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VOL. L
A NEW EDITION.
LONDON :
EDWAED MOXON, DOVEE STEEET.
1852.
LONDON:
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PREFACE BY THE EDITOR.
These volumes have long been due to the public ;
they form an important portion of all that was left
by Shelley, whence those who did not know him may
form a juster estimate of his virtues and his genius
than has hitherto been done.
We find, in the verse of a poet, " the record of the
best and happiest moments of the best and happiest
minds."* But this is not enough — we desire to know
the man. We desire to learn how much of the sensi-
bility and imagination that animates his poetry was
founded on heartfelt passion, and purity, and elevation
of character ; whether the pathos and the fire emanated
from transitory inspiration and a power of weaving
words touchingly ; or whether the poet acknowledged
the might of his art in his inmost soul ; and whether
his nerves thrilled to the touch of generous emotion.
Led by such curiosity, how many volumes have been
filled with the life of the Scottish plough-boy and the
English peer ; we welcome with delight every fact
which proves that the patriotism and tenderness
* " A Defence of Poetry."
expressed in the songs of Burns, sprung from a noble
and gentle heart ; and we pore over each letter that
we expect will testify that the melancholy and the
unbridled passion that darkens Byron's verse, flowed
from a soul devoured by a keen susceptibility to
intensest love, and indignant broodings over the
injuries done and suffered by man. Let the lovers of
Shelley's poetry — of his aspirations for a brotherhood
of love, his tender bewailings springing from a too
sensitive spirit — his sympathy with woe, his adoration
of beauty, as expressed in his poetry ; turn to these
pages to gather proof of sincerity, and to become
acquainted with the form that such gentle sympathies
and lofty aspirations work in private life.
The first piece in these volumes, "A Defence of
Poetry," is the only entirely finished prose work
Shelley left. In this we find the reverence with
which he regarded his art. We discern his power
of close reasoning, and the unity of his views of
human nature. The language is imaginative, but not
flowery ; the periods have an intonation full of majesty
and grace ; and the harmony of the style being united
to melodious thought, a music results, that swells
upon the ear, and fills the mind with delight. It is a
work whence a young poet, and one suffering from
wrong or neglect, may learn to regard his pursuit and
himself with that respect, without which his genius
will get clogged in the mire of the earth : it will
elevate him into those pure regions, where there is
neither pain from the stings of insects, nor pleasure in
the fruition of a gross appetite for praise. He will
learn to rest his dearest boast on the dignity of the
art he cultivates, and become aware that his best claim
on the applause of mankind, results from his being
one more in the holy brotherhood, whose vocation it
is to divest life of its material grossness and stooping
tendencies, and to animate it with that power of
turning all things to the beautiful and good, which is
the spirit of poetry.
The fragments* that follow form an introduction to
" The Banquet " or " Symposium " of Plato — and that
noble piece of writing follows, which for the first
time introduces the Athenian to the English reader
in a style worthy of him. No prose author in the
history of mankind has exerted so much influence
over the world as Plato. Prom him the Pathers and
commentators of early Christianity derived many of
their most abstruse notions and spiritual ideas. His
name is familiar to our lips, and he is regarded even
by the unlearned as the possessor of the highest
imaginative faculty ever displayed by man — the creator
of much of the purity of sentiment which in another
guise was adopted by the founders of chivalry — the
man who endowed Socrates with a large portion of
that reputation for wisdom and virtue, which sur-
rounds him evermore with an imperishable halo
of glory.
With all this, how little is really known of Plato !
* Small portions of these and other essays were published by Captain
Medwin in a newspaper. Generally speaking, his extracts are incorrect
and incomplete. I must except the Essay on Love, and Remarks on some
of the statues in the Gallery of Florence, however, as they appeared there,
from the blame of these defects.
viii PREFACE.
The translation we have is so harsh and un-Enghsh in
its style, as universally to repel. There are excellent
abstracts of some of his dialogues in a periodical
publication called the "Monthly depository ;" and
the mere English reader must feel deeply obliged to
the learned translator. But these abstracts are de-
fective from their very form of abridgment; and,
though I am averse to speak disparagingly of pages
from which I have derived so much pleasure and
knowledge, they want the radiance and delicacy of
language with which the ideas are invested in the
original, and are dry and stiff compared with the
soaring poetry, the grace, subtlety, and infinite
variety of Plato. They want, also, the dramatic
vivacity, and the touch of nature, that vivifies the
pages of the Athenian. These are all found here.
Shelley commands language splendid and melodious
as Plato, and renders faithfully the elegance and the
gaiety which make the Symposium as amusing as it is
sublime. The whole mechanism of the drama, for
such in some sort it is, — the enthusiasm of ApoUo-
dorus, the sententiousness of Eryximachus, the wit of
Aristophanes, the rapt and golden eloquence of
Agathon, the subtle dialectics and grandeur of aim of
Socrates, the drunken outbreak of Alcibiades, — are
given with grace and animation. The picture pre-
sented reminds us of that talent which, in a less
degree, we may suppose to have dignified the orgies
of the last generation of free-spirited wits, — Burke,
Eox, Sheridan, and Curran. It has something of
license, — too much indeed, and perforce omitted ; but
PREFACE. ix
of coarseness, that worst sin against our nature, it has
nothing.
Shelley's own definition of Love follows ; and reveals
the secrets of the most impassioned, and yet the purest
and softest heart that ever yearned for sympathy, and
was ready to give its own, in lavish measure, in return.
" The Coliseum " is a continuation to a great degree of
the same subject. Shelley had something of the idea of
a story in this. The stranger was a Greek, — nurtured
from infancy exclusively in the literature of his pro-
genitors,— and brought up as a child of Pericles might
have been ; and to heighten the resemblance, Shelley
conceived the idea of a woman, whom he named
Diotima, who was his instructress and guide. In
speaking of his plan, this was the sort of development
he sketched; but no word more was written than
appears in these pages.
" The Assassins " was composed many years before.
The style is less chaste ; but it is warmed by the fire
of youth. I do not know what story he had in view.
The Assassins were known in the eleventh century as
a horde of Mahometans living among the recesses of
Lebanon, — ruled over by the Old Man of the Moun-
tain ; under whose direction various murders were
committed on the Crusaders, which caused the name
of the people who perpetrated them to be adopted in
all European languages, to designate the crime which
gave them notoriety. Shelley's old favourite, the
"Wandering Jew, appears in the latter chapters, and,
with his wild and fearful introduction into the domestic
circle of a peaceful family of the Assassins, the frag-
X PREFACE.
ment concludes. It was never touched afterwards.
There is great beauty in the sketch as it stands ; it
breathes that spirit of domestic peace and general
brotherhood founded on love, which was developed
afterwards in the " Prometheus Unbound."
The fragment of his " Essay on the Punishment of
Death" bears the value which the voice of a philo-
sopher and a poet, reasoning in favour of humanity
and refinement, must possess. It alleges all the
arguments that an imaginative man, who can vividly
figure the feelings of his fellow-creatures, can alone
conceive;* and it brings them home to the calm
reasoner with the logic of truth. In the milder season
that since Shelley's time has dawned upon England,
our legislators each day approximate nearer to his
views of justice ; this piece, fragment as it is, may
suggest to some among them motives for carrying his
beneficent views into practice.
How powerful — how almost appalling, in its vivid
reality of representation, is the essay on ^'Life!"
Shelley was a disciple of the Immaterial Philosophy
of Berkeley. This theory gave unity and grandeur to
his ideas, while it opened a wide field for his imagina-
tion. The creation, such as it was perceived by his
mind — a unit in immensity, was slight and narrow
compared with the interminable forms of thought that
might exist beyond, to be perceived perhaps hereafter
by his own mind ; or which are perceptible to other
* •' A man, to be greatly good, must imagine intensely and compre-
hensively ; he must put himself in the place of another and of many
others ; the pains and pleasures of his species must become his own."
— A Defence of Poetry.
minds that fill the universe, not of space in the mate-
rial sense, but of infinity in the immaterial one. Such
ideas are, in some degree, developed in his poem
entitled "Heaven:" and when he makes one of the
interlocutors exclaim,
"Peace! the abyss is wreathed in scorn
Of thy presumption, atom-born,"
he expresses his despair of being able to conceive, far
less express, all of variety, majesty, and beauty, which
is veiled from our imperfect senses in the unknown
realm, the mystery of which his poetic vision sought in
vain to penetrate.
The " Essay on a Future State " is also unhappily a
fragment. Shelley observes, on one occasion, " a man
is not a being of reason only, but of imaginations and
affections." In this portion of his Essay he gives us
only that view of a future state which is to be derived
from reasoning and analogy. It is not to be supposed
that a mind so full of vast ideas concerning the
universe, endowed with such subtle discrimination
with regard to the various modes in which this does
or may appear to our eyes, with a lively fancy and
ardent and expansive feelings, should be content with
a mere logical view of that which even in religion is a
mystery and a wonder. I cannot pretend to supply
the deficiency, nor say what Shelley's views were —
they were vague, certainly ; yet as certainly regarded
the country beyond the grave as one by no means
foreign to our interests and hopes. Considering his
individual mind as a unit divided from a mighty
whole, to which it was united by restless sympathies
and an eager desire for knowledge, he assuredly
believed that hereafter, as now, he would form a
portion of that whole — and a portion less imperfect,
less suifering, than the shackles inseparable from
humanity impose on all who live beneath the moon.
To me, death appears to be the gate of life ; but my
hopes of a hereafter would be pale and drooping, did
I not expect to find that most perfect and beloved
specimen of humanity on the other shore ; and my
belief is, that spiritual improvement in this life pre-
pares the way to a higher existence. Traces of such a
faith are found in several passages of Shelley's works.
In one of the letters he says, " The destiny of man can
scarcely be so degraded, that he was born only to die."
And again, in a journal, I find these feelings recorded,
with regard to a danger we incurred together at sea: —
" I had time in that moment to reflect and even to
reason on death ; it was rather a thing of discomfort
and disappointment than terror to me. "We should
never be separated ; but in death we might not know
and feel our union as now. I hope — but my hopes
are not unmixed with fear for what will befal this
inestimable spirit when we appear to die." A mystic
ideality tinged these speculations in Shelley's mind ;
certain stanzas in the poem of " The Sensitive Plant "
express, in some degree, the almost inexpressible idea,
not that we die into another state, when this state is
no longer, from some reason, unapparent as well as
apparent, accordant with our being — but that those
who rise above the ordinary nature of man, fade from
PREFACE. xiii
before our imperfect organs; thej remain, in their
"love, beauty, and delight," in a world congenial to
them — we, clogged bj "error, ignorance, and strife,"
see them not, till we are fitted bj purification and
improvement for their higher state* For myself, no
religious doctrine, nor philosophical precept, can shake
the faith that a mind so original, so delicately and
beautifully moulded, as Shelley's, so endowed with
wondrous powers and eagle-eyed genius — so good, so
pure — would never be shattered and dispersed by the
Creator ; but that the qualities and consciousness that
formed him, are not only indestructible in themselves,
but in the form under which they were united here,
and that to become worthy of him is to assure the bliss
of a reunion.
The fragments of metaphysics will be highly prized
by a metaphysician. Such a one is aware how difficult
it is to strip bare the internal nature of man, to divest
"But in this life
Of terror, ignorance, and strife,
Where nothing is, but all things seem,
And we the shadows of the dream,
It is a modest creed, and yet
Pleasant, if one considers it.
To own that death itself must be,
Like all the rest, a mockery.
That garden sweet, that lady fair.
And all sweet shapes, and odours there,
In truth, have never passed away ;
'Tis we, 'tis ours are changed — not they.
For love, and beauty, and delight,
There is no death, nor change ; their might
Exceeds our organs, which endure
No light, being themselves obscure."
it of prejudice, of the mistakes engendered by fami-
liarity, and by language, which has become one with
certain ideas, and those very ideas erroneous. Had
not Shelley deserted metaphysics for poetry in his
youth, and had he not been lost to us early, so that
aU his vaster projects were wrecked with him in the
waves, he would have presented the world with a com-
plete theory of mind ; a theory to which Berkeley,
Coleridge, and Kant, would have contributed; but
more simple, unimpugnable, and entire, than the
systems of these writers. His nerves, indeed, were so
susceptible, that these intense meditations on his own
nature, thrilled him with pain. Thought kindled ima-
gination and awoke sensation, and rendered him dizzy
from too great keenness of emotion; tiU awe and
tremor possessed him, and he fled to the voice and
presence of one he loved to relieve the mysterious
agitation that shook him.*
He at one time meditated a popular essay on morals ;
to show how virtue resulted from the nature of man,
and that to fulfil its laws was to abide by that principle
from the fulfilment of which happiness is to spring.
The few pages here given are all that he left on this
subject.
The fragment marked as second in these " Specula-
tions on Morals" is remarkable for its subtlety and
truth. I found it on a single leaf, disjoined from any
other subject. — It gives the true key to the history of
man ; and above all, to those rules of conduct whence
mutual happiness has its source and security.
* Sec p. 205.
PKEFACE. XV
This concludes the essays and fragments of Shelley.
I do not give them as the whole that he left, but as
the most interesting portion. A Treatise on Political
Eeform and other fragments remain, to be published
when his works assume a complete shape.
I do not know why Shelley selected the "Ion" of
Plato to translate. Probably because he thought it
characteristic; that it unfolded peculiar ideas, and
those Platonic, with regard to poetry ; and gave
insight into portions of Athenian manners, pursuits,
and views, which w^ould have been otherwise lost to
us. We find manifestation here of the exceeding
partiality felt by the Greeks, for every exhibition of
eloquence. It testifies that love of interchanging and
enlarging ideas by conversation, which in modern
society, through our domestic system of life, is too
often narrowed to petty objects, and which, from their
fashion of conversing in streets and under porticoes,
and in public places, became a passion far more
intense than with us. Among those who ministered
exclusively to this taste, were the rhapsodists; and
among rhapsodists, Ion himself tells us, he was the
most eminent of his day; that he was a man of
enthusiastic and poetic temperament, and abundantly
gifted with the power of arranging his thoughts in
glowing and fascinating language, his success proves.
But he was singularly deficient in reason. "When
Socrates presses on him the question of, whether he
as a rhapsodist is as well versed in nautical, hippo-
dromic, and other arts, as sailors, charioteers, and
various artisans ? he gives up the point with the most
foolish inanity. One would fancy that practice in his
pursuit would have caused him to reply, that though he
was neither mariner nor horseman, nor practically
skilled in any other of the pursuits in question, yet that
he had consulted men versed in them; and enriching his
mind with the knowledge afforded by adepts in all arts,
he was better qualified by study and by his gift of
language and enthusiasm to explain these, as they
form a portion of Homer's poetry, than any individual
whose knowledge was limited to one subject only.
But Ion had no such scientific view of his profession.
He gives up point after point, till, as Socrates observes,
he most absurdly strives at victory, under the form of
an expert leader of armies. In this, as in all the other
of Plato's writings, we are perpetually referred, with
regard to the enthusiastic and ideal portion of our
intellect, to something above and beyond our sphere,
the inspiration of the God — the influence exercised
over the human mind, either through the direct
agency of the deities, or our own half-blind memory
of divine knowledge acquired by the soul in its ante-
natal state. SheUey left Ion imperfect ; I thought it
better that it should appear as a whole, but at the same
time have marked with brackets the passages that have
been added ; the rest appears exactly as Shelley left it.
Eespect for the name of Plato as well as that of
Shelley, and reliance on the curiosity that the English
reader must feel with regard to the sealed book of
the Ancient "Wonder, caused me to include in this
volume the fragment of " Menexenus," and passages
from "The Eepublic." In the first we have another
admirable specimen of Socratic irony. In tlie latter
the opinions and views of Plato enounced in " The
Eepublic," which appeared remarkable to Shelley, are
preserved, with the addition, in some instances, of his
own brief observations on them.
The second volume is chiefly composed of letters.
"The Journal of a Six Weeks' Tour," and "Letters
from Geneva," were published many years ago by
Shelley himself. The Journal is singular, from the
circumstance that it was not written for publication,
and was deemed too trivial for such by its author.
Shelley caused it to be printed, and added to it his
own letters, which contain some of the most beautiful
descriptions ever written. The Letters from Italy,
which are addressed to the same gentleman as the
recipient of the Letters from Geneva, are in a similar
spirit of observation and remark. The reader can
only regret that they are so few, and that one or two
are missing. The eminent German writer, Jean Paul
Eichter, says, that "to describe any scene well, the
poet must make the bosom of a man his camera
ohscura, and look at it through this.'''' Shelley pursues
this method in all his descriptions ; he always, as he
says himself, looks beyond the actual object, for an
internal meaning, typified, illustrated, or caused by
the external appearance. Adoring beauty, he endea-
voured to define it ; he was convinced that the canons
of taste, if known, are irrefragable ; and that these are
to be sought in the most admirable works of art ; he
therefore studied intently, and with anxious scrutiny,
the parts in detail, and their harmony as a whole, to
discover what tends to form a beautiful or sublime
work.
The loss of our beloved child at Eome, which drove
us northward in trembliug fear for the one soon after
born, and the climate of Florence disagreeing so
exceedingly with Shelley, he ceased at Pisa to be con-
versant with paintings and sculpture ; a circumstance
he deplores in one of his letters, and in many points
of view to be greatly regretted.
His letters to Mr. and Mrs. Gisborne, and to
Mr. Eeveley, the son of the latter by a former mar-
riage, display that helpful and generous benevolence
and friendship which was Shelley's characteristic.
He set on foot the project of a steam-boat to ply
between Marseilles and Leghorn, for their benefit, as
far as pecuniary profit might accrue; at the same
time that he took a fervent interest in the under-
taking, for its own sake. It was not puerile vanity,
but a nobler feeling of honest pride, that made him
enjoy the idea of being the first to introduce steam
navigation into the Gulf of Lyons, and to glory in the
consciousness of being in this manner useful to his
fellow-creatures. Unfortunately, he was condemned
to experience a failure. The prospects and views of
our friends drew them to England, and the boat and
the engine were abandoned. Shelley was deeply dis-
appointed ; yet it will be seen how generously he
exculpates our friends to themselves, and relieves
them from the remorse they might naturally feel for
having thus wasted his money and disappointed his
preface:. xix
desires. It will be remembered that Shelley addressed
a poetical letter to Mrs. Grisborne, when that lady was
absent in England ; and I have mentioned, and in
some measure described her, in my notes to the
poems. "Mrs. Gisborne had been a friend of my
father in her younger days. She was a lady of great
accomplishments, and charming from her frank
affectionate nature. She had a most intense love of
knowledge, a delicate and trembling sensibility, and
preserved freshness of mind after a life of considerable
adversity. As a favourite friend of my father, we had
sought her with eagerness, and the most open and
cordial friendship subsisted between us."
The letters to Leigh Hunt have already been pub-
lished. They are monuments of the friendship which
he felt for the man to whom he dedicated his tragedy
of " The Cenci," in terms of warm and just eulogium.
I have obtained but few to other friends. He had,
indeed, not more than one or two other correspondents.
I have added such letters as, during our brief separa-
tions in Italy, were addressed to myself; precious
relics of love, kindness, gentleness, and wisdom. I
have but one fault to find with them, or with Shelley,
in my union with him. His inexpressible tenderness
of disposition made him delight in giving pleasure,
and, urged by this feeling, he praised too much. Nor
were his endeavours to exalt his correspondent in her
own eyes founded on this feeling only. He had never
read "Wilhelm Meister," but I have heard him say
that he regulated his conduct towards his friends by a
maxim which I found afterwards in the pages of
Goethe — " When we take people merely as they are,
we make them worse ; when we treat them as if they
were what they should be, we improve them as far as
they can be improved." This rule may perhaps
admit of dispute, and it may be argued that truth
and frankness produce better fruits than the most
generous deceit. But when we consider the difficulty
of keeping our best virtues free from self-blindness
and self-love, and recollect the intolerance and fault-
finding that usually blots social intercoui'se ; and
compare such with the degree of forbearance and
imaginative sympathy, so to speak, which such a
system necessitates, we must think highly of the
generosity and self-abnegation of the man who regulated
his conduct undeviatingly by it.
Can anything be more beautiful than these letters ?
They are adorned by simplicity, tenderness, and
generosity, combined with manly views, and acute
observation. His practical opinions may be found
here. His indignant detestation of political oppression
did not prevent him from deprecating the smallest
approach to similar crimes on the part of his own
party ; and he abjured revenge and retaliation, while
he strenuously advocated reform. He felt assured
that there would be a change for the better in our
institutions ; he feared bloodshed, he feared the ruiu
of many. Wedded as he was to the cause of public
good, he would have hailed the changes that since his
time have so signally ameliorated our institutions and
opinions, each acting on the other, and which still, we
may hope, are proceeding towards the establishment
of that liberty and toleration which he worshipped.
"The thing to fear," he observes, " will be, that the
change should proceed too fast — it must be gradual to
b§ secure."
I do not conceal that I am far from satisfied with
the tone in which the criticisms on Shelley are written.
Some among these writers praise the poetry with
enthusiasm, and even discrimination ; but none under-
stand the man. I hope these volumes will set him in a
juster point of view. If it be alleged in praise of
Goethe that he was an artist as well as a poet ; that
his principles of composition, his theories of wisdom
and virtue, and the ends of existence, rested on a
noble and secure basis ; not less does that praise belong
to Shelley. His Defence of Poetry is alone sufficient
to prove that his views were, in every respect, defined
and complete ; his faith in good continued firm, and
his respect for his fellow-creatures was unimpaired by
the wrongs he sufiered. Every word of his letters
displays that modesty,, that forbearance, and mingled
meekness and resolution that, in my mind, form the
perfection of man. " Gentle, brave, and generous,"
he describes the Poet in Alastor : such he was himself,
beyond any man I have ever known. To these
admirable qualities were added, his genius. He had
but one defect — which was his leaving his life incom-
plete by an early death. O that the serener hopes of
maturity, the happier contentment of mid-life, had
descended on his dear head, to calm the turbulence of
youthful impetuosity — that he had lived to see his
country advance towards freedom, and to enrich the
world with his o^\^l virtues and genius in their
completion of experience and power ! When I think
that such things might have been, and of my own share
in such good and happiness ; the pang occasioned by his
loss can never pass away — and I gain resignation only
by believing that he was spared much suffering, and that
he has passed into a sphere of being, better adapted to
his inexpressible tenderness, his generous sympathies,
and his richly-gifted mind. That, free from the
physical pain to which he was a martyr, and unshackled
by the fleshly bars and imperfect senses which hedged
him in on earth, he enjoys beauty, and good, and love
there, where those to whom he was united on earth
by various ties of affection, sympathy, and admiration,
may hope to join him.
PvTNEY, December, 1839.
CONTENTS OE VOLUME I.
Page
A DEFENCE OF POETRY 3
ESSAY ON THE LITERATURE, ARTS, AND MANNERS OF
THE ATHENIANS— A FRAGMENT 49
PREFACE TO THE BANQUET OF PLATO .... 59
THE BANQUET— TRANSLATED FROM PLATO . • • 61
ON LOVE , 135
THE COLISEUM— A FRAGMENT 138
THE ASSASSINS-FRAGMENT OF A ROMANCE . . 149
ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH I73
ON LIFE 181
ON A FUTURE STATE 188
SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS.
I. THE MIND 195
II. WHAT METAPHYSICS ARE — ERRORS IN THE USUAL
METHODS OP CONSIDERING THEM . . . . 199
in. DIFFICULTY OP ANALYSING THE HUMAN MIND . 200
IV. HOW THE ANALYSIS SHOULD BE CARRIED ON . . 201
V. CATALOGUE OF THE PHENOMENA OF DREAMS . . 202
xxiT CONTENTS.
Page
SPECULATIONS ON MORALS.
I. PLAN OF A TREATISE ON MORALS .... 205
11. MORAL SCIENCE CONSISTS IN CONSIDERING THE
DIFFERENCE, NOT THE RESEMBLANCE, OF PERSONS 218
ION ; OR, OF THE ILIAD-TRANSLATED FROM PLATO . 222
MENEXENUS; OR, THE FUNERAL ORATION-A FRAG-
MENT 243
FRAGMENTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO . • • 248
ON A PASSAGE IN CRITO 258
ESSAYS, TRANSLATIONS, AND
FRAGMENTS.
" That thou, O my brother, impart to me truly how it stands
with thee in that inner man of thine ; what lively images of
things past thy memory has painted there ; what hopes, what
thoughts, affections, knowledge, do now dwell there. For this,
and no other object that I can see, was the gift of hearing and
speech bestowed on us two." — Thomas Carlyle.
ESSAYS, TRANSLATIONS, AND
FRAGMENTS.
A DEFENCE OF POETEl.
PART I.
AccoEDiNG to one mode of regarding those two
classes of mental action, which are called reason and
imagination, the former may be considered as mind
contemplating the relations borne loj one thought to
another, however produced ; and the latter, as mind
acting upon those thoughts so as to colour them with
its own light, and composing from them, as from
elements, other thoughts, each containing within itself
the principle of its own integrity. The one is the
TO TTOLCLv, OY thc priuciplc of synthesis, and has for its
objects those forms which are common to universal
nature and existence itself ; the other is the to XoyiCiiv,
or principle of analysis, and its action regards the
relations of things, simply as relations ; considering
thoughts, not in their integral unity, but as the
b2
4 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
algebraical representations which conduct to certain
general results. Eeason is the enumeration of quan-
tities already known ; imagination is the perception of
the value of those quantities, bo1:h separately and as a
whole. Eeason respects the differences, and imagi-
nation the similitudes of things. Eeason is to
imagination as the instrument to the agent, as the
body to the spirit, as the shadow to the substance.
Poetry, in a general sense, may be defined to be
"the expression of the imagination:" and poetry is
connate with the origin of man. Man is an instrument
over which a series of external and internal impressions
are driven, like the alternations of an ever-changing
wind over an ^olian lyre, which move it by their
motion to ever-changing melody. But there is a
principle within the human being, and perhaps within
all sentient beings, which acts otherwise than in the
lyre, and produces not melody alone, but harmony, by
an internal adjustment of the sounds or motions thus
excited to the impressions which excite them. It is
as if the lyre could accommodate its chords to the
motions of that which strikes them, in a determined
proportion of sound ; even as the musician can accom-
modate his voice to the sound of the lyre. A child at
play by itself will express its delight by its voice and
motions ; and every inflexion of tone and every gesture
will bear exact relation to a corresponding antitype in
the pleasurable impressions which awakened it; it
will be the reflected image of that impression ; and as
the lyre trembles and sounds after the wind has died
away, so the child seeks, by prolongiag in its voice and
A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
motions the duration of the effect, to prolong also a
consciousness of the cause. In relation to the objects
which delight a child, these expressions are, what
poetry is to higher objects. The savage (for the
savage is to ages what the child is to years) expresses
the emotions produced in him by surrounding objects
in a similar manner ; and language and gesture, to-
gether with plastic or pictorial imitation, become
the image of the combined effect of those objects, and
of his apprehension of them. Man in society, with all
his passions and his pleasures, next becomes the object
of the passions and pleasures of man ; an additional
class of emotions produces an augmented treasure of
expressions ; and language, gesture, and the imitative
arts, become at once the representation and the
medium, the pencil and the picture, the chisel and
the statue, the chord and the harmony. The social
sympathies, or those laws from which, as from its
elements, society results, begin to develope themselves
from the moment that two human beings coexist ; the
future is contained within the present, as the plant
within the seed; and equality, diversity, unity, con-
trast, mutual dependence, become the principles alone
capable of affording the motives according to which
the will of a social being is determined to action,
inasmuch as he is social; and constitute pleasure in
sensation, virtue in sentiment, beauty in art, truth in
reasoning, and love in the intercourse of kind. Hence
men, even in the infancy of society, observe a certain
order in their words and actions, distinct from that
of the objects and the impressions represented by
6 A DEFENCE OF POETRY."
them, all expression being subject to tbe laws of that
from whicb it proceeds. But let us dismiss those
more general considerations which might involve an
inquiry into the principles of society itself, and restrict
our view to the manner in which the imagination is
expressed upon its forms.
In the youth of the world, men dance and sing and
imitate natural objects, observing in these actions, as
in all others, a certain rhythm or order. And, although
all men observe a similar, they observe not the same
order, in the motions of the dance, in the melody of
the song, in the combinations of language, in the
series of their imitations of natural objects. For there
is a certain order or rhythm belonging to each of these
classes of mimetic representation, from which the
hearer and the spectator receive an intenser and purer
pleasure than from any other : the sense of an approxi-
mation to this order has been called taste by modem
writers. Every man in the infancy of art observes an
order which approximates more or less closely to that
from which this highest delight results : but the diver-
sity is not sufficiently marked, as that its gradations
should be sensible, except in those instances where
the predominance of this faculty of approximation
to the beautiful (for so we may be permitted to name
the relation between this highest pleasure and its
cause) is very great. Those in whom it exists in
excess are poets, in the most universal sense of the
word ; and the pleasure resulting from the manner in
which they express the influence of society or nature
upon their own minds, communicates itself to others,
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 7
and gathers a sort of reduplication from that com-
munity. Their language is vitally metaphorical ; that
is, it marks the before unapprehended relations of
things and perpetuates their apprehension, until the
words which represent them become, through time,
signs for portions or classes of thoughts instead of
pictures of integral thoughts ; and then if no new
poets should arise to create afresh the associations
which have been thus disorganised, language will be
dead to all the nobler purposes of human intercourse.
These similitudes or relations are finely said by Lord
Bacon to be " the same footsteps of nature impressed
upon the various subjects of the world;"* and he
considers the faculty which perceives them as the
storehouse of axioms common to all knowledge. In the
infancy of society every author is necessarily a poet,
because language itself is poetry ; and to be a poet is
to apprehend the true and the beautiful, in a word,
the good which exists in the relation, subsisting,
first between existence and perception, and secondly
between perception and expression. Every original
language near to its source is in itself the chaos of
a cyclic poem: the copiousness of lexicography and
the distinctions of grammar are the works of a later
age, and are merely the catalogue and the form of the
creations of poetry.
But poets, or those who imagine and express this
indestructible order, are not only the authors of
language and of music, of the dance, and architecture,
and statuary, and painting ; they are the institutors
* De Augment. Scient., cap. i, lib. iii.
8 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
of laws, and the founders of civil society, and the
inventors of the arts of life, and the teachers, who
draw into a certain propinquity with the beautiful and
the true, that partial apprehension of the agencies of
the invisible world which is called religion. Hence all
original religions are allegorical, or susceptible of
allegory, and, like Janus, have a double face of false
and true. Poets, according to the circumstances of
the age and nation in which they appeared, were called,
in the earlier epochs of the world, legislators, or pro-
phets: a poet essentially comprises and unites both
these characters. Eor he not only beholds intensely
the present as it is, and discovers those laws according
to which present things ought to be ordered, but he
beholds the future in- the present, and his thoughts
are the germs of the flower and the fruit of latest
time. Not that I assert poets to be prophets in the
gross sense of the word, or that they can foretell the
form as surely as they foreknow the spirit of events :
such is the pretence of superstition, which would make
poetry an attribute of prophecy, rather than prophecy
an attribute of poetry. A poet participates in the
eternal, the infinite, and the one ; as far as relates
to his conceptions, time and place and number are not.
The grammatical forms which express the moods of
time, and the difierence of persons, and the distinction
of place, are convertible with respect to the highest
poetry without injuring it as poetry ; and the choruses
of JEschylus, and the book of Job, and Dante's Para-
dise, would afford, more than any other writings,
examples of this fact, if the limits of this essay did not
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 9
forbid citation. The creations of sculpture, painting,
and music, are illustrations still more decisive.
Language, colour, form, and religious and civil habits
of action, are all the instruments and materials of
poetry ; they may be called poetry by that figure of
speech which considers the effect as a synonyme of the
cause. But poetry in a more restricted sense expresses
those arrangements of language, and especially metrical
language, which are created by that imperial faculty,
whose throne is curtained within the invisible nature
of man. And this springs from the nature itself of
language, which is a more direct representation of the
actions and passions of our internal being, and is sus-
ceptible of more various and delicate combinations,
than colour, form, or motion, and is more plastic and
obedient to the control of that faculty of which it is
the creation. Tor language is arbitrarily produced by
the imagination, and has relation to thoughts alone ;
but all other materials, instruments, and conditions of
art, have relations among each other, which limit and
interpose between conception and expression. The
former is as a mirror which reflects, the latter as a
cloud which enfeebles, the light of which both are
mediums of communication. Hence the fame of
sculptors, painters, and musicians, although the in-
trinsic powers of the great masters of these arts may
yield in no degree to that of those who have employed
language as the hieroglyphic of their thoughts, has
never equalled that of poets in the restricted sense of
the term ; as two performers of equal skill will produce
unequal effects from a guitar and a harp. The fame of
10 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
legislators and founders of religions, so long as tlieir
institutions last, alone seems to exceed that of poets in
the restricted sense ; but it can scarcely be a question,
whether, if we deduct the celebrity which their flattery
of the gross opinions of the vulgar usually conciliates,
together with that which belonged to them in their
higher character of poets, any excess will remain.
We have thus circumscribed the word poetry within
the limits of that art which is the most familiar and
the most perfect expression of the faculty itself. It is
necessary, however, to make the circle still narrower,
and to determine the distinction between measured and
unmeasured language ; for the popular division into
prose and verse is inadmissible in accurate philosophy.
Sounds as well as thoughts have relation both
between each other and towards that which they
represent, and a perception of the order of those
relations has always been found connected with a
perception of the order of the relations of thoughts.
Hence the language of poets has ever afiected a certain
uniform and harmonious recurrence of sound, without
which it were not poetry, and which is scarcely less
indispensable to the communication of its influence,
than the words themselves, without reference to that
peculiar order. Hence the vanity of translation; it
were as wise to cast a violet into a crucible that you
might discover the formal principle of its colour and
odour, as seek to transfuse from one language into
another the creations of a poet. The plant must
spring again from its seed, or it will bear no flower —
and this is the burthen of the curse of Babel.
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 11
An observation of tlie regular mode of the recur-
rence of harmony in the language of poetical minds,
together with its relation to music, produced metre, or
a certain system of traditional forms of harmony and
language. Yet it is by no means essential that a poet
should accommodate his language to this traditional
form, so that the harmony, which is its spirit, be
observed. The practice is indeed convenient and
popular, and to be preferred, especially in such com-
position as includes much action : but every great
poet must inevitably innovate upon the example of his
predecessors in the exact structure of his peculiar ver-
sification. The distinction between poets and prose
writers is a vulgar error. The distinction between
philosophers and poets has been anticipated. Plato
was essentially a poet — the truth and splendour of his
imagery, and the melody of his language, are the most
intense that it is possible to conceive. He rejected
the measure of the epic, dramatic, and lyrical forms,
because he sought to kindle a harmony in thoughts
divested of shape and action, and he forebore to invent
any regular plan of rhythm which would include,
under determinate forms, the varied pauses of his style.
Cicero sought to imitate the cadence of his periods,
but with little success. Lord Bacon was a poet.* His
language has a sweet and majestic rhythm, which
satisfies the sense, no less than the almost superhuman
wisdom of his philosophy satisfies the intellect ; it is a
strain which distends, and then bursts the circumference
of the reader's mind, and pours itself forth together
♦ See the Filum Labyrinth!, and the Essay on Death particularly.
12 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
with it into the universal element with which it has
perpetual sympathy. All the authors of revolutions in
opinion are not only necessarily poets as they are
inventors, nor even as their words unveil the per-
manent analogy of things by images which participate
in the life of truth ; but as their periods are harmonious
and rhythmical, and contain in themselves the elements
of verse ; being the echo of the eternal music, l^or
are those supreme poets, who have employed traditional
forms of rhythm on account of the form and action of
their subjects, less capable of perceiving and teaching
the truth of things, than those who have omitted that
form. Shakspeare, Dante, and Milton (to confine
ourselves to modem writers) are philosophers of the
very loftiest power.
A poem is the very image of life expressed in its
eternal truth. There is this difference between a
story and a poem, that a story is a catalogue of de-
tached facts, which have no other connexion than time,
place, circumstance, cause and effect ; the other is the
creation of actions according to the unchangeable
forms of human nature, as existing in the mind of the
Creator, which is itself the image of all other minds.
The one is partial, and applies only to a definite period
of time, and a certain combination of events which can
never again recur ; the other is universal, and contains
within itself the germ of a relation to whatever motives
or actions have place in the possible varieties of human
nature. Time, which destroys the beauty and the use
of the story of particular facts, stripped of the poetry
which should invest them, augments that of poetry,
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 13
and for ever developes new and wonderful applications
of the eternal truth which it contains. Hence epitomes
have been called the moths of just history ; they eat
out the poetry of it. A story of particular facts is as
a mirror which obscures and distorts that which should
be beautiful : poetry is a mirror which makes beautiful
that which is distorted.
The parts of a composition may be poetical, without
the composition as a whole being a poem. A single
sentence may be considered as a whole, though it may
be found in the midst of a series of unassimilated
portions : a single word even may be a spark of
inextinguishable thought. And thus all the great
historians, Herodotus, Plutarch, Livy, were poets ;
and although the plan of these writers, especially that
of Livy, restrained them from developing this faculty
in its highest degree, they made copious and ample
amends for their subjection, by filling all the interstices
of their subjects with living images.
Having determined what is poetry, and who are poets,
let us proceed to estimate its efiects upon society.
Poetry is ever accompanied with pleasure : all spirits
on which it falls open themselves to receive the
wisdom which is mingled with its delight. In the
infancy of the world, neither poets themselves nor
their auditors are fuUy aware of the excellence of
poetry: for it acts in a divine and unapprehended
manner, beyond and above consciousness; and it is
reserved for future generations to contemplate and
measure the mighty cause and effect in all the strength
and splendour of their union. Even in modern times,
14 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
no living poet ever arrived at tlie fulness of his fame ;
the jury v^hich sits in judgment upon a poet, belonging
as he does to all time, must be composed of his peers :
it must be impanelled by Time from the selectest of
the wise of many generations. A poet is a nightingale,
who sits in darkness and sings to cheer its own soli-
tude with sweet sounds ; his auditors are as men
entranced by the melody of an unseen musician, who
feel that they are moved and softened, yet know not
whence or why. The poems of Homer and his con-
temporaries were the delight of infant Grreece; they
were the elements of that social system which is the
column upon which all succeeding civilisation has
reposed. Homer embodied the ideal perfection of his
age in human character; nor can we doubt that those
who read his verses were awakened to an ambition of
becoming like to Achilles, Hector, and Ulysses : the
truth and beauty of friendship, patriotism, and perse-
vering devotion to an object, were unveiled to the
depths in these immortal creations : the sentiments of
the auditors must have been refined and enlarged by a
sympathy with such great and lovely impersonations,
until from admiring they imitated, and from imitation
they identified themselves with the objects of their
admiration. Nor let it be objected, that these cha-
racters are remote from moral perfection, and that
they can by no means be considered as edifying
patterns for general imitation. Every epoch, under
names more or less specious, has deified its peculiar
errors ; Eevenge is the naked idol of the worship of
a semi-barbarous age ; and Self-deceit is the veiled
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 15
image of unknown evil, before which luxury and
satiety lie prostrate. But a poet considers the vices
of his contemporaries as a temporary dress in which
his creations must be arrayed, and which cover with-
out concealing the eternal proportions of their beauty.
An epic or dramatic personage is understood to wear
them around his soul, as he may the ancient armour or
the modern uniform around his body ; whilst it is easy
to conceive a dress more graceful than either. The
beauty of the internal nature cannot be so far con-
cealed by its accidental vesture, but that the spirit of
its form shall communicate itself to the very disguise,
and indicate the shape it hides from the manner in
which it is worn. A majestic form and graceful
motions will express themselves through the most
barbarous and tasteless costume. Pew poets of the
highest class have chosen to exhibit the beauty of
their conceptions in its naked truth and splendour;
and it is doubtful whether the alloy of costume, habit,
&c., be not necessary to temper this planetary music
for mortal ears.
The whole objection, however, of the immorality of
poetry rests upon a misconception of the manner in
which poetry acts to produce the moral improvement
of man. Ethical science arranges the elements which
poetry has created, and propounds schemes and pro-
poses examples of civil and domestic life : nor is it for
want of admirable doctrines that men hate, and despise,
and censure, and deceive, and subjugate one another.
But poetry acts in another and diviner manner. It
awakens and enlarges the mind itself by rendering it
16 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
the receptacle of a thousand unapprehended combina-
tions of thought. Poetry lifts the veil from the hidden
beauty of the world, and makes familiar objects be as
if they were not familiar; it reproduces all that it
represents, and the impersonations clothed in its
Elysian light stand thenceforward in the minds of
those who have once contemplated them, as memorials
of that gentle and exalted content which extends itself
over all thoughts and actions with which it coexists.
The great secret of morals is love ; or a going out of
our own nature, and an identification of ourselves
with the beautiful which exists in thought, action, or
person, not our own. A man, to be greatly good,
must imagine intensely and comprehensively; he must
put himself in the place of another and of many
others ; the pains and pleasures of his species must
become his own. The great instrument of moral good
is the imagination; and poetry administers to the
effect by acting upon the cause. Poetry enlarges the
circumference of the imagination by replenishing it
with thoughts of ever new delight, which have the
power of attracting and assimilating to their own
nature all other thoughts, and which form new inter-
vals and interstices whose void for ever craves fresh
food. Poetry strengthens the faculty which is the
organ of the moral nature of man, in the same manner
as exercise strengthens a limb. A poet therefore would
do ill to embody his own conceptions of right and
wrong, which are usually those of his place and time,
in his poetical creations, which participate in neither.
By this assumption of the inferior office of interpreting
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 17
the effect, in which perhaps after all he might acquit
himself but imperfectly, he would resign a glory in a
participation in the cause. There was little danger
that Homer, or any of the eternal poets, should have
so far misunderstood themselves as to have abdicated
this throne of their widest dominion. Those in whom
the poetical faculty, though great, is less intense, as
Euripides, Lucan, Tasso, Spenser, have frequently
affected a moral aim, and the effect of their poetry is
diminished in exact proportion to the degree in which
they compel us to advert to this purpose.
Homer and the cyclic poets were followed at a
certain interval by the dramatic and lyrical poets of
Athens, who flourished contemporaneously with all
that is most perfect in the kindred expressions of the
poetical faculty ; architecture, painting, music, the
dance, sculpture, philosophy, and, we may add, the
forms of civil life. For although the scheme of Athe-
nian society was deformed by many imperfections
which the poetry existing in chivalry and Christianity
has erased from the habits and institutions of modern
Europe ; yet never at any other period has so much
energy, beauty, and virtue, been developed ; never was
blind strength and stubborn form so disciplined and
rendered subject to the will of man, or that will less
repugnant to the dictates of the beautiful and the true,
as during the century which preceded the death of
Socrates. Of no other epoch in the history of our
species have we records and fragments stamped so
visibly with the image of the divinity in man. But it
is poetry alone, in form, in action, or in language,
VOL. T. c
18 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
which has rendered this epoch memorable above all
others, and the storehouse of examples to everlasting
time. For written poetry existed at that epoch simul-
taneously with the other arts, and it is an idle inquiry .
to demand which gave and which received the light,
which all, as from a common focus, have scattered over
the darkest periods of succeeding time. We know
no more of cause and effect than a constant conjunc-
tion of events : poetry is ever found to co-exist with
whatever other arts contribute to the happiness and
perfection of man. I appeal to what has already
been established to distinguish between the cause and
the effect.
It was at the period here adverted to, that the drama
had its birth ; and however a succeeding writer may
have equalled or surpassed those few great specimens
of the Athenian drama which have been preserved to
us, it is indisputable that the art itself never was
understood or practised according to the true philo-
sophy of it, as at Athens. For the Athenians em-
ployed language, action, music, painting, the dance,
and religious institutions, to produce a common effect
in the representation of the highest idealisms of passion
and of power; each division in the art was made
perfect in its kind by artists of the most consummate
skill, and was disciplined into a beautiful proportion
and unity one towards the other. On the modern
stage a few only of the elements capable of expressing
the image of the poet's conception are employed at
once. We have tragedy without music and dancing ;
and music and dancing without the highest imper-
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 19
sonations of which they are the fit accompaniment,
and both without religion and solemnity. Eeligious
institution has indeed been usually banished from the
stage. Our system of divesting the actor's face of a
mask, on which the many expressions appropriated to
his dramatic character might be moulded into one
permanent and unchanging expression, is favourable
only to a partial and inharmonious efiect ; it is fit for
nothing but a monologue, where all the attention may
be directed to some great master of ideal mimicry.
