The letters of President Lincoln on questions of national policy

n-L-u,

Price, One Copy, 8 cents ; Two Copies, 15 cents.

THE LETTERS

OF

PRESIDENT LINCOLN

OS"

(tmstions of Uitiitmal Jolitg. •

I. To General McClellan.
II. To Horace Greeley.

III. To Fernando Wood.

IV. To the Albany Committee.
V. To Governor Seymour.

VL To the Springfield Meeting.

NEW YOEK :
H. H. LLOYD & CO., 81 JOHN STREET.

THE TRADE SUPPLIED BY

SINCLAIR TOUSEY, 121 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK,

H. DEXTER, 113 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK.

B. B. RUSSELL, 515 WASHINGTON STREET, BOSTON.

R. R. LANDON, 88 LAKE STREET, CHICAGO.

1863.

Entered, according to Act of Consress, in the year 1863, by H. H. Lloyd & Co., in the
Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United. States for the Southern District of
New York.

LIST OIF

MAPS, CHAETS, PRINTS, ETC.,

ALL OF WHICH ARE ELEGANTLY FINISHES IN COLORS.

SREAT COUNTY MAP OF THE UNITED STATES,

Showing our Whole Country, including California, Oregon, Washington,
Utah, Idaho, etc., with Railroads, Battle-fields, etc. This is the latest,
largest, plainest, and cheapest Map of the United States yet published.
First issued August 1st, 1863. Size 40 x 54 inches. 60 cents. Mounted
on rollers, heavy bound pasteboard paper, $1 25.

|Uto Iplitaii itoj 0f t\}t §0rttt airt SMtfetnt Stales.

Sheets, 88 X 44 inches. Price 30 cents.

EQUESTRIAN MILITARY PORTRAIT GALLERY,

Eepresenting 17 of our most distinguished Generals on horseback. A very
ornamental wall picture. Price 30 cents.

OUR U'jtflOW ©EFEIDEKS,
Being life-like Portraits, in beautiful colors, of 34 leading Union Generals.
Price 80 cents.

Showing three large, spirited Engravings, finely colored, with description
on the margin. Two of them are scenes from the Battle of Bull Run,
and the other shows the Battle of Wilson's Creek, in which Gen. Lyon
was killed. Price 30 cents.

BATTLE SSENES-N0. TWO.

A magnificently colored sheet, 33 x 44 inches, showing the most spirited
Union Victories. Price 50 cents.

A SERIES OF COLORED PRINTS AND LITHOGRAPHS

Of new and original designs. — Battles, Generals, Fancy Sketches, Ladies,

Flowers, Fruits, etc. 17x13 inches. Price 15 cents.

We have also several Charts representing the most interesting scenes of
Scripture History, besides Maps and Pictures suited to the times and the
wants of the people.

Any of the above Maps, Charts, or Pictures, in sheet form, will be sent
by mail on receipt of the price.

Map Agents and Picture Dealers should send for our Price List and
Terms to the Trade.

We wish it to be distinctly understood that we have no relation-
ship, and never had business connection, with another man who
advertises maps under the name of "Lloyd." We do not fear his
maps. Ours seem to terrify him. The country is large enough
for both, and we commend him to those who believe his adver-
tisements and like his way of doing business. We think this a
sufficient reply to his abusive words and gross misrepresentations.

H. H. LLOYD & CO., Map Publishers, 81 John Street, N. Y.

B. B. RUSSELL, 515 Washington Street, Boston,

Wholesale Agent for New England.

R. R. LAND023", 88 Lake Street, Chicago, Agent for the West.

PREFACE.

Peesidekt Lincoln, during his administration, has found
himself placed, more than once, in a position where he had
no precedents to guide him, either in the administrations of
his predecessors or in the policy pursued by the Rulers of
Free Peoples elsewhere. In these emergencies he has taken
counsel of his own vigorous common sense, and his strict
integrity and honesty of purpose, and done what he believed
to be right and just.

In some instances, the course he has deemed proper to
pursue has called forth severe animadversions, either from
political friends or opponents. Under these circumstances,
most Presidents would have avoided any public explanation
of their views and course ; but Mr. Lincoln, strong in con-
scious integrity, and unversed in the arts of diplomacy, has
preferred — and we think it will generally be acknowledged,
wisely preferred — to avail himself of the opportunity offered
by circumstances, to explain and defend his measures by a
public letter. We have believed that very many would be
glad to have these letters — which, though peculiar in style,
are marked by very high ability and statesmanship — in a
collected form, and have therefore prepared them for pub?

lication.

H. H. LLOYD & CO.
New York, September, 1863.

THE

LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

I.— THE LETTERS TO GEN. McCLELLAK.

["WHitE Gen. McClellan was in command of the Army of the Potomac, President
Lincoln wrote him two letters, besides sending him numerous telegraph>c dispatches.
These letters were published in the report of the Committee on the Conduct of the War.
Though neither of them on matters of national policy, both explain his views in regard
to the management of 'he war, and the necessity of prompt and efficient action. The
fic^t was in reply to a letter of Gen. McClellan, objectina to his Special War Order No.
1, of January 31, 1862, which directed a speedy movement on the railroad southwest of
Manassas Junction,]

To this the President made the following reply:

Executive Mansion, Washington, Feb. 3, 1862.

My dear Sir — You and* I have distinct and different plaije for a
movement of the Army of the Potomac — yours to be down the Chesa-
peake, up the Rappahannock to Urbanna, and across land to the ter-
minus of the railroad on York River; mine to move directly to a
point on the railroad southwest of Manassas. If you will give me
satisfactory answers to the following questions I shall gladly yield my
plan to yours :

1. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time
and money than mine?

2. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plain than mine?

3. "Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine?

4. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would break
no great line of the enemy's communication, while mine would?

5. In case of disaster, would not a safe retreat be more difficult by
your plan than by mine ? Yours, truly, A. LINCOLN".

Major-Gen. McClellan.

