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THE    LETTERS    OF    CICERO 
TO    ATTICUS. 


Camhriligc 

PRINTED    BY   C.    J.    CLAY   M.A.    AND   SONS 
AT   THE    UNIVEKSITY    PRESS 


C5684€paP 

THE 


LETTERS     OF    CICERO 
TO    ATTICUS. 


BOOK    I. 

WITH    NOTES   AND   AN    ESSAY    ON    THE    CHARACTEK 
OF    THE    AUTHOR. 


EDITED   BY 

ALFRED    PRETOR,    M.A., 

(late  of  trinity  college), 

fellow  of  st  catharine's  college,  cambridge. 


REVISED  EDITION  OF   1S82. 

©ambriljge : 
DEIGHTON,    BELL,    AND    CO. 

LONDON:    G.   BELL  AND   SONS. 
189I 


PREFACE. 

The  following  text  has  been  formed  by  a  careful 
comparison  of  the  editions  of  Schiitz,  Ernesti, 
Klotz,  Nobbe  and  Boot.  In  some  of  the  more 
important  letters  I  am  indebted  likewise  to  Mat- 
thiae  and  the  more  recent  edition  of  Mr  Watson. 
In  respect  to  the  notes,  if  in  any  case  I  have 
borrowed  without  an  acknowledgment,  I  have 
done  so  only  when  it  was  impossible  to  verify 
the  actual  author  from  the  many  who  had  adopted 
his  results  at  second-hand.  For  the  arrangement 
of  the  letters  I  should  much  have  preferred  the 
chronological  order  of  Schiitz,  but,  though  indis- 
pensable if  the  edition  had  been  a  complete  one, 
it  would  have  been  of  little  real  advantage  in 
editing  a  fragment  like  the  present. 

My  best  thanks  are  due  to  Mr  W,  W.  Radcliffe, 
Fellow  of  King's  College,  for  his  kindness  in  un- 
dertaking to  revise  the  sheets  for  the  Press. 


vi  PREFACE. 

One  word  in  conclusion  on  the  vexed  ques- 
tion of  translations.  If  a  schoolboy  is  sufficiently- 
advanced  to  be  reading  Cicero's  Letters,  he  is  past 
the  stage  at  which  his  scholarship  will  be  injured 
by  a  bad  translation,  while  his  style  may  gain 
much  from  a  good  one.  Accordingly  for  the 
amount  of  translation  contained  in  the  notes  I 
offer  no  apology :  for  its  shortcomings  as  a  trans- 
lation, many. 

It  is  also  my  hope  that  the  more  continuous 
passages  may  be  found  available  for  teaching 
Latin  Prose  by  the  only  sure  method,  that  of 
retranslation. 


St  Catharine's  College, 
January,   1873. 


ON   THE   CHARACTER    OF   CICERO. 


A  biography  of  Cicero  is  no  desideratum, 
when  such  authorities  on  the  subject  as 
Mommsen,  Merivale  and  Forsyth  are  acces- 
sible to  every  schoolboy:  but  on  the  ques- 
tion of  his  character,  there  seems  as  little 
prospect  as  ever  of  a  unanimous  verdict,  and, 
while  this  is  so,  an  editor  can  scarcely  do 
otherwise  than  range  himself  with  one  or 
other  of  the  two  contending  parties.  My 
own  opinion,  formed  at  school  under  circum- 
stances and  teaching  the  least  likely  to  foster 
it,  that  Cicero's  character  is  a  weak  and  a 
selfish  one,  has  only  been  confirmed  by  a 
more  careful  study  of  his  works:  nor  can  I 
read  the  panegyrics  which  have  been  lavished 
upon  him  without  a  real  feeling  of  surprise 
that  such  scanty  materials  should  have  been 
found  sufficient  for  the  construction  of  this 
gigantic  idol.  In  their  judgment  of  this  one 
man,  his  critics  have  tacitly  ignored  the  ordi- 
nary canons  by  which  men  measure  goodness, 
justice  and  the  like,  and,  in  their  desire  to 
do  him  honour,  have  invented  an  arbitrary 
interpretation  for  the  most  negative  and  com- 
monplace characteristics.  Words  and  actions 
the  most  trivial  and  the  most  unfrequent 
are  thrown  out  in  strong  relief,  and  quoted 
triumphantly   in   support   of    his   character : 


viii  ON   THE   CHARACTER 

while  glimpses  of  affection  for  a  son,  a  daugh- 
ter, or  a  friend, — sufficiently  rare  if  we  consider 
the  circumstances,  and,  if  they  were  twice  as 
numerous,  still  not  peculiar  to  Cicero, — are 
appealed  to  as  evincing  extraordinary  good- 
ness of  heart.  In  a  word,  on  the  strength  of 
a  few  isolated  passages  we  are  required  to 
silence  what  I  venture  to  say  is,  in  nine 
cases  out  of  ten,  the  primary  conviction  of 
the  reader,  that  these  are  the  records  of  a 
man  who  in  his  private  relations  was  vain, 
selfish  and  unaffectionate,  and  in  his  public 
life  a  weak  and  unprincipled  time-server. 

Neither  can  I  give  in  my  adherence  to  a 
dictum  often  quoted  by  his  admirers,  that 
so  large  a  correspondence  as  that  left  by 
Cicero  is  a  hard  test  by  which  to  regulate 
our  judgment  of  a  man's  life  and  character. 
The  question  is  at  all  events  a  debateable 
one,  even  as  regards  his  public  life,  for  many 
an  act  of  political  scheming  might  gain  rather 
than  lose  by  an  insight  into  the  motives 
which  actuated  it.  That  Cicero's  politics 
rarely  do  gain  by  the  light  thus  thrown  upon 
them,  is,  I  take  it,  strong  testimony  that  the 
motives  which  inspired  them  were  unworthy 
rather  than  the  reverse,  ambitious  and  self- 
interested  rather  than  pure  and  patriotic. 
On  the  other  hand  I  am  certain  that  to  a 
man  of  ordinary  goodness  and  kindness  of 
heart,  the  loss,  if  any,  to  his  political  repu- 
tation by  the  publication  of  his  private  cor- 
respondence would  be  more  than  counter- 
balanced by  the  pleasant  kindly  traits  of 
character  which  could  hardly  fail  to  betray 
themselves  in  his  moments  of  unreserve.  This 
test  I  shall  presently  apply  to  our  author, 
with  what  results  I  leave  the  reader  to  de- 
termine. 


OF   CICERO.  ix 

Of  actual  immorality,  nothing,  in  so  far 
as  I  know,  can  be  proved  against  Cicero,  a 
fact  which  I  should  be  tempted-  to  ascribe  in 
some  measure  to  the  want  of  force  in  his 
character,  whether  for  good  or  evil.  More 
probably  it  arose  from  a  regard  for  his  own 
dignity,  and,  if  so,  it  is  the  most  praise- 
worthy product  of  that  self-love  which  meets 
us  at  every  turn  in  his  character. 

It  cannot  at  any  rate  have  been  due  to 
principle  or  conscientiousness  on  his  part, 
when  we  see  the  easy  terms  on  which  he 
could  temporize  with  vice  in  others,  and 
how  eagerly  he  coveted  the  friendship  of 
men  the  most  profligate  and  the  most  un- 
scrupulous \  thereby  affording  an  indirect 
encouragement  to  vice  for  which  even  his 
warmest  admirers  must  hold  him  responsible. 
To  account  for  the  contrary  view,  which  till 
quite  recently  has  held  its  ground,  I  can 
only  suggest  the  force  of  tradition,  and  the 
sympathy  which  is  so  naturally  excited  in 
his  favour  by  the  malice  of  his  enemies  and 
his  untimely  death. 

But  it  is  time  to  proceed  to  more  direct  m^z-omicai 
charges,  amongst  which  let  me  notice  in  the  '""""''^^''^ 
first  place  the  count  of  political  immorality ; 
by  which  I  am  far  from  implying  that  we 
shall  detect  him  in  any  flagrant  act  of  crimi- 
nality, such  as  now  and  again  proves  a  fatal 
blemish  to  an  otherwise  fair  reputation.  For 
instance,  though  lavish  in  his  expenditure 
to  a  fault,  he  was  not  avaricious,  and  in  the 
case  of  his  provincial  administration  his  con- 
duct appears  to  have  been  in  marked  contrast 
with  the  extortionate  proceedings  of  most  of 

^  In  addition  to  tlie  more  flagrant  case  of  Antonius  this  is 
also  true  of  his  relations  with  Crassus  {ad  Alt.  1. 14.  4),Clodius 
(adAti.  II.  I.  5),  and  others  of  the  same  class  {ad  Ait.  i.  19.  8). 


X  ON   THE   CHARACTER 

the  Roman  officials.  But,  granting  this,  he 
had  yet  nothing  of  the  high  principle  which 
was  so  conspicuous  in  Cato  and  Catulus,  to 
keep  him  straight  amidst  a  mass  of  conflicting 
interests,  and,  as  a  consequence,  he  was  per- 
petually betrayed  into  a  time-serving  policy 
utterly  unworthy  of  himself  and  most  preju- 
asshew-nby  dicial  to  his  influence  for  good.  Nothing 
in  the /n-  illustrates  this  fact  more  clearly  than  his 
al'jius,"'^  conduct  throughout  the  Clodian  prosecution. 
Having  set  the  matter  in  motion  he  is  alarmed 
the  next  moment  at  the  probable  conse- 
quences, and  would  gladly  have  compromised 
it,  had  compromise  been  possible.  Failing 
which,  he  drops  quietly  out  of  the  case,  and 
leaves  the  real  work  of  the  prosecution  to  be 
undertaken  by  Cato,  Cornificius  and  others, 
himself  the  while  looking  on.  It  is  useless 
for  Abeken  to  plead  in  his  defence  that  'he 
could  not  take  in  a  case  at  once,'  when  we 
have  his  own  express  statement  that  his 
conduct  was  the  result  of  premeditation'. 
More  than  this  he  appreciated,  no  one  better, 
the  real  crises  of  the  prosecution,  to  the  first 
of  which  he  alludes  in  a  passage  of  the 
fourteenth  letter^,  while  on  the  second  and  far 
more  important  occasion,  when  Hortensius 
proposed  his  scheme  for  the  reconstitution  of 
the  court^,  Cicero  kept  a  resolute  silence,  though 
taking  credit  to  himself  for  having  foreseen 

^  Cf.  ad  Alt.  I.  13.  3  nosmet  ipsi,  qrii  Lycio-gei  a  priticipio 
fiiissemus^  quotidie  dcmitiganiin-. 

^  ad  Att.  I.  14.  5  tabcllae  ministrabantur  ita  ut  nulla  dare- 
tur  UTI  ROCAS.  Hie  tibi  rostra  Cato  advolat,  conziciutn  Pisoni 
considi  mirificnm  facit :  si  id  est  convicium,  vox  plena  gravi- 
talis,  plena  auctoritatis,  plena  deniqiie  salutis. 

*  ad  Att.  I.  16.  2  posteaqitam  vei-o  Hortensius  excogitavit  ut 

legem  de  religione  Fiifiiis  trilmnus  plebis ferret contraxi  vela 

perspiciens  inopiani  iiidieum,  neqtie  dixi  qnidqiiam  pro  testi- 
monio,  nisi  quod  erat  ita  notum  atque  testatum  tit  non  possem 
praeterire. 


OF   CICERO.  XI 

from  the  first  its  fatal  tendency.  It  is  scarcely 
too  much  to  say  that  a  bold  speech  at  this 
moment  in  defence  of  the  original  measure 
would  have  altered  his  own  future,  and  per- 
haps even  the  future  of  Rome.  But  instead 
of  this  he  temporized  with  every  party  in 
turn,  till  the  case  had  slipped  out  of  his 
hands  :  immediately  after  which  he  launched 
out  into  idle  invective,  every  word  of  which 
made  him  an  enemy  for  life,  while  it  was 
utterly  ineffective  in  recovering  the  confi- 
dence of  his  friends. 

In  this  case  at  any  rate  it  was  not  from 
a  want  of  prescience  that   he  erred — for  he 
foresaw   the  issue:    nor  yet  from  a  want  of 
courage — for  he  was  courageous  enough  when 
courage  was  useless:  but  simply  and  solely 
from  a  want  of  principle.     Having  no  high 
standard  of  right  to  which  to  refer  his  actions 
he  cringed  to  each  party  in  succession,  till  he 
had  so  tied  his  hands  with  conflicting  obliga- 
tions that  he  could  only  sit  down  in  silence 
and  see  the  maze  unravel  itself  by  agencies 
over  which  he  had  lost  the  control.     And  the  in  the  case 
story  repeats  itself  in  the  case  of  the  knights  ^„Lr^ 
of  Asia  and  the  bribery  commissions  \  on  both  Xhe"?^^',^;- 
of  which  occasions  the  conduct  of  Cato  is  in  cfuiu-s  aud 
splendid  contrast  with  his  own,  and  again  in  cltulna, 
the  trials  of  Macer^  Catilina'  and  Antonius',  S«.«'!' 
all  of  which  are  so   many  additional  proofs 
that  interest   and   not   principle  formed  the 
standard  of  his  actions. 

'  ad  Att.  II.  t.  8  quid  verius  quant  in  iudicium  venire, 
qui  ob  rem  iudicandam  pecuniatfi  accepent  ?  censuit  hoc  Cato : 
assensii  setiatus.  cquitcs  curiae  bellum,  non  viihi:  nam  ego 
dissensi.  quid  impudentius  publico nis  renuntiantibus?  fuit 
tamen,  retinendi  ordinis  causa,  facienda  iactura.  restitit  et 
pervicit  Cato. 

2  ad  Att.  I.  4.  1.  2  ad  Att.  I.  i.  r. 

•*  ad  Att.  I.  12.  2. 


xii  ox   THE   CHARACTER 

Neither  can  it  be  said  that  he  was  averse 
to  bribes,  when  offered  in  the  shape  of  office*, 
for  of  money  and  houses  he  had  enough  and 
to  spare.  His  shortcomings  on  this  head 
have,  I  know,  been  excused  on  the  ground  of 
precedent  and  the  usage  of  the  times:  another 
plea  with  which  I  have  but  httle  sympathy, 
for  the  times  were  not  so  destitute  of  good 
examples  as  it  is  the  fashion  to  suppose: 
while,  if  he  is  to  justify  the  praise  of  his  ad- 
mirers, he  must  be  proved  to  have  led,  rather 
than  to  have  followed,  the  multitude. 

May  I  take  it  for  granted  that  the  above 
examples  have  at  any  rate  proved  this  fact, 
that  Cicero  was  unscrupulous  in  the  use  of  his 
means?  The  question  follows,  what  was  the 
ultimate  aim  and  object  for  which  he  was 
content  to  sacrifice  honour  and  self-respect? 
His  immediate  object  in  dropping  the  Clodian 
prosecution  was  unquestionably  and  by  his 
own  admission^  to  prevent  at  any  cost  the 
disunion  of  the  optimates  and  the  collapse  of 
the  existing  government.  We  have  therefore 
only  to  determine  whether  his  ulterior  motive 
was  a  patriotic  or  a  self-interested  one. 
Self-interest  Taking  as  I  do  the  worse  view  of  his  cha- 
prrndpie'^of  ractcr,  my  object  will  be  to  prove,  if  possible, 
his  life,  ^-j-j^t;  \-yQ  foresaw  throughout  the  doom  of  the 
existing  administration  and  appreciated  its 
worthlessness  and  corruption,  yet  continued 
notwithstanding  to  give  it  his  most  unquali- 
fied support  for  two  reasons,  (i)  because  he  con- 
sidered it  the  best  field  for  the  display  of  his 
powers,  and  (ii)  because  he  wanted  time  to 
forecast  the  future  and  to  shape  his  own 
conduct  accordingly.  This  view  of  his  cha- 
racter, which  is    as  old  as  the  time  of   Dio 

1  ad  Att.  II.  i8.  3,  and  again  ii.  5.  2. 
'^adAtt.  II.  I.  8. 


OF   CICERO.  xiii 

Cassius\  is  in  part  adopted  by  Mr  Merivale  in 
the  preface  to  his  Life  of  Cicero,  from  which 
I  may  be  pardoned  for  quoting  the  following 
passage:  'It  is  humiliating  to  the  pretensions 
of  human  genius,  but  it  not  the  less  becomes 
us  to  acknowledge  it,  that  after  all  his  efforts 
to  purge  his  mental  vision  of  the  films  of 
prejudice,  Cicero  was  blind  to  the  real  fact, 
that  his  devotion  to  the  commonwealth  was 
grounded  not  so  much  upon  his  conviction  of 
its  actual  merits,  as  of  its  fitness  for  the  dis- 
play of  his  own  abilities.' 

Of  the  correctness  of  the  above  view  the 
following  I  think  are  proofs : 

(i)     His sclf-cons:ratidatioii'  at  the  increase  ^  ^^.^"'" 

r  1    •  1        •  r  1  r    •  1  ^      ,        by  his  own 

of  his  own  popularity  from  the  failure  of  the  statement, 
Clodian  prosecution,  a  miscarriage  of  justice 
which  in  the  next  letter  but  one  he  recognises 
as  the  death-blow  of  the  commonwealth^ 

(ii)  His  conduct  in  exile,  which  is  to  me  ^v '^'.^  «^°"- 
inexplicable  except  on  the  one  supposition 
that  he  had  been  throughout  his  life  working 
for  himself  and  not  for  his  country,  and,  as 
in  the  days  of  his  prosperity  he  had  thought 
and  spoken  of  the  republic  only  in  reference 
to  himself  and  his  consulship,  so  when  his 
reverses  came  upon  him  his  concern  for  its 
dissolution  was  swallowed  up  in  a  purely  self- 
ish sorrow  for  himself  and  his  losses. 

(iii)     His  fj'icndship  zvitJi  Poinpeius,  in  con-  ^",<^  \y  '^'^ 

•  •    1  1   ■    1  1       11       1  11  relations 

nection  with  which  we  shall   do  well   to   re-  with  Pon- 
member    the    foUowinsf  facts  : — that   it   was  ^'^'"^' 


^  Dio  Cass.  XXXVI.  25,  a  passasje  of  which  Mr  Merivale 
gives  the  following  translation:  '[Cicero]  was  a  mere  time- 
server  and  passed  now  to  one  side  now  to  the  other  in  order  to 
curry  favour  alternately  with  each.'  There  is  nothing  more 
extraordinary  than  the  deliberate  way  in  which  the  verdict  of 
antiquity  on  Cicero's  character  has  been  habitually  ignored. 

^  ad  An.  r.  16.  II. 

^  ad  Alt.  I.  16.  6,  and  again  I.  18.  3. 


xiv  ox   THE   CHARACTER 

closely  preceded  by  the  bitterest  enmity  to- 
wards him:  that  it  had  its  origin  in  a  period 
when  even  the  least  practised  eye  must  have 
seen  that  no  one  man  could  any  longer  save 
the  republic,  and  that  Cicero  acknowledges 
the  fact  in  the  very  letters  in  which  he  con- 
gratulates himself  on  having  secured  Pompeius 
as  his  patron:  that  he  was  clearly  heartbroken 
at  the  downfall  of  this  friend  \  yet  was  at  the 
same  time  able  to  use  the  most  temperate 
language  over  the  ruin  of  the  commonwealth^ 
nay  even  to  congratulate  himself  that  the 
claims  of  Pompeius  with  posterity  would  no 
longer  outweigh  his  own  I  In  a  word,  I  cannot 
believe  that  he  was  induced  to  court  Pompeius 
in  preference  to  Caesar,  or  Cato,  or  Clodius, 
by  any  motive  except  self-interest  and  a  mis- 
taken idea  that  he  was  the  man  of  the  future, 
for  he  knew  his  character*  and  his  aims^ 
while  of  faith  in  his  political  professions,  under 
cover  of  which  the  alliance  between  them  was 
formed,  Cicero  by  his  own  admission  had 
little  or  none.  Even  Abeken  admits  that  the 
conduct  of  Pompeius  'ought  to  have  opened 
the  eyes  of  every  unprejudiced  person,'  while, 
as  regards  his  own  motives,  Cicero  is  suffi- 
ciently explicit  in  the  following  passages : 
'sed  iaviai,  qnoiiiam  ista  sunt  infinna,  niunitur 
quacdmn  nobis  ad  rctincndas  opes  nostras  titta, 
lit  spero,  via,  quani  tibi  litteris  satis  explicare 
non  possinn;  significatione  parva  ostcndani  ta- 
vien.  ntor  Povipcio  faviiliarissinie  (I.  17.  10), 
and  again:  piitavi  milii  maiores  quasdam  opes 


1  ad  Alt.  II.  21.  3. 

'  ad  Alt.  u.  21.  2.  and  II.  9  i  festive,  niihi  crede,  et  minore 
sonitu  quani  putaram  orbis  hie  in  reptiblica  est  conversus, 
^  ad  Att.  II.  17,  1. 

*  ad  Ait.  I.  13.  4,  ajid  again  I.  20.  2. 
^  ad  Att.  II.  17.  I. 


OF   CICERO.  XV 

et  firmiora  praesidia  esse  quaerenda  (l.  19.  7), 
and  again :  si  vcro  quae  de  me  pacta  sunt  ea 
11071  servautur,  in  caelo  sum,  ut  sciat  hie  noster 
Hierosofymarius  traductor  ad  plebcm  quam 
bonam  mcis  putissimis  orationibus  gratiani 
retulerit  (ll.  9.  i). 

Supposing  the  above  to  be  a  true  expla- 
nation of  his  conduct,  then  the  one  fatal  mis- 
take of  his  life  was  made  when  he  swore 
allegiance  to  Pompeius  instead  of  to  Caesar: 
a  mistake  which  must  have  cost  him  many- 
pangs  as  he  dallied  in  turn  with  the  offer  of 
of  a  legation  (ll.  18.  3)  and  an  augurship  (ll. 
5.  2)\with  the  dread  before  his  eyes  of  what 
posterity  six  hundred  years  later  would  say 
if  he  adventured  this  last  and  most  shameless 
transfer  of  his  allegiance  (II.  5.  i). 

On   his  incapacity  as    a   statesman  there  His  in- 
is  little  need  to  dwell  at  length,  for  the  fact  aTtatesman 
is  generally  admitted,  and  some  of  its  more  hisC^n^V 
prominent   features    have  already  been   inci->''"'^''''' 

1  11       Ml  1  1   •  r  .    .  his  want 

dentally  illustrated,  e.  g.  his  want  01  prevision  of  tact, 
in  the  selection  of  Pompeius  as  the  man  of 
the  future,  and  his   want  of  tact   in   the  use- 
less   exasperation    of   a  triumphant  foe.     Of  hiszWow- 
his  inconsistency  in  politics  the  present  book  "^'^"^■^'' 
supplies  us  with  two  striking  examples  :  the 
first  in  the  case  of  the  Clodian  trial,  when  to 
the  announcement  of  his  own  irresolution  he 
appends  the  remarkable  words,  '  In  a  word,  I 
am  afraid  that  this  outrage  neglected  by  the 
well  disposed  and  upheld  by  the  vicious  will 
prove  a  fertile  source  of  disasters  to  the  state:' 
the  next  when  he  comments  with  great  bit- 
terness   on    the    collapse    of  a  bribery  bill^ 
totally  ignoring  the  fact  that  it  was  owing  to 

^  quo  qiiidem  ujio  ab  istis  cafi  fossttm. 

^  ad  Att.  I.    ]8.    3  facto  senatus  considto  de  ambitii,    de 
iudkiis :  nulla  lex poiata. 


xvi  ON   THE   CHARACTER 

his  own  determined  opposition  that  the  mea- 
sure in  question  had  never  become  law. 
and  his  But   it    is  to    his    indecision,    which    was 

III  e.uioit.    ^^j^j^  j^jj^  ^l^g  j.^^^  rather  than  the  exception, 

that  his  failure  as  a  politician  is  mainly  to  be 
attributed.  In  the  suppression  of  the  Cati- 
linarian  conspiracy,  to  which  his  friends  so 
triumphantly  appeal,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
bear  in  mind  two  facts,  (i)  that  it  happened 
at  an  early  stage  of  his  political  career  when 
his  interests  were  less  conflicting,  and  his 
path  consequently  more  clear :  (2)  that  we 
have  after  all  little  else  than  his  own  account 
of  the  transaction,  for  the  speeches  of  Crassus 
and  Pompeius  and  his  other  admirers  in  the 
senate  are  so  clearly  self-interested  as  to  be 
almost  grotesque  in  their  extravagance  and 
utterly  worthless  as  evidence.  But,  in  what- 
ever light  we  may  regard  his  services  on  this 
particular  occasion,  the  fact  remains  the  same, 
that  his  politics  as  a  rule  were  characterised 
by  habitual  indecision — the  result,  it  may  be, 
of  natural  weakness  of  character  bewildered  by 
the  conflicting  interests  of  a  selfish  ambition 
— and  it  was  this  more  than  anything  else 
which  alienated  his  friends  and  in  the  end  left 
him  in  almost  total  isolation.  Whatever  his 
ultimate  object  may  have  been,  it  is  at  any 
rate  certain  that  he  had  never  formed  a  defi- 
nite plan  for  its  attainment,  and  having  no 
policy  he  had  soon  as  a  consequence  no 
party.  The  men  of  action  on  the  other  hand, 
as  for  instance  Caesar  and  Pompeius,  were 
daily  adding  to  the  number  of  their  followers. 
Even  Cato  the  most  uncompromising,  and 
Clodius  the  most  unprincipled,  of  men  were 
not  without  their  partisans.  Cicero  alone  had 
no  adherents  on  whom  he  could  rely,  though 
at  the  outset  of  his  political  career  numbers 


OF   CICERO.  xvii 

were  unquestionably  predisposed  in  his  favour 
by  the  popularity  of  his  cause.  But  this 
promise  was  soon  belied,  and  they  left  him 
to  strengthen  other  factions  when  all  clue 
to  his  conduct  was  lost  in  a  maze  of  in- 
consistency and  vacillation.  Reactions  it  is 
true  at  times  took  place  in  his  favour,  [con- 
ciirsus  or  rallymgs  is  his  own  expression),  ac- 
cording as  he  gave  glimpses  of  a  more  manly 
and  straightforward  policy,  but,  often  as  these 
were  repeated,  I  cannot  accept  them  as  evi- 
dence that  he  had  secured  any  lasting  hold 
on  the  affections  even  of  a  iew.  In  every 
single  instance  we  can  trace,  I  think,  the 
signs  of  a  momentary  admiration,  oftener  still 
of  interested  motives,  but  never  a  symptom 
of  that  steady  unwavering  confidence  by  which 
alone  a  man  of  Cicero's  temperament  could 
have  been  nerved  for  any  sustained  effort. 

A    friendly    critic^    has    summed    up    the  nu vanUv 
character  of  Cicero  in  these  words  :  '  Nor  can  «"j-i  m  hts' 
we  wonder,  however  much  we  may  lament  it,  {^[timi's^  wlih 
that  in  times  so  corrupt  as  these  even  Cicero  Atticusanu 
should    not  have  been    altogether   free  from  " 
prevalent  errors  and  defects.     His  early  con- 
nection with   Catilina   has    been   already  no- 
ticed, and  the  compact  not  less  discreditable 
which    existed    apparently  between  him  and 
Antonius,    as    likewise    his    defence    of    that 
worthless   man  who  had   committed  such  il- 
legal acts  in  Macedonia.     We  are   surprised 
also  at  the  lukewarmness  he  at  first'^  (!)  mani- 
fested in  the  case  of  Clodius  :  nor  finally  can 
we  fail  to  be  struck  with  the  conscious  pride 
and    satisfaction,   deserving   no   better   name 

^  Alieken. 

^  The  note  of  admiration  is  my  own.  I  iiave  already  quoted 
the  words  of  Cicero :  '  nosmet  ipsi,  qui  Lycurgei  a  principio 
fuissemus,  quotidie  demitigamur.' 

P.  C.  2 


xviii  OX   THE   CHARACTER 

than  vanity,  which  obtrudes  itself  upon  us  in 
many  passages  of  his  letters.' 

With  the  criticism  so  far  I  am  of  course 
altogether  agreed,  for  the  bitterest  enemy  of 
Cicero  could  not  have  summed  up  his  political 
offences  in  a  more  brief  and  telling  catalogue. 
But  to  the  defence  which  the  writer  proceeds 
to  set  up,  if  defence  it  can  be  called,  I  take  the 
strongest  possible  exception.  '  On  the  other 
hand  (he  says)  our  reprobation  of  these 
failings  is  in  a  great  measure  softened  by  the 
candour  and  freedom  with  which  he  discusses 
all  his  concerns  with  his  friend.' 

Even  if  the  assumption  be  true  on  which 
our  allowance  is  claimed,  the  claim  at  any 
rate  is  inadmissible  in  Cicero's  case,  whose 
egotism  is  not  of  a  character  to  be  excused 
on  these  grounds.  When  I  see  how  entirely 
his  correspondence  with  Atticus  is  leavened 
with  vanity,  far  from  finding  any  excuse  in 
the  fact,  I  can  only  argue  how  deeply  the 
vice  must  have  been  engrained  in  his  nature 
when  it  finds  expression  in  his  letters  to  a 
most  intimate  friend,  the  very  last  place  in  the 
world  where  one  would  expect  it  to  appear. 
For  in  the  intercourse  with  a  friend,  who 
knows  your  every  thought,  self-assertion 
should  naturally  find  no  place,  and  it  is  in- 
veterate vanity  indeed  that  will  still  declare 
itself  when  the  motive  for  so  doing  has  ceased 
to  exist.  On  the  other  hand,  if  a  man  has 
any  unselfishness  in  his  disposition  it  will 
nowhere  more  certainly  appear  than  in  a 
familiar  correspondence  of  this  kind.  Un- 
fortunately the  passages  in  which  Cicero 
shows  a  really  disinterested  affection  as  dis- 
tinct from  the  merely  formal  compliments  in 
use  between  acquaintances  are  wonderfully 
few  and   far  between.     Else  why  quote  iso- 


OF   CICERO.  xix 

lated  examples,  as  his  admirers  do,  of  a 
feeling  which,  to  be  worth  anything,  ought  to 
constitute  the  tone  of  the  entire  correspond- 
ence ?  For  instance,  the  editors  are  loud  in 
their  praise  of  his  affection  for  his  brother  and 
his  daughter,  and  of  the  sorrow  he  displays 
at  the  death  of  an  intimate  companion.  But 
surely  there  is  nothing  specially  characteristic 
of  Cicero  in  these  feelings,  which  we  may 
fairly  assume  to  have  been  not  altogether  un- 
known to  men  like  Catilina  and  Clodius. 

On  the  other  hand  there  are  at  least  three 
passages^  in  this  book  alone,  in  which  such 
a  feeling  is  only  conspicuous  by  its  absence; 
and,  even  when  these  have  been  explained 
away,  the  whole  tone  of  the  letters  is  self- 
ish still.  Nine  tenths  of  the  book  are  occu- 
pied with  himself  and  his  own  concerns. 
With  the  exception  of  Atticus,  no  one,  save 
the  two  or  three  persons  to  whom  I  have 
already  alluded,  is  mentioned  with  any  de- 
gree of  interest,  and  in  the  management  of 
the  one  important  concern  with  which  he  had 
been  entrusted  by  Atticus  he  is  dilatory  and 
neglectful,  and  at  last  dismisses  it  from  his 
mind  with  an  unsympathising  comment  ^ 
And  as  regards  affection  for  his  friend,  I  can 
see  little  signs  of  it  beyond  the  usual  stereo- 
typed commonplaces  :  and  that  Atticus  felt 
the  omission  is  plain  from  the  very  remark- 
able passage  at  the  commencement  of  Ep. 
XVII.,  which,  so  far  from  being  an  honest 
exhibition  of  feeling,  is  no  better  than  a  vote 
of  confidence  delivered  at  the  pressing  re- 
quest of  his  friend.     (Cf.  §  7  of  the  letter  in 

^  Ep.  VI.   2  if  we  accept  the  reading  decessit,  Ep.   XI.  i, 
and  Ep.  xvii.  7. 

2  sedhaec  aut  sanabuntur  qiuim  veneris^  ant  ei  molesla  erunt 
in  utro  culpa  erit. 

2 — 2 


XX  ox   THE   CHARACTER 

question.)  But  the  most  significant  fact  of 
all  is  that  throughout  these  sixteen  books  of 
letters  we  are  kept  in  almost  total  ignorance 
of  Atticus  and  his  concerns.  I  should  scarce- 
ly have  thought  it  possible  to  write  four  let- 
ters, much  less  four  hundred,  to  a'  friend  in 
whom  one  was  deeply  interested,  without  in- 
troducing questions  and  allusions  which  would 
have  enabled  the  reader  in  some  degree  to  pic- 
ture to  himself  his  occupation  and  habits.  On 
the  part  of  Atticus  at  any  rate  there  was  no 
such  want  of  sympathy,  as  may  be  gathered 
from  the  pointed  questions  in  reference  to 
his  friend's  doings,  which  are  noticed  and 
answered  by  Cicero  in  almost  every  letter. 
But  on  the  other  side  there  is  certainly  no 
response  of  sympathy.  The  allusions  of 
Cicero  to  his  friend's  occupations  are  of  the 
most  meagre  and  unsatisfactory  kind,  shuffled 
as  a  rule  into  three  or  four  lines  at  the  end 
of  a  letter,  and  \\  ithal  so  devoid  of  interest 
that  to  the  end  of  the  chapter  Atticus  is  little 
else  to  the  reader  than  an  epistolary  dummy, 
on  which  are  hung  the  trophies  of  Cicero's 
life.  If  this  view  of  his  character  be  the  cor- 
rect one,  we  are  at  no  loss  to  account  for 
his  own  statement,  that,  with  the  exception 
of  Atticus,  he  had  no  real  friend.  And  in 
this  lay  one  of  the  great  secrets  of  his  weak- 
ness, for  it  is  most  certain  that  no  man  ever 
needed  them  more.  Cicero  was  not  one  who 
could  mark  out  his  path  and  pursue  it  inde- 
pendently of  counsel  and  advice.  Even  in 
these  letters  we  see  at  every  turn  the  child- 
like reliance  he  places  on  the  discretion  and 
foresight  of  Atticus,  and  can  gather  that  his 
was  beyond  question  a  character  which  the 
devotion  of  a  few   true  friends   might   have 


OF   CICERO.  xxi 

strengthened  to  do  great  things,  and  which, 
for  lack  of  them,  was  in  its  political  aspect 

Failure,  crowning   failure,  failure  from  end  to  end. 


One  word  in  conclusion  on  the  aim  of  the 
foregoing  pages.  .  To  have  attempted  to 
prove  my  point  by  an  examination  in  detail 
of  Cicero's  life  and  writings  would  have  been 
clearly  beyond  the  scope  of  the  present 
edition,  which  deals  with  a  fragment  only  of 
his  works.  It  would  also  have  been  foreign 
to  my  purpose,  which  was  not  so  much  to 
supplement  and  rearrange  the  existing  ma- 
terials, as  to  modify  if  possible  the  conclu- 
sions which  are  usually  drawn  from  them,  as 
they  are  already  supplied  to  us  by  the  author 
himself  and  by  any  one  of  his  numerous 
biographers.  Cases  in  which  he  sacrificed 
truth  and  honesty  to  the  interests  of  a  party, 
or  of  an  individual,  could  be  multiplied  out 
of  the  letters  ad  infinitum,  but  to  what  end  .-' 
The  few  I  have  selected  as  typical  from  the 
present  book  will  prove  as  conclusively  as 
a  thousand  that  in  his  eyes  morality  was 
secondary  to  expedience :  and,  if  the  plan  of 
this  edition  has  prevented  me  from  noticing 
some  points  which  might  have  told  in  his 
favour,  it  has  at  least  prevented  me  from  dwel- 
ling on  that  portion  of  his  life,  which  is  of  all 
others  the  one  most  difficult  to  be  excused 
or  palliated,  I  mean  his  relations  with  Caesar 
and  his  unseemly  exultation  at  his  death. 
In  this,  as  in  the  other  crises  of  his  life,  the 
difficulties  of  his  position  may  be  allowed  to 
extenuate  his  failings,  but  not  to  exalt  his 


xxii     ox  THE  CHARACTER  OF  CICERO. 

failings  into  virtues  :  and  what  I  most  earn- 
estly desire  to  combat  is  the  special  pleading 
of  Abeken  and  others,  which,  while  it  admits 
that  he  was  a  vain  and  immoral  statesman, 
can  yet  attempt  to  excuse  all  this  on  the 
shallowest  of  pleas  and  to  elevate  him  anew 
to  the  position  of  a  hero  and  a  patriot.  For 
myself,  with  the  exception  of  his  mar\'ellous 
powers  as  an  orator  and  writer,  I  can,  I  con- 
fess, see  little  in  our  author  to  command  our 
admiration  or  respect. 


I. 

{Romae.      Cotta,   Torqiiato  coss.  689.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.    Petitionis  nostrae,  quam  tibi  summae  curae 
esse  scio,  huius  modi  ratio  est,  quod  adhuc  coniec- 
tura  provided  possit.     prensat  unus  P.  Galba.   sine 
fuco  ac  fallaciis,  more  maiorum,  negatur.    ut  opinio 
est  hominum,  non  aliena  rationi  nostrae  fuit  illius 
haec   praepropera  prensatio.     nam  illi  ita  negant 
vulgo,  ut  mihi  se  debere  dicant.    ita  quiddam  spero 
nobis   profici,    quum    hoc    percrebrescit,    plurimos 
nostros  amicos  inveniri.     nos  autem  initium  pren- 
sandi    facere   cogitaramus    eo    ipso    tempore,    quo 
tuum    puerum    cum    his    litteris  proficisci   Cincius 
dicebat,   in  campo,    comitiis    tribuniciis,   a.  d.    XVI 
Kalend.  Sext.     competitores,  qui  certi    esse  vide- 
antur,  Galba  et  Antonius  et  Q.   Cornificius.     puto 
te  in  hoc  aut  risisse  aut  ingemuisse.     ut  frontem 
ferias,  sunt  qui  etiam  Caesonium  putent.    Aquilium 
non  arbitramur,  qui  denegat  et  iuravit  morbum  et 
illud  suura  regnum  iudiciale  opposuit.     Catilina,  si 
iudicatum  erit  meridie  non  lucere,  certus  erit  com- 
petitor,    de   Auli    filio    et    Palicano    non    puto   te 
exspectare  dum  scribam.      2.    de  iis,  qui  nunc  pe- 
tunt,  Caesar  certus  putatur.     Thermus  cum  Silano 
contendere  existimatur:  qui  sic  inopes  et  ab  amicis 
et  existimatione  sunt,  ut  mihi  videatur  non  esse 
tihvvarov  Curium  obducere.     scd   hoc  praeter    me 


2  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

nemini  vicletur.  nostris  rationibus  maxime  condu- 
cere  videtur  Thermum  fieri  cum  Caesare.  nemo 
est  enim  ex  iis,  qui  nunc  petunt,  qui  si  in  nostrum 
annum  reciderit  firmior  candidatus  fore  videatur, 
propterea  quod  curator  est  viae  Flaminiae,  quae 
tunc  erit  absoluta.  fsane  facile  et  libenter  eum  cum 
Caesare  consulem  factum  viderim.  petitorum  haec 
est  adhuc  informata  cogitatio.  nos  in  omni  munere 
candidatorio  fungendo  summam  adhibebimus  dili- 
gentiam  et  fortasse,  quoniam  videtur  in  suffragiis 
multum  posse  Gallia,  quum  Romae  a  iudiciis  forum 
refrixerit,  excurremus  mense  Septembri  legati  ad 
Pisonem,  ut  lanuario  revertamur.  quum  perspexero 
voluntates  nobilium,  scribam  ad  te.  caetera  spero 
prolixa  esse,  his  dumtaxat  urbanis  competitoribus. 
illam  manum  tu  mihi  cura  ut  praestes,  quoniam 
propius  abes,  Pompeii,  nostri  amici.  nega  me  ei 
iratum  fore,  si  ad  mea  comitia  non  venerit.  atque 
haec  huius  modi  sunt.  •  3.  sed  est  quod  abs  te 
mihi  ignosci  pervelim.  Caecilius,  avunculus  tuus,  a 
P.  Vario  quum  magna  pecunia  fraudaretur,  agere 
coepit  cum  eius  fratre  A.  Caninio  Satrio  de  iis 
rebus,  quas  eum  dolo  malo  mancipio -accepisse  de 
Vario  diceret.  una  agebant  caeteri  creditores,  In 
quibus  erat  Lucullus  et  P.  Scipio  et  is,  quem  pu- 
tabant  magistrum  fore,  si  bona  venirent,  L.  Pontius, 
verum  hoc  ridiculum  est  de  magistro  nunc  cog- 
noscere.  rogavit  me  Caecilius,  ut  adessem  contra 
Satrium.  dies  fere  nullus  est  quin  hie  Satrius 
domum  meam  ventitet.  observat  L.  Domitium 
maxime :  me  habet  proximum.  fuit  et  mihi  et 
O.  fratri  magno  usui  in  nostris  petitionibus.  4.  sane 
sum  perturbatus  quum    ipsius   Satrii  familiaritate 


LIB.  I.  EP.  I,  2.  3 

turn  Domitii,  in  quo  uno  maxime  ambitio  nostra 
^y''  '  nititur.  demonstravi  haec  Caecilio :  simul  et  illud. 
/  ^  .  ostendi,  si  ipse  unus  cum  illo  uno  contenderet,  me 
y/AZc  *,  61  satis  facturum  fuisse :  nunc  m  causa  universorum 
creditorum,  hominum  praesertim  amplissimorum, 
qui  sine  eo,  quern  Caecilius  suo  nomine  perhiberet, 
facile  communem  causam  sustinerent,  aequum  esse 
eum  et  officio  meo  consulere  et  tempori,  durius 
accipere  hoc  mihi  visus  est  quam  vellem  et  quam 
homines  belli  solent  et  postea  prorsus  ab  insti- 
tuta  nostra  paucorum  dierum  consuetudine  longe 
refugit.  abs  te  peto,  ut  mihi  hoc  ignoscas  et  me 
existimes  humanitate  esse  prohibitum,  ne  contra 
amici  summam  existimationem  miserrimo  eius 
tempore  venirem,  quum  is  omnia  sua  studia  et 
officia  in  me  contulisset.  quod  si  voles  in  me  esse 
durior,  ambitionem  mihi  putabis  obstitisse.  ego 
autem  arbitror,  etiam  si  id  sit,  mihi  ignoscen- 
dum  esse  :  eVel  oxjy^  leptjiov  ovSe  ^oelrjv.  vides  enim 
in  quo  cursu  simus  et  quam  omnes  gratias  non 
modo  retinendas  verum  etiam  acquirendas  pute- 
mus.  spero  tibi  me  causam  probasse  :  cupio  quidem 
certe.  5.  Hermathena  tua  valde  me  delectat  et 
posita  ita  belle  est  ut  totum  gymnasium  eius 
dvdOTjfia  esse  videatur.     multum  te  amamus. 

II. 

[lioviac.    Cotta,  Torqiiato  coss.  689.) 
Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  L.  lulio  Caesare  C.  Marcio  Figulo  consulibus 
filiolo  me  auctum  scito  salva  Tercntia.     abs  te  tarn 


4  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

diu  nihil  litterarum  ?  ego  de  meis  ad  te  rationibus 
scripsi  antea  diligenter.  hoc  tempore  Catilinam, 
competitorem  nostrum,  defendere  cogitamus.  iu- 
dices  habemus,  quos  volumus,  summa  accusatoris 
voluntate.  spero,  si  absolutus  erit,  coniunctiorem 
ilium  nobis  fore  in  ratione  petitionis:  sin  aliter 
acciderit,  humaniter  feremus.  2.  tuo  adventu  nobis 
opus  est  maturo:  nam  prorsus  summa  hominum  est 
opinio  tuos  familiares,  nobiles  homines,  adversarios 
nostro  honori  fore,  ad  eorum  voluntatem  mihi 
conciliandam  maximo  te  mihi  usui  fore  video,  qua 
re  lanuario  ineunte,  ut  constituisti,  cura  ut  Romae 
sis. 

III. 

{Romac.     Cotta,  Torqiiato  coss.  689.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Aviam  tuam  scito  desiderio  tui  mortuam 
esse  et  simul  quod  verita  sit  ne  Latinae  in  officio  non 
manerent  et  in  montem  Albanum  hostias  non  ad- 
ducerent.  eius  rei  consolationem  ad  te  L.  Saufeium 
missurum  esse  arbitror.  2.  nos  hie  te  ad  mensem 
lanuarium  exspectamus:  ex  quodam  rumore  an  ex 
litteris  tuis  ad  alios  missis  .-'  nam  ad  me  de  eo  nihil 
scripsisti.  signa,  quae  nobis  curasti,  ea  sunt  ad 
Caietam  exposita.  nos  ea  non  vidimus:  neque 
enim  exeundi  Roma  potestas  nobis  fuit.  misimus 
qui  pro  vectura  solveret.  te  multum  amamus,  quod 
ea  abs  te  diligenter  parvoque  curata  sunt.  3.  quod 
ad  me  saepe  scripsisti  de  nostro  amico  placando, 
feci  et  expertus  sum  omnia,  sed  mirandum  in  mo- 
Gum  est  animo  abalienato:  quibus  de  suspicionibus, 


LIB.  I.  EP.  3,  4.  5 

etsi  audisse  te  arbitror,  tamen  ex  me  quum  veneris 
cognosces,  Sallustium  praesentem  restituere  in  eius 
veterem  gratiam  non  potui.  hoc  ad  te  scripsi,  quod 
is  me  accusare  de  te  solebat.  in  se  expertus  est 
ilium  esse  minus  exorabilem,  meum  studium  nee 
tibi  defuisse.     Tulliolam  C.  Pisoni  L.  F.  Frugi  de- 

o 

spondimus. 

IV. 

{Romae.     Lcpido,  Tullo  coss.  688.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Crebras  exspectationes  nobis  tui  commoves. 
nuper  quidem,  quum  iam  te  adventare  arbitrare- 
mur,  repente  abs  te  in  mensem  Quintilem  reiecti 
sumus.  nunc  vero  censeo,  quod  commodo  tuo 
facere  poteris,  venias  ad  id  tempus  quod  scribis. 
obieris  Quinti  fratris  comitia,  nos  longo  intervallo 
viseris,  Acutilianam  controversiam  transegeris.  hoc 
me  etiam  Peducaeus  ut  ad  te  scriberem  admonuit : 
putamus  enim  utile  esse  te  aliquando  iam  rem  trans- 
igere.  mea  intercessio  et  est  et  fuit  parata.  2.  nos 
hie  incredibili  ac  singulari  populi  voluntate  de  C. 
Macro  transegimus.  cui  quum  aequi  fuissemus, 
tamen  multo  maiorem  fructum  ex  populi  existima- 
tione  illo  damnato  cepimus  quam  ex  ipsius,  si  ab- 
solutus  esset,  gratia  cepissemus.  3.  quod  ad  me  de 
Hermathena  scribis,  per  mihi  gratum  est  orna- 
mentum,  et  Academiae  proprium  meae,  quod  Her- 
mes commune  omnium  et  Minerva  singulare  est 
insigne  eius  gymnasii.  qua  re  velim,  ut  scribis,  cae- 
tcris  quoque  rebus  quam  plurimis  eum  locum  ornes. 


6  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

quae  mihi  antea  signa  misisti,  ea  nondum  vidi.  in 
Formiano  sunt,  quo  ego  nunc  proficisci  cogitabam. 
ilia  omnia  in  Tusculanum  deportabo.  Caietam,  si 
quando  abundare  coepero,  ornabo.  libros  tuos 
conserva  et  noli  desperare  eos  me  meos  facere 
posse,  quod  si  adsequor,  supero  Crassum  divitiis 
atque  omnium  vicos  et  prata  contemno. 

V. 

{Romac.     Mctcllo,  Marcio  coss.  686.) 
Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Quantum  dolorem  acceperim  et  quanto 
fructu  sim  privatus  et  forensi  et  domestico  Lucii 
fratris  nostri  morte,  in  primis  pro  nostra  consuetu- 
dine  tu  existimare  potes.  nam  mihi  omnia,  quae 
iucunda  ex  humanitate  alterius  et  moribus  homini 
accidere  possunt,  ex  illo  accidebant.  qua  re  non 
dubito  quin  tibi  quoque  id  molestum  sit,  quum  et 
meo  dolore  moveare  et  ipse  omni  virtute  officioque 
ornatissimum  tuique  et  sua  sponte  et  meo  sermone 
amantem  adfinem  amicumque  amiseris.  2.  quod 
ad  me  scribis  de  sorore  tua,  testis  erit  tibi  ipsa 
quantae  mihi  curae  fuerit,  ut  Ouinti  fratris  animus 
in  eam  esset  is  qui  esse  deberet.  qucm  quum  esse 
offensiorem  arbitrarer,  eas  litteras  ad  eum  misi, 
quibus  et  placarem  ut  fratrem  et  monerem  ut  mi- 
norem  et  obiurgarem  ut  errantem.  itaque  ex  iis, 
quae  postea  saepe  ab  eo  ad  me  scripta  sunt,  confido 
ita  esse  omnia,  ut  et  oporteat  et  velimus.  3.  de 
litterarum  missione  sine  causa  abs  te  accusor.  nun- 
quam  enim  a  Pomponia  nostra  certior  sum  factus 


LIB.  I.  EP.  5.  7 

esse  cui  dare  litteras  possem :   porro  autem  neque 
mihi  accidit  ut  haberem  qui  in  Epiruni  proficiscere- 
tur,  neque  dum  te  Athenis  esse  audiebamus.     4.  de 
Acutiliano  autem  negocio  quod  mihi  mandaras,  ut 
primum  a  tuo  digressu  Romam  veni,  confeceram, 
sed  accidit  ut  et  contentione  nihil  opus  esset  et  ut 
ego,  qui  in  te  satis  consilii  statuerim  esse,  mallem 
Peducaeum   tibi   consihum    per   litteras  quam    me 
dare,     etenim  quum   multos  dies  aures  meas  Acu- 
tilio   dedissem,   cuius    sermonis   genus   tibi    notum 
esse  arbitror,  non  mihi  grave  duxissem  scribere  ad 
te  de  illius  querimoniis,  quum  eas  audire,  quod  erat 
subodiosum,  leve  putassem.     sed  abs  te  ipso,  qui 
me  accusas,  unas  mihi  scito  litteras  redditas  esse, 
quum    et   ocii    ad    scribendum   plus   et  facultatem 
dandi   maiorem  habueris.      5.   quod   scribis,  etiam 
si  cuius  animus  in  te  esset  ofifensior,  a  me  recolligi 
oportere,  [teneo]  quid  dicas,  neque  id  neglexi,  sed 
est  miro  quodam  modo  adfectus.     ego  autem,  quae 
dicenda  fuerunt  de  te,  non  praeterii :  quid  autem 
contendendum  esset  ex  tua  putabam  voluntate  sta- 
tuere  oportere :  quam  si  ad  me  perscripseris,  intel- 
liges  me  neque  diligentiorem  esse  voluisse  quam 
tu  esses,  neque  negligentiorem  fore  quam  tu  velis. 
6.    de  Tadiana  re,  mecum  Tadius  locutus  est  te  ita 
scripsisse,  nihil  esse  iam  quod  laboraretur,  quoniam 
hereditas  usu  capta  esset.     id  mirabamur  te  igno- 
rare,  de  tutela  legitima,  in  qua  dicitur  esse  puella, 
nihil  usu  capi  posse.      7.    Epiroticam  emptionem 
gaudeo   tibi    placere.     quae  tibi  mandavi  et  quae 
tu  intelligcs  convenire  nostro  Tusculano,  velim,  ut 
scribis,  cures,  quod  sine  molestia  tua  facere  poteris. 
nam  nos  ex  omnibus  molestiis  et  laboribus  uno  illo 


8  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

in  loco  conquiescimus.  8.  Quintum  fratrem  cotidie 
exspectamus.  Terentia  magnos  articulorum  dolo- 
res  habet,  et  te  et  sororem  tuam  et  matrem  maxime 
diligit,  saluteinque  tibi  plurimam  ascribit  et  Tul- 
liola,  deliciae  nostrae.  cura  ut  valeas  et  nos  ames 
et  tibi  persuadeas  te  a  me  fraterne  amari. 

VI. 

[Rojiiae.     Mciello,  Marcio  coss.  686.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Non  committam  posthac  ut  me  accusare  de 
epistolarum  negligentia  possis.  tu  modo  videto  in 
tanto  ocio  ut  par  mihi  sis.  domum  Rabirianam 
Neapoli,  quam  tu  iam  dimensam  et  exaedificatam 
animo  habebas,  M'.  Fonteius  emit  HS  CCCIodd  xxx. 
id  te  scire  volui,  si  quid  forte  ea  res  ad  cogitationes 
tuas  pertineret.  2.  Quintus  frater,  ut  mihi  videtur, 
quo  volumus  animo  est  in-Pomponiam,  et  cum  ea 
nunc  in  Arpinatibus  praediis  erat  et  secum  habebat 
hominem  j^jr^aroixadrj,  D.  Turranium.  pater  nobis 
discessit  a.  d.  Vlll  Kal.  Decembres.  haec  habebani 
fere  quae  te  scire  vellem.  tu  velim,  si  qua  orna- 
menta  ryv/xvaa-tooSr]  reperire  poteris,  quae  loci  sint 
eius  quern  tu  non  ignoras,  ne  praetermittas.  nos 
Tusculano  ita  delectamur,  ut  nobismet  ipsis  turn 
denique,  quum  illo  venimus,  placeamus.  quid  agas 
omnibus  de  rebus  et  quid  acturus  sis  fac  nos  quam 
diligentissime  certiores. 


LIB.  L  EP.  7,  S.  9 

VII. 

{Romae.     Metcllo,  Marcio  coss.  6Z6^ 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

Apud  matrem  recte  est,  eaque  nobis  curae  est 
L.  Cincio  HS  XXCD  constitui  me  curaturum  Idibus 
Februariis.  tu  velim  ea,  quae  nobis  emisse  et  pa- 
rasse  scribis,  des  operam  ut  quam  primum  habea- 
mus,  et  velim  cogites,  id  quod  mihi  poUicitus  es, 
quem  ad  modum  bibliothecam  nobis  conficere  pos- 
sis.  omnem  spem  delectationis  nostrae,  quam, 
quum  in  ocium  venerimus,  habere  volumus,  in  tua 
humanitate  positam  habemus. 

VIII. 

{Romae.     Pisone,  Glabrione  coss.  ^"^^^ 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Apud  te  est,  ut  volumus.  mater  tua  et 
soror  a  me  Quintoque  fratre  diligitur.  cum  Acuti- 
lio  sum  locutus.  is  sibi  negat  a  suo  procuratore 
quidquam  scriptum  esse,  et  miratur  istam  contro- 
versiam  fuisse  quod  ille  recusaret  satis  dare  amplius 
abs  te  non  peti.  quod  te  de  Tadiano  negocio  deci- 
diose  scribis,  id  ego  Tadio  et  gratum  esse  intellexi 
et  magno  opere  iucundum.  ille  noster  amicus,  vir 
mehercule  optimus  et  mihi  amicissimus,  sane  tibi 
iratus  est.  hoc  si  quanti  tu  aestimes  sciam,  turn 
quid  mihi  elaborandum  sit  scire  possim.  2.  L.  Cin- 
cio HS  CCI3D  CCIDD  CCCC  pro  signis  Megaricis,  ut 
tu  ad  me  scripseras,  curavi.    Hermae  tui  Pentelici 


lo  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

cum  capitibus  aeneis,  de  quibus  ad  me  scripsisti, 
iam  nunc  me  admodum  delectant.  qua  re  velim 
et  eos  et  signa  et  caetera,  quae  tibi  eius  loci  et 
nostri  studii  et  tuae  elegantiae  esse  videbuntur, 
quam  plurima  quam  primumque  mittas,  et  maxime 
quae  tibi  gymnasii  xystique  videbuntur  esse,  nam 
in  eo  genere  sic  studio  efferimur,  ut  abs  te  adiu- 
vandi,  ab  aliis  prope  reprehendendi  simus.  si  Len- 
tuli  navis  non  erit,  quo  tibi  placebit  imponito.  Tul- 
liola,  deliciolae  nostrae,  tuum  munusculum  flagitat 
et  me  ut  sponsorem  appellat.  mihi  autem  abiurare 
certius  est  quam  dependere. 

IX. 

{RoDiac.     Pisonc,   Glabrionc  coss.  ^Z-j.^ 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Ximium  raro  nobis  abs  te  litterae  adferun- 
tur,  quum  et  multo  tu  facilius  reperias  qui  Romam 
proficiscantur  quam  ego  qui  Athenas,  et  certius  tibi 
sit  me  esse  Romae  quam  mihi  te  Athenis.  itaque 
propter  banc  dubitationem  meam  brevior  haec  ipsa 
epistola  est,  quod,  quum  incertus  essem  ubi  esses, 
nolebam  ilium  nostrum  familiarem  sermonem  in 
alienas  manus  devenire.  2.  signa  Megarica  et 
Hermas,  de  quibus  ad  me  scripsisti,  vehementer 
exspecto.  quidquid  eiusdem  generis  habebis,  dig- 
num  Academia  tibi  quod  videbitur,  ne  dubitaris  mit- 
tere,  et  arcae  nostrae  confidito.  genus  hoc  est 
voluptatis  meae :  quae  'yviMvaai(Lhr]  maxime  sunt, 
ea  quaero.  Lentulus  naves  suas  pollicetur.  peto 
abs  te,  ut  haec  cures  diligenter.  Chilius  te  rogat 
et  egc  eius  rogatu  ^vixoXinhdiv  'rrcnpia. 