The modern practice of blending comedy with tragedy,
though liable to great abuse in point of practice, is
undoubtedly an extension of the dramatic circle ; but
the comedy should be as in King Lear, universal,
ideal, and sublime. It is perhaps the intervention of
this principle which determines the balance in favour
of King Lear against the (Edipus Tyrannus or the
Agamemnon, or, if you will, the trilogies with which
they are connected ; unless the intense power of the
choral poetry, especially that of the latter, should be
considered as restoring the equilibrium. King Lear,
if it can sustain this comparison, may be judged to be
the most perfect specimen of the dramatic art existing
in the world ; in spite of the narrow conditions to
which the poet was subjected by the ignorance of the
philosophy of the drama which has prevailed in modern
Europe. Calderon, in his religious Autos, has at-
tempted to fulfil some of the high conditions of dramatic
representation neglected by Shakspeare ; such as the
establishing a relation between the drama and religion,
and the accommodating them to music and dancing ;
20 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
but he omits the observation of conditions still more
important, and more is lost than gained by the substi-
tution of the rigidly-defined and ever-repeated idealisms
of a distorted superstition for the living impersonations
of the truth of human passion.
But I digress. — The connexion of scenic exhibitions
with the improvement or corruption of the manners of
men, has been universally recognised : in other words,
the presence or absence of poetry in its most perfect
and universal form, has been found to be connected
with good and evil in conduct or habit. The cor-
ruption which has been imputed to the drama as
an effect, begins, when the poetry employed in its
constitution ends : I appeal to the history of manners
whether the periods of the growth of the one and the
decline of the other have not corresponded with an
exactness equal to any example of moral cause and
effect.
The drama at Athens, or wheresoever else it may
have approached to its perfection, ever co-existed with
the moral and intellectual greatness of the age. The
tragedies of the Athenian poets are as mirrors in
which the spectator beholds himself, under a thin dis-
guise of circumstance, stript of all but that ideal
perfection and energy which every one feels to be the
internal type of all that he loves, admires, and would
become. The imagination is enlarged by a sympathy
with pains and passions so mighty, that they distend
in their conception the capacity of that by which they
are conceived ; the good affections are strengthened
by pity, indignation, terror, and sorrow ; and an exalted
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 21
calm is prolonged from the satiety of this high exercise
of them into the tumult of familiar life : even crime is
disarmed of half its horror and all its contagion by
being represented as the fatal consequence of the
unfathomable agencies of nature ; error is thus divested
of its wilfulness ; men can no longer cherish it as the
creation of their choice. In a drama of the highest
order there is little food for censure or hatred ; it
teaches rather self-knowledge and self-respect. Neither
the eye nor the mind can see itself, unless reflected
upon that which it resembles. The drama, so long as
it continues to express poetry, is as a prismatic and
many-sided mirror, which collects the brightest rays of
human nature and divides and reproduces them from
the simplicity of these elementary forms, and touches
them with majesty and beauty, and multiplies all that
it reflects, and endows it with the power of propagating
its like wherever it may fall.
But in periods of the decay of social life, the drama
sympathises with that decay. Tragedy becomes a cold
imitation of the form of the great masterpieces of
antiquity, divested of all harmonious accompaniment
of the kindred arts ; and often the very form misunder-
stood, or a weak attempt to teach certain doctrines,
which the writer considers as moral truths ; and which
are usually no more than specious flatteries of some
gross vice or weakness, witTi which the author, in
common with his auditors, are infected. Hence what
has been called the classical and domestic drama.
Addison's "Cato" is a specimen of the one; and
would it were not superfluous to cite examples of the
22 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
other! To such purposes poetry cannot be made
subservient. Poetry is a sword of lightning, ever
unsheathed, which consumes the scabbard that would
contain it. And thus we observe that all dramatic
writings of this nature are unimaginative in a singular
degree ; they affect sentiment and passion, w^hich,
divested of imagination, are other names for caprice
and appetite. The period in our own history of the
grossest degradation of the drama is the reign of
Charles II., when all forms in which poetry had been
accustomed to be expressed became hymns to the
triumph of kingly power over liberty and virtue.
Milton stood alone illuminating an age unworthy of
him. At such periods the calculating principle per-
vades all the forms of dramatic .exhibition, and poetry
ceases to be expressed upon them. Comedy loses its
ideal universality : wit succeeds to humour ; we laugh
from self-complacency and triumph, instead of pleasure;
malignity, sarcasm, and contempt, succeed to sym-
pathetic merriment; we hardly laugh, but we smile.
Obscenity, which is ever blasphemy against the divine
beauty in life, becomes, from the very veil which it
assumes, more active if less disgusting : it is a monster
for which the corruption of society for ever brings
forth new food, which it devours in secret.
The drama being that form under which a greater
number of modes of expression of poetry are suscep-
tible of being combined than any other, the connexion
of poetry and social good is more observable in the
drama than in whatever other form. And it is indis-
putable that the highest perfection of human society
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 23
has ever corresponded with the highest dramatic excel-
lence ; and that the corruption or the extinction of the
drama in a nation where it has once flourished, is a
mark of a corruption of manners, and an extinction of
the energies which sustain the soul of social life. But,
as Machiavelli says of political institutions, that life
may be preserved and renewed, if men should arise
capable of bringing back the drama to its principles.
And this is true with respect to poetry in its most
extended sense: all language, institution and form,
require not only to be produced but to be sustained :
the office and character of a poet participates in the
divine nature as regards providence, no less than as
regards creation.
Civil war, the spoils of Asia, and the fatal predomi-
nance first of the Macedonian, and then of the Eoman
arms, were so many symbols of the extinction or sus-
pension of the creative faculty in Qreece. The bucolic
writers, who found patronage under the lettered
tyrants of Sicily and Egypt, were the latest repre-
sentatives of its most glorious reign. Their poetry is
intensely melodious ; like the odour of the tuberose,
it overcomes and sickens the spirit with excess of
sweetness ; whilst the poetry of the preceding age was
as a meadow-gale of June, which mingles the fragrance
of all the flowers of the field, and adds a quickening
and harmonising spirit of its own, which endows the
sense with a power of sustaining its extreme delight.
The bucolic and erotic delicacy in written poetry is
correlative with that softness in statuary, music, and
,the kindred arts, and even in manners and institutions,
24 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
which distinguished the epoch to which I now refer.
Nor is it the poetical faculty itself, or any misappli-
cation of it, to which this want of harmony is to be
imputed. An equal sensibility to the influence of the
senses and the afiections is to be found in the writings
of Homer and Sophocles : the former, especially, has
clothed sensual and pathetic images with irresistible
attractions. Their superiority over these succeeding
writers consists in the presence of those thoughts
which belong to the inner faculties of our nature, not
in the absence of those which are connected with the
external : their incomparable perfection consists in a
harmony of the union of all. It is not what the erotic
poets have, but what they have not, in which their
imperfection consists. It is not inasmuch as they were
poets, but inasmuch as they were not poets, that they
can be considered with any plausibility as connected
with the corruption of their age. Had that corruption
availed so as to extinguish in them the sensibility to
pleasure, passion, and natural scenery, which is imputed
to them as an imperfection, the last triumph of evil
would have been achieved. Tor the end of social
corruption is to destroy all sensibility to pleasure ;
and, therefore, it is corruption. It begins at the
imagination and the intellect as at the core, and distri-
butes itself thence as a paralysing venom, through the
affections into the very appetites, until all become a
torpid mass in which hardly sense survives. At the
approach of such a period, poetry ever addresses itself
to those faculties which are the last to be destroyed,
and its voice is heard, like the footsteps of Astrsea,
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 25
departing from the world. Poetry ever commmiieates
all the pleasure which men are capable of receiving : it
is ever still the light of life ; the source of whatever of
beautiful or generous or true can have place in an evil
time. It will readily be confessed that those among
the luxurious citizens of Syracuse and Alexandria, who
were delighted with the poems of Theocritus, were less
cold, cruel, and sensual than the remnant of their tribe.
But corruption must utterly have destroyed the fabric
of human society before poetry can ever cease. The
sacred links of that chain have never been entirely
disjoined, which descending through the minds of many
men is attached to those great minds, whence as from
a magnet the invisible effluence is sent forth, which at
once connects, animates, and sustains the life of all.
It is the faculty which contains within itself the seeds
at once of its own and of social renovation. And let
us not circumscribe the effects of the bucolic and
erotic poetry within the limits of the sensibility of
those to whom it was addressed. They may have per-
ceived the beauty of those immortal compositions,
simply as fragments and isolated portions : those who
are more finely organised, or born in a happier age,
may recognise them as episodes to that great poem,
which all poets, like the co-operating thoughts of one
great mind, have built up since the beginning of the
world.
The same revolutions within a narrower sphere had
place in ancient Eome ; but the actions and forms of
its social life never seem to have been perfectly satu-
rated with the poetical element. The Eomans appear
26 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
to have considered the Grreeks as the selectest trea-
suries of the selectest forms of manners and of nature,
and to have abstained from creating in measured lan-
guage, sculpture, music, or architecture, anything which
might bear a particular relation to their own condition,
whilst it should bear a general one to the universal con-
stitution of the world. But we judge from partial
evidence, and we judge perhaps partially. Ennius,
Yarro, Pacuvius, and Accius, all great poets, have been
lost. Lucrethis is in the highest, and Virgil in a very
high sense, a creator. The chosen delicacy of expres-
sions of the latter, are as a mist of light which conceal
from us the intense and exceeding truth of his concep-
tions of nature. Livy is instinct with poetry. Yet
Horace, Catullus, Ovid, and generally the other great
writers of the Yirgilian age, saw man and nature in the
mirror of Grreece. The institutions also, and the religion
of Eome were less poetical than those of Greece, as the
shadow is less vivid than the substance. Hence poetry
in E-ome, seemed to follow, rather than accompany, the
perfection of political and domestic society. The true
poetry of Rome lived in its institutions ; for whatever of
beautiful, true, and majestic, they contained, could have
sprung only from the faculty which creates the order
in which they consist. The life of Camillus, the death
of Regulus ; the expectation of the senators, in their
godlike state, of the victorious Gauls : the refusal of
the republic to make peace with Hannibal, after the
battle of Cannae, Avere not the consequences of a
refined calculation of the probable personal advantage
to result from such a rhythm and order in the shows
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 27
of life, to those who were at once the poets and the
actors of these immortal dramas. The imagination
beholding the beauty of this order, created it out of
itself according to its own idea ; the consequence w^as
empire, and the reward everliving fame. These things
are not the less poetry quia carent vate sacro. They
ar& the episodes of that cyclic poem written by Time
upon the memories of men. The Past, like an inspired
rhapsodist, fills the theatre of everlasting generations
with their harmony.
At length the ancient system of religion and man-
ners had fulfilled the circle of its revolutions. And the
world would have fallen into utter anarchy and dark-
ness, but that there were found poets among the
authors of the Christian and chivalric systems of
manners and religion, who created forms of opinion
and action never before conceived ; which, copied into
the imaginations of men, became as generals to the
bewdldered armies of their thoughts. It is foreign to
the present purpose to touch upon the evil produced
by these systems : except that we protest, on the
ground of the principles already established, that no
portion of it can be attributed to the poetry they
contain.
It is probable that the poetry of Moses, Job,, David,
Solomon and Isaiah, had produced a great effect
upon the mind of Jesus and his disciples. The scat-
tered fragments preserved to us by the biographers of
this extraordinary person, are all instinct with the
most vivid poetry. But his doctrines seem to have
been quickly distorted. At a certain period after the
28 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
prevalence of a system of opinions founded upon those
promulgated by him, the three forms into which Plato
had distributed the faculties of mind underwent a sort
of apotheosis, and became the object of the worship of
the civilised world. Here it is to be confessed that
" Light seems to thicken," and
" The crow makes wing to the rooky wood,
Good things of day hegin to droop and drowse,
And night's black agents to their preys do rouze."
But mark how beautiful an order has sprung from the
dust and blood of this fierce chaos ! how the world, as
from a resurrection, balancing itself on the golden
wings of knowledge and of hope, has reassumed its yet
unwearied flight into the heaven of time. Listen to
the music, unheard by outward ears, which is as a
ceaseless and invisible wind, nourishing its everlasting
course with strength and swiftness.
The poetry in the doctrines of Jesus Christ, and the
mythology and institutions of the Celtic conquerors of
the Eoman empire, outlived the darkness and the con-
vulsions connected with their growth and victory, and
blended themselves in a new fabric of manners and
opinion. It is an error to impute the ignorance of
the dark ages to the Christian doctrines or the pre-
dominance of the Celtic nations. Whatever of evil
their agencies may have contained sprang from the
extinction of the poetical principle, connected with the
progress of despotism and superstition. Men, from
causes too intricate to be here discussed, had become
insensible and selfish: their own will had become
feeble, and yet they were its slaves, and thence the
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 29
slaves of the will of others : lust, fear, avarice, cruelty,
and fraud, characterised a race amongst whom no one
was to be found capable of creating in form, language,
or institution. The moral anomalies of such a state of
society are not justly to be charged upon any class of
events immediately connected with them, and those
events are most entitled to our approbation which
could dissolve it most expeditiously. It is unfortunate
for those who cannot distinguish words from thoughts,
that many of these anomalies have been incorporated
into our popular religion.
It was not until the eleventh century that the effects
of the poetry of the Christian and chivalric systems
began to manifest themselves. The principle of equality
had been discovered and applied by Plato in his
Eepublic, as the theoretical rule of the mode in which
the materials of pleasure and of power, produced by
the common skill and labour of human beings ought
to be distributed among them. The limitations of this
rule were asserted by him to be determined only by
the sensibility of each, or the utility to result to all.
Plato, following the doctrines of Timseus and Pytha-
goras, taught also a moral and intellectual system of
doctrine, comprehending at once the past, the present,
and the future condition of man. Jesus Christ
divulged the sacred and eternal truths contained in
these views to mankind, and Christianity, in its
abstract purity, became the exoteric expression of the
esoteric doctrines of the poetry and wisdom of an-
tiquity. The incorporation of the Celtic nations with
the exhausted population of the south, impressed upon
60 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
it the figure of the poetry existing in their mythology
and institutions. The result was a sum of the action
and reaction of all the causes included in it ; for it
may be assumed as a maxim that no nation or religion
can supersede any other without incorporating into
itself a portion of that which it supersedes. The
abolition of personal and domestic slavery, and the
emancipation of women from a great part of the
degrading restraints of antiquity, were among the
consequences of these events.
The abolition of personal slavery is the basis of the
highest political hope that it can enter into the mind
of man to conceive. The freedom of women produced
the poetry of sexual love. Love became a religion,
the idols of whose worship were ever present. It w^as
as if the statues of Apollo and the Muses had been
endowed with life and motion, and had walked forth
among their worshippers ; so that earth became peopled
by the inhabitants of a diviner world. The familiar
appearance and proceedings of life became wonderful
and heavenly, and a paradise was created as out of
the wrecks of Eden. And as this creation itself is
poetry, so its creators were poets ; and language was
the instrument of their art : " Galeotto fu il libro, e
chi lo scrisse." The Proven9al Trouveurs, or inventors,
preceded Petrarch, whose verses are as spells, which
unseal the inmost enchanted fountains of the delight
which is in the grief of love. It is impossible to feel
them without becoming a portion of that beauty
which we contemplate : it were superfluous to explain
how the gentleness and the elevation of mind
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 31
connected with these sacred emotions can render men
more amiable, more generous and wise, and lift them
out of the dull vapours of the little world of self.
Dante understood the secret things of love even more
than Petrarch. His Vita Nuova is an inexhaustible
fountain of puritj of sentiment and language : it is
the idealised history of that period, and those intervals
of his life which were dedicated to love. His apotheosis
of Beatrice in Paradise, and the gradations of his own
love and her loveliness, by which as by steps he feigns
himself to have ascended to the throne of the Supreme
Cause, is the most glorious imagination of modern
poetry. The acutest critics have justly reversed the
judgment of the vulgar, and the order of the great acts
of the " Divine Drama," in the measure of the admi-
ration which they accord to the Hell, Purgatory, and
Paradise. The latter is a perpetual hymn of ever-
lasting love. Love, which found a worthy poet in
Plato alone of all the ancients, has been celebrated by
a chorus of the greatest writers of the renovated
world ; and the music has penetrated the caverns of
society, and its echoes still drown the dissonance of
arms and superstition. At successive intervals, Ariosto,
Tasso, Shakspeare, Spenser, Calderon, Eousseau, and
the great writers of our own age, have celebrated the
dominion of love, planting as it were trophies in the
human mind of that sublimest victory over sensuality
and force. The true relation borne to each other by
the sexes into which human kind is distributed, has
become less misunderstood; and if the error which
confounded diversity with inequality of the powers of
32 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
the two sexes has been partially recognised in the
opinions and institutions of modern Europe, we owe
this great benefit to the worship of which chivaby was
the law, and poets the prophets.
The poetry of Dante may be considered as the
bridge thrown over the stream of time, which unites
the modern and ancient world. The distorted notions
of invisible things which Dante and his rival Milton
have idealised, are merely the mask and the mantle in
which these great poets walk through eternity enve-
loped and disguised. It is a difficult question to
determine how far they were conscious of the distinc-
tion which must have subsisted in their minds between
their own creeds and that of the people. Dante
at least appears to wish to mark the full extent of
it by placing E-iphseus, whom Virgil calls justissimus
unus, in Paradise, and observing a most heretical
caprice in his distribution of rewards and punishments.
And Milton's poem contains within itself a philoso-
phical refutation of that system, of which, by a strange
and natural antithesis, it has been a chief popular
support. Nothing can exceed the energy and magni-
ficence of the character of Satan as expressed in
" Paradise Lost." It is a mistake to suppose that he
could ever have been intended for the popular personi-
fication of evil. Implacable hate, patient cunning, and
a sleepless refinement of device to inflict the extremest
anguish on an enemy, these things are evil ; and,
although venial in a slave, are not to be forgiven in
a tyrant ; although redeemed by much that ennobles
his defeat in one subdued, are marked by all that
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 33
dishonours his conquest in the victor. Milton's Devil as
a moral being is as far superior to his Grod, as one who
perseveres in some purpose which he has conceived to
be excellent in spite of adversity and torture, is to one
who in the cold security of undoubted triumph inflicts
the most horrible revenge upon his enemy, not from
any mistaken notion of inducing him to repent of a
perseverance in enmity, but with the alleged design of
exasperating him to deserve new torments. Milton
has so far violated the popular creed (if this shall be
judged to be a violation) as to have alleged no supe-
riority of moral virtue to his God over his Devil. And
this bold neglect of a direct moral purpose is the most
decisive proof of the supremacy of Milton's genius.
He mingled as it were the elements of human nature
as colours upon a single pallet, and arranged them in
the composition of his great picture according to the
laws of epic truth ; that is, according to the laws of
that principle by which a series of actions of the
external universe and of intelligent and ethical beings
is calculated to excite the sympathy of succeeding
generations of mankind. The Divina Commedia and
Paradise Lost have conferred upon modern mytho-
logy a systematic form ; and when change and time
shall have added one more superstition to the mass of
those which have arisen and decayed upon the earth,
commentators will be learnedly employed in eluci-
dating the religion of ancestral Europe, only not
utterly forgotten because it will have been stamped
with the eternity of genius.
Homer was the first and Dante the second epic
34 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
poet: that is, the second poet, the series of whose
creations bore a defined and intelligible relation to the
knowledge and sentiment and religion of the age in
which he lived, and of the ages which followed it :
developing itself in correspondence with their deve-
lopment. Por Lucretius had limed the wings of his
swift spirit in the dregs of the sensible world ; and
Yirgil, vdth a modesty that ill became his genius, had
affected the fame of an imitator, even whilst he created
anew all that he copied ; and none among the flock of
mock-birds, though their notes were sweet, ApoUonius
E-hodius, Quintus Calaber, Nonnus, Lucan, Statins, or
Claudian, have sought even to fulfil a single condition
of epic truth. Milton was the third epic poet. For
if the title of epic in its highest sense be refused to
the ^neid, still less can it be conceded to the Orlando
Purioso, the Gerusalemme Liberata, the Lusiad, or
the Pairy Queen.
Dante and Milton were both deeply penetrated with
the ancient religion of the civilised world ; and its
spirit exists in their poetry probably in the same pro-
portion as its forms survived in the unreformed worship
of modern Europe. The one preceded and the other
followed the Eeformation at almost equal intervals.
Dante was the first religious reformer, and Luther
surpassed him rather in the rudeness and acrimony,
than in the boldness of his censures of papal usurpation.
Dante was the first awakener of entranced Europe ;
he created a language, in itself music and persuasion,
out of a chaos of inharmonious barbarisms. He was
the congregator of those great spirits who presided
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 35
over the resurrection of learning ; the Lucifer of that
starry flock which in the thirteenth century shone
forth from republican Italy, as from a heaven, into the
darkness of the benighted world. His very words are
instinct with spirit; each is as a spark, a burning
atom of inextinguishable thought ; and many yet lie
covered in the ashes of their birth, and pregnant with
a lightning which has yet found no conductor. All
high poetry is infinite ; it is as the first acorn, which
contained all oaks potentially. Veil after veil may be
undrawn, and the inmost naked beauty of the meaning
never exposed. A great poem is a fountain for ever
overflowing with the waters of wisdom and delight ;
and after one person and one age has exhausted all its
divine efl3-uence which their peculiar relations enable
them to share, another and yet another succeeds, and
new relations are ever developed, the source of an
unforeseen and an unconceived delight.
The age immediately succeeding to that of Dante,
Petrarch, and Boccaccio, was characterised by a revival
of painting, sculpture, and architecture. Chaucer
caught the sacred inspiration, and the superstructure
of English literature is based upon the materials of
Italian invention.
But let us not be betrayed from a defence into a
critical history of poetry and its influence on society.
Be it enough to have pointed out the effects of poets,
in the large and true sense of the word, upon their
own and all succeeding times.
But poets have been challenged to resign the civic
crown to reasoners and mechanists, on another plea.
d2
36 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
It is admitted that the exercise of the imagination is
most delightful, but it is alleged that that of reason
is more useful. Let us examine as the grounds of
this distinction, what is here meant by utility. Plea-
sure or good, in a general sense, is that which the
consciousness of a sensitive and intelligent being
seeks, and in which, when found, it acquiesces.
There are two kinds of pleasure, one durable, universal
and permanent; the other transitory and particular.
Utility may either express the means of producing the
former or the latter. In the former sense, whatever
strengthens and purifies the affections, enlarges the
imagination, and adds spirit to sense, is useful. But
a narrower meaning may be assigned to the word
utility, confining it to express that which banishes the
importunity of the wants of our animal nature, the
surrounding men with security of life, the dispersing
the grosser delusions of superstition, and the con-
ciliating such a degree of mutual forbearance among
men as may consist with the motives of personal
advantage.
Undoubtedly the promoters of utility, in this limited
sense, have their appointed office in society. They
follow the footsteps of poets, and copy the sketches
of their creations into the book of common life. They
make space, and give time. Their exertions are of the
highest value, so long as they confine their adminis-
tration of the concerns of the inferior powders of our
nature within the limits due to the superior ones.
But whilst the sceptic destroys gross superstitions, let
him spare to deface, as some of the Trench writers
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 87
have defaced, the eternal truths charactered upon the
imaginations of men. Whilst the mechanist abridges,
and the political economist combines labour, let them
beware that their speculations, for want of corre-
spondence with those first principles which belong to
the imagination, do not tend, as they have in modern
England, to exasperate at once the extremes of luxury
and want. They have exemplified the saying, "To
him that hath, more shall be given ; and from him
that hath not, the little that he hath shall be taken
away." The rich have become richer, and the poor
have become poorer; and the vessel of the state is
driven between the Scylla and Charybdis of anarchy
and despotism. Such are the effects which must ever
flow from an unmitigated exercise of the calculating
faculty.
It is difficult to define pleasure in its highest sense ;
the definition involving a number of apparent para-
doxes. For, from an inexplicable defect of harmony
in the constitution of human nature, the pain of the
inferior is frequently connected with the pleasures of
the superior portions of our being. Sorrow, terror,
anguish, despair itself, are often the chosen expres-
sions of an approximation to the highest good. Our
sympathy in tragic fiction depends on this principle ;
tragedy delights by affording a shadow of the pleasure
which exists in pain. This is the source also of the
melancholy which is inseparable from the sweetest
melody. The pleasure that is in sorrow is sweeter
than the pleasure of pleasure itself. And hence the
saying, " It is better to go to the house of mourning.
38 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
than to the house of mirth." Not that this highest
species of pleasure is necessarily linked with pain.
The delight of love and friendship, the ecstacy of the
admiration of nature, the joy of the perception and
still more of the creation of poetry, is often wholly
unalloyed.
The production and assurance of pleasure in this
highest sense is true utility. Those who produce and
preserve this pleasure are poets or poetical philo-
sophers.
The exertions of Locke, Hume, Gribbon, Voltaire,
Rousseau,* and their disciples, in favour of oppressed
and deluded humanity, are entitled to the gratitude
of mankind. Yet it is easy to calculate the degree of
moral and intellectual improvement which the world
would have exhibited, had they never lived. A little
more nonsense would have been talked for a century
or two; and perhaps a few more men, women, and
children, burnt as heretics. We might not at this
moment have been congratulating each other on the
abolition of the Inquisition in Spain. But it exceeds
all imagination to conceive what would have been the
moral condition of the world if neither Dante, Petrarch,
Boccaccio, Chaucer, Shakspeare, Calderon, Lord Bacon,
nor Milton, had ever existed ; if Eaphael and Michael
Angelo had never been born ; if the Hebrew poetry
had never been translated ; if a revival of the study
of Greek literature had never taken place ; if no monu-
ments of ancient sculpture had been handed down to
* Although Rousseau has been thus classed, he was essentially a poet.
The others, even Voltaire, were mere reasoners.
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 39
us; and if the poetry of the religion of the ancient
world had been extinguished together with its belief.
The human mind could never, except by the inter-
vention of these excitements, have been awakened
to the invention of the grosser sciences, and that
application of analytical reasoning to the aberrations
of society, which it is now attempted to exalt over
the direct expression of the inventive and creative
faculty itself.
"We have more moral, political and historical wisdom,
than we know how to reduce into practice ; we have
more scientific and economical knowledge than can be
accommodated to the just distribution of the produce
which it multiplies. The poetry in these systems of
thought, is concealed by the accumulation of facts and
calculating processes. There is no want of knowledge
respecting what is wisest and best in morals, govern-
ment, and political economy, or at least, what is wiser
and better than what men now practise and endure.
But we let ^' I dare not wait upon I would, like the
poor cat in the adage." We want the creative faculty
to imagine that which we know; we want the generous
impulse to act that which we imagine ; we want the
poetry of life: our calculations have outrun concep-
tion ; we have eaten more than we can digest. The
cultivation of those sciences which have enlarged the
limits of the empire of man over the external world,
has, for want of the poetical faculty, proportionally
circumscribed those of the internal world ; and man,
having enslaved the elements, remains himself a slave.
To what but a cultivation of the mechanical arts in a
40 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
degree disproportioned to the presence of the creative
faculty, which is the basis of all knowledge, is to be
attributed the abuse of all invention for abridging and
combining labour, to the exasperation of the inequality
of mankind? Prom what other cause has it arisen
that the discoveries which should have lightened, have
added a weight to the curse imposed on Adam ?
Poetry, and the principle of Self, of which money is
the visible incarnation, are the God and Mammon of
the world.
The functions of the poetical faculty are two-fold ;
by one it creates new materials of knowledge, and
power and pleasure ; by the other it engenders in the
mind a desire to reproduce and arrange them according
to a certain rhythm and order which may be called
the beautiful and the good. The cultivation of poetry
is never more to be desired than at periods when,
from an excess of the selfish and calculating principle,
the accumulation of the materials of external life
exceed the quantity of the power of assimilating them
to the internal laws of human nature. The body has
then become too unwieldy for that which animates it.
Poetry is indeed something divine. It is at once
the centre and circumference of knowledge ; it is that
which comprehends all science, and that to which all
science must be referred. It is at the same time the
root and blossom of all other systems of thought ; it
is that from which all spring, and that which adorns
all ; and that which, if blighted, denies the fruit and
the seed, and withholds from the barren world the
nourishment and the succession of the scions of the
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 41
tree of life. It is the perfect and consummate surface
and bloom of all things ; it is as the odour and the
colour of the rose to the texture of the elements
which compose it, as the form and splendour of un-
faded beauty to the secrets of anatomy and corruption.
What were virtue, love, patriotism, friendship — what
were the scenery of this beautiful universe which we
inhabit; what were our consolations on this side of
the grave — and what were our aspirations beyond it,
if poetry did not ascend to bring light and fire from
those eternal regions where the owl- winged faculty of
calculation dare not ever soar? Poetry is not like
reasoning, a power to be exerted according to the
determination of the will. A man cannot say, " I will
compose poetry." The greatest poet even cannot say
it ; for the mind in creation is as a fading coal, which
some invisible influence, like an inconstant wind,
awakens to transitory brightness; this power arises
from within, like the colour of a flower which fades
and changes as it is developed, and the conscious por-
tions of our natures are unprophetic either of its
approach or its departure. Could this influence be
durable in its original purity and force, it is impossible
to predict the greatness of the results ; but when com-
position begins, inspiration is already on the decline,
and the most glorious poetry that has ever been com-
municated to the world is probably a feeble shadow
of the original conceptions of the poet. I appeal to
the greatest poets of the present day, whether it is not
an error to assert that the finest passages of poetry
are produced by labour and study. The toil and the
42 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
delay recommended by critics, can be justly interpreted
to mean no more than a careful observation of tbe
inspired moments, and an artificial connexion of the
spaces between their suggestions by the intertexture
of conventional expressions ; a necessity only imposed
by the limitedness of the poetical faculty itself; for
Milton conceived the Paradise Lost as a whole before
he executed it in portions. "We have his own autho-
rity also for the muse having " dictated" to him the
"unpremeditated song." And let this be an answer
to those who would allege the fifty-six various readings
of the first line of the Orlando Furioso. Compositions
so produced are to poetry what mosaic is to painting.
This instinct and intuition of the poetical faculty is
still more observable in the plastic and pictorial arts ;
a great statue or picture grows under the power of the
artist as a child in the mother's womb ; and the very
mind which directs the hands in formation is incapable
of accounting to itself for the origin, the gradations, or
the media of the process.
Poetry is the record of the best and happiest
moments of the happiest and best minds. We are
aware of evanescent visitations of thought and feeling
sometimes associated with place or person, sometimes
regarding our own mind alone, and always arising
unforeseen and departing unbidden, but elevating and
delightful beyond all expression : so that even in the
desire and regret they leave, there cannot but be
pleasure, participating as it does in the nature of its
object. It is as it were the interpenetration of a
diviner nature through our own ; but its footsteps are
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 4d
like those of a wind over the sea, which the coming
calm erases, and whose traces remain only, as on the
wrinkled sand which paves it. These and correspond-
ing conditions of being are experienced principally by
those of the most delicate sensibility and the most
enlarged imagination; and the state of mind pro-
duced by them is at war with every base desire. The
enthusiasm of virtue, love, patriotism, and friendship,
is essentially linked with such emotions ; and whilst
they last, self appears as what it is, an atom to a
universe. Poets are not only subject to these expe-
riences as spirits of the most refined organisation,
but they can colour all that they combine with the
evanescent hues of this ethereal world ; a word, a trait
in the representation of a scene or a passion, will
touch the enchanted chord, and reanimate, in those
who have ever experienced these emotions, the sleep-
ing, the cold, the buried image of the past. Poetry
thus makes immortal all that is best and most beautiful
in the world ; it arrests the vanishing apparitions which
haunt the interlunations of life, and veiling them, or in
language or in form, sends them forth among mankind,
bearing sweet news of kindred joy to those with whom
their sisters abide — abide, because there is no portal of
expression from the caverns of the spirit which they
inhabit into the universe of tilings. Poetry redeems
from decay the visitations of the divinity in man.
Poetry turns all things to loveliness ; it exalts the
beauty of that which is most beautiful, and it adds
beauty to that which is most deformed; it marries
exultation and horror, grief and pleasure, eternity and
44 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
change ; it subdues to union under its light yoke, all
irreconcilable things. It transmutes all that it touches,
and every form moving within the radiance of its pre-
sence is changed by wondrous sympathy to an in-
carnation of the spirit which it breathes : its secret
alchemy turns to potable gold the poisonous waters
which flow from death through life ; it strips the veil
of familiarity from the world, and lays bare the naked
and sleeping beauty, which is the spirit of its forms.
All things exist as they are perceived ; at least in
relation to the percipient. " The mind is its own
place, and of itself can make a heaven of hell, a hell of
heaven." But poetry defeats the curse which binds
us to be subjected to the accident of surrounding
impressions. And whether it spreads its own figured
curtain, or withdraws life's dark veil from before the
scene of things, it equally creates for us a being within
our being. It makes us the inhabitants of a world to
which the familiar world is a chaos. It reproduces
the common universe of which we are portions and
percipients, and it purges from our inward sight the
film of familiarity which obscures from us the wonder
of our being. It compels us to feel that which we
perceive, and to imagine that which we know. It
creates anew the universe, after it has been annihilated
in our minds by the recurrence of impressions blunted
by reiteration. It justifies the bold and true words of
Tasso : Non merita nome di creatore, se non Iddio ed il
Foeta.
A poet, as he is the author to others of the
highest wisdom, pleasure, virtue and glory, so he
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 45
ouglit personally to be the happiest, the best, the
wisest, and the most illustrious of men. As to his
glory, let time be challenged to declare whether the
fame of any other institutor of human life be com-
parable to that of a poet. That he is the wisest, the
happiest, and the best, inasmuch as he is a poet, is
equally incontrovertible : the greatest poets have been
men of the most spotless virtue, of the most consum-
mate prudence, and, if we would look into the interior of
their lives, the most fortunate of men : and the excep-
tions, as they regard those who possessed the poetic
faculty in a high yet inferior degree, will be found on
consideration to confine rather than destroy the rule.
Let us for a moment stoop to the arbitration of
popular breath, and usurping and uniting in our own
persons the incompatible characters of accuser, wit-
ness, judge and executioner, let us decide without
trial, testimony, or form, that certain motives of those
who are "there sitting where we dare not soar," are
reprehensible. Let us assume that Homer was a
drunkard, that Yirgil was a flatterer, that Horace was
a coward, that Tasso was a madman, that Lord Bacon
was a peculator, that Eaphael was a libertine, that
Spenser was a poet laureate. It is inconsistent with
this division of our subject to cite living poets, but
posterity has done ample justice to the great names
now referred to. Their errors have been weighed and
found to have been dust in the balance ; if their sins
"were as scarlet, they are now white as snow :" they
have been washed in the blood of the mediator and
redeemer, Time. Observe in what a ludicrous chaos
46 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
the imputations of real or fictitious crime have been
confused in the contemporary calumnies against poetry
and poets ; consider how little is, as it appears — or
appears, as it is ; look to your own motives, and judge
not, lest ye be judged.
Poetry, as has been said, differs in this respect from
logic, that it is not subject to the control of the active
powers of the mind, and that its birth and recurrence
have no necessary connexion with the consciousness
or will. It is presumptuous to determine that these
are the necessary conditions of all mental causation,
when mental effects are experienced unsusceptible of
being referred to them. The frequent recurrence of
the poetical power, it is obvious to suppose, may
produce in the mind a habit of order and harmony
correlative with its own nature and with its effects
upon other minds. But in the intervals of inspiration,
and they may be frequent without being durable, a
poet becomes a man, and is abandoned to the sudden
reflux of the influences under which others habitually
live. But as he is more delicately organised than
other men, and sensible to pain and pleasure, both
his own and that of others, in a degree unknown to
them, he will avoid the one and pursue the other
Tvith an ardour proportioned to this difference. And
he renders himself obnoxious to calumny, when he
neglects to observe the circumstances under which
these objects of universal pursuit and flight have
disguised themselves in one another's garments.
But there is nothing necessarily evil in this error,
and thus cruelty, envy, revenge, avarice, and the
A DEFENCE OF POETRY. 47
passions purely evil, have never formed any portion of
the popular imputations on the lives of poets.
I have thought it most favourable to the cause of
truth to set down these remarks according to the order
in which they were suggested to my mind, by a con-
sideration of the subject itself, instead of observing
the formality of a polemical reply ; but if the view
which they contain be just, they will be found to
involve a refutation of the arguers against poetry, so
far at least as regards the first division of the subject.
I can readily conjecture what should have moved the
gall of some learned and intelligent writers who
quarrel with certain versifiers ; I confess myself, like
them, unwilling to be stunned by the Theseids of the
hoarse Codri of the day. Bavins and Maevius un-
doubtedly are, as they ever were, insufferable persons.
But it belongs to a philosophical critic to distinguish
rather than confound.
The first part of these remarks has related to poetry
in its elements and principles ; and it has been shown,
as well as the narrow limits assigned them would per-
mit, that what is called poetry, in a restricted sense,
has a common source with all other forms of order and
of beauty, according to which the materials of human
life are susceptible of being arranged, and which is
poetry in an universal sense.
The second part will have for its object an appli-
cation of these principles to the present state of
the cultivation of poetry, and a defence of the at-
tempt to idealise the modern forms of manners and
opinions, and compel them into a subordination to the
48 A DEFENCE OF POETRY.
imaginative and creative faculty. For the literature
of England, an energetic development of which has
ever preceded or accompanied a great and free de-
velopment of the national will, has arisen as it were
from a new birth. In spite of the low-thoughted
envy which would undervalue contemporary merit, our
own will be a memorable age in intellectual achieve-
ments, and we live among such philosophers and poets
as surpass beyond comparison any who have appeared
since the last national struggle for civil and religious
liberty. The most unfailing herald, companion, and
follower of the awakening of a great people to work a
beneficial change in opinion or institution, is poetry.
At such periods there is an accumulation of the power
of communicating and receiving intense and impas-
sioned conceptions respecting man and nature. The
persons in whom this power resides may often, as far
as regards many portions of their nature, have little
apparent correspondence with that spirit of good of
which they are the ministers. But even whilst they
deny and abjure, they are yet compelled to serve, the
power which is seated on the throne of their own soul.
It is impossible to read the compositions of the most
celebrated writers of the present day without being
startled wdth the electric life which burns within their
words. They measure the circumference and sound
the depths of human nature with a comprehensive
and all-penetrating spirit, and they are themselves
perhaps the most sincerely astonished at its manifes-
tations ; for it is less their spirit than the spirit of the
age. Poets are the hierophants of an unapprehended
ON THE LITERATURE, ETC. OF THE ATHENIANS. 49
inspiration ; the mirrors of the gigantic shadows which
futurity casts upon the present ; the words which
express what they understand not ; the trumpets
which sing to battle, and feel not what they inspire ;
the influence which is moved not, but moves. Poets
are the unacknowledged legislators of the world.
ESSAY ON THE LITEKATUEE, THE AETS, AND
THE MANNEES OF THE ATHENIANS.
A FRAGMENT."
The period which intervened between the birth of
Pericles and the death of Aristotle, is undoubtedly,
whether considered in itself or with reference to the
effects which it has produced upon the subsequent
destinies of civilised man, the most memorable in the
history of the world. What was the combination of
moral and political circumstances which produced so
unparalleled a progress during that period in lite-
rature and the arts ; — why that progress, so rapid and
so sustained, so soon received a check, and became
retrograde, — are problems left to the wonder and con-
jecture of posterity. The wrecks and fragments of
those subtle and profound minds, like the ruins of a
fine statue, obscurely suggest to us the grandeur and
* Shelley named tliis*Essay, *' A Discourse on the Manners of the
Ancients, relative to the subject of Love." It was intended to be a com-
mentary on the Symposium, or Banquet of Plato, but it breaks off at the
moment when the main subject is about to be discussed.
VOL. I. E
50 ON THE LITERATURE, ETC.
perfection of the whole. Their very language — a type
of the understandings of which it was the creation and
the image — in variety, in simplicity, in flexibility, and
in copiousness, excels every other language of the
western world. Their sculptures are such as we, in
our presumption, assume to be the models of ideal
truth and beauty, and to which no artist of modern
times can produce forms in any degree comparable.
Their paintings, according to Pliny and Pausanias,
were full of delicacy and harmony; and some even
were powerfully pathetic, so as to awaken, like
tender music or tragic poetry, the most overwhelming
emotions. We are accustomed to conceive the
painters of the sixteenth century, as those who have
brought their art to the highest perfection, probably
because none of the ancient paintings have been
preserved. For all the inventive arts maintain, as it
were, a sympathetic connexion between each other,
being no more than various expressions of one internal
power, modified by different circumstances, either of
an individual, or of society ; and the paintings of that
period would probably bear the same relation as is
confessedly borne by the sculptures to all succeeding
ones. Of their music we know little ; but the effects
which it is said to have produced, whether they be
attributed to the skill of the composer, or the sensi-
bility of his audience, are far more powerful than any
which we experience from the music of our own times ;
and if, indeed, the melody of their compositions were
more tender and delicate, and inspiring, than the
melodies of some modern European nations, their
OF THE ATHENIANS. 51
superiority in this art must have been something
wonderful, and wholly beyond conception.
Their poetry seems to maintain a very high, though
not so disproportionate a rank, in the comparison.
Perhaps Shakspeare, from the variety and compre-
hension of his genius, is to be considered, on the
whole, as the greatest individual mind, of which we
have specimens remaining. Perhaps Dante created
imaginations of greater loveliness and energy than
any that are to be found in the ancient literature of
Grreece. Perhaps nothing has been discovered in the
fragments of the Grreek lyric poets equivalent to the
sublime and chivalric sensibility of Petrarch. — But,
as a poet. Homer must be acknowledged to excel
Shakspeare in the truth, the harmony, the sustained
grandeur, the satisfying completeness of his images,
their exact fitness to the illustration, and to that to
which they belong. Nor could Dante, deficient in
conduct, plan, nature, variety, and temperance, have
been brought into comparison with these men, but for
those fortunate isles, laden with golden fruit, which
alone could tempt any one to embark in the misty
ocean of his dark and extravagant fiction.
But, omitting the comparison of individual minds,
which can afibrd no general inference, how superior
was the spirit and system of their poetry to that of
any other period. So that, had any other genius
equal in other respects to the greatest that ever
enlightened the world, arisen in that age, he would
have been superior to all, from this circumstance
alone — that his conceptions would have assumed a
E 2
52 ' ON THE LITERATURE, ETC.
more harmonious and perfect form. Tor it is worthy
of observation, that whatever the poets of that age
produced is as harmonious and perfect as possible.
If a drama, for instance, were the composition of a
person of inferior talent, it was still homogeneous and
free from inequalities ; it was a whole, consistent with
itself. The compositions of great minds bore through-
out the sustained stamp of their greatness. In the
poetry of succeeding ages the expectations are often
exalted on Icarean wings, and fall, too much disap-
pointed to give a memory and a name to the oblivious
pool in which they fell.
In physical knowledge Aristotle and Theophrastus
had already — no doubt assisted by the labours of
those of their predecessors whom they criticise —
made advances worthy of the maturity of science.