[The second was addressed to Gen. McClellan about four weeks after the battle of
Antietam, to encourage him to a more prompt movement upon the enemy, and to un-
dertake the capture of Kichmond. It was as follows :]

Executive Mansion, Washington, Oct. 13, 186&

My dear Sir — You remember my speaking to you of what I called
your overcautiousness. Are you not overcautious when you assume
that you can not do what the enemy is constantly doing? Should
you not claim to be at least his equal in prowess, and act upon the
claim t

O THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

As I understand, you telegraphed Gen. Halleck that you can not
subsist your army at Winchester, unless the railroad from Harper's
Ferry to that point be put in working order. But the enemy does
now subsist his army at Winchester at a distance nearly twice as great
from railroad transportation as you would have to do without the
railroad last named. He now wagons from Culpepper Court House,
which is just about twice as far as you would have to do from Harper's
Ferry. He is certainly not more than half as well provided with
wagons as you are. I certainly should be pleased for you to have the
advantage of the railroad from Harper's F,erry to Winchester ; but it
wastes all the remainder of autumn to give it to you, and in fact ig-
nores the question of time, which can not and must not be ignored.

Again, one of the standard maxims of war, as you know, is, " to
operate upon the enemy's communications as much as possible, without
exposing your own." You seem to act as if this applies against you,
but can not apply in your favor. Change positions with the enemy,
and think you not he would break your communication with Eich-
mond within the next twenty-four hours? You dread his going into
Pennsylvania. But if he does so in full force, he gives up his com-
munications to you absolutely, and you ttave nothing to do but to
follow and ruin him ; if he does so with less than full force, fall upon
and beat what is left behind all the easier.

Exclusive of the water line, you are now nearer Eichmond than the
enemy is by the route that you can and he must take. Why can you
not reach there before him, unless you admit that he is more than your
equal on a march ? His route is the arc of a circle, while yours is the
chord. The roads are as good on yours as on his.

You know I desired, but did not order, you to cross the Potomac
below instead of above the Shenandoah and Blue Eidge. My idea
was, that this would at once menace the enemy's communications,
which I would seize if he would permit. If he should move north-
ward, I would follow him closely, holding his communications. If he
should prevent our seizing his communications, and move toward
Richmond, I would press closely to him, fight him if a favorable op-
portunity should present, and at least try to beat him to Eichmond on
the inside track. I say, " try;" if we never try, we shall never suc-
ceed. If he make a stand at Winchester, moving neither north nor
south, I would fight him there, on the idea that if we can not beat
him when he bears the wastage of coming to us, we never can when
wefbear the wastage of going to him. This proposition is a simple
truth, and is too important to be lost sight of for a moment. In com-
ing to us, he tenders us an advantage which we should not waive.
We should not so operate as to merely drive him away. As we must
beat him somewhere, or fail finally, we can do it, if at all, easier near
to us than far away. If we can not beat the enemy where he now is,

THE HCTl'JBJKS fe)F PRESIDENT LINCOLN". 7

we never can, be again being witliin tbe intrencbraents of Richmond.
Recurring to tbe idea of going to Richmond on the inside track, tbe
facility of supplying from the side, away from the enemy, is remark-
able, as it were by the different spokes of a wheel, extending from the
hub toward the rim, and this, whether you move directly by tbe chord
or on the inside arc, hugging the Blue Ridge more closely. The chord-
line, as you see, carries you by Aldie, Haymarket, and Fredericksburg,
and you see how turnpikes, railroads, and finally tbe Potomac, by
Acquia Creek, meet you at all points from Washington. The same,
only the lines lengthened a little, if you press closer to the Blue Ridge
part of the way. The gaps through the Blue Ridge I understand to
be about the following distances from Harper's Ferry, to wit : Vestal's,
five miles; Gregory's, thirteen ; Snicker's, eighteen ; Ashby's, twenty -
eight; Manassas, thirty-eight; Chester, forty-five; and Thornton's,
fifty-three. I should think it preferable to take the route nearest the
enemy, disabling him to make an important move without your knowl-
edge, and compelling him to keep his forces together for dread of you.
The gaps would enable you to attack if you should wish.# For a great
part of the way you would be practically between the enemy and
both Washington and Richmond, enabling us to spare you the greatest
number of troops from here. When, at length, running to Richmond
ahead of him enables him to move this way; if he does so,' turn and
attack him in the rear. But I think he should be engaged long before
such point is reached. It is all easy if our troops march as well as
tbe enemy, and it is unmanly to say they can not do it. This letter
is in no sense an order. Yours, truly, A. LINCOLN.

Major-Gen. MoClellan.

n.— THE LETTER TO HORACE GREELEY.

[In August, 1862, Hon. Horace Greeley, Editor of the New York Tribune, believing
that what he deemed the hesitating policy of the President, in regard to proclaiming the
emancipation of the slaves in the Eebel States, was doing injury to the Union cause,
addressed a letter to him over his own signature in the columns of the Tribune, remon-
etrating against his delay, and avowing his belief that the declaraiion of the emancipa-
tion policy would greatly encourage and strengthen the Union cause, and deal a stag-
gering if not a fatal blow to the Eebellion. Neither Mr. Greeley nor any one else proba-
bly expected a reply in form from the President ; but within a few days Mr. Lincoln
caused the following answer to Mr. Greeley's letter to be published :]

Executive Mansion, Washington, Aug. 22, lS62f

Hox. Horace Greeley :

Dear Sir— I have just read yours of the 19th instant, addressed to
myself through the New York Tribune.

If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may
know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them.

8 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn,
I do not now and here argue against them.

If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive
it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to
be right.

As to the policy I " seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not
meant to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I Would
save it in the shortest way under the Constitution.

The sooner the national authority can be restored the nearer the
Union will be — the Union as it was.

If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could
at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them.

If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could
at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them.

My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or
destroy slavery.

If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it —
if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it— and if I could
do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.

What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe
it helps to save this Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do
not believe it would help to save the Union.

I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the
cause, and I shall do more whenever I belreve doing more will help
the cause.

I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall
adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.

I have here stated my purpose according to my views of official
duty, and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish
that all men everywhere could be free. Yours, A. LINCOLN".

THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 9

in.— THE LETTER TO FERNANDO WOOD.

[Hon. Fernando "Wood, late Mayor of New York, and now a Member of Congress
from one of the city districts, has, as is well known, avowed his sympathy for and sub-
stantial cordiality toward the leaders of the Rebellion. In November, 1862, he professed
to have received from some person or persons, whom he declared trustworthy, advices
that the Southern States would send representatives to the next Congress, provided that
a full and general amnesty should allow them to do so. The statement was in direct
contradiction to the open, public, oft-repeated declarations of the leaders of the Rebel-
lion ; but on the strength of it Mr. Wood addressed a letter to the President on the 8th
of December, 1862, asking in substance that an amnesty, or at least an armistice, might
be declared, and he be empowered to hold correspondence with the rebel leaders, with
a view to arrange terms of peace. The President made the following reply, in the last
paragraph of which he asks that it may be regarded as confidential. In September,
1863, Mr. "Wood published it, together with copies of his own.]

PRESIDENT LINCOLN TO ME. WOOD.

Executive Mansion, Washington, Dec. 12, 1862.
Hon. Fernando Wood :

My dear Sir — Your letter of the 8th, with the accompanying note
of same date, was received yesterday.

The most important paragraph in the letter, as I consider, is in these
words : " On the 25th November last I was advised by an authority
which I deemed likely to be well informed as well as reliable and
truthful,. that the Southern States would send representatives to the
next Congress, provided that a full and general amnesty should permit
them to do so. No guarantee or terms were asked for other than the
amnesty referred to."

I strongly suspect your information will prove to be groundless ;
nevertheless, I thank you for communicating it to me. Understanding
the phrase in the paragraph above quoted — " the Southern States
would send representatives to the next Congress" — to be substantially
the same as that " the people of the Southern States would cease
resistance, and would reinaugurate, submit to. and maintain the
national authority within the limits of such States, under the Constitu-
tion of the United States," I say that in such case the war would
cease on the part of the United States ; and that if within a reasonable
time ua full and general amnesty" were necessary to such end, it
would not be withheld.

I do not think it would be proper now to communicate this, formally
or informally, to the people of the Southern States. My belief is that
they already know it ; and when they choose, if ever, they can com-
municate with me unequivocally. Nor do I think it proper now to
suspend military' operations to try any experiment of negotiation.

I should nevertheless receive, with great pleasure, the exact in-
formation you now Lave, and also such other as you may in any way
obtain. Such information might be more valuable before the 1st of
January than afterward.

10 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

While there is nothing in this letter which I shall dread to see in
history, it is, perhaps, better for the present that its existence should
not become public. I therefore have to request that you will regard
it as confidential. Your obedient servant, , A. LINCOLN".-

IV.— THE LETTER TO THE ALBANY COMMITTEE.

[A " Democratic meeting" was held in Albany, N. Y., on the 16th of May, 1863, over
which Hon. Erastus Corning, M. C. from the Albany district presided, having for its
object the denunciation of the arrest of Vallandigham, and the demanding of his resto-
ration to liberty. The resolutions passed by the meeting were forwarded by the pre-
siding officer to President Lincoln, and elicited the following reply :]

Executive Mansion, "Washington, June 13, 1863.

Hon. Eeastus Corning and othees:

Gentlemen — Your letter of May 19, inclosing the resolutions of a
public meeting held at Albany, K. Y., on the 16th of the same month,,
was received several days ago.

The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolvable into two propo-
sitions— first, the expression of a purpose to sustain the cause of the
Union, to secure peace through victory, and to support the Adminis-
tration in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the
Kebellion ; and secondly, a declaration of censure upon the Adminis-
tration for supposed unconstitutional action, such as the making of
military arrests. And, from the two propositions, a third is deduced,
which is that the gentlemen composing the meeting are resolved on
doing their part. to maintain our common government and country,
despite the folly or wickedness, as they may conceive, of any Admin-
istration. This position is eminently patriotic, and as such I thank
the meeting and congratulate the nation for it. My own purpose is
the same, so that the meeting and myself have a common object, and
can have no difference, except in the choice of means or measures for
effecting that object.

And here I ought to close this paper, and would close it, if there
were no apprehension that more injurious consequences than any
merely personal to myself might follow the censures systematically
past upon me for doing what, in my view of duty, I could not forbear.
The resolutions promise to support me in every constitutional and
lawful measure to suppress the Kebellion, and I have not knowingly
employed, nor shall knowingly employ, any other. But the meeting,
by their resolutions, assert and argue that certain military arrests, and
proceedings following them, for which I am ultimately responsible,
are unconstitutional. I think they are not. The resolutions quote
from the Constitution the definition of treason, and also the limiting

THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 11

safeguards and guarantees therein provided for the citizen on trials for
treason, and on his being held to answer for capital or otherwise in-
famous crimes, and, in criminal prosecutions, his right, to a speedy and
public trial by an impartial jury. They proceed to resolve u that these
safeguards of the rights of the citizen against the pretensions of arbi-
trary power were intended more especially for his protection in times
of civil commotion." And, apparently to demonstrate the proposi-
tion, the resolutions proceed : " They were secured, substantially to
the English people after years of protracted civil war, and were
adopted into our Constitution at the close of the Eevolution." "Would
not the demonstration have been better if it could have been truly said
that these safeguards had been adopted and applied during the civil wars
and during our Revolution, instead of after the one and at the close of
the other? I, too, am devotedly for them after civil war, and oefore civil
war, and at all times, "except when, in cases of rebellion or invasion,
the public safety may require" their suspension. The resolutions pro-
ceed to tell us that these safeguards " have stood the test of seventy-six
years of trial, under our republican system, under circumstances which
show that, while they constitute the foundation of all free government,
they are the elements of the enduring stability of the Republic." No one
denies that they have so stood the test up to the beginning of the pres-
ent Rebellion, if we except a certain occurrence at New Orleans ; nor
does any one question that they will stand the same test much longer
after the Rebellion closes. But these provisions of the Constitution
have no application to the case we have in hand, because the arrests
complained of were not made for treason — that is, not for the treason
defined in the Constitution, and upon conviction of winch the punish-
ment is death — nor yet were they made to hold persons to answer for
any capital or otherwise infamous crimes ; nor were the proceedings
following, in any constitutional or legal sense, "criminal prosecu-
tions." The arrests were made on totally different grounds, and the
proceedings following accorded with the grounds of the arrests. Let
us consider the real case- with which we are dealing, and apply to it
the parts of the Constitution plainly made for such cases.

