiftories which they after- 
wards invented, they gave great occafion to theconfa- 
fion which hath fmce enfued. The great number of 
hieroglyphical marks found on the fepulchral monu- 
ments of eminent perfons, which were either expref- 
iive of their names, their qualifications, or their in- 
ventions, contributed to the fame purpofe; as thefe 
marks, from the veneration of the perfons to whom 
they belonged, came in after ages to be held facred, 
and in procefs of time to be worfhiped. 

For when the worfhip of the one God was once de- 
parted from, fuperftition would naturally look out for 
numberlefs local and tutelar deities to fupplythe place 
of infinite power. Hence it was the Egyptians gather- 
ed all thefe facred characters together, and for fear of 
•difobliging any one deity, made their collection as 
large as pofiible. For though particular deities 
mip-ht in particular places have an extraordinary 
degree of adoration paid to their moft noted 
-charadleriftic reprefentation, yet the obelifk or temple 
I eredled 



ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 129 

eredied to them, was all over infcribed with the 
reft of thofe characters whicli were held facred ; as 
is vifible to this day on the walls and pillars of the E- 
gyptian temples. And that this was the original ufe 
which was made of the great number of hieroglyphic 
marks now found in thofe places of devotion as well as 
on the obelifks, and that they were not an hiftorical ac- 
count of the Ufe and adions of any one particular per- 
fon, is plain from that fpecies of idolatry which the 
prophet [a] Ezekiel imputes to the Jews, when he 
defcribes one of their Cryptas, of which fort there are 
many now remaining in E^pL And he f aid unto me^ 
Go in and behold the wicked abominatious ^ that they do here : 
Jo I we72t in and f aw : A?id behold^ every for ?n of creeping 
things^ and abominable beaflsy and all the idols of the. 
houfe of Ifrael^ pourtrayed upon the walls rou?2d about, 
Then he f aid unto me^ So?t of mmiy haft thou fee?i what the 
ancie7tts of the houfe of Ifrael do in the darky every man 
in the chamber of his imagery? 

Where it is to be obferved, that the walls of thefe 
chambers of their imagery were pourtrayed round a- 
bout with every for^n of creepi?2g things^ and abominable 
beafls \ which fhews that this fuperftition was borrow- 
ed from Egypt ^ and that the Ifraelites had added to it 
all the idols of the houfe of Ifrael :y the ceremonials of it 
were performed in the dark^ as in. the Egyptian 
Cryptae, which are fo called for that woxy reafon, be- 

[«] Ezek. viii. 9. — 12. 

cauie 



I30 ORIGINOF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

caufe they were dark, being derived from the Greek 
word x^vnl(K^y ahfcondo. So that every one of the 
Cryptse was a fort of Pantheon, which held a col- 
ledionof the emblems of all their gods, and had all 
their facred characters colleded together ; at leaft as 
many as the Crypt^e could conveniently contain. 

I COULD alfo wifli that the perfon whom you think 
proper to fend abroad would attempt to go into Ahyf- 
fmia^ and vifit, if poffible, the fource of the Nile \ 
which, I think, he might do by gentle degrees, if he 
could contrive to live for fome time at or about Syene^ 
on the borders between Egypt and Mthiopta, V/hile 
he is there, he may try if he can find any traces of 
the Kilometre of Neph, as defcribed by Strabo. And 
by making fmall excurfions at firft, and cultivating an 
acquaintance with fome of the mercantile travellers go- 
ing; in and out of j^thiopia^ I fhould think it not im- 
poflible for him to meet with fome good natured per- 
fon who would ferve him both as an interpreter and 
guide. 

But, Gentlemen, after all, though I have put 
thefe remarks together, that the perfon whom you em- 
ploy may be excited and enabled by the help of them 
and fuch other obfervations as his own good fenfe 
fhall didate, to diftinguifh thefeveral a^ras of the anti- 
quities which he may meet with in and about Egypt ; 
not only with regard to the hieroglyphical marks, in 

which 



ORIGINOFHIEROGLYPIIICS,&c. 131 

which when he finds any human figures intermixed, he 
may be aflured they are are neitlicr purely Egyptian 
nor of the earheft antiquity ; but aHb with regard 
to thofe buildings, pillars or arches, which he may 
meet with in his travels, the feveral seras of which I 
think it would not be difficult for a curious obferver 
to difcover ; yet I muft own that the principal objedl 
I have in view is an exad defcription of the fecond 
ftone of Mofes, and a copy of tliofe unknown cha- ' 
raders which are to be found on the Mountains of 
Mocatab or the Writtot 7mimtains in tlie promontory 
of Mount Sinai. If thefe infcriptions are real letters 
and words, though in a charadler at prefent loft an4 un- 
known, an alphabet may eafily be formed from them, 
and the meaning of the words themfelves probably 
difcovered. And then who knows what may be the 
event ? 