LIB.  I.  EP.  lo.  ir 

X. 

{In   Tusculano.     Pisone,  Glabrione  coss.  687.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Ouum  essem  in  Tusculano — erit  hoc  tibi 
pro  illo  tuo  qimm  essem  in  Ceramico — verum  tamen 
quum  ibi  essem,  Roma  puer  a  sorore  tua  missus 
epistolam  mihi  abs  te  adlatam  dedit  nunciavitque 
eo  ipso  die  post  meridiem  iturum  eum,  qui  ad  te 
proficisceretur.  eo  factum  est,  ut  epistolae  tuae 
rescriberem  aliquid,  brevitate  temporis  tarn  pauca 
cogerer  scribere.  2.  primum  tibi  de  nostro  amico 
placando  aut  etiam  plane  restituendo  polliceor.  quod 
ego  etsi  mea  sponte  ante  faciebam,  eo  nunc  tamen 
et  agam  studiosius  et  contendam  ab  illo  vehemen- 
tius,  quod  tantam  ex  epistola  voluntatem  eius  rei 
tuam  perspicere  videor.  hoc  te  intelligere  volo, 
pergraviter  ilium  esse  ofifensum,  sed  quia  nullam 
video  gravem  subesse  causam  magno  opere  confido 
ilium  fore  in  officio  et  in  nostra  potestate.  3.  signa 
nostra  et  Hermeraclas,  ut  scribis,  quum  commo- 
dissime  poteris,  velim  imponas,  et  si  quod  aliud 
oiKelov  eius  loci,  quem  non  ignoras,  reperies,  et 
maxime  quae  tibi  palaestrae  gymnasiique  videbun- 
tur  esse,  etenim  ibi  sedens  haec  ad  te  scribebam, 
ut  me  locus  ipse  admoneret.  praeterea  typos  tibi 
mando,  quos  in  tectorio  atrioli  possim  includere,  et 
putealia  sigillata  duo.  4.  bibliothecam  tuam  cave 
cuiquam  despondcas,  quamvis  acrem  amatorem 
inveneris:  nam  ego  omnes  meas  vindcmiolas  eo 
reservo,  ut  illud  subsidium  senectuti  parem.  5.  de 
fratre  confido  ita  esse,  ut  semper  volui  et  elaboravi. 
P.  C.  3 


12  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

multa  signa  sunt  eius  rei,  non  minimum,  quod 
soror  praegnans  est.  6.  de  comitiis  meis  et  tibi 
me  permisisse  memini  et  ego  iam  pridem  hoc  com- 
munibus  amicis,  qui  te  exspectant,  praedico:  te 
non  modo  non  arcessi  a  me,  sed  prohiberi,  quod 
intelligam  multo  magis  interesse  tua  te  agere  quod 
agendum  est  hoc  tempore  quam  mea  te  adesse 
comitiis.  proinde  eo  animo  te  velim  esse,  quasi 
mei  negocii  causa  in  ista  loca  missus  esses,  me 
autem  eum  et  offendes  erga  te  et  audies,  quasi 
mihi,  si  quae  parta  erunt,  non  modo  te  praesente 
sed  per  te  parta  sint.  TuUiola  tibi  diem  dat,  spon- 
sorem  appellat. 

XI. 

[Romac.     Pisone,   Glabrionc  coss.  687.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Et  mea  sponte  faciebam  antea  et  post  dua- 
bus  epistolis  tuis  perdiligenter  in  eamdem  rationem 
scriptis  magno  opere  sum  commotus.  eo  acce- 
debat  hortator  adsiduus  Sallustius,  ut  agerem  quam 
diligentissime  cum  Lucceio  de  vestra  vetere  gratia 
reconcilianda.  sed,  quum  omnia  fecissem,  non 
modo  eam  voluntatem  eius  quae  fuerat  erga  te 
recuperare  non  potui,  verum  ne  causam  quidem 
eHcere  immutatae  voluntatis,  tametsi  iactat  iile  qui- 
dem illud  tuum  arbitrium  et  ea  quae  iam  tum  quum 
aderas  offendere  eius  animum  intelligebam,  tamen 
habet  quiddam  profecto  quod  magis  in  animo  eius 
insederit,  quod  neque  epistolae  tuae  neque  nostra 
adlegatio  tam  potest  facile  delere,  quam  tu  praesens 
non  modo  oratione  sed  tuo  vultu  illo  familiari  tolles, 


LIB.  I.  EP.  IT,  12.  13 

si  modo  tanti  putaris:  id  quod,  si  me  audies  et  si 
humanitati  tuae  constare  voles,  certe  putabis.  ac 
ne  illud  mirere,  cur,  quum  ego  antea  significareni 
tibi  per  litteras  me  sperare  ilium  in  nostra  potestate 
fore,  nunc  idem  videar  diffidere,  incredibile  est 
quanto  mihi  videatur  illius  voluntas  obstinatior 
et  in  hac  iracundia  obfirmatior :  sed  haec  aut  sana- 
buntur  quum  veneris,  aut  ei  molesta  erunt  in  utro 
culpa  erit.  2.  quod  in  epistola  tua  scriptum  erat, 
me  iam  arbitrari  designatum  esse  :  scito  nihil  tarn 
exercitum  esse  nunc  Romae  quam  candidates  om- 
nibus iniquitatibus  nee  quando  futura  sint  comitia 
sciri.  verum  haec  audies  de  Philadelpho.  3.  tu 
velim  quae  Academiae  nostrae  parasti  quam  pri- 
mum  mittas.  mire  quam  illius  loci  non  modo  usus, 
sed  etiam  cogitatio  delectat.  libros  vero  tuos  cave 
cuiquam  tradas.  nobis  eos,  quem  ad  modum  scri- 
bis,  conserva.  summum  me  eorum  studium  tenet, 
sicut  odium  iam  caeterarum  rerum  :  quas  tu  incre- 
dibile est  quam  brevi  tempore  quanto  deteriorcs 
offenSurus  sis  quam  reliquisti. 

XII. 

[Romae.    JMessala,  Pisone  coss.  693.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  T€VKpL<i  ilia  lentum  sane  negocium,  neque 
Cornelius  ad  Terentiam  postea  rediit :  opinor,  ad 
Considium,  Axium,  Selicium  confugiendum  est, 
nam  a  Caecilio  propinqui  minore  centesimis  numum 
movere  non  possunt.  sed,  ut  ad  prima  ilia  redeam, 
nihil  ego  ilia  impudentius,  astutius,  lentius  vidi : 
libcrtum  mitto :  Tito  viandavi :  (7K>j\p-et<;  atque  dva- 

3—2 


14  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

^oXai.  sed  nescio  an  ravTCfxarov  riii5>v'  nam  mihi 
Pompeiani  irpoBpofioi  nunciant  aperte  Pompeium 
acturum  Antonio  succedi  oportere,  eodemque  tem- 
pore aget  praetor  ad  populum.  res  eius  modi  est, 
ut  ego  nee  per  bonorum  nee  popularem  existima- 
tionem  honeste  possim  hominem  defendere,  nee 
mihi  libeat,  quod  vel  maximum  est.  etenim  accidit 
hoc,  quod  totum  cuius  modi  sit  mando  tibi  ut  per- 
spicias.  2.  hbertum  ego  habeo,  sane  nequam 
hominem,  Hilarum  dico,  ratiocinatorem  et  clientem 
tuum.  de  eo  mihi  Valerius  interpres  nunciat  Chih- 
usque  se  audisse  scribit  haec :  esse  hominem  cum 
Antonio :  Antonium  porro  in  cogendis  pecuniis 
dictitare  partem  mihi  quaeri,  et  a  me  custodem 
communis  quaestus  Hbertum  esse  missum.  non 
sum  mediocriter  commotus  neque  tamen  credidi, 
sed  certe  ahquid  sermonis  fuit.  totum  investiga, 
cognosce,  perspice,  et  nebulonem  ilium,  si  quo  pacto 
potes,  ex  istis  locis  amove,  huius  sermonis  Vale- 
rius auctorem  Cn.  Plancium  nominabat.  mando 
tibi  plane  totum  ut  videas  cuius  modi  sit.  3.  Pom- 
peium nobis  amicissimum  constat  esse,  divortium 
Muciae  vehementcr  probatur.  P.  Clodium,  Appii 
F.,  credo  te  audisse  cum  veste  muliebri  deprehen- 
sum  domi  C.  Caesaris,  quum  pro  populo  fieret, 
eumque  per  manus  servulae  servatum  et  eductum: 
rem  esse  insigni  infamia :  quod  te  moleste  ferre 
certo  scio.  4.  quid  praeterea  ad  te  scribam  non 
habeo.  et  mehercule  eram  in  scribendo  contur- 
batior.  nam  puer  festivus,  dvajvooaTrj^;  noster,  So- 
sitheus  decesserat  meque  plus,  quam  servi  mors 
debere  videbatur,  commoverat.  tu  velim  saepe  ad 
nos  scribas.     si  rem  nullam  habebis,  quod  in  hue- 


LIB.  I.  EP.  12,  13,  15 

cam  venerit  scribito.     Kal.  lanuar.  M.  Messala  M. 
Pisone  coss. 


XIIL 

{Romae.    Messala,  Pisone  coss.  693.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Accept  tuas  tres  iam  epistolas :  unam  a  M. 
Cornelio,quam  Tribus  Tabernis,  ut  opinor,  ei  dedisti: 
alteram,  quam  mihi  Canusinus  tuus  hospes  reddidit: 
tertiam,  quam,  ut  scribis,  ancoris  sublatis  de  phaselo 
dedisti:  quae  fuerunt  omnes  t^rhetorum.  pure  lo- 
quuntur,quum  humanitatis  sparsae  sale  tum  insignes 
amoris  notis.  quibus  epistolis  sum  equidem  abs  te 
lacessitus  ad  scribendum,  sed  idcirco  sum  tardior, 
quod  non  invenio  fidelem  tabellarium.  quotus  enim 
quisque  est  qui  epistolam  paullo  graviorem  ferre 
possit,  nisi  eam  pellectione  relevarit  ?     accedit  eo, 

quod   mihi  non est,   ut  quisque   in  Epirum 

proficiscitur.  ego  enim  te  arbitror,  caesis  apud 
Amaltheam  tuam  victimis,  statim  esse  ad  Sicyonem 
oppugnandum  profectum.  neque  tamen  id  ipsum 
certum  habeo  quando  ad  Antonium  proficiscare  aut 
quid  in  Epiro  temporis  ponas.  ita  neque  Achaicis 
hominibus  neque  Epiroticis  paullo  liberiores  litteras 
committere  audeo.  2.  sunt  autem  post  discessum 
a  me  tuum  res  dignae  litteris  nostris,  sed  non 
committendae  eius  modi  periculo  ut  aut  interirc 
aut  aperiri  aut  intercipi  possint.  prinium  igitur 
scito  primum  me  non  esse  rogatum  sententiam 
praepositumque  esse  nobis  pacificatorem  Allobro- 
gum,  idque  admurmurante  scnatu  neque  me  invito 
esse  factum,     sum  enim  et  ab  observando  homine 


i6  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

perverso  liber  et  ad  dignitatem  in  re  publica  reti- 
nendam   contra    illius  voluntatem    solutus,    et   ille 
secundus  in  dicendo  locus  habet  auctoritatem  paene 
principis  et  voluntatem  non  nimis  devinctam  bene- 
ficio  consulis.     tertius  est  Catulus,  quartus,  si  etiam 
hoc  quaeris,  Hortensius.     consul  autem  ipse  parvo 
animo  et  pravo,  tantum  cavillator  genere  illo  morose 
quod  etiam  sine  dicacitate  ridetur,  facie  magis  quam 
facetiis  ridiculus,  nihil  agens  cum  re  publica,  seiunc- 
tus    ab  optimatibus,   a  quo    nihil    speres    boni   rei 
publicae,   quia  non  vult,  nihil  [metuas]  mali,  quia 
non  audet.     eius  autem  collega  et  in  me  perhonori- 
ficus  et   partium    studiosus  ac  defensor  bonarum. 
c|uin  imo  leviter  inter  se  dissident.     3.   sed  vereor 
ne  hoc,  quod  infectum  est,  serpat  longius.     credo 
enim  te  audisse,  quum  apud  Caesarem  pro  populo 
fieret,    venisse    eo    muliebri    vestitu    virum,    idque 
sacrificium  quum  virgines  instaurassent,  mentionem 
a  Q.  Cornificio  in  senatu  factam — is  fuit  princeps, 
ne  tu  forte  aliqucm   nostrum    putes— postea    rem 
ex  senatus  consulto  ad  pontifices  relatam  idque  ab 
iis  nefas  esse  decretum :  deinde  ex  senatus  consulto 
consules  rogationem  promulgasse  :  uxori  Caesarem 
nuncium  remisisse.     in  hac  causa  Piso  amicitia  P. 
Clodii  ductus  operam  dat  ut  ea  rogatio,  quam  ipse 
fert    et    fert   ex  senatus  consulto   et   de  religione, 
antiquetur.     Messala  vehementer  adhuc  agit  severe, 
boni   viri     precibus    Clodii    removentur    a   causa : 
operae  comparantur:  nosmet  ipsi,  qui  Lycurgei  a 
principio    fuissemus,    cotidie    demitigamur :    instat 
et  urget  Cato.     quid  multa  ?    vereor  ne  haec  neg- 
lecta  a  bonis,  defensa  ab  improbis,  magnorum  rei 
publicae  malorum   causa  sit.      4.    tuus  autem   ille 


LIB.  I.  EP.  13.  17 

amicus — scin  quern  dicam  ? — de  quo  tu  ad  me 
scripsisti,  postea  quam  non  auderet  reprehendere, 
laudare  coepisse,  nos,  ut  ostendit,  admodum  diligit, 
amplectitur,  amat,  aperte  laudat:  occulte,  sed  ita 
ut  perspicuum  sit,  invidet.  nihil  come,  nihil 
simplex,  nihil  iv  to??  iroXiTiKoh  honestum,  nihil 
illustre,  nihil  forte,  nihil  liberum.  sed  haec  ad  tc 
scribam  alias  subtilius :  nam  neque  adhuc  mihi 
satis  nota  sunt  et  huic  terrae  filio  nescio  cui  com- 
mittere  epistolam  tantis  de  rebus  non  audeo.  — 5r- 
provincias  praetores  nondum  sortiti  sunt,  res  eodem 
est  loci,  quo  reliquisti.  Tovodecrlav  quam  postu- 
las  Miseni  et  Puteolorum  includam  orationi  meae. 
a.  d.  Ill  Non.  Decembr.  mendose  fuisse  animad- 
verteram.  quae  laudas  ex  orationibus,  mihi  crede, 
valde  mihi  placebant,  sed  non  audebam  antea 
dicere  :  nunc  vero,  quod  a  te  probata  sunt,  multo 
mihi  (iTTLK60T€pa  videntur.  in  illam  orationem  Me- 
tellinam  addidi  quaedam.  liber  tibi  mittetur,  quo- 
niam  te  amor  nostri  (f>tXoprjTopa  reddidit.  6.  novi 
tibi  quidnam  scribam.''  quid.''  etiam.  Messala  con- 
sul Autronianam  domum  emit  HS.  XXXVll.  quid 
id  ad  me,  inquies .''  tantum,  quod  ea  emptione  et 
nos  bene  emisse  iudicati  sumus  et  homines  intelli- 
gere  coeperunt  licere  amicorum  facultatibus  in 
emendo  ad  dignitatem  aliquam  pervenire.  TevKpis 
ilia  lentum  negocium  est,  sed  tamen  est  in  spe. 
tu  ista  confice.  a  nobis  liberiorem  epistolam  ex- 
specta.  VI  Kalend.  Febr.  M.  Messala  M.  Pisone 
coss. 


7^, 


j8  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

XIV. 

[Rotnae.     Messala,  Pisone  coss.  693.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Vereor  ne  putidum  sit  scribere  ad  te  quam 
sim  occupatus,  sed  tamen  distinebar,  ut  huic  vix 
tantulae  epistolae  tempus  habuerim  atque  id  erep- 
tum  e  summis  occupationibus.  prima  contio  Pom- 
peii qualis  fuisset  scripsi  ad  te  antea,  non  iucunda 
miseris,  inanis  improbis,  beatis  non  grata,  bonis 
non  gravis,  itaque  frigebat.  turn  Pisonis  consulis 
impulsu  levissimus  tribunus  plebis  Fufius  in  con- 
tionem  produxit  Pompeium.  res  agebatur  in  circo 
Flaminio  et  erat  in  eo  ipso  loco  illo  die  nundinarum 
'rravrp/vpi^.  quaesivit  ex  eo  placeretne  ei  iudices 
a  praetore  legi,  quo  consilio  idem  praetor  uteretur. 
id  autem  erat  de  Clodiana  religione  ab  senatu  con- 
stitutum.  2.  turn  Pompeius  /*dX,'  upiaTOKpaTLKw<i 
locutus  est,  senatusque  auctoritatem  sibi  omnibus 
in  rebus  maximam  videri  semperque  visam  esse 
respondit  et  id  multis  verbis.  postea  Messala 
consul  in  senatu  de  Pompeio  quaesivit  quid  de 
religione  et  de  promulgata  rogatione  sentiret.  lo- 
cutus ita  est  in  senatu,  ut  omnia  illius  ordinis  con- 
sulta  >y€VLK(ji)<i  laudaret,  mihique,  ut  adsedit,  dixit 
se  putare  satis  ab  se  etiam  de  istis  rebus  esse 
responsum.  3.  Crassus  postea  quam  vidit  ilium 
excepisse  laudem  ex  eo  quod  suspicarentur  homines 
ei  consulatum  meum  placere,  surrexit  ornatissime- 
que  de  meo  consulatu  locutus  est,  ut  ita  diceret, 
se,  quod  esset  senator,  quod  civis,  quod  liber,  quod 
viveret,  mihi  acceptum  referre  :  quotiens  coniugem. 


LIB.  I.  EP.  14.  19 

quotiens  domum,  quotiens  patriam  videret,  totiens 
se  beneficium  meum  videre.  quid  multa  ?  totum 
hunc  locum,  quem  ego  varie  meis  orationibus, 
quarum  tu  Aristarchus  es,  soleo  pingere,  de  flamma, 
de  ferro — nosti  illas  \i]kv$ov<; — ,  valde  graviter  per- 
texuit.  proxime  Pompeium  sedebam.  intellexi 
hominem  moveri,  utrum  Crassum  inire  earn  gra- 
tiam,  quam  ipse  praetermisisset,  an  esse  tantas  res 
nostras,  quae  tam  libenti  senatu  laudarentur,  ab  eo 
praesertim,  qui  mihi  laudem  illam  eo  minus  de- 
beret,  quod  meis  omnibus  litteris  in  Pompeiana 
laude  perstrictus  esset.  4.  hie  dies  me  valde 
Crasso  adiunxit,  et  tamen  ab  illo  aperte  tecte 
quidquid  est  datum  libenter  accepi.  ego  autem 
ipse,  di  boni !  quo  modo  iueTrepTrepevad/xrjv  novo 
auditori  Pompeio !  si  umquam  mihi  irepiohoi  r] 
KUfJiTral  rj  evOvfJur^jxara  i)  KUTaaKeval  suppeditaverunt, 
illo  tempore,  quid  multa  ?  clamores.  etenim  haec 
erat  vTrud€at<;,  de  gravitate  ordinis,  de  equestri 
Concordia,  de  consensione  Italiae,  de  intermortuis 
reliquiis  coniurationis,  de  vilitate,  de  ocio.  nosti 
iam  in  hac  materia  sonitus  nostros  :  tanti  fuerunt, 
ut  ego  eo  brevior  sim,  quod  eos  usque  istim  ex- 
auditos  putem.  5.  Romanae  autem  se  res  sic 
habent :  senatus  "Apeto?  irdyo';.  nihil  constantius, 
nihil  severius,  nihil  fortius,  nam,  quum  dies  venisset 
rogationi  ex  senatus  consulto  ferendae,  concursa- 
bant  barbatuli  iuvenes,  totus  ille  grex  Catilinae, 
duce  filiola  Curionis,  et  populum,  ut  antiquaret, 
rogabant.  Piso  autem  consul,  lator  rogationis,  idem 
erat  dissuasor.  operae  Clodianae  pontes  occu- 
parant :  tabellae  ministrabantur  ita  ut  nulla  daretur 
UTl    ROGAS.     hie    tibi    rostra    Cato    advolat,    con- 


20  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

vicium  Pisoni  consuli  mirificum  facit,  si  id  est 
convicium,  vox  plena  gravitatis,  plena  auctoritatis, 
plena  denique  salutis.  accedit  eodem  etiam  noster 
Hortensius,  multi  praeterea  boni.  insignis  vero 
opera  Favonii  fuit.  hoc  concursu  optimatum  co- 
mitia  dimittuntur :  senatus  vocatur.  quum  decer- 
neretur  frequenti  senatu,  contra  pugnante  Pisone, 
ad  pedes  omnium  singillatim  accidente  Clodio,  ut 
consules  populum  cohortarentur  ad  rogationem 
accipiendam,  homines  ad  XV  Curioni  nullum  se- 
natus consultum  facienti  adsenserunt :  ex  altera 
parte  facile  CCCC  fuerunt.  acta  res  est.  Fufius 
tribunus  turn  concessit.  Clodius  contiones  miseras 
habebat,  in  quibus  Lucullum,  Hortensium,  C.  Pi- 
sonem,  Messalam  consulem  contumeliose  laedebat : 
me  tantum  contpcrisse  omnia  criminabatur.  senatus 
et  de  provinciis  praetorum  et  de  legationibus  et  de 
caeteris  rebus  decernebat,  ut  ante  quam  rogatio 
lata  esset  ne  quid  ageretur.  6,  habes  res  Romanas, 
sed  tamen  etiam  illud,  quod  non  speraram,  audi. 
Messala  consul  est  egregius,  fortis,  constans,  dili- 
gens,  nostri  laudator,  amator,  imitator,  ille  alter  uno 
vitio  minus  vitiosus,  quod  iners,  quod  somni  pLenus, 
quod  imperitus,  quod  dTrpa/croraToii,  sed  voluntate 
ita  Kax^fCTT]^,  ut  Pompeium  post  illam  contionem, 
in  qua  ab  eo  senatus  laudatus  est,  odisse  coeperit. 
itaque  mirum  in  modum  omnes  a  se  bonos  alie- 
navit.  ueque  id  magis  amicitia  Clodii  adductus 
facit  quam  studio  perditarum  rerum  atque  partium. 
sed  habet  sui  similem  in  magistratibus  praeter 
Fufium  neminem.  bonis  utimur  tribunis  plebis, 
Cornuto  vero  Pseudocatone.  quid  quaeris .''  7. 
nimc  ut  ad  privata  redeam,  Teu/cpt?  promissa  pa- 


LIB.  I.  EP.  14—16.  21 

travit.  tu  mandata  effice,  quae  recepisti.  Ouintus 
frater,  qui  Argiletani  aedificii  reliquum  dodrantem 
emit  HS  DCCXXV,  Tusculanum  venditat,  ut,  si 
possit,  emat  Pacilianam  domum.  cum  Lucceio  in 
gratiam  redi.  video  hominem  valde  petiturire. 
navabo  operam.  tu  quid  agas,  ubi  sis,  cuius  modi 
istae  res  sint  fac  me  quam  diligentissime  certiorem. 
Idib.  Febr. 

XV. 

[Roinae.     Messala,  Pisone  coss.  693.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Asiam  Ouinto,  suavissimo  fratri,  obtigisse 
audisti :  non  enim  dubito  quia  celerius  tibi  hoc 
rumor  quam  ullius  nostrum  litterae  nunciarint. 
nunc  quoniam  et  laudis  avidissimi  semper  fuimus, 
et  praeter  caeteros  (pikeXkr]ve<i  et  sumus  et  habemur, 
et  multorum  odia  atque  inimicitias  rei  publicae 
causa  suscepimus,  7ravroi7]<i  dperPj'i  /mifivrjaKeo,  cura- 
que  et  effice  ut  ab  omnibus  et  laudemur  et  amemur. 
2.  his  de  rebus  plura  ad  te  in  ea  epistola  scribam, 
quam  ipsi  Ouinto  dabo.  tu  me  velim  certiorem 
facias  quid  de  meis  mandatis  egeris,  atque  etiam 
quid  de  tuo  negocio.  nam  ut  Brundusio  profectus 
es,  nullae  mihi  abs  te  sunt  redditae  Htterae.  valde 
aveo  scire  quid  agas.     Idib.  Mart. 

XVI. 

{Romac.     Messala,  Pisone  coss.  693.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Quaeris  ex  me  quid  accidcrit  dc  iudicio 
quod  tarn   praeter  opinionem  omnium  factum  sit, 


2  2  EPISTOLARUM   AD    ATTICUM 

ct  simul  vis  scire  quo  modo  ego  minus  quam 
soleam  proeliatus  sim :  respondebo  tibi  vaTepov 
TTpoTepov,  'OfiripiKW'^.  ego  enim,  quam  diu  senatus 
auctoritas  mihi  defendenda  fuit,  sic  acriter  et  vehe- 
menter  proeliatus  sum,  ut  clamor  concursusque 
maxima  cum  mea  laude  fierent.  quod  si  tibi  um- 
quam  sum  visus  in  re  publica  fortis,  certe  me  in 
ilia  causa  admiratus  esses,  quum  enim  ille  ad 
contiones  confugisset  in  iisque  meo  nomine  ad 
invidiam  uteretur,  di  immortales  !  quas  ego  pugnas 
et  quantas  strages  edidi  !  quos  impetus  in  Pisonera, 
in  Curionem,  in  totam  illam  manum  feci  !  quo 
modo  sum  insectatus  levitatem  senum,  libidinem 
iuventutis  !  saepe,  ita  me  di  invent !  te  non  solum 
auctorem  consiliorum  meorum,  verum  etiam  spec- 
tatorem  pugnarum  mirificarum  desideravi.  2. 
postea  vero  quam  Hortensius  excogitavit,  ut  legem 
de  religione  Fufius  tribunus  plebis  ferret,  in  qua 
nihil  aliud  a  consulari  rogatione  differebat  nisi 
iudicum  genus — in  eo  autem  erant  omnia — pugna- 
vitque  ut  ita  fieret,  quod  et  sibi  et  aliis  persua- 
serat  nullis  ilium  iudicibus  efifugere  posse :  contraxi 
vela  perspiciens  inopiam  iudicum,  neque  dixi 
quidquam  pro  testimonio,  nisi  quod  erat  ita  notum 
atque  testatum,  ut  non  possem  praeterire.  itaque 
si  causam  quaeris  absolutionis,  ut  iam  Trpo?  to 
TTporepov  revertar,  egestas  iudicum  fuit  et  turpitudo. 
id  autem  ut  accideret,  commissum  est  Hortensii 
consilio,  qui  dum  veritus  est  ne  Fufius  ei  legi  inter- 
cederet,  quae  ex  senatus  consulto  ferebatur,  non 
vidit  illud  satius  esse  ilium  in  infamia  relinqui  ac 
sordibus  quam  infirmo  iudicio  committi.  sed  ductus 
odio  properavit  rem  deducere  in  indicium,  quum 


LIB.  I.  EP.  1 6.  23 

ilium  plumbeo  gladio  iugulatum  iri  tamen  diceret. 
3.  sed  iudicium  si  quaeris  quale  fuerit,  incredibili 
exitu :  sic  uti  nunc  ex  eventu  ab  aliis,  a  me  tamen 
ex  ipso  initio,  consilium   Hortensii  reprehendatur. 
nam    ut    reiectio    facta    est    clamoribus    maximis, 
quum  accusator   tamquam  censor  bonus  homines 
nequissimos   reiiceret,   reus  tamquam    clemens   la- 
nista  frugalissimum  quemque  secerneret,  ut  primum 
indices  consederunt,  valde  diffidere  boni  coeperunt. 
non  enim  umquam  turpior  in  ludo  talario  consessus 
fuit.     maculosi  senatores,  nudi  equites,  tribuni  non 
tam  aerati    quam,   ut    appellantur,   aerarii.     pauci 
tamen  boni  inerant,  quos  reiectione  fugare  ille  non 
potuerat,  qui  maesti  inter  sui  dissimiles  et  maeren- 
tes  sedebant  et  contagione  turpitudinis  vehementer 
permovebantur,     4.    hie,  ut  quaeque    res  ad  con- 
silium primis  postulationibus   referebatur,  incredi- 
bilis    erat   severitas    nulla   varietate   sententiarum, 
nihil  impetrabat  reus,  plus  accusatori  dabatur  quam 
postulabat,  triumphabat — quid  quaeris  ? — Horten- 
sius  se  vidisse  tantum,  nemo  erat  qui  ilium  reum 
ac  non  miliens  condemnatum  arbitraretur.    me  vero 
teste   producto  credo    te    ex    acclamatione    Clodii 
advocatorum    audisse    quae    consurrectio    iudicum 
facta  sit,  ut  me  circumsteterint,  ut  aperte  iugula 
sua  pro  meo  capite   P.   Clodio   ostentarint.     quae 
mihi  res  multo  honorificentior  visa  est  quam  aut 
ilia,  quum   iurare  tui    cives    Xenocratem    testimo- 
nium   dicentem   prohibuerunt,  aut   quum    tabulas 
Metelli  Numidici,  quum  eae,  ut   mos  est,  circum- 
ferrentur,  nostri  indices  aspicere  noluerunt :   multo 
haec,  inquam,  nostra  res  maior.     5.  itaque  iudicum 
vocibus,  quum  ego  sic  ab  iis  ut  salus  patriae  defen- 


24  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

cierer,  fractus  reus  et  una  patroni  omnes  conci- 
derunt.  ad  me  autem  eadem  frequentia  postridie 
convenit,  quacum  abiens  consulatu  sum  domum 
reductus.  clamare  praeclari  Areopagitae  se  non 
esse  ventures  nisi  praesidio  constitute,  refertur  ad 
consilium :  una  sola  sententia  praesidium  non  de- 
sideravit.  defertur  res  ad  senatum  :  gravissime 
ornatissimeque  decernitur  :  laudantur  iudices  :  datur 
negocium  magistratibus:  responsurum  hominem 
nemo  arbitrabatur. 

"EtTTrere  vvv  fioi,  MoDcrai. — 
OTTTTcw?  S>)  irpooTOV  i7vp  €/JL7recr€. 
nosti  Calvum,  ex  Nanneianis  ilium,  ilium  lauda- 
torem  meum,  de  cuius  oratione  erga  me  honorifica 
ad  te  scripseram.  biduo  per  unum  servum  et  eum 
ex  gladiatorio  ludo  confecit  totum  negocium : 
arcessivit  ad  se,  promisit,  intercessit,  dedit.  iam 
vero — o  di  boni,  rem  perditam  ! — etiam  noctes  cer- 
tarum  mulierum  atque  adolescentulorum  nobilium 
introductiones  non  nullis  iudicibus  pro  mercedis 
cumulo  fuerunt.  ita,  summo  discessu  bonorum, 
pleno  foro  servorum,  XXV  iudices  ita  fortes  tamen 
fuerunt,  ut,  summo  proposito  periculo,  vel  perire 
inaluerint  quam  perdere  omnia  :  XXXI  fuerunt  quos 
fames  magis  quam  fama  commoverit.  quorum 
Catulus  quum  vidisset  quemdam  :  quid  vos,  inquit, 
praesidium  a  nobis  postulabatis  ?  an  ne  numi  vobis 
eriperentur  timebatis?  6.  habes,  ut  brevissime  potui, 
genus  iudicii  et  causam  absolutionis.  quaeris  dein- 
ceps  qui  nunc  sit  status  rerum  et  qui  meus.  rei  pub- 
licae  statum  ilium,  quern  tu  meo  consilio,  ego  divino 
confirmatum  putabam,  qui  bonorum  omnium  con- 
iunctione  et  auctoritate  consulatus  mei  fixus  et  fun- 


LIB.  I.  EP.  i6.  25 

datus  videbatur,  nisi  qui  nos  deus  respexerit,  elapsum 
scito  esse  de  manibus  uno  hoc  iudicio :  si  indicium 
est,  triginta  homines  populi  Romani  levissimos  ac 
nequissimos  numulis  acceptis  ius  ac  fas  omne  delere 
et,  quod  omnes  non  modo  homines  verum  etiam 
pecudes  factum  esse  sciant,  id  Thahiam  et  Plautum 
et  Spongiam  et  caeteras  huius  modi  quisquilias 
statuere  numquam  esse  factum.  7.  sed  tamen, 
ut  te  de  re  pubHca  consoler,  non  ita,  ut  sperarunt 
mali,  tanto  imposito  rei  pubhcae  vulnere,  alacris 
exsultat  improbitas  in  victoria.  nam  plane  ita 
putaverunt,  quum  religio,  quuin  pudicitia,  quum 
iudiciorum  fides,  quum  senatus  auctoritas  conci- 
disset,  fore  ut  aperte  victrix  nequitia  ac  libido 
poenas  ab  optimo  quoque  peteret  sui  doloris,  quem 
improbissimo  cuique  inusserat  severitas  consulatus 
mei.  8.  idem  ego  ille— non  enim  mihi  videor 
insolenter  gloriari,  quum  de  me  apud  te  loquor,  in 
ea  praesertim  epistola  quam  nolo  ab  aliis  legi — 
idem,  inquam,  ego  recreavi  adflictos  animos  bono- 
rum,  unum  quemque  confirmans,  excitans  :  insec- 
tandis  vero  exagitandisque  numariis  iudicibus  om- 
nem  omnibus  studiosis  ac  fautoribus  illius  victoriae 
Trapprjaiav  eripui,  Pisonem  consulcm  nulla  in  re 
consistere  umquam  sum  passus,  desponsam  ho- 
mini  iam  Syriam  ademi,  senatum  ad  pristinam 
suam  scveritatem  revocavi  atque  abiectum  excitavi, 
Clodium  praesentem  fregi  in  senatu  quum  oratione 
perpetua,  plenissima  gravitatis,  tum  altercatione 
eius  modi,  ex  qua  licet  pauca  dcgustcs.  nam 
caetera  non  possunt  habere  neque  vim  ncque  ve- 
nustatem,  remoto  illo  studio  contcntionis,  quem 
dywfa    vos  appellatis.      9.   nam,  ut   Idib.  Maiis  in 


26  EPISTOLARUM   AD    ATTIC UM 

senatum  convenimus,  rocratus  e<zo  sententiam  multa 
dixi  de  summa  re  publica,  atque  ille  locus  inductus 
a  me  est  divinitus  :  ne  una  plaga  accepta  patres 
conscript!   conciderent,  ne  deficerent :  vulnus  esse 
eius  modi,  quod  mihi  nee  dissimulandum  nee  per- 
timescendum  videretur,  ne  aut  metuendo  ignavis- 
simi    aut  ignorando    stultissimi    iudicaremur :    bis 
absolutum  esse  Lentulum,  bis  Catilinam,  hunc  ter- 
tium  iam  esse  a  iudicibus  in  rem  publicam  immis- 
sum.     erras,  Clodi :  non  te  indices  urbi,  sed  carceri 
reservarunt,  neque  te  retinere  in  civitate,  sed  exsilio 
privare  voluerunt.    quam  ob  rem,  patres  conscripti, 
erieite  animos,  retinete  vestram  dignitatem,    manet 
ilia  in  re  publica  bonorum  consensio:  dolor  acces- 
sit  bonis  viris,  virtus  non  est  imminuta :  nihil  est 
damni  factum  novi,  sed,  quod  erat,  inventum  est.  in 
unius  hominis  perditi  iudicio  plures  similes  reperti 
sunt.     10.  sed  quid  ago  ?  paene  orationem  in  episto- 
1am  inclusi.   redeo  ad  altercationem.  surgit  pulchel- 
lus  puer,  obiicit  mihi  mead  Baias  fiiisse.  falsum,  sed 
tamen  quid  hoc  .■•    simile  est,  inquam,  quasi  dicas 
in  operto  fuisse.     quid,  inquit,  homini  Arpinati  cum 
aqiiis  calidisf     narra,    inquam,    patrono    tuo,    qui 
Arpinatis  aquas  concupivit.    (nosti  enim  Marianas.) 
quousque,  inquit,  hiuic  rcgem  feremus  ?     regem  ap- 
pellas,  inquam,  quum  Rex  tui  mentionem  nullam 
fecerit  "f  (ille  autem  Regis  hereditatem  spe  devora 
rat.)    doumm,  inquit,  cmisti.    potes,  inquam,  dicere, 
'iudices  emisti  ?  iiwanti,  inquit,  tibi  non  crcdidernnt. 
mihi  vero,  inquam,  XXV  iudices  crediderunt,  XXXI, 
quoniam  numos  ante  acceperunt,  tibi  nihil  credide- 
runt.     magnis    clamoribus    adflictus    conticuit    et 
concidit.      ii.    noster  autem  status  est  hie:  apud 


LIB.  I.  EP.  1 6.  27 

bonos  iidem  sumus,  quos  reliquisti,  apud  sordem 
urbis  et  faecem  multo  melius  nunc,  quam  reli- 
quisti. nam  et  illud  nobis  non  obest,  videri  nostrum 
testimonium  non  valuisse — missus  est  sanguis  in- 
vidiae  sine  dolore — atque  etiam  hoc  magis,  quod 
omnes  illi  fautores  illius  flagitii  rem  manifestam 
illam  redemptam  esse  a  iudicibus  confitentur : 
accedit,  quod  ilia  contionalis  hirudo  aerarii,  misera 
ac  ieiuna  plebecula,  me  ab  hoc  Magno  unice  diligl 
putat,  et  hercule  multa  et  iucunda  consuetudine 
coniuncti  inter  nos  sumus,  usque  eo,  ut  nostri  isti 
comissatores  coniurationis,  barbatuli  iuvenes,  ilium 
in  sermonibus  Cnaeum  Ciceronem  appellent.  ita- 
que  et  ludis  et  gladiatoribus  mirandas  iiriaij/jbaa-ia^ 
sine  ulla  pastoricia  fistula  auferebamus.  12.  nunc 
est  exspectatio  ingens  comitiorum,  in  quae  omnibus 
invltis  trudit  noster  Magnus  Auli  filium,  atque 
in  eo  neque  auctoritate  neque  gratia  pugnat,  sed 
quibus  Philippus  omnia  castella  expugnari  posse 
dicebat,  in  quae  modo  asellus  onustus  auro  posset 
ascendere.  consul  autem  ille,  Doterionis  histrionis 
similis,  suscepisse  negocium  dicitur  et  domi  divi- 
sores  habere :  quod  ego  non  credo,  sed  senatus 
consulta  duo  iam  facta  sunt,  odiosa,  quod  in  con- 
sulem  facta  putantur,  Catone  et  Domitio  postu- 
lante,  unum,  ut  apud  magistratus  inquiri  liceret, 
alterum,  cuius  domi  divisores  habitarent,  adversus 
rem  publicam.  13.  Lurco  autem  tribunus  ple- 
bis  [est],  qui,  magistratum  simul-j*  contra  legem 
Aeliam  iniit,  solutus  est  et  Aelia  et  Fufia  ut 
legem  de  ambitu  ferret,  quam  ille  bono  auspicio 
claudus  homo  promulgavit.  ita  comitia  in  ante 
diem  Vl  Kal.  Sext.  dilata  sunt,     novi  est  in  lege 

P.C.  4 


28  EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM 

hoc,  ut,  qui  numos  in  tribus  pronunciarit,  si  non 
dederit,  impune  sit :  sin  dederit,  ut  quoad  vivat 
singulis  tribubus  HS  CID  CID  CO  debeat.  dixi 
hanc  legem  P.  Clodium  iam  ante  servasse  :  pronun- 
ciare  enim  solitum  esse  et  non  dare,  sed  heus  tu  ! 
videsne  consulatum  ilium  nostrum,  quern  Curio 
antea  d-rrodewcnv  vocabat,  si  hie  factus  erit,  fabulam 
mimum  futurum  ?  qua  re,  ut  opinor,  (ptXoao(f>T)Teov, 
id  quod  tu  facis,  et  istos  consulatus  non  flocci 
facteon.  14.  quod  ad  me  scribis,  te  in  Asiam 
statuisse  non  ire,  equidem  mallem  ut  ires,  ac  vereor 
ne  quid  in  ista  re  minus  commode  fiat,  sed  tamen 
non  possum  reprehendere  consilium  tuum,  prae- 
sertim  quum  egomet  in  prov^inciam  non  sim  pro- 
fectus.  15.  epigrammatis  tuis,  quae  in  Amaltheo 
posuisti,  contenti  crimus,  praesertim  quum  et 
Chilius  nos  reliquerit  et  Archias  nihil  de  me 
scripserit,  ac  vereor  ne,  Lucullis  quoniam  Graecum 
poema  condidit,  nunc  ad  Caecilianam  fabulam 
spectet.  16.  Antonio  tuo  nomine  gratias  egi,  eam- 
que  epistolam  Manlio  dedi.  ad  te  ideo  antea 
rarius  scripsi,  quod  non  habebam  idoneum  cui 
darem  nee  satis  sciebam  quo  darem.  valde  te 
vindicavi.  17.  Cincius  si  quid  ad  me  tui  negocii 
detulerit,  suscipiam.  sed  nunc  magis  in  suo  est 
occupatus,  in  quo  ego  ei  non  desum.  tu,  si  uno  in 
loco  es  futurus,  crebras  a  nobis  litteras  exspecta  : 
ast  plures  etiam  ipse  mittito.  18.  velim  ad  me 
scribas  cuius  modi  sit' A fiaXdelov  tuum,  quo  ornatu, 
qua  Toirodeaia,  et  quae  poemata  quasque  historias 
de  W/xaXOela  habes  ad  me  mittas.  lubet  mihi  facere 
in  Arpinati.  ego  tibi  aliquid  de  meis  scriptis  mit- 
tam.     nihil  erat  absoluti. 


LIB.  I.  EP.  17.  29 

XVII. 

{Romae.     Messala,  Pisom  coss.  693.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Magna  mihi  varietas  voluntatis  et  dissimili- 
tudo  opinionis  ac  iudicii  Quinti  fratris  mei  de- 
monstrata  est  ex  litteris  tuis,  in  quibus  ad  me 
epistolarum  illius  exempla  misisti.  qua  ex  re  et 
molestia  sum  tanta  adfectus..  quantam  mihi  meus 
amor  summus  erga  utrumque  vestrum  adferre  de- 
buit,  et  admiratione  quidnam  accidisset  quod  adfer- 
ret  Quinto  fratri  meo  aut  offensionem  tarn  gravem 
autcommutationem  tantam  voluntatis,  atque  illud 
a  me  iam  ante  intelligebatur,  quod  te  quoque 
ipsum  discedentem  a  nobis  suspicari  videbam, 
subesse  nescio  quid  opinionis  incommodae  sau- 
ciumque  esse  eius  animum  et  insedisse  quasdam 
odiosas  suspiciones :  quibus  ego  mederi  quum  cu- 
perem  antea  saepe  et  vehementius  etiam  post 
sortitionem_  provinciae,  nee  tantum  intelligebam  ei 
esse  offensionis,  quantum  litterae  tuae  declararant, 
nee  tantum  proficiebam,  quantum  volebam.  2.  sed 
tamen  hoc  me  ipse  consolabar,  quod  non  dubita- 
bam  quin  te  ille  aut  Dyrrhachii  aut  in  istis  locis 
uspiam  visurus  esset.  quod  quum  accidisset,  con- 
fidebam  ac  mihi  persuaseram  fore  ut  omnia  placa- 
rentur  inter  vos  non  modo  sermone  ac  disputatione, 
sed  conspectu  ipso  congressuque  vestro.  nam 
quanta  sit  in  Quinto  fratre  meo  comitas,  quanta 
iucunditas,  quam  mollis  animus  ad  accipiendam  et 
ad  deponendam  offensionem,  nihil  attinet  me  ad 
te,   qui   ea  nosti,  scribere.     sed  accidit  perincom- 

4—2 


30  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

mode,  quod  eum  nusquam  vidisti.  valuit  enim 
plus,  quod  erat  illi  non  nuUorum  artificiis  inculca- 
tum,  quam  aut  officium  aut  necessitudo  aut  amor 
vester  ille  pristinus,  qui  plurimum  valere  debuit. 
3.  atque  huius  incommodi  culpa  ubi  resideat 
facilius  possum  existimare  quam  scribere.  vereor 
enim  ne,  dum  defendam  meos,  non  parcam  tuis. 
nam  sic  intelligo,  ut  nihil  a  domesticis  vulneris 
factum  sit,  illud  quidem  quod  erat  eos  certe  sanare 
potuisse.  sed  huiusce  rei  totius  vitium,  quod  ali- 
quanto  etiam  latius  patet  quam  videtur,  praesenti 
tibi  commodius  exponam.  4.  de  iis  litteris,  quas 
ad  te  Thessalonica  misit,  et  de  sermonibus,  quos 
ab  illo  et  Romae  apud  amicos  tuos  et  in  itinere 
habitos  putas,  ecquid  tantum  causae  sit  ignoro : 
sed  omnis  in  tua  posita  est  humanitate  mihi  spes 
huius  levandae  molestiae.  nam,  si  ita  statueris,  et 
irritabiles  animos  esse  optimorum  saepe  hominum 
et  eosdem  placabiles,  et  esse  banc  agilitatem,  ut 
ita  dicam,  mollitiamque  naturae  plerumque  boni- 
tatis  et,  id  quod  caput  est,  nobis  inter  nos  nostra 
sive  incommoda  sive  vitia  sive  iniurias  esse  toleran- 
das,  facile  haec,  quem  ad  modum  spero,  mitiga- 
buntur.  quod  ego  ut  facias  te  oro.  nam  ad  me, 
qui  te  unice  diligo,  maxime  pertinet  neminem  esse 
meorum,  qui  aut  te  non  amet  aut  abs  te  non  ame- 
tur.  5.  ilia  pars  epistolae  tuae  mJnime  fuit  neces- 
saria,  in  qua  exponis  quas  facultates  aut  provin- 
cialium  aut  urbanorum  commodorum  et  aliis 
temporibus  et  me  ipso  consule  praetermiseris. 
mihi  enim  perspecta  est  ingenuitas  et  magnitude 
animi  tui,  neque  ego  inter  me  atque  te  quidquam 
interesse   umquam    duxi    praeter   voluntatem    in- 


LIB.  I.  EP.  17.  31 

stitutae  vitae,  quod  me  ambitio  quaedam  ad  hono- 
rum  studium,  te  autem  alia  minime  reprehendenda 
ratio  ad  honestum  ocium  duxit.  vera  quidem 
laude  probitatis,  diligentiae,  religionis  neque  mc 
tibi  neque  quemquam  antepono,  amoris  vero  erga 
me,  quum  a  fraterno  amore  domesticoque  discessi, 
tibi  primas  defero.  6.  vidi  enim,  vidi  penitusque 
perspexi  in  meis  variis  temporibus  et  soUicitudines 
et  laetitias  tuas.  fuit  mihi  saepe  et  laudis  nostrae 
gratulatio  tua  iucunda  et  timoris  consolatio  grata, 
quin  mihi  nunc  te  absente  non  solum  consilium, 
quo  tu  excellis,  sed  etiam  sermonis  communicatio, 
quae  mihi  suavissima  tecum  solet  esse,  maxime 
deest — quid  dicam  ? — in  publicane  re,  quo  in  gen- 
ere  mihi  negligent!  esse  non  licet,  an  in  forensi 
labore,  quem  antea  propter  ambitionem  sustinebam, 
nunc,  ut  dignitatem  tueri  gratia  possim,  an  in  ipsis 
domesticis  negociis,  in  quibus  ego  quum  antea  turn 
vero  post  discessum  fratris  te  sermonesque  nostros 
desidero  ?  postremo  non  labor  meus,  non  requies, 
non  negocium,  non  ocium,  non  forenses  res,  non 
domesticae,  non  publicae,  non  privatae  carere  diu- 
tius  tuo  suavissimo  atque  amantissimo  consilio  ac 
sermone  possunt.  7.  atque  harum  rerum  com- 
memorationem  verecundia  saepe  impedivit  utrius- 
que  nostrum,  nunc  autem  ea  fuit  necessaria 
propter  eam  partem  epistolae  tuae,  per  quam  te  ac 
mores  tuos  mihi  purgatos  ac  probatos  esse  voluisti. 
atque  in  ista  incommoditate  alienati  illius  animi  et 
ofifensi  illud  inest  tamen  commodi,  quod  et  mihi  et 
caeteris  amicis  tuis  nota  fuit  et  abs  te  aliquando 
testificata  tua  voluntas  omittendae  provinciae,  ut, 
quod  una  non  estis,  non   dissensione  ac  discidio 


32  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

vestro,  sed  voluntate  ac  iudicio  tuo  factum  esse 
videatur.  qua  re  et  ilia,  quae  violata,  expiabuntur  et 
haec  nostra,  quae  sunt  sanctissime  conservata,  suam 
religionem  obtinebunt.  8.  nos  hie  in  re  publica 
infirma  misera  commutabilique  versamur.  credo 
enim  te  audisse  nostros  equites  paene  a  senatu  esse 
disiunctos  :  qui  primum  illud  valde  graviter  tule- 
runt,  promulgatum  ex  senatus  consulto  fuisse,  ut 
de  eis,  qui  ob  iudicandum  pecuniam  accepissent, 
quaereretur.  qua  in  re  decernenda  quum  ego  casu 
non  adfuissem  sensissemque  id  equestrem  ordinem 
ferre  moleste  neque  aperte  dicere,  obiurgavi  sena- 
tum,  ut  mihi  visus  sum,  summa  cum  auctoritate, 
et  in  causa  non  verecunda  admodum  gravis  et 
copiosus  fui.  9.  ecce  aliae  deliciae  equitum  vix 
ferendae !  quas  ego  non  solum  tuli,  sed  etiam  or- 
navi,  Asiani,  qui  de  censoribus  conduxerunt,  questi 
sunt  in  senatu  se  cupiditate  prolapsos  nimium 
magno  conduxisse :  ut  induceretur  locatio,  postula- 
verunt.  ego  princeps  in  adiutoribus  atque  adeo 
secundus.  nam,  ut  illi  auderent  hoc  postulare, 
Crassus  eos  impulit.  invidiosa  res,  turpis  postu- 
latio  et  confessio  temeritatis.  summum  erat  peri- 
culum  ne,  si  nihil  impetrassent,  plane  alienarentur 
a  senatu.  huic  quoque  rei  subventum  est  maxima 
a  nobis  perfectumque,  ut  frequentissimo  senatu  et 
libentissimo  uterentur,  multaque  a  me  de  ordinum 
dignitate  et  concordia  dicta  sunt  Kal.  Decembr.  et 
postridie.  neque  adhuc  res  confecta  est,  sed 
voluntas  senatus  perspecta.  unus  enim  contra 
dixerat  Metellus  consul  designatus.  quin  erat 
dicturus  —  ad  quem  propter  diei  brevitatem  per- 
ventum  non  est  —  heros  ille  noster  Cato.     10.   sic 


LIB.  L  EP.  17,  1 8.  33 

ego  eonservans  rationem  institutionemque  nostram 
tueor,  ut  possum,  illam  a  me  conglutinatam  con- 
cordiam,  sed  tamen,  quoniam  ista  sunt  infirma, 
munitur  quaedam  nobis  ad  retinendas  opes  nostras 
tuta,  ut  spero,  via,  quam  tibi  litteris  satis  explicare 
non  possum,  significatione  parva  ostendam  tamen. 
utor  Pompeio  familiarissime.  video  quid  dicas. 
cavebo  quae  sunt  cavenda  ac  scribam  alias  ad  te 
de  meis  consiliis  capessendae  rei  publicae  plura. 
II.  Lucceium  scito  consulatum  habere  in  animo 
statim  petere :  duo  enim  soli  dicuntur  petituri. 
Caesar  cum  eo  coire  per  Arrium  cogitat  et  Bibulus 
cum  hoc  se  putat  per  C.  Pisonem  posse  coniungi. 
rides  ?  non  sunt  haec  ridicula,  mihi  crede.  quid 
aliud  scribam  ad  te  ?  quid  .-*  multa  sunt,  sed  in  aliud 
tempus.  te  si  exspectari  velis,  cures  ut  sciam. 
iam  illud  modeste  rogo,  quod  maxime  cupio,  ut 
quam  primum  venias.     Nonis  Decembribus. 

xviir. 

{Romae.    Metello,  Afranio  coss.  694.) 
Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Nihil  mihi  nunc  scito  tam  deesse  quam 
hominem  eum,  quicum  omnia,  quae  me  cura  aliqua 
adficiunt,  una  communicem :  qui  me  amet,  qui 
sapiat,  quicum  ego  colloquar,  nihil  fingam,  nihil 
dissimulem,  nihil  obtegam.  abest  enim  frater  ci^e- 
\e(Traro<i  et  amantissimus  [mei].  en  tellus !  non 
homo,  sed 

lit  tits  atqiie  a'er  et  solitude  inera  I 
tu  autem,  qui  saepissime  curam  et  angorem  animi 
mei  sermone  et  consilio  levasti  tuo,  qui  mihi  et  in 


34  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

publica  re  socius  et  in  privatis  omnibus  conscius  et 
omnium  meorum  sermonum  et  consiliorum  particeps 
esse  soles,  ubinam  es  ?  ita  sum  ab  omnibus  de- 
stitutus,  ut  tantum  requietis  habeam,  quantum  cum 
uxore  et  filiola  et  mellito  Cicerone  consumitur. 
nam  illae  ambitiosae  nostrae  fucosaeque  amicitiae 
sunt  in  quodam  splendore  forensi,  fructum  domes- 
ticum  non  habent.  itaque,  quum  bene  completa 
domus  est  tempore  matutino,  quum  ad  forum  sti- 
pati  gregibus  amicorum  descendimus,  reperire  ex 
magna  turba  neminem  possumus  quicum  aut  iocari 
libere  aut  suspirare  familiariter  possimus.  qua 
re  te  exspectamus,  te  desideramus,  te  iam  etiam 
arcessimus :  multa  sunt  enim,  quae  me  sollicitant 
anguntque,  quae  mihi  videor  aures  nactus  tuas 
unius  ambulationis  sermone  exhaurire  posse.  2. 
ac  domesticarum  quidem  soUicitudinum  aculeos 
omnes  et  scrupulos  occultabo,  neque  ego  huic  epi- 
stolae  atque  ignoto  tabellario  committam.  atque 
hi  —  nolo  enim  te  permoveri  —  non  sunt  permolesti, 
sed  tamen  insident  et  urgent  et  nullius  amantis 
consilio  aut  sermone  requiescunt.  in  re  publica  vero, 
quamquam  animus  est  praesens^f*  et  voluntas  etiam, 
tamen  ea  iam  ipsa  raedicinam  refugit.  nam  ut  ea 
breviter,  quae  post  tuum  discessum  acta  sunt,  col- 
ligam,  iam  exclames  necesse  est  res  Romanas  diutius 
stare  non  posse,  etenim  post  profectionem  tuam 
primus,  ut  opinor,  introitus  fuit  in  causam  fabulae 
Clodianae,  in  qua  ego  nactus,  ut  mihi  videbar, 
locum  resecandae  libidinis  et  coercendae  iuventu- 
tis,  vehemens  fui  et  omnes  profudi  vires  animi  at- 
que ingenii  mei,  non  odio  adductus  alicuius,  sed 
spe  rei  publicae  corrigendae  et  sanandae  civitatis. 


LIB.  I.  EP.  1 8.  35 

3.  adflicta  res  publica  est  empto  constupratoquc 
iudicio.  vide  quae  sint  postea  consecuta.  consul 
est  impositus  is  nobis,  quern  nemo  praeter  nos 
philosophos  aspicere  sine  suspiritu  posset,  quan- 
tum hoc  vulnus  !  facto  senatus  consulto  de  ambitu, 
de  iudiciis,  nulla  lex  perlata,  exagitatus  senatus, 
alienati  equites  Romani.  sic  ille  annus  duo  firma- 
menta  rei  publicae  per  me  unum  constituta  evertit : 
nam  et  senatus  auctoritatem  abiecit  et  ordinum 
concordiam  disiunxit.  instat  hie  nunc  [ille]  annus 
egregius.  eius  initium  eius  modi  fuit,  ut  anniver- 
saria  sacra  luventatis  non  committerentur.  nam 
M.  LucuUi  uxorem  Memmius  suis  sacris  initiavit. 
Menelaus  aegre  id  passus  divortium  fecit,  quam- 
quam  ille  pastor  Idaeus  Menelaum  solum  con- 
tempserat,  hie  noster  Paris  tam  Menelaum  quam 
Agamemnonem  liberum  non  putavit.  4.  est  autem 
C.  Herennius  quidam  tribunus  plebis,  quem  tu 
fortasse  ne  nosti  quidem :  tametsi  potes  nosse, 
tribulis  enim  tuus  est  et  Sextus  pater  eius  numos 
vobis  dividere  solebat :  is  ad  plebem  P.  Clodium 
traducit,  idemque  fert,  ut  universus  populus  in 
campo  Martio  sufifragium  de  re  Clodii  ferat  hunc 
ego  accepi  in  senatu,  ut  soleo,  sed  nihil  est  illo  ho- 
mine  lentius.  5.  Metellus  est  consul  egregius  et  nos 
amat,  sed  imminuit  auctoritatem  suam,  quod  habet 
dicis  causa  promulgatum  illudf  quidem  de  Clodio. 
Auli  autem  filius,  o  di  immortales  !  quam  ignavus 
ac  sine  animo  miles !  quam  dignus,  qui  Palicano, 
sicut  facit,  os  ad  male  audiendum  cotidie  praebeat! 
6.  Agraria  autem  promulgata  est  a  Flavio,  sane 
levis,  eadem  fere,  quae  fuit  Plotia.  sed  interea 
7roX,iTtAcc9  av^p  oi)S'  opap  quisquam  inveniri  potest. 


