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^ V,. 

















[no. lviJ 




FOR THE YEAK 1852-3. 



JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. Treas. S.A. Director. 













WILLIAM J. THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A., Secretary. 

The Council of the Camden Society desire it to be under- 
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa- 
tions that may appear in the Society's publications ; the Editors of 
the several works being alone responsible for the same. 


The Members of the Camden Society are aware that 
the collection of original papers from which the follow- 
ing pages are derived is extensive and miscellaneous. 
Its most important contents possess not only an interest 
directly historical, in the ordinary sense of that word, 
that is, as connected with public events of the periods 
to which they belong; they have also a separate and 
personal interest, in relation to the fortunes of a par- 
ticular family. In editing the present selection I have 
thought it right to keep this double interest of the 
papers in mind. I have, therefore, not sent forth the 
book merely as containing a body of historical papers, 
which would tell their own tale without comment or 
connection. I have sketched the history of the family, 
and have introduced the papers in the places into Avhich 
they fall naturally as illustrations of the fortunes of the 

This is a course which will meet, I hope, with general 
approval. The most valuable materials, even for general 


history, arc to be found among the records of private and 
personal experience. More true knowledge of the spirit 
of an age, more real acquaintance with the feelings and 
actual circumstances of a people, may be gleaned from a 
delineation of the affairs of a single family than from 
studied historical composition. The one is the expres- 
sion of contemporary and spontaneous feeling, and, 
although limited, is unquestionably genuine ; the other 
is a deduction from knowledge, imperfect even when 
most extensive, and too frequently coloured by the feel- 
ings and prejudices of a subsequent and altered jieriod. 
I have given an account of the descent of the Verneys, 
not from a mere antiquary's love of resuscitating every- 
thing that belongs to the past, but because, without 
a knowledge of the history of the family, it would have 
been impossible to judge correctly of the character and 
value of their papers. For my own part, I venture to 
think that it would be a great excellence in our litera- 
ture, and would make publications of this description far 
more valuable than they generally are, if attention were 
more frequently given to the precise cii'cumstances and 
social position of the persons from whom original papers 
emanated, or to whom they relate. It is an erroneous, 
althougli among antiquaries by no means an unconmion 
notion, that unollicial papers are only of importance 
when they can be connected with the most hiteresting 
events or the most noble families. I should contend, on 
the contrary, that tlic value of sucli papers is to l)c csti- 


mated by the degree in which they give an insight into 
the feelings and opinions, the real inner life, and not the 
mere outside appearance, of the men and women, what- 
ever their station, to whom they relate. 

In adopting the course which I have described, I have 
endeavoured not at all to overlook the public events to 
which these papers relate, or in which the Verneys were 
involved. In the reigns of Henry VI. and Edward IV. 
I have unfolded the clever management by which sir 
Ralph Verney, the Yorkist lord mayor, was able to 
recover for his son the lands of the Lancastrian sir 
Hobert Whittingham (pp. 12 — 22). In the reign of 
Henry VII. I have indicated the gay life led by the 
courtier sir Halph, the chamberlain of princess Margaret, 
and one of her attendants into Scotland (pp. 29 — 34). 
I have also been able to establish his marriage with 
lady Eleanor Pole (p. 31), and have identified as his 
a tomb at King's Langley traditionally reported to be 
that of Piers Gavestone (p. 47). 

In the reign of queen Mary I have unravelled the 
details of Dudley's conspiracy, in which two of the 
Verneys were implicated, and in respect to which our 
historians have been much at fault (pp. 59 — 76). 

In the reign of Elizabeth the documents I have 
selected may be properly said to begin. The table which 
follows these observations will be found to indicate their 
general character. 

Under James I. the fortunes of sir Erancis Verney 


have led me to say something upon a curious question, 
which will bear a good deal more investigation; — the 
adventures of the English pirates in the Mediterranean 
(pp. 95 — 101). I have also had occasion to give some 
particulars of prince Charles's journey to Spain, sir 
Edmund Verney having been one of his attendants 
(pp. 107 — 113). In the same reign I may point out 
the order at p. 117 to control "the bold and barbarous 
insolency" of those who presumed to join the royal 
hunting parties without permission. 

With the accession of Charles I. the papers acquire 
great importance. I have printed such of them as 
relate to some of the grievances of that period ; the levy 
of money upon privy seals, with the excessive amount 
assessed upon Hampden (pp. 118 — 129, and 277 — 288) ; 
coat and conduct money (pp. 126 — 127, and 289) ; the 
billeting of soldiers (pp. 132 — 134) ; and the oppres- 
sions of the court of wards (pp. 146 — 186). Glances 
also are caught at the feeling engendered by the impe- 
rious policy of lord Strafford (pp. 155—171) ; the 
cruelties in the star chamber (p. 157) ; the persecution 
of the puritans by archbishop Laud (pp. 178—180) ; 
the revival of old forest law grievances (j)p. 180 — 183) ; 
and the multitude of monopolies by whicli the people 
al)out tlie court converted the royal authority into a 
source of personal profit (pp. 184—186, 22 1). All tliese 
great counts in tlie indictment Aviiich tlie i)eople of 
England jnvlrnvd in 1li(> lono- |,.-irli:nn(«nt an-:nns1 1li(. 


government of Charles I., mil be found more or less 
proved or illustrated in the following pages. 

Nor will the adventures of Thomas Verney (p. 174), 
the particulars of his outfit for New England (p. 160), 
his description of Barbadoes (p. 192), the account of 
th^Q faux pas which led to the separation between Essex 
the future parliamentary general, and his second wife 
(p. 168), the early lives of Edmund (pp. 160, 173, 208, 
237, 268) and Henry Verney (pp. 175, 267), Mrs. Pul- 
teney's troubles on account of her suitors and her second 
marriage (pp. 198, 213, 261), and the particulars respect- 
ing lord Craven (p. 189) and the lion. James Dillon, the 
father of Roscommon the poet (pp. 147, 173, &c.), be 

The latter part of the volume (pp. 200 — 276) relates 
principally to the armament set forth by Charles I. 
against the Scottish covenanters in 1639. The letters of 
sir Edmund Verney, who attended the king upon that 
miserable expedition, contain one of the best accounts of 
it with wliich I am acquainted. It is not necessary 
that I should recommend these letters to general con- 
sideration. No one who has not acquainted himself 
with the true nature of the movements in Scotland in 
1639, can rightly understand the struggle which ensued 
in England. 

It was intended to carry down this volume to the 
battle of Edgehill, but the length to which the corre- 
spondence ran rendered it necessary to bring the book 



to an earlier close. It wants, in consequence, the com- 
pleteness of story which, in that case, it would have 
possessed. On that ground, as well as on account of 
many other imperfections, of which no one can be more 
sensible than myself, the work is submitted to the 
candid consideration of the Members of the Camden 
Society, and of its readers generally. 


5, Upper Gloucester Street, Dorset Square, 
March, 1853. 




Grant from Ralph De Verney to John Nernuit of a moiety of the advowson of the 

church of St. Mary, of Fletemerston, temp. Edward I. - - - 5 
Episcopal indulgence to persons who contributed towards the erection of a lavatory 

at St. Mary's, Abingdon, dated 1st October, 1308 - . - - 7 

Note of accounts of the abbey of Abingdon ..... 8 
Deed declaratory of the condition of a bond for the delivery of a quantity of woad, 

dated 15 May, 1415 ....... 14 

Grant for the provision of a wax taper, to be used in the church of Middle Claydon 

at the elevation of the host, temp. Edward I. - - - - 23 

Will of sir Ralph Verney, lord mayor, dated 11th June, 1478 - - - 24 
Award of sir Thomas Bryan, sir Guy Fairefax, and others, in settlement of a 

Chancery suit between sir John Verney and Margaret his wife, against Thomas 

Haselwode and others, dated 9th July, 1492 - - - - 36 

Will of dame Margaret Verney, dated 3rd April, 1509 - - - - 39 

Will of the third sir Ralph Verney, 8th May, 1525 - - - - 44 

Note of the will of the fourth sir Ralph Verney, 13th September, 1543 - - 53 
Inscription on monument to sir Robert Whittingham, sir John Verney, and others, 

in the church of Albury, co. Herts ...... 80 

Note of license to eat flesh during the term of life, 7th February, 1580-1 - 85 
Agreement on the part of the county of Bucks for the supply of certain provisions 

for the queen's house, 4 April, 1593 ..... 86 

Directions for the management of the poor, 10th December, 1599 - - 87 

Contract of Francis Owdrey to supply sailcloth for the navy, 14th May, 1558 - 91 
William Blacknall to the lord treasurer, praying for time to repay money advanced 

by queen Mary for the encouragement of the manufacture of sailcloth - 92 

Certificate of death of sir Francis Verney at Messina, 10th January, 1616 - 101 

Sir Richard Graham to sir Edmund Verney, 30th June, 1622 - - . 106 
Order of James I. limiting the number of laundresses and craftsmen allowed to 

follow the court - - - - - - - -116 


The like, prohibiting people from joining the roval hunt without permission, 5th 

August, 1619 -------- 117 

Duke of Buckingham to the deputy lieutenants of Bucks, directing them to disarm 

the Roman catholics, 11th October, 1625 - - - - - 119 

Sir Thomas Tjringham to sir Thomas Denton on the same subject - - 120 
Deputy lieutenants of Bucks to the duke of Buckingham, returning list of persons 

to be applied to for loans, 18th October, 16*25 - - - - 121 

Lords of the council to sir Thomas Denton on the same subject, 10th April, 1626 123 
Earl of Cork to sir Edmund Verney, with a leash of falcons for the king. 17th 

July. 1626 -.------ 125 

Sir William Fleetwood to his brother deputy lieutenants of Bucks; ready to meet 

inquiry into his conduct, 14th December, 1627 . . - . 128 
Earl of Marlborough to sir Thomas Denton; repayment of the loan money, 16th 

Februarj-, 1626-7 - - - - - - - 129 

Lords of the council to the duke of Buckingham, respecting a royal inspection of 

the militia, 10th January, 1627-S - - - - - ib. 
Duke of Buckingham to the deputy lieutenants of Bucks ; the same subject, 17th 

January, 1627-8 --..... 131 
Lords of the council to the duke of Buckingham; billeting of soldiers, 16th 

January, 1627-8 - - - - - - - 132 

Duke of Buckingham to the deputy lieutenants of Bucks ; the same subject, 19th 

January, 1627-8 - - - - - - - 133 

Return of parishes which refused to pay for billeting soldiers - - - 134 

Order in the court of wards to deliver up the body of a ward, 5th December, 1626 140 

Writ ordering a sheriff to give assistance in the execution of that order ; same date 141 

Lady Verney to Mrs. Wiseman respecting marriage of her niece - - 142 

Mrs. Ralph Verney to the same; the same subject - - - - 143 

Mrs. Wiseman to lady Verney in reply, 20th June, 1629 - - . i7i. 

The same to Mrs. Ralph Verney; the same - - - - . 144 

Rev. John Crowther to Ralph Verney; he is wanted at Oxford, 6th August, 1631 145 

Hon. James Dillon to the same, 24th October, 1631 - . . . 143 

Extracts from letters from 6th November, 1631, to 30th October, 1633 - 150 156 
The like, 22nd Kebruanc, 1633-4, to 20th June, 1635 - . - 157-160 
Mr. John Sadler to lady Verney; what is required in a ftt-out for New England, 

30th July, 1634 ..-.-...' i,j,) 

Ijidy Verney to Mr. John Sadler in reply, 1st August, 1634 - - . ltJ2 

Sir Edmund Verney to Mrs. Ralph Verney, from Bath, 2t)th August, 1635 . 104 
Extracts from l.-tters from 12th June, 1635, to 27th April, 1636 - 165-171 

Note of h'lisi- of housi-s in C'ovcnt Garden, Ist November, 1634 - - 172 
Mayor and t»wn»men of High Wycombo to archbishop I^ud about the feoffees of 

impropriations, A.r>. 1636 - - - - - . - 179 

Warrant to t:ik<' grcyhounrls for the king's sport, 25lh May, 1636 180 


Reprieve of Elizabeth Cottrell, capitally convicted in the coiui; of the verge, 21st 
January, 1637-8 .--.---- 

Justices of Essex to the master of the buckhounds about supply of provisions to the 
hounds, 22nd July, 1637 --.---- 

Lord Goring to sir Edmund Verney about tobacco monopoly, 1st February, 1637-8 
Petition of Margaret Pulteney to the master of the court of wards, 25th May, 1637 
Extracts from letters from 17th June, 1636, to 26th October, 1637 - 1 

Thomas Yemey to sir Edmund Verney, sending account of Barbadoes, 10th 
February, 1638-9 ....... 

Inventory of things wanted in Barbadoes . . . - . 

Earl of Pembroke and ^Montgomery to sir Edmund Verney, summoning him to 

attend the king at York, 7th February, 1638-9 . - . . 

Edmund Yemey to Ralph Verney; farewell on departure of the expedition against 

the Scots, 21st March, 1638-9 ..... 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney; proceedings in Scotland, 1st April, 1639 - 

The same ...... 4th 

The same ; grief for Mrs. Pulteney's determination to marrj- 

a Roman catholic .... - 7th 

The same to Mrs. Ralph Verney, to dissuade Mrs. Pulteney 9tb 

The same to Ralph Yemey, on ilrs. Pulteney revealing her mar- 
riage _...-. 14th 

The same ...... 15th 

The same ...... 19th 

Mrs. Pulteney to the lord chamberlain ... 25th 

The same to Ralph Yemey .... 28th 

Sir Edmund Yemey to the same ... 26th 

Ralph Yemey to sir Edmund Verney, on hackney coach 

monopoly ...--- 22nd 

Sir Edmund Yemey to Ralph Verney; the same, and proceed- 
ings of the Scots ..... 

The same ; state of the army .... 

Dr. Denton to Ralph Verney; rashness of sir Edmund 
Sir Edmund Yemey to the same ; progress of affairs 
The same _...-- 

The same .-..-- 

The same ...... 

The same ....-- 

Dr. Denton to Ralph Verney; sir Edmund is safe as yet 
Edmund Yemey to the same; news in the army - 
Sir Edmund Yemey to the same; the king about to encamp 
The same ; state of the army .... 

The same ...... 










1st May — 

- 228 


- 230 


- 231 


- 232 


- 233 


- 234 


- 235 


- 236 


- 237 


- 238 


- 239 


- 241 


Dr. Denton to Ralph Vcrncy . . - - 

Sir Edmund Verney to the same; expedition to Kelso 

The same ; prospects of the army - - - - 

The same; the Scots have petitioned the king 

Sir John Temple to Robert earl of Leicester; king's interview 

with the Scots . . - - - 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney ; strength of the Scots 
Dr. Denton to the same; danger of sir Edmund - 
Sir Edmund Verney to the same ; progress of the negotiation 
The same ...... 

The same ; peace concluded .... 

The same; will ask leave to return ... 

Dr. Denton to the same; Sir Edmund is returning safe 

Sir Edmund Verney to the same; uncertainty as to the king's 

return ...... 

The same ...... 

Ralph Verney to sir Edmund Verney ; contents of sir Henry 

Leo's will ...... 

The same; the hackney-coach monopoly ... 
Sir Edmund Verney to Thomas Verney; course to be adopted 

by him at Barbadoes .... - — - 266 

Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney; character of sir Thomas 

Culpepper ...... 5th November - 269 

The same ...... 9th - ih. 

The same; how sir Harry Vane treats sir Thomas Culpepper Sth December - 270 

The same; rumours from England - - - ISth - 271 

The same ...... 2Sth Jan. 1639-40 272 

The same ; Bolton's works .... 30th - I'b. 

A note of such things as I [Ralph Verney] bought for Mr. Edmund Verney - 273 

Lady Denton to Ralph Verney, about bis little son, 2Sth October, 1639 - - 274 

Earl of Middlesex to sir Edmund Verney, offering bail for Vincent Cranfield, 14th 

November, 1639 - - - - - . - - 275 

Account of the privy seals sent into the county of Bucks, a. P. 1604 - - 277 

The like. A.n. 1626 - - - . . - . . 2S3 

The like of coat-and-conduct money levied in the co. of Bucks, a.p. 1627 - 2S9 


2nd J 

Iunel639 - 


























21st July — 









The \i:iiNEVS, iirst ul FLKETMAKSTON, co. BUCKS, afterwards ol 

(With references tu the volume of Vj 

Ralpu de Vebnet, living a.d. 1216-1223. Kot. CI 
Test.=FALiCE, d. and oi 

John de Verney, a.ii. 1229. Rot. Fin. i. li 
de Neville, i>\>. Ill, 113, 114. Pp. i, f, 

Ralph de Vehnev, of Flee 

Robert de Verney, of Fleetmarston and Langley, a.d. 1 

William de Ver.\ey, of Langley. P. 

JoH.v DE Verney, of F 

John de Verney, of Fleetmarston, 1377-1390 

JoUN DE Verney, of Fleetmareton, 1401-1443; 1433, returned amongst gentry of Bucks, Fuller's Worthies, i. 147;i 

Ralph Verney. Brass i 

The Ist ScR Ralph Verney, sheriff of London 1456; lord mayor 1465; knighted 141 
London, 1472. Will dated 11th June, and proved 25th June, 1478. Pp. 1 


Sir John Verney, of Penley, Knight,=pMAR(iAKET, d. and heiress of Sir Robert Whit- The 2nd Sir Ralph Verm 

oil. August 31, ir»()5; a". a;tat. 55; bur. 
at Asliridge, hut removed to Albury, 
CO. Hens. Pp. 34-33. 

tingiiam of Penley, and Catherine his wife. Langley, co. Herts, knt. 
Will proved 21 April, 1509. Buried with her 1528 ; bur. at Kings La 
husband. Pp. 14-22, 38-41. 29-34, 47. 

1. .Maroahet, <1. and oiit^riic 3rd Sir Ralph Vekney of Penley, knt., tenned= 
ofthrceco-hciresscsof John the younger, to distinguish him from his uncle the<lby of (juaintun, co. 2n<l Sir Ralph; d. 8th May, 1525; burieil at Ash- 
liucks. P. 42. I ridge and removed to Albury. Pp. 41-47. 

r -• ^ — 

The 4th Sir Ralph Verney of Penley, aged 16, =pELiZAnETH, d. of Rdmund Lord Bray, and one of the six co-heiresses of John h 
a.d. 1525; d. 26 April, 1 54t5, a;t. 37 ; bur. at 1 mother, of the Halighwells and Norburys. Mar. 2ndly, to Sir Richard Catesby of . 
Ashridgu, and removed to Albury. Pp. 50-56. | amj)ton; 3rdly, to William Clark, e8<i.; 4thly, to Henry Phillips, esq. Shed. II 

■2. Anne, d. of Edmund Weston of Boston,— 
CO. Lincoln, and afterwards of Sutton, , 
CO. Surrey; bur. at Ashridge and renioM'il ! 
to Albury. P. 42. 

Kdmind Vkknky, tri.-d for=l)<>U(iTHV, <1. of Sir Kd- 

John Vehney, 

l.FRA.NCES.d ofJohn= 

=2. Audrey, d. of WiI-=pTlu'lst 

IiIh Mhare in Dudlt-y's con- niutid Pcckham of Dcn- 

d. before 1558. 

Ha.stings of F.Iford,co. 

liam (.tardncr of Ful- 


Hpiracy, 11 Juno, 155<;; ham, co. Hucks ; ob. 23 

Inq. p. m. 

Oxon, will, of Thoniiis 

mcr, CO. Bucks, wid. 

knt.; . 

ob. «. p. 13lh Dec. 155*1, May, 1547; bur. Bittlcj*- 

1 KHz. 2nd. 

Kcdmuyno of North- 

of Sir Peter Carew the 


alat. 31. Pp. 57, 58, 66, den Abbey, Bucks. Pp. 

No. 4. 

niarston, co. Bucks. 

youngcr,d. 1 588 ; bur. 


72, 77. 57, 58. 

P. 78. 

at Albury. P. 81. 

Sir Fra.ncis Vkr.nev of Penley, knt.; mar. Rettlenient=UKSULA, d. of William St. Barbe, esq., and of Mary his wife, aftcrwar 
dated 4th June, 151l»; ob. s, p. 6th Sept. 1615, at the l»t Sir K.lmund Verney. She married, 2ndly, in 1619, to Wil 
Mewiina. Pp. 93-101. Hiteham, co. Bucks, esq. Living in 1639. Pp. 83, 102. 

Ralph Vehney, b. at Hille»-=j=MARY, surviving d. and heiress Thomas Verney, b. 2nd Edmund Verney, b. 2nd Henry Vi 

don, i'th Nov. 1613; m. 31«t 
May, 1629 ; living in 1639. 
Pp. 105, 142, 176. 

of Jolin Blacknall of .\bingdon, Nov. 1615; living in Nov. 1616; living in April. 16i 
CO. Berks, esq.; living in 1639. 1639. Pp. I(l5. 160- 1639. Pp. 105, 173, 16:59. P 
Pp. 13.H.147. 164,174,191.198. 208,268-273. 267. 

KitMii.sD Verney, b. 25th Doe. 1686; 
liviiiK ill 1639. I*. 173. 

Mauy, b. — July, 1632; ob. inf. P. 160. 

Anna Maria, b. liith ! 
ob. — May, 1638. Pp. 

[HE YEAR 1639, 

, CO. HERTS, and ultimately of MIDDLE CLAYDON, co. BUCKS. 

which this pedigree is prefixed.) 

Pp. 3, 4.=pAMABELLA • • 

of Geoifrey Bellew, of 
CO. Bucks. 

Ralph de Verney. — Aones Wac. 

Langley. P. 5.=^ 


arston Charters, No. 7. P. 5.=p- 

L322-1360. Fleetmarston Charters, Nos. 8, 10, 11-13, 16-21. P. 6. 
on Charters, Nos. 28-31, 37-40. P. 6.=f 

Charters, Nos. 41-44, 45-52, 56. P. 

Edwahd de Verney. Brass in Claydon Church. P. 6. 

rch. P. 6.=F 

=Emme, d. of , 

. . widow of .... Pyking, by whom she had a son John. 
She was living a.d. 1478. Pp. 13, 25, 27. 

-Eleanor, d. of Sir Margaret married, in 1467, to Sir Edward Ralegh of Farnborough, co. Warwick. She 
Geoffrey Pole, K.G. was alive in 1478, and had a daughter Joan. (Dugdale's Warwickshire, 1. 529.) 
Pp. 30-34, 48. Beatrice married to Henry Danvers of London, mercer, and of Cotherop, co. Oxon. 

Collect. Topog. i. 329. 

d. of John. 
of John P. 39. 
' of Lon- 


Robert, pp. 40, Cecilia mar. to Sir Edward Cliam- 
44-45,47; living berlaine. Collect. Topog. i. 329. 
in 1546. P. 54. P. 39. 

A.nne mar. to ... . Dame. P. 39. 

I. Dorothy — John of Mortlake, co.^ 

P. 49. 

Surrey, aged 40, a. d. 
1528. Will dated 22d 
July, 1540. P. 49. 

, through their Francis. 
r's, CO. North- P. 44. 

Eleanor, mar. to Sir Edward Grevill. 

Catherine, mar. to Sir John Conway of Arrow, co. Warwick. 

Anne, d. unmarried. 

ob. V. p. 
s.p. P.49. 

Mary, mar. to Lewis 
Reynoldes; livingl4th 
Mar. 1547-8. P.49. 

3. Mary, d. of William Ralph Ver- 

Blakeney of Sparham, ney ; prob. in 

Norfolk; mar. 1st, 1608, of 

to Geoffrey Turville, High Hol- 

2d, to William St.Barbe. born, gent. 

Living in 1639. P. 81. P. 95. 

i — 


Verney, I ofSirGeorge 
bur. at Gitiard, knt. 
Middle i lessee of 

Claydon. | Middle 
Pp. 78, 95. I Claydon. 


P. 78. 

Francis Ver- 
ney, tried for 
his share in 
Dudley's con- 
spiracy, 18th 
June, 1556. 

Anne, mar. to Sir Nicholas 
Poyntz of Acton, co Glou- 
cester, knt. (Atkyns, 105.) 

Jane, mar. to Sir Francis 
Hynde of Madingley, co. 
Camb, knt. 

The 2nd Sir Edmund Verney of Middle Claydon, co. Bucks,=MARGARET, eldest d. of Sir Thomas Edmund Verney. 
knt., born 1 Jan. 1589-90. Knight marshal temp. Car. I. I Denton of Hillesdou, co. Bucks, knt. Living in 1639. 
Living in 1639. P. 102 to end. ) Living in 1639. P. 103. 

John Verney, b. 19th 
July, 1619 ; ob. infans. 
Pp. 115. 

Richard Verney, b. 14th 
Feb. 1629-30 ; living in 
1639. P. 136. 

Susanna, b. 18th April, 1621. 
Penelope, b. 7th June, 1622. 
Margaret, b. 30th Sept. 1623. 

Mary, b. 14th April, 1628. 
Elizabeth, b. 12th Sept. 1633. 

Margaret, b. 8th Ja 
in 1639. P. 177. 

I. 1638-9; living 

All living in 1639. Pp. 105, 136, 157. 





The contents of this volume are derived from a very large and General nature 
multifarious collection of original papers preserved in the muniment collection, 
room of Claydon House^ in the countj of Bucks, the seat, for two 
centuries past, of the head of the family of Verney. 

Having reference to many generations of a house which has passed 
through various grades of fortune, the Claydon collection acquires 
different hues and natures from the characters of the principal persons 
to whom it from time to time relates. As those persons were either 
courtiers or country gentlemen ; loyalists or patriots ; deeply affected 
by the solemnities of religious truth or the reverse ; prudent or the 
contrary ; so these papers are alternately the records of the acquisi- 
tion of an estate or of the loss of one ; of the warm yearnings of 
hearts sanctified by exalted piety or of the colder feelings of mere 
worldly pohcy ; of what are esteemed the great events of history or 
of the less imposing, but often not less interesting, nor to the parties 
themselves less important, struggles of domestic Hfe. 

In makino; our selection we have endeavoured to give these various ^"^ °^ ^^^ ^^' 

1-1 1 • • Txr 1 T 1 1 lection from it. 

subjects their due relative nnportance. We have passed lightly over 
much that appertains to domestic management and is unconnected 
with public affairs; but everything that relates to persons of any 
kind of celebrity, or to events wdiich are of historical interest ; every- 
thing that shews the way in which such events influenced the general 
welfare and home-comforts of our forefathers ; everything that exhi- 
bits the actual opmions and feelings of the persons with whom we 
have to deal ; has been anxiously sought for and carefully brought 
to light. Above all things, we have endeavoured — so far as it could 
be done from the papers before us — to set forth the precise social con- 
dition of the persons to whom these papers relate ; and, in that part 



of the book wliicli treats of tlie troubles in tlie reign of Cliarles L, Me 
liave desired to exhiljit tlie manner in wliieh the stirrinir incidents of 
that interestinff period aft'ected the -welfare of the several members of 
the family of Verney. We Avill not anticipate the minute incidents 
of the tale we shall have to tell. It is a taJe of suffering on both 
sides of the great national struggle. A father, promi)ted by an over- 
Avhelming sense of personal duty to his sovereign, follows that sove- 
reign in the maintenance of a cause which individually he disap 
proves. He is even urged by a chivalrous feeling of loyalty to take 
up arms in its defence. He stands on the field of battle opjiosed to 
that side of the question which is not only espoused by his eldest son, 
but is sanctioned by his own personal convictions. That father 
sacrifices his life, with reckless valour, almost, it would seem, in de- 
spair of otherwise extricating himself from the intolerable evils and 
vexations b}^ which he is surrounded and hemmed in. The father's 
place at the head of the family is then occupied by that son who from 
the first had taken his stand with the party in opposition to whom 
his father had lost his life upon the field of battle. Others of the 
fjmiily follow in their father's footsteps, but without sharing their 
fiither's opinions. Brother is opposed to brother. Family ties are 
severed by the feuds of strong political jiartisanshi}). On one side, 
some of the best blood of the Verneys is again shed in the field ; and, 
on the other, there are exile, pecuniary forfeiture, and trouble — all 
but infinite. These are some of the results which we shall ultimately 
have to detail ; but, in the first place, we must give some little atten- 
tion to the early history of the familj^ 

The name Veuney was probably derived from Kormandy. The 
Foreata de Venieio, or Bois de Vernai, in the vicinity of Ba} eux, \\ as 
a celebrated Inmting ground of the dukes of Normandy. The ruins 
of a ducal residence, anciently called liur, and aftenvards Bur le \\o\, 
still stand conspicuous in the [)arish of Noron, ui the inunediate neigh- 
bourhood of the old forest of Vernai.* 

• Hot. Scacc. Nurniaii. Ix. Ixii. flxxiv. 


The first trace of the family of Verney or Vernay in England occiu's First trace of 
in the reign of king John. During the troubles which afflicted England Engtn? '" 
for some time before the close of that monarch's career of despotism, 
Ralph de Verney and Robert de Verney were employed in 
the military service of the king agamst his barons, and, early m the 
succeeding reign, Master William de Verney was sent upon 
several occasions into Poictou on the busmess of the infant sovereign, 
Hem:y III. The particular relationship, if any, between Robert, 
Ralph, and "Master William," or whether they, or any of them, 
were previously residents in England, or were only foreign auxili- 
aries alku'ed to the service of king John by the civil dissensions of 
England and the royal power of conferring reward, has not been 
found. " Master William" soon disappears from the records,* but 
Ralph and Robert remained settled for a time in Gloucestershire. 
Robert de Verney obtained from kmg John a grant of certain 
lands in that county which had been held by Richard de Veyn, a 
tenant m capite, either deceased or dispossessed, with a proviso that 
these lands did not exceed m value the sum of 60?. per annum.] The 
same Robert married Eleanor the widow of Walter de Am-e, a con- 
siderable proprietor of lands on the western bank of the Severn, and 
purchased the custody of his step-son, Walter's infant son and heir, 
at the price of three marks4 The services of Ralph de Verney Ralph deVer- 
obtained a somewhat similar reward. On the 13 th April m the ^223. 
17th year of king Jolm, that is, a. d. 1216, Ralph de Verney 
received a grant of the manor of Rindewie, now Rand wick, near 
Stroud, in Gloucestershire, to be held during the kmg's pleasm-e, 
provided the manor was not worth more than \0l. per annum ;^ and 
on the 20th November m the 8th Hemy III., a. d. 1223, a further 
grant was made to hun of three virgates of land in Pichelcurabe, now 
Pitchcombe, in the same county and neighbourhood. The latter 
grant was, like the former, to be held during the king's pleasure, and 

* Rot. Claus. 7 and 8 Henry III. pp. 541b, 557, 557b, 558, 578, 581. 

+ 15 April, 17 John. Rot. Claus. p. 262. J Rot. Fin. 5 Henry III. i. 70. 

§ Rot. Claus. p. 261. 


was made with the declared intention that Ralph de Vemey might 
be enabled to support himself in the king's service.* He possessed, 
also, an absolute fi'eeliold interest in certain lands held of the honor 
of Wallingford, and situate at Linlega, afterwards Langley, near 
"Wliicliwood forest, in Oxfordshire. Mention is made in Magna 
Cliarta of the honor of Wallingford as being then in the possession of 
the crown as an escheat. These lands may therefore have been ac- 
quired by Ralph de Vcrney, like those at Randwick and Pitchcombe, 
under a good-service grant from the sovereign. 

Ralph de Vemey died within a few months after the date of the 
grant of lands at Pitchcombe. He left a widow, Amabella, and 
" sons," t how many does not appear. The lands which had been 
granted to him in Gloucestershire were then regranted by the king 
to Osbert Giffard, who, \cry unjustly, not only took possession of 
the sul)Ject-matter of his grant, but seized to his own use the goods 
and chattels, the growing crops, and even the household fm-niture, 
of the jjrevious tenant. A dispute ensued, which was terminated by 
the surrender of all Ralj)h de Vernoy's personal estate to his widow 
and executors.^ Dower was also assigned to Amabella out of her 
husband's lands held of the honor of Wallingford. § 
JcjhndeVer Of the "sons" of Ralph de Verney and Amabella only one has 
Nfcv, A, D.1229. i^een found with certainty; John de Verney, whose homage for 
his father's lands held of the honor of Wallingford was received by 
Henry HI. on the 30th September, 1229. (| This ceremony probably 
took place when John de Verney attained his majority. Besides the 
lands at i^angley, he held other lands, also parcel of the honor of 
Wallingford, situate at Fleet INIarston, in the county of Bucks, about 
four miles north-west of Ayleslnuy.lf 

* Kot. Claus. p. G7(J. 

t Tliire is ineiitidii in Rot. Fin. i, 100, of a Ranulpii de Verney who had married one 
A(,'iU'H W'txi: Tiiis may have been a younger son of Ualph de Verney of Pitoheomho. That 
lie hnil NonH i« cleiir from Rot. Fin. i. 110, and that John waa his heir from Rot. Fin. i. Ib8. 

X Rot. ClttUH. 8 Henry HI. 621, (Jl'Jb ; Rot. Fin. i. 110 ; Cal, Rot. Chart. 4«. 

g Kot, ClauH. p. 5!<r. || U,.t. Kin. i. 1S8. 

\ Testa do Nevill, pp. 111. 11,1, IH. 


John de Yerney married Alice one of the two daughters and co- 
lieirs of Geoffrey de Bella Aqua., or Bellew, of Fleet Marston, which 
was from thenceforward, for nearly two centuries, the place of resi- 
dence of the Verneys. 

Ralph de Verney, son of John and Alice, succeeded to the lands Ralph de Ver- 
held of the honor of Wallmgford, at Langley and Fleet Marston, and ^^^^°^°^^ohn. 
also to a moiety of the advowson of the rectory of the latter place. 
The moiety of the advowson he sold to John Neyrnuit m consideration 
of his service and of a gersuma or money-payment of ten marks. There 
are several points of interest, both local and general, in the conveyance ; 
and an abstract of it is therefore printed as a note*. The restriction 
of the power of disposition contained in the exception of Jews and 
"men of religion" was not uncommon. The latter of course meant 
members of religious orders, who too often hired inefficient persons to 
perform the duties of the parish churches which were in their hands. 

From the time of Ralph de Verney the son of John, the lands Descent from 
at Fleet Marston descended for a century and a half through se- ^f^^^^^^Jjl^^ 
veral generations of whom but little is known. Ralph was sue- to the first Sir 
ceeded by Robert de Verney,! and Robert had probably two 

* Sciant presentes, &c. quod ego Radulphiis de Vernay dedi, &c. Johanni Nernuit, pro 
servicio suo, et pro decern mareis argenti quas michi dedit in gersumam, medietatem advo- 
cacionis et donacionis ecclesie beate Marie de Fletmerston, et illam acram terra mee que 
abuttat in Nowelmere ex parte meridionali juxta terram Ricardi filii Reginaldi in eadem 
villa, cum omnibus, &c. Habendis et tenendis de me, &c. dicto Johanni Neyrnuyte et 
heredibus suis, et cuicunque dictam advocacionem, &c. dare legare vendere et assignare 
voluerit, et quando, exceptis Judeis et viris religiosis, libei'e quiete et bene, et in pace, cum 
toto lure et clameo quod habui et habere potui in eisdem, jure hereditario, imperpetuum ; 
Reddendo, &c. unum clavum gilofrie ad Natale Domini, pro omnibus serviciis consuetu- 
dinibus secularibus et demandis. Et ego Radulphus de Verney et, &c. warrantizabimus, 
&c. dictam meam medietatem, &c. dicto Johanni Neyrnute et, &e. contra omnes homines 
et feminas Judeos et Christianos imperpetuum. Ut autem premissa omnia perpetua fidei 
firmitate et warrantia teneantur banc presentem cartam meam sigilli mei impressione robo- 
raui. Hiis testibus, Roberto Malet, Ricardo de Arches, Johanne Carbonell, Alexandre de 
Arches, Roberto de Arches, et aliis. 

This abstract is printed from a copy of the deed in a collection of charters relating to 
Fleet Marston in the possession of Mr. Thoms, the Secretary of the Camden Society. 

t Esc. 28 Edward I. No. 44 ; and Fleet Marston Charters, No. 7, 13 Edward II. 


sons, William and Joliii. Of William nothing is kno\vn save that 
lie sold Lannloy.* The line in which we are interested was 
carried on, after the death of Robert, by a son and a grandson, 
both named John de Veijxey. These Johns are not easily 
separaljle, but there is frequent mention of them in the Fleet 
Marston charters fi'om 1323 to 1401.t John the toungeh 
liad two sons, John the youngest, who succeeded his father at 
Fleet Marston, and Edward de Verney, who was the immediate 
progenitor of the branch of the Yemeys with whom we are con- 
cerned. Jolm the youngest probably died without issue. There is 
no mention of him in the Fleet Marston charters after 1442. Ed- 
ward de Vei-ney, son of Jolm the yomiger, had one son, Ralph, who 
removed to London, where he had a son, to whom he gave his own 
nanae, the fevourite old fomily name, of Ralph. This last Ral[>h had 
the good fortune to add greatly to the importance of his family. He 
was the first Verney who received the honour of knighthood, and, 
amongst many Sir Ralphs, may be termed by way of distinction, 
Sir Ralph the Lord Mayor. 
Papers relating rpj^ ^^ f documeuts at Clavdou wliicli relate to the 

to the abbey of 

Ai.iriKtion. Vemeys during the period when these Ralphs and Johns were 
making their Avay upwards from the rank of small proprietors. The 
papers of that time have reference principally to lands which ulti- 
mately came into the hands of tlie Vemeys through intermarriages. 
To that class belong many curious papers relating to the abbey of 
Abingdon, the site of which was at one time in the possession of this 
family. To dwell upon these papers at any length would lead us far 
away from our main purpose; but, at the present moment, before we 

* In-i. p.«t \-2 EJw. HL 2d nos. No. 9. 

t There in the gri-atcst dilHculty in estalilishing thia part of the pedigree with anything 
like i-ertainty, partly from a deficiency of evidence, and pahly from the blundora and hasty 
eoneliiHioiis of previous writers. I have taken as my chief authority the valuable collwtion 
of I'Meet MarHton charters with which 1 have been favoured by Mr. Thorns. After an ex- 
amination of the records vouched by Dr. Lip.scond), I have been obliged in several cases to 
depart altogether from the pedigree published in his Mist, of Bucks, i. ITS. 


enter upon our notice of Sir Ralph and his descendants, we may be 
allowed to close the portion of our subject which relates to the middle 
ages with a copy of an Indulgence, and with a notice of some docu- 
ments preserved at Claydon which contain valuable illustrations of 
the actual condition of those monastic recluses whose history is 
always one of singular interest. The Indulo-ence is of the date of indulgence for 

T n 1 , .- n • • 1 ^ ■,, contributing to 

1308. It grants forty days remission ot enjoined penance to all the erection of 
persons who, being penitent and having confessed, should put a help- ^g^g''^"'^' ^•^• 
ing hand to the erection of a lavatory or other needful work in the 
church of St. IMary Abingdon, or should leave or procure to be 
left any legacy to the same church, or should say the Lord's Prayer 
and the Angelical Salutation thrice with a pious mind for the souls 
of the faithful there resting in Christ. The preamble sets forth the 
theological reasons on which such remissions were founded. 

Uniuersis sancte raatris ecclesie filiis ad quos presentes littere peruene- 
rint, Arnaldus miseracione diuina Pictauensis episcopus, salutem et sinceram 
in Domino caritatem. Pia mater ecclesia, de animarum salute soUicita, de- 
uocionem fidelium per quedam spiritualia munera, remissiones, videlicet in- 
dulgencias, imitari * consueuit ad debiti famulatus honorem Deo et sacris 
edibus impendendum, ut quanto crebrius et deuocius illuc confluit populus 
cbristianus, tanto celerius delictorum suorum veniam et gloriam celestis 
regni consequi mereatur eternam ; cupientes igitur vt ecclesia sancte Marie 
Abyndonensis, Sarf dioc^, congruis honoribus frequentetur, et a Christi po- 
pulo veneretur, Omnibus vere penitentibus et confessis, qui ad fabricam 
lotoriif dicte ecclesie, sed ad aliqua alia ipsius ecclesie necessaria, manus 
porrexerint adiutrices ; vel in extremis laborantes quicquam de bonis suis 
a Deo eis collatis caritatiue legauerint, donauerint, miserint, seu ecclesie pro- 
curauerint prelibate ; insuper qui pro animabus omnium fidelium ibidem 
in Christo quiescencium denote orauerint, quocienscumque ter oracionem 
dominicam cum salutacione angelica mente pia dixerint, Nos, de nostri veri 

* mcitare i' 

•Y Lotorium or Lavatorium, a lavatory or laver. Tl>e word is used to signify both a 
cina and the general washing-place found in many monastic buildings. 


saluatoris miscricordia, dulcisqiie matris sue clemencia, nccnon beatorum 
Petri et Pauli apostoloruiu omniumque sanctorum auctoritate corifisi, si de 
diocesani ipsius ecclesie processcrit voluntate, quadraginta dies de iniunctis 
sibi penitenciis deuote susceptis misericorditer in Domino relaxamus. In 
cuius rei testimonium pre&entes litteras sigilli nostri munimine duximus ro- 
borandas. Datum Londonis die Jouis post festum beati Michaelis, anno 
Domini millesimo trecentosimo octauo. 

A seal was appended, but is not now attached. 
Accounts of the The otlier documents which we desire to mention ai*e a series of 
don? "'"^^'"^ rolls of accounts of the abbey of Abingdon of various dates be- 
tween the reign of Edward III. and that of Edward IV. with one of 
Henry VIII. In the precise and methodical details of the receipts 
and payments entered in these accounts we find an exact statement of 
tlie wealth or poverty of the establishment, we learn the sources 
whence its income ^^•as derived, and we are informed hi what way it 
was expended. The minutest information is aflbrded, on the one hand, 
respecting the money value of their articles of produce or consump- 
tion, and, on the other, a clue of no uncertain character is given to 
many of the occupations and to nmch of the mode of living of the 
monks. The world within the confines of the monastery is in no 
small degree laid open before us, and is found to abomid with topics 
of interest and excitement never di*eamt of by those who view 
monastic life only at a distance or in imagination. Such docu- 
ments have scarcely been sufficiently used by EiigHsh writers on 
monasticism. It may be useful therefore to explain their nature. 
Every sui)eri()r officer of the monastery kept accounts. Most of 
them jjrobalily did so not by writing but by the tally or the score ; 
but at a certain time in every year a ckn*k skilful in accounts made 
out tlie accoiuit in due form, engi'ossed it on a roll, made a duplicate 
for eacli i)arty, and thus it was rendered to the abbot. The sacrist, 
the cellarer, the chamberlain, the gardener, the j)ittancer, the wood- 
reeve, the keepers of the infirmai'y and of the common chest, the 
clerksof the chantries, with several other less imjtortant functionaries, 
had all certain peculiar sources of income attached to their several 


offices. Of the receipts from these, and of their expenditure, they 
rendered minute written statements, made up in the way we have 
described, and paid over annually a certain customary portion of the 
balance to the treasurer, carrying on the remainder from year to 
year. In like manner the collectors of the abbey rents and the 
farmers of their lands passed their accounts and paid in their balances 
to the same officer. He in his turn accounted for every thing which 
came through his hands in an equally formal manner. The accounts 
ran from the feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, that is, 
from Midsummer Day, in one year, to the same day in the year fol- 
lowing, so that each accoimt passed into two successive years of the 
king's reign. The collection at Claydon contains accounts of the 
chamberlain in the 20th and 21st of Richard II., the 5th and 6th 
years of Henry V., and the 6th and 7th Henry VI. ; of the gar- 
dener in the 44th Edward HI., the I2th and 13th Richard IL, the 
13th Henry IV. and 1st Henry V., and the 28th and 29th Henry VI. ; 
of the cook in a certain year of Edward III. which is obliterated by 
time; of the woodreeve in the 21st Edward HI. ; of the keepers of 
the chapel of St. Edmund in the 5th and 6th, and the 6th and 7th 
of Henry IV., in the 10th of Henry V. and the 1st of Henry VI., 
the 6th and 7th, 9th and 10th, and in the 19th of Edward IV. ; of 
the keepers of the office of the Trinity in the 2nd and 3rd of Henry 
v., the 14th and 15th and 26th and 27th of Henry VI. ; apittancer's 
account, and an account of the keepers of the common chest ; two ac- 
counts relating to the infirmary; one of the refectioner for the 10th 
of Henry V. and 1st of Henry VI. ; treasurer's accounts of the 50th 
Edward HI., the 7th and 8th of Richard IL, and the 18th and 19th 
Henry VI. ; besides fourteen accounts of farmers of abbey lands and 
receivers of rents. Altogether there are forty of these accounts, and 
occasionally there are indorsed upon them inventories of farming 
stock and articles of furniture, which are particularly curious. The 
farmers set forth the numbers of sheep and oxen on their lands, 
what poultry were in their yards, what quantities of pease, barley, 
oats, and pulse were stacked away in their ricks ; and the refectioner 
CAMD. soc. c 


cmuiK'ratc-s the store of niasers and s})Oons in use in his o\Am depart- 
ment, and in the hostehy, tlie kitclien, the infirmary, and other parts 
of the estaljHshment. The furniture of tlie dinner table in the refec- 
torv, which is here inventoried, is very instructive. Every brother 
had his majipa or napkin ; his sauernapron or suniape, a httle cloth 
■which was displayed before him on the dimier table; his "pewder" 
or " })ewter" \x)t, of which tlierew^ere two sizes, one wliich contained 
a quart and the other a " potel " or two quarts ; his spoon, wliich was 
of silver — this was in the 10th Henry V. — and his " maser" or 
mazer, a wooden bowl, often of maple. Amongst the general furni- 
ture of the table we find enumerated two pelves of " t\ni," that is, 
ewers for washing the hands, which in the absence of forks might oc- 
casionally be necessary ; eleven salt-cellars ; a dish of " tyn" on which 
the spoons were placed upon the table; and three "tweft" [towells?J 
"for carrying the cheese." Some special articles, generally distin- 
guished by the names of their donors, or former users, were probably 
reserved for high or gaudy days : for example, a silver cup and 
cover which once belonged to Richard Salford, a principal maser e.r 
emendacione of the same Richard Salford, another called " ^lortemer," 
another which once belonged to Thomas Thame, and so forth. 

These accounts form a subject of themselves, and one so entirely 
apart from that which is coimectcd with the other papers, that, how- 
ever important we may consider them to be, we are imwilling to 
linger over them. In our estimation they are memorials so Aaluable 
tliat we would fain see them published entire, and, having that hope, 
we will only state so many of the facts derivable fi'om one ot them — 
a cluunberlain's account of the 5th and 6tli Henry V. — as will suthoe 
to exemj)lify their nature, and enable other persons to fonn an opinion 
uiK)n their worth. In the ^th of Henry V. the abbey contained an 
abbot, a j)rior, a sub-prior, a tliiid prior, twenty monks who were 
priests, and ten who were in various periods of tlieir novitiate. This 
may be considered the actual monastic body. To them were 
adde(l tlie customary monastic otKcers, many of whom we have 
JK'fore enumerated as rendcrino accounts. There were also vai'ious 


other tradesmen and lower servants engaged in the production or 
supply of aU kinds of necessaries for the brethren. A tailor was 
retained at a yearly salary of 12s., and a lauendarms or laundry- 
man, who seems also to have been clever with his needle, and a 
corduhanarius or shoemaker, on the same terms. They had also a 
cartorius, whose yearly salary was vj.?. viijcZ., and a valetius, whose 
salary was 10s. We have before mentioned a clerk of accounts. A 
person of that class was paid 6s. 8d. for liis pains in reference to the 
particular account before us, besides 8d. for parchment and paper. 
The tailor and other similar tradespeople executed their work in the 
house: 4s. is charged for thread for the tailor, and 18(/. for the same 
article used by the laundry-man. The charge for tunics, cowls, and 
sandals for the year is only 13s. 4c?., but 22s. 4d. is charged for re- 
pairs of vestments, and 6s. lOd. for the making of the monks' femorcdia 
or breeches, and 22^?. for mending articles of that kind by the laun- 
derer. The brethren wore stockings of wooUen cloth, the cloth for 
which cost during that year 28s. 6d. Money was given to the brethren 
"pro speb3," four tiines m the year. At the feast of the Xativity of the 
Virgin Mary the abbot received 40s., the prior 16s., the sub-prior 
and third prior 12s., every priest 10s. and every non-priest 7s. ; at 
the terra of St. Michael the Archangel the abbot received 2os., the 
prior 13s. 4(/., the sub-prior and third prior 6s. 8d., the priests 6s. 8d., 
and the non- priests 5s. ; and at the terms of St. Thomas the Apostle 
and the Annunciation of the Vu'gin Mary the same payments were 
repeated. During the 5th Henry V. " an entire tenth" was paid to 
the king " pro itinere," for his journey into France. It amounted to 
vjli xs. ij(/. ob. for the abbey property in Berks, and iijs. \}d. for that 
in the county of Oxford. 

In the 50th Edward III. the treasurer's accomit began with a 
balance of 1,182/. 2s. id. The total of the year's receipts by the 
treasurer was 353/. 9s. 7^d. The expenses paid by him amounted to 
294/. Os. 114. The balance carried forward was 1,241/. 10s. 9\d. 
In the treasurer's account for the 7th and 8th Richard II. the balance 
brought forward was 2,179/. 4s. 10,l. The receipts for the year were 


294/. 4s. 5^(1. The payments 251/. \3s. 2\d. The balance carried 
forward was 2,221/. I6s. 2(1. In the 18tli and 19th Henry VI. the 
balance in liand had been reduced, probably by the pul)lic troubles 
and large outlay in building, to 124/. 0^. 11 ^d. The receipts for the 
year were 210/. 7^. 5d. This account is incomplete, so that we do 
not learn from it the amount of expenses. 

These are interesting and valuable details. A multitude of similar 
minute facts, more clearly illustrative of the condition of society than 
volumes of description, lie scattered throughout the whole series of 
these accounts. Then' pubhcation would be a most important con- 
tribution not only to the history of English monasticism, but to that 
wider and more important history which has for its object the illus- 
tration of the state and manners of the people. 

And now we Avill return to the Verneys. 
Sill Ralph Sik Ralpii Vekney THE LoiiD Mayor is Said to have been 

bom in the city of London.* It may have been so, but it is proved 
by many circumstances that he kept up his connection with Fleet 
Marston, and amidst his civic dignities and acquired wealth looked 
to that secluded and, in the eyes of many persons, most iminteresting 
place as still being in some degree his home. He was a member of the 
Mercers' Company, and resided in the ward of Cheap, and in the 
parish of St. Mai'tin in Ironmonger Lane. The little church of 
that parish, to which, as we shall hereafter find. Sir Ralph's dying 
thoughts turned as a place of sepulture, was known by the name of 
" Saint Martin's Pomary," which last word was supposed to be de- 
rived, Stowe tells us, from the cu'cmnstance " of apples growing 
where houses are now built." It was situate on the ni»rth side of 
Cheapside, in a neighbourhood in which there remained, even down 
to the time of Queen Elizabeth, " hu'ge void places," the sites of 
ancient orchards In that busy spot, near the great mai-ket or cheap, 
near the (iuildhall, near the hall of Sir Ilidph's own company, and 
near the pl;i(H' orgciniMl n-sort for business and gossip, Paul's Walk, 

• StiyiM's Sti.wi', ii. 2'J2, odit. IToj. 

N'kiinkv the 
Lord Mavor, 
A. I). N(ib. 


lived the first Sir Ralph Verney, the de being of course abandoned 
by the citizen. This distinguished merchant passed through a period 
of great public discord with prudence and good esteem. He was 
elected one of the sheriffs of London in 1456, when the infirmities of 
Henry VI. were hurrying his reign to a close, and served the office of 
Lord Mayor in 1465, a few years after the accession of Edward IV. 
His political party was that of the White Rose — the party of pro- 
gress, and the party then popular in London. He was active in pro- 
moting the objects of that party, and when Edward IV. on the re- 
covery of his throne in 1471, testified his thankfulness for the friendly 
zeal on his behalf of the good people of London, Ralph Verney was 
not forgotten. Of the twelve citizens knighted on that occasion Sir 
Ralph stands at the head of the list, mimediately after the Lord 
Mayor. This copious effusion of royal gratitude took place on the 
22nd May, 1471, the very day on which the dead body of Hemy VI. 
was publicly exposed to the view of the citizens in St. Paul's.* In 
the year following Sir Ralph Verney was elected one of the repre- 
sentatives of the metropolis in that parliament which gave a legisla- 
tive sanction to the restored authority of the house of York | His 
position as a legislator enabled him to promote the interests of his 
family, as well as to confirm the triumph of his party. 

Sir Ralph married Emme the widow of one Pyking. By Pyking Sir Ralph's fa- 
she had one son, named John. By Sir Ralph she had four chil- ^'his's^^joHN; 
dren: 1, Jolm; 2, Ralph; 3, Margaret, married to Sir Edward ti^eWhitting- 
Ralegh of Farnborough, in Warwickshire ; and 4, Beatrice, married 
to Henry Danvers, a mercer of London. John Verney, the 
eldest son, formed a comiection in marriage which was doubtless 
considered at the time to be a very excellent one. We, who see its 
results, perceive that it involved him in a world of trouble ; but it 
brought him, ultimately, considerable property, it gave him a posi- 
tion m the county of Herts, and it added greatly to the importance 

* Warkworth's Chron.p. 21 ; Restoration of Edwaixl IV. p. 47. 
"Y Prynne's Brief Register, iv. 1046. 


of his fuinily. In the pjirish of St. Christopher, in the ward of Broad 
Street, now covered by the Bank of England, lived a family of mer- 
chants of the name of Whittingham. Several generations of this 
family were members of the company of di'apers, and the following 
document proves that their business was of an extensive and really 
mercantile character. We print it not only on this account, but also 
because it curiously illustrates the forms and customs of ancient com- 
merce. It is a deed declaratory of the condition of a bond of 400^. 
given to Kobert Whityngham, citizen and draper of London, by 
Thomas Burton, citizen and grocer of London, and Obert Touse, 
merchant of Genoa. The bond was to be void on the delivery to 
Robert Whityngham at Middleburgh of a A'ery large quantity of 
wede, that is, woad, used for dyeing cloth, between the 15th of May, 
1415, and the 14th of April following. 

Ceste endenture tesmoigne, que, come Thomas Burton citezein et grocer 
de Loundres, et Obert Touse marchaunt de Jene, par lour escript obliga- 
torie sout tenuz et obligoz a Robert Whityngham citezein et draper de Loun- 
dres, en quatre centz liures desterlings a paler le quatorszisme iour daprill 
proschein auenir apres la date dicestes, siconie en le dit escript obligatorie 
pluis pleynement appiert, Nepurquaunt le dit Robert, pur luy sez heirs etex- 
ecutours, voet et graunte par icestes, en cas si lez ditz Thomas et Obert 
deliuerent, ou facent deliueier, ou lautre deulx deliucre ou face deliuerer, a 
dit Robert, ou a son attourne, en la ville de Middelburgh, par entrecy et le 
quatorzisme iour dajjrill siiisdit, septant deux m' sept centz et vij. q" de 
wede par le i)oys de Middelburgh, suantz en bountes un ensample de wede 
ensealk'z dessouz lez scalx dez ditz parties, ou sils ne deliuerent celle entier 
somme de wede adonques le remenaunt outre la somrae de wede ency deli- 
ucre paieront, ou feront paier, a dit Robert, ou a son attourne, deinz le UMups 
suisdit en monoye countant saunz delay. Ou en cas defaute soit fait de 
deliuerance de dit entier somme de wede, countre le fourme auaundite, et 
adonques si lez ditz Thomas et Obert paient, ou facent paier, ou lautre 
deulx paie ou face paier, a dit Robert, ou a son certeyn attourne, sez heirs 
ou exccutnurs, le quatorszisme iour daprill auauntdit quatre centz liuies 
desterlings en monoye countant, que adonques le dit escript obligatorie 
sf)if voido et tniuz pur nuUr, autn-moiit estoisr t-n loute sa force it vertue. 


En tesmoignance de quelle chose, lez parties suisditz as cestes endentures 
entrechaungeablement ount mys lour sealx. Donne a Loundres le quinzisme 
iour de May Ian du grace mill quatre centz quinsze et Ian du regne le roy 
Henri quint puis le conquest tierce. „j 

A Robert Wliittingham, who was probably an uncle of the Ro- Robert Whit- 
bert Whittingham who is mentioned in this deed, was the first per- ■^'^*^^-^"- 
son of any distinction in this family. He is stated in the pedigrees 
to have been Sheriff of London in the year 1419. This was cer- 
tainly not the case, for his will was proved on the 31st October, 
1408; * but it is very possible that the sheriff of 1419 was the same 
Robert Whittingham who Avas the party to the deed just printed. 
Amidst the many mistakes which abound in all such pedigrees this 
one would scarcely have deserved correction, but that it gives us an 
opportunity of remarking that the person who was the sheriff in 1419 
was really a Robert Whitting/ia«z and not a Robert Whittingfow, 
as he stands in almost all the lists of sheriffs. Some city historians, 
in their anxiety to heap honours upon the great mythic hero of Lon- 
don merchandise, have gone the length of altering the name to 
" Richard Whittington," and one writer of no mean reputation has 
contended that the celebrated citizen who was wooed back to Lon- 
don by the encouraging chimes of a magical campanology was during 
that year, 1419, both sheriff and lord mayor. The unrivalled 
merchant whose picturesque adventures form one of the dearest 
attractions of our nursery-lore was too rich in honours to stand in 
need of any such fabulous addition to his fame. 

Another claim which genealogists put forth for the same Robert 
Whittingham is more accurate. He is said to have married Alice, 
one of the two co-heiresses of Sir John Agnell, or de I'Agnell, of 
Penley, or Pendley, near Albury, a village at the foot of the Chil- 
terns, in the county of Herts. It appears from an ancient pedigree 
at Claydon that Sir John Agnell, to whom is given the date of 24 
Edward HL, had one son named John, who died without issue in the 

* Probate at C'lav'lon. Proved at Lambeth. 


1st Richard II., and two daughters, AHce, the wife of Robert Wliit- 
tinghani, and Joan, who was married, first, to Walter Panie, and, 
secondly, to John Inipey, and had issue by both husbands. The 
marriage of Robert Wliittingham with Alice Agnell withdrew him 
partially from the city and from commerce. In the division of the 
Agnell estates the manor or lordship of Penley fell to the share of his 
wife, and thenceforw^ard he set up his abode in its ancient manor 
house, and added to the arms of Whittingham, Per fess argent and 
or, a Jess vert, over all a lion rampant gules, the explanatory bearing 
of the Agnells, Azure, two chevrorii, or, on a canton argent a paschal 
lamb gules. 

Robert Whittingham's only son bore both his father's names, but 
Thp first Sir is distinguished from him as being the first Sir Robert Whitting- 
TiNciHAM. ^ \\vim of Penley. He was "squier of household and servant"* to king 
Henry VI. Chauncy saysf that he held manorial courts at Penley 
until the 24th of Henry VI., and it appears in other quarters that he 
lived until the 30th year of the same reign. Like his father, he 
married an heiress — Agnes Buckland, only child of Richard Buck- 
land of Edgecote, in the county of Northampton,^ and Joan his wife, 
probably the daughter of a citizen, for she had considerable pro- 
perty in London. The arms of the Bucklands were. Argent, a fess 
sable, fretty or, between three lioncels passant gules. 

Sir Robert Whittingham had four sons, Robert, Richard, \\'il- 
liam, and John ; but we have to do only with the eldest of them, who 
The second Sir was a sccoud Sir Robcrt Whittingham of Penley. Brought up in 
tino'iiTm "" ^.'onnection with the royal household, he entered the king's service 
at an early age. In the disastrous wars in France he served under 
the regent Bedford, and held for many years the important office of 
Treasurer of Calais.§ When the quarrel between the rival houses of 
York and Lancaster came to be decided by arms, it coidd scarcely be 
a (piestion with Sir Robert Whittingham on which side he shoidd 
take his stand. His feelings and hereditary prejudices must have 

• Rot. Pari. vi. 27. f Hist, of Hcrt.s. ."iJU. 

X Baker's NorthamptoiiHhiri'. i. I'J'i. § I'roc. of Privy Council, v. 'J7, 284. 


been in favour of the sovereign whom his father and liimself had 
served, the king in possession, the king of the party of the red 
rose. For that king he had already fought, and the whole circum- 
stances of his life prove him not to have been a man who would 
either desert a standard or change it. He was one of those staunch 
Lancastrians who refused to concur in the parliamentary compromise 
by which the crown was left on the head of Henry VI. for his life, with 
an agi-eement that the duke of York and his heirs should succeed 
after Henry's death. Sir Robert Whittingham upheld the absolute he- 
rechtary right of liis master and his master's house. He followed queen 
Margaret to the field in support of the inheritance of her infant son, and 
struck a good stroke for the house of Lancaster, on the 30th Decem- 
ber, 1460, at the disastrous battle of Wakefield, in which the duke of 
York was slain.* Whilst Sir Robert was thus evidencing the sin- 
cerity of his attachment to the family of Lancaster, his only child,t 
a daughter named Margaret, doubtless in honour of her father's royal 
mistress, found a husband in John Vemey, the son of an equally 
decided partisan of the opposite faction — one of the leaders of that 
party in the city of London which in a couple of njonths after 
the battle of Wakefield actually dethroned Hemy VL What his- 
tory, or what romance, was connected with this marriage is now ir- 
recoverable. It seems unlikely that Sir Robert could have approved 
of it, but it took place, either with or without his good will, and 
brought into the shield of the Verneys, Azure, on a cross argent five 
mullets pierced gules, the paschal lamb of the Agnells, the lion rampant 
of the Whittinghams, and the three lioncels of the Bucklands. The 
deposition of Hemy VL was an event of fatal import to Sir Robert 
Whittmgham. Immediately after his accession Edward IV. offered 
a reward of lOOZ. to any person who would "effectually destroy and 
bring out of life" any one of eight of the principal adherents of his 
adversary, of whom Sir Robert Whittingham was one,$ and in 
the parliament which met soon afterwards Sir Robert shared the 

* Rot. Pari. V. 477. 

-f- All that I have found respecting the wife of the second Sir Robert AVhittingham is 
that her name was Catherine. + Addit. MS. 4til3, art. 2. 



fate of iiianv others of the leaders of tlie Lancastrian party, and 
He is attainted was attainted of treason.* This event involved a forfeiture of 
all his possessions. Penley, with its ancient seat ; the lordship of 
Salden, in that same neighboui-hood, but in the adjoining comity 
of Bucks, which his father had purchased from Cardinal Beau- 
fort ; rights of fairs and markets, with many other privileges and 
jurisdictions both in those places and in IVIursley and elsewhere 
in Buckinghamshire; with houses and advowsons in London, the 
inheritance of Jane Buckland ; all passed into that fund of forfeited 
estates out of which Edward IV. was to reward liis victorious parti- 
sans. Not only was Sir Robert Whittingham entirely beggared, but 
Margaret Verney, the wife of Sir Ralph's son John, M-as deprived of 
her anticipated inheritance. The courtiers of Edward IV. were not 
slow in taking advantage of these convenient forfeitures. A small 
part of Sir Robert Whittingham's Hertfordshire estates was granted 
to the king's brother, Richard duke of Gloucester ; but Penley and 
Salden and the bulk of the property fell to the share of Sii' Thomas 
Montgomery, K.G. a man already possessed of great power, and of 
what was still more valuable to him, vast influence with king Ed- 
ward. Thus Sir Robert Whittingham was driven to find safety 
either in flight to the continent, or in concealment at home among 
his more fortunate Lancastrian friends, or with his Yorkist son-in- 
law Verney, his pleasant lands acknowledged other masters, and his 
daughter Avas rendered portionless and probably penniless. After a 
few unquiet years the tide turned for a brief space in favour of the 
house of Lancaster. Again Sir Robert Whittingham was in the 
field. Sir Ralph Verney was strenuous and most successful in his 
exertions in the city for Edward IV. ; Sir Robert followed the Lan- 
castrian queen. When the stmidard of Hemy VI. was raised for 
Mis (itath, the last time at Tewkesbury, Sir Robert was there, following his old 

leaders, and in that deadly fight he found tui honourable death.f 
i<.( (.v.rv of tlie Sir ]{alph Verney 's return to parliament followed innnediateK- 

Wliittiiii'liuin ,1 I ,1 .. ... ,, , .,., . . , ,,-,, •■ ■ . ,' 

M.....t,.- on tiK' dcatli <>t .Sir Kolu-rt \\ liittni<i:nani. l here was littk- m the 


Kot. I'nrl. V. 177. t W:.iku..rtli 


circumstances of that death, or in the previous life of Sir Robert, 
on which to ground an appeal to the clemency of Edward IV., but 
Sir Ralph brought his parliamentary influence and the value of 
his services to Edward IV. to bear on behalf of his son and davighter- 
in-law. Injustice or peculiar hardship could scarcely be alleged. 
The attainder of Sir Robert was unfortimate for Margaret Ver- 
ney, but it was a misfortune which she shared with multitudes, 
and was in accordance with the common practice of that age, nay 
it did not very much differ from what would be the practice now. 
The only favourable peculiarity in her case was the good service of 
her father-in-law to the house of York, and the merit of that was 
found sufficient to outweigh the demerits of her Lancastrian father. 
On the joint petition to the king in parliament of Sir Ralph Verney 
and his son John Verney and his daughter-in-law Margaret, and 
"in consideration of the humble and faithful service" done by Sir 
Ralph to the victorious Edward IV., the attainder of Sir Robert 
Whittingham was reversed, and it was enacted in parliament that Jolin 
Verney and his wife should possess and inherit all lands and posses- 
sions of Sir Robert Whittingham, in like manner as he and his heirs 
might have done if he had never been attainted. There was also a 
clause in the act of parliament by which all letters patent " of the 
premises" were annulled.* On paper nothing could seem clearer 
or more complete. But now came the difficulty. How were such 
persons as the duke of Gloucester and Sir Thomas Montgomery to 
be ousted ? Those were not days in which acts of parhament bore 
unlimited sway over kings' brothers and royal favourites. Besides, 
the art of evading a plainly expressed intention by legal subtilties 
had even then been discovered. There were found to be insuper- 
able difficulties in putting the new law into force, and in the end, 
in spite of acts of parliament and annulling clauses. Sir Thomas 
Montgomery and his royal co-grantee held on their possession as if 
nothing of the kind had taken place. A royal licence, founded on 

* Rot. Pari. vi. 27. 


the act of parliainuiit, autliorisLd Julin W-rney and his wife to enter 
uiKjii the hinds of Sir Robert Whittinghani, but it could only be 
obtained with a saving clause that rendered it almost valueless; 
an exception, that is, of the grants already made thereof " to our 
aforesaid brother and Sir Thomas Montgomery."* But the mercan- 
tile prudence of Sii' Ralph Veniey could not easily be foiled. He 
had probably foreseen these difficulties. At any rate, before he ai>- 
plied to parliament he took a course which rendered ultimate success 
pretty certain. Sir Thomas Montgomery held under two grants, 
one dated the 27th February, 1st Edward IV., which was made to 
him for the term of his life,t the other on the 15th December, 4th 
Edward IV., to hold to him and the heirs male of his body. J Sir 
Thomas was advanced in life, and was childless. Whilst Edward IV. 
was in the full Hush of his gratitude for the assistance of Sir Ralph 
Verney and the citizens in the re-acquirement of his throne in 1471, 
Sir Ralph procured from him, without the payment of any fine or 
foregift, a grant to liimself and his heirs of the reversion of the lands 
granted to Sir Thomas ]Montgomery.§ To have obtauied such a 
grant for his son John Verney, or for his daughter-in-law, might 
have been construed into an ac([uiescence in the existing grants to 
Sir Thomas ; but by obtaining it for liimself he gave his son John a 
second chjmce of ultimate success in reference to the lands held by 
Sir Thomas Montgomery. If the applicatiftn to parliament failed, 
John Verney or his heir might probably in due time inherit as heir 
to his father and under the reversion granted to Sir Ualpli, instead 
«)f thnnigh his wife as heir to Sir Robert Whittinghani. In the end, 
tlie wisdom of this precaution became manifest, although Sir Ralph 
did not live to see it The remainder of the reign of Edward IV. 
was prol)ably passed in fruitless suing to that monarch for redress, or 
in e(pially fruitless litigation. His death changed the whole face of 
affairs. The uncpiiet usurpation of Richard 111. atlordi'd little time 

1 Kot. Pat. \2 K.I. IV. ni. 20. f J U„t. Pat. 1 K.l. IV. in. Stf 

'i K..t. Put. 4 K.l. IV. in. 19. S K..t. Purl. vi. 90. 


for the investigation of private griefs, and especially for one which 
involved the validity of a grant to Richard himself as well as of 
grants to Sir Thomas Montgomery. But everything was altered 
when the house of Lancaster regained the throne in the person of 
Hem-y VII. One grantee, the more formidable of the two, had paid 
the penalty of his misdeeds at Bosworth ; the importance of the 
other was considerably diminished, and John Verney, who was now 
knighted, was encouraged to seek from a Lancastrian parliament the 
same kindness which his father had procured for him from a Yorkist 
one. He previously relied solely on the services of Sir Ralph to 
Edward IV. He now changes his tack, sinks all mention of his 
father, but puts prominently forward the suflFerings and losses of the 
Whittinghams in the service of the house of Lancaster. The peti- 
tion which he presented was in the joint names of himself and Mar- 
garet his wife, who is described as "cousin (that is, 'of the blood') 
and heir to Robert Whittmgham, squier,* that is to say, daughter of 
Sir Robert Whittingham, knight, son of the said Robert." Grants 
are set forth from Henry VI. to Cardinal Beaufort, and others from 
the cardinal, " for great and notable sums of money" to Robert Whit- 
tingham, and it is contended that it is " contrary to all reason and 
conscience" that these lands should have been resumed by the crown 
upon the attainder of Sir Robert Whittingham for the service which 
" he did and owed to the blessed prince Henry VI." The petition 
prays that the recited grants may be confirmed. By what interest 
it was urged through the parliament does not appear. But it 
was adopted by both houses, and the royal concurrence was given 
m the customary form.f Again then did a parliament give its 
voice against Sir Thomas Montgomery. York and Lancaster 
agreed that the Whittingham estates should go to the Verneys. 
Whether the new act of parliament enabled Sir John and his 
lady to triumph over Sir Thomas Montgomery does not appear. 

* This must not be understood as if the Robert Whittingham here mentioned was never 
knighted. The fact that he was so is unquestionable. The designation seems intended to 
allude to his office in the household of Henry VI. 

t Rot. Pari. vi. 317. 

and death 


The (piarrel was soon afterwards settled by a more ix)tent pacifier. 
Sir Thomas died in 1489, without issue. If Sir John Verney did 
not before ol)tain possession under his acts of parHament, he must 
then have succeeded under tlie grant of the reversion to his fother. 
Fortified by his double title, he took possession of Penley Hall, which 
thenceforth became the seat of the principal branch of the family. 
They had hitherto been the Verneys of Fleet Marston ; thereafter 
they were the Verneys of Penley. 
Estates of the Whilst Sir Ralph Yerney was fighting the battles of his son he 
vTmey. h'is' ^"^'^^ "^t Unmindful of his own advancement. Besides the grants 
• we have before mentioned, Edward IV., " considering the good and 
gratuitous service" which Ralph Verney had rendered to him, gave 
him in 1467 the forfeited lands of William Wansford otherwise 
Wandesford in Aylesbury, Bierton, and Burcote in Buckinghamshire, 
all which Sir Ralph wisely secured against the chances of future 
public changes, by procuring a release from Wansford himself.* Nor 
did Sir Ralph depend for his acquisitions on royal generosit}^ alone. 
In spite of the revolutions of that tempestuous period — perhaps in 
conse(^uence of them — he contrived to amass considerable wealth, 
which he invested in the purchase of lands in Hertfordshire and 
Bucks. He brought back again the manor of Fleet jNIarston into 
the Verney family, and he purchased the present family estates at 
Middle Claydon. They had passed through the hands of the Cires- 
leys, the Cantilui)es, and the La Zouches. In the 38th Henry VI. 
they belonged to William Edy, citizen of London and paimaniis or 
draper. Sir Ralph's first connection with them was the advance of 
673/. 6s. 8(7. to William Edy on the security of the manor and ad- 
vowson of Middle Claydon. Further transactions ensued, and in 
the end Sir Ralph became the purchaser of the whole. But he does 
not appear to have ever resided in the mansion of Middle Claydon, 
wjiich was an ancient seat probably built by the La Zouches. Stion 
after Sir Ralph's purchase we find tlie estate in thi" occupation of a 

* Tho grant Edward IV. to Sir Ralph is diite.l 'Jind AuKust. 7th Edward IV. 
WuiiHfordV rel..a«..' is dated on th(^ 1st S,.|,temlnr, 7th Edward IV. H.)tli thiso .I.mmIs arc 
at Clavdoii, and also Wansford's ptirehase deed, datrd ISth .luiie, :V.\i>\ llcnrv VI. 


branch of the ancient family of Gyffard. They held Middle Clay- 
don for nearly two centuries, under long leases, renewed from time 
to time, by the Yerneys.* 

* Among the ancient deeds relating to Middle Claydon is one of the time of Edward I., 
by which William de Cantilupe, then lord of the manor of Middle Claydon, granted for the 
health of his own soul and the souls of his ancestors a rent-charge of \3s. Ad. for the provi- 
sion of two wax tapers of twelve pounds weight, to be ready annually on Easter eve, and to 
be used daily at every mass, at the elevation of the host. The provisions of the deed are 
so curious that it is thought worth while to give an abstract of it, 

" Omnibus ad quos, &c. Willielmus de Cantilupo salutem, &c. Cum dominus rex Ed- 
wardus filius regis Henrici michi per cartam suam concesserit et licentiam dederit, &c. 
Noueritis me dedisse, &c. pro salute anime mee et antecessorum meorum ac etciam here- 
dum meorum Thome de Sancto Andree rectori ecclesie de Middel Claydon unum toftum 
jacens juxta curiam dicti Thome rectoris, &c. nomine redditus annualis tresdeeim solida- 
tarum et quatuor denaratarum, &c. Habendum, &c. sibi et successoribus suis inperpetuum, 
Inueniendum inde annuatim et sustentandum ipse et successores sui duas torchias cere 
ponderis duodecim librarum cere in ecclesia predicta singulis diebus ad singular missas in 
eadem celebratas ardentes ad elevacionem corporis Christi inperpetuum duraturas ; Ita, 
videlicet, quod torchie predicte quolibet anno in vigilia Pasche none sint parate per visum 
ballivornm dominorum de Middel Claydon quorumcunque et custodum operis ecclesie pre- 
dicte qui pro tempore fuerint ; et quod de torchiis predictis in vigilia Pasche remanserit 
eadem die predictis custodibus operis ecclesie predicte per predictum Thomam, &c. per 
visum dictorum dominorum ballivorum sub pondere liberetur ; Ita quod per visum ipsius 
Thome, &c. ac etiam dictorum dominorum ballivorum, inde faciant luminaria coram sancta 
cruee, et beata Maria virgine, et alibi in ecclesia predicta prout salubrius videant expedire; 
et quod ipsi custodes totam gutteram torchiarum predictarum ad luminaria predicta facienda 
pro voluntate sua annuatim percipiant. Et si contingat prefatum Thomam vel ejus suc- 
cessores cessare vel deficere in aliqua parte in predictis, &c. extunc lieeat mihi et heredi- 
bus meis dominis, &c. predictum Thomam et ejus successores in predictis tofto et terris, &c. 
distringere, et districtiones retinere quousque de omnibus defectis, &c. plenarie fuerit sa- 
tisfactum. Ita tamen quod nullum jus terre predicte mihi vel heredibus meis ob defectu 
servicii, &c. possit in futurum ; vel quod aliquis heredum meorum servicium predictum 
potestatem habeat relaxandi. Et si contigat, quod absit, me vel heredes meos remissos vel 
neggligentes esse in servicio torchiarum predictarum exigendo volo et concede quod qui- 
libet parochianus predicte ville de Middel Claydon predictum Thomam vel &c. in predictis 
tofto et terris nomine nostro distringere possit. Et quotienscunque contingerit eeclesiam 
predictam fore vacantem volo et concedo pro me, &c. quod custodes operis ecclesie pre- 
dicte eustodiam totius terre predicte habeant quousque rector ecclesie predicte predictis 
dominis vel suis ballivis fecerit sacramentum fidelitatis ad servicia predicta facienda et 
non ulterius eustodiam habeant ; Ita, videlicet, quod omnes custus, &c. per rectorem se- 
cundum visum legalium hominum restituantur. Et ad hsec omnia fideliter facienda pre- 
dictus Thomas mihi sacramentum fidelitatis super hoc facto fecit, et sic quilibet successoruni 

24 VEUNKV I'Al'KliS. 

Sir l{ali»h did not live t(» witness the restcjratioii of the Whitting- 
ham estates. His will bears date the 1 1th June, 1478 ; he died on the 
16th, and his will was proved on the 25th of the same month. He 
was buried in the church of St. ^lartin Pomary, which no doubt con- 
tained some suitable memorial of a citizen so distinguished. What- 
ever it was it was totally destroyed, with every thing else that the 
church contained, in the gi'eat fire of 1666. In his will Sir Ralph 
desired to be buried in " the tomb standing under the sepulchre be- 
tween the quire and our Lady's Chapel in the same church." He 
also distinguished the parish, both the church and the poor, by his 
liberal benefactions. 

The document in which these legacies occur is so admirable an 
example of the testament of an eminent citizen of that day, it so 
clearly sets forth the status and establishment of the family, the reli- 
gious faith of the testator, and liis discriminating zeal for good works, 
that we do not hesitate to insert it entire. His legacies to religious 
bodies, to poor prisoners confined in the various prisons in Ijondon, 
his bequest to the church of Fleet ISIarston, and towards the repair 
of the roads near London, Fleet IVIarston, and Aylesbury, to his ser- 
vants — twelve men and three women — and to his friends, will not 
escape attention. 

Will of Sir In the name of God, amen. The xj. day of Juyn, the yere of our Lord 

^*'P'' y.^T"^-^' M'lv'lxxviij. and the xviij. yere of the reigne of king Edward the iiij"', I 

llauf Veraey, knyght, citezein mercer and alderman of the citee of London, 

suorum oonsimile sacramentum faciet priusquam aliquod proficuum pcrcipiat. Et ego 
predictus Willielmua <le Cantilupo et heretics, &c. contra omnes liomincs waruiitizahimus 
inpcqjctuum. In cujus rci testimonium presenti carte in trihus partihus cvni^ratfi penes 
prcdictuni Tlioniam reniancnti sigillo nico apposui, et altcri parti penes me reinanenti 
(lietus Tliomjissigillum suum apposuit, ac tcrcie parti penes custodes operis eceiesie jtrcdictc 
et parocliianos reniancnti sigillum roeuni et sigillum prcdicti Thome sunt apposita. Hiis 
tcstilius, Doniinix Jolianne Nejmuit, Johannc do Chetewodc, Rol>erto Malct, Joiiannc 
(i^ffard, niilitiliUH ; Waltcro de Saneto Andrea, (tcorgio Gytfard, Waltero dt- Craunford, 
Wiliiclnio dc llagworthingliani, Henrico filio Juhannis de Middel C'lay<lon, et aliis." 

* Inrj. post mort. IH Kdw. IV. no. 28. A panel portrait at Claydon House hiLs bei>n 
supposed to represent Sir Haipli, hut there is a date upon it wliich is fatjii to the supposi- 
tion : "Ann. :et. 54, ir)'.H.'" 


though I be visited with sykenesse, neuerthelesse beyng of hole mynde and 
in goode memorie, laude and thankying be vnto Almyghty God, make and 
oi'deigne this my present testament in maner and forme as folowith. 

First, I bequeth and recommende my soule vnto Allmyghty God in 
trinite, fardir and sone and holy gost, to the moost glorious virgyn our 
lady saint Marie, moder to the ij''*^ person in trinite, our blissed Lord Crist 
Jesu my redemer and saviour, to the hooly confessour saint Martyn the 
bisshop, and to all the hooly college of seyntes in heven ; And my body to Burial. 
be buried in the church of saint Martyn Pomerey in Irmongerlane of Lon- 
don, that is to wite, in the toumbe standing vnder the sepulcre betwene the 
quere and our Lady Chapelle of the same churche. And after my body be 
buried, thanne I wolle, that, first and formest and before all other thyngs, 
after the funerale costes and expenses be doone for me at my buriyng and at 
my monethes mynde, that my dettes and dieutees, the which I owe to eny 
persone or persones of right or of conscience, be wele and trieuly paide or 
sette in a sure way so to be paied. And after that doone, thanne I wolle, 
that alle my goodes, cattals, and detts, what so euer they be, be euenly 
deuyded by myne executors by thaduyse of their ouerseers, and departed 
into iij. egalle partes, wherof I bequethe oone egall part vnto Emme my wife, Wife, 
she to haue it for hir part to her bilongyng of my goodes, catals, and dettes 
after the custume of the citee of London ; And for asmoch as my dough- 
ters dame Margarete Raleghe and Beatrice Danvers haue had their preferre- Daughters. 
ment at their raariages of their porcions to theme belongyng of my goodes, 
and my sonnes John Verney and Rauf Verney have not hadde their suche 
preferrement, therfor I bequethe to the same John and Rauf the ij'^'' egall Sons. 
part of my said goodes, catallis, and detts, to be diuided evenly bytwene 
theim ; savyng of the same ij'^''* egall part, I wolle, that my said ij. doughters 
dame Margarete and Beatrice haue to theire owne vses of my plate of 
siluere beyng in the same ij'^*^ egalle part, after the common valuyng of plate 
in London, that is to wite, the said dame Margarete to haue the value of 
xl. marcs, and the saide Beatrice to haue the value of xx^«. ; And of the 
same ij*^*^ egalle part I wolle, also, that their be saued and reserued to the iij. 
doughters of the said Beatrice my doughter the value of xx/«. 

And the iij'^'® egall part of my said goodes, catals, and detts I reserue to 
myne executours here vnderwritene, they to performe and fulfiUe therwith 
my legaces here vnderwritene and other charges to be doone for nie, that 


Legacies to is to wite : Firste, I biquethe to the highe aulter of the parisshe chirche of 

churches and ^^^^^ Martvn Pomerev aforsaid for my tithes or oblacions witheholdene or 
religious houses. • •' •' ■ ^ , i i j j 

forgotene, in discharge of my soule, and for my said sepulture to be hadde 

in the said place of the said churche, v. marcs. Item, I biquethe to the re- 
paracione of the body of the same churche of saint Martyn, and for things 
necessarie to be prouyded for the same churche, xlli. Item, I biquethe c. 
marcs therof to fynde an honest and convenable preest to syng for my soule, 
and the soules of my fadir and modir, my brothrene, my sustren, my chil- 
dren, and the soules of my speciall frendes Thomas Fauconere, Philipe Fau- 
conere, and John Hertwelle, and for all cristene soules, in the said chirch 
of saint Martyn Pomerey, by the space of x. yeres next suyng after my 
decesse. Item, I biquethe to the oolde werks of the cathedrall chirche of 
saint Paule of London xx*. Item, I biqueth to every hone of y*^ v. orders 
of Freres in the citee of London and in Flete strete, that is to wite, the 
Freres prechours Carmes Menours Augustines and Crouched freres, to 
pray specially for my soule, xx*. Item, I biquethe to the hous of freres at 
Ailesbury, in the countie of Bucks, they to haue my soule and the other 
soules aforsaid specially recommended to Almyghty God in their deuoute 
praiers, Ixvj*. viijc?. Item, I biqueth to the maister and brethren of the 
bous of saint Thomas Acres in London, they to syng placebo dirige and 
masse of requiem by note for me in their owne chirche, \h. Item, I bi- 
quethe to be distributed among the poure people of the parisshe of saint 
Martyn Pomerey aforsaide at diuerse tymes, as [to] myne executours here vndre 
writene shall seme expedient and nedefuU to be doone by their discrecions, 
xlL Item, I biqueth to euery hous of Lazers aboute the citee of London, x*. 
Item, I biqueth xl*. to be bestowed and distributed after my decesse in 
Prisons. holsom metes and drinkes conuenient for pouere prisoners, and to be distri- 

buted among the pouer and nedy prisoners in the prison of Newgate of 
London, at diuerse tymes after the discrecions of myne executours. Item, 
I biqueth xlv. to be bestowed and distributed under like forme among the 
pouer and nedy prisoners in the prison of Ludgate of London. Item, I bi- 
queth xl*. to be bistowed and distributed vnder like forme among the pouer 
and nedy prisoners in the Kyngcs Henche of Southewerk. Item, I biquethe 
xx«. to be bestowed and distributed among the pouer and nedy prisoners in 
the prison of the Marshalsye in Southwerk. Item, I biquethe xx.v. to be be- 
stowed and distributed vnder like fonue among the pouer and nedy prisoners 


in the prisone of the Flete beside Fletestrete. Item, I biqueth xx*. to be 
bestowed and distributed vnder like forme among the pouere and nedy pri- 
soners in the convict prison of thabbat of Westminster. Item, I biqueth 
XX*, to be bestowed and distributed amonge the pouere and nedy prisoners 
in the Comptour of the Pultrey, and other xxs. for like prisoners in the 
Comptour of Brethestrete of London. 

Item, I biqueath to the priour and couent of Chatrehous beside Shene in Charter-houses, 
the countee of Surrey, to pray specialy for my soule and the soules aforsaid, 
c*. Item, I biquethe to the priour and couent of the Chatrehous beside 
Londone, to pray specialy for my soule and the soules aforsaid, xl*. Item, 
[I] biquethe to the reparacion of the chirche of Flete Merstone, in the Fleet Marston. 
countee of Bucks, and for ornamentes, thinges, and necessaries to be pro- 
uyded for the same chirch, c*. Item, I biquethe to be distributed among 
the pouere people of the same toune, and to the amendyng of the highe 
weyes of the same town, x. marcs. Item, I biquethe to the hous of the 
Freres Menours in the town of Northampton, for to haue a frere of the Northampton, 
same hous to say his diuine seruice and masse in their chirche there, and to 
pray for my soule and the soules of myne aunte dame Alice Reynes, and of 
her husband John Cristemasse, and of all my goode-doers, for a certayne 
seasone conuenable after the discrecione of myne executours, x. marcs. Item, 
I biquethe to tharaending and repairing of foule and ruynous weies which 
can be thought by the discrecions of myne executours to be moost noyous 
al)Out the citee of London, xxli. Item, I biquethe to the reparacione and 
amendyng of noyous and ruynous weyes nere aboute Aylesbury and Flete Amendment of 
Merston, to be doone by the discrecions of myne executours, x/*. Item, I 
biquethe to the comone box of my felishipe of the mercerye of Londone, Mercers' com- 
toward the charges of the same felawshipe, xx. marcs. Item, I biquethe to 
my cousyne Johanne Raleghe, the doughtere of sir Edward Raleghe knyghte, Grand-daugh- 
and of my dough ter dame Margarete his wife, to hir mariage, c. marcs. 
Item, I biquethe to John Fykyng, my wives sone, c. marcs, that is to wite, Wife's son 
1. marcs therof to be in full recompense and playne satisfaccion of alle his 
part to hyme belongyng of the houshold whiche was of his faders, and the 
othere 1. marcs I biquethe vnto hyme for the goode wiile, love, and fauour 
the which I here towardes hym for my said wife his modir sake, And if the 
said Johne wille refuse to haue and take the said 1. marcs, parcell of the said 
c. marcs, as in fulle recompense and playne satisfaccion of his said part of 





his saide fadres houshold, thanne I woll that my said biquest to hyme maade 
of c. marcs be voide and of noone effect ; And thanne I woUe that the same 
John haue of my goods no more thene the lawe wuUe geve hjTne. 