The books of Mofes, with regard to early antiqui- 
ty, are a light that Jhineth i?! a dark place : And indeed 
wonderful is the light which darts forth from them, 
whenever the enquirer crofieth it in his Icarches into 
the early ages of the world. Befides, as the truth of 
the Chriftian religion depends upon the veracity of the 
Jewifh hiftory, as delivered by Mofes, any thing which 
may ferve to corroborate or enlighten that hiftory muft 
be of fervice to the Chriftian revelation. And there- 
fore as I look upon thofe two ftones in the promontory 
of Mount Sinai ^ one of which has lain fo many thou- 
fand years unnoticed by any traveller of confcqucnce, 

S to 



132 ORIGIN OF HIEROGLYPHICS, &c. 

to be an atteftation of the truth of the books of Mofes 
litterally written by the finger of God, I do not con- 
fider this propofal b arely as a matter of curiofity, but 
as an enquiry which may be of great and real fervice to 
rehgion ; and on that account hope you will look with 
the more favourable eye on this addrefs from, 



Gentlemen, 



Your moft obedient 



humble fervant 



Robert Clogher 



I N D E X of Texts 

Gen. X. 5. p. 88. 
X. 6. p. 104. 
xiv. 7. p. 43. 
xiv. 5. p. 113, 
XV. 18. p. 8. 56. 
xxiv. 22. 47. p. 80. 
XXXV. 2. 3. p. 80. 
xli. 8. p. 79. 

Exodus iii. 2 p. 15. 
iv. 24. p. 42. 
27. ibid, 
xiii. 20. p. 5. 
xiv. 2, 3. p. 5. 9. 
XV. 23. p. 10. 
xvi. 32. p. 28. 
xvii. 32. p. 32. 

6, 7. p. 26. 
xxiv. 20. p. 43. 
xxxi, 18. ibid, 
xxxiii, 21. p. 21. 

Leviticus, xxvi. 30. p. 84. 

Numbers xiv. i. p. 28. 
XX. II. p. 26. 

16. p. 43. 

xxiv. 9. p. 113. 

XXV. 3, 5, 18. p. 123. 

xxxi. 17. p. 123. 
xxxiii. 35. p. 43. 
xxxiii. 51. p. 124. 

Deuteron. i. i. p. 43. 
ii. 8. p. 43. 
20. p. 113. 
23. p. 89. 
iv. 3. p. 123. 
vi. 9. p. 81. 
vii. 2. p. 124. 
xii. 3. p. 124. 
xiv. 5.p. 73. 
xxiii. 7. p. 5S- 
xxxii. 2. p. 10. 

Jolhua viii. 30. p. S5' 



of Scripture illuftrated. 

Jofhua xi. 3. p. 57. 

xi. 7. 8. p. 55. 
xiii. 3. p. 1 19. 
5. p. 113. 
Judges i. 16. p. 42. 

iv. II. 17. p. 42. 
xi. I. p. 71. 
I Sam. V. 3, 4. p. f:-. 

1 Kings ix. 26. p. 43. 

xi. 3. p. 71. 
xix. 9. p. 19, 

2 Kings V. 18. p. 92. 

1 Chron. iv. 40. p. 113. 

2 Chron. viii. 17, p. 43. 

xii. 3. p. 115.. 
xvi. 8. ibid, 
xxxiv. 4. 7. p. 84. 
Pfal. vii. 8. p. 21. 27. 

Prov. ii. 16. p. 71. 

Ifa. xi. II. p. 114. 
xvii. 8. p. 84. 
Ivii. 7. 8. p. 81. 
Ixvi. 19. p. 114. 

Jerem. ii. 18. p. 119. 
iv. 41. p. 114. 
xlvi. 9. p. 1 14. 
xlvii. 4. p. 88. 

Ezek. vi. 4. 6. p. 84. 

viii. 9 — 12. p. 129. 
XXX. V. p. 115. 
14. p. 113. 

Hof. ix. 10. p. 123. 