36  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

qui  poterat,  familiaris  noster  —  sic  est  enim :  volo 
te  hoc  scire  —  Pompeius  togulam  illam  pictam 
silentio  tuetur  suam.  Crassus  verbum  nullum  contra 
gratiam.  caeteros  iam  nosti :  qui  ita  sunt  stulti, 
ut  amissa  re  publica  piscinas  suas  fore  salvas  spe- 
rare  videantur.  7.  unus  est  qui  curet  constantia 
magis  et  integritate  quam,  ut  mihi  videtur,  consilio 
aut  ingenio,  Cato :  qui  miseros  publicanos,  quos 
habuit  amantissimos  sui,  tertium  iam  mensem  vexat, 
neque  iis  a  senatu  responsum  dari  patitur.  Ita  nos 
cogimur  reliquis  de  rebus  nihil  decernere  ante  quam 
publicanis  responsum  sit.  qua  re  etiam  legationes 
reiectum  iri  puto.  8.  nunc  vides  quibus  fluctibus 
iactemur,  et,  si  ex  iis,  quae  scripsimus  [tanta],  etiam 
a  me  non  scripta  perspicis,  revise  nos  aliquando  et, 
quamquam  sunt  haec  fugienda,  quo  te  voco,  tamen 
fac  ut  amorem  nostrum  tanti  aestimes,  ut  eo  vel 
cum  his  molestiis  perfrui  velis.  nam,  ne  absens 
censeare,  curabo  edicendum  et  proponendum  locis 
omnibus,  sub  lustrum  autem  censeri  germani 
negociatoris  est.  qua  re  cura  ut  te  quam  primum 
videamus.  vale.  XI  Kal.  Febr.  O.  Metello  L. 
Afranio  coss. 

XIX. 

{Romae.    Metello,  Afranio  coss.  694.) 

Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Non  modo,  si  mihi  tantum  esset  ocii,  quan- 
tum est  tibi,  verum  etiam,  si  tarn  breves  epistolas 
vellem  mittere,  quam  tu  soles  facere,  te  superarem 
et  in  scribendo  multo  essem  crebrior  quam  tu.  sed 
ad  summas  atque  incredibiles  occupationes  meas 
accedit,  quod  nuUam  a  me  epistolam  ad  te  sine 


LIB.  I.  EP.  19.  37 

absque  argumento  ac  sententia  pervenire.  et  pri- 
mum  tibi  ut  aequum  est  civi  amanti  patriam,  quae 
sunt  in  re  publica,  exponam :  deinde,  quoniam  tibi 
amore  nos  proximi  sumus,  scribemus  etiam  de 
nobis  ea,  quae  scire  te  non  nolle  arbitramur.  2, 
atque  in  re  publica  nunc  quidem  maxime  Gallici 
belli  versatur  metus.  nam  Aedui,  fratres  nostri, 
pugnant,  Sequanif  permale  pugnarunt,  et  Helvetii 
sine  dubio  sunt  in  armis  excursionesque  in  provin- 
ciam  faciunt.  senatus  decrevit,  ut  consules  duas 
Gallias  sortirentur,  dilectus  haberetur,  vacationes 
ne  valerent,  legati  cum  auctoritate  mitterentur  qui 
adirent  Galliae  civitates  darentque  operam  ne  eae 
se  cum  Helvetiis  coniungerent  legati  sunt  Q. 
Metellus  Creticus  et  L.  Flaccus  et  to  eVt  T17  (f)aKf] 
fivpov,  Lentulus  Clodiani  filius.  3.  atque  hoc  loco 
illud  non  queo  praeterire,  quod,  quum  de  consulari- 
bus  mea  prima  sors  exisset,  una  voce  senatus 
frequens  retinendum  me  in  urbe  censuit.  Hoc  idem 
post  me  Pompeio  accidit,  ut  nos  duo  quasi  pignora 
rei  publicae  retineri  videremur.  quid  enim  ego 
aliorum  in  me  eTri^oovr^ixara  exspectem,  quum  haec 
domi  nascantur  ?  4.  urbanae  autem  res  sic  se 
habent.  agraria  lex  a  Flavio  tribuno  plebis  vehe- 
menter  agitabatur  auctore  Pompeio,  quae  nihil 
populare  habebat  praeter  auctorem.  ex  hac  ego 
lege  secunda  contionis  voluntate  omnia  ilia  tolle- 
bam,  quae  ad  privatorum  incommodum  pertine- 
bant:  liberabam  agrum  eum,  qui  P.  Mucio  L.  Cal- 
purnio  consulibus  publicus  fuisset :  Sullanorum 
hominum  possessiones  confirmabam:  Volaterranos 
et  Arretinos,  quorum  agrum  Sulla  publicarat  neque 
diviserat,  in  sua  possessione  retinebam:  unam  ratio- 


38  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

nem  non  reiiciebam,  ut  ager  hac  adventicia  pecunia 
emeretur,  quae  ex  novis  vectigalibus  per  quinquen- 
nium reciperetur.  huic  toti  rationi  agrariae  senatus 
adversabatur,  suspicans  Pompeio  novam  quamdam 
potentiam  quaeri.  Pompeius  vero  ad  voluntatem 
perferendae  legis  incubuerat.  ego  autem  magna 
cum  agrariorum  gratia  confirmabam  omnium  pri- 
vatorum  possessiones — is  enim  est  noster  exercitus 
hominum,  ut  tute  scis,  locupletium — ,  populo  autem 
et  Pompeio — nam  id  quoque  volebam — satis  facie- 
bam  emptione,  qua  constituta  diligenter  et  senti- 
nam  urbis  exhauriri  et  Italiae  solitudinem  frequen- 
tari  posse  arbitrabar.  sed  haec  tota  res  interpel- 
lata  bello  refrixerat.  Metellus  est  consul  sane 
bonus  et  nos  admodum  diligit.  ille  alter  ita  nihil 
est,  ut  plane  quid  emerit  nesciat.  5.  haec  sunt  in 
re  publica,  nisi  etiam  illud  ad  rem  publicam  putas 
pertinere,  Herennium  quemdam,  tribunum  plebis, 
tribuiem  tuum,  sane  hominem  nequam  atque  egen- 
tem,  saepe  iam  de  P.  Clodio  ad  plebem  traducendo 
agere  coepisse  :  huic  frequenter  interceditur.  haec 
sunt,  ut  opinor,  in  re  publica.  6.  ego  autem,  ut 
semel  Nonarum  illarum  Decembrium  iunctam  invi- 
dia  ac  multorum  inimicitiis  eximiam  quamdam 
atque  immortalem  gloriam  consecutus  sum,  non 
destiti  eadem  animi  magnitudine  in  re  publica  ver- 
sari  et  illam  institutam  ac  susceptam  dignitatem 
tueri,  sed  postea  quam  primum  Clodii  absolutione 
levitatem  infirmitatemque  iudiciorum  perspexi, 
deinde  vidi  nostros  publicanos  facile  a  senatu  dis- 
iungi,  quamquam  a  me  ipso  non  divellerentur,  tum 
autem  beatos  homines — hos  piscinarios  dico,  ami- 
cos  tuos, — non  obscure  nobis  invidere,  putavi  mihi 


LIB.  I.  EP.  19.  39 

maiores  quasdam  opes  et  firmiora  praesidia  esse 
quaerenda.  7,  itaque  primum  eum,  qui  nimium 
diu  de  rebus  nostris  tacuerat,  Pompeium,  adduxi  in 
earn  voluntatem,  ut  in  senatu  non  semel  sed  saepe 
multisque  verbis  huius  mihi  salutem  imperii  atque 
orbis  terrarum  adiudicarit.  quod  non  tarn  interfuit 
mea — neque  enim  illae  res  aut  ita  sunt  obscurae, 
ut  testimonium,  aut  ita  dubiae,  ut  laudationem 
desiderent — quam  rei  publicae,  quod  erant  quidam 
improbi,  qui  contentionem  fore  aliquam  mihi  cum 
Pompeio  ex  rerum  illarum  dissensione  arbitraren- 
tur.  cum  hoc  ego  me  tanta  familiaritate  coniunxi, 
ut  uterque  nostrum  in  sua  ratione  munitior  et  in  re 
publica  firmior  hac  coniunctione  esse  possit.  8. 
odia  autem  ilia  libidinosae  et  delicatae  iuventutis, 
quae  erant  in  me  incitata,  sic  mitigata  sunt  comi- 
tate quadam  mea,  me  unum  ut  omnes  illi  colant. 
nihil  iam  denique  a  me  asperum  in  quemquam  fit, 
nee  tamen  quidquam  populare  ac  dissolutum,  sed 
ita  temperata  tota  ratio  est,  ut  rei  publicae  con- 
stantiam  praestem,  privatis  rebus  meis  propter 
infirmitatem  bonorum,  iniquitatem  malevolorum, 
odium  in  me  improborum  adhibeam  quamdam 
cautionem  et  diligentiam,  atque  ita  tamen  his  novis 
amicitiis  implicati  sumus,  ut  crebro  mihi  vafer  ille 
Siculus  insusurret  [Epicharmus]  cantilenam  illam 
suam: 

Na^e  Kal  fie/Mvaa  dinareiv.  apdpa  ravra  rdv  (fypevtov. 

ac  nostrae  quidem  rationis  ac  vitae  quasi  quamdam 
formam,  ut  opinor,  vides.  9.  de  tuo  autem  nego- 
cio  saepe  ad  me  scribis,  cui  mederi  nunc  non  pos- 
sumus.     est  enim  illud  senatus  consultum  summa 


40  EPISTOLARUM    AD   ATTICUM 

pedariorum  voluntate,  nullius  nostrum  auctoritate 
factum,  nam,  quod  me  esse  ad  scribendum  vides, 
ex  ipso  senatus  consulto  intelligere  potes  aliam  rem 
tum  relatam,  hoc  autem  de  populis  liberis  sine 
causa  additum:  et  ita  factum  est  a  P.  Servilio  filio, 
qui  in  postremis  sententiam  dixit,  sed  immutari 
hoc  tempore  non  potest,  itaque  conventus,  qui 
initio  celebrabantur,  iam  diu  fieri  desierunt.  tu  si 
tuis  blanditiis  tamen  a  Sicyoniis  numulorum  ali- 
quid  expresseris,  velim  mc  facias  certiorem.  lO. 
commentarium  consulatus  mei  Graece  compositum 
misi  ad  te :  in  quo  si  quid  erit  quod  homini  Attico 
minus  Graecum  eruditumque  videatur,  non  dicam, 
quod  tibi,  ut  opinor,  Panhormi  LucuUus  de  suis  his- 
toriis  dixerat,  se,  quo  facilius  illas  probaret  Romani 
hominis  esse,  idcirco  barbara  quaedam  et  aoXoiKu 
dispersisse :  apud  me  si  quid  erit  eius  modi,  me 
imprudente  erit  et  invito.  Latinum  si  perfecero,  ad 
te  mittam.  tertium  poema  exspectato,  ne  quod 
genus  a  me  ipso  laudis  meae  praetermittatur.  hie 
tu  cave  dicas,  r/?  Trarip'  alvrjaei',' si  est  enim  apud 
homines  quidquam  quod  potius  sit,  laudetur:  nos 
vituperemur,  qui  non  potius  alia  laudemus.  quam- 
quam  non  iyKO)fj,tacrTiKa  sunt  haec,  sed  laToptKfi, 
quae  scribimus.  ii.  Quintus  frater  purgat  se  mul- 
tum  per  litteras  et  adfirmat  nihil  a  se  cuiquam  de 
te  secus  esse  dictum,  verum  haec  nobis  coram 
summa  cura  et  diligentia  sunt  agenda :  tu  modo 
nos  revise  aliquando.  Cossinius  hie,  cui  dedi  lit- 
teras, valde  mihi  bonus  homo  et  non  levis  et  amans 
tui  visus  est  et  talis,  qualem  esse  eum  tuae  mihi 
litterae  nunciarant.     Idibus  Martiis. 


LIB.  I.  EP.  20.  41 

XX. 

{Romae.    Metello,  Afranio  coss.  694.) 
Cicero  Attico  S. 

I.  Quum  e  Pompeiano  me  Romam  recepissem 
a.  d.  nil  Idus  Maias,  Cincius  noster  earn  mihi  abs  te 
epistolam  reddidit,  quam  tu  Idib.  Febr.  dederas.  ei 
nunc  epistolae  litteris  his  respondebo.  ac  primum 
tibi  perspectum  esse  iudicium  de  te  meum  laetor, 
deinde  te  in  iis  rebus,  quae  mihi  asperius  a  nobis 
atque  nostris  et  iniucundius  actae  videbantur,  mo- 
deratissimum  fuisse  vehementissime  gaudeo,  idque 
neque  amoris  mediocris  et  ingenii  summi  ac  sapi- 
entiae  iudico.  qua  de  re  quum  ad  me  ita  suaviter, 
diligenter,  officiose,  humaniter  scripseris,  ut  non 
modo  te  hortari  ampHus  non  debeam,  sed  ne  ex- 
spectare  quidem  abs  te  aut  ab  ullo  homine  tantum 
facihtatis  ac  mansuetudinis  potuerim,  nihil  duco 
esse  commodius  quam  de  his  rebus  nihil  iam  am- 
plius  scribere.  quum  erimus  congressi,  tum,  si 
quid  res  feret,  coram  inter  nos  conferemus.  2. 
quod  ad  me  de  re  publica  scribis,  disputas  tu  qui- 
dem et  amanter  et  prudenter  et  a  meis  consiliis 
ratio  tua  non  abhorret — nam  neque  de  statu  nobis 
nostrae  dignitatis  est  recedendum  neque  sine  nos- 
tris copiis  intra  alterius  praesidia  veniendum  et  is, 
de  quo  scribis,  nihil  habet  amplum,  nihil  excelsum, 
nihil  non  summissum  atque  populare — ,  verum  ta- 
men  fuit  ratio  mihi  fortasse  ad  tranquilHtatem  meo- 
rum  temporum  non  inutilis,  sed  me  hcrcule  rei 
publicae  multo  etiam  utilior  quam  mihi,  civium  im- 
proborum  impetus  in  me  reprimi,  quum  hominis 


42  EPISTOLARUM   AD   ATTICUM 

amplissima  fortuna,  auctoritate,  gratia  fluctuantem 
sententiam  confirmassem  et  a  spe  malorum  ad 
mearum  rerum  laudem  convertissem.  quod  si  cum 
aliqua  levitate  mihi  faciendum  fuisset,  nullam  rem 
tanti  aestimassem,  sed  tamen  a  me  ita  sunt  acta 
omnia,  non  ut  ego  illi  adsentiens  levior,  sed  ut  ille 
me  probans  gravior  videretur.  3.  reliqua  sic  a 
me  aguntur  et  agentur,  ut  non  committamus  ut  ea, 
quae  gessimus,  fortuito  gessisse  videamur.  meos 
bonos  viros,  illos  quos  significas,  et  eam,  quam 
mihi  dicis  obtigisse,  ^iraprav,  non  mpdo  numquam 
deseram,  sed  etiam,  si  ego  ab  ilia  deserar,  tamen 
in  mea  pristina  sententia  permanebo.  illud  tamen 
velim  existimes,  me  hanc  viam  optimatum  post 
Catuli  mortem  nee  praesidio  ullo  nee  comitatu 
tenere.     nam,  ut  ait  Rhinton,  ut  opinor, 

Ot  fiev  Trap    ovhev  elai,  rot?  S'  ovSev  fiiXei. 

mihi  vero  ut  invideant  piscinarii  nostri  aut  scribam 
ad  te  alias  aut  in  congressum  nostrum  reservabo. 
a  curia  autem  nulla  me  res  divellet,  vel  quod  ita 
rectum  est  vel  quod  rebus  meis  maxime  consenta- 
neum  vel  quod  a  senatu  quanti  fiam  minime  me 
poenitet.  4.  de  Sicyoniis,  ut  ad  te  scripsi  antea, 
non  multum  spei  est  in  senatu.  nemo  est  enim 
iam  qui  queratur.  qua  re,  si  id  exspectas,  longum 
est.  alia  via,  si  qua  potes,  pugna.  quum  est  ac- 
tum, neque  animadversum  est  ad  quos  pertineret  et 
raptim  in  eam  sententiam  pedarii  cucurrerunt  in- 
ducendi  senatus  consulti  maturitas  nondum  est, 
quod  neque  sunt  qui  querantur  et  multi  partim 
malevolentia,  partim  opinione  aequitatis  delectan- 
tur.     5.    Metellus  tuus  est  egregius  consul :   unum 


LIB.  I.  EP.  20.  43 

reprehendo,  quod  ocium  nunciari  e  Gallia  non 
magno  opere  gaudet.  cupit,  credo,  triumphare. 
hoc  vellem  mediocrius:  caetera  egregia.  Auli  filius 
vero  ita  se  gerit,  ut  eius  consulatus  non  consulatus 
sit,  sed  Magni  nostri  vTrcoTriov.  6.  de  meis  scriptis 
misi  ad  te  Graece  perfectum  consulatum  meum. 
eum  librum  L.  Cossinio  dedi.  puto  te  Latinis 
meis  delectari,  huic  autem  Graeco  Graecum  invidere. 
alii  si  scripserint,  mittemus  ad  te,  sed,  mihi  crede, 
simul  atque  hoc  nostrum  legerunt,  nescio  quo 
pacto  retardantur.  7.  nunc,  ut  ad  rem  meam 
redeam,  L.  Papirius  Paetus,  vir  bonus  amatorque 
noster,  mihi  libros  eos,  quos  Sen  Claudius  reliquit, 
donavit.  quum  mihi  per  legem  Cinciam  licere 
capere  Cincius  amicus  tuus  diceret,  libenter  dixi 
me  accepturum,  si  attulisset.  nunc  si  me  amas,  si 
te  a  me  amari  scis,  enitere  per  amicos,  clientes, 
hospites,  libertos  denique  ac  servos  tuos,  ut  scida 
ne  qua  depereat.  nam  et  Graecis  his  libris,  quos 
suspicor,  et  Latinis,  quos  scio  ilium  reliquisse,  mihi 
vehementer  opus  est.  ego  autem  cotidie  magis, 
quod  mihi  de  forensi  labore  temporis  datur,  in  his 
studiis  conquiesco.  per  mihi,  per,  inquam,  gratum 
feceris,  si  in  hoc  tam  diligens  fueris  quam  soles  in 
iis  rebus,  quas  me  valde  velle  arbitraris,  ipsiusque 
Paeti  tibi  negocia  commendo,  de  quibus  tibi  ille 
agit  maximas  gratias,  et,  ut  iam  invisas  nos,  non 
solum  rogo,  sed  etiam  suadeo. 


P.  C. 


NOTES. 


LETTER  I. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i — 3  A  summary  of  his  posiiion 
as  candidate  for  the  consulship,  together  with  a  sketch  of  his 
probable  competitors.  %  3 — 5  The  reasons  of  his  refusal  to 
act  as  counsel  for  Caecilius  in  his  case  against  A.  Caninius 
Satrius.    §  5  His  acknowledgments  for  the  receipt  of  a  statue. 

§  I  Petitionis'\  =prensationis,  as  Cicero's  petitio  or  formal 
canvass  for  the  consulship  would  not  begin  before  the  ensuing 
year.  It  was  usual  however  to  employ  the  year  which  imme- 
diately followed  the  praetorship  in  forming  a  general  interest, 
and  it  is  to  this  private  canvass  that  Cicero  now  alludes. 
'The  prospects  of  my  canvass  in  which  I  know  you  take  the 
deepest  interest  are,  to  make  a  guess  at  them,  something  as 
follows.' 

l/nus"]  'alone,'  for  Antonius  and  Cornificius,  though  men- 
tioned below  as  intending  candidates,  are  nowhere  said  to 
have  begun  their  canvass.  It  is  therefore  quite  needless 
to  understand  7(nus  in  the  sense  of  'especially'  on  the  ana- 
logy of  the  Greek  tls  [Soph.  Trach.  460,  Oed.  rex  1380]  and 
of  such  passages  as  Verg.  Aen.  II.  426  and  Cat.  XXII.  10,  if 
indeed  in  the  latter  instance  the  word  is  not  rather  to  be 
explained  in  its  later  sense  as  equivalent  to  ns. 

P.  Calba]  P.  Sulpicius  Galba,  a  patrician,  who  is  men- 
tioned with  praise  in  the  or.  pro  ATur.  viil.  17. 

Sine  fuco  ac  fallaciis]  '  They  say  him  nay  in  primitive 
fashion  and  without  ceremony  or  disguise.'  There  can  be 
little  doubt  that  this  is  the  right  punctuation,  in  confirmation  ot 
which  we  may  instance  the  similar  expression  fucosi  suffra- 

fatores  (Q.  Cic.  de pet.  cons.  ix.  35).  Manutius  on  the  other 
and  would  take  the  words  niore  maiorum  in  the  sense  of 
'without  bribery,'  and  xcicr  sine  fuco  ac  fallaciis  \.o  prensat 
rather  than  negatur. 

5—2 


46  NOTES. 

rraepropera\  '  Premature,'  both  in  tivie  and  place :  the 
comitia  fridunicia,  which  was  the  first  election  in  the  year, 
being  the  recognised  time,  and  the  Campus  Martins  the  re- 
cognised place. 

Ita...ut\  'For  they  generally  refuse  him  their  votes  on 
the  plea  that  they  are  bound  to  reserve  them  for  me.  So  I 
think  it  must  further  my  interest  as  the  news  gains  ground 
that  my  friends  are  being  found  so  numerous.' 

Cogitaramus]  For  the  epistolary  tense  cf.  Madv.  345. 

P?'oJin'sci]=  profectitrutn  esse,  as  in  II.  6.  2  quando  te pro- 
ficisci  istinc  puies  fac  ut  sciain,  and  again  in  IV.  16.  12.  Boot. 

Cincius]  L.  Cincius,  an  agent  of  Atticus,  to  judge  from 
such  passages  as  Vll.  i,  VIII.  2,  XVI.  17. 

a.d.  XVl]  We  may  without  hesitation  reject  the  old  read- 
ing ad  in  favour  of  a.d.  as  the  day  for  the  election  of  tribunes 
in  the  Campus  Martins  would  not  be  left  in  doubt  as  the 
word  ad  would  imply. 

Qui  videantur']  "  So  far  as  they  can  be  ascertained." 

Anfonius]  C.  Antonius  Hybrida  was  Cicero's  colleague  in 
the  aedileship  and  praetorship  and  afterwards  in  the  con- 
sulate. 

CornificiHs'\  Q.  Cornificius  'index  justissimus'  [or.  in  Ver. 
I.  10.  30).  He  was  Cicero's  colleague  in  the  augurship  and 
tribune  in  the  consulship  of  Metellus  and  Hortensius. 

Ut  fro7item  ferias'\  To  attach  these  words  to  the  foregoing 
sentence,  as  Nobbe  edits  them,  is  to  destroy  utterly  the  force 
of  the  climax.  'I  can  fancy  your  smile  or  rather  sigh  at  this 
news.  To  make  you  tear  your  hair,  Caesonius  is  thought 
possible  by  some.' 

In  illustration  of  the  phrase  iti  frontein  fcrias,  cf.  Dion. 
Hal.  X.  9  rralovres  ra  ix(T(0Tra,  and  Cic.  Brut.  LXXX.  278. 

Mr  Watson  regards  ingeviuisse  as  a  sign  of  grief 'at  the 
impending  defeat  of  a  man  of  good  character,'  But  it  seems 
invidious  to  draw  this  distinction  when  the  candidates  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  him  (e.g.  Galba  and  Caesonius) 
were  little  inferior  in  standing  and  reputation  to  Cornificius. 
Moreover  the  words  in  hoc  must  surely  refer  to  the  past 
sentence  as  a  whole.  The  improbability  of  Galba's  canvass 
being  attended  with  success,  admirable  as  his  character 
was,  may  be  gathered  from  Q.  Cic.  de  pet.  cons.  VII.  and, 
as  it  appears  to  me,  it  is  the  fact  of  their  candidature  rather 
than  the  likelihood  of  their  rejection  which  is  to  excite  the 


NOTES.  47 

mirth  and  indignation  of  Atticus.  Compare  the  precisely- 
similar  criticism  on  the  candidates  of  a  later  year  {Ep.  ij. 
i).     Rides?  non  siinthacc  ridicnla,  viihi  crede. 

Caesontum]  M.  Caesonius,  a  colleague  of  Cicero  in  the 
aedileship.  Cf.  o?:  in  Verr.  I.  lo.  29  homo  in  rebus  iiidi- 
candis  spectatiis  et  cognitus. 

Aqtiilium~]  C.  Aquilius(as  Orelli  writes  the  name)  Gallus, 
an  able  lawyer  (cf.  B?-ut.  XLll,  de  offic.  III.  14),  and  the 
colleague  of  Cicero  in  the  praetorship. 

Denegat  et\  denegans,  Boot,  a  piece  of  latinity  which 
I  should  be  very  reluctant  to  ascribe  to  Cicero :  while  the 
dciicgavit  et  iuravit  edited  by  Schiitz,  Klotz  and  others  is 
very  objectionable  on  the  score  of  rhythm.  Moreover  the 
reading  of  the  text  is  easily  defensible,  if  we  suppose  that 
the  change  from  the  present  to  the  aorist  tense  is  intended 
to  mark  the  difference  between  the  more  general  fact  of  his 
refusal  and  the  definite  cause  of  it :  '  at  any  rate  he  declares 
the  contrary  and  has  put  in  a  plea  of  ill-health.'  A  special 
explanation  of  this  kind  would  be  required  from  one  who 
thus  stopped  short  in  his  career  of  office 

The  phrase  iurare  niot'buvi  occurs  again  m  Ep.  ad  Ati. 
XII.  13.  2,  and  may  be  compared  with  the  similar  exciisare 
morbutn. 

In  7-egnuin  iiidiciale  we  may  notice  a  playful  allusion  to 
the  idea  entertained  by  Aquilius  of  his  own  importance  in 
the  courts.  That  the  boast  was  no  empty  one  may  be  inferred 
from  the  or.  pro  Caec.  cap.  XXVir,  where  his  influence  as  a 
iiirisconsulliis  is  admitted  in  the  strongest  possible  terms. 

Catilind]  L.  Sergius  Catiline,  who  was  at  this  time  ex- 
cluded from  the  right  of  suing  for  the  consulship  lying  as 
he  did  under  a  charge  of  extortion  in  Africa,  where  he  had 
been  praetor  A.u.C.  687.  Yet,  after  assuming  his  guilt  in 
these  explicit  terms,  Cicero  in  the  very  next  letter  is  prepar- 
ing to  undertake  his  defence. 

Catiline  was  acquitted  to  the  disgrace  of  the  judges,  and  in 
all  probability  by  the  collusion  of  Clodius  who  was  prosecutor 
on  the  occasion.  Whether  Cicero  was  his  counsel  in  the 
case  is  a  matter  of  doubt.  For  the  whole  question  and  its 
connection  with  the  date  of  the  subsequent  letter,  sec  Mr 
Forsyth's  Life  of  Cicero.^  p.  87. 

RIeridie  noti  lucere\  'if  the  judges  can  bring  themselveiS 
to  declare  that  the  sun  does  not  shine  at  noon,'  or  in  other 
words  that  'black  is  white.' 

Auli Jilio']  al.  Aujidio,  by  which  A.Titus  Aufidius  would 
probably  be  meant  who  is  mentioned  in  Brut,  XLVIII.  as  a 


4S  NOTES. 

jurist,  and  in  the  or.  pro  Flac.  as  praetor  in  Asia.  But  the 
reading  of  the  text  is  preferred  by  the  best  editors,  and  the 
allusion  is  to  L.  Afranius,  a  creature  of  Pompeius,  who  was 
consul  with  Metellus  A.  u.C.  694.  'A  nobody  and  the  son 
of  a  nobody '  is  perhaps  the  idea. 

Palicaniis]  M.  Lollius  Palicanus,  another  candidate  of 
the  same  stamp,  as  we  may  gather  from  an  incident  which 
is  related  of  him  in  Val.  Max.  III.  8.  3. 

He  had  been  a  tribune  of  the  people,  and  is  referred  to 
again  in  connection  with  Afranius  m  I.  18.  5,  while  in  Brut. 
LXXll.  he  is  described  as  contioiiibiis  tiirbitlentis  aptissi- 
7iins. 

§  2  De  Us  qui  7iu}tc pctuiit\  '  Of  those  who  are  standing  for 
the  present  year  Caesar  is  considered  safe.  The  struggle  is 
thought  to  lie  between  Thermus  and  Silanus  :  who  however 
are  so  threadbare  in  friends  and  reputation  that  it  seems 
to  me  perfectly  possible  that  Curius  may  be  pitted  against 
them.  But  I  am  alone  in  this  opinion.  It  suits  my  interest 
best,  I  think,  for  Thermus  to  be  returned  with  Caesar :  for, 
supposing  him  to  stand  over  for  another  year,  there  is  no 
one  of  the  present  candidates  who  is  likely  to  prove  a 
more  formidable  rival  ;  more  particularly  as  he  is  conduct- 
ing the  repairs  of  the  Flaminian  way,  a  work  now  approach- 
ing its  completion.' 

Qui 7iunc petunt\  i.e.  for  office  in  64  B.C.  As  regards  the 
date  of  this  and  the  subsequent  letter  I  have  followed  the 
ordinary  chronology  with  Klotz,  Nobbe  and  the  majority  of 
the  editors.  On  the  other  hand  Schiitz  and  Matthiae  would 
lefer  both  to  the  previous  year. 

Caesar'\  Lucius  luhus  Caesar,  who  was  in  fact  returned 
with  Thermus.  For  his  intervention  after  the  murder  of 
Caesar  see  in  particular  Phil.  viil.  i.  i,  and  again  xil. 
7.18. 

Thermus]  Minucius  Thermus,  adopted  into  the  patrician 
gens  Marcia,  and  mentioned  in  the  Fasti  as  C.  Marcius 
Figulus.  He  is  supposed  to  be  the  Q.  Minucius  Themius 
to  whom  some  of  Cicero's  letters  are  addressed,  a  noted 
partisan  of  Pompeius  in  the  civil  war.     Meriv. 

Silano]  Decius  lulius  Silanus,  who  was  consul  with 
L.  Licinius  Muraena  A.  U.  C.  691. 

Ab  amicis'\  =  ex  parte  amicorum  'in  regard  to  friends.' 
The  construction  is  apparently  a  favourite  one  with  Cicero. 
(Zi.  Ep.  VIII.  14.  I  [itm'pus]  quod  magis  dcbuerit  7nutum  esse 
a  litter  is :   ill.  17.  i  [litteras]  exploratas  a  timore,  and  or. 


NOTES. 


49 


pro  Caec.  XXXII.  si  planicmfacil  ab  sc,  where  ab  se  is  equiva- 
lent to  ex  sua  parte. 

Curiu7ti\  Tiirlum,  Boot,  and  with  some  probabiHty,  as 
he  is  mentioned  in  the  Brutus  [cap.  Lxvii]  in  the  following 
terms :  L.  Tiirius  parvo  ingenio,  scd  viulto  laborc,  quoquo 
iiiodo  poterat,  saepe  dicebat.  Itaqjie  ei  pcuicac  centiiriae  ad 
consulatum  defuerimt.  But  his  objection  to  the  received 
reading  on  the  ground  that  Curius  was  a  man  of  infamous 
character  and  had  in  consequence  been  removed  from  the 
senatorial  roll  [Sail.  bell.  Cat.  XVII.]  is  of  little  weight,  as  it 
is  Cicero's  intention  to  disparage  Thermus  and  Silanus  by 
the  suggestion  of  some  worthless  competitor. 

Obdiicei-e\  avTma^aynv.  This  is,  according  to  Boot,  the 
only  passage  in  Cicero  where  the  word  is  found  in  this 
sense. 

Curator  viae  Flaminiae]  Merivale  quotes  this  passage 
as  an  illustration  of  the  trifling  circumstances  which  might 
often  determine  the  choice  of  a  consul.  The  via  Flaminia 
led  from  the  Porta  Flumentana  through  Etruria  to  Arimi- 
num,  and  was  designed  by  the  censor  C.  Flaminius  A.  u.  C. 
533- 

Cum  Caesar e  cons.]  quae  cum  erit  absoluta  sane  facile 
euvi  libenternufic ceteri  consult  acciderifn  is  the  unintelligible 
reading  of  the  best  MS,  for  which  Schijtz  proposes  the  follow- 
ing :  Quae  tunc  erit  absoluta  sane  facile,  eo  libens  Thernium 
Caesari  consulem  accedere  viderim.  The  other  emendations 
which  have  been  suggested  are  for  the  most  part  unsatisfac- 
tory. Perhaps  the  only  point  which  we  can  determine  with 
any  degree  of  certainty  is  that  the  words  'quae  tunc  erit 
absoluta'  or  their  equivalent  in  meaning  should  form  the  end 
of  the  past  sentence  rather  than  the  commencement  of  the 
new.  But,  with  this  exception,  the  reading  adopted  by 
Schiitz  appears  to  me  to  be  open  to  objection  on  several 
points:  e.g.  the  position  of  the  words  'sane  facile'  at  the 
close  of  a  sentence  :  the  introduction  of  the  proper  name 
Thermus  after  so  short  an  interval  and  when  there  has  been 
no  change  of  subject :  and  lastly  the  unusual  character  of 
the  concluding  phrase  '  Caesari  consulem  accedere  viderim,'  ^^'^ 
an  olyection  to  which  the  emendation  of  Gronovius  'Caesari 
consulem  addiderim'  is  likewise  open.  -^%^> 

On  the  strength  of  many  similar  passages  we  may  fairly 
I  think  regard  the  words  'sane  facile'  as  introductory  to  the 
new  sentence,  while  the  substitution  of 'eum'  for  'Thermum' 
is  only  a  return  to  the  reading  of  the  MS.  Of  the  word 
'factum'  I  speak  with  less  confidence.  It  is  however  the 
recognised  phrase  and,  in  addition  to  other  passages,  occurs 
in  Ep.  i6.  13  of  the  present  book:    'sedheus  tu  !    videsnc 


50  NOTES. 

consulatum    ilium     nostrum,   quern    Curio    ante    dnodtaa-iu 
vocabat,  si  hie /acius  erit,  fabulam  mimum  futurum  ? ' 

Informatd\  Informare  like  adumbrare  and  the  Greek 
vTrorrTToci)  and  (rKLaypa(J3f(o  is  used  of  painting  or  sketching 
in  outline  :  'my  general  impression  of  the  candidates.' 

JVos  in  omni  tiiu/t.  cafid.]  '  For  myself,  I  shall  spare  no 
pains  on  my  canvass  :  and,  as  Gaul  seems  to  exercise  a 
considerable  influence  upon  the  voting,  I  may  possibly  take  a 
trip  there  in  September,  as  soon  as  the  Roman  law-courts  have 
cooled  down  for  the  vacation,  on  a  mission  to  Piso,  but  so 
as  to  be  home  again  in  January.  As  soon  as  I  have  got  an 
insight  into  the  intentions  of  our  great  men  you  shall  know 
the  result.  With  this  exception,  my  path  is  clear  :  that  is  in 
relation  to  the  civilian  candidates.' 

Gallia]  i.e.  Gallia  Cispadana.  For  the  extent  of  this 
influence  cf.  Philip.  II.  30,  and  the  treatise  de  bell.  Gall.  Lii. 
T.  Labieiuun  togatae  Calliae  praefecit,  quo  maiore  commenda- 
tione  cojiciliaretur  ad  consulatus  petitioneni, 

Refrixerit]  The  word  is  used  again  in  Ep.  ll.  i.  6  of  a 
measure  which  was  indifferently  supported  ;  quod  dc  agraria 
kge  guaeris,  sane  iani  vidctur  refrixisse.  From  the  second 
Verrine  oration  we  find  that  for  the  last  four  months  of  the 
Roman  year  there  was  an  almost  entire  cessation  of  business 
in  the  Roman  law-courts,  as  the  festivals  and  holidays  were 
crowded  into  that  portion  of  the  year. 

Legati]  i.e.  on  a  libera  legatio  or  honorarj'  embassy  to 
Piso.  Caius  Calpurnius  Piso  is  meant,  who  was  consul 
with  Acilius  Glabrio  in  the  year  67  B.  c,  and  brother  of  the 
Marcus  Piso  in  whose  consulship  Clodius  was  tried  for 
sacrilege.  As  governor  of  Gallia  Narbonensis  he  is  the 
subject  of  a  sarcastic  allusion  in  Ep.  13.  1  praeposihimque 
esse  nobis  pacificatoreni  Allobroguni.  At  a  later  period  he 
was  accused  of  peculation,  and  defended  by  Cicero  [or.  pro 
Flac.  39),  who  procured  his  acquittal. 

Prolixa~\  Casaubon  believes  the  word  to  be  equivalent  to 
valde  laxa.  But  Forcellini  suggests  with  greater  probability 
that  the  primary  idea  was  that  of  running  water,  and  that  it 
was  originally  used  of  garments.  Hence  we  ha\'e  prolixus 
capillus  of  loose-flowing  hair.  Afterwards  it  became  akin  to 
propensics.  Thus  we  \i?Lyt  prolixus  animus,  and  {addiv.  V'll. 
5.  1)  prolixe  promittere,  and  again  (Ter.  And.  V.  8.  20)  age 
prolixe.  Finally  in  a  speech  of  Cato  {apud  A\x\.  Gell.  vii.  3) 
we  find  res prolixae  used  in  the  present  sense  oi  secnndae. 

Competitoribtis  urbanis]  civilian  as  opposed  to  military 
rivals.     The   latter  might  any  day  return  from   a  foreign 


NOTES.  SI 

campaign,  and  prove  formidable  antagonists.  Casaubon 
would  appear  to  have  understood  the  words  in  a  slightly 
different  sense,  to  judge  from  the  following  note:  qiiasi  dicat, 
multi  nobiles  qui  absunt. 

Ciira  lit  praestes]  i.e./ac  ut  nit'hi  caveas  ab  istis  Potiipeii 
asseclis,  ne  eos  competitores  habcavi,  Schutz.  But  'take  care 
to  secure  me  the  votes  of  his  retinue'  is  certainly  the  more 
natural  interpretation  of  the  words,  and  more  in  accordance 
with  the  ordinary  usage  oi praestare. 

Illarn  inanum'\  i.  e.  the  influential  voters  who  had  accom- 
panied Pompeius  on  his  Mithridatic  campaign.  The  phrase 
praestare  illani  nianiim  may  refer  to  their  votes  or  else  to 
their  mdirect  injluetice.  It  is  not  necessary  to  confine  it  to 
the  latter,  as  from  the  sentence  which  follows  it  seems  clear 
that  some  of  them,  if  not  Pompeius  himself,  would  be  able 
to  attend  in  person  at  the  election.  The  explanation  sug- 
gested by  Boot  is  scarcely  satisfactory  :  potest  tamen  quoqite 
iudicari  opera  et  auxilium  Pompeii.  Hac  ratione  scriptores 
Craeci  utuntur  voc.  xf 'p- 

§  3  Perveliut]  '  But  there  is  a  matter,  by  the  way,  for  which 
I  am  extremely  anxious  to  secure  your  forgiveness.  Your 
uncle  Caecilius,  who  has  lost  a  large  sum  of  money  by  the 
failure  of  Varius,  has  commenced  legal  proceedings  with  his 
brother  Satrius  for  the  possession  of  the  property  which  he 
accuses  him  of  having  received  from  Varius  by  a  fraudulent 
bill  of  sale.  The  rest  of  the  creditors  are  making  common 
cause  with  him,  and  amongst  them  Lucullus  and  Scipio  and 
the  person  whom  they  suppose  will  act  as  auctioneer  if  the 
property  should  come  to  the  hammer,  one  Pontius  by  name. 
But  it  is  absurd  to  be  discussing  the  auctioneer  at  this  stage 
of  the  proceedings.  Caecilius  has  requested  me  to  appear 
against  Satrius.' 

Fratre]  Mr  Watson  notices  that  in  this  case,  supposing 
fratre  to  have  its  usual  meaning,  one  of  the  two  brothers 
must  have  changed  his  name  by  adoption,  or  else  they  must 
have  been  brothers  on  the  mother's  side. 

Dolo  Dialog  The  adjective  has  been  referred  by  some  to 
mancipio,  but,  besides  being  the  recognised  formula  in  use 
on  such  occasions  (cf  de  off.  III.  14.  60),  the  rhythm  of  the 
sentence  would  alone  be  enough  to  shew  that  the  words  'dole 
malo'  cannot  possibly  be  separated.  In  the  present  instance 
the  fraud  consisted  in  the  illegal  transfer  of  property  which 
ought  to  have  been  forthcoming  to  pay  Caecilius  and  the 
other  creditors. 

Lucullus\  Lucius  Licinius  Lucullus  is  probably  meant, 
the  friend  of  Caecilius  as  we  are  told  by  Nepos  in  his  life  of 


52  NOTES. 

Atticus,  cap.  V.  As  he  had  by  this  time  returned  from  his 
campaign  in  Asia  against  Mithridates  there  is  no  need  to 
suppose,  with  Manutius  and  others,  that  his  brother  Marcus 
is  the  person  referred  to. 

P.  Scipio~\  He  was  afterwards  adopted  by  Metellus 
under  the  name  of  O.  Caec.  Metellus  Pius  Scipio.  In  the 
civnl  war  he  espoused  the  cause  of  Pompeius,  and  killed 
himself  after  the  battle  of  Thapsus  in  B.C.  46. 

Magisfruiii]  We  have  no  one  word  in  English  to  express 
the  various  relations  of  the  magister  in  a  Roman  case  of 
bankruptcy.  He  was  usually  selected  from  the  number  of 
the  creditors,  and  was  at  once  auctioneer  and  assignee  of  the 
proceeds  of  the  sale  which  he  was  appointed  to  conduct  in 
their  interests.     (Cf.  or.  pro  Quint,  xv.  50.)     Trs.  'receiver.' 

L.  Pontius]  L.  Pontius  Aquila.  Cf.  ad  Att.  v,  2.  i,  and 
Philip.  XIII.  13.  27. 

Nunc  cognoscere]  There  seems  to  be  no  good  reason  for 
discrediting  the  reading  of  the  text:  which  is  at  any  rate 
sufficiently  intelligible.  'The  question  as  to  who  is  to  be 
receiver  is  premature  and  absurd  when  we  do  not  as  yet 
so  much  as  know  whether  Satrius  will  be  condemned  or  his 
property  sold.'  On  the  other  hand  Madvig's  emendation  : 
verum  hoc  ridiculum  est  de  inagistro.  Nunc  cognosce  rein: 
which  Klotz  and  Boot  have  admitted  into  their  text,  ingenious 
as  it  undoubtedly  is,  appears  to  me  to  be  somewhat  devoid 
of  meani.ng,  for,  without  the  addition  of  the  words  nunc 
cognoscere,  it  is  quite  impossible  to  see  anything  ludicrous 
in  the  mention  of  an  auctioneer.  Boot  raises  an  objection  to 
the  reading  cognoscere  on  the  following  ground :  '  Vulgo 
piitabant  Pentium  magistrum  fore ;  sed,  quam  dm  incertum 
erat,  utrum  bonaVarii  venii-ent  necne,  de  magistro  cognosce- 
bat  nemo.'  But  cognoscere  is  '  to  take  into  consideration,' 
and  the  opposition  which  he  discovers  between  it  d^nd  putant 
does  not  appear  to  me  to  exist. 

Observat]  A  stronger  word  than  colere  but  used  much  in 
the  same  sense.  Cf.  Ep.  13.  2  suin  eni/n  ab  observafuio 
homine  perversa  liber. 

L.  Domiiiunt]  Lucius  Domitius  Ahenobarbus  was  consul 
with  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher  A.U.C.  699,  and  in  his  praetor- 
ship  proved  a  good  friend  to  Cicero  during  the  time  of  his 
banishment. 

§  4  Devt07istravt]  'I  pointed  this  out  to  Caecilius,  at  the 
same  time  assuring  him  that,  had  the  suit  been  confined  to 
himself  and  Satrius,  I  would  have  done  my  best  to  oblige 
him,  but,  under  present  circumstances  and  in  a  case  which 


NOTES.  53 

affected  the  whole  body  of  the  creditors,  all  of  them  men  of 
distinction,  who  might  easily  protect  their  interests  without 
the  aid  of  a  lawyer  specially  retained  by  Caecilius  on  his 
own  account,  it  was  only  fair  that  he  should  shew  some  con- 
sideration for  my  feelings  and  convenience.' 

Perhiberet\  pracberet  Corrad.  but  the  word  is  technical  in 
the  sense  of  TiapixitrQai,  in  indicium  patronian  adducere. 

Officio  meo\  i.e.  his  obligations  to  Satrius  for  his  past 
services:  tetiipori,  his  critical  position  as  a  candidate  for 
the  consulship. 

Homines  belli']  'than  is  usual  with  your  thorough  gentle- 
man.' Cf.  Quint,  de  pet.  cons.  XI.  belle  ncgandum  est,  7<t  de- 
monstres  iiecessitndifiem,  ostendas  quatn  7iioleste  /eras,  aliis 
te  id  rebns  exsarturxim  persuadeas. 

Bellus  is  here  equivalent  to  Jmmamts.  On  the  other  hand 
in  Catullus  and  Martial  (ill.  63)  it  is  used  to  denote  a  fop. 
It  is  quite  possible  that  a  covert  allusion  may  be  intended 
to  the  manners  of  Caecilius,  which,  as  we  are  told  elsewhere, 
were  anything  but  refined  or  courteous. 

Refiigiti  'declined  the  acquaintance  which  had  sprung  up 
between  us  during  the  past  few  days.' 

Abs  te  peto'\  '  I  beg  of  you  to  make  allowance  for  me  in 
the  matter,  and  to  believe  that  I  was  debarred  by  feelings  of 
common  courtesy  from  taking  part  against  a  friend  in  his 
hour  of  need,  when  his  entire  reputation  was  at  stake,  and 
when  moreover  he  had  just  done  his  best  for  me  in  word 
and  deed.' 

Summajn  existimationeiti]  '■Summa  existimatio  est  res  a 
qua  omnis  eius  existimatio  pendet  et  in  discrimen  venit  :  at 
summa  respublica  est  res  in  qua  vertitur  salus  totius  rei- 
publicae.'     Graev. 

Ambitionem\ '  Self-interest'  in  the  matter  of  his  canvass. 

fVei  ovx  Ifp^  sub.  apvvadrjv,  'For  indeed  the  prize  is  a 
grand  one.'  A  quotation  from  //.  XXII.  159.  Cf.  also  Verg. 
Aen.  XII.  794  neque  enim  levia  aiit  ludicra  petuntur  Prac 
viia. 

Utio]  'mainly.'  Cf.  Ep.  18.  3  duo  firmamenta  reipublicae 
per  me  unum  constituta  and  note  on  §  i  of  the  present  letter. 

§  5  Hermathenci\  For  the  characteristics  of  these  statues, 
see  note  on  Ep.  l.  10.  3.  'I  am  wonderfully  charmed  with 
the  statue  you  have  sent  me,  and  it  is  so  happily  placed  that 
you  would  fancy  my  school  to  be  an  offering  at  its  feet.  Best 
love.* 


54  NOTES. 

Eius]  So  Klotz  and  Boot  for  jjXiov,  which  is  retained  by 
Nobbe,  though  entirely  unintelhgible.  Schiitz  would  read 
z7/i7^s,  but  in  the  similar  passage  of  Ep.  4.  3  eius  is  the 
word  used,  and  as  an  emendation  it  is  perhaps  scarcely  more 
violent. 

Gy7nnasiuni\  i.e.  a  school  for  study  and  recreation,  which 
he  had  designed  in  his  Tusculan  villa  on  the  model  of  the 
old  gardens  of  the  Academe.  The  villa  itself  had  once  been 
in  the  possession  of  Sulla  and  was  situated  about  twelve 
miles  from  Rome. 

LETTER   II. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i.  The  birth  of  a  son.  His  in- 
tention of  defending  Catiline.  \z.  A  request  that  Atticus 
Tvill  come  to  Rome  with  all  possible  speed. 

§  I  C.  Marcio  Figuld\  The  Thermus  mentioned  in  I.  i.  2. 
The  date  of  this  letter  is  remarkable  as  referring  in  all  pro- 
bability to  the  day  when  the  new  consuls  were  elected,  not 
to  that  on  which  they  came  into  office. 

That  the  consules  designati  were  often  mentioned  simply 
as  consules  is  clear  from  Ep.  ad.  Att.  vii.  8,  Phil.yil\\2,.  8  :  but 
in  this  instance  Cicero  had  probably  a  special  reason  for 
departing  from  the  usual  formula,  as  he  may  have  wished 
to  notify  with  precision  the  day  on  which  his  son  was  born. 
The  above  explanation,  which  is  countenanced  by  Schiitz, 
is  likewise  supported  by  the  contents  of  the  letter,  for 
Catiline  was  put  on  his  defence  in  the  consulship  of  Cotta  and 
Torquatus,  when  Caesar  and  Figulus  were  the  consuls  elect 
for  the  ensuing  year.  The  alternative  involves  the  assumption 
that  Catiline  was  twice  tried  for  different  offences. 

Filiolo'\  Marcus.  Mr  Watson  has  collected  the  details  of 
his  life,  which,  though  eventful  in  itself,  left  little  mark  on  the 
history  of  his  times. 

Catilitiam']  '  I  am  preparing  to  defend  my  rival  Catiline. 
We  have  the  very  judges  we  wanted,  and  the  prosecutor  is  quite 
content.  If  acquitted,  I  trust  he  will  work  more  heartily  with 
me  in  the  matter  of  my  canvass.  If  otherwise,  I  shall  bear  it 
like  a  man.'  The  whole  of  this  incident — whether  as  regards 
his  readiness  to  undertake  the  defence  of  a  man  whose  guilt  (he 
admits)  was  as  patent  as  the  noonday  sun,  or  the  suggestion 
of  underhand  play  in  the  j-eiectio  iudicum,  or  the  motive 
which  influenced  his  conduct  on  the  occasion — is  in  the 
highest  degree  discreditable  to  Cicero.  Catiline  was  favoured 
in  his  canvass  by  Crassus  and  Caesar,  and  it  was  the  fear 
of    their   influence   and   the   desire   for   some    compromise 


NOTES.  55 

which  induced  Cicero  to  promise  his  services.  Whether 
he  actually  defended  him  is  still  a  matter  of  doubt.  The 
evidence,  such  as  it  is,  is  slightly  in  favour  of  Asconius  who 
decides  the  question  in  the  negative.  The  fact  that  Cicero 
abuses  the  court  which  acquitted  him  {or.  in  tog.  cand.)  is 
not  decisive  either  way :  witness  his  treatment  of  Fidicu- 
lanius  Falcula  in  the  or.  pro  Cacc.  as  compared  with  his 
eulogies  on  the  same  individual  at  the  Cluentian  trial. 

Accusatoris]  Publius  Clodius,  who,  for  a  consideration, 
is  said  to  have  waived  his  right  of  challenging  the  judges. 
{or.  de  har.  resp.  cap.  XX.)  If  so,  the  expression  sujuma 
accusatoris  voluntate  is  sufficiently  explained.  In  the  or. 
in  Pis.  X.  23  a  member  of  the  same  family  (Sex.  Clodius)  is 
charged  with  a  similar  offence. 

Sin  aliter  acciderit^  i.e.  'if  he  declines  to  cooperate  with 
me,'  and  not  in  reference  to  his  possible  condemnation — for 
in  the  latter  case  he  would  of  course  be  unable  to  stand  for 
the  consulship. 

§  2  Tuos  familiares']  As  for  instance,  Crassus  and  C. 
Caesar,  who  were  notoriously  adverse  to  Cicero's  interests, 
and  perhaps  also  Philippus,  Hortensius  and  LucuUus,  whom 
he  refers  to  again  under  the  name  of  'piscinarios  nostros' 
{Ep.  19.  6)  as  jealous  of  his  influence  in  the  state.  The 
cause  of  this  feeling  is  illustrated  by  the  following  passage 
from  Sal.  Cat.  23 :  Pleraqtie  nobilitas  itividia  aestuabat  et 
quasi  pollui  consulatuni  credebant  si  eum  quanivis  cgregius 
homo  novus  adeptus  foret.  If  an  additional  motive  is  re- 
quired it  may  be  found  in  the  devotion  shewn  by  Cicero  to 
the  special  interests  of  Pompeius. 

lanuan'o  ineunte]  We  have  in  this  another  proof  that  the 
consuls  Caesar  and  Figulus  were  only  elect  at  the  present  time : 
for,  had  they  been  actually  in  office,  the  January  of  691  must 
have  been  the  one  to  which  Cicero  alludes,  and  by  that  time 
the  services  of  Atticus  would  have  been  useless.  Besides  we 
know  from  other  sources  that  as  a  matter  of  fact  he  was  in 
Rome  before  the  commencement  of  that  year. 

LETTER   III. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §1.  The  absence  of  Atticus  and 
its  fatal  consequences.  %2  A  plea  for  his  return,  and  an 
acknowledgment  of  the  statues  received  from  him.  §  3  The 
inability  of  the  7vriter  to  pacify  Lucceius.  The  betrothal  of 
his  daughter  to  Piso. 

§  I  Mortuam  esse~\  It  is  quite  impossible  that  this  can  be 
a  serious  statement,  though  all  the  commentators  appear  to 


56  NOTES. 

have  regarded  it  as  such.  It  is  no  doubt  apiece  of  pleasantry, 
the  object  of  which  was  twofold  :  (i)  to  hasten  the  return 
of  Atticus  by  shewing  how  much  he  was  missed:  {2)  to  deride 
the  easy  going  philosophy  of  his  friend  Saufeius.  '  Regret 
for  your  absence  has  been  the  death  of  your  grandmother, 
combined  with  her  fears  that  the  Latin  states  would  not  be 
true  to  their  allegiance,  and  bring  the  usual  victims  to  the 
Alban  mount.  Saufeius,  I  imagine,  will  send  you  the  com- 
fort you  require  on  the  occasion.' 

Qiiod  verita  sit\  deridet  siispiciosae  anicitlae  inanem  su- 
perstitionem.  Man. 

Latinae\  sub.  civitates,  nor  can  1  conceive  why  the  editors 
should  have  suggested  &\\.\vg.x  ferine  (as  Boot),  with  which  the 
expression  in  officio  manere  is  entirely  incompatible,  or  fae- 
viinae  (as  Billerbeck),  a  word  which  could  scarcely  have  been 
omitted.  Add  to  which,  as  Schiitz  remarks,  women  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  ceremonial  on  the  occasion.  The 
yearly  festival  of  the  Feriae  Latinae  was  instituted  by  Tar- 
quinius  Superbus  with  the  express  object  of  retaining  his 
hold  over  the  more  distant  civitates  by  requiring  from  then) 
this  token  of  allegiance. 

Rei^  With  the  Epicureans  death  was  no  evil,  and  it  is  in 
reference  to  this  view  that  Cicero  uses  the  matter  of  fact  word 
7-ei  in  announcing  to  Atticus  his  imaginary  loss.  If  we  are  to 
regard  the  communication  as  a  serious  one  this  pleasantry  is 
most  ill-timed  :  but  against  this  view  we  have  the  fact  that  in 
Ep.  IV.  6.  I,  where  he  is  alluding  to  an  actual  loss,  Cicero 
speaks  in  very  different  language  of  Saufeius  and  his  school. 

Sajifeitun]  A  friend  of  Atticus  and,  like  himself,  a  fol- 
lower of  the  Epicurean  school,  of  the  tenets  of  which  he  was 
an  energetic  exponent ;  cf  Ep.  II.  8.  i  quaynquam  licet  me 
Saufeiiim  pules  esse,  nihil  tne  est  inertius.  The  spirit  of  the 
passage  is  something  to  this  effect:  'Under  the  circum- 
stances I  may  send  you  my  condolences  by  proxy,  and  what 
is  more  by  a  correspondent  whose  philosophy  is  of  a  kind  to 
suit  your  case.' 

§  2  Ad  alios  7nissis?~\  'is  it  from  report  alone,  or  from  a 
letter  of  yours  to  some  one  else  ? '  The  elegance  of  the  ex- 
pression is  lost,  if  we  omit  the  note  of  interrogation  with 
Boot  and  others. 