Prior to my installation here, it had been inculcated that any State
had a lawful right to. secede from the national Union, and that it
would be expedient to exercise the right whenever the devotees of the
doctrine should fail to elect a President to their own liking. I was
elected contrary to their liking, and accordingly, so far as it was le-
gally possible, they had taken seven States out of the Union, had seized
many of the United States forts, and had fired upon the United States
* flag, all before I was inaugurated, and, of course, before I had done
any official act whatever. The Rebellion thus began, soon ran into
the present Civil War, and, in certain respects, it began on very un-
equal terms between the parties. The insurgents had been preparing

12 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

for it more than thirty years, while the Government had taken no
steps to resist them. The former had carefully considered all the
means which could be turned to their account. It undoubtedly was
a well-pondered reliance with them that, in their own unrestricted
efforts to destroy Union, Constitution, and law all together, the Gov-
ernment would, in great degree, be restrained by the same Constitu-
tion and law from arresting their progress. Their sympathizers per-
vaded all departments of the Government and nearly all communities
of the people. From this material, under cover of " liberty of speech,"
"liberty of the press," and "habeas corpus," they hoped to keep on
foot among us a most efficient corps of spies, informers, suppliers, and
aiders and abettors of their cause in a thousand ways. They knew
that in times such as they were inaugurating, by the Constitution it-
self, the " habeas corpus" might be suspended ; but they also knew
they had friends who would make a question as to who was to sus-
pend it ; meanwhile, their spies and others might remain at large to
help on their cause. Or if, as has happened, the Executive should
suspend the writ, without ruinous waste of time, instances of arrest-
ing innocent persons might occur, as are always likely to occur in such
cases ; and then a clamor could be raised in regard to this which might
be, at least, of some service to the insurgent cause. It needed no very
keen perception to discover this part of the enemy's programme so
soon as, by open hostilities, their machinery was fairly put in motion
Yet, thoroughly imbued with a reverence for the guaranteed rights
of individuals, I was slow to adopt the strong measures which by de-
grees I have been forced to regard as being within the exceptions of
the Constitution,* and as indispensable to the public safety. Nothing
is better known to history than that courts of justice are utterly incom-
petent to such cases. Civil courts are organized chiefly for trials of
individuals, or, at most, a few individuals acting in concert, and this
in quiet times, and on charges of crimes well defined in the law.
Even in times of peace bands of horse-thieves and robbers frequently
grow too numerous and powerful for the ordinary courts of justice.
But what comparison, in numbers, have such bands ever borne to the
insurgent sympathizers even in many of the loyal States? Again: a
jury too frequently has at least one member more ready to hang the
panel than to hang the traitor. And yet, again, he who dissuades one
man from volunteering, or induces one soldier to desert, weakens the
Union cause as much as he who kills a Union soldier in battle. Yet
this dissuasion or inducement may be so conducted as to be no de-
fined crime of which any civil court would take cognizance.

Ours is a case of rebellion — so called by the resolution before me —
in fact, a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of rebellion ; and the pro-
vision of the Constitution that " the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or in-

THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 13

vasion, the public safety may require it," is the provision which spe-
cially applies to our present case. This provision plainly attests the
understanding of those who made the Constitution, that ordinary
courts of justice are inadequate to "cases of rebellion" — attests their
purpose that, in such cases, men may be held in custody whom the
courts, acting on ordinary rules, would discharge. Habeas corpus
does not discharge men who are proved to be guilty of defined crime;
and its suspension is allowed by the Constitution on purpose that men
may be arrested and held who can not be proved to be guilty of de-
fined crime, when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety
may require it." This is precisely our present case — a case of rebel-
lion, wherein the public safety does require the suspension. Indeed,
arrests by process of courts, and arrests in cases of rebellion, do not
proceed altogether upon the same basis. The former is directed at the
small per-centage of ordinary and continuous perpetration of crime ;
while the latter is directed at sudden and extensive uprisings against
the Government, which at most will succeed or fail in no great length
of time. In the latter case arrests are made, not so much for what
has been done as for what probably would be done. The latter is
more for the preventive and less for the vindictive than the former.
In such cases the purposes of men are much more easily understood
than in cases of ordinary crime. The man who stands by and says
nothing when the peril of his Government is discussed, can not be
misunderstood. If not hindered, he is sure to help the enemy ; much
more, if he talks ambiguously — talks for his country with "buts," and
uifs," and "ands." Of how little value the constitutional provisions
I have quoted will be rendered, if arrests shall never be made until
defined crimes shall have been committed, may be illustrated by a few
notable examples. Gen. John C. Breckinridge, Gen. Robert E. Lee,
Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, Gen. John B. Magruder, Gen. William B.
Preston, Gen. Simon B. Buckner, and Commodore Franklin Bu-
chanan, now occupying the very highest places in the Rebel war
service, were all within the power of the Government since the Re-
bellion began, and were nearly as well known to the traitors then as
now. Unquestionably if we had seized and held them, the insurgent
cause would be much weaker. But no one of them had then com-
mitted any crime defined in the law. Every one of them, if arrested,
would have been discharged on habeas corpus, were the writ allowed
to operate. In view of these and similar cases, I think the time not
unlikely to come when I shall be blamed for having made too few ar-
rests rather than too many.

