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Full text of "Letters to Atticus, Book I; with notes and an essay on the character of the author"

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(late of trinity college), 

fellow of st catharine's college, cambridge. 


©ambriljge : 



The following text has been formed by a careful 
comparison of the editions of Schiitz, Ernesti, 
Klotz, Nobbe and Boot. In some of the more 
important letters I am indebted likewise to Mat- 
thiae and the more recent edition of Mr Watson. 
In respect to the notes, if in any case I have 
borrowed without an acknowledgment, I have 
done so only when it was impossible to verify 
the actual author from the many who had adopted 
his results at second-hand. For the arrangement 
of the letters I should much have preferred the 
chronological order of Schiitz, but, though indis- 
pensable if the edition had been a complete one, 
it would have been of little real advantage in 
editing a fragment like the present. 

My best thanks are due to Mr W, W. Radcliffe, 
Fellow of King's College, for his kindness in un- 
dertaking to revise the sheets for the Press. 


One word in conclusion on the vexed ques- 
tion of translations. If a schoolboy is sufficiently- 
advanced to be reading Cicero's Letters, he is past 
the stage at which his scholarship will be injured 
by a bad translation, while his style may gain 
much from a good one. Accordingly for the 
amount of translation contained in the notes I 
offer no apology : for its shortcomings as a trans- 
lation, many. 

It is also my hope that the more continuous 
passages may be found available for teaching 
Latin Prose by the only sure method, that of 

St Catharine's College, 
January, 1873. 


A biography of Cicero is no desideratum, 
when such authorities on the subject as 
Mommsen, Merivale and Forsyth are acces- 
sible to every schoolboy: but on the ques- 
tion of his character, there seems as little 
prospect as ever of a unanimous verdict, and, 
while this is so, an editor can scarcely do 
otherwise than range himself with one or 
other of the two contending parties. My 
own opinion, formed at school under circum- 
stances and teaching the least likely to foster 
it, that Cicero's character is a weak and a 
selfish one, has only been confirmed by a 
more careful study of his works: nor can I 
read the panegyrics which have been lavished 
upon him without a real feeling of surprise 
that such scanty materials should have been 
found sufficient for the construction of this 
gigantic idol. In their judgment of this one 
man, his critics have tacitly ignored the ordi- 
nary canons by which men measure goodness, 
justice and the like, and, in their desire to 
do him honour, have invented an arbitrary 
interpretation for the most negative and com- 
monplace characteristics. Words and actions 
the most trivial and the most unfrequent 
are thrown out in strong relief, and quoted 
triumphantly in support of his character : 


while glimpses of affection for a son, a daugh- 
ter, or a friend, — sufficiently rare if we consider 
the circumstances, and, if they were twice as 
numerous, still not peculiar to Cicero, — are 
appealed to as evincing extraordinary good- 
ness of heart. In a word, on the strength of 
a few isolated passages we are required to 
silence what I venture to say is, in nine 
cases out of ten, the primary conviction of 
the reader, that these are the records of a 
man who in his private relations was vain, 
selfish and unaffectionate, and in his public 
life a weak and unprincipled time-server. 

Neither can I give in my adherence to a 
dictum often quoted by his admirers, that 
so large a correspondence as that left by 
Cicero is a hard test by which to regulate 
our judgment of a man's life and character. 
The question is at all events a debateable 
one, even as regards his public life, for many 
an act of political scheming might gain rather 
than lose by an insight into the motives 
which actuated it. That Cicero's politics 
rarely do gain by the light thus thrown upon 
them, is, I take it, strong testimony that the 
motives which inspired them were unworthy 
rather than the reverse, ambitious and self- 
interested rather than pure and patriotic. 
On the other hand I am certain that to a 
man of ordinary goodness and kindness of 
heart, the loss, if any, to his political repu- 
tation by the publication of his private cor- 
respondence would be more than counter- 
balanced by the pleasant kindly traits of 
character which could hardly fail to betray 
themselves in his moments of unreserve. This 
test I shall presently apply to our author, 
with what results I leave the reader to de- 


Of actual immorality, nothing, in so far 
as I know, can be proved against Cicero, a 
fact which I should be tempted- to ascribe in 
some measure to the want of force in his 
character, whether for good or evil. More 
probably it arose from a regard for his own 
dignity, and, if so, it is the most praise- 
worthy product of that self-love which meets 
us at every turn in his character. 

It cannot at any rate have been due to 
principle or conscientiousness on his part, 
when we see the easy terms on which he 
could temporize with vice in others, and 
how eagerly he coveted the friendship of 
men the most profligate and the most un- 
scrupulous \ thereby affording an indirect 
encouragement to vice for which even his 
warmest admirers must hold him responsible. 
To account for the contrary view, which till 
quite recently has held its ground, I can 
only suggest the force of tradition, and the 
sympathy which is so naturally excited in 
his favour by the malice of his enemies and 
his untimely death. 

But it is time to proceed to more direct m^z-omicai 
charges, amongst which let me notice in the '""""''^^''^ 
first place the count of political immorality ; 
by which I am far from implying that we 
shall detect him in any flagrant act of crimi- 
nality, such as now and again proves a fatal 
blemish to an otherwise fair reputation. For 
instance, though lavish in his expenditure 
to a fault, he was not avaricious, and in the 
case of his provincial administration his con- 
duct appears to have been in marked contrast 
with the extortionate proceedings of most of 

^ In addition to tlie more flagrant case of Antonius this is 
also true of his relations with Crassus {ad Alt. 1. 14. 4),Clodius 
(adAti. II. I. 5), and others of the same class {ad Ait. i. 19. 8). 


the Roman officials. But, granting this, he 
had yet nothing of the high principle which 
was so conspicuous in Cato and Catulus, to 
keep him straight amidst a mass of conflicting 
interests, and, as a consequence, he was per- 
petually betrayed into a time-serving policy 
utterly unworthy of himself and most preju- 
asshew-nby dicial to his influence for good. Nothing 
in the /n- illustrates this fact more clearly than his 
al'jius,"'^ conduct throughout the Clodian prosecution. 
Having set the matter in motion he is alarmed 
the next moment at the probable conse- 
quences, and would gladly have compromised 
it, had compromise been possible. Failing 
which, he drops quietly out of the case, and 
leaves the real work of the prosecution to be 
undertaken by Cato, Cornificius and others, 
himself the while looking on. It is useless 
for Abeken to plead in his defence that 'he 
could not take in a case at once,' when we 
have his own express statement that his 
conduct was the result of premeditation'. 
More than this he appreciated, no one better, 
the real crises of the prosecution, to the first 
of which he alludes in a passage of the 
fourteenth letter^, while on the second and far 
more important occasion, when Hortensius 
proposed his scheme for the reconstitution of 
the court^, Cicero kept a resolute silence, though 
taking credit to himself for having foreseen 

^ Cf. ad Alt. I. 13. 3 nosmet ipsi, qrii Lycio-gei a priticipio 
fiiissemus^ quotidie dcmitiganiin-. 

^ ad Att. I. 14. 5 tabcllae ministrabantur ita ut nulla dare- 
tur UTI ROCAS. Hie tibi rostra Cato advolat, conziciutn Pisoni 
considi mirificnm facit : si id est convicium, vox plena gravi- 
talis, plena auctoritatis, plena deniqiie salutis. 

* ad Att. I. 16. 2 posteaqitam vei-o Hortensius excogitavit ut 

legem de religione Fiifiiis trilmnus plebis ferret contraxi vela 

perspiciens inopiani iiidieum, neqtie dixi qnidqiiam pro testi- 
monio, nisi quod erat ita notum atque testatum tit non possem 


from the first its fatal tendency. It is scarcely 
too much to say that a bold speech at this 
moment in defence of the original measure 
would have altered his own future, and per- 
haps even the future of Rome. But instead 
of this he temporized with every party in 
turn, till the case had slipped out of his 
hands : immediately after which he launched 
out into idle invective, every word of which 
made him an enemy for life, while it was 
utterly ineffective in recovering the confi- 
dence of his friends. 

In this case at any rate it was not from 
a want of prescience that he erred — for he 
foresaw the issue: nor yet from a want of 
courage — for he was courageous enough when 
courage was useless: but simply and solely 
from a want of principle. Having no high 
standard of right to which to refer his actions 
he cringed to each party in succession, till he 
had so tied his hands with conflicting obliga- 
tions that he could only sit down in silence 
and see the maze unravel itself by agencies 
over which he had lost the control. And the in the case 
story repeats itself in the case of the knights ^„Lr^ 
of Asia and the bribery commissions \ on both Xhe"?^^',^;- 
of which occasions the conduct of Cato is in cfuiu-s aud 
splendid contrast with his own, and again in cltulna, 
the trials of Macer^ Catilina' and Antonius', S«.«'!' 
all of which are so many additional proofs 
that interest and not principle formed the 
standard of his actions. 

' ad Att. II. t. 8 quid verius quant in iudicium venire, 
qui ob rem iudicandam pecuniatfi accepent ? censuit hoc Cato : 
assensii setiatus. cquitcs curiae bellum, non viihi: nam ego 
dissensi. quid impudentius publico nis renuntiantibus? fuit 
tamen, retinendi ordinis causa, facienda iactura. restitit et 
pervicit Cato. 

2 ad Att. I. 4. 1. 2 ad Att. I. i. r. 

•* ad Att. I. 12. 2. 


Neither can it be said that he was averse 
to bribes, when offered in the shape of office*, 
for of money and houses he had enough and 
to spare. His shortcomings on this head 
have, I know, been excused on the ground of 
precedent and the usage of the times: another 
plea with which I have but httle sympathy, 
for the times were not so destitute of good 
examples as it is the fashion to suppose: 
while, if he is to justify the praise of his ad- 
mirers, he must be proved to have led, rather 
than to have followed, the multitude. 

May I take it for granted that the above 
examples have at any rate proved this fact, 
that Cicero was unscrupulous in the use of his 
means? The question follows, what was the 
ultimate aim and object for which he was 
content to sacrifice honour and self-respect? 
His immediate object in dropping the Clodian 
prosecution was unquestionably and by his 
own admission^ to prevent at any cost the 
disunion of the optimates and the collapse of 
the existing government. We have therefore 
only to determine whether his ulterior motive 
was a patriotic or a self-interested one. 
Self-interest Taking as I do the worse view of his cha- 
prrndpie'^of ractcr, my object will be to prove, if possible, 
his life, ^-j-j^t; \-yQ foresaw throughout the doom of the 
existing administration and appreciated its 
worthlessness and corruption, yet continued 
notwithstanding to give it his most unquali- 
fied support for two reasons, (i) because he con- 
sidered it the best field for the display of his 
powers, and (ii) because he wanted time to 
forecast the future and to shape his own 
conduct accordingly. This view of his cha- 
racter, which is as old as the time of Dio 

1 ad Att. II. i8. 3, and again ii. 5. 2. 
'^adAtt. II. I. 8. 

OF CICERO. xiii 

Cassius\ is in part adopted by Mr Merivale in 
the preface to his Life of Cicero, from which 
I may be pardoned for quoting the following 
passage: 'It is humiliating to the pretensions 
of human genius, but it not the less becomes 
us to acknowledge it, that after all his efforts 
to purge his mental vision of the films of 
prejudice, Cicero was blind to the real fact, 
that his devotion to the commonwealth was 
grounded not so much upon his conviction of 
its actual merits, as of its fitness for the dis- 
play of his own abilities.' 

Of the correctness of the above view the 
following I think are proofs : 

(i) His sclf-cons:ratidatioii' at the increase ^ ^^.^"'" 

r 1 • 1 • r 1 r • 1 ^ , by his own 

of his own popularity from the failure of the statement, 
Clodian prosecution, a miscarriage of justice 
which in the next letter but one he recognises 
as the death-blow of the commonwealth^ 

(ii) His conduct in exile, which is to me ^v '^'.^ «^°"- 
inexplicable except on the one supposition 
that he had been throughout his life working 
for himself and not for his country, and, as 
in the days of his prosperity he had thought 
and spoken of the republic only in reference 
to himself and his consulship, so when his 
reverses came upon him his concern for its 
dissolution was swallowed up in a purely self- 
ish sorrow for himself and his losses. 

(iii) His fj'icndship zvitJi Poinpeius, in con- ^",<^ \y '^'^ 

• • 1 1 ■ 1 1 11 1 11 relations 

nection with which we shall do well to re- with Pon- 
member the foUowinsf facts : — that it was ^'^'"^' 

^ Dio Cass. XXXVI. 25, a passasje of which Mr Merivale 
gives the following translation: '[Cicero] was a mere time- 
server and passed now to one side now to the other in order to 
curry favour alternately with each.' There is nothing more 
extraordinary than the deliberate way in which the verdict of 
antiquity on Cicero's character has been habitually ignored. 

^ ad An. r. 16. II. 

^ ad Alt. I. 16. 6, and again I. 18. 3. 


closely preceded by the bitterest enmity to- 
wards him: that it had its origin in a period 
when even the least practised eye must have 
seen that no one man could any longer save 
the republic, and that Cicero acknowledges 
the fact in the very letters in which he con- 
gratulates himself on having secured Pompeius 
as his patron: that he was clearly heartbroken 
at the downfall of this friend \ yet was at the 
same time able to use the most temperate 
language over the ruin of the commonwealth^ 
nay even to congratulate himself that the 
claims of Pompeius with posterity would no 
longer outweigh his own I In a word, I cannot 
believe that he was induced to court Pompeius 
in preference to Caesar, or Cato, or Clodius, 
by any motive except self-interest and a mis- 
taken idea that he was the man of the future, 
for he knew his character* and his aims^ 
while of faith in his political professions, under 
cover of which the alliance between them was 
formed, Cicero by his own admission had 
little or none. Even Abeken admits that the 
conduct of Pompeius 'ought to have opened 
the eyes of every unprejudiced person,' while, 
as regards his own motives, Cicero is suffi- 
ciently explicit in the following passages : 
'sed iaviai, qnoiiiam ista sunt infinna, niunitur 
quacdmn nobis ad rctincndas opes nostras titta, 
lit spero, via, quani tibi litteris satis explicare 
non possinn; significatione parva ostcndani ta- 
vien. ntor Povipcio faviiliarissinie (I. 17. 10), 
and again: piitavi milii maiores quasdam opes 

1 ad Alt. II. 21. 3. 

' ad Alt. u. 21. 2. and II. 9 i festive, niihi crede, et minore 
sonitu quani putaram orbis hie in reptiblica est conversus, 
^ ad Att. II. 17, 1. 

* ad Ait. I. 13. 4, ajid again I. 20. 2. 
^ ad Att. II. 17. I. 


et firmiora praesidia esse quaerenda (l. 19. 7), 
and again : si vcro quae de me pacta sunt ea 
11071 servautur, in caelo sum, ut sciat hie noster 
Hierosofymarius traductor ad plebcm quam 
bonam mcis putissimis orationibus gratiani 
retulerit (ll. 9. i). 

Supposing the above to be a true expla- 
nation of his conduct, then the one fatal mis- 
take of his life was made when he swore 
allegiance to Pompeius instead of to Caesar: 
a mistake which must have cost him many- 
pangs as he dallied in turn with the offer of 
of a legation (ll. 18. 3) and an augurship (ll. 
5. 2)\with the dread before his eyes of what 
posterity six hundred years later would say 
if he adventured this last and most shameless 
transfer of his allegiance (II. 5. i). 

On his incapacity as a statesman there His in- 
is little need to dwell at length, for the fact aTtatesman 
is generally admitted, and some of its more hisC^n^V 
prominent features have already been inci->''"'^''''' 

1 11 Ml 1 1 • r . . his want 

dentally illustrated, e. g. his want 01 prevision of tact, 
in the selection of Pompeius as the man of 
the future, and his want of tact in the use- 
less exasperation of a triumphant foe. Of hiszWow- 
his inconsistency in politics the present book "^'^"^■^'' 
supplies us with two striking examples : the 
first in the case of the Clodian trial, when to 
the announcement of his own irresolution he 
appends the remarkable words, ' In a word, I 
am afraid that this outrage neglected by the 
well disposed and upheld by the vicious will 
prove a fertile source of disasters to the state:' 
the next when he comments with great bit- 
terness on the collapse of a bribery bill^ 
totally ignoring the fact that it was owing to 

^ quo qiiidem ujio ab istis cafi fossttm. 

^ ad Att. I. ]8. 3 facto senatus considto de ambitii, de 
iudkiis : nulla lex poiata. 


his own determined opposition that the mea- 
sure in question had never become law. 
and his But it is to his indecision, which was 

III e.uioit. ^^j^j^ j^jj^ ^l^g j.^^^ rather than the exception, 

that his failure as a politician is mainly to be 
attributed. In the suppression of the Cati- 
linarian conspiracy, to which his friends so 
triumphantly appeal, it will be necessary to 
bear in mind two facts, (i) that it happened 
at an early stage of his political career when 
his interests were less conflicting, and his 
path consequently more clear : (2) that we 
have after all little else than his own account 
of the transaction, for the speeches of Crassus 
and Pompeius and his other admirers in the 
senate are so clearly self-interested as to be 
almost grotesque in their extravagance and 
utterly worthless as evidence. But, in what- 
ever light we may regard his services on this 
particular occasion, the fact remains the same, 
that his politics as a rule were characterised 
by habitual indecision — the result, it may be, 
of natural weakness of character bewildered by 
the conflicting interests of a selfish ambition 
— and it was this more than anything else 
which alienated his friends and in the end left 
him in almost total isolation. Whatever his 
ultimate object may have been, it is at any 
rate certain that he had never formed a defi- 
nite plan for its attainment, and having no 
policy he had soon as a consequence no 
party. The men of action on the other hand, 
as for instance Caesar and Pompeius, were 
daily adding to the number of their followers. 
Even Cato the most uncompromising, and 
Clodius the most unprincipled, of men were 
not without their partisans. Cicero alone had 
no adherents on whom he could rely, though 
at the outset of his political career numbers 

OF CICERO. xvii 

were unquestionably predisposed in his favour 
by the popularity of his cause. But this 
promise was soon belied, and they left him 
to strengthen other factions when all clue 
to his conduct was lost in a maze of in- 
consistency and vacillation. Reactions it is 
true at times took place in his favour, [con- 
ciirsus or rallymgs is his own expression), ac- 
cording as he gave glimpses of a more manly 
and straightforward policy, but, often as these 
were repeated, I cannot accept them as evi- 
dence that he had secured any lasting hold 
on the affections even of a iew. In every 
single instance we can trace, I think, the 
signs of a momentary admiration, oftener still 
of interested motives, but never a symptom 
of that steady unwavering confidence by which 
alone a man of Cicero's temperament could 
have been nerved for any sustained effort. 

A friendly critic^ has summed up the nu vanUv 
character of Cicero in these words : ' Nor can «"j-i m hts' 
we wonder, however much we may lament it, {^[timi's^ wlih 
that in times so corrupt as these even Cicero Atticusanu 
should not have been altogether free from " 
prevalent errors and defects. His early con- 
nection with Catilina has been already no- 
ticed, and the compact not less discreditable 
which existed apparently between him and 
Antonius, as likewise his defence of that 
worthless man who had committed such il- 
legal acts in Macedonia. We are surprised 
also at the lukewarmness he at first'^ (!) mani- 
fested in the case of Clodius : nor finally can 
we fail to be struck with the conscious pride 
and satisfaction, deserving no better name 

^ Alieken. 

^ The note of admiration is my own. I iiave already quoted 
the words of Cicero : ' nosmet ipsi, qui Lycurgei a principio 
fuissemus, quotidie demitigamur.' 

P. C. 2 


than vanity, which obtrudes itself upon us in 
many passages of his letters.' 

With the criticism so far I am of course 
altogether agreed, for the bitterest enemy of 
Cicero could not have summed up his political 
offences in a more brief and telling catalogue. 
But to the defence which the writer proceeds 
to set up, if defence it can be called, I take the 
strongest possible exception. ' On the other 
hand (he says) our reprobation of these 
failings is in a great measure softened by the 
candour and freedom with which he discusses 
all his concerns with his friend.' 

Even if the assumption be true on which 
our allowance is claimed, the claim at any 
rate is inadmissible in Cicero's case, whose 
egotism is not of a character to be excused 
on these grounds. When I see how entirely 
his correspondence with Atticus is leavened 
with vanity, far from finding any excuse in 
the fact, I can only argue how deeply the 
vice must have been engrained in his nature 
when it finds expression in his letters to a 
most intimate friend, the very last place in the 
world where one would expect it to appear. 
For in the intercourse with a friend, who 
knows your every thought, self-assertion 
should naturally find no place, and it is in- 
veterate vanity indeed that will still declare 
itself when the motive for so doing has ceased 
to exist. On the other hand, if a man has 
any unselfishness in his disposition it will 
nowhere more certainly appear than in a 
familiar correspondence of this kind. Un- 
fortunately the passages in which Cicero 
shows a really disinterested affection as dis- 
tinct from the merely formal compliments in 
use between acquaintances are wonderfully 
few and far between. Else why quote iso- 


lated examples, as his admirers do, of a 
feeling which, to be worth anything, ought to 
constitute the tone of the entire correspond- 
ence ? For instance, the editors are loud in 
their praise of his affection for his brother and 
his daughter, and of the sorrow he displays 
at the death of an intimate companion. But 
surely there is nothing specially characteristic 
of Cicero in these feelings, which we may 
fairly assume to have been not altogether un- 
known to men like Catilina and Clodius. 

On the other hand there are at least three 
passages^ in this book alone, in which such 
a feeling is only conspicuous by its absence; 
and, even when these have been explained 
away, the whole tone of the letters is self- 
ish still. Nine tenths of the book are occu- 
pied with himself and his own concerns. 
With the exception of Atticus, no one, save 
the two or three persons to whom I have 
already alluded, is mentioned with any de- 
gree of interest, and in the management of 
the one important concern with which he had 
been entrusted by Atticus he is dilatory and 
neglectful, and at last dismisses it from his 
mind with an unsympathising comment ^ 
And as regards affection for his friend, I can 
see little signs of it beyond the usual stereo- 
typed commonplaces : and that Atticus felt 
the omission is plain from the very remark- 
able passage at the commencement of Ep. 
XVII., which, so far from being an honest 
exhibition of feeling, is no better than a vote 
of confidence delivered at the pressing re- 
quest of his friend. (Cf. § 7 of the letter in 

^ Ep. VI. 2 if we accept the reading decessit, Ep. XI. i, 
and Ep. xvii. 7. 

2 sedhaec aut sanabuntur qiuim veneris^ ant ei molesla erunt 
in utro culpa erit. 

2 — 2 


question.) But the most significant fact of 
all is that throughout these sixteen books of 
letters we are kept in almost total ignorance 
of Atticus and his concerns. I should scarce- 
ly have thought it possible to write four let- 
ters, much less four hundred, to a' friend in 
whom one was deeply interested, without in- 
troducing questions and allusions which would 
have enabled the reader in some degree to pic- 
ture to himself his occupation and habits. On 
the part of Atticus at any rate there was no 
such want of sympathy, as may be gathered 
from the pointed questions in reference to 
his friend's doings, which are noticed and 
answered by Cicero in almost every letter. 
But on the other side there is certainly no 
response of sympathy. The allusions of 
Cicero to his friend's occupations are of the 
most meagre and unsatisfactory kind, shuffled 
as a rule into three or four lines at the end 
of a letter, and \\ ithal so devoid of interest 
that to the end of the chapter Atticus is little 
else to the reader than an epistolary dummy, 
on which are hung the trophies of Cicero's 
life. If this view of his character be the cor- 
rect one, we are at no loss to account for 
his own statement, that, with the exception 
of Atticus, he had no real friend. And in 
this lay one of the great secrets of his weak- 
ness, for it is most certain that no man ever 
needed them more. Cicero was not one who 
could mark out his path and pursue it inde- 
pendently of counsel and advice. Even in 
these letters we see at every turn the child- 
like reliance he places on the discretion and 
foresight of Atticus, and can gather that his 
was beyond question a character which the 
devotion of a few true friends might have 


strengthened to do great things, and which, 
for lack of them, was in its political aspect 

Failure, crowning failure, failure from end to end. 

One word in conclusion on the aim of the 
foregoing pages. . To have attempted to 
prove my point by an examination in detail 
of Cicero's life and writings would have been 
clearly beyond the scope of the present 
edition, which deals with a fragment only of 
his works. It would also have been foreign 
to my purpose, which was not so much to 
supplement and rearrange the existing ma- 
terials, as to modify if possible the conclu- 
sions which are usually drawn from them, as 
they are already supplied to us by the author 
himself and by any one of his numerous 
biographers. Cases in which he sacrificed 
truth and honesty to the interests of a party, 
or of an individual, could be multiplied out 
of the letters ad infinitum, but to what end .-' 
The few I have selected as typical from the 
present book will prove as conclusively as 
a thousand that in his eyes morality was 
secondary to expedience : and, if the plan of 
this edition has prevented me from noticing 
some points which might have told in his 
favour, it has at least prevented me from dwel- 
ling on that portion of his life, which is of all 
others the one most difficult to be excused 
or palliated, I mean his relations with Caesar 
and his unseemly exultation at his death. 
In this, as in the other crises of his life, the 
difficulties of his position may be allowed to 
extenuate his failings, but not to exalt his 


failings into virtues : and what I most earn- 
estly desire to combat is the special pleading 
of Abeken and others, which, while it admits 
that he was a vain and immoral statesman, 
can yet attempt to excuse all this on the 
shallowest of pleas and to elevate him anew 
to the position of a hero and a patriot. For 
myself, with the exception of his mar\'ellous 
powers as an orator and writer, I can, I con- 
fess, see little in our author to command our 
admiration or respect. 


{Romae. Cotta, Torqiiato coss. 689.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Petitionis nostrae, quam tibi summae curae 
esse scio, huius modi ratio est, quod adhuc coniec- 
tura provided possit. prensat unus P. Galba. sine 
fuco ac fallaciis, more maiorum, negatur. ut opinio 
est hominum, non aliena rationi nostrae fuit illius 
haec praepropera prensatio. nam illi ita negant 
vulgo, ut mihi se debere dicant. ita quiddam spero 
nobis profici, quum hoc percrebrescit, plurimos 
nostros amicos inveniri. nos autem initium pren- 
sandi facere cogitaramus eo ipso tempore, quo 
tuum puerum cum his litteris proficisci Cincius 
dicebat, in campo, comitiis tribuniciis, a. d. XVI 
Kalend. Sext. competitores, qui certi esse vide- 
antur, Galba et Antonius et Q. Cornificius. puto 
te in hoc aut risisse aut ingemuisse. ut frontem 
ferias, sunt qui etiam Caesonium putent. Aquilium 
non arbitramur, qui denegat et iuravit morbum et 
illud suura regnum iudiciale opposuit. Catilina, si 
iudicatum erit meridie non lucere, certus erit com- 
petitor, de Auli filio et Palicano non puto te 
exspectare dum scribam. 2. de iis, qui nunc pe- 
tunt, Caesar certus putatur. Thermus cum Silano 
contendere existimatur: qui sic inopes et ab amicis 
et existimatione sunt, ut mihi videatur non esse 
tihvvarov Curium obducere. scd hoc praeter me 


nemini vicletur. nostris rationibus maxime condu- 
cere videtur Thermum fieri cum Caesare. nemo 
est enim ex iis, qui nunc petunt, qui si in nostrum 
annum reciderit firmior candidatus fore videatur, 
propterea quod curator est viae Flaminiae, quae 
tunc erit absoluta. fsane facile et libenter eum cum 
Caesare consulem factum viderim. petitorum haec 
est adhuc informata cogitatio. nos in omni munere 
candidatorio fungendo summam adhibebimus dili- 
gentiam et fortasse, quoniam videtur in suffragiis 
multum posse Gallia, quum Romae a iudiciis forum 
refrixerit, excurremus mense Septembri legati ad 
Pisonem, ut lanuario revertamur. quum perspexero 
voluntates nobilium, scribam ad te. caetera spero 
prolixa esse, his dumtaxat urbanis competitoribus. 
illam manum tu mihi cura ut praestes, quoniam 
propius abes, Pompeii, nostri amici. nega me ei 
iratum fore, si ad mea comitia non venerit. atque 
haec huius modi sunt. • 3. sed est quod abs te 
mihi ignosci pervelim. Caecilius, avunculus tuus, a 
P. Vario quum magna pecunia fraudaretur, agere 
coepit cum eius fratre A. Caninio Satrio de iis 
rebus, quas eum dolo malo mancipio -accepisse de 
Vario diceret. una agebant caeteri creditores, In 
quibus erat Lucullus et P. Scipio et is, quem pu- 
tabant magistrum fore, si bona venirent, L. Pontius, 
verum hoc ridiculum est de magistro nunc cog- 
noscere. rogavit me Caecilius, ut adessem contra 
Satrium. dies fere nullus est quin hie Satrius 
domum meam ventitet. observat L. Domitium 
maxime : me habet proximum. fuit et mihi et 
O. fratri magno usui in nostris petitionibus. 4. sane 
sum perturbatus quum ipsius Satrii familiaritate 

LIB. I. EP. I, 2. 3 

turn Domitii, in quo uno maxime ambitio nostra 
^y'' ' nititur. demonstravi haec Caecilio : simul et illud. 
/ ^ . ostendi, si ipse unus cum illo uno contenderet, me 
y/AZc *, 61 satis facturum fuisse : nunc m causa universorum 
creditorum, hominum praesertim amplissimorum, 
qui sine eo, quern Caecilius suo nomine perhiberet, 
facile communem causam sustinerent, aequum esse 
eum et officio meo consulere et tempori, durius 
accipere hoc mihi visus est quam vellem et quam 
homines belli solent et postea prorsus ab insti- 
tuta nostra paucorum dierum consuetudine longe 
refugit. abs te peto, ut mihi hoc ignoscas et me 
existimes humanitate esse prohibitum, ne contra 
amici summam existimationem miserrimo eius 
tempore venirem, quum is omnia sua studia et 
officia in me contulisset. quod si voles in me esse 
durior, ambitionem mihi putabis obstitisse. ego 
autem arbitror, etiam si id sit, mihi ignoscen- 
dum esse : eVel oxjy^ leptjiov ovSe ^oelrjv. vides enim 
in quo cursu simus et quam omnes gratias non 
modo retinendas verum etiam acquirendas pute- 
mus. spero tibi me causam probasse : cupio quidem 
certe. 5. Hermathena tua valde me delectat et 
posita ita belle est ut totum gymnasium eius 
dvdOTjfia esse videatur. multum te amamus. 


[lioviac. Cotta, Torqiiato coss. 689.) 
Cicero Attico S. 

I. L. lulio Caesare C. Marcio Figulo consulibus 
filiolo me auctum scito salva Tercntia. abs te tarn 


diu nihil litterarum ? ego de meis ad te rationibus 
scripsi antea diligenter. hoc tempore Catilinam, 
competitorem nostrum, defendere cogitamus. iu- 
dices habemus, quos volumus, summa accusatoris 
voluntate. spero, si absolutus erit, coniunctiorem 
ilium nobis fore in ratione petitionis: sin aliter 
acciderit, humaniter feremus. 2. tuo adventu nobis 
opus est maturo: nam prorsus summa hominum est 
opinio tuos familiares, nobiles homines, adversarios 
nostro honori fore, ad eorum voluntatem mihi 
conciliandam maximo te mihi usui fore video, qua 
re lanuario ineunte, ut constituisti, cura ut Romae 


{Romac. Cotta, Torqiiato coss. 689.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Aviam tuam scito desiderio tui mortuam 
esse et simul quod verita sit ne Latinae in officio non 
manerent et in montem Albanum hostias non ad- 
ducerent. eius rei consolationem ad te L. Saufeium 
missurum esse arbitror. 2. nos hie te ad mensem 
lanuarium exspectamus: ex quodam rumore an ex 
litteris tuis ad alios missis .-' nam ad me de eo nihil 
scripsisti. signa, quae nobis curasti, ea sunt ad 
Caietam exposita. nos ea non vidimus: neque 
enim exeundi Roma potestas nobis fuit. misimus 
qui pro vectura solveret. te multum amamus, quod 
ea abs te diligenter parvoque curata sunt. 3. quod 
ad me saepe scripsisti de nostro amico placando, 
feci et expertus sum omnia, sed mirandum in mo- 
Gum est animo abalienato: quibus de suspicionibus, 

LIB. I. EP. 3, 4. 5 

etsi audisse te arbitror, tamen ex me quum veneris 
cognosces, Sallustium praesentem restituere in eius 
veterem gratiam non potui. hoc ad te scripsi, quod 
is me accusare de te solebat. in se expertus est 
ilium esse minus exorabilem, meum studium nee 
tibi defuisse. Tulliolam C. Pisoni L. F. Frugi de- 




{Romae. Lcpido, Tullo coss. 688.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Crebras exspectationes nobis tui commoves. 
nuper quidem, quum iam te adventare arbitrare- 
mur, repente abs te in mensem Quintilem reiecti 
sumus. nunc vero censeo, quod commodo tuo 
facere poteris, venias ad id tempus quod scribis. 
obieris Quinti fratris comitia, nos longo intervallo 
viseris, Acutilianam controversiam transegeris. hoc 
me etiam Peducaeus ut ad te scriberem admonuit : 
putamus enim utile esse te aliquando iam rem trans- 
igere. mea intercessio et est et fuit parata. 2. nos 
hie incredibili ac singulari populi voluntate de C. 
Macro transegimus. cui quum aequi fuissemus, 
tamen multo maiorem fructum ex populi existima- 
tione illo damnato cepimus quam ex ipsius, si ab- 
solutus esset, gratia cepissemus. 3. quod ad me de 
Hermathena scribis, per mihi gratum est orna- 
mentum, et Academiae proprium meae, quod Her- 
mes commune omnium et Minerva singulare est 
insigne eius gymnasii. qua re velim, ut scribis, cae- 
tcris quoque rebus quam plurimis eum locum ornes. 


quae mihi antea signa misisti, ea nondum vidi. in 
Formiano sunt, quo ego nunc proficisci cogitabam. 
ilia omnia in Tusculanum deportabo. Caietam, si 
quando abundare coepero, ornabo. libros tuos 
conserva et noli desperare eos me meos facere 
posse, quod si adsequor, supero Crassum divitiis 
atque omnium vicos et prata contemno. 


{Romac. Mctcllo, Marcio coss. 686.) 
Cicero Attico S. 

I. Quantum dolorem acceperim et quanto 
fructu sim privatus et forensi et domestico Lucii 
fratris nostri morte, in primis pro nostra consuetu- 
dine tu existimare potes. nam mihi omnia, quae 
iucunda ex humanitate alterius et moribus homini 
accidere possunt, ex illo accidebant. qua re non 
dubito quin tibi quoque id molestum sit, quum et 
meo dolore moveare et ipse omni virtute officioque 
ornatissimum tuique et sua sponte et meo sermone 
amantem adfinem amicumque amiseris. 2. quod 
ad me scribis de sorore tua, testis erit tibi ipsa 
quantae mihi curae fuerit, ut Ouinti fratris animus 
in eam esset is qui esse deberet. qucm quum esse 
offensiorem arbitrarer, eas litteras ad eum misi, 
quibus et placarem ut fratrem et monerem ut mi- 
norem et obiurgarem ut errantem. itaque ex iis, 
quae postea saepe ab eo ad me scripta sunt, confido 
ita esse omnia, ut et oporteat et velimus. 3. de 
litterarum missione sine causa abs te accusor. nun- 
quam enim a Pomponia nostra certior sum factus 

LIB. I. EP. 5. 7 

esse cui dare litteras possem : porro autem neque 
mihi accidit ut haberem qui in Epiruni proficiscere- 
tur, neque dum te Athenis esse audiebamus. 4. de 
Acutiliano autem negocio quod mihi mandaras, ut 
primum a tuo digressu Romam veni, confeceram, 
sed accidit ut et contentione nihil opus esset et ut 
ego, qui in te satis consilii statuerim esse, mallem 
Peducaeum tibi consihum per litteras quam me 
dare, etenim quum multos dies aures meas Acu- 
tilio dedissem, cuius sermonis genus tibi notum 
esse arbitror, non mihi grave duxissem scribere ad 
te de illius querimoniis, quum eas audire, quod erat 
subodiosum, leve putassem. sed abs te ipso, qui 
me accusas, unas mihi scito litteras redditas esse, 
quum et ocii ad scribendum plus et facultatem 
dandi maiorem habueris. 5. quod scribis, etiam 
si cuius animus in te esset ofifensior, a me recolligi 
oportere, [teneo] quid dicas, neque id neglexi, sed 
est miro quodam modo adfectus. ego autem, quae 
dicenda fuerunt de te, non praeterii : quid autem 
contendendum esset ex tua putabam voluntate sta- 
tuere oportere : quam si ad me perscripseris, intel- 
liges me neque diligentiorem esse voluisse quam 
tu esses, neque negligentiorem fore quam tu velis. 
6. de Tadiana re, mecum Tadius locutus est te ita 
scripsisse, nihil esse iam quod laboraretur, quoniam 
hereditas usu capta esset. id mirabamur te igno- 
rare, de tutela legitima, in qua dicitur esse puella, 
nihil usu capi posse. 7. Epiroticam emptionem 
gaudeo tibi placere. quae tibi mandavi et quae 
tu intelligcs convenire nostro Tusculano, velim, ut 
scribis, cures, quod sine molestia tua facere poteris. 
nam nos ex omnibus molestiis et laboribus uno illo 


in loco conquiescimus. 8. Quintum fratrem cotidie 
exspectamus. Terentia magnos articulorum dolo- 
res habet, et te et sororem tuam et matrem maxime 
diligit, saluteinque tibi plurimam ascribit et Tul- 
liola, deliciae nostrae. cura ut valeas et nos ames 
et tibi persuadeas te a me fraterne amari. 


[Rojiiae. Mciello, Marcio coss. 686.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Non committam posthac ut me accusare de 
epistolarum negligentia possis. tu modo videto in 
tanto ocio ut par mihi sis. domum Rabirianam 
Neapoli, quam tu iam dimensam et exaedificatam 
animo habebas, M'. Fonteius emit HS CCCIodd xxx. 
id te scire volui, si quid forte ea res ad cogitationes 
tuas pertineret. 2. Quintus frater, ut mihi videtur, 
quo volumus animo est in-Pomponiam, et cum ea 
nunc in Arpinatibus praediis erat et secum habebat 
hominem j^jr^aroixadrj, D. Turranium. pater nobis 
discessit a. d. Vlll Kal. Decembres. haec habebani 
fere quae te scire vellem. tu velim, si qua orna- 
menta ryv/xvaa-tooSr] reperire poteris, quae loci sint 
eius quern tu non ignoras, ne praetermittas. nos 
Tusculano ita delectamur, ut nobismet ipsis turn 
denique, quum illo venimus, placeamus. quid agas 
omnibus de rebus et quid acturus sis fac nos quam 
diligentissime certiores. 

LIB. L EP. 7, S. 9 


{Romae. Metcllo, Marcio coss. 6Z6^ 

Cicero Attico S. 

Apud matrem recte est, eaque nobis curae est 
L. Cincio HS XXCD constitui me curaturum Idibus 
Februariis. tu velim ea, quae nobis emisse et pa- 
rasse scribis, des operam ut quam primum habea- 
mus, et velim cogites, id quod mihi poUicitus es, 
quem ad modum bibliothecam nobis conficere pos- 
sis. omnem spem delectationis nostrae, quam, 
quum in ocium venerimus, habere volumus, in tua 
humanitate positam habemus. 