Signd]  '  The  statues  which  you  have  procured  for  me 
have  been  landed  at  Caieta.  I  hav'n't  seen  them  as  yet,  for 
I  have  had  no  opportunity  of  leaving  Rome.  I  have  sent  a 
person  to  pay  for  their  carriage.  My  best  thanks  are  due  to 
you  for  the  pains  you  have  taken,  and  for  securing  them  at  so 
reasonable  a  price.' 


NOTES.  57 

Caietai)i\  The  celebrated  harbour  (now  Gaeta)  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  which  was  Cicero's  Formian  villa.  In  Ep.  4 
he  refers  to  the  villa  itself  under  the  name  of  Caieta.  For  a 
description  of  his  numerous  residences  see  Mr  Forsyth's 
Cicero,  pp.  61 — 66. 

Exposita]  For  the  use  of  the  word  in  the  sense  of '  landed ' 
of.  Verg.  Aen.  x.  288,  de  bell.  Call.  iv.  37. 

§  3  A7mco\  L.  Lucceius.  He  was  a  man  of  some  literary  at- 
tainments both  as  poet  and  historian  (cf.  Ep.  ad div.  V.  12),  and 
was  courted  in  consequence  by  Cicero  who  wished  him  to  sing 
his  praises.  In  the  year  59  B.C.  he  was  an  unsuccessful  candi- 
date for  the  consulship.  To  judge  from  Ep.  14,  which  was 
written  in  the  consulship  of  Messala  and  Piso,  the  difference 
between  himself  and  Atticus  (for  the  origin  of  which  cf.  11. 
i)  must  have  lasted  for  the  space  of  seven  years. 

Quibiis  de  snspicionibiis\  =  propter  quas  siispiciones  rather 
than  alius  de  suspicionibus. 

Salltisiiuiii]  not  the  historian,  cf.  ad  div.  Xiv.  4.  11,  ad 
Alt.  XI.  17.  I.  '  Sallust,  though  he  was  on  the  spot,  I  have 
not  been  able  to  restore  to  his  old  place  in  his  esteem.  I 
mention  this  to  you  because  he  used  to  find  fault  with  me 
for  neglecting  your  wishes.  He  has  now  found  out  by  ex- 
perience that  our  friend  is  not  very  amenable,  and  that  I  did 
use  my  best  efforts  in  your  behalf.' 

Nee  tibi  deftiisse']  I  am  disinclined  to  alter  the  received 
reading,  which  may  be  justified  by  the  analogy  of  the  follow- 
ing passages,  the  latter  of  which  is  recognised  by  Madvig  : 
Pers.  V.  172,  and  C'lc. pro  Caec.  XX.lY.7ia7n  qui  hoc  disputant, 
si  id  dicimt,  non  recte  aliquid  statuere  eos  qui  consiilatiiiir, 
nee  hoc  debent  dicere,  etc.  The  alteration  proposed  by  Schijtz 
nee  tibi  nee  sibi  does  not  read  pleasantly,  and,  had  it  formed 
part  of  the  original  text,  would  scarcely  have  been  cor- 
rupted. Nee  jHciun  stiidiiim  tibi  de/uisse  appears  to  me 
a  more  probable  suggestion,  as  it  reads  well,  and  gives  a 
connection  to  the  two  sentences  the  want  of  which  is  cer- 
tainly felt  in  the  received  reading.  The  objection  which 
Boot  raises  to  the  text  on  the  ground  that  it  makes  de/uisse 
dependent  on  expertus  est  is  surely  hypercritical,  for  the  con- 
struction may  be  easily  explained  as  a  (fvyixa. 

Tulliolam]  His  daughter  Tullia  was  at  the  time  of  her 
betrothal  only  nine,  or  at  the  most  eleven,  years  old. 

C.  Pisoni]  His  praises  are  sung  by  Cicero  in  the  Brutus 
(cap.  Lxxviii.)  and  elsewhere.  At  a  later  period  he  abandoned 
his  quaestorship  in  Pontus  and  Bithynia  that  he  might  be 
near  at  hand  to  protect  his  father-in-law. 


58  NOTES. 


LETTER  IV. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i  Inducements  to  Atticus  to 
hasten  his  visit.  §  2  The  trial  of  Macer.  §  3  77^1?  decoration 
0/ his  villas,  and  his  wish  to  purchase  the  library  0/  Atticus. 

§  I  'You  are  for  ever  raising  my  hopes  of  seeing  you. 
Only  the  other  day,  when  we  thought  you  were  on  the  point 
of  coming,  you  suddenly  put  us  off  till  July.  Now  I  really 
do  propose  that,  as  nearly  as  your  convenience  will  admit, 
you  come  at  the  date  you  mention.  You  will  be  just  in  time 
for  my  brother's  election,  you  will  see  me  after  our  long 
parting,  and  you  can  settle  your  difference  with  Acutilius. 
Peducaeus  has  reminded  me  to  mention  this:  for  we  think 
it  better  that  the  matter  should  be  finally  settled.  My  help 
in  arranging  it  has  always  been  at  your  service.' 

Reiecti  sumus]  Cf.  Ep.  18.  7  gua  re  etiam  legationes 
rcicctuvi  iri  puto. 

Quintifratris  comitid\  who  was  a  candidate  for  the  aedile- 
ship,  which  he  held  in  the  consulship  of  Cotta  and  Torquatus. 

Acutilianam  controvcrsiam'\  Cf  5.  4,  and  again  8.  i. 
The  wording  of  the  latter  passage  sufficiently  shews  that  the 
matter  in  question  was  a  debt  due  from  Atticus  to  Acutilius, 
and  that,  in  the  opinion  of  Acutilius,  the  plea  advanced  by 
Atticus  for  deferring  payment  was  an  unsatisfactory  one. 

Peducaeus^  The  son  of  Sextus  Peducaeus,  the  praetor  of 
.Sicily,  to  whom  Cicero  had  been  quaestor.  He  was  at  present 
in  the  employ  of  Atticus  -aj^,  procurator.  Others,  from  the  date 
of  the  letter,  have  inferred  that  the  father  is  meant. 

§  2  '  I  have  brought  the  business  of  C.  Macer  to  an  end, 
with  the  marked  approbation  of  the  people.  I  have  done 
him  strict  justice  ;  nevertheless  by  his  condemnation  I  have 
excited  so  strong  a  feeling  in  my  favour  as  far  to  outstrip  any 
benefit  I  might  have  looked  for  from  himself  had  I  acquitted 
him.'    Meriv. 

C.  A/acro]  Caius  Licinius  Macer,  an  historian  and  orator 
(Cic.  Brut.  LXVII).  He  was  accused  of  peculation  under 
Cicero's  praetorian  auspices  (or.  pro  Rabir.  Post,  iv),  who 
presided  over  the  quacstio  rcpetundarum  in  virtue  of  his 
office.  Macer  was  condemned  in  spite  of  the  influence  of 
Crassus.  A  sensational  story  in  reference  to  his  trial  and 
condemnation  is  found  in  Plutarch  [Cic.  9),  and  again  in  a 
different  form  in  Val.  Max.  IX.  12. 

Quum  aequifuissetnus']  The  statement  of  this  transaction, 
which  in  any  form  is  not  particularly  creditable  to  Cicero, 


'LnA^^Cutr'VhjUL 


^L 


NOTES.  59 

is  by  no  means  improved  by  the  force  which  Boot  would  attach 
to  the  subjunctivey«m^;««j;  cui  quum  parcere  etfavere  potu- 
issemus,  sive  quuni  in  eius  gratiam  funiorem  ae^uitatis  {('ttl- 
fiKeias)  qiiam  iuris  rationevi  habere  potiiissemus. 

Ex populi  existimatione]  We  may  compare  the  following 
from  Plut.  in  Cic.  1 1  Tar  Kpiaeis  eSo^e  Kadapms  Koi  KaXSs  ^pa- 

§  3  Singulare  est  insigtte']  Boot  omits  insigne  from  his  text, 
but  the  sentence  is  incomplete  without  it.  As  regards  the 
punctuation  and  arrangement  of  the  passage  there  is  consider- 
able difficulty.  To  place  the  stop  after  the  words  per  tnihi 
graUim  est  necessitates  the  introduction  of  est  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  following  sentence — a  verb  which  is  already 
repeated  twice  in  the  space  of  two  lines.  A  more  natural 
remedy  is  to  supply  before  Acadejniae  the  word  et  which  is 
much  required,  and  which  may  easily  have  been  displaced 
in  a  sentence  redundant  with  monosyllables. 

Eitis'\  is  in  this  case  almost  equivalent  to  talis  '  a  school  of 
this  class.'  Cf  me  enm  offendes,  Ep.  \o.  6.  A  statue  of  Mi- 
nerva would  be  specially  appropriate,  as  the  idea  of  the  place 
was  borrowed  in  the  first  instance  from  Athens  and  the  Aca- 
deme, and  its  primary  object  was  the  culture  of  the  intellect. 

Caietatn']  i.  e.  Caietamim  praedium,  his  estate  at  Formiae: 
for  so  far  as  we  know  he  had  no  property  nearer  Caieta  than 
this. 

Abuttdare']  to  'overflow'  'be  overstocked'  with  them.  It 
is  better  I  think  to  supply  signis  rather  xSx'a.-a.pecicnia:  though 
either  explanation  is  admissible. 

Conservd]  '  keep  your  books  together,  and  do  not  despair 
of  my  one  day  making  them  my  own.  This  object  attained, 
I  surpass  Crassus  in  wealth  and  can  afford  to  despise  the 
houses  and  lands  of  any  man.'  Conserva  may  mean  'do  not 
sell  them,'  or  else  it  may  have  something  of  the  same  sense 
as  con/ice  bibliothecam  in  Ep.  4.  '  make  up,  complete  your 
library.' 

We  are  told  by  Corn.  Nepos  {vit.  Ait.  13)  that  Atticus 
kept  a  large  household  of  slaves,  whom  he  employed  to  copy 
MSS  for  his  own  library  and  also  for  sale. 

Crassum]  M.  Licinius  Crassus.  Cf  ll.  13. 2  cuius  cognomen 
una  cum  Crassi  Divitis  cognomine  consenescit. 

Vices']  may  be  equivalent  to  villas  as  in  Hor.  Epist.  1 1. 
2.  177,  but  more  probably  vici  urbani  are  meant,  while  villae 
will  be  included  in  the  word prata,  just  as  in  Martial  doinus 
is  used  of  a  '  mansion'  or  'house  in  town'  in  contrast  with  a 
country  residence. 

P.  C.  6 


6o  NOTES. 


LETTER  V. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i  TJie  death  of  his  cousin  Lucius. 
§  2  The  ijuant  of  hart?io/iy  in  his  brothers  household.  §  3  The 
infrequeficy  of  his  letters  to  Atticus.  §  4  Tlie  affair  of  Acu- 
tilius.  §  5  The  pacificatioti  of  Lucceius.  %  b  A  wardship 
case.  §  7  The  decoration  of  his  Tusculaii  villa.  §  8  His 
brother  Quintus  expected.     Terentia's  health,  and  conclusion. 

§  I  Fructu\  '  What  e7ijoyment  at  home  and  abroad.'  It  is 
better  to  i^keforensis  as  referring  to  his  public  life  in  general 
rather  than  to  his  legal  duties  in  particular :  although  his 
cousin  must  have  been  of  great  ser\-ice  to  him  in  the  latter,  if 
(as  Asconius  tells  us)  he  travelled  through  Sicily  with  him  to 
aid  him  in  collecting  materials  for  the  prosecution  of  Verres. 

Lucii^  The  son  of  Lucius  TuUius  Cicero,  the  brother  of 
the  orator's  father.  In  defn.  V.  i.  i  Cicero  speaks  of  him  as 
fratreni,  cognatione  patruelejn,  atnore  germaniun.  He  died 
in  the  year  686,  two  years  before  the  consulship  of  Cicero, 
and  this  letter  which  announces  the  fact  is  consequently  the 
earliest  of  the  series.  This  use  oi  f rater  for  patruelis  is  not 
uncommon.     Cf.  Madv.  Coinin.  in  or.  pro  Cael.  XXIV.  60. 

humanitate  et  moribus']  A  hendiad\-s  for  humanis  moribus, 
'  kindly  ways.' 

Meo  sermone]  '  My  account  of  you.' 

Adfiiun{\  because  of  the  marriage  connection  between 
Quintus  and  Pomponia,  the  sister  of  Atticus.  Boot  notices 
this  as  a  more  general  use  of  the  word  adfinis:  Proprie  enim 
ex  omnibus  Tulliis  unus  Q.  Cicero  erat  Attici  adfinis  per 
nuptias  so r oris. 

%2  De  sorore*tua']  To  judge  from  the  very  amusing  ac- 
count of  their  family  relations  which  is  given  in  Att.  \.  l.  2 
the  fault  must  have  been  chiefly  on  her  side,  and  we  may 
fairly  hold  Quintus  excused. 

Afinorem]  by  about  four  years. 

§  3  Ds  litterarum  missione]  intermissione,  Muretus,  which 
however  it  is  quite  unnecessary^  to  introduce  into  the  text. 
In  Demos,  irpos  SiKoa-rp.  1 25 1  we  have  the  precisely  similar 
expression  e'^  eficpavav  Karao-racrfcoy,  'the  «(7«-production  of 
available  documents,'  and  compare  likewise  rfiv  npos  aXXr/Xovr 
fTriTj^8fviJ.aTa)v  vT-o-^iav,  '  the  absence  of  all  curiosity  about  our 
neighbours'  pursuits.'     (Thuc.  ll.  37.) 

§  4]     'As  regards  your  instructions   about   Acutilius,  I 


NOTES.  6 1 

should  have  executed  them  forthwith  on  my  an-ival  at  Rome 
after  our  parting,  but,  as  it  fell  out,  there  was  no  need  of  any 
such  hot  haste,  and — knowing  your  tact  as  I  did — I  preferred 
that  Peducaeus  should  be  your  adviser  rather  than  myself. 
For  after  I  had  lent  a  listening  ear  to  Acutilius  for  so  many 
days,  whose  style  of  conversation  you  know  by  experience,  it 
were  surely  no  hardship  to  write  you  an  account  of  his 
grievances  when  I  had  made  none  of  listening  to  them, 
which  was,  I  admit,  rather  a  bore.' 

Confeceram']  The  ordinary  explanation  of  this  mood  is 
simpler  than  to  refer  it,  with  Boot,  to  the  purpose,  as  for 
instance  in  the  phrases  nullum  senatus  consultum  facienti 
(I.  14,  5),  and  traducit  (l.  18.  4). 

Nihil']  Mihi,  Boot:  who  for  some  unaccountable  reason 
objects  to  nihil.  That  there  was  no  need  for  any  particular 
haste  in  the  matter  is  sufficiently  proved  by  the  fact  that  two 
j'ears  later  (l.  4.  i)  it  was  still  in  progress. 

Illius]  Unless  the  interchange  of  the  names  is  a  typo- 
graphical error  Muretus  refers  this  to  Peducaeus:  Cicero 
dicit  fnolestatn  sibi  fuisse  loqxiacitateni  et  dicacitatem  Pedu- 
caei,  quant  tamen  molestiam  in  Pomponii  gratiam  patienter 
devoravit.  But  Peducaeus  was  Atticus'  own  man  of  business 
(r.  4.  i),  and  the  intended  contrast  is  not  between  the  men, 
but  between  the  words  scribere  and  audire. 

Facultateni  dandi]    'Opportunity  of  sending.' 

§  5    Cuius]   Lucceius. 

Recolligi]  i.e.  rcconciliari.  Cf.  I.  10.  2  for  the  use  of 
restituere  in  the  same  sense :  primum  tibi  de  nostro  aniico 
placando  ant  etiam  rcstituendo  polliceor. 

Teneo  quid  dicas]  '  I  understand  your  meaning.'  Teneo 
is  the  suggestion  of  Orelli,  and  its  omission  is  more  easily  ac- 
counted for  than  that  of  scio  or  video.  Some  verb  of  the  kind 
is  required  by  the  sense  of  the  passage  and  by  the  word 
neque  which  follows,  for  it  is  quite  impossible  to  explain  the 
construction  as  an  ellipse,  which  is  the  suggestion  of  Muretus. 
If  the  reading  of  the  MSS  is  to  be  retained,  I  should  prefer  to 
translate:  'You  say  I  ought  to  gather  a  few  hints  as  to  the 
line  you  had  better  take  with  him.' 

Adfectus]  'In  a  strange  state  of  mind.'  He  purposely 
uses  an  indefinite  word,  as  the  special  cause  of  offence  was 
unknown  to  himself  and  his  friend. 

Contendendum]  Coticedetidutn,  Graev.,  Ern.,  but  conten- 
dere and  elaborare  are  the  words  used  in  the  corresponding 
passages  of  Epp.  8  and  10.     'What  pressure  we  axe  to  use 

6—2 


62  NOTES. 

should,  I  think,  depend  on  your  own  feelings.  So  if  you  will 
inform  me  on  this  point  you  will  find  that  I  have  avoided 
being  more  busy  in  the  matter  than  yourself,  or  more  remiss 
than  was  consistent  with  your  wishes.' 

§  6  Tadiajia  re]  '  Tadius,  in  respect  to  his  case,  tells 
me  you  have  written  him  word  that  there  is  no  need  for  fur- 
ther anxiety  on  his  part,  inasmuch  as  he  has  acquired  a  pre- 
scriptive right  to  the  inheritance.  I  am  surprised  at  your 
ignorance  of  the  fact,  that,  in  the  case  of  a  ward,  no  posses- 
sion can  give  a  legal  claim.'  Schiitz  gives  the  following  ex- 
planation of  the  passage  :  Tadius,  as  self-constituted  guardian 
of  an  heiress  who  was  still  under  age,  had  held  her  property 
for  the  two  or  more  years  which  in  ordinary  cases  (Ulp.  t'u 
fragm.  tit.  19,  or.  pro  Caec.  XIX.  54)  gave  a  prescriptive 
right  to  ownership.  By  the  advice  of  Atticus  he  pleads  this 
when  the  legal  guardians  of  the  girl  claim  the  property  at  his 
hands.  But  the  property  of  wards  was  carefully  protected 
against  any  such  claims,  and,  more  than  this,  they  could 
only  be  dispossessed  of  it  by  a  special  decree.  In  the  or. 
pro  Flac.  XXXIV.  84  tiitela  legit ima  is  used  absolutely  of  a 
ward's  property  :  nihil  potest  tie  tiitela  Icgithna  sine  omnium 
tictorjpn  anctoritate  dehiinni. 

§  7  Epiroticam]  Near  Buthrotrum,  or  Buthrotus,  for  the 
name  appears  in  both  forms. 

§8  Articnlo7-tim  dolores\    \.&.  arthriiidein,    rheumatism.' 

Maxime  diligit]  '  Sends  her  best  love  to  your  sister  and 
mother.' 

LETTER  VI. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i  T/ie  correspondefice  det-ween 
them.  The  purchase  of  the  house  of  Rabirius  by  Fonteius. 
§  2  The  settlemetit  of  the  dispute  between  Quintus  and  his 
wife.  The  departure  of  Cicero''s  father.  A  further  order  for 
statues. 

§  I  Non  committam]  '  I  will  not  risk  being  charged  by 
you  with  remissness  in  writing.  Only  take  care  that  with 
such  leisure  at  your  disposal  you  rival  me,' 

Dimens.  et  exaed.]  '  Laid  out  and  completed  in  your 
mind's  eye.'  C.  Rabirius  is  the  person  alluded  to,  who  was 
prosecuted  for  treason  and  defended  by  Cicero  in  the  time  of 
his  consulship. 

HS  CCCIODDXXX]  For  a  full  explanation  of  the  charac- 
ters, and  the  system  of  reckoning,  see  Madv.  L.  Gr.  Xi.  §  69. 

§  2  Arpinatibus  praediis']  The  estate  was  called  Arca- 
num.    Cf.  V.  1.2,  and  ad  (2uin.fr.  III.  i.  i. 


NOTES.  63 

Discessit'\  So  Madv.  for  the  more  usual  decessit,  and  he 
is  followed  by  Boot  and  others  who  are  unwilling  to  believe 
that  Cicero  announces  his  father's  death  in  these  brief  and 
unfeeling  words.  They  rely  chiefly  on  the  evidence  of  Asco- 
nius,  who  in  his  preface  to  the  or.  in  toga  Candida  mentions 
as  a  fact  that  Cicero  lost  his  father  during  the  time  of  his 
canvass  for  the  consulship,  i.e.  four  years  after  the  date  of 
the  present  letter.  In  default  of  other  direct  evidence  this 
appears  to  me  to  be  conclusive,  as  the  authority  of  the  MSS 
is  of  little  weight  in  deciding  between  two  words  so  per- 
petually interchanged,  if  indeed  the  alteration  is  necessary, 
as  the  verb  decedere  is  used  by  Cicero  in  both  senses.  As 
an  instance  of  the  special  pleading  in  our  author's  behalf 
against  which  I  have  protested  in  my  preface  let  me  quote 
Billerbeck's  comment  on  the  reading  decessit :  'The  short- 
ness of  the  notice  shews  how  deeply  Cicero  felt  his  loss.' 

Quae  loci  sitit]  '  Suited  to  the  place  you  know  so  well.' 
Q{.  ad  div.  VII.  23.  2,  where  he  describes  the  kind  of  statue 
he  requires,  and  objects  to  a  Mars  and  Bacchante  as  un- 
suited  to  the  character  of  the  place. 

LETTER  VII. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  This  letter  relates  chiefly  to  the 
adornment  of  his  Tusculan  villa. 

Aptid  matrent]  '  At  your  mother's  house.' 

XXCD]  The  same  payment  as  that  which  is  notified  in 
different  characters  in  §  2  of  the  following  letter.  The  latter 
is  apparently  the  correct  form,  as  Madvig,  Grant,  and  the 
other  authorities  on  the  subject  would  in  all  cases  represent 
the  number  400  by  the  characters  CCCC  rather  than  by  those 
which  appear  in  the  text. 

LETTER  VIII. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i  The  health  of  the  mother  of 
Atticiis.  Allusions  to  Actitilius,  Tadius  and  Lucceius. 
§  2  His  payment  to  Cincius,  and  further  orders  in  reference 
to  the  statues.  §  3  The  eagerness  of  Tullia  to  receive  her 
promised  present. 

§  I  N^egat'\  '  He  says  he  has  received  no  advice  of  any 
kind  from  his  agent,  and  can  scarcely  believe  that  the  differ- 
ence between  you  arose  from  his  refusal  to  give  you  a 
guarantee  against  further  claims.'     See  note  on  1.  4.  i. 

Decidisse'\  is  to  settle  a  difference  privately  without  bring- 
ing it  before  a  court.     Cf.  Cic.  pro  Rose.  Avier.  xxxix.  si 


G4  NOTES. 

hanc  ei  rem  privatim  Sex.  Roscius  mandavisset,  ut  cum  Chry- 
sogono  transigeret  atque  decideret:  and  pro  Rose.  Com.  XI. 
32  lite  contestaia,  iudicio  damni  itiiuria  constitutor  tii  sine 
vie  cum  Flavio  decidisti. 

Gratum...iucundum'\  'A  matter  of  thanks... a  matter  of 
pleasure,'  a  distinction  which  is  illustrated  by  the  following 
passages:  Ep.  I.  17.  6  fuit  mihi  saepe  et  laiidis  nostrae 
gratulatio  tua  iucttnda  et  timoris  consolatio  grata:  III.  24.  2 
iia7n  ista  Veritas.,  etiajusi  iucunda  non  est,  iiiihi  tamen  grata 
est,  and  again  ad  div.  IV.  6.  i  cuius  officia  iucundiora  sci- 
licet saepe  mihifuerunt,  7iu7iquam  tamen  gratiora. 

■  Mihi  amicissimus]  In  Ep.  ad  div.  V.  15.  2  he  speaks  of 
his  friendship  with  Lucceius  in  the  strongest  possible  terms  : 
tecum  vivere  possem  eqicidem  et  maxime  velletn  :  vetustas, 
ainor,  cotisuetudo,  studia  paria  :  quod  vinchun,  quaeso,  deest 
iiostrae  coniunctioni  ? 

§2  Pentelici^  'From  the  quarries  of  Pentelicus.'  A  further 
explanation  of  the  name  is  given  by  Suidas,  who  refers  it  to 
the  five  lines  with  which  the  marble  was  striped. 

lam  nunc'\  '  Even  by  anticipation  please  me  mightily.' 
Cf.  Prop.  V.  II.  93  '  Discite  venturam  ia/n  nunc  sentire 
senectam.'  The  prospective  sense  which  distinguishes  ia^n 
nunc  from  the  corresponding  phrase  7iunc  ia77t  is  probably 
to  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  in  both  cases  the  word  ia77t 
has  lost  its  temporal  force. 

Caetera'\  Among  which  would  be  included  such  things  as 
the  typos  and  the  piitealia  sigillata  for  which  he  gives  an 
order  in  the  following  letter. 

Elega7itiae'\  '  Refined  taste.'  In  the  2nd  Book  of  the  Tusc. 
disp.  we  have  a  full  account  of  the  Academia  at  Cicero's 
Tusculan  villa,  where  he  tells  us  that  it  was  laid  out  with 
shady  walks  (xysti)  and  quiet  seats  {exedrae^.  Like  the 
Greek  g>'mnasium  it  had  two  quadrangles,  of  which  the 
outer  corresponded  to  the  e^m  bp6^J.os  or  ^uot-os-,  while  the 
inner  one  was  furnished  with  seats  for  philosophical  discus- 
sion. The  Lyceum,  to  which  he  refers  in  de  div.  I.  5  as 
supe7-iori  gy77i7tasio,  was  apparently  quite  distinct  from  the 
Academia  in  question. 

Studio  effe7-i77iur'\  '  I  am  so  enthusiastic  on  the  subject.' 

Mu7iusculu77t]  '  Is  importunate  for  your  present,  and  duns 
me  as  your  representative.  To  speak  for  myself,  I  am  de- 
termined to  repudiate  rather  than  to  pay.'  The  77iu7iusculum 
in  question  was  no  doubt  promised  on  the  occasion  of  her 
betrothal  to  Piso.  For  appellare  in  this  sense  cf.  Cic.  Phil. 
II.  29  appellatus  es  de  pecunia  qua7/t  pro  do77io,  pro  hortis, 
pro  sectione  debebas j   and  for  abiurare  cf.  Plaut.  Cure.  IV. 


NOTES.  65 

2.  10  qui  abhirant  si  quid  credituni  est.  Boot  suggests  that 
the  word  dependere  is  technical  for  this  particular  class  of 
payments,  and  notices  the  fact  that  the  legal  process  avail- 
able for  the  guarantor  in  case  of  loss  was  known  as  actio 
depensi  (Gai.  III.  127).  The  word  is  only  used  once  by 
Cicero  of  a  monetary  payment,  and  the  instance  in  question 
supports  the  above  view.  Cf.  ad  div.  r.  9.  9  nisi  cum  Marco 
diligenter  egeris,  depeiidendum  tibi  est  quod  jnihi pro  illo  spo- 
pofidisti. 

LETTER  IX. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i  On  the  subject  of  their  cor- 
respondence. §  2  His  eagerness  for  the  promised  statues, 
and  a  request  for  informatio7t  respecting  the  Eleusinian  mys- 
teries. 

§  I  Devenirel  The  preposition  as  in  devius,  deverticulum, 
&c.  denotes  the  uncertainty  of  the  destination.  Cf.  Brut. 
XLil.  consideranti,  ad  quos  ista  non  translata  sint,  sed 
nescio  quo  pacto  devenerint. 

§  2  Signa  Megaricd]  i.e.  of  Megarian  marble  of  the  class 
known  as  Koyxirrjs  Xldos  from  the  quarries  near  Amphialus. 
It  was  pure  white,  easy  to  cut,  and  full  of  sea  shells.  Cf.  the 
following  passage  from  Paus.  I.  44,  fiovois  8e  'E\'\i]voov  Mtya- 
pfvcriv  o  KoyxiTrjs  \i6oi  eVrt,  nal  acfiicn  Koi  ev  rfj  noXd  TTfTroirjTai 
iToXka  e^  avToii.  fcrri  Se  ayav  XevKos  /cat  aWov  Xidov  /ioXa/cco- 
repof,   Koyx^at  Se  at  ^aXcicrcrtat   Sia  navros  fveiaiv. 

Arcae  nostrae  conjidito']  'Rely  upon  my  solvency,'  'Trust 
to  the  length  of  my  purse.'  Cf.  arcae  fiostrae  fiducia  {ad 
Quint,  fr.  II.  12.  5),  and  luv.  Sat.  ill.  143  quantum  quisque 
sua  nu>norum  servat  in  area,  Tanttim  habet  et  fidei.  The 
allusion  is  not  necessarily  to  a  payment  in  ready  money., 
as  some  editors  would  explain  it  on  the  analogy  of  the  more 
technical  phrase  ex  area  solvej'e. 

Genus  hoc  est']  'This  is  the  line  my  fancy  takes.  That 
kind  of  statuary  which  is  most  suitable  for  a  training  ground 
is  what  I  require.  Lentulus  offers  me  the  use  of  his  ships. 
Pray  attend  carefully  to  my  wishes  in  the  matter.  Chilius 
sends  you  a  request,  and  I  second  it,  for  any  information  you 
can  give  us  about  the  rites  of  the  Eumolpidae.' 

Lentulus]  Schiitz  regards  him  as  identical  with  the  Len- 
tulus mentioned  in  I.  19.  2  on  the  ground  that  all  the 
other  members  of  the  family  had  held  office  andwere  little 
likely  to  be  engaged  in  trade.  But  the  latter  assumption  is 
somewhat  bold,  while  the  contemptuous  allusion  in  Ep.  19 
suggests  an  enemy  rather  than  a  friend. 

Chilius]  A  poet,  and  in  all  probability  the  guest  of  Cicero 


66  NOTES. 

at  the  present  time.  He  is  mentioned  on  two  other  occa- 
sions in  the  letters  to  Atticus,  viz.  in  Ep.  12.  2,  and  again  in 
Ep.  16.  15,  from  the  latter  of  which  it  may  be  inferred  that  he 
■  was  at  one  time  engaged  on  a  poem  in  praise  of  Cicero's  con- 
sulship. 

EvVoXttiScov  ■naTpui\  Gronovius  would  take  Y.v\xoK-!ti^5>v  in 
a  general  sense  as  equivalent  to  'A^tji-qicoi',  but  the  allusion 
is  in  all  probability  to  a  proposed  poem  on  the  Eleusinian 
rites,  for  which  Chilius  wants  a  groundwork  of  facts.  An 
account  of  the  external  ceremonial  is  no  doubt  all  that  he 
requires  :  for  Atticus  would  probably  know  as  little  as  him- 
self of  the  more  secret  mysteries  which  it  was  death  to  reveal. 

LETTER  X. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i  An  excuse  for  the  brevity  of  the 
present  letter.  §  2  T}ie  quarrel  of  Lucceius.  §  3  Tlie  fur- 
tlier  decoration  of  his  Tiisculan  villa.  §  4  His  eagerness 
to  secure  the  library  of  Atticus.  §  5  TJie  state  of  his  brothers 
household.  §  6  TJie  absence  of  A  tticus  from  Rome,  and  his 
promised  present  to  Tullia. 

§  I  Cerajnico]  There  were  two  places  of  this  name  at 
Athens,  one  outside  the  city,  the  other  within  the  walls. 
The  allusion  in  the  present  case  is  to  the  former  and  more 
famous  of  the  two,  which  Thucydides  in  the  funeral  oration 
calls  'the  fairest  suburb  of  the  city.'  It  is  probable  that  this 
villa  of  Atticus  is  the  one  alluded  to  in  the  Leges  (l.  13). 

Verum  tavien']  Resumptive  after  a  parenthesis  like  the 
Greek  S'  ovv.  Cf.  Ep.  20.  2.  Sed  and  igitur  are  frequently 
used  in  the  same  way,  and  very  rarely  iamen,  of  which  how- 
ever Boot  quotes  two  instances,  Brut.'X.'KWl.  loi,  and  ad  div. 
IX.  16.  2. 

§  2  Aniicd\  Lucceius,  as  before.  For  this  use  of  resti- 
tuere  cf.  ad  Att.  xv.  4.  i  deciiiio  kalend.  hora  Vlil  fere 
a  Q.  Fufio  venii  tabellariics,  nescio  quidab  eo  litterularum,  uti 
Die  sibi  restituerem. 

Subesse'\  vnoKf'iaOat.  '  As  I  cannot  discover  any  strong 
ground  for  it' 

§  3  l7nponas]  '  I  should  like  you  to  see  my  statues  on 
board  at  your  own  convenience,  and  anything  else  you  can 
find  tliat  is  in  character  with  the  place  you  know  so  well.' 

These  Hermeraclae  and  other  statues  of  the  same  class 
were  either  simply  bifrontes  or  else  composite  figures  repre- 
senting the  attributes  of  the  two  divinities  combined  in  one 
person.  As  an  illustration  of  the  latter  class  we  have  the 
celebrated  description  of  Vertumnus  in  Propertius  [v.  2]. 


NOTES.  67 

Scribebant\  '  For  I  am  sitting  there  to  write  this  letter,  so 
that  the  place  itself  puts  in  a  word.  In  addition  I  give  you 
an  order  for  bas-reliefs  for  insertion  in  the  plaster  walls  of  my 
ante-chamber,  together  with  figured  curbstones  for  my  two 
wells.' 

Typos]  Small  figures,  usually  formed  of  terra  cotta:  cf. 
Plin.  H.  N.  XXXV.  1 5 1  impressa  argilla  typwn  fecit,  et  ctnn 
caeteris  fictilibus  induration  igni  proposuit. 

Atrio/i]  To  distinguish  it  from  the  atrium  mains.  Cf. 
Bek.  Gal.  il.  176  and  Ep.  ad  Quitit.  frat.  ill.  i.  i  neque 
eniin  satis  loci  esse  videbatur  atriolo :  neque  fere  solet  nisi 
in  his  aedificiis  fieri  in  quibus  est  atrium  maius. 

Putealia']  Gk.  wepia-Tofiia.  In  Verr.  II.  4.  14  the  word 
sigillati  is  used  of  raised  work  in  silver. 

§  4]  '  Take  care  not  to  promise  your  library  to  any  one, 
whatever  ardent  admirers  it  may  find.  I  am  hoarding  up  all 
my  little  gleanings  in  the  hope  of  purchasing  it  for  the  com- 
fort of  my  old  age.' 

§  6  Cojnitiis  meis']  Muretus  would  explain  this  in  refer- 
ence to  the  consular  election :  while  Manutius,  Schutz  and 
Abeken  understand  it  of  the  praetorship.  The  latter  is  in  all 
probability  the  correct  view,  as  we  know  from  other  sources 
(e.g.  Plut.  Cic.  IX.,  pro  leg.  Man.  I.  2)  that  the  elections  for 
the  praetor  urbanus  were  on  the  occasion  of  Cicero's  canvass 
twice  postponed — a  fact  which  is  clearly  alluded  to  in  §  2  of 
the  ensuing  letter.  '  As  regards  my  election  I  do  not  forget 
that  I  have  given  you  leave  of  absence,  and  indeed  have 
never  ceased  to  proclaim  it  aloud  to  our  mutual  friends  who 
are  on  the  look-out  for  you,  that,  so  far  from  pressing  you  to 
come,  I  have  even  put  my  veto  upon  it :  understanding  as  I 
do  that  you  will  gain  more  by  attention  to  your  business  at 
home  than  I  should  by  your  presence  at  my  election.  And 
therefore  I  hope  you  will  be  under  the  impression  that  I  have 
sent  you  to  your  present  quarters  for  the  furtherance  of  my 
interests.  For  myself,  you  will  find  me  both  in  word  and 
deed  as  grateful  to  you  as  though  my  successes,  whatever 
they  may  be,  had  been  gained,  not  only  in  your  presence,  but 
by  your  exertions.  Little  Tullia  is  for  binding  you  to  a  day ; 
she  gives  your  representative  no  peace.' 

Permisisse]  I  can  find  no  other  example  of  this  construc- 
tion. Mr  Swinburne  however  in  his  Atalanta  in  Calydon 
(p.  83)  makes  a  somewhat  similar  use  of  the  verb  'allow:' 
'But  the  gods  Allowed  us,  and  our  days  were  clear  of  these.' 

Quod  intelligani]  Quod  intelligo  Boot,  making  with 
agendum  esset,   which  he  has  introduced  into   his  text  for 


68  NOTES. 

agendum  est,  an  almost  hopeless  confusion  of  tenses.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  ordinary  reading  quod  intelligam  is  at 
once  the  more  usual  formula,  and  interferes  in  no  way  with 
the  retention  of  est,  for  which  the  esset  of  some  MSS  is  an 
evident  corruption. 

In  the  earlier  part  of  the  sentence  the  word  hoc  refers 
primarily  to  permisisse,  and  is  afterwards  by  a  common  con- 
struction further  explained  in  the  sentence  te  nan  fnodo  nan 
arcessi  a  me,  sed prohiberi. 

Offendes']  Cf  §  3  of  the  next  letter :  (res)  quas  tu  hicredi- 
bile  est,  quam  brevi  tempore  qicanto  deteriores  offensurus  sis, 
quavi  reliqidsti. 

Diem  dat]  '  Is  for  taking  the  law  on  you,'  as  in  case  the 
debtor  failed  to  discharge  the  debt  on  the  appointed  day 
legal  proceedings  followed  as  the  necessary  consequence. 

Sponsoreni  appcllat']  The  editors  are  almost  equally  di- 
vided on  the  question  of  retaining  or  omitting  the  negative 
in  the  present  passage.  I  have  decided  to  omit  it  with 
Schiitz,  Casaub.,  Ern.  and  others,  on  the  ground  that  no 
reason  can  be  given  for  Tullia's  change  of  purpose  if  (as 
we  can  hardly  question)  appellat  is  to  be  explained  here  in 
the  same  way  as  in  the  parallel  passage  of  Ep.  8. 

The  reading  sponsorem  mc  appellat,  which  finds  favour 
with  Klotz  and  Boot,  has  little  to  recommend  it.  The  pronoun 
is  certainly  not  required,  and  its  introduction  spoils  the  terse- 
ness of  the  sentence. 

LETTER   XI. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i  His  negotiations  with  Lucceiiis. 
%  2  His  canvass  for  the  praetorship.  §  3  The  decoration  of 
his  Tusculan  villa. 

§  i]  '  I  was  already  taking  steps  of  my  own  accord,  and, 
on  receipt  of  your  two  letters  written  persistently  in  the  same 
strain,  have  been  thoroughly  roused  to  action.  Add  to  which, 
Sallust  is  always  at  my  elbow  pressing  me  to  do  my  best  in 
the  matter  of  Lucceius.' 

Adsiduus']  In  its  literal  sense.  Cf.  Hon  Sat.  I.  i.  82,  and 
the  or.  pro  Caec.  xxil.  where  it  is  used  of  the  labourers  who 
are  regularly  employed  on  a  farm :  tion  si  coactis  hotninibus 
quam  si  volitntariis  aut  etiam  adsiduis  ac  domesticis. 

Sallustius]   See  note  on  Ep.  3.  3. 

Immutatae  voluntatis]  '  This  change  of  feeling.'  In  Ter, 
Andr.  i.  5.  7  we  find  the  word  as  an  adjective  in  the  sense  of 
'unchanged,'  while  in  the  de  Or.  II.  67  immutata  oratio  is 
used  of  allegory. 


NOTES.  69 

Illud  tuum  arbitriuni\  'That  decision  of  yours  in  his 
case,'  a  more  natural  expression,  as  it  appears  to  me,  than 
illud  suum  arbitrium,  which  Klotz  and  Boot  have  admitted 
into  their  text,  and  which  could  only  mean  *  the  arbitration 
which  is  for  ever  on  his  lips.' 

Nostra  adlegatio\  '  Diplomacy  of  mine.'  The  difference 
between  legare  and  adlegare  is  scarcely  so  definite  as  Boot 
and  others  have  imagined,  who  would  restrict  the  former 
word  to  affairs  of  state,  the  latter  to  those  of  individuals :  a 
distinction  which  is  not  universally  observed,  as  we  may 
gather  from  the  use  of  the  word  in  Plin.  Pan.  70  hoc  senaiui 
adlegatidum  putavi.  More  probably  the  primary  idea  con- 
tained in  adlegatio  is  that  of  secret  and  even  underhand 
dealing  (cf.  Ter.  Andr.  v.  3.  28  7ie  credos  a  me  adlegatum, 
i.e.  sjibornatu?n\  a  supposition  which  accounts  for  the  or- 
dinary use  of  the  word  in  connection  with  the  private  affairs 
of  individuals,  and  also  serves  to  explain  its  meaning  in 
the  passage  quoted  above  from  the  Patiegyricus. 

Tanti putarisA^  'If  only  you  think  it  worth  the  trouble.' 
I  have  followed  the  punctuation  of  Boot,  which,  from  the 
position  of  the  word  id  and  the  rhythm  of  the  sentence, 
seems  to  me  far  preferable  to  that  which  is  adopted  by 
Klotz  and  the  other  editors  :  si  modo  tanti  ptitaris  id,  quod, 
si  me  audies  et  si  humanitati  tuae  constare  voles,  certe 
putabis. 

In  nostra  potestate  fore'\     Cf.  §  2  of  the  last  letter. 

Idei){\  '  I  now  on  the  other  hand  seem  to  distrust  my 
powers.'  For  this  use  of  idem  cf  amongst  many  other  pas- 
sages de  nat.  Deor.  I.  43  [Epicurus]  qmitn  optimam  et 
praestantissimam  fiattiram  Dei  dicat  esse,  negat  idem  esse  in 
Deo  gratiam. 

Objirmatior']  '  More  persistent  in  this  fit  of  spleen.' 
In  utro  ctilpa  erit]  '  Shall  still  annoy  the  one  who  is  to 
blame.'  Great  exception  has  naturally  been  taken  to  this 
careless  and  selfish  decision  on  the  part  of  Cicero.  To  those 
whose  business  it  is  to  explain  away  the  force  of  all  such 
passages,  the  following  suggestion  will  probably  recommend 
itself:  scripsit  hoc,  opinor,  Cicero  ut  Epicureiim  Attici  tor- 
porem  excitaret.  Nihil  in  tribus  est  epistolis  unde  colligas 
/also  queri  Lucceium:  stmt  autem  multa  quae  significent 
profectam  esse  ab  Attico  gravem  iniuf'iam.     Oliv. 

§  2  Arbitrari]  The  omission  of  the  subject  te  is  worthy 
of  notice,  more  especially  as  C.  T.  Zumpt  {Verr.  v.  106) 
quotes  this  as  an  instance  in  which  arbitrari  is  used  by 
Cicero  as  a  passive.  It  may  however  have  been  due  to  the 
fact  that  he  is  quoting  from  a  letter  of  Atticus.    We  have  a 


70  NOTES. 

similar  instance  in  ad  div.  ii.  13.  5  hacc  eo  pluribus  scripsi, 
quod  no7tnihil  signijicabant  tuae  litterae  siibdubitare,  qua 
essein   erga  ilium  voluntate. 

Designatu»i\  Cf.  §  6  of  the  previous  letter,  and  Merivale's 
Life  of  Cicero  (p.  30) :  '  He  thus  complains,  in  the  year  when 
he  was  preparing  to  solicit  for  the  praetorship  :  Ao  people  in 
Rome  are  more  worried  in  tJiese  days  than  the  candidates; 
every  kind  of  injustice  is  permitted  towards  tlu?n.' 

Philadelpho']  The  tabellarius,  in  all  probability  one  of 
the  slaves  of  Atticus. 

§  3  Mire  quani]   davfj-aoT^s  cos. 

Quam  brevi  temp,  quam  det.]  Matthiae  instances  the  fol- 
lowing examples  of  this  construction:  or.  I.  3  in  qua  difficile 
est  enumerare  quot  viri  quatita  scientia  fuerint;  and  again 
or.  pro  Mil.  XIV.  38  quein  si  interficere  voluisset,  quanta,, 
quoties  occasiofies  quam  praeclarae  fuerunt. 

LETTER  XII. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i  His  pecuniary  embarrassments, 
and scliemes  for  raising  a  loan.  The prosecutio7i  of  Atttonius 
for  malversatioji  in  his  province.  §  2  TJie  reports  spread  by 
one  Hilarus.  §  3  His  friendship  with  Pompeius.  The  divorce 
of  Mucia.  The  Clodian  scandal.  %  4  The  ckath  of  his  slave 
Sositheus. 

§  i]  '  Our  Trojan  lady  is  in  truth  a  slow  business :  and 
Cornelius  has  never  paid  Terentia  a  second  visit  So  we  must 
have  recourse,  I  suppose,  to  Considius  and  his  tribe.  For  from 
Caecilius  even  his  relatives  cannot  extract  a  penny  at  anything 
less  than  1 2  per  cent.  But,  to  return  to  the  original  question,  I 
never  knew  anything  so  shameless,  so  cunning,  so  dilaton.'  as 
our  friend  :  I  am  on  the  point  of  sending  myfreedtnan:  Titus 
has  received  my  instructions:  all  mere  pretexts  for  delay. 
Notwithstanding  I  have  an  idea  that  fortune  will  befriend  us. 
For  his  couriers  bring  me  word  that  Pompeius  will  press 
openly  for  the  recall  of  Antonius,  who  thereupon  will  be  ar- 
raigned before  the  people.' 

TfVK/jtr]  The  data  we  possess  for  the  solution  of  this 
mysteiy  are  briefly  as  follows  : 

(i)  The  mention  of  the  well-known  money-lenders,  Con- 
sidius, Axius,  Sehcius  and  Caecilius,  which  marks  the  ques- 
tion as  one  of  pecuniar}-  accommodation,  and  points  to  the 
embarrassments  in  which  Cicero  had  involved  himself  by 
the  purchase  of  his  house  on  the  Palatine  in  the  year  after 
his  consulship.     In  a  letter  to  Sextius,  the  quaestor  of  An- 


NOTES.  71 

tonius,  he  states  the  purchase  money  at  three  millions  and 
a  half  of  sesterces,  and  admits  that  he  had  been  obliged  to 
borrow  largely  in  order  to  find  the  required  sum — from  Sulla 
amongst  others,  whose  defence  he  had  undertaken  according 
to  GeUius  (iV.  A.  xil.  12).  From  this  we  may  infer  that 
TeuKpts  was  some  effeminate  Roman  nobleman  from  whom  he 
was  expecting  help  of  a  similar  kind.  For  the  disparaging 
title,  cf.  Pers.  Sat.  I.  4. 

(2)  The  reference  to  Cornelius,  who  may  possibly  be  the 
agent  of  Caesar  alluded  to  in  Ep.  ad  Att.  ll.  3.  3  namfuit  apud 
vie  Cornelius,  hunc  dico  Balbum  Caesaris  famiiiarejii.  It  is, 
however,  probable  that  another  Cornelius  is  meant,  of  whom 
mention  is  made  in  Ep.  ad  div.  v.  6.  i.  If  so,  the  introduc- 
tion of  his  name  may  throw  some  light  on  the  remainder  of 
the  passage,  as  he  was  connected  by  marriage  with  Publius 
Sextius,  the  quaestor  of  Antonius,  and  managed  his  business 
at  home  during  his  absence  in  the  province. 

(3)  A  far  more  important  hint  is  given  us  in  the  imme- 
diate transition  to  Antonius  and  his  affairs,  which  follows  in 
the  words  sed  Jiescio  an  ravTonarov  rjyLwv,  nam  viihi  &c. 
This  connects  the  monetary  question  so  closely  with  the 
recall  and  prosecution  of  Antonius  that  we  can  scarcely 
avoid  the  inference  that  the  allusion  is  either  to  Antonius 
himself,  or  to  one  of  his  most  intimate  friends. 

At  first  sight  the  arguments  against  the  hypothesis  that 
TeOxpty  and  Antonius  are  identical  are  clear  and  telling,  and 
they  have  been  ably  marshalled  by  Schiitz.  For  instance, 
why  should  Cicero  use  the  mysterious  designation  in  one 
sentence,  and  in  the  next  mention  Antonius  by  name  t  And 
why,  if  he  expects  money  for  undertaking  his  defence,  does 
he  in  the  same  breath  announce  his  determination  to  aban- 
don it  ?  But  in  spite  of  these  arguments,  and  even  on  the 
strength  of  them,  I  believe  that  Antonius  himself  is  the 
TeuKptf  of  the  text,  more  especially  as  an  evident  motive  for 
concealing  his  real  name  in  connection  with  the  proposed 
loan,  and  also  for  renouncing  all  interest  in  his  defence,  is 
supplied  by  Cicero  himself  in  this  very  letter.  With  the  story 
of  Hilarus  full  in  view  it  would  scarcely  have  been  well  to  let 
the  world  about  him  know  that  he  was  at  that  very  moment 
expecting  large  sums  from  Antonius,  and  for  the  same  reason 
it  was  only  a  politic  measure  to  denounce  his  actions,  at 
least  till  the  scandal  of  Hilarus  had  died  out:  for  as  a  matter 
of  fact  he  did  defend  him  in  spite  of  his  present  assertions 
to  the  contrary.  Cf.  07:  pro  dom.  xvi.  Amongst  other 
attempts  to  veil  the  nature  of  the  present  transaction  we 
may  instance  the  introduction  of  Terentia's  name  in  place 


72  NOTES. 

of  his  own,  and  also  his  use  throughout  of  the  indefinite 
plural, 

Lenttim  sane  fiegociuvt]  However,  in  Ep.  12.  7  we  find 
the  following:  TevKpis  promissa  patravit.  Considius  is  men- 
tioned as  a  money-lender  in  Val.  Max.  IV.  8,  Axius  in  Ep. 
ad  An.  X.  II.  2,  and  Selicius  in  iv,  18.  3. 

Caecilio]  The  uncle  of  Atticus.  Cf.  I.  2.  The  present 
passage  is  quoted  in  full  by  Seneca  {Ep.  118)  in  illustration 
of  the  character  of  Caecilius.  For  a  further  account  of  his 
pride  and  avarice  cf.  Nep.  Att.  vit.  v. 

Minore  centcsimis\  In  proof  that  i  per  cent,  per  month 
was  a  heavy  rate  of  interest  Boot  refers  to  ad  div.  V.  6.  2, 
where  \  per  cent,  {semissibiis)  is  mentioned  as  the  current 
rate  at  the  time.  It  is  noticeable  that  in  the  corresponding 
passage  of  Seneca's  letters  the  unusual  construction  minore 
centesimis  is  replaced  by  the  more  ordinary  phrase  minoris 
centesimis,  which  was  in  all  probability  rejected  by  Cicero 
as  offensive  to  the  ear. 

ravTofiarov  r//:ic5i']  KokXiov  (BovXevfrai,  'chance  is  wiser  than 
we,'  a  line  from  Menander  {Fucofi.  fiovoar.  in  fragm.  Com. 
Gr.  IV.  p.  361,  Meineke).  Unless  we  accept  the  identity 
of  TevKptf  with  Antonius,  the  connection  between  this  pas- 
sage and  the  foregoing — Cicero's  impecuniosity  and  Antony's 
recall — appears  to  me  an  insoluble  problem. 

Aget praetor  ad populum']  He  alludes  to  the  formal  motion 
for  the  recall  and  prosecution  of  Antonius. 

Homhiem  defefidi're'\  Yet  he  had  already  done  so  (cf. 
Ep.  ad  div.  V.  6.  4),  and  afterwards,  when  Antonius  under- 
went a  second  and  more  severe  prosecution  under  the 
consuls  Caesar  and  Bibulus,  he  again  defended  him  but 
without  success.     (Merivale's  Life  and  Letters,  p.  59.) 

Hoc'\  'The  following  circumstance.'  For  accidit  Schiitz 
reads  accedit.  But  we  should  have  expected  in  that  case 
the  familiar  phrase  accedit  quod  without  the  introductory 
word  etenim:  for,  whenever  a  verb  has  come  to  form  part 
of  a  phrase,  Cicero  rarely  introduces  a  word  to  break  the 
legitimate  combination, 

§2]  'For  an  event  has  occurred  into  the  origin  and 
character  of  which  I  wish  you  to  look  carefully.  I  have  a 
freedman,  one  Hilarus  by  name,  a  rascally  fellow  enough, 
an  accountant  and  client  of  yours.  In  connection  with  him 
the  interpreter  Valerius  mentions  the  following  report,  and 
Chilius  writes  me  word  that  it  has  reached  him :  that  the 


NOTES.  73 

fellow  is  closeted  with  Antonius,  who  gives  out,  when  he 
makes  his  requisitions,  that  a  portion  of  them  is  to  go  to  me, 
and  that  I  have  sent  out  this  freedman  to  look  after  my 
share  of  the  gains.  I  have  been  seriously  annoyed  by  the 
report,  although  not  quite  believing  it.  However,  the  scandal 
it  has  raised  is  considerable.' 

Libertum  habeo...clie7item  /uu;n]  From  this  and  similar 
passages  {or.  pro  Rose.  Am.  vii.  19,  Suet.  Caes.  2)  we  find  that 
a  libertinus  could  have  two  patront,  one  in  his  character  of 
libertus,  and  the  other  in  that  oi  cliens. 

Ratiociiiatorevil  He  was  probably  in  the  service  of  Anto- 
nius at  the  present  time :  or  else  the  word  may  refer  to  the 
post  he  had  originally  held  in  Cicero's  establishment. 

Valerius]  He  is  mentioned  again  in  Ep.  ad  div.  xiv.  2.  2. 
His  duties  were  to  interpret  for  the  ambassadors  of  subject 
states  on  their  arrival  in  Rome. 

Partem  mihi  qicaerf]  This  is  usually  referred  to  some 
secret  agreement  between  them  in  accordance  with  which 
Cicero  declined  the  province  in  his  favour.  But  such  an 
explanation  is  quite  inconsistent  with  what  we  know  of  the 
character  of  Cicero,  who,  whatever  his  faults  may  have  been, 
was  certainly  not  grasping  or  covetous.  Abeken's  conjecture, 
which  is  endorsed  by  Merivale,  is  far  more  probable  :  that 
Antonius  had  promised  him  a  pecuniary  remuneration  if  he 
would  undertake  his  defence  in  the  Senate  against  the  pro- 
secution with  which  he  was  threatened. 

PlancitDn]  The  subject  of  the  or.  pro  Plancio,  and  a 
staunch  friend  of  Cicero  in  all  his  troubles.  He  was  military 
tribune  in  Macedonia  at  the  present  time. 

§  3  Aniicissimuni\  The  first  mention  in  these  letters  of 
the  celebrated  friendship  between  Cicero  and  Pompeius 
which  (to  judge  from  the  account  of  their  relations  in  Ep. 
ad  div.  V.  7)  must  have  been  somewhat  sudden  in  its 
growth.  Atticus  never  approved  of  it :  most  probably  be- 
cause he  had  a  keener  forccaste  than  Cicero  in  politics,  and 
believed  him  to  be  altogether  mistaken  in  his  choice  of  a 
patron.  In  addition  to  which  he  may  have  seen  how  in- 
sincere was  the  friendship,  at  any  rate  on  the  side  of  Pom- 
peius. 

Muciae]  She  was  the  sister  of  Metellus,  and  the  wife 
of  Pompeius,  who,  on  his  return  from  Asia,  divorced  her  on 
a  suspicion  of  adultery  with  C.  Caesar. 

P.  Chdiutn']  For  a  full  account  of  the  matter,  cf. 
Merivale,  p.  63. 


74  NOTES. 

Qiium  pro  populo  fierei\  This  use  oi  faccre  a.nd  Jieri  in 
the  sense  of  '  sacrificing  '  (hke  the  Greek  epBeiv  and  pe(fiv)  is 
too  well  known  to  require  comment.  The  rites  alluded  to 
are  those  of  the  Bona  Dea,  celebrated  by  women  alone  in 
the  house  of  the  Pontifex  Maximus. 

Set-vatum  et  eductu7>t\  A  hendiadys  :  'was  got  safely  out 
of  the  house.' 

Servulae\  Serviliae,  al.  But  the  words  ancillarum  bene- 
ficio  in  the  speech  de  harusp.  resp.  xxi,  and  the  corre- 
sponding passage  in  Plutarch's  Life  of  Cicero  (,27),  are  a  suf- 
ficient confirmation  of  the  reading  in  the  text. 

§  4]  'What  further  to  tell  you  I  know  not;  indeed  I  am 
too  much  out  of  heart  to  write :  for  I  have  lost  my  reader 
Sositheus,  a  pleasant  lad,  and  his  death  has  distressed  me 
more  than  a  slave's  death  should.' 

I  cannot  be  so  enthusiastic  as  Mr  Forsyth  in  praise 
of  the  feeling  shewn  by  Cicero  on  this  occasion.  To  my 
mind  it  is  greatly  spoilt  by  the  allusion  to  his  own  condescen- 
sion, and  I  prefer  in  consequence  the  epigram  of  Martial 
on  the  death  of  Erotion  (v.  37). 

di/ayvcoo-TTjy]  Latine  'lector.'     Cf.  Plin.  Ep.  ill.  5. 

Quod  in  buccam  venerit\  'Whatever  comes  uppermost.' 
Cf.  ad  Ait.  VII.  10,  XII.  I.  2,  and  Mart.  Xll.  24.  5. 