By the third resolution, the meeting indicate their opinion that
military arrests may be constitutional in localities where rebellion
actually exists, but that such arrests are unconstitutional in localities
where rebellion or insurrection does not actually exist. They insist

14 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

that such arrests shall not be made "outside of the lines of necessarj
military occupation and the scenes of insurrection." Inasmuch, how
ever, as the Constitution itself makes no such distinction, I am unabk
to believe that there is any such constitutional distinction. I concede
that the class of arrests complained of can be constitutional only
when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require
them ; and I insist that in such cases they are constitutional wherevei
the public safety does require them ; as well in places to which they
m&y prevent the Rebellion extending as in those where it may be al-
ready prevailing; as well where they may restrain mischievous inter-"
ference with the raising and supplying of armies to suppress the
Rebellion, as where the Rebellion may actually be; as well where
they may restrain the enticing men out of the army, as where they
would prevent mutiny in the army ; equally constitutional at all
places where they will conduce to the public safety, as against the
dangers of rebellion or invasion. Take the particular case mentioned
by the meeting. It is asserted, in substance, that Mr. Yallandigham
was, by a military commander, seized and tried " for no other reason
than words addressed to a public meeting, in criticism of the course
of the Administration, and in condemnation of the military orders of
the general." Now, if there be no mistake about this ; if this asser-
tion is the truth and the whole truth ; if there was no other reason
for the arrest, then I concede that the arrest was wrong. But the
arrest, as I understand, was made for a very different reason. Mr.
Yallandigham avows his hostility to the war on the part of the Union ;
and his arrest was made because he was laboring, with some effect, to
prevent the raising of troops; to encourage desertions from the army;
and to leave the Rebellion without an adequate military force to sup-
press it. He was not arrested because he was damaging the political
prospects of the Administration, or the personal interests of the com-
manding general, but because he was damaging the army, upon the
existence and vigor of which the life of the nation depends. He was
warring upon the military, and this gave the military constitutional
jurisdiction to lay hands upon him. If Mr. Yallandigham was not
damaging the military power. of the country, then his arrest was made
on mistake of fact, which I would be glad to correct on reasonably
satisfactory evidence.

I understand the meeting, whose resolutions I am considering, to b€>
in favor of suppressing the Rebellion by military force — by armies.
Long experience has shown that armies can not be maintained unless
desertions shall be punished by the severe penalty of death. Tho
case requires, and the law and the Constitution sanction, this punish-
ment. Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, while
I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to desei fc ?
This is none the less injurious when effected by getting a father, or

THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 15

brother, or friend, into a public meeting, and there working upon his
feelings till he is persuaded to write the soldier boy that he is fighting
in a bad cause, for a wicked Administration of a contemptible Gov-
ernment, too weak to arrest and punish him if he shall desert. I think
that in such a case to silence the agitator and save the boy is not only
constitutional, but withal a great mercy.

If I be wrong on this question of constitutional power, my error
lies in believing that certain proceedings are constitutional when, in
cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety requires them, which
would not be constitutional when, in the absence of rebellion or inva-
sion, the public safety does not require them ; in other words, that the
Constitution is not, in its application, in all respects the same, in cases
of rebellion or invasion involving the public safety, as it is in time of
profound peace and public security. The Constitution itself makes
the distinction ; and I can no more be persuaded that the Government
can constitutionally take no strong measures, in time of rebellion, be-
cause it can be shown that the same could not be lawfully taken in
time of peace, than I can be persuaded that a particular drug is not
good medicine for a sick man, because it can be shown not be good
food for a well one. Nor am I able to appreciate the danger appre-
hended by the meeting that the American people will, by means of
military arrests during the Eebellion, lose the right of public discus-
sion, the liberty of speech and the press, the law of evidence, trial by
jury, and habeas corpus, throughout the indefinite peaceful future,
which I trust lies before them, any more than I am able to believe
that a man could contract so strong an appetite for emetics during
temporary illness as to persist in feeding upon them during the re-
mainder of his healthful life.

In giving the resolutions that earnest consideration which you re-
quest of me, I can not overlook the fact that the meeting speak as
" Democrats." Nor can I, with full respect for their known intelli-
gence, and the fairly presumed deliberation with which they prepared
their resolutions, be permitted to suppose that this occurred by acci-
dent, or in any way other than that they preferred to designate them-
selves '* Democrats" rather than " American citizens." In this time
of national peril, I would have preferred to meet you upon a level one
step higher than any party platform ; because I am sure that, from
such more elevated position, we could do better battle for the country
we all love than we possibly can from those lower ones where, from
the force of habit, the prejudices of the past, and selfish hopes of the
future, we are sure to expend much of our ingenuity and strength in
finding fault with and aiming blows at each other. But, since you have
denied me this, I will yet be thankful, for the country's sake, that not
all Democrats have done so. He on whose discretionary judgment Mr.
Vallandigham was arrested and tried is a Democrat, having no old

16 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

party affinity with me; and the judge who rejected the constitutional
view expressed in these resolutions, by refusing to discharge Mr. Val-
landigham on habeas corpus, is a Democrat of better days than these,
having received his judicial mantle at the hands of President Jackson.
And still more, of all those Democrats who are nobly exposing their
lives and shedding their blood on the battle-field, I have learned that
many approve the course taken with Mr. Vallandigham, while I have
not heard of a single one condemning it. I can not assert that there
are none such. And the name of President Jackson recalls an in-
stance of pertinent history: After the battle of New Orleans, and
while the fact that the treaty of peace had been concluded was well
known in the city, but before official knowledge of it had arrived,
General Jackson still maintained martial or military law. Now that
it could be said the war was over, the clamor against martial law,
which had existed from the first, grew more furious. Among other
things, a Mr. Louiallier published a denunciatory newspaper article.
General Jackson arrested him. A lawyer by the name of Morel pro-
cured the United States Judge Hall to issu© a writ of habeas corpus to
relieve Mr. Louiallier. General Jackson arrested both the lawyer and
the judge. -A Mr. Hollander ventured to say of some part of the
matter that " it was a dirty trick." General Jackson arrested him.
When the officer undertook to serve the writ of habeas corpus, General
Jackson took it from him, and sent him away with a copy. Holding
the judge in custody a few days, the General sent him beyond the limits
of his encampment, and set him at liberty, with an order to remain
till the ratification of peace should be regularly announced, or until
the British should have left the Southern coast. A day or two more
elapsed, the ratification of a treaty of peace was regularly announced,
and the judge and others were fully liberated. A few days more, and
the judge called General Jackson into court and fined him $1,000 for
having arrested him and the others named. The General paid the
fine, and there the matter rested for nearly thirty years, when Con-
gress refunded principal and interest. The late Senator Douglas,
then in the House of Kepresentatives, took a leading part in the de-
bates, in which the constitutional question was much discussed. I am
not prepared to say whom the journals would show to have voted for
the measure.