The astonishing invention of geometry, that series of
discoveries which have enabled man to command the
elements and foresee future events, before the subjects
of his ignorant wonder, and which have opened as it
were the doors of the mysteries of nature, had already
been brought to great perfection. Metaphysics, the
science of man's intimate nature, and logic, or the
grammar and elementary principles of that science,
received from the latter philosophers of the Periclean
age a firm basis. All our more exact philosophy is
built upon the labours of these great men, and
many of the words which we employ in metaphysical
distinctions were invented by them to give accuracy
and system to their reasonings. The science of
morals, or the voluntary conduct of men in relation to
OF THE ATHENIANS. 53
themselves or others, dates from this epoch. How
inexpressiblj bolder and more pure were the doctrines
of those great men, in comparison with the timid
maxims which prevail in the writings of the most
esteemed modern moralists. Thej were such as
Phocion, and Epaminondas, and Timoleon, who formed
themselves on their influence, were to the wretched
heroes of our own age.
Their political and religious institutions are more
difficult to bring into comparison with those of other
times. A summary idea may be formed of the worth
of any poKtical and religious system, by observing
the comparative degree of happiness and of intellect
produced under its influence. And whilst many insti-
tutions and opinions, which in ancient G-reece were
obstacles to the improvement of the human race, have
been abolished among modern nations, how many
pernicious superstitions and new contrivances of mis-
rule, and unheard-of complications of public mischief,
have not been invented among them by the ever-
watchful spirit of avarice and tyranny.
The modern nations of the civilised world owe the
progress which they have made — as well in those
physical sciences in which they have already excelled
their masters, as in the moral and intellectual inquiries,
in which, with all the advantage of the experience of
the latter, it can scarcely be said that they have yet
equalled them, — to what is called the revival of learn-
ing ; that is, the study of the writers of the age which
preceded and immediately followed the government of
Pericles, or of subsequent writers, who were, so to
54 ON THE LITERATURE, ETC.
speak, the rivers flowing from those immortal fountains.
And though there seems to be a principle in the
modern world, which, should circumstances analogous
to those which modelled the intellectual resources of
the age to which we refer, into so harmonious a pro-
portion, again arise, would arrest and perpetuate them,
and consign their results to a more equal, extensive,
and lasting improvement of the condition of man —
though justice and the true meaning of human society-
are, if not more accurately, more generally understood ;
though perhaps men know more, and therefore are
more, as a mass, yet this principle has never been
called into action, and requires indeed a universal and
almost appalling change in the system of existing
things. The study of modern history is the study of
kings, financiers, statesmen, and priests. The history
of ancient Grreece is the study of legislators, philoso-
phers, and poets ; it is the history of men, compared
with the history of titles. What the Greeks were,
was a reality, not a promise. And what we are and
hope to be, is derived, as it were, from the influence
and inspiration of these glorious generations.
Whatever tends to afibrd a further illustration of
the manners and opinions of those to whom we owe so
much, and who were perhaps, on the whole, the most
perfect specimens of humanity of whom we have
authentic record, were infinitely valuable. Let us see
their errors, their weaknesses, their daily actions,
their familiar conversation, and catch the tone of
their society. When we discover how far the most
admirable community ever framed, was removed from
OF THE ATHENIANS. 55
that perfection to whicli human society is impelled by-
some active power within each bosom, to aspire, how
great ought to be our hopes, how resolute our struggles.
For the Greeks of the Periclean age were widely dif-
ferent from us. It is to be lamented that no modern
writer has hitherto dared to show them precisely as
they were. Barthelemi cannot be denied the praise of
industry and system ; but he never forgets that he is a '
Christian and a Frenchman. "Wieland, in his delight-
ful novels, makes indeed a very tolerable Pagan, but
cherishes too many political prejudices, and refrains
from diminishing the interest of his romances by
painting sentiments in which no European of modern
times can possibly sympathise. There is no book
which shows the Greeks precisely as they were ; they
seem all written for children, with the caution that no
practice or sentiment, highly inconsistent with our
present manners, should be mentioned, lest those
manners should receive outrage and violation. But
there are many to whom the Greek language is inac-
cessible, who ought not to be excluded by this prudery
from possessing an exact and comprehensive conception
of the history of man ; for there is no knowledge con-
cerning what man has been and may be, from partaking
of which a person can depart, without becoming in
some degree more philosophical, tolerant, and just.
One of the chief distinctions between the manners
of ancient Greece and modern Europe, consisted in
the regulations and the sentiments respecting sexual
intercourse. "Whether this difference arises from
some imperfect influence of the doctrines of Jesus
56 ON THE LITERATURE, ETC.
Christ, who alleges the absolute and unconditional
equality of all human beings, or from the institutions
of chivalry, or from a certain fundamental difference
of physical nature existing in the Celts, or from a
combination of all or any of these causes, acting on
each other, is a question worthy of voluminous inves-
tigation. The fact is, that the modem Europeans
have in this circumstance, and in the abolition of
slavery, made an improvement the most decisive in
the regulation of human society; and all the virtue
and the wisdom of the Periclean age arose under
other institutions, in spite of the diminution which
personal slavery and the inferiority of women, recog-
nised by law and opinion, must have produced in the
delicacy, the strength, the comprehensiveness, and the
accuracy of their conceptions, in moral, political, and
metaphysical science, and perhaps in every other art
and science.
The women, thus degraded, became such as it was
expected they would become. They possessed, except
with extraordinary exceptions, the habits and the qua-
lities of slaves. They were probably not extremely
beautiful ; at least there was no such disproportion in
the attractions of the external form between the female
and male sex among the G-reeks, as exists among the
modem Europeans. They were certainly devoid of
that moral and intellectual loveliness with which the
acquisition of knowledge and the cultivation of senti-
ment animates, as with another life of overpowering
grace, the lineaments and the gestures of every form
which they inhabit. Their eyes could not have been
OF THE ATHENIANS. 67
deep and intricate from tlie workings of the mind,
and could have entangled no heart in soul-enwoven
labyrinths.
Let it not be imagined that because the G-reeks
were deprived of its legitimate object, they were
incapable of sentimental love; and that this passion
is the mere child of chivalry and the literature of
modern times. This object, or its archetype, for ever
exists in the mind, which selects among those who
resemble it, that which most resembles it ; and instinc-
tively fills up the interstices of the imperfect image,
in the same manner as the imagination moulds and
completes the shapes in clouds, or in the fire, into the
resemblances of whatever form, animal, building, &c.,
happens to be present to it. Man is in his wildest
state a social being: a certain degree of civilisation
and refinement ever produces the want of sympathies
still more intimate and complete ; and the gratification
of the senses is no longer all that is sought in sexual
connexion. It soon becomes a very small part of that
profound and complicated sentiment, which we call
love, which is rather the universal thirst for a com-
munion not merely of the senses, but of our whole
nature, intellectual, imaginative and sensitive ; and
which, when individualised, becomes an imperious
necessity, only to be satisfied by the complete or
partial, actual or supposed, fulfilment of its claims.
This want grows more powerful in proportion to the
development which our nature receives from civilisa-
tion ; for man never ceases to be a social being. The
sexual impulse, which is only one, and often a small
58 ON THE LITERATURE, ETC. OF THE ATHENIANS.
part of those claims, serves, from its obvious and
external nature, as a kind of type or expression of the
rest, a common basis, an acknowledged and visible
link. Still it is a claim which even derives a strength
not its own from the accessory circumstances which
surround it, and one which our nature thirsts to
satisfy. To estimate this, observe the degree of in-
tensity and durability of the love of the male towards
the female in animals and savages ; and acknowledge
all the duration and intensity observable in the love
of civilised beings beyond that of savages to be pro-
duced from other causes. In the susceptibility of
the external senses there is probably no important
difference.
Among the ancient Greeks the male sex, one half
of the human race, received the highest cultivation
and refinement ; whilst the other, so far as intellect is
concerned, were educated as slaves, and were raised
but few degrees in all that related to moral or intel-
lectual excellence above the condition of savages. The
gradations in the society of man present us with a
slow improvement in this respect. The Eoman women
held a higher consideration in society, and were
esteemed almost as the equal partners with their
husbands in the regulation of domestic economy and
the education of their children. The practices and
customs of modern Europe are essentially different
from and incomparably less pernicious than either,
however remote from what an enlightened mind cannot
fail to desire as the future destiny of human beings.
ON THE SYMPOSIUM. 59
ON THE SYMPOSIUM, OR PEEFACE TO THE
BANQUET OF PLATO.
A FRAGMENT.
The dialogue entitled "The Banquet " was selected
bj the translator as the most beautiful and perfect
among all the works of Plato.* He despairs of having
communicated to the English language any portion of
the surpassing graces of the composition, or having
done more than present an imperfect shadow of the
language and the sentiment of this astonishing
production.
Plato is eminently the greatest among the Greek
philosophers, and from, or, rather, perhaps through
him, his master Socrates, have proceeded those emana-
tions of moral and metaphysical knowledge, on which
a long series and an incalculable variety of popular
superstitions have sheltered their absurdities from the
slow contempt of mankind. Plato exhibits the rare
union of close and subtle logic, with the Pythian
* The Republic, though replete with considerable errors of speculation,
is, indeed, the greatest repository of important truths of all the works of
Plato. This, perhaps, is because it is the longest. He first, and perhaps
last, maintained that a state ought to be governed, not by the wealthiest,
or the most ambitious, or the most cunning, but by the wisest; the
method of selecting such rulers, and the laws by which such a selection is
made, must correspond with and arise out of the moral freedom and
refinement of the people.
60 ON THE SYMPOSIUM.
enthusiasm of poetry, melted by tlie splendour and
harmony of his periods into one irresistible stream of
musical impressions, which hurry the persuasions
onward, as in a breathless career. His language is
that of an immortal spirit, rather than a man. Lord
Bacon is, perhaps, the only writer, who, in these par-
ticulars, can be compared with him : his imitator,
Cicero, sinks in the comparison into an ape mocking
the gestures of a man. His views into the nature of
mind and existence are often obscure, only because
they are profound ; and though his theories respecting
the government of the world, and the elementary laws
of moral action, are not always correct, yet there is
scarcely any of his treatises which do not, however
stained by puerile sophisms, contain the most remark-
able intuitions into all that can be the subject of the
human mind. His excellence consists especially in
intuition, and it is this faculty which raises him far
above Aristotle, whose genius, though vivid and various,
is obscure in comparison with that of Plato.
The dialogue entitled the " Banquet," is called
EpcdTLKos, or a Discussion upon Love, and is supposed
to have taken place at the house of Agathon, at one
of a series of festivals given by that poet, on the
occasion of his gaining the prize of tragedy at the
Dionysiaca. The account of the debate on this occa-
sion is supposed to have been given by Apollodorus, a
pupil of Socrates, many years after it had taken place,
to a companion who was curious to hear it. This
Apollodorus appears, both from the style in which he
is represented in this piece, as well as from a passage
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 61
in the Phaedon, to have been a person of an impas-^
sioned and enthusiastic disposition; to borrow an
image from the Italian painters, he seems to have been
the St. John of the Socratic group. The drama (for
so the lively distinction of character and the various
and well-wrought circumstances of the story almost
entitle it to be called) begins by Socrates persuading
Aristodemus to sup at Agathon's, uninvited. The
whole of this introduction affords the most lively
conception of refined Athenian manners.
[unfinished.]
THE BANQUET.
TRANSLATED FROM PLATO.
THE PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE.
APOLLODORUS, A FRIEND OF APOLLODORUS, GLAUCO, ARISTODEMUS, SOCRATES,
AGATHON, PHiEDRUS, PAUSANIAS, ERYXIMACHUS, ARISTOPHANES, DIOTIMA,
ALCIBIADES.
ApoUodorm. I think that the subject of your
inquiries is still fresh in my memory ; for yesterday, as
I chanced to be returning home from Phaleros, one of
my acquaintance, seeing me before him, called out to me
from a distance, jokingly, " ApoUodorus, you Phalerian,
will you not wait a minute ? " — I waited for him, and
as soon as he overtook me, " I have just been looking
for you, Apollodorus," he said, "for I wish to hear
what those discussions were on Love, which took place
62 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
at the party, when Agathon, Socrates, Alcibiades, and
some others, met at supper. Some one who heard it
from Phoenix, the son of Philip, told me that you
could give a full account, but he could relate nothing
distinctly himself. Eelate to me, then, I entreat you,
all the circumstances. I know you are a faithful
reporter of the discussions of your friends ; but, first
tell me, were you present at the party or not ? "
■ " Your informant," I replied, " seems to have given
you no very clear idea of what you wish to hear, if he
thinks that these discussions took place so lately as
that I could have been of the party." — "Indeed I
thought so," replied he. — " For how," said I, " O
Glauco ! could I have been present ? Do you not
know that Agathon has been absent from the city
many years ? But, since I began to converse with
Socrates, and to observe each day all his words and
actions, three years are scarcely past. Before this
time I wandered about wherever it might chance,
thinking that I did something, but being, in truth, a
most miserable wretch, not less than you are now,
who believe that you ought to do anything rather
than practise the love of wisdom." — " Do not cavil,"
interrupted Glauco, " but tell me, when did this party
take place? "
"Whilst we were yet children," I replied, "when
Agathon first gained the prize of Tragedy, and the day
after that on which he and the chorus made sacrifices
in celebration of their success." — " A long time ago,
it seems. But who told you all the circumstances of
the discussion ? Did you hear them from Socrates
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 63
himself?" "No, by Jupiter! But from the same
person from whom Phoenix had his information, one
Aristodemus, a Cydathenean, — a little man who always
went about without sandals. He was present at this
feast, being, I believe, more than any of his contem-
poraries, a lover and admirer of Socrates. I have
questioned Socrates concerning some of the circum-
stances of this narration, who confirms all that I have
heard from Aristodemus." — " Why, then," said Griauco,
" why not relate them, as we walk, to me P The road
to the city is every way convenient, both for those
who listen and those who speak."
Thus as we walked, I gave him some account of
those discussions concerning Love; since, as I said
before, I remember them with sufficient accuracy. If
I am required to relate them also to you, that shall
willingly be done; for, whensoever either I myself
talk of philosophy, or listen to others talking of it, in
addition to the improvement which I conceive there
arises from such conversation, I am delighted beyond
measure ; but whenever I hear your discussions about
moneyed men and great proprietors, I am weighed down
with grief, and pity you, who, doing nothing, believe
that you are doing something. Perhaps you think
that I am a miserable wretch ; and, indeed, I believe
that you think truly. I do not think, but well know,
that you are miserable.
Companion. You are always the same, Apollodorus
— always saying some ill of yourself and others.
Indeed, you seem to me to think every one miserable
except Socrates, beginning with yourself. I do not
64 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
know what could have entitled you to the surname of
the "Madman," for, I am sure, jou are consistent
enough, for ever inveighing with bitterness against
yourself and all others, except Socrates.
ApoUodorus. My dear friend, it is manifest that I
am out of my wits from this alone — that I have such
opinions as you describe concerning myself and you.
Companion. It is not worth while, ApoUodorus, to
dispute now about these things ; but do what I entreat
you, and relate to us what were these discussions.
ApoUodorus. They were such as I will proceed to
tell you. But let me attempt to relate them in the
order which Aristodemus observed in relating them to
me. He said that he met Socrates washed, and,
contrary to his usual custom, sandalled, and having
inquired whither he went so gaily dressed, Socrates
replied, " I am going to sup at Agathon's ; yesterday
I avoided it, disliking the crowd, which would attend
at the prize sacrifices then celebrated ; to-day I pro-
mised to be there, and I made myself so gay, because
one ought to be beautiful to approach one who is
beautiful. But you, Aristodemus, what think you of
coming uninvited to supper?" " I will do," he replied,
" as you command." " Follow then, that we may, by
changing its application, disarm that proverb which
says. To the feasts of the good, the good come uninvited.
Homer, indeed, seems not only to destroy, but to
outrage the proverb; for, describing Agamemnon as
excellent in battle, and Menelaus but a faint-hearted
warrior, he represents Menelaus as coming uninvited
to the feast of one better and braver than himself." —
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 65
Aristodemus hearing this, said, "I also am in some
danger, Socrates, not as you say, but according to
Homer, of approaching like an unworthy inferior the
banquet of one more wise and excellent than myself.
Will you not, then, make some excuse for me ? for, I
shall not confess that I came uninvited, but shall say
that I was invited by you." — " As we walk together,"
said Socrates, " we will consider together what excuse
to make — but let us go."
Thus discoursing, they proceeded. But as they
walked, Socrates, engaged in some deep contempla-
tion, slackened his pace, and, observing Aristodemus
waiting for him, he desired him to go on before. When
Aristodemus arrived at Agathon's house, he found the
door open, and it occurred, somewhat comically, that a
slave met him at the vestibule, and conducted him
where he found the guests already reclined. As soon
as Agathon saw him, " You arrive just in time to sup
with us, Aristodemus," he said; "if you have any
other purpose in your visit, defer it to a better oppor-
tunity. I was looking for you yesterday, to invite
you to be of our party ; I could not find you anywhere.
But how is it that you do not bring Socrates with
you?"
But he turning round, and not seeing Socrates
behind him, said to Agathon, " I just came hither in
his company, being invited by him to sup with you."
— "You did well," replied Agathon, "to come; but
where is Socrates?" — "He just now came hither
behind me; I myself wonder where he can be." —
"Go and look, boy," said Agathon, "and bring
6Q THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
Socrates in ; meanwliile, you, Aristodemus, recline
there near Eryximachus." And lie bade a slave wash
his feet that he might recline. Another slave, mean-
while, brought word that Socrates had retired into a
neighbouring vestibule, where he stood, and, in spite of
his message, refused to come in. — " What absurdity
you talk!" cried Agathon; "call him, and do not
leave him till he comes." — " Let him alone, by all
means," said Aristodemus ; "it is customary with him
sometimes to retire in this way, and stand wherever
it may chance. He will come presently, I do not
doubt; do not disturb him." — ""Well, be it as you
will," said Agathon ; " as it is, you boys, bring supper
for the rest ; put before us what you will, for I resolved
that there should be no master of the feast. Consider
me and these my friends, as guests, whom you have
invited to supper, and serve them so that we may
commend you."
After this they began supper; but Socrates did
not come in. Agathon ordered him to be called, but
Aristodemus perpetually forbade it. At last he came
in, much about the middle of supper, not having
delayed so long as was his custom. Agathon (who
happened to be reclining at the end of the table, and
alone,) said, as he entered, " Come hither, Socrates,
and sit down by me ; so that by the mere touch of one
so wise as you are, I may enjoy the fruit of your
meditations in the vestibule; for',' I well know, you
would not have departed till you had discovered and
secured it."
Socrates, having sate down as he was desired,
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 67
replied, " It would be well, Agathon, if, wisdom were
of such a nature, as that when we touched each other
it would overflow of its own accord, from him who
possesses much to him who possesses little ; like the
water in the two chalices, which will flow through a
flock of wool from the fuller into the emptier, until
both are equal. If wisdom had this property, I should
esteem myself most fortunate in reclining near to you.
I should thus soon be filled, I think, with the most
beautiful and various wisdom. Mine, indeed, is some-
thing obscure, and doubtful, and dreamlike. But
yours is radiant, and has been crowTied with amplest
reward; for though you are yet so young, it shone
forth from you, and became so manifest yesterday,
that more than thirty thousand Greeks can bear testi-
mony to its excellence and loveliness." — "You are
laughing at me, Socrates," said Agathon; "but you
and I wiU decide this controversy about wisdom by
and by, taking Bacchus for our judge. At present
turn to your supper."
After Socrates and the rest had finished supper, and
had reclined back on their couches, and the libations
had been poured forth, and they had sung hymns to
the god, and aU other rites which are customary
had been performed, they tiu-ned to drinking. Then
Pausanias made this kind of proposal : " Come, my
Iriends," said he, " in what manner will it be pleasantest
for us to drink ? I must confess to you that, in reality,
I am not very well from the wine we drank last night,
and I have need of some intermission. I suspect that
most of you are in the same condition, for you were
F 2
68 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
here yesterday. Now, consider how we shall drink
most easily and comfortably."
" Tis a good proposal, Pausanias," said Aristophanes,
*' to contrive, in some way or other, to place mode-
ration in our cups. I was one of those who were
drenched last night." — Eryximachus, the son of
Acumenius, hearing this, said : " I am of your opinion ;
I only wish to know one thing — whether Agathon is
in the humour for hard drinking?" — "Not at all,"
replied Agathon ; " I confess that I am not able to
drink much this evening." — "It is an excellent thing
for us," replied Eryximachus — " I mean myself,
Aristodemus, Phaedrus, and these others — if you,
who are such invincible drinkers, now refuse to drink.
I ought to except Socrates, for he is capable of drinking
everything or nothing ; and whatever we shall deter-
mine will equally suit him. Since, then, no one present
has any desire to drink much wine, I shall perhaps
give less offence if I declare the nature of drunkenness.
The science of medicine teaches us that drunkenness
is very pernicious : nor would I choose to drink
immoderately myself, or counsel another to do so, espe-
cially if he had been drunk the night before." —
" Yes," said Phaedrus, the Myrinusian, interrupting
him, " I have been accustomed to confide in you,
especially in your directions concerning medicine ; and
I would now willingly do so, if the rest will do the
same." All then agreed that they would drink at
this present banquet, not for drunkenness, but for
pleasure.
" Since, then," said Eryximachus, "it is decided
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 69
that no one shall be compelled to drink more than he
pleases, I think that we may as well send away the
flute-player to play to herself; or, if she likes, to the
women within. Let us devote the present occasion to
conversation between ourselves, and, if you wish, I will
propose to you what shall be the subject of our discus-
sion." All present desired and entreated that he would
explain. — " The exordium of my speech," said Eryxi-
machus, " will be in the style of the Menalippe of
Euripides, for the story which I am about to tell
belongs not to me, but to Phsedrus. Phaedrus has
often indignantly complained to me, saying — ^ Is it
not strange, Eryximachus, that there are innumerable
hymns and paeans composed for the other gods, but
that not one of the many poets who spring up in the
world has ever composed a verse in honour of Love,
who is such and so great a god ? Nor any one of
those accomplished sophists, who, like the famous
Prodicus, have celebrated the praise of Hercules and
others, have ever celebrated that of Love ; but what is
more astonishing, I have lately met with the book of
some philosopher, in which salt is extolled on account
of its utility, and many other things of the same
nature are in like manner extolled with elaborate
praise. That so much serious thought is expended on
such trifles, and that no man has dared to this day to
frame a hymn in honour of Love, who being so great a
deity, is thus neglected, may well be sufficient to
excite my indignation.'
" There seemed to me some justice in these com-
plaints of Phaedrus ; I propose, therefore, at the same
70 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
time, for the sake of giving pleasure to Phsedrus, and
that we maj on the present occasion do something
Avell and befitting us, that this god should receive
from those who are now present the honour which is
most due to him. If you agree to my proposal, an
excellent discussion might arise on the subject. Every
one ought, according to my plan, to praise Love with
as much eloquence as he can. Let Phsedrus begin
first, both because he reclines the first in order, and
because he is the father of the discussion."
" 'No one will vote against you, Eryximachus," said
Socrates, " for how can I oppose your proposal, who
am ready to confess that I know nothing on any
subject but Love ? Or how can Agathon, or Pausanias,
or even Aristophanes, whose life is one perpetual
ministration to Venus and Bacchus ? Or how can
any other whom I see here ? Though we who sit last
are scarcely on an equality with you ; for if those who
speak before us shall have exhausted the subject with
their eloquence and reasonings, our discourses will be
superfluous. But in the name of Grood Fortune, let
Phsedrus begin and praise Love." The whole party
agreed to what Socrates said, and entreated Phsedrus
to begin.
What each then said on this subject, Aristodemus
did not entirely recollect, nor do I recollect all that he
related to me ; but only the speeches of those who
said what was most worthy of remembrance. Eirst,
then, Phsedrus began thus : —
" Love is a mighty deity, and the object of admi-
ration, both to gods and men, for many and for various
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 71
claims ; but especially on account of his origin. Tor
that he is to be honoured as one of the most ancient
of the gods, this may serve as a testimony, that Love
has no parents, nor is there any poet or other person
who has ever affirmed that there are such. Hesiod
says, that first ^ Chaos was produced ; then the broad-
bosomed Earth, to be a secure foundation for all
things ; then Love.' He says, that after Chaos these
two were produced, the Earth and Love. Parmenides,
speaking of generation, says : — ' But he created Love
before any of the gods.' Acusileus agrees with Hesiod.
Love, therefore, is universally acknowledged to be
among the oldest of things. And in addition to this.
Love is the author of our greatest advantages ; for I
cannot imagine a greater happiness and advantage to
one who is in the flower of youth than an amiable
lover, or to a lover than an amiable object of his love.
Eor neither birth, nor wealth, nor honours, can awaken
in the minds of men the principles which should guide
those who from their youth aspire to an honourable
and excellent life, as Love awakens them. I speak of
the fear of shame, which deters them from that which
is disgraceful ; and the love of glory, which incites to
honourable deeds. Eor it is not possible that a state
or private person should accomplish, without these
incitements, anything beautiful or great. I assert,
then, that should one who loves be discovered in any
dishonourable action, or tamely enduring insult
through cowardice, he would feel more anguish and
shame, if observed by the object of his passion, than
if he were observed by his father, or his companions,
72 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
or any other person. In like manner, among warmly
attached friends, a man is especially grieved to be
discovered by his friend in any dishonourable act. If
then, by any contrivance, a state or army could be
composed of friends bound by strong attachment, it is
beyond calculation how excellently they would admi-
nister their affairs, refraining from anything base,
contending with each other for the acquirement of
fame, and exhibiting such valour in battle as that,
though few in numbers, they might subdue all man-
kind. For should one friend desert the ranks or cast
away his arms in the presence of the other, he would
suffer far acuter shame from that one person's regard,
than from the regard of all other men. A thousand
times would he prefer to die, rather than desert the
object of his attachment, and not succour him in danger.
" There is none so worthless whom Love cannot
impel, as it were, by a divine inspiration, towards
virtue, even so that he may through this inspiration
become equal to one who might naturally be more
excellent ; and, in truth, as Homer says : The Grod
breathes vigour into certain heroes — so Love breathes
into those who love, the spirit which is produced from
himself. Not only men, but even women who love,
are those alone who willingly expose themselves to
die for others. Alcestis, the daughter of PeHas, affords
to the G-reeks a remarkable example of this opinion ;
she alone being willing to die for her husband, and so
surpassing his parents in the affection with which love
inspired her towards him, as to make them appear, in
the comparison with her, strangers to their own child,
THE BANQUET OF PLATO, 73
and related to him merely in name ; and so lovely and
admirable did this action appear, not only to men, but
even to the gods, that, although they conceded the
prerogative of bringing back the spirit from death to
few among the many who then performed excellent
and honourable deeds, yet, delighted with this action,
they redeemed her soul from the infernal regions : so
highly do the gods honour zeal and devotion in love.
They sent back indeed Orpheus, the son of (Eagrus,
from Hell, with his purpose unfulfilled, and showing
him only the spectre of her for whom he came, refused
to render up herself. For Orpheus seemed to them,
not as Alcestis, to have dared die for the sake of
her whom he loved, and thus to secure to himself a
perpetual intercourse with her in the regions to which
she had preceded him, but like a cowardly musician,
to have contrived to descend alive into Hell ; and,
indeed they appointed as a punishment for his
cowardice, that he should be put to death by women.
" Far otherwise did they regard Achilles, the son of
Thetis, whom they sent to inhabit the islands of the
blessed. For Achilles, though informed by his mother
that his own death would ensue upon his killing
Hector, but that if he refrained from it he might
return home and die in old age, yet preferred revenging
and honouring his beloved Patroclus ; not to die for
him merely, but to disdain and reject that life which
he had ceased to share. Therefore the Grreeks honoured
Achilles beyond all other men, because he thus
preferred his friend to all things else.
74 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
" On this account have the gods rewarded Achilles
more amply than Alcestis ; permitting his spirit to
inhabit the islands of the blessed. Hence do I assert
that Love is the most ancient and venerable of deities,
and most powerful to endow mortals with the posses-
sion of happiness and virtue, both whilst they live and
after they die."
Thus Aristodemus reported the discourse of Phsedrus;
and after Phsedrus, he said that some others spoke,
whose discourses he did not well remember. "When
they had ceased, Pausanias began thus : —
" Simply to praise Love, O Phaedrus, seems to me
too bounded a scope for our discourse. If Love were
one, it would be well. But since Love is not one,
I will endeavour to distinguish which is the Love
whom it becomes us to praise, and having thus dis-
criminated one from the other, will attempt to render
him who is the subject of our discourse the honour
due to his divinity. We all know that Venus is
never without Love ; and if "Venus were one. Love
would be one ; but since there are two Venuses, of
necessity also must there be two Loves. Por assuredly
are there two Venuses ; one, the eldest, the daughter
of "Uranus, born without a mother, whom we call the
IJranian ; the other younger, the daughter of Jupiter
and Dione, whom we call the Pandemian ; — of neces-
sity must there also be two Loves, the "Uranian and
Pandemian companions of these goddesses. It is
becoming to praise all the gods, but the attributes
which fall to the lot of each may be distinguished and
selected. Por any particular action whatever, in itself
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 75
is neither good nor evil ; what we are now doing —
drinking, singing, talking, none of these things are
good in themselves, but the mode in which they are
done stamps them with its own nature ; and that
which is done well, is good, and that which is done ill,
is evil. Thus, not all love, nor every mode of love is
beautiful, or worthy of commendation, but that alone
which excites us to love worthily. The Love, there-
fore, which attends upon Venus Pandemos is, in truth,
common to the vulgar, and presides over transient and
fortuitous connexions, and is worshipped by the least
excellent of mankind. The votaries of this deity seek
the body rather than the soul, and the ignorant rather
than the wise, disdaining all that is honourable and
lovely, and considering how they shall best satisfy their
sensual necessities. This Love is derived from the
younger goddess, who partakes in her nature both of
male and female. But the attendant on the other, the
Uranian, whose nature is entirely masculine, is the
Love who inspires us with affection, and exempts us
from all wantonness and libertinism. Those who are
inspired by this divinity seek the affections of those
who are endowed by nature with greater excellence
and vigoiu' both of body and mind. And it is easy
to distinguish those who especially exist under the
influence of this power, by their choosing in early youth,
as the objects of their love, those in whom the intel-
lectual faculties have begun to develope. Tor those
who begin to love in this manner, seem to me to be
preparing to pass their whole life together in a commu-
nity of good and evil, and not ever lightly deceiving
76 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
those who love them, to be faithless to their vows.
There ought to be a law that none should love the
very young ; so much serious affection as this deity
enkindles, should not be doubtfully bestowed ; for the
,body and mind of those so young are yet unformed,
and it is difficult to foretell what will be their future
tendencies and power. The good voluntarily impose
this law upon themselves, and those vulgar lovers
ought to be compelled to the same observance, as we
deter them with all the power of the laws from the
love of free matrons. For these are the persons whose
shameful actions embolden those who observe their
importunity and intemperance, to assert, that it is
dishonourable to serve and gratify the objects of our
love. But no one who does this gracefully and
according to law, can justly be liable to the imputation
of blame.
*****
" Not only friendship but philosophy and the practice
of the gymnastic exercises are represented as dis-
honourable by the tyrannical governments under which
the barbarians live. Tor I imagine it would little
conduce to the benefit of the governors, that the
governed should be disciplined to lofty thoughts and
to the unity and communion of stedfast friendship, of
which admirable effects the tyrants of our own
country have also learned that Love is the author.
Eor the love of Harmodius and Aristogiton, strength-
ened into a finn friendship, dissolved the tyranny.
"Wherever, therefore, it is declared dishonourable in
any case to serve and benefit friends, that law is a
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 77
mark of the depravity of the legislator, the avarice
and tyranny of the rulers, and the cowardice of those
who are ruled. Wherever it is simply declared to be
honourable without distinction of cases, such a decla-
ration denotes dulness and want of subtlety of mind
in the authors of the regulation. Here the degrees of
praise or blame to be 'attributed by law are far better
regulated ; but it is yet difficult to determine the
eases to which they should refer.
" It is evident, however, for one in whom passion is
enkindled, it is more honourable to love openly than
secretly ; and most honourable to love the most excel-
lent and virtuous, even if they should be less beautiful
than others. It is honourable for the lover to exhort
and sustain the object of his love in virtuous conduct.
It is considered honourable to attain the love of those
whom we seek, and the contrary shameful; and to
facilitate this attainment, opinion has given to the
lover the permission of acquiring favour by the most
extraordinary devices, which if a person should practise
for any purpose besides this, he would incur the
severest reproof of philosophy. Eor if any one desirous
of accumulating money, or ambitious of procuring
power, or seeking any other advantage, should, like a
lover, seeking to acquire the favour of his beloved,
employ prayers and entreaties in his necessity, and
swear such oaths as lovers swear, and sleep before the
threshold, and offer to subject himself to such slavery
as no slave even would endure ; he would be frustrated
of the attainment of what he sought, both by his
enemies and friends ; these reviling him for his flattery,
78 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
those sharply admonishing him, and taking to them-
selves the shame of his servility. But there is a
certain grace in a lover who does all these things, so
that he alone may do them without dishonour. It is
commonly said that the gods accord pardon to the
lover alone if he should break his oath, and that there
is no oath by Yenus. Thus, as our law declares, both
gods and men have given to lovers all possible
indulgence.
******
" The affair, however, I imagine, stands thus : — As
I have before said, love cannot be considered in itself
as either honourable or dishonourable : if it is honour-
ably pursued, it is honourable; if dishonourably,
dishonourable: it is dishonoural-3 basely to serve
and gratify a worthless person; it is honourable
honourably to serve a person of virtue. That Pandemic
lover who loves rather the body than the soul, is
worthless, nor can be constant and consistent, since
he has placed his affections on that which has no
stability. For as soon as the flower of the form, which
was the sole object of his desire, has faded, then he
departs and is seen no more ; bound by no faith nor
shame of his many promises and persuasions. But he
who is the lover of virtuous manners is constant
during life, since he has placed himself in harmony and
desire with that which is consistent with itself.
" These two classes of persons we ought to distin-
guish with careful examination, so that we may serve
and converse with the one and avoid the other;
determining, by that inquiry, by what a man is
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 79
attracted, and for what the object of his love is dear to
him. On the same account it is considered as
dishonourable to be inspired with love at once, lest
time should be wanting to know and approve the
character of the object. It is considered as dishonour-
able to be captivated by the allurements of wealth and
power, or terrified through injuries to yield up the
affections, or not to despise in the comparison with an
unconstrained choice all political influence and personal
advantage. Eor no circumstance is there in wealth or
power so invariable and consistent, as that no generous
friendship can ever spring up from amongst them.
We have an opinion with respect to lovers which
declares that it shall not be considered servile or
disgraceful, though the lover should submit himself to
any species of slavery for the sake of his beloved. The
same opinion holds with respect to those who undergo
any degradation for the sake of virtue. And also it is
esteemed among us, that if any one chooses to serve
and obey another for the purpose of becoming more
wise or more virtuous through the intercourse that
might thence arise, such willing slavery is not the
slavery of a dishonest flatterer. Through this we should
consider in the same light a servitude undertaken for
the sake of love as one undertaken for the acquirement
of wisdom or any other excellence, if indeed the
devotion of a lover to his beloved is to be considered a
beautiful thing. Por when the lover and the beloved
have once arrived at the same point, the province of
each being distinguished ; the one able to assist in the
cultivation of the mind and in the acquirement of every
80 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
other excellence ; the other yet requiring education,
and seeking the possession of wisdom ; then alone, by
the union of these conditions, and in no other case, is
it honourable for the beloved to yield up the affections
to the lover. In this servitude alone there is no
disgrace in being deceived and defeated of the object
for which it was undertaken ; whereas every other is
disgraceful, whether we are deceived or no.
* * * * ♦
" On the same principle, if any one seeks the
friendship of another, believing him to be virtuous, for
the sake of becoming better through such intercourse
and affection, and is deceived, his friend turning out
to be worthless, and far from the possession of virtue ;
yet it is honourable to have been so deceived. For
such a one seems to have submitted to a kind of
servitude, because he would endure anything for the
sake of becoming more virtuous and wise ; a disposition
of mind eminently beautiful.
" This is that Love who attends on the TJranian
deity, and is TJranian ; the author of innumerable
benefits both to the state and to individuals, and by
the necessity of whose influence those who love are
disciplined into the zeal of virtue. All other loves are
the attendants on Yenus Pandemos. So much,
although unpremeditated, is what I have to deliver on
the subject of love, O Phsedrus."
Pausanias having ceased (for so the learned teach
me to denote the changes of the discourse), Aristodemus
said that it came to the turn of Aristophanes to speak ;
but it happened that, from repletion or some other
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 81
cause, he had an hiccough which prevented him ; so he
turned to Erjximachus, the physician, who was
reclining close beside him, and said — " Eryximachus,
it is but fair that you should cure my hiccough, or
speak instead of me until it is over." — "I will do
both," said Eryximachus ; " I will speak in your turn,
and you, when your hiccough has ceased, shall speak in
mine. Meanwhile, if yon hold your breath some
time, it will subside. If not, gargle yonr throat with
water ; and if it still continue, take something to
stimulate your nostrils, and sneeze ; do this once or
twice, and even though it should be very violent, it
will cease." — "Whilst you speak," said Aristophanes,
" I will foUow your directions." — Eryximachus then
began : —
"Since Pausanias, beginning his discourse excel-
lently, placed no fit completion and development to
it, I think it necessary to attempt to fill up what he
has left unfinished. He has reasoned well in defining
love as of a double nature. The science of medicine,
to which I have addicted myself, seems to teach me
that the love which impels towards those who are
beautiful, does not subsist only in the souls of men, but
in the bodies also of those of all other living beings
which are produced upon earth, and, in a word, in aU
things which are. So wonderful and mighty is this
divinity, and so widely is his influence extended over
all divine and human thiags ! Eor the honour of my
profession, I will begin by adducing a proof from
medicine. The nature of the body contains within
itself this double love. Eor that which is healthy
82 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
and that which is diseased in a body differ and are
unlike : that which is unlike, loves and desires that
which is unlike. Love, therefore, is different in a
sane and in a diseased body. Pausanias has asserted
rightly that it is honourable to gratify those things in
the body which are good and healthy, and in this
consists the skill of the physician ; whilst those which
are bad and diseased, ought to be treated with no
indulgence. The science of medicine, in a word, is a
knowledge of the love affairs of the body, as they bear
relation to repletion and evacuation ; and he is the
most skilful physician who can trace those operations
of the good and evil love, can make the one change
places with the other, and attract love into those parts
from which he is absent, or expel him from those
which he ought not to occupy. He ought to make
those things which are most inimical, friendly, and
excite them to mutual love. But those things are
most inimical, which are most opposite to each other ;
cold to heat, bitterness to sweetness, dryness to
moisture. Our progenitor, ^sculapius, as the poets
inform us, (and indeed I believe them,) through the
skni which he possessed to inspire love and concord
in these contending principles, established the science
of medicine.
" The gymnastic arts and agriculture, no less than
medicine, are exercised under the dominion of this
Grod. Music, as any one may perceive, who yields
a very slight attention to the subject, originates from
the same source ; which Heraclitus probably meant^
though he could not express his meaning very clearly
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 83
in words, when he says, ^ One though apparently
differing, yet so agrees with itself, as the harmony of
a lyre and a bow.' It is great absurdity to say that a
harmony differs, and can exist between things whilst
they are dissimilar ; but probably he meant that from
sounds which first differed, like the grave and the
acute, and which afterwards agreed, harmony was
produced according to musical art. Eor no harmony
can arise from the grave and the acute whilst yet they
differ. But harmony is symphony : symphony is, as it
were, concord. But it is impossible that concord
should subsist between things that differ, so long as
they differ. Between things which are discordant and
dissimilar there is then no harmony. A rhythm is
produced from that which is quick, and that which is
slow, first being distinguished and opposed to each
other, and then made accordant; so does medicine,
no less than music, establish a concord between
the objects of its art, producing love and agreement
between adverse things.
" Music is then the knowledge of that which
relates to love in harmony and system. In the very
system of harmony and rhythm, it is easy to distinguish
love. The double love is not distinguishable in music
itself; but it is required to apply it to the service
of mankind by system and harmony, which is called
poetry, or the composition of melody ; or by the correct
use of songs and measures already composed, which
is called discipline ; then one can be distinguished
from the other, by the aid of an extremely skilful
artist. And the better love ought to be honoured
G 2
84 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
and preserved for the sake of those who are virtuous,
and that the nature of the vicious may be changed
through the inspiration of its spirit. This is that
beautiful Ilranian love, the attendant on the Uranian
muse : the Pandemian is the attendant of Polyhymnia ;
to whose influence we should only so far subject
ourselves, as to derive pleasure from it without
indulging to excess ; in the same manner as, according
to our art, we are instructed to seek the pleasures of
the table, only so far as we can enjoy them without the
consequences of disease. In music, therefore, and in
medicine, and in all other things, human and divine,
this double love ought to be traced and discriminated ;
for it is in all things.
" Even the constitution of the seasons of the year
is penetrated with these contending principles. For
so often as heat and cold, dryness and moisture, of
which I spoke before, are influenced by the more
benignant love, and are harmoniously and temperately
intermingled with the seasons, they bring maturity
and health to men, and to all the other animals and
plants. But when the evil and injurious love assumes
the dominion of the seasons of the year, destruction is
spread widely abroad. Then pestilence is accustomed
to arise, and many other blights and diseases fall upon
animals and plants : and hoar frosts, and hails, and
mildew on the corn, are produced from that excessive
and disorderly love, with which each season of the
year is impelled towards the other ; the motions of
which and the knowledge of the stars, is called
astronomy. All sacrifices, and all those things in
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 85
whicli divination is concerned, (for these things are the
links by which is maintained an intercourse and
communion between the Gods and men,) are nothing
else than the science of preservation and right
government of Love. Eor impiety is accustomed to
spring up, so soon as any one ceases to serve the more
honourable Love, and worship him by the sacrifice of
good actions ; but submits himself to the influences of
the other, in relation to his duties towards his parents,
and the Grods, and the living, and the dead. It is the
object of divination to distinguish and remedy the
effects of these opposite loves ; and divination is
therefore the author of the friendship of Gods and
men, because it afibrds the knowledge of what in
matters of love is lawful or unlawful to men.
" Thus every species of love possesses collectively
a various and vast, or rather universal power. But
love which incites to the acquirement of its objects
according to virtue and wisdom, possesses the most
exclusive dominion, and prepares for his worshippers
the highest happiness through the mutual intercourse
of social kindness which it promotes among them, and
through the benevolence which he attracts to them
from the Gods, our superiors.
" Probably in thus praising Love, I have unwillingly
omitted many things ; but it is your business, 0
Aristophanes, to fill up all that I have left incom-
plete ; or, if you have imagined any other mode of
honouring the divinity ; for I observe your hiccough
is over."
" Yes," said Aristophanes, '' but not before I applied
86 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
the sneezing. I wonder why the harmonious con-
struction of our body should require such noisy
operations as sneezing ; for it ceased the moment I
sneezed." — '^Do you not observe what you do, my
good Aristophanes?" said Eryximachus; "you are
going to speak, and you predispose us to laughter,
and compel me to watch for the first ridiculous idea
which you may start in your discourse, when you
might have spoken in peace." — " Let me unsay what
I have said, then," replied Aristophanes, laughing.
" Do not watch me, I entreat you ; though I am not
afraid of saying what is laughable, (since that would be
all gain, and quite in the accustomed spirit of my
muse,) but lest I should say what is ridiculous." —
" Do you think to throw your dart, and escape with
impunity, Aristophanes ? Attend, and what you say
be careful you maintain ; then, perhaps, if it pleases
me, I may dismiss you without question."
"Indeed, Eryximachus," proceeded Aristophanes,
"I have designed that my discourse should be very
different from yours and that of Pausanias. It seems
to me that mankind are by no means penetrated with
a conception of the power of Love, or they would
have built sumptuous temples and altars, and have
established magnificent rites of sacrifice in his honour ;
he deserves worship and homage more than all the other
Grods, and he has yet received none. Eor Love is
of all the Gods the most friendly to mortals ; and the
physician of those wounds, whose cure would be the
greatest happiness which could be conferred upon
the human race. I will endeavour to unfold to you
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 87
his true power, and you can relate what I declare
to others.