LETTER  XIII. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §1  On  the  subject  of  their  cor- 
respottdetice .  §  2  His  position  in  the  Senate,  and  an  ac- 
count of  the  consuls.  %  3  The  Clodian  scandal.  §  4  His 
relations  with  Pompeius.  §  5  His  literary  -works.  §  6  Mes- 
salds  purchase  of  a  house,  atid  the  affair  ofTevKpn. 

§  i]  Atticus,  after  a  stay  of  nearly  two  years  in  Rome, 
a  period  which  included  the  consulship  of  Cicero,  had  now 
left  for  Greece,  and  was  writing  from  the  different  places  at 
which  he  halted  on  the  journey. 

lam]  'This  makes  the  third  letter  which  I  have  received 
from  you.' 

Tribus  Tabernis]  The  well-known  tavern  on  the  Appian 
Way  between  Aricia  and  the  Forum  Appii. 

Aficoris  sublatis']  I  have  admitted  this  alteration  with 
Schiitz  and  the  majority  of  the  editors,  though  feeling 
strongly  that  the  reading  of  the  MSS,  ancora  soluta,  ought 
not  to  be  so  lightly  rejected.  That  ancoram  solvere  can  mean 
to  'weigh  anchor,'  or  that  Atticus  used  it  by  mistake  and 


NOTES.  75 

Cicero  in  ut  scribis  calls  attention  to  the  error,  is  equally 
impossible.  But  two  other  alternatives  are  to  be  considered, 
of  which  the  first  and  more  probable  is  that  ancoram  sol- 
vere is  to  be  taken  in  the  more  poetical  sense  of  navejn 
solvere^  or  funem  praecidet'e,  i.e.,  to  cut  the  cable  which 
held  them  to  their  moorings.  The  other  possible  explana- 
tion is  to  suppose  that  he  had  already  been  travelling  by  sea 
and  that  he  writes  as  soon  as  the  ship  had  anchored  in  port. 
This  is  perfectly  tenable,  as  the  place  from  which  he  writes 
is  not  stated,  and  may,  for  all  we  know,  have  been  one  of  his 
stopping  places  on  the  voyage.  Of  the  other  emendations 
which  have  been  proposed,  the  following  is  perhaps  the  best, 
ora  soluta,  a  phrase  which  may  be  illustrated  from  Quint.  IV. 
2.  I  conscendi,  sublatae  sunt  ancorae,  solvimus  cram,  pro- 
fecti  sufmis. 

Rhetorui}{\  '  Masterpieces,'  'true  works  of  art.'  I  can  see 
no  objection  to  the  phrase  'worthy  of  a  rhetorician.'  It  is  at 
any  rate  better  than  the  majority  of  the  readings  which  are 
proposed  in  its  place  ;  e.  g.  ^uae  fuericnt  onines.  RJietornni 
more  loqtiuntiir.  Orelli's  emendation,  qiiae  fueriint  onincs, 
ut  rhetoruin  ptceri  loquimtur,  k.t.X.,  is  admitted  by  Mr 
Watson,  and  has  certainly  much  to  recommend  it. 

Humanitatis  sparsae  sale'\  '  Garnished  with  a  refined  wit.' 
Lacessitus,  'challenged.' 

Pellectione  relevarit'] '  For  how  few  are  there  who  can  carry 
a  letter  of  any  weight  without  first  easing  the  burden  by 
reading  it  through ! ' 

Quod  mihi  non... est']  The  word  notiun,  or  one  equivalent 
in  meaning,  is  essential  to  the  construction.  Orelli  proposes 
perinde,  which  is  accepted  by  Matthiae.  '  Moreover  it  is  not 
all  the  same  to  me  who  goes  to  Epirus,'  i.e.  whether  he  is 
a  trustworthy  man  or  the  reverse.  Boot  is  scarcely  to  be 
congratulated  on  his  proposed  emendation :  quod  mihi  non 
bonus  est,  tit  quisque  in  Epiriim  proficiscatur. 

Caesis...victimis'\  As  would  be  done  by  a  general  prior  to 
the  commencement  of  a  campaign.  'My  private  opinion  is 
that  you  have  by  this  time  offered  sacrifice  at  the  shrine 
of  your  Amalthea,  and  started  at  once  to  commence  opera- 
tions on  Sicyon.' 

ApudAmalthcam']  This  maybe  either  the  nj'mph  herself  or 
the  villa  in  Epirus  which  she  is  supposed  to  have  under  her 
care  ;  but  caesis  ^nctimis  points  to  the  former  interpretation, 
while  the  neuter  Atnaltheum  is  the  more  usual  form  in  the 
latter  sense.  The  title  denotes  the  abundant  fertility  of  the 
place,  and  we  have  a  similar  word  in  cornucopia,  which  is 
itself  derived  from  the  story  of  Amalthea. 

P.  c.  7 


76  NOTES. 

Orelli  however  understands  it  as  referring  to  an  old 
chapel  which  Atticus  had  found  on  the  estate,  while  Mr 
Watson  suggests  the  following  explanation  of  the  name:  'A 
villa  in  Epirus  so  called  apparently  from  containing  a  room 
decorated  with  pictures  from  the  stor\-  of  Amalthea.'  But  the 
word  roTToOea-ia  in  Ep.  1 6.  1 8  is  I  think  in  favour  of  my  view. 

Ad  Sicyonem  oppugiiandHvi]  CL  Ep.  ig.  9,  and  10.  4. 
It  is  a  playful  allusion  to  certain  payments  which  were  due 
to  Atticus  from  Sicyon,  either  in  his  capacity  of  publicajius, 
or  else  on  account  of  a  loan  which  he  had  advanced  to  the 
state.  The  former  is  the  more  probable  theor}-,  for  we  find 
that  about  this  time  Sicyon,  as  one  of  the  /iberi  popuU, 
received  certain  exemptions  from  tribute  which  were  an  evi- 
dent loss  to  the  company  who  farmed  her  taxes. 

A  similar  conflict  between  public  and  private  interests  is 
alluded  to  in  connection  with  the  portorium  circumvectionis 
{Ep.  II.  16.  4). 

Antoniim{\  Ep.  ad  dk'.  V.  5  is  a  letter  of  recommenda- 
tion from  Cicero  to  Antonius  in  reference  to  this  visit  of 
Atticus,  the  special  object  of  which  appears  to  have  been  the 
recovery  of  certain  sums  which  were  owing  to  him  in  Mace- 
donia. 

§  2]  '  Now  since  your  departure  events  have  happened  of 
importance  enough  to  warrant  a  letter,  which  must  not  how- 
ever be  exposed  to  the  risk  of  being  lost,  or  opened,  or 
intercepted.  To  begin  with  then  let  me  tell  you  that  the 
consul  did  not  ask  my  opinion  first  in  the  Senate,  but  gave 
precedence  to  our  peacemaker  from  Gaul,  at  which  a  mur- 
mur of  disapproval  ran  through  the  house.  For  myself  I  am 
pleased  rather  than  otherwise,  for  I  am  free  from  any  obliga- 
tion to  a  wayward  fellow,  and  at  liberty  to  assert  my  position 
in  the  state  in  spite  of  him  ;  while  the  second  speaker  in  a 
debate  has  little  less  influence  than  the  first,  and  an  inde- 
pendence unfettered  by  any  compliment  from  the  consul.' 

Pacificatorcvi  Allobi-oguiii]  C.  Calpurnius  Piso,  the  bro- 
ther of  the  present  consul,  and  himself  consul  in  the  year 
67  B.C.  In  his  proconsulship  he  had  quelled  some  slight 
tumult  in  Gaul  (cf  07:  in  Cat.  III.  9-  22).  Casaubon  infers 
from  the  notice  in  the  text  that  the  compliment  in  question 
had  been  paid  to  Cicero  the  year  before  by  the  consul 
Silanus. 

Ad)mirmuratite\  For  the  use  of  this  verb  in  a  hostile 
sense  we  may  compare  or.  Verr.  II.  5.  16  quam  valde  iini- 
versi  adimirinuravcrint,  quavi  palam  principes  contra  dix- 
erint:  and  again  in  Ep.  16.  4  we  have  the  similar  com- 
pound acdainatio  used  in  a  like  sense. 


NOTES.  77 

Neqtie  me  invifo]  For  this  use  oi  neqne  cf.  Ep.  17.  \  ferre 
moleste  neqtie  aperte  dicere. 

Catulus]  Q.  Lutatius  Catulus,  who,  as  Plutarch  tells  us, 
was  pronounced  by  the  dictator  Sulla  to  be  the  best  man  in 
the  state.  From  all  that  we  know  of  his  character  he  well 
deserved  the  praise.  In  his  note  on  the  present  passage 
IVIr  Watson  gives  the  following  as  the  order  in  which  the 
opinions  of  the  house  were  usually  taken:  (i)  that  of  the 
consuls  elect,  if  the  debate  was  held  late  in  the  year ;  (2)  of 
ih.t  princeps  senaius;  (3)  of  some  other  consular  at  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  presiding  magistrate. 

Consul^  Marcus  Piso.  For  another  and  very  different 
estimate  of  his  character  cf.  Cic.  or.  pro  Plane,  v.  1 2. 

Cavillator\  'A  scoffer  of  that  peevish  school'  For  a 
fuller  description  of  his  oratory  cf  Brnl.  LXVii.  236.  It  has 
been  proposed  to  substitute  for  inoroso  the  extremely  doubtful 
word  moeoso  (fiMKos),  but  in  the  passage  referred  to  above 
mo7-osus  is  the  word  actually  used  to  denote  the  peculiarities 
of  his  style. 

Facie  viagis  quain  faceiits]  '  Laughable  rather  from  his 
expression  than  his  expressions.''  So  far  as  can  be  gathered 
from  the  distinction  drawn  between  them  in  or.  11.  54  the 
English  equivalent  of  cavillatio  would  be  '  irony,'  of  dicacitas 
'  wit  in  repartee.' 

Nihil  agens  cum  repnblicd\  The  phrase  has  been  much 
puzzled  over  by  the  commentators.  It  is  however  admi- 
rably explained  as  follows  by  Matth.  ad  Cic.  Cat.  ill.  14:  qui 
a  consiliis  de  rep.  se  ipse  reinoveat,  dicitur  Jii/til  agens  cum 
rep.,  ut  resp.  per  TrpoacoTroTrouav  ipsa  consilia  inire  Jingatur. 

Nihil  {metuas)  inali\  Nihil  metuas  mali  is  the  reading  of 
most  editors,  but  against  the  authority  of  the  best  MSS.  It  is 
moreover  quite  a  needless  alteration,  for  the  twofold  sense  of 
sperare  (as  in  the  case  of  the  Greek  iK-nll^nv)  makes  it  a 
peculiarly  suitable  word  in  a  construction  like  the  present. 
Mr  Watson  has  introduced  spcres  in  the  second  clause  as 
well,  but  its  repetition  is  unnecessary  and  mars  the  elegance 
of  the  ^ivy\).a. 

Eius  collega\  '  His  colleague  (Messala)  is  at  once  most 
complimentary  to  me,  and  an  enthusiastic  champion  of  the 
good  cause.' 

Quin  imo]  Schiitz,  quin  nunc  Matth.,  cither  of  which  is 
more  forcible  than  qui  nunc,  which  it  is  proposed  to  substi- 
tute for  them.  *  More  by  token  they  are  not  very  good 
friends  just  now :  and  I  have  my  fears  that  the  infection  may 
spread.* 

7—2 


78  NOTES. 

§  3  Sed]  Not,  I  think,  'in  spite  of  Messala's  energy,'  as 
Mr  Watson  understands  it,  but  '  in  spite  of  my  satisfaction 
at  their  rupture  :'  for  Cicero  was  glad  of  the  /act,  but  afraid 
of  the  precedent. 

Quod  infecttim  est']  It  is  not  to  the  bad  example  of  CIo- 
dius  that  he  alludes,  as  it  is  explained  by  Muretus  and 
others,  but  to  the  discord  which  it  was  producing,  as  shewn 
by  the  fact  that  the  two  consuls  took  different  sides  in  the 
question.  In  his  eagerness  to  prevent  an  open  rupture  in 
the  Senate  Cicero  would  probably  have  dropped  the  case  in 
totfl,  if  the  right  feeling  of  Cato  and  others  had  not  made 
such  a  course  impossible.  As  it  was,  he  shewed  a  want  of 
energy  in  the  matter  most  discreditable  to  himself,  and  no 
doubt  most  prejudicial  to  his  influence  for  good  in  the  state. 

Instaurassent]  '  After  the  fresh  performance  of  the  sacri- 
fice:' for  the  first  had  been  polluted  by  a  man's  presence. 
This  is  the  regular  sense  of  instaurare,  '  to  repeat  a  sacri- 
fice,' cf.  Liv.  V.  19,  Verg.  Aeii.  ill.  62.  Occasionally,  as  in  Verg. 
Aen.  IV.  145,  it  means  'to  repeat  again  and  again?  Ideoque, 
which  Schiitz  has  adopted  in  place  of  idqiee,  though  it  greatly 
improves  the  sentence,  can  scarcely  be  called  necessary. 

Q.  Cornijicio]  He  was  probably  of  praetorian  rank:  cf. 
Ep.  I.  I,  where  he  is  mentioned  as  an  unsuccessful  candidate 
for  the  consulship.  Even  Abeken  is  not  quite  satisfied  with 
Cicero's  conduct  on  this  occasion,  which  he  criticises  as  follows : 
'  He  was  lukewarm  in  the  performance  of  the  duties  devolv- 
ing on  a  consular....  In  January,  693,  O.  Comificius  brought 
the  matter  before  the  Senate.  We  are  surprised  that  this 
should  not  have  been  done  by  a  senator  of  more  conse- 
quence ;  but  Cicero,  though  he  likewise  expresses  astonish- 
ment at  the  circumstance,  did  not  offer  to  come  forward.' 

Nostnini]  'Men  of  my  own  standing,'  i.e.  of  consular 
rank.  Why  is  Cicero  so  particular  to  mention  this  fact.' 
Not,  as  is  commonly  suggested,  to  cast  blame  on  the  consu- 
lars,  himself  amongst  the  number,  but  because  he  fancies  that 
Atticus  will  sanction  his  irresolute  policy  in  a  matter  the  issues 
of  which  were  as  yet  so  uncertain. 

Ne/as\  'Sacrilege.'  The  rogatio  in  question  was  to 
enable  a  special  court  of  enquirj^  to  be  held  on  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case. 

Niniciuni  remisisse']  =  repiedia7-e,  'to  divorce.'  Uxori,  i.e. 
Pompeia,  daughter  of  Q.  Pompeius  Rufus.  It  was  at  her 
house  that  the  proceedings  had  taken  place,  her  husband 
being  Pontifex  Maximus  at  the  time. 

Operam  dat']    'Is   straining   every  ner\'e    to   defeat   the 


NOTES.  79 

measure,  although  it  has  been  issued  in  his  own  name,  in 
obedience  moreover  to  a  special  decree  and  on  a  question  of 
sacrilege.  Messala  so  far  is  for  pressing  the  matter  rigor- 
ously.' 

Antiquetur]  Antiquare  is  used  in  reference  to  a  measure 
which  is  still  under  consideration :  abrogarc,  of  an  actual  law 
which  it  is  proposed  to  annul. 

Boni  viri]  i.e.  optiniates :  like  bojiarum  partium  in  §  2. 
The  word  operae,  'ruffians,'  'hirelings,'  appears  again  in 
Ep,  14.  5,  operas  Clodianae. 

Lycurgei]  In  allusion  to  the  Athenian  orator  of  that  name, 
who  is  mentioned  in  Brut,  xxxiv.  130,  and  also  in  Diod. 
XVI.  88,  where  he  is  called  TriKporaro?  Kar>;yopo9.  'I  myself, 
though  a  very  Lycurgus  at  the  outset,  am  daily  losing  the 
edge  of  my  wrath.'  Yet,  in  the  face  of  this  avowal,  Abeken 
can  defend  Cicero's  inertness  on  the  plea  that  'he  was  not 
able  to  take  in  the  whole  import  of  a  case  at  once!' 

Qui...fuissemus\  The  mood  (as  in  Ep.  4.  2)  presents  dif- 
ficulties to  Boot,  who  would  understand  it  as  conditional ; 
si  Clodius  statim  reus  /actus  esset.    But  cf.  Madv.  366,  obs.  3. 

Quid  multa?']  'In  short  I  fear  that  this  outrage,  neg- 
lected as  it  is  by  the  good,  and  espoused  by  the  vicious, 
will  prove  a  fertile  source  of  peril  to  the  state.' 

§4  Scin  qtiem  dicamf^  Casaubon  would  extend  this  pa- 
renthesis to  include  the  words  laudare  coepisse.  The  question 
is  one  of  little  moment,  but  a  comparison  with  other  passages 
where  the  phrase  occurs  is  against  the  proposed  alteration. 

Amplectitur'\  The  strongest  possible  word=aya7ra^f  ii/, '  takes 
me  to  his  bosom.'  The  motives  of  Pompeius  for  this  display 
of  friendship  are  admirably  given  by  Casaubon  in  a  very  few 
words  :  Serviebat  eni/n  omuibus  gratiosis  turn  teiiiporis,  ut 
acta  eius  bello  Mithridatico  conjirmarcntur. 

Nihil  come']  'There  is  no  sympathy,  no  candour,  no  in- 
tegrity in  his  politics  :  nothing  dignified  or  resolute,  or 
manly.'  It  is  strange  that  even  for  a  moment  Hortensius 
should  have  been  thought  to  be  the  subject  of  these  words, 
when  they  so  exactly  agree  with  the  description  given  of 
Pompeius  by  M.  Caelius  {ad  div.  viii.  i.  3),  a/iud  scntire 
et  loqui,  neque  iantuvi  valcre  ijigenio  ut  non  apparcat  qiiid 
cupiat^  and  again  by  Cicero  himself  in  a  subsequent  letter, 
Pompeius  fremiti  queriiu?;  Scauro  studetj  sed  utrum  /route 
an  vicute  dubitatur. 

Terrae  filio]  A  man  of  wliosc  parents  and  antecedents 
nothing  is  known.      '  This  son  of  the  soil,  goodness  knows 


8o  NOTES. 

who  he  is.'    (Cf.  Pers.  vi.  56,  ad  div.  vii.  9.  3.)      Subtiltus, 
'more  in  detail' 

§  5  Prat-tores]  Among  whom  were  C.  Caesar  and  Cicero's 
brother  Quintus.  The  delay  in  their  appointment,  as  we  may 
infer  from  Ep.  14.  5,  was  due  to  the  Clodian  trial.  Cf.  Ep. 
18.  7,  where  the  pressure  of  home  business  accounts  for  a 
similar  postponement. 

Inchidan{\  This  is  generally  taken  to  mean  'I'll  insert  it 
in  my  speech.'  But,  to  judge  from  Ep.  I.  16.  10,  inchidere  in 
ipistolam  is  the  usual  phrase  in  that  case.  ^Ioreover  it  is 
an  unhkely  subject  to  form  part  of  a  speech,  nor  does  it 
appear  in  any  of  those  which  have  come  down  to  us.  I 
should  therefore  prefer  to  translate  '  I'll  send  it  you  with 
my  speech,'  i.e.  inclose  it  in  the  same  parcel. 

Mendose  fuisse]  'I  had  already  perceived  that  the  date 
■was  a  mistake.'  In  all  probability  he  refers  simply  to  an 
earlier  letter,  rather  than  to  a  date  given  in  one  of  his 
speeches. 

aTTiKwrepa]  'More  classical,'  with  an  evident  allusion  to 
his  friend's  name:  a  joke  which  he  elaborates  in  the  cor- 
responding passage  oi  Ep.  19.  10. 

Orationcm  Metellinavi]  'My  speech  against  Metellus.' 
Oratiotion  habuerat  mense  iatuiario  superioris  anni  contra 
contiotiem  Q.  Metelli  Nepoiis  trib.  pi.  a  quo  consulatu  abiens 
pro  jnore  verba  ad  populum  facere  fuerat  prohibitus.  Boot. 
Only  fragments  of  this  speech  are  extant,  collected  for  the 
most  part  from  Gell.  xviii.  7. 

Liber]  'I  will  send  you  a  copy,  since  affection  for  me  has 
made  you  such  an  ardent  admirer  of  rhetoric.  Have  I  any- 
thing new  to  tell  you  ?  Anything  ?  Yes.'  With  the  concludmg 
sentences  cf.  Ep.  ad  Quint,  fr.  III.  i.  24  quid  pi-aeterea  f 
quid?  etiam,  etc. 

§  6  Autronianatn]  i.e.  of  Lucius  Autronius  Paetus,  who 
had  been  twice  convicted,  first  of  briber}'  and  afterwards 
of  participation  in  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline.  He  was  at 
present  in  exile  {ad  Att  ill.  2,  or.  pro  Still,  vi.). 

HS  xxxvii]  i.e.  sestertiutn  tricies  scpties.  It  is  use- 
less to  print  the  reading  of  the  best  MS  H.S  cxxxiv, 
for  (as  Casaubon  remarks)  to  give  any  point  to  the  com- 
parison which  follows,  we  may  fairly  argue  that  the  house  in 
question  was  not  bought  at  a  cheaper  rate  than  his  own. 
For  an  account  of  Cicero's  purchase,  cf.  Ep.  ad  div.  v.  6.  2. 

Quid  id  ad  me,  inquies  f]  '  You  will  ask  how  that  affects 
me  ?     Only  in  this  way,  that,  as  compared  with  him,  I  am 


NOTES.  8i 

thought  to  have  made  a  good  bargain,  and  men  begin  to 
understand  that  a  certain  distinction  is  attainable  by  using 
a  friend's  money  for  a  purchase.' 

Lentum  7iegocmm  esi]  *  Drags  its  slow  length  along,  but 
for  all  that  1  have  hopes  of  it.'  Mr  Watson  translates  the 
word  negocium  by  'creature'  on  the  analogy  of  the  Greek 
Xpr)\i.a,  but  the  ordinary  explanation  appears  to  me  more 
natural 

Ista  confice\  Iftsta,  confice  Schiitz,  in  reference  to  the 
business  of  TfC/<pij  :  a  reading  which  is  particularly  tempting 
if  (as  I  think)  TeiKpir  is  identical  with  Antonius,  whom  Atticus 
was  on  the  point  of  visiting.  But  the  fact  that  it  settles 
everything  so  comfortably  is  perhaps  an  argument  for  reject- 
ing it.  Add  to  which  inatidata  cffi.ce  quae  reccpisti  in  §  7  of 
the  next  letter  is  the  e.xact  equivalent  of  ista  in  the  present, 
and  in  that  passage  it  cannot  possibly  refer  to  TeuKpis,  whose 
business  was  by  that  time  settled. 

LETTER  XIV. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i  His  want  of  Icisuj-e.  The  first 
speech  of  Poinpeius  after  his  retjcrnfroin  the  east,  and  §  2  his 
opinion  on  the  subject  of  the  Clodian  scandal.  §  3  The 
i)anegyric  of  Crassus  on  Cicero's  consulship,  and  §  4  his  own- 
speech  which  followed  it.  §  5  The  progress  of  the  Clodian 
trial.  §  6  The  character  of  the  consuls.  §  7  His  private 
affairs,  e.g.  the  promise  ofTtvKpis,  his  brother's  purchase  of  a 
house,  and  his  own  relations  with  Lucceius. 

§  i]  *  I  am  afraid  you  will  think  it  affectation  in  me  to  tell 
you  how  busy  1  am  :  but  for  all  that  I  am  so  worried  that  I 
can  hardly  find  time  for  this  brief  scrawl.' 

Putidum'\  *  Stale'  is  the  literal  sense :  from  which  the  word 
is  used  figuratively  of  anything  that  becomes  affected  or 
formal  from  tedious  reiteration.  (Cf.  ad  div.  Vlll.  5,  de  off.  I. 
37-  1 33-) 

Scripsi  ad  te  antea]  in  a  letter  either  lost  or  purposely 
destroyed.  The  allusion  in  §  4  of  the  last  letter  is  not  definite 
enough  to  suit  the  occasion. 

lucunda  miseris'\  'The  speech  was  not  satisfactory  to  the 
poor,  nor  encouraging  to  the  vicious  :  to  the  well-to-do  it  was 
unacceptable,  to  the  good  frivolous,  and  so  it  fell  flat.'  We 
may  notice  in  the  above  the  use  of  the  figure  chiasmus,  in 
which  the  contrast  is  between  the  first  and  third,  'the  poor... 
the  rich,'  and  again  between  the  second  and  fourth,  'the 
turbulent... the  well-disposed.'  Frigebat,  'met  with  a  cold  re- 
ception.'    Cf.  refrixerit  I.  2,  and  refrixerat  19.  4.     For  the 


82  NOTES. 

position  of  Pompeius  at  the  present  time,  who  by  disbanding 
his  army  had  destroyed  the  secret  of  his  own  power,  cf. 
Merivale's  Life  of  Cicero,  p.  62. 

Fiifitis]  Ouintus  Fufius  Calenus,  a  bitter  enemy  of 
Cicero,  as  we^^find  from  the  Philippics  and  elsewhere  in  the 
orations. 

In  contiotietn  produxii]  'Introduced  Pompeius  to  the 
assembly.'  It  is  a  note-worthy  fact  that  no  one,  not  even  the 
consuls  themselves  at  the  comitia  tributa  (cf.  Matth.  cui  Sest. 
33),  could  address  the  people  except  by  the  authority  of  the 
magistrates  w^ho  had  convened  the  meeting. 

Circo  Flaiiiinio'\  which  was  outside  the  walls  of  the  city, 
■where  Pompeius  was  waiting  till  a  decree  should  allow  him  to 
enter  in  triumph. 

Nutiditiarum  ■naviffvpii\  'A  conclave  of  market  people,' 
which  would  ensure  a  good  attendance  at  the  assembly. 
There  is  no  doubt  an  intentional  mock  solemnity  in  this  use 
of  the  word  TroiTJyupts-.  Casaubon  draws  attention  to  the 
levity  shewn  by  Futius  in  selecting  by  preference  a  day  which 
till  quite  lately  had  been  included  among  the  dies  iiefasti. 

Qiiaesivit ex  eo\  'He  put  the  question  to  him  whether  he 
was  in  favour  of  the  judges  being  chosen  by  the  praetor  on 
the  understanding  that  he  was  afterwards  to  be  advised  by 
them  in  court.  For  so  it  had  been  ordered  by  the  Senate 
for  the  trial  of  the  Clodian  sacrilege.'  This  selection  of  the 
judges  by  the  praetor  on  whom  the  conduct  of  the  case 
devolved  was  contrar)'  to  the  ordinary-  rule,  which  provided 
that  they  should  be  chosen  by  lot,  subject  to  the  people's 
approval  Upon  this  point  ever\-thing  depyended.  The 
praetors  would  only  choose  respectable  judges ;  whereas 
election  by  lot  was  a  matter  of  chance,  or  might  give  room 
for  coiTuption.     Meriv. 

CoiisiUo'\  Compare  the  well-known  passages  in  Verg.  Acn. 
VI.  430,  Prop.  V.  II.  20.  In  Ep.  16  §  5  we  have  the  phrase  nd 
coiisilium  referiur,  which  means  simply  that  the  question 
was  formally  referred  to  the  bench. 

§  2  /xaX'  apioTOKpaTucQJy]  'In  the  spirit  of  a  true  aristocrat,' 
'in  true  conservative  fashion.' 

Maxiinani]  '  Supreme.'  Mr  Watson  reads  '  maxitni 
videri'  with  Klotz,  but  I  cannot  believe  that  Cicero's  ear 
would  have  been  satisfied  with  so  unpleasant  a  rh)-thm. 

Promnlgaia  rogaiioite]  'The  bill  before  the  house.' 

yfviKa>i\  It  makes  little  difference  whether  we  translate 
'in  general  terms'  with  Schiitz  and  Matth.,  or   "en  masse' 


NOTES.  83 

with  Orelli  and  others,  as  in  either  case  the  meaning  is  the 
same,  that  he  did  not  venture  to  speak  definitely  against 
Clodius,  connected  as  he  was  with  the  most  influential  citizens, 
on  whose  agency  he  was  himself  depending  for  the  ratifi- 
cation of  his  acts  in  Asia. 

De  istis  rebus]  is  the  reading  of  Schiitz,  Matth.  and  the 
majority  of  the  editors,  while  Nobbe  gives  istiics  'about  the 
proceedings  of  a  friend  of  yours,'  i.e.  the  events  of  Cicero's 
consulship  and  the  punishment  of  the  conspirators.  Cf  Ep.  16. 
13  tsios  consiilatus  non Jlocci facteon.  It  is  difficult  to  decide 
between  these  two  readings,  which  are  almost  identical  in 
meaning,  as  I  cannot  believe  that  either  the  one  or  the  other 
can  refer  simply  to  the  sacrilege  and  the  subsequent  trial. 
Nostris,  which  is  accepted  by  Klotz,  is  in  all  probability  an 
e.xplanatory  gloss. 

§  3  Oniatissimc\  '  Spoke  in  most  complimentary  terms  of 
my  consulship,  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  he  owed 
to  me  his  life  and  all  that  was  enjoyable  in  life.'  This  pane- 
gyric is  again  referred  to  in  Ep  16.  5,  where  it  enables  us  to 
identify  Crassus  as  the  subject  of  the  allusion. 

Quid  jmiltaf\  'In  short,  the  whole  of  that  topic  which  in 
my  speeches,  of  which  you  are  the  critic,  I  paint  in  hues  so 
varied,  about  the  fire,  the  sword — you  know  the  resources 
of  my  colour-boxes — he  wove  with  great  dignity  into  the 
thread  of  his  argument.' 

Aristarchus]  An  Alexandrine  critic  of  Homer,  whose 
severity  had  passed  into  a  proverb.  Cf.  ad  div.  ill.  11.  5. 
Hor.  Ars  P.  450. 

Xr;/cv^our]  \t\k\)6oi^  Or  atnpuHac,  are  literally  vessels  in  which 
painters  kept  their  colours,  used  figuratively  of  rhetorical 
embellishments.  Cf.  Plin.  Ep.  II.  2  Marci  nostri  \t]kv0ovs 
non/ughnus,  and  in  particular  .£)>.  ad  Att.  II.  i  meus  autevi 
liber  totum  Isocrati  \ivpo6r]KLov  afque  omnes  ciits  discipulorum 
arculas  ac  nonnihil  etiam  Aristotelia pigtnenta  consumpsit. 

Proxime  PoJiipeittm]  Poinpcio  Boot  and  others  from  a 
single  MS,  but  the  reading  of  the  text  may  be  readily  ex- 
plained as  elliptical  ior  proxime  ad. 

Utriivi  Crassuvi  iiiire']  A  remarkable  construction  in 
place  of  the  more  usual  utruDi  quod  Crassus  inirct  etc.  'be- 
cause Crassus  was  establishing  a  claim  for  gratitude.'  The 
above  is  a  simpler  explanation  than  the  one  suggested  by 
Boot:  sive  quia  videbat  CrassiDii  inire  gratiain...sive  quia 
intelligebat  tantas  esse  res  nostras,  etc. 

Tain  libcnti  sejiaiu]  '  With  such  kindly  expressions  on  the 
part  of  the  Senate. 


84  NOTES. 

Perstrictus  esset\  'Wounded,'  'roughly  handled.'  For 
this  use  o{ persiringefe  cf.  Brut.  XCIV.  consulahcs  meus  pri»io 
illinn  Icviter  perstritixerat.  The  word  Utterae  includes  his 
writings  of  whatever  kind,  e.g.  the  speech  for  the  Manilian 
law  (ch.  ii),  and  that  for  Sestius  (ch.  31) — passages  which 
teem  with  the  praises  of  Pompeius  as  the  conqueror  of 
Spartacus,  when  the  insurrection  had  been  virtually  suppressed 
by  Crassus. 

§  4  Crasso  adiuiixit\  '  That  day  has  made  me  the  close 
ally  of  Crassus.'  This  compliment  on  the  part  of  Crassus 
was  well  timed,  perhaps  intentionally  so,  as  by  it  he  dis- 
armed the  animosity  of  Cicero  till  his  designs  in  reference 
to  the  trial  had  been  accomplished. 

Aperle  tecte]  The  juxtaposition  of  these  two  words  has 
occasioned  considerable  difficulty,  but  there  is  really  little 
doubt  that  they  are  to  be  separated  in  translation,  and  were 
only  brought  together  to  heighten  the  contrast  between  them, 
i.e.  quod  ille  jni/ii  tccte  dcderat,  apcrte  accepi.  Two  other 
explanations  have  been  proposed  :  (i)  to  take  them  as  equi- 
valent to  sive  tccte  sive  apcrte^  and  (ii)  to  understand  them 
as  an  o.xymoron  :  '  with  artful  candour.' 

Ego  autem  ipsc'\  'For  myself,  great  Heaven!  how  I  did 
flare  up  for  the  benefit  of  my  new  pupil,  Pompeius.  If 

ever  periods,  or  turns,  or  syllogisms,  or  flourishes  came  at  my 
call,  they  certainly  did  so  then.  In  short  I  brought  the 
house  down.  P'or  this  was  my  theme:  the  dignity  of  our 
order,  and  its  harmony  with  the  knights,  the  unity  of  Italy, 
the  dying  embers  of  the  conspiracy,  the  cheapness  of  pro- 
visions, the  prevailing  peace.  You  know  by  experience  what 
my  thunders  are  on  topics  like  these  :  so  loud  were  they  on 
this  occasion  that  I  may  be  brief,  for  I  think  they  must  have 
reached  you  even  across  the  water.' 

eVfTrepn-fpeva-a/ir/i']  '  How  I  did  shew  off,'  a  aira^  Xeyo/ifvoi/  in 
classical  writings,  although  it  occurs  in  Epictetus  and  in  the 
Ep.  ad  Corinth.  I.  xiii.  4  rj  aya-nr)  ov  TrfpTrepeverai.  KareTreiperai 
is  the  gloss  of  Hesychius,  and  the  word  Trefyn-epos  is  described 
as  equivalent  to  dXa^wi/. 

evBvfii^fiaTa]  Rhetorical  syllogisms  :  while  Karaa-Kevai  ac- 
cording to  Gronovius  and  Schiitz  are  Jigurae  elociitioiiis. 
Ernesti  on  the  other  hand  regards  the  word  as  equivalent  to 
conjirinatio/tes,  constructive  as  opposed  to  destructive  argu- 
ments {ava(TK(val).  Mr  Watson  still  edits  KapTToi  in  place  of 
Kapnai,  but  the  latter  has  been  received  as  a  certain  emenda- 
tion by  Schiitz,  Matth.  and  others. 

Intermortuis\   The  emendation  of  Ernesti.  which  is  ac« 


NOTES.  85 

cepted  by  the  majority  of  the  editors,  but  immortuis  'nipped 
in  the  bud'  is  the  reading  of  the  MS,  and  gives  a  more 
forcible  rendering,  as  the  writer  does  not  wish  to  draw  spe- 
cial attention  to  the  fact  that  the  conspiracy  still  lives. 

Vilitate]  annonae.  For  the  omission  cf  or.  Verr.  ill.  93. 
216  bieimiutn  provinciam  odtiniiit,  qiium  alter  annus  in 
vilitate,  alter  in  siiinnia  caritate  fiierit.  Mr  Watson  draws 
attention  to  the  fact  that  this  cheapness  of  provisions  was 
probably  due  to  the  appointment  of  Pompeius  as  praefccius 
annonae,  which  had  been  made  at  Cicero's  suggestion  in 
the  year  63  B.  c. 

§  5] '  As  for  the  position  of  affairs  at  Rome,  the  Senate  is 
a  very  Areopagus.  No  council  was  ever  more  resolute,  stern 
or  consistent.  For  when  the  day  came  for  submitting  the 
senatorial  measure  to  the  people,  bearded  boys  came  trooping 
up — the  whole  of  Catiline's  herd — with  Curio's  slip  of  a  girl 
at  their  head,  and  entreated  the  people  to  reject  the  bill. 
Even  Piso  the  consul,  who  had  proposed  the  measure,  now 
raised  his  voice  against  it.  The  hirelings  of  Clodius  had 
beset  the  gangways,  and  the  voting  tickets  were  being  sup- 
plied in  such  a  way  that  no  applicant  received  an  Aye.  On 
this  you  should  have  seen  Cato  fly  to  the  platform  and 
deliver  himself  of  a  marvellous  invective  against  Piso,  if  one 
may  use  the  word  of  an  utterance  that  breathed  dignity  and 
determination,  aye,  and  the  salvation  of  our  cause.  Our  friend 
Hortensius  followed  suit,  and  after  him  many  good  men  and 
true.     Favonius  too  did  us  good  service.' 

Concursabanf\  To  ''run  to  and  fro''  in  an  eager  and 
excited  way  rather  than  to  '■crowd  together^  is  the  precise 
meaning  oiconcursare.     Cf.  the  Greek  Trf pinaTflv. 

Barbatuli  ijivenes\  The  diminutive  expresses  his  contempt 
for  their  youth — it  may  be  also  for  their  foppishness.  Cf.  Tr\v 
&  vTT^vTjv  oKovpov  rp«(^co»/  as  the  mark  of  a  dandy  in  Aristoph. 
yesp.  477.  In  the  or.  in  Cat.  ll.  22  he  describes  the  followers 
of  Catilme  as  pexo  capillo  nitidos  aut  iniberbes  atit  bejie  bar- 
batos. 

Filiola  Cterionis]  i.e.  Caius  Scribonius  Curio.  Cf.  Phil. 
II.  18.  In  Veil.  Pat.  11.  48.  3  he  is  described  as  vir  nobilis, 
eloguens,  audax,  suae  alienacquc  et  fortunac  et  pudicitiae 
prodigus. 

Idem']  Cf.  XI.  I  niinc  idem  videar  diffidere,  and  the  note  on 
the  passage. 

Pontes]  The  gangways  or  approaches  by  which  the  citizens 
passed  to  the  '  septa,'  where  they  assembled  by  their  tribes  or 
centuries,  and  out  of  which  they  passed  to  give  their  votes. 


86  NOTES. 

For  a  full  description  of  the  method  of  v^oting,  cf.  IMr  For- 
syth's Life  of  Cic.  p.  94. 

Tabellae]  These  were  tickets,  two  of  which  were  given  to 
each  voter,  one  of  them  inscribed  with  the  letters  A.  P. 
{cDitiqica  probo)  or  A  {antiquo),  the  other  with  the  letters 
V.  R.  (itli  rogas). 

Saliitis]  is  sometimes  taken  to  mean  '  sound  advice,' 
but  this  translation  does  not  make  the  climax  sufficiently 
strong,  especially  after  the  words  gravitas  and  aiictoritas. 

Favonii\  From  the  or.  pro  Mil.  IX.  26  he  seems  in  most 
things  to  have  followed  the  lead  of  Cato,  whose  principles  he 
shared.  Cf.  also  ad  div.  VIII.  li,  2.  He  was  put  to  death 
after  the  battle  of  Philippi. 

Qiaim  dccerneretiir'\  'When  the  moment  came  for  passing 
the  decree.'  Nullum  facietiti  i.  e.  facietidum  censenti,  '  who 
was  for  passing  no  decree  on  the  subject.'  Boot  confuses  the 
present  decree  'ut  consules  populum  cohortarentur'  with  the 
earlier  one  for  the  appointment  of  a  court  of  enquiry  when  he 
translates  the  passage  thus :  '  who  was  for  cancelling  the 
decree  on  the  subject.' 

Curioni'\  The  elder  Curio  is  meant,  as  the  son  was  not  of 
age  to  be  on  the  roll  of  the  Senate — a  fact  which  is  suffi- 
ciently established  by  the  use  of  the  word  introductus  in  ad 
Alt.  II.  24.  3. 

Fufus  tribiinus  ttim  coiiccssit\  Fufius  territtis  coJtcessti 
Gron.,  of  which  Root  approves  on  the  ground  that  the  addition 
of  iribuHus  is  otiose  after  the  mention  of  his  rank  in  the  earlier 
portion  of  the  letter.  But  it  was  important  to  reassert  his 
official  capacity  on  an  occasion  like  the  present :  while  the 
reading  of  the  MSS  tertium  is  more  nearly  represented  by 
tri.  turn  than  by  territus. 

Contiones  miseras]  '  Clodius  delivered  himself  of  some 
pitiful  harangues  in  which  he  assailed  LucuUus,  Hortensius, 
Piso  and  Messala  with  foul  abuse  :  all  he  laid  to  my  charge 
was  that  I  had  brought  his  deeds  to  light.' 

Tantum  coinperisse  ovinia]  In  allusion  to  Cicero's  tedious 
reiteration  of  his  services  in  the  detection  of  the  Catilinarian 
conspiracy  [cf  ad  div.  V.  5].  But  there  is  a  farther  sarcasm 
in  the  word  tajititm  on  his  want  of  energy  in  the  conduct  of 
the  Clodian  prosecution:  'that  I  had  brought  his  deeds  to 
light,  and  nothing  more,'  i.e.  had  detected  but  not  helped 
to  punish  them. 

Legationibics]  Not  the  'appointment  of  colonial  gover- 
nors,' but  the  'reception  of  foreign  ambassadors,'  for  which 


NOTES.  87 

the  month  of  February  was   specially  reserved  by  the  Ga- 
binian  law.     Cf.  Ep.  18.  7  quare  etiatn  legatioiies  reiectuni 
iri puio :  Ep.  ad  div.  I.  4.  i,  and  ad  Q.  Erah'.  11.  13.  3. 
Lata  esset] '  Till  the  bill  has  become  law.' 

§  6]  'So  much  for  Roman  politics  :  but  let  me  tell  you 
further  a  piece  of  news  for  which  I  was  not  prepared.  The 
consul  Messala  is  a  fine  fellow:  resolute,  consistent,  ener- 
getic :  add  to  which  he  praises,  admires  and  imitates  your 
humble  servant.  His  colleague  is  saved  from  being  utterly 
vicious  by  the  possession  of  one  vice,  his  sleepiness,  ignorance 
and  general  incapacity :  but  for  all  that  he  is  so  ill-con- 
ditioned in  temper  that  he  has  hated  Pompeius  ever  since  he 
praised  the  Senate  in  his  speech,' 

Ille  alte}-\  Marcus  Piso.  For  the  construction  uno  vitio 
minus  vitiosiis  Boot  compares  Ov.  Mctani.  Xil.  554  Bis 
sex  Herculeis  ceciderunf,  nee  niimis  uno  Viribiis. 

aTrpaKToraros']  Like  aTrpay/ncoi/,  'unpractical.'  Casaubon 
notices  KaxeKTijs  as  a  medical  term  to  denote  a  man  with  a 
bad  habit  of  body.     Hence  the  addition  of  voluntate. 

Corniito]  Caius  Cornutus,  who  three  years  later  was 
elected  praetor. 

Pseiido-Cafone']  Not  '  Cornutus  is  a  true  pseudo-Cato,'  as 
it  has  been  proposed  to  render  it,  but  '  Cornutus,  believe  me. 
is  a  second  Cato.'  The  use  of  bonis  in  the  context  is  decisive 
against  our  understanding  the  words  in  a  disparaging  sense. 

Quid  qnaeris?\  'Have  I  told  you  everything.?'  A  for- 
mula which  denotes  not  so  much  surprise  on  the  part  of  the 
questioner  as  a  farther  desire  for  information.  But  the  phrase 
is  so  unusual  in  this  sense  and  in  this  position,  that,  as  Casau- 
bon suggests,  a  sentence  may  possibly  have  been  lost.  Boot's 
re-arrangement  of  the  text  is  hardly  a  success  :  Bonis  uti- 
miir  tribunis  plebis,  Cornuto  vera — quid  qtiaeris? — Pseudo- 
Catone. 

§7  Quae  rccepisti'\  'Attend  to  the  commissions  which  you 
have  undertaken.'     Cf.  ista  in  §  6  of  the  preceding  letter. 

Argiletani'\  A  part  of  Rome  near  the  Palatine,  so  called 
from  the  beds  of  clay  {argilld)  in  the  neighbourhood. 

The  derivation  from  Argi  letum  (Serv.  ad  Aen.  Vlir.  341) 
is  purely  fanciful,  though  it  has  been  perpetuated  by  Martial 
in  the  wcU-known  line  Argi  ncinpe  soles  subire  letum.  \Epigr. 
I.  118.  9.] 

Reliquum  dodrantcn{\  '  The  remaining  three-fourths.' 
Quintus  had  probably  been  mentioned  in  the  will  as  haeres  ex 


-88  NOTES. 

guadrante,  and  afterwards  purchased  the  remainder  of  the 
house  from  his  co-legatees.  Vcnditat,  'is  trying  to  dispose  of.' 
In  gratiam  redi\  '  Make  it  up  with  Lucceius.  I  see  he  is 
labouring  under  a  sharp  touch  of  office  fever.  I  will  do  my 
best  for  him.'  The  word  petititrire  is  admirably  illustrated 
by  Ep.  1 7.  I  r  Liicceiu/n  scito  consiclatinn  habere  in  animo 
statim  pctere^  and  it  is  surprising  that  any  editor  should  be  in 
favour  of  rewriting  the  sentence  so  as  to  make  it  form  part  of 
the  preceding. 

LETTER  XV. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §1  The  assignment  of  the  province 
of  Asia  Minor  to  his  brother  Quintus,  and  his  hope  that  it  tnay 
add  to  the  reputation  of  the  family.  §  2  The  correspondence 
between  them. 

§  I  Asiani'\  This  was  one  of  the  most  coveted  of  the  prae- 
torian provinces,  and  included  Ionia,  Caria,  Phrygia  and 
Lydia. 

<^CKkXkr]vis\  Cf.  the  Or.  p}-o  Flacco  cap.  Xiv.  and  else- 
where. 

■KavToir]^  dfjeTTjs  ixifj-vrjaKfo]  II.  XXII.  268.  He  expected  at 
this  time  that  Atticus  would  go  into  Asia  as  one  of  his 
brother's  retinue,  but  he  afterwards  gave  up  the  intention. 
Cf.  Ep.  16.  14  qnod  ad  7ne  scribis  te  in  A  si  am  statuisse 
11071  ire,  equidem  mallevt  nt  ires,  et  vereor  ne  quid  in  ista 
re  minus  commode  fiat. 

§  2  De  tiio  negociol  The  Sicyonian  debt,  in  all  probability. 

LETTER  XVL 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §1  A  plea  for  his  conduct  in  the 
matter  of  the  Clodian  trial,  and  more  particularly  §  2  in 
reference  to  the  measure  of  Hortcnsius.  §§  3 — 5  The  progress 
and  issue  of  the  trial.  §  6  Affairs  at  Rome.  §  7  His  hopes  for 
the  future.  §§  8,  9  His  speeches  after  the  verdict.  §  i  o  His 
passage  of  arms  with  Clodius.  §  11  His  present  position  in 
the  state.  §  1 2  Tlie  coming  consular  election.  §  1 3  TJie  new 
laws  against  bribery.  §  14  TJie  projected  visit  of  Atticus  to 
Asia  Minor.  §  15  On  literary  subjects,  and  %  16  Jus  own 
correspondence.  §  17  The  private  affairs  of  Atticus,  and%  18 
his  Amaltheum  in  Epinis. 

§  i]  'You  ask  me  what  can  have  happened  on  the  trial  to 
result  in  such  an  extraordinary  verdict  :  also  why  I  fought 
less  brilliantly  than  is  my  wont.  I  will  answer  your  last  ques- 
tion first  after  the  fashion  of  Homer.  To  tell  the  truth,  so 
long  as  I  could  plead  the  resolution  of  the  Senate,  I  fought 


NOTES.  89 

with  might  and  main,  insomuch  that  applause  and  rallyings 
ensued  to  my  great  honour.  Nay,  if  ever  you  have  thought 
me  bold  to  protect  the  state,  most  assuredly  you  would  have 
done  so  then.  For  when  I  found  he  had  taken  refuge  in 
mob-meetings  and  was  holding  up  my  name  to  scorn,  great 
Heavens !  what  fight  I  shewed,  what  havoc  I  dealt  !  what 
onslaughts  I  made  on  Piso,  Curio  and  the  whole  of  their  crew  ! 
How  bitterly  I  inveighed  against  the  frivolity  of  the  old  men, 
the  licentiousness  of  the  young  !  Often,  so  help  me  Heaven! 
I  longed  for  you  not  only  to  advise  me  in  my  counsels,  but  to 
be  the  eyewitness  of  my  marvellous  prowess.' 

Quaeris  ex  me]  The  question  proves  that  Atticus  mis- 
doubted his  friend's  sincerity  on  the  occasion,  although  he 
did  not  fathom  his  motives.  The  answer  of  Cicero  shews 
that  his  energy  in  the  prosecution  was  confined  to  vague 
declamation,  while  for  abandoning  the  key  of  the  position 
he  ofters  no  defence  at  all — for  coiitmxi  vela  perspiciois 
inopiam  iudicum  is  none. 

va-Tfpov  TTpoTfpou]  praepostere.  Thus  Homer  begins  the 
tale  of  Troy  in  the  9th  year,  and  gives  us  the  history  of  the 
previous  period  in  his  later  narrative.  So  again  in  the 
Odyssey  he  begins  with  the  loth  year  of  the  wanderings  of 
Ulysses,  which  finds  him  in  the  island  of  Calypso,  and  fills  in 
his  earlier  history  by  episodes  in  the  succeeding  books. 

Auctoritas]  The  resolution  mentioned  in  §  i  of  Ep.  14, 
indices  a  praetore  legi  quo  consilio  idem  praetor  uteretur. 

Ad  itividiam  uteretur']  As  a  traitor  to  the  popular  cause 
in  the  opposition  which  he  had  offered  to  the  Agrarian  schemes 
of  Rullus,  and  in  the  illegal  punishment  of  the  Catihnarian 
conspirators. 

§  2  Hortcnsius  excogita-vit]  Fufius,  as  Casaubon  remarks, 
was  no  doubt  the  crafty  originator  of  this  scheme,  and  had 
in  all  probability  suggested  it  to  Hortensius  as  the  readiest 
means  of  proceeding  with  the  case.  Hortensius  was  perhaps 
honest  in  his  belief  that  an  ordinary  bench  of  judges  would 
secure  a  conviction ;  or  else,  like  Cicero,  he  was  not  unwilling 
that  the  criminal  should  escape,  so  long  as  he  could  explain 
satisfactorily  his  own  part  in  the  matter. 

Inopiam  iudicum]  like  egestas  below,  the  neediness  and 
poverty  of  the  judges. 

Pro  testi»ionio]  As  for  instance  that  Clodius  was  at  Rome 
at  the  time  of  the  sacrilege  and  not  at  Interamna,  as  he  had 
pretended.     (Cf.  Ep.  11.  i.  5.     Plut.  Cic.  29.) 

Cojnmissuvt  est]  '  For  this  result  we  are  indebted  to  the 
rash  counsels  of  Hortensius,  who,  in  his  fear  that  Fufius  would 


go  NOTES. 

put  his  veto  upon  the  senatorial  measure,  never  saw  how  far 
wiser  it  had  been  to  leave  the  criminal  in  his  ignominy  and 
disgrace  than  to  trust  for  his  conviction  to  a  weak  bench  of 
judges.' 

Diim  verities  est]  For  this  rare  use  of  dutn  with  a  past 
tense  to  denote  duration  of  time,  cf  Zumpt,  §  Ixxvi.  pp.  355, 
356,  and  the  Public  School  Lat.  Gr.  p.  162,  I.  6. 

Tamai]  For  this  common  elliptical  use  of  tavicn  cf.  Ep. 
19.  8  atque  ita  tamen  his  iiovis  ainicitiis  iniplicati  smnics, 
and  EUendt,  ad  oral.  V.  2,  p.  208,  'that  a  sword,  were  it  of 
lead,  would  yet  suffice  to  cut  his  throat.'  The  proverb 
appears  again  in  dejin.  iv.  18.  48. 

§  3  Incredibili  exitii]  'The  result  passes  all  belief:  so  that 
now,  when  all  is  over,  everyone  else  blames  the  scheme  of 
Hortensius,  as  I  have  done  from  the  first.' 

Reiectio]  For  this  challenging  of  the  judges,  cf  the  lociis 
classicus  on  the  subject,  Verr.  I.  6.  16,  and  the  comments 
of  Asconius  upon  it. 

AccHsator]  Lucius  Lentulus  (Plut.  in  Caes.  10),  who  was 
consul  with  Caius  Marcellus  in  the  year  705.  Among  the 
subscriptores  to  the  prosecution  were  two  relatives  of  Len- 
tulus, and  also  Caius  Fannius  {ad  Att.  ll.  24.  3). 

Tanqmwi  clemens  lanisfa]  who,  in  selecting  the  pairs  of 
combatants  for  the  games,  would  naturally  choose  the  most 
worthless  for  the  arena  and  retain  the  more  respectable  for  use 
in  the  training  school. 

Consedcriint]  'As  soon  as  ever  the  jury  were  empanelled, 
good  men  began  to  entertain  strong  doubts.  For  a  more 
rascally  lot  never  sat  round  a  gaming  table.  Degraded 
senators  were  there,  and  beggarly  knights,  and  tribunes 
cashiered  rather  than  rich  in  cash.  Yet  were  they  inter- 
spersed with  a  few  good  men  of  whom  the  criminal  couldn't 
rid  himself  by  the  exercise  of  the  challenge.  These  sat  sad 
and  sorrowful  among  companions  so  unlike  themselves,  and 
were  sorely  troubled  by  their  close  contact  with  such  villains.' 

Maciilosi]  There  is  some  doubt  whether  this  word  is  to 
be  taken  in  a  general  sense  of  men  of  tarnished  reputation 
{inf amine  inaculis  co/tspersi,  Tac.  Ann.  XI 1 1.  33,  Hist.  I.  7), 
or  as  referring  definitely  to  the  tiota  or  macula  censoria  (cf 
Suet.  hil.  41).  The  latter  is  more  forcible  and  indeed 
necessary,  if,  as  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  each  of  the  adjec- 
tives represents  some  formal  sentence  of  disgrace. 

Nudi]  '  Beggared,'  '  threadbare  in  money  and  reputation,' 
is  the  usual  explanation  ;  but,  on   the  principle  mentioned 


NOTES.  91 

above,  I  believe  it  refers  definitely  to  the  loss  of  their  ring — 
the  bitterest  disgrace  with  which  an  eques  could  be  visited. 

Aerati...aerarii\  Tribtini  aerarii  sunt  ordmis  plebeii  {or. 
pro  Planc.y)  et per  eos  inilitibiis peatJtia  stipendiorum  nume- 
7-abatur,  ut  est  atictor  Festiis.  Ern.  In  accordance  with  the 
above  Muretus  has  proposed  a  rearrangement  of  the  passage, 
which  is  certainly  ingenious  :  Tributii  non  tarn  aerarii,  ut  ap- 
pellautur,  quafu  aerati.  '  Tribunes  not  so  much  paymasters 
as  receivers  of  pay. ^  But  this  premature  suggestion  of  bribery 
is  quite  foreign  to  the  tone  of  the  narrative,  and  it  is  to  the 
antecedents  of  the  jurymen  rather  than  to  their  conduct  on 
this  occasion  that  the  sarcasms  evidently  refer.  Rejecting 
therefore  any  explanation  which  would  find  a  direct  allusion 
to  bribery  in  the  passage  I  should  understand  it  somewhat 
in  the  sense  of  maculosi  above.  Cf.  Cluent.  43  in  aerarios 
referri,  i.  e.  /;/  ultimajit  classem,  cut  ascripti  suffra^io  carebant, 
et  tantjini  aera  tributi  loco  petidebant.  erat  autem  haec  nota 
censoria,  quani  plebi  quidem  in  pritnis,  sed  interdum  tatnen 
etiam  se7tatoribus  et  equitibus  inurebatit.  Ern. 

§  4  Consilium^  luris  peritorum  qui  praetori  assidebanf, 
Matth.,  but  the  words  which  follow  prove  conclusively  that 
the  judges  themselves  are  meant. 

Printis  postulationibtis']  *As  each  point  was  submitted  to 
the  bench  on  the  first  hearing:'  a  very  similar  process  to  the 
Greek  ai/a/cpto-tr.  Originally  postulatio  meant  no  more  than 
to  ask  the  praetor's  leave  for  permission  to  lodge  the  suit : 
but  it  had  been  extended  to  include  all  the  details  upon 
which  the  contending  parties  might  require  information 
before  the  actual  trial  of  the  suit  commenced. 

Triu»iphavit'\  '  In  a  word  Hortensius  was  in  ecstacies 
at  his  own  foresight.' 

Ex  acclaviatione']  The  order  is  audisse  ex  acclamatione, 
'I  think  the  uproar  must  have  been  loud  enough  to  tell  you,' 
and  for  the  hyperbola  compare  the  precisely  similar  expres- 
sion usque  istim  exauditos  in  Ep.  14.  4.  It  has  been 
strangely  enough  proposed  to  contort  the  sentence  into  the 
following  form  :  credo  te  audisse  quae  consurrectio  facta  sit 
ex  acclamatione,  '  how  the  jury  rose  as  one  man  on  hearing 
the  outcry  raised  by  the  partisans  of  Clodius.'  It  may  be 
noticed  in  passing  that  acclamatio  in  Cicero  always  denotes 
disapprobation:  differing  in  this  from  the  similar  compound 
admurmurare,  which  is  likewise  used  in  a  favourable  sense. 
Cf.  in  Pis.  XIV.  31.  On  the  subject  oi  advocatus  it  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  warn  even  schoolboys  against  translating  it  'an 
advocate'  or  'counsel.'     It  is  really  no  more  than  a  friend, 

P.  c.  8 


92  NOTES. 

called  in  by  either  party  to  watch  the  case,  and,  if  need  be, 
to  give  evidence  in  his  favour. 