{Romae. Pisone, Glabrione coss. ^"^^^ 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Apud te est, ut volumus. mater tua et 
soror a me Quintoque fratre diligitur. cum Acuti- 
lio sum locutus. is sibi negat a suo procuratore 
quidquam scriptum esse, et miratur istam contro- 
versiam fuisse quod ille recusaret satis dare amplius 
abs te non peti. quod te de Tadiano negocio deci- 
diose scribis, id ego Tadio et gratum esse intellexi 
et magno opere iucundum. ille noster amicus, vir 
mehercule optimus et mihi amicissimus, sane tibi 
iratus est. hoc si quanti tu aestimes sciam, turn 
quid mihi elaborandum sit scire possim. 2. L. Cin- 
cio HS CCI3D CCIDD CCCC pro signis Megaricis, ut 
tu ad me scripseras, curavi. Hermae tui Pentelici 


cum capitibus aeneis, de quibus ad me scripsisti, 
iam nunc me admodum delectant. qua re velim 
et eos et signa et caetera, quae tibi eius loci et 
nostri studii et tuae elegantiae esse videbuntur, 
quam plurima quam primumque mittas, et maxime 
quae tibi gymnasii xystique videbuntur esse, nam 
in eo genere sic studio efferimur, ut abs te adiu- 
vandi, ab aliis prope reprehendendi simus. si Len- 
tuli navis non erit, quo tibi placebit imponito. Tul- 
liola, deliciolae nostrae, tuum munusculum flagitat 
et me ut sponsorem appellat. mihi autem abiurare 
certius est quam dependere. 


{RoDiac. Pisonc, Glabrionc coss. ^Z-j.^ 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Ximium raro nobis abs te litterae adferun- 
tur, quum et multo tu facilius reperias qui Romam 
proficiscantur quam ego qui Athenas, et certius tibi 
sit me esse Romae quam mihi te Athenis. itaque 
propter banc dubitationem meam brevior haec ipsa 
epistola est, quod, quum incertus essem ubi esses, 
nolebam ilium nostrum familiarem sermonem in 
alienas manus devenire. 2. signa Megarica et 
Hermas, de quibus ad me scripsisti, vehementer 
exspecto. quidquid eiusdem generis habebis, dig- 
num Academia tibi quod videbitur, ne dubitaris mit- 
tere, et arcae nostrae confidito. genus hoc est 
voluptatis meae : quae 'yviMvaai(Lhr] maxime sunt, 
ea quaero. Lentulus naves suas pollicetur. peto 
abs te, ut haec cures diligenter. Chilius te rogat 
et egc eius rogatu ^vixoXinhdiv 'rrcnpia. 

LIB. I. EP. lo. ir 


{In Tusculano. Pisone, Glabrione coss. 687.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Ouum essem in Tusculano — erit hoc tibi 
pro illo tuo qimm essem in Ceramico — verum tamen 
quum ibi essem, Roma puer a sorore tua missus 
epistolam mihi abs te adlatam dedit nunciavitque 
eo ipso die post meridiem iturum eum, qui ad te 
proficisceretur. eo factum est, ut epistolae tuae 
rescriberem aliquid, brevitate temporis tarn pauca 
cogerer scribere. 2. primum tibi de nostro amico 
placando aut etiam plane restituendo polliceor. quod 
ego etsi mea sponte ante faciebam, eo nunc tamen 
et agam studiosius et contendam ab illo vehemen- 
tius, quod tantam ex epistola voluntatem eius rei 
tuam perspicere videor. hoc te intelligere volo, 
pergraviter ilium esse ofifensum, sed quia nullam 
video gravem subesse causam magno opere confido 
ilium fore in officio et in nostra potestate. 3. signa 
nostra et Hermeraclas, ut scribis, quum commo- 
dissime poteris, velim imponas, et si quod aliud 
oiKelov eius loci, quem non ignoras, reperies, et 
maxime quae tibi palaestrae gymnasiique videbun- 
tur esse, etenim ibi sedens haec ad te scribebam, 
ut me locus ipse admoneret. praeterea typos tibi 
mando, quos in tectorio atrioli possim includere, et 
putealia sigillata duo. 4. bibliothecam tuam cave 
cuiquam despondcas, quamvis acrem amatorem 
inveneris: nam ego omnes meas vindcmiolas eo 
reservo, ut illud subsidium senectuti parem. 5. de 
fratre confido ita esse, ut semper volui et elaboravi. 
P. C. 3 


multa signa sunt eius rei, non minimum, quod 
soror praegnans est. 6. de comitiis meis et tibi 
me permisisse memini et ego iam pridem hoc com- 
munibus amicis, qui te exspectant, praedico: te 
non modo non arcessi a me, sed prohiberi, quod 
intelligam multo magis interesse tua te agere quod 
agendum est hoc tempore quam mea te adesse 
comitiis. proinde eo animo te velim esse, quasi 
mei negocii causa in ista loca missus esses, me 
autem eum et offendes erga te et audies, quasi 
mihi, si quae parta erunt, non modo te praesente 
sed per te parta sint. TuUiola tibi diem dat, spon- 
sorem appellat. 


[Romac. Pisone, Glabrionc coss. 687.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Et mea sponte faciebam antea et post dua- 
bus epistolis tuis perdiligenter in eamdem rationem 
scriptis magno opere sum commotus. eo acce- 
debat hortator adsiduus Sallustius, ut agerem quam 
diligentissime cum Lucceio de vestra vetere gratia 
reconcilianda. sed, quum omnia fecissem, non 
modo eam voluntatem eius quae fuerat erga te 
recuperare non potui, verum ne causam quidem 
eHcere immutatae voluntatis, tametsi iactat iile qui- 
dem illud tuum arbitrium et ea quae iam tum quum 
aderas offendere eius animum intelligebam, tamen 
habet quiddam profecto quod magis in animo eius 
insederit, quod neque epistolae tuae neque nostra 
adlegatio tam potest facile delere, quam tu praesens 
non modo oratione sed tuo vultu illo familiari tolles, 

LIB. I. EP. IT, 12. 13 

si modo tanti putaris: id quod, si me audies et si 
humanitati tuae constare voles, certe putabis. ac 
ne illud mirere, cur, quum ego antea significareni 
tibi per litteras me sperare ilium in nostra potestate 
fore, nunc idem videar diffidere, incredibile est 
quanto mihi videatur illius voluntas obstinatior 
et in hac iracundia obfirmatior : sed haec aut sana- 
buntur quum veneris, aut ei molesta erunt in utro 
culpa erit. 2. quod in epistola tua scriptum erat, 
me iam arbitrari designatum esse : scito nihil tarn 
exercitum esse nunc Romae quam candidates om- 
nibus iniquitatibus nee quando futura sint comitia 
sciri. verum haec audies de Philadelpho. 3. tu 
velim quae Academiae nostrae parasti quam pri- 
mum mittas. mire quam illius loci non modo usus, 
sed etiam cogitatio delectat. libros vero tuos cave 
cuiquam tradas. nobis eos, quem ad modum scri- 
bis, conserva. summum me eorum studium tenet, 
sicut odium iam caeterarum rerum : quas tu incre- 
dibile est quam brevi tempore quanto deteriorcs 
offenSurus sis quam reliquisti. 


[Romae. JMessala, Pisone coss. 693.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. T€VKpL<i ilia lentum sane negocium, neque 
Cornelius ad Terentiam postea rediit : opinor, ad 
Considium, Axium, Selicium confugiendum est, 
nam a Caecilio propinqui minore centesimis numum 
movere non possunt. sed, ut ad prima ilia redeam, 
nihil ego ilia impudentius, astutius, lentius vidi : 
libcrtum mitto : Tito viandavi : (7K>j\p-et<; atque dva- 



^oXai. sed nescio an ravTCfxarov riii5>v' nam mihi 
Pompeiani irpoBpofioi nunciant aperte Pompeium 
acturum Antonio succedi oportere, eodemque tem- 
pore aget praetor ad populum. res eius modi est, 
ut ego nee per bonorum nee popularem existima- 
tionem honeste possim hominem defendere, nee 
mihi libeat, quod vel maximum est. etenim accidit 
hoc, quod totum cuius modi sit mando tibi ut per- 
spicias. 2. hbertum ego habeo, sane nequam 
hominem, Hilarum dico, ratiocinatorem et clientem 
tuum. de eo mihi Valerius interpres nunciat Chih- 
usque se audisse scribit haec : esse hominem cum 
Antonio : Antonium porro in cogendis pecuniis 
dictitare partem mihi quaeri, et a me custodem 
communis quaestus Hbertum esse missum. non 
sum mediocriter commotus neque tamen credidi, 
sed certe ahquid sermonis fuit. totum investiga, 
cognosce, perspice, et nebulonem ilium, si quo pacto 
potes, ex istis locis amove, huius sermonis Vale- 
rius auctorem Cn. Plancium nominabat. mando 
tibi plane totum ut videas cuius modi sit. 3. Pom- 
peium nobis amicissimum constat esse, divortium 
Muciae vehementcr probatur. P. Clodium, Appii 
F., credo te audisse cum veste muliebri deprehen- 
sum domi C. Caesaris, quum pro populo fieret, 
eumque per manus servulae servatum et eductum: 
rem esse insigni infamia : quod te moleste ferre 
certo scio. 4. quid praeterea ad te scribam non 
habeo. et mehercule eram in scribendo contur- 
batior. nam puer festivus, dvajvooaTrj^; noster, So- 
sitheus decesserat meque plus, quam servi mors 
debere videbatur, commoverat. tu velim saepe ad 
nos scribas. si rem nullam habebis, quod in hue- 

LIB. I. EP. 12, 13, 15 

cam venerit scribito. Kal. lanuar. M. Messala M. 
Pisone coss. 


{Romae. Messala, Pisone coss. 693.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Accept tuas tres iam epistolas : unam a M. 
Cornelio,quam Tribus Tabernis, ut opinor, ei dedisti: 
alteram, quam mihi Canusinus tuus hospes reddidit: 
tertiam, quam, ut scribis, ancoris sublatis de phaselo 
dedisti: quae fuerunt omnes t^rhetorum. pure lo- 
quuntur,quum humanitatis sparsae sale tum insignes 
amoris notis. quibus epistolis sum equidem abs te 
lacessitus ad scribendum, sed idcirco sum tardior, 
quod non invenio fidelem tabellarium. quotus enim 
quisque est qui epistolam paullo graviorem ferre 
possit, nisi eam pellectione relevarit ? accedit eo, 

quod mihi non est, ut quisque in Epirum 

proficiscitur. ego enim te arbitror, caesis apud 
Amaltheam tuam victimis, statim esse ad Sicyonem 
oppugnandum profectum. neque tamen id ipsum 
certum habeo quando ad Antonium proficiscare aut 
quid in Epiro temporis ponas. ita neque Achaicis 
hominibus neque Epiroticis paullo liberiores litteras 
committere audeo. 2. sunt autem post discessum 
a me tuum res dignae litteris nostris, sed non 
committendae eius modi periculo ut aut interirc 
aut aperiri aut intercipi possint. prinium igitur 
scito primum me non esse rogatum sententiam 
praepositumque esse nobis pacificatorem Allobro- 
gum, idque admurmurante scnatu neque me invito 
esse factum, sum enim et ab observando homine 


perverso liber et ad dignitatem in re publica reti- 
nendam contra illius voluntatem solutus, et ille 
secundus in dicendo locus habet auctoritatem paene 
principis et voluntatem non nimis devinctam bene- 
ficio consulis. tertius est Catulus, quartus, si etiam 
hoc quaeris, Hortensius. consul autem ipse parvo 
animo et pravo, tantum cavillator genere illo morose 
quod etiam sine dicacitate ridetur, facie magis quam 
facetiis ridiculus, nihil agens cum re publica, seiunc- 
tus ab optimatibus, a quo nihil speres boni rei 
publicae, quia non vult, nihil [metuas] mali, quia 
non audet. eius autem collega et in me perhonori- 
ficus et partium studiosus ac defensor bonarum. 
c|uin imo leviter inter se dissident. 3. sed vereor 
ne hoc, quod infectum est, serpat longius. credo 
enim te audisse, quum apud Caesarem pro populo 
fieret, venisse eo muliebri vestitu virum, idque 
sacrificium quum virgines instaurassent, mentionem 
a Q. Cornificio in senatu factam — is fuit princeps, 
ne tu forte aliqucm nostrum putes— postea rem 
ex senatus consulto ad pontifices relatam idque ab 
iis nefas esse decretum : deinde ex senatus consulto 
consules rogationem promulgasse : uxori Caesarem 
nuncium remisisse. in hac causa Piso amicitia P. 
Clodii ductus operam dat ut ea rogatio, quam ipse 
fert et fert ex senatus consulto et de religione, 
antiquetur. Messala vehementer adhuc agit severe, 
boni viri precibus Clodii removentur a causa : 
operae comparantur: nosmet ipsi, qui Lycurgei a 
principio fuissemus, cotidie demitigamur : instat 
et urget Cato. quid multa ? vereor ne haec neg- 
lecta a bonis, defensa ab improbis, magnorum rei 
publicae malorum causa sit. 4. tuus autem ille 

LIB. I. EP. 13. 17 

amicus — scin quern dicam ? — de quo tu ad me 
scripsisti, postea quam non auderet reprehendere, 
laudare coepisse, nos, ut ostendit, admodum diligit, 
amplectitur, amat, aperte laudat: occulte, sed ita 
ut perspicuum sit, invidet. nihil come, nihil 
simplex, nihil iv to?? iroXiTiKoh honestum, nihil 
illustre, nihil forte, nihil liberum. sed haec ad tc 
scribam alias subtilius : nam neque adhuc mihi 
satis nota sunt et huic terrae filio nescio cui com- 
mittere epistolam tantis de rebus non audeo. — 5r- 
provincias praetores nondum sortiti sunt, res eodem 
est loci, quo reliquisti. Tovodecrlav quam postu- 
las Miseni et Puteolorum includam orationi meae. 
a. d. Ill Non. Decembr. mendose fuisse animad- 
verteram. quae laudas ex orationibus, mihi crede, 
valde mihi placebant, sed non audebam antea 
dicere : nunc vero, quod a te probata sunt, multo 
mihi (iTTLK60T€pa videntur. in illam orationem Me- 
tellinam addidi quaedam. liber tibi mittetur, quo- 
niam te amor nostri (f>tXoprjTopa reddidit. 6. novi 
tibi quidnam scribam.'' quid.'' etiam. Messala con- 
sul Autronianam domum emit HS. XXXVll. quid 
id ad me, inquies .'' tantum, quod ea emptione et 
nos bene emisse iudicati sumus et homines intelli- 
gere coeperunt licere amicorum facultatibus in 
emendo ad dignitatem aliquam pervenire. TevKpis 
ilia lentum negocium est, sed tamen est in spe. 
tu ista confice. a nobis liberiorem epistolam ex- 
specta. VI Kalend. Febr. M. Messala M. Pisone 




[Rotnae. Messala, Pisone coss. 693.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Vereor ne putidum sit scribere ad te quam 
sim occupatus, sed tamen distinebar, ut huic vix 
tantulae epistolae tempus habuerim atque id erep- 
tum e summis occupationibus. prima contio Pom- 
peii qualis fuisset scripsi ad te antea, non iucunda 
miseris, inanis improbis, beatis non grata, bonis 
non gravis, itaque frigebat. turn Pisonis consulis 
impulsu levissimus tribunus plebis Fufius in con- 
tionem produxit Pompeium. res agebatur in circo 
Flaminio et erat in eo ipso loco illo die nundinarum 
'rravrp/vpi^. quaesivit ex eo placeretne ei iudices 
a praetore legi, quo consilio idem praetor uteretur. 
id autem erat de Clodiana religione ab senatu con- 
stitutum. 2. turn Pompeius /*dX,' upiaTOKpaTLKw<i 
locutus est, senatusque auctoritatem sibi omnibus 
in rebus maximam videri semperque visam esse 
respondit et id multis verbis. postea Messala 
consul in senatu de Pompeio quaesivit quid de 
religione et de promulgata rogatione sentiret. lo- 
cutus ita est in senatu, ut omnia illius ordinis con- 
sulta >y€VLK(ji)<i laudaret, mihique, ut adsedit, dixit 
se putare satis ab se etiam de istis rebus esse 
responsum. 3. Crassus postea quam vidit ilium 
excepisse laudem ex eo quod suspicarentur homines 
ei consulatum meum placere, surrexit ornatissime- 
que de meo consulatu locutus est, ut ita diceret, 
se, quod esset senator, quod civis, quod liber, quod 
viveret, mihi acceptum referre : quotiens coniugem. 

LIB. I. EP. 14. 19 

quotiens domum, quotiens patriam videret, totiens 
se beneficium meum videre. quid multa ? totum 
hunc locum, quem ego varie meis orationibus, 
quarum tu Aristarchus es, soleo pingere, de flamma, 
de ferro — nosti illas \i]kv$ov<; — , valde graviter per- 
texuit. proxime Pompeium sedebam. intellexi 
hominem moveri, utrum Crassum inire earn gra- 
tiam, quam ipse praetermisisset, an esse tantas res 
nostras, quae tam libenti senatu laudarentur, ab eo 
praesertim, qui mihi laudem illam eo minus de- 
beret, quod meis omnibus litteris in Pompeiana 
laude perstrictus esset. 4. hie dies me valde 
Crasso adiunxit, et tamen ab illo aperte tecte 
quidquid est datum libenter accepi. ego autem 
ipse, di boni ! quo modo iueTrepTrepevad/xrjv novo 
auditori Pompeio ! si umquam mihi irepiohoi r] 
KUfJiTral rj evOvfJur^jxara i) KUTaaKeval suppeditaverunt, 
illo tempore, quid multa ? clamores. etenim haec 
erat vTrud€at<;, de gravitate ordinis, de equestri 
Concordia, de consensione Italiae, de intermortuis 
reliquiis coniurationis, de vilitate, de ocio. nosti 
iam in hac materia sonitus nostros : tanti fuerunt, 
ut ego eo brevior sim, quod eos usque istim ex- 
auditos putem. 5. Romanae autem se res sic 
habent : senatus "Apeto? irdyo';. nihil constantius, 
nihil severius, nihil fortius, nam, quum dies venisset 
rogationi ex senatus consulto ferendae, concursa- 
bant barbatuli iuvenes, totus ille grex Catilinae, 
duce filiola Curionis, et populum, ut antiquaret, 
rogabant. Piso autem consul, lator rogationis, idem 
erat dissuasor. operae Clodianae pontes occu- 
parant : tabellae ministrabantur ita ut nulla daretur 
UTl ROGAS. hie tibi rostra Cato advolat, con- 


vicium Pisoni consuli mirificum facit, si id est 
convicium, vox plena gravitatis, plena auctoritatis, 
plena denique salutis. accedit eodem etiam noster 
Hortensius, multi praeterea boni. insignis vero 
opera Favonii fuit. hoc concursu optimatum co- 
mitia dimittuntur : senatus vocatur. quum decer- 
neretur frequenti senatu, contra pugnante Pisone, 
ad pedes omnium singillatim accidente Clodio, ut 
consules populum cohortarentur ad rogationem 
accipiendam, homines ad XV Curioni nullum se- 
natus consultum facienti adsenserunt : ex altera 
parte facile CCCC fuerunt. acta res est. Fufius 
tribunus turn concessit. Clodius contiones miseras 
habebat, in quibus Lucullum, Hortensium, C. Pi- 
sonem, Messalam consulem contumeliose laedebat : 
me tantum contpcrisse omnia criminabatur. senatus 
et de provinciis praetorum et de legationibus et de 
caeteris rebus decernebat, ut ante quam rogatio 
lata esset ne quid ageretur. 6, habes res Romanas, 
sed tamen etiam illud, quod non speraram, audi. 
Messala consul est egregius, fortis, constans, dili- 
gens, nostri laudator, amator, imitator, ille alter uno 
vitio minus vitiosus, quod iners, quod somni pLenus, 
quod imperitus, quod dTrpa/croraToii, sed voluntate 
ita Kax^fCTT]^, ut Pompeium post illam contionem, 
in qua ab eo senatus laudatus est, odisse coeperit. 
itaque mirum in modum omnes a se bonos alie- 
navit. ueque id magis amicitia Clodii adductus 
facit quam studio perditarum rerum atque partium. 
sed habet sui similem in magistratibus praeter 
Fufium neminem. bonis utimur tribunis plebis, 
Cornuto vero Pseudocatone. quid quaeris .'' 7. 
nimc ut ad privata redeam, Teu/cpt? promissa pa- 

LIB. I. EP. 14—16. 21 

travit. tu mandata effice, quae recepisti. Ouintus 
frater, qui Argiletani aedificii reliquum dodrantem 
emit HS DCCXXV, Tusculanum venditat, ut, si 
possit, emat Pacilianam domum. cum Lucceio in 
gratiam redi. video hominem valde petiturire. 
navabo operam. tu quid agas, ubi sis, cuius modi 
istae res sint fac me quam diligentissime certiorem. 
Idib. Febr. 


[Roinae. Messala, Pisone coss. 693.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Asiam Ouinto, suavissimo fratri, obtigisse 
audisti : non enim dubito quia celerius tibi hoc 
rumor quam ullius nostrum litterae nunciarint. 
nunc quoniam et laudis avidissimi semper fuimus, 
et praeter caeteros (pikeXkr]ve<i et sumus et habemur, 
et multorum odia atque inimicitias rei publicae 
causa suscepimus, 7ravroi7]<i dperPj'i /mifivrjaKeo, cura- 
que et effice ut ab omnibus et laudemur et amemur. 
2. his de rebus plura ad te in ea epistola scribam, 
quam ipsi Ouinto dabo. tu me velim certiorem 
facias quid de meis mandatis egeris, atque etiam 
quid de tuo negocio. nam ut Brundusio profectus 
es, nullae mihi abs te sunt redditae Htterae. valde 
aveo scire quid agas. Idib. Mart. 


{Romac. Messala, Pisone coss. 693.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Quaeris ex me quid accidcrit dc iudicio 
quod tarn praeter opinionem omnium factum sit, 


ct simul vis scire quo modo ego minus quam 
soleam proeliatus sim : respondebo tibi vaTepov 
TTpoTepov, 'OfiripiKW'^. ego enim, quam diu senatus 
auctoritas mihi defendenda fuit, sic acriter et vehe- 
menter proeliatus sum, ut clamor concursusque 
maxima cum mea laude fierent. quod si tibi um- 
quam sum visus in re publica fortis, certe me in 
ilia causa admiratus esses, quum enim ille ad 
contiones confugisset in iisque meo nomine ad 
invidiam uteretur, di immortales ! quas ego pugnas 
et quantas strages edidi ! quos impetus in Pisonera, 
in Curionem, in totam illam manum feci ! quo 
modo sum insectatus levitatem senum, libidinem 
iuventutis ! saepe, ita me di invent ! te non solum 
auctorem consiliorum meorum, verum etiam spec- 
tatorem pugnarum mirificarum desideravi. 2. 
postea vero quam Hortensius excogitavit, ut legem 
de religione Fufius tribunus plebis ferret, in qua 
nihil aliud a consulari rogatione differebat nisi 
iudicum genus — in eo autem erant omnia — pugna- 
vitque ut ita fieret, quod et sibi et aliis persua- 
serat nullis ilium iudicibus efifugere posse : contraxi 
vela perspiciens inopiam iudicum, neque dixi 
quidquam pro testimonio, nisi quod erat ita notum 
atque testatum, ut non possem praeterire. itaque 
si causam quaeris absolutionis, ut iam Trpo? to 
TTporepov revertar, egestas iudicum fuit et turpitudo. 
id autem ut accideret, commissum est Hortensii 
consilio, qui dum veritus est ne Fufius ei legi inter- 
cederet, quae ex senatus consulto ferebatur, non 
vidit illud satius esse ilium in infamia relinqui ac 
sordibus quam infirmo iudicio committi. sed ductus 
odio properavit rem deducere in indicium, quum 

LIB. I. EP. 1 6. 23 

ilium plumbeo gladio iugulatum iri tamen diceret. 
3. sed iudicium si quaeris quale fuerit, incredibili 
exitu : sic uti nunc ex eventu ab aliis, a me tamen 
ex ipso initio, consilium Hortensii reprehendatur. 
nam ut reiectio facta est clamoribus maximis, 
quum accusator tamquam censor bonus homines 
nequissimos reiiceret, reus tamquam clemens la- 
nista frugalissimum quemque secerneret, ut primum 
indices consederunt, valde diffidere boni coeperunt. 
non enim umquam turpior in ludo talario consessus 
fuit. maculosi senatores, nudi equites, tribuni non 
tam aerati quam, ut appellantur, aerarii. pauci 
tamen boni inerant, quos reiectione fugare ille non 
potuerat, qui maesti inter sui dissimiles et maeren- 
tes sedebant et contagione turpitudinis vehementer 
permovebantur, 4. hie, ut quaeque res ad con- 
silium primis postulationibus referebatur, incredi- 
bilis erat severitas nulla varietate sententiarum, 
nihil impetrabat reus, plus accusatori dabatur quam 
postulabat, triumphabat — quid quaeris ? — Horten- 
sius se vidisse tantum, nemo erat qui ilium reum 
ac non miliens condemnatum arbitraretur. me vero 
teste producto credo te ex acclamatione Clodii 
advocatorum audisse quae consurrectio iudicum 
facta sit, ut me circumsteterint, ut aperte iugula 
sua pro meo capite P. Clodio ostentarint. quae 
mihi res multo honorificentior visa est quam aut 
ilia, quum iurare tui cives Xenocratem testimo- 
nium dicentem prohibuerunt, aut quum tabulas 
Metelli Numidici, quum eae, ut mos est, circum- 
ferrentur, nostri indices aspicere noluerunt : multo 
haec, inquam, nostra res maior. 5. itaque iudicum 
vocibus, quum ego sic ab iis ut salus patriae defen- 


cierer, fractus reus et una patroni omnes conci- 
derunt. ad me autem eadem frequentia postridie 
convenit, quacum abiens consulatu sum domum 
reductus. clamare praeclari Areopagitae se non 
esse ventures nisi praesidio constitute, refertur ad 
consilium : una sola sententia praesidium non de- 
sideravit. defertur res ad senatum : gravissime 
ornatissimeque decernitur : laudantur iudices : datur 
negocium magistratibus: responsurum hominem 
nemo arbitrabatur. 

"EtTTrere vvv fioi, MoDcrai. — 
OTTTTcw? S>) irpooTOV i7vp €/JL7recr€. 
nosti Calvum, ex Nanneianis ilium, ilium lauda- 
torem meum, de cuius oratione erga me honorifica 
ad te scripseram. biduo per unum servum et eum 
ex gladiatorio ludo confecit totum negocium : 
arcessivit ad se, promisit, intercessit, dedit. iam 
vero — o di boni, rem perditam ! — etiam noctes cer- 
tarum mulierum atque adolescentulorum nobilium 
introductiones non nullis iudicibus pro mercedis 
cumulo fuerunt. ita, summo discessu bonorum, 
pleno foro servorum, XXV iudices ita fortes tamen 
fuerunt, ut, summo proposito periculo, vel perire 
inaluerint quam perdere omnia : XXXI fuerunt quos 
fames magis quam fama commoverit. quorum 
Catulus quum vidisset quemdam : quid vos, inquit, 
praesidium a nobis postulabatis ? an ne numi vobis 
eriperentur timebatis? 6. habes, ut brevissime potui, 
genus iudicii et causam absolutionis. quaeris dein- 
ceps qui nunc sit status rerum et qui meus. rei pub- 
licae statum ilium, quern tu meo consilio, ego divino 
confirmatum putabam, qui bonorum omnium con- 
iunctione et auctoritate consulatus mei fixus et fun- 

LIB. I. EP. i6. 25 

datus videbatur, nisi qui nos deus respexerit, elapsum 
scito esse de manibus uno hoc iudicio : si indicium 
est, triginta homines populi Romani levissimos ac 
nequissimos numulis acceptis ius ac fas omne delere 
et, quod omnes non modo homines verum etiam 
pecudes factum esse sciant, id Thahiam et Plautum 
et Spongiam et caeteras huius modi quisquilias 
statuere numquam esse factum. 7. sed tamen, 
ut te de re pubHca consoler, non ita, ut sperarunt 
mali, tanto imposito rei pubhcae vulnere, alacris 
exsultat improbitas in victoria. nam plane ita 
putaverunt, quum religio, quuin pudicitia, quum 
iudiciorum fides, quum senatus auctoritas conci- 
disset, fore ut aperte victrix nequitia ac libido 
poenas ab optimo quoque peteret sui doloris, quem 
improbissimo cuique inusserat severitas consulatus 
mei. 8. idem ego ille— non enim mihi videor 
insolenter gloriari, quum de me apud te loquor, in 
ea praesertim epistola quam nolo ab aliis legi — 
idem, inquam, ego recreavi adflictos animos bono- 
rum, unum quemque confirmans, excitans : insec- 
tandis vero exagitandisque numariis iudicibus om- 
nem omnibus studiosis ac fautoribus illius victoriae 
Trapprjaiav eripui, Pisonem consulcm nulla in re 
consistere umquam sum passus, desponsam ho- 
mini iam Syriam ademi, senatum ad pristinam 
suam scveritatem revocavi atque abiectum excitavi, 
Clodium praesentem fregi in senatu quum oratione 
perpetua, plenissima gravitatis, tum altercatione 
eius modi, ex qua licet pauca dcgustcs. nam 
caetera non possunt habere neque vim ncque ve- 
nustatem, remoto illo studio contcntionis, quem 
dywfa vos appellatis. 9. nam, ut Idib. Maiis in 


senatum convenimus, rocratus e<zo sententiam multa 
dixi de summa re publica, atque ille locus inductus 
a me est divinitus : ne una plaga accepta patres 
conscript! conciderent, ne deficerent : vulnus esse 
eius modi, quod mihi nee dissimulandum nee per- 
timescendum videretur, ne aut metuendo ignavis- 
simi aut ignorando stultissimi iudicaremur : bis 
absolutum esse Lentulum, bis Catilinam, hunc ter- 
tium iam esse a iudicibus in rem publicam immis- 
sum. erras, Clodi : non te indices urbi, sed carceri 
reservarunt, neque te retinere in civitate, sed exsilio 
privare voluerunt. quam ob rem, patres conscripti, 
erieite animos, retinete vestram dignitatem, manet 
ilia in re publica bonorum consensio: dolor acces- 
sit bonis viris, virtus non est imminuta : nihil est 
damni factum novi, sed, quod erat, inventum est. in 
unius hominis perditi iudicio plures similes reperti 
sunt. 10. sed quid ago ? paene orationem in episto- 
1am inclusi. redeo ad altercationem. surgit pulchel- 
lus puer, obiicit mihi mead Baias fiiisse. falsum, sed 
tamen quid hoc .■• simile est, inquam, quasi dicas 
in operto fuisse. quid, inquit, homini Arpinati cum 
aqiiis calidisf narra, inquam, patrono tuo, qui 
Arpinatis aquas concupivit. (nosti enim Marianas.) 
quousque, inquit, hiuic rcgem feremus ? regem ap- 
pellas, inquam, quum Rex tui mentionem nullam 
fecerit "f (ille autem Regis hereditatem spe devora 
rat.) doumm, inquit, cmisti. potes, inquam, dicere, 
'iudices emisti ? iiwanti, inquit, tibi non crcdidernnt. 
mihi vero, inquam, XXV iudices crediderunt, XXXI, 
quoniam numos ante acceperunt, tibi nihil credide- 
runt. magnis clamoribus adflictus conticuit et 
concidit. ii. noster autem status est hie: apud 

LIB. I. EP. 1 6. 27 

bonos iidem sumus, quos reliquisti, apud sordem 
urbis et faecem multo melius nunc, quam reli- 
quisti. nam et illud nobis non obest, videri nostrum 
testimonium non valuisse — missus est sanguis in- 
vidiae sine dolore — atque etiam hoc magis, quod 
omnes illi fautores illius flagitii rem manifestam 
illam redemptam esse a iudicibus confitentur : 
accedit, quod ilia contionalis hirudo aerarii, misera 
ac ieiuna plebecula, me ab hoc Magno unice diligl 
putat, et hercule multa et iucunda consuetudine 
coniuncti inter nos sumus, usque eo, ut nostri isti 
comissatores coniurationis, barbatuli iuvenes, ilium 
in sermonibus Cnaeum Ciceronem appellent. ita- 
que et ludis et gladiatoribus mirandas iiriaij/jbaa-ia^ 
sine ulla pastoricia fistula auferebamus. 12. nunc 
est exspectatio ingens comitiorum, in quae omnibus 
invltis trudit noster Magnus Auli filium, atque 
in eo neque auctoritate neque gratia pugnat, sed 
quibus Philippus omnia castella expugnari posse 
dicebat, in quae modo asellus onustus auro posset 
ascendere. consul autem ille, Doterionis histrionis 
similis, suscepisse negocium dicitur et domi divi- 
sores habere : quod ego non credo, sed senatus 
consulta duo iam facta sunt, odiosa, quod in con- 
sulem facta putantur, Catone et Domitio postu- 
lante, unum, ut apud magistratus inquiri liceret, 
alterum, cuius domi divisores habitarent, adversus 
rem publicam. 13. Lurco autem tribunus ple- 
bis [est], qui, magistratum simul-j* contra legem 
Aeliam iniit, solutus est et Aelia et Fufia ut 
legem de ambitu ferret, quam ille bono auspicio 
claudus homo promulgavit. ita comitia in ante 
diem Vl Kal. Sext. dilata sunt, novi est in lege 

P.C. 4 


hoc, ut, qui numos in tribus pronunciarit, si non 
dederit, impune sit : sin dederit, ut quoad vivat 
singulis tribubus HS CID CID CO debeat. dixi 
hanc legem P. Clodium iam ante servasse : pronun- 
ciare enim solitum esse et non dare, sed heus tu ! 
videsne consulatum ilium nostrum, quern Curio 
antea d-rrodewcnv vocabat, si hie factus erit, fabulam 
mimum futurum ? qua re, ut opinor, (ptXoao(f>T)Teov, 
id quod tu facis, et istos consulatus non flocci 
facteon. 14. quod ad me scribis, te in Asiam 
statuisse non ire, equidem mallem ut ires, ac vereor 
ne quid in ista re minus commode fiat, sed tamen 
non possum reprehendere consilium tuum, prae- 
sertim quum egomet in prov^inciam non sim pro- 
fectus. 15. epigrammatis tuis, quae in Amaltheo 
posuisti, contenti crimus, praesertim quum et 
Chilius nos reliquerit et Archias nihil de me 
scripserit, ac vereor ne, Lucullis quoniam Graecum 
poema condidit, nunc ad Caecilianam fabulam 
spectet. 16. Antonio tuo nomine gratias egi, eam- 
que epistolam Manlio dedi. ad te ideo antea 
rarius scripsi, quod non habebam idoneum cui 
darem nee satis sciebam quo darem. valde te 
vindicavi. 17. Cincius si quid ad me tui negocii 
detulerit, suscipiam. sed nunc magis in suo est 
occupatus, in quo ego ei non desum. tu, si uno in 
loco es futurus, crebras a nobis litteras exspecta : 
ast plures etiam ipse mittito. 18. velim ad me 
scribas cuius modi sit' A fiaXdelov tuum, quo ornatu, 
qua Toirodeaia, et quae poemata quasque historias 
de W/xaXOela habes ad me mittas. lubet mihi facere 
in Arpinati. ego tibi aliquid de meis scriptis mit- 
tam. nihil erat absoluti. 

LIB. I. EP. 17. 29 


{Romae. Messala, Pisom coss. 693.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Magna mihi varietas voluntatis et dissimili- 
tudo opinionis ac iudicii Quinti fratris mei de- 
monstrata est ex litteris tuis, in quibus ad me 
epistolarum illius exempla misisti. qua ex re et 
molestia sum tanta adfectus.. quantam mihi meus 
amor summus erga utrumque vestrum adferre de- 
buit, et admiratione quidnam accidisset quod adfer- 
ret Quinto fratri meo aut offensionem tarn gravem 
autcommutationem tantam voluntatis, atque illud 
a me iam ante intelligebatur, quod te quoque 
ipsum discedentem a nobis suspicari videbam, 
subesse nescio quid opinionis incommodae sau- 
ciumque esse eius animum et insedisse quasdam 
odiosas suspiciones : quibus ego mederi quum cu- 
perem antea saepe et vehementius etiam post 
sortitionem_ provinciae, nee tantum intelligebam ei 
esse offensionis, quantum litterae tuae declararant, 
nee tantum proficiebam, quantum volebam. 2. sed 
tamen hoc me ipse consolabar, quod non dubita- 
bam quin te ille aut Dyrrhachii aut in istis locis 
uspiam visurus esset. quod quum accidisset, con- 
fidebam ac mihi persuaseram fore ut omnia placa- 
rentur inter vos non modo sermone ac disputatione, 
sed conspectu ipso congressuque vestro. nam 
quanta sit in Quinto fratre meo comitas, quanta 
iucunditas, quam mollis animus ad accipiendam et 
ad deponendam offensionem, nihil attinet me ad 
te, qui ea nosti, scribere. sed accidit perincom- 



mode, quod eum nusquam vidisti. valuit enim 
plus, quod erat illi non nuUorum artificiis inculca- 
tum, quam aut officium aut necessitudo aut amor 
vester ille pristinus, qui plurimum valere debuit. 
3. atque huius incommodi culpa ubi resideat 
facilius possum existimare quam scribere. vereor 
enim ne, dum defendam meos, non parcam tuis. 
nam sic intelligo, ut nihil a domesticis vulneris 
factum sit, illud quidem quod erat eos certe sanare 
potuisse. sed huiusce rei totius vitium, quod ali- 
quanto etiam latius patet quam videtur, praesenti 
tibi commodius exponam. 4. de iis litteris, quas 
ad te Thessalonica misit, et de sermonibus, quos 
ab illo et Romae apud amicos tuos et in itinere 
habitos putas, ecquid tantum causae sit ignoro : 
sed omnis in tua posita est humanitate mihi spes 
huius levandae molestiae. nam, si ita statueris, et 
irritabiles animos esse optimorum saepe hominum 
et eosdem placabiles, et esse banc agilitatem, ut 
ita dicam, mollitiamque naturae plerumque boni- 
tatis et, id quod caput est, nobis inter nos nostra 
sive incommoda sive vitia sive iniurias esse toleran- 
das, facile haec, quem ad modum spero, mitiga- 
buntur. quod ego ut facias te oro. nam ad me, 
qui te unice diligo, maxime pertinet neminem esse 
meorum, qui aut te non amet aut abs te non ame- 
tur. 5. ilia pars epistolae tuae mJnime fuit neces- 
saria, in qua exponis quas facultates aut provin- 
cialium aut urbanorum commodorum et aliis 
temporibus et me ipso consule praetermiseris. 
mihi enim perspecta est ingenuitas et magnitude 
animi tui, neque ego inter me atque te quidquam 
interesse umquam duxi praeter voluntatem in- 

LIB. I. EP. 17. 31 

stitutae vitae, quod me ambitio quaedam ad hono- 
rum studium, te autem alia minime reprehendenda 
ratio ad honestum ocium duxit. vera quidem 
laude probitatis, diligentiae, religionis neque mc 
tibi neque quemquam antepono, amoris vero erga 
me, quum a fraterno amore domesticoque discessi, 
tibi primas defero. 6. vidi enim, vidi penitusque 
perspexi in meis variis temporibus et soUicitudines 
et laetitias tuas. fuit mihi saepe et laudis nostrae 
gratulatio tua iucunda et timoris consolatio grata, 
quin mihi nunc te absente non solum consilium, 
quo tu excellis, sed etiam sermonis communicatio, 
quae mihi suavissima tecum solet esse, maxime 
deest — quid dicam ? — in publicane re, quo in gen- 
ere mihi negligent! esse non licet, an in forensi 
labore, quem antea propter ambitionem sustinebam, 
nunc, ut dignitatem tueri gratia possim, an in ipsis 
domesticis negociis, in quibus ego quum antea turn 
vero post discessum fratris te sermonesque nostros 
desidero ? postremo non labor meus, non requies, 
non negocium, non ocium, non forenses res, non 
domesticae, non publicae, non privatae carere diu- 
tius tuo suavissimo atque amantissimo consilio ac 
sermone possunt. 7. atque harum rerum com- 
memorationem verecundia saepe impedivit utrius- 
que nostrum, nunc autem ea fuit necessaria 
propter eam partem epistolae tuae, per quam te ac 
mores tuos mihi purgatos ac probatos esse voluisti. 
atque in ista incommoditate alienati illius animi et 
ofifensi illud inest tamen commodi, quod et mihi et 
caeteris amicis tuis nota fuit et abs te aliquando 
testificata tua voluntas omittendae provinciae, ut, 
quod una non estis, non dissensione ac discidio 


vestro, sed voluntate ac iudicio tuo factum esse 
videatur. qua re et ilia, quae violata, expiabuntur et 
haec nostra, quae sunt sanctissime conservata, suam 
religionem obtinebunt. 8. nos hie in re publica 
infirma misera commutabilique versamur. credo 
enim te audisse nostros equites paene a senatu esse 
disiunctos : qui primum illud valde graviter tule- 
runt, promulgatum ex senatus consulto fuisse, ut 
de eis, qui ob iudicandum pecuniam accepissent, 
quaereretur. qua in re decernenda quum ego casu 
non adfuissem sensissemque id equestrem ordinem 
ferre moleste neque aperte dicere, obiurgavi sena- 
tum, ut mihi visus sum, summa cum auctoritate, 
et in causa non verecunda admodum gravis et 
copiosus fui. 9. ecce aliae deliciae equitum vix 
ferendae ! quas ego non solum tuli, sed etiam or- 
navi, Asiani, qui de censoribus conduxerunt, questi 
sunt in senatu se cupiditate prolapsos nimium 
magno conduxisse : ut induceretur locatio, postula- 
verunt. ego princeps in adiutoribus atque adeo 
secundus. nam, ut illi auderent hoc postulare, 
Crassus eos impulit. invidiosa res, turpis postu- 
latio et confessio temeritatis. summum erat peri- 
culum ne, si nihil impetrassent, plane alienarentur 
a senatu. huic quoque rei subventum est maxima 
a nobis perfectumque, ut frequentissimo senatu et 
libentissimo uterentur, multaque a me de ordinum 
dignitate et concordia dicta sunt Kal. Decembr. et 
postridie. neque adhuc res confecta est, sed 
voluntas senatus perspecta. unus enim contra 
dixerat Metellus consul designatus. quin erat 
dicturus — ad quem propter diei brevitatem per- 
ventum non est — heros ille noster Cato. 10. sic 

LIB. L EP. 17, 1 8. 33 

ego eonservans rationem institutionemque nostram 
tueor, ut possum, illam a me conglutinatam con- 
cordiam, sed tamen, quoniam ista sunt infirma, 
munitur quaedam nobis ad retinendas opes nostras 
tuta, ut spero, via, quam tibi litteris satis explicare 
non possum, significatione parva ostendam tamen. 
utor Pompeio familiarissime. video quid dicas. 
cavebo quae sunt cavenda ac scribam alias ad te 
de meis consiliis capessendae rei publicae plura. 
II. Lucceium scito consulatum habere in animo 
statim petere : duo enim soli dicuntur petituri. 
Caesar cum eo coire per Arrium cogitat et Bibulus 
cum hoc se putat per C. Pisonem posse coniungi. 
rides ? non sunt haec ridicula, mihi crede. quid 
aliud scribam ad te ? quid .-* multa sunt, sed in aliud 
tempus. te si exspectari velis, cures ut sciam. 
iam illud modeste rogo, quod maxime cupio, ut 
quam primum venias. Nonis Decembribus. 