" You ought first to know the nature of man, and
the adventures he has gone through ; for his nature
was anciently far different from that which it is at
present. Pirst, then, human beiags were formerly
not divided into two sexes, male and female ; there
was also a third, common to both the others, the
name of which remains, though the sex itself has
disappeared. The androgynous sex, both in appear-
ance and in name, was common both to male and
female ; its name alone remains, which labours under
a reproach.
" At the period to which I refer, the form of every
human being was round, the back and the sides being
circularly joined, and each had four arms and as many
legs ; two faces fixed upon a round neck, exactly like
each other ; one head between the two faces ; four
ears, and every thing else as from such proportions
it is easy to conjecture. Man walked upright as now,
in whatever direction he pleased ; but when he wished
to go fast he made use of all his eight limbs, and
proceeded in a rapid motion by rolling circularly
round, — like tumblers, who, with their legs in the
air, tumble round and round. "We account for the
production of three sexes by supposing that, at
the beginning, the male was produced from the sun,
the female from the earth ; and that sex which
participated in both sexes, from the moon, by reason
of the androgynous nature of the moon. They were
round, and their mode of proceeding was round, from
88 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
the similarity which must needs subsist between them
and their parent.
" They were strong also, and had aspiring thoughts.
They it was who levied war against the Qods ; and
what Homer writes concerning Ephialtus and Otus,
that they sought to ascend heaven and dethrone the
Gods, in reality relates to this primitive people.
Jupiter and the other Grods debated what was to be
done in this emergency. Eor neither could they
prevail on themselves to destroy them, as they had
the giants, with thunder, so that the race should be
abolished; for in that case they would be deprived
of the honours of the sacrifices which they were in the
custom of receiving from them ; nor could they permit
a continuance of their insolence and impiety. Jupiter,
with some difficulty having desired silence, at length
spoke. * I think,' said he, ^ I have contrived a method
by which we may, by rendering the human race more
feeble, quell the insolence which they exercise, without
proceeding to their utter destruction. I will cut each
of them in half ; and so they will at once be weaker
and more useful on account of their numbers. They
shall walk upright on two legs. If they show any
more insolence, and will not keep quiet, I will cut
them up in half again, so they shall go about hopping
on one leg.'
" So saying, he cut human beings in half, as people
cut eggs before they salt them, or as I have seen eggs
cut with hairs. He ordered Apollo to take each one
as he cut him, and turn his face and half his neck
towards the operation, so that by contemplating it he
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 89
might become more cautious and humble ; and then,
to cure him, Apollo turned the face round, and draw-
ing the skin upon what we now call the belly, like a
contracted pouch, and leaving one opening, that which
is called the navel, tied it in the middle. He then
smoothed many other wrinkles, and moulded the
breast with much such an instrument as the leather-
cutters use to smooth the skins upon the block. He
left on] J a few wrinkles in the belly, near the navel, to
serve as a record of its former adventure. Imme-
diately after this division, as each desired to possess
the other half of himself, these divided people threw
their arms around and embraced each other, seeking
to grow together; and from this resolution to do
nothing without the other half, they died of hunger
and weakness : when one half died and the other was
left alive, that which was thus left sought the other
and folded it to its bosom ; whether that half were an
entire woman (for we now call it a woman) or a man ;
and thus they perished. But Jupiter, pitying them,
thought of another contrivance. * * * In this
manner is generation now produced, by the union of
male and female ; so that from the embrace of a man
and woman the race is propagated.
" From this period, mutual love has naturally existed
between human beings ; that reconciler and bond of
union of their original nature, which seeks to make
two, one, and to heal the divided nature of man.
Every one of us is thus the half of what may
be properly termed a man, and like a pselta cut in
two, is the imperfect portion of an entire whole,
90 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
perpetually necessitated to seek the half belonging
to him.
" Such as I have described is ever an affectionate
lover and a faithful friend, delighting in that which is
in conformity with his own nature. "Whenever, there-
fore, any such as I have described are impetuously
struck, through the sentiment of their former union,
with love and desire and the want of community, they
are unwilling to be divided even for a moment. These
are they who devote their whole lives to each other,
with a vain and inexpressible longing to obtain from
each other something they know not what ; for it is
not merely the sensual delights of their intercourse
for the sake of which they dedicate themselves to each
other with such serious affection ; but the soul of each
manifestly thirsts for, from the other, something which
there are no words to describe, and divines that which
it seeks, and traces obscurely the footsteps of its
obsciu'e desire. If Vulcan should say to persons thus
affected, 'My good people, what is it that you want with
one another ? ' And if, while they were hesitating
what to answer, he should proceed to ask, ' Do you
not desire the closest union and singleness to exist
between you, so that you may never be divided night
or day ? If so, I will melt you together, and make
you grow into one, so that both in life and death ye
may be undivided. Consider, is this what you desire ?
Will it content you if you become that which I
propose ? ' We all know that no one would refuse such
an offer, but would at once feel that this was what he
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 91
had ever sought ; and intimately to mix and melt and
to be melted together with his beloved, so that one
should be made out of two.
" The cause of this desire is, that according to our
original nature, we were once entire. The desire and
the pursuit of integrity and union is that which we all
love. First, as I said, we were entire, but now we
have been dwindled through our OAvn weakness, as the
Arcadians by the Lacedemonians. There is reason to
fear, if we are guilty of any additional impiety towards
the Gods, that we may be cut in two again, and may
go about like those figures painted on the columns,
divided through the middle of our nostrils, as thin as
lispse. On which account every man ought to be
exhorted to pay due reverence to the Gods, that we
may escape so severe a punishment, and obtain those
things which Love, our general and commander, in-
cites us to desire ; against whom let none rebel by
exciting the hatred of the Gods. For if we continue
on good terms with them, we may discover and pos-
sess those lost and concealed objects of our love ; a
good-fortune which now befals to few.
* *■ * * *
" I assert, then, that the happiness of all, both men
and women, consists singly in the' fulfilment of their
love, and in that possession of its objects by which we
are in some degree restored to our ancient nature. If
this be the completion of felicity, that must neces-
sarily approach nearest to it, in which we obtain the
possession and society of those whose natures most
intimately accord with our own. And if we would
92 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
celebrate any Grod as the author of this benefit, we
should justly celebrate Love with hymns of joy ; who,
in our present condition, brings good assistance in our
necessity, and affords great hopes, if we persevere in
piety towards the Gods, that he will restore us to our
original state, and confer on us the complete happiness
alone suited to our nature.
" Such, Eryximachus, is my discourse on the sub-
ject of Love ; different indeed from yours, which I
nevertheless entreat you not to turn into ridicule, that
we may not interrupt what each has separately to
deliver on the subject."
" I will refrain at present," said Eryximachus, "for
your discourse delighted me. And if I did not know
that Socrates and Agathon were profoundly versed in
the science of love affairs, I should fear that they had
nothing new to say, after so many and such various
imaginations. As it is, I confide in the fertility of
their geniuses." — "Your part of the contest, at least,
was strenuously fought, Eryximachus," said Socrates,
" but if you had been in the situation in which I am,
or rather shall be, after the discourse of Agathon, like
me, you would then have reason to fear, and be
reduced to your wits' end." — "Socrates," said Agathon,
" wishes to confuse me with the enchantments of his
wit, sufficiently confused already with the expectation
I see in the assembly in favour of my discourse." —
" I must have lost my memory, Agathon," rephed
Socrates, " if I imagined that you could be disturbed
by a few private persons, after having witnessed your
firmness and courage in ascending the rostrum with
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 93
the actors, and in calmly reciting your compositions
in the presence of so great an assembly as that which
decreed you the prize of tragedy." — " What then,
Socrates," retorted Agathon, " do you think me so
full of the theatre as to be ignorant that the judgment
of a few wise is more awful than that of a multitude
of others, to one who rightly balances the value of
their suffrages?" — "I should judge ill indeed,
Agathon," answered Socrates, " in thinking you
capable of any rude and unrefined conception, for I
well know that if you meet with any whom you con-
sider wise, you esteem such alone of more value than
all others. But we are far from being entitled to this
distinction, for we were also of that assembly, and to
be numbered among the rest. But should you meet
with any who are really wise, you would be careful to
say nothing in their presence which you thought they
would not approve — is it not so ? " — " Certainly,"
replied Agathon. — " You would not then exercise the
same caution in the presence of the multitude in
which they were included ? " — " My dear Agathon,"
said Phsedrus, interrupting him, " if you answer all
the questions of Socrates, they will never have an end;
he will urge them without conscience so long as he
can get any person, especially one who is so beautiful,
to dispute with him. I own it delights me to hear
Socrates discuss ; but at present, I must see that
Love is not defrauded of the praise, which it is my
province to exact from each of you. Pay the God
his due, and then reason between yourselves if you
wiU."
94 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
"Your admonition is just, Phsedrus," replied
Agathon, "nor need anj reasoning I hold with
Socrates impede me : we shall find many future
opportunities for discussion. I will begin my discourse
then ; first having defined what ought to be the
subject of it. All who have already spoken seem to
me not so much to have praised Love, as to have
felicitated mankind on the many advantages of which
that deity is the cause ; what he is, the author of these
great benefits, none have yet declared. There is one
mode alone of celebration which would comprehend
the whole topic, namely, first to declare what are
those benefits, and then what he is who is the author of
those benefits, which are the subject of our discourse.
Love ought first to be praised, and then his gifts
declared. I assert, then, that although all the Grods
are immortally happy, Love, if I dare trust my voice
to express so awful a truth, is the happiest, and most
excellent, and the most beautiful. That he is the most
beautiful is evident ; first, 0 Phaedrus, from this cir-
cumstance, that he is the youngest of the Grods ; and,
secondly, from his fleetness, and from his repugnance
to all that is old ; for he escapes with the swiftness of
wings from old age ; a thing in itself sufficiently
swift, since it overtakes us sooner than there is need ;
and which Love, who delights in the intercourse of
the young, hates, and in no manner can be induced
to enter into community with. The ancient proverb,
which says that like is attracted by like, applies to the
attributes of Love. I concede many things to you, O
Phaedrus, but this I do not concede, that Love is more
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 95
ancient than Saturn and Jupiter. I assert tliat he is
not only the youngest of the Gods, but invested with
everlasting youth. Those ancient deeds among the
Grods recorded by Hesiod and Parmenides, if their
relations are to be considered as true, were produced
not by Love, but by Necessity. For if Love had been
then in Heaven, those violent and sanguinary crimes
never would have taken place ; but there would ever
have subsisted that affection and peace, in which the
Grods now live, under the influence of Love.
" He is young, therefore, and being young is tender
and soft. There were need of some poet like Homer
to celebrate the delicacy and tenderness of Love. For
Homer says, that the goddess Calamity is delicate,
and that her feet are tender. ^ Her feet are soft,' he
says, ' for she treads not upon the ground, but makes
her path upon the heads of men.' He gives as an
evidence of her tenderness, that she walks not upon
that which is hard, but that which is soft. The same
evidence is sufficient to make manifest the tenderness
of Love. For Love w^alks not upon the earth, nor over
the heads of men, which are not indeed very soft ; but
he dwells within, and treads on the softest of existing
things, having established his habitation within the
souls and inmost nature of Grods and men ; not indeed
in all souls — for wherever he chances to find a hard
and rugged disposition, there he will not inhabit, but
only where it is most soft and tender. Of needs must
he be the most delicate of all things, who touches
lightly with his feet, only the softest parts of those
things which are the softest of all.
96 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
" He is then the youngest and the most delicate of
all diyinities ; and in addition to this, he is, as it were,
the most moist and liquid. !For if he were otherwise,
he could not, as he does, fold himself around every-
thing, and secretly flow out and into every soul. Hjs
loveliness, that which Love possesses far beyond all
other things, is a manifestation of the liquid and
flowing symmetry of his form ; for between deformity
and Love there is eternal contrast and repugnance.
His life is spent among flowers, and this accounts for
the immortal fairness of his skin ; for the winged Love
rests not in his flight on any form, or within any soul
the flower of whose loveliness is faded, but there
remains most willingly where is the odour and radiance
of blossoms, yet unwithered. Concerning the beauty
of the Grod, let this be sufficient, though many things
must remain unsaid. Let us next consider the virtue
and power of Love.
" "What is most admirable in Love is, that he neither
inflicts nor endures injury in his relations either with
Gods or men. Nor if he sufiers anything does he
sufier it through violence, nor doing anything does he
act it with violence, for Love is never even touched
with violence. Every one willingly administers every-
thing to Love ; and that which every one voluntarily
concedes to another, the laws, which are the kings of
the republic, decree that it is just for him to possess.
In addition to justice. Love participates in the highest
temperance ; for if temperance is defined to be the
being superior to and holding under dominion plea-
sures and desires ; then Love, than whom no pleasure
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 97
is more powerful, and who is thus more powerful tlian
all persuasions and delights, must be excellently
temperate. In power and valour Mars cannot contend
with Love : the love of Venus possesses Mars ; the
possessor is alw^ays superior to the possessed, and he
who subdues the most powerful must of necessity be
the most powerful of all.
" The justice and temperance and valour of the God
have been thus declared ; — there remains to exhibit his
wisdom. And first, that, like Eryximachus, I may
honour my own profession, the Grod is a wise poet ;
so wise that he can even make a poet one who was not
before : for every one, even if before he were ever so
undisciplined, becomes a poet as soon as he is touched
by Love ; a sufficient proof that Love is a great poet,
and well skilled in that science according to the
discipline of music. Por what any one possesses not,
or knows not, that can he neither give nor teach
another. And who will deny that the divine poetry,
by which all living things are produced upon the earth,
is not harmonised by the wisdom of Love ? Is it not
evident that Love was the author of all the arts of life
with which we are acquainted, and that he whose
teacher has been Love, becomes eminent and illus-
trious, whilst he who knows not Love, remains for ever
unregarded and obscure ? ApoUo invented medicine,
and divination, and archery, under the guidance of
desire and Love ; so that Apollo was the disciple of
Love. Through him the Muses discovered the arts of
literature, and Yulcan that of moulding brass, and
Minerva the loom, and Jupiter the mystery of the
98 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
dominion which he now exercises over Gods and men.
So were the Grods taught and disciplined by the love of
that which is beautiful ; for there is no love towards
deformity.
" At the origin of things, as I have before said,
many fearful deeds are reported to have been done
among the Grods, on account of the dominion of
Necessity. But so soon as this deity sprang forth
from the desire which for ever tends in the universe
towards that which is lovely, then all blessings
descended upon all living things, human and divine.
Love seems to me, 0 Phsedrus, a divinity the most
beautiful and the best of all, and the author to all
others of the excellences with which his own nature is
endowed. Nor can I restrain the poetic enthusiasm
which takes possession of my discourse, and bids me
declare that Love is the divinity who creates peace
among men, and calm upon the sea, the windless
silence of storms, repose and sleep in sadness. Love
divests us of all alienation from each other, and fills
our vacant hearts with overflowing sympathy; he
gathers us together in such social meetings as we now
delight to celebrate, our guardian and our guide in
dances, and sacrifices, and feasts. Yes, Love who
showers benignity upon the world, and before whose
presence all harsh passions flee and perish ; the author
of all soft afiections ; the destroyer of all ungentle
thoughts ; merciful, mild ; the object of the admiration
of the wise, and the delight of gods ; possessed by the
fortunate, and desired by the unhappy, therefore
unhappy because they possess him not ; the father of
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 99
grace, and delicacy, and gentleness, and delight, and
persuasion, and desire ; the cherisher of all that is
good, the abolisher of all evil ; our most excellent pilot,
defence, saviour and guardian in labour and in fear,
in desire and in reason ; the ornament and governor
of all things human and divine ; the best, the loveliest;
in whose footsteps every one ought to follow, celebrating
him excellently in song, and bearing each his part in
that divinest harmony which Love sings to all things
which live and are, soothing the troubled minds of
Gods and men. This, 0 Phsedrus, is what I have to
offer in praise of the divinity ; partly composed, indeed,
of thoughtless and playful fancies, and partly of such
serious ones, as I could well command."
'No sooner had Agathon ceased, than a loud murmur
of applause arose from all present ; so becomingly had
the fair youth spoken, both in praise of the God, and
in extenuation of himself. Then Socrates, addressing
Eryximachus, said, " Was not my fear reasonable, son
of Acumenus ? Did I not divine what has, in fact,
happened, — that Agathon' s discourse would be so
wonderfully beautiful, as to pre-occupy all interest in
what I should say?" — "You, indeed, divined well so
far, 0 Socrates," said Eryximachus, "that Agathon
would speak eloquently, but not that, therefore, you
would be reduced to any difficulty." — " How, my good
friend, can I or any one else be otherwise than reduced
to difficulty, who speak after a discourse so various and
so eloquent, and which otherwise had been sufficiently
wonderful, if, at the conclusion, the splendour of the
sentences, and the choice selection of the expressions,
H 2
100 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
had not struck all tlie hearers with astonishment ; so
that I, who well know that I can never say anything
nearly so beautiful as this, would, if there had been
any escape, have run away for shame. The story of
Gorgias came into my mind, and I was afraid lest in
reality I should suffer what Homer describes ; and lest
Agathon, scanning my discourse with the head of the
eloquent Grorgias, should turn me to stone for speech-
lessness. I immediately perceived how ridiculously I
had engaged myself with you to assume a part in
rendering praise to Love, and had boasted that I was
well skilled in amatory matters, being so ignorant of the
manner in which it is becoming to render him honour,
as I now perceive myself to be. I, in my simplicity,
imagined that the truth ought to be spoken concerning
each of the topics of our praise, and that it would be
sufficient, choosing those which are the most honour^
able to the Grod, to place them in as luminous an
arrangement as we could. I had, therefore, great
hopes that I should speak satisfactorily, being well
aware that I was acquainted with the true foundations
of the praise which we have engaged to render. But
since, as it appears, our purpose has been, not to
render Love his due honour, but to accumulate the
most beautiful and the greatest attributes of his
divinity, whether they in truth belong to it or not,
and that the proposed question is not how Love ought
to be praised, but how we should praise him most
eloquently, my attempt must of necessity fail. It is
on this account, I imagine, that in your discourses you
have attributed everything to Love, and have described
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 101
him to be the author of such and so great effects as, to
those who are ignorant of his true nature, may exhibit
him as the most beautiful and the best of all things.
Not, indeed, to those who know the truth. Such praise
has a splendid and imposing effect, but as I am
unacquainted with the art of rendering it, my mind,
which could not foresee what would be required of me,
absolves me from that which my tongue promised,
Farewell then, for such praise I can never render.
" But if you desire, I will speak what I feel to be
true ; and that I may not expose myself to ridicule, I
entreat you to consider that I speak without entering
into competition with those who have preceded me.
Consider, then, Phsedrus, whether you will exact from
me such a discourse, containing the mere truth with
respect to Love, and composed of such unpremeditated
expressions as may chance to offer themselves to ray
mind." — Phaedrus and the rest bade him speak in the
manner which he judged most befitting. — " Permit
me, then, 0 Phaedrus, to ask Agathon a few questions,
so that, confirmed by his agreement with me, I may
proceed." — "Willingly," replied Phaedrus, "ask." —
Then Socrates thus began : —
" I applaud, dear Agathon, the beginning of your
discourse, where you say, we ought first to define and
declare what Love is, and then his works. This rule
I particularly approve. But, come, since you have
given us a discourse of such beauty and majesty con-
cerning Love, you are able, I doubt not, to explain
this question, whether Love is the love of something
or nothing ? I do not ask you of what parents Love
102 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
is ; for tlie inquiry, of whether Love is the love of anj
father or mother, would be sufficiently ridiculous.
But if I were asking you to describe that which a
father is, I should ask, not whether a father was the
love of any one, but whether a father was the father of
any one or not ; you would undoubtedly reply, that a
father was the father of a son or daughter ; would you
not?" — "Assuredly." — " You would define a mother
in the same manner?" — ''Without doubt." — "Yet
bear with me, and answer a few more questions, for I
would learn from you that which I wish to know. If
I should inquire, in addition, is not a brother, through
the very nature of his relation, the brother of some
one ?" — " Certainly." — " Of a brother or sister is he
not ?" — " Without question." — " Try to explain to me
then the nature of Love ; Love is the love of something
or nothing ?" — " Of something, certainly."
" Observe and remember this concession. Tell me
yet farther, whether Love desires that of which it is
the Love or not?" — "It desires it, assuredly." —
" Whether possessing that which it desires and loves,
or not possessing it, does it desire and love ?" — " Not
possessing it, I should imagine." — " Observe ■ now,
whether it does not appear, that, of necessity, desire
desires that which it wants and does not possess, and
no longer desires that which it no longer wants : this
appears to me, Agathon, of necessity to be ; how does
it appear to you?" — "It appears so to me also." —
"Would any one who was already illustrious, desire
to be illustrious ; would any one already strong, desire
to be strong ? 'From what has already been conceded,
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. lOS
it follows that he would not. If any one already
strong, should desire to be strong ; or any one already
swift, should desire to be swift; or any one already
healthy, should desii'e to be healthy, it must be con-
cluded that they still desired the advantages of
which they already seemed possessed. To destroy
the foundation of this error, observe, Agathon, that
each of these persons must possess the several advan-
tages in question, at the moment present to our
thoughts, whether he will or no. And, now, is it
possible that those advantages should be at that time
the objects of his desire ? Tor, if any one should say,
being in health, ' I desire to be in health ;' being rich,
* I desire to be rich, and thus still desire those things
which I already possess,' we might say to him, ' You,
my friend, possess health, and strength, and riches ;
you do not desire to possess now, but to continue to
possess them in future ; for, whether you will or no,
they now belong to you. Consider then, whether,
when you say that you desire things present to you,
and in your own possession, you say anything else
than that you desire the advantages to be for the
future also in your possession.' What else could he
reply?" — "Nothing, indeed." — "Is not Love, then,
the love of that which is not within its reach, and
which cannot hold in security, for the future, those
things of which it obtains a present and transitory
possession?" — "Evidently." — "Love, therefore, and
everything else that desires anything, desires that
which is absent and beyond his reach, that which it
has not, that which is not itself, that which it wants ;
104 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
such are the things of which there are desire and
love." — " Assuredly."
"Come," said Socrates, "let us review your con-
cessions. Is Love anything else than the love first of
something ; and secondly, of those things of which it
has need ? " — " Nothing." — " Now, remember of those
things you said in your discourse, that Love was the
love — if you wish I will remind you. I think you
said something of this kind, that all the afiairs of the
Gods were admirably disposed through the love of the
things which are beautiful ; for there was no love of
things deformed; did you not say so?" — "I confess
that I did." — " Tou said what was most likely to be
true, my friend ; and if the matter be so, the love of
beauty must be one thing, and the love of deformity
another." — " Certainly." — " It is conceded, then, that
Love loves that which he wants but possesses not ?" —
" Yes, certainly." — " But Love wants and does not
possess beauty ?" — "Indeed it must necessarily follow."
— "What, then! call you that beautiful which has
need of beauty and possesses not ?" — " Assuredly no."
— " Do you still assert, then, that Love is beautiful, if
all that we have said be true ?" — " Indeed, Socrates,"
said Agathon, " I am in danger of being convicted of
ignorance, with respect to all that I then spoke." —
" You spoke most eloquently, my dear Agathon ; but
bear with my questions yet a moment. You admit
that things which are good are also beautiful?" —
" No doubt." — " If Love, then, be in want of beautiful
things, and things which are good are beautiful, he
must be in want of things which are good?" — "I
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 105
cannot refute jour arguments, Socrates." — "You
cannot refute truth, mj dear Agathon : to refute
Socrates is nothing difficult.
" But I will dismiss these questionings. At present
let me endeavour, to the best of my power, to repeat
to you, on the basis of the points which have been
agreed upon between me and Agathon, a discourse
concerning Love, which I formerly heard from the
prophetess Diotima, who was profoundly skilled in
this and many other doctrines, and who, ten years
before the pestilence, procured to the Athenians,
through their sacrifices, a delay of the disease ; for it
was she who taught me the science of things relating
to Love.
" As you well remarked, Agathon, we ought to
declare who and what is Love, and then his works.
It is easiest to relate them in the same order, as the
foreign prophetess observed when, questioning me,
she related them. For I said to her much the same
things that Agathon has just said to me — that Love
was a great deity, and that he was beautiful ; and she
refuted me with the same reasons as I have employed
to refute Agathon, compelling me to infer that he was
neither beautiful nor good, as I said. — * "What then,'
I objected, *0 Diotima, is Love ugly and evil?' —
* Good words, I entreat you,' said Diotima ; * do you
think that everything which is not beautiful, must of
necessity be ugly?' — * Certainly.' — 'And everything
that is not wise, ignorant ? Do you not perceive that
there is something between ignorance and wisdom ? '
— 'What is that?' — 'To have a right opinion or.
106 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
conjecture. Observe, that this kind of opinion, for
which no reason can be rendered, cannot be called know-
ledge ; for how can that be called knowledge, which is
without evidence or reason ? Nor ignorance, on the
other hand ; for how can that be called ignorance
which arrives at the persuasion of that which it really
is ? A right opinion is something between under-
standing and ignorance.' — I confessed that what she
alleged was true. — ' Do not then say,' she continued,
^ that what is not beautiful is of necessity deformed,
nor what is not good is of necessity evil ; nor, since
you have confessed that Love is neither beautiful nor
good, infer, therefore, that he is deformed or evil, but
rather something intermediate.'
" ^ But,' I said, * Love is confessed by all to be a
great Grod.' — * Do you mean, when you say all, all
those who know, or those who know not, what they
say?' — *A11, collectively.' — 'And how can that be,
Socrates?' said she laughing; 'how can he be
acknowledged to be a great Grod, by those who assert
that he is not even a Grod at all?' — 'And who are
they?' I said. — 'You for one, and I for another.' —
'How can you say that, Diotima?' — 'Easily,' she
replied, ' and with truth ; for tell me, do you not own
that all the Grods are beautiful and happy ? or will
you presume to maintain that any God is otherwise ?'
— ' By Jupiter, not 1 1 ' — ' Do you not call those alone
happy who possess all things that are beautiful and
good ?' — ' Certainly.' — ' You have confessed that Love,
through his desire for things beautiful and good,
possesses not those materials of happiness.' — ' Indeed
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 107
such was my concession.' — ^ But how can we conceive
a Grod to be without the possession of what is beautiful
and good?' — 'In no manner I confess.' — 'Observe,
then, that you do not consider Love to be a God.' —
* What, then,' I said, ' is Love a mortal ? ' — ' By no
means.' — ' But what, then ? ' — * Like those things
which I have before instanced, he is neither mortal
nor immortal, but something intermediate.' — * "What
is that, 0 Diotima?' — 'A great daemon, Socrates;
and everything dsemoniacal holds an intermediate place
between what is divine and what is mortal.'
'"What is his power and nature?' I inquired. —
' He interprets and makes a communication between
divine and human things, conveying the prayers and
sacrifices of men to the Grods, and communicating the
commands and directions concerning the mode of
worship most pleasing to them, from Gods to men.
He fills up that intermediate space between these two
classes of beings, so as to bind together, by his own
power, the whole universe of things. Through him
subsist all divination, and the science of sacred things
as it relates to sacrifices, and expiations, and disen-
chantments, and prophecy, and magic. The divine
nature cannot immediately communicate with what is
human, but all that intercourse and converse which is
conceded by the Gods to men, both whilst they sleep
and when they wake, subsists through the intervention
of Love ; and he who is wise in the science of this
intercourse is supremely happy, and participates in
the dsBmoniacal nature ; whilst he who is wise in any
other science or art, remains a mere ordinary slave*
108 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
These dsemons are, indeed, many and various, and one
of tliem is Love.'
"^Who are the parents of Love?' I inquired. —
* The history of vt^hat you ask,' replied Diotima, ' is
somewhat long ; nevertheless I will explain it to you.
On the birth of Yenus the Gods celebrated a great
feast, and among them came Plenty, the son of Metis.
After supper. Poverty, observing the profusion, came to
beg, and stood beside the door. Plenty, being drunk
with nectar, for wine was not yet invented, went
out into Jupiter's garden, and fell into a deep sleep.
Poverty wishing to have a child by Plenty, on account
of her low estate, lay down by him, and from his
embraces conceived Love. Love is, therefore, the
follower and servant of Yenus, because he was con-
ceived at her birth, and because by nature he is a
lover of all that is beautiful, and Yenus was beautiful.
And since Love is the child of Poverty and Plenty,
his nature and fortune participate in that of his
parents. He is for ever poor, and so far from being
delicate and beautiful, as mankind imagine, he is
squalid and withered ; he flies low along the ground,
and is homeless and unsandalled; he sleeps without
covering before the doors, and in the unsheltered
streets; possessing thus far his mother's nature, that
he is ever the companion of Want. But, inasmuch as
he participates in that of his father, he is for ever
scheming to obtain things which are good and
beautiful; he is fearless, vehement, and strong; a
dreadful hunter, for ever weaving some new con-
trivance ; exceedingly cautious and prudent, and full
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 109
of resources ; he is also, during his whole existence,
a philosopher, a powerful enchanter, a wizard, and a
subtle sophist. And, as his nature is neither mortal
nor immortal, on the same day when he is fortunate
and successful, he will at one time flourish, and then
die away, and then, according to his father's nature,
again revive. All that he acquires perpetually flows
away from him, so that Love is never either rich or
poor, and holding for ever an intermediate state
between ignorance and wisdom. The case stands
thus : — no G-od philosophises or desires to become
wise, for he is wise ; nor, if there exist any other
being who is wise, does he philosophise. Nor do the
ignorant philosophise, for they desire not to become
wise ; for this is the evil of ignorance, that he who
has neither intelligence, nor virtue, nor delicacy of
sentiment, imagines that he possesses all those things
sufficiently. He seeks not, therefore, that possession,
of whose want he is not aware.' — ' Who, then, O
Diotima,' I enquired, 'are philosophers, if they are
neither the ignorant nor the wise?' — *It is evident,
even to a child, that they are those intermediate
persons, among whom is Love. For Wisdom is one
of the most beautiful of all things ; Love is that which
thirsts for the beautiful, so that Love is of necessity a
philosopher, philosophy being an intermediate state be-
tween ignorance and wisdom. His parentage accounts
for his condition, being the child of a wise and well-
provided father, and of a mother both ignorant and
poor.
" * Such is the daemoniacal nature, my dear Socrates;
110 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
nor do I wonder at your error concerning Love,
for you thought, as I conjecture from what you say,
that Love was not the lover but the beloved, and
thence, well concluded that he must be supremely
beautiful ; for that which is the object of Love must
indeed be fair, and delicate, and perfect, and most
happy ; but Love inherits, as I have declared, a totally
opposite nature.' — *Tour words have persuasion in
them, 0 stranger,' I said ; * be it as you say. But this
Love, what advantages does he afford to men ? ' — * I
will proceed to explain it to you, Socrates. Love
being such and so produced as I have described, is,
indeed, as you say, the love of things which are beau-
tiful. But if any one should ask us, saying ; O Socrates
and Diotima, why is Love the love of beautiful things?
Or, in plainer words, what does the lover of that which
is beautiful, love in the object of his love, and seek
from it ? ' — ' He seeks,' I said, interrupting her, ^ the
property and possession of it.' — 'But that,' she replied,
' might still be met with another question, What has
he, who possesses that which is beautiful ? ' — ' Indeed,
I cannot immediately reply.' — ' But if, changing the
beautiful for good, any one should enquire, — I ask, O
Socrates, what is that which he who loves that which
is good, loves in the object of his love ? ' — ' To be in
his possession,' I replied. — ' And what has he, who has
the possession of good ? ' — ' This question is of easier
solution : he is happy.' — ' Those who are happy, then,
are happy through the possession ; and it is use-
less to enquire what he desires, who desires to be
happy ; the question seems to have a complete reply.
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. Ill
But do you think that this wish and this love are
common to all men, and that all desire, that that which
is good should be for ever present to them ? ' — ' Cer-
tainly, common to all.' — ' Why do we not say then,
Socrates, that every one loves ? if, indeed, all love per-
petually the same thing ? But we say that some love,
and some do not.' — ' Indeed I wonder why it is so.'
— ' Wonder not,' said Diotima, ' for we select a par-
ticular species of love, and apply to it distinctively the
appellation of that which is universal.'
" ' Give me an example of such a select application.
— * Poetry ; which is a general name signifying every
cause whereby anything proceeds from that which is
not, into that which is ; so that the exercise of every
inventive art is poetry, and all such artists poets.
Yet they are not called poets, but distinguished by
other names ; and one portion or species of poetry,
that which has relation to music and rhythm, is divided
from all others, and known by the name belonging to
all. For this is alone properly called poetry, and those
who exercise the art of this species of poetry, poets.
So, with respect to Love. Love is indeed universally
all that earnest desire for the possession of happiness
and that which is good ; the greatest and the subtlest
love, and which inhabits the heart of every living
being ; but those who seek this object through the
acquirement of wealth, or the exercise of the gymnastic
arts, or philosophy, are not said to love, nor are
called lovers ; one species alone is called love, and
those alone are said to be lovers, and to love, who seek
the attainment of the universal desire through one
112 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
species of love, which is peculiarly distinguished hj
the name belonging to the whole. It is asserted by
some, that they love, w^ho are seeking the lost half of
their divided being. But I assert, that Love is neither
the love of the half nor of the whole, unless, my friend,
it meets w ith that which is good ; since men willingly
cut off their ow^n hands and feet, if they think that
they are the cause of evil to them. Nor do they
cherish and embrace that which may belong to them-
selves, merely because it is their OAvn ; unless, indeed,
any one should choose to say, that that which is good
is attached to his own nature and is his own, whilst
that which is evil is foreign and accidental ; but love
nothing but that which is good. Does it not appear
so to you?' — 'Assuredly.' — 'Can we then simply
affirm that men love that which is good ? ' — ' "Without
doubt.' — ' "What, then, must w^e not add, that, in
addition to loving that which is good, they love that
it should be present to themselves ? ' — ' Indeed that
must be added.' — ' And not merely that it should be
present, but that it should ever be present ? ' — ' This
also must be added.'
" ' Love, then, is collectively the desire in men that
good should be for ever present to them.' — ' Most
true.' — ' Since this is the general definition of Love,
can you explain in what mode of attaining its object,
and in what species of actions, does Love pecu-
liarly consist ? ' — ' If I knew what you ask, O
Diotima, I should not have so much wondered at
your wisdom, nor have sought you out for the purpose
of deri\dng improvement from your instructions.' — ' I
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 113
will tell you,' she replied : * Love is the desire of gene-
ration in the beautiful, both with relation to the body
and the soul.' — ' I must be a diviner to comprehend
what you say, for, being such as I am, I confess that
I do not understand it.' — ^ But I wiU explain it more
clearly. The bodies and the souls of aU human beings
are alike pregnant with their future progeny, and
w^hen we arrive at a certain age, our nature impels us
to bring forth and propagate. This nature is unable
to produce in that which is deformed, but it can pro-
duce in that which is beautiful. The intercourse of
the male and female in generation, a divine work,
through pregnancy and production, is, as it were,
something immortal in mortality. These things cannot
take place in that which is incongruous; for that
which is deformed is incongruous, but that which is
beautiful is congruous with what is immortal and
divine. Beauty is, therefore, the fate, and the Juno
Lucina to generation. Wherefore, whenever that
which is pregnant with the generative principle,
approaches that which is beautiful, it becomes trans-
ported with delight, and is poured forth in overflowing
pleasure, and propagates. But when it approaches
that which is deformed., it is contracted by sadness,
and being repelled and checked, it does not produce,
but retains unwillingly that with which it is pregnant.
Wherefore, to one pregnant, and, as it were, already
bursting with the load of his desire, the impulse
towards that which is beautiful is intense, on account
of the great pain of retaining that which he has con-
ceived. Love, then, 0 Socrates, is not as you imagine
VOL. I. I
114 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
the love of the beautiful.'— ^ What then?'— ^ Of
generation and production in the beautiful.' — ' Why-
then of generation ? ' — ^ Generation is something
eternal and immortal in mortality. It necessarily,
from what has been confessed, follows, that we must
desire immortality together with what is good, since Love
is the desire that good be for ever present to us. Of
necessity Love must also be the desire of immortality.'
"Diotima taught me all this doctrine in the dis-
course we had together concerning Love ; and, in
addition, she inquired, * What do you think, Socrates,
is the cause of this love and desire ? Do you not
perceive how all animals, both those of the earth and
of the air, are affected when they desire the propaga-
tion of their species, affected even to weakness and
disease by the impulse of their love; first, longing
to be mixed with each other, and then seeking nourish-
ment for their offspring, so that the feeblest are ready
to contend with the strongest in obedience to this
law, and to die for the sake of their young, or to
waste aw^ay with hunger, and do or suffer anything so
that they may not want nourishment. It might be
said that human beings do these things through
reason, but can you explain why other animals are
thus affected through love ? ' — I confessed that I did
not know. — ' Do you imagine yourself,' said she, * to
be skilful in the science of Love, if you are ignorant
of these things ? ' — * As I said before, O Diotima, I
come to you, well knowing how much I am in need of
a teacher. But explain to me, I entreat you, the
cause of these things, and of the other things relating to
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 115
Love.' — ' If,' said Diotima, ^ you believe that Love is of
the same nature as we have mutually agreed upon,
wonder not that such are its effects. Por the mortal
nature seeks, so far as it is able, to become deathless
and eternal. But it can only accomplish this desire
by generation, which for ever leaves another new in
place of the old. For, although each human being be
severally said to live, and be the same from youth to
old age, yet, that which is called the same, never con-
tains within itself the same things, but always is
becoming new by the loss and change of that which
it possessed before ; both the hair, and the flesh, and
the bones, and the entire body.
" ' And not only does this change take place in the
body, but also with respect to the soul. Manners,
morals, opinions, desires, pleasures, sorrows, fears ;
none of these ever remain unchanged in the same
persons; but some die away, and others are produced.
And, what is yet more strange is, that not only does
some knowledge spring up, and another decay, and
that we are never the same with respect to our know-
ledge, but that each several object of our thoughts
suffers the same revolution. That which is called
meditation, or the exercise of memory, is the science
of the escape or departure of memory ; for, forgetful-
ness is the going out of knowledge ; and meditation,
calling up a new memory in the place of that which
has departed, preserves knowledge; so that, though
for ever displaced and restored, it seems to be the
same. In this manner everything mortal is preserved :
not that it is constant and eternal, Hke that which is
I 2
116 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
divine ; but that in the place of what has grown old
and is departed, it leaves another new like that which
it was itself. By this contrivance, O Socrates, does
what is mortal, the body and all other things, partake
of immortality ; that which is immortal, is immortal in
another manner. Wonder not, then, if everything by
nature cherishes that which was produced from itself,
for this earnest Love is a tendency towards eternity.'
" Having heard this discourse, I was astonished, and
asked, * Can these things be true, O wisest Diotima ? '
And she, like an accomplished sophist, said, ' Know
well, O Socrates, that if you only regard that love of
glory which inspires men, you will wonder at your
own unskilfulness in not having discovered all that I
now declare. Observe with how vehement a desire
they are affected to become illustrious and to prolong
their glory into immortal time, to attain which object,
far more ardently than for the sake of their children,
aU men are ready to engage in many dangers, and
expend their fortunes, and submit to any labours and
incur any death. Do you believe that Alcestis would
have died in the place of Admetus, or Achilles for the
revenge of Patroclus, or Codrus for the kingdom of
his posterity, if they had not believed that the immortal
memory of their actions, which we now cherish, would
have remained after their death ? Ear otherwise ; aU
such deeds are done for the sake of ever-living virtue,
and this immortal glory which they have obtained;
and inasmuch as any one is of an excellent nature, so
much the more is he impelled to attain this reward.
!For they love what is immortal.
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 117
" * Those wliose bodies alone are pregnant with this
principle of immortality are attracted by women,
seeking through the production of children what they
imagine to be happiness and immortality and an
enduring remembrance ; but they whose souls are far
more pregnant than their bodies, conceive and produce
that which is more suitable to the soul. What is
suitable to the soul ? Intelligence, and every other
power and excellence of the mind ; of which all poets,
and all other artists who are creative and inventive, are
the authors. The greatest and most admirable wisdom
is that which regulates the government of families
and states, and which is called moderation and justice.
Whosoever, therefore, from his youth feels his soul
pregnant with the conception of these excellences, is
divine ; and when due time arrives, desires to bring
forth ; and wandering about, he seeks the beautiful in
which he may propagate what he has conceived ; for
there is no generation in that which is deformed ; he
embraces those bodies which are beautiful rather than
those which are deformed, in obedience to the principle
which is within him, which is ever seeking to perpe-
tuate itself. And if he meets, in conjunction with
loveliness of form, a beautiful, generous, and gentle
soul, he embraces both at once, and immediately
undertakes to educate this object of his love, and is
inspired with an overflowing persuasion to declare what
is virtue, and what he ought to be who would attain to
its possession, and what are the duties which it exacts.
For, by the intercourse with, and as it were, the very
touch of that which is beautiful, he brings forth and
118 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
produces what he had formerlj conceived ; and
nourishes and educates that which is thus produced
together with the object of his love, whose image,
whether absent or present, is never divided from his
mind. So that those who are thus united are linked
by a nobler community and a firmer love, as being the
common parents of a lovelier and more endearing
progeny than the parents of other children. And
every one who considers what posterity Homer and
Hesiod, and the other great poets, have left behind
them, the sources of their own immortal memory and
renown, or what children of his soul Lycurgus has
appointed to be the guardians, not only of Lacedsemon,
but of all Grreece ; or what an illustrious progeny of
laws Solon has produced, and how many admirable
achievements, both among the Grreeks and Barbarians,
men have left as the pledges of that love which
subsisted between them and the beautiful, would
choose rather to be the parent of such children than
those in a human shape. Eor divine honours have often
been rendered to them on account of such children,
but on account of those in human shape, never.
" ' Your own meditation, O Socrates, might perhaps
have initiated you in all these things which I have
already taught you on the subject of Love. But those
perfect and sublime ends, to which these are only the
means, I know not that you would have been compe-
tent to discover. I will declare them, therefore, and
will render them as intelligible as possible : do you
meanwhile strain all your attention to trace the
obscure depth of the subject. He who aspires to love
THE BANQUET OF PLATO, 119
rightly, ought from his earliest youth to seek an inter-
course with beautiful forms, and first to make a single
form the object of his love, and therein to generate
intellectual excellences. He ought, then, to consider
that beauty, in whatever form it resides, is the brother
of that beauty which subsists in another form ; and if
he ought to pursue that which is beautiful in form, it
would be absurd to imagine that beauty is not one and
the same thing in all forms, and would therefore remit
much of his ardent preference towards one, through
his perception of the multitude of claims upon his
love. In addition, he would consider the beauty
which is in souls more excellent than that which is in
form. So that one endowed with an admirable soul,
even though the flower of the form were withered,
would suffice him as the object of his love and care,
and the companion wdth whom he might seek and
produce such conclusions as tend to the improvement
of youth ; so that it might be led to observe the
beauty and the conformity which there is in the
observation of its duties and the laws, and to esteem
little the mere beauty of the outward form. He would
then conduct his pupil to science, so that he might
look upon the loveliness of wisdom ; and that contem-
plating thus the universal beauty, no longer would he
unworthily and meanly enslave himself to the attrac-
tions of one form in love, nor one subject of discipline
or science, but would turn towards the wide ocean of
intellectual beauty, and from the sight of the lovely
and majestic forms which it contains, w^ould abundantly
bring forth his conceptions in philosophy; until,
120 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
strengthened and confirmed, he should at length
steadily contemplate one science, which is the science
of this universal beauty.
" ' Attempt, I entreat you, to mark what I say with
as keen an observation as you can. He who has been
disciplined to this point in Love, by contemplating
beautiful objects gradually, and in their order, now
arriving at the end of all that concerns Love, on a
sudden beholds a beauty wonderful in its nature.