Honorificentior\  'More  complimentary.'  Tui  cives,  i.e. 
Athenienses.  As  a  matter  of  fact  they  were  not  the  fellow- 
citizens  of  Atticus,  as  he  had  declined  the  offer  of  their  fran- 
chise, because  by  receiving  it  he  would  have  lost  his  position 
as  a  citizen  of  Rome.  Cf.  quiun  ex  nostra  iure  duarum 
civitatutn  nemo  esse  possit.     [tic.  pro  Caec.  xxxiv.  loo.] 

Xenocrateni]  of  Chalcedon,  a  pupil  of  Plato  and  the  fellow- 
student  of  Aristotle.  The  story  to  which  he  alludes  is  told  by 
Uiog.  Laert.  (IV.  7),  and  is  repeated  by  Cicero  in  the  or.  pro 
Baldo,  cap.  V.  12,  though  on  that  occasion  he  gives  the  cir- 
cumstances only  without  mentioning  the  name. 

Tabulas\  'That  occasion  on  which  a  Roman  jur)'  declined 
to  inspect  the  account-books  of  Metellus,  when  as  usual  they 
were  being  carried  round  for  inspection  :  far  greater,  I  repeat, 
was  the  compliment  in  my  own  case.'  The  circumstance 
occurred  during  the  trial  of  Metellus  for  peculation,  and  is 
mentioned  agam  in  the  or.  pro  Baldo,  cap.  v.  11. 

§  5]  'And  so  by  the  expressions  of  the  jurymen,  for  I  was 
hailed  by  them  as  the  saviour  of  my  countr>',  the  defendant 
was  crushed,  and  with  him  fell  all  his  supporters,  while  at  my 
house  the  day  after  I  was  met  by  as  great  a  concourse  as 
that  by  which  I  was  escorted  home  at  the  close  of  my  con- 
sulship. Our  immaculate  Areopagites  protested  that  they 
could  not  make  their  way  to  court  except  under  the  protec- 
tion of  a  guard.  It  was  referred  to  the  bench.  One  voice 
alone  was  raised  against  the  appointment  of  a  guard.  So 
the  question  was  laid  before  the  Senate,  and  the  guard  voted 
in  most  impressive  and  complimentary  terms  :  the  judges 
praised  to  the  skies  :  the  details  entrusted  to  the  magistrates  : 
no  one  thought  it  possible  that  the  fellow  would  shew  him- 
self in  court.' 

Cojivenit]  The  addition  of  postridie  and  venturos  leaves 
no  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of  this  passage.  Otherwise 
'rallied  round  me'  to  accompany  me  home  is  the  translation 
which  the  context  would  rather  suggest. 

Abiens  consiilatii\  The  occasion  is  thus  referred  to  in  the 
or.  in  Pis.,  quo  quidetn  tempore  is  mens  domum  fuit  e  fora 
reditus,  lit  tiemo,  nisi  qui  mectim  esset,  civium  esse  in  nutnero 
videretur. 

Refertur  ad  consilium']  See  note  on  §  4.  The  quotation 
which  follows  is  from  Hom.  //.  n.  112,  113. 

Calvum"]  M.  Licinius  Crassus  is  meant,  as  a  comparison 


NOTES.  93 

with  Ep.  14.  3  sufficiently  proves.  That  his  character  was 
in  accordance  with  the  act  we  may  gather  from  Cic.  de  off. 
I.  109,  and  the  following  passage  from  Sail.  Cixt.  48,  ne 
Crassus  more  sua  siiscepto  malorum  patrocinio  rem  publicam 
cofiturbaret.  The  only  attempt  to  explain  the  title  'Cal- 
vus,  one  of  the  Nanneian  set'  is  offered  by  Manutius,  who 
suggests  that  he  may  have  bought  the  estates  of  Nanneius 
(one  of  those  who  suffered  in  the  proscriptions  of  Sulla,  cf. 
Q.  Cic.  de  pet.  cons.  2)  under  the  feigned  name  of  Calvus,  or 
by  the  agency  of  a  procurator  of  that  name.  Or  again  it  is 
possible  that  in  the  word  calvus  there  may  be  an  allusion  to 
his  personal  appearance,  just  as  in  the  first  satire  of  Persius 
the  same  adjective  is  descriptive  of  Nero.  As  an  example 
of  reckless  emendation  the  reading  proposed  by  Boot  is 
unrivalled:  nosti  Calvum,  f^anivdiov  ilium  laudatorem  me  inn. 
Intercessit]  Cf.  ad  Alt.  VI.  i.  5  intercessisse  se  pro  iis  mag- 
nam  pecutnam,  and  again  Phil.  II.  45  sestertinm  sexagies  se 
pro  te  intercessisse  dicebat.  '  In  two  days  by  the  aid  of  a 
single  slave  fetched  from  a  training  school  the  business  was 
done:  he  had  seen  the  judges:  promised,  guaranteed,  and 
paid  the  bribe.' 

lajn  vero]  *To  crown  it  all,'  in  reference  to  the  mercedis 
cumulo  (auctuariicm,  iTriinTpov). 

Sianmo  discessu  bonorum']  'And  so,  in  a  court  full  of 
slaves,  where  every  good  man  was  conspicuous  by  his  ab- 
sence, five-and-twenty  of  the  judges  were  yet  so  resolute  in 
the  hour  of  danger  as  to  prefer  death  to  the  desertion  of  their 
post.  Thirty-one  there  were  with  whom  hunger  carried  the 
day  against  honour.  Catulus,  on  encountering  one  of  the 
latter,  said  :  What  did  you  want  guards  for  ?  Was  it  for 
fear  of  being  robbed  of  the  wages  of  your  shame  f 

Perdcre  o)nnid\  is  explained  by  Manutius  and  others  to 
mean  the  ruin  of  the  state  rather  than  of  their  own  reputa- 
tion. I  am  inclined  myself  to  understand  it  in  the  latter 
sense,  'preferred  loss  of  life  to  the  loss  of  all  that  makes  life 
endurable.' 

Catulus]  The  story  is  told  by  Plutarch  in  his  life  of 
Cicero,  cap.  XXix. 

§  6]  'You  have  received,  in  as  few  words  as  I  can  give  it, 
an  account  of  the  trial,  and  the  cause  of  the  acquittal.  In 
your  next  question  you  ask  what  is  the  present  position  of 
the  Republic  and  of  myself  Let  me  tell  you  that  the  State 
which  you  believed  to  be  secured  by  my  care,  and  I  by  the 
care  of  the  gods,  and  which  did  appear  to  be  established 
on  a  firm  basis  by  the  union  of  all  the  well-disposed,  and  by 
the  vigorous  measures  of   my  Consulate,  has,  unless  some 


94  NOTES. 

god  looks  down  on  us  with  mercy,  already  slipped  from  cur 
hands  by  this  one  judgment — if  that  can  be  called  a  judg- 
ment, when  thirty  men,  the  most  frivolous  and  abandoned  of 
the  Roman  people,  violate  for  a  paltry  bribe  every  right 
human  and  divine ;  when  a  Thalna,  a  Plautus,  a  Spongia, 
and  other  refuse  like  these,  maintain  that  a  deed  was  not 
committed  which  all  men,  aye  and  the  very  brutes  them- 
selves, know  to  a  certainty  was  committed.  But  yet  for  your 
consolation  let  me  tell  you,  that,  although  the  state  has 
received  this  heavy  blow,  still  villainy  is  not  so  wantonly 
triumphant  in  the  hour  of  victory  as  the  vicious  had  antici- 
pated. For  they  thought  that  if  religion,  chastity,  the  honour 
of  the  judges,  and  the  authority  of  the  Senate,. could  be  over- 
turned, then  recklessness  and  lust  might  openly  revenge 
themselves  on  the  good  among  us,  for  the  pain  my  austere 
administration  had  inflicted  on  the  bad.'    Meriv. 

Elapsii7n  de  tnanibus]  He  uses  the  same  expression  of  a 
trial  in  the  de  orat.  II.  50.  202  7iihil  unquam  vidi,  qjiod  tarn 
e  niatiibiis  elaberetiir,  quam  mihi  turn  est  elapsa  ilia  causa. 

Thalnam  et  Plautum  et  Spongiam^  Contemptuous  names 
adopted  for  the  occasion  from  the  lowest  class  of  slaves. 
The  derivations  to  which  Casaubon  would  refer  each  of 
these  words  are,  excepting  as  regards  Spongia,  very  far- 
fetched. It  is  surely  enough  to  suppose  that  in  many  cases, 
though  by  no  means  in  all,  the  name  of  a  slave  had  reference 
to  his  occupation.  Thus  Spotigia  is  almost  precisely  identi- 
cal with  Peniculiis,  the  name  of  the  parasite  who  plays  so 
important  a  part  in  the  Menaechmi:  and  again  in  Propertius 
we  have  the  line  Deliciaeque  meae  Latris  cjii  nomen  ab  usu 
est  (v.  7.  75).  But  to  attempt  to  find  a  special  allusion  of 
the  same  kind  in  so  common  a  word  as  Plautus  is  surely 
somewhat  fanciful. 

Qutsquilias'\  trvp^fTos,  the  sweepings  of  a  stable.  He 
uses  the  same  word  of  the  same  class  in  his  speech  pro 
Sestio,  in  which  he  calls  Numerius,  Serranus  and  Aelius 
'quisquihae  seditionis   Clodianae.' 

^  J  Doloris  quern. ..inusserat]  a.  favourite  phrase  with  our 
author  ;  cf  or.  in  Verr.  II.  i.  44  cur  hunc  dolorem  cineri  eius 
atque  ossibus  inussisti?  and  again  or.  pro  Mil.  XXXVI.  nul- 
lum mihi  taiitum  dolorem  inuretis ;  and  agaxT).  Phil.  XI.  15. 
38  tertio ge)ieri...cupio  quajn  acerbissimutn  dolorem  inurere. 

%  %  Ab  aliis  legi  A  reading  which  Klotz  has  introduced 
into  his  text,  and  to  which  Madvig  {ad  fin.  p.  29)  gives  a 
quahfied  approval.  For  aliis  legi  cf  ad  Att.  XVI.  13a.  I. 
For  the  sentiment  Matth.  compares  ad  div.  XV.  21.  5  aliter 


NOTES.  95 

eniin  scribitnus  quod  eos  solos  quibus  mittimus,  aliter  quod 
multos  lecturos  putamus. 

Recreavi~\  'It  was  I  who  gave  fresh  courage  to  the  good 
who  were  cast  down  by  reassuring  them  and  rousing  them 
to  action ;  while  by  attacking  and  worrying  these  venal 
jurymen  I  shut  the  mouths  of  all  who  gloried  in  his 
triumph.  To  Piso  the  consul  I  allowed  no  resting-place  for 
the  sole  of  his  foot.  He  had  been  promised  Syria,  but  I 
took  it  from  him.  In  a  word,  I  restored  the  Senate  to  its 
ancient  vigour,  revived  the  despairing,  and  anni.hilated  Clo- 
dius  to  his  face  in  the  Senate  by  a  continuous  and  most 
dignified  harangue,  no  less  than  by  a  passage  of  arms,  of 
which  I  may  treat  you  to  a  few  tit  bits,  for  the  rest  can  have 
neither  pith  nor  point  apart  from  the  heat  of  the  action  which 
you  Greeks  call  ayav! 

Nulla  in  re  consistere]  A  metaphor  from  an  army  which  is 
driven  from  place  to  place  by  the  enemy,  with  no  time  al- 
lowed it  to  organize  a  resistance.  Cf.  patria  Turnutn  con- 
sistere terra.     [Verg.  A  en.  x.  75.] 

Desp07isani\  Cf  de  prov.  cons.  XV.  37  where  the  irregular 
desponsio  is  contrasted  with  the  more  formal  decretum.  Mr 
Watson  also  notices  the  fact,  that  to  avoid  favouritism  it  was 
usual  to  assign  the  provinces  to  the  consuls  of  each  year 
before  their  election  took  place.  Syria  and  Macedonia  were 
the  most  desirable  of  the  consular  provinces,  and  were  be- 
stowed as  marks  of  special  favour.  For  instance,  the  former 
was  promised  to  Gabinius  by  Clodius  when  they  made  their 
guilty  compact  to  secure  the  banishment  of  Cicero. 

Oratione  perpetud\  Xf^is  flpofiivrj.  It  is  often  used  of  a 
set  speech  as  opposed  to  a  railing-match  like  the  one  which 
follows;     Vid.  Drakenb.  ad Liv.  iv.  6.  i. 

§  9  De  sumnia  republica']  '  The  interests  of  the  State.'  That 
sutmna  respublica,  and  not  sujnvia  reipublicae,  is  the  proper 
form  of  the  phrase  is  well  argued  by  Zumpt,  ad  Verr.  L. 
II.  28. 

Divinitus']  'by  inspiration.'  The  distinction  drawn  by 
Casaubon  between  divine  and  divinitus :  Qui  ait  se  aliquid 
divine  fecisse  tribuit  sibi  laudem :  qui  dicit  divinitus  se 
aliquid eglsse  laudem  deo  tribuit  non  sibi:  is  unquestionably 
a  real  one,  nor  is  it  disproved  by  the  passages  quoted  by 
Schiitz  from  the  de  oral.  1 1.  2,  II.  45,  or  by  another  to  which 
Boot  refers  in  the  Ep.  ad  Att.  1 1.  21.  6  Pompeius  loquitur 
divinitus,  where  it  may  fairly  be  rendered  '  Pompeius  talks 
like  one  inspired.^ 

Lentulutn]  P.  Lentulus  Sura,  the  accomplice  of  Catiline. 
He  had  been  twice  tried  for  peculation.     [Plut.  Cic.  XVll]. 


96  NOTES. 

Bis  Catilinan{\  Manutius  has  a  long  note  in  proof  that 
Catiline  was  acquitted  in  three  prosecutions  :  (i)  for  the 
seduction  of  Fabia,  a  vestal  virgin,  (2)  for  the  murder  of 
Gratidianus,  (3)  for  malversation  in  his  province.  For  the 
omission  of  the  first  in  the  present  instance  he  accounts  by 
the  fact  that  Fabia  was  the  sister  of  Terentia,  and  that  Cicero 
had  always  maintained  her  innocence  of  the  crime.  It  would 
be  absurd  therefore  to  refer  to  the  prosecution  as  evidence  of 
Catiline's  guilt. 

Immissutti]  immittere  is  the  Greek  f^/ei/at,  'to  slip  dogs 
from  a  leash.'     Cf.  Verg.  Georg.  ill.  351. 

Exsilio  privare\  Cf.  fragm.  or.  in  toga  caiid.  IV.  p.  942 
(Orell.  ed.)  ad  aliquod  severius  indicium  ac  juaius  siipplicium 
reservari,  and  also  a  remarkable  chapter  in  the  or.  pro 
Caecina,  where  it  is  again  mentioned  as  the  more  lenient  of 
two  alternatives  {or.  pro  Caec.  xxxiv.  100). 

§  10  Pulchellns  puerl  'My  pretty  boy  gets  up  and  taunts 
me  \vith  having  been  at  Baiae.  A  lie,  I  answer,  but  what  if 
it  were  true?  no  worse  than  for  you  to  say  you  had  been 
present  at  a  mystery.  'What,'  he  continued,  'should  a  man 
of  Arpinum  know  of  hot  baths  ?'  Said  I,  Tell  that  tale  to  your 
protector,  who  had  a  strong  fancy  for  the  waters  of  Arpinum. 
(You  know  the  stories  afloat  about  the  baths  of  Marius.)  'How 
long,'  he  asks,  'shall  we  stand  the  airs  of  this  great  man?' 
What !  you  to  talk  of  a  great  man,  when  your  great  man  said 
nothing  about  you !  (for  in  his  mind's  eye  he  had  made  short 
work  of  the  property  of  his  brother-in-law  Rex).  '  You  have 
bought,'  he  said,  'a  princely  mansion.'  Yes:  but  not  the 
judges.  'Your  evidence  on  oath,'  said  he,  'received  no  credit.' 
Indeed  it  did,  was  my  reply,  at  least,  from  five-and-twenty 
of  the  judges:  the  remaining  thirty  one,  seeing  they  were 
paid  in  advance,  would  clearly  give  you  none.  By  the  shouts 
which  arose  he  was  crushed,  silenced  and  confounded.' 

Piilchellus  pucr\  Cf.  ad  Att.  ll.  i.  4.  For  a  repetition  of 
this  sarcasm  on  his  family  name  we  may  compare  a  frag- 
ment of  the  speech  against  Clodius  and  Curio  i,v.  ed.  Nobbe), 
sed.,  credo,  postqiiavi  speculum  tibi  adlatum  est,  longe  te  a 
pulchris  abesse  sensisti. 

Ad  Baias  fuisse]  A  sign  of  luxury  and  effeminacy,  as  it 
implies  the  use  of  the  hot  bath.  Cf.  or.  in  Clod,  et  Cur.  IV. 
sqq.,  which  furnishes  a  running  comment  on  the  passage 
before  us.  Pritnum  homo  durus  ac  priscus  invectus  est  in 
eos  qui  mejise  Aprili  apud  Baias  essent  et  aquis  calidis 
uterefitur.    quid  cum  hoc  homine  nobis  tarn  tristi  et  severo  ? 

Falsum'\   Schiitz  rewrites  the  passage  in  this  form :  sal- 


NOTES.  97 

sum,  sed  tarn  id  qnidem  hide  simile  est,  iiiqua7n,  the  weak- 
ness of  which  it  is  surely  needless  to  demonstrate. 

Sed  tamen  quid  hoc?^  Why  Boot  should  regard  these 
words  as  either  a  gloss  or  an  epistolary  comment  on  the 
taunt  of  Clodius,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  conceive.  They  are  at 
any  rate  forcible  enough  as  a  part  of  Cicero's  reply. 

Ill  operto  fuisse\  Cf.  Parad.  IV.  32  si  in  opertum  Bonae 
Deae  accessisses.  The  subject  is  obscure,  but,  as  the  allusion 
is  plain,  it  is  of  little  real  importance  whether  we  supply  te^ 
which  I  think  makes  the  retort  more  forcible :  or  7ne,  with 
Boot  and  others.  Or  again  it  may  be  more  general  still :  'It's 
no  worse  than  saying  one  has  been  in  an  out-of-the-way 
place.' 

Hotnini  Arpinati]  i.e.  agresii  ac  rustico  {in  Clod,  et  Cur. 
ibid).  For  the  taunt  implied  in  aquis  calidis,  compare  the 
well-known  discussion  in  the  Clouds  of  Aristophanes,  1045  sqq. 

Narra  patrono  luo]  Cf.  nart'a  apud  novercam,  Plant. 
Psetid.  I.  3.  80. 

Afarianasl  Matth.,  marinas  Schiitz  and  others,  a  read- 
ing which  we  may  unhesitatingly  reject,  as  it  rests  on  little 
authority  and  alludes  to  a  doubtful  story,  which,  if  true,  can 
have  no  possible  connection  with  the  matter  in  hand.  It 
seems  equally  clear  that  we  must  understand  aquas  and  not 
aedes  with  the  adjective  Marianas :  as,  even  supposing  the 
latter  word  could  in  any  case  be  supplied,  it  would  be  next 
to  impossible  to  do  so  in  the  present  instance  where  we  have 
another  subject  mentioned  in  such  close  proximity.  We  may 
infer  therefore  that  the  allusion  is  to  some  spring  or  baths  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Arpinum  :  and  the  taunt  may  be  simply 
aimed  at  the  devotion  shewn  by  Clodius  to  the  interests  of 
Marius.  But  a  sarcasm  of  this  kind  is  not  forcible  enough 
to  suit  the  occasion,  and  it  is  far  more  probable  that  by  the 
word /rt/r^wwj  some  person  is  meant  with  whom  Clodius  was 
on  the  same  terms  as  those  which  existed  between  the 
younger  Curio  and  Antonius  {Phil.  li.  18).  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  the  elder  Curio  may  be  the  person  in  question, 
but,  although  he  had  warmly  supported  the  cause  of  Clodius, 
his  character  and  reputation  render  it  most  improbable  that 
he  should  have  been  made  the  subject  of  a  taunt,  the  import 
of  which  can  scarcely  be  mistaken.  On  the  other  hand,  every- 
thing points  to  the  younger  Curio  as  the  patronus  of  the  text, 
e.g.  his  well-known  character  and  the  fact  that  notably  on 
one  occasion  he  acted  as  the  champion  of  Clodius  {duce 
filiola  Curionis,  Ep.  14.  5),  while  his  father  is  known  to  have 
purchased  a  house  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Arpinum  which 
had  originally  been  in  the  possession  of  Marius. 


98  NOTES. 

One  other  theory  is  worthy  of  notice  if  only  from  the  fact 
that  it  is  countenanced  by  Schiitz,  viz.  that  hy  patroniis  the 
sister  of  Clodius  is  meant,  and  that  her  discreditable  par- 
tiality for  Cicero  is  the  subject  of  the  allusion,  Arpinates  aquas 
conciipivit.  Against  this  interpretation  we  must  place  the 
unusual  use  of  the  word  patronus,  the  apparent  want  of  force 
in  the  addition  of  Marianas,  and  the  general  tone  of  the 
fragmentary  speech  against  Clodius  and  Curio. 

Regem  fere7nus'\  So  again  we  have  7-egnum  Ciceronis  in 
the  or.  pro  Sull.  vil.  2r. 

Rex\  O.  Marcius  Rex,  the  husband  of  Clodius'  sister, 
Terentia,  who  had  died  and  left  him  nothing.  For  spe  devo- 
raverat  of.  or.  pro  dom.  XXIII.  60,  and  the  following  from 
or.  in  Verr.  ll.  I.  51  iste  qui  iam  spe  atque  opiiiio/ie  prac- 
dam  ilhun  devorasset. 

Domuvi]  A  'mansion,'  which  is  the  regular  sense  of  the 
word  in  Martial.  It  would  have  been  natural  to  refer  this 
to  Cicero's  house  on  the  Palatine,  noticed  in  Ep.  13.  6. 
However,  in  the  speech  already  quoted  against  Clodius  and 
Curio,  Cicero  imphes  that  a  house  at  Baiae  is  meant  and 
represents  himself  as  commenting  thus :  is  Die  dixit  aediji- 
care:  ubi  7iihil  habeo,  ibifuisse. 

PoteSy  itiqtiavt,  dicere,  '  indices  emisti?^']  The  reading  of 
Schiitz,  with  the  exception  that  he  omits  the  interrogative  and 
introduces  the  negative  heiore potes.  'Yes  :  but  can  you  say 
I  bought  the  judges?'  Putes,  inqua7>i,  dicere  is  the  other 
reading,  which  is  understood  by  Boot  in  the  sense  oi  simile 
est  quasi  dicas  above,  and  by  the  other  editors  as  equivalent 
to  facile  quispia77i  putet.  But  the  taunt  in  either  case 
becomes  less  direct  and  loses  in  consequence  much  of  its 
force.  E77iisse  for  e77iisti  suggests  itself  as  a  possible  emen- 
dation.    'Yes,  and  you  can  say  you  bought  the  judges.' 

§  II  Missus  est  sa7iguis'\  'I  have  been  bled  for  unpopu- 
larity \\ithout  feeling  the  smart,'  or,  in  other  words,  'The  fever 
of  jealousy  under  which  I  was  labouring  has  been  reduced 
by  bloodletting.'  The  same  idea  is  found  in  the  speech  of 
Appius  {Liv.  III.  54)  daiidus  iiruidiae  est  sanguis,  in  Cic.  ad 
Alt.  VI.  I.  2,  and  or.  pro  Sest.  38  se7tsit  suu/71  sa7igui7ietn 
quaeri  ad  resti7igue7ida77i  i7ividia77i  faciiioris  Clodia7ii. 

In  passing  we  may  call  attention  to  the  self-complacency 
with  which  Cicero  dwells  upon  the  increase  of  his  own  popu- 
larity at  the  expense  of  a  blow  which  he  admits  to  have  been 
well-nigh  ruinous  to  the  best  interests  of  the  State. 

Atque  etia77t  hoc  77iagis]  These  words  are  generally  un- 
derstood as  an  amplification  of  sine  dolore :  but  it  is,  I  think, 
preferable  to  regard  the  passage  7nissus  est  sa7iguis  i7ividiae 


NOTES.  99 

situ  dolore  as  parenthetical,  and  the  words  in  question  as 
a  continuation  of  the  sentence  videri  nostrum  testimonium 
non  valuisse.  We  have  then  the  second  clause  introduced 
in  a  natural  way  by  the  phrase  accedit  quod,  etc. 

Rem  manifestam']  Boot  suggests  that  reum  manifestum 
ilium  is  the  true  reading,  and  supports  it  by  the  parallel 
passage  from  or.  pro  Mil.  87  pecunia  se  a  iudicibus  palam 
redemerat.  There  is  certainly  something  very  unusual,  though 
at  the  same  time  not  inexplicable,  in  the  phrase  rejn  re- 
dimere  a  iudicibus:  moreover,  res  and  retts  are  repeatedly 
confounded  in  the  MSS.     Cf.  Drakenb.  ad  Liv.  xiv.  37.  8. 

Contioitalis  hirudo  aerarii]  Cf.  ad  Quint,  fr.  ll.  3.  4  con- 
tionario  illo  populo.  'Add  to  which  that  mob-loving  leech 
of  the  treasury,  a  wretched  and  half-starved  rabble,  have 
an  idea  that  I  am  dearly  loved  by  Pompeius  the  Great.'  The 
words  hirudo  aerarii  account  for  the  increase  of  his  own 
popularity  in  consequence  of  this  behef,  as  it  was  on  Pom- 
peius that  their  chief  hopes  of  largess  depended. 

Comissatores  coniurationis']  'Our  jovial  crew  of  con- 
spirators' (cf.  in  Cat.  ll.  5.  10),  a  translation  which  I  much 
prefer  to  the  more  elaborate  explanation  of  Gronovius :  qui 
inter  vinum  de  coniuratione  egerunt,  '  those  young  friends  of 
ours  who  play  at  conspiracy  over  their  cups :'  a  sense  which 
he  illustrates  from  Curt.  vii.  4,  Bessus  circumferri  merum 
largius  iussit,  debellaturus  super  mensatn  Alexandrum, 

Ludis  et  gladiaioribus']  'And  so  at  the  plays  and  gladia- 
torial shows  we  won  golden  favours  without  the  accom- 
paniment of  a  single  hiss.'  The  word  eTricrrifiaa-la  is  used 
technically  of  voting,  and  in  the  more  general  sense  is  not 
confined  to  marks  of  favour,  as  in  the  passage  before  us. 

For  pastoricia  fistula,  '  shepherds'  music,'  cf.  Plat,  de 
leg.  III.  700  C,  01;   crvpty^  rjv  oude  Tivfs  afiovaoi  /3oat  ttXi^Oovs. 

§  12]  'At  present  we  are  looking  forward  anxiously  to  the 
elections,  in  the  prospect  of  which  my  friend  Pompeius  is,  in 
spite  of  all  opposition,  bringing  the  son  of  Aulus  to  the  fore.' 
By  Auli  filium,  as  in  Ep.  I.  i,  Lucius  Afranius  is  meant, 
whose  election  was  secured  by  Pompeius.  For  the  sarcasm 
implied  by  the  omission  of  his  name  vid.  note  on  the  former 
passage.  Casaubon  however  suggests  that  it  may  have  been 
omitted  in  imitation  of  the  Greek  construction  o  'Apt'orcoi/oj,  or 
else  to  avoid  identification,  should  the  letter  be  intercepted. 

In  quae\  Boot,  as  usual,  would  omit  altogether  this  ex- 
planatory clause,  in  quae  modo  asellus  onustus  auro  posset 
ascendere,  as  derogatory  to  the  intelligence  of  Atticus. 

For  the  allusion  to  Philip,  cf.  Plut.  apoph.  reg.  VI 1 1,  p.  96, 
and  Hon  od.  ill.  16.     That  the  same  agency  was  employed 


loo  NOTES. 

by  Pompeius  is  noticed  in  his  life  by  Plutarch,  ch.  44 ;  and 
again  in  Ep.  ad  Att.  II.  3.  i,  et  Epicratem  siispicor,  ut 
scribis,  lascivtitn  fuisse,  i.e.  'was  free  with  his  money.' 

Doterionis  histrionis  similis]  al.  deterioris.  When  all  is 
said,  the  allusion  in  these  words  is  still  only  imperfectly 
solved.  The  reading  deterioris  (which  it  is  attempted  to  ex- 
plain by  vv.  67.  sqq.  of  the  Prologue  to  the  Atnphitryofi  of 
Plautus)  is  now  rejected  by  the  best  editors,  who  in  the 
word  Doterio — a  dispenser  of  bribes — see  a  parallel  drawn 
between  the  consul  Piso  {facie  magis  qiiani  facetiis  ridi- 
culus)  and  the  actors  Aristodemus  and  Neoptolemus,  of 
whom  Philip  made  frequent  use  in  administrating  his  affairs. 

Domitid]    L.  D.  Ahenobarbus,  the  brother-in-law  of  Cato. 

Apud  7nagistratus\  '  The  first  that  a  commission  of  en- 
quiry shall  be  held  before  the  proper  authorities  :  the  other 
that  any  person  at  whose  house  bribery  agents  are  enter- 
tained shall  be  held  guilty  of  a  state  offence  :'  the  object  of 
this  double  measure  being  the  punishment  of  those  who  were 
implicated  in  the  acquittal  of  Clodius,  and  the  suppression  of 
bribery  at  elections.  Cf.  ep.  18.  3  facto  senatus  consulto  de 
ambit u,  de  iiidiciis:  nulla  lex  perlata.  There  is  scarcely  a 
doubt  that  this  is  the  proper  text  and  interpretation  of  the 
passage,  for  habitareiit  is  the  MS  reading,  while  ciiitcs  modi 
would  be  a  natural  and  easy  corruption  of  the  more  un- 
usual phrase  cuius  domi.  In  addition  to  this,  the  consul 
had  been  active  in  procuring  the  acquittal  of  Clodius.  Ut 
apud  magistratus  inquiri  liceret  has  been  usually  understood 
as  follows :  '  that  it  shall  be  allowable  to  search  the  houses 
of  magistrates :'  but  the  objection  to  this  interpretation  is 
twofold,  (i)  that  it  makes  the  two  clauses  almost  identical, 
and  (ii)  that  the  measure  in  question  is  afterwards  referred 
to  thus :  nt  de  iis  qui  ob  iudicandum  pecuuiatu  accepissent, 
quaereretur  [ad  Att.  I.  17.  8).  For  adversus  rempublicam 
{esse  ov  facere),  cf.  ad  Att.  li.  24.  3  cotitra  rempublicam  esse 
facturutn.     The  other  explanations  are  as  follows : 

(i)  That  cuius  modi  is  to  be  taken  as  equivalent  to  quos- 
cunque:  'that,  if  they  harboured  agents  of  whatever  kind,  it 
should  be  regarded  as  a  State  offence.' 

(ii)  To  leave  out  alterum,  on  the  ground  that  what  fol- 
lows is  only  a  clause  of  the  same  decree :  '  that  a  commis- 
sion should  be  held  before  the  magistrates  to  determine  what 
sort  of  agents  they  held  to  be  prejudicial  to  the  State.' 

But  in  this  case  there  is  no  regular  sequence  to  unum, 
while  the  words  /;/  consulem  facta  remain  pointless  and  un- 
explained. Add  to  which  haberent  aduersus  reviptiblicam  is, 
to  say  the  least,  a  most  questionable  phrase. 

Divisores}   *  Bribery  agents,'  to  be  carefully  distinguished 


NOTES.  loi 

from  a  class  of  the  same  name  who  were  legally  authorised 
to  distribute  certain  funds  among  the  tribes,  and  to  whom 
reference  is  made  in  Ep.  i8.  4  tribulis  enim  tuus  est,  et 
Sextus pater  eius  numos  vobis  dividere  solebat.  That  largesses 
of  this  kind  were  occasionally  supplied  by  the  State  itself  is 
clear  from  the  phrase  contionalis  hirudo  aerarii  in  §  11. 

§  13  Contra  legem  Aeliavt]  An  emendation  which  I  have 
ventured  to  introduce  into  the  text  on  my  own  authority,  as 
the  Medicean  MS,  on  which  we  are  mainly  dependent  for  the 
text  of  the  letters,  is  a  comparatively  late  one,  in  which  the 
contraction  of  contra  into  contr.  or  coii  might  not  unreason- 
ably be  expected  to  occur.  Qui  magistratum  simul  cmn 
lege  Aelia  iniit  is  the  uSbal  reading,  which  has  been  rejected 
as  hopeless  by  Ernesti,  Schiitz  and  Matthiae,  all  of  whom 
omit  the  words  cum  lege  Aelia  from  their  text.  Nor  is  it 
difficult  to  see  that  the  fault,  whatever  it  is,  lies  with  the 
words  simul  cum,  which,  as  they  at  present  stand,  are  Latin 
for  nothing — certainly  not  for  salva  lege  Aelia  (Gronov.),  or 
for  tribunatnm  iniznt  servatis  auspiciis  ex  lege  Aelia  (Manut.), 
while  their  juxtaposition  with  the  ablative  lege  is  against  our 
separating  them  thus :  qui,  simul  cum  iniit  magistratum  lege 
Aelia,  solutus  est  Aelia  et  Fufia.  Moreover  it  is  scarcely 
possible  that  Lurco  can  have  been  elected  to  office  otherwise 
than  by  a  direct  breach  of  the  Aelian  law,  if  we  compare  the 
sarcasm  'bono  auspicio  claudus'  with  the  first  clause  of  the 
law  in  question,  ut  auspicato  omnia  fierent  in  comitiis.  As 
the  next  step,  we  may  fairly  assume  that  such  a  breach  of  the 
law  would  be  alluded  to  by  Cicero  in  a  passage  like  the  pre- 
sent, and  I  have  therefore  little  hesitation  in  obtaining  this 
sense  by  the  slight  alteration  of  cum  into  cofi  (contra).  By 
removing  the  word  cum,  the  difficulty  of  separating  simul 
from  the  ablatives  which  follow  is  removed  with  it,  while  a 
most  forcible  rendering  is  secured  for  the  passage,  '  Elected 
in  defiance  of  the  law  and  then  formally  released  from  its  ob- 
ligations.' In  respect  to  the  relative  qui,  we  may  either  omit 
it  as  an  interpolation  consequent  on  the  corruption  of  the  rest 
of  the  sentence,  or,  if  it  is  to  be  retained,  supply  the  verb  est, 
which  I  have  introduced  in  brackets.  In  either  case,  simul 
will  be  equivalent  to  sijnul  cum,  a  poetic  usage  which  is  not 
uncommon  in  Cicero. 

[The  above  note  was  already  in  type  when  I  received  the 
following  kind  communication  from  Mr  Munro,  the  late  Pro- 
fessor of  Latin  :  "  The  Medicean  reading  is  insimul  cum,  not 
sitnul  ctim,  of  which  the  following  is  a  simple  and  perhaps 
not  unsatisfactory  correction  :  qui  7nagistratum  insimulatum 
lege  Aelia  iniit,  '  who  entered  upon  a  magistracy  impeached 
by  the  Lex  Aelia,'  etc."] 


I02  NOTES. 

Aelia  et  Fiifia\  The  clauses  of  the  Lex  Aelia  were  three 
in  number: 

(i)    Ut  auspicate  omnia  fierent  in  comitiis. 
(ii)    Ut  obnuntiatione  facta  dirimantur  comitia. 
(iii)  Ut  liberum  esset  intercedere,   quibus  intercedendi 
ius  erat. 
The  single  clause  of  the  Lex  Fiijia  ran  thus : 

Ne  fastis  diebus  cum  populo  ageretur. 
Casaubon  enlarges  upon  the  origin  and  import  of  these  laws, 
the  main  object  of  which  was  to  check  the  increasing  power 
of  the  plebs.  It  was  consequently  with  a  bad  precedent, 
though  a  good  object,  that  they  were  relaxed  for  the  purpose 
of  passing  a  bribery  law — a  precedent  which  was  afterwards 
pleaded  by  Clodius,  Vatinius  and  others,  when  in  later  days 
they  defied  them  and  at  last  procured  their  abrogation.  Cf. 
pro  Sest.  XV.  33,  post  red.  in  Sen.  v.  ii. 

Comitia]  i.  e.  for  the  election  of  the  consuls.  They  were 
postponed  to  allow  of  the  passing  of  the  bribery  law, 

Claudiis\  Malum  auspicium  erat  quod  legem  claudus 
ferret  (Ern.),  in  illustration  of  which  Mr  Watson  instances 
the  apprehension  which  was  felt  at  Sparta  concerning  the 
succession  of  Agesilaus  (Plut.  Ages.  3).  By  bo7io  auspicio 
Cicero  implies  that  no  veto  was  put  upon  the  measure,  though, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  it  never  became  law.     Cf.  Ep.  18.  3. 

Novi  est]  'The  law  in  question  contains  the  following 
novelty,  that  whoever  promises  a  largess  to  the  tribes  without 
paying  it  shall  be  held  excused,  while,  if  he  l^s  once  paid  it, 
he  shall  be  bound  throughout  his  lifetime  to  pay  3000  sesterces 
per  annum  to  each  of  the  tribes.  JMy  remark  was  that  Clodius 
had  lived  in  the  observance  of  this  law,  since  he  was  for  ever 
promising  money  and  never  paying  it.' 

Pronuitciarit]  '  Held  out  hopes  of  a  largess'  (cf.  or. pro 
Plane.  XVIII.  45,  pro  Cluent.  xxrx.  78):  a  less  decided  word 
x.ha.n  promittere,  and  for  that  reason  used  in  the  present  in- 
stance, where,  as  Casaubon  remarks,  promittcre  would  imply 
a  defiance  of  the  law. 

Si  non  dederit]  Because,  unless  he  had  once  paid  it,  there 
was  no  legal  proof  that  the  money  had  been  promised.  But 
there  was  probably  another  and  more  important  reason  in  the 
fact  that  the  sudden  intermission  of  such  a  largess  would 
have  been  liable  to  produce  a  serious  disturbance  among  the 
lower  classes. 

a-no6i(i>(Tw]  '  My  consulship  or  deification  (as  Curio  used 
to  call  it  in  days  of  yore)  will,  if  this  fellow  be  elected,  sink  to 


NOTES.  103 

the  level  of  a  farce.  So  we  must  e'en  take  it  stoically  as  you 
do,  and  not  care  a  straw  for  the  consulships  we  were  so 
proud  of.' 

Curio]  dictitare  solebat  videri  sibi  eos,  qui  coitsiilatum 
essent  adepti,  paene  deos  esse  f ados  et  diis  pares.    Casaub. 

Hie]  Aiili  filius,  i.e.  Lucius  Afranius. 

Fabulam  niimian']  *A  play,  that  is  a  farce,'  like  Xpr)^ 
KipKos  and  the  phrases  so  common  in  Homer.  This  reading 
and  interpretation,  which  is  accepted  by  Matthiae  and  Schiitz, 
is  certainly  preferable  to  most  of  the  others  which  have  been 
proposed  in  its  place,  e.  g.  favia  (al.  fabula)  imujn,  '  will  be 
nowhere  in  popular  estimation ;'  or  again,  famam  mimuin, 
'  will  be  but  a  farcical  reputation.'  The  possible  alternative 
is  fabam  tnitftum,  which  is  retained  by  some  of  the  best 
editors,  including  Orelli,  and  is  understood  as  a  reference  to 
the  child's  game  noticed  in  Tac.  Ann.  xill.  15,  and  Hor.  Ep. 
I.  59  at  pueri  ludentes,  Rex  eris,  aiiint,  Si  recte  facias.  As  a 
parallel  passage  we  may  compare  the  following  from  Seneca 
{de  morte  Claud,  cap.  9),  oliin  mag>ia  res  erat  Deuiti  fieri : 
iajn  fama  viinimani  fecit:  etiam  pessitni  quique  illam  af- 
fectant.  Fabam  tnanitan,  a  conjecture  which  has  arisen  from 
the  word  dTrodtaxris  above,  and  which  is  approved  of  by  Boot, 
seems  to  me  intolerable. 

Non  flocci facteori]  The  Y>^r^.st  fiocci facere  appears  again 
in  Ep.  ad  Att.  xili.  50.  3. 

§  14]  'In  reference  to  your  statement  that  you  have  given 
up  the  idea  of  visiting  Asia,  1  may  say  for  myself  that  I  would 
rather  you  had  gone,  for  I  am  afraid  it  may  cause  you 
some  inconvenience  in  a  matter  affecting  your  interests.'  The 
words  ista  re  may  refer  either  to  the  disappointment  and  an- 
noyance of  Quintus  at  the  abandonment  of  the  proposed 
visit,  or  (2)  to  the  loss  which  his  administration  would  suffer 
from  the  absence  of  such  a  friend,  or  (3)  to  some  private 
affairs  which  required  the  presence  of  Atticus  in  Asia.  The 
last  suggestion  is  the  most  probable  from  a  comparison 
with  ctiiusmodi  istae  res  sint  (l.  14.  7),  and  other  similar  pas- 
sages, especially  as  the  change  in  question  was  made  at  the 
instance  of  Cicero,  though,  to  judge  from  the  next  letter,  he 
was  reluctant  to  acknowledge  the  fact. 

§  15  Epigrammatis]  The  Greek  (niypannaa-iv.  For  the 
subject  and  character  of  these,  cf.  Corn.  Nep.  Att.  18,  where 
they  are  described  as  inscriptions  intended  for  insertion  under 
the  statues  of  certain  distinguished  Romans,  which  had  been 


104  NOTES. 

placed  by  Atticus  in  his  Amaltheum  in  Epirus.  The  passage 
in  question  serves  also  to  fix  the  meaning  of  the  verb  ponere, 
which  otherwise  might  have  been  understood  of  literal^  com- 
position, as  in  ponere  iiicuvi  artifices  (Pers.  sat.  I.  70).  There 
is  much  vanity  and  little  courtesy  in  Cicero's  acknowledgment 
of  the  compliment. 

Cliilius'\  Cf.  Ep.  I.  9.  2,  from  which  I  should  prefer  to 
take  reliquerit  in  its  literal  sense,  '  has  left  me.'  ISIatthiae, 
however,  understands  it  to  mean  '  has  neglected  my  praises.' 
For  Archias  and  his  poem  in  praise  of  Cicero's  consulship 
cf.  the  argument  of  the  or.  pro  Archia,  delivered  in  the 
year  692. 

Luciillis^  i.e.  in  honour  of  Lucius  and  Marcus  Lucullus 
on  the  subject  of  the  Mithridatic  war  {or.  pro  Arch.  LX.  21). 
'And  I  am  much  afraid  that,  having  completed  his  poem  on 
the  Luculli,  he  has  now  got  his  eye  on  a  Caecilian  drama.' 
By  Caeciliaiiain  he  means  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  Numidicus 
and  his  son  Pius,  while  in  the  word  fabiilam  there  is  an  allu- 
sion to  the  plays  of  the  comic  poet  Caecilius. 

§  16  Antonio']  In  reference,  no  doubt,  to  his  proposed  visit 
to  Asia,  and  to  the  letter  of  advice  which  Cicero  had  sent  to 
Antonius  on  the  subject  of  his  Macedonian  debts.  Cf.  Ep.  I. 
13.  I. 

Manlio]  Titus  Manlius.  He  was  engaged  in  business  at 
Thespiae.  Cf.  Ep.  ad  div.  xiil  22.  i,  but  the  reading  itself 
varies  between  Manlio  and  Mallio. 

Cut  darem]  '  Because  I  could  not  find  a  trustworthy 
messenger,  and,  what  is  more,  wasn't  sure  of  your  address. 
However,  I  have  paid  you  out  now.' 

Va/de  te  vindicavi]  '  I  have  taken  my  revenge,'  i.e.  for 
your  reproaches  on  my  laziness  in  Ep.  5.  3,  6.  i,  and  else- 
where. This  allusion  to  the  unusual  length  of  the  present 
letter  is  precisely  what  we  should  have  expected,  and  how  so 
admirable  a  reading  can  have  been  displaced  in  favour  of 
valde  te  vcnditavi,  '  I  have  been  loud  in  your  praise,'  I  am  at 
a  loss  to  imagine.  The  long  passage  which  has  intervened 
since  the  mention  of  Antonius  is  alone  fatal  to  the  introduc- 
tion of  venditavi.  Vale.,  which  appears  in  several  editions 
instead  of  valde,  is  abrupt  and  out  of  place. 

§  18]  'I  want  you  to  write  me  word  what  your  Amal- 
theum is  like, — how  decorated  and  how  laid  out :  also  to  send 
me  any  poems  or  legends  you  have  on  the  subject  of  Amalthea. 
I  have  a  fancy  for  making  one  at  Arpinum.  I  shall  be  send- 
ing you  shortly  some  writings  of  mine,  but  at  present  have 
nothing  in  a  finished  state.' 


NOTES.  105 

In  Arpinati'\  Cf.  Ep.  il.  i.  11,  Amalihea  mea  te  exspectai 
et  indiget  tut, 

LETTER  XVII. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i — 4  The  difference  which  had 
arisen  between  Quint  us  and  Atticus.  §  5 — 7  His  own  rela- 
tions with  Atticus.  §  8,  9  The  state  of  affairs  at  Rome,  and 
the  estrangement  of  the  knights  from  the  Senate.  §  10  His 
own  policy  and  his  friendship  with  Pompeins.  §11  The 
forthcoming  consular  election,  and  the  expected  arrival  of 
Atticus. 

§  I  Varietas  voluntatis]  The  precise  cause  of  the  dispute 
is  unknown.  We  might  have  been  led  to  ascribe  it  to  the 
refusal  of  Atticus  to  accompany  him  to  his  province  except 
for  the  words  post  sortitionem  provinciae  (§  i),  which  shew 
that  the  grievance  was  one  of  longer  standing,  though  it  was 
clearly  aggravated  by  the  refusal  in  question  (§  7).  Another 
natural  supposition  would  have  been  that  it  arose  out  of  the 
troubles  which  already  existed  between  Quintus  and  his  wife 
Pomponia.  But  here  again  we  are  met  with  the  words  71am 
sic  intelligo,  ut  nihil  a  domesticis  vulneris  factum  sit,  illud 
quidem,  quod  erat,  eos  certe  sanare  potuisse:  which  imply 
that,  though  her  conduct  widened  the  breach  between  them, 
it  was  still  not  the  primary  cause  of  the  quarrel. 

Sauciumqiie  esse  eius  animuni\  '  That  his  feelings  had 
been  wounded  and  his  mind  beset  with  fancies.'  The  word 
esse  is  omitted  in  the  best  MS,  and  might  well  be  spared. 
On  the  other  hand,  to  leave  out  ct  with  Schiitz  and  Nobbe, 
who  read  the  sentence  thus,  sauciumque  eius  animuin  inse- 
disse  quasdam  odiosas  suspiciones,  is  to  introduce  a  construc- 
tion most  unusual  in  Cicero. 

§2  Moms']  'susceptible.'  Cf  rt^y^//.  III.  9.  i,  in  which 
he  uses  the  words  mollissimo  animo  to  describe  the  character 
of  Quintus,  '  a  man  of  a  very  sensitive  disposition.' 

§  3  Non  parcam  tuis]  The  sister  of  Atticus  in  particular, 
to  whom  he  had  already  referred  in  the  word  domesticis. 

§  4  Ecquid  tantum  causae  sit]  '  Whether  there  is  in  them 
any  adequate  reason  for  your  annoyance.' 

Agilitafem]  '  This  vivacity,  if  I  may  use  the  term,  and 
susceptibility  of  temperament,  are  as  a  rule  indicative  of 
goodness.'  The  above  seems  to  me  a  far  more  natural 
arrangement  of  the  words  than  to  join  naturae  plerumque 
bonitatis,  *  is  usually  of  the  nature  of  goodness,'  as  the  pas- 
sage is  commonly  interpreted. 


io6  NOTES. 

§  5]  '  One  part  of  your  letter  was  quite  uncalled  for, 
wherein  you  detail  the  opportunities  of  advancement  either 
at  home  or  abroad,  which  you  have  allowed  to  escape  you 
both  on  other  occasions  and  during  the  time  of  my  consul- 
ship. For  I  know  full  well  the  nobleness  and  greatness  of 
your  disposition,  nor,  to  the  best  of  my  belief,  has  there  ever 
been  a  discrepancy  between  us  excepting  as  regards  the 
choice  of  a  profession,  when  a  feeling  of  ambition  led  me  to 
the  pursuit  of  office,  while  you  were  induced  by  other  and 
more  praiseworthy  motives  to  prefer  an  honourable  repose. 
More  by  token  in  that  true  glory,  which  is  the  reward  of 
integrity,  energy  and  a  strict  adherence  to  principle,  I  re- 
gard you  as  standing  higher  than  the  rest  of  us,  myself 
included,  while  in  affectionate  devotion  to  my  interests,  next 
to  the  affection  of  my  brother  and  my  family,  the  first  place 
I  give  to  you.' 

Aliis  temporibus^\  This  and  similar  allusions  make  it  evi- 
dent that,  in  spite  of  the  words  mallem  iit  ires  in  the  former 
letter,  it  was  in  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  Cicero,  expressed 
or  unexpressed,  that  Atticus  had  declined  the  post. 

Voluntatem  institiitae  vitae]  rj  rov  fSlov  Trpoaipeats. 

Quii7!t...discess{]  'second  only  to.'  Cf.  Ep.  ad  div.  \. 
9.  18,  and  again  vi.  12.  2  Caesaris  fainiliares...qtaim  ab  illo 
disccsserint  jne  habent  proximiinu 

Primas  tibi  de/ero]  sub.  partes. 

§  6  Sermonis  cotntnujircatio]  '  That  interchange  of  thought 
which  used  to  be  so  pleasant  between  you  and  me.' 

§  7]  The  passage  which  follows  destroys  all  the  value  of 
the  foregoing  as  a  natural  expression  of  feeling  :  shewing  as 
it  does  that  it  was  merely  an  official  statement  necessitated 
by  the  request  of  Atticus,  who  wished  that  his  motives,  so 
scantily  acknowledged  by  Cicero,  should  no  longer  be  mis- 
construed by  the  world  at  large.  This  much  at  all  events  is 
plain  from  the  context,  and  it  does  not  reflect  much  credit 
on  Cicero,  that  he  was  anxious  to  have  Atticus  near  at  hand 
in  the  troubles  which  he  saw  were  approaching,  and  had 
accordingly  discountenanced  his  visit  to  Asia,  leaving  Atticus 
the  while  to  bear  the  brunt  of  Quintus'  displeasure  and  the 
charge  of  inconsistency  with  the  Roman  public. 

Verecundia']  '  Has  been  repeatedly  prevented  by  a  natural 
bashfulness  on  both  sides.' 

Incovimoditate\  '  And  in  all  the  discomfort  which  has  been 
caused  you  by  the  estrangement  and  irritation  of  his  feelings 
there  is  yet  this  one  advantage,  that  myself  and  your  other 
friends  have  at  last  received  evidence  in  your  own  hand- 


NOTES.  107 

writing  of  your  reasons  for  declining  the  province,  and  shall 
believe  in  consequence  that  your  refusal  to  accompany  him 
was  due  to  no  want  of  harmony  and  agreement  between  you, 
but  to  a  deliberate  decision  on  the  part  of  yourself  alone. 
So  the  ties  which  have  been  broken  will  one  day  be  made 
good,  while  our  own,  which  have  been  so  scrupulously 
guarded,  will  retain  their  sanctity  as  before.' 

Discidio\  dissidio  al. ;  but  cf.  Madv.  in  Exc.  II.  ad  Cic.  de 
fin.  p.  812. 

§  8]  '  My  lot  here  is  cast  in  a  weak,  unhappy  and  unstable 
commonwealth.  For  you  must  have  heard,  1  think,  that  my 
friends  the  knights  have  almost  broken  themselves  off  from 
the  Senate,  their  first  serious  grievance  being  this,  that  a 
proposition  was  carried  by  a  decree  of  the  house  for  a  com- 
mission of  inquiry  on  those  who  had  given  a  verdict  for 
money. 

'As  ill-luck  would  have  it,  I  was  not  present  when  the 
decree  was  passed,  so,  on  findmg  that  the  displeasure  of  the 
equestrian  order  was  great,  though  they  did  not  give  expres- 
sion to  it,  I  took  the  Senate  to  task  with  wonderful  dignity,  I 
flatter  myself,  and,  considering  the  topic  was  rather  a  deli- 
cate one,  my  speech  was  very  impressive  and  eloquent. 

'Now  hsten  to  another  caprice  of  the  knights,  well-nigh 
intolerable  :  however  I  not  only  tolerated  it,  but,  what  is 
more,  made  the  best  of  it.  The  knights,  who  farmed  the 
taxes  of  Asia  on  lease  from  the  censors,  laid  a  complaint 
before  the  house  that,  carried  away  by  their  eagerness,  they 
had  taken  the  contract  at  too  high  a  rate :  they  requested 
accordingly  that  it  might  be  cancelled.  I  was  their  leading 
counsel,  or  rather,  I  should  say  their  junior :  for  it  was 
Crassus  who  urged  them  to  hazard  the  demand.  The  mat- 
ter was  calculated  to  excite  jealousy,  the  request  was  dis- 
creditable and  argued  a  want  of  consideration.  There  was 
the  greatest  danger  that,  if  they  obtained  none  of  their  de- 
mands, they  would  come  to  an  open  rupture  with  the  Senate. 
In  this  matter  too  I  was  of  the  greatest  assistance  to  them, 
and  secured  them  a  hearing  before  a  crowded  and  conciliatory 
audience,  while  on  the  ist  and  2nd  of  December  I  made  a 
long  speech  myself  on  the  respect  due  to  the  orders  and  the 
advantages  of  harmony.  Not  that  the  matter  is  ended  yet : 
but  the  consent  of  the  Senate  is  secured,  for  Metellus  the 
consul  elect  was  the  only  speaker  on  the  other  side.  Nay 
I  am  wrong :  our  hero  Cato  had  intended  to  oppose  it,  but 
owing  to  the  shortness  of  the  day  his  turn  did  not  come. 
So  you  see  that,  true  to  my  purpose  and  principles,  I  am 
maintaining  to  the  best  of  my  power  the  harmony  I  have 
cemented.     Yet  in  spite  of  all  this  (for  you  know  1  am  trust- 

P.  C.  9         > 


io8  NOTES. 

ing  to  a  reed),  I  have  paved  away,  and  a  safe  one  too  I  hope, 
by  which  to  retain  my  influence.  I  cannot  tell  you  down- 
right what  it  is  in  a  letter :  however  I  will  throw  you  out  a 
gentle  hint  of  my  meaning.  I  am  on  the  best  possible  terms 
with  Pompeius.  1  know  what  your  comment  will  be.  I  will 
use  caution  where  caution  is  necessary,  and  on  a  future  occa- 
sion I  will  write  to  you  at  greater  length  about  my  plans  for 
the  government  of  the  State.' 

Ob  iudicatidiim']  i.e.  in  the  Clodian  trial.  Boot  raises  an 
objection  to  this  construction,  and  proposes  to  read  ob  retn 
iudicandajn.  But  there  is  really  no  analogy  whatever  between 
the  phrase  ob  dicendiDn  (for  ob  ins  dicendum),  which  is 
rightly  quoted  as  faulty  in  Quint,  inst.  or.  V.  lo.  87,  and  the 
one  we  are  at  present  considering.  The  word  iitdicare  is 
complete  in  itself,  while  in  the  other  phrase  ins  is  manifestly 
required  to  make  the  meaning  intelligible.  It  is  true  how- 
ever that  in  reverting  to  the  subject  in  a  later  letter  (ll,  i.  8) 
Cicero  uses  the  full  phrase. 

Pecuniavi  accepisse?tt'\  The  w^ord  pecutiiam  is  not  essen- 
tial, and  is  omitted  by  Matthiae  on  the  strength  of  a  similar 
passage  in  the  or.  pro  Cluent.  103. 

In  causa  non  vereainda'\  The  gentlest  of  terms  for  a  most 
disgraceful  transaction,  and,  as  the  Senate  was  in  this  case 
on  the  side  of  justice,  Cicero's  conduct  is  the  more  inexcus- 
able. In  a  subsequent  letter  (j£/).  II.  i.  8)  he  condemns  it 
himself  in  somewhat  stronger  terms:  quid  veriiis  quani  in 
indicium  venire  qui  ob  rem  iudicandajn  pecuniam  accepcrit  ? 
cefisuit  hoc  Cato  :  adsensit  senatus...qiiid  impudcntius  pub- 
licanis  remintiantibus  ?  We  arc  glad  to  find  from  the  same 
passage  that  Cicero  failed  to  carry  his  point. 