Item, I biquethe to John Peper, my seruaunt, xli. Item, I biqueth to 
EHzabethe Botclere, my seruaunt, xx*. Item, I biqueth to Alice Wether- 
hede, my long-continued seruaunt, xh. Item, I biquethe to Anneys Coxtone 
xxvj*. viijrf. Item, I biquethe to Johann Lapwynk, my seruaunt, xx*. 
Item, I biquethe to . . . Ilaleghe, brother to the said Sir Edward Raleghe 
knyght, c.9. Item, I biquethe to Richard Hertwell,my seruaunt, cs. Item, 
I biquethe to Robert Pynchebek, my wifes cosyne, c*. Item, I biquethe to 
William Rede, my seruaunt, xl*. Item, I biquethe to William Edy, my 
seruaunt of long time, liij*. iiijrf. Item, 1 biquethe to Marmaduke, my ser- 
uaunt, xl*. Item, I biqueth to Seth Athercliff, my seruaunt, \\s. Item, I 
biquethe to John Siluester, my seruaunt, xx*. Item, I biquethe to John, my 
cooke, XX*. Item, I biquethe to Mills Cook, x*. Item, I biquethe to John 
White, X*. Item, I biquethe to John Jakke, child of my kichen, x*. Item, I 
biquethe to John Burdigau, of my kychen, xs. Item, I biquethe to Richard 
Barton, my seruaunt, x*. Item, I biquethe to Thomas Goold, xxs. Item, 
I biquethe to Robert Brouderere, late my seruaunt, xx*. Item, I biquethe 
to my trewe louer John Brown, alderman of London, he to be oone of the 
overseers of this my present testament and to haue a remembraunce vpone 
my soule, oone of my cuppes couered of siluere gilt. Item, I biquethe to 
myne othere trewe louere Thomas Beleter, mercere of London, vnder sem- 
blable forme, oone othere of my cuppes couered of siluer gilt. 

And the residue of the said iij''*^ egalle part reserued to my said execu- 
tours vnder the forme aforsaid, ouer my said legaces therof perfourmed, and 
ouer alle other charges borne and doone for me or for my cause that owene 
so to be borne and doone, I wol and biquethe to be disposed by myne exe- 
cutours for my soule, and for alle cristene soules, in goode dedes and werks 
of charite and pitee, suche as they by their discrecions hoope best to please 
God withalle, and nioost to profile vnto the helthe of my soule. And of 
this my present testament I make and ordeyne myne executours Emme my 
welbeloued wife, Johne \'erney, Rauf Verney, my sones, and Ilenre Dan- 
vers, mercere of Londoiie, retjuiriiig and chargyug alle my said executours 
that noone of them of presumpcion or of singulere wille take vpon hyme to 
do or execute eny i»art of this present testament or eny other thing concern- 


yng the execucione of the same without the wille and hole assent of them 
alle, for my full wille is that they alle of oone wille and of oone assent and 
aggrement shuUe werke and doo alle manor things concernyng this my pre- 
sent testament and thexecucione of the same in alle degrees as they hope 
best to please God for the helthe of my soule. And their ouerseers I Overseers, 
make and ordeyne my said trieu louers Johne Broune, alderman, and Tho- 
mas Beletere, mercers of Londone. And alle other testamentes maade of 
my moueable goodes, catals, and detts afore the day and yere aboue rehersed, 
I vtterly reuoke, adnulle, and wille to be cancelled and voide, and noone 
othere but oonly this to stand in any strengthe or effect, thanne there beyng 
present maister Richard Rede parson of Saint Martyn aforeseid, sir Wil- 
liam Barbour preest, and other. 

Proved before the Archbishop of Canterbury at Lambeth 23th June, 

1478, by Emme the widow and John Verney and Ralph Verney 

the sons. 

In the generation of the Verney family subsequent to that of sir The second Sir 
T~wiiiTTT\T • n 1 f ^ Ralph Vernet, 

Kalph the Lord Mayor our attention — after the recovery oi the a. d. 1485. 

Whittingham estates — is not so much attracted to the lineal heir, sir 
John Verney, as to his younger brother the second Sir Ralph. 
His life is indeed an episode in the history of the main branch of the 
Verneys, but it had a very momentous bearing on the future for- 
tunes of the whole family. We have seen how their importance 
was increased by a concurrence, in the person of the first sir Ralph, 
of the two-fold advantages of successful commerce and fortunate po- 
litical partisanship ; in the life of the second sir Ralph we are called 
upon to observe the turn which was given to tlie fortmies of the fa- 
mily by a younger son who passed his life at coiu-t — " a pasture," as 
Fuller has remarked, " wherein elder brothers are observed to grow 
lean and younger brothers fat." Our first trace of this gentleman is 
under the date of the 4th November, 1485, when the parkership of 
Bekkeley park in Oxfordshire, and the offices of feodary and bailiff" 
of the duchy of Lancaster, in the counties of Bedford and Bucking- 
ham, were granted to him by the description of " Ralph Verney, 
stjuier." Tlie coniiection of his deceased father with the city of Lou- 


don renders it probable that two years aftenvards he was one of tlie 
two " esquiers of li(jnor" who are mentioned in the following passage 
of a conteniporarv account of the coronation procession of queen 
Elizabeth of York. It is under the date of 24th November, 1487. 
After enumerating various persons of distinction who played their parts 
on that grand occasion, the writer proceeds thus : " The ma^-or of 
London and the two esquiers of honor, that is to say, Nicholas 
Gaynysford* and Vemey, well horsed, in gowns of crimson velvet, 
having mantles of ermine, rode next before them, with two latkinsf 
bawdricks' wise, and, on their heads, hats of red cloth of gold 
ennines, the beaks forward." J 
Marries Eleanor In 1502 we find that siiice 1487 the Lord Mayor's "esquire" had 
Geoffre *Poi ^*^^'" knighted and married — married to a lady of distinguished con- 
nection, related to the royal family, and occupyijig the position of one 
Lady Vemey in of the ladics in Waiting in the household of queen Elizabeth of York. 
of^liSelhtf '^'^^s marriage made a courtier of sir Ralph. His wife, Eleanor 
York. Pole, was daughter of sir Geoffrey Pole, K.G., and Edith his wife, 

who was a daughter of Oliver St. John and Margai-et Beauchamp 
of Bletsoe. After the death of Oliver St. John, jNIargaret married 
secondly John duke of Somerset, and by that marriage was mother 
of Margaret countess of Richmond, mother of king Henry VII. 
Lady Verney was also sister to sir Richard Pole, chief gentle- 
man of the bedchamber to prince Arthur and K.G., who married 
the lady ISIargarct Plantagenet, daughter of George duke of Clarence, 
brother of king Edwiu'd IV. This was the luihappy lady who, 
under the title of countess of Salisbury, was barbarously sacrificed 
to the tyrannical jealousy of Henry VIII. Cardinal I*ole was one 
of her sons by sir Richard Pole, and was consecjuently a ne})hew of 
lady Verney. 

The near atfinity between lady Verney and Henry \'II. (which 
will appear more plainly in the pedigree which is printed in the note 

* Manning and Bray'si Surrey, ii. ill ; Lysons's Environs, i. !•'>. 

t I am unable to exj.lain this word. It is lure printed an it «Und» in the MS., 
JuliuH B. xii. fo. 34. Ileanie printed it " lutkies." * Leiand's Colleet. iv. '220. 


below*) sufficiently accounts for the position of lady Verney in the 
queen's household. Her marriage with sir Ralph Verney brought 
his family into a similar household connection with the royal family, 
and greatly influenced its subsequent foi-tunes. The household ac- 
counts of queen Elizabeth of York clearly exhibit the position of lady 
Verney during the brief period in 1502 and the subsequent year to 
which those accounts relate.f She was then in receipt of a salary 
from the queen of 20/. per annum, and in constant and familiar asso- 
ciation with her majesty. The first entry which relates to lady 
Verney informs us of the repayment of 20s. lent by lady Verney to 
her majesty upon some sudden exigency ; we subsequently find lady 
Verney advancing 3s. 4d. for her majesty's alms to a poor person ; 
paying a like sum to the ferryman at Datchet when the queen 
crossed the Thames ; giving, by the queen's direction, twice as much 
as a gratuity to an old servant of her majesty's father ; and reple- 
nishing her majesty's purse with 17s. upon St. Peter's eve, a time 
anciently distinguished by the lighting of bonfires, a muster of the 
watch, and universal rejoicing, and when, as an old poet quoted by 
Brand informs us. 

Goodly buildings, that till then did hide 
Their rich array, opened their windows wide; 

* Pedigree shewing the connection between the Verney family and king Henry VII. 

1. Oliver St. John^Margaret Beauchamp^2. John duke of 
of Bletsoe. | Somerset. 

'7=; 1 

1st Sir Ralph Verney. Edith, m. Sir Geof- George Edward IV. Margaret, 

T= frey Pole. duke of =j= m. earl of 

I =p Clarence. I Richmond. 

1. Sir John 2. 2nd Sir Ralph=Eleanor Richard=Margaret Elizabeth=Henry VII. 
Verney. Verney. Pole. Pole. afterwards of York. 

countess of 
t Privy Purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York, edit. Nicolas. Lond. 1830. In addi- 
tion to the items relating to lady Verney referred to in the Index at p. 228, a notice there 
omitted to be mentioned will be found at p. 54. 


Where kings, great peers, and many a noble dame, 
Whose bright, pearl-glittering robes did mock the flame 
Of the night's burning lights, did sit to see.* 

On subsequent occasions lady Verney paid on her majesty's ac- 
count to Robert Fyll, the king's painter, in reward, 3$. 4c?., and 10^. 
to John Reynold, another similar artist, " for making (that is, paint- 
ing) of divers beasts and other pleasures for the queen at Windsor ;" 
20d to a servant of William Bulstrowde, who brought a present of 
cherries to her majesty as she passed through Wycombe ; and for 
her majesty's offering at the altar of St. Frideswide at Oxford, and 
for lady Verney's offering at the same time and place Ijy her majesty's 
command, the sum of 20d. each. These offerings were made on the 
queen's progress into Wales in the summer of 1502. Subsequent 
items are equally illustrative of the manners of the time and of lady 
Verney's position. Her hand is twice the medium through which the 
queen's treasurer supplied her majesty's purse, on the approach of 
occasions of expected liberality, with as much as 40s. Lady Verney 
pays to "Carvenelle for his costs riding to the princess" (thought to 
be Katharine of Arragon, then widow of prince Arthur), 5s. ; and 
to Robert Ragdale " for making and lining of a kirtle and other gear," 
2s. ; by the queen's connnanchnent she at one time gives in reward 
to Victor Courteney, late page of the queen's chamber, 6s. 8 J. ; and at 
another time to a servant of the bishop of Carlisle, who brought a new 
year's gift to the queen, 26s. 8d. ; and pays Ad. a day for 125 days 
for the keep of the horse of Margaret Tone, a servant of the queen's 
household, probably in special attendance upon lady Verney during 
the queen's summer progress. 

One entry in the accounts leads to the inference that sir Ralph 
was also present on that same progress, and j)erhaps even at that 
time lii'ld some office in the ([uecn's household. When the (jueen on 

* Ellis'.s Hrand, edit. 1841, vol. i, p. 169. Henry VIII. and Katharine of Arragon 
rode tlirough the streets of London on one occasion to witness the city carnival on St. 
Peter's eve. It was also one of the sights exhibited to the king of Ucnnuirk on his visit to 
England in 1524. Ibid. 


her return out of Wales slept a night at the old royal castle of Lang- 
lej in Oxfordsliire, sir Ralph was there, and gave 20d. in reward to 
" a man" that brought the queen a buck. But the first office which 
sir Ralph unquestionably filled was that of chamberlain to the prin- Sir Ralph cham- 
cess Margaret, the eldest daughter of Henry VII., born on the 29tli dls^Margaret" 
November, 1489. This was but a brief appointment. The English married to 
household of that princess, and consequently sir Ralph's office, were Scotland. 
brought to an end by her early marriage. On the 25th January, 
1502, sir Ralph was present in the chapel of the palace of Richmond, 
when his youthful mistress was solemnly betrothed to James IV. of 
Scotland, and in the middle of the year following he accompanied 
her into the country of her adoption, and beheld the magnificent ce- 
remonies of her marriage and coronation. The brilliant progress 
which Margaret made through England on her departure, and the 
quaint observances which attended her reception into Scotland, are 
described with amusing precision by Mr. John Yonge, the attendant 
English herald. The dresses, the viands, the innumerable pageants 
and amusements of every kind devised to welcome the youthful queen 
are registered with official minuteness. Even the many kisses with 
which the warm-hearted sovereign received his impetuous bride — a 
true sister of Henry VIII. — are all minutely chronicled. An air of 
pathos is unwittingly thrown over the whole narrative by an enu- 
meration of the kindly familiarities which the Scottish sovereign 
received from the earl of Surrey — the very man who a few years 
afterwards led against him the English army on the field of Flodden. 
In all these ceremonies sir Ralph Verney was not merely a witness, 
but an actor. " With the said queen," says the very methodical 
Somerset Herald, " was deputed sir Ralph Verney her chamberlain, 
the which well and nobly exerced his office m the said voyage." Sir 
Ralph was indeed not only the queen's chamberlain, but the chief of 
three English commissioners appointed to receive the ratification of 
Margaret's dower. In that last capacity he was present at a meeting 
of the Scottish parliament in which the king's engagement with his 
bride and her father were solemnly confirmed by the estates of the 
CAMD. soc. F 


realm. It appears from the herald's narrative that lady Vcrney ac- 
companied her husband on this mission. 
And afterwards Qn sir Ralph Verney's return from Scotland he was probably im- 
marriedto Louis mediately appointed to the same office in the household of princess 
XII. of France. Mary, afterwards queen of France, which he had lately held in that 
of her sister. In July, 1514, princess Mary, being then about to 
contract matrimony with Louis XII., assembled various persons of 
emmence at her residence at Wanstead, and in their presence pubUcly 
renounced her previous matrimonial engagement with the prince of 
Castille. The persons present on this occasion were, the dukes of 
Norfolk and Suffolk — the latter of whom was Clary's husband within 
a few months afterwards — Wolsey, not yet a cardinal, the bishops of 
Winchester and Durham, the earl of Worcester, and sir Ralph 
Verney ; the last of whom is described as the chief or high chamber- 
lain to the princess. 
Sir John Ver- Whilst the second sir Ralph was pursuiniT his course amidst the 

NEY, eldest son . . p i i-, i. i i • i i , i -r ^ ^ 

of the Hrst sir gaicties of the English court, his elder brother SIR John passed a short 
HTS-iso" ^^^^ comparatively secluded life in the performance of his duties as the 
head of his house and the possessor of the united estates of Whitting- 
ham and Verney. He and his wife were involved in considerable 
litigation respecting the forfeited properties of the Whittinghams 
and Bucklands scattered about in various places; but all this we 
will pass over, merely inserting one paper wdiich shews the ter- 
mination of a suit in Chancery respecting the manor of Ochecote, 
now Edgecote, in Northamptonshire, which was claimed by sir John 
Verney and dame Margaret his wife in right of the latter as heir of 
Award as to the Richard Buckland her maternal <rreat-<n-andtather. This iiaper has 

title to the X 1 1 1 1 1 . r. "^ , . . , . 

manor of K<lK'e- »ot only a local and toi)ograpliical mterest, hut is curious as shewing 
in what way the want of knowledge of the common law in the cliaii- 
cellor was sup])lied during the time when it was customary for tlio 
great seal to be held by an ecclesiastic. After a Chancery suit had 
proceeded to bill, answer, replication, and rejoinder, it was agreed, 
with the concurrence of archbishop Morton, the chancellor, that the 
matter should be referred to the arbitrcment of sir Thomas Hrvan the 

cote, CO, North- 


c'-liief justice of the Common Pleas, sir Guy Fairfax one of the puisne 
judges of the King's Bench, sir Reginald Bray, and sir Henry 
Haydon. The arbitrators met at Lambeth in the presence of the 
chancellor, the parties were heard, the matter was fully considered, 
and in the end the following award was made, with " the aggrement 
and assent of the said chaunceler." 

To all men to whom this present wrytyng shall comma, Thomas Bryan 
knyghte, chief justice of the Common Place, sir Guy Fayrefax knyghte, 
cone of the justices of the Kingis Benche, sir Reynold Bray, and sir Henry 
Haydon knyghtes, sende gretyng in oure Lord God euerlastyng. And 
whereas sir John Verney knyght and dame Margarete his wyf byfore this 
tyme sued a wrytte of suhpena in the courte of the Chauncery ayenst 
Thomas Haselwode and Margarete his wyf and John Clarell, of the maner 
of Ochecote in the counte of Northampton, claymyng the same maner by 
the reason that the same dame Margarete wyf of the same sir John Verney 
is aswell heire to Richard Bokelond as to Jane his wyf ; and vpon the 
answere replicacion and reioynder and proves of the said parties in the said 
courte of Chauncery, dyuers ambyguites and doughtes hange and depende 
of and vpon the right title and possession of the said maner ; for the appeas- 
yng and fynall determinacion whereof the said parties haue compromyttid 
theyme self to abyde the awarde ordennance and jugement of vs the said 
arbitratours indifferently chosen bytwene the said parties. And we the 
abouenamyd sir Thomas Bryan, sir Guy Fayrefax, sir Reynold Bray, and sir 
Henry Haydon, takyng vpon vs by reason of the said submyssion the 
charge of arbitrement awarde and jugement of and vpon the premysses 
bytwene the said parties, and all the evidences titles and proves of either of 
the said parties byfore vs ripely harde vnderstoude and by good deliberacion 
examyned, whervpon, and by thassente and aggrement of either of the said 
parties atte Lamehithe, in the presens of the moost reuerent fader in God 
John by the grace of God archebisshop of Caunterbury prymate of all 
Englond and chaunceler of the same, we the said arbittours, by the aggre- 
ment and assent of the said chaunceler, awarde ordeyne and deme, of and 
vpon the right title and possession of the said maner bytwene the said 
parties in maner and fourme folowyng, that is to sey : That the said sir 
John Verney and dame Margarete his wyf and oone Richard Whytyngham 


shall relesf by fyne to John Danvers, Richard Emson, Thomas Andrewe 
the yonger, Thomas Parraenter clerk, and to the heires of the said Thomas 
Parmenter, all suche right title and interest as the said sir John Verney 
dame Margerete his wyf and Richard Whytyngham or any of them haue 
in the said maner, with the appurtenaunces, with a clause of warranty of the 
said dame Margarete Verney and her heires ayenst John abbot of the mo- 
nastery of seint Petre of Westmynster and his successours, byfore the xv*'"" 
of the Natiuite of seint John Baptist next folowyng ; and also, that the said 
sir John Verney and Richard Whytyngham shall by their seuerall dedis 
enrolled in the kynges courte of his Chauncery relese all the right that they 
or any of theyme haue in the said mauer to the said John Danvers, Richard 
Emson, Thomas Andrewe, Thomas Parmenter, and to the heires of the said 
Thomas Parmenter, with seuerall clauses of warrautes in the same dedis, 
that is to sey, in the dede of the said sir John Verney the warrantes of hyra 
and of his heires, and in the dede of the said Richard Whytyngham the 
warrantye of hyra and his heires, ayenst the forsaid abbot and his succes- 
sours ; and thise dedis to be made sealid and enrollid by the fest of seint 
Laurence next commyng, and the said releasis by fyne to be levied, and the 
said dedis of relese to be made and enrollid, in maner and fourme as is afor- 
said, atte the costs and chargis of the said Thomas I lasilwode. And for the 
said fyne to be lifte, and the said relissis to be made and enrollid, in maner 
and fourme as is abouesaid, W'e the said arbitratours awarde and deme, 
that the said Thomas I lasilwode shall pay or cause to be paid to the said 
sir John Verney or his executours iii.c. niarkes of lawful money of Englond, 
in the manor and fourme folowyng, that is to sey, an c. markes within viij. 
days after this oure awardo made, and an c. markes atte the foest of Estre 
next folowyng the tyme of this oure awarde or within xv. days than next 
folowyng aftir the same fecst, an c. markes residue of the said ccc. markes 
atte the feest of Estre than next folowyng or within xv. days than next 
folowing aftir the same fest ; and for the payment of cc. markes therof the 
said Thomas Ilasilwodc shall fynde suche surete as by vs the aboue namyd 
arbitratours shall be thought suflRcient for the payment therof. In wit- 
nesse wherof to eucry parte of this oure presente awarde indentid we the 
said arbitratours haue put to oure scalls. Yeven the ixth day of the 
moneth of Juyll in tlu- vijlh yere of the regno of kyng Ilonry tho vijfh 
[a.d. I4U2]. 


Sir John Verney was present at the coronation of Elizabeth of 
York,* but that is the only time when he seems to have mingled in 
those high ceremonies in which his brother's life was passed. Our 
other traces of him are in the performance of the customary diities of 
a country gentleman; at one time acting as a commissioner to levy an 
aid in Buckinghamshire,! at another time summoned to follow the king 
in his expedition to Britany, X and again, serving sheriff for Bucks 
and Beds, and afterwards for Hertford and Essex. § This last office 
he held in 1499. He established his residence at Penley Hall, the seat 
acquired by the Wliittinghams from the Agnells, which he probably 
rebuilt at an expense which he did not live long enough to discharge. || 
Claydon remained still tenanted by the Giffards, whose lease he 
renewed to Roger Giffard esquire, on the 25th April, 1505, for the 
term of eighty years, at the annual rental of 13/. 6s. 8d. with an im- 
portant exception of the profits arising from the wood. IT This renewal 
was the last act of his life of which we have any knowledge. He 
died on the 31st August following, at the age of SS.*'^ As he had terment of Sir 
succeeded to the estates of the Wliittinghams, so did he to their pre- "^^^" Vemey, 
dilection in favour of a burying place. At a short distance from 
Penley stood the convent or college of Ashridge, a noble pile of royal 
fomidation, situate in a beautiful countrj^, and enriched with many 
treasures both of wealth and of superstition. Within these sacred 
walls the Wliittinghams had chosen a place of interment. The first 
sir Robert Whittinghani was buried there. The second sir Robert 
designed to share his father's resting-place, but the chances of the 
times gave him a grave on the field of Tewkesbury. At Ashridge sir 
John Verney found his final earthly resting-place, with little antici- 
pation on the part of those who conveyed him thither of the mighty 

* Leland's Collect, iv. 231. t Rot- Pari. vi. 537, 

t Feed. xii. 356. § Fuller's Worthies, i. 366. 

II There is a view of the old manor house of Penley in Chauncy's Hist, of Hertford- 
shire, p. 594. It would seem to have been a buUding partly of the age of Edward III. but 
greatly altered about the time of Henry VII. Its wreck is now occupied by farm labourei-s, 
and an old chimney-piece is all that remains of its ancient state. 

^ Verney MS. ** Inq. post mortem, 18 Edw. IV. no. 28, and 21 Henry VH, no. 20. 


events which wore so soon to cliange the character of the house of 
Bons honimes, and to disturb the quiet even of its graves. 

No will of sir John Verney has been found ; * nor any inquisition 
post mortem in Bucks. The inquisition held in Hertfordshire recites 
that he and Margaret his wife were seised in her right of the old Whit- 
tingham estates of Penley and its adjuncts, and that she remamed in 
possession of them after his death. In Buckinghanisliire there is no 
doubt that sir John possessed in liis own right liis father's manor and 
lands at Fleet IMarston and his estates at Aylesbury and Bierton. 
Some portion of the Whittingliam property in London had been sold 
by sir John and his wife ; amongst other things the advowson of the 
St. Stephen churcli of St. Stephen Walbrook, which was purchased by the Whit- 
tinghams, as Stowe tells us, in 1432. It was conveyed on the 19th 
December, 1501, together wdth " the great messuage in the parish of 
St. Peter the Poor m Broad Street ward, wherein William Fitz Wil- 
liams, taylor, dwelleth," to John Wyngar, alderman, Wilham Stede, 
John Peynter, and Thomas Morys, citizens and grocers, for 325 marks. 
The unsold portion of the Whittingham estates survived to sir 
John Verney's widow, but she held them only for a brief period. On 

Death and will ^i^^ 3^,^ ^ j] j^qq ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^, ^^jy ^^^j ^^^ ^j^^ 21st of the SaUlC 
of sir John Ver- . . . 

ncy's widow, month it was proved. We print it as a memorial of the times, 

Ii(tre»s7)f'th'e ^"^ ^^ ^" historical record Avhich justifies many dei)artures 

Whittinghanis. from all the published pedigrees of the Verney family. It will be 

found that the testatrix desires to be buried by the side of her hus- 

* During the continuance of the present system of management at the Prerogative Office 
in Doctors' Commons the slightest item of information respecting the old wills in the keep- 
ing of the registrars is valuable. On this account, and also because it m.iy save some future 
inquirer troulile, I mention that the will of .lohn Verney proved in 15U8 is not the will of 
sir John Verney, nor of any member of this family. It is the will of a John Verney of So- 
mersetflhire or Dorsetshire, I forget which, and, contrary to the practice in all other record 
offices, no one who searches in that office is allowed to take notes. Tlie testator is merely 
described aa " John Verney esquire." In the course of researches in connection with my 
present subject I have been freijuently stopped by the barrier which the regulations of the 
record office at Doctiti-s' t'onnnons opjiose to all literary inquirers. To the best of my 
knowledge and belief, that office is the only dei)ository of historical docunient.s — 1 ha<l said the only office of any kiinl in the kni),' in tb.r.' is im f.flini; what- 
ever in favour of liteniture ami historical inquiry. 


band at the favourite Asliridge. Several of her legacies indicate the 
nature of the bequests which it was usual to make to persons who 
were otherwise provided for. To her son-in-law Edward afterwards 
sir Edward Chamberlame, and her daughter Cecilia his wife, she be- 
queaths merely a feather bed and bolster, a pair of blankets, and a 
hanging, that is, a piece of tapestry, for a chamber; and to her 
daughter Anne Dame a black damask kirtle, and a black cloth gown, 
purfilled, that is, edged or bordered, with tawny velvet. Her sons 
come m for her valuable manors and lordships, and minute directions 
are given, with true heiress-like particularity, for the descent of an 
unrecovered portion of the Whittingham estates in case the same 
should be ultimately regained. Her husband's brother, the courtier 
sir Ralph, is appomted her sole executor, and the undisposed portion 
of her personalty is bequeathed to him, to be applied to such uses as 
he should think most expedient for the weal of her soul and the souls 
of all her friends. 

In Dei nomine, Amen. Therd day off Aprell the yer of our Lord Jh'u Will of dame 
Crist a M' cccccandix. I Margaret Verney maike my testament and last neT^wklowTf 
wyll in hole mynd and good memory, in maner and forme here folowing. sir John Verney. 
Fyrst, I beqweth my soule to all myghtty Gode, to our Lady Saint Mare, 
and all the holy cumpany of heven, and my body to be beried within the 
colege church off Ashruge, by the body off my husband syr John Verney Burial, 
knyght. Also I beqweth to my sone Edwarde Chamberlayn and my 
daughter Cecile his wyffe on faderbed, on bolster, on payre off blanketts, Daughter Ceci- 
and a hanging for a chamber, as shalbe thought convenyent by my executor j^j„ 
and broder sir Rauffe Verney. Also I beqweth to my daughter Anne Dame Daughter Anne 
on kyrtyll off blake damaske and on gowne of blake cloth purfeld with taw- Dame, 
ney veluet. Also I wyll and straytly charge that all the reveneus and rents 
arising off imy manors and lordships of Danton and Stone be resseyved by 
the hands of ray executor yerly, to suche tyme as he have fully content and 
paid ray dettes, which dettes perticulerly ben wretyn in a byll to this ray 
present and last wyll annexid, and thos dettes so well and trewly content and 
paid, than I wyll, that my sonne Rauff Verney have the same maners and Son Ralph, 
lordshippys of Donton and Stone with the apportenauntes to his owne proper 
evre and behoffe. Also I wyll that my sonne John Verney have for terme Son John. 
off lyffe my maner and lordship callyd Comptons with a cloce callyd Ful- 


rydey with the apportenantes, and after dethe of my said sonne John Verney, 
I wyll that the said manorc and lordship callyd Comptons with the said cloce 
callyd Fuhydey with ther apportenaunce holly remayne and rerert to my 
Sonne Ruuffe and his heyres. And yff it so fortune that ray sonnys Rauff 
and John hcrafter may recover the maner of Maivdelens in the counte of 
Hertford, than I wyll that my Sonne John Verney have the same manore 
of Mawdelcns so recovered to hym and to the heyres off his body laufuUy 
begotyn, and for default of yssew off his body laufully begotyn, then the 
same maner with the apportenauncis holly to remayne to my sonne Rauffe 
and his heyris. And as sone as my said sone John shalbe seasid and full 
possessed of the same manor of Mawdelins, in maner and forme as it is 
above specyfyed, than the astate for terme off lyfe that he shall have in the 
lordship of Comptons and Fulrydey sece and off none effecte, but the same 
holy reverte unto my said sonne Raufe and to his heyrs. Also I wyll that 

Son Robert. ''"^y Sonne Robert Verney have for terme off his lyflFe my manor and lord- 
ship of Benstrevs in the coiintie of Hertford, and my manor and lordship 
offPenre in the counte of Buckingham* with the appertenaunce ; and after 
the lyffe and dessece off the said Robert, I will that all the forsaid lordships 
with ther appurtennaunces holly revert and remayne to my sonne Rauffe 
Verney and to his heyres. Also I wyll and beqweth all my other lands, 
manors, lordshipps, and tenaments in this my present wyll not specyfyed, 
after my dessece thay to remayne holly to my said sonne Rauffe and to his 
heyres, except the two closys within ray manor off Salden whiche I kepe 
now in my hands, which two closys I wyll that ray sonne Joh7i Verney have 
for terrae off thrc yeris without any thyng paynge for thera, and after the 
end of the iij. yeris I wyll he pay to his brodcr RaulTo yerly the rent before 
accustoracd. Also I beqweth to ray said sone John Verney all my horses, 
oxon, shepe, and the other catcU that I have witliin the same maner and 
lordship of Salden. The resydew of all my goodds and catall not specified 
in this ray last wylc and testaraont, my dettes and boqwest fully content and 
paid, I wyll and beqweth to my hroder sir Ifauffe Verney knyo^ht, whom 

Kxeciitor. j j,iake and ordane ray executor off this my last wyll, he to dysposse for the 

well off ray souleand all my frynds soidls as he shall thvnke most expedient. 
Wytnes yan boyng present sir Rauffe Verney kuyght, the parsone off Al- 
burye, and master John Ilatton prest, with oder mo. 

* Pi'iilcy or Pi ixllcy, forwliii-li this seems intciKlcil, altlumuli on the honlerof the eouiily, 
is really in lle.tlnnlshire. 


Hereafter followyth certen detts due unto dj'vers persons whos names here- 
after folowyth by dame Margerett Verney wedewe, late wyfe to sir John 
Verney knyght. 

In primis to sir Edward Rawley* . . . Mi. 
Item, to sir Rauff Verney f . . . . x\li. 

Item, to Hugh Duke xxfi. 

Item, to Shore J xviij/«. 

Item, the lady Colett § clay meth . xxxvj/«. 

Item, to Ric. Sutton xli. 

Item, to John Blakett iiijZ*. 

Item, Wryght claymyth xx/«. 

Proved on 21st April, 1509, before the Reverend Richard Ha- 
wardyn, commissary of William bishop of Lincoln, at the parish 
church of Wondon, in the diocese of Lincoln, by sir Ralph Verney, 
the executor. 
The children of sir John Verney and Margaret \yere, three sons. Family of sir 
1, Ralph; 2, John; 3, Robert; and two daughters, 1, Cecilia, and Margaret, 
married to sir Edward Chaniberlaine ; and 2, Anne, mai'ried to a 
person named Dame. The particulars which we have been able to 
glean of any of them, except the eldest son, are mentioned in the pre- 
fixed pedigree. A few words comprise all that has been found of the 
history of Ralph, or, as he was termed after his knighthood, SIR The third sir 
Ralph " the younger," to distinguish him from his uncle sir 
Ralph the courtier, who was his godfather and friend through life, 
and also his survivor. The third sir Ralph continued to occupy Pen- 
ley, but was drawn, probably by the influence of his uncle, a little 
closer to the court than his father had ever been. In 1511 he served 
sheriff for the johit comities of Bucks and Bedford, and again in 1524. 
In 1525 he was one of that goodly band of knights — the represen- 
tatives of English chivalry — who attended queen Katherine to the 

* Husband of sir John Verney's sister Margaret. 

■j* The second sir Ralph. 

X Possibly the husband of the Nell Gwynne of Edward IV., or more probably Richard 
Shore, draper, who was sheriff of London in 1505. 

§ Christian wife of sir Henry Colet, lord mayor of London, and mother of Dr. John 
Colet, dean of St. Paul's, and founder of St. Paul's school. 




1. I ward by. 

2. Weston. 

Field of tlie Cloth of Gold. He was three times married. His first 
wife was Margery, second davighter and one of the three co-heiresses 
of John Iwardby of Quainton, in the county of Bucks. This mar- 
riage brought into the family of the Verneys the manor of Quainton 
with lands at Swanbourne and Great ]\Iissenden, both in the same 
county.* In the selection of his second wife we probably trace the 
iiifluence of his courtier uncle. She was Anne, daughter of Edmund 
Weston of Boston, in the county of Lincoln, sister of Richard, after- 
wards sir Richard, Weston, of Sutton, in the county of Surrey, father 
of the unhappy sir Francis Weston, who suffered death for treason- 
able adultery with Anne Boleyn in 1536. Anne Weston and her 
brother Richard were both in the household of Elizabeth of York, 
queen of Henry VH. at the same time as lady Eleanor Verney. 
After the death of queen Elizabeth of York, Amie Weston entered into 
the service of Katherine of Arragon, and remained there until 1511, 
when she was married to sir Ralph Verney. Queen Katherine gave 
her a marriage portion of 200 marks, and also procured for her a 
gi-ant of the custody of the lands and person of John Ganers, either 
a minor or a lunatic. By a settlement dated the 20th October, 3rd 
Henry VHI. A. d. 1511, a jointure of 200 marks per ammm was 
seciu'ed to her by her intended husband. This marriage constituted 
another link between the Verneys and the coiirt. All sir Rali)h".s 
principal friends are henceforth persons holding offices in the roval 
household, and for several subsecpent generations one or more of his 
direct descendants held similar api)()intments. Sir Ra]i>h married 
thirdl}' Elizabeth, widow of John Breton, who was sheritf of London 
in 1521. 

Death overtook the third sir Ralph very unexi)ectedly. He was 

serving sheritf of Bucks and Beds for the second time when we find 

Will and death that on the 8th May, 1525, he suddenly makes his will, in evident 

of the third sir .• • ,• i- i • i i ' i i- xi i 

Ualph Vcriicv. anticq)!ition ot Ins s])ce(ly decease, and lues the same day. 

3. Breton. 


* John Iwardh.v hit tlinu dauKht.Ts : 1, Elizalieth, nmrrie<l first to Will 
secondly to Tliomas Py^ott ; 2, Marf^cry, who was married to the third sir Ralph V.....J, 
and 3, Elena, married »irnt to William Cutlard, serjeant-at-law, and secondly to Thomaa 
('lyfrord,K«'"t. Ih.rl. MS. rr.(5, fo. IH. 

ian\ KImi-s, and 
■rney ; 


this eleventli-liour will lie is still styled sir Ralph Verney the younger, 
his uncle, the courtier sir Ralph, being still living. Many of his legacies 
are characteristic of the period and of the man. The religious com- 
mencement breathes the full spirit of ante-reformation doctrine. All 
his children were mider age, and he makes many provisions for their 
protection during their minorities. He gives to each of his daugh- 
ters a marriage portion of 500 marks, with a proviso for its reduction 
' in the case of any of them who will not be advised or ruled " in the 
preferment of her marriage" by his executors and supervisors. He 
gives to his surviving third wife all his goods moveable in London, 
with an exception which includes the gowns* of dame Anne his se- 
cond wife. These relics of her magnificence and attendance at court 
are du'ected to be made into priestly vestments, and to be given to 
churches, at the discretion of his executors. To the church of Tring 
he leaves, for tithes forgotten, 3^. 6s. 8d., and a like sum towards the 
reparation of the church of Albury. His own black gown of satin, 
furred with marternes, he Avishes should be given to his uncle the 
courtier, su' Ralph Verney the elder ; and his go^vn of tawny velvet, 
the forepart lined w^ith damask, to his cousin John Verney, the only 
son of sir Ralph the elder. At the conclusion of the legacies, as if 
it were the result of a suggestion insinuated into the testator's dying 
ear, perhaps by the will-writer, there stands, " I give to sir Thomas, 
chantry-priest of Albury, to pray for my soul, 20s." The executors 
of his will were, his brother-m-law sir Richard Weston, John Chejaie 
esquire, his cousm John Verney, and his brother Robert, " whom," 
he says, " I specially trust above all other mine exectors ;" his cousm 
Paul Darrell, lord Brudenell, and his uncle sir Ralph, were appointed 
overseers. Sir Ralph Avas buried with his father and mother at 

* If we may judge from various items in the Privy Purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York, 
the court-gowns of that period must have been articles of a very tremendous character. 
Witness the following among many entries which all tell the same tale : " Item, the xxiij" 
day of July to Richard Justice, page of the robys, for his costes going from Richmount to 
London for a gowne of cloth of gold furred with pawmpilyon aycnst Corpus Xp'i day, by 


In the name of God and our bli«sid Lady and all the holly company of 
Will (slightly hevsn, amen. I sir Bauf Vernei/e the i/ounger knight, sonne and heire 
ahri.lged) of the ^f g^. John Vemey knight, in hole and in good stedfaste mynde, make and 
Veniey^lated ordeyne my testament and last wille the viij"' daye of May the xvij. yere of 
8th May, 1525. thg reigne of our soveraigne lord king Henry the viij"' and the yere of our 
Lorde God a iM'v'^ and xxv in manner folowing. First, I bequethe my 
soule unto Allmighty God, our Ladye sainte Marye, and all saints ; my 
Burial. bodye to be buryed within the churche of Assherige, and to the same hous , 

I give and bequeth twenty marks. Also I bequethe for my buriall twenty 
poundes, and to be delte in almes to poore men after the discrecion of myn 
Wife. executours. Item, I bequethe to mi/ wife all suche my goodes moveable the 

whiche I have remayning within the cittie of London or within the subbarbes 
of the same, the apparrell and ornaments belonging or anny wise pertayning 
to my ladye, and thapparrell of dame Anne Vemey late mi/ ivife, and ray 
Daughters, Ele- monney only except. Also I give and bequeth to viy dau-ghter Elianore 
anor, Katherine, ^^ y^j^. j^^j-iage fyve hundred marks sterling ; to my datvghter Katherine 
fyve hundred marks sterling ; to my dawghter Anne fyve hundred marks 
sterling; all whiche monney shalbe raysid of the profites of all my landes; 
the landes whiche I have appointed to my wifes joynctour that now is, 
beinge of the yerely value of one hundred marks, and suche landes whiche 
Brother Robert. I have appointed to my brother Robert Verneye and Avys Belingham 
ivedoice during their lyves naturall, nothing to be chargeable to the raysyng 
of the said sommes, nor to the perfourmance of this my last wille. 
Son Francis. Also I wille that my Sonne Fraunces, after my detts and legacies paid, 

have to him and to his heires males of his bodye laufuUy begotten, my man- 
nour of Sulden in the counlie of Buckingham, and all my landes in Sal- 
den, my mannour of Muresley, with all my lands in Muresley, in the said 
countie of Bucks, onlye except and for .'* And if it shall fortune 

my said sonne Fraunces to deccas withoute yssue, that then my said mannour 

the space of twoo days, every day viijr/. — w'ul. Item, for bote hire for the same gowne, 
xij</." (p. 33.) On the following 2(ith November the same person was paid " for his eostcs 
going from Westminster to London in the night for a gowne of blcwe velvet for the queno 
and for his l)ote hyere, \'V\'yl, Item, for conveying alle the ijuenes lyned gownys fn>ni West- 
minster to London l)y water, and for mens labour that bare the same gownys to the water 
and from the water, vi/." (p. (iS.) There are many other items of the same character. 
• .\ blank l<tt ill tb<> miginal Inspcximus of the probate from which we print. 


of Salden, with my landes in Salden, remayn to my right heires. And if 
it shall fortune anny of my said daughters to deceas or that they shalbe 
maryed, then I will that the monney to hir bequethid be bestowed for the 
welth of my soule after the discrecion of myn executours. liem, if anny of 
my foresaid daughters woUe not be advisid nbr ruled in the preferrement of 
hir mariage by my said executours and supervisoures, then it shalbe at the 
liberty of my said executours and supervisours to mynishe parte of hir 
somme bequethid before for hir mariage untill she will be refourmed. Also 
I wille that myn executours take sufficiauntely for fynding of my said chil- 
dren and for their costes in the busynes of the perfourmance of this my last 

Item, I give and bequethe to my brother Roheit Verney for his faithe- Brother Robert. 
full and loving service to me doon at all tymes, the scyet and ferme of my 
mannor of Dynton, in the countie of Bucks, now being in the tenure of 
Richard Saunders, of the yerely value of xvj^». and also a mease, with all 
thos landes to the same belonging, now in the tenoure of one Fraunces Lee, 
in Hisshopeston, in the countie of Bucks, of the yerely value of iij^t. vj*. viijf/. 
and a mease, with all those landes to the same belonging, now in the tenoure 
of oon William Polycote, set and lying in Westlington, in the said countie 
of Bucks, of the yerely value of xxs., to holde to the [sic'] said brother Robert 
Verney and to Avys Belingham wydowe during their lyfes naturall, and to 
the lengest ly ver of theim bothe after espowselx had betwene my said brother 
and the said Aueys, and if my said brother doo not wedde nor take to wife 
the said Aueys, then I wille the foresaid scyet and ferme immediately after 
his deceace and this my wille perfourmed do remayne unto my right heires. 

Also I wille that my cousen Paule Darrell have yerelye out of my Provision for 
landes and tenements his annuytie of v]li. xiij*. iiijr/. untill my next heire keeping courts 
come to the fulle age of xxi. yeres, payable to him at the feastes of sainte rrnts^d^uring 
Mighell tharchaungell and thannunciation of our lady sainte Marye, for minority of Iiis 
keping of my courtes and receyving of my rents, according as was agreed 
betwene him and me, the rents whiche shalbe my wiefs joynter now except. 
Also, I wille that my cowsen John Chayney esquier and my said cowsen 
Pawle Darrell have their joynt fee of xx*. yerely during their naturall lifes 
and the lengest liver of theim bothe for the keping of my courtes of Pen- 
deley, Bunstrux, and Muresley. Also, wheras my said cowsen Paule His deputy she- 
Darrell is debutye and uiidersherif to me concerning my office of Shrife- '"' * 


wike within the counties of Bedford and Bucks, I wille that he be no farther 
charged in accompte-geving but onlye suche monney whiche shall come to 
his hands or that he doo levye, and the residew of all his expences concern- 
ing the said office I wille that it be borne of my goodes, according to my 
promise to him made, and for his labour in the same I give him all the pro- 
Legacies, fites thereof to me due. Item, I give to the churche of Tringe for tithes 
forgotten, \\]li. \]s. y\\]cl. Item, to the reparacions of the churche ofAlbury, 
iij/j. vj*. viijrf. Item, I wille that the gownes of dame Anne Verney late 
my wife doo make vestiraents to be given to churches according to the dis- 
crecion of myn executours. Item, that myn uncle sir Raaf Verney thelder 
knight have my blacke gowne of satten furrid with marternes. Item, that 
my cowsen John Verney have my gowne of tawny velvit, fore parte lind 
with daraaske. Item, that Richard Verney my servaunte have the house 
and lande that he dwellith in during his life naturall for keping of my 
woddes in Claydon. Also, that Alice Crolce have to hir mariage 
vj/i. xiij*. iiijrf. Also that Richard Saunders hay e his fee of xl*. during 
his life, receyving thissues and profites of my mannor of Dynton and Stone 
and doing his duetye therefore. Also, that Thomas Watts have the house 
and land whiche he now dwellith in during his life naturall. Also that 
William Morrys have yerely during his life naturall, oute of my landes, 
xxs. Item that Thomas Prymme have xiij*. \\\]d. during his naturall life. 
Also, that all my rccovcrers and fcofifecs of all my landes within the realme 
of Inglande, excepte the joynter of my wife that now is and the foresaid landes 
geven to my brother Robert Verney and to Avys Bnlingham, be seasid to 
thuse of the levying of the sommes aforcwritten, and the trew paiment of 
my detts and legacies, and of my fathers dotts, and the hole perfourmaunce 
of this my last wille. Also, I wille that all my stuffo of householde belong- 
ing to my house of Pend(>ley be there rcmayning by thoversight of myn ex- 
ecutours to thuse of Ilaufe Verney my sonne and hcirc apparaunte, my plate 
only except. Also, that my servauntes have dcliverid to theim every man 
his hole yeres wages. Also, that parte of my servaunts have certaine of my 
gcldinges geven them at the discretion of myne executours. Also, that 
Richard Verney's wife have a cowe. Item, I bequethe to everye one of 
my servaunts a blacke gowne. Item, I give to Cecill my bastard daughter, 
if she be alyve, vi/t. xiij.v. iiij(/. Item, I will that all my rccoverers and 
feoffees suffre myn executours to take thissues of all my manners, excepte 


before excepte, to the payment of my detts, legacies, and bequestes, and my 

fathers detts, and the fulfilling and trew perfourmaunce of this my last wille. 

Also, I will that my brother Robert Verney, whome I specially truste above 

all other myn executours, have the soole custodye of all my goods, and the 

receyte of my rent and revenues, to the perfourmance and execution of this 

my last wille, and also the ordre of my children by thadvise of my super- 

visours and executours. Also, 1 give to */r Tlwmas, chauntry preest of 

Albery, to pray for my soule, xx*. Also, I make for myn executours, sir Executours. 

Richard Weston knight, John Cheyne esquier, my cowsen John Verney, 

my brother Robert Verney, and my coivsen Paule Darell ; and my lorde Overseers. 

Brudenell and my uncle sir Rauf Verney to be overseers of this my last 

wille. Item, all my other goodes and cattails not bequethed, my detts, my 

legacies, and my fathers detts paid, I wille that my said executours doo 

bestowe for the welth of my soule after their discrecions. These being 

witnes, Leonard Chamberlayn, Raafe Standeley, Thomas Jones, and James 

Alatham, with other moo then and there being present. 

Proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury 20th INlay, 1525. 

The will of the third sir Ralph gives iis the last ghmpse of his r>eath of the 
courtier uncle. Hemy VIII. had before rewarded liis faithful ser- Ralph, 
vice to the late king and queen with the valuable manor of Swarford, 
in the county of Oxford, formerly part of the possessions of Edmmid 
de la Pole earl of Suffolk. That gift and the legacies and kindly 
mention of him in the wills of his sister-in-law and his nephew justify 
a hope that, even to the close of hfe, he occupied that place in the 
esteem of his royal master and of the members of his own family 
which was appropriate to his age and connections. He died on the 
6th July, 1528,* and was buried in the chmxh of King's Langley, 
in the county of Hertford, where he had passed the latter part of liis 
life. At the north-eastern corner of that church, so nicely placed on His tomb at 
the brow of the liill overlooking the valley of the Gade, stands an '°=* ^'^^^'' 
altar-tomb surrounded by heraldic bearmgs and sm-momited by 
defaced effigies of a knight and lady. This monument has long 
puzzled antiquaries. The same chm'ch contams within the altar-rail 

* Inq. post mortem 20 Hen. VIII. no. 150. 


the beautiful tomb of Edmund de Langley, fifth son of Edward III., 
and Isabel his wife. Piers Gavestone, who was executed nearly a 
hundred years before the death of Edmund de Langley, is also said 
to have been buried in the same church. Some confusion arose out 
of the tradition of the latter circumstance and the resemblance whicli 
an uninstructed eye might find between the architectural character 
of the royal tomb and the memorial of the knight and lady. In that 
way the latter came to be popularly believed to be a monument to 
Piers Gavestone. It was so considered for centuries. The heraldry 
upon it enables us to estabUsh not only that it had notliing to do with 
Piers Gavestone, but whom it was really designed to commemorate. 
On the right-hand side of the tomb three coats of arms are carved 
on shields placed within three architectui*al compartments, clearly of 
the age of the sixteenth century. They are all somewhat defaced, 
but thus far they can be clearly made out. The first shield bears 
a saltire engrailed ; the second, the arms of Verney, with a crescent 
for a difference, impaling the arms on the first shield ; the third 
shield has the arms of Yerney as they stand impaled on the second. 
The arms on the first and third shields appear also carved on sliields 
at the upper end of the tomb ; and those on the second shield are 
delineated on the surcoat of the recumbent figm-e of the knight, and 
also, reversed in order of position, on the magnificent mantle of the 
lady. It is clear that the arms of Verney with the crescent differ- 
ence indicate precisely the proper bearing of the second sir Ralph; 
and the arms of the Poles, as borne by sir Richard Pole, by lord 
Montague, and by cardinal Pole, were, Per pale or and sable, a saltire 
engrailed counterchaufjed. We may, therefore, safely conclude, that 
the toml) in question is that of the second sir Ralph ^'erney and 
Eleanor his wife. 
Lady Eleanor Of lady Eleanor, the wife of the second sir Ralph, we have found 
Verney. ^^^ tracc after the time when she accomi)anied her husband into Scot- 

land with queen Margaret. Nor have we been able to recover any- 
Their son John thing more than the faintest glimmering of their only son. In all 
works of topography and genealogy there is the greatest confusion 


respecting the second sir Ralph and his family, arising out of the 
recurrence of the names Ralph and John in both branches of the 
family. What we have stated respecting sir Ralph and Eleanor 
pretty well clears up the difficulties relating to them, and it further 
appears that they had an only child, a son named John, no doubt 
after his paternal uncle. This John was the " cousin John Verney," 
mentioned, as we have seen, in the will of the third sir Ralph. 

At the death of his father, John Verney was forty years of age.* 
He had married, and had two children ; a son named Robert, who 
died in his father's lifetime without issue, and a daughter, Mary, 
who married some one named Reynolds. These seem to have been 
children by a first wife. John Verney lived at Mortlake in Surrey, 
and probably held some office in connection with the park at Rich- 
mond. He made a will on the 22nd July, 1540, in which he left His will. 
all his lands and goods to his wife, Dorothy, appointed her also to 
be sole executrix, " and my good lord of Suffolk's grace to be 
overseer thereof for her great comforth." f Ii^ this will the 
testator made no mention of his daughter. After his death the 
daughter contested the validity of the will in the prerogative court its validity 
of Canterbury. The widow was ordered by the court to produce '^o"^^^^^*^- 
the witnesses to the will, amongst whom was " syr William Durant, 
of Mortelake," probably the parish priest. She omitted to do so, 
alleging that the witnesses were all dead, and by a letter addressed 
to the judge and subscribed with her hand, which was delivered 
into court by Louis Reghnoldes, the daughter's husband, ad- 
mitted that it was not in her power to comply with the order of 
the court. Dr. William Cooke, the custos or commissary of the 
prerogative court, pronounced judgment, on the 14th March, 
1547-8, that John Verney should be taken to have died intestate, will quasiied. 
and that the administration of his personalty should be committed to his 
natural and lawful daughter Mary Reynoldes, otherwise Verney. 

* Inq. p. m. 20 Henry VIII. no. 150. 

t Decretal copy under the seal of king Edward VI. for the prerogative court, at 




Property of 
which the third 
sir Ralph 
Verney died 

Its descent. 

The fourth sir 
Ralph VicRNKV 
A.D. 150y— 

This is tlie last trace we have found of tlie descendants of tlic 
second or the courtier sir Ralph. 

Two inquisitions were held on the death of the third sir Ralph, 
one at AVhitchurch, for the county of Bucks, on the 31st August, in 
the ITtli Henry VIII. A.D. 1525, and the other at Hertford, for 
that county, on the 27 th October, in the same year. * 

These inquisitions shew him to have died possessed of the manors 
of Salden, jVliddle Claydon, Quainton, Compton, Donyngton or 
Dinton, Stone, and Fleetmarston, in the county of Bucks, and of 
Penley or Pendley, Bunstrux, and Ricardynes, in the county of 
Herts, besides various lands in those several places, and also in 
Wiggington, Tring, and Albury, in Hertfordshire, and in jNIuresley, 
Hoggeston, Swanbourne, Blackgrove, Ivinghoe, and many other 
places in the comity of Bucks. He also possessed rights and 
interests in various parts of the Iwardby estates, in the county of 
Lincoln. Of these properties the manor of Salden, with the lands at 
Muresley, part of the old Whittingham estates, descended under 
sir Ralph's will to his second son Francis. The manors of Dinton 
and Stone, with other lands, were devised for life to sir Ralph's 
brother Robert and Avys Bellingham, and certain other lands were 
in jointure to his widoAv, but all these were ultimately to revert to 
sir Ralph's heir. All his other lands descended at once to his eldest 
son, born of his first wife INIargaret Iwardby. For a few particulars 
of his other children we would refer to the i)refixed pedigree. 

The fourth sir Ralph was of the age of fifteen years and 
' a half at his father's death. He was not knighted until some years 
after his attainment of his majority. In the mean time we find that 
he had taken up his abode at Penley, and had married when about 
nineteen. The first personal trace of him after his majoi'ity occurs 
on the occasion of an inquiry into the state of repair of the church 
and mansion-house at Middle Claydon. The chancel and the house 
liad been allowed to fall into ruinous decay. A dispute arose ujion 


ii\<)rtini 17 Ilciirv NIH. iios. 71 and ".tl. 


the subject between sir Ralph and liis tenant George, afterwards 

sir George GyfFard, the holder of the lease granted to Roger Gyffard, 

on the 25th April, 1505.* In the end, George GyfFard agreed that 

he would pay 200 marks and rebuild both house and chancel, if 

Ralph Verney would accept a surrender of the existing lease, and 

grant him a new lease, at the same rent, for 100 years. Ralph 

Verney scrupled at the terms. He was willing to renew for eighty 

years, but not for a hundred. The Gyflfards insisted upon the He renews the 

longer term. Ralph Verney gave way unwillingly, and remarked, to the Gyfl'ards. 

as we find it stated in a MS. of his great-grandson the first lord 

Fermanagh, " that he would not do it,^' that is, enlarge the term 

from eighty to a hundred, " for nothing." "So Mr. Gififard said," 

the MS. continues, that " he would give him a hunting-horse which 

he valued at thirty pounds." Perchance the bait had some peculiar 

temptation for the young heir. He consented. The church was 

repaired and the house rebuilt, but future events " proved/^ as lord 

Fermanagh remarks, and as will be seen hereafter, that the Verney s 

"paid dear for the hunter." The new lease bore date on the 

14th November, 27th Henry VHI. a.d. 1535, which marks the 

period of the restoration of the present church of Middle Claydon. 

Ralph Verney, the renew er of the Claydon lease, was soon after- His marriage, 
wards knighted. His marriage, to which we have before alluded, 
may be esteemed, in some respects, to have been a fortunate one, 
but its prospects were curiously chequered. The lady was Elizabeth, 
one of the six daughters, and for a long time one of the presumptive 
co-heiresses, of Edmund the first lord Bray, the inheritor of the 
great wealth granted to his uncle sir Reginald Bray by king 

* Roger Gyffard died on the 23rd January, 15i2. A brass in Middle Claydon church 
commemorates this Roger, with his wife, and their family of thirteen sons and seven 
daughters. A deed of release at Claydon seems to prove that only four of the sons 
survived until the 8th May, 37th Henry VIII. a.d. 15i5. At that time John, Ralph, 
William, and Nicholas Cxyffard released all their interest in the Claydon lease under their 
father's will to their brother George, in consideration of a payment to them of 300?. and 
of his great expenses in repairs. 


Heni'v VII.* These six ladies were also in the same manner 
presumptive co-heiresses of Jane lady Bra}', their mother, who was 
an heiress of the name of Halighwell, and, through her mother, 
heiress also of a family of Norburys. Such a marriage was ad- 
vantageous to sir Ralph Verney m point of connection, and 
extremely promising on the score of property. But shortly after 
the marriage of sir Raljih and Elizabeth, her mother, lad}- Bray, 
added a son to her already goodly family of daughters. The boy 
grew up to manhood. He succeeded his father in 1539, as John 
second lord Bray, and is described as a youth of great promise, " a 
paragon in court, and of sweet entertainment." 

The hopes of the Verneys of a share in the succession to the estates 
of the Brays could therefore have been but small for many years. 

The marriage of tliis sir Ralph with a daughter of Edmund lord 
Bray brought the name of Edmund into favour in the family of 
Verney. It thenceforth shared their partiality with that of Ralph. 

The fourth sir Ralph seems to have suffered from ill health. 
Besides the influence of this circumstance, he no doubt found in his 
large family, and probably in the state of health of his eldest son, 
domestic ties which kept him aloof from the busy world in which so 
many of his friends and relatives were occupying distinguished sta- 
tions. It is not stated that he ever even served the office of sheriff, 
which had fallen as of course on previous occupiers of Penley. In 
the year 1537 he was one of the gentlemen sj)ccially noted as pre- 
sent at the christening of the young prince Edward, afterwards 
Edward VI.,t in 1539 he was one of the ])ersons ai)pointed to receive 
.s.ive.i in tiie Amic of Clevcs,]: and in the autumn of 1543 he was connnanded by 
army a(,'uinst ji^nrv VIII. to repair to the n.n-th in that armv under the earl of 

S(-c)Haiiil 111 •/ ^ 


• Sir Reginald Bray, K.G. servant of Margaret eountess of Riehnioml, was insfniinental, 
witli Morton, afterwards hisliopnnd eardinal, sir Jolin Clicyne, and sir William Sands (tlio 
two hist friends of the Verneys), in proeuring the sueeess of Henry VII. It was sir 
Keginalfl Bray who is said to have opporttinely found the erown in a bush after the battle 
of iJosworlh. 

t l/elan<r» Colieet. ii. C70, edit. 1771. :; C'liron. Calais, 174. 


Hertford which inflicted such terrible miseries on unhappy Scotland. 
As a preparation for his departure on this hazardous expedition, he 
made his will, on the 13th September, 1543. On the 10th Septem- 
ber in the year following he was again at home, but with a sickly, 
perhaps a wounded frame. On that day he added a codicil to his 
will, and died on the 26th April, 1546, at the early age of 37. He He dies 26th 
was buried with his ancestors at Ashridge. ^" ' 

His will presents some observable contrasts to that of his father. His will. 
The Reformation had made progress, but was halting. The testator 
bequeaths his soul to " Almighty God," his " Saviour and Re- 
deemer," instead of to " Almighty God, our Lady St. Mary, and all 
saints," but this deviation from the formula adopted by his father is 
partly counterpoised by the following bequest for private masses: — 
" I wyll that oon honest prist shall syng for the sowlles of me, my 
father and mother, and of RaufF Verney, and of Fraunces Yerney 
my daughter, my children, and of all crysten, where it shall please 
myn executoures, by the space of oon holl yere next ensuyng my 
decease, he to have for his stypend by the seid yere syx poundes 
sterlyng, and to fynde hym selff wyne and waye to celebrate withall, 
and he to sey every Wednysday and Fryday diriche and commend- 
acions for the sowlez aboveseid." 

The testator calculated the clear value of all his manors and lands 
at 3301. per annum, of which lands valued at 47^. 5s. 4:d. were in 
reversion. Of certain lands and rents enumerated in his will, and 
amounting to about one-third of his property, he determined not to 
make any will. These consequently descended by operation of law 
to his eldest son. Out of the remaining two-thirds he gave the 
manors of Donyngton and Qiiainton, with certain lands and rights in 
those places, and the advowson of Quainton, to his wife for life " in 
the name of joyntour;" adding thereto "all his stuff of household at 
Queynton." The remainder of the two- thirds of his estate he 
charged with marriage portions for his daughters, provisions for his 
sons, certain unpaid debts of his father's, and his own debts and 


legacies ; and subject to tliese he gave the residue of liis lands to his 
eldest son, and the rest of his chattels to his wife. 

His two daughters' portions are fixed at 400 marks a-piece in 
ready money, and a strong clause, analogous to that in the will of 
his father, provides that if they are obstinate and wilful, in taking 
husbands against the will of their mother, or behave improperly in 
other ways,* their portions should be " rated and apporcioned " by 
their mother. He leaves to each of his sL\ younger sons lands of 
the value of lOl. per annum for life. 

There are two legacies of sheep, one of which, a bequest to his 
heir of a flock of five hmidred ewes, or, at his election, of three score 
pounds in ready money, enables us to make an approximation to 
their money value. 

The household stuft' in his mansion at Penley was bequeathed 
to his heir. The generous master is discoverable in liberal legacies 
to servants, the simplicity of the neighbourly kindness of those days 
in a legacy of "four pence" to each of his god-children " if they require 
it," and the liberal-minded and careful parent, sadly conscious that he 
must soon leave a youthful and unprotected family, may be seen in 
an earnest appeal to his friends whom he appoints the overseers of 
his will, to maintain his younger children " in erudition and learn- 
ing," and advance the welfare of his sons by " some good marriages 
or other promotion." His wife was appointed sole executrix. If 
she chanced to die before his children were settled in life, they were 
to be under the governance of his mother-in-law Dame Jane Bray, 
his uncle Robert Verney, and his cousin Paul Darrell. Urian 
Brereton, esquire, and Reynold Bray, esquire, the latter probably an 

* This clause m expressed in words which mark in a very striking way the tlifferenco 
between the general state of niannei's in the chiss of society to which those hidies belonged 
in their day and in our own. Besides tlie imposition of i>cnaltiea in case of their being 
obstinate or wilful, possibilities not now to he contemplated, similar penalties are provided 
in case they " dishonest themselves by open " incoDtinence (I do not quote the very word) 
Jjefore marriage. 


uncle of John lord Bray,* together with the testator's uncle 
Robert, were appointed overseers of sir Ralph's will* 

Inquisitions held after the death of the fourth sir Ralph at Hat- Property of 
field Regis otherwise Hatfield Bishop, for Hertfordsliire, on 21st ^^'j^hsir^Ralph 
July, 1546,t and at North Marston for Buckinghamshire on the fol- died possessed, 
lowing 6th September,^ shew that sir Ralph left his children all the 
properties which we have enumerated as belonging to his father, 
with some additions. The latter were of no great importance, 
but rounded his borders and strengthened the interest of his 
family in the counties in which they were fixed. Amongst other 
recent acquisitions, one is significant both of the times and of the 
religious or party feelings of the man. He had pm'chased from 
Richard Hordern, a grantee of the crown, two suppressed and now 
long forgotten hospitals in Berkhampstead, called the Over and 
Nether, or St. John the Evangelist's and St. Leonard's "Spitell 
houses. ^^ § 

Sir Ralph Verney was withdrawn from his family at a period 
when parental guidance was peculiarly necessary for their welfare. 
Religious reformation, which had been pushed forward with vehe- 
ment impetuosity under Thomas Cromwell, retrograded after his 
removal. Again the tide of change flowed onwards after the acces- 
sion of Edward VI., and again it ebbed upon the death of the pro- 
tector Somerset. With queen Mary there came a violent and entire 
revulsion. Primers and songs of our Lady took the place of the 
lately-opened Bible, and England, just beginning to feel her strength, 
just taught to walk alone, was brought back, like a captive deserter, 
to the fold of Rome, and was to be kept stedfast in her renewed 
allegiance by the power of imperial Spain. Such days requu-ed 
wary walking. The qualities most necessary for safety at such a 

* Manning and Bray's Surrey, i. 522. 

f Inq. p. m. 38 Henry VIII. no, 99. + Office copy among Verney MSS. 

§ These hospitals with some lands attached were held of the king by the service of a 
thirtieth part of a knight's fee, and were subject, after the death of Richard Hordern, to 
a yearly rent of twenty shillings. Inrj. p. ni. 38 Henry VIII. no 99. 


time were those least likely to be found in <a youthful family. 
Nor does it seem that the young Verneys received much assist- 
ance, or the benefit of an example of discretion, from their surviving 
parent. Lady Verney's respectable jointure, conjoined to her valu- 
able relationship to the Brays, and possibly also to other attractive 
Subsequent qualities, drew around her many suitors. Within a short time after 
marriages of the dcatli of sir Ralph, she married sir Richard Catesby, the head 
thofour'tirsLr of the well-kuown family once seated at Ashby-St.-Leger's in 
Ralph Verney. Northamptonshire. After the death of sir Richard Catesby, lady 
Verney accepted William Clark, esquire, as her third husband ; and 
in due time Henry Phillips, esquire, succeeded as her fourth. She 
was alive down to a.d. 1573. 

The withdrawal of lady Verney from her duties as the widow of 
sir Ralph, if one of the consequences of her position as a presumptive 
co-heiress of her mother and brother, was not the worst effect which 
flowed from the connection between the Verneys and the Brays. Be- 
sides the gay and courtly qualities which distinguished the youthful 
John Lord JqI^j^ Lord Bray, there was another, and, probably, if the whole truth 
were known, a less pleasing side of his character. He married Anne, 
the only daughter of Francis Talbot, the fifth earl of Shrewsbury of 
the second creation. The marriage was an unfortunate one. Ere long 
we find that the bride had left her husband and had returned to her 
paternal home. Of the causes of their separation we are unin- 
formed. One point of disagreement alone appears, and that for any 
thing we know was not so directly between the lady iuid her hus- 
band, as between lord Bray and his wife's father. Lord Shrewsbury 
was a staunch opponent of the Reformation. He not only atl- 
hered stoutly to queen Mary, following her willingly in all her 
measures for replacing the bonds of Rome, but, with the spirit of a 
Talbot and with the solenmity of a dying man, he stood amongst 
the lay peers ah^ne (with the exception of lord IMontague), in oppo- 
sition to the measures Ibr again casting-oft' the papal suj)romacy, 
which were introduced into the house of lords in the first j)arliament 
of (pieen Elizabeth. Lord Hr:iy, on tlic otlier h:md, cnlcnMl witli the 


warmth and impetuosity of youth into the politics and feelings of the 
other side. In the estimation of the party with whom he acted, 
union with Spain and submission to Rome were treason to England. 
The day they longed for was that of the accession of Elizabeth. 

Lord Bray's nephews, the young Verneys, were strenuous sup- 
porters of these English as opposed to Ultramontane opinions, 
and from their youth, and their early deprivation of parental control, 
they fell naturally into that class of persons the most likely to support 
such opinions indiscreetly. At the death of sir Ralph Verney, Edmund 
Verney, his eldest son, had scarcely attained the age of eighteen.* Edmund Ver- 

The age of the six younger sons can only be inferred. Immedi- of the fourth 
ately on coming to his estates, Edmund Verney married ; so fL^^l^^'o^"^' 
soon, and apparently so prudently, that it may be imagined the 
match had been arranged by his father. The lady was a daughter 
of sir Edmund Peckham, knight, of Denham, in the county of Bucks, 
a man of station and eminence in his day. He filled the office of sir Edmund 
cofferer of the household to Henry VHL, and was one of the coun- Peckham. 
cil appointed by that monarch to assist his executors. Peckham was 
also a legatee of 200^. under the bluff sovereign's will.f He was 
subsequently one of the executors of Anne of Cleves, who left him 
" a jugge of gold with a cover, or a crystal glass garnyshed with 
gold and sett with stones.":!: On the accession of queen Mary Peck- 
ham distinguished himself by his loyal zeal in opposition to lady Jane 
Grey. He was among the first to proclaim queen Mary in his own 
county of Buckingham, and united with sir Francis Hastings in rais- 
ing men to act on the rear of the forces which Northumberland was 
leading against Mary.§ Peckham's rewards were found in a grant 
of lands, || and in the constant favour of his grateful mistress. 
During the reign of Edward VI. he had been appointed to the office 

* He attained 18 on the day of St. James the Apostle (25 July) next following the 
death of his father. Inq. p, m. 38 Hen. VIII. no. 2. 
t Nicolas, Test. Vet. 42, 44. 

t Excerpta Hist. pp. 298, 299, 302. Machyn's Diary, 145. 

§ Haynes's Burghley Papers, 155, 159. |i Ellis's Letters, 2nd Ser. ii. 2 53. 



of treasurer of the mint.* His ai)pointnicnt to that important post 
was renewed by queen IMary.t find througliout her reign he was also 
one of her privy council. :J: On Elizabeth's accession he Avas laid 
aside as a privy councillor, but continued imdisturbed in his office at 
the mint.§ The Vemeys were in close intimacy with the Peck- 
hams. Lady Peckham, sir Edmund's wife, was Anne, daughter of 
John Cheyne, of Cheshambois, in Buckinghamshire, || a family often 
connected with the Verneys ; and Robert Peckham, sir Edmund's 
eldest son, had married Mary, one of the daughters of Edmund lord 
Bray, a sister of lady Verney and of her brother.^ Such multiplied 
links of connection sufficiently account for Edmund Verney having 
been led to select Dorothy Peckham, a daugliter of sir Ednumd, as 
Marriage of his wife. . The prospccts of the young couple were as fair and smiling 
ne>"and Doro- ^s could be dcsircd; but that sad calamity, in those days of early mar- 
tiiy Peckham. riages by no means uncommon, the death of the bride in her first 
child-bearing, buried all their flattering expectations in the tomb on 
Her death, ^^^^ 23rd May, 1547. Dorothy Verney was laid to rest amongst 
23rd May, 1547. the ruins of Bittlesden abbey, in Bucks, a suppressed house of Cis- 
tercians, which had been granted to her grandfather by Henry 

The death of his wife did not break off Edmund Verney's con- 
nection with the Peckhams ; and such, during ]\Iary's reign, Avas the 
state of England, that even in the house and in the family of the 
loyal sir Edmund Peckham, Verney found persons who went beyond 
himself in their dislike of the present aspect of public affairs. 

The conspiracy of Wyatt and the Greys had failed miserably, and 

• Addit. MS. 5751, fo. 307. t Haynea, 1G7; Cliron. of guoen Jane, :};?. 

t Huynes, 1G8. § Addit. MS. 5751, fo. 317; Sti-ype'a Mem. iii. pt. 2, p. IGO. 

II Harl. MS. 1533, fo. 75. H Dugdule's Baron, ii. 311. 

•* Willis, in his History of Buckingham, describe* a monumental lirass to lady Vcmcy, 
which existed in his time. It was the figure of a woman, with the following legend on a 
label, wiiich proceeded from her mouth : " Sancta Trinitas, unus deus, miserere nobis." 
Under the figuie Wiis inscribed, " Here lyeth liurycd, under this stone, the body of Do- 
rothy Verney, in her life-time wife to Kdnnind Verney, esij. and diiiighfcr to sir Edmund 
Peckham, knyght, who died the 23 day of May, in the yere of onr Lord (Jod 15-17; «.n 
whose soul J osu have mercy. Amen." (Willis, 154.) 


Jiacl been punished without mercy ; but its failure might be deemed 
attributable rather to its prematurity and mismanagement than to 
any lack of that anti- Spanish feeling, on the existence of which 
Wyatt had built his hopes. After the lapse of a couple of 
years that feeling had not only been strengthened by the presence 
in England of crowds of unpopular Spaniards, but even a still 
deeper animosity had been engendered by the government having 
let loose the mad spirit of religious persecution, and by their obvious 
intention to sacrifice the most venerable amongst the protestant 
hierarchy on the altar of a furious bigotry. These circumstances 
were deemed favourable to the success of a new attempt to transfer the 
throne from Mary to Elizabeth. The design was intended to be 
founded upon a wide and comprehensive basis. The scattered frag- 
ments of the various political factions into which the kingdom had 
been divided by the impolitic ambition of the late duke of Northum 
berland were to be re-united. All who opposed the submission of 
the kingdom either to the Roman pontiff or to the power of Spain 
were to be blended together, and a great union, or, as the law would 
term it, a great conspiracy, was to be the result ; a conspiracy for- 
midable from the characters of the persons to be engaged in it, and 
from the extent of its intended ramifications, but more especially from 
the nature of the principles upon which it was founded. In this con- 
spiracy, known in those of our historical books which make mention 
of it as " Dudley's conspiracy," Henry Peckham, a son of sir Ed- 
mund, Edmund Verney, Francis Verney, one of Edmund's younger 
brothers, and lord Bray, were all implicated. It is a transaction 
respecting which many of our historical writers have been altogether 
silent, and all of them very imperfectly informed. I do not pretend 
to have solved the numerous mysteries connected with it, but most 
of the following particulars are new. 

The principal leader was Henry Dudley, ordinarily supposed to Dudley's com- 
have been related to the family of the late duke of Northumberland, conspiracy, 
but in what precise manner does not appear.* Amongst Dudley's 

* 111 an original document in the State Paper office (Domestic, 26 March, 1556,) 


earliest coadjutors were John Throginorton, a connection of the 
Throgmorton family seated at Coughton in Warwickshire, and 
consequently of the sir Nicholas Throgmorton who was implicated 

there occurs the following passage : " He likewise told me of the talk between the queen 
and my lady Dudley, that she asked her where her brother Henry was ? and she made 
answer, ' In France, as I hear say, for I knew not of his going.' And then the queen 
aslced her for what cause he went over ; and then she answered, she thought for 
debt. To whom the queen answered, that he needed not for debt, for we have given 
him iiij"" by year. And my lady affirmed and said, ' And like your grace, that is true, 
but, notwithstanding all, that did not serve him. He was so afeard of his creditors that 
he durst not tarry here any longer.' To whom the queen's majesty said, ' If it had been 
for debt, if we had been made privy he should not have gone to the French king to pay 
his debt, for as we are credibly advertised, he is so received at the king's hand, and so en- 
tertained, that if he had been the most noble man coming from us thither [he] could not 
have been better or the like — marvelling much,' said the queen's majesty, ' for what 
cause the French king should entertain any subject of ours in such sort." "We have 
quoted the whole of this long passage, because the conversation is characteristic, and will 
be found to tell upon the future history of the conspiracy; but in reference to the question, 
of Who was Dudley the conspirator, the chief importance of the extract consists in 
establishing that he was a brother of a lady Dudley who was in the court temp. Mary. 
The lady Dudley whom this description at once brings to mind was Katherine Brydges, 
daughter of the first lord Chandos of Sudeley, and wife of Edward lord Dudley of the 
family of Sutton de Dudley, one of the gentlewomen in ordinary attendance on queen 
Ma:-y. By letters patent, dated 31st December, 2 and 3 Philip and Marj-, a.d. 1555, the 
queen made a settlement upon that lady and her intended husband, and she was then 
described as " una generosarum ordinariarum super personam dictse regina- attenden- 
tiuni," whom lord Dudley, " dco favente, in uxorem ducere intendit." (Rot. Pat. 
2 and 3 Philip and Mary, parf 2.) This looks very like the lady who was Henry 
Dudley's sister, that is, sister-in-law; nor is proof wanting that a brotlier of Edward 
lord Dudley might have been called by the name of Dudley. The family name was 
Sutton, Sutton de Dudley, but the branch of the family seated at Yanwith in Wcstmer- 
land, and which was descended from Edmund the eldest son of John the fourth lord 
Dudley, wa.s called Dudley and not Sutton. One of them, a John Duddeleye, lies buried 
in Stoke Newington church. His widow (a connection of the Verneys) was afterwards 
married to another Sutton, the founder of the Charter house. (Nicholson and Burn's 
Westmoreland, i. 412; Hist. Stoke Newington in Bibl. Topog. 10, 33). If it be thought 
that Henry Dudley was a son of some nearer connection of the duke of Northumberland 
as, for example, of sir Andrew Dudley, K.G., then the question arises : Who was Henry 
Dudley's sister, the lady Dudley mentioned in the quotation we have just given ? It is 
altogether a puzzle which at present we cannot unravel with any certainty. 


with Wyatt; Richard Uvedale of Chylljiig in Hampshire and 
Chelsham court in Surrey, a son of sir Wilham Uvedale of 
Wickham, Hants, and captain of the queen's castle of Yarmouth in 
the Isle of Wight ; Christopher Aston the elder, and Christopher 
Aston the younger, of Fifield in Berks ; Francis Horsey and 
Edward Horsey, Robert Cornwall, John Daniel, John Dethick, 
John Bedell, Nicholas Tremaine, John Calton, William Staunton, 
" late a captain," Thomas Hynnewes " of the chapel," Richard 
Rythe, Roger Reynolds, John Dale, John Calton, and Edward 

The contemplated mode in which the object of the conspiracy was Mode in which 
to be effected was not without its plausibility. Mary's persecution Vas*to"be"^'^°^ 
of Protestantism had driven abroad a great number of English carried out. 
people. Many of the free towns on the continent had given them 
shelter. Frankfort, Basle, Strasburgh, Zurich, and Geneva, had 
honourably distinguished themselves by protecting these exiles, and 
allowing them the public exercise of their religion, in spite of 
representations from Mary and even from the emperor. Besides 
those in Germany, Switzerland, and in Denmark, others were 
scattered about in Paris, Orleans, Rouen, and various parts of 
France. A constant intercourse was maintained between the 
refugees and their friends in England. Money was remitted to them, 
and they were kept continually apprised of all changes in public 
affairs at home. Even from the depths of their prisons^ and within 
sight of the scaffold and the stake, the English martyrs found means 
to address words of consolation to their brethren in foreign lands ; 
and so deep was the sympathy felt for them throughout England, 
that the house of commons — in ordinary cases by no means uncom- 
pliant — dai'ed to reject a bill brought in by the queen's government 
to confiscate the property of these exiles. Mary herself was ex- 
tremely angry with the foreign governments who j^rotected them. 
Noailles, the French ambassador, describes a scene which took place Mary's feehng 
at the English court, on this very account. Lord Clinton had been Engi^ish exUes. 
sent to France on a complimentary embassy to Henry H. and had 


taken aJv!inta_<j;e of the opportunity to appeal to that sovereign upon 
this very subject. The French king repHed, that his friendship for 
the (pioen of England induced him to give English people ready 
entrance into his dominions, but that if there were any persons in 
France guilty of such offences as the ambassador described, they 
should be sought for, and delivered up to the queen when found. 
On Marv's next interview with the French ambassador resident in 
London, she sharply reminded him of this promise of his sovereign. 
She termed the objects of her wrath " abominable people, heretics, 
anil traitors," saying that she might well apply such terms to them 
with justice on account of their crimes, which were villainous and 
execrable. She professed great confidence in the promise of the 
king of France, and midertook herself, on a similar occasion, to 
do the like towards him, boasting, with sometliing like the em- 
phasis of self-conceit, that she would not depart a jot from her 
word, even to gain three such kingdoms as England, France, 
and Spain. Lord Clinton being in the presence, Mary vehe- 
mently called upon him, two or three times, to declare whether 
it was not true that the French king had made such a promise. 
He confirmed her majesty's statement, but added that the French 
king had annexed a condition to his promise — if the persons 
alluded to could be found. In his reply, the ambassador made 
mention of these persons as " banished " and " exiles." j\Iary begged 
him not to apply to them any such gentle terms. She declared that 
they were abominable heretics and traitors, and still worse if it were 
p(jssible ; — professing at the same time that she was sorry to have 
occasion t»j designate any of her subjects by such ignominious 

These were the persons upon whom Dudley luid his friends 
mainly relied. Scattered far and wide throughout the comitries of 
central Europe, and many of them suffering from the deepest 
poverty, it was concluded that nmnbers would be wiUing to join in 

• Aml.iu>i,ii.l,« ill. N.MiiUus, V, yil. 


any plot which offered to restore them to their native country. 
Dudley proposed to organise them in hostile manner, to land them, 
together with such assistance as could be obtained from other coun- 
tries, in the Isle of Wight, where they were secure against moles- 
tation from IXvedale, or at Portsmouth, if Uvedale was able to 
secure them a friendly reception, or to procure the guns of the forti- 
fication to be " pegged up." Dudley's sanguine character led him 
to anticipate that he should be able to return with ten or twelve 
good sail and several thousand men. " By God's blood !" was his 
expression to Uvedale, " I will drive out these Spaniards, or I will 
die for it." * 

On their intended landing Dudley and his partisans were to be 
joined by all persons whom the influence of his friends or the cha- 
racter of his design induced to make common cause with them. 
Mary was not to be injured. She was simply to be sent to Spain to 
her husband. Elizabeth was to be established on the throne, and 
to be married to the earl of Devon. 

Such a plot may have seemed feasible to the young men of the 
party, but there were practical difficulties obvious upon the face of 
it, which rendered it impossible to be carried out. Dudley had no 
public character which justified him in putting himself forward in 
such a scheme ; even if he had been a competent leader, it cannot be 
thought that the exiles, the majority of whom were grave, religious 
persons, could have been induced to take part in any such project. 
Sandys and Grindal, Jewel and Foxe the martyrologist, would have 
been poor recruits in such an army as Dudley contemplated. There no proof that 
is no proof or probability that any of the principal exiles were ever ^^^^ ^^^^^^ '■"''^^^ 

\ ,,. , 1111 .. ., ^^'61' consulted 

consulted on tiie subject, or that they held any communication with by Dudley, or 
Dudley. But, if the men could have been procured, a fatal difficulty J'^f^S^;'"'- 
still lay behind ; — how was the amount of money necessary for the with him. 
equipment of such an armament as Dudley pre-supposed to be 
obtained ? Dudley seems to have looked to two different quarters 

* State Paper Off. Dom. Mary. 24th jNIarch, 1.5.56. Confession of Uvedale. 

64 . VEKNKV I'.Vl'EUS. 

for assistance— to the king of France, and to the English exchequer. 
Dudley's appii- Francc and Spain were now at war. The French ambassador in 
king" fVrance. London liad been fooHsh enough to allow the conspirators to enter 
into communication with him. He had probably even led Dudley to 
suppose that his master would give him aid. This was,Dudley's prin- 
cipal hope, and by the procurement of Uvedale and Throgmorton he 
and a party of his friends — sixteen in all — were enabled to escape 
from Southampton to France. His followers magnified the cordiality 
of his reception by king Henry H., and Mary complamed that he was 
received as " if he had been the most noble man " sent on embassy 
by herself. His friends reported that on his landing he was " met 
at the water side and brought to the king with noble men," and that 
" when he came to the king he left the company of all his nobles, 
and took Dudley straightway with him in his privy chamber," and 
"gave him 4,000 crowns first for entertainment." All this was 
obviously mere exaggeration, but there is no doubt that he was well 
received. There was a proposal pending at the time for a truce 
between France and Spain. Whilst its conclusion was doubtful, 
Dudley was listened to. When the truce was signed, the French 
king cast him off. 

His friends then fell back upon his other expedient. It was one 
His wiiomo for which has crossed the mind of many a wily rogue — to rob the 
Uie cxci.ciuer. exchequer — to take the queens money to pay the expense of 
an insurrection against her authority. There was lying in the 
exchequer a sum of 50,000/. in bars of Spanish silver.* Many 
reasons combined to make this a most attractive prey. It would be 
delightful to plunder the Spaniards, to obtain the money would be 

* I*ri)li;il)lj tlio ^wlnu' sum which wiis conveyed with great ostentation tlirough London 
to the Tower on tlie '2nd October, 1 r)')^. It was then packed in " four-score and seven- 
teen lytell eliesU of a yard long and four inches hroad," says one authority (Chron. of 
Queen Jane, 83) ; " It waa matted about with mats and mailed in little bundles al)out 
two foot long and almost half a foot thick," says another authority (Foxe, vi. C>C,0). 
When n*niovc<l to the cxcheimer it was kept in chests looked uj). (Fourth U>p. of Diji. 
Keep, of Records, 250.) 


to damage the government, and it would go far to supply Dudley's 
wants. But how was it to be got at ? 

William Rossey, keeper of the star chamber, was an old acquaint- 
ance of one of Dudley's friends. He lived in a house near the office 
of the receipt of the exchequer at Westminster, and his garden extended 
to the bank of the river Thames. Pie was found to be corruptible. 
His particular duty or his influence enabled the conspirators to obtain 
access to the place where the money chests were deposited. Throgmor- 
ton visited the oflice in company with Dethick and Bedell. Rossey 
shewed them the very chests in which the treasure was deposited. 
They lifted one of them. Its weight convinced them that it would be 
better not to attempt to remove the chests, but to break open the locks 
and carry the bars of metal through Rossey's garden to the river. 
Throgmorton, Dethick, Bedell, and Thomas White, undertook to 
hire a small vessel called a " crayer,^' which was to be brought up 
alongside Rossey's garden, and to be employed for transporting their 
valuable plunder into France. The whole details of the scheme 
were settled. The daring and impudent design looked not unlikely 
to succeed. The " crayer " was actually hired, the searcher at 
Gravesend was bribed to allow it to pass, everything else was in 
readiness, the very time was fixed, when White's courage failed. He 
revealed the design to the government, and on the 18 th March, Plot revealed. 
1555-6, the citizens dwelling near the Tower were startled by the sight 
of some twenty " gentlemen " being conveyed to the neighbouring 
ancient fortress "by certain of the guard." Old Machyn, who pro- 
bably saw them pass, enumerates Throgmorton, Peckham, Daniel, 
and eleven others by name, adding that there were " divers odur 
gentyllmen," of whom, he says, " I have not their names." * 

Suspicion once aroused, it was not difficult for the government to fix Public persons 

Ti 1 ••11 • rn^ likely to be sus- 

upon persons who were likely to unite with sucli conspirators, i ne pected by the 
last parliament had been disturbed by considei'able opposition. During government. 

* Machyn, 102. 


its sitting sir Antliony Kingston had been the hero of a scene which 
was a foresliadowing of the more famous day * when the key was 
taken from its proper keeper, the door was locked by sir ]Miles Ho- 
bart almost in the face of a royal messenger, and the speaker was 
held in the chair, until a strong protest against the acts of the govern- 
ment had been passed by acclamation. Sir Anthony took the keys 
of the house of commons from the sergeant at arms, and committed 
a great disorder, with the accompaniment of what is described as very 
" contemptuous behaviour.'^ The parliament was no sooner prorogued 
than sir Anthony and the sergeant were sent to the tower, but 
both were discharged upon humble submission, the sergeant after a 
week, and sir Anthony after a fortnight's imprisonment.! ' Sir An- 
thony did not stand alone in his opposition, although he may have 
gone beyond his fellows in want of decorum. A company of " young 
heads " used to assemble, during the sitting of parliament, at a house 
of public entertainment, which is familiarly spoken of as "Arun- 
del's," and did not scruple to let it be known " that they intended to 
resist the catholic proceedings, which the queen and all catholic men 
went about." These young men, it is further said, had the hardi- 
hood openly to avow themselves to be " right protestants."J It was 
among such obnoxious " parliament men " that the government 
picked almost at a venture for Dudley's coadjutors. Sir Anthony 
Kingston was sent for without, so far as appears, the slightest real 
ground of suspicion. He was arrested, but " died by the way coming 
towards London."§ Henry Peckham was seized, and not without 
cause. He had been one of the o})position members in the last parlia- 
ment, in which he sat for Chipping Wycombe. Ednnmd Vorney and 
Francis Verney had been in the same parliament as knights of the shire 
for Bucks. They were both arrested, and, in the end, so also was lord 

• (iuiit. Mag. for Sept. 1851, 227. 

t Hurl. MS. (J4a, fo. OS, 6U, 70, 7(1 a. 

I .MS. SUU' Paper Office, Domestic, April, 1500. Confeaaion of John Uaaicl. 

§ Slowe'it Aniialfs, ed. Hdul*, (J28. 


Bray, whose known opinions, and his relationship to many of the other 
parties, justified suspicion.* Proclamation was also made through 
London against Henry Dudley and thirteen others, as fugitive traitors 
and rebels, t 

The conduct of the prisoners soon displayed their real cha- Conduct of the 
racters. Under the infliction of torture, and in some cases even fh^dr'^rrest ^^^ 
under the mere threat of it, almost all of them professed to be 
willing to confess. When they came, however, to be examined, 
some evidently fenced with the questions proposed to them, whilst 
others poured out their whole hearts — relating even all the cir- 
cumstances of their past lives with very unnecessary communi- 
cativeness. Daniel appealed to the compassion of the council as a Daniel, 
sick man confined in a filthy and unwholesome dungeon ; J Dethick Dethick. 
extenuated his oftence by a long detail of the incidents of his early 
history ; Uvedale was minute and circumstantial, but with evident 
mental reservation. Peckham's conduct was infamous. His brother, Peckham. 
sir Robert Peckham, stated to the lords of the council certain cir- 
cumstances, from which it was to be inferred that Henry Peckham 
joined the conspiracy merely as a spy. He himself took up that 
cue. He even had the baseness to send a statement to the council 

* This connection will be seen at a glance from the following genealogical table : 

Sir Edmund Edmund John Lord John Lord 

Peckham Lord Bray Chandos Dudley 



Henry Sir=jVIary Sir^Eliza- John Doro — Edmund Kathe-=Edward 

Peck- Robert Ralph beth Lord thy Lord rine Lord See p. 60. 