This is it, 0 Socrates, for the sake of which all the
former labours were endured. It is eternal, unpro-
duced, indestructible ; neither subject to increase nor
decay: not, like other things, partly beautiful and
partly deformed; not at one time beautiful and at
another time not ; not beautiful in relation to one
thing and deformed in relation to another ; not here
beautiful and there deformed ; not beautiful in the
estimation of one person and deformed in that of
another ; nor can this supreme beauty be figured to
the imagination like a beautiful face, or beautiful
hands, or any portion of the body, nor like any
discourse, nor any science. JSTor does it subsist in any
other that lives or is, either in earth, or in heaven, or
in any other place ; but it is eternally uniform and
consistent, and monoeidic with itself. All other things
are beautiful through a participation of it, with this
condition, that although they are subject to production
and decay, it never becomes more or less, or endures
any change. When any one, ascending from a correct
system of Love, begins to contemplate this supreme
beauty, he already touches the consummation of his
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 121
labour. Por such as discipline themselves upon this
system, or are conducted by another beginning to
ascend through these transitory objects which are
beautiful, towards that which is beauty itself, pro-
ceeding as on steps from the love of one form to that
of two, and from that of two, to that of all forms w^hich
are beautiful ; and from beautiful forms to beautiful
habits and institutions, and from institutions to
beautiful doctrines ; until, from the meditation of
many doctrines, they arrive at that which is nothing
else than the doctrine of the supreme beauty itself, in
the knowledge and contemplation of which at length
they repose.
" ' Such a life as this, my dear Socrates,' exclaimed
the stranger Prophetess, * spent in the contemplation
of the beautiful, is the life for men to live ; which if
you chance ever to experience, you will esteem far
beyond gold and rich garments, and even those lovely
persons whom you and many others now gaze on with
astonishment, and are prepared neither to eat nor
drink so that you may behold and live for ever with
these objects of your love! What then shall we
imagine to be the aspect of the supreme beauty itself,
simple, pure, uncontaminated with the intermixture of
human flesh and colours, and all other idle and unreal
shapes attendant on mortality ; the divine, the original,
the supreme, the monoeidic beautiful itself? What
must be the life of him who dwells with and gazes on
that which it becomes us all to seek ? Think you not
that to him alone is accorded the prerogative of
bringing forth, not images and shadows of virtue, for
122 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
he is in contact not with a shadow but with reality ;
with virtue itself, in the production and nourishment
of which he becomes dear to the Gods, and if such a
privilege is conceded to any human being, himself
immortal.'
" Such, O Phaedrus and my other friends, was what
Diotima said. And being persuaded by her words,
I have since occupied myself in attempting to persuade
others, that it is not easy to find a better assistant
than Love in seeking to communicate immortality to
our human natures. "Wherefore I exhort every one
to honour Love ; I hold him in honour, and chiefly
exercise myself in amatory matters, and exhort others
to do so ; and now and ever do I praise the power and
excellence of Love, in the best manner that I can.
Let this discourse, if it pleases you, Phsedrus, be
considered as an encomium of Love ; or call it by what
other name you will."
The whole assembly praised his discourse, and
Aristophanes was on the point of making some
remarks on the allusion made by Socrates to him in a
part of his discourse, when suddenly they heard a
loud knocking at the door of the vestibule, and a
clamour as of revellers, attended by a flute-player. —
" Gro, boys," said Agathon, " and see who is there : if
they are any of our friends, call them in ; if not, say
that we have abeady done drinking." — A minute
afterwards, they heard the voice of Alcibiades in the
vestibule excessively drunk and roaring out : — " "Where
is Agathon? Lead me to Agathon!" — The flute-
player, and some of his companions, then led him in,
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 123
and placed him against the door-post, crowned with.
a thick crown of ivy and violets, and having a quantity
of fillets on his head. — " My friends," he cried out,
" hail ! I am excessively drunk already, but I'll
drink with you, if you will. If not, we will go away
after having crowned Agathon, for which purpose
I came. I assure you that I could not come yes-
terday, but I am now here with these fillets round my
temples, that from my own head I may crown his
who, with your leave, is the most beautiful and wisest
of men. Are you laughing at me because I am drunk ?
Ay, I know what I say is true, whether you laugh
or not. But tell me at once, whether I shall come in,
or no. Will you drink with me ? '*
Agathon and the whole party desired him to come
in, and recline among them ; so he came in, led
by his companions. He then unbound his fillets that
he might crown Agathon, and though Socrates was
just before his eyes, he did not see him, but sat down
by Agathon, between Socrates and him, for Socrates
moved out of the way to make room for him. When
he sat down, he embraced Agathon and crowned him ;
and Agathon desired the slaves to untie his sandals,
that he might make a third, and recline on the
same couch. "By aU means," said Alcibiades, "but
what third companion have we here ? " And at the
same time turning round and seeing Socrates, he
leaped up and cried out : — " O Hercules ! what have
we here? You, Socrates, lying in ambush for me
wherever I go ! and meeting me just as you always
do, when I least expected to see you! And, now,
124 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
what are you come here for ? "Why have you chosen
to recline exactly in this place, and not near Aris-
tophanes, or any one else who is, or wishes to be
ridiculous, but have contrived to take your place
beside the most delightful person of the whole
party?" — "Agathon," said Socrates, "see if you
cannot defend me. I declare my friendship for this
man is a bad business : from the moment that I first
began to know him I have never been permitted
to converse with, or so much as to look upon any one
else. If I do, he is so jealous and suspicious that
he does the most extravagant things, and hardly
refrains from beating me. I entreat you to prevent
him from doing anything of that kind at present.
Procure a reconciliation ; or, if he perseveres in
attempting any violence, I entreat you to defend
me." — "Indeed," said Alcibiades, "I will not be
reconciled to you ; I shall find another opportunity to
punish you for this. But now," said he, addressing
Agathon, " lend me some of those fillets, that I may
crown the wonderful head of this fellow, lest I incur
the blame, that having crow^ned you, I neglected to
crown him who conquers all men with his discourses,
not yesterday alone as you did, but ever."
Saying this he took the fillets, and having bound
the head of Socrates, and again having reclined, said :
" Come, my friends, you seem to be sober enough.
You must not flinch, but drink, for that w^as your
agreement with me before I came in. I choose as
president, until you have drunk enough — myself.
Come, Agathon, if you have got a great goblet, fetch
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 125
it out. But no matter, that wine-cooler will do ;
bring it, boy!" And observing tbat it beld more
than eight cups, he first drank it off, and then ordered
it to be filled for Socrates, and said : — " Observe, my
friends, I cannot invent any scheme against Socrates,
for he will drink as much as any one desires him,
and not be in the least drunk." Socrates, after the
boy had filled up, drank it off; and Eryximachus
said : — ^' Shall we then have no conversation or singing
over our cups, but drink down stupidly, just as if we
were thirsty?" And Alcibiades said: — "Ah, Eryxi-
machus, I did not see you before ; hail, you excellent
son of a wise and excellent father!" — "Hail to you
also," replied Eryximachus, " but what shall we do ? " —
" Whatever you command, for we ought to submit
to your directions; a physician is worth a hundred
common men. Command us as you please." —
" Listen then," said Eryximachus ; "before you came
in, each of us had agreed to deliver as eloquent a
discourse as he could in praise of Love, beginning
at the right hand; all the rest of us have fulfilled
our engagement ; you have not spoken, and yet have
drunk with us : you ought to bear your part in the
discussion ; and having done so, command what you
please to Socrates, who shall have the privilege of
doing so to his right-hand neighbour, and so on to the
others." — " Indeed, there appears some justice in your
proposal, Eryximachus, though it is rather unfair to
induce a drunken man to set his discourse in com-
petition with that of those who are sober. And,
besides, did Socrates really persuade you that what he
126 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
just said about me was true, or do you not know that
matters are in fact exactly the reverse of his repre-
sentation ? For I seriously believe that, should I
praise in his presence, be he god or man, any other
beside himself, he would not keep his hands off me.
But I assure you, Socrates, I will praise no one beside
yourself, in your presence."
"Do so, then," said Eryximachus; "praise Socrates
if you please." — "What!" said Alcibiades, "shall I
attack him, and punish him before you all ? " — " "What
have you got into your head now," said Socrates ;
" are you going to expose me to ridicule, and to
misrepresent me ? Or what are you going to do ? " —
" I will only speak the truth ; will you permit me
on this condition ? " — " I not only permit, but exhort
you to say all the truth you know," replied Socrates.
"I obey you willingly," said Alcibiades; "and if I
advance anything untrue, do you, if you please,
interrupt me, and convict me of misrepresentation, for
I would never willingly speak falsely. And bear with
me if I do not relate things in their order, but just as
I remember them, for it is not easy for a man in my
present condition to enumerate systematically all your
singularities.
" I will begin the praise of Socrates by comparing
him to a certain statue. Perhaps he will think that
this statue is introduced for the sake of ridicule, but I
assure you that it is necessary for the illustration of
truth. I assert, then, that Socrates is exactly like those
Silenuses that sit in the sculptors' shops, and which
are carved holding flutes or pipes, but which, when
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 127
divided into two, are found to contain within side the
images of the gods. I assert that Socrates is like the
satyr Marsyas. That your form and appearance are
like these satyrs, I think that even you will not venture
to deny; and how like you are to them in all other
things, now hear. Are you not scornful and petulant ?
If you deny this, I will bring witnesses. Are you not
a piper, and far more wonderful a one than he ? Por
Marsyas, and whoever now pipes the music that he
taught; for that music which is of heaven, and
described as being taught by Marsyas, enchants men
through the power of the mouth. For if any musician,
be he skilful or not, awakens this music, it alone
enables him to retain the minds of men, and from the
divinity of its nature makes evident those who are
in want of the gods and initiation. You differ only
from Marsyas in this circumstance, that you effect
without instruments, by mere words, all that he can
do. For when we hear Pericles, or any other accom-
plished orator, deliver a' discourse, no one, as it were,
cares anything about it. But when any one hears
you, or even your words related by another, though
ever so rude and unskilful a speaker, be that person a
woman, man, or child, we are struck and retained, as it
were, by the discourse clinging to our mind.
"If I was not afraid that I am a great deal too
drunk, I would confirm to you by an oath the strange
effects which I assure you I have suffered from his
words, and suffer still ; for when I hear him speak,
my heart leaps up far more than the hearts of those
who celebrate the Corybantic mysteries ; my tears are
128 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
poured out as lie talks, a tiling I have seen happen to
many others beside myself. I have heard Pericles and
other excellent orators, and have been pleased vdth
their discourses, but I suffered nothing of this kind ;
nor was my soul ever on those occasions disturbed and
filled with self-reproach, as if it were slavishly laid
prostrate. But this Marsyas here has often affected
me in the way I describe, until the life which I lead
seemed hardly worth living. Do not deny it, Socrates ;
for I well know that if even now I chose to listen
to you, I could not resist, but should again suffer
the same effects. Eor, my friends, he forces me to
confess that while I myself am still in want of many
things, I neglect my own necessities, and attend to
those of the Athenians. I stop my ears, therefore,
as from the Syrens, and flee away as fast as possible,
that I may not sit down beside him and grow old
in listening to his talk. For this man has reduced
me to feel the sentiment of shame, which I imagine no
one would readily believe was in me ; he alone inspires
me with remorse and awe. For I feel in his presence
my incapacity of refuting what he says, or of refusing
to do that which he directs ; but when I depart from
him, the glory which the multitude confers overwhelms
me. I escape, therefore, and hide myself from him,
and when I see him I am overwhelmed with humi-
liation, because I have neglected to do what I have
confessed to him ought to be done ; and often and
often have I wished that he were no longer to be seen
among men. But if that were to happen, I well know
that I should suffer far greater pain ; so that where
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 129
I can turn, or wliat I can do with this man, I know
not. All this have I and many others suffered from the
pipings of this satyr.
" And observe how like he is to what I said, and
what a wonderful power he possesses. Know that
there is not one of you who is aware of the real nature
of Socrates ; but since I have begun, I will make him
plain to you. You observe how passionately Socrates
aifects the intimacy of those who are beautiful, and
how ignorant he professes himself to be ; appearances
in themselves excessively Silenic. This, my friends, is
the external form with which, like one of the sculptured
Sileni, he has clothed himself; for if you open him,
you will find within admirable temperance and wisdom.
For he cares not for mere beauty, but despises more than
any one can imagine all external possessions, whether
it be beauty or wealth, or glory, or any other thing for
which the multitude felicitates the possessor. He
esteems these things and us who honour them, as
nothing, and lives among men, making all the objects
of their admiration the playthings of his irony. But I
know not if any one of you have ever seen the divine
images which are within, when he has been opened
and is serious. I have seen them, and they are so
supremely beautiful, so golden, so divine, and wonder-
ful, that everything which Socrates commands surely
ought to be obeyed, even like the voice of a Grod.
* * * *
" At one time we were fellow-soldiers, and had our
mess together in the camp before Potidaea. Socrates
there overcame not only me, but every one beside, in
VOL. I. K
130 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
endurance of toils : when, as often happens in a
campaign, we were reduced to few provisions, tliere
were none who could sustain hunger like Socrates ;
and when we had plenty, he alone seemed to enjoy
our military fare. He never drank much willingly,
but when he was compelled, he conquered all even in
that to which he was least accustomed ; and what is
most astonishing, no person ever saw Socrates drunk
either then or at any other time. In the depth of
winter (and the winters there are excessively rigid),
he sustained calmly incredible hardships : and amongst
other things, whilst the frost was intolerably severe,
and no one went out of their tents, or if they went
out, wrapt themselves up carefully, and put fleeces
under their feet, and bound their legs with hairy skins,
Socrates went out only with the same cloak on that he
usually wore, and walked barefoot upon the ice ; more
easily, indeed, than those who had sandalled themselves
so delicately : so that the soldiers thought that he did
it to mock their want of fortitude. It would indeed be
worth while to commemorate all that this brave man
did and endured in that expedition. In one instance
he was seen early in the morning, standing in one
place wrapt in meditation ; and as he seemed not to be
able to unravel the subject of his thoughts, he still
continued to stand as inquiring and discussing within
himself, and when noon came, the soldiers observed
him, and said to one another — * Socrates has been
standing there thinking, ever since the morning.' At
last some lonians came to the spot, and having
supped, as it was summer, bringing their blankets.
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 131
they lay down to sleep in tlie cool; they observed
that Socrates continued to stand there the whole
night until morning, and that, when the sun rose, he
saluted it with a prayer and departed.
"I ought not to omit what Socrates is in battle.
Eor in that battle after which the generals decreed to
me the prize of courage, Socrates alone of all men was
the saviour of my life, standing by me when I had
fallen and was wounded, and preserving both myself
and my arms from the hand of the enemy. On that
occasion I entreated the generals to decree the prize,
as it was most due, to him. And this, 0 Socrates,
you cannot deny, that while the generals, wishing to
conciliate a person of my rank, desired to give me the
prize, you were far more earnestly desirous than the
generals that this glory should be attributed not to
yourself, but me.
*' But to see Socrates when our army was defeated
and scattered in flight at Delius, was a spectacle
worthy to behold. On that occasion I was among the
cavalry, and he on foot, heavily armed. After the
total rout of our troops, he and Laches retreated
together; I came up by chance, and seeing them,
bade them be of good cheer, for that I would not
leave them. As I was on horseback, and therefore
less occupied by a regard of my own situation, I could
better observe than at Potidsea the beautiful spectacle
exhibited by Socrates on this emergency. How supe-
rior was he to Laches in presence of mind and
courage ! Your representation of him on the stage,
0 Aristophanes, was not wholly unlike his real self on
K 2
132 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
this occasion, for he walked and darted his regards
around with a majestic composure, looking tranquilly
both on his Mends and enemies ; so that it was
evident to every one, even from afar, that whoever
should venture to attack him would encounter a
desperate resistance. He and his companion thus
departed in safety ; for those who are scattered in
flight are pursued and killed, whilst men hesitate to
touch those who exhibit such a countenance as that of
Socrates even in defeat.
" Many other and most wonderful qualities could
well be praised in Socrates ; but such as these might
singly be attributed to others. But that which is
unparalleled in Socrates, is, that he is unhke, and
above comparison, with all other men, whether those
who have lived in ancient times, or those who exist
now. Tor it may be conjectured, that Brasidas and
many others are such as was Achilles. Pericles
deserves comparison with Nestor and Antenor ; and
other excellent persons of various times may, vrith
probability, be drawn into comparison with each other.
But to such a singular man as this, both himself and
his discourses being so uncommon, no one, should he
seek, would find a parallel among the present or the
past generations of mankind ; unless they should say
that he resembled those vrith whom I lately compared
him, for, assuredly, he and his discourses are like
nothing but the Sileni and the Satyrs. At first I
forgot to make you observe how like his discourses are
to those Satyrs when they are opened, for, if any one
will listen to the talk of Socrates, it will appear to
THE BANQUET OF PLATO. 133
him at first extremely ridiculous; the phrases and
expressions which he employs, fold around his exterior
the skin, as it were, of a rude and wanton Satyr. He
is always talking about great market-asses, and brass-
founders, and leather-cutters, and skin-dressers ; and
this is his perpetual custom, so that any dull and
unobservant person might easily laugh at his discourse.
But if any one should see it opened, as it were, and
get within the sense of his words, he would then find
that they alone of all that enters into the mind of
man to utter, had a profound and persuasive meaning,
and that they were most divine ; and that they pre-
sented to the mind innumerable images of every
excellence, and that they tended towards objects of the
highest moment, or rather towards all, that he who
seeks the possession of what is supremely beautiful and
good, need regard as essential to the accomplishment
of his ambition.
"These are the things, my friends, for which I
praise Socrates."
* ♦ * ♦
Alcibiades having said this, the whole party burst
into a laugh at his frankness, and Socrates said,
" You seem to be sober enough, Alcibiades, else you
would not have made such a circuit of words, only to
hide the main design for which you made this long
speech, and which, as it were carelessly, you just
throw in at the last ; now, as if you had not said all
this for the mere purpose of dividing me and Agathon ?
You think that I ought to be your friend, and to care
for no one else. I have found you out ; it is evident
134 THE BANQUET OF PLATO.
enough for what design you invented all this Satyrical
and Silenic drama. But, my dear Agathon, do not let
his device succeed. I entreat you to permit no one
to throw discord between us." — " No doubt," said
Agathon, "he sate down between us only that he
might divide us ; but this shall not assist his scheme,
for I wdll come and sit near you." — "Do so," said
Socrates, " come, there is room for you by me." —
" Oh, Jupiter !" exclaimed Alcibiades, " what I endure
from that man! He thinks to subdue every way;
but, at least, I pray you, let Agathon remain between
us." — "Impossible," said Socrates, "you have just
praised me ; I ought to praise him sitting at my right
hand. If Agathon is placed beside you, will he not
praise me before I praise him ? Now, my dear friend,
allow the young man to receive what praise I can give
him. I have a great desire to pronounce his encomium."
— " Quick, quick, Alcibiades," said Agathon, " I cannot
stay here, I must change my place, or Socrates wiU
not praise me." — Agathon then arose to take his
place near Socrates.
He had no sooner reclined than there came in a
number of revellers — for some one who had gone out
had left the door open — and took their places on
the vacant couches, and everything became full of
confusion ; and no order being observed, every one
was obliged to drink a great quantity of wine.
Eryximachus, and Phsedrus, and some others, said
Aristodemus, went home to bed ; that, for his part, he
went to sleep on his couch, and slept long and soundly
— the nights were then long — until the cock crew in
ON LOVE. 135
the morning. When lie awoke he found that some
were still fast asleep, and others had gone home,
and that Aristophanes, Agathon, and Socrates had
alone stood it out, and were still drinking out of a
great goblet which they passed round and round.
Socrates was disputing between them. The beginning
of their discussion Aristodemus said that he did not
recollect, because he was asleep ; but it was terminated
by Socrates forcing them to confess, that the same
person is able to compose both tragedy and comedy,
and that the foundations of the tragic and comic arts
were essentially the same. They, rather convicted
than convinced, went to sleep. Aristophanes first
awoke, and then, it being broad daylight, Agathon.
Socrates, having put them to sleep, went away,
Aristodemus following him, and coming to the Lyceum
he washed himself, as he would have done anywhere
else, and after having spent the day there in his
accustomed manner, went home in the evening.
ON LOYE.
"What is love ? Ask him who lives, what is life ?
ask him who adores, what is Grod ?
I know not the internal constitution of other men,
nor even thine, whom I now address. I see that
in some external attributes they resemble me, but
when, misled by that appearance, I have thought to
appeal to something in common, and unburthen my
136 ON LOVE.
inmost soul to them, 1 have found my language mis-
understood, like one in a distant and savage land.
The more opportunities they have afforded me for
experience, the wider has appeared the interval between
us, and to a greater distance have the points of
sympathy been withdrawn. With a spirit ill fitted to
sustain such proof, trembling and feeble through its
tenderness, I have everywhere sought sympathy, and
have found only repulse and disappointment.
Thou demandest what is love ? It is that powerful
attraction towards all that we conceive, or fear, or
hope beyond ourselves, when we find within our own
thoughts the chasm of an insufficient void, and seek
to awaken in all things that are, a community with
what we experience within ourselves. If we reason, we
would be understood ; if we imagine, we would that
the airy children of our brain were born anew within
another's ; if we feel, we would that another's nerves
should vibrate to our own, that the beams of their
eyes should kindle at once and mix and melt into
our own, that lips of motionless ice should not reply
to lips quivering and burning with the heart's best
blood. This is Love. This is the bond and the
sanction which connects not only man with man, but
with every thing which exists. We are bom into the
world, and there is something within us which, from
the instant that we live, more and more thirsts after
its likeness. It is probably in correspondence with
this law that the infant drains milk from the bosom
of its mother ; this propensity develops itself with the
development of our nature. We dimly see within
ON LOVE. 137
our intellectual nature a miniature as it were of our
entire self, yet deprived of aU that we condemn or
despise, the ideal protot3rpe of every thing excellent or
lovely that we are capable of conceiving as belonging
to the nature of man. Not only the portrait of our
external being, but an assemblage of the minutest
particles of which our nature is composed ;* a mirror
whose surface reflects only the forms of purity and
brightness; a soul within our soul that describes a
circle around its proper paradise, which pain, and
sorrow, and evil dare not overleap. To this we
eagerly refer all sensations, thirsting that they should
resemble or correspond with it. The discovery of its
antitype ; the meeting with an understanding capable
of clearly estimating our own ; an imagination which
should enter into and seize upon the subtle and delicate
peculiarities which we have delighted to cherish and
unfold in secret ; with a frame whose nerves, like the
chords of two exquisite lyres, strung to the accom-
paniment of one delightful voice, vibrate with the
vibrations of our own ; and of a combination of all
these in such proportion as the type within demands ;
this is the invisible and unattainable point to which
Love tends ; and to attain which, it urges forth the
powers of man to arrest the faintest shadow of that,
without the possession of which there is no rest nor
respite to the heart over which it rules. Hence in
solitude, or in that deserted state when we are sur-
rounded by human beings, and yet they sympathise not
* These words are ineffectual and metaphorical. Most words are so —
No help !
138 THE COLISEUM.
with US, we love tlie flowers, the grass, and the waters,
and the sky. In the motion of the very leaves of
spring, in the blue air, there is then found a secret
correspondence with our heart. There is eloquence in
the tongueless wind, and a melody in the flowing
brooks and the rustling of the reeds beside them,
which by their inconceivable relation to something
within the soul, awaken the spirits to a dance of
breathless rapture, and bring tears of mysterious
tenderness to the eyes, like the enthusiasm of patriotic
success, or the voice of one beloved singing to you
alone. Sterne says that, if he were in a desert, he
would love some cypress. So soon as this want or
power is dead, man becomes the living sepulchre of
himself, and what yet survives is the mere husk of
what once he was.
THE COLISEUM.
A FRAGMENT.
At the hour of noon, on the feast of the Passover,
an old man accompanied by a girl, apparently his
daughter, entered the Coliseum at Eome. They
immediately passed through the Arena, and seeking a
solitary chasm among the arches of the southern part
of the ruin, selected a fallen column for their seat, and
clasping each other's hands, sate as in silent contem-
plation of the scene. But the eyes of the girl were
fixed upon her father's lips, and his countenance.
THE COLISEUM. 139
sublime and sweet, but motionless as some Praxitelean
image of the greatest of poets, filled the silent air with
smiles, not reflected from external forms.
It was the great feast of the Eesurrection, and the
whole native population of Eome, together with all
the foreigners who flock from all parts of the earth
to contemplate its celebration, were assembled round
the Vatican. The most awful religion of the world
went forth surrounded by emblazonry of mortal
greatness, and mankind had assembled to wonder at
and worship the creations of their ow^n power. iNo
straggler was to be met with in the streets and
grassy lanes which led to the Coliseum. The father
and daughter had sought this spot immediately on
their arrival.
A figure, only visible at Eome in night or solitude,
and then only to be seen amid the desolated temples
of the Eorum, or gliding among the weed-grown
galleries of the Coliseum, crossed their path. His form,
which, though emaciated, displayed the elementary
outlines of exquisite grace, was enveloped in an ancient
chlamys, which half concealed his face ; his snow-white
feet were fitted with ivory sandals, delicately sculptured
in the likeness of two female figures, whose wings met
upon the heel, and whose eager and half-divided lips
seemed quivering to meet. It was a face, once seen,
never to be forgotten. The mouth and the moulding
of the chin resembled the eager and impassioned
tenderness of the statues of Antinous ; but instead
of the efieminate sullenness of the eye, and the narrow
smoothness of the forehead, shone an expression of
140 THE COLISEUM.
profound and piercing thought ; the brow was clear
and open, and his eyes deep, like two wells of crystalline
water which reflect the all-beholding heavens. Over
all was spread a timid expression of womanish tender-
ness and hesitation, which contrasted, yet intermingled
strangely, with the abstracted and fearless character
that predominated in his form and gestures.
He avoided, in an extraordinary degree, all com-
munication with the Italians, whose language he
seemed scarcely to understand, but was occasionally
seen to converse with some accomplished foreigner,
whose gestures and appearance might attract him
amid his solemn haunts. He spoke Latin, and espe-
cially Greek, with fluency, and with a peculiar but
sweet accent ; he had apparently acquired a knowledge
of the northern languages of Europe. There was no
circumstance connected with him that gave the least
intimation of his country, his origin, or his occupation.
His dress was strange, but splendid and solemn. He
was forever alone. The literati of Eome thought him
a curiosity, but there was something in his manner
unintelligible but impressive, which awed their ob-
trusions into distance and silence. The countrymen,
whose path he rarely crossed, returning by starlight
from their market at Campo Yaccino, called him, with
that strange mixture of religious and historical ideas so
common in Italy, II Diavolo di Bruto.
Such was the figure which interrupted the contem-
plations, if they were so engaged, of the strangers, by
addressing them in the clear, and exact, but unidiomatic
phrases of their native language : — " Strangers, you
THE COLISEUM. 141
are two ; behold the third in this great citj, to whom
alone the spectacle of these mighty ruins is more
delightful than the mockeries of a superstition which
destroyed them."
"I see nothing," said the old man.
" "What do you here, then ? "
" I listen to the sweet singing of the birds, and the
sound of my daughter's breathing composes me like
the soft murmur of water — and I feel the sun- warm
wind — and this is pleasant to me."
" Wretched old man, know you not that these are
the ruins of the Coliseum ? " —
" Alas ! stranger," said the girl, in a voice like
mournful music, " speak not so — he is blind." —
The stranger's eyes were suddenly filled with tears,
and the lines of his countenance became relaxed.
"Blind! " he exclaimed, in a tone of suifering, which
was more than an apology ; and seated himself apart
on a flight of shattered and mossy stairs which wound
up among the labyrinths of the ruin.
" My sweet Helen," said the old man, "you did not
tell me that this was the Coliseum ? "
" How should I tell you, dearest father, what I
knew not ? I was on the point of enquiring the way
to that building, when we entered this circle of ruins,
and, until the stranger accosted us, I remained silent,
subdued by the greatness of what I see."
" It is your custom, sweetest child, to describe to
me the objects that give you delight. You array them
in the soft radiance of your words, and whilst you
speak I only feel the infirmity which holds me in such
142 THE COLISEUM.
dear dependence, as a blessing. Why have you been
silent now ? "
" I know not — first the wonder and pleasure of the
sight, then the words of the stranger, and then thinking
on what he had said, and how he had looked —and now,
beloved father, your own words."
" Well, tell me now, what do you see ? "
*' I see a great circle of arches built upon arches,
and shattered stones lie around, that once made a part
of the solid wall. In the crevices, and on the vaulted
roofs, grow a multitude of shrubs, the wild olive and
the myrtle — and intricate brambles, and entangled
weeds and plants I never saw before. The stones are
immensely massive, and they jut out one from the
other. There are terrible rifts in the wall, and broad
windows through which you see the blue heaven.
There seems to be more than a thousand arches, some
ruined, some entire, and they are all immensely high
and wide. Some are shattered, and stand forth in great
heaps, and the underwood is tufted on tbeir crumbling
summits. Around us lie enormous columns, shattered
and shapeless — and fragments of capitals and cornice,
fretted with delicate sculptures." —
" It is open to the blue sky ? " said the old man.
" Yes. We see the liquid depth of heaven above
through the rifts and the windows ; and the flowers, and
the weeds, and the grass and creeping moss, are
nourisbed by its unforbidden rain. The blue sky is
above — the wide, bright, blue sky — it flows through
the great rents on high, and through the bare boughs
of the marble rooted fig-tree, and through the leaves
THE COLISEUM. 143
and flowers of the weeds, even to the dark arcades
beneath. I see — I feel its clear and piercing beams
fill the universe, and impregnate the joj-inspiring
wind with life and light, and casting the veil of its
splendour over aU things — even me. Yes, and through
the highest rift the noonday waning moon is hanging,
as it were, out of the solid sky, and this shows that
the atmosphere has all the clearness which it rejoices
me that you feel."
" What else see you ? "
"Nothing."
"Nothing?"
" Only the bright- green mossy ground, speckled by
tufts of dewy clover-grass that run into the interstices
of the shattered arches, and round the isolated
pinnacles of the ruin."
" Like the lawny dells of soft short grass which
wind among the pine forests and precipices in the Alps
of Savoy?"
" Indeed, father, your eye has a vision more serene
than mine."
"And the great wrecked arches, the shattered
masses of precipitous ruin, overgrown with the
younglings of the forest, and more like chasms rent by
an earthquake among the mountains, than like the
vestige of what was human workmanship — ^what
are they?"
"Things awe-inspiring and wonderful."
" Are they not caverns such as the untamed elephant
might choose, amid the Indian wilderness, wherein to
hide her cubs j such as, were the sea to overflow the
144 THE COLISEUM.
earth, the mightiest monsters of the deep would
change into their spacious chambers ?"
" Father, your words image forth what I would have
expressed, but, alas ! could not."
" I hear the rustling of leaves, and the sound of
waters, — but it does not rain, — like the fast drops of a
fountain among woods."
" It falls from among the heaps of ruin over our
heads — it is, I suppose, the water collected in the
rifts by the showers."
" A nursling of man's art, abandoned by his care,
and transformed by the enchantment of Nature into a
likeness of her own creations, and destined to partake
their immortality ! Changed into a mountain cloven
vdth woody dells, which overhang its labyrinthine
glades, and shattered into toppling precipices. Even
the clouds, intercepted by its craggy summit, feed its
eternal fountains with their rain. By the column on
which I sit, I should judge that it had once been
crowned by a temple or a theatre, and that on sacred
days the multitude wound up its craggy path to
spectacle or the sacrifice It was such itself! ^
Helen, what sound of wings is that ?"
* Nor does a recollection of the use to which it may have heen destined
interfere with these emotions. Time has thrown its purple shadow
athwart this scene, and no more is visible than the broad and everlasting
character of human strength and genius, that pledge of all that is to be
admirable and lovely in ages yet to come. Solemn temples, where the
senate of the world assembled, palaces, triumphal arches, and cloud-
surrounded columns, loaded with the sculptured annals of conquest and
domination — what actions and deliberations have they been destined to
enclose and commemorate ? Superstitious rites, which in ' their mildest
form, outrage reason, and obscure the moral sense of mankind ; schemes
for wide-extended murder, and devastation, and misrule, and servitude ;
and, lastly, these schemes brought to their tremendous consummations,
THE COLISEUM. 145
" It is the wild pigeons returning to their young.
Do you not hear the murmur of those that are brooding
in their nests ?"
" Ay, it is the language of their happiness. They
are as happy as we are, child, but in a different manner.
They know not the sensations which this ruin excites
within us. Yet it is pleasure to them to inhabit it ;
and the succession of its forms as they pass, is con-
nected with associations in their minds, sacred to them,
as these to us. The internal nature of each being is
surrounded by a circle, not to be surmounted by his
fellows ; and it is this repulsion which constitutes
the misfortune of the condition of life. But there
is a circle which comprehends, as well as one which
mutually excludes, all things which feel. And, with
respect to man, his public and his private happiness
consist in diminishing the circumference which includes
those resembling himself, until they become one with
him, and he with them. It is because we enter into
the meditations, designs and destinies of something
beyond ourselves, that the contemplation of the ruins
of human power excites an elevating sense of awfulness
and beauty. It is therefore that the ocean, the glacier,
the cataract, the tempest, the volcano, have each a
spirit which animates the extremities of our frame
and a human being returning in the midst of festival and solemn joy,
with thousands and thousands of his enslaved and desolated species
chained behind his chariot, exhibiting, as titles to renown, the labour of
ages, and the admired creations of genius, overthrown by the brutal
force, which was placed as a sword within his hand, and, — contemplation
fearful and abhorred ! — he himself a being capable of the gentlest and best
emotions, inspired with the persuasion that he has done a virtuous deed !
We do not forget these things. * «
VOL. I. L
146 THE COLISEUM.
with tingling joy. It is therefore that the singing of
birds, and the motion of leaves, the sensation of the
odorous earth beneath, and the freshness of the living
vrind around, is sweet. And this is Love. This is the
religion of eternitj, whose votaries have been exiled
from among the multitude of mankind. O Power!"
cried the old man, lifting his sightless eyes towards
the undazzling sun, " thou which interpenetratest all
things, and without which this glorious world were a
blind and formless chaos, Love, Author of Grood, Grod,
King, Father! Friend of these thy worshippers!
Two solitary hearts invoke thee, may they be divided
never ! If the contentions of mankind have been their
misery ; if to give and seek that happiness which thou
art, has been their choice and destiny; if, in the
contemplation of these majestic records of the power
of their kind, they see the shadow and the prophecy of
that which thou mayst have decreed that he should
become ; if the justice, the liberty, the loveliness, the
truth, which are thy footsteps, have been sought by
them, divide them not ! It is thine to unite, to
eternise ; to make outlive the limits of the grave those
who have left among the living, memorials of thee.
"When this frame shall be senseless dust, may the
hopes, and the desires, and the delights which animate
it now, never be extinguished in my child ; even as,
if she were borne into the tomb, my memory would
be the written monument of all her nameless
excellences ! "
The old man's countenance and gestures, radiant
with the inspiration of his words, sunk, as he ceased,
THE COLISEUM. 147
into more than its accustomed calmness, for lie heard
his daughter's sobs, and remembered that he had
spoken of death. — "Mj father, how can I outlive
you?" said Helen.
" Do not let us talk of death," said the old man,
suddenly changing his tone. " Heraclitus, indeed,
died at my age, and if I had so sour a disposition,
there might be some danger. But Democritus reached
a hundred and twenty, by the mere dint of a joyous
and unconquerable mind. He only died at last, because
he had no gentle and beloved ministering spirit, like
my Helen, for whom it would have been his delight to
live. You remember his gay old sister requested him
to put off starving himself to death until she had
returned from the festival of Ceres ; alleging, that it
would spoil her holiday if he refused to comply, as it
was not permitted to appear in the procession imme-
diately after the death of a relation ; and how
good-temperedly the sage acceded to her request."
The old man could not see his daughter's grateful
smile, but he felt the pressure of her hand by which it
was expressed. — ^^In truth," he continued, "that
mystery, death, is a change which neither for ourselves
nor for others is the just object of hope or fear. We
know not if it be good or evil ; we only know, it is.
The old, the young, may alike die ; no time, no place,
no age, no foresight, exempts us from death, and the
chance of death. "We have no knowledge, if death be
a state of sensation, of any precaution that can make
those sensations fortunate, if the existing series of
events shall not produce that effect. Think not of
l2
148 THE COLISEUM.
death, or think of it as something common to us all.
It has happened," said he, with a deep and suffering
voice, "that men have buried their children."
" Alas ! then, dearest father, how I pity you. Let
us speak no more."
They arose to depart from the Coliseum, but the
figure which had first accosted them interposed
itself: — "Lady," he said, "if grief be an expiation
of error, I have grieved deeply for the words which I
spoke to your companion. The men who anciently
inhabited this spot, and those from whom they learned
their wisdom, respected infirmity and age. If I have
rashly violated that venerable form, at once majestic
and defenceless, may I be forgiven?"
" It gives me pain to see how much your mistake
aflBLicts you," she said; "if you can forget, doubt not
that we forgive."
" Tou thought me one of those who are blind in
spirit," said the old man, "and who deserve, if any
human being can deserve, contempt and blame.
Assuredly, contemplating this monument as I do,
though in the mirror of my daughter's mind, I am
filled with astonishment and delight; the spirit of
departed generations seems to animate my limbs, and
circulate through all the fibres of my frame. Stranger,
if I have expressed what you have ever felt, let us
know each other more."
" The sound of your voice, and the harmony of
your thoughts, are delightful to me," said the youth,
" and it is a pleasure to see any form which expresses
so much beauty and goodness as your daughter's ; if
THE ASSASSINS. 149
you reward me for my rudeness, by allowing me to
know you, my error is already expiated, and you
remember my ill words no more. I live a solitary life,
and it is rare tbat I encounter any stranger with
whom it is pleasant to talk ; besides, their meditations,
even though they be learned, do not always agree with
mine ; and, though I can pardon this difference, they
cannot. JSTor have I ever explained the cause of the
dress I wear, and the difference which I perceive
between my language and manners, and those with
whom I have intercourse. Not but that it is painful
to me to live without communion with intelligent and
affectionate beings. Tou are such, I feel."
THE ASSASSINS.
A FRAGMENT OF A ROMANCE.
CHAPTER I.
Jerusalem, goaded on to resistance by the inces-
sant usurpations and insolence of Eome, leagued
together its discordant factions to rebel against the
common enemy and tyrant. Inferior to their foe in
aU but the unconquerable hope of liberty, they sur-
rounded their city with fortifications of uncommon
strength, and placed in array before the Temple a
band rendered desperate by patriotism and rehgion.
Even the women preferred to die, rather than survive
the ruin of their country. When the Eoman army
approached the walls of the sacred city, its preparations.
150 THE ASSASSINS.
its discipline, and its numbers, evinced the conviction
of its leader, that he had no common barbarians to
subdue. At the approach of the Roman army, the
strangers v^ithdrew from the city.
Among the multitudes which from every nation of
the East had assembled at Jerusalem, was a little
congregation of Christians. They were remarkable
neither for their numbers nor their importance. They
contained among them neither philosophers nor poets.
Acknowledging no laws but those of Grod, they
modelled their conduct towards their fellow-men by
the conclusions of their individual judgment on the
practical application of these laws. And it was appa-
rent from the simplicity and severity of their manners,
that this contempt for human institutions had pro-
duced among them a character superior in singleness
and sincere self-apprehension to the slavery of pagan
customs and the gross delusions of antiquated supersti-
tion. Many of their opinions considerably resembled
those of the sect afterwards known by the name of
Grnostics. They esteemed the human understanding
to be the paramount rule of human conduct ; they
maintained that the obscurest religious truth required
for its complete elucidation no more than the strenuous
application of the energies of mind. It appeared
impossible to them that any doctrine could be subver-
sive of social happiness which is not capable of being
confuted by arguments derived from the nature of
existing things. "With the devoutest submission to
the law of Christ, they united an intrepid spirit
of inquiry as to the correctest mode of acting in
THE ASSASSINS. 151
particular instances of conduct that occur among men.
Assuming the doctrines of the Messiah concerning
benevolence and justice for the regulation of their
actions, they could not be persuaded to acknowledge
that there was apparent in the divine code any
prescribed rule whereby, for its own sake, one action
rather than another, as fulfilling the will of their great
Master, should be preferred.
The contempt with which the magistracy and priest-
hood regarded this obscure community of speculators,
had hitherto protected them from persecution. But
they had arrived at that precise degree of eminence
and prosperity which is peculiarly obnoxious to the
hostility of the rich and powerful. The moment of
their departure from Jerusalem was the crisis of their
future destiny. Had they continued to seek a pre-
carious refuge in a city of the Eoman empire, this
persecution would not have delayed to impress a new
character on their opinions and their conduct ; narrow
views, andthe illiberality of sectarian patriotism, would
not have failed speedily to obliterate the magnificence
and beauty of their wild and wonderful condition.
Attached from principle to peace, despising and
hating the pleasures and the customs of the degenerate
mass of mankind, this unostentatious community of
good and happy men fled to the solitudes of Lebanon.
To Arabians and enthusiasts the solemnity and
grandeur of these desolate recesses possessed peculiar
attractions. It well accorded with the justice of their
conceptions on the relative duties of man towards his
fellow in society, that they should labour in uncon-
162 THE ASSASSINS.
strained equality to dispossess the wolf and the tiger
of their empire, and establish on its ruins the dominion
of intelligence and virtue. No longer would the
worshippers of the God of Nature be indebted to a
hundred hands for the accommodation of their simple
wants. No longer would the poison of a diseased
civilisation embrue their very nutriment with pesti-
lence. They would no longer owe their very existence
to the vices, the fears, and the follies of mankind.
Love, friendship, and philanthropy, would now be the
characteristic disposers of their industry. It is for
his mistress or his friend that the labourer consecrates
his toil; others are mindful, but he is forgetful, of
himself. " God feeds the hungry ravens, and clothes
the lilies of the fields, and yet Solomon in all his glory
is not like to one of these."
Eome was now the shadow of her former self. The
light of her grandeur and loveliness had passed away.
The latest and the noblest of her poets and historians
had foretold in agony her approaching slavery and
degradation. The ruins of the human mind, more
awful and portentous than the desolation of the most
solemn temples, threw a shade of gloom upon her
golden palaces which the brutal vulgar could not see,
but which the mighty felt with inward trepidation and
despair. The ruins of Jerusalem lay defenceless and
uninhabited upon the burning sands; none visited,
but in the depth of solemn awe, this accursed and
solitary spot. Tradition says that there was seen to
linger among the scorched and shattered fragments of
the Temple, one being, whom he that saw dared not to
THE ASSASSINS. 153
call man, with clasped hands, immoveable eyes, and a
visage horribly serene. 'Not on the will of the capri-
cious multitude, nor the constant fluctuations of the
many and the weak, depends the change of empires
and religions. These are the mere insensible elements
from which a subtler intelligence moulds its enduring
statuary. They that direct the changes of this mortal
scene breathe the decrees of their dominion from a
throne of darkness and of tempest. The power of
man is great.
After many days of wandering, the Assassins
pitched their tents in the valley of Bethzatanai. For
ages had this fertile valley lain concealed from the
adventurous search of man, among mountains of ever-
lasting snow. The men of elder days had inhabited
this spot. Piles of monumental marble and fragments
of columns that in their integrity almost seemed the
work of some intelligence more sportive and fantastic
than the gross conceptions of mortality, lay in heaps
beside the lake, and were visible beneath its trans-
parent waves. The flowering orange-tree, the balsam,
and innumerable odoriferous shrubs, grew wild in the
desolated portals. The fountain tanks had overflowed ;
and, amid the luxuriant vegetation of their margin,
the yellow snake held its unmolested dwelling.