§  9  Asiani]  Asiae  ptiblicani.  Boot  objects  to  the  phrase 
(which  is  however  the  regular  one)  on  the  ground  that  Asia- 
nus  can  only  mean  a  'native  of  Asia,'  Accordingly  in  Juv. 
sat.  VII.  13,  he  explains  equites  Asiatti  as  servi  ex  Asia  oriun- 
di,  qui  manumissi  ordini  equestri  adscripti  sunt,  and  in  the 
present  instance  has  even  admitted  into  his  text  Asiatn  qui 
de  censoribus  conduxerunt. 

/nduceretur]  =  8iaypa(f)fiv,  to  obliterate  the  writing  by 
drawing  the  thick  end  of  the  stilus  across  the  wax. 

Adeo]  i.e.  'princeps  vel  potius  secundus,'  as  Boot  under- 
stands it,  a  sense  of  adeo  which,  though  rare,  is  not  un- 
exampled in  Cicero.  In  a  former  edition  I  had  suggested 
the  following  rendering,  as  more  in  accordance  with  the  usual 
force  of  the  word:  *I  was  their  senior  and  junior  counsel  in 
one,  senior  if  you  take  into  account  the  service  I  did  them, 
junior  if  you  regard  the  fact  that  I  didn't  originate  the  plea.' 


NOTES.  109 

Erat  ditturus]  Against  the  proposition,  as  we  find  from 
Ep.  II.  I.  8,  restitit  et  pervicit  Cato.  The  indulgence  they 
claimed  was  afterwards  granted  to  them  by  Caesar  during 
his  consulship. 

§  10  Conglictinatain  concordiatn\  Cf.  or.  in  Pis.  in.  7  :  it  a 
est  a  me  consulatus  peractus...ut  multitudinem  cum  princi- 
pibus,  equestrem  ordinem  cum  setiatu  coniutixerim. 

§  1 1  Cum  eo  coire\  The  best  commentary  on  the  text  is 
the  following  passage  from  Suetonius  {Jul.  19}  :  e  duobus 
consulatus  competitoribus,  L.  Lucceio  M.  que  Bibulo,  [Caesar] 
Lucceium  sibi  adiunxit :  pactus  tit  is,  quoiiiam  inferior 
gratia  esset  pecuniaque  polleret,  nianos  de  s7io  commit  ni 
nomine  per  centurias  pronunciaret.  qua  cognita  re  opti- 
mates,  quos  metus  ceperat,  nihil  nott  ausurum  eum  in  sumnio 
tnagistratu  concordi  ac  consentiente  collega,  auctores  Bibulo 
fuerunt  tatitumdem  pollicendi :  ac  plerique  pecunias  contu- 
lerunt,  ne  Catone  quidem  abnuente  earn  largitionem  e  re 
publica  fieri. 

Per  Arriuni]  Cf.  ll.  5.  2  :  de  istis  rebus  exspecto  tuas 
litteras :  quid  A  rrius  narret,  quo  animo  se  destitutum  ferai, 
and  again  II.  7.  2,  iam  vera  Arrius  consulatum  sibi  ereptu/n 
/remit. 

Coniungi]  i.  e.  per  coitionem.  This  is  better  than  to  take 
the  words  per  C.  Pisonem  as  signifying  that  he  would  use 
the  agency  of  Piso  to  settle  the  differences  which  are  known 
to  have  existed  between  himself  and  Caesar.  (Cf.  de  bell, 
civ.  III.) 

Modeste  rogo"]  'I  ask  you  respectfully  for  what  I  desire 
above  measure.'  The  reading  }>ioleste  is  less  forcible,  and 
moreover  a  very  unusual  phrase, 

LETTER  XVIII. 

Epitome  of  Contents.]  §  r  His  need  of  a  friend  in  the  absence 
of  his  brother  and  Atticus.  §  2  His  domestic  troubles  and 
the  unhappy  state  of  the  republic  since  the  Clodian  verdict. 
§  3  The  estrangement  of  the  equites  from  the  Septate  and  the 
prevailing  anarchy.  §  4  The  proposed  adoption  of  Publius 
Clodius  into  the  plebeian  order.  §  5  The  character  cf 
Metellus  ajid  Afranius.  §  6  The  Agrarian  measure  of 
Flavins.  The  policy  of  Pompeius,  of  Crassus,  and  %  7  of 
Cato.     §  8  His  eager  anticipation  of  a  visit  from  Atticus. 

§  I  Scito  deesse]  This  being  a  purely  formal  phrase  (cf.  Ep. 
III.  1)  the  word  scito  maybe  omitted  in  translation  :  *I  feel 
the  want  of  nothing  so  much.'  Of  cum  in  the  sense  of  talem 
we  have  already  had  repeated  examples.    Cf.  PSp.  10.  6:  me 


no  NOTES. 

auiefn  eum  et  off&ndes  erga  te  et  audies,  etc.  As  regards  the 
distinction  between  quiciun  and  quociim^  we  may  gather 
from  a  comparison  of  the  passages  in  which  they  occur  that 
qiiociim  is  the  definite  and  qicuian  the  more  general  word. 
For  instance,  in  Ep.  ad  div.  iv.  i.  i,  Xll.  i8.  7,  and  Lael.  VI. 
22,  where,  as  in  the  case  before  us,  no  particular  object  is 
specified,  we  find  that  qiiicum  is  the  acknowledged  reading. 

CoHoquaf-]  qmim  loqiiar  Klotz,  a  reading  which  gives  a 
finish  and  completeness  to  the  construction,  but  for  that  very 
reason  detracts  something  from  the  ease  and  simplicity  of  the 
language. 

a</>€XeaTaTov]  *  most  guileless,  open-hearted  of  brothers. 
It  is  used  literally  of  a  path  which  is  smooth  and  unencum- 
bered with  stones  (a  and  ^fXXoy),  and  the  positive  adverb 
occurs  in  Ep.  ad  Att.  Vl.  i.  8,  tu  sceleste  suspicaris,  ego 
a(^i\Q)i  scripsi.  In  Ep.  II.  25.  I  he  refers  to  the  hnes  eXt/cra 
Kovhkv  vyifs  aXXa  irav  Trepi^  ^povoiivrts  to  denote  the  opposite 
character. 

En  tellus!'\  '  See  what  a  world  is  mine !'  J  have  adopted 
the  reading  of  Matthiae,  with  the  slight  alteration  of  me 
telbis!  into  [;;;<';]  en  tellus!  which  is  required  to  make  the 
passage  translate. 

Metellus  non  homo  sed  etc.  is  the  more  commonly  re- 
ceived reading,  but,  in  addition  to  the  extravagance  of  the 
metaphor,  exception  has  been  taken  to  the  introduction  of 
Metellus,  on  the  ground  that  his  friendship  with  Cicero 
was  not  strong  enough  to  justify  the  mention  of  him  in 
such  close  connection  with  Ouintus  and  Atticus.  The 
latter  argument  cannot,  I  think,  be  pressed  in  the  face  of 
such  passages  as  §  5  of  the  present  letter  and  §  4  of  the  next ; 
but  the  former  objection  has  always  appeared  to  me  in- 
superable, more  especially  as  the  quotation  from  the  Phi- 
loctetes  of  Accius  is  clearly  no  description  of  character,  but 
rather  of  Cicero's  own  isolation  in  the  world  of  pohtics.  [Cf 
Ov.  He):  X.  18.]  The  following  had  occurred  to  me  as  a 
possible  emendation  :  et  amantissunus  viei  Metellus.  Non 
homo  etc.,  if  we  can  suppose  Metellus  to  have  already  left 
Rome  for  the  suppression  of  the  insurrection  in  Gaul.  But  it 
is  perhaps  safer  to  think  that  we  may  have  lost  the  word  or 
words  which  would  have  given  to  the  quotation  its  connection 
with  what  precedes,  and  I  have  therefore  preferred  to  print 
the  sentence  as  above  rather  than  to  omit  the  words  7ne 
tellus  altogether,  or  to  explain  the  quotation  which  follows  as 
descriptive  of  the  character  of  Ouintus — a  character  with 
which  they  have  nothing  in  common. 

It  remains  to  notice  the  ingenious  but  (I  fear)  too  elaborate 


NOTES.  1 1 1 

emendation  of  Schiitz:  et  amantissimiis  met,  et  illius  nunc 
domus  est  littus  atque  aer  et  solitudo  mera. 

Mellito  Cicerone'}    who  was  now  four  years  old. 

Ambitiosae'] '  For  those  pohtical  and  counterfeit  friendships 
make  a  certain  dash  m  the  eyes  of  the  world,  but  confer 
withal  no  home  enjoyment.' 

Temp07-e  7natutino'\  So  Martial,  Ep.  iv.  8,  prima  salu- 
tantes  atqtce  altera  continet  hora,  and  ad  div.  ix.  20.  3. 

Aures  nactus  tuas\  '  Of  which,  methinks,  if  I  could  once 
get  you  to  listen,  I  would  unburden  myself  in  the  course  of  a 
single  stroll.'  For  ambulationis  d.  Ep.  ad.  div.  II.  12.  2,  cum 
una  tnehercule  ambulatiuncjila  atque  uno  scrmone  nostro 
omnes  fructus  provinciae  non  confero. 

§  2  Aculeos  omnes  et  scrupulos'\  '  The  thorns  and  stones 
which  beset  the  path  of  my  family  life  I  will  hide  from  you, 
and  indeed  I  do  not  care  to  entrust  a  letter  on  such  subjects 
to  a  stranger.  Not  that  they  are  so  vcrj  painful — for  I  would 
not  have  you  alarm  yourself — but  still  they  rankle  and  op- 
press me,  and  I  have  no  loving  friend  to  lay  them  by  his 
counsel  and  advice.'  He  can  scarcely  be  alluding,  as  some 
have  supposed,  to  the  disagreements  between  himself  and 
Terentia,  which  finally  ended  in  her  divorce :  for,  if  this  were 
so,  the  previous  sentence,  taiitum  requietis  habeam  quantum 
cum  uxore  consumitur,  would  be  worse  than  a  common-place. 

Et  voluntas  etiani]  I  have  adopted  the  very  ingenious 
emendation  of  Schiitz,  vvith  the  addition  of  the  word  etiam 
which  he  omits.  This  is  a  closer  adherence  to  the  MSS  than 
the  equally  ingenious  suggestion  of  Orelli,  tamen  earn  iam 
ipsa  tnedicina  deficit,  '  though  I  am  with  it  heart  and  soul  it  is 
now  past  all  cure.'  Either  of  the  above  readings,  even  if  it 
does  not  represent  the  precise  words  of  Cicero,  has  at  any 
rate  a  better  right  to  stand  in  place  of  them  than  the  unin- 
telligible sentence  which  Nobbe  and  the  other  editors  sanc- 
tion, apparently  without  a  doubt  of  its  authenticity.  It 
is  just  possible  however  that  the  passage  might  be  made 
translatable  by  reading  voluntate  instead  of  voluntas,  'not- 
withstanding by  deliberate  choice  it  (sc.  respublica)  declines 
the  needful  remedy.'  This  suggests  itself  to  me  as  a  less 
violent  alteration  than  to  reject  volu7itas  altogether  (with 
Boot  and  others)  as  a  gloss  on  animus,  who  read  the  sen- 
tence thus :  in  rei)ublica  vera,  quamquam  animus  est  prae- 
sens,  tamen  etiam  atque  etiam  ipsa  medicinam  refugit. 

Fabulae  Clodianae']  'The  case  of  the  Clodian  scandal.' 
By  understanding  fabula  in  this  sense  rather  than  that  of  a 
'stage-play'  we  can  explain  causam  in  its  usual  legal  signifi- 


112  NOTES. 

cation,  and  at  the  same  time  avoid  the  confusion  of  meta- 
phors upon  which  OreUi  comments  thus  :  exspectabas  potitts 
scenajn. 

§  3  Adflicta\  '  The  republic  has  received  its  death-blow, 
thanks  to  a  venal  and  debauched  tribunal.  Now  observe 
the  consequences!' 

Suspiritu\  Suspiratu  al.,  but,  though  found  in  Ovid 
{Met.  XIV.  129),  the  form  is  apparently  not  Ciceronian. 

De  ambitu']    Cf.  I.  16.  13. 

De  iudiciis]  Cf.  I.  17.  8.  It  is  scarcely  consistent  or 
honest  of  Cicero  to  complain  that  these  measures  had  not 
become  law,  when  he  had  himself  opposed  them  might  and 
main,  as  he  tells  us  in  the  previous  letter  {in  causa  tion 
7'erecunda  admodum  gravis  et  copiosus  fui). 

Exagitatus']  '  The  Senate  is  angry  and  the  knights  are 
estranged  from  it.  Thus  has  this  year  (693)  beheld  the 
overthrow  of  two  pillars  of  the  State,  which  my  exertions  had 
set  up  ;  the  Senate  has  lost  its  dignity,  and  the  harmony  of 
the  two  orders  is  destroyed.'  Meriv.  The  importance  of 
this  passage  cannot  be  over-estimated  in  forming  a  judgment 
of  Cicero's  character.  It  records  the  death-blow  of  the  coali- 
tion for  which  he  had  been  scheming,  and  from  this  point 
in  consequence  his  hopes  were  more  than  ever  centred  in 
himself. 

histat  hie  nunc  [///^]  annus]  '  We  have  now  upon  us  a 
memorable  year.'  It  is  surprising  to  find  that  no  editor  has 
suggested  the  omission  of  the  word  ii/e,  the  presence  of  which 
in  the  MSS  is  so  easily  accounted  for  by  the  corresponding 
passage  three  lines  above.  The  adjective  egregius  is  against 
our  taking  it  as  equivalent  to  talis,  which  is  the  only  available 
sense  if  it  is  to  be  retained  in  its  present  position. 

Sacra  iuventatis']  luventatis  aedem  vovit  M.  Livius 
Salinator  a.  547,  locavit  idem  censor  a.  550,  dedicavit  C. 
Lici?iius  Lucullus  a.  563,  et  tunc  primuin  ludi  facti  stint. 
Boot.  Memmius — so  well-known  in  connection  with  the 
poems  of  Lucretius  and  Catullus — was  curule  aedile  at  the 
time,  .and  therefore  under  other  circumstances  would  have 
presided  at  the  ceremonies. 

J  lie  pastor]    'The  legendary  Paris.' 

Agamemnonem']  Lucius  Lucullus,  the  brother  of  the 
former.  He  had  conducted  the  campaign  against  Mithri- 
dates.  The  allusion  in  the  text  is  obscure,  and  three  sug- 
gestions have  been  made  to  explain  it :  (i)  that  he  had  been 
ths  prosecutor  in  a  charge  against  L.  Lucullus ;  (ii)  that  in  his 


NOTES.  113 

capacity  of  tribunus  plebis  he  had  refused  to  sanction  his 
triumph  on  his  return  from  the  East;  or  (iii)  'quia  eius 
uxorem  pariter  stupravit.'    Ern. 

§  4  Numos  vobis  dividere]  On  the  subject  of  these 
divisores  cf.  note  on  Ep.  I.  16.  12,  I  prefer  to  understand 
it  of  an  authorised  largess  rather  than  of  an  illegal  distri- 
bution in  which  Atticus  had  been  interested. 

TraducW]  '  Wants  to  transfer.'  This  process  of  adoption 
was  called  adro^atio,  and  the  object  of  it  was  to  qualify 
Clodius  for  the  tVibunate  and  enable  him  in  this  capacity  to 
oppose  the  measures  of  Cicero.  It  should  by  rights  have 
taken  place  before  the  comitia  curiata,  and  the  proposal  to 
bring  it  instead  before  the  comitia  iribuia,  or  general  as- 
sembly of  the  people,  was  no  doubt  the  result  of  a  secret 
arrangement  between  Clodius  and  Herennius.  The  person 
into  whose  family  Clodius  was  nominally  adopted  is  men- 
tioned in  cap.  13  of  the  or.  pro  dom.  as  one  Fonteius.  The 
adoption  was  favoured  by  Caesar,  and  indeed  carried  at  last 
by  his  agency.  (Cf  Suet.  Jul.  20.)  For  an  account  of  the 
whole  transaction  and  its  influence  on  the  future  of  Cicero, 
cf.  Merivale,  p.  106  ff. 

Accepi'\  '  I  gave  him  my  customary  welcome  in  the 
senate,  but  never  saw  anything  more  stolid  than  the  fellow.' 
For  this  use  of  accipere,  cf.  Tusc.  iv.  36.  78,  quo  te  modo  ac- 
cepissentf  nisi  iratus  essem. 

§  5]  *  Metellus  is  a  grand  consul  and  quite  devoted  to 
your  humble  servant :  but  he  has  impaired  his  influence  by 
regarding  the  bill  in  question  as  purely  a  matter  of  form. 
As  for  the  son  of  Aulus — great  heavens  ! — what  a  dastardly 
and  spiritless  soldier  it  is  !  how  deservedly  he  has  met  his 
fate,  which  is  to  lend  his  ears  to  the  abuse  of  Palicanus. 
We  have  from  Flavius  the  scheme  of  an  Agrarian  law,  ill- 
considered  in  its  details  and  nearly  identical  with  the  Plotian. 
But  all  this  while  there  is  no  statesman,  no  nor  the  ghost  of 
one  among  us.  Pompeius  my  friend — for  such  he  is  and  I  wish 
you  to  know  it — who  had  in  him  the  making  of  one,  now 
maintains  in  silence  the  dignity  of  his  triumphal  robe.  From 
Crassus  never  a  word  to  give  offence.  What  the  rest  are  you 
know  by  this  time — such  fools  that  they  think  they  can  sacri- 
fice the  Stale  and  yet  save  their  fishponds.  One  man,  and 
but  one,  there  is  to  protect  the  republic,  and  that  rather  by 
his  firmness  and  honesty  than  by  any  talent  or  tact :  Cato 
I  mean,  who  for  the  last  two  months  has  been  keeping  those 
wretched  taxgatherers,  once  his  devoted  admirers,  on  the 
rack  of  expectation,  and  will  not  allow  them  to  get  an  an- 
swer from  the  Senate.     In  consequence  we  are  compelled  to 


114  NOTES. 

postpone  all  measures  till  a  reply  has  been  given  to  them, 
and  so  I  suppose  even  the  reception  of  the  deputies  will  be 
put  off  for  the  present.  You  see  by  this  how  trouble-tost  I 
am,  and,  if  from  what  I  say  you  can  supply  what  1  suppress, 
come  and  see  me  at  last,  and,  although  I  may  not  be  inviting 
you  to  pleasant  quarters,  shew  notwithstanding  that  you  prize 
my  affection  so  highly  as  to  wish  to  enjoy  it  even  at  the  cost 
of  these  discomforts.  For  to  prevent  your  being  registered 
by  proxy  I  will  have  a  special  notice  made  and  posted 
up  throughout  the  town.  Remember  also  that  to  return 
vour  name  amongst  the  last  is  too  highly  suggestive  of  the 
shop  ! ' 

Diets  caus(i\  =  ouia%  ffCKa,  'for  appearance  sake,'  (cf.  Plin. 
28.  2),dids  being  in  all  probability  connected  with  the  Greek 
81kt],  which  is  common  enough  in  the  Latmized  form  of  dita, 
e.g.  sexcetitas  scribito  iam  inihi  dicas,  nil  do  (Ter.  Phorm. 
IV.  3.  63). 

Habet . . .proimilg.']  Notwithstanding  Orelli's  able  vindica- 
tion of  the  text,  the  passage,  both  as  regards  the  Latinity 
and  the  interpretation,  is  still  far  from  satisfactory'.  The 
most  obvious  objection  to  the  received  explanation  is  that  it 
requires  a  stronger  word  than  habet  (vo^i^ei)  to  make  it 
effective,  even  if  we  understand  the  verb  habere  in  the 
stronger  and  less  usual  sense  of  '  recognises,'  '  entertains.' 
This  difficulty  however  might  be  easily  surmounted  by  read- 
ing perhibet  for  habet.  But  the  emphatic  position  of  habet 
seems  to  shew  that  it  represents  a  stronger  idea  than  the 
one  suggested,  and  I  should  myself  prefer  to  translate  ^r^ 
iniilgatiim  habet  as  =  promtilgavit,  '  by  formally  proposing 
the  bill  in  question  about  Clodius.'  However  we  may  ex- 
plain the  passage,  it  is  at  all  events  clear  that  any  counte- 
nance Metellus  may  have  given  to  the  bill  was  given  under 
a  misunderstanding  of  its  aim  and  object,  for,  when  con- 
vinced of  its  real  character,  he  opposed  it  in  every  possible 
way,  and,  when  Clodius  at  a  later  date  was  a  candidate 
for  the  tribunate,  he  objected  to  him  on  the  ground  that  his 
adoption  had  been  illegal.  I  have  resen'ed  for  final  notice 
an  emendation  of  the  passage  which  is  accepted  by  Schijtz  : 
qiiod  habere  dicit  causam  promulgatum  illud  idem  de  Clodio, 
the  objections  to  which  are  (i)  the  order  of  the  words,  and 
(2)  the  use  of  protmilgatum  as  a  substantive,  of  which  I  can 
find  no  other  example  in  Cicero.  In  addition  to  which  I 
can  discover  no  adequate  grounds  for  his  rejection  of  the 
phrase  dicis  causa,  which  is,  on  the  contrary,  a  favourite  one 
with  our  author.     Cf  Verr.  II.  IV.  24,  and  or.  pro.  Mur.  12. 

Illud  qjiide7)i\  Illud  idetn  \-u\g.,  a  reading  with  which  I 
have  long  been  dissatisfied,  and  of  which,  as  I  venture  to 


NOTES.  115 

think,  the  alteration  of  idem  into   quidcin   is  an  easy  and 
effective  correction. 

Miles]  The  word  is  peculiarly  suitable  to  Afranius,  who, 
as  I  have  already  noticed,  had  been  one  of  the  lieutenants 
of  Pompeius  in  Asia.  It  is  strange  that,  not  content  with 
miles,  Muretus  should  have  proposed  so  weak  a  word  as 
millies  in  its  place. 

Palicand\  M.  Lollius  Palicanus  (cf.  I.  I.  i),  a  tribune  of 
the  people,  of  such  infamous  character  that,  when  he  M'as 
a  candidate  for  the  consulship  in  A.  U.  C.  687,  the  consul 
Piso  declared  that,  in  case  of  his  election,  he  should  decline 
to  return  him  (Val.  Max.  ill,  8.  3). 

Os...pracbeat\  Cf.  Liv.  iv.  11,  praebere  ad cotitumeliam  os, 
and  Tac.  /lisl.  ill.  3.  \,praeberi  ora  contumeliis. 

§  6  Agrarid]  This  proposition,  which  had  for  its  object 
the  partition  of  lands  among  the  soldiers  of  Pompeius,  never 
became  law.     Cf.  Dio  Cass,  xxxvii.  p.  52. 

Plotid]  The  date  and  particulars  of  this  measure  are 
unknown.  Like  the  present,  it  was  clearly  a  tribunician 
scheme. 

Togulam  illam  piciam']  Notice  the  disparaging  diminu- 
tive. The  full  details  of  his  triumphal  entry  are  given  in 
Veil.  Pat.  II.  40;  and  Dio   Cass,  xxxvii.  21. 

Caeteros]  In  particular  Lucullus,  O.  Hortensius  and  L. 
Philippus.  Cf  hos  piscinarios,  Ep.  19.  6,  and  II.  1.7,  tiostfi 
autem  principes  digito  se  caelion  putant  attinge7'e,  si  mitlli 
barbati  in  piscitiis  sint  qjii  ad  manicm  accedatit. 

§  7  Lcgationes']  See  the  note  on  Ep.  14.  5,  and  cf.  Ep. 
ad  div.  I.  4.  I.  The  tactics  of  Cato  on  this  occasion  are 
alluded  to  as  follows  in  the  or.  pro  Plane,  xiv,  34,  qunvi 
senalus  impedirefur  quoniijius,  id  quod  hostibiis  semper  erat 
tributum,  responsiim  eqnitibus  Romanis  redderetur. 

§  8  Quae  scripsitnus  (lanla)]  It  is  of  course  impossible 
that  the  word  tan/a  can  retain  its  present  position,  although 
Boot  justifies  it  as  an  attraction  :  while  Matthiae  now  rejects 
as  an  interpolation  the  parenthesis  lanla  es  perspicacitate, 
which  appears  in  most  of  the  editions.  In  place  o{  tania  he 
proposes  ciincta:  but  the  omission  of  the  former  word  is 
really  all  that  is  required,  which  may  possibly  have  crept 
into  its  present  place  from  the  juxtaposition  in  some  MS  of 
the  word  tanti  which  occurs  below. 

Ne  absens  eenseare]  We  find  from  Gellius  that,  in  a 
speech  delivered  by  P.  Scipio  Africanus  during  his  censor- 


ii6  NOTES. 

ship  in  the  year  612,  he  condemns  the  practice  as  irregular 
and  contrary  to  precedent.  At  the  present  time,  however, 
the  custom  had  become  habitual,  though  the  question  re- 
mains open  whether  the  names  of  absentees  were  given  in 
through  the  provincial  magistrate  or  collected  (as  Bekker 
maintains)  by  a  special  agent  {procurator). 

Sub  lustrum']  i.e.  'at  the  close  of  the  proceedings.'  Cf. 
Liv.  I.  44,  Servius  Tullius,  ce/isu  perfecto . . .  instructum  exer- 
citum  omnem  suovetauribus  lustravlt :  idque  conditum  lus- 
trum appcllatum,  quia  is  censendo  Jinis  /actus  est. 

Germani  negociatoris']  has  been  usually  understood  as  a 
complimentary  term  for  a  'true  man  of  business,'  a  sense 
which  the  words  will  undoubtedly  bear.  But  from  the 
passage  which  follows,  it  is  clear  that  Cicero  wishes  to 
hasten  his  friend's  arrival,  rather  than  to  suggest  a  particu- 
lar time  for  his  coming,  and  it  is  therefore  far  more  forcible 
to  take  the  words  germani  tiegociatoris  in  the  disparaging 
sense  in  which  I  see  they  are  understood  by  Manutius, 
Schiitz  and  Matthiae.  The  allusion  is,  in  all  probability,  to 
the  preoccupations  of  a  man  of  business  :  though  there  is 
much  to  be  said  in  favour  of  the  more  elaborate  explanation 
suggested  by  Bekker :  Jiegociatores,  ne  phis  tiiinuszje  quaiir 
haberent  in  censu  profiterentur,  quod  aut  rei  suae  aut  fidci 
fioceret,  sub  lustrum  detnum  ccnsorem  adibant.  atqui  turpe 
erat  Attico,  equiti  Romano^  negociatoris  morem  sequi. 

LETTER  XIX. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i  His  own  occupations.  §  2  The 
disturbances  in  Gaul  and  the  measures  taken  to  repress  them. 
§  3  The  compliments  paid  by  the  Senate  to  Pojnpeius  and 
himself.  §  4  The  Agrarian  measure  of  Flavins.  §  5  The 
schemes  of  Clodius.  §  6  His  own  policy.  §  7  His  relations 
with  Pompeius,  and  §  8  with  the  different pa7'ties  in  the  State. 
§  9  The  decree  concerjiing  Sicyon.  §  10  The  account  of  his 
consulship  in  Latin  and  Greek.  §  1 1  The  relations  between 
Quintus  and  Alliens,  and  conclusion. 

§  I  Crebrior'\  Cf.  or.  pro  Plane,  xxxiv.  83,  hoc  frequenter 
in  me  congessisti  saneque  in  eo  creber  fuisti. 

Absque  argumento  ac  sent.]  '  without  a  plot  and  purpose.' 
I  have  adopted  the  reading  of  Schiitz,  as  it  is  quite  impossi- 
ble to  believe  that  Cicero  wrote  either  nullam  a  me  sine  epis- 
tola?n  ad  te  sine  argumento  per7>enire  a.s  Boot  edits  the  pas- 
sage, or  tiullatn  a  me  epistolam  ad  te  sino  sine  argumento 
pervenire  as  it  appears  in  the  edition  of  Matthiae  :  while  the 
phrase  absque  sententia,  which  the  former  quotes  from  Quin- 


NOTES.  117 

tilian  {i?isf.  or.  VII.  2.  44),  is  in  itself  a  sufficient  justification 
of  the  text. 

Amanti patriam'\  '  a  patriotic  citizen  like  yourself.' 

§  2  Gallici  belli  versattcr  tnetus\  Gallia  versantur  metics 
(as  Boot  reads  from  a  single  MS),  or  Gallici  versatitur 
tnotus,  are  both  of  them  preferable  in  form  to  the  reading  of 
the  text :  but  the  former  is  too  bold  to  be  admitted  except  on 
the  strength  of  a  parallel  passage,  while  the  addition  of  the 
words  in  republica  are  against  our  accepting  the  latter. 

Fratres  nostri'\  The  Aedai  in  return  for  their  services  had 
received  this  title  as  a  compliment  from  the  Senate.  Cf.  Caes. 
de  bell.  Gall.  I.  31,  and  Ep.  ad  div.  vii.  10.  3. 

Sequani  permale  pngnariittt'\  'have  made  very  bad 
hands  at  fighting.'  But  the  word  Sequani  is  probably  an 
interpolation,  while  Helvetii  on  the  other  hand,  which  is 
omitted  in  the  MSS,  has  been  supplied  from  the  context. 
Indeed  the  passage  as  a  whole  is  indubitably  corrupt,  nor  is 
it  to  be  remedied  by  the  emendation  devised  by  Boot  :  pug- 
7iam  nuper  jnalatn  pugnarunl. 

Provinciaf/t]  i.e.  Gallia  Narbonensis  (cf.  Caes.  de  bell. 
Gall.  I.  7). 

Sortirentur'\  '  that  the  two  Gauls  should  be  reserved  for 
the  consuls,  troops  levied,  furloughs  recalled,  and  ambassa- 
dors sent  with  full  powers  to  treat  with  the  states  of  Gaul, 
and  to  prevent,  if  possible,  their  coalition  with  the  Helvetii. 
The  ambassadors  chosen  are  Metellus  and  Flaccus,  and — to 
spoil  the  porridge — Lentulus.' 

Vacationes  ne  valerent]  This  distinguishes  the  occasion 
in  question  from  an  ordinary  tumultiis^  when  such  exemp- 
tions were  not  recalled  (cf  Phil.  vili.  3). 

Legali]  Embassies  with  full  powers  consisted  usually  of 
three  individuals — one  of  consular,  one  of  praetorian,  and  the 
third  of  senatorial  rank. 

TO  eVl  Tjj  <i>aKfi  yLvpov]  A  proverb  used  to  denote  fruitless 
labour — a  costly  sauce  over  a  poor  material.  For  the  pun 
on  the  word  le7is  i(i>aKfj)  compare  the  well-known  guttani 
adspergit  huic  Bulbo  in  the  Cluentian  speech. 

Lentulus\  Cn.  Cornelius  Lentulus  is  meant,  who  was 
consul  in  the  year  681. 

§  3  Mea  sors~\  In  reference  to  the  choice  of  the  deputies, 
which  was  made  either  by  lot,  as  on  the  present  occasion,  or 
else  by  suffrage  (Tac.  Hist.  I  v.). 

eTTK^wj/Tj^ara]  '  For  why  should  I  court  the  praises  of 
foreigners,  when  they  grow  in  such  plenty  at  home  ?' 


ii8  NOTES. 

§  4]  '  Our  home  affairs  are  in  this  condition.  The  Agra- 
rian scheme  of  Flavius  is  being  eagerly  pressed  at  the  in- 
stigation of  Pompeius  ;  but  it  has  nothing  in  it  to  recom- 
mend it  except  its  patron.  From  this  measure,  in  obedience 
to  the  wishes  of  the  meeting,  I  proceeded  to  remove  all  the 
clauses  which  infringed  on  private  interests  :  for  instance,  I 
released  from  its  operation  all  the  land  which  had  been  State 
property  so  far  back  as  the  consulship  of  Mucius  and  Cal- 
purnius  :  I  ratified  the  ownership  of  the  Sullan  occupants : 
re-established  the  title  of  those  persons  at  Volaterrae  and 
An-etium,  whose  lands  Sulla  had  confiscated  but  retained  in 
his  hands.  One  scheme  only  I  did  not  reject,  which  had  for 
its  object  the  purchase  of  lands  with  the  foreign  revenue 
which  should  accrue  in  the  next  five  years  from  the  new 
imposts.  To  the  whole  of  this  Agrarian  measure  the  Senate 
is  mightily  opposed  in  the  belief  that  the  aim  of  its  pro- 
moters is  the  extension  of  the  power  of  Pompeius.  He  on 
his  part  has  applied  himself  in  good  earnest  to  the  task  of 
passing  the  law.  My  share  in  the  matter  was  to  secure  the 
interests  of  private  landholders,  by  which  I  won  the  heartfelt 
gratitude  of  the  proprietors  (for  as  you  know  I  draw  my 
followers  from  that  well-to-do  class),  while  at  the  same  time 
I  satisfied  Pompeius  and  the  people,  as  it  was  my  wish  to  do, 
by  the  proposed  purchase-scheme,  in  the  careful  ordering  of 
which  I  saw  a  plan  for  draining  the  city  of  its  scum,  and  for 
colonizing  the  waste  lands  of  Italy.' 

Agraria  le.v]  The  same  as  that  mentioned  in  §6  of  the 
former  letter.  It  had  for  its  object  the  distribution  of  land 
among  the  soldiers  of  Pompeius.  The  auctor  legis  was 
usually  some  person  of  rank  and  influence,  who  undertook 
to  recommend  it  to  the  people. 

Habcbat'\  habct  Schiitz,  on  the  ground  that  the  epistolary 
tense  is  only  used  of  conditions  which  may  be  altered  during 
the  transmission  of  the  letter. 

P,  Mucio  L.  Calpurnio  consulibus]  A.  U.  c.  621. 

Volateri'.  et  Arrei.^  Their  claims  were  advocated  by  Cicero 
in  the  speeches  against  Rullus,  and  sanctioned  by  Caesar 
during  his  first  consulship  in  the  year  695.  (Cf.  Ep.  ad.  div. 
XIII.  4.  4.) 

Novis  vectigalibns\  He  alludes  to  the  new  sources  of 
revenue  which  had  been  opened  up  by  the  victories  of  Pom- 
peius in  the  East.  The  subject  supplies  him  with  a  constant 
fund  of  jokes,  e.g.  1 1.  16.  2,  nunc  vera,  Sampsiceratne,  quid 
dices?  vectigal  te  nobis  in  tnonte  Antilibano  const iiuisse, 
agri  Campani  abstulisse. 

Agrariorum']    Certainly  not  equivalent  to  agripctarum^ 


NOTES.  119 

the  party  who  from  interested  motives  were  in  favour  of  the 
Agrarian  law,  and  to  whose  claims  as  a  rule  Cicero  was  alto- 
gether opposed.  On  the  contrary,  they  are  alluded  to  in  the 
sentence  which  follows  :  populo  autein  et  Po7npeio  sntisfacie- 
bam:  while  the  use  of  the  word  confinnabain  in  the  earlier 
part  of  the  narrative  shews  that  by  agrarioriim  he  means  the 
present  wealthy  proprietors,  whose  landed  interests  made 
them  strong  opponents  of  any  revolutionary  scheme. 

Sentmam  urbis  exh.~\  The  Greek  avrkov  (Xpyeiv.  Boot 
illustrates  the  expression  by  a  precisely  similar  passage  in 
the  or.  contr.  Rull.  II.  26.  70,  where,  in  answer  to  the  remark 
of  RuUus,  urbaiiam  plebem  nimiiim  in  reptiblica  posse,  ex- 
hauriendam  esse,  Cicero  replies:  hoc  etiim  verba  est  nsus, 
quasi  de  aliqua  setitina...loqueretiir. 

Bello'\  The  disturbance  in  Gaul  of  which  he  has  spoken 
above. 

Ille  alter"]  '  Afranius  is  such  a  fool  that  he  doesn't  even 
know  the  value  of  his  purchase,'  i.e.  the  consulship.  Cf.  Ep. 
16.  12.  In  Ter.  Etm.  IV.  4.  23  we  find  the  same  phrase,  eo 
rediges  me,  tit,  quid  emerim,  nesciam. 

§  5  Nequam  atque  egentem]  'A  mean  and  beggarly 
fellow.'    The  expression  is  used  again  of  Hilarus  in  I.  12.  2. 

§  6  Nonarum  illarum  Dec."]  Cf.  or.  pro  Flac.  XL.  102.  O 
nonae  illae  Decemb.  quae  me  consule  fuistis !  quern  ego  diem 
vere  natalem  huius  urbis  aut  certe  salutarem  appellare 
possiun. 

Beatos]  '  Rich,'  'well-to-do,'  as  in  Ep.  I.  14.  i  beatis  7ion 
grata. 

For  piscinarios  see  the  note  on  §  6  of  the  previous  letter. 

§  7  Adiudicarit"]  One  of  these  occasions  is  referred  to  by 
Cicero  in  the  de  off.  I.  22.  78  mihi  quidem  certe  vir  abundans 
bellicis  laudibus  Cn.  PompeiJis  multis  audicntibus  hoc  tribuit, 
lit  diceret  frustra  se  triinnphuin  tertium  deportaturum  fuisse, 
nisi  meo  in  rempublicam  beneficio,  ubi  triumpharet,  esset 
habiturus. 

Illae  res]  '  The  exploits  in  question  were  not  done  in  a 
corner  so  as  to  need  evidence,  nor  were  they  so  questionable 
as  to  require  praise.' 

§  8  Invent utis]  Clodius  and  his  friends.  His  bearing 
towards  Clodius  on  this  and  another  occasion  (Ep.  II.  i.  5 
itaque  iam  familiariter  cum  ipso  cavillor  ac  iocor)  is  thus 
noticed  by  Abeken:  'He  behaved  with  more  deference  than 
was  consistent  with  his  own  convictions   towards   Crassus, 


120  NOTES. 

Antonius,  and  at  one  time  even  towards  Clodius.'    (Meriv. 
p.  60.) 

Asperutft]  '  In  a  word  I  have  indulged  in  no  severities, 
but  yet  in  no  lax  measures  to  curry  favour.  On  the  contrary, 
my  whole  policy  is  so  ordered  that  I  shew  myself  firm  in  the 
interests  of  the  State,  while  in  my  private  relations  I  am  com- 
pelled by  the  weakness  of  the  good,  the  malice  of  the  ill- 
disposed,  and  the  hatred  of  the  vicious  to  use  a  certam  care 
and  caution ;  and,  while  I  form  these  new  ties,  I  allow  the 
crafty  Sicilian  of  yore  to  whisper  in  my  ears  ever  his  old 
refrain:  Be  wary  and  jiiistrust/itl:  the  sinews  of  the  soul 
are  these. 

Ita  tameii\  A  condensed  expression  for  atqtie,  licet  ilia 
faciam,  ita  tame n  facia  ut  etc. 

Siciihis]  Epicharmus,  though  born  at  Cos,  passed  the 
greater  portion  of  his  life  in  Sicily.  In  the  Tusc.  disp.  i.  8.  15 
he  is  spoken  of  as  acutus  nee  insulsus  homo  ut  Siculus.  In 
the  present  passage  Schiitz,  Matthiae  and  the  best  editors 
omit  the  proper  name  as  the  addition  of  a  later  hand. 

Cantilenani]  Cf.  cantiletiam  eandem  earn,  '  ever  the  same 
old  song'  (Ter.  Phorm.  III.  2.  10).  This  verse  from  Epichar- 
mus is  also  referred  to  by  Ouintus  Cicero  in  his  pamphlet  de 
pet,  cons.  cap.  10  sobrius  esto,  atque  'ETrixapfj-ftov  illud  teneto, 
tierz'os  atque  artus  esse  sapientiae  non  toncre  credere. 

§  9]  '  You  are  for  ever  writing  to  me  about  that  matter  of 
yours,  for  which  I  cannot  now  suggest  a  remedy.  For  the 
decree  in  question  was  passed  with  the  entire  consent  of  the 
more  demonstrative  members,  though  none  of  our  party  gave  it 
their  sanction.  When  you  complain  that  I  witnessed  the  draft 
of  the  bill,  you  might  by  referring  to  it  have  gathered  that  it 
was  a  different  matter  that  was  then  before  the  house,  and 
that  the  clause  in  question  was  an  uncalled-for  addition,  for 
which  the  younger  Servilius  is  to  blame,  who  voted  last ;  but 
no  amendment  can  now  be  made.  More  by  token  the  indig- 
nation meetings,  which  at  the  outset  were  thronged,  have  for 
a  long  time  been  discontinued.  If,  in  spite  of  it,  your  bland- 
ishments can  succeed  in  squeezing  anything  out  of  the  Sicy- 
onians,  I  should  like  you  to  let  me  know.  I  send  you  an  ac- 
count of  my  consulship  in  Greek.  If  you  find  anything  in  it 
which  strikes  one  of  your  name  and  family  as  wanting  in  Greek 
scholarship,  I  wont  make  the  excuse  which  LucuUus  made 
to  you,  if  I  remember  right,  at  Panhormus  in  the  case  of 
his  history — that  he  had  introduced  a  few  barbarisms  and 
solecisms  at  interv-als  to  prove  more  conclusively  that  the 
whole  was  the  work  of  a  Roman.  Anything  of  the  kind  that 
may  appear  in  my  treatise  will  be  an  unintentional  slip.   The 


NOTES.  121 

Latin  version — that  is,  if  I  ever  complete  it — shall  be  for- 
warded to  you.  You  may  look  out  for  a  third  in  verse,  that 
I  may  omit  no  possible  means  of  self-laudation.  Now  don't 
say,  Your  trumpeter's  not  dead:  for,  if  there  is  anything  in  the 
history  of  the  world  that  more  deserves  my  praise,  all  praise 
to  it :  all  blame  to  me  for  not  praising  it  in  preference. 
Though,  look  you,  what  I  write  is  no  mere  panegyric,  but 
sober  matter  of  fact.  My  brother  Quintus  is  at  pains  to  clear 
himself  by  a  letter,  and  assures  me  that  he  has  never  spoken 
disparagingly  of  you  to  anyone.  But  we  must  sift  the  matter 
when  we  meet  with  all  possible  pains  and  care  :  only  do  come 
and  see  me  at  last.  Our  friend  Cossinius  who  takes  this  letter 
appears  to  me  to  be  a  capital  fellow,  and  a  steady  one  to  boot. 
Add  to  which  he  believes  in  you  firmly,  and  is,  in  a  word,  pre- 
cisely what  your  letter  gaye  me  to  understand.' 

§  9  De  tuo  autem  negocio']  The  decree  relative  to  Sicyon, 
on  the  subject  of  which  cf.  Ep.  13.  i  and  the  note  on  the 
passage.  The  special  object  of  the  decree  in  question  is 
nowhere  mentioned  by  Cicero.  Ernesti  considers  that  it  was 
simply  a  refusal  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  to  interfere  between 
an  individual  and  the  members  of  a  free  state — an  explana- 
tion which  is  certainly  in  accordance  with  the  words  which 
follow :  tu  si  tiiis  blanditiis  tauten  a  Sicyoniis  imniuloriim 
aliquid  expresseris,  velitn  7ne  facias  certiorem.  On  the  other 
hand,  Schiitz  and  Matthiae  are  of  opinion  that  the  object  of 
the  decree  was  to  exempt  the  Sicyonians,  in  part  at  any  rate, 
from  the  burden  of  taxation.  A  careful  consideration  of  the 
passages  in  which  the  subject  is  mentioned,  more  especially 
of  §  4  of  the  ensuing  letter,  has  induced  me  to  accept  the 
latter  as  in  all  probability  the  correct  view. 

Siimma  pcdariorum  7>oluntate'\  Yor  summa  Ernesti  sug- 
gests sola,  but  his  objections  to  the  received  reading  are 
scarcely  satisfactory.  In  the  Journal  of  Pliilology  (New 
Series,  vol.  iv.  no.  7,  p.  113)  will  be  found  an  admirable 
article  by  Mr  D.  B.  Munro  on  the  subject  of  the  pedarii,  in 
which  he  conclusively  refutes  the  theory  that  they  could  vote 
but  not  speak  in  the  assembly.  The  disccssio  (he  says)  was 
no  equivalent  to  the  modern  division,  but  (as  in  Ep.  ad  Att. 
I.  20.  4)  an  incident  in  the  middle  of  the  debate,  which  was 
no  more  a  legal  vote  than  the  cries  of  'Agreed'  in  the  English 
House  of  Commons,  though  the  practical  effect  might  be  the 
same  in  both  cases.  It  was  in  fact,  or  might  be  made,  a 
running  division,  spread  over  the  whole  debate,  and  sensitive 
to  every  turn  in  the  scale  of  opinion  :  adopted  usually  perhaps 
by  ihQ pedant,  i.e.  senators  who  were  too  far  down  in  the  list 
to  have  an  opportunity  of  speaking,  but  also  by  senators  who 
had  already  spoken.  He  notices  that  in  Liv.  xxxvil.  34  these 


122  NOTES. 

two  ways  of  giving  a  silent  vote  are  mentioned  as  alternative?  : 
aiit  verba  assentire  aut  pedibus  in  sententiam  ire. 

Nostrum^  i.  e.  senators  who  had  held  curule  magistracies. 
These  were  ranked  in  the  following  order :  censorii,  cotisu- 
lares,  praetorii,  aedilicii,  tribtinicii,  quaestorii,  after  which 
came  those  who  had  held  no  magistracy.  The  princeps 
senatus  was  as  a  rule  the  eldest  person  who  had  held  the 
censorship. 

Auctoritaie']  In  the  same  way  praescriptio,  aucioritates 
praescriptae  are  the  signatures  by  which  the  leading  senators 
attested  the  draught  of  a  decree.  Cf  ad  div.  viii.  8.  5.  The 
phrase  esse  ad  scribetidum  appears  again  in  Ep.  ad  div. 
XII.  29.  2   coiisulibus  illis  nunqiiain  fuit  ad  scribe7idum. 

P.  Servilio  filio\  who  on  this  and  similar  occasions  fol- 
lowed the  lead  of  Cato.  Cf  II.  i.  10  quod  S icy onii  te  laedunt, 
Catoni  et  eius  aemiilatori  attribicis  Servilio.  The  word  filius 
is  added  to  distinguish  him  from  his  father  P.  Servilius 
Isauricus,  who  was  still  living. 

ConvenUis']  These  were  not  necessarily  confined  to  sena- 
tors, as  Schiitz  and  Matthiae  have  imagined,  but  were 
irregular  meetings  held  by  the  interested  parties  outside  the 
walls  of  the  Senate-house. 

§  10  Homini  Attica']  Cf  amKc^repa  {Ep.  1 3.  5)  and  put 0 
te  Latinis  fiieis  delectari,  huic  autem  Graeca  Graecum  invi- 
dere  {Ep.  20.  6). 

De  suis  historiis']  On  the  subject  of  the  Marsian  cam- 
paign (Plut.  Liic.  cap.  I.).  The  word  croKoiKa  is  equivalent  to 
batbara,  and  is  referred  to  the  corrupt  dialect  of  the  Athenian 
colonists  who  settled  at  Soli  in  Cilicia. 

Ti'f  nartp  ahrjaei ;]  The  proverb  is  given  in  full  by  Plutarch 
in  his  Life  of  Aratus.,  ch.  X.  rty  -rTarkp  aluT^ati  ft  fxrj  KOKodal- 
fj.nv(s  v'loi ;  and  he  appends  the  following  comment :  tovs  d(f>' 
aiTav  ovSfvoi  d^iovi  ourui,  vTrodvofievovs  8e  npoyovcov  rivSv 
apera'ii  kol  7r\eovd(ovras  ev  vols  (Keivuiv  fnaivois  vno  rfjs 
TTapoip.las  eTTLOTopiCeadai.  There  is  some  difficulty,  however,  in 
determining  its  application  in  the  present  instance.  It  may 
mean: '  If  praise  of  near  relations  is  to  be  discouraged,  much 
more  by  consequence  the  praise  of  self — an  explanation 
which  suits  the  context  well,  and  for  which  we  have  a  near 
equivalent  in  English.  Ernesti,  on  the  other  hand,  would 
explain  it  thus :  '  To  praise  your  past  life  is,  by  comparison, 
to  disparage  your  present.' 

§  IT  Cassinius]  Lucius  Cossinius  {Ep.  20.  6,  ll.  i.  i).  He 
is  mentioned  again  in  Ep.  ad  div.  XIII.  23.  i. 


NOTES.  123 


LETTER  XX. 

Epitome  of  Contents]  §  i  C«  the  subject  of  their  cor- 
respondence and  the  relations  be  twee  ft  Qicititus  and  Atticus. 
§  2  His  own  position  in  the  State  and  a  justification  of  his 
friendship  with  Pompeius.  §  3  His  presefit  and  future 
policy.  §  4  The  decree  relating  to  S icy  on.  §  5  His  opinion 
of  the  consuls.  §  6  His  literary  work.  §  7  The  addition 
made  to  his  library  by  the  kindness  of  P actus.  A  request  to 
Atticus  to  hasten  the  time  of  his  visit. 

%\  e  Povipeia7i6\  The  neighbourhood  of  Pompeii  was  rich 
in  villas.  Thus,  in  addition  to  the  one  owned  by  Cicero, 
mention  is  made  in  the  letters  of  one  which  had  belonged  to 
Marius  {ad  div.  vil.  3),  and  another  in  the  occupation  ot 
Pansa  {ad  Att.  v.  3.  i). 

ludicijini]  Cf.  Ep.  17.  5  mihi  eniin  pcrspecta  est  in- 
genuitas  et  viagnittido  animi  tui. 

A  nobis  atque  nostris']  Schiitz  is  inclined  to  regard  the 
words  7tobis  atque  as  an  interpolation,  on  the  ground  that  in 
no  other  passage  does  Cicero  impute  blame  to  himself  for  the 
disagreement  which  had  arisen  between  his  brother  and 
Atticus.  But  throughout  the  earlier  portion  of  the  17th 
letter  his  tone,  if  not  actually  self-accusing,  is  still  so  strongly 
apologetic  that  we  can  easily  see  he  was  not  altogether  satis- 
fied with  his  own  part  in  the  matter. 

Modcratissimum  fuisse']  '  That  you  have  shewn  such  for- 
bearance.' 

§  2]  'Of  the  commonwealth  you  take  a  far-sighted  and 
patriotic  view,  and  your  ideas  are  in  harmony  with  my  own : 
for  I  must  not  abandon  my  dignified  position,  nor  yet  trust 
myself  unprotected  within  the  enemy's  camp  :  while  the  friend 
you  mention  is  destitute  alike  of  honour  and  dignity,  mean 
and  time-serving  in  everything.' 

Intra  alterius  praesidid\  Schiitz  compares  the  following 
passage  in  a  subsequent  letter :  neqjie  cjtini  eos  solos  arbitra- 
bajmir  capi,  q2ii  in  armatorum  mamis  incidissent,  sed  eos 
nihilo  inintcs,  qui  regionibus  exclusi  intra  praesidia  atqite 
intra  arma  alicna  venisscnt. 

Nihil  amplmn,  nihil  exxclstint]  This  criticism  of  Pom- 
peius is  almost  identical  with  that  contained  in  an  earlier 
letter  {Ep.  13.  4). 

Ad  tranquillitateni  vicorum  temp.']  '  To  ensure  my  peace 
of  life.'  That  this  was  in  reality  his  chief  motive  for  forming 
the  alliance  may,  in  addition  to  other  passages,  be  inferred 

r.  c.  10 


124  NOTES. 

from  Ep.  9  of  the  following  book :  si  vera,  quae  de  ttie  pacta 
sunt,  ea  non  servantur,  in  coelo  sum  ut  sciat  hie  nostcr  Hiero- 
solymarius  traductor  ad plebeni  quam  bonani  meis  putissimis 
orationidus  gratiam  reiulerit,  quaritin  exspecta  divinam 
TToKivoiSiav. 

Cum  aliqua  levitate]  '  Now  if  my  conduct  in  this  respect 
had  involved  a  sacrifice  of  principle,  no  object  in  my  idea 
would  have  been  worth  the  cost.  As  it  is,  I  have  so  managed 
matters  throughout  that  I  have  lost  no  caste  by  being  found 
in  harmony  with  him,  while  he  has  gained  much  by  his 
recognition  of  me.  For  the  rest,  I  have  laid  my  plans  for 
the  present  and  the  future  so  as  not  to  risk  the  imputation 
that  my  past  achievements  were  the  result  of  chance.' 

The  allusion  in  probans  may  be  illustrated  by  a  passage 
in  Ep.  14.  2  tiiihique,  itt  adsedit,  [Pompeius]  dixit  se  putare 
satis  ab  se  etiain  de  istis  (al.  istius)  rebus  esse  responsu7n. 

§  3  Meos  bonos  vires']  i.e.  the  optitnates,  as  in  Ep.  13.  3 
and  elsewhere. 

It  has  been  less  correctly  explained  of  the  wealthy  land- 
owners who  are  mentioned  in  Ep.  19.  4  as  is  noster  exetxitus, 
homiiiuni,  nt  tute  scis,  locupletium,  but  the  words  hatic  iram 
optiinatuin  which  follow  are  conclusive  in  favour  of  the  former 
view. 

"^naprav]  Tkaxa,  ravrav  Koa-fiei  (IV.  6.  2),  proverbial  of  one 
who  has  entered  on  a  great  inheritance  which  it  becomes  him 
to  administer  with  credit. 

Post  Catuli  mortem]  His  character  is  thus  described  in 
the  or.  pro  Sestio  (cap.  47) :  quern  ?ieque  pericttli  tempestas 
neque  honoris  aura  potuit  unquam  de  suo  cursu  vitae  aut 
spe  aut  nietu  dijnovere. 

Rhinton]  A  poet  of  Tarentum,  who  cultivated  a  species  of 
burlesque  tragedy. 

Piscinarii  nostri]  Cf.  I.  18.  8.  'The  jealousy  with  which 
I  am  regarded  by  our  frienas  the  fish-ponders  I  will  either 
describe  to  you  in  a  future  letter  or  resen'e  till  our  next 
meeting.  From  my  place  in  the  Senate  nothing  shall  ever 
tear  me,  either  because  it  is  my  duty,  or  my  interest,  or  be- 
cause I  am  by  no  means  indifferent  to  the  esteem  of  that 
assembly.  In  your  dealings  with  Sicyon,  as  I  have  already 
hinted,  you  have  not  much  to  look  for  from  the  Senate.  For 
there  is  no  one  at  present  to  make  a  formal  complaint.  So, 
if  you  wait  for  that,  you  will  have  to  wait.  Fight  your  battle 
by  some  other  means,  if  any  are  forthcoming.  At  the  time 
when  the  decree  was  passed,  too  little  heed  was  given  to  the 


NOTES.  125 

interests  involved,  and  a  rush  was  made  by  the  body  of  the 
house  in  favour  of  the  motion.  The  time  has  not  yet  come 
for  cancelhng  the  decree,  for,  as  I  say,  there  are  none  to 
make  a  formal  complaint,  while  it  satisfies  the  malice  of 
some,  the  sense  of  justice  in  others.  Your  friend  Metellus 
makes  a  glorious  consul.  I  have  only  one  fault  to  find  with 
him,  that  he  is  not  sufficiently  delighted  at  the  news  of  peace 
in  Gaul,  He  had,  I  suppose,  set  his  heart  on  a  triumph. 
Given  moderation  on  this  one  point,  all  else  in  him  is  perfect. 
Afranius,  on  the  contrary,  plays  so  poor  a  part,  that  his 
consulship  is  no  consulship  at  all  but  a  stain  on  the  repu- 
tation of  our  Great  Pompeius.' 

§  4  lam]  '  Any  longer '  is  the  translation  accepted  by 
Schiitz,  who  refers  it  to  the  discontinuance  of  the  indignation 
meetings  mentioned  in  §  9  of  the  previous  letter.  But  surely 
the  succeeding  comments,  qriarc,  si  id  exspcctas,  longutn 
est,  and,  more  especially,  indiicetidi  senatus  consulti  inatH- 
ritas  nondtim  est,  are  decisive  in  favour  of  the  rendering 
'  at  present :  as  yet.' 

Pedarii]  Cf.  §  9  of  the  last  letter,  and  for  inducendi  cf.  I. 
1 7.  9  ut  induceretur  locatio  postulaveruni. 

§  5  Magni  fiostri  vTvainov]  Cf.  I.  16.  12.  This  same 
Afranius  is  mentioned  by  Dio  Cassius  (xxxvii.49)  as  a  good 
dancer  but  a  bad  statesman.  He  was  defeated  by  Caesar  in 
the  civil  war  in  Spain  "  U.C.  705.  For  the  word  virannov,  a 
'bruise  on  the  face,'  compare  the  well-known  use  of  the  verb 
vTTwnia^fiv  in  the  New  Testament  {Ep.  ad  Corinth.  I.  9.  27). 

§6  Ewn  librunC\  '  The  copy  in  question.'  For  7-ctardantur 
cf.  IT.  1.2  quamquain  ad  me  rcscripsit  iam  Rliodo  Posidonii(s, 
se,  nostrtitn  illud  vn6fji.i>r]fia  quuvi  legeret,  quod  ego  ad  eum  ut 
ornatius  de  iisdein  rebus  scriberet  miseram,  7ion  vwdo  71011 
excitatti77i  esse  ad  scribe7idum,  sed  etiai/i  pla/ie  pe/'territin/t. 
Quid  quaeris  ?  conturbavi  Graecam  iiatioiieiii. 