HAM Peck- Verney Bray Chandos Dudley 


Edmund Verney Francis Verney 

f The proclamation may be seen in the noble collection of proclamations in the posses- 
sion of the Society of Antiquaries of London. It is dated 1st April, 1556. Machyn says 
it was proclaimed through London on the 4th April. Diary, 103. 

J The apartment complained of was in the Broad Arrow Tower. The name, " John 
Daniell," and the date, " 1556," carved on a stone in the wall by the prisoner's own hand, 
still remain visible. Bayley's Hist. Tower, i. 207. 


of all tlic conversations wliicli he had had with his fellow prisoners 
Throgmorton. during cliance interviews with thera whilst in the Tower. Throg- 
niorton alone behaved with courage. All attempts to induce him to 
confess or to imjjlicate any one were in vain. He stoutly repudiated 
all knowledge of any treasonable intention, and, when closely touched 
in reference to points deposed by other witnesses, he altogether 
denied the circumstances alluded to, or refused to give any informa- 
tion respecting them. The first day he was in the Tower he was in 
prison in a chamber immediately above Dethick. Throgmorton 
plucked up a board in the floor that was loose and entered into commu- 
nication with his neighbour. He charged him " that in any case he 
should not be the destruction of others besides himself, for, look you," 
he said, "how many thou dost accuse so many thou dost Avilfully 
murder." Dethick, who was one of the most eager to pour out 
evervtliing he knew, answered, that he should do nothint; but that 
God had appointed, and if God would that he should die there was 
no remedy. After more fencing and much persuasion he said he 
was content to do as Throgmorton would have him do. Throg- 
morton asked him if he would " abide the torment in the matter ? " 
Dethick said, "Yea;" whereupon Throgmorton "did sup his porridge 
to him in token of his truth." "Notwithstanding," said Throa- 
morton, " this varlet Dethick hath accused nic," 

Throgmorton was put to the torture, but in vain.* " My mas- 
ters," he said afterwards to some of his companions, " I pray you to 
pray for me, for I sliall not be long with you, for I camiot live 
without I should be the death of a number of gentlemen ; and thero- 
withall he roi)eated a story of the Romans, commending much an 
old man that was taken prisoner by the Athenienses, whom the 
Romans would have redeemed with a great number of young men 
which would have been much worth to the Romans, but this old 
man would in no case agree thereto, but received his death at the 

♦ "Then, said Tliropinorton, I fear I shall be put to it again, and 1 will assnrc you it 
id a tcrril.le pjiin." MS, State Ph])it Offiop, Donieatio, May, If.r.d. 

VERNEY PAPERS.\;sCj4i.jpQpiv4\A. 

Athenienses' hands very patiently, considering his old years and 
what profit these young men should be to the Romans. At the 
ending of this tale, Throgmorton lamented much that these Romans 
were not christened men, commending much the zeal this Roman 
had to his country." * 

Throgmorton and Uvedale were tried first, under a special com- Trial of Throg- 
mission which held its sittings at the sessions house in Southwark Uvedaie on 21st 
on the 21st April, 1556. Their accusation was confined to the ^P"i' l^^^- 
more obviously treasonable portion of the plot, — the meditated rob- 
bery, with which Uvedale was unconnected, not being mentioned 
in the indictment. Throgmorton and Uvedale were charged with 
holding traitorous communication with Dudley at the mansion house 
of Uvedale situate at Chyllyng in the county of Hants, and, as 
evidence of their intent to levy war, it was alleged that they pro- 
cured a vessel to convey Dudley and his associates beyond seas, and 
that Uvedale promised Dudley that when he should return to 
England with his army of exiles, and should land in the Isle of 
Wight or Portsmouth, he should meet with no resistance from him- 
self or from any persons over whom he had authority. It was further 
charged against them that, on the 12th March, Throgmorton sent 
letters to Uvedale to come and confer with him at another house of 
his (Uvedale's) called Chelsham Court, in Surrey ; that, in conjunc- 
tion with John Bedell, they there held a treasonable consultation ; 
and that Throgmorton, being about to depart for France — no 
doubt with the treasure from the exchequer — left a secret sign 
or token with Uvedale, through the means of wdiich he was to 
communicate with Throgmorton during his absence. Finally it was 
charged that Throgmorton and John Dethick met together in 
London, on the 16 th March, and took an oath upon the Holy Bible 
to be faithful to one another ; and that Throgmorton remarked, " If 
any of us be accused by any man let us revyle him, and stand 
earnestly against him, but I trust it shall never come out, for I had 

* MS. State Paper Office, Domestic, May, 1556. Statement of Peckham. 


rather my da<Tger were in her heart (meaning the queen) and all her 
council."* Both Tiirogmorton and Uvedale were convicted. On 
Friday the 24th April, Feckenham, then dean of St. Paul's, was 
sent to Throgmorton to tell him that he was to die on the following 
Monday, unless he would give his friends just occasion to be suitors 
for mercy. Throgmorton replied, " That if his life stood therein he 
was but a dead man," signifying, as the dean miderstood him, " that 
he would rather die than reveal or detect any man." It was in vain 
that the dean urged upon him that others of his companions had 
made a full disclosure. He promised to declare his actual 
knowledge on the scaffold, but refused to give any information upon 
points on which the dean had been prompted to examine him. The 
dean thought his confession so imperfect, and himself so untractable, 
that he declined to give him absolution. Throgmorton begged " that 
he might have liberty to live one month," during which time, " he 
trusted further matter to fall out whereby the queen's highness 
might be fully persuaded of the state of his case." f The request 
2Stii April, was disregarded, and on Tuesday 28th April, he and Uvedale were 
cxi'c^utld? ^"^^ drawn from the tower to Tyburn in the accustomed manner, " and 
so hanged," says Machyn, " and after cut down and quartered, and 
the morrow after their heads set on London bridge." X 
Trial of Peck- Henry Peckham, John Daniel, William Staunton, Thomas 
an!"othere? ' Hynuewcs, and Edward Turner, were the next to sufter. They 
7 May, 1556. were tried at the guildhall, in London, upon an indictment which 
charged them, together with Henry Dudley and the rest, with con- 
spiring to deprive the king and queen, and with holding consultations 
as to how to carry their design into effect. They were further 
charged with a design that Dudley and various other persons should 
cross to parts beyond the seas, in order that they nn'ght make 

• Ciilcmlur of UaKii <lf Sccrotia, Fourth Roi)ort of Deputy Keeper of Ueconls, p. 252. 
t MS. Stute Piipcr t)Hice, l)oine»tic, 21tli April, 1550, 
t Mueliyn, 104. 


certain counterfeit coin resembling the coinage of England,* with 
design, when they had made a quantity of such coin to return to 
England with a great power of armed men from amongst the queen's 
rebels and traitors, then being in parts beyond the seas, landing for 
such purpose at the Isle of Wight or Portsmouth. Furthermore, 
that Christopher Aston the elder, Henry Peckham, and Thomas 
Whyte, held a consultation upon their traitorous business at the 
house of sir Edmund Peckham, near the Blackfriars, and that Aston 
then remarked to Whyte, " See ye this man (meaning Henry Peck- 
ham), he will help us with a great number, both of noblemen and 
gentlemen, Avlien they know that we shall be in a readmess ; for the 
queen usui-peth the crown, and hath broken her father's will, and he 
hath promised me a copy of her highness' father's will." Peckham, 
it is alleged, afterwards furnished the copy of the will with his 
marginal notes written upon it ; and, upon further consultation, the 
persons before mentioned agreed that the queen had usm-ped the 
crown, whereupon Dudley, and many others, took their departure to 
join the queen's traitors and enemies beyond seas." f Upon this 
indictment Peckham and Daniel were tried on the 7th May, 
Staunton on the 12th May, and Turnour on the 18th June. All 
were found guilty. Staunton was executed on the 19th May ; Their execu- 
Peckham and Daniel on the 7th or 8th July ; both which days are *'°"' 
mentioned by the authorities. Probably interest was made for the 
contemptible Peckham, but the services of his loyal father did not 
suffice to procure even a commutation of the terrible severities of the 
legal sentence. X 

Bedell, Dethick, and Rossey, were tried on the 2nd Jmie. The Trial of Bedell, 
indictment against them was confined to the meditated robbery of Ro*^ey^9nd'^ 
the exchequer. Bedell pleaded guilty, the others were foimd June, 1556. 

* This was money intended to be coined out of the bars of Spanish silver to be stolen 
from the exchequer. 

"t" Cal. of Baga de Secretis, Fourth Report, as before, 253. 
t Machyii, 105, 106, 109. 


guilty,* and on the 9tli June, sentence was executed upon all of 

them, t 
Indictment An indictment was preferred at the guildhall, in London, against 

against Ed- Edmuud Vemev and Francis Verney, on the 11th June. They 

mund V erney '' . , • . , . o ■> 

and Francis Were not charged with any sliare m the origmal concoction ot the 
Verney. treason, but with having given their adhesion to the conspiracy 

when it was disclosed to them. Daniel is stated to have revealed 
the intentions of the conspirators to Edmund Verney, and Edmund 
Verney and Henry Peckham to have made a similar disclosure to 
Francis Verney.J Both consented, and Peckham and Francis Verney 
])lightcd their troth to each other in a way still remembered, even if not 
still practised, in the north.§ Peckham took a gold coin, "called a 
demy-sovereign, and broke it in two parts, and one pai't thereof, to 
the before mentioned Francis Verney then and there, in the presence 
of the said Edmund Verney, for an undoubted sign of their common 
consent to perform the said treason, traitorously delivered, which said 
Francis the same piece of gold coin then and there, with the consent 
of the same Edmund Verney, traitorously received ; and so the said 
Edmund Verney and Francis Veiiiey the death and final destruction 
of tlieir supreme lady the queen, and the subversion of the kingtlom 
of England, imagined and compassed." || 
I'ranciH Vcmcy Fraucis Vcmey was tried uiion this indictment, on the 18th June, 

found guilty on 

* Cal. Baga de Secretis, Fourth Report, 255. 

t Maehyn, 107, 

X Daniel and Peckham were the witnesses against the Verneys, and may have heen 
reHpited with a view to their trials. The following examination of Daniel, which is in the 
State Paper Office (Dom. 2Sth May, 1556), indicates the willingness of the council to 
implicate, if possible, some ©thereof their parliamentary opponents : sir William Coiirteney 
and sir John Pollard were both members of the late parliament, and also two of the 
protestant party which met at Arundel's. «' 28 May, 1550. John Daniel being examined 
thin day above written denieth that ever Edmund Verney axed him any question of sir 
William Courteney or sir John Pollard being privy to this matter of the conspiracy. 
Item, he also denieth that he knew nor heard that ever the lord Bray or Francis Verney 
were privy to any ])art of the late conspiracy. (Signed) lU me, .lolin Danyell." 

§ " IIo lia<l but ao saxponce, he brake it in twa. 

And gi'ed me the half o't, when ho gaed awa." — Logic o' Uuehan. 

II Verney M.S. Pith July, 155tJ, Lettere patent under great seal. 


and found guilty.* Edmund Verney does not seem to have been the I8th June, 
put upon his trial. How procured or why granted, we know not, l,^,^*^' „ 
hut on the 12th July, 1556 — one month after his indictment — he ney pardoned 
received a free pardon under the great seal, f 1556, " "*'' 

After having been kept for some time in close prison in the Fleet, intercession for 
lord Bray was ultimately transferred to the tower. Upon the news 
of his arrest, his wife and also his mother the dowager lady Bray, 
came to London to make suit on his behalf. Lady Bray went im- 
mediately to the court in hope to have an audience of the queen. 
The comptroller and the solicitor gave her " very fair words," but the 
queen could not be seen. Heavy news had reached her majesty from 
her ungracious husband. Philip had been expected to visit England 
on the last da.j of June. The queen had lived upon the expectation 
of his coming. But, on Wednesday the 16th, there arrived Mr. 
Kempe, express from the king's grace, with news that he had post- 
poned his coming for two months. The queen sliut herself up 
immediately from every body. For many days after that Wednesday 
no one had access to her, and the rumour ran, that she was more 
occupied in her foreign correspondence than she had ever been be- 
fore. | Li vain the elder lady Bray petitioned her majesty for an 
audience, but when Mary heard that the forsaken wife had also come 
to make intercession on behalf of her imprisoned husband, she gave 
her great praise, and said earnestly, not perhaps without something 
like a self-application, " that God sent ofttimes to good women evil 
husbands." § 

The pitiable situation of lord Bi'ay wliilst in the tower amply His treatment 

whilst in the 
* Maehyn, 108. + Orig. under great seal at Claydon. 

J Mary's temper was frequently tried by similar conduct on the part of her husband, 
and if all that was rumoured may be credited, it did not always stand the test. On 
another occasion of this kind, which tock place some months before the one above alluded 
to, the disagreeable tidings put her majesty " in a rage." She " caused the king's picture 
to be carried out of the privy chamber, and she in a wonderful storm, and could not be 
in any wise quieted." (MS. S. P. O. 26th March, 1556. Dom.) On such occasions the 
spirit of her father made itself manifest. 
§ Lodge's Illustrations, i. 217. 
CAMD, see. L 



with his ac- 

illustrates the treatment of prisoners, even of exalted station. He 
remained in close prison ; " howbeit," remarks the writer of a con- 
temporary letter, who is now our authoritj^ and who writes as if he 
thought lie was detailing fair and liberal treatment, "howbeit, his 
friends is suffered to relieve him with meat and drink, which meat 
and drink is delivered at the tower-gate to one of the three ' gaolers,' 
as they call them, a])pointed to serve and attend upon the prisoners 
there, which relief by his own friends, as I can learn, doth not 
exceed, for almost eyery day some of his men which lingers here in 
the town is coming to my lady," lady Bray, the prisoner's wife, " to 
beg some piece of meat for him, so that she is driven to relieve him 
now and then with some little thing as her power will serve. I 
cannot perceive that his own friends doth anything for him to any 
purpose ; and as to her, good woman, they offer no gentleness, nor 
nothing towards her charges, but if they might be suffered, for that 
I see, could be contented to come and put her to charge daily." 

The prisoner stood stoutly upon his innocence, and desired to be 
brought face to face with his accusers. His demand was complied 
with, but only in a private, extrajudicial way, and, " as I heard," 
writes our gossiping authority, ever ready to listen to any thing to 
the prisoner's prejudice, " both Francis Verney and Edmund 
Verney hath touched very sore." What may have been the nature 
of the disclosures alluded to, or how they were wrung from lord 
Bray's nephews, we cannot tell. Perhaps the rumour was as false 
as that which the letter writer next goes on to relate, " One told me," 
he says, " in Westminster this day, that he should be indicted this 
present day and shortly after arraigned, and if it be not for your 
lordship's sake," — that of the earl of Shrewsbury, lord Bray's fatlar- 
in-law — " and the suit of his wife, most like to suffer ; " and so the 
writer charitably concludes after some further information, " I trust 
withm this month, or less, we shall either see an end of him, or else 
Iiave a i)lain answer what we shall trust upon." * 

These anticij)ati()ns were not realised. Lord Bray was kept in 

♦ Loilgc's Illustrations, i. 210. 


prison for many months without any further proceedings. On tlie He is indicted 

3rd November an indictment was preferred against him at the ordi- 1556.°^^™ ^'' 

nary sessions in London, but he was never brought to trial. The 

charge against him was, that not considering his duty of allegiance, 

but imagining the death of the queen, on the 5th January, 1556, in 

the parish of St. Andrew, in the ward of Baynard's Castle, he 

uttered these words : " Yf my neighbour of Hatfield might once 

reign (meaning the lady Elizabeth), he should have his landes and 

debtes geven him agayne, which he bothe wished for and trusted 

once to see." * It is plain from this accusation that the Verneys 

had disclosed nothing of any serious moment against him. The 

charge really made merely exhibits the strong jealousy which the 

court entertained of Elizabeth. 

How the termmation of lord Bray's share in this affair was brought 
about does not appear. It may be conjectured that the intercession 
of old lady Bray for her sons and grandsons, and that of the younger 
lady for her husband, were at last effectual, or that, fully occupied with 
the bloody business which it had in hand against the heretics, the 
government fomid it expedient to allow the less direct traitors to 
escape, or that the approach of a meeting of parliament and of a 
war with France were favourable to the remission of the prisoners, 
perhaps upon terms. Certain it is, that after twelve months' im- 
prisonment, lord Bray obtained his pardon,t and that he distinguished He is pardoned 
himself shortly afterwards in the English army sent into France, 
and especially at the battle of St. Quentin, on the 10th August, 
1557.^ Perhaps the Verneys did the same. It is one of the 
mysteries of the period that many persons who did not scruple to 
plot against Mary at home, served her with fidelity on the continent 
against the French. 

Thus terminated this miserable and foolish plot. The government 
can scarcely be accused of severity in dealing with it, for impracti- 

* Rot. Pat. 3 and 4 P. and M, 7th part. 

t Dated 13th May, and enrolled on Rot. Pat. 3 and i P. and M. 7th part. 

J Manning and Bray's Surrey, ii. 723. 

13th May, 


cable as it eviUeiitly was, there was a dash of spirit and an air of 
phiusibility about it, calculated to give it importance in the estimation 
ot the unthinking. Of the persons mixed up in it many were the 
(piecn's officers, whose breach of trust put them beyond the pale of 
merciful consiilcration. Tiie ease with which men directly connected 
with the court or government, such as Henry Peckham, Uvedale, 
Rossev, and even as the humbler searcher at Gravesend, could be 
seduced from their allegiance, must have added to the many evi- 
dences of how slight was the queen's hold upon the affections of the 
people, which were continually forced home upon her on every side. 
When lord Bray returned from St. Quentin, the happy period an- 
ticipated in his treasonable aspiration was rapidly drawing on. His 
" neighbour of Hatfield " was obviously nearing the throne. But 
the prophet who had foreseen the coming event had been blind to 
his own position in relation to it. He returned to England only to 
N member, ^ die. " Within the late Blackfriars, on Thursday the 18th November, 
'■'•'"• 1557," at the age of thirty, his wife absent and he childless, and 

probably landless and friendless, this last male descendant of a man 
raised to dignity by his unconquerable fidelity and loyalty " com- 
mitted thordre of all things to his mother," * the old lady Bray, and 
thus ended his mortal life. He was buried at Chelsea, under his 
mother's directions, " in the midst of the high chancel there, with 
his father and grandfather, under one high tomb." His obsequies 
were performed w^ith all the splendour of the restored ritual. 
George Brooke lord Cobham, who married the eldest sister of the 

* TliolH-rald sajs lie " made no will," (Lysons's Knv. ii. 07, Faulkner's Chelsea, i. 204,) 
but, in fact, he made a verbal will the day before his death, in the presence of Feckenham 
abbot of Westminster and Edmund Verney. It contained merely a general bequest of 
all his estate anil effects to his mother, couched in terms which indicate that he did not 
suppose liis effects would suffice to pay his debts. His mother was a])pointed executrix, 
and proved the will on the 20th November, 1557, in the prerogative court of Canterbury, 
where it is absurdly entered as the will of " the right honourable .lolin lord Bray Hniye, 
knight." I beliovo I liave stated the contents of the will correctly, but I was obligc<l to de- 
pend upon my memory for the accuracy of my note. I was uncivilly interrupted by the 
jealous itintod even whilst making a memorandum of the date of the will and the probate. 


deceased lord, attended as chief mourner; Edmund Verney was 
there as the representative of another sister, and Thomas Lifield as 
the husband of another sister, but there was no Talbot and no Peck- 
ham, no Chandos, no Dudley. Two of lord Cobham's sons made 
up in number for those who ought to have been there. What was 
wanting in family attendance was supplied by professional services. 
Besides the bearers of crosses and branches, twenty-four clerks and 
eight priests walked in procession before the corpse, with two chap- 
lains in their gowns and tippets, and an army of heralds and their 
men. After the offerings (the first offering of the chief mourner 
being " the mass-penny, a piece of gold," and that of Mr, Thomas 
Brooke and Mr. Edmund Verney " the coat of arms " which was 
placed on the altar,) father Perryn, a black friar, preached a sermon 
on the raising of Lazarus, which aptly illustrates the nature of the 
restored teaching. " He declared,^' says the recording herald, " how 
Christ raised Lazarus from death, seeing how he was a gentleman 
given to chivalry for the wealth of his country, and so he said that 
nobleman which there lay dead was, in whose commendation, among 
other things, he finished his sermon." The mass then proceeded, 
and after everything was over the party took to their boats again, 
and so to London to his late lordship's house to dinner.* 

Of the company assembled at that dinner two were called to 
follow their deceased friend within the succeeding year. Lord 
Cobham the principal mourner died on the 29th September, f and 
Edmund Verney on the 13th December, 1558. The former was Death of Ed- 
an aged man, and the event may have been anticipated by every i'3th°D^^^''b^' 
one who saw liim totter along Chelsea church to make his offermgs 1558. 
at the funeral of his brother-in-law ; the latter was upon a par in 
point of age with the micle whom he had assisted to inter. Edmund 
Verney completed his 30th j^ear on the 25th July, 1558. Of the 
circumstances of his death we know nothing, nor of the place or 
maimer of his interment. A grant of letters of administration in 

* Faulkner's Chelsea, i. 204. Lysons's Environs, ii. 97. 
t Dugdale, Bar. ii. 282. 


1563,* proves that lie died without a will. He just lived long 
enough to witness the triumph of protestantism, in the accession of 
queen Elizabeth, on the 17th November, 1558. 

At the death of the fourth sir Ralph he left, as we have seen bv 
his will, seven sons, 1. Edmund; 2. John; 3. Edmund; 4. Francis; 
5. Ralph ; 6. Urian ; 7. Richard ; and two daughters. The few 
particulars necessary to be known about the majority of these will 
be found in the annexed pedigree. It was probably not without 
reason that sir Ralph named two of his sons Edmund. The elder 
may have been a sickly boy who surprised his friends by living to 
thirty, rather than by dying at that early age. John the second 
son died in the lifetime of his elder brother, without issue, f 
The first sir Edmund the third son was therefore the heir of his brother of the 
K DM UNO Ver. gjjjj-jg j^anie, and on his death became the head of the ftunily. He 

NEV, A.K. 1535 . . , "^ , 

— I5tty. was then in the twenty- third yeai' of his age, and already married 

His first wife, to Frances daughter of John Hastings of Elford, in the county of 

Oxford, and widow of Thomas Redmayne of Northmarston, in 

Bucks, by whom she was the mother of one son also named 

Thomas. % 

Edmund Verney the eldest son of sir Ralph had taken the 

* The grant was dated 17th June, 1563, and was riiade to John Simpson, of Pcniey. 
Vemey MS. of that date. 

t A " master Verney," described as " master of the jewel-house," is said to have been 
buried within the tower, on the 11th December, 1558 (Machyn's Diary, 182), only two 
days before the death of Edmund Verney. The register of burials in the tower, for access 
to which I am indebted to the Rev. Mr. Evans, confirms the burial in the chapel of a 
person of that name and his wife, both between 1557 and 15G5 — the wife having died 
fintt. I have not found any evidence that the master Verney alluded to was strictly 
speaking "master of the jewel-house," but ho may have been employed in the jewel- 
house, and may liave been John Verney, the second son of the fourth sir Ralph. lie 
was a liberal man and a person of some station, for it is said that "ho gave to xij. poor 
men good gowns." (Machyn, ibid.) There is no will of any such person at Doctors' 

X .Slio was stuscd of lands at Northmarston as her jointure under her former marriage, 
which were leased to Tlioma.H Redmayne the son for 40 years, at th(< rent of :{/. ().«. 8(/. per 
uniiuin. Verney MS. 2(»tii October, 22nd Elizabotli. 


precaution early in the reign of queen Mary to settle his lands upon His property, 
himself and his heirs male, and in default of his having a son, upon 
his brothers in succession and their heirs male* Under this 
settlement, the second Edmund Verney now came into possession of 
the family seat at Penley, with the manors of Penley, Bunstrux, 
and Richardynes, the Claydon estate subject to the lease to the 
GifFards, the manor of Muresley, and all the other estates of the 
family, except Quainton and Dinton otherwise Donyngton, which 
were in his mother's possession as her jointure lands. f 

Edmund Verney took up his residence at the old house of the Resides at Pen- 
Whittinghams at Penley. In 1577, and again in 1591, he served ^^" 
sheriff for Herts, and in 1582 for Bucks, and his presence is traceable 
throughout the reign of Elizabeth, in the public business of both 
those counties ; — especially in that of Hertford at tlie time of the 
Armada, when he was one of the five captains appointed to command 
the musters of the county 4 

Edmund Yerney had no children by his first wife. He married 
secondly, Audrey daughter of William Gardner, esquire, of Fulmer, His second wife. 
near Chalfont St. Giles, in the county of Bucks (illustrious as a place 
of residence of Milton), and relict of sir Peter Carew the younger. § 
By dame Audrey Edmund Yerney had one son Francis, born in 2"^* °^ '"'' ^°^ 

'' 11. Francis. 

1584. In July, 1588, when this son, who was her only child, was 

but in his fifth year, dame Audrey died. Never was the removal Death of his 

of a mother more unfortunate, for never son more needed early 

and judicious guidance. She was buried in a vault which her 

* By deed dated 3rd February, 1st Mary, a.d. 1554. See Inq. p. m. 1st Elizabeth, 
2nd part, no. 4. 

t Inq. p. m. 1 Elizabeth, 2nd part, no. 4, % Harl. MS. 168, fo. 170. 

§ This knight must not be confounded with the well-known sir Peter Carew who was 
involved in the religious troubles of the reign of queen Mary, and of whom there is a 
curious biography printed in the Archseologia, xxviii. 96. Sir Peter Carew the younger 
was son of the rev. George Carew, dean of the queen's chapel. Sir Peter died intestate 
and without issue. Letters of administration were granted to dame Audrey. (Bill in 
Chancery, Verney versus Carew, 18th June, 1588, Orig. in Tower Lond.) 


husband liarl recently constructed at Albury for the reception of tlie 
remains of his ancestors removed from Ashridge. 
Removal of the The dissolved house of the Bons hommes at Ashridge was given 
U)mb!)"oAhe Ijy Edward YI. to his sister princess Elizabeth, and the old con- 
Vomcys from vcutual fabric was occasionally her residence before her accession to 
Aihurj-. the throne. For a considerable period after she became queen Ash- 

ridge remained untenanted. In her 17th year it was granted by 
way of exchange to John Dudley and John Ayscough, by whom it 
was immediately afterwards sold to lord Cheyney. On its coming 
into lord Che^Tiey's possession he probably was about to make alter- 
ations, when Edmund Verney interfered to protect the remains of 
his ancestors. In the chapel at Ashridge there stood two Verney 
altar-tombs, and members of the family had been interi'ed under 
each. One was erected by sir Robert Whittingham for his own 
interment, and was afterwards adopted by sir John Verney and his 
immediate descendants, the other was erected over the i-emains of 
the fourth sir Ral])h. Edmund Verney removed both these tombs, 
with the remains under them, to the church of Albury, the parish 
in which Penley was situate, and which stands just under the 
ridge now no longer covered with ash trees, as was the case 
when it received its name, but with beeches of singular size 
and beauty. For the reception of the Whittingham tomb Edmund 
Verney enlarged the church of Albury by the erection of a small 
mortuary or sepulchral chapel. This was in 1576, the 18th year 
of Elizaljeth. On the death of dame Audrey the vault in this chapel 
was opened for the reception of her remains, and a conunemorative 
brass plate on which is engraved the following inscription was at- 
tached to the Whittingham monument: — 

This Monument was placed and erected in the Monastric of Aushcritch 
by S'' Robert Whitingham knight, one of the privie counsaile to Kyng- 
Ilenrie the sixt, ik Trcasourcr in the warrs in ffraunce under the duke of 
Bedford Regent there for the saide King Ilenrie his nephewe, which saido 
S-^ Robert was after slaine at the Battel! of Tewxburie in Uic Cowntie of 
(Jlowster, and S' John Verney knight who married dame m'garct, y 


dawghter and sole heyre of this saide S'" Robert Whitingham knight, was 
after bui-ied in the said Tombe with dame Margaret his Ladie. And S^' 
Ralphe Verney knight, sonne and heire to the aforesaide S'^' John Verney 
& dame Margaret, was buried in the same tombe with dame Ann his Ladle. 
W^^ tombe & bodies Edmund Verney, the thirde sonne of S"" Ralphe Verney 
theyonger knight which lieth buried in the Chauncell of Aldeburie, remoued 
from Ausheritche the xviij*^'' yeare of the Raigne of our soveraigne Ladie 
Quene Elizabeth, and made this Chappell with the vawlt where in they lie. 
And after in the year 1588 buried & laied therein dame Audrey Carewe his 
late wyfe. & in this sort cawsed it to be erected, as due to the said Ed- 
mond, who by Lyneall discent ys able to prove yt appertayneth to him & 
his Heires, as lawfull hey res to the saide Syr Robert Whitingham knight. 

Shortly after the death of dame Awdrey, Edmund Yernej took Edmund Ver- 
as his third wife Mary dau2;hter of William Blakeney esquire of "®y'^. '^'"''^ 

"'a J I marriage. 

Sparham in the county of Norfolk.* This lady, although then in 

her second widowhood, had not attained her fortieth year. She had 

been married first to Geoffrey Turville of New Hall park, in the 

county of Leicester, and secondly to William St. Barbe, a younger 

son of the St. Barbes of Ashington, co. Somerset. There was issue 

of both her previous marriages, and on the 1st January, 1589-90,f 

she gave birth to a son by her tliird husband. The child was born i jan. 1589-90. 

in Drury lane, probably in a house which had belonged to Mr. ^"'^'\°Edmiind 

* Blomfield, iv. 412. 

•f Tradition, as stated by Dr. Lipscomb (Hist. Bucks, i. 182.), has affirmed that this 
child was "brought into the world by the Csesarean operation, his mother dying durante 
partu.'''' Upon the strength of this "popular and uncontradicted tradition," and because, 
as Dr. Lipscomb further states, this Edmund "was found, by an inquisition held on his 
father's death in 1599, to have been ten years of age and iqnvards,'''' Dr. Lipscomb has 
given him a place in the Verney pedigree as the son of dame Awdrey Verney, the mother of 
Francis. In reply it is sufficient to remark : 1. That the inquisition referred to states that 
his age was " 10 years and 10 days " at the death of his father, and that such death took 
place on the 11th Jan. 1599-1600; and 2. That it is stated on the commemorative tablet 
put up at Albury, that dame Audrey Verney died in 1588. There are innumerable 
evidences at Claydon that Mary the third wife and widow of sir Edmund, and not Awdrey 
the second wife, was the mother of this Edmund. She died in 1642. 


afterwards the St Barbe, aiiJ was cliristeiiecl at the church of St. Clement Danes 
second sir Ed- .^^ j|j^ Strand.* He received his father's Christian name of Edmund. 
Tlie closing 3-ears of Ednumd Verney's life were distinguished by 
only three events of any significance. 
Kdinund Ver- 1. His kniglitliood, the date of which does not appear, but it knighted. ^^^y_ ^^j_^^^ between the 24th October, 1597, and the 1st February, 

Divides his es- 2. His endcavours to effect such a settlement of his estates as 
ii'istwo K^n!" should divide them almost equally between his two sons. Whether 
in these arrangements we trace the influence of his third wife exerted 
to secure for her own son a larger portion of his father's estate than 
ordinarilj^ fell to the sharfi of a younger brother, or whether the 
father was prompted by love for liis Benjamin or distrust of the 
l)rudence of his heir, Avill perhaps appear more clearly hereafter. 
The division of his estates effected by sir Edmund left the manors of 
Quainton and Donington to descend to his widow for her life, and 
after her decease to his eldest son Francis and his heirs male, and in 
default of such issue of Francis, to his second son, lulmund, in like 
manner. Penley and Bunstrux were to pass to his son Francis. 
Muresley, Middle Claydon, and a reversion of a house called the 
Stone House at Chalfont St. Giles were settled on his widow until 
his son Edmund attained the age of 21, then upon Edmund and his 
heirs male, and, in default of such issue of Edmund, then u])on Francis 
and his heirs male. There seem to have been considerable legal 
difficulties in the way of effecting these arrangements, but they were 
overcome by a private act of parliament which sir Edmund procured 
to be passed in the 39th year of Elizabeth.^ 

* On the llth Jan. L-JSU-iJO. 

t As to thL- one date see Inq. p. n>. 42 Eliz. 2nd part, no. 12G; as to the other, 
Journals of House of Lords, ii. 222. 

t Lords' Journals, ii. 222, and D'Ewes's Journals, 544, The bill was entitled. An act 
for the confirmation of tlui jointure of lady Verney, wife of sir Edmund Verney, knight. 
It was reported with some uniendnicnts to the house of lords, by the earl of Shrewsbury, 
"the secon.l of the comniiltees," on Ist February, ir.l>7-8, and was read a third time and 
passed the lords on the 3ril February. 


3. The last event which distmguished the close of sir Edmund's Marriage of 
life was the marriage of his son Francis. Lady Yerney had several 
daughters by her second husband Mr. St. Barbe, and amongst them 
one named Ursula. At the age of twelve years and eleven months 
this young lady was married to sir Edmund's eldest son, then of 
the mature age of fourteen years complete. Marriages at such ages 
were common in those days, and there is proof that this marriage 
was not distasteful to sir Edmund.* 

Although entitled only to the reversion of the Stone house at 
Chalfont, after the death of Anne Grafonde, widow, it would seem 
that sir Edmund made some arrangement for present possession with 
the lady entitled to the intermediate life interest. He occasionally 
occupied that house as well as Penley, and it w^as at the Stone house Death of the 
that he was overtaken by death on the 11th January, 1599-1600. iT[und"^i]th 
His remains were brought to Penley for interment, and the January, 1599- 

. . 1600. 

ceremony of his burial is recorded in the college of arms. It was 
" solemnized, " say the heralds, " according to his degree," the 
15th day of Febrviary, "at the parish church of Albury . . . where 
he lyeth interred in the chapel on the south side of the same 
church." t 

The chapel erected to receive the remains of the Verneys, the Present traces 
old monument removed from Ashridge, and the commemorative °t Aibury™*^^^ 
brass tablet, still remain in the church of Albury, wdiich is indeed 
full of traces of the Verneys and of Ashridge. Consisting originally of 
a narrow nave, a chancel, and a square western tower of the twelfth 
century, the church was enlarged on the southern side, perhaps in 
the fifteenth century, by the addition of an aisle and a porch. The 
aisle, as originally built, extended from the west end of the church 
about three-parts of the distance to the chancel, and is about half 
the height of the nave. The Yerney chapel is a continuation of this The Verney 
aisle and carries it on to the end of the nave. It is separated from 
the nave and the aisle by a handsome stone screen, the upper half 

* Marriage settlement, 4th June, 1599, at Claydon. f (rent. Mag. N.S. ii. 361, 


of wliicli is perforated. There is an entrance door in the screen 
from the nave to the chapel. In the pavement of the chapel, and, 
indeed, throughout the church, there are many relics from Ashridge 
— encaustic tiles of various ornamental patterns, the fleur-de-lis in 
the lo7X'ngy intersection of a kind of trellis work, being one of them, 
whittiiipiiam 1'lie Whittingham monument occupies the centre of the chapel 
nioiiunient, ercctcd bv sir Edmund. It is a raised altar-tomb bearing the re- 
cumbent effigies of the first sir John Vernej and his lady. The 
knight is clad in armour and wears the collar of SS. His feet rest 
on a wild man with a ragged staft'. 

The lady is dressed in a handsome flowing costume, with a 
curious fan-shaped ornament on the centre of her head-dress, and a 
long cloak fastened like a cope. Her feet rest against an animal 
now considerably mutilated, but said to have been a fawn. On 
the sides of the monument is a range of niches, some filled with 
figures and some with escutcheons. Several of the former have 
been destroyed probably in the removal from Ashridge, and their 
places supplied by sliields mostly containing merely tlic Verney arms. 
One of the shields on tlie north side, which contains the arms of 
Bray, nmst have been inserted at the same time. It was the fourtii 
sir Ralph, grandson of the sir John commemorated by the monu- 
ment, who intermarried with the daughter of lord Bray. There is 
Jio memorial in the ciiapel of the interment of sir Edmund. 

The commemorative tablet, no longer attached to the monument, 
has been carefully inserted into the south wall of tlie chapel, where 
it is protected by a stone frame-work. 

To the vault in the new chapel were removed the bodies of sir John 
Verney and his wife, with those of the second sir Ralph and his 
wife. The body of the fourtli sir Ralph was re-interred in the 
chancel at Albury. His tomb, which was of course taken to i)icces 
K. tlK_ on removal, was not put together again. The flat stone which 
formed the top of it was placed over his grave, one of the sides 
"^'l'"'- inserted in the paving ol" the chancel floor on each side of the top 

stone, and one of tho ends in (ht' pavement of the south aisli-. 

ini iiiory of tlio 
fouilli Hir 


The sides and end are despoiled of the heraldry which at one time 
adorned them, but the fourth or top stone retains handsome brasses, 
which represent sir Ralph and the heiress of lord Bray (who 
was not, however, buried here), with their nine children. There 
are four escutcheons (one at each corner) of their heraldic bearings. 
Sir Ralph is accoutred in plate armour with a skirt of chain mail 
and a surcoat adorned with the arms of Verney, Agnell, and Whit- 
tingham. The lady's mantle displays the arms of Bray, Is^ and 4:th, 
Argent, a chevron between three eagle's legs sable ; 2nd and Srd, 
Valry, three bendlets gules; with the arms of Halliwell, Or, on a 
bend gides three goats argent, Norbury, Sable, a chevro7i engrailed 
between three buTs heads caboshed argent, Boteler, Gules, a fess 
chequy argent and sable between six crosses ' formee fitchee or, and 
Sudeley, Or, tioo bends gides, borne quarterly on an escutcheon of 
pretence. This monument is worthy of notice on two accounts : 
1st. as an example of brass figures inserted in what was originally 
the slab or upper stone of an altar-tomb in the place of the cus- 
tomary recumbent effigies ; and 2ndly, for the more than customary 
admixture with the brass of another metal, apparently lead. The 
lead is introduced to represent certain definite objects, as, for example, 
the cross in the arms of Yerney (the mullets being represented in 
brass), and the gauntlet portion of the lady's gloves. It has worn 
well, and is now so similar in colour to the grey stone into which 
the brass is inserted, that the leaden parts look as if they were por- 
tions of the stone itself.* 

There is an original three-quarters panel portrait of sir Edmund Portrait of sir 
at Claydon. It represents him at the age of 59,t florid and healthy,^ E^™""'^- 

* Engraved in Clutterbuck's Hertfordshire, vol. i. p. 287. 

-|- There is the following inscription upon the portrait, "Anno setatis suse 59, 1594." 
X There is at Claydon, under date of 9th February, 1580-1, an archiepiscopal licence 
confirmed by letters patent under the great seal, by which sir Edmund was allowed to eat 
flesh on days forbidden, with a good conscience, for the term of his life, on the ground 
that eating of fish was injurious to his health by reason of the great weakness of his 
stomach. His wife and any three persons whom he chose to select were allowed to be 
co-partakei-s in this indulgence. 


of light complexion and with blue eyes ; a man of shrewdness and 
determination. His costume is in the well-known fashion of the 
close of the reign of Elizabeth. A doublet of rich black silk brocade 
profusely ornamented with gold braid fits tightly to his body; a 
magnificent ruff^ rendered inflexible by what Stubbs contemptuously 
designates "the liquid matter which they call starch," envelopes 
his neck ; a heavy triple-chain of gold hangs in a sweep from 
shoulder to shoulder ; both hands are ornamented by rings ; on 
his head is the black silk conical cap worn only by men of 
mature age. 

The fiicts we have been able to gather respecting sir Edmund 
indicate the course of his life, but do little more. Of the man 
himself, of his character and opinions, they tell us scarcely any- 
thing. Nor is there much among the Claydon papers of his time 
which illustrates the state of society during the Elizabethan period, 
— that period still so interesting to Englishmen, with almost the 
whole of which he was contemporary. Two or three papers seem 
all that are worthy of publication. 

Agreement on the part of the county of Buckingham for the 


April, 1593. 

The prerogative of purveyance was one of those ancient rights of sovereignty which 
in practice were most annoying to the people. It consisted in the power of taking, at 
certain fixed low prices, and with or without the consent of the owner, for the use of the 
royal household, any provisions which an officer called a purveyor thought proper to select. 
With that wisdom which distinguished the government of queen Lliziilieth, we find from 
the following paper that this ancient right was not harshly enforced, but made the subject 
of a clear arrangement which avoided in practice all the heartburnings and contentions 
which are sure to follow from carrying out an indefinite authority. Tlie paper also lets 
U8 see something of the grazing of our ancestors. 

Articles of agreement and composition had and made the 4th of .\prill 
anno retina; Klizabethic xxxv'" betweenc the right honourable tlie 
lords (if ber majesties most honourable privie councell beinge autho- 
rized by connnissiou for that pur))osc on the behalfe of her majestic, 
and sir Robert Dormer knigbt, Tliomas Tasborough, and Thomas 


Piggott the younger, esquires, on tlie other part, beinge authorised 
to compound and conclude for the deliuery of certaine provisions 
towards the expences of her majesties house out of the county of 
Buckingham, as hereafter followeth : viz. — 

First, that 1. fatt oxen, every oxe weighinge vj'^^' weight, shall be deli- 
uered at the court gate the xx'^ of May at iiij" apeice. 

Item, that v c fatt muttons, every fatt mutton weighinge xlv'i, shall be 
deliuered at the court gate, the x^^ of May ccl, and the xx*'^ of Jan. ccl, 
at vj^ viij"^ apeice, and to be weighed before the kell kidneyes and fees be 
taken away. 

Item, that iiij «=. good and fatt lambs shall be deliuered at the court gate 
the last of June, at xij*^ a peice. 

Item, that 1. good and fatt veales of the age of vj. weekes and upwards 
shall be deliuered at the court gate the SO*"^ of Aprill, at iij^ iiij'^ a peice. 

Item, that x'^'^.* geese at iiij^ d*^., xx'^''. capons at iiij^ d^., xx'^''. henns 
at ij« dd., \y^^. puUetts at xviij<i d'^., and c'^'^. chikins at xij'i d''., shall be 
dehuered at London upon xl. dayes warneinge giuen to the compounders or 
to any two justices of the peace of the said county, viz. the geese to be deli- 
uered betweene Michaelmas and Tweluetide, the capons to be deliuered 
betweene Midsummer and Christmas, the henns betweene Christmas and 
Shrouetide, the puUetts betweene Midsummer and Michaelmas : the chikins 
to be deliuered betwene the first of June and Michaelmas, and the country f 
to haue all allowance from her majestie for carryage of the said poultry, 
xvjs viij^^. 

Item, that ready money shall be paid for the said oxen, muttons, lambes, 
veales, and poultry immediately vpon the receipt of the same.;}: 

Directions for the management of the poor. A. D. 1599. 

AVe are indebted to George Grenville Pigott, esq. representative of the ancient family of 
Pigott of DodJershall, in Bucks, for tlie following extremely curious paper. It is in the 
nature of instructions for carrying out the provisions of the new poor law act passed in the 
reign of Elizabeth. We are in the habit of quoting that celebrated statute as an act of the 
43rd Elizabeth, but the alteration was really eifected by the 39th Elizabeth, cap. 3. The 

* ? dozen. -f Sic. % Verney MS. contemporary transcript. 

88 VERNEY PArEl?!<. 

43nl Elizabeth was a re-enactment of tlie act of the 39th Elizabeth with some few amend- 
ments. Tiiesc articles apply to the intermediate period between the passing of the 39th 
Elizabeth, which was in 1597, and that of the 43rd Elizabeth, which was in ItlOl. 

To the constables of Swanborne,* the x"' of December, 1599. 

Whereas their weare certaine articles delivered to me by my lorde chiefe 
justice att the laste assises to be observed and kepte within every parishe, 
and alsoe that they be awnswered of the examinacion of them att the nexte 
assises, theirfore theis are to will you in the queenes majesties name, that 
you doe see them observed and kepte within your parishe, and alsoe that 
you doe make a trew presentment, vnder your handes, in wrightinge, of 
the dewe examination of the same, and the names of the oflFendors, and 
alsoe of the laste articles whiche you had before, and to make retourne to 
me tennc dayes before the next assises ; theirfore fayle not att your perill. 

Articles as followethe. 

1. A rogue that saythe he was borne in suche a towne in such a coun- 
tie, he ought to be sent theyther, if it maye not appeare he was borne else 
where, and if bee weare nott borne theire, then he is to be counted an in- 
correctable rogue, and is to be sent to the bowse of correction in that coun- 
tie which he is sent to, but if their bee none, then to the gayle, their to 
remaine tyll the next sessions, and their to be dealte with accordinge to the 

2. The same course is to be taken if it appeare not where hee was borne, 
or laste dwelt the space of one whole yeare. 

3. If the husbande and wyfe haue a bowse, and eyther of them rogue 
aboughto, they muste be sent to the towne where that bowse is, and soe of 

4. The wyfe and chilldren vnder seaven yeares of age beinge vaga- 
rantes muste be plased with the husbande ; if the husband bee dead, 
then with the wyfe where she was borne and laste dwelte by the space 
of one yeare ; and the vagarante childeren above seaven must be sent 
to the place of byrthe ; and if after the vagarant parentes with that 
[their?] childeren vnder seaven yeares of age be placed att the place 

• A parisli ill I5uckin(,'liiimsliirc ni'ar Winslow. 


of byrth of their parentes, or laste dwellinge by the space of a yeare, if after- 
warde the parentes dye or runne awaye, yet the chilldren beinge settled 
muste remayne their styll, and nott be sent to the place of byrthe, thoughe 
afterwarde they growe above the age of seaven years. 

5. The wyfe beinge a vagarant rogue, ought to be sente to herhusbande, 
thoughe hee be a servante in an other towne. 

6. A rogue whose place of byrthe or dwellinge cannott be knowne, and 
hathe wyfe and chilldren vnder the age of seaven yeares, [they] must goe 
without husbande to the place where they weare laste willfuUie lett pass 
with the punishmente, where their chilldren muste be releeved by the woorke 
of their parentes thoughe they be sent to the bowse of correction. 

7. If any travell throughe a towne with their chilldren, nott being 
rogues, if their father or mother dye or runne awaye, the parishe is nott 
bounde to keepe them, neyther to send awaye, but to releeve them in 
charetie, excepte they beconmie wanderinge rogues. 

8. If the parentes be able and cann gett worke, they are to keepe their 
chilldren by their owne labour and nott the parishe, but if they be over 
burthened with chilldren, it shalbe a verye good waye to procure somme of 
them to be apprentices according to the statute. 

9. Noe man is to be put out of the towne where hee dwellethe, nor to be 
sent to the place of byrth or laste dwellinge, but a rogue, nor to be kepte 
by the parishe excepte the partie be imputent, but ought to sett them selves 
to labour if they canne gett worke and be of able bodyes ; if they cannott 
gett worke, the overseers must sett them to labour ; and soe of them that 
have or shall have bowses when their estates be expiered, and servantes 
whose times be expiered, thoughe they cannott gett bowses, they must 
provide themselves a new if they bee not imputent. 

10. Suche persons as be of every parishe and have able bodyes to worke, 
and be nott wanderers abrode out of their parishe and refewse to woorke 
for suche wages as is taxed or commonlie geven in those parties, are nott 
to be sent to the place of byrthe or laste dwellinge by the space of a yeare, 
but to the howse of correction, vppon consideration of bothe the statutes of 
the poore and rogues ; but if they have any lawfuU meanes to lyve by, 
thoughe they be of able bodies and refewse to woorke, yet are they nott to 
be sent to the howse of correction. 

11. Suche as will putt any out of the towne that be nott to be putt out, 


this is against the statute concerninge the reliefe of the poore, and fineablo, 
and if any have bynne soe sent, they may be sent backe againe. 

12. If any be sent to a towne where he ought to be sent and is refewsed, 
being a sturdye or imputent rogue, the persons soe refewsinge shall forfeyte 
fyve pounds, and hee that is soe to be sent is to be oflfered to the church- 
wardens and overseers. 

13. To send the rogues by a general! pasport, without conveyinge from 
parishe to parishe, is a lett to the conveyinge of rogues accordinge to the 
statute, and soe a forfevtuer of fyve poundes vppon the offenders, and to 
[beg] with suche a pasporte his stile to contynew a rogue, and to be 
punished by whippiuge. 

14. If a towne will nott receave a rogue to convey him to the place 
where hee was borne or dwelte, this is a forfeyture of fyve poundes in the 
offenders that shoulde receave those parties to convey them over. 

15. Non after the fyrste daye of November, may bee suffered to take or 
receave any releyfe att any manes doore, thoughe within the same parishe, 
vnlesse it be by the order of the overseers accordinge to the statute, 
neyther may any be suffered to begge by the highe waye thoughe within 
that one parishe. 

16. " Parentes," within this woorde is father or grandfather, mother or 
grandmother, being persons able. 

1 7. " Chillderen," within this woorde is any childe or grandchilde, being 

18. Parsons or vicars, &c. be bounde to releive the poore, as well as 
others beinge inhabitants within that parishe, as an inhabitant. 

19. Every one that hathe tythes appropriate, cole mynes, or landes in 
In [.v»r] anvele woodes, proporcioninge the same to a nanvalc bencfyte. 

20. If thcr be but one churche-warden it suffiseth with the fower 

The art of weaving sail-cloth, so important to a naval country, was introilucc<l into 
England, as now appears for the first time from the following papers, under royal patronage 
in the reign of I'liiliji and Mary. Before that time sail-cloth was imported, principally from 
F'rance. On the 14th May, \[>5S, queen Mary, on the recommendation of the treasurers 
of the navy, advanced lOO/. to Francis Ow<lry, or Owdrcyn, then of Abingdon, hut after- 
ward* of Ipswich, a foreign weaver, to enahle him to carry on this manufacture for the 


exclusive use of the English navy. Five years were allowed for the repayment of this 
loan, and William Blacknoll of Swallowfield, yeoman, became Owdrey's surety. In 
1565, 60^. remained due out of the 100/, Being pressed to discharge the amount, 
Owdrey's surety memorialised the treasurer, and time was given him for payment. The 
following documents shew the nature and results of the transaction, and prove that 
Owdrey undertook " to teach our countrymen the same craft." During the reign of 
Elizabeth, the secret of the manufacture came to be generally known, and under the 
pressure of competition, sail-cloths were passed off under the elegant names of " Mildernix" 
and " Powie Davis," but " in truth not made of such stuff nor so well driven or weaved 
as they ought to be, insomuch that the said cloths," it was said, " do yearly grow worse 
and worse, and are made more thiner, slighter, and meaner." These are the words of an 
act of parliament passed in the 1st year of James I, in which act the state of the 
manufacture is lamented and declared to be to the great damage of the navy, " the 
cheefest strength of the realm, next to God and his highness." For remedy of these evils 
the right to manufacture was limited, and penalties were imposed for making such cloth 
of other than good hemp, or of less length than thirty-three yards, or less breadth than 
three-quarters of a yard, or for offering to sell the cloth before the stuff were well beaten, 
and the cloth well driven with a brasen or iron shuttle. 

The mere formal parts of the following deed have been abstracted. 

This Indenture made the fonrteneth day of May, in the 4th and 
5th yeres of the reignes of our sovereign lorde and lady Phihp and Mary, 
by the grace, &c. Between Benjamin Gonson, WilHam Broke, William 
Wynter, and Richard Howlett, officers of our said sovereigne lady the 
queen's shippes, on the one partie, and Francis Owdrey, of Abandon, in 
the countie of Berk, poldavis weaver, of thother partie, Witnesseth, 
That, whereas the said Frauncis hath at the ensealing, &c. received of the 
queen's majestic, by thands of the said Benjamin Gonson, by way of loan, 
the full sum of 100^. sterling, whiche her highnes is contented the same 
Frauncis shall use and occupie in a stock to his best commoditie towards the 
setting up againe of the arte of weaving and making poll davys and sale 
clothes for shippes, within the towne of Abendon aforesaid, and is also 
contented to give him five years respitt for repayment thereof to her grace's 
use, It is now^e therefore couenaunted, &c. First, the said Frauncis 
couenanteth That he shall delyuer to one William Holstoke, now keeper 
of the queue majesties store house of Depford, in the county of Kent, at 
reasonable prices, not only so many allrons and sale clothes for shipps as 
shall amount to the full somme of 100^. but also all such allrons and saile 
clothes for shippes as the said Frauncis shall or can make during the said 


term of 5 yeares ; upon the delivery of which clothes the said Beiijamyne, 
&c. do couenaunte, That they or the theasourer for the time being of the 
said shippcs, shall not only allowe yearely from hensfourth at Mighelmas 
during the same 5 yeares unto the said Frauncis, of such moneye as shalbe 
due to the same Frauncis for the same clothes, the somme of 20/., parcell of 
the said hundrcthe poundes, but also shall pay to the said Frauncis, 
immediately vpon the delyuerence of all such clothes as he shall make, all 
such sommcs of monney as the same clothes shall amounte unto, at such 
reasonable prices as shall then be agreed upon ; Also the saide Francis 
couenaunteth. That he shall from henceforth, to his uttermost endeavour 
and dilligence, during all the same 5 yeres, make and weave as many 
clothes called allrons and sayle clothes for shippes as the same Frauncis 
can possible make withoute fraude or covyn, and shall not gyve, sell, 
exchange, or part away any of the same clothes to any person, but only to 
the queues maiestie, without the special licence of the said Beiijaniayne, &c. 
or their successors, officers of the saide shippes for the tyme being. In 
witness, &c. 

The bond given by Owdrey and his surety — William Blacknoll, of Swallowfield, in 
Wiltshire, yeoman — for the performance of these covenants remains among the Vemey 
MSS. The following is a memorial of the surety to the treasury wlien pressed for pay- 
ment in 1505. 

To the right honourable lord marques of Wynchestre and lorde treasorer 
of Englande, and to the honourable sir Richarde Sackfeilde,* and 
sir Walter Myldemay, knightes.f 

In his humble maner complayncng shewith vnto your honours, 
your humble supplyaunte and pore oratour William BlacknoUe, of 
Swallowefeilde, in the countie of Wilts, yoman, Wheras your oratour 
(togidre with Frauncis Owdreyne, of the towne of Ippiswitche, poldavyes 
maker, at the instaunce and spociall request of the said Frauncis) stande 
ioynctlye bounde by their wryteng obligatorye vnto the quenys maiestie in 
the somme of twoo hondred poundes, for the payment of one hundred 
poundes at dayes past, whereof is paide fourety poundes to thandes of 
Heniamyne (lonson, treasouror of the quenys maryne causses, and so 
remayneth threscore poundes, for the payment whereof proccsse of late 

* Of coufHe .Saclivillc, unikr tivasunr of the cxihf.iuor. 
t Cliani'cllor of the cxchoiiiifr. 


was directyd oute of the quenys maiesties mooste honourable courte of 
exchequere ayenst your oratour. And forasmochse as the saide debtt 
remayneng is not the right due of your oratour, but of the fore saide 
Owdreyne, and the saide c U. paide and delyuered vnto the saide Owdreyne 
was by him employed in and aboute the makyng of poldavyes for the 
furnisshing of the quenys maiesties navie, a thinge very commodiouse for 
this I'ealme to be practised and hadd in vse ; may it please your honours 
(in consideracon of the premysses), and for that the seide Owdreyne could 
not haue receyued the said money, and thereby and therewith to haue sett 
vpp and practised the makyng of poldavyes withoute that your oratour had 
been bounde with hym for the payment thereof, which he did vppon the 
earnyst request of the saide Owdreyne, and vppon his promys made to 
teache our countreymen the same craft, to cause the saide processe ayenst 
your oratour directed to be stayed, and to graunte suche reasonable tyme 
of payment of the saide Ix li. as the said Owdreyne may be hable to doo 
the same, and to procede in makynge of the saide poldavyes to the perfect 
instruccon and learnynge of the quenys subiects in the said trade. This 
for the love of God, and your pore oratour shall praye as he dailie dothe 
for the longe and prosperous contynnaunce of your honours. 

In consequence of this memorial, a new bond was taken payable by annual instalments 
of ^l. A quietus evidences that the last payment was made and the account discharged 
on the 2nd July, 24th Elizabeth. 

The career of sir Francis Verne y, the eldest son of the first Sir Francis 
sir Edmund, was brief and melancholy. The few scattered facts 1584-1615.' 
which we have been able to recover respecting him indicate a wild 
unhappy life. 

In 1604, whilst yet under age, he had a residence in St. Dunstan's 
in the West, and Richard Gygges, one of his servants, was " slain," 
in that year, as is stated in the register of burials in that parish,* 
probably in one of those drunken brawls which often disturbed the 
neighbourhood of Alsatia. 

On attaining his majority, sir Francis involved himself in a serious Endeavours to 
dispute with his step-mother and his brother Edmund, by petitioning fatirer's^se'ttie- 

* Collect. Topog. V. 382. 


nient of the the parliament to set aside lady Vemey's jointure and the settlement 
fainiiv property. ^,\^^^.]^ jjig father had made of the family estates. With that view 
he sought the repeal of the act of the 39th Elizabeth, by ■which 
these faniilv arrangements had been confirmed. A bill to carry out 
sir Francis's objects was brought into the house of commons and 
read a first time on the 5th INIarch, 1605-6. On the 19tli ^larch, 
an order was made that the bill should be read a second time, and 
that counsel should be heard upon it on the following IMonday, the 
24th. On the 26th, ]\Ir. Wincall pleaded before the house for 
sir Francis, and Mr. Randall Crewe, afterwards the celebrated 
patriot chief justice, on behalf of the widow of sir Edmund. Several 
of the members who were in the house in the 39th Elizabeth and 

sat upon the committee to whom the former bill was referred 

' & 


evidence that " sir Edmund Verney did follow the bill himself, and 
laboured divers friends in it," and the repeal was also opposed on the 
ground that it would occasion " the overthrow of many purchasers, 
sixty at least." After "much dispute and argument," the bill was 
l-'uiis in tioing We must uot supposc that, according to the notions of those days, 
the conduct of sir Francis was altogether unjustifiable. His rights 
as an eldest son claiming under the settlement which we have before 
alluded to as made by his uncle Edmund, f would, probably, at that 
time, be considered with feelings very difierent to those which they 
would excite now ; nor was his claim altogether devoid of an ajv 
pearance of what is professionally termed "• equity." There was, to 
say the least of it, something like hardshii) in depriving him of his 
rights under his uncle's settlement during his minority. Probably 
this view of the matter was urged by his friends on his step-mother, 
for on the 20th June, IGOfi, a modification was made of the arrange- 
ment of the family property, by which she resigned Quainton to sir 

* Commons' Journals, i. 277, 286, 290. 

t This docd ww* n-citud mid overturned in the aet of the SOtli Eli/al>eth (Com. 
Journ. i. 2K(i). Sir Kruneis sought "to set " it "on foot " again. (Ibid.) 


The concession came too late. The rejection of his bill excited 
the youthful sir Francis to desperation. Surrounded by family 
dissensions and heart-burnings, writhing under a sense of presumed 
injustice, and overwhelmed with debt, he determined to sell every- 
thing, to free himself from the pressure of creditors, and to forsake 
not only liis friends, who, as he thought, had injured him, but even 
his country, which had refused him redress. 

Quainton was sold first. It produced him only 500/. Fleet Sells the family 
Marston went next. Penley followed ; and, as if resolved that the ^^j|)J ^f, ^J"^*"^ 
sale of the ancient mansion should be a break-up of house and home, other estates. 
the furniture was conveyed to Richard Anderson, esquire, the pur- 
chaser, as Avell as the residence and the lands. These sales took 
place in 1607. Other properties, which we need not particularise, 
followed in the wake of the chief seat of the family. On the 
4th July, 1608, sir Francis having disposed of every thing that was 
saleable, gave a general irrevocable authority to his uncle Urian 
to act for him in all businesses connected with the wreck of his 
estate, and on the 16th December following, he assigned over all 
his title deeds to another uncle, Ralph Verney, described as of High 
HollDorn, gentleman. 

From that time sir Francis disappeared for seven years. There Goes to Africa. 
is no doubt that he left England, and rumour and tradition report 
that he went to Algiers. It is added that he forsook the faith of his 
fathers and "turned Turk." But, besides the innate improbability 
of any such voluntary renunciation, his going into Africa is 
susceptible of a good deal of explanation. 

The death of Muley Hamet, emperor of Morocco, was followed 
by a war of succession. His three sons disputed the right to the 
vacant throne, and each of them found a numerous band of partizans 
ready to follow him into the field. Such a war could have 
possessed no particular attractions in the estimation of English 
people in general ; but the wildness of the country, the barbarity of 
the people, the liberality of the pay, and the dissimilarity of the 



wrvinn in 

Under tlio 
command of 
captain Jolm 

scenes wliicli such a contest presented to those customary in, 
what is termed, civiHzed warftire, may have had attractions for 
Band of English our untamcd youth. Certain it is that a considerable band of 
Enghslnuen volunteered in this singular service. One of the 
claimants, Muley Sidan, was supported by a body of 200 English- 
men, the most of them voluntaries ; and, what is especially to our 
present purpose, they were under the command of a Buckingham- 
shire man, one of the Giffards, a connection of sir Francis Verney 
and of his uncle Urian, and a near relation of the holder and lessee 
of the Claydon estate. The fact is stated distinctly by our authority. 

Ouer tlic English and all the Christians was generall captaine John 
Giffard, a gentleman of a worthy spirit, and descended from the auncient 
and honourable stemme of the Giffards in Buckinghamshire. Upon his 
first entertainment and welcome into the countrey, Sidan bestowed upon 
him a rich sword, valued at a thousand marks, and a scarlet cloake richly 
embrodered with pearle, sent as a present to Muley Hamet, the king's 
father, from our late sovereignc of famous memorie queene Elizabeth, 
besides many other extraordinary fauours of good value, and often con- 
uersing fiimiliarly, yea, sometimes visiting captaine Giffard at his owne 
tent. His entertaincment was twentie-fiue shillings per diem, besides many 
supplies proceeding from the king's bountic. With him as secondarie men 
in charge, was one maistcr Philip Giffard, his neare and verie deare kins- 
man, captaine Jaques a verie vailiant souldier, captaine Smith one of the 
most exquisite engineers in Europe, captaine Baker an ancient Brvtaine 
souldier, captaine Tailer, captaine Faukes, captaine Chambers, captaine 
Isack, men cuerie way able to undergoe their severall commands. These 
were dayly stipendiaries at twelve shillings a man, except the two sea cap- 
taines Isack and Chambers who had foure shillings a day, and every com- 
mon souldier twelve pence truly payed them." * 

With this important adtlition to his native forces Muley Sidan 
awaited the approach of his enemies. In the beginning of Novem- 

* A true lilntoricall disooursp of Muley Ilamct'a rising to the tli 
rui«co«, Fe», and Suh, &e. &e. Lend. 4to. 1(J19. cap. xv. 

kin>;donies of Mi 


ber, 1607, a battle seemed about to ensue, and Muley Sidan 
sent for his wizards and soothsayers to foretell the success of the 
fight. They answered that he should lose the battle and be driven 
into Sus, but that within five months he should regain Morocco, and 
reign there for the remainder of his life. The answer of the oracle 
fulfilled itself. Muley Sidan endeavoured to withdraw his troops. 
Some of them were intercepted and cut to pieces, whilst others 
betook themselves to shameful flight. Muley Sidan himself made 
haste to leave the field, and 

" sent to the EngUsh captaines to be gone, and to captaine Gififard a good Defeat of the 
horse to saue himselfe. The English returned word, that they came not ?"^u*V"*^ 
thither to run, but rather die an honorable death. Captaine Giffard encou- tain Giffard. 
raged his men, teUing them there was no hope of victorie, but to prepare 
and die like men, like English men ; and then asking for his Jaques, whom 
he loued dearely, and taking a pike in his hand, thought to haue rode vnto 
him, being told he was not sixscore from him, and to haue died togather, but 
on the way captaine Giifard being charged by eight Abdelians, one behinde 
him shot him thorow, and so was he there slaine. Few of al the English 
nation were left aliue, the number not exceeding thirtie, and none of the 
commanders escaped except captaine Isack and captaine Faukes ; of the 
Mores were not slaine in all fortie persons." * 

With the example of the Giffards before him, and tales of their 
achievements sounding in his ears, it is not difficult to understand 
how the attention of su' Fi'ancis Verney came to be directed 
towards the states of Barbary. Disgusted with his native country, 
and anxious to break the ties which bomid him to his home, what 
outlet more likely to attract his imagination than that which filled 
even the secluded vales of Buckinghamshire with captivating his- 
tories of picturesque adventure ? 

But, besides the land service in which the Giffards were engaged, 
there was in Barbary another scene of action for desperate spirits still 

* A true historical discourse of Muley Hamet's, &.c. cap. xv. 
CAMD. 80C. O 


Kngiish pri- more hazanloiis and not less fertile in daring actions. During the 
u'r<!f,Sy'* reign of Elizabeth the national hatred of the Spaniards and the rich- 
" "'« Mediter- ness of their coninicroe had led to the emplo3'nient against them of a 
great number of English cruisers, generally as privateers under the 
authority of commissions from the queen. The occupation, however 
dangerous, was found to be remunerative, and when James I. ascended 
the Englisli throne, many persons engaged in this trade of warfare, 
*' men inured to live insolently by the spoil of others," were unwil- 
ling to relinquish what had become their way of life. In vain were 
their commissions revoked and themselves proclaimed pirates. The 
public, ever inclined to look with favour upon acts of courage, and 
not at all disposed to regret any loss which happened to Spain, were 
slow to condemn such gallant fellows ; the merchants continued to 
give them underhand support ; and even the authorities in maritime 
towns connived at the sale of their plunder. The new king pro- 
claimed his peace with Spain, but England had not forgotten the 
Armada, she had not lost her interest in the still continuing war in 
the Low Countries, nor were the persons already engaged in these 
expeditions inclined to come round suddenly to an opinion which 
would deprive them of a profitable employment. During the 
first five years after the accession of James I. there were con- 
tinual complaints against these pirates. In spite of proclamations* 
the evil increased. The lawless way of life even became popular. 
" Many Englishmen," it is said, " furnished themselves with good 
ships " and scoured the seas, but little careful whom they might 
plunder, and such was their success that " nuUi melius piraticam 
exerccnt quam Angli" passed into a proverb. 

The ports of England were soon strictly shut against them. Har- 
bours to which they might resort to refit their ships and sell 
K««,rt to TunU their i)lunder were absolutelv necessary. In Tunis, Aimers, and 

ami AlKioni. 4,1 4. 1 ' ' e> ' 

tlie towns on the coast of Barbary, every one who robbed the 
Christians was welcome. Thither they went for occasioniU shelter, 

• See proclamationH of aOtli Septonibor, 1603; 12th NovemluT. 1004; Ist Mar.-h. 
1004-5; 8tli July. lOor,; ]3tli June, 1000; 8th January, 1608-9. 


and thither English traders resorted on purpose to barter and traffic 
with them. Their intercourse with the Mahometans did more than 
their way of trade to render them unpopular in England. Capti- 
vated by the eclat of their irregular but fearless achievements, many 
persons could tolerate their piracy, but every one was scandalised at 
the idea that they had "turned Turks." The chroniclers indeed 
admit that they did not " all turn Turks," but all, it is alleged, 
" submitted themselves under the protection of the Turks or Barba- 
rians;" all were defamed for "exercising all manner of despites and 
speaking of blasphemy against God, their king, and country ; " and, 
above every thing else, they all "taught the infidels the use and 
knowledge of navigation, to the great hurt of Europe.^' * 

One of the Giffards was mixed up with this iniquitous private war. 
" Richard Giflfard, captain of a ship or fly- boat lately called the For- Their leaders: 
tune," is mentioned by name, as one of the leaders, in a proclamati(m ^^^'^'^ot'j^'JJ'^'^'^' 
of the 13th June, 1606. But the person designated as their chief was 
a "captain John Ward,"t with whom were associated "Bishop, sir 
Francis Yerney, Glanvile, and others." | Of their particular achieve- 
ments we have no account ; but the Genoese, the Florentines, and the 
Spaniards, all suffered severely, and for several years the correspond- 
ence of the time abounds with complaints of the damage occasioned 
to commerce by these daring marauders. Some months before sir Fran- 
cis left England, Ward's fleet was almost destroyed by the Spaniards. 
A Spanish admiral with certain ships of war under his command came 
suddenly upon them, whilst lying in harbour, and in " an instant 
burned about 20 of their ships." Ward was ashore at the time 
and escaped capture, but " his greatest strength, with much riches 
of his and his confederates, perished in the fire." This occurred 
about the middle of July, 1608. On the 22nd December following, 
just about the earliest period at which sir Francis could have left 

* Stowe's Annales. ed. Howes, 893. f Proclamation of 8th January, 1608-9, 

J Stowe, as before, 893. 


England, nineteen of the pirates, some of them persons of note, were 
executed at Wa])ping.* In spite of all these measures of repression, the 
pirate fleets still kept the sea. Ships and men were replaced with ease, 
and for several years the commerce of the Mediterranean seemed at 
the mercy of these freebooters. In 1612 king James endeavoured, 
in vain, to subdue them by kindness. ISIany came home upon the 
proffer of pardon for life and goods, but the greater number still 
adhered to their wild and desperate life, f 
Share of sir Of sir Fraucis Verney's individual exploits we know nothing ; 

Francis > erney i i i i • • -r* i • • 

in this irregular but there is no rcason to doubt that bemg m Barbary, in connection 
war are. ^^^jj.|^ ^1^^ pirates, for several years, he took his share in whatever 

warlike actions, either by sea or land, were then in progress 
amongst them. A turban, two superb silk pelisses, and two pair of 
Turkish slippers, which are still preserved at Clay don house, are 
evidences that he adopted the costume of the country; whilst his 
pilgrim's staff, conspicuously inlaid with crosses, seems to shew that 
he did not commit the unnecessary and improbable offence of 
becoming a renegado. An abandonment of Christianity was not 
required of those who betook themselves voluntarily to Tunis or 
Algiers, although, unquestionably, a necessary preliminary to enter- 
ing into the service of the state itself. 

A life so reckless, and accompanied by the heavy load of re- 
Hii death. pcutaut hcartachc which sir Francis must, at all times, have borne 
about with him, could not last long. On the 25th August, 1615, 
he api)lied at the great hospital of St. Mary of Pity, in ^lessina, for 
admittance. IIow he came thither, whether he was di'opped by a 
cruiser passing through the straits in the course of a piratical voyage, 
or was conveyed acnjss from Tunis for the sake of Christian advice 
and comfort, is not entered in the brief register of the hospital. All 
that is there stated is that he was sick, and that they took him in. 

* Stowe, as before. 

t Court and Times of James I. i. 134, 13G, 141. 


The same book further mtimates, with formal brevity, that his 

sickness was mortal: — "On the sixth September, in the same 6tb September, 

year, after the birth of Christ 1615, he died m the said hospital."* 

Where he was bm'ied is not stated ; doubtless in some common and 

undistinguished grave. Four months afterwards, a very formal 

certificate of his decease was obtained from the authorities at 

Messina, by John Watchin, an Enghsh merchant, f and, with it, 

the relics we have before mentioned, together with three well-used 

walking sticks of cane, and probably also a ring, which we shall 

have again to notice, were remitted to his friends m England. 

A very fine full-length portrait, at Claydon, represents him of a Portrait of bim 
florid complexion, with auburn hair, a clear quick eye, and a ^^ Claydon. 
countenance full of spirit and intelligence. He is dressed in the 
costume of a gallant of the time. His well trimmed moustache and 
peaked beard, his nicely quilled ruff, striped Spanish jerkin, trmik 
hose with puffs of ribband at the knees, long silk hose, loose boots of 
light brown leather with high heels and richly ornamented spurs, 
embroidered gauntlet gloves, and plume of feathers in his beaver, are 
indications of the man of fashion, no less clear than the smart gilt 
cane which he carries in his right hand, the two ends painted black. 
The identical cane is preserved at Claydon, and is now suspended 
under the portrait. 

Sir Francis had parted with all his inheritance, therefore no in- Subsequent 
quisition was held after his death. His widow married in 1619 to St^of sfr*^'^ 


* Ego Don Petrus Garsia, pater magni Xenodocbii sanctiE Marise Pietatis, hujus nobilis 
civitatis Messanse, fidem facio, Dominum Franciscum Verneyum Anglum circiter viginti 
sex annos natum in prsedictum Xenodochium segrotum venisse, die vigesimo quinto Augusti 
anno Domini mdcxv. et die sexto Septembris eodem anno post Christum natum mdcxv. 
mortuum esse in dicto Xenodoehio, sicut notatum reperitur in libro prtedicti Xenodocbii in 
quo scribi consueverunt segroti folio cccLxx. ; et bujus veritatis fidem faciens has literas 
praesentes dedi, nomenque proprium subscripsi et usitato hujus Xenodocbii sigillo 
obsignavi. Messanse, die x. Januarii, anno mdcxvi. Idem qui supra, Don Petrus 
Garsia, pater dicti Xenodocbii. 

t Verney MS. 13th January, 1(516. 


William Clarke, esq. eldest son of sir William Clarke, of Hitchani, 
in the county of Bucks. 

Her paternal family, the St. Barbes, were respectably connected. 
One of her aunts was married to secretary Walsingham, another to 
Robert Beale, the well known clerk of the council, and her uncle was 
the immediate ancestor of the St. Barbes of Broadlands in Hants, now 
the seat of lord Palmerston.* Nor was there much inequality between 
lady Yerney and Mr. Clarke on the score of age. But we learn from a 
retailer of court gossip that the marriage was grievously objected to by 
her new father-in-law.f Her second husband died, as is said, on the 
20th July, 1655. She was married, thirdly, to John Chicheley, esq. 
The SECOND sib "Yhe death of sir Francis elevated his half-brother Edmund to the 

Edmund Vkr- ,. , . . o i ^ n ^ o -i • • i • i i 

NET, A.D. 1589- undisputed position ot head ot the family — a position to wJnch he 
90—1642, brought qualities the very reverse of those which ruined his unhappy 
brother. No one can doubt that Francis was full of courage. His 
impetuosity and daring are sufficiently attested by the errors of his 
wayward life. In Edmund the courage of Francis was combined 
with steadiness, with affectionate attachment to home and friends, 
and with calmness and perseverance in the performance of all duties. 
His mother's surrender of Quainton to sir Francis had deprived her 
of a country residence. For many years she was on the look out 
for a purchase in Bucks, and letters addressed to her upon the 
subject, still preserved at Clay don, prove her to have been a woman 
of business and intelligence. During this interval she resided in the 
house in Drury lane, in which her son Edmund was bom. His 
Ilia ciucation, education, witli a view to which his mother received tlie income 

• Soo an excellent pedigree of the family furnished by its late representative, Charles St. 
Darbe, esq. of Lymington, Hants, in Iloare's South Wiltshire, Hundred of Frustficid, 
p, 10 ; also in Burke's Commoners, ii. 448, 

t "Sir William Clarke's eldest son, without his privity, is lately married to the lady 
Vemoy, widow to him that turn'd Turke; and though there bo no groat inetjuality 
between them, either for wealth or yoares (ho being four or five and forty, and she two or 
tlirce and tliirty), yet the old knight is so mueh offended that ho threatens to disinherit 
him, and hath vowed they Hliall never come within his doi.i-s." C'iiamberlain to Carleton, 
ir.tli July, Uil'.t. MS. SUto Paper Office. 


derived from his lands at Muresley and Claydon during his minority, 
was that given to youths of his period who were designed for the active 
business of Kfe. It comprised no great amount of book-learning, 
but initiated those who were subject to it in the ways of the world, 
and made them men in intellect and general knowledge at a very 
early age. Before Edmund Verney had attained twenty, he had 
seen war in the Low Comitries, and had visited the courts of France Foreign travels, 
and Italy. On his return to England, a gentleman accomplished in 
all courtly qualities, he was taken into the household of prince In the house- 
Henry, where we find him, in the year 1610, filling the office of Henry. ^""'^ 
chief-sewer, whilst his uncle Erancis was one of the falconers.* 
Besides the other customary qualifications for office in a royal 
household, it was a recommendation to prince Henry's favour that 
Edmund Verney had picked up, perhaps in the Low Countries, 
an attachment to simplicity in religious worship, and to those 
doctrinal peculiarities which pass by the designation of puritanical. 

On the 7th January, 1610-11, Edmund Verney was knighted. Is knighted. 
In the same year he visited Madrid, whilst Lord Digby was the 
English ambassador at the Spanish court. It seems probable that Goes to Spain, 
his journey was not a mere private tour, but had some connection 
with public business. He returned to England to take his share in 
that universal grief which overspread the nation on the death of his Death of prince 
master, prince Henry. After the lapse of seven and twenty years ^enry. 
sir Edmund Verney refers to this calamity, as will be seen in a 
letter which we shall print hereafter, as if it were the event which 
stood alone in his recollection for having occasioned the greatest 
amount of public sorrow. 

In the interval which took place between the death of prince Marriage of sir 
Henry and the establishment of the household of prince Charles 
upon the footing suited to his altered circumstances, sir Edmund 
fixed his position in life by marriage. The lady was Margaret the 
eldest daughter of sir Thomas Denton, knight, of Hillesdon in 

* Collection of Household Ordinances, pp. 323, 327. 


Bucks — a parish adjoining to Steeple Claydon. The match was in 
every way an excellent one. The Dentons were a good country 
family ; the lady, as immortalised by the pencil of Vandyke,* and 
tested by the performance of a course of matronly duties, possessed 
excellent qualities both of person and intellect, whilst her fortune 
was handsome enough to command, in those days, suitors of fiilly 
as high standing in the world as sir Edmund Yerney. Dame 
Mary Yerney, sir Edmund's mother, had now fixed herself at 
Langley Marsh in Bucks, on a property which was afterwards the 
subject of a long dispute with sir John Kedermister on a question of 
title, whilst sir Edmund, on attaining his majority, had come into 
possession of Muresley, and the family rights and interests in jSIiddle 
Claydon. The subject of a settlement upon miss Margaret Denton, 
who had in hand the pretty sum of 2300/., was a serious one. A 
meeting of the two families was held to settle it. Dame Mary 
was brought over from Langley Marsh to Hillesdon House to assist 
in coming to terms. A jointure of 400/. per annum was insisted 
upon by the young lady's father. ISIuresley did not amount to more 
than half that amount. But the parties were obviously willing. 
Dame ]\Iary consented to give up a recognisance for 1000/. from sir 
Edward Pliillips, lately the master of the rolls, and sir Robert his 
son, upon receiving an annuity of 100/. for her life. This made 
everything straight. It was agreed that lands should be bought and 
brought into settlement, and that, if sir Edmund should die before 
a proper purchase could be found, certain payments should be 
made to his widow and to her representatives. The interview passed 
over to tlie satisfaction of all parties, especially when the old knight 
of Hillesdon, considering that sir Ednmnd had no home to which to 
take his wife, evidenced his concurrence in the match by agreeing to 
make the very acceptable addition to his daugliter's portion of four 
years' board for herself and her intended husband.f Arrangements 

• 'I'lioro arc two tiiic portraits of her at t'layilon. 

t Vcriiey MSS. 2n.l Doc. ir)12; 27th Jan. 1612-13; 22nil May, Kili 


being thus happily completed, the marriage took place at Hillesdon 
on the 14th December, 1612. 

About the middle of the next year the new regulations of prince Is appointed 
Charles's household took effect, and sir Edmund was appointed to the privy cham- 
the place of one of the gentlemen of the privy chamber. For some ^^^ *° P""ce 
years afterwards we find him occasionally at the house in Drary 
lane, at his chamber in the prince's court during his period of 
attendance, but most frequently at Hillesdon. There lady Verney 
resided constantly, and there the first eight of their children, whose Births of the 
births all date within eleven years of the marriage, were born and chii/^fn i^y^l 
christened; — Ralph, born on the 9th November, 1613 ; Thomas, 23, 
born 2nd November, 1615; Edmund, born 2nd November, 1616; 
Henry, born 19th April, 1618; John, born 19th July, 1619; 
Susanna, born 18th April, 1621; Penelope, born 7th June, 1622; 
and Margaret, born .30th September, 1623. 

The Dentons were leading people in the business of the county, 
and sir Edmund soon began to take his share with his father-in-law, 
sir John Temple, sir Francis Goodwin, sir Edward Tyrrell, and sir 
William Fleetwood, in whatever was stirring, and especially in any 
business in which the court was interested. His standing in the 
county was further assured in 1622 by his appointment to the lieu- Appointed 
tenancy of Whaddon chase. The office was in the gift of George '^\'hlTdon °^ 
Villiers, then marquess of Buckingham and keeper of Whaddon. chase. 
The marquess's letter by which the appointment was conferred has 
not been found ; but the following from sir Richard Graham, one of 
his gentlemen, in which it was contained, gives some notion of the 
position of sir Edmund at this time. It shews also that Bucking- 
ham imitated his master in the careless liberality with which he 
bestowed his favours upon persons whom he desired to please. Tlie 
old king was failing, and it was now the care of the favourite to 
stand well with the prince and all about him. The ill-bred inso- 
lence with which, during his ascent to power, he had sought to 
depress, if not to tyrannise over, the heir apparent, had come to an 

CAMD. soc. P 


end aiid been atoned for. Buckingliani was now as much tlic friend 
of the prince as of tlic king. 


Worthy sir, — According to your desii'e I have acquainted my lord of 
his ingagement vnto you for the leivetenances of Whodden chase, and the 
place where you moucd it to him on Newmarkett heath, where I was by 
myselfe. There hath beene many suters for the said place to my lorde, 
and Mr. Waterhouse hath beene a very earnest suter, My lord did for- 
beare to give him or any other any aunswcare, because he thought you had 
a minde to itt. He wishes that thee imployment be worth your derserve- 
ing, and grants you the leivetennancy with all his hart. In this letter 
inclosed you will finde as much signified vnto you by my lord him sclfe. 

For the venison you desired me to procure you, I did acquainte my 
lorde, and his lordeshippe saith, hee will not lymmitt you by the allowaunce 
of a warrant, but gives you free leaue to kill what you will, both in the 
parke and the chase. You need not to be spareing to pleasure your sclfe 
and your freindes also, for there are to many in the parke. I haue writ a 
letter by my lordes directions to Mr. Dodsworth that when you come you 
shalbe entertained with libertie to doe there what you will, and the like 
manner to Smith. 

Sir, I would haue scene you before the progress, but I haue had so much 
busines in furnishing my lorde for the progress, and my lady for the coun- 
try, that I protest I haue had no spare tyme to doe any thinge, but I will 
wish as hartlye for you as any freinde you haue, [and] shall in any thing 
that I male serve you be as reddy as to any man I knowe next my master. 
So, hopeing of your company the latter end of the progress, I rest your 
faithfuU ■servant to commando, 

Richard Graham. 
Oatlands, Junij the last, 16-22. 

To the rightc worshippful and my much respected freinde sir Edmunde 
Vcrncs [sic], knighte. 

The year 1G23 stands distinguished as the xva of that curious 
incident in tlic history of England, and in tlie personal liistory of 


prince Charles, — his journey to Spain. It is not for us to consider Prince Chark-s 
the general character of that singular mission, or to trace its effects Spain7A.D, 
upon the popular feeling in England, and in that way upon Charles's ^^^'■^■ 
future misfortunes. We have merely to indicate the share in it 
which was borne by sir Edmund Verney. The prince and Buck- 
ingham started for Madrid with only tlu'ee attendants, sir Francis 
Cottington, the prince's secretary ; Endymion Porter, one of the gen- 
tlemen of his privy chamber ; and sir Richard Graham, the writer 
of the letter we have just printed. Small as was the number of 
attendants, the prince and duke left them on the road, for want of 
horses, as was alleged, but, as it would seem, for want of funds. 
Themselves travelled the last stage on credit, and on their arrival 
at Madrid Buckingham left the prince "for a pawn with the post,"* 
whilst himself ran in to obtain from lord Bristol the necessary funds. 
As soon as the prince was established at Madrid, the principal 
members of his household were sent after him by king James. The His househoU 
Adventure, a ship of war, was fitted up for their reception, and on xhey sail 1st 
the 1st April, 1623, they embarked. There were on board the fol- ^P"'' 1623. 
lowing officers of the prince's household: viscount Andover, master 
of the horse ; lord Compton, who was killed at Hopton heath, master 
of the wards ; lord Carey of Leppington, chamberlain; lord Yaughan, 
comptroller ; sir Robert Carr, gentleman of the bedchamber ; eight 
gentlemen of the privy chamber, of whom sir Edmund Verney was 
the second ; a gentleman usher of the privy chamber, three gentlemen 
ushers of the presence, five grooms of the bedchamber, three pages, 
and, last, two chaplains. In four days from Spithead they discovered 
the mountains of Biscay, and, after skirting along the rocky coast for 
thirty leagues, came to an anchor off Santander. 

The town seemed to them " a very poor thing, having neither Land at San- 
glass windows nor chimneys," but the kindness of their reception ^^" ®^"' 
made amends for all external defects. As soon as they cast anchor, 
the governor came aboard and informed them that by the king's 
command he was to entertain them with all possible hospitality. 

* Additional MS. 12,496, fo. 240. 



They were consequently lodged in the best houses, were nobly 
feasted, and for a week were permitted to amuse themselves as 
they could in going the round of the various religious establishments, 
where, in spite of their heretical demeanour, in not kneeling, they 
were shewn Garnet and his straw, with all " their relics and idols." * 

After waiting a week for orders, and to give time for the arrival 
Tiuir journey of their baggage at Madrid, they set forth on their journey inland. 
Mounted on sorry mules, whose only pace was a walk, and who on 
every application of the spur came to a stand and " kicked back- 
wards," the party, in number sixty, started off to cross the ranges of 
mountains, still covered with snow, which lay between them and 
the capital, "every man with a cloak-bag before him." In this 
unwonted position the minds of these young gallants, half-ashamed 
of the grotesque figures they presented, reverted to their native 
country, and wondered, as one of them has recorded, what would 
have ensued if their " friends in England had but seen them in these 
postures." Truly, the Spaniards might now have revenged them- 
selves for the scorn excited in England by the miserable phght in 
which the escort of princess Katherine reached London when she 
came to marry prince Arthur. 

Their first day's journey through the mountains which divide the 
Asturias from Old Castile seems to have tried their English mettle. 
" Tiie terrible stony hills we climbed arid the steep downfalls we 
descended are not to be believed, having for two leagues together a 
narrow passage of two feet broad, all made like stairs, lying a 

* They wore struck at Santander with that which still continues to amaze Enj^lish 
visitors, that the women are the porters. " Wonderful populous the town is, the men 
from the hi>;hest to the lowest going in the habits of gentlemen, ever in cloaks and 
Bwords. Drudgery they will do none at all, for their wives they make their slaves, which 
do not only till the ground and plant and prune their vineyards, but also carry all our 
luggago a« our porters do in England. We have seen when these women have como with 
great trunks upon their heads from the shore, and ready to sink under the burthen, their 
own huHhands standing by, their pride was such they soorncd to put their helping hands 
to help their wives, when they wi-re ready to fall under the btirtlien, and suffered our 
people to help them, when they stood by and laughed." 


hundred fathoms above a great river, whose roaring amongst the 
stones was such that we could not hear one another speak." At 
night they rested in a shed open to every wind of heaven, and in a 
lofty region where they were so cold that they were fain to walk up 
and down for a couple of hours whilst supper was preparing. 
When the meal was ready, there was neither table to place it upon, 
nor stool for them to sit to it, but with much ado, it is said, " we 
got a piece of timber, about which we stood, and gave God thanks 
for what we had." 