Hither came the tiger and the bear to contend for
those once domestic animals who had forgotten the
secure servitude of their ancestors. No sound, when
the famished beast of prey had retreated in despair
from the awful desolation of this place, at whose
completion he had assisted, but the shrill cry of the
154 THE ASSASSINS.
stork, and the flapping of his heavy wings from the
capital of the solitary column, and the scream of the
hungry vulture baffled of its only victim. The lore of
ancient wisdom was sculptured in mystic characters
on the rocks. The human spirit and the human hand
had been busy here to accomplish its profoundest
miracles. It was a temple dedicated to the Grod of
knowledge and of truth. The palaces of the Caliphs
and the Caesars might easily surpass these ruins in mag-
nitude and sumptuousness : but they were the design of
tyrants and the work of slaves. Piercing genius and
consummate prudence had planned and executed
Bethzatanai. There was deep and important meaning
in every lineament of its fantastic sculpture. The
unintelligible legend, once so beautiful and perfect, so
full of poetry and history, spoke, even in destruction,
volumes of mysterious import, and obscure significance.
But in the season of its utmost prosperity and
magnificence, art might not aspire to vie with nature
in the valley of Bethzatanai. All that was wonderful
and lovely was coUecte'd in this deep seclusion. The
fluctuating elements seemed to have been rendered
everlastingly permanent in forms of wonder and delight.
The mountains of Lebanon had been divided to their
base to form this happy valley ; on every side their
icy summits darted their white pinnacles into the
clear blue sky, imaging, in their grotesque outline,
minarets, and ruined domes, and columns worn with
time. Tar below, the silver clouds rolled their bright
volumes in many beautiful shapes, and fed the eternal
springs that, spanning the dark chasms like a thousand
THE ASSASSINS. 155
radiant rainbows, leaped into the quiet vale, then,
lingering in many a dark glade among the groves of
cypress and of palm, lost themselves in the lake. The
immensity of these precipitous mountains, with their
starry pyramids of snow, excluded the sun, which
overtopped not, even in its meridian, their overhanging
rocks. But a more heavenly and serener light was
reflected from their icy mirrors, which, piercing
through the many-tinted clouds, produced lights and
colours of inexhaustible variety. The herbage was
perpetually verdant, and clothed the darkest recesses
of the caverns and the woods.
JN'ature, undisturbed, had become an enchantress in
these solitudes : she had collected here all that was
wonderful and divine from the armoury of her
omnipotence. The very winds breathed health and
renovation, and the joyousness of youthful courage.
EountaiQS of crystalline water played perpetually
among the aromatic flowers, and mingled a freshness
with their odour. The pine boughs became instruments
of exquisite contrivance, among which every varying
breeze waked music of new and more delightful
melody. Meteoric shapes, more eflfulgent than the
moonlight, hung on the wandering clouds, and mixed
in discordant dance around the spiral fountains.
Blue vapours assumed strange lineaments under the
rocks and among the ruins, lingering like ghosts with
slow and solemn step. Through a dark chasm to the
east, in the long perspective of a portal glittering with
the unnumbered riches of the subterranean world,
shone the broad moon, pouring in one yellow and
156 THE ASSASSINS.
unbroken stream her horizontal beams. Nearer the
icy region, autumn and spring held an alternate reign.
The sere leaves fell and choked the sluggish brooks ;
the chilling fogs hung diamonds on every spray ; and
in the dark cold evening the howling winds made
melancholy music in the trees. Par above, shone
the bright throne of winter, clear, cold, and dazzling.
Sometimes there was seen the snow-flakes to fall
before the sinking orb of the beamless sun, like a
shower of fiery sulphur. -The cataracts, arrested in
their course, seemed, with their transparent columns,
to support the dark-browed rocks. Sometimes the
icy whirlwind scooped the powdery snow aloft, to
mingle with the hissing meteors, and scatter spangles
through the rare and rayless atmosphere.
Such strange scenes of chaotic confusion and
harrowing sublimity, surrounding and shutting in the
vale, added to tlie delights of its secin^e and voluptuous
tranquillity. JSTo spectator could have refused to
believe that some spirit of great intelligence and
power had hallowed these wild and beautiful solitudes
to a deep and solemn mystery.
The immediate efiect of such a scene, suddenly pre-
sented to the contemplation of mortal eyes, is seldom
the subject of authentic record. The coldest slave
of custom cannot fail to recollect some few moments
in which the breath of spring or the crowding clouds
of sunset, with the pale moon shining through their
fleecy skirts, or the song of some lonely bird perched
on the only tree of an unfrequented heath, has
awakened the touch of nature. And they were
THE ASSASSINS. 157
Arabians who entered tlie valley of Bethzatanai ;
men who idolised nature and the God of nature ; to
whom love and lofty thoughts, and the apprehensions
of an uncorrupted spirit, were sustenance and life.
Thus securely excluded from an abhorred world, all
thought of its judgment was cancelled by the rapidity
of their fervid imaginations. They ceased to acknow-
ledge, or deigned not to advert to, the distinctions
with which the majority of base and vulgar minds
control the longings and struggles of the soiil towards
its place of rest. A new and sacred fire was kindled
in their hearts and sparkled in their eyes. Every
gesture, every feature, the minutest action, was
modelled to beneficence and beauty by the holy
inspiration that had descended on their searching
spirits. The epidemic transport communicated itself
through every heart with the rapidity of a blast from
heaven. They were already disembodied spirits ; they
were already the inhabitants of paradise. To live, to
breathe, to move, was itself a sensation of immeasurable
transport. Every new contemplation of the condition
of his nature brought to the happy enthusiast an
added measure of delight, and impelled to every
organ, where mind is united with external things,
a keener and more exquisite perception of all that
they contain of lovely and divine. To love, to be
beloved, suddenly became an insatiable famine of his
nature, which the wide circle of the universe, com-
prehending beings of such inexhaustible variety and
stupendous magnitude of excellence, appeared too
narrow and confined to satiate.
158 THE ASSASSINS.
Alas, that these visitings of the spirit of life should
fluctuate and pass away! That the moments when
the human mind is commensurate with all that it can
conceive of excellent and powerful, should not endure
with its existence and survive its most momentous
change ! But the beauty of a vernal sunset, with its
overhanging curtains of empurpled cloud, is rapidly
dissolved, to return at some unexpected period, and
spread an alleviating melancholy over the dark vigils
of despair.
It is true the enthusiasm of overwhelming transport
which had inspired every breast among the Assassins
is no more. The necessity of daily occupation and
the ordinariness of that human life, the burthen of
which it is the destiny of every human being to bear,
had smothered, not extinguished, that divine and
eternal fire. Not the less indelible and permanent
w^ere the impressions communicated to all; not the
more unalterably w^ere the features of their social
cljaracter modelled and determined by its influence.
CHAPTER II.
EoME had fallen. Her senate-house had become a
polluted den of thieves and liars ; her solemn temples,
the arena of theological disputants, w^ho made fire and
sword the missionaries of their inconceivable beliefs.
The city of the monster Constantino, symbolising, in
the consequences of its foundation, the wickedness
and weakness of his successors, feebly imaged with
declining power the substantial eminence of the Eoman
THE ASSASSINS. 159
name. Pilgrims of a new and mightier faitli crowded
to visit the lonely ruins of Jerusalem, and weep and
pray before the sepulchre of the Eternal God. The
earth was filled with discord, tumult, and ruin. The
spirit of disinterested virtue had armed one-half of
the civilised world against the other. Monstrous and
detestable creeds poisoned and blighted the domestic
charities. There was no appeal to natural love, or
ancient faith, from pride, superstition, and revenge.
Four centuries had passed thus, terribly characterised
by the most calamitous revolutions. The Assassins,
meanwhile, undisturbed by the surrounding tumult,
possessed and cultivated their fertile valley. The
gradual operation of their peculiar condition had
matured and perfected the singularity and excellence
of their character. That cause, which had ceased to
act as an immediate and overpowering excitement,
became the unperceived law of their lives, and sus-
tenance of their natures. Their religious tenets had
also undergone a change, corresponding with the
exalted condition of their moral being. The gratitude
which they owed to the benignant Spirit by which
their limited intelligences had not only been created
but redeemed, was less frequently adverted to, became
less the topic of comment or contemplation ; not,
therefore, did it cease to be their presiding guardian,
the guide of their inmost thoughts, the tribunal of
appeal for the minutest particulars of their conduct.
They learned to identify this mysterious benefactor
with the delight that is bred among the solitary rocks,
and has its dwelling alike in the changing colours of
160 THE ASSASSINS.
the clouds and the inmost recesses of the caverns.
Their future also no longer existed, but in the blissful
tranquillity of the present. Time was measured and
created by the vices and the miseries of men, between
whom and the happy nation of the Assassins, there
was no analogy nor comparison. Abeady had their
eternal peace commenced. The darkness had passed
away from the open gates of death.
The practical results produced by their faith and
condition upon their external conduct were singular
and memorable. Excluded from the great and various
community of mankind, these solitudes became to them
a sacred hermitage, in which all formed, as it were,
one being, divided against itself by no contending will
or factious passions. Every impulse conspired to one
end, and tended to a single object. Each devoted his
powers to the happiness of the other. Their republic
was the scene of the perpetual contentions of bene-
volence ; not the heartless and assumed kindness of
commercial man, but the genuine virtue that has a
legible superscription in every feature of the counte-
nance, and every motion of the frame. The perverse-
ness and calamities of those who dwelt beyond the
mountains that encircled their undisturbed possessions,
were unknown and unimagined. Little embarrassed
by the complexities of civilised society, they knew not
to conceive any happiness that can be satiated without
participation, or that thirsts not to reproduce and
perpetually generate itself. The path of virtue and
felicity was plain and unimpeded. They clearly
acknowledged, in every case, that conduct to be
THE ASSASSINS. 161
entitled to preference whicli would obviously produce
the greatest pleasure. Tliey could not conceive an
instance in which it would be their duty to hesitate, in
causing, at whatever expense, the greatest and most
unmixed delight.
Hence arose a peculiarity which only failed to
germinate in uncommon and momentous consequences,
because the Assassins had retired from the intercourse
of mankind, over whom other motives and principles
of conduct than justice and benevolence prevail. It
would be a difficult matter for men of such a sincere
and simple faith, to estimate the final results of their
intentions, among the corrupt and slavish multitude.
They would be perplexed also in their choice of the
means, whereby their intentions might be fulfilled. To
produce immediate pain or disorder for the sake of
future benefit, is consonant, indeed, with the purest
religion and philosophy, but never fails to excite
invincible repugnance in the feelings of the many.
Against their predilections and distastes an Assassin,
accidentally the inhabitant of a civilised community,
would wage unremitting hostility from principle. He
would find himself compelled to adopt means which
they would abhor, for the sake of an object which they
could not conceive that he should propose to himself.
Secure and self-enshrined in the magnificence and
pre-eminence of his conceptions, spotless as the light
of heaven, he would be the victim among men of
calumny and persecution. Incapable of distinguishing
his motives, they would rank him among the vilest
and most atrocious criminals. Great, beyond all
162 THE ASSASSINS.
comparison with them, thej would despise him in the
presumption of their ignorance. Because his spirit
burned with an unquenchable passion for their welfare,
they would lead him, like his illustrious master, amidst
scoffs, and mockery, and insult, to the remuneration of
an ignominious death.
"Who hesitates to destroy a venomous serpent that
has crept near his sleeping friend, except the man who
selfishly dreads lest the malignant reptile should turn
his fury on himself? And if the poisoner has assumed
a human shape, if the bane be distinguished only from
the viper's venom by the excess and extent of its
devastation, will the saviour and avenger here retract
and pause entrenched behind the superstition of the
indefeasible divinity of man ? Is the human form,
then, the mere badge of a prerogative for unlicensed
wickedness and mischief? Can the power derived
from the weakness of the oppressed, or the ignorance of
the deceived, confer the right in security to tyrannise
and defraud ?
The subject of regular governments, and the
disciple of established superstition, dares not to ask
this question. For the sake of the eventual benefit,
he endures what he esteems a transitory evil, and the
moral degradation of man disquiets not his patience.
But the religion of an Assassin imposes other virtues
than endurance, when his fellow-men groan under
tyranny, or have become so bestial and abject that
they cannot feel their chains. An Assassin believes
that man is eminently man, and only then enjoys the
prerogatives of his privileged condition, when his
THE ASSASSINS. 163
affections and his judgment pay tribute to the God
of Nature. The perverse, and vile, and vicious —
what were they? Shapes of some unholy vision,
moulded by the spirit of Evil, which the sword of
the merciful destroyer should sweep from this
beautiful world. Dreamy nothings; phantasms of
misery and mischief, that hold their death-like state
on glittering thrones, and in the loathsome dens of
poverty. 'No Assassin would submissively temporise
with vice, and in cold charity become a pander to
falsehood and desolation. His path through the
wilderness of civilised society would be marked with
the blood of the oppressor and the miner. The wretch
whom nations tremblingly adore, would expiate in
his throttling grasp a thousand licensed and venerable
crimes.
How many holy liars and parasites, in solemn guise,
would his saviour arm drag from their luxurious,
couches, and plunge in the cold charnel, that the
green and many-legged monsters of the slimy grave
might eat off at their leisure the lineaments of rooted
malignity and detested cunning. The respectable
man — the smooth, smiling, polished villain, whom all
the city honours ; whose very trade is lies and murder;
who buys his daily bread with the blood and tears of
men, would feed the ravens with his limbs. The
Assassin would cater nobly for the eyeless worms of
earth, and the carrion fowls of heaven.
Tet here, religion and human love had imbued the
manners of those solitary people with inexpressible
gentleness and benignity. Courage and active virtue,
m2
164 THE ASSASSINS.
and the indignation against vice, wHcli becomes a
hurrying and irresistible passion, slept like the
imprisoned earthquake, or the lightning shafts that
hang in the golden clouds of evening. They were
innocent, but they were capable of more than
innocence ; for the great principles of their faith were
perpetually acknowledged and adverted to; nor had
they forgotten, in this uninterrupted quiet, the author
of their felicity.
Four centuries had thus worn away without
producing an event. Men had died, and natural tears
had been shed upon their graves, in sorrow that
improves the heart. Those who had been united by
love had gone to death together, leaving to their
friends the bequest of a most sacred grief, and of a
sadness that is allied to pleasure. Babes that hung
upon their mothers' breasts had become men; men
had died; and many a wild luxuriant weed that
overtopped the habitations of the vale, had twined its
roots around their disregarded bones. Their tranquil
state was like a summer sea, whose gentle undulations
disturb not the reflected stars, and break not the
long still line of the rainbow hues of sunrise.
CHAPTER III.
Where all is thus calm, the slightest circumstance
is recorded and remembered. Before the sixth
century had expired one incident occurred, remarkable
and strange. A young man, named Albedir, wandering
in the woods, was startled by the screaming of a
THE ASSASSINS. 165
bird of prey, and, looking up, saw blood fall, drop
by drop, from among the intertwined boughs of a
cedar. Having climbed the tree, he beheld a terrible
and dismaying spectacle. A naked human body was
impaled on the broken branch. It was maimed and
mangled horribly ; every limb bent and bruised into
frightful distortion, and exhibiting a breathing image
of the most sickening mockery of life. A monstrous
snake had scented its prey from among the mountains?
and above hovered a hungry vulture. From amidst
this mass of desolated humanity, two eyes, black and
inexpressibly brilliant, shone with an unearthly lustre.
Beneath the blood-stained eyebrows their steady rays
manifested the serenity of an immortal power, the
collected energy of a deathless mind, spell-secured
from dissolution. A bitter smile of mingled abhorrence
and scorn distorted his wounded lip — he appeared
calmly to observe and measure all around — self-
possession had not deserted the shattered mass
of life.
The youth approached the bough on which the
breathing corpse was hung. As he approached, the
serpent reluctantly unwreathed his glittering coils,
and crept towards his dark and loathsome cave. The
vulture, impatient of his meal, fled to the miountain,
that re-echoed with his hoarse screams. The cedar
branches creaked with their agitating weight, faintly,
as the dismal wind arose. All else was deadly silent.
At length a voice issued from the mangled man. It
rattled in hoarse murmurs from his throat and lungs
— his words were the conclusion of some strano^e
166 THE ASSASSINS.
mysterious soliloquy. They were broken, and without
apparent connection, completing wide intervals of
inexpressible conceptions.
" The great tyrant is baffled, even in success. Joy !
joy ! to his tortured foe ! Triumph to the worm whom
he tramples under his feet ! Ha ! His suicidal hand
might dare as well abolish the mighty frame of things !
Delight and exultation sit before the closed gates of
death !^— I fear not to dwell beneath their black and
ghastly shadow. Here thy power may not avail!
Thou createst — 'tis mine to ruin and destroy. — I was
thy slave — I am thy equal and thy foe. — Thousands
tremble before thy throne, who, at my voice, shall dare
to pluck the golden crown from thine unholy head ! "
He ceased. The silence of noon swallowed up his
words. Albedir clung tighter to the tree — he dared
not for dismay remove his eyes. He remained mute
in the perturbation of deep and creeping horror.
" Albedir ! " said the same voice, " Albedir ! in the
name of Grod, approach. He that suffered me to fall,
watches thee; — the gentle and merciful spirits of
sweet human love, delight not in agony and horror. For
pity's sake approach, in the name of thy good G-od,
approach, Albedir ! " The tones were mild and clear,
as the responses of ^olian music. They floated to
Albedir' s ear like the warm breath of June that lingers
in the lawny groves, subduing all to softness. Tears
of tender affection started into his eyes. It was as the
voice of a beloved friend. The partner of his childhood,
the brother of his soul, seemed to call for aid, and
pathetically to remonstrate with delay. He resisted
THE ASSASSINS. 167
not the magic impulse, but advanced towards the spot,
and tenderly attempted to remove the wounded man.
He cautiously descended the tree with his wretched
burthen, and deposited it on the ground.
A period of strange silence intervened. Awe and
cold horror were slowly succeeding to the softer
sensations of tumultuous pity, when again he heard
the silver modulations of the same enchanting voice.
" Weep not for me, Albedir ! What wretch so utterly
lost, but might inhale peace and renovation from this
paradise ! I am wounded, and in pain ; but having
found a refuge in this seclusion, and a friend in you, I
am worthier of envy than compassion. Bear me to
your cottage secretly : I would not disturb your
gentle partner by my appearance. She must love me
more dearly than a brother. I must be the playmate
of your children ; already I regard them with a father's
love. My arrival must not be regarded as a thing of
mystery and wonder. What, indeed, but that men are
prone to error and exaggeration, is less inexplicable,
than that a stranger, wandering on Lebanon, fell from
the rocks into the vale ? Albedir," he continued, and
his deepening voice assumed awful solemnity, " in
return for the affection with which I cherish thee
and thine, thou owest this submission.*'
Albedir implicitly submitted ; not even a thought
had power to refuse its deference. He re-assumed his
burthen, and proceeded towards the cottage. He
watched until Khaled should be absent, and conveyed
the stranger into an apartment appropriated for the
reception of those who occasionally visited their
168 THE ASSASSINS.
habitation. He desired that the door should be
securely fastened, and that he might not be visited
until the morning of the follomng day.
Albedir waited mth impatience for the return of
Khaled. The unaccustomed weight of even so transi-
tory a secret, hung on his ingenuous and unpractised
nature, like a blighting, clinging curse. The stranger's
accents had lulled him to a trance of wild and
delightful imagination. Hopes, so visionary and
aerial, that they had assumed no denomination, had
spread themselves over his intellectual frame, and,
phantoms as they were, had modelled his being to their
shape. Still his mind was not exempt from the
visitings of disquietude and perturbation. It was a
troubled stream of thought, over whose fluctuating
waves unsearchable fate seemed to preside, guiding
its unforeseen alternations with an inexorable hand.
Albedir paced earnestly the garden of his cottage,
revolving every circumstance attendant on the incident
of the day. He re-imaged with intense thought the
minutest recollections of the scene. In vain — he
was the slave of suggestions not to be controlled.
Astonishment, horror, and awe — ^tumultuous sympathy,
and a mysterious elevation of soul, hurried away all
activity of judgment, and overwhelmed, with stunning
force, every attempt at deliberation or inquiry.
His reveries were interrupted at length by the
return of Khaled. She entered the cottage, that
scene of undisturbed repose, in the confidence that
change might as soon overwhelm the eternal world,
as disturb this inviolable sanctuary. She started to
THE ASSASSINS. 169
behold Albedir. "Without preface or remark, he
recounted with eager haste the occurrences of the
day. Khaled's tranquil spirit could hardly keep pace
with the breathless rapidity of his narration. She was
bewildered with staggering wonder even to hear his
confused tones, and behold his agitated countenance.
CHAPTER IV.
On the following morning Albedir arose at sunrise,
and visited the stranger. He found him already risen,
and employed in adorning the lattice of his chamber
with flowers from the garden. There was something
in his attitude and occupation singularly expressive
of his entire familiarity with the scene. Albedir' s
habitation seemed to have been his accustomed home.
He addressed his host in a tone of gay and afiectionate
welcome, such as never fails to communicate by
sympathy the feelings from which it flows.
" My friend," said he, " the balm of the dew of our
vale is sweet; or is this garden the favoured spot
where the winds conspire to scatter the best odours
they can find? Come, lend me your arm awhile, I
feel very weak." He motioned to walk forth, but,
as if unable to proceed, rested on the seat beside the
door. For a few moments they were silent, if the
interchange of cheerful and happy looks is to be called
silence. At last he observed a spade that rested
against the wall. " You have only one spade,
brother," said he; "you have only one, I suppose,
of any of the instruments of tillage. Your garden
170 THE ASSASSINS.
ground, too, occupies a certain space which it will be
necessary to enlarge. This must be quickly remedied.
I cannot earn mj supper of to-night, nor of to-
morrow ; but thenceforward, I do not mean to eat the
bread of idleness. I know that you would willingly
perform the additional labour which my nourishment
would require ; I know also, that you would feel a
degree of pleasure in the fatigue arising from this
emplojonent, but I shall contest with you such plea-
sures as these, and such pleasures as these alone."
His eyes were somewhat wan, and the tone of his
voice languid as he spoke.
As they were thus engaged, Khaled came towards
them. The stranger beckoned to her to sit beside him,
and taking her hands within his own, looked atten-
tively on her mild countenance. Khaled inquired if
he had been refreshed by sleep. He replied by a
laugh of careless and inoffensive glee ; and placing one
of her hands within Albedir's, said, " If this be sleep,
here in this odorous vale, where these sweet smiles
encompass us, and the voices of those who love are
heard — if these be the visions of sleep, sister, those
who lie down in misery shall arise lighter than the
butterflies. I came from amid the tumult of a
world, how different from this ! I am unexpectedly
among you, in the midst of a scene such as my
imagination never dared to promise. I must remain
here — I must not depart." Khaled, recovering from
the admiration and astonishment caused by the
stranger's words and manner, assured him of the
happiness which she should feel in such an addition to
THE ASSASSINS. 171
her society. Albedir, too, who had been more deeply
impressed than Khaled by the event of his arrival,
earnestly re-assured him of the ardour of the affection
with which he had inspired them. The stranger
smiled gently to hear the unaccustomed fervour of
sincerity which animated their address, and was rising
to retire, when Khaled said, " You have not yet seen
our children, Maimuna and Abdallah. They are by the
water-side, playing with their favourite snake. "We
have only to cross yonder little wood, and wind down
a path cut in the rock that overhangs the lake, and we
shall find them beside a recess which the shore makes
there, and which a chasm, as it were, among the rocks
and woods, encloses. Do you think you could walk
there?" — "To see your children, Khaled? I think
I could, with the assistance of Albedir' s arm, and
yours." — So they went through the wood of ancient
cypress, intermingled with the brightness of many-
tinted blooms, which gleamed like stars through its
romantic glens. They crossed the green meadow, and
entered among the broken chasms, beautiful as they
were in their investiture of odoriferous shrubs. They
came at last, after pursuing a path which wound
through the intricacies of a little wilderness, to the
borders of the lake. They stood on the rock which
overhung it, from which there was a prospect of all
the miracles of nature and of art which encircled and
adorned its shores. The stranger gazed upon it with
a countenance unchanged by any emotion, but, as
it were, thoughtfully and contemplatingly. As he
gazed, Khaled ardently pressed his hand, and said, in
172 THE ASSASSINS.
a low yet eager voice, "Look, look, lo there!" He
turned towards her, but her eyes were not on him.
She looked below — her lips were parted by the
feelings which possessed her soul — her breath came
and went regularly but inaudibly. She leaned over
the precipice, and her dark hair hanging beside her
face, gave relief to its fine lineaments, animated by
such love as exceeds utterance. The stranger followed
her eyes, and saw that her children were in the glen
below; then raising his eyes, exchanged with her
affectionate looks of congratulation and delight. The
boy was apparently eight years old, the girl about
two years younger. The beauty of their form and
countenance was something so divine and strange, as
overwhelmed the senses of the beholder like a delight-
ful dream, with insupportable ravishment. They were
arrayed in a loose robe of linen, through which the
exquisite proportions of their form appeared. Uncon-
scious that they were observed, they did not relinquish
the occupation in which they were engaged. They
had constructed a little boat of the bark of trees, and
had given it sails of interwoven feathers, and launched
it on the water. They sate beside a white flat stone,
on which a small snake lay coiled, and when their work
was finished, they arose and called to the snake in
melodious tones, so that it understood their language.
Tor it unwreathed its shining circles and crept to the
boat, into which no sooner had it entered, than the
girl loosened the band which held it to the shore, and
it sailed away. Then they ran round and round the
little creek, clapping their hands, and melodiously
ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. 173
pouring out wild sounds, which the snake seemed to
answer by the restless glancing of his neck. At last a
breath of wind came from the shore, and the boat
changed its course, and was about to leave the creek,
w^hich the snake perceived and leaped into the water,
and came to the little children's feet. The girl sang
to it, and it leaped into her bosom, and she crossed her
fair hands over it, as if to cherish it there. Then the
boy answered with a song, and it glided from beneath
her hands and crept towards him. While they were
thus employed, Maimuna looked up, and seeing her
parents on the cliif, ran to meet them up the steep
path that wound around it ; and Abdallah, leaving his
snake^ followed joyfully.
ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH.
A FEAGMENT.
The first law which it becomes a Eeformer to
propose and support, at the approach of a period of
great political change, is the aboHtion of the punishment
of death.
It is sufficiently clear that revenge, retaliation,
atonement, expiation, are rules and motives, so far
from deserving a place in any enlightened system of
political life, that they are the chief sources of a
prodigious class of miseries in the domestic circles of
society. It is clear that however the spirit of legisla-
tion may appear to frame institutions upon more
174 ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH.
philosophical maxims, it lias hitherto, in those cases
which are termed criminal, done little more than
palliate the spirit, by gratifying a portion of it ; and
afforded a compromise between that which is best ; —
the inflicting of no evil upon a sensitive being, without
a decisively beneficial result in which he should at least
participate ; — and that which is worst ; that he should
be put to torture for the amusement of those whom
he may have injured, or may seem to have injured.
Omitting these remoter considerations, let us inquire
what Death is ; that punishment which is applied as a
measure of transgressions of indefinite shades of
distinction, so soon as they shall have passed that
degree and colour of enormity, with which it is
supposed no inferior infliction is commensurate.
And first, whether death is good or evil, a punishment
or a reward, or whether it be wholly indifferent, no
man can take upon himself to assert. That that
within us which thinks and feels, continues to think
and feel after the dissolution of the body, has been the
almost universal opinion of mankind, and the accurate
philosophy of what I may be permitted to term the
modern Academy, by showing the prodigious depth
and extent of our ignorance respecting the causes and
nature of sensation, renders probable the affirmative
of a proposition, the negative of which it is so difficult
to conceive, and the popular arguments against which,
derived from what is called the atomic system, are
proved to be applicable only to the relation which
one object bears to another, as apprehended by the
mind, and not to existence itself, or the nature of
ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. 175
that essence which is the medium and receptacle of
objects.
The popular system of religion suggests the idea that
the mind, after death, will be painfully or pleasurably
affected according to its determinations during life.
However ridiculous and pernicious we must admit the
vulgar accessories of this creed to be, there is a certain
analogy, not wholly absurd, between the consequences
resulting to an individual during life from the virtuous
or vicious, prudent or imprudent, conduct of his
external actions, to those consequences which are
conjectured to ensue from the discipline and order
of his internal thoughts, as affecting his condition in a
future state. They omit, indeed, to calculate upon the
accidents of disease, and temperament, and organi-
sation, and circumstance, together with the multitude
of independent agencies which affect the opinions,
the conduct, and the happiness of individuals, and
produce determinations of the will, and modify the
judgment, so as to produce effects the most opposite
in natures considerably similar. These are those
operations in the order of the whole of nature, tending,
we are prone to believe, to some definite mighty end,
to which the agencies of our peculiar nature are
subordinate ; nor is there any reason to suppose, that
in a future state they should become suddenly exempt
from that subordination. The philosopher is unable
to determine whether our existence in a previous state
has affected our present condition, and abstains from
deciding whether our present condition will affect us
in that which may be future. That, if we continue to
176 ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH.
exist, the manner of our existence will be such as no
inferences nor conjectures, afforded by a consideration
of our earthly experience, can elucidate, is sufficiently
obvious. The opinion that the vital principle within
us, in whatever mode it may continue to exist, must
lose that consciousness of definite and individual being
which now characterises it, and become a unit in
the vast sum of action and of thought which disposes
and animates the universe, and is called God, seems
to belong to that class of opinion which has been
designated as indifferent.
To compel a person to know all that can be known
by the dead, concerning that which the living fear,
hope, or forget ; to plunge him into the pleasure or
pain which there awaits him; to punish or reward
him in a manner and in a degree incalculable and
incomprehensible by us ; to disrobe him at once from
all that intertexture of good and evil with which
Nature seems to have clothed every form of individual
existence, is to inflict on him the doom of death.
A certain degree of pain and terror usually accom-
pany the infliction of death. This degree is infinitely
varied by the infinite variety in the temperament
and opinions of the sufferers. As a measure of
punishment, strictly so considered, and as an exhi-
bition, which, by its known effects on the sensibility
of the sufferer, is intended to intimidate the spectators
from incurring a similar liability, it is singularly
inadequate.
Firstly, — Persons of energetic character, in whom,
as in men who suffer for political crimes, there is
ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. 177
a large mixture of enterprise, and fortitude, and
disinterestedness, and the elements, though misguided
and disarranged, by which the strength and happiness
of a nation might have been cemented, die in such
a manner, as to make death appear not evil, but good.
The death of what is called a traitor, that is, a person
who, from whatever motive, would abolish the govern-
ment of the day, is as often a triumphant exhibition
of suffering virtue, as the warning of a culprit. The
multitude, instead of departing with a panic-stricken
approbation of the laws which exhibited such a spectacle,
are inspired with pity, admiration and sympathy ; and
the most generous among them feel an emulation
to be the authors of such flattering emotions, as they
experience stirring in their bosoms. Impressed by
what they see and feel, they make no distinction
between the motives which incited the criminals to
the actions for which they suifer, or the heroic courage
with which they turned into good that which their
judges awarded to them as evil, or the purpose itself
of those actions, though that purpose may happen to
be eminently pernicious. The laws in this case lose
that sympathy, which it ought to be their chief object
to secure, and in a participation of which consists
their chief strength in maintaining those sanctions
by which the parts of the social union are bound
together, so as to produce, as nearly as possible, the
ends for which it is instituted.
Secondly, — Persons of energetic character, in com-
munities not modelled mth philosophical skiU to turn
all the energies which they contain to the purposes of
178 ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH.
common good, are prone also to fall into the temptation
of undertaking, and are peculiarly fitted for despising
the perils attendant upon consummating, the most
enormous crimes. Murder, rapes, extensive schemes
of plunder, are the actions of persons belonging to this
class; and death is the penalty of conviction. But
the coarseness of organisation, peculiar to men capable
of committing acts wholly selfish, is usually found
to be associated v^ith a proportionate insensibility to
fear or pain. Their sufferings communicate to those of
the spectators, who may be liable to the commission
of similar crimes, a sense of the lightness of that
event, when closely examined, which, at a distance,
as uneducated persons are accustomed to do, probably
they regarded with horror. But a great majority of
the spectators are so bound up in the interests and the
habits of social union that no temptation would be
sufficiently strong to induce them to a commission of
the enormities to which this penalty is assigned. The
more powerful, and the richer among them, — and a
numerous class of little tradesmen are richer and more
powerful than those who are employed by them, and
the employer, in general, bears this relation to the
employed, — regard their own wrongs as, in some
degree, avenged, and their own rights secured by this
punishment, inflicted as the penalty of whatever
crime. In cases of murder or mutilation, this feeling
is almost universal. In those, therefore, whom this
exhibition does not awaken to the sympathy which
extenuates crime and discredits the law which restrains
it, it produces feelings more directly at war with tl;e
ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. 179
genuine purposes of political society. It excites those
emotions which it is the chief object of civilisation to
extinguish for ever, and in the extinction of which
alone there can be any hope of better institutions
than those under which men now misgovern one
another. Men feel that their revenge is gratified, and
that their security is established by the extinction and
the sufferings of beings, in most respects resembling
themselves ; and their daily occupations constraining
them to a precise form in all their thoughts, they
come to connect inseparably the idea of their own
advantage with that of the death and torture of others.
It is manifest that the object of sane polity is directly
the reverse ; and that laws founded upon reason, should
accustom the gross vulgar to associate their ideas of
security and of interest with the reformation, and the
strict restraint, for that purpose alone, of those who
might invade it.
The passion of revenge is originally nothing more
than an habitual perception of the ideas of the
sufferings of the person who inflicts an injury, as
connected, as they are in a savage state, or in such
portions of society as are yet undisciplined to civilisation,
with security that that injury will not be repeated
in future. This feeling, engrafted upon superstition
and confirmed by habit, at last loses sight of the only
object for which it may be supposed to have been
implanted, and becomes a passion and a duty to be
pursued and fulfilled, even to the destruction of those
ends to which it originally tended. The other passions,
both good and evil, Avarice, Eemorse, Love, Patriotism,
N 2
180 ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH.
present a similar appearance ; and to this principle
of the mind over- shooting the mark at which it aims,
we owe all that is eminently base or excellent in
human nature ; in providing for the nutriment or
the extinction of which, consists the true art of the
legislator*
Nothing is more clear than that the infliction of
punishment in general, in a degree which the refor-
mation and the restraint of those who transgress the
laws does not render indispensable, and none more
than death, confirms all the inhuman and unsocial
impulses of men. It is almost a proverbial remark,
that those nations in which the penal code has been
particularly mild, have been distinguished from all
others by the rarity of crime. But the example is
to be admitted to be equivocal. A more decisive
argument is afibrded by a consideration of the universal
connection of ferocity of manners, and a contempt of
social ties, with the contempt of human life. Grovern-
ments which derive their institutions from the existence
* The savage and the illiterate are but faintly aware of the distinction
between the future and the past ; they make actions belonging- to periods
so distinct, the subjects of similar feelings ; they live only in the present,
or in the past, as it is present. It is in this that the philosopher excels
one of the many ; it is this which distinguishes the doctrine of philosophic
necessity from fatalism ; and that determination of the will, by which it
is the active source of future events, from that liberty or indifference, to
which the abstract liability of irremediable actions is attached, according
to the notions of the vulgar.
This is the source of the erroneous excesses of Remorse and Revenge ;
the one extending itself over the future, and the other over the past ;
provinces in which their suggestions can only be the sources of evil. The
purpose of a resolution to act more wisely and virtuously in future, and
the sense of a necessity' of caution in repressing an enemy, are the sources
from which the enormous superstitions implied in the words cited have
arisen.
ON LIFE. 181
of circumstances of barbarism and violence, with some
rare exceptions perhaps, are bloody in proportion as
they are despotic, and form the manners of their
subjects to a sympathy with their own spirit.
The spectators who feel no abhorrence at a public
execution, but rather a self-applauding superiority,
and a sense of gratified indignation, are surely excited
to the most inauspicious emotions. The first reflection
of such a one is the sense of his own internal and
actual worth, as preferable to that of the victim, whom
circumstances have led to destruction. The meanest
wretch is impressed with a sense of his own comparative
merit. He is one of those on whom the tower of
Siloam fell not — he is such a one as Jesus Christ found
not in all Samaria, who, in his own soul, throws the
first stone at the woman taken in adultery. The
popular religion of the country takes its designation
from that illustrious person whose beautiful sentiment
I have quoted. Any one who has stript from the
doctrines of this person the veil of familiarity, will
perceive how adverse their spirit is to feelings of this
nature.
ON LIFE.
Life and the world, or whatever we call that which
we are and feel, is an astonishing thing. The mist of
familiarity obscures from us the wonder of our being.
We are struck with admiration at some of its transient
182 ON LIFE.
modifications, but it is itself the great miracle. "What
are changes of empires, the wreck of dynasties, with
the opinions which supported them ; what is the birth
and the extinction of religious and of political systems
to life ? What are the revolutions of the globe which
we inhabit, and the operations of the elements of
which it is composed, compared with life ? "What is
the universe of stars, and suns, of which this inhabited
earth is one, and their motions, and their destiny,
compared with life ? Life, the great miracle, we
admire not, because it is so miraculous. It is well
that we are thus shielded by the familiarity of what is
at once so certain and so unfathomable, from an
astonishment which would otherwise absorb and
overawe the functions of that which is its object.
If any artist, I do not say had executed, but had
merely conceived in his mind the system of the sun,
and the stars, and planets, they not existing, and had
painted to us in words, or upon canvas, the spectacle
now afforded by the nightly cope of heaven, and
illustrated it by the wisdom of astronomy, great would
be our admiration. Or had he imagined the scenery
of this earth, the mountains, the seas, and the rivers ;
the grass, and the flowers, and the variety of the forms
and masses of the leaves of the woods, and the colours
which attend the setting and the rising sun, and the
hues of the atmosphere, turbid or serene, these things
not before existing, truly we should have been
astonished, and it would not have been a vain boast to
have said of such a man, "Non merita nome di
creatore, sennon Iddio ed il Poeta." But now these
ON LIFE. 183
things are looked on with little wonder, and to be
conscious of them with intense delight is esteemed to
be the distinguishing mark of a refined and extra-
ordinary person. The multitude of men care not for
them. It is thus with Life — that which includes all.
What is life ? Thoughts and feelings arise, with or
mthout our will, and we employ words to express
them. We are born, and our birth is unremembered,
and our infancy remembered but in fragments ; we
live on, and in living we lose the apprehension of life.
How vain is it to think that words can penetrate the
mystery of our being 1 Rightly used they may make
evident our ignorance to ourselves, and this is much.
For what are we ? Whence do we come ? and whither
do we go ? Is birth the commencement, is death the
conclusion of our being ? What is birth and death ?
The most refined abstractions of logic conduct to a
view of life, which, though startling to the appre-
hension, is, in fact, that which the habitual sense of its
repeated combinations has extinguished in us. It
strips, as it were, the painted curtain from this scene
of things. I confess that I am one of those who am
unable to refuse my assent to the conclusions of those
philosophers who assert that nothing exists but as it is
perceived.
It is a decision against which all our persuasions
struggle, and we must be long convicted before we
can be convinced that the solid universe of external
things is " such stufi" as dreams are made of." The
shocking absurdities of the popular philosophy of
mind and matter, its fatal consequences in morals,
184 ON LIFE.
and their violent dogmatism concerning the source of
all things, had early conducted me to materialism.
This materialism is a seducing system to young and
superficial minds. It allows its disciples to talk,
and dispenses them from thinking. But I was
discontented with such a view of things as it
afforded ; man is a being of high aspirations, " looking
both before and after," whose " thoughts wander
through eternity," disclaiming alliance with transience
and decay; incapable of imagining to himself anni-
hilation ; existing but in the future and the past ;
being, not what he is, but what he has been and shall
be. "Whatever may be his true and final destination,
there is a spirit within him at enmity with nothingness
and dissolution. This is the character of all life and
being. Each is at once the centre and the circum-
ference ; the point to which all things are referred, and
the line in which all things are contained. Such
contemplations as these, materialism and the popular
philosophy of mind and matter alike forbid ; they are
only consistent with the intellectual system.
It is absurd to enter into a long recapitulation of
arguments sufficiently familiar to those inquiring
minds, whom alone a writer on abstruse subjects can
be conceived to address. Perhaps the most clear and
vigorous statement of the intellectual system is to be
found in Sir William Drummond's Academical Ques-
tions. After such an exposition, it would be idle
to translate into other words what could only lose its
energy and fitness by the change. Examined point by
point, and word by word, the most discriminating
ON LIFE. 185
intellects have been able to discern no train of
thoughts in the process of reasoning, which does not
conduct inevitably to the conclusion which has been
stated.
What follows from the admission ? It establishes
no new truth, it gives us no additional insight into our
hidden nature, neither its action nor itself. Philo-
sophy, impatient as it may be to build, has much work
yet remaining, as pioneer for the overgrowth of ages.
It makes one step towards this object ; it destroys
error, and the roots of error. It leaves, what it is too
often the duty of the reformer in political and ethical
questions to leave, a vacancy. It reduces the mind to
that freedom in which it would have acted, but for the
misuse of words and signs, the mstruments of its own
creation. By signs, I would be understood in a wide
sense, including what is properly meant by that term,
and what I peculiarly mean. In this latter sense,
almost all familiar objects are signs, standing, not for
themselves, but for others, in their capacity of
suggesting one thought which shall lead to a train
of thoughts. Our whole life is thus an education of
error.
Let us recollect our sensations as children. What
a distinct and intense apprehension had -we of the
world and of ourselves ! Many of the circumstances
of social life were then important to us which are now
no longer so. But that is not the point of comparison
on which I mean to insist. We less habitually
distinguished aU that we saw and felt, from ourselves.
They seemed as it were to constitute one mass. There
186 ON LIFE.
are some persons wlio, in this respect, are always
children. Those who are subject to the state called
reverie, feel as if their nature were dissolved into the
surrounding universe, or as if the surrounding universe
were absorbed into their being. They are conscious of
no distinction. And these are states which precede,
or accompany, or follow an unusually intense and
vivid apprehension of life. As men grow up this
power commonly decays, and they become mechanical
and habitual agents. Thus feelings and then reasonings
are the combined result of a multitude of entangled
thoughts, and of a series of what are called impressions,
planted by reiteration.
The view of life presented by the most refined
deductions of the intellectual philosophy, is that of
unity. Nothing exists but as it is perceived. The
difterence is merely nominal between those two classes
of thought, which are vulgarly distinguished by the
names of ideas and of external objects. Pursuing
the same thread of reasoning, the existence of distinct
individual minds, similar to that which is employed in
now questioning its own nature, is likewise found to
be a delusion. The words J, you^ they, are not signs
of any actual difierence subsisting between the
assemblage of thoughts thus indicated, but are merely
marks employed to denote the different modifications
of the one mind.
Let it not be supposed that this doctrine conducts
to the monstrous presumption that I, the person who
now write and think, am that one mind. I am but
a portion of it. The words J, and you^ and they, are
ON LIFE. 187
grammatical devices invented simply for arrangement,
and totally devoid of the intense and exclusive sense
usually attached to them. It is difficult to find terms
adequate to express so subtle a conception as that
to which the Intellectual Philosophy has conducted us.
We are on that verge where words abandon us, and
what wonder if we grow dizzy to look down the dark
abyss of how little we know.
The relations of tilings remain unchanged, by
w^hatever system. By the word tilings is to be
understood any object of thought, that is any thought
upon which any other thought is employed, with an
apprehension of distinction. The relations of these
remain unchanged ; and such is the material of our
knowledge.
What is the cause of life ? that is, how was it
produced, or what agencies distinct from life have
acted or act upon life ? All recorded generations of
mankind have weariedly busied themselves in inventing
answers to this question ; and the result has been, —
Religion. Yet, that the basis of all things cannot be,
as the popular philosophy alleges, mind, is sufficiently
evident. Mind, as far as we have any experience of
its properties, and beyond that experience how vain
is argument ! cannot create, it can only perceive. It
is said also to be the cause. But cause is only a word
expressing a certain state of the human mind with
regard to the manner in which two thoughts are
apprehended to be related to each other. If any one
desires to know how unsatisfactorily the popular
philosophy employs itself upon this great question,
188 ON A FUTURE STATE.
they need only impartially reflect upon the manner
in which thoughts develope themselves in their minds.