%y  L.  Papirius  Paetiis']  An  Epicurean,  to  whom  many  of 
the  letters  are  addressed,  e.g.  ad  div.  ix.  16.  His  brother, 
Servius  Claudius,  had  died  in  Greece,  probably  in  Epirus, 
where  he  had  left  the  books  in  question. 

Per  legem  Ci7tcia77{\  Lege77i  Ciiiciam  flagifa/it,  qua  cave- 
tur  aittiquitus  lie  quis  ob  causa/zi  07'a7tdain  pecuiiiam  do- 
nu77ive  accipiat  (Tac.  A7171.  xi.  5).  It  was  proposed  by  the 
tribune  M.  Cincms  Alimcntus,  and  passed  in  the  consulship 
of  Cornelius  Cethegus  and  Sempronius  Tuditanus,  a.  u.  c. 
550.     *As  your  friend  Cincius  tells  me  I  may  accept  them 

10 — 2 


126  NOTES.     ■ 

notwithstanding  the  law  which  rejoices  in  his  name,  I  said 
I  would  gladly  do  so  if  he  would  arrange  for  their  con- 
veyance. Now,  as  you  love  me  and  as  you  know  I  love 
you,  set  your  friends,  your  clients,  your  guests,  and  even 
your  freedmen  and  slaves  to  work  to  see  that  no  scrap  of 
them  be  lost.' 


INDEX   OF   WORDS 


TRANSLATED   OR    EXPLAINED    IN    THE    NOTES. 


ab  =  ex  parte,  48 
abhorrere  a,  123 
abiurare,  64 
absque  argximento,  1 16 
abundare,  59 
accipere,  113 

pecuniam  ob,  108 

acclamatio,  91 
aculeus,  iii 
Acutilius,  58,  60,  63 
adeo,  loS 
adesse  contra,  51 
adfectus,  61 
adfinis,  60 

adflicta  res  publica,  112 
adiudicare,  119 
adiungere,  84 
adlegatio,  69 
admurmuro,  76 
adpellare,  64,  68 
adrogatio,  113 
adsentiens,  124 
adsiduus,  68 
adventitia  pecunia,  118 
advocatus,  91 
Aedui,  117 

Aelia  et  Fufia,  loi,  102 
aerarii...aerati,  91 
Agamemnon,  112 
ager  publicus,  118 
agere  ad  populum,  70,  72 

cum  aliquo,  51,  77 

agilitas,  105 
Agraria  lex,  115,  118 
agrarii,  1 1 8 
agripetae,  119 
alienari,  107,  112 


aliquando,  114 

aliquid  sermonis,  73 

aliter  accidere,  55 

altercatio,  95 

alterius  praesidia,  123 

Amalthea,  75 

amans  patriam,  117 

ambitio,  53 

ambitiosa,  in 

ambulatio,  in 

amplecti,  79 

amplissimi  homines,  53 

ancoris  sublatis,  74 

annus  egregius,  112 

antiquare,  79 

Antonius,  C.  46,  70,  71,  76,  104 

aperte  tecte,  84 

apud,  63,  75,  100,  120 

Aquilius,  47 

arbitrium,  68 
arcae  confidere,  65 
Archias,  104 
Areopagitae,  92 
Argiletum,  87 
Aristarchus,  83 
Arpinas  homo,  97 
Arpinatia  praedia,  62,  105 
Arretini,  118 
Arrius,  109 
articulorum  dolor,  62 
Asia,  88,  103 
Asiani,  108 
asperum,  120 
atriolum,  67 
Atticus  homo,  122 
auctor  legis,  1 1 8 
auctoritas,  89,  93,  107,  122 


128 


INDEX. 


Auli  filius,  47,  99,  ii',  125 
aures  nactus,  1 1 1 
auspicio  bono,  102 
Autronius,  L.  80 
Axius,  70,  72 

Baiae,  96 
barbatuli,  85 
beati,  Si,  119 
bellus,  53 
beneficium,  76 
bona  venire,  51 
bonae  partes,  77 
boni  viri,  79,  1 24 
bonitas,  105 

Caecilius,  51,  70,  72 

Caesar,  L.  I.  48 

Caesonius,  47 

Caieta,  57,  59 

Calenus,  Q.  Fufius,  82,  89 

Calvus,  92 

candidatorium  munus,  50 

cantilena,  120 

Catilina,  L.  Sergius,  47,  54,  96 

Cato,  85,  107,  115 

Catulus,  Q.  Lut.  77,  93,  124 

cavillator,  77 

causa.  III 

non  verecunda,  108 

causam  sustinere,  53 
censeri  absens,  114,  115 
centesimae,  70,  72 
Ceramicus,  66 
certus,  48 

Chilius,  65,  72,  104 
Cicero,  fil.  in 

,  Luc.  Tull.  60 

Cincia  lex,  125 

Cincius,  L.  46,  63 

Circus  Flaminius,  83 

clamores,  84 

claudus,  102 

Clodius,  P.  55,  73,  113,  123 

cogTioscere,  52 

comis,  79 

comissatores,  99 

comitia  mea,  67 

commentarium,  120 

committere  ut,  62 

communicatio,  106 

comperisse  omnia,  86 


competitor,  50 

concidere,  86 

concordiam  disiungere,  1 1 2 

concursare,  85 

concursus,  89 

conducere  de,  107 

conglutinata  concordia,  107,  109 

coniectura  provideri,  45 

coniungi,  109 

consentaneum,  124 

conservare,  59 

considere,  90 

Considius,  70,  72 

consilium,  82 

consistere,  95 

constantiam  praestare,  120 

consulere  tempori,  53 

contendere,  61 

contra  gratiam,  113 

controversia,  63 

conturbatus,  74 

convenire  ad,  92 

conventus,  122 

convicium,  85 

copiosus,  107 

Cornelius,  70 

Cornificius,  Q.  46,  78 

Cornutus,  C.  87 

Cossinius,  L.  122 

Crassus,  M.  Lie.  59,  92 

crebrior,  116 

curator,  49 

Curio,  C.  86,  97 

,  C.  Scrib.85,  97,  103 

Curius,  49 
custos,  73 

de  in  comp.  65 
debere  se  alicui,  46 
decidere,  63 
defensor,  77 
degustare,  95 
deliciae,  107 
demitigari,  79 
dependere,  65 
designati,  70 
despondere,  57,  67,  95 
devorare  spe,  98 
dicacitas,  77 
dicis  causa,  113,  114 
diem  dare,  68 
dignitas,  76 


INDEX. 


129 


discedere  a,  to6 

discessit,  62 

discessus,  93 

disputare  amanter,  123 

dissensio  ac  discidium,  107 

dissolutum,  120 

dissuasor,  85 

distineor,  81 

divinitus,  95 

divisores,  100,  113 

dodrans,  87 

dolo  malo,  5 1 

dolorem  inurere,  94 

Domitius,  L.  52,  100 

domum  reduci,  92 

domus,  98 

Doterio,  100 

dubiae  res,  119 

dum,  with  past  tense,  90 

ecquid  tantum  causae,  105 

egestas,  89 

elabi  e  manibus,  94 

elaborare,  61 

elegantiae,  64 

en  tellus!  no 

Epicurean  School,  56 

epigrammata,  103 

Epirotica,  62 

esse  ad  scribendum,  122 

exaedificata,  62 

exagitatus,  112 

excogitare,  89 

excurrere,  50 

exedrae,  64 

exerceri,  70 

exercitus  noster,  118 

exhaurire,  iii,  119 

existimatio,  48 

summa,  53 

populi,  59 

expiari,  107 
exphcare,  loS 
exponere,  57 
exprimere  aliquid,  120 
exsiUum,  96 

fabula  Caeciliana,  104 
Clodiana,  1 1 1 

mimus,  103 

facies... facetiae,  77 
facultates,  81,  106 


falsum,  96 
Favonius,  86 
fautores,  95 
fieri  pro  populo,  78 
Figulus,  C.  M.  54 
filiolus,  54 
firmamenta,  112 
firmus,  48 

fistula  pastoricia,  99 
Fonteius,  113 
forensis,  60 
Flavius,  118 
flocci  facteon,  103 
fortuito  gerere,  124 
frater  =  patruelis,  60 
fraudari,  51 
frequentari,  118 
frigere,  81 
fi-ontem  ferire,  46 
fructus,  60,  III 
Frugi,  C.  Piso,  57 
fucosae  amicitiae,  1 1 1 
fucus,  45 

Galba,  P.  S.  45 
Gallia,  50,  125 
Gallicum  bellum,  73 
germanus,  117 
gratiam  inire,  83 
gratus,  64,  81 
grex  Catilinae,  85 
gymnasium,  54 

hendiadys :  instances,  60,  74 
Herennius,  loi,  113 
Hermathena,  53 
Hermeraclae,  66 
Hilarus,  73 
hirudo  contionalis,  99 
historiae,  122 
hoc,  72 

honorum  studium,  106 
Hortensius,  85,  89 
humanitas,  60,  75 
humaniter  ferre,  54 

iam,  74,  125 

nunc,  64 

vero,  93 

Idaeus  pastor,  112 
idem,  69,  85 
idoneus,  104 


13° 


INDEX. 


immittere,  96 
immutari,  68,  120 
impetrare  nihil,  107 
implicari  amicitiis,  120 
imprudens,  120 
in  buccam  venire,  74 
in  officio  manere,  56 
inanis,  81 
includere.  80 
incommoditas,  106 
incumbere  ad,  1 18 
induci,  108,  125 
infirmus,  90 
informare,  50 
ingemere,  46 
iniquitates,  70 
inquiri  apud,  100 
insidere,  105,  iii 
insigne,  59 
instaurare,  78 
insusurrare,  120 
intercedere,  90,  93 
intercessio,  58 
intermortui,  85 
interpres,  73 
is  =  talis,  59,  109 
istim,  84 
ita...ut,  46,  120 
iucundus,  64,  81 
iudicium  constupratum,  112 
iudicum  inopia,  89 
iurare  morbum,  47 
luventatis  sacra,  112 
iuventus  delicata,  119 

lacessitus,  75 
laedere,  86 
lanista,  90 
Latinae,  -.S 
laudatio,  1 19 
lector,  74 
legati  50,  117 
legationes,  86,  115 
lentius,  nihil,  70,  113 
Lentulus,  65 

,  Cn.  Com.  117 

levitas,  124 
liber,  80 

liberare  agnim,  118 
libertinus,  73 
locatio,  107 
loci  esse,  6^ 


Lucceius,  L.  57,  64,  68 
Lucullus,  L.  L.  51,  86,  104,  112 

,  M.  104,  112 

ludus  talarius,  90 

■  gladiatorius,  93 

Lurco,  M.  Auf.  loi 
Lyceum,  64 
Lycurgei,  79 

Macer,  C.  Lie.  58 
maculosus,  90 
magister,  52 
Magnus  noster,  99,  125 
mancipio,  51 
mandare,  67 
Manlius,  T.  104 
manus  ilia,  51 
Marianae,  97 
maturitas,  52 
matutinum  tempus,  1 1 1 
maxima,  82 
mederi,  120 

medicinam  refiigere,  1 1 1 
Megarica  signa,  65 
mellitus,  11 1 
mendose  fuisse,  80 
mentionem  facere,  96,  98 
meridie  non  lucere,  47 
Messala,  M.  Val.  87 
Metellus,  Q.  80,  92,  125 
minus  commode  fieri,  103 
mire  quam,  70 
missus  est  sanguis,  98 
moderatissimus,  123 
modeste,  109 
mollis,  105 
morosus,  77 
Mucia,  73 
munusculum,  64 

Nanneiani,  93 
nefas,  78 
negare,  46 
negociator,  116 
negocium,  72,  81 
nequam,  72,  119 
nescire  quid  emerit,  1 19 
nihil  absoluti,  104 

agere  cum,  77 

esse,  119 

nobiles,  50 

Nonae  Decemb.  119 


INDEX. 


»3» 


nostri  equites,  107 
nota  et  testificata,  106 
nudus,  90 
numarii  iudices,  95 
numos  dividere,  113 
numum  movere,  70 
nuncium  remittere,  78 

obducere,  49 

obfirmatus,  69 

obire  comitia,  58 

obiurgare  senatum,  107 

observare,  52 

obtinere  religionem,  107 

offendere,  68 

omittere  provinciam,  107 

operae,  79 

operam  dare,  78 

operto,  in,  97 

oratio  perpetua,  95 

ornare,  107 

ornatissime,  83 

OS  praebere,  115 

pacificator  Allobrogum,  76 
Paetus,  L.  Pap.  125 
Palicanus,  M.  Loll.  48,  115 
Panhormi,  120 
Paris,  112 
patronus,  92,  97 
pecuniam  cogere,  73 
pedarii,  121,  125 
Peducaeus,  58,  61 

?ellectio,  75 
entelicus,  64 
percrebrescit,  46 
perdere  omnia,  93 
perhibere,  53 
perhonorificus,  77 
permittere,  with  dat.  67 
permolestus,  in 
perstringere,  84 
perversus,  86 
petitio,  45 
petiturire,  88 
Philadelphus,  70 
Philippus,  loo 
piscinae,  113 
piscinarii,  115,  119,  124 
Piso,  C.  C.  50,  76,86,  95 

,  M.  77,  87,  89 

Plancius,  Cn.  73 


Plautus,  94 

Plotialex,  115 

plumbeo  gladio,  90 

Pompeia,  78 

Pompeianum,  123 

Pompeius,  70,  73,  79 

Pomponia,  60 

pontes,  85 

Pontius,  L.  52 

populare,  118,  120,  123 

portorium  circumsectionis,  76 

possessiones,  it8 

postulatio,  91 

potestas,  69 

praepropera,  46 

praestare  manum,  5 1 

prensare,  45 

primas  deferre,  106 

princeps,  107 

pro  populo  fieri,  74 

testimonio,  89 

vectura  solvere,  56 

procurator,  58,  63 
producere,  82 
proeliari,  88 
profici,  with  dat.  46 
prolixa,  50 
promulgare,  113,  114 
pronunciare,  102 
provincia,  117 
proxime,  with  ace.  83 
Pseudo-Cato,  87 
pubHcani,  113 
publicare,  118 
pulchellus  puer,  96 
purgare  se,  121 
putealia,  67 
putidum,  81 

quaestus,  73 
quicum...quocum,  j  10 
quin,  107 

imo,  77 

Quintus  frater,  58 

quisquiliae,  94 

quod  infectum  est,  78 

Rabirius,  C.  62 
raptiin  currere,  125 
ratio,  106,  107 
ratiocinator,  73 
rationibus  conducerc,  48 


INDEX. 


recidere  in  annum,  48 
recolligi,  6i 
referre  acceptum,  83 
refrigescere,  50 
regnum  iudiciale,  47 
reiecti,  58,  114 
reiectio  iudicum,  90 
reiicere  rationem,  118 
relevare,  75 
religio,  79,  107 
relinquere,  104 
requiescere,  1 1 1 
reservare,  67 
respicere,  94 
respondere,  92 
restituere,  66 
retardari,  I'ZS 

retinere  in  possessione,  1 1 8 
revisere,  114 
Rex,  Q.  Marc.  98 
rhetorum,  75 
Rhinton,  124 
rogationem  ferre,  79,  85 
pronmlgare,  82 

sal,  75 
salus,  86 
Sallustius,  57,  68 
satis  dare,  63 

facere,  52,  118 

Satrius,  51,  52 
Saufeius,  L.  56 
Scipio,  P.  52 
scito,  109 
scrupulus,  1 1 1 
secundus,  107 
secus  dicitur,  1 2 1 
Selicius,  70 
sentina  urbis,  119 
Sequani,  117 
scrmo,  60 

Servilius,  P.  fil.  122 
servula,  74 
Siculus  ille,  1 20 
Sicyon,  76,  121,  124 
sigillata,  67 
significatio  par\'a,  loS 
Silanus,  D.  I.  48 
simul  =  simul  ac,  loi 
solitude,  III,  118 
sonitus,  84 
sors  mea,  117 


sortiri,  117 
splendor  forensis,  1 1 1 
Spongia,  94 
sponsor,  64,  68 
status  dignitatis,  123 
sub  lustrum,  116 
subesse,  66 
subodiosum,  61 
subtilius,  80 
subvenitur  rei,  107 
succedi,  70 

sunima  res  publica,  95 
summissum,  123 
Sura,  P.  Lentulus,  95 
suspiritus,  112 

tabellae,  86 

tabellarius,  70,  in 

tabulae,  92 

Tadius,  62 

tarn  en,  90 

tanti  putare,  69 

tectorium,  67 

temeritas,  107 

teneo,  61 

tense,  epistolary,  46,  104,  118 

Terentia,  70,  71 

terrae  filius,  79 

testimonium,  119 

Thalna,  94 

Thermus,  Min.  48,  54 

togula  picta,  115 

traducere,  1 1 3 

tranquillitas  temponim,  123 

Tres  Tabemae,  74 

triumphare,  gi,  125 

trudere,  99 

Tulliola,  57 

tutela  legitima,  62 

typus,  67 

unus,  45.  53 
urbanae  res,  118 
urbanus  =  civilian,  50 
usus  =  usu  capio,  62 
uti  ad  invidiam,  89 

senatu,  107 

uti  rogas,  85 

vacationes,  117 

vafer,  120 

valde  vindicare,  104 


INDEX. 


133 


Valerius,  P.    73 

varietas  voluntatis,  105 
vectigalia  nova,  1 1 8 
venditare,  88 
venustas,  95 
verecundia,  106 
verumtamen  =  5'  ovv,  66 
vexare,  113 
via  Flaminia,  49 
via  munitur,  108 
vici  et  prata,  59 
victiir.is  caesis,  75 


vilitas,  85 
vindemiolae,  67 
vituperor,  121 
Volaterrani,  n8 
voluntas  ac  iudicium,  107 

institutae  vitae,  106 

perspecta,  107 

secunda,  1 18 

voluntates,  50 

Xenocrates,  92 
xysti,  64 


INDEX   OF   GREEK   WORDS   AND   PHRASES 
IN    THE   NOTES. 


dyaird^eiv,  79 

dywi',  95 
ddvvaTov,  48 
^A/iaXOfiov,  104 
dva^oXai,  70 
dvayviiKTTi^i,  74 
dvde^]^la,  53 
dirodiwoL's,  107 
dirpaKTOTciTos,  87 
'Apeu>i  Tra^oj,  85 
tiTTtKoirepa,  80,   122 
d(pe\^CTaTos,  no 

7e»'iK£3s,  82 
yv/MvaffMSrjs,  65 

iyKUixiauTiKd,  12 1 

e^J,  45 

tXir/fEtJ',  77 
ivtvepirepevcrdfirit',  84 
e'vdvp.rjfj.aTa,  84 
tTrei  oux  Jep^ibi',  k.  t.X.  53 
iiriaTj/iiaaiai,  99 
fwi(f)wvr}iJ.aTa,  1 1 7 
?(nr€T€  vvv  p.0L,  K.r.\.  92 
Et;/xo\7rj5u;;/  Trdrpia,  66 

iffTopiKa,  121 

Kafiira!,  84 
»faTacrKfyai,  84 
Kax^KTt]^,  87 

Xtjw^oj,  83 


juaV  dpiaroKpariKwi,  82 

j'S^e  Kai  /iipwaa'  dTTLCTelv,  k.t.\. 
120 

olKeiov,  66 

vaieiv  fM^TUTa,  46 

TravTjyvpii,  82 

irain-oiTys  dperiji,  k.t.X.  88 

Trapprjala,  95 

iroXiTiKd,  rd,  79 

TToXirtKos  dvrjp  ov5^  ovap,  113 

wp68pofioi,  70 

(ToXoiK-a,  120 
(TKrj\l/ei^,  70 
^Trdprav  iXaxes,  1 24 

TavTOfiaTov  riixiZv,  72 
Tei;*:/)(s,  70,  72 
Ti's  ira.T^p'  alvTicrei,  k.t.X.  122 
TO  e7r2  T^  0ct/cTj  fivpov,  1 17 
Toxodecria,  104 

inroOeffts,  84 
VTTiljiriov,  125 
V(7T€pov  trpOTepov,  89 

(fyiX^XX-nvf^,  88 
(pCKopp-ifopa,  80 
(pi.Xoao(pr}Tiov,  103 


CAMBRIDGE:  PUINTED  BY  C  J.  CLAY  A  SONS.  AT  THE  UNIVKKSITY  PRESS. 


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Xenophon:  The  Anabasis.    With  Life.   By  Eev.  J.  F.  Macmicbael. 

i?s.  6d.  Also  in  4  separate  volumes,  l.'.  M.  ea<-h.— Book  I.  (-n-ith  Life, 
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The  Cyropaedia.    By  G.  M.  Gorham,  M.A.    3s.  6d.    Books 


I.  and  II.  Is.  6d.— Books  V.  and  VI.  Is.  tid. 
Memorabilia.    By  Percival  Frost,  M.A.     3s. 


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Aeschylus.     By  F,  A.  Paley,  M.A.,  LL.D.     2s. 

Csesar:  De  Bello  Galileo.     By  G.  Long,  M.A.     1».  6d. 

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Ciceronis  Orationes.     In  Verrem.    By  G.  Long,  M.A.    2j.6d. 

Euripides.     By  F.  A.  Paley,  M.A.,  LL.D.     3  vols.    2s.  each. 

Herodotus.     By  J.  G.  Blakesley,  B.D.     2  vols.    5s. 

Homeri  lUaa.     I.-XII.    By  F.  A.  Paley,  M.A.,  LL.D.     1».  U. 

Horatius.    By  A.  J.  Macleane,  M.A.     Is.  6d. 

Juvenal  et  Persius.    By  A.  J.  Macleane,  M.A.     Is.  6d. 

Lucretius.     By  H.  A.  J.  Munro,  M.A.     2s. 

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Terenti  Comoedias.    By  W.  Wagner,  Ph.D.    2s. 

Thucydldes.    By  J.  G.  Donaldson,  D.D.     2  vols.     4s. 

Virgilius.     By  J.  Conington,  M.A.     2s. 

Xenophontis  Expeditio  Cyri.  By  J.  F.  Macmichael,  B.A.  Is.  6i. 

Novum  Testamentum  Graece.    By  F.  H.  Scrivener,  M.A.,  D.C.L. 

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ineninon. — Per.-sae. — Eumenides. — Chocphoroe.  By  F. A.  Paley,  M. A.,  LL.D. 

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mache.—Iphij-'eiiia  in  Tauris. — Suppliccs.     By  F.  A.  Paley,  M.A.,  LL.D. 

Homer.    Iliad.    Book  1.     By  F.  A.  Paley,  M.A.,  LL.D.     Is. 

Sophocles.  Oedipus  Tyrannus. — Oedipus  Coloneus. — Antigone, 
— Electra— Ajsx.     By  F.  A.  Paley.  M.A.,  LL.D. 

Xenophon.    Anabasis.     In  6  vols.      By  J.   E.   Melhuish,  M.A., 

Assistant  Cla.ssical  Master  at  St.  Paul's  School. 

. Hellenics,  Book  II.    Bv  L.  D.  Dowdall,  M.A.,  B.D.     2.'!. 

. Hellenics.     Book  1.     By  L.  D.  Dowdall,  M.A.,  B.D. 

17"  the  jircs.i. 

Cicero.     De  Senectute,  De  Amicitia   and  Epistolas  Selectte.      By 

(1.  Long,  M.A. 
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Virgil.    Professor  Conington's  edition,  abridged  in  12  vols. 
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Corpus  i:»oetarum  Latmorum.   Edited  by  Walker.   1  vol.  8vo.  18s. 
Horace.    Quinti  Horatii  Flacci  Opera.     By  H,  A.  J.  Miinro,  M.A. 

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Lucretius.     With  Commentary  by  H.  A.  J.  Munro.    4th  Edition. 

Vols.  I.  and  II.  Introduction,  Text,  and  Notes.     18s.     Vol.  III.  Trans. 

lation.     6.S. 
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P.  Ovidii  Nasonis  Ars  Amatoria  et  Amores,     By  the  Rev. 

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Metamorphoses.   Book  XIII.  By  Chas.  Haines  Keene,  M.A. 


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Propeirtius.     Sex  Aurelii  Propertii  Carmina.     By  F.  A.  Paley,  M.A., 

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Sex  Propertii  Elegiarum.    Libri  IV.    Eecensuit  A.  Palmer, 

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Latin  Vocabularies  for  Repetition.    By  A.  M.  M.  Stedman,  M.A. 

•ind  Edition,  revised.     Fcap.  8vo.     Is.  tid. 

Easy  Latin  Passages  for  Unseen  Translation.     By  A.  M.  M. 

stedman,  M.A.     Fcap.  8vo.     Is.  6<L 
Virgil's  ^neid.     Book  I.     Abridged  from  Conington's  Edition  by 
Hcv.  J.  G.  Sheppard,  D.C.L.     With  Vocabulary  by  W.  F.  R.  Shilleto. 
Is.  6cl.  ['Now  rriiihi. 

Cassar  de  Bello  Galileo.  Books  I.,  II.  and  III.  With  Notes  by 
(reor;,'e  Long,  M.,\.,  and  Vocabulary  by  W.  F.  R.  Shilleto.    Is.  6d.  each. 

Tales  for  Latin  Prose  Composition.  With  Notes  and  vocabu- 
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A  Latin  Verse-Book.  An  Introductory  Work  on  Hexameters  and 
Pentameters.  By  the  late  Rev.  P.  F»ost,  M.A.  Now  Edition.  Fcap.  8vo. 
2s.     Key  (for  Tutors  only),  5s. 

Analeota  Grseca  Minora,  with  Introductory  Sentences,  English 

Notes,  and  a  Dictionary.    By  the  late  Rev.  P.  Frost,  M.A.     New  Edition. 
Fcap.  8vo.    2s. 
Greek  Testament  Selections.    2nd  Edition,  enlarged,  with  Notes 
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First  Latin  Lessons.     By  A.  M.  M.  Steclman.     l.^\ 
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;ui(I  SUoi-t.T  Latin  Primer.     By  A.  M.  M.  Steiiman,  M.A.     {Issued  leith  the 

consent  L.fthe  h,te  1>,:  Kennedy.)     Cvovm  8vo.  2s.  6,?. 
Miscellaneous  Latin  Exercises.     By  A.  M.  M.  Stedman,  M.A. 

Feaii.  8vo.     Is.  li,(. 

A  Latin  Primer.    By  Eev.  A.  C.  Clapin,  M.A.     Is. 

Auxilia  Latina.  A  Series  of  Progi-essive  Latin  Exercises.  By 
M. J.B.Baddeley.M.A.  Fcai).8vo.  Parti. Accidence,  .'jrd Edition, revised, 
2s.     Part  II.     4th  Edition,  revised.   2s.     Key  to  Part  II.  2s.  fid. 

Scala  Latina.  Elementary  Latin  Exercises.  By  Eev.  J.  W. 
Davis,  M.A.     New  Edition,  -nith  Vocabulary.     Fcap.  8vo.     2s.  6d. 

Passages  for  Translation  into  Latin  Prose.     By  Prof.  H.  Nettle- 
ship,  M.A.    3s.     Key  (for  Tutor.s  only),  -l.s.  (id. 
Latin   Prose   Lessons.      By  Prof.  Church,  M.A.      9th  Edition. 

Fcap.  Svo.     2s.  6d. 

Analvtioal  Latin  Exercises.  By  C.  P.  Mason,  B.A.  4th  Edit. 
Part  I.,  Is.  6d.     Part  II.,  2s.  Gd. 

By  T.  Collins,  M.A.,  Head  Master  of  the  Latin  School,  Newport, 

Salop. 
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Unseen  Papers  in  Latin  Prose  and  Verse.    With  Examination 

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■ in  Greek  Prose  and  Verse.    With  Examination  Questions. 

3rd  Etlition.     Fcap.  Svo.     3s. 
Easy  Translations  from  Nepos.  Caesar,  Cicero,  Livy,  &c.,  for 

Eetraii.slatiou  into  Latin.    With  Xotns.     2s. 
By  A.  M.  M.  Stedman,  M.A.,  Wadham  College,  Oxford. 
Latin   Examination   Papers   in    Grammar    and  Idiom.      2nd 

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By  the  Key.  P,  Fb0ST,  M.A.,  St,  John's  College,  Cambridge. 
Materials  for  Latin  Prose  Composition.     By  the  late  Eev.  P. 

Frost,  M.A.     Xew  Edition.     Fcap.  Svo.    2s.     Key  (for  Tutors  only),  is. 
Materials  for  Greek  Prose  Composition.    New  Edit.    Fcap,  Svo. 

2s.  6d.     Key  (for  Tutors  only),  5s. 
FlorLlegium  Poeticum.    Elegiac  Extracts  from  Ovid  and  Tibullue, 

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Grsecum  oonvorsse.    Svo.    Vol.  II.    4s.  6d. 
FoUorum  CenturlSB.     Select  Passages  for  Translation  into  Latin 

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Soala  Grrseca :  a  Seriesof  Elementary  Greek  Exercises.  ByEev.  J.W. 

Davis,  M.A.,  and  R.  W.  Baddeley,  M.A.    3rd  Edition.    Fcap.  8vo.    2s.  6cl. 
Greek  Verse  Composition.    Uy  G.  Preston,  M.A.     otli  Edition. 

Clown  8vo.     4s.  Gd. 
Greek  Particles  and  their  Combinationa  according  to  Attic  Usage, 

A  Short  Treatise.     By  P.  A.  Paley,  M.A.,  LL.D.     2s.  6(i. 

Rudiments  of  Attic  Construction  ana  Idiom.      By  the  Eev, 

W.  C.  Compton,  M.A.,  As.sistaut  Master  at  Uppingham  School.  3s. 
Antnologia  Grseca.  A  Selection  of  Choice  Cireek  Poetry,  with  Notes. 

By  F.  St.  John  Thackeray.  4t/i  anil  Cheapm-  Edition.  16mo.  4s.  6d. 
Authologla  Latina.     A  Selection  of  Choice  Latm  Poetry,  from 

N£B\aus  to  Boethius,  with  Notes.    By  Rev.  F.  St.  John  Thackeray,  Revised 

and  Cheaper  Edition.    16mo.    4s.  6d. 


TRANSLATIONS,  SELECTIONS,  &c. 

*^*  Many  of  the  following  books  are  well  adapted  for  School  Prizes. 

Aeaohylus.    Translated  into  English  Prose  by  F.  A.  Paley,  M.A., 

LL.D.     2nd  Edition.    8vo.    7s.  6d. 
Translated  into  English  Verse  by  Anna  Swanwick,     4th 

Edition.     Post  8vo.    5s. 
Horace.     The  Odes  and  Carmen  Sseculare.    In  English  Verse  by 

J.  Conington,  M.A.    10th  edition.    Fcap.  8vo.    5s.  6d. 

The  Satires  and  Epistles.    In  English  Verse  by  J.  Coning- 
ton, M.A.    7th  edition.    6s.  6d. 

Odes.     Englished  and  Imitated  by  various  hands.     Is.  6d. 

Plato.   Gorgias.    Translated  by  E.  M.  Cope,  M.A.    8vo.   2nd  Ed.  7s. 

Philebus.   Trans,  by  F.  A.  Paley,  M.A. ,  LL.D.   Sm.  8vo,  4s. 

Theaetetus.  Trans.  byF.  A.  Paley,M.A.,LL.D.  Sm.Svo.  4s. 

Analysisandlndexof  theDialognes.  ByDr.  Day.  PostSvo.  5s. 

Sophocles.     Oedipus  Tyrannus.     By  Dr.  Kennedy.     Is. 

The  Dramas   of.     Kendered   into  English  Verse  by  Sir 

George  Young,  Bart.,  M.A.     8vo.     12.'5.  6d. 

Theocritus.     In  English  Verse,  by  C.  S.  Calverley,   M.A.     New 

Edition,  revised.     Crown  8vo.    7s.  6d. 
Translations  into  English  and  Latin.    By  C.  S.  Calverley,  M.A. 

Post.  8vo.    7s.  6d. 
Translations  intoEnglish,  Latin,  and  Greek.  By  B.C.  Jebb,Litt.D., 

H.  Jack=on,  Litt.D.,  and  W.  E.  Currey,  M.A.     Second  Edition.    8s. 
Extracts  for  Translation.    By  R.  C.  Jebb,  Litt.  D.,  H.  Jackson, 

Litt.D.,  and  W.  E.  Currey,  M.A.     4s.  6d. 

Between  Whiles.     Translations  by  Rev.  B,  H.  Kennedy,  D.D, 

2nd  Edition,  revised.     Crown  Svo.     55; 

Sabrinae    Corolla  in  Hortulis    Regiae    Scholae    Salopiensis 

Contoxuernnt  Trps  Viri  FloriVnis  Logendis.     Fourth  Edition,  thoroughly 
Revised  and  Rearranged.     With  many  new  Pieces  and  an  Introduction. 

[_liuadij  iMiiicdUitcly. 


REFERENCE    VOLUMES. 

A  Latin  Grammar.     By  Albert  Harkness.     Post  Svo.     6.?. 
By  T.  H.  Key,  M.A.    6th  Thousand.   Post  Svo.     8s. 


A.  Short  Latin  Grammar  for  Sohooln.      By  T.  H.  Key.   M.A. 

F.H."'.     If'V.  TPfiHIoTi,     ro,i^  «'vn      1".  ri. 


George  Bell  and  Sons' 


A  Guide  to  the  Choice  of  Classical  Books.  By  J.  B.  Mayor,  M.A. 

3rd  Edition,  witli  a  Supplumentary  List.    Crown  8vo.  4s.  6d.     Supple- 
meutary  List  separately,  Is.  6d. 

The  Theatre  of  the  Greeks.    By  J.  W.  Donaldson,  D.D.    8th 

Edition.     Post  8vo.    5s. 

Keightley's  Mythology  of  Greece  and  Italy.    4th  Edition.    5«, 

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Richmond  Rules  for  the  Ovldian  Distich,  &c.  By  J.  Tate,  M.A.  Is. 

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Crown  8vo.  Is.  6ii. 

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Mason,  B.A.    2nd  Edition.     Fcap.  8vo.    2s.  6cl. 
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Elementary  Geometry  of  Conies.    By  C.  Taylor,  D.D.    (See  p.  8.) 

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Newton  s  Principia,  The  First  Three  Sections  of,  with  an  Appen- 
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Companion  to  the  Greek  Testament.  By  A.  C.  Barrett,  M.A. 
5th  Edition,  revised.    Fcap.  Svo.    5s. 

Guide  to  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  New  Testament.  By 
Rev.  E.  Miller,  M.A.     Crown  Svo.     4s. 

The  Book  of  Psalms.  A  New  Translation,  with  Introductions,  &o. 
By  the  Very  Rev.  J.  J.  Stewart  Perowue,  D.D.  Svo.  Vol.  I.  6th  Edition, 
18s.     Vol.  II.  6th  Edit.  16s. 

Abridged  for  Schools.     6th  Edition.     Crown  Svo.     10s.  &d. 

History  of  the  Articles  of  Religion.    By  C.  H.  Hard  wick.    3rd 

Edition.     Post  Svo.    5s. 

History  of  the  Creeds.     By  J.  R.  Lumby,  DD.     3rd  Edition. 
Crown  Svo.     7s.  6d. 

Pearson  on  the  Creed.  Carefully  printed  from  an  early  edition. 
With  Analysis  and  Index  by  E.  Walford,  M.A.    Post  Svo.    5s. 

Liturgies  and  Offices  of  the  Church,  for  the  Use  of  English 
iieaders,  in  Illustration  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  By  the  Rev. 
Edward  Bui-bidge,  M.A.     Crown  Svo.  9s. 

An   Historical   and  Explanatory   Treatise   on  the   Book  of 

Common  Prayer     By  Rev.  W.  ft.  Humphry,  B.D.     6th  Edition,  enlarged. 
Small  Post  Svo.  2s.  Sd.  ;  Cheap  Edition,  Is. 

A  Commentary  on  the  Gospels,  Epistles,  and  Acts  of  the 
Apostles.     By  Rev.  W.  Denton,  A.M.    New  Edition.    7  vols.  Svo.    9s.  each. 

Notes  on  the  Catechism.    By  Bt.  Eev.  Bishop  Barry.  8th  Edit. 

Fcap.    2s. 
The  Winton  Church  Catechist.    Questions  and  Answers  on  the 
Teaching-  of  the  Church  Catechism.     By  the  late  Rev.  J.  S.  B.  Monsell, 
LL.D.    4th  Edition.     Cloth,  3s. ;  or  in  Four  Parts,  sewed. 

The  Church  Teacher's  Manual  of  Chnstiaxk  Xnatrviotiou.    By 

RcT.  M.  V,  Sadler,    SStu  Thousaud,    2s.  GA. 


Educational  Works.  15 


FOREIGN    CLASSICS. 

A  Series  for  use  in  Schools,  with  English  Notes,  grammatical  and 

explanatory,  and  renderings  of  difficult  idiomatic  expressions. 

Fcap.  8vo. 

Schiller's  Wallenstein.     By  Dr.  A.  BucLheim.   5tb  Edit.     5a-. 
Or  the  Lager  and  Piccolomini,  2s.  6cl.     Wallenstein's  Tod,  2.s.  6i. 

Maid  of  Orleans.    By  Dr.  W.  Wagner.    2nd  Edit.    l.s-.  6.Z. 

Maria  Stuart.     By  V.  Kastner.     2nd  Edition.     Is.  (Jd. 

Goethe's    Hermann   and    Dorothea.      By  E.  Bell,  M.A.,   and 

B.  Wolfel.     l.s.  6d. 

German  Ballads,  from  Uliland,  Goethe,  and  Schiller.    By  C.  L. 

Bielefeld.     3rd  Edition.     Is.  6d. 
Charles  XII.,  par  Voltaire.    By  L.  Direy.     7th  Edition,     l.s'.  IJd. 

Aventures  de  T616maque,  par  F6n61on.     By  C.  J.  Delille.     4tli 

Edition.     2s.  6d. 

Select  Fables  of  La  Fontaine.  By  F.E.  A.Gasc.  18th  Edit.  Is.M. 
Piociola,  by  X.B.  Saintine.  By  Dr.Dubuc.  15th  Thousand.  Is.  &d. 
Lamartine's    Le   Tailleur   de   Pierres   de    Saint-Point.      By 

J.  Boielle,  4th  Thousand.     Fcap.  8vo.     Is.  6cl. 

ItaUan  Primer.    By  Eev.  A.  C.  Clapin,  M.A.    Fcap.  8vo.  Is. 


FRENCH    CLASS-BOOKS. 

French  Grammar  for  Public  Schools.   By  Rev.  A.  C.  Clapm,  M.A. 

Fcap.  8vo.     12th  Edition,  revised.    2.?.  6d. 
French  Primer.    By  Rev.  A.  C.  Clapin,  M.A.  Fcap.  8vo.  8th  Ed.  Is. 
Primer  of  French  Philology.     By  Rev.  A.  C.  Clapin.    Fcap.  Bvo. 

4th  Edit.     l.s. 

Le  Nouveau   Tr^sor;    or,  French  Student's    Companion.      By 

M.  E.  S.     18th  Edition.     Fcap.  8vo.     l.s.  6d. 
French  Examination  Papers   in   Miscellaneous  Grammar   and 
Idiom.s.     Compiled  by  A.  M.  M.  Stedman,  M.A.     4th  Edition.     Crown 
8vo.  2s.  6d. 

Key  to  the  above.    By  G.  A.  Schrumpf,  Univ.  of  France.    Crown 
8vo.    5«.     (For  Teacher.s  or  Private  Students  only.) 

Manual  of  French  Prosody.     By  Arthur  Gosset,  M.A.     Crown 

8vo.  3s. 

Lexicon  of  Conversational  French.      By  A.   Holloway.     3rd 
Edition.    Crown  8vo.     4s. 

I'ROF.  A.  BARRERE'S  FRENCH  COURSE. 
Elements   of   French    Grammar   and   First   Steps   in    Idiom. 

Crown  8vo.     2.s. 

Precis  of  Comparative  French  Grammar.    2nd  Edition.    Crown 

8vo.    3t).  6d. 
Junior  Graduated  French  Course,     Crown  8vo.     1«,  Qd, 


16  George  Bell  and  Sons* 

F.  E.  A.  GASC'S  FRENCH  COURSE. 

First  French  Book.    Fcap.  8vo.     106tli  Thousand.     1«. 

Second  French  Book.    47th  Thousand.     Fcap.  8vo.     Is.  6d. 

Key  to  Fii-st  and  Second  French  Books.  5th  Edit.  Fcp.  8vo.  3s.  6i. 

French  Fables  for  Beginners,  in  Prose,  with  Index.  16th  Thousand. 
12mo.     Is.  6d. 

Select  Fables  of  La  Fontaine.  18th  Thousand.  Fcap.8vo.   Is.&d. 

Histoires  Amusantes  et  Instructives.  With  Notes.  16th  Thou- 
sand.   Fcap.  8vo.    2s. 

Practical  Gmde  to  Modem  French  Conversation.   17th  Thoa- 

sanrt.     Fcap.  8vo.     Is.  (id. 

French  Poetry  for  the  Young.  With  Notes.  5th  Ed.  Fcp.  8vo.  8s, 

Materials  for  French  Prose  Composition ;  or.  Selections  from 
the  best  Ensrlish  ProRe  Writers.      19th  Thous.     Fcap.  8vo.  3s.     Key,  6s. 

Prosateurs  Contemporains.  With  Notes.  10th  Edition,  re- 
vised.    12mo.  3s.  6d. 

Le  Petit  Compagnon ;   a  French  Talk-Book  for  Little  Children. 

12th  Thousand.     16mo.     Is  CcJ. 

An  Improved  Modem  Pocket  Dictionary  of  the  French  and 

English  Lan^ages.   4."»th  Thousand.    16mo.    2s.  6tl. 

Modem  French-JEnglish  and  English-French  Dictionary.    4th 

Edition,  revised,  with  new  .supplements.     10s.  6d. 

The  ABC  Tourist's  French  Interpreter  of  all  Immediate 

Wants.    By  F.  E.  A.  Gasc.    Is. 

MODERN  FRENCH  AUTHORS. 
Edited,  with  Introductions  and-Notes,  by  James  Boielle,  Senior 

French  Master  at  Dulwich  College. 
Daudet's  La  Belle  Nivernaise.     2s.  M.    For  Beginners. 
Hugo's  Bug  Jargal.     3s.     For  Advanced  Students. 


GOMBERT'S  FRENCH  DRAMA. 

Being  a  Selection  of  the  best  Tragedies  and  Comedies  of  MoliSre, 
Racine,  Comeille,  and  Voltaire.  With  Arg^iments  and  Notes  by  A. 
Gombert.     New  Edition,  revised  by  F.  E.  A.  Gasc.    Fcap.  8vo.    Is.  each ; 

^^^^^-  ^^-  Contents. 

MoLiERE : — Le  Misanthrope.  L'Avare.  Le  Bourgeois  Gentilhomme.  Le 
Tartutfe.  Le  Malade  Imafjinaire.  Les  Femmes  Savantes.  Les  Fourberiea 
de  Scapin.  Les  Pr^cieuses  Ridicules.  L'Ecole  des  Femmes.  L'Ecole  dea 
Maris.    Le  M^decin  malcn"^  Lui. 

Racine  .— Ph^dre.  Esther.  Athalie.  Iphig^nie.  Les  Plaideura.  La 
Th^baide;  ou,  Les  Freres  Ennemis.    Andromaque.     Britannicus. 

P.  CoRNKiLLE: — Le  Cid.     Horace.     Cinna.    Polyeucte. 

Voltaire  : — Zaire. 


GERMAN    CLASS-BOOKS. 

Materials  for  German  Prose  Composition.    By  Dr.  Buchheim. 

12th  Edition,  thoroughly  revised.    Fcap.  4s.  6d.    Key,  Parts  I.  and  II.,  3s. 
Parts  III.  and  IV.,  4s. 

German  Conversation  Grammar.    By  I.  Sydow.     2nd  Edition. 
Book  I.     Etymolo^.     2s.  6d.        Book  II.     Syntax.     Is.  6d. 


Educational  Works.  17 


Wortfolge,  or  Rules  and  Exercises  on  the  Order  of  Words  in 

(xerman  Sentences.    By  Dr,  F.  Stock.    Is.  6(J. 
A  German  Grammar  for  Public  Schools.     By  the  Rev.  A.  C. 

Clapin  and  F.  Holl  Miiller.     5th  Edition.    Fcap.     2s.  6d. 
A  German  Primer,  with  Exercises.     By  Eev.  A.  C.  Clapin.    l.<!. 
Kotzebue's  Der  Gefangene.  WithNotesby  Dr.  W.  Stromberg.  l.s. 

German  Examination  Papers  in  Grammar  and  Idiom.      By 

R.  J.  Morich.    2s.  (id.     Key  for  Tutors  only,  5s. 

By  Fkz.  Lancie,  Ph.D.,  Professor    E.M.A.,  Woolwich,  Examiner 

in  German  to  the  Coll.  of  Preceptors,  and  also  at  the 

Victoria  University,  Manchester. 

A  Concise  German  Grammar.  In  Three  Parts.  Part  I.  Elc- 
iiieutiuy.   2s.  Part  II.   Intermediate.    l.<.  6d.    Part  III.  Advanced,  ;j.s.  (jri. 

German  Examination  Course.  Elementary,  'Is.  Intermediate,  2.s. 
Advanced,  Is.  6d. 

German    Reader.    Elementary.    Is.  (id.    Advanced  (in  the  presn). 


MODERN  GERMAN  SCHOOL  CLASSICS. 
Small  Crown  8vo. 
Hey's  Fabeln  Fur  Kinder.  Edited  by  Prof.  F.  Lange,  Ph.D.   Is.  6d. 
Benedix's  Dr.  Wespe.    Edited  by  F.  Lange,  Ph.D.     2s,  6d. 

Hoffinan's  Meister  Martin,  der  Kiifner.     By  Prof.  F.  Lange,  Ph.D. 

Is.  fid. 

Heyses  Hans  Lange.    By  A.   A.   Macdonell,  M.A.,  Ph.D.     2.v. 

Auerbach's  Auf  Wache,  and  Roquette"s  Der  Gefrorene  Kuss. 

By  A.  A.  Macdonell,  M.A.    2s. 
Moser  s  Der  Bibliothekar.     By  Prof.  F.  Lange,  Ph.D.     2s. 
Ebers'  Euie  Frage.     By  F.  Storr,  B.A.     2s. 
Freytag's  Die  Journahsten.     By  Prof.  F.  Lange,  Ph.D.     2s.  Gd. 
Gutzkow's  Zopf  und  Schwert.     By  Prof.  F.  Lange,  Ph.D.     2s. 
German  Epic  Tales.     Edited  by  Karl  Neuhaus,  Ph.D.    2s.  6rf. 

ENGLISH    CLASS-BOOKS. 

Comparative  Grammar  and  PhiloJogy.     By  A.  C.  Price,  M.A., 

Assistant  Master  at  Leeds  Gi'uiimiar  .Scliool.     2.s.  iid. 

The  Elements  of  the  English  Language.    By  E.  Adams,  Ph.D. 

22nd  Edition.     Post  8vo.     is.  6d. 

The    Rudiments   of   English  Grammar   and    Analysis.     By 

K.  Adams,  Ph.D.     17th  Thousand.     Fcap.  8vo.     Is. 
A  Concise  System  of  Parsing.    By  L.  E.  Adams,  B.A.     Is.  dd. 
General    Knowledge     Examination    Papers.      Compiled    by 

A.  M.  M.  Stednian,  M.A.     2s.  (id. 

Examples  for  Grammatical  Analysis  (Verse  and  Prose).  Se- 
lected, &c.,  by  F.  Edwards.    New  edition.     Cloth,  Is. 

Notes  on  Shakespeare's  Plays.  By  T.  Dull"  Barnott,  B.A. 
MiDsnMMER  Night's  Dbf.am,  Is.;  JuLins  C/t;sar,  Is.;  Hen'hy  V.,  It.; 
Tempest,  1».  ;  Macbeth,  Is.;  Merchant  or  VE^•1CK,  Is.;  Uamlet,  Id. 


18  George  Bell  and  Sons* 


By  C.  P.  Mason,  Fellow  of  Univ.  Coll.  London. 
First  Notions  of  Grammar  for  Young  Learners.     Fcap.  8vo. 

47tli  Thousand.     Cloth.    9d. 

First  Steps  in  English  Grammar  for  Junior  Classes.     Demy 

18mo.     l-(ith  Thousand.    Is. 
Outlines  of  English  Grammar  for  the  Use  of  Junior   Classes. 

71st  to  76tli  Thousand.    Crown  8vo.    2s. 
English    Grammar,  including    the    Principles  of    Grammatical 

Analysis,    olst  Edition.     125th  to  130th  Thousand.    Crown  8vo.    3s.  6d. 
Practice  and  Help  in  the  Analysis  of  Sentences.     2.';. 

A  Shorter   English    Grammar,   with  copious  Exercises.     34th 

tn  .iSth  Thousand.     Crowni  8vo.     3s.  6d. 
English  Grammar  Practice,  being  the  Exercises  separately.     Is, 

Code  Standard  Grammars.    Parts  L  and  II.,  2d.  each.    Parts  III., 
IV.,  and  v.,  3d.  each. 


Notes  of  Lessons,  tbeir  Preparation,  &c.  By  Jose  Eickard, 
Park  Lane  Board  School,  Leeds,  and  A.  H.  Taylor,  Rodley  Board 
School,  Leeds.     2nd  Edition.    Crown  8vo.  2s.  6d. 

A  SyUabio  System  of  Teaching  to  Read,  combining  the  advan- 

taiies  of  the  '  Phonic '  and  the  '  Look-and-Say '  Systems.  Crown  8vo.     Is. 

Practical  Hints  on  Teaching.  By  Eev.  J.  Menet,  M.A.  6th  Edit. 
revised.    Crown  8vo.  paper,  2s. 

How  to  Earn  the  Merit  Grant.  A  Manual  of  School  Manage- 
ment. Bv  H.  Maior,  B.A.,  B.Sc.  Part  I.  (3rd  Edit.)  Infant  School,  3s. 
Part  II.  (2nd  Edit,  revised),  4.s.     Complete,  6s. 

Test  Lessons  in  Dictation.    4tb  Edition.     Paper  cover,  I5.  6d. 

The  Botanist's  Pocket-Book.    With  a  copious  Index.    By  W.  R, 

Hayward.     6th  Edition,  revised.     Crown  8vo.  cloth  limp.    4s.  6d. 

Experimental  Chemistry,  founded  on  the  Work  of  Dr.  Stockhardt. 

By  C.  W.  Heaton.     Post  8vo.     5s. 
Lectiires  on  Musical  Analysis.     Sonata-form,  Fugue,  &c.    By 

Prof.  H.  C.  Banister.    2nd  Edition,  revised.    7s.  6d. 
Helps'   Course  of  Poetry,  for  Schools.    A  New  Selection  from 
the  English  Poets,  carefully  compiled  and  adapted  to  the  several  standards 
by  E.  A.  Helps,  one  of  H.M.  Inspectors  of  Schools. 

Book     I.     Infants  and  Standards  I.  and  II.    134  pp.  small  8vo.    9d, 
Book    II.     Standards  III.  and  IV.     224  pp.  crown  8vo.    Is.  6d. 
Book  III.     Standards  V.,  VI.,  and  VII.     352  pp.  post  8vo.    2s. 
Or  in   PARTS.     Infanfs,   2d. ;    Standard  L,  2d. ;   Standard  II.,  2d. 
Standard  III.,  4d. 
Picture   School-Books.     In  Simple   Language,  with  numerous 
Illnsfrations.     Royal  16mo. 
The  Infant's  Primer.    3d. — School  Primer.    6d. — School   Reader.     By  J. 
TiUeard.     Is.— Poetry  Book  for  Schools.     Is.— The  Life  of  Joseph.     ]  s.— Tho 
.Scrii)ture  Parables.     By  the  Rev.  J.  E.  Clarke.     Is. — Tho  Scripture  Miracles. 
By  the  Rev.  J.  E.  Clarke.    Is.— The  New  Testament  Histoiy.     By  the  Rev. 
.1.  a.  Wood,  M.A.    Is.— The  Old  Testament    History.     By  the  Rev.  J.  G. 
Wood,  M.A.     lo.— The  Life   of  Martin  Luther.     By  Sarah  Crompton.     Is. 


Educational  Worka. 


19 


BOOKS  FOR  YOUNG   READERS. 

A  Scrie-t  of  Reading  Books  designed  to  facilitate  the  aequisition  of  the  power 
of  Reading  hy  very  young  Children.    JnW  vols,  limp  cloth,  6d,  each. 
Those  with  an  asterisk  have  a  Frontispiece  or  otlicr  Illustrations. 
*The  Old  Boathouse.   Bell  and  Fan;  or,  A  Cold  Dip.  \ 
*Tot  and  the  Cat.    A  Bit  of  Cake.    The  Jay.    The 

Black  Hen's  Nest.    Tom  anrl  Ned.    Mrs.  Bee.  1  SvUnhU 


*The  Cat  and  the  Hen.    Sam  and  his  Dog  Redleg. 

Bob  and  Tom  Lee.     A  Wreck. 

*The  New-bom  Lamb.    The  Rosewood  Box.    Poor 
Fan.    Sheep  Dog. 

*The  Two  Parrots.     A  Tale  of  the  Jubilee.     By  M.  E,  \ 
Wintle.    9  Ilhistratious.  ' 

*The  Story  of  Three  Monkeys. 

*  Story  of  a  Cat.     Told  by  Herself. 

The  Blind  Boy.     The  Mute  Girl.     A  New  Tale  of 

Babes  in  a  Wood. 

The  Dey  and  the  Knight.     The  New  Bank  Note. 

The  Royal  Visit.    A  King's  Walk  on  a  Winter's  Day. 

*  Queen  Bee  and  Busy  Bee. 

*  Gull's  Crag. 

*  A  First  Book  of  Geography.  By  the  Eev.  C.  A.  Johns. 

Illustrated.     Double  size,  Is. 

Syllabic  Spelling. 

standard  I.,  3d. 


for 
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By  C.  Barton.     In  Two  Parts.     Infants,  3r/. 


GEOGEAPHICAL  SERIES.     By  M.  J.  Bakrington  Ward,  JI.A. 
Wit  It  lUustratiuns. 

Thr  Map  and   thf;  Compass.     A  Eeading-Book  of  Geography. 

I'oi-  standard  I.     New  Edition,  revised.     Hd.  cloth. 
The    Round    World.      A  Reading-Book  of  Geography.       For 

standard  II.     lOd. 

About  England.     A  Reading  Book  of  Geography  for  Standard 

Til.  |7;i  / ftc  )iri'.v.<!. 

The  Child's  Geography.     For  the  Use  of  Schools  and  for  llome 

Tuition.     Hd . 

The  Child's  Geography  of  England.  With  Introductory  Exor- 
cises on  the  Bi-itish  Isles  and  Kmpire,  with  Questions.  2.s.  Gd.  Witliout 
Questions,  2.s. 

Geography  Examination  Papers.  (Sec  History  and  Geography 
Papers,  p.  IJ.) 


20       George  Bell  and  Sons'  Educational  Works. 


Suitable 

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BELL'S   READING-BOOKS. 

FOR    SCHOOLS    AND    PAROCHIAL    LIBRARIES. 
Now  Ready.  PostSvo.   Strongly  hound  in  cloth,  Is.  each, 

♦Life  of  Columbus. 

♦O-rimm's  German  Tales.    (Selected.) 

♦Andersen's  Danish  Tales.    Illustrated.    (Selected.) 

Great  Englishmen.     Short  Lives  for  Young  Children. 

Great  Englishwomen.     Short  Lives  of. 

Great  Scotsmen.     Short  Lives  of. 
*Masterman  Ready.  ByCapt.  Marryat.  lUus.  (Abgd.) 
*Poor  Jack.     By  Capt.  Marryat,  K.N.     (Abridged.) 

♦Scott's  Tahsman.     (Abridged.) 

♦Friends  in  Fur  and  Feathers.    By  Gwynfryn. 

♦Poor  Jack.     By  Captain  Marryat,  E.N.     Abgd. 

Parables  from  Nature.    (Selected.)    By  Mrs.  Gatty. 

Lamb's  Tales  from  Shakespeare.    (Selected.) 

Edgeworth's  Tales.     (A  Selection.) 
♦Gulliver's  Travels.    (Abridged.) 
♦Robinson  Crusoe.     Illustrated. 
♦Arabian  Nights.    (A  Selection  Rewritten.) 

♦Dickens's  Little  Nell.    Abridged  from  the  '  The  Old 

Cm-iosity  Shop.' 
♦The  "Vicar  of  Wakefield. 
♦Settlers  in  Canada.    By  Capt.  Marryat.    (Abridged.) 

Marie :  Glimpses  of  Life  in  France.  By  A.  R.  Ellis. 

Poetry  for  Boys.     Selected  by  D.  Munro. 
♦Southey's  Life  of  Nelson.     (Abridged.) 
♦Life  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  withMapsandPlans. 
♦Sir  Roger  de  Coverley  and  other  Essays  from  the 

Spectator. 

Tales  of  the  Coast.    By  J.  Runciman. 

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Shakespeare's    Plays.     Kemble's  Reading  Edition.     With  Ex- 
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