{Romae. Metello, Afranio coss. 694.) 
Cicero Attico S. 

I. Nihil mihi nunc scito tam deesse quam 
hominem eum, quicum omnia, quae me cura aliqua 
adficiunt, una communicem : qui me amet, qui 
sapiat, quicum ego colloquar, nihil fingam, nihil 
dissimulem, nihil obtegam. abest enim frater ci^e- 
\e(Traro<i et amantissimus [mei]. en tellus ! non 
homo, sed 

lit tits atqiie a'er et solitude inera I 
tu autem, qui saepissime curam et angorem animi 
mei sermone et consilio levasti tuo, qui mihi et in 


publica re socius et in privatis omnibus conscius et 
omnium meorum sermonum et consiliorum particeps 
esse soles, ubinam es ? ita sum ab omnibus de- 
stitutus, ut tantum requietis habeam, quantum cum 
uxore et filiola et mellito Cicerone consumitur. 
nam illae ambitiosae nostrae fucosaeque amicitiae 
sunt in quodam splendore forensi, fructum domes- 
ticum non habent. itaque, quum bene completa 
domus est tempore matutino, quum ad forum sti- 
pati gregibus amicorum descendimus, reperire ex 
magna turba neminem possumus quicum aut iocari 
libere aut suspirare familiariter possimus. qua 
re te exspectamus, te desideramus, te iam etiam 
arcessimus : multa sunt enim, quae me sollicitant 
anguntque, quae mihi videor aures nactus tuas 
unius ambulationis sermone exhaurire posse. 2. 
ac domesticarum quidem soUicitudinum aculeos 
omnes et scrupulos occultabo, neque ego huic epi- 
stolae atque ignoto tabellario committam. atque 
hi — nolo enim te permoveri — non sunt permolesti, 
sed tamen insident et urgent et nullius amantis 
consilio aut sermone requiescunt. in re publica vero, 
quamquam animus est praesens^f* et voluntas etiam, 
tamen ea iam ipsa raedicinam refugit. nam ut ea 
breviter, quae post tuum discessum acta sunt, col- 
ligam, iam exclames necesse est res Romanas diutius 
stare non posse, etenim post profectionem tuam 
primus, ut opinor, introitus fuit in causam fabulae 
Clodianae, in qua ego nactus, ut mihi videbar, 
locum resecandae libidinis et coercendae iuventu- 
tis, vehemens fui et omnes profudi vires animi at- 
que ingenii mei, non odio adductus alicuius, sed 
spe rei publicae corrigendae et sanandae civitatis. 

LIB. I. EP. 1 8. 35 

3. adflicta res publica est empto constupratoquc 
iudicio. vide quae sint postea consecuta. consul 
est impositus is nobis, quern nemo praeter nos 
philosophos aspicere sine suspiritu posset, quan- 
tum hoc vulnus ! facto senatus consulto de ambitu, 
de iudiciis, nulla lex perlata, exagitatus senatus, 
alienati equites Romani. sic ille annus duo firma- 
menta rei publicae per me unum constituta evertit : 
nam et senatus auctoritatem abiecit et ordinum 
concordiam disiunxit. instat hie nunc [ille] annus 
egregius. eius initium eius modi fuit, ut anniver- 
saria sacra luventatis non committerentur. nam 
M. LucuUi uxorem Memmius suis sacris initiavit. 
Menelaus aegre id passus divortium fecit, quam- 
quam ille pastor Idaeus Menelaum solum con- 
tempserat, hie noster Paris tam Menelaum quam 
Agamemnonem liberum non putavit. 4. est autem 
C. Herennius quidam tribunus plebis, quem tu 
fortasse ne nosti quidem : tametsi potes nosse, 
tribulis enim tuus est et Sextus pater eius numos 
vobis dividere solebat : is ad plebem P. Clodium 
traducit, idemque fert, ut universus populus in 
campo Martio sufifragium de re Clodii ferat hunc 
ego accepi in senatu, ut soleo, sed nihil est illo ho- 
mine lentius. 5. Metellus est consul egregius et nos 
amat, sed imminuit auctoritatem suam, quod habet 
dicis causa promulgatum illudf quidem de Clodio. 
Auli autem filius, o di immortales ! quam ignavus 
ac sine animo miles ! quam dignus, qui Palicano, 
sicut facit, os ad male audiendum cotidie praebeat! 
6. Agraria autem promulgata est a Flavio, sane 
levis, eadem fere, quae fuit Plotia. sed interea 
7roX,iTtAcc9 av^p oi)S' opap quisquam inveniri potest. 


qui poterat, familiaris noster — sic est enim : volo 
te hoc scire — Pompeius togulam illam pictam 
silentio tuetur suam. Crassus verbum nullum contra 
gratiam. caeteros iam nosti : qui ita sunt stulti, 
ut amissa re publica piscinas suas fore salvas spe- 
rare videantur. 7. unus est qui curet constantia 
magis et integritate quam, ut mihi videtur, consilio 
aut ingenio, Cato : qui miseros publicanos, quos 
habuit amantissimos sui, tertium iam mensem vexat, 
neque iis a senatu responsum dari patitur. Ita nos 
cogimur reliquis de rebus nihil decernere ante quam 
publicanis responsum sit. qua re etiam legationes 
reiectum iri puto. 8. nunc vides quibus fluctibus 
iactemur, et, si ex iis, quae scripsimus [tanta], etiam 
a me non scripta perspicis, revise nos aliquando et, 
quamquam sunt haec fugienda, quo te voco, tamen 
fac ut amorem nostrum tanti aestimes, ut eo vel 
cum his molestiis perfrui velis. nam, ne absens 
censeare, curabo edicendum et proponendum locis 
omnibus, sub lustrum autem censeri germani 
negociatoris est. qua re cura ut te quam primum 
videamus. vale. XI Kal. Febr. O. Metello L. 
Afranio coss. 


{Romae. Metello, Afranio coss. 694.) 

Cicero Attico S. 

I. Non modo, si mihi tantum esset ocii, quan- 
tum est tibi, verum etiam, si tarn breves epistolas 
vellem mittere, quam tu soles facere, te superarem 
et in scribendo multo essem crebrior quam tu. sed 
ad summas atque incredibiles occupationes meas 
accedit, quod nuUam a me epistolam ad te sine 

LIB. I. EP. 19. 37 

absque argumento ac sententia pervenire. et pri- 
mum tibi ut aequum est civi amanti patriam, quae 
sunt in re publica, exponam : deinde, quoniam tibi 
amore nos proximi sumus, scribemus etiam de 
nobis ea, quae scire te non nolle arbitramur. 2, 
atque in re publica nunc quidem maxime Gallici 
belli versatur metus. nam Aedui, fratres nostri, 
pugnant, Sequanif permale pugnarunt, et Helvetii 
sine dubio sunt in armis excursionesque in provin- 
ciam faciunt. senatus decrevit, ut consules duas 
Gallias sortirentur, dilectus haberetur, vacationes 
ne valerent, legati cum auctoritate mitterentur qui 
adirent Galliae civitates darentque operam ne eae 
se cum Helvetiis coniungerent legati sunt Q. 
Metellus Creticus et L. Flaccus et to eVt T17 (f)aKf] 
fivpov, Lentulus Clodiani filius. 3. atque hoc loco 
illud non queo praeterire, quod, quum de consulari- 
bus mea prima sors exisset, una voce senatus 
frequens retinendum me in urbe censuit. Hoc idem 
post me Pompeio accidit, ut nos duo quasi pignora 
rei publicae retineri videremur. quid enim ego 
aliorum in me eTri^oovr^ixara exspectem, quum haec 
domi nascantur ? 4. urbanae autem res sic se 
habent. agraria lex a Flavio tribuno plebis vehe- 
menter agitabatur auctore Pompeio, quae nihil 
populare habebat praeter auctorem. ex hac ego 
lege secunda contionis voluntate omnia ilia tolle- 
bam, quae ad privatorum incommodum pertine- 
bant: liberabam agrum eum, qui P. Mucio L. Cal- 
purnio consulibus publicus fuisset : Sullanorum 
hominum possessiones confirmabam: Volaterranos 
et Arretinos, quorum agrum Sulla publicarat neque 
diviserat, in sua possessione retinebam: unam ratio- 


nem non reiiciebam, ut ager hac adventicia pecunia 
emeretur, quae ex novis vectigalibus per quinquen- 
nium reciperetur. huic toti rationi agrariae senatus 
adversabatur, suspicans Pompeio novam quamdam 
potentiam quaeri. Pompeius vero ad voluntatem 
perferendae legis incubuerat. ego autem magna 
cum agrariorum gratia confirmabam omnium pri- 
vatorum possessiones — is enim est noster exercitus 
hominum, ut tute scis, locupletium — , populo autem 
et Pompeio — nam id quoque volebam — satis facie- 
bam emptione, qua constituta diligenter et senti- 
nam urbis exhauriri et Italiae solitudinem frequen- 
tari posse arbitrabar. sed haec tota res interpel- 
lata bello refrixerat. Metellus est consul sane 
bonus et nos admodum diligit. ille alter ita nihil 
est, ut plane quid emerit nesciat. 5. haec sunt in 
re publica, nisi etiam illud ad rem publicam putas 
pertinere, Herennium quemdam, tribunum plebis, 
tribuiem tuum, sane hominem nequam atque egen- 
tem, saepe iam de P. Clodio ad plebem traducendo 
agere coepisse : huic frequenter interceditur. haec 
sunt, ut opinor, in re publica. 6. ego autem, ut 
semel Nonarum illarum Decembrium iunctam invi- 
dia ac multorum inimicitiis eximiam quamdam 
atque immortalem gloriam consecutus sum, non 
destiti eadem animi magnitudine in re publica ver- 
sari et illam institutam ac susceptam dignitatem 
tueri, sed postea quam primum Clodii absolutione 
levitatem infirmitatemque iudiciorum perspexi, 
deinde vidi nostros publicanos facile a senatu dis- 
iungi, quamquam a me ipso non divellerentur, tum 
autem beatos homines — hos piscinarios dico, ami- 
cos tuos, — non obscure nobis invidere, putavi mihi 

LIB. I. EP. 19. 39 

maiores quasdam opes et firmiora praesidia esse 
quaerenda. 7, itaque primum eum, qui nimium 
diu de rebus nostris tacuerat, Pompeium, adduxi in 
earn voluntatem, ut in senatu non semel sed saepe 
multisque verbis huius mihi salutem imperii atque 
orbis terrarum adiudicarit. quod non tarn interfuit 
mea — neque enim illae res aut ita sunt obscurae, 
ut testimonium, aut ita dubiae, ut laudationem 
desiderent — quam rei publicae, quod erant quidam 
improbi, qui contentionem fore aliquam mihi cum 
Pompeio ex rerum illarum dissensione arbitraren- 
tur. cum hoc ego me tanta familiaritate coniunxi, 
ut uterque nostrum in sua ratione munitior et in re 
publica firmior hac coniunctione esse possit. 8. 
odia autem ilia libidinosae et delicatae iuventutis, 
quae erant in me incitata, sic mitigata sunt comi- 
tate quadam mea, me unum ut omnes illi colant. 
nihil iam denique a me asperum in quemquam fit, 
nee tamen quidquam populare ac dissolutum, sed 
ita temperata tota ratio est, ut rei publicae con- 
stantiam praestem, privatis rebus meis propter 
infirmitatem bonorum, iniquitatem malevolorum, 
odium in me improborum adhibeam quamdam 
cautionem et diligentiam, atque ita tamen his novis 
amicitiis implicati sumus, ut crebro mihi vafer ille 
Siculus insusurret [Epicharmus] cantilenam illam 

Na^e Kal fie/Mvaa dinareiv. apdpa ravra rdv (fypevtov. 

ac nostrae quidem rationis ac vitae quasi quamdam 
formam, ut opinor, vides. 9. de tuo autem nego- 
cio saepe ad me scribis, cui mederi nunc non pos- 
sumus. est enim illud senatus consultum summa 


pedariorum voluntate, nullius nostrum auctoritate 
factum, nam, quod me esse ad scribendum vides, 
ex ipso senatus consulto intelligere potes aliam rem 
tum relatam, hoc autem de populis liberis sine 
causa additum: et ita factum est a P. Servilio filio, 
qui in postremis sententiam dixit, sed immutari 
hoc tempore non potest, itaque conventus, qui 
initio celebrabantur, iam diu fieri desierunt. tu si 
tuis blanditiis tamen a Sicyoniis numulorum ali- 
quid expresseris, velim mc facias certiorem. lO. 
commentarium consulatus mei Graece compositum 
misi ad te : in quo si quid erit quod homini Attico 
minus Graecum eruditumque videatur, non dicam, 
quod tibi, ut opinor, Panhormi LucuUus de suis his- 
toriis dixerat, se, quo facilius illas probaret Romani 
hominis esse, idcirco barbara quaedam et aoXoiKu 
dispersisse : apud me si quid erit eius modi, me 
imprudente erit et invito. Latinum si perfecero, ad 
te mittam. tertium poema exspectato, ne quod 
genus a me ipso laudis meae praetermittatur. hie 
tu cave dicas, r/? Trarip' alvrjaei',' si est enim apud 
homines quidquam quod potius sit, laudetur: nos 
vituperemur, qui non potius alia laudemus. quam- 
quam non iyKO)fj,tacrTiKa sunt haec, sed laToptKfi, 
quae scribimus. ii. Quintus frater purgat se mul- 
tum per litteras et adfirmat nihil a se cuiquam de 
te secus esse dictum, verum haec nobis coram 
summa cura et diligentia sunt agenda : tu modo 
nos revise aliquando. Cossinius hie, cui dedi lit- 
teras, valde mihi bonus homo et non levis et amans 
tui visus est et talis, qualem esse eum tuae mihi 
litterae nunciarant. Idibus Martiis. 

LIB. I. EP. 20. 41 


{Romae. Metello, Afranio coss. 694.) 
Cicero Attico S. 

I. Quum e Pompeiano me Romam recepissem 
a. d. nil Idus Maias, Cincius noster earn mihi abs te 
epistolam reddidit, quam tu Idib. Febr. dederas. ei 
nunc epistolae litteris his respondebo. ac primum 
tibi perspectum esse iudicium de te meum laetor, 
deinde te in iis rebus, quae mihi asperius a nobis 
atque nostris et iniucundius actae videbantur, mo- 
deratissimum fuisse vehementissime gaudeo, idque 
neque amoris mediocris et ingenii summi ac sapi- 
entiae iudico. qua de re quum ad me ita suaviter, 
diligenter, officiose, humaniter scripseris, ut non 
modo te hortari ampHus non debeam, sed ne ex- 
spectare quidem abs te aut ab ullo homine tantum 
facihtatis ac mansuetudinis potuerim, nihil duco 
esse commodius quam de his rebus nihil iam am- 
plius scribere. quum erimus congressi, tum, si 
quid res feret, coram inter nos conferemus. 2. 
quod ad me de re publica scribis, disputas tu qui- 
dem et amanter et prudenter et a meis consiliis 
ratio tua non abhorret — nam neque de statu nobis 
nostrae dignitatis est recedendum neque sine nos- 
tris copiis intra alterius praesidia veniendum et is, 
de quo scribis, nihil habet amplum, nihil excelsum, 
nihil non summissum atque populare — , verum ta- 
men fuit ratio mihi fortasse ad tranquilHtatem meo- 
rum temporum non inutilis, sed me hcrcule rei 
publicae multo etiam utilior quam mihi, civium im- 
proborum impetus in me reprimi, quum hominis 


amplissima fortuna, auctoritate, gratia fluctuantem 
sententiam confirmassem et a spe malorum ad 
mearum rerum laudem convertissem. quod si cum 
aliqua levitate mihi faciendum fuisset, nullam rem 
tanti aestimassem, sed tamen a me ita sunt acta 
omnia, non ut ego illi adsentiens levior, sed ut ille 
me probans gravior videretur. 3. reliqua sic a 
me aguntur et agentur, ut non committamus ut ea, 
quae gessimus, fortuito gessisse videamur. meos 
bonos viros, illos quos significas, et eam, quam 
mihi dicis obtigisse, ^iraprav, non mpdo numquam 
deseram, sed etiam, si ego ab ilia deserar, tamen 
in mea pristina sententia permanebo. illud tamen 
velim existimes, me hanc viam optimatum post 
Catuli mortem nee praesidio ullo nee comitatu 
tenere. nam, ut ait Rhinton, ut opinor, 

Ot fiev Trap ovhev elai, rot? S' ovSev fiiXei. 

mihi vero ut invideant piscinarii nostri aut scribam 
ad te alias aut in congressum nostrum reservabo. 
a curia autem nulla me res divellet, vel quod ita 
rectum est vel quod rebus meis maxime consenta- 
neum vel quod a senatu quanti fiam minime me 
poenitet. 4. de Sicyoniis, ut ad te scripsi antea, 
non multum spei est in senatu. nemo est enim 
iam qui queratur. qua re, si id exspectas, longum 
est. alia via, si qua potes, pugna. quum est ac- 
tum, neque animadversum est ad quos pertineret et 
raptim in eam sententiam pedarii cucurrerunt in- 
ducendi senatus consulti maturitas nondum est, 
quod neque sunt qui querantur et multi partim 
malevolentia, partim opinione aequitatis delectan- 
tur. 5. Metellus tuus est egregius consul : unum 

LIB. I. EP. 20. 43 

reprehendo, quod ocium nunciari e Gallia non 
magno opere gaudet. cupit, credo, triumphare. 
hoc vellem mediocrius: caetera egregia. Auli filius 
vero ita se gerit, ut eius consulatus non consulatus 
sit, sed Magni nostri vTrcoTriov. 6. de meis scriptis 
misi ad te Graece perfectum consulatum meum. 
eum librum L. Cossinio dedi. puto te Latinis 
meis delectari, huic autem Graeco Graecum invidere. 
alii si scripserint, mittemus ad te, sed, mihi crede, 
simul atque hoc nostrum legerunt, nescio quo 
pacto retardantur. 7. nunc, ut ad rem meam 
redeam, L. Papirius Paetus, vir bonus amatorque 
noster, mihi libros eos, quos Sen Claudius reliquit, 
donavit. quum mihi per legem Cinciam licere 
capere Cincius amicus tuus diceret, libenter dixi 
me accepturum, si attulisset. nunc si me amas, si 
te a me amari scis, enitere per amicos, clientes, 
hospites, libertos denique ac servos tuos, ut scida 
ne qua depereat. nam et Graecis his libris, quos 
suspicor, et Latinis, quos scio ilium reliquisse, mihi 
vehementer opus est. ego autem cotidie magis, 
quod mihi de forensi labore temporis datur, in his 
studiis conquiesco. per mihi, per, inquam, gratum 
feceris, si in hoc tam diligens fueris quam soles in 
iis rebus, quas me valde velle arbitraris, ipsiusque 
Paeti tibi negocia commendo, de quibus tibi ille 
agit maximas gratias, et, ut iam invisas nos, non 
solum rogo, sed etiam suadeo. 

P. C. 



Epitome of Contents] § i — 3 A summary of his posiiion 
as candidate for the consulship, together with a sketch of his 
probable competitors. % 3 — 5 The reasons of his refusal to 
act as counsel for Caecilius in his case against A. Caninius 
Satrius. § 5 His acknowledgments for the receipt of a statue. 

§ I Petitionis'\ =prensationis, as Cicero's petitio or formal 
canvass for the consulship would not begin before the ensuing 
year. It was usual however to employ the year which imme- 
diately followed the praetorship in forming a general interest, 
and it is to this private canvass that Cicero now alludes. 
'The prospects of my canvass in which I know you take the 
deepest interest are, to make a guess at them, something as 

l/nus"] 'alone,' for Antonius and Cornificius, though men- 
tioned below as intending candidates, are nowhere said to 
have begun their canvass. It is therefore quite needless 
to understand 7(nus in the sense of 'especially' on the ana- 
logy of the Greek tls [Soph. Trach. 460, Oed. rex 1380] and 
of such passages as Verg. Aen. II. 426 and Cat. XXII. 10, if 
indeed in the latter instance the word is not rather to be 
explained in its later sense as equivalent to ns. 

P. Calba] P. Sulpicius Galba, a patrician, who is men- 
tioned with praise in the or. pro ATur. viil. 17. 

Sine fuco ac fallaciis] ' They say him nay in primitive 
fashion and without ceremony or disguise.' There can be 
little doubt that this is the right punctuation, in confirmation ot 
which we may instance the similar expression fucosi suffra- 

fatores (Q. Cic. de pet. cons. ix. 35). Manutius on the other 
and would take the words niore maiorum in the sense of 
'without bribery,' and xcicr sine fuco ac fallaciis \.o prensat 
rather than negatur. 


46 NOTES. 

rraepropera\ ' Premature,' both in tivie and place : the 
comitia fridunicia, which was the first election in the year, 
being the recognised time, and the Campus Martins the re- 
cognised place. 

Ita...ut\ 'For they generally refuse him their votes on 
the plea that they are bound to reserve them for me. So I 
think it must further my interest as the news gains ground 
that my friends are being found so numerous.' 

Cogitaramus] For the epistolary tense cf. Madv. 345. 

P?'oJin'sci]= profectitrutn esse, as in II. 6. 2 quando te pro- 
ficisci istinc puies fac ut sciain, and again in IV. 16. 12. Boot. 

Cincius] L. Cincius, an agent of Atticus, to judge from 
such passages as Vll. i, VIII. 2, XVI. 17. 

a.d. XVl] We may without hesitation reject the old read- 
ing ad in favour of a.d. as the day for the election of tribunes 
in the Campus Martins would not be left in doubt as the 
word ad would imply. 

Qui videantur'] " So far as they can be ascertained." 

Anfonius] C. Antonius Hybrida was Cicero's colleague in 
the aedileship and praetorship and afterwards in the con- 

CornificiHs'\ Q. Cornificius 'index justissimus' [or. in Ver. 
I. 10. 30). He was Cicero's colleague in the augurship and 
tribune in the consulship of Metellus and Hortensius. 

Ut fro7item ferias'\ To attach these words to the foregoing 
sentence, as Nobbe edits them, is to destroy utterly the force 
of the climax. 'I can fancy your smile or rather sigh at this 
news. To make you tear your hair, Caesonius is thought 
possible by some.' 

In illustration of the phrase iti frontein fcrias, cf. Dion. 
Hal. X. 9 rralovres ra ix(T(0Tra, and Cic. Brut. LXXX. 278. 

Mr Watson regards ingeviuisse as a sign of grief 'at the 
impending defeat of a man of good character,' But it seems 
invidious to draw this distinction when the candidates men- 
tioned in connection with him (e.g. Galba and Caesonius) 
were little inferior in standing and reputation to Cornificius. 
Moreover the words in hoc must surely refer to the past 
sentence as a whole. The improbability of Galba's canvass 
being attended with success, admirable as his character 
was, may be gathered from Q. Cic. de pet. cons. VII. and, 
as it appears to me, it is the fact of their candidature rather 
than the likelihood of their rejection which is to excite the 

NOTES. 47 

mirth and indignation of Atticus. Compare the precisely- 
similar criticism on the candidates of a later year {Ep. ij. 
i). Rides? non siinthacc ridicnla, viihi crede. 

Caesontum] M. Caesonius, a colleague of Cicero in the 
aedileship. Cf. o?: in Verr. I. lo. 29 homo in rebus iiidi- 
candis spectatiis et cognitus. 

Aqtiilium~] C. Aquilius(as Orelli writes the name) Gallus, 
an able lawyer (cf. B?-ut. XLll, de offic. III. 14), and the 
colleague of Cicero in the praetorship. 

Denegat et\ denegans, Boot, a piece of latinity which 
I should be very reluctant to ascribe to Cicero : while the 
dciicgavit et iuravit edited by Schiitz, Klotz and others is 
very objectionable on the score of rhythm. Moreover the 
reading of the text is easily defensible, if we suppose that 
the change from the present to the aorist tense is intended 
to mark the difference between the more general fact of his 
refusal and the definite cause of it : ' at any rate he declares 
the contrary and has put in a plea of ill-health.' A special 
explanation of this kind would be required from one who 
thus stopped short in his career of office 

The phrase iurare niot'buvi occurs again m Ep. ad Ati. 
XII. 13. 2, and may be compared with the similar exciisare 

In 7-egnuin iiidiciale we may notice a playful allusion to 
the idea entertained by Aquilius of his own importance in 
the courts. That the boast was no empty one may be inferred 
from the or. pro Caec. cap. XXVir, where his influence as a 
iiirisconsulliis is admitted in the strongest possible terms. 

Catilind] L. Sergius Catiline, who was at this time ex- 
cluded from the right of suing for the consulship lying as 
he did under a charge of extortion in Africa, where he had 
been praetor A.u.C. 687. Yet, after assuming his guilt in 
these explicit terms, Cicero in the very next letter is prepar- 
ing to undertake his defence. 

Catiline was acquitted to the disgrace of the judges, and in 
all probability by the collusion of Clodius who was prosecutor 
on the occasion. Whether Cicero was his counsel in the 
case is a matter of doubt. For the whole question and its 
connection with the date of the subsequent letter, sec Mr 
Forsyth's Life of Cicero.^ p. 87. 

RIeridie noti lucere\ 'if the judges can bring themselveiS 
to declare that the sun does not shine at noon,' or in other 
words that 'black is white.' 

Auli Jilio'] al. Aujidio, by which A.Titus Aufidius would 
probably be meant who is mentioned in Brut, XLVIII. as a 


jurist, and in the or. pro Flac. as praetor in Asia. But the 
reading of the text is preferred by the best editors, and the 
allusion is to L. Afranius, a creature of Pompeius, who was 
consul with Metellus A. u.C. 694. 'A nobody and the son 
of a nobody ' is perhaps the idea. 

Palicaniis] M. Lollius Palicanus, another candidate of 
the same stamp, as we may gather from an incident which 
is related of him in Val. Max. III. 8. 3. 

He had been a tribune of the people, and is referred to 
again in connection with Afranius m I. 18. 5, while in Brut. 
LXXll. he is described as contioiiibiis tiirbitlentis aptissi- 

§ 2 De Us qui 7iu}tc pctuiit\ ' Of those who are standing for 
the present year Caesar is considered safe. The struggle is 
thought to lie between Thermus and Silanus : who however 
are so threadbare in friends and reputation that it seems 
to me perfectly possible that Curius may be pitted against 
them. But I am alone in this opinion. It suits my interest 
best, I think, for Thermus to be returned with Caesar : for, 
supposing him to stand over for another year, there is no 
one of the present candidates who is likely to prove a 
more formidable rival ; more particularly as he is conduct- 
ing the repairs of the Flaminian way, a work now approach- 
ing its completion.' 

Qui 7iunc petunt\ i.e. for office in 64 B.C. As regards the 
date of this and the subsequent letter I have followed the 
ordinary chronology with Klotz, Nobbe and the majority of 
the editors. On the other hand Schiitz and Matthiae would 
lefer both to the previous year. 

Caesar'\ Lucius luhus Caesar, who was in fact returned 
with Thermus. For his intervention after the murder of 
Caesar see in particular Phil. viil. i. i, and again xil. 

Thermus] Minucius Thermus, adopted into the patrician 
gens Marcia, and mentioned in the Fasti as C. Marcius 
Figulus. He is supposed to be the Q. Minucius Themius 
to whom some of Cicero's letters are addressed, a noted 
partisan of Pompeius in the civil war. Meriv. 

Silano] Decius lulius Silanus, who was consul with 
L. Licinius Muraena A. U. C. 691. 

Ab amicis'\ = ex parte amicorum 'in regard to friends.' 
The construction is apparently a favourite one with Cicero. 
(Zi. Ep. VIII. 14. I [itm'pus] quod magis dcbuerit 7nutum esse 
a litter is : ill. 17. i [litteras] exploratas a timore, and or. 



pro Caec. XXXII. si planicmfacil ab sc, where ab se is equiva- 
lent to ex sua parte. 

Curiu7ti\ Tiirlum, Boot, and with some probabiHty, as 
he is mentioned in the Brutus [cap. Lxvii] in the following 
terms : L. Tiirius parvo ingenio, scd viulto laborc, quoquo 
iiiodo poterat, saepe dicebat. Itaqjie ei pcuicac centiiriae ad 
consulatum defuerimt. But his objection to the received 
reading on the ground that Curius was a man of infamous 
character and had in consequence been removed from the 
senatorial roll [Sail. bell. Cat. XVII.] is of little weight, as it 
is Cicero's intention to disparage Thermus and Silanus by 
the suggestion of some worthless competitor. 

Obdiicei-e\ avTma^aynv. This is, according to Boot, the 
only passage in Cicero where the word is found in this 

Curator viae Flaminiae] Merivale quotes this passage 
as an illustration of the trifling circumstances which might 
often determine the choice of a consul. The via Flaminia 
led from the Porta Flumentana through Etruria to Arimi- 
num, and was designed by the censor C. Flaminius A. u. C. 

Cum Caesar e cons.] quae cum erit absoluta sane facile 
euvi libenternufic ceteri consult acciderifn is the unintelligible 
reading of the best MS, for which Schijtz proposes the follow- 
ing : Quae tunc erit absoluta sane facile, eo libens Thernium 
Caesari consulem accedere viderim. The other emendations 
which have been suggested are for the most part unsatisfac- 
tory. Perhaps the only point which we can determine with 
any degree of certainty is that the words 'quae tunc erit 
absoluta' or their equivalent in meaning should form the end 
of the past sentence rather than the commencement of the 
new. But, with this exception, the reading adopted by 
Schiitz appears to me to be open to objection on several 
points: e.g. the position of the words 'sane facile' at the 
close of a sentence : the introduction of the proper name 
Thermus after so short an interval and when there has been 
no change of subject : and lastly the unusual character of 
the concluding phrase ' Caesari consulem accedere viderim,' ^^'^ 
an olyection to which the emendation of Gronovius 'Caesari 
consulem addiderim' is likewise open. -^%^> 

On the strength of many similar passages we may fairly 
I think regard the words 'sane facile' as introductory to the 
new sentence, while the substitution of 'eum' for 'Thermum' 
is only a return to the reading of the MS. Of the word 
'factum' I speak with less confidence. It is however the 
recognised phrase and, in addition to other passages, occurs 
in Ep. i6. 13 of the present book: 'sedheus tu ! videsnc 

50 NOTES. 

consulatum ilium nostrum, quern Curio ante dnodtaa-iu 
vocabat, si hie /acius erit, fabulam mimum futurum ? ' 

Informatd\ Informare like adumbrare and the Greek 
vTrorrTToci) and (rKLaypa(J3f(o is used of painting or sketching 
in outline : 'my general impression of the candidates.' 

JVos in omni tiiu/t. cafid.] ' For myself, I shall spare no 
pains on my canvass : and, as Gaul seems to exercise a 
considerable influence upon the voting, I may possibly take a 
trip there in September, as soon as the Roman law-courts have 
cooled down for the vacation, on a mission to Piso, but so 
as to be home again in January. As soon as I have got an 
insight into the intentions of our great men you shall know 
the result. With this exception, my path is clear : that is in 
relation to the civilian candidates.' 

Gallia] i.e. Gallia Cispadana. For the extent of this 
influence cf. Philip. II. 30, and the treatise de bell. Gall. Lii. 
T. Labieiuun togatae Calliae praefecit, quo maiore commenda- 
tione cojiciliaretur ad consulatus petitioneni, 

Refrixerit] The word is used again in Ep. ll. i. 6 of a 
measure which was indifferently supported ; quod dc agraria 
kge guaeris, sane iani vidctur refrixisse. From the second 
Verrine oration we find that for the last four months of the 
Roman year there was an almost entire cessation of business 
in the Roman law-courts, as the festivals and holidays were 
crowded into that portion of the year. 

Legati] i.e. on a libera legatio or honorarj' embassy to 
Piso. Caius Calpurnius Piso is meant, who was consul 
with Acilius Glabrio in the year 67 B. c, and brother of the 
Marcus Piso in whose consulship Clodius was tried for 
sacrilege. As governor of Gallia Narbonensis he is the 
subject of a sarcastic allusion in Ep. 13. 1 praeposihimque 
esse nobis pacificatoreni Allobroguni. At a later period he 
was accused of peculation, and defended by Cicero [or. pro 
Flac. 39), who procured his acquittal. 

Prolixa~\ Casaubon believes the word to be equivalent to 
valde laxa. But Forcellini suggests with greater probability 
that the primary idea was that of running water, and that it 
was originally used of garments. Hence we ha\'e prolixus 
capillus of loose-flowing hair. Afterwards it became akin to 
propensics. Thus we \i?Lyt prolixus animus, and {addiv. V'll. 
5. 1) prolixe promittere, and again (Ter. And. V. 8. 20) age 
prolixe. Finally in a speech of Cato {apud A\x\. Gell. vii. 3) 
we find res prolixae used in the present sense oi secnndae. 

Competitoribtis urbanis] civilian as opposed to military 
rivals. The latter might any day return from a foreign 


campaign, and prove formidable antagonists. Casaubon 
would appear to have understood the words in a slightly 
different sense, to judge from the following note: qiiasi dicat, 
multi nobiles qui absunt. 

Ciira lit praestes] i.e./ac ut nit'hi caveas ab istis Potiipeii 
asseclis, ne eos competitores habcavi, Schutz. But 'take care 
to secure me the votes of his retinue' is certainly the more 
natural interpretation of the words, and more in accordance 
with the ordinary usage oi praestare. 

Illarn inanum'\ i. e. the influential voters who had accom- 
panied Pompeius on his Mithridatic campaign. The phrase 
praestare illani nianiim may refer to their votes or else to 
their mdirect injluetice. It is not necessary to confine it to 
the latter, as from the sentence which follows it seems clear 
that some of them, if not Pompeius himself, would be able 
to attend in person at the election. The explanation sug- 
gested by Boot is scarcely satisfactory : potest tamen quoqite 
iudicari opera et auxilium Pompeii. Hac ratione scriptores 
Craeci utuntur voc. xf 'p- 

§ 3 Perveliut] ' But there is a matter, by the way, for which 
I am extremely anxious to secure your forgiveness. Your 
uncle Caecilius, who has lost a large sum of money by the 
failure of Varius, has commenced legal proceedings with his 
brother Satrius for the possession of the property which he 
accuses him of having received from Varius by a fraudulent 
bill of sale. The rest of the creditors are making common 
cause with him, and amongst them Lucullus and Scipio and 
the person whom they suppose will act as auctioneer if the 
property should come to the hammer, one Pontius by name. 
But it is absurd to be discussing the auctioneer at this stage 
of the proceedings. Caecilius has requested me to appear 
against Satrius.' 

Fratre] Mr Watson notices that in this case, supposing 
fratre to have its usual meaning, one of the two brothers 
must have changed his name by adoption, or else they must 
have been brothers on the mother's side. 

Dolo Dialog The adjective has been referred by some to 
mancipio, but, besides being the recognised formula in use 
on such occasions (cf de off. III. 14. 60), the rhythm of the 
sentence would alone be enough to shew that the words 'dole 
malo' cannot possibly be separated. In the present instance 
the fraud consisted in the illegal transfer of property which 
ought to have been forthcoming to pay Caecilius and the 
other creditors. 

Lucullus\ Lucius Licinius Lucullus is probably meant, 
the friend of Caecilius as we are told by Nepos in his life of 

52 NOTES. 

Atticus, cap. V. As he had by this time returned from his 
campaign in Asia against Mithridates there is no need to 
suppose, with Manutius and others, that his brother Marcus 
is the person referred to. 

P. Scipio~\ He was afterwards adopted by Metellus 
under the name of O. Caec. Metellus Pius Scipio. In the 
civnl war he espoused the cause of Pompeius, and killed 
himself after the battle of Thapsus in B.C. 46. 

Magisfruiii] We have no one word in English to express 
the various relations of the magister in a Roman case of 
bankruptcy. He was usually selected from the number of 
the creditors, and was at once auctioneer and assignee of the 
proceeds of the sale which he was appointed to conduct in 
their interests. (Cf. or. pro Quint, xv. 50.) Trs. 'receiver.' 