It is infinitely improbable that the cause of mind, that
is, of existence, is similar to mind.
ON A FUTTJEE STATE.
It has been the persuasion of an immense majority
of human beings in all ages and nations that we con-
tinue to live after death, — that apparent termination
of all the functions of sensitive and intellectual
existence. Nor has mankind been contented with
supposing that species of existence which some philo-
sophers have asserted ; namely, the resolution of the
component parts of the mechanism of a living being
into its elements, and the impossibility of the minutest
particle of these sustaining the smallest diminution.
They have clung to the idea that sensibility and
thought, which they have distinguished from the
objects of it, under the several names of spirit and
matter, is, in its own nature, less susceptible of
division and decay, and that, when the body is resolved
into its elements, the principle which animated it wiU
remain perpetual and unchanged. Some philosophers
— and those to whom we are indebted for the most
stupendous discoveries in physical science, suppose,
on the other hand, that intelligence is the mere result
of certain combinations among the particles of its
objects ; and those among them who believe that we
ON A FUTURE STATE. 189
live after death, recur to the interposition of a super-
natural power, which shall overcome the tendency
inherent in all material combinations, to dissipate and
be absorbed into other forms.
Let us trace the reasonings which in one and the
other have conducted to these two opinions, and
endeavour to discover what we ought to think on a
question of such momentous interest. Let us analyse
the ideas and feelings which constitute the contending
beliefs, and watchfully establish a discrimination
between words and thoughts. Let us bring the
question to the test of experience and fact ; and ask
ourselves, considering our nature in its entire extent,
what light we derive from a sustained and comprehen-
sive view of its component parts, which may enable us
to assert, with certainty, that we do or do not live
after death.
The examination of this subject requires that it
should be stript of all those accessory topics which
adhere to it in the common opinion of men. The
existence of a God, and a future state of rewards and
punishments, are totally foreign to the subject. If it
be proved that the world is ruled by a Divine Power,
no inference necessarily can be dra^vn from that
circumstance in favour of a future state. It has been
asserted, indeed, that as goodness and justice are to
be numbered among the attributes of the Deity, he
will undoubtedly compensate the virtuous who suffer
during life, and that he will make every sensitive
being, who does not deserve punishment, happy for
ever. But this view of the subject, which it would
190 ON A FUTURE STATE.
be tedious as well as superfluous to develope and
expose, satisfies no person, and cuts the knot which
we now seek to untie. Moreover, should it be proved,
on the other hand, that the mysterious principle which
regulates the proceedings of the universe, is neither
intelligent nor sensitive, yet it is not an inconsistency
to suppose at the same time, that the animating power
survives the body which it has animated, by laws as
independent of any supernatural agent as those
through which it first became united with it. Nor, if
a future state be clearly proved, does it follow that it
will be a state of punishment or reward.
By the word death, we express that condition in
which natures resembling ourselves apparently cease
to be that which they were. We no longer hear them
speak, nor see them move. If they have sensations
and apprehensions, we no longer participate in them.
We know no more than that those external organs,
and all that fine texture of material frame, without
which we have no experience that life or thought can
subsist, are dissolved and scattered abroad. The body
is placed under the earth, and after a certain period
there remains no vestige even of its form. This is
that contemplation of inexhaustible melancholy, whose
shadow eclipses the brightness of the world. The
common observer is struck with dejection at the
spectacle. He contends in vain against the persuasion
of the grave, that the dead indeed cease to be. The
corpse at his feet is prophetic of his own destiny.
Those who have preceded him, and whose voice was
delightful to his ear ; whose touch met his like sweet
ON A FUTURE STATE. 191
and subtle fire ; whose aspect spread a visionary light
upon his path — these he cannot meet again. The
organs of sense are destroyed, and the intellectual
operations dependent on them have perished with
their sources. How can a corpse see or feel? its
eyes are eaten out, and its heart is black and without
motion. What intercourse can two heaps of putrid
clay and crumbling bones hold together ? When you
can discover where the fresh colours of the faded
flower abide, or the music of the broken lyre, seek life
among the dead. Such are the anxious and fearfid
contemplations of the common observer, though the
popular religion often prevents him from confessing
them even to himself
The natural philosopher, in addition to the sensations
common to all men inspired by the event of death,
believes that he sees with more certainty that it is
attended with the annihilation of sentiment and
thought. He observes the mental powers increase
and fade with those of the body, and even accommo-
date themselves to the most transitory changes of our
physical nature. Sleep suspends many of the faculties
of the vital and intellectual principle ; drunkenness and
disease will either temporarily or permanently derange
them. Madness or idiotcy may utterly extinguish the
most excellent and delicate of those powers. In old age
the mind gradually withers ; and as it grew and was
strengthened with the body, so does it together with
the body sink into decrepitude. Assuredly these are
convincing evidences that so soon as the organs of the
body are subjected to the laws of inanimate matter.
192 ON A FUTURE STATE.
sensation, and perception, and apprehension, are at an
end. It is probable that what we call thought is not
an actual being, but no more than the relation between
certain parts of that infinitely varied mass, of which
the rest of the universe is composed, and which ceases
to exist so soon as those parts change their position
with regard to each other. Thus colour, and sound, and
taste, and odour exist only relatively. But let thought
be considered as some peculiar substance, which per-
meates, and is the cause of, the animation of living
beings. Why should that substance be assumed to be
something essentially distinct from all others, and
exempt from subjection to those laws from which no
other substance is exempt? It differs, indeed, from
all other substances, as electricity, and light, and
magnetism, and the constituent parts of air and earth,
severally differ from all others. Each of these is
subject to change and to decay, and to conversion into
other forms. Yet the difference between light and
earth is scarcely greater than that which exists
between life, or thought, and fire. The difference
between the two former was never alleged as an
argument for the eternal permanence of either, in that
form under which they first might offer themselves to
our notice. Why should the difierence between the
two latter substances be an argument for the pro-
longation of the existence of one and not the other,
when the existence of both has arrived at their appa-
rent termination ? To say that fire exists without
manifesting any of the properties of fire, such as light,
heat, &c.. or that the principle of life exists without
ON A rUTUKE STATE. 193
consciousness, or memorj, or desire, or motive, is to
resign, by an awkward distortion of language, the
affirmative of the dispute. To say that the principle
of life may exist in distribution among various forms,
is to assert what cannot be proved to be either true
or false, but which, were it true, annihilates all hope
of existence after death, in any sense in which that
event can belong to the hopes and fears of men.
Suppose, however, that the intellectual and vital prin-
ciple differs in the most marked and essential manner
from all other known substances ; that they have all
some resemblance between themselves which it in no
degree participates. In what manner can this con-
cession be made an argument for its imperishability ?
All that we see or know perishes and is changed.
Life and thought differ indeed from everything else.
But that it survives that period, beyond which we
have no experience of its existence, such distinction
and dissimilarity affords no shadow of proof, and
nothing but our own desires could have led us to
conjecture or imagine.
Have we existed before birth ? It is difficult to
conceive the possibility of this. There is, in the
generative principle of each animal and plant, a power
which converts the substances by which it is sur-
rounded into a substance homogeneous with itself
That is, the relations between certain elementary
particles of matter undergo a change, and submit to
new combinations. Tor when we use the words
principle, power, cause, &c., we mean to express no
real being, but only to class under those terms a
194 ON A FUTURE STATE.
certain series of co-existing phenomena ; but let it be
supposed tbat this principle is a certain substance
which escapes the observation of the chemist and
anatomist. It certainly may le ; though it is suffi-
ciently unphilosophical to allege the possibility of an
opinion as a proof of its truth. Does it see, hear,
feel, before its combination with those organs on
which sensation depends? Does it reason, imagine,
apprehend, without those ideas which sensation alone
can communicate ? If we have not existed before
birth ; if, at the period when the parts of our nature
on which thought and life depend, seem to be woven
together, they are woven together ; if there are no
reasons to suppose that we have existed before that
period at which our existence apparently commences,
then there are no grounds for supposition that we shall
continue to exist after our existence has apparently
ceased. So far as thought and life is concerned, the
same will take place with regard to us, individually
considered, after death, as had place before our birth.
It is said that it is possible that we should continue
to exist in some mode totally inconceivable to us at
present. This is a most unreasonable presumption.
It casts on the adherents of annihilation the burthen
of proving the negative of a question, the affirmative
of which is not supported by a single argument, and
which, by its very nature, lies beyond the experience
of the human understanding. It is sufficiently easy,
indeed, to form any proposition, concerning which we
are ignorant, just not so absurd as not to be contra-
dictory in itself, and defy refutation. The possibility
SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS. 195
of whatever enters into the wildest imagination to
conceive is thus triumphantly vindicated. But it is
enough that such assertions should be either contra-
dictory to the known laws of nature, or exceed the
limits of our experience, that their fallacy or irrelevancy
to our consideration should be demonstrated. They
persuade, indeed, only those who desire to be
persuaded.
This desire to be for ever as we are ; the reluctance to
a violent and unexperienced change, which is common
to all the animated and inanimate combinations of the
universe, is, indeed, the secret persuasion which has
given birth to the opinions of a future state.
SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS.
I.— THE MIND.
It is an axiom in mental philosophy, that we can
think of nothing which we have not perceived. When
I say that we can think of nothing, I mean, we can
imagine nothing, we can reason of nothing, we can
remember nothing, we can foresee nothing. The most
astonishing combinations of poetry, the subtlest
deductions of logic and mathematics, are no other
than combinations which the intellect makes of
sensations according to its own laws. A catalogue
of all the thoughts of the mind, and of all their
possible modifications, is a cyclopedic history of the
universe.
o 2
196 SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS.
But, it will be objected, the inhabitants of the
various planets of this and other solar systems ; and
the existence of a Power bearing the same relation
to all that we perceive and are, as what we call a
cause does to what we call effect, were never subjects
of sensation, and yet the laws of mind almost univer-
sally suggest, according to the various disposition of
each, a conjecture, a persuasion, or a conviction of
their existence. The reply is simple ; these thoughts
are also to be included in the catalogue of existence ;
they are modes in which thoughts are combined ;
the objection only adds force to the conclusion, that
beyond the limits of perception and thought nothing
can exist.
Thoughts, or ideas, or notions, call them what you
will, differ from each other, not in kind, but in force.
It has commonly been supposed that those distinct
thoughts which affect a number of persons, at regular
intervals, during the passage of a multitude of other
thoughts, which are called real or external objects, are
totally different in kind from those which affect only
a few persons, and which recur at irregular intervals,
and are usually more obscure and indistinct, such as
hallucinations, dreams, and the ideas of madness. No
essential distinction between any one of these ideas, or
any class of them, is founded on a correct observation
of the nature of things, but merely on a consideration
of what thoughts are most invariably subservient to
the security and happiness of life ; and if nothing more
were expressed by the distinction, the philosopher
might safely accommodate his language to that of the
SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS. 197
vulgar. But they pretend to assert an essential
difference, which has no foundation in truth, and
which suggests a narrow and false conception of
universal nature, the parent of the most fatal errors in
speculation. A specific difference between every
thought of the mind, is, indeed, a necessary conse-
quence of that law by which it perceives diversity and
number ; but a generic and essential difference is
wholly arbitrary. The principle of the agreement
and similarity of all thoughts, is, that they are all
thoughts ; the principle of their disagreement consists
in the variety and irregularity of the occasions on
which they arise in the mind. That in which they
agree, to that in which they differ, is as everything to
nothing. Important distinctions, of various degrees
of force, indeed, are to be established between them,
if they were, as they may be, subjects of ethical and
oeconomical discussion; but that is a question alto-
gether distinct.
By considering all knowledge as bounded by
perception, whose operations may be indefinitely
combined, we arrive at a conception of Nature
inexpressibly more magnificent, simple and true, than
accords with the ordinary systems of complicated
and partial consideration. JSTor does a contemplation
of the universe, in this comprehensive and synthetical
view, exclude the subtlest analysis of its modifications
and parts.
A scale might be formed, graduated according to
the degrees of a combined ratio of intensity, duration,
198 SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS.
connection, periods of recurrence, and utility, whicli
would be the standard, according to whicli all ideas
might be measured, and an uninterrupted chain of
nicely shadowed distinctions would be observed, from
the faintest impression on the senses, to the most
distinct combination of those impressions ; from the
simplest of those combinations, to that mass of know-
ledge which, including our own nature, constitutes
what we call the universe.
We are intuitively conscious of our own existence,
and of that connection in the train of our successive
ideas, which we term our identity. "We are conscious
also of the existence of other minds ; but not intui-
tively. Our evidence, with respect to the existence of
other minds, is founded upon a very complicated
relation of ideas, which it is foreign to the purpose of
this treatise to anatomise. The basis of this rela-
tion is, undoubtedly, a periodical recurrence of
masses of ideas, which our voluntary determinations
have, in one peculiar direction, no power to circum-
scribe or to arrest, and agaiQst the recurrence of which
they can only imperfectly provide. The irresistible
laws of thought constrain us to believe that the precise
limits of our actual ideas are not the actual limits of
possible ideas ; the law, according to which these
deductions are drawn, is called analogy ; and this is
the foundation of all our inferences, from one idea to
another, inasmuch as they resemble each other.
SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS. 199
We see trees, houses, fields, living beings in our own
shape, and in shapes more or less analogous to our
own. These are perpetually changing the mode of
their existence relatively to us. To express the
varieties of these modes, we say, we move, they move ;
and as this motion is continual, though not uniform,
we express our conception of the diversities of its
course by — it has heen, it is, it shall he. These diver-
sities are events or objects, and are essential,
considered relatively to human identity, for the
existence of the human mind. Tor if the inequalities,
produced by what has been termed the operations of
the external universe were levelled by the perception
of our being, uniting, and filling up their interstices,
motion and mensuration, and time, and space ; the
elements of the human mind being thus abstracted,
sensation and imagination cease. Mind cannot be
considered pure.
II.-WHAT METAPHYSICS AKE. ERRORS IN THE USUAL
METHODS OF CONSIDERING THEM.
We do not attend sufficiently to what passes within
ourselves. We combine words, combined a thousand
times before. In our minds we assume entire opinions ;
and in the expression of those opinions, entire phrases,
when we would philosophise. Our whole style of
expression and sentiment is infected with the tritest
plagiarisms. Our words are dead, our thoughts are
cold and borrowed.
Let us contemplate facts ; let us, in the great study
of ourselves, resolutely compel the mind to a rigid
200 SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS.
consideration of itself. "We are not content with
conjecture, and inductions, and syllogisms, in sciences
regarding external objects. As in these, let us also,
in considering the phenomena of mind, severely
collect those facts which cannot be disputed. Meta-
physics will thus possess this conspicuous advantage
over every other science, that each student, by
attentively referring to his own mind, may ascertain
the authorities upon which any assertions regarding it
are supported. There can thus be no deception, we
ourselves being the depositaries of the evidence of the
subject which we consider.
Metaphysics may be defined as an inquiry concerning
those things belonging to, or connected with, the
internal nature of man.
It is said that mind produces motion ; and it might
as well have been said, that motion produces mind.
III.— DIFFICULTY OF ANALYSING THE HUMAN MIND.
Ie it were possible that a person should give a
faithful history of his being, from the earliest epochs of
his recollection, a picture would be presented such as
the world has never contemplated before, A mirror
would be held up to all men in which they might
behold their own recollections, and, in dim perspective,
their shadowy hopes and fears, — all that they dare not,
or that daring and desiring, they could not expose to
the open eyes of day. But thought can with difficulty
visit the intricate and winding chambers which it
SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS. 201
inhabits. It is like a river whose rapid and perpetual
stream flows outwards ; — like one in dread who speeds
through the recesses of some haunted pile, and dares
not look behind. The caverns of the mind are obscure,
and shadowy ; or pervaded with a lustre, beautifully
bright indeed, but shining not beyond their portals.
If it were possible to be where we have been, vitally
and indeed — if, at the moment of our presence there,
we could define the results of our experience, — if the
passage from sensation to reflection — from a state of
passive perception to voluntary contemplation, were
not so dizzying and so tumultuous, this attempt would
be less difficult.
IV.— HOW THE ANALYSIS SHOULD BE CARRIED ON.
Most of the errors of philosophers have arisen from
considering the human being in a point of view too
detailed and circumscribed. He is not a moral, and
an intellectual, — but also, and pre-eminently, an
imaginative being. His owti mind is his law; his
own mind is all things to him. If we would arrive at
any knowledge w^hich should be serviceable from the
practical conclusions to which it leads, we ought to
consider the mind of man and the universe as the
great whole on which to exercise our speculations.
Here, above all, verbal disputes ought to be laid aside,
though this has long been their chosen field of battle.
It imports little to inquire whether thought be distinct
from the objects of thought. The use of the words
202 SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS.
external and internal, as applied to the establishment
of this distinction, has been the symbol and the source
of much dispute. This is merely an affair of words,
and as the dispute deserves, to say, that when speaking
of the objects of thought, we indeed only describe one
of the forms of thought — or that, speaking of thought,
we only apprehend one of the operations of the
universal system of beings.
v.— CATALOGUE OF THE PHENOMENA OF DREAMS, AS
CONNECTING SLEEPING AND WAKING.
1. Let us reflect on our infancy, and give as
faithfully as possible a relation of the events of
sleep.
And first I am bound to present a faithful picture
of my own peculiar nature relatively to sleep. I do
not doubt that were every individual to imitate me,
it would be found that among many circumstances
peculiar to their individual nature, a sufiiciently
general resemblance would be found to prove the
connection existing between those peculiarities and
the most universal phenomena. I shall employ caution,
indeed, as to the facts which I state, that they contain
nothing false or exaggerated. But they contain no
more than certain elucidations of my own nature ;
concerning the degree in which it resembles, or difiers
from, that of others, I am by no means accurately
aware. It is sufficient, however, to caution the reader
against drawing general inferences from particular
instances.
SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS. 203
I omit the general instances of delusion in fever
or delirium, as well as mere dreams considered in
themselves. A delineation of this subject, however
inexhaustible and interesting, is to be passed over.
What is the connection of sleeping and of
waking ?
2. I distinctly remember dreaming three several
times, between intervals of two or more years-, the
same precise dream. It was not so much what is
ordinarily called a dream ; the single image, uncon-
nected with all other images, of a youth who was
educated at the same school with myself, presented
itself in sleep. Even now, after the lapse of many
years, I can never hear the name of this youth, without
the three places where I dreamed of him presenting
themselves distinctly to my mind.
3. In dreams, images acquire associations peculiar
to dreaming ; so that the idea of a particular house,
when it recurs a second time in dreams, will have
relation with the idea of the same house, in the first
time, of a nature entirely difierent from that which
the house excites, when seen or thought of in relation
to waking ideas.
4. I have beheld scenes, with the intimate and
unaccountable connection of which with the obscure
parts of my own nature, I have been irresistibly
204 SPECULATIONS ON METAPHYSICS.
impressed. I have beheld a scene which has produced
no unusual effect on my thoughts. After the lapse
of many years I have dreamed of this scene. It has
hung on my memory, it has haunted my thoughts,
at intervals, with the pertinacity of an object connected
with human affections. I have visited this scene
again. Neither the dream could be dissociated from
the landscape, nor the landscape from the dream, nor
feelings, such as neither singly could have awakened,
from both. But the most remarkable event of this
nature, which ever occurred to me, happened five years
ago at Oxford. I was walking with a friend, in the
neighbourhood of that city, engaged in earnest and
interesting conversation. We suddenly turned the
corner of a lane, and the view, which its high banks
and hedges had concealed, presented itself. The view
consisted of a mndmill, standing in one among many
plashy meadows, inclosed with stone walls ; the
irregular and broken ground, between the wall and
"the road on which we stood ; a long low hill behind
the windmill, and a grey covering of uniform cloud
spread over the evening sky. It was that season
when the last leaf had just fallen from the scant
and stunted ash. The scene surely was a common
scene; the season and the hour little calculated to
kindle lawless thought ; it was a tame uninteresting
assemblage of objects, such as would drive the imagi-
nation for refuge in serious and sober talk, to the
evening fireside, and the dessert of winter fruits and
wine. The effect which it produced on me was not
such as could have been expected. I suddenly
SPECULATIONS ON MORALS. 205
remembered to have seen that exact scene in some
dream of long*- ■
PEAaMENTS.
SPECULATIONS ON MOKALS.
I.— PLAN OF A TREATISE ON MORALS.
That great science which regards nature and the
operations of the human mind, is popularly divided
into Morals and Metaphysics. The latter relates to
a just classification, and the assignment of distinct
names to its ideas ; the former regards simply the
determination of that arrangement of them which
produces the greatest and most solid happiness. It
is admitted that a virtuous or moral action, is that
action which, when considered in all its accessories
and consequences, is fitted to produce the highest
pleasure to the greatest number of sensitive beings.
The laws according to which all pleasure, since it
cannot be equally felt by all sensitive beings, ought to
* Here I was obliged to leave ojf, overcome by thrilling horror. This
remark closes this fragment, which was written in 1815. I remember
well his coming to me from writing it, pale and agitated, to seek refuge
in conversation from the fearful emotions it excited. No man, as these
fragments prove, had such keen sensations as Shelley. His nervous
temperament was wound up by the delicacy of his health to an intense
degree of sensibility, and while his active mind pondered for ever upon,
and drew conclusions from his sensations, his reveries increased their
vivacity, till they mingled with, and made one with thought, and both
became absorbing and tumultuous, even to physical pain. — M, S.
206 SPECULATIONS ON MORALS.
be distributed by a voluntary agent, are reserved for
a separate chapter.
The design of this little treatise is restricted to the
development of the elementary principles of morals.
As far as regards that purpose, metaphysical science
will be treated merely so far as a source of negative
truth ; whilst morality will be considered as a
science, respecting which we can arrive at positive
conclusions.
The misguided imaginations of men have rendered
the ascertaining of what is not true, the principal
direct service which metaphysical science can bestow
upon moral science. Moral science itself is the
doctrine of the voluntary actions of man, as a sentient
and social being. These actions depend on the
thoughts in his mind. But there is a mass of popular
opinion, from which the most enlightened persons are
seldom wholly free, into the truth or falsehood of
which it is incumbent on us to inquire, before we can
arrive at any firm conclusions as to the conduct which
we ought to pursue in the regulation of our own
minds, or towards our fellow-beings ; or before we can
ascertain the elementary laws, according to which these
thoughts, from which these actions flow, are originally
combined.
The object of the forms according to which human
society is administered, is the happiness of the
individuals composing the communities which they
regard, and these forms are perfect or imperfect in
proportion to the degree in which they promote this
end.
SPECULATIONS ON MORALS. 207
This object is not merely the quantity of happiness
enjoyed by individuals as sensitive beings, but the
mode in which it should be distributed among them as
social beings. It is not enough, if such a coincidence
can be conceived as possible, that one person or class
of persons should enjoy the highest happiness, whilst
another is suffering a disproportionate degree of
misery. It is necessary that the happiness produced
by the common efforts, and preserved by the common
care, should be distributed according to the just claims
of each individual ; if not, although the quantity
produced should be the same, the end of society
would remain unfulfilled. The object is in a compound
proportion to the quantity of happiness produced,
and the correspondence of the mode in which it is dis-
tributed, to the elementary feelings of man as a social
being.
The disposition in an individual to promote this
object is called virtue ; and the two constituent parts
of virtue, benevolence and justice, are correlative with
these two great portions of the only true object of all
voluntary actions of a human being. Benevolence is
the desire to be the author of good, and justice the
apprehension of the manner in which good ought to
be done.
Justice and benevolence result from the elementary
laws of the human mind.
208 SPECULATIONS ON MORALS.
CHAPTER I.
ON THE NATURE OF VIRTUE.
Sect. 1. General View of the Nature and Objects of Virtue. — 2. The
Origin and Basis of Virtue, as founded on the Elementary Principles
of Mind. — 3, The Laws which flow from the nature of Mind regu-
lating the application of those principles to human actions. —
4. Virtue, a possible attribute of man.
We exist in the midst of a multitude of beings like
ourselves, upon v^hose happiness most of our actions
exert some obvious and decisive influence.
The regulation of this influence is the object of
moral science.
"We know that we are susceptible of receiving painful
or pleasurable impressions of greater or less intensity
and duration. That is called good which produces
pleasure; that is called evil which produces pain.
These are general names, applicable to every class of
causes, from which an overbalance of pain or pleasure
may result. But when a human being is the active
instrument of generating or difiusing happiness, the
principle through which it is most effectually instru-
mental to that purpose, is called virtue. And
benevolence, or the desire to be the author of good,
united with justice, or an apprehension of the manner
in which that good is to be done, constitutes virtue.
But wherefore should a man be benevolent and
just ? The immediate emotions of his nature, espe-
cially in its most inartificial state, prompt him to
inflict pain, and to arrogate dominion. He desires to
heap superfluities to his own store, although others
perish with famine. He is propelled to guard against
SPECULATIONS ON MORALS. 209
the smallest invasion of his own liberty, though he
reduces others to a condition of the most pitiless
servitude. He is revengeful, proud and selfish.
"Wherefore should he curb these propensities ?
It is inquired, for what reason a human being
should engage in procuring the happiness, or refrain
from producing the pain of another ? When a reason
is required to prove the necessity of adopting any
system of conduct, what is it that the objector
demands ? He ^requires proof of that system of
conduct being such as will most effectually promote
the happiness of mankind. To demonstrate this, is to
render a moral reason. Such is the object of Virtue.
A common sophism, which, like many others,
depends on the abuse of a metaphorical expression to
a literal purpose, has produced much of the confusion
which has involved the theory of morals. It is said
that no person is bound to be just or kind, if, on his
neglect, he should fail to incur some penalty. Duty
is obligation. There can be no obligation without an
obliger. Virtue is a law, to which it is the will of the
lawgiver that we should conform; which will we
should in no manner be bound to obey, unless some
dreadful punishment were attached to disobedience.
This is the philosophy of slavery and superstition.
In fact, no person can be hound or obliged, without
some power preceding to bind and oblige. If I
observe a man bound hand and foot, I know that some
one bound him. But if I observe him returning self-
satisfied from the performance of some action, by
which he has been the willing author of extensive
210 SPECULATIONS ON MORALS.
benefit, I do not infer that the anticipation of hellish
agonies, or the hope of heavenly reward, has constrained
him to such an act.*
* * * *
It remains to be stated in what manner the sensa-
tions which constitute the basis of virtue originate in
the human mind ; what are the laws which it receives
there ; how far the principles of mind allow it to be
an attribute of a human being ; and, lastly, what is
the probability of persuading mankind to adopt it as a
universal and systematic motive of conduct.
BENEVOLENCE.
Theee is a class of emotions which we instinctively
avoid. A human being, such as is man considered in
his origin, a child a month old, has a very imperfect
consciousness of the existence of other natures
resembling itself. All the energies of its being are
directed to the extinction of the pains with which
it is perpetually assailed. At length it discovers that
it is surrounded by natures susceptible of sensations
similar to its own. It is very late before children
attain to this knowledge. If a child observes, without
emotion, its nurse or its mother suffering acute pain,
it is attributable rather to ignorance than insensibility.
So soon as the accents and gestures, significant of
pain, are referred to the feehngs which they express,
they awaken in the mind of the beholder a desire that
they should cease. Pain is thus apprehended to be
* A leaf of manuscript is wanting here, manifestly treating of self-love
and disinterestedness. — M. S.
SPECULATIONS ON MORALS. 211
evil for its own sake, without any other necessary
reference to the mind by which its existence is per-
ceived, than such as is indispensable to its perception.
The tendencies of our original sensations, indeed, all
have for their object the preservation of our individual
being. But these are passive and unconscious. In
proportion as the mind acquires an active power, the
empire of these tendencies becomes limited. Thus
an infant, a savage, and a solitary beast, is selfish,
because its mind is incapable of receiving an accurate
intimation of the nature of pain as existing in beings
resembling itself The inhabitant of a highly civilised
community will more acutely sympathise with the
sufierings and enjoyments of others, than the inha-
bitant of a society of a less degree of civilisation. He
who shall have cultivated his intellectual powers by
familiarity with the highest specimens of poetry and
philosophy, will usually sympathise more than one
engaged in the less refined functions of manual labour.
Every one has experience of the fact, that to sympathise
with the sufferings of another, is to enjoy a transitory
oblivion of his own.
The mind thus acquires, by exercise, a habit, as it
were, of perceiving and abhorring evil, however remote
from the immediate sphere of sensations with which
that individual mind is conversant. Imagination or
mind employed in prophetically imagiag forth its
objects, is that faculty of human nature on which
every gradation of its progress, nay, every, the
minutest, change, depends. Pain or pleasure, if
subtly analysed, will be found to consist entirely in
p2
212 SPECULATIONS ON MORALS.
prospect. The only distinction between the selfish
man and the virtuous man is, that the imagination of
the former is confined within a narrow limit, whilst
that of the latter embraces a comprehensive circum-
ference. In this sense, wisdom and virtue may be
said to be inseparable, and criteria of each other.
Selfishness is the ofispring of ignorance and mistake ;
it is the portion of unreflecting infancy, and savage
solitude, or of those whom toil or evil occupations have
blunted or rendered torpid ; disinterested benevolence
is the product of a cultivated imagination, and has
an intimate connexion with all the arts which add
ornament, or dignity, or power, or stability to the
social state of man. Virtue is thus entirely a refine-
ment of civilised life ; a creation of the human mind ;
or, rather, a combination which it has made, according
to elementary rules contained within itself, of the
feelings suggested by the relations established between
man and man.
All the theories which have refined and exalted
humanity, or those which have been devised as alle-
viations of its mistakes and evils, have been based
upon the elementary emotions of disinterestedness,
which we feel to constitute the majesty of our nature.
Patriotism, as it existed in the ancient republics, was
never, as has been supposed, a calculation of personal
advantages. "When Mutius Scsevola thrust his hand
into the burning coals, and Eegulus returned to
Carthage, and Epicharis sustained the rack silently, in
the torments of which she knew that she would
speedily perish, rather than betray the conspirators to
SPECULATIONS ON MORALS. 213
the tyrant ;* these illustrious persons certainly made a
small estimate of their private interest. If it be said
that they sought posthumous fame ; instances are not
wanting in history which prove that men have even
defied infamy for the sake of good. But there is a
great error in the world with respect to the selfishness
of fame. It is certainly possible that a person should
seek distinction as a medium of personal gratification.
But the love of fame is frequently no more than a
desire that the feelings of others should confirm,
illustrate, and sympathise with, our own. In this
respect it is allied with aU that draws us out of our-
selves. It is the "last infirmity of noble minds."
Chivalry was likewise founded on the theory of self-
sacrifice. Love possesses so extraordinary a power
over the human heart, only because disinterestedness
is united with the natural propensities. These pro-
pensities themselves are comparatively impotent in
cases where the imagination of pleasure to be given,
as well as to be received, does not enter into the
account. Let it not be objected that patriotism, and
chivalry, and sentimental love, have been the fountains
of enormous mischief. They are cited only to establish
the proposition that, according to the elementary
principles of mind, man is capable of desiring and
pursuing good for its own sake.
The benevolent propensities are thus inherent in
the human mind. We are impelled to seek the
214 SPECULATIONS ON MORALS.
happiness of others. We experience a satisfaction in
being the authors of that happiness. Everything that
lives is open to impressions of pleasure and pain. We
are led by our benevolent propensities to regard every
human being indifferently with whom we come in
contact. They have preference only with respect to
those who offer themselves most obviously to our
notice. Human beings are indiscriminating and
blind ; they will avoid inflicting pain, though that pain
should be attended with eventual benefit; they will
seek to confer pleasure without calculating the mis-
chief that may result. They benefit one at the expense
of many.
There is a sentiment in the human mind that
regulates benevolence in its application as a principle
of action. This is the sense of justice. Justice, as
well as benevolence, is an elementary law of human
nature. It is through this principle that men are
impelled to distribute any means of pleasure which
benevolence may suggest the communication of to
others, in equal portions among an equal number
of applicants. If ten men are shipwrecked on a
desert island, they distribute whatever subsistence
may remain to them, into equal portions among
themselves. If six of them conspire to deprive the
remaining four of their share, their conduct is termed
unjust.
The existence of pain has been shown to be a
circumstance which the human mind regards with
dissatisfaction, and of which it desires the cessation.
It is equally according to its nature to desire that the
SPECULATIONS ON MORALS. 215
advantages to be enjoyed by a limited number of
persons sbould be enjoyed equally by all. Tliis
proposition is supported by the evidence of indisputable
facts. Tell some ungarbled tale of a number of
persons being made the victims of the enjoyments of
one, and he who would appeal in favour of any system
which might produce such an evil to the primary
emotions of our nature, would have nothing to reply.
Let two persons, equally strangers, make appHcation
for some benefit in the possession of a third to bestow,
and to which he feels that they have an equal claim.
They are both sensitive beings ; pleasure and pain
affect them alike.
CHAPTER II.
It is foreign to the general scope of this little
Treatise to encumber a simple argument by contro-
verting any of the trite objections of habit or fanaticism.
But there are two ; the first, the basis of all political
mistake, and the second, the prolific cause and effect
of religious error, which it seems useful to refute.
Eirst, it is inquired, " Wherefore should a man be
benevolent and just ?" The answer has been given in
the preceding chapter.
If a man persists to inquire why he ought to
promote the happiness of mankind, he demands a
mathematical or metaphysical reason for a moral
action. The absurdity of this scepticism is more
apparent, but not less real than the exacting a moral
reason for a mathematical or metaphysical fact. If
216 SPECULATIONS ON MORALS.
any person should refuse to admit tliat all the radii of
a circle are of equal length, or that human actions are
necessarily determined by motives, until it could be
proved that these radii and these actions uniformly
tended to the production of the greatest general good,
who would not wonder at the unreasonable and
capricious association of his ideas ?
The writer of a philosophical treatise may, I
imagine, at this advanced era of human intellect, be
held excused from entering into a controversy with
those reasoners, if such there are, who would claim an
exemption from its decrees in favour of any one
among those diversified systems of obscure opinion
respecting morals, which, under the name of religions,
have in various ages and countries prevailed among
mankind. Besides that if, as these reasoners have
pretended, eternal torture or happiness will ensue as
the consequence of certain actions, we should be no
nearer .the possession of a standard to determine what
actions were right and wrong, even if this pretended
revelation, which is by no means the case, had furnished
us with a complete catalogue of them. The character
of actions as virtuous or vicious would by no means
be determined alone by the personal advantage or
disadvantage of each moral agent individually con-
sidered. Indeed, an action is often virtuous in
proportion to the greatness of the personal calamity
which the author willingly draws upon himself by
daring to perform it. It is because an action produces
SPECULATIONS ON MORALS, 217
an overbalance of pleasure or pain to the greatest
number of sentient beings, and not merely because its
consequences are beneficial or injurious to the author
of that action, that it is good or evil. Nay, this latter
consideration has a tendency to pollute the purity of
virtue, inasmuch as it consists in the motive rather
than in the consequences of an action. A person who
should labour for the happiness of mankind lest he
should be tormented eternally in Hell, would, with
reference to that motive, possess as little claim to the
epithet of virtuous, as he who should torture, imprison,
and burn them alive, a more usual and natural
consequence of such principles, for the sake of the
enjoyments of Heaven.
My neighbour, presuming on his strength, may
direct me to perform or to refrain from a particular
action ; indicating a certain arbitrary penalty in the
event of disobedience within his power to inflict. My
action, if modified by his menaces, can in no degree
participate in virtue. He has afforded me no criterion
as to what is right or wrong. A king, or an assembly
of men, may publish a proclamation affixing any
penalty to any particular action, but that is not
immoral because such penalty is affixed. Nothing is
more evident than that the epithet of virtue is
inapplicable to the refraining from that action on
account of the evil arbitrarily attached to it. If the
action is in itself beneficial, virtue would rather consist
in not refraining from it, but in firmly defying the
personal consequences attached to its performance.
Some usurper of supernatural energy might subdue
218 SPECULATIONS ON MORALS.
the whole globe to his power ; he might possess new
and unheard-of resources for enduing his punishments
with the most terrible attributes of pain. The
torments of his victims might be intense in their
degree, and protracted to an infinite duration. Still
the "will of the lawgiver" would afibrd no surer
criterion as to what actions were right or wrong. It
would only increase the possible virtue of those who
refuse to become the instruments of his tyranny.
II.— MORAL SCIENCE CONSISTS IN CONSIDERING THE DIFFER-
ENCE, NOT THE RESEMBLANCE, OF PERSONS.
The internal influence, derived from the constitution
of the mind from which they flow, produces that
peculiar modification of actions, which makes them
intrinsically good or evil.
To attain an apprehension of the importance of this
distinction, let us visit, in imagination, the proceedings
of some metropolis. Consider the multitude of human
beings who inhabit it, and survey, in thought, the
actions of the several classes into which they are
divided. Their obvious actions are apparently uniform :
the stability of human society seems to be maintained
sufficiently by the uniformity of the conduct of its
members, both with regard to themselves, and with
regard to others. The labourer arises at a certain
hour, and applies himself to the task enjoined him.
The functionaries of government and law are regularly
employed in their offices and courts. The trader holds
a train of conduct from which he never deviates.
SPECULATIONS ON MORALS. 219
The ministers of religion employ an accustomed
language, and maintain a decent and equable regard.
The army is drawn forth, the motions of every soldier
are such as they were expected to be ; the general
commands, and his words are echoed from troop to
troop. The domestic actions of men are, for the most
part, undistinguishable one from the other, at a super-
ficial glance. The actions w^hich are classed under the
general appellation of marriage, education, friend-
ship, &c., are perpetually going on, and to a superficial
glance, are similar one to the other.
But, if we would see the truth of things, they
must be stripped of this fallacious appearance of uni-
formity. In truth, no one action has, when considered
in its w^hole extent, any essential resemblance with
any other. Each individual, who composes the vast
multitude which we have been contemplating, has a
peculiar frame of mind, which, whilst the features of
the great mass of his actions remain uniform, impresses
the minuter lineaments with its peculiar hues. Thus,
whilst his life, as a whole, is like the lives of other men,
in detail, it is most unlike ; and the more subdivided
the actions become ; that is, the more they enter into
that class which have a vital influence on the happiness
of others and his own, so much the more are they
distinct from those of other men.
" Those little, nameless, unremembered, acts
Of kindness and of love,"
as well as those deadly outrages which are inflicted by
a look, a word — or less — the very refraining from some
220 SPECULATIONS ON MORALS.
faint and most evanescent expression of countenance ;
these flow from a profounder source than the series
of our habitual conduct, which, it has been already
said, derives its origin from without. These are the
actions, and such as these, which make human life
what it is, and are the fountains of all the good and
evil with which its entire surface is so mdely and
impartially overspread; and though they are called
minute, they are called so in compliance with the
blindness of those who cannot estimate their import-
ance. It is in the due appreciating the general
effects of their peculiarities, and in cultivating the
habit of acquiring decisive knowledge respecting the
tendencies arising out of them in particular cases, that
the most important part of moral science consists.
The deepest abyss of these vast and multitudinous
caverns, it is necessary that we should visit.
This is the difference between social and individual
man. Not that this distinction is to be considered
definite, or characteristic of one human being as com-
pared with another; it denotes rather two classes
of agency, common in a degree to every human being.
None is exempt, indeed, from that species of influence
which affects, as it were, the surface of his being, and
gives the specific outline to his conduct. Almost all
that is ostensible submits to that legislature created
by the general representation of the past feelings of
mankind — imperfect as it is from a variety of causes,
as it exists in the government, the religion, and
domestic habits. Those who do not nominally, yet
actually, submit to the same power. The external
SPECULATIONS ON MORALS. 221
features of their conduct, indeed, can no more escape
it, than the clouds can escape from the stream of the
wind ; and his opinion, which he often hopes he has
dispassionately secured from all contagion of pre-
judice and vulgarity, would be found, on examination,
to be the inevitable excrescence of the very usages
from which he vehemently dissents. Internally all
is conducted otherwise ; the efficiency, the essence,
the vitality of actions, derives its colour from
what is no ways contributed to from any external
source. Like the plant, which while it derives the
accident of its size and shape from the soil in which it
springs, and is cankered, or distorted, or inflated, yet
retains those qualities which essentially divide it from
all others ; so that hemlock continues to be poison,
and the violet does not cease to emit its odour in
whatever soil it may grow.
We consider our own nature too superficially. "We
look on all that in ourselves with which we can discover
a resemblance in others; and consider those resem-
blances as the materials of moral knowledge. It is in
the differences that it actually consists.
222 ION : OR, OF THE ILIAD.
ION ; OE, OF THE ILIAD ;
TRANSLATED FROM PLATO.
— ♦ —
SOCRATES AND ION.
Socrates. Hail to thee, O Ion ! from whence
returnest thou amongst us now ? — from thine own
native Ephesus ?
Ion. No, Socrates ; I come from Epidaurus and
the feasts in honour of ^sculapius.
Socrates. Had the Epidaurians instituted a contest
of rhapsody in honour of the Grod ?
Ion. And not in rhapsodies alone ; there were
contests in every species of music.
Socrates. And in which did you contend? And
what was the success of your efforts ?
Ion. I bore away the first prize at the games, O
Socrates.
Socrates. Well done ! You have now only to
consider how you shall win the Panathenaea.
Ion. That may also happen, God willing.
Socrates. Your profession, O Ion, has often
appeared to me an enviable one. Eor, together with
the nicest care of your person, and the most studied
elegance of dress, it imposes upon you the necessity
of a familiar acquaintance with many and excellent
poets, and especially with Homer, the most admirable
of them all. JS'or is it merely because you can repeat
ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD. 223
the verses of this great poet, that I envy you, but
because you fathom his inmost thoughts. For he is
no rhapsodist who does not understand the whole scope
and intention of the poet, and is not capable of inter-
preting it to his audience. This he cannot do without
a full comprehension of the meaning of the author he
undertakes to illustrate ; and worthy, indeed, of envy
are those who can fulfil these conditions.
Ion, Thou speakest truth, O Socrates. And,
indeed, I have expended my study particularly on this
part of my profession. I flatter myself that no man
living excels me in the interpretation of Homer ;
neither Metrodorus of Lampsacus, nor Stesimbrotus
the Thasian, nor Glauco, nor any other rhapsodist of
the present times can express so many various and
beautiful thoughts upon Homer as I can.
Socrates. I am persuaded of your eminent skill, O
Ion. You will not, I hope, refuse me a specimen of it ?
Ion. And, indeed, it would be worth your while to
hear me declaim upon Homer. I deserve a golden
crown from his admirers.
Socrates. And I will find leisure some day or other
to request you to favour me so far. At present, I
will only trouble you with one question. Do you
excel in explaining Homer alone, or are you conscious
of a similar power with regard to Hesiod and
Archilochus ?
Ion. I possess this high degree of skill with regard
to Homer alone, and I consider that sufficient.
Socrates. Are there any subjects upon which Homer
and Hesiod say the same things ?
224 ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD.
Ion. Many, as it seems to me.
Socrates. "Whether do you demonstrate these things
better in Homer or Hesiod ?
Ion. In the same manner, doubtless; inasmuch
as they say the same words with regard to the same
things.
Socrates. But with regard to those things in
which they differ ; — Homer and Hesiod both treat of
divination, do they not ?
Ion. Certainly.
Socrates. Do you think that you or a diviner would
make the best exposition, respecting all that these
poets say of divination, both as they agree and as they
differ ?
Ion. A diviner probably.
Socrates. Suppose you were a diviner, do you not
think that you could explain the discrepancies of those
poets on the subject of your profession, if you
understand their argument ?
Ion. Clearly so.
Socrates. How does it happen then that you are
possessed of skill to illustrate Homer, and not Hesiod,
or any other poet in an equal degree ? Is the subject-
matter of the poetry of Homer different from all other
poets' ? Does he not principally treat of war and
social intercourse, and of the distinct functions and
characters of the brave man and the coward, the
professional and private person, the mutual relations
which subsist between the Gods and men ; together
with the modes of their intercourse, the phsenomena of
Heaven, the secrets of Hades, and the origin of Gods
ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD. 225
and heroes ? Are not these the materials from which
Homer wrought his poem ?