Amos ix. 7. p. 90: 

Habak. iii. 3. p. 10. 

I Cor. X. 4. p. ^^. 

8. p. 123. 
Heb. vii. 3. 108. INDEX 



[ 134 ] 



I N D E X of the Places and principal Matters. 



A cH.'^RUSiA, Avhencc called, p. 50. 
l\ AyruioPiA, by whom peopled, 

I 14.. the inhabitants I'amous for the 

life of the bow, ibid. 
JgiriJ or Hagirut, 6. 40. 
Ainel iVJufa^ ^- 59- 
iEGYPTi axs, fee Egyptians. 
Ammok, fee Ham. 
An u BIS otherwife called Cnuphis or 

Cnubis, 117. Whence worfhipcd 

under the emblem of a dog, 118. 

Whence, of a forpent with a lion's 

head, 118, 119. 121, 122. Whence 

with an egg in his mouth, 121, 122. 

And under the emblem of a phallus, 

122. 
Apollo of the Grecians the fame 

withOrus of the Egyptians, 126. 
Avbn conquered, and made part of the 

cotmtry of the Philiftim. 8y. 

Baal the God of the Moabites, what 
the name fignificd, and how he was 
reprefented, 123. 

Bakcl Naafcr, 3- 

Barob, I?" 32- 

Bedwins, 5- 

Berke el Pharaom, or lake of Pharaoh, 

3«- 
M. St. EejVm or St. Ep'ijlcme^ 14. 

Bird 6' ?/(/}, 7* 

Bhqiie or lake of Charon, 48. 

Cadmonites difpoflefled of their 
country by Jofhua, 56. 

Cadmus brought letters from Ca- 
naan into Greece^ 55. 62. 123. 
Whence the fable formed of his raifmg 
foldiers by fowing ferpcnts teeth, 57. 

Canaan^ the land whence io called, 
1C7. 112. Why the Canaanitcs 
particularly ordered to be driven out 
cf their country, 1 24. 



C A p H T o R , one of the grandfons ei 
Noah, the fame with Jup/itcr Cafius, 
85. and Dionyfus, 87. 04. the firfl 
who extended his conquefts beyond 
Eg)pt^ 88. Brother to Ptles the fa- 
ther of the Philiftim, 89. Wor- 
fhiped after death by the name of 
Rimmon among the Syrians, 92, 93. 
Whence reprefented with a pome- 
granate in his hand, 95. Conlbund- 
ed with Ofiris, 101. 

Grand Cairo ^ 41. called Al-Mejfer 
from Mifraim, 1 13. 

Cafiusy mount, its fituation, 90, ^i. 
I wo of that name, one in Egypty 
the other hi Syria, 92. The mean- 
ing of the word, 91. 

M. St. Catharine, 12. 22^ 

C ha mi I J II. 

Chanken, 5. 4I-, 

Charms ufed before the time of Mo- 
fes, 80. 

Charon's ferry boat, whence the fa- 
ble, 49. 

Chemis in Upper Egypt, named from 
Cham, 83. 

Cheops, when he reigned, 51, 

Convent oi t\\Q XL. martyrs, 23. Of 
mount Sinai, 27. 31. 

Copts whence fo called, 113. 

Cronus of Sanchoniatho no real per- 
fon, but a fymbolical defcription of 
time, 63, 

Crux ansata of Ofiris, what it fig- 
nificd, 99. 

Crypt iE of the Egyptians called fo 
from the ceremonies being perfor- 
med in them in the dark, 129. 

Cnf.ph of Plutarch the fame witli 
Neph the great grandfon of Noah,^ 
1 1 6. Called likewife Cnuphis and A- 



nubis, 117. 



Whence in after ages 
ftyled 



INDEX. 



ftyled Hermes by the Grecians, 123, 
J 24. He, Anubis, I'hoth, Her- 
mes, and Orus the fame, 127. 
Whence faid to be the laft of the gods 
who reigned in Egypt., 127. Re- 
picfented with a plume of feathers 
and fceptre, which were converted 
by the Greeks into wings and a ca- 
duceus, 126. 

Dagon, an idol framed probably of 
a human head and fiflies tail, 67, 68. 

Dahar el Hamar^ or Afl'es back, 4 1 . 

Devils, ill tranflatcd in our bibles for 
goats, 84. 

DioDORUs SicuLUs not to be depend- 
ed on, when he differs from He- 
rodotus, 59. 