L. Pontius] L. Pontius Aquila. Cf. ad Att. v, 2. i, and 
Philip. XIII. 13. 27. 

Nunc cognoscere] There seems to be no good reason for 
discrediting the reading of the text: which is at any rate 
sufficiently intelligible. 'The question as to who is to be 
receiver is premature and absurd when we do not as yet 
so much as know whether Satrius will be condemned or his 
property sold.' On the other hand Madvig's emendation : 
verum hoc ridiculum est de inagistro. Nunc cognosce rein: 
which Klotz and Boot have admitted into their text, ingenious 
as it undoubtedly is, appears to me to be somewhat devoid 
of, for, without the addition of the words nunc 
cognoscere, it is quite impossible to see anything ludicrous 
in the mention of an auctioneer. Boot raises an objection to 
the reading cognoscere on the following ground : ' Vulgo 
piitabant Pentium magistrum fore ; sed, quam dm incertum 
erat, utrum bonaVarii venii-ent necne, de magistro cognosce- 
bat nemo.' But cognoscere is ' to take into consideration,' 
and the opposition which he discovers between it d^nd putant 
does not appear to me to exist. 

Observat] A stronger word than colere but used much in 
the same sense. Cf. Ep. 13. 2 suin eni/n ab observafuio 
homine perversa liber. 

L. Domiiiunt] Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus was consul 
with Appius Claudius Pulcher A.U.C. 699, and in his praetor- 
ship proved a good friend to Cicero during the time of his 

§ 4 Devt07istravt] 'I pointed this out to Caecilius, at the 
same time assuring him that, had the suit been confined to 
himself and Satrius, I would have done my best to oblige 
him, but, under present circumstances and in a case which 

NOTES. 53 

affected the whole body of the creditors, all of them men of 
distinction, who might easily protect their interests without 
the aid of a lawyer specially retained by Caecilius on his 
own account, it was only fair that he should shew some con- 
sideration for my feelings and convenience.' 

Perhiberet\ pracberet Corrad. but the word is technical in 
the sense of TiapixitrQai, in indicium patronian adducere. 

Officio meo\ i.e. his obligations to Satrius for his past 
services: tetiipori, his critical position as a candidate for 
the consulship. 

Homines belli'] 'than is usual with your thorough gentle- 
man.' Cf. Quint, de pet. cons. XI. belle ncgandum est, 7<t de- 
monstres iiecessitndifiem, ostendas quatn 7iioleste /eras, aliis 
te id rebns exsarturxim persuadeas. 

Bellus is here equivalent to Jmmamts. On the other hand 
in Catullus and Martial (ill. 63) it is used to denote a fop. 
It is quite possible that a covert allusion may be intended 
to the manners of Caecilius, which, as we are told elsewhere, 
were anything but refined or courteous. 

Refiigiti 'declined the acquaintance which had sprung up 
between us during the past few days.' 

Abs te peto'\ ' I beg of you to make allowance for me in 
the matter, and to believe that I was debarred by feelings of 
common courtesy from taking part against a friend in his 
hour of need, when his entire reputation was at stake, and 
when moreover he had just done his best for me in word 
and deed.' 

Summajn existimationeiti] '■Summa existimatio est res a 
qua omnis eius existimatio pendet et in discrimen venit : at 
summa respublica est res in qua vertitur salus totius rei- 
publicae.' Graev. 

Ambitionem\ ' Self-interest' in the matter of his canvass. 

fVei ovx Ifp^ sub. apvvadrjv, 'For indeed the prize is a 
grand one.' A quotation from //. XXII. 159. Cf. also Verg. 
Aen. XII. 794 neque enim levia aiit ludicra petuntur Prac 

Utio] 'mainly.' Cf. Ep. 18. 3 duo firmamenta reipublicae 
per me unum constituta and note on § i of the present letter. 

§ 5 Hermathenci\ For the characteristics of these statues, 
see note on Ep. l. 10. 3. 'I am wonderfully charmed with 
the statue you have sent me, and it is so happily placed that 
you would fancy my school to be an offering at its feet. Best 

54 NOTES. 

Eius] So Klotz and Boot for jjXiov, which is retained by 
Nobbe, though entirely unintelhgible. Schiitz would read 
z7/i7^s, but in the similar passage of Ep. 4. 3 eius is the 
word used, and as an emendation it is perhaps scarcely more 

Gy7nnasiuni\ i.e. a school for study and recreation, which 
he had designed in his Tusculan villa on the model of the 
old gardens of the Academe. The villa itself had once been 
in the possession of Sulla and was situated about twelve 
miles from Rome. 


Epitome of Contents] § i. The birth of a son. His in- 
tention of defending Catiline. \z. A request that Atticus 
Tvill come to Rome with all possible speed. 

§ I C. Marcio Figuld\ The Thermus mentioned in I. i. 2. 
The date of this letter is remarkable as referring in all pro- 
bability to the day when the new consuls were elected, not 
to that on which they came into office. 

That the consules designati were often mentioned simply 
as consules is clear from Ep. ad. Att. vii. 8, Phil.yil\\2,. 8 : but 
in this instance Cicero had probably a special reason for 
departing from the usual formula, as he may have wished 
to notify with precision the day on which his son was born. 
The above explanation, which is countenanced by Schiitz, 
is likewise supported by the contents of the letter, for 
Catiline was put on his defence in the consulship of Cotta and 
Torquatus, when Caesar and Figulus were the consuls elect 
for the ensuing year. The alternative involves the assumption 
that Catiline was twice tried for different offences. 

Filiolo'\ Marcus. Mr Watson has collected the details of 
his life, which, though eventful in itself, left little mark on the 
history of his times. 

Catilitiam'] ' I am preparing to defend my rival Catiline. 
We have the very judges we wanted, and the prosecutor is quite 
content. If acquitted, I trust he will work more heartily with 
me in the matter of my canvass. If otherwise, I shall bear it 
like a man.' The whole of this incident — whether as regards 
his readiness to undertake the defence of a man whose guilt (he 
admits) was as patent as the noonday sun, or the suggestion 
of underhand play in the j-eiectio iudicum, or the motive 
which influenced his conduct on the occasion — is in the 
highest degree discreditable to Cicero. Catiline was favoured 
in his canvass by Crassus and Caesar, and it was the fear 
of their influence and the desire for some compromise 

NOTES. 55 

which induced Cicero to promise his services. Whether 
he actually defended him is still a matter of doubt. The 
evidence, such as it is, is slightly in favour of Asconius who 
decides the question in the negative. The fact that Cicero 
abuses the court which acquitted him {or. in tog. cand.) is 
not decisive either way : witness his treatment of Fidicu- 
lanius Falcula in the or. pro Cacc. as compared with his 
eulogies on the same individual at the Cluentian trial. 

Accusatoris] Publius Clodius, who, for a consideration, 
is said to have waived his right of challenging the judges. 
{or. de har. resp. cap. XX.) If so, the expression sujuma 
accusatoris voluntate is sufficiently explained. In the or. 
in Pis. X. 23 a member of the same family (Sex. Clodius) is 
charged with a similar offence. 

Sin aliter acciderit^ i.e. 'if he declines to cooperate with 
me,' and not in reference to his possible condemnation — for 
in the latter case he would of course be unable to stand for 
the consulship. 

§ 2 Tuos familiares'] As for instance, Crassus and C. 
Caesar, who were notoriously adverse to Cicero's interests, 
and perhaps also Philippus, Hortensius and LucuUus, whom 
he refers to again under the name of 'piscinarios nostros' 
{Ep. 19. 6) as jealous of his influence in the state. The 
cause of this feeling is illustrated by the following passage 
from Sal. Cat. 23 : Pleraqtie nobilitas itividia aestuabat et 
quasi pollui consulatuni credebant si eum quanivis cgregius 
homo novus adeptus foret. If an additional motive is re- 
quired it may be found in the devotion shewn by Cicero to 
the special interests of Pompeius. 

lanuan'o ineunte] We have in this another proof that the 
consuls Caesar and Figulus were only elect at the present time : 
for, had they been actually in office, the January of 691 must 
have been the one to which Cicero alludes, and by that time 
the services of Atticus would have been useless. Besides we 
know from other sources that as a matter of fact he was in 
Rome before the commencement of that year. 


Epitome of Contents] §1. The absence of Atticus and 
its fatal consequences. %2 A plea for his return, and an 
acknowledgment of the statues received from him. § 3 The 
inability of the 7vriter to pacify Lucceius. The betrothal of 
his daughter to Piso. 

§ I Mortuam esse~\ It is quite impossible that this can be 
a serious statement, though all the commentators appear to 

56 NOTES. 

have regarded it as such. It is no doubt apiece of pleasantry, 
the object of which was twofold : (i) to hasten the return 
of Atticus by shewing how much he was missed: {2) to deride 
the easy going philosophy of his friend Saufeius. ' Regret 
for your absence has been the death of your grandmother, 
combined with her fears that the Latin states would not be 
true to their allegiance, and bring the usual victims to the 
Alban mount. Saufeius, I imagine, will send you the com- 
fort you require on the occasion.' 

Qiiod verita sit\ deridet siispiciosae anicitlae inanem su- 
perstitionem. Man. 

Latinae\ sub. civitates, nor can 1 conceive why the editors 
should have suggested &\\.\vg.x ferine (as Boot), with which the 
expression in officio manere is entirely incompatible, or fae- 
viinae (as Billerbeck), a word which could scarcely have been 
omitted. Add to which, as Schiitz remarks, women had 
nothing to do with the ceremonial on the occasion. The 
yearly festival of the Feriae Latinae was instituted by Tar- 
quinius Superbus with the express object of retaining his 
hold over the more distant civitates by requiring from then) 
this token of allegiance. 

Rei^ With the Epicureans death was no evil, and it is in 
reference to this view that Cicero uses the matter of fact word 
7-ei in announcing to Atticus his imaginary loss. If we are to 
regard the communication as a serious one this pleasantry is 
most ill-timed : but against this view we have the fact that in 
Ep. IV. 6. I, where he is alluding to an actual loss, Cicero 
speaks in very different language of Saufeius and his school. 

Sajifeitun] A friend of Atticus and, like himself, a fol- 
lower of the Epicurean school, of the tenets of which he was 
an energetic exponent ; cf Ep. II. 8. i quaynquam licet me 
Saufeiiim pules esse, nihil tne est inertius. The spirit of the 
passage is something to this effect: 'Under the circum- 
stances I may send you my condolences by proxy, and what 
is more by a correspondent whose philosophy is of a kind to 
suit your case.' 

§ 2 Ad alios 7nissis?~\ 'is it from report alone, or from a 
letter of yours to some one else ? ' The elegance of the ex- 
pression is lost, if we omit the note of interrogation with 
Boot and others. 

Signd] ' The statues which you have procured for me 
have been landed at Caieta. I hav'n't seen them as yet, for 
I have had no opportunity of leaving Rome. I have sent a 
person to pay for their carriage. My best thanks are due to 
you for the pains you have taken, and for securing them at so 
reasonable a price.' 

NOTES. 57 

Caietai)i\ The celebrated harbour (now Gaeta) in the 
neighbourhood of which was Cicero's Formian villa. In Ep. 4 
he refers to the villa itself under the name of Caieta. For a 
description of his numerous residences see Mr Forsyth's 
Cicero, pp. 61 — 66. 

Exposita] For the use of the word in the sense of ' landed ' 
of. Verg. Aen. x. 288, de bell. Call. iv. 37. 

§ 3 A7mco\ L. Lucceius. He was a man of some literary at- 
tainments both as poet and historian (cf. Ep. ad div. V. 12), and 
was courted in consequence by Cicero who wished him to sing 
his praises. In the year 59 B.C. he was an unsuccessful candi- 
date for the consulship. To judge from Ep. 14, which was 
written in the consulship of Messala and Piso, the difference 
between himself and Atticus (for the origin of which cf. 11. 
i) must have lasted for the space of seven years. 

Quibiis de snspicionibiis\ = propter quas siispiciones rather 
than alius de suspicionibus. 

Salltisiiuiii] not the historian, cf. ad div. Xiv. 4. 11, ad 
Alt. XI. 17. I. ' Sallust, though he was on the spot, I have 
not been able to restore to his old place in his esteem. I 
mention this to you because he used to find fault with me 
for neglecting your wishes. He has now found out by ex- 
perience that our friend is not very amenable, and that I did 
use my best efforts in your behalf.' 

Nee tibi deftiisse'] I am disinclined to alter the received 
reading, which may be justified by the analogy of the follow- 
ing passages, the latter of which is recognised by Madvig : 
Pers. V. 172, and C'lc. pro Caec. XX.lY.7ia7n qui hoc disputant, 
si id dicimt, non recte aliquid statuere eos qui consiilatiiiir, 
nee hoc debent dicere, etc. The alteration proposed by Schijtz 
nee tibi nee sibi does not read pleasantly, and, had it formed 
part of the original text, would scarcely have been cor- 
rupted. Nee jHciun stiidiiim tibi de/uisse appears to me 
a more probable suggestion, as it reads well, and gives a 
connection to the two sentences the want of which is cer- 
tainly felt in the received reading. The objection which 
Boot raises to the text on the ground that it makes de/uisse 
dependent on expertus est is surely hypercritical, for the con- 
struction may be easily explained as a (fvyixa. 

Tulliolam] His daughter Tullia was at the time of her 
betrothal only nine, or at the most eleven, years old. 

C. Pisoni] His praises are sung by Cicero in the Brutus 
(cap. Lxxviii.) and elsewhere. At a later period he abandoned 
his quaestorship in Pontus and Bithynia that he might be 
near at hand to protect his father-in-law. 

58 NOTES. 


Epitome of Contents] § i Inducements to Atticus to 
hasten his visit. § 2 The trial of Macer. § 3 77^1? decoration 
0/ his villas, and his wish to purchase the library 0/ Atticus. 

§ I 'You are for ever raising my hopes of seeing you. 
Only the other day, when we thought you were on the point 
of coming, you suddenly put us off till July. Now I really 
do propose that, as nearly as your convenience will admit, 
you come at the date you mention. You will be just in time 
for my brother's election, you will see me after our long 
parting, and you can settle your difference with Acutilius. 
Peducaeus has reminded me to mention this: for we think 
it better that the matter should be finally settled. My help 
in arranging it has always been at your service.' 

Reiecti sumus] Cf. Ep. 18. 7 gua re etiam legationes 
rcicctuvi iri puto. 

Quintifratris comitid\ who was a candidate for the aedile- 
ship, which he held in the consulship of Cotta and Torquatus. 

Acutilianam controvcrsiam'\ Cf 5. 4, and again 8. i. 
The wording of the latter passage sufficiently shews that the 
matter in question was a debt due from Atticus to Acutilius, 
and that, in the opinion of Acutilius, the plea advanced by 
Atticus for deferring payment was an unsatisfactory one. 

Peducaeus^ The son of Sextus Peducaeus, the praetor of 
.Sicily, to whom Cicero had been quaestor. He was at present 
in the employ of Atticus -aj^, procurator. Others, from the date 
of the letter, have inferred that the father is meant. 

§ 2 ' I have brought the business of C. Macer to an end, 
with the marked approbation of the people. I have done 
him strict justice ; nevertheless by his condemnation I have 
excited so strong a feeling in my favour as far to outstrip any 
benefit I might have looked for from himself had I acquitted 
him.' Meriv. 

C. A/acro] Caius Licinius Macer, an historian and orator 
(Cic. Brut. LXVII). He was accused of peculation under 
Cicero's praetorian auspices (or. pro Rabir. Post, iv), who 
presided over the quacstio rcpetundarum in virtue of his 
office. Macer was condemned in spite of the influence of 
Crassus. A sensational story in reference to his trial and 
condemnation is found in Plutarch [Cic. 9), and again in a 
different form in Val. Max. IX. 12. 

Quum aequifuissetnus'] The statement of this transaction, 
which in any form is not particularly creditable to Cicero, 



NOTES. 59 

is by no means improved by the force which Boot would attach 
to the subjunctivey«m^;««j; cui quum parcere etfavere potu- 
issemus, sive quuni in eius gratiam funiorem ae^uitatis {('ttl- 
fiKeias) qiiam iuris rationevi habere potiiissemus. 

Ex populi existimatione] We may compare the following 
from Plut. in Cic. 1 1 Tar Kpiaeis eSo^e Kadapms Koi KaXSs ^pa- 

§ 3 Singulare est insigtte'] Boot omits insigne from his text, 
but the sentence is incomplete without it. As regards the 
punctuation and arrangement of the passage there is consider- 
able difficulty. To place the stop after the words per tnihi 
graUim est necessitates the introduction of est at the com- 
mencement of the following sentence — a verb which is already 
repeated twice in the space of two lines. A more natural 
remedy is to supply before Acadejniae the word et which is 
much required, and which may easily have been displaced 
in a sentence redundant with monosyllables. 

Eitis'\ is in this case almost equivalent to talis ' a school of 
this class.' Cf me enm offendes, Ep. \o. 6. A statue of Mi- 
nerva would be specially appropriate, as the idea of the place 
was borrowed in the first instance from Athens and the Aca- 
deme, and its primary object was the culture of the intellect. 

Caietatn'] i. e. Caietamim praedium, his estate at Formiae: 
for so far as we know he had no property nearer Caieta than 

Abuttdare'] to 'overflow' 'be overstocked' with them. It 
is better I think to supply signis rather xSx'a.-a.pecicnia: though 
either explanation is admissible. 

Conservd] ' keep your books together, and do not despair 
of my one day making them my own. This object attained, 
I surpass Crassus in wealth and can afford to despise the 
houses and lands of any man.' Conserva may mean 'do not 
sell them,' or else it may have something of the same sense 
as con/ice bibliothecam in Ep. 4. ' make up, complete your 

We are told by Corn. Nepos {vit. Ait. 13) that Atticus 
kept a large household of slaves, whom he employed to copy 
MSS for his own library and also for sale. 

Crassum] M. Licinius Crassus. Cf ll. 13. 2 cuius cognomen 
una cum Crassi Divitis cognomine consenescit. 

Vices'] may be equivalent to villas as in Hor. Epist. 1 1. 
2. 177, but more probably vici urbani are meant, while villae 
will be included in the word prata, just as in Martial doinus 
is used of a ' mansion' or 'house in town' in contrast with a 
country residence. 

P. C. 6 

6o NOTES. 


Epitome of Contents] § i TJie death of his cousin Lucius. 
§ 2 The ijuant of hart?io/iy in his brothers household. § 3 The 
infrequeficy of his letters to Atticus. § 4 Tlie affair of Acu- 
tilius. § 5 The pacificatioti of Lucceius. % b A wardship 
case. § 7 The decoration of his Tusculaii villa. § 8 His 
brother Quintus expected. Terentia's health, and conclusion. 

§ I Fructu\ ' What e7ijoyment at home and abroad.' It is 
better to i^keforensis as referring to his public life in general 
rather than to his legal duties in particular : although his 
cousin must have been of great ser\-ice to him in the latter, if 
(as Asconius tells us) he travelled through Sicily with him to 
aid him in collecting materials for the prosecution of Verres. 

Lucii^ The son of Lucius TuUius Cicero, the brother of 
the orator's father. In defn. V. i. i Cicero speaks of him as 
fratreni, cognatione patruelejn, atnore germaniun. He died 
in the year 686, two years before the consulship of Cicero, 
and this letter which announces the fact is consequently the 
earliest of the series. This use oi f rater for patruelis is not 
uncommon. Cf. Madv. Coinin. in or. pro Cael. XXIV. 60. 

humanitate et moribus'] A hendiad\-s for humanis moribus, 
' kindly ways.' 

Meo sermone] ' My account of you.' 

Adfiiun{\ because of the marriage connection between 
Quintus and Pomponia, the sister of Atticus. Boot notices 
this as a more general use of the word adfinis: Proprie enim 
ex omnibus Tulliis unus Q. Cicero erat Attici adfinis per 
nuptias so r oris. 

%2 De sorore*tua'] To judge from the very amusing ac- 
count of their family relations which is given in Att. \. l. 2 
the fault must have been chiefly on her side, and we may 
fairly hold Quintus excused. 

Afinorem] by about four years. 

§ 3 Ds litterarum missione] intermissione, Muretus, which 
however it is quite unnecessary^ to introduce into the text. 
In Demos, irpos SiKoa-rp. 1 25 1 we have the precisely similar 
expression e'^ eficpavav Karao-racrfcoy, 'the «(7«-production of 
available documents,' and compare likewise rfiv npos aXXr/Xovr 
fTriTj^8fviJ.aTa)v vT-o-^iav, ' the absence of all curiosity about our 
neighbours' pursuits.' (Thuc. ll. 37.) 

§ 4] 'As regards your instructions about Acutilius, I 

NOTES. 6 1 

should have executed them forthwith on my an-ival at Rome 
after our parting, but, as it fell out, there was no need of any 
such hot haste, and — knowing your tact as I did — I preferred 
that Peducaeus should be your adviser rather than myself. 
For after I had lent a listening ear to Acutilius for so many 
days, whose style of conversation you know by experience, it 
were surely no hardship to write you an account of his 
grievances when I had made none of listening to them, 
which was, I admit, rather a bore.' 

Confeceram'] The ordinary explanation of this mood is 
simpler than to refer it, with Boot, to the purpose, as for 
instance in the phrases nullum senatus consultum facienti 
(I. 14, 5), and traducit (l. 18. 4). 

Nihil'] Mihi, Boot: who for some unaccountable reason 
objects to nihil. That there was no need for any particular 
haste in the matter is sufficiently proved by the fact that two 
j'ears later (l. 4. i) it was still in progress. 

Illius] Unless the interchange of the names is a typo- 
graphical error Muretus refers this to Peducaeus: Cicero 
dicit fnolestatn sibi fuisse loqxiacitateni et dicacitatem Pedu- 
caei, quant tamen molestiam in Pomponii gratiam patienter 
devoravit. But Peducaeus was Atticus' own man of business 
(r. 4. i), and the intended contrast is not between the men, 
but between the words scribere and audire. 

Facultateni dandi] 'Opportunity of sending.' 

§ 5 Cuius] Lucceius. 

Recolligi] i.e. rcconciliari. Cf. I. 10. 2 for the use of 
restituere in the same sense : primum tibi de nostro aniico 
placando ant etiam rcstituendo polliceor. 

Teneo quid dicas] ' I understand your meaning.' Teneo 
is the suggestion of Orelli, and its omission is more easily ac- 
counted for than that of scio or video. Some verb of the kind 
is required by the sense of the passage and by the word 
neque which follows, for it is quite impossible to explain the 
construction as an ellipse, which is the suggestion of Muretus. 
If the reading of the MSS is to be retained, I should prefer to 
translate: 'You say I ought to gather a few hints as to the 
line you had better take with him.' 

Adfectus] 'In a strange state of mind.' He purposely 
uses an indefinite word, as the special cause of offence was 
unknown to himself and his friend. 

Contendendum] Coticedetidutn, Graev., Ern., but conten- 
dere and elaborare are the words used in the corresponding 
passages of Epp. 8 and 10. 'What pressure we axe to use 


62 NOTES. 

should, I think, depend on your own feelings. So if you will 
inform me on this point you will find that I have avoided 
being more busy in the matter than yourself, or more remiss 
than was consistent with your wishes.' 

§ 6 Tadiajia re] ' Tadius, in respect to his case, tells 
me you have written him word that there is no need for fur- 
ther anxiety on his part, inasmuch as he has acquired a pre- 
scriptive right to the inheritance. I am surprised at your 
ignorance of the fact, that, in the case of a ward, no posses- 
sion can give a legal claim.' Schiitz gives the following ex- 
planation of the passage : Tadius, as self-constituted guardian 
of an heiress who was still under age, had held her property 
for the two or more years which in ordinary cases (Ulp. t'u 
fragm. tit. 19, or. pro Caec. XIX. 54) gave a prescriptive 
right to ownership. By the advice of Atticus he pleads this 
when the legal guardians of the girl claim the property at his 
hands. But the property of wards was carefully protected 
against any such claims, and, more than this, they could 
only be dispossessed of it by a special decree. In the or. 
pro Flac. XXXIV. 84 tiitela legit ima is used absolutely of a 
ward's property : nihil potest tie tiitela Icgithna sine omnium 
tictorjpn anctoritate dehiinni. 

§ 7 Epiroticam] Near Buthrotrum, or Buthrotus, for the 
name appears in both forms. 

§8 Articnlo7-tim dolores\ \.&. arthriiidein, rheumatism.' 

Maxime diligit] ' Sends her best love to your sister and 


Epitome of Contents] § i T/ie correspondefice det-ween 
them. The purchase of the house of Rabirius by Fonteius. 
§ 2 The settlemetit of the dispute between Quintus and his 
wife. The departure of Cicero''s father. A further order for 

§ I Non committam] ' I will not risk being charged by 
you with remissness in writing. Only take care that with 
such leisure at your disposal you rival me,' 

Dimens. et exaed.] ' Laid out and completed in your 
mind's eye.' C. Rabirius is the person alluded to, who was 
prosecuted for treason and defended by Cicero in the time of 
his consulship. 

HS CCCIODDXXX] For a full explanation of the charac- 
ters, and the system of reckoning, see Madv. L. Gr. Xi. § 69. 

§ 2 Arpinatibus praediis'] The estate was called Arca- 
num. Cf. V. 1.2, and ad ( III. i. i. 

NOTES. 63 

Discessit'\ So Madv. for the more usual decessit, and he 
is followed by Boot and others who are unwilling to believe 
that Cicero announces his father's death in these brief and 
unfeeling words. They rely chiefly on the evidence of Asco- 
nius, who in his preface to the or. in toga Candida mentions 
as a fact that Cicero lost his father during the time of his 
canvass for the consulship, i.e. four years after the date of 
the present letter. In default of other direct evidence this 
appears to me to be conclusive, as the authority of the MSS 
is of little weight in deciding between two words so per- 
petually interchanged, if indeed the alteration is necessary, 
as the verb decedere is used by Cicero in both senses. As 
an instance of the special pleading in our author's behalf 
against which I have protested in my preface let me quote 
Billerbeck's comment on the reading decessit : 'The short- 
ness of the notice shews how deeply Cicero felt his loss.' 

Quae loci sitit] ' Suited to the place you know so well.' 
Q{. ad div. VII. 23. 2, where he describes the kind of statue 
he requires, and objects to a Mars and Bacchante as un- 
suited to the character of the place. 


Epitome of Contents] This letter relates chiefly to the 
adornment of his Tusculan villa. 

Aptid matrent] ' At your mother's house.' 

XXCD] The same payment as that which is notified in 
different characters in § 2 of the following letter. The latter 
is apparently the correct form, as Madvig, Grant, and the 
other authorities on the subject would in all cases represent 
the number 400 by the characters CCCC rather than by those 
which appear in the text. 


Epitome of Contents] § i The health of the mother of 
Atticiis. Allusions to Actitilius, Tadius and Lucceius. 
§ 2 His payment to Cincius, and further orders in reference 
to the statues. § 3 The eagerness of Tullia to receive her 
promised present. 

§ I N^egat'\ ' He says he has received no advice of any 
kind from his agent, and can scarcely believe that the differ- 
ence between you arose from his refusal to give you a 
guarantee against further claims.' See note on 1. 4. i. 

Decidisse'\ is to settle a difference privately without bring- 
ing it before a court. Cf. Cic. pro Rose. Avier. xxxix. si 


hanc ei rem privatim Sex. Roscius mandavisset, ut cum Chry- 
sogono transigeret atque decideret: and pro Rose. Com. XI. 
32 lite contestaia, iudicio damni itiiuria constitutor tii sine 
vie cum Flavio decidisti. 

Gratum...iucundum'\ 'A matter of thanks... a matter of 
pleasure,' a distinction which is illustrated by the following 
passages: Ep. I. 17. 6 fuit mihi saepe et laiidis nostrae 
gratulatio tua iucttnda et timoris consolatio grata: III. 24. 2 
iia7n ista Veritas., etiajusi iucunda non est, iiiihi tamen grata 
est, and again ad div. IV. 6. i cuius officia iucundiora sci- 
licet saepe mihifuerunt, 7iu7iquam tamen gratiora. 

■ Mihi amicissimus] In Ep. ad div. V. 15. 2 he speaks of 
his friendship with Lucceius in the strongest possible terms : 
tecum vivere possem eqicidem et maxime velletn : vetustas, 
ainor, cotisuetudo, studia paria : quod vinchun, quaeso, deest 
iiostrae coniunctioni ? 

§2 Pentelici^ 'From the quarries of Pentelicus.' A further 
explanation of the name is given by Suidas, who refers it to 
the five lines with which the marble was striped. 

lam nunc'\ ' Even by anticipation please me mightily.' 
Cf. Prop. V. II. 93 ' Discite venturam ia/n nunc sentire 
senectam.' The prospective sense which distinguishes ia^n 
nunc from the corresponding phrase 7iunc ia77t is probably 
to be explained by the fact that in both cases the word ia77t 
has lost its temporal force. 

Caetera'\ Among which would be included such things as 
the typos and the piitealia sigillata for which he gives an 
order in the following letter. 

Elega7itiae'\ ' Refined taste.' In the 2nd Book of the Tusc. 
disp. we have a full account of the Academia at Cicero's 
Tusculan villa, where he tells us that it was laid out with 
shady walks (xysti) and quiet seats {exedrae^. Like the 
Greek g>'mnasium it had two quadrangles, of which the 
outer corresponded to the e^m bp6^J.os or ^uot-os-, while the 
inner one was furnished with seats for philosophical discus- 
sion. The Lyceum, to which he refers in de div. I. 5 as 
supe7-iori gy77i7tasio, was apparently quite distinct from the 
Academia in question. 

Studio effe7-i77iur'\ ' I am so enthusiastic on the subject.' 

Mu7iusculu77t] ' Is importunate for your present, and duns 
me as your representative. To speak for myself, I am de- 
termined to repudiate rather than to pay.' The 77iu7iusculum 
in question was no doubt promised on the occasion of her 
betrothal to Piso. For appellare in this sense cf. Cic. Phil. 
II. 29 appellatus es de pecunia qua7/t pro do77io, pro hortis, 
pro sectione debebas j and for abiurare cf. Plaut. Cure. IV. 

NOTES. 65 

2. 10 qui abhirant si quid credituni est. Boot suggests that 
the word dependere is technical for this particular class of 
payments, and notices the fact that the legal process avail- 
able for the guarantor in case of loss was known as actio 
depensi (Gai. III. 127). The word is only used once by 
Cicero of a monetary payment, and the instance in question 
supports the above view. Cf. ad div. r. 9. 9 nisi cum Marco 
diligenter egeris, depeiidendum tibi est quod jnihi pro illo spo- 


Epitome of Contents] § i On the subject of their cor- 
respondence. § 2 His eagerness for the promised statues, 
and a request for informatio7t respecting the Eleusinian mys- 

§ I Devenirel The preposition as in devius, deverticulum, 
&c. denotes the uncertainty of the destination. Cf. Brut. 
XLil. consideranti, ad quos ista non translata sint, sed 
nescio quo pacto devenerint. 

§ 2 Signa Megaricd] i.e. of Megarian marble of the class 
known as Koyxirrjs Xldos from the quarries near Amphialus. 
It was pure white, easy to cut, and full of sea shells. Cf. the 
following passage from Paus. I. 44, fiovois 8e 'E\'\i]voov Mtya- 
pfvcriv o KoyxiTrjs \i6oi eVrt, nal acfiicn Koi ev rfj noXd TTfTroirjTai 
iToXka e^ avToii. fcrri Se ayav XevKos /cat aWov Xidov /ioXa/cco- 
repof, Koyx^at Se at ^aXcicrcrtat Sia navros fveiaiv. 

Arcae nostrae conjidito'] 'Rely upon my solvency,' 'Trust 
to the length of my purse.' Cf. arcae fiostrae fiducia {ad 
Quint, fr. II. 12. 5), and luv. Sat. ill. 143 quantum quisque 
sua nu>norum servat in area, Tanttim habet et fidei. The 
allusion is not necessarily to a payment in ready money., 
as some editors would explain it on the analogy of the more 
technical phrase ex area solvej'e. 

Genus hoc est'] 'This is the line my fancy takes. That 
kind of statuary which is most suitable for a training ground 
is what I require. Lentulus offers me the use of his ships. 
Pray attend carefully to my wishes in the matter. Chilius 
sends you a request, and I second it, for any information you 
can give us about the rites of the Eumolpidae.' 

Lentulus] Schiitz regards him as identical with the Len- 
tulus mentioned in I. 19. 2 on the ground that all the 
other members of the family had held office andwere little 
likely to be engaged in trade. But the latter assumption is 
somewhat bold, while the contemptuous allusion in Ep. 19 
suggests an enemy rather than a friend. 

Chilius] A poet, and in all probability the guest of Cicero 

66 NOTES. 

at the present time. He is mentioned on two other occa- 
sions in the letters to Atticus, viz. in Ep. 12. 2, and again in 
Ep. 16. 15, from the latter of which it may be inferred that he 
■ was at one time engaged on a poem in praise of Cicero's con- 

EvVoXttiScov ■naTpui\ Gronovius would take Y.v\xoK-!ti^5>v in 
a general sense as equivalent to 'A^tji-qicoi', but the allusion 
is in all probability to a proposed poem on the Eleusinian 
rites, for which Chilius wants a groundwork of facts. An 
account of the external ceremonial is no doubt all that he 
requires : for Atticus would probably know as little as him- 
self of the more secret mysteries which it was death to reveal. 


Epitome of Contents] § i An excuse for the brevity of the 
present letter. § 2 T}ie quarrel of Lucceius. § 3 Tlie fur- 
tlier decoration of his Tiisculan villa. § 4 His eagerness 
to secure the library of Atticus. § 5 TJie state of his brothers 
household. § 6 TJie absence of A tticus from Rome, and his 
promised present to Tullia. 

§ I Cerajnico] There were two places of this name at 
Athens, one outside the city, the other within the walls. 
The allusion in the present case is to the former and more 
famous of the two, which Thucydides in the funeral oration 
calls 'the fairest suburb of the city.' It is probable that this 
villa of Atticus is the one alluded to in the Leges (l. 13). 

Verum tavien'] Resumptive after a parenthesis like the 
Greek S' ovv. Cf. Ep. 20. 2. Sed and igitur are frequently 
used in the same way, and very rarely iamen, of which how- 
ever Boot quotes two instances, Brut.'X.'KWl. loi, and ad div. 
IX. 16. 2. 

§ 2 Aniicd\ Lucceius, as before. For this use of resti- 
tuere cf. ad Att. xv. 4. i deciiiio kalend. hora Vlil fere 
a Q. Fufio venii tabellariics, nescio quidab eo litterularum, uti 
Die sibi restituerem. 

Subesse'\ vnoKf'iaOat. ' As I cannot discover any strong 
ground for it' 

§ 3 l7nponas] ' I should like you to see my statues on 
board at your own convenience, and anything else you can 
find tliat is in character with the place you know so well.' 

These Hermeraclae and other statues of the same class 
were either simply bifrontes or else composite figures repre- 
senting the attributes of the two divinities combined in one 
person. As an illustration of the latter class we have the 
celebrated description of Vertumnus in Propertius [v. 2]. 

NOTES. 67 

Scribebant\ ' For I am sitting there to write this letter, so 
that the place itself puts in a word. In addition I give you 
an order for bas-reliefs for insertion in the plaster walls of my 
ante-chamber, together with figured curbstones for my two 

Typos] Small figures, usually formed of terra cotta: cf. 
Plin. H. N. XXXV. 1 5 1 impressa argilla typwn fecit, et ctnn 
caeteris fictilibus induration igni proposuit. 

Atrio/i] To distinguish it from the atrium mains. Cf. 
Bek. Gal. il. 176 and Ep. ad Quitit. frat. ill. i. i neque 
eniin satis loci esse videbatur atriolo : neque fere solet nisi 
in his aedificiis fieri in quibus est atrium maius. 

Putealia'] Gk. wepia-Tofiia. In Verr. II. 4. 14 the word 
sigillati is used of raised work in silver. 

§ 4] ' Take care not to promise your library to any one, 
whatever ardent admirers it may find. I am hoarding up all 
my little gleanings in the hope of purchasing it for the com- 
fort of my old age.' 

§ 6 Cojnitiis meis'] Muretus would explain this in refer- 
ence to the consular election : while Manutius, Schutz and 
Abeken understand it of the praetorship. The latter is in all 
probability the correct view, as we know from other sources 
(e.g. Plut. Cic. IX., pro leg. Man. I. 2) that the elections for 
the praetor urbanus were on the occasion of Cicero's canvass 
twice postponed — a fact which is clearly alluded to in § 2 of 
the ensuing letter. ' As regards my election I do not forget 
that I have given you leave of absence, and indeed have 
never ceased to proclaim it aloud to our mutual friends who 
are on the look-out for you, that, so far from pressing you to 
come, I have even put my veto upon it : understanding as I 
do that you will gain more by attention to your business at 
home than I should by your presence at my election. And 
therefore I hope you will be under the impression that I have 
sent you to your present quarters for the furtherance of my 
interests. For myself, you will find me both in word and 
deed as grateful to you as though my successes, whatever 
they may be, had been gained, not only in your presence, but 
by your exertions. Little Tullia is for binding you to a day ; 
she gives your representative no peace.' 

Permisisse] I can find no other example of this construc- 
tion. Mr Swinburne however in his Atalanta in Calydon 
(p. 83) makes a somewhat similar use of the verb 'allow:' 
'But the gods Allowed us, and our days were clear of these.' 

Quod intelligani] Quod intelligo Boot, making with 
agendum esset, which he has introduced into his text for 

68 NOTES. 

agendum est, an almost hopeless confusion of tenses. On 
the other hand, the ordinary reading quod intelligam is at 
once the more usual formula, and interferes in no way with 
the retention of est, for which the esset of some MSS is an 
evident corruption. 

In the earlier part of the sentence the word hoc refers 
primarily to permisisse, and is afterwards by a common con- 
struction further explained in the sentence te nan fnodo nan 
arcessi a me, sed prohiberi. 

Offendes'] Cf § 3 of the next letter : (res) quas tu hicredi- 
bile est, quam brevi tempore qicanto deteriores offensurus sis, 
quavi reliqidsti. 

Diem dat] ' Is for taking the law on you,' as in case the 
debtor failed to discharge the debt on the appointed day 
legal proceedings followed as the necessary consequence. 

Sponsoreni appcllat'] The editors are almost equally di- 
vided on the question of retaining or omitting the negative 
in the present passage. I have decided to omit it with 
Schiitz, Casaub., Ern. and others, on the ground that no 
reason can be given for Tullia's change of purpose if (as 
we can hardly question) appellat is to be explained here in 
the same way as in the parallel passage of Ep. 8. 

The reading sponsorem mc appellat, which finds favour 
with Klotz and Boot, has little to recommend it. The pronoun 
is certainly not required, and its introduction spoils the terse- 
ness of the sentence. 


Epitome of Contents] § i His negotiations with Lucceiiis. 
% 2 His canvass for the praetorship. § 3 The decoration of 
his Tusculan villa. 

§ i] ' I was already taking steps of my own accord, and, 
on receipt of your two letters written persistently in the same 
strain, have been thoroughly roused to action. Add to which, 
Sallust is always at my elbow pressing me to do my best in 
the matter of Lucceius.' 

Adsiduus'] In its literal sense. Cf. Hon Sat. I. i. 82, and 
the or. pro Caec. xxil. where it is used of the labourers who 
are regularly employed on a farm : tion si coactis hotninibus 
quam si volitntariis aut etiam adsiduis ac domesticis. 

Sallustius] See note on Ep. 3. 3. 

Immutatae voluntatis] ' This change of feeling.' In Ter, 
Andr. i. 5. 7 we find the word as an adjective in the sense of 
'unchanged,' while in the de Or. II. 67 immutata oratio is 
used of allegory. 