It may be remarked: First, that we had the same Constitution then
as now ; secondly, that we then had a case of invasion, and now we
have a case of rebellion ; and, thirdly, that the permanent right of
the people to public discussion, the liberty of speech and of the press,
the trial by jury, the law of evidence, and the habeas corpus, suffered
no detriment whatever by that conduct of General Jackson, or its
subsequent approval by the American Congress.

And yet, let me say that, in my own discretion, I do not know

THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 17

whether I would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham.
While I can not shift the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a
general rule, the commander in the field is the better judge of the ne-
cessity in any particular case. Of course, I must practice a ge&er*l
directory and revisory power in the matter.

One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the meeting tk*t
arbitrary arrests will have the effect to divide and distract those wk©
should be united in suppressing the Rebellion, and I am specifically
called on to discharge Mr. Vallandigham. I regard this as, at le*st, a
fair appeal to me on the expediency of exercising a constitutional
power which I think exists. In response to such appeal, I have to?ay,
it gave me pain when I learned that Mr. Vallandigham had beGn
arrested — that is, I was pained that there should have seemed to be a
necessity for arresting him — and that it will afford me great pleasure
to discharge him so soon as I can, by any means, believe the public
safety will not suffer by it. I further say that, as the war progresses,
it appears to me, opinion and action, which were in great confusion at
first, take shape and fall into more regular channels, so that the ne-
cessity for strong dealing with them gradually decreases. I have
every reason to desire that it should cease altogether ; and far from
the least is my regard for the opinions and wishes of those who, like
the meeting at Albany, declare their purpose to sustain the Govern-
ment in _iT vj constitutional and lawful measures to suppress the Re-
bellion, btill, I must continue to do so much as may seem to be
required by the public safety. A. LINCOLN.

V.— THE LETTER TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

t After the riot in New York city, July 13-17, 1863, which was alleged to have been
caused by the attempt to execute the Conscription Law, Governor Seymour addressed a
long letter to the President, urging the suspension of the draft, until he could ascertain
what credit should be allowed to New York city and its vicinity for previous quotas
furnished, and until the question of the constitutionality of the Conscription Act could
be tested before the Supreme Court of the United States. As the Supreme Court could
nor, hold a session till December or January, this was equivalent to asking tfeat the
draft should be entirely abandoned. To this letter the President made the following
reply :]

Executive Mansion, Washington, Aug. 7, 1863.

His Excellency, Hoeatio Seymouk, Goveenok of New Yoek^

Albany, N". Y. :

Your communication of the 3d instant has been received and atten-
tively considered. I can not consent to suspend the draft in ]Sew
York, as you request, because, among other reasons, time is too import-
ant. By the figures you send, which I presume are correct, the twelve
districts represented fall in two classes of eight and four respectively.

The disparity of the quotas for the draft in these two classes is cer-

18 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN".

*

tainly very striking, being the difference between an average of 2,200
in one class, and 4,864 in the other. Assuming that the districts are
equal, one to another, in entire population, as required by the plan on
which they were made, this disparity is such as to require attention.
Much of it, however, I suppose will be accounted for by the fact that
so many more persons fit for soldiers are in the city than are in the
country, who have too recently arrived from other parts of the United
States and from Europe to be either included in the census of 1860, or
to have voted in 1862. Still, making due allowance for this, I am yet
unwilling to stand upon it as an entirely sufficient explanation of the
great disparity. I shall direct the draft to proceed in all the districts,
drawing, however, at first from each of* the four districts — to wit, the
Second, Fourth, Sixth, and Eighth — only 2,200, being the average
quota of the other class. After this drawing, these four Districts, and
also the Seventeenth and Twenty-ninth, shall be carefully re-enrolled —
and, if you please, agents of yours may witness every step of the pro-
cess. Any deficiency which may appear by the new enrollment will
be supplied by a special draft for that object, allowing due credit for
volunteers who may be obtained from these districts respectively
during the interval ; and at all points, so far as consistent with practi-
cal convenience, due credits shall be given for volunteers, and your
Excellency shall be notified of the time fixed for commencing a draft
in each district.

I do not object to abide a decision of the United States Supreme
Court, or of the Judges thereof, on the constitutionality of the draft
law. In fact, I should be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it. But
I can not consent to lose the time while it is being obtained. We are
contending with an enemy who, as I understand, drives every able-
bodied man he can reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives
bullocks into a slaughter-pen. No time is wasted, no argument is
used. This produces an army which will soon -turn upon our now vic-
torious soldiers already in the field, if they shall not be sustained by
recruits as they should be. It produces an army with a rapidity not
to be matched on our side, if we first waste time to re-experiment
with the volunteer system, already deemed by Congress, and palpably,
in fact, so far exhausted as to be inadequate ; and then more time to
obtain a Court decision as to whether a law is constitutional which
requires a part of those not now in the service to go to the aid of those
who are already in it; and still more time to determine with absolute
certainty that we get those who are to go in the precisely legal pro-*
portion to those who are not to go. My purpose is to be in my action
just and constitutional, and yet practical, in performing the important
duty with which I am charged, of maintaining the unity and the free
principles of our common country. Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN".

THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 19

VI.— THE LETTER TO THE SPRINGFIELD (ILL.)
AND SYRACUSE CONVENTIONS.