I>iONYsus the elder, the fame with 
Caphtor and Jupiter Cafius, 94. 
The meaning of the name, ibid. 
Whence the vine facred to him, 

5,8. 

Dl'z.ahah or D%ahaby 43, 

Ear-ring hov/worn by Rebecca on 
the face, p. 80. 

Egyptians their manner of exami- 
ning into the paft lives of thofe whodi- 
ed, 49. Art of literary writing when 
in ufe among them, 54. Leis early 
than in Greece^ 58. At firft known 
only to their priefts, ibid. Their 
hiflory not to be depended on fo ear- 
ly as Sefoftris, 59. Nor till the time 
of Pfammitichus, 60. Hcro-wor- 
{hip introduced among them by Phoe- 
nicians and Grecians, 65. 67. Their 
temples faid to be without images 
how to be underftood, 76. Wor- 
fhip of plants artd animals occafioncd 
by their hieroglyphics, 5)9. No 
prieftefles among them originally, 
66. When their year made to con- 
fift of ;65 days, 69. 

Elanic gulph, 25. 



^^S 



Ehfitnfelds, whence the table of them 
. 'To^e, 49. 72. 

Eziongeber ikt fame with Dizahab, 43. 

Fa ran fee Paran. 

Frontlets, a fort of amulets ufed 
by the Heathens, 80. Jewifh, 
with fentences of the Law, worn in 
oppofition to them, 81. 

Garondii or Goro?idu valley, 10. ^6. 

Gcbi'l Hamam el Far an ^ originally baths 
oiParauy jo. 32, 33, 31. 

GtbdelAlokatah or Written mountains, 
34. 55. 130. 

Gehel el Scheitan^ or mountain of the 
devil, -^Cu 

Geczay 46. 

Gidda, 78^ 

Goat, whence the fymbol of the god 
Pan or Cham, 83. 

Gods Heathln, their hiilcry and 
pedigree given by Mr. Shuckford ijl 
founded, 6 i — 65. Many of them 
not real perfons, but fymbolical re- 
prefentations, 63. Worfhiped un- 
der human forms by Phoenicians and 
Egyptians, 65. 67. Multiplied by 
being worfhiped under different em- 
blems, 82. The hiftory of tb em con- 
founds one with the other, 98, lOIr 

107. 

Grecians, when they mixed with 
Egyptians, 60, 61. Introduced the 
worfhip of gods in human ihape, 68. 

72. 

Ham, Jupiter Ammen of the ancients, 
72. Various gods formed by the 
Grecians from his being reprefcnted 
under different emblems by the E- 
gyptians, 82. was the fame with 
Pan, 84. reprefcnted under the fym- 
bols of a ram and a goat, ibid. The 
import of the name, 8:;. from him 
and his family different parts oiEt^ypt 
dene^minatcd. 



136 



I N 



nominated, 113. His true name 
Cham, ibid. 

Hamam el Pharaone^ or baths of Pha- 
raoh, 10, 38. 

Hebrew Character, loft in the 
Babylonifh captivity, ftill prefervcd 
probably on the Writtcyi jnountalns 
in thewildernefsof Kadejh, \. 3^. 55. 

Heliopolis^ 3. 5. 

Hevites, fubjedtsof the king of Her- 
man, whence fo called, 57. 

HiF.ROGLVPHics, the fource of hea- 
then idolatry, 76. 81. By what 
Iteps they became fo, 86. 99. 128, 
Invented by Cneph, called afterwards 
Hermes, and placed on his Nilome- 
tre, 125. carried from /Ethiopia 
into Egypt, ibid. Th; fe now vifi- 
ble on Egyptian obelifks and temples 
are the fymbols of particular deities, 
not hiftorical writing, 129. 

Hor, mount, 28. 

M. Horeh, 15. 19. 22. 

M. of Huhehi, 6. 40 

HuMMU>Js, whence derived, 38. 

Idolatry, fee Worship. 

India, every place eaftward of Greece 
comprehended under it, 97. 

Isles, the word applied to promonto- 
ries, 88. 

Is IS, two inftruments which fhe gene- 
rally carries in her hand, explained, 

100. 

Jupiter, the fame with Ham, 72, 



73- IIS- 



His confli£t with the gi- 



ants on what founded, 72. Cafius, 
whence that name, 85. 87. Repre- 
fented on a coin of Trajan's, 92. 