NOTES. 69 

Illud tuum arbitriuni\ 'That decision of yours in his 
case,' a more natural expression, as it appears to me, than 
illud suum arbitrium, which Klotz and Boot have admitted 
into their text, and which could only mean * the arbitration 
which is for ever on his lips.' 

Nostra adlegatio\ ' Diplomacy of mine.' The difference 
between legare and adlegare is scarcely so definite as Boot 
and others have imagined, who would restrict the former 
word to affairs of state, the latter to those of individuals : a 
distinction which is not universally observed, as we may 
gather from the use of the word in Plin. Pan. 70 hoc senaiui 
adlegatidum putavi. More probably the primary idea con- 
tained in adlegatio is that of secret and even underhand 
dealing (cf. Ter. Andr. v. 3. 28 7ie credos a me adlegatum, 
i.e. sjibornatu?n\ a supposition which accounts for the or- 
dinary use of the word in connection with the private affairs 
of individuals, and also serves to explain its meaning in 
the passage quoted above from the Patiegyricus. 

Tanti putarisA^ 'If only you think it worth the trouble.' 
I have followed the punctuation of Boot, which, from the 
position of the word id and the rhythm of the sentence, 
seems to me far preferable to that which is adopted by 
Klotz and the other editors : si modo tanti ptitaris id, quod, 
si me audies et si humanitati tuae constare voles, certe 

In nostra potestate fore'\ Cf. § 2 of the last letter. 

Idei){\ ' I now on the other hand seem to distrust my 
powers.' For this use of idem cf amongst many other pas- 
sages de nat. Deor. I. 43 [Epicurus] qmitn optimam et 
praestantissimam fiattiram Dei dicat esse, negat idem esse in 
Deo gratiam. 

Objirmatior'] ' More persistent in this fit of spleen.' 
In utro ctilpa erit] ' Shall still annoy the one who is to 
blame.' Great exception has naturally been taken to this 
careless and selfish decision on the part of Cicero. To those 
whose business it is to explain away the force of all such 
passages, the following suggestion will probably recommend 
itself: scripsit hoc, opinor, Cicero ut Epicureiim Attici tor- 
porem excitaret. Nihil in tribus est epistolis unde colligas 
/also queri Lucceium: stmt autem multa quae significent 
profectam esse ab Attico gravem iniuf'iam. Oliv. 

§ 2 Arbitrari] The omission of the subject te is worthy 
of notice, more especially as C. T. Zumpt {Verr. v. 106) 
quotes this as an instance in which arbitrari is used by 
Cicero as a passive. It may however have been due to the 
fact that he is quoting from a letter of Atticus. We have a 

70 NOTES. 

similar instance in ad div. ii. 13. 5 hacc eo pluribus scripsi, 
quod no7tnihil signijicabant tuae litterae siibdubitare, qua 
essein erga ilium voluntate. 

Designatu»i\ Cf. § 6 of the previous letter, and Merivale's 
Life of Cicero (p. 30) : ' He thus complains, in the year when 
he was preparing to solicit for the praetorship : Ao people in 
Rome are more worried in tJiese days than the candidates; 
every kind of injustice is permitted towards tlu?n.' 

Philadelpho'] The tabellarius, in all probability one of 
the slaves of Atticus. 

§ 3 Mire quani] davfj-aoT^s cos. 

Quam brevi temp, quam det.] Matthiae instances the fol- 
lowing examples of this construction: or. I. 3 in qua difficile 
est enumerare quot viri quatita scientia fuerint; and again 
or. pro Mil. XIV. 38 quein si interficere voluisset, quanta,, 
quoties occasiofies quam praeclarae fuerunt. 


Epitome of Contents] § i His pecuniary embarrassments, 
and scliemes for raising a loan. The prosecutio7i of Atttonius 
for malversatioji in his province. § 2 TJie reports spread by 
one Hilarus. § 3 His friendship with Pompeius. The divorce 
of Mucia. The Clodian scandal. % 4 The ckath of his slave 

§ i] ' Our Trojan lady is in truth a slow business : and 
Cornelius has never paid Terentia a second visit So we must 
have recourse, I suppose, to Considius and his tribe. For from 
Caecilius even his relatives cannot extract a penny at anything 
less than 1 2 per cent. But, to return to the original question, I 
never knew anything so shameless, so cunning, so dilaton.' as 
our friend : I am on the point of sending myfreedtnan: Titus 
has received my instructions: all mere pretexts for delay. 
Notwithstanding I have an idea that fortune will befriend us. 
For his couriers bring me word that Pompeius will press 
openly for the recall of Antonius, who thereupon will be ar- 
raigned before the people.' 

TfVK/jtr] The data we possess for the solution of this 
mysteiy are briefly as follows : 

(i) The mention of the well-known money-lenders, Con- 
sidius, Axius, Sehcius and Caecilius, which marks the ques- 
tion as one of pecuniar}- accommodation, and points to the 
embarrassments in which Cicero had involved himself by 
the purchase of his house on the Palatine in the year after 
his consulship. In a letter to Sextius, the quaestor of An- 

NOTES. 71 

tonius, he states the purchase money at three millions and 
a half of sesterces, and admits that he had been obliged to 
borrow largely in order to find the required sum — from Sulla 
amongst others, whose defence he had undertaken according 
to GeUius (iV. A. xil. 12). From this we may infer that 
TeuKpts was some effeminate Roman nobleman from whom he 
was expecting help of a similar kind. For the disparaging 
title, cf. Pers. Sat. I. 4. 

(2) The reference to Cornelius, who may possibly be the 
agent of Caesar alluded to in Ep. ad Att. ll. 3. 3 namfuit apud 
vie Cornelius, hunc dico Balbum Caesaris famiiiarejii. It is, 
however, probable that another Cornelius is meant, of whom 
mention is made in Ep. ad div. v. 6. i. If so, the introduc- 
tion of his name may throw some light on the remainder of 
the passage, as he was connected by marriage with Publius 
Sextius, the quaestor of Antonius, and managed his business 
at home during his absence in the province. 

(3) A far more important hint is given us in the imme- 
diate transition to Antonius and his affairs, which follows in 
the words sed Jiescio an ravTonarov rjyLwv, nam viihi &c. 
This connects the monetary question so closely with the 
recall and prosecution of Antonius that we can scarcely 
avoid the inference that the allusion is either to Antonius 
himself, or to one of his most intimate friends. 

At first sight the arguments against the hypothesis that 
TeOxpty and Antonius are identical are clear and telling, and 
they have been ably marshalled by Schiitz. For instance, 
why should Cicero use the mysterious designation in one 
sentence, and in the next mention Antonius by name t And 
why, if he expects money for undertaking his defence, does 
he in the same breath announce his determination to aban- 
don it ? But in spite of these arguments, and even on the 
strength of them, I believe that Antonius himself is the 
TeuKptf of the text, more especially as an evident motive for 
concealing his real name in connection with the proposed 
loan, and also for renouncing all interest in his defence, is 
supplied by Cicero himself in this very letter. With the story 
of Hilarus full in view it would scarcely have been well to let 
the world about him know that he was at that very moment 
expecting large sums from Antonius, and for the same reason 
it was only a politic measure to denounce his actions, at 
least till the scandal of Hilarus had died out: for as a matter 
of fact he did defend him in spite of his present assertions 
to the contrary. Cf. 07: pro dom. xvi. Amongst other 
attempts to veil the nature of the present transaction we 
may instance the introduction of Terentia's name in place 

72 NOTES. 

of his own, and also his use throughout of the indefinite 

Lenttim sane fiegociuvt] However, in Ep. 12. 7 we find 
the following: TevKpis promissa patravit. Considius is men- 
tioned as a money-lender in Val. Max. IV. 8, Axius in Ep. 
ad An. X. II. 2, and Selicius in iv, 18. 3. 

Caecilio] The uncle of Atticus. Cf. I. 2. The present 
passage is quoted in full by Seneca {Ep. 118) in illustration 
of the character of Caecilius. For a further account of his 
pride and avarice cf. Nep. Att. vit. v. 

Minore centcsimis\ In proof that i per cent, per month 
was a heavy rate of interest Boot refers to ad div. V. 6. 2, 
where \ per cent, {semissibiis) is mentioned as the current 
rate at the time. It is noticeable that in the corresponding 
passage of Seneca's letters the unusual construction minore 
centesimis is replaced by the more ordinary phrase minoris 
centesimis, which was in all probability rejected by Cicero 
as offensive to the ear. 

ravTofiarov r//:ic5i'] KokXiov (BovXevfrai, 'chance is wiser than 
we,' a line from Menander {Fucofi. fiovoar. in fragm. Com. 
Gr. IV. p. 361, Meineke). Unless we accept the identity 
of TevKptf with Antonius, the connection between this pas- 
sage and the foregoing — Cicero's impecuniosity and Antony's 
recall — appears to me an insoluble problem. 

Aget praetor ad populum'] He alludes to the formal motion 
for the recall and prosecution of Antonius. 

Homhiem defefidi're'\ Yet he had already done so (cf. 
Ep. ad div. V. 6. 4), and afterwards, when Antonius under- 
went a second and more severe prosecution under the 
consuls Caesar and Bibulus, he again defended him but 
without success. (Merivale's Life and Letters, p. 59.) 

Hoc'\ 'The following circumstance.' For accidit Schiitz 
reads accedit. But we should have expected in that case 
the familiar phrase accedit quod without the introductory 
word etenim: for, whenever a verb has come to form part 
of a phrase, Cicero rarely introduces a word to break the 
legitimate combination, 

§2] 'For an event has occurred into the origin and 
character of which I wish you to look carefully. I have a 
freedman, one Hilarus by name, a rascally fellow enough, 
an accountant and client of yours. In connection with him 
the interpreter Valerius mentions the following report, and 
Chilius writes me word that it has reached him : that the 

NOTES. 73 

fellow is closeted with Antonius, who gives out, when he 
makes his requisitions, that a portion of them is to go to me, 
and that I have sent out this freedman to look after my 
share of the gains. I have been seriously annoyed by the 
report, although not quite believing it. However, the scandal 
it has raised is considerable.' 

Libertum habeo...clie7item /uu;n] From this and similar 
passages {or. pro Rose. Am. vii. 19, Suet. Caes. 2) we find that 
a libertinus could have two patront, one in his character of 
libertus, and the other in that oi cliens. 

Ratiociiiatorevil He was probably in the service of Anto- 
nius at the present time : or else the word may refer to the 
post he had originally held in Cicero's establishment. 

Valerius] He is mentioned again in Ep. ad div. xiv. 2. 2. 
His duties were to interpret for the ambassadors of subject 
states on their arrival in Rome. 

Partem mihi qicaerf] This is usually referred to some 
secret agreement between them in accordance with which 
Cicero declined the province in his favour. But such an 
explanation is quite inconsistent with what we know of the 
character of Cicero, who, whatever his faults may have been, 
was certainly not grasping or covetous. Abeken's conjecture, 
which is endorsed by Merivale, is far more probable : that 
Antonius had promised him a pecuniary remuneration if he 
would undertake his defence in the Senate against the pro- 
secution with which he was threatened. 

PlancitDn] The subject of the or. pro Plancio, and a 
staunch friend of Cicero in all his troubles. He was military 
tribune in Macedonia at the present time. 

§ 3 Aniicissimuni\ The first mention in these letters of 
the celebrated friendship between Cicero and Pompeius 
which (to judge from the account of their relations in Ep. 
ad div. V. 7) must have been somewhat sudden in its 
growth. Atticus never approved of it : most probably be- 
cause he had a keener forccaste than Cicero in politics, and 
believed him to be altogether mistaken in his choice of a 
patron. In addition to which he may have seen how in- 
sincere was the friendship, at any rate on the side of Pom- 

Muciae] She was the sister of Metellus, and the wife 
of Pompeius, who, on his return from Asia, divorced her on 
a suspicion of adultery with C. Caesar. 

P. Chdiutn'] For a full account of the matter, cf. 
Merivale, p. 63. 

74 NOTES. 

Qiium pro populo fierei\ This use oi faccre a.nd Jieri in 
the sense of ' sacrificing ' (hke the Greek epBeiv and pe(fiv) is 
too well known to require comment. The rites alluded to 
are those of the Bona Dea, celebrated by women alone in 
the house of the Pontifex Maximus. 

Set-vatum et eductu7>t\ A hendiadys : 'was got safely out 
of the house.' 

Servulae\ Serviliae, al. But the words ancillarum bene- 
ficio in the speech de harusp. resp. xxi, and the corre- 
sponding passage in Plutarch's Life of Cicero (,27), are a suf- 
ficient confirmation of the reading in the text. 

§ 4] 'What further to tell you I know not; indeed I am 
too much out of heart to write : for I have lost my reader 
Sositheus, a pleasant lad, and his death has distressed me 
more than a slave's death should.' 

I cannot be so enthusiastic as Mr Forsyth in praise 
of the feeling shewn by Cicero on this occasion. To my 
mind it is greatly spoilt by the allusion to his own condescen- 
sion, and I prefer in consequence the epigram of Martial 
on the death of Erotion (v. 37). 

di/ayvcoo-TTjy] Latine 'lector.' Cf. Plin. Ep. ill. 5. 

Quod in buccam venerit\ 'Whatever comes uppermost.' 
Cf. ad Ait. VII. 10, XII. I. 2, and Mart. Xll. 24. 5. 


Epitome of Contents] §1 On the subject of their cor- 
respottdetice . § 2 His position in the Senate, and an ac- 
count of the consuls. % 3 The Clodian scandal. § 4 His 
relations with Pompeius. § 5 His literary -works. § 6 Mes- 
salds purchase of a house, atid the affair ofTevKpn. 

§ i] Atticus, after a stay of nearly two years in Rome, 
a period which included the consulship of Cicero, had now 
left for Greece, and was writing from the different places at 
which he halted on the journey. 

lam] 'This makes the third letter which I have received 
from you.' 

Tribus Tabernis] The well-known tavern on the Appian 
Way between Aricia and the Forum Appii. 

Aficoris sublatis'] I have admitted this alteration with 
Schiitz and the majority of the editors, though feeling 
strongly that the reading of the MSS, ancora soluta, ought 
not to be so lightly rejected. That ancoram solvere can mean 
to 'weigh anchor,' or that Atticus used it by mistake and 

NOTES. 75 

Cicero in ut scribis calls attention to the error, is equally 
impossible. But two other alternatives are to be considered, 
of which the first and more probable is that ancoram sol- 
vere is to be taken in the more poetical sense of navejn 
solvere^ or funem praecidet'e, i.e., to cut the cable which 
held them to their moorings. The other possible explana- 
tion is to suppose that he had already been travelling by sea 
and that he writes as soon as the ship had anchored in port. 
This is perfectly tenable, as the place from which he writes 
is not stated, and may, for all we know, have been one of his 
stopping places on the voyage. Of the other emendations 
which have been proposed, the following is perhaps the best, 
ora soluta, a phrase which may be illustrated from Quint. IV. 
2. I conscendi, sublatae sunt ancorae, solvimus cram, pro- 
fecti sufmis. 

Rhetorui}{\ ' Masterpieces,' 'true works of art.' I can see 
no objection to the phrase 'worthy of a rhetorician.' It is at 
any rate better than the majority of the readings which are 
proposed in its place ; e. g. ^uae fuericnt onines. RJietornni 
more loqtiuntiir. Orelli's emendation, qiiae fueriint onincs, 
ut rhetoruin ptceri loquimtur, k.t.X., is admitted by Mr 
Watson, and has certainly much to recommend it. 

Humanitatis sparsae sale'\ ' Garnished with a refined wit.' 
Lacessitus, 'challenged.' 

Pellectione relevarit'] ' For how few are there who can carry 
a letter of any weight without first easing the burden by 
reading it through ! ' 

Quod mihi non... est'] The word notiun, or one equivalent 
in meaning, is essential to the construction. Orelli proposes 
perinde, which is accepted by Matthiae. ' Moreover it is not 
all the same to me who goes to Epirus,' i.e. whether he is 
a trustworthy man or the reverse. Boot is scarcely to be 
congratulated on his proposed emendation : quod mihi non 
bonus est, tit quisque in Epiriim proficiscatur. 

Caesis...victimis'\ As would be done by a general prior to 
the commencement of a campaign. 'My private opinion is 
that you have by this time offered sacrifice at the shrine 
of your Amalthea, and started at once to commence opera- 
tions on Sicyon.' 

ApudAmalthcam'] This maybe either the nj'mph herself or 
the villa in Epirus which she is supposed to have under her 
care ; but caesis ^nctimis points to the former interpretation, 
while the neuter Atnaltheum is the more usual form in the 
latter sense. The title denotes the abundant fertility of the 
place, and we have a similar word in cornucopia, which is 
itself derived from the story of Amalthea. 

P. c. 7 

76 NOTES. 

Orelli however understands it as referring to an old 
chapel which Atticus had found on the estate, while Mr 
Watson suggests the following explanation of the name: 'A 
villa in Epirus so called apparently from containing a room 
decorated with pictures from the stor\- of Amalthea.' But the 
word roTToOea-ia in Ep. 1 6. 1 8 is I think in favour of my view. 

Ad Sicyonem oppugiiandHvi] CL Ep. ig. 9, and 10. 4. 
It is a playful allusion to certain payments which were due 
to Atticus from Sicyon, either in his capacity of publicajius, 
or else on account of a loan which he had advanced to the 
state. The former is the more probable theor}-, for we find 
that about this time Sicyon, as one of the /iberi popuU, 
received certain exemptions from tribute which were an evi- 
dent loss to the company who farmed her taxes. 

A similar conflict between public and private interests is 
alluded to in connection with the portorium circumvectionis 
{Ep. II. 16. 4). 

Antoniim{\ Ep. ad dk'. V. 5 is a letter of recommenda- 
tion from Cicero to Antonius in reference to this visit of 
Atticus, the special object of which appears to have been the 
recovery of certain sums which were owing to him in Mace- 

§ 2] ' Now since your departure events have happened of 
importance enough to warrant a letter, which must not how- 
ever be exposed to the risk of being lost, or opened, or 
intercepted. To begin with then let me tell you that the 
consul did not ask my opinion first in the Senate, but gave 
precedence to our peacemaker from Gaul, at which a mur- 
mur of disapproval ran through the house. For myself I am 
pleased rather than otherwise, for I am free from any obliga- 
tion to a wayward fellow, and at liberty to assert my position 
in the state in spite of him ; while the second speaker in a 
debate has little less influence than the first, and an inde- 
pendence unfettered by any compliment from the consul.' 

Pacificatorcvi Allobi-oguiii] C. Calpurnius Piso, the bro- 
ther of the present consul, and himself consul in the year 
67 B.C. In his proconsulship he had quelled some slight 
tumult in Gaul (cf 07: in Cat. III. 9- 22). Casaubon infers 
from the notice in the text that the compliment in question 
had been paid to Cicero the year before by the consul 

Ad)mirmuratite\ For the use of this verb in a hostile 
sense we may compare or. Verr. II. 5. 16 quam valde iini- 
versi adimirinuravcrint, quavi palam principes contra dix- 
erint: and again in Ep. 16. 4 we have the similar com- 
pound acdainatio used in a like sense. 

NOTES. 77 

Neqtie me invifo] For this use oi neqne cf. Ep. 17. \ ferre 
moleste neqtie aperte dicere. 

Catulus] Q. Lutatius Catulus, who, as Plutarch tells us, 
was pronounced by the dictator Sulla to be the best man in 
the state. From all that we know of his character he well 
deserved the praise. In his note on the present passage 
IVIr Watson gives the following as the order in which the 
opinions of the house were usually taken: (i) that of the 
consuls elect, if the debate was held late in the year ; (2) of 
ih.t princeps senaius; (3) of some other consular at the dis- 
cretion of the presiding magistrate. 

Consul^ Marcus Piso. For another and very different 
estimate of his character cf. Cic. or. pro Plane, v. 1 2. 

Cavillator\ 'A scoffer of that peevish school' For a 
fuller description of his oratory cf Brnl. LXVii. 236. It has 
been proposed to substitute for inoroso the extremely doubtful 
word moeoso (fiMKos), but in the passage referred to above 
mo7-osus is the word actually used to denote the peculiarities 
of his style. 

Facie viagis quain faceiits] ' Laughable rather from his 
expression than his expressions.'' So far as can be gathered 
from the distinction drawn between them in or. 11. 54 the 
English equivalent of cavillatio would be ' irony,' of dicacitas 
' wit in repartee.' 

Nihil agens cum repnblicd\ The phrase has been much 
puzzled over by the commentators. It is however admi- 
rably explained as follows by Matth. ad Cic. Cat. ill. 14: qui 
a consiliis de rep. se ipse reinoveat, dicitur Jii/til agens cum 
rep., ut resp. per TrpoacoTroTrouav ipsa consilia inire Jingatur. 

Nihil {metuas) inali\ Nihil metuas mali is the reading of 
most editors, but against the authority of the best MSS. It is 
moreover quite a needless alteration, for the twofold sense of 
sperare (as in the case of the Greek iK-nll^nv) makes it a 
peculiarly suitable word in a construction like the present. 
Mr Watson has introduced spcres in the second clause as 
well, but its repetition is unnecessary and mars the elegance 
of the ^ivy\).a. 

Eius collega\ ' His colleague (Messala) is at once most 
complimentary to me, and an enthusiastic champion of the 
good cause.' 

Quin imo] Schiitz, quin nunc Matth., cither of which is 
more forcible than qui nunc, which it is proposed to substi- 
tute for them. * More by token they are not very good 
friends just now : and I have my fears that the infection may 


78 NOTES. 

§ 3 Sed] Not, I think, 'in spite of Messala's energy,' as 
Mr Watson understands it, but ' in spite of my satisfaction 
at their rupture :' for Cicero was glad of the /act, but afraid 
of the precedent. 

Quod infecttim est'] It is not to the bad example of CIo- 
dius that he alludes, as it is explained by Muretus and 
others, but to the discord which it was producing, as shewn 
by the fact that the two consuls took different sides in the 
question. In his eagerness to prevent an open rupture in 
the Senate Cicero would probably have dropped the case in 
totfl, if the right feeling of Cato and others had not made 
such a course impossible. As it was, he shewed a want of 
energy in the matter most discreditable to himself, and no 
doubt most prejudicial to his influence for good in the state. 

Instaurassent] ' After the fresh performance of the sacri- 
fice:' for the first had been polluted by a man's presence. 
This is the regular sense of instaurare, ' to repeat a sacri- 
fice,' cf. Liv. V. 19, Verg. Aeii. ill. 62. Occasionally, as in Verg. 
Aen. IV. 145, it means 'to repeat again and again? Ideoque, 
which Schiitz has adopted in place of idqiee, though it greatly 
improves the sentence, can scarcely be called necessary. 

Q. Cornijicio] He was probably of praetorian rank: cf. 
Ep. I. I, where he is mentioned as an unsuccessful candidate 
for the consulship. Even Abeken is not quite satisfied with 
Cicero's conduct on this occasion, which he criticises as follows : 
' He was lukewarm in the performance of the duties devolv- 
ing on a consular.... In January, 693, O. Comificius brought 
the matter before the Senate. We are surprised that this 
should not have been done by a senator of more conse- 
quence ; but Cicero, though he likewise expresses astonish- 
ment at the circumstance, did not offer to come forward.' 

Nostnini] 'Men of my own standing,' i.e. of consular 
rank. Why is Cicero so particular to mention this fact.' 
Not, as is commonly suggested, to cast blame on the consu- 
lars, himself amongst the number, but because he fancies that 
Atticus will sanction his irresolute policy in a matter the issues 
of which were as yet so uncertain. 

Ne/as\ 'Sacrilege.' The rogatio in question was to 
enable a special court of enquirj^ to be held on the circum- 
stances of the case. 

Niniciuni remisisse'] = repiedia7-e, 'to divorce.' Uxori, i.e. 
Pompeia, daughter of Q. Pompeius Rufus. It was at her 
house that the proceedings had taken place, her husband 
being Pontifex Maximus at the time. 

Operam dat'] 'Is straining every ner\'e to defeat the 

NOTES. 79 

measure, although it has been issued in his own name, in 
obedience moreover to a special decree and on a question of 
sacrilege. Messala so far is for pressing the matter rigor- 

Antiquetur] Antiquare is used in reference to a measure 
which is still under consideration : abrogarc, of an actual law 
which it is proposed to annul. 

Boni viri] i.e. optiniates : like bojiarum partium in § 2. 
The word operae, 'ruffians,' 'hirelings,' appears again in 
Ep, 14. 5, operas Clodianae. 

Lycurgei] In allusion to the Athenian orator of that name, 
who is mentioned in Brut, xxxiv. 130, and also in Diod. 
XVI. 88, where he is called TriKporaro? Kar>;yopo9. 'I myself, 
though a very Lycurgus at the outset, am daily losing the 
edge of my wrath.' Yet, in the face of this avowal, Abeken 
can defend Cicero's inertness on the plea that 'he was not 
able to take in the whole import of a case at once!' 

Qui...fuissemus\ The mood (as in Ep. 4. 2) presents dif- 
ficulties to Boot, who would understand it as conditional ; 
si Clodius statim reus /actus esset. But cf. Madv. 366, obs. 3. 

Quid multa?'] 'In short I fear that this outrage, neg- 
lected as it is by the good, and espoused by the vicious, 
will prove a fertile source of peril to the state.' 

§4 Scin qtiem dicamf^ Casaubon would extend this pa- 
renthesis to include the words laudare coepisse. The question 
is one of little moment, but a comparison with other passages 
where the phrase occurs is against the proposed alteration. 

Amplectitur'\ The strongest possible word=aya7ra^f ii/, ' takes 
me to his bosom.' The motives of Pompeius for this display 
of friendship are admirably given by Casaubon in a very few 
words : Serviebat eni/n omuibus gratiosis turn teiiiporis, ut 
acta eius bello Mithridatico conjirmarcntur. 

Nihil come'] 'There is no sympathy, no candour, no in- 
tegrity in his politics : nothing dignified or resolute, or 
manly.' It is strange that even for a moment Hortensius 
should have been thought to be the subject of these words, 
when they so exactly agree with the description given of 
Pompeius by M. Caelius {ad div. viii. i. 3), a/iud scntire 
et loqui, neque iantuvi valcre ijigenio ut non apparcat qiiid 
cupiat^ and again by Cicero himself in a subsequent letter, 
Pompeius fremiti queriiu?; Scauro studetj sed utrum /route 
an vicute dubitatur. 

Terrae filio] A man of wliosc parents and antecedents 
nothing is known. ' This son of the soil, goodness knows 

8o NOTES. 

who he is.' (Cf. Pers. vi. 56, ad div. vii. 9. 3.) Subtiltus, 
'more in detail' 

§ 5 Prat-tores] Among whom were C. Caesar and Cicero's 
brother Quintus. The delay in their appointment, as we may 
infer from Ep. 14. 5, was due to the Clodian trial. Cf. Ep. 
18. 7, where the pressure of home business accounts for a 
similar postponement. 

Inchidan{\ This is generally taken to mean 'I'll insert it 
in my speech.' But, to judge from Ep. I. 16. 10, inchidere in 
ipistolam is the usual phrase in that case. ^Ioreover it is 
an unhkely subject to form part of a speech, nor does it 
appear in any of those which have come down to us. I 
should therefore prefer to translate ' I'll send it you with 
my speech,' i.e. inclose it in the same parcel. 

Mendose fuisse] 'I had already perceived that the date 
■was a mistake.' In all probability he refers simply to an 
earlier letter, rather than to a date given in one of his 

aTTiKwrepa] 'More classical,' with an evident allusion to 
his friend's name: a joke which he elaborates in the cor- 
responding passage oi Ep. 19. 10. 

Orationcm Metellinavi] 'My speech against Metellus.' 
Oratiotion habuerat mense iatuiario superioris anni contra 
contiotiem Q. Metelli Nepoiis trib. pi. a quo consulatu abiens 
pro jnore verba ad populum facere fuerat prohibitus. Boot. 
Only fragments of this speech are extant, collected for the 
most part from Gell. xviii. 7. 

Liber] 'I will send you a copy, since affection for me has 
made you such an ardent admirer of rhetoric. Have I any- 
thing new to tell you ? Anything ? Yes.' With the concludmg 
sentences cf. Ep. ad Quint, fr. III. i. 24 quid pi-aeterea f 
quid? etiam, etc. 

§ 6 Autronianatn] i.e. of Lucius Autronius Paetus, who 
had been twice convicted, first of briber}' and afterwards 
of participation in the conspiracy of Catiline. He was at 
present in exile {ad Att ill. 2, or. pro Still, vi.). 

HS xxxvii] i.e. sestertiutn tricies scpties. It is use- 
less to print the reading of the best MS H.S cxxxiv, 
for (as Casaubon remarks) to give any point to the com- 
parison which follows, we may fairly argue that the house in 
question was not bought at a cheaper rate than his own. 
For an account of Cicero's purchase, cf. Ep. ad div. v. 6. 2. 

Quid id ad me, inquies f] ' You will ask how that affects 
me ? Only in this way, that, as compared with him, I am 

NOTES. 8i 

thought to have made a good bargain, and men begin to 
understand that a certain distinction is attainable by using 
a friend's money for a purchase.' 

Lentum 7iegocmm esi] * Drags its slow length along, but 
for all that 1 have hopes of it.' Mr Watson translates the 
word negocium by 'creature' on the analogy of the Greek 
Xpr)\i.a, but the ordinary explanation appears to me more 

Ista confice\ Iftsta, confice Schiitz, in reference to the 
business of TfC/<pij : a reading which is particularly tempting 
if (as I think) TeiKpir is identical with Antonius, whom Atticus 
was on the point of visiting. But the fact that it settles 
everything so comfortably is perhaps an argument for reject- 
ing it. Add to which inatidata cffi.ce quae reccpisti in § 7 of 
the next letter is the e.xact equivalent of ista in the present, 
and in that passage it cannot possibly refer to TeuKpis, whose 
business was by that time settled. 


Epitome of Contents] § i His want of Icisuj-e. The first 
speech of Poinpeius after his retjcrnfroin the east, and § 2 his 
opinion on the subject of the Clodian scandal. § 3 The 
i)anegyric of Crassus on Cicero's consulship, and § 4 his own- 
speech which followed it. § 5 The progress of the Clodian 
trial. § 6 The character of the consuls. § 7 His private 
affairs, e.g. the promise ofTtvKpis, his brother's purchase of a 
house, and his own relations with Lucceius. 

§ i] * I am afraid you will think it affectation in me to tell 
you how busy 1 am : but for all that I am so worried that I 
can hardly find time for this brief scrawl.' 

Putidum'\ * Stale' is the literal sense : from which the word 
is used figuratively of anything that becomes affected or 
formal from tedious reiteration. (Cf. ad div. Vlll. 5, de off. I. 
37- 1 33-) 

Scripsi ad te antea] in a letter either lost or purposely 
destroyed. The allusion in § 4 of the last letter is not definite 
enough to suit the occasion. 

lucunda miseris'\ 'The speech was not satisfactory to the 
poor, nor encouraging to the vicious : to the well-to-do it was 
unacceptable, to the good frivolous, and so it fell flat.' We 
may notice in the above the use of the figure chiasmus, in 
which the contrast is between the first and third, 'the poor... 
the rich,' and again between the second and fourth, 'the 
turbulent... the well-disposed.' Frigebat, 'met with a cold re- 
ception.' Cf. refrixerit I. 2, and refrixerat 19. 4. For the 

82 NOTES. 

position of Pompeius at the present time, who by disbanding 
his army had destroyed the secret of his own power, cf. 
Merivale's Life of Cicero, p. 62. 

Fiifitis] Ouintus Fufius Calenus, a bitter enemy of 
Cicero, as we^^find from the Philippics and elsewhere in the 

In contiotietn produxii] 'Introduced Pompeius to the 
assembly.' It is a note-worthy fact that no one, not even the 
consuls themselves at the comitia tributa (cf. Matth. cui Sest. 
33), could address the people except by the authority of the 
magistrates w^ho had convened the meeting. 

Circo Flaiiiinio'\ which was outside the walls of the city, 
■where Pompeius was waiting till a decree should allow him to 
enter in triumph. 

Nutiditiarum ■naviffvpii\ 'A conclave of market people,' 
which would ensure a good attendance at the assembly. 
There is no doubt an intentional mock solemnity in this use 
of the word TroiTJyupts-. Casaubon draws attention to the 
levity shewn by Futius in selecting by preference a day which 
till quite lately had been included among the dies iiefasti. 

Qiiaesivit ex eo\ 'He put the question to him whether he 
was in favour of the judges being chosen by the praetor on 
the understanding that he was afterwards to be advised by 
them in court. For so it had been ordered by the Senate 
for the trial of the Clodian sacrilege.' This selection of the 
judges by the praetor on whom the conduct of the case 
devolved was contrar)' to the ordinary- rule, which provided 
that they should be chosen by lot, subject to the people's 
approval Upon this point ever\-thing depyended. The 
praetors would only choose respectable judges ; whereas 
election by lot was a matter of chance, or might give room 
for coiTuption. Meriv. 

CoiisiUo'\ Compare the well-known passages in Verg. Acn. 
VI. 430, Prop. V. II. 20. In Ep. 16 § 5 we have the phrase nd 
coiisilium referiur, which means simply that the question 
was formally referred to the bench. 

§ 2 /xaX' apioTOKpaTucQJy] 'In the spirit of a true aristocrat,' 
'in true conservative fashion.' 

Maxiinani] ' Supreme.' Mr Watson reads ' maxitni 
videri' with Klotz, but I cannot believe that Cicero's ear 
would have been satisfied with so unpleasant a rh)-thm. 

Promnlgaia rogaiioite] 'The bill before the house.' 

yfviKa>i\ It makes little difference whether we translate 
'in general terms' with Schiitz and Matth., or "en masse' 

NOTES. 83 

with Orelli and others, as in either case the meaning is the 
same, that he did not venture to speak definitely against 
Clodius, connected as he was with the most influential citizens, 
on whose agency he was himself depending for the ratifi- 
cation of his acts in Asia. 

De istis rebus] is the reading of Schiitz, Matth. and the 
majority of the editors, while Nobbe gives istiics 'about the 
proceedings of a friend of yours,' i.e. the events of Cicero's 
consulship and the punishment of the conspirators. Cf Ep. 16. 
13 tsios consiilatus non Jlocci facteon. It is difficult to decide 
between these two readings, which are almost identical in 
meaning, as I cannot believe that either the one or the other 
can refer simply to the sacrilege and the subsequent trial. 
Nostris, which is accepted by Klotz, is in all probability an 
e.xplanatory gloss. 

§ 3 Oniatissimc\ ' Spoke in most complimentary terms of 
my consulship, and even went so far as to say that he owed 
to me his life and all that was enjoyable in life.' This pane- 
gyric is again referred to in Ep 16. 5, where it enables us to 
identify Crassus as the subject of the allusion. 

Quid jmiltaf\ 'In short, the whole of that topic which in 
my speeches, of which you are the critic, I paint in hues so 
varied, about the fire, the sword — you know the resources 
of my colour-boxes — he wove with great dignity into the 
thread of his argument.' 

Aristarchus] An Alexandrine critic of Homer, whose 
severity had passed into a proverb. Cf. ad div. ill. 11. 5. 
Hor. Ars P. 450. 

Xr;/cv^our] \t\k\)6oi^ Or atnpuHac, are literally vessels in which 
painters kept their colours, used figuratively of rhetorical 
embellishments. Cf. Plin. Ep. II. 2 Marci nostri \t]kv0ovs 
non/ughnus, and in particular .£)>. ad Att. II. i meus autevi 
liber totum Isocrati \ivpo6r]KLov afque omnes ciits discipulorum 
arculas ac nonnihil etiam Aristotelia pigtnenta consumpsit. 

Proxime PoJiipeittm] Poinpcio Boot and others from a 
single MS, but the reading of the text may be readily ex- 
plained as elliptical ior proxime ad. 

Utriivi Crassuvi iiiire'] A remarkable construction in 
place of the more usual utruDi quod Crassus inirct etc. 'be- 
cause Crassus was establishing a claim for gratitude.' The 
above is a simpler explanation than the one suggested by 
Boot: sive quia videbat CrassiDii inire gratiain...sive quia 
intelligebat tantas esse res nostras, etc. 

Tain libcnti sejiaiu] ' With such kindly expressions on the 
part of the Senate. 

84 NOTES. 

Perstrictus esset\ 'Wounded,' 'roughly handled.' For 
this use o{ persiringefe cf. Brut. XCIV. consulahcs meus pri»io 
illinn Icviter perstritixerat. The word Utterae includes his 
writings of whatever kind, e.g. the speech for the Manilian 
law (ch. ii), and that for Sestius (ch. 31) — passages which 
teem with the praises of Pompeius as the conqueror of 
Spartacus, when the insurrection had been virtually suppressed 
by Crassus. 

§ 4 Crasso adiuiixit\ ' That day has made me the close 
ally of Crassus.' This compliment on the part of Crassus 
was well timed, perhaps intentionally so, as by it he dis- 
armed the animosity of Cicero till his designs in reference 
to the trial had been accomplished. 

Aperle tecte] The juxtaposition of these two words has 
occasioned considerable difficulty, but there is really little 
doubt that they are to be separated in translation, and were 
only brought together to heighten the contrast between them, 
i.e. quod ille jni/ii tccte dcderat, apcrte accepi. Two other 
explanations have been proposed : (i) to take them as equi- 
valent to sive tccte sive apcrte^ and (ii) to understand them 
as an o.xymoron : ' with artful candour.' 

Ego autem ipsc'\ 'For myself, great Heaven! how I did 
flare up for the benefit of my new pupil, Pompeius. If 

ever periods, or turns, or syllogisms, or flourishes came at my 
call, they certainly did so then. In short I brought the 
house down. P'or this was my theme: the dignity of our 
order, and its harmony with the knights, the unity of Italy, 
the dying embers of the conspiracy, the cheapness of pro- 
visions, the prevailing peace. You know by experience what 
my thunders are on topics like these : so loud were they on 
this occasion that I may be brief, for I think they must have 
reached you even across the water.' 

eVfTrepn-fpeva-a/ir/i'] ' How I did shew off,' a aira^ Xeyo/ifvoi/ in 
classical writings, although it occurs in Epictetus and in the 
Ep. ad Corinth. I. xiii. 4 rj aya-nr) ov TrfpTrepeverai. KareTreiperai 
is the gloss of Hesychius, and the word Trefyn-epos is described 
as equivalent to dXa^wi/. 

evBvfii^fiaTa] Rhetorical syllogisms : while Karaa-Kevai ac- 
cording to Gronovius and Schiitz are Jigurae elociitioiiis. 
Ernesti on the other hand regards the word as equivalent to 
conjirinatio/tes, constructive as opposed to destructive argu- 
ments {ava(TK(val). Mr Watson still edits KapTToi in place of 
Kapnai, but the latter has been received as a certain emenda- 
tion by Schiitz, Matth. and others. 

Intermortuis\ The emendation of Ernesti. which is ac« 

NOTES. 85 

cepted by the majority of the editors, but immortuis 'nipped 
in the bud' is the reading of the MS, and gives a more 
forcible rendering, as the writer does not wish to draw spe- 
cial attention to the fact that the conspiracy still lives. 

Vilitate] annonae. For the omission cf or. Verr. ill. 93. 
216 bieimiutn provinciam odtiniiit, qiium alter annus in 
vilitate, alter in siiinnia caritate fiierit. Mr Watson draws 
attention to the fact that this cheapness of provisions was 
probably due to the appointment of Pompeius as praefccius 
annonae, which had been made at Cicero's suggestion in 
the year 63 B. c. 