Supper was not concluded when up came a post with a letter from 
Madrid for lord Carey. Their last orders had been to come on with 
all expedition. Now everything was countermanded. They were Their progress 
directed to return instantly to England in the ship in which they countermanded, 
had arrived. Never were men more overwhelmed with amazement. 
The prince's order, signed by his own hand, was read over and over 
again, and such was the general sadness, that for half an hour no 
one could open his lips. When they began to speak upon the 
subject, every one offered a separate opinion. Some lamented 
their disappointment in not seeing Madrid, some concluded that the 
treaty for the match had come to an end, some feared for the 
prince's safety. What was to be done? The majority determined 
to obey the prince's command. But a rebellious half-dozen, of 
whom sir Edmund Verney was one, refused to return to Santander 
to be laughed at. They determined to go on to Burgos, where they 
should join the high road to St. Sebastian, and to return that way 
through France. In this condition of disquiet, some paced up and 
down, and some rested on the boards of the floor till day. 

Daylight rendered the rebellious half-dozen wiser, but not less 
resolved against return to Santander. Several of the party had 
direct charges from the king to be delivered to the prince, otliers 
were the bearers of jewels for him ; — yet all were directed to return. 
They concluded, from these circumstances, that the prince was 
either misinformed or under duress of the Spaniards. In either 
case, to return and tell the tale in England would 2:ain them little 

110 ^■xjm^''''*^ VEUNEY PAPERS. 

credit Upon consideration, they abandoned their intention to go 

home through France, and determined to proceed to Madrid, and 

submit the whole matter to tlie judgment of tlie prince. This was 

too bold a step for the raajorit}^ seeing " their master's hand to the 

Sir Edmuiui contrary ;" but sir William Howard, sir Edmund Verney, and four 

othm^de!" gentlemen whose names were Clare, Carew, Sandilands, and 

termine to go pitcaim. Set forth at once towards Madrid. Their way lay through 

on to Madrid. ' i n • i • 

Burgos, Lerma, Aranda, and over the bomosierra, a road since 
trodden by many an English foot, and every step of which has been 
moistened with English blood. 

Howard and Verney knew their masters. It soon became evident 
to the obedient majority who retraced their steps to Santander, that 
they had taken the wrong course. On arriving there the governor, 
the mayor, and " all the dons " of the town, looked coldly upon them. 
They ])rctended that they dared not receive them into their houses 
again without a fresh command froni the king. Di'iven to obtain 
such lodgings as they could find in the filthy inns, they there awaited 
the return of their baggage, which had been sent on ahead. In the 
meantime they were perplexed by a medley of contradictory and 
inconsiderate orders. One day they were all directed to return 
home instantly ; the next some of them were to come on to Madrid. 
One order commanded them to return by sea, another to leave the 
Adventure at Santander and make their way back — no easy thing 
for many of them to do — through France. Sir Ednunul Verney, 
had he remained with them, might have adopted this latter coiu'se, 
for we learn that he had brought with him a jewel ujion which ho 
might have raised funds (some relic of the courtly splendour of Anne 
Weston, the lady of magnificent gowns j, but many of tlie party had 
not "money to serve their turns a week." In the end, they all 
All tiic n-Ht determined, in spite of their master's hand to the contrary, to follow 
oowticm. Howard and Verney, and obtain some understandable directions at 

The whole distance from Santander to Madrid is under 75 letigues. 
'I'he journey occupied seven days. To Burgos — 30 Iciigues — was 


three days' journey. The next day they got on to Lerma. Two 
days more brought them to Buitrago. Whence to Madrid was one 
long day's journey, with a bait and a rest at San Augustin's at mid- 
day. Between three and four in the afternoon they were within 
sight of Madrid, where the next day they were kindly welcomed by 
the prince, and were much revived with the " kissing of his hand." 
They found him attended by some of his own servants — no doubt by 
Howard, Verney, and the few who had pushed on at first. 

The presence of so large a number of them at Madrid was a great They arrive at 
incumbrance to the prince. He had apartments in the king's palace, ^ ^' ""^ ' 
but they consisted of only two little rooms, with an outlet into a 
garden, " so nasty, and so ill-favouredly kept, that a farmer in Eng- 
land would be ashamed of such another." Tliis was no place for at- 
tendants. The duke de Monteleo's palace was taken for the prince's 
servants, but that was a long way off. Persons resident there could 
render the prince no personal service, even had it been desired. When 
this large retinue had been in Madrid a week, had seen the painted 
ladies taking their airings in the afternoon, had visited the royal 
stables and the armoury, had been present at a play acted in the 
palace, and had witnessed a solemn ecclesiastical procession, there 
was nothing more for them to do. They loitered about and passed 
the wearisome days in card-playing. 

At the end of a fortnight the prince intimated to them his peremp- And after a 
tory directions for their return. Retaining half the attendants upon f°^tmght are 

. T 1 ^^ ^ . T sent home. 

his bedchamber, all the rest were dismissed, with the option of 
returning either by land through France or by sea in the Adven- 
ture. About 50 determined for the sea, with lord Carey. The rest, 
under lord Vaughan and sir John North, who " by their passage by 
sea found they were not able to brook it at their return," chose the 
journey by land. Three or four of the gentlemen of the privy 
chamber, we are told, tired of the adventures of pack-mule travel- 
ling, sued for leave to stay some few days longer, promising then to 
go post through France ; which the prince yielded to, it is added, 
with much difficulty, and only on the gracious intercession of my 


lord niarciiu'ss. The sea party visited the Escurial and Segovia on 
their way back to Burgos, joining the road again at Lenna. Three 
days more brought tliem to Santander. After waiting three further 
days for a wind, they put to sea, where they lay eigiit nights, and 
then were driven into Weymouth, happy again to be "in sweet 
England," and rejoicing over the dinner Avhich, within two hours 
after their landing, was spread before them at their inn. It "had more 
meat in it," says the Welsh baronet who was the recorder of these 
adventures, "than we had seen in two hundred miles' riding."* 
Sir E<imun(i Sir Ediuund Verney stayed behind with the prince. He remained 

mlhled beiiind. '" Spain duiing the many months which were required to unwind 
the complicated trickery of the negotiation in which Charles had 
involved himself. When sir Richard Wynne took his leave, the 
prince wagered him a horse of forty pieces that he should have landed 
in England on the lOtli of July. It was the 5th of October before 
he was able to accomplish his purpose. Of sir Edmund's presence 
in Madrid during this long interval we have only two proofs, but 
both of them are worthy of remembrance. 
His quarrel In the Service of the prince as page there was a Mr. Thomas Wash- 

ington, probably from Buckinghamshire, where there was a branch of 
the well-known family of that name. Whilst in Madrid, Washington 
was taken ill and ultimately died of a disease incident to hot climates. 
During his illness, Verney's attachment to Buckinghamshire was an 
additional s[)ur for his bestowing more than ordinary attention ujjon his 
dying friend. He was not alone in his attentions. Tiie English priests, 
ever on the watcli for converts, besieged poor Washington's dying 
pillow, and disturbed his mortal agony with questions of controversy. 
Verney resented this intrusion. On one occasion, but a little while 
before Washington's death, as Verney was ascending to his frieml's 
apartment, he met an English priest named Ballard, in the act of 

• Sir Richard Wynne of Gwodir, at that time a knight, but afterwards, on the death of 
hiH father, the Hocond haronot. His narrative was printed by Hearne in the Appendix to 
hiH HiHtoria viUo ct rcgni Uiciirdi II. a nionacho iiuodain de Kveshani consignata. Svo. 
Oxon. 1729, pp. 29D— 341. 

with a priest. 


leaving the sick man's chamber. Sir Edmund complained of his 
thus forcing himself upon the dying man. The priest replied. 
Debate ensued, and from words they fell to blows. Sir Edmund 
was an awkward opponent under such circumstances, but other per- 
sons interfered, and the combatants were separated. Complaint was 
made of his strikmg a priest, and ill blood seemed likely to follow, but 
Gondomar had the wisdom to interfere and settle the matter. When 
Verney next visited Buckmghamshire, and detailed to the Wash- 
ingtons the circumstances of the illness and death of his yomig 
friend, who can estimate the satisfaction it must have been to 
him, that he Avas able to close the melancholy history by assuring 
them that their relation died at last unmolested, in the faith in which 
he had been baptised, and that, although he was not buried with the 
ceremonies nor in the place of distinction which would have been 
assigned to him as a pervert, he was laid, earth to earth, amidst the 
sorrows of faithful friends, under the shadow of a fig-tree, in the 
garden at the back of the house of the English ambassador.* 

The other incident relates to the jewels of the splendid Anne His sale of a 
Weston which sir Edmund had brought with him into Spain. When {^^^1 *° ^ ^° 
Charles was hurrying out of Spain, scattering his farewell presents 
on every side, jewels were invaluable to him. The supply from 
England, noble as it Avas,f was exhausted, and in this extremity sir 
Edmund's jewel went amongst the rest. A cross of ten thick table 
diamonds, bought of the prince's servant, sir Edmund Verney, was 
presented as a parting gift to Don Maria de Lande.iJ: 

The prince and his attendants, except Buckingham, who went Return of the 
off first to the sea-side, left Madi-id on the 12th September. They ^Jl^^l^^^^ sJ^ 
arrived at Santander on the 17th, sailed on the 24th, and, after a October, i(i23. 
tedious voyage, arrived at Portsmouth, as we have stated, on the 
5th October. Sir Edmund, we may be sure, hurried with all pos- 
sible speed into Buckinghamshire, whei'e his wife had given birth to 

* Howell's Letters, vol. i. no. xx. 
+ Archaeologia, xxi. 148, 

t Lloyd's Memoircs, p. 351. Prynne's Hidden Workcs, 52. 


a (laughter on tlic last day of September, in the midst of the anxie- 
ties occasioned by the unusual length of his voyage at a stormy 
period of the year. Tlie child was christened at Hillesdon two days 
before sir Edmund put foot ashore at Portsmouth. 
Sir E.imund re- sjj. Edmund Vcrney was returned member for the borough of Buck- 
lianitnt f(ir ingliaiu in the parliament which met on the 1 9th of February, 1623-4. 
it»th'''Kebnw' • -^^^ acquaintance with what had passed in Spain must have given him 
10-23 4. a sorrowful insight into the falsehood and chicanery by which Buck- 

ingham attained the sliortlived popularity which surrounded him 
during that session. The people were rejoiced to have the hateful 
match with Spain broken off upon any terms, and almost by any 
means. Even grave men like sir Edward Coke were contented to 
applaud tlie unworthy favourite as the saviour of his country, because 
it was believed tliat he had been the instrument of bringing about 
the result they longed for. Sir Edmund Verney had seen the world, 
and was a man of business. He was no doubt therefore useful in 
the house, but this was his first appearance as a member. He took 
his turn upon committees, and supported his master and the duke, 
but did not intermeddle in debate. 
ih-.ah of King The following year was ushered in by that event which could not 
be otherwise than important to the fortunes of sir Edmund Verney — 
the illness and death of king James. The old sovereign was involved 
in an infinity of troubles by the prince's foolish visit to Spain. Over- 
borne by his son and the favourite, he could not do otherwise than 
sujiport them in the course which on their return they were de- 
termined to take ; but to do so was something very like abdica- 
tion. Not even the splendour of the alliance with the daughter of 
Henry IV., an alliance so easily concluded, could comjiensate 
the royal professor of kingcraft, and tlie lover of peace on any 
terms, for the failure of his long negotiations and the necessity, 
against his will, to involve his kingdom in a war. No results could 
be more displeasing to a sovereign the very foundation of whose 
character was an overweening idea of his own cleverness in over- 
coming difhcultii'S by negotiation and management. 

Julllt'M I, 


Sir Walter Scott has commented pleasantly * upon the mconve- King James's 

n 1 c ' emleavours to 

nience to which James was subjected from the stream ot suitors stop tha access 
which continually flowed in upon him from the North, and l^'^^s °*' j'^'^'^«^P|J|'^^°"^ 
quoted some specimens of the phraseology of proclamations issued 
in Scotland against the importunate crowd of "idle rascals and 
poor miserable bodies" who were continually bending their way 
towards the court. But all the troubles arising to the king 
fi-om his over- crowded court were not attributable to his ancient 
people. The palace was for ever beset with a multitude of " idle 
and masterless persons," who kept the court in an uproar with 
theu' quarrels and increased the risk of infection in time of plague. 
Of the crowd which at that time ordinarily surrounded the palace 
it is scarcely possible for us now to form an idea. A kind of market 
was long kept close to the royal residence, and it will have been 
observed that in the paper printed at p. 87 the various oxen and 
muttons agreed to be supplied are to be delivered " at the court gate." 
The state officers of the royal household then lived in the palace, 
together with a multitude of royal tradespeople, with their several 
trains of workmen and hangers-on, and the place was besieged 
with petitioners and suppliants innumerable, all perpetually trying 
some stratagem to bring themselves under the notice of persons in 
authority. Besides general printed proclamations upon this subject, 
the king from time to time gave written authorities to the knight- 
marshal for his interference for the redress of this grievance, several 
of which are among the papers at Claydon. Every person who lodged 
in the palace was directed to furnish the knight-marshal with a roll of 
his servants, " with which roll we have given in charge," says the 
king, " that the said knight-marshal shall continually ride, both in 
the day time and in the night, about our court," arresting and 
punishing every one whose name was not found m the roll.f A 

* Fortunes of Nigel, cap. iii. and note at the end of the chapter, 
t Proclamation of 29th July, 1603. 



good deal of the difficulty lay with the occasional attendants upon 
the court, and amongst them with the workmen occasionally em- 
ployed, and especially with the laundresses, or persons who chose to 
assume that convenient designation. We find the following original 
royal order for the management of these difficult people. 

Royal order limiting the number of laundresses and crafts- 

James R. 

Whereas through the great and excessive number of landresscs that 
followe our court without order or limitacion manie abuses and disorders 
are committed ; wee, intending the reformacion thereof, doe hereby lymitt 
and apoint such a number of them of good reputacion to followe our court 
as shalbe sufficient to attend vs, willing and commanding our knight- 
marshall to take speciall care that he suffer no more to followe our court 
in that qualitie then the number herevnder specified, and therein to restraine 
his power and authoritie to our will and pleasure, and not only in this of 
landresses, but of all such as are to be authorized by him for the necessarie 
attendance of our court, as tent-keepers, crafts-men, and victuallers, they 
being of such abillitie as may giue satisfaction for ouer burdening our court 
with vagabonds by their means, as heretofore hath happened. 

First, for Landresses, wee allow- 



For our bodie . . . 



For our board . . . 



The lord steward . . 



The lord admiral . . 



The lord chamberlain . 

. 1 


Tlie grome of the stoolo 



The groomes of the bod 

chamber .... 



The captaino of the guart 

and baml .... 

. 1 


LAiulros. Maidos 

The officers of the greenc 


The gentlemen and grooms 

of the priuie chamber 
The kitchins .... 

In common 

Men landresses for the 
household \^left blank'] 

12 18 





For Craftsmen. 

Millayners . 




of which one the king's. 

Barbours . 

Coblers . 


Scriveners . 

Taylours . 


Semsters . 

Victuallers . 


Stockin mender . 



Tobacco man 



Cutler [wo number'] 




in all 21. 


Another subject of great annoyance to his majesty was " the bold Order to pro- 
and barbarous insolency of multitudes of vulgar people'^ who joined from jSng the 
the royal hunt, and in that way pressed upon him and the royal ^^^^^ '^"°*- 
party. The following paper, which evidently came from the royal 
pen, was aimed at these impertinent intruders. 

Royal order to prohibit people from joining the royal hunt 


James R. 

Forasmuch as wee haue oftentimes since our first coming into England 
expressed our highe displeasure and offence at the bolde and barbarous in- 
solency of multitudes of vulgar people, who, pressing vpon vs in our sportes 
as wee are hunting, doe ride over our dogges, brake their backes, spoile our 
game, runne over and destroy the corne, and not without other greate an- 
noyance and sometymes perill both of our owne person and to our dearest 
Sonne the prince, by their heedlesse riding and galloping; that notwith- 
standing they still presume soe much vpon our clemency and patience as 
wheresoeuer wee come wee are continually molested in the like sorte, to our 
soe greate discontentment as no privat person would endure it. Although 
wee doe professe vnto all the world that no prince can take more comfort in 
the dutifull affection of his subiects then wee doe when they come out of 
that respect to see vs, and for that purpose are well contented to give them 
free liberty soe to doe at such time as wee take coach or horse going abroade 
or as wee are returned to our lodging-house ; yet, if any shall be soe 


audatious as, besides this liberty, to take any other vnto himselfe, and 
without our consent to follow vs when wee goe to hunt, or to take our other 
recreations ; our will and pleasure is that our knight-marshall shall 
presently apprehend him or them, whosoeuer they be, and shall cause them 
safely and immediatly to be conveyed to the next gaole as contemners of our 
royal 1 commanderaent, there to remayne during our pleasure. Neverthe- 
LEs if there be any nobleman or gentleman of quality, besides those that be 
our servants, who shall desire to attend our person, or our deare sonne the 
prince, at these times of our disports and recreations, whome wee intend not 
absolutely to include within this restraynt, our pleasure is, that beforehand 
they acquaynt vs, or some of our principall servants about vs, with such 
their desire, and thereupon first obteyne our leaue. And hereof wee 
straightly charge our knight-marshall to take notice, and all other our 
officers whome it may concerne, and to publish this our royall pleasure and 
connnandment in all places of our removes this progresse, and ells-where as 
there shall be occasion. Given at the castle of Belvoir the vth day of 
August, in the seaventeenth yeare of our raigne of Great Britaine, France, 
and Ireland. 

Appc-ssion of Tlic acccssioii of Cliarlcs I. made a material improvement in the 

Charles I. position of sir Edmmid Verney, and of all those who had been in his 

majesty's household during the lifetime of his father. But, even 

before the favours to which the persons about the king looked forward 

could be doled out, it was necessary that his majesty's ^K^cuniary 

wants should be attended to. His dismissal of his earliest parliament 

threw him at once upon the raising of money by prerogati\e, and the 

tl'rinr.oy'ralS ^^'^'"^7 papors duriug 1625 and the following year principally relate 

ill Bucks on to the pressing of men for the expedition which went to Cadiz under 

i.ri>jr rnM », c. ^j^, £j^yjjpj Cecil, created lord Wimbledon, the levying of money 

upon privy seals, and for coat-and-conduct money, as it was termed, 

mono}', that is, for the outfit of the pressed men, and their expenses 

in g<jing from the county of Buckingham to the place of rendezvous. 

Tlie parliament had granted the king two subsidies " as the first- 

fi-uits of their love." The Buckinghamshire pro[)ortion amounted to 

;i,<.)j2/. Scarcely hud the deput \ lieutenantb assessed this amount upon 


the county, when they were called upon to return the names of persons 

to whom privy seals might be addressed for a loan of half that 

amount. To make the demand more palatable, it was accompanied tothe disarming 

or immediately followed by a direction to disarm the Roman of the Roman 

Catholics, against whom popular jealousy was at that time more 

than ordinarily excited, in consequence of the new favour with 

which they were received at com*t. The following letter from the 

duke of Buckingham relates to this latter busmess. 

The duke of Buckingham to the deputy lieutenants of Bucks. 
After my very hearty commendacions. You may perceive by the inclosed 
coppie of a letter from the lords of his majesties counsell * from what 
grounds those directions for the disarming of Romish cathohques in this 
realme doe arise, and with what earnestnes that service is required att my 
hands in the county of my livetenauncye. I have had soe good expei'ience 
of youre care and zeale to his majesties service in matters of lesse import- 
aunce, that I cannot doubt in the hke of this, accordinge to the consequence 
thereof, which, as it consists of sundry particulars, you are in every pointe 
with all diligence to observe, and soe answere the trust that I repose in you 
for the due performance thereof, that I may be able to give accompt to his 
majestie, and have cause to give you thankes for the same. And so I reste, 
youre very loviuge friend, Geor. Buckingham. 

Sahsbury, 11 Octo. 1625. 
To my lovinge freinds, sir Thomas Temple, sir Francis Goodwin, sir 
Thomas Tirringham, sir William Burlacy, sir Thomas Denton, sir Ed- 
ward Tyrrell, and mr. Clarke, deputy livetenaunts of the county of Buck- 

The following letter seems to prove that some of the deputy lieu- 
tenants did not make the search a mere form, although those who 
did not were apprehensive they should be laughed at for their 
pains. It is from one of the deputy lieutenants. Sir Thomas 
Coventry was the new lord keeper alluded to. Like the dismissal of 

* The letter maybe seen in Rushworth, i. 11)4. 


liis predecessor, archbishop Williams, and all other appointments 
at tliis time, his elevation was the result of the influence of Buck- 

Sir, — My cosin Catesbye is discharged of mr. Tho. Johnsson, whom [.«c] 
is sent vnto the lorde cheife iustice of Englande, and all that wee have done 
is well tacken, so that now the feare of being- lawffed att is past, and itt is 
expected every day that you showlde send vp your certificatt what wee did 
in our search. I mett the kynge but last nyghte, so that as yett I have had 
noe speeches with him my sealfe, but if you sende to me the middle of the 
next weecke to Winssor, you shall heare more. Ther was two of our mar- 
chauntes men of warr that did lye before Dunkyrck cast a waye, and 12* 
sayle of Dun^* [Dunkirkers] cum owte, and hath done much hurte vpon 
the Hollanders. The newe lorde keeper is made. So, haveinge kepte my 
promis with you, remembering my love to you and my servis to all my 
freinds, I rest, your loving cosin, Tho. Tyringham. 

Hampton Courte, the 30th of Octo. 1625. 

Sir, — Since I wrote this letter the kynge hath resowlved of some stricktter 
coursses then was in our power to put in executione, the which I am sure 
yov shall have from better handes then myne. And so adieu. 

T. Ty. 
To my worthy cosin sir Thomas Deynton att Hilsden. d.d. 

8etUin"J'tbe' The assessment for the loan was not easily agreed upon. Many 

amounts to be letters passcd between the deputy lieutenants upon the subject, and 
^ie< on pn>} -j. jg obvious tlicrc was much complaint and a general feeling of hard- 
ship and dissatisfaction. Three months elapsed before the list was 
settled. It is not without significance that we find sir William 
Borlace writing to sir Tliomas Denton on the 9th January, 1625-6 : 

fmoIil^i'K.vioa " ' ^"^ *^'"'^ "^'"- -^^'^^ Hampden to be 13/. 6*. 8rf , and his mother 10/., 
on Hampden, is a harder rate then I finde vpon any other." 

The list of the privy seals issued on this occasion proves that the 
protest of sir William Borlace was unattended to by his brother 

* "Two an.l twenty." Rushworlli, i. 195. 


deputy lieutenants, but, from what will appear hereafter, it is pro- 
bable that a representation in some other quarter was more effectual. 

The list being at length settled, was forwarded to the duke, with .^^"^'" *° ^^'^^' 
the following letter, drawn up in October, but not sent in until the turning the list 
following January, in which the deputy lieutenants did not scruple °J \ll^^^ l^r^^ 
to state some of the grievances of the county. money on loan. 

The deputy lieutenants of Bucks to the duke of Buckingham. 
May it please your grace 

To be advertised, we haue received the coppie of his majesties letter vnto 
you, with another alsoe from your grace vnto vs, and accordingly we haue 
with the best diligence and expedition we cann * vsed our best endeauors, 
beinge some what hindered herein by reason of necessarie attendance, /or the 
taxations of the suhsidie vppon dayes formerly appoynted,\ We doe 
herewith therefore humbly present to your grace a booke of the names of 
such inhabitinge tbis countrie as accordinge to his majesties commande are 
of the best abilitie to lend, and of as greate somes as we doe conceiue they 
may spare, and with as little inconvenience to any as we know howe to 
proportione it, and haue therefore, the better to expedite this business, ex- 
tended it to as many as we could, to make the burthen the lesse heauie to 
euerie particular, and yet to rayse the summ to be about the proportione of 
the loane lent in his late majesties time. 

And in respect that if the dwellinges of any to be appoynted to be col- 
lector should happen to be in or neere either of the ends of the shier, it 
would proue exceedinge incommodious to them, and more hinder bis 
majesties seruice, in that all are to send theire monies to the collector, we 
doe offer to your graces consideratione these names, Mr. Thomas Lee, of 
Hartwell, Esq. and Mr. John Dunckombe, of East Claydon, Esq. 

Lastly, we may not omitt, beinge as we conceiue in dulie bound, to 
present to your grace the humble petitione of our countriemen wherewith 
we are importuned at our meetings for subsidies and other payments, that 
they are vnpayd for the coate-and-conduct monie which they haue twice 

* Sir F. Goodwin underscored these words, evidently by way of querying them, 

t Sir F. Goodwin suggested to read here, " used our best endeavours therein, being 

somewhat hindered by reason of necessarie attendance vppon some other of his majestyes 

servyces in this country, as also by your graces absence out of the kingdom." 

camd. soc. k 


layd out this yeare, amomitinge vnto 437/., besides which they haue bene 
charged with inultipUcitie of pmjments in the leauiinge and maynetayn- 
inge of soldiers, fur whose charges the countrie hath not receiued full 
satisfaclionefrovi the councell of ivarr, and that in some places for these 
two yeares past, in some more, they haue receiued noe monie from, hit 
majesties officers for theire compositione-wheule and for wood,* which, 
fallinge out in these times of affliction and dearth, wherein by reason of the 
sicknesse most parts of this sheire haue been very much charged aboue 
former times, is the more pressinge and greeuious vnto them, who repose 
theire hopes of healpe and releife in your graces goodnes and favor vnto 
them. And soe we submitt our best endeauors and dutiful! seruice to be 
euer ready At your graces command. 

AUesburie, 18 October, 1623.t 

The king ton. Qii the 20tli December, 1625, the king confirmed to sir Edmund 

firms to sir Kd- , . i • i i i i p i i -i 

niund for his ^ pcnsion ot 2001. per annum, which he had lormerly whilst 
hfe a former ppj^cg Qf Wales given him during pleasure. Considering his " many 
per annum. faithful and acceptable services," he now assured that same sum to 

him by a grant for life.]: This was followed by another and more 

important preferment. 
Appomts iiim The aiicient office of marshal of the king's i)alace,5 which had been 

kn>Kht-marshal . . . i° y 1 • r,,, 

for life. held in succession during the reign ot king James by sir Ihomas 

Gcrrard, sir Tliomas Vavasour, and sir Edward Zouch, was sur- 
rendered by the last of those gentlemen to the king on the 14th of 

* Sir F. CTOodwin suggested, " they have not received full satisfaction of much due 
from the councell of warr for the charges of count Mansfield's forces out of this county." 

+ " 6 Jan. 1625." On which day it \va.s settled by sir Francis Goodwin ; who wrote 
thus \inder the draft from which we print : " I ajiprooue this letter with the alterations 
exceedingly well. Fra. Goodwin." 

J Hot. Pat. ] Car. I. pt. 5, no. 38. It is mentioned in the Fa'dera, xviii. 629, as a 
grant to sir Jiduanl Verney, It night. 

§ This was the ancient title. The later holders were knights, and so the office came to 
1)0 called that of knight-marshal. There is no list of the holders of the office, but the follow- 
ing are enumerated in the grant to sir Thomas Vavasour : — Sir Thomas (lurrard, John 
Carewe, John Turbcrviic, Henry Sherborne, John Digby, John Kus-scll, Thomaa Went- 
worth, William Piu-kering, sir Ralph Ilopton, sir George Carey late baron of Hunsdon. 


February, 1626, and on the 16tli of the same month his majesty 
granted it to sir Edmund Verney for life.* The principal duties of 
the office — to j^reserve order and prevent the access of improper 
persons to the court — rendered it necessary for the holder to be a 
close attendant upon the court, but he was empowered to appoint a 
deputy as well as from four to six officers or vergers. I have not 
found that any stated fee was payable to the marshal from the sove- 
reign. The profits of his court, which could taj^e cognizance of all 
causes arising in the king^s household or within the verge, that is, 
within twelve miles of the court, probably amounted to an ample 
compensation for his ordinary services. Sir Edmund still continued 
to reside in Drury Lane. 

This appointment was followed on the 26th March, 1626, by a Grants him a 

PPT •P7PTC further pension 

grant of a further pension of 2001. for hfe.f of 200/. per 

The return from Bucks of names for the loan was not made, as ^'^'i^™- 
we have seen, until January 1625-6, which was long after many of 
the other counties. In the following April the privy seals into that 
county were issued. They were sent to sir Thomas Denton, who 
was appointed collector, probably by the influence of sir Edmund 
Verney, instead of Mr. Lee and Mi\ Duncombe, reconnnended by 
the deputy lieutenants. The following letter accompanied the privy 


After our hearty coraendacons : Wheras his majestie hath determined to 
receaue by way of loane of diuers of his goode and louing subiects some 
reasonable summes of money to be repaid within eightene monethes after the 
summe paid to you, the collector, and for that purpose hath by warrant 
under his higbnes hand and signett ordered that his lettres of privy seale 
should be addressed forth to such persons of ability within that county of 
Buck: as be thought meet to yeild his majestie such convenient summes of 
money as by their seuerall privy seales are required. And wheras also his 

* Rot. Pat. 1 Car. I. pt. 10, no. 1; and see Feed, xviii. 637. 
t Rot. Pat. 2 Car, I. pt. 5, no. 38 ; Food, xviii. 71(5. 


majestic hath authorised us of his privy counsell to appoint sufficient 
persons both for their estates, discrecons, and sincerities to be the collectors 
of the same loan within the county, wee therupon haue thought good to 
name you to be the collector for that purpose, assuring ourselues of your 
readines to further his majesties service therin. And as you shall from 
time to time collect the said loan, wee require you, within 12 dales at the 
furthest, after your receipt of some competent sume, and acquittance made 
to the parties that so lent the same to his majesties use, you pay or arrange 
the same to be safely paid into his highnes exchequer, that his majestie be 
not delayed from the use of the money so lent, wherby the subiectes may be 
burdened and his majesties service dissappointed. Wee also require you, 
upon receipt of the privy seales, to send to the cleark of the privy seale at- 
tending, a particular note in writing of the number of the privy seales which 
shall come to you. And lastly, though in regard of the indifFerency used in 
these assessments wee hope there wilbe no difficulty used by any to pay the 
summe assessed upon them, neverthelesse if you shall find disposicon in any 
to delay or excuse the payment therof, wee pray you, at such time as you 
send up money, to certifie their names. And so, expecting your diligent 
care herein, as the necessity of the service requireth, you shall not need to 
doubt but that such allowance shalbe made unto you for the sending us of 
the said money as shalbe convenient by me the lord treasurer. Wherwith 
wee bid you hartily farwell. From Whitehall, 10th April, 1626. 
Your very loving freinds, 

Marlebrough. H. Manchester. E. Worcester. 

T. Edmondes. J. Coke. Ric. Weston. 

To our very loving freind sir Thomas Denton, knight, 
collector of our county of Buck: 

[Mpmorandum of sir Thomas Denton.] Received 13 April, 1626, of Ed. Goatnan, 144 
privy soales. 

Tlie Verncy papers during 1626 relate principally to the business 
of these and other irregular levies, and the payments made to the 
exchequer on account. In the mean while a pleasant letter from 
the great earl of Cork, sent with a present of Smerwick hawks for 
the king, will not bo unacceptable. 


The earl of Cork to sir Edmund Verney. 

Honnorable sir, — The great favours yow have vouchsafFed vnto the lord 
viscount Buttevant,* and to my daughter, ar sufficient motives to make me 
known vnto yow thorough them, and yow to me for your goodnes towardes 
them, of which I will, as I have good cause, reteign a moste thankfull re- 
membrance ; and I doe ingeniously desire that my son in lawe maie (as yt is 
my will he should) free yow of all your engagements for him as really as I 
have don to sir John Leek,t to whome I have paid all I promised, and wilbe 
ready to vse my best perswacions with my lord Barry 1^ to hould the like 
cowrse towardes yow, who have deserved soe well of him, wherof I praie 
God his youth be soe apprehensive as your noble carriadge towardes him 
hath deserved, though not with that success in the court of wardes that his 
majesty's lettres warranted. 

Sir, induced by the perswacions of sir John Leek, I am embowldened to 
entreat yow to doe me soe much favour as to take some seazonable opor- 
tunety to present a leashe of falcons to his majesty, which this my servant 
will wayte vpon yow to deliver. They ar the ayry of Sraerwick, bred in 
the veary fort which the Spaniards held and fortefied themselves in till putt 
to the sword by the lord Arthure Grey, then lord deputy of Ireland.§ The 
king's late father of blessed memory vouchsafed yearly to write vnto me for 
these hawkes, and did esteem yt a great blessing vnto him to be soe happie 
as to have birds of pleasure bred in that rocky fort in his raign, in which 
his late sister of famous memory had an army of Spanish enemyes wrhich 
came to bereav her of this kingdome lodged ; and that affection of his late 
majesty to these hawkes gives me the bowldnes to offer vnto his majesty soe 
poor (though fortunate) a present, which with this discowrse of them I 
praie maie be humbly tentred \^sic'] to his highnes ; and withall, yf yow 
thinck yt convenient, I praie make known vnto his majesty that bothe his 
famous fortes of Corke and Waterford ar now made tenable, and his orde- 

* David viscount Buttevant, created earl of Barrymore on 30th November, 1627. He 
married Alice, eldest daughter of the earl of Cork. 

t A brother by the half blood to sir Edmund Verney. Lord Fermanagh's Genealogical 
Notes, Verney MS. p. 43. 

X Richard lord Barry, eldest son of lord Buttevant, and afterwards second earl of 

§ Smerwick, co. Kerry. The incident alluded to took place in 1580. See Camden's 
Elizabeth, Hearne's ed. ii. 341. 


nance placed in them, and that all the outworckes of them wilbe speedily 
finished, for which, after his majesties treasurer had sent order to have the 
worcks given over for want of money, as they were, for that defect, the 
laste year, I, to prevent the further reioycings of the ill affected papists 
(who wrott poorly therof into forreign kingdomes), have weckely imprested 
them with my own moneis, and doe every Saterdaie pay them fiftie pownds 
sterling vppon accompt, not dowbting but in due tyme these moneis, and 
the 500" which I lent to supplie thextream necesseties of the soldiers his 
majesty's fleet landed heer, shalbe repaid me. Thus, sir, yow male see 
what libertie I take to trowble yow, which I wilbe as apt thanckfuUy to 
acknowledge and deserve as I am now to desire ; and soe with tendre of 
my best respects to yourself I wish yow all happines and take leav. From 
Lismoor the xvij"' of Julij, 1626. 

Your affectionate frend and servant, 


To the honnorable my noble frend sir Edmond Verney, 
knight- marshall of his majesty's howshould, at court, 
in haste, give these. 

Collection of the gir Tliomas Denton proceeded in the collection of the sums de- 
forced loan. 11,1. ,1 -11 II 

manded by the privy seals, and received, by an agent or collector 

named Robin Mell, amongst other amounts, and without am- indica- 
Hamixien'8 tiou that the payment was made on account, " 1626, April 28, of 
'•». "t^ ' • Mr. Jo. Hampden, 10"." The privy seal was certahily issued for 

13/. 6«. 8(/., but 10/. is all that Hampden appears to have paid.* 

His mother paid the 10/. required of her. 
otiier county Other subjccts also occupied the county at this time, and kept the 

usewnients and •' ^ mi i i i 

grievancea. dcputy lieutenants fully employed. The old composition in lieu of 
purveyance had become a subject of dispute, coat-and-conduct money 
was to ' be assessed, men were to be pressed or enlisted to be 
sent to the Low Countries, others who were to go to Portsmouth for 
the expedition to the Isle of Ilhe. Continual calls for payments on 

* So niuoli intiTest is attache*! to thc80 forced loans, especially in Bucks, that I shall 
print the account of the privy seals sent into that county in 1604 and ItjlJli, with tho sums 
received upon them, in an Appendix, Nus. I. and II. 


one account or anotlier gave rise to disputes between the hill districts 
of the county and those of the vale, each considering the other to be 
favoured by the assessors. In these and many other businesses, 
in which we get a view of the practical grievances which urged 
on the country to general dissatisfaction, sir Thomas Denton and 
sir Edmund Verney took the lead. The letters relating to them 
are not of a kind to print, but I will throw into the Appendix 
(No. III.) an account of the coat-and-conduct money for three im- Coat-and-con- 

„ 1 • I Ml 1 /> 1 • • • ^^'^^ money. 

pressments of men, which will show the nature or that imposition, its nature. 

Each hundred provided its levy of men in proportion to its size and 

the total number required ; one shilling was paid to every man on 

impressment; the "coats" of the men cost fourteen shillings each; 

one shilling per man was paid to a constable or other person as 

" conductor" to the place of rendezvous or embarkation, and there 

was also a payment for " conduct," or expenses on the way. The 

total sum was assessed on the hundreds separately, and the amount, 

as we have seen, was got back by the county from " the council of 

war " as it could — most frequently not at all. 

One letter relating to the disputes amongst the deputy lieutenants Quarrel be- 
is worth printing. The writer I take it was sir William Fleetwood, J'ooTwin and 
father of George Fleetwood the regicide and Charles Fleetwood ^i"" ^- ^^®®'^- 
Cromwell's son-in-law. Sir Francis Goodwin, the party in the cele- 
brated case of the contested return for Bucks in 1604,* and a very 
active magistrate, thought the public business, and especially that part 
of it relating to coat-and-conduct money, was greatly impeded by sir 
William Fleetwood. Goodwin wished to certify the facts to the 
government, and forwarded several statements to sir Edmund 
Verney. Sir Edmmid objected to them, and probably deemed it 
right to communicate with sir William upon the subject. The fol- 
lowing is his reply, written m semi-uncial letters, and signed with a 
dash which accords extremely well with the defiant tone of the 

* Howell's State Trials, ii. 91, 


Sir William Fleetwood to his brother deputy lieutenants of 

Euery one that doeth euill hateth the light, neither cometh to the light, 
lest his deedes should be reproued. But he that doeth truth coraeth to the 
light, that his deeds may be made manifest, that they are wrought in God. 
They are the wordes of our Sauiour, gentlemen, and therefore I may make 
bold to build vpon them, and not to shun to appeare in any light whereby 
my actions may be discoucred, I not being conscious to myself to haue don 
ought that is evill, concerning any of those points touched in your letter. 
In the name of God, therefore, certify what you please. All the fauour I 
desire of you is no more but that when you certify you will vouchsafe to 
send me a coppie of it, the bringer whereof shall not fayle of his reward ; 
and I shall euer therefore rest. 

Ready at the seruice of euery one of you, 

Willm. Fletewoode. 

Missenden, 14 Decemb. 1627. 

To the right worshippfull sir Edmund Verney, sir Francis Goodwin, sir 
Thomas Tirringham, sir Thomas Denton, and sir Francis Clark, 
knights, give these. 

Sir Francis Goodwin, when sending this letter to sir Edmund 
Verney, remarked, " You prophesied right of the answer, which if it 
be not really and by the effects replyed upon, wee shalbee sure tliat 
markets in the country and ordinary tables at London will ring of 
our letters." The consideration alleged does not seem to have in- 
fluenced sir Edmund, for we do not find any further papers respect- 
ing the matter. 
People require Among other county troubles may be reckoned the requests of the 
money* lent on People for the repayment of previous loans, or for permission to set 
privy Beaiii, off the suiiis duc on that account against the new amounts now de- 
Letter from the In the following letter the lord treasurer, James Ley earl of Marl- 
thereoiT*"'*'' borough, refuses to sanction any such repayment or set-off. His 
exception of those issued since tlie dissolution of the last parliament 
must have been ver\ nearly if not altogether inoperative, since that 


dissolution occurred only in June, 1626. It was probably inserted 
rather with a view of raising popular feeling against the members 
who, by not complying with the king's request for a supply, had with- 
held from him (as would be contended) the money out of which he 
might have discharged the previous loans. 

The earl of Marlborough to sir Thomas Denton. 
Sir, — Because I vnderstand from yow that you haue many demaunds 
made vnto yow for the repayment of money heretofore lent vpon privy 
seales, I have thought good to acquaint yow^ that the instruccons touching 
the loanes are, that the collectors therof shall only repay such moneies 
as were lent vpon privy seales issued since the dissolucon of the late 
meeting of parliament, and no otherwise, which yow may be pleased to 
observe. I rest, 

Your very assured freind, 

Febr. the 16th, 1626[-7]. 

To my very worthy freind sir Thomas Denton, knyght, collector for the 
privy seales in the county of Buckingham, these. 

In 1628 the king thought it right to make a careful inspection of inspection of 
the condition of the trained bands, an important part of the militia of {.andsTrthe 
the kingdom, and determined himself to be present at a general ^'^^s- 
muster on Hounslow Heath on the 2 1 st April. The following letters 
relate to this fresh addition to the expenses of the county. 

The lords of the privy council to the duke of Buckingham. 
After our very hartie commendacions to your grace. His majestie, out 
of his princely care and wisdome, foreseeing how necessary it is in these 
hostile and dangerous tymes to haue the trayned bandes within this kingdome 
to bee kept in such a warlyke preparacion that they may be readie vpon all 
occasions of present seruice ; and beeing informed that at this present tyme 
they are generally see ill provided and furnished that they are noe wayes soe 
fitt as they ought to be, if there should bee suddayne occasion to performe 
the service for which they are ordayned, and that not onely the defectes are 


frreat in those that doe show their horses and armes, but that many for 
saving of charges doe borrowe their horses and armes to showe as their 
owne, and many doe presume not to finde the horses and armes with which 
they are charged ; his majestic therefore thinkes fitt to take a muster and 
viewc of the horse of very many of the shei) es in his owne person, because 
the frequent direccions of this table haue not hitherto prayvaylcd to reforme 
the neglects and to supply the defects. For which purpose his majestic re- 
quieres your grace to glue direccions to all the hor.?d companies within 
your graces lieutennancie, as well in the countie of Buckingham as Middle- 
sex, to repaire to his majesties presence on Hown^low heathe by nine of the 
clocke in the morning on the one and twentith day of Aprill next, together 
with their captayncs and officers, to be mustered before him. And his 
majestic requiereth your grace that the seuerall bands be supplyed with 
their full numbers, and that the men, horse, and armes be all fit for service, 
wherein his majestic expects not that any man should put him selfe to extra- 
ordinary expencc for apparrell, but that eiierie man should appeare before 
him like a souldyer, well horsed, armed, and furnished, according to such 
direccions as you haue formerlie rcceaued by the printed instruccions. 

And that your grace doe giue commandment in the meane tyme to trayne 
the seuerall troopes frequently together, to exercise them to the vse of their 
armes, and to invre them selues to the order of service ; and, besydes, to 
giue them particular direccions twice or thrice a weeks at their seuerall 
dwellings to ryde their horses armed, and by such private practice to accus- 
tome them selues to the vse of their pistoUs and other armes, which will 
make them more prompt and ready when they come to their generall musters 
to recciue farther instruccions in the course of millitarie service. Wherein 
his majestic doth not doubt but that your care and dilligonce will bee such, 
that hee shall haue cause rather to commend your diligence and dutie in 
performing this great trust reposed in you, then any way to reprehend your 
slackiiesse or remissenesse in haueinge omitted any thinge on your parlo 
which might turne to the least damage or disscruice of his majestic. 

As for the recusants horses and armes, it is now required, as it hath bene 
heretofore directed, that cucry of them doe fyndo such horse and armes as 
they are charged with ; and that your grace or your de])uties doe appoint 
the men that shall serue for them to be trayned and exercysed. 

And his niajf^tic thttli let your grace knowc, that if anv man in this ^eiie- 


rail muster shall appeare with a borrowed horse, or armes, or in any other 
vnfittinge manner, hee will proceed against him as a highe contemner of his 
royall command, and as one that betrayes as much as in him lyes the honour 
of his majestic and the safetie of his kingdomes. And if any shall make 
default, and not appeare with his horse and armes as is hereby appointed, 
you shall send vp such person in safe custodie to appeare before this board. 
Lastly, because the apparant and eminent dangers from forraigne enymyes 
doe awaken his majesties care to aduise of all preuencions and remedies that 
may bee thought conuenient, both for the defects that may bee discouered, 
especially in those musters of horse, as allsoe in all other warlike provisions 
which the wisdome of former tymes hath found necessarie for the secureing 
of this realme from forraigne invasions, his majesties will and pleasure is, 
that your grace, togither with one or two of your deputie lieutenants, or 
more according to your discression, repaire hither to London on the seauenth 
of May next, to receiue such direccions from his majestic and this board for 
the perfecting of the musters of horse and foote and other warlike prepara- 
cions with in this realme, as vppon conference shalbee thought meet. And 
it is expected that you bringe with you the perfect state of all the militarie 
forces both of horse and foote with in your lieutennaucie. And soe wee bid 
your grace very hartily farwell. From Whitehall, the tenth day of Janu- 
arie, 1627. 

Lord keeper ; lord treasurer ; lord president ; lord admirall ; lord 
steward ; lord chamberlaine ; earle of Salisbury ; earle of Car- 
lisle ; lord viscount Grandizon ; lord bishop of Duresme ; lord 
bishop of Bath and Wells ; mr. treasurer ; master of the wardes ; 
mr. secretary Coke ; mr. chancellour of the exchequer ; chancel- 
lour of the dutchie. 
This is a true coppie of their lordshippes letter to mee. 

The duke of Buckingham to his deputy lieutenants of Bucks. 
After my very hartie comendacions. I haue sent you hereinclosed a 
copie of a letter which 1 haue receiued of the lords of his majesties priuie 
counsell, that you may see thereby what course his majestic intendeth for 
the discouerye of the many abuses that are committed by the traj-ned bands, 
both in their shewe of arraes and horses, and to redresse their vnprepared- 
nesse for seruice if occasion should require. And whereas there are diuerse 


things required of me by the said lettres to be performed, as tending to the 
furtherance of that seruice, I doe hereby earnestly recomend them all to 
your care, assuring my selfe that as it is extraordinary to haue a view taken 
by his majestic himselfe in person, who will not be partiall in any respect, 
so you will answerably foresee that all circumstances be obserued for dis- 
charge both of my dutie and yours, for the contentment of his majestic and 
the aduancement of the publique good. And so I rest. 

Your very louing frend. 
Whitehall, the 17 of January, 1627. 

The billeting of soldiers was another enormous grievance of those 
«>i«iiere a'very** days. The two next letters show how it was managed practically, 
groat grievance. Upon paper it looks wcU enougli, but none of the illegalities of the 
court roused such fierce opposition throughout the country. The 
soldiers were allowed to treat the people as if they were living in 
free quarters in a town lately captured. Property and even female 
honour was at their mercy. " They have rent from us the light of 
our eyes," exclaimed the then patriot Wentworth, when detailing 
the offences of the government, " enforced companies of guests worse 
than the ordinances * of France, vitiated our wives and daughters 
before our faces !" 

The lords of the council to the duke of Buckingham. 
After our very hartie comendacions to your grace, whereas wee fiiule it 
requisite for his majesties seruice to haue halfe the regiment of colonel 1 
Ramsey to be billeted in the countic of Buckingham, wee haue therefore 
thought good, according to his majesties pleasure signified in that belialfc. 
hereby to pray and require your grace to giuc effectuall order to your 
deputie lieutenants for the receiuing and billeting in most conuenient places 
within that countie, as neere as conuenicntly may be to the countie of Berk- 
shire, the said halfe regiment, which wee haue directed to be brouglit 
thither from the said countie of Berkshire. And for the moneyes to be 
(lisburste in this seruice, at the rate of 3*. 6d. a weeke for a man, vpon a 
iu8t accompt thereof giuen, our good lord the lord treasurer and mr. chan- 

* " Oentlitniiit tl>* tnilon iiain.s . " f(.m|.aiiiis of iiii'ii-at-arni!* institulcl, cr tiiftt plai c.l 
un.lci- ..»'/'/#, I.v Cliniloh VII. r.f |-|"M.r... 

VERNEY PAPERS, ^"^fe — T,'-^^^.^^ I33 

cellor of the exchequer will take effectuall order for repayment of the same. 
And soe wee bid your grace very hartily farewell. From Whitehall, the 16 
day of January, 1627. 

Lord treasurer ; lord president ; lord steward ; lord chamberlaine ; 
lord vise. Conway ; lord bishop of Duresme ; master of the wards ; 
master of the rolls. 
This is a true copie of their lordshippes letters to the lord duke. 

The duke of Buckingham to his deputy lieutenants of Bucks. 

After my very hartie comendacions. I haue very lately receiued lettres 
from the lords of the counsell, the copie whereof I send you hereinclosed, 
intimating his majesties pleasure for the placinge of half a regiment of 
souldiers in that countie, as neere as with conueniencie may be to the 
countie of Berks, wher the other halfe remaineth, by which you may per- 
ceaue in what manner I ame required to give order to you for repayment of 
the monny to be disbursed for that seruice after the rate mentioned, 
whearin I doe relye upon your care, of which I haue had so good experience 
in other afaires that I cannot doubt but, by the like in this, you will so 
order the businesse as may giue satisfaction on all parts. And so I rest, 

Your very louing frend. 

Whitehall, the 19 day of Januarye, 1627. 

The unpopularity of this illegal practice/ w^hich was frequently Peculiar unpo- 
resorted to by the court vindictively, as a punishment for opposition practice of bif- 
upon other points, may be inferred from the foUovy^ing return of a ''^^"^S soldiers. 
constable whose business it was to levy, upon part of the county, a 
proportionate part of the expenses of a billet ; — the undertaking to 
pay 3s. 6d. per week per man being, like all the other pecuniary 
engagements of the government, very difficult and uncertain in en- 
forcement. It will be seen that, with one partial exception, the 
parishes enumerated in this list unanimously refused to pay the quota 
assessed upon them. A Mr. John Pim and a Mr. William Pirn are 
mentioned among the parishioners of Brill. I have not been able 
to identify them as connections of the celebrated statesman. He, as 
will be remembered, was of a Somersetshire family. 




18 3 


13 fi 


Retuhn for the tiiref. hundreds of Ashindon of parishes 


A rctorne of those parishes that doe refuse to paye for the billiting of 
soldiers in my diuision with in the three hundreds of Ashindon. 

li. s. d. 

Chersly. Mr. Thomas Britwell, John Winter, with 

the rest 113 3 

Brill. George Carter, mr. John Pim, mr. WilHam 

Pim, mr. John Caswell, with the rest . . . 2 4 

Ilmor. Thomas Lyeborn, Edmon Brooks, with the 

Lurgesall. The whole parish .... 

Borstall. The whole parish .... 

Chilton cum Eastoundon. Sir John Crok with some 
others hath paid 14^ 6% and those whose names dooth 
heer folio refuseth to pay. Henry Bowden, constable 
of Eastundon, raaketh not his retourne for 7* 3'*. 
Edward Tredwell 2% Robert Takal 3^1, wido Sanders 
18'', Symon Chilton 2», Henry Bowden 6<>, wido 
Norkut 6'', wido Anut e*! 14 G 

Some is in retornes . . 9 9 6 

Per me, Edward Bulstrod. 

Sir Edmund Thc annuities granted by the king to sir Edmund Verney, together 

re!!!lkidTr of '° wIth tlic profits of his office of knight-marshal, soon began to have a 
cil ^T^" **' beneficial influence upon his private affairs. His property at Claydon 
had been a source of great trouble to him. The old lease granted in 
1535 for 100 years had })assed from the Giffards into the possession 
of mr. Martin Lister, and great contentions had arisen between him 
and sir Edmund Verney, respecting the ploughing of the pasture 
lands, the cutting of timber, and other troublesome questions between 
landlord and tenant. To put an end to all such disputes, and increase 
his means Ijy a profitable investment, sir Edmund Verney agreed, in 
1020, when the lease had but fifteen years to run, to pay a sum of 
4,000/. i'or its surrender. lie thought he was buying peace and a 


considerable addition to his income, and if he had possessed the 
4,000/. in hand, such might have been the results. As it was, being 
obliged to borrow the sum required, he merely involved himself in 
new and far more serious troubles. His own narrative of these pe- Pecuniary dif- 

^•ro ^ • • • ^ tt n i ficulties occa- 

cumary diinculties is very sunpie. " Heretofore,' he says, " my sioned thereby, 

meanes being small, I did, to my great charge, attend the late much 

renowned prince Henry, and my ever most honoured and famous 

prince Charles, my loving master, and for my better maintenance 

and supporting myself to do my best service to the said prince 

Charles, I did buy in a lease of Mr. Lister, which hee had of my 

landes, and thereby I became much in depte.'' The difficulties in 

which he was thus involved were at last so serious that he was 

obliged to make " the same knowne to his highnes," when " it 

pleased him to promise to pay unto mee 4,0001. by a thousand Generous pro- 

'- -^ -^ '' , mise of prince 

pounds yearely for fower yeares." Such an act of royal generosity Charles, 
was more in accordance with the will of prince Charles than with 
his meanes. '• According to his princely woord and promis he hath 
paid unto me," continues sir Edmund in 1623, "one thowsand 
pounds of the same," and as to the residue, " the said most worthy 
prince hath ever been so just of his word and promise that he Avill 
no doubt give order for payment thereof." * Whether it was ever 
paid I have not been able to find. Perhaps the pensions before 
mentioned were granted in lieu of its present payment. These dif- 
ficulties threw a shade over the life of sir Edmund for many years, 
nor does he seem to have mended his circumstances by purchasing a 
share in a patent granted by king James to Francis Nicholls, Jasper 
Leake, and Philip Eden, on the 25th May, 1619, for "garblinge 
[^.e. inspecting], viewinge, distinguishing, and sealinge of tobacco 
within the realmes of England and Ireland, the dominion of Wales, 
and the towne of Barwick, with the allowance of fower pence per 
pound for the same."t 

In the mean time his family increased. In addition to those ^'V'''"'™ °^ ®"' 

■^ Eilmund born 

we have named already, on the 28th of December, 1626, he 1G2G-30. 

* Verney MS. 3rd March, 1622-3. f Verney MSS. 1619-20. 


had a daughter born in London, named Gary; on the 14th of 
April, 1628, another daughter, named Mary; and on the 14th of 
February, 1629-30, a son, named Richard. As his children grow up 
the letters before us begin to sliow a little more of the actual position 
of the family, and the nature of the life they led amongst themselves. 
This is especially the case as soon as the eldest son began to be of 
age to have his own personal friends and correspondents, and his own 
kaij)!! Vcrney's private and separate interests. From an early period Ralph Yerney 
thrwriti^g a'n.i exhibited in relation to his correspondence all the most marked cha- 
prescrvation of racteristics of a methodical and careful nature. Every letter he 
received, even the most trifling, was duly endorsed and put away, 
whilst the blotted original draughts of the letters he wrote, all pre- 
served with equally scrupulous care, exhibit, in their alterations and 
transpositions, the curious pains with which he laboured to attain 
the pedantic style which was the e])istolary fashion, or rather the 
epistolary vice, of the period. His heavy compliments and conceits, 
hammered out with persevering study, were great favourites with 
himself, and, such was his forethought as a correspondent, that he 
anmsed himself in framing letters which might be ready upon certain 
possible contingencies. One of these, written with the greatest 
care and overflowing with compliments the most refined, remains 
among the vast mass of his correspondence, a monument of the 
writer's superabundant prudence, with the significant memorandum 
underwritten, " This was never writ to any body." 
General state of From this time it is easy to ascertain the general condition of the'iccmci'u ^^"^'^y- ^^^ example, at the commencement of 1631, when king 
of 1(531. Charles, released from foreign wars, was wasting the precious time for 

retrenchment and conciliation in Star Chamber persecution and the 
enforcement of an oppressive and illegal taxation, sir Edmund Veiiiey 
was in constant attendance at the court, though still residing in Di-ury 
Lane. Claydon manor house was an occasional place of retirement for 
himself, and a very frequent one for his wife and numerous family. 
Sir Thomas Denton, getting old and feeble, still occupied llillesdun 
house. His eldest son Alexander bad bec«n kniLrhted, and was 


married ; William, his youngest son, after having been educated at 
Magdalen hall, was practising physic at Oxford ; and the rest of his 
family were scattered about the world. His daughter Margaret, of 
whom we shall shortly hear, had been married to John Poultney, 
esquire, of Misterton in the county of Leicester, and was living at 
Langley Marsh, where sir Edmund Verney's mother, known in the 
family as lady Mary Verney, was her near neighbour. Sir Edmund's 
children now numbered eleven. Ralph, the letter- writer, his eldest 
son, was studying at Magdalen hall in Oxford, under the eye of his 
uncle, William Denton, and with the reverend John Crowther for his 
private tutor. Thomas and Edmund, the second and third sons, 
were at school at Gloucester. Sir Edmund's eldest daughter was as 
yet only eleven ; but there was residing in the family Dorothy Leake, 
a daughter of the sir John Leake mentioned in the letter of the earl of 
Cork. The fair and lively miss " Doll " was a general favourite, 
especially with Ralph Verney's college friends, some of whom were 
extremely pleasant fellows. 

Ralph Verney's Oxford tutor was a poor scholar, heartily tired of Ralph Verney's 
his monotonous and wearisome occupation, but ever ready to help his rev. John Crow^ 
pupils in any way. He read with them during their residence at t^^""- 
Oxford, selected and bought books for their reading when at home, 
sent them schemes upon schemes of study, wrote them many a 
foolscap sheet of good advice, and extended his assistance to matters 
lying far beyond the ordinary range of Oxford studies. Of his 
willingness in this respect we have to relate an obvious example. 

At Abingdon, close by Oxford, there had lived for several genera- The Biacknalls 
tions a family of the Biacknalls, people of good standing and un- *'^ ^^"'S^^""- 
doubted wealth. William Blacknall was an inhabitant of Abingdon 
when the town was first incorporated, and was elected on that 
occasion " one of the first bailiffs and one of the principal bur- 
gesses." He was also afterwards twice mayor. He left an only son 
of his own name, "who, being bredd up in learning, and a good 
estate left him by his father, lived in this [towne] a private life, 
without intermedling with the towne affairs." The second William 

CAMD. soc. T 


Biacknall had also an only son, John Blacknall, of whom I find the 
following account : — 

" He was borne within this borough [Abingdon] and bread in his youth 
at the free schoole, where being fitted for the universityc, he was placed by 
his father in Queenes college in Oxford, in which he profitted in learning. 
From thence he removed to the inns of court, and was admitted of the 
Middle Temple, where he applyed his studies to the reading of the common 
lawes, in which he soe well profitted that when he had time sufficient 
he was thought worthy to be called to the barr, and grew in good account 
and estimation for his learning and judgment in the lawes ; but, having a 
good estate in lands and rents to maintaine his reputation, he little esteemed 
the profitt of his practice, and therefore he was ready to give any man 
(especially the poorer sort) his advice and counsell without fees, and as one 
that loved peace and concord, and even naturally so averse from suites and 
quarrells, and alwayes laboured to take up contentious causes and to make 
peace between parties that were at variaunce. He was of an humble, meek 
spirit and gentle nature, affable and full of clemencie and curtesie ; for 
which his good disposition he was honoured and beloved of all that knewe 
him." * 

This good man married into the family of the Blagrovcs of 
Bulmarsh in Berkshire, and both in wealth and position must have 
Ocath of John been one of the foremost county men of his day. In 1625, du- 
I i»' wife 2l8t ^^^o what is still traditionally remembered in Abingdon as " the 
August, 1G25. great plague," ]\Ir. Blacknall and his wife both died of the pre- 
vailing disease " at one instant time,*' as is said, certainly on one day, 
tlie 21st August.f They left two daughters, Mary and Jane. The 
latter died on the 23rd September, 1626; when her sister, born the 
Mary Blacknall 14th February, 1615-6, became the sole heiress of a very considor- 
hllrt^.'^'"*^ i^We property, including the site of the Abbey of Abingdon, with the 

• " A Monument of Christian Munificence, wherein the honorable memory of the chief 
benefactors both to the old fraternitie of the holy Cross and the new foundation of the 
luwpitall of Christ in Abingdon, in the county of Berks, is registered, &c. By Francis 
Lilllc." Vi'moy MS. 2(1 S.-pt. 102", p. 38. 

f Ibid. p. 3i>. There dicl of the jilagu.- in Abingdon during that year 74 persons. 


manor of Wasing, in the county of Berks, and those of Preston Crow- 
marsh and Fifield in Oxon, together with lands in Aldermaston, Wool- 
hampton, Brimpton, Midgeham, and other places in Berkshire. The 
two daughters being, on the death of their father and in consequence 
of the nature of his property, wards of the crown, four of their ma- 
ternal relations, Anthony Blagrove the elder, Anthony Blagrove the 
younger, both of Bulmarsh, Richard Libb esquire of Hardwick in 
the county of Oxford, and Charles Wiseman esquire of Steventon 
in Berks, procured from the court of wards a lease of their lands, 
with the custody of their persons during their minorities, and the 
right of bestowing them in marriage, by payment to the crown of 
a fine of 2,000/., half of which was paid down, and bond given for 
the remainder. The object of this arrangement was to secure to the 
young ladies a careful education and the power of choosing a 
husband on attaining a proper age. The 2,000/. was just so much 
money which it was deemed by their relations worth while to pay 
out of their fortunes in oixler to release them from the oppressive 
power exercised over infant heiresses by the court of wards for the 
benefit of the crown. 

When the elder daughter died, the temptation of securing the Attempt of one 
property in their own family by marrying the survivor amongst °^^^<^'" 8"=^'"^'*"'* 

There is a monument to Mr, Blacknall and his wife in st. Nicholas church, Abingdon, on 
which the fact of their dying together is thus stated : — 

" When once they lived on earth, one bed did hold 

Their bodies, which one minute turn'd to mould ; 

Being dead, one grave is trusted with that prize 

Untill the trump doth sound and all must rise ; 

Here death's stroke, even, did not part this pair, 

But by his stroke they more united were ; 

And what left they behind you plainly see. 

One only daughter and their charity ; 

What though the first by Death's command did leave us, 

The second we are sure will ne'er deceive us." 
In the charade conclusion of this epitaph, Mr. and Mrs. Blacknall are probably to 
be understood as "the first" and their charity as "the second." The inscription was not 
put up until after the death of the younger daughter. The delay is said to have arisen 
from the town being for some time forsaken and almost depopulated in consequence of the 
visitation of the plague. 


to inveigle her themselves was too great for three out of four of the guardians to 
with^hiss^nT withstand. The Blagroves and Mr. Libb, with the latter of whom 
Mary Blacknall resided, concocted a match between her and her 
cousin german, a son of IMr. Libb, and proceeded so far towards 
the accomplishment of their purpose that "the license was had, 
the wedding apparel bought, and the priest ready." Such a pro- 
ceeding was a clear breach of trust, the object of the arrange- 
ment effected in the court of wards having been to secure the 
heiress, as yet only in her eleventh year, a freedom of choice on 
arriving at the age of fourteen, which was the legal age of con- 
sent ]\Ir. Wiseman the fourth guardian defeated the plot of his 
co-guardians, by appealing to the court of wards. An order was 
immediately made that under the penalty of 5,000/. Mr. Libb should 
deliver the ward " unmarried, unafFyed, and uncontracted," to the 
care of sir John Denham, of Boarstall, in Bucks, one of the barons 
of the exchequer, and father of Denham the poet, to be brought up 
by his lady with her own daughters. This was on the 5th Decem- 
ber, 1626. Mr. Wiseman did not find it necessary to put this order 
in force. The other guardians abandoned their intention ; but the 
penalty of 5,000/. remained suspended over them m terrorem* the 
young lady in the mean while continuing to reside with ISIr. Libb. 

* Specimens of the thunder of tliis happily extinct tribunal may not be uninteresting to 
some of our readers. The first is the order to deliver the young lady to sir John Denham; 
the second a writ to the sheriff of Berkshire to give assistance. 

By the Kinoe. 

Wee will and command you, and everie of you, all excuses and dolayes sott aparte, 
forthwith after the receipt, sight, or knowledge hereof, to convey in safe and decente 
manner, the bodie of Mary Blacknall, our ward, vnto the howso of sir John Denham of 
Horostall in our countie of Bucks, knight, and to leave our said ward there with the said 
sir John Denham, and in his absence to leave her with his ladie, to be by her brought vp, 
amongest her owno daughters, vnmarried, vnaffyod, and vncontracted ; and fayle you not 
the accomplishment hereof vpon paino of you and every of you five thousand pounds. 
Yeoven vnder the scale of our courto of wardcs and liveries, the fifte day of December, in 
the second yeare of our raigne. 

To Richard Libbe, esq. one of the committees of our waj-d above 

iianu'd, and to all others to whoso custody our said ward shall 

come, and tc» ocry of them. 


Disappointed in their scheme of a home marriage, the three active Agreement to 
guardians tm'ned their thoughts, without a moment's delay, towards guardianship to 
the neighbouring gentry, and offered the young lady, at the same ^"^ Edmund 
time, to a sir Richard Harrison and sir Edmund Yerney. At the order to a 
desire of the elder Blagrove and Libb, sir Edmund Verney repaired JIIJ^^j^^" ^'^^ 
to Reading to confer with them, and at once agreed to take the 
young lady off their hands. 

Sir Edmund was to have an assignment of the wardship, — " with 
the allowance," as is alleged, " of the court," although it does not 
appear that any of them had a present intention of letting the 
court know anything about their bargain. The poor girl, thus 
unscrupulously dealt with, was to be delivered " for sir Edmund 
Verney, at the house of sir Francis Clarke, of Hitcham," to be by 
sir Edmund " further disposed of," and in due time to be married to 
his eldest son. Sir Edmund was to be bound to protect the 
guardians against sir John Denham, and all the terrors, both of con- 
tempt of court and of the 5,000Z. penalty, and was to discharge the 
bonds given for the remaining payment of 1,000Z. to tlie king. 


Charles, by the grace of God, Kinge, &c. To our trusty and welbeloved the shereife 
of our county of Berk [sic] greeting. Whereas our proces of iniunction bearing date 
with theis patents is awarded forth of our courte of wards and liveries against Richard 
Libbe, esq, &c. [reciting the injunction]; And for that the master and councell of our 
said courte thinck it fitt, and soe have ordered, that a writt of assistance should be 
awarded for decente conveying and setling of our said ward, according to the tenor of our 
said iniunction; Wee therefore will and command you, and by vertue herof authorize 
you, forthwith after the receipt hereof, to repayre to the house or dwellinge of the said 
Richard Libbe, in whose custody our said ward doth now remayne, and to the house of 
any other person or persons to whose custody our said ward shall come, and there to pub- 
lish our said iniunction, where vpon if any person or persons whatsoeuer to whose custody 
our said ward shall come doe refuse to obey and convey our said ward according to the 
tenor of our said iniunction, that you doe forthwith take and seise the bodie of our said 
ward, and safelie to deliver her into the custodie of the said sir John Denham, or his 
lady in his absence, according to the meaning of our said iniunction, not fayling the 
accomplishment hereof, as you will answeare the contrarie at your perill. Yeoven vnder 
the seale of our said courte, the fifte day of December, in the second yeare of our raigne. 



These were the terms of the agreement, which was dated the 22nd of 
December, 1626, and the body of the young lady was to be dehvered 
to sir Edmund on or before that day week. 

But difficulties intervened. Mr. Wiseman, when consulted, gave 
his consent to the arrangement, " for that the ward was like to be 
abused by her other guardians ; " but he stipulated very properly, 
that she should not be forced in marriage by sir Edmund, but should 
be well bred " and be allowed to make her choice at years compe- 
tent." Still there were difficulties. In 1628 we find the ward 
pc"rformanTof remaining with IVIr. Libb, and the agreement with sir Edmund 
the agreement, vuifulfillcd. Sir Edmund appealed to the coui-t of wards. The 
decree was in his favour.* The agreement was substantiated on all 
points, and ordered to be carried into execution. The young lady 
was immediately afterwards delivered up to sir Edmund, like a 
chattel which he had bought, and on the 31st May, 1629, when the 
unprotected girl was still under fourteen, she was married to Ralph 
MurriuKc of Verncv. The drafts of the following letters written by the voung 

Ralph Venicy *' ^ ./ .- c 

an<i Mary bride and her mother-in-law, lady Verney, to Mrs. Wiseman, an- 

Biacknaii. nounciug the event, but not naming the day of the marriage, arc 
in the handwriting of sir Edmund. 

Lady Verney to mrs. Wiseman. 
Mrs.Wiscman, — Your noccc and my sonne are now marred; God send them 
as much happiness as I wish them, and then I am sure it will be to all our com- 
forts. She desired soe much to have it privatly done as we had very few pre- 
sent att it ; but now it is past I hope wee shall see Mr. Wiseman and your- 
self heere, whcr, though you shall not find a wedding feast, yett I will assure 
you of the heartiest wellcome 1 can give ; and shall allwayes rest thanckfull 
to you for the favour. Mr. Verney is gone to courte, but commanded mee 
to present his loue and service to yourselfe and Mr. Wiseman. Soe, 
desiring you to receave the tender of my seruice to you boath, with my 
loue to your dawghter, I reste 

Your affoctionafe friend to serue you. 

• Trinity Tiriii, t Cur. 1. Vvriioy M.S. 


Mrs. Ralph Verney to mrs. Wiseman. 

Good Aunt, — Besides the desire I haue to heare of yoiu* health and my 
vncles, I thinck it fitt to acquaint you that now I am maried, in which 
state I hope God will give mee his blessings and make it happy to mee. 
Sir Edmund and my lady would haue had you at the marrage, but I prayed 
them it might be priuatly done, and soe it was, for neyther sir Thomas 
Denton nor his lady were present att it. And as I had your louing 
advice to it, soe I assure myself I shall haue your prayers for the good 
sncces of it. I praye you present my seruice to my good vncle and your 
self, with my best loue to all my cussens ; and soe I rest 

Your louing neece to serue you, 

M. Verney. 

Mrs. Wiseman's answers let us a little further into the secrets of 
the transaction, and shew the charitable feeling with which it was 
regarded by " aunt Libb." 

Mrs Wiseman to lady Verney. 

Good Madam, — I am glad to hear of my neeses raarigh with your sonne. 
I pray God send them as much joye and happines as euer anye cuppell 
had ! I could haue wissed that sir Edund Verney would haue settelled his 
land vpon them, accoring to his promise befor they had bine maried, I 
make no douth but he will dou it accoringe to his word, otherwise hir frinds 
will blame Mr. Wiseman and me, whoe weare the case of the mache, and 
my neece will do the like when shee shall com to vnderstand whatt shee 
hath done ; wherfor, good madam, will you be a means to haue it don, and 
I will be allways redy to do them any sarues. 

I humbelly thanke you for your kind inuitacione : I will haue a tim to 
wayt on you. Our accasion of bilding this sommer is great, wich will be 
the let. Good madam, let me intreat you that your sonne and daftere may 
com to Abington, to be better acquinted with ther owne. I desir my 


seruis and Mr. Wiseman's may be presented to sir Edund Verney and your 
selfe, and our due respecks to all yours. I rest 

Your faithful! searuant to searue you, 

Mary Wiseman. 
Steuenton, this 2()th of June, 1629. 
To the much honored lady, the lady Verney giue, giue [*jc] this. 

Mrs. Wiseman to mrs. Ralph Verney. 

Good Neeis — Your vncle and I ever intened this mache, but allways 
desired you that you would dowe nothing without our aduice, wich wold 
haue bine the better for you both. You haue be gune with obedience vnto 
them, I desir God that you may allways honnor them as your parants, for 
so nou thay be, and God will giue a blesinge vpon you. Your vncle and 
my selfe haue had a great care of you allways, and is such ingaged for you 
wich may be a great lose to him if God shall take you away be for you 
com of age. I pray God you my be both as happie in your mariage as ever 
aney wear, and it will be a great joy to my heart, for your aunt Lyb sayth, 
that shee hoppeth that I shall repent the mach as much as any thing that 
I euer ded, but I haue a betere beleafe. I pray God to blesse you bouth 
with health and happines. I rest your faithfull and louing aunt, 

Mary Wiseman. 

To my most assured louing neese, Mrs. Mary Verney, 
giue this att Hylsdon. 

The married couple did not live together for a considerable time, 
and, if I put a right construction upon the next letter, an endea- 
vour was made by INfary Blacknall's friends to induce her, when 
she came to the legal age of consent, to reinuliate her mar- 
riage. She seems to have been staying with some of her relations 
in 16.31, and to have been visited by Ralph Verney whilst pursu- 
ing his studies at Magdalen hall. She attained her fourteenth year 
on the 14th February, 1629-30, St. Valentine's day, as Mr. Francis 
Little, the author of the " Monument of Christian Muniliccnce," is 
careful to remind us. There is no trace of her beinix :il C'lavdun at 


that time. Six months afterwards, on the 6th August, 1631, whilst 
Ralph Vemey was passing his vacation at Claydon, a special mes- 
senger arrived from Oxford, bearing a mysterious letter addressed to 
him by the trusty Mr. Crowther, who, in addition to his other good 
services, seems to have been kind enough to be the channel of com- 
munication between the young couple. 

The rev. John Crowther to Ralph Verney. 

Worthy Sir, — Had not the hope of the fruition of your company beene 
more esteemed by mee then the importunity of all my other friends, my 
return had not been soe speedy as 'tis now, but the missing of that which I 
most desyred, ioyned with other urgent buisnesse, hath made me to request 
the one and make manifest to you the other. You know how the case 
stood between the partyes at your departure from Oxford ; and the promise 
which you faythfuUy made for your best furtherance therein ; the buisnesse 
is now againe on foote and likely to come to ishew ; only there lackes your 
presence and helpe fully to accomplish it, which they both now expect and 
desire. I know your noble nature will not let passe any occasion of doing 
good, much lesse that wherein your selfe stands a party engaged. You 
would do well then for a small time to withdraw your selfe from your best 
beloved friends, which not long after you may more fully enjoy ; rather 
then let slippe this occasion, which if not now performed is not likely ever 
to be ended. Thus, not doubting of your assent in your soone personal! 
comming, I take my leave, and rest 

Yours to be coramaunded whilst his owne, 

[Signature torn off.] 

Oxon: August 6th, 1631. 

Wee expect you on Munday at the farthest ; in the interim your answer 
by this messenger, that we may provide accordingly. 

To my much honored and approved friend Ralphe Verney, esq. 
at Mid-Cleydon, bee these d d. 

This letter arrived on a Saturday. The Monday following saw 
the young student at Oxford, and the next we hear of him is in 



II letter from his reverend tutor, written sliortly afterwards, wariiin<j: 
him against too great devotion to liis "Hymen's dehghts," witli 
assurance tliat " the sweetnesse of a kisse will relish better after the 
harshness of a syllogisme," and much similar matter in a very high- 
flown amatory strain. Some friend of the reverend gentleman has 
torn off his signature from tliis and the preceding letter. 
Abuse of the J l,^yy dwelt the longer upon this transaction, on account of the 

court of wards ... , , , . . , / , , . p ■, ^ p 

one of the great msight wluch it givcs uito the systcui and workmg ot tlic court ot 
grievances of ^ygj-jg There Were times when the authority of that tribunal was 

the reign of ....... 

ciiarles I. administered in a paternal spirit, which tempered its inquisitorial 
cliaracter, and converted its power into a protection for weakness 
and inexperience. Under Charles I. it became a mere engine of 
extortion. In the present case the marriage was ultimately a happy 
one, but what trouble befel the poor child from the very moment of 
her fathei*'s death, how little regard was paid to her feelings or hai>- 
piness, what contention was she, or rather was her property, allowed 
to become the subject of, what trickery was brought under the notice 
of tlie court, and permitted to pass without censure. So that the 
crown obtained the 2,000^., it mattered little what became of the 
ward or of her estate. Sir Edmund Verney in his suit for the per- 
formance of his agreement, distinctly states the cause of quarrel be- 
tween himself :uid the elder Blagrove to have been, that sir Edmund 
would " not connive to allow him some part of the wai-d's inherit- 
ance, for which, he pretended, the ward had nothing to shew." It is 
difficult to conceive what frauds may not have been carried into 
execution under the power committed by that tribunal to jobbing 
purchasers of wards. And the iniquity increased as the king's need 
became greater. Lord Cottington, appointed master in 1635, raised 
the revenue from the court of wards to a nmch greater amount 
than it had ever been before :— " by which husbandr}," lord Chu'cn- 
don allows, " all tlie rich families of England, of noblemen ami jien- 
tiemen, were exceedingly incensed, and even indevoted to the crown, 
looking upon what the law had intended for their jn-otection and 
and preservation to he now apjilied lor their destruc-tion : and there- 


ibre resolved to take tlie first opportunity to ra\'ish that je\^ el out of 
the royal diadem, though it were fastened there by the known law, 
upon as unquestionable a right as the subject enjoyed anything that 
was most his own." (Hist. Rebell. lib. ii.) It is characteristic of 
lord Clarendon to think it strange, or to wish his readers to think 
it so, that in political, as in other trusteeship, gross abuse should 
lead to forfeiture. 

The reception of Ralph Verney and his wife at Claydon made at 
first but little difference in the family arrangements. Ralph con- Ralph Vemey's 
tinned his studies at home under the direction of his friend correspondents. 
Crowther, who was a constant coi-respondent, and not the less so 
after he had mustered courage to solicit Ralph Verney to release The rev. j. 
him from " the discontented life " he led in Oxford, by procuring sir '■°^^*"*^''- 
Edmund to use his interest to obtain for him an appointment " in 
some nobleman or gentleman's howse who hath preferment in his 
gift," or '^ to go beyond sea with some embassadour, or chaplain to 
any regiment of souldiours which shall be sent over." The pupil 
was not ungrateful. In the course of 1632 the tutor was freed from 
Oxford drudgery and established as a poor Levite at Langley Marsh, 
in the family of Ralpli Verney's uncle and aunt Poultney ; whence 
he was transferred on the 23rd June, 1635, on the presentation of 
John earl of Peterborough, to the comfortable rectory of Newton 
Blossom ville, in Bucks, now remembered as once in the possession of 
bishop Warburton. From that time Mr. Crowther's correspondence 
slackened, and soon came to an end, but not his respect for Ralph 
Verney, which was evidenced a few years afterwards by his appoint- 
ment as one of the overseers of his will. 

Another of Ralph Verney's correspondents was the hon. James Hon. James 
Dillon, the eldest son of Robert lord Dillon afterwards the second "'"o"- 
earl of Roscommon, an Irish peer much employed ' by the govern- 
ment in the business of his native country. Lord Dillon had 
been converted from Roman Catholicism by the arguments of arch- 
bishop Usher, and his son was thereupon sent to Oxford to complete 
his education. Usher recommended liim as " a je\\ el of price" 
to the care of Dr. George Hakewill, the author of the Apology and 



istt-T of* Exeter college, avIio, " findino- him to be a } ouiig iium 
of pregnant parts, placed him in Exeter college under the tuition oi' 
Lawrence Bodley, B.D. nephew to sir Thomas Bodley, in the be- 
ginning of the year 1628: ia which college continuing some years, 
he became," continues Anthony Wood, "a person of several 
accomplishments, and afterwards earl of Roscommon in his own 
country of Ireland." * At Oxford he formed a strict intimacy 
with Ralph Verney, probably brought about by the circumstance 
that his mother was a daughter of the lord Ruttevant, afterwards earl 
of Barry more, of whom we have already had notice.f Verney 
and Dillon left the university about the same time, and Dillon 
shortly afterwards entered the service of the celebrated lord 
Straftbrd. After a few years, he married Elizabeth Wentworth, 
sister of the great lord-lieutenant, and by her was the father of a son 
christened Wentworth, after Strafford, who was his godfather. This 
is the Wentworth Dillon subsequently known in English poetical 
literature by his title of Roscommon, to which he succeeded on the 
death of Ralph Verney's correspondent in 1649. 

As a letter-writer Dillon had many of the affectations of the 
period, but he wrote with a free and easy pen, and occasionally 
in a strain of pleasant humour. The following, in which he addresses 
Ralph Verney as his " servant," and subscribes himself his " mis- 
tress," is an example of the affectations alluded to. It was written on 
his return from Oxford to Ireland. 

TiiK Hon. James Dillon to Kalpii \'kuney. 
Dcare Scruant, — You may expect from me an account of my iournay, 
and truely whilest it lycth in me to ansvvcre your expectation, I will lu-uor 
deceaiio you. Take one brifely then. Within two or tlirce dayes after my 
conuninn to the water-side from London, I (with many more) was entizcd 
a shiphoaide by a flattering winde. Where we were noe sooner in a readi- 
nesse, and «u»'n v|»p(ju the weighing of anchor, then there arose a terrible 
tempest, 'liic winds blew beyonde measure high, and the rayne fell downc 
soc uiolcntly and soe fast as one might hauc tliouglit that the flood-gates of 
lieanen had l»eene sett wide open. We l.nnle.l luesently, and tniel\ "iwas 
♦ Ufitiirs l-'iiMi, ii. .i'.Mi j |, ij;, 


well for us that we could doe soe, for had we stayed aboarde our Hues had 
beene all eudangered, though within harbor. How soe, doe you demande ? 
I will tell you, sir. Our barke was beaten vpp to a fulle sea-marke, where 
she had her bottome strucken out, and was vnseamed. Nor was it she alone 
that suffered in this storme. There was not a vessell on Chester water 
which escaped scott-free. You see, seruant, what a deliuerance this was, 
and how I haue beene preserued once more (and that peraduenture ere you 
are aware of me) to embrace you really, and in your proper person, as now 
I doe in my thoughts and thoese ideas of you which doe still accompany 
Your most affectionate and obliged Mrs. 

James Dillon. 
Cluncullan, this 24th of October, 1631. 
To my noble freinde Raph Verney, esq. at Mr, Kubberd's house in Chau- 
nell Rewe [*2c], right oner agaynst sir Henry Fines his stayres, 
deliver these. London. 

The direction of this letter introduces us to " Mr. Hubberd/' that Nathaniel Ho- 
is, to Nathaniel Hobart, another of Ralph Verney's correspondents, ^^'^ ' ^^^ 
whose letters are often extremely clever, and will speak for themselves. 
He was the third surviving son of sir Henry Hobart, baronet, lord chief 
justice of the common pleas, and ancestor of the earls of Buckingham- 
shire, who died on the 26th December, 1625. Nathaniel Hobart's con- 
nection with the Vei'neys arose out of his marriage with Anne, daugh- 
ter of sir John Leake,* niece of sir Edmund Verney, and sister of the 
Dorothy or Doll Leake who lived in the family at Claydon at the 
time of which we are now treating. Mr. Hobart studied the civil 
law, and took the degree of D.C.L. He was appointed a master in 
Chancery on the 14th July, 1652. On the restoration he was re- 
appointed by Charles H,, and was knighted on the 12th May, 1661. 

The letters of these and other correspondents soon become far too 
numerous to be printed entire, but there are many things in them 
which are worth preserving. I shall therefore string together 

* Misprinted " Beke " in Collins (Peerage, iv. 365, eJ. Brydges). Sir Nathaniel died 
on 19th February, 1673-4. (Lord Fermanagh's Genealogical Notes, Verney MS.) One of 
Nathaniel Hobart's letters, published in Gary's Mem. of the Great Civil War, i. 154, 
is addressed to a cousin, J. Hobart, and makes mention of a brother lately deceased. 
This letter is dated by the editor, Oct. 15, 1647. 


a few extracts, in chronological order, appending such slight illustra- 
tion as they may seem to need. 

Ralph Verney"s 1631. November 6th. I have sent you the astronomy notes, which I 
helps! '""^ ^^^'6 "°^ brought to a perfect and compleate head, save only one sheete 
containing the differences and computes of time, which I bad not time to 
finish. Had not I watched it late at night, I could hardly have despatched 
these. But you shall receive it also, with my intended method, as soone as 
possible 1 may. 1 have made it as yet my only studdy, at those times I 
am vacant from reading to schollers, and will not (God willing) take any 
other thing in hand till I have finished it. In the interim, I shall desire 
your paines in the reading of what you have alreadv. I desire, till you 
heare againe from me, that you only studdy your logicke and astronomy 
notes, I hope you may dispense with your pleasures to spend three or four 
houres in a day in the studdy of these. And for your recreation I have 
sent you the verses upon Felton enclosed,* with a coppy to your wife.f 

29(h. I have sent you my promised directions for your studdy, 

composed into a treatise and dedicated to yourselfe As for the 

generall scheme of the arts, and the rest of your astronomy notes, had not 
this taske (which I judged first most needfull) held me in hand, you had 
received [them] by this time ; but, God willing, 1 will send them you 
Oxford news, before Christmasse. The newes with us is, that Mr. Hodges | is restored, 
and is injoyncd to preach a sermon of Obedience uppon new yeares day. 
My lord Russell § hath left Oxford ; he went away this day. . , Mr. 
Maynerd || remembers his love to you. , . If it prove faire and you have 

* Lines commencing — 

" The famous duke supposed he could have tamed 
Reljelliou.s hearts, and in their stead have framed" — 
not worth printing. 

t Itov. J. Crowthor to Ralph Verney, dated from Oxford, 

X Kev. William Hodges, of Kxeter college, and afterwards vicar of Hnmpton, who 
I.ecn preaching against the corcmoniul rointroductions of this period. Sec Wood's Hist, 
and Anti.|. ii, ST-I-SS^ 

g William lord Russell, eldest son of I-'rancis the fourth earl, and himself afterwards 
the fifth curl of Bedford. He was of Magdalen College, Oxford. 

II Perhaps John Maynard the puritan divine, rector of M.iyticld in Sussex, aixl one .if 
tho Wostniinster of divines. He was of Magdalen Hall. Wood's Athena, iii. 
8i)2, ud. HIiita. 


done with my Bilson,* send him. Remember me to Mr. Aris f and his 
wife. J 

December ISth. I have not as yet sent you the scheme as 

promised in my direction, with your genealogy of the kings, but reserve 
them till I shall speake with you myself. There's one maine thing espe- 
cially, and which I know you'le account most necessary and willingly 
embrace, which I have not as yet initiated you in, scilicet, the grounds of 
geogi'aphy. When your strangers are gone, if you cannot have the leisure 
to come over hither, send but me word, and I'le attend you for a weeke or 
soe at Claydon till I have shewed you the principall grounds in that science, 
and shewed you by my former directions how you may make further pro- 
gresse yourselfe, I thinke it your most convenient course, before you go 
to London, when you come to take your sollemne leave of the howse,§ that Ralph Verney' 
you provide your plate against that time, and then present it ; for other- ^^^jg^^ 
wise, if you deferre it till after your departure, you will have it bruited 
both in the howse and towne, that you have gone away and have given 
none : which will tend much to your discreddit amongest those that know 
not your intent ; and though you bestow one after, when the rumour is once 
spread, 'tis hard to allay it after. Because I perceive you lacke paper, I 
have lefte halfe a sheete cleane and unwritten || 

23rc?. Since comparing your genealogy with our chronicles, I 

find it somewhat imperfect and also false in many places. I intend to 
supply and correct it, and to have it drawne forth after a better and more 
stately forme.^ 

* Some publication of the very learnea Thomas Bilson bishop of Winchester, author of 
"The true difference between Christian subjection and unchristian rebellion," "The per- 
petual government of Christ's church," and various published sermons. The first of these 
books, written by command of queen Elizabeth in defence of the revolt of the Low Coun- 
tries against Spain, was used with great effect in support of the anti-royalist cause in the 
time of Charles I. 

t The reverend John Aris, rector of Middle Claydon from 1630 to 1657. He also was 
of Magdalen Hall. 

+ The rev. J. Crowther to Ralph Verney, dated from Oxford, 

§ His college, Magdalen Hall. 

II The rev. J. Crowther to Ralph Verney, dated from Oxford. 