Kadejl, 43. The Written mountains 
there, 55- 

Ka begin, ^2. 

Kemtes, whence the word derived, 

4?. 

KiRCHER, his fruitlefs labours to ex- 
plain the Crux anfuta m the han^ 



D E X. 

ofOfiris, 100. 

Libya, by whom peopled, and whence 
called, 115. 

Literary writing, no traces of it 
before Mofes, 54. 62. Not known 
in Egypt till the reign of Sefoftris, 
ibid. Brought by Cadmus from Ca~ 
naan into Greece, 55.62. 123. 

Lydia or Ludim whence called, 114. 



34' 

79- 



Magai, 

Magical arts before Mofes, 

Alar ah, waters of, ir. 

El Marge, ^. 

Matharca, ih. 

Marsh AM, Sir John, miftaken in 
fuppofmg Toforthrus to be. the bro- 
ther of 'I'hoth, III, 112. 

Megena valley, 35. 

Melchisedek the fame with Chna 
or Canaan the youngeft fon of Ham, 

107. 

Memphis, where fituated, a matter of 
enquiry, 44 — 46. Founded by Me- 
nes, 51 

En MiJJjpat, 4^. 

Misor, the fecond fon of Ham, the 
fame with Ofiris, 104, 109. The 
land of Mifraim denominated from 
him, 113. Moabites and Midia- 
nites, their god Baal-peor why 
ordered by God to be deftroyed, 

123 

Mcerh lake, 44. whence named, 46. 
"W'hy called the Birque or Lake of 
Charon, 48. 

Mokanan, 44. 

Montfaucon's fymbolical aenigma 
folved, 127. 

Mofes, wells of, 10, 39. 

Mountains, written, 34, 55. A 
propofal to copy the infcriptions on 
them, I. 130. 

Moses, the fiflures ftill vifible in the 
rock which he ftruck, when the 
w.iters flowed, 26. And in the o- 

ther 



I N 

ther rock, which he twice flruck, 
unobferved before by all travellers, 
32. His account of the overthrow 
of Pharaoh, in the Red fta ^ici'er- 
ved in the hiftory of the dcflruciiufi 
of Ofiris by Typhon, 102. And 
is confirmed by Tacitus, ibid. 

Napata m E^.ypt whence its Name, 

114. 

Naph, fee Cneph. 

A>/ff, 1 1 . 

No-AMMON, whence f) called, 113. 

Newton, Sir Ifaac, confountls the hii- 
tory of Egypt with the mythological 
fables oi Greece^ 61, he. His opi- 
nion of the time when five day; 
were added to the year, 69. does not 
diftinguifh between the worfliip of 
the original Egyptians and that of the 
Egyptians mixed with Grecians, 
whofe deities were a compound 
of man and beaft, 78. Aliftakcs 
Plutarch concerning the etymolo- 
gy of Ofirisj 105. 
NiLOMETRE how formed, and by 
whom, 117. various emblems cut 
on it, under which Cneph was after- 
wards worfhiped, 118 — 12.1. 125. 
l>^yfa fituated on Mount Cafius^ 95. 
the etymology of the name, 96. 

Or us, of the Egyptians the Apollo of 
the Grecians, 26. 

Osiris, a compound of feveral cha- 
ra<5ters, 84. lOi. The fame with 
Bacchus, according to Plutarch, 89. 
The adlions of Caphtor attributed 
to him, 1 01 The hiftory of his death 
borrowed from the overthrow of 
Plutarch, 102. Reprefented always 
with fome inftruments of hufbandry 
in his hand, 99. Which are ex- 
plained, ibid. His character as the 
improver of agriculture taken from 
Mizor and Mifra m, k 4. Deno- 
ted the Sun, 106. The Egyptian 
etymology of the word, ibid. The 
true name originally liiris, 107. 



D E X, Joy 

The brother of Canaan and the fume 
with Mifor, 109. 

9- 



Ouaracm or I'm dan defeit 



Pan the eldcft of the Egyntian gods, 
but th- name borrowed JromGrmvr, 
82. 84. 7 lie fame with Cham, 
and why repiefented b) a goal, ibid. 

Pa KAN corrupdy civlled Fu:an and El 
Pharaone^ 10. 33. The tradition 
of a river flowing theie owing tj 
Mofes's llrikinj waicr out of a ru,.;:, 
33. Hot baths there, 58. 