§ 5] ' As for the position of affairs at Rome, the Senate is 
a very Areopagus. No council was ever more resolute, stern 
or consistent. For when the day came for submitting the 
senatorial measure to the people, bearded boys came trooping 
up — the whole of Catiline's herd — with Curio's slip of a girl 
at their head, and entreated the people to reject the bill. 
Even Piso the consul, who had proposed the measure, now 
raised his voice against it. The hirelings of Clodius had 
beset the gangways, and the voting tickets were being sup- 
plied in such a way that no applicant received an Aye. On 
this you should have seen Cato fly to the platform and 
deliver himself of a marvellous invective against Piso, if one 
may use the word of an utterance that breathed dignity and 
determination, aye, and the salvation of our cause. Our friend 
Hortensius followed suit, and after him many good men and 
true. Favonius too did us good service.' 

Concursabanf\ To ''run to and fro'' in an eager and 
excited way rather than to '■crowd together^ is the precise 
meaning oiconcursare. Cf. the Greek Trf pinaTflv. 

Barbatuli ijivenes\ The diminutive expresses his contempt 
for their youth — it may be also for their foppishness. Cf. Tr\v 
& vTT^vTjv oKovpov rp«(^co»/ as the mark of a dandy in Aristoph. 
yesp. 477. In the or. in Cat. ll. 22 he describes the followers 
of Catilme as pexo capillo nitidos aut iniberbes atit bejie bar- 

Filiola Cterionis] i.e. Caius Scribonius Curio. Cf. Phil. 
II. 18. In Veil. Pat. 11. 48. 3 he is described as vir nobilis, 
eloguens, audax, suae alienacquc et fortunac et pudicitiae 

Idem'] Cf. XI. I niinc idem videar diffidere, and the note on 
the passage. 

Pontes] The gangways or approaches by which the citizens 
passed to the ' septa,' where they assembled by their tribes or 
centuries, and out of which they passed to give their votes. 

86 NOTES. 

For a full description of the method of v^oting, cf. IMr For- 
syth's Life of Cic. p. 94. 

Tabellae] These were tickets, two of which were given to 
each voter, one of them inscribed with the letters A. P. 
{cDitiqica probo) or A {antiquo), the other with the letters 
V. R. (itli rogas). 

Saliitis] is sometimes taken to mean ' sound advice,' 
but this translation does not make the climax sufficiently 
strong, especially after the words gravitas and aiictoritas. 

Favonii\ From the or. pro Mil. IX. 26 he seems in most 
things to have followed the lead of Cato, whose principles he 
shared. Cf. also ad div. VIII. li, 2. He was put to death 
after the battle of Philippi. 

Qiaim dccerneretiir'\ 'When the moment came for passing 
the decree.' Nullum facietiti i. e. facietidum censenti, ' who 
was for passing no decree on the subject.' Boot confuses the 
present decree 'ut consules populum cohortarentur' with the 
earlier one for the appointment of a court of enquiry when he 
translates the passage thus : ' who was for cancelling the 
decree on the subject.' 

Curioni'\ The elder Curio is meant, as the son was not of 
age to be on the roll of the Senate — a fact which is suffi- 
ciently established by the use of the word introductus in ad 
Alt. II. 24. 3. 

Fufus tribiinus ttim coiiccssit\ Fufius territtis coJtcessti 
Gron., of which Root approves on the ground that the addition 
of iribuHus is otiose after the mention of his rank in the earlier 
portion of the letter. But it was important to reassert his 
official capacity on an occasion like the present : while the 
reading of the MSS tertium is more nearly represented by 
tri. turn than by territus. 

Contiones miseras] ' Clodius delivered himself of some 
pitiful harangues in which he assailed LucuUus, Hortensius, 
Piso and Messala with foul abuse : all he laid to my charge 
was that I had brought his deeds to light.' 

Tantum coinperisse ovinia] In allusion to Cicero's tedious 
reiteration of his services in the detection of the Catilinarian 
conspiracy [cf ad div. V. 5]. But there is a farther sarcasm 
in the word tajititm on his want of energy in the conduct of 
the Clodian prosecution: 'that I had brought his deeds to 
light, and nothing more,' i.e. had detected but not helped 
to punish them. 

Legationibics] Not the 'appointment of colonial gover- 
nors,' but the 'reception of foreign ambassadors,' for which 

NOTES. 87 

the month of February was specially reserved by the Ga- 
binian law. Cf. Ep. 18. 7 quare etiatn legatioiies reiectuni 
iri puio : Ep. ad div. I. 4. i, and ad Q. Erah'. 11. 13. 3. 
Lata esset] ' Till the bill has become law.' 

§ 6] 'So much for Roman politics : but let me tell you 
further a piece of news for which I was not prepared. The 
consul Messala is a fine fellow: resolute, consistent, ener- 
getic : add to which he praises, admires and imitates your 
humble servant. His colleague is saved from being utterly 
vicious by the possession of one vice, his sleepiness, ignorance 
and general incapacity : but for all that he is so ill-con- 
ditioned in temper that he has hated Pompeius ever since he 
praised the Senate in his speech,' 

Ille alte}-\ Marcus Piso. For the construction uno vitio 
minus vitiosiis Boot compares Ov. Mctani. Xil. 554 Bis 
sex Herculeis ceciderunf, nee niimis uno Viribiis. 

aTrpaKToraros'] Like aTrpay/ncoi/, 'unpractical.' Casaubon 
notices KaxeKTijs as a medical term to denote a man with a 
bad habit of body. Hence the addition of voluntate. 

Corniito] Caius Cornutus, who three years later was 
elected praetor. 

Pseiido-Cafone'] Not ' Cornutus is a true pseudo-Cato,' as 
it has been proposed to render it, but ' Cornutus, believe me. 
is a second Cato.' The use of bonis in the context is decisive 
against our understanding the words in a disparaging sense. 

Quid qnaeris?\ 'Have I told you everything.?' A for- 
mula which denotes not so much surprise on the part of the 
questioner as a farther desire for information. But the phrase 
is so unusual in this sense and in this position, that, as Casau- 
bon suggests, a sentence may possibly have been lost. Boot's 
re-arrangement of the text is hardly a success : Bonis uti- 
miir tribunis plebis, Cornuto vera — quid qtiaeris? — Pseudo- 

§7 Quae rccepisti'\ 'Attend to the commissions which you 
have undertaken.' Cf. ista in § 6 of the preceding letter. 

Argiletani'\ A part of Rome near the Palatine, so called 
from the beds of clay {argilld) in the neighbourhood. 

The derivation from Argi letum (Serv. ad Aen. Vlir. 341) 
is purely fanciful, though it has been perpetuated by Martial 
in the wcU-known line Argi ncinpe soles subire letum. \Epigr. 
I. 118. 9.] 

Reliquum dodrantcn{\ ' The remaining three-fourths.' 
Quintus had probably been mentioned in the will as haeres ex 

-88 NOTES. 

guadrante, and afterwards purchased the remainder of the 
house from his co-legatees. Vcnditat, 'is trying to dispose of.' 
In gratiam redi\ ' Make it up with Lucceius. I see he is 
labouring under a sharp touch of office fever. I will do my 
best for him.' The word petititrire is admirably illustrated 
by Ep. 1 7. I r Liicceiu/n scito consiclatinn habere in animo 
statim pctere^ and it is surprising that any editor should be in 
favour of rewriting the sentence so as to make it form part of 
the preceding. 


Epitome of Contents] §1 The assignment of the province 
of Asia Minor to his brother Quintus, and his hope that it tnay 
add to the reputation of the family. § 2 The correspondence 
between them. 

§ I Asiani'\ This was one of the most coveted of the prae- 
torian provinces, and included Ionia, Caria, Phrygia and 

<^CKkXkr]vis\ Cf. the Or. p}-o Flacco cap. Xiv. and else- 

■KavToir]^ dfjeTTjs ixifj-vrjaKfo] II. XXII. 268. He expected at 
this time that Atticus would go into Asia as one of his 
brother's retinue, but he afterwards gave up the intention. 
Cf. Ep. 16. 14 qnod ad 7ne scribis te in A si am statuisse 
11071 ire, equidem mallevt nt ires, et vereor ne quid in ista 
re minus commode fiat. 

§ 2 De tiio negociol The Sicyonian debt, in all probability. 


Epitome of Contents] §1 A plea for his conduct in the 
matter of the Clodian trial, and more particularly § 2 in 
reference to the measure of Hortcnsius. §§ 3 — 5 The progress 
and issue of the trial. § 6 Affairs at Rome. § 7 His hopes for 
the future. §§ 8, 9 His speeches after the verdict. § i o His 
passage of arms with Clodius. § 11 His present position in 
the state. § 1 2 Tlie coming consular election. § 1 3 TJie new 
laws against bribery. § 14 TJie projected visit of Atticus to 
Asia Minor. § 15 On literary subjects, and % 16 Jus own 
correspondence. § 17 The private affairs of Atticus, and% 18 
his Amaltheum in Epinis. 

§ i] 'You ask me what can have happened on the trial to 
result in such an extraordinary verdict : also why I fought 
less brilliantly than is my wont. I will answer your last ques- 
tion first after the fashion of Homer. To tell the truth, so 
long as I could plead the resolution of the Senate, I fought 

NOTES. 89 

with might and main, insomuch that applause and rallyings 
ensued to my great honour. Nay, if ever you have thought 
me bold to protect the state, most assuredly you would have 
done so then. For when I found he had taken refuge in 
mob-meetings and was holding up my name to scorn, great 
Heavens ! what fight I shewed, what havoc I dealt ! what 
onslaughts I made on Piso, Curio and the whole of their crew ! 
How bitterly I inveighed against the frivolity of the old men, 
the licentiousness of the young ! Often, so help me Heaven! 
I longed for you not only to advise me in my counsels, but to 
be the eyewitness of my marvellous prowess.' 

Quaeris ex me] The question proves that Atticus mis- 
doubted his friend's sincerity on the occasion, although he 
did not fathom his motives. The answer of Cicero shews 
that his energy in the prosecution was confined to vague 
declamation, while for abandoning the key of the position 
he ofters no defence at all — for coiitmxi vela perspiciois 
inopiam iudicum is none. 

va-Tfpov TTpoTfpou] praepostere. Thus Homer begins the 
tale of Troy in the 9th year, and gives us the history of the 
previous period in his later narrative. So again in the 
Odyssey he begins with the loth year of the wanderings of 
Ulysses, which finds him in the island of Calypso, and fills in 
his earlier history by episodes in the succeeding books. 

Auctoritas] The resolution mentioned in § i of Ep. 14, 
indices a praetore legi quo consilio idem praetor uteretur. 

Ad itividiam uteretur'] As a traitor to the popular cause 
in the opposition which he had offered to the Agrarian schemes 
of Rullus, and in the illegal punishment of the Catihnarian 

§ 2 Hortcnsius excogita-vit] Fufius, as Casaubon remarks, 
was no doubt the crafty originator of this scheme, and had 
in all probability suggested it to Hortensius as the readiest 
means of proceeding with the case. Hortensius was perhaps 
honest in his belief that an ordinary bench of judges would 
secure a conviction ; or else, like Cicero, he was not unwilling 
that the criminal should escape, so long as he could explain 
satisfactorily his own part in the matter. 

Inopiam iudicum] like egestas below, the neediness and 
poverty of the judges. 

Pro testi»ionio] As for instance that Clodius was at Rome 
at the time of the sacrilege and not at Interamna, as he had 
pretended. (Cf. Ep. 11. i. 5. Plut. Cic. 29.) 

Cojnmissuvt est] ' For this result we are indebted to the 
rash counsels of Hortensius, who, in his fear that Fufius would 

go NOTES. 

put his veto upon the senatorial measure, never saw how far 
wiser it had been to leave the criminal in his ignominy and 
disgrace than to trust for his conviction to a weak bench of 

Diim verities est] For this rare use of dutn with a past 
tense to denote duration of time, cf Zumpt, § Ixxvi. pp. 355, 
356, and the Public School Lat. Gr. p. 162, I. 6. 

Tamai] For this common elliptical use of tavicn cf. Ep. 
19. 8 atque ita tamen his iiovis ainicitiis iniplicati smnics, 
and EUendt, ad oral. V. 2, p. 208, 'that a sword, were it of 
lead, would yet suffice to cut his throat.' The proverb 
appears again in dejin. iv. 18. 48. 

§ 3 Incredibili exitii] 'The result passes all belief: so that 
now, when all is over, everyone else blames the scheme of 
Hortensius, as I have done from the first.' 

Reiectio] For this challenging of the judges, cf the lociis 
classicus on the subject, Verr. I. 6. 16, and the comments 
of Asconius upon it. 

AccHsator] Lucius Lentulus (Plut. in Caes. 10), who was 
consul with Caius Marcellus in the year 705. Among the 
subscriptores to the prosecution were two relatives of Len- 
tulus, and also Caius Fannius {ad Att. ll. 24. 3). 

Tanqmwi clemens lanisfa] who, in selecting the pairs of 
combatants for the games, would naturally choose the most 
worthless for the arena and retain the more respectable for use 
in the training school. 

Consedcriint] 'As soon as ever the jury were empanelled, 
good men began to entertain strong doubts. For a more 
rascally lot never sat round a gaming table. Degraded 
senators were there, and beggarly knights, and tribunes 
cashiered rather than rich in cash. Yet were they inter- 
spersed with a few good men of whom the criminal couldn't 
rid himself by the exercise of the challenge. These sat sad 
and sorrowful among companions so unlike themselves, and 
were sorely troubled by their close contact with such villains.' 

Maciilosi] There is some doubt whether this word is to 
be taken in a general sense of men of tarnished reputation 
{inf amine inaculis co/tspersi, Tac. Ann. XI 1 1. 33, Hist. I. 7), 
or as referring definitely to the tiota or macula censoria (cf 
Suet. hil. 41). The latter is more forcible and indeed 
necessary, if, as I am inclined to believe, each of the adjec- 
tives represents some formal sentence of disgrace. 

Nudi] ' Beggared,' ' threadbare in money and reputation,' 
is the usual explanation ; but, on the principle mentioned 

NOTES. 91 

above, I believe it refers definitely to the loss of their ring — 
the bitterest disgrace with which an eques could be visited. 

Aerati...aerarii\ Tribtini aerarii sunt ordmis plebeii {or. 
pro Planc.y) et per eos inilitibiis peatJtia stipendiorum nume- 
7-abatur, ut est atictor Festiis. Ern. In accordance with the 
above Muretus has proposed a rearrangement of the passage, 
which is certainly ingenious : Tributii non tarn aerarii, ut ap- 
pellautur, quafu aerati. ' Tribunes not so much paymasters 
as receivers of pay. ^ But this premature suggestion of bribery 
is quite foreign to the tone of the narrative, and it is to the 
antecedents of the jurymen rather than to their conduct on 
this occasion that the sarcasms evidently refer. Rejecting 
therefore any explanation which would find a direct allusion 
to bribery in the passage I should understand it somewhat 
in the sense of maculosi above. Cf. Cluent. 43 in aerarios 
referri, i. e. /;/ ultimajit classem, cut ascripti suffra^io carebant, 
et tantjini aera tributi loco petidebant. erat autem haec nota 
censoria, quani plebi quidem in pritnis, sed interdum tatnen 
etiam se7tatoribus et equitibus inurebatit. Ern. 

§ 4 Consilium^ luris peritorum qui praetori assidebanf, 
Matth., but the words which follow prove conclusively that 
the judges themselves are meant. 

Printis postulationibtis'] *As each point was submitted to 
the bench on the first hearing:' a very similar process to the 
Greek ai/a/cpto-tr. Originally postulatio meant no more than 
to ask the praetor's leave for permission to lodge the suit : 
but it had been extended to include all the details upon 
which the contending parties might require information 
before the actual trial of the suit commenced. 

Triu»iphavit'\ ' In a word Hortensius was in ecstacies 
at his own foresight.' 

Ex acclaviatione'] The order is audisse ex acclamatione, 
'I think the uproar must have been loud enough to tell you,' 
and for the hyperbola compare the precisely similar expres- 
sion usque istim exauditos in Ep. 14. 4. It has been 
strangely enough proposed to contort the sentence into the 
following form : credo te audisse quae consurrectio facta sit 
ex acclamatione, ' how the jury rose as one man on hearing 
the outcry raised by the partisans of Clodius.' It may be 
noticed in passing that acclamatio in Cicero always denotes 
disapprobation: differing in this from the similar compound 
admurmurare, which is likewise used in a favourable sense. 
Cf. in Pis. XIV. 31. On the subject oi advocatus it is scarcely 
necessary to warn even schoolboys against translating it 'an 
advocate' or 'counsel.' It is really no more than a friend, 

P. c. 8 

92 NOTES. 

called in by either party to watch the case, and, if need be, 
to give evidence in his favour. 

Honorificentior\ 'More complimentary.' Tui cives, i.e. 
Athenienses. As a matter of fact they were not the fellow- 
citizens of Atticus, as he had declined the offer of their fran- 
chise, because by receiving it he would have lost his position 
as a citizen of Rome. Cf. quiun ex nostra iure duarum 
civitatutn nemo esse possit. [tic. pro Caec. xxxiv. loo.] 

Xenocrateni] of Chalcedon, a pupil of Plato and the fellow- 
student of Aristotle. The story to which he alludes is told by 
Uiog. Laert. (IV. 7), and is repeated by Cicero in the or. pro 
Baldo, cap. V. 12, though on that occasion he gives the cir- 
cumstances only without mentioning the name. 

Tabulas\ 'That occasion on which a Roman jur)' declined 
to inspect the account-books of Metellus, when as usual they 
were being carried round for inspection : far greater, I repeat, 
was the compliment in my own case.' The circumstance 
occurred during the trial of Metellus for peculation, and is 
mentioned agam in the or. pro Baldo, cap. v. 11. 

§ 5] 'And so by the expressions of the jurymen, for I was 
hailed by them as the saviour of my countr>', the defendant 
was crushed, and with him fell all his supporters, while at my 
house the day after I was met by as great a concourse as 
that by which I was escorted home at the close of my con- 
sulship. Our immaculate Areopagites protested that they 
could not make their way to court except under the protec- 
tion of a guard. It was referred to the bench. One voice 
alone was raised against the appointment of a guard. So 
the question was laid before the Senate, and the guard voted 
in most impressive and complimentary terms : the judges 
praised to the skies : the details entrusted to the magistrates : 
no one thought it possible that the fellow would shew him- 
self in court.' 

Cojivenit] The addition of postridie and venturos leaves 
no doubt as to the meaning of this passage. Otherwise 
'rallied round me' to accompany me home is the translation 
which the context would rather suggest. 

Abiens consiilatii\ The occasion is thus referred to in the 
or. in Pis., quo quidetn tempore is mens domum fuit e fora 
reditus, lit tiemo, nisi qui mectim esset, civium esse in nutnero 

Refertur ad consilium'] See note on § 4. The quotation 
which follows is from Hom. //. n. 112, 113. 

Calvum"] M. Licinius Crassus is meant, as a comparison 

NOTES. 93 

with Ep. 14. 3 sufficiently proves. That his character was 
in accordance with the act we may gather from Cic. de off. 
I. 109, and the following passage from Sail. Cixt. 48, ne 
Crassus more sua siiscepto malorum patrocinio rem publicam 
cofiturbaret. The only attempt to explain the title 'Cal- 
vus, one of the Nanneian set' is offered by Manutius, who 
suggests that he may have bought the estates of Nanneius 
(one of those who suffered in the proscriptions of Sulla, cf. 
Q. Cic. de pet. cons. 2) under the feigned name of Calvus, or 
by the agency of a procurator of that name. Or again it is 
possible that in the word calvus there may be an allusion to 
his personal appearance, just as in the first satire of Persius 
the same adjective is descriptive of Nero. As an example 
of reckless emendation the reading proposed by Boot is 
unrivalled: nosti Calvum, f^anivdiov ilium laudatorem me inn. 
Intercessit] Cf. ad Alt. VI. i. 5 intercessisse se pro iis mag- 
nam pecutnam, and again Phil. II. 45 sestertinm sexagies se 
pro te intercessisse dicebat. ' In two days by the aid of a 
single slave fetched from a training school the business was 
done: he had seen the judges: promised, guaranteed, and 
paid the bribe.' 

lajn vero] *To crown it all,' in reference to the mercedis 
cumulo (auctuariicm, iTriinTpov). 

Sianmo discessu bonorum'] 'And so, in a court full of 
slaves, where every good man was conspicuous by his ab- 
sence, five-and-twenty of the judges were yet so resolute in 
the hour of danger as to prefer death to the desertion of their 
post. Thirty-one there were with whom hunger carried the 
day against honour. Catulus, on encountering one of the 
latter, said : What did you want guards for ? Was it for 
fear of being robbed of the wages of your shame f 

Perdcre o)nnid\ is explained by Manutius and others to 
mean the ruin of the state rather than of their own reputa- 
tion. I am inclined myself to understand it in the latter 
sense, 'preferred loss of life to the loss of all that makes life 

Catulus] The story is told by Plutarch in his life of 
Cicero, cap. XXix. 

§ 6] 'You have received, in as few words as I can give it, 
an account of the trial, and the cause of the acquittal. In 
your next question you ask what is the present position of 
the Republic and of myself Let me tell you that the State 
which you believed to be secured by my care, and I by the 
care of the gods, and which did appear to be established 
on a firm basis by the union of all the well-disposed, and by 
the vigorous measures of my Consulate, has, unless some 

94 NOTES. 

god looks down on us with mercy, already slipped from cur 
hands by this one judgment — if that can be called a judg- 
ment, when thirty men, the most frivolous and abandoned of 
the Roman people, violate for a paltry bribe every right 
human and divine ; when a Thalna, a Plautus, a Spongia, 
and other refuse like these, maintain that a deed was not 
committed which all men, aye and the very brutes them- 
selves, know to a certainty was committed. But yet for your 
consolation let me tell you, that, although the state has 
received this heavy blow, still villainy is not so wantonly 
triumphant in the hour of victory as the vicious had antici- 
pated. For they thought that if religion, chastity, the honour 
of the judges, and the authority of the Senate,. could be over- 
turned, then recklessness and lust might openly revenge 
themselves on the good among us, for the pain my austere 
administration had inflicted on the bad.' Meriv. 

Elapsii7n de tnanibus] He uses the same expression of a 
trial in the de orat. II. 50. 202 7iihil unquam vidi, qjiod tarn 
e niatiibiis elaberetiir, quam mihi turn est elapsa ilia causa. 

Thalnam et Plautum et Spongiam^ Contemptuous names 
adopted for the occasion from the lowest class of slaves. 
The derivations to which Casaubon would refer each of 
these words are, excepting as regards Spongia, very far- 
fetched. It is surely enough to suppose that in many cases, 
though by no means in all, the name of a slave had reference 
to his occupation. Thus Spotigia is almost precisely identi- 
cal with Peniculiis, the name of the parasite who plays so 
important a part in the Menaechmi: and again in Propertius 
we have the line Deliciaeque meae Latris cjii nomen ab usu 
est (v. 7. 75). But to attempt to find a special allusion of 
the same kind in so common a word as Plautus is surely 
somewhat fanciful. 

Qutsquilias'\ trvp^fTos, the sweepings of a stable. He 
uses the same word of the same class in his speech pro 
Sestio, in which he calls Numerius, Serranus and Aelius 
'quisquihae seditionis Clodianae.' 

^ J Doloris quern. ..inusserat] a. favourite phrase with our 
author ; cf or. in Verr. II. i. 44 cur hunc dolorem cineri eius 
atque ossibus inussisti? and again or. pro Mil. XXXVI. nul- 
lum mihi taiitum dolorem inuretis ; and agaxT). Phil. XI. 15. 
38 tertio ge)ieri...cupio quajn acerbissimutn dolorem inurere. 

% % Ab aliis legi A reading which Klotz has introduced 
into his text, and to which Madvig {ad fin. p. 29) gives a 
quahfied approval. For aliis legi cf ad Att. XVI. 13a. I. 
For the sentiment Matth. compares ad div. XV. 21. 5 aliter 

NOTES. 95 

eniin scribitnus quod eos solos quibus mittimus, aliter quod 
multos lecturos putamus. 

Recreavi~\ 'It was I who gave fresh courage to the good 
who were cast down by reassuring them and rousing them 
to action ; while by attacking and worrying these venal 
jurymen I shut the mouths of all who gloried in his 
triumph. To Piso the consul I allowed no resting-place for 
the sole of his foot. He had been promised Syria, but I 
took it from him. In a word, I restored the Senate to its 
ancient vigour, revived the despairing, and anni.hilated Clo- 
dius to his face in the Senate by a continuous and most 
dignified harangue, no less than by a passage of arms, of 
which I may treat you to a few tit bits, for the rest can have 
neither pith nor point apart from the heat of the action which 
you Greeks call ayav! 

Nulla in re consistere] A metaphor from an army which is 
driven from place to place by the enemy, with no time al- 
lowed it to organize a resistance. Cf. patria Turnutn con- 
sistere terra. [Verg. A en. x. 75.] 

Desp07isani\ Cf de prov. cons. XV. 37 where the irregular 
desponsio is contrasted with the more formal decretum. Mr 
Watson also notices the fact, that to avoid favouritism it was 
usual to assign the provinces to the consuls of each year 
before their election took place. Syria and Macedonia were 
the most desirable of the consular provinces, and were be- 
stowed as marks of special favour. For instance, the former 
was promised to Gabinius by Clodius when they made their 
guilty compact to secure the banishment of Cicero. 

Oratione perpetud\ Xf^is flpofiivrj. It is often used of a 
set speech as opposed to a railing-match like the one which 
follows; Vid. Drakenb. ad Liv. iv. 6. i. 

§ 9 De sumnia republica'] ' The interests of the State.' That 
sutmna respublica, and not sujnvia reipublicae, is the proper 
form of the phrase is well argued by Zumpt, ad Verr. L. 
II. 28. 

Divinitus'] 'by inspiration.' The distinction drawn by 
Casaubon between divine and divinitus : Qui ait se aliquid 
divine fecisse tribuit sibi laudem : qui dicit divinitus se 
aliquid eglsse laudem deo tribuit non sibi: is unquestionably 
a real one, nor is it disproved by the passages quoted by 
Schiitz from the de oral. 1 1. 2, II. 45, or by another to which 
Boot refers in the Ep. ad Att. 1 1. 21. 6 Pompeius loquitur 
divinitus, where it may fairly be rendered ' Pompeius talks 
like one inspired.^ 

Lentulutn] P. Lentulus Sura, the accomplice of Catiline. 
He had been twice tried for peculation. [Plut. Cic. XVll]. 

96 NOTES. 

Bis Catilinan{\ Manutius has a long note in proof that 
Catiline was acquitted in three prosecutions : (i) for the 
seduction of Fabia, a vestal virgin, (2) for the murder of 
Gratidianus, (3) for malversation in his province. For the 
omission of the first in the present instance he accounts by 
the fact that Fabia was the sister of Terentia, and that Cicero 
had always maintained her innocence of the crime. It would 
be absurd therefore to refer to the prosecution as evidence of 
Catiline's guilt. 

Immissutti] immittere is the Greek f^/ei/at, 'to slip dogs 
from a leash.' Cf. Verg. Georg. ill. 351. 

Exsilio privare\ Cf. fragm. or. in toga caiid. IV. p. 942 
(Orell. ed.) ad aliquod severius indicium ac juaius siipplicium 
reservari, and also a remarkable chapter in the or. pro 
Caecina, where it is again mentioned as the more lenient of 
two alternatives {or. pro Caec. xxxiv. 100). 

§ 10 Pulchellns puerl 'My pretty boy gets up and taunts 
me \vith having been at Baiae. A lie, I answer, but what if 
it were true? no worse than for you to say you had been 
present at a mystery. 'What,' he continued, 'should a man 
of Arpinum know of hot baths ?' Said I, Tell that tale to your 
protector, who had a strong fancy for the waters of Arpinum. 
(You know the stories afloat about the baths of Marius.) 'How 
long,' he asks, 'shall we stand the airs of this great man?' 
What ! you to talk of a great man, when your great man said 
nothing about you ! (for in his mind's eye he had made short 
work of the property of his brother-in-law Rex). ' You have 
bought,' he said, 'a princely mansion.' Yes: but not the 
judges. 'Your evidence on oath,' said he, 'received no credit.' 
Indeed it did, was my reply, at least, from five-and-twenty 
of the judges: the remaining thirty one, seeing they were 
paid in advance, would clearly give you none. By the shouts 
which arose he was crushed, silenced and confounded.' 

Piilchellus pucr\ Cf. ad Att. ll. i. 4. For a repetition of 
this sarcasm on his family name we may compare a frag- 
ment of the speech against Clodius and Curio i,v. ed. Nobbe), 
sed., credo, postqiiavi speculum tibi adlatum est, longe te a 
pulchris abesse sensisti. 

Ad Baias fuisse] A sign of luxury and effeminacy, as it 
implies the use of the hot bath. Cf. or. in Clod, et Cur. IV. 
sqq., which furnishes a running comment on the passage 
before us. Pritnum homo durus ac priscus invectus est in 
eos qui mejise Aprili apud Baias essent et aquis calidis 
uterefitur. quid cum hoc homine nobis tarn tristi et severo ? 

Falsum'\ Schiitz rewrites the passage in this form : sal- 

NOTES. 97 

sum, sed tarn id qnidem hide simile est, iiiqua7n, the weak- 
ness of which it is surely needless to demonstrate. 

Sed tamen quid hoc?^ Why Boot should regard these 
words as either a gloss or an epistolary comment on the 
taunt of Clodius, I am at a loss to conceive. They are at 
any rate forcible enough as a part of Cicero's reply. 

Ill operto fuisse\ Cf. Parad. IV. 32 si in opertum Bonae 
Deae accessisses. The subject is obscure, but, as the allusion 
is plain, it is of little real importance whether we supply te^ 
which I think makes the retort more forcible : or 7ne, with 
Boot and others. Or again it may be more general still : 'It's 
no worse than saying one has been in an out-of-the-way 

Hotnini Arpinati] i.e. agresii ac rustico {in Clod, et Cur. 
ibid). For the taunt implied in aquis calidis, compare the 
well-known discussion in the Clouds of Aristophanes, 1045 sqq. 

Narra patrono luo] Cf. nart'a apud novercam, Plant. 
Psetid. I. 3. 80. 

Afarianasl Matth., marinas Schiitz and others, a read- 
ing which we may unhesitatingly reject, as it rests on little 
authority and alludes to a doubtful story, which, if true, can 
have no possible connection with the matter in hand. It 
seems equally clear that we must understand aquas and not 
aedes with the adjective Marianas : as, even supposing the 
latter word could in any case be supplied, it would be next 
to impossible to do so in the present instance where we have 
another subject mentioned in such close proximity. We may 
infer therefore that the allusion is to some spring or baths in the 
neighbourhood of Arpinum : and the taunt may be simply 
aimed at the devotion shewn by Clodius to the interests of 
Marius. But a sarcasm of this kind is not forcible enough 
to suit the occasion, and it is far more probable that by the 
word /rt/r^wwj some person is meant with whom Clodius was 
on the same terms as those which existed between the 
younger Curio and Antonius {Phil. li. 18). It has been sug- 
gested that the elder Curio may be the person in question, 
but, although he had warmly supported the cause of Clodius, 
his character and reputation render it most improbable that 
he should have been made the subject of a taunt, the import 
of which can scarcely be mistaken. On the other hand, every- 
thing points to the younger Curio as the patronus of the text, 
e.g. his well-known character and the fact that notably on 
one occasion he acted as the champion of Clodius {duce 
filiola Curionis, Ep. 14. 5), while his father is known to have 
purchased a house in the neighbourhood of Arpinum which 
had originally been in the possession of Marius. 

98 NOTES. 

One other theory is worthy of notice if only from the fact 
that it is countenanced by Schiitz, viz. that hy patroniis the 
sister of Clodius is meant, and that her discreditable par- 
tiality for Cicero is the subject of the allusion, Arpinates aquas 
conciipivit. Against this interpretation we must place the 
unusual use of the word patronus, the apparent want of force 
in the addition of Marianas, and the general tone of the 
fragmentary speech against Clodius and Curio. 

Regem fere7nus'\ So again we have 7-egnum Ciceronis in 
the or. pro Sull. vil. 2r. 

Rex\ O. Marcius Rex, the husband of Clodius' sister, 
Terentia, who had died and left him nothing. For spe devo- 
raverat of. or. pro dom. XXIII. 60, and the following from 
or. in Verr. ll. I. 51 iste qui iam spe atque opiiiio/ie prac- 
dam ilhun devorasset. 

Domuvi] A 'mansion,' which is the regular sense of the 
word in Martial. It would have been natural to refer this 
to Cicero's house on the Palatine, noticed in Ep. 13. 6. 
However, in the speech already quoted against Clodius and 
Curio, Cicero imphes that a house at Baiae is meant and 
represents himself as commenting thus : is Die dixit aediji- 
care: ubi 7iihil habeo, ibifuisse. 

PoteSy itiqtiavt, dicere, ' indices emisti?^'] The reading of 
Schiitz, with the exception that he omits the interrogative and 
introduces the negative heiore potes. 'Yes : but can you say 
I bought the judges?' Putes, inqua7>i, dicere is the other 
reading, which is understood by Boot in the sense oi simile 
est quasi dicas above, and by the other editors as equivalent 
to facile quispia77i putet. But the taunt in either case 
becomes less direct and loses in consequence much of its 
force. E77iisse for e77iisti suggests itself as a possible emen- 
dation. 'Yes, and you can say you bought the judges.' 

§ II Missus est sa7iguis'\ 'I have been bled for unpopu- 
larity \\ithout feeling the smart,' or, in other words, 'The fever 
of jealousy under which I was labouring has been reduced 
by bloodletting.' The same idea is found in the speech of 
Appius {Liv. III. 54) daiidus iiruidiae est sanguis, in Cic. ad 
Alt. VI. I. 2, and or. pro Sest. 38 se7tsit suu/71 sa7igui7ietn 
quaeri ad resti7igue7ida77i i7ividia77i faciiioris Clodia7ii. 

In passing we may call attention to the self-complacency 
with which Cicero dwells upon the increase of his own popu- 
larity at the expense of a blow which he admits to have been 
well-nigh ruinous to the best interests of the State. 

Atque etia77t hoc 77iagis] These words are generally un- 
derstood as an amplification of sine dolore : but it is, I think, 
preferable to regard the passage 7nissus est sa7iguis i7ividiae 

NOTES. 99 

situ dolore as parenthetical, and the words in question as 
a continuation of the sentence videri nostrum testimonium 
non valuisse. We have then the second clause introduced 
in a natural way by the phrase accedit quod, etc. 

Rem manifestam'] Boot suggests that reum manifestum 
ilium is the true reading, and supports it by the parallel 
passage from or. pro Mil. 87 pecunia se a iudicibus palam 
redemerat. There is certainly something very unusual, though 
at the same time not inexplicable, in the phrase rejn re- 
dimere a iudicibus: moreover, res and retts are repeatedly 
confounded in the MSS. Cf. Drakenb. ad Liv. xiv. 37. 8. 

Contioitalis hirudo aerarii] Cf. ad Quint, fr. ll. 3. 4 con- 
tionario illo populo. 'Add to which that mob-loving leech 
of the treasury, a wretched and half-starved rabble, have 
an idea that I am dearly loved by Pompeius the Great.' The 
words hirudo aerarii account for the increase of his own 
popularity in consequence of this behef, as it was on Pom- 
peius that their chief hopes of largess depended. 

Comissatores coniurationis'] 'Our jovial crew of con- 
spirators' (cf. in Cat. ll. 5. 10), a translation which I much 
prefer to the more elaborate explanation of Gronovius : qui 
inter vinum de coniuratione egerunt, ' those young friends of 
ours who play at conspiracy over their cups :' a sense which 
he illustrates from Curt. vii. 4, Bessus circumferri merum 
largius iussit, debellaturus super mensatn Alexandrum, 

Ludis et gladiaioribus'] 'And so at the plays and gladia- 
torial shows we won golden favours without the accom- 
paniment of a single hiss.' The word eTricrrifiaa-la is used 
technically of voting, and in the more general sense is not 
confined to marks of favour, as in the passage before us. 

For pastoricia fistula, ' shepherds' music,' cf. Plat, de 
leg. III. 700 C, 01; crvpty^ rjv oude Tivfs afiovaoi /3oat ttXi^Oovs. 

§ 12] 'At present we are looking forward anxiously to the 
elections, in the prospect of which my friend Pompeius is, in 
spite of all opposition, bringing the son of Aulus to the fore.' 
By Auli filium, as in Ep. I. i, Lucius Afranius is meant, 
whose election was secured by Pompeius. For the sarcasm 
implied by the omission of his name vid. note on the former 
passage. Casaubon however suggests that it may have been 
omitted in imitation of the Greek construction o 'Apt'orcoi/oj, or 
else to avoid identification, should the letter be intercepted. 

In quae\ Boot, as usual, would omit altogether this ex- 
planatory clause, in quae modo asellus onustus auro posset 
ascendere, as derogatory to the intelligence of Atticus. 

For the allusion to Philip, cf. Plut. apoph. reg. VI 1 1, p. 96, 
and Hon od. ill. 16. That the same agency was employed 

loo NOTES. 

by Pompeius is noticed in his life by Plutarch, ch. 44 ; and 
again in Ep. ad Att. II. 3. i, et Epicratem siispicor, ut 
scribis, lascivtitn fuisse, i.e. 'was free with his money.' 

Doterionis histrionis similis] al. deterioris. When all is 
said, the allusion in these words is still only imperfectly 
solved. The reading deterioris (which it is attempted to ex- 
plain by vv. 67. sqq. of the Prologue to the Atnphitryofi of 
Plautus) is now rejected by the best editors, who in the 
word Doterio — a dispenser of bribes — see a parallel drawn 
between the consul Piso {facie magis qiiani facetiis ridi- 
culus) and the actors Aristodemus and Neoptolemus, of 
whom Philip made frequent use in administrating his affairs. 

Domitid] L. D. Ahenobarbus, the brother-in-law of Cato. 

Apud 7nagistratus\ ' The first that a commission of en- 
quiry shall be held before the proper authorities : the other 
that any person at whose house bribery agents are enter- 
tained shall be held guilty of a state offence :' the object of 
this double measure being the punishment of those who were 
implicated in the acquittal of Clodius, and the suppression of 
bribery at elections. Cf. ep. 18. 3 facto senatus consulto de 
ambit u, de iiidiciis: nulla lex perlata. There is scarcely a 
doubt that this is the proper text and interpretation of the 
passage, for habitareiit is the MS reading, while ciiitcs modi 
would be a natural and easy corruption of the more un- 
usual phrase cuius domi. In addition to this, the consul 
had been active in procuring the acquittal of Clodius. Ut 
apud magistratus inquiri liceret has been usually understood 
as follows : ' that it shall be allowable to search the houses 
of magistrates :' but the objection to this interpretation is 
twofold, (i) that it makes the two clauses almost identical, 
and (ii) that the measure in question is afterwards referred 
to thus : nt de iis qui ob iudicandum pecuuiatu accepissent, 
quaereretur [ad Att. I. 17. 8). For adversus rempublicam 
{esse ov facere), cf. ad Att. li. 24. 3 cotitra rempublicam esse 
facturutn. The other explanations are as follows : 

(i) That cuius modi is to be taken as equivalent to quos- 
cunque: 'that, if they harboured agents of whatever kind, it 
should be regarded as a State offence.' 

(ii) To leave out alterum, on the ground that what fol- 
lows is only a clause of the same decree : ' that a commis- 
sion should be held before the magistrates to determine what 
sort of agents they held to be prejudicial to the State.' 

But in this case there is no regular sequence to unum, 
while the words /;/ consulem facta remain pointless and un- 
explained. Add to which haberent aduersus reviptiblicam is, 
to say the least, a most questionable phrase. 