•H The same to the same. I have inserted this and other notices of the educational 
helps for which Ralph Verney was indebted to Mr. Crowther, principally to shew under 


1631-2, March \5th. I have sent yon the Bibles by Godwin : the rest 
of the bookes I have iu my studdy ready for you when you shall send for 
them. I sent you the note of them all before ; the lowest price I have 
Terms of a agreed with him for is 4/. 17*. I understand by your unkle * of that care 
domestic chap- ^^^ have taken for me since in seeking to procure me some convenient 
place, and that more particularly you have now aymed at my good in pre- 
ferring me to Mr. Poultney. I acknowledge myself much engaged unto 
you for this approvement of your love, and as long as my poore endeavours 
can be able to doe you any service you shall find me not unthankefull. 
The doctor tells me that you have proposed my living with him, under this 
condicion, that he shall give me an advowsion of his next living that falls, 
I know not the valew they are of, nor what age the incumbents are of, but 
I am perswaded that you will doe the best for me herein, and therefore in 
this I will repose myself on you. As for the present maintenance he shall 
give me, I referre myselfe to what you and your unkle shall judge fitte, or 
stand to his courtesy. I desire noe more then what may proportionably 
maintaine mee as befitting his creditte and service ; and to whatsoever he 
shall allow mee I will adde some annuall meanes of mine owne. As for 
my due and respectfuU observance of him, bee it not base servility, he shall 
find me as ofiicious as any. . . I have since at the sale of a study at the 
second hand mette with two bookes fitte for your use, and scarce to be had. 
Books. They are Grymston's Estates,f and the History of Venice ; | the former is 

at 20*., the other 10*. I have bought them already. If you like them at 
that price I will send them with the other bookes; if not, I'll reserve them 
for my own uso.§ 

what difficulties the men of that day hiboured in the acquisition of even the simpltst 
elementiin,' infornuition. 

• William Denton, M.D. youngest son of sir Thomas Denton, mentioned before, at p. 137. 
After practisinj,' physic for some years at Oxford, he removed to London, and was appointed 
physician to Charles I. Me lived in the metropolis through the whole time of the Civil 
War, and wius a constant friend .and correspondent of his nejjhew Ralph Vernt y. 

t The 1-jttates, I'Impires, and Principalities of the World. Translated from the French 
of P. D'Avilly, hy Ivlward Grimstono. Lou.l. IGl.''). Kol. (Watt's Uihlioth.) 

* Thu (Joncralc Historic of the magnificent statu of Venice. Translated fr i tin- 
original of Thomas dc luuigasscs, l.y W. Sluile. Lond. 161-2. I'\)I. 

§ K.v. .1. Crowlhcr I.. Ualph Vcrncy, dated from Oxford. 


1632. November l'2/h. My good ladieand aunt, — I received your letter Payment of the 
of the 7th of Julie last, whercbie I do understand that I must appoint one B^con'' 

to follow mie business to the lords that have the sale of the late lord 
chauncellor's* landes. I heare the landes are now sould or presentlie will, 
so that if I should neclect the time mie hope of getting weare at an ende ; 
and Mr. Gottes f hath promised me to further it with his own person unto 
the lordes ; and, though the bond be not taken in mie name, yet Mr. 
Gottes will ascerten the lordes the dett is absolutely myne, and that uppon 
composition with me the bond shalbe delivered out unto their lordshipps. 
So, mie worthie aunt, I do humblie entreat you to deliver the bond to this 
bearer Mr. Neave.j 

1633. Juh/ 27th. That I neyther writt unto you on Wednesday last, 
nor have hitherto sent unto Oxforde, wonder not. I have since my com- 
ming to towne beene soe much a troubled, soe much a perplexed, man, as I 
confess I could nor write nor speake nor thinke any thing but one, and that 
(alas !) a matter too sorrowfull, too sad for me to write or speake or thinke 
of. I have lost the faythfuUest she-freinde, as by letters from my lord of 
Corke I am too well assured, that ever I had or ever looke to meet with. 

My lady Digbyes deade,§ whom neither the teares of her father, nor Death of tba 
the sighs of her husband, nor the prayers of the poore, nor the moane „g|n-s ni^bv. 
of her friends, nor, in a wbrde, the petitions and desires of all that ever 
knewe or hearde of her, could with hold from the jawes [of J death. By 
death she is gone unto an endless life. But 1 will now withdrawe my 

* There are three other letters at Claydon upon this subject, dated 4th September 1628, 
7th November 1628, and 7th June 1629. The writer, a niece of old lady Verney, sir 
Edmund's mother, held a bond for 200^, dated 18th March 1617, given by lord chan- 
cellor Bacon to Thomas Sugar esquire, which was "all her poore estate." Through 
lady Verney she had been applying for several years, without effect, to the administrators 
of lord Bacon's property — sir Robert Rich, sir Richard Young, and sir Thomas Meautys. 

f A councillor of Gray's Inn. 

X Ann Blalieney to lady Verney. 

§ Venetia, daughter of sir Edward Stanley, of Tongue castle, in Shropshire, and wife 
of sir Kenelm Digby, a lady celebrated for beauty, frailty, and, after her marriage, for the 
strict practice of a ceremonial religion. Ben Jonson commemorated what he terms her 
" fair fame," in his poem of Eupheme, and the other wits of the time were no less affected 
by her death than Mr. Dillon. Her husband, it will be remembered, racked his chemical 
skill to preserve her beauty by cosmetics, and, after her death, strove to immortalise her 
features by a bust of copper gilt, set up in Christ cliurfh, Newgate street. The cosmetic* 


self from thoese thoughts, and compose myself the best I can for ennacting 

Books. the designes we resolved on at parting. By this berrer you are to receave 

Scheibler,* Ramus,t Tala?us+, Turbolds Grounds in Astronomic, and them 

in English, totrother with Ilackwell's Instructions.§ Next weokc you shall 

heare of my letter to Wheare || and other things. ^ 

Lord Carlisle's 1633. July 28th. Through your goodnesse I am imboldened to desier 
jilaiitation in . . , , , - .^^ ,., . .-^ i - • t ■ i i 

Coiinaught. JO" to mquire how my lord of (arlile s *♦ plantation m Ireland goeth 

forward. His lordship hath not the whole sheire to himselfe, for one of 
your welewishers hath a verball graunt of a little share in it. ff 

31*^ Before I came out of Ireland my lord of Carliel fol- 
lowed his plantation affaire him self here, by his agents eagerly there. Both 
found opposition then from my lord of Rannelagh and sir William 
Parsons, tow wise and well-pursed men, who to side with them drew my 
lord of Corke. On the other side, I perceave the chauncellor Loftus, 
partely out of enmity to the adverse party, partely to gaine my lord of 

availed but little against the great conqueror. The bust was injured in the fire of Lon- 
don, and was last seen, ten years afterwards, by a strolling antiquary, at a broker's stall in 
Newgate street. Equally unfortunate were the plaster casts which sir Kenelni possessed 
Of her hands and feet, as well as of her face. Everj' memorial of her beauty has dis. 
appeared, except the lines of Ben Jonson — " Sitting and ready to be di-awn" — and her 
portraits by Vandyke. These constitute a double immortality, whatever else may have 
been lost. 

• Christopher Scheibler, a professor of the university of Giessen, and afterwards of 
Dortmund, who wrote on logic and metaphysics, is doubtless the author alluded to. Two 
of his books were reprinted at Oxford, in 1637 and l(i57. 

t Some work of the celebrated Peter Ramus, the first to assault the Aristotelian logic. 
There had been editions or translations of the most important of his works printed before 
this time in England. 

X Audomar TaUcus, an author of the sixteenth century, who wrote principally upon 

§ Probably some book of Dr. Ilakewill, alluded to i.t p. 148, but I du not find it in 
the list of his pulilished works. 

II " Degorie Whearo (the first Camden professor of history at Oxford] is not at Ox- 
ford, therefore have I not sent awaye my letter." J. Dillon to Ralph Verncy, 13tli 
August, 1033. 

^ James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from London. 

•• James Hay earl of Carlisb'. a favourite of James I., remembered principally for Uia 
singular extnivagance. 

tt Ralph Verney to Janios Dillcn. fi,,ii, Clavdoii. 


Cavliel, whom he had occasion to make use of here, was content to be easilie 
wrought to further, soe much as in him laye, Carliel's business. Thus, of 
all hands, they tugged, when I came awaye. Since, all theire addresses 
were made to the king, who in particular has referred all to the deputy.* 
This I learned within this quarter of an houre from my lord Wilmot to 
whom I went purposely to enquire after this matter. Thus have you the 
present state of this affaire, whereof I thinke more cannot be absolutely said 
ere the deputy comes to declare himself.f 

1633. August ISfh. Here lay a letter dormant this twelve monethes to 
the deputy of Ireland for the proportion of a thousand acres of land in 
Connaght. This letter hath beene sent for by Mr. Gilford, who obtained 
it from his majestic. It hath been sent for, I saye, within this two dayes, 
so that it should seeme the deputy beginns to declare himself for the planta- 
tion there. This day I will write to my father. — This from the company 
now come in I heare.J 

17th. I am easily persuaded that the deputy (as well for his 

owne benefit as the king's) would gladly have the plantation in Connaught 
goe forwards. If wishes could prevaile I know who should have a share in 
it ; but no more of this.§ 

September 18th. Out of Ireland this I heare ; that the deputy ^'"P''"''"j^jj.^ 

doth rather imperiously overtopp both the earle of Corke and the lord chan- strafford. 

cellor, then become of eyther of theire factions, or take eyther of them to 

side with him in his wayes. He hath too (I am tould) warned the countrie, 

that if men come not to him to compound for defective titles, they must looke 

for plantations, which (they say) are very likely to go forward in Connaught 

and elsewhere. This I heare, but not from my father ; yet I advertise it, 

that if any vse be to be made thereof it may be donne in tyme. || 

October 26fh. There is a late packett come out of Ireland, which 

advertiseth that sir William Parsons, in the name of the countie of 
Wickloe (where my Lord of Carliel promises himself a plantation), hath 

* Lord Strafford, then viscount Wentworth. 
f James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from London. 
X James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from London. 

§ Ralph Verney to James Dillon, from Clay don. 

II James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from London. 

156 \ i:knkv papkks. 

submitted hiiii selff unto the dcputie, and now without more thought of 
opposition referred all unto him. Make what use hereof yow thinke fitt.* 
Irish letter- 1633. October 30th. How strangely doe letters out of Ireland hither 

contradict one the other ! Nay, and from one and the same man ! Lewis 
(my lord of Carliel's agent in Ireland) writes unto a familiar freinde of his 
aboute the court what my last unto you advertised of sir William Parsons, 
and the same Lewis writes unto Webb a tale directly contrary. WTiat to 
make of this I cannot well tell, unles that peradventure he desires to make 
Webb as much a stranger to this business as he can, and withall to get 
some papers under this pretence out of Webb's hands, which doe not a little 
concerne this business, and yet (I heare) lie in Webb's hands. I have 

Sir Edmund Sir Ediiiund Yorney attended upon Charles I. on his journey into 

j"^nto^Sp,/t*'^ ^ Scotland to be crowned, in May, 1633, being appointed for that 
land, in 1033. purpose oue of the gentlemen of the privy chamber.^ The visit to 
his native country was a most unfortunate one to the sovereign and 
to Laud, his episcopal — soon to become his archiepiscopal — adviser; 
and it was scarcely less so to sir Edmund. At Newcastle, on 
their way to the north, sir Edmund met with an accidental 
fall from his horse, of a very serious character. The rumour 
ran, even to Gloucester, where his sons Thomas and Edmuiul 
were at school, that he had been killed.§ In spite of his hurts, 
he went on with the king to the north, but suft'ered from his 
accident for a long time after his return. At Edinburgh, whilst 
his master was throwing away his popularity by disregarding the 
opinions and prejudices of his northern subjects, sir Ednnnul ac- 
(juired the reputation amongst the Scots of being "a lover of their 
nation." || It was the 20th July ere the king, with sir Edmund in 
attendance on his majesty, returned to Greenwich, " having come 

• Jonien Dillon to Ralph Vorney, from London. 

t JanieH Dillon to Rulidi Vorney, from London. 

: ('iirlislcV (i.'ntl.nien of the Privy fhamher, \>. 10.-. 

5 Vcrney MS. 'iltli Juni-. Hi:?:!. 

II HailliiV l,rttn-h, i, lil.'i. 


post from Barwick," notes Laud in evident amazement, " in four 

In the following September, sir Edmund was called into Bucking- 
hamshire by two important domestic incidents. On the 12th, lady Birth of Eiiza- 
Verney gave birth to Elizabeth, sir Edmund's thirteenth and last niMd's^thir- 
child, and on the 19th, sir Thomas Denton, the old knight at teemh and last 
Hillesdon, who had long been failing, breathed his last. Ralph 
Verney announced the latter event to his friend Dillon in a letter, Death of sir 
the draft of which displays in its numerous corrections the amount °"^^* ®"*°"' 
of labour which the customary application of scriptural phraseology 
cost some at least of the writers who indulged in it.t 

1633-4. February 22nd. Wee country clowns heare various reports of Inquiry as to 
Mr. Prinn's censure. Some say hee is to loose his hand and eares, others tem^ein the star 
say his hand only; a third sort there are that say neither hand nor eares, chamber, 
but hee must pay 6,000", and endure perpetuall imprisonment. I know 
none can relate the truth of this better then your selfe, for you love not 
pleasing amatory dreames in a morninge slumber, nor lazie streachings on a 
downiebed; noe, your spirit scornes such soft contentments. I dare say 
you rise earlv every starr chamber day to heare the sage censures of the 
grave councellours ; to you therefore I fly for information, which I am con- 
fident you will not denie to your friende and servant, R. V4 

26th. I did but even now receave a letter from you, wherein you Account of what 

desire an account of Mr. Prinn's censure. To satisfie you therein. He is g^j. chamber^on 
to be degraded in the universitie, disbarred at the innes of court, he was passing sentence 
fined in foure thousand pounds by some, by others in 5,000li, in 6,000«, "P°" Prynne. 
in 10,000'S but which of these does now stand I cannot resolve you; 
because I counted not in which of these summes most of the lords did 
agree, but I believe it was in 4,000''.§ He was withall condemned to the 

* Laud's Diary, p. 48, ed. W^harton. 

t Verney MS., 27th September, 1633. 

X Ralph Verney to James Dillon, from Claydon. 

§ In a sentence of such frightful enormity, 1000/. more or less is of little moment, but 
the amount was 5000^ It was customary in the Star Chamber to take the average of the 
f^uggestt'd sums. 


losse of his eares, whereof he is to parte with one at Westminster, with the 
other at Cheapside, where, whitest an officer doeth execution on him self, 
the hangman is to doe execution on his booke and burne it before his face. 
He is withall to sufiFer perpetuall imprisonment by the decree of the starr 
chamber. There were of the lords that counted this not enough ; they 
would have his nose slitt, his arme cutt of, and penn and inke for ever with- 
held from him, but these were but fewe and theire censure stood not. 

My lord keeper* came not that day into the starre chamber, but there 
was my lord tresorerf with most of the lords that usually come thither. 
He was that day pronounced an offender against the king, the queene, the 
commonwealth, the church — nay Christ himself (saied some), to whom he 
envied the honnour due to his name. His booke was, you may remember, 
against playes,J whereupon the archbishop of Canterbury tooke occasion to 
saye, that though he was noe enemie to the lawfull use of them, yet he 
never was at any in his life, howbeit others of his coate could gett under 
the dropps of waxed candle at a play, to be observed there, and therefore 
counted noe puritans. This I observed spoken upon the bye, and therefore 
I take notice of it to you, because I am persuaded that you understand whom 
it is that this concernes. There were other observable things at that cen- 
sure, but these seemed to me to be the most, and even these suffice to make 
this exceed the just measure of a letter, which (if Seneca be to be credited) 
should be perspicuous and short. My service, I pray, sir, to my lady 
Verney, Mrs. Verney, my brother Doll ; § your uncle doctor, || and I shall 
onoly crave the esteeme of your freinde and servant, Ja. Dillon.H 
Plantation of 1633-4. March \' Some tenn days agoe hither came sir George 

Connaiight. Wentworth (the deputy his brother) out of Ireland — my lord of Valentia (one 

• Coventry. 

t Wp.ston, created earl of Portland in 163-. 

X Ilistriomastix. The players' scourge or actors' tragsedie, Lond. 4to. 1633. 

§ Dorothy Leake, between whom and Dillon there waa great romping and familiarity. 
In a previous letter we find that she had complained of him for ruhhing the skin otf her 
lips. lie replied — " See my goodness ! I am readie to rulihe of the skinn of my owne, 
and that uppon hers, to make her amends." In another recent letter he sends her "a 
dozen of gloves, Tenn of thorn," l>o continues, "were (I confess) long since due unto 
her ; the other tow I menn to make her deserve when I meet her next." 

II Dr. William Denton. 

f Til Ralph Verney, from London. 


of the councell there, but now here) tells me, about the choyse of commis- 
sioners for the plantation of Connaught. Whither it be soe or noe, twill 
be (I presume) noe difficult matter for you to learne, nor when you have 
learned, to resolve on what you have to doe.* 

1633-4. March I9th. Thetowne heardlydid ever more abound with newes 
then now it doeth. It sayes thatWallesteine, by command from the emperor, Foreign news, 
is murdered in Germany ; that the great Turke sends forth his edicts through 
the worlde to call the Jewes backe to theire Palestine, and the building 
of theire new Jerusalem ; that the French fleet and the Duch are both 
uppon [the] coast of England ; that the King of France is by the Duch 
and French proclaymed king of the narrowe seas ; and that the English 
are banished France. Oxensterne is now in towne ; and here is the 
king looked for to morrowe. This I thinke is enough for me to write 
in one letter, and ennough for you to beleeve at one tyme. I therefore 
trouble you with noe morcf 

1634. November 2\st. There is noe newes of any thing that concernes Lord Russell's 
us, but that our old friend, my lord Russell, | is newly come out of France, 

and in my judgment much betterd by his travels § 

1635. May I3ih. The earle of Sussex, || I heare, is the prime man of Tbe earl of 
the Radcliffes, and one unto whom our sir George here ^ is a kinsman. 

You are an understanding man, and therefore of this I shall need to saye no 

Jutie 20th. For my lord of Sussex — " the prime man of the 

Ratcliffes" — I must tell you he is old, and his estate soe low, that few of 
his kindred can gaine any thinge by his death, and therefore 1 conceive he 
cannot do much with sir George ; besides all this, hee is under a clowd at 

* James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from London. 

f James Dillon to Ralph Vemey, from London. 

J See before, p. 150. 

§ Ralph Verney to James Dillon, from Claydon. 

II On the death of the earl of Sussex, the lord chamberlain of Elizabeth, the title 
descended to his brother, who died without issue in 1629. The next heir was sir Edward 
Ratcliife, son of sir Humphrey Ratcliffe, of Elstow, co. Bedford. This is the gentleman 
here alluded to. 

^ Sir George Ratcliffe, friend of lord Strafford, whose correspondence was edited by 
Dr. Whitaker, 4to. Lond. 1810. 

** James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from Dublin. 


court, that I may use your own language, " you are an understanding man, 
and therefore I shall need to say no more."* 

Ciavdon in '^^^^ J^'^^' ^^'^^ ^^'^^ ^ ^"^J ^"'^ "^ *^^^ fiimilj at Claydon. Ralph 

iG;i4 and 1635. Yernev and his wife, the hitter of whom had suffered from several 

miscarriages, and also from the death of a child born and christened 

on the 21st July, 1632, and buried on the 22nd, were gratified on 

the 16tli September by the birth of a daughter, christened Anna 

Maria, — Dillon being her godfather. In 1634 Edmund Yerney, 

Ralpli's second brother, was transferred from his school at Gloucester 

to Wincliester college ; Henry, the next son to Edmund, was sent to 

Thomas Vemey. Paris to acquire a knowledge of foreign languages; Thomas, the 

second son, was unfortunate even from the commencement of his 

career. Immediately after he left school he got into trouble about 

a love affair. His fatlier being displeased, resolved to send him out 

as a settler to Yirginia. The arrangement of the details fell to lady 

Requiremenis Verney. An emigration broker or agent, one J\Ir. John Sadler, at 

of an American ^jjg j{Qf[ Lj^j^ jj^ Bucklcrsburv, was Consulted, and gave the foUow- 

settler in 1635. , , , ^ , , • ^ . , 

ing advice, which sets forth the requirements ot an emigrant settler 
in America in those days : — 

If it will please sir Edmund and your ladyshipp to bee ruled by my 
aduise, your sonne shoold have with him iij seruants at least, which may 
bee had heare at a dayes warninge ; if I were to send 40 servants I coold 
have them heere at a dayes warninge ; but, indede, I dcsierd, if it were 
possible, to have him bringe a cooper out of the country, which wee cannot 
get soe redily heare. Euery servant hee sends over will stand him in xij" 
his passage and apparel fit for him, with other charges. After his cumming 
into Verginniai, I doubt nott but by frends I have there hee shall bee well 
acomodated for his owne person, and at a resonable rate, and his men maye 
likewise be taken of his hande and dyated for theyre worke for the first yeare, 
and with some advantage to your sonne besides ; then the next yeare, if hee 
shall like the cuntry, and bee mynded to stave and settell a plantati(m 
him si'lfe, those servants will bee seasoned, and bet- enabli'd to direct such 

* Ral|,li Vciri.'V I.. .lames Dillon, IVi.m Clay.loii. 


others as shall bee sent vnto him from hence hearafter, or if hee shall nott 
like the cuntry, then hee maye sell theyre tyme they haue to serve him vnto 
other men that haue neede of servants, and make a good bennifitt of them, 
as alsoe of all such things as he shall carry with him, for ther is nothinge 
that wee carry from hence but if it cost 205'. heare in England they doe 
geeve there for it 30*. 

Now, for his owne proper acomodation, I must intreat your ladiship that 
hee maye bringe vp with him a fether bed, bolster, pillow, blanketts, 
rugg, and 3 payre of sheets, vnless you will please they shalbee bought 
heare ; it is but a spare horse the more to bring them vp. And lett nott his 
staye bee longer. If hee had cum vp nowe, I had then beespoack for him 
that acomodation (in regard of the intimasie I haue with the owners of the 
shipp) which he cannott haue in every shipp that goeth thether ; for hee 
shoold haue layne in the gi-eat cabbin, which is more then an ordenary 
curtesie ; but I am afeard if the wynde cum fayre for them to bee gon, that 
tlieye will not staye past iij. or iiij. dayes longer at most. But, howe ever, 
ther shalbee nothinge wantinge in mee toe doe the best I can to gett him 
the best acomodation I maye in some other shipp, if hee doe cum toe late. 

Maddam, the reson why I intreat your ladyshipp that hee may haue with 
him for his owne particular vse a fether bed, bolster, blanquetts, rugg, 
curtaynes, and vallence is, that, althogh many howshowlds in Verginia ar soe 
well provided as to enterteyne a stranger with all thinges necessary for the 
belly, yeat few or non ar better provided for the back as yeat then to serve 
theyre own turnes ; therfore tis necessary that hee bee provided of that for 
more asurance. 

Now if it will please your ladishipp that he maye haue ij. men with him, 
1 haue hear inclosed sent a noate, as neare calculated as I can, what the 
charges will bee of ij. men, as alsoe a nother noate added ther vnto of such 
things as tis necessary hee doe carry over for sale ; som part of them to 
purchass come against next year, as well for theys seruants hee now carryes 
as for those he shall haue sent him next yeare, and for more asurance least 
there shoold happen to bee a scarsety in the cuntry, which some tymes 
dooth soe fall out through the covetiousnes of the planters, that strive to 
plant much tobacco and littell corne ; soe that want comes vpon som of 
them beefore they are aware of it. 

I haue alreddy bought the flower, the fowlinge peeces, the stronge waters, 



and the grosery wares, and for the rest I haue sought them out and know- 
where to bee fitted with them at halfe a dayes waminge, but I durst nott 
proseede in buyinge them vntill I might heare farther your pleasure, which 
I coold wish might bee by him selfe vpoa Satterdaye next by noone, and 
then I hoape in the after noone I might dispach all, and bee might cum time 
enough toe goe awaye in this shipp, where I soe much desier bee shoold goe 
for the good acomodation that I am suer bee shoold haue there. 

This charge for him selfe and ij. men, with the provisions which is 
needfuU for him to carry, will cum toe 56", littell more or less ; and if you 
shall think fitt toe lett him haue a third man it is but xij" more, and truly it 
is the opinion of all that I haue or can conferr with all, that it is a greate 
deale better for him to have som seasoned men of his owne, when bee goes 
to settell a plantation him selfe, then to haue all fresh men, because those 
men maye bee inabled to direct others that bee shall haue liearaftcr.* 

Ladj Yerney did not hesitate. With more liaste than perhaps 
was prudent, she instantly packed up master Tom's apparel, and 
sent him off to London with a motherly letter, from which the 
following is an extract : — 

The likelihood of a prosperous iourney into that place to those that either 
have bad experience beyond the seas or traffique at home I can noc way 
mistrust, but my sonne hath neither beene bread abroad nor vsed to any 
bartering at home, but only bredd at schoole, and so I doubt wilbe to seeke 
in that imploymcnt that he is now goeing to vndertake ; therfore I shall 
intreate that favour from you, that if any of your acquaintance doe goe 
with him, that you may trust, a little to direct him in his coarses ; I shall 
take it as a great favour from you, and I knowe it wilbe a great comfort 
vnto him, and I hope for his advancment. 

For his necessary provisions, I have none of my owne, therfore haue 
sent up a man furnished with such a proportion of money as you haue writt 
for, and haue made what hast I could to conveigh him vnto you, that he 
might not loose the benefitt and accommodation of that shipp which vou 
writt vnto mee is now goeing, where in you had provided him soe good a 
cabin, and haiie also sent his other neccessaryes of waring apparrell and 
linnen, and I hope compleatly for such an iniployment and inurnov. And 
• Vonu-y MS. SOtli July, ItUU. 


if there be any thing wanting, I haue giuen this my seruant power to treate 
with you about it ; and the last I shall now intreat from you is, that if you 
would be pleased to write to some of your freinds there that are of the 
better sorte, a little to direct him in his way of proceeding, and but 
acknollet^g him to be the sonne of his father, you shall engage both his 
father and my self to acknolledg your cortesye ; and shall pray to God for 
his prosperity, and leaue the success vnto his divine providence.* 

On the .3d August, Tom wrote a careless but warm-hearted letter 
of farewell to Ralph and his wife, " before my taking of my journey," 
dated from Bucklersbury. On the 8th, we have a shipping note, 
acknowledging the receipt of various casks and barrels, shot, fowlino- 
pieces, and muskets, on board " the good shipp caled the marchants' 
hoape of London, whereof is master under God, Robert Payge, and 
now riding at an anchor in the river of Thames, and bound to 
Verginnia3.^' On the same day, an authority was signed to Mr. 
William Webster, " in case of mortallity of the said Mr. Thomas 
Verney, to sell and dispose of his goods, provisions, and ser- Embarks for 
vants," which "goods, provisions, and servants, with the charges '''^'"^^' 
arising upon the same, doe amount to 117/. 13*% 6d," for the use of 
sir Edmund Verney. Within a few hours afterwards the good ship 
was under weigh. 

The business was transacted in too much haste to turn out well. 
In nine months Tom Verney had found out that Virginia was totally Returns home, 
unsuited to his careless, impetuous disposition, and had returned to 
England. His outfit was thus thrown away, and he was again upon 
his father's hands. In this emergency his brother Ralph was most 
kind to him, mediating with his father, and helping the silly boy 
in every way in his power. Sir Edmund, wisely determining to 
find him instant employment, sent him as a volunteer on board the Volunteers in 
St. Andrew, a king's ship cruising in the channel ; and on the 4th *'^^ ^^^ service 
June, 1635, we have two off-hand letters from the young volunteer 
" at the Downs." One has a misdate of twelve months, but both 
are full of vehement protestations of duty and affection to his fathei', 

* Verney MS. 1st August, 1634. 


and contain reiterated offers "to shed the best blood in his body" 

to do his brother ijood. On the 13th June we find him off the Isle 

of Wight, and on the 6tli July at Plymouth, On the 24th August 

he had become tired of the sea-service, and coolly announced to his 

brother Rali)h tliat he Avas about to take a journey into Flanders, 

" to see what fortunes a younger brother might attain unto," and if 

he liked the country, to live there and serve under the prince car- 

Dcsires to go to diual, being determmed, he says, " never to go for Holland," because 

Flanders. j^^ should liavc better pay from the prince cardinal ; " therefore, dear 

brother," he concludes, " I hope that you will speak to my friends 

for a little money to carry mee over thither ; for, if they will send 

me non, 1 am resolved to go over with that little I have." Whether 

this freak took effect or not does not appear. For some months, at 

the close of 1635, we find him in no great favour with sir Edmund, 

lodging, in considerable dudgeon, Avith the keeper of the prison 

of the IMarshalsea, a servant of his father. In the next year he took 

Enters the land service in the army of France, and drew bills upon his brother 

Horviceof Ralph for his equipments. The amounts were always faithfully to 

be paid immediately after " the next fight." — There, for the present, 

we leave him. 

Sir iMiiiuiiiis At this time sir Edmund was suffering greatly from sciatica, 

in.hsi.usitioii. jj ^v]ijch mustris wright me wordc," remarks sir John Leake, " is 

your new name for an owld ache." His pains and lameness sent 

him to the doctors, and from them to the quacks, amongst whom an 

He Koes to « old cobbler " figures conspicuously. Finally he went to what was 

then termed " the Bath," his son Ralph, who was also out of health, 

keeping him company. A pleasant letter, written from thence by 

sir Edmund to his daughter-in-law, the wife of Ralj)h, gives a 

glimpse of tlie life they led at that fasliionable place of summer 

resort amongst our ancestors. 

SiH Edmund Veuney to Mas. Kammi \'ki<nev. 
(lootl (lawfrlitiT, — I cannot provaile with your hiisbaiul to Umuo nu>. I 
camiot )rclt hin> from iiic without a quarri-ll. Tlierofori-, good heart, torn iui' 


vss boath, since his absence is against boath our wills. Hee is euery daye 
in the bathe ; I praye god it maye doe him good. For my parte I am sure 
I fiend none in it, but since I am come here, I will try the vtterraost of it, 
that I maye not bee reproacht att my returne for dooing things by halues. 
Att our first coming the towne was empty, but now it is full of very good 
company, and wee pass our time awaye as merrily as paine will giue vss 
leaue. In discharge of parte of my promiss, I haue written to my lady 
Gawdy and Mrs. Siddenham. I knowe not wher they are, but I presume 
you doe. I praye send thes inclosed lettres to them. Comend mee to 
neece Hobart and Doll, to Natt, if hee bee still with you ; and see, deere 
heart, farwell. — Your louing father and faithful! frend, 

Ed. Verney. 
Bathe, this 20th of August [1635]. 

[Address] For my dawghter Verney thes. 

We now resume our extracts : — 

1635. June \2th. Lett me tell you, that for ought I can learne or Profitable in- 
understand, 'tis cleere that very great advantage may [be] had by taking ^'^stment for 
upp moneyes, and securing the use of them for twentie yeares, and laying land, 
them out on purchases here. Here is now to be sould 1 ,200'' a-yeare — my 
father is my author, who speakes knowingly — for less then 10,000". 
Suppose the money payed for it fullie as much, the use of all will amount 
to eight hundered pounds annuallie for 20 yeares. I beseech you, will it not 
be a mightie benefitt to gaine during the 20 yeares by this very lande 400 ". 
a-yeare, and after the expiration of them the whole twelve hundered a-yeare 
cleerly and for nothing ? You will say, I am sure, that it is much. And 
yet it is not more then you may have, and that of one there. I meane the 
earle of Annandale.* Enquire of him — if you thinke this worth the 
enquiring after — if he would not sell his lands in the north of Ireland ; and 
what he would take for them. Within these tow yeares he would have 
taken 9,000 ^. but what he will doe now I knowe not, Onely this my 

* Sir John Murray, a well-known personal attendant and favourite of James I. created 
earl of Annandale, 13th March, 1624-5. He had many grants of lands from king James. 



father tells me, that they are worth 1,200". a-year, and that they lye all 
together. And for the rents thereabouts, he, who very well knowes it, 
because of his dealings thereabouts, and his management of my lorde 
Folliott's estate, sayes — imagine my father still — that they are noe more 
uncertayne there than in other parts of the kingdom, nor liable to other 
hazards then what the rest of the kingdom is subject unto ; unless it be 
what intestine rebellion or forreine invasion does occasion ; and from these 
I hope we are, in every parte, farre. Onely this 1 must tell you, that this 
estate lyes sixe score miles, or neere soe many, from this towne ; and that 
it's all planted with Scotts, But truly these, methinks, are noe considerable 
exceptions, when the benefitt is once looked on. If you intend this, send 
to me and I will give you an account of the value of this estate, and what 
els soever may concerne it, the best I can. 
Planution of Xhe plantation of Connaught goes on. I have written to your father 

and my grandfather * by Jerman largely of it, and by this berrer some 
what. One you have (I presume) allreadie scene, the other I am confident 
you will see, and therefore I will at once spare your trouble and mine in 
useless repetitions. Onely this, to what is in them sayed, I will add — that 
my father knowes me a much obliged man to my grandfather there and thee, 
and I have tould him of this foot post's going thither purposely, that your 
father might, uppon occasion of a letter from my lorde here, the more 
opportunely ingage my father to serve him. Lett my grandfather make 
what uses of it he pleases, or doe upon it what he thinkes fitt. I assure 
you I thinke of the marshall's sending to my father, not out of any fond 
humor because of his neereness to me, but meerely and solely and totally 
because I will conceale noe thought of mine from thee. I beleave he can 
not have in the kingdom a fitter instrument to further his business, for my 
father is one that has a hande in the ordering of this business himself : he 
is one in the good opinion of sir George Radcliff"o and the deputie : he goes 
the progress with the deputie, can as well instruct your father's agent, who 
ever it is, as — I will say noe more then — an other man. He is one, in 
a worde, faythfull in what he undertakes, and true to all trusts reposed in 

* III wliat sense Dillon applied the title of granclfutlior to sir Hilimiiul Vornoy docs nut 
ajiiH-ar. It waa probaldy merely a tirm of familiurit.v and atl\<lioii. Sir Kdinuiid on iii> 
hi<le tiriiied Dillon grandson. 


him, and if your father commaunds him, I dare undertake for what lyes in 
his power I shall goe the progress here.* 

1635. September 17 th. I goe the next week (after I have written Lord Imhi- 
unto you) unto Insequinns t wedding. I qum's wedding. 

1635-6. January 5th. I pray send your brother § to Oxford as soone Allowance for 
as you can. I will allow him forty pound a yeare, and he shall have a ^ student at 
cloath sute made him against Easter, or sooner if neede require.|| Advise 
him to husband it well ; and more I will not allow him. . . . The The king's 
king goes to Newmarkett on Monday sennight. He goes through in movements, 
a day.<[[ 

19//t. To requite your noos of your fish, I will tell you as good Value of an 

a tale from hence, and as trew. A merchant of Lundon that writt to a """s ' ^ '^'^'"S" "^ 

factor of his beyoand sea desired him by the next shipp to send him " 2 or 3 

apes." He forgot the "r," and then it was "2o3 apes." His factor has 

sent him fower scoare, and sayes he shall have the i-est by the next shipp, 

conceaving the marchant had sent for two hundred and three apes. If 

yourself or fi'ends will buy any to breede on, you could never have had 

such choyce as now. In earnest this is very trew.** 

March 1th. My lorde deputie goes shortly into England ; it Strafford 

may be then a good tyme for my grandfather [sir Edmund Verney] there J'"™'"? *° ^"S" 
to order things that doe concerne his business. I shall, I presume, over 

with him. ft 

* James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from Dublin. 

•f" Murrough, sixth baron, and afterwards created first earl of Inehiquin, distinguished 
for military skill and many soldierlike exploits during the Irish rebellion. He married 
Elizabeth daughter of sir William St. Leger, president of Munster. 

% James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from Dublin. 

§ Edmund, who had just left Winchester. He was entered of the favourite Magdalen 

II In sir Edmund's next letter, dated 11th January, he says, "for Munn, it is trew I 
did ever intend to paye for his gowne over and above his allowance; but what the other 
charges will come to I knowe not. But if hee will provide his gowne himself, I will allow 
him for that and his entrance 10?. besides his allowance. You shall herewith receave a 
letter to his tutor." 

^ Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney, from the court. 
** Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney, from London, 
tt James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from Dublin. 


163.)-6. March 9th. The bishopp of Lundon * is lord treasorer. 

Tho. Ilubbart is dead, and to be buried this night.f 

I^d.v Essex and 1 QfJ^ Kaphe, ther are divers reports of my lord of Essex's 

Will Uvedale. , , , , , ,, . ' t.t . i 

business X — but the trouth agreede by all partys is thus : — .My lord 

which"led'to^ was gone into the country to his brother of Hertforde ; and one night, 

lord Essex's Will Udall beeing with my lady most part of the night, about tow of the 

sepai^ation rom ^^^^^ j^j ^^^ moming, my [lady] sayes shee sent her mayde downe for some 

beere. The mayde goeing throughe the hall was seas'd on by some of my 

lord's servants. Shee demanded the reason of it, and badd them lett her 

goe, for she must returne to her lady, but they tould her shee should not. 

Shee begann to cry out, but they instantly mufled her, and carried her 

awaye : and presently gave sir Walter Deverex nootice of it, who presently 

taking Mr. Winckfield, an ould servant of my lord's, alonge with him, 

went softly upp to my lady's chamber, and ther they found Will Udall 

sitting on the bedd side with his cloathes on and his cloake about him. 

Udall, seeing them come in soe, askd sir W^ alter what the business was 

that hee was upp att that time of night. Hee answered, that bee was to 

speake with my lady. Wheruppon Udall riss ofe the bedd and walkt to 

the window, and lent ther till Deverex speaks to my lady. When Deverex 

had done, hee went his waye againe, without saying anything to Udall. 

He beeing out of the chamber, my lady raid Udall to her, and tould him 

what Deverex had sayed to her — which was this. Deverex tould her, that 

hee was sorry to fiend her in that unseemly manner ; that it did not become 

her in her honner to have a younge gentleman aloane with her att that 

time of night ; that the woarld had taken nootice of an affection of hers to 

Mr. Udall, and this act of hers did confierme it ; that it was soe highc an 

injurye to my lord, his brother, that hee would presently give him noetice 

of it, and having sayed thus much, hee presently went to his chamber and 

• " March Ctli, Sunday. William Juxon, lord bishop of London, made lord high trea- 
surer of England; no churchman had it since Henry the Seventh's time." — Laud's Diary, 
p. 53, ed. Wharton. 

f Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verncy, from London. 

X Every body knows the history of the first marriage and divorce of Robert carl of 
Essex. This letter discloses tho fato of his second marriage, contracted in l(i31. 
Tho lady was Elizabeth daughter of sir William I'aulet of Edington, in the county of 
WiltJ», knight. They had one child, a son, wIki died in infancy. 


(dispatched a post to mj^ lord with the stoary of what he had scene. The 
lady was surprised with what Deverex had sayd to her, and gave him 
little in answer. But when shee had tould Udall what Deverex sayed, shee 
desired him to bee gone, which hee did, and paste throughe the howse 
without having any thing more sayed to him. Uppon this some messages 
past between Udall and Deverex, but noe challenge, as it is likely you will 
heare ther did, for soe it is sayed heere ; but ther was noe sutch thing. 

My lord of Essex, uppon the receipt of Deverex letter, presently re- 
turned a messenger to him, with a comand to put my lady out of the howse» 
and to tell her, that if shee went out quiettly, shee should have the better 
conditions ; but shee refused it, and stays still in the howse. They are 
after much adoe — my lord beeing now come to towne, but not to the howse 
— by the mediation of frends, come to this agreement : shee is to have 
1300 1' a-yeare for her maintenance, and shee must give upp all her interest 
of joynter, therds, or dowry. Now I will tell you the judgment that is m.ade 
of this business heere by most peeple. Ferst, I should tell you that this 
was plotted by my lord when hee went out of towne, for he avows it to be 
soe ; for which hee is much condemned, as beeing a cource taken neyther 
agreeing with his honner [nor] that judgment that his frends wish hee had. 
This act of his is much cried out on by all in generall. My lady is by 
thos that favour her most condemnd of great indicretion, and by others 
shee is woarce thought of. Sir Walter Devei-ex is undone for taking in 
hand soe mean an office, unless hee had done more to. His part of it 
exposes him to manny scornes and censures ; some saying, that if his 
mother had beene soe watcht hee had not beene heere to watch others now ; 
besides manny other scornes putt uppon him ; for it is grown a byewoard 
about the towne, if tow bee togeather, a therd party to saye " I will 
Deverex you." The younge men doe all wish they had had Udall's * parte 
of it, and the wiser sorte doe wish hee had beene ftirther ofe ; — and ther is 
an end of that business.f 

* The sir William Uvedale who was a party in this affair was of the Hampshire family 
before referred to (pp. 61, 69). He was paymaster of the royal foi-ces during the civil 
war. Lloyd designates him as " the most accomplished," and describes him as " a hand- 
some man, and as knowing as much learning, long travels, and great observation could 
make him." (Mem. of Loyal Sufferers, p. 655.) 

t In a subsequent letter sir Edmund Verney remarks : — "I find the citty and the 
country differs in oppinion, for here my loi-d and his brother are most despised, and the 


The Other news is, that my lady Bridgwater is dead, and my lord 
Carlile is so verry ill that it is certainly believed that [he] cannot live 
manny weekes.* 
The carl of 1635-G. March 23rf{. My lord marshall is presently going ambassador 

Arundel's ^^ j|^g emperor. It will -be a fine journeye f .... Mr. Fotescue is now 

mission to the •^ o • /> i • i i ■ 

eraperor, sir John Fottescue, a baronet or Nova Scotia ; for which he is not free 

of much censure. % 

Ralph Yemen's 1636. March 30th. I thinck my lord marshall is gocing a fine journye, 

wish to accom- ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ would be gladder of such an opportunity to lett you see some- 

uiarshal thing abroad then I should be, but for many reasons you cannot goe att 

this time. In the first place, you know I cannot settle my business without 

you, and thoughe that bee reason inoughe of an impossibility of your goeing 

with him, yett ther is another that will hinder it, and that is, that on 

Monday next, att the farthest, my lord must be gone. If neyther of thes 

will sattisfy you, the third shall, and that is, hee will take noe boddy with 

him, for hee has refused my lord Russell, § my lord Grandison,|| my lord 

Andrues [?] and, in breefe, all others, my lord Dawbingny^ only excepted, 

and hee goes with him. Now I thinck your journy is att an end.** 

ladye by most much doubted, and her descretion by all condemned, but Will rvidall 
blamd for nothing but not having care inouglie to advise her to be more circomspect." — 
Sir E. Yerney to R. Verncy, 23rd ^larch, 1()35-C, from London. 

* Sir Edmund Yerney to Ralph Yerney, from London. 

t The circumstances of this journey form the subject of a scarce little volume entitled 
" A true relation of all the remarkable places and passages observed in the travels of tlip 
right honourable Thomas lord Howard carle of Arundel and Surrey, primer earle and 
earle marshall of England, and ambassadour extraordinary to his sacred majesty 
Ferdinando the Second emperor of Germanic, anno domini 1636. By William Crowne, 
gentleman." Lond, 4to. 1637. 

+ Sir Edmund Yerney to Ralph Yerney, from London. 

§ See before, pp. 150, 1.59. 

II Son of sir Edward Yilliers, brother of George Yilliers duko of Buckingham. Il«- 
died during the civil wars of a wound received at the Uiking of Bristol by prince Rupert. 
Clarendon's character of him, which is in the noble historian's best manner, describes 
liim as a man of the purest virtue as well as of the highest courage. (Hist. Rebell. 
lib. vii.) 

% George lord il'AubiKny, one of the sons of Esme Stewart duke of Richmond, by 
Catherine daughter and luir of Gervase lord Clifton of Leigliton BroraswoM. 

** Sir Edmund Yerney to Ralph Yerney, from London. 


1636. April 1st. If my lord deputies cominge into England may bee Unpopularity 
a cause to draw you hither, the sooner hee comes the welcomer he shall bee °.o°t|,_ 
to mee, though I confesse I know but few that are fond of his presence. 
Nues here is non, but that your sister Nan Uvedall (that married Mr. 
Henslow) is the joyful mother of a brave boy.* 

April 6th. My lord marshall is gone. Corronell Gorring f Colonel Goring 

is goeing over, and desires to buy some naggs. I tould him of your baye SO"»g toFrance, 
nagg, and he much desires to see him. If the nagg be handsome and fitt horse. 

for sale, I praye send him heather, and I will sell him for you, otherwise 
lett him aloane. The nagg I knowe is not at all fitt for you, therfbre if 
hee bee in good case send him heather assoone as you can. If this 
letter fiend you att Latimers, you maye the better send him from thence. 
I would faiue have you ridd of that beast, for, off all the horses I knowe, I 
doe not like him ; butt hee will serue Mr. Goering's turne very well to take 
a view of his regiment.^ 

April 27th. Good puss, . . . The plaage is likely to increase. If pjague on the 

evther you or mv daughter can thinck of what you shall necessaryly want, increase. Pre- 

, , 1 ,? 1 , ... 1 T -11 -J parations to be 

as gloves and such thmgs, lett me knowe it m time, and 1 will provide Qjade against it. 
them, I would faine haue the carrier bring upp a cart about this daye 
fortnight, if it may bee noo preiudice to him, and then, if the sickness 
increace, I will send downe some more wyne, and what els you thinck fitt ; 
for, if it increace the tow next weekes, it is much to bee feared that it will 

bee a dangerous time here The king goes tenn mile hence 

a-hunting to-morrow morning ; therfore, good night. My lord Carlile is 
dead. § 

* Ralph Verney to James Dillon, from Claydon. 

t The well known commander of the king's horse under prince Rupert during the 
civil war; beyond all question one of the most infamous men of his day. Clarendon's 
delineation of the character of this great master of all kinds of wickedness, in which he 
introduces a comparison between Goring and Henry VVilmot earl of Rochester (Hist. 
Rebell. lib, viii,), is a masterpiece. 

X Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney, from London. 

§ See p. 154, Sir Edmund Verney " to his much loving sister lady Verney, at Middle 
Claydon." This and another letter commencing and directed in the same way seem to be 
intended for sir Edmund's wife. He had no sister Verney, nor was there any lady Verney, 
except his mother, who was now residing with him in London, and his wife. The widow 
of his brother Francis was indeed alive, but she had married Mr. Clarke (see p. 101), and 
there is no trace of her being at Claydon, or iritimate with sir Edmund or his family. 


vekni:y papers. 

Sir Kdinund's Sir Ediiiund Verney had now fixed himself in a h\rge new liouse 
iircovent^Grr- ^" ^he luost fasiiionable part of the metropolis. Francis the fourth 
den, then just earl of Bedford, having settled his gi-eat drainage of the fens, had 
been turning to account his valuable estate of Covent Garden, then 
an open space of ground stretching away to the north from the back 
of Bedford-house, which stood in the Strand near the present Bedford- 
street. Amongst other improvements the earl had laid out the square 
of Covent Garden, and had erected the row of houses, principally on 
the north side of it, called "the Piazza." These were the most recent 
additions to the west end of the metropolis, and to the people of that 
day were what Tyburnia and the Gore-house estate are to ours. Sir 
Edmund took the last two houses in the Piazza on the eastern side of 
Covent Garden, running north from Great Russell-street, and now the 
Bedford coft'ee-house and hotel, upon lease from the earl of Bedford, at 
an annual rent of 160/. There were coach-houses and stables in the 
back premises, and it appears from the enumeration of fixtures, that, 
although the ordinary rooms had merely " casements," the principal 
apartments were distinguished by " shuttynge wyndowes," and that 
the door of almost every room had its " stock lock.^' A reservation 
was made of the earl's right to the "walk underneath the said 
messuage, commonly called the Portico-walk, as the same is now 
made and perfected by the said earl, but with power for sir Edmund 
Verney to expel youths playing in the said walk to his offence or 
disturbance." Parts of the houses were " waynscotted," a distinction 
deemed so important that "the use of the waynscott" was specifically 
granted in the lease, and all the separate pieces of " waynscott" 
■were enumerated in a schedule of fixtures. There being as yet no 
sewer in this new district, sir Edmund fortified himself with a clause 
that if he was so annoyed by that circumstance as not to be able to 
continue there " with any convenyency," he might resign his occu- 
pation on giving the earl six months' notice.* 

Pai't of these iiremises was occupied by sir Edmund's niuther, and 

• Vmi.v MS. 1st>ml)cr, 1(5^1. 


part also by Nathaniel Hobart. He had " a study" or chambers 
there, but his residence was at Highgate. Sir Edmund's next 
neighbour, from whom he was divided by " a fence wall," was 
Edward, afterwards sir Edward, Sydenham, between whom and the 
Verneys thei'e was a special intimacy. 

In one of the extracts just printed we have found Ralph Verney Marriage of 
bearing testimony to the general unpopularity of lord Strafford, or, 
as his title then was, of lord Wentworth. There can be no doubt 
of the fact, but the assertion chanced to be a little ill-timed, for his 
friend Dillon was now engaged to marry Strafford's sister. In 
October, 1636, Dillon invited Ralph Verney to be present at his 
wedding, which took place at Loughton-hall, in Essex. Shortly after- 
wards we find the new married couple staying in Covent Garden, appa- 
rently with the Sydenhams, who were their mutual friends. Several 
notes full of overstrained compliments and expressed desires of meet- 
ing passed between Dillon and Ralph Yerney ; but the birth to the 
latter of a son and heir, christened Edmund, on Christmas Day, 25 December, 
1636, and an epidemical sickness, which was prevalent about that ^^^^^^^^^'J^'^ °J 
time, kept tlie two old friends from meeting again, or were the ex- Ralph Vemey, 
cuses for doing so. Dillon and his wife went to Ireland, and the 
correspondence and the friendship came to an end. 

Ralph's brother Edmund began fife almost as unfortunately as Young Ed- 
Thomas. At Magdalene Hall he got into debt and into disgrace with ^^"Sfg/^^"®^'' 
the authorities. When he returned to Claydon, he brought home Ralph, 
unpaid bills, principally tavern scores, and very disparaging reports 
from the rev. Henry Wilkinson, his tutor. Friend Crowther, who 
had just married and was getting comfortable at Newton Blossom- 
ville, was taken into council. He offered to receive the lad into his 
house, and undertook to ply him with the old notes upon logic, 
which had served the turn of Mr. Ralph, seasoned with good advice 
and judicious treatment. The offer was accepted gratefully. In 
July, 1637, Edmund made his appearance at the rectory at Newton 
Blossomville, a smart stripling, but devoid, as Mr. Crowther fomid 
to his sorrow, " of the very first grounds of logicke or other uni- 


versity learning." The good Crowther bruslied up his old acquire- 
ments, and seemed dehghted to resume his tutorial functions ; but in 
less than a month, ere the slightest impression could have been 
made, Crowther was taken ill, and, in spite of Dr. Bates, who " put 
him in great comfort" by offering " his life for his,'* the worthy 
tutor died. Edmund was very useful to the widow, and when she 
made way for the new incumbent, went to Hillesdon amongst the 
Dentons, where, removed from his dissipated Oxford associates, he 
soon acquired a good reputation as a steady fellow, fit for any duty, 
and always willing. 
Thuiiias Veriiu^'. Tlionias Vcmey in the mean time had transferred his services 
from France to Sweden. In November, 1637, there are tidings from 
him at Gottenburgh. In December he is at " Stockhullam," in high 
feather, and entreats his friends in England not to recall him home as 
he is learning the Janguage and is in a fair way to preferment. In the 
next month the scene has shifted — he is on his way back to England ; 
and, during the greater part of 1638, he was either in London or 
staying at the rectory at Claydon. His character may be pretty well 
judged from the tenor of his letters. We find him writing for his 
lace-band and cutfs, that he ma}- fight a duel with credit to the family ; 
speculating in horses; sending Ralph a "fox coat" m lieu of ten pounds 
borrowed of him ; begging hard for six pounds more to discharge a 
debt of twelve pounds for lodging ; entreating help to get out " to 
the West Indies, or to some unknown place in the woi'ld;" heartily 
tired of living " like a hermitt, or a country fellow," and anxious to 
be off again, even to New England, if his father will but let him 
have 200/. in money or goods. As a mode of preventing his 
sudden disappearance, Ralph, under his father's directions, seems to 
have kept him very low in his stock of clothes, and pitiable are his 
occasional entreaties for the "noble favour" of a further suj>plv. 
" I have," he pleads, " neither bands, ruffs, shirts, boot hose, bm>ts, 
or anything else, but is upon my back." 

At one time he is all anxiety for a hat: " IVay k-t it be a Dutch 
I'clt;" "Mr. East's luad is :is \n\i'r as mine, and his hall will sitnc 


inee." Then again, he scorns to weai- a frieze coat \rith his cloth 
suit, and begs hai-d for a new coat, ha^ing only " one sorev thing, 
which," he says, "I bought about two months agoe att a brokers, 
and some say it is your old coat [Ralph's] that you gave to your 
man, and I confess it is very like yom-s, and as farre as I knowe, it 
was yours, therefore I pray doe but judg of the gtX)dness of it." To 
the request for the coat are added by way of appendix, " 2 paii-e of 
gloves. 2 paire of liunen stockins, 2 paire of plaine boot-hose topj^s, 
2 paire of woollen boot-hose, and three handkerchiefs," all which 
follow h:u'd upon a letter in which he professes himselt' so disgusted 
with his '* heUish hfe '' at the quiet i-ectory of Middle Clavdon, that 
miless his fother will send him to Xew England or the Palatinate, 
** before I will endure it,*^ he says, " I will tiike a rope and make an 
end of myself, and then neither father, motlier, brother, sister, nor 
any friend else shall take any more care of me." 

At this time sir Edmund refused to see him. When at Claydon 
every one — even the servants — were cautioned against lenduig him 
money, and more particularly a hoi-se, ** lest he should sell him." 
whilst, on his side, we lind him continually anxious to be allowed to 
outtace some creditor who had gone to his tather for jiayment of his 
debts, on the ground that they had '"good pledges," all but one 
mifortunate ** six and forty pound,*' as to which he had nothing to 
say. Whilst the Xew England fever was upon him he was full of 
anxiety to " read up " resjT»ectmg the coimtry, and wrote for book 
after book, as an emigi-ant's guide, mistaking the titles, wanting first 
one book and then another, and never getting the right. To smu up 
all, his letters not unfrei^uently end, with the appropriateness and 
self-knowledge which are charact^jristic of such a man — •' Your con- 
st;mt brother. Thomas Verney." 

Henry Verney, having acquired his knowledge of French to Hennr Verney. 
the great detriment of Ins English, was sent out to take his 
share in tlie wai"s of the P;datinate, together witli one of the 
Sydenhams, several Tm-villes, and othei-s of the EngUsh volun- 
teers who were friends and relatives of the Vernoys. The pix>- 


fession was chosen for liim by his father, and was little liked hy 
himself. " I tell you truly," he says, " I doe not like of it. I wod 
have you think it is not the firing of the boullots that fears me at all: 
but the true reson is, that I have always given my selfe so fer to the 
sports and jilesurs of the world that I cannot giue my mind to this 
course of life ; but to giue my father content and the rest of my 
friends also, I will tarry this somer in the country, for to learne the use 
of my amies, and to know the duty of a soger, that when I come of, 
it shall bee for my credit and honnor. It shall not bee mee that will 
be iudg of it, but my captaine. If hee say noe, beliuet I will not 
come of: for I had rather louse my life then to come of to be laught 
at, or to be slighted by my friends, which I doe think dous love mee." 
Horse-racing seems to have been the particular penchcmt of Mr. 
Henry, and in the winter he found oi)portunities for indulging it, 
even in an army on foreign service. Nothing was so acceptable to 
him as the Newmarket news of the day, nor any present so valuable 
as a bit or a saddle. His wish was " to follow the court," too 
often a mere excuse for a life of idleness, but there was nothing 
in him of the careless irregularity of his brother Thomas. He 
argued his case soberly, attended to what was before him, and 
kept himself out of debt. He had great contempt for "your spruce 
courters, and such as think uppon nothing but goeing to ])laves and 
in making of uisits;" his mind was fixed upon wiiming cups. "I 
can right you no nuse but of a horsmache as is to be run yeai'cly at 
the Hagge, for a cuppe of 50 pounds, as every officer gives yearly 
20 shillings towards the bying of it. I hope to win it afore T die 
myselfc. I have rod but to maclies cense I saw you, and haue won 
them both. I hojjc like wise to win the cup for the third."* 
Raiijl. Verney's J,, Kj.'jg^ ]{.,ij,i, Vernoy lost liis little daughter Aima Maria, 
Dillon's god-daughter, then four years old ; she was buried on the 
22nd iMay. His son JMlunuul, now doubly juvcious, is continually 
reported in the letters of this period as a fine strapping bt)y, giving 
promise of health and long life. On the 8th January, 1638-9, 

* Vunipy MH. 28th, 1(538. 


Ralph Verney had a (laughter born named Margaret ; on the 5th 
November, 1640, a son named John ; and on the 3rd June, 1641, the 
number of his family was completed by the birth of a third son named 
Ralph. Margaret and Ralph both died in 1647, leaving Edmund 
and John the sole survivors of the family. 

During these years Ralph Verney was becoming more and more His increased 
a practised man of business. Immersed in the occupations of the correspondence, 
court and his offices, sir Edmund had no time to bestow upon his 
family or his own private affairs. His son Ralph was everything to 
him. Ralph made all arrangements with his father's tenants and 
with his own younger brothers. To the latter, save for occasional 
consultation with sir Edmund, he really played the father's part. 
Sir Edmund nominally, but in reality Ralph, was the adviser of old 
lady Denton in various critical arrangements respecting her dower. 
which wonderfully excited the old lady's temper, but through which 
Ralph was able to steer his father and himself without giving offence 
to his uncle, sir Alexander. So, also, Ralph settled the testamentary 
affairs of tutor Crowther. Ralph was the general manager for his 
aunt, Mrs. Margaret Poultney, who had become a widow with 
considerable estates, and was a mark for the wife-hunters about 
the court ; finally, Ralph was the confidential adviser of Elenor 
countess of Sussex, the wife of the "prime man of the Ratcliffes" 
before alluded to.* This lady was daughter of sir Richard Wortley, 
of Wortley, in the county of York, bart., and widow of sir Henry 
Lee, of Quarendon, in the county of Bucks, knight. The age and 
infirmities of the earl of Sussex were amply compensated by the 
activity of his lady. She had a pen always ready, although not 
always inclined to run into forms easily decipherable. " Swite Mr. 
Verney" was her constant correspondent, and the missives from 
Gorhambury, where these last inheritors of a noble title had succeeded 
as the temporary occupiers of lord Bacon's residence, comprise a 
great variety of subjects, from orders for hangings and carpets, 

* Seep. 160. 



■with \vliicli the correspondence opens, to occasional allusions to 
affairs of state and echoes of the gossip of the coiu't 
ri.c puMic mis- In the mean time the king vigorously pursued his course of retro- 
gressive government. Churchmen, -as in old times, were app<:)inted 
to several of the highest offices in the state ; within the church 
itself old pretensions to jurisdiction independent of the state were 
renewed, and old forms and practices which savoiu'ed of Rome were 
restored; old monopolies, abandoned by queen Elizabeth, were 
regranted, and new ones introduced to such an extent as to consti- 
tute a heavy and annoying tax upon every article in general con- 
sumption ; ship-money was imposed, an old levy thought to be 
warranted by precedents of the time of Edward III. ; large tracts 
of land were declared to be forests, and the old attendant grievances 
of forest laws were revived. These and many other renewals of 
obsolete oppressions were enforced by means which utterly destroyed 
the ancient constitutional defences of the subject's freedom. By 
tampering with the judges the ordinary courts were converted, in 
crown cases, into mere machines for carrying out the edicts of the 
sovereign; whilst the jurisdiction of the extraordinary tribunals 
was stretched arbitrarily so as to convert them into instruments of 
tyranny and court revenge. Illegal taxes were levied under the 
authority of council- warrants ; proclamations were enfoi'cod like acts 
of parliament ; parliaments were no longer summoned, and the courts 
were no longer courts of justice. Sir Edmmid Verney Avas too 
closely connected with the court in which these principles were 
dominant, for us to derive much infoi'mation respecting their real 
operation from the papers before us ; but the following are some few 
evidences of the truth, which slips out as it were undesignedly. 
Case of the There was an association of religious persons in tlie reign of 

liropHati'onsTnd Charlcs I. for a purpose similar to that which is now aimed at by 
1','!' !".^'." "^ . Simeon's trustees. The design was to buy up impropriations and 

lIiBh\\)'eoiiilie, . , . ' Jill 

exercise the patronage m behalf of pious and able ministers. Tlie 
scheme was in the hands of puritans, and although well thought of 
by the body of the people, and aided by large pecuniary contri- 


butions, was, for very obvious reasons, extremely distasteful to arch- 
bisliop Laud. Being determined to suppress the design, he pursued his 
usual course. He procured the trustees to be sued in the exchequer 
by the attorney-general. By a judgment deemed harsh, if not 
unjust, the design was declared to be illegal, and all the property 
which the feoflFees had become possessed of was pronounced to be 
forfeited to the king.* The following petition was addressed to Laud 
in 1636. It explains one case in which the feoffees had interfered 
evidently with a good intention, and has the attraction of being- 
signed by " Edmund Waller." The " Wickham " alluded to was 
High or Chipping Wycombe, not far from Beaconsfield. I have 
not found that the petitioners obtained any relief. 

Mayor and Townsmen of High Wycombe to Archbishop Laud. 

To the most reverend father in god William, Lord Archbishop of Can- 
terburie, primate of all En[g]land and metropohtane. 

Whereas sundrie of your petitioners whose names are hereunder written 
did heretofore give unto the late feoffees of impropriations sundrie summes 
of money, amounting in all to 260". uppon theire undertakeing to add unto 
the revenues of the church of Wickham, for the maintenance of the 
perpetuall viccar there, and his successors, 40" a yeare for ever, and for 
some yeares they did there uppon allow the present viccar that proportion, 
and did lay out those monies on the purchase of the rectorie of Aylesburie 
or some other impropriation bought by them, all which are now by the said 
feoffees conveyed to his majestic, and the said guifte of your petitioners, 
and undertaking of the said feoffees for the good of the said church, like to 
be frustrated, unles by your graces mediation to his majestie some course 
be taken to the contrarie, 

Your petitioners, in the behalfe of the said church, which is nowe to 
remains in the disposition of his majestie, most humblie beseech your 
grace, of your just and pious disposition and zeale for the good of the 
church, to be a meanes to procure from his majestie some direction to his 
majesties attorney generall, or such other as your wisedome shall seeme 

* Rushwortli, ii. 150. 


meete, that out of the proffitts of Aylesbuiie, or some other impropriation 
purchased as aforesaid, such sonime of money may be raysed as shalbe 
necessary, and employed for the purchase of some revenue of 40" a yeare 
to be added to the said church for the maintenance of the viccar there ; and 
your petitioners shall ever pray, kc. 

Richard Nellsson, maior William Sanders, jun. 

John Ciybbons ^^'iUiam Sanders, sen. 

Mathew Patafars John Field 

Edward Winch Stephen Bates 

John Eles James Weedon 

Thomas Bedder Frauncis Kempe 

John Collins J: Ric: Archedale 

WiUiam Gary 1 Edm: Waller 

J Baylefes 

Samuell Harris J ^ Will: Walmer 

John Harding William Freer. 

Authority to The next paper relates to one of the minor grievances of that 

take greyhounds period — tlie Seizing of greyhounds for his majesty's sport. It may 
gport. easily be conceived what an anno\ance such a power intrusted to 

the hands of farm servants and gamekeepers might become. The 
following warrant authorises two men of that class to take all such 
dogs as they think will be useful to his majesty, wherever they may 
be found, and to whomsoever they may belong. 

Warrant from the earl of Northampton to all Justices of 
Peace to assist William Roads and Ralimi Hii.i.. 

To all justices of peace, mayors, sheriflFs, bayliffs, constables, and all other 
his majesties officers and ministers to whom it shall or may apper- 
teyne, greeting: — 

Wheuka.s his majesty, by his highnes kttres patent, bearing date the 
seaventeenth day of may in the fowerth yeare of his raigne, did license 
and authorize mee, Spencer earle of Northampton, by the name of SpentfT 
lord Compton, master of his majestys leash, and my assignees, to take i'uv 
his majestys vse, atid in his majestys naiue, within all places within his 
majestys realuie and dominions, as well within franchises and libertves as 


without, such and so many greyhounds, both dogs and bitches, in whose 
custody soever they be, as I the said earle of Northampton, by the name 
of lord Corapton, or my assignees, shall thinke fitt and convenient for his 
majestys disport and recreacion, as apperteyneth, from time to time, at all 
seasons, like as my predecessors masters of the leash, or any other for 
them, in the time of his majestys progenitors, king Henry the eighth and 
king Edward the sixth, or his late sister queene Elizabeth, or of his late 
deare father king James of happy memory, deceased, were authorised by 
them heretofore. And also, his majesty did thereby authorize me the 
said earle of Northampton, by the name of the lord Compton, and my 
assignees, to seize and take away all such greyhounds, beagles, or whippetts, 
as may any way be offensive vnto his majestys game and disport. And 
FURTHER, willing and commanding thereby all justices of peace, mayors, 
sheriffs, bayliffs, and constables, and all other his majestys officers and loving 
subiects, that vnto mee the said earle of Northampton, by the name of the 
lord Compton, and my assignees or deputyes, in the due execucion of that 
his majestys license and authority, they be ayding, helping, and assisting, 
when and as often as neede shall require, without their moUestation, lett, or 
contradiccion, as they and everie of them will answeare for the contrary at 
their perill ; as in and by his majestys said lettres patents vnder the great 
scale of England more at large it doth and may appeare : Now know ye, 
that I the said Spencer, earle of Northampton, master of his said majestys 
leash, have lycensed and authorized William Roads, of Middle Claidon, 
and Ralph Hill, of Wendover, in the county of Buckingham, servants to 
sir Edmund Verney, knight marshall of his majestys howshold, my depu- 
ties and assignees, for the space of six whole and entire yeares next ensuing 
the date hereof, to take and seize to his majestys vse, and in his majestys 
name, within all places within the said county of Buckingham, as well within 
franchises and libertyes as without, such and so many greyhounds, both 
dogs and bitches, in whose custody soever they be, as the said William 
Roads and Ralph Hill shall think meete and convenient for his majestys 
disport and recreacion, in such and as ample manner and forme as I, the 
said earle of Northampton, may or might haue done if this deputacion or 
assignement had neuer been made. And, likewise, I the said earle of 
Northampton doe hereby authorize and depute the said William Roads and 
Ralph Hill to seize and take away all such greyhounds, beagles, or 
whippets as may any wise be offensive to his majestys game and disport. 



Capital convic- 
tion by the 
treasurer or 
comptroller of 
the king's 

as fully and amply as I niysclfe, by vcrtue of the said authority from his 
majesty, may doe ; I, the aaid carle of Northampton, ratifying and allowing 
whatsoever the said William Roads and Ralph Hill shall lawfully, by 
vertue of the said lettrcs patents and this my deputacion or assignment, doe 
and execute. In witnes whereof, I have hercvnto sett my hand and seale, 
the fiue and twentieth day of May, in the twelfth yeare of his majestys 
raignc of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, &c. anno domini 1 636. 

The following paper relates to a proceeding which must have 
been of daring illegality, although, it is to be feared, too much in 
accordance with the spirit of that time to have attracted much 
attention. A woman, perhaps a servant in the royal household, 
was charged with stealing one of his majesty's dishes. She was 
tried before the treasurer or comptroller of the household, found 
guilty, and capitally sentenced. There were two courts held before 
these functionaries which had cognisance of criminal cases, but both 
these courts were of limited jurisdiction. One, created by 3rd 
Henry VII. cap. 14, gave them authority to try members of the 
royal household who conspired to kill the king or any great officer 
of the state. The other, created by 33rd Henry VIII. cap. 12, gave 
them jurisdiction in cases of blood-shedding within the limits of the 
royal court. It is obvious that neither of these statutes could ha\e 
had any application to a case of a theft. 

Reprieve of Elizabeth Cottkell. 

His majesty, understanding that one Elizabeth Cottrell was condemned 
at the verge holdcn on Thursday last for stealing one of his majesty's 
dishes, hath commanded me to signifie his pleasure, that the said Elizabeth 
Cottrell slialbe rcprived from execution till his majesty's pleasure be further 
knowne. Whereof the right honourable the treasurer and comptroller of 
his majesty's houseliold, and all others whome it may conccrne, are to take 
notice, and cause his majesty's pleasure to be performed accordingly ; for 
which this shalbe their warrant. Dated at Westminster, 21 Januarv, 


Aii|)oiiiti'(l M'cirtaiy of Mate in 1(532. 


The following paper has refej'ence to another of the minor griev- Supply of pro - 
ances of those days ; — the supply of provisions for his majesty's king's buck- 
buckhonnds. The circumstances stated sufficiently indicate the i^o""*^*- 
peremptory and inconsiderate way in which this claim, whether 
legal or the contrary, was enforced. 

Justices of Essex to the Master of the Buckhounds. 

Sir, — At our beinge at theise oiu* present quarter sessions for this 
countye of Essex, the great inquest and divers others of this countye did 
inforrae vs, that, contrary to former vsage and costome, some of your 
inferior officers have sent out warrants in your name for the sendinge of 
provisions of hay, strawe, and otes, for his majesties buckhounds, out 
of seuerall partes of the countye, whereof some of them are neere forty 
miles distant from the place wyther they were to bee sent. Nowe, for 
as much as the countiye is in composition with his majestie for otes, and 
the hberty of Haveringe pretendinge exemtion from payment of composition, 
and haveinge, as wee are infoi*med, in that regard undergone by themselves 
all charges of that nature at such times as his majestie is in those partes ; 
wee shall requeste you, in the behalfe of our countrye, that you woulde bee 
pleased for the future to giue order vnto your inferior officers not to issue 
out anie other warrants in this kinde then hertofore hath been vsed and 
accostomed, and that, for the presente, such as, eyther for shortness of 
time or remotenes of place, haue not performed the service, may be freed 
from anie troble for the same. And soe, not doutinge of your frendly 
respecte vnto the countrye, which wee shall acknowledge as vnto our selves, 
wee rest your assured loveinge frends, 

Thomas Barrington.* 


Braintree, this 22th of July, 1637. Thomas Wiseman.;}; 

To the Right worshipfull our much respected frend Mr. Robert Tirhitt, 
esq., master of his majesties buckhounds, give theise. 

* Sir Thomas Barrington, second baronet, and head of the Essex family of that name, 
t Son of the first lord Maynard, and himself afterwards the second lord. 
X Probably sir Thomas Wiseman of Rivenhall, knighted 1604, and a man of large 
wealth. Morant's Essex, ii. 146. 


Sir Edmund Sir Edmund Voniey's patent for garbling tobacco had lateh' 

toZc\hiquhh^ yielded ln"m a considerable income, but the new lord treasurer 
bis patent for Juxou having detcrnu'ncd to make a fresh financial arrangement of the 
tobacco. revenue from this source, it was found that the authority conferred 

bv sir Edmiuid's monopoly stood in the way. It therefore became 
necessary for sir Edmund and his partners to surrender their patent 
back to the king upon a consideration. The new scheme was not 
designed to relieve the trade, or diminish the price of tobacco. It 
was merely an expedient to put more money in the pockets of cer- 
tain coiu-tier speculators, and to increase the return to the exchequer. 
Lord Goring, the head of the new company of proposed patentees, 
wrote thus upon the subject to sir Edmund : — 

Lord Goring to sir Edmund Verney. 

Noble knight marshal], — We are now growing to a conclusion in our 
work of preemption, and therefore I thought fitt to advertise you soe timely 
thereof as that you may not be in any kinde surprised about your garbling 
pattent, which we demand as a prime and speedy lielp to the first motion in 
our buisines. 

My lord treasurer hath it already, amongst other powers, that we demand 
for this service. Loose therefore noe time for your owne advantage uppon 
the composition from his majesty, since it wilbe of such necessary conse- 
quence to his work — for so it is, and likely to be noe slight one if it hit. 

If you please to adventure heerein, I pray let me with all convenient 
speede heare from you, for we ar now buying npp all the tobacco we can 
heare of; what I say to you is the same I know to our worthy friend sir 
Ralfe Clare.* 

This inclosed is for your better cleering with my lord marquis, which 
you may use as you please. The case is quite altered with us, and there- 
fore I hope his lordship will consider it accordingly, all being out of meere 
respect to our former engagements and for noe other end or comeoff what- 
soever. If he please to doe as I doe, he shall command his proportion and 

• Sir Kdiiiinid's partner in liis Karl)ling imtcnt. 


leade the whole company. And soe with my best love and service to your 
good selfe, I rest your faythfullest freind and humble servant, 

February 1, 1637-r8]. 

For the noble knight marshall my worthy friend. 

Lord Goring and his partners received their new authority under Authority over 
a commission, dated 16 jNIarch, 1636. It gave them large powers fo^^acco ""ranted 
of regulating the sale of tobacco, and having been preceded, as we by commis- 
find it was, by the commissioners buying up all the tobacco they Qoring and 
could find on their own account, must have been a fruitful source of various other 
very shameful fraud. Neither sir Edmund nor the marquis of 
Hamilton, the nobleman alluded to in the last passage of lord 
Goring-'s letter, had any share in the new scheme.f 

Another patent in which sir Edmund Verney had an interest was sir Ed. Verney 
that for the regulation of hackney coaches. These useful vehicles interested m 

t> •/ _ patent for regu- 

are said to have first appeared in the streets of London in 1625, the lating hackney 
earliest stand being at the Maypole, in the Strand. Li 1635-6, under '^^^^ 
pretence of the disturbance to the king, his dearest consort the 
queen, the nobility, and others of place and degree, in their pas- 
sage through the streets, the destruction of the pavements, the 
pestering of the streets from the number of coaches which plied 
for liire, and their general and promiscuous use, the king limited by 
proclamation the power of hiring hackney coaches to persons desirous 
of travellmg to a distance of three miles or more out of town, and 
declared that every proprietor should be bound to keep four able 
horses for the royal service when required.^ These restrictions 
having failed to accomplish their desired end, the master of the horse 
was empowered to grant licences to fifty persons, each having twelve 
horses, to whom the power of keeping hackney coaches was to be 

* George Goring created lord Goring in 4th Charles I. and earl of Norwich in 
20th Charles I. father of the colonel Goring mentioned before at p. 171. 
t Foedera, xx. 116. 

+ Foedera, xix. 721. The proclamation is dated 19th Jan. 11th Car. I. 


limited.* The master of the horse at tliis time was the marquis 

Hamilton, the nobleman alluded to at the close of the last letter. 

Also in patent Sir Ednuuid Ycrnev was also a partner with John Polgreene, of 

\voonen"^m9. St. Martin's in the Fields, gentleman, in a patent for searching and 

sealing woollen yarn before it was sold or wrought into cloth. 

There were twenty-four partners, and sir Edmund advanced fifty 

pounds towards the payment of preliminary expenses.f 

Hardship of • ■\yg have seen one example of the hardshi])s engendered by the abuse 

crown rights or • i p n • i i ' i 

claims enforced 01 the court 01 wards ; — ui the loJlownig document we have another. 

wards ^"""^^ °^ Lady Verney's sister Margaret had been married, as we have stated, to 
John Poultney or Pulteney, esquire, of Misterton, in Leicestershire. 
He died on the 15th May, 1637, leaving various lands which were held 
in chief of the crown, to his widow for life, and after her decease to 
his three sisters and the infant son and heir of another sister who 
was deceased. Tliere was no present interest intended to be given 
to any of these ])ersons except the widow ; but it was held that by 
some legal crotchet, in consequence of the fourth of the heirs in 
reversion being under age, although he was not in wardship to the 
crown, nor could be, for his father was alive, the crown was entitled to 
the present profits of his share of the reversion during his minority. 
In the following petition it Avill be seen that Mrs. Pulteney submits 
to this hardship, and prays to be allowed to take a lease of the portion 
to which the crown was held to be entitled. 

To the right honourable Francis lord Cotthigton, master of his majesties 
court of Wardes and Liveries. 

The hunihle peticon of Margarett Pulltney, the relict of .John ruHtnev, 
esquire, deceased. 

May it please your lordship — That your peticoners late husband died 
about twellve daies since, seized of divers mannors and landes in the comity 
of Leister and elsewhere held in chiefe, which are in jointure to your 

* l'<cd. XX. ir.!>. f V.iii.'v MS. 27tli Jiilv. li!.{S. 


peticoner during her life, from the graunt of her late husband, who dyed 
without issue, and the revercon of the said landes is to come to three of his 
sisters living, and to Thomas Aston, an infant within age, the sonne of sir 
Thomas Aston, knight baronett, by Magdalen, his late wife, deceased, who 
was another of the sisters and co-heires of her late husband ; and your 
peticoner being informed by her counsell, that though the said sir Thomas 
Aston bee living, and noe wardship of the body can bee during his life, 
yet your peticoners jointure is impeachable for a fourth part of a third 
part, during the minority of the said Thomas Aston, 

Humbly prayeth your lordship to admitt your peticoner to take a lease 
of soe much of her jointure lands as shall become due unto his majestie 
during the minority of the said Thomas Aston, and allsoe to grant her a 
cortt to find the office, and she shall be bound to pray for your lordship.* 

We now resume our general extracts : — 

1636. June Vdth. I received your two notes, for, till I saw your name 
under written, I knew not they were letters, and, trust mee, I begann 
to doubt whither this drouth, amongst other things, had not causde a dearth 
of paper, but finding your watch inclosde that scruple vanisht, when behold 
I discovered the precious estimation of time to bee the cause of that con- 
cisenes, whereuppon I gave speciall charge to East to rectiffy the motion. East the watch- 
which by my next I intend to returne so perfect that the sunn it selff" shall ™a'^er. 
not give you a more strict account of the minutes. I should now inlarge 
my self to give you thanks for the frendly care you have taken to provide 
us a place of refuge during this contagion, but favours soe weyghty oppress 
and stupify, leaving us though great yet dumb examples of gratitude. The 
knight marshall, sir Edmund Verney, graced us lately with his company 
some two houres, not reckoning one spent in knocking at the gate, for the 
house was soe drownde in sylence that there wanted nothing but a red cross 
to make him believe the plague was there.f 

July X'^th. My lorde deputy goes on Saterday to court, and I The lord 

deputy's move- 

* Memorandum indorsed: "The original of this petition was delivered the 2.5th of 
May, 1637." 

t Nathaniel Hobart to Ralph Verney, from Highgate. 


must attend him thither, because he takes his leave there uppon Sunday, 
and sees the court noe more uctill the king comes to Rufforde.* 

1636. July Mth. Aboute that tyme [the 28th of this month], or 
perhaps a Uttle before, our deputy of Ireland goes into Yorkshire, and he 
sayes that I must kill a buck with him there this summer.f 

Sir William 30M. I am not a little rayled at for not visitinge my 

UveJale. freinds in Hampshire, I meane sir William Uvedall % and the rest of that 

good family, but I cannot thinke of any such thinge untell I have seene 
you. I wish your occations would give you leave to go thither with mee. 
Our stay should not bee longe, for we would come backe before the kinge 
comes to Woodstock, which is about the 26th August.§ 

August 3rd. My lorde deputie is now going away from hence. 

This night I attend him; to-morrow, i/ou. \\ 

Huir-outtingat^ August 25th. Good brother, — There is a proctor for every 

house during the king's continuance in Oxford, and the cheifest thing that 
they wil endeavour to amend is the wearing of long haire ; the principal 
protested that after this day he would turn out his house whomesoever he 
found with haire longer than the tips of his eares. I beleeve this severity 
will last but a weeke ; therefore I pray, if you can conveniently, send for me 
towards Satterday.11 

October 2'2nd. To-morrow I must to Croyden to wayte on my 

lorde deputie. He is there. I am assured of it by sir George Radcliff, 
who came to me yesterday to Loughton Hall, and brought along with him 
the letter from my lord deputie, which you may remember was wished for. 
Perhaps we may meet with both of them on Tuesday [the day of Dillon's 

Propaniiions 1636-7. February 6th. There is a great preparation in cmbrio. There 

wants but a benevolence from the subject to give it life, and thou, have at 

• James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from London. 

t James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from Windsor. 

X The gentleman whose intimacy with lady Essex led her into so mueh trouble. There 
ia amongst the Verney papers a very furious lovo-lotter addressed by him to mistress Ann 
Temple, one of the family at Stowe, in May, 1()35. 

§ Ralph Verney to James Dillon, from Claydon. 

II James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from London. 

^ Ednmnd Verney to Ralph Verney, from Magdalen Ilall. 

** James Dillon to Ralph Verney, from Ilaekney. 

for war. 


the Spaniard I The rumor hath much perplext the Spanish embassador, 
who uppon conference with his majestic would inforce a consequence from 
thence of a breach of peace ; but the king replide, he would but assist his 
nephew, as the king of Spaine did the emperour. The designe, if it be well 
pursued, must in all likelihoode produce excelent effects. We have hitherto 
but lopt the branches, and made the tree thrive the bettre, but now wee 
shall strike at the roote. In this action the Hollanders and my lord Lord Craven's 
Craven* joine. Though I dare not ranke him with kings and princes, yet, '^''^ ' ^' 
trust mee, his bounty may challenge a prime place amongst them. I dare 
say there are some Ttallian princes would shrinke at soe great an under- 
taking, nay, and they should pawne their titles, and spoyle their subjects, 
they would not bee able to furnish such a summ. Yet what is all this but a 
small part or portion of those vast treasures left him by his father ? And His wealth and 
what was hee ? Filius populL What stock had hee to begin withall ? ^^^®"*^- 
A groate ; — an excelent pedigree ! What saies the court of this man ? 
They laugh at him, and desire things may be reduced to their first prin- 
ciple. Would you have my opinion of him ? Truly, his wealth is his 
greatest enemy, and yet his only frend. It begetts, in his inferiours, a 
disguisde friendship ; in his equalls, envy. His vanity makes him accessible 
to the one ; the meaness of his birth, person, parts, contemptible to the 
other ; and though in those great ons envy bee the true motive, yet his 
many follies rendring him obnoxious to a just censure, that passes away 
unseene. Had fortune conspirde with nature and ranked him according to 
his degree, he might have crept away among the rout, his levities unknowne, 

* William, first baron and ultimately earl of Craven, one of the prime notabilities of 
this period. Three of his peculiarities are touched upon in the present letter ; his want 
of a pedigree, evidently deemed a great offence ; his vast wealth ; and his almost bound- 
less liberality. He soon afterwards proved himself in the wars of the palatinate to be a 
brave soldier, and was finally united, as is thought, by a private marriage, with the rash 
but beautiful princess who stirred up all that strife. The ambition which led her to 
urge her incompetent husband to accept the proffered crown, in order that she might be 
a queen, probably induced her to prefer an ambiguous connection rather than an open 
marriage with the titled but meanly descended man whose wealth was her support, and 
his devotion to her service her best protection, for many years. Lord Craven's father was 
a London tradesman. He was lord mayor in 1611. Lord Craven contributed 10,000/. 
at one time for the purpose alluded to in this letter. Charles II. received from hiui 
50,000;. at the least before the Restoration. 


or if discovered, they might have prociirde him as gay though not soe rich 
a coate as now he weares.* Are you not weary? Truly, I am. The 
candle bidds mee goe to bedd ; therefore, good night.f 
dl'dareri^al 1636-7. February I3th. That the judges have declared in the case of 

the shippmoney, that the palsgrave hath publisht a protestatio, disavowing 
all acts of the emperor or the diet as voyde, in regard there wanted two 
electors ; viz. himself and the bishop of Triers : — it is much wondered at.;}; 

Healing for the March 28th. Good puss, as for thos peeple you wright about to 

have cure for the king's evell, I will have all the care of them I can ; but 
till Good Fryday hee will heale none. I beleeve hee will heale that daye, 
and in Easter hollidayes.§ 
Siege of Breda. 1637. October 26th. In our a proches there has bine nothing don cence 
the taking in of the hornworke ; but in count Williams a proches wee lost 
some to hundred men of the choitches,|| and divers oflfesers besides, in 
faling in of the hornworke. After, as thay had spi-ung there mine, and 
where in the worke, thay where beate out of it for want of there seconds 
comming up, which were the Ducthes. This was all the servise that was 
scene afore the towne that is wourth speking of, but wee lost great store of 
men that where shot in our a proches by misfourtune. The towne is now 
ours, and it was given up the six of October by the nue stile, and the 10 
of the same mountli thay marcht out of it, with wan and fifty flying coulors, 
and the[re] was not at all gest to be a bove sixteene hundred men, straglors 
and all. This is all the nues that I can wright you word of.1[ 

* In his answer to this letter, dated the 11 th February, 1636-7, Ralph Verney remarks, 
" Wee heare much of a great navie, hut more of my little lord Craven, whose bounty makes 
him the subject of every man's discourcc. By many hee is condemned of prodigallity, but 
by most of folly." 

t Nathaniel Ilobart to Ralph Verney, from Co vent garden. 

X Nathaniel Ilobart to Ralph Verney. 

§ Sir Edmund to lady Verney. 

H Choicest: the writer had been so long in France, that his English was often at fault. 
II Henry Verney to Ralph Verney. This letter relates to the siege of Breda, an 
atcliievment of great importance in those days. The Spaniards had taken the place by 
famine, after a dreadful siege of nearly eleven months, in IG'Jf). Their garri-son had been 
a great trouble to the surrounding country, and the prince of Orange determined to regain 
the town. After long preparations, the object of which waa kept profoundly secret, the 
prince suddenly concentrated his forces round Breda, at the end of July 1037. The result 
ujjpcaiD in the report of young Henry Verney. Among the pi-omincnt Englishmen wlio 


Towards the close of 1638 Thomas Verney became outrageously Thomas Ver- 
dissatisfied with his secluded life at Claydon. Idleness, as he wrote faction with a 
to his father, "puts many wicked thoughts into one's head." True he r.^^'^y „'' ^^ 
could read, and walk " in att one doore, and out att the other ;" but 
" reading doth but exercise my mind, and not my body, and too 
much of one thing is good for nothing, but a little of each will refresh 
a man's witt ;" and so he begged and prayed that his father would 
but employ him.* Utter disgust of an idle life was probably the 
feeling which the father desired to produce in the mind of his way- 
ward son, but at the same time without driving the foohsh fellow to 
desperation. His letter was turned over by sir Edmund to that 
general man of business, his son Ralph, who was now constantly 
residing with his father in Covent Garden. Ralph wrote to his 
brother to come up to town immediately. He did so, on a very Comes to Lon- 
dirty day; but instead of hastening to the Piazza, or "the Peheatso," 
as he was accustomed to write the word, whither he had been invited, 
he preferred to establish himself in " the Strand, att the beare and 
ragged staflF," whence he announced his ai'rival, " extreame wett, and 
very weary besides," which he says " hath caused me to make the 
more haste to bed." Besides being wet and weary, he was also, it 
appears, very unwilling to put himself in the way of meeting " Mrs. 
Hubbert,t for t\vo or three respects." The bear and ragged staff, he 

served and suffered on this occasion, one to whose after career we have already alluded was 
in considerable danger. We read, in a contemporary account, that on the 23rd August, 
young colonel Goring, whose valour, it was said, appears in his youth, not " in blossomes 
but in fruits," received " a faulcon-shot in his ancle, which, to the eye of the chirurgeons, 
appeared so dangerous that they concluded he could not escape unlesse his legge were cut 
off: the noble gentleman bore the hurt patiently, but not the conclusion of his chyrur- 
geons; he resolved rather to lose his life than his limb." His chaplain, " Doctor Calfe," 
ultimately induced him to give his consent, and the surgeons were preparing to perform 
the operation, when "an old expert chyrurgeon commeth in, undertaketh the cure, and 
performed it happily, it being now scarce a blemish to the eye, and discernable onely by a 
little halting.'" JDiatelesma. The secotid j^art of the moderne history of the world, con- 
taining this last summers actions. 4to, Lond. 1638, p. 82. 