Pataici dii, of wlioni Vulcan v/as 
one, introduced among the Egyi - 
tians by the. Phoenicians, 65^ 

Pathros, grandf(;n of Ham diffe- 
rent from Thoth, no. Bui t a city 
called from his name, u -. 

Pih'fnim, whence its name, 89. 113. 

Pharaoh's Laths corruptly called {o^ 

37> 38- 
Phallus worfhiped by feveral j;a- 
tions under different denommations, 
122, 123. By whom introduced in- 
to Greece^ 12^. 
PSAMMITICHUS K. of Eg)pt cocval 
with Jofia K. of Judah^ introduced 
Grecians among the Egyptians, 60, 

6i. 

Red Sea ^ 8. 22^ 

Rephidbn vallej'^, 22. 

Rhodes whence threatned to be deftrov- 

ed by ferpents, r 6. 

RiMMON 2 Kings V. 18. the fame 

with the god Caphtor, 92. 

Sanchoniatho, his account of Cro- 
nus not the hiftory of a real perfon, 

C^ 

M Ser'ick^ 2-. 

Serpents, whence a kind of dlviniiy 
attributed to them by the Egyptians, 
1 21. Whence placed in the caduce- 
us of Hermes, 126. 

Sesostris the Shefliac of the Scrip- 
tures, ^v 

Shuckford, Mr. in vain attempts 

fo 



tsS 



INDEX. 



to give a real hiftory of the heathen 
gods and Egyptian dynalHcs before 
Menes, 6i — 64. His account of 
the fable of the birth of Rhea's five 
children not probable, 69. mift-a- 
ken iiiallcdging the authority of Jam- 
blichus for Palhros being the Hime 
with Thoyth, no. AndofSyncel- 
lus and Sir J. Marftiam for Tofor- 
thrus being the fame with Naphtu- 
him, III, 112. And in making 
the Curudcs ofSynccllus, the fame 
with An am grandfon of Ham, 115. 

Shur or Sedur, 9. 22. 

Sibel ahm, 4 1 . 

Sihor, the A'vZf fo -called, and whence, 

119. 

Mount Svmi, 4. 13, 14. 18. "Why 
part of Mount Horeh is called Mount 
Sinai ^ 15. 

Btone of the fountain, or Stone of Mo- 
fes, 26. 

St R A BO, how to be underflood when 
he faies the Egyptian temoles had no 

76. 



Suez or Suefs city, 



7. 35. 39. 40. 



Tacitus confirms the Mofaical ac- 
count of the Jews coming out of ^- 
gypt, 102. 

Teraphim, what, 79. 

Thoth or Taautus, not the Pa 
thros of Sanchoniatho, no. but 
the fame with Naph or Neph grand- 
fon of Ham, and father of the Naph- 
tuhim, 112. 116. called likewife 
Anubis or Cnuphis, 117. 



Tor, 25. 31. 35. 

Typho, the ftory of him an allegory 
oftheRed-Sea, 102. worfhiped under 
theemblemof an hippopotamus, 120. 

Farden defert, 9. 

Ukcilt el Bahaar, 4- 4t. 

VuLCAX, one of the Dii Patai'ci, and 
a temple erected to him at Memphis^ 

65. 

TFaters of Marah^ 1 1 1 . of the Par- 
tridges, 24. 

War BURTON, Mr. places the addition 
of five days to the Egyptian year pro- 
bably too early, 69. and the ufe of 
amulets, too late, 79. has juftly 
proved hieroglyphical writing to be 
the mofl ancient, 85. 

Women ftrangers, who left their coun- 
try, of ill fame, 71, 

Worship of dead men deified, by 
whom introduced, 65 — 67. Of hu- 
man figures, no part originally of 
Egyptian idolatry, 67. 71. 76. Of 
deities compounded of man and beaft 
owing to Grecian fuperftition joined 
to Egyptian, 73, 74. 78. Whence 
of timorous beafts, 74 7<5. Of the 
fame god under different emblems 
occafioned a multiplicity of gods, 
82. 126, 127. 

WelU of Mofes, 10. 39. 

Year, when made to confifl of 365 
days in Egypt, 69. when in Greece, 

70. 



FINIS. 



ERRATA. 

Page 12. Line 9. ioxCbathcrim xta.^ Catharine. 
1 7. penult, after white add a colon. 

60. I o. for P.leufian read Pelujiati. 

90. 17. ior PeUuJlum xttidi Pelujium. 

'09. 16, dele likewife. 



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