Divisores} * Bribery agents,' to be carefully distinguished 

NOTES. loi 

from a class of the same name who were legally authorised 
to distribute certain funds among the tribes, and to whom 
reference is made in Ep. i8. 4 tribulis enim tuus est, et 
Sextus pater eius numos vobis dividere solebat. That largesses 
of this kind were occasionally supplied by the State itself is 
clear from the phrase contionalis hirudo aerarii in § 11. 

§ 13 Contra legem Aeliavt] An emendation which I have 
ventured to introduce into the text on my own authority, as 
the Medicean MS, on which we are mainly dependent for the 
text of the letters, is a comparatively late one, in which the 
contraction of contra into contr. or coii might not unreason- 
ably be expected to occur. Qui magistratum simul cmn 
lege Aelia iniit is the uSbal reading, which has been rejected 
as hopeless by Ernesti, Schiitz and Matthiae, all of whom 
omit the words cum lege Aelia from their text. Nor is it 
difficult to see that the fault, whatever it is, lies with the 
words simul cum, which, as they at present stand, are Latin 
for nothing — certainly not for salva lege Aelia (Gronov.), or 
for tribunatnm iniznt servatis auspiciis ex lege Aelia (Manut.), 
while their juxtaposition with the ablative lege is against our 
separating them thus : qui, simul cum iniit magistratum lege 
Aelia, solutus est Aelia et Fufia. Moreover it is scarcely 
possible that Lurco can have been elected to office otherwise 
than by a direct breach of the Aelian law, if we compare the 
sarcasm 'bono auspicio claudus' with the first clause of the 
law in question, ut auspicato omnia fierent in comitiis. As 
the next step, we may fairly assume that such a breach of the 
law would be alluded to by Cicero in a passage like the pre- 
sent, and I have therefore little hesitation in obtaining this 
sense by the slight alteration of cum into cofi (contra). By 
removing the word cum, the difficulty of separating simul 
from the ablatives which follow is removed with it, while a 
most forcible rendering is secured for the passage, ' Elected 
in defiance of the law and then formally released from its ob- 
ligations.' In respect to the relative qui, we may either omit 
it as an interpolation consequent on the corruption of the rest 
of the sentence, or, if it is to be retained, supply the verb est, 
which I have introduced in brackets. In either case, simul 
will be equivalent to sijnul cum, a poetic usage which is not 
uncommon in Cicero. 

[The above note was already in type when I received the 
following kind communication from Mr Munro, the late Pro- 
fessor of Latin : " The Medicean reading is insimul cum, not 
sitnul ctim, of which the following is a simple and perhaps 
not unsatisfactory correction : qui 7nagistratum insimulatum 
lege Aelia iniit, ' who entered upon a magistracy impeached 
by the Lex Aelia,' etc."] 


Aelia et Fiifia\ The clauses of the Lex Aelia were three 
in number: 

(i) Ut auspicate omnia fierent in comitiis. 
(ii) Ut obnuntiatione facta dirimantur comitia. 
(iii) Ut liberum esset intercedere, quibus intercedendi 
ius erat. 
The single clause of the Lex Fiijia ran thus : 

Ne fastis diebus cum populo ageretur. 
Casaubon enlarges upon the origin and import of these laws, 
the main object of which was to check the increasing power 
of the plebs. It was consequently with a bad precedent, 
though a good object, that they were relaxed for the purpose 
of passing a bribery law — a precedent which was afterwards 
pleaded by Clodius, Vatinius and others, when in later days 
they defied them and at last procured their abrogation. Cf. 
pro Sest. XV. 33, post red. in Sen. v. ii. 

Comitia] i. e. for the election of the consuls. They were 
postponed to allow of the passing of the bribery law, 

Claudiis\ Malum auspicium erat quod legem claudus 
ferret (Ern.), in illustration of which Mr Watson instances 
the apprehension which was felt at Sparta concerning the 
succession of Agesilaus (Plut. Ages. 3). By bo7io auspicio 
Cicero implies that no veto was put upon the measure, though, 
as a matter of fact, it never became law. Cf. Ep. 18. 3. 

Novi est] 'The law in question contains the following 
novelty, that whoever promises a largess to the tribes without 
paying it shall be held excused, while, if he l^s once paid it, 
he shall be bound throughout his lifetime to pay 3000 sesterces 
per annum to each of the tribes. JMy remark was that Clodius 
had lived in the observance of this law, since he was for ever 
promising money and never paying it.' 

Pronuitciarit] ' Held out hopes of a largess' (cf. or. pro 
Plane. XVIII. 45, pro Cluent. xxrx. 78): a less decided word 
x.ha.n promittere, and for that reason used in the present in- 
stance, where, as Casaubon remarks, promittcre would imply 
a defiance of the law. 

Si non dederit] Because, unless he had once paid it, there 
was no legal proof that the money had been promised. But 
there was probably another and more important reason in the 
fact that the sudden intermission of such a largess would 
have been liable to produce a serious disturbance among the 
lower classes. 

a-no6i(i>(Tw] ' My consulship or deification (as Curio used 
to call it in days of yore) will, if this fellow be elected, sink to 

NOTES. 103 

the level of a farce. So we must e'en take it stoically as you 
do, and not care a straw for the consulships we were so 
proud of.' 

Curio] dictitare solebat videri sibi eos, qui coitsiilatum 
essent adepti, paene deos esse f ados et diis pares. Casaub. 

Hie] Aiili filius, i.e. Lucius Afranius. 

Fabulam niimian'] *A play, that is a farce,' like Xpr)^ 
KipKos and the phrases so common in Homer. This reading 
and interpretation, which is accepted by Matthiae and Schiitz, 
is certainly preferable to most of the others which have been 
proposed in its place, e. g. favia (al. fabula) imujn, ' will be 
nowhere in popular estimation ;' or again, famam mimuin, 
' will be but a farcical reputation.' The possible alternative 
is fabam tnitftum, which is retained by some of the best 
editors, including Orelli, and is understood as a reference to 
the child's game noticed in Tac. Ann. xill. 15, and Hor. Ep. 
I. 59 at pueri ludentes, Rex eris, aiiint, Si recte facias. As a 
parallel passage we may compare the following from Seneca 
{de morte Claud, cap. 9), oliin mag>ia res erat Deuiti fieri : 
iajn fama viinimani fecit: etiam pessitni quique illam af- 
fectant. Fabam tnanitan, a conjecture which has arisen from 
the word dTrodtaxris above, and which is approved of by Boot, 
seems to me intolerable. 

Non flocci facteori] The Y>^r^.st fiocci facere appears again 
in Ep. ad Att. xili. 50. 3. 

§ 14] 'In reference to your statement that you have given 
up the idea of visiting Asia, 1 may say for myself that I would 
rather you had gone, for I am afraid it may cause you 
some inconvenience in a matter affecting your interests.' The 
words ista re may refer either to the disappointment and an- 
noyance of Quintus at the abandonment of the proposed 
visit, or (2) to the loss which his administration would suffer 
from the absence of such a friend, or (3) to some private 
affairs which required the presence of Atticus in Asia. The 
last suggestion is the most probable from a comparison 
with ctiiusmodi istae res sint (l. 14. 7), and other similar pas- 
sages, especially as the change in question was made at the 
instance of Cicero, though, to judge from the next letter, he 
was reluctant to acknowledge the fact. 

§ 15 Epigrammatis] The Greek (niypannaa-iv. For the 
subject and character of these, cf. Corn. Nep. Att. 18, where 
they are described as inscriptions intended for insertion under 
the statues of certain distinguished Romans, which had been 

104 NOTES. 

placed by Atticus in his Amaltheum in Epirus. The passage 
in question serves also to fix the meaning of the verb ponere, 
which otherwise might have been understood of literal^ com- 
position, as in ponere iiicuvi artifices (Pers. sat. I. 70). There 
is much vanity and little courtesy in Cicero's acknowledgment 
of the compliment. 

Cliilius'\ Cf. Ep. I. 9. 2, from which I should prefer to 
take reliquerit in its literal sense, ' has left me.' ISIatthiae, 
however, understands it to mean ' has neglected my praises.' 
For Archias and his poem in praise of Cicero's consulship 
cf. the argument of the or. pro Archia, delivered in the 
year 692. 

Luciillis^ i.e. in honour of Lucius and Marcus Lucullus 
on the subject of the Mithridatic war {or. pro Arch. LX. 21). 
'And I am much afraid that, having completed his poem on 
the Luculli, he has now got his eye on a Caecilian drama.' 
By Caeciliaiiain he means Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus 
and his son Pius, while in the word fabiilam there is an allu- 
sion to the plays of the comic poet Caecilius. 

§ 16 Antonio'] In reference, no doubt, to his proposed visit 
to Asia, and to the letter of advice which Cicero had sent to 
Antonius on the subject of his Macedonian debts. Cf. Ep. I. 
13. I. 

Manlio] Titus Manlius. He was engaged in business at 
Thespiae. Cf. Ep. ad div. xiil 22. i, but the reading itself 
varies between Manlio and Mallio. 

Cut darem] ' Because I could not find a trustworthy 
messenger, and, what is more, wasn't sure of your address. 
However, I have paid you out now.' 

Va/de te vindicavi] ' I have taken my revenge,' i.e. for 
your reproaches on my laziness in Ep. 5. 3, 6. i, and else- 
where. This allusion to the unusual length of the present 
letter is precisely what we should have expected, and how so 
admirable a reading can have been displaced in favour of 
valde te vcnditavi, ' I have been loud in your praise,' I am at 
a loss to imagine. The long passage which has intervened 
since the mention of Antonius is alone fatal to the introduc- 
tion of venditavi. Vale., which appears in several editions 
instead of valde, is abrupt and out of place. 

§ 18] 'I want you to write me word what your Amal- 
theum is like, — how decorated and how laid out : also to send 
me any poems or legends you have on the subject of Amalthea. 
I have a fancy for making one at Arpinum. I shall be send- 
ing you shortly some writings of mine, but at present have 
nothing in a finished state.' 

NOTES. 105 

In Arpinati'\ Cf. Ep. il. i. 11, Amalihea mea te exspectai 
et indiget tut, 


Epitome of Contents] § i — 4 The difference which had 
arisen between Quint us and Atticus. § 5 — 7 His own rela- 
tions with Atticus. § 8, 9 The state of affairs at Rome, and 
the estrangement of the knights from the Senate. § 10 His 
own policy and his friendship with Pompeins. §11 The 
forthcoming consular election, and the expected arrival of 

§ I Varietas voluntatis] The precise cause of the dispute 
is unknown. We might have been led to ascribe it to the 
refusal of Atticus to accompany him to his province except 
for the words post sortitionem provinciae (§ i), which shew 
that the grievance was one of longer standing, though it was 
clearly aggravated by the refusal in question (§ 7). Another 
natural supposition would have been that it arose out of the 
troubles which already existed between Quintus and his wife 
Pomponia. But here again we are met with the words 71am 
sic intelligo, ut nihil a domesticis vulneris factum sit, illud 
quidem, quod erat, eos certe sanare potuisse: which imply 
that, though her conduct widened the breach between them, 
it was still not the primary cause of the quarrel. 

Sauciumqiie esse eius animuni\ ' That his feelings had 
been wounded and his mind beset with fancies.' The word 
esse is omitted in the best MS, and might well be spared. 
On the other hand, to leave out ct with Schiitz and Nobbe, 
who read the sentence thus, sauciumque eius animuin inse- 
disse quasdam odiosas suspiciones, is to introduce a construc- 
tion most unusual in Cicero. 

§2 Moms'] 'susceptible.' Cf rt^y^//. III. 9. i, in which 
he uses the words mollissimo animo to describe the character 
of Quintus, ' a man of a very sensitive disposition.' 

§ 3 Non parcam tuis] The sister of Atticus in particular, 
to whom he had already referred in the word domesticis. 

§ 4 Ecquid tantum causae sit] ' Whether there is in them 
any adequate reason for your annoyance.' 

Agilitafem] ' This vivacity, if I may use the term, and 
susceptibility of temperament, are as a rule indicative of 
goodness.' The above seems to me a far more natural 
arrangement of the words than to join naturae plerumque 
bonitatis, * is usually of the nature of goodness,' as the pas- 
sage is commonly interpreted. 

io6 NOTES. 

§ 5] ' One part of your letter was quite uncalled for, 
wherein you detail the opportunities of advancement either 
at home or abroad, which you have allowed to escape you 
both on other occasions and during the time of my consul- 
ship. For I know full well the nobleness and greatness of 
your disposition, nor, to the best of my belief, has there ever 
been a discrepancy between us excepting as regards the 
choice of a profession, when a feeling of ambition led me to 
the pursuit of office, while you were induced by other and 
more praiseworthy motives to prefer an honourable repose. 
More by token in that true glory, which is the reward of 
integrity, energy and a strict adherence to principle, I re- 
gard you as standing higher than the rest of us, myself 
included, while in affectionate devotion to my interests, next 
to the affection of my brother and my family, the first place 
I give to you.' 

Aliis temporibus^\ This and similar allusions make it evi- 
dent that, in spite of the words mallem iit ires in the former 
letter, it was in obedience to the wishes of Cicero, expressed 
or unexpressed, that Atticus had declined the post. 

Voluntatem institiitae vitae] rj rov fSlov Trpoaipeats. 

Quii7!t...discess{] 'second only to.' Cf. Ep. ad div. \. 
9. 18, and again vi. 12. 2 Caesaris fainiliares...qtaim ab illo 
disccsserint jne habent proximiinu 

Primas tibi de/ero] sub. partes. 

§ 6 Sermonis cotntnujircatio] ' That interchange of thought 
which used to be so pleasant between you and me.' 

§ 7] The passage which follows destroys all the value of 
the foregoing as a natural expression of feeling : shewing as 
it does that it was merely an official statement necessitated 
by the request of Atticus, who wished that his motives, so 
scantily acknowledged by Cicero, should no longer be mis- 
construed by the world at large. This much at all events is 
plain from the context, and it does not reflect much credit 
on Cicero, that he was anxious to have Atticus near at hand 
in the troubles which he saw were approaching, and had 
accordingly discountenanced his visit to Asia, leaving Atticus 
the while to bear the brunt of Quintus' displeasure and the 
charge of inconsistency with the Roman public. 

Verecundia'] ' Has been repeatedly prevented by a natural 
bashfulness on both sides.' 

Incovimoditate\ ' And in all the discomfort which has been 
caused you by the estrangement and irritation of his feelings 
there is yet this one advantage, that myself and your other 
friends have at last received evidence in your own hand- 

NOTES. 107 

writing of your reasons for declining the province, and shall 
believe in consequence that your refusal to accompany him 
was due to no want of harmony and agreement between you, 
but to a deliberate decision on the part of yourself alone. 
So the ties which have been broken will one day be made 
good, while our own, which have been so scrupulously 
guarded, will retain their sanctity as before.' 

Discidio\ dissidio al. ; but cf. Madv. in Exc. II. ad Cic. de 
fin. p. 812. 

§ 8] ' My lot here is cast in a weak, unhappy and unstable 
commonwealth. For you must have heard, 1 think, that my 
friends the knights have almost broken themselves off from 
the Senate, their first serious grievance being this, that a 
proposition was carried by a decree of the house for a com- 
mission of inquiry on those who had given a verdict for 

'As ill-luck would have it, I was not present when the 
decree was passed, so, on findmg that the displeasure of the 
equestrian order was great, though they did not give expres- 
sion to it, I took the Senate to task with wonderful dignity, I 
flatter myself, and, considering the topic was rather a deli- 
cate one, my speech was very impressive and eloquent. 

'Now hsten to another caprice of the knights, well-nigh 
intolerable : however I not only tolerated it, but, what is 
more, made the best of it. The knights, who farmed the 
taxes of Asia on lease from the censors, laid a complaint 
before the house that, carried away by their eagerness, they 
had taken the contract at too high a rate : they requested 
accordingly that it might be cancelled. I was their leading 
counsel, or rather, I should say their junior : for it was 
Crassus who urged them to hazard the demand. The mat- 
ter was calculated to excite jealousy, the request was dis- 
creditable and argued a want of consideration. There was 
the greatest danger that, if they obtained none of their de- 
mands, they would come to an open rupture with the Senate. 
In this matter too I was of the greatest assistance to them, 
and secured them a hearing before a crowded and conciliatory 
audience, while on the ist and 2nd of December I made a 
long speech myself on the respect due to the orders and the 
advantages of harmony. Not that the matter is ended yet : 
but the consent of the Senate is secured, for Metellus the 
consul elect was the only speaker on the other side. Nay 
I am wrong : our hero Cato had intended to oppose it, but 
owing to the shortness of the day his turn did not come. 
So you see that, true to my purpose and principles, I am 
maintaining to the best of my power the harmony I have 
cemented. Yet in spite of all this (for you know 1 am trust- 

P. C. 9 > 

io8 NOTES. 

ing to a reed), I have paved away, and a safe one too I hope, 
by which to retain my influence. I cannot tell you down- 
right what it is in a letter : however I will throw you out a 
gentle hint of my meaning. I am on the best possible terms 
with Pompeius. 1 know what your comment will be. I will 
use caution where caution is necessary, and on a future occa- 
sion I will write to you at greater length about my plans for 
the government of the State.' 

Ob iudicatidiim'] i.e. in the Clodian trial. Boot raises an 
objection to this construction, and proposes to read ob retn 
iudicandajn. But there is really no analogy whatever between 
the phrase ob dicendiDn (for ob ins dicendum), which is 
rightly quoted as faulty in Quint, inst. or. V. lo. 87, and the 
one we are at present considering. The word iitdicare is 
complete in itself, while in the other phrase ins is manifestly 
required to make the meaning intelligible. It is true how- 
ever that in reverting to the subject in a later letter (ll, i. 8) 
Cicero uses the full phrase. 

Pecuniavi accepisse?tt'\ The w^ord pecutiiam is not essen- 
tial, and is omitted by Matthiae on the strength of a similar 
passage in the or. pro Cluent. 103. 

In causa non vereainda'\ The gentlest of terms for a most 
disgraceful transaction, and, as the Senate was in this case 
on the side of justice, Cicero's conduct is the more inexcus- 
able. In a subsequent letter (j£/). II. i. 8) he condemns it 
himself in somewhat stronger terms: quid veriiis quani in 
indicium venire qui ob rem iudicandajn pecuniam accepcrit ? 
cefisuit hoc Cato : adsensit senatus...qiiid impudcntius pub- 
licanis remintiantibus ? We arc glad to find from the same 
passage that Cicero failed to carry his point. 

§ 9 Asiani] Asiae ptiblicani. Boot objects to the phrase 
(which is however the regular one) on the ground that Asia- 
nus can only mean a 'native of Asia,' Accordingly in Juv. 
sat. VII. 13, he explains equites Asiatti as servi ex Asia oriun- 
di, qui manumissi ordini equestri adscripti sunt, and in the 
present instance has even admitted into his text Asiatn qui 
de censoribus conduxerunt. 

/nduceretur] = 8iaypa(f)fiv, to obliterate the writing by 
drawing the thick end of the stilus across the wax. 

Adeo] i.e. 'princeps vel potius secundus,' as Boot under- 
stands it, a sense of adeo which, though rare, is not un- 
exampled in Cicero. In a former edition I had suggested 
the following rendering, as more in accordance with the usual 
force of the word: *I was their senior and junior counsel in 
one, senior if you take into account the service I did them, 
junior if you regard the fact that I didn't originate the plea.' 

NOTES. 109 

Erat ditturus] Against the proposition, as we find from 
Ep. II. I. 8, restitit et pervicit Cato. The indulgence they 
claimed was afterwards granted to them by Caesar during 
his consulship. 

§ 10 Conglictinatain concordiatn\ Cf. or. in Pis. in. 7 : it a 
est a me consulatus peractus...ut multitudinem cum princi- 
pibus, equestrem ordinem cum setiatu coniutixerim. 

§ 1 1 Cum eo coire\ The best commentary on the text is 
the following passage from Suetonius {Jul. 19} : e duobus 
consulatus competitoribus, L. Lucceio M. que Bibulo, [Caesar] 
Lucceium sibi adiunxit : pactus tit is, quoiiiam inferior 
gratia esset pecuniaque polleret, nianos de s7io commit ni 
nomine per centurias pronunciaret. qua cognita re opti- 
mates, quos metus ceperat, nihil nott ausurum eum in sumnio 
tnagistratu concordi ac consentiente collega, auctores Bibulo 
fuerunt tatitumdem pollicendi : ac plerique pecunias contu- 
lerunt, ne Catone quidem abnuente earn largitionem e re 
publica fieri. 

Per Arriuni] Cf. ll. 5. 2 : de istis rebus exspecto tuas 
litteras : quid A rrius narret, quo animo se destitutum ferai, 
and again II. 7. 2, iam vera Arrius consulatum sibi ereptu/n 

Coniungi] i. e. per coitionem. This is better than to take 
the words per C. Pisonem as signifying that he would use 
the agency of Piso to settle the differences which are known 
to have existed between himself and Caesar. (Cf. de bell, 
civ. III.) 

Modeste rogo"] 'I ask you respectfully for what I desire 
above measure.' The reading }>ioleste is less forcible, and 
moreover a very unusual phrase, 


Epitome of Contents.] § r His need of a friend in the absence 
of his brother and Atticus. § 2 His domestic troubles and 
the unhappy state of the republic since the Clodian verdict. 
§ 3 The estrangement of the equites from the Septate and the 
prevailing anarchy. § 4 The proposed adoption of Publius 
Clodius into the plebeian order. § 5 The character cf 
Metellus ajid Afranius. § 6 The Agrarian measure of 
Flavins. The policy of Pompeius, of Crassus, and % 7 of 
Cato. § 8 His eager anticipation of a visit from Atticus. 

§ I Scito deesse] This being a purely formal phrase (cf. Ep. 
III. 1) the word scito maybe omitted in translation : *I feel 
the want of nothing so much.' Of cum in the sense of talem 
we have already had repeated examples. Cf. PSp. 10. 6: me 

no NOTES. 

auiefn eum et off&ndes erga te et audies, etc. As regards the 
distinction between quiciun and quociim^ we may gather 
from a comparison of the passages in which they occur that 
qiiociim is the definite and qicuian the more general word. 
For instance, in Ep. ad div. iv. i. i, Xll. i8. 7, and Lael. VI. 
22, where, as in the case before us, no particular object is 
specified, we find that qiiicum is the acknowledged reading. 

CoHoquaf-] qmim loqiiar Klotz, a reading which gives a 
finish and completeness to the construction, but for that very 
reason detracts something from the ease and simplicity of the 

a</>€XeaTaTov] * most guileless, open-hearted of brothers. 
It is used literally of a path which is smooth and unencum- 
bered with stones (a and ^fXXoy), and the positive adverb 
occurs in Ep. ad Att. Vl. i. 8, tu sceleste suspicaris, ego 
a(^i\Q)i scripsi. In Ep. II. 25. I he refers to the hnes eXt/cra 
Kovhkv vyifs aXXa irav Trepi^ ^povoiivrts to denote the opposite 

En tellus!'\ ' See what a world is mine !' J have adopted 
the reading of Matthiae, with the slight alteration of me 
telbis! into [;;;<';] en tellus! which is required to make the 
passage translate. 

Metellus non homo sed etc. is the more commonly re- 
ceived reading, but, in addition to the extravagance of the 
metaphor, exception has been taken to the introduction of 
Metellus, on the ground that his friendship with Cicero 
was not strong enough to justify the mention of him in 
such close connection with Ouintus and Atticus. The 
latter argument cannot, I think, be pressed in the face of 
such passages as § 5 of the present letter and § 4 of the next ; 
but the former objection has always appeared to me in- 
superable, more especially as the quotation from the Phi- 
loctetes of Accius is clearly no description of character, but 
rather of Cicero's own isolation in the world of pohtics. [Cf 
Ov. He): X. 18.] The following had occurred to me as a 
possible emendation : et amantissunus viei Metellus. Non 
homo etc., if we can suppose Metellus to have already left 
Rome for the suppression of the insurrection in Gaul. But it 
is perhaps safer to think that we may have lost the word or 
words which would have given to the quotation its connection 
with what precedes, and I have therefore preferred to print 
the sentence as above rather than to omit the words 7ne 
tellus altogether, or to explain the quotation which follows as 
descriptive of the character of Ouintus — a character with 
which they have nothing in common. 

It remains to notice the ingenious but (I fear) too elaborate 

NOTES. 1 1 1 

emendation of Schiitz: et amantissimiis met, et illius nunc 
domus est littus atque aer et solitudo mera. 

Mellito Cicerone'} who was now four years old. 

Ambitiosae'] ' For those pohtical and counterfeit friendships 
make a certain dash m the eyes of the world, but confer 
withal no home enjoyment.' 

Temp07-e 7natutino'\ So Martial, Ep. iv. 8, prima salu- 
tantes atqtce altera continet hora, and ad div. ix. 20. 3. 

Aures nactus tuas\ ' Of which, methinks, if I could once 
get you to listen, I would unburden myself in the course of a 
single stroll.' For ambulationis d. Ep. ad. div. II. 12. 2, cum 
una tnehercule ambulatiuncjila atque uno scrmone nostro 
omnes fructus provinciae non confero. 

§ 2 Aculeos omnes et scrupulos'\ ' The thorns and stones 
which beset the path of my family life I will hide from you, 
and indeed I do not care to entrust a letter on such subjects 
to a stranger. Not that they are so vcrj painful — for I would 
not have you alarm yourself — but still they rankle and op- 
press me, and I have no loving friend to lay them by his 
counsel and advice.' He can scarcely be alluding, as some 
have supposed, to the disagreements between himself and 
Terentia, which finally ended in her divorce : for, if this were 
so, the previous sentence, taiitum requietis habeam quantum 
cum uxore consumitur, would be worse than a common-place. 

Et voluntas etiani] I have adopted the very ingenious 
emendation of Schiitz, vvith the addition of the word etiam 
which he omits. This is a closer adherence to the MSS than 
the equally ingenious suggestion of Orelli, tamen earn iam 
ipsa tnedicina deficit, ' though I am with it heart and soul it is 
now past all cure.' Either of the above readings, even if it 
does not represent the precise words of Cicero, has at any 
rate a better right to stand in place of them than the unin- 
telligible sentence which Nobbe and the other editors sanc- 
tion, apparently without a doubt of its authenticity. It 
is just possible however that the passage might be made 
translatable by reading voluntate instead of voluntas, 'not- 
withstanding by deliberate choice it (sc. respublica) declines 
the needful remedy.' This suggests itself to me as a less 
violent alteration than to reject volu7itas altogether (with 
Boot and others) as a gloss on animus, who read the sen- 
tence thus : in rei)ublica vera, quamquam animus est prae- 
sens, tamen etiam atque etiam ipsa medicinam refugit. 

Fabulae Clodianae'] 'The case of the Clodian scandal.' 
By understanding fabula in this sense rather than that of a 
'stage-play' we can explain causam in its usual legal signifi- 

112 NOTES. 

cation, and at the same time avoid the confusion of meta- 
phors upon which OreUi comments thus : exspectabas potitts 

§ 3 Adflicta\ ' The republic has received its death-blow, 
thanks to a venal and debauched tribunal. Now observe 
the consequences!' 

Suspiritu\ Suspiratu al., but, though found in Ovid 
{Met. XIV. 129), the form is apparently not Ciceronian. 

De ambitu'] Cf. I. 16. 13. 

De iudiciis] Cf. I. 17. 8. It is scarcely consistent or 
honest of Cicero to complain that these measures had not 
become law, when he had himself opposed them might and 
main, as he tells us in the previous letter {in causa tion 
7'erecunda admodum gravis et copiosus fui). 

Exagitatus'] ' The Senate is angry and the knights are 
estranged from it. Thus has this year (693) beheld the 
overthrow of two pillars of the State, which my exertions had 
set up ; the Senate has lost its dignity, and the harmony of 
the two orders is destroyed.' Meriv. The importance of 
this passage cannot be over-estimated in forming a judgment 
of Cicero's character. It records the death-blow of the coali- 
tion for which he had been scheming, and from this point 
in consequence his hopes were more than ever centred in 

histat hie nunc [///^] annus] ' We have now upon us a 
memorable year.' It is surprising to find that no editor has 
suggested the omission of the word ii/e, the presence of which 
in the MSS is so easily accounted for by the corresponding 
passage three lines above. The adjective egregius is against 
our taking it as equivalent to talis, which is the only available 
sense if it is to be retained in its present position. 

Sacra iuventatis'] luventatis aedem vovit M. Livius 
Salinator a. 547, locavit idem censor a. 550, dedicavit C. 
Lici?iius Lucullus a. 563, et tunc primuin ludi facti stint. 
Boot. Memmius — so well-known in connection with the 
poems of Lucretius and Catullus — was curule aedile at the 
time, .and therefore under other circumstances would have 
presided at the ceremonies. 

J lie pastor] 'The legendary Paris.' 

Agamemnonem'] Lucius Lucullus, the brother of the 
former. He had conducted the campaign against Mithri- 
dates. The allusion in the text is obscure, and three sug- 
gestions have been made to explain it : (i) that he had been 
ths prosecutor in a charge against L. Lucullus ; (ii) that in his 

NOTES. 113 

capacity of tribunus plebis he had refused to sanction his 
triumph on his return from the East; or (iii) 'quia eius 
uxorem pariter stupravit.' Ern. 

§ 4 Numos vobis dividere] On the subject of these 
divisores cf. note on Ep. I. 16. 12, I prefer to understand 
it of an authorised largess rather than of an illegal distri- 
bution in which Atticus had been interested. 

TraducW] ' Wants to transfer.' This process of adoption 
was called adro^atio, and the object of it was to qualify 
Clodius for the tVibunate and enable him in this capacity to 
oppose the measures of Cicero. It should by rights have 
taken place before the comitia curiata, and the proposal to 
bring it instead before the comitia iribuia, or general as- 
sembly of the people, was no doubt the result of a secret 
arrangement between Clodius and Herennius. The person 
into whose family Clodius was nominally adopted is men- 
tioned in cap. 13 of the or. pro dom. as one Fonteius. The 
adoption was favoured by Caesar, and indeed carried at last 
by his agency. (Cf Suet. Jul. 20.) For an account of the 
whole transaction and its influence on the future of Cicero, 
cf. Merivale, p. 106 ff. 

Accepi'\ ' I gave him my customary welcome in the 
senate, but never saw anything more stolid than the fellow.' 
For this use of accipere, cf. Tusc. iv. 36. 78, quo te modo ac- 
cepissentf nisi iratus essem. 

§ 5] * Metellus is a grand consul and quite devoted to 
your humble servant : but he has impaired his influence by 
regarding the bill in question as purely a matter of form. 
As for the son of Aulus — great heavens ! — what a dastardly 
and spiritless soldier it is ! how deservedly he has met his 
fate, which is to lend his ears to the abuse of Palicanus. 
We have from Flavius the scheme of an Agrarian law, ill- 
considered in its details and nearly identical with the Plotian. 
But all this while there is no statesman, no nor the ghost of 
one among us. Pompeius my friend — for such he is and I wish 
you to know it — who had in him the making of one, now 
maintains in silence the dignity of his triumphal robe. From 
Crassus never a word to give offence. What the rest are you 
know by this time — such fools that they think they can sacri- 
fice the Stale and yet save their fishponds. One man, and 
but one, there is to protect the republic, and that rather by 
his firmness and honesty than by any talent or tact : Cato 
I mean, who for the last two months has been keeping those 
wretched taxgatherers, once his devoted admirers, on the 
rack of expectation, and will not allow them to get an an- 
swer from the Senate. In consequence we are compelled to 

114 NOTES. 

postpone all measures till a reply has been given to them, 
and so I suppose even the reception of the deputies will be 
put off for the present. You see by this how trouble-tost I 
am, and, if from what I say you can supply what 1 suppress, 
come and see me at last, and, although I may not be inviting 
you to pleasant quarters, shew notwithstanding that you prize 
my affection so highly as to wish to enjoy it even at the cost 
of these discomforts. For to prevent your being registered 
by proxy I will have a special notice made and posted 
up throughout the town. Remember also that to return 
vour name amongst the last is too highly suggestive of the 
shop ! ' 

Diets caus(i\ = ouia% ffCKa, 'for appearance sake,' (cf. Plin. 
28. 2),dids being in all probability connected with the Greek 
81kt], which is common enough in the Latmized form of dita, 
e.g. sexcetitas scribito iam inihi dicas, nil do (Ter. Phorm. 
IV. 3. 63). 

Habet . . .proimilg.'] Notwithstanding Orelli's able vindica- 
tion of the text, the passage, both as regards the Latinity 
and the interpretation, is still far from satisfactory'. The 
most obvious objection to the received explanation is that it 
requires a stronger word than habet (vo^i^ei) to make it 
effective, even if we understand the verb habere in the 
stronger and less usual sense of ' recognises,' ' entertains.' 
This difficulty however might be easily surmounted by read- 
ing perhibet for habet. But the emphatic position of habet 
seems to shew that it represents a stronger idea than the 
one suggested, and I should myself prefer to translate ^r^ 
iniilgatiim habet as = promtilgavit, ' by formally proposing 
the bill in question about Clodius.' However we may ex- 
plain the passage, it is at all events clear that any counte- 
nance Metellus may have given to the bill was given under 
a misunderstanding of its aim and object, for, when con- 
vinced of its real character, he opposed it in every possible 
way, and, when Clodius at a later date was a candidate 
for the tribunate, he objected to him on the ground that his 
adoption had been illegal. I have resen'ed for final notice 
an emendation of the passage which is accepted by Schijtz : 
qiiod habere dicit causam promulgatum illud idem de Clodio, 
the objections to which are (i) the order of the words, and 
(2) the use of protmilgatum as a substantive, of which I can 
find no other example in Cicero. In addition to which I 
can discover no adequate grounds for his rejection of the 
phrase dicis causa, which is, on the contrary, a favourite one 
with our author. Cf Verr. II. IV. 24, and or. pro. Mur. 12. 

Illud qjiide7)i\ Illud idetn \-u\g., a reading with which I 
have long been dissatisfied, and of which, as I venture to 

NOTES. 115 

think, the alteration of idem into quidcin is an easy and 
effective correction. 

Miles] The word is peculiarly suitable to Afranius, who, 
as I have already noticed, had been one of the lieutenants 
of Pompeius in Asia. It is strange that, not content with 
miles, Muretus should have proposed so weak a word as 
millies in its place. 

Palicand\ M. Lollius Palicanus (cf. I. I. i), a tribune of 
the people, of such infamous character that, when he M'as 
a candidate for the consulship in A. U. C. 687, the consul 
Piso declared that, in case of his election, he should decline 
to return him (Val. Max. ill, 8. 3). 

Os...pracbeat\ Cf. Liv. iv. 11, praebere ad cotitumeliam os, 
and Tac. /lisl. ill. 3. \,praeberi ora contumeliis. 

§ 6 Agrarid] This proposition, which had for its object 
the partition of lands among the soldiers of Pompeius, never 
became law. Cf. Dio Cass, xxxvii. p. 52. 

Plotid] The date and particulars of this measure are 
unknown. Like the present, it was clearly a tribunician 

Togulam illam piciam'] Notice the disparaging diminu- 
tive. The full details of his triumphal entry are given in 
Veil. Pat. II. 40; and Dio Cass, xxxvii. 21. 

Caeteros] In particular Lucullus, O. Hortensius and L. 
Philippus. Cf hos piscinarios, Ep. 19. 6, and II. 1.7, tiostfi 
autem principes digito se caelion putant attinge7'e, si mitlli 
barbati in piscitiis sint qjii ad manicm accedatit. 

§ 7 Lcgationes'] See the note on Ep. 14. 5, and cf. Ep. 
ad div. I. 4. I. The tactics of Cato on this occasion are 
alluded to as follows in the or. pro Plane, xiv, 34, qunvi 
senalus impedirefur quoniijius, id quod hostibiis semper erat 
tributum, responsiim eqnitibus Romanis redderetur. 

§ 8 Quae scripsitnus (lanla)] It is of course impossible 
that the word tan/a can retain its present position, although 
Boot justifies it as an attraction : while Matthiae now rejects 
as an interpolation the parenthesis lanla es perspicacitate, 
which appears in most of the editions. In place o{ tania he 
proposes ciincta: but the omission of the former word is 
really all that is required, which may possibly have crept 
into its present place from the juxtaposition in some MS of 
the word tanti which occurs below. 

Ne absens eenseare] We find from Gellius that, in a 
speech delivered by P. Scipio Africanus during his censor- 

ii6 NOTES. 

ship in the year 612, he condemns the practice as irregular 
and contrary to precedent. At the present time, however, 
the custom had become habitual, though the question re- 
mains open whether the names of absentees were given in 
through the provincial magistrate or collected (as Bekker 
maintains) by a special agent {procurator). 

Sub lustrum'] i.e. 'at the close of the proceedings.' Cf. 
Liv. I. 44, Servius Tullius, ce/isu perfecto . . . instructum exer- 
citum omnem suovetauribus lustravlt : idque conditum lus- 
trum appcllatum, quia is censendo Jinis /actus est. 

Germani negociatoris'] has been usually understood as a 
complimentary term for a 'true man of business,' a sense 
which the words will undoubtedly bear. But from the 
passage which follows, it is clear that Cicero wishes to 
hasten his friend's arrival, rather than to suggest a particu- 
lar time for his coming, and it is therefore far more forcible 
to take the words germani tiegociatoris in the disparaging 
sense in which I see they are understood by Manutius, 
Schiitz and Matthiae. The allusion is, in all probability, to 
the preoccupations of a man of business : though there is 
much to be said in favour of the more elaborate explanation 
suggested by Bekker : Jiegociatores, ne phis tiiinuszje quaiir 
haberent in censu profiterentur, quod aut rei suae aut fidci 
fioceret, sub lustrum detnum ccnsorem adibant. atqui turpe 
erat Attico, equiti Romano^ negociatoris morem sequi. 


Epitome of Contents] § i His own occupations. § 2 The 
disturbances in Gaul and the measures taken to repress them. 
§ 3 The compliments paid by the Senate to Pojnpeius and 
himself. § 4 The Agrarian measure of Flavins. § 5 The 
schemes of Clodius. § 6 His own policy. § 7 His relations 
with Pompeius, and § 8 with the different pa7'ties in the State. 
§ 9 The decree concerjiing Sicyon. § 10 The account of his 
consulship in Latin and Greek. § 1 1 The relations between 
Quintus and Alliens, and conclusion. 

§ I Crebrior'\ Cf. or. pro Plane, xxxiv. 83, hoc frequenter 
in me congessisti saneque in eo creber fuisti. 

Absque argumento ac sent.] ' without a plot and purpose.' 
I have adopted the reading of Schiitz, as it is quite impossi- 
ble to believe that Cicero wrote either nullam a me sine epis- 
tola?n ad te sine argumento per7>enire a.s Boot edits the pas- 
sage, or tiullatn a me epistolam ad te sino sine argumento 
pervenire as it appears in the edition of Matthiae : while the 
phrase absque sententia, which the former quotes from Quin- 

NOTES. 117 

tilian {i?isf. or. VII. 2. 44), is in itself a sufficient justification 
of the text. 

Amanti patriam'\ ' a patriotic citizen like yourself.' 

§ 2 Gallici belli versattcr tnetus\ Gallia versantur metics 
(as Boot reads from a single MS), or Gallici versatitur 
tnotus, are both of them preferable in form to the reading of 
the text : but the former is too bold to be admitted except on 
the strength of a parallel passage, while the addition of the 
words in republica are against our accepting the latter. 

Fratres nostri'\ The Aedai in return for their services had 
received this title as a compliment from the Senate. Cf. Caes. 
de bell. Gall. I. 31, and Ep. ad div. vii. 10. 3. 