* Verney MS. 18th October, 1638. 

t Wife of Nathaniel Hobart and sister of " Doll " Leake. 



assured his brother, was " a very convenient lodging ;" but on the 
morrow he would pay his respects to the family in Covent Garden. 
Our next notice of him is in a letter from Ralph to Henry, from 
which we learn that he had " gon to the Barbathos ; and I feare," 
continued Ralph, " not at all amended; for about three days before 
hee went hee played me a slippery trick, though I had many deepe 
protestations to the contrary. It was not discovered till he was 
goan."* It appears from other letters that he was sent to Barba- 
does upon the recommendation of the carl of Warwick,t who had 
an interest in that colony, and a resident agent there, a captain 
Futter. Thomas Verney's first report from Barbadocs will be found 
extremely characteristic, and in spite of its length very fai' from being 
unworthy of perusal. 

Thomas Verney's 

Account of Barbadoes. 
Father, sir Edmund. 

Addressed to his 

Settled at Bar 

Hxs 100 acres 
of land. 

Right worthy Sir, — I am (according to your command) settled with my 

very loving freind captaine Futter, where I intend (God willing) to stay till 

such time I can heare from you, which I hope will be within a few months, 

or els it will be noe staying for mee in the Barbados. I have obtained one 

hundred acres of land, but not knowing how to dispose of it unless I can 

have such a supply as the invoise makes mention of,;}; which, if I can have 

lorc'rofwhat he ^^^^ ^ supply which is according to my expectation, I make noe question 

wants, but (by the grace of God) to rais my fortunes in a few yeares ; nay, I shall 

His iirospccts. be able in one yeares time to returne back the principall, which is a great 

incourageraent both to you that doe disburs the money, and likewise a 

greater incouragement to have mee continue here, which could never yett 

stay any where. More I could say to you for your incouragement, but that 

time will not give mee leave. 

• Verney MS. 9th January, 1638-9. 

t Robert Rich, second earl of Warwick, afterwards the commander of the Heet for tlie 
parliament, " a man," says Clarendon, " in no grace at court, and looked upon a-s the 
grejitcHt patron of the puritans, because of much the greatest estate of all who favoured 
them." ( Rebell. book 3.) 

X The invoice was afterwards amended and enlarged : see it at p. 197. 


In regard you were pleased to lay your command upon mee at my depar- Complies with 
ture from you to send you a true relation of the countrey, which I have now rection'rto^ h' 
don in as much brevity as I could devise. a true relation 

It is the best and healthfuUest in all the westerne islands ; thanks be to "^ ^^^ country. 
God, here is want of nothing which is nourishing both for soul or body ; 
but 1 doe think it very requisite to give you the true relation of the countrey 
in perticulers, (that is) to sett you downe in the first place what good doc- 
trine we have, then what good laws we have, and soe to proceed to the 
fruits that doth grow on the land, and, lastly, to tell you what doth most 
annoy us. 

First, to begin with our teaching. It is not soe good as I wish it were, The theological 
yett in some places of the land it is very good ; but I hope, if my lord of jgiand"^ ^" * ^ 
Warwick hath bought the island,* that we shall have better orders in the 
island than we have hitherto had. 

The next thing I am to informe you with is the law of our island, which Its laws, 
is (thanks be to God) indifferent good ; and it would be far better were it 
not for some justices that doth make laws one court, and break them the 
next; but we trust in God, when Mr. Marsham comes, that all things will 
be altred ; untill he doth come to us, we that be under the law must be obedient 
to the law as it is, as I take it, in the 8th of the Romanes. 

Now another thing I am to give you notice of, which is the fruits that its fruits, 
this land doth beare every month in the yeare, which is a great comfort to 
us, and the fruits are these which follow : — Oranges, lemons, limes, plantines, 
potatoes, pine apples, guaves, and many more which I have not time to tell 
you the nature of them, becaus I am other wise prevented ; yett I will name 
them, and in my next letter tell you the natures of them, — pepper, cinamon, 
ginger, etc. 

For your oranges, they are fairer then any that comes from your southern Oranees. 
islands, which you should say your self if I could invent how to transport 
them over without spoyling of them. 

Your lemons are farr greater then those I ever saw in England ; you Lemons, 
should likewise see them if I knew how. 

* Barbadoes was first settled under the authority of letters patent, granted by James I. 
(hence James town) to James Ley, afterwards earl of Marlborough. A subsequent grant 
was made by Charles I. to James Hay, earl of Carlisle, to whom the earl of Marlborough 
surrendered his rights on payment of a perpetual rent of 300^. per annum. 





it is. 




Annoyances in 
tlie iHJund. 


Another fruit here is your limes, which is much about the bigness of 
a crab, and farr sowrer then a crab, which (when they are ripe) wee cutt in 
the middle, and squize the juce of it into fay re water, and it makes very 
good beuerage. 

Yett the best fruit is behind, and that is plantines, which is good divers 
ways, either raw, stewed, baked, or fryed, or to make a very fine cool drink, 
which is very small, and very pleasant for the pallat, and that is called 
plantine drink. 

The next is your potatoes, which is very nourishing and comfortable. It 
is the best provision we have in the land, both for our selves and servants, 
but chiefly for them, for they will not desire, after one month or two, noe 
other provision but potatoes boyled, and mobby to drink with them ; and 
this as we call mobby is only potatoes boyled, and then pressed as hard as 
they can till all the juce is gon out of the root into fayre water, and after 
three houres this is good drink. Soe we brue in the morning to drink att 
noon, and att noon to drink att night, and so every day in the yeare. 

Now the last and the best fruit is your pine apples ; and there are two 
sorts of pines, a queen pine, and another which I cannot well call to mind, 
theirfore I will omitt it. Now the queen pine when it is in your mouth, 
doe but imagine a tast and that relisheth of it, — soe it be luscious. It is 
held to be such a dainty fruit, that king Jeames swore that it was the apple 
that Eve cosned Adam with. I might speak much more of this pine, but 
whilest I am a writing the description of it it makes mee long after it, and I 
beleeve that you will long till you have tasted of it, which I heartily wish 
you had one in your hand at the reading of this my letter, but I feare it will 
not be till such time I come myself, becaus they must have a great care in 
the carriage of it, or else it will be but labour in vaine. 

Here are likewise guavees and pepper, cinanion, and ginger, growing in 
this little island, and many other good things, which doth greive mee that I 
have not soe much time to speak of them att larg ; but the next time you 
heare from meo expect a larger description of the countiey: soe now I 
proceed to my last thing, and that was this : — the evills that doth most 
annoy us, and that is partly and chiefly drunkenes, your landcrabs, etc. 

I'irst, dnnikeiiiu'ss. Were it not for that great sin, this would be one of 
the bravest islands that ever I saw or heard of; but this sin doth soe much 
incrcas amongest us, tluit I have seen upon a Sabbath day, as I have been 


walking to church, first one, presently after another, lye in the highway soe 
drunk that here be land-crabs in the land, that I shall speak of by and by, 
that have bitt of some of their fingers, some their toes, nay, and hath killed 
some before they have wakened ; yett this doth not att all aff'right them. 
More I could say, but as they are beasts, soe lett mee leave them like beasts, 
and proceed to speake a word or two of your land-crabs. 

Thees land-crabs are innumerable, that you shall have them certaine Land-crabs, 
months in the yeare be soe thick in the highwayes, that, let us doe what we 
can, we shall have them bite through our shoes, that we are not able to 
undoe them till wee break their claws ; they are very like our sea-crabs, but 
nothing att all soe good, becaus most of them are poysonous. 

Yett one thing more I forgott, which is worth your observation, and that Tree-cabbages, 
is cabiges, that grows on trees, some an hundred foot high ; they are not 
altogether soe sweett as our English cabige, neither doe they knitt as ours 
doe, but they are very good to be eaten. Likewise we have a root that we call Cassander. 
cassander, that makes excellent beare and bread. The beare it makes is as 
strong as our ten shilling beare in England, and the bread is very fine and 
white, although not soe toothsome as ours. 

Thus much of the description of the countrey for this time, and what 
fault I have committed in describing of it impute it to my weakenes, but 
lett mee humbly desire your acceptance, and that shall be enough satis- 
faction for the writer. Now if your goodness should not accept of it, then 
lett mee humbly begg of you to lett one of your servants copye it out, and fetteTto°be sent 
send it downe to my ever loving friend Mr. Aris, who will, I am confident, to Mr. Aris, the 
smother my folly, and accept of it as though I had sent him a greater ^^^^^^ ° *^" 
present . 

Deare sir, lett this be an ingagement for mee for my new lead-life, and 
assure your self, before I could tell soe much of the countrey as I have, it 
cost mee many a weary step and watchfuU night, yett all that I can or ever 
could doe cannot be a sufficient ingagement to you who hath all wayes been 
a deare and most loving father to mee. Now I leave you to Him that made 
you, praying day and night for your health and happiness in this world, and 
everlasting life in the world to come. Your most dutyfull sonn, 

Thomas Verney. 
From the Barbados, the 10th of Febr. 1638. 



The artiolea in- 
voiced will not 
cost more than 

Principal to 1)6 
returned with 
use in twelve 

Sir, — The invoice may perhaps daunt you att the first sight, yett two 
hundred pound will pay all, one hundred for the mens passages, and the 
other to buy all those perticulars, and then after one yeares time I shall be 
able (by the grace of God) to returne the principall with use ; yett I humbly 
desire you to send mee over foure cases of strong waters, two for the men 
to drink att sea to comfort them their, and two after their arrivall. For my 
own part I cannot drink non, therefore it may cost you the less price, which 
will be five pound att the most ; soe once againe I humbly take leave, and 
rest your most obedient sonn, 

Thomas Verney. 

A few further 

A little before I closed up my letter I was examining my stock, and 
finding of it to be very weak, I thought good ^humbly to intreat you for two 
hogsheads of beef, four ferkins of salt butter, two jars of oyle, ten pound of 
pepper, a pound of nuttmeggs, and tenn pound of suger. Now if I have 
not all this I must be glad to eat roots and feed upon loblolly the year long, 
till I have some hogs to kill of mine owne, and this loblolly is far wors theu 
your plow men doe eat in England. 

Twenty hoUand cheeses will doe mee a great courtesy in this island. 

[^Address.'] To his ever dear father, 

Sir Edmund Verney; thees present. 

Letter to his This letter came accompanied by one to his mother, full of velie- 

™" '*'"'^' ment protestations of reformation, and resolutions, " by the grace of 

God, to lead a new life, which I hope you will rejoice," he naively 

I lis reformation, adds, "when you hear it f7'om others." He explains that he is now 
building a sorry cottage to harbour his men when he has them, which 
he hopes will be very speedily, and reminds the good lady at Claydon 

And his wanu. that, when he has done building, he shall want household stuft", " as 
some plate, spoons or the like ; then pewter and brass of all sorts^ 
and linnen of all sorts," both for himself and his servants. He was 
unwilling to trouble his father about such " a business," which " did 
not belong to him ;" and "the parcells," he proceeds, " I need not 
name, but will leave them wholly to your own discretion." Having 
accomplished this :ii>peal to the heart of the mother and housewife. 


he breaks off in great haste, having discovered that he has many 
letters to write. 

On the 20th May he repeated his apphcation to his father, sending Which he urges 
also a new and enlarged copy of his modest invoice of wants, which afterwards. 
we will print as a note.* He recommends a friend, one of the chief 
merchants that trades for those parts, to be employed in the purchase 
and shipping of the required articles, and forwards a testimonial 
from captain Futter, who assures sir Edmund that his son is " an 

* An inventory of such necessaries as are usefull for mee in this countrey. 

Imprimis ; twenty able men, whereof two to be carpenters, two sa[w]yers, a weauer 
that can weaue diaper, and the other a taylor. 

Item ; twelve dozen of drawers, twelve dozen of shirts, and twelve dozen of shoes ; six 
dozen of cours neckcloths, six dozen of cours linnen stockins, larg enough or els they will 
not be seruiceable, six dozen of cours munmoth capps. Now for ammunition ; twenty 
good musketts, twenty amunition swords, with twenty belts and twenty pair of bandiliers. 

Item; two great iron kettles containing twelve gallons a peece, two great iron potts, one 
holding eight gallons the other six, two little potts about two or three gallons a peece, 
and a stew pan: Now for necessaries for the plantation; fine dozen of broad hoes and 
three dozen of narrow hoes, flue dozen of axes, a dozen of bills, and two dozen of 
hatchetts. Nayles of all sorts to build with, ten thousand of double tens, ten thousand of 
single tens, and ten thousand of six peny nayles. Now for thread to mend their cloths, 
and twine to mend their shoes, and cours bedtick to make them hamacks to lye in ; for 
thread ten pound, ten dozen of twine, and an hundred yards of cours bedtick with fifty 
dozen of haniack lines; soe much for that; yet I had allmost forgott fouer dozen of spades, 
and fouer dozen of pickaxes, a hunderd pound weight of powder, half a hunderd of 
pistoll buUetts, and a quarter of a hunderd of good cotton match. Now for some 
necessaries concerning myself. As first, for one good cloth sute, and one taby or good 
stuff sute. Now for necessaries concerning houshold prouision : First, fouer hogsheads 
of good beef, fouer firkins of butter putt up in earthen potts, becaus of keeping, fouer 
jari-s of good sweet oyle, ten pound of sugar, [a proof that the cultivation of the sugar-cane 
had not then been introduced into Barbadoes,] as much pepper, some nuttmeggs, clones, 
and cinamon, twenty holland cheeses, or good chessheir chees, a hogshead of good bay 
salt, an hunderd weight of good castle sope, three pound of starch, and a pound of blew 
starch, an hunderd weight of good wax light, that keeps best from melting in this 
countery. Six cases of strong waters that the men may euery morning drink a dram to 
keep them in health ; for my part I drink non. I need not putt downe tooles for euery 
tradesman, for I beleeue you will not send them unfurnished, for if you doe they will doe 
mee but little seruice. 

Fouer bolts of canvas to send cotton home in. 



Mra. Pultcncy, i 
rich widow. 

Her character. 

Hatl many 


extraordinary good husband and careful." These letters reached 
Enghind on the 22nd of July, 1639, ere which time events of both 
public and private interest had for a time driven master Tom almost 
out of the minds of his English friends. 
^ Mrs. ]\Iargaret Pultency was a wealthy and probably by no means 
an unprepossessing widow. The annoying interference of the court 
of wards, founded upon the presumed right of the infant son of sir 
Thomas Aston, soon came to an end ; for the boy died, his mother's 
rights descended to her surviving sisters, and Mrs. Pulteney's very 
handsome jointure was entirely freed from the intermeddling of 
the crown. Her letters upon this and other businesses are those 
of a clever determined woman, with no slight share of the puri- 
tanic tinge which is apparent among all the Dentons and the 
Verneys. Crowther, to whom Mrs. Pulteney was a valuable pa- 
troness, esteemed her highly as a religious person, and testified his 
regard, as well as his gratitude, by a large bequest of ten pounds 
" to buy her a ringe." By her influence over the mind of her late 
husband, he had been led away from dissipations in which he had 
been accustomed to indulge. His case indeed seems to have been 
the not uncommon one of a rake reformed by a sensible and 
right-minded wife. Of course, from the moment of his death she 
had many suitors ; and some of their love-letters which she trans- 
mitted to Ralph Verney — of course only those from writers whom 
she had determined in her own mind to reject — are anmsing speci- 
mens of a literature which never alters. The bewildered amazement 
with wliich the writers contemplate her beauty and perfections of 
every kind, the agonizing deaths they must die if she prove unkind, 
the ravishing delight with which they would live upon her slightest 
command, the freedom of their adjurati(Mis by the " sacred heavens," 
and so forth, testify to the stereotyped character of the appeals 
which excited gentlemen have in all ages thought it right to make 
on such occasions. Of the proposed matches, on which she con- 
sulted her "good cosen" (as she designated her nephew, Ralph 
Verney), one was with sir John l^iulet, afterwards second lord 


Paulet of Hinton Saint George, who had " 2500/. per annum in 
clemeanes, whereof 800/. per annum was parsonage land, and held 
of the church, subject only to 300Z. of old rent, and his mother's 
jointure of lOOZ. per annum." Mrs. Pulteney's mother, lady Denton, 
set herself against this gentleman because his property was at a 
distance from Buckinghamshire. " For the man," remarks Mrs. 
Pulteney^ *' shee sayes she canot, as far as she sees, dislike him." 
Such an objection raised a feeling in his favour in the breast 
of the widow. " It was knowne," she remarked, " before ever he 
cam into the howes, wliere his estate laye." He had made his 
approaches through her brother, sir Alexander Denton. She there- 
fore requests Ralph to "axe" him of "the passages^' that had been 
between them. " For my owne part," she says, " I pray God send 
me a good husband, and I care not wher his land lies." My lady Hon. Francis 
Deincourt, a sister of Henry lord Falkland, was an earnest suitor ^^incourt. 
for her son Francis, who was favoured by lady Denton because 
she heard that he had a greater estate than sir J. Paulet. The 
gentleman also wrote very fiery letters, but his person was not 
acceptable to the good widow. " For my part," she said, " I thinke 
all the riches in the world without content is nothing; soe this 
liberty I will take to my selfe, that is, to make choice of one as 
I can afecte; — as for him, I find I canot." In this manner she 
kept her suitors at bay for many months. Hillesdon was besieged 
by the rivals for her hand during the whole of 1638. Wealth 
was treated by her so scornfully that her friends thought it right 
to remonstrate upon her disregard of worldly substance. " I am 
very wiling," she replied, " to take your council in having richis 
enoufe ; all ouer natewers is to apte to set ouer hartes on that 
which is worst for us; but I hope I shall neuer put my trust 
in unsartin richis. Some men," she added, " will line beter 
with 500" per anam then sum will with fiftine, if thay be roring 
feloes." Sir J. Paulet plied his suit assiduously, and when her 
spirits failed, or she made a blunder in a direction, it was de- 
clared that she was in love. " I can asure you," she replied, " I 


am not in love, althoufrh sum say I am, and that it is witli a J. P. 
to, but it is with that J. P. tliat is gone, then." By the end of 
1638 Paulet gave up the chace, and two lords appeared in the field ; 
Lord Howard, one a lord Howard, a widower with five children, who were much 
objected to, although their father's suit was powerfully urged 
by the lord chamberlain, — a very high authority in the estima- 
tion of sir Edmund and Ralph Yemey ; the other lord's name does 
not appear, but between them both, and under the persecution of 
her own friends, ]\lrs. Pulteney lived in considerable disquiet down 
to March 1639. Some promise she had given the lords by way of 
keeping them from quarrelling, or some incautious words which 
they had construed into a promise not to decide for either within a 
certain time, left her exposed to the attacks of both, and led to the 
inference that one of them was ultimately to prevail. "Which of 
them it was to be, was an anxious question with the Verneys and 
the Dentons, and no httle play was made amongst them to throw 
the game into the hands of the one they severally favoured. Above 
all things they were anxious that the lady should keep faith with the 
lords-suitors, and should give no offence to the lord chamberlam. 
8ti) Januan-, It was whilst the Verneys were at the very height of their uncer- 

of Mai-garet,'^ taiuty respecting the decision of the wayward widow, that Ralph 
dauKhterof Verncy had a daughter born, 8th January, 1638-9. Mrs. Pulteney 

Ralph Vemev. , *^ . , ° , ', ,.,,,' ^ ,, "^ 

Stood godmotJier, and gave the clnld her own name oi iNlai'garet. 

This event was followed by a change in public affairs which threw 

both these families, and half the families in the kingdom, into 


Rise of the Charles I. had now for several years been at variance with liis Scot- 

troubles m Scot- . , , . , 

land. tish subjects upon a subject of the deepest interest. That monarch 

aimed, in the government of the countries under his dominion, 
CharioH i.'8 at the accomplishment of two leading objects ; first, the absolute cen- 
goveniment. tralizatiou of all the powers of the state in himself; and, second, a 
level uniformity of submission in all his peoi)le. These were the 
purposes designed to be effected by the "thorough" policy of Straf- 
ford and of Laud. In conformity with the first of them, Hngland was 


to accept the king's will, as declared by the privy council, in place of 

her ancient government by parliaments ; Ireland was to bend to the How practically 

authority of the king's lieutenant, enforced by a powerful army ; and enforced. 

Scotland was to render to the mandates of the sovereign, dated from 

London, an obedience which would never have been required or 

thought of in the old time, when their king resided in the Scottish 

capital, and filled the throne of Scotland only. All this was of course 

mere usurpation and tyranny, — a clear breach of the king's coronation 

oath, which bound him to govern by law and not by prerogative. 

The endeavour to enforce uniformity was no less tyrannical, and 
more foolish, especially when applied, as in the case of Scotland, to 
the subject of religion. The disciples of that religious school, to 
which king Charles very sincerely belonged, have always considered 
ecclesiastical uniformity to be a point of the most essential import- 
ance. Religious unity there already existed between Scotland and 
England. Both churches had been reformed upon protestant prin- 
ciples. But it was not enough that men should hold the unity of the 
spirit in the bond of peace, that they should profess the same faith, 
and live and die in the same hope, unless their ecclesiastical govern- 
ment were administered by officers of the same name and authority, 
their church services were conducted in accordance with one common 
prescribed ceremonial, and their ministers were habited in the same 
kinds of vestments. From his accession Charles set his heart upon His determina- 
assimilating the church of Scotland, both in government and in ecclesiastical 
practice, to that of England. He desired that the limited episcopacy uniformity be- 

J ' ° , . tween England 

of Scotland should be endowed with all the power of the English and Scotland. 
hierarchy, and that the simple services of the presbyterian worship 
should be formalised, as it was deemed in Scotland, by the adoption 
of the English book of common prayer. Charles thought himself 
bound by his own principles, both political and religious, to accom- 
plish this uniformity. As the centre and source of government, in 
church as well as in state, he imagined that he could not consistently 
speak one ecclesiastical language in England, and another in his 
northern dominions. What was true in the one country was equally 



SO in the other. Without imiforniity, he should seem to contradict 
himself, which no man more disliked. 

In executing his project he never considered wliat were the opi- 
nions of his Scottish subjects; he acted as if his own feelings as 
governor were alone to be consulted, and the duty of the people were 
simply to obey. By his own authority, therefore, without the con- 
sent of either parliament or general assembly, without even so much 
as consulting the Scottish privy council, the king sent down from 
Sets forth a book London, in May, 1635, a book of canons for observance throughout 

of canons of his r^ ^ ^ i • -i •iiiip e> o \ 

own autiiority. Scotland, which entu'ely altered the lorm or government or the 

Also a book of Scottish church. Afterwards, in December, 1636, a book of common 

coniinon prayer was published, and ordered to be adopted, under the authority 

of a royal letter, and with the concurrence of a selected number of 

the Scottish privy council. 

The validity of these acts of royal authority might perhaps by 
some ingenuity have been brought by the clergy before the ordinary 
tribunals for determination, but in the way in which the question was 
jiresented practically to the people, namely, by certain of the clergy 
submitting to the king's mandates, and reading the connnon prayer, 
the only course which seemed open to the laity — for in those days 
Tiie adoption of dissent was out of the question — was either to adopt the common 
rt'sistedf'^'^ "" prayer book, or violently to refuse to permit it to be read. We all 
know that they did the latter. The service was riotously interrupted, 
and the lords of the council, Avho were almost all in heart opponents 
to the service-book, took advantage of the tunmlts to urge upon the 
king the propriety of referring the whole subject to the consideration 
of some constitutional authority. In the mean time the reading of 
the service-book was not enforced. 

Although the dispute which had thus arisen seemed to turn only 
upt)n the adoption of the common prayer book, and has been so 
treated in subse(juent times, it in fact involved the wliole question of 
Kerii mii.ji-ct in the Validity of the king's assumption of an absolute authority in ecclesi- 
astical affairs — a wide and dangerous subject of contention. 'J'lie 
king, confident in tlic power of his sovereign authority, beha\ed with 


great peremptoriness, and the bishops of Scotland with singular indis- 
cretion. The people refused to submit to the royal mandates, and were 
so incensed by the conduct of the bishops that they determined upon the 
total abohtion of episcopacy. To effect these objects the covenant was 
entered into and signed with unparalleled enthusiasm by nearly the 
whole of the Scottish nation. General assemblies were held in which 
the book of canons and the service-book were condemned ; bishops ^'le Scots con- 

1 c T 1 ^ 1111/1 1 n 1 demn the canons 

were removed out or the church ; and the whole framework of the and service- 
presbyterian system of ecclesiastical government, as it exists in Scot-^°°'^'""^^^°^'^^ 

i- </ ^ -J o ' episcopacy. 

land to this day, was settled almost by acclamation ; finally, when 
Charles treated all this as a rebellion, the Scottish people flew to 
arms, and determined to defend themselves, their " kirk and cove- 
nant," against any power which his majesty might be enabled by the 
people of England to bring against them. 

In all this there was little revolutionary disturbance. After the 
first outbreak of indignant feeling, in wliich no one was seriously 
injured, the guidance of the popular cause fell into the hands of men 
of station and eminence, who conducted it with admirable calmness 
and decision. It was agreed that a war in defence of their ecclesias- Prepare to de- 
tical liberty was both justifiable and necessary, and they determined by arms!"^^'' ^^^ 
to carry it on with vigour. The natives of Scotland, who were 
serving in the armies on the contment, were called home to train Means they em- 

1 • 1 1 • 1 1 • ployed. 

recruits ; the people were roused to exertion by pulpit declamation ; 
every fourth man in the kingdom was summoned to bear arms ; 
merchants were commissioned to purchase equipments for thirty 
thousand men ; committees were appointed in every county to super- 
intend the training of the people to the use of arms ; the castles of 
Stirling, Dumbarton, and Edinburgh, esteemed the chief fortresses of 
the country, were occupied and garrisoned ; and beacons were raised 
on every eminence to give warning of approaching danger. Consider- 
ing the poverty of the country, and the slight means at the command 
of the covenanters, there is probably no example in the history of 
nations of a people arming in self-defence more quietly, more gene- 
rally, or with more calm and yet determined enthusiasm. 


The king's King Charles's plans for the restoration of his authority by force 

Tu"^.or!T^'' of arn^s were laid with no little skiU. Himself at the head of a 
Scotland. considerable English army was to march into Scotland from Ber- 

wick ; Strafford with an army of Irish recruits was to land in the 
Clyde ; the marquess of Hamilton was to command a fleet of sixteen 
sail, which was first to land five thousand men in the north of 
Scotland, and then to take up a station for general assistance in the 
Firth of Forth; the marquess of Huntly, the head of a Roman 
Cathohc family, and who had great influence in Aberdeen, was to 
secure the north of Scotland, and afterwards to march southward to 
join the king ; and filially, the earl of Antrim was to invade Argyle- 
shii-e with another Irish army of ten thousand men. 
Mcaiibforcarrj'- On papei', and as a mere scheme of invasion, notliing could bo 
iiig 1 ou . jiiore overwhelming. Nor was the king without a supply of 
money towards the expence of operations so extensive. A parlia- 
ment, the only legal mode of obtaining assistance from England, 
he had determined not to call : but his hereditary revenues yielded 
an income amply sufficient for the supply of all his ordinary neces- 
sities; there was a considerable surplus revenue in Ireland; mono- 
polies, loans, and ship-money produced a large extra sum ; the nobility 
and the military tenants of the crown wei'e called upon to serve accord- 
ing to their bounden duty ; many persons in the north of England were 
obliged by their tenures to take arms against the Scots whenever sum- 
inoned ; the clergy, as having a special interest in the question in dispute, 
were called upon by the archbishop of Canterbury to contribute in 
money, and those in the province of Canterbury only were assessed to 
the amount of 9,465/. ; the Roman Catholics also were appealed to by 
the ([ueen, and aided largely both in purse and person. Thus power- 
fully supported, and personally animated with the strongest determina- 
tion to resist what he esteemed to be " the impertinent and danuiable 
demands"* of the Scottish people, the king proceeded vigorously in 
his i)rej)arations. He believed his Scottish crown as well as his reputa- 
tion to be at stake,f and omitted no means of strengthenhig his cause. 

• Uiisliuortli, ii. 752. t Ibid. 


Sir Edmund Verney, who was bound by official duty to accom- '<i}^ February, 
pany the king, received the following summons, setting forth the Edmund v^eracy 
time, place, and manner of his attendance. summoned to 

attend the king. 

Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery to Sir Edmund Verney. 

After my hearty commendations, itt having pleased the kings most 
excellent majesty to resolve upon a royall journey to York, and there to 
have all his sworne servants of the chamber to attend him, of which num- 
ber yourselfe beinge one, I am therefor to signifye his majesty's royall 
pleasure unto you, that, all occasions sett apart, you be in readines in your 
owne person by the first of Aprill next, att the citty of Yorke, as a curassier 
in russett armes, with guilded studds or nayles, and befittingly horsed, and 
your servant or seruants which shall wayt upon you horst in white armes, 
after the manner of a hargobusier, in good equipage, there to act and doe 
such dutyes and services as may be expected from or shalbe required of 
you ; which yf your necessary occasions in respect of your other capacity 
or place in his majestys service will not permitt, you are then to send for 
you and in your stead, as a gentleman of his majestys most honorable 
privy chamber, some gentleman of quallity, in all poyuts provided according 
to the directions above given, to wayt for you ; which not doubtinge but 
you will most carefully observe, as also give me a speedy accompt of the 
receit hereof, I rest your very loving freinde, 

Pembroke & Montgomery. 

Whitehall, the 7th of February, 1638. 

To my very loveinge freind sir Edmund Verney, knight, 
one of the gentlemen of his majestys most honorable 
privy chamber in ordinary. 

This summons came upon sir Edmund Verney at an evil time. He Inconveniences 
had spent his Christmas at Gorhambury, and the countess of Sussex, verney auTnd. 
who was more intimate with liim than almost any of his friends, ^nt upon such a 

Ti I 1 ..... . ^7- 1 r- 1 summons. 

wrote thus to his son Kalph respectmg his visit. *' lour good rather, 
mythought, lokede uery sade hear this crismas : i fearede he hade 
bene disconteiitide some way ; but he tolde me it was not so, but 

his business. 


that he was often in a great dell of pane, i pray God he may get 
some helpe, or else it will shorten his time, i doubt ; wee hade but 
very littill discourse conserninge his fortune ; i was tilling hime how 
happy he was in you, and he sade he was so indede, for no man hade 
a better cliilde, and many more good wordes he sade of you, which 
plesed mee veiy much to know you was uppon so dear and kainde 
tcrmes."* Lady Sussex was accustomed, as might be guessed from 
this extract, to speak to sir Edmund Verney upon what she terms 
here his " fortune," and in other letters his " debtes." In spite of 
appointments and partnerships in monopolies, his affairs were not at 
all in a satisfactory condition, and he himself, what with his court. 
Multiplicity of his prison, his patents, his duties as knight marshal, and as a 
gentleman of the privy chamber, was involved in such a continual 
round of business relating to other people, that he never had time, 
as we have before remarked, to look into that which concerned 
himself. His friend the countess urged upon him a* thorough in- 
quiry, and Ralph was at hand ready to assist in his clear methodical 
way; but the meshes which were around sir Edmund were too 
strong to be broken except under the pressure of a greater necessity 
than existed in his case, by a man overwhelmed with business 
on the one hand, and troubled with the constant pain of a wearing 
sciatica on the other. With all his affection too for his son Ralph, 
and his constant well-placed trust in him, sir Edmmid's position 
in reference to his personal affairs formed a subject which was 
never broached between them. He had lived on, under tlie cir- 
cumstances which we have before stated, probably never entirely 
free from debt, and, when money was wanteil, was accustomed to 
look not to a more accurate adjustment of his ways and means, but 
rather to some new source of income as the shortest mode of extrica- 
tion. At present he was all anxiety with res})ect to a new or modified 
patent for the regulation of hackney coaches, in which he was jointly 
interested with one Rubin Lesley. In addition to these more inti- 

* Verucy MS. Jan. 1C38-9. 


mately personal interests, sir Edmund was still engaged in the deli- 
cate negociation between liis mother-in-law, lady Denton, and her son 
sir Alexander, for a new settlement of the family property, and was 
deeply concerned for Mrs. Pulteney, and in the choice she was ex- 
pected to make between her two suitor-lords. 

There was yet another and a higher cause of dissatisfaction which His concurrence 

, "^. ^ . „ , . in the religious 

pressed upon sir ilidmuna V erney, on the receipt ot his summons to part of the dis- 
don his armour against the Scots, — a dissatisfaction in which he was E"'! ^^''^ '^^*^ 

^ ' Scots, 

but a type of a very numerous class of Englishmen. Upon the ques- 
tion which was the foundation of the dispute, he believed the Scots 
to be in the right. Whether he went the length in his own mind of 
vindicating the Scots in their armed opposition to the will of the 
king is a point we cannot settle, but certainly he was one of that 
large class of persons in England who, being displeased by the 
conduct of the bishops, especially of archbishop Laud, had their 
aifections in that way alienated from the established church. Epis- 
copacy itself, as a form of church government, came to be re- 
garded by them with distaste, when they found its power exerted, 
as it was then in England, not to evangelise the community by 
the faithful teaching of Christianity, but chiefly to enforce an external 
conformity to usages and innovations which were deemed papistical, 
and to discourage, as being righteous overmuch, and if necessary 
even to persecute, all those, whether amongst the clergy or the laity, 
who aimed at raising the tone and standard of christian practice. To 
all men who entertained these opinions, and under the ecclesiastical 
administration of archbishop Laud the number was daily increasing, 
it was a sorrowful thing to put on " russet arms with gilded studs or 
nails," to leave their homes and wend their way to York, in order to 
enforce upon a neighbour nation, even although that nation were, as 
Clarendon phrases it, " those vermin " the Scots, an ecclesiastical 
system which worked so ill. 

With sir Edmund Verney, whatever were his private feelings, no 20th March^ 
other path was open than that of obedience. He made his will on ^^^,^^ ^^ ^^^u 
the 20th March, and within a few days afterwards set out for York, and leaves Lon- 

don immediately 


His will contains an affecting proof of his confidence in his eldest son. 
He appoints him his sole executor, " having had experience," he 
states, " of his fidchtie unto me, and of his love for his brothers and 
sisters." Sir Edmund directs his body to be buried at Middle 
Claydon, with as little pomp and charges as his executor conveniently 
may, and he leaves 20/. as a stock for the benefit of the poor people 
of the parish. To his sons Thomas and Henry he gives annuities of 
AOl. per annum. To Edmund, and to each of his daughters, they 
being all otherwise provided for, he leaves 5l. To his nephew, 
Edmund, son of his uncle Urian, an annuity of 51. To Doll Leake, 
20Z. To John Rhodes, his faithful servant and bailiff at Claydon, an 
annuity of 51. To another servant, Thomas Clancy, the same. To 
Ralph Verney's wife, for whom his attachment was always constant, 
40/. for a ring, " which I desire her," he says, " to wear for my 
sake." To his mother 20/. To his dear and beloved wife " all such 
moneys as are at the date of his will in her custody," and lialf his 
linen, with the use of half his plate and household stuff, which were 
to be shared with Ralph, and all his " fuell of wood, furze, and cole," 
at Claydon, and the coach, and four of the coach horses, with theu* 
harness and furniture. He also gave stuff for a mourning gown to 
his women legatees, and cloth for a mourning suit and cloak for the 
men. His will contains also a long preamble, which strongly indi- 
cates his religious sentiments. 
Edimind Vcrncy Sir Edmund was one of the gay cavalcade which accompanied the 
M rvoiunS. ki"g on his joui'ney to the north. Young Ednnmd Verney, who 
joined the anny as a volunteer, set out a few days earlier. After a 
sudden but sorrowful parting with friends in London, the young 
soldier went into Buckinghamshire on his way to the north. In a 
letter dated Hillesdon, the 21st March, he thus bids fiirewell to 
Ral[)h, and details his expectations of the coming campaign : — 

Edmund Verney to Ralph Veuney. 
l<;?«-i)'"^*^K<l. Sweeto brother, — I came away in that unexpected sodayncs that I had 
niuiid'n uiitici- scarce time to give a farewell to those friendes that were then within, and 
'"'('"ro* of till'' helecve me I was much greevd that you wore not of that number, aUthough 




I know it would have brought me to a farr more sad departure, because 
then I must have bidden the adue to one whome I may truely terme 
dearest to me; for my part, I thinke the journey will prove but an ordinary 
progresse, and then I shall have the happines of seeing you againe next 
winter, if not the latter end of the summer ; but if it should come to blowes, 
yet why should not I thinke of escaping as well as any other ? All though 
I'll speake it, and yet forget vaine glory, that I'le endeavour to attempt as 
much as any in a brave way, and yet my ambition in this is not comparable 
to that which I receive by my constant remaiaing your most affectionate 

Edmund Verney. 
Hillesdon, March 21st, 1638 [-9]. 

For my most approoved good brother, Mr. Raph Verney. 
at Hillesdon,* these be delivered. 

Sir Edmund's first letter from the army dissipated the notion that Change in 
the Scots wovild yield to a mere shew of force ; — which was the duced by ap- 
opinion of the king, as well as of young Mr. Edmund Verney. No P^oach to the 
man ever trusted more through his whole reign to the strength of 

C5 O O 

the king's name than Charles I. Confident in the reverence inspu'ed 
by every exhibition of royal authority, he regarded, as we are told 
by Clarendon, "the pomp of his preparations more than their 
strength," and had yet to learn that mere shows strike awe only in 
willing worshippers. There was a strength in the principle for 
which the Scottish people had taken up arms which defied the 
influence of the outward braveries of war. 

The betrayal of the king, of which it will be seen that sir Edmund Cry that the 
complains, and which became the cry of the royal party, consisted trayed!^* ' 
merely in this : that the king had surrounded himself by people who 
made it their business to rnibibe his feelings and echo his opinions, 
forgetting that the highest duty of royal comicillors is to tell their 
master the truth. Strangers themselves to any feeling so earnest 

* A mistake for " Covent Garden," where other letters, as well as this, prove Ralph to 
have been at this time, 



and emphatic as the determination which animated the great body of 
their fellow-countrymen, and accustomed to bow submissively to 
every expression of the royal will, such men never dreamed that other 
people would resist what they all but worshipped. 

1639, April 1st. gjn Edmund Verney TO HIS SON Ralph. 

Sorrow at part- 
ing. Good Raphe, — Since prince Henrys death I never knew soe much greefe 

as to part from you ; and trewly, because I saw you equally afflicted with it, 

my sorrow was the greater. But, Raph, wee caunott live always togeather. 

It cannott bee longe ere by cource of nature wee must bee severd, and if 

that time bee prevented by accident, yet wee must resolve to beare it with 

that patience and courage as becomes men and cristians ; and soe the great 

God of heaven send uss well to meete againe, eyther in this woarld or in 

the next. 

The king be- j^g jji^g h^g bggn basly betrayd. All the party that hee hoped uppon 

Edinburgh and ^^^ ^^^^ while has basly left him. As wee are this day informed, the two 

Dumbarton cassels of Edenbrough and Dunbarton are yeelded upp without one blowe, 

cas es yie e ^^^ ^^^^ ^-^^^ ^^^^ boath provided soe well as they were impregnable soe 

long as they had vittle, which they wanted not. 
Also, Dalkeith, Dekeeth,* a place of greate strength,! wher the crowne and septer layc, is 
erega la. yggij^^ ^^^ j^j^^ ^j^g covenanters has taken awaye the crowne and septer, and 
a greate deale of armes and munition to ; yett my lor tresorer of Scottland J 
undertooke to the king to keepe all that safe ; and all thes are given upp 
without one blowe. Aberdine wee heare (but I must confess that news is 
not soe certayne that I can saye it for a trevvth) is yeelded upp to, and noe 
blowe given ; and the king sent 4000 of the choysest armes hee had 

♦ Dalkeith. 

+ Sir Edmund was mistaken respecting the strength of Dalkeith. The earl of Tratjuair 
consulted a military authority upon the subject, and w;is told that it might be made 
defensible against a sudden assault, but, "considering that they were all covenanters round 
about," it was not possible to retain possession of it. The earl states that the country, 
almost to a man, was favourable to the covenanters; "few or none daring so much aa 
appear to give advice in anything might seem against them." They seized the regalia 
" in great joy and triumph, and carried them away with all the reverence they could 
show, and placed them in Kdinburgh castle." Kusliworth, ii. 'JOS. 

* The oarl of Traquair. 


theather ; soe that now I am confident the shew of making a party ther for 
the kinge has been only to gett arms from uss, and to feede uss with hopes till 
they were fully provided. 

My lord Clifford* sent woard this morning to the king that the inhabitants Pear of the 
of Carlile had left the towne, uppon a fright they tooke of the highlanders h'ghlanders at 
coming suddenly uppon them, but hee has put 300 men into the towne, and 
they saye they are resolved to fight it out. The hilanders are in number 
2500, and six cannon, as they heare. 

Wee cannot heare wheather my lord of Essex bee in Barwick or not ; by The earl of 
to morrow wee shall know ; heere is this day gone from this country 2000 ^^^^(fc^^'^Be^r^ 
men to second him. wick. 

My lord Trequare, the tresorer of Scotland, came last night to towne, Lord Traquair 
and is this day, since I writt my other letters, confiend to his chamber ;f committed to 

1 T Ml r. 1 h'^ chamber, 

wee expect some others maye heare of it to, that I will not name, tor the 

king has beene basly betrayde by them, and that wee shall all smart for. 
Saye little of this to the woemen, least it fright them. You [shall] shortly 
heare from mee againe. I heare noething of my amies. 

Your loving father, 
Yorke, this Monday [1st April, 1639], Ed. Verney. 

3 of the clock after noone. 

Comend mee to honest Natt Hubbard, and the God of heaven bless you. 
Remember to see Gorhambery :{; as soone as you can. 

If Nedd Sidenham bee not on his waye, comend mee to him, and acquaint 
him with what I have writt. Tell him and Charles Gawdy that I could 
wish they were boath heere, for the king has but few about him, and that 
is a shame to uss all att this time, when, beleeve mee, the danger is more 
then is apprehended ther wher you are. 

I hope you have sent awaye my waggon. I thinck my man Peeter and 
I am parted ; if hee comes to Lundon bee not deceaved by any falce mes- 

* Henry, lord Clifford, afterwards the fifth and last earl of Cumberland. 

•j- The king, writing to the marquess of Hamilton on the 2nd April, says, " I have com- 
manded Traquaire to keep his chamber until he give me an account how he left Dalkeith 
without striking one stroak, and before any cannon was brought before it." The account 
was given and Traquair was discharged within a few days, (Rushworth, ii. 904, 906, 908.) 

J That is, the countess of Sussex, who, as we have stated, occupied Crorhambury. 



6age ; wright privately as much to Roads, 
fycation at Hull on Thursday next. 

For my sonn Raphe Verney.* 

The king goes to see the forti- 

Sir Echnimd's next letter confirmed the news of the surrender of 
Aberdeen, the only place of importance in which, under the influence 
of the Gordons, who were Roman catholics, the covenant met with 
any active opposition. This event placed the whole country in the 
hands of the covenanters. 

1G39, about 4th 

Aberdeen sur- 

Two hundred 
of the towns- 
men come to 

All Scotland 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Vernev. 

Raphe, — Last night ther came certaine news that Aberdine is deliverd 
upp too, without soe much as a bluddy nose ; soe that to mee it seeme 
apparent that they have only pretended to make a party for the kinge ther 
to cussen [him] of armes, munition, and monny, to weaken uss and 
strengthen [them]selves ; for they were 6000 men well armd, in a reson- 
able defencive towne, well vittled, and yett never strooke one blowe for it. 
Ther are 200 of the townsmen come to Newcastle, but all the armes are 
delivered to the covenanters, which were 4000 of the best armes the king 
had. Naye, they might have sent [us] our arms againe if they had 
pleasd, or might have throwne them and the powder into the sea, and made 
them useless to them as well as to us, but they have deliverd all, and in my 
consience were only sorry they had noe more for them ; soe now all Scott- 
land is gone. I would it were under the sea, for it will aske a greate time, 
and cost much bludd, to reduce them againe ; but, when wee are past treat- 
ing with them, I doubt not but wee shall sulfitiently beate them in time, 
and I hope wee shall beginn this summer. 

I am infinitly afraide of the goute, for I feele crewcU twinges, but I hope 
to starve it awaye, for, God willing, I will drinck but once a day. I praye 
putt your mother in raiend to send mee thos papers of powder I gave her 
to kecpe for moe, for they arc excellent to prevent the gowte. As I came 
heather I was in soe much hope of a peace that I bought a fine hunting 

Meuioraiiduiii by Kalph Verney: " Ueccived i> A\m\\, 163S." [sic] 


nagg by the waye. I would I had ray monny in my puree againe, for I 
feare I shall not hunt in haste againe. I will send him home to grass by 
him that brings Godwin. I cannot yett heare of my armes, but they will 
come time inoughe, for wee shall doe noething this moneth yett. I have 
not heard from any frend since I came heather, althoughe ther comes 
messenge[r]s daily. Comend mee to thy good wife, and to all my frends 
with you. Farwell. 

Your ever loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 

For my sonne Raphe.* 

On the 5th April there are tidings from young Edmund, who was Preparations at 
with his regiment at Selby. Everybody there was in the full bustle 
of preparation. " What with exercising and divers other petty em- 
ployments," he writes, " we are kept in that pei'petual action that I 
have yet but small time to present my service to any of my friends."t 
In such circum.stances, London, we may be sure, was full of rumours. Rumours in 
" We here," writes Ralph Verney 's wife to his grandmother Denton, °" °"' 
" that they have turned all that are of the king's side into England, 
and that they have stopped all passages, soe that the king can have 
noe certeine intelligence of their proceedings." 

In the meantime events of interest to all the Verneys were tran- Mrs. Puiteney 
spiring at home. No sooner had sir Edmund left London, than ^'Jl'p"*^^"^^^ 
Mrs. Puiteney betook herself to her friend and counsellor, Ralph that she has 

-r-r- 11. 1 • 1 • 1 • • , • 1 • ii i 1 been secretly 

Verney, and whispered m his ear the interesting tidings that she niarried to a 
was married ! Whilst contending lords had been rivals for her Roman Ca- 


hand, a stranger had stepped in and carried off the prize. She had 
been married secretly, and her husband had now gone to the north 
to join the expedition against the Scots. Ralph's first feeling was 
one extremely natural to a person accustomed to give, at the least, 
their full share of reverence to all official dignitaries. He was 

* Memorandum of Ralph Verney: " Received 8 Aprill, 1638." [sic] 
■ t Verney MS. 5th April, 1639. 


thunderstinick at a proceeding which was not merely irregular, but 
was disrespectful to the lord chamberlain and the two lords. He was 
seriously apprehensive that his fatlicr or himself might be thought 
to have connived at a breach of faith with their official superiors. 
He was clearly of opinion tliat ]\Irs. Pulteno}^ had said or written 
something to the lord chamberlain which might be construed to 
bind her to choose one of her two lordly suitors, and in those days 
of council-table government it was difficult to conjecture what 
might not ensue from the disregard of such an engagement. But 
this official view of the lady's new position was soon swallowed up 
in another consideration, which Ralph Veraey truly judged to be 
of far higher moment: — the gentleman whom IVIrs. Pulteney had 
Feelings with clioseu was a Roman Catholic. These are days in which the pain 

winch such ... . 

marriages were and grief cxcitcd in 1639 by such a circumstance will, to many 
t len regarded. pgj-gQjjg^ gggjjj strange and exaggerated. There are amongst us 
families which, under recent circumstances, have been made practi- 
cally acquainted with the painful estrangements, the agonising 
separations, the divided interests, and perverting influences which 
necessarily result from such alliances ; but in that day they excited 
in the members of the religious party with whom the Verneys 
must be classed, not so much a feeling of regret for the practical 
inconveniences which were certain to result from them, as a senti- 
ment of religious aversion or even of horror. Such an act was 
looked upon as a kind of infidelity, and people shrank from those 
who laj)sed into it with unreasonable and indefinite feelings of 
Ralph Verncy's dislike. But we must do justice to lli\\\)]\ Verncy. Althougli he 
saw tliat, in the general estimation, such would be the result of this 
marriage, he comforted and counselled tlie determined widow, and 
from the first took his stand by lier side, ready to do e\'ery thing in 
his power " to abate tlie infamy," these are his own wonls, " which 
must of necessity fall upon her." His manly and friendly course 
brought u\)on him the great anger of his grandmother, who, violent 
herself in her opposition to her new son-in-law, could not see any 
thing but connivance in Ralph's greater kuidness. 'I'he gentleman 


who caused this commotion was, according to all that appears of him, 

a poor but respectable man of excellent family, and one against whom 

nothing could be alleged save his rehgion. He was William, third 

son of William the second lord Eure, who was distinguished, like his Mrs. Puiteney's 

father and grandfather, for excellent service done in the disputes hon. William^ 

and wars with Scotland. Thej were of an ancient family, seated ^"'■^• 

for centuries in Northumberland, and celebrated for a bravery which 

Mrs. Puiteney's husband proved that he inherited by his subsequent 

conduct during the civil wars. 

Ralph Verney's first care was to communicate the tidings to his Partial discio- 
father. He advised his aunt to write to sir Edmund ; but, fearful of mlrrbgl n) sir 
the shock of a full disclosure, it was arranged that she should not Edmund. 
at once reveal the fact that the marriage had been accomplished. 
The way in which he received the news appears in the next two 
letters, which are in some respects extremely touching. 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 
Raphe, — I have receaved your letter by Siddenham, and that which Price 1639,7th April, 
brought, I had a letter too from my sister Poultney, which greeves every gjj. Edmund's 
vaine in my hearte. I have written to her againe, but I feare it is in vaine. g"ef for Mrs. 
Shee has utterly ruinde her reputation if shee goes on in this waye, and " '^"*^^" 
trewly I thinck it will goe neare to kill her mother if ever shee marryes as 
I feare she will. I praye take occation to speake to her, and tell her playnly Advice Ralph 
of her folly, for I doubt not but shee will discover her intentions to you, ^-^^^11^^°^^^ 
and desire your wife to deale effectually with her. Shee once tould [me] 
shee would never marry, and I could heartely wish shee meant it. Urge 
that to her, and, if it bee possible, gett her but to forbeare marrage. Time 
and absence maye coole the violentest affection. If you can but make her 
sencible of the infamy that this match will bring uppon her, it maye divert 
the marrage for the present. Advise her to goe to Hillsdon as soone as 
maye bee, and lett your wife playe the parte of a frend now, and (if it bee 
possible) preserve her from a perpetuall shame. But I feare all will come 
to late, for I doubt it is gone to farr already ; yet, till you know that, lett 
her not sleepe in quiett till you have gotten some promiss to forbeare boath 
marrage or contract for a time. I vow I am soe madd with greefe and 



The Scots do 
not oppose the 
king in 
securing the 

anger, for her sake, that I knowe not what to saye or doe, but were I ther, 
1 vow to God I would make a strange hasard to breake it; but, whir I am, 
I can but talke, and I am weary of that too ; soe the God of heaven direct 
her to doe that which maye bee for his glory and her honner. 

Heere is noething more of news then what I have already sent you. Wee 
are happy that the enimj^e opposes not our securing the borders ; if they 
should, our disorder and ignorance would be our ruine. In haste, farwell. 
Your ever loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 

Yorke, this 7th of Aprill [1639]. 

Comend me to all my frends with you ; and tell Natt. Hubbart I will not 
wright to him till I can give some account of his business. I am sorry to 
heare Mrs. Garland is sick, for trewly I doe not know wher to place ray 
mother to her liking. I praye take all the care you can for her, and wher 
shee desires most to bee, ther doe you indeavour to serve her. Except I 
were uppon the place I cannott tell what more to saye. I praye lett mee 
heare how businesses goes att the marshall seas, boat[h] in the prison and 
in the courte. I have written thancks to sir John Lentall for his kiendness 
and care of mee. I praye doe soe much as goe over the water to him, and 
give him thancks from mee to; and inquire of him wheather Ilaull be in 
fault or not. 


For my sonn Raphe Verney.* 

Sir Edmund Verney to iMR.s. Ralph Verney. 

1639 9tl A 1 Good daughter, — I knowe noc news to send thee, nor will I use any thing 

of cerimony with one soe neare mee. I would faine tell thee how much I 

Sir Edmund's '°^^ \^cc, but trewly I cannott. I knowe not any waye soe trewly to 

affection for her. express it, as to saye you are in my affection equall to your husband. 

Beleeve mee, sweete heart, I can never love thee more, and I hope I shall 

never love thee less. 

Daughter, I know you have a great interest in my good sister Poultny. 

• Indorsed l.y R;il|)li Vornc.v ; 

<ivpd 10 Aprill. 1G3<>. 


I begg of you to use all your credditt with her to bee careful! of her selfe. Intreats her to 
I feare she will doe a foolish and a wicked thing. I vow to God my heart 'J'^'^^^^'" '"■ 

° •' fluence with 

is soe full of greefe for her, that I cannot fiend rest any where. God of his Mrs. Pulteney. 

mercy give her grace to avoyd the misfortune. Comend mee to all my 

frends with you, and thos at the next howse. Farewell ; your trewly loving 


Ed. Verney. 

Yorke, this 9th of ApriU [1639]. 

For my deere daughter Verney, thes. 

In a few days the whole truth was communicated to sir Edmund^ 
who wrote as follows : — 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

Raphe, — Last night I receaved divers letters from you, and I thinck all 
of them that you writt of. I can now only answer one that [ receaved this 
morning, in which was inclosed a letter from my sister Poultny. In that Mrs. Pulteney 
letter she tells mee her business is paste recall, and I will tell you my soule '!^* revealed 
is greeved for her misfortune. Since it is done, it were good she would married, 
consider what is fitt for her to doe, to save her honner and discretion, as 
much as maye bee in this case. It maye be her judgment maye bee as 
much blynded in this as shee was indiscreete in her choyce. I praye deale 
cleerely with her, and lett her preserve as much of her discretion and repu- 
tation as shee can ; for, beleeve mee, shee has made a large forfeit of them 
boath. In my oppinion, shee has noe waye but to conceale it, if it bee ^^j^.j^g .^ ^^ 
possible, till the end of summer, and then lett him renew his sute againe, given to her. 
and take her, since hee must have her, but wheather it can be kept privatt 
or noe soe long that I cannot tell. If shee should proove with chield, the 
concealing of it might increace her infamye ; soe that as the business makes 
mee madd, the waye to preserve her now distracts mee as much. How it 
has beene carried I beleeve shee will tell you, and from thence you can 
better tell how to advise her then I can. Heereafter I must love my frends 
less, that I maye disgest theyr misfortunes better. This woeman laye soe 
neare my heart that I shall fiend her folly ther whilst I have an hower to 




live. The post is in such haste I can saye noe more. Excuse my not 
wrighting to your mother. 

Your loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 
York, 9 of clock at night, this Easter night ; 
[14th April, 1639]. 

For Mr. Raphe Verney, att sir Edmund Verney his house 
in Covent-garden, this.* 

On the day following sir Edmund wrote more at leisure, but in 
the same strain, with the addition of some remarks on other matters 
of business. We print the whole letter, as even in the mere business 
portions of it there are passages which strongly indicate character. 

Both the suitor 
lords state that 
Mrs. Pultency 
agreed to keep 
herself disen. 
gaged until 

Sir Edmund's 
distress at first 
hearing of the 
Lady Uonton. 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

Raphe, — I writt to you last night in haste. I am att more leysure now, 
and yett I cannot thinck to saye more concerning my sister than I have 
done, only thus farr to second the advice of keeping the marrage concealed 
a while, for I fiend from boath the lords that shoe assured them shee was 
yett a free woeman, and that shee would keepe her self soe till michellmas, 
without ingaging her selfe to any boddy ; soe that if it shall bee discoverd 
that shee is now marrid, shee will appeare a foolish and a folce woeman. I 
would faine [save] her creditt as much as I could, and, as the case stands, 
I know noe better waye then what has been advised. It may fall out that 
the business has beene soe carried att Lundon that other councells may be 
better, thcrfore I praye consider every thing well, and advise the best 
according to the occation. All I have to doe now is to greeve for her, 
and that I would put ofe too if I could ; but trewly I cannott. I protest 
to God, when I redd your letter, a palsye tooke my hands, soe that in 
five houers I could hold noething steddyly. This inclosed letter I re- 
ceaved from my lady Denton when my waggon came. You maye see 
by it that shee has gotten some little light of it. I praye bee carefull 
to burne it when you have redd it. 


idorsed " Roecived IGtli Aprill, 1(3311. 


Send this inclosed letter to Mr. Lasly,* but till all bee done parte with Mr. Lealy. 
noe monny. I have beene to much a foole alreddy, yett had not thes 
vnhappy accidents fallen out I knowe I had made a good business of it. 

When I returne I will speake with Thomas Maye. It is trew hee is Thomas May. 
to have SI. a yeare for five years, but hee left mee in the learch for 
repaires and divers other things. Saye nothing of it till I returne, if ever «. if ever I re- 
I doe returne ; otherwise give him 10/. to quitt all. I praye call uppon turn." 
Tom Birt to send mee a note how the officers behave themselves, and Report wanted 
what the proffitts of courte have beene since I came awaye. I praye goe ^l.*" conduct of 

^ _ J r J o oihcers and pro- 

to Nedd Herbert from me, and tell him I will not wright to him till I fits of court. 
can send him an inventory of the Scotts I have kild. I praye lett thes An inventory of 
inclosed letters bee deliverd according to theyr directions. Remember to 
wright to your brother Harry, and lett him know I am wher I cannott send Brother Harry, 
to him. Remember my service to my sister Poultny. I writt to her but 
yesterday, soe I wright not now. For my neece Turvill, I praye paye her Niece Turvill. 
the 14/. eight shillings, deducting the monny I layd out for rent, according 
to the note I left with you. It was above 10/. I thinck ; and take an 
acquittance for 14/. 8s. remayning in my hands of sir Richard Hubbarts 
monny. How much that was I doe not remember, but I thinck you have 
a note will shew it. The 500/. shall bee payed in Maye next. I have not 
yett spoaken with my lord St. Johns. Your loving father. Lord St. John. 

Ed. Verney. 

I praye send mee woard what hands are to the boand of 6000/., and why Lord Kinnoul. 
my lord Kanoole did not scale it. Comend my best love and blessing to 
thy good wife, and forgett not my service to our next naybours. 

The defeated suitor-lords soon began to suspect tlieir fate. 
Rumours got afloat of the influence possessed by Mr. Euro, and the 
earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, the lord chamberlain, in the 
interest of his friend lord Howard, determined to address a letter of 
inquiry to IMrs. Pulteney, which he shewed beforehand to sir Edmund 
Verney. An account of this matter is in the next letter. 

* " Robin Lesly," one of the king's pages, was engaged with sir Edmund in the new 
patent respecting hackney-coaches, which was now pending. 


Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 
1639, 19th Raphe, — I well hoped Mr. Siddenham would have sent thos arms to 

„. ', , Newcastle, but if thev bee come to Lundon, I prave pave for them and 
Sir Edmund's , , xt , , , ^ , , .' i i- 

arms to be sent send them to Newcastle to raee by the first good shipp you can ; and direct 

to Newcastle, them soe that they may eyther fiend mee out, or els to bee left att the 

maiors of the towne, wher I will inquier for them. Wee shall bee ther on 

The king will Tewsday seanight, and ther wee shall staye but a verry little time, therfore 

April. I praye send them with all the spcede you can, and carefully made upp. I 

knowe not the maiors name, but that is the most noetorious place for mee 

to inquire for them, I will goe theather a daye or tow before the king. 

Sir Art. Ingram assuers mee the monny shall be payd uppon the daye. I 

thinck I sent you woard in my last letter that I had writt to Robin Lasly, 

and forgott it when I had done. I have now sent you his letter unsealed ; 

read it, and seale it upp, and send it him. 

The lord cham- '^^'^ ^^3'*^ ™y ^^^'"^ chamberlaine cald mee to him, and shewd mee a 

berlain about to letter hee has writt to my sister Poultny. It seems Mr. Evers, or his 

Pulteney^ frends, has bragd of theyr interest ther, and my lord has gott noetice of it. 

I durst not advise against the letter, least hee should discover that I knew 

something of it, but I would give anything to have prevented it. In the 

letter hee takes noetice of the reports hee hears, and because hee cannot 

beleeve it, hee desires to bee able to make answer for her, and that hee 

maye the better doe soe hee desires warrant for it under her owne hand. 

What answer I Confess I am vext to thinck how shee should answer it ; but, in my 

she should send, oppinion, the best wave will bee neyther to deny it nor avow it, but to 

returne a mannerly and a doubtfull answer ; I thinck this letter will come 

to your hands first. I praye remember my service to her, and acquaint 

her with what I saye, and advise with her about the answer the best you 

can. Comend mee to all my frends with you, espeatially to my poore 

daughter Verney. I have not time now to saye any thing of knights 

boand and Lanes. Farwell ; your ever trewly loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 

Yorke, this 19th of Aprill [1639]. 


For my sonn Raphe.* 

* Mc-nioranduni, indorsed " Roceived 23 Ai«ril!, 1G3'J." 


Mrs. Pultene/s affection for Mr. Eure guided her through the Mrs. Puiteney's 
entanglement in which she had involved herself. " The unlucky ference to the 
deed," as we learn from Ralph Verney,* " was very privately donn, disclosure of 

' i -^ ' J I. J ^ ' Ijgj. marriage. 

and those few that were present have faithfully promised secresie." 
Confident in her new husband's friends, she would neither absolutely 
confess nor deny anything to her relations. Fencing skilfully with 
all remarks and inuendoes, and "avoyding the room" in case of 
difficulty, she kept her own secret, and braved the gossip of which 
she soon became the general subject. " I understand by your 
mother," she writes to Ralph, " as the town makes havock of my 
good name ; but let them devise ther worst, I defie them all. Non 
in the world can call me to an acount for my actions, for i am not in 
any ons tewishion, as I have sent your mother word."t Her answer 
to the lord chamberlain ran thus :— Her answer to 

the lord cham- 

Mrs. Pulteney to the Lord Chamberlain. 

25 Aprill, 1639. 
My lord, — The many favours you have been pleased to conferr uppon i639, 25th 
mee inforce me now, amongst other my infermities, to discover how weake April, 
a scribe I am, I am soe universally possessed with the scence of those jnlfj^n^gj-able 
many noble curtisies I am guilty of receivinge from your lordshipp, that I favours, 
am as utterly ignorant how to deserve as desperate to requite them ; my life 
or fortunes I doe not value if they could satisfie ; my affections I cannot soe Her affections 
commaund as to place or displace them at another's will. I am a woeman, ^"^^g^j ^ '^°™' 
and tis like they may somewhat prevaile over my weaker reason in the 
choyse of my husband, wherein I shall not principally aime at lands or 
honors. In obedience to your lordshipps comaunds I opened my lord 
Howards letter, and for his good will I hartily wish him as much happiness 
as hee can thinke. Only in this businesse I humbly begg of your lordshipp Cannot grant 
to cease any further sute, for I cannot graunt it. If I have not yet given lo^d Howard's 
the true reason therof to your lordshipp, I have not donn itt to any the rrj^J^rug reason 
nearest of my freinds ; and thus I humbly crave leave in silence to remaine not yet revealed 
your honors most obleiged servant, ° ^"^^ °"^' 

M. P. 

* Verney MS. 18th April, 1639. + Ibid. 21 May, 1639, 



This letter was probably written for her by Ralph. She left 
town for Hillesdon immediately after despatching it, and some few 
days afterwards begged Ralpli to send her the copy of it. At the 
same time she reported how things went on at Hillesdon. 

1639, 28tb 

To send her her 
answer to the 
lord chamber- 

Reception at 

Future plans. 

INIrs. Pulteney to Ralph Verney. 

Sweet nephew, — I left the answer of my letter to my lord chaniberlin 
■with you. Pray when you have rit it oute send it me againe, for it may be 
he may question sumthing at his pleasure. None here mistrust aney thing 
at all of you know how [i.e. who], for they make them sure of me for 
" no,"* but thay find mee verey coole in the bisnis. Pray will you right to 
your father to prevent my lord Ilowerds sending to me aney more ; for if 
he should send hither, my mother would take it ill if shee sees not the letcr, 
and it may be as he may have a touch of you know how [who], and I 
would not wilingly have it discovered it. I am resolved, for ought I know 
yet, not to let him com down hither, but to let my mother know of it 
abought a wicke before I goe from her, and desier her not to speake of it, 
but I will first putf my other gentilman. I dow talke between jest and 
good ernist, so as thay know not how to take me ; so I am resolved to dow 
till it be reveled ; thus, in great hast, I rest your loving aunt, 

INIary Pultenev. 

Aprill28, 1639. 

For Raph Verney, Esq. att sir Edmund Verneys 
house in Coven Garden. 

Sir Edmund, repeating his advice, adds, on the 2Gth April, a 
word or two about Mr. Euro. 

For that unhappy woman I think it best conceal it till the end of 
summer, and lett her by discource prepare her frends ther to expect some- 
thing from her that she will not yet discover. The business is such as what 
way soever shee takes all will be judged folly, but to conceale it yett I 
thinck is best. The lords doe boath saye slice promist before my wife 
to keepe herself free from the least ingagement to any till our returne. 

• Probably a nickname for one of the suitor U>nU. 
f " put," in the sense of " put a«ide." 


I saw her choyce heere in buff the other daj'e, as if he meant to goe Mr. Eure in 
into the field with uss. If he does, some lucky buUett maye free her ^" ' 
of this misfortune. The news of this place you may finde in sir John 

Lentalls letter The small pox is soe hott, and the feaver, at Contemplated 

Newcastle, that I thinck wee shall staye at Durham. 

Another subject of correspondence between Ralph Verney and Sir Edmund's 
his father was the projected new arrangement respecting hackney commTssioi?for 
coaches. Ralph Verney procured the necessary legal documents to the manage- 
be prepared, and in doing so consulted " Mr. Roles," no doubt the ney coaches, 
celebrated lawyer who was author of " The Abridgment," and 
afterwards chief justice. He gave them honest and free advice 
both with reference to the nature of the contemplated monopoly, 
and with a shrewd and sagacious foresight of the perils with which 
the aspect of the times surrounded all such businesses. " Mr. Roles Objections 
desiers me to tell you," writes Ralph, " the project is illegally and ^'^?^ ^^ ^^^' 
therefore tis a very bad security for soe much money as you have 
and must lay out uppon it ; and further, hee sales if you are made 
receiver of this money, you will be taken for the first projector, 
and therefore liable to actions by the statute of monopollies, and 
in an high degree censurable in parliament; therefore he would 
advise you to put some other name into the receiver's warrant." 
There was another difficulty which came from the opposite quar- 
ter. The king's troubles were increasing. His expedition against 
Scotland was not popular. In spite of the old national preju- 
dices against that country — the result of centuries of ill-will ; in 
spite also of all the aid which could be given to the anti-presbyterian 
crusade, both by the clergy of the church of England and the Roman 
catholics, it was but too evident that the hearts of the people re- 
mained untouched. It was necessary for the king to do sometliing The king 
by way of regaining lost popularity. He therefore issued a procla- niTno ^oiiIs"°°^ 
mation against monopolies. From his " manour at York," his by prodama- 
majesty, whose "royal care and providence" was said to be "ever Aprii/i 639. 
intentive on the public good of his people," informed his loving sub- 


jects, on the 9th of April, 1G39, that he "now discerned" that a 
variety of recapitulated grants and commissions had been found far 
from those grounds and reasons whereupon they were founded, and 
in their execution had been notoriously abused. He was therefore 
pleased, " of his mere grace and favour to his loving subjects (with 
the advice of his privy council), by his regal power," to declare a 
great variety of his own late grants void. The minuteness of these 
monopolies, the vexatious length to which they had extended, may 
be judged from the purport of some of the grants which were now 
Multitude and quashed. One was for gauging red-herrings, others were for marking 
rn"mon*'o)oHeI "'^" made within the realm, for sealing bone-lace, for marking and 
gauging butter-casks, for sealing linen cloth, for gathering rags, for 
sealing buttons, and so forth. Well did sir John Culpeper describe 
them as being like the frogs of Egypt. They " have gotten posses- 
sion of our dwellings, and we have scarce a room free from them. 
They sup in our cup. They dip in our dish. They sit by our fire. 
We find them in the dye-vat, wash-bowl, and powdering-tub. They 
share with the butler in liis box. They have mai'ked and sealed us 
from head to foot. They will not bate us a pin. We may not buy 
our own clothes without brokage." A proclamation which professed 
to put an end to exactions so meanly inquisitorial and vexatious was 
of course extremely popular. " It gave great satisfaction," says 
Rushworth, " to the king's subjects in the north, and nnich more in 
the s(>uth, for these projects and monopolies had been grievous to the 
peoi)le, who cast out words of an indisposition to march in the army 
whilst these burthens were upon the people." * Its effect upon sir 
Ednmnd's new project for managing hackney-coaches will be seen in 
the following. 

Rammi Verney to sir Edmund Vernev. 

22nd Aprill, 1639. 
The attorney- Sir, — This afternoon Mr. Atturneyf sent for me, and desierd mee to 

general suggesU iufomne you that the charter and indenture concerning the coachmen is 

niuiitl'H iiroject • i> i .1 •• ,,1-. j, c- i 1 ■> ■ 


drawne, and that hee would willingly dispatch it, (being tis a businesse of maybe objected 

yours,) but because there is a proclamation newly come out, which I have ^^Q prodama- 

sent you in a packet of letters by little W. Murray, that damnes divers tion of 9th April. 

projects of the same nature, he thinks it fit that I should acquaint my lord 

keeper and my lord privy seal with it before it proceeds any further, least 

they should stopp it after you have been at a great charge to bring it soe 

farr as there seales. Hee pretends to advise this merely out of friendship 

to you, for hee findes since the proclamation was made they are very 

cautelous how they let any thinge of this nature passe. Truly hee seemes 

to bee very desierous to pleasure you in what hee can ; but I find all men 

in these times are soe full of falcehood that I know not how to credit any 

man's words. 

Sir Edmund answered: — 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

Raphe, — I confess my ignorance was such that I did not at all doubt the 1639, 25th 
legallity of beeing receaver ; but now I know it, I praye tell Roben Lasly ^ ', 

, • • T^ 1 1 • 1 1 • ^ Sir Edmund 

that I will by noe means have my name m it. If hee thmcks the usmg ot ^ill not havt 

his owne name will hinder it att the seale,* ther must some other bee putt 1"^ "^^e as re- 

in ; but who that shall bee, trewly I cannott name upon this suddain, for I 

am now taking horse for Durham. It is but a little while since I receaved horse for Dur- 

your letters, and I cannot thinck of one fitt to putt in. If eyther hee or ^^^™- 

you can fiend any ther, doe it, I conceave it needes not bee any man of 

any considerable condition, for the king intends it to Roben Lasly, and 

will understand the receaver to bee only in trust for him ; and my lord 

keeper, if hee have a resolution to stopp it (as I beleeve hee has), will stopp 

it whos name soeuer is usd in it, for hee knows the benifite of it comes to 

Roben. Therfore I advised Roben, by my lord marquess means, to know 

wheather the keeper would pass it or not, and I thought hee had done soe. 

But it seemes hee neglected it, and now the marquis is awaye I beleeve it 

will never pass. Acquaint Roben Lasly with thus much, but I have not 

* Lesly had an opinion that if his name were " in it, my lord keeper, who is his bitter 
enemy, will stopp it." "Verney MS. 20 April, 1639, 


time to wrig-ht to him, nor to any of my trends, therforc you must excuse 
mee to them all att this time ; and, beeing the warrant is not drawne to bee 
without rendring an account, ther must bee a new one prepared, for I am 
suer Mr. Atturny dares not insert anything into the warrant now signed. 
When the new warrant is drawne, ther maye bee another named in it for 
receaver, such as hee and you can thinck on, for I can thinck of none as 
yett. As soone as I have time I will wright to Hall and the pronothory, 
but now I cannott ; my things are all gone, and I must follow. Notwith- 
standing my haste I will give you some tutch of news. 
Letter from the Yesterday the king receaved a letter from my lord of Essex that was 
t^he^earl o7 " ^^^^ ^™ ^^ Barwick,* from the lords of the covenant. I thinck ther was 
Essex. 20 of theyr hands to it. Hee sent it sealed upp, as hee receaved it, to the 

king ; but with the letter they sent a coppy of it open, to the intent that 
if my lord made any scruple of receaving it, yett the messenger might read 
it to my lord. The letter was to this purpos : first, they express great 
civillity to my lord, and they seeme to wonder that a man soe well affected 
to the peace and wellfare of his countrey will appeare in such a waye as hee 
does in this business, and they wonder that ther is such unusuall prepara- 
tions for warr in Ingland ; and they take noetice of the dilligence that is 
usd for the fortefying of Barwick, protesting that they never had a thought 
of offering the least injury to this kingdome. That they have often repre- 
sented theyr greevances to his majesty, and by reason of some ill miended 
men of theyr nation can obtaine noe answer of them. They saye, they 
heare the king is coming towards them with a powerfuU army, which they 
conceave is intended to fall uppon them. They farther sayo, that they 
have done noething but what is warranted by theyr laws, and they conclude 
with a great desire of amity and peace with this kingdome ; adding to it, 
that if they bee invaded, they must and will defend themselves and ther 

In the first apprehension resulting from the suddenness with which the covenanters 
overran the whole of Scotland, it was rumoured that they intended to seize upon Ber- 
wick. The earl of Essex, " the most popular man of the kingdom, and the darling of the 
Bwordmen," as Clarendon terms him, and who was lieutenant-general in this expedition 
under the earl of Arundel us commander in chief, was sent forward to secure that im- 
portJint station, which he did in all haste against an enemy who lia.l no such design. 
Hueh was the imperfection of the king's intelligence. Essex would have marched at once 
into Scotland, but the king forbade. 


libertys as long as ther is a man living amongst them. All thes hedds 
are in the letter ; but, in my oppinion, they are exprest with a great deale of 
modesty. Yett my lord generall (who is tender of the honer of the king) ^1;°^^^^^'^^^^" 
thincks it full of insolence and braving the king. In breefe, I feare it will deemed inso- 
rather exasperatt then mollify, and add fewell to that fyer that raged ^'^'^^' 
inoughe before. Trewly I thinck it will come to blowes, but you must not Thinks it will 
saye soe to your mother. The king increases his army, and makes all the 
haste hee can theather, but I hope it is but to see what party will come to 
him, for our men will bee long ere they learn theyr lesson. 

I have not yett seene my armor, for it is att Newcastle, but I beleeve Wants a long 
ther is never a long gauntlett sent with it. I bespake it, and was pro- S^"" 
mist one by Hill, but in my absence I feare hee forgott it. I praye speake 
with Hill about it, and if hee has sent none, lett him make one with all the 
speede hee can possibly; for it will kill a man to serve in a whole curass. I 
am resolved to use nothing but back, brest, and gauntlett. If I had a 
pott for the hedd that were pistoU proofe, it may be I would use it, if 4^"'!^^ P°* ^°'" 
it were light ; but my whole hellmett will bee of noe use to mee at all. 
I praye goe or send about this the next daye after you receave this letter, 
and speake to Hill to make it with speede, and lett it be sent to the 
mayor of Newcastle for my use, and I will take order with him about it. 
I hope ther will be some shipps coming dayly to Newcastle for coals ; by 
some of them you must send it, with an extraordinary charge to deliver 
it with all speede to the mayor. 

I praye thanck your wife, Nance, Doll, and honest Natt, for theyr kiend 
letters, but trewly I can wright to none of them now. My best love to 
them all, and my service to all my frends with you, and all the next howse. 
Say noething of this gauntlett to your mother, it maye give her causless 
fears. The Lord God of heaven bless you. 

Your loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 

Yorke, this 25th of Aprill [1639.]* 

The king remained at York until the 29th April. INIoving north- 1639, April 
ward he slept that night at Raby, the seat of the treasurer of his The'king re- 

* Memorandum, indorsed " Received 29 Aprill, 1639." 


moves to Rai.y, household, sit Henry Vane. On the next day his majesty reached 

day to Durham. Durliam, where he was received enthusiastically by bishop IMurton. 

Sir Edmund, who had preceded the king to the city of the palatine 

bishop to make arrangements for his majesty's reception, wrote from 

thence as follows : — 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

1639, May 1st. Raphe, — I have beene thes two dayes att Durham, and because the king 
was not heere, I imployd my time in letters of cerimony to my frends, 
with a purpose to send them by the first opportunity. About an bower since 
I receaved a packett from you, in which the businesses of the coaches 
was. I can att this time returne you nothinge in answer of that, for I 
must send this letter verry early in the morning by Mr. John Tyrring- 
ham,* which I knew not of till within this bower; and were it not by 
him I should not dare to wright at all, for I feare manny of my letters 
are not come to your hands, or, if they have, yett I beleeve they have 
beene opend after they went from mee, for now wee have gotten that 

News letters to curiosity heere to examin who sends news to Lundon, so that I shall bee 
■ verry fearefuU to wright hecreafter ; but, because I am confident of this 
bearer, I will tell you trewly how I conceave things goes heere. 

Present state of Our army is but weake, our puree is weaker, and if wee fight with 

arniy. ^hes foarces, and early in the yeare, wee shall have our throats cutt; and 

to delaye fighting longe wee cannott, for want of monny to keope our 

Tlie king urged army togeather. My lord marshal I f putts on the king to fight by all 
on to figlit l>y ,1 J 1 '111-11 • 1 1 • 1 

tlie earl-mar- ^"^ wayes and means he can possibly devise, dayly urgmg the knig how 

«''"' ; nearly it concerns him in honner to punish the rebells, tolling that they 

arc weake, and not able to encounter him. Then the king is perswaded 

w'llituhall *^ '*' ^^^^' ^""^"^ Whithall, with all the industry that can be immagind. The 

catholiks makes a large contribution, as they pretend, and indeed use all 
the means and wayes they can to sett uss by the ears, and I thinck they 
will not faile of theyr plott. I dare saye ther was never soe raw, soe 
unskillfull, and soe unwilling an army brought to fight. My lord marshall 
hiniself, I dare saye, will bee safe, and then he cares not what becomes 

• One of llio gentlemen of the jtrivy ehamlior. 

t The carl of Arundel, who woa eommandor-in chief under the king. 


of the rest. Trewly heere are manny brave gentlemen that for poynt of 
honer must runn such a hasard as trewly would greeve any heart but his 
that does it purposly to ruine them. For my owne parte, I have lived ^"' Edmund 

r r J J r \veary with 

till paine and trouble has made mee weary to doe soe, and the woarst pain and 

that can come shall not bee unwellcome to mee ; but it is a pitty to see trouble, 

what men are like to bee slaughtered heere, unless it shall pleas God to 

putt it in the king's hearte to increace his army, or staye till thes may Want of disci- 

knowe what they doe, for as yett they are as like to kill theyr fellowes as army. 

the enimye. I beleeve we shall staye here and att Newcastle till towards 

the end of Maye. 

I writt to you to send mee a long gauntlett, if ther were none sent 
with my armes. I praye send it assoone as you can. Heere has beene 
a whisper of an accomodation betweene uss and the Scotts, but I see noe No hope of 
hope of it. Keepe this to your self, and burne this letter. * * * * t^*]^™""" 
I praye deliver thes inclosed letters, but desire all my frends to excuse 
mee heereafter if I wright not soe often as I would doe, for trewly I Dares not send 
dare not send news, and I am unwiUing to expose my foolish lynes to °®^^^' 
the descant of grave counsellers. * * * 

I am extreame weary, and now I will give you boath the day and the 
hower I wright this letter, which is, this Wensday the ferst of Maye, att 
three of the clock in the morning, att which time I am verry sleepy. I 
have dated all my other letters this daye toe, thoughe they were written 
yesterday and Monday. I should have writt to Natt Hubbart, but by my 
troth I am not able. I knowe he will forgive mee. I longe to heere of 
his liberty. Farwell, your ever loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 

My lord Saye is att liberty and gone home ; ther was never soe weake Lord Saye's 
a thing done as the comittment of that man.* 

* " Received 6 May, 1639." The commitment of lord Saye arose thus: — Strafford, 
then viscount Wentworth, imposed upon all the Scots employed in the royal service in Ire- 
land an oath that they would submit to all his majesty's royal commands, and not enter into 
any covenant or bond for mutual defence without the king's authority. The king, approving 
the example, not only imposed the same oath upon all Scotish persons employed in his 
service in England, but caused it, or something very like it, to be tendered generally. Two 
English peers, lord Saye and lord Brooke, " positively refused," says Clarendon, whose 



Dr. Denton ao- Sir Eclmuiid's brotlicr-iii-law and Ralpli's uncle, Dr. Denton, 
expedl"ion pro- whom we kst heard of as practising physic at Oxford,* had since 
fessioiialiy. removed to London. He now accompanied the nortiiern expedition 
professionally, and seems from the following letter to have been with 
the party who dashed off to secure Berwick. Returning from thence, 
probably with the earl of Essex, to Durham, whilst the king was 
there, he wrote to Ralph as follows. There was as yet no enemy 
near the borders. It was a little unnecessary, therefore, to alai'm 
sir Edmund's friends with reports of his rashness. 

Dr. Den'ton to Ralph Verney. 

1639, May 5tli. Raph, — Wee have noe need of foolinge, we have an enough of that 
here. If the wisest were not a Httle guilty of it, wee might be happier 
then now wee are Ukely to be. Your father is as he useth to be for 

Rashness of sir matter of health. His wisdome I feare begins to fayle him. I pray God 
the event doe not proove it by exposinge him selfe to more daunger then 
he needes. My journey to Barwick hath not yett given me leasure to 
be sicke. When I goe that way againe, I much suspect my entertain- 
ment both for health and quiettnesse. 

Wants Read on I pray buy me Dr, Read his treatise of wounds,* and send it to me as 

wounds. soone as you can. It is a thinn booke in quarto, and if it be only 

stitched it will be noe more then two quire of paper. I referre you to 

statement of the contents of the oath is very inaccurate, " in the king's own presence, to 
make any such protestation. They said, * If the king suspected their loyalty, he might 
proceed against tlieni as he thought fit ; but that it was against the law to impose any oath 
or protestation upon them which were not enjoined by the law ; and in that respect, that 
they might not betray the common liberty, they would not submit to it.' . . . They two 
were committed, at least restrained of their liberty ; yet they discovered too much the 
humour and spirit of the court in their daily discourses upon that subject, so that the 
king thought it best to dismiss those lords, and require them to return to their houses." — 
Hist. Rebell. lib. ii. 

* Page ir.2. 

+ Dr. Alexander Read, a celebrated London physician of those days, published in 1638 
a " Treatise on the first part of ehirurgcry, containing the methodical doctrine of wounds." 
4 to. Loud. 


Nat concerning Robin. When wee are once past Newcastle, you must 
looke for noe more letters from your assured lovinge uncle, 

W. Denton. 
May 3, 1639, Durham. 

I committ the distribution of love and service to your disposall, and 
my duty to ons owne wife Doll. 

For Mr. Raph Verney.* 

Still at Durham, sir Edmund wrote thus on the 5th May : — 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 
Raphe, — I have returnd you with this letter all thos warrants you sent 1639, May 5th, 
mee, and the king has signed them. Hee promises to send to have them Warrants 
pass att the seals, which I will sollicitt. I have usd my owne name for ^^S^^"^ ^y the 

. •' king respecting 

receaver upon your advice m one of your letters ; but if you fiend it fitt the hackney- 
that 1 should name another, ther is power in the warrant, which I did by coachmen. 
advice from you too, soe that if you see cause you maye name another 
whome you thinck fitt. I like well of thos petitions to my lord keeper 
and lord privy scale from the coachmen. 

A little time now will discover what I am unwilling to beleeve till I 
must needes ; but this daye I spake with an understanding Scottshman, 
and one that is affected the moderate waye. Hee is confident noething The Scots will 

• ft 1 • 11 T • 1 1 T 1 ^^t ^^ satisfied 

will sattisiye them but taking awaye all bishopps, and 1 dare saye the unless bishops 

king will never yeelde to that, soe wee must bee miserable. The quarrell ^^^ '^'^^'^ away, 

11 1 1 1 1 f 1 • 1 • 1 • TT .,, which the king 

is allmost begun alreddy, tor this daye news is come that marquis Hamillton will never yield. 

has take[n] fower Scotch shipps. God send all well, but 1 now doubt it verry 

I praye paye the harniss maker the 14*. for the ould bill, but his new 
harniss is not woarth above 3/., therefore do not pay him that. I pray in- 
quire for the news heere of Natt Hobart, and send mee his protection assoone 
as you can. Direct it in my absence to Nedd Siddenham, for I maye be 
out of the waye. Poore Roben Turvill is as ill as hee was, and in the 

* Memorandum indorsed, " Received 8 May, 1639." 


same cource of phisick att Newcastle. Munn has had an ague,* but I 
knowe not wheather it bee gone or not. Comend mee to your wife, and 
all my frends with you, and thank Doll for her letter. Your loving 

Ed. Verney. 
Durham, this 5th of May [1639]. 


For your selfe.f 

On the 9th May, sir Edmund Verney, in attendance upon the 
king, had gone forward to Newcastle, whence several of sii* Edmund's 
next despatches are dated. 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 
1639, May 9th. 

Mr. Eurehas Raphe, — Mr. E[ure] is not come on with uss, but I heare hee has 

sold his land sould all his land and means to settle about Lundon, wher hee is suer to 
settle about hayo a ritch widdow. I heare hee is a vast spender, and has a father 
London. and a brother to releeve that has not bredd to eate. He sould his land 

Rumour says he fgj. gj^ thousand pownd. All this laved togeather, God help some boddy ! 

IS a vast spender j o 

with poor rela- My lord Trcquare and my lord Dycle ;{: came yesterday out of Scot- 

*'""*'• land. Trnquare tells the king (and hee desires his majesty to putt him 

eport of t le -^^ g^^^. prison heere and hange him if it bee not trew that he saycs,) 

Scottish forces, that the covenanters has 2000 as good hors as wee have any, and that 

they have 2000 others that are not soe good, but yett verry usefull, and 

* In a letter of the same date as this from Edmund Vcmcy, lie states, " Wo rose from 
Colby within a little after the writing of my first letter [p. 213], and then upon the man-h 
I had divers shrewd fitts of an ague, but now I thank God it hath left me, and I am as 
well as ever I was in my lyfo. We are now at Ryton, within five miles of Newcastle, but 
wo dayly expect orders to march away, though I beleeve it will not be above twelve miles 
beyond Newcastle, when I am confident we shall stay till the foote come up to us, which 
I beleove will be at least this fortnight, for wee left them at Colby, and not half of them 
gathered together. * * * I verily belocve that within ono nionth or sixe weoki's woo 
shall see what businesses will come to. W«e that either arc or would be souldgors foare 
the best and liope tlio worst." 

t •• Ueccivod Sth May, 1(539." 

t Oahell |?1 


40,000 foote, as good men as that nation can affoard, reddy to receave [us] 
at five dayes warning, and therfore desires his majesty to goe with a foarce 
fitt to inco.unter this strength, or els all his men will bee cutt in peeces. 
My lord Dyeale affirms the like uppon his life. But my lord marshall The lord mar- 
is of another oppinion, sayes thes are but braggs, and presses the king *^^ anxious to 
extreamly to make haste to them. The kinge is inclynd to beleeve the 
marshalls intelligence rather then theyrs, and has given warning to march The army to 
from hence the next week. Wee shall march our whole army togeather ^.gjj. . 
in a boddy, with our cannon, and after wee goe out of this towne wee 
are to lye in the feelde every night. Our army consists of 2000 horse its number, 
and 10,000 foote, and that is the most, and more by some reasonable 
proportion, boath of horse and foote, then wee shall have with uss, or 
that will come to uss, unless marquis Hamiltons foarces comes to uss. Our ^"d condition. 
men are verry rawe, our armes of all sorts nawght, our vittle scarce, and 
provition for horses woarce ; and now you maye judg what case wee are in, 
and all for want of monny to keepe uss till wee maye bee better men, 
or to bring more men to uss. Comend mee to all my frends, and soe 
God send uss well to meete eyther in this woarld or in the next. I will 
Wright to you againe assoone as I heare what the Scotts will do in obe- 
dyence to the proclamation, which certainly will come to nothing.* Far- 
well ; your loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 
Newcastle, this 9th of May [1639]. 