[The Republican State Committee of Illinois having called a State Convention to
meet at Springfield, on the 3d of September, addressed a letter to the President inviting
him to be present. As circumstances would not permit him to accept the invitation, he
availed himself of the opportunity thus offered to defend his emancipation policy ; and as
the New York State Union Convention was held at the same time, a copy of the letter
was sent to them also :]

Executive Mansion, "Washington, Aug. 26, 1863.
Hon. James 0. Conexttstg :

My dear Sir— Your letter inviting me to attend%a mass meeting of
unconditional Union men, to be held at the capital of Illinois on the
3d day of September, has been received. It would be very agreeable
for me thus to meet my old friends at my own home ; but I can not
|ust now be absent from here so long as a visit there would require.

The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional devo-
tion to the Union ; and I am sure that my old political friends will
thank me for tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those other
noble men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false
to the nation's life.

There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say \
You desire peace, and you blame me that we do .not have it. But
how can we attain it ? There are but three conceivable ways : First —
to suppress the Eebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do.
Are you for it ? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for
it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. Are you
for it ? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you are not for force,
nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise.

I do not believe that any compromise embracing the maintenance
of the Union is now possible. All that I learn leads to a directly
opposite belief. The strength of the Eebellion is its military, its army.
That army dominates all the country, and all the people within its
range. Any offer of terms made by any man or men within that
range, in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present ;
because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their
side of a compromise, if one were made with them.

To illustrate : Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of
the North get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a com-
promise embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can that
compromise be used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania ? Meade's
army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ulti-
mately drive it out of existence. But no paper compromise to which
the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed can at all affect that army.
IS an effort at such compromise we would waste time, which the
enemy would improve to our disadvantage* and that would be all.

20 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

r A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those wi-io
control the rebel army, or with the people, first liberated from the domi-
nation of that army by the success of our own army. Now, allow me
to assure you that no word or intimation from that rebel army, or from
any of the men controlling it, in relation to any peace compromise, has
ever come to my knowledge or belief. All charges and insinuations to
the contrary are deceptive, and groundless. And I promise you that
if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected
and kept a secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself to be the
servant of the people, according to the bond of service, the United
States Constitution ; and that, as such, I am responsible to them.

But, to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negro.
Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself
upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while
you, I suppose, do not. Yet, I have neither adopted nor proposed any
measure which is not consistent with even your view, provided that?
you are for the Union. I suggested compensated emancipation ; to
which you replied you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I
had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such way as
to save you . from greater taxation to save the Union exclusively by
other means.

You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would
have it retracted. "You say it is unconstitutional. * I think differently.
I think the Constitution invests its Commander-in Chief with the law
of war in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is,
that slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any question
that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be
taken when needed ? And is it not needed whenever it helps us and
hurts the enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property
when they can not use it ; and even destroy their own to keep it from
the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their power to help them-
selves or hurt the enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous
or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre of "vanquished foes
and non-combatants, male and female.

But the Proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If it is
not valid it needs no retraction. If it is valid it can not be retracted,
any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you profess
to think its retraction would operate favorably for the Union. Why
better after the retraction than before the issue? There was more
than a year and a half of trial to suppress the Eebellion before the
Proclamation was issued, the last one hundred days of which passed
under an explicit notice that it was coming, unless averted by those in
revolt returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly progressed
as favorably for us since the issue of the Proclamation as before. —

I know as fully as one can know the opinions of others -that some

THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 21

of the commanders of our armies in the field who have given us our
most important victories believe the emaucipation policy and the use
of colored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to the Rebel-
lion, and that at least one of those important successes could not have
been achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers.

Among the commanders who hold these views are some who have
never had any affinity with what is called, ." Abolitionism," or with
" Eepublican party politics " but who hold them purely as military
opinions. I submit their opinions as entitled to some weight against
the objections often urged that emancipation and arming the blacks
are unwise as military measures, and were not adopted as such in
good faith.

You say that you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them
seem willing to fight for you; but no matter. Fight you then, exclu-
sively, to save the Union. I issued the Proclamation on purpose to
aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all
resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will
be an apt time then for you to declare you will not fight to free ne-
groes. I thought that in your struggle for the Union to whatever ex- '
tent the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it
weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. ' Do you think differ-
ently ? I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers
leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union.
Does it appear otherwise to you ? But negroes, like other people, act
upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if we will do noth-
ing for them ? If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted
by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. And the
promise being made, must be kept.

The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed
to the sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it;. nor yet wholly to
them. Three hundred miles up they met New England, Empire,
Keystone, and Jersey hewing their way right and left. The sunny
South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a helping hand. On the
spot, their part of the history was jotted down in black and white.
The job was a great national one, and let none be slighted who bore
an honorable part in it. * And while those who have cleared the great
river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to say that
anything has been more bravely and well done than at Antietam,
Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less note. Nor must
Uncle Sam's web feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins they
have been present, not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the
rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever the
ground was a little damp they have been and made their tracks. Thanks
to all. For the great Republic — for the principle it lives by and keeps
alive — for man's vast future — thanks to all.

22 THE LETTERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come
soon and come to stay ; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all
future time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there
can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they
who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost.
And then there will be some black men who can remember that with
silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised
bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation,
while I fear there will be some white ones unable to forget that with
malig*«*t hw* *»4 deceitful speech th#y bar* *trir#a to hinder ifc.

Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let us
be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting
that a just God, in His own good time, will give us the rightful result.
Yours, very truly, A. LINCOLN. *

7A ZLCrZ><?.0'S4r OH 1 6? 7

From the New York Christian Advocate and Journal.

HOW MAPS ARE MADE.