Ion. Assuredly, 0 Socrates.
Socrates. And the other poets, do they not treat of
the same matter P
Ion. Certainly : but not like Homer.
Socrates. How ! Worse ?
Ion. Oh ! far worse.
Socrates. Then Homer treats of them better than
they?
Ion. Oh ! Jupiter ! — how much better !
Socrates. Amongst a number of persons employed
in solving a problem of arithmetic, might not a person
know, my dear Ion, which had given the right answer ?
Ion. Certainly.
Socrates. The same person who had been aware of
the false one, or some other ?
Ion. The same, clearly.
Socrates. That is, some one who understood
arithmetic ?
Ion. Certainly.
Socrates. Among a number of persons giving
their opinions on the wholesomeness of different foods,
whether would one person be capable to pronounce
upon the rectitude of the opinions of those who judged
rightly, and another on the erroneousness of those
which were incorrect, or would the same person be
competent to decide respecting them both ?
Ion. The same, evidently.
Socrates. What would you call that person ?
Ion. A physician.
226 ION ; OR, OF THE ILIAD.
Socrates. We may assert then, universally, that
the same person who is competent to determine the
truth, is competent also to determine the falsehood of
whatever assertion is advanced on the same subject ;
and, it is manifest, that he who cannot judge respecting
the falsehood, or unfitness of what is said upon a
given subject, is equally incompetent to determine
upon its truth or beauty ?
Ion. Assuredly.
Socrates. The same person would then be competent
or incompetent for both ?
Ion. Yes.
Socrates, Do you not say that Homer and the
other poets, and among them Hesiod and Archilochus,
speak of the same things, but unequally ; one better
and the other worse ?
Ion. And T speak truth.
Socrates. But if you can judge of what is well said
by the one, you must also be able to judge of what is
ill said by another, inasmuch as it expresses less
correctly.
Ion. It should seem so.
Socrates. Then, my dear friend, we should not err
if we asserted that Ion possessed a like power of
illustration respecting Homer and all other poets ;
especially since he confesses that the same person must
be esteemed a competent judge of all those who speak
on the same subjects ; inasmuch as those subjects are
understood by him when spoken of by one, and the
subject-matter of almost all the poets is the same.
Ion. "What can be the reason then, O Socrates
ION; OE, OF THE ILIAD. 227
that when any other poet is the subject of conversation
I cannot compel my attention, and I feel utterly unable
to declaim anything worth talking of, and positively go
to sleep ? But when any one makes mention of
Homer, my mind applies itself without effort to the
subject ; I awaken as if it were from a trance, and a
profusion of eloquent expressions suggest themselves
involuntarily ?
Socrates. It is not difficult to suggest the cause of
this, my dear friend. You are evidently unable to
declaim on Homer according to art and knowledge ;
for did your art endow you with this faculty, you
would be equally capable of exerting it with regard to
any other of the poets. Is not poetry, as an art or a
faculty, a thing entire and one ?
Ion. Assuredly.
Socrates. The same mode of consideration must be
admitted with respect to all arts which are severally one
and entire. Do you desire to hear what I understand
by this, 0 Ion ?
Ion. Yes, by Jupiter, Socrates, I am delighted with
listening to you wise men.
Socrates. It is you who are wise, my dear Ion ; you
rhapsodists, actors, and the authors of the poems you
recite. I, like an unprofessional and private man, can
only speak the truth. Observe how common, vulgar,
and level to the comprehension of any one, is the
question which I now ask relative to the same consi-
deration belonging to one entire art. Is not painting
an art whole and entire ?
Ion. Certainly.
Q 2
228 ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD.
Socrates, Did jou ever know a person competent
to judge of the paintings of Polygnotus, the son of
Aglaophon, and incompetent to judge of the production
of any other painter ; who, on the supposition of the
works of other painters being exhibited to him, was
wholly at a loss, and very much inchned to go to sleep,
and lost all faculty of reasoning on the subject ; but
when his opinion was required of Polygnotus, or any
one single painter you please, awoke, paid attention to
the subject, and discoursed on it with great eloquence
and sagacity ?
Ion. Never, by Jupiter !
Socrates. Did you ever know any one very skilful
in determining the merits of Daedalus, the son of
Metion, Epius, the son of Panopus, Theodorus the
Samian, or any other great sculptor, who was im-me-
diately at a loss, and felt sleepy the moment any other
sculptor was mentioned ?
Ion. I never met with such a person certainly.
Socrates. JSTor, do I think, that you ever met with
a man professing himself a judge of poetry and rhap-
sody, and competent to criticise either Olympus,
Thamyris, Orpheus, or Phemius of Ithaca, the rhapso-
dist, who, the moment he came to Ion the Ephesian,
felt himself quite at a loss, utterly incompetent to
judge whether he rhapsodised well or ill.
Ion. I cannot refute you, Socrates, but of this I
am conscious to myself: that I excel all men in the
copiousness and beauty of my illustrations of Homer,
as all who have heard me will confess, and with respect
to other poets, I am deserted of this power. It is
ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD. 229
for you to consider what maj be the cause of this
distinction.
Socrates. I will tell jou, O Ion, what appears to
me to be the cause of this inequality of power. It is
that you are not master of any art for the illustration
of Homer, but it is a divine influence which moves
you, like that which resides in the stone called Magnet
by Euripides, and Heraclea by the people. For not
only does this stone possess the power of attracting iron
rings, but it can communicate to them the power of
attracting other rings ; so that you may see sometimes
a long chain of rings, and other iron substances
attached and suspended one to the other by this
influence. And as the power of the stone circulates
through all the links of this series, and attaches each
to each, so the Muse, communicating through those
whom she has first inspired, to all others capable of
sharing in the inspiration, the influence of that first
enthusiasm, creates a chain and a succession. For the
authors of those great poems which we admire, do not
attain to excellence through the rules of any art, but
utter their beautiful melodies of verse in a state of
inspiration, and as it were, possessed by a spirit not
their own. Thus the composers of lyrical poetry
create those admired songs of theirs in a state of
divine insanity, like the Corybantes, who lose all
control over their reason in the enthusiasm of the
sacred dance ; and, during this supernatural possession,
are excited to the rhythm and harmony which they
commuuicate to men. Like the Bacchantes, who,
when possessed by the God draw honey and milk from
230 ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD.
the rivers, in which, when they come to their senses,
they find nothing but simple water. Tor the souls of
the poets, as poets tell us, have this peculiar ministra-
tion in the world. They tell us that these souls, flying
like bees from flower to flower, and wandering over
the gardens and the meadows and the honey-flowing
fountains of the Muses, return to us laden with the
sweetness of melody ; and arrayed as they are in the
plumes of rapid imagination, they speak truth. For a
poet is indeed a thing ethereally light, winged, and
sacred, nor can he compose anything worth calling
poetry until he becomes inspired, and, as it were, mad,
or whilst any reason remains in him. For whilst a man
retains any portion of the thing called reason, he is
utterly incompetent to produce poetry or to vaticinate.
Thus, those who declaim various and beautiful poetry
upon any subject, as for instance upon Homer, are not
enabled to do so by art or study ; but every rhapsodist
or poet, whether dithyrambic, encomiastic, choral, epic,
or iambic, is excellent in proportion to the extent of
his participation in the divine influence, and the
degree in which the Muse itself has descended on him.
In other respects, poets may be sufficiently ignorant
and incapable. For they do not compose according
to any art which they have acquired, but from the
impulse of the divinity within them; for did they
know any rules of criticism according to which they
could compose beautiful verses upon one subject, they
would be able to exert the same faculty with respect
to aU or any other. The Grod seems purposely to
have deprived all poets, prophets, and soothsayers of
ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD. 231
every particle of reason and understanding, the better
to adapt them to their employment as his ministers
and interpreters ; and that we, their auditors, may
acknowledge that those who write so beautifully, are
possessed, and address us, inspired by the God.
[Tynnicus the Chalcidean, is a manifest proof of this,
for he never before composed any poem worthy to
be remembered ; and yet, was the author of that
Paean which everybody sings, and which excels
almost every other hymn, and which he, himself,
acknowledges to have been inspired by the Muse.
And, thus, it appears to me, that the Grod proves
beyond a doubt, that these transcendant poems
are not human as the work of men, but divine
as coming from the God. Poets then are inter-
preters of the divinities — each being possessed by
some one deity; and to make this apparent, the
God designedly inspires the worst poets with the sub-
limest verse. Does it seem to you that I am in the
right, 0 Ion ?
Ion. Yes, by Jupiter! My mind is enlightened
by your words, 0 Socrates, and it appears to me that
the great poets interpret to us through some divine
election of the God.
Socrates. And do not you rhapsodists interpret
poets ?
Ion. We do.
Socrates. Thus you interpret the interpreters ?
Ion. Evidently.
Socrates. Eemember this, and tell me ; and do not
conceal that which I ask. When you dedaim well,
232 ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD.
and strike your audience with admiration; whether
you sing of Ulysses rushing upon the threshold of
his palace, discovering himself to the suitors, and
pouring his shafts out at his feet; or of Achilles
assailing Hector ; or those affecting passages con-
cerning Andromache, or Hecuba, or Priam, are you
then self-possessed ? or, rather, are you not rapt and
filled with such enthusiasm by the deeds you recite,
that you fancy yourself in Ithaca or Troy, or wherever
else the poem transports you ?
Ion. You speak most truly, Socrates, nor will I
deny it ; for, when I recite of sorrow, my eyes fill with
tears ; and when of fearful or terrible deeds, my hair
stands on end, and my heart beats fast.
Socrates. Tell me, Ion, can we call him in his
senses, who weeps while dressed in splendid garments,
and crowned with a golden coronal, not losing any of
these things ? and is filled with fear when surrounded
by ten thousand friendly persons, not one among
whom desires to despoil or injure him ?
Ion. To say the truth, we could not.
Socrates. Do you often perceive your audience
moved also ?
Ion. Many among them, and frequently. I,
standing on the rostrum, see them weeping, with eyes
fixed earnestly on me, and overcome by my declama-
tion. I have need so to agitate them ; for if they
weep, I laugh, taking their money; if they should
laugh, I must weep, going without it.
Socrates. Do you not perceive that your auditor
is the last link of that chain which I have described as
ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD. 233
held together through the power of the magnet ? You
rhapsodists and actors are the middle links, of which
the poet is the first — and through all these the God
influences whichever mind he selects, as they conduct
this powder one to the other ; and thus, as rings from
the stone, so hangs a long series of chorus-dancers,
teachers, and disciples from the Muse. Some poets are
influenced by one Muse, some by another ; we call
them possessed, and this word really expresses the
truth, for they are held. Others, who are interpreters,
are inspired by the first links, the poets, and are filled
with enthusiasm, some by one, some by another; some
by Orpheus, some by Musseus, but the greater number
are possessed and inspired by Homer. You, 0 Ion,
are influenced by Homer. If you recite the works o{
any other poet, you get drowsy, and are at a loss what
to say ; but when you hear any of the compositions of
that poet you are roused, your thoughts are excited,
and you grow eloquent ; — for what you say of Homer
is not derived from any art or knowledge, but from
divine inspiration and possession. As the Corybantes
feel acutely the melodies of him by whom they are
inspired, and abound with verse and gesture for his
songs alone, and care for no other ; thus, you, O Ion,
are eloquent when you expound Homer, and are barren
of words with regard to every other poet. And this
explains the question you asked, wherefore Homer,
and no other poet, inspires you mth eloquence. It is
that you are thus excellent in your praise, not through
science, but from divine inspiration.
Ion. You say the truth, Socrates. Yet, I am
234 ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD.
surprised that you should be able to persuade me that
I am possessed and insane when I praise Homer. I
think I shall not appear such to you when you
hear me.
Socrates. I desire to hear you, but not before you
have answered me this one question. "What subject
does Homer treat best ? for, surely, he does not treat
all equally.
Ion. You are aware that he treats of everything.
Socrates. Does Homer mention subjects on which
you are ignorant ?
Ion. "What can those be ?
Socrates. Does not Homer frequently dilate on
various arts — on chariot-driving, for instance ? if I
remember the verses, I will repeat them.
Ion. I will repeat them, for I remember them.
Socrates, ^Repeat what Nestor says to his son
Antilochus, counselling him to be cautious in turning,
during the chariot race at the funeral games of
Patroclus.
Ion. Avrhs 5e KXivdrjvai ivTr\€KTCf ip\ Si^pw,
'H/c' €7r' apiffrepa roi'iv' arap rhv 5e|t^v 'ittttov
Kevcrai o/xoKX'fjO'as, el^al re ot 7]via x^po'iu-
'Ep viKTcrr) Se roi, 'iinros apicrrepos iyxptlJ-(f>0'f]TCOf
'fls &p roi irXiiixpT] 76 ^odaffcrai &Kpop iK4(r6at
KvkKov iroir]To7o' Xidov 5' a\€a(Tdai iiravpslp.
II. f . 335.*
* And warily proceed,
A little bending to the left-hand steed ;
But urge the right, and give him all the reins ;
While thy strict hand his fellow's head restrains.
And turns him short ; till, doubling as they roll,
The wheel's round nave appears to brush the goal.
Yet, not to break the car or lame the horse,
Clear of the stony heap direct the course. — Fope, Book 23.
ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD. 235
Socrates. Enough. Now, 0 Ion, would a physician
or a charioteer be the better judge as to Homer's
sagacity on this subject ?
Ion. Of course, a charioteer.
Socrates. Because he understands the art — or from
what other reason ?
Ion. From his knowledge of the art.
Socrates. Por one science is not gifted with the
power of judging of another — a steersman, for instance,
does not understand medicine ?
Ion. "Without doubt.
Socrates. Nor a physician, architecture ?
Ion. Of course not.
Socrates. Is it not thus with every art ? If
we are adepts in one, we are ignorant of another.
But first tell me, do not all arts differ one from the
other ?
Ion. They do.
Socrates. Tor you, as well as I, can testify that
when we say an art is the knowledge of one thing, we
do not mean that it is the knowledge of another.
Ion. Certainly.
Socrates. Tor, if each art contained the knowledge
of all things, why should we call them by different
names ? we do so that we may distinguish them one
from the other. Thus, you as well as I, know that
these are five fingers ; and if I asked you whether we
both meant the same thing or another, when we speak
of arithmetic — would you not say the same ?
Ion. Yes.
Socrates. And tell me, when we learn one art, we
236 ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD.
must both learn tlie same things with regard to it ; and
other things if we learn another ?
Ion. Certainly.
Socrates. And he who is not versed in an art, is
not a good judge of what is said or done with
respect to it ?
Ion. Certainly not.
Socrates. To return to the verses which you just
recited, do you think that you or a charioteer would be
better capable of deciding whether Homer had spoken
rightly or not ?
Ion. Doubtless a charioteer.
Socrates. Tor you are a rhapsodist, and not a
charioteer ?
Ion, Yes.
Socrates. And the art of reciting verses is different
from that of driving chariots ?
Ion, Certainly.
Socrates. And if it is different, it supposes a
knowledge of different things ?
Ion. Certainly.
Socrates. And when Homer introduces Hecamede,
the concubine of Nestor, giving Machaon a posset to
drink, and he speaks thus : —
Oivc^ Tlpafiveict}, iirl S' a^yeiop kvtj rvpov
11. X'. 639.
* Tempered in this, the nymph of form divine,
Pours a large portion of the Pramnian wine ;
With goats'-milk cheese, a flavorous taste bestows,
And last with flour the smiling surface strews.
Fope, Book 11.
ION; OE, OF THE ILIAD. 237
Does it belong to the medical or rhapsodical art, to
determine whether Homer speaks rightly on this
subject ?
Ion. The medical.
Socrates. And when he says —
'H Se jxoXv^^aivri Ik^K-t) is ^vffcrhv 'Uav^v,
"H r€ Kar aypavXoio ^oos Kepas i/j-fieinavTa
"Epx^TO-i oi}iJir)(rrf}cn fier' Ix^vai irrj/jLa cpepovcra.*
II. c^. 80.
Does it belong to the rhapsodical or the piscatorial art,
to determine whether he speaks rightly or not ?
Ion. Manifestly to the piscatorial art.
Socrates. Consider whether you are not inspired to
make some such demand as this to me: — Come,
Socrates, since you have found in Homer an accurate
description of these arts, assist me also in the inquiry
as to his competence on the subject of soothsayers and
divination ; and how far he speaks well or ill on such
subjects ; for he often treats of them in the Odyssey,
and especially when he introduces Theoclymenus the
Soothsayer of the Melampians, prophesying to the
Suitors : —
Aaifiovi, ri naKbv r6^e 7rao"X6T6 ; vvktL [xeu vfieccv
ElXvarai KccpaXai re Trpoacaira re vepOe re yuia,
Ol/j-Mj^ 5e SeSTje, de^KpvvraL 5e irapeiai.
ElSdoKcov T6 irpiov irpoOvpov, irKelr) 5e Koi avX^
She plunged, and instant shot the dark profound :
As, bearing death in the fallacious bait,
From the bent angle sinks the leaden weight,
Fope, Book 24.
238 ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD.
'lefJLevcav epe^Sffdc virh ^6(pov' rjeXios 5e
Ovpavov i^aTrdXcoKe, KaK)) 5' eTrdeBpofxev ax^vs.*
Odyss. {>. 351.
Often too in tlie Iliad, as at the battle at the walls ; for
he there says —
"Opvis ydp (T<piv iirrjAOc irepTjcrefxevaL [xeiJ-aSxTiv,
Aierhs v^merris^ eV apiffrepa Kabv iepyuv,
^oivfjcvra dpdKovra (pipcav 6vvx€(T(ri ireAcopoj/,
Zcahv, er acriraipovra' koI outtw \i\OcTo x^p/J-V^.
K6^p€ yap avrhv exovra Kara (TTrjOos iraph deip-^Vf
'l^vuOels 6iri<Tco. 6 8' airh edep ijKe xa/iia^e
'AXyfjcras o^vvpcri, fxeccp 5* iyKoi^^aX' SfxiXcp
Avrhs 5e KXdy^as eTrero irvoi^s av4fioio.f — II. fi\
I assert, it belongs to a soothsayer both to observe and
to judge respecting such appearances as these.
Ion. And you assert the truth, O Socrates.
Socrates. And you also, my dear Ion. For we
have in our turn recited from the Odyssey and the
Iliad, passages relating to vaticination, to medicine and
* O race to death devote ! with Stygian shade
Each destined peer impending Fates invade ;
With tears your wan distorted cheeks are drowned,
With sanguine drops the walls are rubied round ;
Thick swarms the spacious hall with howling ghosts,
To people Orcus, and the burning coasts.
Nor gives the sun his golden orb to roll,
But universal night usurps the pole. — Pope^ Book 20.
t A signal omen stopped the passing host.
Their martial fury in their wonder lost.
Jove's bird on sounding pinions beats the skies,
A bleeding serpent of enormous size
His talons trussed, alive and curling round,
He stung the bird, whose throat received the wound ;
Mad with the smart, he drops the fatal prey.
In airy circles wings his painful way,
Floats on the winds and rends the heaven with cries :
Amidst the host the fallen serpent lies. — Pope, Book 12.
ION ; OR, OF THE ILIAD. 239
the piscatorial art ; and as you are more skilled in
Homer than I can be, do you now make mention
of whatever relates to the rhapsodist and his art ;
for a rhapsodist is competent above all other men
to consider and pronounce on whatever has relation
to his art.
Ion. Or with respect to everything else mentioned
by Homer.
Socrates, Do not be so forgetful as to say every-
thing. A good memory is particularly necessary for a
rhapsodist.
Ion. And what do I forget ?
Socrates. Do you not remember that you admitted
the art of reciting verses was different from that of
driving chariots ?
Ion. I remember.
Socrates. And did you not admit that being different,
the subjects of its knowledge must also be different ?
Ion. Certainly.
Socrates. You will not assert that the art of
rhapsody is that of universal knowledge ; a rhapsodist
may be ignorant of some things.
Ion. Except, perhaps, such things as we now
discuss, O Socrates.
Socrates. What do you mean by sucJi subjects,
besides those which relate to other arts ? And with
which among them do you profess a competent
acquaintance, since not with all ?
Ion. I imagine that the rhapsodist has a perfect
knowledge of what it is becoming for a man to speak —
what for a woman ; what for a slave, what for a free
240 ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD.
man; what for the ruler, what for him who is
governed.
Socrates. How ! do you think that a rhapsodist
knows better than a pilot what the captain of a ship in
a tempest ought to say ?
Ion. In such a circumstance I allow that the pilot
w^ould know best.
Socrates. Has the rhapsodist or the physician the
clearest knowledge of what ought to be said to a
sick man ?
Ion. In that case the physician.
Socrates. But you assert that he knows what a
slave ought to say ?
Ion. Certainly.
Socrates. To take for example, in the driving of
cattle ; a rhapsodist would know much better than the
herdsman what ought to be said to a slave engaged in
bringing back a herd of oxen run wild ?
Ion. JSTo, indeed.
[^Socrates. But what a woman should say concerning
spinning wool ?
Ion. Of course not.
Socrates. He would know, however, what a man,
who is a general, should say when exhorting his troops ?
Ion. Yes ; a rhapsodist would know that.
Socrates. How ! is rhapsody and strategy the same
art?
Ion. I know what it is fitting for a general to say.
Socrates. Probably because you are learned in war,
O Ion. Por if you are equally expert in horsemanship
and playing on the harp, you would know whether a
ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD. 241
man rode well or ill. But if I should ask you which
understands riding best, a horseman or a harper, what
would you answer ?
Ion, A horseman, of course.
Socrates. And if you knew a good player on the
harp, you would in the same way say that he understood
harp-playing and not riding ?
Ion. Certainly.
Socrates. Since you understand strategy, you can
tell me which is the most excellent, the art of war or
rhapsody ?
Ion. One does not appear to me to excel the other.
Socrates. One is not better than the other, say
you ? Do you say that tactics and rhapsody are two
arts or one ?
Ion. They appear to me to be the same.
Socrates. Then a good rhapsodist is also a good
general.
Ion. Of course.
Socrates. And a good general is a good rhap-
sodist ?
Ion. I do not say that.
Socrates. You said that a good rhapsodist was also
a good general.
Ion. I did.
Socrates. Are you not the best rhapsodist in
Greece ?
Ion. By far, O Socrates.
Socrates. And you are also the most excellent general
among the Greeks ?
Ion. I am. I learned the art from Homer.
242 ION; OR, OF THE ILIAD.
Socrates. How is it then, by Jupiter, that being
both the best general and the best rhapsodist among
us, you continually go about Grreece rhapsodising, and
never lead our armies ? Does it seem to you that
the Greeks greatly need golden-crowned rhapsodists,
and have no want of generals ?
Ion. My native town, 0 Socrates, is ruled by
yours, and requires no general for her wars ; — and
neither will your city nor the Lacedemonians elect
me to lead their armies — you think your own generals
sufficient.
Socrates. My good Ion, are you acquainted with
Apollodorus the Cyzicenian ?
Ion. What do you mean ?
Socrates. He whom, though a stranger, the Athe-
nians often elected general ; and Phanosthenes the
Andrian, and Heraclides the Clazomenian, all foreign-
ers, but whom this city has chosen, as being great
men, to lead its armies, and to fill other high offices.
"Would not, therefore. Ion the Ephesian be elected and
honoured if he were esteemed capable ? Were not
the Ephesians originally from Athens, and is Ephesus
the least of cities ? But if you spoke true. Ion, and
praise Homer according to art and knowledge, you
have deceived me, — since you declared that you were
learned on the subject of Homer, and would com-
municate your knowledge to me — but you have
disappointed me, and are far from keeping your word.
Eor you will not explain in what you are so excessively
clever, though I greatly desire to learn ; but, as various
as Proteus, you change from one thing to another,
MENEXENUS; OR, THE FUNERAL ORATION. 243
and to escape at last, you disappear in the form of
a general, without disclosing your Homeric wisdom.
If, therefore, you possess the learning which you
promised to expound on the subject of Homer, you
deceive me and are false. But if you are eloquent on
the subject of this Poet, not through knowledge, but
by inspiration, being possessed by him, ignorant the
while of the wisdom and beauty you display, then I
allow that you are no deceiver. Choose then whether
you will be considered false or inspired ?
Ion. It is far better, O Socrates, to be thought
inspired.
Socrates. It is better both for you and for us, O Ion,
to say that you are the inspired, and not the learned,
eulogist of Homer.
MENEXENUS ; OE, THE EUNEEAL OEATION.
A FEAGMENT.
SOCRATES AND MENEXENUS.
Socrates. Whence comest thou, O Menexenus?
from the forum ?
Menexenus. Even so ; and from the senate-house.
Socrates. What was thy business with the senate ?
Art thou persuaded that thou hast attained to that
perfection of discipline and philosophy, from which
thou mayest aspire to undertake greater matters ?
Wouldst thou, at thine age, my wonderful friend,
assume to thyself the government of us who are thine
R 2
244 MENEXENUS; OR, THE FUNERAL ORATION.
elders, lest thy family should at any time fail in affording
lis a protector ?
Menexenus. If thou, O Socrates, shouldst permit
and counsel me to enter into public life, I would
earnestly endeavour to fit myself for the attempt. If
otherwise, I would abstain. On the present occasion,
I went to the senate-house, merely from having heard
that the senate was about to elect one to speak con-
cerning those who are dead. Thou knowest that the
celebration of their funeral approaches ?
Socrates. Assuredly. But whom have they chosen ?
Menexenus, The election is deferred until to-
morrow ; I imagine that either Dion or Archinus will
be chosen.
Socrates. In truth, Menexenus, the condition of him
who dies in battle is, in every respect, fortunate and
glorious. If he is poor, he is conducted to his tomb
with a magnificent and honourable funeral, amidst the
praises of all ; if even he were a coward, his name is
included in a panegyric pronounced by the most
learned men ; from which all the vulgar expressions,
which unpremeditated composition might admit, have
been excluded by the careful labour of leisure ; who
praise so admirably, enlarging upon every topic
remotely, or immediately connected with the subject,
and blending so eloquent a variety of expressions, that,
praising in every manner the state of which we are
citizens, and those who have perished in battle, and
the ancestors w^ho preceded our generation, and our-
selves who yet live, they steal away our spirits as wdth
enchantment. "Whilst I listen to their praises, 0
MENEXENUS; OR, THE FUNERAL ORATION. 245
Menexenus, I am penetrated with a very lofty concep-
tion of myself, and overcome by their flatteries. I
appear to myself immeasurably more honourable and
generous than before, and many of the strangers who
are accustomed to accompany me, regard me with
additional veneration, after having heard these rela-
tions ; they seem to consider the whole state, including
me, much more worthy of admiration, after they have
been soothed into persuasion by the orator. The
opinion thus inspired of my own majesty will last me
more than three days sometimes, and the penetrating
melody of the words descends through the ears into
the mind, and clings to it ; so that it is often three or
four days before I come to my senses sufficiently to
perceive in what part of the world I am, or succeed in
persuading myself that I do not inhabit one of the
islands of the blessed. So skilful are these orators
of ours.
Menexenus. Thou always laughest at the orators,
O Socrates. On the present occasion, however, the
unforeseen election will preclude the person chosen
from the advantages of a preconcerted speech; the
speaker will probably be reduced to the necessity of
extemporising.
Socrates. How so, my good friend ? Every one of
the candidates has, without doubt, his oration prepared;
and if not, there were little difficulty, on this occasion,
of inventing an unpremeditated speech. If, indeed,
the question were of Athenians, who should speak
in the Peloponnesus ; or of Peloponnesians, who
should speak at Athens, an orator who would persuade
246 MENEXENUS; OR, THE FUNERAL ORATION.
and be applauded, must employ all the resources of his
skill. But to the orator who contends for the appro-
bation of those whom he praises, success will be little
difficult.
Menexenus. Is that thy opinion, O Socrates ?
Socrates. In truth it is.
Menexenus. Shouldst thou consider thyself compe-
tent to pronounce this oration, if thou shouldst be
chosen by the senate ?
Socrates. There would be nothing astonishing if I
should consider myself equal to such an undertaking.
My mistress in oratory was perfect in the science
which she taught ; and had formed many other excellent
orators, and one of the most eminent among the
Grreeks, Pericles, the son of Xantippus.
Menexenus. Who is she ? Assuredly thou meanest
Aspasia.
Socrates. Aspasia, and Connus the son of Metrobius,
the two instructors. Erom the former of these I
learned rhetoric, and from the latter music. There
would be nothing wonderful if a man so educated
should be capable of great energy of speech. A
person who should have been instructed in a manner
totally different from me ; who should have learned
rhetoric from Antiphon the son of Ehamnusius, and
music from Lampses, would be competent to succeed
in such an attempt as praising the Athenians to the
Athenians.
Menexenus. And what shouldst thou have to say,
if thou wert chosen to pronounce the oration ?
Socrates. Of my own, probably nothing. But
MENEXENUS ; OR, THE FUNERAL ORATIOX. 247
yesterday I heard Aspasia declaim a funeral oration
over these same persons. She had heard, as thou
sayest, that the Athenians were about to choose an
orator, and she took the occasion of suggesting a series
of topics proper for such an orator to select ; in part
extemporaneously, and in part such as she had already
prepared. I think it probable that she composed the
oration by interweaving such fragments of oratory as
Pericles might have left.
Menexenus. Rememberest thou what Aspasia said ?
Socrates. Unless I am greatly mistaken. I learned
it from her ; and she is so good a schoolmistress, that
I should have been beaten if I had not been perfect in
my lesson.
Menexenus. Why not repeat it to me ?
Socrates. I fear lest my mistress be angry, should
I publish her discourse.
Menexenus. 0, fear not. At least deliver a dis-
course ; you will do what is exceedingly delightful
to me, whether it be of Aspasia or any other. I entreat
you to do me this pleasure.
Socrates. But you will laugh at me, who, being
old, attempt to repeat a pleasant discourse.
Menexenus. O no, Socrates ; I entreat you to
speak, however it may be.
Socrates. I see that I must do what you require.
In a little while, if you should ask me to strip naked
and dance, I shall be nnable to refuse you, at least, if
we are alone. Now, listen. She spoke thus, if I
recollect, beginning with the dead, in whose honour
the oration is supposed to have been delivered.
248
FEAGMENTS
FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO.
I. — But it would be almost impossible to build your
city in such a situation that it would need no imports.
— Impossible. — Other persons would then be required,
who might undertake to conduct from another city
those things of which they stood in need. — Certainly.
— But the merchant who should return to his own
city, without any of those articles which it needed,
would return empty-handed. It will be necessary,
therefore, not only to produce a sufficient supply, but
such articles, both in quantity and in kind, as may be
required to remunerate those who conduct the imports.
There will be needed then more husbandmen, and
other artificers, in our city. There will be needed also
other persons who will undertake the conveyance of
the imports and the exports, and these persons are
called merchants. If the commerce which these
necessities produce is carried on by sea, other persons
will be required who are accustomed to nautical aifairs.
And, in the city itself, how shall the products of each
man's labour be transported from one to another ;
those products, for the sake of the enjoyment and the
ready distribution of which, they were first induced to
institute a civil society? — By selling and buying,
surely. — A market and money, as a symbol of exchange,
arises out of this necessity. — Evidently. — When the
FRAGMENTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO. 249
husbandman, or any other artificer, brings the produce
of his labours to the public place, and those who
desire to barter their produce for it do not happen to
arrive exactly at the same time, would he not lose his
time, and the profit of it, if he were to sit in the
market waiting for them ? — Assuredly. — But, there
are persons who, perceiving this, will take upon them-
selves the arrangement between the buyer and the
seller. In constituted civil societies, those who are
employed on this service, ought to be the infirm, and
unable to perform any other; but, exchanging on
one hand for money, what any person comes to sell,
and giving the articles thus bought for a similar equi-
valent to those who might wish to buy.
II. — Description of a frugal enjoyment of the
goods of the world.
III. — But with this system of life some are not
contented. They must have beds and tables, and
other furniture. They must have scarce ointments
and perfumes, women, and a thousand superfluities of
the same character. The things w^hich we mentioned
as sufficient, houses, and clothes, and food, are not
enough. Painting and mosaic-work must be culti-
vated, and works in gold and ivory. The society must
be enlarged in consequence. This city, which is of a
healthy proportion, will not suffice, but it must be
replenished with a multitude of persons, whose occu-
pations are by no means indispensable. Huntsmen
and mimics, persons whose occupation it is to arrange
250 FRAGMENTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO,
forms and colours, persons whose trade is the cultiva-
tion of the more delicate arts, poets and their ministers,
rhapsodists, actors, dancers, manufacturers of all kinds
of instruments and schemes of female dress, and an
immense crowd of other ministers to pleasure and
necessity. Do you not think we should want school-
masters, tutors, nurses, hair-dressers, barbers, manu-
facturers and cooks ? Should we not want pig-drivers,
which were not wanted in our more modest city, in
this one, and a multitude of others to administer to
other animals, which would then become necessary
articles of food, — or should we not? — Certainly we
should. — Should we not want physicians much more,
living in this manner than before ? The same tract
of country would no longer provide sustenance for the
state. Must we then not usurp from the territory of our
neighbours, and then we should make aggressions, and
so we have discovered the origin of war ; which is the
principal cause of the greatest public and private
calamities. — C. xi.
IV. — And first, wx must improve upon the com-
posers of fabulous histories in verse, to compose them
according to the rules of moral beauty ; and those not
composed according to the rules must be rejected;
and we must persuade mothers and nurses to teach
those which we approve to their children, and to form
their minds by moral fables, far more than their bodies
by their hands. — Lib. ii.
FRAGMENTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO. 251
v.— ON THE DANGER OF THE STUDY OF ALLEGORICAL
COMPOSITION (IN A LARGE SENSE) FOR YOUNG PEOPLE.
Tor a young person is not competent to judge what
portions of a fabulous composition are allegorical and
wliat literal ; but the opinions produced by a literal
acceptation of that which has no meaning, or a bad
one, except in an allegorical sense, are often irradi-
cable. — Lib. ii.
Yi. — Grod then, since he is good, cannot be, as is
vulgarly supposed, the cause of all things ; he is the
cause, indeed, of very few things. Among the great
variety of events which happen in the course of human
aifairs, evil prodigiously overbalances good in every-
thing which regards men. Of all that is good there
can be no other cause than God; but some other cause
ought to be discovered for evil, which should never be
imputed as an effect to God. — L. ii.
Yii. — Plato's doctrine of punishment as laid
down, p. 146, is refuted by his previous reasonings.
—P. 26.
VIII.— THE UNCHANGEABLE NATURE OF GOD.
Do you think that God is like a vulgar conjuror,
and that he is capable for the sake of effect, of assuming,
at one time, one form, and at another time, another ?
Now, in his own character, converting his proper form
into a multitude of shapes, now deceiving us, and
252 FRAGMENTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO.
offering vain images of himself to our imagination ?
Or do you think that Grod is single and one, and least
of all things capable of departing from his permanent
nature and appearance ?
IX.— THE PERMANENCY OF WHAT IS EXCELLENT.
But everything, in proportion as it is excellent,
either in art or nature, or in both, is least susceptible
of receiving change from any external influence.
X.— AGAINST SUPERSTITIOUS TALES.
Nor should mothers terrify their children by
these fables, that Grods go about in the night-time,
resembling strangers, in all sorts of forms : at once
blaspheming the Gods, and rendering their children
cowardly.
XI.—THE TRUE ESSENCE OF FALSEHOOD AND ITS ORIGIN.
Know you not, that that which is truly false, if it
may be permitted me so to speak, all, both Gods and
men, detest ? — How do you mean ? — Thus : No person
is willing to falsify in matters of the highest concern
to himself concerning those matters, but fears, above
all things, lest he should accept falsehood. — Yet, I
understand you not. — You think that I mean some-
thing profound. I say that no person is willing in his
own mind to receive or to assert a falsehood, to be
ignorant, to be in error, to possess that which is not
true. This is truly to be called falsehood, this igno-
rance and error in the mind itself. What is usually
FRAGMENTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO. 253
called falsehood, or deceit in words, is but a voluntary
imitation of what the mind itself suifers in the invo-
luntary possession of that falsehood, an image of later
birth, and scarcely, in a strict and complete sense,
deserving the name of falsehood. — Lib. ii.
XII.— AGAINST A BELIEF IN HELL.
If they are to possess courage, are not those doc-
trines alone to be taught, which render death least
terrible ? Or do you conceive that any man can be
brave who is subjected to a fear of death ? that he
who believes the things that are related of hell, and
thinks that they are truth, will prefer in battle, death
to slavery, or defeat ? — Lib. iii. — Then follows a criti-
cism on the jpoetical accounts of hell.
XIIL— ON GRIEF.
We must then abolish the custom of lamenting and
commiserating the deaths of illustrious men. Do we
assert that an excellent man will consider it anything
dreadful that his intimate friend, who is also an excel-
lent man, should die ? — By no means (an excessive
refinement). He will abstain then from lamenting
over his loss, as if he had suffered some great evil ? —
Surely. — May we not assert in addition, that such a
person as we have described suffices to himself for all
purposes of living well and happily, and in no manner
needs the assistance or society of another ? that he
would endure with resignation the destitution of a
son, or a brother, or possessions, or whatever external
254 FRAGMENTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO.
adjuncts of life miglit have been attached to him ?
and that, on the occurrence of such contingencies, he
would support them with moderation and mildness,
by no means bursting into lamentations, or resigning
himself to despondence ? — Lib. iii.
Then he proceeds to allege passages of the poets in
which opposite examples were held up to approbation and
imitation.
XIV.— THE INFLUENCE OF EARLY CONSTANT IMITATION.
Do you not apprehend that imitations, if they shall
have been practised and persevered in from early
youth, become established in the habits and nature, in
the gestures of the body, and the tones of the voice,
and lastly, in the intellect itself? — C. iii.
XV.— ON THE EFFECT OF BAD TASTE IN ART.
Nor must we restrict the poets alone to an exhibi-
tion of the example of virtuous manners in their com-
positions, but all other artists must be forbidden,
either in sculpture, or painting, or architecture, to
employ their skill upon forms of an immoral, unchas-
tened, monstrous, or illiberal type, either in the forms
of living beings, or in architectural arrangements.
And the artist capable of this employment of his art,
must not be suffered in our community, lest those
destined to be guardians of the society, nourished
upon images of deformity and vice, like cattle upon
bad grass, gradually gathering and depasturing every
day a little, may ignorantly establish one great evil,
FRAGMENTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO. 255
composed of tbese many evil things, in their minds. —
C. iii.
The monstrous figures called Arabesques, however in
some of them is to he found a mixture of a truer and
simpler taste, which are found in the ruined palaces
of the Roman JEmperors, hear, nevertheless, the same
relation to the hrutal profligacy and hilling luxury
which required them, as the majestic figures of Castor
and Pollux, and the simple heauty of the sculpture of
the frieze of the Parthenon, hear to the more heautiful
and simple manners of the Greeks of that period.
With a liberal interpretation, a similar analogy might
he extended into literary composition.
XVL— AGAINST THE LEARNED PROFESSIONS.
"What better evidence can you require of a corrupt
and pernicious system of discipline in a state, than
that not merely persons of base habits and plebeian
employments, but men who pretend to have received
a liberal education, require the assistance of lawyers
and physicians, and those too who have attained to a
singular degree (so desperate are these diseases of
body and mind) of skill. Do you not consider it an
abject necessity, a proof of the deepest degradation,
to need to be instructed in what is just or what is
needful, as by a master and a judge, with regard to
your personal knowledge and suffering ?
What would Plato have said to a priest, such as his
office is, in modern times? — C. iii.
256 FRAGMENTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO.
XVII.-ON MEDICINE.
Do you not think it an abject thing to require the
assistance of the medicinal art, not for the cure of
wounds, or such external diseases as result from the
accidents of the seasons (eTrrjTeLrjv), but on account of
sloth and the superfluous indulgences which we have
already condemned ; thus being filled with wind and
water, like holes in earth, and compelling the elegant
successors of ^sculapius to invent new names, flatu-
lences, and catarrhs, &c., for the new diseases which
are the progeny of your luxury and sloth ? — L. iii.
XVIII.— THE EFFECT OF THE DIETETIC SYSTEM.
Herodicus being psedotribe '(TraLdoTpilSrjs, Maltster
palcBstrcB), and his health becoming weak, united the
gymnastic with the medical art, and having con-
demned himself to a life of weariness, afterwards
extended the same pernicious system to others. He
made his life a long death. For humouring the disease,
mortal in its own nature, to which he was subject,
without being able to cure it, he postponed all other
purposes to the care of medicating himself, and through
his whole life was subject to an access of his malady, if
he departed in any degree from his accustomed diet,
and by the employment of this skill, dying by degrees,
he arrived at an old age. — L. iii.
^sculapius never pursued these systems, nor
Machaon or Podalirius. They never undertook the
FRAGMENTS FROM THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO. 20>r
treatment of those whose frames were inwardly
and thoroughly diseased, so to prolong a worthless
existence, and bestow on a man a long and wretched
being, during which they might generate children in
every respect the inheritors of their infirmity. — L. iii.
XIX.- AGAINST WHAT IS FALSELY CALLED "KNOWLEDGE
OF THE WORLD."
A man ought not to be a good judge until he be
old ; because he ought not to have acquired a know-
ledge of what injustice is, until his understanding has
arrived at maturity : not apprehending its nature from
a consideration of its existence in himself; but having
contemplated it distinct from his own nature in that
of others, for a long time, until he shall perceive what
an evil it is, not from his own experience and its
effects within himself, but from his observations of
them as resulting in others. Such a one were indeed
an honourable judge, and a good; for he who has a
good mind, is good. But that judge who is considered
so wise, who having himself committed great injustices,
is supposed to be qualified for the detection of it in
others, and who is quick to suspect, appears keen,
indeed, as long as he associates with those who
resemble him ; because, deriving experience from the
example afforded by a consideration of his own con-
duct and character, he acts with caution ; but when he
associates with men of universal experience and real
virtue, he exposes the defects resulting from such
experience as he possesses, by distrusting men unrea-
sonably and mistaking true virtue having no example
258 ON A PASSAGE IN CRITO.
of it within himself with which to compare the
appearances manifested in others; yet, snch a one
iinding more associates who are yirtuous than such as
are wise, necessarily appears, both to himself and
others, rather to be wise than foolish. — But w^e ought
rather to search for a wise and good judge ; one who
has examples within himself of that upon which he is
to pronounce. — 0. iii.
XX. — Those who use gymnastics unmingled with
music become too savage, whilst those who use music
unmingled with gymnastics, become more delicate
than is befittino^.
ON A PASSAGE IN CRITO.
[It is well known that when Socrates was condemned to death, his friends
made arrangements for his escape from prison and his after security ;
of which he refused to avail himself, from the reason, that a good
citizen ought to ohey the laws of his country. On this Shelley
makes the following remarks — ]
The reply is simple.
Indeed, your city cannot subsist, because tlie laws
are no longer of avail. Tor how can the laws be said
to exist, when those who deserve to be nourished in
the Prytanea at the public expense, are condemned
to suffer the penalties only due to the most atrocious
criminals ; whilst those against, and to protect from
wliose injustice, the laws were framed, live in honour
and security? I neither overthrow your state, nor
I
ON A PASSAGE IN CRITO. 259
infringe your laws. Although you have inflicted an
injustice on me, which is sufficient, according to the
opinions of the multitude, to authorise me to consider
you and me as in a state of warfare ; yet, had I the
-power, so far from inflicting any revenge, I would
endeavour to overcome you by benefits. All that I
do at present is, that which the peaceful traveller
would do, who, caught by robbers in a forest, escapes
from them whilst they are engaged in the division of
the spoil. And this I do, when it would not only be
indifferent, but delightful to me to die, surrounded by
my friends, secure of the inheritance of glory, and
escaping, after such a life as mine, from the decay of
mind and body which must soon begin to be my.
portion should I live. But, I prefer the good, which
I have it in my power yet to perform.
Such are the arguments, which overturn the sophism
placed in the mouth of Socrates by Plato. But there
are others which prove that he did well to die.
END OF VOL. I.
BRADBURY AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS.
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