[^ Addressed^ 

For your self f 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

Raphe, — Sir Peeter Killigrew has stayed longer for the kings letter then 1639, May llth. 
hee expected, and I having receaved a packett from you three bowers since, 
I have broaken upp my packett againe to insert this letter in answer to this 
last of yours dated the 7th of May. For most of your letters I thinck I Letters missing. 

* The king offered "indemnity" to such as should within eight days lay down their 
arms, declaring such as would not obey rebels, and setting a price upon their heads. 
Burnet's Lives of Hamiltons, p. 120. 

t " Received 17 May, 1639." 



have receaved them, but I am suer manny of myne to you has miscarried, 

for trewly I have never failed sending twice a weeke att least, and some 

weeks oftner, but I much feare they are gotten into ill hands. I will heere- 

after keepe a note of all I send or receave, and the date of them. But I 

Going into the gJ^J^]l ^qj wright often now, for wee shall goe into the feeld presently ; nay, 

field, where he . . , . ,n , ,, , . ^ ^ i • .,i ^ i 

will not be able the kmg hmiself and all his array, after wee goe out of this towne, will lodg 

to write. Jq j^g feelds every night, and noe man must looke into a village. 

Business of the I sent lloben Lasly's business by Mr. Webb, my lord duke's secretary, 

hackney-coach- ^^y^^ ^^.^^^ f^.^^ Durham on Monday last. If Mr. Laslv has a miend to 

men, how to be ' . ' . 

managed. come hee maye, for 1 doe not see how hee gives any assistance to the 

business ; but, if hee bee ther, I would have him deale soe with the coach- 
men that as little clamor maye bee rased as possibly can bee, and that must 
bee by getting the 50 coachmen to take under them as manny others of the 
poore men about the towne as they can, that they may not complaine. This 
must be done privatly, for if the poorer sort discover a feare of complayning 
they will cry out the more. 
Arms received. I have receaved all my arms that you sent, and I have a long gauntlett, 
but I have never a short one, nor is it any matter, for I will never use more 
then back and brest. I pray hast awaye my pott, and take care it bee wide 
inoughe, for this is soe much to little that noe boddy but a made man could 
have beene soe madd as to mistake soe grosly ; therfore take care it be wide 
inoughe now. 
Scots advanced This afternoone ther is news come for certaine that 2000 Scotts are come 
wick. within 10 mile of Barwike. They saye 8000 more is coming after them, 

and 2000 more are gone to lye neare Carlile. Wee shall soone have blowes 
now, but I beleeve it will bee skirmishes with the hors, and noe battle till 
towards the end of summer. It is folly to thinck any longer of a peace. 
Wee shall bee suddenly ingaged now. God of his mercy send uss well to 
meete eyther heere or heereafter. God of heaven and earth bless you and 
all yours. Farwell ; your loving father, 

Ed. Veiinev. 
Newcastle-, this Dth of May, five a clock after noone. 

Sir Edmund Verney to Kalimi Verney. 
lfl39,Mayllth. Raphe, — I have tryed my arms, and the hcddpeece is verry much to 
dw«*not fit. ''^^'^' ^"'" *"''^- ^* ^'*^' P"** ^ expect dayly from him bee soe to I am undone. 


I praye send to him about it assoone as you receave this letter. This will 

come uppon noe part of my head, it is soe verry little. The rest of my 

arms are fitt, but I shall never use more then back and brest. 

As I was thus farr in my letter, my lord chamberlaine sent for mee, and 

tould mee the sadd news of sweete Mrs. Henslows death, desiring mee to H^^^^ *^^ ^'■^• 

° Henslow. 

breake it to her father. Trewly I cannott express my greefe for the loss of 

her. She was one that I had an extreordinary esteeme for, and to whos 
love I owe much. I have now lost her; if shee had lived a few weeks 
longer shee mought have lost mee, I will wright to Mrs. Rogers, and 
inclose it in this. I praye send it to her. The God of heaven bless you 
and yours, Farwell ; your loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 
Newcastle, this 11 th of Maye. 

For your selfe. 

The forebodings of Dr. Denton, the melancholy allusions of sir 
Edmund to approaching danger in the field, and some expressions 
in one of his letters to Nathaniel Hobart indicative of a deter- 
mination to volunteer to accompany lord Holland on a contem- 
plated mission to the borders, effectually roused Ralph's fears for 
his father's safety. On the 10th May, Ralph addressed a strong 
remonstrance upon the subject to his father, and a letter to Dr. 
Denton urging him to use his influence to prevent sir Edmund's 
putting himself forward in the way suggested ; " Oh, Doctor," 
writes Ralph, "if my father goes to the borders, hee is lost. I 
know his corrage will bee his distruction. Noe man did ever soe 
wilfully ruine himselfe and his posterity." " If you goe," he re- 
marks to his father, " knowinge your forwardness, I shall never 
thinke to see you more, but with grief confesse that never man did 
more wilfully cast himselfe away," The next letters contain allu- 
sions to this subject and report further progress. 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney, 
Raphe, — My designe of goeing to the borders with my lord of Holland 1639, May 16th. 
had only matter of kindness, none of danger in it; yet because it ""ght ^^^^j °. ^^j^^^ 


to the borders aeeine soe to my frends, I was desirous they might not know it. But that 

is put off. designe was putt ofe, and now wee are all goeing theather : wher I desire 

tlie'bolS'.*'' '" yo" to putt soe much trust in mee as to beleeve I will not willfully thrust 

my self in danger, nor will I thinck you could wish mee to leave any thing 

undone when it falls to my turns to bee in action. Raphe, I thanck you 

for your good advice. It has boath exprest your judgment and affection, 

^^ ill not »c-tk and I praye lett mee intreat you to beleeve, I will neyther seeke my mine, 

ruin nor avoid por avovde any hasard when that little honner I have lived in may suffer 

liazard dis- ■' "^ , . ,, n i^ ^ • i^ j, i,. 

honourably. by it ; but trewly 1 thmck wee are not m much danger of fightmg. » * * 

Your loving father, 

Ed. Verney.* 

Dr. Denton to Ralph Verney. 

Raph, — I receaved your letter with newes of my booke. I shall deferre 
Barbing-scissors my thankes for them untill you send me a paire of barbinge sissers, here 
btuglftn'or sTt. beinge none that are eyther to be bought or sett. Your father is yet well 
King moves to- in body, and att a good distance from the borders. The kinge goeth 
wards Herwick towards Barwicke on Thursday next, and intends to intrenche himselfe 

on Thursday o-i t • • ^ rr< j j i -l 

next, 23rd May. within 5 or 6 miles of it, but on this side 1 weede, and, soe longe as he 

keepes there, I presume wee shall be in safety. 1 hope that the kinge doth 

His majesty's ^ot intend to fight this summer, but thinkes, by drawinge his forces soe 

neere them to tempt them to bringe out theire forces in a body, and by 

that meanes to exhaust them ; but I feare he will be cozened, for I beeleove 

that they be as cunninge as they be wicked. The newes of theire beinge 

12,000 in a body within four miles of Barwick is false. This is the best 

Will leave no cordiall that I can send you att this distance. Be confident that I will 

to'counteract ^*^^^^ "^e stone uumovcd that I conceave may knocke your Other's fightinge 

hir Iviniund'.s designcs on the head, and preserve him. If I can but keepe him from 

goinge out in parties I hope he will returne with safety. I shall be very 

sensible of any the least hazard that I shall thinkc he may be in, and if all 

the witt and power I have or can make may prevent it, it shall be noe fault 

of your assured lovinge uncle, 

W. Denton. 
Newcastle, iGlh [May], 1639. 

• No direction ; " Received 18 Mnv, 163lt." 


Remember my humble service to all in both houses and to wife Doll. 

For Raph Verney, esq., att the knight marshall 
his house in the Coven Garden.* 

In preparation for departure to the borders, Edmund wrote a kind 
of temporary farewell to his brother, full of the rumours rife in the 

Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

Sweete brother, — I am now ready to march to the very borders of Scot- 1639, May 18th. 

land, and have made a very hard shift to present mv service to you and the I^^ady to march 

n • 1 1 P 1 ,1 n . 1 ,• to the borders, 

rest or my fremdes before my departure herehence, for it may be a month 

before I shall have convenience and leasure of writing to you againe. The News in the 

newes here is that my lord of Roxborough is committed at Newcastle hupon army. 

his sonn's turning covenanter.f There is an old servant of Lasleyes come 

to the king, who is sayde to have made a greate relation of his masters 

intentions. The first night he found good entertainment, but on the next 

day was committed close prisoner. The marquesseij: is neere the Holy Hand, 

whither wee are marching, but I beleeve shall never joine with us ; for 

when wee doe fall on the Scotts (as we are confident wee shall within a 

month or five weekes, or it may be much less), the marquess shall on on one 

part, my lord of Donluce with the Irish on another, and the maine body 

of the army on a third, which I verily beleeve will be by Barrwick syde. 

The king is advised not to stirre from Newcastle. My lord chamberlaine 

hath not stood to say that he is a traytor that gives contrary counsel!. 

Now, sweete brother, fare you well, and I pray excuse this relation, allthough 

you doe heare some contradiction of it hereafter, for I must tell you that 

contradictions were never more frequent than now ; 'tis the truest I can 

* " Received 18 May, 1639." 

-f- The king, according to Burnet, was so gracious as to tell lord Roxburgh that he 
believed him innocent, yet, for example's sake, he found it necessary to keep him under 
some mark of his displeasure. Lives of Hamiltons, p. 138. 

J The marquess of Hamilton in command of a fleet with a considerable body of troops 
on board : two regiments of which were shortly after landed at Berwick. 



heare. One stayeth for my letter, and I can only tell you that I am, and 
will ever reraaine, your most affectionate brother and servant, 

Edmund Verney. 
Mitford in Northumberland, May 18th, 1639. 
For my much esteemed brother Raph Verney, esq., these present.* 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 
Raphe, — Thoughe I writt but yesterday, yett I have now raett with 
another opportunity to send to you which I cannott omitt. Every bower 
now produces eyther something that is new, or some alteration of our 
Uncertainty in farmer resolutions. The king maks all the hast with this little army into 

the roval eoun- " /. i , 

oils. ' the feeld that possibly hee can. To-morrow part of it marches awaye, and 

the rest follows as fast as it can. On Fryday the king will bee wher hee 

The king will desigrnes to intrench. The king has sent for 8,000 men more to him with 

be in his camp ° ° 

on Friday, 24th all speede. Lasly threatens to fight uss, but if hee comes not quickly hee 

^*y- slipps a fair occation, for when wee are intrencht and thos men come to uss 

Lesly threatens ^^^^ gj^^jj ^^^ much feare him, which now wee doe, for if hee bee able to 
to hght. 

bring 10,000 men to uss any time thes twelve dayes, beleeve mee wee are 

in verry ill case. INIy lord of Holland is not yett come to uss. We 

Lord Holland. \ r. , . n ■, i • , , , , , 

beleeve hee is in Scottland, for hee was mett att Barwick, but noe boddy 

heere seemes to know any such thing. Wee have had two of the coaldest 

( ..Illness of the (j^ves heere that ever I felt, and I feare if it continues it will kill our men, 

weather. •' • 

that must lodg uppon the ground without any thing over them any time 
thes tenn dayes. Remember to send my pott assoone as you can. The 
wiend is now contrary for any shipping coming to uss, and that troubles 
full soare, because wee are in doubt of present action. Comend mee to 
thy wife, and all my frends, and soe go[o]d night. Your loving father, 

Ed. Vekne\. 
Newcastle, this fryday night, late, the 19th of Mayc [1639]. 

I'or my loving sonn Mr. Raphe Verney, att sir Edmund 
Verueys bowse in Covent Clarden, thes with care, f 

* " Received 23 jMuy, 1039." t " Kcceived 21 May, 1631I.'' 


At length the king's army marched onwards to their intended 
place of encampment. Charles I. was evidently distracted by con- 
tradictory councils. Lord Wentworth, trusting that in a little while 
the Scotish people would quarrel amongst themselves, begged of the 
king not to advance ; untrue reports of the strength of the cove- 
nanters, and consciousness of the weakness of the royal army, 
seconded this unwise advice. If the council of lord Essex and 
others who urged a bold advance had been adopted, the king might 
have dictated liis own terms in Edinburgh, and, for a time, have 
re-established his authority over Scotland. The next letters report 
the incidents of the advance from Newcastle. 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 
Raphe, — As it falls out, I am verry sorry you were soe curious to try 1639,May 22nd. 

the pott, for an ill one had beene better then none. I doubt it may come ^°* wanted as 

^ , . soon as possible, 

to late now, yett when it is done send it awaye by the first shipp. I have 

not time to wright to Jack Tyn-ingham, but I praye tell him that I doe not 

heare him cald for. Lett him doe his business and then come ; in the 

mean time it were well done to send his brother, if hee intend him, to my 

lord of Essex, otherwise I conceave hee neede not send him at all. I have 

written to my sister Poultney ; when you have redd it, seale it upp and 

send it her, but desire her to say noething of my wrighting to her, because 

I have written to noe boddy els. * * * 

Now for the business here, — It stands thus : part of our army, and Army has 

indeede all of it except the privy chamber men, is marcht awaye to the (.j,g ^^ 

rendezvous, which is within fower mile of Barwick.* To morrow the king The king going 

removes, and will bee ther the next daye, if noething happens to change his thither on the 

resolution. I am instantly goeing to view the grownd, and place his tent 

reddy against hee comes. My lord of Holland has beene thes six dayes Lord Holland's 

uppon the border, and till now the Scotts have not been scene in any great [^{'g^^^f^j^* ^V^^ 

number, thoughe wee have often heard of great armys coming towards uss ; the Scots. 

but hee advertises the king now, that ther are 1500 men come to the 

* The king's encampment was at the Birks, a rising ground above Berwick, and com- 
manding a considerable view of the Scotish frontier. 


borders allready, and that they are informd ther is 15,000 foot and 4000 
horse following them a pace, all which they expect ther by Satterday next. 
If this bee trew, and that they will make use of the advantage they have us 
att, I doubt they will foarce uss to a dishonourable retraict, or els the kinge 
must hassard this army, which certainly hee will not doe att this disad- 
vantage; but wee have had so manny alarms of greate armys comming, 
when ther was in trewth noe such thing, that wee beleeve this will proove a 
Reinforcements bragg too. Withinn tenn or twelve days we expect a great supply to our 


army, and if they lett uss aloane till they come to uss and that wee are 

intrencht, wee thinck they will not bee able to hurt uss, and yet wee shall 

Now or never is always vex them. For my part, I beleeve that if ever they can make a 

s'^t'tir « u foarce against uss, it will bee now before wee intrench, for I neyther thinck 

them fooles, nor soe well natuerd as to suffer themselves to bee almost 

blockt upp on all sides if they can helpe it. Some are of oppinion that 

they are a little devided since the proclamation, for it is certaine the 

covenanters has forbidden any man to read it uppon paine of death, 

and this [it] is conceaved stumbles manny that are misled by an implicit 


Account of a Ther was some dussen troopers of Mr. Goering's that were riding uppon 

counter in the Scottish border; theyr business was to inquire after Mr. Goering, who 

which the first ^^s ridden privatlv out to view the passages, and not returning soe soone 

drawn, as was expected, they went m search alter hira. Wher, uppon a sudden, 

they might perceave about 30 horsmen making a pace towards them. 

Charles Price, who comands Goerings troope, was ther, and stayed till 

they came, and askt them if they were frends to the king. They answered 

"yes;" soe bedd them uncock theyr peeces, and his men should doe the 

like. They denyed it. Why then, sayes Price, lett uss putt of our hatts 

on boath sides and parte. In the mean, a muskett was shott at Prices 

corporall and broake his arme, and hurt him in the boddy. With that one 

of Price his men shott and kild one of the Scotts, and then they were 

willing on boath sides to leave one another. My lord of Holland wrigtt to 

my lord Hume to acquaint him with the manner of the business, and to 

excuse it, who rcturnd for answer that hee disird my lord of Holland to 

keepe the Inglish ofe from the Scotts border, or els thes accidents woulil 

often happen, and drawe on greater inconveniencys. This is the first blndd 

has beene drawiie in the business ; if more must bee lost in this unhappy 


quarrell, I praye God it maye bee att the same rate. * * * The Lord 
God of heaven send uss well to meete. 

Your loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 
Newcastle, this 22nd of Maye [1639.] 


For your selfe.* 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 
Raphe, — Wee are now incampt within two mile of Barwick, and by to 1639, May 29th. 

morrow wee shall be intrencht. Wee have seene noe enimy as yett. Wee Tl>e army en- 
heare Lasly is within 1 2 miles ; it is sayed hee has with him 3000 men, 

and that within six dayes hee will make them upp 20,000 ; but wee have 

had soe manny braggs from them of great arrays, when in trewth ther has 

beene noe such thinge, that I knowe not what to beleeve of them. Wee 

fiend all the meaner sort of men uppon the Scotch border well inclynd Meaner people 

to the king, and I beleeve when time serves they will express it well ; but ^^°l^. ^^^ 

the gentlemen are all covenanters, and I beleeve most men are weary of the gentlemen all 

government ther now, for they lay heavy burdens uppon the people. Ther t^o^^^^^'^'^rs- 

are some propositions made to some about the king to mediate a peace, but peaee°.*^ '° 

they are so highe and soe insolent that they are not to bee herkned to. I 

am confident they will desend to better conditions, and, in earnest, the king 

is most willing to suffer much rather then have a warr, soe that I hope it 

will prove a peace. Lasly has now the title of soverain amongst them, and Leslie's great 

the best lord amongst them sitt att a great distance below him, and, under authority. 

a lord, noe man putts on a hatt in his presence. All the government of 

the warr is committed to him, and of the state to, which is to me verry 

strange. Wee heare the man is soe transported with this greatness that 

hee gives offence to all the nobillity, and I beleeve they will desire a peace 

to free themselves of him againe. I have been heare this three dayes in 

the camp, ordering of things ther for the king's coming to morrow to lodge The king comes 

ther. * * * The king lyes in Berwick att this time. I doe not yett j^^on-ow^™^ 

heare of my pott, but I have left one to call to the mayor of Newcastle 

every day for it. Comend mee to all my frends, and take care to send thes 

* ''Received 27 May, 1639." 



1630, June 2ii(l. 
Sir Kdinund 
quiirtered at 

Leslie's posi- 

inclosed letters. Excuse my not wrighting to my other frends, God bless 
thee and thy wife; thanck Nan Ilobart for her letter; but I will wright noe 
more to her till I can send her woard of a certaine peace. Farwell ; from 
your ever loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 
From the camp, this Wensday the 29th of May [1639]. 

Wee arc now 11,000 foote, and wee shall be 5000 more within 6 dayes. 

For your selfe.* 

Du. Denton to Ralph Verney. 

Raph, — I have receaved the booke and sissers. Your father hath quar- 
tered himself with my lord of Holland att Twisill, four miles from the 
king, and six from Barwicke. I have spoken to him my selfe, and sett sir 
William Vuedall and Sidenham uppon him, but I can gett noe great 
assurance from him. There is yett noe danger. I would have beene quar- 
tered with him, but there was noe roome. There can be nothinge done but 
I shall heare in a trice, and I shall hearken very diligently after him. 

* * * I pray call to Mr. Bell for six balls orhicuU hezoartici, which 
send to my mother, which are the cordiall she sent to me hither for, and 
lett her knowe soe much. * ♦ * Lessly lyes 12 miles distant from us 
with 25,000 men, and except hee stirr first it is thought [the king] will 
not stirr. My love and service to both houses, and to the old grannatn.f 

* # * 

Your assured loving uncle, 

William Denton. 
Barwick, June 2, 1639. 

The surest way to send your letters for your father is to direct them to 
mee at Barwick, by the thorough post. 

For Mr. Haph Vorncy, att sir Edmund Verney his house 
in the Coven Garden, these ; with care. 

* " Received 11 June, 1639." 

t Old ludy Vernoy, sir Edmund's mother, who was still alivo. 


On the 31st May, the Scots having now advanced within a few Attempt tosur- 
miles of the royal camp, the earl of Holland, the king's general of at^'Dunseiaw. 
horse, endeavoured to surprise their advanced guard, which was 
stationed at Dunselaw. Leslie's scouts brought him intelligence of 
the meditated attack. He thought it prudent to retire, and when a 
body of 2000 English horse dashed into the little town of Dunse, 
not a covenanter was to be found. The people received the king's 
soldiers with seeming joyfulness. The earl read the king's procla- 
mation at the market cross, and then returned to the camp at the 
Birks, without having so much as seen an enemy. The only result 
of this expedition was a quarrel between the earls of Newcastle and 
Holland, in consequence of the latter having placed the Newcastle 
troop of volunteers, which bore the prince's coloui's and was com- 
posed of gentlemen of fortune, in the rear. 

On the 3rd June another expedition was set forth to Kelso, which 
forms the subject of the following letter. 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 
Raphe, — I have receaved all thos packetts you wright ofe, and yester- 1639, June 4th, 
daye, just as wee made our retraict, I receaved your letter of the 28th of 
Maye ; and because I speak of a retraict, I will in the first place tell you 
the business. The king was informd that att a towne called Calsell ther Meditated 
was some foarces of the Scotts intrenching, and to prevent theyr intrench- ScotVat* Kelso'*' 
ment hee sent out a 1000 horse and 3000 foote to fall uppon them, and beate 
them out of the towne if wee could, for hee was assuerd by his intelligence 
that ther was but 3000 foote in the towne ; but though this was not knowne 
to my lord of Holland himselfe till 7 o'clock at night, for hee was imployed 
as chiefe comander, yett by tenn of the clock the next morning that wee got 
theather with our horse, wee fownd att the least 6000 or 8000 men ther, 
manny of them coming into the towne. Just as wee came theather, the 
march from our camp theather was soe longe, that our foote and cannon 
was five miles behiend uss,* and the Scotts by theyr skouts uppon every 

* "That day proved sultry hot, the like not known in the memory of man." Rush- 
worth, ii. 935. 


The movement hill, perceaving that wee had neyther foote nor ordinance with uss, marcht 

ScouLh scouti'.^ presently towards uss with all thoyr foote and about 400 hors, and in spight 

of out teeths made uss soe discreete as to make our retraict, soe that wee 

had not one blowe. The trewth is wee are betrayed in all our intelligence, 

and the king is still made beleeve in a party that will come to him, but I 

Tlie Scota am confident hee is mightily abused in it, for they are a peeple strangly 

>tr.inKely united, and att this time Lasly is within fiveteene mile of us with a verry 

united. '' ■' 

,„, , .Strong armv, and ther is att another side att Calsell 8 or 10,000 men verry 

J he numbers of ° • _ ^ 

their army, well appoyntcd, and that is within twelve mile of uss, soe that now I thinck 

the king dares not sturr out of his trenches. What counsells hee will take, 
or what hee will doe, I cannott devino ; but if this army bee lost that wee 
have here, I beleeve the Scotts maye make theyr owne conditions with 
Ingland, and therefore I could wish that all my frends would arme them- 
selves and tennants assoone as they could. Wee want monny to increace 
The English our army, and the strength wee have heere will only defend our selves. I 

army not strong , . /. /. 

enough to "ioc not conceave it of roarce to doe any harme to them, soe wee dayly 

attack. spend our monny and our honner togeather ; and soe much for that, — now 

for my business. * * * When my pott is done let it bee quillted and 

lyned, and sent to mee, for heere is noe hope att all of peace, and wee are 

like to have the woarst of the warr, in respect the king wants monny and 

ofThe'^kinE'si*'^^ assistance, which makes the Scotts insufferably prowd and insolent, in soe 

w.-int of money much that every Inglish man's heart is reddy to breake with rage against 

(•onsequc'ntly ^^^^^ heere. * * * Comend me to every boddy. Your loving father, 

very proud and Ed. VeRNEY. 

indolent. This 4th of May [June, 1639]. 


For my loving sonnc, Mr. Raphe Verney.* 


Consequences This secoiicl miserable failure annoyed and troubled the kinii; 
beyond measure. He had been forewarned that the nobles and 
gentry of England were unwilling to enter ujion an offensive war 
against Scotland. lUit lie was loath to believe the fact. 1 lo divanied 
that the ujjraising of the royal standard would call forth not merely the 
national energy and love of enterprise, but even the old national anti- 

" Uoceived 1'2 .June, ICSt'." 


patliy under the influence of which both countries had so often and so 

deeply suffered. When the king listened to lord Holland's report of 

this last expedition ; when he heard, as lord Holland stated the Lord Holland's 

matter, that upon sending his trumpeter to command the Scots to obey ^'jf °^ 

his majesty's proclamation and retire, they coolly inquired whose 

trumpeter he was ; being told my lord Holland's, " their answer was 

he were best to be gone ; " and that thereupon, without striking a 

blow, " my lord Holland made his retreat, and waited on his majesty 

this night to give him this account -," * Charles began at length to 

see that the hearts of the English people were not in his quarrel. 

In both countries his course was adverse to the popular judgment. 

In Scotland there was a burning enthusiasm against him ; in 

England there was none in his favour. It was a painful and fatal 

conviction, but the king acted upon it without hesitation. His 

policy was now to obtain a settlement, but to make it appear as if he Change in the 

were granting one. A few days before, " his majesty's sacred pen," to ^"^ ^ ^° "^^' 

use the language of sir Henry Vane,t had authorised the marquess of 

Hamilton, who had again entered the Firth of Forth but was unable 

to effect a landing, to commit any act of hostility against the enemy 

which he thought proper. The king now recalled this authority. 

He informed the marquess that he himself should keep upon the 

defensive, and directed the marquess to come in person to consult 

with him as soon as he could leave his fleet and army " in a good 

and safe posture." In the meantime the covenanters, who had no Covenanters 

more wish than the English people to enter upon a war unneces- J"on"oi.*a S'e- 

sarily, gave out that they should petition the king for a settlement ment. 

as soon as they had taken the position which they thought expedient 

for the display of their strength and the protection of the borders. 

The next letter proves that their rumoured intentions soon reached 

the royal camp. J 

* Rushworth, ii. 936. f Ibid. 

X According to Baillie, our acquaintance Robin Leslie was sent into the camp of the 
covenanters to visit some of his relations, and encourage them to send their petition to 
the king. Letters, i, 215. 


Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

1639, June 5th. Raphe, — I writt to you yesterday, and to my best remembrance I dated 

my letter the 4th of May, instead of June. I was in haste, and that made 

mee leave out something that I had to saye, and that shall bee supplied now. 

* * * If you heare of Mr. Will son, I praye tell him hee must have 

patience ; the king is soe imployd heere that businesses of that nature are not 

considerable as yett, but what can bee done shall not bee neglected. The 

Strength of the Scotts are verry strong; they have 15,000 men within 12 miles of uss on 

' '^'*^' the one hand, and are under command of the liuetenant-generall. Lasly 

himself will bee as neare uss, eyther this night or to morrow, on another 

Covenanters side, with 30,000 men more. The covenanters sayes they will in all humi- 

al.out to peti- lity petition the king for redress of theyr greevances. If that maye bee 

heard and rcmidyed, they will laye downe theyr armes ; if not, yett they 

If not heard will not assault any army wher the king is in person, but they profess they 

tliey will break ^yj|| instantly breake into Ingland with all the power they can make, aud 

make the seate of the warr heere, for if they suffer the king to block them 

upp, they shall starve att home. All this they maye easily doe in spight of 

Weakness of USS, for our army is very weake, and our supplyes comes slowly to uss, neyther 

tiiekingsarmy. ^^^ ^.j^^g ^^^ ^^g h&ve well orderd. The small pox is much in our army ; 

ther is a hunderd sick of it in one regiment. If the Scotts petition as they 

ought to doe, I beleeve they will easily bee heard, but I doubt the roages 

will be insolent, and knowing our weakness will demand more then in 

reason or honner the king can graunt, and then wee shall have a fillthy 

Scots say that business of it. The poorest scabb in Scottland will tell uss to our faces 

EngLtMlTare on *^'^*' ^^^'" P^^^'' ^^ Ingland are on theyr sides, and trcwly they behave them- 

th.-ir side. selves as if all Ingland were soe. I heare our hopes from my lord of Antrim * 

Lord Antrim, j^^y come to noething. Wee are intrcncht, and must only stand uppon our 

defence, for I conceave wee are not able to hurt them. Roben Lasly is att 

Barwick ; as soone as that can bee dispatcht hee will send it you. I 

have gotten a little time to wright to some frends. I praye see them sent 

according to theyr directiotis. Comcnd nice to your wife, and excuse my 

not w righting to my other frends with you ; they shall none of them heere 

• The earl of Antrim was to have landed in the west of Scotland, with a body of men 
from Ireland. 


of mee till I see them. My lord chamberlayne is verry sick of an ague. Lord chamber- 
Doctoi- Denton, I hope, will cure him. Farwell, the lord of heaven bless '^'" *"^'^ "^ 
you and yours, and send uss well to meete againe. Farwell ; your loving care of Dr. 
father, Denton. 

Ed. Verney. 
From the camp this 5th of June [1639]. 


For my loving sonne Mr. Raphe Verney.* 

Your brother Munn is verry well, and behaves himself like an honest Edmund 
man heere. ^'^''"^y- 

I praye seale upp your letters in dubble paper, for the papers weares out 
by the waye, and your letters beeing unsealed, every boddy maye read 

On the evening of the 6 th June, the Scotish army advanced 
within sight of the Enghsh encampment. Such was the want of 
information in the royal camp, that the near approach of the rebel 
forces took the king quite by surprise. His majesty was ready to 
go to supper, as we are told by an eye-witness,t when " a gentle- 
man" came to him with the tidings. Startled by information which 
" seemed so strange," the king went out to behold the adverse 
troops, and from some neighbouring eminence " with his perspective 
glass " was easily able not merely to see them stretched out in the 
valley below, but could " count their tents," and was, therefore, him- 
self enabled to form some notion of their numbers. 

The obvious and shameful defectiveness of the king's intelligence English troops 
dispirited the royal army. The soldiers, also, began to complain of 
their supplies. The biscuit was mouldy, there was no water within 
the camp, nothing could be got out of Scotland, and the available 
provisions on the English border were soon exhausted, or were 
applied chiefly to the use of the border troops. The gai-rison of 

* " Received 13 June, 1639." f Addit. MS. 15,914, fo. 98. 



I>cnvick, wliicli comprised loi'cl Newcastle's troop of gentlemen, 
intercepted the princii)al stores of provisions, and could not bake or 
brew more than was necessary for themselves. The king's position 
was daily becoming worse, and would soon have been even critical. 
Covenanters Nothing could therefore be more opportune than the application of 
nlkted'to treat! ^^^^ covcnantcrs, made through lord Dimfermline, to. be permitted to 
The king's sti- treat. To save appearances, the king insisted on his late proclama- 
tion offering pardon upon a return to obedience being publicly read 
in the Scotish camj). He complained that this proclamation had 
not been duly made known to his Scotish subjects. That being 
done, the king declared that he would hear any humble supplication 
of his subjects. This answer was sent into the Scotish camp by 
sir Edmund Verney, who was known to be acceptable to the 
Scotish people,* and in case of compliance he was directed to make 
the required proclamation. The result appears in the following 
letters, the second of which comes from the British IMuseum, but is 
so aptly illustrative of sir Edmund Verney's letters that I do not 
scruple to insert it. 


Sir Edmund 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

Raphe, — I knowe you long to heare what wee are docing heere, and I 

have as great a desire still to inforrae you, and therfore I faile not to 

Wright to you by every safe messenger, if I have any leysure for it. Wee 

are still att great quiett. The Scottish army, which is verry strong, lies 

Scottish army now withhi six miles of ours. The lords of the covenant have petitioned 

'the king that they maye represent theyr complaints and grcevances by 

'I'lie fovenantfrs r ii t i- i i -n- /• i i i 

have petitione.l ^0'"^' O' '"c Inglish noDiUity, tor they saye theyr owne country men has 
to he allowed to beene falce to them, and has misreported them and theyr actions to the 
king. His majesty has assented to theyr petition, and has assigned six of 
our lords to meete with as manny of theyrs att our lord general's tent in 
our campe. They have petitioned for an assurance under the king's hand 
for theyr safe returne ; but hee refuses it, and sayes they shall trust to liis 

t Uaillie's Letters, i. 'J15. 


woard. This difficulty lies yett in the waye, but I assure myselfe ther will 
bee a waye fownd to sattisfye them in that, and I doubt not but wee shall 
have a treaty ; what effect it will produce I cannott judg ; but I hope it 
will be a good one. Uppon theyr petition to the kinge I was sent by his 
majesty with a message to them, wherin thoughe I had a hard parte to 
playe, yett I dare bouldly saye I handled the business soe that I begatt this 
treaty, otherwise wee had, I doubt, beene at blowes by this time ; but I 
praye take noe noetice of this unless you heare it from others. I pi-aye 
deliver thes inclosed letters, and excuse my not wrighting to my other 
frends. Comend mee to your good wife, and give her my blessing, which I 
send her with as good a will as ever I askt any. Remember my love to 
honest Natt, and every boddy els, but above all forgett not my humble 
service to my good lady Hobart. Farwell ; your ever loving father, 

Ed Verney. 
From the campe this 9th of June, late at night. 

{^Addressed'] For my sonne Raphe Verney.* 

Sir John Temple to Robert Earl of LEicESTER.f 

My lord, — By my last of the 5th of this present I gave your lordship an 
accompt of the approach of the Scotish forces. The day after they came Approach of the 
and sett downe within view of our campe, and there begunne to entrench 'Scottish forces, 
themselves, and picthed there tentes. Wee had not heere any notice of 
them untill a gentleman came to his majestic, as he was ready to goe to ^y^y j^ ^^.j^jd^ 

supper, and tould him the Scotts were now come so neare as wee might the king was 

' ^ 1 . . . i.1 i. apprised ot their 

discerne them, which seemed so strange as his majestic went presently oute approach. 

to see them, and with his perspective glasse could easily distinguish and tel) 

their tents. 

The next day my lord of Dumfarlin came to his majestic with an humble petition sent by 

peticion from the covenanters, wherein they did humbly beseech his majestic ||»^d Dunferm- 

that he would be pleased to depute some English lordes well affected to the 

* " Received 15 June, 1639." 

t This title has been added by some modern hand. The earl of Leicester was Robert 
Sydney, of Penshurst, second earl of that creation. He was at this time ambassador in Paris. 



Sir Edmund 
Vemey sent 
back with the 
king's answer. 

He reads the 
king's procla- 
mation to the 

Interview be- 
tween the cove- 
nanters and the 

refofmcd religion to hcare tliere groivanccs. They sent a letter likewise to 
the same purpose directed to my lord of Mollande and the rest of the English 
lordes, a copy whereof I send your lordship heere inclosed. Heereupon his 
majestic sent back sir Edmund Verney with Dumfarlin, to lett them know 
that, before he would receive any peticion from them, he would have his 
late proclamacion (which they had absolutely refused) publickly reade 
amonge them. This, since they saw it was his majesties pleasure, they now 
accorded unto, and assembling there cheife commaunders gave way to sir 
Edmund Verney to reade it openly in the army. When his majestie had 
receiued this satisfaction he then made a reference upon there peticion, and 
gave liberty to such as the covenanters should chuse, to come freely hither 
and represent there greivances before such lords as his majestie would 
thinke fitt to nominate, which were my lord generall,* the earles of Essex, 
Salisbury, Holland, Barkshire, Mr. Treasurer,! and Mr. Secretary Coke. 

The place appointed for there meeting was my lord generall's tent, 
whether this morning my lord Rothes and three other of the Scotish lordes 
repaired. They were received with great civility by my lord generall and 
the rest of the lords, and were no sooner entered into his lordship's tent, 
and scarce sate down, but his majestie came in most unexpectedly amonge 
them. The earl of Rothez began and made a longe speech unto his 
majestie, most humbly representing there sence of his displeasure, yet 
stoughtly clearing there loyalty. They endeavoured to give his majestie 
full satisfaction in seuerall particulars wherein they conceived his majestie 
had bin misinformed and notoriously abused by theire own countriemen. 
They cleared themselves from any intention to invade Enghmd, or from 
any thought or desire they had to shake off that souveraigne power and 
authoritic his majestie had ovor them, wherein thay spake so home, and so 
clearly remonstrated there owne duttofuU affections and zeale to his gouern- 
ment, as his majestie, as is sayd, receiued good satisfaction tliereiu. They 
stood much to justify the actes of there generall assembly by the lawes of 
there kingdome, and touhl the kinge that if he would be pleased to giue 
them leave, they would bringc out those men that had abused them, and 
make the perticulars notorious unto him. His majestie was pleased to 
hcare them with greate temper and patience, and not to exprcsse any dislike 

The i-arl <if Arundtl. 


of what thay represented unto him. Thay had some passagres which could 
not but please his raajestie well, and amonge others, upon an occasion that 
was offered, they told his majestie that if he would be pleased to lett them 
enjoy there religion and there lawes, thay would be willing to transport that 
army thay had heere in a readiness for the recovery of the palatinate, and 
that without putting his majestie to any charge. The kinge sate to heare 
them till it was neare two of the clocke, and giuing him order to bringe 
him those particulars they had delivered in writing, commaunded them to 
come again within a day or two, and to bringe whom they would with them ; 
and so lea%ang them to dine with my lord generall and the rest of the lords 
he returned to his owne tent, where, after dinner, he called some of the 
Scotish lordes at court, and spake no very pleasing language unto them. 

The king hath had lately a list given unto him of there army, and it Numbers of 
appeared to consist of above 30,000 foote and 2000 horse, whereof they JJ^^t^Jt^e^'sc^ots 
have 700 very good horse. Within these 3 dayes they are to have 10,000 and English, 
foote more to come to them, as wee heare for certaine, and yett wee hope 
they will, as thay told his majestie, make there obedience to appeare most 
exemplary, and such as shall give no scandall to our religion. 

Our army eucreaseth likewise, there being two regiments lately come to 
us, besides a troupe of horse and a regiment out of Northumberland, which 
Mr. Percy hath the commaund of. Out comissary generall assured me 
this day that wee should have neere 4000 horse in our army. But our 
hopes are nowe that wee shall have no neede of them. Wee are all in 
greate expectacion of an accommbdacion, which is generally desired by all. Peace desired 
except some few that are disaffected either to religion or the state. A fewe 
dayes will nowe discover the issue of this greate businesse, and by my nexte 
I shall be able I doubt not to give your lordship some accompt of it. I 
shall humbly desire your lordship to receive these perticulars (which my 
hast will scarce give me leave to over look) as a testimony of my affection 
to your lordship's service, and to believe I am really, 

Your lordship's most humble and most faithful! servant, 


Barwicke, Jun. 11, 1639. 

My lord marquis Hamilton arriued heere two dayes since, but hath left 
his shipes with 1500 men to guard the passage before Leith. 

the Scotish 


Our lordes heere seeme much discontented, and my lord of Bristow hath 
so caried himselfe as neither his majestic nor the rest of the lordes seeme 
much satisfied with him.* 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

1639, June 11. Raphe, — This daye the lords on boath sides have had a meeting. The 
Meeting with a king, contrary to expectation, went into the tent to them as they begann 
deputation from j^^^ ^,^ business, but I thinck it will not hurt the business. 

the covenanters. "•'''- J ' 

The king heard them with patience, and answered with great moderation. 
This meeting does not give uss light inoughe wherby to judg wheather warr 
or peace shall follow. Thursday next is appoynted for a second meeting, 
and then it maye bee wee maye give a better guess att it. The Scotts have 
Real strength of a good army, but farr short of what they have bragd on ; trewly I thinck 
wee shall have the better army, for now our supplys are come to uss, wee 
shall bee able to make really 13,000 foote and 2,200 horse. They will 
have more foote, but are weake in horse, nor are they so well armed as wee, 
soe that I thinck they will hardly bee drawne to meete uss in open feeld, 
and wee have 2,000 foote more readdy att a dayes warning. This 
messenger is in haste and I have not time to wright to your mother; 
remember my love to her and to the rest of my frends ; and soe with my 
blessing to thee and thy wife, I rest, your ever loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 
From the camp this 11th of June, late att night [1639]. 


For Mr. Raphe Verney, att sir Edmund Verney 
his house in Covent Garden, thes.f 

Dr. Denton, miwilling to let it be supposed that lie had exagge- 
rated the dtuiger into -which sir Edmund was likely to fall, seems to 
liave written the next letter principally to let Kalpli know what 

* This letter, formerly in Upcott's Collection, is now Adilit. MS. Brit. Mus. 15,1>1-1, 
fo. 08. It is indorsed, in a hand almost contemporary, "Sir John Temple, 11 June, 

t " Recti vc.l 18 June, 1639." 



great hazard his father might by possibility have encountered on the 
expedition to Kelso. 

Dr. Denton to Ralph Verney. 

Raphe, — The very next day after I writt to you, your father was one of 1639, June 11. 
the 800 horsemen that were in a very faire way to be all cut off; for Sir Edmund 
pistoUs and carabins were all cocked, swords drawne, and trumpetts goinge °"® ° i ^ t 
to mouth, which had sounded had not some in the interim spied forces in off in the expe- 
an ambush, which made them to make an honorable retreat, since which '*'°" *° ^ *°* 
time they have petitioned the kinge. Your father hath caried messages to Subsequent 
and fro, and this day English and Scotch nobility meet att our generalls prof'eedjngs. 
tent, and we are in great hope of an honorable peace ; if not, your father 
havinge quartered himselfe with my lord of Holland, he will be almost in 
every daunger, and now noe perswasions can remove him thence ; but I 
beleeve he will never stirr but with my lord. Remember my humble 
service to all att both bowses. I can send you noe more newes, because I 
am 14 miles from the campe with my lord chamberlaine, who hath had an 
ague which left him yesterday, and soe I hope to be att the campe againe to 
morrow. Vale; your very loving uncle, 

William Denton. 

ChiUinghame, Junii II, 1639. 


For Raph Verney, esq., att sir Edmund Verney 
his house in the Coven Garden, thes. 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

Raphe, — This daye has beene the therd daye of treaty, and I beleeve 1639, June 15. 
there is noe more doubt now but that wee shall have peace. Every thing is No doubt of 
agreed on, and Monday appoynted for a full conclusion. The king has P®^°®* 
promist them a new assembly, and to rattifye in parliament any thing that What the king 
shall be agreed on in theyr assembly. They insisted much uppon a rattifi- ^^ P^mise 
cation of theyr last assembly, but the king would not yeeld to it. More 
particulars I have not time to send you, nor doe I thinck your curiosity is 
soe greate but that the news of peace will sattisfye it. But now wee must 
travel to Edenboroughe to the assembly and parlament, soe that thoughe 


wee have peace, wee shall have noe quiett a great while. * * * This 
daye I receaved a packett of yours of the 3d of June, wher I fiend I must 
dye a beggor, for certainly noe man's puree has such a looseness as myne. I 
will not forgett Mr. Ward's venison. I heare noething of my pott from 
Hill. I will now keepe it to boyle my porrage in. You must remember 
my service to all my frends, and excuse my not wrighting to any of them. 
I am sure your mother will easily excuse raee, since I send soe good news 
of peace. Mr. Pearcy's haste will not lett me saye more. Farwell. Your 
loving father, Ed. Verney. 

From the campe this 15th of June [1639]. 

1 can saye noething of the coach business yett : now this is done I hope 
wee shall thinck of something els. 

For ray loving sonne Mr. Raphe Verney, at sir Edmund 
Verney his howse in Covent Garden ; thes with care.* 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

1639, June 16. Raphe, — To morrow wee expect a fynall conclution of all businesses, but 
Peace to he wheather wee shall see Lundon and returne to Edenborough, or goe to 
Edenboroughe now wee are heere, is yett a great doubt. I have noething 
more to saye, but to desire you to remember mee to all my frends, and soe 
farwell. Your loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 
This IGth of June. 

\_Add)-essed^ For my sonne Raphe Verney. | 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Vkrney. 

Raphe, — This daye the f)eace is happily concluded, and much to the 
king's honer. As soone as I can gett a coppy of the conditions you shall 
have it. Within two dayes the king removes to Harwick ; some are of 
oppinion hee will shortly see Lundon, and returne heather againe ; others 
thincks his affaires will keepe him heere till his Scottish business be all 
fuiisht, and that will not bee till the middle of August. I have a great 

* " Received lUtli June, lO^y." t " K'ceived '2(t June, 163!>." 

i-uncluilcil on 
the morrow. 



I'emre con- 


The king w 


remove to 



desire to goe to the Bathe (for my payne troubles mee much), and returne Sir Edmund 

heather againe before the king goes to Edenborough, but till I knowe how ^'^hes to go to 

the king disposes of himselfe I can resolve of noething. I writt to your 

mother and you yesterday, and the daye before. I pray God the letters 

come safe to you. Comend my love to her, and excuse my not wrighting 

now to her, and to every boddy els. Comend mee to thy wife and the rest 

of my frends. Farwell. Your loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 
From thecampe this 19 th of June -[1639]. 

I praye see thes inclosed letters sent according to theyr directions, and 
as speedily as you can, that myne maye give them the ferst news of peace. 
[^Addressed^ For your selfe.* 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 

Raphe, — Thoughe I hope to see you verry shortly, yett because ther is 1639, June 21. 
some doubt of it I have heerewith sent you a box, and the coach busineses Coach-business 
signd by the king are in it ; gett it dispatched assoone as you can. The signed by the 
king has stayed heere in the feeld all this weeke to see his army sent awaye. 
To morrow hee goes to Barwick, but when hee will see Lundon is yett Who goes to 
unknowne to any but himself. My hopes are that it will not bee longe jj^Q^p^^y '^^ ^ 
before wee shall see our frends. For my owne part, assoone as I can fiend a 
resolution of his staye heere, I purpose to aske leave to returne, for I would "Will ask leave 
faine sroe to the Bathe. My pavne troubles mee still, and I will try if I *° return as 

& J r ^ ^ J sQon as the king 

maye receave help ther. I praye wright to Will Roads presently to inquier is settled, 
out some grass for geldings, for I have bought fifty horses and geldings out 
of one troope, and they will bee att Cleydon about tenn dayes hence. The 
horses I will keepe att howse till I can sell them. Remember mee to all 
my frends ; but because I hope to see them shortly I will wright to none of 
them. If I come not I shall now bee att leysure to weary them with letters. 
Adieu. Your loving father, Ed. Verney. 

From the campe this 21st of June, five of the clock att night. 

Excuse my not wrighting to your mother, and comend mee to thy wife, 

* " Received 22 June, 163!)." 


and dosier her to choose mee some patterns of cloath to make mee a sute of 
cloathes, for I shall have occation to make some the next daye after I come 
to Lundon. 

To my loving sonne Mr. Raphe Verney, at sir Edmund Verneys 
bowse in Covent Garden, give thes, togeather with a box 
sealed up in a bagg ; with speed and care, I praye.* 

Sir Edmund was soon able to accomplish his desire. The king 
establislicd his court at Berwick for a month, and sir Edmund took 
tlie opportunity to get away. Dr. Denton, who had no compiuiction 
at alarming his friends, Avrote to Ralph as follows on his father's return, 
but the letter, through the doctor's extreme caution, was neai'ly a 
montli on the road : — 

Dr. Denton to Ralph Verney. 

1039 June Raphe, — I have formerly written to my brother Denton. I have sent 

26th, an other letter by your father, and since I receaved yours I have written 

this, stuffed with old newes, and given it an old date correspondent to this. 
Sir Edmund to Your father will be with you on the 29th, and will make hast to the Ralh, 
be in London whether I intend to goe to him if possibly I can. I have sent him safe to 

on the 2'Jth. . . , " , ^ n , • rr., • • r .„ . 

you ; it is your charge now to have a care of him. 1 his item I will give 

Ills quarrel you, that whereas one Cunninghame hath related to the qiieene that all the 

with one ^^j^ runne awav from Kelsay, of which number your father was, a relation 

Cunningimmc. " ' i -n i • 

soe generall distastfuU to all that were there, that he will be m noe quiett 
untill he hath fought with them all ; and I know your father's resolution is, 
though not to secke him, yett to give Cunningham occasion enough to looke 
after him : — verbtim sapienti sat. Make what use of it you please, but 
not a word as from me. My service to both houses. Your assured loving 
uncle, William Denton. 

Rarwick, G Junii, alias 26, 1639. 
For Mr. Rapli Verney ; leave this with Mrs. Sydenham, 

att her house in the Coven Garden, to be delivered. t 

• " Uer.-ived 21th June, 1030," f " Reeeivcd 23 .July, 1G39," 


Shortly after sir Edmund's arrival in London he and Ralph 
went to " the Bath," and in that way the latter did not receive 
Dr- Denton's cautionary letter for nearly a month. The doctor's 
fear of sir Edmund^s meeting with " one Cunninghame " came to 
nothing ; but the suspicions of the good doctor were probably not 
quite without justification, for sir Edmund had signalised his depar- 
ture from the camp by being concerned in an intended encounter of 
a similar kind. We have alluded to the quarrel which arose betv/een Quarrel be- 
the earls of Holland and Newcastle, in consequence of the position jH^if^'^Yand 
assigned to the gay troop commanded by the latter on the bloodless Newcastle. 
expedition to Dunse on the 31st May. The earl of Newcastle, 
esteeming the prince's colours and himself affronted, by his troop 
being put in the rear, removed the royal colours from his flag-staff, 
and rode sulkily back to the camp. Holland complained to the king 
of this insubordination. His majesty, always jealous of the royal 
dignity in small things, justified and applauded Newcastle. There 
the quarrel rested until the peace. No sooner had the English army 
been disbanded than Newcastle challenged Holland. Time and Duel arranged. 
place were settled, and the challenger and his second, Francis 
Palmes, " a man of known courage and mettle,"* duly presented 
themselves for the conflict ; but, instead of the earl of Holland, there 
came to the meeting only his second, who was sir Edmund Verney.f Sir Edmund 
The king had received tidings of the meditated combat ; the earl of toThe^earrof 
Holland was put under arrest ; the same fate shortly afterwards Holland, 
befell the earl of Newcastle ; and then the king, having them both 
in custody, interfered and made peace between them. 

The rigid laws of court attendance allowed sir Edmund but a 
brief trial of " the Bath." We find him again in Berwick in the 
month of July. 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 
Raphe, — I have receaved your letter, by which I fiend you have my 1639, July 21. 
lord chamberlaines warrants, but I know not wheather you have my lord ^^ arrants for 

•' bucks. 

* Rushworth, ii. 946. f Lord Fermanagh's Gencalog. Notes, p. 33. Verney MS. 


of Hollands, for a leash of bucks about Windsor. Mr. Lucas, my lord's 

secretary, has order for them, and lives in St. Martin's Lane. Nedd 

Tyrringham has left order with his man for a buck for mee out of his 

walke in the greate parke of Windsor, but it must bee askt privatly in my 

name, and the keeper must have two dayes warning to send it, and then it 

shall bee delivcrd in any place. I thinck it will bee a fitt place for. a buck 

for Nedd Fust, in case I send you not a wan-ant from Robin Territt shortly ; 

but if I send a warrant for the hoult, then you may reserve Tyrringham's 

for another occation, because it is nearer. I will send warrants for more as 

Harry Lee and soone as I can. I am sorry to heare the ill news of Harry Lee,* and of 

both Ul^ ^'^^^^ ™y ™other, but I hope neyther are in danger. I heare nothing of Robin 

Turvill, not soe much as wheare hee is. The coachmen cannott expect 

The coach any restraint of others till the pattent bee past, nor will the pattent pass till 

they have sealed the indenture, soe ther must bee a trust on the one side ; 

after the pattent past I thinck ther must a proclamation follow to restrayne 

all others, and if Mr. Atturny will draw one to that purpos, and send it, I 

will gett it signed. 

Letters for I wonder you sent your letters for your brother Henry to mee, you 

Henry an.l Ed- j^aye send them more reddilv from Lundon, I have sent two letters, the 

niund V eriiey. •' •' 

one to Captaine Apsly, the other to Captaine Honiwood ; lett Mann take 
The latter poing them with him; they will gett him assistance, and directions what to doe 
to Holland to when hcc comes, ther. Munn were best land att Flushing and soe eoe 

serve under the o s 

J)utch. directly to the army. Hee shall ther know certainly whcr to fiend it. Hee 

raaye doe well to make hast theathcr, otherwise they will saye hee comes 

against the time of goeing into garrison, therfore lett him bee gone by the 

first opportunity. 

Uncertainty at Wee arc still unccrtaine of what wee shall doe hecre, but I am confident 

whether the ^^'^^ ^^''^'^ agree in the end, and then wee shall to Edenboroughe, but I 

king will go to beleeve it will not bee thes 12 dayes ; our returne will not bee till neare 

not. Michcllniass. I praye furnish your mother with some monny for her self, 

and some for your sisters. Present my service to all my frends, and soe 

farwell. Your loving father. En. Vekney. 

Warwick, this 21th of July [1G39], six a clock att night. 
[Addressed] For my sonn Raphe Vornoy.f 

* Sir Francis Henry Lee, son of I-'.lenor eountesn of Sussex, l>y her Hi-st hushand, sir 
Henry Lcc of Quaren<lon. 

t " Received 24th Julv, lG3!t." 


The uncertainty wliicli limig over the intentions and movements 
of the king still continued up to the 24th July. 

Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph Verney. 
Raphe, — I have, heer inclosed, sent you three warrants for bucks ; ther 1639, July 24. 
is one out of the holt which is fitter for Nedd Fust, and then lett Mr. More warrants 
Blower have the buck att Tyrringhame, and you may reserve the buck att 
Mote parke for any other use, because it is neare you ; you must lett your 
mother have some, but unless it bee for Mr. Warde, or for my lady Hobart, 
I would have you forbeare disposing of the rest of the warrants till you 
heare from mee againe ; for I know not wheather wee shall staye in thes Continued un- 
parts or returne to Lundon. I thinck to-daye or to-morrow will tell uss, t^g king's move- 
but as yet it is not knowne. I am faine to wright this in my bedd, for sir ments. 
Henry Hungate, by whome I send thes letters, is goeing, and I forbore 
this letter till the last hower, in hope to have sent you certaine news, but 
as yett wee knowe not what wee shall doe. Farwell. Your ever loving 


Ed. Verney. 
Barwick, this 24th of July [1639]. 

[Addressed] For my sonne Raphe Verney.* 

On the very day on which Ralph Verney received this letter, the July 28th 
king, accompanied by some of the members of his household, and B^rwickr 
amongst them by sir Edmund Verney, left Berwick on his return to 
London. They travelled post, then the quickest mode of transit 
known, and riding;, as Rushworth says, " 260 miles in four days," 1®* August 

' ^' n A arrives in 

reached London on the 1st of August. London. 

Thus terminated an expedition which teemed with lessons for Feelings with 
Charles I. ; but they were lessons which he never learned. Up to this ^^de peace."'^ 
time his course of misgovernment had been encountered by the 
adverse votes of parliaments and general assemblies. He now beheld 
a new phase of the opposition which he had aroused. A portion of 
his subjects not merely confronted but dared and braved the power 
of the crown in the open field, whilst those who were nominally the 

* '-Received 2Sth July, 1639." 


king's sujiporters never drew a sword on his behalf. The thousands 
who were arrayed against him were bound together by marvellous 
unanimity and entimsiasm ; on his side there was no lack of show, 
but neither heart nor zeal. To make peace was all that the king 
could do, and he therefore made it. It was his best move, under the 
present circumstances of his game, and he therefore adopted it. But 
he did so merely as a move. He did not relinquish the game ; he 
did not abandon liis previous intentions ; he did not accept the con- 
ditions of peace as a final settlement. On the contrary, in spite of 
the peace, he remained as determined as ever to enforce his canons 
and his service-book. He merely took advantage of the peace, in 
order to secure a delay until a more convenient season. In the 
few weeks which elapsed between his signing the articles of peace 
and his departure from Berwick, he thoroughly convinced the leaders 
of his Scotish subjects that he was as much as ever bent upon 
governing them according to his own notions, without paying the 
slightest real regard to their feelings or opinions ; that he was, in 
fact, plotting the reversal of his concessions at the very moment that 
he was making them. Unhappy monarch ! From first to last this 
was the cause of his ruin; that he imagined he could bind the 
whirlwind of the roused popular will with the green withes of a 
smooth and courtly trickery. 

Under such circumstances the continuance of peace was impos- 
sible. The covenanters saw that to be the case almost from the first, 
and kept together the leading soldiers of their party. On the king's 
side it was not so. The men about the king did not sutficiently 
calculate upon the unrelaxing tenacity of the royal purpose. The 
I'^nglisli army was disbanded, in some cases, with insufficient pay- 
ment, and in others, with an offensive disregard of the services ren- 
dered. The leaders were delighted to return to their homes, and 
were full of hope that all that was necessary had been accomplished. 
They looked to the parliament and general assembly, which were to 
meet in r:ilinburgh in the month of August, to restore all things to 
their customary quiet, and were the bettor satisfied with that result, 


as being likely to lead to the calling of similar assemblies at home. 
If the grievances of Scotland were redressed in the old parlia- 
mentary way, it was hoped that it would not be long ere England 
would benefit by the example. Throughout the body of the EngHsh 
people there was a universal feeling of delight at the restoration of 
peace. ,The horrors of war are often forgotten by a nation ex- 
cited and smarting under the infliction of wrong; but here, so 
far as England was concerned, there was no excitement, and no 
wrong, except that which she herself was called upon to sanction and 
enforce. " I am a much joyed woman," exclaimed the countess of 
Sussex, in a letter to Ralph Verney, which spoke the language of 
the country at large, " for the blesedenesse wee hear of pese.^' 

Sir Edmund Verney reached London weak, dispirited, and full State of affairs 
of pain. He found his family disquieted with many vexations. The Vemeys, a.d. 
questionable device for the concealment of Mrs. Pulteney's marriage ■'■^^^• 
had foiled, as all such subterfuges do. Mr. Euro, we have learnt 
from sir Edmund, soon grew tired of following the Scotish expedi- 
tion. Whilst his private affairs were in a state of such unsettlement, 
he was in no mind to fight for either bishop or presbyter. His wife, 
aware of his intention to return to the south, but under pretence of a 
christening, arranged to have her " red damaxe peticote and wascote" 
sent to her, and requested Ralph's wife to purchase for her " a blake 
taffity petticote and wascote, with a hansom lase, and [to] make yet 
oup with hanginge sleues, and a rowne skrite if they be worne."* 
Thus fortified, she slipped quietly away from Hillesdon, met her hus- 
band at some place on the road, where they at once announced their Troubles which 
marriage, and returned to London as man and wife. The marriage, jirs. Puiteney's 
to add to the afiaiction of Mrs. Pulteney's friends, had been per- marriage. 
formed by a minister of her husband's church. " Sir," writes 
Ralph to his father on the 18th June, 1639, " the unhappy woeman 
was married by a popish priest. It seemes you writ to her to 
know, and shee, beeinge I suppose ashamed of soe foule an act, 

* Verney MS. 25th May, 1639. Letter of Mrs. Isham ; Mrs. Pulteney having an 
attack of ague. 


desierd inee to infonne you of it." The Verneys kept as much 
as they could aloof from Mr. Euro, although we find hhn sending 
" his love and sarvis " to Ralph, who continued to communicate 
frequently with his aunt. Some of her rents passed through his 
hands, and were at this time rather badly paid. " I hope," she 
remai-ked, "the peace of Scotland will make men part with 
their moneys more wilingly." Lady Denton, "ould and in trebles," 
as she described herself, received her new son-in-law with a favour 
which astonished every body. "The party," writes Mrs. Isham, 
another daughter of lady Denton, to whom she evidently refers, 
" is beter contented a great dele, and showes him more respecke 
then I thought she would a done." But the old lady retaliated 
upon the Verneys, whom she believed to have encouraged the 
marriage. " This unluckie businesse," says Ralph, " hath made my 
grandmother infinitely offended with my mother, my wife, myselfe, 
and indeed the whole house, except your selfe [sir Edmund], for she 
often saith that you have dealt wisely, and honestly, and lovingly in 
this business, but all the rest of her children are fooles." 

Many weeks had not elapsed after Mr. Eure had joined his wife, 
ere disagreeable reports got afloat respectmg his estate. The world 
at large boldly spoke of him as a mere wife-hunting adventurer. 
Among the Verneys it was merely said that he had mis-calculated 
the amount of his estate. His wife warmly pronounced all such 
suggestions to be " bace reports," and settled the matter, so far as she 
was concerned, in a very easy way. " He hath not deceived me," 
she said, "for I never inquired after it." Her anxiety was for 
his conversion from Roman Catholicism ; and great was her delight 
to find in him a willingness to hear either herself, or any she might 
bring; as for every thing else, she declared that, "his religion 
excepted,*' she "knew few like him." One unfortunate circum- 
stance was coimected with these reports. It was thought they wore 
cncinu-aged by Margaret Verney, one of sir Edmund's daughters, 
who had been brought up by her godmothci-, Mrs. Tulteney, and 
liad received from her a generous gift of lOOt)/. 'I'he chilil was 


accused of having consoled herself for her loss of importance conse- 
quent upon her aunt's second marriage, by talking against her new 
uncle. The whole family were thus involved in a world of trouble, 
which called forth all the good management of sir- Edmund and 
Mr. Ralph, and many tears from Miss IMargaret. 

The countess of Sussex was in much sorrow at sir Edmmid's Death of sir 
return. By her first marriage with sir Henry Lee, the first baronet Lee, only sur- 
of Quarendon, cousin and successor of the famous sir Henry Lee of '^/''"^ ^°" °^ , 

, . o T^^• ^ T Tr r~\ ^ ^ ^ • • countess of 

the reign of Elizabeth, K.G., she had one surviving son, sir Francis Sussex. 
Henry Lee, the second baronet, who married a daughter of sir John 
St. John, of Lydiard Tregoze, and lived at Chelsea. Sir Francis, 
or as he was ordinarily termed sir Harry Lee — Henry being the 
favourite christian name in the family for many generations — went 
to the north with the king. His mother's second marriage was 
not acceptable to him, and they saw but little of each other. He 
promised to call at Gorhambury on his way to Berwick ; but " he 
hath falede me," said his mother, sending on to Ralph Verney various 
letters, of which she designed to have made him the messenger, and 
consoHng herself by begging her constant friend to secure her seven- 
teen yards of a French figured satin, orders for which were received 
privately in London by a sir William St. Ravie. True the price 
was unreasonable, but she would rather give it than buy " any of 
the figurde satines that are to bee hade hear; thorty shillinges a 
yarde the axe, and the coler lokes lyke durt." 

By failing in his engagement to bid farewell to his mother at 
Gorhambury, sir Harry deprived himself of the last opportunity of 
bidding her farewell on earth. Death found him in the wars, althovigli 
not on a battle-field. He managed to return to Chelsea from the 
north, but extremely ill. Bulletins were transmitted to Gorhambury. 
"The sent me worde," writes the countess,* " he was past all danger, 
and now the tell me he is dede. * * j carmot say much to you 
now, my hart beeinge fuller of sory then I can expres to you, for my 

* Verney MS. 24 July, 1639. 


dear, clear cliilde!" An additional pang was inflicted when his will 
was opened. 

Contonu of his This day [writes Ralph Verney to sir Edmund] I was sent for to Chelsey 
^*' • to the openinge of poore Harry Lee's will, and the deed of trust. Now, 

because I know you desier to heare how the estate is left, I will in breife 
tell you what I remember of it First, Ballenger, Lee, and some other 
lands are made over to you and Pickeringe and Gary, to bee sould for 
paiment of debts, but tis questionable whither this deed is good, beinge hee 
never sued out his livery. Secondly, all his other lands in Bucks and 
Oxford sheires are leased for 99 yearcs to sir John St. John, sir Thomas 
Peniston, your selfe, Pickeringe, and Gary, uppon trust to pay all his debts, 
and such annuities, legasies, rent charges, and other somes of money, as the 
land now is or should bee by him or his predecessors, by will or otherwise, 
charged or chargable. Thirdly, by wdl hee hath made my lady Lee his 
sole executrix, and given her his coach and foure horses, all her Jewells, 
furniture for on chamber, and such plate as she brought him, to her owne 
use ; next, she is to have the use of all his other plate and household stuffe 
duriuge the minority of the ward;* but if she dye or raarry,f then it is to 
come to the trustees for the use of the ward ; next, hee desiers she should 
have the wardshipp, but the marrage must bee purchased to the ward's owne 
use. Next, the ward is to bee allowed 601. per anum by the feoffees, untell 
hee is 14 yeares old, and then 80/. till hee is 21 ycares old, and soe is the 
daughter; and the younger sonnj: is to have 50/. a yea re untel 14, and 
then 60/. till hee is 21 yeares of age, and then hee is to have the inherit- 
ance of How's farme (which is about 120/. per annum), and 300/. per 
annum anuity for his life ; but about this anuitie I doubt there may arise 
some diflercncc ; then the daughter is to have 5000/. portion, 2000/. 
whcrof must bee paied at the day of her marrage or full age, and the 
other 3000/. within 6 mounths after my lady Sussex dieth (if the childe 

* Sir Henry Leo, of Ditchley, tlio third baronet ; well known to all readers of the history 
or the roniuncc of the reign of Charles I. 

t Sho married, seeondly, Henry Wilmot carl of Hochestor, She is mentioned in 
Clarendon's Autobiography, in eonneetion with himself, Falkland, and Chillingworth. 
Tart II. 

t Sir Francis Henry Leo, Iho fourth baronet. 


bee then married or of full age) ; and if my lady bee now with child of 
a sonn or daughter, it must have 3000/., wherof 1000/. must be paied 
at the day of its marrage or full age, and the other 2000/. within 6 months 
after my lady Sussex dieth as aforesaid. Hee hath given divers small 
legacies, which are too longe for a letter ; but my lady Sussex is not soe 
much as named (any otherwise then is above expressed), which I am 
hartily sorry for, because I know it will trouble her extreamly. . . . 
Sir Henry Lee's debts are about 4 or 5 thousand pounds. I pray bee 
advised how you accept of the trust, for hee hath given away more then 
I beeleeve can bee raised out of the estate, and you are trusted already for 
my lady Sussex, and the wx'itings may bee soe drawne that your acceptinge 
this trust may bee a prejudice to her ; therfore I pray thinke well of it.* 

Sir Edmund Verney's patent for the regulation of hackney coaches Difficulties as 
still remained incomplete. The king had passed the necessary vemey's patent 
papei's, but the coachmen, who were in other respects willing to pay for the manage- 
for licences from the new patentees, refused to do so unless their ^ey coaciies. ' 
authority were made known to the world by a royal proclamation. 
Without such a document it was contended that interlopers would 
not be restrained. Sir Edmund — such is the corrupting influence 
of absolute authority upon even the best men who come in contact 
with it — saw no objection to the suggested course, and did not anti- 
cipate any difficulty in procuring the king's signature to a proclama- 
tion for the required purpose ; but it is a most significant sign of the 
times, that the higher official dignitaries had begun to look upon 
proclamations with disfavour. The storm that was abroad clearly Proclamations 
foreboded the rapid approach of a time when these things would go to °"*^ °^ ^vour. 
swell the long catalogue of the subjects' grievances. The king's 
government had been hitherto mainly carried on by proclamations; 
but the anticipation of a dies irce had at last begun to tell upon the 
responsible advisers of such a dangerous and palpably illegal course. 
Ralph thus communicated the fact to his father: — 

The coachmen send mee word by Hackley that if you please to promise 
them that they shall begin to pay but from the time of publishinge the pro- 
* Verney MS. 2rth July, 1639. 


dauiatioii, they will scale the indenture; otherwise they will not, for they 
know there will bee noe re[st]rent untell the proclamation is out- Now, 
sir, if you please, I will desier Mr. atturney to prepaire a proclamation, and 
send it you to get it signed ; only there is on thinge I must remember you 
oflF, and that is this, that Mr. atturney told mee, when hee passd the 
charter, the times were now ill for proclamations, and that he was confident 
the lords would not suffer it to passe if there were any proclamation with it : 
therfore I will doe nothinge in this untell I heare from you againe. But if 
you resolve upon a proclamation, I pray advise mee what I shall give Mr. 
atturney and Mr. Beale, for, now Mr. Cockshut is out of towne, I know 
not any that can direct mee.* 

How sir Edmund overcame the scruples of the coachmen docs not 
appear. He did not obtain any proclamation. 
Tom Verney's Tom Vemcy was almost forgotten amidst the business of tlie 
' Scotish expedition. He was still at Barbadoes, but becoming 
extremely impatient for a stock of supplies according to his invoice. 
His friends the Futters advised Ralph that " any time before Christ- 
mas" would be soon enough to send out servants, and there were 
rumours of a plantation in another island under the earl of Warwick, 
which it was thought might suit Mr. Tom better than Barbadoes. In 
the interval of his first return from the north, sir Ednnind wrote to 
his wayward son the following skilful and characteristic mixture of 
encouragement and reproof: — 

Sir Edmund Verney to Thomas Verney. 


Tom, — 1 am newly come out of Scottland, wheather I am instantly 
turning againo, soe that by reason of my short stay heere I cannott for the 
present answer your letter soe fully as I would doe, but I have loft order 
with your brother to doe what can bee done in soe short a time, but this 
shipp makes such haste awaye, that I beleeve hee shall hardly gett any 
servants for you to send by this passage, nor doe I thinck fitt to send 
you nianny now, for I am informed for certaine that my lord of Warwick 

* Veriiey MS. 27tl. July, ir.3<t 


has bought a greate iland neare the place where you are, and that hee Lord Warwick 
intends to plant it presently. I conceave you maye have better conditions [slandnl^r 
much ther then wher you are, and I am suer you shall ever fiend my Barbadoes. 
lord noble and favourable to you. My lord intends in February next to 
goe for this iland in person, and I thinck it will bee much for your 
advantage to transplant yourself theather. Assoone as I returne againe 
and that I know more of the business, I will informe you particularly of 
it ; in the mean time take you noe noetice att all of this from mee. My 
lord of Warwick intends to fortify his iland presently, and then to plant 
when hee is safe from beeing beaten out of it, which is a cource I like 
best. Inable your selfe to knowe what is fitt for plantation, and lett 
mee alone to assist you, if you prove industrious and carefull of my direc- 
tions, soe that I maye putt a trust and confidence in you, which as yett 
I dare not doe, because I have found you falce of your woard, and careless 
of all I have sayed to you. I doubt not then, but, with your owne help, 
to make you a fortune ; but if you continue your ould cources I will cer- 
tainly forsake you. I praye God direct your heart soe that I maye have 
cause to wright my selfe your loving father, 

Ed. Verney. 
[Addi'essed^ To my loving Sonne Mr. Thomas Vemey. 

Hemy Verney still remained in the service of the Dutch, and in Henry Vemey 
garrison at Breda. His fondness for horse-racing continued undi- BredZ'**^" ^ 
minished. In returne for " a padd and bitt, and all other furniture 
to itt," sent him by his brother Ralph, he opened his heart, and was 
sure that his brother would be glad to hear something that was an 
infinite gratification to himself. " I rod a mach," he explains, " of Rides a match, 
six mile with a Dutch man for 50^., and won it ; but it was not 
for my selfe, but for a fi'iend of mine. This," he adds, in allusion to 
a request for a horse which Ralph had thought it better to decline, 
" this is to let you knowe, had you sent me a courser, it would not 
at all have made me the more in love with rasing."* 

In the autumn of 1639 he obtained his lieutenancy. By this time 
he had become well satisfied with his profession, had around him a 

* Verney MS. 12th June, lG3i>. 


knot of" suitable companions, was friendly with his captain, one of 
the noble Veres, and seldom troubled his friends in England except 
to send him such things as " 6 yards of coarse cloth, and 4 yards of 
baize," to make him a winter suit, " to lie upon the gards." He 
would not have it cost more than 12 shillings a yard, and "let it 
bee," he says, " of as sad a coler as you can get." He still reiterated 
his reqiiest for a horse, and " let him not be such an one as my kind 
aunt Pountne sent me." A recruiting agent came over from the 
young lieutenant's regiment, which afforded an excellent opportunity 
for a compliance with this request, and he urged it accordingly with 
true military foresight of the difficulties of transportation. He ex- 
})lains to his brother how " the nag's meate by the waye is to be 
jirovided for," and significantly begs him above all things not to send 
him " downe to Grauesinne until the person to whose charge he is to 
be committed is ready to embark. If you can help liim," he adds, 
" to a man or to, I pi-ay doe. Bridwell is seldome so empty but 
thay may spare some, and, for his honesty, I'le promise you not to 
enquier after it, for let him be necr so bigg a rouge the beter." Such 
was Mr. Henry Verney in 1639. 
J;'i""""i In young Edmund there was rapidly developing a far higher 

character. On his return from the north he stayed for a while at 
Hillesdon, and took that opportunity of going to the Oxford Act. 
>.H iiiH iiuKt There he sought out such of his creditors as his fiither had loft 

•t at Oxfojil. • 1 1 1. 1 1 , 11 1 

unpaid, and discharged tiiem all except "a tapster at the grey- 
Iif^uiid," to whom he was indebted 17s. or 20s., "most of it niony 
out of this [)oore man's purse." The tapster had left the Greyhound, 
and Edmund could not find him, although informed that he still 
remained in Oxford. As soon as Ralph had money of his in hand, 
Edmund wrote to him from the Hague, begging of him to j)r()curc' 
this man to be paid. "I thinke I shall be free with all the world 
when this man is discharged, and so I shall endeavour to keep myself 
nstiM Duiri, ^vhil*. I breath."* He joined the army of the States in Flanders as 

i.V III Man- «' -^ 

* Veriio> MS. 2Mli Jiiii. lt)3!)-k). 



an ensign in tlie "company" commanded by colonel sir Thomas 
Culpepper,* who received him kindly on accomit of old obligations to 
sir Edmund. " He and I " is tlie language of one of Edmund's earliest 
letters, " are as great as two beggars." But this friendship turned 
out to be one of interest on the part of sir Thomas. He was merely 
anxious to make what he could of his young friend by selling him 
promotion. As the autumn of 1639 advanced, Edmund's company 
went into winter quarters at Utrecht, when he gave himself up most 
assiduously, for seven or eight hours a day for many months toge- 
ther, to repair the deficiencies of his education, by acquiring a know- 
ledge of Latin and French. Ralph, at his earnest request, sent him 
various historical books in those languages, to aid him in his studies. 
His colonel took advantage of the winter to visit England, and at the 
same time a lieutenant quitted the regiment. Edmund ardently 
desired promotion, and begged of his father to purchase for him the 
vacant lieutenancy, and to settle the terms for it with sir Thomas 
Culpepper personally whilst he was in England. But a few weeks' 
acquaintance had opened to him sir Thomas's real character. He !f JjJ'^^**'^^^ '■'' 
now writes of him as follows : — pepper. 

I pray take heede that ray collonel over reach you not in it [the purchase 
of the lieutenancy] : latet anguis in herbd. ■ I confesse to you I shall fear 
hira most when he speakes me kindest, for then it is when he may most 
securely deceive me. I should almost dote on the man if I could forget his 
covetousnes, but he shewes himself in that poor way [so] miserable, that he 
hath drowned all his good parts, and made himselfe most contemptible to 
all men in this country. But he is the fittest man to be of that condition 
of any that I know, for he knowes it and hath confessed it to me himself, 
and that it never troubles him.* 

Again : — 

I cannot choose but make many doubts of hira. I know him soe well 
by his dealing with all other men, that I vow to God I cannot credit 

* Of Greenway court, in Hollingbourue, co. Kent. See Hasted, ii. 16(3. 
t Verney MS. 5th November, 1639. 



his fairest and greatest protestations, for I am sure his preate god, 
gold-allmighty, is able to make him deceive the best friend he hathe in 
the world.* 

Sir Henry 

The following magnifies sir Thomas's facility in making promises, 
and contains a glance at sir Henry Vane : — 

Here are many most true storyes of him, which in my conscience you 
would rather wonder at then beleeve. He is a mighty fayre-spoken man, 
and I am confident shall promise you whatsoever you shall desire of him. 
You will say, what would I have more ? Yes, I would desire that my 
father would take that course with him that sir Harry Vane doth. He tells 
him that what courtesyes or favours he sheweth to his sonn, he will studdy 
to requite, but will acknowledge none but what shall appeare reall ; and by 
this meanes hath possest my coUonell with such a feare of him that he hath 
confessd to me himself that sir Harry Vane is not a man to be incensd.t 

Verney's yeam- 
iiig after Eng- 

AtUcliinent to 
liis prufcssion. 

Hut not fur a 
war with tliu 

Edmund Verney's yearning after home and friends, contrasts 
strikingly with the absence of those feelings in his brother Henry. 
" England," Edmund writes, "is the same to me still as it was before I 
came out of it, and those that were my friendes then, those I csteeme 
my friendes now." His attachment to his profession was striking. 
Listen to the aspirations of the young soldier. " We heare," he 
writes, " that you are likely to have warre with France. Tis brave 
newes. Twere sport for us to heare that all the world were in 
combustion, for then we could not want Avorke. O tis a blessed 
trade I " But with all this fondness for war, it is observable how 
much he disliked the notion of a renewal of the contest between 
England, or ratlier between king Charles and the Scots. The i)ro- 
bability of the failure of the pacification of Berwick soon reached the 
continent, and was thus commented upon: — 

We here the Scotts buisnes goeth very ill and that the king hath enter- 
taiiid 4U00 JSpauiards, and as many Irish, that arc now coming over, and 

* Vini.y MS. Ktli NovuiiiIrt, 1031' 

t ll>i<l. .stii DoocinlKr, 1031*. 


hath all his former officers in halfe pay againe, and that the Scotts have 
done the lyke, and that you are to have a parlyaraent in England the 17th 
of February, or the beginning of March. It may be this may be newes as 
well to you as to us, and therefore I have writ you word of it. If it 
should be soe, and my father thinck it convenient that I should spend any 
more time in that service (otherwise I vow to you it is far from my desire), 
then I should rather choose to waite on my lord Grandeson,* thither then 
on any noble man in the kingdome. I pray when ySu doe see him, doe me 
the favour to present my most humble service to his lordship, for I con- 
fesse I soe unfainedly honour my lord that I have a greate ambition to live 
ever in his memory.-j- 

Another letter, although in quoting from it we are passing a little 
beyond the date to which we are obliged to limit ourselves, is worthy 
of being remembered, not merely as expressing more clearly Edmund 
Verney's antipathy of a Scotish war, but also as indicating what 
were his expectations, and no doubt the general expectations, of the 
results of calling a parliament. The quashing of ship-money, the Anticipations of 
abolition of monopolies, and even the impeachments of Laud and ^suitT"'*^ 
Strafford, are here clearly foreseen. parliament. 

I wonder none of your letters mention newes. Wee are as full here 
as ever we can hold, for it is credibly reported that there are thirty thou- 
sand men raysing in England, that my lord of Northumberland is generall 
of the feild, my lord Connoway of the horse, sir John Connyers his 
lieutenant generall, and that collonell Goring shall command a third part 
of the army, and that these forces shall goe God knowes whither; for, 
the truth is, wee heare noe certainty of that. This is the newes that 
sounds merrily in our eares. Wee know that yee are to have a parlyament, 
but wee care not to aske whither the payment of shipp mony shall con- 
tinue, or whither monopolyes shall downe, or what lords, either spirituall 
or temporall, are lyke to be questioned. None of these last trouble our 
thoughts, but truely wee would gladly be informed of the former ; there- 
fore I pray, sir, when you write will you please to signify what trueth you 

* See p. 170. f Verney MS. 18th December, 1639. 


know of these forces, or of what continuance they are lyke to be of, and 
when they set forth. My couscn Tyrvile continues very ill and full of 
payne, and doe but thinke what aggravation the newes of these present 
stirres are to one of his spirit, for I dare sweare he longs to be an actor 
in this comi-tragedy, or tragi-comedy, or whatsoever it proove ; but truely 
he doth not yet seeme very desirous of it, because his sicknes is soe 
greivous that there is a greate doubt whither he escape with life or noe. 

. . . Since I wn't this letter I heare that the king hath vast summes 
of mony given him by his subjects, and that these forces are lyke to goe 
against Scotland : the former part I wish to be true, but shall ever pray 
against the latter.* 

Probably the explanation of his anxiety to exempt the Scots from 
the hori'ors of war, is to be found in what appears in liis letters at 
tliis time, his adoption of more serious religious views. This fact is 
not blurted out like his brother Tom's professions of amendment, but 
may gradually be gathered from his correspondence, until at last 
passages like the following leave no further doubt. After a reference 
to books which he had asked Ralph to lend him, he continues : — 

There is one thing that I would bcgge of you to make a guift to me of, 
which is, Mr. Bolton's workes.f Most of them I can name to you, being 
these, his Walking with God, his Instructions for the Comforting of a right 
afflicted Conscyence, and his Four Last Things. These I bcgge of you 
because I would make mysclfe oblig'd to you for whatsoever good I shall 
be ever capabl(^of ; for, dear brother, I esteeme of yon more then I can 
expresse, and though I think I shall not in any little time come into 
England to give you thankes in person, yet know and be assured that my 
heartc is with you allwayes. J 

r.irtiniiarly Ednuuid Vcmcy's puritanism was not at all inconsistent with 

great attention to the proper adornment of his fine manly person. 

iilt.ntivc t 
ri>stiiiiR' nnd 

• Viriiey MS. 28th January, lG39-tO. 

t Tlic Kev. RoluTt HoItoD, incunilient of Broughton in Northamptonsliire, doscribpd 
liy Anthony Wooil as "a most roligioua and learned puritan. " Mi- was also a vcrj- 
popular writer. Wood gives a list of his works. (Athonx Oxon., ii. r.1.1. e<l. Bliss.) 

t Verney MS. 30th January, 163l)-40. 



His desire was *' ever to goe as handsomely cladd " * as possible, and 
his letters contain many commissions upon the subject of his cos- 
tume. Having found it necessary to turn off his servant, he was 
desirous that Ralph should procure him a successor competent to 
trim his beard, an anxious subject to the young gentlemen of those 
days. Failing in obtaining a domestic barber, Mr. Edmund gave 
his own attention to his beard, and commissioned Ralph to send him 
a complete set of the instruments required for fashionable tonsure. 
The bill is of no great length, and may be of use in these days of 

A note of such things as I bought for Mr. Edmund Verney. 

Imprimis, one httle berher's case and glasse 

Item. Two rasers and a Uttle paringe knife 

Item. Two paire of sithers and a paire of beard 

Item. Three home combes 

Item. Three home combes more 

Item. One box combe and one ivory combe 

Item. One pound of sweet pouther . 

Item. One dozen of gloves 

Item. One pocket paper booke-f- 

Item. For 3 yardes and halfe of gray broad c 
London measure, to make a cloake, att 10, 
the yarde ........ 

Item. For six yardes and halfe of bales to hne the 
cloke, at 2s. 2d. the yarde . . . . . 














16 9 

14 1 

£4 7 4 

To conclude our rapid glance at the state of the Verneys, and Old lady Ver- 
their connections at this time, we may state that sir Edmund's aged "^^ ^ ^^^^' 

* Verney MS. lOtli September, 16.39. 

t " I believe you mistook my hand and readd a ' paper ' booke for a ' prayer ' booke, 
for that it is I would desire you to send me." Verney MS. 20tli February, 1639-40. 

274 VKRyKV rAPERr?. 

Sir Aifxnn.icr mother had been ill, and was now rapidly wearing away. Sir 
D-iiton. Alexander Denton was in jtoor circumstances. Kalph Vcrney, prosy 

Uuijih Vi-rncy. and puiictilious in many things, was happy in liis home, and gene- 
rally bclovecL The residence at Claydon seems to have been seldom 
Mi-* ei.icst boy. or never occupied, and Kalph had just got to town his eldest boy, 
who had been brought up at Hillesdon by his grandmother Denton. 
The child was rustic and bashful, and his parents, who were 
sti'angers to him, were disappointed that he did not immediately 
take to them. Old lady Denton pleaded stoutly for her " sweet 
child." She would not hear him blamed. 

i hcare [she rcniaikcd] he is disliked, he is so strange. Sonn, you did 
see he was not soe, nor is not soe, to any where he is a quanted, and he 
must be woone with fare menes. Let me begge of you and his mothar 
that nobody whip him but Mr. Parrye ; yf you doe goe a violent waye 
with him, you will be the furst that wil rue it, for i veryly beleve he will 
reseve ingery by it. And i pray bare with him the rathar for father and 
mothar [and] grandfathar was never so forward upon the furst aquantance. 
i hope he wil prove the wisar man in that very qualitye. Indede, Raphe, 
he is to youngc to be strudgeled in any forsing waye. i had intelygence 
your father was trobled to see him soe strange, i pray tel him frome me 
I thought he had had more witt then to thinck a childe of his adge woulde 
be a quanted presently. He knowes the childe was feloe good a nofe in 
my house, i praye shewe him what I have written a bought him, and be 
shore that he bo not fVited by no menes : he is of a gentel swet nature, 
sone corrected.* 

Such incidents may to some persons api)ear triHing, but if we 
desire to form an accurate conception of what sort of people our 
ancestors of the seventeenth century really were; if we wish actually 
to know, so far as it is possible, the men and women to whose earnest 
and right-minded i)atriotism we owe our present greatness, it is not 
enough that we stuily the representations of them by Vand} ke, or 

• Voriuy M.S. 2'Jt\\ October, lU3lt. 


observe how they acted merely on great occasions ; we must pene- 
trate, whenever we can do so, into their homes, we must sit with 
them in their chimney corners, follow them to their daily tasks, and 
think no fact useless which teaches us how they thought and felt in 
any given circumstances. 

Sir Edmund passed the autumn of 1639 at Bath. His health was sir E.iuiLin 
seriously shaken, and Rabh wrote mournfully about him to the ''i'^"'^* *'.'^ 

•/ ' i •' _ autumn in 

countess of Sussex ; but the November term brought him back, as Bath. 
in those days it did all the world, to London, where the following 
letter was addressed to him by the well-known Lionel Cranfield, the 
merchant earl of Middlesex, and once lord treasurer : — 

The Earl of Middlesex to Sir Edmund Verney. 

Sir, — My unfortunate kynsman Vyncent Cranfeild is by his improvidence 
fallen into troble, and is now in the custodye of your officers. I am 
informed you have used him with much curtisie and favor, for which I give 
you many thanckes, and shalbe glad of any occation to return them. The 
actions entred against him are accordinge to this inclosed paper, amountinge 
in pryucipall debtt to 39201., besides the 1200/. counterbond to Mr. Croocke 
and Mr. Hofton, for savinge them, lesse the two three hundred pounds, 
which is all for one soram. 

As for the 120/. to Alexander Brett, which is the only dangerous action 
in your courte, that I have sattisfied and paid ; as for the re?t, I knowe 
formes must bee observed in all courts, and therfore sir John Suckling, my 
nephewe, and Mr. Charles Treanch, esquire, are contented to bee his bayle, 
and, for your farther securetye and indemnilye, I do hereby bynd my selff, 
my heyres, executors and assignes, to save you harnielesse, and yf this 
shall not satisfie you, I desire you wilbe pleased notwithstanding for the 
present to free him, and I will forthwith give you any further caution to 
your content, for I praye you to rest confident no man shall suffer for 
doinge me a curtesie. Sir, I am, your very loving freind, 


St. Bartholomew's, November 14th, 1639. 

To my honorable frend sir Edmond Veinyc, knight marshall, &c. theise. 

276 vp:k.\ey papers. 

Here, for the present, we eome to a close. It was our intention 
to have carried clown these extracts from the Verney Papers to the 
year 1642; but, warned by the space occupied by the year 1639, 
and the space which will be required for the papers of the next 
three years, we deem this a fitting place at which to stop. The 
contest between the king and his subjects, between government by 
prerogative and government by law, has begun. It remains to be 
seen how the battle came to be fought out, not on the barren Scotish 
border, but on the fertile fields of England, and iiow the Verneys 
were affected by the calamitous but in many I'cspects glorious 


No. I. 