Maps have always been considered necessary aids to military and histor-
ical narrations. The Greeks, the Romans, the Chinese, the Japanese were
map-makers two thousand years ago. The history of map manufacture
from its rude beginnings down to the present day is both entertaining and
instructive. Historians must regard the last and the present decades as
an epoch in the diffusion of maps, charts, and pictorial illustrations. In
the United States the great number of reading and thinking men, and
the intense interest each feels in the progress of the war, has made the
demand for maps far greater than was ever known in any other country.
The importance of no battle or campaign can be comprehended without
an understanding of its relations to towns, rivers, railroads, mountains
and valleys, forests and bluffs, and to the positions held by the contending
forces. Such knowledge can only be gained from maps, which are coming
to be regarded as necessary as newspapers. We presume a sketch of the
methods by which maps are produced will not be uninteresting to our
readers. First, a drawing must be made showing the topography of the
country to be mapped out, giving the relative position of each town,
river, etc. This is a matter of extreme difficulty, and so difficult that we
think no perfectly accurate map has ever been drawn to cover a large ter
ritory. The drawing must next be engraved on some material from which
impressions can be taken on paper. Until quite recently plates of steel,
copper, or stone have been used for this purpose, the lines and letters
being sunk in the plates. The cavities so made being filled with ink, the
printing is effected by a copperplate press. The best maps have been
made by this slow and expensive process, but it can not supply them at
low prices or in large quantities. Lithography has also furnished finely
executed maps at prices somewhat cheaper than those engraved on steel
or copper. By this mode the map is drawn on the lithographic stone with
a peculiar ink, which hardens and presents the letters and figures slightly
raised, and from which clear impressions can be obtained in a lithographic
press. Lithography has not, however, been able to supply the immensely
increased demand for maps ; and the great desideratum has been to find a
way to print finely engraved work on a common power press. Maps were
engraved on wood as early as 1482. The wood being cut away, leaving
the lines and names raised, a means is afforded for power -press printing,
either from the wood or from electrotypes. Since the war began, many
newspapers have furnished their readers with small section maps of this
kind. Some large and very distinct maps have also been produced from
wood engraving, and sold in great numbers throughout the country. But
the brittle character of wood will not permit the fine engraving required
in a small scale map, and the ingenuity of men has long been tried to pro-
duce relief-plate engraving from a firm and fine material. The attempts
have at length been successful, and large and excellent relief-plate maps
are now obtained from steam-presses. We have recently seen proof-sheets
of a fine large county map of the United States just engraved for Messrs.
H. H. Lloyd & Co., of 81 John Street, New York, produced from metallic
relief-plates. This method of map production is now extensively em-
ployed in this country and in Europe, and enables good maps to be sold
at low prices. The paper on which maps are printed contains a large
quantity of size, that fills the pores and prevents the colors from spread-
ing. The coloring of maps forms an important and separate item in their
manufacture. This work is not done on the printing press, as is often
supposed, but chiefly by stencil plates, with a brush in hand. This part
of the work is performed in this country almost exclusively by Germans.
To show the advancement of geographical knowledge as illustrated by
maps, it may be stated that until the beginning of the eighteenth century
all maps of Europe represented the Mediterranean Sea 1,400 miles longer
than it is, and contained many other errors nearly as glaring.

H. H. LLOYD & CO., Publishers, 81 John Street, N. Y.

B. 3. RUSSELL, 515 Washington Street, Boston,

Wholesale Agent for New England.

Gf?EAT COUNTV MAP OF THE UNITED STATES*

First Published August 1st, 1863, is the v

LARGEST, LATEST, PLAINEST, AND CHEAPEST MAP OF OUR WHOLE COUNTRY

ever issued to illustrate our Country and the War.
It is superior to all other Maps, because it has just been engraved, and
contains all the Towns, Rivers, Mountains, etc. , made noted by the war,
and not down on any other Map ; because its Topography is accurate ;
because, while it has an immense number of names, it does not confuse
the eye with a great mass of unimportant matter ; because it exhibits our
whole country, including all the Pacific States and Territories.

AGENTS MUST SEE FOR TIIEMShLVKS.
Lloyd's New Military Map of the Border & Southern States.

In its preparation, especial attention is given to the position of Troops,
Forts, Kailroads, Rivers, Distances, Harbors, and all Towns, large or small,
either already important or likely to become so in the future. The im-
mense sale of this popular Map continues unabated.

Battle-fields and strategic places are marked by blood-red lines and dots,
so that all important points are easily found.

"OUR UOTIOOT DEFENDEES."

This most showy and attractive Chart contains, besides the brilliant
Head-piece, Uniforms, Arms, Insignia of Rank, etc., the best Portraits tc
be found of thirty-four leading Generals in the Eastern and Western Armies
We can most heartily recommend this Chart to those Agents and theii
customers who wish to get a great deal for their money, and something
too, that sells well.

THE EQUESTRIAN MILITARY PORTRAIT GALLERY

Represents Seventeen of our most noted Field Generals on Horseback
In Three Groups, very large, with an Elegant New Head-piece.

This Chart is pronounced by all who have seen it to give the best like-
nesses of our leading officers yet engraved, and to be altogether the mos*
Bold. Spirited, and Attractive work of the kind yet issued. No pains are
spared to make the coloring and finish as nearly perfect as possible.
From the, New York Independent.

Since the breaking out of the rebellion the demand for maps and charts has been
enormous. Among the most enterprising houses in this branch of trade, is that of H. H.
Lloyd & Co. Their map of the Border and Southern States, and several charts, are
well and favorably known to the public. Traveling agents must find the sale of these
popular publications a source of much profit.

From the Nero York Observer.

This is the age of maps. H. H. Lloyd & Co. have issued a series of beautiful maps.
Their map of the Southern and Border States is clear, accurate, and comprehensive.

The following are a few of the many notices of our great and cheap
Map of the United States :

An excellent map, and sold at the surprisingly low price of $1 25, mounted an<?
colored. — Boston Journal.

A very handsome and convenient map, and of extraordinary utility. We can heartilj
recommend it. — Boston Courier.

Every man who desires to have a definite knowledge of the local points where the
great scenes of the day are transpiring should own one of these maps, if he has to gc
without his dinner to buy it.— Boston Pott.

Any of our Maps and Charts, in sheet form, sent by mail on receipt of
price. For Prices, see second page.

The most liberal inducements to Map Agents. Send for our Terms.

H. H. LLOYD & CO., 81 John Street, New York.
B. B. RUSSELL, 515 Washington Street, Boston,

Wholesale Agent for New England.
R. R. LANDON, 88 Lake Street, Chicago, Agent for the West.