Sequani permale pngnariittt'\ 'have made very bad 
hands at fighting.' But the word Sequani is probably an 
interpolation, while Helvetii on the other hand, which is 
omitted in the MSS, has been supplied from the context. 
Indeed the passage as a whole is indubitably corrupt, nor is 
it to be remedied by the emendation devised by Boot : pug- 
7iam nuper jnalatn pugnarunl. 

Provinciaf/t] i.e. Gallia Narbonensis (cf. Caes. de bell. 
Gall. I. 7). 

Sortirentur'\ ' that the two Gauls should be reserved for 
the consuls, troops levied, furloughs recalled, and ambassa- 
dors sent with full powers to treat with the states of Gaul, 
and to prevent, if possible, their coalition with the Helvetii. 
The ambassadors chosen are Metellus and Flaccus, and — to 
spoil the porridge — Lentulus.' 

Vacationes ne valerent] This distinguishes the occasion 
in question from an ordinary tumultiis^ when such exemp- 
tions were not recalled (cf Phil. vili. 3). 

Legali] Embassies with full powers consisted usually of 
three individuals — one of consular, one of praetorian, and the 
third of senatorial rank. 

TO eVl Tjj <i>aKfi yLvpov] A proverb used to denote fruitless 
labour — a costly sauce over a poor material. For the pun 
on the word le7is i(i>aKfj) compare the well-known guttani 
adspergit huic Bulbo in the Cluentian speech. 

Lentulus\ Cn. Cornelius Lentulus is meant, who was 
consul in the year 681. 

§ 3 Mea sors~\ In reference to the choice of the deputies, 
which was made either by lot, as on the present occasion, or 
else by suffrage (Tac. Hist. I v.). 

eTTK^wj/Tj^ara] ' For why should I court the praises of 
foreigners, when they grow in such plenty at home ?' 

ii8 NOTES. 

§ 4] ' Our home affairs are in this condition. The Agra- 
rian scheme of Flavius is being eagerly pressed at the in- 
stigation of Pompeius ; but it has nothing in it to recom- 
mend it except its patron. From this measure, in obedience 
to the wishes of the meeting, I proceeded to remove all the 
clauses which infringed on private interests : for instance, I 
released from its operation all the land which had been State 
property so far back as the consulship of Mucius and Cal- 
purnius : I ratified the ownership of the Sullan occupants : 
re-established the title of those persons at Volaterrae and 
An-etium, whose lands Sulla had confiscated but retained in 
his hands. One scheme only I did not reject, which had for 
its object the purchase of lands with the foreign revenue 
which should accrue in the next five years from the new 
imposts. To the whole of this Agrarian measure the Senate 
is mightily opposed in the belief that the aim of its pro- 
moters is the extension of the power of Pompeius. He on 
his part has applied himself in good earnest to the task of 
passing the law. My share in the matter was to secure the 
interests of private landholders, by which I won the heartfelt 
gratitude of the proprietors (for as you know I draw my 
followers from that well-to-do class), while at the same time 
I satisfied Pompeius and the people, as it was my wish to do, 
by the proposed purchase-scheme, in the careful ordering of 
which I saw a plan for draining the city of its scum, and for 
colonizing the waste lands of Italy.' 

Agraria le.v] The same as that mentioned in §6 of the 
former letter. It had for its object the distribution of land 
among the soldiers of Pompeius. The auctor legis was 
usually some person of rank and influence, who undertook 
to recommend it to the people. 

Habcbat'\ habct Schiitz, on the ground that the epistolary 
tense is only used of conditions which may be altered during 
the transmission of the letter. 

P, Mucio L. Calpurnio consulibus] A. U. c. 621. 

Volateri'. et Arrei.^ Their claims were advocated by Cicero 
in the speeches against Rullus, and sanctioned by Caesar 
during his first consulship in the year 695. (Cf. Ep. ad. div. 
XIII. 4. 4.) 

Novis vectigalibns\ He alludes to the new sources of 
revenue which had been opened up by the victories of Pom- 
peius in the East. The subject supplies him with a constant 
fund of jokes, e.g. 1 1. 16. 2, nunc vera, Sampsiceratne, quid 
dices? vectigal te nobis in tnonte Antilibano const iiuisse, 
agri Campani abstulisse. 

Agrariorum'] Certainly not equivalent to agripctarum^ 

NOTES. 119 

the party who from interested motives were in favour of the 
Agrarian law, and to whose claims as a rule Cicero was alto- 
gether opposed. On the contrary, they are alluded to in the 
sentence which follows : populo autein et Po7npeio sntisfacie- 
bam: while the use of the word confinnabain in the earlier 
part of the narrative shews that by agrarioriim he means the 
present wealthy proprietors, whose landed interests made 
them strong opponents of any revolutionary scheme. 

Sentmam urbis exh.~\ The Greek avrkov (Xpyeiv. Boot 
illustrates the expression by a precisely similar passage in 
the or. contr. Rull. II. 26. 70, where, in answer to the remark 
of RuUus, urbaiiam plebem nimiiim in reptiblica posse, ex- 
hauriendam esse, Cicero replies: hoc etiim verba est nsus, 
quasi de aliqua setitina...loqueretiir. 

Bello'\ The disturbance in Gaul of which he has spoken 

Ille alter"] ' Afranius is such a fool that he doesn't even 
know the value of his purchase,' i.e. the consulship. Cf. Ep. 
16. 12. In Ter. Etm. IV. 4. 23 we find the same phrase, eo 
rediges me, tit, quid emerim, nesciam. 

§ 5 Nequam atque egentem] 'A mean and beggarly 
fellow.' The expression is used again of Hilarus in I. 12. 2. 

§ 6 Nonarum illarum Dec."] Cf. or. pro Flac. XL. 102. O 
nonae illae Decemb. quae me consule fuistis ! quern ego diem 
vere natalem huius urbis aut certe salutarem appellare 

Beatos] ' Rich,' 'well-to-do,' as in Ep. I. 14. i beatis 7ion 

For piscinarios see the note on § 6 of the previous letter. 

§ 7 Adiudicarit"] One of these occasions is referred to by 
Cicero in the de off. I. 22. 78 mihi quidem certe vir abundans 
bellicis laudibus Cn. PompeiJis multis audicntibus hoc tribuit, 
lit diceret frustra se triinnphuin tertium deportaturum fuisse, 
nisi meo in rempublicam beneficio, ubi triumpharet, esset 

Illae res] ' The exploits in question were not done in a 
corner so as to need evidence, nor were they so questionable 
as to require praise.' 

§ 8 Invent utis] Clodius and his friends. His bearing 
towards Clodius on this and another occasion (Ep. II. i. 5 
itaque iam familiariter cum ipso cavillor ac iocor) is thus 
noticed by Abeken: 'He behaved with more deference than 
was consistent with his own convictions towards Crassus, 

120 NOTES. 

Antonius, and at one time even towards Clodius.' (Meriv. 
p. 60.) 

Asperutft] ' In a word I have indulged in no severities, 
but yet in no lax measures to curry favour. On the contrary, 
my whole policy is so ordered that I shew myself firm in the 
interests of the State, while in my private relations I am com- 
pelled by the weakness of the good, the malice of the ill- 
disposed, and the hatred of the vicious to use a certam care 
and caution ; and, while I form these new ties, I allow the 
crafty Sicilian of yore to whisper in my ears ever his old 
refrain: Be wary and jiiistrust/itl: the sinews of the soul 
are these. 

Ita tameii\ A condensed expression for atqtie, licet ilia 
faciam, ita tame n facia ut etc. 

Siciihis] Epicharmus, though born at Cos, passed the 
greater portion of his life in Sicily. In the Tusc. disp. i. 8. 15 
he is spoken of as acutus nee insulsus homo ut Siculus. In 
the present passage Schiitz, Matthiae and the best editors 
omit the proper name as the addition of a later hand. 

Cantilenani] Cf. cantiletiam eandem earn, ' ever the same 
old song' (Ter. Phorm. III. 2. 10). This verse from Epichar- 
mus is also referred to by Ouintus Cicero in his pamphlet de 
pet, cons. cap. 10 sobrius esto, atque 'ETrixapfj-ftov illud teneto, 
tierz'os atque artus esse sapientiae non toncre credere. 

§ 9] ' You are for ever writing to me about that matter of 
yours, for which I cannot now suggest a remedy. For the 
decree in question was passed with the entire consent of the 
more demonstrative members, though none of our party gave it 
their sanction. When you complain that I witnessed the draft 
of the bill, you might by referring to it have gathered that it 
was a different matter that was then before the house, and 
that the clause in question was an uncalled-for addition, for 
which the younger Servilius is to blame, who voted last ; but 
no amendment can now be made. More by token the indig- 
nation meetings, which at the outset were thronged, have for 
a long time been discontinued. If, in spite of it, your bland- 
ishments can succeed in squeezing anything out of the Sicy- 
onians, I should like you to let me know. I send you an ac- 
count of my consulship in Greek. If you find anything in it 
which strikes one of your name and family as wanting in Greek 
scholarship, I wont make the excuse which LucuUus made 
to you, if I remember right, at Panhormus in the case of 
his history — that he had introduced a few barbarisms and 
solecisms at interv-als to prove more conclusively that the 
whole was the work of a Roman. Anything of the kind that 
may appear in my treatise will be an unintentional slip. The 

NOTES. 121 

Latin version — that is, if I ever complete it — shall be for- 
warded to you. You may look out for a third in verse, that 
I may omit no possible means of self-laudation. Now don't 
say, Your trumpeter's not dead: for, if there is anything in the 
history of the world that more deserves my praise, all praise 
to it : all blame to me for not praising it in preference. 
Though, look you, what I write is no mere panegyric, but 
sober matter of fact. My brother Quintus is at pains to clear 
himself by a letter, and assures me that he has never spoken 
disparagingly of you to anyone. But we must sift the matter 
when we meet with all possible pains and care : only do come 
and see me at last. Our friend Cossinius who takes this letter 
appears to me to be a capital fellow, and a steady one to boot. 
Add to which he believes in you firmly, and is, in a word, pre- 
cisely what your letter gaye me to understand.' 

§ 9 De tuo autem negocio'] The decree relative to Sicyon, 
on the subject of which cf. Ep. 13. i and the note on the 
passage. The special object of the decree in question is 
nowhere mentioned by Cicero. Ernesti considers that it was 
simply a refusal on the part of the Senate to interfere between 
an individual and the members of a free state — an explana- 
tion which is certainly in accordance with the words which 
follow : tu si tiiis blanditiis tauten a Sicyoniis imniuloriim 
aliquid expresseris, velitn 7ne facias certiorem. On the other 
hand, Schiitz and Matthiae are of opinion that the object of 
the decree was to exempt the Sicyonians, in part at any rate, 
from the burden of taxation. A careful consideration of the 
passages in which the subject is mentioned, more especially 
of § 4 of the ensuing letter, has induced me to accept the 
latter as in all probability the correct view. 

Siimma pcdariorum 7>oluntate'\ Yor summa Ernesti sug- 
gests sola, but his objections to the received reading are 
scarcely satisfactory. In the Journal of Pliilology (New 
Series, vol. iv. no. 7, p. 113) will be found an admirable 
article by Mr D. B. Munro on the subject of the pedarii, in 
which he conclusively refutes the theory that they could vote 
but not speak in the assembly. The disccssio (he says) was 
no equivalent to the modern division, but (as in Ep. ad Att. 
I. 20. 4) an incident in the middle of the debate, which was 
no more a legal vote than the cries of 'Agreed' in the English 
House of Commons, though the practical effect might be the 
same in both cases. It was in fact, or might be made, a 
running division, spread over the whole debate, and sensitive 
to every turn in the scale of opinion : adopted usually perhaps 
by ihQ pedant, i.e. senators who were too far down in the list 
to have an opportunity of speaking, but also by senators who 
had already spoken. He notices that in Liv. xxxvil. 34 these 

122 NOTES. 

two ways of giving a silent vote are mentioned as alternative? : 
aiit verba assentire aut pedibus in sententiam ire. 

Nostrum^ i. e. senators who had held curule magistracies. 
These were ranked in the following order : censorii, cotisu- 
lares, praetorii, aedilicii, tribtinicii, quaestorii, after which 
came those who had held no magistracy. The princeps 
senatus was as a rule the eldest person who had held the 

Auctoritaie'] In the same way praescriptio, aucioritates 
praescriptae are the signatures by which the leading senators 
attested the draught of a decree. Cf ad div. viii. 8. 5. The 
phrase esse ad scribetidum appears again in Ep. ad div. 
XII. 29. 2 coiisulibus illis nunqiiain fuit ad scribe7idum. 

P. Servilio filio\ who on this and similar occasions fol- 
lowed the lead of Cato. Cf II. i. 10 quod S icy onii te laedunt, 
Catoni et eius aemiilatori attribicis Servilio. The word filius 
is added to distinguish him from his father P. Servilius 
Isauricus, who was still living. 

ConvenUis'] These were not necessarily confined to sena- 
tors, as Schiitz and Matthiae have imagined, but were 
irregular meetings held by the interested parties outside the 
walls of the Senate-house. 

§ 10 Homini Attica'] Cf amKc^repa {Ep. 1 3. 5) and put 
te Latinis fiieis delectari, huic autem Graeca Graecum invi- 
dere {Ep. 20. 6). 

De suis historiis'] On the subject of the Marsian cam- 
paign (Plut. Liic. cap. I.). The word croKoiKa is equivalent to 
batbara, and is referred to the corrupt dialect of the Athenian 
colonists who settled at Soli in Cilicia. 

Ti'f nartp ahrjaei ;] The proverb is given in full by Plutarch 
in his Life of Aratus., ch. X. rty -rTarkp aluT^ati ft fxrj KOKodal- 
fj.nv(s v'loi ; and he appends the following comment : tovs d(f>' 
aiTav ovSfvoi d^iovi ourui, vTrodvofievovs 8e npoyovcov rivSv 
apera'ii kol 7r\eovd(ovras ev vols (Keivuiv fnaivois vno rfjs 
TTapoip.las eTTLOTopiCeadai. There is some difficulty, however, in 
determining its application in the present instance. It may 
mean: ' If praise of near relations is to be discouraged, much 
more by consequence the praise of self — an explanation 
which suits the context well, and for which we have a near 
equivalent in English. Ernesti, on the other hand, would 
explain it thus : ' To praise your past life is, by comparison, 
to disparage your present.' 

§ IT Cassinius] Lucius Cossinius {Ep. 20. 6, ll. i. i). He 
is mentioned again in Ep. ad div. XIII. 23. i. 

NOTES. 123 


Epitome of Contents] § i C« the subject of their cor- 
respondence and the relations be twee ft Qicititus and Atticus. 
§ 2 His own position in the State and a justification of his 
friendship with Pompeius. § 3 His presefit and future 
policy. § 4 The decree relating to S icy on. § 5 His opinion 
of the consuls. § 6 His literary work. § 7 The addition 
made to his library by the kindness of P actus. A request to 
Atticus to hasten the time of his visit. 

%\ e Povipeia7i6\ The neighbourhood of Pompeii was rich 
in villas. Thus, in addition to the one owned by Cicero, 
mention is made in the letters of one which had belonged to 
Marius {ad div. vil. 3), and another in the occupation ot 
Pansa {ad Att. v. 3. i). 

ludicijini] Cf. Ep. 17. 5 mihi eniin pcrspecta est in- 
genuitas et viagnittido animi tui. 

A nobis atque nostris'] Schiitz is inclined to regard the 
words 7tobis atque as an interpolation, on the ground that in 
no other passage does Cicero impute blame to himself for the 
disagreement which had arisen between his brother and 
Atticus. But throughout the earlier portion of the 17th 
letter his tone, if not actually self-accusing, is still so strongly 
apologetic that we can easily see he was not altogether satis- 
fied with his own part in the matter. 

Modcratissimum fuisse'] ' That you have shewn such for- 

§ 2] 'Of the commonwealth you take a far-sighted and 
patriotic view, and your ideas are in harmony with my own : 
for I must not abandon my dignified position, nor yet trust 
myself unprotected within the enemy's camp : while the friend 
you mention is destitute alike of honour and dignity, mean 
and time-serving in everything.' 

Intra alterius praesidid\ Schiitz compares the following 
passage in a subsequent letter : neqjie cjtini eos solos arbitra- 
bajmir capi, q2ii in armatorum mamis incidissent, sed eos 
nihilo inintcs, qui regionibus exclusi intra praesidia atqite 
intra arma alicna venisscnt. 

Nihil amplmn, nihil exxclstint] This criticism of Pom- 
peius is almost identical with that contained in an earlier 
letter {Ep. 13. 4). 

Ad tranquillitateni vicorum temp.'] ' To ensure my peace 
of life.' That this was in reality his chief motive for forming 
the alliance may, in addition to other passages, be inferred 

r. c. 10 

124 NOTES. 

from Ep. 9 of the following book : si vera, quae de ttie pacta 
sunt, ea non servantur, in coelo sum ut sciat hie nostcr Hiero- 
solymarius traductor ad plebeni quam bonani meis putissimis 
orationidus gratiam reiulerit, quaritin exspecta divinam 

Cum aliqua levitate] ' Now if my conduct in this respect 
had involved a sacrifice of principle, no object in my idea 
would have been worth the cost. As it is, I have so managed 
matters throughout that I have lost no caste by being found 
in harmony with him, while he has gained much by his 
recognition of me. For the rest, I have laid my plans for 
the present and the future so as not to risk the imputation 
that my past achievements were the result of chance.' 

The allusion in probans may be illustrated by a passage 
in Ep. 14. 2 tiiihique, itt adsedit, [Pompeius] dixit se putare 
satis ab se etiain de istis (al. istius) rebus esse responsu7n. 

§ 3 Meos bonos vires'] i.e. the optitnates, as in Ep. 13. 3 
and elsewhere. 

It has been less correctly explained of the wealthy land- 
owners who are mentioned in Ep. 19. 4 as is noster exetxitus, 
homiiiuni, nt tute scis, locupletium, but the words hatic iram 
optiinatuin which follow are conclusive in favour of the former 

"^naprav] Tkaxa, ravrav Koa-fiei (IV. 6. 2), proverbial of one 
who has entered on a great inheritance which it becomes him 
to administer with credit. 

Post Catuli mortem] His character is thus described in 
the or. pro Sestio (cap. 47) : quern ?ieque pericttli tempestas 
neque honoris aura potuit unquam de suo cursu vitae aut 
spe aut nietu dijnovere. 

Rhinton] A poet of Tarentum, who cultivated a species of 
burlesque tragedy. 

Piscinarii nostri] Cf. I. 18. 8. 'The jealousy with which 
I am regarded by our frienas the fish-ponders I will either 
describe to you in a future letter or resen'e till our next 
meeting. From my place in the Senate nothing shall ever 
tear me, either because it is my duty, or my interest, or be- 
cause I am by no means indifferent to the esteem of that 
assembly. In your dealings with Sicyon, as I have already 
hinted, you have not much to look for from the Senate. For 
there is no one at present to make a formal complaint. So, 
if you wait for that, you will have to wait. Fight your battle 
by some other means, if any are forthcoming. At the time 
when the decree was passed, too little heed was given to the 

NOTES. 125 

interests involved, and a rush was made by the body of the 
house in favour of the motion. The time has not yet come 
for cancelhng the decree, for, as I say, there are none to 
make a formal complaint, while it satisfies the malice of 
some, the sense of justice in others. Your friend Metellus 
makes a glorious consul. I have only one fault to find with 
him, that he is not sufficiently delighted at the news of peace 
in Gaul, He had, I suppose, set his heart on a triumph. 
Given moderation on this one point, all else in him is perfect. 
Afranius, on the contrary, plays so poor a part, that his 
consulship is no consulship at all but a stain on the repu- 
tation of our Great Pompeius.' 

§ 4 lam] ' Any longer ' is the translation accepted by 
Schiitz, who refers it to the discontinuance of the indignation 
meetings mentioned in § 9 of the previous letter. But surely 
the succeeding comments, qriarc, si id exspcctas, longutn 
est, and, more especially, indiicetidi senatus consulti inatH- 
ritas nondtim est, are decisive in favour of the rendering 
' at present : as yet.' 

Pedarii] Cf. § 9 of the last letter, and for inducendi cf. I. 
1 7. 9 ut induceretur locatio postulaveruni. 

§ 5 Magni fiostri vTvainov] Cf. I. 16. 12. This same 
Afranius is mentioned by Dio Cassius (xxxvii.49) as a good 
dancer but a bad statesman. He was defeated by Caesar in 
the civil war in Spain " U.C. 705. For the word virannov, a 
'bruise on the face,' compare the well-known use of the verb 
vTTwnia^fiv in the New Testament {Ep. ad Corinth. I. 9. 27). 

§6 Ewn librunC\ ' The copy in question.' For 7-ctardantur 
cf. IT. 1.2 quamquain ad me rcscripsit iam Rliodo Posidonii(s, 
se, nostrtitn illud vn6fji.i>r]fia quuvi legeret, quod ego ad eum ut 
ornatius de iisdein rebus scriberet miseram, 7ion vwdo 71011 
excitatti77i esse ad scribe7idum, sed etiai/i pla/ie pe/'territin/t. 
Quid quaeris ? conturbavi Graecam iiatioiieiii. 

%y L. Papirius Paetiis'] An Epicurean, to whom many of 
the letters are addressed, e.g. ad div. ix. 16. His brother, 
Servius Claudius, had died in Greece, probably in Epirus, 
where he had left the books in question. 

Per legem Ci7tcia77{\ Lege77i Ciiiciam flagifa/it, qua cave- 
tur aittiquitus lie quis ob causa/zi 07'a7tdain pecuiiiam do- 
nu77ive accipiat (Tac. A7171. xi. 5). It was proposed by the 
tribune M. Cincms Alimcntus, and passed in the consulship 
of Cornelius Cethegus and Sempronius Tuditanus, a. u. c. 
550. *As your friend Cincius tells me I may accept them 

10 — 2 

126 NOTES. ■ 

notwithstanding the law which rejoices in his name, I said 
I would gladly do so if he would arrange for their con- 
veyance. Now, as you love me and as you know I love 
you, set your friends, your clients, your guests, and even 
your freedmen and slaves to work to see that no scrap of 
them be lost.' 



ab = ex parte, 48 
abhorrere a, 123 
abiurare, 64 
absque argximento, 1 16 
abundare, 59 
accipere, 113 

pecuniam ob, 108 

acclamatio, 91 
aculeus, iii 
Acutilius, 58, 60, 63 
adeo, loS 
adesse contra, 51 
adfectus, 61 
adfinis, 60 

adflicta res publica, 112 
adiudicare, 119 
adiungere, 84 
adlegatio, 69 
admurmuro, 76 
adpellare, 64, 68 
adrogatio, 113 
adsentiens, 124 
adsiduus, 68 
adventitia pecunia, 118 
advocatus, 91 
Aedui, 117 

Aelia et Fufia, loi, 102 
aerarii...aerati, 91 
Agamemnon, 112 
ager publicus, 118 
agere ad populum, 70, 72 

cum aliquo, 51, 77 

agilitas, 105 
Agraria lex, 115, 118 
agrarii, 1 1 8 
agripetae, 119 
alienari, 107, 112 

aliquando, 114 

aliquid sermonis, 73 

aliter accidere, 55 

altercatio, 95 

alterius praesidia, 123 

Amalthea, 75 

amans patriam, 117 

ambitio, 53 

ambitiosa, in 

ambulatio, in 

amplecti, 79 

amplissimi homines, 53 

ancoris sublatis, 74 

annus egregius, 112 

antiquare, 79 

Antonius, C. 46, 70, 71, 76, 104 

aperte tecte, 84 

apud, 63, 75, 100, 120 

Aquilius, 47 

arbitrium, 68 
arcae confidere, 65 
Archias, 104 
Areopagitae, 92 
Argiletum, 87 
Aristarchus, 83 
Arpinas homo, 97 
Arpinatia praedia, 62, 105 
Arretini, 118 
Arrius, 109 
articulorum dolor, 62 
Asia, 88, 103 
Asiani, 108 
asperum, 120 
atriolum, 67 
Atticus homo, 122 
auctor legis, 1 1 8 
auctoritas, 89, 93, 107, 122 



Auli filius, 47, 99, ii', 125 
aures nactus, 1 1 1 
auspicio bono, 102 
Autronius, L. 80 
Axius, 70, 72 

Baiae, 96 
barbatuli, 85 
beati, Si, 119 
bellus, 53 
beneficium, 76 
bona venire, 51 
bonae partes, 77 
boni viri, 79, 1 24 
bonitas, 105 

Caecilius, 51, 70, 72 

Caesar, L. I. 48 

Caesonius, 47 

Caieta, 57, 59 

Calenus, Q. Fufius, 82, 89 

Calvus, 92 

candidatorium munus, 50 

cantilena, 120 

Catilina, L. Sergius, 47, 54, 96 

Cato, 85, 107, 115 

Catulus, Q. Lut. 77, 93, 124 

cavillator, 77 

causa. III 

non verecunda, 108 

causam sustinere, 53 
censeri absens, 114, 115 
centesimae, 70, 72 
Ceramicus, 66 
certus, 48 

Chilius, 65, 72, 104 
Cicero, fil. in 

, Luc. Tull. 60 

Cincia lex, 125 

Cincius, L. 46, 63 

Circus Flaminius, 83 

clamores, 84 

claudus, 102 

Clodius, P. 55, 73, 113, 123 

cogTioscere, 52 

comis, 79 

comissatores, 99 

comitia mea, 67 

commentarium, 120 

committere ut, 62 

communicatio, 106 

comperisse omnia, 86 

competitor, 50 

concidere, 86 

concordiam disiungere, 1 1 2 

concursare, 85 

concursus, 89 

conducere de, 107 

conglutinata concordia, 107, 109 

coniectura provideri, 45 

coniungi, 109 

consentaneum, 124 

conservare, 59 

considere, 90 

Considius, 70, 72 

consilium, 82 

consistere, 95 

constantiam praestare, 120 

consulere tempori, 53 

contendere, 61 

contra gratiam, 113 

controversia, 63 

conturbatus, 74 

convenire ad, 92 

conventus, 122 

convicium, 85 

copiosus, 107 

Cornelius, 70 

Cornificius, Q. 46, 78 

Cornutus, C. 87 

Cossinius, L. 122 

Crassus, M. Lie. 59, 92 

crebrior, 116 

curator, 49 

Curio, C. 86, 97 

, C. Scrib.85, 97, 103 

Curius, 49 
custos, 73 

de in comp. 65 
debere se alicui, 46 
decidere, 63 
defensor, 77 
degustare, 95 
deliciae, 107 
demitigari, 79 
dependere, 65 
designati, 70 
despondere, 57, 67, 95 
devorare spe, 98 
dicacitas, 77 
dicis causa, 113, 114 
diem dare, 68 
dignitas, 76 



discedere a, to6 

discessit, 62 

discessus, 93 

disputare amanter, 123 

dissensio ac discidium, 107 

dissolutum, 120 

dissuasor, 85 

distineor, 81 

divinitus, 95 

divisores, 100, 113 

dodrans, 87 

dolo malo, 5 1 

dolorem inurere, 94 

Domitius, L. 52, 100 

domum reduci, 92 

domus, 98 

Doterio, 100 

dubiae res, 119 

dum, with past tense, 90 

ecquid tantum causae, 105 

egestas, 89 

elabi e manibus, 94 

elaborare, 61 

elegantiae, 64 

en tellus! no 

Epicurean School, 56 

epigrammata, 103 

Epirotica, 62 

esse ad scribendum, 122 

exaedificata, 62 

exagitatus, 112 

excogitare, 89 

excurrere, 50 

exedrae, 64 

exerceri, 70 

exercitus noster, 118 

exhaurire, iii, 119 

existimatio, 48 

summa, 53 

populi, 59 

expiari, 107 
exphcare, loS 
exponere, 57 
exprimere aliquid, 120 
exsiUum, 96 

fabula Caeciliana, 104 
Clodiana, 1 1 1 

mimus, 103 

facies... facetiae, 77 
facultates, 81, 106 

falsum, 96 
Favonius, 86 
fautores, 95 
fieri pro populo, 78 
Figulus, C. M. 54 
filiolus, 54 
firmamenta, 112 
firmus, 48 

fistula pastoricia, 99 
Fonteius, 113 
forensis, 60 
Flavius, 118 
flocci facteon, 103 
fortuito gerere, 124 
frater = patruelis, 60 
fraudari, 51 
frequentari, 118 
frigere, 81 
fi-ontem ferire, 46 
fructus, 60, III 
Frugi, C. Piso, 57 
fucosae amicitiae, 1 1 1 
fucus, 45 

Galba, P. S. 45 
Gallia, 50, 125 
Gallicum bellum, 73 
germanus, 117 
gratiam inire, 83 
gratus, 64, 81 
grex Catilinae, 85 
gymnasium, 54 

hendiadys : instances, 60, 74 
Herennius, loi, 113 
Hermathena, 53 
Hermeraclae, 66 
Hilarus, 73 
hirudo contionalis, 99 
historiae, 122 
hoc, 72 

honorum studium, 106 
Hortensius, 85, 89 
humanitas, 60, 75 
humaniter ferre, 54 

iam, 74, 125 

nunc, 64 

vero, 93 

Idaeus pastor, 112 
idem, 69, 85 
idoneus, 104 



immittere, 96 
immutari, 68, 120 
impetrare nihil, 107 
implicari amicitiis, 120 
imprudens, 120 
in buccam venire, 74 
in officio manere, 56 
inanis, 81 
includere. 80 
incommoditas, 106 
incumbere ad, 1 18 
induci, 108, 125 
infirmus, 90 
informare, 50 
ingemere, 46 
iniquitates, 70 
inquiri apud, 100 
insidere, 105, iii 
insigne, 59 
instaurare, 78 
insusurrare, 120 
intercedere, 90, 93 
intercessio, 58 
intermortui, 85 
interpres, 73 
is = talis, 59, 109 
istim, 84 
ita...ut, 46, 120 
iucundus, 64, 81 
iudicium constupratum, 112 
iudicum inopia, 89 
iurare morbum, 47 
luventatis sacra, 112 
iuventus delicata, 119 

lacessitus, 75 
laedere, 86 
lanista, 90 
Latinae, -.S 
laudatio, 1 19 
lector, 74 
legati 50, 117 
legationes, 86, 115 
lentius, nihil, 70, 113 
Lentulus, 65 

, Cn. Com. 117 

levitas, 124 
liber, 80 

liberare agnim, 118 
libertinus, 73 
locatio, 107 
loci esse, 6^ 

Lucceius, L. 57, 64, 68 
Lucullus, L. L. 51, 86, 104, 112 

, M. 104, 112 

ludus talarius, 90 

■ gladiatorius, 93 

Lurco, M. Auf. loi 
Lyceum, 64 
Lycurgei, 79 

Macer, C. Lie. 58 
maculosus, 90 
magister, 52 
Magnus noster, 99, 125 
mancipio, 51 
mandare, 67 
Manlius, T. 104 
manus ilia, 51 
Marianae, 97 
maturitas, 52 
matutinum tempus, 1 1 1 
maxima, 82 
mederi, 120 

medicinam refiigere, 1 1 1 
Megarica signa, 65 
mellitus, 11 1 
mendose fuisse, 80 
mentionem facere, 96, 98 
meridie non lucere, 47 
Messala, M. Val. 87 
Metellus, Q. 80, 92, 125 
minus commode fieri, 103 
mire quam, 70 
missus est sanguis, 98 
moderatissimus, 123 
modeste, 109 
mollis, 105 
morosus, 77 
Mucia, 73 
munusculum, 64 

Nanneiani, 93 
nefas, 78 
negare, 46 
negociator, 116 
negocium, 72, 81 
nequam, 72, 119 
nescire quid emerit, 1 19 
nihil absoluti, 104 

agere cum, 77 

esse, 119 

nobiles, 50 

Nonae Decemb. 119 



nostri equites, 107 
nota et testificata, 106 
nudus, 90 
numarii iudices, 95 
numos dividere, 113 
numum movere, 70 
nuncium remittere, 78 

obducere, 49 

obfirmatus, 69 

obire comitia, 58 

obiurgare senatum, 107 

observare, 52 

obtinere religionem, 107 

offendere, 68 

omittere provinciam, 107 

operae, 79 

operam dare, 78 

operto, in, 97 

oratio perpetua, 95 

ornare, 107 

ornatissime, 83 

OS praebere, 115 

pacificator Allobrogum, 76 
Paetus, L. Pap. 125 
Palicanus, M. Loll. 48, 115 
Panhormi, 120 
Paris, 112 
patronus, 92, 97 
pecuniam cogere, 73 
pedarii, 121, 125 
Peducaeus, 58, 61 

?ellectio, 75 
entelicus, 64 
percrebrescit, 46 
perdere omnia, 93 
perhibere, 53 
perhonorificus, 77 
permittere, with dat. 67 
permolestus, in 
perstringere, 84 
perversus, 86 
petitio, 45 
petiturire, 88 
Philadelphus, 70 
Philippus, loo 
piscinae, 113 
piscinarii, 115, 119, 124 
Piso, C. C. 50, 76,86, 95 

, M. 77, 87, 89 

Plancius, Cn. 73 

Plautus, 94 

Plotialex, 115 

plumbeo gladio, 90 

Pompeia, 78 

Pompeianum, 123 

Pompeius, 70, 73, 79 

Pomponia, 60 

pontes, 85 

Pontius, L. 52 

populare, 118, 120, 123 

portorium circumsectionis, 76 

possessiones, it8 

postulatio, 91 

potestas, 69 

praepropera, 46 

praestare manum, 5 1 

prensare, 45 

primas deferre, 106 

princeps, 107 

pro populo fieri, 74 

testimonio, 89 

vectura solvere, 56 

procurator, 58, 63 
producere, 82 
proeliari, 88 
profici, with dat. 46 
prolixa, 50 
promulgare, 113, 114 
pronunciare, 102 
provincia, 117 
proxime, with ace. 83 
Pseudo-Cato, 87 
pubHcani, 113 
publicare, 118 
pulchellus puer, 96 
purgare se, 121 
putealia, 67 
putidum, 81 

quaestus, 73 
quicum...quocum, j 10 
quin, 107 

imo, 77 

Quintus frater, 58 

quisquiliae, 94 

quod infectum est, 78 

Rabirius, C. 62 
raptiin currere, 125 
ratio, 106, 107 
ratiocinator, 73 
rationibus conducerc, 48 


recidere in annum, 48 
recolligi, 6i 
referre acceptum, 83 
refrigescere, 50 
regnum iudiciale, 47 
reiecti, 58, 114 
reiectio iudicum, 90 
reiicere rationem, 118 
relevare, 75 
religio, 79, 107 
relinquere, 104 
requiescere, 1 1 1 
reservare, 67 
respicere, 94 
respondere, 92 
restituere, 66 
retardari, I'ZS 

retinere in possessione, 1 1 8 
revisere, 114 
Rex, Q. Marc. 98 
rhetorum, 75 
Rhinton, 124 
rogationem ferre, 79, 85 
pronmlgare, 82 

sal, 75 
salus, 86 
Sallustius, 57, 68 
satis dare, 63 

facere, 52, 118 

Satrius, 51, 52 
Saufeius, L. 56 
Scipio, P. 52 
scito, 109 
scrupulus, 1 1 1 
secundus, 107 
secus dicitur, 1 2 1 
Selicius, 70 
sentina urbis, 119 
Sequani, 117 
scrmo, 60 

Servilius, P. fil. 122 
servula, 74 
Siculus ille, 1 20 
Sicyon, 76, 121, 124 
sigillata, 67 
significatio par\'a, loS 
Silanus, D. I. 48 
simul = simul ac, loi 
solitude, III, 118 
sonitus, 84 
sors mea, 117 

sortiri, 117 
splendor forensis, 1 1 1 
Spongia, 94 
sponsor, 64, 68 
status dignitatis, 123 
sub lustrum, 116 
subesse, 66 
subodiosum, 61 
subtilius, 80 
subvenitur rei, 107 
succedi, 70 

sunima res publica, 95 
summissum, 123 
Sura, P. Lentulus, 95 
suspiritus, 112 

tabellae, 86 

tabellarius, 70, in 

tabulae, 92 

Tadius, 62 

tarn en, 90 

tanti putare, 69 

tectorium, 67 

temeritas, 107 

teneo, 61 

tense, epistolary, 46, 104, 118 

Terentia, 70, 71 

terrae filius, 79 

testimonium, 119 

Thalna, 94 

Thermus, Min. 48, 54 

togula picta, 115 

traducere, 1 1 3 

tranquillitas temponim, 123 

Tres Tabemae, 74 

triumphare, gi, 125 

trudere, 99 

Tulliola, 57 

tutela legitima, 62 

typus, 67 

unus, 45. 53 
urbanae res, 118 
urbanus = civilian, 50 
usus = usu capio, 62 
uti ad invidiam, 89 

senatu, 107 

uti rogas, 85 

vacationes, 117 

vafer, 120 

valde vindicare, 104 



Valerius, P. 73 

varietas voluntatis, 105 
vectigalia nova, 1 1 8 
venditare, 88 
venustas, 95 
verecundia, 106 
verumtamen = 5' ovv, 66 
vexare, 113 
via Flaminia, 49 
via munitur, 108 
vici et prata, 59 caesis, 75 

vilitas, 85 
vindemiolae, 67 
vituperor, 121 
Volaterrani, n8 
voluntas ac iudicium, 107 

institutae vitae, 106 

perspecta, 107 

secunda, 1 18 

voluntates, 50 

Xenocrates, 92 
xysti, 64 


dyaird^eiv, 79 

dywi', 95 
ddvvaTov, 48 
^A/iaXOfiov, 104 
dva^oXai, 70 
dvayviiKTTi^i, 74 
dvde^]^la, 53 
dirodiwoL's, 107 
dirpaKTOTciTos, 87 
'Apeu>i Tra^oj, 85 
tiTTtKoirepa, 80, 122 
d(pe\^CTaTos, no 

7e»'iK£3s, 82 
yv/MvaffMSrjs, 65 

iyKUixiauTiKd, 12 1 

e^J, 45 

tXir/fEtJ', 77 
ivtvepirepevcrdfirit', 84 
e'vdvp.rjfj.aTa, 84 
tTrei oux Jep^ibi', k. t.X. 53 
iiriaTj/iiaaiai, 99 
fwi(f)wvr}iJ.aTa, 1 1 7 
?(nr€T€ vvv p.0L, K.r.\. 92 
Et;/xo\7rj5u;;/ Trdrpia, 66 

iffTopiKa, 121 

Kafiira!, 84 
»faTacrKfyai, 84 
Kax^KTt]^, 87 

Xtjw^oj, 83 

juaV dpiaroKpariKwi, 82 

j'S^e Kai /iipwaa' dTTLCTelv, k.t.\. 

olKeiov, 66 

vaieiv fM^TUTa, 46 

TravTjyvpii, 82 

irain-oiTys dperiji, k.t.X. 88 

Trapprjala, 95 

iroXiTiKd, rd, 79 

TToXirtKos dvrjp ov5^ ovap, 113 

wp68pofioi, 70 

(ToXoiK-a, 120 
(TKrj\l/ei^, 70 
^Trdprav iXaxes, 1 24 

TavTOfiaTov riixiZv, 72 
Tei;*:/)(s, 70, 72 
Ti's ira.T^p' alvTicrei, k.t.X. 122 
TO e7r2 T^ 0ct/cTj fivpov, 1 17 
Toxodecria, 104 

inroOeffts, 84 
VTTiljiriov, 125 
V(7T€pov trpOTepov, 89 

(fyiX^XX-nvf^, 88 
(pCKopp-ifopa, 80 
(pi.Xoao(pr}Tiov, 103 


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