A booke of the kings majesties privy seales sent into the county of Bucks, the second 
yeare of his highnes reigne, 1604, vnto the seuerall persons hervnder written, for the 
loane of the particular summes of money in them conteyned, deliuered vnto sir 
Alexander Hampden, knight, at seuerall times, as herin is sett downe. 

Sir Henry Lee, knight 
Sir Robert Dormer, knight 
Sir Anthony Terringham, knight 
Sir William Bowyer, knight . 
Sir Owen Ogglethroppe, knight 
Sir Thomas Denton, knight 
Sir Henry Longvile, knight . 
Sir George Fleetwood, knight 
Sir William Willoughby, knight 
Sir Edward Tyrrell, knight 
Sir Henry Barker, knight 
Sir Edward Randall, knight . 
Sir Fleetwood Dormer, knight 
Sir Christofer Hoddesdon, knight 
Sir William Perryam, knight 
Sir Thomas Challoner, knight 
Sir Francis Curson, knight 
The lady Pellam, vid. 
Sir Pecksall Brokas, knight . 
Sir John Dormer, knight 
Sir William Cleark, knight 
Sir Richard Ingolsby, knight 

John Crook, knight 
Sir William Fleetwood, knight 
Sir Everard Digbee, knight . 




Sir Anthony Grenaway, knight 

. 40 


Sir William Andrewes, knight 

. 40 


Sir Thomas Temple, knight . 

. 50 


Sir Francis Fortescue, knight 

. 30 


Sir Guye Foster, knight 

. 20 


Sir Richard Mompesson, knight 

. 20 


Sir Edwin Sandes, knight . 

. 50 


Sir William Garrard, knight . 

. 30 


Sir William Burlace, knight . 

. 50 


Sir Phillip Scudemore, knight 

. 30 


Sir George Throgmorton, knight 

. 30 


Sir Frances Goodwin, knight 

. 60 


Sir John Pagginton, knight . 

. 60 


Thomas Throgmorton, esq. 

. 100 


Sir Christopher Piggott, knight 

. 50 


Thomas Piggot, esq. . 

. 30 


Richard Piggot, esq. . 

. 30 


Edmund West, esq. . 

. 20 


Walter Dennis, esq. . 

. 20 


Richard Charnock, esq. 

. 30 


Robert Barker, esq. . 

. 40 


Paule Rysley, esq. 

. 20 


Fardinando Pulton, esq. 

. 30 


Anthony Chester, esq. 

. 30 


Richard Haubery, esq. 

. 40 




I'aule Uorrell, i-mj. 

. 20 

Thomas Terringbam, esq 

. 30 

Richard C'otten, esq. 

. 30 

Edmund Kiddermaster, esq. 

. 40 

Robert Hovcndon, doctor of d 

yviuitie . 30 

Erasmus Coape, esq. . 

. 20 

Raplicll Throgmorton, esq. 

. 20 

Jolm Ellmes, esq. 

. 30 

Robert Williams, esq. 

. 20 

William Tottle, esq. . 

. 50 

Edmund Brudnell, esq. 

. 30 

John Moores, esq. 

. 40 

Raynes Lowe, esq. 

. 20 

Thomas Duck, esq. . 

. 30 

Edward Woodward, esq. 

. 20 

Henry Manfield, esq. 

. 20 

William Right, esq. 

. 20 

William Penn, esq. 

. 20 

Mistres Mary Sandes, vid. 

. 20 

Mistres Amye Drewe, vid. 

. 20 

Mistres Ann Burlace, vid. 

. 20 

Mistres Ellenn Wcntwoorthe, 

vid. . 20 

Mistres Elizabeth Beakc, vid. 

. 20 

Mistres Margery Leigh, vid. 

. 20 

Richard Trowghton. gent. 

. 20 

Krauncis Duffield, gent. 

. 20 

John Watcrhowse, gent. 

. 30 

Edward Ardenn, gent. 

. 20 

Edmund Piggott, gent. 

. 20 

Anthony Frankishe, gent. 

. 20 

Anthony Sawryc, gent. 

. 20 

Thomas J'^yrie, gent. 

. 20 

Henry Fynch, gent. 

. 20 

Thomas Asslifiold, gent. 

. 20 

William RutTerd, gent. 

. 20 

Frances Piggott, gent. 

. 20 

Frances Duucomb, gent. 

. 30 

Tiiomas Catcttbye, gent. 

. 20 

John Duneomh, gent. 

. 20 

Samuel IJossi', gent. 

. 30 

lialdwin Shcppard, gent. 

. 30 

Rnburt Will.iwghbyo, g.nt. 

. 30 

John Raunce, gent. 
Thomas Farmer, esq. 
Bennett Winchcomb, gent 
Thomas Patte, gent. 
Richard Saunders, gent. 
Thomas Redman, gent. 
Symonn Mayne, gent. 
Sherrington Montgomery, gent 
Mathew Claver, gent. 
William Chalfon, gent. 
Arthur Claver, gent. 
John Brinckhurst, gent. 
Thomas Jakeman, gent. 
Leonard Bave, gent. 
John Duncomb, gent. 
William Duucomb, gent. 
Edward Briteridge, gent. 
Edmund Duncomb, gent, 
Thomas Harris, gent. 
Robert Saunders, gent. 
William Seriaunt, gent. 
Edward Harte, gent. 
Richard Aliraham, gent. 
Edmund Maior, gent. 
Richard Porter, gent. 
William Sheppard, gent. 
William Abraham, gent. 
Edmund Maior, gent. 
William Serieant, gent. 
John Maunsell, gent. 
John Jakeman, gent. 
John Lauiburne, gent. 
William Sulltcr, geut. 
William WhitHeld, gent. 
William Whitfield, clerk 
Symon Maund, gent. 
Thomas Taylor 
John Beck 
John Fabian 
John Saunders 
John Urlinn 
Brian Ironson, gcnl. 



£ £ 

Laurens Merrydale . . .20 John Turner . . .20 

John Pytcher . . .20 Thomas Bowler . . .20 

Edward Randole, gent. . . 20 Henry Newman . . .20 

John Bowden . . .30 Christopher Egleton . . .20 

Thomas Bowden . . .20 Isake Sheppard . . .20 

John Parsonns . . .20 Robert Stephenson . . .20 

John Hart . . .20 Thomas Redding . . .20 

Leonard Briteridge . . .30 John Beard . . .20 

Henry Briteridge . . .20 Nicholas Boss . . .20 

Christopher Fendall, gent. . . 30 William Barton . . .20 

Adam Langley . . .20 Thomas Breedon . . .20 

Augustinn Belson ... 20 157 

Receiued the before named priue seales the 17th day of August, 1601. 

Receiued priuie seales directed vnto the seuerall personns hearevnder written, the 17th 
day of September, 1604. 

John Duncket, gent. 

Burlace, gent. 

Sir Robert Gonson, knight 
Thomas Wauler, gent. 
Bartholomew Tipping, gent. 
John Biscoe 
Thomas Butterfield 
Symon Haynes 

Thomas East 

Thomas Barringer, gent. 

Thomas Lane 

John Scare 

James Tomson, gent. 

William Peeters, gent, 

Henry Moncke, gent. 

William Redding 

Receiued priue seales directed vnto the seuerall personns of clergie hearevnder written 
the 9th of October, 1604. 

Richard Pilkinton, rector of Hambleden 
John Kinge, rector of Taplow 
Richard Harris, rector of Hardwick . 
Richard Brett, rector of Quainton 
Henry Wilkinson, rector of Waddesden 
Thomas Egerton, rector of Adstock . 
Ralph Smith e, rector of Milton 
Richard Sandey, rector of Linford 
Richard Smith, rector of Chalfont St. 

Gyles .... 

William Swadden, rector de Horrvvood 

magna .... 




Samuell Rieve, rector de Marshe 



Humphery Alewoorthe, rector of Call- 


verton .... 



Roger Hackett, rector of Crawley 



Robert Challenner, rector of Agmon- 


desham . . . • 



George Clark, rector of Munckris- 


borowe . . . • 
Erasmus Webb, archdeacon of Buck- 



ingham .... 


Bargerley, rector of Denham . 




Receiued the priue scales ilirectetl vnto the sonerall personns hearevnder written the 
24th of October, 1601. 


^ 1 

Thomas Sankye, gent. 

. 20 

Richard Madge 


John Garr, gent. 

. 20 

Richard Saunders, gent. 


Doctor Stewanl 

. 20 

Robert Doylie, gent. 


John Bell . 

. 20 

Henry Howell 


John WelLi . 

. 20 

George Carter 


William Durdaunt 

. 20 

Gylpinn of Woolston . 


Thomas Wallcott 

. 20 

Robert Fitshew 

20 1 

Edward Ewer, gent. 

. 20 

William Findall 

30 J 

Theise persons hearevnder written remaine out of the sheare, and therefore the prh 
scales to them directed are re-deliuered to Mr. Thomas Kerry. 

Sir Henry Lee, knight 
Sir Henry Barker, knight 
Sir Thomas Challenner, knight 
Sir Edwin Sandes, knight 
Sir Fraunces Curson, knight 
Sir Edward Randall, knight 
Henry Finch, gent. 
Fraunces Piggott, gent. 
Robert Willowghbye, gent. 
Erasmus Coape, gent. 
Amy Drew, widdowe 
Bartholomew Tipping, gent. 
Edwanl Ardcn, gent. 
Edward Briteridge, gent. 
William Whitfeild, gent. 
Edward Randall, gent. 
Walker Dennis, gent. 

Robert Williams, gent. 
William Sheppard, gent. 
Paule Darrell, esq. 
Sir Pexall Brockas, knight 
Thomas Throgmorton, esq. 
Bryann Ironson, gent. 
Augustinn Bellson, gent. 
Thomas Farmer, esq. 
Richard Charnock, esq. 
Robert Barker, gent. 
Richard Ilaubery, gent. 
Thomas Duck, esq. 
William Wright, esq. 
Docter Steward 
Edward Harte, gent. 
John Gare, gent. 
F'raunces Piggott 

These personns hearevnder written discharged by the lords 
by 3 certifycats subscribed by Mr. Thomas Kerry. 

the councell, as nppoarefh 

Sir Christopher Piggott, knight 
Anthony Sawrie, gent. 
John Fabyan, gent. 
iHake Shcjipard, gent. 
John Beard, gent, 
.lohn Waterhouse, gent. 
Sumuoll BoHM, gent. 

Richard Porter, gent. 
John Jiikcman, gent. 
Symonn Maunnd, gent. 
William Chalfon, gent. 
Thomas Eyre, gent. 
Leonard Baven, gent. 
John Lambert, gent. 



William Seriaunt, jun., gent. 

Raphaell Throgmorton, gent. 

Fraunces Fortescue, knight 

Adam Langley, gent. 

William Barton 

Thomas Bowden 

John Saunders 

Balldwinn Sheppard, gent. 

Arthur Clauor, gent. 

Thomas Bowler 

Christopher Egelton 

Nicholas Boss 

John Turnor 

Richard Saunders 

Edmund West 

John Duncomb 

William Redding 

John Parsonns 

Sir Edward Tyrrell, knight 

Sir Richard Mompesson 

Richard Abraham 

Thomas Harris 

William Whitfield 

John Mansell 

Thomas Sankye 

Richard Madge 

Sherrington Mongomerye 

Sir George Throgmorton 

Sir Guy Foster 

Thomas Taylor 

Sir Thomas Denton 

Thomas Lane 

Sir Robert Dormer 

Anthony Frankishe 

Sir Robert Johnson 

Richard Smithc, parson of Challfont 

James Tompson 

John Urlinn 

Edmund Piggott 

John Duckett 

John Beck 

Christopher Kendall 

Walter Dennis 

Sir William Bowier 

Burlace, of Cheshani 
Sir William Oglethropp 
Sir William Burlace 
Sir Phillip Seudmore 
Sir John Paggington 
Richard Piggott 
Robert Barker 
Fardinaundo Pullton 
Richard Gotten, esq. 
William Tottle, esq. 
Edward Kiddermaster 
John Elmes 
Edmund Brudnell 
Sir Fraunces Goodwinn 
John Moorcs, esq. 
Thomas Duck, esq. 
Bennet Winohcom 

A note of such money as I have received since my last accompt made the 30th daye of 

August, 1604. 

Imprimis remaininge in my hands att my last accompt with my master, £24. 

A note of such money as I have received of the King's : — 

Per receiued the second of September of mistress Lees mann, of Okeley 
Per receiued the 4th of September of Mr. Raynslowes mann, of Clifton Raynes 
Per receiued the 6th of September of Mrs. Wentworthe, of Burnam Abby . 
Per receiued the 10th of September of my lord cheife barronns mann 
Per receiued the 11th of September of sir Anthony Tirringhams mann 
Per receiued the 17th of September of Mr. Brinckhowst 



Per receiued the 17th of September of sir William Gcrrctt . 

Per receiued the 17th of September of sir AVilliam Fleetwood 

Per receiued of Mr. Mansfeild mann the 27th of September 

Per receiued of sir Henry Longfeild the first of October 

Per receiued of Mr. Thomas Piggott the first of October 

Per receiued the 4th of October of Mr. Sannds 

Per receiued the fourth of October of Mr. Edmund Duncomb, of Ivingoe 

Per receiued of sir William Androwes the second of October 

Per receiued of sir Anthony Grenewaye the 10th of October 

Per receiued of Mr. William Duncomb, of Ivingoe, the 15th of October 

Per receiued the 17th of October, of Mr. Paule Risslie, of Chit wood 

Per receiued the 19th of October, of mistress Beake, of Hadnamn 

Per receiued the 21st of October of Mr. Penn 

Per receiued of Mr. Cotton the 21st of October 

Per receiued of Mr. docter Ilowenden .... 

Per receiued of sir Christopher Hodsden, and paid by J. Shepheard 

Paid into the exchequer the 26th of October, £500, 
Per receiued of Mr. Harris the 29th of October 
Per receiued of Mr. Haynes the 30th of October 
Per receiued of sir John Cooke the 30th of October 
Per receiued of Mr. dr. Swaddon ...... 

Per receiued of Mr. Reeue, parson of Marshe, the 10th of November 

Per receiued of Mr. William Abraham, of Wingrave, the 10th of November 

Per receiued of Mr. dr. Clarke, of Risborowe, the 13th of November 

Per receiued of my ladye Pellham the 14 of November 

Per receiued of Mr. Kinge, parson of Taplowe, the 17th of November 

Per receiued of Mr. Cliallenor the 17th of November 

Per receiued of .sir Richard Ingoldsbey the 17th of November 

Per receiued of sir Fleetwood Dormer the 23rd of November 

Per receiued of Erasmus Webb, archdeacon of Buckingham, the 22nd of November 

Per receiued of Mr. Tirringham, of Netherwintchingdon, the 23rd of November 

Per receiued of Mr. Fraunccs Doffeld the 24th of November 

Per receiued of sir William Clarke the 25th of November 

Per receiued of sir Thomas Temple the 2Cth of November 

Per receiued of Mr. Bennett Wintehcomb the 30th of November . 

Per receiued of Mr. Tliomas Waller the 30th of November 

Per receiued the 14th of December of Mr. Smithe, parson of Milltoii 

Per receiued of Mr. Pootos, of Cu.ldington, the 14th of December 

Per receiued of Mr. Kraunies Duncomb the 10th of January 

Per receiued of Kilpinn the lOlh of Jiiiiuary 

Per receiued of Mr. Chester the 7th of February . 

Per receiued of Mr. Doyleyo the 9th of I'ebruarv . 

ThoHc were all rcceiui'd by Frances Smith, servant to sir Alfxiindi-r Ilanipden. 



No. II. 

Privy Seales, 144, reed. 13° Aprilis, 1626, of Edward Goeman, messenger. 

£ s. d 
Sir William Challoner, of Steeple Clay don, knt. and bart. a privy seale for 
Sir Peter Temple, of Stowe, knt. 
Sir Richard Ingolsby, of Lenborow, knt. 
Symon Bennett, of Bechampton, ar. 
Lawrence Washingdon, of AVestbury, ar, 
Anthony Grenaway, of Leckamsteed, ar, 
Thomas Dayrell, of Lillingstone, ar. 
Symon Every, of Maidsmourton, ar. 
William Lambert, of Buck, gent. 
Margery Lambert, of Buck, vidua 
Symon Heynes, of Turweston, gent. 
Edmund Dayrell, of Lampard, gent. 
Robert Smith, of Akely, gent. 
Robert Smith, of Twiford, gent. 
Thomas Wake, of Marshgibbon, gent. 
George Palmer, of Thornton, gent. 
William Paxton, of Barton, yeoman 



John Theed, of Leborne, yeoman 

William Cleaver, of Weedon, jun., yeoman 

Henry Bridges, of Edesborough, gent. 

Barnard Turney, of Lincelade, yeoman 

William Abraham, of Wingrave, gent. 

Sir Robert Lovett, of Sulbury, knt. 

Susan Meridale, de ead. widow 

Mistris Elizabeth Hampden, of Dunton, vidua 

George Cheshire, of Whitchurch, yeoman . 

The lady Cheney, of Drayton Bechampe 

William Duncombe, of Ivinghoe, gent. 

Gregory Pratt, of Mars worth, ar. 

John Fortescue, of Salden, ar. 

Robert Barker, of Harwood magna, gent. 


3 hund. Buck. 



















. 220 

Privy Seales 17 



















ALatet! to 51, 

John Moore, of the Weild, ar. 
Tliomas Wigg, of Mentmoro parsonage, yeoman 
Mathew Deveryll, of Swanburne, gent. 
John Graunge, of Mursley, yeoman 
Oliver Stiles, of Horwood parva, gent. 
The lady Grace Fortescue, of Salden, vidua 
John Adames, of Swanburne, yeoman 
Richard Meade, of Bragnam, yeoman 



Abated to 5/. 

Abated to 10^. 


Richard Uabbham, of Weston, gent. 

Thomas Moore, of Aylsbury 

Richard Pawly, of Halton, gent. 

Robert Dormer, of Peterly, ar. 

Richard Seriant, of , ar. 

Thomas Randoll, of Cuddington, gent. 

Alexander Jennings, of , yeoman 

Sir Richard Moore, of Bledlowe, knt 

Joan Chuknoll, of Princes RLsborow, vidua 

Thomas Iloare, of Aylsbury, yeoman 

Sir Thomas Lee, of Moreton, knt. 

Thoma.s Lee, of Ilartwell, ar. 

The lady Iloddesdon, of Dynton, vidua 

Christofer Hampden, of Wendover, ar. 

Henry Syrcd, of Monks Risborowo 

John Knight, of Great Missenden, yeoman 

Sir William Fleetwood, de eadem, knt. 

Lionell Randoll, of Kimble magna, gent. . 

Thomas Bosse, of Bierton, gent. 

Nicolas House, ib. gent. 

John Hampden, of Hampden, ar. 

Mistris Joice Founfaine, of Huekett, vidua 

William Hill, of Weston, gent. . 

Christopher Eggleton, of the Grove, gent. 



William Howlett, of Long Crindon, yeoman 
IM. 11/. Sir Fleetwood Dormer, of Lee, knt. 

Discharged. William Rice, of Ashondon, yeoman 

Arthur C'laver, of Oving, gent. 









. 2.30 




































John Sanders, of North Merston, gent. 
Thomas Betham, of Ashendon, gent. 
Thomas Sumner, of Dyuton, yeoman 
Mistris Mayne, de eadem, vidua 
Edward Green vile, of Little Pollicott, gent. 
Sir John Dormer, of Dourton, knt. 
William Mayne, of Hogson, gent. 
William Whitfeild, of Shabington, gent 
Richard Pigott, of Doddersall, ar. 
Augustyne Belson, of Brill, ar. 
William Pyme, de eadem, gent. 
George Carter, de eadem, gent. 
Symon Steward, of Gryndon, ar. 
Richard Beake, of Hadnam, gent. 
Edward Harte, of Brill, gent. 
John Duncombe, of East Cleydon, ar, 
John Busby, de eadem, gent. 
William Abell, de eadem, gent. 


Sir William Andrewes, of Lathbery, knt 

Robert Throgmorton, of Weston, ar. 

Roger Nicholls, of Willyn, ar. 

William Killpyne, of Wolson, gent. 

Sir Anthony Chester, of Chiehely, knt. and 

Thomas Aston, of Westbury, gent. 

Francis Catesby, of Hardmead, ar. 

Sir Kellam Digby, of Gayhui-st, knt. 

The Lady Mary Digby, ib., vidua 

Sir Pecksall Brocas, of Little Brickell, knt 

ChubnoU, of Astwood, gent. 
John Duncombe, of Great Brickell, gent. 
Thomas Kilpine, of Walton, gent. 
Sir William Fortescue, of Hanslapp, knt. 
Richard Saunders, of Wavendon, gent. 
George Welle, de eadem, gent. 
Marke Parker, of Weston, gent. 
George Edwards, of Emerton, gent. 
Incent Castle, of Olney, ar. 
Thomas Stafford, of Tottenhoe, gent. 
John Norman, of Shenley, yeoman 







It should have 


come out but 


^ did not. 















. 230 























Abated to 01. 








John Crane, of Loughton, ar. 

Sir Arthur Willniott, of Siinpton, knt. 

Doctor Adkins, of Tickford end . 


Sir Miles Hubberd, of Great Marloe, knt. 

John Farmer, de eadem, ar. 

Sir William Borlace, of Medmenham, knt. 

Mistris Alice DuH'eild, de eadem, vidua 

Knightly Duffeild, ib., gent. 

Richard Archdale, of Great Wickombe, gent. 

John Goare, de eadem, gent. 

Richard Widmore, of Hitchendon, gent. . 

William Tothill, of Agmondesham, ar. 

Thomas Waller, of Bccomsfeild, ar. 

Mistris Anne Waller, de eadem, vidua 

Bryan Jansan, de eadem, ar. 

William Pen, of Pen, ar. 

Sir Gregory Norton, de eadem, knt. and bart. 

Francis Cheney, of CheshJim, ar. 

Sir Henry Guilford, of Taploe, knt. 

Henry Manfeild, of Taploe, ar. 

Sir Edward Manfeild, de eadem, knt. 

William Clarke, of Ilitchara, ar. 

Henneage Proby, of Agmondesham, ar. 

Sir John Parsons, of Boveney, knt. 

Tobyas Cage, of Burnam, gent. 

Thomas Garrett, of Dorney, ar. 

Thomas Stile, of Little Missendon, gent. . 

Sir Edward Coke, of Stoke, knt. 

The Lady Winwood, of Ditton parkc, vidua 

Sir .John Kidermaster, of Langley, knt. 

Sir Marmadukc Darell, of Fulmore, knt. 

Sir John Lawrence, of Iver, kut. 

Sir Edward Salter, de eadem 

Sir Edmund Wheeler, of Dotchatt, knt. 

Bonhain Norton, de eadem 

Auditor Budd, do eadem, gent. 

Henry Bulstru.le, of Horlon, ar. 

Sir David WutUins, of Vi)toii, knt. 








. 330 









































Privy Seales 

April 20 Imprimis of Marke Parker 


of William Ilowlett 


of Mr. Thomas Dayrell 


of Mr. Edmund Dayrell 


of Roger NichoUs, of Willin . 


of George Welle, of Wavendon 


of Thomas Kilpin, of Walton 


of sir Kellam Digby 


of the lady Mary Digby 


of Matthew Deverill 


of George Edwards 


of John Grange 


of Mr. William Lambert 


of Mr. Robert Smith, of Akely 


of Mr. Richard Pigott 


of Mr. Henry Manfeild, of Taploe 


of Mr. William Abraham 


of William Hill, of Weston . 


of William Whitfeild, of Shabington 


of Mr. William Pen, of Pen 


of Thomas Sumner, of Dynton 


of Mr. John Hampden 

May 2 

of Mr. John Fortescue 


of Mr. Lawrence Washington 


of the lady Wynwood 


of sir Thomas Lea 

June 22 

of Mr. William Tothill 


of Mr, Thomas Stile 

ugust 3 

of Mr. Robert Dormer 

June 22 Wherof paid into thexchequer at one time 
March 1 5 Paid at another time . 

Summa paid 

£ s. 



pd. Aprill, 1626 


pd. Receipts. 














pd. £100 































13 6 






. 305 6 


. 205 6 



. 298 6 


So rem', in my handes £1 , besides ^23 received of my old 
master, which being added, there will remayne in my hands 
in all 



Old Master's Receipts. 

April 20 of Thomas Waller, of Beconsfeild 

27 of sir Henry Guilford 

May 4 of Mr. Edward Grenevile 

9 of Mr. auditor Budd 

11 of sir Gregory Norton, part. 

13 of sir William Andrewes, knt. 

14 of Mr. Robert Throgmorton . 
19 of sir William Fortescue, knt. 
26 of Mr. Beake, of Hadnam 

June 22 of sir William Fleetwood, knt. 

23 of sir Fleetwood Dormer, knt,, part, 
of Francis Cheney, esqre. 

August 3 of Symon Heynes, gent, 
of ^\r. Robert Barker 


Wherof paid to me at London 22 June, 1626, jfc25 ; wherof sergeant 
Peterson had 405., so I received but 
March 16,1626. Paid since by Mr. John Denton into the exchequer 

Summa paid 

April 20, 1627. So rem', in my old master's hands of the privy seale money 





























No. III. 


IN 1C27. 

'J'he charges of 100 men set out into the low countries the 25th of March, 1627, amount- 
ing to 95 ^i., after the rate of 19s. a man ; for which 95 /t. the precepts were sent out, 
l)ut by the remainder of 13 coates of a former store, and the abatement of halfe a daies 
march, it stood the countrey but in 15s. 6d. a man, that is, for coates, 12s. 2d., and 
Is. id. ouer in the wholl ; prest money, Is. ; conductor. Is. ; conduct, Is. id. 

Chiiturne hundreds, for 25 men. 

The charge . . . . . 

Paid to Wetlierhead . . . , 

To bee allowed backe for prest money 
And for 3 coates reserued vpon a former store 

Sum . 
Remainder to bee answered thence 
















Newport hundreds, for 21 men. 

The charge . . . . . 

Paid to Wetherhead . . . . 

To bee abated for prest money 
To be allowed back for 2 coates of a former store 

Sum , 
Remainder to bee answered thence 

12 12 

1 1 

1 8 

15 1 

4 18 

Alisbury hundred, for 16 men. 

The charge .... 

Paid to Wetherhead 
To bee abated for prest money 
To bee allowed back for 3 coates of a former store 

CAMD. 80C. 

Sum . 
Remainder of surplusage due to them 

2 P 

14 16 


2 2 

17 14 

2 10 

x >. 


12 7 



1 8 

13 1 


G 3 



1 8 

8 4 


4 2 



C'i)ttis>low humircd, 13 men. 

The charge ..... 

Paid to Wethcrhead ..... 
To bee abated for prest money .... 

To bee allowed back for 2 oldc coates of a former store . 

Remainder of surplusage due to them . 

Ashenden hundred, 13 men. 

The charge ...... 

Paid to Wetherhead ..... 

To bee abated for prest money .... 

To bee allowed back for 2 coates of a former store 

Remainder to be answered thence 

Buckingham hundred, 12 men. 

The charge ...... 

Paid to Wetherhead ..... 

To bee abated for prest money .... 

To bee allowed backe for 1 coatc of a former store 

Sum . . 11 18 

Remainder of surplusivge due to them . 10 

The surplusage to bee receiucd out of Chilturne, Newport, and 

Ashenden hundreds, is . . . .1118 

W hereout 
Due to Alisbury hundred 

To Cottislow hundred .... 
To IJuckinghani hundred .... 
To Wetherhead, the gaoler, and constables of Alisbury . 

Wlii.h hiiuolh vnpaid 

2 10 




8 5 




It is farther to bee considered that Newport hundred laid doune 20s. to the 
which is to bee charged upon tlic wholl sheir, for that the conductor 
Weatherhead but 4li. whereas his due was 5li., which amounteth to 2d. 
3s. id, ouer, thus proportioned as neare the trew value as can be. 

Chilturne, 25 men 
Newport, 21 men 
Alisbury, 16 men 
Cottislow, 13 men 
Ashenden, 13 men 
Buckingham, 12 men 






a man and 
















Besides the restitution of surplusage from those 3 limmitts of Chilturne, Newport, and 
Ashenden, to those other of Alisbury, Cottislow, and Buckingham, that have paied too 
much, the defaulters must bee made pay, or els the accompt will never bee perfectly 
made, which were retourned to bee : — 

Wingrave .... 
Horidge .... 



Westbury .... 


Barton .... 



Richard Tomlins 


The charges of 100 men conducted to Portsmouth the 23rd of May, 1627, after the rate 

of 20s. 8d. a man. 
The precepts went out for lOd li. Gs. 8d., which is a surplusage of 5li. 

Coates at 14*. 

Prest money .... 

Conductor ..... 

4 dales march nt 8d, a man 

Chilturne, 25 men. 

The charge ...... 

Paid their wholl proportion ; coates 17 li. 10*. ; 4 dales march, 

Bli. 6s. 8d. ; prest money, 25s. ; conductor, 50*. 
For parchment . . 











25 16 

li 12 

Remainder 24^. 6d,, which sir Thomas Denton delivered back vnto Ilatlivvay. 


Xew-port, 21 men. £ s, J. 

The charge . . . • . 21 H 


Paid to ■\Vetherhead . . . . . 18 13 4 

Wliich should bee . . • • . 20 13 

The 39». 8d. to make it up, sir Thomas Tyringhani at Buckingham, promised sir Edmun<l 
Verney should bee answered ; ouer and above which there restetlt of surplusage, 21 «. 

Alesbury hundred, 10 men. 

The charge . . . . . . 16 10 8 


10 coates ..... 

4 daies march .... 

Prest money ..... 

Conductor ..... 

Remainder of surplusage 

Ashenden hundred, 13 men. 

The charge . . , . .13 8 


For 13 coates ..... 

4 daies march ..... 

Prest money ..... 

Conductor ..... 

Remainder of surplusage 

Cotti'ilow hundred, 13 nuii. 
The charge 

For 13 coates 
4 daies march . 
ProHt money 

11 4 

2 2 




1 12 

15 11 



9 2 

1 14 


(1 13 




12 16 




Uiinainder of surplusjiX"' 

y 2 

1 14 





2 16 


U 13 



Buckingham hundred, 12 men. 
The charge 

For 12 coates 
4 daies march . 
Prest money 

Remainder of surplusage 
Whereof in Wetherhead's hands 


Sir Henry Lea, in Ashenden hundred 
Great Missenden, professedly denied 

£ s. 


12 8 

8 8 

1 12 


1 4 

11 16 






The charges of 50 men conducted to Plimmouth in August, 162 

Coates at 14*. 

Prest money ..... 
Conductor ..... 

14 daies march at St/, a man . 


Which Cometh to Z2s. id. a man. 


2 10 


23 6 8 

80 16 8 

Chilterne, 12 men and halfe 


. 20 4 


Newport, 10 men and halfe 

Alisbury, 8 men 

Cottislow, 6 men and a halfe 

■; ■; 

. 16 19 
. 12 18 
. 10 10 



Ashenden, 6 and a halfe 

. 10 10 


Buckingham, 6 men 


. 9 14 

. 80 16 


Hereof no accompt can yet bee taken, by reason that the conductor is not yet retourned, 
nor hath the draper been yet spoken withall since hee deliuered the coates ; but, the 
precepts going out for an eeven summe, it is to bee doubted there wilbee defaults 
returned, though there came in money inough to set the men forward. 


Abell, William, 285 

Aberdeen, 204, 210, 212 

Abingdon, 90, 91, 137, 138; 
abbey of, 138; accounts of, 
8; St. Mary, indulgence for 
contributing to the erection 
of a lavatory, 7; fraternity 
of the holy cross, 138; hos- 
pital of Christ, ih. St. Ni- 
cholas church, 139 

Abraham, Richard, 278, 281 ; 
William, 278, 282, 283, 

Adames, John, 284 

Adkins, dr. 286 

Adstock, 279 

Agmondesham, 279, 286 

Agnell, Alice, 15, 16; Joan, 
16; John, 15; sir John, 15 

Akely, 283, 287 

Alatham,*James, 47 

Albury, Herts, 15, 43, 46, 
50, 80,81, 83, 84; Whit- 
tingham monument there, 
80; Verney chapel, 83 ; par- 
son of, 40; sir Thomas, 
chantry priest of, 43, 47 

Aldermaston, 139 

Alewoorthe, Humphery, 279 

Algiers, 95,98, 100 

Anderson, Richard, 95 

Andover, visct. 107 

Andrewe,Thomas,the younger, 

Andrewes, sir William, 277, 
282, 285, 288 

Annandale, John earl of, 

Antrim, earl of, 204, 246 

Anut, widow, 134 

Apsley, capt. 258 

Archdale, Richard, 286 

Archedale, J. R. 180 

Arches, Alexander de, 5 ; Rich- 
ard de, ih.; Robert de, ih. 

Arden, Edward, 278, 280 

Aris, rev. John, 151, 195 

Arundel and Surrey, Thomas 
earl of, 170, 171, 226, 228, 

" Arundel's," QQ, 72 

Ashby-St.-Leger's, 56 

Ashendon, 284; three hun- 
dreds of, 134 

Ashridge, 37, 39, 43, 44, 53, 
80, 81, 83 

Ashfield, Thomas, 278 

Aston, Christopher, the elder, 
61, 71; the younger, 61; 
Magdalen, 187; Thomas, 

Astwood, 285 

Athercliff, Seth, 28 

Aure, Eleanor de, 3; Wal- 
ter de, 3 

Aylesbury, 22, 24, 26, 27, 38, 
122, 180, 284 

Ayscough, John, 80 

Babham, Richard, 284 
Bacon, lord-chancellor, 153 
Baker, capt. 96 

Ballard, 112 

Ballenger, 264 
Bampton, 150 
Banks, sir John, 224, 226, 

258, 266 
Barbadoes, 192, 195, 197, 266 
Barbary, English volunteers 

serving there, 96-100 
Barbour, sir William, 29 

Bargerley, , 279 

Barker, sir Henry, 277, 280 ; 

Robert, 277, 280,281,283, 

Barringer, Thomas, 279 
Barrington, sir Thomas, 183 
Barrymore Richard 2nd earl 

of 125 
Barton, 283, 291; Richard, 

28; William, 279, 281 
Bates, dr. 174; Stephen, 180 

and Wells, bishop of,131 

Bave, Leonard, 278, 280 

Beaconsfield, 179 

Beake, Elizabeth, 278; mr. 

288 ; mrs. 282 ; Richard 285 
Beale, mr. 266; Robert, 102 
Beard, John, 279, 280 
Beauchamp, Margaret, 30, 31 
Beaufort, cardinal, 18, 21 
Bcchampton, 283 



Heck, John, 278, 281 

Beconsfcild, 286, 288 

Hodder, Tliomas, 180 

Bedell, John, 61 -71 

Bedford, duke of, 80; Fran- 
lis 4th earl of, 150, 172 

" Beke," misprint for Leake, 
in Collins' Peerage, 149 

Bekkeley park, Oxfordshire, 29 

Bell, mr. 242 ; John, 280 ; 
Thomas, 28, 29 

Bellew, Alice, 5 

Bellingham, Avis, 44, 45, 46, 

Belson, Augustine, 279, 280, 

Belvoir, 118 

Bennett, Symon, 283 

Berkhampstead, 55 

Berkshire, earl of, 250 

Berwick, 157, 211, 226, 230, 
238, 241, 246, 248, 251, 
254-259, 263 

Betbam, Thomas, 285 

Bierton, 22, 38, 284 

Bilson, William, bp. of Win- 
chester, 151 

Birks, the king's encamp- 
ment, 239-257 

Birt, Tom, 219 

Biscoe, John, 279 

Bishop, , 99 

Bishopston, 45 

Bittlcsdcn abbey, 58 

Biackgrove, 50 

Blacknall, Jane, 138, 189; 
John, 138, 139; Mary, 138- 
142, 144; William, 137; 
the second, 137 

Barrynioro, Alice countess of, 
125; David first eiirl of, 

Bhuknoll, William, 91, 92 
Blagrovo, Anth. the youoHtr, 

1:59, 140; the elder, 139- 
141, 146 

Blakcney, Anne, 153; Mary, 
81 ; William, ib. 

Blakett, John, 41 

Bledlowe, 284 

Blower, 259 

Bodley, Lawrence, 148 

Bolton, rev. Robert, 272 

Borlace, sir William, 286 


Boss, Nicholas, 279, 281 ; Sa- 
muel, 278, 280; Thomas, 

Boston, 42 

Botelere, Elizabeth, 28 

Boveney, 286 

Bowden, Henrj', 134; John, 
279; Thomas, 279, 281 

Bowler, Thomas, 279, 281 

Bowyer, sir William, 277, 281 

Bragnam, 284 

Braintree, 1 83 

Bray, Anne lady, 56, 73, 74 ; 
Dorothy, 67; dowager lady, 
73, 75, 76 ; Edmund lord, 
51, 67; Elizabeth, 51 ; Jane, 
lady, 52, 54, 73, 74 ; John 
lord, .'52,55,56,59,67,72- 
76; Mary, 58, 67; sir Re- 
ginald, 35, 51 ; Reynold, 54 

Breda, 267; siege of, 190 

Breedon, Thomas, 279 

Brereton, I'rian, 54 

Breton, Elizabeth, 42 

Brett, Alexander, 275; Rich- 
ard, 279 

Briokell. Great, 285; Little, 

Bridewell, 268 
Bridges, Henry, 283 
Bridgowater, lady, l/it 
Brill, 133, 134,285 
Brimpton, 139 

Brinckhowst, mr. 281 

Brinckhurst, John, 278 

Bristol, lord, 107, 252 

Briteridge, Edward, 278, 280; 
Henrj, 279; Leonard, «?>. 

Britwell, Thomas, 134 

Brocas, sir Pecksall, 277, 280, 

Broke, William, 91 

Brooke, lord, 229, 230; mr. 
Thomas, 77 

Brooks. Edmond, 134 

Brouderere, John, 28 

Brown, John, 28, 29 

Brudenell, Edmund, 278,281 ; 
lord, 43, 47 

Bryan, sir Thomas, 34, 35 

Brydges, Katherine, 60, 67 

Buckhounds, provisions for the 
king's, 183 

Buckingham, 279, 282, 292; 
deputy-lieutenants of shire 
of, 119,120, 121,128, 131, 
133; George Villiers, duke 
of,105,106, 107, 111, 113, 
114, 119, 121, 129, 131, 
132, 133 

18, 35; Richard, 16, 34,35 

Budd, auditor, 286, 288 

Bulstrode, Edw. 134; Hcnr>-, 

Bulstrowde, William, 32 

Bunstrux, 40, 45, 50, 79, 82 

Burcotc, 22 

Biirdigard, John, 28 

Burlace, , 279; of Ches- 

ham, 281; Ann, 278; sir 
William,119, 120, 277,281 

Bur lo Roi, 2 

Burnlmm, 286 l-is; abbey, 281 

Burton, Thomas, 14 

Busby, John, 2S.'; 

Bulterfield, Thomas, 279 



Cage, Tobyas, 286 
Calfe, dr. 191 
Callverton, 279 
Calton, John, 61 
Canterbury, John Morton, 

archbishop of 35; William 

Laud, 156, 158, 179, 200, 

204, 207, 271 
Cantilupe, William de, 23, 24 
Carbonell, John 5 
Carlisle, 211, 234; James 

Hay, earl of, 131, 154,155, 

170, 193 
Carew, , 110; Audrey, 

79, 81 ; rev. George, 79 ; 

sir Peter, ib.; the younger, 

Carewe, John, 122 
Carey, sir George, 122; lord, 

of Leppington, 107, 109, 

Carr, sir Robert, 107 
Carter, George, 134, 280, 285 
Gary, , 264 ; William, 

Castillo, prince of, 34 
Castle, Incent, 285 
Caswell, John, 134 
Catesby, Elizabeth lady, 56; 

Francis, 285; sir Richard, 

Catesbye, , 120; Thomas, 


Carvenelle, , 32 

Chalfon, William, 278, 280 
ChalfontSt. Giles, 79, 82, 83, 

279, 281 
Challenner, Robert, 279, 282 
Challoner, sir Thomas, 277, 

280; sir William, 283 
Chamberlaine, Cecilia, 39, 41; 

sir Edward, 39, 41 
Chamberlayn, Leonard, 47 
Chambers, capt. 96 

Chandos, Edmund lord, 67; 

John lord, 60, 67 
Charles I. his journey to Spain 
when prince, 107-113 ; ac- 
cession to the throne, 144 ; 
raises money on privy seals, 
118-126,283-288; disarms 
the Roman Catholics, 119; 
his liberality to sir Edmund 
Verney, 122, 123, 135 ; 
levies coat and conduct- 
money, 127, 289-293 ; is 
about to inspect train-bands, 
129-132 ; soldiers billeted, 
132-134 ; abuse of court of 
wards, 146, 186 ; goes to 
Scotland to be crowned, 
156 ; misgovernment, 178; 
authority to take grey- 
hounds for his sport, 180; 
supply of provisions for his 
buckhounds, 183 ; rise of 
the troubles in Scotland, 
200-204 ; the king deter- 
mines to suppress the co- 
venanters by force, 204 ; 
proceeds to York, 208 ; 
quashes various monopolies, 
223; their multitude, 224; 
moves on to Raby, 227 ; 
Durham, 228 ; Newcastle, 
232 ; encamps near Ber- 
wick, 241 i meditated at- 
tacks upon the Scots at 
Dunse, 243, and Kelso, ib.; 
covenanters petition to be 
heard, 245, 248 ; king's 
interview with them, 250 ; 
progress of the treaty, 252- 
256 ; concludes a peace, 
259 ; returns to London, 
Charles, prince, 103-135 
Charnock, Richard, 277, 280 


Charter-houses, Shene and 
London, 27 

Chelsea, 76, 77, 263, 264 

Cheney, Francis, 286, 288; 
lady, 283 

Chersley, 134 

Chesham, 286 

Cheshire, George, 283 

Chester, mr. 282 ; Anthony, 
277; sir Anthony, 285 

Chetewode, sir John de, 24 

Cheyne, Anne, 58; John, 43, 
45, 47, 58; sir John, 52; 
lord, 80 

Chicheley, John, 102 ; Ur- 
sula, ib. 

Chichely, 285 

ChiUingham, 253 

Chilterne, 286 

Chilton cum Eastounden, 134 

Chilton, Symon, 134 

Chitwood, 282 

Christchurch, Newgate-street, 

Chubnoll, , 285 

ChuknoU, Joan, 284 

Clancy, Thomas, 208 

Clare, , 110; sir Ralph, 


Clarence, George duke of, 
30, 31 

Clarendon, lord, 146, 171 

Clark, Elizabeth lady, 56; sir 
Francis, 128; George, 279; 
"William, 56; sir William, 

Clarke, dr. 282 ; sir Francis, 
141; Ursula, 102; William, 
102, 119, 171, 286; sir Wil- 
liam, 102, 282 
Claver, Arthur, 278, 281, 284; 

Mathew, 278 
Claydon, East, 121, 285; Mid- 
dle, 22, 23, 50, 51, 82, 



104, 134, 135, 145, 151; 

Henry, son of John, of, 

24; Steeple, 104, 283 
Cleaver, William, jun. 283 
Cleves, Anne of 52, 57 
Clifford, lord, afterwards earl 

of Cumberland, 21 1 
Clifton, Catherine lady, 170; 

Gervase lord, ib. ; Raynes, 

Clinton, lord, 61, 02 
Cluncullan, 149 
Clyfford, Elena, 42 ; Thomas, 

Coape, Erasmus, 278, 280 
Coat and conduct money, 127, 

Cobham, George lord, 76, 77 
Coekshut, mr. 266 
Coke, sir Edward, 286 ; sir 

John, 124, 131, 250 
Colet, Christian, 41 ; sir 

Henry, ih.; dr. John, ih.; 

lady, ih. 
Collins, John, 180 
Compton, 50; lord, 107; 

Spencer lord, 180, 181 
Comptons, 39, 40 
Connaught, plantation of, 155, 

156, 158 
Conway, viscount, 133,271 
Conyers, sir John, 271 
Cook, Miles, 28 
Cooke, sir John, 282; dr. Wil- 
liam, 49 
Cork, Roger earl of, 124-126, 

Cornwall, Robert, 61 
Gotten, Richard, 278, 281 
CottcHlowe, 283 
Cottington, sir Francis, 107; 

lord, 140, 180 
Cotton, mr. 282 
Cottrcll, I'Jiziilmth. 1«2 

Courtenay, sir William, 72 
Courteney, Victor, 32 
Covenanters, see Scotland. 
Covent Garden, 172, 173 
Coventrj', lord keeper, 119, 

Coxtone, Anneys, 28 
Crane, John, 286 
Cranfield, Vincent, 275 
Craunford, Walter de, 24 
Craven, William lord, 189, 

Crawley, 279 
Crewe, Randall, 94 
Crindon, Long, 284 
Cristemasse, John, 27 
Croke, Alice, 4 6 ; sir John ,134 
Crook, mr. 275; John, 277 
Crowne, William, 170 
CroNvther, rev. John, 137, 

145, 147, 150-152, 173, 

174, 177, 198 
Croydon, 188 
Cuddington, 282, 284 
Culpeper, sir John, 224 ; sir 

Thomas, 269, 270 
Cunninghame, — , 256, 257 
Curson, sir Francis, 277, 280 
Cutlard, Elena, 42; William, 


Dale, John, 61 

Dalkeith, 210 

Dalzell [?], lord, 232, 233 

Dame, Anno, 39, 41 

Daniel, John, 61-72 

Danton, 39, 45, 50 

Danvers, Kcatrico, 13, 25 ; 

Henry, 13, 28; John, 36 
Daroll, sir Marmaduke, 286; 

l'aul,43, 45, 47, 54, 280 
D'AubiKny, George lord, 


Dayrell, Edmund, 283, 287; 

Thomas, ib. 
Deincourt, hon. Francis, 199; 

lady, ib. 
Denham, 57, 279; sir John, 

140, 141 
Denmark, king of, 32 
Dennis, Walter, 277-281 
Denton, Alexander, 136;' sir 
Alexander, 177, 199, 207, 
256, 274; John, 288; lady, 
177, 199, 207, 213, 218, 
262, 274 ; Margaret, 103, 

104, 137; sir Thomas, 103- 

105, 119, 120, 123, 124, 
126-129, 136, 143, 152, 
157, 277, 281, 291; dr. 
231, 235, 236, 242, 247, 
252, 253, 256, 257 

Deptford, 91 

Dethick, John, 61-71 

Devereux, sir Walter, 168, 169 

Deveryll, Mathew, 2S4, 287 

Devon, earl of, 63 

Digby , sir Evcrard, 277 ; John, 
122; sir Kenelm, 153, 285, 
287; lord, 103; lady Marj-, 
285,287; Venetia, lady, 153 

Dillon, Elizaboth, 148, 173 ; 
hon. James, 147, 148, 153- 
160, 166, 167, 171, 17:^ 

Disborowe, 2S6 

Ditton park, ib. 

Documents, see List of those 
published in this vol. p. xi 

Doddershall, 87, 285 

Donnyngton, 53, 79, 82 

Dormer, sir Fleetwood, 277, 
282, 288 ; sir John, 277, 
285; Robert, 284, 287; sir 
Robert, 8(i, 277, 281 

Dornoy, 286 



Dorrell, Paule, 278 
Dotchatt, 286 
Dourton, 285 
Doyleye, mr, 282 
Doylie, Robert, 280 
Drayton Beauchamp, 283 
Drew, Amy, 278, 280 
Drury-lane, 81, 102,105, 123, 

Duck, Thomas, 278, 280, 

Duckett, John, 281 
Dudley, sir Andrew, 60; Ed- 

mun^d lord, 60, 67; Henry, 

59-71 ; John, 80 ; John 

4thlord, 60, 67; Katherine, 

lady, ib. 
Dudley's conspiracy, 58-75 
Duffield, Alice, 286; Francis, 

278, 282; Knightly, 286 
Duke, Hugh, 41 
Dumbarton castle, 203, 210 
Duncket, John, 279 
Duncomb, Edmund, 278, 282 

lis; Frances, 278, 282 ; 

John, 278, 281 ; William, 

278, 282 
Duncombe, John, 121, 123, 

285 ; William, 283 
Dunfermline, Jord, 248, 249, 

Dunluce, lord, 237 
Dunselaw, 243 
Dunton, 283 
Durant, sir William, 49 
Durdaunt, W^illiam, 280 
Durham, 223, 225, 228, 230, 

231, 232, 234; Thomas 

Ruthall, bp. of, 34; Richard 

Neale, bp. of, 131, 133 
Dynton, 284, 285, 287 

East, mr. 187 ; Thomas, 279 

Easter taper, rent - charge 
granted to provide, 23 

Eden, Philip, 135 

Edesborough, 283 

Edgecote, 34 

Edinburgh, 156, 239, 253- 
255 ; castle, 203, 210 

Edmondes, sir Thomas, 1 24 

Edward IV., 30, 31 

Edward VI., 49, 55, 57, 80 

Edwards, George, 285, 287 

Edy, William, 22, 28 

Egelton, Christopher, 281 

Egerton, Thomas, 279 

Egleton, Christopher, 279,284 

Eles, John, 180 

Elizabeth of Bohemia, 189, 
190; Queen, 63, 75, 96 

Elmes, Elizabeth, 42 ; John, 
278, 281 

Emerton, 285 

Emson, Richard, 36 

Essex, earl of, 211, 226, 230, 
239, 250 ; Robert earl of, 
168, 169; Elizabeth lady, 
168, 169, 188 

Eure, hon. William, 215, 219- 
223, 232, 261, 262; Wil- 
liam second lord, 215 

Every, Symon, 283 

Ewer, Edward, 280 

Eyre, Thomas, 278, 280 

Fabian, John, 278, 280 

Fairfax, sir (ruy, 35 

Falkland, Henry lord, 199 

Farmer, John, 286 ; Thomas, 

Fauconere, Philip, 26 ; Tho- 
mas, 26 

Faukes, capt. 96, 97 

Feckenham, dean of St. Paul's, 

Fendall, Christopher, 279 ; 
William, 280 

Ferdinand, emperor of Ger- 
many, 170 

Field, John, 180 

Fifield, 139 

Finch, Henry, 280 

Fines, sir Henry, 149 

Fitchew, Robert, 280 

Fitz Williams, William, 38 

Fleet Marston, 4, 5, 22, 24, 
27, 38, 50, 95; conveyance 
of moiety of advowson , 5 

Fleetwood, sir George, 277 ; 
sir William, 105, 127, 128, 
277, 282, 284, 288 

Flushing, 258 

Folliott, lord, 166 

Fortescue, sir Francis, 277 ; 
Fraunces, 281 ; lady Grace, 
284 ; John, 283, 287 ; sir 
John, 170 ; sir William, 
285, 288 

Foster, sir Guy, 277, 281 

Fountaine, Joice, 284 

Frankishe, Anthony, 278, 281 

Freer, William, 180 

Friars' houses in London, a.d. 
1478, 26; at Aylesbury, ib. 

Fulmore, 286 

Fulrydey, 39, 40 

Fust, Edward, 258, 259 

Futter, capt. 192, 197 

Futters, the, 266 

Fyll, Robert, 32 

Fynch, Henry, 278 

Ganers, John, 42 
Gardner, Audrey, 79 ; Wil- 
liam, ib. 
Gare, John, 280 
Garland, mrs. 216 
Garnet's straw, 108 



Garr, John, 280 
Crarrard, sir William, 277 
Garrett, Thomas, 286 
Garsia, don Peter, 101 
Gavestone, Piers, 48 
Gawdy, Charles, 211 ; lady, 

Gayhurst, 285 
Gaynsford, Nicholas, 30 
Gerrard, sir Thomas, 122 
Gerrett, sir William, 282 
Giffard, capt. John. 96, 97; 

Osbert, 4 ; Philip, 96; capt. 

Richard, 99; Roger, 37 
Gifford, mr. 155 

Glanvile, , 99 

Gloucester, 156,160; Richard, 

duke of, 18-20 
Goare, John, 286 
Godwin, 152 
Goenian, Edward, 283 
Gonson, Benjamin, 91, 92; 

sir Robert, 279 
Goodwin, sir Francis, 105, 

119, 121, 122, 127, 128, 

277, 281 
Goold, Thomas, 28 
Gorhambury, 177, 205, 211, 

Goring, , 240; col. 171, 

192,271; George lord, 184, 

(iottenlmrgh, 174 
Gottes, nir. 153 
(trafonde, Anne, 83 
Graham, sir Richard, 105-107 
Grandcson, viscount, 131, 170, 

Grange, John, 284, 287 
Gravcsenil, 268 
Greennway, sir Anthony, 277, 

282, 283 
Oroenvile, Kdwnrd, 285, 288 
(Jrconwich, 150 

Grey, lord Arthur, 125 

Greyhounds, taking, for the 
king's sport, 180 

Grove, the, 284 

Gryndon, 285 

Guilford, sir Henry, 286, 288 

Gybbons, John, 180 

GyfFard, John, 51 ; George, 
24 ; sir George, 51 ; sir John, 
24 ; Nicholas, 51 ; Ralph, 
ib.; Roger, ib.; William, ih. 

Gygges, Richard, 93 

Gylpin of Woolston, 280 

Hackett, Roger, 279 

Hackney, 188 

Hackney-coaches, monopoly 
of, 231, 234; patent for re- 
gulating, 185, 206, 223, 
224, 228, 254, 255, 258, 
265, 266 

Hadnam, 282, 285, 288 

Hague, the, 176, 268 

Hagworthingham, AVilliam 
de, 24 

Hakewill, dr. George, 147, 

Halighwell, Jane, 52 

Hall, mr. 216, 226 

Halton, 284 

Ilambleden, 279 

Hamilton, marquis of, 185, 
186, 204, 231, 233, 237, 
245, 251 

Hampden, 284 ; sir Alex- 
ander, 277, 282; Christo- 
pher, 284; Elizabeth, 283; 
John, 120, 126,284, 287 

Hampton Court, 120 

Hanslapp, 285 

Harding, John, 180 

Hardmead, 285 

Hard wick, 139, 279 

Harris, mr. 282; Richard, 
279; Samuel, 180; Thomas, 
278, 281 

Harrison, sir Richard, 141 

Hart, John, 279 

Harte, Edward, 278, 280, 2|5 

Hartwell, 284 

Haselwode, Margaret, 35, 36; 
Thomas, 35 

Hastings, Frances, 78; John, 

Hatfield, 75, 76; Regis, 55 

Hath way, 291 

Hatton, John, 40 

Haubery, Richard, 277, 280 

Hawardyn, rev. Richard, 41 

Haydon, sir Henry, 35 

IIaynes,mr. 282; Symon,279 

Henrietta-Maria, queen, 256 

Henry, prince, 103, 135, 210 

Henry VII., 30, 31, 33, 52 

Henry VIII., 32, 33, 52 

Henry II. of France, 61, 62, 64 

Ilenslow, mrs. 171, 235 

Herbert, Edward, 219 

Hertford, 50; lord, 168 

Hertwell, Richard, 28 

Hertwelle, John 26 

Ileynes, Symon, 283, 288 

Highgate, 173 . 

Hill, , 227, 254; Ralph, 

180-182; William, 284,287 

Ilillcsdon, 103-105, 114, 120, 
136, 144, 199, 208, 209, 
215, 222, 261, 268, 274 

Hitcham, 266 

Hitchendon, 286 

Hoare, Thomas, 284 

Hobart, Anne, 149, 165; sir 
Henry, 149; J. 149; lady, 
24 9, 259 ; sir Miles, 66, 286 ; 
mrs. 191; Nance, 227, 242; 
Nathaniel, 149, 165, 173, 
187, 190, 191, 211, 216, 



227,229,231,235,249; sir 

Richard, 219; Thomas, 168 

Hoddesdon, sir Christofer,277, 

282; lady, 284 
Hodges, rev. William, 150 
Hofton, mr. 275 
Hoggeston, 50 
Hogson, 285 

Holland, lord, 235, 238-240, 
242, 243, 245, 250, 253, 
257, 258 
Holstoke, William, 91 
Honiwood, capt. 258 
Hopton, sir Ralph, 122 
Hordern, Richard, 55 
Horridge, 291 
Horsey, Edward, 61 ; Francis, 

Horton, 286 
Horwood magna, 279, 283; 

parva, 284 
Hounslow Heath, 129, 130 
House, Nicolas, 284 
Hovendon, dr. Robert, 278, 

Howard, lord, 200, 219, 221 
222; sir William, 110, 111 
Howell, Henry, 280 
Hewlett, Richard, 91; Wil 

liam, 284, 287. 
Huckett, 284 
Hull, 212 

Hungate, sir Henry, 259 
Huntley, marquis of, 204 
Hynnewes, Thomas, 61, 70 

Ingram, sir Arthur, 220 
Ipswich, 90, 92 
Ironson, Brian, 278, 280 
Isack, capt. 96, 97 
Isham, mrs. 261, 262 
Iver, 286 

Ivinghoe, 50, 282 bis, 283 
Iwardby, Elizabeth, 42; John, 
ib. ; Margery, ib. 50 

Kilpin, 282 ; Thomas, 285, 

Kimble magna, 284 
Kinge, John, 279; mr. 282 
Kingston, sir Anthony, 66 
Kinnoul, lord, 219 
Knight, John, 284 

Jakeman, John, 278, 280; 

Thomas, 278 
Jakke, John, 28 

James I. 100, 114, 135, 165, 
193, 194; endeavours to 
stop access of idle persons 
to court, 115; and to pre- 
vent people joining the royal 
hunt, 117; IV. of Scotland, 

Jansan, Bryan, 286 

Jaques, capt. 96, 97 

Jennings, Alexander, 284 

Jerman, , 166 

John, [servant to 1st sir Ralph 
Verney], 28 

Johnson, sir Robert, 281 

Johnsson, Thomas, 120 

Jones, Thomas, 47 

Justice, Richard, 43 

Juxon, William, bishop of 
London, 168, 184 

Ilmor, 134 

Impey, Joan, 16; John, ib. 

Inchiquin, lady Elizabeth, 1 67 ; 

lord, ib. 
Indulgence, 7 
Ingolsby, sir Richard, 277, 

282, 283 

Kelso, 243, 253, 256 
Kempe, Francis, 180; mr. 73 
Kendall, Christopher, 281 
Kerry, Thomas, 280 
Kiddermaster, Edmund, 278, 

281; sir John, 104, 286 
Killegrew, sir Peter, 233 
Killpyne, William, 285 

Lambert, John, 280; Mar- 
gery, 283 ; William, ib. 287 
Lamburne, John, 278 
Lampard, 283 
Lande, don Maria de, 113 
Lane, Thomas, 279, 281 
Langley, 4, 6, 33, 286; Adam, 
279, 281; Edmund de, 48; 
King's, 47; Marsh, 104, 137, 
Lapwynk, John, 28 
Lathbery, 285 
Lawrence, sir John, 286 
Lazar-houses near London, 

A.D. 1478, 26 
Lea, sir Thomas, 287 
Leake, Anne, 149; Dorothy, 
137, 149, 158, 165, 208, 
231, 237; Jaspar, 135; sir 
John, 125, 137, 149, 164 
Leborne, 283 
Leckhampsteed, 283 
Lee, 264, 284; Elenor, 177; 
Francis, 45 ; sir Francis 
Henry, 2nd bart. 258, 263- 

265, 293; , 4th bart. 

264; sir Henry, 1st bart. 

177, 277, 280; , K.G. 

263; , 3rd bart. 264; 

lady, ib.; Thomas, 121, 123, 
284; sir Thomas, 284 
Lees, mrs. 281 
Leicester, Robert Sydney, 2nd 

earl of, 249 
Leigh, Margery, 278 



Lenborow, 283 

Lenthall, sir John, 216, 223 

Lesley, Robin, 206, 219, 220, 
225, 231, 234, 237, 238, 
241, 242, 244-246 

Lewis, , 156 

Libb, Richard, 139-142 

Lifield, Thomas, 77 

Lillingstone, 283 

Linceladc, 283 

Lincohi, William Smith, bp. 
of, 41 

Linford, 279 

Lismore, 126 

Lister, Martin, 134, 135 

Little, Francis, 144 

Loftus, lord chancellor of Ire- 
land, 154 

Longuevile, sir Henry, 277, 

Loans, forced, papers relat- 
ing to, 118-129, 277-288; 
Hampden's payment, 120, 

Loughton, 286; hall, Essex, 
173, 188 

Lovett, sir Robert, 283 

Lowe, Rayncs, 278 

Lucas, nir, 258 

Lurgesall, 134 

Lydiard Tregoze, 263 

Lyeborn, Thomas, 134 

Madge, Richard, 280, 281 
Magdalen college, 150; hall, 

137, 144,151,188 
Maid'H Morton, 283 
Maior, Edmund, 278 his 
Mulct, Hir Robert, 5, 24 
ManclieHtcr, Henry earl of, 

Munfoild, sir Edward, 286; 

llcnry, 278, 286, 287 

Mansell, John, 281 

Mansfeild, , 282 

Margaret, queen of Scotland, 

Marlborough, James earl of, 

124, 128, 129, 131, 133, 

Marlow, Great, 286 
Marmaduke, [servant to sir 

Ralph Verncy], 28 
Marsh, 279 

Marsham, , 193 

Marshe, 282 

Marshgibbon, 283 

Marston, North, 55, 285 

Marsworth, 283 

Mary, princess, daughter of 

Henry VII. 34; queen, 55- 

58, 61-63, 73, 75, 79 
Maund, Symon, 278, 280 
Maunsell, John, 278 
Mawdelens, 40 
May, Thomas, 219 
Maj-field, 150 

Maynard,rev. John, 150; Wil- 
liam second lord, 183 
Mayne, mrs. 285 ; Symon, 278 ; 

William, 285 
Meade, Richard, 284 
Meaulys, sir Thomas, 153 
Medmenham, 286 
Mell, Robin, 126 
Meridalo, Susan, 283 
Mcrrydale, Laurens, 279 
Messina, 100, 101 
Middlesex, Lionel Cranfield, 

earl of, 275 
Midgeham, 139 
Mildcrnix, 91 
Milton, 279, 282 
Missenden, 128 ; Groat, 42, 

284, 293; Little, 286 
Mitfurd. 238 

Mompesson, sir Richard, 277, 

Moncke, Henr>-, 279 

Montague, lord, 48, 56 

Monteleo, duke dc. Ill 

Montgomery, Sherrington, 
278, 281; sir Thomas, 18- 

Moore, John, 284; sir Rich- 
ard, ib.; Thomas, ib. 

Moores, John, 278, 281 

Moreton, 284 

Morrj's, William, 46 

Mortlake, 49 

Morjs, Thomas, 38 

Mote Park, 259 

Muley Sidan, 96, 97 

Muresley, 18, 44, 45, 50, 79, 
82, 103, 104, 284 

Murray, William, 225 

Myldemay, sir Walter, 92 

Neave, mr, 153 
Nellsson, Richard, ISO 
Netherwitchingdon, 282 
Newcastle, 156, 212, 220, 223, 

227,229,232; letters from, 

233-241; carl of, 243, 24.H, 

Newman, Henry, 279 
Newmarket, 167 
Newport, 285 
Newton Blossomville, 147, 

Neyrnuit, sir John, 5, 24 
Nifholls, Francis, I'dii; Roger, 

285, 287 
Noailles, the ambassador, 61, 

Norfolk, duke of, 34 
Norkut, widow, 134 
Noruiun, John, 285 
North, sir John, 111 



Northampton, Spencer earl of, 

180-182, 271 
Norton, Bonham, 286 ; sir 

Gregory, ih. 288 

Oglethorpe, sir Owen, 277; 

sir William, 281 
Okeley, 281 
Olney, 285 
Oving, 284 

Owdry, Francis, 90-93 
Oxford, 137-139, 150, 152; 

Magdalen Hall, 167, 173 

Pagginton, sir John, 277, 281 

Palmer, George, 283 

Palmes, Francis, 257 

Parker, Mark, 285, 287 

Parmenter, Thomas, 36 

Parry, , 274 

Parsons, John, 279, 281 ; sir 
John, 286 ; sir William, 

Patafars, Mathew, 180 

Patte, Thomas, 278 

Paulet, Elizabeth, 168; John, 
lord, 198-200; sir William, 

Pawly, Richard, 284 

Paxton, William, 283 

Payge, Robert, 163 

Payne, Joan, 16; Walter, 16 

Peckham, Anne lady, 58 ; 
Dorothy, ib.; sir Edmund, 
57, 58, 67, 71; Henry, 
59-76 ; Mary, 58, 67 ; Ro- 
bert, 58, 67 

Pelham, lady, 277, 282 

Pembroke and Montgomery, 
earl of, lord chamberlain, 
205, 214, 219, 221, 222, 
247, 253, 257 

Peniston, sir John, 264 

Penley, (Herts.) 15, 16, 18, 
22, 37, 38, 40, 41, 45, 46, 
50, 52, 54, 78, 79, 80, 82, 
S3, 95 

Penn, 286, 287; mr. 282; 
William, 278, 286, 287 

Peper, John, 28 

Percy, , 251, 254 

Perryam, sir William, 277 

Perryn, father, 77 

Peter, servant of sir Edmund 
Verney, 211 

Peters, William, 279 

Peterborough, John earl of, 

Peterly, 284 

Peterson, sergeant, 288 

Peynter, John, 38 

Phillips, sir Edward, 104 ; lady 
Elizabeth, 56; Henry, ib.; 
sir Robert, 104 

Pickering, , 264 

Pigott, sir Christopher, 277, 
280; Edmund, 278, 281; 
Elena, 42; Elizabeth, ih.; 
Francis, 278, 280; George 
Grenville, 87 ; Richard, 
277, 281, 285, 287; Tho- 
mas, 42, 277, 282; Thomas 
the younger, 87 

Pilkington, Richard, 279 

Pim, John, 133, 134 ; Wil- 
liam, ib. 

Pirates, English, in the Medi- 
terranean, 98 

Pitcairn, , 110 

Pitchcombe, 3, 4 

Plantagenet, lady Margaret, 30 

Poitou, Arnaldus bishop of, 7 

Pole, cardinal, 30, 48; Edith, 
30, 31 ; Eleanor, ib.; sir 
Geoffrey, 30; lady Margaret, 
30, 31 ; sir Richard, ib. 48 

Polgreene, John, 186 

Pollard, sir John, 72 

Pollicott, Little, 285 

Pootes, , 282 

Poultney, John, 137, 152, 186; 
Magdalen, 187 ; Margaret, 
her marriage, 137; procures 
mr. Crowther a living, 147 ; 
becomes a widow, 177, 186; 
her suitors, 198-200 ; dis- 
closes that she has been 
privately married to a Ro- 
man Catholic, 213 ; grief 
and trouble it occasions, 
215, 261 ; letters about it, 
215-220; her letter to the 
lord chamberlain, 221 ; to 
Ralph Verney, 222 ; joins 
her husband, 261; state of 
his affairs, 262 

Powle, Davys, 91 

Polycote, William, 45 

Porter, Endymion, 107; Rich- 
ard, 278, 280 

Portland, Richard Weston, 
earl of, 158 

Portsmouth, 63, 69, 71, 113, 
114, 126 

Pratt, Gregory, 283 

Preston, Crowmarsh, 139 

Price, , 215 ; Charles, 


Prisons in London a.d. 1478, 

Proby, Henneage, 286 

Prymme, Thomas, 46 

Prynne, William, 157 

Puckering, William, 122 

Pulton, Ferdiiiando, 277, 281 

Pyking, Emme, 13; John, ib. 

Pyme, William, 285 

Pytcher, John, 279 

Pynchebek, Robert, 28 



Qiiainton, 42, 50, 53, 70, 82, 

94, t»5, 102, 279 
Quarendon, 263 

Rahy, 227 

Ragdale, Robert, 32 

Ralegh, , [brother to sir 

Edward Ralegh,] 28; sir 
Edward, 13, 27, 41 ; Joan, 
27; Margaret, 13,25, 27 

Ramsey, col. 132 

Ramus, Peter, 154 

Randall, Edward, 280 ; sir Ed- 
ward, 277, 280 

Randole, Edward, 279 

RandoU, Lionell, 284 ; Tho- 
mas, ib, 

Randwick, 3, 4 

Ranelagh, lord, 154 

Ratcliffe, sir George, 159, 1G6, 
188 ; sir Humphrey, 159 

Raunce, John, 278 

Raynslowes, , 281 

Read, dr. Alexander, 230 

Redding, Thomas, 279; Wil- 
liam, 279, 281 

Rede, Richard, 29; William, 

Redman, Thomas, 278 

Redraayne, Frances, 78; Tlio- 
ma«,t7(.; Thomas, the son,?6. 

Reeve, ,282; Samuel, 279 

Reyner, Alice, 27 

Reynold, John, 32 

Reynolds, Louis, 49 ; Mary, il/. ; 
Roger, 61 

Rhodes, John, 208; William, 

Ricardynes, 50, 79 

Rice, William, 284 

Rich, sir Thomas, 153 

Riclinionil, Esmc duke of. 

170; Margaret countess of, 
30, 31,52; palace of, 33 

Right, William, 278 

Risborowe, 282; Monks', 279, 
284 ; Prince's, ib. 

Risslie, Paule, 277, 282 

Rivenhall, 183 

Roads, William, 180, 181, 

Rochester, Henry earl of, 171, 

Rogers, mrs. 235 

Rolle, mr. 223 

Rolls, the master of, 133 

Roman Catholics, order to 
disarm them, 119 

Roscommon, Robert lord Dil- 
lon, afterwards 2nd earl of, 
147; Wentworth Dillon, 
lord, 148 

Rossey, William, 65, 71, 76 

Rothes, lord, 250 

Roxburgh, lord, 2^7 

Rufferd, William, 278 

Rufford, 188 

Russell, John, 122; William 
lord, afterwards 5th earl of 
Bedford, 150, 159, 170 

Rythe, Richard, 61 

Ryton, 232 

Sackville, sir Richard, 92 

Sadler, John, 160 

Sailcloth, manufacture, intro- 
duction of into England, 90 

St. Andrew, king's ship, 163 

St. Barbe, Charles, 102; Mary, 
81; Ursula, 83, 102; Wil- 
liam, 81, 82 

St. Bartholomew's, London, 

St. Dunstan's in the West, 93 

St. Frideswiile, Oxford, 32 

St. John, Edith, 30, 31; sir 

John, 263, 264; lord, 219; 

Margaret, 30; Oliver, 30, 31 
St. Leger, Elizabeth, 167; sir 

William, ib. 
St. Martin's Pomary, 12, 24, 

St. Paul's school, 41 
St. Peter the Poor, Broad - 

street, 38 
St. Peter's eve, rejoicings on, 

St. Quentin, battle of, 75, 76 
St. Ravie, sir William, 263 
St. Stephen, Walbrook, 38 
St. Thomas Acres, house of, 

Salden, 18, 40, 44, 45, 50, 

283, 284 
Salford, Richard, 10 
Salisbury, earl of, 131, 250; 

Margaret countess of, 30, 31 
Salter, sir Edward, 286; Wil- 
liam, 278 
Saneto Andrea, Walter dc, 24 
Sanders, John, 285; widow, 

134; William, jun. 180; 

sen. ib. 
Sandes, sir Edwin, 277, 280; 

Mary, 278 
Sandcy, Richard, 279 

Sandilands, ,110 

Sands, sir William, 52 
Sankyo, Thomas, 280, 281 
Saunders, John, 278, 281; 

Richard, 45, 46, 278, 280, 

281, 285; Robert, 278 
Saunds, mr. 282 
Sawrje, Anthony. 278, 280 
Snyc, lord, 229, 230 
Scheibler, Christopher, 154 
Scotland, rise of ecclesiastical 

troubles there, 2(i0 ; the 

king's imposition of canons 



and common prayer, 202 ; 
people abolish episcopacy 
and enter into a covenant, 
204 ; seize the royal castles 
and prepare for defence, 
210, 212; address letters to 
earl of Essex, 226 ; their 
desires, 231 ; number and 
movements of their army, 
232-253 ; petition for a 
treaty, 245, 249; are heard, 
250; peace concluded, 254 

Scudamore, sir Philip, 277, 281 

Seare, John, 279 

Selby, 213, 232 

Serjaunt, William, 278 his; 
jun. 281 

Serjeant, Kichard, 284 

Shabington, 285, 287 

Shenley, 285 

Shepheard, J. 282 

Sheppard, Baldwin, 278, 281 ; 
Isake, 279, 280; William, 
278, 280 

Sherborne, Henry, 122 

Shore, , 41 ; Richard, ih. 

Shrewsbury, Francis, 5th earl 
of, 56, 74 

Silvester, John, 28 

Simpson, John, 78 

Simpton, 286 

Smerwick hawks, 124, 125 

Smith, capt, 96; Francis, 282; 
Richard, 279; Robert, 283 
his, 287 

Smithe, , 282 ; Ralphe, 

279; Richard, 281 

Soldiers, billeting of, 132-134 

Somerset, John duke of, 
30, 31; Margaret duchess 
of, 30 

Southampton, 64 

Spain, visit of prince Charles 
to that country, 107; ad- 

ventures of his household, 

Sparham, 81 
Stafford, Thomas, 285 
Standeley, Ralph, 47 
Stanley, sir Edward, 153 
Staunton, William, 61, 70, 

Stede, William, 38 
Stephenson, Robert, 279 
Steventon, 139 
Steward, dr. 280; Symon, 

Stile, Thomas, 286, 287 
Stiles, Oliver, 284 
Stirling Castle, 203 
Stockholm, 174 
Stoke, 286 
Stone, 39, 45, 50 
Stowe, 283 
Strafford, lord, 148, 155, 159, 

166, 167, 171, 173, 187, 

188, 200, 204, 229, 239, 

Suckling, sir John, 275 
Suffolk, Charles duke of, 34, 

49; Edmund de la Pole, 

earl of, 47 
Sugar, Thomas, 153 
Sulbury, 283 

Sumner, Thomas, 285, 287 
Surrey, Thomas earl of, 33 
Sussex, Edward earl of, 159, 

177 ; Elenor countess of, 

177, 205, 206, 211, 261, 

263-265, 275 
Sutton, 42 ; de Dudley, 60 ; 

Richard, 41 
Swaddon, dr. 282; William, 

Swallowiield, 91 , 92 
Swanbourne, 42, 50, 88, 284 
Swarford, 47 

Sydenham, sir Edward, 173; 
2 R 

mrs. 165, 256; Nedd, 211, 
215, 220, 231, 242 
Syred, Henry, 284 

Tailer, capt. 96 

Takal, Robert, 134 

Talbot, Anne, 56 

Talajus, Audomar, 154 

Taplow, 279, 282, 286, 287 

Tasborough, Thomas, 86 

Taylor, Thomas, 278, 281 

Temple, mistress Anne, 188 ; 
sir John, 105,249,252; sir 
Peter, 283; sir Thomas, 119, 
277, 282 

Terringham, sir Anthony, 277 ; 
Thomas, 278 

Territt, Robin, 258 

Tewkesbury, 37 ; battle of, 18, 

Thame, Thomas, 10 

Theed, John, 283 

Thornton, 283 

Throgmorton, sir George, 277, 
281; John, 60-70; sir Ni- 
cholas, 60; Raphell, 278, 
281 ; Robert, 285, 288 ; 
Thomas, 277, 280 

Tickford, 286 

Tipping, Bartholomew, 279, 

Tirhitt, Robert, 183 

Tirringham, sir Anthony, 281 ; 
mr. 282; sir Thomas, 119, 
120, 128, 292 

Tobacco, patent for garbling, 

Tomlins, Richard, 291 

Tompson, James, 281 

Tomson, James, 279 

Tothill, William, 286, 287 

Tottenhoe, 285 

Tottle, William, 278, 281 



Touse, Obert, 14 

Trained bands, inspection of, 

by the king, 12y 
Traquair, earl of, lord treasurer 

ofScotland, 210, 211,232 
Tredwell, Edward, 134 
Tremaine, Nicholas, 61 
Trench, Charles, 275 
Tring, 43, 46, 50 
Trowghton, Richard, 278 
Turbervile, John, 122 
Turner, Edward, 70; John, 

Turney, Barnard, 283 
Turnor, John, 281 
Turnour, Edward, 61, 71 
Turville, , sir Edmund's 

niece, 219; Geoffrey, 81; 

Mary, ih.; Robin, 231, 258, 

Turweston, 283 
Twiford, 283 
Twissell, 242 
Tyrrell, sir Edward, 105, 119, 

277, 281 
Tyrringham, Edward, 258 ; 

John, 228, 239 
Tyrringhame, 259 

Upton, 286 

Urlinn, John, 278, 281 

Usher, abp. 147 

Uvedale, Nan, 171 ; Richard, 

61-76; sir William, 61, 168- 

170, 188, 242 

Vulentia, lord, 158 
Vandyke, 104, 274 
Vane, sir Henry, 228, 245, 

250, 270 
Vuughun, lord. 107, 111 
Vavarour, sir Thoman, 122 

Verney, origin of the name, 2 ; 
Amabella, 4; Anna Maria, 
160, 176; Anne, 39, 41; 
Anne, wife of 3rd sir Ralph, 
42-44, U, 81 ; Audrey, 79, 
80, 81, 93, 94; Avis, 44- 
46,50; Beatrice, 13; Gary, 
135;Cecilia, 39, 41;Cecill, 
46; Dorothy, 58; Dorothy, 
wife of John, son of the 2nd 
sir Ralph, 49; 

, the 1st sir Edmund, 

78-86; portrait of, 85; 

, the 2nd sir Ed- 
mund, birth, 81; in house- 
hold of prince Henry, 103; 
knighted, ih. ; marriage, 
ih.; gent, of privy chamber 
to prince Charles, 105 ; 
journey to Spain, 107-113; 
returned to parliament, 114; 
appointed knight marshal, 
122; gratuities and pensions 
from Charles I. 122, 123, 
135; his patent for garbling 
tobacco, 135, 184, 185; at- 
tended the king to Scotland 
in 1633, 156; his patent for 
regulating hackney coaches, 
185, 223, 265; summoned 
to attend the king to York, 
205; letters from York, 210- 
227; from Durham, 228- 
232; from Newcastle, 232- 
241 ; from the camp near 
Berwick, 241-259; births 
of his children, 105, 114, 

• , Edmund, son of 2nd 

sir Edmund, birth, 105; 
at school at Gloucester, 137, 
156, and at Winchester, 
16(1; entered of Mng.lalen 
Hall, Oxford, 167, 188;goes 

to live with mr. Crowther, 
173; thence to Hillesdon, 
174; goes to the Scottish 
border, 208, 232, 247; let- 
ters from thence, 213, 237; 
goes to Flanders. 268-273; 
, Edmund, eldest son 

of the 4th sir Ralph, 57-59, 
&Q, 67, 72-74, 76-78, 94; 
Edmund, son of Ralph, 
173, 176, 274; Edmund, 
son of Urian, 208 ; Ed- 
ward de, 6; Eleanor, d. of 
3rd sir Ralph, 44; Eleanor, 
wife of 2nd sir Ralph, 
30-32, 34, 42, 48, 49, 
84; Elizabeth, wife of 3rd 
sir Ralph, 42, 43, 44 ; 
Elizabeth, wife of 4th sir 
Ralph, 51, 53, 54, 56, 67, 
84,85; Elizabeth, d. of 2nd 
sir Edmund, 157; Enime, 
13, 25, 28, 29; Frances, 
d. of 4th sir Ralph, 53 ; 
Frances, wife of 1st sir Ed- 
mund, 78; Francis, 44, 50; 
Francis, 4th son of the 4th 
sir Ralph, 59, (jQ, 67, 72, 
74, 78, 103; 

, sir Francis, birth, 79; 

marriage, S3; endeavours to 
set aside his father's settle- 
ment, 93; sells his estates, 
95 ; goes to Africa, ib. ; 
dies, 101; portrait, i7(.; 

, Henry, son of 2nd 

sir Edmund, birth, 105; 
sent to Paris, 160; his cha- 
racter, 175; serves with the 
Dutch, ih.\ at the siege of 
Breda, 190; in garrison 
there, 267 ; 

, John, A.I). 1508, .38; 

John, sun of 2nd sir Ed- 



mund, 105; John, son of 
Ralph, 177; John, 2nd son 
of sir John, 39-41; John, 
son of the 2nd sir Ralph, 
43, 46-49; John, 2nd son 
of the 4th sir Ralph, 78; 
sir John, son of sir Ralph, 
the lord mayor, 13, 18-22, 
34-38; Johnde[A.D. 1229], 
4; John de [son of Ro- 
bert], 6; John de [grandson 
of Robert], ib.; John de 
[great grandson of Robert], 
ib.; Katherine, d. of 3rd sir 
Ralph, 44; Margaret, d. of 
1st sir Ralph, 13; Marga- 
ret, wife of sir John, 17- 
21, 34-36, 38, 39, 41, 80, 
81, 84; Margaret, d. of 2nd 
sir Edmund, 105, 262,263; 
Margaret [a.d. 1640], d. of 
Ralph, 177, 200; Margaret, 
wife of the 2nd sir Edmund, 
103, 105, 113, 142-144, 
158, 160, 162, 171, 186, 
190, 196, 208, 221, 222, 
227, 255, 258, 259, 262; 
Margery, 42, 50; Mary, d. 
of 2nd sir Ralph, 49; Mary, 
d. of 2nd sir Edmund, 135; 
Mary, wife of Ralph, son of 
2nd sir Edmund, 142-144, 
147, 158, 160, 163-165, 
208, 213, 215, 216, 220, 
227, 238, 246, 249, 252, 
255, 261, 262,274; Mary, 
wife of the 1st sir Ed- 
mund, 81-83, 104, 137, 
153, 172, 208, 214, 242, 
258; Penelope, 105; 

, the 1st sir Ralph 

[the lord mayor], 6, 12- 
29; his will, 24 ; the 2nd 
sir Ralph, 13, 25, 28, 29, 

34, 39-41, 43, 46-50, 84; 
the 3rd sir Ralph, 39- 
47, 50, 81; his will, 44; 
the 4th sir Ralph, 46, 50- 
55, 67, 78, 80. 84, 85; 
Ralph, son of the 4th sir 
Ralph, 53,78, 95; 

, Ralph, son of 2nd 

sir Edmund, birth, 105 ; 
great preserver of his let- 
ters, 136 ; at Magdalen 
hall, Oxford, 137; his mar- 
riage, 137-146 ; notes of 
his correspondence, 150- 
160, 165-171, 187-190; 
births of his children, 160, 
173, 176, 177; his occupa- 
tion, ib.; his conduct on 
Mrs. Pulteney's disclosure 
of her marriage, 214; anx- 
iety for his father's safety, 
235 ; his account of sir 
Harry Lee's will, 264 ; 

, Ralph, son of Ralph, 

177; Ralph de [1216-23], 
3, 4 ; Ralph de [son of 
Edward], 6; Ralph de [son 
of John, A.D. 1229], 5 ; 
Ranulph de, 4 ; Richard, 
46, 135; Richard, son of 
4th sir Ralph, 78; Robert, 
son of sir John, 39-55 ; 
Robert, grandson of the 
2d sir Ralph, 49 ; Robert 
de, 3, 5 ; Susanna, 105, 

, Thomas, son of 2d 

sir Edmund, birth 105, at 
school at Gloucester 137, 
156, goes to Virginia as a 
settler 160-163, goes to sea 
163, to Flanders 164, to 
France ib., to Sweden 174, 
at Claydon ib., returns to 

London 191, goes to Bar- 
badoes 192, his account of 
that island 192-196, his 
wants there 197, sir Ed- 
mund's letter to him 266; 
, Urian, son of 4th sir 

Ralph, 78, 95, 96, 208 ; 
Ursula, 83, 101 ; William 
de, 6; Master William de, 3 
Veyn, Richard de, 3 
Villiers, sir Edward, 170 
Virginia, 160, 163 

Wac, Agnes, 4 

Waddesden, 279 

Wake, Thomas, 283 

Wallcott, Thomas, 280 

Waller, Anne, 286; Edmund, 
179, 180 ; Thomas, 279, 
282, 286, 288 

Walmer, William, 180 

Walsingham, secretary, 102 

Walton, 285, 287 

Wansford, William, 22 

Wanstead, 34 

Ward, mr. 254 ; capt. John, 99 

Warde, , 259 

Warwick, earl of, 192, 266, 

Washington, Laurence, 283, 
287; Thomas, 112 

Wasing, 139 

Watchin, John, 101 

Waterhouse, John, 278, 280 ; 
mr. 106 

Watkins, sir David, 286 

Watts, Thomas, 46 

Wavendon, 285, 287 

Webb, , 156, 234; Eras- 
mus, 279, 282 

Webster, William, 163 

AVeedon, 283; James, 180 

AVeild, the, 284 



Welle, George, 285, 287 

Wells, John, 280 

Weiidover, 284 

Wentwoorthe, Ellenn, 278 

Wentworth, OTc/« Strafford; 
Elizabeth, 148, 173 ; sir 
George, 15S; Thomas, 122 

Wentworthe, nirs. 281 

West, Edmund, 277, 281 

Westburj', 283, 235, 291 

Westlington, 45 

Westminster, Feckenham, ab- 
bot of, 76 ; John, abbot of, 

Weston, 284, 285, 287; Anne, 
42 ; Edmund, ih. ; sir 
Francis, ih.; sir Richard, 
iJ,. 43, 47, 124 

Wetherhede, Alice, 28 

Weymouth, 112 

Whaddon chase, lieutenancy 
of, 105, 106 

Wheare, Degorie, 154 

Wheeler, sir Edmund, 286 

Whitchurch, 60, 283 

White, John, 28 ; Thomas, 

Whitehall, 124, 131-133,205 

Whitfield, William, 278, 280, 
281,285,287; clerk, 278 

Whittiiigham, Alice, 15 ; 
Agnes, 10; Catherine, 17; 
John, 16 ; Margaret, 17; 
monument, 80, 84; Rich- 
ard, 10, 35. 36 ; Robert, 
14, 15; sir Robert, 16,37; 

the 2nd sir Robert, 16-21, 
37, SO; William, 16 
Wicklow, 155 
Widmore, Richard, 286 
Wigg, Thomas, 284 
Wigginton, 50 

Wight, Isleof, 63,69, 71,104 
Wilkinson, rev. Henry, 173; 

Henry, 279 
William, prince of Orange, 

Williams, Robert, 278, 280 
Willin, 287 

Willmott, sir Arthur, 286 
WiUoughby, Robert, 278, 280; 

sir W'illiam, 277 
WiUyn, 285 
Wilmot, lord, 155 

W^ilson, , 246 

Wimbledon, Edward lord, 

Wincall, mr. 94 
Winch, Edward, ISO 
Winehcomb, Bennett, 278, 

281, 282 
AVinchestcr, bishop of, 34 ; 

College, 160, 167; marquis 

of, 92 
Winckfield, mr. 168 
Windebank, P'rancis, 182 
Wingrave, 282, 283, 291 
Winter, John, 134 
Winwood, lady, 286 
Wiseman, Charles, 139, 140, 

142; mrs. Mary, 142-144; 

sir Thomas, 183 

Woad, bond for the deliver>- 
of, 14 

Wolsey, cardinal, 34 

Wolson, 285 

Wondon, 41 

Wood, Anthony, 148 

Woodward, Edward, 278 

Woolh.impton, 139 

Woollen yam, patent for seal- 
ing, 186 

Worcester, earl of, 34 ; Ed- 
ward earl of, 124 

Wortley, Elenor, 177; sir 
Richard, ih. 

Wright, William, 280 

Wryght, , 41 

Wycombe, 32 ; Great, 236 ; 
High or Chipping, 00, 178, 
179 ; feoffees of impropria- 
tions augment the incomf 
of the vicar, 179; churcli 

Wyngar, John, 38 

Wynne, sir Richard, 112 

Wynter, William, 91 

Wynwood, lady, 287 

Yono, Marg.iret, 32 

Yonge, mr. John, 33 

York, 205. 207, 211, 216- 
218,223,227; queen Eliza- 
beth of, 30, 31,37,42, 43 

Young, sir Richard, 153 

Zouch, sir Edwnnl, 122 

r*bols .inil Sons, Printers, 2?, Pr.rliam*»n» Stroet. 





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